A01038	----	A peaceable vvarning, to the subjects in Scotland given in the yeare of God 1638. Forbes, John, 1593-1648. 1638 Approx. 30 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01038 STC 11142 ESTC S102457 99838242 99838242 2610 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01038) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2610) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 887:06) A peaceable vvarning, to the subjects in Scotland given in the yeare of God 1638. Forbes, John, 1593-1648. 20 p. Imprinted by Edw. Raban, Aberdene : the yeare aboue written [1638] Dedication signed: Iohn Forbes of Corse. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-10 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PEACEABLE WARNING , TO THE SUBJECTS IN SCOTLAND : Given in the Yeare of GOD 1638. ABERDENE , IMPRINTED BY EDW. RABAN , The Yeare aboue written . BON ACCORD Insignia Vrbis abredonie ▪ Aberdeen coat of arms To the most Noble , My very Speciall Good LORD , My L : Marquis of HVNTLEY , Earle of AENZIE , Lord GORDON and BADENOCH , &c. One of his Majesties most honourable Privie Counsell , Grace and Peace . Most Noble , and My verie Speciall Good LORD , YOur vpright loue of the TRVETH professed by the REFORMED CHVRCH , now openlie knowne and notified to manie , but to mee manie yeares agoe evidentlie certayne , as it doeth vndoubtedlie portend and promise to all your Friends , the plentifull Blessings of GOD vpon your Lo. and your most Religious Ladie , and your most noble Progenie and House ; so lykewyse it gayneth vnto your Lo. the true affections of those who feare GOD according to His word . Your worldlie Greatnesse may purchase you outward attendance ; but your Pietie and Humanitie doe command inward Benevolence , and make conquest of the will and affections of men , to doe you honour and service . And , which is most of all , this grace given to you of GOD , is an Earnest of Eternall Happinesse . Your zeale of GOD , lest it should bee without knowledge , hath carried you to an accurate tryall of all thinges , and to a wyse holding of that which is best . And for better information of others also , in these present Dissensions and commotions , Your Lo. lay de vpon mee this piece of paynes , which I humblie lay downe at your Lo. feete . And I pray GOD Almightie , the GOD of Trueth , the LORD of Peace Himselfe , who hath commanded vs to loue Trueth and Peace , to make vs all of one mynde , according to IESUS CHRIST and to giue vs Peace alwayes , and by all meanes : which is also heartilie wished to your good Lo. and to all yours , By OLD ABERDENE , 6 Aprill , 1638. Your Lo : true Servant , IOHN FORBES OF CORSE . PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR , TO THE CHRISTIAN READER . IN some Few written Copies of the first sudden draught of this WARNING , before it was perfected , some haske speaches were found , and haue beene verie hasklie interpreted . I loue not to bee offensiue to anie ; and I doe playnlie and openlie disallow all other Copies , and holde to this onlie perfect Edition , in a meeke and calme stile : beseeching my de we Countrey-men , to pardon what was amisse in anie Copie , or what perhaps may bee yet amisse in this first publicke and onlie true Edition ; which I doe presens vnto them , with a loving and peaceable heart , ayming onlie at Trueth and Peace . And let not anie exception agaynst anie weaknesse of the Warner , hinder them from vnpartiall consideration of the Warning it selfe . The Apostle hath tolde vs , that the wrath of man , worketh not the rigteousnesse of GOD. Therefore , let vs all laye asyde wrath , and bring our best concurrance to cure this miserable division , and in all singlenesse and humblenesse of mynde , contribute therevnto the best overtures which it shall please GOD to put into our hearts , if possibly this fearfull rupture may be solidlie and peaceablie remedied . Which to obtayne , let vs all search and trye our wayes , and turne agayne to the LORD . Let vs lift vp our heart with our handes vnto GOD in the Heavens . Now , the LORD GOD of Trueth and Peace , who hath tolde vs by His holie Prophet , That Hee will restore Health vnto His CHVRCH , even when Her sore is vncurable , bind vp this breach , which is great lyke the Sea : But GOD dryeth the Sea , and to Him all thinges are possible . Blessed bee the LORD . His Grace bee with thee , that thou mayest loue Trueth and Peace . Augustinus Epist . 7. ad Marcellinum . Ego fateor , me ex eorum numero esse conari , qui proficiendo scribunt , & scribendo proficiunt . A Peaceable WARNING , To the Subjects in SCOTLAND , Given in the year of GOD 1638. CHAP. 1. A true Historicall Narration , Concerning our Nationall Confession of Fayth , registrated in Parliament : and concerning that other little Confession , called Generall ; which was also called The King's Confession , and the Negatiue Confession , contayning the Oath . MASTER IOHN KNOX of happie memorie , with others his Fellow-labourers , in the Reformation of Religion in SCOTLAND , did present in name of the Nationall reformed Kirke of this Realme , vnto the Parliament ; a Confession of Fayth , distinguished into 25 Articles : which was read in face of Parliament , and ratified by the three Estates , in the yeare of GOD 1560 , as a Doctrine grounded vpon the infallible Word of GOD. And agayne , the same Confession and fore-sayde Act made in ratification thereof , were ratified , approved , and authorized , in the first Parliament of KING IAMES the sixt of blessed memorie , holden at EDINBVRGH , in December , Anno 1567 , as it is extant in the publicke Printed Acts of the sayde Parliament ; and Acts were made in that and others succeeding Parliaments , for mayntayning of the sayde Confession , and agaynst the gayn-sayers , and disobedient , as you may reade in the Acts of those Parliaments , Act. 4. 5. 6. 9. 35. 45. 46. 47. 99. 106. &c. Yet still with that modestie and ingenuitie which the Estates , and all professing IESUS CHRIST , and His holie EVANGELL in this Realme , did declare , in their Epistle written to their owne natiue Countrey-men , and to other Kingdomes and Nations professing with them the same IESUS CHRIST , and prefixed as a Preface to the Latine Edition of the sayde Confession , as it is extant in the Booke called Corpus & Syntagma confessionum , &c. where their words are these ; Si quis in hac nostra Confessione articulum vel sententiam repugnantem sancto DEI Verbo notaverit , nosque illius scripto admonuerit , promittimus DEI gratia , ex DEI ore , id est , ex sacris Scripturas , nos illi satisfacturos , aut correcturos , si quis quid erroris inesse probaverit . DEVM enim in conscientiis nostris testem advocamus , nos ex animo omnes sectas , Haereses , omnesque falsae doctrinae doctores detestari , &c : that is ; If in this our Confession anie man shall note anie Article or Sentence repugnant to GOD'S holie Word , and shall by wryting admonish vs thereof , wee promise , by the grace of GOD , to giue him satisfaction , out of GOD'S mouth , that is , out of the holie Scriptures , or to amend it , if anie shall proue anie errour to bee therein : for we in our consciences call GOD witnesse , that wee doe from our heart detest all Sects , Heresies , and all teachers of false Doctrine , &c. Now , it beeing ordayned by publicke Lawes aboue cited , that all Recusants , or suspected of Papistrie within this Realme , should giue confession of their fayth according to the forme approved in Parliament , and should assent and subscrybe to the Articles of the true and Christian Religion , established by the King's Lawes ; it was found , that manie masked Papistes did promise , sweare , subscrybe , and , for a tyme , vse the holie Sacraments in the Kirke , deceatfullie , agaynst their owne conscience ; mynding heereby , first vnder the externall cloake of Religion , to corrupt and subvert secretlie GOD'S true Religion within the Kirke , and afterwardes , when tyme might serue , to become open enemies , and Persecuters of the same , vnder vaine hope of the Pop's dispensation . Therefore , a certayne Reverend Learned Brother , ( whose name shall hereafter appeare ) in his zeale to remeade that evill , for discovering and barring out such dissembling and equivocating Seducers , and Persecuters , did drawe vp a forme of consenting to the sayde Nationall Confession , by way of a Generall Confession of the trueth thereof , in all poynts , and a generall rejection of all contrarie Religion , and Doctrine ; with a speciall rehearsall and refusall of sundrie Popish Erroures , and Superstitions , particularlie expressed ; and an acknowledging of this true Reformed Kirke , with an Oath , to continue in the obedience of the Doctrine and Discipline thereof : and , according to their calling , and power , to defende the fame , all the dayes of their lyfe : and to keepe duetie to the King's Majestie ; with solemne Protestation of the sincere meaning of them that doe make this Confession , Promise , Oath , and Subscription . And for making easier way to this Generall Confession , the King's Majestie was moved to subscrybe the same , and his House-holde , to giue example to others : and a Mandate was drawne from his Majestie , commanding and charging all Commissioners and Ministers , to craue the same Confession of their Parochiners , vnder the payne of fourtie pounds , to bee taken from their Stipend . Subscryved with his Majesties hand , at Holy-roode-house , the second day of March , in the yeare of GOD 1580 ; reckoning the yeare to ende at the 25 day of March , but beginning the yeare at Ianuarie , it was 1581 , and of the King's reygne the 14 yeare . There were there-after , in the same yeare 1581 , holden two Generall or Nationall Assemblies of the Kirke of SCOTLAND , one at GLASGOW , in the Moneth of Aprill , another at EDINBVRGH , in October : In both which there is mention made of this Generall Confession . In GLASGOW ASSEMBLIE , in the 9 Session , after the ende of the Booke of Policie , are these wordes , Anent the Confession latelie set foorth by the Kings Majesties Proclamation , and Subscrybed by his Highnesse , the Kirke in one voyce acknowledgeth the sayde Confession , to bee a true , Christian , and faythfull Confession , to bee agreed vnto by such as truelie professe Christ , and his true Religion ; and the tenor thereof to bee followed out , as the same is layde out in the sayde Proclamation . Thus farre are the words of that Act of GLASGOW ASSEMBLIE . Followeth the Act of EDINBVRGH ASSEMBLIE , Session 5. For as much as the King's Majestie , with the advyse of his Counsell , hath set out , and proclaymed , a Godlie and Christian Confession of Fayth , to bee embraced by all his true Subjects , and by the same expresslie given commandement to the Ministerie , to proceede agaynst whatsoever persons that will not acknowledge and subscrybe the same : wherein great negligence hath beene seene , farre by the duetie and office of true Pastors : Herefore the Kirke , and the Assemblie present , hath enjoyned and concluded , That all Ministers and Pastors within their bounds , with all expedient and possible diligence , execute the tenor of his Majesties Proclamation , betwixt this and the next Synodall Assemblie of everie Province , and present before the Synodall Assemblies , to the Moderators thereof , their duetifull diligence in this behalfe , to bee reported to the next Generall Assemblie of the Church ; vnder the payne of deprivation of the saydes Ministers from the Function of the Ministerie , that are found negligent heerein . Thus farre are the words of that Act of that Nationall Assemblie holden at EDINBVRGH , where the penner of the sayde Generall Confession , was Moderator for the tyme. Heerevpon followed there after some moe Subscriptions . This Confession , because it was set out in the King's Name , was called commonlie , the King's Confession : and because it insisteth most in rejecting of Erroures , it is also called the Negatiue Confession . CHAP. II. Concerning the Authoritie of the sayd little or short Confession , called Generall , and Negatiue . THE Authoritie of any such Wryting , is eyther Divine or Humane ; for in so farre as anie Wryting or Preaching of man hath in it GOD'S vndoubted Trueth , revealed in His holie SCRIPTVRES , it may bee sayde , or that Trueth there-in propounded , may bee sayde to haue Authoritie Divine : because that Trueth doeth obliedge vs , altho no humane authoritie were added there-vnto . This sort of Authoritie , doeth absolutelie appertayne onlie to the Canonicke SCRIPTVRES of the OLD and NEW TESTAMENTS . No other Wryting , or Preaching , hath it Absolutelie , but onlie Conditionallie , and with restriction : to wit , if it hath , and in so farre onlie as it hath the same true Doctrine which is contayned in the holie SCRIPTVRES . And , there-fore , all such Wrytinges , or Sermons , are subject to examination , by the SCRIPTVRES . Neyther are wee obliedged to acknowledge them , or anie part of them , as Divine Trueth , but in so farre as they propound evidentlie the same Doctrine which is delivered in the holie SCRIPTVRES . And if anie thing in Them bee founde repugnant to holie SCRIPTVRE , wee ought to reject it , to correct and amende it , as our Progenitoures worthilie professed in their Epistle praefixed to their NATIONALL CONFESSION . Neyther can anie humane Ordinance , Act , Oath , Promise , or Subscription , make that to bee the Word of GOD , or the true meaning there-of , which before that Ordinance , Act , Oath , Promise , or Subscription , was not the Word of GOD , nor the true meaning there-of . Humane Authoritie , is eyther Private or Publicke . I call Private Authoritie of anie Wryting , or Sermon , that which it hath from the credit , and estimation where-in the Author , or consenter , is had , in respect of his Learning , Pietie , Gravitie , Iudgement , Diligence , Experience , &c. such is the Authoritie of the Wrytinges , and Sermons , of fandric Learned men , both Ancient and M●derne . And in this sort that short CONFESSION hath respectful Authoritie , in respect of the Learning & Pietie of the Penner there-of , which was Master IOHN CRAIG of happie memorie , Preacher to the King's Majestie at that tyme ; and in respect that manie well-affected Christians did approue it by their Subscriptions . But by this Authoritie wee are no more tyed vnto this CONFESSION , than wee are to anie part approven by manie good Christians , of the Wrytinges of Ambrose , or Augustine , or Luther , or Calvine , or Beza , or anie other Reverende Divine . Neyther doeth the particular Obligation of those Subscrybers extende beyond their owne persons , and lyfe-tymes , expressed in that CONFESSION : the example onelie appertayning to others , and imitable by others , so farre onelie as the Word of GOD , and the Rules there-in delivered , concerning our Fayth , and Christian libertie , and practise , doe direct . Publicke Humane Authoritie , is eyther Civill or Ecclesiasticall . And both these sortes in thinges lawfull , that is , not repugnant to Divine Authoritie , are so backed , and fortified , by Divine Authoritie , as the contempt of them redoundeth highlie agaynst Divine Authoritie . And thus these Authorities are in such sorte Humane , as they are also , in some consideration , DIVINE . Let vs consider , what such Authoritie this SHORT CONFESSION once had , and what it now hath . Supreame Authoritie Civill in SCOTLAND , is eyther Royall or Legall : For altho the publicke Lawes be the King 's Royall Lawes , yet because the King may giue Mandates , or Dispensations , or Commissions , which depende onelie vpon his Royall pleasure , and are not of the nature of fixed Lawes ; how-so-ever hee ought to bee obeyed also in them : There-fore , this distinction will not bee vnfitting for our purpose . This CONFESSION had never Authoritie Legall : for it was never ratified by Act of Parliament , as was our NATIONALL CONFESSION , which is registrated in the Actes of Parliament . But all the Civill Authoritie that this SHORT GENERALL CONFESSION had at anie tyme , was onelie Royall , by the King's Mandate , where-of wee shall speake more a little after , GOD willing . Ecclesiasticke Authoritie , by two Nationall Synodes , was given to this Confession ; and that twofolde : the one immediate , the other mediate . The Authoritie Synodicall immediate , was that Approbation where-by those Synodes declared this Confession , to bee a true , Christian , Faythfull , and Godlie Confession ; and , that such as truelie professe CHRIST , and His true Religion , ought to agree therevnto . This Approbation , beeing in matter of Fayth , & of contrarie Errour , which in Religion is not mutable by anie humane Authoritie , neither depēdeth theron ; & the agreement to the sayde Confession , beeing declared by those Synodes , to bee incumbent vpon such as truelie professe CHRIST , and His true Religion , which is a common description , showing equall obligation vpon all Christians : this Approbation , I say , in these considerations , tending to manifest a Divyne Authoritie of the Confession , or Doctrine there-of , doeth in respect of the matters so approven , equallie obliedge all Christians ; neyther doeth it absolutelie obliedge anie , because such humane wrytings haue not absolute Divyne Authoritie : yet it hath by that Synodicall Approbation , a respectfull Authoritie , so farre as wee are obliedged respectfullie to reverence the Iudgement of a Nationall Synode of the KIRKE of SCOTLAND , in matters substantiall . But this respect giveth no power to the Synode , to make true that which is not in it selfe true , by authoritie of Holie Scripture ; neyther to make that repugnant to GOD'S Word , which before in it selfe was not repugnant there-vnto . I speake now of matters substantiall , aequallie incumbent vpon all Christians . Neyther are wee by this Authoritie obliedged to hearken in matters of this nature to those two Synodes , more than wee are obliedged to hearken to the former or latter Nationall Synodes of the same KIRKE , or to anie Nationall Synode of anie forraygne Reformed Kirke , or to anie of the Ancient Councels of Orthodoxe Fathers . All such Obligation is Conditionall , and with Restriction , as hath beene before declared . Neyther did those Synodes intende to exeeme this SHORT CONFESSION from lawfull examination , by the Word of GOD , and by the Articles of the Nationall Confession of SCOTLAND , registrated in PARLIAMENT . The Ecclesiasticall Authoritie mediate , which those Synodes did giue to this SHORT NEGATIVE CONFESSION , was their Ordinance where-by they appoynted and enjoyned all Ministers , within their jurisdiction at that tyme , to giue obedience to his Majesties Commandement anent the sayde CONFESSION , within such a tyme , vnder payne of Deprivation . Nothing is spoken in this their Statute , but in relation to the King's Mandate , and for that tyme. There is no mention of Perpetuitie , or tyme to come , or of anie other immediate injunction , for craving this CONFESSION of the people , except that onlie which did immediatelie flow from his Majestie : so there was never anie Constitution Ecclesiasticall immediate , for exacting or requyring of Subscription to this CONFESSION , but onelie Mediate by intervention of the King's Mandate : which standing , the matter and vigour of that Synodicall Constitution remayneth : and the Mandate expyring , or beeing taken away , that Synodicall Constitution doeth lykewyse expyre , and ceaseth to bee of force . Causa sublata , tollitur constitutio ex causa illa orta . 1. qu. 7. quod pro remedio , in glossa . Cessante . But that Mandate is now long agoe expyred , and vtterlie taken away : there-fore , what-so-ver Publicke Authoritie , eyther Civill or Ecclesiasticall , did at anie tyme appertayne to this SHORT GENERALL NEGATIVE CONFESSION , for particular obligation of the Ministers of SCOTLAND , to exact of their Parochiners , Subscription to the same , or for obliedging the Parochiners to subscrybe there-vnto , is nowe long agoe expyred , and taken away . That Royall Mandate , was no perpetuall Law , but a temporarie Mandate , given out in his Majesties minor age ; hee beeing in the fyfteenth yeare of his age then current . There-after hee disallowed the same , in his rype age , as is evident by his Majesties owne Speach , in the Conference which his Majestie had with the Bisshops , and others of the Clergie of ENGLAND , AT HAMPTON COVRT , Anno 1603 , in the second dayes Conference : Where it beeing moved by a certayne Doctor , That this PROPOSITION , [ The intension of the Minister , is not of the essence of the Sacrament ] might bee added vnto the Booke of Articles , the rather because that some in ENGLAND had preached it , to bee essentiall ; his Majestie vtterlie dislyked that motion ; thinking it vnfit to thrust into the Booke everie Position Negatiue ; which would both make the Booke swell into a volume as big as the BIBLE , and also confound the Reader : Bringing for example , the course of one Master CRAIG , ( I am vsing the wordes published in the Printed Summe of that Conference ) in the lyke case in SCOTLAND , who with his , I renounce and abhorre , his detestations , and abrenounciations , hee did so amaze the simple people , that they , not able to conceaue all those thinges , vtterlie gaue over all , falling backe to Poperie , or remayning still in their former ignorance : Yea , if I , sayd his Majestie , should haue beene bound to his forme , the Confession of my Fayth , must haue beene in my Table-booke , not in myne head . Out of these his Majesties wordes , concerning this Negatiue Confession , yee may easilie gather his mynde , concerning that Mandate drawne some-tyme from his Royall hand , for exacting Subscription to the sayde Confession : to wit , that hee did vtterlie disallow , and annull it : Ad intentionem Mandantis recurrendum est . Extra , de rescriptis , cap. 8. ad aures , in glossa . More-over ; Although his Majestie had not in his lyfe-tyme made voyde that Mandate , as hee did ; yet now it were expyred , with His Royall Breath : Morte Mandatoris expirat Mandatum . Extra , de officio & potestate judicis delegati , cap. 19. relatum est in glossa . Hence it is most manifest , that this Negatiue Confession hath not , at this present tyme , anie publick Authoritie at all : neyther are the Ministers now obliedged to require , nor the Parochiners to giue Subscription thereto . CHAP. III. Whether it bee convenient for the CHVRCH , at this tyme , that this Negatiue Confession be authorized , and Subscription there-to requyred . SAVING better judgement , it seemeth not to bee convenient . And that for the Reasons expressed in the CONFERENCE at HAMPTON COVRT . And because of some ambiguities , and no small Difficulties there-in . It is wyselie sayde in our Nationall Confession , in the 18 Article , ( noted 19 in the Printed Parliament ) that , when Controversie happeneth , for the right vnderstanding of anie place , or sentence of Scripture , or for the reformation of anie abuse within the Kirke of GOD , wee ought not so much to looke what men before vs haue sayd , or done , as vnto that which the holie Ghost vniformlie speaketh , within the bodie of the Scriptures , and vnto that which CHRIST IESUS Himselfe did , and commanded to bee done . And it is also to bee considered , that where-as wee ought to bee busie , in instructing the simple people , in the positiue groundes of the Trueth , it seemeth verie inexpedient , to bee explayning to them , vnknowne poyntes of Heresie ; which were set downe for masked Papistes . More-over ; By the Interpretations which some of our BRETHREN doe giue vs , in their Printed Bookes , they condemne Episcopacie , and the fyue PEARTH Articles , as Abominable , and Antichristian ; and doe affirme , Sitting at the Communion , to be the onlie lawfull gesture . These Doctrines how can wee receaue , without condemning the Doctrine and Practise of sound Antiquitie , and of manie Famous Reformed Kirks , in Britane , France , Germanie , and else-where ? And were it not a pittifull case , that anie of vs beeing in those Countreys , might not communicate with those Reformed Kirkes ? And howe doeth this Oath and Covenant , about these thinges , agree with the xx Article of our Nationall Confession , ( noted 21 in the Printed Parliament , Anno 1567 ) where power is denyed to Generall Councels , to make anie perpetuall Lawe , which GOD before had not made ? CHAP. IV. Concerning the keeping or breaking of an Oath ; With AN EXHORTATION to CHARITIE and PEACE . IN so farre as the matter of an OATH is lawfull or vnlawfull , pleasing or displeasing to GOD , it may , and ought , to bee kept , or broken . When Herod beheaded IOHN THE BAPTIST , for keeping of his Oath , hee added sinne to sinne . But DAVID did well , in sparing Nabal , and his Familie , whome hee had sworne to destroye : and hee blessed GOD , for the good counsell of Abigaill , where-by hee was diverted from performing that Oath . Let vs not judge hardlie , or vncharitablie , one of another , nor breake the Bond of Peace , and Christian Brotherhood , for the diversitie of Opinions amongst vs , in these oeconomicall and rituall Controversies . But whereto we haue alreadie attayned , let vs walke by the same rule , let vs mynd the same thing ; with all lowlinesse & meeknesse , with long-suffering ; forbearing one another in loue ; endevouring to keepe the vnitie of the Spirit , in the bond of Peace . Now , the ALL-MIGHTIE GOD of Trueth and Peace , illuminate our eyes , and vnite vs all in the knowledge of His Trueth , in the vnitie of Fayth , in the Bond of Loue and Peace , in CHRIST IESUS , our LORD : To Whom bee Glorie for ever : AMEN . AVG. EIIT . 5. AD MARCELLINVM . Non itaque verum est quod dicitur , semel rectè factum nullatenus esse mutandum . Mutata quippe temporis causa , quod rectè ante factum fuerat , ita mutari vera ratio plerumue flagitat ; vt cum ipsi dicant , rectè non fieri si mutetur , contra veritas clamet , rectè non fieri nisi mutetur . Quia vtrumue tunc erit rectum , si erit pro temporum varietate diversum . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01038-e250 Iam. 1. 20. Lam. 3. 40. Ierē . 30. Lam. 2. 13. Notes for div A01038-e430 Phil. 3. 16. Ephes . 4. 2. 3. 
A02351	----	The humble addresse both of church and poore, to the sacred maiestie of Great Britaines monarch For a just redresse of the uniting of churches, and the ruine of hospitalls. By William Guild, minister of Aberdene. Guild, William, 1586-1657. 1633 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A02351 STC 12480 ESTC S119064 99854271 99854271 19681 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A02351) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19681) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1103:03) The humble addresse both of church and poore, to the sacred maiestie of Great Britaines monarch For a just redresse of the uniting of churches, and the ruine of hospitalls. By William Guild, minister of Aberdene. Guild, William, 1586-1657. Guild, William, 1586-1657. Issachars asse, braying under a double burden. Selections. aut 22 p. By Edward Raban, Imprinted in Aberdene : 1633. The first part contains excerpts from "Issachars asse, braying under a double burden"; B1-3 are the original leaves from STC 12482. Part 2 has caption title, reading: The poores complaynt. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ●VMBLE ADDRESSE Both of Church and Poore , To the Sacred Maiestie of Great BRITANES Monarch . ●or a just redresse of the Vniting of Churches , and the Ruine of Hospitalls . By WILLIAM GUILD , Minister of ABERDENE . PSAL. xx . 9 . Saue , LORD , and let the King heare vs in the day that wee call . Imprinted in ABERDENE , by Edward Raban , 1633. To the most Reverend Fathers in GOD ▪ IOHN , By the Mercie of GOD , L. Arch-bishop of Sainct-Andrewes , Primate , and Metropolitane of SCOTLAND : And PATRICK , By the same Mercie of GOD , L. Arch - Bishop of Glasgow , &c. the maine opponer to these Vnions . D. D. A. THE ●VMBLE ADDRESSE both of Church , and Poore , to the Sacred Majestie of their dread Soveraigne , CHARLES , Great Britannes Monarch , &c. For a just redresse of the Vniting of Churches , and the Ruine of Hospitalls . WHen olde Israel ( most Sacred Soveraigne ) Propheticallie pronounced this Doome concerning his sonne Issach●r , that hee should co●ch downe betweene two burdens , he likened him to a strōg Asse●s needing much strength to beare so great a burden . And it was thought of old , that the burden of the Ministerie , Vni praeesse Ecclesiae , 〈◊〉 haue the charge of one Church , & was d●●bus subesse Ecclesus , and not 〈◊〉 be over-charged with vnder-going two , was such , that in the bal●nce of the Sanctuarie , weigh the burden with the strength , the one ●●rpassed the other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and who is of suffi●●encie for discharge of that Calling ? But now-a-dayes the cure of Soules , is either weighed in Belshaz●●rs ballance , and found too light : or mens backes are thought like ●●mpsons sholders , strong anough to beare two Churches at once , as he ●●rried the two Postes of the gates of Azzab , to the top of the Mount ●hich is before Hebron . A strange thing , that mens policie should so meete a Princes pietie , 〈◊〉 where he intended the bettering of the Churches impoverished ●●ate , by some competent provision , at least , to each one : If Patrons can 〈◊〉 evite the necessitie of obedience to that law of his Royall Parlia●ent , and Decreet of his honourable Commission , they shall finde out ●●ch a politicke course , as in effect the same shall be but frustrate , how●●-ever : for where two Churches are to be provided severallie , getting 〈◊〉 charges vnited , and making one sing dumb , they haue made the ●oore pettie portions , vnited together likewise , to equall that measu●ed meane competencie of provision appointed in the Act : as if bette●●ng of provisions for severall Churches had not beene meant ; but that 〈◊〉 the Kingdome the impairing of the few number , both of Churches 〈◊〉 Pastors , had beene intended . And making thereby some Ministers that it may be saide of them , as of Hercules Pillars , Nil ultra , beei●● lyfe-renters onlie to weare off , and none there-after in those places and more to succeede them . Because ( forsooth ) men are so loath to parte with the Churches Patrimonie , should therefore be made such an illicite matrimonie & conjunction , as is much lesse tollerable than with the Iewes vnder the Law , to haue plowed with an Oxe and an Asse together ? or a-like vnlawfull , as when they coupled themselues with the Women of Ammon and Ashdod ? Or should such a monstrous metamorphosis bee made , that so manie Churches , and Congregations , which before were Substantiues , & stood by themselues , shall be now so wofull and variable Adjectiues , as a sound agreement and happie consolidation is never to be expected , and as their ruinate Cases shall here-after declare ? Wee detested before Idoles in Churches , but wee are making now Idole-Churches , hence-foorth not to be ob solatia vivorum , but to be ca●●teria mortuorum , the sound of Gods Word no more to bee heard in their Pulpits , but of the dead tolling of the Bell at Burials in their Steeples . As the Philistims filled vp Isaaks Welles of springing water , which his father Abraham had digged in his time : so hereby closing vp the Cisternes and Conduits of that still and living water which gaue refreshment to the Lordes flocke : and incroaching vpon the limits of that greene Pasture wherein the Lords Sheepe were duelie made to feede . As if there were no meanes how the Churches of this Kingdome here , could bee other-wise to such a meane competencie of mayntenance provided , out of their large and sacrilegiouslie detayned Patrimonies , that by making the Israelite and Aegyptian , who in Moses tyme stroue together of them , killing one of them , to preserue another . Or as the Ephraemites , who could not so grosselie pronounce Shibboleth ▪ but Siboleth , with a smaller voyce , were all slaine by the Gileadites , at the passages of Iordane : Evē so , that al such Churches that are not excessiue in burden and bounds , and of the grossest and greatest in the Land ; but of 〈◊〉 meaner and lesser sorte or syze , should be so extinguished , swallowed vp ▪ and devoured , as with Korabs punishment , or Pharaohs dreame , they should symbolize , men miss-construing herein ( as seemeth ) the wordes of our Saviour , That to him that hath , more shall bee given : and from him who hath 〈◊〉 even that which hee hath shall bee taken from him . David , when he sate in his house , and had rest given him round about from all his enemies , did advise to build Gods House : So his peace 〈◊〉 him pietie ; and his rest , religion . But it is contrarie with vs : our peace 〈◊〉 such policie , and the fruit of our rest , is the robberie first , and next , the ●uine of GODS House , counting Kirkes to bee like Esau to us , not to bee Planters , but Supplanters there-of : Contracters , and not In-largers of the Kingdome of CHRIST . And thus ( as the Prophet Micah sayeth ) the great man spake out of the corruption of his soule , and so they wrapt it up . But assuredlie , such Appendices as they have made manie Kirkes of , will bee seene at length , never to have proceeded of a good T●esis : neither will ever such a perilous Copulative Conjunction , doe what they lift , admit of , nor take places in a good Construction . Before Pastors were impoverished , 1 and nowe shall their number thus ●ee diminished ? The Kirke first stript ( like Ioseph ) of her Coate , which should warme her : and next , of her Watch-men , which should arme and defende her : under pretense of some Restitution of meanes , to make her woefullie destitute of Men : Is not this the vilest sorte of Sacriledge ? Or how farre is it from the practise of Iulian in likenesse , qui extinxit non solum Praesbyteros , sed Praesbyterium . 2 And how agreeable this Syncope , or Contraction , is now to Pietie , or Reason , may bee clearlie discerned , that when not onelie the Sheepe of the LORDES Pasture are increased , and the People ( as in David's time ) are multiplied exceedinglie ; but the number also of the Wolves , who assault the LORDES Flocke , daylie like-wise groweth : and the Foxes , who destroy the Vines , even the Vines which have small Grapes : ( to wit , simple and unlearned Christians . ) Should then the number of the carefull and watchfull Shepheardes , bee diminished , and made fewer ? It was the Precept of our Saviour , because the Harvest was great , and the Labourers were few , That wee should pray the Lord of the Harvest , to thrust out manie faythfull Labourers in-to His Harvest . But to this Precept of His our practise now-a-dayes is flat contrarie , and contradictour : yea , absurd , and against common Reason , where much worke is , there fewer Worke-men to bee . It was Pharaoh's working-wiselie ( in-deede ) to augment the Israelites Taske , and to impaire their strength , and meanes to performe the same . But such policie , being voyde of pietie , did procure plagues onelie , and drew on miserie . And as the Kirke , to the great advantage of her enemies , receiveth ( as is sayde ) heere-by a notable injurie , what wrong is like-wise done to Learning and Vniversities , anie one may easilie perceive . Colledges and Schooles , 3 the Seminaries of Sciences , and Nurseries of Religion , ( like Goshen in Aegypt , where the light of the Land is ) they shall carefullie trayne up , and yearlie sende foorth , a more and more numerous Off-spring , at Parentes large expences , like Levi to bee divided in Iaacob , to teach the LORDES judgementes , and to bee scattered in Israel , to teach the people His Law ; and yet the places which they should fill , and live by , by a new practise of Annexation of Kirks , next unto Kirke-Rents , shall be occupied Titulo oneroso onelie , for the most parte , and taken up by others . 4 If this then bee a way , eyther to encourage Parentes , and hearten Youth ; or a practise to replenish the Schooles of the Prophets heere-after : and so consequentlie bee profitable eyther to Kirke or Policie : or rather be not a meane to effectuate the contrarie , and make Bethel a Babel , let anie indifferent or pious mynde judge . 5 The Countrey in like-manner , howe with Kirke and Schooles it may manie wayes crye out , the apparent scarres of her deepe in-flicted woundes shall heere-after offer them-selves conspicuous , & make the trueth here-of more than cleare and manifest . At the time of that Reformation of our Countrey , where rather a Deformation was in many parts , through populare and unruelie confusion , ( Greede , and not Godlinesse , possessing the mindes of many ) it was not anough then , to the griefe of the godlie , to levell with the ground , deface , and cast downe Kirks thorow the Land , and other Religious places , which might have served ( beside the Ornament of the Countrey ) for other better uses crying onlie in the language of Edom , Raze them , raze them , even to the foundation : as if ( against the Law ) the House , having the Leprosie , could not be purged , but by pulling downe : so that as yet in many places there remaineth but the monuments of headlesse Furie , & seges ubi Troia fuit : But also men now-a-dayes , and goodlie Professors ( forsooth ) thinking that there are too manie Religious places as yet in the Land , and Houses of GODS Worship , have redacted two till one : and made there-by a second Defalcation , to abridge the summe . It is reported of Hannibal , a Captaine of subtile policie , that hee saw in a dreame , being in Italie , which hee intended to subdue to him-selfe , a monstrous Image appearing before him : at the sight where-of being amazed , asked what it was that so ghastlie appeared ? The Image aunswered , Vastitas Italiae . But this Image deceived Hannibal : for after the sight of his Brothers head , sent unto him by the Romanes , hee was forced to flee from Italie to Carthage : and so frustrate of his expectation . It shall proove lyke-wyse but an unluckie prodigie to them , the devastation of their Countrey : who by laying waste so many Kirkes of goodlie and godlie Ornamentes , shall make the same , in short time , to become like Achan or Absolons Burials : heapes of Stones , heere and there through the whole Kingdome . Our Saviour was much mooved , and as a great motive it was also used by the Elders of the Iewes , to perswade and induce CHRIST to grant the Centurions petition , and heale his Servaunt , Because he loved their Nation ( sayde they ) and had built to them a Synagogue . Where they make there this outward action a sure testimonie of his sincere and in-ward affection towardes their Religion . Then what can bee the affection or zeale that manie Professors nowe beare to the Wo●ship of GOD which they professe , when in place of building Synagogues , or Temples , and multiplying their number , where-of this Kingdome standeth so much in neede ; they rather by such Vniting have impaired the number , & exposed the edifices to ruine and contempt ? Thus ( as the Prophet sayeth ) while everie one of them runneth to builde up his owne house , and prepare Galleries syled with Cedar to him-selfe , the House of GOD is not onelie left , but made forsaken and desolate . Civilitie hath ever also beene seene to have beene the Daughter of Religion : 6 which as shee pointed out , Quae DEI sunt , so lyke-wyse Quae Caesaris : teaching to bee holie towardes GOD , and righteous towardes Man : and so to give each one their due , and observe both Tables . And Experience hath taught , where Pietie hath bid Fare-well , there Civilitie and comelie Policie hath , lyke Ruth , inseparablie followed Naomi , and godlesse Barbaritie taken up their rowme . And where GOD is not feared , the King can not bee rightlie honoured : for these two , lyke Gemini , both goe together : and the strongest In-forcer is knowne to be the Conscience : which , where it is not informed , no marvell that deformitie of manners , and breach of duetie bee both to GOD and Man. Now , where it was requisite then , moe Kirkes for this effect in sundry partes of our Countrey to have bene erected , should such a concise abridgement of the number of these beene made , which were auncientlie for severall Service appointed , and had severall maintenance for that cause allotted , as now-a-dayes , ( necessitie flat contrarie requiring ) two to bee redacted to one , especiallie their boundes being become more habitable , and moe people now in-dwelling also the same ? Poore people in like-manner in many places , 7 how they are heere-by wronged , their grieved hearts furnishing matter of regrate to their plain & pleaning tongues , and their sad querimonies powred foorth in-to the eares of every man , indifferentlie give sufficient proofe : when by the toylesome labour of the sixe dayes commanded , their bodies beeing worne and wearied , they shall be made , up-on the Lords Sabbath , with grieved hearts , and grudging speaches , to passe by , and desert their owne commodious and kindly Parish Kirks , where-in so frequentlie they had received the comfort of the Word and Sacraments ; and to trudge further to these new made Mother ( I had almost said Step-mother ) Kirks : where , in discontenting amazement , after they have heard a Stranger-seeming voyce , returning home-ward , and backe-treading their tedious and uncouth way , after ●●●tuall regrating , they may justlie say , That they have gotten both Preaching and Pennance together . And what scandal and offence it is to those simple ones , when they shal see Religion thus so little regarded by goodliest Professors , and great men of the Land , the exercises of the Worship of GOD in so many places extinguished , so many Lamps of the Candle-sticke of the Sanctuarie plainlie put out , Mammon to have subjected mens hearts so to her slaverie , that she hath made their hands to pull downe the Lords Houses , and Manour-places of His Divine Worship , the publishing of His Gospell so to be confyned , the number of His Ministers so to be impared , the Kirks Patrimonie , still to be retained , and now eternized , as it were , to the Posteritie , and i● place of Restitution , nothing to be eyther had , or heard , but mockage , or railing , as if Cham were revived , or Shimei set on foote againe . If this bee not matter to scandalize weake ones : ( and woe bee un-to him , who giveth offence to such : ) or if this bee an examplare perswasion to such , who are given moste to followe the example of their Superiours , to respect Religion , to reverence the Worship there-of , to regarde Pastor or Place , or to bee un-fallen away , eyther in Errour , or in meere Atheisme , let anie one of judgement discerne . Yea , I dare boldlie and confidentlie , with conspicuousnesse of trueth and equitie , avouch , Where two Parishes are made one , that it had beene more urginglie necessarie , of such Parishes that are but one , and where-of there is a great number in the Land , a division there of to have bene made , each one in two or three competent & sufficient ample parishes at least : the most of such great parishes , rather lyke pettie Shyres , 〈◊〉 Countreyes , in their severall Circuites , beeing in the Inne-Countrey , and most populous , and best in-habited partes of the Land. In which hudge parishes of so manie thousandes of Communicantes , and of such farre and large extended boundes , those that dwell in the utmost and remotest parts there-of , are lyke the Iewes , who once in the yeare onelie came up from their Borders and Coastes , to the Temple of Hierusalem , to worship . Such is their anniversarie visiting of their parish Kirkes onelie : it beeing not 〈◊〉 Sabbath-dayes , but a Weeke-dayes journey , to goe thither , tho not the same day to returne . And as Reuben and Gad , and the halfe Trybe of Manasseh , when they were dissmis●ed by Ioshua , and had returned to Gilead , the Land of thei● possession , were forced for the longinquitie , and farre distance of plac● from Shiloh , where the LORDES Tabernacle was , to build an Altar , fo● a memoriall , to them-selves : even to testifie , That they had parte in th● GOD of Iaakob , and were not aliens from the Common-wealth of Israel . So , I say , manie one , and much people , in such parishes a-fore-sayde , and in manie partes of the Land , have more than great necessitie , in respect of their farre and remote habitations from their parish Kirkes , to have erected amongst them-selves Temples of GODS Worship , and exercise of Religion : Seeing that in moste of these parishes , the poore people , other-wyse remain , through want thereof , lyke blind Idiots , nusled up in Ignorance , and Atheisme : vvhose reuthful condition , lyke that Vision of the man of Macedonia , to the Apostle Paul in the Actes , doeth pleade for lyke ayde , and in-vocateth lyke pittie . And amongst whome , if our blessed SAVIOVR vvere corporallie , as Hee was amongst the Iewes , Hee should bee seene with lyke pittie , and sighes to complaine , and bewayle them : because Hee saw them lyke Sheepe wanting a Shephearde : it passing the power of anie one man , tho never so diligent , to discharge a Pastorall duetie ; no , not to the halfe . Hence it is , that not onelie , as by the Prophet the LORD complaineth , That for want of knowledge His people perish , and pittifull ignorance is seene in their myndes : but also , that such Barbaritie and vitiousnesse is seene in their manners . Hence it is , that moe are often-tymes seene in their Kirke-yardes gazing , than with-in their thronged Kirkes gathering . Hence it is , that poore Infantes , especiallie in Winter season , have died with-out Baptisme , before that eyther the Pastor could bee advertised , in such a long and lingring way , up-on necessitie to come ; or the Infant by anie meanes , quarter way , could bee brought . And hence it is , that manie a poore Soule , with-out Pastorall praesence , or notice , hath died with-out comfort : beside the manie fayntinges of poore and sillie ones , by a wearisome way , vvhich made CHRIST to bee compassionate towardes the Multitude , and there-fore would not sende them away emptie : For some of them came from a-farre ( sayeth the EVANGELIST . ) Where other-wyse , through putting up , and not pulling downe of Kirkes : Raysing , and not razing Christian Synagogues : Pastorall duetie in in-forming Ignorantes : Reforming the vitious : Comforting the distressed : and vvatching over all , should this vvay bee better discharged , Subjectes and poore people more should bee eased , the Countrey and Kingdome more should bee decored , the fewer starting Holes ●eft to the subsidiarie Seminaries of the envious Adversaries , Popple and Tares in the LORDES Fielde , and the glorious GOSPELL of IESVS CHRIST , more plenteouslie should abound , and shyne in the Land. But what shall I say ? Too dolefull experience of this clayie Age , hath too well taught the facilitie of pulling downe : but the too great difficultie in their places of putting up of Kirkes , and the Ablative , hath ever beene in farre easier use with us , than anie wayes the Dative : Practizing so the first parte of Zaccheus lyfe , but not acting the last parte of his restitution : and to impede heere-after anie expectation of the same ; converting nowe , by a Retrograde , the plurall number of Kirkes , in-to a simple singular . Yea , to speake to such men , of building of Kirkes , where in such populous a-fore-sayde places there is more than neede : or , as Salomons Precept is , of honouring the LORD so with their Riches ; a man shall seeme to them , to bee a Barbarian , whose Language they know not : or like Ioseph with his Brethren , as needing an Interpreter : yea , they shall thinke , as is sayde of Peter , That hee wist not what hee sayde , when on Mount Tabor hee would have builded one Tabernacle to Moyses , and one to Elias , and one to CHRIST : or as Festus objected to Paul , That too much Learning had made him madde : So that they who mynde such thinges , too much Zeale hath made them franticke . But speake of casting downe two Kirkes , to make up one : or annexing one unto its neighbour Parish , hence-foorth ever to bee but one Cure , and in sundrie places : as it were alluding to Trinitie and Vnitie , to cast three in one , they will straight wayes applaude , with that of the Poët , Vnio divina est , &c. It is reported of Pericles , that being asked by Alcibiades , Why so often hee seemed so sadde and pensive ? Who aunswered , Because ( sayde hee ) I remember up-on that Account which I have to make for that which I have received to build a Portch to Minervas Temple in Athens . But howe few are now lyke to Pericles , who mynde how much they are addebted to GOD , to builde His Kirke , or maintaine His Service : or what Account they have to make before GOD , and His Angels , for the Meanes which they with-holde , and where-on the same should bee done ? But on the contrarie , make no conscience , zeale-less-lie , through Greede , to ruinate those which zealouslie , through Godlinesse , were formerlie by others alreadie erected . Goe to the Yles of Chittim , and beholde : sende unto Kedar , and inquire of the Nations round about , If anie such thing bee done : let bee by Christians , but by verie Turkes and Paganes , to their Gods , as to the true GOD , whome in CHRIST wee worship a-right . What Temples , or Religious places of theirs , once dedicate , deface or expose they , to contempt , ruine , and daylie decay , as named Christians now-a-dayes , who will not onelie first robbe the Rentes from them ; but next ( lyke 〈◊〉 , who made the daylie Sacrifice of the Temple to cease ) will abrogate and exile the Exercise of GODS Worship , in Worde and Sacramentes , out of them ; and set vp the Abomination of Desolation in the places where it ought not ? An ill Positive ( for-soothe ) admitting no where a Comparatiue . Let this clayie Age looke backe also to their Fore-fathers zeale , and bee ashamed : with their Chappels without their Houses , and Oratories within : with their Churches piouslie respected , and their Hospitals plenteouslie then doted : the swarms of Church-man within Townes , lyke Baals Prophets , sitting at plentifull Tables : and those without , lyke Aegyptes Priestes , aboundantlie provyded for : Erecting also daylie , and not , as now , dejecting , Religious Temples : and , lyke Nebuchadnezar , first spoyling the Vessels , and Treasurie of the Temple ; and then razing the Edifices thereof : first to be Church-robbers , and then , ere they restore , to be Church ruinaters . Consider also in that flowrishing and Reverende Neighbour Church of ours , where farre lesse Parishes are in sundrie partes● and search as narrowlie as Labau searched the Stuffe of Iaakob , if this bee their practise : or anie-where else , where GOD in mercie hath restored His Gospel , to burie the memorie of so manie auncient Churches , as Iackob buried the strange gods of his House-holde vnder the Oak● which is beside Sechem . Not that anie way I speake against such Vniting as is permitted ▪ and clearlie mentionate in that Statute of Parliament : to wit , vsing the verie words of the Act it selfe , Where the Fruites of anie one alone will not suffice to entertaine a Minister : and that the Reutes and whole Patrimonie thereof are no wayes aunswearable to the portion or qua●titie of fi●e Chaulders Victuall , or fiue hundreth Markes of Silver in yearlie commoditie , and value : and where for distance of place , and other lawfull causes , they are not also found incommedious so to bee vnited ( Of which sorte there are few , if anie , within the whole Kingdome ) But where beside distance of place , and other lawfull causes , why they are imcommodious , fayre Parishes and famous Benefices are vnited together , the value of the Rentes , Fruites , and Patrimonie of anie one whereof , will exceede farre the meanest fore-sayde proportion : to wit , of fiue Chaulders Victuall , or fiue hundreth Markes Silver : yea , equall , and surmount the highest quantitie : to wit , of ten Chaulders Victuall , or a thousand Markes Silver ▪ and double , if not triple , the same . Where such as these then are coupled together , lyke Ratches for a Game of Hunting , what importeth such a smoothering Vnion , but the fore-sayde sadde Sequeles ? Or what better Fruite can such a bitter Tree produce , but sowre Grapes , to set the Teeth on edge ? As Moyses then ( SIR ) commiserating the estate of the wronged Daughters of the Priest of Midian , who were driven away from the Troghs of Water , which they had filled to water their Fathers Flockes : As hee , I say , defended , and brought them backe agayne to those places , and gaue their Sheepe refreshment : So ( SIR ) pittie the wronged estate in lyke manner of the Church in your Land : defende it lyke-wyse , and make patent againe the Doores of so manie Christian Temples , shut vp lyke the Caues of the Canaanite Kinges : that comfort againe may bee within them ministred to the LORDS people ▪ that the Flocke of His Heritage ( as the Prophet speaketh ) may bee fed with the Rod of His owne Mouth , as in the midst of Carmel : and that they may pasture in Bafhan , and Gilead , as in olde tyme. And as Zacharias , the Baptists Father , tho for a short tyme bee was stricken dumbe , yet as at last his mouth was againe opened , by sensible and cleare speaches to prophesie , and proclayme that Horne of Salvation , that was raysed out of the House of David ; and D●yspring , which from on high had visited his people Israel : So ( SIR ) restore in lyke manner , to speach and prophesie againe these dumbe , yea , dead-stricken places of GODS Sacred Worship : that the same Gospell may bee as yet published , and that the same tender mercie in them may still bee manifested through all the corners of your Land ; to giue light to them that sit in darknesse , and in the shaddow of Death , and to guide their feete into the way of peace . Or as the Whale , how-so-ever shee swallowed vp Ionas , disg●●ged him againe vpon the drye land : Even so ( SIR ) how-so-ever this Vniting of Churches , throgh the moyen & greed of mē , hath past the true Cases of manie wherof were never ( I am perswaded ) clearlie knowne to your Honourable Commission : I yke a wyse Solomon , then , pronounce the Sentence of Division : and that as the two Women which pleaded before him , were each one restored to her owne Chylde ; so that everie Church may bee restored with a competent mayntenance , to its owne former and primitiue condition : Else , it had beene better both for Church and Kingdome , that , poore as they were , still as yet they had remayned severall . And let not ( SIR ) Abrahams Altar bee as it were 〈…〉 that GOD should bee left to pleade for Himselfe : 〈…〉 that Scepter of Royall power , which , one after another , for the defence of His Cause , Hee hath put into your hand . Let not Christian Temples goe downe into your Kingdome , which were as the Tents of the Shepheardes , where the LORDS Well beloved went foorth by the steps of the Flocke , and there fed her weake and tender Kids , with the Spirituall Food of the Bread of Lyfe . Especiallie where greater neede is to put vp moe . Neyther let the Watch-men , which goe about the Citie , of whom the Spouse in the Canticles seeketh h●r direction , where shee may finde him whom her Soule loveth , bee diminished in number , where there is more necessitie they should bee augmented . Let not Na●ash his enter-pryse come also now-a-dayes in practise : where two eyes are to pull out the one : and bring a shame so vpon the LORDS Israel . Neyther let the barking Dogs bee remooved from the LORDS Flockes : except thereby wee would please the devouring Wolues . But let the Walles of HIERUSALEM still bee going vp , maugre all opposition : Repare the ruines of your Church restore the rapines thereof : and in the well ordered House of GOD , let the Levites , beeing restored to their Portions , bee reponed also , and set in their places : who may reade in the Booke of the Law of GOD distinctlie , and giue the sense , and make the people to vnderstand the same : that so your GOD may remember you still in Goodnesse , and not wype out your kyndnesse , which you haue showne vpon His House , & vpon the Officers thereof . AMEN . FINIS . The Poores Complaynt , For a just Redresse of the ruine of Hospitalls . NO sooner ( Dread Soveraygne ) was the voyce of the Turtle heard in our Land ( as the Spouse speaketh in the Canticles ) or did the Gospell of Grace make a Goshen ; but as soone was that speach , Vp , Moab , to the spoyle , put in speedie practise ; and ( as the name of the Prophets sonne was ) li●e speedie Robbers , they were swift to the Prey : So that the zeale of God's House ( with David ) did not eate them vp ; but their zeale did eate vp the Lord's House , while as they hungered , not for the Good , but the Goods of the Church , and made the Lords Patrimonie to bee lyke the Baptist , who said of himselfe , Me aportet ●inni . Neyther were they content to doe so to the Lords Embassadours , as Hanun did in curtayling the Garments of Davids servants , and making the Church ( as the Prophet speaketh ) lyke a Widow left to the spoyle ; but the verie Hospitall Oratories , where the poore members of Christ were placed and planted , comforted and relieved , haue not escaped their supplanting , and ●apacious devouring : so that what former Pittie and Pietie did in Endowing such Places , latter impietie hath done cleane contrarie , in Vndoing thereof . Not remembring that speach of holie Augustine , Si sterilitas in ignem mittitur , rapacitas quid meretur ? & si qui sua non dedit semper ardebit , quid recipiet ille qui aliena abstulit ? Yea , not onlie haue they robbed Christ Iesus more cruellie of his Coat than those Roman Souldiours who did cast lots thereon , but also for extinguishing the memorie of such mortifications , vpon these verie Houses to which they did belong . They haue practised that speach of Edom , Raze them , raze them , even to the foundation , making cursed Iericho of such blessed places , which was sacked , and sowne with Salt , and which is so evident in the trueth thereof thorow the Land , that in place of Proofe , it needes rather Reproofe , and forceth this humble Addresse to Your Majestie at this tyme for a speedie Redresse . Consider then ( Sacred SIR ) how horrible a Sinne this is , which cryes so in GODS Eares for revenge , and in Yours for reparation , what ingratitude is it to GOD , what stayne to the Gospel , how ignominious to this Nation , injurious to the Poore , hurtfull to themselues , scandalous to others , prejudiciall to posteritie , and in a word , everie way damnable . And as David when hee came to his Kingdome for the kyndnesse that hee found at the hands of Ionathan , kythed his thankfull affection to his sonne whom hee left behinde him , poore lame Mephibosheth : Even so ( SIR ) seeing the LORD hath advanced your Royall Majestie , and brought you safelie to your natiue Kingdome , for this kyndnesse of His to you , show your thankfull affection to the Poore , Leane and Lame Members of CHRIST IESVS , whom hee hath left behinde him in his stead to his second comming : and remember that the cry of their robberie and oppression cryes to your Sacred Majestie , as the saved Thiefe did to CHRIST on the Crosse , saying , LORD remember mee when Thou commest ●o Thy Kingdome . And at worthie and wyse Salomon , at his entrie of sweying the Scepter of royall authoritie , redressed both prudentlie and powerfullie the wrong that was done to the true Mother of the living Chylde , which was theftuouslie interchanged and stollen away from her , and a dead Chylde left in its rowme : Even so ( SIR ) let this distressed Mother that pleanes and pleades now before you finde the lyke comfort , even those Nurseries of the Poore , piouslie founded , but impiouslie subverted and confounded , which cry now and craue to bee restored to that which theftuouslie in lyke manner hath beene taken from them , and nothing at all left , in the towme thereof , no , not so much as the emptie walles of their habitations . Neyther let such a Guilt ( SIR ) lye on your Land , nor Stayne on the Gospell , that the Church should not onlie be seene Sacrilegiouslie robbed of her due Patrimonie ; but also beside the Vintage of Abiezer , that the verie Gleanings of Boaz , or Ephraim , should not bee left ; & not onlie the Childrens Bread taken away ; but , not so much left as the verie Crumbes of the Poores Almes vnsnatched vp greedilie . Indeede , the LORD , these manie yeares bygone , hath continued with vs the Gospel of Peace ; and , with it , an happie Peace and Plentie ; the Comfort of the one , and Commoditie of the other : and shall Hee be● so requyted for all that hee hath done to his Vineyard ; that in place of the sweete Fruit of the Workes of Charitie , Hee shall finde the sowre Grapes of the workes of Crueltie ? And lyke the sinne of the sons of Eli , shall the LORDS . Offering , by such rapacitie , bee abhorred , to cause fearfull wrath at last seaze on your Land ? and shall this not bee showne to our Zealous Soveraigne ? Hath not th●s caused the taunting obloquie of the Adversarie , that o●r Profession is not onlie a solitidian Religion , but that our Fayth ( lyke Pharaos leane Kye ) hath devoured the fat of the Fruites of the Charitie of others , which should haue beene adorned and perfected by our owne , to others ? Hence is it that our good●est Profe ●ours are sayde to b●e ( and are too well seene ) most powerfull onlie lyke the Load-stone in the attractiue facultie ; skilfull in the Ablattue , but ignorant in the Datiue Case ; Arithmeticians onlie in s●●●traction from GOD , to make vp an addition to themselue , whose heartes are as Nabals , or Dives , destitute of Pittie , and whose hands are as Hopb●ies flesh-hooks , nimble in rapacitie : but as Ieroboame arme , dryed vp , and destitute of charitie . It was the former glorie ( SIR ) of your natiue Kingdome , that no Nation did over-match it ( according , yea beyond the power thereof ) in statelie Erections , and rich endowments of religio is Places : But now her glorie is turned to her shame ; while as the eye of the most curious survey shall not in anie Countrey or Kingdome , round about , beholde so manie religious Places and Hospitalls promisc●o●slie demolished ; as in this our Nation ▪ and not onlie CHRISTS Patrimonie devoured , appointed for His Worship ; but the Poores also , ordained for their comfort : whereby those who should bee in these places supported , and relieved ( like A●no● , looking leaner from day to day ) are now forced in their feeble Strayings , and bedfast Starvings , to poste vp such Groanes , & Grievances , to the Throne of Iustice , as may be fittest Pleaders of their Cause , & playners on their Wrong . This is the Cause ( SIR ) of such Desolation in the Land , and that it staggereth and reeleth to and froe , lyke a drunken man. This is the Cause why so manie auncient and noble Houses draw neare the period of vtter Exterminion : and that the lyne of Desolation is spread over them , and the stones of emptinesse are to bee found in them . This is the cause that such a visible Curse is seene to follow vpon the eating of the Fruit of this forbidden Tree . For assuredlie the LORDS Portion will bee vnto them , and their estates , as that Worme which was at the roote of Ionas Gourd , which caused a speedie fading , and finall decay , like Achans ex●crable thing , which was his ruine , and his whole Families : or as the Arke to the Philistines which never ceased to plague them , till it was sent backe to the right owners . And as Iacob supplanted Esau , the holie thing will be ever the supplanter of the vnholie V●urper : the bread of deceit will turne into gravell in the mouth : and tho stollen waters be sweet , yet like the accursed water to the guiltie partie , although they cause swelling of their Rents at first , yet they shall bring vpon them a consumption at last . But fearfuller shall be their dittie hereafter , when Christs words not onely of , Non pavistis , but pabul●m abstulistis , shall bee prono●nced against them : and most fearfull shall be their doome of e●e●nall damnation , which like that threatning against the House of Eli , shall make their eares to tingle ; and make them more dreadfullie astonished , than ever was Balthassar . The imprecation whereof is set downe as the sententiall and vsuall clause and clausule of such Mortifications ▪ saving thus ▪ and as from Eball thundring , If any shall take away , or apply to any other vse , that which I haue mortified and bequeathed to the indigent , ( as I hope none will dare ever to attempt ) let him be ANATHEMA , and let his count be without Mercie at the dreadfull day of Iudgement , when hee shall compeare and receiue his doome at the hand of the Iudge both of Heaven and Earth , to whom I dedicate the same . This ( Sir ) is the Cause likewise why so few new Erections of such Places are in the Countrey , or charitable Dotations , out of mens devotion , while as they see how the liberall donations of others , and pious erected Hospitals are so grosselie devoured and ruinated remedilesse : and thereby vehementlie suspect , yea , assuredlie expect , that it would no otherwise fare with that which they would in like manner out of pittie and pietie ●rogate and consecrate to God. Neither haue Laicks onely had their hands in this cursed Crime , but Levi hath also joyned with Simeon , to be Brethren in evill ▪ and both haue linked together , as Sampsons Foxes , to waste the Lords Field : so that Iudas , quid mihi dabitis , et ego tradam e●m ? hath not died with him : but without Sense , or Shame , hath bene the manner of latter bargaining by his Soule-lesse successors ; their conscience being more leper than the bodie of G●b●zi : & a more dreadfull judgement abyding such , no● that for the receiving of the gift from Nama● : for as Lamech sayd to his wiues , so may I , if this horrible Crime in Laicks be avenged seavenfolde , doubtless● in such who should be Trumpets , to cry aloude against the same , and should be preservers of such places , it will bee avenged seaventie folde . And be he of what degree soever , who for Bribe , 〈◊〉 favour , like Iudas , or Pilat , hath betrayed or delivered Christ i● his poore members , and their Rights , to the barbarous and crue●● hands of those who haue Canniball-like devoured them , with Iudas and Pilat , such should be justlie repute to haue no Place in so holy , a ministration , and may with them feare the like woe and judgement . Let not then ( Sir ) your land herein be an Aceldama , or the blood of the poore ( like that of Abels ) cry still against the same for vengeance . Deliver your subjects from such a fearfull curse : & cause their mawes ( like the belly of Ionas Whale ) to disgorge the poores portion , who haue swallowed vp the same , that ( as Iob sayes of himselfe ) the blessing of him who was readie to perish , may come vpon you , and yee may cause the hearts of the poo●● to sing for joy . Put on Righteousnesse then , and let it cloathe you , Iudgement , & let it be a Robe & a Diademe vnto you : be Eyes to the Blind , & Feet to the Lame : and the cause of the poore , which yee know not , search it out . For it is your part ( Sir ) to purge th● land of such blood-guiltinesse , and to make a straite inquisition with Ioshua , concerning the execrable thing : to break the jaw●● of the wicked , and to plucke the spoyle out of their teeth , and to the poore at this time to leaue a blessed memoriall behinde you 〈◊〉 So may yee promise to your selfe , that yee shall die in your 〈◊〉 & multiplie your dayes as the sand : your Root also shall spread● out by the Waters , and the Dew shall lye all night vpon you● Branch : Your Glorie , in like manner , shall bee fresh in you , and your Bow shall bee renewed in your Hand : and amongst all the Titles of Honour & Dignitie , which the Lord hath multiplied ▪ & heaped vpon your sacred Majestie , this shall not bee the leas● wherewith your Royal Grandsire , of blessed memorie , was styled ▪ to bee called , THE POORE MANS KING . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A02351-e140 Genes . 49.14 . Daniel , 5. Iudg. 16. Deut. 22.10 . Nehem. 13 Gen. 26.18 Psalm . 23. Exod. 2.11 Iudg. 12. Num. 16.31 . Gen. 41.17 Math. 13 . 1● . 2. Sam. 7. Genes . 25. Micah . 7.3 1 Pastors made fewer . Genes . 37. 2 Advantage to seducers . 2. Sam. 24. Cant. 2.15 . Matth. 9.37 . Exod. 1.10 3 Colledges hurt . Gen. 49.7 . 4 Parents discouraged . 5 The Countrey harmed . Psal. 137.7 . Levit. 14.41 . Cic. de divi . Lib. 1. Ioshua , 7. 2. Sam. 18. Luke , 7. Agg. 2. 6 Civilitie hindred . Ruth , 1.16 . 1. Pet. 2.17 . 7 Poore people and Subjectes , both miseased , & scandalized . Gen. 9.22 . 2. Sam. 16. 1. Sam. 1.21 . Luk. 2.41 . Ioshua , 23. Acts , 16. Matth. 9.36 . Mark. 8.2 . Prov. 3.9 . Genes . 42. Luk. 9.33 . Acts , 26. Polion . Lib. 1. strat . Ier. 2.9 . Dan. 8 . 1● . 1. King. 18 Genes . 47 ▪ 2. Chron. 36. Genes . 31. Genes . 35. Exod. 2.19 Ioshua ▪ 10 Micah , 4.14 . Luke . 1. Ionas , 8. Gen. 13.5 . Iudg. 6.30 Ca●● . 1.7 . Ca●● . 3.3 . 1. Sam. 11. Nehem. 8.8 . Nehem. 13.14 . Notes for div A02351-e3300 Cant. 2.12 Iob 19.13 14 , &c. 
A01039	----	An ansvvere to M. I. Forbes of Corse, his peaceable warning Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1638 Approx. 71 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01039 STC 11143 ESTC S102458 99838243 99838243 2611 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01039) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2611) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 887:07) An ansvvere to M. I. Forbes of Corse, his peaceable warning Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. [36] p. Printed, [Edinburgh?] : anno Dom. 1638. By David Calderwood. A reply to: Forbes, John. A peaceable warning, to the subjects in Scotland. Place of publication conjectured by STC. Signatures: A² B-E⁴. Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Forbes, John, 1593-1648. -- Peaceable warning, to the subjects in Scotland. Church of Scotland. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Haley Pierson Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Haley Pierson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSVVERE to M.I. Forbes of Corse , His peaceable Warning . 2. Cor. 11.14.15 . 14. And no marvell , for Sathan himselfe is transformed into an Angell of light . 15. Therefore there is no great thing , if his Ministers also bee transformed , as the Ministers of righteousnesse , whose ends shall bee according to their workes . Printed , Anno Dom. 1638. TO THE READER . I Doe not believe ( good Reader ) that any judicious man is perswaded , that our Confession of Faith , solemnely sworne and subscribed by persons of all rankes throughout the whole Kingdome , is worne out of date , for any thing hee hath seene in M. I. F. of Corse his late Pamphlet : Yet lest any of weake judgment give credite to his allegations , I have undertaken to cleare the Trueth for thy farther information and their confirmation , Hee hath entituled it , A peaceable Warning , whereas it tendeth to division , & to annihilate the authoritie of that generall Confession sworne and subscribed universally now the third time . Ieremie complaineth ▪ that from the Prophet to the Priest everie one dealeth falsly : for they have healed the hurt of my daughter slightly , saying , peace , peace , when there is no peace . So now many pretend a care for the peace of the Kirk , when they intend no peace farther than their opinions shal bee followed , and the course they have layed down to themselves . It is true , hee hath disclamed what hee hath written amisse , or to the offence of any in his former copies spread abroad in writ . But is that a sufficient satisfaction for these vile imputations of rebellion , sedition , disobedience , refractarinesse , temeritie , unduetifulnesse to Ministers , and reproching them as blind guides . Howsoever hee now seemeth more modest , yet you may take up of what spirit hee is . But I wil not , nor need not make Apologie , but proceed to my answere to this Copie , directing the same to the Author himselfe . An answere to the first Chapter . YOur historicall discourse upon the Con●ession of Faith. which you call , The short negative Confession , is unsufficient . For it was not only approved by the generall assemblyes holden in the yeare 1581 ; and then subscribed universallie , but also in the yeere 1590. by a charge from the secreet Counsell procured by the generall Assemblie . There was an Act made in the Assemblie holden in Iune 1587. that Students in Vnivrsities subscribe the Religion then established and professed by the mercie of God within this Realme , before they bee promoved to Degries . Whereupon , all such as have beene laureat in the Colledge of Edinburgh since that time to this present yeere to the number of 1500 or therabout have subscribed that Confession . In the Assemblie holden in March 1589 some were appointed to seeke from the Clerk of Register a copie of the act made lately before concerning the new subscription of the Band , and the same Confession of Faith. Some were sent to petition the Counsell , that Commissions might bee given to such persons , as were agried upon before the holding of the Assembly , to receive de novo subscriptions to the Band of maintenance of Religion subscribed by his Majestie , and the same Confession of Faith , which was put in execution , and the Band was printed with the Confession . Whereby you may perceive , what is meant by Religion in the Band of maintainance . As you have your selfe cited sundrie acts of Parliament for the first Confession , you might have added an act of approbation of this Confession also . In the 12 Parliament holden in Iune anno 1592. and act 123 it is declared , that no Subject shall injoy the benefite of the act of Pacification made in Februar 1572. of aboltion made in December 1585. or of both ratified in Iulie 1587. unlesse they professe the true Religon , as the same was then professed within this Realme , and acknowledge his Highnesse Authoritie . But the heads contained in that Confession were the points of Religion then professed within this Realme ; was not universall subscription p●eceeding a signe of profession , Was any subscription accepted but to that Confession since it was first subscribed . The title of the Act sheweth , that by profession , is meant giving confession of their Faith. The conjoyning of the acknowledegment of the Kings authoritie with professing the true Religion , as it was then professed , leadeth ●s to that Confession : For in the end of that act , there 〈◊〉 a clause binding the subscribers to acknowledge K. Iames to bee their Soveraigne Lord , which agrieth not with any other Confession . No other Confession of Faith can bee meant in the acts of Parliament following . Whereas you saye , it was called The Kings Confession , because it was set out in the Kings Name , Wee saye , it might have beene as well so called , because it was first subscribed by the King and Court. But there is no great matter , upon what ground it was so called by any . This is undoubted , that it was the Confession of the Kirk of Scotland that it was so taken by forraine Kirks , and therefore insert in the harmonie of the Confessions of the reformed Kirks , and there called in the superscription The Confession of the Faith of Scotland , which is a larger title , than to call it The Kings Confession . If that Confession which was universally subscribed by direction from Authoritie , and of the nationall assembly , may not justly bee called , The Confession of the Kirk , let any man judge . You say , because it insisteth most in rejecting of errours , it is also called The negative Confession . It is so called by Papists , and such as look back to Poperie , but not justly . For it consisteth of an affirmative part , comprehending the first Confession as these words doe expressely beare . Wee believe with our hearts , confesse with our mouths , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before God , and the World &c. and of rejection of errours , for which you call it often The negative Confession , taking the denomination from a part , from the lesser part , and from the negative part , rather than from the affirmative . Nay rather from the qualitie of the appendix to the old Confession , than of the Confession it selfe . For the rejection of errours is appended to the old Confession . This course to joyne the rejection of errours with positiue points of doctrine was followed at the Counsell at Dort. Your selfe confesse that many masked Papists subscribed the old Confession deceitfully , and therefore that this forme of consenting to the old , with a rejection of all contrarie Religion , and sundry popish errours particularly expressed , was drawne up to discover them . Was not that needfull , and the course lawfull ? Whereas you say , a certaine reverend Brother , meaning Master Craig did it . Will any man thinke , that none did perceive the deceit of masked Papists , but hee alone ? Or that hee presumed to draw up that forme without the consent of other reverend Brethren . finding this course to bee necessarie , or that it could passe without approbation of the generall Assembly . M. Alexander Anderson Principall , M. Andrew Galloway Sub-principall . M. Andrew Anderson , M. Duncan Norie , Regents of the Colledge of Aberdene , were called before the Earle of Murrey Regent , and the Lords of privie Counsel , who were present with him in Aberdene in Iulie 1569. and were requyred to approve by subscription the old Confession of Faith , with all other Acts made concerning Christian Religion in the Parliamenrs holden at Edinburgh in August 1560. and December 1567. They were deprived for their refusall of all honours , dignities , functions , preheminences , faculties , and priviledges within the said Colledge , and of libertie to instruct the youth in any part within this Realme . The Commissioner of the Kirk to the shirefdomes of Aberdene , & Bamfe , pronounced the like sentence , by the advice , counsell , and consent of the Ministers and Elders in these bounds . But so it is , that su●drie of these acts of Parliament , whereunto they were requyred to subscribe , were negative , as you use the terme or a rejection of popish errours , either in generall or particular , as the denyall of the Popes authoritie and jurisdiction , the annulling of all Acts made since K. Iames the first his time , not agrieing with the word of God , and contrarie to the confession of Faith , then published , the condemni●g of the Masse , baptising conforme to the manner of the popish Kirk , and the abrogating and annulling of all laws acts , and constit●tions , canons , civill , or municipall , contrarie to the said true Religion . So you see , that even then they thought it not enough to require subscription to the Confession , but also to abrenunce contrarie errours , specially popish . This Confession , which you call the negative , explaineth more particularly these acts . And therfore in the title before it was called , A generall Confession of the true Christian faith & Religion , according to GODS Word , and Acts of Parliaments . It were good that the like course were taken with you , and your fellowes in Aberdene to that which was taken with these before you , that is , to remove you , if you subscribe not that Confession , which you seeme to despyte so much . In the meane time , I would have you content to call it not the negative Confession , but the generall Confession ; as the title beareth . To the second Chapter . YOu saye , divine authoritie appertaineth absolutely to the canonicall Scriptures , conditionally to other writings and sermons , to wit , in so far as they have the trueth revealed in the Scriptures contained in them . What if there bee no errour , but all trueth which is contained , wil you call them therefore absolutely divine ? Wee professe , wee believe with our hearts , confesse with our mouthes , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme both before God and the World , that the Religion particularly expressed in the conf●ssion of Faith confirmed by sundrie acts of Parliaments is Gods eternall Trueth , and therefore you are bound to sticke to it howbeit wee hold not that or any other confession absolutelie divine . For that testimonie , whether by word or writ is called divine , and hath absolutely divine authoritie , which hath God himselfe for the author of it , either immediatly by himselfe , or by the ministrie of men , to whom hee delivered his will by vision , dreame , or immediat inspiration of the Spirit . Both the matter and diction are from GOD. If the testimonie of learned men agreable with the Scriptures might bee called divine absolutely and simply , then there should be no difference betweene the holy Scripture & the same writings of the learned . The Manicheans saide , that what Orpheus Sybilla , and the Philosophers of the Gentiles foretold of Christ , were of as great authoritie as the wordes of the Prophets . Augustine answereth , that if any trueth bee found in them , it availeth to their conviction , but not to bee holden in estimation or authoritie as the words of the Prophets . For the Devills , said hee , spake true things of Christ , yet were not of as great authoritie as the Angels . See in Gratian dist . 37. Sicut veri . But it may bee in stead of conditionally divine , you wold say in some regard or respect , that is in respect of the trueth of the matter , in which respect it cannot bee called conditionally divine because it is alreadie so farre divine . And this is the expression of Divines , Etsi enim verae Ecclesiae judicium & testimonium dici possit divinum , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nis mirum quatenus cum Scriptura sacra , & proinde cum Spiritu sancto & revelata Dei voluntate congruit , tamen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 considaratum non est divinum , sed humanum . quia non est immediate a spiritu sancto inspiratum . Alioqui omne juo dicium & testimonium cujuscunque hominis congruens cum sacra scriptura esset divinum , atque ita jamnulla esset differentia quoad authoritatem interscripta Prophetarum , & Apostolorum & aliorum ecclesia Doctorum sacris literis consentanea scribentium . So wee saye of our Confession of Faith , it is not simpliciter divine , but in respect of the matter & trueth contained into it , it may bee called in that respect , and so farre only divine . Where you saye , if wee find in the writings of men any thing repugnant to the holy Scriptures wee ought to reject it , correct it , or amend it ; as our progenitours willingly professed in their epistle prefixed to their nationall Confession . That epistle or preface seemeth to have beene written in name of the Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , & other Subjects professing the true Religion , who after that they had in their Supplication to the Estates offered to prove the doctrine of the Roman Kirk to bee repugnant to the word of God , were cōmanded to draw up the summe of that doctrine , which they would maintaine . and desire the Parliament to ratifie . Within foure dayes after , it was presented and read , first before the Lords of the Articles , and after . before the whole Estates . Some of the Ministrie were present standing readie to answere , what might bee alleadged against it . The Bishops and others of a contrarie mind were charged in the name of GOD to object against it , if they could . Everie Article was read by it selfe . None would , nor could object in the contrare . The Eerle of Marshall protested , that no Ecelesiasticall person should afterward have place to oppone , considering , that time was granted them to advise , and none opponed in so free and peaceable a Parliament . After that none opponed by argument . The Confession it selfe ( without their epistle prefixed , when it was exhibited by the Protestants , as the title beareth before the Confession ) was authorized , as a doctrine grounded upon the infallible Word of God , as you may see , where it is insert in the acts of Parliament . Apparently you would have no Confession of Faith ratified and authorized , or to stand firme and stable , but that everie man may have libertie to impugne it . This were to unsettle a Kirk or Estate . After a Confession is ratified , none should bee suffered to be members , let bee office-bearers in that Kirk , who refuse to subscribe or impugneth it private or publick , in schooles or pulpits , unlesse it be first corrected by the Kirk and Estates , which hath approved and ratified it . You say , that short Confession hath humane privat authoritie , and is respected for the Penner , and many well affected christians subscribers . But that in this regard wee are no more tyed to this Confession then any part of Augustin Ambrose , Luther , or Calvins workes approved by manie good Chistians , nor that the obligation of the subscribers can be extended beyond their owne persons and lifetimes . But wee have told you already , that it is the Confession of the Kirk of Scotland , approved by the Kirk of Scotland , and subscribed universally by direction of authoritie at two sundrie times , which is more than to bee penned by M. Craig , and subscribed by many good Christians , or hath beene done to any part of Aagustine , Ambrose , Luther , or Calvins workes Beza set forth a notable Confession of faith , which is approved by many good Christians , yet is esteemed only as a private worke . But so is not the generall confession of the Kirk of Scotland . The orthodox confession of a reformed kirk deserveth greater respect than the treatises or works of Ambrose , Luther &c. Sunt enim hae Confessiones orthodoxae , tanquam tabulae authentica , privatorum Doctorum scriptis anteponendae . as is said in the Latine preface to the Confessions of faith . There is good reason for it : for humane authoritie admitteth degrees . The publick is more valide than a private . Sententia communi omnium assensu recepta ; longé probabilior erit sententia ea , quam unus & alter statuit . One man speaking according to Scripture is to bee prefered before a great assembly of doctours speaking without criptures : But then his judgement is preferred because of Gods authoritie . not for his owne . B●r wee are now comparing private men with a whole Kirk ceteris paribus , in regard of themselves , and consider humane testimony or judgement qua tale in so far as it is humane . To conclude this point , Wee are aswell tyed to the generall Confession as to that which you call the nationall , for the generall is nationall aswell as the first . In the meane time , you have showne litle respect either to the penner or subscribers , for you call it the negative Confession , the short negative Confession . The supreme authoritie civill you distinguish in royall or legall , and the legall you make also royall . So then the royall power is royall or legall . Or you meane , the royall power is either conjunct with the Estates , as in making Lawes , because ne civiles quidem leges ex fua solius authoritate ferre potest , as saith Burthillus contra Becani controvers . pag. 66. or without their concurrence , as in giving remissions &c. But this you may call the royall Prerogative . The power legall you should call legislative , or law giving power , which Polititians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the power of execution , or administration of justice shuld bee also legall ▪ and ruled by the lawes . This short Confession , you say , had never authoritie legall , for it was never ratified by act of Parliament , but all the civill authoritie it had , was only royall by the Kings mandat . You would say imposed by vertue of his royall prerogative ▪ I believe that his Majestie professing lately in his Declaration , that hee would not urge the Service booke farther but in a legall manner , would not impose upon us subseription to the Confession of Faith by his royall mandat , but in a legall manner . I am sure there is as great reason for the one as for the other . But wee have shewed already , that it hath beene ratified by act of Parliament universally recived & subscribed , which is equivalent to a Parliament . But more of this anone . You saye , Authoritie ecclesiasticall was given to this Confession by two nationall Synods . But I have cited moe , which you have omitted , whether of set purpose , or otherwise , I referre to your owne conscience . You saye , the Authoritie synodicall immediat , was that approbation , whereby these Synods declared this Confession to bee a true , Christian , faithfull , and godly Confession , and that such as truely professe Iesus Christ ought to agree thereto . That by this reason it tendeth to manifest a divine authoritie of the confession of the doctrine thereof , and in respect of the matter so approved doth equallie oblish all Christians . Wee have already cleared that point of divine authoritie wherein you have fumbled . As for the other point , wee doe think that all good Christians should embrace our Confession , Wee beeing persuaded , when wee subscribe , that it is the undoubted trueth grounded upon the written Word . But our intention was not to set downe a Confession of faith , whereunto all Christians in the world should bee tyed , but only such as will bee members of this Kirk , and to make knowne to the world what wee professe . For as it is well observed in the preface to the harmonie of Confessions . If every man bee commanded to make Confession of his Faith , so often as Gods glorie & the edification of the Kirk shall require , what a wonderfull and strange thing ought it to seeme , if Cities , if Provinces , if whole Kingdomes have made profession of their Faith , When they were falselie charged by the Popish sort , that they had gone from the doctrine of the true Kirke . You acknowledge you are obliged to reverence the judgment of a nationall Synod of our Kirk in matters substantiall . Why not in matters also rituall and disciplinarie ? for these I suppose you oppose to matters substantiall . Yet in matters substantiall , you professe you are no more oblidged to hearken to those two Synods , than to the preceeding , or following , or to the Synods in forraigne Kirks , or to the ancient Councells , that is , only by restriction . Yet you ought to depart from us , if you bee not of us ; if your judgement bee not conforme to the judgement of our Kirk . The ecclesiasticall authoritie mediat given by these Synods to this Confession you make to bee their injoyning Ministers to give obedience to his Majesties commandement anent the said Confession . Is the ordinance of the Assembly ecclesiasticall media●e authoritie . You vanish in your distinctions . An ordinance of an Assembly floweth immediatly from the ecclesiasticall authoritie or power of the Assembly ▪ But you prove your mediat authoritie ecclesiasticall thus . Nothing is spoken in these statutes , but in relation to the Kings Majesties mandat and for a time , but that doth not make the power ecclesiasticall mediate , but only adj●vant or concurrent . I will tell you more , the Proclamation had taken small or no effect , if it had not beene seconded with the authoritie of the generall Assembly . Yea it had beene a dangerous preparative to command Ministers to crave subscriptions to a Confession of Faith not approved by the Kirk . The worke was good , but the order preposterous . In the yeere 1589. the assembly began , and desired Commissions to be given to that effect and gave in a roll of such , as they had nominat to bee Commissioners , which was performed by the secret Counsell . You must knowe also that there have beene acts of Assemblies made for subscribing that Confession without relation to the Kings commandment , as for that students in schools and Vniversities made anno 1587 and this following Sess. 3. quarto Martij 1589. Anent subscriptions to the Confession of Faith with protestation , that the Subscribers doe the same only to obey the King & his Lawes , the Assembly esteemeth of no such subscriptions , but ordaineth such persons to bee proceeded against , as against simple refusers . Suppose the two acts cited by your self make mention of the Kings mandat , yet they injoyne Ministers to doe the same thing that the mandat requyres , not beeing urged by the King or Counsell , but of their owne accord for furtherance of the work it selfe . The first Act requyred Ministers to follow the tenor of the Proclamation . But the second Act differeth in some points from the tenor of it . Where the King with advice of the Counsell injoyned Ministers to deliver the Names of the refusers , and the processe led against them to the Ministers of his House , under the pai●e of fourtie pounds , the Assembly enjoyned them to report their diligence to the next Synods , that the same might bee reported to the generall Assembly , and that under the paine of deprivation . They intended perpetuitie in these Acts : for they acknowledged it to bee a true Christian conf●ssion worthie to bee received by all true professours , a godly and Christian confession , which ought to bee embraced by all the Kings subjects . where-upon they urged subscription . To approve a Confession , and to urge subscription , import an intent , that such as shall bee members of the Kirke , shall professe conforme to that Confession , and subscribe when they are requyred . When they ordained Students in time to come to subscribe , before they past their Degries , did they not intend perpetuitie . Did not the continuall practise afterward , when any suspect of Papistrie were requyred to subscribe , prove a perpetuitie was intended at the first . If the first Confession standeth , because it is nationall ; This other , or the former with this appendicle continueth for the same reason . For a Confession subscribed universally through the whole Nation by direction of Authorititie both civill and ecclesiasticall may and should bee called nationall , and with as good reason , as a Confession authorized by Parliament without subscription of the Subjects , the one beeing the collective , the other but the representative bodie . And yet it was also approved by Parliament , as I shewed before . Doth any Nation receive a Confession , but of purpose to continue in the same ? If everie generation should change their Confession , what a reproach should it be to a Kirk ? Heare the reproach of Papists . Quoties non mut arunt suam quisque sententiam . Quod edificant bodie , cras destruunt saye the Professours of Culane in their Antidiagma , that is , How oft have everie one of them changed their opinion . That which they build the day , they demolish the next day , And Bellarmine sayeth likewise that the Catholick Kirk , meaning the Catholick Roman , is not like the Synagogues of the Protestants , quae singulis annis non solum ritus , sed etiam fidem mutant , That change everie yeare not onely their rites . but their faith also . You call the Kings charge his royall mandat , and make no mention of the Counsells advice and consent . You see the second act of the assembly cited by your selfe beareth , that the Kings Majestie , with advice of his Counsell hath set foorth and proclaimed &c. The Commissions given in March 1509 were given likewise by authoritie of the King and counsell . Which is more than you doe insinuate , and yet had not beene sufficient without approbation and concurrence of the Assembly . You say , the vigour of the act of assembly remained no longer than the Kings mandat stoode , which expyring it did expyre also . I have shewed alredie , that these acts of assemblyes were not made by direction or injunction of any royall mandat , and have cited some acts which make no mention of any act of Counsell , or royall mandate , but respect the stablished course . You subsume , and saye the mandat royall hath expyred long agoe , because it was no perpetuall law , but a temporarie mandat given out in his Majesties minor age . First , I answere that mandat was not onely given in his minoritie , but againe also in his Majoritie . Next , it was not only his Majesties mandat , but it was an act of Counsell . Doth not an act of counsell stand in force till it bee altered , or annulled . Thirdly , the mandat or act of Counsell began the worke not to continue for a time , but so long as the Kirk continued , Fourthly , it could not bee recalled , nor yet can bee either by act of counsell , or act of Parliament , because res non est integra . When they laboured to draw the whole Nation to subscription , intended they not the perpetuitie of a Confession . After the People were brought on to sweare by the great name of the Lord to continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk , how could the mandat or charge bee recalled ? Your sentence therefore cited out of the glosse upon Gratians Decree , Causa sublata tollitur constitutio ex causa illa orta , maketh nothing for the expyring of the force of the acts of the Assembly . For both the acts of Counsell and assemblyes tended to establish a perpetuall Confession in this Kirke and Kingdome . So the vigour of these acts yet remaineth and continueth . Next , this sentence is explained causa 19 quaest . 2. cap. Duae sunt . Glossa , propter criminosos . Vbi aliquid statuitur propter impulsivam causam ▪ causa cessante non ideo cessat constitutio , sed ubi aliquid propter finalem causam est statutum , ibi , si cessat causa , cessat constitutio . That is , A constitution doth not expyre , when the impulsive cause ceaseth , but when the finall cause ceaseth . But heere the impulsive cause of bringing in this Confession was , as your selfe confesse , the deceit of Papists subscribing to the first Confession , minding thereby to subvert the true Religion , and the end of drawing up that Confession was to discover them . The same causes both impulsive and finall yet remaine . And suppose both should faile , there is another principall end wherefore Churches set foorth the Confessions of their Faith , to wit , to make knowne to the World , what they professe , as I have observed before out of the preface to the harmonie of the Confession . You prove the royall mandat to bee expyred first , because hee dissallowed this confession in a certaine speach uttered in conference at Hampton Court. There have beene sundrie copies of that conference spread abroad , and wee have no reason to believe Bishop Barloes report . Suppose the report were true , we allow the speach in a part . For it would have made the Book of the English articles to swel to a great volumne to insert everie negative position . But thinke you that well applyed to this Confession : for it doth not containe everie negative position , but is only a rejection of sundrie popish errours particularly expressed , with generall clauses for rejection of the rest , as your selfe confesse in the 9 page . Neither is it a great volumne . How often doe your selfe call it a short Confession . You saye , it may bee gathered by that speach that hee did utterly disallow and annull that Confession . Hee allowed it before both in his none age , and majoritie . Next , it was necessarie for the discoverie of masked Papists , and still is for masked Papists and Ministers to use such formes of speach I detest , I abhorre &c. It is strange , that that should bee dislyked now , which was thought necessarie then . But suppose the forme of the Confession was disallowed by that speach , yet could it not annull the former mandat A speach uttered in a conference holden out of the Countrie could not repeale the acts of Counsell made at home , and his owne publick Proclamation . Next , that speach was uttered . if uttered , in a free discourse to such as were there present , and was not delivered by way of precept , charge or declaration to us . M. Patrick Galloway in a letter dated the tenth of Februar , 1604. and directed to the Ptesbyterie of Edinburgh hath these words , Sundrie , as they favoured , gave out copies of things heere concluded . Where-upon I my selfe tooke occasion , as I was an eye and eare witnes , to set them downe , and presented them to his Majestie , who with his owne hand mended some things , and eeked other things which I had omitted . Which corrected copie with his owne hand I have , and have sent you heerewith the just transsumpt of it word by word , But in that transsumpt there is no mention of such a speach , nor the least inkling against the Confession of our faith , which had beene verie pertinent and requisite , if hee had intended either a recalling of his mandat , or a declaration of his disallowance of that Confession . But suppose hee had , yet as I have said , that could not bee a recalling of his royall mandat , the Confession of faith beeing authorized by acts of Counsell , acts of Assembly , and Parliament , neither could the Confession bee abandoned beeing alreadie received , sworne and subscribed by the Subjectes universallie . Doctor Andrews in his Tortura torti denyeth , that hee might have given libertie of conscience in respect of his oath , at his Coronation first in Scotland , and then in England . For then sayth hee , hee should bee twise perjured . Non semel perjurus esset quin bis si te andiat . You would draw upon him a greater guilt , that would have made him to draw others also into perjurie . You prove next , that the royall mandat was made voyde by his death , and expyred with the royall breath , and to this effect you cite the sentence following out of the glosse upon the 19 chapter of the first Booke of the Decretalls , Morte mandantis , expirat mandatum , which as you have cited : is false . But these words of the glosse are received , Mortuo mandatore , re existente integra , expirat mandatum . The scope of the text is to determine that the jurisdiction of him that is delegate expyreth not by the death of him who delegated , if there bee litiscontestation before his death , because then the matter is not whole and untouched . So likewise Iustinian sayeth of that mandatum that is contracted betwixt him that giveth , and him that undertaketh the charge of anye businesse , the Mandator and Mandatarius that the contract is loosed , if the death of any of them interveene before entrie to execution . Si adhuc integro mandato mors alterius interveniat . Such like in authorative mandats , if hee to whom commission was given to put it to execution depart before hee put it in execution , there can bee no farther proceeding , till another bee placed in his rowme . But for the receiving the Confession of Faith , the Commissions given were put in execution both in the 1580 and 1590 yeares . The Confession beeing once received , sworne to and subscribed , could not bee recalled by the death of the King , who was the first beginner , and ringleader of the work . Doth a house fall with the death of the Master builder ? Neither was that Confession received for the Kings Mandat , or direction alone , but for the act of Counsell also . Now the Counsell never dyeth . For politick bodies are immortall , and continue by succession . Nor yet for the act of Counsell . but most of all and principally , for the ordinances and directions of the generall Assembly . And last of all this Confession of faith is nothing els but the first Confession enlarged with some generall clauses , and rejection of popish erours . To the third Chapter . YOu thinke it not convenient , that the negative Confession bee authorized at this time , and subscriptions requyred thereto , and that for the reasons expressed in the conference at Hampton Court , and because of some ambiguities , and no small difficulties therein . How valide your reason is alleadged by you out of the conference at Hampton Court let the Reader judge . No man complained of ambiguities and difficulties in it , till such as you are , began to pretend the same , because apparently your eyes were dazeled with the light thereof , and you saw perhaps that which you desired not to see . Howsoever , it is already sufficiently authorized , and needeth not to bee authorized againe for want of authoriti●e . And seeing it is authorized , all the members of this Kirk ought to subscribe it , and at this time especially , when the frame of Religion was like to be altered . If there bee any ambiguities , they may bee explained to the subscribers . Cavillators and tergiversators should be proceeded against as simple refusers . We aggree to the words of the 18 article in the Confession of Faith ; but that maketh nothing against us , who are already perswaded , that our Confession is grounded upon the holy Scriptures . It is true , wee ought to bee busie instructing the people in the positive groundes of trueth , but that hindereth us not to explaine to them points of heresie , which were set downe for masked Papists , and now Ministers themselves are leavened with Poperie & Arminianisme . Should not the true shepheard bee carefull to warne the sheep , if they bee in danger of the Wolfe . If any of us have given any other interpretation then the Confession of faith it selfe will beare , wee shall bee ready to passe from it , when wee shall be convinced . You are sorie that some of us in printed workes condemne Episcopacie , and the five Perth articles . What any have writtten I trust they will bee ready to defend . For the present , I maintaine that by this Confession , which you call the negative , wee abjure Episcopacie . For in this Confession , wee protest that wee detest the Romane Antichrist , his worldlie Monarchie , and wicked Hierarchie . The Popish hierarchie doth consist of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , that is , baptising and preaching Deacons . For it is so determined by the Councell of Trent . in the 4. chap. de Sacramento ordinis , Can. 6. Si quis dixerit in ecclesia catholica non esse hierarchiam divina ordinatione institutā , quae constat ex Episcopis , Presbyteris & ministris ; anathemasit . Bellarmine likewise in his booke de clericis cap. 11. answering to Chemnitius , alledging Dionysius Areopagita , for three orders only , to wit , of Bishops . priests , and dea●ons , whom hee calls Ministers , sayeth , that that Dionysius did not set downe the number of the Orders , but of the hierarchies . For sayth hee , there are three hierarchies in the militant Kirke , the first of Bishops , the second of priests ; the third of Deacons , and that the deacons are also princes if they bee compared with the people : but for inferiour orders , subdeacons , acolythes , lectors , exorcists , and ostiaries or doore keepers , they beare no rule or charge over the people , but onely serve the Deacons or the priests , For hierarchie properly is sacer principatus , a sacred preheminence or rule . The fore-named counterfeit writer Dionysius , calleth the Bishop , the Hierarch , because hee is the chiefe Hierarch . The Pope himselfe is not within the hierarchie , primats , Metropolitans , or Arch-bishops , but as they are Bishops . Whereas some alledge , that in our Confession wee detest and abhorre his hierarchie , that is to bee interpret , as the rest are to be interpreted to be his , as canonization of Saints . dedicating of Kirkes , dayes , altars . &c. are called his , not that there is another lawfull canonization , or dedicating of Kirkes , dayes , altars , &c. Whereas some alledgde , that this hierarchie was before there was a Pope . Wee answere , that it is called his , notwithstanding , as dedicating of Kirks , dayes , altars , oyle , salt , &c. are called his . Because what ever corruption was in the Kirk , either in doctrine , worship , or government of the Kirk , since the mysterie of iniquitie began to work . that is , Poperie began , so much as hee retained and maintained , and obtruded by his authoritie upon the Kirke are his . Next we must consider the Pope or Roman Antichrist not only in his growth and perfite age , but from his conception , and first birth . Farther this hierarchie is distinguished in the confession from the Popes Monarchie . Neither can it bee interpreted of the manifold orders in the Kirke of Rome . For that is mentioned before in the Confession of faith ; where , we abjure his manifold orders . Next in the Confession of faith , we professe that we abhorre and detest all kinde of Papistrie in generall and particulare heads , even as they were then damned , and confuted by the Word of GOD. and Kirke of Scotland . But so it is , that the office of a Bishop was condemned by the Kirk of Scotland , and confuted in the pulpits , by M , Lowson , M. Arburthnot . M. Pont , and many other godly and learned men . From the yeere 1575 to 1579 , when the heads of constant policie and plat-forme of discipline were agitate in Assemblyes , it was declared , that such as had the Bishoprickes , and were called Bishops , should bee tyed to particulare flocks , that they should be called by their owne names , or the name of brethren , that they should bee content with reasonable rent , and not lift up for the maintenance of their ryotousnesse , the emoluments of the Kirk , which may sustaine many Pastors , the Schooles and the poore : that they should not claime the titles of temporall Lords , that they should not usurpe criminall jurisdiction , that they should not exerce temporall jurisdiction . that they must not empire above particulare elderships , nor usurpe the power of presbyteries - In reforming the corruptions of that estate , they abolished Episcopacie , after they had agreed on all the heades of the constant policie , in Aprile anno 1578 which are extant in the booke of policie , or 2 booke of discipline . But besides , there was a speciall act made in Iulie 1580 at Dundie with full consent of the whole Assembly against the office , as followeth , For às much as the office of a Bishop , as it is now used , and commonly taken within this Realme , hath no warrant , authoritie , nor ground in the word of God , but is brought in by the folly of mans invention , to the great overthrow of the Kirke of God , The whole Assembly of the Kirke in one voice , after libertie given to all men to reason in the matter , non●opponing themselfe in defending the said pretended office , finds and declares the said pretended office , used and termed as is abovesaid , unlawfull in it self , as having neither fundament , ground , nor warrant in the scriptures of God. and ordaines , that all such persons , as brook● , or shall brooke heereafter the said office , shall bee charged simplie to dimitt ▪ quyte and leave off the same , as an office ▪ whereunto they are not called by God ; and suchlike , to desist and cease from all preaching of the Word , ministration of the Sacraments , or using any way the office of Pastors , till they receive de novo admission from the general Assembly , under the paine of excommunication , wherein if they bee found disobedient , or to contraveene this Act in any point , the sentence of excommunication after due admonition is to bee executed against them . The Confession of faith was not authorized and subscribed till March , and the yeere following . It is cleare then , that that office is abjured in the Confession of Faith , seing it was consuted by the word of God and Kirk of Scotland . In the Assembly holden at Glasgow in April 1581 we have this Declaration in the sixth Session , Anent the act made in the assembly holden at Dundie against Bishops , because some difficultie appeared to some Brethren to arise out of the word Office , contained in the said act , what should bee meant thereby , the Assembly consisting for the most part of such as voted , and were present in the assembly at Dundie , to take away the said difficultie . resolving upon the true meaning and understanding of the said act , declareth , that they meant wholly to condemce the whole state of Bishops , as they are now in Scotland , and that the same was the determination and conclusion of the Assembly at this time . Thirdly , in that Confession we professe , that we joyne our selves , willingly to this true reformed Kirke , in doctrine , faith , Religion , discipline , & use of the Sacraments , as livelie membere of the same in Christ our head , promising & swearing by the great name of the LORD our GOD , that we shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Kirke , & shall continue in the same according to our vocation and power all the dayes of our life , under the paines contained in the Law , and danger both of body and soule in the Daye of Gods fearefull Iudgment . But so it is , that the Episcopall governement was damned and the presbyteriall rested upon as most consonant to the word of God , & to be observed in all time comming , before the Confession of faith was subscribed . And while the generall assemblies wtre about the constitution of presbyteries , the King sent with the Laird of Capringtoun to the assemblie holden at Glasgow in Aprile 1581 a plot drawne up for that purpose , together with a letter which was to bee sent to the Noble-men and Gentlemen in the bounds for furtherance of the worke , which being considered and made more perfite , some were appointed by the assembly to see presbyteries erected everie where . The Confession of Faith was subscribed by the King and his houshold in Ianuar preceeding , and injoyned in March to be subscribed by the subjects , which Confession was approved by this assembly holden in Aprile , when directions were given for erection of Presbyteries . The subscription to the Confession and erection of presbyteries went forward together the same yeare . So the discipline by presbyteries was sworne to , and not by diocesian Bishops , or yet Superintendnets , which ceased in the yeere 1575. In the generall assembly holden in August 1590 , it was ordained as followeth , For as much , as it is certaine , that the word of God cannot bee kept in sinceritie , vnlesse the holy discipline bee observed , it is therefore by common consent of the whole brethren & Cōmissioners present concluded , that whosoever hath borne office in the ministrie within the Kirk of this realme , or presently beareth , or hereafter shall beare office therein shall be charged by every particular Presbyterie where they are resident , to subscribe the heads of the discipline of the Kirk in this realme , at length set down & allowed by act of the whole assembly in the botk of policie , which is registred in the register of the Kirk , & namely the heads controverted by the adversaries to discipline of the reformed Kirke within this realme , betwixt and the next synodall assemblies of the Provinces under the paine of Excommunication to bee executed against the none subscribers . & that the presbyteries which shall bee found remisse or negligtnt heerein shall bee rebuked publickely by the whole assembly , and to the end the said discipline be knowne as it ought to bee , by the whole brethren , it is ordained , that the Moderator of each Presbyterie shall receive frō the clerk of the assembly a copie of the said book under his subscription upō the expensses of the presbyterie , betwixt and the first daye of September next to come , under the paine to be accused openly in face of the whole Assembly . The same yeere 1590 the Confession of faith was again subscribed universally throghout the whole realme . It is cleare then what policie or discipline was then allowed & meant in the Confession of faith . In the Parliament holden anno 1592 it was ordained , that all presentations to benefices bee directed to particular presbyteries in time cōming with full power to give collation thereupon , & to put order to all matters and causes ecclesiasticall within their bounds , according to the discipline of the Kirke . Whensoever their was any meaning to erect that estate of Bishops , the Confession of faith was alledged in the contrare , as first in a dialogue writen anno 1585 by some learned and reverend Minister , and more at length anno 1606 , when their estate was restored by Parliament ; M. Andrew Melvill , M. Iames Melvill , and sundrie other Ministers commissioners from presbyteries subscribed that protestation , which is extant in print in that booke , which is entituled the Course of conformitie , and among the rest M. William Cowper , late Bishop of Galloway . M. Adam Ballendine now Bishop of Aberdene , and M. Iohn Aburnethie now Bishop of Cathnesse , who therefore are guiltie of that haynous crime , which the estates were desired to avoyde . In this Protestation the reverend brethren have these words following , Above all things , my Lords , beware to strive against God with an open & displayed banner , by building up againe the walls of Iericho , which the Lord hath not only cast downe , but also hath layd them under a terrible int●rdiction & execration , &c. But the Noblemen and Sates of this realme have the reverence of the oath of GOD made by themselves , and subscribed with their owne hands in the Confession of Faith , called the Kings Majesties Confession , published more than once or twise , and sworne by his most excellent Majestie , and by his highnesse Nobilitie , Estates , and whole Subjects of the realme , to hold them back from the setting up the dominion of Bishops . Because it is of veritie , that they subscrived and swore the said Confession , containing not only the maintenance of the true doctrine , but also of the discipline professed within the realme of Scotland . In the verification of the points offered to bee proved in the Protestation , they have these words in the 4. cap. But so it is , that the Bishoprie is one of the greatest errours and corruptions thereof , ( that is , of the adulterous Kirke of Rome ) and hath no arguments of Scripture , Fathers , Councells , nor reason , but the selfesame , that the Papists use . and in the 5 cap. we have these words . If so bee , that the setting up of Bishops will throw downe the discipline of our Kirke , or if that office hath any thing to doe with these corruptions of Papistrie and Antichristian hierarchie , the King our Soveraigne his most excellent Christian Majestie , and his Highnesse most ancient religious and noble estates of Parliament , if there were none other reaeson but this one ; would not for all the world fall under the danger of so horrible a perjurie against God to set up Bishops againe &c. But so it is , as all men knowe , the discipline and governement of the Kirk ▪ exercised by presbyteries and Bishops , are so farre opposed one to another , that when the one is set up , the other must downe of force . There fore the subscribers and swearers of the former Confession , if they should ( as God forbid ) goe about to set up Bishops and Episcopall governement , they could not eshew the cryme of horrible perjurie , execrable apostasie , and most cursed reparing of Iericho . The Reader may find more to this purpos● in the Protestation it selfe , & verification insert in the course of conformitie above mentioned . This much for Episcopacie , that it cannot consist with the Confession of Faith. That the five Articles are likewise abjured in the Confession of Faith is cleare , For in the Confession wee professe We abhore and detest all heads of Popery , as they were then damned and confuted by the Word of God , and kirk of Scotland his five bastard Sacraments , with all his rites and ceremonies and false doctrine added to the ministration of the true Sacraments , all his vaine allegories , rites , signes , and traditions brought in the Kirks , without , or against the word of God , and doctrine of this true reformed Kirk . But wee have already proved in sundrie printed bookes , that these five articles are traditions broght in the Kirk , without or against the word of God , and doctrine of this true reformed Kirk , that they have beene damned by our Kirk , that confirmation or Bishoping is one of the five bastard Sacraments , & privat baptisme importeth the absolute necessitie of baptisme , that kneeling is a rite and ceremonie added to the true ministration of the Sacraments without the word of God. And therefore for shortnesse wee referre the Reader to these printed treatises . For the present onely this much . M. Knox within a yeere after hee was exyled out of England , after the death of King Edward , in his admonition , directed to England , ranketh kneel●ng among the superstious orders , which prophane Christs true Religion . In a letter directed from Deep , anno 1559 to Mistresse Lock● hee calleth the crosse in baptisme & kneeling at the Lords table . Diobolte all inventions . In the first book of discipline hee and the rest of his fellowes contrivers of the booke , forbid celebration of the Communion at Easter , for the avoyding of the superstition of the time . The observation of Christmasse , cireumcision , epiphanie they judge ought to bee utterly abolished . that the obstinate maintainers , and teachers of such abominations as are there reckoned in the first head , of which observation of dayes is one , ought not to escape the punishment of the civill Magistrate . In the Parliamen● holden in the yeere 1567 , it was declared that whosoever refused to participat of the Sacraments , as they were then publickly ministred in this reformed Kirk were not true members of this Kirk . An act was likewise made corcerning the Kings oath to bee given at his Coronation to maintaine the due administration of the Sacraments then received , which was ratified in the Parliaments following anno 1581 and 1582. Againe , in the yeere 1572. it was ordained by act o● Parliament , that such as did not communicate and partake of the Sacraments , as they were then truely ministred , if they continue obstinate , shal be reputed infamous , unable to stand in judgement &c. The right administration of the Sacraments is set down in the first book of discipline , and the booke of common order prefixed to the Psalmes in me●ter , whereunto Ministers were referred by acts of the generall assemblies holden in the yeares 1562 and 1564. In the generall assembly holden at Edinburgh , anno 1566 the lattet confession of Helvetia was approved , but with speciall exception against the same five dayes , which are now urged upon us . In the assembly holden anno 1575. complaints were made against Ministers and readers because they assembled the people to prayer and preaching upon certaine festivall dayes . An article was formed to be presented to the Regent craving , that all dayes heeretofore keeped holy in time of Papistrie , beside the Lords day , bee abolished , and a civill punishment bee inflicted upon the observers . In the assembly holden in Aprile anno 1577 it was ordained , that the visitor with the advice of the synod shall admonish Ministers and readers , that read , preach , or minister the communion at Christmasse or Easter , or such superstitious times to desist under the paine of deprivation . King Iames in the assembly holden anno 1590 praised God that our Kirke was sincerer that Geneva it selfe , because they observed Christmasse and Easter without warrant , which our Kirk did not . In the booke of common order before the Psalmes it is said , that the Sacramenes are no● ordaind of God to be used in private orners , as charmers and sorcerers use to doe , but left to the Congregation , and necessarly annexed to Gods Word , and seales of the same . In the Assembly holden at Edinburgh in October , 1581 it was ordained , that the Sacraments be not ministred in private houses , but solemnely , according to the good order hitherto observed , under the paine of deposition from the function of the Ministerie . It is cleare then , that the five articles are contrare to the doctrine and practise of the Kirke of Scotland , and therefore abjured in the Confession of faith , It followeth then , that wee have made two breaches upon the Confession . and Covenant for maintaining the same , for which the LORD hath threatned us with moe novations , and alteration of the whole frame of our Religion . Had we not need then to renew our Covenant and promise to repare our breaches so farre as lyeth in us . As for antiquite , and other reformed Kirkes , their judgement corcerning the five articles , the writer of these late printed bookes whom you taxe , either alledge their authoritie against the same articles , or cleare their meaning , or answere with respect . No well reformed Kirk hath received kneeling or bishoping . Some observe holy dayes , but would be ridde of them . We may safely have fellowship with such Churches , if wee communicate not with their corruptions . As for the agreement betwixt the oath and Covenant about these things , with the 21 article in the Confessien extant in the acts of Parliament , wee can find no disagreement . The first booke of discipline in the head of the policie of the Kirk , distinguisheth betwixt thinges necessarie to bee observed in everie Kirk , and things variable to bee ordered by everie particulare Congregation . There everie particular Kirk is allowed to have a particular policie of their owne , without prejudice of the common and gene●all , as whether to conveene this or that daye of the weeke to the Sermon . or how many dayes . For the whic● and many like , there can bee no generall order set downe . That booke of discipline was penned by the same persons , who drew up the Confession . They meant never that the five articles , or the like superstitious rites and ceremonies were variable as appeareth by that which I have alreadie alledged . M. Knox who had a chiefe hand in that Confession maintained , after his first Sermon in publicke , in a convention of gray and black Friers at S. Andrewes , that the Kirke had no power to devise significant ceremonies . But these are properly called ceremonies , not politick constitutions for order and decencie . And the other Confession , which you call the negative , condemnes signes brought into the Kirk without or against the the word of God. Significant ceremonies beeing condemned , the crosse and the surplice or other superstitious apparell cannot bee received . You taxe the royall Mandat , if you alledge opposition betwixt the old Confession and the other , which you call the negative , but wee call the generall with a rejection of Popish errours as an appendicle . Before I come this length , I perceive your reasons for not authorizing or subscribing this Confession at this time have not beene applauded unto by his Majestie , and the Lords of secreet Counsell . What will you doe now ? will you stay your subscription till his Majestie subscribe , or will you joyne with the Covenanters , or will you subscribe with reservation , howsoever , if you will , The case is altered . You were unwilling before , but now I will not for the reasons containd in the Protestation made at the crosse of Edinburgh the 22 of September , where-unto I adhere . To the fourth Chapter . IN your former chapter , you seemed onely to except at our interpretations . But now you seeme to offend at the matter . For you saye , that in so farre as the matter of an oath is unlawfull or unlawfull , pl●asing or displeasing to GOD it ought to bee kept or broken , which is uncontroverted , but not to the purpose , unlesse you would insinuate , that there is some bad matter in the Confession . And so should it never have beene sworne to , or subscribed from the first houre notwithstanding of the royall mandat , or authorizing of it by the generall assembly . If you assume or apply , you should bee corrected before you bee confuted , first cast out , and then answered , by such as shall bee appointed . You exhort us not to judge hardly or uncharitablie one of another , nor breake the bond of peace and Christian brotherhood for diversitie of opinions among us for rites and ceremonies . Then you would have us to suffer the people to bee withdrawne by seducers from the simplicitie of the Gospell , and to admit Episcopacie which you seeme heere to ranke among rites and ceremonies . How can peace stand among men , when the glorie of God is not kept safe , sayeth Bernard epist. 126. Quomodo stabit pax hominum coram Deo , & cum Deo , si Deo apud homines non potest tuta esse sua gloria . FINIS . To fill vp this last sheet , I have heere subjoyned some Acts and constitutions of our Kirke , for the sitting of ruling Elders in the generall Assemblyes , Provineiall synods , and Presbyeeries , or as they are called in the book of Policie , the Common Elderships . IN the first booke of Discipline the office and power of Elders are described , where wee have these words , If hee , that is , the Minister , bee worthie of admonition , they , that is , the Elders , must admonish him , or correction , they must correct him , and if hee bee worthie of deposition , they with consent of the Kirk ▪ and Superintendent , maye depose him , so that his cryme deserve so . If they might do so with the Superintendent , they may doe as much with Ministers in a Presbyterie , which is come in the rowme of Superintendents . In the assembly holden in December anno 1562 it was ordained . that the Superintendent , give sufficient advertisement to the particular Kirks of the time and place appointed for the synodall convention , that the Minister with an Elder may repare to the place appointed . Power was granted to Superintendents in their synodall conventions , to translate Ministers from one Kirk to another , with consent of the most part of the Elders and Ministers . In the assembly holden in Iune anno 1563 it was ordaind that everie Superintendent cause warne the Shyres , towns and parish Kirks within his jurisdiction to send their commissioners to the generall Assembly . In the assembly holden anno 1568 in Iulie , when order was set downe to bee followed in choosing Commissioners with power to vote in the generall Assembly , it was ordainde that Ministers , and Commissioners of shyres shal be chosen at the Synodall convention of the diocie , with consent of the rest of the Ministers and Gentlemen , that shall conveene at the said synodall convention . In the generall assembly holden in Februar 1609 we find registrated , that the Superintendent of Angus & Merns Coomm●ssioner at that time for the shiresdomes of Aberdeene & Bamse , had deprived the Principall . Subprincipall , and some Regents in Aberdeene , with advice and consent of the Ministers , Elders and Commissioners present , which is , alledged before in the first Chapter . In the book of policie , or second booke of discipline agreed upon anno 1578 we have these conclusions . In the end of the sixth chapter . There , that is , the Elders , principall office is to hold assemblies with the Pastors and Doctors , who are also of their number for establishing of good order , and execution of discipline . In the 7 chapter . It is meete that some of the Elders bee chosen out of everie particular Congregation to concurre with the rest of their Brethren in the common Assembly , that is , the Presbyterie ▪ and to take up the delations of offences within their owne Kirks ▪ and bring them to this assembly . This wee gather out of the practise of the primitive Kirk where Elders or colledges of Seniors were constitute in Cities , and famous places . The Power of election of these who beare ecclesiasticall charges pertaineth to this kinde of assembly within their owne bounds , beeing well erected and constitute of many Pastours and Elders of sufficient abilitie . By the like reason , their deposition also pertaineth to this kind of Assembly , as of them that teach erronious and corrupt doctrine . that bee of slanderous life , and after admonition desist not , that bee given to schisme or rebellion against the Kirk , manifest blasphemie , symonie &c. Provinciall assemblyes wee call lawfull conventions of the Pastors , Doctors and other Elders of a province , gathered for the common affaires of the Kirkes thereof . The Nationall assembly , which is generall to us , is a lawful convention of the whole Kirkes of the realme , or nation wher it is used , or gathered for the common affaires of the Kirke & maye bee called the generall Eldership of the whole Kirkes within the Realme , In the leter sent by King Iames to Noblemen and Gentlemen anno 1581 for furtherance of the erection of presbyteries wee have these words . It is thought impossible to attaine to any formall order likely to have continuance to the posteritie over our whole realme , while the ancient bounds of the diocies bee dissolved , where the Parishes are thick together , and small be united , and where they be ever great , and of larger boundes be divided , and thereafter presbyteries or Elderships constitute for a dozen of parishes or thereabouts , some more , some fewer , as the commoditie of the countrie lyeth , wher the ministrie and Elders in these boundes conveening maye commodiously exerce discipline , and take order in the affaires of the Kirke , so far as shall be appointed , before the cognition bee brought to the synodall assembly . In the assembly holden at Sainct Andrewes in Aprile , 1582 in answere to some , concerning Elders wee have this answere . Concerning such Elders as verse not in the word their resort to the Presbyterie shall bee no farther urged strictly , than the weightinesse & occasion upō intimation and advertisement made by the Pastors and Doctors shall require , at which time they shall give their concurrence , yet such as may commodiously resort are to bee exhorted to bee present at all times . The Presbyterie or eldership of Edinburgh was erected upon the penult of May 1581. consisting of fifteen or sixtene Ministers of the Kirks adjacent within foure or five myles , and some Barons and Gentlemen elders out of everie Kirk for that effect . So the right of ruling Elders in presbyteries was put in practice at the first erection and constitution of Presbyteries , and none were constitute without them . This forme and order was a great eye-fore to M. Patrick Adamsone pretended Bishop of Saint Andrewes , as the Reader maye see in his Declaration set foorth under the Kings name , but falsely in these turbulent times anno 1584 and 1585. Where●unto an answere was made by such as were men of chiefe note in our Kirk , I insert here onely the answere following so far as concernes this point . As to the eight intention , it is accursed and proceedeth from the verie instinct of Satan , manifesting hims●lfe without cloak & colour . For there is damned . first the name of Presbyterie ▪ next the office bearers in the Presbyterie , and thirdly th●ir authoritie and jurisdiction : The assemblyes of Ministers and Gentlemen called by you a popular confusion ▪ is called in the Scriptures by Christ himself the Kirk and by the Apostle Paull , presbyterie or eldership , Elders that labour not in the word , but censuring manners , are called rulers and governours , to which office Gentlemen , and other qualified persons , who are not Ministers maye bee ca●led , This presbyterie conveened in the name and authoritie of the Lord Iesus , hath a spirituall power proceeding immediatly of God , and neither of Angell or man , to rule his Kirk , to reason , de liberate and conclude in matters ecclesiasticall , whose conclusions , resolutions and deliberations , are of such sort , that what they bind or loose on earth according to Gods word , is bound or loosed likewise in the heavens , and whosoever contemneth the authoritie thereof , should bee esteemed among the children of God , as an Ethnick or publican . The author of a learned Dialogue written likewise in these times reporteth , that the same usurping Prelate had approved this order by his owne hand writt . He protested himselfe before God afterward , when hee made his recantation , that hee was commanded by the Chancelour and Secretar for the time to set foorth the Declaration and promised , if God spared his life to write in defence of the forme and order of the Presbyteries established . In the Assembly holden in May 1586 , we have these conclusions , 1. It is found that all such as the scripture appointeth governours of the Kirke , to Wit , pastors , doctors & elders may conveene to the generall assembly and vote in ecclesiasticall matters , & all others that have any sute , or other things to propone to the assembly maye bee there present , to give in their sutes , propone things profitable for the Kirke , vnd heare reasoning , but shall not vote . 2. There are foure ordinarie office , bearers set downe to us by the scriptures , to wit Postors Doctors , Eiders and deacons , and that the name of Bishop ought not to bee taken , as it hath beene in time of Papistrie , but is common to all Pastours and Ministers . In the assembly holden in August 1590 it was ordained that all that did then beare , or were hereafter to beare office in the ministerie subscribe the heads of discipline set down in the booke of policie , under the paine of excommunication , speciallie to the heads controverted 2nd opposed by the adversaries to our discipline , and consequently to the constitution of presbyteries consisting of Ministers , and ruling Elders . I wonder that any should doubt of the meaning and practise of our Kirk , seeing they are not ignorant that Elders have place in sessions . or elderships of particular Kirks , & in generall assemblyes , the lowest and the highest judicatories , but that that they should likewise have place in presbiteries and provinciall Synods , seing presbyteries are made up by the particular elderships , and provinciall Synods by presbyteries . One minister maye governe like a Pope his parish without Elders , if fifteene or sixteene ministers may governe fifteene or sixteene parishes without them . The affaires of the Kirke , and matters of Religion are a common cause , which Ministers ought not to engrosse to themselves . Our Elders have not sit in prebyteries these many yeeres , not by law annulling or abrogating the former constitutions , but partly through their owne negligence , partly through the pride , or ill conscience of some ministers in some part , so that is fared with us , as with the Kirke of old , of which Ambrose complaineth writing on . 1 Tim. 5. Vnde & synagoga , & postea ecclesiae seniores habuit , quorum sine consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia . Quod qua negligentia obsoleverit nescio , nisi forte Doctorum desidia ant magis superbia , dum soli volunt aliquid videri . FINIS , Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01039-e130 Icr. 3.11 . Notes for div A01039-e240 Contra Faust. l. 13 c. 15. Polan syn . lib. cap. 25 De Ieiunio . c. 4. 
A11742	----	Reasons against the rendering of our sworne and subscribed confession of faith Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. 1638 Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11742 STC 22036.5 ESTC S105682 99841408 99841408 5989 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11742) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5989) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 561:5) Reasons against the rendering of our sworne and subscribed confession of faith Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. [4] p. Printed by G. Anderson?, [Edinburgh : 1638] By Archibald Johnston, Lord Warriston. Erroneously attributed to Alexander Henderson. Caption title. Imprint from STC. Signatures: C² . In this edition C2r line 1 has: prelates. Probably intended to be issued with STC 22026, but often found bound with STC 22030, 22056, and other items (STC). Identified as STC 22036a on UMI microfilm. Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History, (17th century) -- Early works to 1800. Covenants (Church polity) -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Reasons against the rendering of Our sworne and subscribed Confession of Faith. 1. IF wee should rendér Our subscribed Covenant , wee can not bee free of the great guiltinesse of Perjurie before GOD : for as Wè were drawn by necessitie to enter into a mutuall Union and Conjunction amongst Our selves . So are Wee bound not only by the Laws of GOD and nature , but by Our solemne Oath and Subscription , against all dangerous or divisive motions , by all lawfull meanes to promove and observe the same without violation , and not suffer our selves by whatsoever suggestion , allurement , or terror , directly or indirectly to be divided , or drawn from it : And it is too manifest , that no mo●ion can be more divisive upon the one side , nor can we upon the other part more directly give way to division , then willingly , and with our own consent to render the band of our union and conjunction to be destroyed , that no testimony thereof may be any more extant . 2. Wee would distinguish ( except wee will decave our selves ) between Res Iurata , that which is sworn , and Iuratio our swearing thereof : for although all the generall and particular points contained in our subscribed Covenant were to be insert in another Covenant , to be made by the expresse commandement of authority ; yet to rander our sworne Confession , were both to passe from our swearing thereof , a● si res esset integra , as if we had never sworne and subscribed ; and also to destroy that which we have beene doing , as a thing unlawfull , and to be repented of . It were not only to make our oath to be no oath , our subscription no subscription , and our testimony no testimony , but really to acknowledge and Confesse our selves in this to have beene transgressours ; so that we can neither clame any right to the promise of GOD , nor think our selves obliged in any duety to GOD by vertue of that oath . It must ever be remembred that oaths and perjuries are multiplied , not only according to the diversity of the things that are sworne , but according to the sweareing of the same thing at diverse times ; so oft as we sweare and subscribe the same thing , by so many oathes and obligations are we bound unto GOD , and consequently the rendering of our subscription , is the renunceing of that individuall b●nd and obligation , although possibly by another we may s●●nd bound or sworne . 3. Our voluntary renewing of our Covenant with GOD , carieth greater evidence of a free service to GOD : then if it had beene done by expresse commandement of authority : Because the power of GOD makeing his people so willing , and the readinesse and sincerity of the people is so much the more manifest , like as the LORD from heaven hath testified his acceptance by the wonderfull workings of his Spirit in the hearts both of pastors and people , to their great comfort and strengthning in every duety , above any measure that ever hath beene heard of in this Land ; And therefore to give any token of recalling the same were unthankfully to misregard the work of GOD , and to quite all the comforts and corroborations that the people of GOD have to their great joy experienced at this time . 4. We have decla●ed before GOD and the world , that this our Covenant , as it now stand●th sworne and subscribed , is lawfull and necessary , that it is done in obedience to the commandement of GOD , conforme to the practice of the godly , and according to the laudable example of our religious progenitors , who by the like oath have obliged us to the substance and tenor of this : And therefore if we should now by rendering our Covenant un●o that which we have done , we should deny the commandement of God , condemne the examples in scripture , and the practis●s in this kirk , and precondemne all like commendable cou●ses to be taken by posterity in the like exigence . 5. No Covenant in things civile can be alt●red or rescinded without consent of the parties with whom it is made ; But Our Covenant is a religious Covenant made with GOD and amongst Our selves , and therefore can not be rendered without the expresse consent of the meanest of all the subscribers ▪ who justly for their comfort may crave of Us all the benefite and performance thereof . 6. There is no appearance that such as affect the prelates and their courses , will be moved to sweare and subscribe all the parts of this Covenant : As for instance , To labour by all meanes to recover the former puritie and libertie of the Gospel , as it was established and professed , before the novations alreadie introduced , or to declare that they undoubtedly do believe , that the innovations and evils contained in Our Supplications ; Complaints , and Protestations are abjured in the Confession of Faith , as other heads of Poperie expresly contained therein . 7. Although all the points of the subscribed Covenant were ratified by act of Parliament , yet could we not render the subscribed Covenants : Because acts of Parliament are changeable , and of the nature of a civile ratification : And it is necessarie , that this Our Oath being a religious and perpetuall obligation , should stand in vigour for the more firme establishing of religion in Our owne time , and in the generations following . 8. All the world may justly wonder at Our inconstancie , and Our enemies who in their insolencie are readie to insult upon Us at the least occasion , would not cease to mock at Us , and traduce Us as perjured Covenant-breakers , and troublers of the peace of the kirk and kingdome , without any necessary cause . 9. Although we do not compare the Scriptures of God wi●h a written confession of faith , yet as the rendering of the Bible w●s the sin of Traditores of old , and a signe of the denyall of the truth contained therein : so the rendering of Our Confession of faith , so solemnly sworne and subscribed , for staying the ●●urse of defection , and for barring of Poperie , and all other corrupt●o●s of religion , could be interpreted to be no lesse , then a reall denyall of Our Faith before men , in a time when GOD calleth for the Confession thereof . 10. Many fair promises have beene made , for not urging of articles already concluded , and for not troubling us with any further novations , which being beleived , have ensnared many , and drawne them on to doe that which otherwise they would not have done , all which promises have beene broken and denyed , when the performance was craved . And why shall We not expect the like in this case , especially where the challenge will be found to be more hard and difficile ? Objections answered . Ob. 1. IT may be objected that the Confession of Faith being confirmed by the Kings Authoritie were much to be pr●ferred to this , which seemeth to have no expresse command●ment of authoritie . Ans. 1. Our Covenant wanteth not the warr and civile and eccle●i●sticall , which authorised the former Covenant : 2. Although rash and unadvised oathes be unlawfull , yet voluntary covenanting with God is m●re free service to God ( as hath beene said before ) then that which is comm●nded by Authoritie . 3. We ought not to do ill that good may come of it , and must resolve to choose affliction rather then iniquitie . Ob. 2. The rendering of the whole copies of the subscribed Covenant were a ready meane to remove all feares of the Kings wrath against the subscribers . Ans. 1. It is more fearefull to fall in the band of the living GOD. 2. They wrong the King who t●reaten his good subjects With his Wrath , for covenanting with GOD , in defence of religion and of his Majesties Person and Authoritie . 3. It were more righteous with God to turn his Majesties Heart and hand against Vs , for d●●ling thus deceatfully in his Covenant . O● 3. If this be not granted , his Majestie will grant neither ●●ssemblie nor Parliament for establishing Religion , and setling the peace of the kirk and kingdome . Ans. 1. The good providence of God so sensible in this whole 〈…〉 beginning , will incline the heart of so just and gratious a king , to 〈◊〉 more kindely and benignely with his good Subjects . 2. We have law , reason , and custome for craving and expecting of 〈…〉 remedies of the grievances and feares of the whole kirk a●d c●untrey . Ob. 4. The end of the making of our Covenant was , that we might be delivered from the innovations of religion , which being obteined , our Covenant should cease , as having no further use . Ans. 1. As acts of Parliament against poperie did not abolish our former Confess●●n of faith , wherein poperie was abjured , So Acts of Parli●ment to be made against these innovations can not make our Co●●nant to be unprofitable . 2. Although the innovations of religion 〈◊〉 the o●●●sion of makeing this Covenant , yet our intention was a●●i●st th●se , and against all other innovations and corruptions to e●●ablish religion by an euerlasting Covenant never to be forgotten . 
A11655	----	The protestation of the noblemen, barrons, gentlemen, borrowes, ministers, and commons; subscribers of the confession of faith and covenant, lately renewed within the kingdome of Scotland, made at the Mercate Crosse of Edinburgh the 22. of September immediatly after the reading of the proclamation, dated September 9. 1638 Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. 1638 Approx. 43 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11655 STC 21904 ESTC S100065 99835917 99835917 150 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11655) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 150) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1291:05) The protestation of the noblemen, barrons, gentlemen, borrowes, ministers, and commons; subscribers of the confession of faith and covenant, lately renewed within the kingdome of Scotland, made at the Mercate Crosse of Edinburgh the 22. of September immediatly after the reading of the proclamation, dated September 9. 1638 Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. aut [28] p. Printed [by George Anderson], [Edinburgh] : In the Year of God, 1638. Drawn up by Sir A. Johnson of Warriston and Alexander Henderson.--STC. A2r line 4 from bottom begins: 'liklie'; C2r line 1 begins '(if'. Signatures: A-C⁴ D² . Some print show-through. Reproduction of the original in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. -- General Assembly -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-04 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-04 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PROTESTATION OF THE NOBLEMEN , BARRONS , GENTLEMEN , BORROWES , MINI STERS , AND COMMONS ; Subscribers of the Confession of Faith and Covenant , lately renewed within the Kingdome of Scotland , made at the Mercate Crosse of Edinburgh the 22. of September immediatly after the reading of the proclamation , dated September 9. 1638. Printed in the year of God , 1638. The Protestation of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Borrowes , Ministers , and Commons , &c. WEE Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , His Majesties true and loyall Subjects , that whereas our continuall supplications , complaints , articles , and informations presented first to the Lords of His Majesties privie Counsell , Next , to His sacred Majestie ; and last from time to time to His Majesties Commissionar , our long attendance and great patience this twelve moneth bygone in waiting for satisfaction of our most just desires , Our zeale to remove all rubs out of the way , which were either mentioned unto us , or could be conceaved by us , as hinderances of our pious intentions , aiming at nothing but the good of the Kingdome , and preservation of the Kirk , which by consumption or combustion is liklie to expire ; delighting to use no other meanes but such as are legall , and have beene ordinarie in this Kirk , since the reformation , and labouring according to our power and interesse , that all things might be caried in a peaceable manner worthie of our Profession and Covenant , Our Protestation containing a heartie thanksgiving for what his Majestie in his proclamation from his justice had granted of our just desires ; and our Protests and hopes for somuch as was not as yet granted . All these made us confidentlie to expect from his Majesties royall and compassioned disposition towards this his native kingdome , that a free generall assemblie , and parliament should have beene indicted , as the ordinare and most proper remedies of our greevances , and did constraine us to renew our petition , earnestlie intreating , that His Majesties Commissionar , would be pleased to represent unto His Majestie the condition of this Kirk and kingdome , crying in an extreame exigencie for present helpe , with the lawfulnesse of the remedies prescribed by his Majesties lawes , required by us , and presented to him in some particular articles , which his Grace promised to recommend to his Maiestie , and to doe his best indeavours for obtaining the same ; especiallie the first article , that there might bee indicted a full and free generall assemblie , without prelimitation , either in the constitution and members thereof , in the order and manner of proceeding , or in the matters to be treated : and if there should be any question or doubt about one of these , or such like particulars , that the determination thereof might bee remitted to the assemblie it self , as the only proper and competent judge . And now after so many suplications , complaints , articles , and informations , after our necessarie protestation , expressing the humble thankfulnesse and continued desires of our hearts , after so long expectation and so much dealing , having with open ears , and attentive mindes heard his Majesties proclamation , it is our desire , purpose , and endevour so to proceede , that we may upon the one part still be thankfull to God , and the King , for the least blinke of His Majesties countenance , and the smallest crums of comfort that fall unto us from His Majesties royall hands , beseeching the Lord , yet further to enlarge his Majesties heart , for our full satisfaction , and rejoiceing to the honour of God , the good of this kirk and kingdome , and his Majesties never dying fame and glorie , that his wife government & zeal to the service of God , may be a measure and patern of desires to all generations heereafter , when they shall bee wishing for a religious and righteous King. And on the other part , that Christ our Lord , the King of kings , through our neglect or lukewarmnesse , may want no part of his Soveraignitie and Dominion ; and that in our religion , which is more deare unto us then our lives , we deceive not our selves , with that which can not satisfie , and make up the breach of this kirk and kingdome , or remove our feares , doubts , and suspitions , of the innovations of religion : This hath made us to observe , and perceave , that his Majesties proclamation doeth ascribe all the late distractions of this Kirk and Common-wealth , to our conceaved seares of the innovation of religion and law , as the cause and occasion thereof , and not to the innovations themselves , with which wee have beene for a long time , and especially of late heavily pressed and grieved , as if the cause were rather in apprehension and fancie , then in realitie and substance . That the service book and book of Canons are not so far discharged by this proclamation , as they have beene urged by preceeding proclamations ; for this proclamation onely dischargeth the practice of them , and rescinds the actes made for establishing their practise , but doeth not rescinde the former proclamations , namely that of the 19. of Februar , at Stirling , and that of the fourth of Julie at Edinburgh , which give an high approbation to these books , as fit meanes to maintaine religion , and to beate downe all superstition , and withall , declares his Majesties purpose , to bring them into this kirk in a fair and legall way ; and thus both our feares , that they may be introduced heereafter , must still remaine , and the libertie of the generall Assemblie , by such a declaration of his Majesties judgement , is not a little prejudged , in the mindes of so many as wisely consider , and compare the preceeding proclamations with this which we now hear , although others who looking upon one step , and not upon the whole progresse , run on rashly , and neither considering what they are doing , nor with whom they are dealing , may bee easily deceived , Qui pauca videt , cito judicat , a short sight maketh a suddaine judgement . That it is declared in this proclamation , that His Majestie neither intendeth to innovate any thing in religion or laws , or to admit of any change or alteration in the true religion alreadie established and professed in this kingdome : and withall , this is interposed , that the articles of Pearth are established by the acts of parliament , and generall assemblie , and dispensation of the practice only granted , and discharge given , that no person be urged with the practice thereof ; and consequently , His Majesties intention for the standing of the acts of the Assemblie and Parliament , appointing the articles of Pearth , is manifest , which is no small prejudice to the freedome of the generall Assemblie , That while the Proclamation ordaineth all his Majesties subjects to be lyable to the tryall and censure of the Judicatories competent , and that none of them shall use any unlimited and unwarranted power ; likewise that no other oath bee administred to Ministers at their entrie , then that which is conteined in the Act of Parliament , in both these articles the bishops are meaned , who are only thereby for the present curbed , against their exorbitancie and enormities , in exercing their office ; but the office of bishops is thereby not only presupposed as it questionable , but also so strongly established , that His Maiestie declareth for the present his intention , to admit no innovation therein , which is more evident by the indiction of the Parliament , warning all prelats to bee present , as having voice and place in Parliament : and by the indiction of the assemblie , warning all archbishops and bishops ( for so are their diverse degrees and offices Ecclesiasticall here designed and supposed ) to bee present ; as having place and voice in the Assemblie , contrare to the caveats , acts of the Kirk , and our declinator ; and thus a third and great limitation is put upon the generall Assemblie . The Proclamation by reason of these many reall limitations , and preiudices of the libertie of the Assemblie in the very points , which have wrought so much woe and disturbance in this Kirk and Kingdome , and wherein the libertie of the Assemblie is most usefull and necessarie at this time , can neither satisfie our grievances and complaints , nor remove our feares and doubts , nor can not without protestation bee admitted by us his Maiesties subiects , who earnestly desire that Trueth and Peace may bee established , and that for the reasons following , 1. TO keepe silence in any thing , that may serve for the good of the Kirk , whether it bee in preaching , prayer , or in proposing , and voiceing in a lawfull Assemblie of the Kirk , is against the word of God , Esai . 62. 6. Yee that are the Lords remembranceers , keepe not silence , and give him no rest , till he establish , and till hee make Ierusalem a praise in the earth : 1 King. 18. 21. Like the halting of the people betweene two opinions , and their not answering a word , when the LORD called them to give a testimonie ; Act. 20. 20. I have keeped backe nothing that was profitable unto you : And againe , 1 Cor. 12. 7. Math. 15. 18. Rom. 1. 18. Revel . 2. 14. 20. and 3. 15 , and therefore to keepe silence , or not to medle with corruptions , whether in doctrine , sacraments , worship , or discipline , in a generall Assemblie of the Kirk , conveened for that end , were the readie way to move the Lord to deny his Spirit unto us , and to provoke him to wrath against our proceedings , and might be imputed unto us for preiudice , for collusion , and for betraying our selves , and the posteritie . 2. This predetermination is against our supplications , and protestations , wherein wee have showne our selves so earnest for a free generall Assemblie , contrare to every limitation of this kinde , so far preiudging the libertie thereof , is against the Confession of Faith , registrated in the Parliament 1567. declaring , that one cause of the councels of the Kirk is for good policie and order to bee observed in the Kirk , and for to change such things as men have devised , when they rather foster superstition then edifie the Kirk , using the same , and is against our late Confession , wherein wee have promised to forbeare all novations till they bee tryed , which obligeth us to forebeare now , and to trye them in an Assembly & by all lawfull meanes to labour to recover the former puriue and libertie of the Gospell to which this limitation is directly repugnant , our libertie in agenerall assembly beeing the principall of all lawfull meanes serving to that end . 3 , This were directly contrarie to the nature and ends of a generall assembly , which having authority from GOD , beeing conveened according to the lawes of the Kingdome , and receiving power from the whole collective bodie of the Kirk , for the good of Religion , and safety of the Kirke ; What-so-ever maye conduce for these good ends in wisedome and modestie should bee proponed , examined , and determined without Prelimitation , either of the matters to be treated , or of the libertie of the members thereof . It beeing manifest , that as farre as the assembly is limited in the matters to bee treated , and in the members to bee used , the necessarie ends of the Assembly , and the supreme Law , which is the safetie of the Kirk , are as farre hindered , and prejudged . This limitation is against the Discipline of the Kirk , which booke 2. chap. 7. declareth this to be one of her liberties , That the Assembly hath power to abrogate and abolish all Statuts and ordinances concerning ecclesiasticall matters that are found noysome and unprofitable and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people , and against the acts of the generall assembly . Like as the pretended Assembly 1610. declareth for the common affaires of the Kirke ( without exception or limitation ) it is necessare that there bee yearely generall Assemblies , And what order can bee hoped for heere-after if this assembly indicted after so long intermission , and so many grosse corruptions bee limited , and that more than ever any lawfull Assembly of the Kirk was , when it was yearely observed . 5. It is ordained in Parl. 11. act 40. K. Iames 6. anent the necessare and lawfull forme of all Parliaments that nothing shall bee done , or commanded to bee done , which maye directly or indirectly prejudge the libertie of free voycing or reasoning of the Estates , or any of them in time comming . It is also appointed in Parl. 6 : act 92. K. Iames 6. that the Lordes of Counsell and Session proceed in all civill causes intended or depending before them , or to bee intended , to cause execute their decrees notwithstanding any private wryting , charge , or command in the contrare , and generally by the acts of Parliament appointing everie matter for its owne judicatorie , and to all judicatories their owne freedome . And therefore much more doeth this libertie belong to the supreme judicatorie ecclesiastick in matters so important as concerneth GOD'S honour and worship immediatly , the salvation of the peoples Soules & right constitution of the Kirk whose liberties & priledges are confirmed Parl. 12. K. Iames. 6. Parl. 1. K. Charles . ▪ for if it be carefully provided by diverse Acts of Parliament , especially Parl. 12. act 148. K. Iames 6. That there bee no forstalling or regrating of thinges pertaining to this naturall life : What shall bee thought of this spirituall forstalling and regrating which tendeth to the famishing or poysoning of the soules of the people both now and in the generations afterward . 6. It were contrare to our Protestations , proceedings and complaints against the late innovations . And it might bee accompted an innovation and usurpation as grosse and dangerous to us , and the posteritie , and as prejudiciall to Religion as any complained upon by us , to admitt limitations , and secret or open determinations , which belongeth to no person or judicatorie , but to an Asembly , Or to consent to , and approve by our silence the same praedeterminations It were to be guiltie of that our selves , which we cōdemne in others Wee maye easilye judge how the Apostles before the Counsell of Ierusalem , the Fathers bee fore the Nicene Councell , and our Predecessors before the assembly ▪ holden at the Reformation , and afterwards would have taken such dealing . That this Proclamation commandeth all his Majesties Subjects for maintenance of the Religion already established to subscribe and renew the Confession of Faith subscribed before in the yeere 1580 and afterward . And reqyreth the Lords of privie Counsell to take such course anent the same , and the generall Band of Maintenance of the true Religion , and the Kings person , that it may bee subscribed , and renewed throughout the whole Kingdome with all possible diligence , which cannot now be performed by us . For although of late wee would have beene glad that our selves and other his Majesties Subjects had beene commanded by authoritie to sweare , and subscribe the generall Confession of Faith against Popish errous , and superstitions : and now would bee glad that all others should joyne with us in our late Couenant and Confession , descending more specially to the novations and errours of the time , and obliging us to the defence of Religion ; & of the Kings Majesties person , and authoritie , and for these endes to the mutuall defence everie one of us of another , Yet can wee not nowe after so necessarie . and so solemne a specification returne to the generall for the reasons following . 1. No meanes have beene left unassayed against our late Confession of Faith and Covenant so solemnely sworne and subscribed . For first wee were prest with the rendering and rescinding of our Covenant . Next an alteration in some substantiall pointes was urged , 3 , a Declaration was motioned , which tended to the enervation thereof , and now wee finde in the same straine , that wee are put to a new tryall , and the last meane is used more subtile than the former : That by this new subscription our late Covenant , & Confession maye bee quite absorbed and buried in oblivion , that where it was intended and sworne to bee an everlasting Covenant never to bee forgotten , it shall bee never more remembred , the one shall bee cryed up , and the other drowned in the noyse thereof , And thus the new subscription now urged ( although in a different waye ) shall prove equivalent to the rendering of the Covenant , or what of that kinde hath before beene assayed . Like as the reasons against the rendering of the Covenant , doe militate directly against this new motion . 3. If we should now enter upon this new Subscription , wee would thinke our selves guiltie of mocking God , and taking his Name in vaine , for the tears that began to be poured forth at the solemnizing of the Covenant are not yet dryed up & wyped away , & the joyfull noyse which then began to sound hath not yet ceased ▪ and there can bee no new necessitie from us , and upon our part pretended for a ground of urging this new subscription , at first intended to be an abjuration of Popery upon us who are knowne to hate poperie with an unfained hatred , and have all this yeere bygone given large testimonie of our zeale against it . As wee are not to multiply miracles upō Gods part , so ought wee not to multiplie solemne oathes and Covenants upon our part , and thus to play with oathes , as children doe with their toyes , without necessitie . 3. Neither would wee in giving way to this new subscription think our selves free of perjurie : for as wee were driven by an undeclinable necessitie to enter into a mutuall Covenant , so are wee bound , not onely by the law of GOD and nature , but by our solemne oath and subscription , against all divisive motions to promove and observe the same without violation : and it is most manifest , that having already refused to render , alter , or destroye our Covenant , nothing can bee more contrarie and adverse to our pious intentions and sincere resolutions , than to consent to such a subscription and oath , as both in the intention of the urgers , and in the nature and condition of the matter urged , is the readie waye to extinguish , and to drowne in oblivion the Band of our union and conjunction that they bee no more remembred . In this case we are called to lay seriously to our hearts . 1 , That wee have sworne that wee shall neither directly , nor iudirectly suffer our selves to bee divided and with-drawne from this blessed & loyall conjunction , which consisteth not only in the generall Confession but also in our explanation , and application thereof , but on the contrarie , shall by all lawfull meanes , labour to further and promove the same . 2. That our union and conjunction may bee observed without violation , ( and so without mutilation of our application ) wee call the living LORD to witnesse , as wee shall answere to Christ in the great Day , &c. 4. This new subscription , in stead of performing our vowes , would be a reall testimonie and confession before the World , That wee have beene transgressours in making rash vowes , that wee repent our selves of former zeale and fordwardnesse against the particulars exprest first in our Supplications , Complaints , and Protestations , & next abjured in our Covenant , that wee in our iudgment prefer the general Confession unto this , which necessarly was now made more speciall ; & that we are now under the fair pretext and honest cover of a new oath recanting and undoing that , which upon so mature deliberation wee have beene doing before , This beside all other evills , were to make waye and open a doore to the re-entry of the particulars abjured , and to repent our selves of our chiefest consolations , and to lie both against God and our owne soules . 5. It hath beene often objected , that our Confession of faith , and Covenant was unlawfull , because it wanted the warrants of publick authoritie , and it hath beene answered by us , that wee were not destitute of the warrant civill and ecclesiasticall which authorized the former Covenant . And although wee could have wished that his Majestie had added both his subscription and authoritie unto it , yet the lesse constraint from authoritie and the more libertie , the lesse hypocrisie , and more sinceritie hath appeared : But by this new subscription urged by authoritie wee both condemne our former subscription as unlawfull . because alleadged to bee done without authoritie , and precondemne also the lyke laudable course in the like necessitie to bee taken by the posteritie , 6. What is the use of merch-stones upon borders of Lands , the like use hath Confessions of Faith in the Kirke , To disterminate and divide betwixt Trueth and errour : and the renewing and applying of Confessions of Faith to the present errours and corruptions , are not unlike ryding of merches And therfore to content our selves with the generall , and ro returne to it , from the particulare application of the Confession necessarlye made upon the invasion or creeping in of errours within the borders of the Kirke , if it bee not a removeing of the merch stone from the owne place , It is at least the hyding of the merch in the ground that it bee not seene , which at this time were verie unseasonable for two causes . One is ▪ because Poperie is so pregnant , and powerfull in this land , as wee have learned of late . The other , because the Papists who upon the urging of the Service booke , and Canons , 〈…〉 of our returne to Rome , will upon this our subscription aryse from their dispareing of us , unto their 〈◊〉 presumption . None of us will denye , but the 〈◊〉 Confessionn of Faith registrated in the Acts of Parliament , doeth by consequence containe this short confession and abjuration : Yet were it not sufficient against Poperye to subscribe the one without the other . how then shall wee thinke that the more generall Confession and abjuration at this time , when the urging of such Popish books hath extorted from us so necessarie an application , and doth still call for a testimonie , to bee compleet eneugh without it . 7. The Papists shall heereby bee occasioned to renew their old objection against us , Annuas & menstruas sides de Deo decernunt . That our Faith changeth with the Moone , or once in the yeere . Other reformed Kirkes might justly wonder at our inconstancie in changing our Confession without any reall necessitie , & that in one & the same yere it commeth forth larger , & more particulare , then shorter , and more generall : and our Adversaries will not faile to traduce us as troublers of the peace of the Kirke and Kingdome without anye necessar cause . 8. It will likewise prove a confirmation of their errour , who think they maye both subscribe the Confession of Faith , and receive the Service booke , and Canons , which is not onely a direct scandaling of them , but also a readie waye to put a weapon in their hands against our selves , who maintaine and professe that these and such other evills are abjured in the Confession of Faith. 9. It wee should now sweare this Confession wee should bee obliged by our oath to maintaine Perth articles , which are the innovations already introduced in the worship of God , and to maintaine Episco pacie , with the civill places , and power of Kirkmen . Because wee are bound to sweare this Confession by vertue of and conforme unto the Kings command signed by his sacred Majestie of the date September 9. 1638. ( These are the very words subjoined to the Confession and Band , and prefixed to the Subscriptions ) and it cannot bee denyed , but any oath ministred unto us , must either bee refused ; or else taken according to the known minde , professed intention , and expresse command of Authoritie urging the same : And it is most manifest , that His Majesties minde , intention , and Commandement , is no other , but that the Confession bee sworne , fot the maintenance of religion , as it is alreadie or presently professed , ( these two being coincident , altogether one and the same , not only in our common forme of speaking , but in all His Maiesties proclamations ) and thus as it includeth , and conteineth within the compasse thereof , the foresaids novations and Episcopacie , which under that name were also ratified , in the first Parliament holden by his Maiestie . And where it may be objected , that the Counsellours have subscribed the Confession of Faith , as it was professed 1580. and will not urge the Subscription in an other sense upon the Subjects . We answere , First , the Act of Counsell containing that declaration , is not as yet published by Proclamation . Secondly , if it were so published , it behooved of necessitie either be repugnant to His Majesties declared Judgement and Command , which is more not to sweare without warrand from Authoritie ( a fault although unjustly often objected unto us ) or else wee must affirme the Religion in the yeare 1580. and at this time to bee altogether one and the same ▪ and thus must acknowledge , that there is no novation of Religion , which were a formall contradiction to that we have sworn . 3. By approving the Proclamation anent the Oath to be administred to Ministers , according to the Act of Parliament , which is to sweare simple obedience to the Diocesan Bishop , and by warning all Archbishops and Bishops to bee present ; as having voice and place in the Assemblie : They seeme to determine , that in their Judgement the Confession of Faith , as it was professed 1580. doeth consist with Episcopacie , whereas Wee by our oath have referred the tryall of this or any other question of that kinde to the generall Assemblie and Parliament . 10. This Subscription and oath in the minde and intention of authoritie , and consequently in our swearing thereof , may consist with the corruptions of the Service book and Canons , which wee have abjured as other heads of Poperie : For both this present proclamation , and his Majesties former proclamations at Linlithgow , Striveling , Edinburgh ; The Lords of privie Counsell in their approbation of the same ; and the prelates and doctors who stand for the Service book and Canons , Doe all speake plainly , or import so much , That these bookes are not repugnant to the Confession of Faith , and that the introduceing of them is no novation of religion or law : And therefore wee must either refuse to subscribe now , or we must confesse contrarie to our late Oath , and to a cleare Trueth , that the Service booke and Canons are no innovations in Religion . And , although the present bookes bee discharged by proclamation , yet if wee shall by any deed of our owne testifie , that they may consist with our Confession of Faith , within a very short time , either the same books , or some other like unto them , with some small change , may bee obtruded upon us , who by Our abjuration ( if wee adhere unto it ) have fred both our selves , and the posteritie of all such corruptions , and have laide a faire foundation for the pure worship of God in all time coming . 11. Although there be indeed no substantiall difference betweene that which Wee have subscribed , and the Confession subscribed 1580. more then there is betweene that which is hid , and that which is revealed . A march stone hid in the ground , and uncovered , betwixt the hand closed and open , betwixt a sword scheathed and drawn , or betwixt the large Confession , registrat in the Acts of Parliament , and the short Confession , or ( if we may with reverence ascend yet higher ) betweene the Old Testament and the New , yet as to scheath our sword when it should bee drawne , were imprudencie ; or at the commandment of Princes , professedly popish in their dominions , after the Subjects had subscribed both Confessions , to subscribe the first without the second ▪ or at the will of a Jewish Magistrate , openly denying the New Testament , to subscribe the Old alone , after that they have subscribed both , were horrible impietie against God , and treacherie against the Trueth : Right so , for Us to subscribe the former a-part , as it is now urged and framed , without the explanation and application thereof at this time , when ours is rejected ; and the subscribers of the former refuse to subscribe ours , as containing something substantially different , and urge the former upon us , as different from ours , and not expressing the speciall abjuration of the evils , supplicated against by us , were nothing else , but to deny and part from our former subscription , if not formally , yet interpretatively . Old Eleazar , who would not seeme to eat forbidden meat , and the Confessors and Martyres of old , who would not seeme by delivering some of their papers , to render the Bible , or to deny the Trueth , may teach us our duetie in this case , although our lives were in hazard for refusing this Subscription : And who knoweth , but the LORD ▪ may bee calling His people now , who have proceeded so farre in professing His Trueth at this time , to such Trials and Confessions , as His faithfull Witnesses have given of old ; that in this point also our doing may bee a document both to the succeeding ages , and to other Kirks to whom for the present wee are made a spectacle . 12. If any bee so forgetfull of his oath ( which God forbid ) as to subscribe this Confession , as it is now urged , he doeth according to the proclamation acquiesce in this declaration of his Majesties will , and doeth accept of such a pardon as hath need to bee ratified in parliament , And thus doeth turn our glorie unto shame , by confessing our guiltinesse , where God from Heaven hath made us guiltlesse , and by the fire of His Spirit from Heaven hath accepted of our service , And doeth depart from the commandement of God , the practise of the Godly in former times , and the worthie and laudable example of our worthie and religious progenitours , in obedience whereof , and conforme to which Wee made profession to subscribe : for there is no particular Act required of us , to whom the pardon is presented in this proclamation , but this new Subscription allanerlie . 13 , The generall band now urged to be subscribed , as it containeth many clauses not so fitting the present time as that wherein it was subscribed , so is it deficient in a point , at this time most necessarie , Of the reformation of our lives , that we shall answerablie to our profession , be examples to others , of all Godlinesse , sobernesse and righteousnesse and of every duetie wee ow to GOD and man ; without which we can not now subscribe this Confession , least we loose the bands to wickednesse , seeme to repent of our former resolutions and promises , and chose to have our portion with hypocrites , professing and sweareing that we know GOD , but in our workes denying him , being abominable , disobedient , and unto every good worke reprobate . 14. Since the narrative of the generall hand is now changed , and some lines , expressing at length the Papists , and their adherents to be the partie from whom the danger to religion , and the Kings Majestie was threatned , are left out , and no designation made of the partie from whom the danger is now threatred , We are made either to thinke , that our subscription at this time is unnecessarie ; or to suspect that we who have supplicated and entered in Covenant , are understood to be the partie ; especially since the Lords of Counsell have in the act September 22. ratifiing the Proclamation , found themselves bound to use their best endeavours , that all his Majesties good Subjects may rest satisfied with his Majesties declaration , since also we have beene ( although undeservedly challenged of disorders , distractions , and dangers to religion , and his Majesties authoritie , and since in the forsaid act and in the missive directed to his Majestie , the Lords of Councell offer their lives , and fortunes to his Majestie , in repressing all such , as shall hereafter prease to disturbe the peace of this Kirk and Kingdome , which being expressed in a generalitie is by many applyed to us and interpreted of our adhereing to our Covenant ; We should therefore , by our subscription of the Covenant , as it is now conceaved , both do directly against our owne mindes , in condemning our selves , wherein we are innocent , and should consent to our owne hurt to the suppressing of the cause which we maintaine , and to the repressing mutually one of us of another , directly contrare , to our former solemne oath and subscription . 15. The Subscribing of this Confession by the Lords of his Majesties privie Counsell , who by their place and high employment are publicke Peace-makers , and by others who have not subscribed the late Confession will make the breach wider , and the lamentable division of this Kirk more desperate then ever before ; some haveing sworne to labour by all lawfull meanes to recover the former libertie , and puritie of religion ▪ and others maintaining that for puritie , which is already established , some believing and professing that the evils supplicated against , are abjured in that Confession of Faith ; and others maintaining the Confession of Faith , and these corruptions ( although for the present discharged by authority ) not to be inconsistent : and beside this many divisions and subdivisions will ensue to the dulefull renting of the Kirk and Kingdome , makeing way for the wrath and many iudgements of God often threatned by his faithfull servants , which all the Godly ought to labour by all means to prevent . 16. Wee represent also to the honourable Lords of privie counsell to bee considered , That the Doctrine , Discipline , and Vse of Sacraments are sworn , and the contrare abjured , according to the Word of God , and the meaning of the Kirk of Scotland , in the books of Discipline , and Acts of Assemblies , And that in the Oath there is no place left to the generality of any mans conception of the true Faith and Religion , nor to any private interpretation , or mentall reservation . For these and the like considerations , In our own name , and in name of all who will adhere to the late Covenant , subscribed by us , and sealed from Heaven , We from our duetie to God , our King , our native countrey , our selves , and the posteritie , least our silence import a satisfaction of our desires , and a stopping of our mouth , from necessarie supplication for things yet to bee obteined from His Majesties just and gracious disposition , are constrained to declare and protest , First , That the cause and occasion of the distractions of the kirk and commonwealth , are no wayes to be imputed unto us , or our needlesse fears , but to the innovations and corruptions of Religion , which against the acts and order of this kirk , and the lawes of the kingdome have beene pressed upon us the people of GOD , and his Majesties loyall Subjects ; who , although under great thraldome , were living in peace and quietnesse , labouring in all godlinesse and honestie to do our duety to God and man. Secondly , We protest , that all questions and doubtes that arise , concerning the freedome of the Assemblie whether in the constitution , and members thereof , or in the matters to bee treated , or in the manner and order of proceeding , be remitted to the determination of the assemblie it selfe , as the only proper and competent iudge ; And that it shall be lawfull for us , being authorized with lawfull commissions , as at other times when the urgent necessitie of the Kirk shall require , so in this exigence to assemble our selves at the diet appointed , notwithstanding any impediment or prorogation to the contrare . And being assembled , against all qualifications and predeterminations , or presupposals , to propone , treat , reason , vote , and conclude , according to the Word of God , Confession of Faith , and acts of lawfull Assemblies , in all Ecclesiasticall matters ; perteining to the assemblie , and tending to the advancement of the Kingdome of Christ and good of Religion . Thirdly , since Archbishops and Bishops have no warrand for their office in this Kirk , since it is contrare both to reason and to the Actes of the Kirk , that any have place and voice in the Assemblie , who are not authorized with lawfull commissions : And seeing both in commoun equitie , and by the tenor of this Proclamation they are made lyable to the tryall and censure of the Assemblie , Wee protest , that they bee not present , as having place or voice in the Assemblie , but as rci to compeere , for underlying tryall and censure upon the generall complaints alreadie made ; and the partiular accusations to bee given in against them ; And that the warning given by His Majesties Proclamation , and this our Protestation , bee a sufficient citation to them , to compeer before the Assemblie , for their tryall , and censure in life , office , and benefice . Fourthly , We solemnly protest , that We do constantly adhere to our Oath and Subscription of the Confession of Faith and Covenant , lately renewed and approven , with rare and undenyable evidences from heaven ; of the wonderfull workeings of his Spirit , in the hearts both of Pastors and people , through all the parts of the kingdome , And that we stand to all parts and clauses thereof , and particularly to the explanation and application , containing both our abjuration of , and our union against the particular evils and corruptions of the time , a duety which the Lord at this time especially craveth at our hands . Fifthly , We also Protest , that none of us who have Subscribed , and doe adhere to our Subscription of the late Covenant , be charged , or urged , either to procure the subscriptions of others or to subscribe our selves unto any other Confession or Covenant , conteining any derogation there unto , especially that mentioned in the Proclamation , without the necessary explanation and the application thereof alreadie sworn by us for the reasons above expressed : And because , as we did in our former Protestation appeale from the Lords of His Majesties Counsell , so doe we now by these renew our solemne appeale , with all solemnities requisite unto the next free generall Assemblie and Parliament , as the only supreame nationall Judicatories competent , to judge of nationall causes and proceedings . Sixthly , Wee Protest , That no subscription , whether by the Lords of Counsell or others , of the Confession , mentioned in the Proclamation , and enjoined for the maintenance of religion , as it is now alreadie ▪ or at this present time established , and professed within this Kingdome , without any innovation of religion or Law , be any manner of way prejudiciall to our Covenant , wherein we have sworne to forbeare the practise of Novations alreadie introduced , &c. Till they be tryed in a free Assemblie , And to labour by all lawfull meanes , to recover the puritie and libertie of the Gospell as it was established and professed before the foresaid innovations : And in like manner that no subscription forsaid be any derogation to the true and sound meaning of our worthie predecessours at the time of their Subscription in the year 1581. and afterward . Withall warneing and exhorting all men who lay to heart the cause of religion against the coruptions of the time and the present estate of things , both to subscribe the Covenant as it hath been explained , and necessarely applied , and as they love the puritie and libertie of the Gospell to hold back their hands from all other Covenants , till the Assemblie now indicted be conveined , and determine the present differences and divisions , and preserve this countrey from contrarie oathes . Seventhly , As his Majesties royall clemency appeareth , In forgiving and forgetting what his Majestie conceaveth to be a disorder or done amisse , In the proceeding of any ; So are we very confident of his Majesties approbation to the integritie of our hearts , and peaceablenesse of our wayes , and actions all this time past : And therefore , We Protest , that we still adhere to our former complaints , Protestations , lawfull meetings , proceedings , mutuall defences , &c. All which as they have beene in themselves lawfull , so were they to us , pressed with so many grievances in his Majesties absence from this native Kingdome most necessarie , and ought to be regarded as good offices , and pertinent duties of faithfull Christians , loyall Subjects , and sensible members of this Kirk and Common-wealth , As wee trust at all occasions to make manifest to all good men , especially to his sacred Majestie for whose long and prosperous government , that we may live a peacable and quiete life in all Godlinesse and Honestie , We earnestly pray . WHereupon a Noble Earle , Iames Earle of Montrose , &c. in name of the Noble men , Master Alexander Gibson , younger , of Durie , in name of the Barons ; George Porterfield Merchant Burges of Glasgow , in name of the Borrowes , Master Harie Rollogue Minister , at Edinburgh , in name of the Ministers , and Master Archbald Iohnston , reader heereof , in name of all who adhere to the Confession of Faith and Covenant , lately renewed within this Kingdome , tooke instruments in the hands of three Notars present , at the said mercat crosse of Edinburgh , being invironed with great numbers of the forsaid Noblemen ▪ Barons , Gentlemen , Borrowes , Ministers and Commons , before many hundred witnesses , and craved the extract thereof : And in token of their duetifull respect to his Majestie , confidence of the equitie of their cause , and innocencie of their carriage and hope of his Majesties gratious acceptance , they offred in all humilitie with submisse reverence a copie thereof to the Herauld . FINIS . 
A11659	----	The remonstrance of the nobility, barrones, burgesses, ministers and commons within the kingdome of Scotland Vindicating them and their proceedings from the crymes, wherewith they are charged by the late proclamation in England, Feb. 27. 1639. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1639 Approx. 51 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11659 STC 21907 ESTC S116848 99852063 99852063 17366 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11659) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17366) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1531:2) The remonstrance of the nobility, barrones, burgesses, ministers and commons within the kingdome of Scotland Vindicating them and their proceedings from the crymes, wherewith they are charged by the late proclamation in England, Feb. 27. 1639. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. aut 32 p. Imprinted by Iames Bryson, Edinburgh : anno Domini 1639. Drafted by Alexander Henderson. At end: Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly .. 22. of March 1639. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). -- Proclamations. 1639-02-27 -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REMONSTRANCE OF THE NOBILITY , BARRONES , BURGESSES , MINISTERS AND COMMONS WITHIN THE KINGDOME OF SCOTLAND , Vindicating them and their proceedings from the crymes , wherewith they are charged by the late Proclamation in ENGLAND , Feb. 27. 1639. EDINBURGH Imprinted by Iames Bryson Anno Domini 1639. ALthough the depthes of the Counsell of GOD , and the secrets of the wayes of the most high cannot be sounded nor found out by us , till they be discovered and unsecreted by himself ; yet so far as we can conceive and consider of the course of divine providence in our present affaires , we begin to think , that the LORD is about some great work in the earth . For the cup which hath been propined to other reformed Kirks is at this time presented unto us : We have used all meanes by our earnest intercessions , by our true remonstrances and humble supplications , to informe his Majestie , and to deprecate his wrath : but finde both his eares possessed by the false and spitefull misinformations of the late pretended Prelats , and of such as hope to catch some great things in our troubled waters : whereby his Majesties wrath waxeth hoter every day : as is too sensible to us his Majesties humble and loyall subjects , who were expecting a gracious answer to our last supplication , and may be apparant to all men , by the late Proclamation and Declaration in England Feb. 27. ordained to be read in every Kirk within that kingdome . We are indeed confident and comforted in this ; that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against the cause mantained by us , and that in the end glory shall be to GOD in the highest by the testimony which shall be given to the kingdome of his son IESUS CHRIST now in question , that peace shall be on earth , and good-will and loving kindnesse shall be to the people of GOD. But in the meane time it cannot but wound our hearts and grieve us sore ; that we are brought to this extremity , that we must either perish under the burthen of so many foule aspersions , or be constrained , to appeare in termes of contradiction against such pieces and Proclamations as the malice of our adversaries , prevailing with his Majesty , doth lybell and send out continaually against us . Although the foresaid Proclamation and Declaration chargeth us with nothing materiall , which we have not from the sincerity of our hearts and the manifest truth and reasons of our proceedings aboundantly answered before , in our printed Protestations , information , and answers unto the Declaration made by his Majesties Commissioner , and unto the Bishops their Declinatour , yet lest by our silence the cause of GOD and our innocency in defending thereof , receive the smallest prejudice in the mindes of the well affected , and that we may yet more convince the consciences , if not close the mouthes , of our self-condemned enemies , we shall not wearie to make a summarie repetition and true application of what hath been formerly written at large . The title beareth , 1. that the Proclamation is intended to informe the loving subjects of England ; which is the desire of our hearts , and for which we have laboured ; being confident that all his Majesties loving subjects of England , after true and full information , wil allow of our actions , as proceeding from the love of CHRIST , and of our King and countrey , which to us are inseparably joyned , and wherein we are so emulous , that we are heartily grieved , and think our selves heavily wronged , that in love and loyaltie , we should be reckoned second , or inferiour , to any subjects in the Christian world . But what truth of information may be expected from our Prelats , with their pages and parasites , who can have no hope of rysing again , but from our certaine ruine , all the judicious subjects of England may easily discerne . 2. The title beareth that by our seditious practises we are seeking to overthrow his Majesties regall power under the false pretences of religion . None of all our actions is more challenged of sedition , then our necessarie confession of Faith and nationall Covenant , wherein we are so far from overturning regall authority , that we declared before God & men that we had no intention or desire to attempt any thing that might turne to the diminution of the Kings greatnesse and authority . We could not so much as imagin , that the refusing of the service book , and the rejecting of Episcopall government , which two over-turne the frame of Gods worship and the discipline of the Kirk , as they were here established , should ever have been interpreted to be the overthrowing of regall power ; The pillars of true regall power are religion and righteousnesse , which by our oath we have endevored to establish , and are confident , if we can have them in peace , shall be seen by all the world to be strong supporters of his Majesties throne . Our practises are called seditious , our carriages tumultuous , our returnes froward and perverse , our intentions traiterous , our informations and declarations infamous lybels , our protestations mutinous , our covenant aband or rather a conspiracie against the Lords anoynted , pretended to be with God , that we may with the better countenance do the works of the divell , such as are treasons and rebellions , our preparations for defence hostile , as if the King were our sworn enemy , our aimes to be the invasion of the good subjects of England , to make whole our broken fortunes , our actions increasing and dareing insolencies , our present case a brain-sick distemper , our selves evil and traiterously affected persons , factious and turbulent spirits &c. To which we answer , 1. It may be that the Lord will look on our affliction , and that the Lord will requite good for this cursing . Blessed are ye when men shall revile you and persecute you , and shall say all manner of evill against you for my sake . 2. These railing accusations have proceeded from the unchristian hearts of our Prelats , who are rageing waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame , and thereby give publick proof , that by the sentence of excommunication from the Kirk , they are indeed delivered unto Satan , the spirit which now worketh mightily in them . All their revilings against us , shall not draw from us one word , which may reflect upon the Kings Majestie . They have learned an arte , like unto that practised of old , cunningly to insert the image of their Hierarchie , into the Kings portract , that no man can do reverence to the one , but he must adorethe other , no man speak , or do , against the one , but he must speak , and do against the other . But we are not unacquainted with their craft , and God hath taught us the way to honour the King , and detest treason , sedition and rebellion , without honour done to them , and without the perfidious acknowledging of their abjured tyrannie . 3. By two things all men may perceive , that the Prelats would have their anger to come to a mischief : the one is , that they use extreme bitternesse of words . Yet in this they faile of their end ; that their words are rather common railings and flyting , then sharp , pointed and proper , more labouring to speak all the evill they can devise against us , then to speak any truth against our persons and cause . The other is , that they would ingage his Majestie so far in their businesse , that no place may be left to a retreat . But in this also we trust they shall be disappointed , and that they shall never induce his Majestie , to act any thing which is not revocable . Princes who ought to be common parents , will not make themselves a party ; for that were to overthrow the boat by unequall weight on the one side , and make not only the passengers , but him that sitteth at the helme to perish ; which our Prelats have desperatly chosen , rather then to repent , or with Ionas to cast themselves in the sea , that they may perish alone . Their maxime is old ; when we are dead and gone , let the earth be burnt up with fire . In the narrative we are glad that they judge of our intentions ( which are directly known to GOD only ) by our proceedings and actions before the world : which against their obloquies and misconstructions we justifie . 1. By our long suffering the outrages and insolencies of the Prelats ; who against the unity of hearts , authority of Assemblies , order of Ministerie , purity of doctrine and worship and whole reformation of religion in this Kirk ( which was the wonderfull work of Gods greatest mercy to this kingdome , and the glory of our land ) for no other end , but for satisfying their ambition and avarice ( which are known to be the two great inchanters of naturall men , and have proven cruell Harpyes against religion ) they did overturne all ; bringing in for unity , division , for authority of Assemblies , their own usurpation , for order of the Ministerie , episcopall tyrannie , and for the purity of worship , first humane inventions , and thereafter ( being now grown by their rents and Lordly dignities , by their power over the Ministers and other lieges , by their places in Parliament , Councell , Session , Exchequer , and high Commission to a plenipotent dominion and greatnesse ) they frame a book of Canons for ruling the Kirk and disposing upon religion at their pleasure . And yet all this time the greatest opposition was the zeale of some preachers in giving testimonie to the truth , and sealing the same by their sufferings , and the groaning of the people , and their crying to God , that he would come down and deliver them from these more then Egyptian taskmasters . 2. By the peaceablnesse of our proceedings , ever since we begune to appeare in a publick way of opposition : although their insolencie ascended so high as without consent or knowledge of the Kirk , they have framed a service book to be received in all the Kirks of the kingdome , as the only forme of Gods publick worship , procured letters of horning against Ministers for that effect , practised it themselves , and not only discharged some Readers and Ministers who refused the book , but also obtained a charge , that no man under the paine of death should speak against the Bishops or their service book : And yet although the book was brought in without order , and known to be a change of the whole forme of Gods worship ; The Noblemen , Barrones , Burgesses , Ministers and Commons conveening although in a very great number , yet in most peaceable manner without any tumult , did only supplicat most submisly the Lords of his Majesties Councell , and direct their supplications to his Majestie for remeeding their just and important grievances . Thirdly , when their supplications received no other answer , but terrible Proclamations condemning all their meetings and proceedings , and highly allowing the evils which were their grievances ; their complaints against the many haynous crimes of the Prelats were not heard , and their distresses still pressing them more ; The supplicants entering into a deeper search of the causes of all their evils , and of the barring of their supplications ; found them to be from themselves and their former perfidious dealing against the Covenant of God. And therefore resolved to renew their nationall oath and Covenant with solemne humiliation and prayers to God for reconciliation , and for better successe afterward . They resolve also to renew their supplication to the Kings Majestie for a generall Assembly and Parliament , as the ordinarie and able meanes to redresse their evils , and essayed all possible wayes of presenting it . They answered to the full all exceptions taken against the Covenant , and left nothing undone , which beseemed Christian subjects , who honour God and feare the King. Fourthly , after many petitions and long exspectation when a generall Assembly was conveened by his Majesties speciall indiction , and orderly constitute in all the members thereof , in the presence of his Majesties Commissioner ; we were forbidden to proceed and commanded to rise , without any just cause offered by us . In this extremity of the precipitating of the Kirk and kingdome in a world of confusions upon the one side , and of sitting after the interdiction , on the other part , we chosed that course which was warranted by Christ , was most agreable to his Majesties will formerly manifested , and to the publick weale , as is contained in the supplication of the generall Assembly directed to his Majestie , whereof no mention is made in the proclamatiō . Since that time we have been threatned with armies and hostile invasion from England , against which we have been preparing for our lawfull and necessarie defence , far from the least thought of invading or harming our neighbours . Our wayes then have been , after long silence , no other but humble supplications to GOD and the King , necessary Protestations , religious renewing of our nationall Covenant , sitting in a generall Assembly conveened by his Majesties indiction , information and preparation for necssarie defence against open hostility . The particular evidences of our traiterous intentions are expressed in the Proclamation to be : First , the multitude of infamous libels stuffed full of calumnies against the Kings authority . If any peice coming from us had been here designed , our answere might have been particulare ; And therefore in generall we are bold to affirme , that what hath passed from our hands of that kinde , as it hath been meant to cleare our intentions of disloyalty , so it carrieth nothing with it which can merite so foule an aspersion , all being done both in matter and expression with the highest respect we could conceive to his Majesties sacred person and royall authority , and with the best construction of his Majesties proceedings . Secondly , letters sent to private persons in London and sending some Covenanters to privat meetings at London to incite people against the King and to pervert them from their duty ; A traiterous intention we confesse , which will never be so happie as to harboure in a Loyall brest . And as we are assured that such missives or messengers were never sent from the Covenanters in common ; So must it be , either cunning in the Prelates , to alledge that which we cannot prove to be false , or malice to attribute that unto us , which private persons have done from their own motions without our knowledge : That in such a time there should be found libels or licentious discourses , false news running up and down , and letters carrying the names of such authores as never saw them , should seem nothing strange . And whether the search of such things with too great diligence , and the suppressing of them by too much severity , or the neglect and despysing of them by authority , be the best remedie against them , let statesmen judge . It is known when water is stopped one way it runneth asunder and breaketh out many wayes . Thirdly , Our publick contemning of all his Majesties just commands , and our mutinous protesting against them . It is our delight to obey his Majesties just commands , and is farre from our hearts to contemne any of his Majesties commands , although unjust , or to protest mutinously against them : But to protest in a faire way , and as beseemeth duetifull subjects , is a course customeable , legall and ordinare , and in some cases so necessare for preservation of right , and preventing of evil , that at sometimes it cannot be omitted , and at no time can give just offence . Fourthly , The fourth evidence beareth three points , which require particulare answere . 1. That no Covenant or band of that nature is warrantable without civill authoritie . This exception hath been so fully answered from warrands of divine & humane authority , both ecclesiasticall & civill , from the practise of the godly of old , from the example of our Religious progenitors , from the continued subscription used in this Kirk , and from the nature of the oath it self , which is nationall , that we trust all men , who are not strangers to what we have written , are satisfied to the full , except the Prelats & their adherents , who are endlesse in their cavillations , and craftily labour to bring us back again to the beginning of the controversie , that they may ( if it were possible ) undoe what hath been done by us . 2. That we have rejected the Covenant commanded by authoritie , because commanded by authoritie . The reasons not of our rejecting , but of our modest with-holding of our subscription commanded by authoritie are at length set down in our publick and printed Protestations , September 22. and December 18. in our answer to the Declaration made by his Majesties Commissioner , and in the acts of the late Assembly , which properly owneth the publick judgement and interpretation of the confession of Faith. In all which it is found that the confession commanded by authoritie according to the meaning put upon it , is in matters of Religion , not only contrarie to our subscription in February , but also to the confession as it was meant and professed in the year 1580 , and therefore could not be subscribed by us , except we would by manifold perjurie have made our selves transgressours , and have brought upon our selves a farre greater weight of the wrath of God , then the first was , which by our subscription we laboured to avert and prevent . Thirdly , That our Covenant is a conspiracie against the King pretended to bee with God , for doing the works of the devill . This is a blasphemie , to which we are sure , neither the Kings Majestie , nor any fearing God , can be accessory , and which addeth much to our confidence , that the Lord hath ratified in heaven the curse pronounced upon the Prelates , that he will reprove the words which hee hath heard uttered by them , and that their work shall not prosper : And therefore comforting our selves in the Lord our God , who hath been pleased by so many signes and undenyable evidences , to countenance and confirme our Covenant , we bring against them no railing accusation , but say , The Lord that hath chosen Ierusalem rebuke them , and save the King. Lastly , Our hostile preparations to invade England : Against which as much hath been said and sworne by us in our late informations , as we trust hath given satisfaction to all good subjects there , although they had been so uncharitable , which we will never beleeve , as hastily to have embraced such reports . Our best actions , & which ought to give to that kingdome greatest contentment , will never by them be wrested to that sense : And although the Prelates in the mood of despaire to recover their losses , except by our ruine , traduce us to be desperate hypocrites , yet the event will bear witnesse , that we have spoken , as men fearing the great name of our God , with whom we have reneued our Covenant ; and who , when his time commeth , will be avenged , whither upon our hypocrisie , or their calumnie . Yet our enemies , seeking the way to make suspicion , where no cause is , have given out , That many , and some of the chiefest amongst us , are men of unquiet spirits , and broken fortunes , &c. But in this they have been evil advised . For suspicions among thoughts , are by wisemen compared with bates among birds , which flee not at the no one-day , but in the time of twilight . It is known by all , who are acquainted with this Countrey , that almost the whole Kingdome standeth to the defence of this cause , and that the chiefest of the Nobles , Barrons , and Burgesses , are honoured in the places where they live for Religion , wisedome , power , and wealth answerable to the condition of this Kingdome ; that the meanest of the commons who have joyned in this cause , are content of their meane estates , with the enjoying of the Gospel ; and no lesse known , that our adversaries are not for number , any considerable part of the Kingdome , and that the chiefest ( setting aside some few states-men , & such as draw their breath from court ) are known Athiests , or professed Papists , drowned in debt , denounced his Majesties Rebels , for a long time past , are under caption of their creditours , and have already in their imaginations divided amongst them the lands of the supplicants , which they hope to be possessed in , by the power of England . But we hope that by this shift they may well be worse , but they shall be no better . In the meane time against all these calumnies , the Lord from heaven hath looked upon the integritie of our hearts , and in his wisedome hath found the way to clear our innocencie . For beside our supplication to the Councel Ian. 13. for this end , and our late information to England Feb. 4. we have the publick testimonie of the councel of the Kingdome to make it known . A letter sent to England from one George Sterlin in Edinburgh , with the advise of Iohn Sterlin commissar of Wigtoun both in neer relation to the late pretended B. of Galloway , did come to our hands , bearing what the Prelates now say ; this was exhibited to the councel , Feb. 22. & 28. with our complaint , supplication , attestation of the great name of God , and our own consciences , and offer of our subscription , or any other meane of purgation to the contrare , whereupon the Lords of privie councel , sent up our supplication to the Kings Majestie , with their own , wherein they humbly supplicate , lest upon such informations , his Majestie should be more easily moved to think upon harder courses , than he had heretofore been pleased to keep with his Majesties ancient and native kingdome and subjects ; that his Majestie in his accustomed fatherly care of the good and preservation of this Kingdome , would be pleased , to resolve upon some such course , as without force of armes , or shewing of his Princely power , the estate of this kingdome may be setled , as may be seen at greater length in the letter it self . We are challenged here also as usurpers of regall power . First , because we have taken upon us to command the print , and forebidden and dismissed the printer , whom his Majestie established . This is the old complaint of the Popish Prelats against our reformers in the yeare 1559. and very untruly by their successours renewed against us : for we have neither dismissed nor forbidden the printer , who still hath his liberty , and residence in Edinburgh . Nor doth the act of the generall Assembly , which we take to be here meant , containe any thing that can be construed to be the usurpation of regall power , or the smalest diminution of the priviledges royall about printing . It only forbideth under the paine of Kirk censure to print any piece that concerneth the Kirk , without warrand of the Kirk : A power belonging to the Kirk in all kingdomes , and ordinarly used in this Kirk , not only in the times of Popery , but since the reformation , as is manifest by diverse acts of Assemblies censuring abuses of printing , appointing some treatises to be printed , and naming some to revise what was to be put to the presse . Neither must we think that the nationall Kirk is shorter in her liberties of this sort , then our Universities are , who without restraint , use their own liberty ; nor will any man think , that schollers shall have the liberty to print their propositions yearly , without controlement , and liberty shall be denied to the generall Assembly to print their acts and constitutions . Particulare professours use to publish their treatises with adjurations of printers ( because they have no further authority ) that they print them not in another edition , nor in another character : and shall not the Kirk make use of that authority which GOD hath granted her for her own peace and the good of Religion ? Secondly , because we have conveened the subjects , raised armies , blocked up and besieged his Majesties castles &c. So many of these heavy challenges as have any shew of truth , are so fully and plainly answered in our last protestation Decemb. 18. that as the Prelats needed not to make the objection , so need we to make no new answere . In our last information intended for England , besides that the true , honest and loyall expressions of our hearts , are taken to be false , base and fawning passages : we are particularly challenged of two scandalous and most notorious untruths : First , that the armies now raised , are in the hands of Papists . So indeed were we informed , and therefore spake with this caution ( as we are informed ) and why shall not the captaines and leaders of the armie , be sutable to the prime movers , the cause , and end of the work , all which smell of Rome and of Popery ? The other untruth is , that some of power in the Kirk of England have been the cause of taking armes for invasion of this kingdome and of medling with our religion . This we offer to verifie both by write , and by the deposition of prime stats-men and Councellours , against some Kirk-men there , namely against Canterburie himself , that he did negotiate with Rome , about the frame of our service book and Canons , that with his own hand he altered , and interlyned diverse passages thereof , tending to conformity with Rome : A plot so perilous , that had not the Lord disappointed it , First , Scotland and then England by him , and such as cooperate with him , had become , in their religion , Romish . His reprinted conference with M r. Fisher , will not serve to vindicate his reputation . And therefore we earnestly intreat all in England , that affect the truth of religion , and the Kings honour , and all true Patriots that love the liberty , of the kingdome , to supplicate his Majestie for calling a Parliament there , that this mysterie of iniquity which hath been in working this time past may be discovered , and the prime agents therein , according to their demerits may be tryed and punished , and that this craft and treacherie , in joyning both kingdomes in a bloody war , that by weakning both , Rome may be built in the midst of us , and the Pope in end set over all , may be seen and disappointed , that GOD may have his own glory , the King his honour , and his subjects may be in safety , from forraine tyraine over their bodies , and soules . Least the Prelats should passe any point true or false that may serve their turne ; This also is laide to our charge ; that the Kings lawes are in a manner oppressed by us , in so much that the judges are so awed as they dare hardly proceed according to law . The prime judges of the land remember , that by them justice hath been refused us , according to law ; not from their own disposition , but for feare to offend against missives procured against us : we must also now remember , that having of late requyred letters of horning and caption , against the excommunicate Prelats , conforme to the act of Parliament : whereof they use not to deny the common benefite to the meanest subject ; The Lords of Session resolved upon a letter to be sent to his Majestie March 2. wherein they bring his Majesties pleasure , signified by his Majesties command , and otherwise , as the only cause of refusing these letters , according to the act of Parliament , and withall joyn their most ardent desires and humble wishes for such peace and quietnesse to the kingdome , as it hath injoyed before . Which evidenceth that not only the laws , but the judges are for us , and that from conscience of their duty to GOD , the King and countrey , and not from feare and aw from us . To make all that hath been said the more credible , it is alledged that some of us refuse both the oath of alledgeance and supremacie , and publickly mantaine that we are not oblidged to take the same , and that three Scotishmen taken in Wales , are at this day , imprisoned for denying these oathes . We can say nothing of these taken in Walles , neither there persons nor their purposes being known to us . It seemeth that the inquisition is hote there . But for our selves , although there be a difference betwixt the oath of alledgeance , and supremacie , and we cannot take the oath of supremacie as it is extended , and glossed by the flattering Prelats , yet we heartily rander that to his Majestie which is due and useth to be given by reformed and sound divines to the civill Magistrate , knowing that the Fifth command containing the duty of subjects to their Princes and rulers , is the First commandment of the second table , and that our confession of faith , acknowledgeth his Majestie to be the Lordsvice-gerant on earth : to whom the conservation and purgation of religion , doth belong . As this is the conception which our enemies have begotten in his Majesties minde against us , so may we learne by this declaration , what his Majesties intentions are against this Kirk and kingdome , and what birth may be looked for , if divine providence by changing the heart of our King , or by some other way known to himself , make not an abortion , or chock it in time . For first , through the incurable superstition and inveterate malice of the Prelats against the reformed religion , declaration is made , that by introducing the service book , there was not the least thought of innovation of religion , but meerly to have a conformity with the worship of God which is observed in both the other kingdomes ; though evil minded men have wrested somethings in it to a sinistrous sense . Thus the service book is still no innovation of religion , but by our sinistrous sense , is made to seem so : conformitie with the worship of GOD in other kingdomes , is urged upon us , as if we were , tabularasa , and had not a forme of worship established by the acts of the Kirk and laws of the kingdome : meerly to have conformity is averred , although the manifold litures and interlynings of the service book , used in both the other kingdomes testifie the contrare , by the hands of our own Prelates and of Canterburie himself . Hence wee must pay for abusing the book , and the book it self must in the own time be received . Secondly , through the pride and greed of our Prelates , Episcopall government must be retained as it is established by acts of Parliament ; as known to the whole world to be most Christian in it self , most peaceable for the civill estate , most consonant to Monarchicall government , and without which the Parliament will not stand compleat of three estates : Although the truth is , there be no act of Assembly , nor of Parliament for that office in this kingdome , that it is known to reformed Christendome , rather to be antichristian in it self , most prejudiciall to the peace of the civill estate , and hath in all nations proven the most pernicious enemy to Monarchs , and true Monarchicall government . And that the Parliament hath been , may be , and is in the nature thereof , compleat and perfect without this excrescence . Hence Bishops we must have jure divino to serve the will of the Prince in the worship of GOD , and these as lordly as ever before . Thirdly , No Covenant must be indured to which the Kings Majestie shall not consent , and our Covenant only pretended to be with God , that we may with better countenance do the works of the devill , such as are treasons and rebellions . Hence our Covenant can be no more endured then treason and rebellion , and the Covenanters either renounce God , so solemnly attested by them , or punished as rebels and traitours . Fourthly , the question is conceived to bee no more about the service book and Episcopall government : But whether the Kings Majestie shall bee our King or not : And is determined that we have stricken at the very root of Kingly government , vilified the regall power in his Majesties person , and assumed it to our selves . Fifthly , it is declared , that his Majestie is forced to take armes to establish and set his Kingly authority right here , to make the best of us see , that he will indure no such Covenant as we have made . Hence resolution is taken and declared , that for establishing the service book and episcopall government , for abolishing of our Covenant , and for being avenged on us , as rebels and traitours , his Majestie cometh in a hostile war , with all the power that can be raised in England , by all other meanes and by this Proclamation , which is ordained to be reade in time of divine service , in every Kirk within the kingdome , for that effect . Our part in this case is to resolve , whither we will , with sin and shame lie under the pressing weight of so many foule aspersions , as rarely in the worst times have been laide upon Christians , receive the service book , as the only forme of divine worship , which is declared by the Assembly to be a masse of errours , superstition , idolatry and antichristian tyrannie , welcome home againe our Prelats and their abjured government , condemne our reformers and the glorious work of reformation , renounce our Covenant and be so many times perjured as we have sworne and subscribed the same , losse all our labours and paines , bestowed for so large a time in so good a cause , open with our own hands a wide doore , and by our example shew a brode way for the entring of Popery & of all changes in religion hereafter , lay a stumbling block in the Kings way to the kingdome of heaven , and hinder the Queens conversion , give offence to all the reformed Kirks who have been praying for us , harden the hearts and strengthen the hands of all the enemies of the truth at home and abroad , make our selves an odious spectacle to men and angels , forget our bygone slavery and our wishes for redemption , deny our own experience of the mercy truth and power of GOD , so many times , and so many wayes , to our unspeakable comfort , manifested this time by-past , losse the posterity and the children that shall come after us , who shall mourne in misery for our misdeeds , make the faces of so many to blush and be ashamed , because of us , leave nothing but laments to our friends and jubilees of joy to our enemies , interrupt the march of the LORD of hosts upon the earth , and wrest his dis-played banner out of his hands , pull the crown from the head of CHRIST our judge , our lawgiver and our King , grieve and resist the holy Ghost , pull down the golden-candlestick and put out the light , and bring all the plagues that are written in the book of GOD upon us , so that all nations shall say , wherefore hath the Lord done this unto this land ? What meaneth the heate of this his great anger ? Then men shall say because they have forsaken the Covenant of the Lord , therefore are these evils come upon them ; A word of defection could no sooner come from our mouthes but the horrour of hell should enter in our souls : Or rather on the contrary use the power which GOD hath put in our hands , not for invading England , or doing the smalest harme to any of the people of GOD who trouble not our peace ; cursed be the breasts that harbour such intentions , and the hands that execute them , but meerly for our own defence and safety against armed violence and unjust invasion . And therefore where it is demanded in the Proclamation what we will defend ; we answere ; not our disobedience but our religion , liberties and lives : And where it is asked against whom we will defend ; Least our intentions or actions should be mistaken , by such as are not acquainted with our case , or misconstrued , as contrary to the doctrine of sound divines , or to the laudable practises of Christians of old , or of late , we desire that distinction may be made , and difference put between the King resident in the Kingdome , and by opening his ears to both parties , rightly informed , and the King farre from us in another kingdome , hearing the one partie , and mis-informed by our adversaries : Between the King as King , proceeding royally according to the laws of the Kingdome against rebels , and the King as a man comming down from his throne ( at the foote where of the humble supplication of his subjects lyeth unanswered ) & marching furiously against his loyall and weal-meaning people : Between a King who is a stranger to Religion , and tyed no further , but according to his own pleasure , to the professours of Religion , living in his dominions , and our Kiug professing with us the same religion , and obliged by his Fathers deed , & his own oath , to desend us his own subjects , our lives , religion , liberties & laws : Again , difference would be put , between some private persons taking armes for resistance , & inferiour Magistrats , Iudges , Councellors , nobles , Peeres of the land , Parliament men , Barrons , Burgesses , and the whole bodie of the Kingdome ( except some few either Courteours , stats-men , Papists , or popishly affected , and their adherents ) standing to their own defence : Between subjects rising , or standing out , against law and reason that they may bee freed from the yoke of their obedience , and a people holding fast their alledgeance to their Soveraigne , and in all humilitie supplicating for Religion and justice , between a people labouring by armes to introduce novations in Religon contrarie to the laws , and a people seeking nothing so much as against all innovations , to have the same Religion ratified , which hath been professed since the reformation , and hath not only been solemnely sworn long since by the Kings Majestie , and by the whole Kingdome both of old and of late , but also commanded by the Kings Majestie to be sworn by his Counsellours , and commanded by his Councell to bee subscribed by all the people as it was professed at first : Between a people pleading for their own phantasies and foolaries , or inventions , and a people suspending their judgement and practise about things controverted , till they should be determined by a nationall Assembly , the only proper and competent judicatorie , and after determination , receiving and standing for the conclusions of the Assembly . Whither in this case , and matters so standing , wee shall stand to our own defence , we are taught by the light and law of nature , by the word of God in the old and new testament , by the Covenant betwixt the people and God , by the end for which Magistrates are ordained of God , by our standing in our order and line of subordination under God , the great Superiour , when our immediate Superiours go out of their line & order , by the testimonies of the best divines and sound politicians and Lawyers , even such as pleadmost contra Monarchomachos , by the mutuall contract betwixt the King and the people at the Coronation , by acts of Parliament , and by the example of our own predicessours . And now for our brethren and neighbours , in England , whose eares , we suppose , have been filled with this Proclamation in their particular Kirks ; From that honour which we ow unto authoritie , as the ordinance of God , and from the naturall and loyall affection which we bear unto our King and dread Soveraigne , borne and baptized amongst us , we are unfainedly , and from our hearts grieved that first his sacred eares should be so farre possessed , and next his royall Name so farre abused by wicked men , as to receive and give way to so many absurd and incredible false calumnies against a whole Nation , his own native Countrey and Kingdome ; It is too manifest how extremly pernitious , and damnageable are calumnies , especially universall ones of this kinde , and therefore to represse them , ought not any law or ordinance be spared , that may serve to the purpose ; From that love which is due from us unto them , to whom in verie many respects , and by many strong bands naturall , civill and spirituall , we are sibber and more nearly joyned , then to any other Nation or people on earth , wee are heartily sorie that their Kirks and hearing are taken up with such discourses and would wonder at their credulitie , if they should be beleeved by them ; yet because speeches may be the seminaries of sedition , even amongst brethren , who are at greatest distance when they have once begun to divide and discord , we must intreat ( if with so wise a Nation there be any need of intreatie ) that they will not upon any declaration which they have heard , be suddenly stirred to attempts against us to our mutuall hurt , or with a golden hook to catch so small commodities , as may bee hoped for in such a warre , and by so doing , make both Nations a mocking to strangers , and this Yland which hath been blessed with so long a peace , to be a field of blood , and a prey to our common enemies , who now for many years have been looking upon us with an evil eye , and are still waiting for an evil houre : that when they hear of any of our preparations for defence , or of any of our actions which to us are so necessarie , that without them our defence is impossible , and wherein there is no wrong done , or intended against them ; they will judge charitably of us , and of our doings in such an exigent and extremity , as this is , and that they will wisely and christianly , supposing our case to be their own , make use of that common rule of equity , what soever ye would that others did to you , do ye even so to them . That hereafter , reports and declarations made against us by our enemies , be not suddenly beleeved ; since the authours , from the conscience of their own deceitfull dealing , publish them amongst the English only , who cannot controle the untruth of them , and keep them up from the knowledge of this kingdome , where they cannot abide the common light and triall , every one of the commons knowing their forgerie and falshood , And when any of them happen to come to our hands , the difficultie and danger is so great in carying our answers , and the true information , as matters now stand , unto their knowledge . And that they will at last , both poure forth their prayers to GOD and their supplications to the King in our behalf ; and if need be , use their power for our lawfull defence against merce-naries and wicked men the sons of Beliall . Are we not their own brethren , their own flesh and bone ? Are we not all under one roof , in one and the same shipe , and members of one body ? Their religious progenitours at the time of reformation vouchsafed us their help and assistance for establishing the reformed religion , neither have we so evill deserved , nor are they so far degenerated , as that we have reason to feare , that we shall be deserted by them at this time , the cause being the same , the case not much different and the persons only changed , Our salvation is common . Let us together earnestly contend for the faith which was once delivered to the Saints , that mercy peace , and love may be multiplied unto us . Considering also how far our late actions against the persons of our greatest enemies and the chief strengths of the kingdome , as of the castle of Edinburgh , &c. are subject to the obloquies of such , as have to the worst sense wrested all our former counsels and necessary conclusions ; and may be mistaken by our friends , who looking at a great distance , cannot well perceive the ripenesse of the occasion and opportunity of our doing , we judged it necessary for silencing the one , and for satisfying the other , to make known to all , how we were driven to this by the present exigence of our affaires for our lawfull and necessary defence . It cannot be unknown to all the subjects of this kingdome , what have been the terrours and threatnings of diverse Proclamations at home , as of that , Iuly 4. and of the other Decem. 18. And to many it is known also what missives have been directed to the Nobles and Gentlemen of England , for attending the royall banner at Yorke April 1. and what Proclamations have been made in England , both that of the date Ianu. 29. and above all the last declaration Feb. 27. condemning our loyall proceedings , our humble supplications , our legall Protestations , our true and modest informations , and our very intentions ( after we have attested GOD so many times and so solemnly on the contrare ) as false and traiterous , our selves as rebels and traitours , and therefore denouncing war in the most hostile manner against us . We are not ignorant what letters have been sent to some of our cold-friends , to excite them , and some of our professed enemies , to embolden and strengthen them against us , with moneys and munition , and with directions and order for the wayes of their combination and running together with their forces ; and on the other side , of the large promises and bold undertakings , of our dis-natured countrey-men , some at court and others at home , to mak up armies of so many thousāds in the North and South parts of the kingdome , for environing us on all sides . The Scotish Councelours , Nobles , and Gentlemen about court are made to subscribe the Kings Covenant with this addition ; That they shall not acknowledge the late generall Assembly , that they shall not adheare to the late Covenant and band sworn and subscribed by us ; And that they shall oppose against us to the best of their power as they shall be directed by his Majesties command ; According to these warnings and preparations , the Kings houshold hath entered on their journey , Monday last March 18. The King himself taketh post Wednesday next March 27. intending on the third day to be at Yorke , or New-castle , to march forward with his forces , The Scotish Noble-men appointed to come home , accompanied with skilled commanders to draw together their friends and followers , to put them in order , and under their generall the Marquesse of Hammilton to joyn with our forraine enemies attending the Kings Majestie . The Earl of Lind-sey goeth to sea with 17. of the Kings great ships furnished with three thousand Souldiours , to come in their expedition to such places of this kingdome , as their commission , when it is unsealed , shall command them ; Six hundreth hors-men are to be sent presently towards Scotland , to infest the borders , our enemies at home are waiting for their comming ; our excommunicate Prelats and their adhearents are fled to England ; the lands and estates of Noblemen , of chief Barrones & Burgesses , who have joyned in this cause , are designed as a spoil to be parted amongst our enemies . While matters stand thus , And the maine confidence of our adverse partie and pursuers is placed in our divisions , in the power of some Papists and others of note amongst our selves , and in some places which are appointed to be strengths for defence of the kingdome against forraine invasion ( as is at length cleared in our Protestation ) especially the castle of Edinburgh , a chief member of our incorporation and the place of our meetings ; There was no time for longer delay , but in this extremity we must either do or die either defend our selves or come in the reverence of our enemies , whose mercies are cruell . And therefore such dispatch , as ye have heard , in matters necessarly serving for our defence , hath been used in Edinburgh and in other parts of the land . Where this work will end , the Lord whose work it is , and who hath led us so far on , he knoweth ; and as we resolve to stay where we finde not his presence going with us : So are we able to justifie what we have now designed and done , to the consciences of all men : Shall defence be necessary , and shall the necessary meanes , without which there can be no defence , be judged unlawfull ? May we not prevent the blow as lawfully , as repell it ? is not the taking of the weapons out of the hands of our boasting enemies and the apprehending of such as draw the Kings Majestie to so hard courses against his subjects , as lawfull , as the defensive war it self , and is it not more safe both for the King and the kingdome , then to take them in battell ? The law both naturall and civill teacheth , that ad defensionem sufficit , quod praecedat offensa vel justus timor offensae , nec debet quis expectare primum ictum : melius enim juraintacta servare , quam post vnlneratam causam remedium quaerere . Quando praecedunt signa & actus manifestae offensionis , & quando aliter nos met tueri non possumus tum inculpata ac necessaria dicitur tutela , a● in dubio insultatus quicquid facit in incontinenti praesumitur ad sui defensionē facere . It is enough for defence that offer of offēce , or just fear of offence go before . All our reasons for lawfull defence and for guarding the castle of Edinburgh , militate for us in the surprysall thereof in this case and at this time . This necessary prevention was the practise of France , of Holland , of Germanie , and of our own nation , when for the defence of their religion or liberties they took armes , which they offered alwayes to lay down how soon they should be secured ; Likeas we declare at this time , that we take armes not for invasion , not for alteration of the civill government , not for wronging any mans person , or to possesse what belongeth to any man , but for the defence of our religion , liberties and lives . That even when we hold our sword in the one hand , we will present our humble supplication to his sacred Majestic with the other ; that how soon our supplication is granted , our selves secured , and the peace of the Kirk and kingdome setled , we shall suffer our swords to fall from us , shall leave nothing in our power unperformed for perfect pacification , and shall vow to live and die in obedience to his Majesties laws , and mantainance of his Majesties royall person and authority , which we heartily wish and earnestly pray , that GOD would incline his Majestie to heare , before matters be desperate , and the rupture become uncurable . Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly , by me M r. A. Ihonston Clerk thereto : Edinb . 22. of March 1639. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A11659-e90 2. Sam. 16. 12. Mat. 5. 11. 
A11746	----	A short relation of the state of the Kirk of Scotland since the reformation of religion, to the present time for information, and advertisement to our brethren in the Kirk of England, by an hearty well-wisher to both kingdomes. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. 1638 Approx. 40 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11746 STC 22039 ESTC S116925 99852140 99852140 17447 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11746) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17447) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1291:13) A short relation of the state of the Kirk of Scotland since the reformation of religion, to the present time for information, and advertisement to our brethren in the Kirk of England, by an hearty well-wisher to both kingdomes. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. [24] p. Printed [by John Wreittoun?], [Edinburgh] : in the yeare of God, 1638. An hearty well-wisher to both kingdomes = Archibald Johnston, Lord Warriston. Erroneously attributed to James Melville and to John Leslie, Earl of Rothes. Printer's name conjectured by STC. Signatures: A-C⁴. Running title reads: A short relation of the estate of the kirk of Scotland. The last leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Church of Scotland -- History, (17th century) -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SHORT RELATION Of the State of the Kirk of SCOTLAND since the Reformation of Religion , to the present time for information , and advertisement to our Brethren in the Kirk of England , By an hearty Well-wisher to both KINGDOMES . Printed in the yeare of God , 1638. THE Kirk of Scotland after the reformation of Religion did by degrees attaine to as great perfection both in doctrine & discipline as any other reformed kirk in Europe . The soundnesse of Doctrine appeareth in her severall Confessions of Faith approven by all the best reformed Kirkes in forraine parts . But because puritie of Religion cannot bee long preserved without that platforme of Government , which the Word of God hath laid foorth unto us , her nationall assemblies laboured diligently many years to finde out the same , and after many conferences , and publick reasoning resolved upon these conclusions , which are contained in the booke of Policie , or second booke of Discipline . But shortly thus much for the present . Each Parish beeing provided of a Minister ( who underwent tryalls before his admission to the place , and behoved to be qualified both for life , learning and skilfull government ) was ruled by him and the Elders thereof , beeing the men of best life & understanding in the said Parish . Twelve sixteene or twentie of these Kirks were conjoyned in a Pres-byterie or classicall meeting , that did meete weekly and exercise their gifts by course , and had the power of ordinary jurisdiction , ordination , suspension , deprivation , excommunication , or direction to the parish Minister to excommunicat , after the sight of the processe deduced by the particulare Eldership , collation of benefices , visitation of kirks within their bounds . The enormitie of Ministers either in life or doctrine were dela●ed , either by some parochinar , or neighbour Minister . Persons of whatsoever qualitie in the Co●gregations who would not obey their owne Ministers and Elders were censured : If verie great difficulties come before them , or if the Pres-byterie had adoe with great parties , who did withdraw any of their number , in these & the like cases there was recourse had to the provincial Synods . The whole Pres-byterie of a shire or two mett twise a-yeare in their Synod , tryed presbyteries , and ordered what was disficle for the presbyteries , or might concerne them al in common . If any difficultie come before them , for which there was no kirk constitution , they referred the same to the nationall Assembly , which conveened once a yeere , or oftner pro re nata . Where they gave their judgment in the case preponed , and made some act & constitution for the like cases in time comming , and other acts and constitutions needfull , received appellations , petititions , grievances , and appointed some to propone their owne grievances to the Parliament , King , Counsellor Convention . This was the supreme and highest Kirk judicatorie , to which was made the last appeale , & which was composed of these members , his Majesties self or a Commissionar representing him , two or , three Ministers chosen by each Presbitery , one Gentleman an Elder within the bounds of a presbyterie , A commissioner for each regall burgh , and two for Edinburgh : some one of these Ministers was chosen to moderat , or preside by the voices of the whole assembly . This supreme judicatorie so censured the omissions of the subordinat , that no vice of any person whtasoever escaped censure , no error could sooner set out its head , but it was presently crushed by one of these , as King IAMES confessed in diverse discourses , and gave that reason why so few errours had appeared in the kirk of Scotland , because they could not escape the censure of one of these Ecclesiasticall judicatories . This forme of government so comfortable to the religious , and profitable to the kirke was insufferable to many of higher rank , who did not think this yoke of Christ so easy as to enjoy their wished libertie without controulment , which made a number of these , with Courtiers , and some of the Ministers who were more loose & worldly minded suggest unto King Iames of ever blessed memorie , that He had not so much power in the kirk as in the commonwelth . because , when any of these libertines committed any offence , he could not save them from kirk censure , although his Majestie had alwayes power to remit the civill censure & punishment . His Majestie beeing then hopefull of the kingdom of England , they added that reason , that if he obtained the Kirke of Scotland to be governed by Bishops , as that of England was , he would thereby endeare to himself the kirk men there , who might otherwise suspect his affectiō to their state , being acquainted with another forme of kirk government , if he should not evidence it , by labouring that change . And if he shuld eshablish the government of Bishops in Scotland , he might bee as absolute in the kirk as in the Common-wealth . Thus they kindled in his Majesties heart the des●e of an absolute power over the kirk , beeing specially moved by their owne particular ends . Great men for obtaining erection of kirklands , which then appertained to the Crowne , in recompense from his Majestie , for assisting the erection of Bishops in the kirk of Scotland . His Majestie being assured of the Bishops consent , & of inferiour kirkmen , in hope of suceeeding to the said Bishopricks , and of both for vindicating themselves into a licentious liberty from under the awfull censure of the Kirk , was so earnest on that designe , that hee made it his most speciall indevour , but suppressing , the same withall , that hee might obtine it the more easily . Where-unto hee attained by degrees , which are heere set down shortly in some generall heads Wee refer the par●iculars to a more large information , which shall contain the degrees , course of defection , & advancement of Hierar by in our kirk . First , his Majestie Propounded the necesatie to have Ministers voters in Parliament , in the name of the kirk , who sitting in Parliament might bee carefull , that nothing were done in prejudice of the kirk , and might carrie the desires of the whole Kirke to the Parliament for such things as were convenient for them . The medling of Ministers in these civill imployments was extremely disliked , & opposed by the most judicious in this Kirk . To make the Ministers voting in Parliament the more plausible , and to move the more easie condiscendence therto , they were tyed to such caveats , viz. that they should propone nothing in Parliament , Convention or Counsell , without expresse warrant from the kirk , nor keep silence when any thing is proponed there to the prejudice of the Kirke : That they should give an account of their Commission after each Parliament to the next nationall Assembly , and be subject either to their censure of deposition , incase they did transgresse : To attend faithfully their particular flocks as Ministers , in the administration of discipline , collation of benefices , or other points of ecclesiasticall government , to usurpe or acclaime no jurisdiction over their brethren . A number of such caveats beeing agried upon in the assembly should have beene ratified in the next parliament . But these beeing suppressed , there was insert in place there of a number of articles in favours of Bishops never mentioned nor agried upon in Assembly . These Ministers who would have entred the Parliament-house to discover that falshood , and protest against it , were holden out from protesting publickly , but they delivered their protestati win write to the Estates severally . All this time these pretended prelats laboured , that there should be no generall Assembly at all to censure them for transgressing their cautions that they might the more boldly contraveene . And whereas in these generall assemblies before their dissolving the kings Majestie or his Commissioner beeing present did appoint the time and place of the next assemblie . His Majestiie beeing moved by these Kirkmen , who could not endure the censure of generall Assemblyes , by his owne warrant first shifted the time solemnely appointed by the last assembly to another time , and then to no certaine time : which made some of the speciall and ablest Ministers to keepe the time last prescribed for preserving the Kirks right . These were conveened before the civill Iudge by commandement , and sentenced with baniment although only the Assembly shuld have judged , whether their meeting had beene a lawfull assembly or not : some others of these were for that same cause imprisoned . The Kirkmen presented to Bishoprickes were restored to their civill estate and dignitie in Parliament , voyces beeing obtained by consenting to erections of sundry Abbacies , and other corrupt meanes in the year . 1606. Thereafter they began to encroach upon the kirk government . First they affected to be constant moderators ; & to the end they might effectuat this point the more easily , they procured a meetting of Ministers at Linlithgow not long after , while as their chiefest opposites in the Ministerie were either banished , imprisoned , confyned or drawne up to Court , being sent for by his Majestie to give their advice or best overtures for the peace of the Kirk as was pretended . That meetting consisted of such as were sent for by his Majesties missives without mention of any generall assemblies . At this meeting these who were styled Bishops in respect of their benefice were made constant Moderators of the Presbyteries , where they were resident , but were unwillingly admitted by the presbyteries . Yet this did not content them , and therefore they accepted the power of the high Commission , allowed them onely by his Majesties command , and Lords of Counsell , against the act of Parliament inhibiting any judicatories , but such as should bee established by parliament . Thereafter they procured an Assembly to be holden at Glasgow , consisting of such as were given in note to the presbiteries , and corrupted by sowmes of money , or hopes of preferment , or awed with the terrour of the high Commission . At this pretended assembly some power in Presbyteries , and moderation in provinciall Synods upon an assurance by word , and an implicite condition in the Act it self for set or yeerely assemblyes , was graunted to those who were styled vulgarlie Bishops in respect of their benefice . But the office of a Bishop was not re-established , which before had beene damned by former Assemblies . Yet went some of them to England , and received consecration to the office of a Diocesian Bishop , returned and consecrat their Fellowes deserted their flocks , and governed as diocesian Bishops without respect to the limitations of the act of the pretended assembly . And this their usurpation they maintaine by the power and authoritie of the high Commission . Finding that yet they wanted meanes to make the people stumble , & so to be brought under their censure , a nationall assembly was called 1618. Whereunto his Majesty invited by his letters above thirtie Noblemen & Gentlemen wanting Commissions , who voted to the conclusions of that pretended assembly . Ministers were brought in from the streets , and some were written for to assist ( though never chosen for Commissioners ) . These who had Commissions were neither suffered to reason , nor vote freely . ( There they concluded the five articles , which had beene formerly condemned by our Kirk as superstitious ) promising then to leave the practise of them arbitrarie . These they procured by the like indirect meanes to bee ratified in Parliament Anno 1621. Against the which articles and ratification thereof in Parliament ( without the desire and consent of the assemblyes had thereunto ) the most religious and judicious of the Ministerie did solemnely protest in name of the reformed Kirk of SCOTLAND , whereunto the most part of the particular Congregations have adhered , and never practised these Articles . Notwithstanding heereof , the Bishops did presse them violently , and when any refused practise , there was matter for their high Commission to worke on . This their usurpation even without any pretended warrant of corrupt assemblyes ; and their crueltie encreased . For they usurpe the moderation of general Assemblyes which are holden only at their pleasure , at diocesian Synods they sit as Iudges rather than simple moderators . They ordaine Ministers not in the presence , or with consent of the Congregation , but in some remote place , and sometimes without the presence of any Minister of the Presbyterie , or bounds where the Minister is to serve . They give orders to sundrie without the charge of any flock , they suspend and deprive Ministers usually for none conformitie , not in Pres-byteries and in Synods , where-unto they are tyed , but in the Court of high Commission , wherein they fyne , confyne , or imprison Preachers or professors at their pleasure . They stay pres-byteries from proceeding to the sentence of Excommunication . They exact subscripiton from intrants to the Ministerie unto articles framed by themselves alanerly , and debarre the best qualified for refusing to subscribe . It doth not content them to admit according to the oath contained in the Act of Parliament . They convocate Ministers to promiscuous meetinges , and direct their mandates from these , as from the representative Kirk of Scotland . They consecrate Bishops and ordaine Ministers according to a forme not allowed by this Kirk . They debarre persons presented by lawfull Patrons , because they refuse to enter by the degree of a baptizing Deacon . They sit in Counsell , Session , and Exchequer , contrare to the word of God and acts of the Kirk . They staye processe against Papists . They teach Popish and Arminian pointes of doctrine , or preferre such as teach the like . They bring in practise of novations in the royall chappell , not warranted so much as by any pretended acts of corrupt Assemblies . But to relate their particular insolencies and usurpations were fitter for a Volume than for this short information . And although at Conventions and Parliaments their oppressions were complained upon , yet neither parliament , Convention or Counsell , would heare any plaint against them . By direction of his Majesties private letters the Counsell all wayes interposed their authoritie to all their sentences in the high Commission , when it was craved , and assisted them so far as lay in them , which did increase their pride , and encourage their undertaking all novelties , which seemed good in their owne eyes . Thus thinking themselves by thirtie one yeares experience sufficiently persuaded of the passive disposition of the people to underly what they would impose , and of the secret Counsells assistance , they obtained his Majesties letters patents for an high Commission consisting of above an hundreth persons civill and ecclesiasticall promiscuously , whereof the Bishop of any Diocie , might assume any six to himself , and there judge any person of whatso-ever qualitie within , or without his diocie , whereas only before Arch-bishops might held Courtes of high Commission . Some of the Bishops began to put this new Commission in practise , and and give it life and execution . In the yeare 1636 the Bishops framed a booke of Canons and constitutions for governing the kirke of Scotland . Which did quite subvert the order and forme of discipline established , contained many errours , and opened a doore for many moe both in doctrinall and disciplinarie points of Religion , whensoever the Kings Majestie upon the Bishops recommendation would ordaine the same . In this booke it was ordained that there should bee no obloquie against these Canons , or booke of Common prayer , which was to bee set foorth , notwithstanding such proceedings were illegall . In the next yeare in Iunij 1637 the said Bishops caused print the booke of Common prayer , compiled by them for the use of this Kirk , which was appointed by his Majesties letter to bee received , as the onlie forme of Gods publick worship , where-unto all Subjects either civill or ecclesiasticall behoved to conforme themselves , and the contraveeners to be condignly punished . By proclamation each Minister was enjoyned , and some charged with letters of horning to buy two of them for the use of the Parish . Approbation from the Lords of Counsell was given to it , when few but Bishops were present at Counsell . The Bishop of Edinburgh accompanied with two Arch bishops , and sundrie other Bishops ( notwithstanding the mislik Ministers and Professours had for the manner of introduction & corruptions of the same ) began the use of it in the cheife Kirk of Edinburgh , upon the 23 Iulij . 1637. The people much discontented with the former novations , could not endure so great and sudden alteration , as imported a change both of the externall forme , and nature of the former publick worship , did the most part of them all at one instant rise & hinder the new service , calling it superstitious or idolatrous . The same was also stopped in another Kirk of Edinburgh , where it was to bee read by the Bishop of Argyle . Notwithstanding heereof they procured by act of Counsell , the paine of death without all favour and mercie to bee denounced against all those who should any wayes raile or speake against the Bishops , or any of the inferiour cleargie , or against the Service booke . They discharged the Ministers and Readers in Edinburgh , ( who refused the Booke , ) there wonted service , and interdited the publicke Evening and Morning prayer , reding of Scriptures , singing of Psalmes , for a long time , and still pressing the buying and practising of the said Booke by all Ministers . Which moved the Ministers first to petition , and next manie of the Nobilitie , Gentrie , Burgesses , and Ministers to meete , and to supplicate the Lordes of privie Counsell against the saids books of Canons and Common prayers against the illegall and unorderlie waye of introducing the same . The generall Supplication sent to His Majestie by the Duke of Lennox , ( who was then returning to England from the buriall of his Mother in September , 1937. ) was answered in October only by a Proclamation , discharging the Counsell to meddle in Kirk matters , and charging all the Supplicants to depart out of the Town within twentie foure houres , under the paine of rebellion , as also the Iudicatories of Counsell , and Session to remove , but no wayes answering the petitions , which the Supplicants did patiently expect , notwithstanding the matter concerned the service of God. The Supplicants gave in then a Complaint against the Bishops , offering to prove these bookes contained the seedes of Superstition and Idolatrie &c. and craved justice upon the Bishops , as authors thereof , and guiltie of lies , betwixt the King and his Subjects , and many other crimes censurable by Law. The affection of people drawing so many together to waite for the answere to their Supplications gave offence to the Lords of Counsell , whereupon the Supplicants for giving them satisfaction , did with their consent choose but a few of their number to attend the same , who after long expectation , were answered only by a Proclamation upon the seventh of December , declaring his Majestie not to be inclined to Popery , which the Supplicants did not alledge . They beeing then earnestly required , by such as had power from his Majestie , to divide the supplications severally by shires , to restraine them only to the bookes of Canons and Common prayer , and to passe from the high Commission and the pursuite of the Bishops , the supplicants gave sundrie reasons , why they could not doe so , shewing also , that if the Bishops keeped their boundlesse usurped power , they could soone frame and bring in the like bookes within a short space , and offered to prove they had all deserved exemplare punishment by their usurpation against Law , and by their heavie tyranny unlawfully exerced on the Subjects for many yeares . All this time the Supplicants could obtaine no answere to the supplications sent to His Majestie , nor move the Counsell to receive them , and recommend them to His Majestie not for the space of a whole Moneth , although they continually attended , till they were ready to make protestation against the Counsell for not hearing them in so important a businesse . Vpon the twentie one daye of December , 1637. the Counsell ' received the generall Supplication , and sent it to his Majestie , at which time the Supplicants declined the Bishops from being their Iudges , as beeing now their parties . The answere to the particulare and generall Supplications was returned by a Proclamation made in Februarie , 1638. Whereby his Majestie had declared hee had ordained the booke of Common prayer to bee compyled , that hee had approved the same as a ready meane to maintaine the true Religion , and beate out all Superstition and Idolatrie , and doubted not to satisfie the minds of all the Subjects . Heere-with charged them all to depart from these Townes where the Counsell or Session should sit , and to abstaine from all meetings any where under the paine of Treason . A verie great number of the Nobilitie and Gentrie , made a proestation on the mercat Crosse of Edinburgh immediatly after the Proclamation was red , against the bookes of Canons , and Common prayer , high Commission , and all other Novations introduced in the Kirke against or without the Word of GOD and lawes of the Countrey , and against the Bishops as their parties , & that in no judicatorie they should sit as their Iudges , till they were tryed by Law. That their whole meetings were lawfull & necessare , & that they might have their recourse to his Majestie . The Supplicants were then forced to forbeare any futher dealing with the Counsell , because against the Law of Nature and Nations they would not admit their declinatour against the Bishops their parties from sitting as their Iudges , whereas they offered under the paine of their lives , to prove many haynous crymes against them , and such as were palpable to the World. as their introduction of Poperie , and Arminianisme , & their many publick transgressions against Law. The whole Nobilitie , Gentrie , Burrowes , Ministers , and Commons , who had now so often supplicat , and so long attended , were cast into great difficulties considering their Religion so well warranted by Gods Word , and established by the lawes of the Kirke and Kingdome , was now begunne to bee changed , both in doctrine and discipline , at the pleasure of the fourteene Bishops , and the liberties of the Countrie like to bee infringed by their usurpation , and that having complained often upon them to his Majestie by his Counsell , were answered by the former declaration approving these Popish bookes , their wicked & unlawfull proceedings , and condemning the Supplicants lawfull and peaceable meetings , and humble waye of supplicating , as prejudiciall to regall authoritie , prohibiting also their necessar meetings in time comming , All these did move the Supplicants , to bethinke the renewing of the nationall Covenant of this Kirke & Kingdom , ( the breach whereof hath beene a speciall cause to bring these evills upon them ) to bee a good meane for obtaining the Lords wonted favour , having many examples in holy Scripture that the people of GOD have happily renewed their Covenant with GOD. This their Covenant containeth nothing in substance but that which is contained in the Confession of Faith , and generall band formerly made for maintenance of Religion , & acts of Parliament made at sundie times . The Confession of Faith was approved by diverse Acts of secreet Counsell , and generall Assemblbes . It was first subscribed by King IAMES himself , and his whole House-hold , after by all his Subjects , commanded by publick Proclamation to subscribe . Subscription to this Confession hath beene in continuall practise , when any persons suspect of Papistrie were to be tryed , & likewise masters of Schooles & Colledges were ordained by act of Assemblye to cause their Schollers subscribe when they were to passe their degrees , which hath beene observed to this day . The practise of subscribing beeing in continuall use to this time was a sufficient warrant for the Supplicants to subscribe the same for manifesting their affection to GODS trueth , and holding out all Popish superstition . To the said Confession are subjoyned such acts of Parliament , as ratified the heads thereof , and were made in favours of Religion professed in the same , Together with a part of the generall band formerly made and subscribed by authoritie of King Iames , and his Counsell , binding all the Subjects to the defence of Religion , and his Majesties person , and each to other in these two causes . The Supplicants bind themselves to forbeare all approbation or practise of corruptions and innovations brought in this Kirk , till the forme of their entry their lawfulnes , or expediencie be tryed in a free generall Assemblye , and to labour by all meanes lawfull to recover the puritie and libertie of the Gospell , as it was professed and established before the entrie of the said Novations . But withall they declare that the novations and evills contained in their Supplications , complaints & protestations , have no warrant in the word of God , and are contrare to the articles of the forsaid confession , & acts of Parliament . They promise to forbeare the practise and approbation of novations already entred , till a free assembly and Parliament , because they were never condiscended upon , but in pretended Assemblies , and upon conditions which have not beene observed , besides that protestations have beene made contrare to the same . This Covenant was subscribed by many thousands in Februarie last , yea , in a very short time , by almost the whole Kingdome . It was publickly read and sworne in most Kirks with great motion , prayers , and teares , all professing repentance for their sinnes , specially for their breach of Covenant to God in suffering the puritie of his worship to bee thus tainted . The desire of true knowledge wrought by it in the hearts of the people may approve it to bee a speciall meane appointed by God for reclaiming this Nation to himself . The supplicants having now both by oath & subscription manifested their desires to be religious , & their hearts loyall and faithfull to their Prince , beeing now barred from dealing with the privy Counsell , who admitted the Bishops to sit as Iudges in the cause , after the Supplicants had declined them as parties , and beeing desirous his Majestie should bee rightly informed , that hee might give a gratious answer , they thought it expedient to write to the Duke of Lennox , Marquesse of Hamiltoun , Earle of Mortoun , as speciall members of this state , because they had neere accesse to his Majestie , not doubting that they could not but bee very sensible of these evills complained upon , desired them to learne from his Majestie , if hee would bee pleased to receive a new petition from the Supplicants immediatly or if they should make their desires knowne to his Majesty by their Lordships . This supplication was sent to have been delivered if his Majestie would have received it , and also some articles containing their just desires for their Lordships information . His Majestie was not willing to receive the supplication , but perusing the articles did remit his gratious answere to bee delivered by the Marquesse of Hamiltoun , who was to bee sent as his Majesties Commissioner , with instructions and power for settling the peace of this kingdome . Vpon the thirtie day of May a ship arrived at the road of Leith , carrying a great deale of munition , as Cannon , powder , with Cannon ball , musquets , Pikes , and match for the Castle of Edinburgh , foretold & threatned by the Bishop of S. Andrewes , and his followers , who affirmed the providing that Castle , and fortifieng the towne of Leith , to bee the onely meane to beate down Edinburgh , and force them to undergoe any thing should bee injoyned , as also to hold the supplicants out of it &c. Upon suspition that the putting of this munition in the Castle would be stayed , the Lord Thesaurer did convey it quyetly to Mussilburgh harberie and from thence to Dalkeith . The people remembering the threatnings preceeding , and considering that such provision had not beene made for these places these thirtie yeares by past , began to suspect danger The Supplicants suspecting that the same would bee imployed against the bodie of the Kingdome , who were ayming at no thing but the preservation of Religion , and the Subjects libertie , resolved without giving offence , to keepe a watch lest any of that provision should bee conveyed into these places against the wonted custome : For these are the greatest forts in the Countrie appointed for her sastetie , and not for her hurt . The Marquesse of Hamilton being appointed his Majesties Commissioner did send a number of missives to his friends , followers & acquaintance in Scotland from Court , to meet him at Haddingtoun , and Dalkeith , the fifth day of Iunij . Where-upon the Papists applauding to the Service booke , bragged that they with some neutralls , and such as were indifferent in matters of Religion , would assist the Bishops , & used all their meanes to conveene the greatest numbers they could . The Supplicants moved with the provision intended for the Castle , and these frequent meetings of Papists & neutrals , resolved not to joyne with them at their meeting with the Commissioner , because they would impudently ascribe the most part of these whom hee had required , to themselves and these neutralls , for these and some other important reasons , the Supplicants resolved to send out some few of their number to make their excuse to my Lord Commissioner . The Supplicants together & the Towne of Edinburgh apart by their request procured his comming to Haly-rood-house as the most convenient place for their attendance . Vpon the seventh of Iunij at his entrie hee was attended by a great number of the Supplicants on horse , meeting him three myles from Haly-rood-house , and all the way betwixt by many thousands on foot , amongst the which were six or seven hundreth of the Ministerie . In hope that the Commissioner would not offer to furnish the Castle with munition during the treatie , the numbers appointed for watching were diminished even before his entrie . The Supplicants renewed their former desires of a generall Assembly and Parliament to the Commissioner , as the only meane to redresse the evills complained upon . He acknowledged himselfe unable to grant either , till first the Countrie were in a peaceable condition , & till they should first rescind and render their subscribed Covenants to his Majestie . To the first it was answered , the Cuntrie was not unpeaceable , there was many humble supplications desiring remedie of these pressing grievances , the Supplicants could not be moved to stay from meeting , and supplicating till they should receive a gratious answere , and the onely meane to content them was the granting of a free generall Assembly , and a Parliament , for the second , they could not draw on themselves the guilt of perjurie before God , & gave the Commissioner sufficient reasons of their refusall , which are extant in print . The Commissioner excepted against that clause in the Covenant , bearing mutuall defence , as if the Supplicants had combyned themselves to maintaine each other in their owne private quarrells , howbeeit the clause bee cleare eneugh of itself , yet for his Majesties satisfaction they gave in a Supplication to the Commissioner , wherein they declared their mutuall defence of each other , was only in the defence of true Religion , of the lawes and liberties of this Kirk and Kingdome , and of his Majesties person , and autoritie in preservation thereof , where-with his Grace acquiesed . The Commissioner professing , that all his instructions did runne on the hope of having the Covenant surrendred , and this failing , hee could doe no more but returne , and deale with his Majesty for obtaining a free generall Assembly and Parliament . Withall did shew that before his parting hee behoved to publish his Majesties gratious declaration , and so first made that proclamation of returning the Counsell , and Session to Edinburgh to make a faire way for the other , professing also , that the other should bee full of goodnesse , promising only a generall Assembly and parliament , and discharging all novations introduced . Where upon a protestation was provided only to give thanks to his Majestie , and to protest that some short and convenient time might bee appointed for holding the Assemblye and Parliament . But the Supplicants attending the publishing of this faire and smooth declaration , when it was proclaimed upon the fourth of Iulij they found it so grievous , as it necessitat the Supplicants to make that protestation , which is extant in print . As the Supplicants were grieved at the Proclamation , so their griefe was augmented when they heard that the Lordes of Counsell had approved the Proclamation by a particular Act. For the Counsell had approved that proclamation as satisfactorie , and so full of grace and goodnesse , so that it might satisfie all men . Whereas it gave saisfaction to none of the Supplicants desires , and did condemne their lawfull meetings . Therefore they prepared a supplication for the Commissioner , which did bear their just exceptions at the Proclamation , and farre more against the Counsells act of approbation . But the Counsell considering better of their Act , did teare it after it was subscribed , and before it was put upon record . The next day the Commissioner was supplicated and earnestly desired to make some act to cleare , that the Counsells subscribing of the Kings Majesties declaration was no approbation thereof from them , but only a warrant for the Clerke to cause proclaime it . The Commissioner and most of the Counsellers declared the same solemnely by their oaths , wherein the Supplicants acquiesced . My Lord Commissioner promised to recomend their desires earnestly to his Majestie , and returne at the fifth of August next , or before the twelft at the furthest . The Commissioner reported that it was written from England , that these of this Nation were comming with armes towards them . The Supplicants protested bef●re God , it never entred in their mindes to doe them the least harme , but that they carried toward them all due respect of Brethren , if they should not bee first invaded by them , which was as farre from their expectation , as it was without their deservings . But on the contrare , whereas such of the Bishops as were chiefe authors of these evills , apprehending danger from the Panick terrours of their guiltie consciences , & not from any just occasion offered by the Supplicants , when they and their adherents , had acted the part of Incendiaries at the Court of England betwixt the Kings Majestie and his Subjects , did thereafter retire themselves out of Scotland , as hopelesse to find a partie for them there , these who have not subscribed the Confession , excepting Counsellers , not beeing a considerable part , and the most part of them no favourers of Bishops . And they bragged that his Majestie will make the people of England come in armes against Scotland , which is neither to bee expected from so just a King against his own native subjects only supplicating for the preservation of true Religion , and liberties of the Countrie established by lawes , nor from so good and wise a people with whom the Kingdom of Scotland is not more neerely conjoyned by marches , than all true Scotish hearts have beene these many yeares past . It should be an high and fearefull dissimulation , if any such spytefull intention were keeped up against brethren , whose naturall freedome and ingenuitie cannot admit the least suspition of any such thoughts : seing they live in one Iie , under one King & have intertained commerce with as litle contoversie , or debate , & with as much affection and peace , as ever was betwixt two Nations , yea , they are so far from intention to offer wrong to the English , that they are resolved never to suffer England to be wronged by any other Nation , so long as their lives and meanes shall laste , and doe expect the like br●therly duetie from them , least they bee found even to f●ght against God himself . How can they have any purpose to wrong that Countrie , wherein so many worthie Preachers and professours have given both by writing and suffering abundant testimonie to the cause they plead for in all the particulars thereof , which now they maintaine . My Lordes of the Clergie in Scotland as they have borrowed somethings from England , to wit , high Commission , Canons , and such other stuffe not warranted by law , as in England , thought to have repared that loane by establishing the new Service booke first heere , that thereafter their confederats might thrust out that service so long continued in England , for if it had not been for that end , it shuld not have goten so much help and approbation from thence , and perhaps from Rome . But that current is stopped heere , praised be God , and we wish it might be also there , If some English Bishops , seeming to compassionate their Brethren heere , have a desire to further the plot , though it were upon Nationall Perills , & so may move the English Catholicks , as persons furthest disappointed , to undertake the recoverie of their cause , by giving their whole assistance against Scotland , which beeing once suppressed , all may bee setled there , and then undoubtedly in England : The kingdom of Scotland ( with reservation of all due respect to the true English ) craveth they maye not onely have help from good Christians there , in case of such invasion : but also leave to root out these Cananits , who are pricks in their sides . And this much shortly , to give satis-faction to the better sort , that there bee no mistaking amongst brethren . Cursed bee these that doe not wish and pray for peace , if it can bee had without that great losse of the Gospell of peace , in the purity and power thereof according to the word of God. FINIS . 
A04026	----	Informations, or a protestation, and a treatise from Scotland Seconded with D. Reignoldes his letter to Sir Francis Knollis. And Sir Francis Knollis his speach in Parliament. All suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops. 1608 Approx. 106 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A04026 STC 14084 ESTC S107421 99843122 99843122 7832 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04026) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7832) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 991:04) Informations, or a protestation, and a treatise from Scotland Seconded with D. Reignoldes his letter to Sir Francis Knollis. And Sir Francis Knollis his speach in Parliament. All suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops. Knollys, Francis, Sir, d. 1643. Rainolds, John, 1549-1607. Simson, Patrick, 1556-1618. [8], 94, [2] p. Imprinted [by W. Jones' secret press], [S.l.] : 1608. The "protestation offered to the Parliament .. 1 Iulij 1606" was written by Patrick Simson (DNB). Identification of printer from STC. The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. Sheets A-D and F are in two different settings, indiscriminately mixed. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion INFORMATIONS , OR A PROTESTATION , AND A Treatise from Scotland . SECONDED WITH D. REIGNOLDES HIS LETTER TO SIR Francis Knollis . AND Sir Francis Knollis his speach in Parliament . ALL Suggesting the vsurpation of Papal Bishops . 1. Cor : 12. 5. There are diversities of Administrations but one Lord. Math. 15. 13. Every plant . which my heavenly Father hath not planted , shall be rooted out . Imprinted . 1608. The Printer to the Reader . WHereas it hath pleased God to hide me ( as he did Ieremy and Baruch ) on this side the seas , notwithstanding the Archbishop of Canterbury sent over two men to seeke me ( of whom I hard after they were gone hencee ) and I doubt not , but the same God will hide me still , untill I haue done his heavenly Maiestie all that servicc which ( in his counsell ) he hath appoynted me to do here . I am resolved ( through his grace ) to be as helpfull as ( I can ) in pulling downe the tower of Babel . Which to do I am perswaded , every christian is as well bound in conscience as to build up the tower of Sion . Promising withall , in the presence of God , to giue over this course , and humbly to submit my selfe to the censure of authority , for the manifesting of my repentance , when I shall learne , that Diocesan Bishopps are by the ordinance of God , and ( as heretofore , so hear after ) with all diligence and humility , to informe my selfe , touching that question most necessary to be knowne in these times , of all those that esteeme the kingdome of Christ. If I be demaunded , whither I haue not heard of , or sene D. Downams Sermon at Lambith : I answer , I heare that many sound divines doe greiue , that so learned a man should discover such weaknes , But they thinke that the sermon , especially the Epistle was by the instructions of the Archbishop , whose chaplaine he is . And I see that he doth not answer M. Iacobs reasons , though he be carping at his booke : and one other thing of note , which was never yet heard of . viz. That not one Minister of such a perticular congregation , as may , and ought to come togither on the Sabbath , is once named , or specially mentioned , in all the New Testament , but onely Diocesan Bishops , from which Bishops those Ministers are sent , as governours are sent from the King. So that Mimisters are but curates to the Bishops , as to those who onely hold their calling immediatly from Christ. Therefore ( if this Doctrine be true ) me thinkes one prayer in the Communion Booke should be put out : viz. Almighty God , who only workest great mervailes , send downe vpon our Bishops and curates the healthfull spirit of thy grace . For though heretofore it might seeme to us a mervaile , if God blessed Diocesan Bishops and Ministers as being their curates , because they were not ( as yet ) knowne to be by Gods Ordinance : yet now ( if this doctrine be true , that all having charge of congregations , be either Diocesan Bishops , or their curates ) we are not to mervaile if God blesse his owne ordinance . But I hope that this doctrine and the whole Sermon , and consequently the vsurpation of Papall Bishops will be impleaded at the barre of their conscience , who haue a minde to reade : and understanding to iudge what shal be written . In meane while I thought it convenient to pubthese Informations , praying the brethren of Scotland not to be offended , if their be any errors in the Protestation , or Treatise of Kirk governement : but to consider , that I received them from Englishmen , who haue not ( belike ) perfect intelligence of Scottish affaires , but as thinges goe from hand to hand . As may appeare by naming Leith to be the place where the Sermon was preached , for which M. Murray is imprisoned , notwithstanding the Provinciall Synod , before which it was preached ( as I heare ) approved the same . But that it was preached by M. Murray and at Edinburgh : I heard not , till after the sermon was imprinted . As for the Letter , and Speach mentioned in the Title page of this booke , I ioyne them with the other , because they ( likewise ) informe the Church of the usurpation of Papal Bishops . And the rather , because the Letter doth not onely make good that ( which towards the end of the second part of the Treatise ) is sayd , to this effect : viz That the most learned defendours of the trueth against the Romaine Antichrist , condemne the said usurpation , but also it confuteth sondry pointes of D. Downams Lambith Sermon . And secondly . Because the Letter , togither with the Speach of so worthy a Counsailor of this State , should be some Incitation to his Maiesties most Honorable privie Councell now being , not to depend upon the mouthes of Bishops and their Chaplaines ( who , in this case , are rather to be mistrusted of godly wise men , as Achabs 400. Prophets were of King Iehoshaphat ) but closely to sound the iudgment of learned men , ( such as doe not'aspire to dignities , and therfore doe not studie to please the mightie ) and then to pleade ( not for Baal , but ) for Christ his Kingdome in his Church , which he purchased with his most precious bloud . A PROTESTATION OFFERED TO THE PARLIAMENT at S. Iohnstons 1. Iulij 1606. THe earnest desire of our hearts is to be faithfull , and in case we could haue been silent , and faithfull at this time when the undermined estate of Christ his Kirke craues a dutie at our handes ; we should haue locked up our hearts with patience , and our mouthes with taciturnitie rather than to haue impeshed any with our admonition . But that quhilk Christ commandeth , necessitie urgeth , and duetie wringeth out of us to be faithful office bearers in the Kirke of God , no man can justly blame us to doe it ; Providing we hold our selues within the bounds of that Christian moderation quhilk followeth God without injurie done to any man , specially those , whō God hath lapped up within the skirts of his owne honorable stiles and names , calling them Gods upon earth . Now therfore ( my Lords convened in this present Parliament , under the most High & excellēt Majestie of our dread Soveraigne ) to your Honors is our exhortation , that yee would indever with all singlenes of heart , loue , & zeale , to advāce the building of the house of God ; reserving alwayes into the Lord his owne hands that glorie , quhilk he will communicate neither with man , nor Angell , to wit to prescribe from his holy mountaine a liulie patterne according to which his owne Tabernacle , should be formed . Remembring alwayes , that there is no absolute , and unbounded authority in this world , except the Soveraigne authoritie of Christ the King , to whō it belongeth as properly to rule the Kirke , according to the good pleasure of his owne will , as it belōgeth to him to saue his Kirke by the merit of his owne sufferings . All other authoritie is so intrēched within the marches of divine commandement , that the least overpassing of the bounds set by God himselfe bringeth men vnder the fearfull expectation of temporall , and eternall judgmentes . For this cause my Lords , let that authority of your meeting in this present Parliament be like the Ocean sea , quhilk as it is greatest of all other waters ; so it conteyneth the selfe better within the coasts & limits appoynted by God , than any River of fresh rūning waters haue done . Next remember that God hath set you to be Nourish Fathers of his Kirke , craving at your hands that you should maintayne and advance by your authoritie that Church which the Lord hath fashioned by the vncoūterfaited worke of his owne newe creation ( as the Prophet speaketh ) He hath made us , and not we our selues , but not that yee should presume to fashion , and shape a new protrature of a Kirk , and a new forme of divine service , quhilk Cod in his word hath not before allowed ; because that were to extend your authority further than the calling yee haue of God doth permit . As namely if ye should ( as God forbid ) authorize the authority of Bishops , and their prehemi nence aboue their brethrē , yee should bring into the Kirk of God the Ordinance of man , and that thing which the experience of preceding ages hath testified to haue been the ground of great idlenes , palpable ignorance , unsufferable pride , pitiles tyrannie , and shameles ambitiō in the Kirk of God. And finally to haue been the ground of that Antichristian Hicrarchie which mounted up on the steps of preheminence of Bishops vntil that man of sinn came forth as the ripe fruite of mā his wisdome , whom God shall consume with the breath of his owne mouth . Let the sword of God pearce that belly which brought forth such a monster , and let the staff of God crush that Egge which hath hatched such a Cocatrice . And let not only that Roman Antichrist be thro wen downe from the high Bench of his usurped authoritie , but also let all the steps whereby he mounted up to that unlawfull preheminence be cut downe and utterly abolished in this land . Aboue all thinges ( my Lords ) beware to striue against God with an open & displayed bāner by building vp againe the walles of Iericho , quhilk the Lord hath not onely cast downe , but also hath layd them under an horrible interdiction and execration : so that the building of them againe must needes stand to greater charges to the builders , than the reedifiyng of Iericho , to Hiel the Bethelit in the dayes of Achab. For he had nothing but the interdiction of Iosua , and the curse pronounced by him to stay him from building agayne of Iericho : But the Noble men and States of this Realme , haue there verence of the Oath of God made by themselues and subscribed with their owne handes in the Confession of faith , called the Kings Maiesties published ofter than once , or twice , and sworne by his most excellent Maiestie , and by his Highnes Nobilitie , Estates , and whole Subiectes of this Realme , to hold them backe from setting up the Dominion of Bishops . Because it is of verity that they subscribed and swore the said Confession , contayning not onely the maintenance of true Doctrine , but also of the Discipline professed within the Realme of Scotland . Consider also , that this worke cannot be set forward without the great slander of the Gospell , defamation of many Preachers , and evident losse and hurt of the peoples soules committed to our charge . For the people are brought almost to the like case , as they were in Syria , Arabia , and Egipt , about the 600. yeare of our Lord , when the people were so brangled , and shaken with contrary doctrines , some denying , and others allowing the opinion of Eutiches , that in the end they lost all assured perswasion of true Religion ; and within shorte time thereafter did cast the gates of their heartes open to the Divel to receiue that vile , and blasphemous Doctrine of Mahomet : Even so the people of this land are cast in such admiration to heare the Preachers , who so openly damned this stat ly preheminence of Bishops , and then within a few yeares after , accept the same dignitie , Pompe , and superiority in their owne persons , which they before had damned in others , that the people knoweth not which way to in cline , and in end , wil become so doubt full in matters of religion & doctrine , that their heartes will be like an open Taverne dore , patent to every ghest , that likes to come in . We beseech your Honours to ponder this in the ballance of a godly , and prudent minde , and suffer not the Gospell to be slandered by the behaviour of a few number of Preachers ; of whō we are bold to affirme , that , ifthey goe forward in this defection , not only abusing and appropriating that name of Bishops to themselues only , which is common* to all the Pastors of God his Kirke ; But also taking upon thēselues such offices that carie with them the ordinary charge of governing the civil affaires of the Country , neglecting their flockes , and seeking to subordinate their brethren to their jurisdiction : If any of them ( we say ) be found to step forward in this course of defection , they are more worthy as rotten members to be cut off from the body of Christ , than to haue superiority & dominion over their brethren within the Kirke of God. This preheminence of Bishops is that Dagon which once already fell before the Arke of God in this land , and no band of irone shal be able to hold him vp againe . This is that patterne of that Altar brought from Damascus , but not shewed to Moses in the mountaine ; & therefore it shall faire with it , as it did with that Altar of Damascus , It came last in the Temple , and went first out . Likwise the Institution of Christ was anterior to this Preheminence of Bishops ; and shall consist and stand with in the house of God , when this new fashion of Altar shal goe to the doore . Remember ( my Lords ) that in time past your authority was for Christ , & not against him , yee followed the light of God , and strived not against it , and like a child in the Mothers hand , yee sayd to Christ , Draw us after thee . God forbid that yee should now leaue off and fall away from your former reverence borne to Christ , inpresuming to lead him , whom the Father hath appoynted to be a leader of you . And farre lesse to traile the holy Ordinances of Christ by the cordes of your authority at the heeles of the Ordināces of men . And albeit your Honours haue no such intention to do any thing which may impaire the honor of Christs kingdome , yet remēber that spirituall darknes flowing from a very smale beginning doth so insinuate and thrust the selfe into the house of God , as men cā hardly discerne by whatsecret meanes the light is dimme , and darknes creeping in got the vpper hand and in end at unawares all is involved within a mistie cloud of horrible Apostasie . And lest that any should thinke this our admonition out of time , in so farr as it is statute & ordayned alreadie by his Majestie with advise of his Estates in Parliament , that all Ministers provided to Prelacies should haue vote in Parliament ; As likwise the generall assemblie ( his Majestie being present thereat ) hes found the same lawfull & expedient , we wald humbly , and most earnestly beseech all such to consider , first that the kingdom of Iesus Christ , the officebearers , and lawes therof nether should , nor can suffer any derogation , addition , diminution or alteratiō besides the prescript of his holy word , by any inventions or doings of men , Civil , or Ecclesiasticall . And we are able by the grace of God , and will offer our selues to proue that this Bishopprik to be erected , is against the word of God , the Auncient Fathers , and Canons of the Kirke , the moderne most learned , & godly divines , the doctrine and Constitution of the Kirke of Scotland since the first reformation of religion , within the same Countrie , the lawes of the Realme ratifiyng the governement of the Kirk by the generall and Provinciall Assemblies , Presbiteries , and Sessions ; also against the weil and Honor of the Kings most excellent Majestie , the weale and Honor of the Realme and quietnes thereof , the established estate & weale of the Kirke in the Doctrine , Discipline , and patrimonie therof , the weale and honor of your LL. the most anciēt estate of this Realme , and finally against the weil of all , and every one of the good subjects thereof in soule , body , and substance . Next that the Act of Parliamēt granting vote in Parliament to Ministers , is with a speciall provision , that nothing therby be derogatorie or prejudiciall to the present established Discipline of the Kirk and Iurisdiction therof in generall and Synodall Assemblies , Presbiteries and Sessions . Thirdly and last , the generall Assemblie ( the King his Majestie sitting , voting , and consenting therin ) fearing the cor ruption of that office , hes circumscribed and bounded the same with a nūber of Cautions . All which to gether with such other as shall be concluded upon by the Assembly , were thought expedient to be insert in the body of the Act of Parliament that is to be made for confirmation of their vote in Parliamen , as most necessary & substantial parts of the same . And the said Assemblie hath not agreed to giue therunto the name of Bishops , for feare of importing the old Corruption Pompe & Tyranny of Papall Bishops , but ordained them to be called Commissioners for the Kirke to vote in Parliament . And it is of verity that according to thes cautions neither hath those men , now called Bi shops , entred to that office of Commissionarie to vote in Parl iament , neither since their ingyring , haue they behaved themselues therin . And therefore in the name of the Lord Iesus Christ , who shall hold that great Court of Parliament to judge both the quicke and the dead , at his glorious manifesta tion , and in name of the Kirk in generall , so happily & well established with in this Realme , and whereof the sayd Realme hath reaped the comfortable fruite of peace & vnity , free from heresie , schisme , and dissention these 46 yeeres by past ; also in name of our Presbyteries from quhilk we haue our Commission , and in our owne names Officebearers , and Pastors within the same ; for discharging of our necessarie dvty , and disburdening of our consciences in particular , We except and protest against the sayd Bishopprike & Bishops , and the erection , confirmation or ratification thereof at this present Parliament . Most humblie craving that this our Protestation , may be admitted by your Honours , and registrat amongst the Acts , and Statutes of the same incaice ( as God forbid ) these Bishoppricks be erected , ratified or confirmed therein . A TREATISE OF KIRKE GOVERNEMENT CONSISTING OF two partes , whereof this former conteineth a Demonstration of true Christian Discipline according to the word of God used in the Kirke of Scotland . THis writing is not directed to carie out invectiue speaches , with reviling and wrathfull wordes against any in the Kirke of God , knowing that the wrath of man , accomplisheth not the righteousnes of God ; But this writting is appoynted to be ane pleader even in the gates of Ierusalem for Sion sake , and for truth and righteousnes sake , breaking forth from Sion , as the light , and salvation as ane burning lamp to all beleivers , wishing that it may be read of all with indifferencie , considered of all with wisedome & sobriety , and embraced of all that loue truth and righteousnes according to the merite and sincere meaning therof . It shall be devided in to two principall heades . The one shal conteine an Demonstration of Christian Discipline & true Kirk Governement by Ministers and assisting Elders , according to the word of God , practised in the Apostolique & Primitiue Kirke , used and practised in the Kirke of Scotland these many yeares , receaved and embraced by all the professors ; within the same , and established by lawes and Actes of Parliament to the glorie of God through Christ Iesus , and to the weill and comfort of the whole Kirke within this Realme . The other parte shall conteine an Refutation of the Episcopall Domination and Lordship , begun to be urged in our Kirk of late by Conformitie with England ; quhilk is of late gredely embraced even by those , who not onely had professed , teached , and practised the true Discipline of the Kirk of Scotland , but also with solemne oath had sworne and subscribed to it . The matter is of greatest weight concerning the true Discipline and Gubernation of the house of God , which is the Kirk of the living God. Therefore O Lord of light the author of every good donation , send out thy light and thy truth , and direct this heart , this hand & pen aright , unto the glory of thy great name , and clearing of thy everlasting truth . Now all by matters being set a side , it shal be expedient & needfull for our proceedings to lay downe some positi ons , & principals , as groundes to build vpon , enforcing all , that haue forsaken the Romane Synogogue to consent . First the Lord Iesus by the appoynt ment of his Father is onely head . Eph. 1. 21 : 22 : 23. King , Lord , and suprem Governour of his Kirke , quhilk with his bloud here one earth he hath sprinkled and wished . Apoc 7 : 14. and having ledd captivitie captiue , ascending up to the heavens . Eph : 4 : 8. sitteth at the right hand of God the Father . Col. 3. 1. Heb : 1. 3. ruling his Kirk powerfully by his spirit , & Scepter of his word . Isa : 11. 1. 2. 4. & 49. 21. psal . 110. 2. Heb : 1. 8. Onely King and law-giver having power onely by his lawes to bind the conscience of man Isai. 9. 6 : 7. & 33. 22. Iames. 4. 12. Revel : 3 : 7. 1 Tim : 6. 15 And therfore let no mortall man , equal himselfe in this high prerogatiue with the Sonne of God being in his Kirke only Monarch and only Head. Isa. 29. 13. 14. Mich : 4. 7. Luc : 1 32. 33. 1. Cor : 3 : 18 : 19. Eph : 1 : 22 : & 4 : 15 : Col : 1 : 18. & 2 : 8 : 9 : 10. 18 : 19 : 23. Secondly this supreame Governor Isai : 9 : 6 : Christ Iesus ; hath not left his Kirk which is his body , mained , or imperfect , destitute of right Covernement , Lawes , & Offices , needfull for the same , but hath appoynted a certaine Minissterie heir on earth graced with giftes , an with an calling accordingly , with certaine lawes , limitting their functiō , and Gubernation , and therefore , let no man thinke , that Christ hath left his Kirk to be ruled at the lust and arbitrement of men , whatsoever . Col : 2. 18. Item , what is of Christ that is to be receaved , and that quhilk is of the Anti-Christ , is to be rejected . Thirdly , this Gubernation of the Kirke with Offices & Functions , and allpoynts necessary , for accomplishment therof is set downe in the written word of God , the onely square & rule of Doctrine & Discipline , within Christ his Kirke , apt and able to make the man of God perfect to every good worke . 2. Tim : 3. 16. 17. whereupon this followeth , that whatsoever is prescrived in this word , is to be followed and no prescription can haue place against it . Item it followeth , that the Lawes of the Goverment of the Church , and Offices and Functions thereof , are not changable , and imperfect onlesse we will say , that the scripture is imperfect , or Christ his Kirke , quhilk is his Bodie , is imperfect in respect of the Constitution thereof , we weil say , that the estate of the Kirke of the New Testament is inferiour to the estate of the Kirk of the Old Testament , quhilk receaved the whole Ordinancss , and Lawes , by Moses , from the mouth of God , quhilk Moses although he was great with God , yet he was but ane Minister . Num. 12. 7. Heb : 3. 5. and it was not lawfull to him to alter or change ane pin of the Tabernacle be himselfe , but as it was sayd to him , Do althinges according to the forme that thou saw in the Mountaine . Exo : 25 : 40. Act : 7. 44. Heb : 8. 5. And so it was in the building of the Temple . 1. Chro : 28. 11. 12. 13. 2 : Chro : 29. 25. But so it is , that no faithfull man will admitt those inconveniences and therefore , it must stand , that the word of God conteineth althinges needfull for the Governement of the Kirke , quhilk is the kingdome of Christ Iesus heir on Earth ; so that whatsoever may be alledged by man for Kirke Covernement without the warrāt of the word , as easily is it repelled , as alleadged . Now let us proceede and learne of the scripture what is sayd therin anent this Kirke . To this Kirk excellent glorie is attributed every where in the scripture : If you will consider either the Head of this Kirk , the Bodie , or members , For the Head , King , & Lord of this Kirk the Sonne of God Christ Iesus , is the Prince of peace . psal . 72. 3. 7. Isai. 9. 6. 7 and Lord of all glorie . Isai. 60 1. 2. Act : 3. 15. 1 Cor : 2. 8. Heb : 2. 3. 7. 8. King of Kings and Lord of Lords . 1. Tim. 6. 15. Revel : 17. 14. et 19 : 16. If ye weil consider the Bodie quhilk is the Kirk of God , & spouse of Christ , shee is called the Citie of God. Psal : 48. 2. 3. Zach : 8. 3. The house & Kirk of the living God. 1 Tim : 3. 15. Prov : 9. 1. The Temple and Mountaine of the eternall God. Isai : 2. 2. Zach : 8. 3. the Vinyard , Isai : 5 1. Cant : 8. 11. 12. Math. 21. 23. and Garden enclosed . Cant : 4. 12. the loye of the whole earth , Psal. 48. 3. Ezech : 20. 0. 15. Dan. 8. 9. et 11 : 16. 41. 45. the Heritage , Isai 19 : 25 : the kingdome of Heaven , Math : 13 : 24. 31. Christ his Sister , Cant : 4 : 10. his loue , Cant. 4 : 1 : 7. his spouse , Cant : 4 : 10. his Queene , Psal : 45 : 10. Christ his Bodie , 1 : Cor : 12. 13 : 27. Ephes : 1. 22. 23. et 4 : 4. 16. If ye consider the Members of this Bodie , under the Governement and protection of this great and glorious King knit & bound up in ane Bodie . Ephesians 4. 16. with the perfect band of loue . Rom. 12. 5 10. they are called the chosen generation . Deut. 10. 15. 1. Pet. 2. 9. the Holie Nation . Exo. 19. 6. 1. Pet : 2. 9. the peculiar people . 1. Pet. 2. 9. Exod : 19. 5. the Inheritance of God. 1. Pet. 5 3. To this Kirk apperteineth the Covenant . Eph : 2. 12. Rom : 9. 4. the worship of God. Rom. 9. 4. the Sacraments 1. Cor : 10. 1. 2. 3. 4. & 12. 13. and promises . Rom : 9. 4. of Peace . Luc. 1. 71. 74 : 75. et 2 : 14. Isai 52 : 7. et 55. 12. Iohn 14 : 27 : Col : 1. 20. Gal : 6. 16. of loue , Ioh. 14 : 23. and Salvation . Zach. 2 ; 8. Isai : 49 : 6. et 43 3. of the presence of God. Zach : 2. 10. 11. Isai 43 : 2. Ioh : 14 : 18 : Ezech : 37 : 26 : 27 : & 48 : 35 : 2 Cor : 6. 16. of graces and glorie . Zach. 2 : 5 : Isai 60 : 15. & of his Protection . Psal : 34 : 17. 18. 19. 20. and every where in the Psalmes , and in many other places many excellent & glorious things are spoken of this Kirke the Spouse and Bodie of Christ Iesus . The use whereof is to let us understand , how pretious and how glorious in Gods sight is Christ Kirk , that is the Society of his Sancts , which he hes acquited with his owne bloud . Act. 20. 28 2. To let us vnderstand that She is not under bondage , or subjection , to be ruled and governed by the lust , or arbitrement of men whatsoever . Math. 15 : 9. Col. 3. 8. 18. 19. 1. Tim : 3 : 14. 15. So that no man should presume to prescrive lawes . Iam : 4 : 12. and limites , for the Governement of this Kirk , without Commission of Christ Iesus the Supreame Governour Isai : 9 : 6 : who hath beutified her with so many great graces , power , and glorie . Now let us descend more particularly to learne out of scripture , what is prescrived anent the Governement and ordering of the Kirk heir on earth ; For Scripture is the only sure Canon and rule to be followed ( as was before declared ) against the which no prescription nether of Angell , nor of man what soever , should prevaile . Gal. 1. 18. How comely and pleasant a thing is it to behold in the scripture the soci etie of the Sanctes , like an Armie , Psalm 110 3. Can : 6. 1. 3. Col. 2. 5. march in their ranckes , under the conduct of their King and Lord Christ Iesus , Isai 52. 12. Heb : 12 : 2. some commanding in his name & some obeying . Heb : 13 : 17. all ruled and maresheld , by the lawes and limites of the word , Deut : 4 : 2. et 12. 32 And againe the commanders and rulers ordered in their owne ranckes according to their Functions , and giftes , al to the glory of God , edification & pre servation of one Bodie . Eph : 4. 12. And to speake more plainly of the Kirk Discipline . We define it to be the spirituall Ioh : 18. 36. 2. Cor : 10. 4. 5. 6. Governement : 1 Pet : 5. 1. 2. 3. Act : 20. 28. of the house of God. 1. Tim : 3. 15. Which is the Kirke , or Society of the Sainctes heere one Earth , under the commandement of the only Head & King the Lord Iesus , Eph : 1 : 22. 1. Cor : 12. 5. by the Ministery of men . 1. Cor : 4. 1. 2. Cor : 4 : 1. furnished from aboue with giftes , Eph : 4 : 8. Rom : 12 : 6. 1. Pet : 4. 10. calling , Rom : 10. 15. Heb. 5 : 4 : and power , Ioh : 20 : 21 : 22 : 23. according to the prescription of Scripture , as sayd is . For Kirk Governement are set out in the word of God. 1 The persons , to whō is given the charge of rule and Governement . 2. Their Calling . 3. Their Giftes . 4. Their Office , & power distinctly their power junctly , and manner thereof . Which all by the grace of God shall clearely be demonstrate by onely Scripture . The persons are Extraordinary , and Ordinar , Extraordinary as Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , whose offices serving for a time haue ceassed . As for the persons Ordinar , we shall finde their institution with their Offices , expressed in these places . 1 Tim. 3 2. Tit : 1. 5 6. 7. Act. 6 : 3. 4. & 14. 23. & 20. 17. 28. etc : Eph : 4 : 11. Rom : 6. 7. 8. 1. Cor : 12. 5. 8. 1 Pet : 5. 2. 3. 2. Tim : 4. 2. Heb : 13 : 17. 2 Cor : 5. 20. Vocation or calling is common to all the office bearers & Ministers with in the Kirke , quhilk is a lawfull way , whereby persons graced with meete giftes are admitted to a spirituall office of one certaine flocke , and Congregation , Here three things are necessary , First without lawfull calling , let none presume to this honor , to exercise any spirituall Function or Ministerie , Rom : 10. 15 Heb. 5. 4 Math. 9. 38 Secondly let no man presume to clime up by intrusion , or to enter in any other way , than by the Dore , Ioh : 10. 1. Thirdly , none ought to enter in without inward testimony of giftes & graces , and good conscience before God of whō & for whose service is the calling ; Isa : ó 67. 8. 9. Ier : 1. 6. 9. Math : 10 1. Ioh : 20 : 22. 23. This Ordinar lawfull calling consisteth of two partes , Election , & Ordination , Election is the lawfull choyse of the person graced with meete giftes for the office wherunto he is called . Election should be after triell , Act : 1 : 21. 22 : et 6● . 1. Tim : 3. 10. By free choyse and at the judgment of the Church . Act : 1. 21 : 23. et 6. 3. 5. et 14 23. The Ceremonies therof by Humiliation , fasting and Prayer . Act : 1. 24. et 14. 23. Ordination is the seperating and designing of that person chosen unto the Office of the Ministerie . Act : 13. 2. Likewise to be used with fasting and prayer & by imposition of handes of the Presbyterie . Act : 13. 3. et 14. 23. 1. Tim. 4. 14. et 5. 22. Their giftes , properties , and cōditions in Doctrine & manners are distinctly set downe & limited in scripture , prescriving what man every one must be . The Pastor must be apt to Teach and exhort , Deut : 33. 12. Mal : 2. 7. Rom : 12. 8. 1. Cor : 12. 8. 1. Tim : 3. 2. no young Scholer , 1 Tim : 3. 6. able to devide the word aright 2. Tim : 2. 15. holding fast the faithfull word , Tit : 1. 9. able to exhorte , rebuke , reproue , by wholsome doctrine . 2 Tim : 4. 2. In māners he must be a lover of goodnes . Tit : 1. 8. wise , righteous , holy ; temperate , in his life , unreprovable , of good report , &c : 1 Tim : 3. 2. 3. 4. 7. Tit : 1. 6. 7. 8. The Doctor or Teacher likewise must be apt to Teach , Mal : 2 : 7 : Rom : 12 : 7. 1 : Cor : 12 : 8. and to deliver sound and wholesome doctrine according to the word , Tit : 1. 9. mightie in the scripture , Act : 18. 24. able to revince the gaine sayers &c : Act : 6 : 9 : 10. Tit : 1 : 9. The name of Elder in scripture is used diversly : sometime for the name of age , 1. Tim : 5 : 1. Sometime for Office , 1 : Tim : 5. 17. 19. Iam. 514. againe signifiyng office , somtime largely it comprehendeth Pastors , Doctors , and those that are called morespecially Presbyters , Seniors , or Elders . Act. 14. 23. 1. Tim. 5. 17. 1. Pet. 5. 1. Here speaking of Elders particularly , we vnderstand those that labour in the oversight of the manners of the people , whom the Apostle calleth Presidents , and Governours , Rom : 12. 8. 1 Cor 12 : 18. Then Elders must be men of wisedome , knowledge , & sound judgment endued with the spirit of God. Num : 11. 25. Deut. 1. 13. able to discerne , vigilant and diligent in overseing , Act. 20. 28. Rom : 12. 8. Sober , gentle , modest , loving , temperate , &c : 1. Tim : 3. et 5. The Deacons must be men of good report keeping the Mistery of faith in a pure conscience , indued also with the ho ly Ghost , Graue , Temperat , not given to excesse of filthy lucre . Act : 16. 3. 1. Tim : 3. 8. 9. 12. 13. This farre concerning their giftes , and properties , their office , care , function , & charge , is severally set out in Scripture as followes . The Pastor should feede the sheep of Christ Iesus in greene and wholsome pastures of the word , sheewing them the waters and way to life , Psal : 23. 1. 2. Deut : 33 : 10. Rom : 12 : 8. Ioh. 21. 15. Act : 20 28. 1. Pet : 5 : 1. &c : having continuall care to watch over the soules of these which they must giue an accompt of , Heb : 13. 17. discerning the diseases & ap plying the word according to every disease , and every time and occurrant danger . Ezech. 33. et 34. chapt : praying and blessing , and sealing up to the faithfull the promises of God by the Sacraments , loving , cherishing , and defending the flocke , from ravenous beasts . Ioh : 10. 11. 12. The Office of an Teacher , or Doctor , hath been mentioned before , whose cheife and speciall charge is to Teach , playne , pure , and sound Doctrine , preserving knowledge , resisting error , building upon the only true ground stone ( which is Christ Iesus ) Gold , silver and pretious stones &c. 1 : Cor : 3. 11. 12. et 1. 17. 12. 8. 1. Tim : 4. 16. et 6. 20. Eph : 2 : 20. Heb : 6. 1. 1. Pet : 2. 2. The Elder or Presbyter his office and distinct charge before also was mentioned , their cheife care is , to be readie assistants according to the ordinance of God , to the Pastors & Teachers , helping to beare their burding , caring for the weil , quietnes , peace , and good order in the Kirke , taking heed to themselues & the people . 2. Chron : 19. 8. Act : 20. 17. 28. and 21. 18. Rom : 12. 8. 1. Pet : 5. 2. 1. Cor : 12. 28. The Office of the Deacon is to collect the benevolence of the faithfull , and faithfully to distribute the same according to the necessitie of the Saints by the direction of the Kirk , Act : 6. 3. Rom. 12. 8. This much anent the offices , and ministeries institute and prescrived by Christ in his word , which albeit be diverse & distinct both in giftes & functi ons , yet they as members of one Body , serue for the use of the Sainctes and edification of the body of Christ. Rom 12 : 4 : 5 : &c : Eph : 4 : 11 : 12. 13 : 16. 1. Cor : 12 : 7. 12 : 25. Vnto these Office-bearers and Governours Christ hath given also a certaine limitate power to be exercised by them , according to the word in his Kirk . A power severally , Math : 16. 19. 20. Rom : 12. 3. 6. 7. 8. and a power joyntly with Paritie and mutuall consent to be exercised for avoyding of Tyranny . Math : 18 : 17 : 18 : 19 : 20. 1. Cor : 5 : 4. 5. both having one authority from the same head and author Christ Iesus , both tending to the same end : both comprehended vnder the name of the Keyes of the kingdome of Heaven . The Keyes of the kingdome of heaven are given joyntly to the Rulers of the Kirke , that whatsoever they bind on earth shal be boūd in heaven ; Math : 18. 18. This power is not to be used according to their arbitrement and will , but at the will & according to the Testament of him who hath given this power , and hath limited it in his written word , presciving the order , usage , and end thereof , Math : 18. 15. 16. 17. 18. 20. The order and usage is this , If the offence of thy brother be private , admonish him privately between him & thee , with loving admonition with an brotherly care to woone the brother offender . If he refuse to harken unto thee , take two or three brethren with thee for the same purpose ; if he weil not harken unto them , shew the matter unto the Kirke , The care of the Kirke in like manner , is to deale with him , as with ane brother , not to hold him as an enimy , 2. Thes. 3. 15. but gravly , and lovingly to admonish , perswad him and to pray for him ; to proue if at any time the Lord will giue unto him repentance . 2. Cor. 10. 8. et 13. 10. 2. Tim : 2 : 25. 26. If the offender be obstinate & can not be drowne unto repentance , then in the name of the Lord Iesus with consent of the Congregation reverently and with prayer Excommunication is to be used in casting him out of the Kirk , and giving him over to Satan for the destruction of the flesh &c. and is to be holden as ane Heathen and Publican . &c. Math : 19 : 17. 1. Cor. 5. 4. 5. Thus farr touching private offence . If the fault be publike , the faulter is publikly to be rebooked , and admonished , 1 : Tim : 5 : 10. The admonitions alwayes must be done circumspectly , seasoned with truth , gravitie , loue , and peace , ever ayming for the safitie of the offender , and notthe destruction . And a speciall care is to be had of every weake offender , with discretion of offences . Mat : 18 : 15. Gal. 6 : 1 : 2. 2. Tim : 2. 24. Rom. 14. 13 : 19. Iam : 5 : 19. 20. If admonitions prevaile not to drawe him to repentance , thē to proceid to Excommunication as sayd is . If the offender be broght to repentance , let the repentance & receaving againe to the Kirk be according to the proportion of the offence , if the offēce be publique , the repentance and recep tion publique ; if private , private , alwayes let the repentance be in submis sion without hypocrisie , giving glory unto God. Math : 18. 15. Luk : 17. 4. 2. Cor. 2. 6. 7. Moreover , there is given liberty and power to the rulers of the Kirk , to exercise this Christian Discipline according to the necessity of the estate of the Kirke , and according to the occurrant dangers and diseases in Assem . blies convened together in the name of the Lord Iesus , consisting cheifely , of Ministers , Doctors , and Elders . Assemblies are Particular or Generall . Particular as Presbyteries or Provinciall Assemblies . Generall consisting of on Nation convocat together , for the Common weil , peace , and quietnes of the Kirke . The warrād of these Assemblies , with the practise is evident by the word : Math. 18. 17. 18. 1. Tim. 4. 14. 1. Cor : 5 : 4. &c. and 14 : 32. Act : 15 : 6 : 12. 22. 25. and hath the practise of Kirkes at all times , and necessities , as sayd is before . This much shortly anent the power , offices and Ministeries in the Kirk Governement according to the Institution of Christ expressed clearely in his word : And all for the edification and preservation of the Bodie of Christ , & for the repayring of the Sanctes , to the honor of God by Christ Iesus through all generations for ever . Eph : 4. 12. I add hereunto two demonstrations needfull viz. That these offices , & Ministeries as they haue been set downe are perpetuall , and sufficient for the Governement of the Kirk of Christ. The first thus I proue . 1. The Apostle Paul commādeth Timothie to keep this Governemēt , and precepts given there anent , to that glorious comming of the Lord Iesus . 1. Tim. 3. 21. & 6. 14. 15. Secondly , all the offices within the Kirk mentioned . Rom. 12. 6 : 7. 8. are called mēbers of the Body of the Kirk , ver . 4. 5. 1. Cor. 12. 27. 28. 29. which is the Bodie of Christ Iesus . Eph : 1 : 22 : 23 : et 4 : 12. whereupon followeth this probation , if the Kirk of Christ quhilk is his Body be perfect , and must continue vn to the comming of Christ , these Offices & Ministeries must haue the same continuance , except we will say , that Christ his Body is imperfect , or mained or the Kirke of Christ shall cease here upon earth , before his comming , quhilk both are absurd . Thridly , if Christ Iesus be only Lord and Governour of his Kirk , which is his kingdome heir on earth , and seeing he must rule and Governe his kingdome unto his comming by his owne officers , and by his lawes , by himselfe institute & prescrived in his word . Rom : 12. 3. 6. 7. 8. 1. Cor. 12. 28. & 14. 37. Eph. 4. 8. 11. 12. It followeth that these offices and lawes , continue unto his comming , except we will say , that Christ shall ceasse to be Governour of his Kirk , and those lawes to be imperfect . Ferdly , seeing the object and endes whair about these offices ar occupied , & whairunto they are destinat ( quhilk before hath been declared ) must haue continuance , therefore , the offices and Ministeries appoynted for those uses & ends must also continue to the end , quhilk necessities no man can avoyde or elude , as for example : There must be heresies , and offences &c : and therfore there must be a correcting power in the Kirk 1. Cor. 11. 19. with offices & ministeries meete for preventing , restrayning , and expelling the foresayd , or like corruptions . As for the Second , to witt that the foresayd offices & Ministeries are sufficient for the Regiment of Christ his Kirk heir on earth , thus I proue it . 1. If they be not sufficient , then Christ can not be honored as perfite Governour of his Kirk , neither is his word perfect , but some thing may be added therunto , which is absurd , Deut. 4. 2. et 12. 32. 2. If these be imperfect then man may erect new offices , & add new Ministeries , and giue new giftes and graces accordingly : and if man may add he may also detract ; which both are false and absurd . 111. These offices & functions before mētioned , haue gifts and graces needfull , and sufficient , for the discharge of the Ministerie of the word , of the Sacraments , and of Discipline , for the Edification of the body of Christ &c. Eph : 4 : 11 : 12. therefore they must be sufficient . IV. If these offices and Ministeries of the Governement of the Kirke under the Gospell be insufficient , & imperfect , then the estate of Christ his Kirke under the Gospell must be inferior , unto the estate of the Kirke under the law , which had the accomplishment of all offices , ministeries , and lawes needfull , and sufficient for the regiment therof , But none will graunt that the estate of the Kirke of Christ is inferior to the estate of the Kirk under the law . Therefore the aforesayd offices are sufficient , for the Governement of the Kirk of the New Testament . And therefore this forme , & order of Government , by the foresayd offices , and Ministeries , of Preachers , and assisting Elders , being grounded vpon the written word of God , & practise of the Apostles & Kirkes in their time . Rom : 12. 6 : 7 : 8. Eph : 4. 11 : 12. Act : 14 : 23. et 20. 17. 28. 1. Tim : 5. 17. Tit : 1 : 5 : &c. It can admit no prescription : or change by any mortall man , or by any humane tradition whatsoever . Which forme of Discipline as it hath been practised in the Apostolicall and Primitiue Kirke , ( quhilk is evident by scriptures afore aledged ) so hath it the testimony of antiquitie in the auncient Kirkes , as is collected not very obscurely out of Ignatius Epist : ad Trallen . Tertul : in Apoc. cap. 39. et lib : de Baptism : Christian. Cyprian lib : 2. Epist. 5 : et lib. 3 : Epist. 10. 18. 22. et lib. 4. 5. Augusti . de verb. Dom. in Math : Serm. 19. But more clearly out of Ambrose in 1 Tim. 5 : 1 : Ierom in Isai , 2. et ad Rustic . Epist : 16. Possidonius in vita Augustini , Socrates Eccle. hist. lib. 5. ca. 20. and others also alledged be the defenders of this christian and true Kirke Governement . Amongst the quhilk I cannot passe by for proofes sake , the cleare sayinges of Ambrose , and Ierom. Ambrose writteth thus upon 1 : Tim. 5 : Whence it is that both the Synagage , and afterward the Kirk had Elders , without whos counsell nothing was done in the Kirk . Quhilk by what negligence it is growne out of use I know not , unlesse perhaps by the slouthfulnes or rather prid of the Teachers , whilst they alone will seeme to be something . Ierom ad Tit. cap. 1. Vntill schismes were made in religion by the diuely suggestion , the Kirkes were governed by the common counsell of Elders , and in the same place speaking of the corruption that followed , therafter addeth this : But this was rather by custome , than by the truth of the Lords disposing . This forme of Discipline according to the word , the Kirk of Scotland hath used many years by past , being authorised and ratified by the three Estates in Parliament , receaved and practised by all the Preachers within the whole Realme , with on consent , & concord , even by thē also , who now haue made defection frō it , taking upon thē Episcopall authority . Siclik it hath the testimony of all the reformed Kirkes in Europe , in France , in Freisland , in Geneva , in Helvetia , Polonia , Vngaria , in Palatinatu , in Germania , Saxonia , Bohemia , in Suedia , Dania , and all other reformed Kirkes except Englād alone . Siclik also it hath the testimony generally of the Divīes of later times , as Zuinglius , Martir , Aretius , Calvinus , Bucer , Hiperius , Bullingerius , Musculus , Hemingius , Beza , Olevianus , Iunius , Sadael , Nowel , Fulke , Whitakers , with all other learned & famous Preachers in the Countries reformed , professing truely the Gospell only Englād excepted : wherin also the best , yea the greatest parte haue sought , and dayly seiks the liberty of the same Governement , according to the word , & most clearely haue defended it with their penne , and most pithie writtings , and most constantly haue avouched it , by their manifold suffrings , at home , and abrode for the glorifiyng of God , and the witnessing of the truth of Christ Iesus : All , that afore hath been breifly sayd anent the deduction of this purpose , may be more largely intreated , and more particularly handled , if any within this land will proue so obstinat , as to refuse consent to the truth of Christ Iesus . THE SECOND PART OF KIRKE GOVERNEMENT . CONTEINING AREfutation of Episcopall Governement by Lord Bishopes . IT pleased our Heavenly Father to compasse us with compassion and mercy , whē we were lying in darknes , and under the shadow of death , by sen ding his owne deare Sonne Christ Iesus with the brightnes of his Gospell , delivering us from Idolatry , and super stition , and the darknes of the former times vnder the bondage and tyranny of Antichrist , and that by the Ministery of few , not the greatest , to the great admiration of the world . And forder , of the same mercy , it hath pleased him , from time to time , to multiply the nūber of the faithfull , and to increase his graces among men , for the beutifiyng of his Kirk within this land , and finally to croune his owne worke adding the keepstone of sincerity both of doctrine and Discipline , as it was prophesied by that holy Martyr M. George Wiseheart ; quhilk two glorious staues our Kirke hath brooked , with Concord , Unitie , with peace & prosperity , many yeares within the gates of Ierusalem in this land , wherby our Kirk , by the unspeak ble bountifulnes of God , became famous , renoumed , and in great accōpt , before many others amonge forren Nations , and Kirkes reformed in Europe . For the which belongeth everlasting prayse to this our boūtifull God through his Sonne Iesus Christ our deare Saviour . But now of late hath risen ane whirle wind among our selues ( like the whirle winde that devoured the children of Iob ) shaking the foure corners of the house of God , and throwing doun the kepston ; and this wind of discord , Schisme , and dissention , is not come from the wildernes , but risē from our owne bowels : and the riches of the Temple dispoyled , not by Assyri ans , Chaldeans , or Arabians , but by the Preistes , and Ministers themselfes hom-bredd , and borne in the bosome of our Kirke , and fostered sometime by the sincere milke of the Gospell , who also haue made avoumemt of the same sinceritie both of Doctrine and Discipline , not only in Preaching and practising , but also with solemne Oath binding themselfes therto . From quhilk an manifest slyding backe , and Apostasie is seene this day , & lamented with greiff by the godly , and mocked be the enemyes the Papists and Atheists , whose number , strength , and power , daylie in cresseth by this lamentable renting , & inbringing of Episcopall Gubernation be Lord Bishops , quhilk before had ben banished with Antichristian corruptions from the Kirk of Scotland . For the working of this Mysterie many intentions haue bene proponed , many sheapes , & cullours haue bene changed . As for example in the begining nothing ( for such ) was meened but Ministers to haue vote in Parliament , and that to vindicat the Ministerie from povertie and cōtempt &c. quhilk practise God even then at the begining , discovered unto his servantes , and they unto the world , foretelling the effectes that visibly now appeares before the ( eyes of the world : viz. renting of our Church overthrowing of Christian Discipline , setting up a fewe Episcopall men , with contempt , bondage , and povertie of the rest : which this day is to be seene , to the great greife of the godly , and hinderance of the Gospell hereby day lie falling to decay , much a doe also hath ben for making of a constant moderatorin every part , which caried but a show for a time , and to be away only to posses Bishops , with parpetuall domination , quhilk also by the godly , and learned was discovered , and abhorred , knawing that of old frō the same practise , haue proceeded the degrees of Romane Primacie , defacing and overthrowing the true Government of Christ his Church . Atlast , after many overshadowing clouds , the effect and operation of this worke hath broken through the cloud with thunder flacks striking upon god ly , sincere , Teachers of this land . The end of all is : The Altar of Conformitie must be set up , and Kirke Governement must be turned over into the hands of Lord Bishops , supportters of the Altar etc : Which kind of Governement if it be lawfull , or can stand with the word of God , that we haue to examine in this part . In the former part the order and Forme of true christian Discipline , with Duties , Offices & Ministeries , according to the Institution of Christ , hath ben declared , by the cleare , and sound groundes of the word : which government , offices , and Ministeries thereof , we haue demonstrat to be perpetuall , sufficient , and to haue continuance to the glorious comming of Christ Iesus . Now this part shall conteine a Refutation of the contrarie Gorvernement by Lord Bishops & their Episcopall Domination : insisting upon the same grounds , layd doun afore , and thus we proceid . Whatsoevir is contrarie to the Institutiof Christ & his wrettin word , is Antichristian , and is to be banished out of the Kirk of God. But Governement by Lord Bishopps with Episcopall domination is contrarie to the Institution of Christ and his written word . Therefore it is Antichristian , and is to be banishit out of the Kirk of God. The Proposition can not be denyed by faithfull Christians : the word of God being of absolute perfection , both for substance and Ceremonies : against the which no exception can be made except by Atheists , or Papistes , holding the Pope of Rome may dispēce with the word , or equalling his traditions with the word . The controversie therefore staudeth in the Assumption , whether the Governement of the Kirke apperteineth to Lord Bishops or not , & whither to Lord Bishops apperteineth a Lordly Domination ? Quhilk both to be contrary to the word of God , thus we proue . The first proufe doth arise from the Examination of the right use of the name Bishope , which against the minde of Scripture is abused , making it a nāe of speciall office with a speciall dignitie , prerogatiue & Prelacie aboue the rest of the disposers , and Teachers of the word , appropriating unto Bishops Lordship , or Lordly domination , making Prelats of Pastors , and Princes of Prelats . The name of Bishop ( EPISCOPOS ) signifieth as touching this Argument , ane Inspector or Overseer , caring for thē , that are committed to his charge : Quhilk name is commō to all Pastors , Doctors , or Teachers , and Elders in the Kirk : As is evident by expresse Scripture in these places following . The Apostle Paul sending for the Elders of the Kirk of Ephesus Act. 20. ver : 17. And speaking to the same Elders he cales thē Bishops . Take heed thersore to your selues , and to all the flocke whairof the holy Ghost hath made you overseers ( EPISCOPOVS ) to feade the Kirke of God. Marke ( faith Ierom ) how calling the Elders of one Citie of Ephesus , he intituleth the same men Bishops . In like manner the Apostle Peter ca. 5. v. 1. 2. useth the same word , speaking to the Teachers & Rulers of the Kirk , Feed the flocke of God ( saith he ) quhilk dependeth upon you caring for it , or ( according to the originall ) Episcopountes , that is , doing the parte of ane Overseer , or Bishop being common to Pastors , As may further appeare by these places , Phil : 1. 1. Tit : 1. 5. 7. & 1. Tim : 3. 1. 2. Frō quhilk places these conclusions are necessarily inferred . 1. The name of Bichop being common to Pastors , Teachers , and Rulers , it is not to be appropriate to any one with title power , or prerogatiue aboue the rest . 2 Here is restrayned the function and charge of these Overseers to one flocke over quhilk the Holy Ghost hath placed them ; Therefore presumption it is against the holy Ghost , to a Bishope for to claime the charge of many Kirkes , & over many Bishops , or Pastors , and he not resident at one Kirke : as the miserable abuse and practise is begun in this Realme . The Second proufe : The Scripture hath disposed & distributed by Christ his Institution , the Regiment of the Kirk , and offices , and Ministeries therof to Pastors , Doctors , and Elders , making no mention of speciall offices , titles , or dignities , of Papal Bishops , ( so cal led by his Maiestie Basil : dor : pag 44. ) or Prelats &c. Therfore the Regiment of the Kirk , cannot be claimed by Papal Bishopes or Prelates by Scripture , or by Christ his Institution , and so the usurpation of Papal Bishops and Prelats in the Kirk Governement must be Antichristian . The first part is evident , and cleare deducit in the former parte of this Treatise out of scriptutes , wherein is expressed the Institution of the foresayd offices and Ministeries of Pastors , Doctors , and Elders . Wherupon the other part touching Papal Bichops with their titles , dignities , and prerogatiues &c. Hes this cleare inference , that they are not warranted by scripture , as sayd is . For if there were any sick Bishops , or Prelates with office , Titles , power , and dignities aboue the rest , then the scripture would haue set them downe more distinctly , and precisely , than any of the rest ; for the hieer place that one occupieth in the kirk , of the more necessity he is vnto the Kirk , & for this cause the more carefull would Christ ( the Head of the Kirke ) haue bene in poynting him out , and distinguishing him from other . We see in the Old Testament , the High Preist , his Title , Office , Function , and speciall Administration , and juris diction , is more particularly , and pre cisely set downe , than the Office of any of the inferior Preists , and Levites . And so in the New Testament , if any such had bene aboue the rest , their title , power , dignitie , and office more particularly & precisly had ben poynted out , then of Pastors , Teachers , and Elders &c : But the contrary we see in scripture ; wherein the offices , Ministeries and power of Pastors , Teachers , & Elders is clerely set furth . But no sick thing of Papal , Bishops , Prelats , and the rest of that order . Therefore can these no wayes stand with scripture . 3. Quhilk forder is to be cleared by examinyng , and trying the Titles , Dignities , and Domination of Papal Bischops , Prelates &c : Who following the Romāe Antichrist , claime to themselues a twofold power , Civill , and Ecclesiasticall ; quhilk are the two Hornes of the Secund Beast , Apoc : 13. 11. As some good Divines do expond . Quhilk both powers by the devise of Satan , as two swords , haue served the Pope of Rome that Antichrist , to tread doun , the greatest powers on earth of Emperors , Kings , and Princes , and dayly doth serue for the suppressing of the truth , and faithfull professors of the same . From that Antichrist , this mysterie of iniquitie hath flowed to Cardinals , Arch-bishops , and the rest of that disordered order &c. Against this injquity , thus we cōclud . Whosoever doth participat with the Antichrist in usurping a Civil power , and practising the same in the Kirk directly against the word , and Institution of Christ , they are of that Antichrist , and there vsurpation Antichristian . But Papal Bishops and Prelates in the Kirk vsurps Civil power , directly against the word & Institutiō of Christ. Therefore so doing they are of that Antichrist , and their vsurpation Antichristian . The proofe of the Assumption ( quhilk the adversaries deny ) is playne be evident Scripture , as followeth . 1 Our Master & Saviour Christ speaking unto his Disciples , contending for honor among themselues , saith : Ye know that the Lords of the Gentles haue domination over thē , and they that are great exercise authority over them : but it shal no be so among you . Math : 20. 25. etc. Mar : 10. 42. Luc : 22. 25. etc. In quhilk words expresly he forbiddeth , his Apostles , Lordly , or Princely Domination , putting ane barr and evident difference , betwixt Civil , & Spirituall power : shewing expresely by this interdiction , these two powers so to be differēt that they cannot meet in one person whatsoever . Quhilk ground hath bene alwayes as ane strong wall against the Pope and Bishops of Rome , exercising both the powers , whereupon Barnard speaketh thus boldly to Pope Eugenius : Lordship is forbiden unto the Apostles : Therefore darest thou being a Lord vsurpe Apostleship , or Apostolicall vsurpe Lordship . Thou art plainely barred from both . If thou wilt haue both , thou shalt lose both . Barnar . lib : 2. de conside . cap : 4. For it is not convenient ( saith Ambrose ) that one man should haue adouble profession . 2 Christ saith , My kingdome is not of this world , Ioh : 18. 36. Christ refused to accept the honor of a worldly kingdom , Iohn : 6. 15. That he might admonish us , ( saith Chrysostom ) to cōtemne humaine dignities , & shew us that we need no wordly affaires . Hom : 42. in Iohan. Item Tertull : de Idolat . cap. 8. Christ hath manifested that the glorie of the world is not cōpetent to him selfe , and his . How may thē a Bishop , or Minister accept that honor quhilk his Master hath refused . For no servant is aboue his Master Math. 10. 24. 3. Christ being requyred in partition of an heritage betwixt brethren , refuseth flatly to be Iudge , saying , who made me Iudge or devider , over you ? For this same cause Christ , as Minister of the Gospell , refuseth to condemne the Adulteresse woman , what presumption is it then to our Papal Bishops , to exercise ane Lordly authority and Civil power in judging upon matters civil , criminall & treasonable , in Court , or Parliament , Secrete Counsell , conventiōs of Estate , in Courts of Stenartrie & Regalitie upon wrongs & injuries of bloud , infestments of land , &c. as the practise be Papal Bishops is begune in this Realme . Quhilk can no wayes be compitent to the Disciples , Ministers and servants of Christ Iesus , quhilk the Master Christ Iesus hath for saken . Therefore this usurpation must be of the Antichrist . Hilarius ad Auxent . I pray you ( Bishopps ) who beleiue these thinges , what votes had the Apostles to preach the Evangel ? With what Commissions were they authorized , when they preached Christ and converted almost all the Gentles from Idols to God ? Singing an Himne to God in prison among chaines , & after whippes tooke they any dignity from the Pallace ? They will not shew where any of the Apostles sat at any time as iudge of men , or divider of bounds , or distributer of landes . To cōclude , Ireade that the Apostles stood to be iudged ; that they sat in iudgmēt I doe not reade . Barnard de consid : lib. 2. 4. The whole charge of the Minister of the Gospell is restrayned to the cōtinuall exercise of ane spiritual calling , and Ministerie only . 1. Tim : 4. 13. etc : 2. Tim : 2. 3. 4. et 4. 1. 2. &c : and therfore not onely Civill Domination , but all handling also and medling with secular and worldly affaires is contrary unto this charge . Chrysost : Hom : 11. ad Eph. 4. Doctrine by Sermons is commended unto us , not rule or the authority of ruling . 5. No man ( saith the Apostle ) that war reth , intangleth himselfe , with the affaires of this life , because he would please him that hath chosen him to be a souldiour . 2. Tim : 2 : 4. Hiercm expoūding this place concludeth : Much more ought we to be free from worldly businesses that we may please Christ. Ambrose addeth ane cleare distinction of the functions and cause thereof ; Let a Minister approue himselfe to God that devoted to him , he may fulfil his Ministery which he hath undertaken being careful in Gods matters & free from worldly busines . For it is not convenient that one man should haue a double profession . 6 For this purpose serues whatsoever is writtē in scripture anent the calling , office , and exercise of the Ministery of the word , the greatnes thereof , and the necssitie injoyned to Ministers to Preach the Gospell continually : In so much that the Apostle sayth , Wo be to me , if I preach not the Evangell . 1. Cor : 9 : 16. Hence it is , that the manifold duetyes of the Ministers of the Evangell are declared by similitudes of workemen in the Vineyards , of husband men , of builders , of souldiers , and watchmen , and other such importing continuall labor , paines and travell , Math : 9. 38. & 10. 10. 2. Tim. 2. 15. 7. Some of the ancient Councellers also haue taken a streait order for restraint of Ecclesiasticall persons from handling or medling with any secular honor or affaires : The fourth Oecumenical or vniversal councel holden at Chal cedon 450. yeares after Christ his birth where were assembled 630. Bishopps , forbiddeth expresly ane Minister , or Ecclesiasticall person , upon paine of Excommunication , to resaue any secular honor , Concil . Chalced : Can : 7. In like manner in the same Councel , it is more particularly decided , and precise ly decreed , Concil : Chalced. Can. 3. That no clarke or any bearing spirituall function , should undergoe so much as the Tutership , or curatrie of one Orphan : Quhilk decree seameth to be very precise and strait against ane naturall duty and charity . Yet the spirit of God hath directed the Councell be the light of the truth to keepe rightly the distinction that is betwixt Civil and Ecclesiasticall office and function ; holding fast the grounds of scripture afore alleadged . And for this cause it is decreed in an other coū sell , that a Bishope should only attend unto Prayer , reading , and preaching . Concil : Carth : 4 : cap : 20. Thus much for overthrowing the first Horne of the Beast , to witt , Civilpower , usurped by Prelates and Bishops . &c. Now let us assay the force & strength of the Second Horne , of spirituall power and Iurisdiction , quhilk Prelates and Bishops , following in this also the Antichrist , usurp aboue the disposers of the mysteries of Christ , Pastors , Ministers ; and Teachers &c and not over one Kirk alone , but over many in one , or moe Dioceses , quhilk injquity hath flowed also frō the Antichrist of Rome , and thence is derived to the Orders of his Cleargie ; Archbishopes , Bishops , Arch-Deanes , Deanes , &c. setting up , by the devise of Satan , ane Hierarchie , that is , a Spirituall principalitie in the Kirke of God , overthrowing altogither the Ordināce of Christ Iesus in ordering his Kirke officers ( whairof hath bene spoken more at large in the first Treatise ) and in place thereof ; intruding upon the Kirk Satanicall , and Antichristian , devises , and Traditions : whereupon this conclusion groweth like unto the former . Whosoever leaving the Institution of Christ expressed in his word , vsurpe spirituall authoritie and iurisdiction togither with civil power in the Kirk , They communicate with Antichrist , and their usurpation is Antichristian ; But Papal Bishops , and Prelates practise this Antichristian iniquitie , against the Institution of Christ & his word : Therefore they communicate with the Antichrist , and the practise and usurpation is Antichristian . The Assumption we haue to proue : Quhilk is playne by scripture expresly condemning in Ministers of the word , both civil power , ( as we heard before ) and spirituall authority or power , aboue the rest of the Ministers and disposers of the word , as inferiors to thē . Quhilk we proue , as followes . 1. Christ comming into the world , & taking upō him the shape , or forme of ane servant , Philip. 2. 7. witnesseth that he as Minister of the Gospell , cam not to be served , but to serue . Math : 20 : 28. and no servant is aboue his Master . Math : 10. 24. 2. Christ recommending to his Disciples humilitie , with Paritie and equa litie , expresly forbiddeth among them Superioritie or Domination . Math : 20. 25. etc. and 23. 8. 11. Marke . 10. 43. etc. Luc. 22. 25. etc. 3. Christ giveth unto his Apostles & Disciples , alike , the Keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and they resaue alike power , Math : 18. 18. Ioh : 20. 23. 4. The Disciples and Apostles observing their Masters command , equall themselues , not one clayming superioritie , or Primacie aboue the rest : but all professing equalitie , call them selfe servantes . 2. Cor : 4. 5. Ministers and Dispensators . 1 : Cor : 4. ver : 1. 5. Messengers , 2 : Cor : 5. 20. etc. And no place there is to be foūd , whair they are called , Princes , Lords , or by any such name soūding to superiority , or dominatiō , in any wise . 5. The practise of the Apostles sending by like authoritie Peter , and Iohn , as Messengers , and erand bearers to Samaria , Act : 8. 14. Quhilk the Apostles wald never haue cōmanded , if Christ had not given them a like power , neither , Peter ( whom some make to be Prince of the Apostles ) would haue obeyed , if Christ had given him Primacie , or Superioritie aboue the rest . 6. Peter himselfe disclaiming all such Primacie and Superioritie , equaleth himselfe with the Ministers & Elders of Kirke , calling himselfe fellow Elder . 1. Pet : 5 : 1. expresly forbidding Ministers and Elders , to take domination as Lords , aboue the heritage of God : ver . 3. 7. The Apostle Iohn sharply cheeketh and rebooketh Diotrephes clayming to him prioritie or preferment aboue the rest . Iohn Epist. 3. ver : 9 10. 8. Against the spirituall superioritie of Papal Bischops doe serue all those places afore cited ; wherein the name , power , office , properties , and dueties of a Bishope , are communicate with Pastors , Teachers , and Elders . Act : 20. 17. 1. Pet : 5. 2. Phil : 1. 1. Tit : 1. 5. 7. 1 , Tim : 3. 2. 3. 4. &c. Quhilk places are plane , pithie & sufficient alone , to overthrowe , pretended prioritie of Papal Bishopps , Praelates . &c. With scripture agreeth learned and sinceire Antiquity in ancient Christian Kirkes , wherof we shall bring a few for exemple , speaking most clerely in this purpose . Cyprian lib : de simplicit : praelat : The office of a Bishop is one and vndivided , parte whereof is absolutly held of every Bishop . Idem . Cypr : lib. Epist : 3. Every Bishop doth rule and governe his owne portion of the Lords flocke , being to give an account of his doings to God. Athanasius Epist. ad Liberium Episcop : Romanum . All the blessed Apostles were indued with the fellowship of equall honour and power . Chrysost : Hom : 43. in Math : What Bishop soever shall desire primacy in earth , shall finde confusion in heaven , and he , who shall covet to be first , shall not be in the nūber of Christ his servantes . Hieron , in Epist : ad Evagrium : Where soever a Bishop shall be , either at Rome , or Evgubium , or Constantinoble , or Rhegium , he is of the same worth , and of the same preisthood . Idem . ad Tit : cap : 1. After the age of the Apostles one of the Bishops was set aboue the rest , whom they peculiarly called a Bishop . But this was rather by custome , than by the truth of the Lords disposing . That it may further appeare even by Hierom himselfe , that the usurpation of Papal Bishops prevayled by custome against the truth , marke well what he writeth vpon Heb : 13. 17. viz : He divideth the care of the Kirke equally amongst many . In saying , obey them that are set over you . Besides these and others a fore cited against the authority & practise of Papall Bishops , many mo testimonyes may be drawne out of the same Fathers , and Doctors , with others also of the same judgmēt , quhilk are alledged be menteners of Christian Discipline , against authority of Papal Bishops : as out of Cyprian . lib3 : Epist : 10. 14. 27. Tertullian , de Ieiun August : lib : 19. cap : 19. de Civitate Dei. Item lib : de opere Monach : Hierom , ad Oceanum et in Tit : 1. Ambrose lib : Epist : 5. et 33. Chrysost : hom : 2 : in epist : ad Philip : Hilar : adver : Constan. Nazian : orat : ad Maxim : Bernard : de consid : lib : 2. ad Evgenium Papam . For this same purpose are alledged some testimonies of Councels , as Carthage , Chalcedon , Constan : &c. Siclik against the authority and prac tise of Papal Bishops do witnes all Protestant Kirkes in France , Helvetia , Polonia , Hungaria , Bohemia , &c. and in any Nation truly professing the Gospel in all the world , onely England excepted . And among the late writers , the most learned and notable professors , defenders of the truth against the Romāe Antichrist ; all writing against the Lordly usurpation of Civil and spirituall power in Ecclesiasticall persons , as may be seene by their severall writtings , Lastly out of English writers , evē some of them of the other side , matter may be fetched , against the Lordship of Papal Bishops , Iewel , in defen : Apolog : adversus Harding page 714. D : Bilson in his Booke in quarto page 126. D : Bridges , of the Prince Supremacy , page 926. M. Elmar Bishop of London , in his book printed at Straesborogh . See a Petition directed to Her Maiestie . pa. 7. 8. 9. quhilk we bring to proue rheir consent , and witnessing unto the truth . Although as Cyprian sayth , Humane testimonies are not to be expected , when Divine suffrages goe before . Cyprian Epist : 5. lib : 2. As for objections in the contrary , what can be moved to moue any of the simplest against such cleare light of holy scripture , and so many testimo nies of Divine writers ? As for the new obtruded Lord Bishops to the Kirk of this Realme , we haue not heard much of their reasoning as yet , for their part only shreuding them selfe by authority and arme of man : whence they alledge Donation with power &c. To the quhilk albeit many things may be replyed : yet we answer thus only with the Apostle , The weapons of our warfaire are not carnall , 2 : Cor : 10. 4. The abuse & present practise the more is to be lamē ted , that such injquity is done in so great light of the Gospell , after long profession of the same , that in place of light , men should imbrace darknes , & loue the honor of the world , more thā the honor of Christ Iesus , not onely comming against the truth , but also against their owne profession & avoument , having preached , and practised , the true Christian Discipline by Ministers and Elders according to the word and Institution of Christ , opponing them selfes alwayes unto Antichristiā authority , & practise of Papal Bishops . Is not this to begine in the spirit , & end in the flesh ? And who hath bewitched you so ? Now for conclusion : seeyng holy scripture , practise of the Apostolicall and Primitiue Kirk , and Christian Kirkes in succeeding times , the learned & sincere Antiquitie both in Councells and by writing , with all reformed Kirkes , every where truely professing the Gospell , with the best of the leater writers of our time , Forrain & within this Yle , stand on our side for Kirk governement by Ministers & assisting Elders according to the word , against the Governement of Lord Bishops , their authority & practis in the Kirk of Christ we being I say , compassed with such great cloud of witnesses , let us hold fast the true profession of Doctrine & Discipline according to the word , without wavering , or halting , praying continually , That the God of our Lord lesus Christ the Father of glory , might giue unto us the spirit of wisdom , and revelation , in the acknow ledgment of him , strenthned with all might throw his glorious power : that we being like mindit having the same loue , being of one accord ; and of the same iudgment , we may doe that which is pleasant , and acceptable in his sight , through Christ , to whom be praise for ever and ever , Amen . DOCTOR REIGNOLDS HIS LETTER TO SIR FRAVNcis Knollis , concerning Doctor Bancrofts Sermon at Paules crosse . 9. Feb : 1588. In the Parliament time . ALbeit ( Right Honorable ) I take greater comforte in labouring to discover and overthrow the Errors of Iesuites and Papists , ( enemyes of Religion ) thā of the Ministers of Christ ; yet seeing it hath pleased your Honor to requyer me to shew mine opinion of some thinges , which certeine of these men mainteyne & stand in , I thought it my duty , by the example a of Levie , who sayd of his Father , and Mother , I regard them not , nor acknowledged he his brethren , to declare the truth , without respect of persons . Of the two poynts therfore in Doctor Bancrofts Sermon , which your Honor mentioneth , one is , concernning that he seemeth to avouch , The superioritie , which Bishops haue among us over the Clergie , to be Gods owne Ordinance , though not by expresse words , yet by necessary consequence ; In that he affir meth , their opiniō , who oppugne that that superiority to be Heresie . Wherin , I must confesse , he hath committed an oversight , in my judgment , and himselfe , ( I thinke ) if he be advertised ther of , will acknowledge it . For having b said first , that Aerius affirmeth , that ther was no differēce by the word of God betwixt a Preist , and a Bishop , and afterward , that Martin and his companions , do mainteine this opinion of Aerius , he addeth that c Aerius persisting therein , was condemned for an heretike by the generall consent of the whole Church , and likwise d that Martins , and all his companions opini on hath herein been condemned for heresie . Touching Martine , if any man behaue himselfe otherwayes than in discretion and charitie he ought , let the blame be layd where the fault is , I defend him not ; but if by the way , he utter a truth , mingled with whatsoever else , it is not reason that that , which is of God , should be cōdemned for that which is of man ; no more thá the doctrine of the resurrection should be reproved because e and held by the Pharises . Wherefore removing the odious name of Martin , from that which in sincerity and loue is to be dealt with , it appeareth , by the aforesayd words of D. Bancroft , that he avoucheth the Superiority which Bishops haue over the Cleargie to be of Gods owne ordinance ; For he improveth the impugners of it , as holding with Aerius , that there is no difference by the word of God betwixt a Preist , and a Bishop , which he could not doe with reason , unlesse he himselfe appro ved the Bishops superiority , as established by Gods word : and he addeth , that their opinion , who gayne say it , is Heresie , wherof it insueth , he thinke it contrary to Gods word ; sith Heresy is an error repugnant to the truth of the word of God , as , ( according to f the Scriptures ) our owne Church g doth teach us . Now the Argumēts which he bringeth to proue it an heresy , are partely overweake , partly untrue : overweake that h he beginneth with , out of Epiphanius ; untrue , that he i adjoyneth of the general consent of the Church . For though Epiphanius do say , that Aerius his assertion is full of solly , yet he disproveth not the reason which Aerius stood on , out of the scriptures ; nay he dealeth so in seeking to disproue it , that Bellarmine the Iesuite , k though desirous to make the best of Epiphanius , whose opinion herein he mainteyneth against the Protestants , yet is forced to confesse , that Epiphanius his ans ; wer is not all of the wisest , nor any way can fit the text . As for the generall consent of the whole Church , which D. Bācrost saith , condemned that opinion of Aerius for an Heresy , and himselfe for an Heretike , because he persisted in it , that is a large speach : but what proofe hath he that the whole Church did so ? It ap ; peareth he saith in l Epiphanius . It doth not , and the contrary appeareth by m S. Ierome , and sondry others , who lived , some in the same time , som after Epiphanius , even S. Austin himself , though D. Bancroft cite him , as bearing witnes therof likewise ; I grant S. Austin n in his booke of heresies , ascribeth this to Aerius , for one , that he sayd , Presbiterum ab episcopo nulla differentia de beri discerni : but it is one thing to say , there ought to be no difference betwixt the , ( which Aerius saying condemned the Churches order , yea made a schisme therein , and so is censured by S. Austen , counting it an heresie as o in Epiphaus he tooke it recorded , himselfe , as p he witnesseth , not knowing how farre the name of Heresie should be stretched ) another thing to say , that by the word of God there is no difference betwixt them , but by the order and custome of the Church , which S. Austen q sayth in effect himselfe , so farre was he from witnessing this to be heresy by the generall consent of the whole Church . Which untruth how wrongfully it is fathered on him , and on Epiphanius ( who yet are all the witnesses that D. Bancroft hath produced for the proofe hereof , or can for ought that I know ) it may appeare by this , that our learned country man ( of godly memory ) Bishop r Iewell , when Harding to convince the same opinion of heresie , alleadged the same witnesses , he cyting to the contrary Chrysostome , Ierom , Austen , and Ambrose , knit up his answer with these wordes : All these , and other moe holy Fathers , together with the Apoflle S. Paul , for thus saying , by Hardings advice , must be held for heretikes . And Michaell Medina s a man of great accoūt in the Counsell of Trent , more ingenious herein than many other Papists , affirmeth , not onely the former anciēt writers , alleadged by Bishop Iewel , but also an other Ierom , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius , and Theophilact , were of the same mind touching this matter with Aerius . With whom agree likewise t Oecumenius , and v Anselmus Arch : B : of Canterbury , and an x other Ansel mus , and y Gregorie , and z Gratian , and after them how many ? It being once inrolled in the Canon law for sound , and Catholike doctriue , and therupon publikly taught by a learned men ; All which doe beare witnes against D. Bācroft , of the poynt in question , that it was not condemned for an Heresie by the generall consent of the whole Church : For if he should reply , that these later witnesses did liue a 1000. yeares after Christ , and therfore touch not him who b said , it was condemned so in the time of S. Austen , and of c Epiphanius , the most florishing time of the Church that ever happēed since the Apostles dayes , either in respect of learnīg , or of zeale , first they , whom I named , though living in a latter time , yet are witnesses of the former . Oecumenius the Greek scholiast treading in the stepps of the old greek Fathers , and the two Anselmes , with Gregory , and Gratian , expressing S. Ieromes sentence word by word . Besides that , perhaps it is not very likely that Anselmus of Canterbury should haue beene Canonized by the Pope of Rome , and worshipped for a Saint ; that the other Anselmus , & Gregory , should haue such place in the Popes library , and be esteemed of as they are ; that Gratians works should be allowed so long time by so many Popes for the golden foūdation of the Canon law , if they had taught that for Catholike , and sound , which by the generall consent of the whole Church , in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the Apostles dayes , was condemned for heresie : cheifely in a matter of such waight , and moment , to the Popes supremacy ; which as they doe claime over all Bishops by the ordināce of God , so must they allow to Bishopps over Preists by the same ordinance , as they saw at length : and therefore haue not only decreed it now in the e Counsell of Trent , but also in f the new edition of their Canō law haue set down this note , that on Hughes Glosse allowed by the Archdeacon ( saying , that Bishops haue differed from Preists alwayes as they doe now in Governement , and Prelatship , and offices , and Sacraments , but not in the name and Title of Bishop , which was common to them both ) must be held hereafter for S. Ieroms meaning : at least for the meaning of the Canon taken out of S. Ierom , though his words be flat & playne against this glosse , as Bellarmine g himselfe confesseth . Wherto may be added , that they also who hauelaboured about the reforming of the Church these 500 yeares , haue taught that all Pastors , be they intituled Bishops , or Preists , haue equall authority and power by Gods word . First the h Waldenses , next i Marsilius Patavinus : then k Wickliffe and his schollers ; afterward l Husse , and the Hussites : last of all m Luther , n Calvinc , o Brentius , p Bullinger , q Musculus and other , who might be reckoned perticulerly in great number , sith as here with us both r Bishops ; and the Queenes s Professors of Divinity in our Vniversities , and t other learned men do cōsent therein : so in forreine Nations all whō I haue read treating of this matter , and many moe , ( no doubt ) whom I haue not read . The sifting and examyning of the Trent Counsell hath been udertaken by only two , which I haue seene , the one a divine , the other a lawier , v Kemnisius , and Gentilletus ; they both condēne the contrary doctrine thereunto , as a Trent error ; the one by scriptures , and Fathers ; the other by the Canon law . But what doe I further speake of several persons ? It it the cōmon judgment of the Reformed Churches of Helveti a , Savoy , France , Scotlād , Germany , Hungary , Polony , the Lowe Coūtries , & our owne , witnes the y Harmony of Confessions . Wherefore sith D. Bancroft ( I assure my selfe ) will not say that all these haue approved that as sound & Christian doctrine , which by the generall consent of the whole Church , in a most florishing time , was condemned for heresie : I hope he will acknowledg , that he was overseene , in that he avou ched , the Superiority which Bishops haue among vs over the Cleargie to be of Gods owne ordināce . And thus farr of the former poynt of D. Bancroft Sermon . The latter is , concerning that he af : firmeth , that S. Ierom z saith , & M. Calvin seemeth on his report , to confesse that Bishops haue had the said superi : ority ever since the time of S. Marke the Evangelist . Of the which poynt I thinke as of the former ; sith neither Ie : rom saith it , neither doth Calvin seeme to confesse it on his report . For Bishops among us , besids ordeyning , & laying on of handes , may doe sondry other thinges , which inferior Ministers , or Preists ( as D. Bācroft termeth thē ) may not ; But a Ierom , after mention of the superiority allotted to Bishops since S. Marks time , what doth a Bishop ( saith he ) except ordination , which a Preist doth not ? Meaning , & in forcing by this kind of speach , as a thing most evident , & such as no man could deny , that Bishops had , that onely power aboue Preists then , which b Chrysostome also witnesseth . Though neither had they it alone in all places , as it is apparant by a c Counsell of Carthage , shewing their Churches order ; that the Preists layd their hands together with the Bishop on those who were ordeyned . Yet Ierom having proved by testimony of scripture , that in the Apostles tymes Bishops , and Preists were all one , even in the right d of this too , grāteth that afterwardes Bishops had that peculier unto themselues some where , but nothing else saue it . S. Ierom therfore saith not of that superiority whereof the question is , that Bishops haue had it ever since S. Marks time . No more doth M. Calvin seeme to confesse it upon his report . For Calvin ( in the same e place that D. Bancroft quoteth ) shewing how in old time the Ministers that had charge to teach chose of their company one in every Citie , to whom they did especially giue the title of Bishop ; least equality should breed dissention , yet ( saith he ) the Bishop was not aboue them in ho nor and dignity , that he had rule over them , but looke what is the Consuls duety in the Senate . to propose matters , to aske their opinions , to direct others by giving them advise , by admonishing , by exhorting , to guide the whole action by his authority , and see that performed which was agreed upon by their common consent , that charge had the Bishop in the assembly of Ministers . And having declared , that S. Ierom sheweth this to haue ben brought in by the consent of men vpon the first of Titus , he addeth that the same S. Ierom other where sheweth , how ancient an order of the Church it was , even from S. Marks time to Hereclas , and Dionysius at Alexandria . In which words of Calvin , seeing that the order of the Church he mentioneth , hath evident relation to that before described , and that in the describing of it , he had sayd , the Bishop was not so aboue the rest in honor , that he had rule over them : It followeth that M. Calvin doth not so much as seeme to confesse of Ieroms reporte , that ever since S. Marks time Bishops haue had a ruling superiority over the Cleargie . Wherefore to use no more profes in a thing manifest , which else might easily be proved more at large out of S. Ierom , and M. Calvin both : It is certaine , that nether of them doth affirme , that Bishops so long time haue had such superiority as D. Bancroft seemeth to father vpon them . Thus haue I signified mine opinion of the points that your Honor specified in D. Bancrofts Sermon . Which yet if he , or any doe proue , that I haue erred in , or take him otherwise thā I ought , I shall be very willing by Gods grace , to correct : remembring the Apostles lesson , that The spirits of the Prophets are subiect to the Prophets . 19. Sept : 1598. SIR FRANCIS KNOLLIS HIS SPEACH IN PARLIAment , related by himselfe to the late worthy Lo : Treasurer Sir William Cicil. To the end I may informe your Lordship of my dealing in this Parliamēt time , a gaīst the undue claīed superiority of the Bb. over their inferiour brethren . Thus it was : Because I was in the Parliament , in the 25 yeare of King Henry the 8. In which time , First all the Cleargie , as well Bishops , as others , made an humble submission to King Henry 8. acknowledging his Supremacie , and detesting the vsurpation of the Bishop of Romes authority : Vpon which submission of the Cleargie the King gaue unto the sayd Bishops , the same ample rule that before they had under the Pope , over their inferiour brethren ; saving that the same rule was abridged by statute by this parenthesis following , that is to say ( without offending the prerogatiue Royall of the Crowne of England , and the lawes , & customes of the Realme ) In the latter end of the statute it was added , That whofoever offendeth in any one parte of that statute , and their aiders , counsellors , and abettours , they did all fall into the penaltie of the Premunire . And after I had recited the statute in the Parliament house , I declared that in K. Henry 8. his dayes , after this , there was no Bishop that did practise superiority over their inferiour brethren . And in King Edwards dayes , the sayd Bishops obteyned a statute , whereby they were authorized to keep their Courtes in the Kings name . The which statute was repealed in Q. Maries dayes , and is not revived in her Maiesties time that now is : Wherupon it was doubtfull to me , by what authority the Bishops doe keep their Courtes now in their owne names Because it is against the prerogatiue of the Crowne of England , that any shou'd keep a Courte without a sufficiēt warrant frō the Crowne . Whereupon I was answered , that the Bishops doe keep their Courtes now by prescription ; and it is true , that the Bishops may prescribe that K : Henry 8. gaue them authority , by the Statute of the 25 of his reigne , to haue authority & rule over their inferiour brethren , as ample as they had in the Popes time : But this was no special warrāt for thē to keep their courts by & that in their owne names . And yet they haue no other warrant to keep their courts ( as they do now in their owne names ) to my knowledge . And this was the cause that made them obteyne a statute in King Edwards dayes , to keep their courtes by , in the Kings name . Now it is a straunge allegation , that the Bishops should claime authority at this present , to keep Courtes in their owne names ( as they doe ) by prescription ; Because the statute of 25. H. 8. doth restreigne them generally from offending of the prerogatiue royall of the Crowne of England , and the lawes and customes of the Realme . And no man may iustly keep a court without a speciall warrant from the Crowne of Englād , as is a foresayd . And the generall liberty given by King Hen. 8. to the Bishops to rule and governe , as they did in the Popes time , is no sufficient warrant to the Bishops to keep their Courtes in their owne names by prescription , as I take it . And therefore the Bishops had done wisely , if they had sought a warrant by statute to keep their Courtes in the Queenes name , as the Bishops did in king Edwardes dayes . In which time Cranmer did cause Peter Martyr , and Bucer , to come over into the Realme to be placed in the two Vniverfities , for the better instruction of the Vniversities in the word of God. And B : Cranmer did humbly prefer these learned men , without any challenge to himselfe of any superiour rule , in this behalfe over his inferiour brethren . And the time hath been ; that no man Could cary away any graunt from the Crowne of England by generall wordes ; but he must haue speciall wordes to cary the same by . Therefore how the Bishops are warranted to cary away the keeping of their Courts in their owne names by prescription , it passeth my understanding . Moreover , whereas your Lordship sayd vnto me , that the Bishops haue for saken their claime of superiority over their inferiour brethren ( lately ) to be by Gods ordinance , & that ( now ) they do only claime superioritie from Her Maiestie Supreame Governement : if this be true , then it is requisite , and necessary that my L : of Caunter bury that now is , do recant , and retract his saying in his booke of the great volume against M. Cartwright , where he saith in playne words ( by the name of Doct. Whitgift ) That the superiority of Bishopps is Gods owne institution . Which saying doth impugne Her Maiesties supreame government directly , and therefore it is to bere tracted and truely . For Christ plainely & truely confesseth , Ioh : 18. 36. That his kingdom is not of this world . And ther fore he gaue no worldly rule , or preheminence to his Apostles , but the heavenly rule , which was to Preach the Gospell , saying , Ite , praedicate in omnem mundum ; quicunpue crediderit , et baptizatus fuerit , falvus erit : qui non crediderit , condemnabitur . Go , and Preach in all the world ; whosoever shall beleiue , & be baptized , shal be saved : But he that will not beleiue , shall be condemned . Mark 16. 15. 16. But the Bishops doe crie out saying , That Cartwright , and his fel : lowes would haue no Governement , etc. So ( belike ) the Bishops care for no governmēt , but for worldly , and forcible governement over their brethren , the which Christ ne : ver gaue to his Disciples , nor Apostles , but made thē subiect to the rule of Princes , who ought not to be resisted , saving that they might answer unto Princes , That they must rather obey God , than men . Act. 5. 29. and yet in no wise to resist the Prince , but to take up the crosse & follow Christ. To the Reader . IF this Honorable man were now aliue , he would wonder more than ever he did , at the resolutenes of our Bishops . In holding their Courtes in their owne names . For bv M. Yelvertons speach ; at a committee of both houses , in the second Session of this Parliament it was made so playne , that the Bishops were in the Kings mercy , for having seales of jurisdiction bearing their owne , and not the Kings armes , and holding Courtes in their owne names , and not the Kings , that S. Iohn Popham then Lord cheife Iustice of England , and S. Edward Cooke then the Kings Atturney generall , acknowledged the same to be true . The reason was this : In the first Session of this Parliament cap. 25. that Statute of Q. Mary , which this worthy Counsailour of State mentioneth , is repealed . By which repeale the Statute of Edw. 6. likewise by him mentioned is restored to life . But more hereof ( perhappes ) hereafter : In meane while , Quaere . Whether those subjectes which haue taken the oath of supremacy be not forsworne : If being cited by a processe which hath the seale of a Bishop , & not of the King , they appeare to the Ordinaries Court held in the Bishops name , and not the Kings . Seeing such a processe , and Court so held be ( by that Statute of Ed. 6. now in force ) sayd to be against the Kings prerogatiue , & therefore both must be by none other than forreigne power . If so , Quaere 2. VVhether his Majesties subiects being so cited to such a Court , be bound ( in law ) to make their appearance . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A04026-e170 Ierm 36. 26 1 Peter 2. 13 14. 1 king 22 , 7 , Iudg. 6. 31. Notes for div A04026-e700 Exod. 25 Hebrew ● , 5 Heb , 12 25 28 , 29. Isai 49. 23. Psalm 100. 3 Thes , 2. 8 , 2. Kin , 16 , 34 Act. 20 ▪ 17. 28. Phil. 1 : 1 , 1. Tim , 3 : 1. 2 Titus 1 , 5. 7 1 , Pet 5. 1 : 2 1 : Sam , 5 , 2 , 3. 4 2. Kin ; 16. 10 2 , Chro : 29. 16 18 , 19. Can , 1 , 3. Math , 17 : 5. Iohn 10 , 3. 4 29 , Notes for div A04026-e1720 Iames 1. 20 : Isai , 61 : 1. Iames 1. 17. Psalm , 43 , 3. Notes for div A04026-e5030 Psalm 103. 4 Isai 9. 2 Zach. 11. 7 Plal , 122 , 7 Iob. 1 , 19 , Gal. 3. 1 , 3. Heb , 12. 1 : Eph ; 1. 17 Col , 1. 11. Philip , 2. 2 Heb , 13 , 21. Notes for div A04026-e7990 a Deut , 33 9 b pag 18. c pag 19. d pag 69 e Act , 23. 8. f 1 Tim. 6. 3 Titus 3. 10. 2 : Peter 1. 19 & 21. g The defence of the Apologie part 1. & 7. devision 2 answ . to the Rhem. Titus 3. 10 h pag 18. i p. 19. & 69 k Tom 1. cont . 5. lib. 1 ca : 15. l Heresy 15. m in epist ad Titum 1 et Epist 85. ad Evagrium : n cap ; 53. o In Argu. pre fix : lib. 3 Tom : 2 p de heref . ad quodvnit deū in prefatione q Epist. 19 r def . of the Apol. part 2 ca , 9 , divis . 1 page 198 , s De sacrif . hom , orig , et con●●● , lib , 1 , ca , 5 : t in 1 , Tim : ● v in Epist , ad Tirum . x Collect. can . li. 7. ca , 87. e● 1●7 y Poliear , li. 2 Tit , 19. et 39. z ca ; legimus , dist 39 ca ; olimp ; dill . 95. a Author gloss , in ca , dist , citat , ho doricus caol Ave : lat . in concil Basil. Daaren . de sacra Eccle mimst , lib 1 cap 7 b page 19 c page 69 e ●ess : 23 : c. 4 Can , 6 & 7 f anot . marg ad cap , legimus dist . 43. g Tom. 1 Contro 5 lib 1 cap h Aeneas Silvius histo Bohem cap 35 et Pigh hierarch ecclef ▪ lib. 2. ca 10. i Defens pacis part 2 ca 15 k Tho Walden Doct , fidei Tom 1 lib 2 cap 60 et Tom 2 cap ●7 l Aeneas Sil vius loco citato . m adversus falso nominat ordin epist et adver . Papat Rom n in epist ad Philip 1 et Titus 1 o Apol , Consest Wittenb cap 21 p Decad. 5 serm 3 q Loc. Com. T it de minist verbi . r Iewell lo●●citat . et Pilkington in the Trearise of burning Paules Church . s D Humphrey in Cāp . et in Duraeū : Iesuitas-part 2 , rat : 3 & D Whit ad rat . Cāpiani , 6. et Confuta , Duraei Iesuitae lib 6 t M Braford , Lambert & others M : Fox Acts &c D Fulke against Bristow , motiue . 40 & Answer to the Remists Tit : 1. 5. v v part 2 : x ) lib , 4 y Harmony sect , 11 in Helvet , post Galia Belgia Anglia &c , z pa. 14 & 69 a Epist. ad Evagrum , b Hom , 11 in 1 Tim. c Concil . 4 Ca● , 3 d In 1 Tim , 4 : 14 : e In I nstit , lib. 4 : cap , 4. sect , 2 f ) 1 : Cor : 14 : 3● : 
A11764	----	The declinator and protestation of the archbishops and bishops, of the Church of Scotland, and others their adherents within that kingdome against the pretended generall Assembly holden at Glasgow Novemb. 21. 1638. Episcopal Church in Scotland. 1639 Approx. 53 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11764 STC 22058 ESTC S116980 99852195 99852195 17505 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11764) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17505) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1257:4) The declinator and protestation of the archbishops and bishops, of the Church of Scotland, and others their adherents within that kingdome against the pretended generall Assembly holden at Glasgow Novemb. 21. 1638. Episcopal Church in Scotland. Spottiswood, John, 1565-1639. [2], 33, [1] p. Printed by John Ravvorth, for George Thomason and Octavian Pullen, and are to be sold at their shop, at the Rose in S. Pauls Churchyard, London : 1639. Signed at end: Jo: Sti Andreæ Arch. [i.e. John Spottiswood, archbishop of St. Andrews; and five others]. Variant: title page has "Novemb. 21. 1628.". For other variants in quire A see STC addendum. Quire B is in two settings: B3v line 14 has (1) "Deliberations" or (2) "deliberations". The latter setting comes with or without "VII." in the margin of B3v. Reproduction of the original in Harvard University. 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Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature -- Episcopalian authors -- Early works to 1800. 2006-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DECLINATOR AND PROTESTATION OF THE Archbishops and Bishops , of the Church of SCOTLAND , and others their adherents within that Kingdome , Against the pretended generall Assembly bolden at Glasgow Novemb. 21. 1638. LONDON , Printed by JOHN RAVVORTH , for GEORGE THOMASON and OCTAVIAN PULLEN , and are to be sold ar their shop , at the Rose in S. Pauls Churchyard . 1639. It is his Majesties pleasure that this be printed , for the which , this shall be your warrant . Hamilton . WEE Archbishops , Bishops and other Under-subscribers for our selves and in name and behalfe of the Church of Scotland ( whereas it hath pleased the Kings Majesty to indict a Generall Assembly of the Church , to be kept at Glasgow , Novemb. 21. 1638. for composing and setling of the distractions of the same . ) First doe acknowledge and professe , that a Generall Assembly lawfully called and orderly conveened is a most necessary and effectuall meane for removing those evills wherewith the said Church is infested , and for setling that order which becometh the house of God : and that we wish nothing more then a meeting of a peaceable and orderly Assembly to that effect . Secondly we acknowledge and professe as becometh good Christians and faithfull subjects , that his Majesty hath authority by his prerogative Royall , to call Assemblies , as is acknowledged by the Assembly at Glasgow 1610. and Parliament 1612. and that it is not lawfull to conveene without his Royall consent , and approbation , except we will put our selves in danger to be called in question for sedition . Yet neverthelesse in sundry respects , we cannot but esteeme this meeting at Glasgow most unlawfull and disorderly , and their proceedings voyd and null in law , for the causes and reasons following . First , before his Majesties Royall warrant to my Lord Cōmissioner his Grace to indict a lawfull free Generall Assembly ; the usurped authority of the Table ( as they call it ) by their missives and instructions , did give order and direction for all Presbyteries to elect and chuse their Commissioners for the Assembly , and for seeking of Gods blessing to it , to keepe a solemne fast Sept. 16. whereas his Majesties warrant for indicting of that Assembly was not published till the 22. of that moneth : so that they preventing and not proceeding by warrant of Royall authority , the pretended Cōmissioners being chosen before the Presbyteries were authorized to make election , cannot be reputed members of a lawfull Assembly . A lawfull Assembly must not only be indicted by lawfull authority ( as we acknowledge this to be ) but also constituted of such members as are requisite to make up such a body . For if according to the indiction none at all doe conveene ; or , where the Clergie is called , there meet none but Laicks , or moe Laicks then of the Clergie , with equall power to judge and determine ; or such of the Laicks and Clergie as are not lawfully authorized , or are not capable of that employment by their places ; or such as are legally disabled to sit and decide in an Assembly of the Church : a meeting consisting of such members cannot be thought a free and lawfull Assembly : by that Act of Parl. Ja. 6. par . 3. cap. 46. 1572. Every Minister who shall pretend to be a Minister of Gods Word and Sacraments is bound to give his assent and subscription to the Articles of Religion contained in the Acts of our Soveraign Lords Parliament , and in presence of the Arch-bishop , Superintendent or Commissioner of the Province , give his oath , for acknowledging and recognoscing of our Soveraigne Lord and his authority , and bring ae testimoniall in writing therupon , and openly upon some Sunday , in time of Sermon or publick prayers , in the Kirk where he ought to attend , reade both the testimoniall and Confession , and of new make the said oath , within a moneth after his admission : under the paine that every person , that shall not do as is above-appointed , shall ipso facto be deprived , and all his Ecclesiasticall promotions and living shall be then vacant as if he were then naturally dead , and that all inferiour persons under Prelates be called before the Archbishops , Bishops , Superintendents and Commissioners of the dioeeses or province , within which they dwell , as the Act beares . All of the Clergie conveened to this Assembly pretend themselves to be Ministers of Gods word and Sacraments , and have benefices or other Ecclesiasticall livings : yet neverthelesse the most part of them , have never in presence of the Archbishop , Bishop , Superintendent or Cōmissioner of the Diocese or Province subscribed the Articles of Religion contained in the Acts of Parliament ; and given their oath for acknowledging and recognoscing our Soveraigne Lord and his authority , and brought a testimoniall thereof : and therefore they are ipso facto deprived , and their places voyd , as if they were naturally dead , and consequently having no place nor function in the Church , cannot be Comissioners to this Assembly : hoc maximè attento , that the said persons not only have never given their oath for acknowledging his Majesties authority , nor can show no testimoniall thereupon , as they are bound by the said Act : but also having as subjects comprehended in the representative body of this Kingdome , Promised to acknowledge , obey , maintaine , defend , and advance the life , honour , safety , dignity , soveraigne authority , and prerogative Royall of his soveraigne Majesty his heires and Successors , and priviledges of his Highnesse Crown , with their lives , lands , and goods , to the uttermost of their power constantly and faithfully , to withstand all and whatsoever persons , powers and estates , who shall presume , prease or intend , any wise to impugne , prejudge , hurt or impaire the same ; and never to come in the contrary thereof directly or indirectly in any time coming . As the Acts of Parliament Jac. 6. Parl. 18. Cap. 1. Car. Parl. Cap. 1. doth proport . And moreover , being obliged at their admission to give their oath for performance of this duty of their alledgeance . And to testify and declare on their conscience , that the King is the Lawfull Supreame Governor , as well in matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall as temporall , and to assist and defond all Jurisdiction and authority , belonging to his Majesty by the act of Parl. 1612. yet notwithstanding of the said bands , acts and promises , whereby the said persons are so strictly bound to the performance of the premisses , his Majesty having ordained by act of Councell at Haly-rude-house Sept. 24. 1638. and proclamations following thereupon , that all his Majesties Liedges of whatsoever estate , degree or quality , Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , should sweare and subscribe the said confession , together with a generall band for defending his Majesties person and authority against all enemies within this Realme or without , have not onely refused to subscribe the said band and Confession , but have in their Sermons and other speeches , disswaded , deterred , impeded and hindered others of the liedges to subscribe the same , and publikly protested against the subscription thereof : and thereupon cannot conveene nor concurre Lawfully to the making up of the body of an assemby of the Kirk , as being deprived and denuded of all place and function in the same . A generall Assembly was condescended to , out of his Majesties gracious clemencie and pious disposition , as a Royall favour to those that so should acknowledge the same and acquiesce to his gracious pleasure , and carry themselves peaceably as loyall and dutifull subjects , which the Comissioners directed to this Assembly supposed to be of the number of those that adhere to the last protestation made at Edinburgh Sept. 1638. do not so account of , and accept , as appeares by the said protestation : whereby they protest , that it shall be lawfull for them , as at other times , so at this , to assemble themselves notwithstanding any impediment or prorogation to the contrary : as also by continuing their meetings and Table , discharged by authority , refusing to subscribe the band according to his Majesties , and Councells , command , for maintaining his Majesties Royall person and authority , protesting against the same , still insisting with the liedges to subscribe the band of mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever , and remitting nothing of their former proceedings , whereby his Majesties wrath was provoked : thereby they are become in the same state and condition wherein they were before his Majesties proclamation and pardon ; and so forfaite the favour of this Assembly , and liberty to be members thereof . And others of his Majesties subjects may justly feare to meet with them in this convention , for that by the Act of Parl. Jam. 6. par . 15. cap. 31. Prelacies being declared to be one of the three estates of this kingdome , and by the Act of Parl. Ja. 6. par . 8. cap. 130. All persons are discharged to impugne the dignity and authority of the three estates , or any of them in time coming , under the paine of treason . And whereas the King by his proclamation declares Archbishops and Bishops to have voyce in the Generall Assembly , and calls them to the same for that effect , as constantly they have bin in use in all Assemblies , where they were present , as appeares by many acts of the Generall Assembly , ordaining them to keepe and assist at the same , as in the Assembly at Edinburgh Decemb. 15. 1566. At Edinburgh . 6. March. 1572. At Edinburgh . May 10. 1586. and by a letter written by the Assembly March. 6. 1573. to the Regent , earnestly desiring his owne or his Commissioners presence , and the Lords of Councell , and the Bishops at the Assembly . They notwithstanding by the said protestation Sept. 22. declared Archbishops and Bishops to have no warrant for their office in this Kirk , to be authorized with no lawfull Commission , and to have no place nor voyce in this Assembly , and withall doe arrogate to their meetings , a soveraigne authority to determine of all questions and doubts that can arise , contrary to the freedome of the Assembly , whether in constitution and members , or in the matters to be treated , or in manner and order of proceeding : which how it doth stand with his Majesties Supremacie in all causes and over all persons , we leave it to that judgement whereunto it belongeth , and doe call God and man to witnesse , if these be fit members of an Assembly , intended for the order and peace of the Church . Giving , and not granting , that the persons foresaid directed Commissioners in name of the Clergie to this meeting were capable of that authority , and that the said Presbyteries had the authority to direct Commissioners to the Generall Assembly ; yet have they now lost and fallen from all such right , if any they had , in so farre as they have deposed the Moderators , who were lawfully appointed to governe them , by the Bishops in their Synods , and elected others in their place , contrary to the Act of the Assembly at Glasgow 1610. and Act of Parl. 1612. ordaining Bishops to be Moderators at these meetings , and in their absence , the Minister whom the Bishop should appoint at the Synode . So these meetings having disclaimed the authority of Bishops , deposed their lawfull Moderators , and chusing others without authority , cannot be esteemed lawfull convocations , that can have lawfull power of sending out Commissioners with authority to judge of the affaires of this Church . And yet doth the nullity of the Commissions flowing from such meetings further appeare in this , that they have associate to themselves a laick ruling Elder ( as they call them ) out of every Session and Parish , who being ordinarily the lord of the Parish , or the man of the greatest authority in the bounds , doth over-rule in the election of the said Cōmissioners , both by his authority and their number , being moe then the Ministers , whereof some being ordinarily absent , and five or six or so many of them put in list and removed , there remaine but a few Ministers to voice to the election : and in effect the Commissioners for the Clergie are chosen by lay-men , contrary to all order , decencie , and custome observed in the Christian world , no wise according to the custome of this Church , which they pretend to follow : the Presbyteries formerly never associating to themselves lay-elders in the election of the Commissioners to the Generall Assembly , but onely for their assistance in discipline and correction of manners , calling for them at such occasions as they stood in need of their Godly Concurrence , declaring otherwise their meeting not necessary , and providing expressely that they should not be equall , but fewer in number then the Pastors , as by Act of Assembly at Saint Andrewes April 24. 1582. ( where Master Andrew Melvill was Moderator ) doth appeare . Like as these fourty yeares by gone and upwards , long before the re-establishing of Bishops , these lay-elders have not bin called at all to Presbyteries . And by the Act at Dundie 1597. whereby it is pretended that Presbyteries have authority to send these lay-Commissioners , it doth no wise appeare that those lay-elders had any hand in chusing of the Ministers . And this is the onely act of the Assembly , authorizing Presbyteries to chuse Commissioners to the Generall Assembly : nor have lay-elders sate ordinarily in Presbyteries upon any occasion these fourty yeeres , and upwards : nor ever had any place nor voyce in the election of Ministers , for the Generall Assembly : and consequently these chosen by them to this Assembly have no lawfull power nor authority . Beside , the persons Ecclesiasticall pretended to be authorized Cōmissioners to this Assembly , have so behaved themselves , that justly they may be thought unworthy and uncapable of Commission to a sree and lawfull Assembly . 1. For that by their seditious and railing Sermons and Pamphlets , they have wounded the Kings honour and soveraigne authority , and animated his liedges to rebellion , averring that all authority soveraigne is Orignally in the Collective body , derived from thence to the Prince , and that not onely in case of negligence , it is Suppletivè in the Collective body , as being cummunicate from the Commontie to the King , Cumulativè not Privativè : but also in case of mal-administration , to returne to the Collective body ; so that Rex excidit jure suo , and that they may refuse obedience . 2. Next they are knowne to be such as have either beene schismatically refractary and opposite to good order setled in the Church and State ; or such as having promised , subscribed , and sworne obedience to their Ordinarie , have never made conscience of their oath ; or such as have sworne and accordingly practised ; yet contrary to their promise and practise , have resiled , to the contempt of authority , and disturbance of the Church ; or such as are under the Censures of the Church of Ireland for their disobedience to order ; or under the Censures of this Church , or conveened , at least deserving to be conveened before the Ordinaries , or a lawfull Generall Assembly , for diverse transgressions deserving deprivation : as first , for uttering in their Sermons , rash , and irreverent speeches in pulpit against his Majesties Councell and their proceedings , punishable by deprivation : by the Act of Assembly at Edinburgh , May 22. 1590. Next for reproving his Majesties Laws , Statutes and Ordinances , contrary to the Act of Assembly , at Perth , Maij 1. 1596. Thirdly , for expressing of mens names in Pulpit , or describing them vively to their reproach , where there was no notorious fault ; against another Act of the same Assembly . Fourthly , for using Applications in their Sermons , not tending to the edification of their present Auditory ; contrary to another Act of the same Assembly . Fiftly , for keeping conventions not allowed by his Majestie , without his knowledge and consent ; contrary to another Act of the same Assembly . Sixtly , for receiving of people of other Ministers flocks to the Communion , contrary to order , Acts of Assemblies and Counsels . Seventhly , for intruding themselves into other mens Pulpits , without calling or authority . Eightly , for usurping the authority to covent their Brethren , and proceed against them to the Censures of suspension and deprivation . Ninthly , for pressing the people to subscribe a Covenant , not allowed by authority ; and opposing and withstanding the subscribing of a Covenant offered by his Majestie , and allowed by the Counsell : Beside many personall faults and enormities , whereof many of them are guiltie , which in charitie we forbeare to expresse . But hereby it doth appeare , how unfit these persons are to be members of a free and lawfull Assembly . Nor doth it stand with Reason , Scripture , or practise of the Christian Church , that Lay-men should be authorized to have decisive voyce in a Generall Assembly . In that Act of Dundie 1597. whereby these Elders pretend to have this place , there is no Warrant expressed for them , to deliberate and determine . Their presence and assistance wee approve , being allowed and authorized by the Prince . The Kings Majesties presence in person , or by his Delegates , wee hold most necessary , to see all things orderly and peaceably done ; and that he have the chiefe hand in all Deliberations and Determinations . Nor doe wee refuse that any Intelligent or moderate man may make remonstrance of his opinion , with the reasons of it , in that way that becommeth him in a Nationall Assembly , due reverence being kept , and confusion avoyded . But that any Lay-man , except hee bee delegate by Soveraigne Authoritie , shall presume to have a definitive and decisive voyce ; we esteeme it to bee intrusion upon the Pastorall Charge , and without warrant . May wee not therefore intreat my Lord Commissioner his Grace , in the words of the Fathers of the Fourth Generall Councell at Chalcedon ? Mitte for as superstuos . Nor will a pious Prince be offended with it ; but with Theodosius the younger will say ; Illegitimum est , eum qui non sit in ordine Sanctissimorum Episcoporum Ecclesiasticis immisceri tractatibus — And Pulcheria the Empresse commanded Strategus , Vt Clerici , Monachi & Laici vi repellerentur , exceptis paucis illis quos Episcopi secum duxerunt . Upon this respect was Martinus in that Councell of Chalcedon moved to say ; Non esse suum sed Episcoporum tantum subscribere . If these pretended Commissioners , both Lay and Ecclesiasticall were lawfully authorized , ( as it is evident they are not ) and for none other cause declinable , yet the law doth admit , that justly a judge may be declined , who is probably suspect . And of all propabilities , this is the most pregnant , when the judge , before he come to judgement , doth give sentence of these things he hath to judge . This made our Reformers protestation against the Councell of Trent valide , and their not compearing justifiable , because Pope Leo 10. had precondemned Luther , as appeared by his Bull , dated 8. Iuni ▪ 1520 renewed by Paul 3. dated in August 1535. This was the cause why Athanasius would not give his appearance at some Councells , nor Hosius of Corduba , nor Maximus Patriarch of Constantinople . But so it is , the most part , if not all of the said Commissioners directed to this meeting , have precondemned Episcopall governement , and condemned , at least suspended obedience to the Acts of the Generall Assembly and Parliament concerning the five Articles of Perth , have approven their Covenant as most necessary to be embraced of all in this Kingdome : and not onely have given judgement of these things before hand , but by most solemne oaths have bound themselves to defend and stand to the same : as doth appeare by their Covenant , Petitions , Protestations , Pamphlets , Libels and Sermons : and therefore by no law nor equity can these pretended Commissioners be admitted to determine in this meeting , concerning these persons and points , which before hand they have so unjustly condemned . Further , with no law nor reason can it subsist , that the same persons shall be both Judges and Parties . And we appeale the consciences of all honest men , if all , at least the greatest part of the pretended Commissioners , have not declared themselves partie to the Archbishops and Bishops of this Church : for in that they have declined the Bishops to be their Judges , as being their partie ( as their Declinators , Petitions , Declarations and Protestations do bear ) have they not simul & semel , & ipso facto declared themselves to be partie against Bishops ? Whom they have not onely declined , but persecuted by their calumnies and reproaches vented by word and writt , in publike and in private , by invading their persons , opposing and oppressing them by strength of an unlawfull Combination , for the subscribing and swearing whereof , they have by their own authority indicted and kept Fasts , not onely in their own Churches , but where worthy men refused to be accessory to these disorderly and impious courses , they have by aid of the unruly multitude , entred their Churches , usurped upon their charges , reading and causing to be read that unlawfull Covenant , by threatning and menacing compelling some ( otherwise unwilling ) out of just fear to set their hands to it ; by processing , suspending , & removing obedient and worthy Ministers from their places , by the usurped authority of their Table and Presbyteries . And whereas by all Law and justice , persons finding themselves wronged in judgement , have never beene denyed the remedy of declinatory and appellation : neverthelesse not a few of these Presbyteries have proceeded against sundry worthy Ministers , who have declined and appealed from their judgements , without respect to this defence : by these meanes craftily intending to disable them to be Commissioners for the Church : directly or indirectly causing their stipends to be kept backe from them . By which meanes not the least part of the subscribing Ministers have beene gained to their Covenant . But it is without example uncharitable and illegall , that under the pretext of summons ( the like wherof was never used , nor in the like manner against the most haynous malefactors in the kingdome ) they have devised , forged , vented and published a most infamous & scurrile libell , full of impudent lies and malitious calumnies , against the Arch : and Bishops of this Church : and have first given out from their Table , the order prescribed in these subsequent Articles , which we have insert , that the world may be witnesse of the illegality and malitiousnesse of their proceedings . I. TO desire the Presbyterie of every Bishop , especially where he keeps his residence , as also the Presbyterie where his Cathedrall seat is , to have a speciall care of this Bill and complaint against the Prelates , and particularly against the Bishop of their Diocese . II. That some Noblemen , if any be within the Presbyterie , some Gentlemen and Barons , some Ministers and some Commons , who are not chosen Commissioners to the Assembly in their own Name , and in Name of all other Covenanters or Complainers , either within the Presbyterie , or Diocese , or whole Kingdome , who are not Commissioners to the Assembly , will adhere and assist in this Complaint , that they present this Bill to the Presbyterie . III. That they who are Complainers have a particular care to fill up the Blanks left in the Bill , in the subsumptions of the particular faults committed by the Bishop of the Diocese , against these generall Rules , Canons and Acts : or if these Blanks will not contain the same , that the Complainers draw up in a particular claime , all the particular faults and transgressions of the Bishop of that Diocese against these Rules , Canons and Acts , or any other Law of the Church or Kingdome , and present the same to the Presbyterie with this generall Complaint . And if they cannot get the particulars presently ready , notwithstanding , they present without any delay , because of the scarcenesse of the time , this Complaint as it stands with the Blanks : and in the mean time , may gather any other particulars against the Assembly , to which this Complaint is to be referred . IIII. That the Presbyterie finding the Complaint important , and the Generall Assembly so approaching , referre the same to the Generall Assembly , by an Act of this reference insert in the Books of the Presbyterie . V. That upon this reference of the Complaint to the Assembly , the Presbytery admonish the Complainers apud acta , to be present at the said Assembly , for assisting and verifying of the said Complaint . VI. That the Presbyterie ordain all their Pastors , out of Pulpit on a Sabbath-day before Noone , to cause reade publickly this whole Complaint and the Presbyteries reference to the Assembly , and so to admonish the Bishop of that Diocese , the delinquent complained upon , with the rest of his Collegues to be present at the Generall Assembly to answer to the particular Complaint , both in the particular and generall heads thereof , given or to be given in ; and to abide the censure and triall of the Assembly thereupon . And likewise , out of Pulpit to admonish all others who have interest either in the pursuing or referring this Complaint , to be present at the said Assembly . That the Presbyterie insert in their Presbyterie-Books the whole tenour of this Complaint both in the generall and particular heads thereof ; and that they have a care to cause deliver by their Ordinarie Beadell , to the Bishop of the Diooese , a Copie thereof , and a Copie of an Act , referring the same to the Assembly , and summon him to compeare before the Assembly . And if he be within the Country , and cannot be personally apprehended , to affix a full Copie therof upon each dwelling place , and upon the most patent doore of the Cathedrall Church and Episcopall seat . VIII . That thè Complainers within the Presbyterie where the Bishop is resident , or hath his Cathedrall , be carefull to keep correspondence with those in other Presbyteries within their Diocese , who best can specifie and verifie their Bishops usurpation and transgressions , and who had particular Articles to gather particular Declarations and Informations of the same . IX . That some of these Complainers in their own Name , and with Warrant and Power from the rest , without failing attend the Assembly with the generall Complaint and particular verifications and specifications of the same . X. That in case the Presbyterie where the Bishop hath his residence , or where he hath his Cathedrall and Episcopall seat , refuse to receive this Complaint , or referre the same to the Assembly , or to admonish or cite the Bishop delinquent , before the Assembly , to answer to the Complaint ; that the Gentlemen and others who are Complainers to the Presbyteries , upon their refusall take instrument in the hands of the Clerk of the Presbyterie , or any Notarie , and protest that their refusall of the ordinarie care of Iustice , procured ( without doubt ) by the Bishop of that Diocese delinquent complained of , the equivalent of Law and Reason , be a formall Citation of him . Which Protestation they may affix upon the dwelling house of the said Bishop , or upon his Cathedrall Church , or the prime Church within the Presbyterie . And that they may deale with any other Presbyterie within the Diocese , who is better disposed , and upon their receit of the Complaint , will referre the same to the Assembly and cite the Bishop in manner above-expressed , to compeare before the said Assembly . XI . Item , Perhaps some Minister within the Presbyterie may think some Heads of this Complaint not to be relevant in his Opinion , or know the Bishop not to be guilty of all the particular Heads contained therein : yet he in Iustice cannot refuse to referre the triall of the Relevancie and Probation thereof to the Generall Assembly , especially , seeing the Relevancie and Probation of moe or fewer Points against the Bishop of the Diocese is sufficient , and seeing the subsumption of every particular Head is against the Bishop of the Diocese , with his Collegues . XII . Item , To desire the Presbyterie , upon Complaints upon any persons within the same , against any scandalous Minister either in Doctrine or Life , either to judge the Complaint , or referre the same to the triall and censure of the Generall Assembly , and so to admonish and cite the Ministers complained upon , to compeare before the Generall Assembly for that end . According to which articles , upon Sunday Octob. 28. they caused read the said Libell in all the Churches of Edenburgh notwithstanding my Lord Commissioners command given to the Provest and Bailies to the contrary : except in Haly-rude-house , where it was read the next Sunday , as it was in other Churches of the Kingdome ; proceeding herein . 1. Against all charity which doth not behave it selfe unseemly , nor delighteth in the discovery of mens nakednesse , nor take up a reproach , nor backbite with the tongue ; much lesse to write a booke against a brother . 2. Against the order prescribed by the Apostle : not to rebuke an Elder , but to intreat him as a father : and by the Act of Parl. Jam. 6 par . 8. discharging all persons to impugne or to procure the diminution of the authority and power of the three estates or any of them . 3. Against all lawfull and formall proceeding , specially , that prescribed by Act of Generall Assembly at Perth Martij 1. 1596. whereby it is ordained , that all summons containe the speciall cause and crime : which the said Libell doth not : nameing onely generall calumnies , reproaches , and aspersions , without instruction of any particular , but leaving these to be filled up by malitious delation , after they have defamed their brethren by publishing this Libell : as appeares by the 8. and 11. articles of the said instructions . And against the order prescribed by the Assembly at Saint Andrewes April 24. 1582. whereby it is enacted , that in processe of deprivation of Ministers , there be a libelled precept upon fourty dayes warning , being within the Realme , and threescore dayes being without the Realme , to be directed by the Kirk and such Commissioners thereof , as elects and admits the person complained of , summoning them to compeare and answere upon the complaint . And in case of their absence at the first summons , the second to be directed upon the like warning , with certification , if he faile , the Libell shall be admitted to probation , and he shall be holden pro confesso . Which forme not being kept in a summons inferring the punishment of deprivation , the same cannot be sustained by the order of that Assembly . 4. Against common equity which admits summons only by the authority of that judge before whom the delinquent is to compeare . Whereby the summons directed by the authority of these pretended Presbyteries , cannot sustaine , for compearance before the Generall Assembly , nor could reference be made from the Presbytery to the Generall Assembly , the parties never being summoned to compeare before the Presbytery , whereby either in presence of the party , or in case of contumacy , the complaint might be referred to the Assembly . That there was no citation before the reference , is cleare , by the said instructions . And what a strange and odious forme it is , to insert such a Calumnious Libell in the Presbytery-books , without citing of the parties to answere thereto ; and to cite Bishops before the Generall Assembly by the said Libell , by publishing the same at Churches , to which they had no relation , and were many miles distant , we leave it to the judgement of indifferent men . 5. Against all decency and respect due to men of their place , the said persons , being men of dignity , and some of them of his Majesties most honourable privie Councell , and knowen to be of blamelesse conversation , and to have deserved well , thus to be reviled and traduced , doth redound to the reproach of Church and State , and of the Gospell whereof they are preachers . 6. Lastly , to omit many other informalities against their owne consciences , which we charge in the sight of God , as they must answere before his great and fearefull tribunall , if they suspect and know not perfectly , according to the judgement of charity , them whō they thus accuse , to be free of these crimes wherewith they charge them , at least of many of them ; as appeares evidently by the 11 article of the said instructions , having therein libelled the generall , and have yet to seeke the specification thereof , from the malice of their neighbours , if so be they can furnish it . By which informall and malitious proceeding , it is most apparent , that our said parties do seek our disgrace and overthrow , most malitiously and illegally . And therefore we call heaven and earth to witnesse , if this be not a barbarous and violent persecution , that all circumstances being considered , hath few or none to parallell it , since the beginning of Christianity : and if we have not just cause to decline the said pretended Commissioners , as our party . Moreover , can these men expect , but in a lawfull Assembly they were to be called and censured for their enorme transgressions foresaid ? And will any man thinke , that they can be judges in their owne cause ? It is alledged out of the Canon-law , against the Pope , that if the Pope be at variance with any man , he ought not to be judge himselfe , but to chuse arbitrators . And this may militate against them ; except they be more unruly then Popes . Ludovicus Bavarus and all the Estates of Germanie with him , did plead this nullity against the sentence and proceeding of Pope Iohn 22. and of his Councell . And the Archbishop of Cullen 1546. did plead the nullity of Paul 3. his Bull of excommunication , because he protested , that so soone as a lawfull Councell should be opened , he would implead the Pope as party , being guilty of many things censurable by the Councell . But the late Protestation doth show the authors thereof to be no lesse injurious to our place and authority , then they are over weening of their owne . For it is against reason and practise of the Christian Church , that no Primate , Archbishop , nor Bishop , have place nor voyce deliberative or decisive in Generall Assemblies , except they be authorized and elected by their Presbyteriall meetings , consisting of preaching and ruling Elders ( as they call them ) and without warrant or example in the Primitive and purest times of the Church . This also doth inferre the nullitie of an Assembly , if the Moderator and President for matters of doctrine , and discipline , shall be neither the Primate , Archbishop , nor Bishop , but he who by plurality of Presbyters and lay-mens voyces shall be elected : which happily may be one of the inferiour Clergie or a lay-person , as sometimes it hath fallen out . Whereas Canonically , according to the ancient practise of the Church ; the Primate should preside : according to the constitution of the first Councell of Nice Can. 6. of Antioch Can. 9. and of the Imperiall Law Novell . constitut . 123. cap. 10. and according to our owne Law. For what place in Assemblies Archbishops and Bishops had in other Christian nations , the same they had ( no doubt ) in Scotland , and yet still doe retaine , except by some Municipall law it hath bin restrained , which cannot be showne . For the restraint of their authority by the Act of Parl. 1592. is restored by the Act of Parl. 1606. and 1609. and all acts prejudiciall to their jurisdiction , abrogated . Neither doth that Act 1592. establishing Generall Assemblies , debarre Bishops from presiding therein : nor the abrogation of their Commission granted to them by Act of Parl. in Ecclesiasticall causes imply and inferre the abrogation of that authority which they received not from the Parl. but from Christ , from whom they received the spirituall oversight of the Clergie under their charge : whereto belongeth the Presidentship in all Assemblies for matters spirituall , alwaies with due submission to the Supreame Governour : which is so intrinsecally inherent in them , as they are Bishops , that huc ipso that they are Bishops , they are Presidents of all Assemblies of the Clergie : as the Chancellor of the Kingdome hath place in Councell and Session , not by any Act or Statute , but hoc ipso that he is Chancellor . By Act of Parl. Bishops are declared to have their right in Synods and other inferiour meetings ; but by no law restrained nor debarred from the exercise of it in Nationall Assemblies : and the law allowing Bishops to be Moderators of the Synods , doth present a list in absence of the Metropolitan , to whom of right this place doth belong , as said is , out of which the Moderator of the Generall Assembly shall be chosen . For is it not more agreeable to reason , order , and decencie , that out of Moderators of Synods , a Moderator of the Generall Assembly should be chosen , then of the inferiour Clergie subject to them ? As concerning that Act of the Generall Assembly 1580. whereby Bishops are declared to have no warrant out of Scripture ; if corruption of time shall be regarded , the authority of that Assembly might be neglected , no lesse then that at Glosgow 1610. But it is ordinary that prior acts of Assemblies and Parliaments give place to the posterior : for Posteriora derogant prioribus . And there past not full six yeares when a Generall Assembly at Edinburgh found , that the name of Bishops hath a speciall charge and function annexed to it by the word of God : and that it was lawfull for the Generall Assembly to admit a Bishop to a benefice , presented by the Kings Majesty , with power to admit , visite , and deprive Ministers , and to be Moderators of the Presbyteries where they are resident , and subject onely to the sentence of the Generall Assembly . As for that Act at Montrose , let them answer to it that have their calling by that Commission . We professe that we have a lawfull calling by the election of the Clergie , who are of the Chapter of our Cathedralls , and consecration of Bishops by his Majesties consent and approbation , according to the laudable Lawes and auncient Custome of this Kingdome , and of the Church in auncient times , and do homage to our Soveraigne Lord for our Temporalities and acknowledge him solo Deo minorem , next unto God in all causes , and over all persons Spirituall or Temporall , in his owne Dominions supreame Gouernour . But now we may take up Cyprian his complaint , Lib. 3. Ep. 14. Quod non periculum metuere debemus de offensâ Domini , quando aliqui de Presbyteris nec Evangelij nec loci sui memores , sed neque futurum Dei judicium neque praepositum sibi Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contumelia & contemptâ praepositi totum sibi vendicent ? Atque utinam non prostratâ fratrum nostrorum salute sibi omnia vendicarent . Contumelias Episcopatûs nostri dissimulare & ferre possem ; sicut dissimulavt semper & pertuli : sed dissimulandi nunc locus non est , quando decipiatur fraternitas nostra à quibusdam vestrum , qui dùm sine ratione restituendae salutis , plausibiles esse cupiunt , magis lapsis obsunt . Lastly , it is most manifest by the premisses , how absurd it is , and contrary to all reason and practise of the Christian Church , that Archbishops and Bishops shall be judged by Presbyters ; and more absurd that they should be judged by a mixt meeting of Presbyters and Laicks , conveening without lawfull authority of the Church . How , and by whom , they are to be judged , according to the custome of auncient times , may be seene by the Counsell of Chalcedon , Can. 9. and Concil . Milevit . Can. 22. and Concil . Carthag . 2. Can. 10. Nor do we decline the lawfull tryall of any competent judicatory in the Kingdome , especially of a Generall Assembly lawfully constitute , or of his Majesties high Commissioner , for any thing in life or doctrine can be laid to our charge : onely we declare and affirme , that it is against order , decency , and Scripture , that we should be judged by Presbyters or by Laicks , without authority and Commission from Soveraign authority . For the reasons foresaid , and many moe , and for discharge of our duty to God , to his Church , and to our Sacred Soveraigne , lest by our silence we betray the Churche's right , his Majesties authority , and our owne consciences , We for our selves , and in name of the Church of Scotland , are forced to protest , that this Assembly be reputed and holden null in Law Divine and humaine : and that no Church-man be holden to appeare before , assist or approve it : and therefore , that no letter , petition , subscription , interlocutor , certification , admonition , or other act whatsoever proceeding from the said Assembly , or any member thereof , be any wise prejudiciall to the Religion and Confession of Faith by Act of Parliament established : or to the Church , or any member thereof , or to the jurisdiction , liberties , priviledges , rents , benefices , and possessions of the same , acts of Generall Assemblie , of Councell and Parliament in favours thereof ; or to the three estates of the Kingdome , or any of them , or to us , or any of us , in our persons or estates , authority , jurisdiction , dignity , rents , benefices , reputation , and good name : but on the contrary that all such acts and deeds above mentioned , and every one of them , are and shall be reputed and esteemed unjust , illegall and null in themselves , with all that hath followed or may follow thereupon . And forasmuch as the said Assemby doth intend ( as we are informed ) to call in question , discusse , and condemne things not onely in themselves lawfull and warrantable , but also defined and determined by Acts of Generall Assembly and Parliaments , and in practise accordingly : to the disgrace and prejudice of reformed Religion , authority of the Lawes and Liberties of the Church and Kingdome , weakning his Majesties authority , disgracing the profession and practise , which he holdeth in the Communion of the Church where he liveth , and branding of Reformed Churches with the foule aspersions of Idolatry and superstition : we protest before God and man , that what shall be done in this kinde , may not redound to the disgrace or disadvantage of Reformed Religion , nor be reputed a deed of the Church of Scotland . We protest that we imbrace and hold , that the Religion presently professed in the Church of Scotland , according to the Confession thereof , received by the estates of this Kingdome , and ratified in Parliament the yeere 1567. is the true Religion bringing men to eternall Salvation , and do detest all contrary errour . We protest , that Episcopall governement in the Church is lawfull and necessary : and that the same is not opposed and impugned for any defect or fault , either in the Government or Governours ; but by the malice and craft of the Devill , envying the successe of that governement in this Church these many yeeres by past , most evident in planting of Churches with able and learned Ministers , recovering of the Church rents , helping of the Ministers stipends , preventing of these jarres betwixt the King and the Church , which in former times dangerously infested the same , keeping the people in peace and obedience , and suppressing of Popery , which in respect either of the number of their professors or boldnesse of their profession , was never at so low an ebbe in this Kingdome , as before these stirres . We protest , that , seeing these who for scruple of conscience did mislike the Service book , Canons and high Cōmission , which were apprehended or given forth to be the cause of the troubles of this Church , have now received satisfaction , and his Majesty is graciously pleased to forget and forgive all offences by past in these stirres ; that all the subjects of this kingdom may live in peace and Christian love , as becometh faithfull subjects and good Christians , laying a side all hatred , envy , and bitternesse : And if any shall refuse so to do , they may beare the blame , and be thought the cause of the troubles that may ensue : and the same be not imputed to us , or any of us , who desire nothing more , then to live in peace and concord with all men under his Majesties obedience : and who have committed nothing against the Lawes of the Kingdome and Church , that may give any man just cause of offence : and are so farre from wishing hurt to any man , in his person or estate , notwithstanding all the indignities and injuries we have suffered , that for quenching this present combustion , and setling peace in this Church and countrey , we could be content , after clearing of our innocency of all things wherewith we can be charged , not onely to lay downe our Bishopricks at his Majesties feet , to be disposed of at his royall pleasure , but also , if so be , it pleased God , to lay downe our lives , and become a sacrifice for this atonement . We protest in the sight of God , to whom one day we must give account , that we make use of this Declinator and protestation out of the conscience of our duty to God and his Church , and not out of feare of any guiltinesse , whereof any of us is conscious to himselfe , either of wickednesse in our lives , or miscarriage in our callings ; being content every one of us , for our owne particular ( as we have never showen our selves to be otherwise ) to under goe the lawfull and most exact triall of any competent judicatory within this Kingdome , or of his Majesties high Commissioner . And we most humbly intreat his Grace , to interceed with the Kings Majesty , that he may appoint a free and lawfull Generall Assembly , such as Gods word , the practise of the Primitive Church , and laws of the Kingdome do prescribe and allow , with all convenient speed , to the effect the present distractions of the Church may be setled . And if there be any thing to be laid to the charge of any of the Clergie , of whatsoever degree , either in life and manners , or doctrine , or exercise of his calling and jurisdiction , he may be heard to answere all accusations , and abide all triall , either for clearing his innocencie , or suffering condigne punishment , according to his transgressions : declining alwaies this Assembly , for the causes above written . Like as by these presents , we , and every one of us , decline the same , the whole members thereof , and Commissioners foresaid directed thereto , and every one of them . We protest that this our protestation in respect of our lawfull absence may be received in the name of us under-subscribing for our selves , and in the name of the Church of Scotland that shall adhere to the said Protestation , and in the name of every one of them , from our welbeloved , Doctor Robert Hamilton , Minister at Glasford , to whom by these presents we give our full power , and expresse mandate to present the same in or at the said Assembly , or where else it shall be necessary to be used , with all submission and obedience due to our gracious Soveraigne and his Majesties high Commissioner : and upon the presenting and using thereof , acts and instruments to crave , and all other things to doe , that necessarily are required in such cases : firme and stable holding , or for to hold , what hee , or any of them , shall lawfully doe in the premises . In witnesse whereof , as we are ready with our blood , so with our hand we have subscribed these presents , at the palace of Haly-rude-house , New-castle , and Glasgow , the 16. 17. and 20. dayes of Novemb. 1638. et sic subscrbitur . Jo : S ● Andreae Arch. Pa : Glasgow . Da : Edinburgen . Tho : Gallovidien . Jo : Rossen . Walterus Brechinen . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A11764-e110 I II III III IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. XI . XII . 
A17575	----	An exhortation of the particular kirks of Christ in Scotland to their sister kirk in Edinburgh Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1624 Approx. 28 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A17575 STC 4358 ESTC S116199 99851416 99851416 16687 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A17575) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 16687) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1092:01) An exhortation of the particular kirks of Christ in Scotland to their sister kirk in Edinburgh Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 23, [1] p. Successors of G. Thorp], [Amsterdam : Printed Anno 1624. By David Calderwood. Place of publication and printer from STC. Some print show-through. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Establishment and disestablishment -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXHORTATION OF THE PARTICULAR Kirks of Christ in Scotland TO their Sister Kirk in Edinburgh . Printed Anno 1624. TO THEIR DEAREST AND WORTHIEST Sister the Kirck of Christ at Edinburgh , Grace to you & peace from God our father , and the Lord Iesus Christ. WE may all of us discern by our unprepared mindes for suffering such evils as are dayly incident to all men , as they are men , how we are disposed to take up the crosse of Christ , and to beate that other sort of afflictions , that are proper to Christians , as they are professors of the Gospel : for albeit that all vices doe crie in our eares , that we be woful creatures , subjected through sinne to manie miseries ; albeit the lamentable example of others set the same lesson manie a time before our eyes , & albeit we doe often feele the sparkles of the fire upon our own bodies , and may knowe the warning peeces before the Lords great ordnance , yet when tribulation commeth within our doores , we think it almost as strange , and intertaine it as impatiently , as if it had never knocked , nor giuen a warning before : the loue of the world , & the secure fruition of present prosperitie naturally so filling the heart , that it leaveth no roome for the expectation of adversitie . We may finde upon greater reason the like untoward disposition of heart , when we are called to suffer for the profession of the gospell : for we haue been taught from the beginning , that all that will liue godlie in Iesus Christ must suffer persecution , that the godlie shall weepe , and lament , but the world shall rejoyce ; often hath it been beaten in our eares , that we would ere long be put to our triall ; We might also by the light of the fires of affliction in other Kirks beside us , haue discovered our owne dangers , and prepared our selues against them ; and which is more , and draweth nearer , in the tryall begunne , and continued at home amongst our selues , we might haue beholden the common case , and condition of us all ; yet no sooner are we assayed a new againe with the smallest threatnings , but we are put to such perplexitie , as if eyther we of all Christians were excepted from affliction , and to us onely Christ should be a Saviour without a crosse , or els that for fear of the losse of some worldly dignitie , or temporal commoditie , we should so much as enter in deliberation whether to change anie part of our holy , and comfortable profession . Yee are set upon the stage at this time ( right reverend , and dearest sister ) to act your part , we are the beholders , al our eyes round about are fixed upon you , you are made a spectacle after a speciall maner to the world , to angels , to men ; your care must be so to carrie your selues , that y●● drawe not on by your sinning against God , a greater judgement , then man can remoue againe ; that you commit not that which may be a blot to your profession , and either a bleeding wound to your consciences , while yee liue , or the beginning of an endlesse defection . Make not the faces of so manie , as behold you , and are readie to suffer with you to be ashamed , because of you : Beware to doe that , which will make your friends , and the followers of Christ to mourne , and your enemies the favourers of Antichrist to rejoice . We cannot denye ( most worthie Sister ) but both our pastors , and professors haue beene watered manie times with that large river of Eden , that gladded your citie , and haue received both light , and heate from your golden Candlesticks . You may therefore without offence of anie , ēxpect at our hands some thankfull reflexe and Christian reciprocation at this time . We must first of al earnestly beseech you , by the peace of your soules , & by the price of your redēption , that ye chang nothing in the worship of God upon any suddain fear , or perturbation of minde , with a secret doubting , and contradiction from your owne consciences : for when the cloude of passion is past over , and the light breaketh out again , the accusations of conscience shall be more insufferable , nor the importunitie of tentation is now ; the feares of the judgment of God shall be greater , then now be the feares of the wrath of the world . And when yee haue changed the comfortable worship of God with husks , & emptie ceremonies that nourish not , either yee shal with remorse returne to eat bread , in the old maner in your fathers house , or els yee shall dolefully goe on from evil to worse , your consciences , which yee haue greeved , perpetually tormenting you , and the one fide whom ye haue hardened , crying out upon your olde hypocrisie , and the other side whome yee haue deserted , upon your new apostasie . That , vvhich your conscience would not suffer you to doe , for any pretended church authoritie , for all the arguments , & reasons that haue been multiplied , and for the doctrine and example of your own pastors , if yee shall now through feare of anie worldly losse suddainly admit , what shall al these , who have been your witnesses from the beginning of this controversie judge , but that yee are a multitude of wilful worldlings ; that yee haue in your prosperitie counterfeited the voice , and caried the opinion of good Christians , as the parrat can learne to imitate the voice of man ; but now when yee are beaten with the parrat , yee returne to your own voice , and manifestly declare of what kinde you are . Secondly , when you heare that suggested unto you , which is the scope of the worldlings text , Ioh. 11. 48. If we let him alone the Romans shall come , and take awaie both our place , and our nation ; if yee adhere to the reformation , & retain Christ , as you haue learned him ; both Session , and counsell will be removed , and your towne will turne to nothing . Remember that which was once taught you upon that place , by your owne holie , and heauenly preacher M. Rollock in his powerfull manner . That the wisedome of the world looketh to the present estate , and condition of things ; if with it Christ , and the puritie of religion may subsist , then will they embrace Christ , & religion , otherwise they bidde them farewell . But the wisedome of God ( saith he ) layeth Christ , and the puritie of Christian religion for a ground , and sinne closeth her eyes to all events whatsoever for Christ , and religion should not be servants to policie , but policie , and this whole world should serue Christ , and religion . The Iewes preferring their estate to Christ , and fearing ruine , if Christ should liue , they kill him to saue their nation , but the same was the cause , that in the justice of God the Romans came , and destroyed their nation . The Lord hath moe waies then your town hath ports , to bring in his wrath , and for magnifying his owne wisedom , and snaring of men in their wisedome , manie times judgment entereth by the port , that pollicie hath locked fastest . They wanted not in those daies their owne pretexts , none of them was so shamelesse , as to set himself against God , as God , they had their owne cunning to colour the matter , and pulled forth their eyes least they should see , that God , against whom they fought , as men deale now with Christ , and the puritie of religion . The more knowledge , and the lesse conscience we finde in anie age , we may look for the fouler errors , and the fairer covers . Oppose also to that the Christians text Matth. 16. 26. and with elevation of heart think seriously , what hath a man profited , if he should gaine the whole world , and lose his owne soule ? or what can a man giue in exchange for his soule ? 1. the immortal soule of man may be losed . 2. the gaining of the world is the ordinarie cause of the losse of the soule . 3. it is extreame follie to loose the soule for gaining of the world : for first it is an unprofitable gaine , what hath a man profited ? and next it is an unreparable losse , what can a man giue in exchange for his soule , so that the losse of one soule , is the eternall losse of that which is more worth then the whole world . 4. he maketh themselues judges , and demandeth them for their farther conviction . But in this lieth the deceit , that while men to their own conviction acknowledge it to be madnesse to loose their soules for the world , they obserue not , or will not suffer themselues to obserue the secret , but sure conjunction betwixt the sinful courses they betake them selues to for gaining the world , and betwixt the losse of their soules . Purge your affections of this particular feare , and quit your selues of such things , as woe your flesh , and court your carnal senses : Covetousnes is the roote of all evil , ease savoureth not the things that be of God , but those that be of men , and whosoever shall be ashamed of Christ and his words in this adulterous , and sinfull generation , of him also shall the Sonne of man be ashamed when he cometh in the glorie of his father with his holie angels . Thirdly , when yee haue happilie removed the world , and all worldlie tentations from betwixt your eye & the cause in hand ; for your resolution yee neede not to search after curiosities of learning , nor wander after uncertainties of opinions ; but limitting and directing your sight , 1 Looke first upward to the glorious majestie of God , who is present at his owne worship , & neither accepteth , nor blesseth a worship , that is not directed by his own word : thinke as in his sight , whether yee may looke for a more sensible testification of his comfortable presence in your soules at the celebration of the Lords supper , when ye draw neerest to Christs institution , or when Christs gesture of sitting is abolished as common , & profane , & the Antichrists gesture of kneeling is enforced as more humble and holy ; the table of the Lord either taken away or turned into a cupboord , our eating & drinking into a minsed and pinched tasting , our conjunct communicating into a confused disputation , our sacramental breaking in the time of the action into a formal carving before the action , our kindly , and christian distribution into a steward like dispensation , the enunciatiue words of the institution , into an idle petition and repetition , and our spirituall exhortations according to Christs example into a comfortlesse deadnes , & silence . Such Churches , as never saw better , may haue some comfort in this , but for you who haue seene the glorie of the first temple in this land , and who call to minde with what heauenly meditation , liuelie affection , large consolation , and with what spirituall resolution yee were wonte to be filled ; It is a wonder , when yee see this new ministration with your eyes , that your hearts melt not within you , that your flesh crieth not out for the living God , that yee weepe not with a louder voice then the voice of their joy , who shoute now having gotten the arke of the Lord upon a cart , that ye prefer not the poorest parish in the land with the libertie of Christs institution , to your owne tabernacles and courts , that of late were so amiable , that your soules longed , and fainted for them . 2 Looke back , and see how the house of God was builded , and the headstone put upon it by Gods owne hand to the admiration of the christian world about us ; what unitie of ministers , authoritie of assemblies , order of ministrie , puritie of external , power of internall worship , what zeale , and indignation against all impietie , and iniquitie . And againe by what methods , and machinations haue succeeded , for unitie , division , for authority anarchie , for order hierarchy , for puritie of worship antichristian ceremonies , for power of godlines superstition & profanitie , and for zeale , and indignation , nothing but lukewarmnes , and toleration . In all these considerations , as this nationall kirk was eminent aboue other nations , so were yee aboue us all , as farre as in civill dignitie . And shall we liue to see the day , when for the confused feare of an uncertaine losse , our Ierusalem shall become Romish , our Philadelphia become Laodicea , our fountain be turned into a puddle , our glorie become our shame , our Najoth , our beautie turn to be our blemish , our lothing , our deformitie . Looke back also to the course of his blessings upon our reformation , & the perpetual course of his judgments upō our defection . We know the power of the Lords particular providence in al the works under the sunne , & should haue learned against the atheisme of the times to haue referred notable judgments to their own procuring causes . The darknes , lightning , thunder , haile & rain at the ratificatiō of these rites that now molest us ; the inundations , the hunger , and cold , the sicknesses and death , since can not yet be worn out of our senses , & shal be kept in memory by the generations after us . Looke again back , & compare the many reverend assemblies , which we haue kept with that one new meeting at Perth , & trie the spirits . The place of the 95 Psal. is impertinent , neither can it be a commandement , for at sometimes it is not lawfull to kneele before him , & no man wil say , that we are commanded so oft , as we worship , to kneel . The second , and third reasons in the act , beside other absurdities , do charge the Lord Iesus Christ with his disciples , & al the kirks that haue used Christs gesture after him with an unreverent behaviour in a holy action . And whether the memorie of by past , or the multiplicatiō of present superstition , ( which is the fourth pretence in the act ) might not haue giuen a better narratiue for the contrarie conclusion , the times haue given verdict . 3 Looke inwards into your owne heart , that you may finde the testimonie of a good conscience , one sure note whereof , is this , that in cases cōtroverted a good conscience taketh ever the surest , and safest side . Perjurie is a hainous sin , & odious to the world . Idolatrie is against the first commandements of the first table , & is no lesse abominable in the sight of the alseeing jealous God then is adulterie to a jealous husband , whē it is committed before his eyes . Now it is known to us all , that in our confessions and covenants we haue abjured al Antichrist his rites , and ceremonies added to the ministration of the true sacraments without the word of God ( of the which sort , this kneeling was esteemed to be one , and cannot escape this censure more then other popish rites ) & it is as certaine , that all the fetches , and fingers that haue beene busied about this knot haue not loosed it . Kneeling also before the elements is proved to be Idolatrie , not onely in that sense , that a glance of the eye , or a gesture , and a rash word of anger , are adulterie , and murther by Christs owne interpretation , but also being taken , as it is commanded in the act ; both because it is kneeling with direction before a creature , and that it is done in reverence of the sacrament . The greatest clarkes among our opposites can giue no other answers , nor differences betwixt this kneeling , & the worship of images , but that the one is somewhat inhaesivè in objecto , or adhaesivè per objectum , but the other is abstractivè ab obiecto , and that the sacrament is obiectum a quo significativè , which darke distinctions , and subtile evasions can be conceived but of a few , neither can these few finde in them anie satisfaction . But upon the other side Christs gesture of sitting at the communion is free of the fear of both these rocks . And therefore while the superstitious conscience will be pleased with the appearance of humilitie , and the servile conscience wil follow example and authoritie , and the blinde conscience swalloweth downe bunchbacked camels , and gnats , counting all under indifferencie , and the bould conscience will venture with sacrificing Saul stoutelie , & the presumptuous conscience will take leaue for worldly respects , and say , in this the Lord be merciful unto me ; In the meane time the good conscience labouring to keepe integritie , will take the safest , and surest course for her constant tranquilitie , that she neither be guiltie of perjurie nor Idolatrie . 4 Looke forward , and yee shall see the wide doore of traditions cast open , whereby the whole multitude , & theatrical pompe not onely of English , but popish rites , woodbind to the gospell may as well enter , when authoritie biddeth them , as these called innocent ceremonies . And when we haue received the shadow , what can we looke for lesse then for the substance , for which some are secretly as busie , as others openly are for ceremonies . The divil hath put the warpe of defection long since upon his beame amongst us , he will not let it out of his loome , but wil still employ one malignant witt after another to make it out . And the Lord in his justice may plague preceeding defections with following apostasie , whatsoever be the intention of the present urgers . Looke forward , what shal be the case of the posteritie , and of your owne children , whether they shall haue cause to curse their predecessors , that resisted not the beginnings of evil , and who were more careful of their civil then of their spiritual liberties . Their hearts shall mourne , and the tear manie a time shall fal into their eye , when they shall behold so fair a building , so deerely conquessed , so firmlie grounded , so compactly builded , so wel lighted , so wholesome to dwel in , so meet for God , and his Angels to delite in , so fruitfull a paradice as this kirke was , wherein they should haue succeeded , to be pitifullie ruined by their fathers , possessed by their enemies , and made a denne of uncleane spirits . Looke yet forward a litle . yee know we haue no pattent for our peace , but the evils of the times tell us of evill times : death it self is not far from everie one of us , and Christ at last shall come to judgment to punish them , who obey not the Gospell , with everlasting destructiō from the presence of the Lord , and the glorie of his power , and to be glorified in his Saincts , & to be admired in all them that beleeue . In these three greatest terrours , what joy of heart shal it be unto you ? that God by his singular care , not for your merits aboue others , that fall , but to make you examples of his grace , hath kept you in so dangerous dayes from the streā of defection ; that he hath made you to shine as the stars in heauen , whē others like the sand of the sea shore haue been covered with the inundations of the time . So manie of you , as haue seen better times haue not now long to liue , your eye is upon the marke , yee are almost at the ende of your race , and the crowne is readie for you , and shall yee turne your back upon God , leaue that course , whereby yee haue all your assurance , and comfort of salvation , and returne now to the garlick , and onyons of Egypt , when yee are so neere to the promised Canaan . Better yee be fyned by others , then that ye file your selues , and the darknesse of Blacknesse is far more tollerable , then the blacknes of darknes . Cum innocens de poena metuit , de innocentia gloriatur Hierony . Omnis nobis vilis est poena , ubi pura comes est conscientia . Tiburt . 5 Looke also about you . for if yee looke to Malefactors , it is better , if the wil of God be so , that ye suffer for wel doing , then for evil doing , for his quarrel , thē for your own sinnes , never refuse to taste of the brimm of that cup , the dregs wherof , & third draught might haue been your portion . If ye looke to Mockers , resolue with Iob. 17. 6. to be made a by word of the people , & as it were a tabret . for eyther thou must be a mocker with Ismael , or sustaine mockings , & derisions with Isaack . If ye looke to them who suffer in other places , their trials are fierie , & they haue suffered to the bloud , yours are but earthen , or airie , & ye haue not yet suffered with joy the spoyling of your goods . If ye looke to papists ; and adversaries , harden them not ; & most of al , when ye looke upon weake professors , giue them no offence , neither doe that which is scandalous , or may be unto them a stumbling block . Neither your inward intention , nor the outward commandement of the magistrate wil remoue the moral , perpetual , and universal reason , that is giuen by the Apostle without anie exception , Destroy not him , for whom Christ died . Neither your good meaning , nor civill authoritie , will make it cease to be scandall , nor cease to be sin , nor cease to be your sinne . And thus except ye blind your eyes wilfully , and put away a good conscience , looke whether ye will , whether upward , or back , or inward , or forward , or about you , all cal you to be readie upon the watch word to suffer , al promise you joy , & comfort in your sufferings . Let the brambles of the wood that can doe noe better rule over the trees of the forest ; continue ye still like the oliue , the fig tree , the vine ; loose not your fatnes , your sweetnes , your cheerefulnes for the fattest , the sweetest , and most pleasant preferments . Thinke it not sufficient , that ye haue before this time giuen testification of your zeale to your ancient libertie , and of your misliking of the present course of conformitie . If you shall be wearie now , or make defection ; all your former testification will be a direct accusation against your selues . Pilate protested thrice that he found no fault in Christ , & laboured to set him free ; but least he be reputed a smal friend to Caesar , at last he delivered him to be crucified . Darius laboured all the day til the setting of the sunne to deliver Daniel , but overcome with importunitie , he condemneth him at last to the lyons denne ; which made him to passe that night without meat , sleep , or musicke . Your reasons , and motiues that ye stood upon before , doe yet stand without change in the power of your consciences , and therefore drawe not upon your selues after so long a day , a restles night of doole , and desolation . Object not his Majesties wrath , nor your Pastors delations , nor the examples of other Kirks . Think not that his gracious majestie hath quite forgotten what he was once himself , or that he will not pittie his owne woonted case in your persons now , as Augustine did the Manichęans , greater Hereticks , then we are imagined to be . Illi in vos saeuiant , qui nullo tali errore decepti sunt , quali vos deceptos vident , ego autem saeuire in vos omnino non possum , quos sicut meipsum illo tempore , ita nunc debeo sustinere , & tanta patientia vobiscum agere , quanta mecum egerunt proximi mei . His Majestie will not refuse at your hands the offer that Ierusalē made to Alexander . They could not suffer his image to be erected in their temple , but they were readie to please him in everie thing wherein God was not displeased , as to begin the accounts of their times from his entrie to the towne , and to giue him the name of all their first borne sonnes . If you shall offer , what is Caesars , and what is yours , he can not offend that yee keepe Christs royall prerogatiue to himself . He was not a defender , but a persecuter of the faith ( whom for respect to our Dread Soveraine we will not name ) . who inserted the images of the false gods into his owne picture , that no man could adore the Emperour , and not adore them , and if anie refused they were punished , as guiltie of laesae majestatis . We looke never to see your civil obedience , and the practise of Idolatrous ceremonies so straitlie joyned , neither in his majesties opinion , nor in his injunctions to his good people . Neither can your Ministers forget themselues so farre , as to set themselues to be instruments to draw the wrath of a King upon their owne flock . If they were justly offended , they woulde rather send up their complaints to heauen , then their miscontentments to court , and would rather informe you by scripture , then enforce you by authoritie , they would choose rather to draw your mindes to them selues , then your moneyes to others . Pastores facti estis , non percussores , Nova atque inaudita est istae praedicatio , quae verberibus exigit fidem . Aliud est quod agitur typho superbiae , aliud zelo disciplinae . Plus erga corrigendos agat benevolentia , quam severitas , plus cohortatio , quā comminatio , plus charitas , quam potestas . Sed hi , qui quae suae sunt quaerunt , non quae Iesu Cnristi facile ab hac lege discernuntur . Other Kirks abroad which haue not beene favoured with your measure of reformation haue been exercised with their own trials , but never had the happie occasion to giue you example of suffering . The Lord hath been more liberal to us , & requireth of us that we giue example , & encouragement to them to aspire to our perfection . We all suffer in the same cause of Christ , some for his person , some for his priesthood , & some for his princely office . If we looke to the enimies , and not to the equitie of the cause , there is great inequalitie of sufferings , yet the promise of blessednes is pronounced upon them , who suffer in the last times by Christians , no lesse then to them , who in the primitiue times were persecuted by the heathen . Were the question now of the profession of the name of Christ , manie say they would be martyrs , who now are persecuters : but the question would be , whether conscience , or credite were their cause . In matters of this sort , that we are about , especially where the discredite , and scoffing of the world waiteth on , conscience may be the more sensiblie discerned ; and the lesse the cause be , providing it be Christs cause , the more acceptable to God , & the more comfortable to thy self is thy suffering . If by no meanes , when all are assaied with God and the King , and your pastors , you can decline the crosse ; but if the will of God be that ye suffer ; then denie , and lay aside your selues , take on the erosse , and follow Christ , applying joyfully to your soules al the cōforts that the word furnisheth in afliction , whether the Lords rich promises , or the sweet fruits of the crosse , or the weakenes of the enemies , or the greatnes of the reward , or the example of the prophets , apostles , confessors , and martyrs , or which is most , conformitie with Christ , whose we are , and in whom we continue . Your louing Sisters looking upon you , praying for you , willing to suffer with you , and most unwilling to be witnesses against you : The particular kirks of Christ in Scotland . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A17575-e50 The crosse semeth strā● vvhere th●● is vvant o● preparatio● What care required of the kirk of Ed●●burgh in t●● present tri●● The dutie ●ther kirks owe to 〈◊〉 kirk of Edinburgh . ●emorse of ●onscience ●●ovveth 〈◊〉 defection ●●d tur●itude vvill ●●llow upon ●dmitting of ●●ange . The vv●●●●lings 〈◊〉 the Chr●…anscom●… togethe● God blesseth not a worship not directed by his word . Building , & demolishing of the house of God compared together . The blessings upon the reformation , & judgements upon defection compared together . The former assemblies compared with Perth assemblie . A good cōscience maketh choise of the sure●● way . A litle chāge openeth the doore to traditions , and the substance of poperie . A care is to be had of the posteritie . 〈◊〉 he evil day , the day of 〈◊〉 eath and of ●●dgment ●pproaching should bri●le us . Malefactors , mockers , sufferers , papists , weake brethren cal us to watch and suffer . Constancy to the end is required in a witnes of the truth . His majesties wisdom will rule his anger . The dutie 〈◊〉 the Ministe● of Edinburgh . The exam●●● of other kirks not be objecte● 
A17585	----	Quæres concerning the state of the Church of Scotland Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1638 Approx. 21 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A17585 STC 4362 ESTC S118326 99853533 99853533 18918 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A17585) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 18918) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1197:09) Quæres concerning the state of the Church of Scotland Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 16 p. S.n., [London?] : Re-printed in the yeare 1638. By David Calderwood. Place of publication conjectured by STC. Reproduction of the original in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion QUAERES CONCERNING The state of the Church OF SCOTLAND . DEUT. 27. 18. Cursed be hee that maketh the blinde to goe out of the way : and all the people shall say , Amen . Re-printed in the yeare 1638. Quaeres , concerning the state of the Church of Scotland . QUAERES I. WAS there ever any Realme since Christs Incarnation professed Christian religion so universally through all the parts thereof , even to the utmost corners , in such puritie , both for doctrine , discipline , and publick worship , with such libertie , and for so many yeares together , as our realme hath done ? In the Apostles dayes we read not of whole cities , let be kingdōes , to have professed the name of Christ. Soone after the departure of the Apostles , sundrie corruptions entred into the Church , and the mysterie of iniquitie which was working under ground in their time , was advanced by little and little , till it came to the full ripenesse . Neither was there any Nation free from the open profession of Paganisme the first 300 years . Since Constantines time , that Christianitie began to prevaile above Gentilisme , there hath been no Church , which hath not been defiled with much superstition , & corrupted with many errors , till the dayes of late Reformation . From the first time of reformation to this houre , no reformed Church hath spred it self so universally through any Kingdome , with such puritie of profession , but either their profession is not so universall , being intermingled with Papists , Anabaptists , Lutherians , or not so poore , as in our neighbour Church . II. WAS there ever any Nation which sealed their profession with Oaths , Covenants and Subscriptions , so universally , and so oft , as our Church hath done ? How often hath the Confession of Faith , called the Kings Confession been subscribed by persons of all Estates through the Realme , or by particular persons from time to time , as occasion was offred to require their subscription ? A more fearfull oath cannot be conceaved , then is taken in the end of that Confession , in these words : Promising and swearing by the great name of the Lord our God , That we shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Church , & shall defend the same according to our vocation and power , all the dayes of our lives , under the paines conteined in the Law and danger both of Body and Soule , in the day of Gods fearfull judgement . This is the Promissorie oath . The Assertorie oath , where upon it is grounded , is this : We , therefore willing to take away all suspition of hypocrisie , and of such double dealing with God , and his Church , protest and call the Searcher of all hearts for witnesse , That our mindes and hearts do fully agree with this our Confession , Promise , Oath , and Subscription . So that we are not moved for any worldly respect , but are perswaded only in our consciences , through the knowledge and love of Gods true Religion , printed in our hearts by the holy Spirit , as we shall answere to him in the day , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed . To underly the paines conteined in the Law , and danger both of Body and Soule in the day of Gods fearful judgement , and to answere to him in the day , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed , are not lightlie to be considered , but to be pondered deeply , and ever to be remembred , specially when we have to do with this our Confession . III. I Appeale to every mans conscience , Whether we have adhered to all the generall and particular clauses of this our Confession , or not ? When we say in this Confession , that we detest and abhor the Antichrist , his five bastard Sacraments , with all his Rites , Ceremonies , and false Doctrine added to the ministration of the true Sacraments , without the word of God , his cruell judgement against Infants departing without the Sacrament , his absolute necessity of baptizing : do we not protest that we will abhor and detest , confirmation one of the five bastard Sacraments , kneeling , which is a Rite added to the ministration of the Supper , without the warrand of Gods Word , and invented by the Antichrist , private Baptisme , which is grounded upon the necessity of baptisme and doubting of the Salvation of all Infants dying unbaptized ; When we protest we abhorre and detest his dedicating of dayes , do we not condemn observation of aniversary holy dayes ? And when wee protest wee detest and abhor not only his own worldly Monarchie , but also his wicked hierarchie , Do we not condemne the degrees of Bishops and Archbishops ? When wee say , we abhor and detest all contrarie religion and doctrine , ( to wit , to the former Confession mentioned immediately before , and the Christian faith receaved , beleived , and defended by the Church of Scotland ) but chiefly all kinde of Papistrie in generall , and particular heads , even as they are now damned and confuted by the word of God ; and Kirk of Scotland . Doe wee not condemne Archbishops , Bishops , Holy dayes , kneeling , Confirmation , private Baptisme , seeing all these particular heads were damned by our Church either in the former Confession , the first or second Book of Discipline , and Acts of generall Assemblies before the said Confession was sworne to and subscribed , and if any preased to practise them after they were damned , the censures of the church was inflicted upon them . Have we not of late failed in all these particulars , and consequently violated our oathes , promises , and subscriptions , underlying the danger both of body and soule in the day of Gods fearfull judgement , unlesse we repent , which we cannot seriouslie do , except we recover , so far as in us lyeth , what is lost , to the losse of any temporall thing whatsoever , to the spending of the least drop of our blood , and defend what is yet reserved whole and sound , with the same hazard ? For what is that hazard or losse in comparison of all the paines conteined in the Law , and danger both of body and soule , in the day of Gods fearfull judgement . Let no man deceive himselfe , thinkeing to deceave God with evasions and shifts . The Searcher of all hearts knoweth what was thy meaning , when thou saydest . We call the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse , that our mindes and hearts do fully agree with this our Confession , Promise , Oath and Subscription : And what was the meaning of the Church of Scotland , with which thou protested thou would not use double dealing , was too manifest both in practise , preaching , and the authentick Records aboue mentioned . And put the case the particular heads above specified , had been a matter indifferēt , howbeit they were not so esteemed by our church ▪ yet who can deny but thus far at least was intended to eschew all occasions and provocations to tyrannie , and superstition and therefore the oath , howbeit in a matter indifferent , was lawfull , and so remaineth , as long as they remaine occasions and provocations to tyrannie , and corruption ; yea , as long as the forbearance of them is not proved to be a sinne . For great regard should be had even to a rash oath if it be not or prove not unlawfull , for the reverence we ought to carry to the great name of God. Remember of the breach of the oath made unto the Gibeonites . IIII. IOyning all the three former Quaeres together , I aske , If ever a Realme professing Christian Religion so universally , in such puritie , with such Libertie , for so many years together , and sealing their profession with such solemne promises , oathes , and subscriptions ( if there were any such to be found in any Historie ) that did make such defection , as if they did , if the heavie judgement of God did not overtake them ? Or secluding the consideration of our oathes , subscriptions , and solemne Covenants , I aske , If any of the Reformed Churches in any realme , or Province , professing the Gospell in the same puritie , and so many yeares , as we have done , hath made so great defection as many of us have done , Have they returned to their vomit , taken up that which they rejected and condemned , remaining still a reformed Church , and not overturned with force of armes ? If not , then suppose we had never sealed our profession with such solemne seales , our defection is singular and our punishment will be examplarie , unlesse we repent , recover what is lost , and defend what remaineth uncorrupted . V. WHereunto doth this defection tend ? Doth it not tend first to perfite conformitie with the English Church , then at last will it not end in full conformitie with the Romane Kirk ▪ The intent of the first is professed by his Majestie in expresse termes extant in print : and therefore be not deceaved with the promises and protestations of our usurping and pretended Prelats . As for example , They will say to you , his Majestie careth neither for He Saint nor Shee Saint , but for dayes dedicat to Christ. They lie : For his Majestie observeth both he and She Saints dayes , as well as dayes dedicat to Christ. So howbeit you could digest both a Christmas Preaching & a Christmas Pye , which once ye lothed , ye must and shall ere it be long , do as much for Saint Bartholomew , Virgin Mary the Innocents , & all the rest of their Saints , & for five Ceremonies ye shall have fiftie , yea , a hundred . All the Relicts of Rome , which are lying like stincking filth in their Church , shall be communicated to us , the paterne of their altar , their Service , their Hierachie , and Romish policie , shall be set up in our Church . This defection tendeth yet further , to wit , to conformitie with Rome . What meaneth the Bishop of Spalato , in the Preface before his fifth Book , to exhort his Majestie to proceed as he hath alreadie begunne , to restore the Christian church to unitie : Papist , Lutherian , formalist , and Calvinist , must then be all reconciled together , & united in one . How I pray you are we united to the English Church ? We must yeeld all to them , they would not yeeld any thing at all to us , no not a hoofe , sayd Whitgift , Bishop of Canterberrie , neither are they urged to yeeld any thing unto us . But we are unmercifully dealt with to yeeld unto them . Shall we for conformitie with the Lutherian the next day except of his monstrous opinions , and other fond ceremonies , after the same manner , and the third year for reconciliation with Rome , drink of the diep of her abhominations ? Or , how shall that great worke come to passe ? neither England nor Rome giveth the least token of their comming towards us . Yea wee must play the fooles , and turne our face to them , and take our journey first to England , then to Rome . The Bishop of Spalato hath not ridden all the foordes of Tweed well , whatsoever is intended , this our conformitie will of it self tend in the end to full Poperie . For , suppose wee should give place to these disturbers of our church , who for their own gaine and glorie , have laide aside all respect to Gods glorie , the gaining of soules , and the well of their Brethren , yet Poperie should increase more mightilie , as it hath done in our neighbour Church . VI. WHether our conformitie end at last in conformitie with Rome or not ? What reason have we to leave our conformitie with the poore Apostolicall churches , or the best reformed Churches in forraine Nations ? Brightman compareth our church , and the rest of the best reformed , to the godly church of Philadelphia ; the English to the glorious and luke warme church of Laodicea . Shall we cast off our conformity with Philadelphians , and conforme to Laodiceans ? Is not their church government the same that it was this day 100. years , since in time of the grossest darkenesse and blindedesse . Archbishops Bishops , Archdeacons , Chancelours , Officials , Commissaries , exercising Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in their spirituall courts , as they did in time of Poperie , excluding both Preaching and ruleing Elders from the Governement of their owne Parishes , and the joynt governement of the church , excommunicating , suspending , depryving , by their owne sole authoritie , medling with Testamentarie , and other causes , not belonging to Ecclesiasticall Consistories ; the Bishop taking to himself the sole administration of spirituall Iurisdiction over many hundreth churches ; yea , deputing the same to Civilians , Chancelours and Officialls , and medling with the administration of civill Affaires , as best beseeming his Grandeur . This Bishop is not Pauls Bishop , nor yet the Bishop which was first erected in the Ancient Church ; He differeth as far from him as the Consull in a Senate doth from a King or Monarch . So , seeing he is neither the divine , nor humane Bishop , He must be that Satanicall , brought in by the Antichrist . It were wearisome to goe through the calling and functions of their Suffraganes , Deanes , Canons and Prebanderies , Organists , Singing boyes , Pistlets , Gospellers , Preists , Deacons , who are halfe Priests : their Fasts , their Eawes , their Feast-dayes , their crossing , Kneeling , Bishopping , Houseling of the sicke , Baptisme by supposition ; private Baptisme , copes , capes , Tipets , Surplices , Rochets , Churching of women , Marriage , toyes , Funerall rites , the gestures waried superstisiously at Service , the forme of their Prayers , and the rest of their Ceremonies . It sufficeth , that the best & worthiest among them , hath continually pleaded against them , that they had never quyet possession in their own church : that they were disused in many Congregations in the latter years of Queen Elizabeth , of worthie memorie , till they got strength againe , immediatly after the Kings Coronation ; that they are obtruded onely by authoritie , not liked off by many of the Formalists themselves , who do temporise only , with a bad conscience , how shall wee then conforme to a church enthraled , and under bondage ? How many times have the Godlie among them put up their Prayers to God , and prefered petition to King and Parlament for the church policie of Scotland , and the libertie of that pure Profession , which we have enjoyed many years ; and shall that our glorious Garland be stamped underfoot : The morning clouds which eclipsed the beginning of their Reformation remaine unscattered to this day : and shall they be suffred to come within our horizon : Not in our morning , but after many years , at the noone tyde of our day , to obscure the glorious Gospell , which hath shined to us in as cleare and pure brightnesse , as ever to any nation . Consider the charges which must be bestowed upon these idle functions , and supestitious Ceremonies ; If the Abbeyes be recovered out of Noblemens hands , I perswade my selfe , they will eyther bee converted to the maintenance of Deanes , Canons and Prebendaries , Organs , Copes , and other unlawfull uses ; orels in time be restored to the old Crowes to builde their nests in againe . VII . IF there were a time of Conformitie to bee graunted , which wee will never graunt ; yet , is this a fit time ? when the reformed Churches abroad are in so great hazard , and some presently under the fiery tryall . When the Antichrist , and all his adherents , hath resumed fresh courage to prosecute their bloudy designes , hoping wholy to extirpate true Religion out of Europe : is it time to conforme to them , to take on the badges of their profession ? Will not this encourage the enemie and discourage our friends ? VIII . IF the Antichristian governement , before described , and the many superstitions be not matters of weight , but trifles ; which they shall never be able to prove with sound and solid arguments , why are we persecuted for them ? Is it a small matter to turne a Minister out of his Office , wherein hee hath served many years , to send him and his familie , wife & children , to begge their Bread , so farre as in them lyeth . For , having dedicated themselves to the service of GOD , and spent their former time in studies , they are unable to make shifts , as Artizans and Tradesmen can doe . Was there ever a persecutor since the dayes of Christ , who with one breath did both persecute , and pronunce the cause wherefore he did persecute to be a trifle . Our persecutors then are worse by many degrees , then the Ethnicke , Hereticall , or Popish persecutors , and consequently the worst that ever were . Our case is yet the more to be pitied , that we are denyed the protection of Law : when we would flie to the Sanctuarie of Iustice , we are shut backe , like unworthie beasts , and no more pitied , then if we were dogges , left or redelivered , into the hands of mercilesse Tyants , who have given testimonie out of their own mouthes , of the loyaltie , and good behaviour of those whom they have persecuted . IX . AFter so many Quaeres , and expostulations , in all humility and reverence , to the honorable , the true , and native estates of Parlament , Nobles , Barronnes , and Burgesses : not regarding that bastard estate of Prelates , I would demand two things : First , Why they suffer the high Commission , a court not established by the Statutes of the realme , thus to tyrannise over the church , over dutifull and loyall Subjects , fyning , confyning , suspending , depriving , warding , and directing the Lords of Secret Counsell , to banish , or to give our letters of horning , against Ministers or other Professors , for not conforming to Popish ceremonies against their conscience . The Parlament is the highest court of the realme , and therefore should provide that no strange court be set up to oppresse the Subjects , without their approbation and consent , and therefore it is , not only our Quaere , why it is not , but our request , that it may be put downe . For it is the strangest , the most tyrannicall , and lawlesse court , that ever came in this Land , lyker to nothing , then to the Spanish Inquisition , where unto it will turne in the end to the full , as Papistrie increaseth . That one or two Archbishops , with two or three associats , Ecclesiasticall , or civill persons , such as they please to assume to themselves , being nominate in the Kings Letters Pattents , should judge in all Ecclesiasticall causes , and inflict both temporall and spirituall censures , and punishments , according to their pleasures , is contrarie and repugnant to the word of God. For spirituall power , neither Prinees nor Parlaments , may give to Ecclesiasticall , or civill persones neither are Ecclesiasticall persons capable of the power of the Temporall Sword. Seeing then , neither the one , nor the other can be lawfully done , this high Commission , so much grieved at in our neighbour church , should not be suffered to have place amongst us . Next , I demand in all humility & reverence , Why acts of pretended and null assemblies , are ratified in Parlament , and Statutes made , where with our pretended Prelats , make snares to entrap their brethen , & where with they countenance their tyranny : Was ever the generall Assemblie convocat in time of Parlament , or their advice and information sought , since these alterations began . In England , howbeit the Prelats sit in the upper House as Barrons , yet they have besides , a convention of the Clergie , which is called the convocation House , which representeth almost our generall Assemblie ( for they have no other ) whose advice was never neglected , no not in time of Poperie . What hath our church deserved , as thus to be neglected and misregarded , and the report , advice , consent and vote of Prelats to be taken , who are both judge and partie in this cause ; The Acts of that corrupt , and pretended assembly at Glasgow , were not only ratified , and confirmed , but also under name of explanation enlarged , and Bishops exeemed from the judgement and censures of the generall assemblie . Shall the like be done now for that pretended & null assemblie holden last at Perth , God forbid that the honorable Estates should make so light account of their own credits among the reformed churches . 
A25798	----	A true copy of a speech delivered in the Parliament in Scotland, by the Earle of Argile concerning the government of the church : together with the Kings going to Parliament August 19, 1641. Argyll, Archibald Campbell, Marquis of, 1598-1661. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A25798 of text R7455 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A3672). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A25798 Wing A3672 ESTC R7455 12325601 ocm 12325601 59542 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25798) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59542) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 932:10) A true copy of a speech delivered in the Parliament in Scotland, by the Earle of Argile concerning the government of the church : together with the Kings going to Parliament August 19, 1641. Argyll, Archibald Campbell, Marquis of, 1598-1661. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Scotland. -- Parliament. Church and state -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. A25798 R7455 (Wing A3672). civilwar no A true copy of a speech delivered in the Parliament in Scotland, by the Earle of Argile, concerning the government of the Church. Together w Argyll, Archibald Campbell, Marquis of 1641 764 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A true Copy of a Speech delivered in the Parliament in Scotland , by the Earle of Argile , concerning the Government of the Church . Together with the Kings going to Parliament August 19. 1641. London , printed . 164● . THE EARLE OF ARGILE His Speech to the PARLIAMENT IN SCOTLAND . GEntlemen , and you the Burgesses of the House of COMMONS ; I am commanded by the Lords to let you know , that they have taken serious deliberation of the Propositions made by you the other day at a Conference concerning the Church-government in this Kingdom . First , I am commanded to put you in minde what have passed already upon this Occasion before in the maintenance of the Church-government of this Kingdom , wherein the House of Commons have shewed such great affections to the good of the Church and of the State therein for the maintenance of it . First , that the Church-government in both Kingdomes , is that which were so be vvished , but no alteration or innovation msust be of that vvhich is setled by the Lavves of each Kingdom , and enacted by them . Secondly , that the Government of the Church of England is setled and established by the Lawes and Statutes of the Kingdom to the uniting of a brotherly love and Government in both Kingdomes under his Majesties Dominion . Secondly , I am commanded to let you know their Lordships pleasure in this , or in any thing else that may conduce to the honour of Almighty God , the service of our King , and the good of our Kingdom , and will be very ready to give such assistance as you shall propound , or upon debate with them , thinke fit to advance the worke you were pleased to deliver unto them . And finding also that there have been , and having great cause to suspect that there still are , even during this present sitting in Parliament , endeavours to subvert the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdom and of England , whereby they may introduce the exercise of a tyrannicall Government by most pernicious and wicked Counsels , Plots , and Conspiracies , that hath been taught against this Kingdom , and the Kingdom of England , with divers innovations and superstitions , that have been brought into this Church , multitudes driven out of his Majesties Dominions , with the great suppressing of them by the Bishops and their tyrannicall Government over the Church , and the good religious Ministers therein . And therefore because the Government of the Church doth remain as properly to proceed from you , as from us , therefore if you shall thinke fit that any thing else shall be propounded by you , that may be effected for the Government of the Church and Kingdom , or if you do not propound , their Lordships will then let you know their Propositions ; if you be not now provided to confer about it , we shall when you please debate the same , and give you such reasons for it , as you shall thinke fit of , to the honour and praise of God , and the good of our King and Kingdom . FINIS . The Kings arrivall in Edinborough , with the manner of his going to Parliament . THere was one appointed to go before him to make room , for the multitude came in throngs to see his Majestie , all crying , as he passed by them , in their owne language , God save King Charles , God save our King . Next to him which made room came our King , my Lord Humes going on his right hand , and my Lord of Argile on his left hand , the rest of the Nobility , and those which were of the Parliament-House , followed according to their degrees , but much ado they had to go to the House , the desire of the People was so great to see their Soveraigne . When they were come to the Parliament House , there stood a Noble-mans Son , who as yet goes to school , and saluted his Majesty with a Latine Oration , which he took most graciously , and thanked them all for their kindnesse , and good-will ; then they entered into the Parliament-House , and when they were seated , the Earle of Argile made a Speech unto him . 
A17586	----	The re-examination of two of the articles abridged: to wit, of the communicants gesture in the act of receaving, eating, and drinking: and The observation of festivall dayes Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1636 Approx. 87 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A17586 STC 4363.5 ESTC S118315 99853522 99853522 18907 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A17586) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 18907) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 884:16) The re-examination of two of the articles abridged: to wit, of the communicants gesture in the act of receaving, eating, and drinking: and The observation of festivall dayes Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. Cowper, William, 1568-1619. Passage of Master William Cowper pretended bishop of Gallway, his sermon delivered before the estates, anno 1606. at which time hee was minister at Perth. 63, [1] p. s.n.], [Holland? : Printed anno 1636. By David Calderwood. Place of publication conjectured by STC. Includes (on pages 60-3): A passage of Master William Cowper pretended bishop of Gallway, his sermon delivered before the estates, anno 1606. at which time hee was minister at Perth. Formerly STC 10062. Identified as STC 10062 on UMI microfilm. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Church of Scotland. -- Articles of Perth -- Controversial literature. Perth Assembly, Perth, Scotland, 1618 -- Early works to 1800. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE RE-EXAMINATION of two of the articles abridged : TO WIT , Of the communicants gesture in the act of receaving , eating , and drinking : And The observation of Festivall dayes . Printed anno 1636. TO THE READER YEE have here , good Reader , the re-examination of two articles abriged , to wit , concerning the Communicants gesture in the act of receaving , and observation of festivall dayes , for the information of such , as either have not leasure to peruse greater workes , or are of weaker iudgement . The other three articles , bishopping , private baptisme , and private Communion are not pressed , and therefore it was needlesse to proceed any further . Accept of this information without preiudice of your standing to the liberties of the Kirk . Wee need no other exception against all the five articles , but that they were not concluded by pluralitie of voices of such as were authorized with lawfull commission , and consequently not by a generall assemblie : But a number of Barons , pretended bishops , and ministers usurped the place of voters , and carried the businesse . I passe by terrours , circumveening , and unformall proceeding , howsoever others take libertie to practise and reason contrare to the order established in former times , as if wee had never had a kirk , yet let this be your iudiciall defence . But because that alone is not sufficient to uphold your conscience , yee have here as much as may serve to confirme you in the trueth , and to settle your iudgement in the matter it self . OF THE COMMUnicants gesture in the act of receaving . BY the second head of the first book of discipline , drawn up in the first year of publick and universal reformation , wee may perceive that our first reformers preferred sitting not only to kneeling , but also to standing and passing by , because they approached not so near to Christs action , and rested upon sitting not only because of the abuse of kneeling in former times , as is alleadged , but because most agreeable to the patern , which reason serveth for all times : Yea Master Knox in his admonition to England , printed anno 1554. ranketh kneeling among the superstitious orders , which profane Christs true religion : and in a letter directed from Deep to Mastresse Anna Lock , anno 1599. he calleth the crosse in Baptisme : and this kneeling diabolicall inventions . In the generall assemblie , holden anno 1562. it was ordained , that the order at Geneva , that is , of the English Kirk at Geneva , where Master Knox had been sometime Minister , bee observed in the ministration of the Sacraments : And anno 1564. Ministers are referred to the order set down before the Psalmes in Meeter , which order is the order of Geneva , mentioned in the former act . This order was ratified by act of Parliament , anno 1567. and 1572. An act was likewise made anno 1567. that in times coming the King at his coronation give his oath to maintain the true religion then professed , and in speciall the due & right ministration of the Sacraments then receaved . This act was ratified anno 1581. and again 1592. No other gesture then sitting was used til the meeting above mentioned . Wee are then to defend the gesture of sitting , and to impugne kneeling in the act of receaving . Wee have the example of Christ and his Apostles at the first supper , to warrant communicants to sit in the act of receaving : After the ordinarie washing of their hands they fate down to the first course of the paschall supper , thereafter they rose again to the washing of their feet , then they fate down again to the second course of the paschall supper . Now while they were eating and consequently while they were sitting , Christ institute the Sacrament of the supper , and this is acknowledged by Baronius the Cardinall , in his annalls , an . 34. num . 44. The Iesuit Baradas , in concord . Evangelist . tom . 4. lib. 2. Ancient and modern writers , popish and Protestant have receaved this collection as certain truth . It was the minde of the whole church of old , as we may see by the Ecclesiasticall hymnes , where Christ is brought in sitting with his disciples at table , when he institute the Sacrament . Whereas some alleadge that Christ and the Apostles kneeled : I answere , there is no likelihood at all : Christ fate when he brake bread , and gave thanks at Emaus . He blessed the bread when hee fate with the multitude which hee fed with five loaves and two fishes . Wee never reade that the Iewes kneeled when they blessed their meat . Master Paybodie granteth , that Christ and his Apostles used that same gesture in blessing and giving thanks , which they did in receaving . Bellarmine acknowledgeth that they were sitting at table , when Christ said unto them , Drink yee all of this . We may gather from some circumstances and the forme of the celebration , that they fate for they could not stand upon beds , or between the tables and the beds , for their neerenesse to the table . If there had beene a change from sitting , which was the ordinarie gesture at the paschall supper , into kneeling a gesture of adoration at the Evangelicall supper , some of the Evangelists would have made mention of it , for they make mention of other changes . If there had beene such a change , then kneeling should have beene institute , which none of our opposits have ever maintained : for to what end should the change have beene made , if not that that gesture might be observed afterward . Christ spake not prayer waies to the apostles , and the elements were carried from hand to hand , and divided by the Apostles among themselves , which is not compatible with kneeling , when man is directing worship to God. Wee conclude then with Master Mouline , writing on the Lords supper , 1 part . pag. 136. that the apostles continued sitting at the table , to the very end of the action . It is true , Christ and his apostles sitting were not altogether upright as ours , but as a man may stand upright , or stand leaning , so he may sit upright , or sit leaning . The Hebrew doctors call it sitting in beds : the English translators expresse it by sitting , and not by lying . Doctour Mortoun confesseth it was a kinde of sitting gesture . Master Paybodie , pag. 69. protesteth , that he holdeth the gesture of sitting at the Lords table in it self lawfull and commendable . What a madnesse is it then to drive poore soules from a sure , to a dangerous and doubtsome way ? The example of Christ and his disciples sitting at the first supper , is exemplarie for examples in setting down a patern , serve ordinarly for direction in times to come , if there be not some singular occasion to hinder him that setteth down the pattern to do otherwise . Bishop Mortoun in his late work of the institution of the Sacrament , sayeth , that Christs example should bee a rule for us to observe , except in some circumstances , which only occasionaly and accidentally happened therein : and therefore taxeth the Iesuits , making light of Christs example , as if the example of Christ were no argument of proof at all . Mowline in his heavenly alarum , pag 56. sayeth , Christ and his apostles sate at the table without any kind of adoration , and that the first institution was given for a patern ; whereunto wee ought to conform . Now the washing of the disciples feet , the putting off , and on of Christs upper garment were ended before they sate down to the second course of the paschall supper , and consequently a good space before the institution of the last supper . Time and place are commoun circumstances to all actions . The particular time and place when Christ instituted this Sacrament were occasionall . They might not eat the paschall supper but at evening , and therefore the Evangelical supper , which was to succeed to it , behoved to bee celebrate that night , seeing Christs suffering was so neer at hand . They behoved to eat the paschall lamb in a chamber in Ierusalem , and consequently the supper behooved to bee instituted in a chamber , after the paschall supper . The number of such as did eat the paschall lamb , behooved to consist of few , betwixt ten and twentie , and therefore they behooved to bee so few that night at the institution of the supper . Their manner and kinde of sitting was a form observed among the Iewes at their commoun feasts , and at the paschall supper . Put the case that they stood at the first Passeover in Egypt , as it can not bee prooved , it were then extraordinarie , and for that night only , to signifie their hastie departure out of Egypt . Sitting was the ordinarie gesture used at all religious feasts : The Heathnicks sate at their feasts , made of the remainder of the sacrifices offered to their idoles , Amos 2.1 Cor. 8.10 to professe their communi●● and societie with their idoll , or fellowship with devils , as the Apostle calleth it , 1 Cor. 10.20 . Our Lord instituting his supper to bee the only religious feast to bee used in the Christian kirk , observed the same gesture which was used at the paschall supper , and other religious feasts . Christ might easily have changed sitting into kneeling , and very commodiouslie , seeing they fate upon beds , yet would he retain the same gesture which they used at the paschall supper . Time and place are meere circumstances , and the particular time and place were then only occasionall : But the gesture is more then a meere circumstance , as Master Paybodie , pag. 34. confesseth . This supper was institute in form of a banquet , to represent not only our spirituall nuriture , but also our societie , and familiaritie with Christ , who is to sup & feast with us . The Polonian Baroun Ioannes Alasco maintaineth further , that our sitting , eating , and drinking at the communiō table , is a figure and representation of our sitting at the heavenly table . So doth Musculus upon Matthow 26 : and Aquinas part . 3. quest . 60. make the Lords supper a type and fore-shewing sign of our glory to come . Christ himself expresseth our peaceable fruition of the joyes of heaven by sitting with Abraham , Isaac , and Iaakob in the kingdome of Heaven , Matth. 8.11 . and by Lazarus resting in Abrahams bosome , Luke 16. that is , sitting at the heavenly table , and leaning upon Abrahams bosome , after the same manner that Iohn lay on Christs bosome when hee fate at this table , Iohn 16. and Christ himself at the institution promised to his Apostles , that they should eat and drink at his table in his kingdome , and sit upon twelve thrones , Luke 22.30 . Yea , this Polonian Baroun affirmeth , that they have slender affection to the glory of Christ , or our eternall felicitie , that would abolish out of the kirk that image of our eternall felicitie in the celestiall glory to come , which is so much recommended to us by Christ himselfe , by the symbole of sitting at a banquet , to the unspeakable comfort of all the faithfull . We see that at civill banquets , the time , the place , the number of persons , and other things are variable , but no other gesture hath beene used but sitting , after one form or other , according to the custome of the nation . Even when men are invited by a king to a feast , they are honoured with sitting , in token of his familiar intertainment . It appeareth by the practise of the Apostolicall kirks , observing still this gesture , albeit other circumstances of time and place , and other things which fell foorth occasionally at the first supper were not regarded , that the gesture of sitting is still to be retained . Christ himself , Luke 24 , 30. sitting at table in Emaus , tooke bread , blessed it , and brake it . This place is interpreted by sundrie ancients and modern writers of the ministration of the Sacrament : And Master Paybodie himself , pag. 86. is of that same judgement . The apostle , 1 Cor. 11. maketh not mention of sitting , because he presupposed a lawfull Minister , a table , and sitting at the table , and rehearseth only Christs actions and his words , uttered to communicants sitting at the table . Nor yet all his actions , and his words , as giving of the bread , blessing of the cup , either severally or conjunctly with the bread , and the precept to drink all of it : His chief purpose was to correct the abuse of the Corinthiās , for not staying upon other : for the Lord that night hee was betrayed , said to all his disciples conveened together , Take yee , eat , yee , &c. The love-feasts and the Lords supper went together , the love-feasts in these times preceeding , and the Lords supper immedialy following . Doctor Bilson in his book of obedience , pag. 653. sayeth , that whether they went before or after , they could not divide themselves each from other , but they must offer the same abuse , and disdain of the poor at the Lords supper , which was ministred to them as they sate at their tables , immediatly before or after their usuall or corporall refreshings . Master Paybodie pag , 86 , and 94. thinketh , that together with the institution itself , after supper were grounded the love-feasts , by continued occasion , whereof his disciples might possibly for a time use sitting in the very act of receaving . Doctor Downam in his second sermon , pag. 61. confesseth sitting to receave the Sacrament , to have been used in the kirk in the apostles times . Sitting in the act of receaving was continued at sometimes in the Christian kirk , evē to our times . Mornaeus in his first book of the masse , 1 cap. and 5 reporteth , that the Monks of St. Bennets order communicate sitting , for three dayes before Easter . Bullinger in his book de origine errorum , pag. 46 reporteth , that not only in their monastries , but also in cathedrall kirks they communicate sitting upon that day . Now it was the custome of old , not only for the Monks , but also other Christians to communicat upon this day , and no doubt after the same form . The two thousand souldiours who were reconcealed to the Emperour Mauritius , about the year 1590. by the travell of Gregorius bishop of Antioch , receaved the Sacrament sitting upon the ground , as Euagrius reporteth , lib. 6. cap 13. Doctor Lindesay in his defence , pag. 53 , 54. alleadgeth the like done by the Scottish armie at Bonnokburn , in the dayes of King Robert Bruce . Socrates in his historie , lib. 5. cap. 23. reporteth of the Egyptians , who dwelt near to Alexandria , and the inhabitants of Thebais communicated in the evening , after they had refreshed themselves with commoun meats upon other dayes also : it is likely then they also sate . Alexander de Hales in the second part of his tractat . concerning the masse , sayeth , the Pope communicateth sitting , in rememberance that the Apostles at the Lords supper communicated sitting . The Waldenses , who are justly called the pure seed of the ancient kirk , and have continued since the dayes of Pope Sylvester , or as some thought , from the dayes of the Apostles , sayeth Rainerius the inquisitour , & their enemie , celebrated the communion sitting , See Master Fox first volumn , pag. 209 edict . 1610. and their apologie against one Doctour Augustine , which is extant in Lydii Waldensia . Luther exponing the epistle upon Saint Stevins day ; sayeth , Christ so instituted the Sacrament , that in it we should sit at the Sacrament : but all things are changed , and idle ordinances of men are come in place of divine ordinances . Zuinglius in expositione sidei Christianae , setting down the form of celebration used at Berne , Zurick , Basile , and other neighbour townes , reporteth , that they communicated sitting . The kirks of strangers at London , in Alascoes time communicated sitting : so do other kirks in the Low-countries , even to this day . In Pol , such as adhered to the confession of Helvetia communicated sitting , as we may see in consensus Poloniae . By the gesture of standing is pretended more reverence , and thereby the gesture of sitting is indirectly taxed ▪ and that lively representation of our familiar societie with Christ taken away , seeing it is not the usuall and ordinarie gesture at civill feasts . As for kneeling in the act of receaving : First wee have not a warrant from the example of Christ and his Apostles , or the practises of the Apostolick kirks after , and therefore they who receave adoration , they are secure , they have the example of the Apostles , whom wee read not to have adored prostrate , but as they were sitting , they receaved , and did eat : They have the practise of the Apostolicall kirks , where it is declared , that the faithfull did communicate , not in adoration , but in breaking of bread , sayeth Calvin , Institut . lib. 4. cap. 37. sect . 33. Beza in his dispute against Iodocus Harchius , So like , as when the Lord truely to bee adored as God and man , at table did institute this holy supper , that the Disciples arose , to the end that falling upon their knees , they might receave that bread and wine out of his hand . And so like as the Apostles were ignorant , how to deliver to the kirks the manner how to celebrate these holy mysteries , it is known well enough that the love-feasts could hardly or scarce at all admit geniculation . The Waldenses in the apologie above-mentioned , say , that Christ gave the Sacrament to his Disciples , and his successours for a long time made no reverence , meaning adoration . This holy action is denominate the LORDS table , and the Lords Supper : The use of a table is not only to set meat on it , but also for the guests , or persons invited to sit at , and about it , and to partake of the meat set upon the table . Wee require not of necessitie an artificiall table of tymber : a Bul-hyde , or a plot of ground may serve in time of necessitie , and answereth analogically to a standing table , as the plot of ground did , whereabout the multitude sate in rowes , by fifties and fifties , Mark. 6. Neither do wee stand upon the fashion , whether it bee long or round ; but wee require that the Communicants alwayes sit table-wayes , so that they may observe the form of a feast or banquet : For in that this holy action is called a supper , it is imported , that it was celebrate in the forme of a feast or banquet , as Piscator observeth in his observations upon Matth. 26. Wee do not require all the formes used at commoun feasts , but these which Christ the institutour , and Master of the feast thought sufficient . Kneeling is not a gesture sutable with the forme of a banquet , or use of a supper table . The termes , supper , and table of the Lord , very familiar with the Apostle Paul , seeme to require sitting rather then standing , kneeling , or passing by , sayeth Alasco . Kneling is not a gesture which hath beene used at feasts or banquets , but rather a gesture of supplicants . Plessie in his fourth book of Eucharist sayeth , that of old this holy Supper was celebrated in the forme of a banquet , whereat they did sit , a footestep whereof remaineth among the Benedictines . If these termes , the Table of the LORD , the Supper of the LORD , and breaking of bread had beene retained , and other new names not invented , as Sacrament Eucharist , then might easilie have been perceaved how harsh it were to use these phrases , They brake bread together kneeling , they compassed the table of the LORD kneeling , they celebrate the Supper of the LORD kneeling , which seemeth not so harsh , when wee say , they receaved the Sacrament or Eucharist kneeling . Therefore the ancient Doctours , sayeth Mowline on the LORDS Supper , part . 1. pag. 8. had done better , if they had hold themselves to the tearmes expressed in Gods word , &c. The distribution of the elements by the communicants amongst themselves admitteth not kneeling in the act of receaving . Can the communicant bee both adoring GOD upon his knees , and at the verie instant bee reaching the elements to his brother likewise kneeling and adoringe . Yee have heard out of Calvin before , that the faithfull in the Apostolical times did not communicate with adoration , but breaking of bread , as if adoration and breaking of bread could not consist together : But so it is that the Communicants ought to distribute , and reach the elements to other . Christ reaching the cup to his Disciples , commandeth them to divide it among themselves , Luke 22.17 . This cup which hee commanded them to divide , was the Evangelicall cup , or , which is all one , the last paschall cup changed into the Evangelicall . Luke applieth Christs protestation , that he will drink no more of the fruit of the wine , &c. to the cup which hee commanded them to divide amongst themselves : but that protestation is applied to the com●●●on cup by Matth. and Mark who make mention only of this cup , in the verses immediatly preceeding the protestation . If Christ was to drink incontinent after this protestation of the com●●●n cup , how could hee protest , that hee would drink no more of the fruit of the wine● When the Schoolemen would prove , that wine was one of the elements at the Evangelicall supper , they can not finde a proof in all the Evangelists , but in this protestation . Christ in this protestation alludeth to the canon or custome of the Iewes , forbidding to taste any thing after the last cup , which was called the cup of praise . Now the last cup was the Evangelicall or communion cup , or the last paschall cup , changed it into the Evangelicall . Further Christ gave thanks when he took the cup in his hand , which he cōmanded them to divide : and therefore Luke maketh no mention of this thanksgiving , when hee maketh mention of the cup the second time , because hee had made mention of it before . Luke then by way of anticipation bringeth in Christ , protesting in the 17. verse , that the protestation of not drinking more , may bee joined with the protestation of not eating more , preceeding in the 16. verse : therefore when hee cometh to the order of the institution , verse 20. he omitteth the protestation and thanksgiving , which are recorded by other Evangelists , because hee made mention before of them , verse 17. and 18. This anticipation , or inversion of order in the Evangelist Luke was observed by Augustine , and Euthymius , Ba●adius , and Suarez , Iesuits . Mewshius observeth other inversions in the same chapter . Christ gave ●ot the cuppe to every one out of his hand , which had been sufficient for dividing of it , ●f no further had beene intended . To drinke of one cuppe representeth fellowship in one commoun benefite , but not that communication of mutuall love and amitie which is represented by reaching the same cup to other The guests at ci●ill banquets of old , intertaining other courteously , reached a cup of wine to other , which cup they called philotesia , metonimically , because it was a symbole of love or friendship , which name any man may justly impose upon the cup of the holy supper of the Lord , sayeth Seuekius antiquitarum convivialium , lib. 3. cap. 10. If there were no more but reaching the cup from one to another , it were sufficient to exclude kneeling : for what reason were it to kneel at the receaving of the bread , and not at the receaving of the cup ? Were it not also absurd to see the communicants reaching the cup to other , and the Minister to walk along to give every one the bread ? Analogie requireth that the bread should bee distributed among the communicants as well as the wine . Christ said in the plurall number , Take yee , eat yee , as well as drink yee , divide yee , and nor take thou , eat thou : therefore not only Piscator , Tessanus , and Hospinian , but also Estius a popish writer , upon the 1 Cor. 10.16 . gather , that they divide the bread as well as the cup. Beza sayeth , that the manner of their sitting could not permit Christ to give every one the bread . Mouline on the Lords supper , 2 part . pag. 97. maintaineth , that Christ could not deliver the bread to every one of the disciples hands , especially considering that the parties lying half along upon beds at the table , tooke up more rowme then they do now adayes . This distribution of the bread , as well as of the cup is confirmed by the custome observed afterward . Master Paybodie , pag. 92.101 , 104. acknowledgeth , that the Communicants at the first supper did communicate the bread and cup one with another : as also in the Apostles times , pag. 95. Bullinger in the place above cited , reporteth , that in the Monastries of S. Bennets order , &c cathedrall kirks they communicated upon Maunday-thursday , panem azymum frangentes , & calicem invicem propinantes , & in tatum vetexis coenae vestigium preferentes ; that is , breaking unleavened bread , and reaching the cup to other . This was a footstep of the order observed universally before upon the anniversarie day , called the day of the Lords supper , which is now called Maunday-thursday . Frier Rainerius reporteth , that the Waldenses participate mutually , as was done at Christs supper . Bullinger in his 6. decad , sermon 9. that the supper of the Lord is then rightly celebrated , when the communicants distribute the bread and the cup among themselves . Gualter homil . 118. in Marcum , setting down the best form of celebration , requireth , that they break the bread to other , and distribute the cup. Tindall in his tractat upon the Lords supper , requireth , that every man reach , and break to his neighbour . The latter confession of Helvetia , which is approved by many reformed kirks , and by our owne , recommendeth this breaking of bread . The Lords supper was denominate breaking of bread , from that rite or ceremonie of the breaking of the bread , Acts. 2. it is said , the disciples continued in breaking of bread , and Acts. 20 , that the disciples conveened to break bread , which is clearer then the former speach , and importeth , that the disciples , or the faithfull themselves brake bread . Estius , a popish professour in Doway , writing upon 1 Cor. 10.16 . sayeth , that in the primitive kirk they had the breaking of bread , which was first done by the Presbyteri●● and deacons , and after them in smaller pieces , by the faithfull to whom it was given , that they might distribute the same among themselves . The Apostle 1 Cor. 10.16 . sayeth , The bread which we break , is not the communion of the body of Christ ? that is , the bread we break , distribute , and eat : For the breaking alone by the Minister is not the communion of the body of Christ. The Apostle rehearsing the words of the institution , sayeth not , Take thou , eat thou , but in the plurall number , take yee , eat yee : Yea , Durandus Rational . lib. 4. cap. 1. sayeth , that the apostles celebrated as Christ did . The breaking of the bread serveth for two uses : first , for the representation of Christs sufferings ; as also the pouring of the wine represented mystically the effusion of his blood . Bullinger sayeth , decad . 5. serm . 7. Wee break the bread of the Lord with our own hands , for we our selves are to bee blamed , that hee was bruised : our sins wounded him , wee crucified him , and wee believe , that not only hee suffered for others , but specially for our selves . Gualtor in his homil . 295. on Matthew , sayeth , That every one when they break the bread , acknowledgeth themselves to be the authours of his death and passion . The other use is for distribution , and reaching to other , to testifie mutuall love and amitie . If two should drink out of one cup , and yet not teach to other , it might well be thought there were no great kindnesse betweene them . To divide the bread , and to eat together , in token of love and benevolence , was a custome observed in the orientall countries , and yet still in sundrie countries of the West . Serranius in Iosuam , cap. 9. Of this use the reader may finde more in Bullinger , Decad . 5. and Gualter 118. in Marcum . Zuinglius in his exposition of the Christian faith , reporteth that some sitting together casuallie , and participating after this manner , were reconcealed , who before had beene at variance , and that this fell foorth often . If none must give the sacramentall bread but the Minister , because hee acteth the person of Christ who gave his own bodie , by the same reason they may not reach the cup to other , as the Apostles did at the first supper , where they represented the faithfull , and communicated not as Pastours , but as disciples , as guests , as other Christians , as all our divines hold : and among the rest , Musculus cited by Doctour Lindesay , pag. 59. This Doctour confesseth the cup may bee reached from one to another , the Minister still acting CHRISTS person in his own place , pag. 61.62 . If none but the Minister must give the elements , because hee representeth Christs , person , then might not the Deacon in the ancient kirk do it , because hee represented not Christs person . Vasquez confesseth , that it is not forbidden by divine law , that the Sacrament bee ministred , or carried by a lay man , and applied to the hand of another Communicant , but by humane law . I would ask when the Minister cometh from his own place , and goeth along to deliver the elements , how doeth hee act the person of Christ , the Master of the feast ? There can bee no other reason of this guise , but to nourish a superstitious conceat , that it is holier to receave it out of the hand of the Minister , who perhaps is a Iudas , then out of the hand of a faithfull brother , as if his hand profained or polluted it . Are not the peoples hands as holy as the Ministers , sayeth Master Paybodie , pag. 313. Superstition increasing at last , the communicants might not take the Sacrament in their own hand , to put it in their mouth , but it behooved the Priest to put it in their mouth : Such superstitious conceats condemne Christ and his Apostles , and the godly , who in their time distribute to other , and deprive of the profitable uses of fraction , or breaking of bread . Neither is the representation or form of a feast or banquet observed : it is rather like a dole of meat then a supper . Further , this giving of the elements to every one severally , bringeth in confusion of actions , and private communions in the publick assembly . For while the Ministers are giving the elements to every one , the people is in the meane time exercised in hearing the word red , or singing Psalmes , and heare not what the Minister sayeth to the Communicants , nor do the Communicants understand what is read , or sung in publick . Yea , sometimes two Ministers will bee speaking at once to sundrie communicants : so the communicants communicate apart , and might as well go aside , or to an I le of the kirk to communicate , yea , and far better . The exercise is dead and cold , and they are forced to reading and singing in the mean time , to drive away tediousnesse , and so bring in confusion of actions . If Christ spake in the plurall number , Take yee , eat yee , when the communicants were so few , what would he have done if there had beene a great multitude present ? If the distribution of the communicants had beene observed by the ancients constantly , and at all times , as sometimes it was , kneeling had not entered in the kirk , the words outered by Christ at the deliverie of the elements had not beene changed , confusion of actions , and a private forme of communicating had not taken place , and the forme of a feast had beene preserved . Therefore suppose the distributing by the communicants were not recommended to us , nor had any other profitable use , but that it is a bar to hold out so many corruptions , let us stand for distribution . Our Lord was wise , and could devise the best form : Who can devise a better , sayeth Bullinger , decad . 5. serm . 9. then the Son of God himself ? the supreme high Priest of his kirk : Yea Bellarmine sayeth , de Eucharist . lib. 4. cap. 7. that it can not bee doubted , but that is better , & to be done which Christ did . Kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements is scandalous , and therefore to bee avoided . The papist is confirmed in his vile idolatrie , by our conforming with him in that gesture . Do they not vaunt , that wee are coming home to them ? The Ministers of Edinburgh in the instructions given to Master William Levingstoun , subscrived also by them , when he was sent up to Court , have these words , The Papists seeing us in that gesture having some externall symbolizing with them , are therby confirmed in their errour , as though that our practise were an approaching to them , and an ingrease to their idolatrie and bread-worship . Now we ought not to keep conformitie in the worship of God with idolaters in things otherwise lawfull , if they bee not of necessarie use , and have beene abused . The Lord took this course with his own people of old , hee forbade them to round the corners of their heads , or marre the corners of their beard , or weare linsey-woolsey , or sow their field with mingled sead , or plant any groaves of trees neare the altar of the Lord , that they might bee unlike the Gentiles . The Priests were forbidden to make their heads bald , or shave off the corner of their beard for the same cause . The ancients for the like reason rejected many customes of Ethnicks , Iewes , and hereticks , but were not constant in this course . As for the sun , the moon , the stars , and other creatures , howbeit they have been abused , and adored , yet because they are Gods creatures , and of necessarie use , they are still to bee used . Gold , silver , temples are profitable helps unto the necessitie of mans life . The gold , the brasse , and iron of Iericho taken into the Lords treasurie , were the civill goods of idolaters , and had no state in their idolatrous worship , as this kneeling hath . Wee should shun conformitie with papists in speciall , because the pope their head is the great Antichrist : and we are more troubled with rites , abused and polluted by him , then by any other : We dwell nearer to papists then to any other idolaters , & they dwell or converse among us . The equitie of this direction for not conforming with idolaters , appeareth , first , in that wee show not as we ought our hatred and detestation of idolatrie , when wee retain any monument or memoriall of it . The brasen serpent it self a monument of Gods mercie , and benefite received 700 year before , was broken by Ezekias in pieces when it began to be abused and polluted with idolatrie : far more ought the monument and memoriall of idols or idolatrie bee abolished . It is true , kneeling of it self is not a humane invention , but in some kinds 〈◊〉 may be lawfully used , as in prayer : but kneeling in the act of receiving the sacramentall elements was never Gods ordinance , and therefore ought to bee forborn , seeing in that act it hath beene abused to the vilest idolatrie that ever was , to the worshipping a piece bread , which the worshipper esteemed to bee his god . To retain it therefore is to retain a memoriall or monument of that vile idolatrie , because wee use that same gesture in that same very act , and without necessitie . Next , in conforming with idolaters , we keep a stumbling block in the kirk , and both hardeneth the idolater in his idolatrie , and lay a stumbling block both before our self , & our own brethren , by retaining such allurements and provocations , to commit the same kinde of fornication or idolatrie . Wo bee to him that giveth offence , it were better that a milestone , &c. They ask what aptness● there is in this gesture , to intise us to idolatrie ? We answere , it is the same form and fashion that idolaters used in that same very act , and for reverence as they did . Wee are more prone to idolatrie by nature then any other sin : therefore the greater diligence is to be used in avoiding of it . Doolefull experience hath taught us how dangerous it is . The kirks in the Low-countries in their synods ordained , that the communion be not celebrated kneeling , for the danger of bread-worship . The Polonian synods , holden anno 1573. and 1583. were grosely mistaken , in alleadging that none but Arrians or Anabaptists did sit : when as it is well known that this gesture of sitting was in use in sundrie kirks in Europe , of which wee have made mention before : yea , and Alasco before these times wrote more earnestly for sitting then any man else . But these Polonian synods were mixed , and consisted partly of Lutherians , partly of such as adhered to the Bohemian , partly of such as adhered to the Helvetian confess on : Yet they confesse , anno 1578. that it is neither the will of God , nor the custome of the purer kirk to smite men with Ecclesiasticall discipline , for externall rites . Our opposits pretend the remedie of preaching , and information of the people , to direct their adoration aright . But it is better to fill up the pit in the way , then to set one beside , to warn the passengers that they fall not in . Watchmen are sometime negligent , sometime blinde and ignorant , or corrupt and perverse : time should bee better spent , then in leading poore soules through dangerous wayes , which may bee forsaken . All are not alike capable of information : appearance of evill worketh more powerfully oft-times then the doctrine . They alleadge that the command of the Magistrate , in things indifferent , taketh away the scandall . I answere , Can the supreme magistrate take away that aptnesse and fitnesse that any thing hath , to intise and provoke men to sin . The magistrates countenance maketh the scandall the greater , and hee strengthneth it by authoritie . Court-clawbacks tell us , we should rather offend the people then the supreme magistrate : but better offend , that is , displease him , nor offend , that is , give occasion to the poorest soul , let be many thousands to fall into any sin , let bee so hainous a sin , as is the sin of idolatrie . The magistrate is not in danger of stumbling , or spirituall falling into any sin : for ( yee put the case ) hee esteemeth the matter indifferent . The Apostle had rather never eat flesh , nor offend a weak brother , for eating flesh offered to the idole , and sold in the mereat . And yet hee had greater authoritie in such matters , then any prince , or generall assemblie . The Belgick synods would not take so much upon them , but forbade kneeling , for fear of idolatrie . If the kirk to whom the rule for directing the use of things indifferent , in matters of religion , are laid down , to wit , that all things be done decently , in order , to edification , without offence , may not presume so far , far lesse the magistrate . Wee maintain that kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements was not in use , or at the least authorized , till the great antichrist dominited . There can not be an authentick testimonie alleadged before the opinion of real presence & transubstantiation began to spread : or to come to a more certain date , for the space of a thousand years after Christ. There are some testimonies bearing the word adore , but the testimonies are either counterfeit , or to bee understood of inward adoration , or of adoration in time of prayer , before they communicate : Or adoration is taken only for veneration : but of kneeling in the act of receiving we hear of no authentick testimony as yet alleadged . Doctour Burges is verie confident , that the communicants kneeled in Tertullians time , that is , about 200. year after Christ : for sayeth , he the people shunned to come to the communion table on the station dayes , because they might not kneel in the act of receiving , but it behooved them to stand on these dayes : and therefore , sayeth he , Tertullian inviteth them to come , to 〈◊〉 the bread standing at the table publictly , to reserve it , and carrie it home , and there receave it kneeling , and so both dueties should bee performed , the receiving of the Eucharist , and the tradition on these dayes observed . Tertullians testimonie is cited out of his book , de oratione , cap. 14. But the Doctour translated these words , Quod statio solvenda sit accepto corpore Domini , Because station or standing is then to be performed in receaving the bodie of the Lord : whereas hee should translate thus , because the station or fast is then to bee broken , after the receaving of the bodie of the Lord. For the word statio in Tertullians language is taken for fasting , or rather for some kinde of fasting dayes . Wednesday and Friday were called station dayes , on which they fasted untill the third houre after-noone , and was distinguished from the other fasting dayes , whereon they fasted of their own accord , as Pamelius observeth out of Rabanus Maurus ; or rather as a late popish writer Albaspinaeus , bishop of Orleance , in his observations observeth , were distinguished from other fast dayes , which indured till the evening . The meaning of Tertullian is this , they were in an errour who thought that if they had receaved the Sacrament , their feast should bee broken , which should have continued to the set houre : Nay , saith Tertullian , Nonne solemnior erit statio tua , si & ad aram Dei steteris ? Shall not thy fust or station bee the more solemne , if thou stand also at the altar of God , that is , tho comu●●on table , for so both are safe , both the participation of the sacrifice , and performance of thy service , that is , of the fast , sayeth Plessie in his answere to the Theologues of Bourdeaux : and in his answere to the bishop of Evereux , pag. 225. hee sayeth , that Tertullian would remove that scruple , that as soone as ever they had communicated , they thought their fast was broken . Albaspinaeus seemeth to come yet nearer to the sence , and sayeth , Tertullian would reprove these that would break the station or fast , as soone as ever they had receaved the Eucharist ' , and not stay any longer in the kirk , howbeit the time was short , and some few prayers were outored after the deliverie of the Eucharist , for they communicated about the ninth houre of the day , which was the third houre after noone , about the end of the fast on these station dayes : for on other fasting dayes which indured to the evening , they receaved not the Eucharist . As for standing at the communion table upon these station dayes , it was not because they stood only upon these dayes , when they receaved the Eucharist : Nam accepta Eucharistia , non licebat ex corum institutis , & ex veteri disciplina de geniculis orare , sayeth Albaspinaeus , that is , It was not leasome by the ordinances , and old discipline of these times to pray upon their knees , when they receaved the Eucharist . Further he proveth , that upon these station dayes they stood not alwayes , but kneeled at their prayers : for the whole time was a time of mourning & afflicting of their bodies , but in these times it was a signe of joy , not to adore upon their knees . Erat apud antiquos , & nascentis Ecelesiae Christianos quaedum inum unitas , & quoddam genus goudiide geniculis non aderara , see pag. 52 , and 49. The ancients in these times thought kneeling not sutable with such an action , as the participation of the Lords supper , because it was an action of joy and delight . Yee see then howbeit they kneeled other wayes upon the station dayes , because of their fasting and mourning , yet at the end , a little before their dissolving they stood at the comm●un table . Now the reason why these dayes were called station dayes , was not according to his observation so called , because of the gesture of standing , but only by way of allusion to militarie stations , and watches at the gates of Princes palaces , that as they stayed in their watch , whether sitting or standing , so the Christians stayed in the kirk mourning , and praying , in these times of persecution , for peace and safetie to the kirk , till the third houre after-noon , at which time they communicate . It was the custome of the kirk , for a thousand year to stand upon the Lords day , and yet the Lords day was not one of their station dayes , which should have beene , if the gesture of 〈◊〉 only should make a station day , as Doctour Burges would have it . It is grosse ignorance in the Doctour , to affirm that the station dayes were these dayes , wherein they stood in prayer , and at all the solemne worship of God , and to denie that they were set dayes of fasting . Further is nothing more evident , then that Tertullian in sundrie other passages speaketh of stations , or station dayes , as dayes of fasting . Where as in the Re-examination it was given , and not granted , that they stood on these dayes , in time of divine service or prayer , now being induced by the observation of Albaspinaeus , Wee denie that they stood in time of prayer upon these dayes , and therefore the argument is the more forcible for us ; that notwithstanding of their humiliation , and kneeling upon these dayes of mourning and fasting , yet at the end , when they were neare dissolving , and ending their fast or station , they stood at the table of the Lord , and receaved the Sacrament standing . Howbeit this was not the right gesture , yet it is clear they kneeled not when they received the Sacrament . Tertullian maketh no mention of receiving the Sacrament in their houses kneeling . For a thousand years they stood even in time of prayer upon the Lords day , and therefore it can not bee imagined that they kneeled , when they received the Sacrament . But say our opposits , they used the same gesture in the receaving the Eucharist , which they thought fittest for prayer . I answere , they thought nor standing the fittest gesture for prayer , but kneeling , and stood upon the Lords day , to signifie their joy for Christs resurrection , which was a conceat taken up by them , not known to the apostle : for they kneeled not for the like reason betwixt Easter and Pentecost , and yet wee see in the 20. of the Acts , the Apostle Paul kneeled . The custome yet observed to this day in the orientall kirks , to communicate standing , notwithstanding that other custome hath ceased , declareth , that they intended never geniculation in the act of receiving . If ever kneeling in the act of receiving had been in use among them , it had not beene left off , considering mans pronnesse to idolatrie and superstition . It resteth then , that kneeling is only found in the kirks which were subject to the pope . Howbeit this idolatrous gesture prevailed under the reigne of the great Antichrist , yet there wanteth not faithful witnesses to stand out against it , as the Waldenses , and the Picardi . If at any time wee should not seeme to have communion with Antichrist we should most of all at this holy supper , which setteth foorth our communion with Christ and his kirk . Yee see then , suppose that kneeling in the act of receiving were indifferent , yet in respect of the scandall , the danger , and inconvenients fall upon it , we ought to oppose it . But we are now to prove , that it is not indifferent , but idolatrous , and therefore a hainous sin , whether we consider it as it is injoined by the act of the pretended assembly at Perth , or as the action may bee considered simplie in it self . Wee are directed by the act of Perth to kneel , in reverence of the Sacrament , which is idolatrie : for we are directed to kneel , in due regard of so divine a mysterie , to wit , as is the Sacrament , or as is the receiving of the body and bloud of Christ , to wit , in the sacramentall manner . Yee may also take up the intent of the act , by the intent of the English prelats , and their adherents , for conformitie with them is intended . Doctour Mortoun sayeth , that their kirk thought it fit , by outward reverence in the manner of receiving the Eucharist , to testifie their due estimation of such holy rites . Master Hutton sayeth , they kneeled , to put a difference between the ordinarie bread and wine , and the sacramentall , to which they gave the more reverence , because it is more than ordinarie bread and wine . Some of the formalists pretend , that they kneel because of the prayer outered at the deliverie of the elements : but that short bit of prayer , or wish , is ended before the minister offer the bread to the communicante , and bidde him take it , and yet the communicant is injoined to continue still upon his knees . Nor is kneeling injoined to them by statute , or their service book , in regard of prayer , but in regard of the Sacrament it self . Master Paybodie pag. 334. doth freely confesse , that their prayer is not the principall respect of their kneeling , nor the principall respect upon which their kirk injoined it : And pag. 299. suppose their bee no prayer used in time of receaving , hee thinketh never the worse of the gesture of kneeling . Doctour Mortoun , and Master Hutton , as yee have heard , professe they kneel , to testifie their due estimation of such holy rites , and more reverence to the elements then ordinarie bread and wine . Now to testifie more reverence to the elements by kneeling , is to testifie by adoration , which is idolatrie . Neither are wee directed by the act of Perth , to pray in the act of receiving , but to use that kinde of gesture in the act of receaving , which becometh meditation , & lifting up of the heart , which also may bee done without prayer . But prayer can not consist with the act of taking , eating , and drinking . Wheresoever the publict intent of a kirk is to kneel , for reverence of the Sacrament , every communicant following her direction , is an idolater interpretativè , and so to bee construed both before God and man , whatsoever bee his own private intent . If any man receave the Sacrament upon his knees at Rome , or any other popish kirk , whatsoever bee his private intent , hee must bee interpreted to kneel , according to the intent of that kirk . But setting aside the act of the assemblie at Perth , which is only a null and pretended assemblie , we shall consider the action it self , wee will prove that it can not be done but for reverence of the Sacrament , or sacramentall elements . The first reason shall bee this , The communicant is tied , whether by direction of others , or his own resolution , all is one , to kneel with reverence before dead and senselesse elements , when they are presented to him by the hand of the Minister . Wee can not kneel to God in prayer , but there are many things before us by casuall position , neither can wee choose to do otherwise . But if wee bee tied to kneel with reverence , when wee are to doe any religious exercise , suppone prayer , before such a creature , suppone but a tree , and is not likewise tyed when wee pray before any other creature , our gesture of adoration can not bee without respect to the tree . God himselfe never appointed any creature to bee an object to the eyes of man , when hee was to adore him upon his knees , but only directed his people to kneel toward a certaine place , where hee was present himselfe , in an extraordinarie manner , or bound himselfe , by promise to heare from thence , as was the Arke , and Temple , where the Arke was . The Sacramentall bread is not a place of Gods extraordinare presence , or of the existing of Christs manhood substantiallie , or of promise to heare us from thence . It is idolatrie , sayeth Perkinse , to turne , dispose , or direct the worship of God , or any other part thereof to any particular place , or creature , wi●hout the appointment of God , and more specially to direct our adoration to the bread , or the place where the bread is . The uncovering of our heads is a gesture of reverence onely , and that only amongst some nations , but not of adoration . Kneeling is a gesture of adoration , either civill or religious , amongst all nations . I will not kneele civilly to everie one , to whom I uncover my head civilly . Every one that standeth with his head uncovered , in presence of the king , is not adoring , as he is who is presenting his petition to the king upon his knee in their sight . Further our heads are no otherwise uncovered in the act of receaving , then in the rest of the time of the celebration , when wee are not neare the elements , The Scripture is read , the words of Christ which he outered at the institution are still and often repeated , his actions which are divine and holy are reiterated ; and sometimes we are singing psalmes . But adoration upon our knees can not consist with such varietie of actions . The people 1 King. 18. fell on their faces , after the fite had consumed the burnt sacrifices , and the wood , and licked up the water , and not in the mean time : for it is not likely that they fell down , till they had seene what the fire had wrought . What suppose they had fallen down in the meantime , that they saw the fire fall down upon the sacrifice ? Is it any wonder , that men amazed with Gods majestie in a miracle , fell down as astonished , to worship God ? Charles the fift after his farewell to the wars , saluted the Spanish shore in such an affectionat and prostrat manner , as his meanest vassall could not ordinarly have saluted either him or it , without just imputation of grosse idolatrie ▪ Doctour Iackson 〈◊〉 If there come into the kirk one that believeth not , and one that is unlearned , and hear one after another prophesie , and finding himself convinced , and the secrets of his heart made manifest , were it any wonder , if he fell down on his knees , &c. 1 Cor. 14. yet if he fell down before them ordinarly , were it not idolatrous ? When it is said , 1 King. 8.54 . that Salomon kneeled before the altar of the Lord , when hee prayed at the dedication of the temple . The altar is not set down there as the object , toward which hee directed his countenance , when he was kneeling , but only as a circumstance of the place where hee was , when he prayed at that time . Hee kneeled upon the brazen scaffold , which was over against the altar , and spread his hands towards the heavens , not towards the altar . And suchlike , 2 Chron. 6.13 . it is said , That he fell down upon his knees , before all the congregation of Israel , that is , in their sight and presence , and spread foorth his hands towards heaven : It is not said , that hee turned his face towards the altar . They turned their face ordinarly to that part where the Ark was , the place of Gods extraordinarie presence , which therefore in Scripture is called sometime God , sometime the Lord of hostes , the king of glory , the face of the Lord. Doctour Burges , pag. 7. sayeth , that the altar was not alreadie dedicated , but was in the doing . Likewise Micha 6.6 . when it is said , Wherewith shall I come before the Lord , and how my self before the high God ? meaneth , that they bowed themselves before the high God , sitting between the Cherubins , not towards the Altar . When they had offered their oblations , what if they had bowed towards the place where the Ark was , when they were offering to God ? when wee are in the act of receiving eating and drinking , wee are receiving , and not offering . They pretend the sacramentall elements are only as objectum à quo significative , that is , an active object moving them to worship the thing signified or God. Put case that were true , it will not helpe them . Durandus , Holcot , and Picus Mirandula , and other papists professe , that they adored the prototype or samplar before the image , which put them in minde of the samplar , and spake in as abstract a manner of their worship , as the formalist doeth , when hee pretendeth the purest intent hee can , in the manner of his adoration . And yet were accounted by other papists good catholicks . Vasquez proveth , that these Doctours made the image obiectum quod , the verie object passive of adoration , and that both the samplar and the image were adored together : For they used the same respect to the images , that other catholicks used , they uncovered their head to them , they bowed towards them , kneeled before them , and kissed them . And this hee defendeth to bee the right manner , when the image and samplar are adored with one adoration , the inward motion , and submission of minde being carried to the samplar , and outward signe of submission to the image , being transmitted by the spirit , or in thought and desire to the samplar . This Iesuit reporteth , that in the time of the seventh synod , their were some enemies to images , who were content that images were brought into the kirk , not only for decorement , but also to stirre up the remembrance of the samplar , that before them they might reverence only the samplar , but exhibite no signe of honour or submission before the image , for that ( they said ) was idolatrie : and therefore they would neither kisse them , nor bow before them ; but standing upright before them , being stirred up to the rememberance of the samplar , they were carried only in their minde to it . These were called semiprobi , as wee would say mangrels . Yee see then that taking the image only as objectum à quo significative , as instruments and meanes to stir up their remembrance , these mangrals would not kneel before them : for then , sayeth Vasquez , they should have adored them , which hee in his popish judgement thinketh they should have done . So if the elements be used only as obiectum à quo significativè , to stirre up their reverence , why kneele they before them . Nay , why are not the elements lifted up , as among the papists , after they have said , This is my bodie , ( for , say they , it is made then a sacrament ) that the people being stirred up at the elevation , with the sight of the signifying object , may kneel in whatsoever part of the kirk it bee . If our formalists used the Sacramentall elements , only as an active object to stir them up , they would not kneele before them in the meane time , more then when they are stirred up by the word , or works of God , by a toad , an asse , or a flie . But say they , there is a great difference betwixt images , which are the inventions of men , and the work of God , or the Sacrament . But wee say , In the case of adoration there is no difference . If the historicall use of images bee lawfull , as some of them do now maintain , what doth the presence of the image hinder to fall down and worship , if their reason be good . And if the use of images to this end bee forbidden , so are also the creatures . Wee esteeme indeed more of the works of God , then of the work-man-ship of man. Wee owe more reverence at the hearing of the word , decent and comely usage in the participation of the Sacrament , which wee owe not to images . Gods word and works are ordained by God for our instruction , and so are not images : But God never ordained them to this end , that in them , by them , or before them wee should adore him , or any other thing wee are put in remembrance of by them . The brazen serpent was set up upon a pole , that these who were stigned with the firie serpents , looking upon it , might bee cured . Yet sayeth the Iesuit Vasquez , God commanded them to look upon it , standing upright , without any adoration , or signe of submission . The people of God of old kneeled not before their sacraments nor heard the word read , or exponed kneeling . God works are the book of nature , to teach us many things concerning God : But we must not therefore fall down before the Sun , or Moone , before every greene tree , an asse , a toad , when they work at the sight of them upon our mindes , and move us to consider Gods goodnesse , wisdome , and power . When I am beholding a tree , an asse , a toad , and considering in them the goodnesse , power , and wisdome of God , I am reading upon the book of nature , contemplating , and gathering profitable instructions . I can not still bee contemplating , and in the meane time adore , kneeling in prayer , or praise , for that were a confusion of holy exercises . Nor yet after my contemplation , and preparatorie work to worship is ended , must I tye or set my self before that asse , toad , or tree to kneel , for then I should kneel for a greater respect to that creature , then to any other beside for the time , before which I might have kneeled casually without respect , and so the moving object shall participate of the externall adoration , my kneeling being convoyed by it to God , to whom it is directed by my spirit or affection , as Vasquez hath descrived the manner of adoration of images . Where it is objected , that men bow before the chaire of estate , or the Princes seale , which are dead and senselesse creatures . I answere , Civill worship is conveyed ●●mediatly to the person of the Prince , by bowing before such senselesse creatures , because men think it expedient to uphold the infirmitie of Princely majestie by such meanes . But God needeth none such , nor will have none . Next , There is civill ordinances of the estate for the one , but their wanteth divine ordinance for the other . Francis Whit in his reply to Fisher , pag. 228. sayeth , Civill and religious worship are of diverse beginnings and formes , and every thing that is possible , lawfull , and commendable in the one , is not so in the other . Augustine de civitate Dei , lib. 10. cap. 4. sayeth , That great humilitie , or pestiferous flatterie , may bee the originall of many honours given to Princes , borrowed from the formes used in GODS worship . Our next reason , Considering the action in it selfe , without respect to the act of Perth , to prove it idolatrous , is this , To adore upon our knees , when wee are performing an outward action , which is not directed to GOD immediatly , and in that action are occupied about an externall object , is idolatrie , unlesse that whereabout the action is imployed , bee worthie of divine honour . Our taking , eating , and drinking the bread and wine at the Lords table , is not an action directed to God immediatly , as prayer , and thanksgiving is , not yet as Vasquez the Iesuit sayeth , is it an outward signe of adoration . Wee blesse and sanctifie the meat upon the table for our commoun use , but then it is object passive , not of adoration ▪ but of blessing and sanctification for our use . Next , Wee blesse sitting , or standing , but are not tied to kneeling : Yea , we read not in Scripture , that any blessed the meat upon the table kneeling . Christ himselfe blessed sitting . But to come nearer to the purpose , It were strange to see , after the meat is blessed , every one who is present to sit down upon his knees , with his countenance fixed upon the bread upon the table , or in the hand of the Master of the familie or feast , and to take , eat , and drink . Nature and custome teacheth us , it were rather a mocking of God , then a reverent adoration of him . But you will say , The sacramentall elements are holie bread and wine , the other commoun and extraordinarie . There yee betray your selfe , yee kneele then in taking , and eating the sacramentall bread , because it is holie . Now to kneele in respect of the holinesse of bread , and wyne , is idolatrie . And the true cause of your religious respect , and bowing before it , is the holinesse of it . Wee are prone to conceat too highly of things set a part to holy uses , as if they were of greater worth then our selves ; for whose use they were instituted . The papist thinketh hee taketh and eateth the body of CHRIST , which by reason of the concomitance of the God-head hee adoreth . Neither would any reasonable man bee so absurd , as to take , eat , and drink , adoring ; unlesse he beleeved , that which hee were taking , eating , and drinking , were worthie of divine honour . It were absurd to kneel before an earthly king , and still to bee eating and drinking . But it may bee our kneelers bee grosse enough in the opinion of the reall presence , and wee heare too much of it . They say , Wee may pray mentally in the act of receaving , eating , therefore wee may kneel or adore in the act of receiving , &c. I answere , first , Wee may not pray when wee are bound to another exercise . In the act of receaving , eating , and drinking , wee should attend upon the audible words , the visible signes , and rites , meditate upon the analogic betweene the outward signes and rites , and the things signified , take , eat , drink mentally , and spiritually by faith . Our desires in the meane time are not prayers : Prayer is more than desire , it is a manifesting of our desires to God. The soule may send foorth short ejaculations , like darts , in every ordinance , and these ejaculations may bee incident to all our actions , even civill , let bee religious , even when wee are eating and drinking our ordinarie meat & drink . But a set and continued prayer can not consist with other actions . In suddaine ejaculations no other gesture is required , then that wherein the motion of the Spirit of God shall finde them . If mentall prayer might bee permitted , it is secret before the Lord , and the signes of it before men should bee concealed . Thirdly , What necessitie is it to pray kneeling in this act , more then at other prayers at which yee doe kneel . It is clear then , yee kneel not in regard of that pretended prayer , but because yee are before such a creature . The like may bee said of thanksgiving . Ejaculations of thanks may agree with the proper exercise of the Soule , in the time of receaving , eating , and drinking , as it may also with our ordinarie eating , and drinking at our tables , but not a set thanksgiving , which should require the attention of all the powers of the soule , and can not bee done without diverting the Soule from the exercise proper for the time . Prayer is a craving , our taking , eating , and drinking is not a craving , but a receaving . Thanksgiving is properly directed to God , so is not our act of taking , eating , and drinking . The Sacrament was called the Eucharist by the Ancients , not for the act of taking , eating , and drinking , but for the thansgiving preceeding , which was but a part of the action . The showing foorth of the LORDS death , by the act of eating and drinking , is but only a representation . The showing foorth by word , is only a declaration o● commemoration . Representation , or commemoration are to men , and not GOD , resemble preaching , and not prayer , or thanksgiving . The celebration of the action it self , is a profession of thankfulnesse before man for a great benefite , but not thanksgiving directed to God. God is honoured by preaching , prayer , singing , swearring , praising , and not by adoring only . To honour is more generall than to adore . It is yet objected , that in the act of receiving , wee receave an inestimable benefite . Ought not a subject to kneele , when hee receaveth a benefite from his Prince , to testifie his thankfulnesse ? I answere , If wee were to receave a gift , suppose but a morsell of bread , out of Gods owne hand immediatly , we ought no doubt to adore upon our knees , but not , if by the hand of the creature . The person who receaveth the gift from the King , is supposed to receave it immediatly from the king : or suppose hee kneele receaving from his servant , mediat civill worship is not a rule for religious adoration , which should bee directed to God immediatly . Now wee receave the Sacrament out of the hand of the Minister , not out of Christs owne hand . Yea , the Apostles at the first supper adored not on their knees , when Christ himselfe ministred the Sacrament , howbeit upon occasion , and at other times they adored : Nor did they adore God the Father upon their knees , for the benefite they were receaving . The inward benefite Christs body and bloud , is not the outward object , is receaved by the soule , not by the body , by the godly only , not by all that receave the Sacrament , by faith imbracing Christ present by his Spirit in the soule . Now the act of faith , or believing , is not an act of adoration , nor is it expressed outwardly by kneeling . Wee receave , eat , and drink Christs bodie and bloud , as soone as wee are effectually called , and begin to believe , and as oft as we believe the promises of the Gospel , when wee heare them read or exponed . CHRIST bodie is farre absent from us at the receaving of the Sacrament . We are united with Christ , and made members of his bodie , before wee come to the Sacrament , and doe not receave his bodie at everie communion , as if wee had lost it since the former : and yet there is but one bodie received at all the times . Wee are said then to take , eat , drinke Christs bodie and bloud at every celebration of the Lords supper , because wee put foorth our faith in act at that time ; and renewing the act of faith , wee take , eat , and drink by believing , that same bodie and bloud , which wee did before , our faith being strengthened by the outward signes and seales to that end , and so grow by faith in union with Christ. Further , the manner or forme of receaving a gift , should bee answereable to the manner of the offering , the nature of the gift , and the will of the giver . If a King call his Nobles to a banquet , it is his will that they sit at table . Howsoever then otherwise , and at other occasions wee behave our selves as supplicants , wee are now according to our Lords will and pleasure , to observe that externall forme of a feast , which hee hath left to his kirk , and to act thereat in our outward carriage age the persons of guests , and friends , as hee calleth us , Iohn 15.15 . Therefore howbeit the inviter bee a great person , the manner of invitation is familiar , to assure us of our preferment , and fellowship with him , howbeit there bee great inequalitie betweene us and him . Againe , if wee should kneele , because wee are receaving a gift , by this reason wee should kneele , when wee receave any gift or benefite from GOD : As for example , When wee are eating and drinking our ordinarie meat and drink . If yee will say , the one is holy , the other commoun , then yee confesse yee kneele , because of the holinesse of it , and that is idolatrie . If yee will say , yee receave a greater gift , then when yee receave your ordinarie food , that is not more , but that then is a greater motive . Yet if it be called a gift , then whensoever , or whatsoever gift yee receave , yee ought to kneele . God deserveth thanks for the least of his benefits , because bestowed upon us by so great a Lord , and for his owne excellencie , which is the reason upon Gods part , that moveth us to adore him . It is frivolous which is alleadged , that what we crave upon our knees , wee may receave upon our knees : For wee crave our dayly food , rayment , and other necessars upon our knees , and yet wee receave them not , nor use them upon our knees . It is as frivolous , That what wee crave of GOD upon our knees in publict worship , wee may receive upon our knees . For wee may crave in the time of publick worship upon our knees , things necessarie for this temporall life , and so wee doe , when in the Lords prayer wee pray , Give us this day our dayly bread . By this kinde of reasoning , what I crave in private worship upon my knees , I may receave upon my knees . But it is not the diversitie of the time and place where wee crave , or receive the benefite , more then the diversitie of the benefite it selfe , that is the ground of adoration , but Gods excellencie , as wee said before . They consider not that these three things ought to bee distinguished , blessing , or sanctifying the creature , or meane GOD hath appointed , either for our temporall or spirituall life , before the use of it , the use it selfe , and thanksgiving after the use , the blessing before meat , the use of meat in receaving , eating , drinking , and thanksgiving after , blessing before the reading , preaching , or hearing of the word , the act it selfe , reading , hearing , preaching , and thanksgiving to GOD after , blessing before the receaving the sacramentall elements , the receiving and participation it selfe , and thanksgiving after . They ask if humilitie and reverence bee not requisite in the act of receiving the sacramentall elements . I answere , Yes , in all religious exercises , hearing of the word , reading of the word , &c. But it followeth not , that there should bee humiliation upon our knees , because humilitie of minde is required : nor adoration , because reverence is required . Is there no reverence nor humilitie , but in kneeling before dead and senslesse elements ? Humilitie is an habit , adoration is an act . The act of humilitie is immanent , whereby any one resteth content with his owne ranke , and doeth not conceat greater worth in himselfe then there is , specially in comparison with GOD. Adoration is a transient act , whereby a man goeth out of himselfe , as it were , to direct some homage , and worship to GOD. Reverence is commoun to all the parts of GODS worship , and is not a distinct kinde of worship , as is adoration . The pretence of reverence can not bee a sufficient reason , for the altering the ordinance of Christ , and the opinion of reverence hath often beene the dame and nource of manifold superstitions , sayeth Bishop Mortoun upon the Lords supper , pag. 63. Seeing kneeling in the act of receiving the Sacramentall elements , eating , and drinking is idolatrie , and can not bee used but idolatrously , it followeth , that kneeling in the act of receaving brought not in artolatrie , or bread-worship , as some mistaking counterfoot works of old writers for genuin● have imagined . The corrupting of the doctrine , with the opinion of the reall presence , the receiving in at the mouth from the hands of the priest , and many other superstitious conceats , together with the worshipping of images , brought in kneeling . But it was ever idolatrous from the first beginning and birth of it , and can not possibly be purged of idolatrie . FINIS . OF FESTIVAL DAYES . THE observation of festivall dayes hath been rejected by our kirk , from the beginning of the●● reformation , in the explication of the first head of the first book of discipline , in the assemblie holden anno 1566. where the latter confession of Helvetia was approved , but with speciall exception against these same dayes which are now urged . In the assembly holden anno 1575. the assembling of the people to preaching and prayers , upon festivall dayes w●● censured . An article was likewise formed to bee presented to the Regent , craving , that all dayes heretofore keeped holy in time of papistrie besides the Lords day , be abolished , and that a civill penaltie bee inflicted upon the observers . By ordinance of the assembly , in Aprile 1577. Ministers were to bee admonished , not to preach or minister the communion at Easter or Christmas , or other like superstitious times , or readers to read , under the pain of deprivation . The pulpits have founded from time to time , against all shew of observing these dayes . But at the pretended and null assembly , holden at Perth , a number not having power to vote , presumed to bring in a contrare practise . Our first reason against these holy festivities , God hath only power to sanctifie a day , and make it holy , that is , to separate it from commoun use to holy exercises yearly . God hath given libertie to man to work sex dayes . No man ought to bee compelled to keepe them holy , but when GOD himself maketh exception , as he did by the yoke of some anniversarie dayes by the law . The second reason , None appointed holy festivities under the law , when the times were more ceremonious , but God himself . The dayes of Purim were called simply the dayes of Purim , not the holy dayes of Purim , or feast of Purim . No peculiar sacrifice was appointed , nor any holy convocation of the people injoined . The ordinance required but fasting , joy , and sending of portions to other . The memoriall dayes of the dedication were called the dayes of dedication , not the feast of dedication . They were not holy dayes , or festivall solemnities , consisting of Hookers three elements , praises set foorth with chearfull alacritie of minde , delite expressed by charitable largenesse , more then commoun bountie ; and sequestration from ordinarie works . The times were corrupt , when these dayes were appointed . As for Christs conference in the porch of the temple , in the dayes of dedication , it proveth not that hee honoured that feast , as they call it , with his presence , only the circumstance of time is pointed at , when Christ had this conference . Christ come up to the feast of the tabernacles before , and stayed in Ierusalem . In the mean time the dayes of dedication fell foorth , and hee went away immediatly after his conference . The third reason , Neither Christ nor his apostles appointed festivall dayes to bee observed by Christians , but rather inhibited the observation of them , and changed only the old sabbath into the first day of the week . The anniversarie solemnities were not changed , but altogether abrogated . The apostle having occasion to teach upon this subject , condemneth observation of dayes ceremoniall , or of ceremoniall nature . They were a rudimentarie instruction of old , which beseemeth not the state of a Christian kirk , and cleare light of the Gospel . Yea , the very dayes of Purim , and the dayes of dedication were of a ceremoniall nature , saith Doctour Mortoun in his defence , pag. 64. To celebrate the memorie of a particular act of Christ , at a set time in the year , with cessation from work , sermons , gospels , epistles , collects , and hymnes belonging therto , with joy and gladnesse , without admitting a fast at any time , is not to observe a day morallie , but ceremoniallie . If there had beene other festivall dayes , which might have beene observed by Christians , the Apostle having so fair occasion , when he was treating of the observation of dayes , hee would not have spoken so generally , but directed Christians to the observing of these . If other dayes had bene dedicat to Christ then the Lords day , they should all have beene called the Lords dayes , but the scripture maketh mention of one day , called the Lords day . Socrates in his historie sayeth , Hee is of the opinion , that as many other things crept in of custome in sundrie places , so did the feast of Easter prevaile among all people of a certain privat custome and observation . If the Apostles had appointed it , they had agreed upon the day , seing they were directed infalliblie by the Spirit . Our fourth reason , If it had beene the will of God , that the severall acts of Christ should have bene celebrated with severall solemnities , the holy Ghost would have made known the day of his nativitie , circumcision , presenting to the temple , baptisme , transfiguration , and the like . But it is confessed , that the day of Christs nativitie , and consequently of the rest depending thereupon , are hid from mortall men . And this is sufficient to declare the will of God concerning other notable acts , which were known , that not the act or action upō such day maketh a day holy , but divine institution . No man denieth but the nativitie of Christ should be remembred , and so it is , whersoever the gospel is preached . But we deny that the memorie of it must be celebrated with the solemnitie of a festivall day , with cessation from work , feasting or forbearance of fasting , and a proper service . Our fift reason , Suppose observing of holy dayes had been at the first a matter indifferent , yet seing they have beene abused , and polluted with superstition , they ought to be abolished . And therefore Zanchius approveth them who have abolished all other dayes , but the Lords day . Sure it is , that in former times holie dayes have beene abused , not only with licentious ravelling and surfitting , but also with the opinion of worship and merit , and a Iudaicall conceat , that the devil is not so bold to tempt men on these dayes , as at other times . Suppose observation were free of these abuses , yet it may degener after the same manner , as before : but the observation is not , nor can not be free of abuse and superstition . They say , they esteeme them not holier then other dayes , but only keepe them for order and policie , that the people may be assembled to religious exercises , and instructed in the mysteries of religion . But both are false . The papist confesse themselves , that one day is not holier then an other , in the own nature , no not the Lords day , but in respect of the use and end : And so doe our formalists esteeme our festivall dayes holier then other dayes , and call them holy daies . And as for worship , If the observing of a day holie , for the honouring of a Saint , be a worshipping of the Saint , the observing of a day to the honour of Christ cannot bee without opinion of worship . They are called mysticall dayes , and appointed for the solemnitie of some mysterie of religion , and are ordered according to the known and supposed times , when such things fell foorth , to wit , Christs nativitie , passion , ascension , &c. If only for order or policie , wherefore is there but one day betweene the passion and the resurrection , fourtie dayes betweene the resurrection and ascension , and then again , but ten betwixt the ascension and whitsonday . May not , and are not Christians instructed in the mysteries of religion , without the solemnities of dayes , and appropriation of service to them , after the Iewish manner ? Do wee not appropriate to the day of Christs nativitie a peculiar kinde of service , of epistles ; gospels , collects , hymnes , homilies , belonging to Christs nativitie , and think it absurd to performe the like service upon any other day , with cessation from work . To observe dayes after this manner , is not like the appointing of hours for preaching , or prayers on week daies , or times for celebrating the comunion , according to the policie set down by everie particular congregation . Wee use time then only as a circumstance , and for order , and do not appropriate these divine exercises to these times . Howbeit Christ rose upon the Lords day yet was it not appointed to be observed after the Iewish manner of observation of their festivals , for then every Lords day , the matter of sermons , collects , hymnes , gospels , &c. should have beene only Christs resurrection . But yee see the use and end is morall and generall , for the instruction of the people of God in all mysteries of religion . FINIS . A passage of Master William Covvper pretended bishop of Gallovvay , his sermon delivered before the Estates , anno 1606. at which time hee was Minister at Perth . On 2 Corinth . 6.3.4 . AS to the giving of offences , our Saviour hath forewarned us , that there will bee offences , but he hath pronounced a fearfull wo upon them by whom offences come , It were better , sayeth our Saviour , that a milestone were put about his neck and hee cast in the midst of the sea . And by the law of Moses hee was accursed , that laid a stumbling block before the blinde . The equitie of that law yet remaineth under the gospel , binding the Christian , that no man put an occasion to fall , or a stumbling block before his brethren , but most of al a Christian preacher , his office is to edifie others in the most holy faith , and to strengthen the brethren , hee being converted himself . It should therefore be far from him , to give any that are weak an occasion to stumble and fall : generally hee may do it by his evill life , for hardly can weak ones believe that the religion is good , where the life is evill : yea , by it they take occasion to blaspheme the truth of God , and to speake evil of his name . A preacher is compared by our Saviour to a candle , to shine to others ; and againe , to the salt of the earth , that should season others . A candle once lighted , if it dieth out , smelleth worse then if it had never beene lighted , and salt that is made by concoction of salt matters , if againe it returne into water , becometh more unsavorie , and unpleasant to the taste then any other water : so , a preacher once separate by God , chosen out from the world , & entered into a holy calling , if again he return to be a worldling , if in his life he become profane , and suffer the light that is in him become darknesse , falling away from his first love , of all the men in the world hee becometh the greatest offence , and the latter end of that man shall bee worse then his beginning . These are the words I spake the last time , wherewith yee were offended , and now I repeat them , that others may see no cause of offence is in them . More specially a preacher giveth offence , by doing any of these two things : First , when a preacher of greater gifts and knowledge , howsoever hee do it of a good intention , draweth on a weaker brother to follow him in a cause wherein hee hath not a warrant from God. A notable example whereof we have 2 King. 13. where a prophet of Iuda being sent to Bethel , to denounce the judgements of God against Ieroboam , for his idolatrie , was commanded neither to eat nor drink in Bethel . Ieroboam could not beguile him , for hee gave the king this answere , If thou would give me the half of thy house , I wold not goin with thee , nor eat bread ; nor drink water in this place , for so I was charged by the word of the Lord. But an old prophet deceived him , saying , I am also a prophet as well as thou art , and an angel of God commanded me to bring thee into my house , and cause thee eat bread . Thus the authoritie , the age , the pretended light of an other prophet draweth either prophets in an evill course , whereunto otherwise they would not bee easily induced . Heereby wee that are of meane gifts in the ministrie are admonished , never to depart from that immediat warrant of doingin our calling : we have of the word of God , for any mediat warrant brought out of the promptuarie of mans wit , suppose it were covered with never so fair pretences : yea suppose an angel would come from heaven , and bring an other doctrine then that which is delivered us in the word , wee are not to credite him , far lesse an earthly man that speaketh , but contrariwise to hold him accursed . The other thing wherein the preacher may give offence , is , if hee alter or change in any point of his calling , either in doctrine or discipline , departing from that which once hee maintained . This rule is given us by the apostle , Gal. 2.18 . If I build again these things I have destroyed , I make my self a transgressour . This is a rule by which ye can not refuse to be tried , and which necessarly binds you to stand to that truth of doctrine and discipline yee have once embraced , unlesse yee would be found trespassers , and such as give just cause of offence that our ministrie should bee reprehended . If ye have any new light ye had not before , communicat to other brethren , that we also may follow you . If not , I beseech you walk not in that course , wherein the light of GOD doth not allow you . FINIS . 
A05533	----	The reasons of a pastors resolution, touching the reuerend receiuing of the holy communion: written by Dauid Lindesay, D. of Diuinitie, in the Vniuersitie of Saint Andrewes in Scotland, and preacher of the gospell at Dundy Lindsay, David, d. 1641? 1619 Approx. 177 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05533 STC 15656 ESTC S103094 99838851 99838851 3241 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05533) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3241) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1209:17) The reasons of a pastors resolution, touching the reuerend receiuing of the holy communion: written by Dauid Lindesay, D. of Diuinitie, in the Vniuersitie of Saint Andrewes in Scotland, and preacher of the gospell at Dundy Lindsay, David, d. 1641? [14], 185, [1] p. Printed by George Purslowe, for Ralph Rounthwaite, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard, at the signe of the Golden Lyon, London : 1619. Running title reads: Resolutions for kneeling. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Customs and practices -- Early works to 1800. Lord's Supper -- Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Posture in worship -- Early works to 1800. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REASONS OF A PASTORS Resolution , touching the Reuerend receiuing of the holy COMMVNION : Written by Dauid Lindesay , D. of Diuinitie , in the Vniuersitie of Saint Andrewes in Scotland , and Preacher of the Gospell at DVNDY . LONDON , Printed by GEORGE PVRSLOWE , for RALPH ROVNTHWAITE , and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard , at the Signe of the Golden Lyon. 1619. TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVLL SIR IOHN SCRYMIGEOVR of Dudope Knight , Sheriffe principall of Anguse , Constable of Dundy , and his Maiesties Standard-bearer in the Armies of Scotland , his very good PATRONE . WE are exhorted by Saint Peter , to be euer ready to make answere to euery man , that asketh a reason of the hope that is in vs , with meekenesse and feare . So must wee bee ready to giue an account of all our actions , if the honour of God , the edification of the Church , and the truth of our profession doe so require . Hereby I haue beene mooued , at the desire of my Brethren of the Synode of Brechin , to set downe these reasons of my Resolution , which I propounded before them briefely in a Sermon ; to shew in what faith , and assurance of a good conscience , both they and I might and ought to giue obedience to the Acts of the late Assembly holden at Perth . These I present vnto your Worship , to whom I know , they shall bee most acceptable ; not onely because they are conform to your owne wise & solid iudgement against the whole externall order of our Church ; but also , by reason of the sincere affection that you haue euer carried to his Highnes Person , and the great estimation , or rather admiration , that you haue of his Maiesties surpassing wisdome , as well in the Ecclesiastike , as Politike Gouernment . And I hope , by the grace of God , that as vnder the protection of that Standard , which you haue frō your Noble Progenitors , and they for their valour haue had the honour to carry these many hundreth yeeres in the Armies of Scotland ; our Nation hath been often victorious , and euer inuincible : So the veritie shall march with courage vnder the Patrocinie of your name , and according to that Martial Motto of your Armes , DISSIPATE , shall scatter and driue away these doubts , scrupolosities , anxieties & feares , wherwith custome , opinion , and preiudice , doe enuiron and assault the weake & tender conscience , as with Armies of implacable enemies , who will accept no conditions of Peace , and hauing deliuered her out of their hands , shall restore her to that liberty wherwith Christ hath made her free ; that with confidence she may draw neere to serue the liuing God , knowing to put difference betweene circumstantial indifferent alterable Ceremonies , wherevnto shee is not tyed in the worship of God ; and the necessarie substantiall points of Religion , which cannot bee changed , without the vtter exterminatiō of a good Conscience , and the shipwracke of Faith. In this hope I consecrate D.D.D. this testimonie of my sincere affection to your worship in Christ. Your Worships most affectionate and deuoted , DAVID LINDESAY . The Contents of the Chapters and Sections of this TREATISE . THE Preface or ground of this Treatise is taken out of the 14. to the Romanes , Verse 23. where is expounded the true meaning of that place . CHAP. I. THat Sitting is not a necessarie gesture to be vsed at the receiuing of the Sacrament . Sect. I. The forme of gesture vsed by our Sauiour , and the Apostles , at the Paschall Supper . Sect. 2. The Reasons are set downe against the necessarie vse of Sitting at the Sacrament . The first Argument , that it is not certain that our Sauiour did Sit , or Lye. The second Argument , prouing , that the gesture vsed by Christ and the Apostles was occasionall , and not necessary . Another Reason , to proue that it was occasional , The third Argument . The fourth Argument . The fift Argument . The sixt Argument . The seuenth Argument . The eighth Argument . The Epilogue of this Chapter . CHAP. II. THAT to Kneele at the Lords Table , agreeth with Decencie . Sect. 1. How the Table of the Lord is taken in Scripture . Sect. 2. That Kneeling is decent . Sect. 3. An answer to the obiection taken from the common Table-gesture . Sect. 4. An answer to the Obiection taken from Custome . Sect. 5. An answer to the Instance of Honorius . Sect. 6. An answer to the Instance brought from the custome of the Primitiue Church . The Epilogue . CHAP. III. THAT it agreeth with Pietie , to Kneele at the Sacrament . Sect. 1. That Pietie requireth a most religious gesture . Sect. 2. That the consideration of the gift , and the manner of the Giuer , requireth the same forme of Gesture . Sect. 3. A consideration of the Gift . Sect. 4. The manner of Receiuing . Sect. 5. The nature of the Sacrament . Sect. 6. The difference betweene the Sacramentall Word , and the word preached . Sect. 7. That greater , and more particular reuerence must be vsed in receiuing the Sacrament , then in hearing the word . Sect. 8. That the name of a Supper giuen to this Sacrament , doth not diminish the reuerence that is due thereunto . Sect. 9. What manner of person should wee esteeme our Sauiour and our selues to carry at the Sacrament . Sect. 10. In what respect this Sacrament is called the Eucharist . Sect. 11. The conclusion of this point , which concerneth this Sacrament . CHAP. IIII. VVHether it may stand with charity towards our brethren , to kneele at the receiuing of the Sacrament . Sect. 1. That Kneeling serueth for edification . Sect. 2. That Kneeling obscureth not our fellowship with Christ and amongst our selues . Sect. 3. That by eating and drinking , our fellowship with Christ is sufficiently expressed without the Table-gesture of Sitting . Sect. 4. So likewise our fellowship amongst our selues is sufficiently expressed , by eating the same bread in the Sacrament . Sect. 5. That Sitting cannot bee a necessary Sacramentall Ceremonie , nor a proper Table-gesture . Sect. 6. That by Kneeling we symbolize not with the Papists in Idolatry . Sect. 7. That Kneeling hath , and may be lawfully vsed in the Sacrament , as it is and was in prayer . Sect. 8. The Obiection of the brazen Serpent answered . Sect. 9. The difference betweene Kneeling at the Sacrament , and before Images . Sect. 10. We strengthen not the Papists in their Idolatry , by our kneeling at the Sacrament . Sect. 11. That Kneeling offendeth not the weake brethren . Sect. 12. That by Kneeling at the Sacrament , the reformation and practice of our Church is not damned . ROMANS , CHAPTER fourteene , Verse the three and twentieth . Whatsoeuer is not of Faith , is sinne . THIS CHAPTER , wherein the Apostle teacheth the vse of things indifferent in the worship of God , is closed vp with three short and sententious Aphorismes . The first concerneth those that are strong , that is , fully resolued of their Christian libertie : The sentence is this ; Happy is he that condemneth not himselfe in that which hee alloweth . The meaning is , the man is happie , who being throughly perswaded of his Christian Liberty , maketh not himselfe guilty , through the abuse thereof . The second is this , He that doubteth , if he eate , is damned . The meaning is , he is guilty that eateth , or doth any thing indifferent , doubting whether it be lawfull , or not , because he is not perswaded of his liberty . The third is the ground of both the former , and this is it , Whatsoeuer is not of faith , is sinne . For vnderstanding of this last sentence , which is the ground of the two former , wee haue three things to consider in it . First , what these things be that make a man guilty of sin , if they be not done in faith . Secondly , what this faith is wherein they should be done . Thirdly , what kind of sin it is whereof he is made guilty . As for the first , the word Whatsoeuer is generall , and comprehendeth all things , that falleth vnder the action of man. Of these things , some are commanded , or forbidden by God in his Word , and are simply good or euill : Some are neither commanded , nor forbidden , and these are called indifferent . The Apostles rule , Whatsoeuer is not of faith , is sinne , extendeth to both : but because this rule is set downe by the Apostle in this place , chiefly with relation to things indifferent , which may haue vse in Religion , whereof immediately before hee hath beene intreating ; leauing the former , wee shall speake of these . Things indifferent I call such , as being considered in themselues absolutely , are neither commanded nor forbidden in Gods Word : First , I say , neither commanded , nor forbidden , to shew in what sense they are called indifferent ; not by reason of their nature : for in nature all things are the good creatures of God : but in respect of the Law , wherein they are neither discharged , nor commanded , and so are neither good , nor euill , Morally . Secondly , I say , considered in themselues ; for if in practice and vse , they bee affected with any Morall respect , or intention of the agent , they cease to be indifferent , and become either good or euill , according to the quality of his intention . As for example : to salute with a Kisse , is a thing indifferent : but if thereby thou testifiest thy Christian loue towards thy brother , it becommeth a holy Kisse . Salute one another ( saith the Apostle ) with an holy Kisse . And contrariwise , if thou kisse with Iudas , and Ioabs intention , it is a treasonable and wicked Kisse . Thirdly , I say , considered absolutely : for if they be considered with relation to the exigence of occasions and circumstances , they cease likewise to be indifferent . As for example : to eate or not to eate , of such or such kind of meates , in it selfe is a thing indifferent , neither commanded nor forbidden : Meat commends vs not to God ; for neither if we eate , are we the better , neither if wee eate not , are wee worse . And the Kingdome of God is not meate and drinke , but iustice , peace , and the ioyes of the Holy Ghost . This then , to eate and not to eate , being indifferent in it selfe , is made good or euill by the exigence of occasions and circumstances . If it bee said , when thou art to eate , This meate is consecrate to an Idoll ; this speech , and the conscience of those who are present , maketh thy eating not indifferent : but if thou eate , thou sinnest . Againe , wee see that Peter was rebuked by Paul , for that hee did not eate with the Gentiles , but withdrew himselfe so soone as the Iewes came vnto him , because by his abstinence and separation of himselfe from the Gentiles , hee made the Gentiles doubt of their Christian liberty , and confirmed the Iewes in their errour , touching the necessary obseruation of the Ceremoniall Law. To stand , or to kneele at prayer , is a thing indifferent ; but in the Primitiue Church , to kneele on the Lords Day , or from Pasch , till Whit sunday , was not indifferent : Nefas ducimus ( saith Tertullian ) because it was contrary to the custome of the Church . Then to conclude this point , in a thing indifferent , three things are required : First , it must not be commanded nor forbidden expresly in Gods Word . Secondly , it must not in practice and vse be affected with any morall respect , or intention of the Agent . Thirdly , it must bee free from the necessary exigence of occasions and circumstances . The next thing to be considered in this rule , is faith , out of the which the action must proceed . Faith is taken diuersly in Scripture , but that whereby we and our workes are acceptable , is of two kinds . The one concerneth the iustification of our persons ; the other the righteousnesse of our actions . That which maketh our persons acceptable , is our confidence in God , through Iesus Christ , whereby wee are assured of pardon and grace . This which concerneth the righteousnesse of our actions , is an assurance in our mind , that the thing which we are to doe , is not against the Law of God , as is set downe in the fift verse of this chapter . This last , is the faith which is required , the other is supposed : for the rule is giuen to Christians , who are iustified by that faith , without which it is impossible to please God. Now as the faith which concerneth the acceptation of our persons , leanes to the promise of the Gospell ; so the faith that concerneth the righteousnesse of our actions is grounded on the precepts of the Law , in such things as are commanded or forbidden : But as for things indifferent , that are neither commanded nor forbidden , there bee three generals , whereon our faith must repose in the worship of God , Pietie , Charitie , and Decencie . First , we must know assuredly , that the thing which we are to doe , tends to the glorie of God ; at least , is no wayes derogatiue thereto : next , that it is not offensiue to our neighbour , that is , it giues him no iust cause , nor occasion to scarre , or take exception against our profession . These two grounds wee haue in this chapter , the last we haue in the end of the 14. chapter of the 1. Corinths : Let all things be done grauely and orderly . So whatsoeuer thing indifferent is not done with assurance that it is neither offensiue to God , nor to our neighbour , nor vndecent for our profession , it is sinne . Now what sinne this is , which was last to be considered , is easily declared : for if it bee offensiue to God , or vnseemely for our Profession , whereof God is the Authour , it is sinne against the first great Commandement , Thou shalt loue the Lord thy God with all thy mind , heart and strength . And if it be offensiue to thy neighbour , it is against the second , Thou shalt loue thy neighbour , as thy selfe . If these grounds be sure , it is manifest , that although indifferent things bee neither commanded , nor forbidden particularly in the Word , yet the vse and practice of them is subiect to the generall rules of Piety and Charity : and as euery man in his priuate action , must haue respect to these rules , and not abuse his liberty to licentiousnesse : So must the Magistrate in the Common-wealth set downe Orders and Lawes to bee kept by subiects , touching the vse of such things ; as of times and places , for Iustice , for Markets , for the exercise of Armes , for vse and abstinence from meates at certaine times and seasons , which things in themselues may be done indifferently at any time , or in any place , if policie and decencie did not craue Order to bee kept , whereby the priuiledge of subiects is not impaired , but ciuility established , and their vtility procured . Euen so in the worship of God , when rules are set down touching Times , Places , and Ceremonies of Diuine Worship , according to these grounds , Christian liberty is not abridged , but confusion , schismes , and disorders are preuented , Decency and Order are preserued . God is not the Authour of confusion and vnquietnesse , but of order and peace , in all the Churches of the Saints . The contrary whereof must needs be , if in these things indifferent , euery man were permitted to vse his owne will : for as many wits , as many wils , as many heads , as many diuerse conceits . This meditation ( I hope ) is not vnproper for this time ; wherein yet many are in the balance of deliberation vnresolued whither to sway . Some doubting of the acts of the late assembly of our Church holden at Perth , be determinations of things indifferēt , or if they containe necessary points & grounds of diuine worship , whither faith would , they should bee obeyed or gaine-stood . Here it were good to try all things , and after tryall to hold that which is best . Goe to then , & let vs put some of them that are most controuerted to a proofe : For if after tryall we shal finde , that the acts concerning these , be such as in faith wee may obey ; then doubtlesse in faith we cānot disobey : if we may obey them without offence to God , or scandal to our neighbour , we shall not disobey wthout the offence of God , our neighbor , & our whole Church . What the reasons of my resolutions are , I shall propound , and submit them to your charitable censures : where I erre , I shal not be ashamed to be corrected : where we doubt , let vs inquire , and where we accord , let vs proceed , and goe forward together . The point most controuerted is that , which concerneth the bowing of our knees , at the receiuing of the body and bloud of our Lord in the Sacrament ; For some hold , that gesture of Sitting is a necessarie Ceremonie , if not essentiall , yet surely such as belongeth ad integritatē Sacramenti , to the perfection of the Sacrament . And others hold , that although it be a thing indifferent , yet it is more proper and agreeable to the nature of this Sacrament , then Kneeling ; which they esteeme either idolatrous ; or at least such a gesture , as being abused to Idolatrie , cannot be vsed in faith , according to the grounds of Pietie , Charitie , and Decencie . CHAP. I. That Sitting is not a necessary Gesture to be vsed at the receiiuing of the Sacrament . SECT . 1. The forme of Gesture vsed by our Sauiour , and the Apostles , at the Paschal Supper . TO beginne at the opinion that holdeth the necessitie of Sitting : it may bee presumed that our Sauiour and the Apostles obserued the same Gesture and position of the body , at the celebration of the Sacrament , that hee vsed before at the Paschall Supper . That Gesture is expressed by the Greeke words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifie not our forme of sitting , called in that tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but a certaine kinde of lying and stretching downe of the bodie : for men of ranke and quality in these dayes , sate not as we doe at Tables : but lay at them on beds of repose , not appointed for sleeping , but for resting and easing of their bodies , while they were at meales : Wherevpon they did not commonly lye downe , before that they had washed their feet , if they were bare-footed . Plautus in Persa , locus hic tuus est , hic accumbe , ferte aquam pedibus . This is thy place , come lye downe here , bring water to his feet ; and if they were shooed , they did put off their shooes , and layd them by , One telling how hee went to table , saith , Deposui solcas , I laid my shooes by . They lay on their left sides , with their brests towards the table , hauing the rest of their body stretched downe on their beds ; as we reade in the sixt of Amos : not euen downe , as when they went to sleepe , but inclining to the back-side of the beds , that they might make place one to another : For as wee sit one by another , side to side ; so they lay with their backs towards their neighbours bellies , leaning their head and shoulders at their brests . So Iohn lay on our Sauiours bosome : when they drew vp their legges a little , their feet did easily reach to the back-side of the beds , whereat the seruants stood , as is manifest by these Verses . Omnia cum retro pueris obsonia tradas , Cur non mensa tibi ponitur a pedibus . Seeing , saith the Poet , that thou giuest all the dishes back ouer to the seruants : why doest thou not rather set the table it selfe behinde at thy feet , where the seruants stand ? On such a bed , our Sauiour lay in the house of Simon the Pharise , when the sinfull woman stood behinde him , and washed his feete with her teares , and dryed them with her hayres . And so did Mary Magdalen stand and anoint them : their Standing sheweth , that his feet lay somewhat high aboue the ground , for the beds had a height proportionall to the tables whereat they lay . Aeneas lay vpon an high and stately one , Inde toro Pater Aeneas sic orsus ab alto , their standing behinde , sheweth that our Sauiours feete lay back towards the outside of the beds , where they stood . Hereby it seemeth most probable , that after the first Supper , or rather the first seruice of the Paschal Supper , our Sauiour did rise alone , and went about the backside of the beds whereon the Apostles lay , and washed their feet , they lying still at table , as the women did his : for in Iohn no mention is made , either of their rising , or lying downe againe ; but of our Sauiours onely . This was the Table-Gesture vsed by the Iewes , as is manifest by the sixt of Amos , verse 4 , 5 , 6. by these Histories of our Sauiour , and by the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which signified to lye and leane downe , either on a bed , or on the ground : for on the ground they lay , who had no standing table to eate at ; as the multitudes whom our Sauiour fedde miraculously in the Desart . And these Oppressors , and Idolaters , whom Amos reprooueth , Chap. 2. verse 8. in these words , They lye downe vpon cloathes layed to pledge by euery Altar , and drinke the Wine of the condemned in the house of their God. After this manner the Christians are forbidden to lye downe in Idoleio , in the Idol Chappell , and eate their sacrifices . Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 8. 10. is to bee interpret by Amos words . As to the table of Diuels , mentioned in the tenth Chapter , it is not to bee taken for a materiall one , standing in the Idols temple ; but for the thing sacrificed to the Idol , which the Idolaters broght home to their own tables , and therevnto inuited the Christians , who are forbidden wittingly to eate thereof , 1. Cor. 10. verse 21. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. This was the gesture vsed in those dayes at meate , whether it was receiued at table , or on the ground ; not by the Romanes onely , but by many other Nations , who did imitate them , as Philo Iudaus thinketh in his booke De vita contemplatiua , which custome the Iewes seeme to haue had long before their conuersing with the Romanes , as it is cleere by the prophesie of Amos. And learned men hold with great reason , that it is the most ancient of all Table-gestures : for before the vse of materiall tables , men behoued to receiue meat ; and except the gesture vsed by vs , there could bee none more commodious then this gesture of lying and leaning . The Turkes sitting on the ground with their legs plat , is not so commodious . The knowledge of these things are not vnprofitable for vnderstanding of the Historie where they occurre ; and are to be obserued against those , who affirme that this Lying differeth only frō our Sitting in this ; that wee sit with our bodies vpright ; they sate with some inclination , & leaning : For the contrary is manifest by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that signifyeth Sitting , from the which commeth , that signifyeth the first place of Sitting in the Synagogues , differing from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that signifyeth the first and most honourable place of Lying at Banquets : For in the one they Sate , and in the other they Lay. So both the gestures were in vse , but in different actions . Lying at Banquets , called in Latine accubitio and accubitus , because they Lay , and Leaned on their elbowes , Sitting in Iudgement , in Counsell , and in many other actions . Finally , the feasters stretching downe of themselues on the beddes , Amos 6. Verse 4. The shooes putting off , the washing of the feete , that the bed should not be defiled , doe euidently euince , that they sate not on Benches , and on Chayres as we doe , with their feete at the ground . That our Sauiour did vse this gesture at the Paschall Supper , is manifest by Matthew , Marke , and Luke , who testifie that he lay downe thereto : and Iohn , that he rose vp from it , and hauing washed the Disciples feete , lay downe againe . And it may bee presumed , that he retained the same gesture at this Sacrament : For the Apostles being eating , Hee tooke bread , and when hee had giuen thankes , proceeded in the action . Now , in our times , to this gesture of Lying , Sitting hath succeeded : and therefore our Vulgar Translators of the Bible , for the capacitie of the people , vse the word of Sitting , which is our Table-gesture , for that which in the Originall is Lying , and was the Table-gesture vsed of old . This gesture of Sitting , I will not deny to haue beene lawfully vsed in our Church heretofore , at the receiuing of the Sacrament ; but that it should bee onely vsed as necessarie , the best , the most decent , and that it may not be changed , I hope , no reason , antiquitie , nor Scripture shall enforce . SECT . 2. The Reasons are set downe against the necessarie vse of Sitting at the Sacrament . ARGVM . 1. It is not certaine , that our Sauiour did Sit ▪ or Lye. ALthough it may be presumed , as hath beene said , that our Sauiour and his Apostles obserued the same gesture , at the celebration of this Sacrament of his body , that hee had vsed before at the Paschall Supper : yet it is not certaine , when hee tooke the Bread , and gaue thankes , and blessed the Cup , that he did not alter and interchange the Table-gesture , with some religious gesture of praying . For Athenaus recordeth in his fourth Booke , that the citizens of Nancratis , when they did meete at their Banquets , after that they had layed themselues downe on the beds at Table , had a custome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To rise againe on their Knees , while their Priest rehearsed the prayers vsed in their Nation . This declareth , that although they had beene Lying at Table before , yet when they blessed and gaue thankes for their meate , they vsed to rise vp againe on their Knees . If this religious and reuerend gesture was vsed by them at Prayer , is it not much more probable , when our Sauiour blessed and gaue thanks , that hee and the Apostles did rise againe , either on their feete , or their Knees ? which was their constant gesture when they prayed , whom we doe also imitate when we begin this Sacrament , with blessing and thanks-giuing , humbling our selues vpō our Knees . If this our Sauiour and the Apostles did , what warrant haue we that they lay downe againe , and did not stand still on their feete , or sit on their Knees , according to the gesture vsed by them at praying , vntill the whole action of the Sacrament was perfected ? Thus what our Sauiours gesture was at the celebration of the Sacrament , is vncertaine . But certaine it is , that vpon an vncertaine example , no necessary Religious imitation , and obseruation can be founded . Moreouer it is will-worship , to hold and vrge any point , for such as in the seruice of God must of necessitie bee either eschewed , or obserued for some diuine respect ; not because we cleerely see in the Word of God with the eyes of Faith that it is such : but because , according to the minde of the flesh , that is , our naturall reason and affection , we conceit it and will haue it to be such . Seeing therefore it is not certaine by the Scripture , that our Sauiour did sit or lye , when hee did institute this Sacrament , the gesture of Sitting should not be esteemed and vrged , as necessarie to be vsed thereat . ARG. 2 Proouing that the Gesture vsed by Christ and the Apostles , was occasionall , and therefore not necessary . THe time which was the night season ; the place which was a priuate Inne ; the order , after Supper ; the element , vnleauened bread : these are not thought necessarie , albeit they were vsed by our Sauiour in the Sacrament , because they were occasioned by the Paschall Supper : and it is as manifest , that if our Sauiour and his Apostles sate thereat , they vsed that gesture by the same occasion ; for it was chosen for the Supper preceding , and was continued only at the Sacrament . For , as for the Apostles , that they did not of purpose sit downe to receiue the Sacrament , is euident , seeing they did neuer so much as thinke thereon before it was instituted ; therefore in respect of them , the Sitting at the Sacrament was occasionall , and accidentall . As for our Sauiour , albeit it be certaine , that he intended the institution of the Sacrament ; yet that he lay or sate down thereto with the Apostles , to recommend to them and their successors the gesture of Sitting , to bee vsed as necessarie for euer in the celebration of the Sacrament , hath no probabilitie : for if that had beene his purpose , he had declared it to them , either by word , or a manifest example . Of it by word he hath made no mention : and his Sitting in that action , cannot be esteemed exemplar : for a common gesture continued in two actions , without intermission , as that action of Sitting was , which did begin at the Paschal Supper , and was retained onely in the Sacrament , cannot be taken for exemplar in this Sacrament , as haply it might , if Christ had sitten downe to it seuerally , and by it selfe ; but seeing that our Sauiour , in the Sacrament succeeding , did onely retaine the Gesture vsed before at the Supper preceding , it is manifest that the gesture of Sitting was not intended , and specially chosen for the Sacrament , to be exemplar , more then the rest of the common circumstances of time , place , vnleauened bread , which belong to the Paschall Supper , and were retained in the Sacrament ; but was onely Accidentall and Occasionall , as these . Another Reason to prooue that it was Occasionall . And it is yet more euident , that if Christ sate at Table when hee did institute this Sacrament , that his Sitting was occasioned by the Paschall Supper ; if the last act and conclusion of the Paschall Supper was changed by our Sauiour into the symbolicall part of this Sacrament , as some learned Diuines hold . For it is recorded , that the Iewes had a custome , after the Paschall Lambe was eaten , to wash the Feasters feete , as Christ did the Apostles feete , Ioh. 13. 5. Then after , for the second seruice , to present a Sallade of wilde Lettice , and sugared with a certaine sauce ( wherein it is thought our Sauiour did dippe the sop which hee gaue to Iudas ) then the Master of the Family did take a whole cake , or loafe of vnleauened bread , which he diuided in two equall parts , pronouncing this blessing on the one part : Benedictus es , Domine Deus noster , Rex seculi , qui sanctificasti nos mandatis tuis , & praceptum dedisti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioseph . Scalliger . De emendatione temporum : Blessed art thou , O Lord our God , King of the world , who hast sanctified vs with commandements , and hast giuen a command , touching the eating of the vnleauened bread . The other part of that cake hee kept vnder the cloth of the Table , till the end of the Feast , which then hee brought forth , and did breake it in so many parts as there were Feasters at the Table ; Frustum erat magnitudine Oliuae , quod s●gellatim & ordine omnibus porrigebatur : Euery piece was the quantity of an Oliue , which was deliuered orderly to euery one , with these words : This is the bread of affliction , which our Fathers did eate in the Land of Egypt . Then hee tooke the cup , and hauing said this blessing , Blessed bee thou , O Lord , who hast created the fruite of the Vine , did first drinke himselfe , and then gaue to him that sate next : and so it past from hand to hand , till all had drunken . This is recorded to haue beene the last act and conclusion of the Paschall Supper , differing nothing from the externall elementall part of the Sacrament , sauing it may bee that our Sauiour hath vsed an Euangelicall Thankes-giuing , in stead of the Legall vsed by the Iewes , and interchanged the words ( This is the bread of affliction ) with the Sacramentall words ( This is my Bodie , this is my Bloud ; ) and finished the action with this perpetuall statute ( Doe this in remembrance of mee . ) If this conclusion , and last act of the Paschall Supper , be changed by our Sauiour into the symbolike part of this Sacrament ; then is there no question , but if he vsed the gesture of Sitting at the Sacrament , it was occasioned by the Paschall Supper , the last act and conclusion thereof being transformed and changed into this Sacrament . Touching this , reade Beza his great Notes of the last Edition , vpon the 26. of Math , and the 22. of Luke . ARG. 3. HOwsoeuer it bee , it is certaine that if this Gesture was vsed by our Sauiour , it was occasioned by the Paschall Supper , or that which went before , whereat they were eating ; and therefore if the time , the place , the order and quality of the Bread bee not necessarie , because they were occasionall , farre lesse shall this Gesture be thought necessarie for the Reasons following . It is to bee found a in Scripture , and b Antiquitie , that at such time , videlicet , in the night season ; in such a place , in priuate houses ; and after the same order , that is , after supper , or after meate , the Sacrament hath beene taken , but that it was receiued Sitting at any time after the first Institution , either by the Apostles , or any in the primitiue , or succeeding Churches , shall not expresly be found , nor by reason demonstrated . Thus then I reason : If practice and custome , for the time , the place , and the order , ioyned with the example of the first institution , doth not import necessitie for obseruing of these ; farre lesse can a bare example of Sitting , vsed in the first institution , by occasion of the Supper that went before , without any practice following thereon , make the example of Sitting to bee obserued as necessary and best . ARG. 4. MOreouer , if the example of our Sauiour and his Apostles must bee of necessitie obserued in their gesture , why should it not bee also in their externall preparation and habit ? for as they did sit at Table when they receiued the Sacrament , so they did sit and receiue it with bare and cleane washed feete . A Ceremonie as significant as that of Sitting : for the washing of their feete did signifie the puritie and holinesse wherewith our Sauiour did sanctifie his Disciples , as is manifest by these words : Hee that is washed , hath no need but to wash his feet onely , for hee is cleane euery whit . So their cleane washed feete was a signe of that holinesse wherewith euery one of vs should present our selues to this Table ; as also of humilitie and charity , whereof Christ did giue them example in washing their feete ; two other necessarie parts of the wedding garment wherein we should come to the Supper . But if this externall habite and preparation , wherewith Christ and his Apostles did celebrate the Sacrament , signifying the Wedding Garment , bee neither thought necessary nor expedient ; by what reason should the gesture of Sitting , the signification and vse whereof in this action , is no where expressed in the Scripture , bee not onely esteemed expedient , but also necessarie ? ARG. 5. FVrther , if the example of our Sauiours Gesture at Table should be obserued necessarily as best , and should bee the parterne whereunto wee should conforme our gesture , then doubtlesse it should bee obserued throughout all the action , and in euery part thereof , wherein our Sauiour did vse it . And if yee hold that hee did not alter his gesture , but lay still , as well at the Thankesgiuing and Blessing , as at the giuing and receiuing , which yee must doe , except yee grant , according to the truth , that it is vncertaine what gesture hee did vse : Why doe wee vse then three sorts of gestures in that Action ? For when we take and giue the bread to the people , wee stand ; when we blesse it , we Kneele , and command the people to Kneele ; and finally , when the Sacrament is a receiuing , we will haue the people to Sit downe againe . So for one simple gesture vsed by our Sauiour , we practise three , variant and different one from another . If it bee answered , that the Thankes-giuing wherewith the action beginneth , is no part of the Action , then it will follow , that one essentiall part of the action , at least , an integrant part is omitted by vs , which our Sauiour did practise : for the words of the Institution which wee repeate at the celebration of the Sacrament , are not Narratiua tantùm , but Verba directiua ; not narratiue onely , but directiue words , which we must follow and practice according to the precept , Doe this in remembrance of mee : And therefore as we say , Christ took the bread , so we take the bread ; and as wee say hee brake it , so we breake it ; and as hee commanded the Disciples , so we , in his name , command the people to take it , and eate it , which they must also doe ; and as hee said , so we in his Name say , This is my Body , this is my Bloud . If all be directiue , and are performed by vs according to the direction , then certainely we must also giue thankes ; as our Sauiour gaue thankes ; although wee haue no particular forme of thankesgiuing set downe , yet keeping the grounds of the generall rules , the Lords Prayer , a thankesgiuing should bee conceiued agreeable to action . It is thought that the ancient Church , and the Apostles did onely vse the Lords Prayer , and there is none like it , nor more conuenient ▪ if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which wee interpret Daily bread , doe signifie the supersubstantiall bread , as it is taken by many of the Fathers . ARG. 6. HEere by the way I would aske , with your fauour ; If the example of Christ should be precisely followed , why doe we vary , not onely in our gestures thus , from Standing to Kneeling , and from Kneeling to Sitting ? But why do we that are Pastors , all of vs , or the greatest part , receiue the Sacrament our selues Standing , and not Sitting , and yet will haue the people , when they receiue , astricted to the gesture of Sitting , as most necessary and best , which we obserue not our selues ? ARG. 7. SO likewise I demand ; If we should precisely obserue the example of Christ ; Why doe we not once giue thankes when we take the Bread , as Christ did ? And againe , blesse or giue thankes when we take the Cup , as hee did , and as it appeareth the Apostles did ? For Paul calleth it , The Cup of Blessing , which wee blesse . To propound the example of Christ to bee precisely followed in Sitting , and not to follow it in such an expresse point : next , not to follow his Table-gesture in all the parts of the action , but in such as wee like onely : and finally , not to follow it our selues in that point of Sitting , but to vrge the people with that imitation , might seeme rather to proceed from contention , then from a simple religious opinion . But the truth is , if wee had receiued from the Reformers of our Church , and had been taught from our youth vp , to present our selues to the Table , with bare cleane washed feete ; to haue blessed the Bread and the Cup at diuers times , and not at once ; to haue either Stood , or Sitten , or Kneeled , during all the time of the action : we would , without question , stand out as zealously for euery one of these , as we now do for Sitting . Adeo in teneris assuescere multum est : such force hath education and custome . Hence all our weakenesse and tendernesse of conscience proceedeth : so difficill a thing is it to quit the opinions , wherein we haue been fostered from our Child-hood ; for they cleaue and stick to vs , as if they had beene bred and borne with vs. It is an old saying , Consuetudo est altera natura , Custome is another nature : And it is a true saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is nothing more difficill , then to teach a man to thinke , or doe otherwise then hee was first taught . ARG. 8. FInally , that this gesture cannot be necessarie , is manifest by this Reason : There is no necessarie Ceremonie , that either belongeth to the essence or perfection of this Sacrament , but is set downe in the doctrine of the institution thereof , either by Paul , or the Euangelists . The forme set downe by Paul to the Corinthians , who professeth that hee deliuered to them , that which hee had receiued of the Lord ; and in another place affirmeth , that fidelity is the chiefe vertue required in the dispensers of the Gospell , and that his conscience did not accuse him that he had failed in that point : The forme ( I say ) set downe by him , containeth nothing concerning Table-gesture . In Mathew , Marke , and Luke , if we would know certainely what things doe necessarily belong to the Sacrament , then wee must marke precisely where the doctrine of the Sacrament beginneth , and where it endeth . It is sure , that it beginneth not at these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they being eating ; not before , except we hold the order obserued by Christ to be necessary , videlicet , to be eating another supper before ; but must beginne at these words , Iesus tooke Bread , and end with this commandement , Doe this in remembrance of me . Betweene these two points the whole doctrine is set downe , and containeth no more , then Paul professed to haue deliuered to the Corinthians . And so there is neither in the doctrine of Paul , nor in the doctrine of the Euangelists , so much as mention made of Lying , Sitting , Standing , or Kneeling ; whereby it is euident , that none of these gestures and positions of body , are recommended as necessary . But that this Ceremonie is left to be determined by the Church , as the Time , the Place , and the Order , are according to the rule of Charitie and Decencie . THE EPILOGVE . THen to conclude this point , wee see the gesture vsed by our Sauiour to bee vncertaine , and that therefore no necessarie imitation can bee founded thereon . Moreouer , that it cannot be more necessary ( although it were certaine ) then the rest of the circumstances of Time , Place , and Order . First , because it was occasioned , as these , by the Paschall Supper . Secondly , because it hath the naked example of Sitting , or rather of lying , without any practice following thereon , which the rest of the circumstances haue , and notwithstanding are not thought to bee necessarie . Thirdly , because the example of the Apostles can no more enforce a necessitie for the gesture of Sitting , then for the externall habit and preparation wherewith they receiued the Sacrament , videlicet , of bare and cleane washed feet , which is a more significant Ceremonie , and hath better warrant in Scripture then Sitting . Fourthly , because Christs example can import no greater necessitie for the vse of Sitting , in one part of the action then another ; and our practice prooues , that wee thinke it not necessarie to bee obserued in all the parts : for in one wee Stand , in one wee Kneele , and in one we command the people to Sit. Fifthly , because it is no more necessary to bee obserued by the people , then by the Pastor : And our practice sheweth that wee thinke it not needfull to bee vsed by the Pastor , who most commonly receiueth Standing . Sixthly , if wee esteeme not all to be necessary , which our Sauiour is mentioned expresly to haue done , as to giue thankes , and to blesse twice , first , the Bread , and then the Cup ; much lesse shold we think Sitting to be necessarie , wherof nothing is mentioned in the Institution : and therefore cannot be necessary at all , seeing all things necessarily belonging to the Sacrament , are so fully contained in the doctrine of the Institution , set downe by Paul , and the Euangelists , that it were great temerity to affirme any thing to bee lacking . CHAP. II. That to Kneele at the Lords Table , agreeth with Decencie . SECT . I. How the Table of the Lord is taken in Scripture . THus far hath beene reasoned against the opinion of those who hold Sitting to be a necessarie Ceremonie . Now let vs come to their opinion , who esteeme it more proper for the Sacrament , then Kneeling , because it is an vsuall Table-gesture ; and because Kneeling being abused to Idolatry in this Sacrament , ought in their iudgement vtterly to be abolished in that action . Then to begin at the first , and try what gesture is most proper for the Sacrament : Doubtlesse , if neither Lying , nor Sitting , nor Standing , nor Kneeling be necessarie , but all be indifferent , that gesture is most proper , which is most agreeable vnto the rule wherby things indifferent should be determined : that is , the rule of Pietie , Charitie , and Decencie . And to enter this tryall vvith Decencie : To sit at a common Table , beeing in our times most vsuall , must also be most decent for a common Table ; but that it is a gesture most decent to be vsed at the Lords Table , cannot be well affirmed , except we first consider what the Lords Table is ; whether it be the same , or like , or different from a common Table . For vnderstanding this point the better , wee would try , how the Lords Table is taken in Scripture , whether for the materiall , whereon the elements are set and consecrate , and where-at , and where-from they are distributed and giuen . For if thereby the materiall bee onely and chiefly vnderstood , it may seeme that there is little or no difference betwixt it and a common Table , and that the Gestures and Manners that are proper for the one , may well agree and be vsed at the other . In the 10. chap. and 1. Epist. of the Corinths . vers . 21. mention is made of the Lords Table , in these words , Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord , and of deuils : yee cannot bee partakers of the Table of the Lord , and of the table of deuils . As the Table of the Lord is taken in this place , so shall we finde it vsed , I hope , in all other parts of Scripture . But here neither by the Cup can be properly meant , the materiall Cup , nor by the Table , the materiall Table , because it is certaine , that hee who is partaker of the table and cup of deuils , may be partaker both of the materiall Cup of the Sacrament , and sit at the materiall Table , whereat it is giuen : Yea , moreouer may drinke the Sacrament of the bloud of Christ , out of the one , and eate the Sacrament of his Bodie at the other ; and yet the Apostle affirmeth , that they cannot bee partakers of the Lords Table : whereby it is euident , that by the Table of the Lord another thing must bee meant , then either the materiall Table , or the symbolicall externall part of the Sacrament onely . What is that ? The Bodie and Bloud of the Lord , the Bread that came downe from heauen to giue life to the world , which by a certaine colour of speech is called a Table . So that speech set downe by Moses , in the II. chapter of Numbers , and the fourth verse , Who shall giue vs flesh to eate ? is thus expressed in the 78. Psalm . Can God prepare a Table in the Wildernesse ? Which words are presently interpreted , ver . 20. Can hee giue bread , and prouide flesh for his people ? When our Sauiour promised to his Disciples that in his Kingdome they should eate and drinke at his Table ; neither did he meane by his Table any materiall Table , or any naturall Food , but that blessed , eternall , glorious life , communicated with him by the Father , which he would communicate with them in his Kingdome : according to that which hee saith in Iohn , chap. 6. vers . 57. As the liuing Father hath sent mee , and I liue by the Father , so hee that eateth me , shall liue by mee . Then to bee short , the Lords Table , whereof we are partakers here , and that whereof wee shall be partakers in heauen , at the great Supper of the Lambe , is the Lord Iesus himselfe , his Bodie , his Bloud , his Righteousnesse , his Life , and the satiety of pleasures and ioyes that are in him for euermore . This then being the Table of the Lord mentioned in the Scriptures , whereof we come to be partakers at the Sacrament , let vs see what manners and gestures are most decent to bee vsed thereat . SECT . 2. That Kneeling is Decent . AS it is true , that no place is more proper for a common supper , then a faire Chamber or a Hall , in a priuate house or Inne , and no time fitter then the night season , or at euen ; so there is no gesture more decent with vs then sitting at Table . But if the day-light , and the Lords Day , a sacred place , such as a Temple , and a reuerend order , such as to receiue before other meate , be more decent for the Sacrament , because it is not a common supper , but the Lords Supper : So a religious Gesture , such as Kneeling , should seeme more decent , then a common Gesture , such as Sitting , because this is not a common Table , but the Table of the Lord. SECT . 3. An Obiection taken from the common Table-gesture , answered . IT may bee replyed , that seeing there is a materiall Table whereon very bread , and very wine are set , and seeing we eate that bread , and drinke that wine externally , as wee doe other bread and other wine , why should we not vse that same externall Gesture that wee vse at other common-Tables , as most decent for the outward action ? I answere , first , there is a great difference betwixt eating and drinking , and the Gesture and Sitting of body , that men vse when they eate and drinke : Eating and drinking are naturall actions , in stead whereof , no other action can bee vsed in receiuing meate and drinke , but the gesture is Moral , and voluntary , and changeable , according to the custome of Times , Places , and Persons , and the nature of the action , wherein it is vsed : and therefore although wee eate and drinke externally at this Table , as we doe at other tables , because wee can eate and drinke no other way , it will not follow that wee should vse no other gesture , then that which we vse at other tables , if the nature and qualitie of this Table require another Gesture then that which is common , seeing the Gesture is voluntary , and may , and should be altered , as the nature of the action requireth . Next , I answer , that although the Bread and Wine bee materially the same with common bread and wine , yet after the Consecration they are no more formally the same ; that is , they are to be esteemed no more for common food , but for the mysticall symbolls of the Bodie and Bloud of the Lord. And as for the Table , in matter and forme is like other tables , but in vse differeth , as farre as a spirituall Table from a carnall , a celestiall from a terrestriall : And who knoweth not , that our manners and gestures must bee composed , neither according to the matter , nor forme of the Table , but according to the vse wherefore it is appointed ? For what is the cause when men come to the table of Exchange , for to receiue money , that they vse other forme and gesture then at a table appointed for meate ? Is it because they differ in matter and shape ? No verily , but because the vse is different : Therefore at these wee vse such gestures , and motions , as is meete for receiuing of money ; at this , such as are most commodious for easing of our bodies , and receiuing of meat : Euen so , our gesture at this sacred Table , whereon our spirituall food is set and presented , is not to bee proportioned to the matter and forme of the Table , which is common ; but to the vse wherefore it is appointed : that is , to the giuing and receiuing of the sacred Mysteries , and the communion of the Bodie and Bloud of the Lord Iesus , which thereby are offered and deliuered to all worthy receiuers . To this diuine and holy vse , as all our manners , behauiour , and carriage should bee framed , so should the Gesture and position of our bodies bee ; Otherwise if any man thinke that wee should vse the same gesture & manners at this Table , that are decent to bee vsed at other Tables : What is the cause that at this Table wee vse no speech nor conference one with another , but in silence meditate with our selues ? Why sport we not , nor are merry , but carry a modest and graue countenance ? Why are our heads bare , and not couered ? What is the cause that wee touch nothing presented on this Table , before that it be offered vnto vs ? Take nothing before we be commanded ? Neither eate nor drink before we bee instructed what to eate and drinke , and for what end ? Why are all our maners , rites , and gestures vsuall at other Tables , so changed at this ? Why is this silence , this grauity , this meditation , the reuerence of the bare-head , this abstinence from touching , from taking , from eating , from drinking , before the offer , the command & word of instruction ? Why ? Because the vse of this Table being meerely Religious , Spirituall and Diuine , is so farre different from the vse of other Tables : For heere , besides the materiall Table that the eye of the bodie sees , there is another spirituall Table that should be obiected to the minde , and beside the externall elements and other celestiall and eternall food , which thy heart should perceiue . These are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the symbolicall vestures wherein Christ is wrapped vp ; but that is Christ himselfe , his Bodie and his Bloud ; therefore is it that we feare , or should feare , to touch the sacred things , before our hand and our mouthes be sanctified by that diuine Precept , Take , eate , and drinke yee all hereof , and to receiue , before our mindes and hearts bee prepared and sanctified with knowledge and faith , by the Sacramentall word , This is my Body that is broken for you , This cup is the new Testament in my Bloud , &c. Doe this in remembrance of mee : By the which word the vaile is remoued , the Mysterie is opened vp , the garments and symbolicall vestures are taken away , Christ is made naked , and is exposed as really to the eye of our minde , and to faith , the hand of our heart , as the sacred symbols are to our externall senses . The respect therefore that is due to him who is the spirituall Table , and the bread of Life , whom the hid man of the heart sees and perceiues there really present , makes all our deuotion and religious reuerence ; for this respect a choyce is made , not of a common , but of a sacred time & place for this actiō ; for this respect we come fasting , preferring our spirituall food to our naturall : for this respect all our manner and carriage is holy and reuerend . What then ? Shall wee esteeme Sitting a common Table-gesture , and therefore dis-conforme to all the rest of our carriage , that is sacred , more decent for this heauenly Table , then Kneeling , a Religious gesture , and therfore most conforme both to the nature of the Table , and to all the rest of our Religious manner and behauiour , that wee vse thereat ? SECT . 4. An Obiection taken from Custome answered . THIS ( I hope ) shall satisfie a modest spirit , that searches for verity , and striues not for the victory : But if any list to be contentious , and pleade from Custome , that Kneeling cannot be decent , because custome maketh Decencie , and it is not the Custome to Kneele at a Table ; I grant it is not the custome at a common-Table , because it is not commodious ; for commodity maketh Custome , and Custome maketh Decencie in things of this kinde . It is not commodious , for it were wearisome and painefull , to kneele so long time as an ordinary supper will last , wherunto men come to refresh their bodies , both with ease and meate : But the time being short that is spent at the Sacrament , and seeing men come thereto , not to ease and feed their bodies , but to worship God , and to worke their owne saluation , certainely , to Kneele for such a space cannot bee painefull nor wearisome to those who are holy in Spirit , and whole in body ( sickenesse and infirmitie makes exception ) and therefore although Kneeling is not , nor hath not bin in custome at common Tables , because it is incommodious and wearisome : yet it hath beene in vse at the Lords Table , farre longer then Sitting , and is more vniuersally receiued in the reformed Churches : For we must grant , that before Sitting , Kneeling hath beene vsed in the Christian Church , neere foure hundred yeeres at least , and therefore it may bee maintained with very good reason : Certainely it may bee presumed , that it hath beene in practice in all ages aboue , euer vntill yee be able to designe some time when another gesture hath beene in vse . The induction of foure hundred yeeres must either put you to an instance or silence . SECT . 5. An Answer to the instance of Honorius . AND heere let me tell you , that the instance of Honorius will not serue : for Honorius did onely ordaine , after the consecration , at the eleuation of the Host ( so they call the Sacramentall Bread ) that the people should reuerently bow themselues , that is Kneele , as is manifest by the constant practice whereby obedience hath been giuen to this Canon . This belongeth not to gesture vsed at the receiuing : for in euery Masse at the eleuation the people kneeled and adored ; and this was done before that either the Priest himselfe , or they , receiued ; yea , when after the people did not receiue at all , but the Priest himselfe alone , which was most frequent in these last times , wherein the people receiued but once in the yeere . But at what time , and by whose authoritie Kneeling began to be vsed of the people , at the receiuing of the Sacrament , I hope shall not bee certainly designed . For by the contrarie , Honorius Canon seemeth to import , that before his time , the people vsed to Kneele , when they receiued ; because it ordaineth that they should only Kneele at the eleuation , and not at the receiuing , which doubtlesse , it would , if it had not been in custome before ; for it is not probable , but at the receiuing they should haue beene ordained to haue giuen the same reuerence that they were appointed to giue at the eleuation , had it not beene already in practise , & therfore needles to be inioined SECT . 6. An answere to the instance brought from the Custome of the Primitiue Church . ANother instance is brought frō the custome of the Primitiue Church . It was the custome of the Primitiue Church , not to Kneele on the Lords day , nor from Pasche till Whitsunday , at any time in their Prayer ; & by a Canon of the Councell of Nice , this custome was allowed , and commended to all Churches . Therefore vpon the Lords day , and during the whole time , from Pasche till Whitsunday , it is very likely that they receiued the Sacrament Standing : and the words of Dionysius Alexandrinus making mention of one who receiued the Sacrament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stāding at the Table , confirmeth this strongly . This instance I admit for the Lords day ; and for these , wherein the Primitiue Church did not Kneele : for other times and dayes , it maketh no probation ; seeing on other dayes , and at other times , they might and did pray Kneeling . Now although this instance may seeme to make somewhat against Kneeling at the first view ; yet being better considered , it fauoureth the cause , that wee defend very much : For first , if the Primitiue Church did stand sometimes at the Table , and receiued : certaine it is , that they did not esteeme Sitting to be a necessarie gesture . Next , that they did not think , that at this Table we should carry our selues as equall to Christ , and plead for the Liberties and Priuiledges of a Table : for in those dayes wee reade of none that stood at Table , in time of Supper , but such as serued . Therefore it was ordained as a punishment of ignominie to be inflicted on Souldiours : Vt cibum potumque caperent in coena stantes , that is , that they should sup standing on their feet . Thirdly , here I marke , that the Primitiue Church did vse the same gesture in receiuing the Sacrament , that they vsed in praying ; so that if wee would aduise with them , what gesture they would esteeme most decent for our times , they should answere , That which we are most accustomed to vse at publike prayer . The custome then of Standing on the Lords day , and from Pasche till Whitsunday , being now euanished and worne out many hundreth yeeres since , and in stead thereof , Kneeling receiued ; Kneeling now is the most decent gesture that can bee vsed at the Sacrament : For if you reason well from our Sauiours Lying ( had it beene a necessarie ceremony ) to proue Sitting that hath succeeded : Then this Argument must be strong from Standing at Prayer and the Sacrament , to prooue that now Kneeling should be vsed , which hath succeeded Standing , and is now most frequently vsed in the time of publike prayer . EPILOGVS . THen to conclude this point ; If either wee shall throughly consider , what gesture is most agreeable to so sacred an action ; or what gesture thereat may bee most euidently proued to haue had longest custome in the Church ; or what gesture is yet most vniuersally receiued in the reformed Churches ; And finally , how the Primitiue Church did vse the same gesture at this Sacrament that they vsed at publike Prayer ; I hope no gesture shall be found more decent to bee vsed at the Lords Table , then the Religious gesture of Kneeling : And thus much for Decencie . CHAP. III. That it agreeth with Pietie , to Kneele at the Sacrament . SECT . 1. That Pietie requireth a most Religious Gesture . I Come next to Pietie . In respect of Pietie , there be none of vs , that doe not plead for Kneeling in deed , when wee teach our people at the Sacrament not to settle their thoughts and mindes vpon the externall things ; but to lift vp their hearts from earth to heauen : from the Pastor who giues the externall element , to God the Father that giueth his Sonne , and to God the Sonne , who giueth himselfe : from the Symbols ; the Bread and the Cup ; to the Bread that came downe from Heauen ; to the flesh and the bloud of Christ : and therfore exhorteth them , that as their hand is ready ; so their hearts may be prepared , and their minds , to receiue the Lord Iesus Christ himselfe , with faith and thankfulnes , and that they come with a Religious resolution in this action , and by this action , to celebrate the remembrance of his death , till his comming againe . All these considerations , and diuine Meditations , whereunto we stirre vp our people ; ( First , of the order and forme of giuing : Secondly , of the gift : Thirdly , of the manner how we receiue : Fourthly , of the nature and chiefe ends of this Sacrament ) do al most euidently proue & euince , that Pietie craueth of vs a most Religious gesture to bee vsed in this action . SECT . 2. The consideration of the giuer : and the maner of the Donation . LEt vs take a view of euery one of them seuerally . The giuer , from whose hand wee should receiue the bread of Life , is not a seruant , such as couereth our tables , brings our dishes , serues and fils our cups , to whom wee owe no reuerence . He that here presenteth and propineth vs with these inestimable benefits , is the King of Kings , and the Lord of Lords , God in the person of the Sonne , vnto whom when we present our gifts . If we should Kneele , as we are taught by the Holy Ghost , in Micha , chap. 6. verse 6. in these words , Wherewith shall I come before the Lord , and bow my selfe before the most high God ? Shall I come before him with burnt offerings ? with Calues of a yeere old : How much more should wee come and bow our selues before him , when we are to receiue at his hand the greatest benefit in heauen and earth , The body and the bloud of his onely begotten Sonne , the character of his Person : the brightnesse of his glory ; the treasure of his grace ; another himselfe ? And vnto this shall we finde our selues much more bound , when we haue considered after what manner this gift is giuen , Euery good gift commeth from him that is the Father of lights : and so should wee acknowledge it to bee ; but God giues not euery gift with a solemne externall testification of his Donation , made as it were with his own hand , not in generall , but in particular to euery one that receiueth , as hee doth in this Sacrament . Other benefits he bestoweth by ordinarie meanes of his creatures , and by a secret prouidence in such sort , that the action of Donation is not perceiued , at the instant of giuing and receiuing , but is after knowne by fruition of the benefit . And therefore , then is to be acknowledged , when it is seene and felt with Thanksgiuing , either priuately , or publikely , as the qualitie of the benefit requireth . So the Leper , when he did finde and feele that hee was cured of his Leprosie , returned and gaue thankes : the operation and working of the cure , hee could not perceiue , till it was perfected . It is one thing to receiue a benefit sent to vs by a Prince , either by the hand of his seruant , our equall , or it may be by the hand of our owne seruant or inferiour ; and to receiue it from his owne hand deliuering it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in state , and pompe openly in presence of his people . As this deliuering and receiuing is not to bee compared with that ; no more is the gesture and reuerence , whereby it should be expressed : a word there , may suffice to declare our thankefulnesse ; but here , a word , a bare head , a beck , are all scarce sufficient , when we receiue the benefit of peace and prosperitie , by the Kings good gouernment . If in our hearts wee acknowledge that benefit , and therefore in our prayers cōmend him to God , and be ready to obey him , our thankefulnes is sufficiently expressed . So when God by his secret prouidence blesseth vs ; or by any of his creatures ; either our Superiours , equals , or inferiours , doth vs good ; If in our Chamber secretly , or in the Temple openly , after the receiuing , we declare our selues thankefull ; it is inough . But when in the Sacrament God openly before his people professeth , that he is a giuing and deliuering to vs the greatest benefit that can be giuen : certainely not onely should there bee before and after the gifts receiued , thankes giuen , but in the very act of giuing and receiuing , such reuerence vsed , as may sufficiently declare and testifie how highly we esteeme of the greatnesse and goodnes of the Giuer ; and how vnworthy we thinke our selues to be of his inestimable beneficence , what gesture is meetest to bee vsed , according to Piety in such a case ; whether Sitting , or Kneeling , let them iudge that haue vnderstanding . SECT . 3. A consideration of the gift . SEcondly , if wee consider the gift , it is not a bread that perisheth , which is lesse worth then the life , as our Sauiour saith , but is the Bread of God that came down from heauen , to giue life to the world , a food more precious then all creatures ; and therefore such a food as wee are commanded in the very Sacrament to discerne from common naturall food , and to eate that Bread , and drinke the Cup of the Lord worthily , except we would prooue guiltie of indignitie done to the Bodie and Bloud of the Lord Iesus : In the which warning , as faith , and a religious disposition is required in the heart , so an externall reuerence answerable thereto should be in the externall action ; for this the very word importeth : Therefore hee that eateth this Bread , and drinketh the Cup of the Lord vnworthily , shall bee guiltie of the Bodie and Bloud of the Lord : And after , Hee that eateth and drinketh vnworthily , eateth and drinketh iudgement to himselfe , because hee hath not discerned the Lords Bodie . This eating and drinking here , must be the externall receiuing of the Sacrament ; for the spirituall and inward eating and drinking admitteth no vnworthinesse ; but is performed with such discretion , as giues to Christ the reuerence that is due to him , both in outward action , and inward affection : But the externall action of eating and drinking may be vnworthily performed , if either it be done in hypocrisie or profanely . I call that to eate and drink in hypocrisie , when an hypocrite giueth all due and externall reuerence to the Sacrament , but in the meane time , hath neither faith , nor the true and right estimation that he should haue of the spirituall benefit . To eate profanely , is both to eate without the outward and inward reuerence , that is due to the Bodie and Bloud of our Sauiour ; for no man wants the outward reuerence , but hee that hath not the inward . They who thinke that the vnworthinesse onely consisteth in the want of faith and inward reuerence , must thinke hypocrites onely to eate vnworthily ; yet it is certaine in this place , that the Apostle findeth no fault with the hypocrisie or superstition of the Corinthians , but with their profanenesse ; for comming drunken , for eschewing the poore , and despising the Church : so this vnworthinesse was as well in their outward behauiour , as in their inward disposition : And so consequently the Apostle would haue vs to discerne the Lords Bodie , not by our inward estimation onely , but by our outward carriage and gesture , that it may bee seene of all , that in the Sacrament wee doe chiefly consider and respect , not the outward and symbolicall elements , but the thing signified , the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , and that according thereto we compose and frame our selues and our manners ; which if wee doe , this question is at a point : For what gesture , I pray you , can make a more euident difference betwixt Christs Bodie , the Bread of Life , and other common Bread , by giuing thereto such reuerence as best beseemeth the dignitie and worthinesse thereof , then the humble and religious gesture of Kneeling . SECT . 4. The manner of receiuing . THirdly , to come to the spirituall receiuing , which we know consisteth in faith : Hee that commeth to mee , shall neuer hunger , and he that beleeueth in me , shall neuer thirst . And in the same Chapter after , Hee that beleeues in me , hath life eternall , and I shall raise him vp at the last day . And Augustine saith , Wherefore preparest thou thy teeth and thy belly ? Beleeue , and thou hast eaten . This faith is accompanied with two inseparable companions in this action , Prayer and Thankes-giuing : for first , no man commeth-worthily to this Table , but hee that commeth with a hunger and thirst after righteousnes and life in Christ , whom hee commeth to receiue : for vnto such onely as are thus disposed , the inuitation and promise is made ; Esay 55. Ho , euery one that thirsteth , come yee to the waters . Math. 5. Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousnesse , for they shall be filled . Luk. 1. 53. Hee hath filled the hungry with good things , and the rich he hath sent away emptie . Psal. 22. 26. The poore shall eate and be satisfied . And in the exhortation vsed by the Minister before the Sacrament , these words wee haue in our booke : The end of our comming hither is not , to make protestation that we are vpright and iust in our liues , but contrariwise wee come to seeke our life and perfection in Iesus Christ , &c. With this hunger and thirst , and with this spirituall appetite , we should come eate and drinke : And what is this , but the feruent prayer that the heart is offering to God , while the hand is receiuing , and the mouth is eating ? For the substance of prayer consisteth , not in the voyces of the mouth , but in the wishes of the heart to God , whereof the voyces are but significant signes . With prayer then wee come and receiue , and our receiuing is in faith , the mother of humility , which in her selfe acknowledgeth nothing but miserie , and therfore renouncing her selfe , fleeth to the store-house and fountaine of mercy , that is in Christ Iesus , there eateth and drinketh , feedeth and resteth vpon the merit of his death , and the eternall Testament confirmed thereby ; the sense whereof is more pleasant and sweete to the taste of the soule , then the hony , & the hony-comb is to the taste of the mouth . For was there euer any thing more pleasant , then the meditation of the death of Christ to the penitent soule , which being wearied before vnder the burthen of sinne , and bruised vnder the weight of the wrath of God , well knoweth and is perswaded , that Christ hath borne our griefes and carried our sorrowes ; That hee was wounded for our transgressions , that hee was bruised for our iniquities , that the chastisement of our peace was vpon him , that with his stripes we were healed . Thus by the meditation of faith , we eate , we drinke , and feed on Christ with pleasure , and ioy that cannot be expressed . And is it possible that this ioy , pleasure and delectation , that wee haue in tasting the sweetnesse and goodnesse that is in him , can possesse the soule without thankefulnes ; that is , without such estimation of him , and such affection towards him , as presently resolueth in most earnest wishes and desires , that all the world might ioyne with vs in setting forth his prayses ? Now what are these wishes and desires , issuing from the ardent affection of loue , kindled by a liuely and feeling faith , but a true inward rendring of thankes ? Nam gratiam qui habet , refert ; for hee that hath a thankefull heart , after this sort , giues thanks to God indeed . So Christ is spiritually receiued , first , when with our eyes and eares wee deuoute him , as a Tertullian saith ; that is , when by these things that wee see and heare in the Sacrament , wee call to remembrance the breaking of his Bodie , and sheading of his Bloud . Secondly , b when with a spirituall hunger and thirst after the righteousnesse that wee know to bein him , we c ruminate , we chew and eate not with the mouth and the teeth , but with the minde , and the serious thoughts of a celestiall meditation , his death and Passion , vntill wee haue sucked and drawne out of it by diuine contemplation the full assurance of reconciliation with God , and of saluation : d And finally , digest him , and his death , not in our belly , but in our brest ; that is , in the depths of our hearts , by trusting in the All-sufficient fulnesse of the grace and goodnesse ; yea , of the God-head it selfe , that is in him , wherewith our soules being satiate , as with the fatnesse and sweetnesse of Marrow , are enlarged with ioyes , and filled with the wishes and desires of his eternall praise and glory . And therefore , as we do testifie our spirituall receiuing of Christ in faith , by the outward actions of taking , eating , and drinking : So should we testifie the serious wishes and desires of the heart for our owne saluation and his glory , with such an outward gesture and carriage of bodie , as is most agreeable to such sacred affections , and exercises of the soule in this action . And what is more agreeable to the humility of faith , wherein we receiue , and the hearty prayer and thankesgiuing , wherewith wee receiue , then the lowly and deuout bowing of our Knees . Then to conclude vpon these three considerations : first , of the giuer and maner of giuing ; next , of the gift ; thirdly , of the manner of receiuing , I ground and build this Argument : Whatsoeuer Gift our Sauiour deliuereth to all not coniunctly , but seuerally to euery one of them by himselfe , and that all not coniunctly , but seuerally should receiue from his hand with Prayer and Thankesgiuing , in presence of the Congregation of the Saints , and in a solemne act of Diuine Worship : A gift , I say , that is giuen , and should bee taken after such a manner , may bee very lawfully receiued by euery one reuerently sitting on his Knees . But the Body and Bloud of Iesus Christ in the Sacrament , is a gift that is giuen , and should be taken after such a manner : Therefore the Bodie and Bloud of Iesus Christ in the Sacrament , may very lawfully be receiued by euery one reuerently sitting on his knees . Thus I prooue the lawfulnesse of Kneeling , the expediencie shall bee after cleered . SECT . 5. The Nature of the Sacrament . NOW to come to the last thing , which wee propounded to bee considered in this tryall of piety , that is , the nature of the Sacrament . The nature of the Sacrament is to bee esteemed according to the chiefe end wherefore it was instituted , and these bee two : the one concerneth God , and our Sauiour Christ ; the other , the Church . The end which concerneth the faithfull , is their vnion with Christ , and amongst themselues , to saluation : The end that concerneth God and our Sauiour , is the prayse of his glorious grace . In respect of the first end , it is called , The communion of the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , the Table , and the Supper of the Lord : and in respect of the second , it is the commemoration , and predication of the death of Christ. The action in number is one , whereby these ends are attained and produced , but is diuersly to be considered , according to the diuersitie of these ends . In respect of the first , it is a representation of the sacrifice of Christ , and the application thereof to vs ; whereby our vnion with him , and amongst our selues , is performed : and in this respect it hath two parts ; In the first , the death of Christ , the oblation and sacrificing of himselfe , ( which really was onely done vpon the Crosse ) is mystically acted in the breaking of the bread , and taking of the cup ; whereby the breaking of his Body , and sheading of his Bloud is represented , and therefore it may be , and is rightly called a representatiue sacrifice . The next part is , the application of this sacrifice to the faithfull : This part is acted , first , mystically , by the command giuen in the name of Christ , Take , eate ; and by the obedience giuen by the people in taking and eating the externall elements : like as vnder the Law , first the oblation was made , and then the people did eate of the sacrifices . Next , this application is acted really and spiritually , by the Sacramentall word ; This is my Bodie which is broken for you : This cup is the new Testament in my Bloud . By this word , accompanied with the power of the Spirit , two things are done , whereby the reall and spirituall application of the Propitiatorie Sacrifice is made ; first , the mysterie that went before , is opened vp and interpreted , which represented the sacrificing of Christ , and the application of his Sacrifice . The sacrificing of Christ , which was symbolically represented in taking and breaking of the bread , is explaned by that parcell of the word , This is my Bodie which is broken : This is my Bloud which is shed . The application of this Sacrifice to the faithfull , which was symbolically represented in the giuing , taking , and eating of the elements , is expounded in the other parcell ; Broken for you , shed for the remission of the sinnes of many . This explication and declaration of the Mysterie by the Word , is a reall and spirituall application of the sacrifice of Christ , and the benefit thereof to the minde and vnderstanding of the Receiuer , to bee considered and pondered in the ballance of a wise and spirituall iudgement . This is the first thing that is done by the word : next , by this word , the last Will and Testament of Christ is declared , wherein he maketh a reall donation and disposition of himselfe , and of all his graces and gifts to the worthy receiuers ; The Bread which wee breake , is it not ( saith the Apostle ) the communion of the Bodie of Christ ? And the Cup which we blesse , is it not the communion of the Bloud of Christ ? How is this Bread and this Cup the communion of his Bodie , and of his Bloud ? How ? But by the Sacramentall word : wherein he declareth , that the Bread and the Cup are the instruments of the communication and disposition of his Bodie and Bloud , and the seales whereby he confirmeth the same . This declaration conuaied with the inward grace and operation of the Spirit , is a reall application of the sacrifice of Christ , and the eternall Testament confirmed thereby to the heart and the will of the Receiuer , that witl heart , will , and affection hee may trust and reioyce therein . Thus th● application is acted really and spir●tually on the part of Christ : and 〈◊〉 the part of the receiuer it is acted likewise , when he considereth and pondereth in his mind , as he should , the death of Christ , and the benefit thereof declared by the Word ; and next , when he resteth and reposeth thereon with a full confidence of saluation , according to the will of Christ , declared and testified by the same VVord . This is the spirituall application and reall receiuing of the Lord Iesus with all his benefites . So many as receiued him ( saith Iohn ) he gaue them this prerogatiue , that they should be called the sonnes of God. But who are they that receiued him ? All those ( saith hee ) that beleeued in his Name . Then to receiue him , is to beleeue in his name . In this beliefe and faith , standeth our participation of the Lords Table , and the eating and drinking at his Supper , whereby we haue communion with him and amongst our selues . And all this is effectuall , by this Sacramental Word ( This is my Body , this is my Bloud ) because both it is , verbum expositiuum mysterii , and Dispositiuum Testamenti ; the word that expoundeth the mysterie to the vnderstanding , and is the dispositiue word of the Testament : or the Word that declareth and testifieth the Legacie , and Letter-will of Christ , giuing and deliuering himselfe to the hand of our faith . SECT . 6. The difference betweene the Sacramentall Word , and the Word preached . AND heere by the way , it shall not be vnprofitable to consider the difference betwixt this Sacramentall Word , and the Word preached . The Word preached is onely Promissorium and Conditionatum , that is , promissorie and conditionall , because in it life eternall is promised , vpon condition that wee repent and beleeue in Iesus Christ : and it is true , that by the Word preached , wee are taught , and perswaded to beleeue , and to present our selues to the Sacraments . Then the Sacramentall Word , annexed to the Symbolicall Mysteries , declareth that Iesus Christ hath made , and by the present action of the Sacrament , maketh an actuall and reall disposition and donation of the benefits promised in the Word preached , because the condition therein required , is performed in vs by the true perswasion and profession of faith . So in the Word preached , the promise is made vpon condition of faith : But in the Sacramentall Word , because the condition is presumed to bee fulfilled , a simple donation and disposition is made of the things promised . And herein consisteth the dignitie of the Sacraments . First , that they are onely ministred to the Beleeuers , and the Beleeuers are onely admitted to them : But the VVord is preached to all , and all are admitted to the hearing thereof . Secondly , in the Word , a promise is onely made of righteousnesse and life ; but in the Sacrament , a reall donation and disposition is made of the things promised . Thirdly , in the Word , the promise is onely made in generall ; but in the Sacraments , the thing promised is applyed in particular . Fourthly , in the Word , the promise is conditionall , if wee beleeue and perseuer in faith : but in the Sacraments , the donation is simple , because it presupposeth faith and perseuerance . Fifthly , in the Sacraments , there is an externall solemne binding vp of a couenant betwixt God and the faithfull : But by the Word preached , and the hearing thereof , the people are onely perswaded , either to enter in this Couenant by beleeuing , or continue therein , if they beleeue alreadie . It is true , that by the power of the Word preached , faith is wrought in the hearts of the hearers , whereby they enter in a hid and secret Couenant with God , and God with them : They with God by beleeuing in him ; and hee with them , by imputation of faith to them for righteousnesse . This I call an hid , and secret Couenant , because it is onely knowne to God and to their owne hearts : To God it is knowne ; for hee sees and searches the heart and the reines , and knoweth them that trust in him : To them it is knowne by the testimonie of the Spirit of God , testifying with their spirit , that they are receiued in his fauour ; and that their faith is imputed to them for righteousnesse : for the Spirit of God testifies in the Word , that the Beleeuers are iustified , and our spirit and conscience testifieth that we beleeue , and consequently that wee are iustified . Moreouer , the same beliefe and faith which our spirit testifieth to be in vs , being the worke and effect of Gods Spirit in vs , is a realt estimonie giuen by the Spirit of God , of our Iustification . The Spirit then of God , both in generall in the Word , and by his owne particular worke in vs , testifieth , that wee are receiued in Gods fauour ; and our spirit priuy to this Testimonie , concurreth and testifieth with the Spirit of God. So this Couenant is secret and hid , because it is not knowne to men , yet it hath three most famous and faithfull Witnesses ; God , his Spirit , and our conscience . But to returne , in binding vp of this secret Couenant , neither is Gods part acted by preaching of the Word , nor our part by hearing : for by the Preaching he onely promises to receiue vs in grace , if wee beleeue , and to continue his fauour with vs if wee perseuer in faith : and hearing on our part , is not the condition that is craued , and must bee performed of vs , but faith , which we must declare , when we solemnely enter in Couenant with him ; not by a simple applying of our eare to heare , but by an open and publicke testification , both in word and work , that wee haue heard and beleeue . The Couenant thus begunne in secret betwixt God and man , is solemnized by the Sacraments , in the which action man maketh a publike profession of his faith in God , in comming to receiue , and in receiuing the signe and badge of his Faith and Religion towards God , and the Instrument and Seale of his iustification & saluation from God ; and after this manner mans part is acted in the outward and solemne binding vp of the Couenant : As on the other side , God acteth his part by receiuing man in his fauour and grace , admitting him to the communion of Saints in the Sacrament of Baptisme ; and by disponing and giuing to him the Bodie and the Bloud of his Son Iesus Christ , and the new Testament confirmed thereby in the Sacrament of the Supper , to assure him that his fauour and loue shall constantly remaine with him for euer . SECT . 7. That greater , and more particular reuerence must be vsed in receiuing the Sacrament , then in hearing the Word . HEreby it is euident , that although the preaching of the Word be a work of greater moment and charge , oneris & operae maioris , and more excellent in regard of the gifts required in the Pastor , and more necessarie to saluation , then the administration of the Sacraments ; yet certaine it is , that to be admitted and receiued to the Sacraments , is a greater dignitie & prerogatiue , then to bee admitted to the hearing of the Word ; and to receiue the Sacraments , then to heare the Word . For in receiuing the Sacraments , and in speciall , this of the Bodie and Bloud of our Sauiour , Christ draweth neerer to vs , and communicateth himselfe with vs more particularly , familiarly , and entirely , then in preaching of the Word , which is common to all . In the preaching of the Word , God dealeth coniunctly , generally , and in common with all at once : but in the Sacraments , although the action bee publike and common to all the Receiuers ; yet therein God dealeth not coniunctly with all at once , but seuerally and particularly , with euery one alone and by himselfe . And therefore in this action , the common and generall reuerence and worship done to GOD in the publike prayer and thankesgiuing , for the common benefit to bee receiued , wherewith the action beginneth ; and for the common benefit that wee haue receiued , when the action is ended ; this common and publike worship ( I say ) wherewith the action beginneth and endeth , is not sufficient . But as the common benefit is seuerally and particularly giuen to euery one ; so should euery one at the receiuing thereof , doe reuerence and worship in particular for himselfe to God and his Sauiour , from whose hand immediately hee receiueth the benefit . For as the Sacramentall Word , This is my Bodie , this is my Bloud , is generally and in common pronounced at the Consecration , in the audience of all that are to receiue : And yet at the receiuing , euery one must esteeme , that as the Bread and the Cup is in particular deliuered to him , and receiued by him , so the Word to bee spoken particularly to him ; This is my Bodie which is broken for thee ; this Cup is the new Testament in my Bloud , that is shed for the remission of thy sinnes : Euen so should euery one apply , and tender vnto Iesus Christ in particular for himselfe , the substance of the generall prayer and thankesgiuing that went before ; that is , hee should when hee receiueth , wish , that by the death of his Sauiour , whereof hee is made partaker , himselfe may bee saued , and that in his saluation , his Sauiour may bee glorified . These should be , and are the thoughts and exercises of the minde of euery one that receiueth worthily ; for the thoughts of the worthy Receiuers should be , and are such as the Sacramentall Word and Precept requireth : The Sacramentall Word ( This is my Body that is broken for you ; this Cup is the new Testament in my Bloud , that is shed for the remission of the sinnes of many ) requireth that euery receiuer , at the instant when hee receiueth , do actually beleeue , that vnto him in particular Christ offereth himselfe , and the new Testament confirmed by his Bloud , containing the right of eternal saluation ; and that with his whole heart hee embrace him , and rest on him , hoping for that saluation , and earnestly desiring to haue the full fruition and possession thereof . Now this desire , proceeding from this faith and hope , is in effect a particular application to our selues of the generall prayer which went before , wherein all desired to bee partakers of Christ himselfe , and by him of life eternall . Next , the Precept , Doe this in remembrance of mee , requireth a present actuall remembrance of the death of Christ , which remembrance at that time , must either bee actually thankefull for the benefit which hee hath receiued in Christ , or it is actually profane and diabolicall . And this thankefull remembrance , or this remembrance actually thankeful , is a particular application of that generall Thankesgiuing that went before to God for our own Redemption . Now to draw all the thoughts and exercises of the minde together , that are required by the Sacramentall Word and Precept , to bee in the Receiuer , at the instant of receiuing , are briefly , and in substance these : I call to minde with thankefulnesse , O Lord , thy Bodie that was broken , and thy Bloud that was shed , here represented and applyed to me , and therein my soule trusteth , and waiteth for thy saluation ; wherewith possesse mee , I beseech thee , Amen . No tongue can vtter so briefly , as these thoughts goe swiftly thorow the minde of the worthy Receiuer . Eusebius , in the sixt booke of the Ecclesiasticall Storie , recordeth , that Nouatus , when he deliuered the Sacrament to his people , did apprehend their hands ; & compelled them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in stead of blessing , to sweare by that which was in their hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to say , in stead of Amen , Wee shall not returne to Cornelius againe . By the which words it is euident , that they did not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pray and giue thankes , before and after the receiuing , but in the very Act it selfe , while the bread was in their hands , they blessed it , and said , Amen . Now with what gesture and reuerence , I pray you , should these thoughts and meditations of our heart be accompanied , at the instant , when Christ is professedly giuing , and wee receiuing from his hand ? Thinke yee that sufficient which is vsed , when men attend to heare his Will declared in his Word ? If a King should generally declare to a multitude , what benefit hee were to bestow vpon them , and thereafter should call them man by man , and with his hand deliuer it ; should the carriage of euery man comming seuerally to receiue , bee no other then that which was vsed of all when they harkened to his speech ? SECT . 8. That the name of a Supper giuen to this Sacrament , doth not diminish the reuerence that is due thereto . ANd here let it bee considered , whether this should exempt vs from bowing the Knee , because this gift is called a Supper , which should not bee receiued with Kneeling . A Supper it is called , I grant : But I demand , Is it so called in respect of the nature of the action , simply considered in it selfe , and properly ? Chrysostome saith , that Paul in 1. Cor. 11. calleth that a Supper , which should rather haue beene called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Dinner , or a breake-fast , if hee had respected the time : but hee calleth it so , Vt remitteret illos iam inde , ad illam vesperam qua Dominus tremenda mysteria tradidit , That hee might send them back to that euening , wherein our Lord deliuered these fearefull mysteries . The meaning is , that hee might call them to remembrance of the first institution ; In respect whereof , it is called a Supper : So likewise it is called a Supper , because in some thing it resembleth a Supper : For it is not a priuate meale , but like to a publike banquet , wherevnto all the faithful are inuited . Now we finde that in these dayes men vsed to dine priuately , and their feasts whereunto they inuited their friends were commonly suppers made at night . Vnto this agreeth well that which Plutarch writeth ; The Supper , saith hee , was called by the Romans , Coena , ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was common : for the old Romanes vsed to dine sparingly , but to sup with their friends . And finally , it is called a Supper , because it is the Antitype of the Paschall Supper , as Baptisme is of Circumcision ; in respect whereof , the spirituall part of Baptisme is called by the Apostle , Coloss. 2. 11 , 12. The Circumcision of Christ , as this Sacrament is called the Supper of the Lord. That properly it is not , nor cannot be called a Supper , whether wee consider the symbolicall , or the spirituall part thereof , is manifest by these Reasons : First , euery Repast that is properly called a Supper , is ( at least ) sufficient to content Nature : Amongst the Ancients , although their Dinners and Breake fasts were sparing , and therefore the Custome was not , either to sit or lie at them ; yet their Suppers were large , and a long time spent at them , which made them to Lie or Sit for ease of their bodies . Of this sort was the Paschall Supper , and all the Feasts wherein the Legall Sacrifices were eaten : Here all the meate is a little morsell of bread , no greater then an Oliue , and all the drinke a little quantitie , rather tasted then drunken . Such a shew of Repast as this , can neither properly bee called a Breake-fast , a Dinner , nor a Supper , and the time spent in taking heereof , so short , that easily it may bee past with any position of bodie , as was said before . Secondly , the Feasters here take not , nor eate not , as at an ordinarie supper : all that they eate , or drinke , they receiue at the hand of the Pastor , all their meate at once and together . This kinde of intertainement is not proper to a supper . Thirdly , at the deliuery and receiuing of this food , a word is pronounced , whereby wee are taught , that this food is not giuen , nor should bee receiued to nourish the body , but onely to signifie and represent the Passion of Christ , and the application thereof to the Beleeuers , for their comfort . A food giuen and receiued for such an vse as this onely , cannot properly bee a Supper ; for no Repast properly is a supper , but that which is appointed to nourish the bodie , whatsoeuer vse it hath beside . So if either wee consider the quantitie of the Repast , the time that is spent in the receiuing thereof , the forme of giuing and receiuing , or the end wherefore it is giuen , wee shall finde , that properly , neither is it , nor can it bee called a Supper . As for the spirituall and internall part of the action , whereby the minde is informed , and faith confirmed , it may be called a Supper ; not properly , but in the sense that Salomon calleth a good conscience , a perpetuall Feast , because by the meditation of the death of Christ , and the benefit that we haue thereby , the soule is fed and nourished with spirituall and heauenly knowledge , strengthened with confidence and hope , and satiate with ioyes and pleasures that cannot bee expressed : Whereby it is euident , that neither in respect of the externall and materiall part , nor in respect of the inward and spirituall part , is this Sacrament properly called a Supper . Therefore the appellation should not alter the worship , and religious reuerence , that the nature of the action , simply considered in it selfe , requireth . But put the case , that it were properly a Supper , yet wee must grant that the Master of the Feast , is our Lord and King , out of whose hand if wee receiue the Cup , or some daintie morsell , should wee vse no more reuerence , then when we carue to our selues , or receiue from the hand of a seruant , or from our companions ? Consider then with your selues , how this whole Supper , to wit , the Bodie and the Bloud of Christ , is giuen by Christ himselfe at once to vs , his Bloud in one Cup , and his Bodie in one Morsell . So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Lords Supper is a Gift , or a Iewell giuen out of his owne hand , as a pledge of his loue , and therefore is sometimes called by the Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basilius writeth in his Homily of Charitie , that Christ left to his Disciples , when he was to fulfill his Ministerie in the flesh , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Donum perfectitium , a gift giuen at his departure , in pledge of his loue . Then to conclude , this Supper being a Gift giuen in pledge of his loue to vs , by him who not onely is our Lord and King , but the King of Kings , and the Lord of Lords . Whether should we draw neere and receiue , in respect of the testification of his loue towards vs , with greater confidence ? Or in consideration of his glorious Person and Maiestie , with greater feare and reuerence ? Doubtlesse , both should be so great as great may bee : How great then must the Religion and Deuotion bee , that is composed of these two , the greatest confidence , and the greatest reuerence ? SECT . 9. What manner of person should wee esteeme our Sautour and our selues , to carry at the Sacrament . LO , but Christ inuiteth vs as coheires to this Banquet , whom hee will honour as his owne Peeres and Equals , and will not haue vs to demeane our selues , as Inferiours and Subiects : Whence learne wee this : Christ Sate , or Lay , at the Table with his Disciples , when hee deliuered his Bodie and Bloud to them : and therefore now , why should wee not sit at Table with him , and receiue from his hand ? I answer , Christ Sate or Lay with his Disciples , when he did institute this Sacrament , so did hee at the same time wash their feete . Two Reasons hereof are giuen by himselfe : Hee came not to bee serued , but to serue : and therefore during the dayes of his flesh , as hee did carrie the forme of a seruant , so hee saith , that hee was as a seruant in the midst of them . Next , hee did giue to them an example of humilitie , that they should neither rule imperiously , one ouer another , nor ouer the Lords inheritance , but in humilitie serue one another , and feed the Flocke committed to their charge . This last Reason would neither teach them , nor vs , to match our selues with our Lord & Master , but to submit our selues to our equals . The first sheweth , that as in the rest of the parts of his Ministerie ; so in the institution of this Sacrament , although hee was the Lord and Giuer of the inward and spirituall grace , yet hee did carry himselfe as the Minister of the externall Element , which person now the Pastor sustaineth : and hee exalted at the right hand of the Father , hath declared himselfe to haue laid down the person of a seruant , and to bee no more an externall Minister , but the Lord and Giuer of the Spirit , and inward grace , by sending down the Holy Ghost from heauen vpon the Apostles . Hee then , who now would sit with him , as his fellow , must either bring him downe from heauen , and abase him againe in the forme of a seruant ; or else hee must exalt himselfe to Sit with him , at the right hand of the Throne of Maiesty in the highest places . Therefore let no man in this action thinke and esteeme of the Lord Iesus , according to the condition of the person that hee sustained , and the carriage that hee vsed , when hee did institute this Sacrament . The true and right estimation of him , is to be learned , without question , from the doctrine and word of the institution . Let vs then take diligent heed , and marke how there hee is propounded to be considered and esteemed of vs. There hee is the great High Priest , and Sacrificer of himselfe ( Hee tooke , Hee brake ) wee are the sinners for whom the Sacrifice is offered ; with this Sacrifice hee payeth his Vowes , in the midst of the vniuersall Church ( Take yee , eate yee : ) Wee are the poore and hungry that eate and are satisfied . Hee is the Mediator , Suretie , and Testator of the new and eternall Testament ( This is the new Testament in my Bloud . ) VVee are the Heires and Legators , who haue neither right by Nature , nor Merit , but by his meere Donation and Disposition onely . Hee is the honourable and glorious person , who in this action is to bee remembred as the Authour of eternall saluation , ( Doe this in remembrance of mee : ) And we are the redeemed , who for the benefit of our redemption should remember him with Thankesgiuing and Praise . Thus wee are taught by the words of the Institution , how in this action wee should esteeme , both of him , and of our selues , and how therein accordingly wee should behaue our selues towards him : Namely , as the redeemed , towards their Redeemer : the poore and the hungry , towards their Nourisher and Feeder : The adopted heire , towards their Adopter and Testator ; and they who should giue thankes and praise , towards their Benefactor . SECT . 10. In what respect this Sacrament is called the Eucharist . AND heere we rancounter with the other end of this Sacrament , which I called the praise of the glorious grace of God , and of our Sauiour the Lord Iesus . In respect of this end it is a commemoration and predication of the death of Christ , acted not in word onely , but in deed , both by the Pastor and the people : By the Pastor , when hee representeth Christs death in the mysticall action , and by the Sacramentall word maketh the donation and application thereof to the people , taking , breaking , giuing , and saying ; This is my Bodie , this is my Bloud ; and by the people , when they take , eate , and drinke : in doing whereof they expose in open view to the eyes of the world , the Passion and Death of the Lord Iesus , and the benefit that therby they acknowledge themselues to receiue , and so doth publikely and solemnely remember his goodnesse and grace to his praise and glorie , and testifie that their faith and thankefulnes towards him , according to the direction of our Sauiour , Doe this in remembrance of me ▪ In the which precept wee are commanded ; first , to celebrate the action as hee hath done : and secondly , we are admonished of the end wherfore that celebritie should be obserued ; namely , that thereby a solemne memoriall of his death ought to bee kept . So Paul interpreteth the Precept in these words immediately subioyned ; For so often as yee eate this Bread , and drinke this Cup ; that is , so often as yee doe this , yee shew forth , or shall shew forth , and preach the Lords death till hee come : ( that is , yee shall doe it in remembrance of me . ) Hereby shewing and preaching the Lords death : The Apostle meaneth not a verball Sermon , or a preaching made by word in the Congregation , for that wee know is not the part of the people , whereof here hee speaketh ; but a reall preaching , acted by the people for their part , by taking , eating , and drinking ; and therefore the Apostle saith , that if they eate and drinke vnworthily , they shall be guiltie of the Lords Bodie . The reason is , because by eating and drinking vnworthily , they shew forth & preach the Lords death vnworthily ; that is , without the reuerence and respect that the worthinesse of his death deserueth : for if they eate and drinke like full and drunken persons , their preaching is profane and vitious ; if they eate and drinke with contempt of the Church , and despising of the poore , their preaching is disdainefull , and ignominious to Christ and his Church . This was the Corinthians fault , who did abuse this sacred memoriall of the Lords death to his dishonour and disgrace , because therein looking too basely on the elements , they did not discerne , by their religious reuerence and carriage , the Body of the Lord , from other common food : wherefore the Apostle exhorteth them to try and refine themselues from the drosse of the old man ; their pride , their profanenesse , their drunkennes and contentions , and so eate of that Bread , and drinke of that Cup : otherwise , if they should eate and drinke vnworthily , that is , without a due regard to him , who , for a glorious remembrance of himselfe till his comming againe , did institute this action , they should eate and drinke damnation to themselues . This action then , as it is , in respect of the end that belongeth to vs , the communion of the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , or the instrument and seale of that communion : so in respect of this end that appertaineth to Christ himselfe , and of our dutie that should be performed therein to him , it is a solemne memoriall , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his death , ordained to bee obserued for the praise of his grace ; and therefore by the ancient and recent VVriters and Doctors of the Church , is rightly called the Eucharist , not onely for the thankes-giuing , wherewith it beginneth , and which the Church is accustomed to giue after it is ended , which is common to many other religious actions , but because the very action it selfe is so to bee esteemed , by reason of the end whereunto it is appointed , from the which commonly actions receiue their nature and their name , and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a worthy and an honorable remembrance of Christ , being one of the chiefe end● of this action . The action it selfe is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an action of praise , in respect of Christ , for whom it is done ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an action of thankesgiuing , in respect of these by whom it is done : for as it is a memoriall of his praise , so is it a testimonie of their thankefulnesse . And what is a thankesgiuing , but the remembrance and declaration of benefits receiued , made and intended to the praise of the giuer , whether it bee performed in word , in deed , or in both ? For thankesgiuing in word , reade all the Psalmes and Orations in the Scripture , conceiued for that effect , and yee shall finde it so , Psal. 135. 126. 1. Chron. 17. 29 , 10 , &c. The Passeouer , and all the rest of the Feasts kept vnder the Law , in remembrance of some great and extraordinarie benefits of God , were Eucharisticall , because they were obserued to the praise and honor of God , not verbally , but really . Such amongst the Heathen , were the Olympick , Pythick , and Isthmick games , wherein the prayses and honour of their gods were remembred and celebrated , not by Speeches and Orations , but by the very Actions and Deedes of the Gamesters . So Virgil hauing recorded the Pastimes , and Games that Aeneas caused to bee acted to the prayse of his father Anchyses , concludeth , Hac celebrata tenus sancto certamina patri ; hitherto the pastimes were celebrated to the praise of his holy Father . And heere it is to bee obserued , that although in these superstitious solemnities , no mention were made of their praises and honours for whom they were kept , yet they are remembrances of their praise , because they were instituted , and ex professo , professedy obserued for that purpose . In the religious Festiuities , some resemblance there was of the benefit that was remembred , beside the profession of the end wherefore they were instituted and kept . But amongst all the Celebrities and Solemnities , that euer were obserued for the praise of God or man , there was neuer any that had the end wherefore it was instituted , set downe more cleerely to bee a memoriall of praise , or an honourable remembrance , then this Sacrament hath in these words , ( Doe this for a remembrance of me , ) and that had a more euident and plaine resemblance of the benefit that was to bee remembred with praise and thankesgiuing , then this . For what can more liuely expresse the praise of the glory of our Sauiours grace , then that part of this action , where hee is brought in , breaking his owne Bodie , and sheading his owne Bloud , and offering himselfe in a sacrifice for the sinnes of the world ? And againe , what can more euidently declare the faith and thankefulnesse of the people towards him , then the other part of the same action , where they are brought in , feeding on the sacrifice of his Bodie and Bloud , thereby testifying before the world , that by him alone they doe acknowledge themselues to haue liberty and life , that in him alone they repose and trust , that hee alone is the meditation of their minds , the desire of their soules , the ioy and delectation of their hearts . Caluin . Instit. lib. 4. Cap. 18. Sect. 17. Huius generis sacrificio carere non potest coena Domini , in qua dum mortem eius annunciamus , & gratiarum actionem referimus , nihil aliud offerimus quam sacrificium laudis . Aquinas Quotiescunque ederitis panem hunc , &c. Exponit verba Domini , Hoc facite in meam commemorationem : dicens mortem Domini , annunciabitis represent ando , scilicet eam per hoc Sacramentum . Caluin saith , that the Supper of the Lord cannot want in it an Eucharisticall Sacrifice , because , while wee declare the death of the Lord , and giue thankes , we doe nothing , but offer vp a sacrifice of praise . Aquinas affirmeth , that wee declare and preach Christs death , representing it by this Sacrament . In diuers places of the Greek Liturgies this Sacrament is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sacrifice of praise ; and not onely is the action it selfe , and the celebration of this Sacrament , called the Eucharist by the Ancients , but the Symbols themselues , the Bread and the Wine . Origen contra Celsum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bread , which is called the Eucharist , saith hee , is a Symboll of our thankefulnesse to God , and so is the whole action in deed , because not onely in it are thankes giuen in word , Sed gratiae aguntur vere & re-ipsa , but a solemne thankesgiuing is acted truly and in deed . SECT . 11. The conclusion of this point , which concerneth the nature of this Sacrament . HEreby it is manifest , that as this action , in respect of Christs part towards vs , or the end that concerneth vs , is a Mysticall representation , and a reall application of the Propitiatorie sacrifice of Christ to vs : So in respect of our part towards Christ againe , and the end● that concerneth him , it is a spirituall and Eucharisticall Sacrifice done to his glorie . Nay , if we consider the action , in regard of the one end , or the other , it is to bee performed of vs with such a religious and humble gesture , as becommeth sinners to vse towards their Sauiour when they receiue from him the benefit of expiation of their sinnes , and reconciliation with God. Or when they offer back againe to him therefore , the sacrifice of thankesgiuing , both secretly in their inward affection , and publikely in a most solemne action . Now , what gesture can better agree to sinners in receiuing their pardon , and in giuing praise therefore to their Redeemer , then the religious and humble gesture of Kneeling , commanded by God himselfe to bee vsed in his worship ; practised by our Sauiour himselfe ; and by all the Saints both vnder the Law and the Gospell , not onely when they did offer their supplications to God , but when they ioyfully gaue thankes and praise ? Psal. 138. I will praise thee with my whole heart ; before the Gods I will sing praise vnto thee , I will bowe my selfe Eshtachaue towards thy holy Temple , and praise thy name for thy louing kindnesse . Psal. 95. O come , let vs sing vnto the Lord , let vs make a ioyfull noyse to the Rocke of our saluation : let vs come before his presence with thankesgiuing , and make a ioyfull noyse to him with Psalmes , &c. ver . 6. O come , let vs humbly bowe our selues , and fall downe , and Kneele before the Lord our Maker . Luk. 17. 16. When one of the ten Lepers perceiued that hee was healed , hee returned with a loud voyce , giuing glory to God , and fell on his face at the feete of Iesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , giuing thankes to him . In the Apocalypse the 24. Elders , when they giue praise , and sing a new song to their Sauiour , not onely fall they downe off the Thrones , whereon he had placed them , but they cast the Crownes off their heads , the ensignes of the Kingdome that he had disposed to them ; thereby teaching how basely wee should esteeme of our selues , and how highly wee should thinke of our Sauiour , and with what gesture and carriage wee should expresse the same , when wee come with thankesgiuing and praise , to worship him , as wee should all professe our selues to doe in this action . In this point I haue beene forced to bee somewhat larger , because there is one , who to maintaine his Thesis for Sitting , against Kneeling , bendeth & spendeth all his wit in vaine , to proue that this Sacrament should not , nor can not bee called the Eucharist , against the sway of all the Learned , both in the Orient and Occident Church ; so audacious is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the passing-measure-loue of contention , who regardeth not to tread on the Veritie , prouiding she may seeme to haue the Victorie . Dij talem terris auertite pestem : From the which pestilent Monster , the Lord deliuer his Church . Amen . CHAP. IIII. Whether it may stand with Charitie towards our Brethren , to Kneele at the receiuing of the Sacrament . SECT . 1. That Kneeling serueth for Edification . THE last thing that wee haue to try , is , whether the gesture of Kneeling in receiuing the Sacrament , bee according to charitie : that is , whether it may tend to Edification , or at least , may be vsed without offence and scandall in our Church . As for the first ; The chiefe things whereof the Church should be informed at the receiuing of the Sacrament , are the spirituall benefits , that are mystically shadowed in the symbolicall Elements ; as Christ , the Giuer ; his Body and his Bloud , the Gift ; the spirituall appetite , wherewith wee should come ; faith , the hand wherewith we should receiue ; the nature of the action it selfe , a mysticall representation , and a reall application of Christs propitiatory Sacrifice for vs ; and an Oblation againe made by vs of an Eucharisticall Sacrifice for him ; and the end of the action our saluation , and the glory of our Sauiour . These things being the chiefe points wherein the Communicants should bee edified : What gesture for their edification can bee chosen and vsed more conuenient , then Kneeling ? A Gesture , declaring what reuerence is due to the Giuer , and the Gift : A Gesture , agreeable to the spirituall appetite and desire , wherewith the poore and hungry should come to this Table : proper to the humilitie , that in this action our faith should produce , when it learneth vs to renounce our selues , and rest on Christ ; and very decent to be vsed by the Saints , when either they receiue benefits from Gods hands , or giue backe thankes to him therefore . SECT . 2. That Kneeling obscureth not our fellowship with Christ and amongst our selues . AGainst this , if it be obiected that although in the respects aboue specified , it may serue for edification , yet it obscureth the fellowship and communion that wee haue with Christ , and amongst our selues , that is signified , and sealed vp in this Sacrament , and is most cleerely expressed by Sitting at Table . It is answered , As for our fellowship amongst our selues , if at the Table an vniforme gesture bee obserued by all the Communicants , whether it be Standing , or Lying , or Sitting , or Kneeling , if it be the same , and vniforme , I say , it is sufficient to expresse our Societie , at least , it obscureth it not : For there is as well a fellowship amongst the Saints in Kneeling , as in Sitting or Standing . As for our fellowship and communion with Christ , wherein our honour in deed , and Christian prerogatiues consist , if wee imagine that to bee represented by our Sitting at Table with our Sauiour ; How was it expressed , when the Communicants stood at the Table , except yee thinke that Christ stood with them ? for if hee sate and they stood , they were not vsed as his Coheires & Equals , as some affirme wee should bee : but there was a disparitie as great , as is betwixt the Lord that sitteth , and the seruant that standeth . And if our Sauiour , the Lord Iesus , be neither locally nor corporally with vs at Table now ( as was before cleered ) if hee be neither there Standing , nor Sitting , nor Lying , as hee was with his Disciples : How can our Sitting at Table import our fellowship with him more then Kneeling , or any other gesture ? If it be said , that the Pastor representeth him in the action , and that our Sitting with the Pastor sheweth our fellowship with Christ : It is answered , that Christ had two conditions of estate : The forme of a seruant , and the authoritie and power of a Lord : Yee call me Lord and Master ( saith hee ) and I am so , yet I am as a seruant in the midst of you : the one in open view hee did carry ; the other hee had but hid in the forme of a seruant : By his power and authoritie , as Lord , hee did institute this Sacrament , and was , and is Lord and Master of the Feast , and the spirituall Giuer of the internall and inuisible Grace . In the forme of a seruant , hee lay with his Disciples , and they with him at Table , and hee was Minister of the externall element . This person our Sauiour hath laid downe , and sustaineth onely that of Lord and Master , had while hee was on earth , but manifest in heauen ; which neither man nor Angell carrieth , but himselfe at the right hand of the Father . With that other of a Seruant and Minister , the Pastor is cloathed , wherein hee standeth and serueth in the Congregation , and sitteth not as Lord and Master of the Feast . Our Sitting therefore with him , or Standing at the Table , cannot declare our prerogatiue , and honourable fellowship that we haue with the Lord and Master of the Feast , our Sauiour Christ Iesus , whom to esteeme now as a seruant , either in this , or any other Religious action , and vs as his fellowes , let bee his equals ( which is blasphemy ) is pride in vs , and contempt of him . Hee is our Lord and God , as Thomas said , and him wee must adore , as the Apostles did euer after his Ascension . SECT . 3. That by eating and drinking , our fellowship with Christ is sufficiently expressed , without the Table-gesture of Sitting . THE true fellowship , vnion and communion that wee haue with our Sauiour and amongst our selues , is in this Sacrament both wrought and represented , not by Sitting , nor Lying , nor Standing , nor Kneeling , but by a farre more significant and effectuall meane , not drawne from a controuerted example of Christs Table-gesture , but set downe in the expresse words of the Institution , and interpreted by Paul , 1. Cor. chap. 10. in these words following : The bread which wee breake ( not the Table whereat wee sit ) is it not the communion of the Bodie of Christ ? The Cup of blessing which wee blesse ( not our Sitting or Standing ) is it not the communion of the Bloud of Christ ? Here the Bread and the Cup deliuered and receiued , and not the Table , nor the Sitting thereat , are the Signes and Seales of our Communion and Fellowship with Christ ; yea , a signe that declareth a far more strict coniunction with Christ , then either Lying or Sitting , or any other Table-gesture , to wit , such a coniunction and vnion , as is betwixt the bodie , and the food wherewith it is nourished , which is not onely locall , but reall : For as our corporall nourishment is turned into the substance of our bodies naturally , so are we conuerted and turned into the Lord Iesus spiritually , insomuch that wee become flesh of his flesh , and bone of his bones ; and this conuersion beginneth in this life at the soule , and is perfected both in bodie and soule in the life to come . Here wee are conuerted in the same minde , will , and affections , then , our bodies shall bee made like his glorious Bodie . And this conuersion is wrought by the reall vnion that is betwixt our Sauiour and vs , represented in this Sacrament , by the naturall vnion , that is betwixt the bodie that is nourished , and the food whereby it is nourished , and is most cleerely set downe by our Sauiour himselfe in the sixt chapter of Iohns Gospell , wherein the spirituall part of this Sacrament is most accurately described , containing both the benefit which wee receiue , and the meanes and manner whereby we receiue it . The benefit , the resurrection of our bodies , and life euerlasting , in these words , Hee that eateth my Flesh , and drinketh my Bloud , hath life eternall , and I shall raise him vp at the last Day . The meanes and manner , whereby wee receiue this benefit , is our vnion and communion with Christ ; and touching the vnion , hee saith , Hee that eateth my Flesh , and drinketh my Bloud , remaineth in me , and I in him . Then followeth the communion ; As the Father liueth , so liue I by the Father , and hee that eateth mee , shall liue by mee . Here we haue a fellowship with the Father and with the Sonne , in the greatest dignitie and honour whereof a creature can be capable , in the blessed , the eternall , and glorious life of God , which is signified & sealed vp by the Sacramentall action of eating and drinking the Bread and the Cup of the Lord liuely , then any gesture , or position of body can expresse . SECT . 4. So likewise our fellowship amongst our selues is expressed sufficiently , by eating the same Bread in the Sacrament . AND thus much for our fellowship & communion with Christ : Our communion and fellowship amongst our selues , is in the same place of the Epistle to the Corinths , most euidently , not shadowed , but demonstrated in these words : Because the Bread is one , wee many are one Bodie ; for we are all partakers of one Bread. Cyprian in the sixt Epistle of his first booke , thinketh that our vnion amongst our selues is onely declared by this similitude ; As many graines are made one Bread , and many grapes one Vine : so the Church , that is a multitude of people , is made one spirituall Bodie . But the Apostles reason is demonstratiue , the ground whereof is , that the Bread is one , whereof wee are all made partakers : one , not in forme and kinde onely ; for so many persons and bodies may bee fed with one bread ; but one bread in number , and therefore all that feed thereon , must bee one bodie : for two bodie in number cannot feed on the selfe-same bread in number ; the bread that I eate , cannot feed thee ; and the same bread in number that thou eatest , cannot feed mee . It is one bread in number that feedeth thee , and another bread in number that feedeth me : but all the members of my body that are many , are fed with one and the selfe-same bread , that I receiue and eate ; and therefore although they bee many , yet are they all but one bodie . Euen so all the members of the Church which are many , are fed with one and the selfe-same Bread in number , that is Christ , and therefore they must all bee one Bodie . This is a demonstration of the cause by the effect : It is the proper effect or affection of one bodie , to be fed with one bread , and therefore to whomsoeuer this effect agreeth , they are one body : And contrariwise , the vnitie of the body , or the vnion of the members in one body by one forme , as the immediate and proper cause , that all these diuers mēbers are fed with one bread . As this therefore is a demonstration of the effect by the cause , all that are one body , feed on one bread : All the members of the Church , are one Bodie ; Ergo , all the members of the Church feed on one Bread. So this is a demonstratiō of the cause by the effect : Al that feed on one Bread , are one Bodie ; all the members of the Church feed on one Bread , therefore all the members of the Church are one Bodie . Here you may perceiue the ground of the reason to bee , that the Bread whereof all are partakers is One : And this is manifest , whether by the bread , the signe , or the thing signified bee vnderstood ; for if by the Bread , the elementall bread bee vnderstood , although that materially it bee diuided in many parts , and distributed , yet all these parts and pieces are formally one and the selfe-same Sacrament . So that , although thou receiue not the selfe-same piece of bread in number , which I receiue ; yet thou , and I , and all of vs receiue the selfe-same Sacrament in number . But if by the Bread , the Bodie of Christ , which is the Bread of life , be vnderstood , as principally and chiefly it must , seeing the Bread which wee breake , is ( as the Apostle saith ) the communion of Christs Bodie , which we participate in breaking of the Sacramentall Bread : then the ground of the demonstration is strong and sure , That the bread is one in number whereof wee are all partakers , because the Bodie of Christ is not diuided , and giuen by pieces , but is all and whole , one and the same in number , giuen to all and euery one that worthily receiueth . As for the breaking of the elementall bread , it signifieth not the distribution of the Bodie of Christ by pieces , but the breaking of his Body on the Crosse , with the sorrowes of death for our sinnes . And here marke by the way , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not alway signifie to receiue with others by parts ; for if the thing be such as cannot be diuided , then it doth signifie the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to receiue in common with others : So in the third chapter to the Hebrews , ver . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and vers . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the participation of Christ , & of the heauenly Calling , importeth not a diuision of Christ , and of the heauenly Calling , whereof wee are partakers , but a communion of Christ , and of the heauenly Calling . And so in this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to receiue , not by parts , but in common with others , the selfe-same Bread of life in number , to wit , the Bodie of the Lord Iesus Christ , and the selfe-same Sacrament thereof in number ; whereon it followeth most necessarily ; that wee who are partakers of that Bread , must bee one Bodie . Here contention being laid aside , I would demand , whether the Sacramentall elements , and actions that are vsed about them , do not sufficiently and fully declare our communion with Christ and amongst our selues , or need they any accessarie gesture to supply their defects : For is there , or was there euer any gesture , that can signifie so straite a coniunction , as is represented in this Sacrament ? First , betwixt Christ and vs ; and next amongst our selues , by the participation of that one and selfe-same Bread , which first sheweth the vnion betwixt Christ & vs to be such , as is betwixt the body and the food whereby it is nourished : and next , the vnion amongst our selues to bee such , as is amongst the members of the same body . SECT . 5. That Sitting cannot bee a necessarie Sacramentall Ceremonie , nor a proper Table-gesture . NOW to conclude this point ( as I said before ) that all the Ceremonies and Actions , that either appertaine to the Essence or Integrity of the Sacrament , are fully set downe in the words of the Institution : So here I affirme , that all the significant Ceremonies and Actions that belong to the nature of the Sacraments , are employed about the Elements , or belong to the vse of them onely . As in Baptisme , the washing , dipping , and rising vp , are Actions and Ceremonies that belong to the vse of the water . In the Supper , the taking , blessing , and breaking , giuing , receiuing , eating , and drinking , are Ceremonies and Actions vsed about the Bread and the Wine : And the reason is manifest , because by the Elements onely , our Sauiour Christ and his benefits are signified ; and by the Ceremonies and Actions , the application of him to vs , and our faith in him : as , by the Water , his Spirit ; his Bloud , his Death ; by the washing , dipping , and rising vp out of the water , the cleansing of vs from the guilt and vitiositie of sinne ; by his bloud and Spirit , the participation of his death and buriall whereby wee die to sin ; and of his resurrection , whereby we rise to newnesse of life : So likewise in the Supper , the bread and the cup signifie , his Bodie and Bloud ; the Ceremoniall Actions represent his Passion , and the application thereof to vs ; and in both , our obedience testifieth our faith . Whereby it is manifest , that if wee count the Table-gesture a Sacramentall Ceremonie , the Table , whereunto the vse of the gesture belongeth , must also be some third symboll or signe representing Christ ; and consequently as necessarie and essentiall to the action , as the elements of bread and wine , and the gesture that is proper thereto ( if any be ) as necessary to bee obserued , as the Ceremoniall Actions of eating and drinking , are necessarie to be vsed in receiuing the Elements . But this I am perswaded no man will affirme , neither will any man thinke , that a materiall Table is so necessarie , that without it , the Sacrament could not be ministred , at least , in places where it might not be had , as in the Wildernesse , in Dennes and Caues of the earth , and such like places , whereunto the Saints were forced to flye in the dayes of persecution . And what shall we say of those , who receiue the Sacrament lying sick on their beds ? Of him who in prison and fetters , made his brest the boord ? If by the mercie of God , the Turkes were conuerted to the Christian faith , might they not receiue the Sacrament without any such Table as they do their common food , sitting on the ground ? The thing that apparantly fostereth this conceit of Table-gesture , is this ; Where mention is made of receiuing meate , there commonly mention is made of a Table , and that we conceit to be a materiall one , such as in vse with vs : but mensa , albeit most frequently it be so taken , yet it is also vsed for that , whatsoeuer it be , whereon meate is set , whether it be a boord , or the bare earth , or the grasse , or a cake of bread laid on the ground vnder the meat , which some for hunger hauing eaten , said merrily , they had deuoured the Table : Heus etiam mensas consumimus , inquit Iulus . And the meate it selfe is often called a Table , as in the Psal. 78. Can God prepare a Table for vs in the Wildernesse ? When the Troians lay on the grasse , fusique per herbam , and were satiate , it is said that the boords were remoued , mensaeque remotae ; that is , the rest of the meate was taken away . And children know , that the second seruice is called , Mensae secundae : Nec adhuc mensa secunda venit . Here with one stroke it were possible ( if it might stand with the fauour of good brethren ) to cut this Gordian knot of Table-gesture , if wee should onely deny , that any Table is absolutely necessarie to bee vsed in the Sacrament , but that which the Apostle calleth , the Table of the Lord , that is , the Body of our Sauiour represented and offered in the visible elements , or any Table-gesture necessary , but that which hee calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to participate of that Table by eating and drinking : which gesture is prescribed in the Institution , and must be vsed , and is not onely proper to the Lords Table , but to all Tables of Repast ; as for sitting , lying , and standing , there be none of these proper : for neither hath any of them been , or shall be euer in vse amongst all people , or only in vse at a Table of Repast : for men sit often else-where , & not at such a Table ; & lie to sleep , and stand at other businesse . Nay , none of these gestures are proper , & necessary : but as for taking , eating and drinking , not onely are they necessary and proper to all Tables of Repast , but are more significant , and do farre better expresse both our fellowship and vnion with our Sauiour and amongst our selues , then the gesture of Sitting , or any other position of body whatsoeuer . SECT . 6. That by Kneeling wee symbolize not with the Papists in Idolatry . NOW to proceed , and come to the Scandall and Offence , that may be giuen to our Church by Kneeling at the Sacrament , as is alledged : The greatest that I heare of , is this , that in Kneeling we symbolize with the Papists . So doe wee in the place ; they receiue in a Temple , so doe wee : In the time ; they receiue on the Sabbath , and so do we : In the order ; they receiue before meate , and so do we : In habite , for they receiue with their heads vncouered , and so doe we . And heere wee remember not that wee symbolize with the late Arrians in Sitting , who to testifie that they beleeue not our Sauiour to be God , but a meere Man , will not receiue Kneeling , but Sitting , lest that they should seeme to adore him as God. Against them therefore this conclusion is set down . Petro Couiensi Synodo generali , which is in number the fourth : De ceremoniis Coenae Dominicae ; the tenor whereof is this : Proinde ceremonias libertati Christianae donamus , & permittimus , vt stantes , vel genua flectentes , pij Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi sumant : Sessionis vero ad mensam Domini , quia praeter ritus in omnibus per Europam Ecclesijs vulgo consuetas , illi inter nos primi authores extiterunt , qui omnia in Ecclesijs temere immutantes , à nobis ad Arrianismum transfugae facti sunt , &c. Quare hanc propriam ipsis vt Christum , ita sacra eius irreuerenter tractantibus , & tanquam minus honestam & religiosam , simplicioribusque admodum scandolosam ceremoniam reijcimus . Here Sitting is discharged at the Sacrament of the Supper , as a gesture proper to Arrians . Now as in Sitting , though wee symbolize with the Arrians , yet did wee neuer ( blessed be God ) symbolize with them in Arrianisme , because we haue beleeued and professed that Iesus Christ is God ouer all , blessed for euer . This faith and profession hath exempted vs from symbolizing with them in Arrianisme , howbeit that in times , places , gestures and orders , we haue had a conformitie . For it is impossible that in euery thing , the true Church can bee disconforme to Heretikes , who hold many Truthes with her , and Ceremonies . So do we not symbolize with Papists in Papistry ▪ Superstition and Idolatry , when wee Kneele at the Sacrament : For we beleeue and openly professe , that the Bodie of Christ is in the heauen , sitting at the right hand of the Father , and that the Bread is onely the Sacrament of his Body , and therefore that we neither esteeme nor adore it for God , but that in the Sacrament we adore and worship our Sauiour , the Lord Iesus , who as hee did breake his Body , and shed his Bloud on the Crosse for vs , so doth hee deliuer them and apply them to our soules , to feed & nourish vs vnto life eternall . In this Sacrament to Kneele with this profession , doth vindicate the religious Ceremonie from all blot and shew of euill , from Papistry and Idolatry : as our profession of Christ to bee God , did vindicate our Sitting from the staine and impiety of Arrianism . Know we not , that the Idolaters of the Gentiles did bow their knees to their Idols , Iupiter , Mars , & c ? And Christians in this Ceremonie did symbolize with them in bowing of their knees to God : but the Profession made difference betwixt our Kneeling and theirs . SECT . 7. That Kneeling hath , and may bee lawfully vsed in the Sacrament , as it is , and was , in Prayer . O But thou wilt say , that Kneeling was euer vsed in prayer , but was lately brought in vse at the Sacrament by Honorius , to worship the bread . I answered before , that it was not ordained by Honorius to be vsed at the receiuing , but at the eleuation , and carrying of it from place to place : For at the receiuing of it , it had beene the custome before Honorius time to haue bowed , as the decree in speciall commanded the Priest to teach the people to bow themselues reuerently , Cum eleuatur salutaris Hostia , & cum eam defert Presbyter ad infirmum ; when the sauing Host is eleuate in the Masse , and when it is carried to the sicke . So doubtlesse the Priest had beene commanded to teach the people to bow themselues at the Receiuing : for he who so straitly commanded the people to Kneele at the onely sight of this Sacrament , would much more haue commanded them to Kneele , when they not onely did see , but when they receiued it , and ate it , if it had not beene a receiued custome . But put the case that Kneeling then did first beginne to bee vsed in the Sacrament , yet might not the Church , vpon the Reasons before expressed , haue lawfully kneeled to God and our Sauiour , the Lord Iesus , at the receiuing ? Caluin in his 4. book of Instit. cap. 17. sect . 37. affirmeth it in these words , Christo inquiunt hanc venerationem deferimus : primam si in coena h●c fieret , dicerem adorationem cam demum esse legitimam , quae non in signa residet , sed ad Christum in caelo sedentem dirigitur . In this place Caluin finding fault with the worship that was giuen to the Bread at the eleuation , and at the pompous carrying of it thorow the streetes & publike places ; saith , that then the worship were lawfull , if it were giuen to Christ in the action of the Supper , & did not rest in the signe , but were directed to Christ sitting in heauen . Peter Martyr , a learned and diligent Diuine , is of the same iudgement , for so he writeth : In Sacramento distinguimus symbola à rebus , & symbolis aliquē honorem deferimus , nimirū , vt tractentur decenter , & non abijciantur ; sunt enim sacrae res , & Deo semel deputatae : quo vero adres significatas , eas prompte & alacriter adorandas concedimus ; inquit enim Augustinus hoc in loco , Non peccatur adorando carnem Christi , sed peccatur non adorando , Class . 4. locus X. Sect. 49. & 50. Adoratio interna potest adhiberi sine periculo , neque externa sua natura esset mala ; multi enim pij genua flectunt & adorant : In the Sacrament , saith he , we distinguish the symbols from the thing signified , & some honour we yeeld to the signes ; namely , that they be decently handled , and not slightly cast away ; for they are sacred things , & once dedicate to God ; but as for the thing signified , these we grant , shuld be readily & chearefully adored : for August . saith in this place , that it is no fault to adore Christs flesh , but it is sin not to adore it . And after a little ; Inward adoration may be vsed without perill , neither is the outward adoration euill of it selfe : for many bow their Knees & adore religiously . Caluin in the action of the Supper saith , that it is lawfull to bow down and worship Christ sitting in heauen . And Martyr saith , That not only is it lawfully done ; but pie , religiously . Then I say , Albeit it might be , that in the action of the Supper men bowed not before the daies of Honorius , yet certainely they might haue lawfully bowed , for the reasons aboue named . SECT . 8. The obiection of the Brazen Serpent answered . IF the Church might haue lawfully bowed at this Sacrament , to God , before Honorius time , why may she not now bow as well as then ? Because ( say you ) that gesture in this action hath beene abused to Idolatry : and therefore as Hezekias caused the brazen Serpent to be broken , from the time the people beganne to adore it ; so should Kneeling be abolished in this action , and not vsed , because therein it hath beene abused to Idolatry . That the answer to this may bee the more cleere , two things would be considered ; the first is , that when Hezekias destroyed the brazen Serpent , it had no vse in Religion ; next , that when the Brazen Serpent was destroyed , hee discharged not that the worship should be giuen to God , to whom it was due , that before was abused , and giuen to the Brazen Serpent , as to bow their knees , to lift vp their eyes and hands , and to burne incense to God , although before they had abused all these things , & giuen them to the Serpent . So by this example we are taught to destroy the Idol , but not to discharge the worship due to God , that hath beene abused and giuen to the Idoll . These things being considered , let vs apply this example to the purpose ; The Bread was made the Idoll in the Sacrament , and it was adored , and vnto it the Knee was bowed , which ought onely to haue beene bowed to God ; then the Bread should be abolished : but that cannot bee , neither will the example enforce that , because it is not like the Brazen Serpent , that had no vse in the worship of God ; for it is an essentiall part of the Sacrament : and therefore although it was adored for God , & yet is made an Idoll by Idolaters , it is not to be abolished by vs , but by the sound & solid doctrine of the Word , should be restored to the right vse & estimation that wee should haue of it in the Sacrament : So this example teacheth vs not to discharge the bowing of the Knee ; a gesture commanded by God to be vsed in his worship ; but whē we bow & adore , non in signo residere , not to rest on the signe , as Caluin saith , but to lift vp our hearts to Christ that is in heauen , to worship him , his Body & his Bloud , whereof this Sacrament is a memorial , & an Image , not made nor grauen by the hand of man , but institute by Christ himselfe , to represent his Passion , and the application thereof to vs , that therby we might be stirred vp to giue thankes , both with externall & internall deuotion : which when we performe with bowing of the Knee , at the receiuing of the Sacrament , we adore not the Sacramēt , but Christ that is signified and represented thereby . SECT . 0. The difference betwixt Kneeling at the Sacrament , and before Images . IF here it be replyed , that all Idolaters doe likewise professe , that they bow not the knee to the Image , but to God , whom the Image representeth and bringeth to their remembrance : I answer , that he is an euill grounded Christian , who hath not learned to put difference betwixt the vse of an Image in diuine worship , and the workes of God , his Word and holy Sacraments . Images are the doctrines of lies : they represent nothing , nor bring nothing to our mindes of God , but lyes : They teach vs , that God hath eyes , and seeth not , eares & heareth not , feete & walketh not , and in them God is not worshipped , but a conception and fantasie in stead of God , bred and gendred in the mind by the Image : where , by the contrarie the least of Gods creatures doe demonstrate and shew so much of the diuinitie and power of God , as may serue to ingender in our hearts , a true conception of him , and may furnish sufficient matter and cause , wherfore to worship him . How much more his Word and holy Sacraments , where God and his goodnesse is so liuely expressed ? To bow downe then , when wee haue seene the workes of God , when wee haue heard the Word , and when we receiue the Sacraments : To adore him , whom by his Workes , the Word , and Sacraments , wee are taught to adore , is neither to bow downe to an Idoll , nor to worship God in an Idoll . When the fire came downe from heauen and consumed Elias sacrifice , the people that saw it , fell on their faces , and cryed , The Lord is God ; The Lord is God. In doing whereof , they adored not the fire , but the Lord , whome the fire taught them to be God. 1. Cor. 14. 24. If yee all prophecy ( saith Paul ) and an Infidell or Ideot come in , he is conuinced by all , hee is iudged by all , and so the secrets of his heart are made manifest , and so falling on his face , he adores God , &c. In both these two examples , the principall cause of the falling downe , is God , to whome they fell downe , but the miraculous worke of the fire , and the word of the Prophecy were the instrumentall causes , whereby they were wakened , and stirred vp . Causae monitoriae & excitantes . Euen so , when wee fall downe at the Sacrament , the principall cause that moueth vs , is God , to whom we Kneele : but the Sacrament is the instrument , whereby wee are taught , and admonished to fall downe at that time , and in that place ; It being a memoriall of the death of Christ , and the seale of the benefit of saluation , that wee haue thereby . And although wee carry a religious respect and reuerence to the Sacrament , as a meane and creature consecrated to a most holy vse , yet not of that religious respect and reuerence that we carry towards it ; we bow not downe our knees before it , but out of the religious respect and reuerence , that by it , which wee are taught to giue to Christ , we bow our knees before him , to whome all knees should be bowed in that respect . And therefore this assertion ( That hee who boweth at the receiuing of the Sacramentall Bread & Wine , boweth down in the Act of Diuine worship , before a consecrated creature , out of a religious respect and reuerence of it . This assertion ( I say ) is a vaine Sophisticall cauillation : for the reuerence and respect that we are taught by Gods Word to carry to the Sacrament , is not the cause of our bowing downe when we receiue it : So out of that respect we bow not downe as hath beene said , but the reuerence and respect that wee are taught by the Sacrament to giue to Christ , is the cause of our bowing downe : the reuerence that is due to the Sacrament , is not such as should moue vs to fall downe before it ; but the reuerence that is due to Christ , whereof wee are admonished by the Sacrament , wherin he is represented , breaking his Body and sheading his Bloud vpon the Crosse for vs , and with his owne hand applying it to nourish vs vnto eternall Life . This reuerence , I say , is such , and so great , as no gesture nor position of body is able sufficiently to expresse . Further , it is heere to bee marked , that hee who boweth at the receiuing of the Sacrament , is not properly said to bow before the Sacrament : for Coram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which wee interpret ( before ) is only properly attributed to liuing things , and not to things that want life ; such as the Sacramentall elements be ; so wee are properly said to bow before God , or the congregation , that is , to God , and in presence of the congregation : but when wee speake of things that want life , we say not , before them , or coram , but versus , è regione , or ante , oueragainst , or towards them : So Dauid saith , I will bow towards the Temple of thy holinesse , not , before it . It is properly said , that Idolaters bow before the Sacramentall Bread : for they esteeme it to bee GOD , and bow themselues to worship it : but as for those who worship the true God , they bow themselues before God , at the Sacrament , that is , when they receiue the Sacrament . This is to bee marked , that the simple bee not abused by the ambiguity of the word , and made to thinke that it is one thing , to bow at the receiuing of the Sacrament , and to bow before the Sacrament ; to worship it , as Papists doe , which wee professe our selues to damne and detest . So to conclude this point ; It is true , that the Papists Kneele when they receiue the Sacrament , and so doe not wee ; wee Kneele to Christ that sitteth in Heauen , and so doe not they ; They giue to the Sacramentall Bread , the worship that is due to Christ ; but wee giue that worship vnto Christ himselfe . Therefore their Kneeling is prohibited in the second Commandement , and ours is allowed : for vnto mee ( saith God ) all knees shall bow . SECT . 10. Wee strengthen not Papists in their Idolatry , by our Kneeling at the Sacrament . FInally , it may be obiected , that by introducing this gesture of Kneeling in stead of Sitting , vsed in our Church before , wee strengthen our aduersaries in their idolatry , weaken the faith of our infirme brethren , and condemne those that reformed our Religion . Vnto the first I answere , that the Idolatry of Papists consisteth no more in Kneeling at the actiō of the Sacrament , then at the action of publike prayer : And as their Idolatry in praying standeth in this , that they direct their prayers , and bow their knees to the Saints and Idols whom they adore , and not to God : So in this Sacrament , their Idolatry is , the adoring and bowing of their knees to the Element of Bread , and not to their Sauiour , the Bread of Life . And therefore , as the bowing of our knees , when wee pray to God , confirmeth them not in their Idolatry in praying to Saints , no more in this action doth the bowing of our knees to Christ , confirme their Idolatry , in adoring the Bread : And so themselues esteeme , whose writings are no lesse vehement against our Kneeling at the Sacrament , then against our Sitting : for it is not the Kneeling , except it be before an Idol , ( which God forbid wee should esteeme the Sacrament to bee ) that maketh the worship Idolatrous : but the opinion , affection , and profession of the Idolaters , if they beleeue the Bread to bee God , and bee in their hearts affected , and deuoted to it as to God , and openly in the doctrine and profession , auouch it to be God. Then it being manifest , that by Kneeling , they worship it , their bread is an Idoll , and their Kneeling Idolatrous : for an Idoll is not made by the operation of the hand , but by the opinion of the heart , and confession of the mouth , that is , not by the craftsman , but the worshipper . By the contrary , the Bread which wee breake , and the Cup which we blesse , is not made an Idoll , when at the receiuing we bow our knees to God : Because in our confession of faith , and in our publike Doctrine , in the thanksgiuing that goeth before our receiuing , and in our Exhortations we openly professe and affirme , that the Bread is not materially the Body it selfe , but the Sacrament of the Body of Christ , that the Cup is not materially , the Bloud it selfe , but the Sacrament of the Bloud of Christ : And therefore that our adoration and Kneeling is erected to God and our Sauiour , who sitteth in Heauen at the right hand of the Father . And thus by our Kneeling , Idolaters are not confirmed ▪ but confuted . SECT . II. The Kneeling offendeth not the weake Brethren . AS for our weake brethren , it is not the introduction of Kneeling that maketh them to offend , of whom I haue heard many affirm , that there is no gesture that can sufficiently expresse the reuerence and respect that in this action they owe to God : If patiently wee can abide to heare the truth , the verity is , there is nothing that giueth such offence to the people , as our contentions amongst our selues , while we pretend the offence of the people . When they see Cephas incensed against Paul , and Paul against Cephas , Pastor against Pastor , for Sitting and Kneeling ; what can the simple people thinke , but that in these Ceremonies the substance of Religion consisteth , and that the change of these is the alteration of Religion , seeing we make so much adoe about them ? If we did informe our people , as our duty is , that the Kingdome of God is neither in Sitting , Standing nor Kneeling , but that these are indifferent Ceremonies , that may bee vsed and not vsed ; vsed in some Churches , and not vsed in others ; vsed in some ages , and not vsed in others ; vsed by some persons , and not vsed by others ; as may serue best for edification : That the reformed Church of France that Standeth , when they rereiue the Sacrament , differeth not in any substantiall point of Religion , from our Church that Sate ; and the Church of England that Kneeleth , differeth not from the Church of France , nor vs when we Sate , and they stood : And therefore that now when we shall Kneele , wee shall differ nothing from our selues , when we Sate , in any substantiall and necessarie point or Ceremony , that belongeth to this sacred action . If this wee would informe the people , and cease from contention , there would be no scandall taken by them . Caluin . Inst. lib. 4. cap. 10 sect . 30. God would not ( saith the learned Diuine ) in externall Ceremonies and Discipline prescribe particularly what we ought to follow , because he foresaw , that to depend from the condition of times , neither did he iudge one forme agreeable to all ages . Heere then ( saith he ) wee must flye to the generall rules , which God hath giuen , that according to them may be defined whatsoeuer the necessity of the Church requireth to bee appointed for order and decency . Finally , seeing God hath set downe nothing expresly , because they are neither necessary to saluation , and are diuersly to be applyed to the manners of euery age , and for the edification of the Church : It is lawful , as the vtility of the Church shall require , as well to change and abrogate those that haue beene in vse , as to appoint new Ceremonies . I confesse indeed , that we should not run rashly and for light motiues to nouation : but what may hurt , & what may edifie , charity can best iudge : Quam si moderatricē partiemur , salua erunt omnia . Which charity if we can suffer to be moderatrix , all things shal be in safety and go well . The same Author immediately before speaking of Kneeling , saith , that in the generall , it is commanded by God , but the speciall determination when and where , and in what cases it is to be vsed , is left to the arbiterment of the Church . If the vse of this Ceremony , which is appointed by God himselfe , be left to the determination of the Church , shall Standing or Sitting be exempted from their iudgement , Ceremonies that are not prescribed by God ? It is true , that for Standing wee haue some examples , but no rule nor precept , except it bee for the Priests Standing at the Altar , when he did offer the Sacrifice . In the publike worship of God , such as sacrificing and praying , I find not Sitting to haue been vsed . As for the Passeouer , it was sacrificed publikely , but was eaten in priuate houses , as another ordinary supper , whereat for commodity and ease , they were accustomed to Sit. Moses , when he was wearie of Standing , Exod. 17. 12. was set on a Stone . Heere the Ceremony giueth place to Charity , and the seruice was not ordinary , but miraculous and extraordinary , 1. Kings 19. 4. Elias likewise being wearie , did sit downe vnder a Iuniper Tree , vbi expetebat cum animo suo : Tremellius interprets Secum , where he desired in his heart to dye , and said , It is enough , Lord , take my soule . This prayer is made in a secret place , and seemeth to haue been a priuy Meditation , 2. Samuel 7. 18. Our Translation hath , that Dauid went in , and Sate before the Lord. The Marginall note hath , remained . 1. Chronicles 17. 16. Tremellius translateth the word Restitit , and noteth in the Margent , Consedit Catachresis . And wee know the word to bee often taken for Manere , to remaine : This gesture of Sitting , neuer commanded and neuer , or very seldome practised in Gods publike worship ; must bee far more subiect to the Iudgement of the Church , and the power that she hath to abrogate and change Ceremonies ( as Caluin saith ) then Kneeling . And yet wee finde , the Primitiue Church to haue discharged the vse of Kneeling at Prayer on the Lords Day , and on euery day from Pasche till Whit-sunday , and in stead thereof to haue appointed Standing . If after this manner the Church might haue lawfully interchanged Kneeling , a gesture ordained by God himselfe , with Standing , touching the which there is no precept : How much more may our Church interchange Sitting , a gesture neuer cōmanded in any publike Act of Diuine worship , with Kneeling , a gesture comanded by God , and most agreeable to this Sacrament in euery respect , without giuing of Scandall , either to Pastor or people ? SECT . 4. That by Kneeling at the Sacrament , the reformation and practice of our Church is not damned . NEither doth this interchange damne the reformation and practice of our Church , which hitherto hath vsed Sitting , a Ceremony indifferent in it selfe , in their iudgement meetest for these times , for to abolish the Idolatrous opinion of Transubstantiation , and to declare our separation from the Popish Church , wherein the truth of Gods Word ( all praise bee to him ) hath so preuailed , that publikely throughout the Kingdome , Transubstantiation , the Masse and Idolatry therof , is vniuersally abolished and abhorred . So that now we haue greater cause to be afraid that abuse and corruption shall creepe into this Sacrament , from pride , prophanenesse , and Arrianisme , then from Papistry ; as men are prone to runne headlong from the one , to the other extremity ; frō the conceit of Transubstantiation , to contempt and despising of the sacred action , and from the adoring of the Bread , to adore themselues , affirming in print , that it is a great sin if a man in this Action do think himselfe inferiour to Christ , and doe not esteeme and carry himselfe as his equall . And what is that but to adore himselfe , if Christ should be adored ? This I call a Luciferian pride , or Arrianisme : for he that accounteth himselfe Christs equall , must either in his conceit abase Christ from being such a person as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God manifested in the flesh , and from the glorious condition of that estate : whereunto hee is exalted at the right hand of the Father , far aboue Principalities and Powers , which is worse then Arrianisme : Or hee must imagine himselfe to be such a person , and of such quality , as our Sauiour is , which no creature is , nor euer shall be . The Scripture saith , That when hee appeareth , wee shall bee like him , but not his Equals ; Coheires wee are called ; but are and euer shall bee inferiours in degree to our elder Brother , with whom wee must not striue for an equall portion : but content with such as shall please him to vouchsafe vs : for all is his by nature and merit , and by his grace onely wee are , and shall bee what wee are . To thinke otherwise , is a Luciferian pride : these detestable assertions , springing from the bitter root of contention , about this gesture of Sitting at Table , do euidently declare , what place some men haue begunne already to giue to Pride , Profanenesse and Arrianisme : and how lightly they esteeme of the Sacrament , when they professe themselues to esteeme so basely of our Sauiour , the substance of the Sacrament , and so highly of themselues . What reuerence is giuen by the common people to this Action , that I leaue to be considered by euery Pastor in his seuerall charge ; I feare , they thinke it lesse then they would wish . As we therefore doe not , nor should not condemne and despise the iudgement of our godly Predecessors , who to root out Idolatry , did interchange Kneeling with Sitting : so should we not condemne & despise the iudgement of our Church at this time , who haue againe interchanged Sitting with Kneeling , considering it is an indifferent Ceremonie , and Religious , not onely for the vse , but for the Authour thereof , God ; and that now matters standing in the estate wherin they are , it may haue as good and profitable an vse in our Church , as Sitting had before : For as Sitting hath helped to roote out the errour of Transubstantiation , and to abolish the Idolatrous Bread-worship ; so Kneeling shall serue to preserue the Sacrament , from profanation , our selues from pride , our Sauiour from contempt , and to debarre those frantike opinions aboue expressed . Sitting hath made a separation betwixt vs , and the corruptions of the Romane Church : Kneeling shall serue to declare our Vnion with other wel-reformed Churches , with whom otherwise wee agree in all points of doctrine : and to winne such to our profession , of the Romane Church , who doe not so much abhorre our Communion for any errour in the substance of faith , as for the profanenesse that they esteeme to bee in some externall Ceremonies . Paul became all things to all men , in things indifferent , to winne some : if hee became all things , may wee not in some things ; yea , in a thing commanded by God , conforme our selues to winne some , if it be possible ? Finally , who is ignorant , that all this alteration and change hath proceeded from the constant resolution , & the instant desire of a most wise and religious Prince , our gracious Soueraigne ? A motiue of the greatest moment on earth ; if either wee consider his Royall authority , or Fatherly affection ; what power hee hath by the one , and what credit hee deseruedly hath by the other : who hath giuen , and daily giues greater proofe of his loue and care towards the glory of God , and the welfare of his Church ; both by way of action and passion , then all his Subiects beside . His Highnesse Will then & Desire , against this and other points , being most orderly & formally propounded to the generall Assembly of our Church , to bee aduised , reasoned and concluded : and being in it selfe most iust and reasonable , as his Maiestie is perswaded , not onely out of his owne most profound and incomparable knowledge ( as in euery thing , so chiefly in matters of this kinde ) but by the iudgement of the best and most learned Diuines of the Church : His Maiesties Will , I say , being such , and after such a manner propounded , and concerning onely matters indifferent and alterable : if without greater reason , then any that was , or hath beene propounded to the contrarie , it had beene gaine-stood ; and his Highnesse thereby moued to griefe & displeasure : there is no question , but vpon those grounds and reasons , whereby hee was perswaded that his purpose was lawfull , hee might haue beene prouoked to proceed , and by his Royall Anthority inioyne and command both Pastors and People , to giue obedience in obseruing and practising these Articles : which if his Maiesty had done , then should we , who were the Pastors of the Church , and members of that Meeting , haue iustly incurred the blame of pertinacie , and of vnwise contention in the estimation of all peaceable , and well-disposed Christians : and should haue giuen occasion to seditious and vnquiet spirits , to burden a most iust and equitable Prince , with a most vile imputation of tyrannie ; and made the Aduersaries of the Truth to reioyce and exult , beholding through our foolishnesse , a breach made , and a gap opened , whereby the enemy might enter in betwixt vs and our gracious Soueraigne : whereupon what euils might haue followed , may be easily perceiued by all , who haue not their opinions in greater estimation , then the honour of the Prince , the welfare of their brethren , and the Peace of the Church whereof they are members . The consideration & meditation of these things , are the reasons that mooue mee to thinke ; that in faith we may obey the acts of the late Assembly , in this , and all the rest of the Articles concluded therein : and therefore that in faith wee cannot disobey , but shall thereby offend our God ▪ giue scandall to his Church , and vantage to the Aduersaries by our contentions and distractions : From the which , the God of Peace preserue vs , & blesse vs with that Peace that passeth all vnderstanding , vntill our Peace-maker appeare , who shall reward his brethren the Peace-makers , not onely with that most honorable stile to bee called the Sonnes of God , but to bee Heires and Coheires with him , of the Kingdome of God. Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05533-e1070 Rom. 16 ▪ 16 1. Cor. 8. 8. Rom. 14. 17. 1. Cor. 10. 28. Gal. 2. 11. Tert. de Coro . Milit. Heb. 11. 6. Gal. 5. 13. 1. Cor. 14. 33. 1. Thes. 5. 20. Mat. 26. 20. Mar. 14. 18 Luk. 22. 14 Ioh. 13. 12. Ioh. 13. 23. Luk. 7. 38. Ioh. 12. 3. Iohn 13. 4. & 12. Luke 9. 14. Mat. 23. 6. Luke 9. 14. Mat. 26. 26 Col. 2. 18. Mat. 26. 20 Luk. 22. 11. Luk. 22. 20. Mar. 14. 12 Ioh. 13. 27. a Act. 20. 7. b Tert. de Coro . Milit. M●t. 26. 27. 1. Cor. 10. 16. Luk. 22. 30 Better not to determine the s●t time , for 〈…〉 Decretal . Gregor . li. 3. Tit. 41. Canon 20 Euseb. Eccl. li. 7. cap. 9. Lyps . de Mil. Rom. lib. 5. Luk. 17. 16. 1. Cor. 11. 27 , 29. 1. Cor. 11. 21. Ioh. 6. 35. Esay 53. 4. a Tert. de resurrectione carnis . b Christus Deuorandus auditu . c Ruminandus intellectu . d Et fide digirendus . Quo res sensiles fiunt intelligibiles . Whereby the meaning of the externall things which wee propounded to the senses , is declared to the minde . The Word likewise worketh seuerally . Psal. 22. 25. Psal. 22. 26. Ioh. 13. 13. Luk. 22. 27. Ioh. 6. 54. Ioh. 6. 56. Ioh. 6. 57. 1. Cor. 10. 17. 1. Cor. 10. 21. 
A11766	----	The declinatour and protestation of the some some-times [sic] pretended bishops, presented in face of the last Assembly. Refuted and found futile, but full of insolent reproaches, and bold assertions Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1639 Approx. 171 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11766 STC 22060 ESTC S116982 99852197 99852197 17507 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11766) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17507) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1219:9) The declinatour and protestation of the some some-times [sic] pretended bishops, presented in face of the last Assembly. Refuted and found futile, but full of insolent reproaches, and bold assertions Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. 99, [1] p. Printed by Iames Bryson, Edinburgh : anno Dom. 1639. Signed at end: Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly, by me Mr. A. Ihonstoun .. Edinb. 12 of Feb. 1639. A reply to: Episcopal Church in Scotland. Declinator and protestation of the archbishops and bishops, of the Church of Scotland, and others their adherents within that kingdome. At least quire D is in two settings: D1r catchword is (1) "Com-" or (2) "Commissi-". Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Episcopal Church in Scotland. -- Declinator and protestation of the archbishops and bishops, of the Church of Scotland, and others their adherents within that kingdome -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Church of Scotland -- History, (17th century) -- Early works to 1800. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DECLINATOVR AND PROTESTATION Of the some some-times pretended Bishops , PRESENTED IN FACE OF THE LAST ASSEMBLY . REFUTED AND FOUND FUTILE , BVT FVLL OF INSOLENT Reproaches , and bold Assertions . EDINBURGH , Printed by IAMES BRYSON , ANNO DOM. 1639. BEfore the conveening of the nationall Assembly , indicted by his Majestie to be holden at Glasgow in Novem. 1638. The some-time pretended Bishops and Arch-bishops of this Kirk were cited publickly , throughout the Kirk of this Kingdome , to compeare before the said Assembly , for answering to a complaint given in against them to severall Presbyteries , and by the presbyteries , according to the order of the Kirk , referred to the generall Assembly . When the Assembly was conveened some of these sometime pretended Prelats , to wit , Mr. Io. Spotswod , Mr. Pa. Lyndsay , Mr. Da. Lyndsay , Mr. Io. Maxwell , Mr. Wal. Whitefurd , Mr. Tho. Sydserfe ; in stead of their compearance , gave in a Declinatour and Protestation ; which was presented by Mr. Robert Hammiltoun Minister at Glasfurde ; and was urged to be read in face of the Assembly . This their Declinatour and Protestation was made in name of all the Arch-bishops and Bishops within this Kingdome : as if it had been done with the knowledge and consent of all the rest : which is known to be false , and in name of others their adherents , whom yet we have found to be very few ; and these either corrupted with bribes , terrified by threatnings , or circumveened with false informations , as diverse of them with teares have acknowledged ; and therefore have passed from their Declinatour . They appoint it to be given in to his Majesties Commissioner , whom they do not decline ; and crave it to be read in presence of the Assembly ; whom they do decline as Iudges , not directing their speach to the Assembly it self , with respect and reverence , as legall formes require : Coram vobis excipiendo & opponendo , cum debita reverentia , or the like . They compeare not personally , but appoint a Procurator . Howbeit some of them were in the town where the Assembly conveened ; or within few miles , when their Declinatour and Protestation was given in . They might have presented themselves to sustaine the reasons of their Declinatour , or to cleare themselves some way of the offences laide to their charge in the libell , with Protestation that they adhered to their Declinatour , notwithstanding of their compearance . Protestantes in principio , medio , & fine praesentis comparitionis & oppositionis : quod per praesentem actum vel comparitionem , seu aliquem alium vel aliam quem vel quam facere contigerit in futurum , non intendimus nec volumus in vos tanquam in judicem competentem aliqualiter consentiri . Practica Papiensis per Petrum de Ferrariis in forma declinationis alicujus judicis . But he that doeth evil hateth the light . The Assembly , having considered the Declinatour and Protestation , found themselves Iudges , notwithstanding any thing was aleadged : which was then briefly answered ; and now more amply for the justification of their proceedings . They acknowledged that a generall Assembly , lawfully called , is a most necessare and effectuall meane , for removing distractions , and setling peace in the Kirk ; and yet have they been the chief instruments to bereave the Kirk of this liberty : first by prorogations from time to time , at last by prorogation to no certaine time ; that so the impediment of their advancement might be removed out of the way . They acknowledge that his Majestie hath authority by his prerogative royall to call Assemblies : as is acknowledged by the Assembly holden at Glasgow 1610. and Parliament 1612. But withall they professe , that it is not lawfull to conveen , without his Royall consent and approbation , unlesse we will put ourselves in question to be called for sedition . Here , they flatter for their own private ends , or rather betray the cause of CHRIST . We acknowledge that the Prince , when he seeth cause , may convocat a generall Assembly ; but we deny , that it is sedition to hold Assembly without his consent . The Christians for the space of 300. years held their Councels and Assemblies under the persecuting Emperours ; and yet were not in so doing guilty of sedition . But it will be aledged , that the case is different , where there is a Christian Magistrate professing the same Religion . It is true , his consent should be sought earnestly : but if he be negligent or wilfully refuse , the Kirk may hold her Assemblies , if they finde necessity . For in this case he differeth not from the unbeleever . Paria sunt non apparere & non esse . The Papists , standing for the Pops right to call generall Councels , yet mantaine , that if he doth not , nor will not convocate , they may conveen without him , or although he should oppose . See that professor of both the laws Antonius de Rosellis in his Monarchiae Part. 2. cap. 30. And in the third Part cap. 3. when the Pops Apostasie or Heresie is notorious , any faithfull man or sound Christian may convocate the Councell per vìamrequisitionis , vel monitionis ; non per viam citationis , vel authorizationis : by way of warning and requisition , not by way of citation or authorizing . But when they are conveened , quicunque ipsos vocasset , talem vocationem authoriz are possunt : whosoever called them together , they may authorize that calling . For it is not requisite to the substance , that a superiour should call them together . This Professor lived under the Emperour Frederik the third , and ended his dayes in the year 1467. The Bishop of Spalato in his second book de Repub. Ecclesi . cap. 7. Num. 18. aledgeth to this purpose a passage out of Iacobus Almaynus ; where he sayeth , that the eye seeing the bodie in danger may give warning to the rest of the members , that the bodie may defend and preserve it self . So any particulare Kirk , seeing the necessity of convocating a Councell may make manifest the necessity to other Kirks ; & sic denunciative congregare , non autem praeceptive ; and so convocate , not by precept or command , but by way of denunciation or warning . As after a Physician hath shewed to a man , what is necessarie for his preservation , he is bound to do it , not by vertue of the Physicians precept , but of the precept of the divine and naturall law . This Iacobus Almain was a Sorbonist Professor , about the year 1510. The ground of the Kirks right is laid down by the Councell of Constance . Concilium generale potestatem a Christo immediate habet . The generall Councell hath power immediatly from Christ. See Antonius de Rosellis in the part above-cited . What we have aledged for generall Councels holdeth more firmly for nationall and provinciall : seeing they are more necessary then the generall . In former times , Primats convocated nationall , and Metropolitans provinciall Councels , without seeking a particular grant from Princes to every meeting . For the Canons of Councels appointed such meetings to be kept . A tacit consent of Princes was sufficient . And this tacit consent was collected by their grant of liberty to professe Religion , and submitting their scepters to the scepter of CHRIST . In granting liberty of Religion they granted libertie to hold Synods , no lesse then weekly meetings of congregations to divine service . That French Catholick who wrot that treatise delibertate ecclesiastica in defence of the Venetians writeth to the same sense . Imperatores cum libertatem Religionis edictis suis Ecclesiae concesserunt , simul jus libere cogendi synodos illis attribuisse . Nam cultus Christiani haec pars est prorsus necessaria & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So it was answered in the Assembly holden in December anno 1561. to some Courteours . Take from us the freedome of Assemblies , and take from us the Evangel . For without Assemblies how shall good order and unitie in doctrine be keeped . Seeing then Assemblies are so necessare , and CHRIST hath provided for all necessaries to his Kirk , and promised his presence where but few are conveened in his name , the Christian Prince cannot deprive the Kirk of this liberty . Neither is this Kirk deprived of liberty to hold her Assemblies by any law or act of Parliament , incase the Prince will not indict time and place . Our Kirk had liberty to hold Assemblies , and to appoint time and place till the year 1592. and yet were not the Assemblies called in question for sedition . The Assemblies were frequented by men of credite in Court about the King and his Regents . Some were authorized with commission from them from time to time to repaire to the same . Commissioners have been directed from the Parliament to confer with the Commissioners appointed by the Assembly , concerning Ecclesiasticall affairs . Appellations of laick patrons were ordained by act of Parliament to end and take decision at the generall Assembly . Superintendents and titulars of prelacies were ordained by act of Parliament , to be called before the generall Assembly , and to be deprived , incase they were found Hereticall in doctrine . The acts ratifying the jurisdiction of the Kirk , namely the act Iames 6. Par. 6. cap. 69. Ratifieth consequently the generall Assemblies , where all jurisdiction is ordered , and censures sometimes exerced . The Parliament holden anno 1592. did not grant liberty to hold Assemblies , as if the Kirk had not had such liberty before , but ratified her former liberty to hold Assemblies yearly , or oftner pro re nata , and to appoint time and place for the next Assembly by themselves , incase his Majestie or his Commissioner were not present in the town . But if any of them were present , it was provided , that they should appoint time and place . This provision gave not a privative power to his Majestie to refuse a generall Assembly , so long as he pleased , ( for then the liberty of holding generall Assemblies could not be said to have been ratified ) but only a priviledge or prerogative to appoint time and place for the yearly Assembly . The act of Parliament 1612. which they aledge in their Declinatour , acknowledgeth the indiction of time and place to appertaine to his Majestie , but doth not give a privative power to frustrate the Kirk of her yearly Assemblies if he please ; which were ratified before , but that being presupposed , bindeth him to appoint time and place . If they will infer , that it is sedition to conveen an Assembly a any time , if the Prince will not indict time and place , in respect of that act of Parliament , they must remember that the act 1612. was only a ratification of the act of their pretended and null Assembly holden at Glasgow 1610. the nullity whereof hath been made evident at the last Assembly : and so they bewray their treacherie against CHRIST and his Kirk , and for consenting to the ratification of such a Declaration in Parliament ought to be severly punished , suppose there were no other offence to be laid to their charge . The yearly Assemblies were a great impediment to their course : therefore that liberty must not endure any longer . But for reverence of the honourable Estates , we make the best construction we can . Howsoever , the Kirk may lawfully hold her Assemblies , howbeit there were no act of Parliament , and the Prince ( we speak in the general ) refusing to indict time and place , the necessity of the Kirk being urgent is to be suspected of disaffection to Religion notwithstanding of his externall profession . Error , cui non resistitur , approbatur , & veritas cum minimè defensatur , opprimitur . Negligere , quippe , cum possis , deturbare perversos , nihil aliud est quam fovere . Dist. 83. Can. Error . The Reader may finde more to our purpose in the reasons alreadie printed for holding generall Assemblies . Howbeit the Assembly holden at Glasgow in November 1638. was indicted by his Majestie , and they acknowledge that it was indicted by lawfull authorite , yet they hold the Assembly it self most unlawfull and unorderly , in sundrie respects , and their proceedings void and null in law , for the causes and reasons following : which wee trust shall prove frivolous . Their first exception is taken from the time of election of the Commissioners to the Assembly . That they were chosen by the Presbyteries before the Presbyteries were authorized to make election , in respect his Majesties warrant , to indict the Assembly was not published , till the 22. of September following . The election of Commissioners is ever in the libertie of the Presbyteries , when there is apparant occasion of an Assembly , as at this time they were put in full expectation both of a Parliament and Assembly : And there was need of timous election , that the Commissioners might have the longer time to prepare themselves for the matters of importance , which were to bee treated . The Barrons and free-holders make choise of their Commissioners to voice in Parliament yearly , howbeit no Parliament bee indicted . They themselves procured Commissioners to bee chosen in sundrie parts Anno 1617. before the Assembly was indicted upon the fourth of November to be holden at St. Andrews the 25 of that infant ; upon a report that his Majesty would have a generall Assembly , and the five articles considered : but would not appoint the time or place , till the Commissioners were chosen . Their drift was to hold or not hold Assembly , as they should finde the Commissioners which were chosen , would for the most part serve their turn . But what need wee to insist upon this point , seeing there was no Commissions produced at the last Assembly , which were of date before the 22. of September the time of indiction . The Table , say they , by their usurped authority did give order , and direction for all Presbyteries to elect Commissioners , and to keep a fast upon the 16 of September . These whom they miscall , the Table did not command or charge the presbyteries to elect or fast ; but because of the expectation we had of an Assembly , invited them to seek Gods blessing with fasting , both to the election of Commissioners , and proceedings of the Assembly : and because we had been out of use these many years of Assemblies rightly constitute , sent to them their best informations and caveats . They except next against the Commissioners themselves : for if the Assembly be not constitute of such members as are requisite to make up such a bodie , it cannot be acknowledged for a lawfull and free Assembly . But how prove they Commissioners admitted to be members of this Assembly , not to bee such as are requisit to make up such a bodie . First , they alledge that the most part , at least of the Clergie , conveened at this Assembly , are ipso facto deprived , and their places voide , as if they were naturally dead ; because they have never in presence of the Archbishop , Bishop , Superintendent , or Commissioner of the Province or Dyocie , subscribed the articles of Religion extant in the acts of Parliament , nor given their oath for acknowledging our Soveraigne Lords Authoritie , nor have read their testimoniall thereupon , and the confession in their parosh Kirks after their returne ; as they are bound by act of Parliament , Anno 1572. that whereas they bee bound by act of Parliament , Anno 1606. to maintaine the Kings honour , dignitie , and prerogative Royall , to with stand all persons , power , or estates , that shall impugne or impaire the same , and at their admission were obliged to performe this duetie of their alleageance , and to testifie in their conscience that the King is suppreme governour as well in matters spirituall , and ecclesiasticall , as temporall , according to the act of Parliament 1612. Yet notwithstanding his Majestie having ordained by act of Councell and Proclamation following thereupon , that all the Liedges should swear and subscribe the said Confession , together with a generall Band for defending his Majesties Person and Authoritie , against all enemies within or without the Realme , they have not only refused to subscribe the said Band and Confession , but in their Sermons and other speeches disswaded , deterred , and hindered , others to subscribe the same ; and have publickly protested against the subscription thereof . The answer is easie : The act of Parliament 1572. was never put in practise conforme to the tennour of it , and order there set down : or if put in practise , the practise , could not endure long : For Archbishops , Bishops , and Superindentents continued not long after . If there were any force in this reason , all the Assemblies of our Kirk since the abolition of Bishops , and Superintendents might be called in question ; and wee have had no lawfull ministers . Yea , their own pretended Assemblies did consist of many , who could not produce a testimoniall of their oath and confession conforme to the tenour of that act . Lastly , the substance of that act hath been keeped conforme to the later acts made thereanent , and none of the Ministers conveened at the last Assembly , but have subscribed both the confession of Faith , and Band for maintenance of the Kings authority , either of late , when the Covenant was subscribed , or before when they past their degrees in Schooles , or upon some other occasion . But what suppose that act were yet in force that they had neglected to take their oath , and were therefore deprived ipso facto of their benefice and ecclesiasticall living , yet it followeth not that they are deprived of their office , or can be , unlesse they wilfully refuse to subscribe , and take their oath to acknowledge the Kings authoritie . It is to be observed , that that act was made when some stood for the Kings Mother , and would not acknowledge the King for Soveraigne during her life . As for the promise made in Parliament by the Estates , Anno 1606. have they failed in performance , or the Subjects whom they represented ? Have they not in the last Parliament ratified that act . As to the act for the oath of supremacie An. 1612. it concerneth only such as were to be presented to any benefice , and not every Minister . That act was a ratification of the act of Glasgow are altered in the act of Parliament , and in place of these words , Conservation and purgation of Religion , are put in , Supreme governour as well in matters spirituall and ecclesiasticall as temporall , which words were avoided in the same oath , when the conclusions were agreed upon at Leeth , Anno 1572. Howbeit they then drew up a plate-forme of policie near to the English , and put in the words , Conservation and purgation of Religion , which are used in the confession of Faith extant in the acts of parliament . So they have abused their own pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow . But what have the Commissioners done contrare to these acts , oathes , or promises ? They have refused to subscribe the confession of Faith , and band enjoyned by the King and Councel , hindered others , and protested against the Proclamation . Might they not doe that , and not violate these acts ? Doth the acts of the Kings prerogative binde them to subscribe any confession or band in whatsoever sense it shall please his Majestie to make ? Or is it the meaning of the oath of supremacie ? The Estates , I am sure , never intended such a meaning . Both must be interpreted by the first confession of Faith , the act for the Kings oath at his Coronation , the declaration made in Parliament 1592. and second book of discipline Notwithstanding of the ratification of the former act concerning the Kings prerogative , and the act for the oath of imsupremacie , his Majestie behoved to have a grant of posing habits upon Kirk-men at the last Parliament which needed not , if he might have done it by vertue of these acts of Parliament , Anno 1606 and 1612. and yet that is a matter of lesse importance then to enjoyne subscription to a confession in another sense , then was received at the first , and second universall subscription . For now in the interpretation of the authoritie enjoyning subscription , the confession is made to consist with Episcopacie and other novations introduced since the fame was first received . Was there not reason then to refuse , to diswade others , and to protest against it ? Moe reasons are to be found in the protestation it felf . Some Ministers were urged with subscription , and of those , some yeelded , who notwithstanding had place in the last Assembly . But what suppose all had protested and refused to subscribe as they were enjoyned by the Councel ; that could not have disabled them to fit and voice in the Assembly , unlesse they had been legally convict before of offence in so doing , and remained obstinate . But let the Reader here observe the decliners legerdemaine : They would seeme to be foreward for subscription of that confession which was enjoyned by the King and Councel , but challenge men for not subscribing the said Confession , that is the Confession extant in the acts of parliament : for of no other have they made mention before in their declinatour . They have vilipended the later confession and covenant in former times , and we doubt , notwithstanding of this taxing of others , that they will subscribe this confession themselves , without their own limitations and acceptions ; as the Doctours of Aberdene have done : but that perfidious men will subscribe any thing . And yet so impudent are they , that they will have other troubled for not subscribing contrar to the true sense , and meaning of the confession to make a partie , and new rent in this Kirk . They alledge , that the Commissioners directed to this Assembly have forefaulted his Majesties favour , in granting this Assembly and the libertie to be members thereof , and were in the same estate and condition they were in before his Majesties proclamation and royall pardon , because they are supposed to be of the number of these , that adhered to the last protestation , that it be lawfull for them , as at other times , so at this to hold Assembly , notwithstanding any impediment or prorogation in the contrare , they continue their meetings and tables discharged by authoritie , refuse to subscribe the Band according to his Majesties and Councels command , for maintaining the Kings Person and authoritie , and protested against it , and insisted with the Liedges to subscribe the Band of mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever , that in their protestation they declared Bishops and Arch-bishops to have no warrand for their office , to have no place or voice in Assembly , notwithstanding his Majestie had declared by proclamation , that they had voice in the Assembly to that effect , as they have constantly beene in use in all Assemblies where they were present , and therefore that it is a fearfull thing to conveen with these at this Assembly , in respect of sundrie acts of Parliment , ordaining that none impugne the authority and diganitie of any of the three Estates , or procure innovation , or diminution of their power and authoritie , under the paine of treason : and they arrogat to their meetings a Soveraigne authoritie to determine all questions and doubts that can arise contrare to the freedome of the Assembly , whither in the constitution and members thereof , or in the maters to be treated or manner of proceeding . We answer first in generall , They forfaulted not his Majesties favour in granting an Assembly , for his Majestie did not recall the indiction of the time and place , for holding the Assembly , notwithstanding of all that is here alledged , and therefore they might still conveen to the place at the time appointed . As for the particular points alledged , we answer : Pardon was offered upon condition of acquiescing in the Kings declaration and offers . But pardon importeth offence , which is denyed : Therefore the condition of acquiescing could not bee admitted , and the offers in the declaration were not satisfactorie to their former protestations , complaints , supplications . The Assembly was granted absolutely without any condition , least his Majestie should leave in his subjects minds the least scruple , and for setling a certain peace . They protested that it should be lawfull for them , being authorized with lawfull commission , as at other times , when the urgent necessitie of the Kirk requireth , so in this exigence to assemble themselves at the dyet appointed for the Assembly , notwithstanding of any impediment or prorogation in the contrary . Of the lawfulnesse to conveen in Assembly , when there is urgent necessitie , we have set down some reasons already , and moe are extant in print , concerning that purpose . They had need to fear the danger of prorogation , both because the present case could not suffer delay , and doolefull experience have taught us , that prorogations from dyet to dyet ended at last in no dyet , whereby the Kirk was bereft of her libertie to hold yearly Assemblies which they would now recover by this indiction , taking it for a re-entrie . Their meetings or tables , as the adversaries call them , continued , because the cause continued , preferring supplications , giving in complaints , attendance upon gracious and satisfactory answers , and performance of the same , making Protestations when there was need ; and yet in peaceable manner not in great companies , as at the beginning , for giving satisfaction to the Lords of Councel . They have offered to cleare the necessity of their meeting , and their carriage before the Parliament to whom they have appealed . They have refused to subscribe the confession of faith again at the King and Councels command , after their late subscription , for the reasons already mentioned ; and the band for mantainance of the Kings person and authority ; because it is not the same in tennor with the old generall band subscribed anno 1590. The narrative is changed , some lines , designing the Papists and their adherents to be the partie threatning danger to Religion and the Kings person , are omitted , and no other partie designed in particular . So that the band may be used against the Covenanters themselves , who have been taxed for disorders , disturbers of the peace of this Kirk and Kingdome , to the danger of Religion , and prejudice of his Majesties authoritie , as they have complained in their Protestation . They continued in seeking subscriptions to the Covenant till the holding of the Assembly , because of references to the Assembly . His Majesties Commissioner acquiesced in their explanation of the clause of mutuall defence , where they declared their mutuall defence of each of other was not for their own privat quarrels , but only in defence of the true Religion , of the laws and liberties of this Kingdome , and of his Majesties person and authority in preservation of the same . What further can bee justly craved of them ? Such as were pretended Bishops had no warrand for voice in the generall Assembly , unlesse they be authorized with lawfull commission . The Superintendents and Bishops presence of old was required more for their triall , then any need of their voice . But the Assemblies were wearied with complaints made upon them , and after many conferences and much disputation found their office unlawfull : which was never since approved by any pretended , let be lawfull Assembly . So the custome of old doth not serve such as only pretend or usurpe the same office . Nor are they capable , as Ministers , of any commission from any Presbyterie , because they have deserted their flocks , and have no particular charge . For loppen Ministers , and usurping Prelats should have no place in the generall Assembly . The act of Parliament discharging the impugning of any of the three Estates , or procuring the innovation or diminution of their power , was made in a troublesome time in the year 1584. was protested against when it was proclaimed , with other acts . That third Estate of Prelats , suffered innovation and diminution of their Estat within three years after by the act of annexation anno 1587. and in consideration of the great decay of the Ecclesiasticall Estate , these are the words of the 113. act following , the Commissioners of small Barrons and free-holders were declared to be members of the Parliament to sit upon the articles , and vote in publick to supplie that decay . So there may be three Estates without the Ecclesiasticall , or Bishops . And the acts of Parliament following , were made by the Estates howbeit there were then no Bishops . Yea acts were made against Bishops as anno 1592. Howbeit Ministers were not Prelats , yet others who had the Prelacies voted as the third Estate . For it is in respect of their Barronies that such as have Prelacies , vote in Parliament , whither they be Ministers or not . By the act of Parliament 1597. Ministers provided to Bishopricks , Abbacies , Priories , were declared to have vote in Parliament , but without the knowledge of the Kirk . When it came to their knowledge , much opposition was made , none consented but upon conditions , which should have been insert in the act of Parliament : which was to be made for Ministers vote in Parliament . It is true that anno 1606. there was an act for restitution of the state of Bishops , but the Kirk repining : because the conditions were not insert in the act . And many Ministers subscribed a Protestation against the said act ; yet was not the act 1584. renewed , nor Bishops restored to their spirituall estate , nor were there then any Bishops having any spirituall estate whereunto they could be restored , nor was the whole third estate restored which before was empaired . For that third Estate consisteth of Abbots and Pryours , as well as Bishops . But how doth it follow , that because such as were provided to Bishopricks were restored to vote in Parliament , they were thereby restored to vote in the generall Assembly ; who were not then , nor yet to this houre restored to the spirituall office of a Bishop . Or how is the third Estate impugned by calling them to censure or triall , seeing they consented to the act of their own pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow , whereby they are made lyable to the triall of the generall Assembly in their life and conversation , office , and benefice ; as also by the tennour of the Kings Proclamation , and his Majesties Commissioners Declaration given in to the last Assembly ; bearing expresly that all and every one of the Bishops and their successours shall be answerable to , and from time to time censurable by the generall Assembly . Their consenting to that same act of restitution is censurable , and a point of the libell given in against them . Can they not distinguish betwixt the state and the persons ? Yea may not the generall Assembly or any particulare Minister impugne an Estate erected or restored in name of the Kirk without her consent , and to the prejudice of her liberties ? It is a calumnie , that the meetings in Edinburgh , which they call the tables , arrogat to themselves soveraigne authority to determine all questions and doubts , that can arise contraire to the freedome of the Assembly : for they give only their best advice and opinion when it is asked , and call instantly for a rightly constitute and free Assembly to determine doubts , and settle this Kirk in peace . They alledge , the Presbyteries have losed their right , if they had any , to direct Commissioners to the generall Assemblie in so far , as they have deposed their Moderators appointed by their Bishops in their Synods to governe them , and elected others in their place contraire to the act of Glasgow 1610 ▪ and act of Parliament 1612. It is the hight of impudencie to call in question the right of Presbyteries to choose their own Commissioners , which they have ever had since their erection . The Assembly holden at Glasgow was a pretended Assembly and therefore any Presbyterie might from the beginning suspended obedience to the acts thereof , till it were declared null in a free generall Assembly , as it was at this last . The act of Parliament was only an act ratifying the act of that same pretended Assembly , and by their own procurement , or rather another act , adding , omitting , altering the words and clauses of that act , and that with their knowledge and consent , if not by their device and procurement . And therefore are censured in this last Assembly for transgressing the caveats in this point as in many other . Put case no just exception might bee taken against the constitutions and proceedings of that Assembly : they fore-falted their right of appointing Moderators to Presbyteries at their Synods , because whatsoever power was granted to them was upon assurance , that we should have yearly , or at set times generall Assemblies , and that they should be lyable to their tryall which was not performed . And therefore Presbyteries have rather failled in that they returned not sooner to their former liberty . Beside this , the sometime pretended Prelats deserted the Synods , and appointed substituts , who had not the same power to appoint Moderators . Many Moderators dimitted their office of their own accord , and then the Presbyteries according to the act of Glasgow it self , had power to choose their own Moderator . Many Moderators remained still unchanged till the last Assembly . But put the case the Presbyteries had faulted in displaceing their Moderators , the Bishops substituts , doth it follow that they have fore-faulted their libertie of choosing Commissioners to the generall Assembly . Every transgression deserveth censure or reproof , but not deprivation from liberties . They alledge next that the Ministers choosen Commissoners to this Assembly had not a lawfull commission because the Ministers did associat to themselves a ruling Elder out of every Pariosh , who being ordinarly the Lord of the pariosh or man of greatest authority in the bounds , doth over-rule them both by their authority and number , being moe then the Ministers : of whom some being ordinarly absent , and five or six , or so many of them put on the leit and removed , there remaine but a few Ministers to voice to the election , the Presbyteries formerly never associating to themselves lay-elders in election of Commissioners to the generall Assembly , but only for their assistance in discipline and correction of manners , calling for them at such occasions as they stood in need of their Godly concurrence ; whereas it was expresly provided by act of Assembly 1582. that they should be fewer in number then the Pastors . Likeas these 40. years and upwards they have not been called at all to Presbyteries , and by the act at Dundie 1597. whereby it is pretended , that Presbyteries have authority to send these lay-Commissioners , the only act authorizing Presbyteries to send Commissioners to the generall Assembly , it doth no way appeare that lay-elders had any hand in choosing of Commissioners . It is no new thing that Noblemen and Barrons have been choosen Elders . We finde that they have been Elders in the Elderships of particular congregations soon after the reformation . It were absurd to see the Nobility and gentrie best skilled for government set aside , and the meaner sort not so well educat and able , to rule over them . The like may be said for Presbyteries . It is a needlesse feare , that they will over-rule the Presbyterie by their authority , Ministers moderating the meeting , and going before them in reasoning and voicing . Nor can any such thing be laide to their charge in electing of Commissioners to this last Assembly . They can not overswey their Ministers by their number , if they will not be deficient to themselves . If some Ministers be ordinarly absent , so may some Elders , and it hath fallen forth so usually , and doth so at the same time . That five or six Ministers being put on the leat and removed few will remaine , so five or six Elders being removed there will be moe Ministers to choose the elder . But what hindereth either the one or the other to voice to the election of others ( howbeit they be put on the leits ) either before , or after their removell . The number of Ministers is to be considered according to the number of the Pariosh's , not according to their absence or presence which is casuall , and for the most part there are moe Ministers in a Presbyterie , then can be of elders , taking but one out of a Pariosh . For in some burghes there are two or three , or foure , or eight Ministers . As for the answer to the doubt proponed in the Assembly holden in April 1583. In the booke of Policie agreed upon after reasoning and deliberation in many Assemblies : It was concluded there shall resort some Elders out of every parosh to the Presbyteries , which importeth that moe then one out of a Parosh may resort . Ministers were ordained to subscribe the book by acts of the Assembly Anno 1590. and 1591. And consequently after 1582. Next that act provideth that the proportion bee keeped in the fewer number ; but there was never such a proportion determined , and till it be determined , it is as good , as no act . For otherwise it should be left to the Ministers of ever Presbyterie , to appoint what number they please . Thirdly , there is more reason for the conclusion of the book of Policie made before , and ratified after that act : that as there is one Minister sent from every particular Kirk , so there should be likewise one ruling Elder at the least ; for one Kirk hath no more priviledge than another . It was ordained in the generall Assembly holden at Middleburgh Anno 1581. that every Eldership of the particular Kirkes send to the Classes ( which wee call the Presbyterie ) a Minister and an Elder , and from every Classes to the Synod , two Ministers and two Elders ; So that the number was made equall , not only in presbyteries , but in Synods also . And Bucerus in his book De gubernatione ecclesiae page 101. saith likewise , That there is a like number of Pastours and Elders sent to their provinciall Synods . It is false , that the ruling Elders were called to the Presbyteries only at such occasions as the Ministers stood in need of their godly concurrance . For it was ordained by the book of Policy , that the common Eldership , that is the Presbytery , should consist of Pastours , Doctours , and ruling Elders , and so they were constitute at their first erection . By act of that same Assembly . April 1582. the Ministers are bound to exhort them to resort to the Presbyteries at all times , but for matters of weight to urge them strictly . And who doubteth but the election of Commissioners to the generall Assembly entrusted with the common affairs of the whole Kirk , is a matter of weight . That the act made at Dundie Anno 1597. is the only act authorizing Presbyteries to send Commissioners to the generall Assembly , is as false . It hath been the continuall practise of our Kirk since the erection of Presbyteries , that Presbyteries direct Commissioners to the generall Assembly . In April 1582. We have this direction . It is not thought expedient that the Presbyterie be astricted to direct their Moderatour to the Assembly , but that they have libertie to choose such as they shall think meetest for the comfort of the Kirke . Whereby appeareth that order was established before , that Presbyteries direct their Commissioners . The act 1597. then , did not first , or only authorize Presbyteries with this power , but only circumscribed the number : Meetest it was that Presbyteries should have this power , because they were ordinare Assemblies , had their power of ordinarie jurisdiction , admitting , deposing , excommunicating , and therefore had their meetings weekly , and were upon all occasions readie to direct Commissioners . Neither is that act 1597. the only act authorizing Presbyteries to direct ruling Elders , or as they call them Lay-commissioners to the generall Assembly : For seeing Presbyteries directed Ministers in Commission , the ruling Elders could be directed by none other after the erection of Presbyteries . It was ordained in Iune 1563. that every Superintendent cause warne the Shyres , Townes , and Parosh-kirks within his jurisdiction , to send their Commissioners to the generall Assembly . In Iuly 1568. it was ordained that Ministers and Commissioners of Shyres should be chosen by the Ministers and Gentle-men at the Synod . After the erection of Presbyteries , wee finde them in the register books of the Assemblies to have been directed from Presbyteries , and specially Anno 1592. When the act of Parliament was made for ratification of the liberties of Assemblies , Synods , Presbyteries , &c. And Iuly 1595. March 1595. And Anno 1596. For proofe likewise see in the Presbyterie books of Edinburgh , gentle-men directed in Commission with Ministers Anno 1593. and 1596. That the ruling Elders had hand in the election of Commissioners when they sate in the Presbyteries appeareth evidently : For in the Assembly holden in Iuly 1568. Where order was set down for choosing of Commissioners to the generall Assembly with power to vote , it was ordained , that Ministers and Commissioners of Shyrs bee chosen at the Synodall convention with consent of the rest of the Ministers and Gentle-men , meaning ruling Elders . And therefore when the Presbyteries were created , and had the power to direct Commissioners , Ministers , and Elders , could not bee chosen , but in like manner by Ministers and Elders common consent . Such like when the act 1597. ordained that every Presbyterie direct no moe Ministers than three , and but one in name of the Barons : It is presupposed , that Presbyteries directed them before , but only defineth the number . It cannot bee meant that Ministers shall choose Ministers , and the Gentle-men Elders one in name of the Barons , or that Ministers shall choose both Ministers and Barons , nor were it reasonble . But it is said of both alike , that they shall bee directed from the Presbyterie . By the booke of Policie the ruling Elders office and power , is to hold all sorts of Assemblies , Presbyterial , Synodall , nationall , with the Pastours and Doctours , for establishing good order and execution of discipline , to treat of things concerning the Kirk , to choose a Moderatour with common consent , to send forth visitours for the bounds within their jurisdiction , in the Presbyteriall meetings , to make constitutions for decent order in their particular Kirks without prejudice of the rules set down by provinciall or generall Assemblies , to excommunicat , to elect and depose ecclesiasticall office-bearers : For these are granted to Pastours , Doctours , and Elders conjunctly ; and as Ambrose writeth upon 1. Tim. 5. of the Elders in the primitive times , nothing was done without them . Vnde & Synagoga & postea ecclesia , seniores habuit sine quorum consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia . If they may have an hand in excommunication , election and deposition of office-bearers choosing the Moderatour , making constitutions , establish good order , and generally to treat of all things which concerne the Kirke , ought they not to have an hand in election of Commissioners to the generall Assembly ? Nay , rather in this than in any thing else . For Commissioners to the generall Assembly are intrusted with the common affairs of the whole Kirk , as hath been already said . They are called ruling Elders and governours , not halfe or in part , but whole , and doth not the choosing of Commissioners belong to ruling and government : Ministers themselves doe not direct Commissioners , but as rulers . They alledge that ruling Elders sate not in Presbyteries these fourtie years and upwards : But the aspirers to prelacies began the rent in our Kirke fourtie yeares since and upwards . No wonder then suppose that , with many other things went out of frame ; so long as unitie and integrity continued , they continued . The times of division cannot prescribe against the good order established , and yet even after the act 1597. which was made in the yeare after division entered , wee finde in the Presbyterie books of Edinburgh February 1600. Commission given to some Ministers and gentle-men to the Assembly . And in the Catalogue of the Commissioners to the Assembly holden Anno 1601. Barons directed from Presbyteries . Ambrose complaineth in the place above-cited , that the conjunct government of Elders , which was first in the Iewish Kirk , and after in the Christian , was worne out of use , whither through sloughtfulnesse , or pride of the teachers , he cannot tell . Quod qua negligentia absoleverit , nescio ; nisi forte doctorum desidia aut magis superbia , dum soli aliquid videri volunt . The causes of our Elders forebearing to resort to the Presbyteries may be diverse ; partly , the pride of some Ministers , who would not encourage and countenance them , as they ought , and were directed by the Assembly ; that governing by themselves alone , they might seeme some-what : partly , the unwillingnesse of others , loath that gentle-men should be made privie to the trials of their offences , as we have heard there by some of both sort , and fear there be some at this present of the same disposition ; and partly the division and rent , which have vexed this Kirk these many yeares . But seeing there was never an ordinance to exclud them , and there can be no prescription against the word of God , whereunto this order is declared to bee consonant by act of Assembly holden in October 1582. And the book of policie , the imminent danger to Religion , constrained them to take their owne place againe : By the way I would demand these ministers , who are content they sit with them in the lowest and suppreme judicatorie , the Session and generall Assembly , why they repine at their association in Presbyteries and Synods : there can be no sufficient reason rendered ; It was the order set down at the concluding the constant policie , and is the order observed in other Kirks . The elders exercise not their office fully but in the presbyterie , where ordinare jurisdiction is exercised , the power of excommunication , deposition , admission , &c. They except yet against the Ecclesiasticall persons , meaning , Ministers directed Commissioners to this Assembly , that they may be justly thought unworthie and uncapable of commission to a free and lawfull Assembly for their behaviour in times by-past . First , for that by their sedicious and railing Sermons and Pamphlets , they have wounded the Kings honour , and Soveraigne authoritie , and animate his Lieges to rebellion . This is imputed to all , but not verified of any of the number , nor have they designed any person in particulare . It is sufficient that neither the Presbyteries sending , nor the Assembly admitting , doth know any such . Next , they alledge they are knowne to bee such as have been either schismatically refractarie , and opposit to good order setled in Kirke or State , or having promised , subscribed , and sworne obedience to theìr ordìnar , have never made conscience of their oath , or contrar to promise and practise , have resieled to the contempt of Authoritie , and disturbance of the Kirke , or such as are under the censure of the Kirke of Ireland , for their disobedience to order , or under censures of this Kirk or conveened , at least deserving to bee conveened before their ordinar , or a lawfull generall Assembly : for transgressions , deserving deprivation . We know none schismatically opposit to good order , unlesse they meane such as have opposed to their encroaching upon the liberties of the Kirk ; and their shamelesse usurpation . An oath should not binde a man to iniquitie or impietie . The intrants did not understand what was the established order , from which wee have declined , nor foresee the intent of the Prelates , to bring in so many novations in Religion . The oath to the ordinar was exacted by vertue of an act of a null and pretended Assembly , and that ordinare was no lawfull ordinare , but an usurper . These ordinaries have exacted also oath and subscription to articles of their own devising , and maintenance of their usurped authoritie , which is a point laid to their charge in their lybell . The censures inflicted ( if there were any ) upon three or foure Ministers , Scots-men , returning from Ireland to Scotland , were infflicted for adhering to our confession of Faith , which manifesteth them to be faithfull and constant members of this Kirke , and therefore fit to voice in her Assemblies . They gave satisfaction to the Assembly by their answers to the interrogatories proponed to them . Some of them were thrust out by themselves , before they went to Ireland . As for such as were under censure in this Kirk , wee know none , but such as were censured by the then pretended Bishops in the court of high Commission , a judicatorie erected without consent of our Kirke , or of the Estates in Parliament , and discharged by Proclamation before they were chosen Commissioners . This is also a point of their lybell , the holding of such courts , and tyrannicall domination in the same . Nor do we know any conveened before the pretended ordinare , for any offence which might make them uncapable of commission . If any deserved to be conveened before them , or a lawfull generall Assembly , they should have been processed before , or warned to compeare before this Assembly : seeing a full and free Assembly was indicted . But we know none that hath deserved to be conveened for any transgression deserving reproofe , far lesse deprivation . The transgressions imputed are either falsly imputed to them , as the uttering of rash and unreverent speeches in their sermons against his Majesties Councel and their proceedings , reproving his Majesties laws and ordinances , using application in their sermons ; not tending to edification , intruding themselves in other mens charges and pulpits without calling and authoritie , pressing the people to subscribe their Covenant , or are no transgressions , as to proceed against Ministers to the censure of suspension or deprivation in their Presbyteries , opponing to the subscribing of a Covenant offered by his Majestie , and allowed by the Councel , or holding of conventions , without his Majesties knowledge and consent ; seeing the end was for supplications to his Majestie , complaints , and informations , and to prevent the great alterations in Religion , which were intended . They pretend that in charitie they forebeare to expresse the personall faults , of which too many of these who were directed Commissioners to this Assembly are guilty . They have learned to calumniate boldly , upon hope that somewhat will stick in mens mindes . This generall imputation is more uncharitable , then if they had designed the persons and expressed the faults in particular . But they cannot otherwise ease their own vindictive spirits . In the meane time the Commissions are valide , suppose afterward they should prove them to be such as they alledge : and we will not be too credulous , namely when men declared infamous do calumniate . They except next against laymens decisive voices . It standeth not with reason , Scripture nor antiquitie , say they , that laymen should be authorized by Ministers to have decisive voices in a generall Assemblie . That in the act of Dundie 1597. whereby those Elders pretend to have this place , there is no warrant expressed for them to deliberat and determine . So by laymen , they meane our ruling Elders , who are not meer lay-men but office bearers in the Kirk , and are called in the book of Policie Ecclesiasticall persons . Next , observe , that they except not only against the Assembly holden last at Glasgow , but also against all the Assemblies holden since the reformation . For the Elders have had power to voice in Assemblies from the beginning . And the order of choosing Commissioners with power to voice was set down first anno 1568. among which are the Gentlemen Commissioners from shyres . There was no need therefore to expresse the act 1597. which was concluded before anno 1568. the 7. chap. of the book of Policie , and continually practised since the reformation . The generall Assembly is called in the book of Policie , the generall Eldership of the Kirk . If their reason were good , Ministers have no warrand by that act 1597. to voice in the generall Assembly . For there is no expresse mention in that act of Ministers power to deliberate and determine . The truth is , that act doth not touch but presupposeth the power of both , and only defineth the number both of the Ministers and Barrons to be directed Commissioners from the Presbyterie to the Assembly . So you see , they professe plainly , they do not acknowledge any of our former Assemblies in the purest times , nor any other in time to come constitute after the like manner , nor the nationall Councels in other reformed Kirks , for lawfull Assemblies . It is sufficient for answer that this Assembly was constitute according to the acts of our Kirk , to which they ought to be subject : if there were no more , this one passage in their Declinatour deserveth condigne punishment to be inflicted upon them , that they dare so malapertly impunge the established order of our Kirk , because they are not able to answer to an Assembly rightly constitute . Yet howbeit they will not grant decisive voice to lay-men , they allow them presence and assistance . So will the Papists ▪ But they will have them to be allowed and authorized by the prince , which condition is not required by the Papists . They allow that his Majestie in person or by his delegats , may see good order keeped , have a cheef hand in all deliberations and determinations , and may delegat by his soveraigne authority such lay-men as hee pleaseth to have definitive and decisive voice , without which delegation it is presumptuous intrusion upon the Pastorall charge . By the act 1597. which was made by their owne procurement to restraine the great number of Ministers directed from Presbyteries , to oppose to their corrupted courses , it was ordained that Barons or gentlemen should bee nominat by the Presbyterie , and not by his Majestie , and have had after that decisive voice in Assemblies . How many noblemen and Barons , only called for by the kings letter and not delegat as Commissioners , have voiced at their owne pretended Assemblies , and helped to carie maters by pluralitie of voices ? But now it appeareth that after they had served their turne with them to set them up they were to bide them a due hereafter . Ite for as Laici , non est vobis Locus Icy . Yea , they intreat the kings commissioners in the words uttered by the fathers at the councel of Chalcedō . Mitte for as superfluos . Send forth the superflous . That which was spoken to Clerks , and Monks , who came to trouble the Councel , because they had imbraced the errour of Eutyches , they apply to the ruling Elders , noblemen , and gentlemen , chosen lawfully Commissioners to this Assembly . For such insolent and contumelious speeches , they ought to be severly censured , howbeit there had been no libell given in against them . To the same purpose they alledge the direction given by Pulcheria , the Empresse to Strategus Commander or Captaine of Bythinia , to drive by force out of the Councel of Chalcedon , such Monks , Clerks , and Ley-men , as did but pester the Councel , and suffer none but such as the Bishops brought with them . This also was for avoyding of disturbance . In the meane time you see that Lay-men not appointed by the Prince , but brought by the Bishops were allowed to be present at the Councell of Chalcedon . But how agreeth that saying of Theodosius the younger , that it is unlawfull for him , that is not in the ranke of the most holy Bishops to meddle with Ecclesiasticall treaties and affaires ? It seemeth to crosse that , which they granted before to his Majestie and his delegats . For how can he or they , if this be true , have a chief hand in all deliberations and determinations , or a decisive voice . Yea by this saying Ministers , or preaching Presbyters ought not to meddle with Ecclesiasticall affaires , for they are not set in the rank of Bishops . This saying of Theodosius is alledged by the Papists against the definitive voices of Emperours and Princes themselves . And therefore we may conjecture whereunto their course doth tend , notwithstanding of the faire shew they made a little before . But as for that saying of Theodosius extant in the Councell of Ephesus , Whittaker de conciliis proveth it to be forged , quia non habetur in antiquis exemplaribus , It is not extant in the old copies , and it is false in it self . For he did meddle . And howbeit Theodosius was not present himself at the Councell , yet he sent Candidianus , who informed him of their proceedings . Thirdly , the words are not rightly translated , for the words are not , the order or rank of Bishops , but , the catalogue of Bishops : meaning that none should meddle with the affaires and questions to bee treated in the Councell , but such as were sent from their Kirks , and were written up in the catalogue which their Bishops brought with them . This is observed by Iunius . For the same respect which Theodosius had , Martinus was moved , say they , to say at the Councell of Chalcedon , non esse suumsed Episcoporum tantum subscribere , that it was not his part , but the Bishops only to subscribe . How could they urge him to subscribe , if it belonged only to Bishops ? This famous man Martine was an Abbot , or the father of many Monks . He refused to subscribe , because he favoured not the cause , but the errour of Eutyches another Monkish father . Alwayes we see what Assemblies they intended to have had , even just like the Popish ; Bishops only having decisive voices , and no other Assembly shall wee have , if they can attaine to their intent . But to returne to the point . We let them understand our Assemblies are not to be ordered according to the patterne of these Monkish times . The question is , whither they will acknowledge this Assembly to bee constitute according to the constitutions and practise of our owne Kirke . But lest the Reader should conceive an errour to bee in this , that Lay-men should have decisive voice in Assemblies , wee will by the way stay a little upon this point . Their argument brought against it is Bellarmines , but it is naught . For if it bee intrusion upon the pastorall charge , the Prince can not authorize Lay-men to give decisive voice in Assemblies , which they granted before : for that were to intrude them into the pastorall charge . And by the same reason neither he nor his delegats can have decisive voice : but the truth is , it is no intrusion into that pastorall charge , which is proper to the Pastor , which is to preach the word publickly and minister the sacraments . But this is not the end of meeting in Assemblies , but to root out Heresies , redresse abuses , and deliberate upon the common affaires , which is not the proper charge of Pastors , but common also to others endued with knowledge of the Scriptures ; or as Doctor Willets saith , this office to be performed in Councels ; is common to the whole Kirk . If to feed be taken more largely , and to open up the true sense of the Scripture , or to refute Heresies , or mend abuses be to feed , then others then Pastors may be said to feed in that large sense . Ministers in Assemblies do not feed as Pastours , but as delegat from their Kirks they take heed that no corruption in doctrine , nor abuse in manners creep in . But that meer lay-men , howbeit not ruling Elders or office-bearers in the Kirk , may have decisive voice in Councels , providing they be endued with gifts sufficient and be freely choosen by the Kirks of the bounds , where they are resident , is made evident by Scripture , reason and antiquity . In the Councell holden at Ierusalem act 15. not only the Apostles and elders , but also other brethren had decisive voice . There was much disputing v. 7. and the whole multitude keeped silence v. 12. whereby it appeareth that in the time of the disputation many beside the Apostles and Elders spake . The Apostles , Elders and Brethren sent choosen men with Paul and Barnabas to Antioch to make known to them what was concluded and agreed upon in the Councell 23. and 25. And in common , the Apostles , Elders , and Brethren , say , It seemed good to the holy Ghost , and to us , which importeth a decisive voice . Whereupon the Cardinall Arelatensis at the councell of Basile , gathered that others then Bishops should have decisive voices in Councells , unde apparet alios quam Episcopos in conciliis habuisse vocem decidentem . A Eneas Sylvius lib. 1. de concilio Basileensi . But the text beareth that others beside the Apostles and Elders wrote in their epistle , It seemeth good to the holy Ghost and to us . It seemeth these brethren were such as disputed and reasoned pro & contra upon the matter in hand ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and placet were the words used in giving definitive sentence in Councels . Next , there is reason for it . The nationall Councell or generall Assembly representeth the whole Kirk of the nation in a most solemne manner . Therefore it should consist of men of all ranks , and not of Clergie men only . Bellarmine compareth generall Councels to a Parliament . But persons of all sorts and ranks , by the persons representing their Estate , have voice in the Parliament . Naturall equity requireth the like to be observed in nationall Councels . Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari & approbari debet , That which concerneth all should be handled and approved by all . But matters of Faith and manners the subject , whereupon nationall Assemblies do treat are common and concerne all , the Laitie as well as the Clergie . It is against reason that Ministers should lay a yock upon the people without their own consent and approbation . The Scripture is the only supreme judge of all controversies in religion : the Councell doth only interpret and point out the sense and meaning of the Scripture , which gift Lay-men may have . Yea the judgement of one Lay-man agreeing with the Scripture is to be preferred before the judgement of a whole Councell contradicting the Scripture . And Gerson examinat . Doctr. Par. 1. sayeth , any learned man ought to oppose to a whole Councell , if he perceive them to erre through malice or ignorance . Pastors are commonly chosen to sit in Councels , because it is presumed that they have the greatest skill in Ecclesiasticall matters . But it may fall out otherwise : for the gifts of knowledge and spirituall wisedome are not precisely tied to them . Nazianzen detested the Synods where rude and ignorant Bishops , whereof there were many in his time , did vote . Merito illas Synodos detestabatur , in quibus Episcopi suffragia ferentes essent rustici , idiotae , illiterati , nulla sacrarum literarum scientia praediti , nec in rebus sacris exercitati , qui utique aequum judicium ferre non possunt . Spalatensis . Lib. 7. cap. 3. Num. 29. Marsilius Patavinus in his Defensor pacis part . 2. cap. 20. taketh GOD to witnesse , that he knew many Priests and some Prelats who could not speak congruous latine : and because the most part of the Bishops and Priests had small skill in the Scriptures , he wisheth or adviseth a generall Councell to be filled up with others who were not Priests : generale Concilium etiam per non Sacerdotes integrari . Sic enim fecerunt Apostolicum senioribus . Before Luthers time scarce one Bishop of a thousand could reade latine . Sibrandus de conciliis P. 44. It were absurde to sendignorant Pastors and often times ungodly to a Councell , and exclude learned Godly and wise-men . The Bishop of Spalato saith , That it is not the title of a Bishop should give him the right of suffrage , and if he be unfit , his placet is ridiculous . l. 7. c. 3. num . 29. In his 7. book c. 3 num . 5. he proveth that Lay-men may vote in councel , for this reason because they may have the gift to expound or open up the meaning of the Scripture . Paulus etiam Laicos fideles agnovit posse & solere sacram Scripturam ex dono spiritus explicare prophetae duo aut tres , &c : 1. Cor. 4. 29. As for practise in ancient times , notwithstanding of the pride of the Clergie and superstition prevailing , wee have proofe sufficient . Theodoretus Bishop of Cyrus , epist. 81. Required a Councel , consisting not only of Bishops , but also Magistrats , and others in dignitie , that are learned in divine things , and to declare plainly what is their judgement . Isidorus Mercator , in his order of celebrating Councels , saith , Deinde ingrediantur & laici qui electione Concilij interesse meruerunt . Let lay-men enter , who by the choice of the Councel , merite to be present . Marcilius Patavinus , in the chapter above-cited , alledged this place for our purpose ; and addeth , multo magis igitur literati & in lege divina periti , quanquam non sacerdotes existant . The decrees of the second Councel of Orenge were subscribed by Lay-men of great dignitie , Laici etiam illustres & magnifici viri subscripserunt , Magd. Cent. 5. cap. 9. And in the Synod holden at Cullen . Anno 887. There were present religious Lay-men , with whose consent the decrees of that Councel were promulgat . At the Councel of Metz holden under Arnulphus were present many Earles , and other nobles , with other Lay-men , fearing God. In the beginning of the first chap. we have these words , Episcopi & Presbyteri & fideles Laici qui ante nos fuerunt juxta sacram Canonum authoritatem saepius in Christi nomine convenientes , justiciam Dei statuerunt , & idcirco suis diebus pacem habuerunt . They tell us that therefore Fathers had peace in their dayes , when Lay-men conveened in Chists Name with the Clergie , and made righteous decrees . These Councels are alledged for our purpose by the Bishop of Spalato in the chapter above-mentioned . The Authour of the review of the Councel of Trent , a French Catholick , lib. 1. cap. 8. Maintaineth that from all antiquity Lay-men have had their place in Councels , not only to deliberat , but to determin also , & alledgeeth for his purpose not only act . 15. 23. But also examples , specially of councels holden in France and Spaine . The French Synod holden An. 742. hath these words , By the advice of the Churchmen and Princes of the Realme , We have ordained , decreed , &c. saith Carloman , Duke and Prince of the French Pepin , a French Duke and Prince called another Synod at Soissons consisting of Church-men and some chief Lay-men of the Realme , with whom hee enacted some ecclesiasticall lawes , An. 744. The councel of Meaux , holden under Charles the second , An. 845. maketh mention of some other councels that consisted of clergie and lay-men , so were Earles & other godly laym-en , at the councel holden at Pistis , a town upon the river of Seyn , Anno 963. Both Clergie & lay-men flocked in great troups to the councel at Tribur in France and at the end of that councel , we have these words , This holy subscription was confirmed and fairly approved by the reverend profession and worthie answers of the Priests , Deacons , and Lay-nobilitie . At the famous councel of Constance were present 24. Dukes , 140. Earles , divers delegat from cities and corporations , divers learned Lawyers , divers Burgesses of Universities . At the first councel of Pisa there were the delegats of Universities , the Proctours of cities , and some Doctours in law , to the number of 400. All of whom ( saith the apologie of that councel ) treating of points in divinity , when they had deposed the two Antipopes that contended for the Popedome , and elected Alexander the fifth , made many good ordinances in the Kirk of God. So at the second councel of Pisa , there were also the delegats of Universities `with sundrie Doctors in law , and other men in great aboundance , well skilled in maters both divine and humane . Many other Synods or councels are cited in that eight chapter , whereunto we refer the Reader . As for the Popish distinction of consenting and defining , or determining ; that Lay-men consented but did not define or determine : the reader may finde expressions in the contrare in the examples above-cited . Whittaker proveth that the Bishops themselves subscribed as consenting : How ridiculous it is to grant them power to debate upon or discusse any question , and consent or dissent to the determination , either on the one side , or other , & not to determin what is that lesse ? For if the Clergie men have determined , and the Laymen consent not , their determination is frustrat . Right judgement cannot be given , but after the discussing of the cause , saith the Bishop of Spalato in the chapter above-cited . Neither doth he admit some of the councel to bee judges , and others to bee disputers only . Now seeing meere Lay-men orderly elected have had , and ought to have decisive voice in councels , much more ruling Elders , seeing they are chosen out of the laity as fittest to governe : And if the fittest bee not chosen , it is an abuse or neglect which should be amended . The Elders at the councel of Ierusalem were not only preachers , but rulers ; for the name was common to both , and both are comprehended , where the sense distinguisheth not . If Bilson Pag. 180. comprehend Deacons under the name of Elders ; with greater reason may we the ruling Elders : and so doe our Divines , Iunius , Alstedius , and others disputing upon this subject . Yea , Zwinglius in his Epistles , taketh here Elders only for the ruling Elders . Alwayes seeing the constitutions of the Eldership was directed from the Iewish kirk , the Kirk of Ierusalem was in this , as in many other things , a paterne to the rest . This digression was necessarie , howbeit their acception toucheth not the point in question to wit , Whither this last Assembly be constitute according to the acts , and established order of our Kirk . They alledge , That if the pretended Commissioners , both Lay and Ecclesiastick , were for none other cause declinable , yet ought they to bee declined , because the most part , if not all the Commissioners directed to this meeting , have precondemned episcopall government , have condemned , at least suspended obedience to the acts of the generall Assembly and Parliament : concerning the five articles of Perth , have approved their Covenant , as most necessarie to bee imbraced of all in this Kingdome , and not only have given judgement of these things before hand , but by most solemne oathes bound themselves to defend and stand to the same , as doth appear by their Covenant , petitions , potestations , pamphlets , lybels , and sermons ; for a judge probably suspect , may be declined : and of all probabilities the most pregnant , is , when the judge before he come to judgement , doth give sentence of the things judged . Hitheretill they have declined the Commissioners as incompetent judges , now they decline them as suspect : which is recusatio judicis suspecti . Suppose it were true , what is here alledged of all or the most part , yet can they not bee set , for as it was answered at the Synod of Dort , to the Arminians , using the like exception , that by this reason Arrius , Nestorius , Eutyches , and other like Hereticks , could not have been condemned justly in the councels of Nice , Ephesus , Chalcedon : because the orthodox teachers who had impungned their doctrine before , sate as judges upon their doctrine , Alexander Bishop of Alexandria impugned the hereticall opinion of Arrius before the Councel of Nice was convocat , and yet sate as judge at the councel of Nice upon Arrius . Did not Cyrillus sit in the Councel of Ephesus upon the Nestorians ? howbeit he had impugned their doctrine before . In Hassia when some defended the Vbiquitars errour , they were condemned in a generall Synod by such as had impugned their errours before , notwithstanding of the same exception . It is no new thing , but accustomed in the Kirke of God at all times , that when any errour did spring up , faithfull Pastours did timeously oppose both by word and writ : least it should spread , and infect the whole body : and yet did not therefore forefault their right in giving their voices in the Synods where these errours were condemned . The Divins of Hassa defyed the Ariminians to give one example of a lawfull Synod that ever did the like . Next , suppose they had all precondemned episcopall government and the five articles of Perth , they had condemned , but that which was condemned before by our Kirk , and never retreated by any lawfull Synod . Thirdly , the acknowledgement of episcopall government and practise of the five articles were not absolutely condemned by the Covenant . But the acknowledgement of the one , and practise of the other , was suspended till the tryall of a free and lawfull generall Assembly , whither they were contrar to the confession of Faith and abjured by it , for the satisfaction of some , who in other respects did not allow of them ; and being found to be abjured by the confession of Faith , as they are found and cleared to be at the last Assembly , they are bound by oath to stand to the confession of Faith in all the points of it . Fourthly , the Commissioners conveened , did not judicially condemne before , but according to their severall places and stations , they gave warning of the novations entered , in , which hindered them not to alter their minde , if they had heard any thing to convince them of the contrar at meeting with others in the Assembly . The examples alledged are to small purpose . Our reformers protested against the Councel of Trent , not only because Pope Leo the tenth had precondemned Luthers doctrine by his Bull dated the eight of Iune 1520. and Paul the third his successor , likewise by his Bull dated in August 1535. but also declared the intention of their appointing to convocat that councel was to root out that new sprung up heresie . And as it was answered to the Arminians , that councel was not a free councel . The Prelats and other members of that councel were sworne slaves to the Pope , and had power to determine nothing but what pleased him to approve by his Nuncioe . Our first reformers would not be acknowledged for Doctours of the popish Kirk , and had made separation from them before . Maximus patriarch of Constantinople , refused to goe to the councel of Antioch , because he foresaw he would be constrained to the deposition of Athanasius , Hosius of Corduba feared likewise their determinations : but it is one thing to refuse presence , where they feare ungodly determinations : another thing to decline the authoritie of a lawfull councel , when they are cited to answere a foule libell . It becommeth them to side with persecutours rather then Hosius , with Pope , Leo rather then Luther and other reformers , of whom some of them have spoken disdainfully . Next , there is difference between an inferiour Synod and the supreme . The councel of Antioch was not an oecumenicall councel , which was the supreme . The generall Assembly whereunto our Prelates were cited , is with us the supreme : of which more in the answere to the next section . Next they alledge , That all , if not the greatest part of the pretended Commissioners , have declared themselves partie to the Arch-bishops and Bishops of this Kirk : for in that they declined the Bishops to be their judges as their partie , as their declinatours , petitions , declarations , and protestations doe beare , have they not simul & semel & ipso facto , declared themselves to be their parties partie , that is the Bishops ? And have not only declined , but persecuted them , by calumnies and reproaches , invaded their persons , opposed and oppressed them by unlawfull combination : for the subscribing and swearing wherof they have by their own authoritie indicted fasts , have by the aid of the multitude entered in the Kirks of worthy men , usurped upon their charges , caused read the unlawfull Covenant , threatned or compelled some , otherwise unwilling to set their hand to it ; processed , suspended , removed , obedient and worthie Ministers by the usurped authorite of their Table & Presbyteries , notwithstanding the defence of declinator & appellation was used by not a few in their Presbyteries , intending by this means to disable them from being Commissioners , and directly or indirectly caused their stipends to be keeped back , by which means not the least part of the subscribing Ministers hands hath been obtained to their Covenant . Seeing they have declared themselves partie , it can subsist with no law or reason that the same persons shall be both parties and Iudges . We answer , they declined them as party , when they supplicated and complained upon them before the Lords of secret Councel . Was it reason that they should judge upon the complainers , or complaints made upon themselves ? When they covenanted , they suspended only acknowledgement of their authority , till the tryall of a free generall Assembly : Calumnies and unjust reproaches we deny . None of the Commissioners have hithertils invaded their persons , nor have any of them been invaded by any other , so farre as we know ; But Master David Lyndsay by Boyes and servant women , when hee was come from his new Mattins and evensong , and as we use to say flagranti crimine . Their conbination against them was with reservation to triall . What fault was there in fasting and seeking Gods blessing to the actions were in hands , all tending to reformation ? where fore should people be hindred from striking Covenant with God and amongst themselves for the defence of Religion by the refusall of a perverse Minister ? These worthie Ministers processed , suspended , or removed were worthily censured by their Presbyteries for their Arminian , and Popish doctrine , vented both in privat and publick , to the endangering of many souls , or for their scandalous lives . Were these men fit to be Commissioners to the generall Assembly . To decline the Presbyterie as competent judges could not be admitted , nor to appeall to any but to a free generall Assembly . These men who declined the Presbyteries have declined the Assembly , whereby we may see upon what intent they did decline . That not the least part of the subscribing Ministers put to their hand to the Covenant for feare of keeping back their stipends , is a meer calumnie . Others were postponed not for not subscribing , but for neglecting their charge and wandering from their flocks . For all then that is here aledged , the Commissioners to this Assembly might lawfully sit as judges to the complaint , or lybell given in against them ; seeing they were chosen and authorized by their Presbyteries , with commission to deliberate and voice in this Assembly . Next , they were not judges in any particular or proper cause of their owne , but in a cause concerned the whole Kirk . Therefore in making the Commissioners their partie , they make the whole Kirk of Scotland their party . For they had a free commission from all the Presbyteries , according to the order of our Kirk , to make up the representative of the whole body . How shall discipline be exerced , if such as are guilty shall reject Sessions , Presbyteries and Synods as party ? but because there may be some time partiality in inferior judicatories , they may be appealed from , but the supreme judicatory of the Kirk , the generall Assembly can not be declined in a cause Ecclesiasticall and competent as party , without making the Kirk of Scotland party . The Arminians excepted against the Synod of Dort , that they were both judge and party , and therefore would not submit to their tryall . Our decliners have borrowed this buckler from them . But the answer made to them by the Divines at Dort may serve for answer to our decliners ; to wit , that the Synod did not consist of persons lying under any Ecclesiasticall censure , that they cannot be called a partie , unlesse all the Belgick Kirks from whom the Commissioners were directed be taken for party . Repraesentant enim illis Ecclesias , quarum credentialibus instructi in hac Synodo comparuerunt . And if the Belgick Kirks be their party , they can not be reputed members of their Kirk , but must confesse they have made separation from them , say the Divines of Hassia . There can be no lawfull exception taken against a Synod by the members of these Kirks which do constitute the Synod . Pars minor pars nova , debent stare judicio corporis repraesentati per Synodum , loquentem mandato , ore , & ex sensutotius corporis , say the Divines of Geneve . Consideration is to be had of times to come , least that such as are guilty shift the ordinary judicatories of Presbyteries and Synods , and a doore be opened to the entry of sects and heresies , say the Divines of Breme . In their own proper and peculiar cause no man can be both party and judge , but in a common and publick cause it may be say the Divines of Emden . In a word all the Divines at the Synod of Dort agreed upon these answers . We answer in the same manner . And the decliners know very well that the body of this Kirk which directed the Commissioners was sensible of their usurpation and oppression . They make a tragicall outcry , that under pretence of summonds , the like whereof was never used , nor in the like manner , against the most haynous malefactor in the kingdome , they have devised , forged , invented and published a most infamous and scurrill libell , full of impudent lies and malicious calumnies , against the Archbishops and Bishops of this Kirk . Truely we hold them the greatest malefactors among us . As for the lybell , the most part may be gathered out of their own declinatour , and is as evidently known to all sorts of people within the countrey , as that they are Bishops . So that it was questioned at the last Assembly , whither it was needfull to lead witnesses in points notorious and as well known as that the Sun shineth at noon-tide . Some personall offences were so well proven , that Commissioners of all ranks were ashamed of their prophanity and lewdnesse . Time served not to stay upon the triall of the rest , but if they be not silent , more will bee verified to their greater shame . If they had been innocent , no doubt they had compeared and adhearing to their declinatour insulted : but , howbeit none more impudent , they durst not face the Assembly . They complaine that the table prescribed in certaine articles the order to be keeped in the citation and publick reading of the lybell , according to which directions the lybell was read in sundry Kirks , and in Edinburgh in all the Kirks , notwithstanding of my Lord Commissioners command given to the Provest and Bailies to the contraire . None took upon them to prescribe , but only to advise and informe what course should be keeped for citation in the surest and most legall manner . Seeing we have been these many years out of use of ordinar Assemblies , the course to be keeped could not be found out by every one till they were informed . Neither were there informations sent from the meetings at Edinburgh to any man , to the knowledge of the Assembly , but were private directions sent from hand to hand . Publick reading of the lybell was needfull , not to make their enormities known to the people , for they were too well known before , but for the surest way of citation , seeing my Lord Commissioner refused to take any sure course for citing them : which if he had done , they had not been cited in so publick a manner . Not but that they deserved citation per proclama ▪ to be summoned by Proclamation , yet that manner was not resolved upon till other means were thought more difficile and not so sure . As for my Lord Commissioners discharge to read the summonds in the Kirk of Edinburgh , they were read in sundry Kirks before the discharge was presented to the Magistrates . And what reason was there to stay citation of so haynous offenders to compeare before their ordinary judge ? His Majesty had declared before , that no Subject should be exeemed from censure . But how shall they be censured if they be not cited ? Nor did the Commissioner offer to take another course . So it was evidently seen , their intent was to frustrat all citation . They challenge them for their proceedings in the citation . First , because they proceeded against all charitie , which delighteth not in the discovery of mens nakednesse , backbiteth not with the tongue , much lesse writeth a book against a brother . Iustice requireth that publick sins be rebuked publickly ; they themselves laboured to frustrat all other manner of citation . Should usurpers oppressors , prophane and lewd men passe uncensured through want of citation . The welfare of the Kirk should be dearer to us then the reputation of seducers and undermyners . Sould not the house of God be purged of filth and dirt ? Next , for breaking of order , in breaking the Apostles rule and act of Parliament . The apostle it is true directeth young Timothy not to rebuke sharply an Elder , but to intreat him as a Father , meaning an elder in years , as appeareth by the opposition of young men . The direction is for privat reprehensions , but these that sin publickly or scandalously should be rebuked openly , whether they be elder or younger . The dregs of prophannesse are more sowre and stinking in old men then in young . But they have both elder & younger among them . So are there of the complainers , some younger , some elder . Their third estate is not impugned in all the lybell , howbeit their persons be made lyabell to publick citation and censure , and so the act of Parliament not violated thereby But of that act we have spoken sufficiently alreadie . Thirdly , for not proceeding according to any lawfull forme , but specially against the order prescribed by acts of the generall Assemblies . March 1596. and April 1592. For the first it is not transgressed . For the lybell containeth speciall crimes sufficiently instructed and notorious , ut nulla tergi versatione celari possunt . Other crimes are subjoyned wherewith they were slandered , which were to be verified by informations from the parts where the slander did first arise : of which some were proven , the rest lay over for lake of time , wherein if they please , an other Assembly will insist . It seemeth rather they think the lybell too speciall . Hinc illae lachrymae . That Assembly was a corrupt Assembly and began the rent of our Kirk . Yet their act beareth no more , but that all summonds containe a speciall cause and crime , and that none be summond super inquirendis . The lybell contained speciall causes , and none of them were summonded super inquirendis . As for the act 1582. ordaining that in processe of deprivation of Ministers there be a lybelled precept upon fourty dayes warning , if they be within the Realme , sixty , if without , to be directed by the Kirk , and such Commissioners as elect and admit the persons complained upon , summoning them to compeare and answer upon the complaint , and incase of their absence at the first summonds , the second to be directed upon the like warning , with certification if he faile , the lybell shall be admitted to probation , and he shall be holden pro confesso . That forme of proceeding was ordained for inferiour judicatories which sit at frequent diets . For it is ordained , that if he compeare not at the first citation , he shall be summoned de novo with certification . But the generall Assembly sitting but once in the year could not begin and end such a proceeding for the space of three year , if this order were to be keeped by them . Next , because that direction is for them who admit , but the generall Assembly doth not admit Ministers . Yea the persons summoned were never admitted to their great benefices according to the order set down by the Assembly . Thirdly , that forme of proceeding presumeth that the person complained upon may be out of the Realme or within , but in the remotest part , and that they can not be cited by publick Proclamation to compeare before inferior judges . But the decliners were summoned by Proclamation in the most eminent Kirks within the kingdome , to compeare before the generall Assembly , so that these who were within the countrey , or neer the borders , could not be ignorant of the citation . Fourthly , that forme was for faults in the office or lives of Ministers deserving deprivation , this for citation of such as usurped jurisdiction and tyrannized over the whole Kirk , and were banded together in one common course against the established order and policie of our Kirk . Fifthly , the act it self permitteth appellation to the generall Assembly , if after the decreit he finde himself wronged thereby . It is cleare then , the act concerneth only citation before inferior judicatories . Sixthly , diligence was used to publish the summonds , as soon as might be after the indiction of the Assembly , and had been execute sooner if the Commissioner had taken another course . Howsoever , there was time sufficient ; as appeared , in that the citation come to their knowledge , both those who were within , and those who were without the countrey . Citatio contumaciam juducere potest , si scientia citationis apprehenderit citatum , atque ita comperiatur malitiose aut dolose latitare . That the citation come to their knowledge , as well of these without as at home , is cleare by subscriving the declinatour , and compearance of their procurator before the Assembly , whereupon instruments were taken that their compearance did justifie the citation . The fourth challenge is , of proceeding against common equity , which admitteth summonds only by the authority of that judge before whom the delinquent is to compeare . But so it is that the summonds were directed by the authority of pretended Presbyteries for compearance before the generall Assembly . See their malapertnesse in calling the weekly meetings of Ministers pretended Presbyteries , slighting the order established with so great deliberation by our Kirk , with consent and concurrence of the civill authority . But for answer to the challenge . They know it hath been the continuall practise of our Kirk , that inferiour judicatories have cited delinquents to compeare before the superior , and necessare it is so to do , because the generall Assembly sitteth not frequently , nor may not sit oftner according to the act of Parliament then once in the year , except prore nata . If every citation began at the Assembly for compearance at the next , delinquents might persist in their offences and perhaps escape all punishment . And as for the present case , there was danger in delaying to the citation of the Assembly . They complaine , That reference of the complaint was made by the Presbyteries to the generall Assembly , the parties never being summoned to compeare before the Presbyterie , whereby either in presence of the partie , or in case of contumacie , the complaint might bee referred to the generall Assembly . The complaint was made upon breach of the cautions for the most part , and could not be well tryed without the tryall of pretended Assemblies , whereupon the parties complained upon , would build most of their defences . Therefore the Presbyteries referred the tryall of the complaint to the generall Assembly , as the most able and undoubtedly competent Iudge , without citation before themselves : and as matters stood for the present , they could doe none otherwise , without great disturbance and interruption to bee made by their adherents , and assistance of civill power . It was fit the complaint presented to the Presbyteries should be registrat in their books , seeing it was the ground of their citation . Suppose there had been no complaint made to the Presbyteries , not only some , but all the Presbyteries in the Kingdome might have cited them to compeare before the generall Assembly : because they pretended they were Pastours of all the Kirks within their pretended Dyocies , and Moderatours of every Presbyterie within the Dyocie , and beside did many things in common to the prejudice of all the Kirks of the Realme by their voting in Parliament , sitting and tyrannizing in the high Commission , over-ruling Assemblies , keeping conventions of their own , and directing articles to Court , to the prejudice of the Kirk . What suppose then they had been cited not only every one in their own pretended Dyocie , but all of them in all the Kirks in the Kingdome ? seeing there was a common cause , and the persons complained upon , were a faction combined to the overthrow of the whole Kirk . The fifth is , That the proceeding was against all decencie and respect due to men in their place , the said Bishops being persons in dignitie , and some of them of his Majesties most honourable privie Councel , known to be of blamelesse conversation , to have deserved well : that to be thus reviled and traduced , redoundeth to the reproach of the Church and Estate , and Gospel , whereof they are preachers . So will notorious thieves standing in the pannell alledge boldly they are honest men . Their dignities are abominations . They are a reproach to the Kirk and Estate : they are ashamed of the Gospel , and the Gospell ashamed of them . If tyrants and oppressours may brag of their deserts , then may they also , that they have deserved well . And yet howbeit the publick citation hath tended to their disgrace , the disgrace was not intended by the citation , but tryall : howbeit disgrace followed upon the manner of the citation , because none other sufficient meane could be had : nay disgrace and contempt preceeded the citation . Lastly , they charge the Commissioners to the generall Assembly their consciences , in the sight of God , as they must answer before his great and fearfull tribunall , if they suspect , or know not certainly according to the judgement of charitie , these whom they thus accuse to be free of these crimes , where with they were charged . A bold and shamelesse out-cry : for the Commissioners are so farre from suspecting them to be free , that they rather beleeve them to be guiltie of the crimes layed to their charge respectivè , some of moe , some of fewer , and some of the most odious . Their cariage is so prophane , men of credit and account are reporters , & sometime their own familiars , & some of the offences laid to their charge , are committed in the very sight of the people . They ground the charge of their conscience upon this , That having lybelled the generall , they had to seek the specification theirof , as appeareth by their articles , and instructions sent abroad . The most and great offences were notorious and common to them all . For other personall faults there was loud slander , and fama clamosa . For these in respect of legall proceeding , witnesses behoved to bee cited , and inquisition to be made , which the Assembly since hath found sufficiently proven in sundrie , and would have found more , if time had served : for there was as loud slander for other crimes not yet brought in judgement . They ask , If any man will think that the Commissioners at this Assembly , can be judge in their own cause : They alledge a reason out of the Canon law , that if the Pope be at variance with any man , he ought not to be judge himself , but choose arbitratours ; and some examples , to wit of Ludovicus Bavarus and all the estates of Germanie with him , pleading this nullitie against the sentence , and proceeding of Iohn 22. and his Councel ; and of the Archbishop of Cullen , who in the year 1546. did plead the nullitie of Pope Paul the third his Bull of excommunication , because he protested so soone as a lawfull Councel was opened , he would emplead the Pope as partie , being guiltie of many things censurable in the Councel . Would not any man think our decliners to be great Readers , and well versed in histories ? And yet they have borrowed all this stuffe out of the review of the Councel of Trent , concealing the book and chapter from whence . Wee know , that inferiour judges cannot be judges in their own cause . And therefore Gregorie upon this ground reproved justly Ianuarius Bishop , because hee excommunicated a nobleman Isidorus , for some injurie done to him , 23. quest . 4. inter querelas . And yet cap. Guillisarius . Silverius anathematized Guilisarius , because hee desired him to come peaceably to his Palace , to deal with him pro ecclesiasticis quibusdam dispositionibus , for things disponed to the Kirk , but took him captive , and banished him . And 2. quest . 7. Si quis erga . If any was to complaine upon a Bishop , he is ordained to deal friendly with himself before he complaine to the Primat or any other judge , or else to bee excommunicat . The glosse upon this last chapter distinguisheth thus . If the injurie concerne the Prelate only or specially , he may not excommunicat for that injurie : but if it concerne the Kirk hee may . And the glosse upon dist . 63. cap. Salonitanae , maketh this cleare : If injury concerne principally the Prelate , then he must forbear . But the generall Assembly is the supreme judge in causes ecclesiasticall : neither doth the Assembly judge in their own cause , but Christ and his Churches , and concerning themselves , as members and persons representing the collective bodie . But of this wee have treated sufficiently before . It maketh nothing for them then , that if the Pope bee at variance with any man he must not be judge himself . Is there no more but variance betwixt them , and the Assembly ? and they a party , some difference standing betwixt them and our Kirk , which must be taken up by arbitrators ? intolerable presumption . Are the liberties of Christs Kingdome , but the subject of some variance betwixt us and these usurpers ? The glosse meaneth , that the Pope himself may not take mens possessions or goods upon a light opinion , that they belong to the Kirk , till the matter be decided . Non debet ipse esse judex & rem occupare . Glosse in Can. Consuetudo . 16. q. 6. Neither are their examples to the purpose . For the Emperour Ludovicus Bavarus pleaded that nullity against the sentence and proceeding of Iohn 22. and of his Councel , upon this ground ; that the said Iohn pretended to have a plenitude of power over him and his Empyre , even in temporall matters , and did actually conspire against him and the lawes of the Empyre , and caused him to be pursued as an enemie , as the Reader may see in the review of the councel of Trent . Hermannus Arch-bishop of Cullen being excommunicat by pope Paul the third , because he was upon the work of reformation of his Kirks , appealed from his sentence by writ , wherein he setteth down his reasons why hee did not acknowledge him as judge , because he had been a long time accused of heresie and idolatrie . Hee appealed from his sentence to a lawfull Councel of Germanie , wherein he would prosecute his plea against him as partie . Our decliners make our nationall Councel their partie . Non credo quod à sententia Concilij appelletur : quia concilium est loco senatus . 16. quest . 1. c. eccles . habet Senatum A quorum Senatorum sententia non appellatur ita nec a sententia Concilii , saith Antonius de Rosellis par . 3. cap. 21. The nationall Councel is the supreme Senat of the Kirk , from which as we may not appeal in a cause competent , so we may not cast or refuse the same . They complaine , that the Authours of the late Protestation were injurious to their place and authoritie in the Assembly , because they will grant neither Primat , Archbishop nor Bishop voice deliberative , nor decisive in the generall Assembly , unlesse they be elected by the Presbyteries . The act above-mentioned made Anno 1597. by their own procurement , ordained that Ministers & Barrons should be directed with commission from presbyteries . We have had no other act since for the choise of Commissioners to the generall Assembly . In the Assembly holden at Montrose anno 1600 , when the cautions were concluded , It was statute and ordained , that none of them that shall have vote in Parliament , shall come as Commissioners to the Generall Assembly , or have vote in the same in any time coming , unlesse he be authorized with commission from his own Presbyterie to that effect . This act was not annulled by their own pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow ; nor if it had , should it have been of any force : seeing it was a null and pretended Assembly . As for Councels of old , where Primats , Archbishops , and Bishops had place and voice , they are not the right paterne to be followed by us , as we have already answered . Nor yet do they make any thing for them . For these of old were Primats , Archbishops , and Bishops in office after mans invention allowed for the time . We acknowledge none such in our Kirk . Their consecration to the office was without the knowledge or consent of our Kirk , and is laid to their charge in the complaint given in against them . A knavish prat . And yet , forsooth , they talk as if they were Primats , Archbishops and Bishops in office , like those of old . Risum teneatis amici ? But what suppose they were acknowledged to be such in office ? should they disdaine commission from Presbyteries ? Paul and Barnabas were sent from the brethren at Antioch to the Councell which was holden at Ierusalem act . ●5 . They alledge , that this doth enforce the nullity of an Assembly , if the Moderator and Praesident for matters of doctrine and discipline shall be neither the Primat , Archbishop nor Bishop , but who by plurality of Presbyters and Lay-mens voices shall be elected , which happily may be one of the inferior clergie , or a lay-person . For this their Presidentship , they alledge canons of ancient Councels , and custome of old , both in other nations and our own not yet restrained by any municipall law . Acts of parliament either of late or of old have not set down any order for moderation of generall Assemblies or nationall Councels . Nor do we alledge the act of Parliament 1592. ratifying the liberty of generall Assemblies , provinciall Synods , and Presbyteries for free election of their Moderators . Yet there is nothing in that act against free election , or for Presidentship of Bishops . We had no Ministers primats , or Bishops , either in stile or in office at that time . Yea the power granted before to Bishops in that troublesome year 1584. and soon after quite abolished , was then granted by that act to Presbyters , as the right spirituall office-bearers in the Kirk . And as for acts of ancient Councels , we passe them as no paterns to us , nor pertinent for them . For we have no such Bishops , primats or Metropolitans , as were of old , as hath been already answered . And as impertinent it is , to alledge that this presidentship is so intrinsecally inherent in them as they are Bishops , that hoc ipso that they are Bishops , they are Presidents of all Assemblies of the clergie : As the Chancelour of the kingdome hath place in Councell and Session not by any act or statute , but hoc ipso that he is Chancelour . For we know no difference betwixt the office of a Bishop and a Presbyter to be made by the word of God. Neither do we acknowledge our fourteen forloppen Ministers for Bishops in office , so much as by the constitutions of our Kirk . Yea when we had Superintendents and Bishops , yet the Moderator of the generall Assembly was freely chosen , and never a Bishop chosen but once . It was ordained in the book of policie chap. 7. that in all Assemblies a Moderator shall bee chosen by common consent of the whole brethren conveened . This freedome our Assemblies ever had since the reformation , till Spotswod sometime pretended primat began to usurp the place of the Moderator in their pretended Assembly holden anno 1616. Suppose the act of Parliament 1592 did restraine their authority , yet say they , the restraint is restored by act of Parliament 1606. and 1609. and all acts prejudiciall to their jurisdiction abrogat . But that act of Parliament anno 1606. concerning the restitution of the state of Bishops can not be understood to concerne the spirituall office , but only their temporall state , jurisdiction , priviledges and preheminences belonging thereto . For by the act of Parliament 1597. when vote in Parliament was granted to Ministers provided to Prelacies , their office in the spirituall policy and government of the Kirk was remitted to the Kings Majestie to be advised , consulted , and agreed upon by his Majestie with the generall Assembly , at such times as his Majestie should think expedient to treat with them thereupon . But there past no agreement before the act of Parliament 1606. but rather cautions to restraine them from all preheminence or power in the spirituall policie and government . And in the act of Parliament 1612. which ratified the act of Glasgow 1610. the remit of the estats in the Parliament 1597. was mentioned , and it was declared , that all doubtfull and controverted points concerning the jurisdiction , discipline , and policie foresaid , was not determined till that Assembly holden 1610. How then could the act of restitution anno 1606. be understood of restitution to their old papall preheminence and jurisdiction in the policie and government of the Kirk ? Next , if they were restored to all their old preeminences in the spirituall jurisdiction and policie by the act 1606. what needed they any Assembly afterward to grant them some preheminence in ordination and jurisdiction ? Why stepped not the pretended Primat to the place of Moderatorship at their own pretended Assemblies holden anno 1606. 1608. 1610. without election ? Thirdly , how could the Parliament restore them to any spirituall jurisdiction or preheminence , who never had it at any time before ? For they had not been Bishops in office at any time before , that they needed restitution . Will they say , because they had the titles of the benefice or Bishoprick , the Parliament might put them in possession of the spirituall jurisdiction , and enter them into the office ; then the Papists may be moved more justly to call them Parliamentarie Bishops , then the English in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths raigne , who because of some rites and customes omitted at their inauguration , sought the ratification of the Parliament for supply , as Sanderus de schismate Anglicano lib. 3. reporteth , and therefore were called parliamentary Bishops . Hinc nomen illis impositum , ut parliamentarij episcopi dicerentur . In their printed Declinatour they alledge a little after in the same section , that they have received their authority not from the Parliament , but from Christ , from whom they have received the spirituall oversight of the clergie under their charge . This clause is not to be found in the Declinatour presented before the Assembly in writ , but insteed thereof two lines bloted out . Now it seemeth they are somewhat bolder after they have consulted with their brethren in England , who now mantaine that their authority is not derived from the Prince . But suppose the episcopall authority were institute by Christ , which is false ; what calling had they to exerce that authority ? They had none from the Kirk . And if not from the Parliament , then none at all . And yet before they said their authority was restored to them by act of Parliament 1606. which seemeth to import a contradiction : And suppose , from the Parliament , as good as not at all . As for the act of Parliament 1609. concerning the Commissariats , it reacheth no further then the former . Their consent to both these acts in Parliament and sundry other , is one of the points of the complaint given in against them . Nay they procured them , and yet are not ashamed to alledge them , howbeit to small purpose . Being destitute of acts of Parliament or Assembly , they argue from their presidentship in Synods , that one of them in absence of the Metropolitan should preside in the generall Assembly , rather then one of the inferiour clergie . It is true , by an act of Assembly holden at Glasgow anno 1610. those who were stiled Bishops in respect of their benefices , were constitute Moderators of the diocesan Synods , and that act was ratified in Parliament anno 1612. But that ratification was upon supposition , that the Assembly was free and lawfull , and was desirous of that ratification : none of which are they able to make good . Next when we had Bishops and Superintendents Moderators of Synods , the generall Assembly choosed others then Superintendents or Bishops to moderat . By the cautions at Montrose it was provided , that the Minister voter in Parliament should not arrogat to himself any further preheminence or jurisdiction then any of the rest of their brethren , under the paine of deprivation . Where it was alledged falsly in the falsified act of that null and pretended Assembly holden in December anno 1606. that they should be Moderators of Synods , yet to make men beleeve that they were moderat and sought no further , it was provided in that same falsified act , That the Moderator of the generall Assembly be chosen by the voices of the said Assembly , certaine leets beeing first nominated and propounded freely , as use hath been in times by-past . So , by their own grant , it followeth not that one of the Bishops moderating the diocesan Synod should preside in the generall Assembly in absence of the Metropolitan himself , whose name was not so much as heard of in their own pretended Assemblies . They answer to that which is alledged against the office of a Bishop out of the act of Assembly holden anno 1580. where it was declared , that it had no ground or warrand out of the Scriptures : First , that if the corruption of the time shall be regarded , the authority of this Assembly might be no lesse regarded then that of Glasgow 1610. This is transcendent impudencie . Were the times corrupt ? Were not all the heads of the book of discipline concluded after free reasoning in many Assemblies preceeding ? Was not the election of Commissioners free ? Was not liberty granted to any man that was willing to oppone ? Was there any rent or division in our Kirk in those times ? Was not the same act ratified in the Assembly following ? Was not the confession of Faith subscrived by persons of all ranks soon after , and Presbyteries erected ? did not our kirk adhear to that act still after ? So , if that time was corrupt , the purest and best times following were corrupt . Was ever that act contradicted by any other act since that time to this houre ? But observe , whiles without all shame they would empaire the authority of that Assembly , they suffer of their own accord their own pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow 1610. to fall to the ground . Next , they say , it is ordinare for prior acts of Assemblies and Parliaments to give place to posterior . But we mantaine there was no act followed to repeale the former . If they will alledge the act of Glasgow 1610. First , that Assembly is not to be numbred among the Assemblies of our Kirk , and was declared null at this last Assembly upon grounds unanswerable . Next , that same corrupt Assembly did not determine or declare the office of a Bishop to have any warrand out of the word , nor did they restore that office as it was brought in by mans invention , and used of old , but only made Synods and Presbyteries obnoxious in ordination , deprivation , excommunication , and some other points , to these who were then stiled Bishops in respect of their benefice , and not Bishops in office , yet not without limitations and upon assurance , that they should be lyable to the tryall and censure of the generall Assembly . But they alledge the Assembly holden anno 1586 , where it was found that the name of a Bishop hath a speciall function annexed to it by the word of God , that it was lawfull to the generall Assembly to admit a Bishop presented to a benefice by the King with power to visite admit and deprive Ministers , to be Moderators of Presbyteries , and to be subject only to the censure of the generall Assembly . Neither was the office of a diocesan Bishop declared by this Assembly to have any ground or warrand in the word , or that any might be consecrat thereafter to such an office invented by man. Yea that Assembly declared in the sixth Session , that there are foure ordinare office-bearers set down to us in the Scriptures , to wit , Pastors , Doctors , Elders and Deacons , and that the name of Bishop ought not to be taken as it hath been in time of Papistrie , but is common to all Pastors . In the tenth and eleuenth Session , they declare that by the name of Bishop they meane only such a Bishop , as is described by the Apostle . They declare that the name of Bishop hath a speciall charge and function annexed to it by the word of God , the same that the Pastor hath . They declared then that Bishop and Pastor are all one , and that a divine or apostolicall Bishop is the Pastor of a particulare flock , and hath not a generall charge over a whole diocie . It is true , they assented at that time that it was lawfull to admit a Pastor , Bishop or Minister presented to a benefice by the Kings Majestie , with power to visite admit &c. as said is . But then consider , this Assembly was the first which was holden after the desolation made anno 1584. and 1585. and consisted not only of none subscribing Ministers , but also of many who had subscribed in that houre of darknesse as Bishop Adamson afterward called these two years of desolation preceeding : And yet did not allow more to him who was admitted to the Bishoprick then to any other Minister to whom they gave the like power , and with the same restrictions which were prescribed to others , and only till further order were taken : as that in visitation of the bounds limited to him , he proceed by advise of the Synod , and such as they shall appoint to him ; that in receiving presentations and giving collations he shall proceed by the advice and voice of the Presbyterie , and certaine Assessors to be joyned with him , at the least the most part of the Presbyterie and Assessors , till further order may be taken ; that if he admit or deprive without consent of the most part of the Presbyterie it shall be a sufficient cause of deprivation , and the deed shall be null . So this power and preheminence was not in respect of any Episcopall office , but by commission from the Assembly , as was granted to other Ministers , and during the time prescribed by the Assembly , and only till further order were taken . And indeed this shadow of preheminence granted first at a conference in Haly-rude-house not long before , by some courting and chief subscribing Ministers , & now again at this Assembly , endured not long . For in the Assembly holden in Iune 1587. the admission of one to the Bishop-rick of Glasgow by the brethren of the west , was declared unlawfull , neither agreeing with the word of God nor custome of the Kirk , howbeit it was only to the temporality , and these brethren were enjoyned with all possible diligence to see that admission annulled , that slander may be removed from the Kirk , as they would answer upon their obedience . At the same Assembly Mr. Robert Pont related to the Assembly , that a presentation to the Bishoprick of Cathnesse was offered to him , for some losse he had sustained ; and desired the judgement of the Assembly , if he might enjoy the rent with a safe conscience , seeing he was willing to serve at the Kirk of Dornoch , and to take the charge of visitation at the pleasure and direction of the Assembly . But in the letter sent to his Majestie the Assembly declared that Mr. Robert Pont was already a Bishop according to the doctrine of St. Paul , and worthy of a competent living in that regarde . But as for that corrupt estate or office of those who were called Bishops in former times , they finde it not agreable with the word of God , and that it hath been damned in diverse Assemblies ; neither is the said Mr. Robert willing to accept the Bishop-rick in that manner . In the same Assembly it was ordained , that all Pastors of whatsoever sort shall be subject to the try all and censure of their Presbyteries and Synods for their life and doctrine , as well as of the generall Assemblies ; That such as passe degrees in schools subscribe the confession of Faith. In the instructions for the Commissioners appointed to attend upon the King and Parliament , they were injoyned to admit nothing prejudiciall to the discipline of the Kirk , as it was concluded according to the word of God by the generall Assemblies preceeding the 1584. year , so far as lay in their power . In the Parliament holden the moneth of Iuly following , the temporality of benefices was annexed to the crown , and it was thought meet and expedient that his Highnesse shall have recourse to his own patrimonie , that is the proper rent of the crown disponed of old to the Clergie and Monasteries . All and sundry lands , Lordships , Barronies , Castles , Towres , &c. Pertaining to Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Pryoresses or whatsoever other Prelat were annexed and united to the crown . In the Assembly holden anno 1588. Ministers were enjoyned to deale with Noblemen and Gentlemen for subscribing the confession of Faith. In a word the servants of God never rested till the wound , which the Kirk had received anno 1584. and 1585. was perfectly cured , and not so much remained as the skar thereof . Yea that any Minister should be appointed a visitour at any time where Presbyteries were constitute , was not thought expedient , as was declared by the Assembly 1590. As for that act of Montrose , let them answer to it , say they , that have their calling by that Commission . We professe that we have a lawfull calling , by the election of the Clergie , who are of the chapter of our Cathedrals , and consecration of Bishops , with his Majesties consent and approbation , according to the lowable laws and ancient custome of this Kingdome and Kirk in ancient times . Because they see they are not able to answer for the breach of the cautions ; concluded with consent of his Majestie , and the Ministers aspiring to Prelacies , they professe plainly they regard not these cautions , and that they have not their calling by that commission at Montrose . The Minister commissioner to vote in Parliament , was tyed by the act at Montrose , not to encroach upon the jurisdiction of the Kirk , but to behave himself as other Ministers not voters in Parliament . The plotters for Episcopacie consented and seemed willing he should be so bounded and restrained , glade of any beginning . Now when they arrogat to themselves the power and office of a diocesan Bishop and are catched in the snare , they refuse to stand to that act . So they bewrey that they had even then a purpose to deceive and betray the Kirk of GOD. and because they are not able to answer , let them answer , say they , that have their calling by that commission . They said in the former section , that posterior act derogat from the prior , now they make prior acts to derogat from the posterior . For they professe that they have their calling by election of the chapter and consecration of Bishpos according to the lawes and customes of ancient times . They can not deny , but chapters of Cathedrals and election of Bishops by chapters were condemned by our Kirk as Popish , and the office of a diocesan Bishop or consecration to the office to have been damned and detested by our Kirk . They can not so much as alledge a warrand of any of their own pretended Assemblies for their election by chapters , or this their consecration . Three of their own number went to England after their own pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow , and without their knowledge or consent , were consecrated Bishops by their brethren the English Bishops , returned and consecrated the rest of their fellows . But for the breach of these cautions , manner of election , and the usurpation of that office by consecration , that is , for their treacherous dealing , they are cited to answer before the Assembly , and are worthy of condigne censures and punishment , deprivation , note of infamie , and excommunication , the three punishments to be inflicted respectivè for transgressing of the cautions . Have they not by their own profession in this section confessed they are guilty of the most haynous offences laide to their charge in the lybell ? We passe that which they adde concerning their homage for their temporalities , and acknowledging of the Kings supremacie , as not pertinent to the present purpose , and the complaint taken out of Cyprian , as not belonging to usurpers . Lastly , they conclude , that it is manifest by the premisses , how absurde it is , and contrarie to all reason and practise of the Christian Kirk , that Archbishops and Bishops shall be judged by Presbyters , much more by a mixed meeting of Presbyters and Laikes conveening without lawfull authority from the Kirk . By the Kirk it seemeth they meane the Bishops . They cite some old Councels , declaring and determining how and by whom Archbishops and Bishops are to be judged . But it is manifest by our refutation of the premisses , that this Assembly consisted of Commissioners both Ministers and ruling Elders , whom they call Lay-men , chosen according to the order of our Kirk , and that meetings of Clergie and Lay-men have been not only in the Apostles times , but also in times of Popery , and that we are not to be directed by the Canons of these Councels which they cite , but by the established order and Canons of our own reformed Kirk , which are agreeable with the practise of the Apostolicall and best reformed Kirks in our time . Semper petunt principium . They take that for granted which is denyed . That they are Archbishops and Bishops , It is not only denyed but they are summoned to answer for usurping such offices . They pretend , that none of them will decline the lawfull tryall of any competent judicatory in the kingdome , especially of a generall Assembly lawfully constitute , or his Majesties Commissioner , or Laicks having authority and commission from soveraigne authority . They will be sure to have such a judge as shall acquite them or none at all ; An Assembly like to their own pretended Assemblies . Seeing the whole pack of them are complained upon , and for crimes common to them all , where shall we finde other Bishops and Metropolitans to sit in judgement upon them ? What needeth any further answere , but that it is manifest by sundry passages of this their Declinator that they will not , and because guilty , dare not , stand to the judgement of a generall Assembly constitut as the last was according to the established order and practise of our Kirks and therefore are justly cut off as rotten members from the body . After the reasons of their Declinator and refusall of the judgement of the Assembly , they come to their protests . First , for the reasons foresaid , and for discharge of their duty to God , to his Kirk , and to our sacred Soveraigne , least by their silence they betray the Kirks right , and their own consciences , that they in their own names , and in behalf of the kirk of Scotland , are forced to protest that this Assembly be repute , and holden null in law , and that no Kirk-man be holden to apeare , assist , aprove it . And therefore that no letter , petition , subscription , interloquitor , certification , admonition , or other act whatsoever , proceeding from the said Assembly , or any member thereof , shall be any way prejudiciall to the Religion and confession of Faith by act of Parliament established , nor to the Kirk , or any member thereof , nor to the jurisdiction , liberties , priviledges rents , benefices , possessions of the same , acts of generall Assembly , Councell or Parliament in favours thereof , nor to the three Estates of the kingdome , or to any of them , nor to themselves or any of them in their persons or Estats , authority , jurisdiction , dignity , rents , benefices ; reputation and good name , But that all such acts and deeds are , and shall be repute unjust , illegall and null in themselves , with all that hath followed or may follow thereupon . If their reasons alledged be found frivolous , as they were by the Assembly , and are cleared so to be by this answer , their protest is not worth a fig. They protest in name of the Kirk of Scotland , when as they will not acknowledge her Commissioners freely chosen , nor her Assembly constitute according to the established order , nor any other Assembly constitute according to the said order , but will have this Assembly , and consequently this Kirk , to be their party , and yet will protest , profest as they are , in name and behalf of this Kirk . Affrayed are they that some thing should be done prejudiciall to Religion , and the confession of Faith established by Parliament , meaning that which is extant in the acts of Parliament , but passe by the confession sworn to , and subscribed by Subjects of all ranks throughout the whole Realme , and by themselves . We acknowledge not acts of null and pretended Assemblies . We interpret not every act of Councell or Parliament procured , or assented to by them , or made in their favours , to be made in favours of the Kirk . The Kirk her self must be judge of the fauours bestowed on her . If their authority , jurisdiction , dignity , rents , benefices , reputation , good name &c. Be prejudiciall to the authority , jurisdiction , liberties , and the spirituall welfaire of the Kirk , good reason the estate of the Kirk be preferred to the estate of some few factious men . There may be three estates without the bastard estate of Bishops , Abbots , Pryors erected in time of Popish darknesse . They protest next , if the Assembly call in question , discusse , and condemne things , not only in themselves lawfull and warrandable , but also defined and determined by acts of generall Assemblies and Parliaments , and in practise accordingly , to the disgrace and prejudice of the reformed Religion , authority of the laws and liberties of the Kirk and kingdome , weakning his Majesties authority , disgraceing the profession and practise he holdeth in the communion of the Kirk where he liveth , and branding of reformed Kirks with the foule aspersion of Idolatry and superstition : that what shall be done in this kinde , may not redound to the disgrace or disadvantage of the reformed Religion , nor be repute a deed of the Kirk of Scotland . The Assembly hath condemned nothing lawfull and warrandably defined and determined before in Assembly or Parliament and practised accordingly , they intended not to weaken his Majesties authority , disgrace his practise and profession , or brand any reformed Kirks with soule aspersions , but only to reforme the abuses and corruptions entred in their own Kirk , and to oppose to what more was likely to have entred with the receiving the Service book and book of Canons , without relation to any other Kirk . If any disgrace redound to others , it is but per accidens , and it may be retorted , that their Canons , and constitutions are intended for the disgrace of our Kirk , which we do not affirme . Next , they must distinguish betwixt a free Kirkand a Kirk lying in thraldome . But the decliners would have us to refuse nothing which is received in any other reformed Kirk , if the same be imposed , lest they be disgraced by our refusall : which were to make up a fine hotch-potch . They protest , that they embrace and hold the Religion presently professed according to the confession of Faith ratified in Parliament anno 1567. as the true Religion , and detest all contrary errours . But they make no account nor mention of that confession where contrary errous are specified or designed , and it appeareth for no other cause , but that they perceive the episcopall government and other innovations which they were to introduce to be abjured by that confession , which is a tacite yeelding to the true meaning and sense delivered by the last Assembly in their Declaration . They protest , that the Episcopall government is lawfull and necessary , and that the same is not opposed for any defect or fault in the government or governours , but by the malice and craft of the devill envying the successe of that government these many yeares bypast . It hath been condemned by our Kirk as unlawfull and hurtfull , yet they dare contradict and protest it to be lawfull and necessary . That government which is not warranded by the word , and overthroweth the joynt government of Pastors and Elders , which is warranded by the word can not but be faultie . If the government be faulty , the governours can not but be faulty in governing . The devill could not envy the successe of so faulty a government as hath brought in the Antichrist to sit in the temple of God. Suppose there were no fault in the government but that it were lawfull and necessary , but what meanes have they come by it ? Or what moderation have they keeped after their usurping of it ? Intrarunt ut vulpes , regnarunt ut Leanes . But how prove they the successe of their government to have been such as the devill could not but envy it ? By the planting of Kirks with able and learned Mininisters , recovering of the Kirk rents , helping of Ministers stipends , preventing jarres betwixt the King and the Kirk which in former time did dangerously infest the same , keeping the people in peace and obedience , and suppresing of Poprie , which was never at so low an ebbe as before the sturres . They have planted many Kirks with unsufficient or scandalous Ministers , or corrupters of Religion and perverters of the people . They have recovered great rents to themselves , and would recover the rents of the rest of the Prelacies to build up the crownests again . They have procured by the moyen they had , augmentation of stipends to tie Ministers to dependance upon them , or to tie them to their fat stipends , that no alteration in Religion should loose their grip : and yet no Kirks worse provided then such as belong to their own benefices they have hindered the augmentation of stipends to such Ministers as would not dance to their pyping . They have raised jarres betwixt the King and the Kirk , and in the Kirk it self , that they might obtaine the more easily their intent . But how they keeped peace betwixt the King and the people may be seen by their instructions sent up to court anno 1609. the many threatning letters sent down from court , and proclamations from time to time , and most of all by their dealing at this present . If there were no other to keep the people in peace and obedience , there would be little peace or obedience in the countrey . Their favour borne to Papists processed or to be processed , their familiarity with them more then common , and employment of them may let us see , that if Poprie be suppressed , it is not suppressed by them , but by other meanes , as the powerfull preaching of the word , or the clearing of controversies wherewith our Kirk was troubled or by the authority of men in place and credite in the country . But we doubt that Popry is at so low an ebbe , nor will it be seen till the light of this present reformation discover them . Sure we are , to bring in Popry peice and peice , was not the meane to suppresse Poprie . They protest , that seeing these who for scrouple of conscience did mislike the service book , Canons or high Commission which were apprehended or given forth to be the cause of the trouble of this Kirk , have now received satisfaction , and his Majestie is graciously pleased to forget and forgive all offences by past in these sturres , that all the Subjects may live in peace and love ; laying aside envie , hatred and bitternesse : and if any refuse so to doe , that they bear the blame , and be thought the cause of the troubles may ensue , and that the same be not imputed to them or any of them , who desire nothing more nor to live in peace and concord with all men , under his Majesties obedience , who have committed nothing against the laws of the Kingdome and Kirk , which may give anie just cause of offence , and who are so farre from wishing anie harme to anie man in his person or estate , notwithstanding all the injuries and indignities they have suffered , that for quenching this present combustion ; they could be content after clearing their innocencie , not only to lay down their bishoprick at this Majesties feet , but also , if it so pleased God to lay down their lives , and become a sacrifice for this attonement . We answer , Others for scrouple of conscience mislike the service book , canons , or high Commission . But they are not in the number of these who make any scrouple : How can we who mislike , like them to be Ministers , far lesse governours in our Kirk , who do not mislike them : what satisfaction can we receive by the discharge of these books , seeing other books more corrupt may be imposed afterwards , seeing the matter is not condemned , but avouched to be a mean to beat out idolatrie and superstition , seeing they themselves were not taken order with for their corrupt disposition , and intend to obtrud them , and to raise persecution for them . They may doe in and by the Councel , as much as may trouble Ministers and professours , howbeit they sit not in the Court of high Commission . The books were but the instrumentall cause of the troubles and sturres , but they were the principall cause , authours and procurers of the troubles . The five articles , which have wrought much disquietnesse these twentie years by-past , were not quit , but the practise left free whereby division could not but bee intertained . Can Religion be setled in peace , or religion be preserved in puritie their government continuing ? they would be loath to lay down their Bishopricks at his Majesties feet , if they were not confident to take them up again . Yet they will not doe it , till their innocencie be cleared , that is , they will never doe it : for their innocencie will never be cleared . If you will beleeve them , they could be content like Ionas to be cast in the sea to procure a calme . They have lived like Salamanders in the fire of combustion , and now on a sudden would quench the fire with their bloud . Will they lay down but their Bishopricks at the feet of the Kirke , as they ought to doe , and that will quench the combustion : But they will lay them down only where they are sure to receive them againe . They protest deeply , that they use not this declinatour and protestation out of fear of any guiltinesse , whereof any of them is conscious to himself , but of conscience of their duetie to God and his Church , being most willing everie one of them to undergo the most lawfull and exact triall of any competent judicatorie in the Kingdome , or of his Majesties Commissioner foresaid . But the generall Assembly cannot be denyed to be the most competent judicatorie in the Kingdome . They beseech my Lord Commissioner to interceed with his Majestie , for appointing a free & lawfull generall Assembly , such as Gods word , the practise of the primitive Kirk , and laws of the Kingdome doth prescribe , with all convenient speed , that they or any other of the Clergie may be heard to answer all accusations , abide tryall for clearing of their innocencie , or receiving condigne punishment . But it is made evident alreadie , that they meane by the primitive Kirk , not the primitive that is Apostolicall , as appeareth by the Canons of some ancient councels , which are no rule to us . Nor can we have any other Bishops to judge upon them , seeing we have none but such as are complained upon and summoned . The laws of the Kingdome have not prescribed the order and constitution of our generall Assemblies , nor is it pertinent to them . All the while they request not an Assembly to be appointed , as the Kirk within this Kingdome hath prescribed and observed from time to time : are these men to be suffered in this Kirk , that will not submit themselves to the tryall of the supreme judicatorie constitute according to the acts and constitutions of our Kirk ? So it is not only this , but all other Assemblies constitute according to the prescribed order of the Kirk that they shun . They protest , That this protestation in respect of their lawfull absence , may be received in their own name , and in name of the Kirk of Scotland , that shall adhere to the said protestation , at the hands of Doctour Robert Hammiltoun Minister at Glasfurde , to whom they gave power and mandat to present the same in or at the said Assembly &c. They say not to the said Assembly , or with reverence to the said Assembly . The vanity of their protesting in name of the Kirk of Scotland , and their adherents we have laide open before . What cause can they pretend for lawfull absence . Some of them were in Glasgow and Hammiltoun , and might have presented their Declinatour and Protestation themselves , if their hauty spirits would have suffered them to compeare before Presbyters , to whom they were terrible in former times . Least their deep Protestations should make men beleeve that they are the most innocent men that may be , you shall have here subjoyned good Reader the crimes and offences which were laide to their charge , and were either so notorious that they could not be denyed , or clearly proven before the Assembly . After that , such as were aspired to Prelacies had obtained in the generall Assembly by the Kings assistance , and not without great opposition of the better and most judicious sort of the Ministerie , that Ministers might vote in Parliament , it was agreed unto by themselves , that they should be nominate and recommended by the Kirk to his Majestie , who should have vote in Parliament , and whom his Majestie should choose , they should be admitted by their Synods , where they were resident . But they regarded neither the recommendation of the general Assembly nor admission by their Synods . As for cautions to keep him that shall have vote in Parliament from corruption , howbeeit they agreed unto them for the present , yet afterward their actions bewrayed , they had no intent to keep them . They voted in Parliament without lawfull entry or admission , the Kirk disassenting and repining , or without inserting of the cautions , which were agreed upon to keep the Ministers voters in Parliament from corruption . Whereas it was provided by the cautions that he shall not presume at any time to propone in Parliament , Councell or convention any thing in name of the Kirk , without expresse warrand and direction of the Kirk , but such as he shall answer to be for the well of the Kirk , under the paine of deposition from his office , nor keep silence , or consent to any thing that may bee prejudiciall to the liberty and well of the Kirk , under the same paine . And yet have they voted and given assent to many acts in Parliament prejudiciall to the liberties of the Kirk , almost in every Parliament which hath been holden since they began to take the place to vote in Parliament . Whereas the Minister voter was bound at every generall Assembly to give an account anent the discharge of his commission since the Assembly preceeding , and to submit himself to their censure , and stand to their determination without any appellation , and to seek and obtaine ratification of his doings at the said Assembly under the paine of infamie and excommunication , yet since they began to vote in Parliament , the liberty of holding generall Assemblies yearly was taken from us , and when we had any of their own framing , yet made they no account of their proceedings in Parliament , nor sought ratification of their proceedings in Parliament , Councell or convention . Whereas he was bound to content himself with so much of the benefice which shall be given him by his Majestie as might not prejudge any other Minister within his benefice or without , yet they bestow waste the emoluments of the Kirk to mantaine their riotousesse and ambition , which might sustaine many Pastors . Whereas he was bound not to delapidat his benefice set or make any disposition thereof without speciall consent of his Majestie and the generall Assembly , yet it is found that they had delapidared their benefices . Whereas he was bound by the cautions to attend faithfully upon his own particular flock , and there anent to be subject to the tryall and censure of his own Presbyterie and Provinciall Assembly , as any other Minister nor bearing commission to vote in Parliament , they have neglected all Ministeriall duty in any particular congregation , and deserted their particular flock . Whereas it was provided that in administration of discipline , collation of benefices , visitation and other points of Ecclesiasticall government , he shall not usurp nor acclaime to himself any power or jurisdiction farther then any of the rest of the brethren , They notwithstanding have usurped power and jurisdiction over their brethren of the Ministrie , & the people in or out of the high Commission , to admit , suspend , deprive , fine , confine , Pastors or Professors at their pleasure . Whereas it was provided that in Presbyteries Provinciall and generall Assemblies , he shall behave himself in all things , and be subject to their censure as any other brother of the Ministery , they notwithstanding over rule Synods and Presbyteries and generall Assemblies when they are convocat . Whereas it was ordained that none of these that shall have vote in Parliament shall come as Commissioners to any generall Assembly , or have vote in the same in any time comming , except he be authorized with commission from his own Presbyterie to that effect , they have notwithstanding taken place in their late pretended Assemblies , without commission from any Presbyterie , and have moderated and over ruled as they pleased . Whereas there are certaine constitutions and acts of our Kirk for the right constitution of generall Assemblies , yet have they holden these few Assemblies not constitute according to the constitutions of our Kirk , but after their own device , and for acts to be made for the advancement of their course , which Assemblies are found and declared to be null in this last Assembly for such reasons as are expressed in the acts of the last Assembly now extant in print . Whereas the office of adiocesan Bishop hath been condemned by our Kirk as having no warrand in the word of God , and never since hath been allowed to this houre , no not in their own pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow : Three of their number notwithstanding went to England without the direction , knowledge or consent of any Assembly , lawfull or pretended , received consecration to the office of a Bishop , returned and consecrated the rest of their fellows to that office damned by the acts of our Kirk . Whereas the court of high Commission was not errected by consent of the estates or good liking of any Assembly , yet they accepted the power of that court , and thereby have tyrrannized over Ministers and other Subjects . They have also undertaken civill and temporall jurisdictions , titles , and dignities , as to beare offices of estate , to sit in Councell , Excequer , Session contrare to the acts of our Kirk . They relaxe excommunicate Papists when they please . They have interdyted morning and evening prayers , when they thought they were injured by the people . They have falsified the acts of their own pretended Synods They have vitiated interlyned or deleted acts and sentences of Presbyteries , Synods and Assemblies . Incest and Adultery hath fallen forth by their licence for privat marriages . They have refused to admit Ministers unlesse they first take on the order of deacons . They exacted unlawfull oathes of intrants , and thereupon debarred the most qualified and obtruded the most scandalous upon congregations . They have taught Popery and Arminianisme , and advanced such to the Ministerie as were infected with the same Hereticall and erroneous doctrine . They brought in novations in the worship of God by a pretended Assembly , and now at last intends to alter the whole frame of Religion , of doctrine with errour , or worship with superstition , or discipline with tyrannie by the service book , book of canons , book of ordination , without so much as the colour of any pretended Assembly . Beside they have detained or interverted sowms of money dedicat to pious uses as colledges & relief of captives . Beside all these offences , notorious of themselves , or proven before the Assemblie , the lousenesse and prophanity of their lives was made known , how they have been given to excessive drinking , filthy dancing , prophane speaches , open prophanation , of the Sabbath by their journeys abroad , or drinking carding or diceing at home , usuall playing at cards and dice , excessive gaining , contempt of all publick ordinances and family exercises , briberie , simonie , unhonest dealing , abusing of their vassals , sclandering of the Kirk , and stirring up authority against the subjects with their lies and calumnies . They are slandered also for other grosser crimes , but time served not for sufficient triall . Because they were not able to abide the triall : they have declined , and protested against the last Assembly . For which offence only they deserve excommunication , according to the act of the generall Assembly holden in April 1582. Because they complaine in their declinator , that obedient and worthy Ministers have been removed from their places by the usurped authority of the table and Presbyteries , notwithstanding they had declined and appealed from their judgement , you shall see good Reader what worth was in these Ministers , and what just reason there was for removing of them . It hath been sufficientlie proven and made good against some of these deposed Ministers , to wit , Mr. David Mitchell Minister in Edinburgh , Mr Alexander Gladstones Minister in St. Andrews , commonlie called the Archdean of St. Andrews , Mr. William Wishart Minister at Leeth , Mr. Iohn Crightoun Minister at Pasley , Mr. Thomas Foster Minister at Melrose , Mr. Roberts Hammiltouns Ministers at Lesmahago & Glasfurd ; and others of their sort , that they have taught points of Poperie and Arminianisme , conditionall election , the power of free-will , resistibility to effectuall grace , the extent of Christs death and merite to the damned in hell as well as to the blessed in heaven , Christ comming into the world clauso virginis utero , auricular confession , papall absolution , That the Pope is not the Antichrist , That the Kirk of Rome is the true Kirk , That reconciliation with the Kirk of Rome is easie , That the Kirk of Rome erres not in fundamentalibus , nor differeth from reformed Kirks in the same , That there is no more difference betwixt us and them then betwixt the green and blew colours of Iustinians armie , or that it was a mouthfull of moon-shine , that the formall cause of our justification standeth in our inherent righteousnesse , That Christs body is present in the sacrament circumscriptivè and change the sacrament of the supper into a sacrifice , the table into an altar , and Ministers into Priests , That GOD was the cause of Isacks lie for not punishing his father Abraham , That there was possibility to fulfill the law , That predestination was a doctrine newly hatched in hell justly to be deleted out of Gods word , That the excrements of the Romish religion , and Iesuits learning was better then the quintessence of our Religion , although it were squeesed in a limbeck , That absolute active obedience is to be given to all the commandments just or unjust of Princes , That they have railed against our reformers and reformation , and affirmed that the cheif reformers of our Religion were but deformers , and had thrown out better things then they had brought in , diminished the necessity and utility of preaching , commended the service book and book of canons , and affirmed that by the faith of the Kirk of Scotland , divers parts of Gods true worship were abjured ; That they have cursed their own congregation and threatned to concurre to their destruction . They have called their people Iackanapes , Babbouns , perjured Bitches , madde Dogges , and that it were more lawfull to pray for such as had lyen 500. years in hell then for them . That they neglected the exercise of discipline , hindered the delating or punishment of offenders , baptized children of notorious Papists , defrauded the poore of their right and mantenance allowed unto them , received bribes for saving scandalous persons from publick censure , baptized children in their beds without prayer before or after , interverted and applyed to their own use moneys collected for relief of some Ministers in the Palatinat or some captives under the Turk . That they deserted their flocks , prophaned the Sabbath-day by all sorts of loose carriage , That they were given to drinking , prophane speaches and pastimes , swearing , fighting , brawling with their Parishoners , that some of them went so drunke to the Pulpet , that they forgote their Text : That some of them swore , they would rather renounce God , than bee Puritans ; They judged the authour of the practise of piety to be damned in hell , because by his book he had made many Puritane Ladies , That when they were delated for such offences , they contemned the authority of the Presbyteries , relying upon the favour of the Prelats , and have declined this last Assembly . Because in their Declinatour they alledge that too many of the Commissioners members of the last Assembly are guiltie of many personall faults and enormities , which in charity they forebeare to expresse in this their Declinatour , you have here subjoyned good Reader , a Catalogue of the Commissioners members of the last Assembly whereby you may perceive how frequent the Assembly was , and of what sort of persons it did consist . We have not read nor remembred a more solemne Assembly of our Kirk since the entry of Christian Religion , let be since the reformation , nor moe more able to cleare themselves of any faults or enormities can be laide to their charge . Commissioner for the Kings MAIESTIE . Iames Marques of Hamiltoun , Commissioners from the Presbyteries of Scotland , both of the Ministrie , and of the ruling Elders , and of Burgesses , as they are within the Presbyteries . Presbyterie of Dunce . MAister Alexander Carse minister at Polwart , M. Iohn Hume Min. at Eccles. M. Thomas Suintoun min. at Saint Borthanes . Sir David Hume of Werderburne Knight Elder . Presb. of Chirnside . M. George Roul minister at Mordingtoun . M. Thomas Ramsay min. at Foldoun . M. Walter Swintoun min. at Swintoun . Iames Earle of Hume Elder . Presb. of Kelso . M. Richard Sympson min. at Sproustoun . M. VVilliam Penman min. at Morbuck . Andrew Ker of Lintoun Elder . Presb. of Iedburgh . M. Robert Brounley min. at Kirktoun . M. Iames Wilkie minister at Creling . M. Robert Cunninghame min. at Hawick . Sir William Dowglas of Cavers Elder . Robert Simpson burgesse of Iedburgh . Presb. of Assiltoun . M. Iohn Matland min. at Glenkirk . M. Harie Cockburne min. at Gingilkirk . Iohn Lord Cranstoun Elder . M. Alexander Hume Bailyie burgesse of Lawder . Presb. of Melrosse or Selkirke . M. William Iameson min. at Langnewtoun . M. Robert Martin min. at the new-kirk of Ettrick . M. Iohn Knox min. at Bowdoun . Sir Iohn Ker of Cavers Elder . Presb. of Dumbar . M. Patrick Hammiltoun min. at Innerweek . M. Iohn Lawder min. at Tuninghame . M. Iohn Dalyel min. at Prestoun Kirk . Sir Patrick Hepburn of Waghtoun Knight Elder . George Purves burgesse of Dumbarre . M. Patrick Hume burgesse of Northberwick . Presb. of Hadingtoun . M. Iohn Ker minister at Salt-prestoun . M. Iames Fleeming minister at Bathans . M. Iohn Oswald minister at Pencaitland . Iohn Lord Hay of Yester Elder . M. George Gray common Clerk burgesse of Hadington . Presb. of Dalkeith . M. Iames Porteous minister at Lesswade . M. Iames Robertson minister at Cranstoun . M. Olivhar Colt minister at Inneresk . William Earle of Louthian Elder . Presb. of Edinburgh . M. Andrew Ramsay minister in Edinburgh . M. Harie Rollock minister in in Edinburgh . M. William Colvinu minister at Crachmount . Iohn Lord of Balmerino Elder . Iames Cochran Dean of Gild in Edinburgh . Thomas Paterson burgesse of Edinburgh . M. Iohn Adamson Principall of the Vniversity of Edinburgh . Presb. of Linlithgow . M. Richard Dickson minister at Kinneill . M. Andrew Keir minister at Carrin . M. Iames Symson minister at Bathgate . George Dundas of that ilk Elder . Iames Glen Provest of Linlithgow . Presb. of Sterling . M. Iames Edmistoun minister at Saint Ninians . M. VVilliam lustice minister at Gargunnock . M. Edward VVright minister at Clackmannan . Sir William Murray of Toughadame Elder . Thomas Bruce Provest of Stirling . Presb. of Peebles . M. Iohn Bennet minister at Kirkurde . M. Robert Levingstoun min. at Skirling . M. Hew Ker minister at Traquare . Iames VVilliam son Provest of Peebles . Presb. of Middlebie . M. Simeon Iohnstoun minister at Annan . M. Iohn Hammiltoun minister at Wasters . Iames Lord Iohnstoun Elder . Presb. of Lochmaban . M. Robert Henderson minister at Lochmaban M. David Roger minister at Vndergarth . Iames Dowglasse of Moussell Elder . Presb. of Penpont . M. George Clèland minister at Durisdeir . M. Samuell Austine minister at Penpont . William Ferguson of Craigdar rot Elder . Presb. of Drumfreis . M. Iames Hammiltoun minister at Drumfreis . M. VVilliam Makjore minister at Carlaverock . M. Alexander Tran minister at Lochroytoun . Iohn Charteris younger of Empisfield Elder . Iohn Irwing late Provest of Drumfreis . Presb. of Kircubright . M. Samuell Rutherford minister at Anweth . M. VVilliam Dalglish minister at Kirkmabright . M. Iohn Makleland minister at Kirkcudbright . Alexander Gordoun of Earlstoun Elder . VVilliam Glendinning Provest of Kirkcubright . Robert Gordoun of Knokbrox burgesse of new-Galloway . Presb. of Wigtoun . M. Andrew Anderson minister at Kirkinner . M. Andrew Lawder minister at whitherne . Andrew Agnew of Lochnaw Elder . Alexander Mak ghie burgesse of VVigtoun . Presb. of Stranrawer . M. Iohn Leving stoun minister at Stranrawer . M. Iames Blair minister at Portmontgomerie . M. Alexander Turnbull minister at Kirmaden . Robert Adair of Kinhilt Elder . Iames Glover Clerk of Stranrawer . Presb. of Air. M. Iames Bonar minister at Moyboll . M. Iohn Fergushill minister at Vchiltrie . M. Robert Blair minister at Air. Iohn Earle of Cassils Elder . Iohn Stewart late Provest of Air. Presb. of Irwing . M. Rober Bailie minister at Kilwinning . M. William Russel minister at Kilwinning . M. David Dickson minister at Irwing . Iohn Lord Lowdoun Elder . M. Robert Barclay Provest of Irwing . Matthew Spense Provest of Roysay . Presb. of Argyle . M. Donald Makilvorie min. at Inraay . M. Nicol Makcalman min. at Kilmow . M. Iames Campbell minister at Kilsman . Archbald Campbell of Kilmun Elder . Presb. of Dumbartane . M. David Elphinstoun min. at Dumbartan . M. Robert Watson minister at Cardrosse . M. Iohn Stirling minister at Badernock . Walter Mackalley of Ardincapill Elder . Iohn Sempell Provest of Dumbartan . Presb. of Paslay . M. William Brisbane minister at Erskine . M. Iohn Hammiltoun minist . at Innerkip . M. Matthew Brisbane minister at Killellan . Iohn Brisban of Bishoptoun El. Iohn Spreull burgesse of Ranfrew . Presb. of Glasgow . M. Iohn Bell elder minister at Glasgow . M. Zacharie Boyd minister at the Barrony Kirk there of . M. Iames Sharpe minister at Goven . The Earle of Eglingtoun Elder . Patrick Bell Provest of Glasgow . David Spence Clerk of Rutherglane . Presb. of Hammiltoun . M. Patrick Hammiltoun minister at Cambuslang . M. Iames Iohnstoun minister at Stenhouse . M. Iohn Heriot minister at Blantyre . VVilliam Bailzie of Carphin Elder . Presb. of Lanerk . M. VVilliam Livingstoun minister at Lanerk . M. Alexander Somervell minister at Daulfingtoun . M. Richard Ingles minister at VVestoun . Sir VVilliam Bailzie of Lammintoun Elder . Gideon lack Bailzie of Lanerk . Presb. of S. Andrews . M. Alexander Henderson minister at Luchers . M. Andrew Auchinleck minister at Lergo . M. Iames Bruce minister at Kingsbarnes . Iohn Lord Sinclar Eder . Iames Sword burgesse of Saint Andrews . Ninian Hamilton burgesse of Caraill . Thomas Symson town-Clerk of Kilrinnie . VVilliam Hamiltoun burgesse of Anstruther easter . Iohn Tullous Clerk of Anstruther wester . Iames Airth Clerk of Pitten-weeme . Presb. of Couper . M. David Dalgleish minister at Cowper . M. Iohn Moncreiffe minister at Collessie . M. VValter Buchannan minister at Seres . Iohn Lord Lindsay Elder . George Iameson merchand burgesse of Cowper . Presb. of Kirkaldie . M. Robert Dowglasse minister at Kirkaldie . M. Frederik Carmichaell minister at Kennoway . M. Robert Cranstoun minister at Scoonie . Iohn Earle of Rothes Elder . Iohn VVilliamson burgesse of Kirkaldie . David Symson of Monturpie burgesse of Dysart . M. Robert Cunyghame burgesse of Kinghorne . George Gairdine burgesse of Bruntiland . Presb. of Dumfermline . M. Iohn Row min. at Carnok . M. Iohn Duncan minister at Culrosse . M. Iames Sibbald minister at Torrie . Robert Lord Burley Elder . Iames Reid Provest of Dumfermline . Gilbert Gourley Bailie of Culrosse . Iohn Bardie Burgesse of Innerkethin . Presb. of Dumblane . M. Harie Livinstoun minister at Kipping . M. Andrew Rind minister at Tullicutrie . M. William Edmistoun minister at Kilmadock . Sir George Stirling of Keir Knight Elder . Presb. of Auchterardour . M , George Muschet minister at Doning . M. Iames Row minister at Muthill . M. Iohn Grahame minister at Auchterardour . Iames Earle of Montrose Eld. Presb. of Perth . M. Robert Murray minister at Methven . M. Iohn Robertson minister at Perth . M. Alexander Petrieminister at Rind . Iohn Earle of Weemes Elder . Thomas Durhame Dean of Gild in Perth . Presb. of Dunkeld . M. VVilliam Menyies min. at Kenmure . M. Iohn Anderson minister at Cargill . Mungo Campbell fear of Lawers , Elder . Presb. of Meggill . M. George Symmer minister at Meggill . M. George Halyburtoun minister at Glenylla . Iames Lord Cowper Elder . Presb. of Dundie . M. Andrew Wood minister at Monyfooth . M. Iohn Robertson minister at Achterhouse . David Grahame of Fentrie E. Iames Fletcherprov . of Dundie Presb. of Forfar . M. Iohn Linde say minister at Aberlemno . M. Silvester Lammy minister at Glames . M. Alexander Kynninmount minister at Killimure . Iames Lyon of Aldbarre Eld. David Hunter Provest of Forfar . Iohn Grahame Baitie of Mont rose . Robert Demster Bailie of Brechen . Presb. of Merns . M. Iames Sibbald minister at Benholme . M. Andrew Mill minister at Fetteresso . M. Alexander Symson minister at Conveth . Sir Gilbert Ramsay of Balmam Elder . Presb. of Aberdene . M. David Lyndesay minister at Balhelvie . M. William Guild minister at Aberdene . Iames Skien of that ilk Elder . M. Iohn Lundie Humanist for the Vniversitie of Aberd. Presb. of Deir . M. Andrew Cant minister at Pitsligo . M. Iames Martine minister at Peterhead . M. Alexander Martine minister at Deir . Alexander Fraser of Fillorth Elder . Presb. of Aufurd . M. Iohn Young min. at Keig. M. Iohn Ridfurd minister at Ki●bettock . M. Andrew Strachan minister at Tillineshill . M. Michaell Elphinstoun of Balabeg Elder . Presb. of Turreff . M. Thomas Michell minister at Turreffe . M. William Dowglasse minister at Forg . M. Geo. Sharpe min. at Fyvie . Walter Barclay of Towie Eld. Presb. of Kinkairne . M. Alexander Robertson minister at Clunie . Presb. of Garioch . M. VVilliam Wedderburn minister at Bathelnie . Andrew Bairdburges of Bamfe Presb. of Forresse . M. William Falconer minister at Dyke . M. Iohn Hay min. at Taffert . M. David Dumbar minister at Edinkaylly . William Rosse of Clava Elder . M. Iohn Dumbar Bailie of Forresse . Presb. of Innernesse . M. Iohn Howistoun minister at VVartlaw . M. Patrick Dumbar minister at Durris . Iames Fraser of Bray Elder . Robert Bailie Bailie of Innernesse . Presb. of Tain . M. Gilbert Murray minister at Tain . M. William Mackeinyie minister at Tarbet . M. Hector Monro minister in nether Taine . Sir Iohn Mackeinzie of Tarbet Elder . M. Thomas Mackculloch Bailie of Taine . Presb. of Dingwall . M. David Monro minister at Kiltairne . M. Murdoch Mackeinyie minister at Containe . Iohn Monro of Lumlair Eld. Presb. of Dornoch in Sutherland . M. Alexander Monro minister at Gospie . M. William Gray min at Clyne . George Gordon brother to the Earle of Sutherland Eld. Presb. of Thurso in Caithnes M. George Lesly minister at Bower . M. Iohn Smairt . Iohn Murray of Pen-land Eld. Presb. of Kirkwal in Orkney . M. David VVatson minister at the Kirk of the Yle of VVastrey . M. VValter Stewart minister at the Kirk of Sutherom-oldsay . Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly , by me Mr. A. Ihonstoun Clerk thereto : Edinb . 12 of Feb. 1639. FINIS . 
A33084	----	Causes of an humiliation appointed by the commission of the General Assembly to be observed through this whole Kirk on the last Sabbath of March, and first Sabbath of Aprile, 1653. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A33084 of text R24830 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C4201H). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A33084 Wing C4201H ESTC R24830 08607944 ocm 08607944 41453 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33084) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41453) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1250:26) Causes of an humiliation appointed by the commission of the General Assembly to be observed through this whole Kirk on the last Sabbath of March, and first Sabbath of Aprile, 1653. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1 broadside. s.n., [Edinburgh? : 1653?] Caption title. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. A33084 R24830 (Wing C4201H). civilwar no Causes of an humiliation appointed by the commission of the General Assembly to be observed through this whole Kirk on the last Sabbath of M Church of Scotland. General Assembly 1653 619 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Causes of an Humiliation Appointed by the Commission of the Generall Assembly , to be observed through this whole Kirk , on the last Sabbath of March , and first Sabbath of Aprile , 1653. AS we conceive , that the many crying evils , for which the Lord hath been and is smiting us , which hath been held forth formerly as causes of Solemn Humiliations , should be seriously laid to heart and mourned for , and especially that maine and Fundamentall evill , the woefull source and root of all our other Provocations , the contempt of the Glorious Gospel of Jesus Christ , the ignorance of him amongst the generality of the Land , and the great negligence even amongst the best of seeking to him for Reconciliation with God , and entertaining Communion with God through him , and obtaining grace from him for walking acceptably in our Persons and Callings ; So particularly we judge the Lord in his Providence is calling us to mourn before him ; I. For the growing evidences of his displeasure against the Land , in the continuance of his sad afflictions upon all ranks of Persons , notwithstanding our former Humiliations before him , the Lord testifying his anger even against the prayers of his People : and no wonder , considering the great abuse of that holy Ordinance by our formalities and Fasting unto our selves and not unto God . II. The grouth of sin of all sorts ; particularly , Pride , Uncleannesse , Contempt of Ordinances , Oppression , Violence , Fraudulent dealing , and that under the Rod , the most part of the People are growing worse and worse , and revolting more and more , few or none accepting of the punishment of their iniquity , and labouring to get their uncircumcised hearts humbled . III. The encrease and heightning of all our woefull differences and divisions , to the great scandall of the Reformed Christian Religion , and apparant ruine of the Work 〈◊〉 Reformation established amongst us , if the Lord in mercy do not prevent . IV. The many sad encroachments from diverse hands made and like to be made upon the precious Liberties of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , a precious trust committed to us from him , and transmitted to us from our zealous and faithfull Predecessors , who , in the obtaining and preservation of them , loved not their lives , even unto the death . V. The generall distemper on the spirits of all sorts of People , all or the most part of all ranks in this time , while the Lord is casting down what he builded and plucking up what he planted , seeking their own things and few or none seeking the things of Jesus Christ . For these , amongst many things , we desire the People of God throughout the Land may mourn , every man searching his way , and saying , What have I done , rather then to lay all the weight on the sins of others ; And withall , humbly to pray , That the Lord would powre on the Land the spirit of mourning and repentance , that , in the depth of his own wisdome and goodnesse , he would finde out wayes of healing of our woefull differences , and in the mean while possesse our hearts with the spirit of love , stedfastnesse , and a sound mind , and with resolution and courage for enduring whatsoever the Lord in his wise Providence shall call us to suffer in the maintainance of his truth . 
A29197	----	A fair warning for England to take heed of the Presbyterian government of Scotland as being of all others the most injurious to the civil magistrates, most oppressive to the subject, most pernicious to both : as also the sinfulnesse and wickednesse of the covenant to introduce that government upon the Church of England / by Dr. John Brumhall [sic], Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland. Fair warning to take heed of the Scotish discipline Bramhall, John, 1594-1663. 1661 Approx. 103 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29197 Wing B4220 ESTC R4624 10802811 ocm 10802811 45970 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29197) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 45970) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1416:18) A fair warning for England to take heed of the Presbyterian government of Scotland as being of all others the most injurious to the civil magistrates, most oppressive to the subject, most pernicious to both : as also the sinfulnesse and wickednesse of the covenant to introduce that government upon the Church of England / by Dr. John Brumhall [sic], Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland. Fair warning to take heed of the Scotish discipline Bramhall, John, 1594-1663. [2], 40 p. s.n., [London? : 1661?] Imprint suggested by NUC, Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Covenanters -- England. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A FAIR VVARNING , FOR ENGLAND To take heed of the PRESBYTERIAN GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND ; As being of all others most Injurious to the Civil Magistrate , most Oppressive to the Subject , most Pernicious to both . Also the sinfulnesse and wickednesse of the COVENANT , to Introduce that Governement upon the Church of England . By Dr Iohn Brumhall Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland . LUKE 9.35 . No man having drank old wine straight-way desireth new , for he saith the old is better . Now reprinted for the good and benefit of all his Majesties Subjects . THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. THe Occasion and Subject of this Treatise . pag. 1 CHAP. II. That this new Discipline doth utterly overthrow the Rights of Magistrates , to convocate Synods , to confirme their Acts , to order Ecclesiasticall Affairs , and reforme the Church within their Dominions . p. 3 CHAP. III. That this Discipline robs the Magistrate of the last appeale of his Subjects . p. 12 CHAP. IV. That it exempts the Ministers from due Punishment . p. 13 CHAP. V. That it ●●bjects the Supreme Magistrate to their Censures , &c. p. 16 CHAP. VI. That it robs the Magistrate of his Dispensative Power . p. 17 CHAP. VII . That the Disciplinarians cheat the Magistrate of his Civil Power in order to Religion . p. 1● CHAP. VIII . That the Disciplinarians challenge this exorbitant Power 〈◊〉 Divine Right . p. 24 CHAP. IX . That this Discipline makes a monster of the Commonwealth . p. 26 CHAP. X. That this Dicipline is most prejudiciall to the Parliamen● . p. 2● CHAP. XI . That this Discipline is oppressive to particular persons . p. 30 CHAP. XII . That this Discipline is hurtfull to all orders of men . p. 32 CHAP. XIII . That the Covenant to introduce this Discipline is void and wicked , with a short Conclusion . p. 3● A FAIRE WARNING , To take heed of the Presbyterian Government , as being of all others most Injurious to the Civil Magistrate , most Oppressive to the Subject , most Pernicious to both . CHAP. I. The Occasion and Subject of this Treatise . IF the Disciplinarians in Scotland could rest contented to dote upon their own inventions , and magnifie at home that Diana which themselves have canonized , I should leave them to the best School-Mistris , that is Experience , to feel where their shoe wrings them , and to purchase Repentance . What have I to do with the regulation of forreign Churches to burn mine own fingers with snuffing other mens Candles ? Let them stand or fall to their own Master : It is charity to judge well of others , and piety to look well to our selves . But to see those very men who plead to vehemently against all kinds of tyranny , attempt to obtrude their own dreames not only upon their fellow-Subjects , but upon their Sovereigne himself , contrary to the dictates of his own conscience , contrary to all Laws of God and Man , yea to compell forreigne Churches to dance af●er their pipe , to worship that counterfeit image which they seign to have fallen down from Iupiter , and by force of armes to turne their neighbours out of a possession of above 1400 years , to make roome for their Trojan horse of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , ( A practice never justified in the world but either by the Turk or by the ●ope ) . This put us upon the defensive part , They must not think that other men are so cowed or grown so tame , as to stand still blowing of their noses , whilst they bridle them and ride them at their pleasure . It is time to let the world see that this Discipline which they so much adore , is the very quintessence of refined Popery , or a greater Tyranny than ever Rome brought forth , inconsistent with all forms of civil Governement , destructive to all sorts of Policy , a ra●k to the conscience , the heaviest pressure that can fall upon a people , and so much more dangerous , because by the specious pretence of Divine Institution , it takes away the sight , but not the burden of slavery . Have patience Reader , and I shall discover unto thee more pride and arrogancy through the holes of a thred-bare coat , then was ever found under a Cardinals Cap or a tripple-Crown . All this ▪ I undertake to demonstrate , not by some extraordinary practices justified only by the pretence of invincible necessity , ( a weak patrociny for generall Doctrine , ) not by the single opinions of some Capricious fellows , but by their books of Discipline , by the acts of their generall and provinciall Assemblies , but the concurrent votes and writings of their Commissioners . I foresee that they will suggest that through their sides I seek to wound forreigne Churches . No , there is nothing which I shall convict them of here , but I hope will be disavowed , though not by all Protestant auctours , yet by all the Protestant Churches in the world . But I must take leave to demand of our Disciplinarians , who it is they brand with the odious name of Erastians , in the Acts of their Parliaments and Assemblies , and in the Writings of their Commissioners , and reckon them with Papists , Anabaptists , and Independents ; Is it those Churches , who disarme their Presbyteries of the Sword of Excommunication , which they are not able to weeld ? so did Erastus ; or is it those who attribute a much greater power to the Christian Magistrate , in the managery of Ecclesiasticall affairs than themselves ? So did Erastus , and so do all Protestant Churches . The Disciplinarians will sooner endure a Bishop or a Superintendent to govern them , than the Civill Magistrate . And when the Magistrate shall be rightly informed , what a dangerous edg'd tool their Discipline is , he will ten times sooner admit of a moderate Episcopacy , then fall into the hands of such hucksters . If it were not for this Disciplinarian humour , which will admit so latitude in Religion , but makes each nicity a fundamental , and every private opinion an Article of faith , which prefers particular errours before generall truths . I doubt not but all reformed Churches might easily be reconciled . Before these unhappy troubles in England , all Protestants both Lutherans and Calvinists did give unto the English Church the right hand of fellowship ; the Disciplinarians themselves , though they preferred their own Church as more pure , ( else they were hard-hearted ) yet they did not , they durst not condemne the Church of England , either as defective in any necessary point of Christian Piety , or redundant in any thing that might virtually or by consequence overthrow the foundation . Witnesse that Letter which their Generall Assembly of Superintendents , Pastors and Elders , sent by Mr Iohn Knox to the English Bishops , wherein they stile them Reverend Pastors , fellow-Preachers , and joynt opposers of the Roman Antichrist . They themselves were then far from a party , or from making the calling of Bishops to be Antichristian . But to leave these velitations and come home to the point . I will shew first how this Discipline entrencheth most extreamly upon the right of the civill Magistrate , secondly that it is as grievous and intollerable to the Subject . CHAP. II. That this new Discipline doth utterly overthrow the Rights of Magistrates , to convocate Synods , to confirme their Acts , to order Ecclesiasticall Affairs , and reforme the Church within their Dominions . ALl Princes and States invested with Sovereignty of power , do justly challenge to themselves the right of Convocating Nationall Synods of their own Subjects , and ratifying their constitution . And although pious Princes may tollerate or priviledge the Church to convene within their territories annually or triennially , for the exercise of Discipline , and execution of constitutions already confirmed , ( neverthelesse we see how wary the Synod of Dort was in this particular , ) yet he is a Magistrate of straw , that will permit the Church to convene within his territories , whensoever , wheresoever they list , to convocate before them whomsoever they please , all the Nobles , all the Subjects of the Kingdome , to change the whole Ecclesiasticall pollicy of a Commonwealth , to alter the ▪ Doctrine and Religion established , to take away the legall Rights and Priviledges of the Subjects , to erect new Tribunals and Courts of Justice , to which Sovereigns themselves must submit , and all this of their own heads , by virtue of a pretended power given them from Heaven , contrary to known Laws and lawfull Customs , the Supreame Magistrate dissenting and disclaiming . Synods ought to be called by the Supreame Magistrate if he be a Christian , &c. And either by himself , or by such as he shall please to choose for that purpose , he ought to preside over them . This power the Emperours of old did challenge over Generall Councels , Christian Monarchs in the blindnesse of Popery over Nationall Synods , the Kings of England over their great Councels of old , and their Convocation of later times , The Estates of the united Provinces in the Synod of Dort , this power neither Roman Catholick or Protestant in France dare deny to his King. None have been more punctuall in this case then the State of Geneva , where it is expresly provided , that no Synod or Presbytery shall alter the Ecclesiasticall pollicy , or adde any thing to it , without the consent of the civil Magistrate . Their Elders do not challenge an uncontrolable power as the Commissioners of Christ , but are still called the Commissioners of the Signiory . The lesser Councel names them with the advise of the Ministery , ( their consent is not necessary ) The great Councel of 200. doth approve them or reject them . At the end of the year they are presented to the Signiory , who continue them or discharge them as they see cause . At their admission they take an Oath , to keep the Eccesiasticall Ordinances of the civil Magistrate . The finall determination of doctrinall differences in Religion , ( after conference of , and with the Ecclesiasticks , ) is referred to the Magistrate . The Proclamations published with the sound of Trumpet registered in the same Book , do plainly shew , that the ordering of all Ecclesiasticall affairs , is assumed by the Signiory . But in Scotland all things are quite contrary , the civil Magistrate hath no more to do with the placing or displacing of Ecclesiasticall Elders , than he hath in the Electoral Colledge , about the Election of an Emperour . The King hath no more legislative Power in Ecclesiasticall causes , than a Cobler , that is a single Vote in case he be chosen an Elder , otherwise none at all . In Scotland Ecclesiasticall persons make repeal , alter their Sanctions every day , without consent of King or Councel . King Iames proclaimed a Parliament to be held at Edenburgh , and a little before by his Letter required the Assembly to abstain from making any Innovations in the Policy of the Church , and from prejudging the decisions of the States by their conclusions , and to suffer all th●ngs to conti●ue in the condition they were untill the approaching Parliament . What did they hereupon ? They neglected the Kings Letter , by their own Authority they determined all things positively , questioned the Arch-Bishop of St Andrews upon their own Canons , For collating to benefices , and Voting in Parliament , according to the ●ndoubted Laws of the Land. Yea to that degree of sawcinesse they arrived , and into that contempt they reduced Sovereigne Power , that twenty Presbyters ( no more at the highest , sometimes but thirteen , sometimes but seven or eight ) dared to hold and maintaine a General Assembly , ( as they miscalled it , ) after it was discharged by the King , against his Authority , an Insolence which never any Parliament durst yet attempt . By their own Authority , long before there was any Statute made to that purpose ; they abolished all the Festivals of the Church , even those which were observed in memory of the Birth , Circumcision , Resurrection , and Ascension of our Saviour . By their own Authority they decreed the abolition of Bishops , requiring them to resigne their offices , as not having any calling from Gods Word , under pain of Excommunication . And to des●st from Preaching , untill they had a new Admission from the Generall Assembly . And to compleate their own folly , added further , that they would dispose of their possessions as the Churches Patrimony in the next Assembly , which ridiculous Ordinance was maintained stifly by the succeeding Synods , notwithstanding the Statute , that it should be Treason to impugn the Authority of the three Estates , or to procure the innovation or diminution of ●●y of them . Which was made on purpose to controll their vain presumption . Notwithstanding that themselves had formerly approved , and as much as in them lay established Superintendents , to endure for terme of life with their numbers , bounds , salaries , larger than those of other Ministers , indewed with Episcopall power , to plant Churches , ordaine Ministers , assign Stipends , preside in Synods , direct the censures of the Church , without whom there was no Excommunication . The world is much mistaken concerning Episcopacy in Scotland : for though the King and Parliament were compelled by the clamours and impetuous violence of the Presbyters to annex the temporalities of Bishops to the Crown , yet the Function it self was never taken away in Scotland , from their first conversion to Christianity , untill these unhappy troubles . And these very temporalities were restored by the Ad of restitution , and their full power was first established Synodically , and afterwards confirmed by the three Estates of the Kingdome in Parliament . By their own Authority when they saw they could not prevaile with all their iterated indeavours and attempts to have their book of discipline ratified , they obtruded it upon the Church themselves , ordaining that all those who had born , or did then bea●● any office in the Church , should subscribe it , under pain of Excommunication . By their own Authority , or rather by the like unwarrantable boldness they adopted themselves to be heirs of the Prelates and and other dignities and orders of the Church , suppressed by their tumultuous violence , and decreed that all tythes , rents , lands , oblations , yea whatsoever had been given in former times , a should be given in future times to the service of God , was th● Patrimony of the Church ; and ought to be collected and distributed by the Deacons , as the Word of God appoints . That to convert any of this , to their particular or profane use of any perso● , is detestable Sacriledge before God. And elsewhere , Gentle●●● , Barons , Earls , Lords , and others must be content to live 〈◊〉 their just rents , and suffer the Kirk to be restored to her Li●erty . What this Liberty is , follows in the same place , all things given in hospitality , all rents pertaining to Priests , Chanteries , Colledges , Chappetries , Frieries of all orders , the Sisters of the Seens , all which ought to be retained still in the use of the Kir● . Give them but leave to take their breath and expect the rest . T●● whole reven●es of the temporalities of Bishops , Deans , and An●Deans Lands , and all rents pertaining to Cathedrall Kirks . Then supposing an Objection , that the Possessours had Leases and Estates , they answer , That those who made them were thieves and murtherers , and had no power to alienate the common Good of the Kirk . They desire that all such Estates may be anulled and avoided , that all Collectours appointed by the King or others , may be discharged from intermedling therewith , and the Deacons permitted to collect the same : yea to that height of madnesse were th●y come , as to define and determine in their Assembly , ( judge whether it be not a modest constitution for a Synod . ) That the next Parliament the Church should be fully restored to its Patrimony , and that nothing should be p●st in Parliament untill that was first considered and approved . Let all Estates take notice of these pretensions and designs . If their project have not yet taken eff●ct , it is only because they wanted sufficient strength hitherto to accomplish it . Lastly by their own Authority , under the specious title of Iesus Christ , King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , the only Monarch of his Church , and under pretence of his Prerogative Royall , they erected their own Courts and Presbyteries in the most parts of Scotland , long before th●y were legally approved or received , as appeareth by their own Act , alledging that many suites had been made to the Magistrate for approbation of the Policy of the Kirk , which had not taken that happy effect which good men would crave : And by another Act acknowledging that Presbyteries were then established ( Synodically ) in most parts of the Kingdome . And lastly by the Act of another Generall Assem●ly at Edenburg , ordaining that the Discipline contained in the Acts of the Generall Assembly should be kept , as well in Agnus and Mernis as in the rest of the Kingdome . You see sufficiently in point of practice how the Disciplinarians have trampled upon the Laws , and justled the civill Magistrate out of his Supremacy in Ecclesiasticall Affaires . My next ●ask shall be , to shew that this proceeds not from Inanimadvertence or Passion , but from their Doctrine and Principles . First , They teach that no persons , Magistrates nor others , have power to Vote in their Synods , but only Ecclesiasticall . Secondly , They teach , that Ecclesiasticall perso●s have ●he sole power of convening and convocating such Assembles , All Ecclesiasticall Assemblies have power to convene lawfully together , for treating of things concerning the Kirk . They have power to appoint times and places . Again , Nationall Assemblies of thi● Countrey ought alwayes to be retained in their own Liberties , with power to the Kirk to appoint times and places . Thus they make it a Liberty , that is a Priviledge of the Church , a part of its Patrimony , not only to convene , but to convocate , whomsoever , whensoever , wheresoever . Thirdly , For point of Power , they teach , that Synods have the judgement of true and false Religion , of Doctrine , Heresies , &c. the election , admission , suspension , deprivation of Ministers , th● determination of all things that pertain to the Discipline of the Church . The judgement of Ecclesiasticall matters , causes ben●ficiary , matrimoniall and others . Iurisdiction to proceed to excommunication against those that rob the Church of its Patrimony . They have legislative Power to make rules and constitutions for keeping good order in the Kirk . They have power to abr●gate and abolish all Statutes and Ordinances concerning Ecclesiasticall matters , that are found noisome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . And all this without any Reclamation , or Apellation to any Iudge , Civill 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticall . Fourthly , They teach that they have these priviledges not from the Magistrate or People , or particular Laws of any other Countrey . The Magistrate can not execute the censures of the Church , nor prescribe any rule how it should be done , but Ecclesiasticall power floweth immediately from God , and from the Mediatour Iesus Christ. And yet further , The Church cannot be governed by others , than those Ministers and Stewards set over it by Christ , nor otherwise than by his Laws . And therefore there is no power on earth that can challenge to it self a Command or Domini●● upon the Church . And again , It is prohibited by the Law of God and of Christ , for the Christian Magistrate to invade the Government of the Church , and consequently to challenge to himself the right of both Swords , spirituall and temporall . And if any Magistrate do arrogate so much to himself , the Church shall have cause to complain and exclaime , that the Pope is changed , but the Papacy remains . So if Kings and Magistrates stand in their way , they are Political Popes , as well as Bishops are Ecclesiasticall . Whatsoever these men do , is in the Name of our Lord Iesus , and by Authority delegated from him alone . Lastly , They teach that they have all this Power , not only without the Magistrate , but against the Magistrate , that is , although he dissent , and send out his prohibitions to the contrary , Parliamentary ratifications can no way alter Church Canons concerning the Worship of God. For Eccclesiasticall Discipline ought to be exercised , whether it be ratified by the civill-Magistrate or not . The want of a civill Sanction to the Church , is but like Lucrum cessans , non damnum emergens . As it addes nothing to it , so it takes nothing away from it . If there be any clashing of Jurisdictions , or defect in this kind , they lay the fault at the Magistrates doore . It is a great sinne or wickednesse , for the Magistrate to hinder the exercise , or execution of Ecclesiasticall Discipline . Now we have seen the pernicious practices of their Synods , with the Doctrines from which they flow ; it remains to dispel umbrages , wherewith they seek to hide the ugliness of their proceedings and principles from the eyes of the world . We ( say they ) do give the Christian Magistrate a politicall Power to convocate Synods , to preside in Synods , to ratifie the Acts of Synods , to reform the Church . We make him the keeper of both Tables . Take nothing and hold it fast , here are good words , but they signifie nothing . Trust me whatsoever the Disciplinarians do give to the Magistrate , it is alwayes with a saving of their own stakes , not giving for his advantage , but their own . For they teach that this power of the Christian Magistrate is not private and destructive to the power of the Church but cumulative , and onely auxiliary or assisting . Besides the power which they call abusively authoritative , but is indeed ministeriall , of executing their decrees , and contributing to their settlement , they ascribe to the Magistrate concerning the Acts of Synods that which every private man hath , a judgement of ●iscretion , but they retain to themselves the judgement of Iurisdiction . And if he judge not as they would have him , but suspend out of conscience th● influence of his politicall power , where they would have him exercise it , they will either teach him another point of Popery , that is an implicite faith , or he may perchance ●eel the weight of their Church-censures , and find quickly what manner of men they be , as our late Gratious King Charles and before him his Father , his Grandmother , and his great Grandmother did all to their cost . Then in plain English , what is this politicall Power to call Synods to preside in Synods , and to ratifie Synods , which these good men give to the Magistrate , and magnifie so much ? I shall tell the truth . It is a duty which the Magistrate ows to the Kirk , when they think necessary to have a Synod convocated , to strengthen their summons by a civill Sanction , to secure them in coming to the Synod , and returning from the Synod , to provide them good accommodation , to protect them from dangers , to defend their Rights and Priviledges . To compel obstinate persons by civill Laws and punishments , to submit to their censures and decrees . What gets the Magistrate by all this to himself ? He may put it all in his eye , and see never a whit the worse . For they declare expresly , that neither all the power , nor any part of the power , which Synods have to deliberate of , or to define Ecclesiasticall things , ( though it be in relation to their own Subjects ) doth flow from the Magistrate , but because in those things which belong to the outward man , ( mark the reason ) the Church stands in need of the help of the Magistrate . Fair fall a● ingenuous confession , they attribute nothing to the Magistrate , but only what may render him able to serve their own turns , and supply their needs . I wish these men would think a little more of the distinction , between habituall and actuall Jurisdiction . After a School-master hath his License to teach , yet his actuall Jurisdiction doth proceed from the Parents of his Scholars . And though he enjoy a kind of Supremacy among them , he must not think that this extinguisheth , either his own filiall duty , o● theirs . Like this power of presiding politically in Synods is the other power which they give him of reforming the Church , that is when the State of the Church is corrupted , but not when it is pure , as they take it for granted , that it is , when the Jurisdiction is in their own hands . Although godly Kings and Princes , someti●● by their own Authority , when the Kirk is corrupted , and all things out of order , place Ministers , and restore the true service of the Lord , after the example of some godly Kings of Iud●● , and divers godly Emperours and Kings also in the light of the New Testament ; yet where the Ministry of the Kirk is once lawfully constituted , and they that are placed , do their office faithfully , all godly Princes and Magistrates ought to hear and obey their voice , and reverence the Majesty of the Son of God speaking in them . Leave this jugling ; who shall judge , when the Church is corrupted ; the Magistrates or Church-men ? if the Magistrates , why not over you , as well as others ? If the Church-men , why not others as well as you ? here is nothing to be answered , but to beg the question , that they only are the true Church . Hear another witnesse , in evill and troublesome times , and in a lapsed state of affairs ; when the order instituted by God in the Church , is degenerated to Tyranny , to the trampling upon the true Religion , and oppressing the professors of it , when nothing is sound , the godly Magistrate may do some things , which ordinarily are not lawfull , &c. But ordinarily and of common right , in Churches already constituted , if a man flye to the Magistrate complaining that he is injured , by the abuse of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , or if the Sentence of the Presbyteries displease the Magistrate , either in point of Discipline or of Faith , he must not therefore draw such causes to a civill tribunall , nor introduce a Politicall Papacy . And as the Magistrate hath power in extraordinary causes , when the Church is wholly corrupted , to reforme Ecclesiasticall abuses ; so if the Magistrate shall Tyrannize , over the Church , it is lawfull to oppose him , by certain wayes and meanes , extraordinarily ; how ever ordinarily not to be allowed . This is plain dealing , the Magistrate cannot lawfully reforme them , but in cases extraordinary ; and in cases extraordinary they may lawfully reforme the Magistrate , ●y meanes not to be ordin●rily allowed , that is by force of armes , See the principles from whence all our miseries ; and the losse of our gratious Master , hath flowed ; and learn to detest them ; They give the Magistrate the custody of both Tables , so they do give the same to themselves , they keep the second Table , by admonishing him ; he keeps the first Table by assisting them : they reforme the abuses , of the first Table by ordinary right , of the s●cond Table extraordinari●y . He reforms the abuses against the second Table ; by ordinary right : and the abuses against the first Table extraordinarily . But can the Magistrate , according to their learning call the Sy●od to an account for any thing they do , can he remedy the erto●rs of a Synod either in Doctrine or Discipline ? No , if Magistrates had power to change , or diminish , or restraine the Rights of the Church ; the Condition of the Church , should be worse , and their Liberties less , under a Christian Magistrate , than und●r an Heathen . For ( say they ) Parliaments and supreame Senates , are no more infallible th●n Synods , and in matters of Faith and Discipline more apt to ●rre ; And again , the Magistrate is ●ot judge of Spirituall caus●s co●troverted in the Church . And if he decree any thing in such businesses ; according to the wisdom of the flesh , and not according to the rule of Gods Word , and the wisdome which is from above , he must give an account of i● unto God. Or may the Supreame Magistrate oppose the execution of their discipline practised in their Presbyteries , or Synods , by Laws o● prohibitions ? No , it is wickednesse , If he do so farre abuse his Authority , good Christians must rather suffer extremities , th●● obey him . Then what remedy hath the Magistrate , if he find himself gri●ved in this case ? He may desire and procure a review in another Nationall Synod , that the matter may be lawfully determined by Ecclesiasticall judgement . Yet upon this condition , the notwithstanding the future review , the first sentence of the Synod be executed without delay , This is one main branch of Popery , and agrosse incrochment , upon the right of the Magistrate . CHAP. III. That this Discipline robs the Magistrate of the last appeale of ●i● Subjects . THe second flows from this . The last appeal ought to be the Supreame Magistrate , or Magistrates , within his or their Dominions , as to the highest Power under God. And where it is not so ordered , the Common-wealth can injoy no tranquility , ●s we shall see in the second part of this discourse . By the Laws of England , if any man find himself grieved with the sentence o● consistoriall proceedings of a Bishop , or of his Officers , he may appeal from the highest judicatory of the Church to the King i● Chancery , who useth in that case to grant Commissions under the great Seal , to Delegates expert in the Laws of the Realme , wh● have power to give him remedy , and to see Justice done . In Scotland this would be taken in great scorn , as an high indignity upon the Commissioners of Christ , to appeal from his Tribunal , to the judgement of a mortal man. In the year 1582. King Iames by his Letter by his Messenger , the Master of Requests , and by an Herald at Arms , prohibited the Assembly at Saint Andrews to proceed in the case of one Mongomery , and Mongomery hims●lf appealed to Caesar , or to King and Councel . What did our new Matters upon this ? They sleighted the Kings Letter , his Messenger , his Herald , reject●d the Appeal , as made to an incompetent Judge , and proceeded most violently in the cause . About four years after this , another Synod held at Saint Andrews , proceeded in like manner against the Bishop of that Se● , for Voting in Parliament according to his conscience , and for being suspected to have penned a Declaration , published by the King and Parliament at the end of the Statutes ; notwithstanding that he declined their judicature , and appealed to the King and Parliament . When did any Bishops dare to doe such acts ? There need no more instances , their Book of Discipline it s●lf being so full in the case , From the Kirk there is no reclamation , or appellation , to any Judge Civil or Ecclesiastical , within the Realm . CHAP. IV. That it exempts the Ministers from due Punishment . THirdly , If Ecclesiastick Persons in their Pulpits or Assemblies , shall leave their Text and proper work to turn Incendiaries , Trumpeters of sedition , stirring up the people to tumults and disloyal attempts in all well-ordered Kingdoms and Commonwealths , they are punishable by the Civil Magistrate , whose proper office it is to take cognizance of Treason and Sedition . It was well said by a King of France to some such seditious Sheba's , That if they would not let him alone in their Pulpits , he would send them to preach in another climate . In the Vnited Provinces there want not examples of seditious Oratours , who for controlling their Magistrates too sawcily in the Pulpit , have been turned both out of their Churches and Cities , without any fear of wresting Christs Scepter out of his hand . In Geneva it self , the correction of Ecclesiastical persons ( qua tales , ) is expresly reserved to the Signiory . So much our Disciplinarians have ou●-done their pattern , as the passionate writings of heady men out-do the calmer decrees of a stayed Senate . But the Ministers of Scotland have exempted themselves in this case from all secular judgement , as King Iames ( who knew them best of any man living ) witnesseth . They said , He was an incompetent Iudge in such cases , and that matters of the Pulpit ought to be exempted from the judgement and correction of Princes . They themselves speak plain enough . It is an absurd thing , that sundry of them , ( Commissaries ) having no function of the Kirk , should be Iudges to Ministers , and depose them from their rooms . The reason holds as well against Magistrates as Commissaries . To passe by the sawcy and seditious expressions of Mr Dury , Mr Mellvill , Mr B●lcanqu●ll , and their impunity . Mr Iames Gibson in his Sermon taxed the King for a Persecutor , and threatned him with a curse , that he should die childless , and be the last of his race ; for which being convented before the Assembly , and not appearing , he was onely suspended during the pleasure of his brethren , ( he should have been suspended indeed , that is hanged . ) But at another Assembly , in August following , upon his all●gation , that his not appearing was out of his tender care of the Rights of the Church , he was purged from his contumacy , without once so much as acquainting his Majesty . The case is famous of Mr David Blake Minister of St Andrews , who had said in his Sermon , That the King had discovered the treachery of his heart , in admitting the Popish Lords into the Countrey . That all Kings were the Devils barns , that the Devil was in the Court , and in the guiders of it . And in his prayer for the Queen , he used these words , We must pray for her for fashion sake , but we have no cause , she will never do us any good . He said , that the Queen of England ( Queen Elizabeth ) was an Atheist , that the Lords of the Session were miscreants and bribers , that the Nobility were degenerated , godless , dissemblers , and enemies to the Church , that the Councel were holly glasses , Cormorants and men of no Religion . I appeal to all the Estates in Europe , what punishment could be severe enough for such audacious virulence ? The English Ambassadour complains of it ; Blake is cited before the Councel . The Commissioners of the Church plead , That it will be ill taken , to bring Ministers in question upon such trifling delations , as inconsistent with the liberties of the Church . They conclude , that a Declinatour should be used , and a Protestation made against those proceedings , saying , It was Gods cause , wherein they ought to stand to all haz●rds . Accordingly a Declinatour was framed and presented . Blake desires to be remitted to the Presbytery , as his Ordinary . The Commissioners send the Copie of the Declinatour to all the Presbyteries , requiring them for the greater corroboration of their doings , to subscribe the same , and to commend the cause in hand in their private and publick prayers to God , using their best credit with their flocks for the maintenance thereof . The King justly incensed herewith , dischargeth the Commissioners . Notwithstanding this Injunction , they stay still , and send Delegates to the King , to represent the inconveniences that might ensue . The King more desirous to decline their envy , than they his judgement , offers peace . The Commissioners refuse it , and present an inso●ent Petition , which the King rejects deservedly , and the cause was heard th● very day that the Princes Elizabeth ( now Queen of Bohemia ) w●s Christened . The witnesses were produced , Mr Robert Ponte in the name of the Church makes a Pretestation . Blake presents a second D●clinatour . The Councel decree that the cause being treasonable , is cognoscible before them . The good King still seeks peace , sends Messengers , treats , offers to remit : but it is labour in vain . The Ministers answer peremptorily by Mr Robert Bruce their Prolocutor , That the liberty of Christs Kingdom had received such a wound , by this usurpation of the Rights of the Church , that if the lives of Mr Blake , and twenty others had been taken , it would not have grieved the hearts of good people so much , as these injurious proceedings . The King still woos and conferres . At last the matter is concluded , That the King shall make a Declaration in favour of the Church , that Mr Blake shall only make an acknowledgment to the Queen , and be pardoned : But Mr Blake refuseth to confesse any fault , or to acknowledge the King and Councel to be any Judges of his Sermon . Hereupon he is convicted and sentenced to be guilty of false and treasonable slanders , and his punishment referred to the King. Still the King treats , makes Propositions unbeseeming his Majesty , once or twice . The Ministers reject them , proclaim a Fast , raise ● Tumult in Edenburgh , Petition , preferre Articles . The King departeth from ●he City , removeth his Courts of Iustice , the peop●e repent , the Ministers persist , and seek to engage the Subjects in a Covenant for mutual Defence . One Mr Walsh in his Sermon tells the people , That the King was possessed with a Devil , yea with seven Devils ; that the Subjects might lawfully rise and take the sword out of his hands . The seditious encouraged from the Pulpit , send a Letter to the Lord Hamilton to come and be their General . He nobly refuseth , and sheweth their Letter to the King. Hereupon the Mini●ters are sought for to be apprehended , and flie into England . The Tumult is declared to be Treason by the Estates of the Kingdom . I have urged this the more largely ( yet as succinctly as I could ) to let the world see , what dangerous Subjects these Disciplinarians are , and how inconsistent their principles be , with all orderly Societies . CHAP. V. That it subjects the Supreme Magistrate to their Censures , &c. FOurthly , They have not onely exempted themselves in their duties of their own Function from the Tribunal of the Sovereign Magistrate or Supream Senate , but they have subjected him and them ( yea even in the discharge of the Sovereign Trust ) to their own Consistories , even to the highest Censure of Excommunication , which is like the cutting of a member from the body Natural , or the out-lawing of a Subject from the body politic● , Excommunication ; that very Engine , whereby the Popes of old advanced themselves above Emperours . To discipline must all the Estates within this Realm be Subject ; as w●ll Rulers , as they tha● are ruled . And elswhere , All men , as well Magistrates , as Inferiours , ought to be subject to the judgement of General Assembli●● . And yet again , No man that is in the Church , ought to be exempted from Ecclesiastical Censures . What h orrid and pernicious mischiefs do use to attend the Excommunication of Sovereign Magistrates , I leave to every mans memory or imagination . Such cours●s make great Kings become cyphers , and turn the tenure of ● Crown Copy-hold , ad voluntatem Dominorum . Such Doctrines might better become some of the Roman Alexanders , or B●nifaces , or Gregorius , or Pius Quintus , than such great Prosessors of Humility , such great disclaimers of Authority , who have inveighed so bitterly against the Bishops for their usurpations . This was never the practice of any orthodox Bishop . St Ambrose is mistaken , what he did to Theodosius was no act of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , but of Christian discretion . No , he was better grounded . David said , Against thee onely have I sinned , because he was a King. Our Disciplinarians abhorre the name of Authority , but hugge the thing , their profession of Humility , is just like that Cardinals hanging up of a Fishers Net in his Dining-room , to put him in mind of his discent , but so soon as he was made Pope he took it down , saying , The Fish was caught now , there was no more need of the Net. CHAP. VI. That it robs the Magistrate of his Dispensative Power . FIfthly , All supreame Magistrates do assume to themselves a power of pardoning offences and offenders , where they judge it to be expedient . He who believes that the Magistrate cannot with a good conscience dispence with the punishment of a penitent malefactour , I wish him no greater censure , than that the penall Laws might be duly executed upon him , untill he recant his errour . But our Disciplinarians have restrained this dispensative power , in all such crimes as are made capitall by the judiciall Law , as in the case of Bloud , Adultery , Blasphemy , &c. in which cases , they say the offender ought to suffer death , as God hath commanded . And , If the life be spared , as it ought not to be to the offenders , &c. And , the Magistrate ought to preferre Gods expresse commandment before his own corrupt judgement , especially in punishing these crimes which he commandeth to be punished with death . When the then Popish Earls of Angus , Huntley , and Erroll , were excommunicated by the Church , and forfeited for treasonable practices against the King , it is admirable to read with what wisdome , and charity , and sweetnesse his Majesty did seek from time to time to reclaime them from their errours , and by their unfeigned conversion to the reformed Religion to prevent their punishment . Wherein he had the concurrence of two Conventions of Estates , the one at Falkland , the other at Dumfermling . And on the other side to see with what bitternesse and radicated malices they were prosecuted by the Presbyteries , and their Commissioners , sometimes Petitioning , That they might have no benefit of Law , as being excommunicated , Sometimes threatning , that they were resolved to pursue them to the uttermost , though it should be with the loss of all their lives in one day . That if they continued enemies to God and his Truth , the Countrey should not brook both them and the Lords together . Sometimes pressing to have their Estates confiscated , and their lives taken away . Alledging for their ground , that by Gods Law they had deser●ed death . And when the King urged that the bosom of the Church should be ever open to penitent sinners , they answered , That the Church could not refuse their satisfaction , if it was truly offered , but the King was obliged to do justice . What do you think of those that roar out , Iustice , Iustice , now adayes , whether they be not the right spawn of these Bloud-suckers , Look upon the examples of Cain , Esau , Ishmael , Antiochus , Antichrist , and tell me , if you ever find such supercilious , cruel , bloud-thirsty persons , to have been pious towards God , but their Religion is commonly like themselves , stark naught , Cursed be their anger for it was fierce , and their wrath , for it was cruel . These are some of those incroachments which our Disciplinarians have made upon the rights of all Supreame Magistrates , there be sundry others , which especially concerne the Kings of Great Brittain , as the losse of his tenths , first-fruits , and patronages , and which is more than all these , the dependence of his Subjects ▪ by all which we see , that they have thrust out the Pope indeed , but retained the Papacy . The Pope as well as they , and they as well as the Pope , ( neither barrel better Herrings , ) do make Kings but half Kings , Kings of the bodies , not of the souls of their Subjects : They allow them some sort of judgement over Ecclesiastical persons , in their civill capacities , for it is little ( according to their rules ) which ever is not Ecclesiasticall , or may not be reduced to Ecclesiasticall . But over Ecclesiastick persons , as they are Ecclesiasticks , or in Ecclesiasticall matters , they ascribe unto them no judgment in the world . They say it cannot stand with the Word of God , that no Christian Prince ever claimed , nor can claime to himself such a power , If the Magistrate will be contented to wave his Power in Ecclesiasticall matters , and over Ecclesiasticall persons , ( as they are such , ) and give them leave to do what they list , and say what they list in their Pulpits , in their Consistories , in their Synods , and permit them to rule the whole Commonwealth , in order to the advancement of the Kingdome of Christ. If he will be contented to become a subordinate Minister to their Assemblies , to see their decrees executed , then it may be they will become his good Masters , and permit him to injoy a part of his civill power . When Sovereigns are made but accessaries , and inferiours do become principals , when stronger obligations are devised , than those of a Subject to his Sovereign , it is time for the Magistrate to look to himself , these are prognosticks of insuing storms , the avant curriers of seditious tumults . When Supremacy lights into strange and obscure hands , it can hardly contain it self within any bounds . Before our Disciplinarians be well warmed in their Ecclesiasticall Supremacy , they are beginning , or rather they have already made a good progresse in the invasion of the temporall Supremacy also . CHAP. VII . That the Disciplinarians cheat the Magistrate of his Civill Power in order to Religion . THat is their sixt incroachment upon the Magistrate , and the verticall point of Jesuitism , Consider first how many civil causes they have drawn directly into their Consistories , and made them of Ecclesiasticall cognisance , as fraud in bargaining , false weights and measures , oppressing one another , &c. and in the case of Ministers , bribery , pe●jury , theft , fighting , usury , &c. Secondly , Consider that all offences whatsoever are made cognoscible in their Consistories , in case of scandall , yea even such as are punishable by the civill Sword with death : If the civill Sword foolishly spare the life of the offender , yet may not the Kirk be negligent in their office , which is to excommunicate the wicked . Thirdly , They ascribe unto their Ministers a liberty and power to direct the Magistrate , even in the Managerie of civill Affairs : To governe the Commonwealth , and to establish civill Laws is proper to the Magistrate : To interpret the Word of God , and from thence to shew the Magistrate his duty , how he ought to governe the Commonwealth , and how he ought to use the Sword , is comprehended in the office of the Minister , for the holy Scripture is profitable to shew what is the best governement of the Commonwealth . And again all the duties of the second Table as well as the first , between King and Subject , Parents and Children , Husbands and Wives , Masters and servants , &c. are in difficult cases a subject of cognisance and judgement to the Assemblies of the Kirk . Thus they are risen up from a judgment of direction , to a judgement of Jurisdiction , And if any perso●s , Magistrates or others , dare act contrary to this judgement of the Assembly , ( as the Parliament and Committee of Estates did in Scotland , in the late expedition ) they make it to be an unlawfu●l ingagement , a sinfu●l War , contrary to the Testimonies of Gods servants , and decree the parties so offending , to be suspended from the communion , and from their offices in the Kirk . I confesse Ministers do well to exhort Christians to be care●ull , honest , industrious in their speciall callings : but for them to meddle pragmatically with the mysteries of particular Trad●s , and much more with the mysteries of State , which never came within the compasse of their shallow capacities , is a most audacious insolence , and an insufferable presumption . They may as well teach the Pilot how to steer his course in a tempest , or the Physician how to cure the distempers of his patient . But their high●st cheat is that Jesuiticall invention , ( in ordi● ad spiritualia , ) they assume a power in worldly affairs indirectly , and in order to the advancement of the Kingdome of Christ. The Ecclesiasticall Ministry is conversant spiritually about civill things . Again must not duties to God whereof the securing of Religion is a main one , have the Supreame and first place , duties to the King a subordinate and second place ? The case was this . The Parliament levied forces to ●ree their Kings out of prison . A meet civill duty . But the Commissioners of the Assembly declare against it , unlesse the King will first give assurance under hand and seal , by solemne oath , that he will establish the Covenant , the Presbyterian Discipline , &c. in all his Dominions , and never indeavour any change thereof , least otherwise his liberty might bring their bygone proceedings about the League and Covenant into question , there is their power in ordine ad spiritualia . The Parliament will restore to the King his negative voice . A meer civill thing . The Commissioners of the Church oppose it , because of the gre●t dangers that may thereby come to Religion . The Parliament name Officers and Commanders for the Army . A meer civil thing . The Church will not allow them , because they want such qualifications as Gods word requires , that is to say in plain terms , because they were not their confidents . Was there ever Church challenged such an omnipotence as this ? Nothing in this world is so civil or political , wherein they do not interest themselves , in order to the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. Upon this ground their Synod enacted , that no Scotish merchants should from thenceforth traffique in any of the dominions of the King of Spain , until his Majesty had procured from that King some relaxation of the rigour of the Inquisition , upon pain of excommunication . As likewise that the Munday market at Ed●nburgh should be abolished , It seems they thought it ministered some occasion to the breach of the Sabba●h . The Merchants petitioned the King to maintain the liberty of their trade , He grants their request but could not protect them , for the Church prosecuted the poor merchants with their censuers , untill they promised to give over the Spanish trade , so soon as they had perfected their accounts , and payed their Creditors in those parts . But the Shoemakers , who were most interested in the Munday markets with their tumults and threatenings comp●lled the Ministers to retract , whereupon it became a jest in the City , that the Souters could obtain more at the Ministers hands than the King. So they may meddle with the Spanish trade or Munday markets , or any thing in order to Religion . Upon this ground they assume to themselves a power to ratifie Acts of Parliament , So the assembly at Edenburgh enacted , That the Acts made in the Parliament at Edenburgh the 24 of August 1560 , ( without either Commission or Proxie from their Sovereign , ) touching Religion , &c. should have the force of a publick Law : And that the said Parliament , so far as concerned Religion , should be maintained by them , &c. and be ratified by the first Parialment that should happen to be kept within the Realm . See how bo●d they make with Kings and Parliaments , in order to Religion . I cannot omit that famous summons which this Assembly sent out , not onely to entreat , but to admonish ●ll persons truly professing the Lord Jesus within the Realm , as well Noble-men as Barons and those of other estates , to meet and give their personal appearance at Edenburgh the 20 of Iuly ensui●g , for giving their advice and concurrence in matters then to be proponed , especially for purging the Realm of Popery , establishing the policy of the Church , and restoring the patrimony thereof to the just possessours . Assuring such as did absent themselves that they should be esteemed dissimulate professours , unworthy of the fe●lowship of Christs flock , who thinks your Scotish Disciplinarians know not how to ruffle it ? Upon this ground they assume a power to abrogate and invalidate Laws and Acts of Parliament , if they seem disadvantagious to the Church . Church Assemblies have power to abrogate and abolish all statutes and ordinances concerning Ecclesiastical matters , that are found noysom and unprofitable , and agree not with the times , or are abused by the p●ople . So the Acts of Parliament 1584 ▪ at the very same time that they were proclamed , were protesied against at the market crosse of Edenburgh by the Ministers , in the name of the ●irk of Scotland . And a li●tle before , whatsoever be the Treason o● i● pugni●g the authority of Parliament , it can be no Treason to obey God rather than man. Neither did the General assembly of Glasgow 1638 , &c. commit any treason , when they impugned Epis●opacy , and Perth-Ar●icles , although ratified by Acts of Parliament , and standing laws then unrepealed . He saith so far true , than we ought rather to obey God than man , that is , to suffer when we cannot act ; but to impugn the authority of a lawfull Magistrate , is neither to obey God nor man. God commands us to die innocent rather than live nocent , they teach us rather to live nocent than die innocent . Away with these seeds of sedition , these rebllious principles , Our Master Christ hath left us no such warrant , and the unsound practise of an obscure Conventicle is no safe patern . The King was surprized at Ruthen by a company of Lords and other conspirators ; this fact was as plain Treason as could be imagined , and so it was declared ; ( I say declared not made ) in Parliament . Yet an Assembly Generall ( no man gain saying ) did justify that Treason in order to Religion as good and acceptable service to God , their Soveraign , and native Countrey , requiring the Ministers in all their Churches to commend it to the people , and exhort all men to concurre with the actors , as they tendred the glory of God , the full deliverance of the Church , and perfect reformation of the Commonwealth , threatning all those who subscribed not to their judgement with Excommunication . We see this is not the first time that Disciplinarian Spectacles have made abominable Treason to seem Religion , if it serve for the advancement of the good Cause . And if were well if they could rest here , or their zeale to advance their Ecclesiasticall Soveraignty , by force of Armes , and effusion of Christian blood , would confine it self within the limits o● Scotland : No , those bounds are too narrow for their pragmaticall spirits : And for bus●e Bishops in other mens Diocesses , see the Articles of Sterling , That the securing and setling Religion at home , and promoting the work of Reformation abroad , in England and Ireland , be referred to the determination of the General Assembly ( of the Kirk ) or their Commissioners . What , is old Edenburgh turned new Rome , and the old Presbyters young Cardinals , and their Consistory a Conclave , and their Committees a Juncto for propagating the faith ? Themselves stand most in need of Reformation ; If there be a mote in the eye of our Church , there is a beam in theirs . Neither want we at home God be praised , those who are a thousand times fitter for learning , for piety , for discretion , to be reformers , then a few giddy innovators . This I am sure , since they undertook our cure against our wills , they have made many fat Church-yards in England . Nothing is more civill , or essentiall to the Crowne , then the Militia , or power of raising Armes : Yet we have seen in the attempt at Ruthen , in their Letter to the Lord Hamilton , in their Sermons , what is their opinion . They insinuate as much in their Theorems , It is lawfull to resist the Magistrate by certain extraordinary wayes or meanes , not to be ordinarily allowed . It were no difficult task out of their private Authors , to justifie the barbarous acts that have been committed in England . But I shall hold my selfe to their publike actions and records . A mutinous company of Citizens forced the gates of Halyrood-house , to search for a Priest , and plunder at their plrasure . M. Knox was charged by the Councell to have bin the author of the sedition ; and further , to have convocated his M●jesties Subjects by Letters missiv● when he pleased . He answered , that he was no preache● of Rebellion , but taught people to obey their Princes in the Lord ; [ I se●● he t●ught them likewise , that he and they were the compet●nt judges what is obedience in the Lord. ] He confessed his convocating of the Subjects by vertue of a command form the Church , to advertise the brethren when he saw a ●ecessity of their meeting , especially if he perceived Religion to be in peril . Take another instance , The Assembly having received an answer from the King , about the tryall of the Popish Lords ; not to their contentment , resolve all to convéne in Armes at the place appointed for the tryall ; whereupon some were left at Edinburgh to give timely advertisement to the rest . The King at his return gets notice of it , calls the Ministers before him , shewes them what an undutifull part it was in them to levy Forces , and draw his Subjects into Armes without his warrant . The Ministers pleaded , That it was the cause of God , in defence whereof they could not be deficient . This is the Presbyterian wont , to subject all causes and persons to their Consistories , to ratifie and abolish civill Lawes , to confirm and pull down Parliaments , to levy Forces , to invade other Kingdoms , to do any thing respectively to the advancement of the good cause , and in order to Religion . CHAP. VIII . That the Disciplinarians challenge this exorbitant Power by Divine Right . BEhold both Swords spirituall and temporall in the hands of the Presbytery , the one ordinarily by common right , the other extraordinarily ; the one belonging directly to the Church , the other indirectly ; the one of the Kingdom of Christ , the other for his Kingdom , in order to the propagation of Religion . See how these hoc as pocases with stripping up their sleeves and professions of plain-dealing , with declaiming against the tyranny of Prelates , under the pretense of humility and Ministeriall duty , have wrested the Scepter out of the hand of Majesty , and jugled themselves into as absolute a Papacy , as ever was within the walls of Rome . O saviour , behold thy Vicars , and see whither the pride of the servants of thy servants is ascended . Now their Consistories are become the Tribunalls of Christ. That were strange indeed I Christ hath bet one Tribunall , his Kingdome is not of this world . Their determinations passe for the Santence of Christ. Alas there is too much fiction , and passion , and ignorance in their Presbyteries . Their Synodall Acts go for the Lawes of Christ. His Lawes are immutable , mortall man may not persume to alter them , or to adde to them ; but these men are chopping and changing their constitutions every day . Their Elders must be looked upon as the commissioners of Christ. It is impossible ! Geneva was the first City where this discipline was hatched ; though since it hath lighted into hucksters hands . In those dayes they magnified the platform of Geneva , for the pattern she●ed in the mount . But there , the Presbyters at their admission take an oath , to observe the Ecclesiasticall Ordinances of the small , great , and generall Councels of th●t City . Can any man be so stupid , as to think , that the high Commissioners of Christ swear fealty to the Burgers of Geneva ? Now forsooth their Discipline is become the Scepter of Christ , the Eternall Gospel . ( See how successe exalts mens desires and demands . ) In good time , where did this Scepter lye hid for 1500 yeers , that we cannot finde the least footsteps of it in the meanest village of Christendom ? This world drawes towards an end ; was this discipline fitted and contrived for the world to come ? Or how should it be the Eternal Gospel ? When every man sees how different it is from it self , in all Presbyterian Churches , adapted and accommodated to the civill policy of each particular place where it is admitted , except only Scotland , where it comes in like a Conqueror , and makes the Civill Power stoop and strike top saile to it . Certainly , if it be the Gospel , it is the fifth Gospel , for it hath no kindred with the other foure . There is not a Text which they wrest against Episcopacy , but the Independants may with as much colour of reason , and truth , urge it against their Presbyteries . Where doth the Gospel distinguish between temporary and perpetuall Rulers ? Between the Government of a person , and of a corporation ? There is not a Text which they produce for their Presbytery , but may with much more reason be alledged for Episcopacy , and more agreeable to the analogie of faith , to the perpe●uall practice and belif of the Catholick Church , to the concurrent Expositions of all Interpreters , and to the other Texts of holy Scrip●u●e ; for untill this new modell was yesterday devised , none of those Texts were ever so understood . When the practise ushers in the doctrine , it is very suspicious , or rather evident , that the Scripture was not the rule of their reformation , but their subsequent excuse . This ( jure devino ) is that which makes their sore incurable , themselves incorrigible , that they father their own brat upon God Almighty , and make this Mushrome which sprung but up the other night , to be of heavenly d●scent . It is just like the doctrine of the Pop●s infallibility , which shu●s the door against all hope of remedy . How should they be brought to reform their errors , who bel●eve they cannot erre , or they be brought to renounce their drowsy dreams , who take it for granted , that they are divine revelations ! And yet when that wise Prince , King Iames , a little before the Nationall Assembly at Perth , published in print 55 Articles or Questions , concerning the uncertainty of this Discipline , and the vanity of their pretended plea of divine right , and concerning the errours and abuses crept into it , for the better preperation of all men to the ensuing Synod , that Ministers might study the point beforehand , and speak to the purpose ; they who stood effected to that way were extremely perplexed . To give a particular account , they knew well it was impossible ; but their chifest trouble was , that their foundation of divine right , which they had given out all this while to be a solid rock , should come now to be questioned for a shaking quagmire . And so without any opposition they yeelded the bucklers . Thus it continued untill these unhappy troubles , when they started aside again like broken bowes . This plant thrives better in the midst of tumults , then in the times of peace and tranquillity . The Elme which supports it , is a factio●● multitude , but a prudent and couragious Magistrate nips it i● the bud . CHAP. IX . That this Discipline makes a monster of the Commonwealth , WE have seen how pernicious this Discipline ( as it is maintained in Scotland , and endeavoured to be introduced into England by the Covenant , ) is to the supreme Magistrate , how it robs him of his Supremacy in Ecclesiasticall affaires , and of the last appeals of his own Subjects , that it exempts the Presbyters from the power of the Magistrate , and subjects the Magistrate to the Presbyters , that it restraines his dispensative power of pardoning , deprives him of the dependance of his Subjects , that it doth challenge and usurp a power paramount both of the word and of the Sword , both of Peace and War , over all Courts and Estates , over all Laws Civill and Ecclesiasticall , in order to the advencement of the Kingdom of Christ , wherof the Presbyters alone are consti●●ted rulers by God , and all this by a pretended divine right , which takes away all hope of remedy , untill it be hissed out of the world ; in a word , that it is the top-branch of Popery , a greater tyranny , then ever Rome was guilty of . It remains to show how disadvantagious it is also to the Subject . First , to the Common-wealth in generall , which it makes a Monster , like an Amphishbaina , or a Serpent wi●h two heads , one at either end . It makes a coordination of Soveraignty in the same Society , two supermes in the same Kingdom or State , the one Civill , the other Ecclesiasticall , then which nothing can be more pernicious , either to the consciences , or the estates of Subjects , when it falls out ( as it often doth ) that from these two heads issue contrary commands , If the Trumpet give an uncertain sound , who shall prepare himself to the battel ? Much more when there are two Trumpets , and the one sounds an Alarm , the other a Retreat . What should the poor Souldier do in such a case ? or the poor Subject in the other case ? If he obey the Civill Magistrate ; he is sure to be excommunicated by the Church ; if he obey the Church , he is sure to be imprisoned by the Civill Magistrate ; What shall become of him ? I know no remedy , but according to Solomons sentence , the living Subject must be divided into two , and the one half given to the one , and the other half to the other . For the Oracle of Truth hath said , that one man cannot serve two masters . But in Scotland every man must serve two Masters , and ( which is worse ) many times disagreeing Masters . At the same time the Civill Magistrate hath command●d the Feast of the Nativity of our Saviour to be observed , and the Church hath forbidden it . At the same time the King hath summoned the Bishops to sit and Vote in Parliament , and the Church hath forbidden them . In the year 1582. Monsieur-le-mot , a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost , with an associate , were sent Ambassadours from France into Scotland . The Ministers of Edenburgh approving not his Message , ( though meerly Civill , ) inveigh in their Pulpits bitterly against him , calling his White Crosse the badge of Antichrist , and himself the Ambassadour of a Murtherer . The King was ashamed , but did not know how to help it ; The Ambassadours were discontented , and desired to be gone : The King willing to preserve the ancient Amity between the two Crownes , and to dismisse the Ambassadours with content , requires the Magistrates of Edenburgh to feast them at their departure ; so they did ; But to hinder this feast , upon the Sunday preceding , the Ministers proclame a ●ast to be kept the same day the Feast was appointed ; and to detaine the people all day at Church ; the three Preachers make three Sermons , one after another without intermission , thundring out curses against the Magistrates aud Noblemen which waited upon the Ambassadors by the Kings appointment . Neither stayed they here , but pursued the Magistrates with the censures of the Church , for not observing the Fast by them proclaimed ; and with much difficulty were wrought to abstaine from Excommunicating of them ; which censure , how heavy it falls in Scotland , you shall see by and by . To come yet neerer , the late Parliament in Scotland injoyned men to take up Armes for delivery of their King out of prison ; The Commissioners for the Assembly disallowed it ; and at this present how many are chased out of their Country ? How many are put to publike repentance in sackcloth ? how many are excommunicated , for being obedient to the Supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom , that is , King and Parliament ? Miserable is the condition of that people where there is such clashing and interfereing of Supreme Judicatories and Authorities . If they shall pretend that this was no free Parliament : First , they affirm that which is not true ; either that Parliament was free , or what will become of the rest ? Secondly , this plea will advantage them nothing ; for ( which is all one with the former ) thus they make themselves Judges of the validity o● invaidity of Parliaments . CHAP. X. That this Dicipline is most prejudiciall to the Parliament . FRom the Essentiall body of the Kingdom we are to proceed to the representative body , which is the Parliament . We have already seen , how it attributes a power to Nationall Synods to restrain Parliaments , and to abrogate their Acts , if they shall judge them prejudiciall to the Church . We need no other instance , to shew what small account Presbyteries do make of Parliaments , then the late Parliament in Scotland . Not withstanding that the Parliament had declared their resolution to levy forces vigorously , and that the● did expect as well from the Synods and Presbyteries , as from all other his Majecties good Sujects , a ready obedience to the commands of Parliament , and Committee of Estates . The Commissioners of the Assembly not satisfied herewith , do not onely make their proposalls , that the grounds of the Warre and the breaches of the Peace might be cleared , that the union of the Kingdomes might be preserved , that the popish and prelaticall party might be suppressed , that his Majesties offers concerning Religion might be declared unsatisfactory , that before his Majesties restitution to the exercise of his Royall power , he shall first engage , himself by solemn Oath under his hand and Seal , to passe Acts for the settlement of the Covenant and Presbyterian Government in all his Dominions , &c. And never to oppos● them , or endeavour the Change of them , ( An usurer will trust a bankrupt upon easier tearms , then they will do their Soveraign , ) and lastly , that such persons onely might be intrusted , as had given them no cause of jealousie , ( which had been too much , and more then any Astates in Europe will take in good part from half a dozen Ministers . ) But afterwards by their publick Declaration to the whole Kirk and Kingdom , set forth that not being satisfied in these particulars , they do plainly dissent and disagree , and declare that they are clearly perswaded in their consciences , that the Engagement is of dangerous consequence to true Religion , prejudiciall to the Liberty of the Kirk , favourable to the Malignant party , inconsistent with the union of the Kingdom ; Contrary to the word of God and the Covenant , wherefore they cannot allow either Ministers or any other whatsoever to concurre and cooperate in it , and trust that they will keep themselves free in this businesse , and choose affliction rather then iniquitie . And to say the Truth , they made their word good . For by their power over the Church-men , and by their influence upon the people , and by threatening all those who engaged in that action with the censures of the Church , they retarded the Levies , they deterred all preachers from accompanying the Army to do divine offices . And when Saint Peters keyes would not serve the turn , they made use of Saint Pauls sword , and gathered the countrey together in arms at Machleene-Moore to oppose the expedition . So if the high court of Parliament will set up Persbytery , they must resolve to introduce an higher court then themselves , which will overtop them for eminency of authority , for extent of power , and greatnesse of priviledges , that is , a Nationall Synod . First for authority , the one being acknowledged to be but an humain convention , the other affirmed confidently to be a divine institution . The one sitting by vertue of the Kings writ , the other by vertue of Gods writ . The one as Councellers of the Prince , the other as Ambassadours and Vicars of the Sonne of God. The one as Burgesses of Corporations , the other as Commissioners of Jesus Christ. The one judging by the law of the land , the other by the holy Scriptures . The one taking care for this temporall life , the other for eternall life . Secondly for power , as Curtius saith , ubi multitudo vana religione capta ●st , melius vatibus s●uis quam ducibus paret , where the multitude is led with superstition , they do more readily obey their Prophets then their Magistrates . Have they not reason ? Pardon us O Magistrate , thou threatenst us with prison , they threaten us with hell fire . Thy sentence deprives us of civill protection , and the benefit of the law , so doth theirs indirectly , and withall makes us strangers to the common-wealth of Israel . Thou canst outlaw us , or horn us , and confiscate our estates , their keyes do the same also by consequence , and moreover deprive us of the prayers of the Church , and the comfortable use of the blessed Sacrament . Thou canst deliver us to a Pursevant , or commit us to the Black Rod , they can deliver us over to Sathan , and commit us to the prince of darknesse . Thirdly for priviledges , the priviledges of Parliament extend not to treason , felony , or breach of peace , but they may talke treaso● , and act treason in their pulpits and Synods without controlment . They may securely commit not onely petilar●iny but Burglary , and force the dores of the pallace Royall . They may not onely break the peace , but convocate the Subjects in armes , yea give warrant to a particular person , to conveen them by his letters missives , according to his discretion , in order to religion . Of all which we have seen instances in this discourse . The priviledges of Parliaments are the Graces and Concessions of man , and may be taken away by humane Authority , but the priviledges of Synods they say are from God , and cannot without Sacriledge be taken away by mortall man. The two Houses of Parliament cannot name Commissioners to sit in the intervalls , and take care ne quid detrimenti capi at res● publica , that the Common-wealth receive no prejudice ; But Synods have power to name vicars Generall , or Commissioners , to sit in the intervalls of Synods , and take order that neither King nor Parliament nor people do incroach upon the Liberties of the Church . If there be any thing to do , they are ( like the fox in Aesops fables , ) sure to be in at one end of it . CHAP. XI . That this Discipline is oppressive to particular persons . TOwards particular persons this Discipline is too full of rigour ▪ like Dracos lawes that were written in blood . First in lesser faults , inflicting Church censures upon slight grounds , As for an uncomely gesture , for a vain word , for suspition of covetousnesse or pride , for superfluity in raiment , either for cost or fashon , for keeping a table above a mans calling or means , for dancing at a wedding , or of servants in the streets , for wearing a mans hair ala mode , for not paying of debts , for using the least recreation upon the Sabbath , though void of scandall , and consistent with the duties of the day . I wish they were acquainted with the practise of all other Protestant Countries . But if they did but see one of those kirmess●s which are observed in some places , the pulpit , the consistory , the whole Kingdom would not be able to hold them . What dig●adiations have there been among some of their sect about starch and cuffes , &c. just like those grave debates which were sometimes among the Franciscans , about the colour and fashion of their gowns ? They do not allow men a latitude of discre●ion in any thing . All men , even their Superiours must be their slaves or pupils . It is true they begin their censures with admonition , and if a man will confesse himself a delinquent , be sorry for giving the Presbyters any offence , and conform himself in his hair , apparrell , diet , every thing , to what these rough hewen Cato's shall prescribe , he may escape the stool of repentance , otherwise they will proceed against him for contumacy , to Excommunication . Secondly this discipline is oppressive in greater faults . The same man is punished twice for the same crime , first by the Magistrate according to the lawes of God and the land , for the offence : then by the censures of the Church for the scandall . To this agrees their Synod , Nothing forbids the same fault in the same man to be punished one way by the politicall power , another way by the Ecclesiasticall ; by that under the formallity of a crime with Corporall or pecu●iary punishment , by this under the formallity of scandall with spirituall censures . And their book of discipline , If the civill sword foolishly spare the life of the offender , yet may not the Kirk be negligent in their office . Thus their Liturgy in expresse termes , All crimes which by the law of God deserve death , deserve also excommunication , Yea though an offender abide an assise , and be absolved by the same , yet may the Church injoyn him publick satisfacti●● , Or if the Magistrate shall not think fit in his judgement , or cannot in conscience prosecute the party upon the Churches intimation , the Church may admonish the Magistrate publickly . And if to remedy be found , excommunicate the offender , first for his crime , and then for being suspected to have corrupted the judge . Observe first that by hook or crook they will bring all crimes whatever great and small , within their Jurisdiction . Secondly observe that a delinquents triall for his life is no sufficient satisfaction to these third Cato's . Lastly , observe that to satisfie their own humor , they care not how they blemish publickly the reputation of the Magistrate upon frivolous conjectures . Thirdly , adde to this which hath been said , the severity and extreame rigour of their Excommunication , after which sentence no person ( his wife and family onely excepted ) may have any kinde of conversation with him that is excommunicated , they may not eate with him , nor drink with him , nor buy with him , nor sell with him , they may not salute him , nor speak to him , [ except it be by the license of the Presbytery , ] His children begotte● and born after that sentence , and before his reconciliation to the Church , may not be amitted to baptisme , untill they be of age to require it , or the mother or some speciall frind being a member of the Church present the childe , obhorring and damning the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the Father . Adde further that upon this sentence letters of horning ( as they use to call them in Scotland ) do follow of course , that is an outlawing of the praty , a confiscation of his goods , a putting him out of the Kings protection , so as any man may kil● him , and be unpunished ; yea , the party excommunicate is not so much as cited to hear th●se fatall Letters granted . Had not David reason to pray , Let me fall into the hands of the Lord , not into the hands of men , for their mercies are cruell . Cruill indeed , that when a man is prosecuted for his life , prehaps justly , prehaps , unjustly , so as appearing and hanging are to him in effect the same thing ; yet if he appear not , this pitifull Church will Excommunicate him for contumacy : Whether the offender be convict in judgement , or be fugitive from the Law , the Church ought to proceed to the sentence of Excommunication ; as if the just and evident fear of death did not purge away contumacy . CHAP. XII . That this Discipline is hurtfull to all orders of men . LAstly , this Discipline is burthensome and disanvantagious to all orders of men . The Nobility and Gentry must expect to follow the fortune of their Prince . Vpon the abatement of , Monarchy in Rome , remember what dismall controversies did presently spring up between the Patricii and Plebei . They shall be subjected to the censures of a raw heady novice , and a few ignorant Artificers ; they shall lose all their advowsons of such Benefices as have cure of soules , as they have lately found in Scotland , for every Congregation ought to choose their own Pastour . They shall hazard their Appropriations and Abby-lands : A Sacrilege which their Nationall Synod cannot in conscience tolerate , longer than they have strength sufficient to overthrow it . And if they proceed as they begin , the Presbyters will in a short time either accomplish their designe , or change their soyle . They shall be bearded and maited by every ordinary Prisbyter , witnesse that insolent speech of M. Robert Bruce to King Iames , Sir , I see your resolution is to take Huntley in favour ; if you doe , I will oppose ; You shall choose whether you will lose Huntley or me ; for us both you cannot keep . It is nothing with them for a pedant to put himselfe into the ballance with one of the prime and most powerfull peers of the Realme . The poor Orthodox Clergy in the meane time shall be undone , their straw shall be taken from them , and the number of their bricks be doubled : They shall lose the comfortable assurance of an undoubted succession by Episcopall Ordination , and put it to a dangerous question , whether they be within the pale of the Church : They shall be reduced to ignorance , contempt , and beggery ; They shall lose an ancient Liturgy , ( warranted in the most parts of it by all , in all parts of it , by the most publick formes of the Protestant Churches , whereof a short time may produce a parallel to the view of the world , ) and be enjoyned to prate and pray non-sence everlastingly . For howsoever formerly they have had a Liturgy of their own , as all other Christian Churches have at this day ; yet now it seems they allow no prayers , but extemporary . So saith the information from Scotland , It is not Lawfull for a man to tye hims●lf , or be tyed by others , to a perscript form of words in prayer and exhortation . Parents shall lose the free disposition of their own children in marriage if the childe desire an husband or a wife , and the parent gainstand their request , and have no other cause than the common of men have , to wit lack of goods , or because the other party is not of birth high enough , upon the childes desire , the Minister is to travail with the parents , and if he finde no just cause to the contrary , may admit them to marriage . For the work of God ought not to be hindered by the corrupt affections of worldly men . They who have stripped the father of their Countrey of his just right , may make bold with fathers of families , and will not stick to exclude all other fathers , but themselves out of the fifth Commandement . The doctrine is very high , but their practise is yet much more high , The Presbyteries will compell the wronged parent to give that childe as great a portion as any of his other children . It will be ill newes to the Lawyers to have the moulter taken away from their Mills upon pretence of scandall , or in order to Religion , to have their sentences repealed by a Synod of Presbyters , and to receive more prohibitions from Ecclesiasticall Courts , than ever they sent thither . All Masters and mistresses of families , of what age or condition soever , must come once a year before the Presbyter , with their housholds , to be examined personally whether they be fit to receive the Sacrament , in respect of their knowledge , and otherwise . And if they suffer their children or servants to continue in wilfull ignorance ( what if they cannot help it ? ) they must be excommunicated . It is probable , the persons catechised could often better instruct their Catechists . The common people shall have an High-Commission in every parish , and groan under the Arbitrary decrees of ignorant unexperienced Governours , who know no Law but their own wills , who observe no order but what they list ; from whom lyes no appeale but to a Synod , which for the shortnesse of its continuance can afford , which for the condition of the persons will afford them little relif . If there arise a private jar between the parent and the child , or the husband and the wife , these domesticall Judges must know it , and censure it . Scire volunt secreta domus , atque inde timeri And if there have been any suit or difference between the Pastor and any of his flock , or between Neighbour and Neighbour , be sure it will not be forgotten in the sentence . The practice of our Law hath been , that a Judge was rarely permitted to ride a circuit in his owne countrey , least private interest or respects might make him partiall . Yet a Country is much larger than a Parish , and a grave learned Judge is presumed to have more temper than such homebred fellowes . Thus we see what a Pandoras box this pretended holy Discipline is , full of manifold mischiefes , and to all orders of men most pernicious . CHAP. XIII . That the Covenant to introduce this Discipline is void and wicked , with a short Conclusion . BUt yet the conscience of an Oath sticks deep . Some will plead , that they have made a Covenant with God , for the introduction of this Disciplne . Oaths and Vowes ought to be made with great judgement and broken with greater . My next task therefore must be to demonstrate this clearly , that this Covenant is not binding , but meerly void , and not onely void but wicked ; so as it is necessary to break it , and impious to observe it . The first thing that cracks the credit of this new Covenant is , that it was devised by strangers , to the dishonour of our Nation , imposed by Subjects , who wanted requisite power upon their Sovaraign and fellow-subjects , extorted by just feare of unjust sufferings . So as I may truly say of many who took this Covenant , that they sinned in pronouncing the words with their lips , but never consented with their hearts to make any vow to God. Again , errour and deceite make those things voluntary to which they are incident , espcially when the errour is not meerly negative by way of conce●lement of truth , when a man knowes not what he doth , but positive , when he beleeves he doth one thing , and doth the clean contray , and that not about some inconsiderable accidents , but about the substantiall conditions . As if a Physitian , either out of ignorance or malice , should give his Patient a deadly poyson under the name of a cordiall , and bind him by a solemn oath to take it , the Oath is void , necessary to be broken , unlawfull to be k●pt ; if the patient had known the truth , that it was no cordiall , that it was poyson , he would not have sworn to take it : Such an errour there is in the Covenant with a witnesse , to gull men with a strange , unknown , lately devised platforme of Discipline , most pernicious to the King and Kingdome , as if it were the very institution of Christ , of high advantage to the King and Kingdome , to gull them with that Covenant which King Iames did sometimes take , as if that and this were all one , whereas that Covenant issued out by the Kings Authority , this Covenant without his Authority , against his Authority ; that Covenant was for the Lawes of the Realm , this is against the Lawes of the Realm ; that was to maintain the Religion established , this to overthrow the Religion established : But because I will not ground my Discourse upon any thing that is disputable , either in matter of Right , or Fact ; And in truth , because I have no need of them , I forgive them these advantages , onely with this gentle memento , That when other forraign Churches , and the Church of Soctland it selfe ( as appeares by their publike Liturgy used in those dayes ) did sue for aid and assistance from the Crown and Kingdom of England , they did not go about to obtrude their owne Discipline upon them , but left them free to choose for themselves . The grounds which follow are demonstrative ; First , no man can dispose that by vow , or otherwise , either to God or man , which is the right of a third person without his consent : Neither can the inferiour oblige himself to the prejudice of his Superiour , contrary to his duty , without his Superiours allowance : God accepts no such pretences , to seem obsequious to him , out of the undoubted right of another person . Now the power of Armes , and the defence of the Lawes , and portection of the Subjects by those Armes , is by the Law of England clearly invested in the Crowne . And where the King is bound in conscience to protect , the Subject is bound in conscience to assist . Therefore every English Subject owes his Armes and his Obedience to his King , and cannot dispose them as a free gift of his owne ; nor by any act of his whatsoever diminish his Soveraignes right over him , but in those things wherein by Law he owes subjection to his Prince , he remaineth still obliged , notwithstanding any Vow or Covenant to the contrary ; especially when the subject and scope of the Covenant is against the konwn Lawes of the Realm . So as without all manner of doubt , no Divine or Learned Casuist in the world dissenting : This Covenant is either void in it self , or at least voided by his Majesties Proclamation , prohibiting the taking of it , and nullifying its obligation . Secondly , It is confessed by all men that , that an Oath ought not to be the bound of iniquity , nor doth oblige a transgressour . The golden rule is , in malis pr●missis rescinde fidem , in turpi voto muta decretum , To observe a wicked engagement doubles the sinne : Nothing can be the matter of a Vow or Covenant , which is evidently unlawfull . But it is evidently unlawfull for a Subject or Subjects to alter the Lawes established by force , without the concurrence , and against the commands of the Supreme Legislator , for the introduction of a forraign Discipline . This is the very matter and subject of the Covenant . Subjects vow to God , and swear one to another to change the Lawes of the Realm , to abolish the Discipline of the Church , and the Liturgy lawfully established , by the Sword , ( which was never committed to their hands by God or man , ) without the King , against the King , which no man can deny in earnest to be plain rebel●ion . And it is yet the worse , that it is to the main prejudice of a third order of the Kingdom , the taking away whose rights without their consents , without making them satisfaction , cannot be justified in point of conscience , ( Yea though it were for the greater convenience of the Kingdom , as is most falsely pretended , ) And is harder measure than the Abbots and Friers received from Hanry the eight , or than either Christians or Turkes do offer to their conquered enemies . Lastly a supervenient oath or covenant either with God or man , cannot take away the obligation of a just oath precedent . But such is the Covenant , a subsequent oath , inconsistent with , and destuructive to a precedent oath , that is the oath of Supremacy , which all the Church-men throughout the Kingdome , all the Parliament men at their admission to the house , all persons of quality throughout England have taken . The former oath acknowledgeth the King to be the onely supreame head , ( that is civill head to see that every man do his duty in his calling , ) and Governour of the Church of England , The second aoth or covenant , to set up the Presbyterian Gouernment as it is in Scotland , denieth all this virtually , maks it a politicall papacy , acknowledgeth no governors but onely the Presbyters . The former oath gives the King the supream power over all persons , in all causes , The second oath gives him a power over all persons , ( as they are subjects , ) but none at all in Ecclesiasticall causes , This they make to be sacriledge . By all which it is most apparent , that this Covenant was neither free nor deliberate , nor valide . nor lawfull , nor consistent with our former oathes , but inforced , deceitfull , invalid , impious , rebellious , and contradictory to our former ingagements , and consequently obligeth no man to performance , but all men to repentance . For the greater certainty whereof I appeale , upon this stating of the case , to all the learned Casuists and Divines in Europe , touching the point of common right ; And that this is the true state of the case , I appeal to our adversaries themselves . No man that hath any spark of ingenuity will denie it . No English-man who hath any tolerable degree of judgement , or knowledge in the laws of his countrey , can denie it , but at the same instant his conscience must give him the lie . They who plead for this rebellion , dare not put it to a triall at law , they doe not ground their defence upon the lawes , but either upon their own groundlesse jealosie and fears , of the Kings intention to introduce Popery , to subvert the lawes , and to ensla●e the people . This is to run into a certain crime , for fear of an uncertain . They who intend to pick quarrels , know how to feign suspicions . Or they ground it upon the succ●sse of their arms , or upon the Soveraigne right of the people , over all lawes and Magistrates , whose Representatives they create themselves , whilest the poor people sigh in corners , and dare not say their soul is their own , lamenting their former folly , to have contributed so much to their own undoing . Or lastly upon Religion , the cause of God , the worst plea of all the rest , to make God accessary to their treasons , murthers , covetousnesse , ambition . Christ did never authorise Subjects to plant Christian Religion , much lesse their own fancticall dreames , or fantasticall devises , in the blood of their Soveraigne , and fellow subjects . Speak out , is it lawfull for Subjects to take up arms against their Prince meerly for Religion ? or is it not lawfull ? If ye say it is not lawfull , ye condemn your selves , for your Covenant testifieth to the world , that ye have taken up armes , meerly to alter Religion , and that ye bear no Allegiance to your King , but onely in order to Religion , that is in plain terms , to to your own humours and conceits . If ye say it is lawfull , ye justifie the Independents in England , for supplanting your selves , ye justifie the Anabaptists in Germany , Iohn of Leyden and his cure . Ye break down the banks of Order , and make way for an inundation of bloud and confusion in all Countreys . Ye render your selves justly odious to all Christian Magistrates , when they see , that they owe their safety not to your good wills , but to your weaknesse , that ye want sufficient strength to cut their throats . This is fine doctrine for Europe , wherein there is scarce that King or State , which hath not Subjects of different opinions and communions in Religion . Or lastly if ye say , it is lawfull for you to plant that which ye apprehend to be true Religion , by force of arms , but it is not lawfull for others to plant that which they apprehend to be true Religion by force , because yours is the Gospel , theirs is not . Ye beg the question , and make your selves ridiculously partiall by your overweening opinion , worse than that of the men of China , as if yee onely had two eyes , and all the rest of the world were stark blind . There is more hope of a fool , then of him that is wise in his own eyes . I would to God we might be so happy as to see a Generall Councell of Christians , at least a Generall Synod of all Protestants , and that the first Act might be to denounce an Anathema Maranatha , against all brochers and maintainers of seditious principles , to take away the scandall which lyes upon Christian Religion , and to shew that in the search of piety , we have not lost the principles of humanity . In the mean time , let all Christian Magistrates , who are principally concerned , beware how they suffer this Cockatrice egg● be hatched in their Dominions . Much more how they 〈◊〉 for Baal , or Baal-Berith , the Baalims of the Covenant . 〈◊〉 were worth the inquiring , whether the marks of Antio●● do not agree as eminently to the Assembly Generall of S●●●land , as either to the Pope , or to the Turk : This we 〈◊〉 plainly , that they spring out of the ruines of the 〈◊〉 Magistrate , they sit upon the Temple of God , and they ●●●vance themselves above those whom holy Scripture 〈◊〉 Gods. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29197-e540 Syn. Gen. 1647. Declar. Parl. 1648. &c. Assemb Gen. Anno. 1556. Notes for div A29197-e800 Can. 50. Ench. cand . S. min. ex decreto fal . The Edit . Gron. 1645. pag. 161. Les ordium Eccles. printed at Geneva 1562. pag. 66. ●ag . 20. Pagin . 20. Pag. 9. Pag. 11. Octob. 10. 1597. Assemb . Abherd . 1600. 1. Book disc . 1. head . Ass. D●n . 1580. Parl. 1584. 1. Book discip . 4. and 6. head . Anno. 203. 1606. Ass. Glasg . 1610. Parl. Edenb . 1612. Ass. Edenb . 1590. 2. Book disc . Chap. 9. 1. Book disc . 6. head . Ibidem . Ibidem . Ibidem . Ass. Edenb . 1647. Ass. Glasg . 1581. Ass. Edenb . 1590. Ass. Edenb . 1591. 2. Book disc . Chap. 7. Chap. 12. Ass. Edenb . 1570. ● . Book disc . Chap. 7. Chap. 12. ● . Book disc . Chap. 1. Theoremata III. imp . Edenb . 1647. decreto Synodi Theor. 4. Theor. 9. Theor. 68. Informatio● . ●r●m S●otland pag. 1● . Theor. 98. Theor. 82. Theor. 〈◊〉 Theor. 50 , ●1 . Ibid. 1. Book disc . ●hap . 10. Theor 84 , and ●5 . Ibidem . Theo● . 48. Theor. 97. Theor. 88. Theor. 82. Theor. 82. Theor. 91 , 92. Notes for div A29197-e2560 1582. A●● . Saint Andrews , 1532. Ass. Saint Andrews , 15●● . Notes for div A29197-e2760 Eccl. Ord. p 14. Declar 1581. 2 Book disc . chap. 11. At Fdenb . 1567. Master David Blake , 1596. Notes for div A29197-e3620 1 Book di●c 7. head . 2 Book disc . Chap. 12. Theor. 8. Notes for div A29197-e3880 1 Book di●● head 9. Ibid. Ass. Eden● . 1594. Par. Ed. 1594. Gen ' 49 ● Vindicatiou of Commissioners : J●n . 6. 1648. Notes for div A29197-e4150 1 Book disc . 7 he●d . 2 Book disc . Chap. 7. 1 Book disc . 9 h●ad and Theor. 6● . Theor. 47 , 48. Vindicat. com . p. 6. Solemn acknowl●dgem●●● . Octob. 6 1648. Theor. 6● . vindication . ● . 5 ▪ Humble advise Edenb . 〈◊〉 10. 1648. : A●s . D●●b . 1598. Ass. Edenb . 1597. a Book disc . ch . 7. Vindication pag. 11. p 10. 1582. 1583. Ass. Edenb . 1582. Sept. 27. 1648. Ar. 3. Theor. 84. A●n . 1562. Ass. Edenburg ; 1593. Notes for div A29197-e4980 〈◊〉 1596. Notes for div A29197-e5210 1 Cor. 1. ● . 1 Kings ● , ●●● 158●● Febr. 16● At Saint Gil●● Church . Notes for div A29197-e5460 〈…〉 De●la● . Notes for div A29197-e5750 Sco●t 〈◊〉 pag. 57.58 . 1 ●o●ok dis . 7. head . Theor , 63. 1 Book 9 ●ead Pag. 44. Sco● ▪ lit . 4● . 47. 1 Book dis . 7. hea● . 79. Arti●l . 1599. Scot. Lit. 47 Notes for div A29197-e6090 Motus B●●●nici 〈◊〉 1 Book dis . 9 hea● . 1 Book dis . 9 he●d . 
A19531	----	The mother and the child A short catechisme or briefe summe of religion, gathered out of Mr. Cragges Catechisme, for the fitting of little children, for the publick ministery. With short, very comfortable and fruitfull meditations on the Lords Prayer. Together with other briefe and profitable meditations on the seuen penitentiall psalmes. Craig, John, 1512?-1600. 1611 Approx. 133 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 108 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A19531 STC 5961.5 ESTC S116725 99851941 99851941 17237 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19531) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17237) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1375:11) The mother and the child A short catechisme or briefe summe of religion, gathered out of Mr. Cragges Catechisme, for the fitting of little children, for the publick ministery. With short, very comfortable and fruitfull meditations on the Lords Prayer. Together with other briefe and profitable meditations on the seuen penitentiall psalmes. Craig, John, 1512?-1600. Du Vair, Guillaume, 1556-1621. [212] p. Printed by H. L[ownes] for T. M[an] & Ionas Man, and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot in Pater-noster Rowe, London : 1611. In 3 parts; "Comfortable and fruitfull meditations on the Lords Prayer" and "Briefe and profitable meditations on the 7. penitentiall psalmes" each have separate dated title pages; register is continuous. The catechism, which the Stationer's Register entry indicates was "collected by a poore man" of the Company of Stationers, has a few phrases resembling those in STC 5962 but is so condensed, rearranged, and adapted as to be a different text; it may be related to STC 21496.3. The meditations on the penitential psalmes are taken from G. Du Vair's "Méditation sur les pseaumes de la pénitence de David", in a different translation from STC 7373.6. --STC. Du Vair's Méditation was published as part of 'La saincte philosophie'. Signatures: A-I¹² (-A1, I12). Formerly STC 5955. Identifed as STC 5955 on UMI microfilm. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Catechisms -- Early works to 1800. 2005-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE MOTHER AND the Child . A short Catechisme or briefe summe of Religion , gathered out of Mr. Cragges Catechisme , for the fitting of little Children , for the publick Ministery . With short , very comfortable and fruitfull Meditations on the Lords Prayer . Together with other briefe and profitable Meditations on the seuen penitentiall Psalmes . London printed by H. L. for T. M. & Ionas Man , and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot in Pater-noster Rowe . 1611. A Short Catechisme . Mother . WHo made you ? Child . God. M. VVhy did God make you ? C. To serue him . M. How will God be serued ? C. According to his word . M. VVhere is that word written ? C. In the old and new Testament . M. VVhat is the olde Testament ? C. The Law of God. M. VVhat is the Law of God ? C. To loue God and my neighbour . M. VVhat doth the Law shew vs ? C. Condemnation . M. VVhether doth the lawe lead vs ? C. To Iesus Christ our Sauiour : M. VVhat is the new Testament ? C. The Gospell of Christ . M. What is the Gospell of Christ ? C. The power of God to saluation . M. To whom ? C. To them that doe beleeue . M. In whom do you beleeue ? C. I beleeue in God the Father , &c. M. Why doe you say , I beleeue , and not wee beleeue ? C. Euery one must bee saued by his owne faith . M. Why doe you call God Father ? C. Hee is so to vs in Christ Iesus . M. Why doe you call God Almightie ? C. Because he rules all things . M. Why is this added ; maker of heauen and earth ? C. Because we should seeke God in his creatures . M. Why should we seeke God in his creatures ? C. Wee cannot comprehend his diuine Maiesty otherwise . M. Why do you beleeue in Iesus Christ ? C. Because hee is God. M. VVhy is he called Iesus ? C. Because he saueth vs from our sinnes . M. Why is hee called Christ ? C. Because hee is our King , Priest , and Prophet . M. VVhy is he our King ? C. Because he ruleth vs. M. VVhy our Priest ? Because hee prayeth for vs. M. VVhy our Prophet ? C. Because he teacheth vs. M. VVhat gather yee of this ? C. Whom hee doth not rule and teach , hee will not pray for them . M. Why is he called Gods onely Sonne ? C. He is so by nature , and we by grace . M. VVhy was he conceiued by the holy Ghost ? C. Because hee should be without sinne , and so sanctifie vs. M. Why was he borne of the Virgin Mary ? C. To shew that hee was a very man. M. VVhy did hee suffer death ? C. To deliuer vs from death . M. VVhat was Pontius Pilate ? C. A wicked Iudge . M. VVhy was he crucified on the Crosse ? C. Because that death was accursed of God. M Why was he buried in a new graue ? C. To shew that hee rose againe by his own power . M. Why did he rise againe ? C. For our Iustification . M VVhy did he descend into hell in his soule , to the place of the damned ? C. To deliuer vs from thence . M. VVhy did he ascend into heauen ? C. To take possession for vs , and to make intercession for vs. M. VVhat is meant by sitting at the right hand of God ? C. That all power is giuen him in heauen and earth . M. Hath God a right hand ? C. No : but it s spoken for our capacitie . M. VVhat is it to vs , that Christ shall come to iudge ? C. Great comfort . M. Why ? C. Because our Sauior shal be our Iudge . M. What meane you by the quick and the dead ? C. Them that bee aliue then , and them that bee dead before . M. Why doe you beleeue in the holy Ghost ? C. Because hee is God. M. Be there three Gods ? C. No : one God , and three persons . M. Which be they ? C. The Father , Son , and holy Ghost . M. What is the Church ? C. A company of elect people appointed of God to bee saued . M. How many markes hath it ? C Three : preaching of the word , ministring of the Sacraments and discipline . M. What is preaching ? C. A solemne declaration , and true interpretation of the worde of GOD by doctrine to beget faith , and increase it . M. What is a Sacrament ? C. A publicke action , ordained of God , being a visible signe signifying Christ : to bee vsed of his Church , for the strengthening of faith , till Christ come againe . M. How many Sacraments be there ? C. Two : Baptisme , and the Lords Supper . M. What is Baptisme ? C. The first Sacrament of the new Testament , that sealeth vnto vs by the washing of water , the forgiuenes of sins by the bloud of Christ . M. What is the Lords Supper ? C The second Sacrament of the newe Testament , that sealeth vnto vs by receiuing bread and wine , the partaking with Christ and his benefits . M. Who must receiue this Sacrament ? C. They that can examine themselues . M. Who must deliuer the Sacraments ? C. They that haue authority to preach the word . M. Which of the Sacraments haue ye receiued ? C. Baptisme . M. Why receiue yee not the Lords Supper ? C. Because wee bee children , and ignorant , and cannot discerne the Lords body . M. What is discipline ? C. Orders in the Church , agreeable with the word . M. How long must these Orders continue ? C. Till Iesus Christ come againe . M. What if any be not of the Church ? C. They that be not of the communion of Saints , cannot haue the forgiuenesse of sins . M. What is the forgiuenes of sinnes ? C. Iustification , peace of conscience , ioy in the holy Ghost , and deliuerance from the wrath to come . M. Doe ye beleeue that your bodies shall rise againe ? C. Yea , but of another qualitie . M. What reason haue ye for it ? C. It is a matter of faith , and not of reason . M. What haue yee to strengthen your faith ? C. The almightinesse of God : and the likenes of Christ . M. What learne you by this ? C. That God beeing Almightie can doe things impossible . M. What more ? C. That Christ died and rose againe : and so shall we . M. Shall not the wicked also rise againe ? C. Yes : but to euerlasting paine , as the godly to euerlasting ioy . M. Doe yee beleeue all these articles of our Creed ? C. Yea : and the Lord strengthen my weake beliefe . Commandements . M. What is the Law of God ? C. To loue God and my neighbour . M. Of how many commandements doth the law consist ? C. Of ten . M. How bee they diuided . C. Into two tables . M. How many are in the first table ? C. Foure : which shew our dutie to God. M How many in the ●●cond table ? C. Six : which shew our dutie to our neighbour . M. Which is the first commandement ? C. Thou shalt haue no other Gods , &c. M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. Atheisme , Papisme , Ignorance , and Infidelitie . M. What is the second commandement ? C. Thou shalt not make to thy selfe &c. M. What is the breach 〈◊〉 ? C. To worship God according to mens inuentions . M. What is the third commandement ? C. Thou shalt not take the name &c. M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. Vaine swearing , and a wicked conuersation . M. What is the fourth commandement ? C. Remember that thou keep holy &c. M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. In doing any thing of our own , for profit or pleasure . M. What is the fift commandement ? C. Honour thy Father and thy Mother , &c. M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. Disobedience to our Superiours : or want of duty to our Inferiours . M. What is the sixt commandement ? C. Thou shalt not kill . M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. Vnlawfull smiting of the hand , or malice of the heart . M. VVhat is the seuenth commandement ? C. Thou shalt not commit adulterie . M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. All vncleannesse of bodie and minde . M. What is the eight commandement ? C. Thou shalt not steale . M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. The taking away of my neighbors goods , by fraude or violence . M. What is the ninth commandement ? C. Thou shalt not beare false witnes . M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. All lying and backbiting . M. What is the tenth commandement ? C. Thou shalt not couet &c. M. What is the breach of this commandement ? C. All euill desires and motions of the heart . They that will see this more at large , let them reade Mr. Dod on the commandements . M. To whom doest thou pray ? C. To God alone . M. In whose name ? C. In the name of Iesus Christ . M. After what manner ? C. As Christ taught his disciples . M. What be the words ? C. Our Father , &c. M. How many Petitions bee there in this Prayer ? C. Six . M. How bee they diuided ? C. The first three , for the glorie of God : the second , for our commoditie of bodie and soule . M. What bee the first words ? C. Our Father which art in heauen . M. What is meant by this ? C. It is a Preface , to breede reuerence before prayer . M. Why is this title our , and not my ? C. I pray for my brethren , as for my selfe . M. VVhy doe you call God father ? C. Hee is so to vs in Christ Iesus . M. Why doe you place him in Heauen ? C. It is the seat of his Maiestie . M. What is the first Petition ? C. Hallowed bee thy name . M. How is his name hallowed ? C. When wee know him in vnderstanding and in practice . M. What is the second petition ? C. Thy Kingdome come . M. What is meant by this ? C. The kingdome of grace and of glory ? M. What is the third petition ? C. Thy will be done in earth , &c. M. What doe you pray for , here ? C. VVilling obedience and contentation . M. What is the fourth petition ? C. Giue vs this day our dayly bread . M. What doe you aske in this Petition ? C. All things necessary for this present life . M. What is the fift Petition ? C. Forgiue vs our trespasses . M. What is the forgiuenes of sinne ? C. Iustification by Christ . M. What meaneth , as wee forgiue & c ? C. It is our comfort , if we feele our readinesse to forgiue others . M. What is the sixt Petition ? C. Lead vs not into temptation . M. What do you desire in this ? C. To bee kept from those that lead to sinne . M. VVhy is it added , for thine is thy kingdome , power & c ? C. To shew vs that all praise is to be giuen to God at all times . Amen . Wee trust it shall be so . FINIS . COMFORTAble and fruitfull Meditations on the Lords Prayer . LONDON Printed by H. L. for T. M. and Ionas Man : and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot , in Pater noster Rowe . 1611. Meditations vpon the Lords Prayer . O My God , I come vnto thee , as to the cōmon Father of all the world ; euen vnto thee doe I make my supplication , who in the creation and preseruation of all thy works , hast manifested thy more then fatherly loue and affection . I come to thee , as to my true and gracious Father , which hast not onely giuen me my being , life , and motion , as thou diddest to other creatures ; but powred out thy spirit vpon me , and lightened my soule with the heauenly rayes of thy diuinity . I come vnto thee , my God , beeing regenerate and incorporated into thy family , by thy free grace and boundless bounty . I come , hauing appeased the anger of my Father , by the satisfaction of my Redeemer ? I come , because it hath pleased thee to call mee , and to spread out thy gracious armes , ready to receiue me . Receiue me then , not in the austeritie of a iust Iudge , but in the tender compassion of a mercifull Father . And accept this my humble prayer , which my heart hath conceiued , my lippes disclose , and my voice doth send vp to the fauourable eares of my heauenly Father . And since it is thy good pleasure , O Lord , that I thus cal vpon thee , Grant , O grāt I beseech thee gracious God , that it may reach euen vnto thee which art in heauen . I know assuredly that thy throne is in the highest heauens ; that the Sunne , the Moone , and the stars , are vnder thy feet , that the earth is but a point , to thee , and I the least part of the earth , yea , lesse then nothing . VVho then hath made mee so hardy as to dare to lift vp mine eyes to thy most glorious Maiestie ? It is euen thou my God ; who hast set thy selfe so high , to behold all the workes of thine hands , to supply all our wants , and dayly to distill downe thy grace into our hearts , as a most sweet morning deaw . It is thou , who hast said , Aske and yee shall receiue : Call vpon mee , and I will heare thee . But how can I call vpon thee , vnlesse I put my confidence in thee , and take fast hold of thy promises by a firme and fast faith ? O then infuse it into my soule , and engraft it in my heart ; ( for it is a gift that commeth from the store-house of thy grace . ) And as sometimes thou didst cause the mouthes of babes and sucklings to resound thy praise , so at this time gouerne the Infancy , and strengthen the weakenes of my hart , that it may send out that prayer which is acceptable in thy sight . And that it may appeare that the prayer of my lips proceedeth from the meditation of my heart : and that notwithstanding the heauie masse of my sinfull flesh doth oppresse my spirit ; yet , vnder that burthen , it doth breath fotth thy honour and praise . The first request which I make vnto thee , is , that thy name may be sanctified ; or rather that thy Name may so sanctifie mee , as that I may be able to blesse and magnifie it . But , which of thy names shall I blesse . That wherewith thou hast destroyed , and confounded all the enemies of thy people ; or that wherewith thou hast blessed all the Nations of the earth ? Wilt thou bee praised , as Lord of Hostes , the God of power ; or as the Sauiour and Redeemer of the world ? Shall I declare how thou hast made all things of nothing , how thou hast spangled the heauens with starres , adorned the earth with fruits and flowers , watered it with rivers , and filled it with liuing creatures ; yea , and aboue all , hast created man , & formed him after thine owne Image ? Or shall I speak only of this incredible loue , wherby thou hast giuen-ouer vnto death thine only Sonne , that we might bee restored to euerlasting life ? My spirits , O Lord , are too faint for so great an enterprise , and my breath would faile before I could recount the least part of them . Let it therefore suffice , that I sanctifie thy name in an humble and chast thought , and that my minde may euer be fast fixed in the meditation of thy goodnes : forasmuch as it hath pleased thee at all times to bee so good and gracious to mee . So that I and all those whom thou hast placed in this world , as in the midst of a rich and glorious Temple to behold , and admire thy diuine Maiestie ; may wholly apply all our faculties and vnderstanding , to the apprehending of thy will. That so beeing all of vs re-vnited and linked in one and the selfe-same desire to serue thee , thy Kingdome may come : that wee hauing cast off the yoake of sin , which hath so long held vs in thraldome , thy loue alone may rule in our consciences full of happiness and true felicitie . For to obey thee , is to commaund our disordinate affections : to commaund them , is to be Maisters of our selues ; and to bee Maisters of our selues , is more then soueraigne principalitie . A sweet thing it is , to serue thee , O my God : thy yoake is easie : and al the tribute thou exactest of vs , is onely that wee will be willing to be made happie . Confirme and strengthen in vs this will ; and graciously assist the zeale of thy seruants , to the beating downe and repressing of their insolence who blaspheame thy sacred Maiestie : to the ende that thy Law and truth may raigne ouer all the world . O thou King of Kings , who rulest in our hearts , and in our humilitie & obedience doest establish thine Empire ; subdue our wils vnto thy law : that so whilest all of vs , with one accord , shall aime at the same marke , & aspire to the aduancement of thy glorie ; our good workes may testifie the discipline of our heauenly King : to whom ( as his deuoted subiects ) wee render homage and fealtie , for those manifold and great gifts and graces which wee hold of his bountie . But what obeisance can wee render thee ? How can wee attaine to that height of perfection as is due vnto thee ? who is able to sound the depth of thy thoughts ? or who is able to fulfill thy will ? All wee can doe , is but to pray vnto thee that thy will may bee done . For seeing that thou art euen goodnes it selfe , and therefore wilt nothing but what is good , and that with thee to will and to doe , is all one ; wee doe in this Prayer whollie commit our selues to thy will , who art neuer wanting to will vs well , and to do whatsoeuer thou in thy goodnes knowest to be expedient for vs. Whatsoeuer thou hast vvilled , O Lord , hath been done : and from this thy good wil and pleasure , as from an euer-flowing fountaine , are deriued so many good things , as the whole Globe of the earth is filled , and the immense circle of the heauens is beautified therewith . Continue then this thy goodnes vnto vs : and forasmuch as thy loue is as fire , ( which augmenteth where it meeteth with combustible matter ) and that it encreaseth in wel-doing to vs , euen to vs poore miserable wretches , in whose misery and infirmitie , it may finde matter enough to worke vpon ) when I pray to thee , my God , that thy will may bee done , the intent of my prayer is , that it may please thee to roote out of mine hart all worldly wil , which springing from the corruption of the flesh , is no waies compatible with the law of the spirit : That thou wilt neuer giue me the raines to liue at mine owne pleasure : and seeing that thou hast vouchsafed to honour me with so high a title as to be stiled thy sonne , thou wilt not emancipate or giue me ouer to mine affections ; but keepe me vnder the rodde of thy lawe , vnder the tutelage of thy Commandements . So shall I , togither with all those that haue vowed alleageance , and are thy faithfull seruants , readily and cheerefully betake our selues to thy seruice ; and during our abode in this life , striue to set forth thy glorie here on earth : which is sounded without ceasing by that heauenlie quire of blessed Saints and Angels , in thy holie and heauenly habitation . But such is the frailetie of our mortall bodies , daily fading and falling away , that without dayly repairing and sustenance , they make vs vnapt to serue thee ; wee therefore make our daily recourse vnto thee , for such things as are necessarie to the maintenance of our life ; beseeching thee to giue vs our daily bread . But giue vs withall , O God , grace so to vse it and all other good gifts ; that in nourishing our bodies , wee starue not our soules , and make them vnable to attaine to the knowledge of thy truth . That togither with thy bountie , receiuing also thy benediction , we settle not our affections vpon worldly , and transitorie things ; so passing through things temporall that wee finally lose not the eternall . Let not the taste of this earthly bread make vs to forget that heauenly Manna , that bread of life , which nourisheth and cherisheth our feeble soules , filleth our mouthes with heauenlie plenty , and maketh vs the liuing Temples of our God , by receiuing him into our bodies through a stedfast and liuely faith . Grant vnto vs , my God , that by receiuing this bread , our hearts & consciences may bee fullie assured that wee are incorporate with our Redeemer , and become fellow-members of our head Christ Iesus : and that as hee taking vpon him our flesh did vndergoe our death ; so wee clad and inuested with his , may bee made partakers of his immortalitie . And since it hath pleased thee to make vs the vessels and receptacles of thy diuinitie , purifie and cleanse our hearts , and renew and rectifie all our affections , that there may bee nothing to cause thee retire , and leaue vs destitute of thy grace and our saluation . But wee cannot bee cleansed , vnlesse thou forgiue vs our trespasses , and wipe away our iniquities . For wee haue beene slaues vnto sinne and death : and whatsoeuer wee can call ours , belongeth vnto them . Neither haue wee so much as one mite toward the paying of our ransome or acquiting our debt . Of thee therefore must wee expect forgiuenes , who hast once redeemed vs by thy precious bloud , and made vs free from Satan our arch enemie : but wee daily fall againe into the hands of our enemies by committing millions of sins which bring into slauerie , and make vs lyable to grieuous punishment . Yet let not this O my God , cause thee to shutte vp that treasure from vs , whence wee may take the price of our libertie . Let not , O Lord , our obstinacie in back-sliding , take away thy constancy in pardoning : but let thy mercifull hand be euer ready to reforme vs. For sinne euer since the fall of our first father Adam , is as it were incorporated into our sinfull flesh , and dayly increaseth and groweth with vs : so that the older we grow , the fowler and filthier wee appeare , vnlesse it please thee to apply dayly vnto our maladies the merits of thy Passion : that as we by our in-bred corruption do wound and exulcerate our cōscience , so thou wilt gratiously refresh it , by curing our wounds , and suppling them with thine oile of mercy . Otherwise , vvell might we feare , O Lord , least casting downe thine eyes dayly vppon vs , it would as it were grieue thy holy spirit so oft to returne vnto vs , by reason of our manifold sins and offences . O then pardon our offences , that is to say , our whol life : and so pardon vs O heauenly Father , as we forgiue them that haue offended vs. Make vs euermore to set before our eyes that loue wherewith thou hast lou'd vs , in vndertaking the paiment of our debts , and the punishment of our sins . That we may duely consider , how vnreasonable it were for vs to expect that grace of thee which wee can not afford our neighbour ; since there is no comparison betwixt the offences they commit against vs , and those wherwith we offend thy diuine Maiesty . Root out of our hearts all malice , fiercenes , and bitternes : giue vs a calme and peaceable spirit , which may foster and maintaine in vs vnity and brotherly loue , teaching vs to support with gentleness one anothers infirmities . For wee can not but acknowledge , O Lord , how easily we slippe , yea stumble , and tumble , in the slippery paths of this refractorie life . Too too slender is our owne force and abilitie to hold vs on foot , and vphold vs against those whirle-windes which are euer ready to driue vs headlong into Iniquitie . And therefore most earnestly doe we beseech thee , not to forsake vs in our temptations ; but to remoue farre from vs all occasions of offending thee ; and to arme vs against all obiects , with thy Spirit : without which we shall be euer vanquisht ; & by whō wee bee sure to vanquish . For the price and crown of victory is reserued for those and those alone who follow thee their Captaine . Graunt vs then this grace , that whensoeuer any inordinate desire of worldly wealth shall assaile vs ; wee may oppose as a rampier , against it the desire of heauenly gifts and graces , generously scorning and contemning the pelfe and transitorie trash of this world , as iustly suspecting their deceitfulnes & fragility . That we may call to minde that they are but as a cloud , which for a while fleeteth from one country to another , and suddenly vanisheth away and appeareth no more ; & that many times that gold and siluer which wee heape vp with much sweate and trauell , doth serue but to the procuring of our owne damnation . And if it shall please thee to bestowe vpon vs riches in greater aboundance ; grant vnto vs likewise the grace to vse them well , and lovingly and charitably to communicate them to such as haue want . For the whole earth is thine , and wee are but the tillers and tenants thereof : our goods belong vnto thee , and wee are but thy depositaries and vassals . So that if we refuse to impart them to such as demaund them in thy name , thou maiest not onely put vs out of possession , but make vs pay the vsurie of our ingratitude & vnfaithfulnes . Furthermore , we begge of thee , that the false lustre of the honors of this world may not deceiue our dazeled sight , nor drawe vs on to desire more then is expedient for vs. Let it alwaies be imprinted in our hearts and thoughts , that there is no true honour in this wotld , but to serue thee aright ; and that in thy seruice , the seat of honor is lowlinesse , and the greatnes thereof consisteth in humilitie . Furthermore , that this same deceitfull lure , which wee so much admire ( after which we runne our selues out of breath , and all but to our ruine ) is but like an Ignis fatuus , about the riuers , that shineth not but in the darke , and draweth them into mischiefe that vnwarily follow it . Our worldly pompe and secular dignities appear not but in the obscuritie of this world . If once we close our eyes against the heauenly light , they seeme to vs as bright as fire , & their lustre appeareth as burnisht gold : but when we come to follow them , wee fall into swift torrents and daungerous whirl-pooles , where we are plunged , floting in vncertaintie betwixt the willes of Princes , and the vnstedfast opinions of the wauering vulgar , vntill we meete with some rocke of offence : and there wee are crusht . Giue me therefore , O my God , constancie , to withdraw mine affections , and withhold my sight from such vanities ; make mee only ambitious of thy glorie ; let my spirit bee so addressed to immortalitie , that shee make no repose in the choaking smoke of this world . Let mee neuer enuy them that enioy all these fickle goods , and fading honours : but let all my aemulation bee to come as neere as possible to that onely example and perfect patterne of good life which most liuely appeareth in that absolute tabliture of thy most innocent life . That so all the violent passions of anger , rancour , and disdaine , may be banished out of my soule , my heart enflamed with desire to doe good to all , hurt to none , and both bodie and soule may be alwaies watchfull , and dayly emploied about good and laudable workes , neuer languishing in slothfull stupiditie . That this base and infamous gourmondizing ( which abuseth thy good gifts , being drowned in wine , and buried in daintie dishes ) may euer be farre from me . Extinguish also , O heauenly Father , all vnchaste prouocations of the flesh , which allure vs to violate the chastitie of our bodies , and the puritie of the soule . And remoue far from vs all those obiects which may stir vp any slippery and vnchaste affections . To conclude , deliuer vs from all euill , euen from the hands of wicked Angels , not suffering them to haue any power ouer vs. And when we of our selues shall bee running headlong into mischiefe ; preuent vs with speede , draw vs back , and stretch out thy fatherly hand ouer vs , euer readier to shew thy mercy then to execute thy iustice . Saue vs , euen maugre our owne selues ; and let not our backsliding and obstinacie alienate thee from vs , or cause thee to forget , to bee both our mercifull GOD , and also our louing Father . FINIS . BRIEFE AND profitable Meditations on the 7. penitentiall Psalmes . London printed by H. L. for T. M. & Ionas Man : and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot in Pater-noster Rowe . 1611. Meditationes in 7. Psal . poenitentiales . Domine ne in furore . Psalme 6. 1 LEt not the arme of thy heauie displeasure bee lifted vp against mee , O Lord. For that would be as a torrent and violent streame , to carrie me headlong into death and eternall damnation . It would bee as a fire to eate vp my flesh , and turne my carcasse into ashes . What eye is able to looke vp , and not to consume at the very fight of thy wrathful countenance ? when casting thine eye vpon vs , thou shalt pierce the bottome of our hearts , and discouer al the secrets of our impure consciences . Our abhominable sins will draw down vpon our heads thy iust indignation : and thine anger once kindled against vs , wil violently cast and plunge vs into that horrid and griefly gulfe of hopelesse tormēts , and endlesse misery . O then let the sorrowfull sobs of a trembling heart , preuent thy fury and indignanation ; and before thy sin-reuenging hand be stretched out for my ruine and destruction , giue eare vnto my feeble & fainting voice , which with woful laments , crieth vnto thee , Haue mercy , O Lord , haue mercy vpon me . Alas , my God , what wilt thou doe ? Wilt thou proue the strength of thy forces , vpon mine infirmities ? and will thy matchlesse might wrestle with my weaknes ? Is it to contend with thy puissance , that I present my selfe before thee ? Oh no : it is thy clemencie , O Lord , to which I flye for succour : she it is vnder whose wings I shrowde my selfe , as the onely shielde and Sanctuarie , which can preserue me from the rigour of that iust doome , which I haue most iustly deserued . Lord , vouchsafe me , a calme and mercifull aspect . And since I haue made haste to flye vnto thy Mercy-seate , make no long tarrying , O my God , but send mee succour and deliuer me , from so many euills , which haue compassed and hemm'd me in on euery side : and wherwith I haue been so sore assailed , that my bones are bruised and broken , and my feeble body languisheth . But well were it , if my body alone were oppressed by these cruell encounters : my very soule is euen ouerlayed , with anguish and heauiness . This soule , O Lord , which hath sometime been enflamed with the zeale of thy glorie , and hath sung of thy praise , in the great Congregation , is now become desolate & deiected , destitute of comfort , and depriued of all courage : & as the fearefull doue at the voice of thy thunder , hasteth to hide her selfe in her hole ; so is she ready to flye into the most obscure darknes , from the terror of thy fearfull indignation . But how long shall thine anger continue , O Lord ? Come , O come my God , and cast downe thine eye of pitty and compassion vpon mee , which is sufficient to deface and abolish not my sinnes alone , but euen the sinnes of the whole world . My soule is plunged in the filth & foule puddle of iniquitie , shee sticketh fast in the bottom , the floods run ouer her : vnto thee O Lord , doth shee stretch out her hand ; O plucke her out , and bring her againe into the wayes of thy sauing health . Saue her O Lord , euen for thy boundlesse bounty , and thy matchlesse mercies sake . True it is , that merite shee hath none ; and how should shee expect succour from him , whom shee hath so shamefully forsaken , and against whose honour shee hath so treacherously conspired ? The price of such a forfeit , is not grace and fauour , but hell and neuer-dying death . But who shall praise thee O Lord in the pit , or who shall sing of thy name amongst the dead ? There is the house of mourning , weeping , & howling . Who hath there any feeling saue only of vnsupportable torments , and hopelesse miseries ? whereas on the contrarie , thy praise consisteth in the publishing of thy infinite louing kindnes , bounty , and clemency . 6 And now behold , on the one side , true Repentance intercedeth , on the other side humble Prayer importuneth , for me ; both of them hauing sworne neuer to depart from me , vntill they haue procured a recōciliation for me . Thou hast seen my teares O Lord , and heard my sighes : euery day wash I my cheekes with teares , at the remembrance of my sinnes , and water my couch euerie night with the streames of of water that gush out of mine eyes . Yea , what is it , that Repentance commandeth and I obserue not ? 7 Mine eyes are cast down , as trembling at the terror of thine angry countenance . I doe not answere to the reproach of mine enemies , and their contumelious taunts I patiently put vp , as a iust punishment for my faults . Euen in their sight doe I walke with sack-cloth and ashes vpon mine head , and confession in my mouth : I lye prostrate at the foote of thine aultar : I macerate and fight against the flesh , which hath betraied my soule to sinne ; and all my griefe is but a sport vnto mine enemies : they come about mee , but to laugh at mee : and the drunkards make songs on me . But , now , since it hath pleased thee to haue mercy on me , I wil say vnto them , Away , away , from mee all ye children of iniquitie , and cease henceforth to reioice at my miserie : the Lord hath heard my prayer , my teares haue quencht his anger ; and loe , now hath hee restored me ioy and peace , with the full fruition of his bounty : the glorious splendour of his grace hath shined vpon me ; and loe , the darke clouds and threatening tempests which hanged ouer my head , are , in a trice , all dispearsed and gone . No sooner had I opened my lippes to call vpon him for succour ; yea , no sooner had my heart resolued to cry to him for mercie , but straight I perceiued his grace spread ouer me , to comfort and refresh my languishing soule ; no lesse then the benumd members of a wearied pilgrim , are suppled and refresht by a warme bath after his toilsome trauell . O incredible clemencie ! how ready art thou O Lord to forgiue ? I runne to offend thee , and thou flyest to bestowe thy grace on mee . I haue employed all the daies of my life , to finde out by sea and by land , matter for my ambition , couetousnes , lustes , and inconstancy : and when I had plunged & ruined my selfe in my pleasures , thou in a moment camst downe , and didst deliuer mee . So that now behold how I triumph ouer my sins , which base and abiect , doe follow the trophees of my repentance , since it hath found fauour in thy fight . And now also my hope , which before was as it were strangled with my many misdeedes , being reuiued , and his spirits quickened , doth promise and assure vnto mee more then all the Empires of the world , opening vnto mee the highest heauens , where after the blessed end of an hopefull life in this world , I shall enioy the full fruition , of diuine immortalitie . What will then become of mine enemies , when they shall see my felicitie ? Their meed shall bee confusion of face , and disquietnes of soule ; they shal flye with distraction and amazement , to see him so highly exalted , vvhome they had sought to lay so lowe . These are they that made a mock at mine ashes , that derided my fastings , that reioyced at my teares , and ( whilest I through abstinence did fight against the flesh , the bitter enemy of my soule ) did euen swim in the delights of this bewitching world : but lo , the arme of the Lord is stretched out to beate downe their insolency . O my God giue them a feeling of their offences , and cause them to know & acknowledge the extreame danger wherein they are ; that so they may call vpon thee the onely remedie for all their mischief . And as for me , since thou hast cleansed my soule from that filth wherewith it was stained , and enflamed my spirit with the fire of thy loue ; teach my lippes that they may sound forth thy praise : addresse my voice to resound thy mercy : and so conduct and guide mine affection , that I may loue thee sincerely , and account it my greatest happinesse and soueraigne felicitie , to know thee , and thy sacred truth . Beati quorum . Psalme 32. O My God ; how happie are they whose offences thou hast pardoned ; and whose sins thou hast buried in obliuion . For alas ; what can befal vnto him , vpon whom thou shalt lay the iust punishment of his iniquitie ? Whole legions of euil besiege him , pouertie assaults him , maladies afflict him , famine presseth him , and death it selfe ( which hee wisheth for , as the hauen of rest after all these tempestuous nauigations ) proues but a gulfe to swallow him downe , vnto eternall torments . O then thrice happy and blessed are those , of whose actions God doth not take account , but is content that they humble themselues before him , acknowledging their infirmitie , and laying open before him the very secrets of their hearts . For by true and vnfained confession , and in sincerity of conscience , must we call vpon his mercy ; and before him must wee humble our selues , if wee will haue him to heare vs. [ And ] as hee that goeth for water of the fountaine , doth put downe the mouth of his vessell to take in the water : so must he humble himselfe before his creator , that meanes to drawe and taste of the water of this sacred source , from whence distill those streames which ( and they onely ) can purifie our stained consciences . I haue thought sometime O my GOD , to hide my faults from thee ; and haue said within my selfe , and how knoweth he , whether I haue done it or no ? and so my sin tooke root within my bones . And as the vlcers of a shamefast Patient , which dareth not shew his maladie to the Chirurgion , doe fester and rankle and encrease euen to the destruction of the vvhole bodie : so these very vices which I hidde from thee , wholly infected me . But when thy hand had beene heauy vpon mee day and night , and when thou hadst laid such sore trouble vpon my loynes , and so many misfortunes vppon my soule , that my spirite could take no rest , and that I was broken with the stinging of my conscience , which did pierce my verie heart ; then did I acknowledge my faultes , and that thy hand had done : this . Looke vpon mee , O Lord , but not in thine anger : and let those teares , whose gushing streames haue dimd my sight , quench the heate of thy iust indignation , since I am not onely the worke of thy hands ; but which is more , the liuing image of thy Diuinitie . Who will be so farre ledde with anger , as to bruise and breake in peeces , that worke which hee hath had so great delight to polish , and bring to perfection , because hee seeth it filthy and polluted ? I confesse ( O Lord ) this image of thine is full of pollution and vncleannes : yet better wil it be to cleanse & scoure it , then to break it & treade it vnder foote . O teach mee , then my God , what thou wilt require for my satisfaction : for loe , now haue I disclosed and acknowledged all my faults , which before I concealed . The feare which had seised on mee , when I hid my selfe from thee , is now since I humbled my selfe before thee , turned into hope of grace & pardon . And now do I cast my selfe into thine armes , as my most assured succour , with the humble demeanour of a poore patient , who presenting his wounds vnto the surgeon , lookes on him attentiuely , and suffers courageously , both the searcher and the knife , for the desire and hope that hee hath to bee cured of them . But that which putteth me in greatest hope of health , is , that those vices , wherein heretofore I tooke greatest pleasure , are now no lesse odious in my sight , then are those meates whereof a man did eat to the full , being in health , whē he is sick of their surfeit : that which had made me haughty and insolent , doth now breede in me shame and remorse , when I consider the hazard of death , wherevnto my pride hath exposed my poore wretched soule . Blessed bee the day , wherein I acknowledged my faulte : now haue I receiued a singular testimonie of thy bounty towards me , O my God. Grant therefore that this pleasure which I haue taken by beeing displeased with my selfe , may bee as durable , as that vvhich before I tooke , to continue in my sinnes . For if I may haue as much contentment in my repentance , as I haue taken in my sinne ; my happinesse shall be euen equall to that of the Angels ; and I shall finde , that through my humiliation , before thee , I haue mounted to the height of thy grace . Who can doubt O Lord , but that thou hast receiued me vnto mercy ? thou whose clemencie and mercy is not onely vnspeakeable , but also incomprehensible . No sooner had I thought to returne vnto thee , but thou preuentedst me : no sooner had I said , I wil confesse my misdeedes , but thy grace was granted me : no sooner had I knowne the punishment due to my sinne , but thou didst pardon mee : no sooner had I taken the rods in mine hands to chastise my flesh , but thou didst take them from mee : in a word , I looked when thou wouldst denounce warre against mee , and loe thou offeredst a louing reconciliation . O how much more willing art thou O Lord , to pardon then to punish ! Can a louing father more tenderly receiue his childe , when hee cryeth him mercie , then thou receiuedst me , when I cast my selfe downe at thy feet ? Therefore my heart danceth for ioy , and boileth with a feruent desire to praise thy Name : it reioiceth in thy grace , and accuseth none for what is done amisse , but it selfe ; crying , it is I that willed and consented to do it : it is I that did it : it is I that pleased my selfe with it : but my God hath been mercifull vnto mee . And how could he withhold his mercy from me , when his holy one made intercession for mee ? And needfull it was , alas , that hee should intercede for mee , when the impietie of my heart had so blinded my vnderstanding by my vvicked thoughts , that my soule was not able any longer to lift her hands vnto heauen . What then remained for me , but that he whom thou denyest nothing , should mediate for mee ? euen for mee , who beeing become my owne enemy , had now no knowledge nor will to pray for my selfe . But now am I comforted , since it hath pleased thee to open mine eyes , that I might see the deformitie of mine owne conscience , and that thou hast mollified my stonie heart , that I might entertaine contrition in my soule . Which though I haue not perform'd so soon as I ought to haue done : yet not so late , but thou hast vouchsafed to receiue mee , as thy custome is , to them that doe not let passe all time and occasion of repentance . For those that runne vnto sinne , and doe voluntarily neglect to repent , when they know their fault , and haue time to repent , deferring to cry for mercy ( or to make a deluge flow from their eyes ) vntil the end of their liues ; it is greatly to bee feared , that they deceiue themselues ; and that true repentance will hardly after so long time , enter into their hardened hearts : that their teares and weeping , will be but the wayling of men in desperation , and that thy mercie will lend but a deaf eare to their too late repentance . But as for mee , I come vnto thee , in an acceptable time as to my refuge , and the marke whereat my hope aimed , and my onely comfort in my tribulation which had enuironed me , euen as the feare seiseth vpon him , who is condemned to a shameful end . O then let mee taste of that ioy , which hee hath in his heart , who is freed from his chaines , enlarged out of prison , and healed of his paine , wherein his enemy had long time held him captiue . And on the contrarie , let the enemie of my soule bee confounded with shame , when hee shall see me so deuoutly calling vpon my God for aide : who in the very turning of his eye , can free me from that voluntarie seruitude , which I had vowed vnto wicked pleasure . When I was on me . He hath not onely exalted mee aboue other creatures , giuing me the vse of diuine reason , but also amongst men hath hee exalted me , into the throne of honour and magnificence ; so that nothing was remaining , for the accomplishing of my felicitie , but onely to know my owne felicitie : and after I had forgotten mine owne estate , hee did enlighten mee by his holy light , and gaue mee both time and will to lament my life passed , and to amend it for the time to come . Be warned then by mee , O my friends , and whilst it is time runne vnto him for grace ; for hee himselfe doth call you , into the way of saluation : and bee not like the selfe-wilde Mule , which hath no vnderstanding or iudgement , but kicketh against him that pricketh her , to make her go right : whose mouth must bee held with bit , and bridle , & whose sides must feele the sharpe remembrance of the spurre . And so if at the first summons , which the Lord shall send to cause you returne into his wayes , you will not be obedient to his will , hee shall raine vpon you such a haile of miseries , as shall make you more miserable then miserie it selfe . You see the starres that glitter in the heauens , and the sand stretched vpon the shoare : but neither hath the heauens so many starres , nor the sea so much sand , as are the plagues and punishments , which remaine for the obstinate sinners . Their owne wickednes hangeth ouer their heads , mischiefe attends at their heeles , vntill they fall headlong into that gulf , the very remembrance whereof is full of horrour ; the sweetest retraites whereof , are but plaints , cries , shreekes , and sorrowfull sobbes : where is paine without end , griefe without remedie , repentāce without mercy : where they are alwaies dying , and neuer dead ; where the bodie liueth onely to die , and the soule only to suffer torments : where the soule feeleth nothing but sinne , and the bodie nothing but paine . On the contrarie , they who flye vnto the Lord , and the couert of his grace , who shielde themselues vnder his mercy , and put their trust in his bountie , who follow his cōmandement , and are zealous to doe his will ; vnto what height of happinesse doe they aspire ? What thing is there so precious in heauen that shal be hid from them ? they shall sit by their God , and all enuironed with glorie , shall bee inuested with greater happinesse , then the spirit of man is able to conceiue the least part therof , much lesse my faultring tongue able to expresse . I will bee glad therefore and reioice , O my God , to think how great good thou hast laide vp in the heauens , wherewith to crown the iust . And I inuite you all to reioice with me , who haue sworn vnto the words of our Sauiour , and loue the straight path of his iustice . Here must you attend the recompence of your trauell : here shall you bee placed in honour and glory : here shall you chaunge your rude thornes of the world , for the beautifull flowre-delice of heauen . O how gracious and sweet repose , shall you then find after the sweat of your afflictions . The golde is not more pure and glorious , after it hath beene refined in the furnace , and made readie to receiue the stampe and image of a great Prince or serue for an ornament to some rich cabinet , then the heart of him who loueth his God , when it commeth pure out of the furnace of the worlds miseries , to bee decked with splendor and glorie . What is there that can content mee in this world ? What shall stay or hinder me from entring into the house of the Lord , to liue for his seruice . How shal I forget to deplore , all the dayes of my life , my sinnes which had put his grace so farre from mee ? Reconcile then in mee , O my God , these two Passions ; of repentance , and consolation : that as the wandring Pilgrim hauing lost his waye in the wilderderness , reioyceth when he seeth the day to dawne , and yet forgetteth not the obscure darknes , whence hee is yet scarce freed , and can not as yet wholy cast off the feare , which he had of so tedious a night : so I may euer retaine some horrour of my faults passed , and yet haue a certaine and ioyfull hope of eternall happiness , which thou hast purchased for mee , with the precious price of the bloud of thy most deare sonne . Oh how great is this loue , when the Mr. spareth not the life of his onely Son , to redeeme his slaue ? And now since I haue been formed and fashioned by thy hands , purchased and redeemed with thy bloud , and purified and clensed by thy mercy ; I will offer vp my selfe before thee , as a sacrifice of obedience : cast mee not away , O my God. Domine ne in furore . Psalme 38. IT is high time for me , O Lord , to turne again vnto thee ; and againe as an humble suppliant to implore thy mercy . For I feele thine anger to waxe hote , against mee . Alas my God wilt thou chastise mee in thine anger , and make mee to feele the violence of thy iust indignation , which my sinnes haue prouoked against mee ? The flame hath euen consumed mee , and the fire of thy fury , hath eaten me vp , and I am ready to vanish away into smoake . For I feele O my God , the arrowes of thy vengeance sticke fast in me , and and I am pressed down vnder thy heauy hand . The remorse & terrours of my conscience , do astonish me , and bruise mee like flashes of lightning and thunderbolts : euill commeth vpon mee as a snare , and one mischiefe ouer-taketh another . No sooner is warre ended , but Pestilence assaults mee : and in the ende Death hath taken from me my dearest pledge , which I haue in this world . Wherin then shall I receiue comfort , O my God ? In my selfe ? Alas , there is no health in any part of my body , the marrowe is consumed in my bones ; there is no rest in my bodie : euerie part reproacheth mee with my sinne , and suffereth the paine thereof . I pine away with griefe and heauinesse , and no man comforteth me ; my eyes serue me onely to see my misery : and my soule hath no vnderstanding or knowledge , but only of my wretchednes . I cast mine eyes on euerie side , and I see my sinnes begirt me round about , and I am ready to faint and sink down vnder the burden of mine iniquities : they are mounted aloft vpon my head , and are heauier then I can beare . How shall I resist them ? What strength haue I to defend my selfe ? seeing all my bones are out of ioint . The filth of my sores runneth , the stench and corruption of my wounds , and vlcers is grieuous : and if my body be ill , is my soule any better ? Is not shee also full of confusion , fearfulnes and trembling ? Maladie hath worn away my body , and brought it to the doore of death , and heauiness hath oppressed my soule : and disrobed her of her Vertue : And as the young and tender budde of the Vine is congealed into sheer-wool , by the sharpe cold , and fadeth away : so the finger of the Lord which hath touched my soule , maketh her to languish , faint , and lose her courage . But alas ( O my God ) what courage can I expect to haue , when I see my self so full of sores , and no part of my bodie is exempt from paine ? and which is farre beyond this miserie , the memorie of my deceitfull Pleasures , representeth it selfe vnto me , and casteth mee in the teeth with my vices , and mocketh me for my vanitie . I say vnto my selfe , did I therfore prolong my dayes in the honny of so many delights , that I might after wash away all with the gall of bitter anguish ? Where art thou now O deceitful pleasure , which hast made my soule drunke with the sweet liquor of thy delights ? how hast thou now forsaken me ? Haue I not yet suffered inough O Lord , hath not my humilitie yet sufficiently chastened mine arrogance ? I haue sinned through sottish corruption ; alas , since that I haue cast my selfe downe vpon the earth , I haue couered my head with ashes ; I haue clouen my heart with cryes ; I haue dimmd my eyes with teares , and yet thine anger ceaseth not . Is it possible , O Lord , that thou hast not seene my teares ? Thou who with the very turne of thine eye doest trauerse heauen and earth ; Thou whose sight pierceth the very bottom of our hearts ; Thou Lord knowest my thoughts , and vnderstandest my cogitations . What is it that I desire , but thy mercie ? In what doe I hope , but in thy bountie ? Wherefore , haue I mourned , and made open profession of my repentance , but to condemne my selfe ? And if my tongue hath not sufficiently expressed my minde , and is not able to vtter what I desire ; Thou O Lord , knowest what wee would before we can think it . It is inough that we lift vp our heart vnto thee , and thou wilt presently grant what we desire . But wherefore delayest thou O Lord , to giue thy blessed consolation , which thou hast promised mee ? Alas , I am not able to hold out any longer : my heart faileth mee , my senses are troubled , my sight is waxed dimme , my flitting soule is euen readie to leaue my bodie . All my friends about me do bewaile my death : they haue giuen ouer all hope of my health , all their care is for my exequies , and say amongst themselues , where is the help that he expected from his God ; where is that fauour whereof hee made himself so sure ? They that priuily haue laide wait for my life , are come about me : they haue thought of parting my spoile among them , so hatefull am I become to the world , since thou hast deiected mee . They whispered among themselues , and haue imagined a thousand wayes to doe mee mischiefe : they haue daily laide snares to entrappe me . Hee is ( said they vpon his death-bed , he shall neuer rise vp again ; wherefore should we feare him , who is now but as the shadowe of a man ? As for me I was as deafe as a man that heareth not , and as one that is dumbe I answered them not : my patience was my buckler , and constancie my bulwarke . Euery one that saw my patience in aduersity , said that I was dumb ; because when they reproached , I answered not : he hath ( said they ) put vp all indignities : if there remained in him any sense of honour , how could he shew such little courage ? wee may well iudge him to be guiltie : for innocencie is alwaies hardy and resolute in her owne defence : but notwithstanding all this I held my peace . For why ? my hope is in God : and I am verely perswaded , that hee will assist me . Though all the world band themselues against mee , though heauen and earth conspire my ruine , yet through the help of my God , I shall still be the vanquisher . With the breath of his mouth hath he created all things : and with the same breath he can destroy whatsoeuer it pleaseth him . I will fight vnder his banner , and so I shall be certain of victorie . I haue oft said vnto them , Reioyce not at my harme , and insult not ouer mee , when I am afflicted & tormented ; for the hand of the Lord is not so short , but it may stretch vnto you also , and presume not too much vpon his long suffering ; for as his feete are of wool , so his arme is of iron : if hee once stretch it ouer your heads , O ye impenitent soules , hee vvill breake you in peeces like a potters vessell , and the very remembraunce of you shall be rooted out . As for me , I haue taken the rodde in mine hand , and haue made the print of my condemnation for my sinne on my shoulders : I haue appeared in thy presence O Lord , with teares , in mine eyes , repentance in my mouth , and warre in my heart . I haue beaten downe my selfe , for feare least mine enemie shoulde triumph ouer me . I haue openly confessed my fault , I haue acknowledged my sin in an acceptable time : I haue bin carefull to runne vnto thee for mercie , whilst thou wast to be found . But the more I humble my selfe before thee , to taste of the liuing water of this fountaine of grace , which distilleth from thy bountie , the more mine enemies encrease : and they that would deuoure mee guiltlesse , are mighty . They gather themselues on euerie side , little foreseeing the tempest that will scatter and disperse them . They kindle through their pride , the coales of thine ire : they despite thy power , which they shall too too soone proue to their vtter ruine and destruction . In a word , caring for nothing in heauen or earth , they wallow in their filthy pleasures , and as much as in them lyeth , deface that stampe of divinitie , which thou hast imprinted printed in their soul ; & shut their eyes against the hope of saluation , which shineth vnto them out of thy word . I cease not my God to warne them : but they render mee euill for good , and make a mocke of whatsoeuer I doe to please thee , and bee an example to them : they traduce and slander mee in the open streets , and impose vpon mee a thousand wrongful imputations . I confesse O Lord , I now beginne to lose patitience . But O my God repaire mine infirmitie , and forsake me not : for else I shall stumble as a little child at the first precipice that shall lye in my way . Increase in mee O Lord , strēgth & courage to ouercom my affliction , and keep mee vnder the shadow of thy wings , giuing me euermore constancie and perseuerance : and bee vnto mee as a tender-hearted mother , which can not but tender him her dugges , as oft as her babe cries for it . Nourish mee then , O Lord , vvith the milke of thy sacred loue : that so encreasing from strength , to strength I may bee able to walke night and day in thy pathes which leade vnto that saluation , the hope whereof shineth in thy promises ; that if my sinne present it selfe to stoppe mee in my way , I may open the floudgates of mine eyes , and neuer shutte them vntill I haue drowned and sunke it with my teares . Psalme 51. Miserere mei Deus . HAue mercy vpon me my God , according to thy great clemencie , and for thy boundless mercies sake forgiue me the punishment which I haue iustly deserued . For if thou expect vntill my fastings , watchings and prayers shal satisfie for my sinne ; alas Lord , when can this bee ? My trespasse reacheth frō earth vnto heauen , and surpasseth in immensitie of greatnes . Who then is able to compasse it , or bring it down , saue only thy sacred mercie ? which as far surpasseth the measure of our sinnes , as the greatness of thy iustice is beyond ours . It is thy mercie O Lord , which compasseth this vniuerse , which holdeth togither the whole frame of this world , which otherwise is readie to dissolue and fall vpon our heads , to burie through his ruine the memory of our sinnes : to destroy , from before thy face , our ingrate , disloyall , and felonious race ; which disclaimeth her birth , creation and preseruation , all which it holdeth of thy bountie . O then let this mercifull bounty , which shineth in thy Diuinitie , now extend it selfe vnto me , not sparingly , or niggardly , but fully and plentifully . As thou didst once cause the waters to passe their bounds , and couer the toppes of the highest mountaines , to extirpate and sweepe away the wicked inhabitans of the earth : so now cast out the torrent of thy mercie vpon mee , O Lord , not to swallow mee vp , but to bathe mee and clense mee from my wickednesse . But let it not content thee O Lord , once to haue made mee cleane , and to say how thou hast regenerated and washed me in the bloud of thy chaste and innocent lamb : for thou diddest not make me so white , and pure , but thou maiest now finde mee as foule and vncleane . I haue plunged my selfe into the depth of filth : I am so besmeared , and so disfigured , that thou wilt not acknowledge mee for thine . Yea , it maketh me demaund sometimes of my selfe , vvhether I be hee whom thy hands haue created : and my heart is so ful of shame and confusion , that it dareth not resolue me . O my God , thou hast created me of durt & clay : and behold , I am become such as I was before thou spreddest thine hand ouer me . I haue despoyled me of my strength and my beauty , to reuest my selfe in mire and filth . But wherefore O Lord , dost thou not forme and fashion mee anew ? Is thy hand shortned ? is thy willingness , to shewe mercie to thy creature , fallen away ? Oh thou that art Almightie ! Oh , thou that art euen goodnes it selfe , wherfore art thou so slack ? O Lord , thine own worke is become obstinate against thee , and taketh pleasure in disfiguring , and disforming it selfe : be thou as obstinate against thy worke , to make it faire and perfect in despight of it . But O my God , I will no longer stand out in mine owne conceit against thee : hold and take mee to thee : turne me as thou wilt , put a new print vpon this clay , renew it , put a new stampe vpon it , for loe it is prest to follow thy will. But when thou hast fashioned me anew , do not then leaue me to my self , O Lord : Put thy bridle within my mouth , that it may through abstinence , allay that gourmandizing , which fouleth it : through chastitie it may coole the shamelesse heates of lustes , which enflame it : through humilitie , it may beate downe that pride and arrogance , which biting enuie hath bred in it , that cōpassionate charitie , may driue from it hatefull and greedy couetize : that a care to serue and worship thee , my bee as a spurre alwaies in the sides of lazie and fetarde negligence . For otherwise O my God , too much haue I proued , how I shall bee handled by these troopes of vices which enuiron mee . They will deface , and throwe downe in such sort thy handie work , that when thou shalt come , thou shalt finde onely the shells and shiuers all broken and bruised . I haue known them too well : these are they that haue brought me to that state , wherin I now stand : and loe they stand in aray round about me , reproaching mee , and vpbrayding mee with these blottes , wherewith they themselues haue defiled mee , and making me guilty of those iniuries which they haue done me . I haue sinned , I confesse O my God , I haue sinned : loe I offer vnto thee the bottome of my heart , take a view of my whole life . I haue sinned in the fight of heauen and earth , and all the world is witness of my fault . But if I had not sinned , how could thy mercy be shewed ? how wouldest thou acquite thee of thy promises of grace , which thou hast so long before proclaimed , by the mouth of thy holie Prophets ? When thou shalt come to sit vpon thy eternall throne of iustice , who would feare thee , if we were all iust ? But that men may know and acknowledge thy greatness , it is meete that when we shal appear before thee , wee cast downe our selues humbly vpon our face , and cry , O sweet Lord , we will not stand in our owne defence before thee , our fault is too manifest , but behold our pardon is in our hand : thou thy selfe hast giuen it vs , loe it is signed with thy bloud , sealed with thy image , which for our redemption hath been printed in the infirmitie of our flesh . Thinkest thou my GOD that when I shall appear before thee , I will put any confidence in mine owne innocencie , or dare to iustifie my selfe in thy presence ? Alas , I know Lord I was no sooner borne , but I sinned : my mother looked to bee deliuered of a childe ; and loe a lumpe of sinne ? How much better had it beene , if such fruite had prov'd abortiue , which shameth the tree that bare it , the earth that nourished it , and the ayre that breathed vppon it . I did nourish my selfe with sinne , when I was yet in my mothers wombe , I sucked it in with her milke , and lo it is so growen vp with me , that it ouer-shadoweth my head , and casteth a miste before mine eyes . But when I see the eyes of my bodie , so seeled with sin , which compasseth me : I opē the eyes of my soule , and begin to discerne a far off the rayes of thine infallible trueth , and acknowledge the marueilous secrets of wisedome , which thou hast manifested to me . Then my soule , abandoning the impuritie of my bodie , lifteth it selfe to heauen , & vieweth the circuite thereof ; and casting her eye vpon the book of life , there doth she peruse the treatie of the newe Couenaunt , which thou hast made with men : and after , returning into her miserable bodie , doth fill it with hope of ioy , promising it assured victorie ouer sinne . For shee hath learned in heauen , that thou wilt take a branch of odoriferous hysope in thine hand , & wilt sprinkle vpon me the water of purification : thou wilt wash me , and I shall be whiter then snow : there shal no more sportes of sinnes appeare in me . What pure lee shall this bee O Lord , which made of the cinders of my sinnes , consumed by the fire of thy loue , with the water of those teares which my repentance hath distilled from my heart , and in the sun of thy grace , shall wash away our weeping , and shall breede in vs spiritual ioy : and in the end shall whiten in the puritie and candor of iustice , to make vs hereafter shine as the starres in the firmament . Then shall no sound enter into our eares , but of that ioifull trumpet of saluation , which shall proclaime grace and mercie to all that will receiue them . Then shall wee see our carcasses which were consumed with rottenness , rise vp out of their beds , to be partakers of this vniuersall ioy , wherevnto thou hast inuited the vvhole world . But that I may appeare before thee , in such honourable attire , as is befitting such honourable magnificence ; treade downe , O my God , all my faults vnder foote , burie them in the centre of the earth , that no eye may bee able to see them , make an euerlasting separation betwixt me , and mine iniquitie , which at this present I forsake , and from whom I vow an irrevocable diuorce . Receiue my soule which I offer vnto thee : make it pure and cleane : renewe in my heart such a spirite , as shall conceiue nothing but truth and holiness . Make it , O Lord God , a temple for thy holy spirit to dwell in ; that henceforth all my thoughts may breath out nothing , but the praises of my God : that thy will bee alway imprinted in my breast , and thy glorie written in my lippes . When thou hast so reuested and adorned mee , with pietie , and integritie , then shall I bee assured that nothing can separate mee from thy presence : and then as the true eagle looketh right vpon the sunne , so will I fixe my eyes vppon the face of thine eternitie , and shall beholde in thy maruellous and glorious countenance , all the perfections which I am not able now to conceiue . O let thy sacred spirite neuer more dislodge from my hart : for hee it is which vpon the wings of zealous loue , shall carrie me into thy bosome , there to make me partaker of thine heauenly ioyes . Make me then euermore to taste the sweetnes of this immortall life : saue mee speedily , from the rockes of this world , which on euerie side threaten shippewracke . And as the Mariner now comne vnto the hauen , crowneth the maste of his shippe with garlands in signe of safetie : so crown me my God with the precious giftes of thine holy spirit , for pledges of euerlasting blessednesse , which thou hast promised mee . I say , of thy spirit which raigneth among thy faithfull , which giueth faith to thine elect , loue to thy beloued , and hope to them , whom thou hast predestinated . And so whilst my soule shal abide in this exile , waiting when thou shalt call him home , I will teach thy wayes vnto the wicked , by following which , they may please thee ; and will direct them how to passe through the darknesse of this world , without stumbling at such offences , as daily offer themselues : they shall beleeue mee , and so be conuerted vnto thee , O father of light : they shall receiue thy faith into their hearts , and shall walke in thine obedience . I know O Lord , that some will against my voice stoppe their eares , and obstinately persist in their vices ; they will conspire my death , and seeke to drench their barbarous crueltie , with my bloud . Deliuer me from their hands O God , and preserue mee , that I may declare thy iustice , and pronounce their condemnation . I will foretell their wretchednes , and they shall feele it : yea , as soon as I haue made an ende of speaking it , thy hand shall smite them : and no sooner shal thy hands haue smitten them , but they shal be broken like a Potters vessell , and come to sodaine destruction . Then shalt thou open my lippes , and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise , & declare thy victory : the aire shall bee calme , the winde shall cease , the riuers shall stay their course to hearken to my voice , whilst it shall chaunt & resound the maruellous actes of the eternall God. For thy praise shall euer be the sacrifice which I will offer vnto thee , and which shall bee euer acceptable in thy sight . I would ere this haue filled thine aultars with the bloud of beasts : I would haue slaine a thousand oxen & a thousand sheep to thine honour : but bloud doth stinke in thy nostrils , thou art not pleased with flesh : the smoke of such offerings doth but vanish in the ayre , and can not ascend vp vnto thee : it is the voice alone of a righteous man , vvhich findeth passage into heauen , and therin is presented vnto thee . Oh how acceptable , a sacrifice before thee is a hart pierc't with repentance ! an hart humbled and deiected in the knowledge of its sins ! neuer shall such a one be reiected . For the way to ascend vnto thee , is to descēd in our selues : to touch the heauens , we must fall down grouelling vpon the earth : to bee heard of thee , wee must bee silent : and to bee crowned in thy kingdome , wee must suffer paine and affliction in this vvorld . These are the sacrifices by which wee must make an attonement to thee , and enter into that couenaunt which thou hast appointed . And if thou wilt O Lord , that we offer oxen and buls , that wee make thine aultar fatte with the bloude of beasts ; if thou wilt that by the death of the innocent holocaust , wee shall represent the death and innocencie of him whom thou hast destinied for the redemption of our soules ; if the figuring of that which is to come , in the person of that immaculate lamb , bee acceptable , in killing of Sheepe and Rammes : O then look downe with thy eye of pitie vpon thy poore people , comfort thy distressed Sion , giue courage to her poore inhabitants , that they may repayre the decayed walles of thy holy citie , and build vp thy temple , though not with that glory which thou deseruest , yet with as great as the riches of this world will retch vnto . Thither then shal all thy faithfull flocke come from all parts to sacrifice vnto thee : and there shalt thou accept the propitiation for their sins . But O my God , it is neither the bloud nor death of beasts , which can wash away their offences : the expiation of their disobedience and stubbornnesse is prepared from all eternitie . This is that inestimable sacrifice , that immaculate holocaust , which shall take away the veile , dispell the darknesse , breake the partition wall ; to make vs see face to face , the truth of our saluation ; to make the bright beames of mercie shine vpon vs , and to resume vs vnto the communion of that eternall happinesse , from vvhich wee of our selues had fallen . O most merciful God , which hast opened the eyes of mine vnderstanding , to see the mysterie of my saluation ; make me O Lord , by a liuely faith , to taste of that fruite , which flourished vpon the tree of the Crosse , and shall quicken with his iuice mortified soules : preserue and heale vs for euer from that miserie and calamitie , which hath so miserably fallen vpon the race of man , & hath been deriued from the first to the last through their disobedience . Psalme 102. Domine exaudi . O Lord , I haue long cryed vnto thee for mercie , and am still to attend on thee for succour . The ayre is filled with my cryes : the windes haue carried the voice of my complaint to the ende of the earth ; and thine eare which heareth mee from the depth of hell , doth not hearken vnto my prayer , which pierceth vnto the very heauens . Wilt thou then O Lord , be only deafe to mee ? and shall all the world heare my moane before thee ? No , no my God thou hast been absent from mee too long to reiect me , now when I come vnto thee for succour . Turne not away thy face from mee ▪ O Lord , now when so many thousands of griefes lay hold on mee , and so many mischiefes assault me . Alas , I haue placed all my hope of rising , in the milde looke of thy countenance . I haue forsaken the world , to draw neere vnto thee . I haue abandoned the children of the earth , to ioin my selfe to the Maister of heauen : and wilt thou now forsake mee ? O doe not so good Lord : but assist and strengthen my weakness all the dayes of my life ; that as soone as I shall lift my voice vnto thee , so soone I may feele the comfort of thy presence : and let thy grace speedily descend vpon mee , as an Eagle hasteth to succour her yong . For vnlesse thou assist me , how shal I be able to fight against the enemies of my soule ? My strength faileth me , and my life dayly consumeth as a smoake that vanisheth away into nought : the same eye that seeth it rise out of the fire , seeth it also dispersed , & in the same moment seeth both its beginning and its ende : man may looke after it ; and loe , not so much as the trace therof it selfe . He that hath noted the small branches cutte off the trees , and laide in the sunne , how soone they lose both sappe and verdeur ; may suppose hee seeth my bones which are dryed vp , and fallen away , and fit for nothing but a Tombe . A Tombe no doubt might make me happy , if a small graue could stay the course of my most extreame miserie . Hee that hath seene the grasse cut down in the medowes , how it fadeth , changeth his liuely hewe , & withereth , let him looke vpon my face , so wan and pale , that I looke like death it selfe . My heart is scorched in the midst of my entralls , and my bloud is dryed vp within my veines , because I remember not to put bread within my mouth , and forget to take my daily repast . My mouth serueth mee but to lament and crye : and the voice of my daily complaints is so strong that it spendeth all the rest of my vigour , so that my bodie , consuming with heauiness , falleth away by little and little , & now my bones appear most wofully through my skin . Why then doe I care to remaine any longer in this bodie , the subiect of my misery ? Why doe I watch to preserue this life , which wrestleth against so many miseries ? which is cleane spent with so many afflictions ? Were it not much better for mee , with the ende of my life , to ende my miseries ? The Pellicane that in the solitarie deserts of Egypt , tormenteth her selfe vvith grief , to haue slain her yong ones , besprinkles them with her owne bloud , to restore them that life which she had taken frō them ; is not more sorrowful thē I , nor maketh more grieuous moane then I. Hath not my sin procured the death of my dearest child , which I loued more then my selfe ? And now that I haue already spent all my teares , the bloud is readie to spring forth of my eies , least my plaints should faile in so woefull a case . But the Pelican redeemeth her young , by the price of her bloud : and I miserable wretch shall bee vtterly depriued of the child , which I so tenderly affect . I forsake the day and the light , and confine my selfe in the obscure darknes , as a dolefull Owle , which goeth not out of her hole , vntill the night with his sable mantle haue couered the earth . I watch continually and take no rest , I seeke to hide me from mischiefe , which commeth vpon mee as an armed man. I am quite discomfited , my courage faileth mee : I doe nothing but search for a corner to hide me in : euen as a solitarie sparrow , which beaten with winde and raine , doth seek some couerture , where shee may shrowde her selfe from the raine , and also receiue some heate from the sunne . Mine enemies seeing me thus deiected , reuile mee , and make a mocke of my misery : they that vvere wont to make much of me , in stead of condoling with me in mine affliction , haue conspir'd against me . What shall wee then account of the goods of this world , when the greatest riches , a man can attaine vnto , is to haue many friends ; and yet friends are so double , that they make small reckoning of violating their faith . Behold , my glorie is decayed , the floure of my beautie is fallen away , and withered ; for I haue cast ashes vpon my bread , and mingled my drinke with teares . But shall I for this , bee still a laughing stocke to this wicked race of infidels ? I am come indeed before thy face , in the day of thy displeasure : thou hast laide vpon me the arme of vengeance , and it hath beaten me downe , and laid me in the dust . I had magnified my self among men , and loe now am I brought lowe . O vaine presumption ! to what height hast thou made mee mount , to giue mee the greater fall ? Alas , what could I finde in my selfe , which could breed in my hart so high a selfe-conceit ? As the shadow of a body decreaseth by little and little , according as the sunne riseth higher and higher ouer it , vntill it appeare but as a point : so as soone as thine anger was risen ouer me , O Lord , my life , my goods , and my greatnesse did by little vanish & turne to nought : so that now , behold I am but as the haye spread vpon the ground , without grace , and without colour : they bind it vp in bottles to feede their sheep : and al those glorious flowers which before were so sweet & fragrant , are now bound vp togither with the thistle and hemlocke . But what ? shal I therfore giue ouer all hope ? Not so my God : for thy might is immense , and shall neuer decay : Thy mercy is infinite , & shall extend ouer all those that trust in thee . One age succeedeth another : but the memorial of thy louing kindness , shall endure for euer . One generation goeth , and another generation succeedeth , and all shall recount thy praise , and magnifie thy goodnes . Thou shalt at length arise O Lord , and be mercifull vnto Sion , for the time approacheth . Behold , I see it at hand . The Riuers doe not sēd so much water into the wide bosome of the Ocean , as thy bountie will showre bounty and graces vpon the face of this land . Open your hearts , O yee people , open your hearts wide : for the liberall hand of my God will fill you , with a holy zeale , vvhich shall purifie you , and make you as faire beaten gold . For the edifice of Sion , O Lord , is the refuge for thy seruants : this is it they loue so well , this is it they desire so ardently : this is it where they waite for thy mercie : this is the temple O Lord , which thou wilt destroy in three daies , and in three daies build againe , to be the mansion of life eternall , the seate of saluation , the store-house of grace , the temple of eternitie . Then my God , shall the nations stand amazed : and the kings of the earth shall tremble at the brightnes of thy glorie . What corner of the earth shall bee so secret , but that thither also shall spread the fruit of thy blessed comming ? What people shall there bee so remote from the sunne , so confined in darknes , which shall not open their eyes to behold the glorious lustre of saluation , which shall shine vnto them ? The heauen shall encrease the number of his lampes , to giue light at thy glorious entrance into the world : and kings shall come from far , to doe homage to the King of Kings , and Lord of heauen and earth . For hee hath exalted his throane in Sion , with great and magnificent preparation : there shall men see him enuironed with glory , and obscuring the Sun & Moon with the brightness of his countenance . But wherfore hast thou O Lord , so highly exalted the throne of thy glory ? Is it to this end that thou mightest contemne the humble prayers of thy faith full seruants , and to neglect all the world , which is nothing in comparison to thy greatness ? Ah , nay , my Lord. Thou hast therefore set thy self in a place so eminent , to the end that all the inhabitants of the earth might see & acknowledge thee to bee their God : and to run to thee for grace and mercy : for thou art euer ready prest , to incline to the humble call of thy seruants , and neuer disdainest their pitifull request . Look now vpon them al arraignd like poore prisoners condemned to the chaine , who attend the view of some King , to bee by him deliuered at the day of his coronation . Euen so deliuer these O Lord , who are sold vnder the slauery of sinne : and at the turne of thine eye , all their irons shall fall from them . Then shall they be heard to chaunt out the song of glory , to the victorious king : their voice shall bee heard throughout all the parts of the earth : and the memoriall of thy singular bounty , and infinite mercy shall bee engrauen in mens harts , to remain from generation to generation to all posteritie . The Earth shall melt away , the waters shall be dried vp , the aire shal vanish , the heauens shall passe away , and be no more : but the memoriall of thine aboundant kindnes , O eternall God , shall endure for euer . Thou art the euerlasting God , who hast daind to cast down thine eyes from heauen , to behold the neathermost parts of the Earth , to take notice of their torments , who lye fast bound in the depth , who hast heard their groanings , and immediately runne to their succour , to vnbinde and set at liberty these poore prisoners , and their whole posteritie . Death hath vanquished them by the strength of sin ▪ and had shutte them vp in darke dungeons : but the Lord of life , hath conquered death , and hath giuen full deliuerance . That so they might declare thy praise O Lord in Sion , and proclaim thy clemencie in Hierusalem . But though euery one of them had an hundred tongues , & though their voice were as strong as thunder , yet would they not bee able to reach vnto the greatness of thy glory : though all the parts of the world conspire in one , to represent in their motions some part of thy might and infinite bounty , yet can they reach no further : for these are depths , and the depths of depths , which haue no bottom nor bound , and which wee are not able to see , but a far off . Let it then suffice , O my God , that thy people assembled & revnited both in body and minde , doe vvith humble deuotion offer vp vnto thee , the wil they haue to honour thee : for the effect is not able to approach to that , which to thee is due . Let it be acceptable in thy sight O Lord , that the kings of the earth doe prostrate themselues at thy feet ; and do tender that homage and seruice , which is due to thee , as to their soueraigne Lord. They shall lay down their scepters on the earth , and their crownes at their feet , and shall present an innocent conscience , as a sacrifice of an humble deuotion . I will bee the first , O my God , that wil prostrate my self before thee , to worship and serue thee with my whole heart : On thee onely will I fixe my thoughts : to thee will I consecrate my spirit . Quicken it O Lord ; that beeing purified with the sacred ardour of thy loue , it may ( as a most pure mirrour ) receiue in it the image of thy incomprehensible beauty and perfection , and may feele in it selfe the reflexion of thy sincere amitie , vntill thy infinite beautie shall associate it vnto the number of thine elect , to be with them coheir of euerlasting life . Now my God , doe I feele that thou hast enlightened my soule with thy grace , and haue first felt the fauor which thou wilt bestowe vpon the sons of men . My spirit hath already seen a far off how thou wilt come to redeeme the world ; but it feareth it shall dye before thy comming ; and this is the cause , why it hath cried vnto thee , saying ; Tell me O Lord , what shall be thee course of mine age , & when thou wilt ende my dayes ? Cut not off the thread of my life O Lord , at the first or second turne of the spindle , and take mee not away in the middle of my course . Let me liue O my God vntill the time come , wherein thou shalt open the treasures of thy graces , to bestowe among men the largesse of saluation : or at least if thou hast so determined of mine ende , that my life may not continue till then ; remember my posteritie , and let him spring of my race , that by his comming shall redeeme and sanctifie the earth . I know O Lord , that thou hast from the beginning fashioned the heauen and the earth , and whatsoeuer is good , and excellent in the world , is the worke of thine hands . But all the vniuersal shall wax old as doth a garment : they vanish away , and shall be no more to be found : it hath been created , and it shall bee dissolued : it hath had a beginning , and must haue an ende . But thou O Lord , art from euerlasting , and thou shalt continue the same for euer . Time and continuance , which consume all things , doe onely serue to confirme thy being , and to publish thy diuinitie : and men do liue vpon the earth that they may contemplate on the one side , thine incomprehensible greatnesse , and on the other side , their owne infirmitie . Man goeth from place to place , & the same land doth change her inhabitants : one driueth out another , and all is renewed in a moment : but thou my GOD art yesterday , and to day , and the same for euer . Euery province of the earth can reckon vp great numbers of Kings , which haue raigned one after another : but the the heauen and the earth doe continually sing , that thou hast euer been God alone , alwaies admirable alone : and that thy goings out and thy commings in , haue euer beene vvithout change . Now O Lord , when I shall depart hence , I doe verely beleeue , that I shal taste of that sweet fruit , which shall heale vs of this contagious maladie ( which hath been deriued from our first Parents , for eating the forbidden fruit ) of death , and sinne . For our children shal come after vs , and thou O Lord , shalt continue our posteritie , vntill wee shall come to appeare togither before thy face : not to receiue a rigorous doome ; but by the merit and intercession of thy beloued Son , to enter into that inheritance of euerlasting blessednesse , which shall be giuen to all thy faithfull , by the adoption of the sonnes , in the family of thy seruant Dauid . Psalme 130. De profundis . OVt of the deepe bottome of the depth , I cryed vnto thee my God : lost & couered in the fearefull cauernes of the earth , I called vppon thy name . Hearken vnto my voice , giue eare vnto my prayer . For all hope of succour was gone ; I looked about mee , and behold nothing but horrour and fearfulness : yet haue I not lost courage , but waited for that which thou hast promised to all those who liue in feare of thy name , and are obedient to thy commandements . Bow down then O Lord , a fauourable eare to my complaint . If sinne haue interposed it selfe betweene thee and me , to exasperate thee against mine offences , and to mooue thee against my prayer , which I make vnto thee ; driue it out of the sight of thine eye of mercie : or rather O Lord , close for a while thine eye of iustice , vntil the eare of thy clemencie haue receiued my confession , & the humble request which I make vnto thee . For I come not to stand vppon mine owne iustification ; but vpon thy gentleness and bounty . If thou shouldst keepe a register of our faults , and cal vs to a strict account for them , who could endure O Lord the rigour of thy iudgement ? What day is there of my whole life , that deserueth not a whole age of torments ? Thou mightest bring vpon mee all the punishments of hell , and yet the greater part of my sinnes remain vnpunished . But thou art ready to receiue to mercie the sinner that commeth to thee with confession in the mouth , and contrition in the heart . No sooner hath he looked toward thy mercie ; but he feeleth it work in him , breaking and dissoluing sinne , which had frozen his heart with feare and amazement . The punishment vvhich hangeth ouer his head , departeth farre from him ; carying away with it , this miserable carefulnes , which is a hel to the cōsciences contaminated with iniquitie . For this cause O Lord , would I neuer vtterly forsake thy lawe : but haue alwaies attended , when it would please thee to bee gracious vnto me . For hee that is ill aduised , and desperate in his sin , and abandoneth his soule , as past recouerie , doth like to the abhominable vsurer , who because he hath suffered some losse of goods , goes and hangs himselfe . My soule hath not done so : for euen then when she felt thine hand heauie vpon me ▪ exacting part of the punishment , which my faults had merited ; yet did shee still hold fast the hope in thy promises . When the stripes vvere multiplyed vpon my back , I cryed vnto thee , O Lord , Thy wil be done : only giue me as much strength as affliction . Measure my paine according to my vigour : and if thou encrease my ●orment , augment my cou●age : and so hast thou dealt with me O Lord. Let all true Israelites therfore both day & night , but their cōfidence in God , ●ook vpon him , and to him ●lone for all their succour : ●or his succour is readie , ●nd neuer faileth those that with integritie of conscience , and puritie of wil call vpon him . Though their trouble be great & terrible , as soone as the Lord doth incline his eare to their cry , so soone shall they finde themselues deliuered . For he aboundeth with mercie , and neuer faileth to succor those who make their recourse to him . Insomuch , that his bountie taketh away all the sorrow , that we had for beeing sinners ; and makes vs as it were reioice that we had fallen ; as at the cause , for which wee haue had such trial of his mercy : for if our faults surmount measure , his grace exceedeth all imagination . Wee haue deserued a long and hard captiuitie ; but loe , he hath deliuered vs , and set vs at most sweet libertie : wee haue blinded the eyes of our vnderstanding ; and lo , ●ee commeth to illighten ●s . O Israel , ye haue sinned against the Lord : yee haue made a mocke at his lawe , and sported your selues in ●he breach of his commandements , and forgotten his ●ounty so plentifully pow●ed vpon you . He hath freed thee from miserable bondage : he hath ●ed thee with bread from ●eauen : hee hath made ●●reames to gush out of the ●ard rocke , to giue thee drinke : he hath giuen thee the most delicious garden of the earth for thine habitation : he hath made a couenant with thee , & made thee know his will. But ye haue conspired against his honour , gone a whoring after strange Gods , and troden his lawe vnder your feet : in a word , ye haue merited all the punishments of hell : and yet still doth he offer himselfe most graciously vnto thee : he will redeeme thee with the price of his bloud , from the slauerie of sin , to which thou hadst of thine own accord bound thy selfe . Behold him , who himselfe payeth the ransome , for those that haue betrayed him ; vvho taketh vppon himselfe the punishment of our backsliding , and the paiment of our forfeit . With what words shall we render him thankes ? Open my lippes , my God , my Creator , my Redeemer , that my voice may bee lifted vp in that measure , as mine heart is enflamed with a boyling affection to giue thee praise and thankes , and to abase my selfe in the knowledge of my self ; that I may rouse vp my spirits in the knowledge of that sacred mysterie , whereby wee are reincorporated with thee , and admitted againe to thy couenant , to enter into this blessed participation of glorie ; wherein all those shall triumph , who shall be partakers of the merite of the passion of thy welbeloued Sonne , the true and onely Sauiour of the world . Psalme 143. Domine exaudi . O Lord , man is weary in the ende of all things : the continuance of his course putteth him out of breath : too much seeing , dimmeth and dazeleth his eyes : the clatering sound deafeth his eares : but the more I crye unto thee , the stronger is my voice , my courage increaseth , and my prayer is the more pleasing to mee : and all because I begin my daily petitions , with Lord heare my prayer , and giue eare to my supplication : for in praying to thee my God , consisteth al my comfort . This is my prayer , O Lord , which doth coniure thy clemencie , to expiate my sinnes ; not by the rigour of thy punishment , but by the effect of thy grace , whereby thou hast abolished & cast away from thy soueraigne and powerfull might and maiesty , the memory of mine offences . Deale not then in iustice , with thy seruant , neither giue him ouer to the rigour of thy lawe : for of all men ●●uing , that shal appeare before the seate of thy iudgement , no man shall bee iustified , no man shall escape this fearefull condemnation ; the punishment whereof is horrible , and the horrour immortall . Alas , O Lord , who can iustifie himselfe before thee ? It is thou that art offended ; it is thou that shalt accuse vs ; it is thou that hast seene our faults , and wilt beare witnesse ; it is thou that wilt iudge vs. When the accuser shall be witness , and the witnesse iudge , what shall then become of the guiltie ? what cause shall serue to cleare him ? But I will not stand out O Lord , to come to this issue . I will arme me with thy grace , and oppose that as a buckler to thy iustice . Thy grace is procured by the acknowledgement of our faults , & humbling of our spirit . Loe , I lye prostrate before thy feete , confessing my sinne ; O Lord haue mercie vpon me . My sinne O my God , the capitall enemie of my soule , hath so discomfited and beaten me down , that I goe groueling vppon the earth , not daring to lift vp mine eyes vnto heauen . For as soone as I lift vp mine eyes ; loe , the light shineth vpon mee , to bring vnto light , all my manifold offences , which accuse my conscience . And I feele withall shame to couer my face ; a face vnworthy to looke vp vnto heauen ; the king whereof it hath so grieuously offended ; a face too cowardly to cast vp his eyes to those places , where are so many thunders and lightning prepared , for the destruction of guiltie sinners . My spirit then hath led me into the darknesse , and hath buried mee in the graue , as one that is dead . My soule within mee is heauie , & my heart is troubled : euen like him , vvho walking loftie with hye bent lookes , falleth vnawares into the bottome of some pitte , presently his soule is troubled ; he loseth his vnderstanding ; he vexeth and tormenteth himselfe ; he knoweth , neither what to will , or what to do ; vntill his spirits returning vnto him , he beginneth to consider his estate , and the place wherein hee is , and the manner of his fall : then hee beginneth by little and little to regaine the toppe , and with great paine and labour to winde himselfe out of the place , into which he so easily fell : so I hauing called to minde , as much as is possible , things past , and hauing entred into a profound meditation of the workes of thine hands ; and hauing exactly considered the perfection of all things , which thou hast created ; then calling to minde the estate wherein thou hast created me ; and then proposing to my selfe , that wherein now I finde my selfe , as it were ouerwhelmed vnder the ruine of sinne ; I curse to my self the houre wherein my mother conceiued me , and the day that first opened my eye-liddes to make me see heauen and earth , the witnesses of mine infirmitie : and in the ende finding nothing in this world that could comfort mee , in this distresse , I addresse my selfe yet further vnto thee . I fall down on my knees before thee , and stretch out my hands and armes to thee : and my soule thirsting after thy grace , doth attend with as great desire , as the thirstie and scorched earth , doth expect a gracious raine in the heat of summer . Help me then , and that soone , O my GOD : for I am alreadie cleane out of breath ; my heart faileth : loe , how I fall into a swoun . Wilt thou , Lord delay , till death hath seised on mee ? I am euen alreadie at Deaths doore , if thou make not hast : for my senses decay by little and little ; my soule is as it were in a trance , and my body without motion . If thou O Lord , be farre from mee , if thou hide thy face from mee , I shall bee like vnto those that goe downe into the depth of Hell : Pale death will sit vpon my face , and seize on my senses : and which is worst , spirituall death will slay my soule , fill it with fright and horrour , and vtterly depriue it of the knowledge of thy singular bountie , and the hope of grace , which shineth in thy miracles , as a glittering starre , in the obscure darkness of the night . Cause mee then to vnderstand and feele the effects of thy mercy betimes : and in the morning vvhen the sunne beginneth to rise vpon the earth , let thy mercie also rise vpon me to enlighten mine ignorance , and conduct mee in the wayes of thy commandements . Yet let it not , O Lord , bee wholly like the sunne , which at the ende of his course goes to plunge himselfe in the sea , hiding for a time his light from silly men : but let it assist mee perpetually , & be as indiuidual a guide vnto my soule , as is my soule vnto my bodie : for the life of my soul , doth more strictly depend vpon thy mercy , then the life of my bodie doth vpon my soule . O then let her neuer forsake mee : but let her light alwaies direct my goings in thy wayes , that I neuer wander out of that path through which alone I must come vnto thee . For otherwise my spirit which is entangled amongst the briers and brambles of this world , and wandereth in the thickets , were neuer able to finde out the right way ; but posting along at aduenture , might lose both labour and trauell , neuer neere that place where shee desireth to arriue . But my hope is alwaies in thine aide , and I look for succour from aboue . I am held captiue of those that cruelly thirst after my life : hasten thee O Lord , to my deliuerance : to thee I flye for succour : O receiue me into thy protection ; teach mee what I shall doe : for to thee alone my God , doe I tender my seruice . Away , away from mee , thou deceitfull ▪ pleasure , which heretofore hast bewitched my soule , and poisoned my spirit : thou hast fedde me with thy too too pleasing delicates , to make me with a little hony swallow down a deadly poison of hemlocke ; which distilling into all my members , hath made them half dead and voide of sense : so that now I am little better then a dead man. But which is worse ; not my body alone , but euen my soule also , the fountain of my life present and to come is benumm'd . It is time thē that thy spirit come to rouse vp my dying soule , to take her by the hand , and leade her into a place of safetie , to quicken her and imprint in her the image of thy iustice ; that , that may bee her shield against all temptations , which besiege her on euery side , and threaten her finall ruine . Thou shalt come then , and by thy comming drawe my soule out of tribulation , receiue mee vnto to mercie , and destroy all those that haue conspired against me . Then shall my warre be at an ende , and theirs beginne : yea , with such a beginning as shall continue in endlesse griefe : and as the riuers running from their fountaine still enlarge themselues vntil they come into the sea ; so shall their miserie increase from day to day , and in the ende plunge them into extreame languor and hopelesse distresse . And this shall bee the ende of all those that vexe my soule : for I am thy faithfull seruant O Lord , and thou wilt not cast me out of thy remembrance ; but wilt call those to account , who in reproach of my GOD , haue so shamefully handled mee . They laughed at my harme ; but loe , the time is at hand , vvhen they shall bewaile their owne . Thy vengeance beginneth to flame against them , and men shal see them fall away , as leaues from the trees at the approaching of vvinter . How shall I glorifie thy name O GOD ? And where shall I beginne to set forth thy praise ? Shall I declare thy bountie in the creation of so many admirable vvorkes as are vnder the Sunne ? and thy wisedome in preseruing them ? Shall I proclaime thy iustice in condemning and taking vengeance of the pride of Angels , and disobedience of men ? Shall I sing of thy mercy in redeeming of those , who by forsaking of thy law fell headlong into the slauerie of eternal death ? To what part of thy praises is the base tune of my voice able to stretch ? or were my voice sufficient , what eares were able to receiue it ? All things faile mee O Lord , in this enterprise , saue onely courage , and will : vvhich , filled with a vehement and feruent affection , cry out vnto thee as lowde as they can . Assist their vveake essayes with thy grace : and since the teares of my repentance haue vvashed away the foulenesse of my sinnes , vvherewith my spirit vvas ouercharged , deiected and pressed downe ; giue mee henceforth the wings of faith and hope , whose swift flight may carrie mee into thy bosome , to bee revnited to his first originall : that I may neuer hereafter entertaine any other thought , then vvhat may tende to the furtherance of thy seruice , and the aduancement of thy glorie . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A19531-e130 Those that will see further of this , looke his Maiesties Catechisme , made by Mr Craige . Notes for div A19531-e8380 Our Father . Which art in Heauen . Hallowed be thy name Thy Kingdom come . Thy will be done . In earth as it is in heauen . Giue vs this day our daily bread . Forgiue vs our trespasses , As we forgiue them that trespasse against vs. Lead vs not into temptation . But deliuer vs from euil . Notes for div A19531-e8700 O Lord rebuke me not in thine indignation : neither chasten me in thy displeasure ! 2 Haue mercy vpon me O Lord , for I am weake : O Lord heale me , for my bones are vexed . 3 My soule is also sore troubled : but Lord how long wilt thou punish me ! 4 Turne thee O Lord and deliuer my soule : oh saue me for thy mercies sake . 5 For in death no man remembreth thee : and who will giue thee thankes in the pit ? 6 I am wearie of my grouing ; euery night wash I my bed , and water my couch with my teares . 7 My beauty is gone for very trouble : & worn away because of all mine enemies . 8 Away from me all ye that worke vanity ▪ for the Lord hath heard the voice of my weeping . 9 The Lord hath heard my petition : the Lord shall receiue my prayer . 10 All mine enemies shal be confounded , and sore vexed : they shal be turned back , and put to shame suddenly . Notes for div A19531-e9000 Blessed is he whose vnrighteousnes is forgiuen , and whose sinne is couered . 2 Blessed is the man vnto whom the Lord imputeth no sin , and in whose heart there is no guile . 3 For while I held my tongue , my bones consumed away through my dayly cōplaining . 4 For thy hād is heauy vpon me , day and night : and my moisture is as the drought in summer . 5 I will acknowledge my sin vnto thee : and mine vnrighteousnes haue I not hid . 6 I said I will confesse my sins vnto the Lord : and so thou forgauest the wickednes of my sinne . 7 For this shal euery one that is godly make his prayer vnto thee in a time when thou maist bee found ; but in the great water flouds they shall not come nigh him . 8 Thou art a place to hide me in , thou shalt preserue me from trouble : thou shalt compasse me about with songs of deliuerance . Be not like Horse and Mule , which haue no vnderstanding : whose mouthes must be holden with bit & bridle least they fall vpon thee . 2 Great plagues remaine for the vngodly but who so putteth his trust in the Lord , mercy embraceth him on euery side . 12 Be glad O ye righteous , and reioyce in the Lord : and be ioifull all ye that are true of heart . Notes for div A19531-e9270 Put me not to rebuke O Lord in thine anger : neither chasten mee in thy heauy displeasure . 2 For thine arrowes sticke fast in mee : and thy hand presseth me sore . 3 There is no health in my flesh because of thy displeasure : neither is there any rest in my bones by reason of my sinne . 4 For my wickedness are gone ouer my head , and are like a sore burthen too heauie for me to bear . 5 Mo woūds stinke and are corrupt through my foolishnes . 6 I am broght into so great trouble and misery , that I goe mourning all the day long . 7 For my loynes are filled with a sore disease , and there is no whole part in my body ▪ 8 I am feeble and sore smitten : I haue rored for the very disquietnes of my hart . 9 O Lord thou knowest all my desire : and my groaning is not hid from thee . 10 My heart panteth , my strength faileth me : and the sight of my eies is gone from me . 11 My louers and my neighbors did stand looking vpon my trouble : and my kinsmen stood a far off . 12 They also that sought after my life laide snares for me , & they that went about to do me euill , talked of wickednes and imagiced deceit all the day long . 13 As for mee I was like a deafe man and heard not , and as one that is dumb , that doth not open his mouth . 14 And I am as a man that heareth not : and in whose mouthe are found no reproofs 15 For in thee O Lord haue I put my trust : Thou shalt answere for for me , O Lord my God. 16 I haue required that they euen mine enemies shuld not triumph ouer me : for when my feet slipt , they reioiced greatly against me . 17 And surely I am set in the plague : and my heauinesse is euer in my sight . 18 For I will confesse my wickednesse : and be sorry for my sinne . 19 But my enemies liue and are mighty : & they that hate mee wrongfully are many in number . 20 They also that reward euill for good are against me , because I follow the thing that is good . 21 Forsake me not O Lord my God : be not thou far frō me . 22 Hast thee to help me : O Lord God of my saluation . Notes for div A19531-e9770 1 Haue mercie vpon mee , O Lord , after thy great goodnes : according to the multitude of thy mercie doe away my offences . 2 Wash me thorowly from my wickednes and cleanse me from my sinne . 3 For I acknowledge my fault : and my sin is euer before me . 4 Against thee onely haue I sinned , and done this euill in thy sight : that thou mightest be iustified in thy saying , and cleare when thou art iudged . 5 Behold I was shapen in wickednes : and in sinne my mother cōceiued me . 6 But loe thou requirest truth in the inward parts : and shalt make mee vnderstand wisedome secretly . 7 Thou shalt purge me with hysop , and I shall be cleane : thou shalt wash me , and I shall be whiter then snow . 8 Thou shalt make me heare of ioy and gladnes : that the bones which thou hast broken may reioice . 9 Turne thy face from my sinnes , and blotte out all my misdeedes . 10 Make me a cleane hart O God : and renew a right spirit within me . 11 Cast mee not away from thy presence : and take not thy holy spirit from me . 12 O giue me the comfort of thy help again , and establish mee with thy free spirit . 13 Then shall I teach thy wayes vnto the wicked : and sinners shall bee conuerted vnto thee . 14 Deliuer me frō bloud-thirstiness O God , thou that art the God of my health : and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousnes . 15 Thou shalt open my lippes , O Lord : and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . 16 For thou desirest no sacrifice , else would I giue it thee : but thou delightest not in burnt offerings . 17 The sacrifice of God is a troubled spirit , and a contrite heart O Lord , shalt thou not despise . 18 O be fauourable and gracious vnto Sion : build thou the wals of Ierusalem . 19 Then shalt thou be pleased with the sacrifice of righteousnes , with the burnt offerings and oblations : then shall they offer yong bullockes vpon thy aultar . Notes for div A19531-e10190 1 Heare my prayer O Lord : and let my crying come vnto thee . 2 Hide not thy face from me in the time of trouble : Incline thine eares vnto mee when I call , O hear me , and that right soone . 3 For my dayes are consumed away like a smoake , & my bones are burnt vp as it were with a firebrand . 4 My heart is smitten downe , and withered like grasse , so that I forget to eate my bread . 5 For the voice of my groaning my bones will scarce cleaue to my flesh . 6 I am becom like a Pellicane in the wilderness : and like an Owle , that is in the desert . 7 I haue watched , and am euen as it were a sparrow that sitteth ▪ alone vpon the house toppe . 8 Mine enemies reuile me all the day long , and they that are mad vpon me are sworne togither against me . 9 For I haue eaten ashes as it were bread and mingled my drinke with weeping . 10 And that because of thine indignation , and wrath : for thou hast taken me vp and cast mee downe . 11 My dayes are gone like a shadow , and I am withered like grasse . 12 But thou O Lord shalt endure for euer : and thy remembrance throughout all generations . 13 Thou shalt arise and haue pitie vpon Sion : for it is time that thou haue mercy vpon her , yea the time is come . 14 And why ? thy seruāts think vpon her stones : and it pitieth them to see her in the dust . 15 The Heathen shall feare thy name O Lord : and al the kings of the earth thy maiestie . 16 When the Lord shall build vp Sion , and when his glory shall appeare . 18 This shall be written for them that come after : and the people which shall bee borne shall praise the Lord. 19 For hee hath looked down from his sancturie ; out of the heauen did the Lord behold the earth . 20 That he might hear the mournings of such as be in captiuitie : and deliuer the children appointed vnto death . 21 That they may declare the name of the Lord in Sion , and his worship at Ierusalem . 22 When the people are gathered togither & the kingdomes also to serue the Lord. 23 He broght downe my strength in my iourney : and shortened my dayes . 24 But I said , O my God take me not away in the midst of my age : as for thy yeeres they endure throughout all generations . 25 Thou Lord in the beginning hast laide the foundation of the earth : and the heauens are the workes of thy hands . 26 They shall perish but thou shalt endure , they shal all waxe olde as doth a garment ; And as a vesture shalt thou change them , and they shal be changed , 27 But thou art the same and thy yeares shall not faile . 28 The children of thy seruants shall continue , and their seed shall stand fast in thy sight . Notes for div A19531-e10760 1 Out of the deepe haue I called vnto thee O Lord : Lord heare my voice . 2 O let thine eares consider well the voice of my complaint . 3 If thou Lord wilt be extreme to marke what is don amisse ; Oh Lord who may abide it ? 4 For the●● mercy wi●● thee : therfore shalt thou be feared . 5 I looke for the Lord , my soule doth waite for him , in his word is my trust . 6 My soule flyeth vnto the Lord : before the morning watch , I say before the morning watch . 7 O Israel trust in the Lord , for with the Lord there is mercy : and with him there is plentious redēption . 8 And he shal redeeme Israel : from all his sins . Notes for div A19531-e10950 1 Heare my prayer O Lord , and consider my desire : hearken vnto me for thy truth and righteousnes sake . 2 And enter not into iudgement with thy seruant : for in thy sight shall no man liuing bee iustified ▪ 3 For the enemie hath persecuted my soule : hee hath smitten my life down to the groūd , he hath laid me in the darknes , as one that had been long dead . 4 Therefore is my spirit vexed within mee , and my heart within mee is desolate . 5 Yet doe I remember the time past , I muse vpon al thy workes : yea I exercise my selfe in the workes of thy hands . 6 I stretch forth my hand vnto thee : my soule gaspeth vnto thee , as a thirsty land . 7 Heare me O Lord : and that soone : for my spirit waxeth faint : hide not thy face from mee , least I be like them that goe downe into the pit . 8 O let me heare of thy louing kindnes betimes in the morning , for in thee is my trust : shew me then the way that I should walk in , for I lift vp my soule vnto thee . 9 Deliuer me O Lord , from my enemies : for I flye vnto thee to hide me . 10 Teach mee to doe the thing that pleaseth thee , for thou art my God : let thy louing spirit leade me forth into the land of righteousnes . 11 Quicken me O Lord for thy name sake : and for thy righteousnes sake bring my soule out of trouble . 12 And of thy goodnes slay mine enemies , and destroy all them that vexe my soule , for I am thy seruant . 
A35430	----	Some questions resolved concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian government in Scotland Cunningham, Alexander. 1690 Approx. 65 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35430 Wing C7592 ESTC R11553 12032372 ocm 12032372 52778 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35430) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52778) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 865:16) Some questions resolved concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian government in Scotland Cunningham, Alexander. Cunningham, Gabriel. [4], 31, [1] p. Printed for the author : and are to be sold by Randal Taylor ..., London : 1690. Reproduction of original in Britol Public Library, Britol, England. By Alexander Cunningham; ascribed in error to Gabriel Cunningham. cf. Halkett & Laing. Table of contents: p. [1] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Episcopal Church in Scotland. Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SOME Questions Resolved CONCERNING EPISCOPAL AND PRESBYTERIAN GOVERNMENT IN SCOTLAND . I protest before the great God , and since I am here as upon my Testament , it is no time for me to lye in , that ye shall never find with any High-Land or border Thieves , greater Ingratitude , and more Lies , and vile Perjuries , then with these Phanatick Spirits . And suffer not the Principles of them to brook your Land , if you like to sit at rest : Except you keep them for trying your Patience , as Socrates did an evil Wife . K. J. his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 2. p. 51. Lond. LONDON , Printed for the Author , and are to be Sold by Randal Taylor , near Stationers-Hall , 1690. IMPRIMATUR , Z. Isham , R. P. D. Henrico , Episc. Lond. à Sacris . March 10 1690. THE PREFACE . THE Government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops , was in Scotland restored An. 1662 , as being most agreeable to the Word of God , most convenient for the preservation of Truth , Order , and Unity , and most suitable to Monarchy , and the peace and quiet of the State. Those motives for its Restitution are every way so great , that none others can be so worthy of the Wisdom of that Nation , which challengeth a more early Profession of Christianity , and an Ancienter Race of Kings , than any of these parts of Christendom can well pretend to . But that Ecclesiastical Government , which in its self is most agreeable to the Scriptures , and best fitted against Heresie and Schism , may to prejudiced Men seem burthensome , and by them be Misrepresented to others . From this it hath happened , that the Episcopacy ( as Exercised in Scotland these 26 years ) hath been of late abolished , as an unsupportable Grievance to the Nation , contrary to the general Inclition of the People , and inconsistent with the Legal Establishment of that Church at the Reformation : Whoever duly compares the Narratives of these Two Acts , the one , about its Restitution , and the other , about its Abolishment , may find some of their Reasons why no other Ecclesiastick Politie is yet settled in its place ; For by this delay , every Member of Parliament hath had time to consider what Church Government for Essentials is of Divine Right , and may both preserve the Church from Heresie and Schism , and the State from Usurpation and Rebellion ; and which may best conduce to the satisfaction of all Religious Protestants , and Loyal Subjects in that Kingdom . For this Effect , the due consideration of the following Questions is doubtless of great importance , and the impartial Resolution of them cannot but be at this time very seasonable . Whether they are resolved here with such impartiality as this matter requires , is submitted to the unbyassed Iudgment of the Reader : Whom I shall desire that if he has any thing to object , he will tell the world in Charity and Meekness , that are the proper Characters of Christianity , and not in that Unchristian way of Evil Speaking and Reviling , which sufficiently shews what Spirt he is of , that writ , The brief and true Account of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland , occasioned by the Episcopalians since the year 1660. I wish I had seen that Pamphlet before this was going to the Press . It would have Occasion'd me to add some things more , tho' I do not find my self obliged by it , to alter any thing that I have Written . SOME Questions , &c. QUESTION I. Whether Presbytery ( as contrary to the Episcopacy restored in Scotland , An. 1662. ) was settled by Law when the Protestant Religion came to have the Legal Establishment in that Kingdom ? 1. ALL the Dispute here , intrinsick to the notion of a Church Governour , is purely this ; Whether he should be nominated by the State or by the Church ; whether after Nomination , the power to Elect him should be entrusted to a Delegated Number , or remain in the mixt Synod of Clergy and Laity ; and whether after the Election is past , his Institution unto his Office should be for Life , or only during Pleasure ; and lastly , whether in the Exercise of his Function he have a Negative voice over his Synod , or they a Conclusive Voice over him : Wherefore the Presbyterian Moderator An. 1662. abolished , is rightly defined , the Church-Moderator , Nominated and Elected by the Clergy , Lay-Elders and Deacons of the Synod ; instituted unto his Office during their pleasure ; invested with no fixed Power of Ordination ; nor any Negative Voice in the exercise of his Jurisdiction . And the Episcopacy which was then restored , is by the Rule of contraries a Church-Government of a Moderator Nominated by the King ; Elected by the Chapter ; invested with a fixed power of Ordination regulated by Cannons ; and of Jurisdiction balanced by assisting Presbyters . 2. Now although such an Episcopacy was in Scotland taken away April last , yet since Presbytery is not yet setl'd by Law , this question of Fact propos'd about it , may be stated and resolved according to Truth , without the crime of LEESING MAKING . 3. It is not to be doubted , but that the Protestant Religion had the Legal Establishment in Scotland , in the year 1567 , in which year by Parliamentary Statutes Popery was Abolished , a Protestant Confession of Faith Authorized , and their Kings by the Coronation Oath obliged to maintain it . 4. By the Nature of the Scottish Monarchy , neither the King without Advice of his Estates , nor they without his Royal Consent touching the Publick Act with his Scepter , can make or unmake Laws to govern the People : Wherefore the Constitution of Bishops having then the Publick Authority , ( the Popish Bishops sitting in this Parliament which thus setl'd the Reformation ) must in the construction of the Law be confest to remain firm and valid from the aforesaid year 1567 , till the full Legislative Power of the King in Parliament , concur'd to shake or destroy it . 5. But whatever was done at that time in favour of Mr. Iohn Knox his Book of POLICY , ( proposing a superintendency which is another Model of Episcopacy ) or Mr. An. Melvil his Book of DISCIPLINE , ( proposing Presbytery , An. 1578 ) by Acts of Privy Council extorted in tumultuous times , through the Menacing Applications of Clergy Men Assembling themselves without Warrant ; yet before the year 1592 , there is no Act of Parliament either in Print or Unprinted , setling that Presbytery which is contrary to the Episcopacy Established before , and remaining in substance at the time of the Reformation . 6. Wherefore the impartial Resolution of the Question proposed , is in short this , That Presbytery , as contrary to the Episcopacy restored in Scotland An. 1662 , was not by Law setled 35 years after the Protestant Religion had the Legal Establishment in that Kingdom . QUESTION II. Whether ever Presbytery was setled in the Church of Scotland , without constraint from tumultuous times ? 1. KING Iames describing the Presbyterians , calls them the very Pests in the Church and Commonwealth , whom no deserts can oblige , neither Oaths nor Promises bind , brea thing nothing but Sedition and Calumnies , Aspiring without Measure , Railing without Reason , and making their own Imaginations ( without any warrant of the Word ) the square of their Conscience . And thereafter describing their Church Politie and Discipline , calls it that Parity which can never stand with the Order of the Church , nor the Peace of a Commonweal , and well Ruled Monarchy : Now when these are the Characters which the British Solomon gives Presbyterians and Presbytery ( and with a Protestation before God that he lies not ) Who can with any shadow of Reason , or grain of Charity , think that he either was so Unwise or Irreligious , as by Act of Parliament to Establish Presbytery in the Church , out of his own free choice , and not out of some kind of Compulsion : Nay , when that Government and its Admirers have these Characters from him , can any thinking man read over the Act of Restitution of Bishops An. 1606 , and not believe that , according to its Preamble , the former Act An. 1592 , impairing that first Estate of his Kingdom , was purely owing to his young years and the unsetled Condition of Affairs ? How he was forced to it we may learn from his own Book , wherein he says , that God Almighty was pleased that the Blessed Reformation of Scotland should begin with Unordinate and Popular Tumults , of men clogg'd with their own Passion and particular Respects ; that some fiery spirited Ministers got such a guiding of the People at that time of Confusion , as finding the gust of Government sweet , they began to fancy a Democracy to themselves ; that having been over well baited upon the wrack , first of his Royal Grandmother , and next of his own Mother , and usurping the liberty of time in his own long Minority , there never rose any Faction among Statesmen , but they that were of that Factious part , were careful to perswade and allure the Church-Men to espouse that quarrel as their own : Wherefore in the year 1592 , the pernicious Feuds between the Earls of Huntley and Murray , and those Contests between the Assembly Men of the Clergy and the Lords of the Session : Together with repeated Treasonable Plots carried on against his Royal Person , by Bothwel , and his Associates , of the greatest Power and best Quality , forced that young King to settle Presbytery in the Church , that thereby he might bring off Presbyterians from joyning with the Acts of their Kirk to unsettle his Throne . 3. Charles the First of ever Blessed Memory , he pleads that in Charity he may be thought desirous to preserve the English Church Government by Bishops in its right Constitution , as a Matter of Religion , wherein both his Iudgment was justly satisfied , that it hath of all others the fullest Scripture Grounds , and also the constant practice of all Christian Churches . And after he had written this Confession with Ink , and then Sealed it with his Royal Blood , who can imagine that his once giving some way to Presbytery in Scotland , was his voluntary Act , especially when his Majesties Commissioner the Earl of Traquair , ( according to instructions ) gave in his Declaration to the contrary : But here there is no need to declare the unhappy State of Affairs that forced him to it : Since there are Volumes written concerning that Religious Rebellion , which produced the most horrid Murder of the best King that ever was in these Kingdoms . 4. Wherefore the Impartial Resolution to the question proposed , is in short this , that K. Iames the 6th , and K. Charles I. setled Presbytery in the Kingdom of Scotland , being constrained thereunto by troublesome and tumultuous times . QUESTION III. Whether the Principles of Scottish Presbytery grant any Toleration to Dissenters ? 1. SINCE the solemn League and Covenant is the Canon , and the Acts of the general Assembly the Comment , of the Principles of Scotch Presbytery , this Question in reference to their Toleration of Dissenters , plainly resolves in this , Whether Covenanters and Assembly-men according to their Principles , are for Liberty of Conscience , or against it ? 2. In the first Article of the Solemn League , they swear , That they shall sincerely , really and constantly endeavour the preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland in Discipline and Government against their common Enemies . 3. To preserve this part of the Reformation , they swear again in the second Article against Popish Prelacy , that is , the Church Government by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , their Chancelors and Commissiaries , Dean and Chapters , Arch-Deacons , and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierarchy , Superstition and Heresie . 4. What is meant by their Sincere Real and constant endeavour against their common Enemies ( King or Parliament ) for preserving that Reformation in Church-Government , by extirpating such an Episcopacy , is manifest in the last Article , in which they swear to assist and def●nd all those that enter into the League and Covenant , in the maintaining and persuing thereof , and that they shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly , by whatsoever Combination , Perswasion or Terror to be divided from their Blessed Union and Conjunction , whether to make defection to the contrary part , or to give themselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in the Cause , which so much concerneth the Glory of God. 5. But if after all these parts of the first , second , fourth , and sixth Articles of the Covenant compared together , any Seruple yet remains , whether those Men who make Conscience of the Oath they have taken against any Indifferency or Neutrality in this Cause against Episcopacy , ( which in Charity I believe they think the Cause of Christ ) can allow any Toleration to Dissenters , let us in the next place consider some Acts of their General Assemblies , which are the Infallible Interpreters of this Rule of their Faith about Ecclesiastical Polity . Now although the Episcopal Clergy in the times before the year 1639 , ( when they saw that destruction of the Church Government ) neither themselves appear'd in Tumults nor in Sermons , or Books , exhorted others to Tumultuate , ( for to preserve it ) yet the Presbyterians were so far from taking pains to gain them unto a Conformity , or in case they conform'd , from letting them continue in their Cures ( as the Presbyterians were dealt with , after the year 1662 ) that on the contrary they pass these following Acts. 6. The General Assembly ordaineth , the subscription of the Covevant to all the Members of that Kirk and Kingdom . 7. And whereas the former Act Aug. 1630. hadnot been obeyed , it was again ordain'd by another Assembly , That all Ministers make intimation of the said Act in their Kirks , and thereafter proceed with the Censures of the Kirk against such as shall refuse to subscribe the Covenant ; and that exact account be taken of every Ministers diligence herein by their Presbyteries and Synods , as they will answer to the General Assembly . 8. Neither was this last Act , inflicting Ecclesiastical Censures only to fall heavy upon those who were hinderers of their blessed Reformation , ( whom they called Anticovenanters ) but in the Assembly , it 's appointed , that all Ministers take special notice when any secret disaffecters of the Covenant shall come within their Parishes , that so soon as they shall know the same , they may without delay , cause warn them to appear before the Presbyteries , within which their Parishes lies , or before the Commissioners of the Assembly appointed for Publick Affairs , as they shall find most convenient ; which warning the Assembly , declares shall be a sufficient Citation unto them . 9. And that all , and every one of such Offenders shall humbly acknowledge their Offence upon their knees , first , before the Presbytery , and thereafter , before the Congregation , upon a Sabbath , in some place before the Pulpit ; and in the mean time , they be suspended from the Lords Supper . And in case they do not satisfie in manner aforesaid , they be processed with Excommunication : And this is as easie an Ecclesiastick Censure as the whole body of their Acts of Assembly have upon Record , or any now alive can remember . Nay , the Assembly enjoyns this Excommunication against Covenanters themselves , who but in so far comply with Malignancy ( the King 's Evil of those times ) as to drink the health of any declar'd a Common Enemy of that Covenanted Kirk and Kingdom . 10. And in case any Excommunicated Malignant should , for all his being Heathen , be yet so much the Christian , as to long after the Communion of Christ's Body and Blood , they did all they could to hinder it : For not only is it by them ordain'd , That all Deposed Ministers , who after the Sentence of Deprivation pronounced against them , exercise any part of the Ministerial Calling in the Places they formerly served in , or else where , they should be proceeded against with Excommunication : but Five Years before , Anno 1643. it was by them provided , that if any Covenanted Minister should haunt the company of any Excommunicated Person , he should for the first fault , be suspended from his Ministry , by his Presbytery , during their pleasure : and for the second fault be deprived : and in case the Presbyteries be negligent therein , that the Provincial Assembly shall censure the Presbytery thus negligent : And when they have done sufficiently to deprive the Excommunicate person of all Spiritual Mercy ( as far as they could do ) they proceed to take from him all his temporal comfort of Liberty and Property according to their Act , whereby they order his Person to be imprisoned , after the loss of his Goods and Estate . 11. Now these being the Principles of Presbytery , founded upon the Oath of the Covenant ( to extirpate Episcopacy , and never to be indifferent in the Cause ) and explained in the Assembly-Acts , ( enjoyning Censure and Excommunication , and recommending to the State the Temporal punishment of Forfeiture and Imprisonment to pass thereupon against all Persons disaffected ) the impartial resolution to the Question is this , That the Principles of Scottish Presbytery grant no Toleration to Dissenters . QUESTION IV , Whether between the Year 1662. and the Year 1689. Presbyterian Separatists were guilty of sinful Separation ? 1. THE Larger Catechism agreed upon by the pretended Assembly at Westminster , with assistance of Commissioners from the Kirk of Scotland , and thereafter approved by their general Assembly , teacheth such Doctrine , as from it can be demonstrated how necessary it is for Salvation that every person keep Communion with the particular Church established by the Laws of the State he liveth in ; unless she either enjoyn in her Canons any sinful term of Communion , or propose in her Confession of Faith any Heretical Article , or prescribe in her Directory for Worship , any Idolatrous impurity . So that the Question here proposed plainly resolves into this , Whether the Episcopal Church of Scotland these 27 years enjoyn'd any sinful Canon as a term of Communion , or prosess'd any erroneous Doctrine to be believed , or directed any Idolatry to be performed in Divine Worship . 2. All the Presbyterians in the World cannot produce one Canon of any Synod of the Episcopal Church of Scotland , from 1662 ▪ to the last year , with which they will not readily comply , excepting those Canons that qualifie Ministers to the Exercise of the holy Function : and none of those are enjoyned the Clergy of that Perswasion , as a term of their Communion , but as a condition of their Ministration : So that however these should debar any Ministers from the Pulpit , they cannot shut them out of the Church ▪ Nay , when it hath been demonstrated to them ( in a Letter for Union , dated at Edinburgh the 4th of March last ) that never any Confession of our Reformed Church avowed a Divine Right in a parity among all Church-Officers ; and that the Solemn League did not abjure the President Bishop , and that the English Presbyterians , in Conscience of their Oath of the Covenant , petitioned for such an Episcopacy ; I think it may be presumed ( when twelve-months are past without any Reason published against the said Letter ) that they now believe that sin lieth at their door , for leaving their Charges after the Restauration of our Kingly Government , upon the point of Difference about Episcopacy . 3. In the second place , the Scottish Presbyterians , for Matters of Faith , adhere to the Westminster Consession , in obedience to the Act of their General Assembly : Now let any Presbyterian discover , if he can , one single Article of all the three and thirty Chapters of that Confession , that was ever condemn'd by the late Episcopal Church of Scotland , in any whatsoever Synod , since the time of its Restitution . 4. Thirdly , Scotch Presbyterians , for publick Worship in the Church , retain the Directory , composed by the foresaid pretended Assembly at Westminster , and thereafter approved by the General Assemblies of their Kirk . Now to this Rule of Divine Service the established Episcopal Church there hath these 27 years been more conformable than the Presbyterians ever were or are . It is true , that those who have Sworn in the Solemn Leagne to preserve the Protestant Religion as it stood reformed in Scotland , An. 1638. and to reform the Kingdom of England , in the same point of Worship , according to the Example of the Church of Scotland , are by virtue of this their Solemn Oath obliged to ling the Doxologie after the singing Psalms , ever after the year Forty Eight , as well as they did it all the ten years before ; and to avoid the sin of Perjury , they were bound to make their English Brethren to sing it , rather than at their instigation to forbear to sing it themselves . But not to insist upon this Covenant-Obligation , doubtless when the Episcopal Church of Scotland continues that Christian Hymn , which the Directory hath no where forbidden , their sin of Commission is not half so great as the Omission of the Lords Prayer , which the Directory enjoyneth to be said at Sermon times , of which Omission the Presbyterians are only guilty , of all the Christians in the world . 5. Again , in Administration of both Sacraments , the Episcopal Church of Scotland , observeth the Directory in all things , save one which is a very justifiable Practice ; and that is in the Office of Baptism , the solemn Confession of the Apostolick Creed , which both the pretended Assembly here at Westminster , and the General Assembly there in Scotland , ( at the end of the shorter Catechism ) acknowledge to be a Brief Sum of the Christian Faith , agreeable to the Word of God , and amiently received in the Churches of Christ : This their acknowledgment of its Antiquity and Scripture Purity , must force any Scotch Presbyterian , to grant that there is no more sin in saying the Apostles Creed publickly in the Church , tho' there be no precept for saying it , than there is in sprinkling water upon the Baptized Infant . 6. Now laying all these considerations together , that the purity in Doctrine which Presbyterian Synods confess , and the purity of Publick Worship , doing nothing which the Directory forbids , could be as well retained in the Episcopal Church of Scotland these 27 years , as in any Presbyterian Kirk or Meeting-House : And that no Confession of any Reformed Church , asserts the Divine Right of their Presbytery as before defined : And that the Covevenant abjures not the Epis opacy likewise defin'd , but on the contrary it was peti●ioned for by the English Covenanters , I say laying all these things together , the impartial Resolution of the present Question , is this , That between the year 1662 , and the year 1689 , Presbyterian Separatists were guilty of sinful Separation . QUESTION V. Whether the Penal Laws against Scotch Presbyterians , had any thing of Persecution in them ? 1. IT cannot be denied but there may be a party in a Kingdom of well meaning men , truly Pious and Peaceable , who yet for some Non-Conformity to the Church-Establishment , may have too severe Laws Enacted against them , by the Execution of which they may suffer for Conscience Sake ; so that the question here proposed , plainly resolves into this , Whether the Penal Laws against Scotch Presbyterians had any thing in them which cannot be justified in Christian Policy as necessary , ( at those times in which they were Enacted ) for the Preservation of true Religion and Publick Peace in the Church and State ? Or whether they were the uncharitable effects of a peevish resentment , inconsistent with good Nature or Christianity ? 2. Forasmuch as it had pleased Almighty God to compassionate the Troubles and Confusions of Scotland , by returning King Charles the 2d , to the exercise of that Royal Government , under which , and its excellent Constitution , that Kingdom had for many Ages enjoyed so much Happiness , Peace , and Plenty ; The Noble Lord the Earl of Middleton , being for his unshaken Loyalty honoured with his Majesties High Commission , the Administration of the Oath of Allegiance , to all the Members of Parliament , was the first thing enacted by the States thereof . 3. In Conscience of their Oaths of Allegiance , to maintain and defend the Sovereign Power and Authority of the Kings Majesty ; and in consideration of the sad consequences that do accompany any encroachments upon , or diminution thereof , they , from their sen●e of humble Duty , wholy applyed themselves in this Session , to Establish such wholesome Laws , as might by acknowledgment of his Majesties Prerogatives , prove Salves to cure the State from the Diseases of Anarchy and Confusion , which had before in the Usurpation seized her Vitals . 4. But all this time of the Parliaments sole application to matters of State , in this first Session , the Presbyterian Clergy did not neglect to do all they could for a Parliamentary Confirmation of their Ecclesiastical Government . 5. First , the Synod of Edenburgh , applyed themselves to a Person of great Interest with his Majesties Commissioner , that his Grace might be intreated to procure from his Royal Master , instructions to give them Presbytery without Bishops ; and they promised that they should themselves Enact , never to meet without his Majesties Commissioner , who should call and dissolve them at his pleasure : Which Act of theirs , they promised to get ratified by the first General Assembly . 6. And when they found this Address of theirs to be without any success , they sall upon another method , and send a Clergyman , whose name ( because of his Memory for his Piety and School Learning ) I shall not mention , with this threatning , that if the Estates in Parliament consirm'd not their Presbytery , they should have the People let loose upon them ▪ 7. In that first Session of the Parliament already mentioned , the King with the Advice of the Estates therein Convened , had before forbid the renewing of the Solemn League and Covenant , and by several Acts annulled all the pretended Conventions of the preceeding Rebellion ; but this imperious Address from the Ministers , gave them a new sensible occasion to be perswaded , that all the late Disorders and Exorbitances in the Church , incroachments upon the Prerogative and Right of the Crown , and Usurpations upon the Authority of Parliaments , and the prejudice done to the Liberty of the Subject , were the Natural Effects of the Invasion made upon the Episcopal Government ; and therefore upon deliberation of twenty Months , they past an Act of its Restitution , in the beginning of the second Session of that Parliament . 8. This Act of Restitution of Bishops had this effect , in reference to the Scottish Clergy : Whoever among them were disappointed in their hopes of Preferment , or were Lovers of Ease from the burthensome Service in the Church , or else impatient to be made subordinate to those with whom they so lately had been upon a Level , forsook their Ministry , but they lived quietly at their respective habitations , and in Personal Conformity to the Church Establisht . Others again ( and of them not a few ) were sensible that the Established Episcopacy , being obliged to exercise their Jurisdiction in a Synod with the ballance of Assisting Presbyters , was the only Church Government which could be obtained of the State , ( and which was not abjur'd in the Solemn League ) and therefore did keep their Charges , and were willing to own Canonical Obedience to their Diocesan Bishops . 9. This Example of Christian submission to Authority , given by the generality of Presbyterian Ministers of both sorts , gain'd the Laity of that Perswasion to a Pious and Sober observance of the Publick Worship ; so that at that time nothing was wanting to render that National Church happy without Protestant Dissenters , but a competent number of Godly , Learned , and Grave Men to fill up the vacant places of those who , for any of the Motives before mentioned , had left their charges ; and till that deplorable want ( especially in the West , ) the Separation from the regular Meetings for Divine Service , was so little observable , that before June 1663 , the wisdom of that Nation had by no Act provided against it . 10. It is true , that the libellous Sermons and Books of some wicked Men , which were written to justify the Murder of Charles the I. and the Banishment of Charles the II. the renovation of the Covenant , the necessity of taking up Arms to promote its Ends , and the sinfulness of complyance with the legal Settlement in Church or State , did now alarm that Parliament . 11. They considered how seditious , and of how dangerous example and consequence Seperation from the rugular Church might prove for the future : And therefore for security of the State from the confusions they had so lately smarted under , they were forced to enact a Penal Law against it , importing , That every Person having an Inheritance , should pay the fourth part of his yearly Estate ; every Yeoman Tenant or Farmer the fourth part of his free moveables ( after the payment of their Dues to their Master ; ) and that every Burgess should lose all the Priviledges within the Borough , and the fourth part of his moveables . 12. But notwithstanding this Penal Law , the contagion of those Books and Sermons which poisoned so many with Principles of Separation from the established Church , produced the renovation of the Covenant , contrary to the Authority of the King and Parliament ; and that again was followed by an open Rebellion of the Western parts ( known by the name of Pentlin Hills ) in the Year 1666 , defeated by the King's Army , so that they were out of capacity of resisting : However , the King in his Royal Clemency , at the Address of some States-men , gave them indulgence to convene in Meeting-Houses for Divine Worship ; and they made this good use of his Mercy , as that by them the incumbent Ministers ( whose Characters would have secured them any where but in the West of Scotland ) had their Houses in the night time invaded , their Persons assaulted , wounded and pursued for their Lives . Then indeed , that merciful Prince , with advice of his Estates in Parliament , having a just indignation of such horrid and unchristian Villanies , thought fit to brand the same with a signal mark of displeasure . And this Act of the Date , Aug. 1670. is the first that punisheth with Death and confiscation of Goods . 13. It is true indeed , the King and his Estates of Parliament , filled with indignation at the scandalous sin , which procured this former Penal Law ; and understanding from thence , that the specious pretences of Religion were altogether false , and taken up by seditious Persons ; They immediately pass'd another Act against Conventicles ; the Preamble of which last Act declares , That such Meetings were the ordinary Seminaries of Rebellion as well as Separation , that they tended to the alienating the Hearts of the Subjects from their Duty and Obedience they owe to his Majesty and the Publick Laws , and by consequence , to the reproach of the Authority of the King and Parliament , as well as the prejudice of Gods publick Worship , and the scandal of the Reformed Rel●gion : And therefore they were obliged in reason of State , as well as for the Peace of the Church , to make the Penalty of this Law fall heavy upon the Transgressors thereof . 14 And the Penalties therein contained ( as nigh as I can value Scottish Mony by the current Coin in England ) are these following : That every Minister , preaching at a Conventicle , should be imprisoned till he find surety for 275 l. that he should not do the like thereafter , or else oblige himself by Bond to remove out of the Kingdom , and never to return without his Majesties leave ; that every one of any Inheritance should pay the fourth part of his yearly Estate ; that every Servant should pay the fourth part of his yearly Wages ; that every Farmer should pay Forty Shillings , and every Tenant under them Twenty . 12. Further , His Majesty understanding that divers disaffected Persons had been so maliciously wicked and disloyal , as to convocate his Subjects to open Meetings in the Fields ; and considering that those Meetings were the rendezvous of Rebellion , and tending in a high measure to the disturbance of the publick Peace , declares , that those who in Arms did convocate in Field Conventicles , should be punishable by Death , and confiscation of Goods ; and that those present at them , should be punished in double the respective Fines appointed against House-Meetings . This Act is dated Aug. the 30th . 1670. 13. These acts against Separation in Meeting-houses , or in the Fields , were appointed to endure only for the space of three years , unless his Majesty should think fit to continue them longer ; wherefore his Majesty considering that they had not received due Obedience , and that the execution thereof had not been so prosecuted , as by the Tenor of the same is prescribed , found it necessary , with the advise of his Estates in Parliament , in Sept. 1672. that they should remain in force for other three Years to come . 14. These are the Penal Laws in Scotland against the Presbyterians , made by divers free Parliaments against their sinful Separation from the Church , to frequent Meeting-houses or Field-Conventicles , upon mature consideration of the inconsistency of it , with Religion towards God ; Affection to the Laws ; Loyalty to the King ; or Study of the publick Peace of the State : And three Rebellions in 23 years ( from the year 1663 to the year 1686 ) have justifyed the Justice and Wisdom of these Parliaments . But none ever suffered for meer Separation but in purse ; and never any was punished that way , but such as came to Church to save their Money , notwithstanding all their pretended scruples of Conscience : Wherefore unless we derogate from the Authority of King and Parliament , justify Rebellion , and prefer private Humour to publick Peace , the impartial Resolution of the present Question is this , That the Penal Laws against the Scotch Presbyterians had nothing of Persecution in them . QUESTION VI. Whether the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland from the Year 1662 to the Year 1686 , shewed any thing of the Spirit of Persecution against Presbyterians ? 1. NOtwithstanding that the Presbyterians are pleas'd to say , they were dragoon'd by the Bishops and Episcopal Clergy , alluding to that way of Conversion in France , which indeed was procur'd by an Address of the Assembly of the Clergy of that Kingdom ; yet this is a palpable Injustice and Calumny . For certain it is , that all these twenty four years never produced one Address of the Presbyterial , Diocesan , Provincial , or National Assembly of the Established Church of Scotland , either beseeching the High Court of Parliament , or the Lords of the Privy Council , to make or execute Laws against Protestant Dissenters : Wherefore , notwithstanding all the passionate Exhortations in private , and the publick Sermons in the Church , concerning the guiltiness of Schism , and the necessity of Union among Protestants , against their common Adversaries , the Inferiour Clergy there cannot be possibly charged with the Spirit of Persecution against Presbyterians . Nay , upon the contrary , our Clergy were so averse from giving obedience to the Act that enjoyned them to present written Lists of the Dissenters in their respective Parishes , and so very inflexible to the Publick Order for their Judicial informing upon Oath against Separatists , that the Judges competent , and Officers of State chid them in Publick for disaffection to the Royal Government ; so that under that Imputation they had nothing but their Innocency to support them , in the Spirit of Meekness and Charity to their sworn Enemies . 2. Again , it were a great Injustice to the Lords Spiritual , the Bishops , to charge any of them as having been the first movers of those Penal Laws against Separation ; but since the repeated Rebellions of Forty Years past , convinced all Mankind of the necessity of those Laws for the security of Religion and the Peace of the State , the Bishops consenting , or even advising to those Laws , is so far from inferring their having a Persecuting Spirit , that on the contrary , their doing otherwise , had demonstrated them to be Enemies to the Commonwealth , in all its concerns both Sacred and Civil . 3. But withal , it cannot but be acknowledged by any one that considers things calmly , that none of those Bishops had it ever in their power to shew acts of Compassion towards deluded Separatists of whatever quality , but he chearfully did it , in relieving their Necessities , or mitigating the execution of the Penalties by Law enjoin'd . To make a proof of this by enumerating particular Acts of Charity ( which Presbyterians , to this day alive , will acknowledge ) would make the Resolution of this Question swell Four times bigger than all the Four Letters concerning the present Persecution of their Clergy ; therefore I shall forbear it . 4. Now since Private Exhortations , and Publick Sermons against Schism , and recommending Union , were all the appearances made by that Inferiour Clergy against Separatists ; and since all the Bishops in Parliament advis'd to no Penal Laws against Separation , but such as were justified to the World by a Threefold Rebellion , to be necessary in Policy as well as Religion , for the common good of the State as well as Church ; I say , after all , the impartial Resolution of the present Question is this , That the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland , from the year 1662 to the year 1686 , shewed nothing of the Spirit of Persecution against Presbyterians . QUESTION VII . Whether the Episcopal Church of Scotland were Compliers with the Designs for taking away the Penal Laws against the Papists ? 1. FOr the clearer resolution of this Question , let us distinguish betwixt the Scottish Episcopal Church , diffused through all the Laity of that Kingdom ; and that Church again under the more restrained notion of Representative , comprehending the Clergy : and let us likewise distinguish the Clergy unto the Lords Spiritual the Bishops , and the subordinate Ministers and Pastors ; that so without partiality , every one of these Societies of Protestants may be considered in reference to the matter of fact in question . 2. And to begin with their Episcopal Church Diffusive . The Two Estates of Barons ( great and less ) and Burgesses , fully represent them , in Parliamentary Assemblies ; the free and full Parliament convened An. 1685. consisted of such Men as had all of them sworn in the Test against the Covenant-Principles of Presbytery : This Episcopal Parliament so resolutely own'd themselves to be averse from taking away these Legal Restraints upon Papists , that the Vote about repealing those Penal Laws came never further than the Lords of the Articles : All this the Episcopal Church Diffusive did , with the apparent hazard of displeasing the Prince , who was then so zealous for an extensive Liberty to Papists , that for the disappointment which he found therein from that Parliament , he chose to turn out of his Service , some who had been the most faithful to him both in Civil and Military Affairs . 3. Again , for the Church Representative of Scotland , the most malicious Enemies to the Episcopal Order , asperse but two of fourteen Bishops , for their complyance to these designs ; and it is as well known that two of the twelve were depriv'd . 4. Then as for the inferior Clergy , they were constantly faithful in Preaching against the Doctrines of the Roman Church , notwithstanding the necessity they were under , of reading the Law against LEESING MAKING , every quarter of the year , to affright them into silence ; they as often as they preached , remembred in their Publick Prayers , the persecuted Protestants in France , notwithstanding all that was done to stifle and disparage the belief of the Persecution ; nay , in none of their Synodical Sermons , was the eminent danger from the busie Jesuites and other Papists forgotten ; nor in any Sermon , the miserable Fopperies of Popery omitted , even before his Majesties own Commissioner , whether in the Cathedral Church at Edenborough , or the Chappel Royal at Holy-Rood-House : And in the Synod of April 1685 , ( when the Bishops could not be with them , by reason of the approaching Parliament ) they drew up their Remonstrances against Popery ; and like dutiful Sons and Zealous Protestants , shewed their ready concurrence with the Bishops , in that day of Tryal : And it 's certain , that to their Interest with the Country , it is chiefly to be attributed , that the Penal Laws against Papists were not then repealed . 5. All this they did , not with connivance of the Court , but with apparent hazard of its heaviest displeasure , executed in the censuring of some , suspension of others , and deposition of others , who were all patient and chearful Confessors for that Holy Religion , which they Professed and Taught in season and out of season : Wherefore the impartial Resolution to the present Question , is this , That neither the Episcopal Church Diffusive , nor Representative the Clergy , whether Superior , or Inferior , were Compliers with the Designs for taking away the Penal Laws against Papists . QUESTION VIII . Whether the Scottish Presbyterians were Complyers with the Designs for taking away the Penal Laws against Papists ? IN satisfying this Question , let us take the same method which we took to satisfie the former : And to begin with the Laity of the Presbyterian Perswasion , none of these were ignorant that the Convening of the Parliament in 1685 , was to obtain of them a free admission of Papists into all places of Trust ; King Iames his Principles for Liberty of Conscience , fill'd up all his Declarations for Indulgence within his Kingdoms ; none of the Presbyterians were unacquainted that he had sent an Ambassador to the Pope , and that the Pope had his Nuncio at Whitehall ; none of them believed that the English Court in those circumstances , would do any thing relating to Religion , but what was agreeable to the measures of the Conclave ; none of them were ignorant , that Papists call all Protestants Hereticks , and that they damn all Hereticks to Hell ; and that King Iames oft declared , that Presbyterians could not be Loyal ; and that he could never so much forget the Murder of his Royal Father of ever Blessed Memory , as to trust them himself : There was none of them but knew , that every Zealous Papist believes the Roman Church Infallible ; and that Infallibility is inconsistent with Liberty of Conscience : And therefore all the Presbyterian Laity were doubtless conscious , that the Indulgence given to them by a Popish King , assented unto by the Pope's Nuncio , conformable to the Sense of the Roman Conclave , could never be intended for the Ease of Protestant Dissenters , but with design of making Papists share in the Blessing ; and that by this step Papists , got into Power , might apply it to the overthrow of the Reformation , was doubtless obvious to every Presbyterian : And therefore the acceptance of , and thanksgiving for such an Indulgence , was a gross complyance with the designs for Popery , tending to the destruction of the Protestant Religion . 2. All this Charge lies equally heavy upon the Ministers of that Perswasion , with these aggravating circumstances , that whereas in the Reign of a Protestant King , they preached against Popery as imminent and at hand ; they in the Reign of a Popish King , were guilty ( for the most part ) of shameful silence ; yea when one of their number ( more faithful than the rest ) viz. Doctor Hardy , in a Sermon at Edenborough , which he preached at their Provincial Assembly , had Exhorted them to take heed , that the Indulgence to Proustant Dissenters , might not be an Engine for bringing Popery into the Kingdom ; and when for the preaching of this Sermon , he was Arraigned for his Life , none of all his Brethren , nor any of the Laity , ( except the good Mr. R. B — d Merchant in Edenborough ) would shew him any Friendship : But on the contrary , they did openly condemn his doing his Duty , as indiscreet Zeal : And certainly he had suffered as the worst of Malefactors ; had it not been for the Episcopal Advocates that pleaded for him , and the Episcopal Judges that acquitted him , and took all his danger upon themselves : Wherefore the impartial Resolution to the present Question , is this , That the Scotch Presbyterians were Compliers with the late Designs for taking away the legal Restraints against Papists . QUESTION IX . Whether Scottish Presbytery in the Church , be consistent with the Legal Monarchy in that Kingdom ? 1. AS the Solemn League is the Canon , and the Acts of their General Assemblies , the Interpreters of the Principles of Scottish Presbytery ; so on the other hand , the Acts of Parliament of that Kingdom , are the only Interpreters of the Rights of their Monarchy : Wherefore the Question here proposed , resolveth unto this , Whether the Scotch Presbyterians in their Assembly Acts , which are founded upon the Covenant , make any Enchroachment upon the Royal Prerogatives of that Crown , which are asserted by their Acts of Parliament unrepealed . 2. To chuse Persons qualified by Law to be Officers of State , Councellors , and Iudges , is one Prerogative acknowledged to be inherent in the Kings of Scotland : but the Principles of their Presbytery , make this to be the Prerogative of the Kirk ; as appears by the 4th Article of the Covenant , wherein they swear to endeavour with all faithfulness the discovery of all such as have been or shall be evil Instruments , by making any Parties contrary to that Covenant , that they may be brought to publick Tryal , and receive condign punishment . This is farther declared in their Answer to the pretended Committee of Estates ; by which Answer they propose as a safe Rule in this case , that the Duties of the Second Table , as well as of the First , namely the Duties between King and Subject , Masters and Servants , being contained in , and to be taught and cleared from the Word of God , are a subject of Ministerial Doctrine , and in difficult cases a subject of cognizance and judgment , to the Assemblies of the Kirk : Now what cases are difficult , in which King and Subjects are the Parties , the Kirk must judge , and be as Infallible in Scotland as in Rome . 3. Another Perogative of the King of Scotland , is declared , his power of Calling and Dissolving Parliaments ( by himself ) and making of Laws with their Advice and Councel . And this Prerogative , in all its Branches , is usurped upon by the Principles of Presbytery . As for his power of calling Parliaments by himself , either Presbyterian Kirk-men are not Subjects of the Scottish King , or else by their acknowledgement of this Royal Prerogative , his Letters Patents directed to them , may command their Assembling about Ecclesiastical Affairs , as well as the other Estates to convene for Matters Civil : But should they once grant that the power of their Assembling flows immediately from the King their Soveraign , and not immediately from Christ ; then should they by Laws of consequence be obliged to confess , that Christ gives them no Warrant to Assemble without Warrant from their King. But this the Presbyterian Kirk cannot grant to the State , because thereby their Covenant should become an unlawful bond of Treason , and the most of their Assembly Acts null and void ; since first that Oath was sworn , and thereafter the most of those Acts were pass'd without , yea , and contrary to the express Will and Pleasure of their King. 4. Then the Kings Power to Dissolve Parliaments by himself is another Branch of his Royal Prerogative : But this is likewise Usurped upon by the Principles of Presbytery ; for as much as the Second Article of the Covenant bindeth to preserve the Priviledges of Parliament , with the preservation of which Priviledges , the General Assembly declares the Kings negative Voice inconsistent . Now if the King have no Negative Voice in a Parliament that enjoys its Priviledges , then any thing concluded by the Majority of such a Parliament , may pass into a formal Act , though the King should deny his concurrence ; and by consequence , without the Royal Assent , they might make a Law for continuing their Session as long as they please ; by vertue of which Law , the Royal Authority could not Dissolve them , according to these Covenanting Principles . 5. In the Third place , the power of making Laws is Usurped from King and Parliament by the Principles of Presbyterians : For in the last Article of their Covenant they swear that they shall all the Days of their lives zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition , letts , and impediments whatsoever ; and in conscience of this part of their Oath the Kirk Assembly Men pass'd an Act declarative against an Act of Parliament and Committee of Estates ( dated in June , the same year , ) and in general , against all others made in the common cause without consent of the Church . 6. A Third Prerogative Royal in the Crown of Scotland , is that of making Leagues and Conventions of the Subjects . Now that cannot consist with the Principles which flow from that Covenant which was entred into by the Assembly of the Subjects , without the King ; and more particularly is it Invaded by those Principles by which they emitted an Act declaring against the bond subscribed by the Scotch Lords at Oxford , and inflicting the highest Ecclesiastical Censures against any who subscribed , or framed , or were accessary to the Execution of the same . 7. The making Peace and War with Foreign Princes , is another Branch of this Prerogative of the Crown of Scotland , acknowledged to be in the King. But this also , according to the Principles of Presbytery , is Usurped upon by that Kirk ; for she , in the Explication of the Sixth Article of the Covenant ( already mention'd in the Fourth number concerning the Third Question ) declares her self in her solemn and seasonable warning to all her Children of the Covenant , after this manner , Whosoever he be that will not according to publick Order and Appointment adventure his Person , or send out those that are under his power , or pay the Contributions imposed for the maintenance of the Forces , must be taken for an Enemy , Malignant , and Covenant-breaker , and so involved both into the displeasure of God , and censures of the Kirk . 8. Now the King's Power to chuse Officers of State , Counsellours and Iudges qualified by Law , to Call and Dissolve Parliaments by himself , and make Laws with their Advice , to make Leagues and Conventions of the Subjects , and to make Peace and War , being all Prerogatives Royal of the Crown of Scotland , asserted by Acts of Parliament unrepealed ; and all these being so notoriously Usurped upon by the Presbyterian Kirk , the impartial Resolution of the Question is this , That this Scottish Presbytery in the Church , is Not Consistent with legal Monarchy in that Kingdom . QUESTION X. Whether Scottish Presbytery be agreeable to the general Inclination of that People ? 1. AFter it hath been Demonstrated that the Principles of Scotch Presbytery are inconsistent with that Monarchy , to say that Presbyterian Church-Government were agreeable to the mind of the Representatives of that People in the current Parliament , might be constructed the capital Crime of LEISING MAKING to his Majesty , against his Supreme Judicature : And therefore this Question hath Reference to the People whom they represent ; and resolveth into this , Whether the generality of the Scottish Nation would be glad to accept of Presbytery , instead of the Episcopacy lately abolished . 2. For the clearer resolution of the Question thus stated , that Kingdom may be distinguished into the Laity and Clergy ; and the Laity distinguished into the Nobility , Gentry , and Commons : And the Clergy again into the Bishops and subordinate Pastors , after whom we may consider the Universities and Colledges of Learning . 3. As for the Nobility . Since that Honourable Estate of the Kingdom have by birth their Peerage in Parliament , beside that it were Scandalum magnatum to say that they inclin'd to that Church Government , which is not consistent with their Monarchy ; it were also a Scandalum Christianorum , to say that those Men of Honour and Conscience , who ( a very few excepted ) swore in the Test against all Fanatical Principles , and renounced all Covenant-Obligations , do incline to Presbytery . And it 's well known that there never were in Scotland above a dozen of Peers so much Presbyterian as to refuse the Declaration against the Covenant-Principles , the taking of which qualified them to sit in Parliament ▪ 4. Again , for the Scottish Gentry , it 's certain , that not One of Forty in all Scotland but has taken the Test ; and Four years ago , not Fifty in all Scotland ( out of the West ) did upon the Indulgence , forsake their Churches to frequent Meeting-Houses . And it cannot be supposed of any who have so generous Blood in their Veins , that they should have so little Honour or Conscience as to Incline to that Church Government , which usurps the Priviledge of entring into Covenants and Leagues , and Convening in Assemblies , for Treating , Consulting and Determining in matters Ecclesiastical , without the Royal Command , or express License : Which is a Practice contradicting the Promissory part of that Oath of the Test. 5. Then for the Commons ; it is certain that the generality of them ( as well as the richest and most sensible part ) live in Cities and Market Towns ; now all such Burgesses who were either worthy to be of the Common Council of the Towns they lived in , or were able to follow any ingenuous Trade , were obliged to take the Test before they could be qualified to elect Burgesses for Parliament ; and therefore , according to their Sense and Conscience of an Oath , they cannot but have an aversion against Presbytery ; yea , their loud Cries and Rivers of Tears at the Farewel-Sermons of their Episcopal-Pastors ( for whom they would have pluckt out their right Eyes ) in all other parts of Scotland but the Western Shires , heighteneth the probability , that they are not in love with Presbytery . 6. Then for the Clergy ; since they all have owned Episcopal Ordination , sworn the Oaths of Allegiance , Supremacy , and the Test , it cannot be suspected of any of them , without a blemish of their Integrity or Constancy , that they should be inclin'd to Presbyterian Government . And if Twenty of a Thousand are Trimmers betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyterian Moderator , yet sure those Twenty added to all the Field-Preachers and Meeting-housekeepers ▪ will not make up the number of a fifth part of the Episcopal Clergy : No doubt they will say , that what they want in the number , they have in the worth of their Ministers : But how far we may believe them in their setting value upon themselves , may partly appear from the consideration of their late Commissioners to this Court ; for doubtless , for the managing of their Cause , they made choice of the fittest Men they had , as for all other Abilities , so especially for soundness in the Principles of Presbytery , also of the greatest moderation ; and yet one of the Three , Mr. W — son , before he got his First Wife , was a malignant Lecturer under Bishops , and so continued , till his first disappointment of getting his Rectors Place , made him desert his own with Indignation , and that made him an enemy to Episcopacy . Another of them , Mr. K — dy , was , before the restitution of Bishops , deprived by his Presbyterian Brethren , ( to use their own Words as near as I can remember ) as a Firebrand of Hell to inflame the Church on Earth . The Third is so famous , that I never heard of him till he came in this Character . 7. Then in all the Four Universities , it is certain that not Four Masters , Head or Fellow , incline to Presbytery ; and the Colledges of Justice and Physick at Edenborough , were so averse from it , that the generality of them were ready last Summer , to take Arms in defence of their Episcopal Ministers . Wherefore , since neither the most part of the Scotch Noblemen , Gentry or Commons , Clergy , Universities or Colleges , are for Presbytery , or in Honour or Conscience can be ; we conclude , That Scottish Presbytery is not agreeable to the mind of that People . FINIS . The CONTENTS . Quest. 1. Concerning the time of the first settlement of Presbytery in Scotland . pag. ● Quest. 2. Concerning the manner of the settlement 〈◊〉 Presbytery in Scotland , in the Reigns of K. Ja. V● and Charles I. pag. ● Quest. 3. Concerning the Principles of Scottish Presbytery in reference to Dissenters , pag. ● Quest. 4. Concerning the Separation of Scotch Presbyterians from the Episcopal Church since the Year 1662. p. ● Quest. 5. Concerning the Penal Laws against Scotch Presbyterians , since the Year 1663. pag. ●● Quest. 6. Concerning the Carriage of the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland , towards Dissenters , pag. ●● Quest. 7. Concerning the Carriage of the Episcopal Church of Scotland , in reference to the Penal Law against Papists . pag. ●● Quest. 8. Concerning the Carriage of Scotch Presbyterians , in reference to the Penal Laws against Papists . pag. 23. Quest. 9. Concerning the Principles of Scottish Presbytry , in referenee to the power of the King. pag. 25. Quest. 10. Concerning the mind of the people in Scotland , in reference to the Presbyterian Government in the Church . pag. 28. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35430-e370 K. Iames 6. Parl. 1. Act. 2 , 3 , 8. Spotswood's 3 Book Spotswood Book 3. p. 152. Book 6. p. 289. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. p. ●8 . Lond. Ed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 2. Spotswood 6 Book . K. Charles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 17 Chap. August 30. 1639. Aug 1639. Aug. 1643. May 1644. A●g . 164● . 〈…〉 An. 1661. Aug. 1647. Feb. 1645. K. Ch. 2. Parl. 1. Act. 7 , 9 , 10. K. Ch. 2. Parl. 1. Sess. 2. Act. 1. K. Ch. 2. Parl. 1. Sess. 3. Act. 2. K. Ch. 2 Parl. 2. Ses. 2. Act. 4. K. Ch. 2. Parl. 2. Ses. 2. Act. 5. K. Ch. 2. Parl. 1. Act. 2. Aug. 1648. K. Ch. II. Part. 1. Act. 3. Iuly 1648. Iuly 28. 1648. Iune 3. 1644. K. Ch. 2. Part. 1. Act. 5. Feb. 12. 1645. 
A29956	----	An explanation of some truths, of the carriage of things about this great work Buchanan, David, 1595?-1652? This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A29956 of text R19658 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B5272). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 114 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A29956 Wing B5272 ESTC R19658 11762050 ocm 11762050 48716 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29956) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48716) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 17:9) An explanation of some truths, of the carriage of things about this great work Buchanan, David, 1595?-1652? [5], 58 p. [s.n.], London : 1645. Caption title: A short view of the present condition of Scotland. "Published by authority" Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Church of Scotland. Solemn League and Covenant (1643) A29956 R19658 (Wing B5272). civilwar no An explanation of some truths, of the carriage of things about this great work. Published by authority. Buchanan, David 1645 20854 17 0 0 0 0 0 8 B The rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXPLANATION OF SOME TRUTHS , Of the carriage of things about this great WORK . Frustra laboramus , nisi laboris nostri Reipublicae cui omnia post Deum debemus , ratio constet . Pro captu Lectoris habent sua fata Libelli . Published by Authority . LONDON , Printed in the Yeer 1645. TO THE READER . Impartiall and judicious Reader , HEre I give thee a short and true View or Description of the present state and condition of the Scots , in relation to this great Cause of Church and State now in hand , for which these last yeers there hath been and yet at this present is such fighting and fensing with strength and skill amongst us in these Dominions : On the one side , By the good party bestirring themselves by good and just actions in the Field , and by right and wholsome advice in the Counsell , to put forward and establish the Truth of Religion setled in a thorow Reformation in Doctrine and Discipline , according to the Word of God , and conform to the example of the best Reformed Neighbour-Churches , as we are all sworn to by our solemn Covenant ; to lay aside all other tyes in this place , for the glory of God , with the eternall salvation of our immortall souls ; and to obtain a solid and firm Peace , in the enjoying whereof we may lead a sober and quiet life , serving God as we ought to do , and be in comfort one to another . On the other side , By the adverse party , not onely manifest and declared , but also secret and counterfeited , who first did begin this strife , and still continues it , acting by open Warfare and secret undermining what he can , to hinder and put back this good Work of a thorow Reformation ; and in lieu of it , to raise up and put on , for faction and interest , with the inventions of men , cunningly devised , and craftily disguised with the mask of Piety towards God , and of good towards the People . But of this , thou shalt see more in the ensuing Discourse . A SHORT VIEW OF The present condition of SCOTLAND . THe Common Enemy , by great slight , and profound skill , having brought us all , in a manner , insensibly and smoothly , we hardly perceiving it , to such a passe , that we were all catched almost , when we did think our selves freest : For how many were there amongst us , who , thinking themselves sincere professors of the truely reformed Religion , were altogether infected with errour and heresie , by an unparallell'd cunning of the Enemies of the Truth , in one way or other ? He then did judge it fit time ( as in all probability it was ) to dallie no more , nor deal with us by undermining any further , but in an open way , to overthrow whatsoever should lie in his way , in case of any opposition to his main designe , which is to withdraw men from the Service of God , and from true love one to another . Now , when he had cast his eyes up and down among us , to see where it was fittest for him to begin this his great and open undertaking , in the end he resolves to begin at Scotland , where if he found compliance , he had what he desired ; for they , who were so far distant from him , having once complied , would not only invite others by their example to submit ; but also help him to go on with the work . And in case the Scots should refuse , being not able to resist long , as he thought , by reason of their weaknesse for counsell and action ; with means to support both , they should be made an example of punishment to all others , not to dare to refuse , and against their will to serve unto the advancement of the designe . So the Scots are gone too , and compliance is required of them , which almost had been obtained , ( the most part of the spirits of the people being kept under by heavy pressures , and the great ones inslaved by Court-interest ; ) but God in his Mercy to that Nation , did stir up the spirits of divers of all ranks and degrees , despiseable indeed in the eyes of the Enemy , to stand in the gap with wisdom and resolution : First , In a fair way to decline and put off what was unjustly required of them by the Court , acting for the Enemy of God and his people . Next , When no better could be , they take Arms and stop the Enemies coming unto them , upon which a Peace is made with them , and their just demands are granted for the most part , in words at least . The Articles of Peace are no sooner agreed upon , but resolution is taken by the Court to break them thus : First , There is a Plot set afoot to catch at Berwick the chief sticklers for the Truth . Which Plot , by Gods Providence , is discovered and disappointed . Then shortly thereafter , at London , the Articles are burned publikely , the Scots Commissioners put in prison , and ( a second expedition ) undertaken against them . So the Scots Reformers were put to work again by a new undergoing of War , which they perform as formerly , with wisdom and resolution , and with successe , under Gods blessing : For , having in a very short time setled their own Countrey , by subduing those who had then risen and stood out against them , they come into England to seek out the Enemy , who was bound for their Countrey ; unto whom they give a repulse , and thereafter they come forward to New-castle , from whence they send their Commissioners to treat with the King , where all the time they stayed , they behaved themselves with such temper and moderation , that their sworn Enemies had nothing to say against their carriage . The Scots incoming and abode at New-castle , did embolden some of the English Nobility , chief Gentry , and Magistracy , to petition the King openly and freely for a Parliament , to redresse all the disturbances in the Common-wealth , both of Church and State . The King , although he had never intended to have any Parliament ( as was clear , not onely by divers expressions of himself , and of the Court , but also by the managing of publike affairs ) is necessitated by reason of the Scots to grant a Parliament , which he doth , and since he could not refuse it , his second thought is how to make it work for his purpose , which he endeavoureth by causing to be chosen divers Members of the Commons , so far as he was able to do , what by his own private Orders , what by the Court-dependers , Nobles , and others of credit : but all will not do ; for some of those who were chosen by his procurement are rejected , others do not answer according to his expectation : Then he plots with the Army he had gathered against the Scots , and by Papists , to undo the Parliament ; but the Plot , through fear of miscarriage ( the Scots being so neer ) is discovered , and faileth . After this , the King hath his recourse to the Scots themselves , if they would come forward and destroy the Parliament , they should have the plunder of the City of London for their pains , with the four next adjacent Counties for their inheritances , besides store of money . The Scots are so far from consenting to this base act , that they reject it with disdain , and give notice of it to the Parliament , with assurance of their affection and faithfulnesse . Upon this , the Scots are cryed up to be Parliaments Army , by some , and the Parliament to be for the Scots . Then jealousies must be raised against the Scots , That they would never remove , nor go home . This reproach is raised and spred abroad by the adversaries of Church and State , and received by the simpler ones , otherwayes well-meaning and well-disposed men . So the Scots , to take away all kinde of suspicion , repaire home peaceably . Then the King must follow them home to try conclusions : First , He essayeth again if the Scots Army could be corrupted for his designe : But he loseth his pains . Next , He goeth on , and being in Scotland , he tryeth if he can make sure the chief opposers of the great designe , as of some also who had not served him according to the trust he had given them therein : This Plot also faileth . By this time , the Irish break forth in Rebellion , burning and spoiling the Countrey , and slaying the English Protestants there amongst them : The Villains give out , That they have nothing to say against the Scots their old Friends , Brethren , and neer Neighbours , but against the Adherents to that wicked Parliament of England , so displeasing to the good King . This they did , hoping that by these fair words , and not doing harm at first to the Scots amongst them , to make the Scots be quiet , whom they knew would be very soon in readinesse to fall upon them , if the King and Parliament of England would allow and desire it . The Scots make offer of their Service unto the King ( while he is amongst them ) for repressing the Rebellion in Ireland : He waves the businesse , and puts it off , with that he could do nothing without the Parliament of England ; and so he cometh to the Parliament , where till he was constrained , he said little or nothing of the Rebels ; at last , he is made to make a Declaration against them , and then course must be taken for repressing them . The Scots continue to offer their assistance ; but with shifts , they were put off by the Court , and by some corrupt men fiding with the Court , for a long time . At last , the Scots send an Army into Ireland , willing to do their best ; but not being furnished with necessaries for the prosecution of the Service , nor supplied in their wants , they could not go on so earnestly and with such heartinesse as they themselves wished : so after divers of them had starved and perished for want , some return back to their own Countrey , yet they leave there a considerable body under the conduct of Major Generall Monro , which number had absolutely starved if it had not been supplied from Scotland , who although it was not able to provide for that Army in such a proportion as was needfull for a more earnest pursuance of the Service , yet they kept them alive , and encouraged them to go still on with the Work ; and although that Army there hath not done all what was expected of them , yea not so much perchance , as some men conceive they might have done , yet one thing is acknowledged by all , That this Army hath kept alive the Protestant-businesses in that Kingdom ; for without it , the cessation and compliance with the Rebels had gone on through the whole Countrey , unto the prejudice of the Common Cause , and to the damage of these Kingdoms ; for the English Army sent thither , being corrupted and drawn hither by the King , the Protestant-Indwellers in Ireland had complyed , being inclined to the Court for the most part . But to return unto England : The King having left London , resolves to make War against the Parliament , and being at Windsor he causeth to gather together some men , to try what he could do in the businesse ; but he seeing his few gathered men to be dispersed by the Countrey , finds for such an undertaking he must have a help from beyond Seas ; to this effect , he sends the Queen unto Holland : and he finds that he must go further off from London : So after her departing , he goeth to York , where he sets afoot , and lays all the devises he can to make War against the Parliament . The Scots hearing of this , presently send Commissioners to deal with him , and to desire him to leave off the designe of making Civill War in England , while the Protestants were thus massacred in Ireland . He obstinatly rejects their remonstrance , and sends them back , not suffering them to come any further according to their order and mind , which was to repair unto the Houses of Parliament , and to deal with them for the taking away all mistakes betwixt the King and them . The King having essayed all he could in York-shire to little purpose , at last cometh Southward to Nottingham , where seeing his bad successe in his undertaking , he sends to the Parliament for agreement . The businesse is slighted ( at least not so earnestly laid hold on as the Scots had done , at far lesse ouverture ) by some chiefly who since have made known that they had more their own particular to heart then the publike good . So the King continuing his designe of War , with the few men he had then , goes Westward , where he gets more men , and so with open force carrieth on the War . The Winter following , the Scots seeing the pursuance of the service of Ireland slacked , yea in a kinde neglected , and things come to a great hight in England , with the losse of much blood already , and spoile of a part of the Countrey , resolve to send once again unto the King ▪ ( then at Oxford ) the same Commissioners that were sent to him at York , with one or two more from the Church and State . The King being moved for a passe to them , refuseth it for a time ; but at last he grants it as they desired , which was to repair freely to and fro betwixt him and the Parliament as the occasion should require ; Upon which , the Scots Commissioners come to Oxford , and tell their message to the King , who slighteth them , and useth them coldly and corsely : After their abode for divers moneths , to no purpose , they give notice to those who had sent them , that they could do no good with the King , not so much as to have liberty to go unto the Parliament , yea not to converse with the Commissioners from the Parliament then at Oxford . At last they are sent for to go home . The King not being willing at that time to give such an open occasion unto the Scots , as to make them rise then in Arms , sends their Commissiones home with generall and ambiguous words , and tels them that if they would be quiet , he would ere it were long have reason of the Parliament of England ; but if they should stir , he would be put to it . So they go home , and give accompt of their voyage . The K. perceiving partly by the Commissioners , partly by his spies from the Countrey , that since he would not be moved to agree with the Parliament , the Scots were inclining to side with the Parliament in case of need ; so underhand and secretly he sets a Plot afoot to give them work so at home , that they should not think of going abroad . The Commissioners are hardly arrived , but there breaks out an undertaking by Malignants , in the South part of Scotland , under the favour of the Garrison of Carlile , ( then in the Enemies hands ) and the Papists in the North part of England : but by Gods blessing the businesse is quashed , and order is taken for the securing of the Countrey from all intestine insurrections and forrain invasions , withall to be in readinesse to help their Friends in England , at a call . So the Sommer goeth on , in which the Kings party prevaileth so far , that they master all England ( some few places reserved ) except the associated Counties about London , and these in a very tottering condition , with a great dejection of spirit . Upon this exigence , the major part of the Houses of Parliament thinks it fit time to desire the aid of the Scots ; they in all appearence being the onely men they could call to for help : First , By reason of their common interest in the Cause of Religion and Liberty with the people of England . Next , In respect of their neernesse and Neighbourhood . Thirdly , In respect of their bound duty to requite ( according to power ) the favours their Fathers formerly , and they themselves lately , had received from the good people of England in their own troubles . Divers in both Houses were against the sending to the Scots , chosing rather to undergo the extremity , then to be beholding to their Friends . After divers debates and delays , at last , it is resolved upon to send Commissioners into Scotland . None of the Peers could be perswaded to go . The Commons send their Commissioners ( Members of their House ) with power from the Peers to transact and agree for both Houses with the Scots , by whom they are welcomed with heartinesse , as they had been for a long time expected with devotion . They come to treat ; and in a word , The Scots tell the English Commissioners , That since they desire their aid and help , in opposing the Common Enemy in this Common Cause of Religion , the subversion and change whereof is mainly intended by the Enemy ▪ all other things being but subservient to this designe , as the Houses of Parliament did well and wisely declare in that Declaration they set forth when they were to take Arms for the Cause ; it were very fit that there should be a solemn Oath and Covenant drawn up and taken by both Nations , to be stedfast to the Cause of Religion , and settle it against all heresies and errours , tyranny and confusion . And so much the rather did the Scots move this , that they had been told by the King ofter then once , and by divers of high rank , yea all the papers written by the Court against the Parliament , did tell over and over again , that the Parliament did not intend a setled Reformation in the Church , notwithstanding that they had called a Synod . The English Commissioners did reply unto the Scots , That they could not but acknowledge that the thing was fit to be done ; yet they had not the power to do it by their Commission . Upon this , the English Commissioners send hither to the Parliam . for that purpose . As some of the said Commissioners did say this in simplenesse and sincerity of heart , Others did what they could to delay and wave the Covenant ▪ if it were possible ; for they had no liking to it , as we have seen since ; yet it was no time to reject the Scots so just desire . So the Scots send Commissioners to the Parliament , who together with some deputed from the Parliament , draw up the Covenant , and it is solemnly taken . One of those who went unto Scotland from the Synod , followed thither the Scots Commissioners , and did what he could to obstruct the drawing up of the Covenant , and to wave the taking of it ; yet he was constrained to take it , with others of that mind , for it was then not season to appear otherwayes . The Covenant is no sooner taken , but the Court changeth its language of the Parliaments intending nothing but Schisms and Sects , and tels us , That hereafter the King will have a care of tender consciences ; which was , since he could not hinder the making and taking of the Covenant by both Kingdoms , at least he will do his best to hinder divers particular men from taking it , and from studying to keep it , as that which is the most contrary to his designe . The Scots Commissioners send the Covenant into Scotland , where it is generally taken ; and thereafter according to agreement , the Scots come into England for the help of their Brethren ; but it was the deep of the Winter , to wit January , before they could be ready : So in frost and snow , they come as far as Tyne , finding but small opposition by men to that place ; their main enemies were evil weather and want ; being come to Tyne , they find an Enemy with a Body of Horse and Foot exceeding them in number , namely in Horse , Master of all behind him to Trente , except Hull , and of all the Countrey about , and strong holds . After divers encounters and skirmishes , the Scots passe the River in spite of the Enemy , whom they make retire before them , and also keep together , and weary him so with hot Service and constant alarms , that divers of his men fell sick with toiling and lying without in so hard a season . At one encounter neer Durham , they made 7 or 8 hundred fall to the ground of the Enemy his men . Then they take Hartlepoole and other places upon the Sea , from whence they had all their provisions from Scotland , for a good while , till at last some are sent to them from the South , namely , from the Citie . As they were thus pressing the Enemy , Sir Thomas Fairfax issueth out from Hull , ( whereinto he had retired himself for a while , being constrained to leave the Field ) assisted by Sir John Meldrum , and fals upon Selby , which he takes with valour and successe . Upon the news hereof , the Enemy runs to York ; the Scots follow upon the heels , and take some of his men and baggage . Presently the Lord Fairfax his Forces ( haveing come after his Son upon this successe ) and the Scots Forces , joyn together neer York : The Enemy fearing to be inclosed , sends a party of his Horse Southward , which is followed by a joint party of the Scots & Fairfax his men as far as Trente ; then the followers return , and resolution is taken to besiege York ; but the Scots having left some of their men in divers places that they had reduced , had not men enough to besiege the Citie , and keep the Fields in the Enemies Countrey , notwithstanding the addition of Fairfax his Forces : Wherefore they wrote to the Earl of Manchester to come and help with his Forces , which he did willingly with all speed he could . Then some there were who were against the joyning of Manchester and his Forces with the Scots and Fairfax , as there had been lately some who would have them to go home at the taking in of Selby , and as some had been against their incoming , and thereafter some were employed before York to sow the seed of dissension betwixt the joyned Generals with their Forces , and as some likewise were railing at the Scots , while they were daily encountring and skirmishing with the Enemy . After this another sort of men began to shew themselves unto the world , seeing that by the help of the Scots they were made able to appear again , who for their miscarriage of things durst not shew themselves , and finding in themselves that they began to stand upon their own legs , they feel the pulse of the Scots to try if they were plyable to their phantasies and opinions , & perceiving the Scots constant to their principles , and firm unto their Covenant , begin to care lesse for those who had raised them from the dust ; yea , they begin to oppose the Scots ; and , to make the relation short , the Battel of York is fought and the Town taken . In all such actions those new factious men , to indear themselves unto the simple people , by their Emissaries , spred abroad that they did all ; but God knows they had little share in things . After the businesse of York , Manchester returns into the associated Counties ; Fairfax stayes in York-shire ; and the Scots return towards New-castle , where they find a new supply of six thousand men under the command of the Earl of Calendar , to represse the Enemy , who had been for a while domineering thereabouts in that Countrey , while the Scots Army was ingaged at York ; who having drawn neer , make their approaches , and lay a formall Siege about the Town , which after some moneths pain , they take by storm , having tryed all means possible to keep things from extremity , but it could not be ; yet their moderation was such after they had taken the said Town , that it was admired by their Enemies . While the Scots were thus busied about the Siege of New-castle , they were ill spoken of by those new factious men , who expressed tokens of sadnesse when they heard it was taken . Then the Scots clear all the four Northern Counties except Carlile , ( which of late they reduced by composition ) and so the Winter coming on , they kept in their Winter-quarters . As the Scots ( making the quarrell their own ) did send their Army to fight in the Field , to help their Friends and Brethren by action ; so they send Commissioners both from Church and State , to help with their counsell the carrying on of things in Church and State . When the Commissioners come hither , they promise unto themselves to find nothing ado , but to go on with the Work unanimously , for the good of Church and State , against the Common Enemy . But since , they have found themselves hugely mistaken ; for , where they thought to have most opposition , they have found least ; and where they did look for none , there have they found most . First , Some factious men in the Synod have stopped the conclusion of things there ; it is without example , that so few men being convinced with Scripture , reason , antiquity , and the example of the best reformed Churches so , that they have nothing to reply , yet in stu●●urnesse they will not give over to disturb . It is found true in those men which is remarked , That the more mildly the adversaries of Peace and Truth be dealt withall , the worse they are . Then , in the Counsell of State , the Scots have a long time been crossed in a high measure , by those who were against their incoming ; and thereafter still have been opposed by these men , and their participants , who are advers to the setling of the Church . The former did oppose the Scots , namely because they were not to approve their wayes in the managing the affaires of State , and thereafter perhaps in the Church-government . The second , Because the Scots cannot give way to their phancies and faction in Church-businesse , and consequently in the State ; but stand constantly to their principles , and firm to the Covenant , not regarding to either the one or the other , with temper and moderation to give offence to no body , if it were possible unto them . The Spring drawing on , the Scots presse to have necessaries for the Field . After much delays , things go to them in New-castle , but in a very small proportion . Howsoever , they are no sooner ready , but they dispose themselves for marching : till then , they were not idle , but they were busied up and down to the setling the Northern Counties , and they did send parties to and fro unto their Friends ; namely unto Sir William Brereton they sent a party of Horse by David Lesley , who then made the Kings Forces turn back , which at that time did intent to go through Lancashire for Scotland . Thereafter , as the Scots Army was moving and about to march Southward , they have advice given them , that the King being then towards Westchester , was bound once more for Scotland ; to stop which , the Army went with great difficulties and did so put themselves in his way , who made him change his resolution , and 〈◊〉 returned Southward again . And at that time the Scots supplied their Friends which lay then before Carlile , who were there altogether unprovided . Thereafter they return Southward ; and although by agreement they were not to passe Trente , yet in compliance to importunities , they past and went Westward towards Worcester , and cleared the Fields there so of the Enemy , that he durst not appear before them . Next , Against their own Maxime , which is to clear the Field and wait upon the Enemies motion , that they may alwayes be in readinesse to hinder his courses & pursue him ; to stop the clamours of some raised against them , they lay down before Hereford , which if they had been supplied with necessaries at first , they had doubtlesse taken ; and when they had the things required for the Service in some measure , the great rains hindered them to perform what they earnestly intended , and whereunto they were prepared . As they were thus ingaged about Hereford , the King with all his Horse , having made a great circuit , goes Northward , where ; by divers promises made unto him , he did hope to do great things for his designe . The Scots send their whole body of Horse ( some few excepted ) by David Lesley , who by his diligence and activity , gets North before the King , and sends him back Southward once more , and so breaks that designe . At this nick of time , cometh the news to David Lesley , being then neer Trente , upon his return South in pursuance of the Kings party , and he is desired to go into Scotland without delay , and help his own Countrey in distresse , by an overthrow that the Enemy had given there to the Forces of the Countrey . He thinks to go onely with a party into Scotland himself , and send back the rest to the Army before Hereford : but the whole Company hearing of the straigth of their native Countrey , would needs go with him . Of this he giveth notice to the Committee of both Kingdoms and to the Army before Hereford , and so goes into Scotland . The Army before Hereford having designe to end the Work they were there for , and seeing the Enemy his marching unto them , upon David Lesley his going into Scotland , send unto their Friends at London for a help of some Horse to be neer by them ( as in Glocester-shire ) in case of need , they not having Horse enough to encounter the Enemy , and to serve the Army to bring in the provision , which they were constrained to do with strong hold in the Enemies Countrey , having ever since their march Southward struggled with great difficulties for necessary provisions , yea for divers dayes they have been without bread . But they could obtain no Horse , howsoever some were very willing to grant their just desire . Things being thus , it is put to a Counsell of War whither they should storm the Town , or no ; some that were most forward , gave their voice for the storm ; others voiced , It was fit to save the Army whole , considering how the posture of affaires was then at home ; and since some of their Friends for whom they had undergone so much , were backward to assist them in their great extremity , they thought it the safest course to raise the Siege , and return Northward to help their Countrey ; and so the plurality of voices carried it , and Northward they went . As the Scots were upon their march in York-shire , news comes to them that David Lesley had given a great overthrow to the Enemy in Scotland ; yet they went : after this , they are desired by the Parliament to come back and besiege Newark , and not to stay there in the North Countrey , for fear of burdening that Countrey , so much already wasted , as was given out . The Parliaments desire is not answered so hastily as was expected , which hath given occasion to some to irritate and do what lieth in them to make ill blood , and not to stay for an answer , nor receive any reasonable one without reall performance of what was required , whereunto the Scots are most willing ; but by reason they have so few Horse with them , they conceive it is not safe to venture their Foot when the Enemies Forces are onely in Horse : and chiefly , because they knew that the Enemy was to send a considerable party into Scotland , hoping to make a great faction there by the help of his Friends by the way , and so joyn with the Enemy there ; and the Malignants in the North of England were to rise with the open Enemy . And so it proved indeed ; for the Enemy sends from Newark a great party of Horse , commanded by Langdale and Digby : They were meet withall by the York-shire Forces , commanded by Poyntz and Rossiter , who dealt so roughly with them , that they were routed , divers killed , and many taken , with a great part of their baggage ; yet they rally again , and go on in their journey to invade Scotland : Before they were at the borders , they were a thousand strong . Generall Lesley having notice of their designe , sends a party under the command of Vandruske , with expresse order to fight with the Enemy wheresoever he found him . Vandruske followeth so actively the Enemy , that he thinks to get into Scotland before him , and send him back again ; but he misseth him : and the Enemy going another way , enters into Scotland , where there were divers parties ordered to wait for him , and fight with him ; one from David Lesl●● was sent ; another of the Earl of Balclough ; the third , and the least of all , not exceeding three hundred Horse , under the command of Sir John Brown , who seeing the Enemy in Scotland , could not have patience till his Friends joyned with him ; but by an hardy attempt with his three hundred men , fals upon the Enemy , who was a thousand strong , ( as we have said before ) routs him , killeth him a hundred of his men upon the place , takes two hundred of them with bag and baggage , divers were drowned . All this did Sir John Brown with the losse of about thirty or fourty men ; then he pursued the Enemy , seeking him up and down , and at last upon the third day after the fight , he assisted with his Friends , meets with the remainder of the routed Enemy , then about five hundred strong , where he took all with little shedding of blood , onely some few who were extraordinarily well horsed did escape , among whom were Digby and Langdale , with these good Patriotes and good Christians the Earls of Nidsdale Maxwell , and Carnewath-Daz●l . When by treachery at divers encounters , the Enemy did prevaile against the Forces of the good party in Scotland , some of the superficiall Brethren about Westminster-Hall , jearing and gibing , could say , That the Scots could not and durst not fight in their own Countrey : which at this time they find untrue ; for the Scots have shewn since that they both can and dare fight , not onely one to one , but one against two , ( contrary to the Proverb Ne Hercules contra duos ) yea one against three . Let the glory be to God , who is pleased to own his own Cause , and honour despiseable men to be instruments in this his Work , to the confusion and shame of the Haughtie . The Enemy had so laid down this Plot of invading Scotland , that he promised unto himself ( without fear ) an issue according to his mind ; for he thought having once entred in Scotland , by the Papists , Atheists , and Libertins , ( for Sectaries there are none ) to make up in the lower Countrey a great party ; and so joyning with the Enemy now afoot in the hills ( who is gathering what he can , and hath already betwixt three and four thousand men , although divided amongst themselves , as we are informed ) he did think no lesse then in a very short time to subdue all Scotland , and presently thereafter , to come into England . Those who have read the intercepted Letters , can tell much stuffe to this purpose ; but he that compteth without his host compteth twice . The rumour of this designe was so great in Scotland , that the good party thought fit to draw a good part of their Horse Southward , and to make sure the chief and most commodious passages to hinder the conjunctions of the intestine Enemy , and the invaders ; so David Lesley lay with one party at Glasgo upon Clyde , and Middleton with another at Alloway neer Sterlin upon Forth . Yea to see this enterprise repressed is the chief reason why the Scots Army in the North of England , did not come so soon Southward to Newark as was desired : wch just and lawfull delay of the Scots for a time , by factious and malicious men , although they knew very well the reasons and the cause thereof , is published as a deniall ; and so it hath been beleeved by the simpler sort , and laid hold on as argent contant present count ; it is not enough for the malicious and factious ones ; not considering that the good party in Scotland hath made the Parliaments quarrell its own , in joyning with it in Covenant for the pursuance of the Cause it took Arms from the very first beginning , that is , for the Truth of Religion , all things whatsoever , yea Liberty and Priviledge being subservient unto it , as it is expressed , first , in generall terms in the Declaration at the giving the Commission to the Earl of Essex ; then , more particularly in the Covenant . This sheweth the forgetfulnesse of him who in a solemn Assembly , was so unmindfull of the Truth as to aver that Religion was not the ground of the quarrell betwixt us and the Common Enemy at the first , abusing the simpler ones , and making use of the connivence of others ; yea , he was put at work by some to say so , at least , he was applauded by them , as the story runs . This quarrell here in England hath cost the Scots a great deal of pains : First , In the Counsell both of Church and State . Then , In the Fields , with the losse of many a gallant & brave man , which they think all well spent & bestowed , since God hath been pleased to make use of their endeavours , to put forward in some measure his good Work in both Church and State , and to represse the domineering of the Common Enemy , who ever since the conjunction of the Scots with the State of England , hath been declining ( if the thing be well considered with judgement ) although now and then he hath had some lucida intervalla , as we have all seen . As the Scots think their pains , labours , expences , charges , &c. well bestowed , so they complain not of the manifold reproaches and lyes that have been said and spred against them , what by the open Enemy , what by the false Friends , nor of the hardship their Army hath endured to this day in the Field , no more then of the small content of their Commissioners in the Counsell , which all they passe and lay aside , not as insensible and leprous men who have no feeling , for in any other thing they are touchy enough ; but as being resolved to do all what they can , and suffer what they are able , for the Cause of God and of his people , with grief of mind to see those whom at first they conceived certainly to be right and round in this businesse , to have corners and by-wayes wherein they must acknowledge the shortnesse of their own judgement and confesse the infirmity of man : But their great grief is , ( at least should be ) that their Army hath not been timely nor duly furnish'd with conveniencies and necessaries , to make it go on with action in the Field ; yea to see them kept back from doing as if it were plotted of purpose : Then , that their counsells in Church and State have not onely not prevailed , but have been hid , yea opposed , and so hindered to yeeld their due fruit unto the Cause in hand as they intended . Besides all these things , in joyning with the Parliament in action and Counsell , and coming in when it was below a stand , they have not onely exposed themselves and their poor native Countrey to all kinde of perills and inconveniency , but have drawn evil upon it . More , They have gone in the highest degree of contradiction to the King ; for they have not onely in down-right terms declared themselves opposite to his designe , but have quite spoiled it ; which as he told them , he would easily compasse in this Kingdom , if they would be quiet : and indeed he had brought his businesse to a pretty passe , before the Scots came in . Then their coming in into England , and their going before into Ireland , did empty their native Countrey much of men of Counsell and action . So for England they left their own Countrey as if it were to be a prey unto the Malignants there , who since , not being kept under by the good party by reason of its weaknesse , shew themselves to be in great number . Next , The indifferent and neutrals , whereof there be but too many everywhere , most men looking more to their convenience here upon Earth , then to the Glory of God , or to his Kingdom ; who had sided formerly with the good party , bearing the sway ; but since seeing them absent for the most part , helping their Friends , and weakest at home , begin to have other thoughts , and fall in with the Malignants . All this being perceived by the King , who hath his thoughts full of revenge against the Covenanted Scots with England , bethinks himself of all means possible to oppresse and destroy that poor Countrey of Scotland , and , in the first place , the Danes are invited to invade it , unto whom are promised the Isles of Orkades for their pains , ( their old pretension ; ) But as the Danes were preparing to come hither , God sends them another work to do at home , which was to defend themselves from their invaders , to wit , the Swedish ; with whom after a great strugling by Sea and by Land , they have been constrained to make their peace almost upon any terms : Yet we hear they are now making again themselves ready for War , and against us ( as we are informed ) to try perhaps if they can make up their losses in some measure ( in one way or other ) upon us . Again , The King seeing the Scots siding with the Parliam . of England , sets afoot Plot upon Plot in the South part of Scotland : but by Gods blessing they all fail , being no sooner discovered but repressed , and thrown in the dust . More , By Pyrates and men of War having Commission from the King , the Scots Ships with goods and men are taken , yea divers men are thrown overboord : Their onely quarrell is the conjunction of the Scots with the Parliament of England in the Service of this Common Cause . The losses the Scots have suffered by Sea since their sideing with the Parliament , do exceed far the monethly allowance agreed upon for their Army , although it were well and fully payed ; which they are far short of ; for since these eight moneths , they have had but one moneths pay to wit , about Thirty thousand pounds , and these from the City of London . Last of all , The King bethinks himself , ( since he is pleased to own all the undertakings of the Juncto , although he be not alwayes one of the number , it taking its authority from the Pope and the Roman-Catholike Princes abroad more then from him , although he hath the name of all ; ) to send over out of Ireland some of those desperate Villains , who at their first rising in Rebellion in Ireland , did offer all kindnesse unto the Scots , saying that they would not stir against them ; who take a fit opportunity of the good party of the Scots being absent out of their Countrey for the most part , and they enter into Scotland by the Isles and the Hills , finding a party of Malignants , some whereof and the chief Traitors had been sent from the Court to manage the businesse , who not only privatly do favour & openly do side with them , but make a number of disguised Villains betray the trust they had from the Countrey , in places of power and command , yea some in the time of action in the Field , either slakly acting against the Enemy , or flying from before him , or running over to him , at divers places and times . So the Enemy increaseth his party in Scotland , spoileth and destroyeth divers places of the Countrey , namely the Lands of those who were most deeply ingaged with England , ( above all the high Lands of the Marquesse of Argyle ) which they have totally depopulated and burnt , as the Lands of his Friends ; some other parts they have so depauperate and wasted , that in one County they have put many scores of good Families to meer mendicity What did most then grieve good men , was to see not onely the good Work of Reformation at a stand and not likely to go on , as they looked to it with carnall eyes ; but also the former abominations set up again , and also to see the poor well-meaning people ( for fear ) abandoning the Truth , and imputing unto the profession thereof the cause of their sufferings , as many men do when they suffer for the Gospel . Now albeit the losses be great and excessive which the Scots have had by Sea , in regard to the extent of their Countrey ; yet their losses and damages by Land are a hundred times greater and more . Further , God suffered the wicked Enemy , by the miscarriage of the chief Leaders and Directors of businesses , to give a great overthrow to the good party of Scotland , at which , as the good party was much dejected , the Enemy in his pride was highly puft up , and he thought to carry all things before him , mastering all ; but in a short time , it pleased God to abate his pride by a great Victory against him , God making use of David Lesley for that Service . More , As Digby and his associates going to the wicked Enemy in Scotland had first a good blow in his way thither , and then was totally defeated at the second time , when he thought himself , as it was , at his joyning with the Enemy in Scotland : So doubtlesse , under Gods Mercy , ere it be long we shall hear , that the wicked Enemy there , having had already this great blow , will have next his fatall and totall destruction . Here let it be noted , that among the papers taken from the Enemy , when he had this great blow given him by David Lesley , there were found instructions for the holding of a Parliament , wherein all things setled in Church and State since the yeer 1639 , were to be changed and altered , the Covenant broken with the English Rebels , so were they pleased to call all those who stand for the Parliament ; those who had been active for the Covenant , to be furnished and deprived of a●l benefit and priviledge of a Patriote or native , according to their severall ranks and stations . All the sufferings and undergoings of the Scots for their joyning with the Parliam ▪ are so far neglected , that not onely in their distresse they are not helped nor assisted , as generosity had required , after so much undergone for Friends at home and abroad , making other mens quarrel their own , and drawing evil upon themselves for their sake ; but divers who have received benefit in a high measure by their joyning and incoming , have been glad heartily at their sufferings , expressing now and then , It was well they were beaten ; and when they were droven to the greatest pinch of necessity , what by the prevailing Enemy , what by the fault of their Leaders , which lies heavily upon some ; at last , having kept off to trouble or disquiet their Friends , going constantly on with the Work so far as they were inabled , and could do : they required some help of Arms , and of Money due unto them ; but what comfort they received more then a solemn Fast , and private condolance of some Friends , let them tell if they can : Yea when they were thus low , then they were most neglected and vilipended by some ; Was it not said by some of your prudentiall men , That the Scots would undo both themselves and this Kingdom ? yet their wisdom and valour , blessed with successe in their own affaires , were not questioned before they were joyned with England in the businesse , and if they had not come in , England was undone , at least a good part thereof . Was is not said , That they had buried their honour at Hereford ? Yet they have shewn since that they had both heart and hand to gain and to maintain honour . Was it not told openly , That they should be sent home , as being troublesome to the Countrey : and if they would not go with good will , they must be killed by half-dozens ? Are not their Garisons , and Places of retreat , ( so long as they are in the Service of the Publike ) which they have reduced and brought into obedience with a great deal of pain , losse , and hazard , demanded from them , and spoken to be put in the hands of those who are not thought to be faithfull to the Cause we have all fought for to this day ? If this smell of piety and generosity , let God and all the World judge . Here I forbear to give answer to this ; onely I say , It is done , and let it undergo the censure of understanding and indifferent men , without exception : onely we shall see how this stands with the Publike Service , and with the Treaty , to deal so with Brethren and Friends , who have put their breast betwixt their Brethren and the stroak of the Enemy , and who did stand first in the gap against the Enemies Plot , to teach their Brethren to be upon their guard , and timely prevent the Enemies assault ; yea , who ( under God ) have put their Brethren in posture of defence , by occasioning the Assembly of Parliament , and in protecting it by their stay here for a time , lastly , by rescuing it ( as it were ) from the jaws of Death , and from the brink of perdition . Now , by neglecting , vilifying , crossing , and opposing , to dishearten Brethren who have been and are to this day , so usefull unto the Service of the Common Cause , cannot be but much prejudiciall to the happy end intended by us all , to wit , the setling of a true Reformation in Church and State . If the Scots went not upon higher principles then those of human interest , of phanaticall opinions , of self-conceit , and the like , this usage of such Brethren could not but produce so bad effects as the hinderance of the end intended , with the losse of all whatsoever hath been done , employed , and undergone thereabouts , and the destruction of both Nations at last . But blessed be God who hath given them wisdom and longanimity not to be so disturbed with the forenamed occasions of miscontent , as either to be weary of the Work , or to leave it off . And to uphold them therein , God yeelds the Scots the good will and assistance of divers well-affected men , maugre all malice and malignity , with the earnest desires and wishes of the people for compassing the first purposed and pursued end , which is ( in few words ) the Glory of God , and the safety of his people . Now let us see how this carriage towards the Scots stands with the Treaty and Covenant made with them at their incoming : Are not the Brethren of England with their Ships bound by the Treaty , to guard the Coasts of Scotland by Sea , to save it from forrain invasion , and to secure the Scots in their trading by Sea ? But how slakely this duty hath been performed , the great losses and wofull sufferings of that poor Countrey can now tell ; of which inconveniencies and evils they had been free , at least to this present , if they had not joyned with their Friends in England . I know it will be said , When the Enemy had done with England , his designe was with all his power to go into Scotland . But human reason tells you , That it is wisdom to put off an evil , if we can , for a time ; for he that hath time hath life , as it is commonly said ; and the mean while , God will provide some means or other to return the evil from his people . And so human Policy would have taught the Scots to look to themselves , and be quiet : but their zeal to the Cause of God could not suffer them , and for it they have undergone all this hardship , who can and will deliver them in his appointed time . And if those for whom they undergo this Service , do not requite faithfully their kindnesse , God will by some means or others not forget , but recompense them according to the sincerity of their intentions : But if any of the Scots ( as I doubt not but there be some ) who had or have some by-ends in this Work , God will punish them for it , and shew their vanity for mixing their own interest with his Service , who requires the whole of man , which is so known to the Enemy of God and of his people , that he cares not what good a man do , providing he can nourish in him any little evil , being sure to catch him at last , if he do continue in it . Then the Brethren of England are bound not onely by reason , to make the Scots no worse then they have found them , that is , then they were before their late conjunction ; for it stands against the Laws of all human Society and partnership , that one party being preserved from totall ruine , and reaping a seen benefit by the Society through the hazard and great losses of the other party , not to make the party at least in the same condition he was before the Society : far more is it against Justice , to see the party undone and perish for us ; above all , if we can afford him help or comfort ; least of all , to rejoyce and make our own advantages of his losses , who hath lost himself for us . If the thing be so among particular Societies of men ▪ Why not so betwixt State and State , who are nothing else but a Congregation of lesser Societies ? And if Justice is to be done by the lesser , Why is not the greater far more tyed to it ? For the most part , particular men are either punished , or cried out upon , as cheaters , if they cozen or deceive their fellows . And shall States escape free not onely from censure , but be thought wise and prudent men , for their deceits ? And shall circumvening in publike affaires be not onely not thought evil , but esteemed as a vertue ? Hence cunning deceitfull man is called Politick , and deceit is called Policy . To such hight of wickednesse are we now come , that vice must go under the name of vertue ; for Policy is the honest , just , and prudent carriage of publike affaires , and not deceit and guile in them . If it were onely to give sin a term lessening the shame of the crime , it were to be born withall ; as for example , to call stealing , robbing , and spoiling , plundering , as now adayes we do . But to call vice vertue is intolerable . Next , We may see if this stands with the Treaty by this sole instance , which is here inserted as it is in the first article : And in case that notwithstanding the monethly sum of Thirty thousand pounds payed as aforesaid , the States of Scotland shall have just cause to demand further satisfaction of their Brethren of England , when the Peace of both Kingdoms is setled , for their pains , hazards , and charges they have undergone , they shall have due recompense made unto them by the Kingdom of England . Now if the Scots , for their pains , hazards , and charges , be not payed of their monethly allowance , How is the Treaty observed ? But the necessity of the times may excuse , ( if there be not a full payment ) when there is willingnesse to perform if there were capacity : But to give reproaches and injuries with threatning and to send men home with shame and without satisfaction , who have done and undergone so much for thy good and to save thee from perdition , is doubtlesse far from gratitude . I pray thee , What is it , and how far is it from recompense ▪ Not to allow men to run home and quench the fire in their own house , left having devoured the one , it should destroy the other ? which it would do , if it were not quenched in time : Yea , so long as the fire was but burning in one end of the house ( in respect of the ingagement ) it was in a manner little regarded : but when it came to shake the very foundations of the building , and deface it quite , then it was full time to look to it : And yet it cannot be approved by some , because forsooth There was not a formall warning given as in decency was fit : yet it was done with such order as could be expected upon such a nick of time . But here it may be said , What needs all this to speak of the Treaty ? Hath ever been any Treaty made betwixt two Nations or States , but each have made their best advantage of it ? and ordinarily the Southern Nation hath been too cunning for the Northern ; as may be seen in all the Treaties betwixt Spaine and France , Spaine hath outcunning'd France ; and so in the Treaties betwixt France and England , France hath over-reached England ; and so of such others , for the most part . But as the Southern Nation hath over-reached the Northern by slight and cunning , so the Northern oftentimes hath surpast by Field-action the other . The reason of this is from the constitution of the body in the Northern people , ( vile domineerers ) whereby they are inclined to do things rather by a strong hand then otherwise . In the Southern people , melancholy reigneth , whereby they are inclined unto devises to compasse things with lesse force and hazard ; for where there is most wisdom , there is least hazard . The more North or South that a people be , the more or lesse they have the one of the other . But since the Treaty betwixt the Parliament of England and the State of Scotland runs upon other principles , to wit , of Religion , this human over-reaching , cunning , or surprising , is not and ought not to have any place ; but all is to be guided by conscience according to equity before God , and as weare sworn to in our Covenant . Wherefore , now , let us see how this agrees with the Covenant , whereby we are all solemnly sworn to promote and advance the setling of a through Reformation in the Church , according to the Word of God , and the example of the best Reformed Neighbour Churches ; and if these reproaches , injuries , and hard usage of the Scots , who have contribute so much to bring this Kingdom to such a posture , do not proroge the compassing the same end , let God and the World judge . And then , Are not these things flatly against the third article of the Covenant , whereby we are all sworn to defend one another in this Common Cause ? which how do we perform , when we deny assistance to our Brethren in distresse , and will not allow them to help their own selves , yea we rejoyce at our Brethrens sufferings ? Are we not bound also by the fourth article , not onely to stop and remove any thing which may or might give any wayes occasion of mistake , and consequently of division betwixt the two Nations ? Yea we are sworn to discover those who endeavour any such action : and so according to Oath , I here declare , That it is those incendiaries , and factious ones , who contrary the ends expressed in the Covenant , phancy to set up their evil opinions , and invent all means they can to hinder the setling of Government in the Church , and consequently ( as appears by all symptoms ) to bring Anarchie in the State , promising to set down a Seraphin-Modell of a Church , which they after so long forbearance will not nor cannot agree among themselves to set down ; onely they are resolved to stop the setling of the Church-government , ( according as aforesaid ) to the end that all heresie , errour , licence , libertinisme , and corruption , may creep in the House of God : this is their main drift , after their own interest . Then , Is not the dealing of these factious men with the Scots against the fifth article of the Covenant , wherein we are all sworn not onely to keep a good correspondency betwixt the two Nations ; but also to keep a fair Union for ever ? Here these factious men will say , That the Scots deserve to be thus dealt withall , for not doing more Service then they have done this Sommer , and not following the desire of the Parliament . To which is answered , First , Let it be seen what the Scots have done ; and if that which they have done , be not as much important to the Common Cause as any thing done elsewhere by any . Then , If they have not done more , let it be seen where the fault lieth , whether in them that would not do , or in others who have stopped them from doing , by hindering them to be furnished and provided for further action . More , Let it be seen whether or no it were not out of good reason , and not by chance , that they have not instantly followed the course they were desired to do ; and whether or no it had been better for the Service of the Common Cause to have so far complied with the designes pressed by those who either would not or did not see and foresee what is most advantagious for the Common Cause ; or whether or no there was a set Plot to undo the Scots Army . Then , The Scots are accused To lie heavily upon the Countreys where they come , and that they have done many things against the Liberty and Right of the Subject of England . I answer , As for their burdening or wronging the Subject in the least kinde , it is not their intention , being come in into England for the relief and righting of the Subject from the oppression and injury of the Common Enemy : and if any Souldiers or Officers of theirs have exceeded in any kinde , upon just tryall of their faults , they are to suffer and to be punished for it ; besides , all things taken by wrong , are to be restored , and reparation is to be made to the full by the judgement of honest and understanding men , upon the place , to the end that all mistakes may be taken away , and the Union kept betwixt the two Nations , in spite of faction and malice against upright men . Further , Let it be known , how the Scots are payed , and how they offer to repay ten for one for any thing taken by extortion , if they could have the half pay that others have employed in the same Service . For this , the Scots have frequently sollicited . If the Committees of York-shire ( set a work by some secret Enemy ) had not gone so high , and published at every Parish-Church their orders against the Scots , as the Prelats did in former times with their bloody thunder-bolts of excommunication ; and if they had remembred in whose hands the Liberties and Rights were , when the Scots came in to help , or where their Committees were then sitting , and how far their orders had been obeyed then ; they might have thought whether or no they had ever had a Parliament given to authorize them , if it had not been for the Scots ; and the Parliament being assembled , whether or no sitting this day . Till these factious men did rise , ( who besturre themselves so much now of late ) it was said ordinarily for any Reformation obtained either in Church or State , and for stopping any evil to the Publike , or to any private men , Gara mercy good Scot . As this is now forgotten by divers private men to their shame and discredit , so these factious men would have it to be out of memory by the Publike : but they strive in vain ; for , neither Parliament nor People , Synod nor Church will ever , nor can forget what they owe to the Scots for the good they enjoy at this present , and hope to enjoy hereafter , in Gods Mercy . Then , It is reproached to the Scots ( to their great grief , ) That they pursue too rigidly the setling of the Church , which may be done at leasure when other things are ended , and must be performed with ripe consideration , for fear of mistake . And , That they presse too much for Peace , when it is apparent none can be made but by the overthrow of the malignant party . As also , That they stand so much for Royaltie , when God knows the King deserveth but little at their hands , they being the men he hath the greatest splen against , and whom he ha●es most , as he declares himself by all his expressions . To all this they answer , First , That they are obliged in the first place to see the House of the Lord setled , and then to look to temporall things : for this they have not onely Law and reason , to begin at God ; but also , example , First , out of the sacred History , where we see that all true Reformers of the State of Israel and Judah did begin at the Reformation of the House of God : Then we see the same in the Ecclesiasticall History practised by the Ancients : And of late , Hath not the same been done in our Neighbour-Countreys , yea in our own , by our Fathers ? And is it not full time , after so long and so tedious a debate , since it is agreed upon , how , & what it should be , by the full consent of Divines assembled for that purpose , except of some few of a private spirit for self-conceit and by-interest , who having nothing to answer unto the demonstration of the Truth and the reasons for it , made known unto them , yet with obstinacy do oppose the setling of the Church ; and so way is given ( if not countenance ) to all kinde of heresie , errour , and blasphemy against God , so generally and so long a time , now these five yeers , since the Reformation is in hand ? As for the pressing of Peace by the Scots , Is it not full time , after so much blood shed , devastation of the Countreys , and such a deal of all kinde of wickednesse committed in the War , to seek after a firm Peace , & lay hold upon any occasion to help us to it ? First , Because it is the end we make War for , not having intention to make a Trade of it . Then , If we beg for Peace at God , Why should we not seek earnestly after it from man , by all honest means ? Otherwise , God will not grant our demands , and will tell us that we are but hypocrites , having a thing in our lips when our hearts are far from it . As for standing for the King , It is true , we stand for him , and respect him , as we do on the other part stand for the Parliament the great Counsell of the Land , as those whom God hath been pleased to set over us , not fondly and feignedly idolizing & worshipping them as gods on Earth impeccable , one day , ( as Parasites and Sycophants do ) and another day vilifying and rejecting them , when our turn is not served by them : but sincerly , & with reason ; for as we avouch him to be our Soveraign Magistrate , so we acknowledge him & all those of the Counsel to be but infirm and weak men , him misled & miscarried for the most part by those who are about him , deceiving him to his own and the peoples ruine ; and them also subject to mistake and errour : So as we pray God for him to save and protect him from doing evil , & from receiving evil ; we freely admonish him both from Church and State of his errours and faults both before God and man : This we do both in private and publike , as the cause requires or occasion will permit ; and when necessity drives us to it , we take Arms to oppose the evil courses he is insnared in , and represse them , alwayes with respect to his Office and Person , which we acknowledge to be lawfull , and him lawfull possessor thereof , and no further we go then to stop him from doing evil , if we cannot gain him to do good . Then for faults , although they be great , we must not change till we see that we can do better . We have abolished the Prelacy , not so much for the abuses thereof as for the unlawfulnesse of it , although of long continuance , it being against the intention of God expressed in his Word , howsoever wrested by the Prelats ; but for Royalty , it is approved and ordained by God , & hath so continued with us , that we can hardly leave it ; besides we find already such inconveniencies by not keeping it up in its due right and authority , that we smart hugely for it ; and if it were altogether cast off , we should be far worse ; witnesse the infinite disorders now adayes . Now let the English ingenuously confesse , That ●●ey never have told the tenth part of the truth of things unto the King , which he hath heard of from the Scots . Hath the Parliament and Church of England spoke so home , and acquainted him so freely with his errours as the Scots have done ? or would they have so withstood the evil courses he is cast in , had the Scots not shewn them the way ? Then , we must not cast off a good accustomed and lawfull office , for the faults of a man who bears it , yea in the exercise of it , and that about main businesses ; for lawfull things are not to be rejected for the abuses , but the abuses to be taken away , and a reformation to be made ; otherwayes the most things and most necessary should be cast off ; for we offend almost in all things , and abuse many things . But it is said , The King hath spoiled the three Kingdoms , and endeavoured to overthrow the Liberties and Religion . It is true ; but if he had not found Peers and Commons in the three Kingdoms to second the evil counsels suggested unto him , he would never have attempted it ; for they caused him to set the work afoot , and they laid down the wayes to go on with it , and have served him in it . Although that other kindes of government may be fit for other people , sure I am , Monarchie is best for us , being regulated ( according to the Law of God and right reason , with the Prerogative and the Priviledge subservient , ) to the good of the people . Then , It is reproached unto the Scots , That they are a poor weak people , and not considerable . Truely , They do not hold themselves either potent or considerable in regard of greater Nations ; but such as they are , God hath made them very helpfull to other Nations , which think themselves very considerable : For example ; Did they not turn the ballance in the affairs of France under Charles the seventh , when things were very low with the French ? for at their going to help that King , they found him so distressed and so under the power of his Enemy , that he was constrained to keep himself at Bourges in Berry . Hence he was called in derision , King of Bourges . But in a very short time , they helped him so , that he repossessed himself of his whole Dominions , and repulsed the Enemy . Now , Have they not done more unto their Brethren of England ? Have they not made their quarrell their own , exposing their lives and all that is dear unto men for them ? And by their help , are not their Brethren come to have the face of affaires changed unto the better , so far , that not onely they are come to equall terms with the Enemy , but they have brought him so low that in likelyhood he will not rise again so hastily ? Howsoever the Scots be inconsiderable in the eyes of some men , yet God in his goodnesse , hath considered them so far , as to make them usefull instruments in this his great Work of opposing the Enemies of his Truth , both open and declared , and secret and undermining . And ye see both parties of open and secret Enemies to the Truth of God , have considered the Scots so far , that each of them hath by all cunning pressed to have the Scots for and with them ; but the Enemies seeing they could not prevaile , they have made their earnest study by devises and Plots underhand , and by open violence and force , to wit , by an absolute and declared War , as far as they can , to destroy the good party in Scotland , as the onely obstacle of hindering the one and the other Enemy to compasse their designes , and to set up their by-ends . Hence the good party in England considereth the Scots , as their onely helpers ; for without their assistance they had all been undone before now : and howsoever they are strong in appearence for the present , if the Scots should retire and leave them , it is conceived upon just grounds , that they were to begin the play again . As for despicability , Howsoever the Scots be despised by some now adayes , I am sure , had it not been for these despised men , many here who are at this time come to a great hight , had been in little consideration : and they whose valour and wisdom are so much questioned at this time , surely in their own businesse , they did shew themselves to have both , to the admiration of their Neighbours ; and their valour and wisdom were never questioned till they were joyned with England : and although they have shewn & do shew daily both , as much as men can do for the carrying on the Work wherein they are ingaged , unto the content of all impartiall men , although not to the mind of self-conceited , phantasticall , and by-ended ones , who gave out That the Scots will destroy them and themselves : Surely I am perswaded , had the Scots framed their courses according to the desires altogether of some men , they had long ere now both been destroyed ; and had they not so far complied with the humours of some men , the Publike Service had been in a better estate , in all probability . In this I blame the wisdom of the Scots , for otherwise they had not suffered their own Countrey thus to be spoiled , in compliance to some , when they might have helped it in time . As for their means , Although in the eyes of the superabondants they be not so considerable , yet they were such that they lived well upon them , and they could wish with all their hearts to have no more then they had when they joyned with England for the Service of this Common Cause . And if they reproach the barrennesse of the soile in Scotland , It is the fault of the Climate which lieth so Northerly , and not of the people ; and the soile , if it be not so fertile of fruits as hotter grounds ; yet it abounds in men of valour and wisdom as much as any Countrey whatsoever of its compasse . And these despicable ones , of old and of late , have obtained Victories against great and considerable Enemies , by valour . Perhaps if the Scots were more enclined to husbandry , or improving their ground and other things which nature affords them , by the goodnesse of God , they would be in a kinde more plentifull of conveniencies for the life of man then they are . As to the Garison-Towns which the Scots have rescued from the Enemy for the good of this Church and State , with hazard , hardship , and losse of divers brave men , and which are still in the Scots hands for the publike Service , it hath ministred one convenient occasion unto those factious ones to make a great deal ado , yea to strive to bring things to a breach betwixt the two Kingdoms , if it were possible ; and they have proceeded so far as to cause the Towns and Places to be demanded from the Scots betwixt such and such a day , without any consideration unto equity , Whether or no it is just that the Scots have some places of retreat , so long as they are in the Service of the Common Cause , wherein they are obliged by Common Interest , and bound by Treaty to continue till the full setling of things in Church and State . Next , Without consideration if it be or not for the benefit of the Service now in hand , that these Garison-Places should be left by the Scots , since we have seen by divers passages and occurrences of affaires that it hath proved very usefull for the said Service that those places were in their hands for a time , namely in the enterprise of Digby with his associates towards Scotland . Then , When we cast our eyes upon those who have an aim particularly at the having of those places , we shall finde it to be fit for the Service of the Cause which we fight for , that those Garison-Towns should remain with those who now have them for a time , who are both constant and trusty to their true principles of the Covenant , and the others altogether against the good of the said Service . Yea , It is most prejudiciable to the Cause we have now in hand , to put those places in the hands of those who either side with the Common Enemy still in their affections , as they have been serving him openly by their actions formerly ; or of those who underhand with cunning stop the setling of things amongst us as we are sworn to by the Covenant , and so frustrate so far as in them lies the intention of it . Further , Those men who are so little faithfull to the Covenant , cannot from their heart , mind the good of the State , or people , more then they do the welfar of the Church . As the Scots took Arms for the publike Service , they neither pretended , nor did intend , to hold the places they have taken any longer then the said Service shall require for the setling of the ends of the Common Cause expressed in the Covenant , no more then they did formerly , witnesse their returning so quietly home , and their refusall of those Seigneuries , Towns , and Counties adjacent , from the King , to joyn with him against the Parliament ; and that more then once . Me thinks , that after all this , all rationall and unprejudiciall men should speak clearly for the Scots fair and honest intentions , since they are entred into so solemn a League and Covenant , for which they have undergone and do to this day undergo so much hardship , hazards , and losses . Men may talk and babble , yea devise tricks and fancies , for a time ; but it is honesty and truth that holds out to the end ; and it stands with Gods Justice to make lyes and double dealings fall to the ground . Before I conclude , I will adde this short ensuing discourse : First , There hath been a great busling raised by those factious men , who trouble both State and Church , about the publishing of some papers given in to the Houses of Parliament by the Scots Commissioners . Those men had prevailed so far with some of their Friends in authority , as to make an exact scrutinie by whom these papers were first printed , and by whose order , ( as for the second impression they had nothing to say , which the Commissioners caused to be made upon a nicety for some faults of the Printer committed in the first impression ; ) thinking themselves wronged , namely , because it was not corrected according to their mind ; and the thing to have been done without their expresse order ; but since it was done , it could not be ret called . Next , Those factious men moved their Friends in authority to draw up a Declaration against the Scots for those papers , with very tart expressions , as we are informed : but after riper deliberation , the fume of anger being setled , the thing was left off a time ; for they did clearly perceive , that no Declaration satisfactory to the people could be made against the Scots , or their papers , since it could not be demonstrated that full satisfaction in reason had been given to the Scots upon their severall papers from time to time given in . Now , Let the Scots Commissioners confesse , that they have failed by their silence , in not making known unto the world from time to time the papers of greatest concernment which they have given in to the Houses , and what satisfaction they have received upon them ; for if they had done so , they had spared themselves of much drudgery , and of many sad thoughts for the small content they have received by reason of some factious men , who have hindred due satisfaction to be given unto their just desires ; and they had stopped many evil reproaches raised against their Nation , and against their Army : and lastly , the publike Work had gone better on ; for those who have thus long time stopped it , had not been able to carry things so under boord as they have done : and since the publike is so concerned in main things , is it not fit they should be known by the Publike . But the Scots must be warry , mild , and civill , where they should have been plain , rightdown , and forward in the businesse they come for . Wisdom and warrinesse are good , and civility is to be praised ; but resolution and forwardnesse carry on the two thirds of human actions , ( namely when the cause is good ; for ordinarily men impute much warines to want of courage , and great circumspection to doubtfulnesse and irresolution : there must be a mixture , otherwayes things cannot go well on ; ) both publike , and private . This I say for the Truths sake , and not to blame the Commissioners ; for I know , from the beginning , they have taken the way which in all sincerity they conceive to be the best for the advancing of the Work they are come hither about : but they have mistaken themselves , not being throughly acquainted with the temper and interest of those on whom they have relied so much , that they were said to dote upon them ; no more then of some others with whom they have ado withall . Sed ad alia : THe Independents in their great charity towards Church and State , and in their zeal to the glory of God , and to the good of his people , after they had , first , put off the calling , then , the meeting of the Assembly of Divines for a long time , thus frustrating so far as in them lay or as they can , the good intention of the Parliament , and the expectation that the people had of it , for a true and through Reformation in the Church , according to the Word of God , and to the example of the best Reformed Neighbour-Churches : then , after they had kept the Assembly ( once met by the Authority of the Parliament ) for many moneths a trifling about small matters ; at last , being put to it by their miscarriage of things , the Scots come in , and the Covenant is taken , the Discipline of the Church in all earnestnesse is fallen to by the Assembly of Divines , the setling whereof the Independents ( notwithstanding ) have opposed with all their cunning and might , for long time ; but at last , they are so convinced , what by the sacred Scripture , what by strength of reason of judicious and knowing men , what by the practise of the primitive Churches , and what by the example of the modern best Reformed Churches , that they have nothing to reply , and so they are constrained to be silent at the result of the Assembly upon the matter : but yet they remain stubburn in their wilfulnesse and self-conceit , expressing themselves to be the onely wise men , and to have the best knowledge in the wayes of God Then , in charity , and by a superabundant compliance , the Independents are by the Synod desired to bring in it what positive Discipline they would be at , and they have six moneths granted unto them for that purpose ; during which time , they gave out , That they were to produce strange things , with new lights : but when the day of performance came , upon which they should have brought those great and so much expected things into the Synod , they were not ready , and demanded further time . Upon the Independents desire , some more dayes are from the Synod granted unto them , at the end of which they promised to declare what they would be at positively : but in lieu of a positive Discipline so much looked for ▪ they give a paper full of reproaches and complaints of their harsh usage ; when never men have been dealt withall with so much tendernesse , meeknesse , and longanimity , as they have been dealt with in the Synod ; for it is without example , to see a few men having neither Scripture , reason , nor example for them , thus disturb such a Reverend and learned Assembly so long , and stop their going on with the Work of the Church . At last , The Independents do declare ( when by the Authority of the Parliament there was a Committee , in compliance unto them , and upon hopes to gain and reclaim them by fair terms if it were possible , appointed to agree the differences betwixt the Synod and them ) and say , That they would have a toleration to all those who oppose Popery in its fundamentalls . Now , to understand this demand of the Independents , we must enquire what is meant by the fundamentalls of Popery . Truely , in all probability , by the fundamentalls of Popery must be either meant the grounds , or foundation upon which it is builded , and laid ; or the main and essentiall parts whereof it is composed . The grounds and foundation whereupon Popery is builded , are ambition and avarice , by the consent of all judicious and impartiall men . The main and essentiall parts of Popery , are corrupt Discipline and corrupt Doctrine in the Church , both directly opposite and contrary to the will of God declared in his written Word , and to the primitive times . Now , If the Independents and their adherents , can clear themselves of the fundamentalls of Popery , to wit , of ambition and avarice , and of corruption of Discipline and Doctrine , I wish they may not onely have toleration , but also the hand of Brotherly Association : but their hunting after moneys and preferments , with their self-conceits and self-love , are so manifest that they cannot deny the two first , ambition and avarice . As for the corruption of the Independents in their Doctrine and Discipline , the Synod can tell enough of it , besides the writtings of many learned and well-minded men against their Doctrine and Discipline : For all , thou may consult Master Bailey his Book , where their beginnings and growth are set down clearly out of their own writtings . Then , The Independents must preach to the people , yea in presence of the Houses of Parliament , upon a solemn day of Fasting , That it was hard measure to stop them from preaching , and dogmatizing upon ( I know not what ) niceties of Discipline . If there be no more but niceties in dispute betwixt the Synod and the Independents , then let the Independents tell me where is their charity , so much vaunted of ; or , where is their self-deniall for a meer nicery , in troubling for so long a time both the Parliament and the Synod , and in stopping the setling of the Church to the glory of God , and for the comfort of his people ; for doubtlesse , were it not for them , the Church-affaires had been setled long ago , and the Countrey had been provided with faithfull Pastours to feed the Flock of Christ long before this time : But God in his hid Providence , for Causes best known unto himself , hath suffered this setling of the Reformation to be thus retarded , and stopped by these Sons of dissention to this day . As in this we adore the good Providence of God , yet we cannot but accuse our selves of manifold sins , whereby we are thus kept back from the enjoying of a through and setled Reformation . The Independents do here instance , Why doth the Synod deal so rigidly with them , as not to comply with them ? Now let God and the World judge , Whether or no so Reverend and learned an Assembly , called and met together by Authority of the Magistrate to give out the Platform of a true and through Reformation , according to the Word of God , and conform to the purest primitive time and the best Reformed Neighbour-Churches , having the Word of God for their Rule and Warrant , with the example of the purest Antiquity , and of the best Reformed Churches now adayes , and that not onely by practise of their setled Discipline and Doctrine ; but also their sentiments and advices concerning the points in dispute with the Independents , with the judgement of the learnedst Orthodox men in this part of the World ; it be fit that the Synod should lay aside the Truth of God and the good of the Church , and yeeld to the phantasie and conceit of self-witted and by-ended men , who make Religion a cloke to their ambition and avarice , by faction , troubling both Church and State . Then a great stickler of the Independents moves the Houses of Parliament for a toleration for those of his holy Society , Fraternity , and adherents , to have Liberty of conscience in the transmarin Plantations , thinking by these means to make a step for the same Liberty at home . This cunning of the Independents is so easily to be seen , as white threed upon black cloth . But how the Magistrate can condiscend to it , I know not : True it is , the Magistrate at his entry , finding men in a Countrey professing erroneous Doctrine and Discipline , may forbear to presse or trouble them for their errour ; ( so the Magistrate in Judah and Israel did not presse the Canaanites for their errours , yet did he not suffer them to dogmatize and openly commit Idolatry , to the dishonour of God , and to the withdrawing of men from the Truth ; ) but to authorize men in their errour , he cannot do it in duty to God , nor in good will towards man ; for self-Worship of God is far lesse to be allowed by the Magistrate , then dishonouring of parents , stealing and adultery , &c. The reason is , The first reflects immediately upon God , who will be worshipped according to his Rule which is set down in his Word , and not according to the phancies of self-conceited men : Otherwise , in vain God had established Rules , according to which he would be served in spirit , and not justly had he punished Nations for transgressing his Rule . Then , the Independents plead for not troubling their consciences . It hath been the observation of many remarking men , That there was never time nor place , when and where the name of conscience hath been so much used for a covert to carriage of things , both in Church and State , as now adayes , and amongst us . And if judicious men will seriously consider the conscience this day in every mans mouth , they shall find it to be but little more then a s●l●-conceit misled by wilfull ignorance , in some men , but for the most part , by worldly interest of ambition and avarice ; For , if you take conscience in a right notion ( to speak homely and plainly of it in this place , without subtilizing , ) it is a knowledge of the soul with God , of our carriage towards him and towards man . Now , Whether this carriage of ours be right or no , we are to judge of it , First , and principally , By the Rule of Gods , Word . Next , and consequently , By right reason , and human Laws , subservient to the Rule of God , simply and purely , without by-respects , and meerly for the glory of God , and for the good of man . Now , Let those who have conscience ( and the tendernesse thereof ) so much in their mouths , cast up their accounts , Whether or no they do set before their eyes the glory of God and the good of man , according to the Rule of God , and to right reason , or Laws of man , subservient to this set Rule , without any by-respect of worldly ambition and avarice . Further , Have not the Independents endeavoured severall times to dissolve , at least to adjurn the Synod ? Yea of late they went so far on as to move it in the House of Peers ; but the motion was rejected ( although they had made a good party for the businesse ) by the wisdom of the House , and praise to that Noble Lord Roberts who first answered . At this time , The Independents do what they can to make a quarrell betwixt the Parliament ( with the people ) of England , and the Scots , since they conceive that they would find but small opposition in their designe , if the Scots were not in their way : This they tell in their particular discourses freely , and perform really so far as they are able . So , first , The Scots underhand must be stopped from all conveniency for their Army , and from every thing to go on with the Service in this Common Cause . Next , The Scots Army must be pressed Southward , on this side of Trente , to undo it by want of provisions . Then , The main Committees of the Countrey must be forbid to supply the Scots with any thing , yea caused underhand to obtain an Order from higher power , to furnish the Scots with little , or nothing at all . In the mean time , The Scots must be cryed out upon as idle and lasie , not minding the publike Work , and as being burthensome to the people . Yea , more , They must be grievously complained on , as taking exorbitantly from the people ; and men must be perswaded , induced , and forced to come unto the Parliament , with complaints against the Scots , without reason and equity , and further , contrary to agreement ; for , by stipulation it was accorded , That no complaint should be made unto the Parliament against the Scots , till the businesse were tried by the Committee of both Kingdoms , residing upon the place ; and thereafter , if satisfaction and reparation had not been granted , the recourse was to be had unto the Parliament . Witnesse this seventh Proposition , and the Answer unto it ; which I have thought fit to insert in this place following , that every one may see the truth of things . The seventh Proposition . We do approve that for the preventing of Complaints to be made unto the Parliament of England against the Scottish Army , That the Committee of both Kingdoms residing with the Scottish Army , be desired to endeavour the redresse of them upon the place ; and for the preventing of many inconveniencies which otherwise may ensue , That it may be intimated unto all such as may be concerned therein , that they first addresse themselves to the Committee of both Kingdoms , upon the place , for reparation of any injuries done to them , before they make any complaints to the Parliament ; and that no complaint be heard here , but in such cases as wherein Justice is denied there . Answer to the seventh Proposition . That for the complaints that are or may be made of the Scottish Army to the Parliament , the Committee do conceive it just , That the complaints should be communicated to the Scots Commissioners , as is desired : And for the preventing of such complaints to the Parliament for the future , That the Committee of both Kingdoms residing with the Scots Army , endeavour the redresse of them , if possible , upon the place . After all this , upon complaints made on purpose , The Scots must be sent back in all haste without any more ado , without regard to what they have done , what they are doing , and what they may do for the publike Cause now in hand , and without respect to the Treaty made betwixt the two Nations , and to their mutuall ingagements . And this went on so far , by the artifice of the Independents , that it was moved in publike by a great stickler of that Faction , and a Venter of their Plots . Thereafter , The Independents have another thought , which is to have the Garrisons ( taken in by the Scots from the Enemy ) in their possession , namely Carlile and New-castle , as places fit for their plantations ; from the one , they do think to spread their seed into Scotland , and send it over to Ireland with facility ; and from the other , to have easie commerce with London , Amsterdam , &c. and this is because the Scots hinder their Plots . But let the World judge whether or no it is reasonable that the Scots return presently back into their Countrey , and give over those Garrisons , before the Work be ended , that is , Religion and Peace setled , for which they have done and suffered so much abroad and at home in their zeal to the Cause and kindnesse to their Friends ; and leave all to the adversaries of the Covenant : and whether or no they should have any place of retreat in case of need , so long as they are about the Service . And , Is it to be thought , that the Scots should return home re infecta , they came hither for , when they are constantly willing and in capacity to go usefully on with the Service , to say nothing of the just thanks due unto them for what they have suffered and done in their love to the Cause , and affection to their Friends ? What ? Must the Scots abandon the Garisons to the adversaries of the Reformation , who have already some sticklers in New-castle who begin to broile and to trouble the People with their errours and phantasticall dreams , leading to Faction and division ? Last , The factious Independents ( in what truth , we shall see it presently ) give out That it is by their wisdom , purses , and valour that things are brought to so good a passe , and unto the happy condition we see them in , for the ending of these troubles . To this I answer ; Let no man sacrifice unto his own worth , merit , or action ; for it is a great sacriledge to take away from God his due , who is all in all , since in him we are and move , not having either being or motion but by him originally , and by his continued upholdig and assistance of us . Then , It is Idolatry to put any thing whatsoever in the lieu of God . But let this passe for this time . As for the wisdom , purses , and valour of the Independents , Where were they before the Scots coming in ? Yea , Where were they before the raising of the Siege of Oxford ? And to begin at their wisdom , By a great deal of cunning they have stopped the setling of the Church to this day , and consequently the setling of the Common-wealth , The Church being as it were the soul , and the State as the body of the Common-wealth : except the Church , that is the soul , be in a good posture , the Common-wealth cannot be well : And for the State , or politike part of the Common-wealth , They are the cause of all the jarres , jealousies , and mistakes betwixt men of both Nations , and betwixt divers in this one Nation , yea betwixt City and Parliament . Next , By craft from the very beginning of this War , the Independents have scrued themselves in imployment , and got in to have a main hand in all businesses : But by their wisdom they had brought things to such a passe that not onely they did lose their credit , but they durst hardly appear in the streets for a time , so odious were they become unto the People . The incoming of the Scots did put life in them again ; for , the People seeing that they were so earnest for the Scots , whose successe and dexterity was known to all , with their fidelity and honesty , could not but give occasion to think better of the Independents then they had done formerly , by reason of the miscarriage of things . But these sweet Birds ingrate to their restaurators , and unthankful to the People , fall to their old tricks again , to raise up their Faction against Church and State . As the Scots by their assistance gave the Independents life when they were dead , ( as it were , ) and raised them from the dust unto consideration , by their seasonable help ; so the late miscarriage of busine; sses by some then in power , did furnish unto the Independents some means to thrust in businesses & favour among the People . All this while , the Independents are getting themselves in all Committees and Counsells , namely where money is a handling : So by degrees they get benefit and power into their hands , and then pleasure some whom they do affect , and put nack others whom they do dislike . By this means , divers of all ranks , to get their desires either of benefit or employment , do side with them ; or to have their turn served for the present , do cog in with them for a time . As the Independents do dispose all things almost according to their mind in the Southern Forces , by putting out those they do dislike , and taking in those whom they think fit for their ends , or , at least , who do not oppose them , nor do take any notice of their tricks and devises ; So , They do study in the North to keep the Scots idle , being not fitted with accommodations for the Service , yet earnest they are to call them Southward , yea to make the weight of the main Service to lie upon them ; and then cry out against them , That they do not go on as they were desired , and that , to irritate both Parliament and People . Then , As the new moulded Army was a setling , many good occasions of doing businesses are let passe by the faults of the Independents , whereunto advice was given namely by the Scots Commissioners , and by other judicious men upon good intelligence , for the easie compassing of things . At last , There must be a Siege at Oxford , at such a time , and in such a way . How that Siege was undertaken according to the rules of wisdom , the judicious , understanding , and indifferent men , both at home and abroad , can tell . All this time , the Independents in their wisdom , are not onely busie to stop the setling of the Church in a true and through Reformation , as by the Covenant we are all sworn to ; but they continue and maintain divers kinde of errours and heresies , yea , they move to have their pernicious Tenents set up by Authority , both at home and abroad . Further , They study to make a rent betwixt the two Nations against the good of both , yea against the Covenant . What more ? Have they not in their wisdom raised up great factions , both in the City and Countrey , by their cunning devices , under pretence of piety and devotion ? Yea , which is worst of all , Are they not busie to make the Parliament and the City clash and divide , if it were possible , if not , to inslave the City ? First , By underhand-dealing , to stop the City to present unto the Parliament ( with due respect ) their just desires for the long expected setling of the Church according to the Covenant . Next , When at another time that the City did send the second Petition unto the Parliament for the same purpose with the former , the Independents made their Favourers snuffe at it , and struggle to reject it : But the wiser part did accept of it , and did promise to give due content ▪ namely the Earl of Essex did expresse himself worthily upon the point , and told the Company of the House , Besides the justnesse of the Cities desire , the Parliament must not neglect nor forget the Cities stedfast kindnesse to it , namely in its greatest need , and to the Cause , witnesse among other things , Their refusall of assisting the Court against the Scots . Their keeping close to the Parliament , notwithstanding all the workings of the Court-Parasites , and the offers made unto it by the Court . Their rescuing the Parliament from violence , when with strong hand some Members should have been taken from it . Their free and unparallelled plentifull furnishing both men and moneys , from the beginning of these unhappy Wars . And their constant supplying upon all occasions of both to this present , namely in the remarkable needs , as at Brainford businesse , and at the businesse of Glocester , where the Earl of Essex did so bravely relieve that Town ( so courageously kept by gallant Massey , ) and thereafter did beat the Enemy . Many such instances may any judicious man give of the Independents wisdom so much cried up by themselves and by their hyrelings , which consists in plotting for their interest of ambition and avarice , under the cloke of piety and devotion , without regard to the glory of God , or to the good of man ; for if they had any respect to these two , they would not drive on such factions against the setling of the Church , and consequently of the State . Now , having seen how the Independents have furthered the Cause with their wisdom , let us see what they do with their purses . Are they not noted to be the most needy , craving , and scraping wretches that are ? Have any of them heartily and willingly given any thing out of their hands too ? When God knows , in lieu of giving any thing of their own , that they are deep sharers in the moneys they can lay hold on . Are they not the nimblest to hearken after moneys ? And for this end have they thrust themselves everywhere where any benefit is to be had , and where the fingring of money is . Have they not received vast sums of moneys , and neither have , nor will , yea perhaps neither can give an account ? Witnesse some of them who refused to give an account in the usuall way unto the Committee of accounts established by the Parliament . And thereafter the same men , after their refusall of giving account , have obtained by the favour of the factious Fraternity , a free discharge , without giving any account . It is constantly and generally reported ▪ That they have sent immense sums of moneys beyond Seas . Many stirring Blades and sticklers of their Faction of late had neither credit nor means , yea hardly whole clothes , who now are great men , companions to Lords . Yea , It is told of some of them , that they should say , They hoped to see the day wherein they should not see this distinction of men , and so to be Independents as well in the State as in the Church . Is there any one of their Fraternity that hath not enriched himself since these troubles have begun , by the foolery and simplicity of others , as Rooks and Charlatans in all professions do ? And so they have increased their number . If one should take in hand to set down in writing all the cunnings , devices , artifices , deceits , and crafts known to many , with which these men use to catch moneys , and give no account of , it would make a great Volume . They have gotten the fingring of the moneys of State by gathering it , and they distribute it for the most part among themselves : So they give out , That all is theirs which passeth through their hands . But let us see their valour : It is known they have drawn some men of heart and courage among them ; But give me leave to say , That their own courage doth not so much as yet appear unto the World , as other mens valour doth , although they have used all the means which they could bethink themselves of to be cried up for valour ; for ▪ Have they not caused their names to be recorded in Pamphlets , and read in Churches ? If the meanest of their Faction had appeared the least in action , he was highly named as the most valiant in the Army . Yea , Is it not a strange thing , to see that gallant Sir Thomas Fairfax to be so little mentioned , although he be Generall , and notwithstanding that he constantly in all actions doth carry himself as bravely as any man can do ? How gallant his carriage was at the Battel of Naseby , it is well known to all , yet he was little spoken of , and the Independents must have the glory of the day ; but it is an easie way of these men to raise themselves , and to gain esteem and credit with small merits of their own , by the help of good Neighbours and Friends . In Gods Name , let every one have his due , without taking any from others : But such is the weaknesse of many infirm men , who think they cannot be well thought or spoken of to their mind , unlesse they keep under and balk other mens just praise , where there is occasion enough of praise to every one who doth well in the War , as in any other course . In all this Discourse , I name no person but to his praise ; yet I tell the errours and faults of a Faction , which is as dangerous unto us as that of Barnevelts in the Netherlands : But we hope that the same God who broke that Faction there , will do the same here , as he hath done the Prelats Faction here amongst us ; and will stop it to go on any further , for the dishonour done to his Name , and the mischief done to his People , by those ambitious , coveteous , and self-conceited men , against all Divine and human Law , without shame , provided they serve their insatiable and phantasticall desires , caring neither for God nor for his People , as appear clearly by the whole tenour of their carriage . FINIS . 
A19505	----	Seuen dayes conference betweene a catholicke christian, and a catholicke Romane. Concerning some controuersies of religion. By William Cowper, B. of Galloway. Cowper, William, 1568-1619. 1613 Approx. 205 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 131 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A19505 STC 5934 ESTC S112854 99848097 99848097 13175 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19505) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 13175) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1303:05) Seuen dayes conference betweene a catholicke christian, and a catholicke Romane. Concerning some controuersies of religion. By William Cowper, B. of Galloway. Cowper, William, 1568-1619. [32], 221, [3] p. Printed by W. S[tansby] for Iohn Budge, and are to be sold at his shop at the South doore of Paules, and Britaines Bursse, London : 1613. Printer's name from STC. Last leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- Controversial literature -- Debates -- Early works to 1800. Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion 〈…〉 SEVEN DAYES CONFERENCE , BETWEENE A CATHOLICKE CHRISTIAN , AND A CATHOLICKE ROMANE . Concerning some Controuersies of RELIGION . By William Cowper , B. of Galloway . AVG. DE CIVIT . DEI LIB 20. CAP. 19. Qui non credunt veritati , Iudicati seducentur , & seducti iudicabuntur . LONDON Printed by W. S. for Iohn Budge , and are to be sold at his Shop at the South doore of Paules , and Britaines Bursse . 1613. TO THE MOST SACRED , CHRISTIAN TRVELY CATHOLICKE , And mightie Prince IAMES , King of Great Britaine , France and Ireland , defender of the Faith , &c. SIR , Hauing procreate , not without some paine and labour , this little Treatise , when I b●gan to view it , I perceiued by the sirst face & countenance thereof , that of it felfe willingly it made retreate to your Highnesse for protection , being in effect no other thing in regard of the matter , but a surcle of that stocke , or birth of that Booke , whereof your Highnes is the Parent , although the maner of handling it be so base and vnpolished , as that it bewrayes it selfe altogether vnlike any thing proceeding from your Highnesse . Yea , also farre inferiou● vnto it ( to vse the words of Cl●mens , Alexandrinus , which he borrowes from Plato , comparing the giftes of Kings with other mens ) as Brasse or Iron is inferiour to Golde or siluer . For there your Maiestie hath ●reated the present controuersies of Religion , with such Learning , as in a Prince may be admired , seasoned with such loue and mildnesse of Spirit , as might mooue them , who are contrarie minded , if they were not drunken with the Cup of the Whoore of B●b●l , and so had lost iudgement , and vnderstāding , to acknowledge that it is no turbulent humor , but the power of trueth , no desire of cont●ntion , but the loue of all mens saluation , hath carried your Maiestie vnto it . So hath it pleased God to be fauourable to this I le , and by your Maiestie to blesse vs , that there ne●des not now a Iusti●e , nor a Ter●ulli●n to write Apologies of our Christian faith to any Antoninus or any other such like , Impie pio Impera●ori ; wee haue a most Christian King , a p●ofessour of the Gospell with● vs , a protector of vs with it , a Semi-martyr , an Abimelech , A Father King , an other Salomon , a Coheleth , such a king as is a Preacher of that truth , whereof his Highnesse is professor , whose Palaces and Tables are ( as was said of the Courts of Theodosius iunior ) Schooles of Diuinitie , wherein ignorants are instructed , Apostates conuerted , good Christians daily confirmed , and as if this were yet too little , an open cōfessor before the world , a publicke patrone of the truth by Apologies learnedly penned , whereby his Highnesse reacheth to these , to whome by speech hee can not attaine , and so makes the light of the Gospell shine to other Princes of the World , who as yet mislike it , onely because they misknow it . Neither can it be told , whether your Highnesse indeuour to propagate the truth of Christian Religion among such as haue it not , or to conserue it where it is already embraced , be greater , the care of all the Reformed Churches in Europe , after a sorte lying vpon your Highnesse . By your Authoritie they are protected , by your Learning instructed , by your Pieti● cōfirmed , by your Highnesse wise , godly and peaceable Councell vnited , where the sire of vnneces●ary contentiō is subtilly kindled by Sathan , for disturbance of the Church , and disgrace of the Gospel . By your Highnesse prouidence , happily , sp●edely and wisely it is quenched , the benefit whereof , the Churches both of Fraunce and and Flanders lately haue found , and thankes God and your Maiestie for it . And if yet any further proofe of your Highnesse most intire affection toward Christ , and his c●use bee required of any man : May hee not see your Maiestie willingly bearing Babels indignation for Ierusalems sake ? Are not their raylings , threatnings , contradictions , treasonable imaginations patiently suffered for Christes sake ? Is their not a sensible losse sustained for the Gospels sake ? Is not alliance with Labans house , for Religions cause preferred to the friendship of the most puissant Princes of Canaan ? But yet what speake I of losse , since losse for Christs sake can not bee , not indeede , what seemes a losse , sha●l bee found a vantage , for Where the wayes of man please the Lord , he shall make his enemies his friends , euen Mamre , Eschol , and Aner , Abimelech , and his Captaine Phicol ( Princes of Canaan ) shall sue to Abraham for friendship , and seeke to bee in couenant with him , becaus● they see that God is with him in all that he does . And if yet Ieroboam with his complices will be enemies to Dauids Kingdome , then hath your Maiesty in readinesse the answere of Ab●ah vnto them , With you indeede is the multitude , but with it yee haue the golden Calues , which you haue made for your gods , and shall be your destruction , but wee belong to the Lord our God , and behold this God is with vs as a Captaine , and his seruants with sounding Trumpets to crie an Alarum against you . For God from aboue hath indued your Highnesse with his heauenly wisedome , which ●ath this annexed promise , Exalt her , and shee shall exalt thee , shee shall bring thee to honour if thou embrace her , The Lord shall be thine assurance , and hee shall preserue thy soote from falling . And with this great benefit of pure Religion , we enioy vnder your Highnesse most happie Gouernment , there is conioyned such a peace , as no age heretofore hath affoorded , no care of any Prince could effectuate , for now by your Highnesse authoritie , the most Rebellious people are made peaceable , and the Scepter of Christ is reuerenced there , where all sorts of violence , rapine , murther , villanie did raigne before , so that now to your Maiestie most iustly belongs that p●●ise , which of olde was giuen to Constantine , and written in his triumphall Chariot , Liberator vrbis & sundator quietis . Or which Nazianzen gaue to Olympius . O negotiorum arbiter , & publicarum rerum corrector & vtrunque ti●i diuinitus concessum qui etiam hoc pietatis praemium acce●is●i , vtres tibi ex animi sententia fluant , so●usque ea assequi possis quae omnibus alijs negata sunt . Prudentiae enim & sortitudinis ductu imperium administras , quarum altera , quae facienda su●t excogitat , altera quod excogitatum est , facile exequitur , huc quod maximum est accedit manus puritas & integritas qua omnia reguntur . An arbiter and decider of difficult controuersies , a corrector of the publicke State , and both of these ●re committed to your Highnesse of God , from whome your Maiestie hath receiued also this reward of piety , that matters succeed vnto your Highnesse according to your hearts desire , and your Highnesse onely hath attained to do that which is denied vnto others . And which yet is most of all , hereunto is ioyned the puritie and integritie of your hands , whereby all things are ruled . Your Highnesse hath not liued like an Achab● to spoile any Naboth of his Vineyard , nor like a Manasseh to defile the streetes of your Cities with innocent blood . Nor like an Herod , to take the Wife of an other . Your Maiestie might shake the lappe with Nehemiah against oppressours , in signe and token of innocencie . Your Highnesse might cast the first stone at adulterers , & in a good conscience could make purgation with Samuel , if so it were that your Highnesse came to bee iudged of man , Whose Oxe or Asse haue I taken , or to whome haue I done wrong , If th●re be any fault ( for the best want not their own blemishes ) it is vpon that extremity , which is neerest to vertue : Namely , in too great mercie and clemencie , which of old was noted for an infirmitie in good Theodosius , Quod ex mansuetudine in nimiam lenitatem declinauerït , yet euen of this will I say with Nazian . Etiam haec est dei humanitas & Clementia . This also is a resemblance of the clemencie of God , whose deputie on earth your Highnes are , for hee is gracious , slow to wrath , long suffering and ready to forgiue . Many a time he bends his bowe to shoote at the wicked , the arrowes of his anger , but is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , slowe and loath to let them go : Yea , oftimes hee shoots & purposely misseth his marke , sparing yet for a time : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his warnings are many , but where they worke not , hee strikes at length , and no more but once . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Thus euē the Lord whose mercie is marueilous , meanes him to iudgement ▪ where mercie is abused : It is no pietie but superstition to spare , when time is to strike . And it is a cruell clemencie , which is declared vpon one with the destruction of manie . The Pillars which vphold a Kingdome , are Mercie and Iustice , since by them Kinges are conserued , Your Highnesse out of your rare wisedome , will haue a care to conserue them both , that neither Mercie make preiudice to Iustice , nor Iustice againe take away the praise of Mercie . But to returne , as S●desprima & vita ima , are most vnseemely ; so is the dignity doubled , where the preferment is beautified with pietie : and herein also hath the Lord magnified his mercie toward your Maiesty , that as by an high calling he hath exalted your Highnesse a Head & Ruler ouer this Mightie people , so hath hee made your Highnesse no lesse eminent by communication of his grace , then your Maiestie is by the Honor of the place , liuing in the eyes of all men a patterne of Vertue , yea an image of the heauenly King , walking so among the euill that you are not infected with their vice , and so with the good that the best are made better by your example . God make vs wise to know what wee haue , for because the Lord hath loued his people , therefore hath hee set such a King ouer them , to rule them with equitie and righteousnesse . The Lord make vs thankefull for it , and long may your Highnes liue & raign a happy king of many blessings to your people , Amen . Your Maiesties most humble Subiect , and dayly Orator , WILLIAM COVVPER B. of Galloway . The Contents of the seuen Dayes Conference . The I. dayes Conference . Concerning Antiquity in Gen●rall . The II. Day . Concerning the Antiquity of the Church of Scotland , and how the Church of Rome in her best estate was but a sister , and not a mother Church vnto it . The III. Day . Concerning the Apostacie of the Church of Rome , and how sh●e is now become that mother of W●●redomes , Reuel . The IIII. Day . Wherein is declared that Rome is the seate of Antichrist . The V. Day . Wherein the common quest●on of the Aduersaries is answ●red : Where was your Church before Luther ? The VI. Day . Wherein an other Question commonly obiected by the Aduers●r●es is answered : Seeing you cannot denie tha● your fathers were Papists , what thinke you , are they all damned or not ? And if they be not damned , why may not we be of their Religion . The VII . Day . Wherein the order obserued in the Church of Scotland is declared to be conform to the ancient order prescribed by the Apostles , & and p●●ctised in the Primitiue Church . SEVEN DAYES CONFERENCE . BETWEENE A Catholicke CHRISTIAN , and a Catholicke ROMANE . C. SIR , you are w●lcome home from Italie . R. I thanke you heartielie good Countriman . C. Tell mee I pray you how it goes with you , are you sound both in bodie and in minde ? R. Why , what meane you by that ? C. Because many trauelled in these partes where you haue beene hauing returned worse then they went a field . R. Wherein worse ? C. With the botch of Aegypt in their bodie , the iust plague of God for corporall whoredome ; and the leprosie of Babel in their soules , wherewith God also punisheth thē who loue not Sions beautie , and delight not in the light of the Gospell . R. But I was neither in Aegypt nor in Babel . C. How so , was you not in Rome , and other parts vnder the Popes Dominions ? R. Yea that I was . C. Then was you both in Aegypt and Babel . B. I vnderstand not your mysticall Theologie . C. Neither can yee so long as you are in the mist , and haue your mind couered with a vaile . R. You speake your pleasure there , for I see all is well as your selfe . C. I would you did , for so you might easily see that Rome is Spirituall Aegypt , wherin the light of God is obscured : and Babel , wherein is a fearefull captiuitie of Gods people , and such a horrible confusion of languages , that when the Builder speaks , the people vnderstands not what he sayes : yea it is Sodom , which for her vile abhominations will shortly bee burnt with fire , and brought to vtte● desolation neuer to bee repaired againe . R. Let mee alone , I see you are stil in your old humour , and it maruels me much , that so many in this Land being conuerted to the bosome of the mother Church of Rome , you should still continue in this new Hereticall opinion . C. O now I see the bile of Babel vpon you : you will call her a mother Church whom God cals a mother of Whoredomes , and you charge vs with noueltie , and heresie ; but wee will proue by Gods grace , what you call heresie , and noueltie is veritie and antiquitie . R. Antiquitie say you , fie , speake neuer of it : for your eldest Doctours are Luther , and Caluin . C. Nay by your leaue ( Sir ) wee haue neither our faith from Luther , nor from Caluin : but answere you as the Apostle Saint Paul answered his aduersaries , when they charged him with the like crimes that you charge vs with , and I pray you marke his Apologie : I confesse that after the way which they call Heresie , so worship I the Lord God of my Fathers . R. What euer Saint Paul speakes , I would not haue you speaking of Fathers , seeing you haue forsaken the Religion of your Fathers . C. You deceiue your selfe if you thinke wee wil not stand to the Religion of our Fathers . R. Ah , but your Fathers were Papists . C. Nay but our Fathers were Protestants . R. Now in good faith you moue me to laughter . C. You may laugh as you list , but haue no cause . R. VVas not your Father , and Grandfather , and their Fathers before them for many ages Papists ? C. What of that ? they who in regard of time and truth were long before them , and should be followed as Fathers to vs and them both , were Protestants . R. That is but a shift of your owne . C. It is no shift , it is a truth ; and you shall see it your selfe if you will consider who were Pauls Fathers , whom he saies he followed in the worshipping of God. R. What were the names of his Fathers were I cannot tell , but I see they haue been Israelites of the Tribe of Beniamin . C. We haue not that to stand vpon , what they were for their persons , or names either , but what was their Religion : remember you not that hee sayes himselfe , he was brought vp at the feet of Gamali●l ? R. Yea I doe . C. Tell mee now of what Religion was Gamali●l ? R. I see he hath been a Pharesie . C. And think you that Saint Paul when hee made his Apologie , worshipped God after the manner of Pharesies ? R. I thinke it not . C. How then sayes hee , that he worshipped God after the maner of his Fathers , seeing his Fathers were Pharesies ? R. I thinke he meanes not of these fathers , who liued last before him , but transcending them he passes vp to his elder fathers Abraham , Isaack , Iacob . C. Was hee not then wrongfully accused of noueltie , as one who had forsaken the religion of his fathers , because hee forsooke the Religion of such Fathers as liued last before him ? R. I thinke so indeede : His Apologie cleares him sufficiently both of heresie and noueltie , which his aduersaries would haue imputed to him . C. Now ( Sir ) I haue you where I would : why should not the like Apologie cleare vs in the like case : for albeit we haue foresaken the heresies of Papistrie maintained by them , that liued last before vs , yet doe wee worship the Lord our God , as these fathers did , whom Iustin Martyr call●s , Patres Patrum , & whom with him we will prefer to any posterior fathers whatsoeuer . R. That cannot be , seeing it is known , it is not threescore yeers since your Religion came into this Country . C. No ( Sir ) I will make known to you , that it is 1500 yeeres since this same Religion preached and professed now , was then preached and professed by our Ancient fathers . The first Religion that euer we had was gentilisme , our fathers worshipped Diana , the Sun , the Moone , the Starres . R. That was a pittifull blindnesse . C. So it was indeed : but in the first hundreth yeere we embraced Christianity , and eight hundreth yeere after Christ , we were infected with Papistrie , and now againe hath God called vs by the light of the gospel to our ancient Religion of Christianity , whereby wee worshippe the Father in his sonne according to his word , and no other way . R. You speake faire enough to it , be as it will ; but if it be true that you say , then would you be in communion with the Catholike Church . C. And so thanks to God we are , reioycing as I said vnto you , that the Lord by his Gospell hath called vs to bee Christian Catholikes . R. That is also● a new stile of your owne , that you will bee called Christian Catholikes . C. If you were acquainted with antiquity , you would not call it new , with many such nouelties you charge vs , which are indeed ancient truthes : it is eleuen hundreth yeeres since in the seuenth Councell of Carthage , professors of the Gospell were called Catholike Christians . R. But to let the style passe , how can you say , you are in cōmunion with the Catholike Church , seeing you haue made separation● from the Romane Church , and refuse to bee stiled Roman Catholikes ? C. The Romane Church in her best estate was neuer more but a member of the Catholike Church , and there is no more reason to cal the Roman church the Catholike Church , nor to say , that Rome is all Italy , or Pa●●s is all France : but now seeing the Ro●an Church hath plaied the Whore , made a shameful Apostasie from her first estate , wee haue done no wrong in seperating from her : but for our warrant haue Gods owne Proclamation commanding vs to doe so . R. Where haue you that Proclamation ? C. There it is , Come out of Babell my people . R. But no word is there of Rome C. I shall proue to you that this Babel is Rome , and your own Doctors cannot deny it . R. If you make all good you haue said , I will say no more , but there is many one beguiled . C. If you will heare mee by Gods grace I shall make it good . R. I will not refuse to heare you , and I trust also to answere you . C. It is not me you shall hear , but the voice of the Gospell , which if it were heard at Rome , I am of that mind , the Popes kingdome should not long continue . R. It will bee hard for you to get hearing there . C. And why ? since Sodomits there haue their brothels , and Iewes haue their Synagogues , wherein they curse Christ , why may not Protestants bee tolerated to haue a Church wherein to preach ? R. Good sooth they loue you worse then any of them . I thinke it true ; for on● Deuill can dwell well inough with an other , yea a legion of them in one man , but none of them will giue place to Christ. But tell me how long , God willing , mind you to stay in this towne ? R. I hope to be in it all this weeke . C. Then I pray you , let vs spare euery day one howre or two for conference , and I will come to you to your owne chamber . R. Agreed am I , and let our conference to morow continue about antiquitie , for I think it somewhat strange that you should pretend it . C. Well . let it be so . THE FIRST DAYES CONFERENCE . Concerning Antiquitie in General . R. WElcome ( Sir ) I see you are a true man , and keepe promise . C. What I am not in good faine would I be . R. Thinke you not best we begin where wee left yesternight ? C. Yea indeede . R. What say you then of Antiquitie ? will you not graunt that to bee the true Church which hath the most auncient Doctrine ? C. That is a thing out of all question ; the Doctrine which is most ancient I embrace , and beleeue to be most true . R. You will myre your selfe incontinent , for these which yee call corruptions in the Church of Rome , some of them will be found a thousand yeares old . C. What is that to the matter ? Seeing the truth whereby we condemne these corruptions will be found elder then they , and wee , to speake with Vincentius , wil euer preferre the olde Faith to new vnfaithfulnesse : for if you thinke this a good Argument : Such a doctrine or ceremonie should be receiued , because it is one thousand and two hundred yeares old , then by the same reason the heresies of Simon Magus must bee receiued for a truth , because they were taught by him one thousand and sixe hundred yeares since . R. But said you not euen now , you would acknowledge that to be most true which is most ancient ? C. I say that same yet ; And that you may conceiue it the better , I pray you consider that truth and errour , suppose they came not of the same parents , yet in regard of time they are like two twinnes , but the vantage of time that is , truth hath it , suppose very little . R. I pray you let me heare that at more length , for I see it will greatly helpe to cleare this point . C. Will you goe vp to the Church in Paradise , and you shall see the first voice that sounded there was Gods voice : For in the first two Chapters of Genesis , you will heare nothing but Deus dixit , God said : but incontinent in the third Chapter comes in , Et Serpens dixit , and the Serpent said . R. I see that clearely . C. And I am glad you doe so : But I pray you consider , wil any man be so mad as to thinke that Sathans lies shall bee receiued for a truth , because they are now neere sixe thousand yeares old ? R. It were no reason indeed , because albeit his lies ●ee olde , yet ( as you haue said ) there is a Truth elder . C. I pray you remember that , that it may confirme you against the craft of Sathan , when hee would couer errour with a shew of Antiquitie . R. I hope to doe so . C. Now will yee come down againe to the dayes of Christ Iesus ; may you not see that when our Lord sent out his Apostles , Sathan also sent out his false Apostles ▪ and when Simon Peter comes out to Preach the Gospell , Simon Magus is stirred vp to Preach heresies ? R. I see that also . C. Then let vs agree in this , since Truth is to bee sought from our fathers according as we are commanded , Enquire for the good and olde way ; we will goe seeke it from our most ancient fathers . R. Truely it caries with it I thinke a reason , that we should not be mooued with the opinion of any father , where they varie from the doctrine of the first fathers . C. You ▪ speake now as you should , and as before I shewed you was the mind of that ancient father Iustine Martyr : when it was obiected to him , such a father thought such a thing , he answered , Sed pater patrum Apostolus aliter sensit : And herein to confirme you , if controuersies of Religion were decided , as our Sauiour decided the question of Polygamie , the debate betweene vs and the Romish Church were soone ended . R. How did Christ resolue that contro●ersie of Polygamie ? C. By this rule , It was not so from the beginning : Leauing this to vs as a maxime in Religion , and a most sure rule whereby to trie truth from falshood , What hath not be●ne from the beginning , let it bee reiected as a noueltie . And herein the ancient fathers agree with vs. Be yee sollowers of me ( saith the Apostle ) as I am of Christ : if I , or an Angel , &c. Mihi antiquitas Iesi● Christus est , cui non obedire manifestus est , & irremissibilis interitus . Ignat . Epist. ad Philad ▪ Non attendendum quid quis ante nos faciendum putauerit , sed quid , qui ante omnes est Christus prior fecerit . Cypri . lib. 2. Epist. 3. Neque enim hominis consue●udinem , sed Deiveritatem sequi oportet . Ibid. Non est de consuetudine praescribendum , sed ratione vincendum . Ad Quintinum . Obstinatio est , & praesumptio humanam traditionem diuinae dispositioni antepone●e , nec animadvertere ●ndignaeri , & irasci deum ; quoties diuina praecepta soluit , & praeterit humana traditio . Ad Pompeium . Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas est erroris . Ibid. Si ad diuinae traditionis caput , & originem reuertamur , cessat error humanus . Ibid Frustrà quidam , quiratione vincuntur , consuetudinem nòbis opponunt , q●asi con●uetudo sit mator ver●●●● . ●d ●uba●anum . Nec 〈◊〉 , n●c m●iorum erro● seq●●●●● , e●● , sed au●horitas Script●r●r●● , & ●●i docem is imper●●●m : 〈◊〉 ●●●iaei po●● Baalim abieruns quos ●idicerunt a patribus . Hie●on . in lerem . cap. 9. Omnes h●retici aetati Eccle●ie vniuer sa●is comparati , minores , tempore congrue vocantur : quia ipsi ab eâ , non autem ipsa egressa est ●b illis . Greg. in Iob. lib. 10. Sect. 37. Sicut in omnibus veritas imaginem antecedit , postremò similitudo succedit : ita prior veritas quam haeresis . Tertul. praescrip . aduersus haeret . R. But what makes these against the Church of Rome ? C. Yea , very much , for all these nouelties which shee hath inuented , and intruded into the Church , she colours them with the shadow of ancient custome , and so very craftily vnder the name of Antiquitie , fights against Antiquitie . R. It is not enough to affirme that , vnlesse yee qualifie it . C. I will make it cleare to you , if first yee heare a notable testimonie o● Vincentius to this same purpose . R. What sayes he ? C. It is a propertie of Christian modestie not to deliuer their owne things to the after-commers , but to keepe things receiued from their fore-beers . R. Very well ; that place makes ●gainst you who will not keepe the Religion of your fore-beers . C. It makes not against vs , but against the Church of Rome , who hath departed from the Religion of them who are theirs and our fore●eer● also , as the remnant of his words will declare vnto you . R. Reade them out then . C. Hee is expounding heere he Apostles words : If I , or an Angell from heauen should bring to you another doctrine , then that which yee haue receiued , let him be accursed . R. What sayes hee of it ? C. These are his words : If Peter , if Andrew , if Iohn , yea if the whole Apostles would Preach to you an other way then is deliuered in the Gospell , let them be accursed : To Preach vnto Christian Catholickes , besides ●hat which we haue receiued , was neuer , is neuer , shall neuer be lawfull . R. Let it bee so , the Church of Rome hath deliuered no doctrine but that shee hath rec●iued . C. Yes , but shee hath ; and now once for all , I will giue you amongst many , one cleare example of it . In the thirteenth Session of the Councell of Constance , as is Recorded by Carranza one of your owne , and Registred in your Canon Law , there is an Act made of this tenour . Licet in Primitiuâ Ecclesiâ huiusmodi Sacramentum reciperetur a fidelibus sub vtraque specie , tamen haec consuetudo ad euitandum aliqua pericula , & scandala , est rationa●iliter introducta , quòd a conficientibus sub vtraque specie , a laicis tantummodo sub specie panis suscipiatur . Albeit in the Primitiue Church , this Sacrament was receiued of the faithful vnder both the kinds , yet to eschewe some perils and offences , this custome now with very good reason is brought in , that the Priest should receiue it vnder both the kinds , but the people should receiue the bread onely , and not the cup. What thinke yee now of this place ? Hath not the Church of Rome here deliuered a Doctrine which shee hath not receiued ? Is there not heere a manifest changing of Christs ordinance , and by their owne confession a plaine departing from Antiquitie ? What thinke you of this one instance ? R. I will aduise vpon it . C. Doe so , but I pray you fight not against the cleare light ; and remember that all bee it the Doctours of your Church pretend alwayes Antiquitie , Antiquitie ; the ●athers , the fathers ; yet this one instance among a hundreth , prooues them to bee fathers o● nouelties : what say yee ? Tell me , like yee to heare any more of Vincentius ? R. I am content , but let mee know ●irst what writer hee is , and whose Translation is that . C. He was a French-man , he writ this Treatise in the fiue hundreth yeare of Christ , and heere it is Translated by Ninian Winzet , a Masse-priest of the Church of Rome , which yee cannot refuse . R. Reade on , what sayes he further ? C. There is a commaund giuen to Timothie , Depos●um serua , which in all good reason should binde his successors : Thus hee expounds it : Keepe that which is committed to thee , not that which is inuented by thee : which thou hast receiued , not which thou hast imagined : wherein thou art no Author , inuenter , sorger , but a keeper ; not a Law-maker but a Law-keeper ; not a guide , but a follower : saue that which is giuen thee , saue the talent of Catholick faith vnbroken , vncorrupt : what thou hast receiued , render it againe , if thou hast receiued Gold , render Gold againe ; slippe not in one thing in stead of an other , for Gold lay not downe lead , nor brasse . R. I heare all that , and I thinke hee writes like a sound Diuine . C. Then take heed● ; the Apostle protests he d●liuered that to the Corinthians , which hee had receiued from the LORD IESVS . R. I know that . C. Hee commanded Timothie , and all others his successors in the worke of the Ministerie to doe the like . R. And good reason so they should . C. Then there is the point ; How is it that the Church of Rome takes on her this libertie to doe otherwise ? R. Wherein doe they otherwise ? C. Haue you forgot so soone ? Saint Paul deliuered to the people as wel the Cup as the Bread , because hee receiued it from Christ Iesus : how is it then that the Church of Rome takes away the Cup from the people ? R. Why ? May not the Church make Lawes ? C. No such Lawes as derogate to Christs Lawes , for in that sense you heard Vincentius denie that they are Law-makers , but Law-keepers : I pray you giue place to the truth , and consider how little cause they haue to bragge of Antiquitie , who dare make the like of that ; Albeit Christ and his Apostles , and the Primitiue Church did this , yet we for good causes will doe oth●rwayes . R. Alway that is but one ●oint , C. But seeing you cannot denie but they haue broken , and corrupted the auncient Catholicke faith in one point , you haue the lesse cause to beleeue or defend them in the rest , vnlesse you wil incurre Gods curse threatned on them that pares or addes to his word . R. The Lord saue me from his curse . C. Amen , but pray first that the Lord would saue you from the sin that deserues his curse . R. God grant it . C. And so I wish from my heart it may be : But I pray you consider as in one Sacrament you are guiltie of sacrilegious paring , so in both you are guiltie of sacrilegious adding and changing : and so cannot ●schew the curse if you abide in Communion with the Church of Rome that now is . R. How So ? C. As yee haue taken Wine from the Bread , so yee haue added Water to the Wine , which is a new inuention and forgerie , albeit your Doctours to excuse it cast it on Alexander the first , yet it is certain , it was not in Christs institution , and by your owne confessions was brought in many yeares after Christ , and so should bee reiected as a noueltie . R. That is but a smal thing , and there may be many reasons to excuse it . C. No : not one ; Let no man bee wiser then God. Who dare adde to the ordinance of Christ ? But you haue done worse in Baptisme adding Spittle , Oyle , and Salt to the element of Water : was this done by Christ or his Apostles ? You father the Oyle vpon Siluester , but confesse it was not vsed in the Church in Baptisme before him , and so it is an other ancient noueltie . R. It may bee they haue thought good to vse these for reasons and respects which I know not ; but this pertaines not to the substance of Baptisme , and can not annull it . C. I graunt they doe not annull Baptisme , yet are they inexcusable , who in the smallest thing dare alter the institution of Christ : Are not his Sacraments the Seales of his couenant ? R. I confesse they are . C. Why then , since it is treason to pare , or adde any thing to the forme of the Princes Signet , is it not Sacrilegious boldness● to pare or adde to Christs Sacrament ? But least you should thinke the controuersi● onely to bee about these things , you shall know that , except the Article of the Trinitie , the Church of Rome hath left no Article of our Faith vncorrupted , so that it is most certaine , This Church of Rome with the doctrine , and iurisdiction nowe maintained by her , was not in the Primitiue Church . R. O but I wil tell you what I once heard concerning that matter , from one of their Doctors : That there is a great difference betweene a Church in her infancie , and her older and riper age : For as it growes in age , so may it and should it increase in many things which it had not in the infancie thereof . C. Nowe I see you speake from such knowledge , as the great labours of the Iesuites workes in the hearts of their captiues , and because it is your last and greatest defence , I will let you still see out of the words of Vincentius , which you will like better then mine , that this makes nothing for you . R. Come on let vs see ; what sayes Vincentius ? C. He grants , There should be an encr●ase in Faith , but not a change of Faith. R. That is a strange distinction , and yet so honest , that in truth I dare not gaine-say it . C. Heare him then ; hee expounds the two parts of his distinction : To encrease ( saith he ) is when a thing biding in it selfe is more amplified : To change , is when a thing going out of it selfe is translated & turned into an other . To make this cleare , hee illustrates it by a proper similitude : Let ( sayes hee ) the Religion of soules follow the nature of bodies , which albe●t in processe of yeres they grow , yet they remaine the same : the same members , the same Ioyntes are in Children which are in Men , though in the one stronger and greater , in the other smaller and weaker : but if the shape bee turned in any forme not of the owne kind , or any thing bee eked to the number of the members , or taken from the same , then either the body perisheth , or becomes monstrous , or at the least becomes weake . So in Religion , if wee shall begin to mixe noueltie with Antiquitie , we shall make the Church a brothell of filthie and abominable errours , which before was a Temple of chaste and vndefiled veritie , where as the Church of Christ should bee a diligent keeper of the doctrine deliuered to it , changing nothing , diminishing nothing , adding nothing . Now these are the words of Vincentius , and I demand of you out of the light of your conscience if you can gaine-say them . R. In truth it is a pretie discourse , and I embrace all that he hath said as a truth . C. Aduise you th●n yet , what yee wil say for the Church of Rome , since it can not bee denied they haue changed , diminished , and added to the ancient Catholicke faith : Some ceremonies and opinions they haue which Antiquitie knewe not , & some the ancient Church had , which they haue pared away , and in a word haue so change , that in Rome is nothing anci●nt but the name . R. That seemes very hard : For , though in some ceremonies there bee adding , paring , and chaunging , yet I can not thinke it is in substance . C. You are farre deceiued , for they haue made a change in the substance . R. Wherein ? C. In the maine point of saluation , as now among many I will shew you by this one . What Diuinitie is this , to teach people to pray that God would bring them to Heauen by an other blood then Christs blood ? R. O that can not be . C. Nay maruaile not , there is the Prayer of their owne Masse booke . Tu per Thomae sanguinem , quem ille pro te pendit , fac nos Christe scandere , quò Thomas ascendit . R. I haue not he●rd of that , for my owne part I would bee loath to chaunge the blood of the couenant , or to disgrace it so farre as to ioyne any other with it . C. The more wise are you , for it is by Christs blood Onely , that reconciliation is made . But what thinke yee of confidence , should wee put considence in any but in God ? R. No truely . C. What a Prayer is this thē ? Inua ergo omnes gentes In te Sancte confidentes Confessor Armigile . And is not Prayer thinke you and Inuocation , a speciall point of Gods seruice ? R. So it is . C. Why then is it giuen to Saints ; and that Psalter which containes Prayers & praises to God , all turned ouer to the Virgine Marie ? Should mens traditions , to whome God by his heauenly oracle hath not borne testimonie , be receiued , Pari pietatis affectu & reuerentiâ , with like deuotion and reuerence , as the word of God ? R. Who sayes that ? C. The Councell of Trent . Should the foure Councels bee receiued as the foure Euangelists , or should the Canon Law and decretall Epistles bee receiued as Canonicall Scripture ? R. I know not what that is . C. Then I will tell you : Twelue hundreth yeares after Christ , Gratian a Benedictine Monke , gathered together the sentences of Councels , Fathers , and Popes , concerning sundrie matters of Religion , and set it forth , which is commonly called Decretum ; and after him certain Popes , as Gregory the ninth , Boniface the eight , Clemens the fift , Iohn the twentie two , following the example of Gratian , haue gathered the like : These are called Decretals , and Extrauagants added to Decretum ; all of them make vp the Canon law , which now must bee equalled with the word , and all to bee receiued , as if Peter his owne mouth had pronounced them . Is not this against the golden rule of Vincentius , to mixe noueltie with Antiquitie ; What say you to it ? R. In truth I can not iudge of that which I know not . C. I will giue you but one Decrete of this law , and let you see how it strikes the Apostle S. Paul in the teeth , that by it you may iudge of the rest . Secundam accipere vxorem secundùm Apostoli praeceptum licitum est ; secundum autem veritatis rationem verè fornicatio est . Second marriage ●ccording to the Apostles precept is lawful , but according to the truth of reason is plaine fornication . I am not now to dispute whether Church-men may Marrie or not : themselues grant it is not forbidden , neither by Legall , nor Apostolicall authoritie , yet they will forbid it . But what Diuinitie is this ? According to the Apostles precept , it is lawfull to Marrie , but according to truth and reason it is Whoredome , that is as they would saye , according to the word of God in the Bible it is true , but according to the word of God in the Canon Law written twelue hundreth yeares after Christ it is false . Did the Apostle giue any precept without reason or truth ? How dare they call that vnlawfull , which the Apostle cals lawfull : W●e be to them who call good euill . You hold silence at these things and no maruaile , for I thinke no honest man can approoue them . But to return to things of great importance , I assure you the onely question and controuersie in Religion this day may be taken vp in this question : Is Iesus the Sonne of Mary the Christ ? Or as the Baptist takes it vp , Art thou hee who is come , or shall wee looke for an other ? R. I thinke no man will denie that . C. Yea the Turke , and Pagane say , such Christ as Christians beleeue is neither come , nor wil come : the Iewes say hee is not come , but hee will come : The Catholicke Romane in word confesseth him , but in deede denies him : Quem praedicant impugnant , both in his Person and Offices . R. That is a strange assertion , & such as I haue not heard . C. It is strange indeede , and I would wee had no cause to charge them with it , but beecause it is the most weightie point whereof yet w● haue spoken , wee will referre it to bee handled in a meeter time . R. I am content , prouiding you forget not to make that good which you haue said . C. If I forget , I pray remember me : And now this Dispute about Antiquitie , I conclude with IGNATIVS : Mihi antiquitas est Iesus Christus , cui non obedire manifestus est , & irremissibilis interitus . Epist. ad Philadelphos . My Antiquitie is Iesus Christ ; to disobey him is manifest and remedilesse destruction : and with that which A●gustine said to the Pelagians : Quia isti disserunt , & disputant nescio quas impias nouitates , etiam nos conantur arguere quòd aliquod nouum dicamus . Because these f●llowes maintaine certaine impious nouelties , they also goe about to charge vs , as if wee did teach any new thing . But of this if you please you shall heare more . R. It pleaseth me very well , & I shall attend your comming if you may at seuen howres . C. Let it be so . THE SECOND DAYES CONFERENCE . Concerning the Antiquitie of the Church of SCOTLAND , and how the Church of ROME in her best estate was but a sister , & not a mother Church vnto it . C. WHat say you to day ( Sir ) haue you considered the points of our last conference ? R. Yea I haue beene ( as I may ) thinking vpon them . C. What ? Is not your heart mooued to come to vs ? R. I find it mooued , but not remooued from the Church of Rome . C. Tell mee ( I pray you ) what is that which holdes you from vs ? R. To bee plaine with you , since the Church of Rome is your mother Church , you can with no good conscience forsake her . C. If that be all your scruple , I hope to resolue you : for this day by Gods grace I will shewe that we of this Church of Scotland had neuer our faith from the Church of Rome ; yea that in her best estate shee was no more but a sister Church vnto vs. The next day God willing I wil shew you that the Church of Rome is Apostatique now , not like that Church of olde , which the Apostle commended , and is not onely a Whoore her selfe , but the mother of Whooredomes . R. You haue taken much in hand . C. No more then by Gods grace I hope to qualifie , if you wil with patience heare me , and interrupt me not . R. Speake as long as you please , I shall heare you . C. No ( Sir ) I will be loath to burden you with multitude of words , but shall bee very well content , when you heare any point wherein weight is , that you warne me to cleare it . R. Well , I shall doe so God willing . C. Then first I will saye , Rome hath beene no mother Church , neither to the Churches of Asia : these were planted by Apostles and Apostolicke men ; Nor yet to the Churches of A●ricke : Christianity was first conueied to them by Marke the Euangelist , and the Eunuch of Ethiopia , whom Philip baptised : And I can let you see ( but that I shall disgresse ouer farre ) that fiue hūdreth yeres after Christ the Churches of Africke would not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome their superiour . R. Our question is not now concerning them : for I knowe the Church of Rome receiued her faith from the Churches of Asia , and they of Asia receiued it not from the Church of Rome . And as to them of Africke , whatsoeuer is disputable , there wee leaue it as not pertaining to our present puropse . C. Oh good Sir , you will grant then that the Church of Rome is farre posterior to the Churches of A●ia , and , if it bee compared with them , is but a daughter Church . R. That I can not denie : But the Churches of Europe , and specially these of the west parts were first conuerted to Christ by the Church of Rome . C. No ( Sir ) yee are deceiued in that also , and this is the point wherein I am to contradict you . R. I am sure you will not contradict mee , without some warrant . C. That were no reason : I will let you see that the most famous Churches of Europe ( as their Records testifie ) had not their faith from the Church of Rome , and then I will come to our owne . R. I think long to heare that . C. And I will delay you no longer . In the Councel of Trent , there was a great question betweene the French and Spanish Prelates , about the first place : The greatest Argument that any of them vsed , was from the Antiquitie of their Christianitie , which none of them alleadged , they had from the Church of Rome , albeit at that time both of them sought the Popes fauour . R. From whence got they it then , if they got it not from Rome ? C. The Spaniards alleadged , they were made Christians by Saint Iames , who after hee had Preached the Gospell in Spaine , returned to Palestina , and was president of that famous Councell holden at Ierusalem , Act. 15 then being Martyred , his bones were brought to Compostella , and there buried . The French replied that their narration was fabulous , and that it is more likely , if any Apostle came to Spaine , hee came rather by land to France , and so taught them by the way , then otherwise by Sea : And if any credit might be giuen to such traditions , they could also with more probabilitie alledge that Lazarus , and Nathaniel taught the Gospell among them ▪ & this at that time they spake for themselues . But out of more certaine Storie this might bee said also for them , th●t Philip Preached the Gospell in France : CRESCENS also Pauls Disciple , for there it is said 2. Tim. 4. TITVS is gone to Dalmatia , and Cresc●ns to Galatia : Euseb. lib. 3. cap. calles it Gallia . Besides him Trophymus , another of Pauls Disciples taught at Orleance : Photinus againe , a very worthy man , and after him Irenaeus taught the Gospell at Lyons . Germaine was first conuerted by Lucius of Cyrene , Paules kinsman and companion . Yea the Churches of Italy will not bee found to haue the Church of Rome for their Mother Church , for why Barnab●s first Preached the Gospell at Millan , as testifieth Sabellicus , and Apollinaris taught at Rauenna . But to come to the Church of Rome , tell mee , who did first conuert the Romanes to the Christian faith ? R. Who but Saint Peter ! C. I will not now contend with you about that matter though it bee very dispu●able , Whether Peter was at Rome or not ; and your owne man Clemens , and Dorotheus also affirme , that Barnabas first taught the Gospell at Rome : But if Peter came to Rome , what time came he to it ? R. I cannot well remember . C. I will helpe you : Irenaeus sayes , S. Peter came to Rome when Saint Matthew wrote his Euangell , in the third yeare of Cai●s , & fortie one after Christ. As for Saint Paul hee wrote not his Epistle to Rome , till the thirteenth yeare of ● Claudius , and fiftie fiue years after Christ , and himself came not to Rome till the fiftie eight yeare after Christ. R. What would you make of all that ? C. Either yee must grant the Church of Rome was not conuerted by Saint Peter , or then there was no Church there before the fortie one yeare after our Lord , at which time Saint Peter came to it . R. Let it be so . C. Then I pray you consider , that the Church of this Land , being little posterior in time to the Church of Rome , there is no reason they should beare vs downe with the shadow of their Antiquitie , nor insult ouer vs , as if they were a mother Church to vs , seeing it pleased God to conuert vs to the Christian faith , almost as soone as themselues , and that not by them but by others whom he sent among vs. R. But yee haue not made that cleare as yet . C. What I haue not , I shall by Gods grace . In the second yeare of Claudi●s , and fortie foure yeares after Christ , Simon Zelotes an Apostle came to Britaine , and , Preached the Gospel : This was but three yeares after Simon Peter came to Rome . R. How will you proue that ? C. My proofes are ; Dorotheus in his Synopsis : Simon Zelotes peragratâ Mauritaniâ , & Aphrorum regione , Christ●m praedicauit tandem in Britannia , vbi crucifixus , occïsus , & sepultus est . Doroth. Againe , Nicephorus lib. 2. cap. 40. sayes that Simon Zelotes hauing Preached to many Countreyes , at length Euangelij doctrinam ad occidentalem Oceanum insulasque Britannica● perfert , and both of them are cited by your late Cardinall , writer of the Historie , Baronius . R. Is that all you haue for you ? C. No : I haue more yet ; for Ioseph of Arimathea , about the yeare of our Lord fiftie three , came also to Britaine , and taught the Gospell : witnesses hereof are Balaeus , Flemingus , Capgrauus , Scropus , Polidorus Virgilius ; and as many thinke , he was sent by Philip out of France ouer to Britaine . Moreouer Theodoret witnesseth , that the Apostle Saint Paul after his deliuerance out of Prison vnder Nero , came into Britaine , and taught the Gospell . And the same also is testified by Sophronius Patriarch of Ierusalem . R. I remember indeede that in his Epistle to the Rom. 15.24 was then of purpose to haue come to Spaine . C. And you may the more easily think he came to Britaine in like manner , seeing so famous an Author affirmes it : and you shal like it the better if you cōsider the matter he hath in hand , when he makes mention of the conversion of Britaine . R. I pray you let me heare it . C. The Graecians alledged that our first propagators of the evangell were base men , not comparable for wisedome and Learning to their Law-giuers , Lycurgus , Solon , and the rest : This Father replyed that the lawes of their Law-giuers were only receiued in Graecia , but that our first Preachers of the Gospell had in short time made the most famous Countries , and Kingdomes of the World to embrace it . An euident argument of a diuine power assisting them : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for sayes hee our Fithers , and Publicans , and that Tent maker , or Cutter of Leather ( so hee calles Saint Paul ) hath not only made the Romans , and these who liue vnder their Empire to embrace the Christian faith , but also th● Scythians , Sauromatans , Indians , Ethiopians , Persians , Britans , Germans , and in a word hath induced all Nations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to receiue the Lawes of CHRIST crucified . What thinke you of this testimonie ? R. Truly I am glad to heare that the Lord among other Nations hath also had mercie on this Countrie of ours , to cōmunicate to them the grace of the Gospell . C. You shal yet heare more ; that Aristobolus , mentioned Rom. 16. came also to this Isle , and discharged the Office of a Bishop , as witnesseth the forenamed Dorotheus . May you not see wee are not inferiour to any Christian Countrie in this part of the World , and that we haue as many cleare witnesses of our Ancient Christian faith , as any nation of Europe hath for them ? R. Indeede I see you haue more then I would haue beleeued , if their authoritie be good enough . C. What need you doubt of their authoritie ? for if testimonies of Fathers of the Primitiue Church bee good to proue the Antiquitie of any Church in Europe , why should their authoritie be called in doubt whē they speake for our Church ? R. But we are informed that the Bishops of Rome were the first , who sent some of their Clergie to this Isle to convert it to the faith . C. You may see the contrarie , by that which I haue said alreadie ; and I will yet make it more cleare to you . The first King of the South part of the Isle that embraced the Christian faith , was Lucius , in the y●are of our LORD one hundreth twentie and foure . In that same time Donald King of the North part of it became also a Christian . R. That is true ; but Lucius required the Bishop of Rome to send him some teachers to instruct him in the Christian faith and ( as the Chronicle recordes ) he sent into Britaine , Damianus , ●nd Fugatianus . C. What will you gather of that ? R. That this I le was converted by such teachers as the Bishop of Rome sent into it . C. How can you say that ? seeing many in the Kingdomes were conuerted before the Kings were converted , & your owne Baronius cannot denie it ; these are his wordes : Cum diu alioqui anie Euangelium Christi illu● perlatum fuisset , vt testatur Gilda sapiens : that long before those men Damianus , and Fuga●ianus came here , the Gospel was here , as witnesseth Gilda the wise : Seing your owne Writers are ●orced to confesse it , I maruel with what face can any man say , that the Gospell came to vs from Rome . R. All that you haue yet said makes something for the Church of England ; nothing for the Church of Scotland . C. W● inhabit both one Isle ; and what good or euill specially in Religion hath come to the one , hath beene fou●d by manifold experiences easily deriued to the other . R. But what think you ; whether came the light of the Gospell first to you or to them ? C. That is a Iesuiticall Policy to diuide them whome GOD hath coupled , and to cause vs to contend together in that , wherin we agree ioyntly to contend with the Church of Rome : what part of the Isle God did first illuminate with his light is nothing to the matter : If it was their glorie to haue the Sunne of righteousnesse first shining on them , wee enuie it not ; this is sufficient : the Lord had a Church here in this Isle as soon as in Rome , and neither they nor wee had our faith from Rome ; and if ●ou , or any for you will call in doubt the antiquitie of the Church of England , I warrant you , you shall finde a number both of Learned and Graue Diuines ( wherein they are not inferiour to any Church in Europe ) to answere for themselues . And if yet you craue further light concerning the antiquity of our Church , I will shew you that which may content you if you be reasonable . R. Let me heare what is that . C. Marke me this testimonie of Tertullian who liued in the two hundreth yeare of Christ : Britannorumloca Romanismaccessa Christo subdita sunt . Now what part of Britaine he meanes your owne Cardinall Ba●onius will declare vnto you : for when he hath said , magnam B●itanni●e partem fuisse liberam , then hee proues it by the wall built so often by Victo●ine , by Adri●n ; as hee cites ex A●lio Spartianom Adriano , and an other ce●●●tius murus built by Antonin●s Pius ; as he cites out of Iulius Capitolinus in Pio. By this saith he , it is euident that Britannia was diuided by a wall ; that part within the w●ll was possessed by Rom●ns , the other without Britanni liberè possiderunt , qui saepe muros illos egres● Romanos praelijs provocarun● : What say ye now of these testimonies ? R. I thinke indeede that is a great testimonie for the antiquitie of your Church . C. So you may : for this same cause Petrus Cluniacensis vocat Scotos Antiquiores Christianos , calles Scottish men the more auncient Christians . You will make then no more contradiction , but that these testimonies which record the conuersion of Britaine , belong both to the South and North parts of the Isle ? R. Your former argument brought out of Tertullian , and expounded by Baronius cleares that . C. Yet if you please , heare what Origen sayes , who liued in the yeare of CHRIST two hundreth and sixtie ; hee also witnesseth Britanniam in Christianam consentire religionem . To him we may adde Ierome , in the yeare of our Lord foure hundreth and fiue : Gallia , Britannia , Africa , Persis , oriens I●dia , & omnes barbarae Nationes vnum Christum adorant , vnam obseruant regulam veritatis . R. But why then by some is Palladius called Scotorum Apostolus ? C. Men may giue names as they please ; but hee and Servanus , Sedulius , Nimanus and many more came , but in the fiue hundreth yeare of our Lord , and may well haue beene waterers of our Church , but sure it is they were not the first planters of it . R. It is likely indeed to be so . C. But to returne . Vnder Diocletian in the three hundreth yeare , great persecution was made by that Tyrant in al Christian Churches , and among the rest the Church of South Britaine was also persecuted by his Deputies , for the which many fled to Crachlint King of Scots , who did louingly receiue them , and assigned to them the Isle of M●n , and erected there a Temple dedicated to Christ called otherwise Sodo●ēsis ecclesia , wherin they peaceably worshipped Christ Iesus ; and this our owne Chronicle witnesseth . After this in the dayes of Fethelmacus , which was about the ●ift yeare of the Emperour Constantius , there came into this Countrie one Regulus Albatus out of Achaia a Prouince in Graecia ; but the Countrie was conuerted also long before hee came : Therefore ●iergus● King of the Pictes gaue him his Palace hee had in Fy●●e , where hee built the Church of Saint Andrew : desire you still to heare any more ? R. Truely I am very glad to heare that we haue beene so ancient Christians ; and yet there remaines a doubt in my heart , that the Gospell came neuer hither but out of Rome . C. Remember you not what I haue prooued ; seeing wee are but three yeares in Christianitie behinde Rome , thinke you in so small time they did so encrease , that they spread out their branches to the vttermost parts of the earth ? Yea , rather if you will reade the Storie , you shall finde that for three hundreth yeares ( wherein are many three yeares ) they were so vexed by the persecutors , that they could not get their owne Church stablished ; as after it was when God relented the persecution . But to come n●erer yet vnto you ; whether hee was an Apostle or an Apostolicke man , that first planted our Church , I will giue you two great reasons that wee haue our Faith from the Greeke or East Churches , not frō the Latine or West Church . R. Nowe that is the point , and I pray you once cleare it : for I thinke if you euince that , the Church of Rome in her best estate hath beene vnto vs a sister Church , but no mother church . C. My first Argument is from Petrus Cluniacensis Abbas , writing to Bernard , who affirmes that for seuen or eight hundred yeares after Christ , the Scottishmen did celebra●e the Passeouer all this time after the Grecian maner , not aster the Romane . R. I vnderstand not that . C. Then I will tell you it . Soone after the dayes of the Apostles , there happened a controuersie betweene the Churches of the East and West , about the celebration of the Passeouer : They of the East did obserue it the fourteenth day of the Moone , that same day wherein the Iewes kept their Passeouer : They againe of the West , thinking they would haue no communion with the Iewes , did celebrate it the next Sabboth after the fourteenth day . Polïcrates , with the orientall Bishops , alledged the authoritie of Iohn , Philip , Policarp , yea the prescript of the Euangell for their warrant . Victor , and the Bishops of the West alledged for their warrant , Saint Peter , Saint Paul : Such as were more moderate , misliked to see a Schisme in the Church for so small a matter : Irenaeus iudgeth , Obseruationes ill●s esse liber●s . Socrates , Ostendit nec Victorem , nec Policraten iustam habuisse causam de festo Paschatis tam odiose digladiandi : Nam nec Seruator ( inquit ) nec Apostoli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Seeing neither our Sauiour , nor his Apostles by any Law hath commanded the obseruation thereof . R. Truely it was a lamentable thing , to see so sore a renting of the Church , for so small a cause . C. It was indeede : and yet that in this controuersie , the Churches of Britaine obserued the manner of the Easterne Church , it is an argument they reuerenced the East Church for their mother , from whome the grace of the Gospell had come to them . R. It is indeede likely : If these Churches had beene planted by Romish Doctors , they would haue also receiued the Romish ceremonies . C. But there is yet an other Argument : Galsrid the Cardinall in his Storie of Britaine , which hee wrote in the seuen hundreth yeare , witnesseth that the Britans would not receiue Augustinus Iunior , the Legate of Gregorie the great , nor yet acknowledge any primacie of the Bishop of Rome ouer them : An euident argument they esteemed not the Romish Church to be their Mother Church . To cleare this you shall know that in the sixt hundreth yeare Gregorius magnus sent into England Augustinus Iunior , to perswade the Church there to receiue the Romish ceremonies , which to that day they had not knowne ; as Altars , Images , Vestiments ; Crosses , wherein albeit hee had not such speedie successe as hee would , yet at length did he obtaine it , and intended also to effect the like in the Church of Scotland , but was strongly resisted by Daganus , and Columbanus , Qui nullam in ritibus mutationem admittere voluerunt . Againe in the seuen hundreth yeare a great schisme was in the church of Britaine : some refusing the Ceremonies of the Romish Church , keeping still their ancient custome ; for the which they pretended the authoritie of Saint Iohn the Evangelist : Others againe embracing the Romish ceremonies ▪ which part waxed the stronger , in that King Osuvius inclined to them . Alway the matter was debated with so hot contention , that from words it came to wepons , and twelue hundreth Church-men were slain that refused the Romish Ceremonies : this is all the good the Britaine Church got from the Popes Legate ; yet the euill rested not heere , for at length in the eight hundreth yeare , by th● perswasion of one Ecbertus , this part of the Isle was also induced to receiue the Romish Ceremonies , and thereafter their corrupt doctrine . And thus did the Bishop of Rome first obtaine superioritie ouer vs ; and disgrace by his foolish inventions the glorie , and sinceritie of the Chur●h of Britaine . By all this discourse which truely I haue made vnto you , it may be evident how vainely and without a cause the defenders of the Romish Church brag of their ancient Primacie ouer all Churches , and specially how far they wrong this Isle , when they will haue Rome caled a mother to the Churches here : which vnlesse you will adde one syllable cannot be admitted , for indeed she is a Stepmother , and in a word that Infamous Whoore of Babel , who as shee hath corrupted the Churches with her abhominable Superstitions , no maruell if shee hath at length infected vs also . That Rome is B●bel I will shew GOD willing in our next conference , where we shall yet more abūdantly see Gods goodnesse towardes this Isle , that as we were among the last of them who were deceiued by her inchantmēts , so ( praised be God ) we are among the first of these , whom God by the light of the Gospell hath deliuered from her bondage : And the LORD more and more open your eyes to see the truth . R. God grant me that grace . I will not denie you haue wakened thoughts in mee which at this time I cannot vtter : And now if you prooue Rome to bee Babel , I wil thinke my selfe happie that God hath sent mee this occasion , as to call mee out of it among others of his people . But to morrow , God willing , you will ( I hope ) keepe your promise . C. If God lend mee life , and health , I will not faile . THE THIRD DAYES CONFERENCE . Concerning the Apostacie of the Church of ROME , and how shee is now become that mother of Whoredomes . REVEL . C. NOw ( Sir ) I am come againe to keepe my promise , & to proue vnto you that Babel in the Reuelation signifieth Rome . R. I thinke that shall bee the most difficult labour you haue taken in hand hitherto . C. Will you make mee this promise , to quit your communion with the Church of Rome , if I proue her to be the Whore of Babel , the mother of Whoredomes ? R. I thinke it were good reason : for I see what euer that Babel may be , much euill is spoken of it , and all Gods people are commaunded to goe out of Babel , with certification , if they will not , they shall be partakers of her plagues . C. Goe to then , we will first lay this for a ground , that Babel here is not to be taken literally , neither for Babel in Egypt called now Cayrus , nor yet for Babel in Caldie : but that figuratiuely it signifies some other thing besides any of them , and this is granted by your owne Doctors . Hoc primùm constet , nomen Babylon●s hic non propriè , sed figura●è accipi : Cum dicit mysterium , mysticum esse indicat quod dicit , id est , arcanum quippiam latere in nomine Babylonïs , nec ita debere accipi vt sonat . R. Let that passe , for I see in that generall you and they agree . C. Wel then ; wee will come and see what is vnderstood by Babel : where if you will first heare how the Romish Doctors expound Babel , you shall see such confusion among them as declares them to bee the builders of Babel indeed , for one of them vnderstands not what the other saies . R. How so ? C. You shal see how so . The Divines of Rhemes say that Babel , and the Whoore of Babel signifies the vniversall companie of the wicked . Reuel . cap. 14.8 . what thinke you of that ? R. Good ●ooth I cānot think it a solid Commentarie : for this Whoore of Babel is said to make all Nations drunken with the wine of her fornications , & it is a hard speech to say that the vniversall companie of the reproba●e hath corrupted al Nations . C. You take it vp very wisely : And yet that they themselues speake this without any certaine knowledge it appeares by that , which they say Cap. 17. 18. these are their words : if this great Citie be meant of any one Citie , and not of the vniuersall companie of the reprobate &c. it is likely to be Olde Rome till the dayes of Constantine . And againe vpon the fift verse of that same Chapter they say : The first persecuting Emperours were but figures of Antichrist , and it may wel be that the great Antichrist shall sit in Rome also as his figures sate in Rome . R. Say the Rhemists , that it may verie well bee that Antichrist shall sit in Rome ? C. Yea forsooth , looke their owne words . R. I haue no skill of that : I neuer heard but that he should be a Iew of the Tribe of Dan , and should sit in Ierusalem . C. That is so vncertaine a fable that ( as you see ) themselues cannot leane to it , and their speech for vs is plaine enough , it may very well bee ( say they ) that Antichrist shall sit at Rome . But to proceed in our purpose , this exposition called Communis expositio , is reiected by their own companions . In hac multa sunt ad quae visio invita & repugnans trahitur , so sayes Viega in Apocal. 17. R. I thinke they haue reason to say so : but after what manner doe they expound Babel ? C. You shall heare . Bellarmine not onely confesseth Babel is Rome , but proues it by the testimonie of ancient fathers . Ribera thus , Romae conueniunt aptissimè omnia quae de Babylone dicuntur hoc libro , atqueillud imprimis , quod alij conuenire non potest : Septem capita , septem sunt montes . Whatsoeuer in this book is spoken of Babel , agrees most properly to Rome , especially that which can agree to none other , the Seuen heads are seuen hils . R. That is plaine talke : Indeed I haue heard much shifting about these hils , and one of thēselues said to mee that these seuen hils signifie seauen deadly sinnes , all to this end to denie that this Prophecie points out Rome , but I neuer heard it confessed before so clearly . C. You may well say it : for the Rhemists charge the Protestants with madnes for expounding the Seuen heads seuen hils ; they should impute madnesse to their owne fellowes , and not to vs , for they are forced to confesse that this Babel is Rome , and the Seuen heads seuen hils , wherein the whoore sits . R. In truth I see they haue the weakest end of the string ; some of them denying Babel to be Rome ; some of them not only granting , but proouing it . C. But because I will hide nothing from you , you shall heare what distinctions they vse : Bellarmine saith , by Babel is meant Ethnica Roma sub Imperatoribus , Ethnique Rome vnder Emperors . Viega againe he saies , Sermo non es● de antiquâ illâ Româ , sed de illâ quae s●orebit extremo mundi tempore , the speech is not of old Rome , but of Rome as it shall be in the last time of the World : yet hee standes not at this but comes ( as Ribera also doth ) and takes vp both the opinions . Quicquid mali de Româ scribitur in hac Apocalypsi , vel ad tempus illud spectat , quo gentilibus Imperatoribu● seruiebat , vel Pontificem suum a se ei●cerit . Whatsoeuer euill is spoken of Rome in this Apocalyps pertaines either to that Rome which was subiect to Ethnique Emperours , or to that Rome which will make defection from the Bishop of Rome and cast him out of their Citie : for they grant that their Bishop will bee cast out of Rome , that Rome will bee vtterly ruinated , & yet say they euen then when there shall not bee such a thing as Rome , y●t their Pope shall be Bishop of Rome : what thinke you of this stuffe ? see you not how they reele ? some of them saye Rome was Babel , some of them say it will bee Babel ; none of them can denie that this Babel spoken of by Saint Iohn , the chiefe seat and Citie of Antichrist , is Rome . R. I thinke it goes very hard with them , when their best Doctors can say no more in defence of Rome , but it was Babel , or it will be Babel , that is , either Antichrist sate there , or will sett there . C. I hope you shall thinke much more before you goe : for now I will improue their distinction , and let you see it is not Ethnique Rome vnder Emperours , nor the Towne of Rome in the last time of the World , that here is called Babel but the whorish Church of Rome gouerned by Apostated Popes . R. Make that cleare and the cause is wonne . Babel in the Reuelation is not Ethnique Rome vnder Emperours , but Rome once Christian now corrupted vnder Popes . C. It is euident S. Iohn prophecies of the state of Rome as it will bee in the dayes of Antichrist , so sayes the Iesuite Viega ▪ Haec est quarta visio huius operis ; eaque illustrissima , & ad Antichristi tempora pertinens . So also sayes the Iesuite Ribera , a ca. 12. ad 21. Est huius libri pars secunda , & iota ad Antichristum , eiusque tempora pertinet . But the dayes of persecuting Emperours , were not the dayes of Antichrist : if they so say , they destroy all their owne doctrine concerning Antichrist , and therefore this prophecie of Babel , is not to bee vnderstood of the Ethnicke Rome vnder Emperours . Secondly , Ethnicke Rome as yet had not embraced the Gospell , and was not married with Christ , and therefore cannot be this Whore , which Carthusian their owne man expounds to be An adulterous Whore : You shall finde no people in holy Scripture charged with spirituall Whoredom , but such as haue beene married with Christ , none can bee Apostates from the faith , who neuer stoode in the faith , there must bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This whoorish Babel then can not be Ethnicke Rome , vnmarried with Christ. Seeing themselues doe grant it is Rome , it must bee Rome once Christian , but now corrupted : once Apostolicke standing in the faith , now Apostati●ke fallen from the faith . Thirdly , this Whore of Babel hath a cup in her hand full of abominations , and the filthines of her fornication● , wherewith shee makes drunken the inhabitants of the earth . By this golden cup Berengandus their owne man vnderstands , Documenta erroribus plena : And so this Babel can not signifie Rome vnder Emperors , who subdued the world by force of Sword and plaine violence , but must signifie Rome vnder Popes , which hath deceiued the world by false doctrine and lying myracles . Fourthly , this Babel is called the mother of Whoredomes and abominations in the earth , which not onely her selfe hath played the Whoore , corrupting the true worship of God , but hath inforced her corruptions and superstitions vpon oth●rs . Now it is knowne that olde Rome sought no more but subiection of bodies , leauing the consciences of people free to any kind of worshippe they pleased : They subdued the Iewes , and forced them to pay tribute ; but left them to their owne Religion : yea so farre were they from inforcing their superstitious worship vpon any nation , that by the contrarie themselues were infected with the superstitions of all nations , as is euident by their Pantheon , which they erected in the honour of all Gods. And so it is not Ethnicke Rome vnder Emperours which heere is called the Mother of whoredomes . Fiftly , the name of this Babel is mysterium , in quo aliud cernitur , aliud intelligitur : Quia enim tot simulatis virtutibus decoratur , non omnibus mulieris huius prauatas innotescet , sed viris ius●is & prudentibus . So then by this Babel , some mysticall enemie is vnderstood , being indeede an enemie , but in shew pretending friendship : and therfore called afterward Gog , and not Magog , that is , not an open and plain enemy , as is the Turke : But Gog , a couered enemie : for this cause figured also before by a beast with two hornes , looking like a Lambe , but speaking like the Dragon . To this purpose sayes IEROME , Simulabit se ducem faederis : And Hilarius , that Antichrist shall bee contrarie to Christ , vnder a ●orme of fained and hypocriticall godlinesse . And Chrysostome , Antichrist must bee knowne by his doctrine , not by his titles , miracles , nor words of godlinesse . And therefore it is a silly defence of the Iesuites : The Pope ( say they ) prayers humbly to God , and calles himselfe seruus seruorum Dei , therefore is not an aduersarie : for the Question is not what he calles hims●lfe , but what hee is . But to hold vpon this point , it is euident by what which I haue said , that by Babel here is not meant Rome Ethnicke , nor yet Rome which at the last shall rebell ( for both these are open enemies ) but Rome vnder Popes , a mysticall enemie . Sixthly , in this Reuelation , there are two women described ; the one Chap. 12. clothed with the Sunne , which is CHRIST , hauing on her head twelue Starres for a Garland , ( the glorie of the true Church is the doctrine of the twelue Apostles ) and vnder her feete the Moone , figuring this mutable world : This woman ( as themselues confesse ) represents the true Church . The other woman described Chap. 17. is arayed in Purple , Scarlet , Gold , and precious stones , voide of inward beautie and chastitie , shee sets forth her selfe with all externall brauerie , that shee may drawe many louers to her . Now ( I say ) seeing the first woman signifies the true Church ( as themselues confesse ) and afterward is called the L●mbes wife , why doe they not ●ee that this whorish woman must signifie the false Church ? And since they grant that Babel is Rome , what else can the whoore of Babel be , but the whoorish Church of Rome ? And therefore their owne Doctours expounding that prophecie of Saint Iohn , Babel is fallen , and become an habitation of di●els : Ribera expounds it of an externall desolation , acc●rding to that of ●say , proph●cied of the first Babel , The ●im , and Z●m shall leape there . But Viega , Nobis etiam illud dicendum vi●etur cum Arethâ , Primasio , Ambrosio , Ansberto , Haimone , idololatriam eius vrbis significari , desecturamque , esse Romam a fide , atque adcò futuram esse habitationem daemoniorum ob execranda slagitia , & i●olotriae superstitionē , expounds it also of Rome her falling from the faith , which hee sayes is a thing which will be , but we say according to truth is a thing that is done already , the foretold defection is come , Antichrist that man of sinne is discouered , God by the breath of his mouth is dayly consuming him . THE FOVRTH DAYES CONFERENCE . Wherein is declared that ROME is the seate of Antichrist . C. GOod morrow ( Sir ) how doe you to day ? R. The best I can . C. It is most like you haue not rested well this night . R. To say the truth ; Thinking on our conference made my rest the lesse . C. It agrees but ill with you to heare the Church of Rome conuicted of Apostasie . R. I thinke so indeede , and still will so thinke till ye resolue this question : what is the cause , there being so many VVise and Learned men in the Popes Church , that they cannot see the truth , and follow it ? C. Whether they see or see not I cannot tell you , but you know what the Apostle sayes . Brethren yee see your calling , not many wise , not many noble , nor mightie men after the flesh are called , but God hath chosen the foolish thinges of the World to confound ●he wise . R. I knowe that is the Apostles saying ; but yet I cannot but maruell what should holde them backe from knowledge of the truth . C. You shall cease to maruel if you con●●der one thing . R. What is that ? C. VVhen Christ shewed himselfe to the World , how many of the Nobles , and Learned Rabbins , did know him ? Will you find any more among the Noble● but Ioseph of Ar●mathea ? Will you find any more among the Learned Pharisies but Nicodemus ? R. Truly not that I remember , C. Was it then thinke you a good argumēt they vsed against Christ ? Doth any of the Rulers , or Scribes beleeue in Christ● , but only this cursed people who knowes not the Law ? R. No indeed . C. Bee not then moued with the like now . Oh , say the Papists , how many Learned men are of our Religion ? Euery man naturall , in things pertaining to eternall life is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without a minde , till hee bee illuminate by grace : were he in naturall reason as quick as Aristotle , or in policie as Achitophel , he is but a starke foole till he bee taught of God : and therefore maruell no more that Learned Iesuites cannot know the truth , then when you heare that Learned Iewish Rabbins could not know Christ when he was among them . R. The Lorde then make vs thankfull for reuealing the way of life vnto vs , which is hid from so many in the World. C. Amen good Lord. And now for your further confirmation consider these testimonies I haue subioyned . How the Fathers of the first ages point out Antichrist to come , and warne vs to looke for him at Rome . Let no man seduce you by any meanes , for the day of the Lord shall not come vnlesse there come first a reuolt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the man of sinne bee reuealed , the sonne of perdition , which is an aduersarie , and extolled aboue all which is called God , or that is worshipped : so that he sitteth in the temple of God , shewing himselfe as if he were God 2. Thessal . 2.3 . Now the mysterie of iniquitie worketh , only he which now withholdeth will let it till he be taken out of the way . C. What thinke you of this Prophecie . R. I haue heard that to bee a falling away from the Roman Empire . C. No ( Sir ) the most iudicious , both Ancient , and Recent , expound it to bee a falling from the faith : As for the Ancients see Augustine de Ciuitate Dei ●ib . 20. Cap. 19. Nulli dubium est eum de Antichristo ista dixisse For the Recents see Aquinas on this place . R. But granting it were so , yet this Prophecie is of one single man and cannot be meant of the Popes of Rome . C. No that is also a silly shift : when your Church-men say that the Pope is Christ Vicar , doe they meane any one single Pope ? R. No , but the state or succession of Popes . C. Very well , and when wee say that the Pope is Christ opposite , doe wee vnderstand this man , or that man ? no truly , but the whole state or regiment of them since their defection . R. But I see not how this Prophecie either toucheth the Pope , or the Church of Rome ; and if it bee meant of any defection from the faith , it is meant of Luther , Caluine , and such as haue fallen from the Church of Rome . C. Compare another Prophesie of the same Apostle concerning the s●me purpose , and see how he expounds himselfe . R. Where is that ? C. Here are his wordes 1. Timothie 4.1 . Now the Spirit speakes euidently , that in the last times some shall depart from the faith , attending to Spirits of errour , and Doctrine of Deuils : and marke how hee subioynes some particular points of their doctrine which shall come in with the Apostasie , to wit , that they shall forbid mariage , and command abstinence from meates , which God hath created to bee receiued with thankesegiuing . VVhat thinke you now , whether doth this touch them or vs ? R. I know it cannot concerne you , for you forbid none to marie that cannot containe . C. Neither can this Prophesie bee cast backe vpon Heresies of the Marcionits , and others neerest the Apostles dayes , as the Iesuites doe to shift this Prophesie from themselues : for the Apostles saye , this Apostasie shall fall out in the la●t times : And the former Prophesie saies , that the Roman Empire must first bee taken out of the way , then shall the Apostasie worke to the height : as indeede it fell out that the seat of the Empire being translated to Constantinople , the Emperour decreased , the Bishop of Rome more and more increased , so that it is not meant of Heretikes neerest the Apostles dayes , but of such as shall rise after the decay of the Roman Empire . And who tell mee hath growne by the ▪ decay of the Empire ? None but the Pope ; he hath his Imperial seat , his robes , his crowne , his rents , so that the Emperor , except the name & the double Eagle , hath littl● or nothing of the Empire . And therfore Aquinas , who saw what was the meaning of that place , moues the doubt : What shall wee answere ( saies he ) seeing the Roman Empire is decayed , how can we denie bu● Antichrist is come ? To this he answeres , we must say the Roman Empire is not away , only the Temporall power therof is changed into a Spiritual : what thinke you , is there not good stuffe here ? R. In truth I thinke their cause the longer I heare you the weaker . C. So may you . But yet more to confirme you consider how the Ancient expound this Prophesie , and still cast it vpon the Church of Rome . Irenaeus Lib. 5. speaking of the number of the beasts name six hundreth threescore and sixe , albeit hee plainly shew it is not his diuination , but the accomplishment of the Prophesie which must finde out the number of the name , and albeit he make mention also o● other names , as E●an , and Teitan , yet sayes hee sed & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valde verisimile est . Tertullian . contra Marcion . Babylon apud Ioannem Romanae vrbis figura est , proinde magnae , regno superbae & sanctorum Dei debellatricis . Tertullian . de resurrectione carnis , see how hee expounds that part of the Prophesie , Only he who now withholds , let till hee be taken out of the way . Donec de medio fiat quis nisi Romanus status ? c●ius abscisio in decem reges Anti-christum superinducet , & tunc revelabitur iniquus &c. Ambrose in 2. Thessal . 2. Non prius veniet dominus quam regni Romani defectio fiat , & appareat Antichristus qui interficiet sanctos reddita Romanis libertate sub suo tamen nomine . Et iterum . Post defectum Romani imperij appariturus est Antichristus . Cyril Cateches . 15. Veniet Antichristus quum impleta fuerint tempora Romani imperij . Hilarius contra Auxentium : Anne dubium est in eis esse futurum , Is there any doubt , but Antichrist shall sit in these same temples , and houses , which now ye loue and honour : Item , Sub specie Euangelicae praedicationis Christo cōtrarius erit , ibid. This proues , that in the iudgement of Hilarius , Antichrist should bee a professor , yea , euen a Preacher of the truth : Primasius in Apocal. cap. 16. Tunc cadet Babylon , quādo nouissimè potestatem persequendi sanctos acceperit ; Here also it is cleare that he meanes not old Rome . Do not these places make cleare , that the Apostasie here prophesied should come af●er the decay of the Romane Empire ? and since themselues can not deny but the temporal Empire is decayed , how then can they deny the Apostasie ? R. I thinke iudeede these places make it cleare : specially that which Ambrose hath wherein I marke these thinges . That first the Empire should decaie and then Antichrist should appeare , and he should restore libertie to the Romans , but vnder his owne name , and not vnder the Emperours name . C. You haue marked that very wel : for the Pope hath made the name of Romanes more famous then the Emperours did , and vnder colour of a spirituall Empire , hath made all churche subiect vnto the Church of Rome , and from his name to bee named Papists . Hieron in Daniel , 11. Antichristus simulabit se ducem foe deris , hoc est , ●egis , & Testamenti Dei. And albeit the Prophesie of Antichrist was not so cleare to him , & others of these fathers also , as time hath made it to this age ; yet expounding these words of the Apostle ; He sits in the Temple of God , he saith , this is , Hierosolymis ( vt quidam putant ) vel in Ecclesiâ vt veriùs arbitramur . quaest . 11. ad Aglasiam . August . de Ciuit. Dei , lib. 20. cap. 19. Rectiûs putant alij dictum latinè , sicutest in Graeco : S●debit in Templum Dei , quasi ipse cum suis esset Ecclesia Dei. Theophilactus , Haymo , Lombardus , are of the same mind . The Iesuites of Rhemes hauing shewed how many fathers expound this Temple of Ierusalems Temple , at length distrusting it as a vaine opinion , they set downe this second as more true : That Antichrist , if euer he were of , or in the Church , shall be an Apostata , or runnegate out of the Church , and shall vsurpe vpon it by tyranny , and by challenging worship , religion , and gouernment thereof : so that he himselfe sh●ll bee adored in all the Churches of the world ; this is to sit in the Temple of God ; if any Pope euer ●id so , or sh●ll do , then let the Ad●ersaries call him Antichrist . But indeede this their confession whereby they would cleare their Pope , doth plaine soile him : hee sits in the Church by profession , but is gone out of it by Apostasie , and yet vsurpes gouernment ouer it by tiranny ; in euery Church he is adored as a God on ear●h , hauing power ouer the conscience , excommunicating all such from humane societie , as will not be subiect to him . What thinke you of that talke to giue to the Pope ? Tu es alter Deus in terris . R. Who said that ? C. It was said to him in the second L●●erane Councell , by Christopher Marcellus . R. Good sooth it was shame to the flatterer , and a blame to the Pope if he blusht not when he heard it . C. Oh , but that is not the worst ; his Canonists stile him their Lord God the Pope . R. Fie vpon that ; will they commit such blasphemie ? C. There are their owne words : Dic●re Dominum Deum nostrum Papam non pot●isse s●atuere , prout statuit , haereticum est . To say , that our Lord God the Pope might haue discerned otherwise , then he hath discerned is hereticall . And againe , that they make a God of him , these places may let you see : Si Papa suae , & sraternae salutis negligens innumerabiles secum ducat cater●atim in Gehennam , huiusmodi culpam nullus mortalium praesum●t redarguere . And againe , Est instar sacrilegij disputare de factis Papae , It is sacriledge to dispute vpon any of the Popes deedes . Or otherwise it is to be said , Quod facta Papae excusantur vt homicidium Sampsonis , furta Hebraeorum , & adulterium Iacobi : That the euill deedes of the Pope are to be excused , as the selfe-murther of Sampson , the theft of the Hebrewes , the adulterie of Iacob . Is not this to make the Pope a lawlesse man ? R. I think no lesse then you say . C. But what say you to this ? Canonibus sacris authoritatem it a praestat vt se illis non subijciat : Hee in such sort giues authority to holy Scriptures , that hee is not subiect to it . And that as Christ did some things against the Law ( as when hee touched the Leper ) so the Pope may do some things against the Lawe . And albeit we reade that Ba●a●m was rebuked of his owne Ass● , by the which Asse our subiects , by Balaam our Prelates are signified . yet ought not that to be an example to our Subiects to reproue vs. R. Indeed I thinke it a meete comparison for him : Let him bee Balaam , and let such as hee rides vpon be Asses , as to mee I thanke God I am quit of him . C. Alway by these , and innumerable more testimonies it is euident , that hee is the lawlesse man that exaltes himself aboue all that is called God , and that his blinded captiues worshippe him as God. But wee will proceede to the rest of the testimonies . Greg. lib. 9. Epist. 30. Fiden●èr dico quòd quisquis se vniuersalem vocat sacerdotem , aut vocari de●iderat in elatione suâ , Antichristum praecurrit . What think you , doth not Gregorie heere blacke the faces of his successors with a visible note of Anti-christ ? Who , but they are so called ? R. They will say he speakes that of Iohn Bishop of Constantinople , who at that time vsurped this stile . C. Yea , but when Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria , gaue that same stile to Gregorie Bishop of Rome ; hee did sharpely reprooue him for it . Recedant verba quae vanitatem instant , & charita●em vulnerant . But hee hath yet a clearer place : Rex superbiae propè est , & quod dici nesas est , sacerdotum et exercitus praeparatur , li. 4. Epist. 38. Sybilla sayes this King shal be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is White-headed , and shall be called by a name much like Pontus : Or otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hauing many Heades or many Crownes : Here hee hath one marke from his head , an other from his name : both of these agree to the Bishoppe of Rome , who weareth solemnely on his head a white Myter of Siluer adorned with three Crownes and precious stones , and in Latine is named Pontifex . And againe shee sayes , that the greatest terrour and furie of his Empire ; and the greatest woe that he shall worke , shall bee by the bankes of Tyber . How the fathers of the last ages declare that Antichrist is come , and point him out sitting at ROME . The ninth hundred yeare , Thetgandus Episcopus Treuirensis Pontificem Romanum Antichristum , & lupum vocat , & Romam Babylonem : Cùm sis seruus seruorum , dominus dominantium esse contendis , libidine dominandi in praeceps ●bis , quicquid tibilibet , licet , fucusque , factus es Christianis . There hee calles the Bishop of Rome Antichrist , a Wolfe , a vsurper of domination , a deceiuer of Christ●ndome , and Rome he calles Babylon : And the like at that same time was testified by Guntherus Episcopus Coloniensis ad Nicolaum Pontificem Romanum . Tu pontificis personam praete fers , at tyrannum agitas , sub cultu pastoris lupu● sentimus , titulus parentem mentitur , tu te factis Iouem esse ostentas ; quum sis seruus seruorum , dominus dominantium esse contendis . Bernard saith , Bestia illa in Apocalypsi , cui datum est osloquens blasphemias , & bellum gerens cum sanctis , Petri cathedram occupat , tanquam leo paratus ad praedam . The beast spoken of in the Reuelation , hauing a mouth speaking blasphemies , and which Warres against the Saints , is now gotten into Peters Chaire , as a Lion prepared for his prey : What thinke yee of these words ? R. What should I thinke ? for my owne part I maruaile that the Pope did not burne Bernard for an hereticke . C. So you may : But heare yet mo●e . Io●chimus Abbas , who liued three hundred yeres since , saith Antichristus iamdudum natus est Romae , & altiùs extolletur in sede Apostolicá . Antichrist long since is borne in Rome , and shall bee aduanced yet higher in the Apostolicke seate . Franciscus Petrarcha Archdecon of Parma , who liued in the thousand three hundreth and fiftie yeare , Epist. 5.14 , 17 , 18 , 19 , &c. Compares the Pope to Iudas , who betrayed Christ with a kisse , his Clergie to the I●wes , who said to him , Aue Rex Iudaeorum : His Prelates to the Phari●ies , ●ho in mockerie clothed him with Pu●ple , and after crucified him . And againe , Denie it now if thou canst ? That thou art shee whom S. Iohn saw in the spirit sitting vpon many waters ; Thou art shee and none other , that Babylon the mother of the whoredomes of the earth , drunken with the blood of the Martyrs of Iesus ; thou art shee which hast made all Kings of the earth drunken with the Cups of thy poyson . In the thousand and three hundreth yeare , lib. 2. cap. 5 . In Synodo Reginoburgensi habita est haec oratio ● quodam Episcopo contra pontificem Romanum . Sub Pontificis maximi titulo , pastoris pelle , lupum sae●is●mum ( nisi caeci simus ) sentimus : Romani slamines arma in omnes habent Christianos , audendo , fallendo , & bella ex bellis serendo : magni facti oues trucidant , occidunt pacem , concord●am terris depellunt , intestina bella , domesticas seditiones ab inferis eliciunt , indiès magis ac magis omnium vires debilitant , vt omnium capitibus insultent , omnes deuorent , vniuersos in seruitutem redigant , &c. Ingentia loquitur , quasi verò Deus esset : noua consilia sub pectore volutat , vt nouum sibi constituat imperium , leges commutat , suas sancit : contamin●t , diripit , spoliat , fraudat , occidit perditus ille homo , quem Antichristum vocare solent , in cuius fronte co●tumeliae nomen scriptum est : Deus sum , errare non possum : in templo Dei sedet ; longè , lateque , dominatur . In the thousand and foure hundreth yeare , lib. 1. cap. 4. Iohannes vicesimus tertius , wrote vnto the Oriental Church an Epistle , declaring that there was but one Christian Church onely , and that hee was head thereof , and the Vicar of Christ : The Grecians wrote backe to him this answere . Potentiam tuam summam erga sub●itos tuos firmiter credimus , superbiam tuam summam tolerare non possumus , auaritiam expl●re non valemus : Diabolus tecum quia Dominus nobiscum . Thy great power ouer thy Subiects we firmly beleeue , thy surpassing pride we can not tolerate , thy auarice wee are not able to satisfie : the diuell is with thee , for the Lord is with vs. R. God be mercifull to vs. C. Amen . Now ( Sir ) I must craue your licence , for some friends are attending mee , with whome I appointed to meete this houre . R. Good reason , but before you goe , I would fain he are an answer to two questions , which commonly they demand . C. Which are those ? R. The one is : Where was your Church before Luther ? the other : Are all our fathers damned ? C. With a very good will. But if you please , deferre the conference concerning them till to morrow . R. Let it be so , now the Lord bee with you . THE FIFTH DAYES CONFERENCE . Wherein the common question of the Aduersaries is aunswered : Where was your Church before LVTHER ? C. NOw ( Sir ) you remember you propoūded two questions to me yesternight . R. It is very true , and I would gladly heare your answere to them , for ▪ my further resolution : What thinke you then , because you call Papistrie heresie , are you of that minde that all our fathers are damned , & that no Papist can be saued ? C. I am not to iudge of mens persons : many are called Papists who know not what Papistrie meanes , and many liue Papists who dare not die Papists , or if so they doe , they know not what they doe . But Papistrie it selfe , I affirme it is a pernicious doctrine , yea as the Apostle cals it , a doctrine of diuels , killing the Soules of them who beleeue it : But this is the second of your questions , which we will reserue till the next day . R. Let it be so . What then say you to the first ? Where was your Church before Luther ? C. Euen where our doctrine was , sometime in one Countrie , sometime in an other , as it pleased God in his wise dispensati●n , who caries the light of his Gospell , as he doth the Sunne , ●hrough the World , to illuminate Nations at s●uerall times therewith according to his will. R. That is a faire Generall ; but will yee tell vs , who were these ? What Countrie people ? What Doctors , who taught as yee teach ? R. Looke the Churches of Asia , Asricke , and of Europe , consider them as they were before the mysterie of iniquitie came to the hight , and you shal see that they all had the same doctrine , and forme of a Church that we haue in all substantiall points pertaining to Religion . R. But you are not able to name one before Luther , teaching in all things as he did . C. This is a peece of Sophistrie , whereby your deceiuers blind the ignorant . R. How so , should not the teachers of the truth agree in al things in one harmonie ? C. I grant they should , and thanks be to God , they doe also in al substantial things which are Articles of our faith . But is this a good reason : because some Doctors in some opinions differ , whereof men may bee ignorant and saued neuerthelesse , that therefore these Doctors teach no truth , and their Churches are no true Churches ? R. That seemes to bee hard indeed . C. You haue reason for you so to thinke : for in one age Vi●tor with the Church in the West was in a different opinion from Policrates , and the Churches of the East ; and Ierome had his owne discordance with Augustine , against the exposition of the commandement , Thou shalt beare no false witnesse , in that question de mendacio : and the first Fathers of the Primitiue Church were Chiliasts ; shall it thereupon follow , that because in this point , they taught not in all things as we doe , that therefore they were not a Church ? R. It is no reason . C. Cyprian in the point of rebaptising , taught not as Cornelius ; what of that ? will it follow that hee was not a faithfull Pastor , or the Church of Carthage was not a true Church ? R. It followes not indeed . C. Why then doe you vrge me to giue you one before Luther or Caluin , who in all points taught as we teach . The Doctors of the Church both ancient and recent , are men subiect to infirmities ; for no man vpon earth , hath his vnderstanding perfect , whereof it comes to passe , that in some things one of them differs from an other : But as to the Articles of the faith , and substance of Christian religion , whereby comes saluation ; sure it is Tertullian and Cyprian , Ambrose , A●gustine , Luther and Caluin haue all deliuered o●e doctrine , and did teach the way of God truly . R. The● you thinke the Fathers of the Primitiue Church were of your Religion . C. I think s● indeed , & hope to die in that same faith where●● they liued and died . R. It would bee thought strange to heare that in Italie , that the Doctors of the Primitiue Church were of the Protestants Religion . C. No maruell it be strange there , where Truth is a stranger : but this answere was giuen you and them both , by a worthy Doctor of our Church and wee yet stand to it : Patres in maximis sunt nostri , in multis varij , ●n minimis vestri . Such Fathers as haue written before vs , and you both in greatest things are ours , in many thinges are doubtfull , in smallest thinges they are yours . R. Well , I shall remember that ( God willing ) : but in the dayes of Papistrie , wherewith you say the world was blinded , where was your Church ? C. Answere me but an other question , and it shall resolue you . R. What is that ? C. Your Doctors say , that when Antichrist shall come , the Church shall ●lie to the desert , that is , as themselues expound it : The Church shall bee without publike state of regiment , and open free exercise of holy functions , neither shall it bee unknowne to the faithfull which follow it ; as this day may bee seene the like by the Church of Romane Catholiques in many parts of England . R. What doth that helpe you ? C. Very much : that which they themselues say , will bee done , wee say is done : Antichrist hath alreadie chased the Church to the wildernesse , and so oppressed it , that for a time it had no publike state of regiment , nor open free exercise of holy functions : yet was it not vnknowne to the faithfull that followed it , nor to the enemies that persecuted it , as this day may bee seene by the Church of Christian Catholikes in many parts of France . R. Will ye make that cleare , and I thinke you haue wonne much . C. What greater clearenesse can you craue ? If this answere bee good to cleare the Popes Church , when they say it will bee obs●ured by Antichrist , and yet be : is it not as good to iustifie our Church , when we say it hath beene obscured by Antichrist , and yet was ? R. The answere is good enough , only if you can , I would haue you qualifie it more particularl● . C. There is not one age since the dayes of Christ vnto this day , wherein I can not point forth men , preaching and professing as wee doe : but because your doubt is specially of the time of Papistry , I will let you see it is a needlesse question for the Popes Church to demand of vs , where our Church then was ? for they found vs alwaies in their teeth before euer Luther or Caluin was borne . R. Make that good . C. Reme●us a Popish Inquisitor , who liued more then three hundred yeeres agoe , speaking of the poore men of Lyons , and calling them in contempt Valdenses , Leonistae , sayth they were more pernitious to the Church of Rome , then all other sects fo● three causes : First , because it hath beene of longer continuance : for some say this sect hath endured since the Apostles times . The second cause is , because it is more generall : for there is almost no land in the which this Sect doth not creepe . The third cause , for that all other sectes doe bring an horror with the hainousnesse of their blasphemies against God ; but this Sect of Leonists hath a great shew of godlinesse , because they liue iustly before men , and beleeue all thinges well concerning God , and all the Articles which are contained in the Creede , onely they blaspheme & hate the Church of Rome . Now there is the testimony of an enemy making answer for vs , which may serue to stop the mouthes of all our enemies from demanding of vs any more , Where was your Church before Luther ? R. I , but hee calles them a Sect , and saies they blasphemed the Church . C. So the Priests of the Iews called the Church of Christians , a Sect of Nazarits , Act. 24.5 . What is that to the matter ? yet he grants they are such a Sect , as first , had beene from the beginning : secondly , had beene in all Countries , & thirdly , was honest in lise , & sound in faith : saue onely that they helde the Church of Rome to be the whore of Ba●el . And that yet this preiudice which you haue conceiued of our Church may bee further remoued out of your mind ; I pray you consider this : Think you not , that with good reason we may affirme that we are in communion with them , who haue taught the same doctrine that we teach ? if our doctrine was in former ages , you will not deny that our Church was then also . R. That can not bee denied . C. Well then , if you please , name mee any controuersie of religion , concerning any Article of faith ▪ betweene vs and the Papists thi● day , and you shall see that the ancient fathers take our part in it . R. That is strange , for they repose their chiefest strength & trust in the ancient fathers . C. Bragge what they will it is true , I say they may well boast in the drosse of fathers & decke their errors with it , but wee shall bring you their finest gold . Name you the controuersie , & you shall trie that which I say to bee a truth . R. There are so many controuersies among you , that I know not which of thē to name first . C. Then will it please you to take a view of these , which I haue gathered for my own priuate vse ? R. With a very good will : let me see what they are . C. They are here in a little s●role , and I haue collected thē for my owne confirmation in the faith ; for , as first of all I learned the way of saluation in the Scriptures , so finding that the Doctors of the Primitiue Church exponed the Scripturs , conformable to the doctrine of our teachers , I was greatly therin confirmed : for these are the two great proppes of our faith , which Vincentius giues vs against all heresie , cap ▪ 2. R. You haue reason for you ▪ for if your Doctrine be so warranted both by diuine authority of God in his word , and humane testimony of the best Doctors of the ancient Church , they are to bee iudged most vnworthy that make contradiction to you . C. Well , that I may bee as good as my word , there they are , I leaue them with you , that you may reade them at your owne leasure . R. I thanke you for them , and because I am not to tarrie in this Towne , let met haue ( I pray you ) a copie of them with mee , that I may reade thē at leasure . C. So long as you are in the Towne you may bee doing , otherwise , if occasion serue you not , as soone as I can prouide a copy of them for my self , I shall send you this to any place you please to appoint . R. Let it bee so , and I shall God willing put you in mind of it . THE SIXTH DAYES CONFERENCE . Wherein an other Question commonly obiected by the Aduersaries is answered : Seeing you cannot denie that your fathers were Papists , what thinke you , are they all damned or not ? And if they be not damned , why may not we be of their Religion . R. WElcome yet ( Sir ) I see you are not wearie , to take paines with me . C. No in truth , it is no paine but pleasure vnto me , if by any meanes I may be an instrument to doe you good . R. I thanke you for it : Now what say you to our Question , Are all our fathers damned ? Or ●f not , may it not serue vs to be ●f their Religion ? C. That is but a subtile que●tion wher●by Iesuites drawe ●imple people to a liking of Papistrie ; because forso●t● some ●f their f●thers liued , and dyed in it as they alledge . R. And why , thinke you it not a good reason ? C. Not indeede ● for some times I find GOD forbids his people to be as their fathers were : where our Fath●rs haue forsaken the Religion of the f●rst Fathers wee should not follow them . R. That was sufficiently cleared in our first Conference . C. It was so , yet you force mee to remember it . But now before I come to the point : I will tell you a prettie Storie I haue read concerning this matter . R. Let mee heare it I pray you . C. I read that a certaine Duke of Frisland named Raboldus , about the yeare of our LORD nine hundreth , being perswaded ( as hee pretended ) to embrace Christianitie , as he went to bee baptized and had the one of his feet in the water , he demanded of the Bishops If all his Forefathers were damned ? the Bishops answered more rashly then wisely , they were all damned : whereupon the Duke pulled backe his feete againe , saying , Then I will also bee damned with them . Thinke you this a good answere ? R. No indeede I thinke it a mad answere . C. Yet the same is the poyson wherewith your Iesuits subtilly infect the hearts of simple ones , that they should rather choose to be damned with their Fathers th●n saued without them . R. But will you say to vs as these Bishops said to him , That all our Fathers are damned ? C. Nay that wil I not ; iudgement of election and reprobation pertaines to the Lord , their persons I leaue : but the doctrine of Papistrie I am sure is deadly , and bringes damnation to the soules of men . R. Then you will not giue iudgment of their persons . C. No indeed : for , as to their persons ▪ I know many this day are so called , who know not the Doctrine of Papistrie ; and , as to them who haue liued before vs , howsoeuer in their life they professed Papistrie , yet in their death they were forced to seeke comfort in our Religion . R. That is strange that you will say many of our Fathers died in your Religion . C. Yet it is true , as I will let you see by a little forme of visitation of the sicke , vsed at that time when Antichrists darkenesse was greatest , to wit , in the eleuenth hundred yeare , for so the Church-men spake to the sicke : Fateris te ●am malè vixisse vt meritis tuis pae●● aeterna ●ebe●tur ? Doest thou not acknowledge that thine euill life d●serues eternall d●ath ? The diseased answered , E●iam , ye● : The other ▪ still inquired , Paenitet ●e horum ? Repentest thou th●se sinnes ? The other answered Etiam , yea I doe : still he inquire● , Credis quò● pro te mortu ●s ●●t dominus Iesus ? Beleeuest thou that Iesus died for thee , and that thou canst not bee saued but by his death ? The other answeres , I doe so indeede . Then concludes the Preacher this way : Age ergò , dum in te superest anima , in h●c solâ mortetotam fuluciam tuam constitue , in nullâ aliâ re habe as fiduciam , huic mortito●um te committe , hac solate totum contegne , hâc morte tetotum inuolue . Et si dominus deus voluerit te iudicare , dic , Domine mortem domini nostri obijcio inter me & tuum iudicium , aliter tecum non contendo . Goe to then , so long as thy Soule is in thee , in this onely death of Christ place thou thine whole confidence , tr●st not in any other thing , commit thy selfe altogether vnto this death , with this death only couer thy selfe , in it onely inuolue thy selfe : And if the Lord God will iudge thee , then say to him , O Lord , I haue nothing to lay betw●ene me and thy iudgement , but the death of the Lord Iesus , otherwise I contend not with thee . See you not here first , that they warned their people to prouide for themselues so long as they are in the body , and feede them not with a vaine hope , as the Romish Doctors doe their people : For the present they send them to a place they call Purgatorie , but promise to bring them againe out of it ; they first suffering paines there , and either themselues , or their frinds making due payment for them on Earth . R. In good sooth that is a comfortlesse , and ( I may say ) a cousning kind of doctrine . C. Wel , see you not againe a renouncing of all other merites ; and of all satisfactions to bee made by suffering the paines of Purgatorie or otherwise . And thirdly see you not that the Pastor teacheth , and the people professeth a sure confidence , & no dubitation , in Christs bloud onely . R. I see that clearely . C. Then I say these men might well die w●th the name of Papist● , but they died not with the doctrine of Papists : for they renounced all me●ites , both their own , and any others , and onely rested vpon the meri●es of Christ. R. But what will you say of them who haue died with all the opinions of Papistrie ? C. I will answere that as Cyprian answered the like when it was demanded of him . An damnat● sunt maiores nostri , qui hun● vel illum articulum non intellexerunt ? Were all our Fathers damned who vnderstood not this , or that Article of faith ? he answered , Potens est Dominus misericordiâ suá indulgentiam dare , non tamen q●ia semel erratum est , ideo semper errandum est . God is able of his great mercy to giue indulgence , but yet there is no reason , that wee should alway●s ●rr● , because they once did erre . R. In truth that is a very modest answere . C. But heare you what further he saith : Si quis ex Antecessoribus nostris , vel ignoranter , vel simpliciter non hoc obseruanit , & tenuit quod nos Dominus exemplo suo docuit , potest simplicitatieius de indulgentiâ Domini venia concedi ; nobis vero non poterit ignosci , quia à Domino admoniti & instructi sumus ; If any of our forefathers , either of ignorance , or simplicity hath not holden and obserued that which the Lord hath taught vs , to doe by his example , there may bee mercie granted to his simplicity out of Gods indulgence : but we cannot be forgiuen , who now are otherwise instructed & admonished by the Lord. R. That answer I see is more sharp , and yet most reasonable ; many things are excusable in the night , that are not tolerable in the day : The seruant that knows his M●sters will , and do●h it not , is worthy of double stripes . C. And I am glad you see it , and I would many more had their eyes open to see it , who thinke Papistry now tolerable in the dayes of light , as it was in the dayes of darkenesse : it was a fault then , for euen the seruāt who knowes not his Masters will shall be stricken ; but it is a double fault now , for hee , who knowes his Masters will , and does the contrary , shall haue double s●ripes . R. Then I see you will not giue out , iudgement vpon the persōs of Papists , whether they bee saued or damned . C. Indeed I will not , and that for two causes : first , because , ( as I haue said ) many are Papists by name , which are no Papists : some of ignorance , some of vaine glory , some of policy to get themselues the more credite . And as to these who are infected indeed with the heresies of Papistrie ; yet is it vncertain if they shall so continue , for the Lord is ma●uellous in working with such as belong to his election , that howsoeuer for the pr●sent wee see them in sinne and ignorance , ye● know wee not what they will be ● so many secret wayes ●●th the Lord in time of sickn●sse , yea , in the very howre of d●ath to draw the h●arts of m●n toward● himselfe , which are hid from vs , that it w●re but presumption to iudge of an other mans saluation or reprobation . R. Indeed I commēd you , for I thinke you speak with that sobriety which becom● a christiā . C. And yet whatsoeuer I haue said concerning the persons of Papists , there is further to bee saide of Papistrie it selfe : that it is a doctrine so full of heresies , so directly contrary to the doctrine of the Gospell , that I dare say , a man beleeuing all the points of Papistrie , and perseuering in them ●o the end without repentance cannot bee saued . R. Now that is the point , & I pray you make it cleare . C. It is cleare by these places following , which will shew you that Papistrie is a doctrine of Diuels , a plague of God , and a iust punishment laied on reprobate men for their sinnes , and a forerunner of the wrath to come . R. Good sooth I quake to heare this . C. You shall see them al particularly qualified : and first there is a Prophesie made by the Apostle of the defection which was to come , in these words ; Now the spirite speakes euidently , that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith , giuing heed to the spirites of error & doctrine of Diuels : which speake lies in hipocrisie , hauing their conscience burned with an hote yron , forbidding to marrie , and commanding to abstaine from meates , &c. Perceiue you not here , that the doctrine which forbids mariage and commands abstinence from meates , is called a doctrine of diuels ? R. Very well , but that is meant of heretikes , which were soone after the Apostles daies , as Ebio●its , Marcionits , &c. C. Nay , that is a sillie shift , for he saieth , these teachers shal come in the latter times ; and the departure from the faith , wherof hee prophesieth , was not to come till the fall of the Roman Empire : but in the daies of Ebion , Marcion , &c. the Roman Empire was in great glorie . R. But if that bee meant of any Apostasie in the later times it is of your sect ( will they say ) that hath fallen frō the church of Rome . C. It cannot be meant of vs : for wee neithe● forbid mariage , nor command abstinence from meates for conscience sake . R. That is verie true : but may not the Church for some causes command abstinencie frō meats ? C. Yes , for Prayer and deuotion , and that for a time onely , but not because any meate is vncleane , or one meat is holier then an other ▪ as they thinke their Chartrouse Monkes more holy that neuer eate flesh , then others are : and why forsooth ? because flesh and not fish was accursed in the daies of Noah . R. Indeed that seemes to be somewhat superstitious . C. Well , I will enter into no more particulars concerning this question . It is cleare , these are two points of Papisticall doctrine , called by the Apostle doctrine of Diuels ; So I proceede , There shall arise false Christs , and false Prophets , and shall shew great signes and wonders , so that if it were possible they should deceiue the very elect , Mat. 24.24 . The comming of Antichrist by the working of Satan with all power , and signes , and lying wonders , 2. Thess. 2.9 . And in a●● deceiuablenesse of vnrighteousnes among them that perish , because they receiued not the truth ●hat they might bee saued , ibid . ver . 10. And therefore God shall send them strong delusions , that they should belieue lies , verse 11. That all they might be damned , which belieued not the truth , but had pleasure in vnrighteousnesse , ver . 12. All that dwell vpon the earth shall worship the beast , whose names are not written in the Book● of life of the Lamb which was slain from the beginning . Reuel . 13.8 . And he deceiued them which dwelt on earth by the signes which were permitted him to doe , ver . 14. If any man worshippe the beast , &c. the same shall drinke of the wine of the wrath of God , and shall bee tormented in fire and brimstone . Reu. 14.9.10 . Goe out of Babel my people , that yee bee not partakers of her sinnes , and receiue not of her plagues . These places make cleare vnto you , that it is onelie the reprobate , worldly-minded called therefore dwellers on the earth , whose names are not written in the book of life , children of perdition ; it is only they ( I say ) who are fullie and finally deceiued with the spirit of Antichrist , and that in Gods righteous iudgement are giuen ouer to belieue lies , because they receiued not the loue of the truth : What thinke yee of these ? R. In truth I am astonished to heare these fearefull places . C. This is yet further cleared by Augustine , who expounding that place of the Apostle 2. Thes. 2. Adoccultu●● Dei iudicium pertinet quòd impij ab Antichristo feducuntur : It pertaines to Gods secret iudgement that the wicked are seduced by Antichrist : Seducentur qui seduci merebuntur , pro eo quòd dilectionem veritatis non receperunt . They shall bee deceiued who haue deserued to bee deceiued , because they receiue not the loue of the truth : and yet more feareful is the sentence , which he subioynes , Iudicati seducentur , & seducti iudicabuntur : when they are iudged they shall be deceiued , and because they were deceiued they shal be iudged ouer againe : they are first iudged by the iudgement of God , secretly iust , and iustly secret , whereby now hee punisheth the sinnes of men , deliuering them to the Spirit of errour , that receiued not the loue of his truth : and because they were deceiued they shall be iudged againe in that last and manifest iudgment to bee made by Christ Iesus , who was vniustly iudge himselfe , but most iustly shall iudge the World. This Commentarie makes it cleare , that Papistrie is not onely a sinne , but a present punishment of God inflicted on man for sinne , specially for contempt of the Gospell ; and a procurement of that fearefull wrath that is to come , which if it were considered , men would not esteeme Papistrie so indifferent a thing as they doe ▪ R. God be mercifull to them who yet are blinded with these errours , and Lord make mee thankefull who hath begunne to deliuer mee from that darkenesse ; the Lord illuminate mee more and more with his light , that I may know his way , and may receiue grace to follow it . C. Amen : But now I remember , I promised before to declare vnto you , that Papistrie impugnes both the Person and offices of Christ , and so in effect denies that Iesus the Sonne of Marie is the Christ. R. That is most strange . C. It is indeede , and yet it is true , as you shal● perceiue if you goe through the principall Articles of our faith . And first to begin at Christ person , that of many wee may touch a few , We beleeue that Iesus Christ is both God and man. R. And who denies that ? C. You know that old Arriu● denied his Diuinitie , and now Papistes denie his humanitie . R. How can you say that ? C. Because they worshippe and adore a Christ , who is not come in the flesh : To cleare this , I pray you consider that Canon of the Apostles , 1. Ioh. 4. Beloved , beleeue not euery spirit , but trie the spirits if they be of God : because many false Prophets are gone out into the World. In this the spirit of God is knowne ; Euerie spirit that confesseth Iesus Christ to haue come in the flesh is of God. There is a golden rule for vs and them both , and marke there the opposition , Euerie spirit that saith otherwise , is the spirit of Antichrist . R. Let it be so : What is that against Papists ? C. Yea , it is against them directly , for the word teacheth vs to worship Christ , Conceiued of the holy Ghost , horne of the Virgine Marie : But they worshippe Christ created by a Priest , not conceiued by the holy Ghost ; a Christ whose fleshe is made of Breade by Transubstantiation , whereby they destroy the Article of his Incarnation . R. But they say it is the same Christ who was borne of the Virgin Marie . C. If it bee the same Christ , then must they grant that his flesh is not created of bread : for that Christ borne of the Virgin Marie was made flesh of the seed of Dauid by the operation of the Holy Ghost , but this Christ whom they worship in the Masse hath his flesh made of bread by Transubstantiation , and they are not ashamed to call their Priest for this worke Creatorem sui Creatoris , a Creatour of his Creatour . R. But saith not our Lord that the Bread giuen in the Sacrament is his Bodie ? C. Yea indeede , and so wee beleeue it is : for it is no naked nor common bread that hoe giues vs there the giuing of that bread , It is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Communion of his blessed bodie . R. But if it bee Bread , how can it be his body ? C. It is needlesse to demaund how ? Since he hath said it ; but I beleeue it is his body . R. But may not Christ of his omnipotent power transubstantiate bread into his body ? C. And I pray you , may not Christ of his omnipotent power , and truth , giue mee his body , except hee turne bread into his bodie ? R. I dare not say so . C. And you haue reason : The Papists charge vs that wee denie Gods omnipotencie , but the fault is theirs ; they denie his omnipotencie , when they say hee can not giue vs his body in the Sacrament , except hee make his body of bread . Doe they not here limit the Lord ? R. Well I see it is great wisedome to ponder euery thing we beleeue in the ballance of Gods word , I wold not haue thought there had beene suc●●lasphemie against the person of Christ in that Doctrin of Transubstantiation as now I see that Canon of the Apostle declares plainly . C. You may ioyne to this another testimonie of the Apostle Hebrewes 13. Iesus Christ yesterday , this day , and the same for euer . R. What will that make against them ? C. That they are blinde to worship a Christ this daie , who was not a Christ yesterday : for you know they grant themselues that before consecration the bread is not Christ. R. It is true indeed . C. Then you may perceiue it is but an artificiall Christ made by man whom they worshippe , and not ●he true Christ. Thus you see how they are iniurious to his person , for the which cause I said to you , that Papists by necessitie of consequence , denie Iesus the sonne of Marie to bee the Christ. Now to his Offices , they are all comprised vnder the name Christ , for he is the anoynted King , Prophet , and Priest of his Church . R. And they will grant all that vnto you . C. I know in word they will , but in effect they take his Offices from him ? R. How can that be ? C. You shall see how : what thinke you is the office of a Prophet ? R. To teach . C. You say verie well , and for this cause Christ is called the great Prophet raised vp among his brethren : And the great Angell of the counsell of God , who came into the World to reueile perfectly vnto the Church the will of God concerning mans saluation , and Gods worship : so that now once for all God hath spoken to vs in these last dayes by his sonne , and we haue not to expect from any other any further declaration of his will. R. I thinke no man wil denie that . C. You shall heare how it is denied , if first I make the point more clear vnto you : you know that the father proclaimed from Heauen , first at Iordan , then at mount Tabor , This is my welbeloued sonne in whom I am well pleased , heare him . See you not here how we are plainly commaunded to learne Gods will concerning our Saluation from the Sonne ? R. Yea I see that , and it is good reason . C. Then if you will come and heare what the Son saies , you shal see that as the Father sends vs to the Sonne , so the Sonne sends vs to the Scriptures : if we would haue eternall life search the Scriptures , and he witnesseth plainely Iohn 17.8 . The wordes which thou gauest mee , I gaue them , meaning to his Disciples . Where againe if you looke to the Disciples words : The Scripture ( sayes Saint Paul ) is able to make the man of God perfect , and therefore hee protests Act. 20 that he taught nothing but Moses and the Prophets , and yet that hee had deliuered to them the whole counsell of God. See you what a comfortable harmonie is here : The Father bids vs heare the Sonne ; the Sonne protests the wordes the Father gaue him , hee gaue to his Disciples ; and both of them sends vs to the Scripture , as conteining the whole counsell of God concerning our Saluation . R. I see all that clearly . C. Then what spirit are they led with that dare say , It had beene good for the Church the Scripture had neuer beene . R. Who dare say that ? C. I haue heard with mine eares defenders of Papistrie say it : and the positions of their owne Doctors no lesse blasphemous are extant to bee seene : Lectio Scripturae non , ●antùm est invtilis , sed pernitio samultis modis ; the reading of Holy Scripture is not only vnprofitable ; but pernicious . And therefore they wil not let the people read nor serch the Scripture , though Christ commanded : so to do● : and instoade of Scripture they intrude on the Church their owne decrees , and other traditions , which they make of equal authoritie with the Scripture . Thus you see how they take away Christs Propheticall office . Now to come to his Priestly office : you know the Priests office was twofold , first hee ought to sacrifice for the people , & next to pray for them . R. And they acknowledge both these , that Christ hath offered himselfe in a propitiatory sacrifice for our sinnes , and that hee still makes intercession for v● in heauen . C. I , but they so acknowledge it , that in both these offices they ioyne others with Christ , and so make him not a full and perfect Sauiour of his people by himselfe , but a halfe-Sauiour in part . R. I vnterstand not that . C. I shall make it cleare to you . There is the testimony of th● Word concerning the sufficiency of the merite of Christs bloud . The bloud of Christ his sonne clenseth vs from all sinne , R. They will not be against that . C. But they are when they make this distinction , that principally Christs bloud clenseth from sinne ▪ but secondarily there must be other things with it to clens● sinne : as works of satisfaction in this life , and fire of Purgatorie in the life to come . By these also according to their own● doctrine ▪ sinne is clensed . R. For my own part I would alwaies : reserue to Christ his owne glorie , which I know hee will not giue to any other ▪ C. You haue reason for you ▪ and you shall thinke it so much the more if you consider with me these two testimonies . R. What are those ? C. The first is Heb. 1.3 . That Christ by himselfe hath made purgation of our sinnes . R. What will you gather of that place ? C. A most necessary obseruation for clearing this controuersie , to wit , that the purging power of sinne is person●ll to Christ , he hath done it , by himselfe ▪ the vertue and benef●● of i● hee communicates to others that repent and belieue , bou●●e meriting power , by which God is reconciled ▪ and his iust●c● satisfied , he transfers not , n●ither to any mans person nor any other thing beside . R. Surely , according to my vnderstanding that is a truth , wherin euery Christian should rest , for it is most comfortable to the conscience , since wee are not ●bl● , neith●r in whole nor in part to satisfie for our owne sinnes . C. It is so indeed , and that you may bee the more confirmed , will you looke how the Iesuites who 〈◊〉 the light , because it conuinceth them of darkenesse , in●translating this place , leaue out t●is word By him self● : they , say he makes purgation of sinnes , but passe by this word , by himself , looke you their owne translation . R. I se● ind●ed they haue it not ●n their tra●slation , but is it I pray you in the Greeke text ? C. Yea forsooth if you can read it , these are the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . R. In truth this one place makes all their doctrine , concerning the supplement of Christs merits , iustly to be suspected : for since he hath made the purgation of our sinnes by himselfe , what should we looke that they are to bee purged by any other ? C. You reason well . R. I speake as I think : it is either pittiful ignorāce , that they see not the truth , or their wilful malice that they dare mutilate so cleare a place of holy Scripture , leauing it out of their Bible , because it ●akes against t●ē . C. But now take in with this the other testimony of holy Scripture , whereof I spake . you haue it Heb. 7. ver . 25. Christ is able to saue perfectly ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) all that come vnto God by him . R. I see that is also a comfortable place . C. So it is indeed : for as the first makes you see that Christs meriting power is personall , & in himselfe , not transf●rred to any other ▪ so this makes you see it is perfect : hee hath done the worke of our saluation in his owne person , and hee hath done it perfectly : What more can you craue ? R. Truly I craue no more . C. Away then with these rotten dregges of Papistrie , that teach vs to depend vpon other merites , & vpon an other bloud ( as I shewed you the first day ) besides the merits of the bloud of Christ. R. For my own part I think neuer to leane to them , but will rest vpon that onely perfect sacrifice of Christ offered on the Crosse for my sinnes . C. If you abide there , you are vpon the sure foundation ; and remember you must renounce all other sacrifices , which derogate from the perfection & sufficiency of that one sacrifice of Christ. R. I will indeed ▪ C. Then for your confirmation marke these places . Christ in the end of the world hath appeared once to put away sinne by the sacrif●●e of himselfe . Heb. 9.26 . Christ was once offered to take away the sins of many , Heb. 9.28 . Wee are sanctified by the offering of the body of Iesus Christ once , Heb. 10.10 . This man after he had offered one sacrifice for sinnes , sits foreuer at the right hand of God. Heb. 10.12 . With one offering hath he ●onsecrated for euer them that are sanctified . Heb. 10.14 . where remission of sinnes is , there is no more offering for sin , Heb. 10.18 . Christ needed not daily ( as these high Priests ) to offer vp sacrifice , first for his owne sinnes , and then for the peoples : for that did hee once , when he offered vp himselfe , Heb. 7.27 . without shedding of blood , is no remission . Heb. 9.22 . Perceiue you not here that the Apostle repeating this so oft , that Christ was once offered , for taking away our sinnes , destroyeth all other pretended sacrifices for sinne , and specially that sacrifice of the Masse , which they say is a propitiatorie sacrifice for the sinnes of the quicke and the dead . R. Truely the places are so plaine , that very children may vnderstand them , and I would God that these poore people , who of a blind mind dote after Masses , thinking by it to gette the pardon of their sinnes , had this benefite of Gods word , as you haue it , that so by the light of it they might come to the knowledge of the truth . C. And I wish the same from my heart , But now to confirm you yet further , I pray you mark how blasphemous and deceitfull a thing their Masse is . First , is not this a mockerie of GOD the Father , To desire him to accept his owne Sonne : Is Christ out of the fauour of his Father ? said he not ; He is my Son in whom I am well pleased ? shall a mortal & miserable sinful Priest be a Mediatour , or Peacemaker betweene the Father and the Sonne , praying the Father that he would accept his Sonne , and send downe an Angell to take vp his bodie into Heauen ? R. Fie vpon it : It is a vile blasphemie . C. Secondly , see you not how it inverts Gods ordinance ? for where hee hath ordained a Sacrament , wherein God offers and giues his Sonne to vs ; they haue changed it into a sacrifice , wherein they offer vp the Son to the Father . R. I see that also ▪ C. Thirdly , Is it not an iniurious thing to Christ , to say that any can offer him vp to God , but himselfe ? R. It is inde●de : for as no other Sacrifice can satisfie Gods iustice , so no other sacrificer can bee worthie to offer him but himselfe , as is cleare out of your former Testimonies : C. Fourthly , Is it not a deceiuing of the people , to say that an vnbloudie Sacrifice ( such as they say the Masse is ) can bee propitiatorie to obtaine remission of sinnes ? R. It is indeed , and expresly against the Word of God you haue alledged , Without shedding of bloud there is no remission : they grant themselues that in the Masse there is no shedding of bloud , and how then can it giue pardon or remission of sinnes ? C. Well then , since by this you see how they derogate frō Christs sacrifice , which is the first part of Christes priestly office , I will now let you see how they also cut away the other , namely , his intercession . Marke that place of the Apostle , There is one God , and one Mediator of God and Man , the Man Christ Iesus . R. They haue a distinction for that , and say , there is but one Mediator of redemption , but for Intercession many . C. But will you consider the place ; and you shall see where the Apostle sayes , there is but one Mediator , he is speaking of Intercession and praying , and so his meaning must be , There is one Mediator of Intercession : read the place and see . R. I see it is so indeed . C. Now with it wil you but ioyne this place of Augustine , Qui pro omnibus interpellat pro quo autem nullus , is verus & vnicus mediator est : He that interceeds for al , for whom none interceedes , is the onely true Mediator . And there hee sayes it should bee a great absurdity , if Paul were called a Mediator , for so there should be many Mediators of Intercession . R. But should not Christians interceede one of them for an other , as wee are commanded , One of you pray for an other . C. They should indeed : but you must vnderstand , that this and the like precepts are for Christians here militant on earth in one communion , wherin alike one of them is bound to helpe an other by their praiers . R. But do not they who are in heauen pray for the Church militant on earth ? C. I thinke they doe in general , but not vpon any particular knowledge of our priuat necessities , troubles or tentations . R. How can that be ? C. You may soon vnderstand how , for if they know your griefes , it is either by hearing of your words , or vnderstanding of your thoughts , or by some Reuelation made to them . Thinke yee they know your thoghts . R. No indeed , that is proper to God. C. Think you they hear your voice , when you expresse in prayer your thoughts by your words . R. I cannot thinke that neither , since they want their bodies which haue the organs of hearing . C. Then they must know it by Reuelation . R. It is most likely that when wee pray , God tels them our necessities . C. What neede you then to pray them to interceede for you . R. But how shall wee goe to a King but by his Courtiers ? C. What a silly refuge is that ? You haue forgotten what you answered euen now . See you not here how that similitude vsed by Papists is destroied , to wit , That as wee goe to earthly Kings by Courtiers , so we shold goe to the King of Heauen , by heauenly Courtiers : for here it is not the Courtier that shewes our necessities to the King , but the King you see shewes them to his Courtiers . And would you not think him a foole , who may haue the King himselfe to speake to , and knowes hee will be welcome if he speake as hee should , and yet passeth by the King , and depends vpon Courtiers to haue his turne done by them ? R. I thinke no lesse then you say , but how is it then they pray for vs in generall ? C. I will shew you how : there are foure sorts of prayer , one called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby we craue ●uill to be diuerted from vs ; an other called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby wee s●●ke some good wee want to bee giuen vnto vs : the third is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby one of vs interceedes for an other : and the fourth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thanksgiuing for good receiued . Now they who are in heauen are freede from tentation , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not ascribed to them : neither yet is euer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in holy scripture giuen them : They rest from their labours , they are not busied to be patrones to seueral Countries , Cities and Companies of people , hauing the particular cures of seuerall diseases parted among them , that is but a doting dreame of Papistri● : but you will finde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thanksgiuing ascribed to them , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , too in generall , whereby they pray for some good they yet want , but look to enioy : as is euident out of their owne words , How long Lord : for this is the voice of these who want some thing they would faine haue . R. Tell me I pray you what want they who are in heauen ? C. First , these glorified spirits want their bodies , without the which they can neuer haue full contentment : for the soule and body were created companions , the perfection of both stands in the promised vnion of both . R. I vnderstand that very well : but want they no other thing , for which they cry , How long ? C. Yea , they want their brethren , all them that belong to the communion of Saints ; their desire shall not be satisfied till all their brethren bee where they are : for God hath so prouided that th●y without vs should not bee perfected . R. In truth that is exceeding comfortable , that Adam , Abraham , & the rest of that congregation of the first borne shal not be perfected till we come to them , yea , til the full number of Gods Saints bee accomplished . But is there no other thing they long for ? C. Yea , they long and pray for the comming of Christ , Euen so come Lord Iesus : at which time they know verie well , that all the promises of God shall bee performed to all and euerie one of the Saints of God. Thus farre you see how they in Heauen do pray in generall . R. But you thinke not that we should praie to them in our particular necessities . C. No indeed ▪ for beside the former reason , we haue no warrant to praie vnto them , and so cannot doe it in faith . Will you consider can there bee any better Schoolemasters to teach vs how to pray then the persons of the blessed Trinitie ? and thinke you not we are surest when wee prai● in such a manner as they haue taught ? R. That cannot bee denied . C. Then I pray you marke it , there is the voice of God the Father , Call vpon me ; there is the precept of God the Son , When you pray you shall say in this manner , Our Father which art in Heauen &c. there is againe the voice of God the Holy Ghost , who when hee teacheth vs to pray , teacheth vs , Crie abba , Father . What say you to these , is there any word here of praier to Cherubin , or Seraphin ? is there any warrant for turning ouer of all the prayers in the Psalme booke to the Virgin Marie ? O Ladie that art my righteousnesse . Psal. 4. O Ladie reprooue mee not in thy wrath . Psal. 6. R Truly I can say no●hing against them , for I see according to Gods Word it is the surest and safest way to pray to God by the mediation of Christ. C. But now I will bring you one cleare instance , to let you see how Papistrie takes away Christs intercession , and sets him idle in the Heauens . R. What is that ? C. They say there is in Heauen , a King , God the Father ; & a Queene the Virgin Marie ; and that the King hath giuen to the Queen dimidium regni , the halfe of his Kingdome ; the Ministration of Iustice hee hath kept to himselfe ; the Ministration of Mercie hee hath giuen ouer to the Virgin Marie : such as seeke Iustice goe to the King of Heauen , such as seeke Mercie goe to the Queene , who also by her authoritie hath power to command her Sonne Christ Iesus . R. Good sooth these are too grosse speeches , for as you haue said , they make Christ idle in Heauen , or like a childe vnder Tuition : for my owne part I will keepe that reuerent estimation of the blessed Virgin , that is due to her : but will euer reserue to Christ the glorie of a Sauiour and Mediatour . C. Let it bee so , only now I will let you see that as Papistrie destroies many Articles of our Christian faith , concerning the person , and Offices of Christ : So it is a P●st of Common-wealths , loosing al the bands of human fellowshippe and societie . R. That is strange : for there are many flourishing Kingdomes with vnitie and peace that professe Papistrie . R. Remember you what our Sauiour sayes in the Parable . So long as the strong man keepes his house all is in quiet , but when a stronger then hee comes in to bind him , there begins the battell : So long as Sathan possessed the World by the darknesse of Papistrie , there was a miserable felicitie in it , and a cursed vnitie , such as was in Sodom , where young and old from the foure corners of the Citie conspired and agreed to one impietie : But now since Christ comes in by his glorious Gospell to illuminate his owne with the light thereof , that which before seemed peace in Papistrie , now appeares to bee a fir● come from Hel seeking to deuoure all such as forsake h●r errours , and embrace the truth of God. R. I , but that is a thing wherwith they charge the Gospel , that since it was preached , many Sects and Heresies are risen vp in the world , which were not in it before . C. I pray you consider what a Polici● of Sathan that is to disgrace the Gospell : how manie Heresies arose in the Apostles dayes or soone after , that was not in the World before . Then came vp Simon Magus , Cerinthus , Ebion , Marcion , Basilides , Menander , Valentinus , Cerdon , Marcion , and many more . Shall the Gospell be blamed for this ? or rather may you not see it is the craft of the Deuill to disgrace the Gospell ? R. Indeede I thinke it no good reason that the Gospell should be the lesse esteemed of . There is but one truth , but manifold errours ; and I remember our Sauiour warning vs of thi● in that Parable of the Gospell ; That where the good Husbanman sowes good wheat in the day , incontinent comes the Enemie that euill one , and sowes his popple in the night . C. Now if you apply that to our present question , the doubt is easily solued : So long as the World was blinded with idolatrie and the Masse ( which in effect is but a Masse of Heresies ) Sathan laie quiet , hee was not troubled in his Kingdome , and hee raised no trouble in the World : but since the light of the Gospell discouered his darkenesse , and that hee findes his Kingdome decaying , and himselfe falling by the preaching of the Gospell , now he bestirres himselfe more busily , and doth what he can to disgrace this glorious Evāgell by vile heresies of some that impugne it , and profane liues of others who professe it . But as you see , it is no reason why the Gospell should be blamed for any of these . R. It is not indeed . But now you remember you beganne to discourse how Papistrie is a Pest of Common-wealthes , Kingdoms , dissoluing all the bands of humane fellowshippe , and societie among men . C. Now I will let you see it There is own of their Positions ; It is llawfull to spoile an Heretique of his goods , meliùs tamen est quod auihoritate indicis fiat : though it were better to do it by authoritie of the Iudge . In their iudgement all Protestants are Heretiques , and so they make it lawful for Papists both to steale and reaue from them . R. That is strange indeede ; and yet I haue many times mar●a●led what should haue moued the M●c gregors ; and other Licentious Men of our Island ▪ who knew no Religion , to professe Papistrie , but now I see the reason of it ; for it made their robberie good Christianitie . C. Here are other , Vxor catholica viro haeretico beneuolum reddere non te●e●ur , , that is to say in plaine t●rmes , a Wife that is a Papist is not bound to render due ben●uolence to her Husband being a Protestant . R. That assertion is more shameles then the other , plaine contrarie ( as I remember ) to the Apoles doctrine , Let not a Woman forsake her husband who beleeues not , if hee bee content to dwell with her . C. You take it vp very well , and you may see how Papistrie breakes the band of fellowship betweene Husband and Wife . R. I see it indeed , and this resolues me of an other doubt , for I haue maruailed often what should mooue so many Ladies to become Catholique Roman , but now I see it is a plausible Religion for such Wiues as are male-content with their Husbands , for it loos●th them from that subiection where vnto God hath bound them . C. Take the third : It disslolues the bands betweene the Father and the Sonne Pater qui filium habet haereticum , exhaereditare ten●tur● talem filium ▪ A Father that is a Papist and hath ● Sonne that is a Protestant , he is bound to disinherit him . Again Pr●pter haere sin patris s●lij sunt sui iuris , by the Heresie of the Father the Child● is fre●d ●rom obedience . R. Fie vpon them that maintain● such grosse positions . C. Y●t there is worse following . Haeretici f●i● vel consanguineinon dicantur , sed ●●x●alegem sit m●nus tua super eos , vt ●undas sanguinem ipsorum . Heretiques may not bee termed Children , nor Kinsmen , but according to the olde Law thy hand must bee vpon them to spill their bloud . There are all the bands of Nature , Affinitie , Consanguinitie , destroyed by Papistrie , and they thinke it lawful for Papists to slaie their own Children or their Kinsmen , if they bee Protestants : What thinke you , is it good dwelling with such Vipers ? and are our Protestants wise to make alliance by marriages with them ? R. In good faith I am ashamed in their behalfe , and I think it no maruell you call Papistrie a Pest of Common-wealthes . C. You shall heare but one and I will trouble you with no more . It dissolueth the band of subjection wherin people stand bound to their Princes : Subditi licitè possunt haeretico domino negare obs●quium . Popish Subjects may lawfully denie obedience to a Protestant King. Againe , Non licet Christianis tolerare regem Haereticum : It is not lawfull for Christians to tollerate an Hereticall King , they may expell him , depose him , yea murther him : And this they say is agreeable to the Apostolique Doctrine . R. Away with it , for it may rather bee called a Doctrine of Deuils , who is the Father of lies , Seditions , Diuisions , and Murthers . C. And yet these are the common lessons , which are taught and practised by the Doctors , and Disciples of that whorish Church of Rome . But how fals●ly they call this Doctrine Apostolique . Consider what was the Apostles Doctrin concerning the obedience of people vnto their Kings . Read there what Saint Peter saith . R. I perceiue he bids honour the King , and commaunds the people to submit them selues vnto the King as Superiour , or vnto Gouernours ( vnder him . ) C. Very well : Tell me now who was King , and Supre●me Gouernour when Peter wrote this , was it not Nero ? a vile Monster , a bloudie Persecutor , yet you see Peter bids not depose him , farre lesse bids he kill him . Looke againe to the Fathers of the Primitiue Church : see Iustine Martyr , Deum solum adoramus , in alijs vobis inseruimus laeti , Imperatores & Principes honum esse prof●tentes , & simul precantes , vt cum imperiali potestatem sanam quoque men●em obtinere comperiamini . We worship God only , in all other things we serue you with gladnesse , acknowledging you to be the Emperours , and Princes of men , praying also that with your Imperiall power yee may haue a sound mind . Here you see in all thing● , except in matter of Gods Worship , Seruice professed to the Emperour , and Prayer made for such Princes as are contrarie minded to Christianitie , but no treason nei●her taught nor practised . The like hath Ignatius ; Caesari sub●iti estote in ijs , quibus sine periculo est ipsa subiectio : Bee subiect to Caesar in all thinges , wh●rein you may without peril of conscience : And Tertullian also , Co●imus Imperatorem vt ho●●inem a Deo secundum , solo Deo minorem : VVee reu●rence the Emperour as next and immediate vnder God , hauing none but God aboue him . Againe , Christianis nullius est host is , nediùm Imperatoris , quem sciens a Deo suo constitui , necesse est , vt & ipsum di●igat , & reuereatur , & honoret , & salvum velit cum toto Romano Imperio . A Christian is no mans Enemi● , farre lesse the Emperours Enemie , hee knowes that hee is placed by the Lord his God and therefore it cannot be but he must loue him , reuerence him , honour him , and wish his safetie , and the welfare of the Empire . Let Papists now bee ashamed to pretend either Apostles , or Apostolique men , as if they were Patrons of that pernicious Doctrine , whereby they teach their people to murther Princes , if they be contrarie minded to them in Religion . R. Doe it if they will they haue good cause . C. Now ( Sir ) because to morrow is the Sabbath , if you please to goe to the Church I will come and goe with you . R. I am v●rie well content , and I thanke you for it . THE SEVENTH , OR SABBOTH DAYES CONFERENCE . Wherein the order obserued in the Church of SCOTLAND , is declared to be conforme to the ancient order prescribed by the Apostles , and practised in the Primitiue Church . C. GOod morrow ( Sir ) are you ready to goe ? R. When you please . C. What Church wil yee goe to or whom of the Preachers desire you to heare ? R. Make you the choice , I will accompany you . C. Let vs goe then , because you are a ftranger : here you will pardon me to goe before , and shew you the way into the Church , and shew you where you should sit . R. I thank you for it . What is this the people are going to doe ? C. They bow themselues before the Lord , to make an humble confession of their sins and supplications for mercy ; which you will heare openlie read out by the publik● reader . Now when it is done what thinke you of the prayer ? R. Truly I thinke there is no thing in it , but that wherunto eueri● good Christian should say Amen : and it hath done me much good to see the people with humble reuerence , sighing and groning , accompanie the praier vp to God. But what goe they now to doe ? C. Euerie one is preparing ( as you see ) their Psalme-book , that all of them with one heart and mouth , may sing vnto the Lord. There is the Psalme which the Reader hath proclaimed , if you please you may sing with them , or if you cānot follow them in your heart . R. So I will. What doth the Reader now , is he making an other praier ? C. No , yonder booke which now hee open is the Bible : you will heare him read some portion of holy Scripture . Vnd●rstand you what he saies ? R. Yea for sooth , wel enough for hee reades very distinctly . C. These are the three exercises which are vsed in all our congregations , euerie Saboth one houre before the preacher come in , first prayer , then psalms then reading of holi● scripture● and by these the hearts of ●he people are prepared the more reuerently to heare the word , & you see all is done with great quietn●sse , deuotion , and reuerence . R. I see that ind●ed . C. We haue no ser●ice h●re you see in a strange langu●ge the Preacher speakes , and the people prayes in their mother tongue : but the new forme of the Romish Church is to haue all their diuine seruice in the latine tongue . R. Truly , I haue ofttimes maruelled at it ▪ what should moue them to make their prai●●● in a language the people vnderstands not . C. Vitalianus Bishop of Rome , was the first father of this nouelty . R. Put what are they doing now ? C. You heare the third Bell ringing , and in this space the reading ceaseth , and at the ●nd of the Bel ringing , the Preacher will come : But till the Preach●r come in , reade this place of the Apostle Saint Paul , and you shall see what was the old form vsed in the Primitiue Church , and that ours is very agreeabie vnto it , Read the 1 Corinth . 14. ver . 6. And now ( Brethren ) if I come vnto you speaking diuers tongues , what shall I profite you ? except I speake to you either by Reuelation , or by knowledge , or by prophesying , or by doctrine ? 7 Moreouer things without life which giue a sound , whether it be a pipe or a harpe , except they make a distinction in the sounds , how shall it be knowne what is piped or harped ? 8 And also if the Trumpet giue an vncertaine sound , who shall prepare himselfe to battell ? 9 So likewise yee by the tongue , except you vtter wordes that haue signification , how shall it be knowne what is spoken ? for you shall speake in the aire . 10 There are so many kindes of voices ( as it commeth to passe ) in the world , and none of them is dumbe . 11 Except I know then the power of the voice , I shall bee vnto him that speaketh a B●rbarian , and hee that speaketh shall bee a Barbarian vnto me . 12 Euen so , forasmuch as yee couet spirituall gifts , seeke that yee may excell vnto the edifying of th● Church . 13 Wherefore let him that speaketh a strange tongue , pray that hee may interpret . 14 For , if I pray in a strange tongue , my spirit prayeth , but my vnderstanding is without fruit . 15 What is it then ? I will pr●y with the spirit , but I will pray with the vnderstanding also : I will sing with the spirit , and I will sing with the vnderstanding also . 16 Else when thou blessest with the spirit , how shall hee who occupieth the roome of the vnlearned , say , Amen : at the giuing of thankes , seeing hee knoweth not what thou sayest ? 17 For thou verily giuest thāks well , but the other is not edified . 18 I thank my God I speak languages more then yee all . 19 Yet had I rather in the Church to speake fiue words with mine vnderstanding , that I might also instruct others , then ten thousand wor●es in a straenge tongue . You see here that by the Apostles precept , the seruice of God in the publike assemblies of th● Church , should be done in such a language as the people may vnderstand . R. I see it indeed . C. Now if it like you for your further confirmatiō , I wil shew you how the same order , which this day is obserued in our Church concerning the exercises of Gods worship , was also obserued in the Primitiue Church neerest the Apostles dayes . R. It likes me very well to heare it . C. Then will I tell you it out of Iustin Maertyr . R. What a Father was he ? C. A very ancient and learned man , hee liued in the yeare one hundred and fiftie , and of a Philosopher was conuerted to be a Christian : he wrote to the Emp●rour and Senate of Rome , two Apologies in defence of Christian Religion : in the secōd of them so he writes , Die qui solis dicitur omnes qui in oppidis ; vel agris morantur , vnum in locum conueniunt , commentari●que Apostolorum , vel Prophetarum scripta leguntur , quandiu hora patitur , deinde vbi is qui legit destitit , is qui prae est admonet , & hortatur vt e● quae lecta sunt bona imitemur , tum surgimus omnes ac compre●●mur , conclusisqu● nostris precibus panis , vinum , & aquae offeruntur , tum is qui primum locum tenet ●odem modo preces , gratiarumque actionem pro virili mittit , populusque bene dicit , dicens , Amen , & ijs quae cum gr●tiarum actione consecrata sunt vnusquisque participat , eadem ad eos quiabsunt diaconis dantur perferenda , Quibus copiae suppetunt , ij si volunt , quisque si●o arbitratu quod vult largitur , quodque colligitur apud eum qui praest reponitur , isque pupillis , & viduis , & ijs quos morbus , aliaue caeusa inopes fecit , & ijs qui in vinculis sunt , & hospitib●s ●ubuenit . Vpon that day which is called Sunday , all Christians resident in townes and villages assemble in one place , where the written Comment●ries of the Prophets and Apostles are read for the space of an howre , the which being done , the Preacher or President ouer the flocke , admonisheth & exhorts vs to follow the wholesome word read : then get wee all vp and pray together : our prayers being finished , bread , wine , and water are presented , and then the Preacher conceiues feruent praier and thanksgiuing , and the people blesse God , saying , Amen : then euery one taketh a part of these things which were consecrate by thāksgiuing , the same things also are giuen to the Deacons to be● conuaied to these who are absent : And such as haue the things of this world contributes to the poor● as they please , and that which is collected , is giuen him in trust who is President , & hee therwith supports the widdow , fatherlesse , & these whom sicknes or any other cause hath made indigent , as also strangers , and these who are imprisoned . I might shew you the like out of of Tertullian , in his Apologie , aduersus Gentes , Cap. 39. But now the time serues not . R. It needes not for that place , you haue brought from the Apostle , and this other from Iustin Mart●r , may let any man see the order & exercise , which Christians of the church Primitiue obs●rued in their holy assemblies for I see no other thing among them ( as you said ) but publik● reading of the word in a plaine language done by the Reader till the Preacher come in , thē publike singing of Psalms by all the people , th●n preaching , prayer , and collection for the poore . C. You take it vp very well , and God be praised you see that same order among vs : And you who haue seene their seruice , & dumb guise of their Masse , their mumbling of prayers in the Latine tongue , and the vnreuerent prophaning of the sabbath , that is among their people for la●ke of discipline , may soone discerne that how soeuer they brag of an Apostolike Church , yet they haue not kept the ancient Apostolike order . R. It is true indeed , for if a man wil goe to a Papists church to heare Masse , he shall not discerne what the Priest sayes , vnlesse he vuderstand Latine , and I haue many times thought strange of it . C. But it falles out very well that so it should bee : The first Babel for her proud vsurpation , was punished with confusion of Languages , that when the builder spake the people knew not what he craued ; and iustly is the like , Yea a worse plague , in so much as it is Spirituall powred out vpon new Babel , for her intollerable presumption , that when their Priest speakes the people wots not what he sayes . R. In truth it is a great blindnesse . C. And so yee may say : for albeit they had no cleare Diuine warrant in the Word , yet considering that God by an extraordinary decree declared his will to themselues , it is strange they should not giue place vnto it . R. Where haue you that ? C. I find it in Aen●as Siluius their owne man , that when the Slauonians sought licence from Pope Formosus that they might celebr●te Diuine Seruice in their owne mother tongue , the matter being disputed in the Popes Counsell , a voice was heard from Heauen saying , Omnis spiritus laudet Deum , & omnis lingua confiteatur illi : Let euerie Spirit praise the Lord , and all tongues confesse him : Wherevpon at that time that benefit was granted to the Slauonians : but thinke yee it not strange that it should bee denied to other people ? R. I thinke so indeed , specially since the Lord hath declared his will so plainely both in his word , and in that extraordinari● reuelation . But wee must let this alone , for there comes the Preacher . And now ( I pray you ) tell mee how I should behaue my selfe . C. Trouble you not , doe a● you see others beside you : for first he will conceiu● a Pray●r , at the which the people humbles themselues ; thereafter he reads his Text of Holy Scripture , this the people heare with reuerēce , then hee falles to the preaching which some heare with their heads couered , some otherwise , ( in that you may doe as your health requires ▪ ) the preaching being ended hee concludes all with a thanksgiuing , after which there is a Psalme sung by the whole Congregation , and then the Minister blesseth the people in the name of the Lord , and so dimits them : you will see no other thing here . R. Well , I shal obserue it the best I can . C. Now what thinke of it ? R. In truth I think it a most comely and comfortable order , and I thanke God , it is the best Sabbath day that euer I saw . C. Considered you his Text , and how he opened it vp ? R. Yea I haue : Saint Paul in it makes m●ntion of his owne conuersion , and how he was receiu●d to mercy by Christ Iesus , of whom he witnesseth h● came into the World to saue sinners . C. You heard him there declare , how the elect Children of God before their calling differ not in maners from reprobates , but when grac● comes it makes the difference , and causeth them to say with the Apostle , I was a blasphemer , a persecutor , an Idolater , &c. but now ( thankes to God ) I am not so . R. I heard it verie well , and from my heart I also giue thankes to God , who hath receiued mee to his mercie : for I was plunged in the darkenesse of Idolatrie , beside many other filthie sinnes which oppressed mee : but the Lord hath deliuered mee from them all , blessed be God for it . And I thanke you ( my deare Brother ) who hath been an instrument of his grace toward me . C. Nay ( Sir ) all thankes and praise bee vnto the Lord : hee seekes and saues that which was lost , he reduceth his own from their wandrings , and giues life to them who were dead . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A19505-e160 Strom. 5. Gen. 14.13 . Gen. 21.22 . 2. Chron. 13 Pr●u . 4.8 . Nazi●n . ad 〈◊〉 ●pi●● 8 Pisidae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Notes for div A19505-e1210 Act. 24.14 . Quest. 119 Cap. 10. Dist. 19. ca. Si Rom●norum & in Canonici● . Caus. 26. quaest . 2. & Caus. 31. qu●st . 1. Causa . 26. Quest. 2. De verb. Apos● ser. 14. Cent. 2. c. 2. Auentinus in Annal. Boiorum . Sabel . Enn●a● . 7. li. 4. Clem. lib. 1. Recognitionum Lib. 3. Cap. 1. & 3. Cen. Lib. 1. Cap. 10. Baron . Annales . Cent. 1. lib. 2. cap. 10. Holius . Adu●rsus I●daeos . cap. 7.8 . ●aron . annal . anno Christi 183 Sect. 6. Cen●ur . ● . cap. 2. Ce●t . 3. cap. 3. Hom. 4. in Ezech. Ad Euagrium . Holius . Pag. 87. Histor. Britan . lib. 8. cap. 4. Cent. 2. Cap. 2. Cent. 6. li. 5. cap. 17. Riber . in Apoc. 14. Viega . in Apoca. De Pont. Rom. lib. 2. cap. 2. In Apo. 14. In si●e cap. 18. In Apocal. 14. Carthus . In Daniel . 11. In Matth. Hom. 49. Cap. 13. 1. Cor. 1.26 Titus 3.3 Chr●so●t●● 2. Thes. 2. hem . 4. Extrau . Ioh. 22. cap. Cum inter &c. Dist. 40. cap. Si Papae , &c. Dist. ●0 . ca. Non nos in glosa , &c. Causa 25. quast . ● . ca. Ideo , &c. Summa Angelica de casibus Con. scientiae . D●●it Papa . Dis● . 99. ca. Ecce , &c. Oraculorum ●ap . 8. Ibid. Epist. 3. Rhemists . Reuel . 12. R●● . cap. 27. Z●ch 1. Durand . lib. 6. cap. de alijs ieiu●ijs . Cont. Epist. Parme● . l. 2. cap. 8 , Psal. 50.15 . Rom. 8. Gab. Biel. in Cau. Miss . ●ect . 56. Grat. Caus. 1● . 4 . glossa . Siman●h● Pacens . Ep̄isc●pus Institut . Gregor . 13. 1. Cor. 7.13 . C●rd . Alan . Siman●ha Ep●s . Pacens . Instit. Cathol . lib. 46. ●er . 74. Caus. ●3 Quaesi . 8. Bellar. lib. 5. de ●om . Po●ti● . cap. 6.7 . & 4. Apol. ad Anton. Ad Antioch Lib. ad Sca●ul . Tertul. Apolog . c●p . ●8 29. & 30. Apol. 2. ad Anton. Pi●m imperat Hist. Bohem. Cap. 13. 
A28174	----	An useful case of conscience learnedly and accuratly discussed and resolved concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, hereticks, malignants, or any other knoun enemies of truth and godlinesse : useful for these times and therefore published for the benefit of all those who desire to know or retain the sworn to principles of the sometimes famous Church of Christ in Scotland / by Hugh Binning. Binning, Hugh, 1627-1653. 1693 Approx. 167 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28174 Wing B2934 ESTC R24656 08401479 ocm 08401479 41269 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28174) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41269) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1247:3) An useful case of conscience learnedly and accuratly discussed and resolved concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, hereticks, malignants, or any other knoun enemies of truth and godlinesse : useful for these times and therefore published for the benefit of all those who desire to know or retain the sworn to principles of the sometimes famous Church of Christ in Scotland / by Hugh Binning. Binning, Hugh, 1627-1653. 51 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1693. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Church and state -- Scotland. 2003-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN USEFULL Case of CONSCIENCE , Learnedly and Accuratly Discussed and Resolved . Concerning Associations and Confederacies with Idolaters , Infidels , Hereticks , Malignants , or any other knoun Enemies of Truth and Godlinesse . BY M r. HUGH BINNING , Sometime Professor of Philosophie in the Universitie of Glasgow , & thereafter Minister of Gods Word at Goven . Usefull for these times : And therefore published for the benefit of all those , who desire to know or retain the sworn to Principles of the sometimes famous Church of Christ in SCOTLAND . Printed in the Year M.DCXCIII . That the Present Publick RESOLUTIONS And Proceedings , do Import a Conjunction with the MALIGNANT PARTY In the Kingdome , and of the Sin , Danger and Scandal of that way . Sect. 1. That there is a Malignant Party still in the Kingdom . IN the Entry to this businesse , the Importunity of not a few makes it needfull to speak somwhat to a Question which unto this time hath been unquestioned , as beyond all exception , That is . Whether there be yet in Scotland a Malignant Partie ? Or , Whether there be at this time any Partie who may and ought in Reason and Christian prudence be reputed and looked upon as Malignants and disaffected to the Covenanted Cause of God ? It seems the more needfull to speak somwhat of this . First , Because some Ministers are become slack and silent in this point , as if now there were no need of Watchfullness and Warning against any such partie . 2. Because the expressions of many of the people of the Land run that way , that there are now no Malignants in Scotland , and that it is but a few Factious Ministers that will still keep up these names , that they may more easily with , others of their oun stamp weaken and divide the Kingdome for carrying on of their oun ends . 3. Because the Inclinations and Resolutions of the Publick Judicatories in reference to most of the Party who carryed that name , doth clearly import that they do think they are no more to be looked upon as Malignants , as appears from severall of their papers ; especially the Letter written for satisfaction to the Presbytery of Sterling . And therfore this must be laid down as the Foundation of what follows . That there is still in the Land , not only a few persons ; but a Party considerable for Number , Power and Policy , who are Malignant and dissaffected to the Covenant and Cause of God. We would joyn heartily in the desire of many , that these and other such like Odious names of different parties and factions were taken away ; But we cannot joyn in the Reasons of this desire which are ordinarly given . We wish the name Malignant were Obsolete and antiquate , if so be the thing it self , which is such a root of bitternesse , were extirpated out of the Church ; yea though the thing it self remained , if men would hate it for it self , and account it more odious and hatefull than the name imports , we would be glad it were no more heard of : Because we find this prejudice by all such Appropriated Names , that People generally Looks upon that which goes under that name as the only sin : and as if there were not that root of bitterness in all which it grows out of in any ; and so conceive themselves good Christians if they fall not under that hatefull Appellation of Malignants . But seing this bitter fruit of Enmity against Godliness and the Godly , comes to more ripeness and maturity in many of this Generation than in others , who yet are unconverted : And seing it hath been the Custome of the Church of God in all Generations , to discriminate many more Ungodly and knoun haters of Godliness and his people from the common sort of naturall people , and to comprehend them under these names , of Wicked , of Malignant , of Enemies , as may appear in the old Testament , especially in the Psalms . And more especially in our days , that name hath been appropriated to such who have declared themselves in their words or Actions to be haters of Godlinesse and the power thereof , and his People . Or have arisen to the height of Actuall Opposition against these ; we cannot be blamed for using such a name still , for distinctions sake . We proceed to some Reasons . ( 1. ) The constant and Continued Proceedings of the Generall Assembly and their Commissioners for many years past unto this day . There is not almost any of their Warnings , Declarations or Remonstrances , which doth not Assert this , and warn against it , and that not only before the Kings home coming and taking of the Covenant ; but also since that time , as is evident by the Declaration emitted by the Commission in Iuly Last , the Declaration of the Assembly it self a litle after , by the Declaration emitted at Sterling since the defeat at Dumbar , the Causes of the Fast upon that defeat , the Remonstrance to the King at Perth after his escape , together with the Remonstrance given in by them to the Parliament : All which doe clearly hold forth this Truth . ( 2. ) Take Christs Rule , By their fruits ye shall know them . There is a great Party in the Land that adhere to Malignant Principles , bring forth Malignant fruits , and tread Malignant Paths . As may appear in these instances . ( 1. ) A great many of these who have been formerly engadged in such Courses , and under Church Censures , did lately Conjoyne together and rise in Arms , and drew away the King from the Publick Counsels of the Kingdom , and refused to Lay down Arms till they got Conditions agreeable to their mind , which Course of theirs was justly declared by the Commission to carry upon it the stamp of Malignancie in an Eminent way . ( 2. ) The seeking to promove and Establish an Arbitrarie Power in the Person of the King , as it hath been still the Endeavour of the Malignant Party , so it hath been alwayes taken by the Kirk of Scotland as one of their Characters , and that there is a Party now in Scotland , who still hold that Principle and drive this Designe of Arbitrary Power is evident . First , Because these same men who were Lately in Arms , did not only take up Arms upon the Kings simple Warrant , and without the Knowledge and contrare to the mind of the Committee of Estates ; But also received the Act of Indemnity , and laid down Arms , in obedience to the Kings Majesty , without so much as mentioning or Acknowledging the Committee of Estates , as it is to be seen in a Paper Subscrived by them , and in the Remonstrance of the Commission of the Generall Assembly dated at Perth Novr. 29. 1650. The words whereof are these . Your Lordships would Likewise Consider , Whether it doth not Encroach upon the present Constitution of Goverment of this Kingdom , and will not Involve your Lordships in the Guilt of these mens Sin , if You shall accept upon their Laying doun of Arms , Meerly upon the Profession of Obedience to the Kings Command , without any expression of their respect and obedience to the Committee of Estates , or any Acknowledgment of their sin and Offence : which we hope you will look upon as a most Unnaturall and unseasonable rending of the Kingdom , in the tyme of this heavy Oppression by a common Enemy , and exposing the Kingdom to all misery and ruine . 2. It may be remembred that in the first Modell of the Aggreement which was made at Bredah , that clause which doth concern the determining of Civil matters in the Intervall of Parliament , by such as are Authorized by Parliament for that effect , and the Kings Majesty hearkening to their Advice , was wholly left out . And any who are aquainted with expressions and Inclinations of sundry Great Ones in the Land , are not ignorant of their dislyke of a Committee of Estates , and their desire to have the Administration of Matters in the Intervall of Parliament wholly devolved upon the Kings Councell . And the same spirit that would draw businesse from the Committee to a Cabinet Councell , would at last draw them from the Parliament it self : Because that is also , if not more crossing to private Interests and designes than a Committee of Estates . 3 Instance . There is a Party in the Land who as in their hearts they do envy , and in their tongues doe Traduce men that have been stedfast and faithfull in the Covenant and Cause of God ; so do they Endeavour to the utmost of their power , to bring them into Disgrace and Contempt , and to get them removed from Power and Trust ; And upon the other side study with no lesse diligence to get places of Power and Trust in the Army and elswhere filled with such as either have been open enemies or secret underminers . 4 Instance . Be there not many who oppose the Kingdom of Jesus Christ and Work of Reformation ? not only by holding up that old Calumny of Malignants , concerning the seditious and factious humor of Ministers , and their stretching of themselves beyond their lyne , and by mocking all faithfull and free preaching of the Word , and by bearing down the power of Godlinesse , deriding and hating all the lovers and followers thereof , by being impatient of the discipline and Censures of the Church ; But also looking upon the Government of the Church with ane evil eye : And strongly enclyning , some of them , that Church Government be put in the hands of a few Prelates ; most of them that it may be wholly devolved upon the Civil Government . 5. Instance . There is still a party in the Land that endeavour to have the state of the Question altered , and to have Religion left out of the same ; That it being stated upon Civil Interest , they may take to themselves a greater Latitude in their way of carrying on business . This was holden forth to be the designe of the Malignant Party in the year 1648. as appears in the Declaration of the Commission that year in March : and there was a Necessary and Seasonable Warning given against it by the Commission in their Declaration of the date July 1650. ( 3. ) Reason . Besides these who are Excommunicated , there be yet in the Land a Considerable number of persons of Chief note , who do still ly under Censures of the Church , some because of their Accession to the late Unlaufull Engadgment , others because of their Accession to the late Course of Rebellion about the time of the Kings escape from Perth ; beside many others of less Note . ( 4. ) We suppose that it is most certain and unquestionable , that there was lately a Malignant Party and faction in the Land very numerous and powerfull . How many men of blood , Murderers of their brethren , as unnaturall and barbarous as the Irishes they once joyned with against their Countrey ? How many have watched all opportunities for troubling the peace of the Kingdom , and rejoyced in the day of its Calamity ? How many were the Oppressors of these who Called on the Lords Name in the time of the Engadgment ? What multitudes of profane and Ungodly mockers of all Godlinesse and Haters and Persecuters of the Godly , suarming every where ? If this be of truth , as it is indeed ; We may say , who hath heard such a thing ? Who hath seen such a thing ? Shall a Nation be born at once ? And have they so soon Learned to doe well , who have been so accustomed to doe evil ? When did this Catholick Conversion fall out ? and by what means ? Hath the act of Indemnity and Pardon such Influence , to Justify these men from all their Butcheries and Barbarous Cruelties ? The adding of three Thousand to the Church in one day , was miraculous in the days of miracles . But Behold a greater miracle than that , in the days when miracles are ceased ! many Thousands added to the Church of the friends of the Cause of God in one day , and that not by preaching , which is the power of God unto Savation ; Not by spirituall weapons which are mighty through God : But by the Carnall weapon of ane Act of Indemnity , and the example of one Man , the Kings Conjunction in the Cause , which at the best hath not such evidence of reality as to convince any , and change their mind . Sad experience , and the Constant Testimony of the Church of Scotland proves , that Malignancy is a weed that hath deeper and stronger roots than to be plucked up so easily ; and that though there be some , yet they be but few in the Land who have been once engadged in that way , that have really and indeed abandoned and come off the same . The point shall more appear by taking off objections that are made to the Contrary . It is objected . 1. That these who were formerly esteemed Malignants , did oppose the work of God because they could not be perswaded in Conscience , That the Covenant and Cause were Contrived and Carryed on in a Warrantable way , those who were most instrumentall in it , seeming to them not only to act without Authority , but against Authority . But so it is , that the King hath now joined in the Covenant and added his Authority to it , and therfore it needs not be feared that these men will any more oppose it ; Nay it may be expected , they will no lesse Zealously promove the ends thereof than they did formerly oppose the same . Answer . This Argument supposeth some things that are false , some things at best doubtfull , and some things dangerous . It supposeth Tuo falsities . 1. That it was a ground and principle of Conscience and respect to the Kings Authority that made these men to oppose the Covenant and 〈◊〉 of Reformation . If it was the Conscience and Conviction of the Unwarrantablness of it for the want of Authority , that stirred them up to oppose the Covenant and Cause ; Then why did they subscrive it and joyn in the defence of the same against the King ? 2. It supposeth that the only ground , why they did oppose and undermine the same , was , because the King was of a Contrary mind and refused to joyn in the Covenant , and Ratify the same by his Authority , which also is false ; for there were severall other Grounds and Causes of so doing besides this . We shall name a few , leaving the rest to a further scrutinie . 1. The Naturall enmity that is in the hearts of all men against the Lord and his Anointed , his work and his people , and the power of Godlinesse , which doth effectually work in the Children of disobedience . 2. An Enmity against the Power of Parliament and Laws . 3. An Enmity against the Union of the Kingdoms . 4. An Enmity against the Power of Presbyteries and the Discipline of the Church . To which are opposed , A sinfull desire of breaking the bonds , and casting away the Cords of the Lord and his Anoynte ; A desire to establish an Arbitrary Power and unlimited Monarchy ; A desire to Establish a Lordly Prelaticall power in the Persons of a few , or to have the Government of the Church wholly dependent on the Civil Power ; A desire to dissolve the Union of the Kingdoms , that they may be thereby weakned and less able to resist Malignant Designs against Religion and Liberties ; A desire to live loosly without bands in regard of personall Reformation . 2. It supposeth somthing that is at best doubtfull , to wit , That the King hath really joyned unto the Cause of God , there being small Evidences of it , and many presumptions to the Contrary . Especially . 1. His bringing home with him into the Kingdom a number of eminent , wicked and known Malignants . His countenancing of , and familiar conversing with such in this Nation since his coming , and Correspondence with others of them abroad . His deserting of the Publick Counsells of the Kingdome , to joyn to a Partie of bloody and wicked men raised in Arms with his Knowledge and by his warrand . 2. His not being convinced of any guilt in his Father , because of his opposition to the Cause and Covenant , notwithstanding of all the blood of the Lords people shed by him in that opposition . For verifying wherof , we appeal to the Knowledge of some Noblemen and Ministers who have occasion to know his mind , and to be serious with him in this thing . 3. It supposeth somthing that is of very dangerous Consequence 1. That these mens Zeal to the Cause or against it , doth ebb and flow according to the Kings being against it or for it . Since they follow the Cause , not for it self but for the King , will they not desert it when the King forsakes it ? Can they be accounted reall friends of the Cause who are knoun to favour it only ad nutum Principis ? As the Comaedian ait , aio , negat , nego . Is it not all one to follow the Cause for the King and for a mans oun Interest and advantage ? both are alike Extrinsick and Adventitious to the Cause , both are alike Changable . Eccebulus under Constantius was a precise Christian , under Iulian a persecuting Apostate , and then again under the next Christian Emperor became a Christian : And it is like if he had outlived that Emperour till a Heathen succeeded , he should have Paganized the second time . 2. That very principle that is pretended to unite them to the Cause is in the self most dangerous , both to the Priviledges of Parliament and Liberties of people , and to our Religion beside . Their principle of opposition was , They conceived the way followed could not be warrantable without the Kings Consent and warrant . That people might not vindicate their oun just Rights and Liberties , and their Religion , without the Kings Concurrence , or against Him. Now then , the principle of their conjunction to the cause must be this , Because it is now cloathed with Authoritie which it had not before , and which now makes it warrantable . This principle therefore includes in the bosome of it , the establishing of Illimited and Absolute Power in Kings , the Unlawfulness of defensive wars against Tyrannie and Oppression , the Kings Negative voyce , and the dependent Power of Parliaments upon his Pleasure : All which are principles destructive of the Cause and our Liberties , and the very characters of our Enemies from the beginning . Thus they have changed their way but not their principles , and are now the more dangerous that they may not be looked upon as Enemies , but as friends . Seing it is manifest , that it is not the love of the cause that constrains them , and they know , it was not that principle that persuaded the King , but meer Necessity , contrare to his oun inclination . May we not certainly expect , that according to their principles they will labour to set at freedom the King whom they conceive Imprisoned and captivated by the power of necessity within the limits and bounds of a regulated Monarchie , and to loose from him all these chains of Involuntary Treaties and Agreements , and rigid Laws and Parliaments , that he may then act in freedom and Honour according to his oun inclination and theirs both . And then farewell Religion and Liberties . Objection 2. The most part of these who were formerlie Malignant , have now repented of that sin , and make profession of their resolution to adhere to the Covenant and Cause of God , and to bestow their lives and Estates in defence thereof : Therefore they are not now to be esteemed Malignants . Answer . We would wish from our hearts that we had no answer to this Argument , then should we yeeld the point in hand , and yeeld it cheerfully , that there is no Malignant party now in Scotland . But , alas ! that we have so much evidence convincing our consciences and persuading them to deny what is objected . We acknowledge some have indeed repented , and such we desire to embrace and receive with all tenderness & love , as Godly Christians , worthy to be entrusted : But yet the most part of them do still bring forth the same Malignant fruits . Their ungodly and wicked practises testify to their face that they have nothing to do to take his Covenant in their mouth , seing they hate to be Reformed . The late rising in Arms , contrare to their solemne and particular engadgments ; Their bearing down and reproaching the Godly , and such as are of known Integrity ; Their studying to fill places of Trust with men formerly Enemies or Underminers ; Their continuing in their profane and loose walking . All these are more convincing evidences of their retaining their Old principles , than any extorted confessions or professions , for sinister respects and ends , can be probable signs of their repentance and change . We desire these things to be remembred . That the Engadgment was Carryed on , not by Open and professed Enemies ; but such as had made publick profession of their repentance , and were therupon admitted to trust . 2. That upon consideration of the hypocrisy and instability of these men appearing in that and other particulars , the Kirk and Kingdom of Scotland did take upon themselves strait Bonds and Engadgments to exclude such from Trust , untill such time as they had given reall evidences of the reality of their Repentance , and of abandoning their former Principles and wayes ; of which this Kirk was to judge Impartialie as in Gods sight . 3. That it hath been confessed and preached by manie Godly Ministers , and was given in by sundry in the time of the search of the Lords Controversy against the Land , in Novr. last at Perth , and hath been bemoaned and regrated by many of the people who feared God ; That there is a great deal of sin and Guilt Lying on the Kirk of Scotland , for the sudden receiving of Scandalous persons , especially Malignants , to the publick profession of Repentance before there was in them any reall evidence of their forsaking their former Principles and wayes . Objection 3. None are now to be esteemed Malignants , in reference to Employment and Trust , but such as stand Judiciallie Debarred by Kirk and State to be so : for certainly , men are not to ly under the burden of so great a reproach , upon the privat whisperings and Common reports of others ; otherways , honest men may be wronged , and there shall be no end of confusion , or terminating this Controversie , there being no certain Rule to walk by in it . Answer . We Acknowledge that surmisings , whisperings and reports of others are not sufficient , but that a Rule is needfull . All the Question will be , what is that Rule ? And though the Judiciall debarring of Judicatories be not all , but it must be Ruled by another Rule , yet are we willing to take it for so much : for even that will prove there is yet a Malignant Party in Scotland : Because many are standing under Church Censures . These involved in the Late Rebellion , are standing under a sentance of the Commission , declaring them to be following their old Malignant designes , few of them are yet admitted to profession of Repentance . We desire it may be Considered , that the Rule holden forth by the Kirk of Scotland , 1648. for admitting of Persons to Trust , is of larger extent than Judiciall sentence or Censure . To wit , that they be such against whom there is no just cause of exception nor jealousy . 2. Albeit a Judiciall tryall or Censure be indeed necessary , for inflicting punishment or Censure upon men : Yet it is not necessary for avoyding Association with them , or debarring them from Trust. 3. If none were to be accounted Malignants , but they who are Judicially ▪ declared to be such , what needed the Kirk of Scotland have frequently taken so much pains , to give Characters to know them by ; there being so clear and Compendious a way besyde ? Hath there not been alwayes in the Land secret underminers as well as open Enemies ? And hath not faithfull men avoyded the one as well as the other ? 4. The Generall Assembly 1648. Declared the taking in of these who followed Iame Grahame to be Association with Malignants , though most part of them were then Released from Church Censures . Section 2. That the Present Publick Resolutions , expressed in The Commissions Answer to the Parliaments Quaere , and the Act of the Levie , doe not exclude that Party . IN the next Place , Upon supposall and proof , that there is a Malignant Party & faction still in the Land ; It is needfull to examine , whether the exceptions contained in the Answer of the Commission to the Parliaments Quaere , and insert into the Act of Levie , be so Comprehensive as to include all that Party . The exceptions be four . First , Such as are excommunicated . 2. Such as are Forfaulted . 3. Such as are Notoriously profane or flagitious . And 4. Such as have been from the beginning , and continues still , Or at this tyme are , obstinate Enemies and opposers of the Covenant and Cause of God. That these are not Comprehensive of the whole Malignant Party in the Land , appears . First , The Rules of the Generall Assembly framed for the exclusion of all such , as ought not to be employed in our Armies , are far more Comprehensive . The Rule is for employing of such only as are of a Christian and blameless Conversation , which is turned over by their Commissioners into a Negative , All that are not notoriously profane or flagitious . Another is , For entrusting only these who have been of knoun Integrity and Constant Friends to the Cause of God , from the beginning . Which is also turned over into a Negative ; All that have not been Constant Enemies . All such , by the answer , are Capable of some Trust and Employment . The Rules agreed upon by the Assembly , and Ratifyed by Act of Parliament Anno 1649. And renewed upon occasion of this Invasion , was , That no Officer nor Souldier that followed Iames Graham , should be permitted in the Army ; Nor any Officer that was on the Engadgment , except such as upon Reall evidence of Repentance , were Particularly Recommended by the Church , Nor any Common souldier , but upon sufficient Testimony of his Repentance . Now since it is proved , that the most part of all such , continues still Malignants , and retains their old Principles ▪ And that the bulk and bodie of the people are Called forth by the Publick Resolution , without such exceptions as were conceived before necessary , for the exclusion of that Party ; It follows clearly , that the Malignant Partie is not excepted in the present Resolutions . 2. Few of these who were in the Late Rebellion , and declared , not many days since , to be following a most Malignant designe and Course , are Contained under these exceptions ; Because very few of them are Excommunicated or Forfaulted : and though moe of them be indeed flagitious and Profane ; Yet very few of them will fall under the Compasse of the Exception , Notoriously flagitious . Many wicked things will be said to concurr to make up a Profane man ; some acts will not serve ; a habit must be demonstrated : and though that were shewed ; Yet there must be also Notoriety of it , which imports a man to be famous for Loosnes and Profanity ; and there be none almost , if any , in the Land , who have been professed Enemies from the beginning , and Continue so to this day . Iames Graham was not such . It is the matter of our sad Complaint , that whilst many are Enemies , they make Profession and Semblance of friendship . 3. These exceptions doe not Comprehend any who are under Censure for Malignancy or Profanity , except such as are under the sentance of Excommunication ; And that even such may not be excluded , Lest the Rule be transgressed , by admitting and employing Excommunicated Persons . 'T is withall resolved , that these Persons shall be relaxed from that sentence , that so they may be immediately in the same Capacity of Employment with others , whatever formerly hath been their Opposition or Defection . Some exceptions must be made , for Honesty and Credits sake : But the nearest and readiest way is taken to make them Ineffectuall . 4. These exceptions do not only not reach these who were upon the Unlawfull Engadgment , and have not as yet given sufficient proof of their Abandoning their Malignant Principles and Courses ; But come not the Length of Comprehending these men of blood who followed Iames Graham , and in the most barbarous and Cruell way , shed the blood of their oun Brethren and Gods people ; because the most part of these are not Ex communicated nor Forfaulted . Nor Notoriously flagitious and Profane , Nor such as have from the beginning been , and are still Enemies . If any will say , that such are Comprehended under these exceptions . Why did the Commission expresse the exceptions in such terms , as to mens common Apprehension do not include many ? especially seing there are known Rules , particular and distinct , without Ambiguity ; and seing there is such a Propension in Rulers to employ all without Difference , which would undoubtedly take Advantage of any thing that seemed to look that way . It is likewise manifest , that the second part of the Answer , relating to the Capacity of Acting , is loadned with the same Inconvenience . 1. There is no positive determination of the Qualifications of Persons to be intrusted , as in former times it was agreed on by the Assembly and their Commissioners : but that is now referred to the discretion of the Parliament ; Together with such Diminutive termes , as gives them great Latitude to go upon . Before , No trust was given to such persons ; Now , it is allowed they shal have some trust : and how much is not determined , nor what degree of it is prejudiciall to the Cause ; Which it appears , the Parliaments proceedings in Nomination of Officers , unquestioned by the Commission , is a good Commentarie to expone that they may have any trust , except to be Generall Officers ▪ 2. Our former Estalished Rule was , that no persons should be Entrusted , but such as are of known Integritie , and have been constant friends of the Cause . But how far is this diminished ? They who are such , only recommended to be espcially taken notice of . Less could not be said by any , more ought to have been said by the Commission . And though no such notice be taken of such by the Parliament ; But on the Contrare , those who have been most faithfull , and suffered in the late defeat at Hamiltoun . They are used as Enemies , worse than Malignants in former times ; yet there is no Testimony given against such things . Quantum mutatus ab illo Coetu qui quondam fuit ! Before we enter upon the Chief Question , We offer these manifest and known Truths to Consideration . 1. The Occasion of Contriving and subscribing first the Nationall Covenant , and then the Solemne League and Covenant , was , The designes and Practises of the Popish , Prelaticall and Malignant Partie , against Religion and the Work of Reformation in these Kingdoms . 2. Since the Contriving and subscriving of the same , it hath been the continual endeavour of that Party , somtimes by Undermining , and sometimes by open Opposition , to undo the same , and to bear down all those that clave honestly thereto , and faithfully prosecute all the ends thereof . 3. That there hath been these many years past , and still is , such a Party , in all the three Kingdoms , Considerable for Number , Power and Policy . 4. That that party , hath always prosecuted their designe , under a Colour of gzeal and respect to the Kings Authority and Interest . 5. That that party hath always been the Authors and Abettors of much bloodshed , many Miseries and sad Calamities to these Nations . 6. That the People of God in these Kingdoms , have taken upon themselves a most Solemne and Sacred bond of ane Oath and Covenant to Discover them , and bring them to Condigne punishment . 7. That it hath been one of the predominant sins of Scotland under the bond of the Covenant , to Comply with them . 8. That Indignation and wrath from the Lord , hath been following that Party and their Designes these years past . 9. That Complyances with them hath alwayes been Cursed to us of God. 10. That few of that Party , doe really Abandon & forsake their corrupt Principles and way , and joyn Cordially in the Cause and Covenant . 11. That many of them doe , after the Profession of their Repentance for their opposition to the Cause and Covenant of God , relapse frequently into the same sin . 12. That sudden receiving of many of them to Fellowship and Trust , and too great Credulity in beleiving their professions , hath often cost this Land very dear 13. That upon Consideration of the deep Treachery and Hypocrisie of these men , and the sad Consequents following upon sudden receiving of them , without Evidence of a Change , after long and renewed Experience , this Land renewed their obligations more strictly in the Solemne Engadgment . 14. That there hath been a Designe driven these two years past , to get that Partie again in Power and Trust. 15. That this designe hath been testified against , by the Publick Resolutions of the Judicatories unto this time . 16. That as it hath been driven at very cunningly and Actively , by many Instruments and Arguments of severall sorts ; so hath it gained ground peece and peece , untill at Length many of them are brought into the Court , and to the Armie and Judicatories in the Countrey : And now , by the Publick Resolutions , they are generally to be employed and Intrusted . Thus the Designe is Accomplished . But 17. These men do not satisfie themselves with some Degree of Power ; But endeavour to Ingross the whole power of the Kingdome into their oun hands , and study to bring into Contempt , and Cull out these , who have been and do continue Constant in the Cause of God. 18. That having power into their hands , They must act according to their oun Principles , and for estalishing their oun Ends. And Lastly , That these Principles and Ends , are destructive to the Covenant and Work of Reformation . That the Employing of , and Associating with the Malignant Party , according as is contained in the Publick Resolutions , is Sinfull and Unlawfull . IF there be in the Land a Malignant Party of Power and Policy , and the Exceptions Contained in the Act of Leviae doth Comprehend but few of that Party ; Then there needs be no more difficulty to prove , that the Present Publick Resolutions and Proceedings , do import ane Association and Conjunction with a Malignant Party , than to gather a Conclusion from clear Premisses . But that such a Conjunction is in it self sinfull and unlawfull , and besides , A violation of our solemne Oaths and Engadgments ; A backslyding from our Principles and Professions , And a walking Contrare to the whole tenure and current of our former Resolutions and practises , is now to be made manifest . First , We reason from that Constant , standing and perpetuall Rule , which the Lord gives concerning the modelling and Carriage of the Armies of his people in all their Wars . Deut. 23. 9. When the Host goes forth against their enemies , then Keep thee from everie wicked thing . And after . If there be among yow , any man that is unclean , by reason of uncleanness that Chanceth him in the night , then shall he go abroad out of the Camp , he shall not come within the Camp. ( If for Ceremoniall uncleanness he was to be excluded , much more for Morall , as our Divines Reason from the Old Testament in the point of Excommunication ; and if for uncleanness not Voluntary , much more for Voluntary wickednesse . ) The Reason of all is given verse 14. for the Lord thy God walks in the midst of the Camp , to deliver thee , and to give up thine Enemies before thee : Therfore shall thy Camp be holy , that he see no unclean thing in thee and turn away from thee . Even as they would expect a blessing of the Lord , so ought they to keep their Camp holy , as he is holy ; He gives not such a strict Rule for the Competency of Number , as for the Qualifications of the Persons , as being the Principall thing . Therfore the present Conjunction with so many ungodly and wicked men , that have formerly declared themselves Enemies to God and his people , and to this day give no evidence to the contrary , is sinfull and unlawfull . 2. The Lord hath frequently in scripture declared his dislike and hatred of such Associations and Conjunctions . The Scriptures cited in the Generall Assemblies Declaration in the year 1648. against the Engadgment , are sufficient proof of this . We shall take the Argument as it is formed by the Commissioners of that Assembly , In their Answer to the Observations of the Committee of Estates upon the Assemblies Declaration . Pag. 7. Every Engadgment in War , that is pretended to be for Religion , and hath in it a Confederacie & Association with wicked men , enemies of True Religion is sinfull and unlawfull . But the present Engadgment in War , as it is held forth in the Publick Resolutions , is pretended to be for Religion ; and yet hath in it a Confederacy and Conjunction with wicked men , and Enemies of True Religion . Ergo. The second Proposition is evident from the two first Sections . The first Proposition is proved from these Scriptures forementioned , God forbade Conjunctions and Confederacies with the Enemies of his Cause and people . Not only the Canaanites . Exod. 34. 12. 15. Deut. 7. 2. and other Heathens , Such was Asa his Covenant with Benhadad 2. Chron. 16. to verse 10. Ahaz his Confederacy with the King of Assyria 2 Kings 16. 7 , 10. 2 Chron. 18. 16. But also with wicked men of the seed of Abraham , as Iehoshaphats with Ahab 2 Chron 18. 3. And Ahab King of Israel said unto Iehoshaphat King of Iudah , with thow go with me to Ramoth-Gilead ? And he Answered him , I am as thow art , and my people as thy people , and we will be with thee in the war. Compared with Chap. 19. 2. And Iehu the son of Hanani the Seer , went out to meet him , and said to King Iehoshaphat , Shouldst thow help the ungodly , and Love them that hate the Lord ? therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord. And with Ahaziah 2 Chron. 20. 35. And after this did Iehosbaphat King of Iudah joyn himself with Abaziah King of Israel , who did very wickedly . Which being reproved for , he would not again joyn with Ahaziah 1 Kings 22. 49. Then said Ahaziah the Son of Ahab unto Iehoshaphat , Let my servants go with thy servants in the ships : But Iehoshaphat would not . And then Amaziah's Association with 100000 of Israel 2 Chron. 25. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. But there came a man of God to him , saying , O King Let not the Armie of Israel go with thee ; for the Lord is not with Israel , to wit , with all the Children of Ephraim . ver 8. But if thow will go , do it , be strong for the battel : God shall make thee fall before the Enemy : for God hath power to help and to Cast down . ver 9. And Amaziah said to the man of God. But what shall we do for the hundred talents which I have given to the Army of Israel ? And the man of God answered . The Lord is able to give thee much more than this . ver 10. Then Amaziah separated them , to wit , the Army that was come to him out of Ephraim , to go home again : Wherfore their anger was greatly Kindled against Iudah , and they returned home in great anger . The sin and danger of such Associations may further appear from Isay 8. 12 , 13. Say ye not , A Confederacy , to all them to whom this people shall say , A Confederacy ; neither fear ye their fear , nor be afraid . ver 13. Sanctifie the Lord of Hosts himself , and let Him be your fear , and let him be your dread . Jer. 2. 18. And now what hast thow to do in the way of Assyria to drink the Waters of the River ? Psal. 106. 35. But were mingled among the Heathen and learned their works . Hosea 5. 13. When Ephraim saw his sicknesse , and Iudah saw his wound , then went Ephraim to the Assyrian , and sent to King Iareb : Yet could be not heal yow , nor cure yow of your wound . and Chap. 7. 8 , 11. Ephraim , he hath mixed himself among the people , Ephraim is a cake not turned . ver . 11. Ephraim also is like a silly dove without heart , they call to Egypt , they go to Assyria . 2 Cor. 6. 14 , 15. Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers : for what fellowship hath righteouness with unrighteousness ? and what Communion hath Light with darknesse ? ver 15. And what Concord hath Christ with Belial ? or what part hath he that believeth with an Infidel ? And if we should esteem Gods enemies our enemies , and hate them with perfect hatred , how can we then joyn with them as friends ? Psal. 139. 21. The Committee of Estates at that time endeavoured to elude the strength of these Scriptures , and vindicate their Engadgment from the falling within the Compasse of them . But the Commission of the Assembly that year took the mask off their evasions . Would to God we had no other Party to deal with now . It was the evil and Complaint of that time , that Church and State was divided . But what ane evil time are we now fallen into , that the union of these in this point , is the complaint of many of the Godly ? The Commission , in their Letter to Sterling Presbyterie , sets up the Committees answer in a new dresse , and holds it out for satisfaction to our Consciences . All that is answered may be reduced to three or four heads . 1. There is made a great difference between ane Invasive and Defensive War , as if in the one , Choise of Instruments ought to be sought : but in the case of Just and necessary defence , all subjects may be Imployed . To which we answer . 1. That the Scriptures cited conclude most expresly against Conjunctions of that Kind in defensive Wars . Such was Asa's Covenant , such was Ahaz his Confedracie . Was not the reproofs of the Prophets directed particularly against the peoples seeking of help from Egypt and Assyria in the Case of their oun Just and necessary defence ? Ier. 2. 18. Hosea 5. 13. and 7. 8. 11. Isay , 8. 12 , 13. 2 Chron. 16. to ver 10. 2. The Law and Rule given Deut. 23. is Generall , regulating all their Wars whether Defensive or Offensive ; and it is strange that any should imagine such a difference where the Law makes none ; nay , when the ground of the Law is Morall and Generall , equally respecting all Wars . Is there any Ground of Conscience , why wicked persons may not be kept in the camp when we invade others , and yet these may be employed and entrusted when we defend our selves ? If there be any Reason to preferr the one to the other in this point , we conceive Defensive War should have the preference : Because when the Lord brings upon us injust invasion , he is ordinarly pursuing a Controversie against us : and therfore we ought to be most tender and circumspect , that there be no unclean thing in the Camp , and put away every wicked thing from us , even the appearance of evil ; Lest we add oyl to the flame of his Indignation , and he seeing such ane unclean thing in us , turn yet further from us . Except we say , that we need not take a care to have God in the camp with us , when we are upon Just and necessary defence , seing our Cause is so good . 3. There is more hazard and danger to our Religion and Liberties , to have a wicked Malignant Army at home among us , than abroad in another Nation . While they are here , they have the power of the Sword , and can command all : But there might be some hope and endeavour , for vindicating our oun Liberties and Religion while they are abroad , as it fell out in the time of the Engadgment . 2. It is answered , that there is a difference between this Case and the Engadgment : Because there was then no necessity of choosing such Instruments , a competency of power might be had : But now it is not so : And therfore the Scriptures mentioned do not militate against the present case . Answer 1. The Scriptures cited will obviate this . What made Israel and Iudah , run to Egypt and Assyria for help , but their weakness and necessitie ? Their wound was incurable , and their bruise grievous , as Ieremiah often Laments , and particularly Cap. 8. 20 , 21 , 22. and 10. 19. &c. and yet this did not excuse them for going to Egypt or Assyria to heal their wound Hos. 5. 13. and 7. 8 , 11. The Scripture holds out Infidelity and Distrust in God , as the ground of such Associations . 2. Chron. 16. 7 , 8 , 9. Isay. 8. 12 , 13. Which proceeds from the incompetency of Means as the occasion of it . 2. Suppose there were a necessitie for the calling forth the bodie of the Common people , yet certainly , there is no necessity of Employing any such persons of whom the Question is , and putting them in places of Trust : There is none can deny , but there are , besides all secluded persons , many , that might fill the places of Trust and Power : Therfore the plea of necessity is but a Pretence to cover some Designe , that under its specious and Plausible Covering , the power of the Land may be Ingrossed into the hands of Malignants : And so by this means all Power and Trust may return as the rivers to the sea or fountain ( as they Judge ) the King ; that so in his Person there may be established ane Unlimited and Arbitrary Power . 3. Necessity is a very plausible Argument and strong plea to Carnall reason for any thing ; But it cannot be a good ground , in point of Conscience , for that which is sinfull in it self . Now that this is sinfull in it self appears from the Word of God , simply condemning such Associations upon moral , and so Generall and perpetuall grounds . Now in such a case of necessity , we are called either to trust in God , in the use of competent means , seing in such Cases we have so many promises ; or , if all help be gone , which God allows us to make use of , we must wait on him till He bring Salvation with his oun Arm. But because the plea of necessity is the strongest that is made use of for the Present Publick Resolutions , we must consider it a litle more . It is aleadged , that the best part of the Land is under the feet of the Enemie , and so no help can be had from it ; and for other parts of the Land which are yet free , there is not much Choise of Persons ; and the testimony of faithfull men in the State , Declares , that when all that are called forth of these places , are gathered , it cannot amount to a power Competent enough : And therefore in such a Question of the Existence of second means , the knowledge whereof immediately depends on sense and experience , these who are not aquainted , should give Credit to the testimony of faithfull Witnesses . And that a Competency of power must be had , according to the ordinary way of Providence , in relation to which we must act , except we would tempt God by requiring of him wonders . Answer . Suppose the Enemies Armie to Consist of 20000 or above , Are there not moe sensible persons in the Shyres on the North side of Forth ? Believe it who please , we cannot stop our oun Consciences , and put out our oun eyes . Let the rolls of severall shyres be Looked to , and it shall confute that Testimony . Nay , are there not moe persons not formerly secluded in all these Shyres ? What meant the Levie appointed immediately after Dumbar ? was not 10000 Foot and 1400 Horse put upon these Shyres which are not under the power of the Enemy ? and yet the Rules of exclusion was not abandoned . Now all these , or most part of these , are yet in the Countrey not Levied . Money was taken in stead of men , the Levies obstructed ; So that there was litle Addition to the strength of the Forces that remained ; the Forces diverted by the insurrection of the Malignants in the North , at the Kings command or warrand . All which hath such pregnant presumptions of a designe carryed on to Necessitate the Kingdom to Employ that Party , by the cunning Polititians of the time , by obstructing the Levies , raising the Malignants , and then pacifying them by an act of Indemnity : and at last openly and avowedly Associating with them . Thus the designe is accomplished which was long since on foot . 2. If satisfying Courses had been studyed by the publick Judicatories to carry on all the Godly in the Land with their Resolutions , there had accrued strength from the parts of the Land be-south Forth , which would have compensed all that competency of Power that the Conjunction of the Malignants makes up : and it may be would have been more blessed of God. 3. If there be no help required nor expected from these parts of the Kingdom be-south Forth , wherefore did the Commission write to the Presbyteries in these bounds that they might Concur actively in their stations for the furtherance of the Levies , and choose Ministers to go out with them ? 3. It is Answered That the Confederacies reproved were Unlawful , because they were either with Heathens , or with Idolaters , strangers and Forraigners . This is answered to the Case of Amaziah &c. and so it seems not to make against the present Case , the employing all Subjects in the just and necessary defence of the Kingdom . Answer . 1. This answer at one blow cuts off all the strength of the Generall Assemblies reason against the Association with Malignants in that year . There might be some few persons Idolaters , but there was no party and faction such ; and yet they can deny Association with the English Malignants from these Scriptures ; Yea not only with them , but with our oun Countreymen that was in Rebellion with Iames Grahame , who were neither Idolaters nor Forraigners . We need no other answer than the Commission at that time gave to the Committee of Estates using that same evasion . pag. 10. 11. 2. The ground and reason whereupon such Associations are condemned , is more generall and comprehensive . Iehoshaphat was reproved for joyning with Ahab , because he was ungodly and hated the Lord , which is properly in our terms , because he was a Malignant and profane man. It were a strange mocking of Scripture to Restrict Ungodliness , in that place to the sin of Idolatry . Confederacie with the Canaanites and other Nations was forbidden on this ground , that the people be not ensnared , and learn not their works . Now is not the Company of , and Communion with ungodly men of the same generall profession , but mockers and haters of the power thereof , as infectious and ensnaring ? Nay it s more apt to ensnare because of the profession . Paul would have as much distance kept with a brother walking Unorderly , as a Pagan : for such a one as walks contrary to their profession of the true Religion , do evidence more ungodliness and wickednesse , than a ignorant and superstitious Papist that walks precisely according to his profession . There is some Principle of Conscience stirring in the one : but it s seared in the other with an hot iron . God ranks such , who are Uncircumcised in heart , with the uncircumcised in flesh . Ought not his people to do so to ? 3. The Rule of modelling Armies and purging the Camp is most Comprehensive Deut. 23. Not only of Idolaters and Forraigners , but every wicked thing and Unclean thing was to be removed out of the Camp. Now seing these Examples are transgressions of this Law , what reason is there to make the only ground of reproving and condemning of them to be , because Idolaters were Associated with , as if any other might be joyned with that is not an Idolater . 4. That Reason against Amaziah's Conjunction with Israel is wrested by some , expounding it thus . God is not with them , is not understood in regard of a state of grace , as appears , nor in regard of Gods prospering providence : because he was often with them in that Regard : but it must be understood in regard of an Idolatrous profession . But we reply , that it is true it is not understood in regard of a state of grace ; nor simply in regard of his prospering Providence : But Ut plurimum , the Lord for the most part crossing them till they were cutt off from being a Nation . But especially it is to be meant in regard of a Course opposite to God , according as the Lord speaks , 2 Chron. 15 : 2. The Lord is with you while ye be with him ; but if ye forsake him he will forsake you . If any will restrict this to Idolatry , he hath no ground from Scripture for such a Limitation ; but being engadged in the business , he wrests the Scriptures to his oun destruction . Sure we are , there are many palpable forsakings of God , and Gods forsaking of men , beside Idolatry and false worship . 5. That which is said , That God did not Command Amaziah to dismisse any of his oun Subjects . Either it makes nor much to the present business , or els it strikes against the Law of God it self , that Commanded such strict purging of the Camp. From whom I pray you ? Certainly from wicked Israelites , from wicked Countrey men : Therefore if there was any such among the men of Iudah , he ought to have put them out of the Army as well as the Israelites . Nay the Command of dismissing the Israelites , was , really and upon the Matter , a Command to Purge his Camp of all that was of the stamp of the Israelites . It is strange that the Civil difference of strangers and Citizens should make such Difference in the point of Conscience . Ought we not to hate the Lords enemies with a perfect hatred , not as English-men , not as strangers , but as Enemies . Levi knew not his brother , this was his honour ; but many now for respect to their brethren , know not God. It is the Moral Quality that the Law of God respects , without respect of Persons and Countreys . To be a Citizen , if not qualified , doth no more plead for employment in foro Conscientiae and before God , than to be a stranger and qualified doth impede trust and employment in foro Conscientiae and before God. 5. It may be Answered ( and it is by some ) That these Scriptures plead , that there should be no Conjunction with wicked men in a Quarrell of Religion : but seing our present business is the Defence of the Kingdome , all subjects , as subjects , stand in Capacity of employment for that end , though in reference to the defence of Religion there must be a choise . Answer . 1. The Commission have vindicated themselves in a letter to Sterling Presbytery from that Imputation , that it is said , they state the Quarrell and Cause meerly upon Civil things in the Answer to the Parliaments Querie . But Certainly there is just ground given to these that are watching for any such thing , to state the Cause so : because they do contrare to all former Custom and Practise , mention the Defence of the Kingdom only , as it had been of purpose , to make the employing of all members of the body or subjects of the Kingdom for its defence more Plausible . But we answer to the point , The Associations and Conjunctions that are Condemned in the cited Scriptures , are some of them for Civil Quarrells , so far as we know ; some of them in the point of just and necessary Defence of the Kingdom , and yet that doth not Justifie them . 2. The Rule given them Deut. 23. was regulating all their wars , and clearly holds forth , that all subjects as subjects , and members of the Politick body , though as such there is an obligation lying on them to Defend the whole ; yet they are not in actuall and nearest Capacity to the performance of the Duty , if they be wicked and unclean . And the reason is , because the Lord would have the Wars of his People his oun wars , and all that they do , to his Glory ; Num. 21 ▪ 14. 2. Chron. 20 : 15. Col. 3 : 17. More especially such solemne undertakings , there ought to be a difference between his people , acting for Self-defence , and other Nations . 3. Although the Defence of the Kingdom and Defence of the Cause , be Different in themselves , yet are they Unseparable . Whoever is entrusted with the Defence of the Kingdome really and de facto ; he is to ipso entrusted with the defence of the Cause : Therefore the People of God , who ought alwise to have Religion first in their eye , ought , especially in raising Forces for self-preservation , levell at Religion , and direct the Choise of Instruments in Relation to that Mark , that they destroy not Christians while they save Subjects , and preserve our bodies to destroy our souls . 3. Reason . That which is dissonant from and contrare unto all our former Resolutions and Proceedings , Oaths and Engadgments , Confessions and Humiliations , must needs be most Unlawfull , or they themselves , as to that point , were Unlawfull . But the present Resolutions and proceedings are dissonant from , and contrare to all these . Ergo. Either our Present or our former Resolutions and Practises were Unlawfull ; either we were wrong before , or we are not right now . The second Proposition may be made manifest from 1. The present Resolutions are contrare to the Solemne League and Covenant in the fourth Article and the sixth . To the fourth , Because we put power in the hands of a Malignant Party , power of the sword , which is inconsistent in the oun nature of it with either actuall punishing of them , or endeavoring to bring them to punishment . Unless it be intended to bring them all forth , and expose them to the slaughter for a Sacrifice for the Land , which may be the Lords mind indeed , howbeit they know not his thoughts . And to the sixth Article , Because its a declyning to the contrary Party , even that party against whom the Covenant was at the making expresly contrived . And as the Declaration of the Generall Assembly 1648. hath it , It s a joyning with one enemy to beat another , with a black Devil to beat a white . It is most Ingenuously answered , that the present Resolutions are not contrare to the Covenant . Because such as are descrived in the Covenant are not allowed to be employed , meaning , that these men are not now Malignants . What needs men make such a Compasse to Justifie the Publick Resolutions , seing there is so easy and ready a way straight at hand ? This one answer might take off all the Arguments made against them , that there is no Malignant party now : which is the foundation that being removed , all the building must fall to the ground . But we have in the First article evinced that , which had been scandalous to have proved , if it had not been Questioned . If it were indeed true , that no Malignants are allowed to be employed , what needed the Commission in their Letter to Sterling Presbytery take so much pains from Scripture and Reason to justify the present Resolutions , when the clearing of that one point had cleared all ? As for the Declaration of the Assembly Anno 1648. It is answered , that none are to be employed , that continue natourly in the Courses of Malignancy , which was done that year . Wheras the Malignant Party that was then Associated with , would have engadged to be faithfull to all the ends of the Covenant , many of them were such as had been in Covenant , and made shew of their repentance for their defection from it : and so there is no difference in this particular . 2. The solemne Acknowledgment of Publick sins is so clear and peremptory in this , that it makes us tremble to think on it Pag. 6 Should we again break his Commandments and Covenant , by joyning any more in Affinity with the people of these Abominations , and take in our bosome these serpents , which have formerly stung us almost to death ? this , as it would argue much folly and madness , So no doubt , it would provoke the Lord to consume us till there be no remnant of escaping . Let the 6th . Article also be considered . Joyn to this the Declaration of the Commission , upon report of this enemies invading Pag. 6. where it is Declared , that Malignants shall not be Associated with , nay not countenanced and permitted to be in our Armies . The Generall Assembly after this , upon the enemies entry into Scotland , gives serious warning to the Rulers , to take heed of snares from that Partie : and that the rather , because men ordinarly are so taken with the sense of Danger , as not to Look back to that which is behind them &c. How often have we sentenced our selves unto Wrath ▪ and Consumption if we shall fall into this sin again ? All these and the like , are endeavoured to be taken off , by saying that our Engadgments in this point , was conceived in a way of Prosecution of the Cause ; But to be no impediment of just and necessary defence which we are bound to by Natures Law which no humane Law can Infringe . But we reply . 1. It is strange , our prosecution of the Cause these years past , should be Contradistinguished from the defence of it and the Kingdome . It was conceived that our War in England was Defensive not Invasive , that it was necessitated for the defence even of our Kingdom , but it seems it is now questioned ; But passing what was acted abroad , Certainly all our Wars at home were meerly Defensive , both against unjust Invasion and seditious Insurrections . Now our solemne Engadgments were conceived , in relation ▪ to our actings at Home especially , and modelling our Armies for the defence of our Liberties and Religion . We knew well enough that a just invasive war is a rare accident in the world , and that the flock of Jesus Christ are , for the most part , obnoxious to the violence of others , as sheep among wolves : but are not often called to prey upon others . 2. To call our Solemne Engadgments and Declarations , grounded upon our oaths and upon the Word of God , Humane Laws and Constitutions , that must cede to Natures Law , it is indeed ingenuous dealing : because to Justifie the present proceedings , there can be no more expedite way , than to condemne by past Resolutions for the peremptoriness of them , and to make them grounded on Politick Considerations , which are alterable : But it imports a great change of Principles . We conceive that all Humane Laws that are not for the Matter grounded on the Word of God , that oblidge not Conscience but in the Case of Scandal , and in regard of the generall end , are alterable , and changeable , whenever they come in opposition to the Law of Nature , Self-defence , Law of God written in the Word . And therefore that Act of Parliament mentioned by the Commission , Discharging all subjects to rise without the Kings Command , which was made use of against our first taking Arms , was no wayes binding on the subjects not to rise in the Defence of their Religion and Liberties when in hazard . And we wonder that that Law should be compared to our Solemne Engadgments , which are grounded upon oaths and Gods Word , as touching the very matter and substance of them , as if our Engadgments did no more bind us now , in case of defence , than that Law did bind us then . Royalists might be excused for preferring the Kings will to Gods ; but we cannot be pardoned for equalizing them . And especially while we consider that that forementioned Act undoubdely hath been intended , for the establishing of ane Arbitrary and Absolute Power in the Kings hand ; that the Subjects may not have Liberty to save themselves , except the King will. Where God hath given us Liberty by the Law of Nature , or his Word ; No King can justly ty us , and when God binds us and oblidges us by any of these , No King or Parliament can loose us or unty us . 3. The Declaration of the Commission and Assembly upon this invasion , Renues the same bond of our former Engadgments ; Yea and speaks expresly , in the Case of fewness and scarceness of Instruments , against the Unbelief of people that are ready in danger to choose any help . Therefore that which is said in answer , that at that time there was a Choise of Instruments which now is not , it may indeed condemn and falsifie the Declarations at that time , in the supposing of the Paucitie of Instruments , and in the application of that Doctrine and divine truth to that time ; but it doth not speak any thing against the application of that truth therein contained to our time ; it being more manifest , that we have greater necessity and less Choise of Instruments : and so in greater hazard of unbelief , and overlooking what is behind us . 3. It is of all Considerations the most Confounding , to reflect upon our former Humiliations and Fasts . How often hath it been Confessed to God , as the predominant Publick sin of Scotland , Countenancing and Employing the Malignant Partie ? But when we call particalarlie to mind the first Solemne Fast after the defeat at Dumbar , Astonishment takes hold on us , to think , that it is now defended as a Duty , which , but some moneths ago , was Solemnly confessed as a sin , the not purging of the Army , the obstructing of that work , and great inclinations to keep in and fetch in such Persons , and the repining at , and crying out against all that was done in the contrarie , was then reckoned as the great Cause of Gods Wrath , and his sad stroak upon us . What distraction may this breed in the hearts of the people of the Land , to hear that same thing Complained of as great sin to day , and Commended as a necessary Duty to morrow ? Is not all the Land presently called to mourn for the Kings sins , of which this is one , the designing a Conjunction with the Malignant Party , and giving them warrand to rise in Arms for the defence of the Kingdome ? Now , how shall they be able to reconcile these in their oun minds , at the same time to mourn for that as a sin in the King , which they hear commended as the Duty of the Parliament ? To fast a day for that as the Kings sin , which they must go about to morrow as their oun Duty ? Tell it not in Gath , Publish it not in Ashkelon : lest the Daughters of the Philistines rejoyce . Heathens may rise in Judgment against this Generation . Semperidem ●elle atque idem nolle haec demum sapientiae est . If any wise man be ubique & semper sibi pay & idem , what ought a Godly man to be ? 3. Reason . That which is an Uncertain mean of preservation of the Kingdom , and a more Certain mean of destruction of Religion , is utterly unlawfull . But the employing and entrusting of all men promiscuously , according as is holden out in the publick Resolutions ; is , at best an , uncertain mean of the preservation of the Kingdom , and is a more certain mean of the destruction of Religion . Ergo , It is utterly unlawfull . The First Proposition cannot be denyed . When any less good comes in opposition with a greater good , the Pesser good in that respect becomes evil . We may not endanger certainly a greater good , for the probable and incertain attainment of the lesser . The Second Proposition I know will be Denyed , as it was denyed in the time of the Engadgment by the Committee of Estates . They said , the Danger of Religion was not infallibile , that it might eventually fall out so : but not by any Causality . And thus it is pleaded now . That the danger of Religion is not inevitable ; That the danger of the Kingdom is certain : and so these being laid in the ballance together , we ought , to eschew a certain danger of the Kingdoms Destruction , rather hazard on a probable danger of Religion . But we shall clear this and confirm the reason . 1. The danger of the Kingdom is indeed great ; but it is not so certain and inevitable in case of not employing the Malignant party : because there may be some competency of Power beside . Now the Delivery and preservation of the Kingdom from this danger , by conjunction with that party , is either improbable ; because we have sentenced our selves to Destruction , if ever we should do such a thing again . We are standing under a curse , whereto we have bound over ourselves ; And beside , God is in a speciall manner parsuing that generation , and hath raised up this Enemy for their destruction ; so that we may with greater probability expect , to partake of their plagues , and to fall under our oun Curse , than to be Delivered , or be instruments of Deliverance to the Kingdom . Or , at the best , it is uncertain : for what is more uncertain than the event of War ? The battel in this sense may be said peculiarly to belong to the Lord. Now on the other hand , the danger of Religion is Certain and inevitable , though not simply in it self , and absolutely : because the Lord doth in Heaven and earth what he pleases ; yet with a Morall Certainty and infallibility , which is often as great as Physicall certainty . Suppose these men ; having the power of the Sword , prevail ; will they not employ it according to their principles , and for attaining their oun ends , which both are destructive to Religion ? What is more certain than that men act and speak from the Abundance of the heart , when there is no outward restraint ? It should be a great wonder if they who are so accustomed to doe evil , should cease to doe evil , when they have power and Convenience to do it . Power and greatness hath Corrupted many good men , shall it Convert them ? Can men expect other fruits from a tree than the nature of it yeelds ? Will one seek figs on thorns , or grapes on thistles ? 2. We do not see what Defence it can be , for the present , to the Kingdom , at least the godly and well affected in the Kingdom , who will be as much troubled in their persons and Estates by that Party , as by the Common Enemy . It is known what threatnings the Countrey is filled with , which vents that inveterate Malice and hatred of all the well affected in the Kingdom , which they have kept within their breast of a long time : and now they find opportunity of outing it . It is as clear as day light , that the most part of all the secluded persons looks upon these that opposed them in the Engadgment , and shut them out of places of Trust , and Capacity of Employment , as enemies , and as great Enemies as the Sectaries . And that we may know what to expect when they have full power in their hand ; they have already so lift up their head , that no Godly man can promise himself security in many places , And especially the faithfull Gentlmen and people of the West , who have given more proof of their Faithfullnesse to the Cause and Kingdom against the Common Enemie , than any others in the Land ; Yet are daily suffering violence from these preservators of the Kingdom , while they are sufferers under the feet of the Enemy : When they have no common Enemy , whom I beseech yow , will they prey upon ; seing they do it already while they have an Enemy . But it is replyed . That none of the least Suspition , are allowed to be in such trust and power , as may be prejudiciall to Religion : And that ane oath is to be taken of all , which is to be conceived as particular , binding and strict as is possible . Answer . 1. What a manifest receding is it from former principles , that it is now conceived , that all places of trust , excepting some few of eminent note , may be filled with secluded and debarred persons , without the prejudice of Religion ? It is certain that most part of Officers , nominated by the Parliament and Shyres , are not only such , of whom there is just ground of suspition ; but such as have been Enemies by actuall opposition to the Cause of God , or known underminers thereof . Can it be said in good earnest , that none , of whom is any suspition , shall have such trust as may be prejudiciall ? Sure we are , there are many just grounds of suspition and jealousie of Generall Persons , who have Chief trust in our Armies : and this the publick Judicatories are not Ignorant of . 2. Oaths and Covenants are but like green Cords about Samson to bind these men . Would we have them yet once again perjured ; Then may we tender ane oath to them . Put power in their hand , and then make them swear to employ it well . It s as ridiculous as to give a mad man a sword , and then perswade him to hurt none with it . There is no more capitulation with such persons , retaining their old principles , than with the floods or winds . These whom that SACRED BOND OF COVENANT hath not tyed , what oath can bind ? Except yow can change their nature , do not swear them to good behaviour . Can a Leopard change his Spots ? 5. Reason . That which gives great offence and scandal , and layes a stumbling block in the way , both of the people of the Land and our Enemies , especially in the way of the Godly : that is Unlawfull . But the present Association and Conjunction , with all persons in the Kingdom ( excepting a few if any ) is scandalous and offensive to the whole Land , to the Godly especially , and also to the Enemy . Therefore it is unlawfull . The Major is beyond all exception , if we consider how peremptory CHRIST and his Apostles are in the point of offence , which yet few Christians do consider . We ought not only to beware of the offence of the Godly , but even of wicked men , even of our blaspheming Enemies . Give no offence neither to the Iew nor Gentile , nor to the Church of God. CHRIST would not offend and scandalize his malitious Enemies . The Minor is proved . 1. There is great offence given to the Godly in the Kingdom by the publick Resolutions , concerning that Conjunction with the Malignant Party , under the Name and Notion of Subjects . 1. Because it s known that the most part of them are tender in that point , what fellowship they act with : And this hath been Remonstrate unto the Commission and Committee of Estates , from severall Synods . Now the present Resolution layeth that stumbling block in their way , that they cannot act in the defence of the Kingdom : Because there is no way left them , for the performing of that duty , but that which they in their Consciences are not satisfyed with . It s a sad necessity and snare that is put upon them , that they cannot perform their bound duty , which they are most desirous of , without sin : Because of the way that is taken . 2. Is it not a matter of Offence and stumbling to them , to be necessitated by Law to that which was their affliction ? The mixture that was in our Armies was their Grief : And their comfort was that the Judicatories were minting at their duty to purge them : But now there is no hope of attaining that : all Doors is shut up by the publick Resolutions . 3. It undoubtedly will weaken their hands , and make their hearts faint ; So that they cannot pray with Affection and in Faith , for a blessing upon such an Army , the predominant and leading part whereof have been esteemed , and is really Enemies to God and his people . 4. Is it not a great Offence that any thing should proceed from the publick Judicatories , that shall lay a necessity upon many Godly in the Land , to suffer , because they cannot in Conscience go along with it . Next it scandalizeth the whole Land. What may they think within themselves , to see such dissonancy and disagreement between present and former Resolutions and Practises ? What may they judge of the inconstancy and levity of the Commission ? And be induced to give no respect and reverence to them in their Resolutions . Is it not , at least , a very great appearance of evil to joyn with that Party , that we did Declare and repute , but some few weeks since , to be wicked Enemies of Religion and the Kingdom ? and look hencforth on them as friends without so much as any ackowledgment of their sin had from them ? Shall not they be induced , to put no difference between the pretious and the vile ? not to discern between him that fears God and him that fears him not , when the publick Resolutions puts no difference ? Then , how will it Confirm all the Malignant party in their wickednesse ? May they not think our Solemne vowes and Engadgments , our rigid Resolutions and proceedings were but all contrived and acted out of Policy ; and that Interest and Advantage , and not Conscience Principled them ? Have they not ane occasion given them to persecute all the Godly , and vent their long harboured malice against these who have been most zealous for Reformation and purging of the Land ? Nay , they are put in the Capacity that they have desired , for acting all their Resolutions , and accomplishing their Designes . And last of all , the present proceedings will not onely encourage , and animate the Common Enemy : but confirm them in all the Imputations and Calumnies they have loadned our Church with . May they not have ground fothink , that we are but driving on a politick design and does not singly aim at Gods Glory ? That it is not Grounds of Conscience acts us , but some wordly Interest , when they look upon the inconstancy and Changeableness of our way and Course , which is so accommodated to occasions and times ? Can they think us men of Conscience , that will join with all these men of blood , before we will so much as speak with them ? It is Replyed , that the Scandal is taken , and not given ; which must not be stood upon , in the Case of a necessary duty . But 1. we cleared , that there is no necessity of that Conjunction : therefore the scandal is given ; seing its known before hand , that it will be taken . 2. There are many grounds of offence given by the present Resolutions , as appears by what is said . If it were no more , it s a great appearance of evil ; It s very inductive of many evils ; A most fit occasion of all that 's spoken ; And besides , it s in it self sinfull , contrare to Gods Word and to our oaths . 6. Reason . That which makes glad all the wicked and Enemies of God in the Land , and sad many , if not most part , of the Godly ; hath much appearance and evidence , if not Certainty , of evill , is unlawfull . But the publick Resolutions and proceedings are such . Ergo. Or thus . That which makes glad all the wicked , and heightens the hopes and expectations of the Malignant Party , and makes sad none almost but the Godly , and discourages their spirits ; That , proceeding from the publick Judicatories , cannot be right and Lawfull : But so it is , that that which proceeds from the publick Judicatories , makes glad all the hearts of thewicked , and makes sad none , almost , but the Godly , heightens the hopes of the Malignants , and makes them say their Day is coming , Lo we have seen it : And discourages the Godly , and makes them almost say , Our hope is cut off , our Glory is departed . Ergo , it cannot be right , at least it hath a great and convincing Appearance of evil ▪ , This Argument may be thought more Popular , than either Philosophicall or Scripturall : But such an argument the Generall Assembly 1648. made use of against the Engadgment . It is no wayes imaginable , how the wicked and ungodly in the Land , would so insult and rejoyce in this day ; if they saw not some Legible Characters upon it , which were agreeable to their oun Principles and Ends. The Children of God , are , for the most part , Led by the Spirit of God , and taught the way they should choose . Iohn . 16 : 13. Psal. 25 : 12. So that readily they do not skunner at Courses approven of God : But the Children of the world , being , at best , led by their oun carnal minds and senses , and , for the most part , acted by a Spirit of disobedience and enmity against God , they use not to rejoyce at things that do not suit with their Carnall hearts , and are not engraven with the Character of that which is imprinted in their Spirits . We see now that the wicked walk on every side , when the vilest men are exalted . And when the wicked rise , the Righteous is hidden , and when they bear rule , the people mourneth : but when Righteous men are in Authority , the people do rejoyce : and when the Righteous rejoyceth , there is great Glorie . Ps. 12. ult ▪ Prov. 28 : 12. and 29 : 2. 7. Reason . That which is the accomplishment and perfecting of the Malignant designe , that hath been driven on these years past , especially since the unlawfull Engadgment ; it cannot be a Course approven of God : But the present Course is the Accomplishment of that designe . Ergo. That there hath been a designe , for a long time , driven and endeavoured , both at home and abroad , with much Policy and Industry , by many turnings and wyndings , and by Arguments of severall kinds , as the exigence of the times did furnish : and that the designe was , to have all such Persons in Trust and Power again , who had been secluded , that so they might compasse their oun Ends , hath not been denyed hitherto : and we are perswaded , no man that fears God , and observes the times , is ignorant of it . Let the publick Papers of the treaty at Bredah , and the publick papers of this Kingdom and Church at home , be Consulted ; they bear witness for us . Was not the foundation of it laid in Holland ? Many of them in both Nations , brought home with the King contrare to publick Resolutions , and by the prevailing influence of some in the State , kept in the Kingdome , Contrare to Publick Resolutions ? Was not the work of purging Judicatories and Armies obstructed ? The Godly discountenanced and discouraged ? great endeavours used to raise the Malignants in the South and in England , and since the Defeat to raise all without exception in the North ? But when that could not be obtained , by the withstanding of honest men in the State. The Levies appointed , which would have been a Considerable force for the defence of the Kingdom , was rendred wholly ineffectuall ; Partly by taking moneys for men ; partly by raising the Malignant Party ; and then pretending to go against them , they were pacified by an act of Indemnity : the fruit and Result of all which , is this present Conjunction with them : and putting the power of judicatories and Armies in their hand . Thus the Designe is Compleated . 8. Reason . That which will increase the Lords Indignation and controversie against the Land , yet seven times more ; that is very unlawfull and unseasonable ; But so it is , that Confederacy and Association with the people of these Abominations , will increase the Lords indignation and Controversie seven times more . Ergo. The Assumption was as manifest and uncontroverted as the Proposition , a few moneths agoe , but it is begun now to be questioned by some , qui quod sciunt nesciumn , quia sapiunt . But we shall evince it . 1. We are standing under such a sentence , which we deliberately and sincerely past upon our selves , in the days of our vows to God , that if we did ever any more joyn with the people of these Abominations , the Lord would consume us till there were no remnant . And this was not done in rashnesse but in sobriety , and with a Scripture president Ezra . 9 : 12 , 13. 2. Our experience hath made this clear to us . We never did mingle our selves among them , but the Lord did pursue us with Indignation , and stamped that sin , as in vive Characters , upon our Judgment . God hath set upon that Rock , that we have so oft split upon , a remarkable Beacon . Therefore we doe not only in our solemne Engadgments , bind our selves over to a Curse , in case of Relapsing , but passes the sentence of great madnesse and folly on our selves . Piscator ictu sapit . Experience makes fools wise , but it cannot cure madnesse . Did not that mixture provoke God at Dumbar ? And is this the way to appease him , to revolt more and more . 3. Conjunction and Confederacy with that party , doth necessarly inferr a Communion in blessings and plagues , we must cast in our lot with them , and have all one purse . Now it hath been Confessed and Declared by this Church , that God hath a notable Controversie with that Party , that this enemy is in ane eminent way to bear them down and Crush them . Therefore if we joyn with them , we must Resolve to partake of their plagues and have that Controversie pleaded against us also . It is answered , that Indignation needs not be feared simply on this accompt : because the means are Lawfull and necessary ; else , if this have any force , it will conclude , that we should ly down and do nothing : because Gods Indignation is upon the whole Land. But we reply . 1. Though it be true , that this Enemy is the rod of Gods Indignation against the whole Land ; Yet it is Certain to us , and hath been formerly unquestioned , that they are raised up , in a speciall way , to execute Gods wrath on Malignants , and God doth arm them with Power in a signall manner for that end . Besides , the Lords anger and indignation against his enemies is such , as will burn and none can quench it : it s of another nature than his wrath against his oun people , which is a hyding of his face for a moment . He corrects us in measure and judgment , but leaves us not altogether unpunished : But he makes ane end of other Nations , Especially these that rise up to actuall enmitie and hatred of his people , and sheding of their blood . And therefore , if any man would not meet with Wrath and sore Displeasure , he would stand at a distance with such , as God hath appointed for destruction ; we mean , as long as they carry in their foreheads the mark of the beast . When God hath such a remarkable Controversie against a people then be that helpeth and he that is helped , shall both fall together . Isay. 31 : 3 , All that is in league with them , shall fall with them by the sword . Ezech. 30. 5. and 32 : 21. 2. Since it is known , that the Malignant party have not changed their Principles , and so they cannot but in prosecuting this War establish their old Quarrell and follow it , to wit , the Kings Arbitrary power , the Interest of man , above Gods or the Kingdoms Interest . We leave it to be judged impartially , whether or not , these that Associate with them , do espouse that Quarrell and Interest , at least expose themselves to all that Wrath and Indignation , which hath hitherto followed that Quarrell , seing they must have Common blessings and Curses ? Will not that Quarrell holden up by most part of the Army , be a wicked thing , an Achan in the Camp , that will make God turn away from it and put Israel to shame ? Having thus established the truth . In the next place , we come to take off what objections are made to the Contrarie . First , it is argued from Humane Authority . The uncontroverted and Universall practise of all Nations in all Generations , is , to employ all subjects in the Case of necessary Just defence . It was the practise of our Reformers , who took into the Congregation and received all , that upon acknowledgement of their error , was willing to joyn , though they had been on the Contrary faction . Such an universall practise of Christian Nations , though it be not the Ground of our Faith ; Yet it is apparent , that it cannot want Reason for it . Answer . I. This will plead as much against the exceptions added in the answer to the Query and act of Levy ; for seing other Nations except none , in the Case of necessary Defence , why should we except any ? And if once we except any , upon good and Convincing Grounds ; upon the same ground we ought to except farr more . 2. Mr. Gillespy in his Treatise of Miscellany Questions makes mention that the City of Strasburg 1626. made a Defensive League with Zurick , Berne , and Basil : because they were not only Neighbours , but men of the same Religion . And the Elector of Saxonie refused to take into Confederacy , these who differed from him in the Point of the Lords supper ; lest such sad things should befall him , as befell these in Scripture who used any means of their oun Defence . This Rule was good in Thesi though in that case misapplyed . Now then , if they made Conscience of Choosing means of their oun defence , A Confederacy with forraigners . May not the same Ground lead us to a Distance with our oun Countreymen as unqualified , who have nothing to commend them but that they are of the same nation , which is nothing in point of Conscience . 3. The Practise of other Nations , that are not tender in many greater points , cannot be very Convincing . Especially when we Consider , that the Lord hath made light to Arise in this Particular , more bright than in former times . God hath taken occasion of Illustrating and commending many truths unto us in this Generaration , from the darkness of error , and of making straight many Rules , from the Crookedness of mens Practise and Walking . Is not the Lord now performing the promise of purging out the Rebels from among us and them that transgresse , God hath winked at former times of Ignorance ; but now the Lord having Cleared his mind so to us , how great madness were it to forsake our oun mercy , and despise the Counsel of God against our oun souls . As for that Instance of our Reformers ▪ There could not have been any thing brought more prejudiciall to that Cause , and more advantageous for us . After they were twice beaten by the French in Leith , and their Forces scattered , and the leaders and Chief men of the Congregation forced to retire to Sterling . JOHN KNOX preaching upon the eightieth Psalm , and searching the Causes of Gods wrath against them , he condescends upon this as the Chief Cause , that they had received into their Counsels and forces , such men as had formerly opposed the Congregation : and sayes , God never blest them since the DUKE had come among them . See Knox Chron. 2. It cannot be shewed , that ever they took in a party and faction of such men , but only some few persons ; which , though it was not altogether Justifiable , yet more excusable . But now , the publick Resolutions hold forth a Conjunction with all the bloody murderers in the Kingdom ( excepting very few ) and these without profession of Repentance in many , and without evidence of the reality of it almost in any . 3. These persons were not such , as had once joyned with the Congregation and relapsed , and became Enemies to it ; but they turned to the Protestant Religion from Popery : But ours is a different Case . 2. It s Argued from Scripturec Three Scripture Instances are brought to Justify the present proceedings . First Instance is from the practise of Gods people in the book of Judges , who , when for Defection from Religion they were brought under oppression , yet when any Governour was raised by God for their Defence , they gathered and come all out promiscuously , notwithstanding a great part of them had been in the defection ; and yet it is not found , that their Governors are reproved for this ; but rather sad Curses on them that came not out to the work . Iudg. 5. 15 , 16 , 17 , 23. The second instance is from the story of the Kings , very like the first ; when after Defection , gracious Reforming Kings arose , and had to do against forraigne Invasion , we find them not debarring any subjects , but calling them out promiscuously . Neither is this laid to their Charge that they called out such and such Subjects , though we may perceive by the story of the Prophets , that the greater part of the body of the people were wicked &c. We answer to these two Instances joyntly . 1. We may by the like reason prove , that which is as yet uncontroverted ( we know not how long . ) That we ought at no time to make Choise of Instruments , neither in case of Prosecution of the Cause and the Invasion of others , Nor yet in the time when choise is to be had ; and so , that all our former Engadgments , Resolutions and proceedings , in the point of purging Judicatories and Armies , was superfluous and supererogatory : Because we read not , that the reforming Kings or Judges , when ever they had an Invasive war , and in the times that they had greatest plenty and multitudes of people , did ever debarr any of their Subjects from that service , but called them out promiscuosly . Neither is this laid to their Charge ; though we may perceive , that the greater part of the people were wicked under the best Kings : Therefore we may lawfully employ any Subjects of the Kingdom in any of our wars . And we may look upon all indifferently , without any discerning of Persons that fear God and them that fear him not , as in good Capacity to be entrusted , Even when otherwise we have Choise of good Instruments . Certainly it follows by parity of Reason : for if yow conclude , that from the calling forth all promiscuously , and no reproof given for it in the Case of necessary defence ; then we may conclude from the calling forth of all promiscuously , and in the Case of an Invasive War , and no reproof Recorded , that neither , in such a Case , is it sinfull to make no difference , and that with stronger Reason : Because , it being more easie in such a Case to Choose instruments and no necessity pleading for it : if it had been sinfull , the Prophets would have rather reproved it , than rebuked them for using such means in a Case of necessity . 2. We may argue after that manner , that in the Case of necessary Just Defence , there should be no exceptions made at all of any persons : because we read not that the Judges or Kings Debarred any Subjects , neither that they were rebuked for so doing . Therefore the Instances militate as much against the exceptions added in the Answer to the Query , as against us ; unless it be said , that there was no such persons among that people , which were as groundlesse rashness as to say that they gave all evidence of Repentance . 3. Seing the Judges and the Reforming Kings of Judah , were so accurrate and exact in cleaving to the Law of God , and walking according to it in all other things ; it were more Charitable and Christian Judgment to say , that since they are not reproved for any fault in this particular , that they were also exact to walk according to the Rule Deut. 23. in so great a point as this . 4. Mens Practise is often lame and Crooked : and therefore must be examined according to the Rule ; but it were not fair dealing to accommodate the Rule to mens practice . Seing then , we have so clear and perfect a Rule Deut. 23. which must Judge both their practice and ours : We see not how their Practice can be obtruded as a rule upon us , which it self must be examined according to a Common and Generall Rule . If it be not according to that Law , we hold it to be sinfull in it self , and so no president for us , albeit the PROPHETS did not reprove it in express and particular terms ( as they did not reprove MAN-STEALING &c. ) Yet they rebuked it by Consequence , in as farr as they rebuked the Kings for Association with wicked Israelites , which is condemned upon grounds Common to this very Case in hand . 5. We see not any ground for such promiscuous calling forth of the people by the Judges . Baraks business , as that of Iepthah and Gideon , were done by no great multitudes of People , but a few Choise men . 6. As the oppression was heavy and Continued long ; so the repentance of the people was Solemne , and their deliverance a fruit of this . 7. Their Case and ours is very different ; None of Israel or Judah , did fight against the Profession of the true Religion , and shed the blood of their fellow-subjects who were for the Defence of the same . Israel in the dayes of the Iudges , and Iudah in the time of the Reforming Kings , was not Divided the one half against the other , upon opposition and Defence of the true Religion : And the better part , after many experiences of the treachery and enmity of the most of the worst part , Solemnly engadged to God , not to admitt them to Employment and trust , but upon real evidence of Repentance , of which they should Judge as in the sight of God. And last of all did ever Israel or Iudah in the days of their Judges and Reforming Kings , admitt into their Armies , a party and faction of such , as had given no reall evidence of their Abandoning their former Course ; and such a party , as had been long studying to get the Power of Armies and Judicatories in their oun hands for attaining their oun ends ? But all these are in our Case . The 3d Instance from scripture is from 1 Sam. 11. Which is aleadged to be a clear practise and stamped with divine approbation : In the Case of Iabesh-Gilead besieged by a forraigne Enemie , Saul Commands all to come forth for defence of their brethren , under pain of a severe Civil Censure . Now , what Saul did in this business , the spirit of God is said to act him to it , and what the people did , was from the fear of God , making them obey the King : And then Samuel in this acting concurrs joyntly , and makes no opposition ; and last of all , the people came forth as one man , and yet Cap. 10. 27. many men of Belial were among them , who Malignantly opposed Sauls Government contrare to Gods revealed will. To which we answer . 1. The stamp of divine approbation is not apparent to us , success doth not prove it ; neither the spirit coming on Saul , not the fear of God falling on the people , will import a divine approbation of all was done in the manadging that War. That motion of the spirit is no sanctifying motion ; But a Common , though extraordinary , impulse of Sauls spirit to the present work , which , doubtless was in the King of Babylon , whom God raised up , fitted and sent for the destruction of many nations . Albeit that work in his hand was iniquity . That fear of God that fell upon the people , was but a fear of the King Imprinted by God , and it is more peculiarly attributed to God , because the people did despise him and contemn him , which makes their reverence and fear to be a more extraordinary thing upon a sudden . Then , Samuel not opposing the Course in hand , doth no more import his approbation of all was done in it , than his not reproving the men of Bolial doth prove , that he approved of their opposition . 2. It doth not appear , that the men of Belial were a great faction and party , there is somthing in the 12. ver . speaks against it , It is not like , the people would put a faction and party to death . 3. Neither doth it appear , that they were in the Army ; for that which is said , that all the people came out as one man , doth only import , that the body and generality of them came forth ; and that it was a wonder so many came forth so suddenly , at the Command of the King who was but mean and abject in their eyes . It is certaine that all sensible Persons were not present , because the whole Army being numbred ver 8. was but 330000. And who will say there was no moe men in Israel , when they had 600000 such , and above , before their coming into the Land ? seing then , many have stayed at home ; it is most probable that these men of Belial would not come , seing they despised Sauls mean and Low condition in their heart , and thought him unfitt to Lead their Armies , till he should prove what was in him . That which is said ver 12. doth not prove they were in the Camp ; it might be conveniently spoken of absent persons . 4. It is not certain , that these men were wicked and scandalous in their Conversation , haters of Godlinesse and of their brethren ; but that they stood at distance only with Saul in the point of his Election ; which indeed was blame-worthy , seing God had revealed his mind in it : and therefore they are called men of Belial , as Peter was called Satan , for opposing Christs suffering . Some other Scriptures are alleaged by some , as Davids employing of such men &c. all which are cleared in Mr. Gillespies treatise of Miscellanie Questions Quest 14. 3. It is argued from reason . And. 1. That which any is oblidged to do for anothers preservation by the Law of God and Nature , And which he cannot ommit without the Guilt of the others destruction ; that may the other Lawfully require of him to do when hee needs it , and when it may be done without the undoing of a greater good ; But so it is , that every subject is oblidged by the Law of Nature , Oath and Covenants , and the Law of God , to endeavour to their Power , the preservation of the Kingdom against unjust violence : And the safety of the Kingdome stands in need of many subjects Assistance who were secluded : And it may be done without undoing a greater good than is the preservation of Religion . Ergo. This Argument hath an answer to it in the bosom of it . 1. We shortly deny the Assumption , in Relation to the two last branches , both that the Kingdoms preservation stands in necessity of these mens help . And that their help tends not to the undoing of a greater good ; seing there is no reason given to confirm these two points , wherein the nerve of the business lyes , we referr to a Reason of our denyal of them given page , 22. Secondly , It is true that the obligation to such a duty lyes upon all ; But that obligation is to be brought in act and exercise in an orderly and Qualifyed way , else what needed any exceptions be in the Act of Levie ? Excommunicated persons are under the same obligation ; Yet the Magistrate is not actually oblidged to call such , but rather to seclude them . Are not all bound to come to the Sacrament who are Church members ? Yet many are not in a Capacity to come , and so ought neither to presume to come , nor be admitted : are not all subjects oblidged to defend the Cause of God , and to prosecute it ? and yet many , because of their Enmity to the Cause of God , are actually incapable of employment in the defence or prosecution thereof . 3. The Law of Nature is above all humane Laws and Constitutions , they must Cede when ever they come in opposition to it , Salus populi is suprema Lex in relation to these : But in Relation to the Law of God it is not so ; sometimes the Law of Nature must yeeld to Positive Commands of God. Abraham must Sacrifice his son at Gods Command . The Law of Nature obliges us to the preservation of our selves ; But it does not oblidge to every mean that may be found expedient to that end , unless it be supposed Lawfull and approven of God. Therefore the Lord in his written word doth determine , what means we may use for that end , and what not . But 4. we conceive that the Law forbidding Association and Confederacy with known wicked and Ungodly persons , is included in the Law of Nature , as well as the Law that obliges us to self-preservation ; that is grounded on perpetuall reason , as well as this . Nature bids me preserve my self , and Nature binds me to have one friend and foe with God. The Heathens had a Notion of it ; they observed , that Amphiaraus , a wise vertuous man was therefore swallowed up in the Earth with seven men and seven Horses , because he had joyned himself and associated with Tydeus , Capaneus and other wicked Commanders marching to the seige of Thebe , Mr. Gill , Miscell . Qyest . Chap. 14. pag. 171. 2. The Second Reason is framed thus in Hypothes● . Such as are excluded are a great part , if not the greater part , of the Remnant of the Land , if rules of exclusion be extended impartially . Now , they having their Lives and Liberties allowed them , must either in these things be ensured by the interposing of a competent Power for their Defence , or else they must have Liberty to act for themselves . But so it is , that we cannot interpose a Competent power for their protection . Ergo they must have liberty to act for themselves . Nam qui dat vitam , dat necessaria ad vitam . We answer . 1. It is not certain that such as are excluded are the greater part of the Land ; However , it is certain , that though the Rule had been kept and endeavours had been used to walk according to it , yet many whom it excludes would have been taken in . There is a great Difference between endeavour of Duty , and attaining its perfection . If the Rule had not been quite destroyed , so great offence could not have been taken , though it had not been strictly urged in all particulars . 2. We still affirm , upon evident grounds to us , that there is a power Competent in the Land , beside the Malignant party , which may protect the Land and ensure their lives and Liberties . 3. We are perswaded , many of that party who have been so deeply involved in blood-guiltinesse and barbarous cruelties , should neither have lives nor liberties secured to them : because they ought not to be permitted to live . But the not taking away so much Innocent blood from the Land by acts of Justice , is the Cause that so much Innocent and pretious blood is now shed . Our Rulers have pardoned that blood which God would not pardon : And therefore would not pardon it to the Land , because they pardoned it to the Murderers . Sect. 4. That it is not Lawfull for the well affected Subjects to concurr in such an Engadgment in war , and Associate with the Malignant Party . SOme convinced of the unlawfulness of the publick Resolutions and proceedings , in reference to the employing of the Malignant Party ; Yet do not find such clearness and satisfaction in their oun Consciences as to forbid the Subjects to concurr in this War , and Associate with the Army so Constituted . Therefore it is needfull to speak something to this point . That it is unlawfull for the Subjects to Associate and joyn in arms with that Party , as it is for the Parliament to employ them . For these Reasons . 1. The Scriptures before Cited against Associations and Confederacies with wicked and ungodly men do prove this . The Command prohibiting Conjunction with them and Conversing &c. is common both to Magistrates and people : for the ground of it is common to both . The peoples ensnaring , Helping of the ungodly &c. It were strange Doctrine to say , that it is not Lawfull for the Parliament to Associate in War with the Malignants , lest the people be ensnared : And yet it is Lawfull for the people to Associate with them upon the Command of the Parliament , seing the ensnaring of the People , hath a more immediate connexion with the peoples Conjunction with them , nor with the Parliaments Resolution about it . Had it not been a transgression in all the people to have joyned with these men before the Parliaments Resolution about it ? How then can their Resolution interveening , loose the people from their obligation to Gods Command ? Shall it be no sin to me , because they sin before me ? Can their going before me in the transgression , exempt me from the transgression of that same Law which obliges both them and me ? 2. The People were reproved for such Associations as well as Rulers , though they were originated from the Rulers . The Prophets speak to the whole body . What hast thow to doe in the way of Egypt & c. ? Ier. 2 : 18. And Isay. 31. Wo to them that go down to Egypt . Psal. 106. They mingled themselves &c. The Lord instructed Isaiah , and in him all his oun people , all the Children whom God had given him , saying , Say not ye , A Confederacie , to all them to whom this people shall say , A Confederacy ; Isay. 8 : 12. When all the people was going on in such a mean of Self-defence , the Lord instructed him and the Disciples among whom the testimony was sealed , that they should not walk in the way of this people . When Iehoshaphat was reproved for helping the ungodly , was not all his people reproved that went with him ? They were the helpers of the ungodly as well as he . If Amaziah had refused to dismiss the Army of Israel whom God was not with , Doubtless it had been the Subjects duty to testifie against it , and refuse to concurr and act in such a fellowship . 3. If the Association and Conjunction with Malignants , be only the sin of the Parliament , and not the sin of the people , who doe upon their Command Associate with them : Then we cannot see how people can be guilty of Association with Malignants at any time and in any Case . To Joyn with them in an ill Cause is not Lawfull indeed : But neither may we joyn with good men in an evil Cause . Suppose then the Cause be good and necessarie ( as no war is Just if it be not necessary ) in what case or Circumstances shall Association with them be unlawfull for the people ? If it be said , in Case the Magistrate Command it not ; we think that strange Divinitie , that the solo Command of the Magistrate should make that our duty , which in absence of his Command is our sin ; And that not because of the absence of his Command but from other perpetuall grounds . Certainly , whenever Association with them is a sin , it is not that which makes it a sin because the Mastistrate Commands it not , but because God forbids it . And it is as strange , that the unlawfull and sinfull Resolution of Parliament should make that lawfull to me which otherwise had been lawfull . It is known that Humane Laws oblidge not , but as they have Connexion with Gods Word . Now if that Law , enjoyning a Confluence of all Subjects for the defence of the Kingdom , be contrare to the Word , in as far as it holds out a Conjunction with Malignant and bloodie men , how can it be lawfull to me , in obedience to that ordinance , to Associate with these men ? If it be said to be lawfull in the Case of necessity , that same necessity is as strong a plea for the Magistrates employing them , as for the peoples joyning with them : and if it doe not justifie that , it cannot excuse this . If the Lawfullness of the MEAN must be measured by the justice and necessity of the END : then certainly any mean shall be lawfull in the Case of just and necessary defence ; then we may employ Irish Cut-throats ; then we may go to the Devil for help , if expediency to compass such a necessar and just End be the Rule of the Lawfullness of the Mean. 4. The whole Land is bound by the Covenant and Solemne Engadgment not to Associate with the Malignant party : Ergo it is sinfull for the people to joyn with them as for the Magistrate to employ them . Are we not all bound by Covenant , to endeavour to bring Malignants to Condigne punishment , and to look on them as enemies ? And is not Conjunction and Confederacy with them on the peoples part , as inconsistent in its oun Nature with that Duty , as the Magistrats employing them is inconsistent with his Convenanted duty ? When all the people did Solemnly engadge themselves not to joyn any more with the People of these Abominations , was the meaning of it , we shall not joyn untill our Rulers joyn first ; Or , we shall not joyn with them in an ill Cause ? No indeed , but we shall not employ them in a good Cause , or joyn with any party of them in it . If that Engadgment be upon every one in their station , let us consider what every mans station in the work is . The Rulers station and Calling is to choose Instruments , and levie Forces for the Defence thereof . The Subjects station and Calling is , to concurr in that work , by rising in Defence of the Cause and Kingdome . Now what did the Subject then engadge unto ? Certainly , unlesse we mock God , we must say , that as the Magistrate engadged not to employ that ungodly Generation in a good Cause , so the Subject engadged not to joyn with any such party even in a good Cause . If this be not the meaning of our ENGADGMENTS and VOWS , We see not how the Subjects is in Capacity to break them , as to that precise point of Association . In Sum , All the Reasons that are brought to prove the unlawfullness of the publick Resolutions , may with a litle Variation be proportionably applyed to this present Question . Therefore we add no more but a Word to ane objection or two . Object . 1. A necessary Duty , such as Self-Preservation is , cannot be my sin . But it is the Subjects necessary Duty to rise in Defence of the Kingdome . Ergo. Answer . A necessary Duty cannot be a sin in it self , but it may be a sin in regard of some Circumstances , in which it ceases to be a necessary Duty . It is a necessar duty to defend the Kingdome : But it is neither a Duty nor necessary to do it in such a Conjunction and fellowship , but rather a sin . If I cannot preserve my self , but by ane unlawfull mean , then Self-preservation in such Circumstances , is not my Dutie . Object . 2d . JONATHAN did assist Saul in a war against the Philistines invading the Land , and no doubt many Godly joyned and died in battel . Now this is commended in Scripture , as may be seen in Davids funeral upon them ; although it was known that Saul was ane hater of Gods people and a perfecuter , and that God had a Controversie with him , and that these 3000 that assisted him against David were also ungodly and wicked men . Answer . 1. These Scriptures speak nothing to commend that Particular act of Ionathans Conjunction in war with his Father . David in his Epitaph speaks much to the Commendation of both Saul , and Ionathan , as of excellent Warriours ; and of Ionathan as a kind and Constant friend to him : but there is nothing touched of that point . If that place be pressed , it will follow with much more evidence , that Saul was as good a man as Ionathan , and that the People of God had great loss inhis death . But none of these must be pressed rigorously from a speech wherin he vents his affection and grief . 2. Suppose the naturall bond of Ionathan to Saul his Father , and the Civil bonds of the people to Saul their King , did oblidge them to joyn with him against the Common Enemy ; Yet we think they ought not to have Associated with these persecuting Servants and the 3000. that pursued David ; But they ought to have pleaded for a purging of the Army . 3. It is not Probable that there was many Godly persons imployed in that Army . David complains of that time Psal. 12. That the Godly man ceased , and the faithfull from among the Children of men : and that the wicked walked round about when the Vilest men were Exalted . 4. Many of the Laws of God have not been much taken notice of , even by Godly men , untill the Lord hath taken occasion to reprove them particularly and so to mind them of their Duty . It is like the Rule Deut. 23. hath not been Considered till the time of Iehoshaphat and Amaziah &c. Scriptures shewing the sin and Danger of Joyning with wicked and ungodly men . ISaiah 13 : 25. When the Lord is punishing such a people against whom he hath a Controversie and a notable Controversie , every one that is found shall be thrust through : and every one joyned with them shall fall . They partake in their Judgment , not only because in a Common Calamity all shares , as in Ezech ▪ 21 : 3. But Chiefly because joyned with and partakers with these whom God is pursuing . Even as the strangers that joyn to the house of Iacob partake of her blessings , Chap. 14 : 1. To this purpose is Isay. 31 : 2 , 3. And Ezek. 30 : 5 , 6 , 8. The mingled people and these that are in League with Egypt partakes in her plagues , and these that uphold that Throne that God so visibly Controverts with , their power shall come down and all its helpers shall be destroyed as it is Ier. 21 : 12 , 20 , 24. And this is the great reason of these many warnings to go out of Babylon . Ier. 50 : 8. And 51 : 6. Remember that passage 2 Kings 1 : 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. The Captain and Messenger of the King speaks but a word in obedience to his wicked Masters Command , and the fifty are but with him and speak not : But their Masters judgment comescon them all . Consider how many Testimonies the wise King in his Proverbs gives against it . Chap. I. from vers 10. to 19. My Son if sinners entice thee , consent thow not . 11. If they say , Come with us , let us lay wait for blood , let us lurk privily for the Innocent without Cause . 12. Let us swallow them up alive as the Grave , and whole as those that go down into the pit . 13. We shall find all precious substance , we shall fill our Houses with Spoil . 14. Cast in thy lot among us , let us all have one Purse . 15. My Son , walk not thow in the way with them ; refrain thy foot from their path . 16. For their feet run to evil , and make bast to shed blood &c. Here are the Practises and designs of wicked men expressed in their oun nature : but certainly they would colour them over with fair pretences ; their purpose is to undo men , especially Godly men that Classed and purged them . Yea it is the profession of many , and they scarce ly privily , or have so much wisdome as to conceal their designes till their fit opportunity : but before the power be confirmed in their hand , they breath out Cruelty against all the Innocent in the Land , and promise themselves great gain by it , and are already dividing their Estates among them , saying , we shall find all precious substance . ver 13. But my Son , if thow fear God , though they entice thee with specious arguments of Nature and Necessity and Countrey Priviledges , yet Consent not . Venture not thy stock in one Vessel with them , Cast not in thy Lot among them . Walk not in the way with them , Refrain thy foot from their path : for they are not come to the height of iniquitie , they are running on to it : And if thow Joyn , thow wilt cast thy self in a miserable snare : for either thow must go on with them to their Designed and professed evils , or be exposed to their Cruelty . Chap. 2. from vers 10. to the end . When Wisdom entereth into thine heart , and Knowledge is pleasant to thy soul. 11. Discretion shall preserve thee , Understanding shall keep thee . 12. To deliver thee from the way of the evil man , from the man that speaketh froward things . 13. Who leave the Paths of uprightnesse to walk in the ways of darknesse . &c. If thow take the WORD of GOD for a lamp to thy feet , and it enter into thy Soul , and be received in love and affection : it will certainly keep thee from the Evil mans way , who have already left the Righteous paths to walk in the ways of darknesse , who rejoyce in nothing so much as in the sorrows and miseries of the Godly , and delight in one anothers wickedness . And it will keep thee Chast to thy husband CHRIST JESUS , and preserve thee from Committing fornications with Egypt as Aholah and Aholibah , and joyning so nearly with the degenerated seed of Abraham , who are but as strangers : for come near their house and Paths , and they will lead thee to Destruction with them , or make thee a more miserable life . But these that go to them return not again quickly ; they are like fallen starrs , shall they ever be set in the Firmament again ? It s safest to walk with good and righteous men : for Gods blessing and promise is on them . His Curse and threatning is on the wicked : therefore thow may fear wrath on that accompt , if thow joyn with them . Chap. 4. ver 14. to 20. Enter not into the Path of the Wicked , and go not in the way of evil men . 15. Avoid it , pass not by it , turn from it , and pass away . 16. For they sleep not except they have done mischief : and their sleep is taken away except they cause some to fall . 17. For they eat the bread of wickedness , and drink the wine of violence . 18. But the path of the just is as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfact day . 19. The way of the wicked is as darkness : and they know not at what they stumble . It was said Chap. 3 : 23. that the man who keeps wisdom and the fear of God in his heart , should walk in the way and not stumble . That safty hath ease in it here , their steps are not strained , as when a man walks in steep and hazardous places , which cannot Choose but it will be , if a man enter into the path of wicked men , he must either go along in their way with them , and then its broad indeed ; or , if he think to keep a good Conscience in it , he will be pinched and straitned : therefore its freest for the mind and Conscience for to avoid and pass by that way : for they sleep not &c. they will never be satisfied till they have done a mischief , they will live upon the ruines of the poor Countrey , And how will thow joyn in that ? Or how can thow eschew it if thow walk with them ? If it were no more , it s a suspected by-path , that thow never travelled into . O pass by it ; or , if thow be entered , turn out of it . If thow wilt enter upon the Apprehension of some light and duty in it , know that it s but evening , Sun is setting , and thow wilt be benighted ere it be long : and thow shalt stumble then and not know whereupon , even on that thow sees now and thinks to eschew and pass by . Then from ver 25. to the end . Keep thy heart with all diligence : for out of it are the issues of life &c. Except thow keep thy heart and whole man , thow cannot escape falling in some temptation : O keep thy heart deligentlie on the knowledge and love of the Truth . Take heed to thy words . Look not a-squint but directly to that which is good . Give not a-squint look to any unlawfull Course , for the necessity or utility it may be seems to attend it . But look straight on , and ponder well thy way thow walks in , that thow run to no extremity either to one party or other . That thow walk in the middle way between Profanity and Error , thow held these ways hitherto for extreams , Ponder I beseech thee then , before thow walk in any of them ; see whether they be really come to thee , or thow to them . Mark who is changed . Chap. 5 : 8. to the 15. Remove thy way far from her : and come not near the door of her house . 9. Lest thow give thine honour unto others , and thy years unto the Cruel . 10. Lest strangers be filled with thy wealth , and thy Labours be in the house of a stranger . 11. And thow mourn at last , when thy flesh and thy bodie are Consumed . 12. And say how have I hated instruction , and my heart despised reproof ? 13. And have not obeyed the voice of my teachers nor enclined mine ear to them that instructed me ? &c. If thow would be safe from snares , Remove from the way and house of the strange Woman . Thow must fall in Aholah and Aholibahs whordoms , Ezek. 23. except thow come not near them . If thow keep not from that Assembly and Congregation , thow shall be almost in all evil . If thow joyn with them , thow cannot but partake of their sins and plagues ; and so thow shalt say after , when thow cannot well mend it , It was near gone , my steps almost gone , and all the Assembly of his people shall witness to it . Chap. 6 : 16 , 17 , 18 , 24 , 25. These six things doth the Lord hate , yea seven are ane Abomination unto him . 17. A proud look , A lying tongue , and hands that shed innocent blood : 18. An heart that deviseth wicked imaginations , feet that be swift in running to mischief . 24 ▪ To keep thee from the strange Woman , from the flattery of the tongue of a strange Woman . 25. Lust not after her beauty in thine heart ; neither let her take thee with her eye-lids . Descrives both our Enemies , the Malignant Party and the Sectarian . Pride , Violence , Cruelty , Lying , is the very Character of the one . Flattery , beauty of pretended Religion , and false witnessing and Charging of the Lords people , and seeking to sow discord among these that were one in heart and work , is the Character of the other , Now keep thee from both these Abominations : and do not think , it s in thy power not to be infected with the Contagion of their fellowship . Can a man take fire in his bosom and his Cloaths not be burnt ? Can one go on hot Coals and not burn his feet ? So whoever Associates and goes in friendly to either of them shall not be Innocent , ver 27 , 28 , 29. Chap. 7 : 14. &c. I have peace offerings with me , this day have I payed my Vows , They pretend Religion on both sides . And our Church sayes , The Malignants have satisfied them , and repented , Even like the peace offerings and Vows of the whore . She began with her devotion , that she might with more liberty sin more , and have that pretence to cover it ; and by means of her offerings , she got a feast of the flesh . Even as they by profession of Repentance are Admitted to Trust ; and by offering for the like sin , a new sin is Covered , and Vows undertaken never to be kept . Therefore take heed of these snares : For she hath cast down many strong ver 26. Many tall Cedar hath fallen by that Fellowship . It s the way to hell . vers 27. See Chap. 8. 13. Chap. 10. Shews us the very different estate of the Godly and wicked , both in regard of light and knowledge concerning Duty , and of blessings promised . vers 6. Blessings are upon the head of the just : but violence Covereth the mouth of the wicked . 9. He that walketh uprightly , walketh surely : but he that perverteth his ways , shall be known . vers II. The mouth of a Righteous man is a well of life : but violence covereth the mouth of the wicked . ver 20. The tongue of of the Iust is as Choise silver : the heart of the wicked is litle worth . ver 23. It is as a sport to a fool to do mischief : but a man of understanding hath wisdom &c. ver 24 , 25 , 28 , 31 , 32. Which shew us , That if the Lords mind be revealed to any concerning the present Courses , it must be to his poor people that wait on him , and not to all the wicked and ungodly in the Land , who almost only are satisfied and clear in the Course , who yet before were never satisfied . And beside , though the Lord be Chastising his people , yet one may Ioyn with them without fear of wrath and Indignation on that accompt , and with hope of Partaking of their blessings , when he cannot and dare not joyn with a wicked party pursued with wrath and Indignation in the same dispentation . Which may be more clear from Cap. 11. ver 3 , 5 , 8. The Integrity of the Upright shall guide them : but the perversness of Transgressors shall destroy them . ver 5. The Righteousness of the perfect shall direct his way : but the wicked shall fall by his own wickednesse . 8. The Righteous is delivered out of trouble and the wicked cometh in his stead . And ver 10 , and 11. Shews the different Condition of People under wicked Rulers and Godly . All the wicked now rejoyce , None shouts but they , they think their day is come , the Godly generally hang their head and are discountenanced . Even as Psal. 12. The 21. and 31 ver . shews that when Godly men are Chastifed and punished in the Earth for their sins , much more wicked , especially when the Godly were Chastised for partaking with them , according to 1 Pet. 4 : 17 , 18. Isay. 10 : 12. and 49 : 12. Chap. 12 : ver 13. They are snared by the transgression of their lips , their ordinar Common speeches they drop out with , declare them and make their Cause more hatefull than other pretences its covered with would permitt . Yea they speak like the piercings of a sword against the Godly ver 11. If our State and Church had a LIP OF TRUTH , they would speak alwise the same thing , they would not carry in their talk and writings , as now every common understanding perceives . We may find their writings made up of Contradictions : For a lying tongue is but for a moment ver 19. It s but for a moment indeed before the Judicatory , and then out of doors it contradicts it self , as in the mock Repentances . But sorrow and anguish will come to these , who before they would speak of terms of peace with one Enemy , would Associate in war with another . But to the Counsellors of peace is joy . ver 20. The present Course Contradicts this 26. ver . The Righteous is more excellent than his Neighbour : but the way of the wicked seduceth them . They think these Malignants better than the West-Coutrey forces ; they would condescend to any terms to get their help , though it were to ranverse the Act of Classes , to give them Indemnity ; yea not so much as to Condemne their way : but they will not so much as clear the State of the Quarell , or choose a better General for all their help . Their way seems good in their ouneyes ver 15. But it were wisdome to hearken to the Counsel of the Godly . Chap. 13. 10. Onely by pride cometh Contention : But with the well advised is wisdom . There is nothing keepeth up our Contention and Wars but Pride ; No party will condescend to another . We will not say , we have done wrong in bringing in the King , they will not say they have done wrong in invading : But it were wisdom to fall lower and quite these Interests . ver 16. Everie Prudent man dealeth with knowledge : but a fool layeth open his folly . A wise man would count before the Warr , if he can accomplish it : and if he cannot , then he would send Messengers of peace , and Cede in all things he may without sin . If it be but more honour and wealth to our King , Should we destroy the Kingdom to purchase that ? Our rash and abrupt proceedings shews our folly . ver 20. He that walketh with wise men shall be wise : But a Companion of fools shall be destroyed . A man will be , must be assimilated to his company , and then partake of their Judgment or blessings . Chap. 14. He that is accustomed to speak truth in private , will in his common speech be a faithfull witness in publick : But a man accustomed to Lying , Dissembling , Swearing in private , will not stick to forswear himself , to make professions and vowes contrare to his mind in publick , ver 5. ( which is also Chap 12. 17. and 6. 19. ) Such men seek wisdom and make a shew of Religion , but find it not ; whereas its easy to Godly men to find it , to find Repentance and salvation , ver . 6. Go away from foolish men and break off society with ungodly men , be not privy to their Counsels ; Use them not as speciall friends , when thow perceives that all means are used in vain to reclaime them from their Damnable way and principles , ver 7. The knowledge a Godly man hath , it serves to direct his way , and is given of God for it : But all the wit and skill of such wicked men is Deceit , they themselves are beguiled by it in opinion and practise and hope . And they also beguile others , ver 8. Sin makes fools aggree : But among the Righteous , that which is good makes aggreement ( in the old translation ) ver 9. It s only evil will unite all the wicked in the Land as one man : for its a sport to them to do mischief ( Chap 10. 23. ) Albeit our way seem right in our eyes ; Yet because its a backslyding way , and departing from unquestionably right Rules , the end will be death , and we will be filled with our oun devices . O it shall be bitter in the belly of all Godly men when they have eaten it ver 12. 14. and Chap 1. 31. The simple believeth every word giveth credit to every vain word that is spoken . But a prudent man looketh well to mens goings , Ponders and examines whether their professions and practises agree ; What weight is in their words , by the Inspection of their deeds , and of their ordinar speaking ; and does not account a Coined word before a Judicatory sufficient to testify Repentance : and as he gives not present credit to their professions , who have so often proven treacherous ; so he himself skarrs at every appearance of evil , and keeps himself from it ; Whereas foolish souls rage and are confident , think any thing Lawfull if they can have any pretence for it , or use of it ver 15. 16. Then , what a great difference is between wicked men and Godly men , both in their Lot , when God is Correcting both ? And in their disposition , wisdom that rests in the ones heart , is Manifested ; Wickedness in the others heart appears also . In the midst of such men there is no other thing ver 32. 33. Chap 15. 8. The Sacrifice of the wicked is an Abomination to the Lord : but the Prayer of the upright is his delight , Expresses how provocking a thing the outward professions and sacrifices of wicked men , continuing in their wickednesse , what ane Abomination that Commonly called PUBLICK REPENTANCE , or ECCLESIASTICALL HOLINESS is , when men are visibly unholy and ungodly in their Conversation : And therefore he pleaded alwayes with that people , that his soul abhorred their externall Ceremonies , because of the Uncleanness of their hands . He pleaded that he never Commanded them , though indeed he did command them ; Yet those were aberrations and departings from the expresse Rule and Command , to accept or be pleased with these sacrifices and Ceremonies , when there was no evidence of Real Repentance . To this purpose are Chap 21. 4. 27. Isay 1. 11. and 66. 3. Ier. 6. 20. and 7. 22. Amos 5. 22. All which shew that it s but a mocking of the Lord , and perverting of his Law , and profaning of his Ordinances , to accept the profession of Repentance in those who walk contrary thereto , and to count them Ecclesiastically Holy enough , who say , they repent ; though a thousand actions witness the Contrary . Of such the Lord says , what hast thow to do to take my Covenant in thy mouth ; seing thow hates to be reformed ? Psal. 50. 16 , 17. They have no right to it , they should not be admitted to it : for its a taking the Lords Name in vain . The 16 verse tells us That it had been better to possess our oun Land in quietness , than to venture what we have for the uncertain Conquest of England , and Restitution of the King , Parallel with Eccl 4. 8. Chap. 16 : 7. When a mans ways please the Lord , he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him . Can our STATES way then please the Lord , seing they cannot find the way of Peace ? They will not walk in it ; and seeing they make the Godly in the Land to fall out with them , and none to be at peace but the wicked , who may thereby get opportunitie to crush the Godly . ver 17. The High-way of the upright is to depart from evil . This is the high way only to depart from evil , not Carnal policies , nor advantages . He thinks the stepping aside to any of these is not the high way . Can then , men change their way , and go cross to it , and keep the right way in both ? No , the Godly have this high way and keeps it . Chap. 17. ver 11. An evil man seeketh only Rebellion : therefore a Cruel messenger shall be sent against him . Evil men seek only Rebellion , and delights in no other thing : But the KING of KINGS shall send a Cruel messenger , he arms men with wrath and power against them . ver 13. Speaketh sadly to the English and to our State , that rewarded the West Countrey evil for good , ver 14. and 19. Tells us how we should advice before we begin a war , and leave no mean of composing Difference and strife unassayed ; we did more in it than the English : but not all we might have done . ver 15. with Chap. 18 : 5. It s a dreadfull sentence against the publick Judicatories , that in all their Resolutions , Papers and Practises , Iustifie the wicked and ungodly as honest faithfull men , and condemne all approven Faithfull men , that cannot go along in such Courses , or were earnest to have them Repent , as both Malignants and Sectaries . Doe they not pronounce all Malignants friends , and absolve them from the sentences and Classes they stand under ? And do they not put the Godly in their place ? They relax the punishment of the one , and imputes transgression to the other ; and so brings them under a Law. See Exod 23 : 7. Prov. 24 : 24. Isay. 5 : 23. and the 26. verse of this Chapter . It s not good to punish Godly men , who have given constant proof of their Integrity , for abstaining from such a Course , at least having so much appearance of evil , that many distinctions will never make the multitude to believe , that we are walking according to former principles : because their sense observes the quite contrarie practises , &c. Chap. 18 : ver 2. ( A fool hath no delight in understanding , but that his heart may Discover it self . ) Shews , that if the present Cause and Course were of God , and tended so much to his Glory , fools or wicked men would have no such delight in it : for they delight in nothing but what ; is agreeable to their humour , to discover themselves &c. Vers 3 , gives the true reason , why our publick judicarories and Armies are so base and contemptible ; why contempt and shame is powred on them ; because , when the wicked comes , then also comes contempt , and with the vile man , Reproach . vers 13. He that answereth a Cause before he hear it , it is folly and shame unto him . Many pass peremptory sentence upon the honest party in the West , before they hear all parties , and be throughly informed , and this is a folly and shame to them . They hear the State and Church and what they can say for their way ; and indeed they seem just , because they are first in with their Cause with them , and they will not hear another ; but he that comes after will make Inquiry , and discover these fallacies . Vers 24. There is a friend that sticketh eloser than a brother . A godly neighbour , not so near in naturall bonds to us , that is a surer friend than many brethren in the flesh . These bonds of Countrey and Kinred , should all Cede to Gods Interest . See Chap. 17 : 17. Chap. 19 : 22. A mans desire is his Kindness : and a poor man is better than a lyar . The Godly , that cannot Concurt in the publick Cause being disabled through an invincible impediment of sin lying in the way and means made use of , are better friends , and have more real good-will to the stablishment and peace of the Land , than any ungodly man , let him be never so forward in the present Course . Vers 10 , Pleasure and its attendants , are not comely for a wicked man. i. e. Foolish man ; much less for a servant . i. e. men enthralled in their Lusts , to Rule over Princes i. e. Godly men , highly priviledged by God. All things that are good do ill become them ; but worst of all to have Power and Superiority over Good men . Vers 25 , joyned with Chap. 21 : 11. Ring-leaders of wickednesse , Refractory and Incorrigible persons should have been made examples to others , and this would have prevented much mischief . The Scripture gives ground for putting difference between the scorner and simple , seducers and seduced . Chap. 20 : 6. and Chap. 21 : 2. and Chap. 16 : 2. Most men will proclaim every one his oun goodness : but a faithfull man who can find ? It s no great wonder that Malignants say they Repent ; and the State and Church say they keep the same principles : for who will say any evil of himself ? vers 8. Magistrates should scatter away evil men with their Countenance , by denying it to them , looking down on them , How then do our Rulers gather them . Vers 3. Shews , that war and strife should not be kept up but in extream necessity , fools will be meddling . Vers 11 , Shews that the best way of Judging of men is by their Doings and fruits , not strained words and confessions . But these who upon a bare profession , pronounce a Notour Malignant a friend ; having no proof of their integrity ; and will not have any judged such , but such as judicially are debarred ; yet they , contrary to all the testimony of works and fruits , Judge and condemn honest men as Traitors , though not Judicially convicted . Certainly Diverse measures are an Abomination to the Lord As in vers 10. Then vers 25 , Sacriledge is described , and Covered perjury , which is a snare to the soul that commits it , to Devour that which is holy . i. e. Employeth to Common use these things God hath set apart , and commanded to be kept holy , as our profaning of REPENTANCE and ABSOLUTION by casting such pearles to Swine , and for our own Advantage making a cloak of them to bring in wicked men , contrare to the very nature and Institution of the ordinance . Also our prostituting of our Covenant and Cause , most holy things , to mentain Unholy or Common Interests . Our committing his Holy things to them that will Devour them . And after vows to make enquiry , To dispute now , that we did not bind our selves in the Case of necessity , not to employ wicked men ; when as the ground is perpetuall and holds in all cases . It shews either temerity in swearing , or impiety in enquiring afterward and changing , See Deut. 23 : 21. Then vers 26. A wise King scattereth the wicked , and bringeth the wheel over them . O that our Magistrates were so wise ! Is the Act of levie a scattering of the wicked ? Is the act of Indemnity a bringing the wheel over them Psal. 101. 8. 1 will early destroy &c. In Chap. 21 : 10. ( The soul of the wicked desireth evil , his neighbour findeth no favour in his eyes . ) The wickeds principles can carry no where but to evil ; and to do evil to Good men . vers 8. His way and life is full of horrible and tragicall chances : But a good mans work is easie and pleasant , directs to a good and peaceable end Isay. 26 : 7. In vers 12. A Righteous man should have his witt about him , to consider ungodly houses and families , and persons . that God hath visible controversies with , that he may not communicate with them in their Judgments . vers 16. It is a sad wandring out of the way , when a man leaves the Congregation of the Living to abide among the dead . Dead in sins and appointed to Death . It s a great Judgment as well as sin . Vers 27. with the 4. and places before cited , shew how Abominable the externall professions and pretences of wicked men are , when contradicted by their practise ; especially if they doe it but out of a wicked mind , when they Intend to effect some mischief , under the Colour of Repentance and being Reconciled to the Church . As Absaloms Vow at Hebron ; as Balaam and Balak and the Pharisees , who under pretence of long prayers devoured widows houses ; as Iezebels fast ; and as the people Isay. 58 : 4. Who fasted for strife and debate , and to strike with the fist of wickednesse . All men knows that the Church is the Ladder to step up upon to go to preferment , and Repentance the door to enter to places of Trust. Chap. 22 : 3. ( A prudent man forseeth the evil and hideth himself : but the simple pass on and are punished . ) He is a wise man that knows the Judgment of the Lord , and as the stork and swallow the time of his coming , that in the Consideration of sins and threatnings , and comparing things spirituall with spirituall , apprehendeth Judgment coming on such a Course and such a party , and hydes himself , goes aside , retires to a Covert , by avoyding these evils , and the least fellowship with them that bring it on , and eschewing such a Society as hath the Cloud hanging directly above their head : but simple Idiots and blind worldings go on head-long , and dread nothing and are punished vers 5. Most Grievous plagues and Punishments , and all manner of unhappiness encumbreth their wicked life : Therefore he that would keep himself pure and clean , 1 Iohn . 5 : 18. and save his oun soul , shall be far from them ; shall keep himself far from such people . He prays with JOB . Let their Counsell be far from me Iob 21 : 16 , 17. Because their good is not in their hand ; their Candle is oft put out &c. And resolves with JACOB , My soul shall not enter into their secret , to have such Intimacy with them , as joyn Counsells with them Gen. 49 : 6. And vers 10 , 11. Cast out of thy Company , Family , Jurisdiction , the Scorner that contemns ●odly men , and mocks Instruction : for such men are Infectious , and able to Corrupt all they Converse with : But Cast him out , and Contention shall go out with him . It s such only that marrs the union of the Godly , that stirs up strife , and foments divisions . Thow shalt have more peace , and be more free from sin and shame . But sound hearted upright men , who deal faithfully , not to please but to profit ; yow should choose these to entrust and rely upon ; those should be the friends of Kings . Vers 14 , As a Harlots allurements are like pits to catch men , so the Allurements of wicked ungodly men their Power , Policy &c. and their fair speeches and flatteries , is a deep ditch to catch men into this spirituall whoredome and fornication spoken of Ezek. 23. And he whom God is provoked with , by former wickedness , falls into it Eccl. 7 : 26. vers 24 , 25. ( Make not friendship with an angry man : and with a furious man thow shall not go &c. ) And is not Association in Arms with such , as friends against one Enemie , a making friendship with them we are sworn to hold as Enemies ? If we may not converse with a furious passionate man , how then with men of blood , enraged , whose inveterate malice hath now occasion to vent against all the Godly ? For thow wilt learn his wayes , as we have always seen it by experience ; and thow wilt get a snare to thy soul : If thow go not in his ways yow cannot aggree , yow will fall out and quarrell ; and that is a snare to thee . Vers 28 , Remove not the ancient land-mark which thy Fathers have set . If it be so dreadfull and accursed to remove our Neighbours marks and bounds . O how much more to change and alter Gods land mark , his Privileges , Oaths and Covenants &c. and Chap. 23 : 10. 11. Deut. 19 : 14 : and 27 : 17 , Chap. 23 : 1 , 7. ( When thow sittest to eat with a Ruler , Consider diligently what it before thee . vers 7. For as he thinketh in his heart so is he &c. ) Consider diligently what men ARE , not what they PRETEND and seem to be . for as they think so are they , not as they pretend with their tongue and Countenance , but as they think in their heart , which is better evidenced by their Common ' and habituall speaking and walking , than any deliberate and resolved profession contrived of purpose . But if thow consider not this , the morsel thow hast eaten thow shalt vomit up , thow shalt Dearly pay for thy Credulity and loss all thy sweet words . Vers 23 : Buy the truth and sell it not . &c. Do not we sell the truth and Cause and all into the hands of the Enemies of all ? Whereas we ought to Ransom the Kingdoms libertie and Religions Interest , with the loss of all extrinsick Interest that does but concern the accession of ones honour ; yet we sell , endanger and venture all for that . Chap. 24 : 1. ( Be not thow envyous against evil men neither desire thow to be with them . Godly mens hearts are often tickled to be acquainted with , in league and friendship with wicked men , when they have power : that they may not be hurt by them ; but seing there is no Society between light and darknesse , let not the Godly desire to be with them , as in Chap. 23 : 17. But rather to be in Gods fear alwayes , that is good Company . The Reason is Vers 2. Their heart studies the destruction of the Godly , why then should thow walk with thine Enemy ? And you shall hear nothing but mischief in their Lips. vers 12. It s not according to mens words but works they should be judged , and why do not we follow that Rule in our Judging ? Do we mock God as one mocks another ? Iob 34 : 11. Psal. 62 : 12 , Ier , 32 : 19. Rom. 2 : 6. Vers 21. &c. Men given to Change , false deceitfull men , meddle not with such if thow either fear God or respect man ; for such will be sure to no Interest but their oun . Their calamity shall come suddenly : therefore have nothing to doe with them : for who knows the Ruine of them both , of them and all other wicked men , or of both them and the King if wicked . Also to the wise and Godly this belongs , It s not good to have Respect of Persons in Judgment , whither he be King or Noblman . A Righteous State respects not the Person of the Prince and mighty saith Iob. But he that says to the Righteous , you are wicked Sectaries , and also Malignants , because ye will not approve all their Resolutions ; and to the wicked , thow art Righteous , to the Malignants , yow are the honest men ; the blessed of the Lord , who did ever to this day fall under Meroz Curse , Should the people approve him ? No Certainly , him shall they Curse , and the Nations abhor him or them : But a blessing on them that would reprove our sins and search them out . Vers 29. The Malignant party are even speaking so , As the Classers and purgers did to us , even so will we doe to them . But God will render them according to their work . Chap. 25. 2. ( It is the honour of Kings to search out a matter . ) It s a Kings glory and Judges glory to search our a matter , to try dissemblers before they trust them ; Gods glory is to Pardon , Mans glory is to Administer Justice Impartially . ver 4 , 5. shews , what need there is of purging places of trust , especially about the King. Dross cannot be melted , take what pains yow will , it will not convert into a vessel and become usefull . This mixed in , obstructs all Equity , Justice and Piety where it is . The Ruler should be the Refiner to purge away this drosse , and the Army or Judicatory or Kingdome is a vessell . You shall never get a fined vessel for use and service , till yow purge away the drosse Psal. 101. 4. Then Vers 8. we should follow peace with all men as much as is possible , never to begin strife or draw the Sluse of contention : But if we be wronged , we should not for all that goe out hastily to strife , till 1. the Justice and Equity of the Cause appear . 2. that the matter wherabout we contend be of great moment , a ground to found a Warr upon . 3. that we first use all means of peace and aggreement possible . 4. that we overmatch not our selves with these who are too strong for us , See Chap. 17. 14. Lest thow be brought to that extremity that thow know not what to doe . Thus Christ adviseth Luke 14. 31. I am perswaded this would plead much in Reason to yeeld security to England , so be it our wrong were repaired and no more done , Verse 19 shews , what the employment of unfaithfull men , who mean nothing less than they pretend , is , they fail when most is expected , and hurts beside , as Jobs friends Chap. 6. 15. And Verse 26 , A Righteous and upright man , consenting with a wicked man in sin ; or , through fear of him , not daring to do his duty , turning to him and his way , or dallying and flattering him in his Iniquity , is like a troubled fountain , is not good and profitable for Edification nor Correction , having troubled the purity of his soul through the mudd of Carnall respects and Interests : Corruption within is the mire , the wickeds seducements are like the beasts trampling it with his foot ; And he is like a corrupt , infected and poisoned fountain , more ready to infect and draw others by his example . Verse 27 , A man should not seek Honour and preferrment , that 's base and shamefull . None of the trees longed for soveraigntie but the Bramble . Chap 26. 1. ( As snow in summer and as rain in harvest ; so honour is not seemly for a fool . ) It s as unseemly , prodigious and destructive a thing , to give Honours , Promotions and Trust to wicked men , as snow and much rain in Harvest ; a Reproach and punishment more becomes him , than honour the reward of Goodness ( as ver 3 ) a whip , rod and bridle for him , to restrain him from wrong and provoke him to goodnesse ver 6. He that commits an errand or business and entrusts a wicked man with it , is as unwise in so doing as if he did cut off the Messengers feet he sent ; he deprives himself of the means to compass it ; He sends a lame man to run ane errand ; He is punished by himself as if he had cut off his oun feet , and procureth sorrow and discontent to himself , as if he were compelled to drink nothing but what is contrare to his stomack . ver 7. All good speeches halt and limp in evil mens mouths ; For there is no constancy in their mouths : Within they are very rottennesse . Out of the same mouth comes blessing and Cursing . I am 3. 10. their very words aggree not ; The publick and extraordinary Crosses the private & ordinary , and their actions have less harmony with their words . Professing they know God , in works they deny him &c. Ver 8 , To give a mad man a weapon , what els is it but to murder ? To bring shot to an ordinance which may do much mischief to himself and others , is to be accessory to that mischief ; So to give honour to a fool , he hath given power to them , and put them in a Capacity to do evil , and set them on work again to perfect their designes against good men . Verse 9 , As a drunken man , put a thorn in his hand , he can make no use of it , but to hurt himself and others ; so wicked mens good speeches and fair professions , commonly tend to some mischief , these but cover their evil designes : and yet the Covering is shorter than that it can hide them . Verse 10 , wicked Rulers ( look the margent ) grieve and molest the subjects ; and the means to effect this is , to employ the fool and transgressor , to give Offices and Countenance to evil men , which may be Instruments of their Lust , so Abimelech Iudg 9. 4. so Iezebel , 1 Kings 21. 10. so in Neh. 8. 15. Vers 11 , The dog feeling his stomack surcharged , goes to the Grass , as our Malignants to profess Repentance , and casts up that which troubles him by a fained Confession : But because there is noe change in his Nature , He is inwardly stirred by his old principles to lick up that vomite , to Committ and practise what he professed Repentance for , yea and to profess the same he pretended sorrow for : When Power is confirmed in their hand they will return to their folly . Vers 17 , What els is our Interposing our selves in the Kings Quarrell concerning England , though we have Interest in it to endeavour it in a peacable way , if he were fit for it ; Yet in comparison of our Kingdom and Religions fafety , which may be ruined by Warr , It s no such matter as belongeth to us : And so it falls out , we are like a man taking a Dog by the ears to hold him ; We have raised up many Enemies , and provocked them to byte us : We cannot hold them long from destroying him : And we provoke them more by holding them , in espousing his Quarrell , As Iehoshaphat joyning with Ahab , We had done well to interpose our selves between the King and them to make peace , but to side to one party was not well done . Ver 18 , 19. furious and bloody men take all opportunities to hurt others , especially good men : and so deceiveth these imployed : But they do it under a pretence , as a scorner reproacheth under a pretence of sport ; so they , under other pretences , of wrongs done , of the Countreys defence &c. Ver 20 , 24 , Shews the way to prevent trouble and keep peace . As a contentious turbulent person , would enflame a whole Countrey and put them by the ears ; so a person , though not contentious in his oun Nature , yet having many contentious Interests following him , which he will not quite or committ to Gods providence , as our King was , O it is the destruction of a Nation to have such a person among them : He hath broken the peace of two Kingdoms . Verse . 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. Burning Lips , Hot and great words of Love and friendship , and a wicked heart , Revenging its enmitie , and minding nothing less than what is spoken , is Like a potsneard , a drossie piece covered over with the fairding of Hypocrisy ; Or like a sepulchre garnished and painted , he dissembles and speaks vanity and flatters Psal. 12. 3. But he laves up his wicked purposes close within him till a time of venting them : Therefore when he speaks so fair and Courteously , be not confident of him , trust him not too farr till thow have proof of his Reality . Put not thy self and thy dearest Interests into his mercy . This is wisdom and not want of charity Ier. 12. 6. Micah . 7. 5. Cain , Ioab , Iudas , are proof of this . It may be covered a time , but not long . Naturam expellas furcâ licet usque recurrat . All the World shall be witnesse of it . Psal. 125. So then vers 21. The Calumniator and false accuser who openly professes his hatred and malice , and the flatterer that seems to be moved with love , both of them produce one effect , viz Ruine and Calamitie . Chap 27. 3 , 4. ( A stone is heavy and the sand weighty : But a fools wrath is heavyer than them both &c. We see what we may expect of the enraged , exasperated Malignant Party , their wrath against all the Godly , for their faithfull secluding and purging them out of places of trust , is weighty and unsupportable like the sand of the sea ; It will crush them under it if God support not . It s like a swelling River or a High spring-tyde , it goes over all banks , since the State and Church have drawn the sluce and letten it out . But when it is joyned with Envy and Malice against Godliness and Piety it self , who can stand before that ? No means can quench that heat . Verse 6 , faithfull mens Reproofs , Remonstrances and Warnings , applyed in Love and Compassion , are better than an Enemies Kisses and flatteries , than his oyls and oyntments is : Therefore we would Pray against the one , and for the other ; that God would smite us with the mouth of the Righteous , but keep Us from the dainties of the wicked Ioabs , Iudases , and Achitophels . Verse 8. Speaks sadly against Ministers that withdraw from their Charges so unnecessarly , as a bird that wandreth too long from her nest , the young sterve for Cold or famine , or are made a prey ; so these , who having no necessary Call to be els-where , especially not being members of the Commission , yet stay not with their flocks , are guilty of their souls Ruine . verse 10 , O how doth this speak against the present Course of Judicatories , they have forsaken their old faithfull friends , when they proved ever Constant , and have gone in to their wicked Countrey-mens house in the day of their Calamity . But a neighbour in affection and piety , is nearer than a brother in flesh and near in habitation . Chap 28. 1. ( The wicked slee when no man pursueth : But the Righteous is bold as a Lyon ) wicked men are now chosen for Stoutness and Courage , but they have no sure foundation for it . Its buts like the Rage : and temerity of a mad man or drunkard : But Godly men , once satisfyed in grounds of Conscience about their duty , would have been bold as Lyons . A good Conscience would have made them bold Psal. 112. 7 , 8. Levit. 26. 36. Now verse 2 , Behold the punishment of our sins , our Governours are changed , There is almost a total alteration , and we are Faces about ; which cannot but bring Ruine to the Land , especially when men of understanding and piety are shut out . verse 4. with Chap 29. 27. It s a great point and Argument of declyning and forsaking the Law of God when men Praise the wicked , Change their Names though they themselves be not Changed , and Leave off contending with them or declaring against them , and doe rather plead for them . But Godly men that keep the Law Contend with , discountenance them , and oppose them ; As DAVID , I hate them that hate thee , and earnestly contend with them : Thus they are kept from partaking with other mens sins . Ver 5 , It s not very likely , that all the ungodly should now understand the duty of the times and discern the right way , and that so many that fear God , understand it not , seing the Lords secret is revealed to them Psal. 25. 14. Verse 6 , 7. A poor man , and weak means if they be of upright men , are better and stronger than manie rich and strong perverters . A companion of evil men and a keeper of the Law aggree not in one person , the one is a honour , the other a shame to all that have interest in them . Vers 9. Their prayers and professions are Abomination , no acceptation of those who turno away their ears from obedience to the Law , who walks contrare to it . Vers 10. These Cunning and crafty men that have enticed some Godly men , and led them on in the present Course , shall themselves smart for it , when the Godly seduced shall see good things after all this . Verse 12 , When wicked men have Power and Trust , Good men hide and Retire themselves from such a Congregation or Assembly of the wicked . See Chap. 10 : 10 , 11. Should we thus choose our oun Plague , Tyranny , Oppression , Calamity and Misery : and cast away our oun glorie ? Then vers 13. Repentance requires true and Ingenuous Confession , and real forsaking ; If both these joyn not , it s but a Covering and hyding of sin . If a man confess and yet walk and Continue in them , he is but using his Confession as a Covering to retain his sins : and such shall not find mercy of God , or prosper before men , Vers 14 , It s not so despisable a thing to fear alway , and to be very jealous of sin as it is now made , It s counted a reproach to have any scruples at the prelent Course : But happie is he that abstaineth from all appearance of evil : But he that emboldneth himself , and will not Question any thing makes for advantage , falls into mischief . Vers 15 , 17 , Shews the Lamentable Condition of a people under wicked Rulers , they are beasts and not men towards the people , especially towards the best . Dam. 7 : 4 , 5. Zep. 3 : 3. vers 17. How doth that aggree with our sparing of bloody men , of our solliciting for their Impunity , of our pardoning them ? Are they not , by the appointment of Gods Law , ordained for destruction and hast to it ? Should any then stay them ? should they not then far less employ them ? And ( vers 24. ) If it be so heinous to take our Fathers goods upon this pretence , because they are our oun ; how much more sacriledge is it to rob God of his Interests ? and give over his money to bankrupts , and say it s no transgression to rob the Land of its Defence , and make them naked , as Ahaz his confederacy did : Certainly it is murther . vers 28. and Chap. 29 : 2. and 11 : 12. and 28 : 28 are to one purpose : We have forsaken our oun mercy and wronged our oun souls : and destroyed our selves in choosing our oun Judgment , and making our oun Red to beat us withall . Chap. 29 : 1. We being so often reproved by his word and providence for the sin of Association with the wicked , and being so lately punished for it ; and having so lately reproved our selves for it in our Declarations and Fasts , yet to harden our necks . What can we expect but utter destruction and that without Remedie , as we sentenced our selves ? Ezra 9 : 13. and 14 : 13. Isay. 30 : 13 , 14. Shall not this Iniquity be to us abreach ready to fall , even this Iniquity of going down to Egypt for help &c. Then vers 6. There is a snare to entrap thy feet in the sins of the wicked ; if thow be joyned with them thow cannot well escape . Vers 8. Wicked Prophane contemners of God and his people bring ruine on a City or Commonalitie , they set it on fire and blows it up : But Godly men pacify wrath , turn away Judgments , and purge all from provocations , which is the only means to turn it away . Vers 16 Shews , when wicked men gather together and grow in State and power , they grow worse , and sin with greater boldness : And transgression then overflows the Land tanquam ruptis repagulis . There is no obstacle , see Psal. 12. And vers 24 shews , He that is partner and fellow-receiver ▪ with a thief , or conceals such offenders , endangers his oun destruction : and he that stays with and Associates with wicked men , must hear cursing aed cannot bewray it ; he will see many Abominations , that though he would he cannot remedie . Vers 25. Fear of man and of the Lands danger , hath brought many into a snare , to run from the Lord to an Arm of flesh : but he that trusts in the Lord shall be safe . Vers 27. Here is the deadly enmitie between the two feeds , they cannot reconcile well , see vers 10. and Chap. 21 : 3. It s no wonder the Godly Abominate such men who are Gods enemies and the Lands plague . Chap. 30 : 11 , 14. Descrives the Malignant party , who make nothing of the Godly Magistrates or their mother Church and Land , but Curse , Maligne , Oppose as much as they could , and are Oppressours , monstrous Tyrants , Mankind-beasts , or beastly men ; the Subject of their Crueltie is the Godly afflicted man , they eat up all and will not leave the bones : As the Propher complains , I ly among men whose teeth are as spears and arrows , and their tongue as a sharp sword . And then vers 12 , 13 , 20. Descrives our Enemies , the Invaders , They think themselves Godly and Righteous , yet are not purged from their filthinesse . They are given up to strong delusions to believe lies ; and there is no lie greater than this , that they are a Godly Party in a Godly Cause and way . They wipe their mouth after all their bloodshed , and sayes , I have done no evil : They wash their hands as Pilate , as if they were free of the blood of these Just men , whose fouls cry under the Altar . Vers 21 , 22 , 23. It is a burthen to the world and a plague to mankind , when servants , unworthy men , and persons unfit for high places are set in Authority , and when wicked men have their desire of plenty and honour ( Chap. 19 : 10. ) And when an odious woman , or men of hatefull Vitious dispositions comes to preferment and are espoused by a State. Nought they were while alone , but worse now when they have crept into the bed and bosome of the State. Her Roots was nought before : but now she is planted in rank mould , and will shoot forth her unsavoury branches and blossoms . And when Handmaids , kept in a servile estate because of their disposition and quality , get their Masters ushered out , and they become Heirs , at least possessors of the Inheritance or Trust. Vers 33 Shews , how necessarly war and Contention follow upon unnecessary provocations by word or deed , such as we have given many to England , though indeed they have given moe . And lastly , Chap. 31 : 20 , 26 , 31. Shews how word and work should go together : and men should be esteemed and praised according to their works and fruit of their hands . FINIS . 
A36890	----	A few vvords of truth from the spirit of truth to all who are convinced of the truth, and stand in opposition to the cross ... also a few words to all the litteral professors, who can own the ministration of Christ without them but deny him within them and to those that have their dependance upon the teaching of men, in oppostion to the ministration of the spirit within : together with a short discovery of the Presbyterian government, and some reasons of dissenting from it / William Dundas. Dundas, William, fl. 1665-1673. 1673 Approx. 45 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A36890 Wing D2612 ESTC R17235 13646717 ocm 13646717 100928 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36890) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100928) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 786:11) A few vvords of truth from the spirit of truth to all who are convinced of the truth, and stand in opposition to the cross ... also a few words to all the litteral professors, who can own the ministration of Christ without them but deny him within them and to those that have their dependance upon the teaching of men, in oppostion to the ministration of the spirit within : together with a short discovery of the Presbyterian government, and some reasons of dissenting from it / William Dundas. Dundas, William, fl. 1665-1673. 22 p. s.n.], [London : 1673. Largely autobiographical; includes description of Quaker activities in Scotland and France. Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Society of Friends -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Society of Friends -- France -- Early works to 1800. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Few VVords of Truth FROM THE Spirit of Truth To all who are Convinced of the Truth , and stand in Opposition to the Cross . By one who remained in that Estate above Seven years , before he was brought to the True Obedience of Truth : and was whipped to it by the Merciful Rod of the Lord ; for no less could do it . Also a few words to all the Litteral Professors , who can Own the Ministration of Christ Without them , but Deny him Within them . And to those that have their Dependance upon the Teachings of Men , in Opposition to the Ministration of the Spirit Within . Together with a short Discovery of the Presbyterian Government ; and some Reasons of Dissenting from it . William Dundas . Before I was affl●cted I went astray ; but now I have kept thy Word , Psal . 119. 67. Peri-issem nisi peri-issem . Peri-issem . I called upon the Lord in Distress ; the Lord answered me , and set me in a large place . The Lord is on my side ; I 〈◊〉 not fear : What can Man do unto me ? Psal . 118. 5. 6. Vnless the Lord had been my Help , my Soul had almost dwelt in Silence , Psal . 94. 17. Printed in the Year , 1673. A Few VVords of Truth FROM THE Spirit of Truth To all who are Convinced of the Truth , and stand in Opposition to the Cross . FRIENDS , IT is from a deep Sense of a clear and through Exerience that I am moved to lay before you , having fresh in my Thoughts your Conditions ; for upon that Ground did I set up my Tent for many years , and was most unwilling to remove it , till the Lord by Fire and Sword did pursue me , and did turuble me out of all my False Rests ; and whilst I was settling upon my Lees , he poured me from Vessel to Vessel , where I never had a settled Peace nor Comfort , till the Lord settled the Ark of my Soul upon the Mountains of Ararat ; then I did see all the World ( I mean those of that spirit ) lying as so many Dead Corps , swimming upon the Waters ; and then my Soul was refreshed with the Sense of God's Love , who had pulled me like a Brand out of the Fire , who was walking from Hill to Mountain , and running after the Lo here , and Lo there , and seeking the Living amongst the Dead , and the Pearl abroad , that was lying hid within my own Breast ; I was feeding upon Husks , and the Inventions of Man , seeking the Law from his Mouth , and treading upon the Light which was within , which shined in Darkness , but Darkness could no comprehend it ; and thus did I live in the Night of Darkness : but that it was a Day of Love that the Lord visited me from on high , when I was wallowing in my Blood , with my Navil-string uncut , nor salted ; and notwithstanding the setting of my Feet in Opposition to the Light , after so many years Conviction , and that I had gone near to sin out my Day , and that before the Candle of the Lord was put out in my spirit , he did of Mercy shine upon me ; and though late I coming to the Vineyard to work , he gave me the Wages of those that came first . O the Unexpressible Love of a Merciful , Loving , Tender and Long-Suffering God ; which did not cut the Thread of my Life betwixt the Conviction and being brought to the Obedience of the Truth ; it was only the Free Love and Mercy of the Lord that preserved me , and the more that I ponder it the deeper sense I have of it , even to the bowing of me down , so that I had no Peace till that I should make my Condition known to those who are where I was ; and that I may be set up as a Beac●n to those who are travelling Sion-ward , lest that they split upon the same Rocks , Shelves and Sands , from which the Lord hath very narrowly delivered and brought me into the s●fe Harbour , where my Anchor is cast , within the Vail ; and now being come to my Rest , it is the more with me to shew to others the Pilgrimage of my Warfare , which is thus . It was the Lord's Free Grace That brought me to this Port ; For else-where I found no Place My Soul for to Support . Whilst I was in my young and tender years , I was brought up in a Family , and Families , where the Lord was Worshipped according to the Worship of that Nation of Scotland ; but as I grew more in years the Lord was pleased to give me more and more the Light of his Presence , and did offer me more plenty of his Grace then I was willing to receive ; and if I hàd gone any further then the Form of the National Church ( so called ) did allow , I was counted a Sectary , and so disowned ; and my looking one Step further then their publick Faith did allow should become a Brand of Schism and Heresie , notwithstanding as to their Law I was as strict a Pharisee as many of my Equals , and brought up at the Feet of Gamaliel : For , since I entered into the Covenant with that People , I came to see a little clearer , and that the Covenant did tye so my Conscience to their Form of Presbytery , my spirit did begin to fail me in the thing ; and when there was an Order from the General Assembly , For all the Nation to take the Covenant the second time , in that Interim the Lord had cleared the Fogs and Mists , partly by opening the Eyes of my Understanding , so that I Refused to take the Covenant the second time upon the Day appointed for that End , which was to be done upon a First-day , called Sunday . A dear Friend of mine ( whose Name I will omit , because now removed by Death ; one whom I believe laid down the Body Convinced of the Truth ; for a little before his Death he said to an eminent Friend of Truth at his own House , when some were slighting the Quakers , he said , That he wisht all the Nation were Quakers ) This Friend , I say , and I went from the place where we were expected to take the Covenant that day , to hear a Country-man preach by Orders publickly at the Town of Linlithg●w , one who was never at Schools nor Colledges , nor knew no Language● but his Mother Tongue ; and as himself said to me , he was brought up a Herdsman , with keeping of Sheep at home , which was a rare thing in the Nation of Scotland in these times ; and they were come one step nearer to the Quakers Principles , especially having discharged the wearing of Ribbands : and if they had continued Faithful to the Measure they had received then , and not run retrograde , they had not so much stood in opposition to them now : But as I have said , We going to eschew the Covenant-taking , to hear the Preacher , who was called from his Sheep-keeping to Preach , we escaped the taking of the Covenant the second time . This was like the Covenant of old , That could not all perform ; So neither could we live as we would In Things that are enorm . Yet not so , but that I was taken notice of ; and when I came to receive the Sacrament ( so called ) at the preparation , the day before it , in the Queen's Ferry , the Minister ( so called ) of that Town , told me , That I must not come to morrow to their Sacrament , except that I would take the Covenant ; which I refused to do , nor never did after the first time : And that same Person with several others of that Denomination , seeing me to look further then their publick Faith did allow me , did labour to keep me still under Bondage to their Ecclesiastical Law , seeing me not matter much the hearing of them ; for I having in measure entered the Promised Land , their Manna became loathsome to me ; and they Expostulated so with me , Why I did not frequent their Assemblies so much as formerly ? I told them , That there was a Thing beyond that , which I looked for : To which they replyed , That I must take heed to that , for that was a Sectarian and Dangerous Principle : And I told them plainly , That I was not to receive the Law from the Mouth of Man : Then the said ( called ) Minister said , That I Tempted God : And when I told him , That God could not be Tempted ( that is , to Evil ) his Anger was raised against me , so that he left any more meddling with me in Matters of Religion . But that which first began to nausuate me , and make me to loathe that sort of Government was , to see the Domineering Pride of the Priests of that Nation , that they could force some that were not one with them in their Principles , to come and take with them their Sacraments , as that of Bread and Wine , and sprinkling of their Children , whereof neither Precept nor President can be produced from holy Scripture ; and if the Parents will not bring their Children to them to be Sprinkled , they will do it in their Absence without , their Consent . How inconsistent this is with the Rule of the Gospel , and the Scriptures of Truth , I leave it to all that have the right Eye open to judge of it : For they say . That the Children are saved by the Faith of their Parents , and yet the Parents have not that Liberty to use their own Freedom in that thing : And the prophanest Wretch that lives shall not be refused that Priviledge of Sprinkling , but rather proceeded against by their Law , if they imbrace it not , and by what sort of Members these Laws are constituted , I shall instance one Particular , and then ye may judge ( exu● que leonem ) the Lion by his Paw . The General Assembly consists of some out of every Presbytery , and according as that Prebytery is affected with the Love of a Religion these Commissioners are chosen : and what a mingle mangle mungrel Galimasray of Omnigatherums is in that Assembly , I leave the discerning and juditious Eye to consider , what may be the Product of such a Compesition , composed of so many spotted Individuals and party-coloured Simples . I might produce several Instances , which might enervate the same Procedure of such hodge podge Acts , but that I am not willing to burthen the Reader 's Patience with such unpleasant Entertainment : Do men gather Grapes of Thorns , or Figs of Thistles ? And what other Miscarriages of that Government did alienate my Spirit from it , as the Pride of the Covetous Clergy , and their going from one Benefice to another , as they call it , Majus bonum Ecclesiae ; but I say , Ventri ; that is , not for the more Good of the Church , but for the Fatter Benefice of the Belly : and this is evidenced , that seldom any of them go from a bigger to a less Stipend or Sallary , but to a bigger , and so to sell them that they have Covenanted with for the bigger Sallary ; and some I have seen that would not come till they had their Bargain made , for so much a Year , as one would buy a Horse in a Market ; and if he be not paid , he will not preach ; and then when he is settled Parish Priest , he is ordinarily Commander in chief , and all his Parishioners must stoop to him ; and if they pay not duely what they Covenanted for , he will by process of the Law , pursue them , and strain their Goods . Farewel ye Watch-Men of the Night ; Who love in Darkness for to dwell ; And hates the shining of the Light : Which is the Path to the Dark Cell . There was another Practice of that National Church of Scotland , which did estrange my Affection from them , their sticking so close to their Rigidity of Persecution , so that if Christ himself should appear in the Flesh to them out of their own Form , they would have refused him ; and if Truth , not clothed in their Garb , did speak among them , it was presently put to Silence . I shall instance only one particular of one called Wood , who had some Charge in the Custom-house of Leith , who for the Maintaining of the Truth ( was cited , I do not well remember whether it was before the Commission of the General Assembly , or before the Synodical Assembly of Lothian , but one of them it was ) he , the said Wood was cited before them , because he said , That Christ was the Word , and that the Letter was not the Word ; and all the Arguments that they could produce could not convince the Man ( for I was Witness to it ) for still he stood upon these words , That the Word was made Flesh , and dwelt among us , so that they could not resist the power of his Assertion , nor deny the Scriptures , they did fall a Threatning him with their Thunder-bolt of their Excommunication , so that he could not get so much time as to consider upon it , and to give in his Answer for his Defence so much as till the next Assembly : and about two or three Monehs after that , I meeting him in the Street of Edinbrough pid ask him , Whether or no be had come to a clearer Resolution of the Word ? But he not knowing me , did become a little shie of me , till that I told him my Name ( for I was known to him by that , I being in process of Excommunication ) then he told me , That he had gotten no Satisfaction , and that he was forced to how to the Assembly against his Light : For if he had been Excommunicated he had lost his Livelihood , so that within a year or two he dyed ; and I am sure that they were not clear of his Blood. All these that do the Truth deny Of the Word made Flesh indeed , They are of Antichrist his fry , And on the Husks of Truth do feed . By this time the Priests were become so Jealous of me , that they said , I would Infect the whole Nation : They watched at the Post-House for my Letters , to know with whom I corresponded in England , where they found several Letters of mine , when they opened them ( whether it was by Order of the Committee of Estates I know not ) and if they did find any thing they could wrest to their turn , they did keep my Letters ; and if they found nothing that , could touch me , they caused to seal up my Letters again , and to be delivered to me ; I knowing nothing what they had done , till some of themselves confessed it to me : In the mean time my Correspondent Gawen Lawry Merchant of London , according to Orders , sent me a Box with about Three Pound Sterling worth of Books , and to give me notice of it to call for them in a Ship of the Preston Pannes , for the which End he writ me a Letter by the Post , which they getting in their hands , I never knòwing any thing of it , till I going to visit my Cousin Preston Grange ; his Wife told me , That their Priest ( called a Minister ) one John Oswald , had taken a Fox full of Books from a Ship of that Town of Preston Panne● , which was directed for me ; which did a little surprize me , I never hearing of it ; yet it behoved me to content my self , knowing . That what once cometh into their Hands ( which is called th● Kirk ) is not easily recovered : So that I sent for the same Books again , which were also seized upon by one Boswell , a Earmer of the Excise Office , whereof I hearing , did make Application to him ; and I being a Stranger to him , and he not knowing the Difference that was betwixt the Priests and me , nor what Acts had been emitted against those which they called Sectary Books I did so capitulate for them , that I had them again : but in the process of time the Lord ordered it so , that when the English came into Scotland , I did demand my Books from the said Oswald the Priest , which did not a little sc●re him ; and he , to save his own Head , told me , That Warriston had them by Order of the Comm●ssion of the General Assembly ; from whom I desired one of his Friends to require them ; to whom he reply'd , That they were in his Closet , and he durst not deliver them me without an Order ; yet if I would send some Souldiers for them , they might have them ; which I did : But when I had the Box , I found many of them wanting , and knew not whom to challenge , they passing through so many corrupted Channels ; but as they began with s●btil and undermining Falshood , so they ended with Theft ; though it is like that these Bab●●onish Merchants by trading with them Books , were helpt to spin out their Hour-Glass upon my Charges , though they were well paid otherwise . All this did so vex the Serpent , that he knew not how to be avenged of me , but by thrusting forth his Venemous Sting of Excommunication against me , though it was but like a Dog , that shews his Teeth when he cannot bite but only bark ; and this vexed them the more , seeing m● so to slight it , and tread upon it , by my Letter to the Commission of the General Assembly ; and seeing none to regard their Sentence , by keeping a Distance from me , made their Act the more Contemptible , so as they were willing to heal up the Wourd again , as they said to my dear Friend John Swinton , whom they intreated , That he would desire the Sentence of Excommunication to be taken off again : To whom he replyed , That as he was passive in laying of it on , he should be so in bearing of it : To whom they replyed , If ●e will not be active in seeking it , we wi● be active in doing it . And so I standing in this Case , they did only with me , as their Fore-Fathers the Priests did to the Blind Man , who , though naturally Blind , yet spiritually he had more Sight then themselves . So I being cast out by them , Christ did hold me up ; and they remain in their Blind Condition to this day , in their Egyptian-State , where I leave them groping after their dark Principles and blind Imaginations of their Persecuting spirit ; and I to remain in the Land of Goshen , enjoying Christ , the Light and Life of man , who enlightens every man that comes into the World : for they have Eyes , and see not ; for the Light shineth in Darkness , and they comprehend it not : Ears they have , but hear not ; but to the sweet Enchantings of the Serpent do they hearken and bow , who creeping upon his Belly , feeding upon the Dust of the Earth ; though I do not include all under this predicament and category , for I have more Charity to some of them . Yet though in all this time I had a further Sight of the light then themselves , yet there was a Gulf botwixt the Elest Children of the Lord called Quakers , and me ; for I saw further then I was willing to embrace ; for there was such a high Principle of the world in me , that the noble Principle of Light and Life was looked over by me ; yea , I lived in my own will , wit and wisdom , which was accursed ; Preferring that wisdom before that wisdom of God , which would have made me a Child , and a Fool to the World , thinking that I might gain two Kingdoms at once , to keep the Possession of the Earth , and the Kingdom of Heaven also : and I being out of the pure Will , and out of the Cross to my own Wisdom , I was judged by the eternal Spirit of Truth , and stood as condemned out of the Life , because I being out of the Obedience ; and insomuchas I could not lose my Life , I did choose Death ; for mans Life in this World is in Visibles , unwilling to be separated from the World's Fashions , and Customs , and vain Religions , Honour and Profit , and all things which I stood upon was a false corrupt Ground , whilst I thus stood in the Alienation . Upon the Consideration of all this , the Lord was pleased to dart in upon my prodigal spirit , to call me home from the Husks that I was feeding upon , to my Father's House ; and whilst the Door of Mercy was open , he put a stop to the unlimitted Pleasures of the Flesh ; and then I came to hear the calm and still Voice of the Spirit , that was stirring in that contemned people called Quakers ; and the first stirring in me of that Nature , which I did eminently take notice of , was , As I was riding from Edinbrough in a Winter Evening to my own House , I did hear a Noise of some men , as it were Fighting , so that I bid my Man ride up in haste to see what it was , which my Man doing , he called to me , and said , That there was two Men on Horse-back beating of another Man going on Foot ; so that I ridingup to them , I did see them beatiug him , and he still keeping them off , saying , What did I say to you , but bid you FEAR GOD ? so that presently I did perceive , that it was a Quaker , reproving sin in the other two ; so I asking his Name , which he telling me , I knew the man by Name , though not by Sight ; and I was so offended with the other two , that I fell to beat them with my Rod , and ordered those that were with me to carry them to the next Prison ; but he , the said Quaker did intreat me to let them go , which ( after taking notice of their Names and Places of Abode ) I did let them go . And a Week after the said Quaker was telling a Relation of mine what a Curtisie I had done to him in a manner to save him ; yet said he , I found that same spirit in him that was in the other two men who beat me ; and my Relation telling ▪ me simply the word ; as he spoke them , the words did so reach me , that I meeting the said Quaker again , I did desire him , That as he passed that way he would make my House his Lodging-place ; The Light in Darkness it did shine , Though I did not it comprehend , Till that God did my Heart encline His Word made Flesh for to attend . Which he seeing the Witness in me reached , he was the more free to do ; yet though the Witness was so far reached in me , that I could discern spirits , as betwixt the spirit of Meekness and Rashness , yet there was still that Mind unbrought down , that stood in my way to hinder my Obedience , so that the Lord was pleased to stick closer to me with his Rod ; for first , He stripped me naked by removing of my Children , which was by Piece-meal , to fit me to yoke my self under the Cross , and then by separating me and my Wife for several years , so that I was wholly turned out of my Estate also , as to this day I am to live in a Wilderness Condition , so that I was forced to leave my native Country , and go to France ; where then the Lord began to work upon my spirit , to bring me the nearer to himself ; for when all Visibles failed me , and those to whom my Wife and I most trusted did become my subtilest Enemies ; yet the Lord did so Commiserate my Condition , that in the Bowels of Mercy he made me to take up the Cross to my own will , and to resign my self fully over to him , seeing all Visibles failed me ; and he used that way of Mercy to bring me nearer to him , which nothing else could ; and thus closing with the Visitation of the Lord , I found more sweetness and contentment then ever I had in my fullest delight and Pleasure of the World , and thus I do witness , and the Lord is my Witness , that I never came to my Rest till then ; and I would have done any thing never so hard and unpleasing to the Flesh , to bear a Testimony to the Truth that the Lord had revealed in me ; and shortly there was an Oportunity cast into my hands to try me , and that was this , There came a Woman Friend out of England to the Town of Diep , ( where I was then ) together with a Maid , to bear a Testimony to the Truth against the Protestants of that Nation , and brought with them several Books of Friends translated into French , and distributed in the Town , and gave me also to distribute , which were writ by George Fox and William Dewsbury , and several others , and some Papers they gave forth themselves , which I translated into French , they not knowing the Language ; but in all this they never did manifest to me their Intentions ; for it is like that in that frame of spirit that I then was in , and fore-seeing the Danger , and not so fully come to the Obedience of Truth , as I thought I was before the Tryal came ; yet so it was , that they went the next First-day ( called Sunday ) to the Meeting-House of the Protestants , where there were many Thousands of People , and there did place themselves in the most Conspicuous Place of the Meeting , just over-against the then called Minister , the said Friend having clothed her self in Sack-cloth , and her Hair hanging down sprinkled with Ashes , was covered with her Mantle and Hood , and when the said called Minister was in the highest of his Devotion , she did stand up , with the other Maid , who did take from the said Woman her M●ntle and Hood , she appearing all in her Sack-cloth and Ashes , her Hair hanging down , and turning her self round several times , that all the People might see her , did strike such a Consternation both upon the ca●ed Minister , and the People , that they were all at a stand ; the said Minister's Wife having confessed to a Friend since , that her spirit was so affected with that Sight , that she said , This is of a deeper Reach then I can comprehend ; for the Witness in some was so reached at that time : and a little while after they both did fall down upon their Knees , and Prayed , and then went out of the Meeting , where a great many following of them , to whom they distributed of their Books , and spoke in the Market-place , and then came to their Lodging , which was in a Scotch-man's House , who kept a Victualling-House , but no Entry there was for them , and they being destitute came to my Lodging , I knowing nothing of this all this time , I not going to that Meeting , and when they came to me they did show to me , That their Work was d●ne that they came for to that Nation , and now wanted Lodging till they went away : and I asked them , What they had done ? and they told me : so I went to some other Victualling-Houses to get them Lodging , which was promised for them , so as I kept them at my Lodging till Bed-time ; and then I went with them to that place as was promised me , and when we came Entry was refused there also , so that at that time of Night Lodging could not be had for them , the Protestants had so stopped their Entry and where ; so that I took them back to my Lodging again , and offered them my Bed , and would shift for my self , I being better acquainted in the Town , but they refused to put me out of my Chamber ; then I dealt with my Landlady of the House , to let them stay in any of her Rooms for that Night to sit up in , but she refused it , saying ; She durst not , for fear of giving Offence to others ; all that I could prevail with her at that time of the Night , was to let them have an Out-house to stay in for that Night , which was an Hen-House , so that I gave one of them my Night-Gown , and to the other my Furred-Coat , to save them from the Cold that Night , and the next day I brought them to my Chamber again ; and after that we had broken fast , I went to the Key to look for a Passage-Boat to carry them to England again , and in my returning back I saw so many people of all sorts standing about my Lodging , that I did pass by it , but immediately one came running to me , saying , That the King's Advocate was at my Chamber , waiting for me ; and when I came in he told me , That I had Transgressed the Laws of the Nation , by receiving Persons of another Religion to my Lodging ; for the King tollerated only two Religions , viz. the Papists and the Protestants : Then I told him , That I had not Transgressed the Law of Hospitality , and I was forced to it , so as I could not let them lie in the Street , where they were in Danger of their Lives by the rude Multitude : So they took them away with Serjeants to the Judicatory , where , after they had judged them , they sent them to Prison , & they not knowing the Language , they wanted Food , and other Outward Necessaries , none looking after them ; so that I went to the Judge Criminal , and sought leave to provide for them , which I did , by bringing to them both Bread and Drink , Fireing , and all other Necessaries so long as they were there : And the said Judge sent for me , and whilst I was with him to be Examined , he sent to my Chamber to search what of theirs they could find with me ; so that they found some Books , and the Sack-cloth , and some Ashes , which they sent to the Parliament of Roan , from whom they had received an Order to read a Paper to them , That they should be transported forth-with back to England with the first Passage-Boat ( and all their Papers and Books to be burnt at the Market Cr●ss ) and themselves , if they or any of that Religion should come to that Nation again : And so a Passage Boat being made ready , they were put into it , in the Night time , but would not suffer me to go along with them to it , yet did I provide such things as were necessary for their Voyage ; and I told them , That they were not to pay any thing for their Passage ; but the Judge told them , That they were to pay for their Passage ; to whom I replyed , That if I had the Liberty to choose a Passage-Boat , and time allowed me , I would pay for their Passage , otherwise let the same Boat bring them back again . So they were forced to pay their Passage . After they were gone , they intended to pursue me , as one of their Judgment ; but I ( willing to eschew the Cross ) told them . That I was there before they came to France , and they could prove nothing against me , only the Protestants had informed them , that I did not come to their Meeting , yet this they could not make a Crime ; as also , I told them , If they persecuted me , I being a Merchant , and trafficking there , they might expect the like to be done to their Merchants in England : Then the Judge sent to the Custom-House , to see if my Name was in their Custom-Books , which they finding , did go no further against me . Yet for all this I was not so sensible of the Hollowness of my Heart , as afterwards I was ; for when the Judge affirmed , That I was of their Judgment ; I told him , That I loved them , but they were better then I , but that their Way was too strait for me to walk in . There were two things Remarkable that fell out within the year upon these Inhospital Refusers of lodging to these two Friends of Truth . The one was , That the said Scottish-man , who shut them out , Dyed within the Twelve Moneths . And the Woman , my Landlady , that refused them a Chamber to fit in , that same time Twelve Moneths her House was Burnt , and never yet known whence the Fire came ▪ and though it was in the middle of the Town , yet there was none Burnt besides , but it alone . But afterwards I having sent for several Hundreds of the said Friends Books , and did distribute them to the Country and City , so many of them , so that they intended to search after me just as I was upon my leaving of that Town : having done my Service there , did return to Roan ; whereupon one Night that I could get no Rest , and was somewhat indisposed in my Body , so that it did arise in the Night time in my Heart , To get up , and send some of these said Books by Post , as some to the Judge Criminal of Diep , and some of them to the Jesuits Colledge there , and some of them to the Jesuits Colledge and the Scottish Colledge at Paris , directing them after the French stile , otherwise they could not have been received at the Post-House ; and then I had much Rest in my spirit , and my Body returned to a Right Temper . And after that I had sojourned a while at Roan , I found that there was some Service for the Truth by me to be done at Caen , because it was a Town where most Protestants were , and there I did distribute so many of Friends Books there , and the Protestants there retaining so much of the Presbyterian Principles ( as most part of the Protestants of France do ) having a greater Inclination to persecute those who differ from them , then to suffer for Religion ; for they were the greatest Enemies I had ( right Presbyterians ) and they fearing that my Books might bring them to suffer , because they spoke against the Papists : and I not coming to their Meeting , did complain of me to the Lievtenant General of that Town , so that they forced me to leave that place . All you that are of Cain's Race , Are thirsty after Blood. But those that stand in Abel's place Do follow after what is Good. And after my Service done there , I went to Alencon , where many Protestants live , where I stayed all that Winter ; and when I was in my Service , the Judge ▪ Criminal sent for me , and after a long Discourse he and I agreed so well together , that he invited me to come and see him oftner , and we should not speak in Matters of Religion , and if I would that he should send for some of the Jesuits , and they and I might have free Inter-communing together : To whom I replyed , That I being a Stranger I was not willing to dispute with any , it not being permitted to a Stranger ; yet I would not be afraid to maintain my Principles against all the Jesuits of the Nation : Which words did so exasperate ( it seems ) them against me , that it did raise a new Persecution against me , which did fall out , that when my Wife and I was walking in the Fields , at my returning it was told me , That there was some searching at my Lodging , and had broken up my Chamber Door , so that I sent my Wife Home , and I did go strait to the Judge Criminal , to know what the Searching meaned ; but he told me , He knew nothing of it ; and if there was anything , it did proceed from the Jesuits because of my Confidence against them : and some probability I had of the thing , for I found my Letters broken up at the Post-House several times ; and when I challenged the Post-Master , he said , That they came to him so . So the time drawing near to go from that place , and that I had done my Service in Alencon , I told the Judge Criminal , That I was to go to the great Fair of Caen within Fourteen dayes ; then the said Judge said , That he would protect me so long : And so at the time appointed I went to Caen , where I was not long but my Correspondent at Alencon did write me word , That the day after I came from it , the Governour of the Town had been at my Lodging , to seek for me , but I was gone : And so after that all my Service was done that I had then in France , and that War was declared betwixt England and France in the year 1666. I returned to Diep in order to my return to England , and so I staid there for Passage , which I could not get in the Time of War , till the ( so called ) Lord Holli● , Embassador from England , was returning for England , of whom I desired Passage in his Company , which he freely granted me , and so came to England with his Convoy . But I have omitted all this time to shew you , that the High Places as yet were unbroken down in me , but that some Groves were as yet left standing , notwithstanding all the Wonderful Mercies the Lord had bestowed upon me , in carrying me and my Wife upon the Wings of his Providence in our Wilderness Condition , which would spend more time to relate then some ( it may be ) would bestow upon the reading of it ; yea , and I dare say , that none could well understand nor believe , but those who have trod in the same Pathes as we did : But I being so long in Egypt , and I so habituated and leavened to their Fashions and Customs , I was like Joseph , that could Swear by the Life of Pharoah , and had not come to that Plainness of Language which God doth require , but could Complement with their Fashions and Words : And I had Thoughts that all was well with me , till I came to a Tryal in England again , so that the Face of Friends did strike a Dread and Terror in my Heart , when I thought that all was well , till the Spirit of the Lord running through others of his Vessels did awaken me ; for I was Upright in my own Judgment ; but the Lord searched me : For I could come with Confidence to Meetings , and frequent the Assemblies of the Lord , yet I durst not own the Name of Quaker , I not being Faithful to the Measure which I had receiv'd ; for now it was become so far high for me , as before my Obedience I had esteemed it low ; and after that , I would willingly by Wisdom have made void the Obedience into such things as Matters of Indifferency , and accounted them but Circumstantials , and Foolish to put any Weight upon the doing or not doing , it became so burthensome to me , that I could have undergone the greatest Strait Imaginable rather then omitted it ; and as I became Obedient , there I felt Strength and Power , and a more real Content did spring up in me ; and in this Light and Power of the Spirit , that hath visited me , did I feel Strength to wait and know further his Will and Mind ; for in the height of this Exercise I found my self overcome ; and my self not my own , but the Lord's , to do with me what he pleased to require of me , what Service he would , I should be willing to obey in his Strength ; and if the Lord never show me any more , I feel Contentment in his Will , earnestly desiring , that I may never stop the course of his Spirit ; for I find , that there is nothing can , nor is able to satisfie my thirsty Soul short or beneath the Lord of Life . In the Fire , as Gold , tryed I was , Till Consumed was the Tin and Dross ; And then I knew what was come to pass , That I did not suffer any Loss . Postscript . FRIENDS , THere are a few Words , which I have to add to you ; The Litteral Professors , who can own the Ministration of Christ without you , but deny him within ; and who raise up Jealousies and Prejudices against us , as if we denyed the Scriptures and Ordinances of God , and Christ that dyed at Jerusalem ; professing him in Words , but denying him in Reallity and Substance ; and you to be the only Owners of Christ , and yet ye forget your own Principles , who have been all your time praying for the Spirit of the Lord , and now when he comes to you in his Spirit , ye will not only be shie , and scare off him , but ye will persecute all that will not own him after your Form , though we really in our hearts own that Christ in the Flesh , which in the Fulness of Time did offer up that Body prepared to do the Will of the Father , according as it is expressed in the Scriptures of Truth : Neither do we hold any thing for Christ , but him who appeared , and was made manifest in the Flesh . I cannot believe that Doctrine of you the Litteral Professors , who recede from your own Principles of the Literal Profession of the Letter , which saith , Is not Christ within you , except you be Reprobates ? and Christ in you the Hope of Glory . I know that some of you will say , That it is the Vertues and Graces of Christ : But I would willingly know of you , How Christ's Vertues and Graces are separated from himself ? This seems a setting up of your own Conceivings , or an Image in your Mind , of the Mind of the Spirit , and miss the Thing it self , which alone is known by the Spirit : For we find experimentally a clear Distinction betwixt the searching out by the Reasonings of the carnal Mind , and Scriptures opened by the Spirit , and felt in the Life . Therefore it were better for you , to examine really your Knowledge of Christ , your Faith and Knowledge of the Scriptures , and your Prayers also , lest ye miss of the Substance , and meet with a Shaddow , which is only able to please the Natural Part , but justifieth not the Soul , I desire that you let not this my Christian-Expostulation with you displease you , but rather set you home , to sink down to that which is only able to make you clearly discern , whether you or we are the Truest Owners of Christ , seeing ye cannot make it appear by Scripture , which ye say is your Rule to walk by , that the Outward Application of Christ bringeth Salvation , without the Inward Manifestation of the Spirit . O! Blessed be the Day forever , That it pleased the Lord to come , Me from the World to sever , Unto the State of some , Who have past through the Seas Unto the High and Glorious State Of all that have the Spirit of these , That pass by Tophet's Gate Unto the Port of Heaven , Where all the Saints have Rest , Which the only Lord has given To the Seed that he has Blest . For when I was in Egypt's Land , Wanting Straw , I did make Brick ; And ready at the Command Of the ( so called ) Kirk , To Work all the length of the Day , Without the Sense or Sight Of ( which I ever should Obey ) The Shining of the LIGHT , That would have taught me the Way From Dead Formal Duties , that 's without , Unto the LIGHT Within , I say , Who lives in LIFE , and has no doubt The Promise to Obtain , Which none at all can have In the State that I have been , And would not TRUTH receive . Oh! that all those as do this read , Would come and feel the same , That they may know , with all the Seed , The true Abode of the I AM ; Who is the only Great JEHOVAH , And Rules in the Hearts of Men ; Praises , Honour and HALELUJAH To him be sung of all the Seed , AMEN . Given forth the 10th of the 3d Moneth , by a Lover of the Souls of all men , but especially to the Faithful of the Infallible and Only Everlasting Truth , William Dundas . THE END . 
A41557	----	Plain dealing being a moderate general review of the Scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. Gordon, John, M.D. 1689 Approx. 59 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41557 Wing G1285 ESTC R34919 14908527 ocm 14908527 102857 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41557) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 102857) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:6) Plain dealing being a moderate general review of the Scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. Gordon, John, M.D. [8], 28 p. Printed, and are to be sold by Richard Baldwin ..., London : 1689. Attributed to John Gordon, M.D., by Halkett & Laing, citing David Laing as authority; this Gordon is to be identified with Sir John Gordon in Munk's Roll of physicians ...--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Church and state -- Presbyterian Church. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Plain Dealing : BEING A Moderate general Review of the SCOTS Prelatical Clergies Proceedings In the latter Reigns . With a Vindication of the present Proceedings in Church Affairs there . Licensed , September 11. 1689. LONDON , Printed , and are to be Sold by Richard Baldwin near the Black Bull in the Great Old-Bailey . 1689. To the Right Honourable and Truely Religious Lady Jane Countess of Sutherland . Madam , THE publication of this little piece ( at this juncture ) was not the Effect of my forwardness , but of that deference I owe to several good Men , and Well-wishers of the present Government , by whose importunity I was induced to take this Task upon me , without prejudice to the Rights of more Abler Men , to whose elaborate Works on the same Subject , as ( 't is here limited ) this Essay has the Honour to lead the way . Those Gentlemen my good Friends had very good reason to be moved , when they heard the good Measures of the Government misrepresented to Strangers by the Artifices of Designing Men , having no less in their Aim than to divide the common Interest of Protestants . They unanimously concurred in their judgments that it was expedient to put a stop to the spreading of this Contagion , and urged me with Motives that were too weighty for me to resist , having all the Inclination imaginable to shew my Zeal for Our Religion and Liberties within my Sphere . Herein is contained a true ( tho a general ) Account of the Matter of Fact to undeceive Strangers of their Mistakes , whose different Opinions as to Church Government , and other Circumstances , ought not to remove their Christian Charity towards one another , but ( being concerned in one bottom ) to promote the Common Interest and Salvation of Mankind , ( laying aside all Prejudice , Animosity and Rancour , ) tho it should tend to the removal of any Earthly thing most dear to them , that proves a stumbling-block or occasion of offence to either strong or weak Brethren , imitating the Apostles Precept , Acts 15. concerning the difference of the Circumcision . And the Apostle Paul's resolution in the like case , Romans , Chap. 14. & 15. And in 1 Cor. 8. last Verse , If meat make my Brother to offend , I will not eat Flesh while the World standeth , lest I make my Brother to offend . Which no doubt is preceptive to the Christian World , who pretend not to Infallibility . But being 't is come this length , the Dedication for its Patronage and Encouragement is due to your Ladiship ; chiefly for three Reasons . Because , First , That your Ancestors and Relations had not only a great share in the Reformation , but also ever since were great Promoters of the Protestant Reformed Religion in Scotland , and Protectors of its Ministers and Professors , and your Charity upon that account to Suffering Ministers and Professors , having been very considerable . Secondly , That without any Flattery , I dare say , ( and all those who have the Honour to know your Ladiship , will confirm my Assertion ) that none understands the Matter in hand better than your self . Thirdly , That your Honourable Husband , your Self , Eldest Son , and most of all your Relations , were chiefly concerned in the last Efforts , and great Enterprize made , and the signal Deliverance wrought of late for these oppressed Nations , of which God was pleased to make our present Gracious King his Glorious Instrument : ( and for which your Endeavours , I hope your Family will meet with its due Reward . ) Your Ladiship must not expect a fine stile of Language , it being sufficient that the Matter of Fact is true , tho Design honest , and the Language intelligible . Madam , I might have been more plain , particular , and ad homines , but declin'd that Method , designing to give offence to no good Christian , be his Profession what it will , if his Principles be good ; I don't value how Evil or Byassed men may criticise upon this matter ; Provided , that moderate good men may be pleased , and that the honest design of this little plain Piece may be any ways serviceable to the present Government , your Ladiships Honourable Family , and other good Subjects ; Which that it may , and that , as God in his infinite Wisdom has made our Gracious King his Glorious Instrument of our Redemption , from our Fears of Popery and Slavery , as the Effects thereof ) So the same Almighty God would be pleased to settle the Imperial Crown of this Kingdom upon the Heads of King William and Queen Mary in Peace and Truth , and be so transmitted from them after they have lived a long , happy Life here ( and received Crowns of Glory hereafter ) to their Posterity and lawful Successors for ever . And that your Ladiship and Honourable Family may live happily under their Auspicious Reign , is and shall be the constant Prayer of , TO THE READER . Candid Reader , I Was desired to Write the Parts of particular Ministers Acted upon the last Theatres of Government , but judged this not to be a fit time , so that I hope you will excuse my writing of this in so general terms , and also for laying down some general Hypotheses and Propositions , Argumentandi Causa , ( which perhaps the more strict on either side will not allow ) being no Divine ▪ myself , yet a Well-wisher of the Government , as well as of Moderation and Christian Charity amongst all those of the Reformed Protestant Religion , whose circumstantial differences occasioning some Heats and Animosities , I wish God will be pleased to remove to the Common good of both . Please to be as impartial and moderate in your Reading and Censures of this little plain piece , as I have been in exposing particular mens faults to publick view , and you will not only be more able to make a judgment of the thing , but also the impressions received of a violent Procedure in Church Affairs in Scotland will be removed , and if this moderate and general Account do not perswade you to the contrary Opinion , there will be a necessity to expose particulars and particular Persons to more publick view , which I desire altogether to decline . I did design to add to this Piece the Objections made against the setling of the Presbyterian Government in Scotland , with the Answer to these Objections ; with a List of the Reformers from Popery in Scotland , and those that Suffered Martyrdom upon that Account ; but being importuned not to put either of them to a publick view , I have laid it by for the present , but if this have a kind Reception , I shall publish the other . A Moderate general Review of the Scots Prelatical Clergy's Proceedings in the later Reigns : With a Vindication of the present Proceedings in Church Affairs there . IT being too much spread abroad ( whether out of Ignorance of the Matter of Fact , or Design of an Intriguing Party to divide the Interest of Protestants , I will not divine ) That the present procedure in Scotland tends to the Oppression or Persecution of the Episcopal Ministry there : But whatever be an evil Parties design in it , sure I am , these Surmises tend to load the good and unanimous Designs of the present Government with unjustifiable things : And to remove these Mistakes which might give Encouragement to an evil designing Party , ( who are always like the Salamander in the Fire , and love to fish in muddy Waters , acting both in different Elements for the same Ends ) or Discouragement to the good Party , whose different Opinions about Circumstances , ought not to divide them in the main . I shall first state it as my Hypothesis ( as many Learned moderate Divines under both Governments do ) that Church Government , whether it be this , or that , is a Matter indifferent ; There being no Platform of Government left in the Church , either by Christ or his Apostles , or their Disciples , further than appointing Bishops in every Church ( which word in the common acceptation in the Originals and Translations , by both Parties is understood to be Overseers , without mentioning any Preheminence to them over their Brethren ) these being Presbyters , and their Deacons and Elders ; So that Church Government in this case would seem to be left indifferent ; and every Nation or People link'd together in one Body or Society , in their own Civil Government ( whether Monarchical , Democratical , Aristocratal , &c. ) have it left in their Option ( being free from Engagements either to the one or the other ) to settle that Church Government , which the major part of that People or Society judges most suitable to the Word of God , and the general Inclination and Genius of the People . This being granted in the general ; In the next place let us consider , That when that Nation in particular , as generally all Europe were enslaved to the Romish Bondage , there was no other , and could no other Government be , but Prelacy suitable to that of their Universal Bishops , whose Vassals they , as well as all other Prelats were ( as they called them ) who assume to themselves always the Title of Head of the Church , and Christ's Vicars upon Earth , which all those of the reformed Protestant Religion , Episcopal or Presbyterial , look upon as Blasphemous ; And therefore the Pope is called by them all Antichrist , and no doubt he is . But when that Peoples Eyes came to be opened to see clearly , the Fundamental Errors which that Church maintained for several Ages , and the many Cheats , Villanies , and Wickedness committed by that Clergy in general , They began to be reformed in their Lives and Manners , by the indefatigable pains and labour of some few Presbyters , who suffered several kinds of Martyrdoms and other Cruelties therefore , by the Popish Clergy : And the Romish Clergies barbarous Cruelties in those times towards those valiant Champions in Christ's Cause , did at last animate the People to prosecute a General Reformation in that Nation , and their Reformation being by Presbyters , It seems gave the rise there , to that denomination of Presbyterian . And the Romish Clergies Cheatry , and wickedness in their Lives and Conversation , and Cruelty towards those Reformers , and those of the Reformed Religion , occasioned the Peoples general hatred at the very Order of Bishops : And besides , that the bulk of the Scots Clergies Opinion , being , That a well Constitute Presbyterian Government is both more agreeable to the Word of God , and general Inclination and Genius of the People , than any other . And though Superintendants were appointed there at the beginning of the Reformation ( the generality of the People not being as yet well Reformed ) the Reformers that they might prevail the more readily in moderation with the generality of the People ; especially considering the nearer they came to the last Settlement ( being Governed in Civil Matters by a Popish King Regent and Queen ) in the Infancy of their Reformation , the easier the work appeared to be ; yet the Presbyterian was the first Established Government , being fully settled in the Year 1592. by a general Meeting of the Estates , and Confirmed by Parliament , and continued so till the Year 1606. after that King James came to the Imperial Crown of England , when he endeavoured to make an Union between the two Nations , setled an Episcopal Government there , ( though contrary to the Inclinations of the People and Clergy in general ) Expecting thereby to Unite them as well in Trade as in Church Government ; And the hopes of an Union in Trade , and other things beneficial to Scotland , moved many of those who were Presbyterially inclined , to go beyond their Inclinations , and Opinion , alongst with that Settlement for present . But that Settlement by Bishops in Scotland being all ( it seems ) that the then English Clergy and others designed ( and in which Settlement many Eminent Men of that Kingdom were too precipitant , to their regret afterwards when they could not help it ) that being done the Union was blown up , though I am of opinion , as are many Eminent Men of both Nations , and Well-wishers to the present Government , That neither England or Scotland can ever be truly Happy , till there be an Union in Parliaments , as well as in Trade : For though England be more opulent and powerful by Sea and otherwise , ( by reason of their Trade ) yet when England has a Powerful Enemy in the Front , Scotland might prove as dangerous , if not a fatal Back-door to England ; and it 's not to be doubted if there were an Union , but the Product and Export of Scotland to other Foreign Countries at present might be of equal Gain to England to what Scotland might expect by an Union in Trade from England ; which could be made appear to a demonstration . But this not being hujus loci , I hope to be excused for this Digression from the thing proposed , there being some sympathy between the one and others Interest ; and to come to the point in hand , when there is any Revolution in the State of that Kingdom , as of late , and they are so happy as to have a King and Governours that design nothing more than the Tranquillity and Happiness of the People , the People eagerly in their Reformation desire to Establish that Church Government which their Clergy and People in general are of Opinion is most consonant to the Word of God , and their own Inclination . And to make it clear that the first Reformers were not at all for establishing the Order of Bishops , Mr. Knox being in Exile in England , by reason of the Clergies great Persecution in King James the Fifth's time in Scotland , King Edward the Sixth , having a great esteem for Mr. Knox , he proffer'd him a Bishoprick in England ; but he thanked that good King heartily , and refused it . And a long time after that Kingdom was turned to the Christian Faith , they had no Bishops , nor does any of our own or Foreign Historians assert that there was any that had the title of Bishop in that Church before Paladius in the fifth Century ; nor was this Paladius either a Diocesian or Provincial Bishop , Adrian in the ninth Century , being the first Diocesian , nor was there any Archbishop , Primate or Metropolitan to consecrate Diocesian Bishops till the Year 1436. That Patrick Graham was made Archbishop of St. Andrews , and yet 1200 years before this there was a Church in Scotland , ruled by Monks and Presbyters , and not to mention many other Eminent Men , that treat upon that subject , of undoubted Credit , I Cite only Fordon Lib. 3. Cap. 8. Ante Paladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Doctores de Sacramentorum administratores , Presbyteros solummodo vel monachos ritus sequentes Ecclesiae primaevae : And Beda , Baronius , and all others confirm that Paladius was the first that was called Bishop in that Kingdom ; Attamen S●●●l Christiani prima●●i , saith another , so that long before there was any Order of Prelatical Bishops allowed in Scotland , even after Paladius time , there was a Church there ; and tho Foreign and Domestick Authors ( favouring Prelacy ) write upon this Subject , and name many Bishops to have been in Scotland before and after Paladius ; yet none of these Authors dare have the Confidence to say , that these Bishops had any medling in State Affairs till that Nation was enslaved to the Church of Rome , and even when that was , the Kings and Church of Scotland in general would never own the Pope so much , or subject themselves to him , as other Princes and Churches did . Look but the 43 Cap. p. 6 th . K. Ja. 3.39 Cap. Par. 4. K. Ja. 4 th , 85 Cap. Par. 11. K. Ja. 3 d. 4 Cap. Par. 1. K. Ja. 4.119 . Cap. Par. 7. K. Ja. 5 th , &c. which were but Confirmations of K. Ja. 1 st . Acts Cap. 13. Parl. 1 st . Cap. 14. &c. And there and elsewhere much more you will find to prove how little respect our Kings had to the Pope's Thunders in the time of Scotland's greatest Devotion to Rome . And a King who would rule Wisely , and to the general Satisfaction of the People ( in which case they can and will serve him faithfully ) will give Liberty of Conscience to his People in innocent or indifferent Matters , which are perhaps Matters indifferent to himself : and no good Man dare not but attribute the Epithetes of a Heroick Mind , as well as of a calm well disposed Spirit to our present Gracious King and Queen , who condescend Indulgently to any thing may make their People happy , so far as they are rightly informed ; and I am hopeful will verify Seneca's Saying in time , Mens regnum bona possidet : Besides , That the Constitutions of Bishops in Scotland and England , are not the same thing , and in their dependance have not the equivalent Power or Influence in their Publick and Private managements in relation to the State ; for in England , the Laws there seem to secure Bishops so in their Offices and Benefices ( when Ordained and Consecrated ) that though they should not go along with the Court in disagreeable things , without a new Law , or ranversing the old in a Parliamentary way , they cannot be put from their Benefices , though they should be suspended from their Offices . But in Scotland that Order depended so intirely upon Court Favour ; that the Governours could , and actually have , without any Supervenient Law or Statute turned out Bishops , Tam ab officio quàm à beneficio , of which there could be many Instances given , but the Matter of Fact being so well known , we need not trouble the Reader with them here . But certain it is , That the difference of these two Constitutions is an encouragement to the one to own what is good , and is a bait to the other to maintain even more dangerous things than the Doctrine of Non-resistance it self if required : And to make a Parallel between the English and Scots Bishops in many things , but particularly in their Practices ; would be but a reproach to our Nation , to render in Publick , were it not that it clearly appears in Matters of Fact , whether it be the fault in the Constitution of Scots Bishops , or the Bishops own natural temper . That the old Scots Proverb holds true , That Lordships changes Manners ; For be they habit and repute never so good and moderate Men when only in the state of Ministers , yet when once Bishops or Prelats , for the most part they become like that Emperor who was very good till he became Emperor , and had Power to do Evil , whose Answer upon a Question of the alteration of his different temper and practices is well known to all versant in History , and there was one of the Popes who proved to be of the same temper also . But now to come to give an account of some particular practices of their late Bishops in Scotland in the last two Reigns , which generally created an irreconcileable hatred in mens Minds to the Order it self ( though Church Government were a Matter indifferent to Clergymen and Laicks ; ) and the first step was , That when the General Assembly of Divines in Scotland , who were not only very active to Crown King Charles the Second at Scoon in 1650. but also , great Instruments to restore him to the Imperial Crown in the Year 1660. and that the Presbyterian Government was confirmed Act 16. Par. 1. Ch. 2 d. They looking upon Mr. James Sharp as one of the most violent Presbyterians in the English time , of great Credit with the Presbyterian Clergy , and of no less fame for his almost violent Zeal that way , which all the Presbyterian party there , solemnly Swearing to stand by the Church of Scotland , as it was then Established in a Presbyterial Government , was intrusted by them in the Year 1661. as their Commissioner to the King , to have that Government continued : But the Promise and fair Prospect of an Archbishoprick prevailed with his Judgment , and gave him a new light , for which he was tainted with that Epithet of the Betrayer of the Church of Scotland , and his Brethren , who being a politick Man , failed not to contrive , and ( with other Politicians in the State , and Laxer Clergy who looked for Benefices ) to concert the new Establishment of the Order of Bishops in its full extent , after the Form almost of the old Popish Order , and abolishing the Presbyterian Government in the Year 1662. It was no doubt a failure in some of the Presbyterian Ministers , then ( many of which were great Eminent and Loyal Men , though refusing Benefices from the late King ) to desert their Churches and Vocations in the Publick Assemblies , until they had been forced from them ( as no doubt they would have been without Compliance . ) But certain it is , That when some of them left their Charges , and others were forced to quit the same immediately thereafter , by imposing new Engagements to that Government , contrary to their former Solemn Oaths , and Vows ( though it be much my opinion , that no Oaths ought to be imposed in point of Government , except that of Allegiance to the King in his Political Government of the Church , as well as in the Civil State ; Because good Men need not to be loaded with Oaths , and evil Men will never keep Oaths when they find opportunity to break them to any earthly Advantage ) , which others Imbraced for love of the Benefices , and the Ministers that either quit or were put from their Charges , were not only restrained from Preaching and Praying in any Publick Meetings to their Congregations , or privately in their Houses , ( though they expected nothing for their Labours ) by Imposition of Arbitrary Penalties , and contriving Penal and Sanguinary Laws , equivalent to that which was made against Papists , Seminary Priests , and Jesuits ad terrorem , 2 Act. Sess . 3. Parl. 1 st . Ch. 2 d. &c. Acts 5. and 7. Par. 2 d. Sess . 2 d. Acts 9. and 17. Par. 2 d. Sess . 3 d. but several more severe Acts were made in Parliaments 1685. and 1686. and though none of those Laws were once put in Execution against Papists , Priests , Jesuits , &c. yet how violently were they put in Execution against those poor Ministers , their Flocks and Families , for the one's Preaching , and the other's Hearing of the Word of God , without mixture or the least grains of Schism or disloyalty ? Which oppression ( meerly for the difference of Opinion ) tended to so great a Persecution ( which verified that old Saying , That Oppression makes a wise man Mad ) that it put the People in such a terrible consternation , that this Persecution or Oppression ( call it what you will ) forced the People in the Year 1666. to gather together and rise in Arms in defence of their Preacher's , Religion and Liberty , against those persecuting Clergymen ; who not only contrived , but forced the Statesmen and the King's Privy-Council to stretch these Penal and Sanguinary Laws , against both their Religion and Liberty in which they were Educated : and what Devastation , Forfaultures , Cruelties and Bloodshed followed thereupon in that poor Kingdom for several Years is so generally known , that it 's needless to relate it here , and the late King Charles , who had nothing of violence in his Nature , considering the common Evil their Divisions occasioned , ( with the concurrence , and by a representation of some Honest Men then in the Civil Government ) did give a little respite by a Toleration to some Ministers to Preach in several Congregations , but the regular Clergy were so exasperated against this Indulgence , that they themselves made terrible Clamours and Complaints to the King and Clergy of England ( who were not so immoderate , nor so immoral in their Actions against Dissenters , nor so vitious and scandalous in their Lives and Conversations ) and to the Officers of State , and the Privy Council in Scotland , not only against those poor People , but also against any that favour'd or pitied them , alledging it was a Schism in the Church , that the Ministers Preached Rebellion , which the Council found frequently upon Tryal to be false , and that those that gave any dissent to their violence against these People were disloyal . And many that were vitious and the most scandalous of their inferior Clergy , not agreeing with the abstemious lives and the singular Examples of those godly Ministers , made it their business to harrass and malign them and the People , to the Government ; till they got their point wrought so far as to remove this Liberty which the King graciously granted , and procured an Army of Wild Highlanders to be sent to those Countries in Anno 1677. Which Army committed the greatest Barbarities and Unnatural things that ever was heard tell of in a Christian Nation , by their Oppressions , Robberies , Plunders , Rapines , &c. making no distinction of Persons or Sexes . This being with great difficulty represented again to the King , he out of his wonted Clemency , caused Remove his Army , and those poor People , though left in a manner desolate , having got the least Respite ( their Religion and Profession being dearer to them than their Lives ) they frequenting those Meetings again without Tumult or Uproar , where they thought they had the Word of God truly and more purely Preached to them : The Episcopal Clergy ( being again allarm'd ) made the greatest clamour that could be , and made their Interest at Court to send Arms again ( as they alledged , to suppress them ) upon which violent Persons did get Commissions , when other moderate Men that had Commissions laid them down ; and others refused them upon such cruel Expeditions ) and raised Regiments of Foot , Horse , and Dragoons , and many of them , who having neither Principles of Religion nor Humanity , were sent thither with those Troops , and treated the People in a most barbarous manner , which forc'd those poor oppressed People to Guard their Meetings with Armed men , till they fell in Blood with those cruel mercenary Souldiers in the Year 1679. Which Cruelty and Persecution increased their Number the more ; which verifies that old Saying , Cinis & Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae , for the more they were oppressed and persecuted , the more their Number increased . And were there not then some of the greatest Personages in that Kingdom in disgrace with the King by the instigation of that Clergy , and some other Ministers of State , not only for their Dissents to their violent Proceedings against Protestants ; but also for complaining of some other mismanagements in State ? But God has at this time been pleased to honour them , so as to put them in Capacity to be most Instrumental in setling the present Government , I hope upon sure and lasting Foundations . But not to make a greater Digression , then was the Duke of Monmouth sent Generalissimo to Scotland to Suppress those Protestants ; yet he was to be over-ruled by the Clergy , and the King's Council ; who notwithstanding of his limited Commission did , and for his favour shewn to those poor People ( who he knew suffered meerly upon the account of their Religion and stricter Lives ) was by the Clergy and the violent Party , their Adherents , put in disgrace with the King , as other great Persons were , and how many Families of all Ranks and Degrees were then and since destroyed by this Oppression and Clergy's persecution ? how many were tortured without Mercy ? how many were Banish'd , Drown'd , Beheaded , Shot , &c. many of them without the Liberty of once calling upon God before their Death , is incredible ; but all Europe knows it , and it cannot be denied . And who knowing , or in the least understanding the Affairs of Scotland in those times , will deny but that these cruel Proceedings against the Presbyterian Ministers and their Hearers , ( by Banishments , Imprisonments , Forfaultures , Intercommonings , or Outlawries , Deaths , &c. ) were the very things that forc'd many of the vulgar sort of Professors to fly to the Hills and Mountains , where ( though no doubt they had opportunity to hear some good Ministers Preach ) yet Popish Emissaries , Trafficking Priests , &c. being never idle , and never neglecting occasions by the Divisions of those of the Reformed Religion , to propagate their hellish Designs , were not wanting to be there as Wolves in Sheeps clothing , or Devils in Angels shapes , to seduce those of meaner Capacities to imbibe some dregs of the Jesuitical Principles , which brought many of those poor Innocents to end their days in Misery . But that , when the late King James was dealt with ( for Reasons best known to his Cabin Councellors ) to grant a general Toleration , doubtless out of no respect to the Presbyterian Party ; They did , it 's true , take hold of that opportunity and freedom to Preach the Gospel , and no further , ( when in the mean time the Episcopal Clergy did give their thanks to the late King , for his Liberty and Toleration to Papists , Quakers , and all other Sects ) of which they were hindred before by the Episcopal Clergy , their procurement ; and they no doubt had reason to thank the late King , or any , for the Liberty it self ( having by it received a glimps of the Gospel by their freedom to Preach it ) though they desponded of its long continuance , but expected a greater Persecution thereafter , which they Preached to their Hearers , and no doubt their Prophetick Sentences had been fulfilled , had not God in his Mercy prevented it , by preparing a fit and glorious Instrument to preserve his People from the designed overflowing deluge of Popery and Slavery . And what good Protestant would not thank a Turk or Pagan , nay , the Pope himself for Life , Liberty , and Freedom of the Reformed Religion ; much more a Native Prince , especially considering what is before related about a 26 Years Oppression or Persecution from those called the Regular Clergy then , and by their instigation ; for from that Clergy they could expect no good Tidings : for some of them had the Impudence to say in Pulpit , That Rome should have it e're Jack Presbyter should have it ; this is a Matter of Fact , for who would not rather receive a favour ( in the acceptance innocent ) from a professed Enemy , than be oppressed or cruelly used by a counterfeit false Friend or unnatural Relation , judge ye ? And whether these Proceedings against those poor Protestants , does not too much imitate the Romish Clergy and Missionaries imposition on Magistrates and Governors to be their Executioners , let any indifferent man judge : So that any impartial unbyassed person indued with common Sense and Reason ( considering what is said ( which is but a Specimen of a System that could be written on this unpleasant Subject to any good Protestant , were it not to vindicate the generality of the Nation , unjustly aspersed of purpose to make the Government unfavourable to Strangers , who know no better ) may conclude that this persecuted People , as well as the generality of the Scotch Nation , have reason not to continue the Order of Bishops there ; for if the practices of particular Bishops in Scotland , were rendred publick , none would tax or reproach that Kingdom with violence , inhumanity , persecution , or rashness in their present management of Church Affairs ; especially considering how great Instruments most of the Episcopal Clergy have been of late , by their connivance , forwardness , or contrivance to encourage the Ministers of the late Government to encroach so much upon the Religion , Laws , Liberties , and Properties of the Protestant Subjects , we shall only instance two ; So ex ungue Leonem . The first is , of their Behaviour in the Parliament 1686. when there was no less Design than to rescind the Penal Laws , fram'd and enacted against Papists , Seminary Priests and Jesuits , Hearers and Sayers of Mass ad terrorem , to hinder the Growth of Popery in that Nation , which was the only legal Bulwark and Security of the Protestant Religion , these all the Bishops ( excepting three ) concurred to remove ; by removing of which Laws , all persons lax in their Principles , or Evil-designing Men would be left loose , and at their full liberty to act in the Matters of Religion as they pleased , and in which case a prevailing Party might easily impose whatever they pleased , the Power being in their hand , and the Prerogatives screwed up above the highest Note in the Scale of Musick : But God who did not design to destroy that Nation ( meerly by his Providence as the Execution of his Eternal Decrees ) wonderfully prevented all those Hellish Designs beyond Humane Expectation , and disappointed the Actors . The next was that when all rational foreseeing Men had a jealousie of a Popish Contrivance , to impose a Prince of Wales to deprive the lawful Heirs of their rightful Succession , and Men having searched more narrowly into the Affair , they were fully convinc'd in their Minds of a Popish imposture , the whole Bishops of Scotland ( when in the mean time they could see no less than the Persecution of their honest Brethren in England for Religious Matters ) they ( some of them no doubt , for worldly Interest , whither that would drive them , God knows , and others in Compliance , for fear of Suspension from , or loss of their Offices and Benefices ) did make the most solemn , though the most unreasonable , unchristian Address , and disagreeable to the pretended Character that ever was upon the Birth of a supposed Prince of Wales ; and what Expressions are in that Address ( so generally known ) cannot but be nauseous to any good Protestant to rehearse , in which they called that Prince , The Darling of Heaven , &c. But to come in the next place to the late Procedure of the Convention , their Committees during their Adjournments , and the Parliament now sitting , in relation to Church Affairs , I shall give an impartial Account of the particulars , so much as is needful . And first , When the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland that were here in January last 1689. did give their Advice to the then Prince of Orange ( now our Gracious King ) what Methods to take in relation to the Settlement of the Scotch Nation then in great Confusion , having no Government , by reason of the late King's desertion of the Government ; The King did follow their Advice ; and albeit that some alledged a general Proclamation , to be published in ordinary times and accustomary places , for calling the ensuing general Meeting of the Estates , would be the best Method to call them together , for Reasons neither fit nor necessary to be inserted here ; yet His Majesty , to a general Satisfaction , did take very knowing Mens Advice to dispatch his Circular Letters , which he did by vertue of the Trust they reposed in Him , and the Advice given by the Gentry and Nobility of Scotland to such as had right to represent the Nation in a general Meeting , not omitting the then Bishops , their Order being as then Established by a standing Law , which His Majesty would not Transgress . And when those Representatives of the Nation did meet freely , frequently , and fully in a general Meeting , by virtue of our now Gracious King's Warrant before explained , had the Bisshops then behaved themselves as became persons of their Profession , pretended Honour & Character , if they thought not the Call sufficiently warrantable , they ought either not to present themselves at that general Meeting , or when they did appear by vertue of that general Warrant , they might have Protested and deserted the Meeting , as in their Opinion not legal , before it were constituted so by the general Meeting it self : Otherwise , to have complyed fully upon their Meeting , and not only to have acknowledged their Faults , Errors , and Mismanagements in the late Government , but also to have gone on honestly , and vigorously with the other Estates , in Prosecution of the good Designs of their meeting . First , By concurring to heal the Breaches made in the Hedges of Religion , and removing the Encroachments made upon its Laws . Secondly , By restoring the wholsom Laws , Liberties & Properties of the Estates & their Fellow-Subjects , so much encroached upon by Popish Emissaries , and any other wickedly designing Party in any of the later Reigns , but contrary to this , being it seems conscious to themselves of some guilt , they did all bandy together , not only with those that were too active to carry on the Mischief in the later Governments , but also with a new designing Party who had no Principles , not only to vindicate all the Evils that were done in the late Government , but also to bring the Nation under more Slavery than ever ; the particulars thereof are too generally known . And considering their Profession by their Actions , Contraria juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . I will not be too opinionative to assert , That the generality of people in that Nation , or the major part of this Great and Wise Council of the Nation did incline to continue the Establishment of that Hierarchy , they finding it in a manner very improbable , if not altogether impossible , ( considering all that is said , and much more might be said ) to reconcile the Ignorance , Debauchery and persecuting humour of the most part of the Prelatical Party in Scotland , with the singular , exemplary strict , and orderly lives and conversations of the Presbyterian Clergy , and most of their Adherents : But sure I am , that Clergy's former and later Behaviour were the Reasons that induc'd that great and wise meeting of the Estates so suddenly to tender that Order of Bishops as a Grievance of the Nation to His Majesty , in their Preliminaries , in order to be abolished in the next Parliament , now Sitting , and to vindicate that Nation , the general meeting of the Estates , and the present Parliament , from all Aspersions which are industriously spread abroad , loading them with a Persecution of the Episcopal Ministry there . Take this for truth , of which no intelligent Man in Britain can be ignorant . That the first Act the Estates made , was to secure their own Sitting . The second material to our purpose was their declaring themselves a free Estate , and a legal Meeting , and declaring that they would not separate , but continue to sit by frequent meetings , till they had restored and secured their Religion , Laws , Liberties , and Properties ; as well as that of their fellow Subjects so much encroached upon , and till they had Established the Government of the Church and State. Both which Acts the Bishops Voted in and approved of . And this being done with several other things , establishing the Legality of the Meeting , &c. too tedious to rehearse here , being intended but an Abbreviat ; Who would think that the Reverend Protestant Fathers of the Church of Scotland would have stood in the way of any proposition that might tend to the Security of the Protestant Reformed Religion , restoring the wholsom Laws , and securing the Liberties and Properties of the Subject ? Yet with the next breath , they were not only for continuing profess'd Papists in chief Commands of strong Fortresses , and in the Army , expecting their greater Security that way , as it seems they had reason , considering their former Deportment ; and the then present circumstances of the Nation ; but were also for recalling home the late King , which they alledged they looked upon to be the only way to secure Religion , to give the standing Laws their lustre ( no doubt there is something understood there , & latuit anguis in herba ) and to secure the Liberty and Property of the people ; these were their very Express●ons . But as I doubt not , that there is any good Christian , but is heartily grieved for the Bigottry of the lat● K●ng's Religion , his Evil Council and Mismanagement of Affairs in State and Church , and Encroachments up ●n all that was dear unto us , which brought him to his low Estate , much more Brittish Inhabitants , and m●st of al● t●e S●ot●h Pro●e●●ants , who can endure no Government ●ut a Monarchical ; whose Love to that Governm●nt is such , that they did always undergo great burthens , and did peaceably forbear many Faults and Infirmities in several of their Kings for many Ages , as unquestionable good Historians make appear : Yet to give a Call to the late King in his and our present circumstances , to return with a French , Irish , and other cruel Popish Crew , were either to make him more miserable , who could not but be utterly destroyed in the Attempt , or the Protestants in Britain most miserable , by reducing of them all to Popery and Slavery , or to the French most Unchristian Cruelty , and untolerable heavy yoke , and our foreign Protestant Allies and their Confederates , though of different Religions , more uneasie , if not in hazard to be destroyed by the French Ambition and Slavery , which is more untolerable beyond doubt than that of the Turks and Tartars , his dear Confederates ; but it seems our Bishops when they desired to recall a Popish King did not mind , or rather did not value the verity of Claudian's Remarque , in case the late King did return with the least favour of a reeling populace , — Componitur Orbis Regis ad exemplum — And a little after , Mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus . And who doubts , but that if the late King returned by force , the fate of all those of the Reformed Religion ( if real Protestants ) whether Episcopal or Presbyterial , would be sudden in the Execution , and if invited home , were his promises never so fair and specious , the same fate would no doubt befall them in a short time : And the Mobile is not always to be trusted for a Bulwark in every Exigence . But to the next Matter of Fact. Upon the day of April , the Estates having fully considered that it would be dangerous , to have the Government longer unsetled , and having upon good grounds , too tedious to relate here , resolved to declare the Crown vacant , and the late King James's Right , &c. forfaulted , the Bishops not only urged frivolous Arguments , but also voted against it ; Notwithstanding their chearful voting affirmativè to the former Acts. And there being an Act ordaining the Clergy not to pray for the late King James , &c. as King and Prince , their Right being forfaulted , and the Crown declared vacant , the Bishops all removed without any compulsion , except 2 , or 3 , who were the most moderate ; and one of those being desired at the rising of the Meeting to say Prayers , he , that he might not omit his pretended Allegiance to King James in his Prayers , omitted to say Prayer in common Form , or extempore , but only repeated the Lord's Prayer , desiring it seems to give offence to none : But a person present alledged , That several persons used to conclude their Prayers with the Lord's Prayer , and so did that Bishop ; for he suspected it should be his last Prayer in that place . At the next Sitting of the Estates it was moved , That , Considering the Bishops behaviour in the later Governments , their behaviour in that general Meeting , ( where notwithstanding their being present , and voting in several Acts Affirmativè , which they contraveen'd contrary to their profession ) their Order should be declared a Grievance to the Nation ; which motion being remitted to the Consideration of the Grand Committee , they at their next meeting brought it in as their opinion , That the Bishops were one of the greatest Grievances of the Nation : which opinion the whole Meeting after serious Consideration approved of , and voted them out of Doors . After which , all the Bishops withdrew themselves in Cabals with several disaffected people , called several of their inferior Clergy together , prompting them to Disobedience in the present Juncture : which Principles many of the Episcopal Clergy did then vent too much in their Preachings and publick Prayers . The Estates having emitted a Proclamation proclaiming William and Mary then King and Queen of England , King and Queen of Scotland , without a contradictory Vote , and only one Non liquet ; And another Proclamation enjoyning the Clergy after the Proclamation to Read the Declaration , and to pray for King William and Queen Mary ; and in doing of which , many did comply , but several refused ; yet all , even those of the Episcopal Clergy ( though not complying with this ) who would live peaceably and regularly as Subjects , the Estates took into their particular protection , putting forth another Proclamation , prohibiting all or any of the Subjects whatsoever to trouble or molest any of them in their Lives or Estates . And none will be so Impudent as to alledge in publick , that any either of the Bishops , or their inferiour Clergy , whether complying or not , were ever troubled in their Persons or Estates since the said Prohibition , and few even before , by the unruly Rabble , unless it be those whose Deportment no good Men can vindicate , and those moderate Men of untainted Lives and Conversations of the Episcopal Communion , who have chearfully complyed with the Estates , and present Government , will declare how they were caressed by the Presbyterian party in this Juncture , and others who might be nice and scrupulous in some points , christianly exhorted and invited to joyn with them without Engagements , further than Reading the Declaration , and Praying for King William and Queen Mary ; and I have reason to think that the present wise Parliament will impose nothing capable to trouble their Consciences in their complyance with the present Government . And truly it would seem to be no small reproach to the Scotch Bishopsto hear those who were lately their inferior Clergy now declare in the Pulpit and elsewhere , how these many years by-past , they themselves have groaned under their Bishops Tyranny and Oppression of several kinds . But after the Bishops were declared a Grievance to the Nation for many undeniable good pregnant Reasons , and now voted out of Doors , the Estates took many calm Methods by Exhortations , &c. with their Clergy , to have their Deportment suitable to their profession in the present Juncture ; but several of them continued so obstinate , and endeavoured to seduce others to the defaming of the Government in publick and private ; so that they were necessitated to deprive some of them ( though they indulged some eminent Men till they advised better ) and ordered Presbyterian Ministers to Preach in their Churches : And sure I am notwithstanding the frequent Complaints given in to the Estates , of the Episcopal Clergy's and their Parties meeting in Cabals with Papists and other disaffected People , to the contempt of the present Government ; yet that they were so tender of their Character , as Ministers of the Gospel , that none of them were once prosecuted by the Estates , their Committees , the Privy Council , or the present Parliament , since their Deprivation , except one Minister , who was accused to have spoken some Treasonable Words ; and how tenderly they dealt with him in his Misbehaviour and Infirmities , for fear of bringing a reproach upon any that Preached the Gospel , whether6 of one Order or another , is well known ; And it is too Publick , how one of those deserting Ministers Wives , and others of that perswasion , who converse with Papists ( as the Effects of their Cabals ) were apprehended , endeavouring to get into the Castle of Edenburgh ( with fresh Meat , and other Provisions ) when it was block'd up , and declared Treason to converse with , or assist any therein ; and yet how tenderly they were proceeded against , is generally known ; there are many others of their Evil Practices in the late Conjuncture , might be spoken of , too tedious to the Reader ; but to conclude with the Episcopal Clergy's Behaviour in Scotland of late , Who have been more Active , or like to be found more guilty in a Correspondence with , and assisting the Lord Dundee and his Party , now in Rebellion , and committing most inhumane Actions , than several of those who are called the Regular Clergy ? which must be publick to their shame ; besides , that the late Bishop of Galloway is certainly concluded to be with the late King James in person in Ireland . And as a further Evidence of the Estates , the present Parliament , the Council , and other People of Scotland , their favourable Deportment and Lenity towards the Episcopal Clergy there , it 's undeniable that both the Bishops and their inferiour Clergy , who by their ill Deportment and late Obstinacy , deprived themselves of their Benefices , do Walk and Travel in Town and Country , on Foot , in Coach , and upon Horseback , at their pleasure , and live peaceably in their Houses without any Trouble or Molestation whatsoever : And it will be found unquestionably true , that neither the Episcopal Clergy , nor any other , who have been grievous and great Persecutors and Invaders of the Religion , and Encroachers upon the Laws , Liberties , and Properties of their fellow Subjects in the late Government , were in the least fear of their Lives or Estates in that Kingdom , since the first general Meeting of the Estates ; Notwithstanding of the great Clamours and false Aspersions , of purpose and industriously invented and spread abroad by some persons for their own ends , being either afraid to abide the Test of the Law by way of moderate Justice , or being uneasie to themselves , and troublesom to others under any Government , were it never so good and easie , but where they have a power to gratifie their Lusts and voracious Appetite , and to do Mischief to others . And as for that Allegeance that the Bishops , whose Order is abolished in Scotland , and their inferiour Clergy , who have deserted their Charge , out of an ill Principle , for the most part have not a livelyhood or subsistence , it must be very gross and ridiculous ; for it 's well known , that both the Bishops and those of their Clergy , who have deserted their Charges had opulent Benefices , and are rich ( though not to satisfaction ) or might have been so in a cheap Country , where , with the least management , the half or third part of their yearly Benefices might maintain them and their Families very well ; for it 's known generally there , that several Ministers with lesser Benefices than any that quit their Charge now , have made good Fortunes for their Children ; And it 's hardly known that ever their Charity or Pious Acts was the occasion of their Poverty , though they have had Examples enough from many of their good English Brethren Clergy-men ; and if they lived too sumptuously , Sibi imputent . And certain it is , that their Presbyterian Brethren , when they labour'd under the greatest Poverty and Affliction in the World , by the Scots Episcopal or Regular Clergy ( call them what you please ) their immediate procurement , none of them pitied their Distress , or relieved them in their Wants in the name of Disciples , ( when it must be confess'd they were sheltered and connived at , not only in England and Ireland , but caressed abroad in Holland , and elsewhere ) though there is good reason to believe that these Ministers and other Presbyterians both pity these called lately the Regular Clergy , for their Miscarriages , and pray for their Reformation ; Which God grant . But I conclude this Point with a good Church of England Man's Saying , That the Bishops of England were like the Kings of Judah , and the Bishops of Scotland like the Kings of Israel ; for that there were several good Bishops in England , but never one good Bishop in Scotland . And though this be a general Rule or Maxim of the Scots Bishops , yet no general Rule wants its Exceptions , there being some few Eminent Men of that Order in Scotland , who disssented from , and disapproved of their violent Procedures , and inhumane and unchristian-like Practice ; But this was Rara avis in hisce terris . And I sum up all with a Saying of a great Father in the Church , That whoever is of a persecuting Spirit , whatever he profess outwardly , is of the Devil ; which made Persius in the like case in his Satyrs , make that Imprecation to Tyrants in general , or Persecutors , which is the same thing upon the matter ; both being Tyrants : Summe parens divum , saevos punire Tyrannos Haund alia ratione velis , &c. And tho Tyrants or Persecutors may have a time allotted them to diffuse their venom to the terror or affliction of others ; yet they will meet with their Correction or Judgments here or hereafter , when the oppressed and afflicted shall be released . And now being that the Order of Prelatical Bishops is abolished in Scotland by an Act of Parliament ; It is not once to be supposed that any other Government can be Established there in the Church but a Presbyterian ; The model thereof I submit interim , to the Consideration and the final and unanimous Resolution of a Just and Wise King ( who favoured the Peoples general Inclination ) and this Wise , Loyal and free Parliament . And to make it evident to all unbyassed Men , that it is not only the general Inclination of the People , to have the Presbyterian Government established ; But also , That that Kingdom can never be in Peace , without the Establishment of it : Though I might urge many , yet I only offer two undeniable proofs . First , There being 32 Shires or Counties , and two Stewartries ( comprehending the whole Body of the Nation ) that send their Commissioners or Representatives to Parliaments , and all general Meetings of the Estates or Conventions ; of these 34 Districts or Divisions of the Kingdom , there are 17 of them entirely Presbyterians ; So that where you will find one there Episcopally inclined , you 'll find 150 Presbyterians . And the other 17 Divisions , where there is one Episcopally inclined , there are two Presbyterians . Secondly , Make but a Calculation of the valued Rent of Scotland , computing it to be less or more , or computed argumentandi causa , to be Three Millions , and you will find the Presbyterian Heritors , whether of the Nobility or Gentry , to be P●oprietors and Possessors of Two Millions and more ; So that those that are Episcopally inclined cannot have a Third of that Kingdom ; and as for the Citizens or Burgesses , and Commonalty of Scotland , they are all generally inclined to the Presbyterian Government except Papists , and some remote , wild , and barbarous Highlanders , who have not a true notion of a Deity , acknowledge neither King nor Superiour , but the Chief of their Tribe , and have little Subsistence but by Rapin and Plunder , and who ought to be subdued and reduced by force , and Garrisons placed amongst them ; without which , they can never be kept in order , or obliged to serve the Precepts of Law or Gospel . All which is true , and can be made appear to a Demonstration . FINIS . 
A17583	----	Perth assembly Containing 1 The proceedings thereof. 2 The proofe of the nullitie thereof. 2 [sic] Reasons presented thereto against the receiving the fiue new articles imposed. 4 The oppositenesse of it to the proceedings and oath of the whole state of the land. An. 1581. 5 Proofes of the unlawfulnesse of the said fiue articles, viz. 1. Kneeling in the act of receiving the Lords Supper. 2. Holy daies. 3. Bishopping. 4. Private baptisme. 5. Private Communion. Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1619 Approx. 284 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A17583 STC 4360 ESTC S107472 99843172 99843172 7885 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A17583) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7885) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1059:15) Perth assembly Containing 1 The proceedings thereof. 2 The proofe of the nullitie thereof. 2 [sic] Reasons presented thereto against the receiving the fiue new articles imposed. 4 The oppositenesse of it to the proceedings and oath of the whole state of the land. An. 1581. 5 Proofes of the unlawfulnesse of the said fiue articles, viz. 1. Kneeling in the act of receiving the Lords Supper. 2. Holy daies. 3. Bishopping. 4. Private baptisme. 5. Private Communion. Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. [6], 101, [1] p. Printed by William Brewster], [Leiden : MDCXIX. 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Perth Assembly, Perth, Scotland, 1618 -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PERTH ASSEMBLY . CONTAINING 1 The Proceedings thereof . 2 The Proofe of the Nullitie thereof . 2 Reasons presented thereto against the receiving the fiue new Articles imposed . 4 The oppositenesse of it to the proceedings and oath of the whole state of the Land. An. 1581. 5 Proofes of the unlawfulnesse of the said fiue Articles , viz. 1. Kneeling in the act of Receiving the Lords Supper . 2. Holy daies . 3. Bishopping . 4. Private Baptisme . 5. Private Communion . EXOD. 20.7 . Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vaine , for the Lord will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his name in vaine . COLOS. 2.8 . Beware lest there be any that spoyle you through Philosophy & vain deceit , through the traditions of men , according to the rudiments of the World , and not of Christ. MDCXIX . TO THE READER . THE externall worship of God , and the government of the Church ( Gentle and indicious reader ) are like Hippocrates twins : they are sick together , in health together : they liue together , they die and dwine together . As long as the government of the Church of Scotland stood in integritie , as it was established by lawes , civill and ecclesiasticall , according to Gods word , so long was the worship of God preserved in puritie . Since the former government was altered , and the insolent domination of Prelates hath entered in by unlawfull meanes amongst us ; popish rites and superstitious Ceremonies have followed , and are like to prevaile universally . They haue verified in their persons their common tenent , No Ceremony , no Bishop . The libertie graunted to our Church , to indict and hold generall assemblies from yeare to yeare and oftner pro re nata , was the cheife bulwarke of our discipline . This bulwarke was broken down to the end a more patent way might be made for their exaltation . When vote in Parliament ( the needle to draw in the threede of Episcopall authoritie ) was concluded , to the great griefe of the sincerer sort , many protestations were made , that no alteration in discipline , or divine service was intended : many cautions and limitations were made to bound the power of the minister voter in Parliament . They were ordayned to be countable to the generall Assemblies , for the manner of their entrie and behaviour in this new office : But like bankrupts , not being able to render accompt , they laboured that no accompt should bee made at all : that is , that there should be no ordinary generall assemblie to take accompt . Some few extraordinary Assemblies haue been convocated of late yeeres at their pleasures , for their purposes , and according to their device , constituted as they thought good : wherein they procured , or rather extorted with terror and authoritie , a sort of preheminence aboue their bretheren . They were Lords in Parliament , Councell , Session , Checker , Lords of Regalities , Lords of temporall lands , Presenters to benefices , modifiers of Ministers stipends , grand-Commissioners in the high Commission . Was it wonder then if so great Commanders commanded the Assemblies constituted , as is said , and carved to themselues a spirituall Lordship , when their worthy brethren were banished , imprisoned , confined , or deteyned at Court , that they might the more easily effectuate their purpose . They haue broken the caveats made with their owne consent , violated their promises , and haue sought preheminence both in Church and Common - wealth , with the ruine of others , and the renting of their mothers belly . Wee haue notwithstanding been so silent hitherto , that the world hath iudged our silence , rather slumbring and slothfulnesse then true patience . They are not satisfied with the wrongs already committed , but do still provoke us with new irritant occasions : and specially by obtruding upon us superstitious will-worships , and polluted inventions of men . It behooveth us therefore to set pen to paper , and say somewhat for the surer stay and better information of professors , tenderly affected to the sincerity of religion , lest they bee deluded with the glorious name of a pretended and null-Assemblie , or seduced with temporizers , swallowing up all abhominations or corruptions whatsoever . The meanes of printing and publishing are to us very difficill : wee wish therefore every good Christian to take in good part our meane travels , and not impute unto us want of good will , but of meanes , if they be not served hereafter continually after this manner . Wee shall bee ready God willing for our owne part , as need shall require , and opportunitie will serue , to defend the cause we maintaine against any of our opposites their answers , or replies whatsoever , worthy of answer . Wee haue seene of late some Pamphlets , which haue rather exposed their authors to laughter and contempt , then deserved any serious Confutation . In the Epistle before Basilicon Doron his Maiestie protesteth upon his honour , that hee misliketh not generally all Preachers , or others , who like better of the single forme of Policie in our Church , then of the many Ceremonies in the Church of England : and are perswaded that their Bishops smell of a papall Supremacie , that the surplesse , the corner cap , and such like , are the outward badges of popish errours . And that he doth equally loue and honour the learned and graue men of either of these opinions . His Maiestie useth this Provision , that where the Law is otherwise , they presse by Patience and well grounded reasons , either to perswade all the rest to like of their iudgement , or where they see better grounds on the other part , not to be ashamed peaceably to incline therunto , laying aside all preoccupied opinions . Wee are able to proue that no Ecclesiasticall law hath been made in any free and formall Assemblie for the alterations by-past , or presently intended , either in Government or Ceremonies . The ratification of civill Lawes already made , or to be made , cannot rectifie the Ecclesiasticall , as long as wee are able by good reason to impugne their authority , and evince the vicious constitution , the informall and unlawfull proceedings of these Assemblies , where the said Ecclesiasticall Lawes are said to haue been made . Put the case that no exception might be made against the Law , his Maiesties provision permitteth us to perswade others with well grounded reasons . The verity of our relations , and validity of our reasons , we refer to the tryall of every iudicious Reader , making conscience of his oath , promise , subscription , and puritie of his profession . THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASSEMBLIE HOLden at PERTH in August , Anno Dom. 1618. TVesday the 25 of August , 1618 , the first day of the Assemblie . The generall Assemblie was indicted by his Majestie to be holden at Perth the 25. day of August 1618. Intimation was made twentie dayes before by open proclamation with sound of trumpet . For obedience to the proclamation and his Majesties particular missiues , the persons following conveined at the said Burgh the appointed day : his Majesties Commissioners my Lord Binning Secretary . Lord Skoone . Lord Carnegie . Their Assessours Sir Gideon Murray Treasurer Deputy , Sir Andrew Ker of Pharnihirst , Captaine of the guard . Sir William Olphant the kings Advocate , and Sir Wil. Livingstoun of Kilsyth . Noble men , the Earls of Louthiane , Lord Ochiltrie , Lord Sanquhar , Lord Boyde . Barons : Waughtoun , Lutquharne , Glen-vrquhart younger , Clunie-Gordoun , Boningtoun-woode , Weymis , Balvaird , Bilcolmie , Balcarras , Balmanno , Bombie , Blackbarronie , Lagg . Burgesses : for Edinburgh David Akinheid George Fowlis . For Perth Iames Aedie , Constant Malice . For Dundie ; M r. Alexander Wedderburne younger , Robert Clay-hils : for Aberdine , M r. Iohn Mortimer . For Sterling , Christopher Alexander : for S. Androes , Iohn Knox , Thomas Lentroun : for the Vniversity of S. Androes , Doctor Bruce . Bishops , all except Argyle and the Iles. Ministers , Commissioners from presbyteries . According to the ordinance , and laudable custome of this Church anent the sanctification of her meetings by fasting and prayer , intimation was made vpon the Sabboth preceding in the Church of Perth of a fast to be observed the first day of the assemblie : but the fast was little regarded , sauing that two sermons were made . The first was made in the morning by Patrik Bishop of Aberdine . His text . Ezra . 7.23 . he observed and enlarged this ground , that nothing should be done or determined in the Church by any superiour power whatsoeuer , but that which is according to the commandement of the almightie King. The other sermon was made at the tenth houre by Iohn Archbishop of Saint Andrews in the lytle Church . His text . 1. Cor. 11.16 . was very pertinent , but he ranne quicklie from it . He discoursed the space of two houres first in defence of ceremonies in generall . Next , of the fiue articles in particular . His best arguments for proofe or improbation was some testimonies cited out of Calvin , Martyr , Beza but perverted . The said Arch Bishop in his discourse , made ample protestation that he vnderstood not of the intended novations before they came of his Majestie . Item , that his Majesty would haue had these fiue Articles registred as Canons in the booke of the generall Assemblie , without either reasoning or voting : but by his meanes his Majestie was put of , till the consent of the Church should be obtayned . This his protestation he confirmed with a dreadfull execration , that the curse of God might light on him , and his , if he had not spoken truely . Immediately after the said discourse ; was holden the first Session of this assemblie in maner following . There was set in the litle Church a long table , and at the head thereof a short crosse table . At the crosse table were set chaires for his Maiesties Commissioners and the Moderator . At the syde of the long table were set forms for Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , Bishops and Doctors . The Ministers were left to stand behind them , as if their place and parte had been onely to behold . The Arch-bishop placed himself at the head of the table in the Moderators chaire beside his Majesties Commissioners . After prayer he notified to the assemblie , that Maister Thomas Nicolson ordinary Clark had dimitted his office in favour of Maister Iames Sandelands Aduocate . He commended the said Maister Iames , as a man qualified for that office , and readie to further the brethren in their particular affaires : And so without formall voting or lyte he tooke him sworne and admitted him Clerk. The Brethren were ordained to giue in their commissions to him after the rising of this session . After that , Doctor Young , Deane of Winchester , by birth a Scotishman presented his Majesties letter , directed to the Lords of the privie Counsell , and the Bishops . This letter was twise read in open audience . Terrours were mixed with allurements to mooue the assemblie . After the reading of his Majesties letter the Archbishop had a speach , wherein he protested , that neither he nor the Church of England had craued these nouations , nor geuen counsel thereanent , and that it was against his will , that euer they were motioned . Yet now he is perswaded , that his Majestie would be more glad of the consent of this assemblie therevnto , then of all the gold of India : assureing them on the other parte in case of their refusall , the whole estate and order of our Church will be overthrown , Some Ministers will be banished : other some will bee deprived of their stipend and office ; and all will be brought under the wrath of authority . He advised them rather to consent in time , then afterward to beg favour by offering conformity , and finde none . He alledged a letter written to him by a banished minister , M. Iohn Sharp , requesting liberty to serue God in his own countrey , and offering to submit himselfe in all things . But the letter was neither read nor seen . O , sayd he , I know when some of you are banished , and others deprived , yee will blame us , and call us persecuters ; but we will lay all the burden upon the King. And if you call him a persecuter , all the world wil stand up against you . After his owne speach , he required Doctor Young to speak , if so be , hee had intention or commission to that effect . The Doctor after his preface of insinuation , layd out the proceedings of the last assembly holden at S. Androes , the taunt and reproches breathed out at Court against the same : his Maiesties high displeasure kindled by occasion thereof , like a flame of fire ready to consume all , except it were quenched in this present assembly by condiscending to the fiue articles . Hee taxed the state of our Church , whereof he was ignorant . It pleased his wisdom to bring in the Puritan and the Papist , like Herod and Pilat conspiring Si non contra Christum Deminum , tamen contra Christum Domini . In end with words framed for the purpose and uttered in a mourning maner , hee went about to catch consent to the fiue articles . The ministers defenders of the established order perceiuing the drift of these discourses , and all other meanes to be prepared and disposed for dashing of simple men , modestly required foure things . 1. That none be admitted to vote , but such as are authorized with lawfull commission . The Archbishop answered , hi● Maiesty had written to noble men and Barons willing them to be present at this assembly , if any man had any exception against them , they should be heard . It was replyed that they were not to except against their honorable persons or presence ; but earnestly to ●rave that the order of the Church might be observed : whereby it is provided that without commission none haue place to vote in generall assemblies . 2. That the liberty of the Church be not broken in the election of the Moderator , and that a lawfull lite be made to that effect . It was answered by the Archbishop that , this Assembly is convocate within the bounds of his diocesse he would understand who will take his province over his head . So he intruded him selfe in the Moderators office without election . 3. That the articles proponed in short and generall summes , might be put in forme , and amply extended as his Majesty would haue them inacted , that they may be the better aduised and considered . The pretended Moderator answered , let alone these toyes , trouble us not with needlesse questions , we shall speak of these things in the priuy conference . 4. That some of either opinion may be set apart to collect , and put in order the reasons of either side for the more sure & easie information of the assemblies . The pretended moderator reiected this also as impertinent . He proceeded at his owne pleasure without advice or information of the provinces or presbyteries to the nomination of the priuy conference , before that the Clark had received the commissions . Hee nominated besides his Majesties commissioners , their assessours and the noble men , all the Barons except three ▪ all the Bishops , the Commissioners of Edinburgh , Perth , Dundie , 37 Doctours and other ministers . The most parte was such , as were already resolved to yeeld . Others were not experienced in the state of our Church , some few of the other opinion were taken in , to try the force of their arguments in private , that in publick they might either be evaded , or suppressed . After the said nomination the conference was appointed to convein at 3. afternoone and the assembly at 8. hours in the morning . So endeth the first session . The conference convenied at 3. afternoon . His Majesties letter was read again . The Moderator aforesaid seconded the same with many terrours . To make them goe quickly to worke , he affirmed that foure articles were already concluded in the Assemblies holden last at Aberdine and S. Andrewes respectiue , howbeit not in forme as his Maiesty required : that kneeling allanerly rested to be consented unto . For assisting of his declaration a minute was read containing the poynts conferred upon at the places foresayd . And no further evidence was produced for probation of the alledged agreement . But particularly mention was made , that his Highnesse altogether refused cautions and conditions added by the said Assemblies as frustrations of his Highnesse intentions . And as was affirmed by the said Moderator , his Maiestie was still offended at that Assembly holden at S. Andrewes . For removing of that offence the Moderator aforesaid would haue had the Article of kneeling voted in the conference without reasoning . But after much businesse and earnest dealing , the said Article by plurality of votes was put to reasoning . For clearing the state of the question , the Ministers defenders of the established order , required againe that the sayd Articles might be extended to the full , and put in perfect forme . 2. That the party of the other iudgement , would proue them necessary and expedient for our Church , according to the revealed rule , Affirmanti incumbit probatio : or otherwaies improue our former order already established , as defectiue , superfluous ▪ or confused . 3. That time and place might be granted to all , having calling and interest to reason freely , and heare reasoning in presence of the Assembly for their better direction . 4. That the reasons of moment might be proponed and answered in writing , and some few of either side appointed to put them in due forme and order . The Moderator notwithstanding of the reference of these conditions to the privy conference , reiected them : and as for the party pursuer , and party defender in the reasoning , he determined by himselfe , that the Ministers defenders of the established order must either proue the Articles to be impious and unlawfull , or else they must proue disobedient to his Maiesty . It was replied , That poore subiects neither ought , nor conveniently could dispute a question so affected with disobedience to their Soveraigne , as was there alledged . But if reformation be intended , and the truth of the Articles proponed be sincerely to be searched so farre forth as they may proue good and expedient for this Church ; the order agreed upon by his Maiestie at Perth 1597. cannot of reason be refused , viz. That matters touching reformation of external government be proponed , ordine & decenter animo aedificandi , non tentandi , for searching the truth the undoubted ground of true unity . Notwithstanding of whatsoever could be alledged , the Ministers standing for their possession , were forced to be persuers , and either to obiect against the said Articles , or else to be reputed disobedient to his Maiesty , and to haue no reason on their side . The time being spent , some few reasons were alledged by the Ministers , which were cut off rather by cavilling and quarrelling at mens persons ▪ then solidly answered . The conference was appointed in the morning at eight houres , notwithstanding the said houre had been appointed for the second Session of the Assembly . Wednesday the 26. of August , the second day of the Assemb●y . THE privy conference convened at 8 houre in the morning . Much time was spent with the Bishops discourses , and other preparations for making way to summary reasoning . Some few Arguments were proponed by the Ministers against kneeling in the act of receiving the sacramentall elements of bread and wine ; but answered as before . The pretended Moderator to cut off reasoning instantly required , that kneeling might bee voted in the conference . The Ministers alledged that the proper use of the conference is to prepare and put in order matters that are to be intreated in the face of the Assembly ; and therefore required that the Articles might be formed : and after long debait it was concluded by plurality of votes , that they should be formed . The rest of this short time was spent in naming of Bishops and Doctors for forming and extending the Articles and Acts that were to passe thereupon . The conference was appointed to conveine at 4. afternoone . The Assembly being frustrate of their diet in the morning , assembled at 4. afternoone at the call of the Bell , by the Moderators expectation . He shewed unto them , that that houre was appointed for the conference allanerly . But seeing they conveined , hee thought good to make known to them , that the foure Article● formerly condescended upon at Aberdine and S. Andrewes , as also the fift Article against kneeling , after long reasoning were concluded in the conference , and ordained to be formed and produced before them . And so hee desired them to depart to the end that matters might be exped , for ending the Assembly the morne . But opposition was made in the contrary , that kneeling was not voted , and the other foure Articles were neither reasoned nor voted . After the removall of the Assembly , the act of kneeling as it was formed , was read in presence of the conference , The pretended Moderator urged that kneeling should be voted . It was answerd , that it was an intolerable novelty in this Church , a great prejudice to persons , purposes , and priviledges , and a presumptuous usurpation of a few to vote and conclude under the colourable pretence of a conference , matters of weight belonging to the whole Church . They required therefore that according to order , reasoning and voting might be reserved to the full Assembly . The pretended Moderator answered , First , that it was the custome of the Lords , of the Articles in parliament to proceed after that manner . Next , that he would not spare to commit twenty preiudices to please the King. And thus kneeling was put in voting without regard of the Assembly , and concluded by plurality of votes . The rest of this short time was spent in talking upon Symony , the planting of the Church of Edinburgh , and order to bee taken with beggars . The conference appointed the Assembly to conveine the morne after Sermon . Thursday 27. Aug. the third day of the Assembly . WIlliam , B. of Galloway made a Sermon , his Text Rom· 14.19 . His doctrine was far contrary to that which he taught before the estates of Parliament An. 1606 He set at naught the ancient order of our Church , sometime highly commended by himselfe , and extolled his new light . He presumed to teach them a new kinde of Catechisme , under whom he himselfe might be as yet catechised . The second and last Session of this assembly began after dinner ▪ and ended this day . The Kings Commissioners , and the Bishops , masters of this Assemblie , determined to end all this after noone : and hauing the assise enclosed for that effect , assured them that out of that house they should not go untill his Majestie were satisfied of his desire . The pretended Moderator earnestly aggreadged the nncessity of yeelding and instantly urged present voting without furder delay strongly enforcing , that his Maiestie behoved to bee satisfied , and assureing them , that his Highnesse would accept of no other answer but yeelding . To effectuate his purpose , hee blew out many threatnings in most peremptory maner . Hee insulted uppon the ministers assembled , as if they had been hirelinges , saying , I know you all well ynough . There is neuer a one of you will suffer so much as the losse of your stipends for the matter . Think not but when the act is made I will get obedience of you . There is none of you that voteth in the contrary mindeth to suffer . Some men , said hee , pretend conscience and feare more to offend the people then the King : but all that will not doe the turne . Albeit he had formerly affirmed in the case of requiring consent , that although the act were made , his Majestie would be mercyfull in vrgeing obedience thereto . And they knew him to be more fauourable to his brethren then any Bishop of England . Hee tooke it also vpon his conscience , though it was not trew that there was neither lass nor ladde rich nor poore in Scotland some few precise persons excepted , who were not onlie content but also wished that order of kneeling to be receiued : whereof he had profe and experience in his own citie of S. Andrewes , and in this Town since he came hither . Hee made mention of a pamphlet casten in the pulpit at Edinburgh , wherein it should haue been affirmed , that the Bishops were bringing in Papistry , and that good professors will fight in defence of their own religion . By way of answer thereto , he confessed that the ceremonies make not the separation betwixt us and the Romane Church , but their Idolatry , the which if the Romanists would forsake , they would meet them mid-way , and ioyne with them . And as if the Ministers had known any such professors disposed to fight for the religion , or had been of purpose to ioyne with them , he disswades them to leane to such words , for he had seen the like of that before time at the 17. day of December . Hee wished if such a thing should happen , it would please his Maiesty to make him a Captaine , never any of these braggers would come to the field . After these blasts and terrours , the Ministers with modest importunity insisted that the matters depending might be better cleared by further reasoning and advisement ; so much the rather , because these matters had not been reasoned in full Assembly , for the information of all that had interest . After much dealing , and many earnest speeches and desires to be heard , some fashion of liberty was granted to a few , but with such checkes and limitations to the partie that preased to propone and reason , that quickly they were cut off and sourely rebuked , rather borne downe with authority , then satisfied with reason . His Maiesties chiefe Commissioner , & pretended Moderator , straitly enioyned them either to propone a new reason , or else to hold their peace , when as the argument either had ▪ not been proponed in conference ; or if proponed , not answered ; or if answered , not suffered to be replied unto . And suppose all this had been done in the conference , yet all was new to the full Assembly , and ought to haue been repeated and fully discussed for information of all voters . Yea many Ministers had not so much a● accesse to heare or propone one argument : they had no seates provided for them , as the other party had : Gentlemen thronged in before them . The defenders of the Articles were permitted to discourse as long as they pleased , to gybe , mocke , and cavill , so light account made they of the matters in hand , or the fearfull schisme ensuing upon such disorders , that their behaviour was offensiue to the beholders . The best arguments and answers were taken from the authority of the Kings sword . Hee will ranverse all , except we yeeld ; or the authority of his word ; as when it was alledged out of Zanchius upon the fourth commandement , that things indifferent abused to Idolatry should be altogether removed . The pretended Moderator opponed the iudgement of the King of Great Britaine , to the iudgement of Zanchius , or any of the learned . In a word , the pretended Moderator professed plainly , that neither their reasons nor their number should carry away the matter . These Articles must be concluded , and should be concluded , although there were none but the eleven Bishops , with the authority of his Maiesties Commissioners , they shall impose them . After some few reasons proponed and answered , as is said , it was confessed , that if his Maiesty could haue been pleased , or put off , they would haue reasoned against these Articles , and the introducing of them in this Church . Doctor Lyndesay being posed in conscience , confessed that they had neither reason , nor Scripture , nor Antiquity for them , yet to avert rhe Kings wrath of this Church , yeelding was best . Kneeling was chiefly agitate . Some velitation there was made against Holy dayes . Nothing spoken of the three other Articles , boasting and posting confounded all . The ministers not being permitted to reason and pursue their arguments verbally with such liberty , as of reason should haue been granted , and fearing prejudice in voting , gaue in some difficulties in writing , to be considered and removed , before the articles should passe in voting , like as they were ready , if place had been granted to present in writing particular reasons against every one of the said articles , as was plainly professed . But for cutting them short of that intention , the presenter of the said difficulties in a bosting manner was commanded to subscribe the same , and rebuked as not haveing commission . They suspected a protestation , against the proceedings of this Assembly , for preventing whereof they had declamed before against the protestation subscribed at the last parliament , as treasonable , and seditious . But when it was perceaved , that he sought a penne for subscribing of the same , the Moderator receaved them . Two of them was read , but no wayes respectted ; the rest were suppressed . The ministers notwithstanding of the preceding terrours most humbly and earnestly requested his Majesties Commissioners , that the concluding of the articles might be continued , which their reasons in writing were sent to his Majesty , and answer returned . But this humble request was dispysed . Before the roll was called , his Majesties letter was read again in open audience of the said assembly , no doubt to the end the last impression might incline the voters to consent . The ministers defenders of the established order required againe , that none might haue place to vote , but such as were authorised with lawfull commission : but that order could not be admitted . Yea the pretended Moderator answered , that if al Scotland were there present they should haue vote . The question put in voting was thus formed . Whether will yee consent to these articles , or disobey the King ? the words chosen to distinguish the votes were : agree : disagree : non liquet . The question proponed was affected with this strait condition : he that denyeth one , denieth all . The question being thus contrived , the Moderator certified them , that whosoever voted against the articles , his name should be marked and given up to his Majesty . For gathering the votes , he took the roll in his owne hand from the Clarke , to whom of office it belongs so to marke the votes , that accordingly he may forme the acts truely as his oath and office bindeth him . First were called his highnes commissioners , and their assessours ; then the Noblemen , Bishops , and Barons ; then the Doctors and Ministers , last of all the burgesses . The Doctors and Ministers were called on without order . He called first on those , of whom he was assured to be on the affirmatiue side without respect of the order of Province or Presbytery , as for example , the Arch Deacon of Sanct Androes and M r. Patrik Galloway a man of many pensions were ranked with the Ministers of the North. Some wanting commission were called and voted affirmative : diverse others having commission of whose negative they were assured ; were omitted . In calling on the names , he inculcate these and the like words : haue the King in your mind : remember of the King : looke to the King. In the end by plurality of votes the fiue articles were concluded and consented unto . 1. Kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements of bread and wine . 2. five holy dayes : the day of Christs nativity , Passion , Resurection , Ascension , and the Penticost . 3. Episcopall confirmation . 4. Private Baptisme . 5. Private communion . His Majesties Commissioners and their assessors : all the noble men , except one : all the Barons except one : all the Doctors except D. Strang : all the Burgesses and a number of Ministers voted affirmative ▪ one noble man , one Doctour , and fourty five Ministers voted negative : some few , non liquet . THE NVLLITY OF PERTH ASSEMBLY . THE generall Assemblie hath vsuallie met , since the reformation of the religion , according to the indiction of time and place made by the former Assemblie . And if it happened that any Assemblie was to be holden Pro re nata , premonition was made in dew time by his Majestie , and the Commissioners of the Church , and the occasions set down expresly , to the effect Commissioners might be sent instructed according to the qualitie of the busines to be intreated . Nevertheles after diuerse reports given out by such as stand in credite in Church affaires , that his Majestie was so incensed against the last Assemblie holden at Sanst-Androes that there was no hope of any other Assemblie : This Assemblie beyond expectation was proclamed to be holden within twentie dayes after the proclamation made at the market crosse of Edinburgh , without any advertisement giuen to the Presbyteries anent the matters to be handled . The acte of chattouris of old were voyd , and of none effect , when the meanest member haveing vote was neglected , contemned , or not lawfullie warned . Such like the acte of Provinciall synods , when the mean●st suffragane was not regarded with lawfull citation , according to the rule Contemptus unius plus obest , quam multorum contradictio . Neuertheles for lack of lawfull warning ▪ and conuenient space to provide and prepare Commissionars , there was absent from that Assemblie , foure dioceses viz. Orknay , Caithnes , Argyle , and the Iles , beside diuerse presbyteries , whose interest was as proper and necessary in the general assemblie as of any suffragan in synod or particular member in the chaptour . The generall assemblie , the highest judicatorie Ecclesiasticall within this realme , hath ever after exhortation made by the last Moderator lyted , and lawfullie elected a new Moderator according to diuerse acts continuall custome and practise of this Church . The which presbyteries hath been so regarded , that the conuention holden at Perth by his Maiesties missiue the last of Feb. 1596. although frequented by his Maiesties presence with a great number of the nobilitie , Barons and Burgessis with the Commissioners from euerie presbyterie was for the defect aforesaid no further acknowledged to be a lawfull Assemblie , then the generall Assemblie holden at Dundie the yeare following 1597. declared the same , that is , to be a lawfull extraordinary Assemblie . Neuertheles no moderator was lawfullie elected in this Assemblie , but the place vsurped by him who had practised against the matter there proponed , and not as yet determined , and consequentlie , who ought to haue been secludid from any authoritie in respect of the preiudice commited by him . By order established , acts standing in force and continuall custome free of all controversie and quarrell , all and everie one of the ordinary members of a generall Assemblie , having place and power to vote , or capable of moderation , are and should be authorized with lawfull commissions from inferiour Assemblies viz. Presbyteries , Burghs and Vniversities , according to the acte made anno 1537. Neuertheles the Bishops , a great number of noble men and Barons , and some Ministets , hauing no lawefull commission presumed to carrie themselues as lawfull members of the said Assemblie . Whereas the proceedings of the Assemblie ought to be free without preoccupation either with terrours or allurements . This Assemblie was preoccupied with Sermones , Letters , harangues with allurements on the one side , and terrours on the other . No other ought to be chosen members of the priuie conference but such as are authorized with commission to be members of the Assemblie . Nevertheles the pretended moderator did nominat for the privie conference such as he pleased , before the commissions were deliuered , and consequentlie not dewlie informed , who were the just members of the Assemblie . According to the rule , Totum est maius sua parte , the Assemblie is greater then the conference : and according to another rule Turpis pars omnis toti non congrua . It is an absurd conference that disagrees from the whole Assemblie , Neuertheles in that Assemblie some few named by the pretended Moderator , not chosen by the Assemblie , not only according to the custome of the priuie conference concurred with the said Moderator for preparing and digesting of matters to be proponed in dew order , but tooke vpon them to reason , vote , and conclude the matters properlie belonging to the whole Assemblie . It had been the commendable care of Godly Emperours , and their honorable deputs in general Councels , to provide that nothing be done violently , nor extorted by terrour , but that time ▪ and liberty be granted for reasoning upon matters proponed ▪ and that the booke of God be layed open for finding out the truth . Agatho writing to the Emperour Constantine adviseth him to grant free power of speaking to every one that desires to speak for his faith which he beleeveth , and holdeth that all men may evidently see that no man willing or desirous to speak for the truth was forbidden , hindered or rejected by any force , threatnings , terrour , or what soever else might avert them from so doing . Conforme to this advice , the Emperour answereth as followeth . By God almighty we favour no party , but shall keep our selues equall to all , no way making necessity in any point . Nevertheles in this assembly , the necessity of yeelding was inforced vnder no lesse paines then the wrath of authority , imprisonment , exile , deprivation of Ministers , and utter subversion of the estate and order of this Church . Such as by the providence of God had their mouthes opened to reason , were checked , quarrelled , rebuked , boasted , interrupted , and for their discouragement , it was plainly professed that neither the reasoning nor the number of voters should carry the matter away . The party defender was forced to persue . The collecting and putting in order of the reasons of either side was refused . In free and lawfull assemblies private reasoning is not sufficient , but it is requisit that there be also free reasoning in publick for the full information of all who haue the right of voting . Nevertheles in this assembly publick reasoning was hardly obtained , and when it was obtained , it was not full and free to propone , and persue with replyes . In all free and lawfull assemblies , humble requests for mature deliberation in maters of great importance hath been heard , & granted . But in this assembly humble supplication for continuation till matters were more ripely considered , or till his Majesties answer was returned to the petition of the defenders of the established order , was peremptorily refused . Pope Leo excepteth against the second Councell of Ephesus , call Praedatory , that Dioscorus , who challenged the chief place , keepeth not Priestly moderation and would not suffer the synodall letters of the West to be read . In all free and lawfull Assemblies good advisements hath been heard & followed . But in this Assemblie some difficulties presented in writing to be considered and removed before the voting , were peremptorily rejected . In all free and lawfull Assemblies publick voting should be free of all terrours according to the rule , nihil consensui tam contrarium est , quam vis atque metus quem comprobare contra bonos more 's est . Nevertheles in this Assemblies , his Majesties letters were read the fourth time , immediatly before the publick voting , to move the Assemblie . The pretended Moderator threatned to mark their names who dissented , and breathed out many terrours and threatnings , and so he made good in publicke , that which he profest in private , that he would commit twenty prejudices to further his Majesties purpose . In all free and lawfull Assemblies the estate of the question to be voted , ought to be so formed that it carry with it no danger . Nevertheles in this Assembly the matter to be voted was proponed with sensible danger , agree , or be reputed disobedient to his Majestie , that is , either make a constitution to bind all Ministers , and professours of this reformed Kirk to returne to these fiue articles which they haue vomited , or else yee shall be reputed disobedient . As the acts which are to passe in voting should be distinguished in number : cleare in order , particularly expressed from point to point , because they should contein directions of certain actions to be performed , &c. So the matters offered to voting should be distinctly , clearly , and particularly proponed . Nevertheles in this Assembly all was shut up in a confused caption a multis interrogatis , and voted at once voting in one session . Iustly therefore may their conclusions be called Leges Saturae . In all free Assemblies such order is observed in calling the names of the voters , that no publick prejudice be committed . Nevertheles in this Assembly neither the accustomed order of Provinces , nor Presbyteries was observed ; but such were called on first , as were knowne to be affirmative voters , to discourage and disperse the negatives . Leo sayeth Epist. 25. that some that came to the Councell of Ephesus were rejected , and others were brought in who at the pleasure of Dioscorus were brought to yeeld captiue hands to their impious subscriptions . For they knew it would be preiudiciall to their estate , unlesse they did such things as were injoyned them . It is crimine falsi in gathering of votes , either to passe by them , who haue place and power to vote , or to admit such as are not lawfullie authorized . Nevertheles in this Assemblie not only were some past by who were knowen resolued to vote negative , but diverse others also disposed to vote affirmatiue were admitted , or rather brought in without commission . In all free and lawfull Assemblies , not onely Ministers , but all others of whatsoeuer rank , ought to be authorized , with cōmission , or els they haue not the power of voting . Neuertheles in this Assembly , persons of all ranks not authorized with commission , were admitted to vote , as may be seen by the induction following . It hath pleased his Maiesty in former times to send but some few Commissioners in his Highnesse absence , to concurre with the Assembly , and to propone his Highnesse desire thereunto , &c. Neverthelesse in this Assembly , not onely his Maiesties Commissioners , but also their Assessours gaue euery one vote , whereas his Maiesties selfe being present ; never clamed furder , then the power of one vote . At Edinburgh in Iuly 1568. it was ordained that Barons should be chosen Commissioners in Synodall assemblies . At Dundie in March 1597. after the full establishment of Presbyteries , it was appoynted in presence of his Maiestie , that Barons should be chosen Commissioners with consent of Presbyteries , and that one Baron onely should be directed out of the bounds of a Presbytery . Neverthelesse in this Assembly , the Noblemen and Barons had neither commission according to the old act , nor according to the new . In the yeare of God 1568. it was ordained that Burgesses should be chosen Commissioners by the Councell and Kirke-session of their Burgh coniunctly . And in the yeare 1597. that they should be chosen with consent of the Presbytery . Item , that every Burgh haue power to direct but one Commissioner , except Edinburgh , to whom it was permitted to direct two . Neverthelesse in this Assembly , neither of the said acts were observed . At Montrose 1600. it was statuted and ordained , that none of them who shall haue vote in Parliament in the name of the Church , shall come as Commissioners to the generall Assembly , nor haue any vote in the same ▪ unlesse they be authorized with commission from their own Presbyteries to that effect . This act was never repealed , no not at the pretended assembly holden at Glasgow , but by the said assembly they stand countable to every generall assembly for their proceedings . Howbeit the Presbyteries were spoyled of their authority in many things at the sayd pretended assembly : yet of the power of election of Commissioners they were not spoyled . Neither is there any other order of election of Commissioners , and constitution of the mēbers of the assembly set down by any act of our Kirke , their was established Anno 1597. Nevertheles in this assembly , they not onely presented themselues without commission , but sate as Lords over-ruling it . They had practised the ceremonies against the established lawes before they were proponed to the Assembly , they ought therefore to haue been secluded and sharply censured ; but they usurped the place both of Iudge and party . At S. Andrewes in Aprill 1582. it was thought expedient that Presbyteries should not be astricted to direct their Moderator in commission , but whom they iudged fittest for the purpose . That constant Moderators should be constant members of the generall assembly , is a forged clause foysted in an act of a pretended assembly holden at Linlithquow the yeare of God 1606. The which assembly neither the Church then did , nor the Bishops now will stand to . Nevertheles in this assembly , some Moderators of Presbyteries voted without election , and onely by vertue of the forged clause of the act aforesayd . If any Presbytery directed their Moderators in commission upon ignorance and errour , having respect to the forged clause aforesayd . Their ignorance and errrour is not lawfull consent . It is in the meane time to be remembred , that the present Moderators are not of the quality of these constant Moderators , but of a new Edition set out at Glasgow , viz. They are the Bishops Deputes placed by them in Presbyteries . The Assessours to his Maiesties Commissioners , the Noblemen , Barons , Bishops , Burgesses , and Moderators imposed upon Presbyteries with some Ministers voting without warrant , being substracted from the number of affirmatiue voters , the negatiues will not be found inferior in number to the affirmatiues authorized with commission . And suppose inferiour in number , yet not in weight , for the negatiue voters adhered to the iudgement of the Church , heard no reasons for the novelties proponed , were not overcome with perswasions or terrours , as was the affirmatiues . The affirmatiue voters authorized with commission , either had their commissions procured by their Bishops , or else were mercenary Pensionars ▪ or Plat-servers for augmentation of stipends : or gapers for promotion : or of suspect credit for benefite received or hoped for ▪ or had subscrybed other private Articles in private more dangerous then the present Articles : or had been threatned privatly by their owne diocesian Bishops with deposition : or were not well informed in their judgment for lack of full and free reasoning : or were circumvented with promises made to them , by theit Bishops , that they should not be urged with the practize , if they would only consent to make an act to please the King : or were terrified with the publick threatnings before mentioned . Iudge therfore whether their votes should be pondered or numbered . In omnil us causis pro facto accipitur id in quo quis alium terrefacit quo minus fiat . In this Assembly the affirmatiue voters confessed that they assented not simpliciter to the Articles proponed as knowing truths , but onely to avert the wrath of authority , standing in their owne Iudgment against them , and not for them , in respect of the estate of this church . Hence it may be clearely seene that their votes were only affirmatiue in respect of their feare , but negatiue in respect of their iudgment , and duetifull affection to this Church . Other informalites may be observed , but these are sufficient to proue the nullity of this pretended Assembly whereby the established estate of this Church is so farre prejudged , or rather simple people for their facility indangered , if they upon the pretended authority of this Assembly shall adventure to make defection from their former profession confirmed by so many and well advised Assemblies , and blessed by the experience of Gods great loue in his best benefites , or to violate their solemne oath , and subscription . The pretender may as safely professe that he wil alter his profession , or violate his oath , and subscription , suppose there had been no Assembly at all . But to detaine simple people in their bygaine revolt , it will be cryed out and inculcat that some few persons ( and to make them odious they wil be called mall-contents , troublers of the estate , seditious persons , and what not ? for the which contumelies and reproches account must be made one day ) that they may not , nor should not iudge upon the nullity of the Assemblies . It is trew by way of iurisdiction or superordination ( as they call it ) no private man should presume so to doe , for that iudgment belongeth to another free , and lawfull Assembly . But by the iudgment of discretion every christian man ought to iudge how matters of religion are imposed upon him , and by what authority . If thou mayst not discerne as a iudge , thou mayst discern as a Christian. If yee shall admit indifferently whatsoever is concluded under the glorious name of an Assembly , then may wee be brought to admit not only the English ceremonies , but also Lutheranisme , and Papistry . If Ministers giue way to their Parochinners to practize the obtruded Ceremonies at their pleasures . If sworne professors intangle themselues againe with the superfluiities , whereof the Lord hath made them free , let the one and the other take heed how they defend themselues from the iust challenge of back slyding , and the rest of the inconveniences , that may ensue on their change . If the Parliament by acts , authorize matters affected with such informalities , and nullities , matters of themselues so contrarious to our profession , their ratification of a vitious thing can not be a rule to a Christian manes conscience . But it is to be hoped , that the Lord shall so dispose the hearts of stats-men to the loue of the truth , quietnes of the Church and Country , and peace of mens consciences , that no unreasonable burthen shall be knit upon the members of Christs bodie by any deed of theirs under the name of a benifit to the Church . Invito beneficium non datur . Consider three things : first the nullity of this Assembly . 2. Thy own oath and subscrption , how it admits or abhors this change suppose the Assemblie had been lawfull . 3. If the particulars offered can be made lawfull , or expedient by any Assemblie whatsoeuer . THE ARTICLES PRESENTED TO the Assembly Aug. 27. with some quotations added for confirmation . FOR somuch as wee haue been debarred of accesse , and from heareing the proceedings of the conference , their reasonings , consultations , and advisements , anent the Articles proponed to this generall Assemblie : whereof all and euery one of them so neerlie toucheth vs in our christian resolution and offices of our Ministerie . In most humble manner wee present to your considerations the particulars here after specified , in the feare of God intreating your favourable answer to the same . 1 The articles proponed , if they be concluded , they doe innouate and bring under the slander of change the estate of this Church , so advisedlie established by Ecclesiasticall constitutions , acts of parliament , approbation of other Kirkes , and good likeing of the best reformed christians without and within this kingdom , and so evidentlie blessed with happie successe and sensible experience of Gods greatest benefits by the space of 58 yeares , and aboue ; so that wee may boldlie say to the praise of God that no Church hath injoyed the trueth and puritie of religion in larger libertie . And vpon some such considerations , it pleased his gratious Majestie to continew the Church of England in her established estate , as may be seen in the conference at Hampton Court , and Thomas Sparke his booke written there vpon . Ipsa quippe mutatio , etiam quae adiuvat utilitate novitate perturbat : quapropter quae utilis non est , perturbatione infructuosa consequenter noxia est , sayeth Augustine Epist. 118. That is euen a change that is helpfull for utilitie , perturbeth with the noveltie . Wherefore consequentlie a change that is not profitable , is noisome through fruictles perturbation . Rarher a Kirk with some faulte , then still a change , It is said in the conference at Hampton court . 2 The receiuing again of these articles so justly rejected , and so carefullie , and long kept foorth of this Kirk , greeveth reformed professours tenderly affected to our reformation , and giveth occasion to our adversaries to reproove our separation from them , of rashnes , levitie , and inconstancie , and not onely hindereth their conversion , but strengthens their hope of our furder conformity with them . Quoties non mutarunt suam quisque senten●iam ? Quod aedificant bodie , cras destruunt . Hodie lapidem locant in fundamentum , coementoque confirmant , quem postero dic eruunt , & conterunt . Vbique revocationes , emendationes , novi foetus , aliae atque aliae , quoties nova sententia placet , assertiones : alius deturbat alium , confusio confusioni permiseetur : atque interim scinditur incertū studi● in contraria vulgus . Nec adhuc ●●rnimus aliud , est quis nisi mente captus dicat istiusmodi artifices reaedificare Ecclesia Dei , quibus omnia incerta fluxa , instablia , contraria : quibus nulla dogmatum constantia , nulla animorum consensio , Antdidagma Coloniens . Pag. 4. That is , How oft haue they not changed every one their opiniō : that which they build to day , they demolish to morrow : they place this day a stone for a foundation , and make it sure with morter which they pull vp the day following and bruse in peeces : euery where there is revocations , corrections , new births , diuerse assertions , as oft as a new opinion pleaseth any of them : One throweth down another : Confusion is mingled with confusion ; and in the meane time , the doubtfull vulgars are seuered in contrarie factions . Neither do wee as yet perceiue any other thing : and who will say except such a one as is besyde himselfe , that such artisans reedifies the Kirk of God , to whom althings are vncertain , flowing , vnstable , contrarious , who haue no constancie in the heads of doctrine no consent of myndes . &c. 3 They cannot stand in one profession with brotherlie kyndnes , peace , and loue which must bee tenderlie kept amongst the members of Christs body , as the same consists of stronger , and more infirme as may appeare in the apostolicall rules following . First , all things are lawfull to me , but all things are not profitable . I may doe all things but I will not be brought vnder the power of any thing . 2. Let every man be fully persuaded in his owne my●d . 3 Whatsoeuer is not of faith is sinne . 4 Let euery one vnderstand according to sobrietie as God hath dealt to euery man the measure of faith . 5 Take heede least by any means this power of yours be an occasion of falling to them that are weake . 6 Through thy knowledge shall thy weake brother fall , for whom Christ died . 7 When yee sinne against the brethren , and wound their weake consciences , yee sin against Christ. 8 Whatsoeuer yee doe , doe all to the glorie of God. 9. Giue no offence , neither to the Iew nor to the Graecian , nor to the Kirk of God. 10 Please all men in all things , not seek●ing your owne prosite , but the profit of many that they may be saved . 11 Cause not your commoditie to be evil spoken of . 12. Let all things be done , honestly , and in order ▪ Things indifferent ( put the case mans inuention were of that nature ) in the case of scandall , cease to be indifferent , and are as things morall . Perkins . Galat. 2.3 . 4. They giue way to humane inventions , and bring the wrong key of mans wit within the house of God whereby toyes and trifling Ceremonies in number and force are multiplied as mens wits are variable to invent . Who requires those things at your hands . 5. The admitting of some openeth the do●e to the rest , and the multitude of such make us inferiour to the Iewes in two respects . 1. Their Ceremonies were all divine . 2. In number fewer then rituall Christians doe obserue betwixt the Pasche , and the Pentecost , Gerson complaineth , quod multitudine levissimarum ceremoniarum vis omnis Spiritus Sancti quem in nobis vigere oportuit , & vera Pietas , Sit extincta . That with the multitude of frivolous ceremonies true piety was extinguished and the force of the Spirit which ought to be powerfull in us . Iewel Apollog . Pag. 116. Sed quamvis hoc neque inve●iri possit , quomodo contra fidem sunt , ipsam tamen religionem servilibus oneribus p●●munt , ut tolerabillior sit conditio Iudcorum , qui etiamsi tempus liberta●is non agnoverint , legalibus tamen sarcinis , non humanis presumtionibus subjiciuntur . August . epist. 119. Howbeit it can not be found how they are contrary to the faith , yet they presse downe religion it self with servile burdens , so that the estate of the Iewes is more tolerable , who howbeit they did now acknowledge the time of their liberty , are subject notwithstanding to the burdens of the Law , not to the presumptions of man. Quanto majus accedit cumulo rituum in Ecclesia , tanto majus detrahitur , non tantum lil ertati Christianae , sed & Christo , et ejus fidei . Confes. Orthodox . Cap 27. That is , The more that the heap of rites and Ceremonies in the Kirk increaseth , the more is derogated , not only from Christian liberty , but also from Christ and his faith . Learned and graue men may like better of the single forme of policie in our Kirk , then of the many ceremonies of the Kirke of England . Epist. before Basilicon Doron . 6 , Matters of that nature bring inevitably with them disputations , divisions , contentions as may be seene in all Kirkes , where such coales of contention gets entry . The Pascha of the Primatiue Kirk , The Interim of Germany , the rent of the Kirk of England , our owne experience since the strife of the externnall gubernation began among us &c. 7. They hinder edification , for how meckle time and zeale shall be spent uppon the inbringing and establishing of these , as much leasure and opportunity shall Satan get to sow and water the tares of Athisme , Schisme , Popery , and dissention . Consider the sentences following . 1. Let us proceede by one rule , that wee may mind one thing . Philip. 3.16 . 2. Let us follow the truth in loue , and in all things grow up in him , who is the head , that is Christ. Ephes. 4.3 . Giue no place to the Devill . 4. If yee be otherwayes minded God shall reveale the same to you . 5. Feede my sheepe . 6. Take heede to your selues and to the flock . 7. Let no root of bitternes spring up to trouble you . 8. Fulfill my ioy that ye be like minded , haueing the same loue beeing of one accord and of one iudgement , that nothing be done through contention or vain glory , but that in meeknes of mind every man esteem other better then himself . 9. Do all things without murmuring and reasoning . 10. It was needful for mee to write unto you , that yee should earnestly contend for the faith , which was once giuen to the Saincts . 11. While men slep● the enemy came , sowed his tares amongst the wheat , and went his way . 8. They bring a sensible blot either upon the happy memory of our godly and wise predecessours , in so far as wee depart from that reformation , so wisely brought in , appointed & established by them , or else upon our selues , by resuming again of dangerous superfluities without reason , rejected by them , for weighty and necessary causes , Magnum est hoc Dei munus , quod una est religionem puram , et eutaxian , doctrinae videlicet retinendae vinculum , in Scotiam intulistis . Sic obsecro et obtestor , haec duo simul retinete , ut uno amisso alterum non diu permanere posse semper memineritis . Beza epist. to M. Knox. This is a great benefit of God that yee haue brought into Scotland true religion and good order , the band that retaineth doctrine , at one time , so I beseech you and obtest that yee retain these two together , so that yee remember , that if the one be lost , the oher can not indure long . And againe he saith quam recte illud , quod disciplinam simul cum doctrina conjungitis , obsecro , et obtestor ut ita pergatis ne vobis idem quod tam multis eveniat , ut qui in limine impegerint progredi non possunt , immo etiam interdum ne velint quidem , quod longè miserimum est . How well was that done , that yee conjoyned Doctrine and Discipline together , I beseech you and obtest , that yee go forward , lest it happen to you which is befallen to many , that could not make a progresse , haueing stumbled in the very entry , yea sometime were not willing which is most lamentable . 9 They set loose the filthy mindes and mouthes of fleshly livers to triumph against the most sound and best reformed professours , and to reioyce in their rotten opinions , and restored opportunities of sensuall observations of guising , gluttony , carrels , &c. 10 They are declared by this Church to be contrary doctrine , as may be seen in the 1.2 . and 3. chapters of the first book of Discipline , in these words : We iudge that all doctrine repugnant to the Evangell , should be utterly suppressed as damnable to mans salvation . In the bookes of Old and New Testament we affirme that all things necessary for the instruction of the Kirk , and to make the man of God perfect , is contained and sufficiently expressed . By contrary doctrine we understand , whatsoever men by Lawes , Councels , or Constitutions haue imposed on the consciences of men without the expresse commandement of Gods word , as keeping of holy dayes commanded by man , the feast of Christmas , and other feasts . 11 The Commissioners of Presbyteries here convened sufficiently understand , that neither the Presbyteries from whom they haue their commissions , nor the particular Churches of this Realm either require , are willing , or consent to admit these novations . Consitentur Theologi nihil esse per Synodos Ecclesijs invitis obtrudendum . The Divines do confesse that nothing should be obtruded upon Churches against their will. 12 The Commissioners of Presbyteries here assembled , understanding the alienation of them from whom they received commission , from these Articles , can by no warrant oblige nor bind their unwilling Presbyteries , and Congregations to their votes . Ecclesiam dissentienlem & invitam obligare quis potest ? Who can bind a Church disassenting and unwilling . 13 There stand in force divers acts of parliament in favour of our present order , Ia. 6. Parl. 1. cap. 8. Ia. 6. Parl. 6. cap. 68. & cap. 69. Item , the first act of the Parliament Anno 1592. 14 The Ministers of this Church by order of the same printed and inserted before the Psalme booke at their admissions respectiue promise in the presence of God , and of his congregation assembled , to abhorre and utterly to refuse all doctrine alledged necessary unto salvation , that is not expresly contained in the Old and New Testament , and according to the graces and utterances that God shall grant unto them to professe , instruct , and maintaine the purity of the doctrine contained in the sacred word of God , and to the uttermost of their power to gainstand , and convince the gainsayers , and teachers of mens inventions . Item , to submit themselues most willingly to the wholesome Discipline of this Kirk , by the which they were then called to the office and charge , promising in Gods presence obedience to all admonitions , secretly or publickly given , &c. 15 The subscribers of the confession of faith by their oath therein contained , promise and sweare to continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Church , and to defend the same according to their vocation and power , all the dayes of their liues , under the paines contained in the Law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of Gods fearefull iudgement : and to abhorre and detest all contrary religions , but chiefly all kinde of Papistry in generall , even as they are now damned and confuted by the word of God and Kirk of Scotland , but in speciall the Popes fiue bastard Sacraments , whereof Confirmation is one , with all rites , ceremonies , and false doctrines added to the true Sacraments without the word of God : his absolute necessity of Baptisme , &c. Which confession and practise following thereupon , is come to the eyes of the world in print , and solemnly renewed in the covenant celebrated in the generall and provinciall Assemblies , Presbyteries , and Kirk-sessions in the yeare of God 1596. And how shall any man be heard to speak against that whereunto he hath formerly sworne and subscribed ? See the conference at Hampton-court . For the better understanding of their last Articles , I will set down a short discussion of the Oath . THE OATH DISCVSSED . THE Religion , Doctrine , and Discipline received , beleeved , and defended by the Kirk of Scotland , and namely the publick ministration of Baptisme , and the Lords Supper , sitting at the table in the act of the receiving the bread and wine of that Sacrament , the observation of the Lords day , and the examination of children , for the first time at the ninth yeare of their age , for the second at the twelfth , for the third at the fourteenth , excluding and abhorring private baptisme , private communion , kneeling in the act of receiving the Supper , holy dayes , or feasts of Christmas , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and sending down of the Holy Ghost : were brought in at the reformation of religion , and enioyed ever since in manner and forme as followes . After due tryall and advisement taken of the heads in generall and particular aboue written , the whole Church was of one heart and iudgement concerning the same , and every man was permitted to heare reasoning , and such as would were permitted to reason , every man professed himselfe to be perswaded in his own minde . The particulars to be embraced and followed , and the corruptions to be avoyded , were by Ecclesiasticall authority in free , full , and lawfull generall Assemblies , publicke confessions , and solemne protestations aduisedly established . The estates of Parliament agreeing in iudgement with the Kirk concerning the said matters by their acts ratified and approved the Kirk constitutions , and appoynted civill penalties against the transgressors of the same , with prouision of order whereby they might be called , convicted , and punished . The sayd unity of iudgement authorized by the constitutions of the Kirk , and lawes of the Countrey , and the whole particulars established by these bands , having been tried by practise , and otherwayes , haue proved expedient , profitable and necessary by the space of fiftie nine yeares , and now iustly haue acquired the force of good and commendable custome . For our furder confirmation of the sayd religion , doctrine , and discipline in generall , and in the particulars before named , all and every one of all estates of this Realme haue solemnly sworn , that they shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Church , and shall defend the same according to their vocation and power . Notwithstanding of these fiue obligations , viz. unity of judgment , and opinion : Ecclesiastical authoritie reiterated & confirmed by many famous Assemblies : Many civill lawes : Nine and fifty yeares practise and custome universally commended : and the sayd solemne oath divers times repeated , the pretended assembly holden last at Perth , received certain formes formerly excluded and abhorred . Queritur , if one or moe Preachers or Professours in the sayd Kirk , standing to the Kirkes former iudgement ; and able to defend the same by good reason , at least seeing no warrant in the contrary , may dispense with the sayd oath , or follow the plurality of preachers , & professors dispensing with the same in the assembly . And what power may compell the alteration of iudgement , or loose the sayd oath in any case aforesayd ? Leaving the full answer to the wise and well reformed Christian walking before God , and looking for a crown upon the glorious day of our Lord. For present reformation we shall consider the sayd oath : first in the persons , takers of the same . 2. The matter whereto they sweare . 3. The forme and manner , whereby they are bound . 4. The force and effect of that forme for making sure mens particular deeds . The persons takers of the oath are all baptised Christians of perfect age , able to examine themselues , and so to eate of the Lords Supper , honoured with callings , and all professours of Christian fellowship , of Christ the searcher of hearts , and of life and iudgement eternall , free of madnesse , and of all restraint of superiour power in this case , understanding periury and the paines thereof , at their owne liberty , and free of all coaction : as at length may be seene in the confessions of faith registred in the Acts of Parliament , printed in the booke of Discipline before the Psalmes in meeter , the confession of faith subscribed by the Kings Maiesty and his houshold , published by open proclamation and yet standing in print . And in the covenant celebrated by the generall and provincial Assemblies , and by the Presbyteries , and particular congregations , but more summarily in the heads underwritten , acknowledged and confessed by themselues . WE all , and every one of us after long and due examination of our consciences in matters of true and false religion are now throughly resolved in the truth by the word and Spirit of God. Wee beleeve with our hearts , confesse with our mouthes , subscribe with our hands , and constantlie affirme before God , and the world , that the faith and religion , received , beleeved , and defended by the Kirke of Scotland , the Kings Majestie and three Estates of this realme particularly expressed in the confession of our faith , established and publickly confirmed by sundry acts of parliament , and now of long time hath been openly professed by the Kings Majestie , and whole body of this Realme , is only the true Christian faith and religion pleasing God , and bringing salvation to man. To this confession , and forme of religion wee willingly agree in our consciences in all points , as unto Gods undoubted trueth and verity . Wee willing to take away all suspition of hypocrisy and double dealing with God and his Kirke , protest , and call the searcher of hearts for witnesse , that our minds and hearts doe fully agree with this our confession , oath , and subscription . Wee protest that we are not moved with any worldly respect , but are persuaded only in our conscience through the knowledg and loue of Gods true religion printed in our hearts by the holy Spirit , as wee shall answer to him in the day , when the secrets of all hearts shal be disclosed &c. Before and at the tyme of their solemne protestations , it was well knowen to all the promisers , Swearers , Subscribers , that 1. At Edinburgh , the 18. day of Octob. 1581. And from the reformation to that year it was resolued , and by common consent concluded that in tyme cōming no sacrament be ministred in priuate houses , but solmnely according to the good order hitherto obserued . 2. At Edinburgh in Ianu. 1560. it was declared by this Kirk that Christ sat with his disciples at a table , whē he instituted the supper , and that sitting at table was the most convenient gesture to this holy action . 3. That the Popes fiue bastard sacraments , whereof Confirmation is one , with all rites ceremonies and false doctrines added to the ministration of the sacraments were abhored . And that examination of children , aftet the maner agreed vpon in the Kirk , was sufficient to unite baptized infants with the Kirk in the participation of the Lords Supper . 4. That at Edinburgh in Ianuar. 1560. the Kirk judged vtterlie to be abolished from this Realm , keeping of holy dayes such as the feast of Christmas &c. Imposed vpon the consciences of men without warrant of Gods word , and many other things of the like nature condemned by preaching , and corrected by publick censures of the Kirk . Hence it is euident that no exception can be taken against the persons promising , swearing and subscribing , for despensing with the said oath . The matter whereunto they bind themselues by oath is the religion , doctrine and discipline receiued , beleeued and defended by the Kirk of Scotland . In respect of this matter , the oath is partlie assertorie , and partly promissorie . They affirme as followes . 1. That it is Gods vndoubted truth and veritie grounded onelie vpon his written word . 2. That it pleaseth God , and bringeth salvation to man. 3. That they are now throughly resolued in this truth . 4. That they detest all vain allegories , rites , signes and traditions brought into the Kirk without , or against the word of God and Doctrine of this true reformed Kirk . Such assertions can not be loosed , an assertorie oath can not be dispensed with , for it is already past . Assertorij juramenti materia in necessitatem transijt . They haue all alreadie sworne that they are persuaded in their consciences in the points aforesaid . This persuasion is not to be performed , but is already past and sworne . We can not therefore go in the contrary except we will be perjured . The promissory part is , to continew in the obedience of the doctrine and Discipline of this Kirk , or to defend the same . The indurance of the said continuance and defence is all the dayes of our liues . The execration whereby they inforce the truth and promise of their oath is , under the paines contained in the law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of Gods fearfull judgement . This continuance and defence in respect of the worthines of the matter affirmed , and of the nature of an oath and promise , and in respect of the indurance , and execration adioyned , leaveth no place to alledge the events of posterior accidents incident to the matter sworne to , to loose or dispense with the said oath , or promise , as it may be clearly seene in the nature of an oath . The formes whereby the foresaid persones are bound to continue , and defend the said religion are 1. Publick profession before God and the world 2. Printed and published confessions . 3. Subscription . 4. Obedience to the lawes of the Country . 5. Christian subjection to the order of the Kirk . 6. The solemne covenant . lastly . The oath . All these formes amongst all people , but specially amongst Christians are reputed for strong bands . If wee consider the zeale of our Christians to God and his trueth , the oath may be called juramentum affectionis , the oath of affection . If their willingnes to cleaue to their bretheren in sincerity of profession it is voluntarium et quasi conventionale , it is voluntary , and as it were by paction . If their loyalty to his maiesty and reverent obedience to the Kirk it is judiciale , an oath before a Iudge . If suspition or any other sort of undutifulnes , it is Purgativum , an oath of purgation . If the fulnes of the forme , it is not simple , but componed , haueing a most fearfull execration expressed . If yee consider the matter sworne to , viz. The religion , Doctrine , and discipline , as it is affirmed for undoubted trueth , it is assertorium , an assertory oath . If the continuance in defence of the doctrine and discipline , it is promissory , Whereby the particular acts of their future continuance and defence are bound to be established in religion , doctrine , and discipline . In respect of the which establishment and future continuance and defence , it is a thing bygone , and past in rem judicatam , worthy of the said continuance and defence , but nowayes subject to the changes accessory to the persons by oath addebted to these duties . The matter affirmed in this oath , concerneth God , our brethren and the rest of our own soules in the course of profession . The duty that wee performe to God , is to take him to be Iudge and witnesse of our sincerity and constancy of our profession . The duty that wee doe to our neighbours is to put them in assurance of our brotherly disposition and carriage in the communion of Sanicts . The honour and the ease that we bring to our selues is , that we lay , a● it were , God in pawne for us who hath the cleare konwledge of most secrete things , and is the undoubted patrone of verity , full of all justice , and power to punish perjurie . The force and effect of this forme being considered in the persons swearers upon whom God principally hath laid the law of swearing , should be a strong cord to restrain us from the variable inconstancy and customable changes that falleth in the world for the reasons following . 1. An oath is the golden cord , whereby we are bound to sacred verity , and the sacrificing knife whereby we cut away superfluous controversies . 2. The effect of an oath is a most solemne and sure obligation , and therefore by the consent of all the Doctors the oathes of compulsion , and hurtfull , in matters prestable , and not impious , are to be keept . 3. A lawfull oath by God alone may be loosed , who is the chief CVI for whose sake it is taken . 4. It is a note of the Antichrist to dispense with oathes . It was well said , that dispensations nihil aliud sunt quam legum vulnera . What is more religious in religion then an oath ? What shal be the force of bands or contracts ? with what coards shall societies be knit if men shal be freed from their lawfull oaths , or rather forced to violate them ? To elude the oath the temporizer objecteth that all oathes of inferiors are made , salvo jure superiorum , seeing therefore the King & the Kirk , our superiours , haue made those innovations , wee are freed of our oath , so far as innovation is made . Answer , that an oath made by the inferior , with knowledge and consent of the Superiour can not afterward be loosed by the Superiour . The Canonist giveth this example , a scholer is sworne to his Creditor not to departe from the schoole beyond the boundes and limits agreed on betwixt him and the creditor , before he make payment at the appointed day , his father commands him to returne home . If he contracted the debt for his study , he had the tacite consent of his father . For setting him to schole , he did assent to all necessaries serving for his studies . The father here is by his owne tacite consent spoiled of his authoritie in recalling his sonne . But farre more when he geueth his expresse consent . In the present case , wee had the consent both of the King our father , and the Church our mother , yea they went before us in example , subscribed , and sworne the Confession aforesaid themselues . The Bishop of Elie in Tortura Torti answering to Matheus Tortus adviseing his Majestie to graunt libertie of conscience hath these words , Pag. 81.82 . Integrum jam hoc illi non est : nam quod cum ea qua decet reuerentia dictum volo , non semel perjurus sit , sed bis si te audiat . Qua enim ( siqua est fidei bis datae conscientia ) vel conscientia vel fide , ferret in regnis suis ritus vestros , vel usum eorum publicum , qui suscepta primum Scotiae , suscepta dein Angliae corona regia , utrobique solenni ritu jus●●r●ndum Deo praestitit , de conservanda in statu suo illa colendi Dei formula , nec alia quam quae in regnis suis tum publice recepta , & utriusque gentis legibus stabilita esset . Quarum etiam se tum legum quoque , non minus quam religionis , sanctissimè in se suscepit defensorem fore ? Eo autem consilium hoc tuum tendit , ut novator sit , ut periurus , ut uterque sit : esset enim uterque , si utroque hoc tam gravi crimine , vel coronae suae , vel etiam vitae securitatem redimeret . The Bishop is bold to affirme that his Maiesty cannot permit liberty of conscience , because he was twise sworne to maintain the forme and manner of Gods worship receiued and established in his kingdomes . If his Maiesty may not permit another forme of Gods worship then that which was received already , nor the use of Papisticall rites , farre lesse in the Bishops iudgement , may his Maiesty inioyne , or command other formes and rites . As for our other Superiour , the Kirk , it cannot be denied but persons of all estates haue subscribed and sworne since the yeare of God 1580. The oath and subscription was universall Anno 1580. 1581. 1582. & anno 1590. When the generall band was made for the maintenance of true Religion , and his Maiesties state and person . The said confession was published with the generall band , and subscribed . So againe anno 1596. when the covenant was renewed in the generall Assembly , in the provinciall Assemblies , in Presbyteries and particular Congregations , the oath was universall . Besides the universall oathes and subscriptions , upon divers occasions , some particular persons at divers times haue subscribed . So , a particular rank of persons , as for example schollers passing their degrees , since the yeare 1587. subscribed and swore the confession of their faith at their Laurocation . In like manner , every Burgesse at his admission protested before God to defend the religion then professed and authorized by the Lawes , to his liues end . In like manner , particular Presbyteries , and Synods of late yeares : as for example , The Ministers of the Synod of Lowthian assembled at Tranent anno 1604. subscribed the confession of faith . The two pretended Archbishops now liuing , were present and subscribed with the rest of their bretheren . Any man may see , that few are excepted , who haue not made their personall oath . And least any man think himself exemed , let him consider that the generall Assembly , the Kirke representatiue made a solemne oath by holding up their hands , at the renewing of the covenant anno 1596. This oath of the Kirk representatiue obligeth them all who were living , to the maintenence of the purity of religion in Doctrine and discipline as it was then professed . Yea the oath representatiue of Ioshua , and the Princes of Israel representing Gods people oblished their posterity : and therefore many hundred yeares after was the famine sent upon the land for the violation of this oath made to the Gibeoni●s and Sauls seven sonnes were hanged . The yong ones were not excepted in our oath : for the Parents did binde for them , when they were baptised , to bring them up in the confession of faith , as it was then professed in the Kirk , as grounded upon , and consonant unto the covenant of grace made betwixt God and men for themselues and for their seed . So yee see the oath of the Kirke of Scotland was partly personall and partly reall . Is any Assembly , never so lawfull , free , and formall , able to free us of this oath , let be a pretended Assembly , disturbed , and divided in it selfe , and drawing down in one session , these things which were builded up in many yeares , and by many famous and notable Assemblies , consenting in one heart . But as I haue sayd , our oath was with consent of the Assembly and Kirk of Scotland . Seeing we are sworne severally , how can the same persons assembled together in one body collectiue , dispense with this oath , seeing they haue sworn to defend during their liues . To consent to any alteration , is not to defend during their liues , but rather to betray the cause , and incurre perjurie . If they may not violate their oath assembled collectiue , farre lesse may a generall assembly representing onely the collectiue body free them of their oath , least of a null and unlawfull Assembly . They alledge they haue not violated their oath , because the substance of Religion is kept , and onely some indifferent points altered . But I answer . First that an oath cannot be said to be kept , vnlesse it be kept in all the parts and contents , and in the forme and manner expressed , Nam juramentum servandum est in forma specifica . Wee swore to keepe the same forme or worship that was vsed in the Kirk of Scotland , and specialie in the use of the sacraments . This specification ( the Kirk of Scotland ) admitteth neither English , Lutherane , nor Romane rites in the worship of God different from our profession . Next our oath was in a matter of religion which is not changeable as statutes of republicks and corporations are . And euery point of the confession of a faith is a note of profession , whereby wee professe our selues to be distinguished either in substance , or puritie of religion from others . Confessions of faith should not be changeable as Hilarius complained of his tymes Annuas & menstruas fides de Deo decernimus . Thirdly put the case , the points of our profession that are innouated were matters indifferent , as they were not so vnderstoode at the tymes of our oathes and subscriptions , but were declamed against , as points of plain papistrie , yet seeing indifferent things abjured for their abuse may not be receiued how can wee receiue them , except it were proued , that our oath was at the begining vnlawfull ; or that our former formes are become vnlawfull , not expedient for edification of the Kirk , Or lesse edificatiue then the ceremonies presently vrged . It was plainely confessed in the last pretended Assembly , that they were not expedient for our Kirk , & that they yeelded to hold off an outward and externall inconvenience , a matter uncertaine and depending in the effect vpon Gods providence yea a matter now denied , as importing tyrannie for so is it constantly , reported . In rhe meane tyme our assertorie oath is alreadie past , and wee become perjured if wee come in the contrary . This is a high degree of perjury , when not onely we contravein our oath by practise , but make Lawes in the contrary , and thereafter inveigh against our oath as Puritanisme . If sincere and constant professours shall be still pursued for their constancie in their profession , and the conscience they make of their oath : Do we not expone the whole Nation to a woefull vengeance , and perpetuall ignominy . The unlawfulnesse of every one of the Articles shall be proved , as need shall require , and opportunity will serue . KNEELING IN THE ACT OF RECEIVING THE SACRAmentall elements of Bread and Wine , proved vnlawfull . IT hath been the uniforme and constant order of this Kirke , since the reformation : tha● the communicants should receaue the sacramentall elements of bread and wine , sitting at the table . In the second head of the first booke of discipline , are set downe these words . The table of the Lord is then rightly ministred , when it approcheth most neare to Christs owne action : but plaine it is , that at that supper Christ Iesus sat with his disciples : and therefore wee doe iudge●punc ; that sitting at a table , is most convenient to that holy action . In the generall Assembly holden in December 1562. It was ordeined , That one uniforme order be observed in the ministration of the Sacraments , according to the order of Geneva . And in December , Anno 1564. It was ordeined , That Ministers in ministration of the Sacraments , shall use the order set downe in the Psalme bookes . In the Assembly holden anno 1591 : it was ordained , That an Article should be formed , and presented to his Maiesty , and the estates , craving order to bee taken with them , who give or receive the sacrament after the Papisticall manner . In the Kings confession of faith , subscribed and sworne , by persons of all estates : are contained these words : We detest all the ceremonies of the Romane Antichrist added to the ministration of the Sacraments ; we detest all his rites , signes , and traditions . This laudable order was altered at the pretended Assembly holden last at Perth in August anno 1618. The tenour of the Act followeth as it was formed by some of the Bishops , and their followers . Since we are commanded by God himselfe , that when we come to worship him , wee fall downe and kneele before the Lord our Maker : and considering withall , that there is no part of divine worship more heavenly and spirituall , then is the holy receiving of the blessed body and bloud of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ ; like as the most humble and reverend gesture of the body in our meditation , and lifting up of our hearts , best becommeth so divine and sacred an action . Therefore , notwithstanding that our Church hath used since the reformation of religion , to celebrate the holy communion to the people , sitting , by reason of the great abuse of kneeling at the worshipping of the Sacrament by the Papists , yet now seeing all memory of by past superstition is past , and no perill of the same againe is feared : In reverence of so divine a mystery , and in remembrance of so mysticall an union as we are made partakers of , thereby doe ordaine , that that blessed Sacrament be celebrated hereafter meekely and reverently upon their knees . This alteration is to us unlawfull , for that which hath been established by so many lawes , Civill and Ecclesiasticall , by so long custome , and prescription of time , confirmed by our oathes , and subscriptions , wee may not lawfully alter . But so it is , that sitting at the table in the act of receaving , hath been established by lawes , custome , long prescription of time , and confirmed by oathes and subscriptions as is evident by the former diduction . It is notwithstanding expedient to descend further in opening up the unlawfulnes of kneeling . 1. as it is a breach of the institution . 2. as it is a breach of the second commandment . 3. as it is with out example and practise of the ancient Kirk . 4. as it disagreeth from the practise of the reformed Kirks . Kneeling , considered , as it is a breach of the institution . THE manner of Christs proceeding , from the paschall supper to the Eucaristicall , is to be observed , for the better understanding of the Institution . Before and in the dayes of Christ , the Paschall supper consisted , of two services or suppers , and a conclusion . After the ordinary washing of their hands , they sat downe to the first service , and eate the Paschall lamb with unleavened bread . Then they rose to the washing of their feet ; thereafter , they sat downe againe to the second supper or service , and did eate of a sallet , made of soure hearbs , and dipped in a composed liquor , as thick as mustard . Iudas after he gat a sop of this second service , he went out immediatly . In the conclusion of the second service of the Paschall supper , the Lord of the house took an unleavened cake of bread and blessed it , after this maner . Blessed art thou o Lord our God , King of the World , who hast sanctified us by thy precepts , and hast given us a commandement concerning the eating of unleavened bread . Christ likewise took the bread and gaue thanks . The Lord of the house , after thanks-giving brake the bread , and gaue it unto the company , saying , This is the bread of misery , which our fathers eat in Egipt : whosoever hungreth let him come neare and eat , whosoever hath need , let him come neare and celebrate the Passeover . Christ after thanks-giving brak the bread , and gaue it to his disciples , saying , take yee , eat yee , this is my body that is broken for you . Therafter the Lord of the house tooke the cup , and blessed it after this manner . Blessed art thou O Lord who hast created the fruit of the vine , after he had tasted the cup he gaue it to the nearest and so it was caried from hand to hand . This cup was called , the cup of praise and thanks-giving , because they sung a Psalme after it . Christ took the cup likewise , and after he had given thanks gaue it to the nearest of his disciples , saying , take ye , drink ye all of this ; for this cup , is the new-testament of my blood &c. the cup was caried from hand to hand , the supper ended they sung a Psalme . Morneus a and Beza b do set downe this maner of proceeding , as observed before by Munsterus , Paulus Burgensis , Tremellius , Cassander , and Iosephus Scaliger . Iosephus Scaliger setteth downe c a paschall canon , forbidding , to take any meat or drink after the cup of thanks-giving . This discourse being premitted the breaches of the institution are to be considered . The first breach of the institution made by kneeling , is the taking away of that commendable gesture of sitting , used by Christ and his Apostles , at , and after the Institution . Christ and his Apostles sate at table , after the forme of their usuall sitting at ordinary bankets and feastes . They sat at the first service of the Paschall supper . Baradius , Swarez , Iansenius , and others affirme , that there is no circumstance in the text , Exod. 12 , to inforce standing at the Passeover . Next , suppose the circumstances there expressed did import standing , yet it was not inioyned as an ordinary rite , but as many other circumstances , belonged only to the first Passeover in Egipt , as to eate with haste , and with loynes girded up , and to sprinkle the lintill and two sideposts of the doore with blood , as Beza hath observed d and Scaliger in the late edition of his books de emendatione temporum e sayeth the like : put the case , that this gesture continued longer , yet long before the dayes of Christ this gesture was changed . Scaliger produceth out of the rituals of the Iewes , f their words : Quam diversa haec nox à ceteris noctibus quod in aliijs noctibus semel tantum l●vamus in hac autem bis . Quod in reliquis noctibus comedimus sive fermentum sive Azimum in hac autem onmino azyma . Quod in reliquis noctibus vescimur oleribus omne genus in hoc autem intybis . Quod in omnibus noctibus tam edentes quam bibentes vel sedemus vel discumbimus in hac autem omnes discumbimus . How farr different is this night from other nights ? other nights we wash once , this night twice : other nights we eate leavened or unleavened bread , this night onely unleavened . Other nights we eate all sorts of hearbs , this night onely Cicory . Other nights as well eating as drinking , we either sit or sup ; this night we all sup , that is , sit leaning . In his first Edition he sayth , That the b●oke Kiddush pesach , out of which their words are alledged , is a little elder then Christs time . It is cleare then , that Anakeimenon discumbentibus , cannot be translated , standing , neither did ever any translator so translate the word any where . It is sayd likewise , they sate downe at the second service after he had washen the disciples feet . And whilest they did eate , edentibus illis , Math. 26.26 . Mark. 14.22 . Christ tooke bread and blessed , &c. If whilest they did eate , then also whilest they did sit . As these two are conioyned , Mark. 14.18 . The phrase imports , that nothing intervened betwixt the eating and the celebration of the sacrament : it was ministred therefore unto them sitting . This is so evident that never man doubted of it till this last yeare . Even these who affirme but against the truth , that they stood at the first service , confesse that they sate at the second , and the celebration of the Sacrament . M. Iohn Mare in Math. 26. saith , g That Christ sate , and he brings in an old verse to this effect : Rex sedet in coena , turba cinctus duodena . Se tenet in manibus , se cibat ipse cibus . The Bishop of Chester h confesseth , That it is true , Christ did administer the sacrament in a kinde of sitting gesture , and that in the same gesture the Apostles did receiue it . That sitting was institute , I proue it by two reasones . First , the gesture that Christ retained in passing from the conclusion of the Paschall Supper , that he did institute : sitting he retained , therefore sitting he did institute . In the conclusion of the Paschall Supper some things were changed , other things were retained , a third sort were neither changed , nor retained as belonging to the institution , but onely of occasionall necessitie which could not conveniently be changed , but were done necessarly : as for exemple , vnlevened bread because there was no other , the circumstance of the time , the parlour and such other circumstances belonging to the Passeouer , they were retained of necessitie , by reason of the present occasion of the Paschall Supper and could not conveniently haue bene changed . But as for the gesture of sitting , he might haue changed it , in standing , or kneeling without working any miracle , if it had not been his minde that we should receaue the sacrament of the Eucharisticall Supper , with the same gesture the Iewes receaued the Paschall Supper . The second reason , we are bound to imitate Christ , and the commendable example of his Apostles , in all things wherein it is not evident , that they had speciall reasones mouing them thereto which doe not concerne vs. Yea it is grosse hypocrisie for us , to pretend more reuerence and deuotion in the act of receving , then the Apostles did when Christ was present , or the Apostolick Kirks did lately after the Institution . Wherefore doth the Apostle propone the custom of the first Kirks . 1. Cor. 11.16 . 1. Cor. 14.33 . 2. Tim. 3 , 14. If they did not oblige us to imitation ? When Christ was in the state of humillitie they sate : he was worshiped vpon extraordinary occasiones . Math. 9.18 . and 8.2 , and 14.33 . and 20.20 . Ioh. 9.38 . they were not now in any common action , or at an ordinary Supper , they had now reason to kneele if they should haue kneeled at all . After his resurrection , when he was in Emaus with some of the disciples , it is said Luk. 24 , 30. that as he sat at meate with them , he tooke bread , blessed it , brake it , and gaue it unto them . This place is interpret of the Sacrament by Augustine , Paulinus , Esychius , Theophilactus , Beda , Euthimius , Hieronimus , all aledged by Bellarmin i and Gregorius de Valentia k : they aledge also some of our owne writers to the same purpose but so it is , they were sitting when Christ gaue them the bread , whatsoeuer be the interpretation of the text , yee see they acknowledge sitting at table . Last of all , after his ascension and glorification in the heauens , the Apostlick Kirk sate at table . The manner of the partaking of the table of devils was by formall sitting at table in the house of the Idole : Iohnathan the Chalde paraphrast Amos. 2.8 . interpreteth the garments wheron the vsurer sate beside euerie Altar , to haue bene bedds prepared in the houses of their gods , to sit on when they feasted vpon things sacrificed to Idols . The people of Israel sate down to eat and drink at the Idelatrous feast of the golden calfe . The Apostle compareth the partaking of the Lords table , and the table of deuils . 1. Cor. 10.21 . Next , they sate at the loue feasts : we can not thinke that they rose from the tables , either before or after the loue feasts , to receaue the Sacrament seuerally out of Pauls hand . Bilson sayeth , they sate at table l and to this purpose alledgeth Augustin : m Non debent fratres mensis suis ista miscere sicut faciebant quos Apostolus arguit & emendat , we may se then Christ instituted it , the Apostlick Kirks followed it , no different respect of the state of Christs humility or glory brought in any other gesture . It is objected that the sitting of Christ and his Apostles was not upright but sitting with leaning . If we imitate the example of Christ , we should sit after the same maner . Answer . It was the custom receaued amongst the Iewes before and in the dayes of Christ , descending from the Romanes , or as others alledge from the Persians , Ester . 1. the table was situate in the midst of the hall or parlour , and the beddes about the table except the part that was free for the seruice of the table : They sat upon the beddes somewhat leaning toward the table and their feet lying out at the out-side of the bed●s . The beds of the rich and wealthy were so high , that it behoved them to ascend by steps . There was a space between the beds and the walles of the Hall or Parlour , that servants might haue roome to stand at the feet of the guests , and make service . They that stood behinde to serue , were sayd , stare à pedibus , to stand at their feet , as Petrus Ciacconius proveth out of Seneca and Suetonius . By this discourse we may understand , first , that when Mary stood at Christs feet , Luk. 7.38 . she lay not groueling at his feet , as the Bishop of Rochester perverteth the gesture . Next , that Christ and his Apostles used at supper the gesture used at ordinary suppers . If we sit therefore according to the received gesture of the Countrey wherein we are , we imitate aright , and it were Apith imitation to sit otherwise . It is indifferent whether we use white or red wine ▪ we are no more bound to the wine of Iudea , then to the wine of France , at the ministration of the Supper : these are but nationall differences . Thirdly , there is so little difference betwixt the one fashion of sitting and the other , that both the words , diseumbers and sedere are translated indifferently , to sit , in the English translations . The delicate and sinfull woman , Ezek. 23. is sayd to sit in a glorious bed , and a table spread before her . Iosephus translateth the sitting of Ioseph● brethren by the word Kataclinein , signifying , halfe silling , balse leaning , howbeit upright sitting was the gesture used in Iosephs time , a man standing leaning , is sayd to stand as well as when he stands upright , siclyk sitting . Leaning is a position of the body common to sitting or standing . The Iewes themselues at this day sit upright at their Pas●hall supper . There is a difference betwixt customs brought into the Kirk by invention of men , and the custome brought in by Christ , and entertained by his Apostles ; as there is a difference betwixt the Lords day and the Holy dayes invented by men . It is safer for mans conscience to imitate Christ and his Apostles , then to depart from them , and imitate the custome of Kirkes , which may erre . Yea , Christs example seconded with the practise of the Apostles , is equivalent to a precept as I haue sayd . Yea this gesture may very well be comprehended under the expresse precept of Christ in the institution , Hoc facite , doe this : that is , hoc totum facite , doe all this . For wee must not thinke that nothing belongeth to the institution , but that which is mentioned in Pauls narration , 1. Cor. 11. for then a table should not belong to the institution : no doubt our Saviour instructed them how to discerne the Lords body , how to eate and drink , before he commanded them to eate and drinke . But the Evangelists , and Paul writes of the Sacrament as of a thing knowne to the Kirke by practise , presupposing a table , and the communicants convened and sitting at the table . The second breach of the Institution made by kneeling in the act of receauing , is the taking away of the vse of a table . Christ and his Apostles sat at table . 1. Cor. 10. Luk. 22. wherfore serves the name of a table if we kepe not the proper use and imployment of it ? The fathers call it the Lords table , the heavenly table , the sacred table , the mysticall table , the spirituall table , the Rationall table : whereto serue all these commendations , if in the mean time it be not used as a table , but rather as an altar ? If it be not used as Christ and his Apostles vsed it , that is by sitting at it to receaue of the dainties set vpon the table ? The Sacrament is called a Supper and therfore a table is answerable to it . It is neuer termed a Sacrifice in the Scripture . We sit at tables , but not at altars : we eat and drink at tables , but not all altars . The ancients called this table an altar , but vnproperly & in respect of the cōmemoration of Christs sacrifice . This improper speach was dangerous , & hes proven hurtful to the Kirk transforming indeed a table into an Altar . If we reteine no more but the name of a table , the Papists can , and do● giue that name to the lidd of their Altar . The people of God had an altar for the sacrifice , and a table for a feast . Siclyk the Ethnicks . So Christians haue one altar for one sacrifice , to wit , Christ who is Preist , Altar , and Sacrifice Heb. 13.10 . and a table for the feast after this sacrifice once made , to wit , the Sacrament of the Supper . As the Israelites and the Ethniks sate at the tables of their feasts made of things sacrificed , so do we at our sacred feasts , to distinguish betweene an Altar and a table , a sacrifice and a Supper made of the thing sacrificed . A dressour or Cupboord may serue as well for disposing of the elements , and reaching them to the communicants as a table . If a table should serue , to no other vse but to sett on these Elements , and reach them from the table ; Christ and his Apostles vsed not the table after that maner . As it serued them to the Paschall Supper , so it serued to the Eucharisticall . The third breach of the institution made by kneeling , is the taking away of that mysticall rite representing Christs passion , to wit , the breaking of the bread . The Apostle sayes not , The communion of one bread ; but , The communion of one broken bread hath in it a mystery of our unity . When the bread is carved in little morsels before it be presented to the table , it is not the sacramentall and mysticall breaking in the use of the Sacrament which ought to bee performed after the thankesgiving according to Christs example . Augustine sayth : Cum illud quod est in Domini mensa benedicitur & sanctificatur , & ad distribuendum comminuitur . When that which is blessed on the Lords table , sanctified , and broken in small peeces to be distributed , &c. This breaking was needfull both for mystery and distribution . The breaking of the bread was thought so needful in the Sacrament , that it was called , Breaking of Bread. The Syriack interpreter translateth the breaking of bread Eucharist , Act. 2.24 . and 20.7 . Pareus on 1. Cor. 11. proveth at length this rite not to be indifferent , but a thing commanded . Where kneeling is practised , we read not in their Service-bookes of this breaking of bread after thankesgiving : whereby the passion of Christ is not set forth to the communicants as it ought to be . The fourth breach of the institution made by kneeling , is the change and restraint of the commandement given to many in the plurall number , Eate yee , drinke yee : to one in the singular number , Eate thou , dainke thou . Fenner in the doctrine of the sacraments , expresseth the pith of this phrase in a liuely maner . It is fittest ( sayth he ) to note out the fellowship and communion of the Church in this worke , the person of Christ by the Minister , bidding all his guests with one loue as from him to bee mer●y , and eate with faith one spirituall meat together . Our faith is further succoured , when we may together , and with one heart , apply our selues to the meditation and fruit of this speech of Christ by the Minister , which in the particular speaking doth loose that our working together , and maketh the mindes of Christians hang the longer in the waiting for this sentence , and the comfort of it , and their minds are offered unto greater occasions of slips and with drawings , by humane infirmity , when these things are prolonged , which may more effectually be done together and speedily . The fift breach of the institution made by kneeling , is , the altering of the enunciatiue words of Christ , This is my body which is broken for you : whereby he declares his comming in the flesh and suffering for sin , the maine ground of our redemption , and , changing them in a prayer to blesse our body and soule . The body of our Lord Iesus Christ which was given for thee , preserue thy body and soule unto everlasting life . The Papist in this poynt goeth neerer to the institution : for hee giveth not the Eucharist , except the host be first consecrated at some Masse , with these words , This is my body . This prayer inserted betwixt the thanksgiving and the distribution , and repeated to every communicant , is idle battalogie . The use of the prayer and thanksgiving for the use of the elements , indureth all the time of the action . Christs words in the institution containe partly a command , partly a promise , partly institution . Christs promise is contained in their definitiue words , This is my body that is given for you : This is my bloud which is shed for the remission of the sins of many . When the forme of the words is altered , the promise is obscured . It is not enough to rehearse the words of the institution in the prayer immediatly preceding the action , but in the action every rite and ceremony should haue the words of the institution concurring . Let the word be ioyned with the element , and so it shall be a sacrament , saith Augustine . The sixt breach of the institution made by kneeling , is the taking away of the distribution that ought to be amongst the communicants . When Christ said , Take yee , eate yee , he insinuates that they should take and divide amongst themselues . The word Edoke● he gaue , doth not import that he gaue immediatly . The Disciples in setting the bread before the fiue thousand , Mark. 6.41 . gaue the bread to the fiue thousand , Math. 14.19 . the fiue thousand distributed among themselues . Cajetanus uppon Math. 26. acknowledgeth , that the Disciples were in so great distance from Christ , that their hands could not meet with his hands , Beza sayth , that howbeit Christ had sitten in the midst , as Painters make him to sit , yet in respect of the manner of their sitting , it behoved either Christ to rise and come to them that were farre distant , or them to come to him , if he had given the elements to every one in their own hands . Tossaus sayth , that Christ gaue to the two neerest , and they reached to them who were further off . In the first booke of Discipline penned Anno. 1560. it is ordained that the Minister breake the bread , and distribute the same to those that be next him , commanding the rest every one with reverence and sobriety to break with other , because it is neerest to Christs action . Further , we haue a plain precept , Luk. 22.17 . Divide it amongst you , speaking of the communion Cup , and not of the Paschall . The Evangelists make mention of foure things belonging to the communion cup. 1. Thankesgiving . 2. Distribution . 3. Assertion that it is his blood . 4. A protestation that he will not drink of the Vine untill the kingdom of God shall come : the assertion that it is his blood , is set down afterward by Luk. v. 20. the other 3 are set down in this 17. vers . It is therfore the same cup. Next , if it had not been the cōmunion cup , and consequently the last , the communion cup behoued to haue come after : but that cannot agree with the protestation : for how could Christ protest of the Paschal cup that he would drink no more of the fruit of the wine , If he drank after it of the Euangelicall cup. The paschal canon interdyted to eat or drinke after the cup of thanksgiuing or praise , the cup of praise in the end of the paschall Supper was changed as I haue said into the Eucharistical cup , & was all one with it : and the protestation of not drinking , more agreeth with the Canon made of the last Paschal cup all one with the Evangelical . This cup was caried about from hand to hand , and diuided amongst them by them selues . The two Evangelists doe not so much as mention the cup of the Passeouer and yet make mention of this protestation of not drinking more of the fruite of the Vine . The verses immediatly proceeding the protestation , make mention only of the cup of the Lords Supper . Math. 26.28 . Mark. 14.24 . Fulk saith , the demonstratiue pronomen ( this ) Math. 26.29 . declareth , that be spake of the ●ine in his hand that is of the communion cup. If there was two cups then either the words of the protestation were repeated , or set downe by Mathew and Mark out of the owne place , and wrongfully applyed , but none of these two is to be admitted . Thirdly Luke omitteth the mention of thanksgiving and the commandement to drink of this cup verse 20. howbeit both be expresly set downe by other Evangelists , and the analogy with the actiones concerning the bread requireth the same . Whairfore rhen did he omit them ? even because speaking before of the same cup ▪ verse . 17. he had made mention of these two points , he eschueth to repeat them as already mentioned . And wherefore made he mention of the cup verse . 17. even that the protestation of not drinking more verse . 17 mig●t be ioyned with the protestation of not eating more verse . 16. he maketh mention of the assertion of his blood verse 20. because it was not yet spoken of . The other 3. points are omitted as alreadie spoken of verse . 17. this inversion of order and making mention of the cup of the communion before the order of Institution , was observed long since be s Augustine and t Euthymius , and is acknowledged not only by our own diuines , but also by Barradius , Ians●nius , and other learned papistes , Theobaldus Meushius u obserueth a constant continuall inuersion of the order in this chapter of Luke . Operae pretium est in his advertere hysteron proteron Lucae contrarium . Augustine sayth , anti●ipavit ut so●●t . There is a cleare instance verse . 21. after the words of the Institution it is said , Behold the hand of him that betrayeth me , is with me at the table . Now it is cleare , that Iudus went out immediatly after hee receaued the Soppe . Zacharias x Chrisopolitanus obserued herein a recapitulation of some things pretermitted before . ( Quod post calicem datum , traditorem commemorat pretermissa recapitulare videtur . Beza in his annotationes conjectureth , that the verses are transposed , and that the 19. and 20. verses should be subjoyned to the 16. and that the 17. verse should be subjoyned to the 19. and 20. Bilson y and Iewel z against Harding and many other diuines , disputing against the priuate masse , exponeth the words Luk 22.17 . diuide it amongst yo● ▪ of the cōmunion cup. That w ch is spoken of the cup should be meant also of the bread , for as Christ said , Take yee , drink ye , so said he , Take ye , eate ye . Tindal a in his tractate of restoring the L. Supper , requireth that euery man break & reach forth to his neighbour . This distribution amongst the communicants was commanded , no doubt to nourish loue , and to be a bond of vnion amongst the communicants and agreeth best with the nature of a feast , where signes and tokens of amitie are interchanged . Clemens Alexandrinus b sayth it was permitted to every one of the people , to take a part of the Eucharist . Etiam Eucharistiam cum quidam ut mos est diuiserint , permittitur uni●uique ex populo partem ejus sumere . When Tertullim sayeth , We receaue it of no other hands , but the hands of our presedents , or rulers , he meaneth not simply of pastores but of any governours Ecclesiasticall whatsoeuer . and suppose he meane only of pascores , yet he confesseth it to be tradition and no scripture , as Iunius hath observed vpon that place . Howsoeuer this was the custome in Africa to receaue it out of the ministers hand , yet not so at Rome and every where : for Iustinus c telleth vs how the Deacons gaue to euery one of them that were present , part of the bread and likwise of the wine . In the liturgie of S. Iames , it is said that the Deacons lift up the dishes and cuppes to impart to the people . It came to passe afterward that the Deacones dispensed not the bread , but the wine only , the ridiculous reasons whereof are set downe by Aquinas d this superstitious custome , of taking it out of the Ministers hand , did grow afterward to Superstitious receaving in at the mouth , and in some parts to the drawing of the wine out of the cupes with silver pipes , the minister ought not , howbeit he might commodiously , giue the elements out of his owne hand to every communicant , because it is against the institution and purpose of Christ , willing the communicants by this rite , to interteine communion amongst them selues . Whatsoever action or command is inclosed within the institution , may not lawfully be broken : but that the communicants should distribute amongst themselues , was both an action at the first supper , and a precept , as I haue proven . This precept and action by consequence dischargeth kneeling , because that gesture and this distribution is no wayes compatable . Christs generall precept , doe this maketh the actiones of the first supper precepts . The particular precept divide it amonngst you leaveth no place to any tergiversation . The seventh breach of the institution made by kneeling is , an unnecessary deviding of the communicants , making populous congregationes to receaue on many dayes whear they may receaue in one . Every particular congregation ought to be convened Epi to auto into one place , at one time to communicate togither as far as is posible . Although all the faithfull communicate with Christs body spiritually , yet they only communicat Sacramentally , who haue their communion sealed by the outward action of eating of one Sacramentall bread it being a commandement of the Apostle , that every one should tary one upon an other when they assemble them selues to celebrate the holy Supper , it followeth that they should receaue togither , Ambrose expounding these words , sayth , Expectandum dicit ut multorum oblatio simul celebretur et omnibus ministretur , they must tary that the oblation of many may be celebrate togither , and so be ministred to them all . Leo writing to Dios●orus , gaue him this advice , that where the Church was so litle , that it was not able to receaue all the people to communicate togither , the Preist should minister two or three communions in one day ▪ Calixtus f ordained , that consecration ended , all communicate , that will not stand excommunicate , for so the Apostle determined , and the holy Romane Kirke observeth . See more of this purpose in Iewels sermon at Pauls Crosse. The eight breach of the institution made by kneeling is , the altering of the purpose of the institution , or nature of this Sacrament . It was instituted to be a supper , a spirituall feast : it was the will of Christ therefore , that we should behaue our selves as ghuests invited to a banket . Ghuests invited to a banket , even to a Princes banket kneele not in the act of backeting . They are invited indeed to a spirituall refreshment , but the Sacramentall Supper should cary the resemblance of a supper , in the formes and fashions therof , or els it could not rightly be called a Supper ; for it is not only the matter , that is , the dainties and foode , that maketh a banket , but also the ordering of the ghuests , and kindly interteinment of them . The Sacrament of the Passeover was also a holy Supper , and the people of God vsed it so : they kneeled not in the act of receaving of it . When they receaved the law of the Passeover , they bowed the heads and worshipped . Exod. 12.27 . Yet did they not so in the eating of it . They were more reverent and devout , in hearing the law of it out of the mouth of Moses then in the participation of it . Let no man object against us , the examples of some kirks , where some of the former breaches are made without kneeling : seeing kneeling hath made them all , and seeing we haue the institution , standing to us in force of a command , wherin nothing should be altered , in matter , forme , or order ; nothing added ; nothing diminished : for divine institutions admit , neither addition nor diminurion * the Apostle alledgeth the institution against all abuses , that which I receaved of the Lord , that haue I delivered unto you , 1. Cor. 11.23 . Doubtlesse ( sayth Pareus ) he receaved this history of the institution from the Lord , with other revelations , when he was ravished to the third heavens . It is not my invention . ( would the Apostle say ) but the Lords ordinance , concredit unto me to be kept as a iewell . It is not for nought , that the Evangelistes with one consent doe set downe the forme of this institution , and that the Apostle trieth all corruptions in the Supper by it , as by a rule . Ciprian saieth Epist , 3. lib. 3. we must follow the trueth of God , and not the custome of men . And in an other place he saieth when the channels ar corrupted we should run to the fountain . It is not so much our purpose to taxe others as to defend our selues Kneeling considered , as it is a breach of the second commandement . KNeeling in the act of receaving the Sacramental elements , is not only a breach of the institution in the Gospell , but also of the second commandement of the law . The first breach of the commandement made by kneeling is , the sinne of Idolatry . Idolatry is committed in this act divers wayes . The Papists kneele in the act of receaving , because they beleue verely , that the bread is transubstantiat into Christs body , and upon this supposition of transubstantiation and bodily presence , they kneele . This is the grossest idolatry that ever was in the world . The Lutheran kneeleth upon his supposition of consubst●ntiation , and Christs reall presence by consubstantition : this also is idolarrie and the supposition false . A third sort kneele for reverence of the Elements , not giving to the Elements that high kind of worship called commonly cultus latriae , which the Papist giveth , but an inferior kinde of worship due ( as they thinke ) to consecrate creatures : this also is Idolatry . Kneeling for reverence of the elements , is Idolatry , because it is a religious worship of a creature . It is not civill worship they giue in the act of receiuing the sacred Elements : the matter and motiue of their reverence is a matter of religion , to wit , because the elements are holy signes and seales : it is therefore religious worship . Religious worship is divine worship . All manner of worship pertaining to godlinesse and religion , is religious worship . g Divine or godly worship is all manner of worship pertaining to godlinesse and religion ( saith Doctor Abbots . ) Divine worship is proper to God : therefore religious worship , or worship of religion is peculiar to God alone . Augustine saith ▪ Apostolus & creaturam laudat & eitamen cu●tam religionis exhibere vetat . h The Apostle commendeth the creature , forbiddeth neverthelesse that worship of religion be yeelded to it . And again he saith , i Quis dicat non debere observare Christianos ut uni Deo religionis obsequium serviatur : Christians are to obserue that with the dutie of religion they serue God onely . Peter and the Angell refused religious worship . If it may not be giuen to Angels and Saints , farre lesse may it be given to dead elements and sencelesse creatures . To kneele for reverence of the elements , and a religions estimation of them in the mind , is to determine adoration in the creature . Some honour r●doundeth to God , or Christ , but that convoy by redundance , is common to all respectiue , and dependant worships given to dead and sencelesse things : for Creatures without sence are not worshipped absolutely for holinesse , vertue , or any other excellencie inherent in themselues , but for their coniunction with , or representation of the persons represented , in whom the excellency is intrinsecally : and this the Papist will grant , not onely of his Images , but of all sacred things also . They are worshipped onely in respect of the person , yet notwithstanding of this dependant and respectiue worship , they affirme the sacred things are worshipped per se , howbeit , not propter se , by themselues , howbeit not for themselues ; because by themselues they haue relation , or coniunction with or representation of the persons adored : that is , they haue in them a cause of adoration , howbeit a dependent cause . Swarez sayth , Honor illis exhilitus non in illis sistit , k sed in ipsas personas propter quas adorantur , redundat . That the honour determined in the Images or sacred things , redoundeth notwithstanding to the principall . He that honoureth a mans image , honoureth it for his sake whose image it is . This transient worship is convoyed to the principall , onely mediatly : God will haue no mediate creature to go between him and his worship : he will not communicate a glance of this worship to any creature . Civill worship is convoyed mediatly to the person of the Prince , by bowing to sencelesse creatures , as to the chaire of Estate , the cloath of Estate , the Kings letter and seale , because the estate thinkes it expedient for Princely Maiesty that these things be reverenced , which serue in a speciall manner for the Princes use , as signes of his presence or pleasure . But the ceremonies of the Court , and mediate civill worships , are not rules of religious adoration . For as Augustine saith , Multa de cultu divino usurpata sunt , quae honoribus deferuntur humanis , sive humilitate nimi● , sive adulatione pestisera . That too great humility or pestiferous flatterie , may be the originall of many humane honors and courtesies . God hes inhibit mediate religious worships . It may be objected , that holy things ought to be reverenced . Answer . True , but not worshiped . Veneration is one thing , Adoration an other . Adoration belongeth to persones . Veneration to things perteining to persons , and is nothing els , but a religious respect , or reuerent estimation of things perteining to the vse of religion , a preservation of them that they be not lost ; a decently vsage of them according to their kinde . This veneration or reverence , is a respectiue or relative reverence giuen them for Gods sake . Kneeling for reverence of sensles creatures , is , to take the proper gesture of relatiue adoration , and apply it to relatiue reuerence . For religious kneeling in all the Scripture is a gesture of adoration , and soveran worship . Augustine , speaking of the brasen serpent , Sacred writings , and the bread in the Sacrament , sayeth . m honorem tanquam religiosa habere possunt , stuporem tanquam missa non possunt . They may haue honor as maters religious , but wonder , as maters of me●vell they can not haue . When Ezra read the booke of the law Nehem. 8.3.4.5 . the people stoode vp , but when he praised God they bowed themselues and worshiped the Lord with their faces toward the ground . Here ye see veneration and adoration . submissiom , and recognition of some other thing more excellent . The altar , the offerings , the Preists garment , were holy , yet the Iewes worshiped them not . The uncovering of the head , is a gesture of reverence , and yet the Gentiles had their heads covered when they worshiped their Gods , as Brissonius proveth . n Drusius proveth the like o of the Iewes , that they couered their head when they prayed to God. But kneeling was ever holden among all nations for a proper gesture of adoration . either ciuile or religious . The Ministers of Lincolne in the third part of their defence laid to the charge of their Church representatiue , that kneeling is intended for reverence of the elements . I refer the reader to their proofes : for the present let it only be observed , upon what occasion kneeling was urged . In their first reformation it was left free . Gardiner , Boner , and other Papists sought to make the first booke of common prayer odious , amongst other things for want of reverence to the Sacrament . The Papists made insurrection , and challenged proudly in their Articles a reformation , for reverence of the Sacrament : and on the other side , some , inconsideratly fixed railing libels at Pauls-cross , and other places , terming the Sacrament lack of the box , the Sacrament of the Halter , round Roben &c. These proceedings moved Rid●y in his preachings at Pauls-Crosse to proceede so far , that the cheefest papists seemed to desire no more , but that his practise might be answerable to his doctrine . This stirre made also Cranmer , and Ridly , at the second revewing of the booke of common prayer , to inioyn kneeling , with this reason ; that the Sacrament might not be prophaned , but holden in a holy and reverent estimation . They feared to offend superstitious people in a time of strong opposition , untill they were better taught , neither was their judgement cleare in this cause : for they thought it not idolatry to worship the consecrate elements , with an inferiour kinde of worship , and for the relation they haue to the thing signified , providing they yeeld not unto them soverain or godly worship , as they called it . They were but newly come forth out of the darke denne of popery , and could not see all things in the first dawning of the day . In the late act , we are ordeined , to kneele for reverence of the divine misteries . I see not wherein this differeth from the Bishop of Rochesters argument . p that great and reverent dreedfull misteries , must be receaved with greate and dreedfull humilitie of soul , and humiliation of body : therfore in the act of receauing we must kneel . If this argument were good , then the Sacraments and sacrifices of the old law should haue been thus worshipped : And if we will measure by the sight , the sacraments and sacrifices of the old Law were more dreadfull then the sacraments of the new . For the slaughter of beasts , and Sheding of blood , was more dreedfull , then the pouring out of wine . The auncients held the sight of this Sacrament , not only from pagans , but also from the Catachumenists , they preached darkly , they wrote darkly , to the same end . This doing was not commendable , it made the mysterie of this Sacrament both dark and dreadfull . Augustine hes already said , they may be honored as matters religious but wondred al as matters of marvel they can not . But to returne to the purpose , to kneel for reverence of the mysteries is nothing els but to worship the mysteries . Wheresoeuer the publick intent of a Kirk is to worship the Sacrament , every privat man following that intent , is formally an Idolater . If his priuat intent be divers from the publik , yet he is still materially , & Interpretatiuè an Idolator . If a man receiue the Eucharist in the papisticall Kirk on his knees , howbeit he kneel not vpon the supposed conceit of transubstantiatiō , but his own privat intent , he is materially guilty of their grosse Idolatrie . Ismenias stouping down before the King of Persia to take up a ring , which he let purposly fall , was not excused ▪ because this stouping in common vse , was the adoring of the King of Persia. Kneeling directed to the bread and wine in the hands of the Minister , is idolatrie , howbeit the inward motion of the minde and affection of the hart be directed only to God , or his Son Christ , as the only object of adoration . This immediate convoy of worship to the principall obiect , is nothing else but that finer sort of Idolatry and relatiue worship , which Durandus , Holcot , Mirandula , Alphonsus , Petrus Cluniacensis , and others , giue to their images . They say Images are not otherwise adored , then that before them and about them , are exhibite the externall signes of honor : the inward affection is directed onely to the principall object : as the services done at a funerall show , to one emptie coffine , as if the corps were present . See Bellarmine q and Swarez r when it is said therfore to varnish this second intent that the elements are not Objectum quod , the thing it self that is worshiped , nor objectum in quo , or , per quod , in the which , or by the which , but objectum a quo significativè the obiect or signe moving vs vpon the sight thereof , to lift vp our hearts to the spirituall object of faith . This kinde of relatiue worship will not be found different from the relatiue worship of Durandus and the rest : For Bellarmine and Swarez draw Durandus and the rest from In illa , et per illam Imaginem , in and by the image , to Circum and coram , about , or before the Image . Swarez sayth s that the image is neither the formall , nor the material , the total , nor the partial object of adoration in their opinion ; but that only at the presence of the images the principal called to remembrance by the image is adored , that the image is an occasion , amids , a signe stirring up a man to adore the principall . Their adoration then was also abstract from the object , as they pretend theirs to be . The bread and wine or any other creature whatsoeuer , differeth not in this present case , for howsoeuer they were ordained of God to be signes and seals of his graces , yet they are not in statu accommodato ad adorandum ; they haue no such state in the seruice of God , as that by them , or before them God or his sonne Christ should be adored . Next If this kinde of relatiue worship were to be allowed , then all the holy signes both in the old and New Testament should haue serued to the same vse . Then they who are far distant from the table should kneel , for the Elements are to them , objectum a quo significatiuè . Then at the sight of the sunne or any bewtifull creature , we should kneel seeing they put vs in minde of Gods incomprehensible bewtie . And seeing many of them doe allow the historicall use of images , we may fall down before the Crucifix , providing the action of the minde be abstracted from the image . Thirdly all the parts of Gods worship ought to be direct , and not oblique . Perkins t sayth , it is idolatrie to turne , dispose , or direct the worship of God , or any part thereof to any particular place or creature , without the appointment of God , and more specially , to direct our adoration to the bread or the place where the bread is , what is it lesse then Idolatrie . Kneeling before the elements referred directly to Christ. is , either a gesture signifying the humble submission of the mind in generall , whereby we make obeysance , as if he were bodily present : or else it signifieth more particularly our humiliation In prayer : this is but a speciall , the former was a generall ; The like reasons serue against both . It is trew we can not kneell to God in prayer , but there are many things before us , a Kirk , a house , a wall , a tree , a starre , &c. But we set them not before us purposly ; we are by no direction tyed unto them , they stand only before us by casuall position , neither can we chuse otherwise to doe . It is true , likewise , that God directed his people under the Law to bend and bow themselues toward the Ark , and the Temple wherein the Ark was , and the Mountaine whereon the Temple was situate : partly least that rude people should turne their worship another way ; partly because of his promise to heare them when they shold pray toward the Temple , or the Ark ; partly because of his singular maner of presence in the Ark : he was said to dwell between the Cherubines , the Ark is called his foot-stoole ? and sometime the face of God ; the glory of the Lord. It is reason , where God is present after an extraordinary maner , as when he spake out of the bush , and the cloud , that odoration be directed to the place of his extraordinary presence . The Altars ; the offerings and other holy things wanted the like presence , and the like promise . The Ark and the Cherubines upon the Ark , were not seene : and therefore could not be readily abused to idolatry . The Sacramentall elements haue neither the like presence , the like promise , nor the like commandement . Worship is tyed no longer to any certaine thing or place on earth . Ioh. 4.21.22 . Adoration is tyed in the new Testament to the manhood of Christ , the true Ark and propitiatory : and is caried to that place , in which we certainly know the said manhood to exist substantially sayeth Perkins , u and therefore it is , that wee lift up our eyes to the heavenes , where he is , and direct our very externall worship unto him . It is objected , and said , that wee may pray in the act of receaving ; therefore wee may kneele in the act of receaving . Answer . This objection insinuates that kneeling is the proper and onely commendable gesture of prayer , and therefore the Bishop of Rochester exponeth the standing of the publican Luk. 18.11.13 . to haue been kneeling , because ( sayeth he ) the Iewish custome was to pray kneeling . But if he had remembred the Lords owne saying Ierem. 15. though Moses and Samuell stood before me &c. he might haue understood that they prayed standing as wel as kneeling . Drusius observeth , x that of old they prayed standing , that therfore prayers were called stations , or standings . And Rabbi Iuda had a saying , that the world could not subsist without statiōs or standings y And where it is said , Abram stood before the lord : Manabem , an Hebrew Rabine expoundeth it , he prayed before the Lord. Next the prayer meant of , is either some publicke prayer uttered by the Minister , or the mentall prayer of the communicant . As for the prayer of the Minister in the act of distribution , it is flat against the institution , as I haue already sayd . The Minister is ordained by the institution to act the person of Christ , and pronounce the words of promise . This is my body : as if Christ himselfe were pronouncing these words , and not change the promise into a prayer . Fenner in his principles of Religion z layeth this down as a ground , That in the second commandement we are forbidden the practise and use of any other rite , or outward meanes used in the worship or service of God , then he hath ordained , Ioh. 4.22 . 2 King. 18.4 . and that by the contrary we are commanded to practise all those parts of his worship , which he in his word hath commanded , and to acknowledge onely the proper use of every rite and outward meanes which the Lord hath ordained . Deut. 12.32 . 2. King. 17.26 . Further , we are forbidden by the second commandement to pray by direction before any creature , This publicke prayer is but a pretended cause of kneeling , as the Ministers of Lincolne make manifest in their abridgement : for no Canon of our neighbour Kirke hath directed any part of this kneeling in the act of receiving , to be assigned to the said prayer . In populous congregations , where there is but one Minister , the communicants sit a quarter of an houre before the Minister repaire to them with the sacrament . And last , the prayer is ended before the delivery of the elements . As for our Kirk , no such prayer is ordained to be uttered by the Minister ; therefore no such prayer can be pretended . In the late Canon it is sayd , That the most reverent and humble gesture of the body in our meditation and lifting up of our hearts , best becommeth so divine an action . Meditation is not prayer , and the heart may be lifted up by the act of faith and contemplation , as well as by the action of prayer ; so that neither publick nor mentall prayer is expressed in our act . But let the words be interpreted of mentall prayer , even mentall prayer is not the principall exercise of the soule in the act of receiving the sacramentall elements : the minde attending on the audible words , the visible elements , the mysticall actions , and making present use of them , men should not be diverted from their principall worke and meditation , upon the Analogie betwixt the signes and things signified . The soule may send up in the meane time some short ejaculations and darts of prayer to heaven to strengthen her owne weaknesse , and returne to her principall worke of meditation and application of the benefites represented . These short ejaculations of the minde are onely occasionall , as a Christian feeleth his owne present estate , and are incident to all our actions both civill and religious : In the act of receiving our earthly food , in going out the way , in hearing the word . If a man be moved inwardly , when he heareth , that the word was made flesh , shall he kneele as they do in the Romane Kirke ? If a man should kneele at every inward motion of the minde , when he heareth the word , what confusion would there be in the congregation ? A man looking occasionally to a crucifix , may remember Christ , and send up some ejaculations , shall he therefore kneele ? The three children prayed mentally no doubt when they were brought before the golden Image , but lawfully they might not kneele before it . Perkins destinguisheth notably betwixt publick , private , and secret worship : a the secret and mentall worship must be yeelded to God , and the signes thereof concealed from the eyes and hearing of men , as Nehemiah when he prayed in presence of the King , Nehem. 2.4 . In a word , the Institution , and the second commandement hinder kneeling at this time , suppose mentall prayer were the principall exercise of the soule . I heare there is alledged a third sort of prayer , to wit , that the very act of receiving is of it selfe a reall prayer . Is not this as much as to say , that craving and receiving is all one ? Bellarmine b sayth , That prayer of i● selfe , and of the own proper office , doth impetrate , and that a sacrifice hath the force and power of obtaining , or impetrating : because it is , Quaedam oratio realis , non verbalis , a certaine reall prayer , not a verball . We may forgiue him to say this of the sacrifice of the Masse , where there is an offering of a sacrifice to God. But Bellarmine was never so absurd as to call the act of receiving from God , a reall prayer to God. Their other obiection that we may praise God in the act of receiving ; therefore we may kneele , may be answered after the same manner . There is no publicke thankesgiving ordained to be made at the delivery of the elements : mentall praise therefore must be meant . Mentall praise is no more the principall worke of the soule , then mentall prayer ; what was sayd of the ejaculations of the one , let it be applied to the short e●aculations of the other . The name of Eucharist given to this Sacrament , helpeth them nothing : for it is a name given by Ancients , and not by the Scripture . Next , as it is called Eucharistia , so it is called c Eulogia : for the words , he gaue thankes , and he blessed , are indifferently used by the Evangelists . Some parts of this holy celebration stand in thankesgiuing , as the beginning and the end : and therefore is the whole action denominated from a part , saith d Causaubon . Eulogia & Eucharistia utraque vox à parte una totum Domini actionem designat . It followeth not that all the parts of this holy ministration are actions of thankesgiving . Obiect . What we may craue of God upon our knees , we may receiue on our knees . Ans. It is false , I may on my knees , Giue us this day our daily bread ; but I may not receiue it on my knees . The people of Israel prayed for food , yet they were not esteemed unthankfull , for not kneeling when they received the Manna . It is again objected , that in the act of receauing , we receaue from Christ an inestimable benefit , ought not a subject kneele when he receiveth a benefit from a Prince to testifie his thankfulnes ? Answer , this relation from Christ to the Sacrament , as betweene the giver and the gift is common to all the Sacraments both of the old , and new law , ordinary , and extraordinary . Next we receaue the mysticall pledges , not out of the hands of God himselfe or his Son Christ immediatly , but out of the hand of the Minister . The person who receaveth the gift from the King , is supposed to receaue it immediatly : and suppose mediatly , yet ceremonies of Court , & mediate ciuil worships , are not rules of religious adoration ; which should ever be immediate . Thirdly the manner of delivery of the gift and the will of the giuer , are to be considered . If the Prince call his Nobles to a banket , it is his will that they sit at table with him , as Iohanathan and Dauid sat at King Sauls table . Christ hes declared by the Institution , after what maner he wold haue vs receaue these mysticall pledges . Kneeling cannot agree with the actions and precepts of the Institution . The second breach of the second commandement made by kneeling , is , the shew of conformity with the papists . The Lord forbade his people to be like the Gentiles , Leuitie . 18.3 . and 19.27 & Deut : 12. the christians were forbidden to decore their houses with bay leaves , and greene boughes , because the paganes vsed so to doe , or to rest from their labours , those dayes that the Paganes did . If conformity in things not haueing state in Idolatrous seruice , but onely glanceing at the honor of the Idoll , be condemned ; far more is conformity in the grossest act , wherin the life and soul as it were of their Idolatrie standeth , Such as is the gesture of kneeling among the papists . And for this cause Hooper e in his sermon before King Edward , for the same cause condemned this gesture . This outward conformity tickleth the papist , and offendeth the godly . The third breach of the second commandement made by kneeling is , the reteining of a monument of vile idolatrie . All humane inuentiones polluted with idolatrie , except they be of necessarie vse , ought to be remoued from Gods seruice . This gesture had a spot of profanation from the beginning , being at the first birth in this act dedicat to Idolatrie . The brasen serpent set up at Gods own command , was not spared when it was abused . We detest the very garment of a theese , or a whore , though it be innocent . Biza f sayeth , many things may be tollerate for the weake , which may not be restored after they are tane away . He commendeth them , who haue abolished kneeling amongst other things tanquam apertas Idolomanias . The fourth breach of the 2 d comandement made by kneeling , is , the continuall occasion and danger of idolatry . Wee are forbiden all occasions and provocations of idolatry . There is a naturall pronnesse in all men to idolatry ; great ignorance in the common people , and Superstition rooted in the hearts of men : Papistes daily increase , the idol of the bready God is still in great accompt in the Romane Kirks round about us , and in private corners amongst us : and yet men are not ashamed to say , that all memory of former superstition is past , and no perill is to be feared againe . The virgines in Cyprians time granted they walked with yong men , talked with them , went to bed with them , but when it came to the act they absteined . Cyprian g answereth , Nou est locus dandus diabolo : nemo diu tutus periculo proximus . i. Place should not be given to the devill , no man is long safe who is neare the point of danger . The Belgick Kirks in their Synods permitted not liberty of kneeling , for the same respect of bread-worship as may be seene in , the harmony of their Synods , set forth of late by Festus Homius h , Liberum est stando , sedendo , vel eundo caenam celebrare non autem geniculando ob artolatreias periculum . If a lawfull use could be devised yet this danger cannot be eschued . Information by preaching is a sufficient remedy : meate doth not nourish so fast as poyson doeth corrupt . The watchmen are some time ignorant , or negligent , many want doctrine . It is better to fill up the pitt , then to set one beside it to warne the passengers that they fall not in , such ceremones ought to be appointed , which by their goodnes and edification may help the preaching of the word , and not such as the word must daily haue need to correct . The strength of many poore Christian soules should not be tryed by bringing them to the very brink of danger . The fift breach of the second commandement made by kneeling , is , a shew of wisdome in wil-worshipe and humility , Coloss. 2.23 . a worship is set up by mans voluntary devotion in a principall part of Gods service , under colour of humility . We ought to come indeed , and receaue with humility these misticall pledges : but is there no reverence and humility , but in kneeling ? Swarez i sayth that humility and adoration are distinguished , in their proper motiues and respects , in propriis honestatibus et motivis . It was not manerly for the disciples to use any gesture they pleased at Christs table . It was his honor to command , and their humility to obey . Sitting was not pomp , glorious pride , or prophane gesture , as men are not ashamed so to call it ; because it was obedience to the Lord. This their pretended humility , is a naturall humility ; like unto Peters , when he refused that Christ should wash his feet . Obedience is better then sacrifice . Fenner in the doctrine of the Sacraments . k hath a notable saying , [ that the whole honor of the Sacraments is , that they remaine unto the Church of God in that simplicity he left them ; and that no action here is worth any thing , but by reason of Gods word , which is sanctified to a profitable use , and made an instrument of the working of the holy Ghost . ] Object . There is no new worship appointed , but an action already appointed for Gods service is applyed to the said Supper . Answ. The parts of Gods worship may not be applyed to other when comlines , commodiousnes , institution , and command will not suffer . A man may not kneele all the time of the Sermon ; he may not reade in the act of receaving ; baptisme may not be ministred in the midst of the communion , and many such instances might be alledged . Aquinas sayth , l Superstuum in his quae ad divinum cultum pertinent esse potest no secundum substantiam quanti , sed secundum alias circumstantias , puta quia cultus divinus exhibetur cui non debet exhiberi vel quādo non debet vel secūdum alias circumstantias prout non debet . That superfluity in things pertaining to the worship of God , is to be considered , not according to the quantity , for we cannot worship God exceedingly enough : but is to bee considered according to other circumstances , viz. when the worship of God is not exhibited to whom it ought to be exhibited , or when it ought not , according to other circumstances , as it ought not to be exhibited . By superfluity he meaneth excesse , a vice in all morall vertues . To bee short , a rite Sacramentall , devised by man , pretending humility , and shouldring out other rites instituted by God , cannot be but presumptuous wil-worship . Such is the gesture of kneeling , as we haue already proued . Obiect . The Eucharist is a part of Gods worship , therefore we ought to kneele in the act of receiuing . Answ. In a large sence every act whereby God is honoured may be called the worship of God , as oathes , vowes , sacrifices , &c. But adoration is the worship of God in a strict sense . Kneeling is the gesture of adoration , but not of every part of Gods worship . Receiving , eating , drinking in the sacrament , are parts of Gods worship , but they are not gestures of adoration . All the Sacraments both of Iewes and Christians , were parts of Gods worship as well as the Eucharist , and yet they kneeled not in the act of participation . Obiect . The Eucharist is a sacrifice , and congeries sacrificiorum , a heape of sacrifices , a commemoratiue sacrifice , a sacrifice of a broken and contrite hart , of praise , of praier , of almes , therefore this Sacrament should be receaved with kneeling , sayeth the B. of Rochester m : and therfore the gesture of kneling is rightly applyed to such a kinde of worship . Answer . The actions aforesaid are called sacrifices , onely by analogie and metaphoricallie ▪ they are not proper sacrifices : the invisible Sacrifice by the which a man offereth himselfe by contrition , inward devotion , mortification is the daily Sacrifice of a christian . Rom. 13.1 . we offer our selfes to be sacrificed when the word is preached . Rom. 15. we kneele not when we giue almes . These improper and metaphorical sacrifices , are not acts of adoration . n The paschall lambe was slaine in the maner of a reall sacrifice , and yet notwithstanding of this immolation , they kneeled not at the eating of the paschall lamb . The Sacraments of the old and new Testament were alyke in representation , significatition , and exhibition . Of prayer and praise we spake before in particular . Kneeling not practised in the auncient Kirk . THE former two breaches are sufficient of them selves , howbeit kneeling were otherwaies warranted by the practise of the Kirk : but as it had no warrant from Scripture , & reason , so likewise it wanteth the warrant of antiquity . When the Arrians denyed Christs true divinitie , the orthodoxe Kirk acknowledging his diuinity , kneeled not in the act of receiuing which was expedient if it had been lawfull : because the Arrians debased the Sonne of God. It was the custome of the kirk to stand in time of publick prayer vpon all the Lords dayes in the yeare , and euery day from Easter to Pentecost , as witnesseth Tertullian , Cyprian , Basilius , Ierome , Augustine , Hugo de sancto Victore , Anselmus , the Council of Nice , the 6. Council of Carthage , The Council of Constantinople , Quinisextum , the Council of Turone . The testimonies are set down in the B. of Rochester his discourse . Bellarmin closeth all vp in one generall , to wit , that in his time fiue hundreth years were not past , since the rite to pray standing & not kneeling on the Lords day had ceased . o If they kneeled not in the time of praier where this gesture is most requisit by their own confession , because of the joyfull memory of Christs resurrection , far lesse did they kneel in the act of banketting and receiving the inestimable giftes offered vnto vs in this sacrament , a matter of great joy . Wherefore serued the signification of standing in prayer , if it was controlled with the gesture of an humble penitentiary at the sacrament ? The testimonie alledged by the B. of Rochester p out of Tertullian , that they that were to be baptized , must pray with often prayers , and fastings , and kneelings , and watchings , proveth neither kneeling on the Lords day in tyme of prayer , or the act of baptisme , but only declareth what were the exercises of preparation on the dayes preceding baptism . In the assembly holden last at S. Andros , stāding or kneling in time of publik prayer was left to euery mans liberty . In the Assembly holden at Perth , they haue tane away this liberty in the act of receiving . They left liberty in the act of publick humiliation , and hes tane it away in the act of mentall meditation . Let any man therfore judge of their intention . The authors aboue rehearsed make not all mention of prayer , when they speak of standing : but generally they speak against kneeling on the Lords day . Tertullian q sayth generally de geniculis adorare , to adore vpon the knees upon the Lords day is vnlawful . He sayth not orare , but adorare . Hierom r his testimony also is general against adoration on the knees . Pope Alex. the 3. hath their words . Quoniā diebus autē dominicis & alijs praecipuis sestivitatibus suis inter pascha & Pentecosten genuum flexio nequaquam debet fieri : s nisi aliquis ex deuotione id velit facere in secreto . In consecrationibus autē Episcoporum & Clericorū ordinationibus consecrans & consecratus tantum genua flectere possunt secundum quod consecrationis modus requrit . Vpon the Lords day and other cheese festivities , and betwen Ester and Pentecost there ought to be no kneeling , except one will doe it in secret of devotion . In the consecration of Bishops and ordination of clergie-men he that consecrateth and he thet is consecrated , may only bow their knees , so far as the forme of consecration requireth . If this was the only exception , it followeth that in no other case , they did kneel on these dayes . Exceptio firmat regulam in casibus non exceptis . They received the communion usually vpon the Lords day : and therefore it was called the day of bread t . Yea and in some places only vpon the Lords day , as Iewel observeth v out of an Epistle sent from the councell of Alexandria in the defence of one Macarius . Tertullian expresly affirmeth , that the maner was to stand at the receaving x . Dionysius Alexandrinus writeth to Xistus concerning one who standing at the table had often receaved the holy food in these words . Nonne solennior erit statio tua si ad aram Dei steteris accepto corpore Domini . y Chrisostome z sayth , Stemus trementes & timidi demissis oculis renata autem anima gementes siue jubilantes corde . Let vs stand trembling , &c. The Alyssines receiue the sacrament standing euen to this day , as also the Muscouites , howbeit drowned otherwise in great superstition , receiue the Sacrament standing . Oject . the Ethincks objected to Christians that they did honor Bacchus and Ceres ; and Averroes , that they adored that which they did eate . Theodoret saith a the misticall signes are adored . Augustine b no man eateth that flesh before he adore it . Ambrose c we adore the flesh of Christ in the mysteries Chrysostome sayth , d let us imitate the Barbarians , thou beholdst him not in a manger , but on an Altar . And again , e they are like Herod , who adore not the Eucharist . Answ. It followeth not they adored , therefore they kneeled . The Ethnicks did mistake the reuerend and graue behauiour of Christians at the receauing the Sacrament , as they did many other things both in Iewes and Christians : they gaue out that they were worshippers of the clouds , of the Sonne of the crosse , of the head of an Asse , of the slaughter of infants . Augustine sayeth . A Cerere & Libero paganorum dijs longè absumus quamvis panis & calicis sacramentum nostro ritu amplectimur . f We are far from Ceres & Bacchus the Gods of the Pagans , howbeit we imbrace the Sacrament of the bread & the cup after our rite . When Theodoret sayth the mystical signes are adored , g he meaneth by adoration , reuerend and religious handling , as becometh so great mysteries : and so Bilson : exponeth Theodoret , and to this purpose alledgeth the glosse of the Canon Law , h In hoc sensu possumus quamlibet rem sacram adorare , id est reverentiam exhibere . Anastasius sayth , i Dominica verba attentè audiant , & fideliter adorent . Let them diligently heare , & faithfully adore the word of God. The word adoration is sometime taken in a large sence for veneration ; so do all our Divines expone Theodoret , or else his phrase were absurd : and indeed none of the Fathers used that phrase but he . Chrysostomes Homilies on Mathew are a supposititious worke . The rest of the testimonies alledged make mention of adoration , not of the Sacrament , but of Christ in the Sacrament : and they are to be understood of spirituall and internall adoration , common to this sacrament with other sacraments . Augustine sayth , The flesh of Christ is adored either in the sacrifice , or otherwise by faith k . The adoration is as the eating , the eating is spirituall and by faith . Augustine speaking of the veneration of this sacrament , sayth , l Contemptum solum non vult cibus ille . That meat misliketh onely contempt , as Manna did lothsomnesse . Ambrose speaketh of all the mysteries of Christian m Religion . Chrysostom is to be understood of spirituall reverence n : and therefore he useth emphaticall speeches of ascending up to the gates of heaven , even of the heaven of heavens , like Eagles . For the same Chrysostome sayth , o that we adore Christ in Baptisme . None of all the testimonies alledged expresseth any gesture of the body , let be kneeling . Obiect . For an humble gesture are alledged Origen p : Thou therefore humbling thy selfe , imitate the Centurion , and say , Lord I am not worthy , &c. Cyrillus of Ierusalem q , Then after the communion of the body of Christ , come also to the cup of his bloud , not reaching out thy hands , but falling on thy face in manner of adoration and worship , say Amen . Nazianzen r sayth , his sister fell down before the Altar , and called on him who was worshipped on the Altar . Answ. Origen directs the words to be sayd as well when the preacher entreth into our house , as when we receiue the sacrament . s Further , Possevinus a learned Papist , acknowledgeth that worke to be counterfeit t . The Catechismes attributed to Cyrill of Ierusalem is a booke newly sprung up , and unknown to the Ancients . It was not to be found in Hardings time , but in writing . See Moulins translated v . This counterfeit Cyril sayth not , Cade pronus , fall down on thy face ; but , accede pronus , come inclining , or bowing thy body ; as men use to doe when they make courtesie . Nazianzens sister was sick in body , and sicke in minde : her fact was private , and in the darke of the night , she was not in the act of receiving the sacrament , she blubbered with her teares the fragments of the sacrament received before . Christ is honoured at the Altar , or communion-table , by the administration of the sacrament celebrated to his honour and worship , in remembrance of him : his mercies are there layd foorth in the mysteries . Yee see no testimony can be alledged for geniculation . The Councell of Constantinople holden under the Emperour Basilius , hath these words : Iesus Christus panis substantiam mandavit apponi , ne scilicet humana effigie figurata idolatria introduceretur . For eschewing of Idolatry , the Lord commanded the substance of bread to be set on without any humane shape . The proofes already made for standing upon the Lords day , for 1000. yeare in the Kirk , do evince that geniculation had no place in the act of receiuing all that time . It was therefore followed upon bodily presence and transubstantiation . Kneeling not practised in the reformed Churches . THE Lutheran Kirkes do acknowledge reall presence by way of consubstantiation : it is no wonder therefore that they approue kneeling . The reformed Kirks as they haue damned bodily presence , so haue they reiected this gesture of kneeling in the act of receiving . The Kirk of Bohemia hath retained this gesture since the dayes of Iohn Husse . In their confession exhibited to King Ferdinand , An. 1535 it is thus sayd , y Ministeri verò Dominicae caenae verba referentes plebem ipsam ad hanc fidem hortantur , ut corporis Christi presentiam adesse credant . The Ministers are willed to stir up the people to beleeue that the body of Christ is present : the poorer sort amongst them , as they haue rejected the errour of reall presence , so depart they from this gesture . In our neighbour Kirk some of their defenders of kneeling will not haue us inquisitiue of the manner of Christs presence in the sacrament . z And the Bishop of Rochester commendeth the simplicity of the Ancients , which disputed not whether Christ was present Con , sub , in , or trans , in this Supper . a Sutton in his Appendix to his Meditations on the Lords Supper , condemneth likewise this diligent search of the manner of Christs presence . If the manner of Christs presence be not determined , there can arise no other but a confused worship of such a confused and determinate presence . The Papists acknowledge that there ought to be no adoration but where there is acknowledged a bodily presence in the sacrament . Hence it is that they proue mutually the one by the other . It will not follow that we may change sitting into kneeling , because the ancient Kirk and some reformed Kirks haue changed sitting into standing ; because kneeling maketh so many breaches both in the institution , and in the second commandement , and is no wayes a table gesture . By standing wee accommodate our selues to a table to participate of the dainties set thereon , standing was never abused to idolatry as kneeling hath been . We are not bound to imitate other kirks further then they imitate Christ. Our sitting is not Scotish Genevating , but a commendable imitation of the Apostolicall Churches , and obedience to Christs institution . They flee up at last to the Kirk triumphant ; and alledge for kneeling the 24. Elders falling down before the Lambe , but how conclude they this , that they that are called to the Supper of the lambe kneele at the Supper of the lambe ? and seeing the blessed soules shall not be clothed with their bodies before the resurrection , how can they conclude , materiall geniculation of the blessed Saints in heaven ? all creatures in heaven , in earth , and under the earth ; are said to bow their knee at the name of Iesus , that is , to acknowledge his soverain authority , howbeit the celestiall Angels , blessed soules , and infernall spirits , haue not knees to bow with . The everlasting felicity of the children of God , is the Supper of glory ▪ doe they drink continually of that felicity upon their knees ? thowsand thowsands stand before him , many shall come from the East , and from the West , and sit at the heavenly table with Abraham , Isaak , and Iacob : may we not then conclude sitting and standing , as well as they doe kneeling , if we looke to the letter of parables , visions , allegories and prophesies ? But Symbolicall Theologie is not argumentatiue . Last , how will they proue evidently that the falling of the 24. Elders before the lambe , is to be interpreted of the Kirk triumphant , rather then of the Kirke Militant ? REASONS AGAINST FESTIVALL DAYES . FRom the beginning of the Reformation to this present yeare of our Lord 1618. the Kirk of Scotland hath diverse waies condemned the observation of all holy dayes , the Lords day onely excepted . In the first chapter of the first booke of discipline penned anno . 1560. the observation of holy dayes to Sancts , the feast of Christmasse , Circumcision , Epiphanie , Purification , and other fond feasts of our Ladie are ranked amongst the abhominations of the Romane religion , as hauing neither commandement nor assurance in the word . It is farther affirmed that the obstinate maintaineres & teachers of such abomination should not escape the punishement of the ciuill Magistrate . The book aforesaid was subscrybed by the Lords of secret Councell . In the generall Assemblie holden at Edinburgh anno . 1566 , the latter confession of H●lv●tia was approued ; but with speciall exception against some holy dayes dedicated to Christ ; these same very dayes , that now are urged . In the Assemblie holden anno 1575. complaint was made against the Ministers and Readers beside Aberdine , because they Assembled the people to prayer and preaching vppon certain patron and festival dayes . Complaint likewise was ordained to be made to the Regent vpon the Town of Drumfraies for vrging , and convoying a Reader to the Kirke with Tabret and Whistle to read the prayers all the holy Dayes of Yoo le , or Christmas vpon the refusall of their own Reader , Item an article was formed to be presented to the Regent , craving that all dayes heretofore keeped holy in tyme of Papistrie beside the Lords day such as Yoo le day , Saints dayes , and other like feasts may be abolished , a civill penaltie appointed against the observers of the said dayes . Banquetting , playing , feasting , and such other vanities upon the dayes foresayd is condemned . In the Assembly holden in Aprill anno 1577. it was ordained that the Visitor with the advice of the Synodal Assembly , shall admonish Ministers preaching or ministring the communion at Pasche , Yoo le , or other like superstitious times or Readers reading , to desist , under the paine of deprivation . Dedicating of dayes was abjured in the confession of faith penned anno 1580. An Article was formed in the Assembly anno 1581. craving an act of Parliament to be made against observation of feast dayes , dedicated to Saints , and setting out of bone-fires . In the Assembly holden in February anno 1587. it was humbly moved to his Maiesty , that Pasche and Yoo le was superstitiously observed in Fyffe , and about Drumfrets . In the Assembly holden anno 1590. his Maiesty in open audience of the Assembly praised God for that he was borne to be a King in the sincerest Kirk in the world : sincerer then our neighbour Kirk of England : for their service was an evill-sayd Masse in English : Sincerer then Geneva it selfe : for they observed Pasche and Yoo le . In the Parliament holden anno 1592. the act of King Iames the third anent the Saturday and other vigils to be kept holy from Even-song to Evensong was annulled . Item , the act made by Queen Regent granting licence to keepe Yoo le and Pasche . In the Assembly holden anno 1596. when the covenant was renewed , superstition and Idolatry breaking forth in keeping of festivall dayes , setting out of bone-fires , and singing of Carrols , is reckoned amongst the corruptions which were to be amended . The Pulpits haue sounded continually against all festivall daies . The Censures of the Kirk haue been put in execution in all due form against the observers . In the pretended Assembly holden at Perth in August last past , it was concluded , that hereafter every Minister shall make commemoration of the inestimable benefits received from God , by and through our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ , his Birth , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and sending down of the Holy Ghost upon the dayes appoynted for that use . That they shall make choyce of severall and pertinent Texts , and frame their Doctrine and exhortation accordingly . This their conclusion was ratified and allowed by act of Councell , and proclamation was made thereupon , commanding cessation and abstinence from all kinde of labour and handy-worke upon the fiue dayes aboue written , that every one may the better attend the holy exercises which are to be kept in the Kirke at these times . But first we will premit the proper description of a festivall day . The description of a festivall day . PIscator describeth a Festivall day in this manner , a Festum proprii loquendo est publica & solennis ceremonia mandata à Deo , ut certo anni tempore cum singulari loetitia obeatur ad gratias agendum Deo pro certo aliquo beneficio in populum suum collato . A feast in proper speech is a publick and solemne ceremonie commanded by God to bee celebrated a certaine time of the yeare , with singular gladnesse to giue thankes to God for some certaine benifit bestowed on his people . Hooker intreating this argument intituleth the subiect festivall dayes . Hee maketh festivall solemnity to be nothing els , but the due mixture , as it were , of these three elements ; Praises set forth with chearefull alacritie of mind : delite expressed by charitable largenes more then common bounty : and sequestration from ordinary labors . b By these descriptiones wee may see that the sabboth day is not properly a festiuall day . The ordinary sabboth is weekly : the festivall is anniversary . We may fast upon the ordinarie sabboth , but we cannot fast and mourne upon a festivall day . Nehem. 8.10 . for that were to confound fasting and festivall dayes . The Councill of Laodicea inhibited to celebrate the feasts of martyres in Lent , for the same regard upon the ordinary sabboth all the parts of Gods worship may be performed as occasion shall offer . Vpon the festivall dayes we are bound to the commemoration of a particular benefite . Proper texts , Epistles , Gospels , Homilies , and sermones are framed for the misterie of that day . So that the ordinary sabboth is morall and for the worship of God in generall , the festivall is misticall . Esentialia festi , the essētiall parts of a festivall day are cessation from work : hearing of the word : participation of the sacraments . Commemoration of divine misteries may be performed upon the ordinary sabbath , but to make up a festival day Bellarm. c requireth a determination of a day , signification and representation of the misteries wrought on such dayes . Scaliger d observeth that the ordinary sabbothes were never called Chaggim as the anniversarie solemnities were . 1. Reason against festivall dayes . Six dayes shalt thou labour and doe all that thou hast to doe . ] These words are either a command to doe the works of our calling as many both Iewish and Christian divines doe interprete : or els a permission , as others doe interpret . If they contein a command , no countremand may take it away . If a permission , no human authority may spoile men of the liberty that God hath granted unto them , as long as they haue any maner of worke to doe for the sustentation of this life . The Muscovits therefore say very well : that it is for Lords to keepe feasts , and abstien from labour . The Citizens and Artificers amongst them upon the festivall dayes after divine service , do betake themselues to their labour , and domestick affaires , as Gaguinus reporteth . It may be objected that Constantine the Emperour made a law that none but the Prince may ferias cōdere , erect an idle day : the Prince then may inioyne a day of Cessation . Answer . The Lawes of the ●od . are not rules of theologie . A Prince may not inioyne Cessation from Oeconomicall and domestick works but for weapon shewing , exercise of armes , defence of the country or other publick works and affaires . But that is not to injoyne a day of simple Cessation , but to inioyne a politick work in place of the oeconomicall . Every particular member ceassing from their particular work exerciseth another work serving for the preservation of the whole bodie . The curse that Adam shall eate with the sweate of his browes , is mitigated by the permission of six dayes labour . The Lord permitteth unto man six , lest he devoure the seventh day which is sanctified . What if the Kirk representatiue injoyne a weekly holy day , as another sabboth , ought the Kirke to be obeyed ? what power hath the Kirk representatiue , to inioyne an anniversary day more then a weekly or hebdomadary holy day . If a day of simple Cessation from all maner of work Oeconomicall and politicall may not be inioyned , a festivall day may not be inioyned . I say further that the poore craftsman can not lawfully be commanded to lay aside his tooles , and goe passe his time , no not for an houre , let be for a day as long as he is willing to worke , and perhaps urged with the sharpnes of present necessity . And yet farther that he ought not to be compelled to leaue his worke to goe to divine service except on the day that the Lord hath sanctified . The second Reason . It is the priuiledge of Gods power to appoint a day of rest , and to sanctifie it to his honour , ] as our best Divines f mainteine . Zanchius g affirmeth that it is proper to God to choose any person or any thing to consecrate and sanctifie it to himselfe , as it belongeth to him alone to justify , Catechismus Hollandicus saith no wise man will deny that this sanctification belongeth onely to God , & that it is manifest sacriledge to attribute these things to men , which are onely of divine ordination . Willet sayth : It belongeth onely to the Creator to sanctifie the Creature . In the booke of Ecclesiasticus , cap. 33.7.8 . it is demanded , Why doth one day excell another , when as the light of every day of the yeare is of the Sun ? It is answered , By the knowledge of the Lord they were distinguished , and he altered seasons and feasts . Some of them hath he made hie dayes , and hallowed them ; Some of them he hath made ordinary dayes . The common tenent of the Divines was acknowledged by the pretended Bishop of Galloway in his Sermon at the last Christmas . It may offend you , sayd he , that this is an holy day . I say there is no power either civill or Ecclesiasticall can make an holy day : no King , no Kirk : onely the Lord that made the day , and distinguished it from the night : he hath sanctified the seventh day . The like was acknowledged by M. P. Galloway in his Christmas Sermons . If the speciall sanctification of a day to an holy use dependeth upon Gods commandement and institution , then neither King nor Kirke representatiue may make an holy day . The observers of dayes will say they count not their anniverserie daies holier then other dayes , but that they keep them only for order and policie , that the people may be assembled to religious exercises . Answer . The Papists will confesse that one day is not holier then another in its owne nature , no not the Lords day : for then the Sabboth might not haue been changed from the last , to the first day of the weeke . But they affirme that one day is holier then another , in respect of the end and vse ; And so doe wee . They call them holy dayes : and so doe wee . They vse them as memoriall signes of sacred mysteries whereof they carie the names , as Nativitie ; Passion ; Ascension . &c. And so doe wee . The presence of the festivitie putteth a man in minde of the mysterie , howbeit he haue not occasion to be present in the holy Assembly . We are commanded to obserue them in all points as the Lords day , both in the publick Assemblies , and after the dissoluing of the same . Yea it is left free to teach any parte of Gods word on the Lords day ; but for solemnitie of the festiuall , solemne texts must be chosen : Gospels Epistles , collects , Psalmes must be framed for the particular service of these dayes , and so the mysticall dayes of mans appointment , shall not onely equall , but in solemnity surpasse the morall sabboth appointed by the Lord. Doth not Hooker say that the dayes of publick memorials should be cloathed with the outward robes of holines , They aledge for the warrant of anniversary festivities the Ancients , who call them Sacred and misticall dayes . If they were instituted only for order and policie , that the people may Assemble to religious exercises , Wherefore is there but one day appointed betwixt the Passion and Resurection ? fortie dayes betwixt the Resurrection and Ascension ? Ten betwixt the Ascension and Pentecost ? Wherefore follow we the course of the Moone as the Iewes did , in our moveable feasts making the christian Church cloathed with the Sunne to walk vnder the Moone , as h Bonauentura alludeth ? Wherefore is there not a certain day of the moneth kept for Easter , as well as for the nativitie ? Doth not Bellarmine giue this reason out of Augustine that the day of the Natiuity is celebrate only for memorie , the other both for memorie ; and for sacraments . i Ille celebratur solum ob memoriam , & ideo semper die 25. Decembris : at l●fe celebratur ob memoriam & sacramentum , & ideo variatur . If the anniversarie commemorations were like the weekely preachings , as the two forenamed preachers made the comparison , why is the husbandman forced to leaue his plough at the one , and not at the other ? Why hath the one proper service and not the other ? Why did not M. Galloway curse the people for absence frō the one , as wel as from the other ? Whey are the dayes of the one changeable , and not the other . To make solemne commemoration of Christs nativitie vpon any other day , then upon the putatiue day of his nativity , would be thought a great absurdity ; siclike of his Passion , Ascension . &c. And last , how could M. Galloway affirme that the evidence of Gods Spirit appeared in the Christmas Sermons that are extant , more liuely then in any other Sermons ? Next it may be objected that the people of God might haue indicted dayes of fasting at their owne determination , and an interdiction of all kynd of work . Answer . They had a generall warrant from God. Ioel. 2.15 . to proclaime a generall fast , according to the occurrence of their calamities and other affaires of the kirk . The light and law of nature leadeth a man to this observation of an occasionall fast : nature teacheth him presently to withdraw his hand and heart from worldly affaires , and to lift them up to God to deprecate his wrath when his judgement is aboue our heads . The like may be said , by analogie , of thanksgiuing , that we ought to praise God in the mean time whē we receiue the benefit . But to make of the occasionall dayes of fasting , or feasting , aniversarie and set festivall and fasting daies is without warrant . It remaineth therefore that it is the Lords soueraignty to make or ordaine a thing to be holy . God first sanctifies by commandement and institution : man sanctifieth thereafter by observation , applying to an holy use the time sanctified by God. It was a part of the Idolatry of the golden calfe to proclaime a holy day . It is numbred among one of Ieroboams sins that he ordained a feast after the deuise of his own heart 1. King. 12 . 33● Musculus , k sayeth If any man shall attempt to make holy at his pleasure the things that God hath not Sanctified , is not only Superstitious , but challengeth vnto himself , that which belongs onely to God. When God blesseth and sanctifieth a day , then may man looke for a blessing in sanctifieing it The third Reason . Wee come from priuiledge to fact . As de jure none may , so de facto None did , appoint holy dayes vnder the law but God , and that either by himself , or by some extraordinary direction . Therefore none can be allowed vnder the Gospell without the like warant . Seeing the tymes vnder the Gospell are not so ceremonious , as the tymes under the law . Against this reason two instances are commonly alledged the one of the dayes of Purim instituted by Mordecai : the other of the feast of dedication instituted by Iudas Maccabeus , and graced with Christs presence , as is alledged , Ioh. 10. But the answer is easie . The dayes of Purim were simply called the dayes of Purim : not the holy dayes of Purim . They are neither called Chag , nor Mogned , nor Gnatsarah as the other anniuersarie feasts are called in the old Testament . No mention is made of holy conuocations on these dayes nor divine service proper to them , notwithstanding of their returne to the temple , and promise that the memoriall of the dayes of Purim should not fall from among them , nor perish from their seede Ester 9.27.28 , It is true that now a daies they read the booke of Ester . And therefore call it the feast of Megilla , after the reading wherof they spend the rest of the time in revelling , more madde then the Gentiles were in their Bacchanalis . This reading was not the first institution , but an addition of the later Iewes , The dayes of Purim were instituted onlie for ciuill dayes , and the ordinance required no farther , but that they should make them dayes of feasting and joy , and sending of portions one to another , and gifts to the poore Ester 9.19.22 . to be documents and testimonies of their fasting and crying , that is in remembrance of their fasting and prayers , by which they obtained that deliverance . At the instant time of their deliverie , it is sayd they rested , but in the Edict when the daies were made anniversarie , rest from all kind of worke was not forbidden : therefore Hospinian l sayth , In festo Phurim operari prohibitum non est : they were not forbidden to work . And Willet compareth it with the fift of November , m and affirmeth the like . Next , it is to be considered , that Mordecai is thought to be the pen-man of the book of Ester , and consequently a Prophet . He was one of the 120. masters of the great Synagogue , amongst whom were both Priests and Prophets , Ezra , and his society , Daniel & his companions , Zachary , Malachy , &c. Thirdly , it appeareth , Ester 9.28 . that it was an order to endure , as long as the feast dayes appointed by the Lord himself , and in no case to be altered . Holy daies of Ecclesiasticall constitution are not of such a nature , as n D. Fulk acknowledgeth . Whatsoever therefore was the quality of these dayes , whether holy or civill , the warrant was more then ordinary . The feast of Dedication , whereof mention is made , Iohn 10. some take for the dedication of the Temple in Zorobabels time , as the o Magdeburg Centuries . So likewise Chrysostom , Theophilactus , Cajetanus , Abulensis , Euthymius , and others , as p Barradius reporteth . But let it be meant , as is alledged : If the feast of dedication in Salomon and Zorobabels time was anniversary , then the Maccabees did follow the example of these who had Propheticall direction . If they were not anniversarie , as indeed q Toletus leaveth it as uncertaine , then this annuall memory was an addition of the Pharisees , who enlarged the glory of this feast , as they did their Ph●lacteries . Iunius r relateth out of the Talmud , that the wise men decreed that the eight dayes of that feast should be yearly dayes of ioy . By the wise men are meant the Pharisees , who were called Sapientes Israelis . The renewment of the Altar , and of certain other decayed places , was honoured by them with an annuall memory , whereas the whole Temple , with all the implements and furniture thereof in Salomon and Zorobabels time had not the like honour . Neither doe we read that any annuall memory was instituted by Hezekias after the prophanation of the Temple by Ahaz and Prias : nor by Iosias , after that it was polluted by Manasses & Amon. Christs walking in Salomons Porch , maketh nothing for approbation of this feast . He had remained in Ierusalem from the feast of the Tabernacles , and came not up of purpose to keepe that feast . He taketh old of the present opportunity to thrust his sickle into a thicke harvest . Wee haue to consider for a generall answer to all instances alledged from the Iewish Kirk , first that they had extraordinary directions which wee want . They had prophets by office , or commission , who ended in Malachi . They had prophets who were only prophets by the Spirit as Daniell , David , and Salomon , who indured after the dayes of Malachi , as Drusius s afirmeth They had Vrim and Thummim under the first Temple , and in place thereof , a slender voyce sounding from the heaven , called Bathkol , under the second Temple , as Tremellius t hath observed . Next the Pharisees and degenerating Iewes filled their Kalendar with fond feasts of their owne invention , as the festivities of the Equinoctiall and festivall dayes , other wayes called the feasts of the Tekuphas : or converted any ancient order into a solemne feast , as the day appointed for carying wood to the Temple to maintein the fire of the altar Nehem. 10.34 . they turned into a feast called the feast of Xylophoria . A holie day is to be observed not by a few but by all : but all were not appointed to bring wood , but those only who were designed by lot . It is no wonder therefore that they took the like course with the dayes of Purim . But wee are not to imitate the Pharises , and fond Iewes . The fourth Reason . The observation of anniversarie dayes pertained to the ceremoniall law : but so it is that the ceremoniall law is abolished . The anniversarie dayes were distinguished from the morall sabboth . Many were the preheminences of the ordinary sabboth aboue the anniversary . 1. It was more ancient , given to Adam in the state of innocencie . 2. vttered by Gods owne mouth . 3. Written with Gods owne finger in durable stone . 4. The Lord himself in a manner rested on it , when as he rained not Manna that day . 5. It was more strictly observed , then the other holy dayes , therefore some say it was called Shabbath , Shabbathon . Therefore likewayes the Iewes measured unto it a sabboth dayes journey . 6. Other holy dayes were celebrated either in remembrance of a by-past benefite , or to signify somthing to come . It excelled them in both , faith u Bellarmine . 7. Other holy dayes gaue place unto it The Iewes made a Canon , that two Sabbothes should not concurre together propter olera & propter mortuo● , that is , because they could not keepe in that hote region their sodden meats two dayes together ; nor the bodies of the dead unburied for stink , and putrifaction . Therefore they transferred this sabboth of extraordinary solemnity immediatly proceeding the ordinary sabboth to the ordinary sabboth . They were drawne to it , it was never drawen to them , See x Causabonus . In a word , the Iewes held it in greater estimaton , then the rest . They called it . The Queene of the holy dayes , and the secrete of the living God. The three solemnities called Regalim were Temple feasts . They were bound to celebrate them at the Temple the publick theater of all the Iewish ceremonies The Apostle calleth them Weake and beggerly elements Galat. 4.9.10 . The elements of the world Coloss. 2.20 . Shadowes of things to come Coloss. 2.16.17 . The Apostle saith not the observation of Iudaicall dayes , but simpliciter , the observation of dayes served to the people of God for a typicall use , and a rudiment of religion . If the observation of some anniversary dayes was prescribed to the Iewes , as elements and rudiments for their instruction ; it followeth that the observation of anniversarie dayes is of it selfe a rudimentary instruction ; otherwayes the Apostles reason will not hould . The Apostle condemneth difference of dayes as he condemneth difference of meats . To esteeme some meats cleane , and some uncleane is Iudaicall , howbeit we obserue not the same difference , that the Iewes did . Dayes and meats are parallelled together , to esteeme one day holier then another , not so discerned by the Lords commandement must be also Iudaicall . The Kirk vnder the Gospell hath past the rudiments ; and therefore the observation of anniversary daies doth not beseeme her . To substitute other dayes in place of the Iewish , a Christian Pas●●e and Pentecost for the Iewish , is but to substitute rudiments and elements ro the Iewish , & not to chase away , but to change the Iewish holy dayes , as Bellarmine doth y Non est sublata sed mutata significatio ●et discretio dierum . The Iewish frankincense was a perfume : the Popish is a simple frankincense without any other ingredient . The Iewish lights were of oyle : the popish of wax and yet wee charge them with Iudaizing . The Iewes had no anniversary dayes , but such as were abrogate , They were abrogate not only as shadowes of things to come , but also as memorials of bygone benefites . Even as they were dayes of remembrance they belonged to the pedagogy of the law . Converted Iewes may not lawfully obserue the Iewish festivities , even as remembrances of bygone benefits . In every respect all their anniversary dayes are abolished , and they had none other , but such as were abolished . Therefore in every respect they belonged to the ceremoniall Law. The observation therefore of anniversary dayes even in respect of remembrance was to the Iewes pedagogicall , rudimentary and elementary , and counsequently ceremoniall . The Bishop of Chester confesseth that all the solemne feasts were of a ceremoniall nature . If the Iewes had no anniversary solemnities to indure after Christs comming when they should be converted to Christianisme , how can the observation of anniversary dayes be taken up by Christians . The fifth Reason . The prerogatiue belonging to God in the old Testament , was transferred to Christ , God and Man , the law-giver in the new Testament , one that was faihfull in all the house of God. But so it is , that Christ neither by his own cōmandement , nor by direction of his spirit inspiring the Apostles , instituted any other day but the Lords day . If there had been any other dayes dedicated to Christ , the Apostle spoke unproperly and obscurely when he sayd , he was ravished in the spirit upon the Lords day . If there had been a day for his Nativity , another for his passion , he should haue sayd , he was ravished in the spirit upon one of the Lords dayes . Seeing Iohn out-lived the rest of the Apostles , It followeth that there was no other holy day observed in the Apostolicall times . Neither was the institution of the Lords day so much a new institution , as a change of the ordinary Sabboth . The extraordinary Sabboths were in every respect ceremoniall . The ordinary Sabboth had both substance and ceremony . By reason of the substance it was changed into the Lords day answering analogically to it . The morall use of the ordinary sabboth was for the service of God in generall both private and publick . The mysticall use was to be a memoriall of things by-past , and a shadow of things to come . The morall use indureth , the mysticall uses are evanished . Christ appeared the first day of the weeke , and every eighth day thereafter untill he ascended , saith a Iunius . And that therefore the Apostles delivered to the Kirke the observation of this day from Christs example and institution , , which he confirmeth with the iudgement of Cyrillus and Augustine . The blessing of the seventh day was translated to this day instituted by Christ , because all sanctification floweth to Christians from Christ. But it is sufficient that the Apostles inspired by his Spirit , haue recommended this day to the Kirke . There is another reason to proue that there were no other dayes appoynted in the Apostles times . The Apostle had occasions to treat of holy dayes , reasoning against the observation of Iewish dayes , they direct them to no other as the purpose required . The Apostle condemneth not onely the observation of the Iewish daies , nor the Iewish observation of the Iewish daies to a typicall use . For the converted Iewes did not obserue them as shadowes of things to come , for then they had denied Christ : but he condemneth observation of dayes as a Iewish custome and rite , as a pedagogicall and rudimentary instruction not beseeming the Christian Kirke . Zanchius b speaketh to this purpose after this manner : Magis consentaneum est cum prima institutione & cum scriptis Apostolicis ut unus tantum dies in septimana sanctisicetur . It is more agreeable to the first institution , and the writings of the Apostles , that one day of the weeke onely be sanctified . Against this Argument is first alledged , that the Apostle compareth with the observation of dayes , Rom. 14.5.6 . Answ. The Apostle beareth with the infirmity of the weake Iewes , who understood not the fulnesse of the Christian liberty . And the ceremoniall law was as yet not buried . But the same Apostle reproveth the Galatians , who had attained to this libertie , and had once left off the observation of daies . Next , the Iudaicall dayes had once that honour , as to be appointed by God himselfe : but the anniversary dayes appointed by men haue not the like honour . It is secondly obiected , that seeing the Lords day was instituted in remembrance of Christs resurrection , the other notable acts of Christ ought likewise to be remembred with their severall festivities . Answer . It followeth not that because Christ did institute in remembrance of one benefite , therefore men may institute for other benefites . 2. Christs resurrection was a benefite including the rest , as an accomplishment of the worke of redemption , and answered anagogically to the common benefit of creation by the beginning of a new creation . 3. We deny that the Lords day was appointed to celebrate the memory onely of Christs resurrection . For then the Lords resurrection , the proper subiect of all Homilies , Sermons , Gospels , Epistles , Collects , Hymnes and Psalmes belonging to the Paschall seruice should be the proper subject of deuine seruice euery Lords day . Then the Lords day shovld be a festivall day : and it were vnlawfull to fast on it . It was instituted for the remembrance of all his actions , and generalie for his worship . Athanasius , sayth c In Sabath● conuenimus ut Dominum Sabathi Iesum adoremus . Wee conuene on the Sabboth , that wee may adore Iesus the Lord of the Sabboth . Augustin d sayth Domineus hic dies id●irco dicitur , quia eo die Dominus resurrexit , vel ut ipso nomine doceret illū Domino consecratum esse debere . It is called the Lords day , because the Lord rose that day , or that the name might teach us , that it ought to be consecrate to the Lord. It is called the Lords day , either becase the Lord did institute it : as the dayes of Purim are called Mordecaies dayes , in the second of the Maccabees , and the communion is called the Lords Supper : Or els because it was instituted to the Lords honour and worship . The Iewish Sabboth was the Sabboth of the Lord our God. The Christian sabboth is the Sabboth of Christ our Lord , God and Man. The name of Lord was more frequent in the mouths of Christians in the Apostlick times , then the name of Christ as Rhenanus e hath obserued . When it is called commonly the Lords day , it is all one , as if it were commonly called Christs day , Changeing the title but not the purpose . If the ordinary sabboth be Christs day appointed by himselfe or his Apostles at his direction , for the remembrance of all his actions , and for his worship in generall ; to diuide his actions , and appoint anniversary and mysticall dayes for their remembrance , is superstitious wil-worship , and a Iudaicall addition to Christs institution . Christs day answereth analogicallie to the morall sabboth . It may be applied to the remembrance of Christs resurrection seeing he rose that day and in some sort to b● a signe of the heavenly rest . But that is typus communis & factus . A common type fitted to resemble such things : But not typus distin●●us appointed by God for that end . It resteth then that Christs day , or the Lords day is the Christian sabboth , a continuation of the morall sabboth , and to be obserued in a morall maner for all the paise of Gods worship in and through Christ , and not in a misticall maner , for the joyfull remembrance of Christ resurrection onely . It is thirdly objected that Paul kept the feast of Pentecost , Act. 20. & 1. Cor. 16. I answer . It was the Iewish Pentecost , whereof mention is made in these places , Paul needed not to haue travelled to Ierusalem , for he might haue observed the Christian Pentecost euery where Bellarmin himself wil not be so bold as to affirme that it was the Christian Pentecost , Francolinus f putteth it out of doubt , and sayth , it is against the common exposition of the interpreters , for sayeth he , Tune temporis non erant celebres christianorum festivitates cum Euangelium non esset ad huc plenè promulgatum , the festiuities of Christians , were not as yet celebrated , for the Gospell was not yet fully published . It is fourthly objected out of the Epistles of Policarpus & Pollycrates , extant in the history of Eusebius and out of Beda following Eusebius , that the Apostles kept the feast of Easter . Answer . Beda was but a fabler , and a follower of fabulous reports : Eusebius was little better treading vnknowne foot-steps , as himself confesseth in the beginning of his storie . The Epistles alledged are counterfeit : for it is said in these Epistles that Iohn was a Priest and bare on his forehead the Patalum that is the golden plate like that of the high Priests Exod. 37.36 . But no man will graunt , sayth Scaliger , g Neutrum concedit , quisciverit nullam Christi Apostolum sacerdotem fuisse , & nulli preterquam Summo Sacerdoti Petalon gestare licuisse . That either Iohn or Iames bare it , who vnderstand that none of Christs Apostles was a priest : and that it was lawfull to none , but the hie priest to beare the golden plate . And yet these Epistles are the eldest records that Eusebius can ground vpon . The Bishop of Elie in his sermon taketh needlesse pains to prove the antiquity of Ester . But when he proveth it to be Apostolicall , he shooteth short . His eldest antiquity is the counterfeit Epistles before alledged . His proofe out of scripture Psalm . 118.8 . & 1. Cor. 5.7.8 . are very weake For the first testimonie is applyed to euery Lords day , and is not to be restrained to Pasche day . Christ crucified and refused of the builders was demonstrate to be the corner stone . For that day he was demonstrate to be the son of God by his resurrection according to Dauids Prophesie , To day haue I begotten thee , applied to the resurrection by the Apostle Act. 13.33 . The Lords day is the day that the Lord hath created , let us exult and reioyce in it . Christ instituted it ; David prophecied of it . Psal. 110. where it is called the day of the Lords Assemblies . Many memorable things were done under the old Testament upon this day , to declare that it should be an excell●nt day under the new Testament , specially Circumcision was commanded on the eight day as a sacrament of that day , saith Iunius , h Quia Sacramentum fuit diei illius octavi quo dominus Iesus Christus resurrexit , following in this conceit the Ancients , Cyprian , Ambrose &c. If it be true that is affirmed by the Councill of Constantinople i it would appeare that the Lord hath of purpose heaped his wonderfull works upon this day : for there it is said that Christ was born on it : The star shined to the wise men on it : Christ fed 5000. with 5 loaues and 2 fishes on it : Christ was baptized on it , rose on it , sent down the H. Ghost on it : one it the light was created , Pope Leo likewise saith , Dies dominica tantis dis●●nsationū mysteriis est consecrata , ut quicquid insigne admodum est constitutum in terris , in hujus diei dignitatem sit gestum : id est . that the Lords day is consecrate with so manie misteries dispensed on it , that it appeareth that whatsoever potable thing was done on earth , was done to the honour of this day . So if the prophey of David should be aplied to any precise day , it should be applied to the Lords day . But seeing the words are to be understood , as well of David as of Christ , the day is taken for the time indefinitely , wherein David was made King , and the Corner Stone of Gods people . The other testimony importeth not the celebration of Ester feast upon any anniversary day , but rather the Apostle teacheth us to celebrate this feast of the Passover all the yeare long , with the vnleavened bread of sincerity and turth . Doctor Fulk in his answer to the Rhemists upon the same place citeth Augustine , referring this feasting not to the celebration of Ester , nor to the receiuing of Pasche communion , but to our whole life . It is therefore onely the Bishops conjècture that the incestuous person was cut of against the feast of Ester , that a little leaven might not leaven the whole lump . His last proofe is taken from the custome of baptisme and the Eucharist ministred upon Pasch day , as if they had been ministred only on that day . It was the decree of Pope Innocentius in the Lateran Councill that all should communicate at Ester . The Christian Sabboth was called the Lords day , the day of light , and the day of Bread. The day of light because of baptisme ministred ordinarily on the Lords day : for the Ancients called baptisme , Light , or illumination . The day of bread because of the administration of the Supper ordinarily upon the Lords day , as Iunius l proveth out of Chrysostome ▪ baptisme was tyed of ould to Pentecost , as well as Ester . It was an evill custome disallowed both by ancient and moderne Divines . It was not so in the Primitiue Kirk , as Cassander beareth witnes . m Apostolorum doctrinae consentientes nullo temporum aut locorum delectu statim post fidei professionem ab Apostolis vel Apostolorum discipulis baptismi sacramento in Ecclesiam Christi captabantur . I will now frame an argument against this conceit of Apostolicall tradition and observation of Pafch . The Apostles were led all their life time by the infallible direction of the Spirit . If they had accorded on the observaton of Ester they had not disagreed on the day . But their most ancient records , the bastard Epistles aboue mentioned report that Philip and Iohn kept the fourtenth day of the moone , as the Iewes did , and Peter the Lords day following the fourteenth day of the moone . It is well said in the preface to the harmony of confessions ; that the old contention about the celebrating of Ester tossed very hotly the space of two hundred yeares or thereabout , betwixt the Greeks and the Latines , was long since of us thought worthy of laughter . Whitaker saith , n. Magnam quidem de hoc re olim fuisse contentionē sed sine causa : ut mirū sit de re tantilla , et pene nullius momenti tantas et tam graves fuisse dissentiones , wondring at their frivolous contention . The golden number invented to find out the new moone , for observing the right day , after that they accorded upon one day hath often failed , and notwithstanding of all the rules set downe by the Councill of Nice for uniformity in keeping the day , it hath been differently observed through mistaking , as Bellamine himselfe o confesseth . So God suffered the Christian world to wander , notwithstanding of their golden number ; to let the world see such customes had not his allowance . He suffered not the Iewes to wander in such incertainties , after he had appointed them unto the keeping of their Passeover . Lastly , they reason with Augustine , p á posteriori , that seeing the Lords Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , & comming down of the holy Ghost , is celebrated with anniversarie solemnity , through all the world , they must needs haue been ordained either by the Apostles , or by generall Councels . But so it is , that those dayes were solemnly kept before there was any generall Councell . It must follow therefore that the Apostles ordained them . Answer . Augustines dis-junction is not necessary : For many customes crept in , and prevailed thereafter universally , which were neither ordained by the Apostles , nor generall Councels . Socrates in his History sayth , q I am of opinion , that as many other things crept in of custome in sundry places , so the feast of Easter to haue prevailed among all people of a certain private custome and observation : insomuch that not one of the Apostles hath any where prescribed so much as one rule of it to any man. The successe & event hath manifestly declared unto the world , that of old it was observed , not of Canon , but of custome . And a little after , They that keepe Easter the 14. day of the moneth , bring forth Iohn the Apostle for their Authour . Such as inhabite Rome , and the West parts of the world , alledge Peter and Paul for themselues , that they should leaue such a tradition : yet there is none of them that can shew in writing any testimony of theirs for confirmation and proofe of that custome . Thus farre Socrates translated by Doctor Hanmer a formalist , for answer to Augustines rule . In the dayes of Iustinus Martyr , that is , in the midst of the second age after the Apostles , there is no mention made of any other holy day then the Lords day . In his second Apologie he seemeth to affirme , that the Christians had onely two times of publicke meetings : the one ordinary upon the Lords day : the other extraordinary and uncertaine , viz. when any was converted to the Christian faith , and baptized . As for the questions extant among Iustinus workes , the learned do not acknowledge them for his . In Augustins rule there is no mention of the nativity day . As for the other foure daies mentioned , put the case they were universally observed in Augustines time , that is , in the fift age after the Apostles , yet except they were perpetually observed , Augustines rule will not helpe them . If If they cannot proue Pasche to be Apostolicall , how will they proue the Penticost , the Passion , Ascension day to be Apostolicall ? There is Sermons extant amongst Cyprians workes upon the Passion and Ascension dayes . But Bellarmine himselfe confesseth these Sermons of Christs cardinall workes to be r suppesitions . The observing of the passion day brought into the kirk , set dayes of fasting , the Friday fast , Lenton fast , and a number of superstitions accompanying the said fastings together with the opinion of merit by fasting . Set anniversary fasts are condemned by our Divines . The right manner of fasting is to fast when some iudgement is imminent , some great worke to bee performed . And as for the private man , when hee is greatly tempted to sin , and cannot overcome his tentation , then is it fittest time for him to fast . The Paschall fasts were also abused for the Paschall communion following , as if Easter communion required greater preparation then any other communion in the yeare . The sixth Reason . If it had been the will of God , that the severall actes of Christ should haue been celebrate with severall solemnities , the Holy Ghost would haue made known to us the day of his Nativity , Circumcision , presentation to the Temple , Baptisme , Transfiguration , and the like . For it is kindly to remember Opus di●i in die sua , the worke of the day in the own day . This was the custome of old under the Law. Hooker sayth , That the wondrous works of God advanced the dayes & times , wherein they were wrought . Bellarmine sayth , That Christs acts did consecrate the dayes and times wherein they were wrought . If the principall workes of God advance some dayes above other , all the dayes of the yeare should be holy . If we should honour the memory of Christs actes , all dayes likewise should b● holy , because every one of them is full of his miracles , as Le● sayth , s Christ by his actions did no more consecrate the times wherein they were wrought , then his body did the Mang●r , or the Crosse. Not Christs action on a day , but his institution maketh a day holy . If Christs actions advance & consecrate the dayes whereon they were wrought , the dayes ought to be known . Otherwise it will fall out that we shall keepe the dayes holy that were never advanced no● consecrated either by Christs action or institution . But so it is , that the day of Christ nativity , and consequently the other dayes depending upon the calculation of the same , is hid from mortall men . That Christ was born the 25. day of December , is grounded upon an erroneous conceit that Zachary the father of Iohn Baptist was an high Priest , when as he was a Priest of one of the 24. orders , that is , of the order of Abijah . The Auncients made Iohn the Baptist to be conceiued the 24. of September , when Zachary as high Priest should haue offered up incense . And from the conception of Iohn they counted six full moneths to the conception of Christ , that is , to the 25. of March , when as they should haue counted but fiue full moneths . This opinion of Christs nativitie on the 25. day of December was bred at Rome . Scaliger sayth , t Post seculum Constantini , Romae haec observatio instituta & tempore Chrysostomi Constantinopolin derivata est , That this observation was instituted at Rome after Constantines time . Chrysostom in his Homilies upon the Nativity saith , That ten yeares agoe before the making of the sayd Homily , the 25. day of December , was made known to the Orientall Kirkes by the Occidentall , to haue been the day of Christs Nativity . Epiphanius testifieth , that hee was ignorant , that the Occidentall Kirk had ordained the 25. day of December to haue been the day of the Lords nativity , a little before hee made his booke against heresies . All the Kirkes of the East , and of Egypt , observed one day , for the nativity and baptisme of Christ upon the Epiphany day . Ambrose is the most ancient , who maketh mention of the 25. day of December , v sayth Scaliger . The diversity of the Ancients observing some the 6. of Ianuary . Some the 19. of Aprill . Some the 19. of May. Some the 25. of December , argueth that the Apostles never ordained it . Bellarmine nor no other can produce a writer for 300. yeares to testifie that the Nativity day was keept . Clemens Constitutions are known to be counterfet and late , as Scaliger proveth in the same place . Because they make mention of the 25. day of december which was not receaved in his time , namely , in the Orientall Kirk . By the same argument may the counterfeit Epistle of Theophilus be rejected , for it maketh likewayes the nativity to fall on the 25 , day of December , as a matter out of all doubt . Cyprians sermon on the Nativity is acknowledg by Bellarmine himselfe to be suppositious as I haue said before . Yee se then as God hid the body of Moses , so hath he hid this day and other dayes depending on the calculation of it , wherein he declared his wil concerning the other daies of his notabl● acts . To wit that not Christs action but Christs institution maketh a day holy . Bellarmine sayth , x Dies dominica refert nobis memoriam natalis Christi et resurrectionis ejusdem , et adventus Spirit us Sancti , nam Christ us die dominica nat us est , Christ was borne vpon the Lords day . If this be true , what needeth vs an anniuersarie day after a Iewish manner . They will not suffer the ordinary sabboth , that is Christs day , serue in a morall maner for vnknown dayes : but they will set vp a mysticall day vncertain and vnknown , and equall it with the Lords day , that is , the true Christs day institute by himself . Why should we follow antiquity blinded in this point , & fost●r a grosse error of Zacharius hie priesthood against the expresse word of God ? He was a Priest of the eight order : every order kept their course and station about the Temple from sabboth to sabboth 1. Chron. 9.25 . None of them incrhoched vpon oth●r , but kept the order set down by David ▪ and to that effect was made a severe Cannon Euery Priest or Levit , that medled with the function of another let him die the death as Scaliger reporteth out of their ancient lawes y Omnis sive Sacerdos sive Levita qui sese immiseuerit function alterius , capite luat . This order was so observed , that if any of the 24. families had failed either by famine or by the sword , the daily sacrifice ceased in the time of their function , and no other family would supply the roome . But from the instauration and dedication made by Iudas Maccabeus the 22. day of November , when the first family began to keepe their Station , there was no intermission of the daily sacrifice , no interruption of the courses , till the destruction of the Temple , as Scaliger proveth in the end of his a booke . By the calculation from the 22. of November at the dedication made by Maccabeus , he maketh Iohn the Baptist to be conceived after the 28. day of Iuly , and consequently Christs birth to fall out about the end of September , an hot time of the yeare , when the Shepheards were watching in the field . Casaubon a saith , That the custome of the Kirke of Alexandria doth wonderfully confirme the calculation of Scaliger . The day of the weeke when Christ was borne , can no mortall man know , sayth the same b. Scaliger . They who were of one family diuided the services among themselues , as it fell by lot : some fell to offer Incense , some to dresse the lampes , some to order the wood on the Altar , 1. Chron. 23.28.29.30.31 . And the booke of the Iewish Liturgies testifies the same . So you see how it fell Zachary to offer up incense , and that he was not high Priest. If antiquitie erred so grossely in the matter it selfe , that is , in taking the 25. day of December for the day of Christs nativity , might they not haue erred as grossely in appointing any day at all ? Nay let us utter the truth , December-Christmas is a iust imitation of the December-Saturnall of the Ethnicke Romans , and so used as if Bacchus , and not Christ were the God of Christians . It is commonly obiected , that we may as well keepe a day for the nativity as for the resurrection of Christ. We haue answered already , that Christs day or the Lords day , is the day appoynted for remembrance of his nativity , and all his actions and benefites , as well as for the resurrection . Next , the one is morall and weekly : the other is mysticall and anniversary . The Lords day it selfe is no longer to us mysticall , but morall , sayth c Willet : and therefore Pas●h-day is a mysticall Sabboth , and anniversary : whereas the Lords Sabboth should be onely morall . It is still objected , the benefits of God ought to be remembred , specially Christs notable benefits . Answ. It is one thing to remember , another thing to remember with solemne festivities . To remember is a morall duety and perpetuall : for we ought to keepe not onely an anniuersary , but also a weekly and dayly remembrance . But to celebrate an anniversary solemnity , and to keep a sabboth of rest in remembrance , it is a pedagogicall ceremonie of the Iewes . The Lord helped there vnderstanding with types and figures , their affections with instruments of Musick . Their memories with frontelets and Phylacteries to put them in mynd of Gods Law. But wee are to keepe sayeth lerome d not a literall by outward signes , but a spirituall memorie of Gods law . Euery thing set vp for remembrance of God is not acceptable to him : for so the Lutheran shall defend his images . As oft as the Gospell is preached , Christ is remembred . When the word is preached , Christ is crucified , and by the same reason , hee may be said to be borne , to rise againe , to ascend , &c. When the sacrament is ministred , Christs death and Passion is remembred , and that with solemnity . Wee cannot worship Christ privatly or publickly , but we must remember his birth and his passion . Pope Alexander 3. e gaue this reason , wherefore the Romane Kirk kept not a holy day to the Trinity , Quoniam Ecclesia Romana in usu non habet quod in aliquo tempore buiusmodi celebret specialiter festivitatem : cum singulis diebus gloria Patri & f●●io , & Spiritui Sancto , & coetera simitia dicantur ad laudem pertinentia Trenitalis . because faieth hee , Glorie to the father , and to the Sonne , and to the holy Ghost , and other such like things belonging to the praise of the trinity , are uttered daily . The Popes reason is grounded vpon this rule . Whatsoeuer is intreated or remembred in the ordinary divine service , ought not to haue one speciall holy day to celebrat the memory of the same , beside the day already discerned by the Lord. We assume , Christs nativity , death , resurrection , &c. Are not only the continuall meditation of a Christian in private ; but also are remembred , and intreated in the ordinary and publick service . Every communion sunday is a passion holy day . Euery sabboth that Christs nativity is preached , is a time of remembrance of his Natiuity . But to ordain an anniversary day , or houre of rest for commemoration of his nativity , or passion , and specially vpon a weeke day is a Iewish rudiment , and a prejudice to Christian libertie . As for the 5. day of November it is not an holy day . It is not a day of cessation from work , which is one of the chiefe elements of an holy day . The bonefires set out in token of joy are no part of Christian sanctification of the day . Bellarmine telleth vs , f Ignis accendi solet ad letitiam significandam etiam in rebus prophanis , that fire vseth to be kindled , even in ciuill and prophane things . Scaliger g calleth the candels and torches lightned vpon Midsomer even , the foote steps of auncient gentility . Anniversary commemoration of a benefite , with a cessation from worke , suppose for a part of a day is Iewish . To praise God with publick thankesgeving in the instant tyme of receiueing the benefit was our duetie , But to appoint an anniuersary houre of cessation and publicke commemoration , is not competent to the times of the new Testament . Willet compareth this day to the daies of Purim . Be it so , But these dayes were of a ceremoniall nature , as we haue said . The seventh Reason . Grant the keeping of holy dayes to haue been at the beginning a matter indiffrent , and setting aside all the former reasons , yet ought they to be abolished , because according to the rule of the Fathers , commended to us by Zanchius , Non malè igitur fecerunt qui omnia praeter diem Dominicum aboleverunt , Things indifferent , when they are abused and polluted with superstition , ought to be abolished . In this ranke he placeth holidayes , and therefore inferreth , that they haue not done evill , who haue abolished all other holidayes but the Lords day . When he sayth , They haue not done evill , it is all one as if he had sayd , They had done well : for they haue done according to that laudable rule . Sure it is , that in former times holidayes haue not onely been abused to i●lenesse and licentiousnesse , but also polluted with the opinion of worship , merit , necessity , and Iudaicall conceit , that the Divell did not tempt on these dayes , as he did on other dayes . Therefore the same Zanchius faith in the place aforesayd , If any feasts were celebrate before religiously and holily , but thereafter were contaminate with superstition and Idolatry , that worthily they were taken away by our Reformers , who imitate herein the example of Hezekias brusing to powder the brasen Serpent when it was abused to idolatry . And againe he sayth , The number , the abuses , the superstitions , the false worships , the will-worships of feasts so increased , that there is nothing in the Kirke so unsavoury to God , so pernicious to men , as to sanctifie such and so many dayes . We pretend that we place no part of Gods worship in the observation of dayes . But how can wee obserue a day to the honour of Christ , and not worship him by that observation ? That were to make his honour no honour . Wee vse to reason against the Papists after this manner . To dedicate daies to Saints is religious worship . Is it not then religious worship to dedicat a day to Christ ? yea surely , and wil-worship . And so they were not onely polluted with wil-worship , but are at this houre of themselues a meere wil-worship . The 8. Reason . That which lawfully hath been abolished by civile and Ecclesiasticall lawes , and by consent and uniforme practize in the contrary without interruption , and beyond the prescription of time allowed to things moueable ( put the case holy dayes were things moueable , and indifferent ) and hath been borne downe by sermons of all the most reverent Preachers since the reformation , corrected with censures , and abjured by publick oaths of Preachers and professors , cannot lawfully be received , and put in practize againe . Hooker and Saravia urged for maintenance of their ceremonies , Law , custome , prescription , and craveth that the impiety and unlawfulnes of their ceremonies be proved ; or els that the non-conformists conforme . May we not plead after the same manner for our former order so long established , and that they proue it was impious , and unlawfull before we make a change . And so much the rather , because we haue sworn . Our oath by it selfe bindeth more then Law , custome , and prescription : farre more when it concurreth with them . The assumption is evident by that which I haue already set downe in the beginning . If Zanchius aproved the abolition of holy dayes in some Kirks where they were , because they haue been poluted and grossely abused : much more would he and other divines knowing the trueth of our case think it unlawfull to reinduce them amongst us . The iudgement of the Reformed Kirkes . Of the ancient Kirks I haue spoken before . Some excuse the Ancients with good intention , because to winne the Gentiles they converted their dayes into Christian holy dayes . Others excused them with the circumstance of time , that dwelling among Paganes , they made profession before their eyes of Christs birth , Passion , resurrection &c. by observing such dayes . But the wisdome of their intention has proven folly , as the 7. reason maketh manifest . The like circumstance of time is not offered : Therefore we may not be excused . It is grosse ignorance to say that holy dayes were so many hundreth yeares before Papistry . For Papistry hath been in the Kirk ever since the dayes of the Apostles : yea the mystery of iniquitie was working in their times . The errors of the Orthodoxe Kirk were the beginnings of Papistry , at length they grew to a great masse . So how beit the whole lump was not formed , till the Antichrist came to his full strength , yet many particulars were entered before , and like brooks came into the great river . As the Antichrist was borne and did grow in yeares , so did Papistry . As for the reformed Kirks , except our neighbour Kirke , they haue abandoned dayes dedicate to Saints . Some admit dayes dedicate to Christ , some two , some fiue : But not with the full consent and good liking of the learned , But either forced by the authority of the Magistrate , or wilfulnes of the people , or because remaining in the midst of their enimies , they are not permitted otherwayes to do . Farrellus and Viret removed all holy dayes out of the Kirk of Geneva , as Calvin testifies . The same decree which banished Farellus and Caluin out of Geneva brought in other holy dayes . They were all again abrogate except the sabboth day . Howsoever after came in the keeping of Pasche and the Nativity . Caluin was so far from liking of holy dayes , that he was flandered of intention to abolish the Lords day . The Belgick Kirks in their Synod holden at Dost anno 1578. wished , that onely the Lords day might be celebrate . Yea Luther himselfe in his booke de bonis operibus , set forth anno 1520. wished that there were no feast dayes among Christians , but the Lords day . And in his booke to the Nobilitie of Germanie , he saith , Consultum esse ut omnia festa aboleantur , solo Dominico die retento . It were expedient that all feast dayes were abrogate , the Lords day only retained . Howsoever forraigne divines in their Epistles & Councels speak somtime sparingly against holy dayes , when their advice was sought of Kirks newly risen out of Popery , and greatly distressed : they never advised a Kirke to resume them where they were removed , neither had they leasure to consider narrowly the corruption of every errour , that prevailed in their time , the work of reformation was so painfull to them . I wish therefore that the judicious Reader would ponder the reasons set down in this treatise . As for our neighbour Kirk standing in the midest betwixt the Roman and reformed Kirks as Bucerus once said is more liberall in their feasts , as in other ceremonies , then the other reformed Kirks as Gretzerus the Iesuit hath observed . Calvino-Papistae Angli ut in aliis quae ad ritus et ceremonias pertinent , longe liberaliores sunt quam puritani in Gallia , Germania , Belgia : ita et in festis retinendis longe largiores . They obserue not onely the fiue holy dayes already mentioned , but other dayes also dedicate to Christ. The feast of circumcision was not remembred in the Kalendars , but within this 500. year . Nazianzen is the first that maketh mention of the Epiphanie day . Neither was it institute at the first for the wise men . There is no homily of any farther extent for the feast of purification before the dayes of Iustinian . The feast of the Trinitie was not keept at Rome it selfe in the dayes of Alexander the 3. They keepe also a number of Sancts dayes : so that their dayes in number are moe , then the Iewes themselues observed . The reasons already alledged against dayes dedicate to Christ , may serue also against dayes dedicate to Sancts and Angels . We may looke assuredly that the fiue dayes presently urged will bring in all the rest , to make up our Conformity with our neighbour Kirk , which to us is not lawfull . They were never remoued from amongst them : we haue abandoned and abjured them . If the Apostle reproved the Galatians so sharply that beginning in the spirit , they returned to the flesh , that is to the ceremonies of Moses Law , some time ordained by God , what reproofe deserue we after wee haue begun in the Spirit , and runne so well , and so long , if we returne to human traditions & superstitiōs . To cōclude then , to esteem one day aboue another in respect of any mystery certainly known , or commonly reputed to haue been wrought upon that day . To testifie this estimation by cessation from worke . To devise a particular service to be done upon it accounting that forme or part of service acceptable to God , because it is performed on that day : is to obserue a day : and in this maner doe we obserue anniversary dayes . The same consideration may be applyed to an anniversary houre . Of Confirmation . Imposition of hands , was a ceremony used in personall prayers and blessings before the Law , under the Law , and under the Gospell , Iacob imposed hands on the sonnes of Ioseph when he blessed them Gen. 48. Moses layd his hand upon Ioshua his successor ; Numb . 27. The elders that were admitted to be Councellours in the great Synedrion , were admitted with imposition of hands . The Rabbins were promoved to their high degree of doctorship , by imposition of hands . In the new testament we read , that Christ layed on hands on the children whom he blessed ; Math. 19.13 . The Apostles gaue the gifts of tongues , Prophesying , and working of miracles , by imposition of hands : Act. 8. the faithfull indued with the gift of healing , and casting out devils , layed on hands on the persons cured . Mark. 14. office-bearers in the Kirk were receaved with imposition of hands . Act. 6. 1. Tim. 4. Paul and Barnabas when they were sent forth in a special embassage , were commended to the grace of God by imposition of hands : Act. 13. when the Chatechumenists wer throughly catechised , they were admitted to the society of the communicants by imposition of hands , Heb. 6. Imposition of hands used in so divers actions , civile and religious , was no Sacrament , for who will admit , that the inauguration of Magistrates and Doctors , or admission of rulers to be Counsellers , is a sacrament ? it was only a simple rite , and signe of limitation or restraint , specifying , or setting forth , the party , on whom wee desire God to powre his blessing : that is , it was only an indicant and demonstratiue signe of the person on whom the blessing was powred , and not a significant or declaratiue signe of the blessing or grace it selfe bestowed . A signification may indeed be devised , as some divise this analogie betwixt it and the thing signified ; that the imposition of the hand , doth in some sort resemble the hand of God streatched forth for the protecting , assisting , and safe keeping , of the party : and so it may be signum factum , a signe , made and accommodate to signifie such a thing : but it is not signum destinatum , a signe instituted by God to signifie such a thing , for we haue no warrant for such a signification in all the Scripture . The imposition of hands mentioned . Act. 8. was not ordinary , but extraordinary and temporary . The Apostles gaue the extraordinary giftes , of tongues , prophecy , and such like , for they were seene of them that stood by , and served for a general confirmation of the truth of their doctrine . The gift of sanctification and strength against all temptations of sin , and assaults of the Devill , is a grace invisible , serving for the confirmation of every Christian in particular , and bestowed onely upon the faithfull ; whereas the former gifts called gratiae gratis datae by the Schoolemen , might haue been bestowed upon persons unsanctified , this place maketh a nothing for confirmation . The confession of Wirtemberge hath these words , Of a temporall and personall fact of the Apostles , a generall and perpetuall sacrament cannot be ordained in the Kirk without a special command of God. By the Spirit then bestowed , is meant , not the sanctifying Spirit , but the extraordinary gifts of the spirit : for no doubt the Spirit was given when Philip preached and baptized , except we will beleeue that the Eunuch was baptized by Philip without the spirit . b Nisi fortè Eunuchus à Philippo Diacono sine Spiritu sancto baptizatus fuisse credendus est . Peter and Iohn bestowed the spirit in another manner , to wit , in an extraordinary manner : These extraordinary gifts of the Spirit are called simply the Spirit , not onely in this place , but also Act. 19. and Iohn 7. The Spirit was not , because Christ was not as yet glorified . The Imposition of hands mentioned Heb. 6.2 . is exponed by Theophilactus to be that wonderfull imposition of hands by the which they received the Spirit to prophesie and worke miracles . Others expone it to bee the imposition of hands ordinatory , or consecratory of Ministers in their office . A third sort take it for an ordinary and common rite , whereby the catechised were initiate , and entred into the society of the communicants . Let this third interpretation be admitted as the greatest ground of confirmation , it will not serue their turn . The Apostle opponeth the doctrine of the beginning , that is , the catecheticall doctrine of repentance from dead workes , faith , and resurrection of the dead , and eternall iudgement , to the doctrine of perfection . The Catechumenists were either Infidels of perfect age , converted to the faith , or else the children of Christians come to perfect age . The first sort were tried of their sufficient knowledge in the Catecheticall doctrine , before they were baptized and admitted to the communion . The second sort were tried before they were admitted amongst the number of communicants . They were before in Ecclesia foederatorum , in the Kirk of the covenant : they entred in Ecclesiam adultorum into the society of the elder sort , after triall of their sufficient knowledge , by a recommendation of the Kirk ; the ceremony whereof was imposition of hands . c The ancient Kirke received penitents within the bosome of the Kirke by imposition of hands : and it was called Impositio manuum reconciliatoria . Siclike Heretickes and Schismatickes were received with imposition of d hands . And this was done before the e communion : whereby we may see that imposition of hands was nothing else but a gesture of personall prayer , and blessing , whereby they entred or re-entred into the society of the communicants . Bellarmine f acknowledgeth that the imposition of hands reconciliatory , was not a consecration imprinting a character ; but a ceremony furthering prayer , or a prayer upon the person . As it was nothing else but a gesture of prayer in the re-entry , so was it onely a gesture of prayer in the entry . The reformed Kirkes obserue the same order in admitting to the Lords table , either the children of Christians , or strangers from other parts : they admit them not but with prayers , and after due examination of their knowledge , and personall profession of the known truth . The Kirk of Scotland at the first reformation ordained , that children should be examined for the first time , at the ninth year of their age ; for the second , at the twelft ; for the third at the fourteenth : & since hath practised continual examination in the Catecheticall doctrine , with prayers reiterate , for their growth in knowledge and Sanctification ; and without sufficient tryall they were not admitted to the Lords table . And this was thought sufficient , to unite the baptized with the society of the communicants . The gesture of imposition of hands other reformed Kirks , and ours also , haue omitted : because it was a rite indifferent : for it was but an indicant signe of the person admitted : and because it hath been , and is still abused to make up a bastard Sacrament ; the Sacrament of confirmation , which we haue condemned , not only in the confession of faith , but also in the confession of Helvetia approved in the generall Assembly holden at Edinburgh Anno 1566. And thirdly , because this gesture of personall prayer is omitted in other cases , as reconciling of Penitents , Schismatiks , and Converts , even where Confirmation is used , that the world may see , it is not used by them in confirmation as a gesture of personall prayer and blessing , but to a further intent . Imposition of hands was not called Confirmation vntill it was turned into a sacrament . This name of Confirmation was giuen of old , not only to the action of anoynting the forehead of the baptized with chrisme in the forme of a crosse : but also , to the giving of the cup to the communicants . g . But at this day it is vsed only in the first sense . and howbeit the oylie crosse be remoued , yet the corruptions which came in with it , remaine still with the imposition of hands , the only sensible matter , that is , the essence of this Sacrament in the opininion of many Schoolemen . It is said , that hy imposition of hands and praier , the baptized receaue strength and defence against all temptations to sinne , and the assaults of the world and the devill , in confirmation . And againe , that it is a signe to certifie the confirmed of Gods favour and gratious goodnes toward them is it not then a seale , let be a signe indicant , or a simple gesture of praer ; Bellarmine maketh Imposition of hands and prayer , but one sensible signe in the Sacrament of confirmation , doeth not Mr. Hutton say likewise , that Imposition of hands is one of the external means by the which the H. Ghost is giuen ? and howbeit that prayer haue the cheefe force , yet Imposition of hands hath some also , otherwise , saith hee , What needed Peter and Iohn to haue travelled to Samaria ? they might haue prayed in Ierusalem for the holy Ghost to the Samaritans . The grace receaued in confirmation , is called strength , and defence against all temptations to sin , and the assaults of the wo●ld and the deuill . In baptisme the grace receaved is for the f●rgiu●nes of sinnes . Doe not the papists distinguish after the same maner betwixt baptisme and confirmation that the holy ghost is giuen in baptisme , to remission of sinnes , life and Sanctifi●ations and in confirmation for force , strength , and corroboration to fight against all our spirituall enemies , and to stand constantly in confession of our faith even to death , in times of persecution , either of the heathen or of hereticks , with great increase h of grace . Hooker sayeth , i that in baptisme infants are admitted to liue in Gods family , but in cōfirmation they are inabled to fight in the army of God , and bring forth the fruits of the holy Ghost . Doct●r Hackwel k saith that as in baptism they beleue remission of sins vnto justificatiō , so in confirmation , they are imboldned to make open profession of this beleefe vnto salvation doth not his opposition between baptisme and confirmation jumpe just with the opposition made by the Papists who make the principall grace of confirmation , strengh to professe the faith in time of persecution ? The Papists say , the comforter promised by Christ to his Kirk , was bestowed in the Sacrament of confirmation . Is not the like said in the prayer before Confirmation ; The papists say , that in confirmation they receiue the seuen fold grace of the holy spirit : wisedom , counsell , strength , knowledge , vnderstanding , godlines , feare : is not the like said in the praier before the laying on of hands ; D. Hackwell l sayeth that which the grace of the spirit hath alreadie begun in baptisme , is confirmed and perfited in confirmation . Is not this iust the popish opinion , that he is not a perfite Christian who is not confirmed ? That Novatus because he was not confirmed , had not all his Christendom : that the vnuction of confirmation is the perfitting vnction . and are not all these oppositions derogations from baptisme and the Lords Supper ; Christian valour and courage to resist the divill , and to professe the trueth , is it not a part of that life , and Sanctification giuen in baptisme ; are not the giftes of the holy spirit given after baptisme , as a continuall performance of the promise of Gods assistance sealed vp in baptisme ; In baptisme we put on Christ and all his benifits , we enter into Gods armie as well as into his familie , abrenuncing the world and the devill . Concilium Mileuitanum . m sayeth . Qui dicit baptismum in remissionem peccatorum dari tantum , non etiam in adjutorium gratiae anathema sit . Let him be anathema , who sayth that baptisme is giuen to the remission of sinnes and not to the help of future grace . Chrisostome saieth , n the baptized was anoynted as one that was to enter into a ●ace . Is not the Lords Supper the true Sacrament of confirmation of our faith , as well as confirmation of Charity ; If imposition of hands were onely a gesture of prayer , for strength , then it might and ought to be reiterate according to Augustine saying , o Manus autē impositio non sicut baptismus repeti non potest quid enim est aliud nisi oratio super hominem . For we haue often need to be strengthned . The Papists say , that impositions of hands in confirmation , is an effectuall signe of grace , imprinting an indeleble charactar , and therefore it may not be reiterate , neither do they reiterate it . In the catechisme before confirmation , it is said , that there are two only Sacraments generally necessary to salvation . Is there other Sacraments beside howbeit not necessary ; Estius p sayeth , that the custome of the universall Kirk , doth proue sufficiently that confirmation is not necessary to saluation ; otherwise the godly and carefull mother the Kirk , would not neglect to see this sacrament Ministred to the baptized at the point of death . The Sacrament of confirmation was given of old immediatly after baptisme to all of whatsoeuer condition , or estate , q euen to infants , & when the litle ones were confirmed they had godfathers & godmothers , as they haue yet in papisticall Kirkes . Aug. r saith , Quando imposumus manus ist is infantibus altendit unusquisque vestrum utrum linguis loquerentur . When we layd hands on their infants ye waited whether they would speak with tongues . The Papists themselues will not imitate this toy of antiquity and yet they are little better in deferring confirmation onely to the seventh yeare of their age . Our late act . made at the last pretended assembly , ordeineth children of eight years of age to be catechised , and presented to the Bishop to lay hands vpon them . We must be like our neighbours , whether there be reason or no. Is it time to enter the Societie of the communicants and doctrine of perfection , as soone as they can rehearse like parrots , a little catechisme ? we must haue god-fathers and god-mothers in confirmation , also well as our neighbours . When the neoterick writers speak of confirming the catechised by the rite of Imposition of hands , they take imposition of hands for a signe , of the Kirk confirming them in their possession by her approbation , and not for a signe and seale of the spirite confirming and strengthening . Of Bishoping . WE haue abjured Episcopall government , and therfore we can not lawfully admit Episcopall confirmation , giving and not granting their office were lawfull , and that they haue gotten a lawfull calling by the Kirk to the sayd office : thirdly that we were free of our oath : and fourthly that confirmation were to be allowed , whether as a ceremony , or as a sacrament , yet it is damnable presumption to appropriate unto themselues the duty that belongeth to all Pastors . They alledge some similitudes for their purpose : it appertaineth to the Captaine to take up the role of the souldiers , and furnish them with armor , the shepheard should mark his owne sheep &c. As if every Minister were not a Captaine in the Lords Army and a shepheard feeding the flock concredite to him Bonaventura s confesseth In talibus nempe rationibus & convenientijs magis locum habet congruitas quam necessitas quia institutio necessitatem facit precipuè . That there is no necessity , but congruity in such reasons , and that institution cheifly maketh necessity . as for the congruities they agree as well to simple Ministers as to Bishops . Bellarmine himself saith t Non necessario id requirit natura rei quasi aliter sieri non posset , sed quia voluit Dominus hac re honorare episcopalem dignitatem . That the nature of the thing it selfe doth not necessarily require it , but onely that the Lord wil honor Episcopall dignity by it , they are forced therefore to forsake their reasons and congruitie as unsufficient : and to take them to the will and institution of the Lord. Our first reason then against them , is , the want of institution or example in the Scripture . They can alledge no other place Act. 8. where Peter and Iohn are sent to Samaria to impose hands on those who had bin baptized by Philip. If Phillip might haue done it , what needed the Apostles to haue travelled to Samaria for that purpose ? none but Apostles imposed hands : Bishops are the only successours of the Apostles . Answer . giving and not granting that Bishops are the Apostles successours , first it is untrue that the Apostles only imposed hands , when the holy Ghost was bestowed : for Ananias layed hands on Paul Act. 9.17 . he not onely cured him of his blindnes but also said the Lord hath sent me unto thee , that thou mayest be filled with the holy Ghost . 2. Peter and Iohn were sent , not onely to impose hands , but generally to advance the work begun by Philip. 3. There is no imposition of handes mentioned in that place , but extraordinary , and onely extraordinary effects are reckoned , as hath already been said . They exercised this extraordinary power not as Bishops , but as Apostles . Bishops are not their successours in their extraordinary power , for then they might giue the gift of tongues and prophecying . 4. Admitting that imposition of hands to haue been ordinary , and accompanied at that time with miraculous gifts , as accessory to the strengthning grace of confirmation ; it followeth not that the Bishops succeed only to the Apostles in the said ordinary part of their power : because the Apostles being both Bishops and Presbyters , the text maketh not manifest , whether they imposed hands as Presbyters or as Bishops as Durandus v saith Ex illo textu non est clarum an Apostoli confirmaveri●t tanquam Episcopi vel tanquam sacerdotes : sacri etiam canones hoc cl●●e non determinant . Augustine x saith plainly they did it as Preists . 5. Philip the Evangelist could not doe it , and will Bishops presume that they can doe more then Philip the Evangelist , the truth is it was an extraordinary and wonderfull power exercised by the Apostles . Next confirmation belongeth not to the power of jurisdiction , but of order . Bishops and Presbyters are equall in the power of order , as not onely many schoolmen of old but also some of our opposits of late do acknowledge . If they wil say that they differ only in the exercise of rhis power ; it may be easely answered , that a power granted , and never permitted to be put in execution agreeth not with the wisdome of Christ as Swarez sayth , In Aquin part . 3. quaest . 27. Si presbyteri ex vi sua ordinationis haberent sufficient ●m potestalem ordinis ad hoc sacramentum ministrandum sine causa in universum prohiberentur illud conferre . Thirdly , they may impose hands in ordination , therfore they may doe it also in confirmation . Armacanus reasoneth after this manner out of 1. Tim. 4.14 . Fourthly , they may minister the Lords Supper , therefore they may minister it also , for it is not more excellent then the Sacrament of the Supper . Hierome reasoneth after this maner z . Fiftly the Sacraments that are for the vtility of the people ought not to be reserved , to the Bishop , because it may often fall out that the people depart without this benefit , which they might easely haue had at home . Sixtly , we haue the testimony of the ancients . Hierome a saith it was the custom in the orient , in Ilyricum , in Italy , in Africa , and in all places in the Apostles time . Ambrose b saith Apud Egiptum Presbyteri consignant si presens non sit Episcopus . that the Presbyters consigned , that is , confirmed in Egipt , if the Bishop was not present . Augustine saith the like c in the decretales d it is said that simple Preists at Constantinople according to the custome , did minister the Sacrament of confirmation . Turrianus reporteth that the Grecians reproue the Latines because they inhibit Preists to anoint the foreheads of the baptized with chrisme , as Swarez testified in the place aboue cited . And the Councile of Florence e saith Apud Grecos sacerdotes non Episcopi chrismant . that the Preists make Chrisme : to make Chrisme is more then to confirme with Chrisme . Hierom f saith , If the holy Ghost should come downe onely at the prayer of the Bishop , th●se were to be lamented which in prisons , or Castels , or in far places , being baptised by Preists & Deacons , die before the Bishop visit them . The Armenians affirmed that it was lawfull to any Preist to confirme the baptized g If Bishops did confirme in respect of their Episcopall , and not their Preistly consecration , then the Pope can not dispence in this case and giue a simple commission to that effect : but so it is that the Pope hath dispensed in this case . Gregory excuseth him self to Ianuarius with the custome of his owne Kirk for discharging the Preists in the I le of Sardinnia , to confirme ; but he recalled his discharge , when he perceaved that offence arose thereupon . Rurall Bishops and Abbots did sometime confirm , if we speak regularly ; rurall Bishops and Abbots were but simple Preists . Hooker h confesseth that baptisme and confirmation went commonly together . I demand then if the Bishop was present at the baptisme of every one within his diocesse . Our opposits are forced to confesse , that it is not the proper and essentiall part of a Bishops office , but it was given them for honor of their preisthood , according to the saying of Hieromie neither was this universall in Hieromes time , for he saith Multis in locis id esse tantum factum reperimus ad honorem potiùs sacerdotij quam ob legis necessitatem . In many places , not all places it was so i their honour proved prejudicall to the will of the Kirk . Balthasar Lydius saith k it was untolerable superstition that the Priest might annoint the breist and the shoulder , but all behoued to abstein from the forhead , except only the Bishop . Beda l saith Confirmatio propter arrogantiam non est concessa singulis sacerdotibus sicut et multa alia . That for the arrogancie of Bishops , confirmation and many other things were not permitted to Preists . This appropriation of confirmation to Bishops hath made confirmation that is my Lord Bishops baptisme , to be preferred to the Lords baptisme , parents must bring their children to them many miles , as if the holy Ghost could no where breath but from their fingers . they will scarce once in three yeare goe to them , and so great numbers depart this life without confirmation . They vilipend in their deeds , that which they magnifie in their words , and the solemne entrance into the society of the communicants which should be made at home in presence of their owne congregation , is taken away with their Lordly Bishoping . I end with the saying of Tindal , m After that Bishops had left preaching then sained they this dumbe ceremony of confirmation , to haue somewhat at the leastway whereby they might reign over their Diocese . They reserved unto themselues also the christning of bels , and conjuring , or hollowing of Churches and Churchyards and of alters and superalters , and hallowing of chalices , and so forth whatsoeuer is of honor or profite , which confirmations , and the other conjurations also , they haue now committed to their suffragans : because they themselues haue no leasure to minister such things for their lusts and pleasures and abundance of all things , and for the cumbrance that they haue in the Kings matters and busines of the Realmes . One keepeth the privie seale , another the great seale , the third is confessor that is to say a privie traytor and a secret Iudas he is presedent of the Prince his Councel , he is an Embassadour ; an other sort of the Kings secret Counsell . Woe is unto the Realmes , where they are of the Counsell , As profitable are they verily unto the Realmes with their Councill , as the woules unto the sheep , or the foxes unto the geese , thus farre . Tindall . Of the Administration of the Sacraments in priuate places IN the ninth head of the first booke of discipline , it was thought expedient , that baptisme be ministred vpon the ordinary dayes of preaching : not that it is unlawfull to baptise whensoeuer the word is preached : but to remoue a grosse error wherewith many are deceived , thinking that children be damned if they die without baptisme , and to make the people hold the administration of the Sacraments in greater reverence . In the order of baptisme set dovn before the Psalmes in metre , it is said , that the Sacraments are not ordained of God to be vsed in priuate corners , as charmes or sorceries ; but left to the Congregation and necessarily annexed to Gods word , as seales of the same . In the Assembly holden at Edinburgh anno . 1581. in October , it was ordained that the sacraments should not be ministred in private houses , but solemnly , according to the good order hitherto observed , vnder the paine of deposition , In the confession of faith the cruell judgement against infants departing without the sacrament , and the absolute necessity of baptisme are damned . This lawdable order hitherto observed , was altered in the late pretended Assembly holden at Perth . where was made an act anent the administration of baptisme in priuate houses , when necessity requireth . Item , an act anent the administration , and giuing of the holy communion in private houses to sick and infirme persons . A Sacrament is a publick action , to be performed publickly , by publick ministers : neither can any necessity or sufficient cause be alledged , wherefore any sacred and publick action , should passe in priuate : Because Gods ordinance is to vs a Supreame law and necessity , which we ought to obey rather then foster popular ignorance and infirmity . These are Tilenus words . a The Sacraments were appointed , not onely to be signes and seales of invisible graces , bvt also to be testimonies before the world of our piety and thankfulnes towards God , and badges of our profession , distinguishing true Kirks from false . All Sacraments are certain kindes of protestations of our faith sayeth Aquinas . b They ought therefore to be conspicuous and publick . We haue spirituall and invisible fellowship and communion with the whole Kirke . Outwardly we professe the same faith and kind of worship , but we doe not communicate with the whole Kirk in the publick exercises of religion and ministration of the Sacraments , except only mediatly in some particular congregation . Visible communion in the holy things of God , is the end of our vnion and consociation with a particular Kirke . That which we may not attain to in our communion with the whole Kirke militant immediatly ? we do it mediatly in our communion with a particular congregation . This communion ought not to be violate . The minister in ministration of the Sacraments , hath not the only and cheife interest , but togither with the minister , the kirk witnessing , consenting , approving , and concurring with praier and thanksgiving . He is the mouth , but he is not all . The keies of the sacraments are giuen to the Kirke , howbeit the exercise and dispensation of them bee concredited to the pastours . c All other actions which concerned the whole Kirk , were done with consent , and in presence of the Kirke : as elections , ordinations , excommunications . By the same reason ought the Sacraments to be ministred with consent , and in presence of the Kirk , seeing they are workes of publick nature , and publick fruit belonging to all . Sacraments ought to be preserved from contempt , neglect , and corruption . The Sacraments are irreligiously handled , when they are ministred in private places : The Imperiall constitution in Iustinian d dischargeth that holy things be ministred in private houses . Not onely are the Sacraments ministred irreligiously in priuate , brought in contempt , and the publik vse neglected ▪ but also hereticks take occasion to corrupt the pure administration of the Sacraments by these privie practises , The Sacraments are not tyed to the materiall Kirkes made of dead stones , but the Kirke made of liuely stones . If therefore the congregation bee in a woode , a house , or a Caue , the Sacraments may bee ministred in a house , a woode or a caue . But then the Sacraments are ministred , not in priuate but in publick because they are ministred in the sight of the whole Congregation . Christs promise to be in the midst of two or three conuened in his name , cannot be extended to the administration of the Sacraments : for then where two only are convened , the communion might be ministred , and so the priuate masse defended . Christ reasoneth onely from the lesse to the more . If he will heare the prayers and ratifie the censures of two or thre , farr more of the whole Kirk . Baptisme is a ceremonie initiatory of our entrance into the bosome of some visible congregation , or as Caluine sayeth e It is a sacred and solmne introduction into the Kirke of God , and is a testimony of our heauenly burgesship , vnto the which those are written vp , whom he adopteth to himselfe , It ought therefore to be publick . Baptisme is a signe of Christian profession before the world ; it is called therefore the stipulation or interrogation of a good conscience . 1. Peter . 3. it ought therefore to be publick . The Congregation should make fruit of the ministration of Baptisme , in remembring their owne baptisme , and the promises made in baptisme repeated unto them : it ought therefore to be publick , seeing the comfort and benefite in some respects should be common . Not only the parents , but the Kirk presents the infant before God and concurreth with the minister in prayer for the saluation of the infant , as Tertullian sayeth , vt manu facta ambire gratiam pro baptizando possumus . It ought therefore to be publick . Priuate baptisme hath sprong of the opinion of the necessity of baptisme , and doth still foster the same damnable opinion . In the ancient Kirk two solemne times were appointed for baptisme , to wit , Pasche and Pentecost , whereby many died without baptisme . f many delayed baptisme till their latter age . The Clinicall baptismes , that is baptismes in the bed were not of that accompt that publick baptisme had . When the opinion of the necessity of priuate baptisme prevailed , then followed many absurdities , the defence of baptisme by women , baptisme by a pagane , baptisme with puddly water , and disputation whether the mother should be baptized for the safety of the infant in the mothers belly , that is , whether they should be renati antequam nati , get the sacrament of the second birth , before they get the first birth . In private baptisme the doctrine of baptisme is omitted , for hast to saue the soule of the infant , as is thought , and so the Sacrament is not ministred according to the dignity of it : and this hath bredd a negligent and carelesse ministration of baptisme in publick . The Trullian Synod g decreed , that baptisme Nullatenus , in no case be ministred in a priuate oratory if it be done otherwise , let the Clergie-man be deposed , the laikes excommunicate , If in no case , where was then the case of necessitie ? Private baptisme hath bred a new kind of baptisme , that is , a baptisme by supposition . For if the childe baptized in private convalesse they baptize it over again , in case they doubt it was baptized in a right forme , saying , If thou be not baptized , N. I baptise thee in the name of the Father , &c. What if the childe was already baptized ? is not the publicke baptisme rebaptization ? but the decree of Alexander the third is warrant sufficient for this conditionall baptisme . Baptisme was solemne in the primitiue Kirk , as we may read of Iohn baptized in Iordan , and Christs Disciples baptizing , and the new Converts in the Actes : some were not baptized in any visible Kirke , because they had not the occasion , as the Eunuch , and the Centurion . No man will deny but in the infancy of a Kirke , a private baptisme may be tolerated : but we speak of a Kirke constituted . When the Kirk of God was in families , no wonder that circumcision was ministred in families : but after that the Kirke was constituted among Gods people , the ministration of circumcision was publick , and is at this day ministred in the Synagogue , where a Synagogue is to be had . The Lord appoynted a precise day for circumcision , which might not be prevented . It was no wonder therefore if they had not ever opportunity of a solemne convention . There is no precise day set down for baptisme . The mark of circumcision howbeit secret , was permanent , and easily tried , baptisme is not so . The Kirk therefore ought to be assured of the baptisme of such as are reputed fellow-heires with whom they must haue the communion of Saints and visible cōmuniō of holy exercises . As any particular member is cut off from their fellowship by excōmunication with consent , and in the presence of the Kirk , 1. Cor. 5 4.5 . so ought every particular member be received in their fel. lowship with their knowledge and consent convened together . The Lords Supper ought to be publicke , we haue a spirituall union with the whole Kirke ; but because it is not possible to celebrate a sacramentall communion with the whole Kirk militant , the Lord hath appoynted us to celebrate a sacramental communion with some particular Kirke . We that are many , are one bread , and one body , because we are partakers of one bread , 1. Cor. 10.17 . We cannot then be one body sacramentally , except wee bee partakers of one bread . Other feasts may be private in private houses , but the Lords Supper ought to be publicke , 1. Cor. 11.12 . When yee convene to eate , tarry one for another , 1. Cor. 11.33 . Synaxis a word signifying as much as Synagogue , was one of the names given of old to this sacrament . This sacrament is a bond of loue , a sinew of publick assemblies , a badge of our publick profession . The Kirkes interest , the dignity of the sacrament , and other generall reasons before mentioned , may be applied in particular to this sacrament , to proue that the ministration thereof ought to be publicke . The communion was sent to the sicke in the time , or immediatly after the action in Iustinus Martyr his time . It became afterward to be reserued for the use of dying persons . Augustine who misconstrued Ioh. 3.5 . for the necessity of baptisme , did also misconstrue the words of Iohn 6. Except a man eate the flesh , &c. for the necessity of the Eucharist . This erroneous opinion of the necessity of the Eucharist , made the ancients to giue it not only to aged persons departing this life for their Vi●ticum , that is , their voyage uictuals , but also to infants and babe● , and that for the space of six hundred yeares : yea some put the Eucharist into the mouthes of the dead , lest they should want their voyage victuall . Such horrible prophanations of the holy Sacrament proceeded of this opinion of necessity : and yet in all antiquity we read not that the communion was celebrated at the sick mans bed side . The consecrated bread was onely sent to him . Clinicall communions haue not onely bred , and still do foster the opinion of absolute necessity , but also of opus operatum , of a preposterous confidence in the last voyage victuall , of coldnesse in the publike service of God , when we are in health , of distrust of our salvation , if we want it at that time . Calvin sayth , h Difficillimum est hic cavere ne alios superstitio , alios ambitio & vana ostentatio ad petendum sollicitet . They say the sick should not be left destitute of comfort . This reason ariseth of the opinion of necessity , as if there were no other meanes to comfort the sick , , or as if the comfort of the publick communion indured onely for the present time , and not for the time to come . There is a faire occasion offered , Iam. 5. of private communion , and yet there is no mention made of it in that place . If the vow , and desire of baptisme may supply the want of baptisme , then may also the vow and desire of the Eucharist doe the like ; seeing the Rh●mists i acknowledge , that they do eate the flesh and drinke the bloud of Christ , which ioyne in heart , and desire , with the partakers of the Sacrament . To communicate spiritually and mystically , is necessary , but not sacramentally , when it cannot be done conveniently , and without breach of order . Some Diuines condiscend thus farre , that the communion may be sent to the sick in the time of the publicke action . But Tilenus sayth , k Whatsoever necessity be pretended , scarce any sufficient cause can be rendred , wherefore the publicke action should passe in private , because the ordinance of God is of supreme necessity . The comforts of the infirme ministred out of order , doth rather foster the publike infirmity of the Kirk , then heale the private infirmity of the sicke . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A17583-e3510 a lib. 1. de missa cap. 1. b In Met c. 26.20 , c de emendat . temporum . lib. 6. d Annot. in Mat. 26.20 e Lib. 6. p. 534. f De emendat . temp . lib. 6. p. 539 g Tametsi agnum typi●um dominus ●tans comederit ritu legis , sedens samen communicavit . h Desence pag. 248. i De Eucharist . l. 4. c. 24. k De legitimousu Eucharist . cap. 7. 1. Cor. 8.10 . l Obedience p. 460 m Epist. 11● De Triclivio Discourse of kneeling . p. 1351 Epist. 59. ad Paulinum . Epist. 2. In Mat. 26 s Lib. 3. de consensu Evang . t in Mat. 26 u Desensio harmoniae generalis . x Harmon . Evang. lib. 4 cap. 156. y Obedience pag. 495. z Of privat Masse , division 8. a Pag. 477 b Stromat . lib. 1. c Apol. 2. d Part. 3. quaestr 82. art . 3. f De consecrat . dist , 2. ●eracta . * saith Pareus in 1. Cor. 11. g Defence of Perkins 2. part . pag. 1180. h Contra Faust. lib. 14 c. 11. i Contra 2. epist. Pelag. lib. 3. cap. 4. k In Aquinatem . Tom. 1. Disput 51 sect . 3. Lib. de civ . Dei. lib , 10. cap. 4. m De trinit . lib. 3. c. 10. n Fo●mulae lib. 1. o Preterita . 1. Cor. 1.4 p Discourse of kneeling pag. 124. q De iimaginibus cap. 20 r in Aquin. Tom. 1. disp . 54. sect . 3. s ibid. disput . 53. sect . disp . 54. sect . 4 t Idolatry . p. 677.678 u Idolatry pag. 677.678.700 701. x In Mat ▪ 6. y Sine stat●●nibus non subsisteret mundus . z Pag. 95. a Idolatry pag. 70● . b De Missa ▪ l. 2. c. 4. c Cyril . ep● 10. con . Nestor . in cō●cil . Ephesin● d Exercit. pag. 517. e On Ionas ●n . 6. f Epist. 8. g Lib. 1. ep . 11. h Cap. 13. i Tom. 1. Disp. 51. sect . 1. k Pag. 130 l 2.2 . quest . 81. ad 5. m Discours . p. 84. n Swarez . tom . 1. disput . 51. sect , 2. Est autem ridiculum dicere Elecmosynam esse actū adorationis . o De cultis sanctor . c. 11 p Pag. 177 q De Coron . milit . r Contra Luciferanos . s Decretal . lib. 2. tit . 9. de ferijs cap. t Chrysost. hom . 5. de resurrectione . v Artic. 1. Divis. 25. x De orat . y Euseb. lib. 7. cap 8. z Homil. in Encenijs . a Dialog . 2. b in psal . 98 c Lib. 3. cap. 12. de spirit . sanct . d Homil. 24 in 1. Cor. e Homil. 7. in Mattheum f Contra Faustum . g Obedience - p. 534.557 . h De consecrat . dist . 3. venerabilis . i De consecrat . dist . 1. Apostolica . k Fulk . 1. cor . 11. sect . 18. l Epist. 118. m Fulk . 1. cor . 11. sect . 18. n Fulk ibid. o Hom. 14. in Marcum . p Homil. 15 in divers . locos . q In cateches . mystugogic . r in Epitaph . Gorgonia . s Bilson , Obedience . p. 540. t Riveti specimen critici sacri . lib. 2. cap 13. v Part 2. pag 65. y Cap. 15. z Hooker Eccles. polic . lib. 5. sect . 67. a Discours . pag. 35. Easter and ●hristmas . a Galat. 4.9 10.11 . b Policy . lib. 5. sect . 7. c De cultu sanctorum . lib. 3. cap. 10 d Addenda prolegomeni● in lib. de emendat . temp . Cod. lib. 3. ●it . 12. l. 4. f Perkins , Gal. 4. Willets Synops . pag. 50● & Rom. 14 controvers . 4 Kuchlinus in ●atechis . Holland . de diebus ●estis . g In 4. p●ae●ept . col . 655 h Lib. 2. Dist. 4. unmer . 48. i De cultu sanct . Lib. 3. Cap. 12. k Loci . communes praec . 4. l De origine sestorum I●daicorum , m Synopsis controversie of holydayes . n Against the Rhemists Apoc. 1.10 . o Cent. 1. Col. 244. p Comment in Evangel . Tom 3. lib. 4. cap. 16. q In Ioh. 10 r Ioh. 10 s in 2. Pet. ● 21. t in Act. 12.22 . u De cultu sanctorum , lib. 3. cap. 11 x De exercitat . p. 482. y De cultu Sanctorum c. 10. Defence of the ceremonies pag. 64. a In Genesin c. 2.2 . b In 4. praecept . p. 171 c Homilia de semente . d De verbis Apostol . serm . 15. e In Tertul. de corona militis . f De horis canonicis cap. 84 , g Elenth . Triheres . c. 25. h In Genes . 17.12 . i Conc. Constant 6. Can. 8. l In Genesin c. 2. m Expositio de author . consue . bapti Infant . adulti . n. De scriptura quaest . 6 c. 9. o De cultis Sanctorum . ● . 12 . p Epist. 118 q Lib. 5. c. 22. See farther in Socrates in the same chapter . r De scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis . pag. 93. s Epistol . 4 ▪ c. 4. t De emendat temporum lib. 6. v Canon Isagog . lib. 3. . Pag. 301. x De cultis Sanctorum cap. 11. y Canon Isagog . lib. 3. pag. 298. a De eme●● dat temporum . a Exercit. 1. pag. 163. b. Canon Isagog . lib. 3 pag. 300. c Synops pap of holy daies . d Ad Celanthiam Epist. 14. c. 1. e Decreta● . lib. 2. Tit. 9. cap. f De reliquijs c. 4. g De Emendat tempor . lib. 7. pag. 713. In 4. praecept . Col. 678 Col. 678. See farther in Zanchius in Coloss 2. Epist. 118. Brightman . In Apocalypsen . cap. 3. De festis lib. 1. c. 2. a Cap. 11. b Hieron ●dvers . Lu●iser . c Beza antithesis papismi & christianisin● c. 70. Zanchius & Pareus i● He● 6. d Concil Arelat . c. 8. e Conail . Laod. c. 7. f De confirmat . c. 7. g Cassandri liturgica pag. 228. h Rhemists act . 8.17 . i Ecelesiast . polici● . l. 5. pag. 354. k Serm. of confirmation . l Serm. of confirmation . n Homil. ● . in Coloss. o Lib. 3. de bapt . cap. 16 p In lib. 4. dist . 7. q Swarez . tom . 3. disput . 35. sect . 1. r Tract . 6. in 1. canonicam Iohannis . s In lib. 4. dist . 7. num . 17. t De confirmation● . v Durandus in lib. 4. Dist. 7. Quest. 3. x Quest. veteris et nov●● testamenti . 101. z Epi. ad rusticum Narbonensem . a Ibid. b in Ephes. 4 c Quest. veteri & novi ●●stam . 101. d Lib. 1. tit . 4. cap. 4. e Sess. 25. f Adversus Lucifer . g Armaehanus de question . Armanorum . lib. 11. cap. 5. h Eccles. po●● pag. 353. i Advers●● Lucifer . k Notae in disp . Taboritarum . p. 28. l in psal . 26. m Obedience pag. 152. a Syntag. pars . 2. pag. 700. b part . 3. quest . 7. act . 5. c Chrysost. lib. 3. de sacerdotio . d Novel . 57 e Epist. 185. f Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 21. g Can. 59. h Epist. 361 i On Iohn 6. sect . 8. k Syntag. part . 2. pag. 722. 
A42356	----	A humble acknowledgment of the sins of the ministery of Scotland Guthrie, James, 1612?-1661. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A42356 of text R204011 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing G2262). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 31 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A42356 Wing G2262 ESTC R204011 08153347 ocm 08153347 40951 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42356) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40951) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1230:18) A humble acknowledgment of the sins of the ministery of Scotland Guthrie, James, 1612?-1661. p. 75-88. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : Printed in the year 1653. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Clergy. A42356 R204011 (Wing G2262). civilwar no Causes of the Lords wrath against Scotland, manifested in his sad late dispensations. Whereunto is added a paper, particularly holding forth Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord 1653 5395 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Humble ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE SINS OF THE MINISTERY OF SCOTLAND . Printed in the year 1653. THE PREFACE . ALthough we are not ignorant , that mockers of all sorts may take occasion by this Acknowledgment of the Sins of Ministers , to strengthen themselves in their prejudices at our persons and Callings , and turn this unto our reproach , and that some may misconstrue our meaning therein , as if we did thereby intend to render the Ministery of this Church base and contemptible , which is far from our thoughts , We knowing and being perswaded in our selves , that there are many able , godly and faithful Ministers in the Land ; yet being convinced that we are called to humble our selves , and to justifie the Lord in all the contempt that he hath poured upon us : That they who shall know our sins , may not stumble at our judgments : We have thought it our duty to publish this following Discovery and Acknowledgment of the corruptions and sins of Ministers , That it may appear how deep our hand is in the Transgression , and that the Ministers of Scotland have no small accession to the drawing on of these judgments that are upon the Land . Only in this following Acknowledgment we desire it may be considered , That there are here enumerated some sins , whereof there be but some few Ministers guilty , and others whereof moe are guilty , and not a few , which are the sins of these whom the Lord hath keeped from the more grosse corruptions herein mentioned ; And that it is not to be wondered at , if the Ministery of Scotland be yet in a great measure unpurged , Considering that there was so wide a door opened for the entering of corrupt persons into the Ministery , for the space of above thirty years under the tyranny of Prelats , and that also there hath been so many diversions from , and interruptions of endeavours to have a purged Ministery in this Land . THE SINS OF THE MINISTERY . First , such as are before their entry to the Ministery . 1. LIghteness and prophanity in conversation , unsuitable to that holy Calling which they did intend , not throughly repented of . 2. Corrupt education of some in the Prelaticall and Arminian way , whereby their corruptions and errors were drunken in , and abilities improven , for strengthening and promoving the same , not repented of . 3. Not studying to be in CHRIST , before they be in the Ministery ; nor to have the practicall knowledge and experience of the Mystery of the Gospel in themselves , before they preach it to others . 4. Neglecting to fit themselves for the Work of the Ministerie in not improving prayer and fellowship with God , education at Schools and opportunities of a lively Ministery , and other means , and not mourning for these neglects . 5. Not studying self-denyall , nor resolving to take up the Crosse of CHRIST . 6. Negligence to entertain sight and sense of sin and misery , not wrestling against corruption , nor studying of mortification and subduednesse of spirit . Secondly , in entering . 1. CArnall , corrupt and crooked wayes for entering to the Ministery , such as bribing in the time of Prelacie , soliciation of friends and the like ; whereby many have not entered by the door , but did climb up another way . 2. Entering to the Ministery by an implicite , execrable , Canonicall Oath and subscription given to the Prelats for acknowledging them , and advancing their corruptions introduced and to be introduced . 3. Entering to the Ministery without tryals , and receiving ordination either from the Prelat , or by a recommendation from him to the Presbyterie , and sometimes without or against the minde of the Presbyterie . 4. Entering either only by Presentations , or by purchased Supplications from the plurality of the Parochiners , without or against the consent of the godly in the Parioch . 5. Entering to the Ministery without respect to a Commission from Jesus Christ , by which it hath come to passe , that many have run unsent . 6. Entering to the Ministery not from the love of Christ , nor from a desire to honour God in gaining of souls , but for by-ends , for a name , and for livelyhood in the World , notwithstanding solemne declaration to the contrary at admission . 7. Some offering themselves to tryall without abilities , and studying to conceal and hide their weaknesse , by making use of the help and pains of some friend and acquaintance , or other mens Papers , in severall parts of the tryall ; and some authorized to preach , and others admitted to the Ministery , who have little or no ability for performing the duties thereof . 8. Too much weighed with inclination to be called to the Ministery in a place where we have carnall relation . Thirdly , After entering , which is first in their private condition and conversation . 1. IGnorance of God , want of nearnesse with him , and taking up little of God in reading , meditating , and speaking of him . 2. Exceeding great selfishnesse in all that we do , acting from our selves , for our selves . 3. Not caring how unfaithfull and negligent others were , so being it might contribute a testimony to our faithfulnesse and diligence : but being rather content , if not rejoycing at their fault . 4. Least delight in these things wherein lyeth our nearest communion with God , great inconstancie in our walk with God , and neglect of acknowledging of him in all our wayes . 5. In going about duties , least carefull of these which are most remote from the eyes of men . 6. Seldome in secret prayer with God , except to fit for Publick performances , and even that much neglected , or gone about very superficially . 7. Glad to find excuses for the neglect of duties . 8. Neglecting the reading of Scriptures in secret , for edifying our selves as Christians , only reading them in so far as may fit us for our duty as Ministers , and oft-times neglecting that . 9. Not given to reflect upon our own wayes , nor suffering conviction to have a through work upon us , deceiving our selves by resting upon abstinence from , and abhorrencie of evils , from the light of a naturall conscience , and looking upon the same as an evidence of a reall change . 10. Evill guarding of , and watching over the heart , and carelesnesse in self-searching , which makes much unacquaintednesse with our selves , and estrangednesse from God . 11. Not guarding nor wrestling against seen and known ills , especially our predominants . 12. A facility to be drawn away with the temptations of the time , and other particular temptations , according to our inclinations and fellowship . 13. Instability and wavering in the wayes of God through the fears of persecution , hazard , or loss of esteem , and declining duties , because of the fear of jealousies and reproaches . 14. Not esteeming the Crosse of Christ and sufferings for his Name honourable , but rather shifting sufferings from self-love . 15. Deadnesse of spirit after all the sore stroaks of God upon the Land . 16. Little conscience made of secret humiliation and fasting by our selves apart , and in our Families ; that we might mourn for our own and the Lands guiltinesse and great back-slidings , and little applying the Causes of publick humiliation to our own hearts . 17. Finding of our own pleasures , when the Lord cals for humiliation . 18. Not laying to heart the sad and heavy sufferings of the people of God abroad , and the not thriving of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the power of godliness among them . 19. Refined hypocrisie , desiring to appear what indeed we are not . 20. Studying more to learn the language of Gods people not their exercise . 21. Artificiall confessing of sin without repentance , professing to declare iniquity , and not resolving to be sory for sin . 22. Confession in secret much slighted , even of these things whereof we are convinced . 23. No Reformation after solemn acknowledgments and private Vows , thinking our selves exonered after Confession . 24. Readier to search out and censure faults in others , then to see or take with them in our selves . 25. Accounting of our estate and way according to the estimation that others have of us . 26. Estimation of men as they agree with or disagree from us . 27. Not fearing to meet with tryals , but presuming in our own strength to go through them unshaken . 28. Not learning to fear by the falls of gracious men , nor mourning and Praying for them . 29. Not observing particular deliverances and rods , nor improving of them for the honor of God , and edification of our selves and others . 30. Little or no mourning for the corruption of our nature , and less groaning under , and longing to be delivered from that body of death , the bitter root of all our other evils . Secondly , in our Conversation and Walk with and before these of our Flocks and others . 1. FRuitless conversing ordinarily with others for the worse rather then for the better . 2. Foolish jesting away time with impertinent and useles discourse , very unseeming the Ministers of the Gospel . 3. Spirituall purposes often dying in our hands , when they are begun by others . 4. Carnal familiarity with naturall wicked and Malignant men ; whereby they are hardened , the People of God stumbled , and we our selves blunted . 5. Slighting fellowship with these by whom we might profit . 6. Desiring more to converse with these that might better us by their parts , then such as might edifie us by their graces . 7. Not studying opportunities of doing good to others . 8. Shifting of prayer and other duties when called thereto , choosing rather to omit the same , then we should be put to them our selves . 9. Abusing of time in frequent recreation and pastimes , and loving our pleasures more then God . 10. Taking little or no time to Christian Discourse with young men trained up for the Ministery . 11. Common and ordinary discourse on the Lords Day . 12. Slighting Christian Admonition from any of our Flocks , or others as being below us , and ashamed to take light and warning from private Christians . 13. Dislike of , or bitternesse against such as deal freely with us by admonition or reproof , and not dealing faithfully with others who would welcome it off our hands . 14. Not making conscience to take pains on the ignorant and prophane for their good . 15. Our not mourning for the ignorance , unbelief , and miscarriages of the Flocks committed unto us . 16. Impatient bearing of the infirmities of others , rashly breaking out against their persons , more then studying to gain them from their sins . 17. Not using freedom with these of our charge , and for most part spending our time with them in common discourses , not tending to Edification . 18. Neglecting Admonition to friends and others in an evil course . 19. Reservednesse in laying out our condition to others . 20. Not praying for men of a contrary judgment , but using reservednesse and distance from them , being more ready to speak of them then to them , or to God for them . 21. Not weighed with the fallings and miscarriages of others , but rather taking advantage thereof for justifying our selves . 22. Talking of , and sporting at the faults of others , rather then compassionating of them . 23. No pains taken in religious ordering of our families , nor studying to be Paterns to other Families in the governement of ours . 24. Hasty anger and passion in our Families and conversation with others . 25. Covetousnesse , worldly mindednesse , and an inordinate desire after the things of this life , upon which followeth a neglect of the Duties of our Calling , and our being taken up for the most part with the things of the World . 26. Want of Hospitality and Charity to the Members of Christ . 27. Not cherishing Godlinesse in the People , and some being afraid of it , and hating the people of God for Piety , and studying to bear down and quench the work of the spirit amongst them . Thirdly in the discharge of Ministerial Duties . Which is first in regard of labouring in the Word and Doctrine . 1. NOt entertaining that edge of spirit in Ministeriall Duties , which we found at the first entry to the Ministery . 2. Great neglect of reading and other preparation , or preparation meerly Literal and bookish , making an idoll of a book , which hindereth Communion with God , or presuming on bygone assistance , and praying little . 3. Trusting to gifts , parts and pains taken for preparation , whereby God is provoked , to blaste good matter well ordered and worded . 4. Carelesse in imploying CHRIST , and drawing vertue out of him for inabling us to preach in the Spirit and in power . 5. In prayer for assistance , we pray more for assistence to the Messenger then to the Message which we carry , not caring what become of the Word , if we be with some measure of assistance carried on in the Duty . 6. The matter we bring forth is not seriously recommended to God by Prayer to be quickened to his People . 7. Neglect of Prayer after the Word is Preached , that it may receive the first and latter rain ; and that the Lord would put in the hearts of his People what we speak to them in his Name . 8. Neglect to warn in Preaching of snares and sin in Publick affairs by some , and too much frequent and unnecessary speaking by thers of Publick businesse and Transactions . 9. Exceeding great neglect and unskilfulnesse to set forth the excellencies and usefulness of Jesus Christ , and the New Covenant which ought to be the great subject of a Ministers Study and Preaching . 10. Speaking of CHRIST more by hear-say then from knowkedge and experience , or any reall impression of him upon the heart . 11. The way of most Ministers Preaching too Legall . 12. Want of sobriety in Preaching the Gospel , not favouring any thing but what is new , so that the Substantials of Religion bear but little bulk . 13. Not Preaching Christ in the simplicity of the Gospel , nor our selves the Peoples servants for Christ sake . 14. Preaching of Christ not that the People may know Him , but that they may think we know much of him . 15. Preaching anent Christs leaving the Land without brokennesse of heart , or up stirring of our selves to take hold of him . 16. Not Preaching with bowels of compassion to them who are in hazard to perish . 17. Preaching against Publick sins , neither in such a way nor for such an end as we ought for the gaining of souls , and drawing men out of their sins , but rather because it is of our concernment to say something of these evils . 18. Bitternesse in stead of zeal , in speaking against Malignants , Sectaries , and other scandalous persons , and unfaithfulnesse therein . 19. Not studying to know the particular condition of the souls of the people , that we may speak to them accordingly , nor keeping a particular record thereof , though convinced of the usefulnesse of this . 20. Not wealing what may be most profitable and Edifying , and want of wisedome in application to the severall conditions of souls , not so carefull to bring home the point by application as to finde out the Doctrine , nor speaking the same with that reverence which becomes his Word and Message . 21. Choosing texts whereon we have something to say rather then suting to the condition of souls and times , and frequent preaching of the same things that we may not be put to the pains of new studie . 22. Such a way of Reading , Preaching and Prayer as puts us in these Duties further from GOD . 23. Too soon satisfied in the discharge of Duties , and holding off challenges with exucses . 24. Indulging the bodie , and wasting much time idlely . 25. Too much eying our own credite and applause , and being taken with it , when we get it , and unsatisfied when it is wanting . 26. Timorousnesse in delivering Gods Message , letting people dye in reigning sins without warning . 27. Voguinesse and pride of heart because the Lord fulfilled our word in the year 1648. 28. Rash speaking in the Name of the Lord in reference to the successe of our Armies of late . 29. Studying the discharge of Duties , rather to free our selves from censure , then to approve our selves to God . 30. Shifting to preach in places where we were for the time for fear of displeasing , in this time of Publick backsliding and triall . 31. Not making all the Counsell of God known to his People , and particularly not giving testimony in times of defection . 32. Not studying to profite by our own doctrine , nor the docctrine of others . 33. For most part preaching , as we our selves were not concerned in the Message we carry to the People . 34. Not rejoycing at the conversion of sinners , but content with the unthriving of the Lords Work amongst his people as suteing best with our minds , fearing if they sholuld thrive better , we should be more put to it , and less esteemed of by them . 35. Many in Preaching and practice , bearing down the power of godliness . 36. Unfaithfull discharge of Ministeriall Duties in attending the Armies . 37. We Preach not as before God , but as to men , as doth appear by the different pains in our preparation to speak to our ordinary heares , and to others to whom we would approve our selves . 38. Not making the Ministery a work in earnest as a thing to be accounted for in every duty , which makes much laziness and unfruitfulness , doing duties ex officio , not ex conscientia officii , rather to discharge our Calling nor our conscience . Secondly , In the Administration of Sacraments . I. In Baptisme . LIttle minding in our selves , or stirring up of others to minde the obligation that lyes on us and them , by the Covenant made with God in Baptisme . 2. Not instructing Parents in their duty , not charging them with their promise given at the Baptizing of their Children , nor trying what pains they have taken to perform the same . 3. Being very superficiall and formall in the administration of this Ordinance . Thirdly , In the Administration of the Lords Supper . ADmitting of mixt multitudes to the Lords Table , not separating betwixt the pretious and the vile . 2. Unequall dealing with poor and rich , in admitting to , or suspending and debarring from the Lords Table . 3. Great neglect to prepare for that action , preparing for it more as Ministers , then as Christians . 4. Carnall and unworthy carriage of Ministers at the Communion , being more desirous to have that action by our hands , with credit to our selves , then with profit to the people . 5. Thinking when that action is by-hand , that we have a vacancie from other Ministeriall duties for a time . 6. Little wrestling with God to have the People prepared for it , or the guilt of prophaning of it by our selves and others taken away . Fourthly , in Visiting . NEgligent , lazie and partiall visiting the sick ; if they be poor , we go once , and only when sent for ; If they be rich and of better note , we go oftner , and unsent for . 2. Not knowing how to speak with the tongue of the Learned a word in season to the weary and exercised in conscience , nor to such as are under the losse of husband , wife , children , friends or goods , for the improving of these tryals to their spiritiall advantage , nor to dying persons . 3. In visiting , wearying , or shunning to go to such as we esteem gracelesse . 4. Not visiting the People from house to house , nor praying with them at fit opportunities . 4. In Catechising . 1. LAzie and negligent in Catechising . 2. Not preparing our hearts before , nor wrestling with God for a blessing to it , because of the ordinariness , and apprehended easiness of it ; whereby the Lords Name is much taken in vain , and the People little profited . 3. Looking on that Exercise as a work below us , and not condescending to study a right and profitabl way of instructing the Lords People . 4. Partial in Catechising , passing by these that are rich and of better quality , though many of such stand ordinarily in great need of instruction . 5. Not waiting upon and following the ignorant , but passionatly upbraiding of them often . 5. In Ruling and Discipline . 1. NOt making use of this Ordinance of Church-Censures for gaining of souls , but turning it in a meer Civil punishement ; and in the administration thereof becoming either coldrise , or without a spirit of meekness , and using a way either meerly rational by wordly wisdom , or meerly authoritative , more then by motives drawn from the love of Christ ; and by our carriage in Judicatories putting a humane shape upon the Ordinances of Jesus Christ , carrying our selves in too stately a way , like the men of this world . 2. Partiality in administration of Censures with respect of persons , not using the like faithfull freedom towards high and low , sib and fremd . 3. Rash taking on us to open and shut Christs door . 4. By our practice , teaching ( as it were ) formality in Repentance to offenders , hardening them in their sins , by accepting bare forms without any evidence of Repentance , and loosing when we were perswaded Christ did not loose : and of late turning profession of Repentance into a State engine for men to step unto preferment and publick employments . 5. Following scandalous persons with the highest Censures of the Kirk , with little or no care to hold them up to God . 6. Want of compassion to these on whom Discipline is exercised , not laboring to convince them of sin , but imperiously and with passion instead of zeal threatning them , thinking it sufficient if we be obeyed , though they be not gained to Christ . 7. Superficial , sinful , and slight censuring one another , at times appointed for that end in Presbyteries and Synods , and neglect of faithful freedom and love in performing that duty . 8. Admitting of men to the Ministry who were not qualified with Grace as wel as Gifts , not withstanding the Word of God and Constitutions of this Kirk do require the one , as wel as the other ; which hath been the fountain of many evils . 9. Great unfaithfulness in bringing in , and holding in , unworthy persons in the Ministry , and keeping Censures off unfaithful men . 10. Unfaithfulness in giving Testimonials and Recommendations , and receiving persons upon Testimonials meerly negative , especially Expectants and Students of Divinity . 11. Constituting Elderships of such men as are known to be ignorant prophane and disaffected to the Work of God , and being careless to have them consisting of the most able and godly men within the Congregation , a great cause of much ignorance , prophane and scandalous carriage among the People . 12. Neglecting to remove from the Elderships such as are ignorant and scandalous . 13. Neglecting to hold out the necessary qualifications and duties of Ruling Elders , and to stir them up to their duty . 14. Not carrying our selves in Judicatories and other wayes toward Ruling Elders as towards Brethren , and joynt Overseers in the work of the Lord . 15. Not making conscience of keeping Kirk Judicatories , but wearying of the expences and attendance , whereby diverse things hath been hastert and miscaried therein : willing deserting of them , and shunning to give testimony in them , for fear of inconveniences . 16. Not stouping to a gaining way in Debates , nor making application to God for knowledge of his mind in things debated , before they pass in a conclusion . 17. Wearying to hear men fully who represent their doubts , and to weigh all the Arguments that can be represented for the negative , before the affirmative be concluded . 18. Too great animosities in Judicatories , even about matters of small weight . 19. Pride , impatience and peremptoriness of spirit , not staying on others clearness in our debates and conclusions , through which it comes to pass that we judge rashly of precious men ; and alienation of affections steals in and is entertained . 20. Hasty concluding of Acts & pressing obedience thereto without convincing grounds holden forth from Scripture for satisfying the consciences of the Lords People . 21. Silence in Assemblies when unsatisfied , being carried by the authority of men , and too much following other mens light and suppressing their own . 22. Making Votes subservient to the humors of men and humane interests . 23. Some altogether neglecting wholsome Acts and Constitutions of Assemblies , and others , receiving their Acts too implicity . 24. Too bitter expressions against Adversaries in Publick Papers and Sermons , for eshewing reproaches , whereof there is no fruit but irritation . 25. Abusing transportations by making them too frequent , and almost the ordinary way of Planting places of any eminency ; sometimes enacting them when there is no pressing necessity , and without tender endeavouring the satisfaction of the People interested and without care of providing them thereafter . In relation to the Publick . 1. NOt studying the controversies of the time , that we might be enable to hold forth light , and convince gain sayers of the truth . 2. Not fearing to meddle in matters too high for us , and desiring to be taken notice of , more then to be stedable in the Publick . 3. Following of Publick bussiness , with too much neglect of our Flocks . 4. Following of Publick bussiness with much pride and passion , and loftiness of spirit upon carnel principles and desire to be esteemed of , rather then true zeal to Jesus Christ and his matters , and with little or no prayer . 5. Superficial admitting of all to the Covenants , and solemn Acknowledgment , without taking sufficient pains to instruct and inform them in the knowledge of the things contained therein . 6. Being too instrumental for bringing disaffect persons to trust . 7. Unequal zeal against enemies , cooling in our zeal against one enemy as it is increast against another . 8. Much repining at the judgments of God upon the Land from carnal respects , and transferring the causes of the wrath off our selves upon others . 9. Too easie satisfied in such things as might tend to the prejudice of Christs inteaest , weighing the consequences of great Revolutions more by respect to our selves , then to his honor . 10. Agreeing to receive the King to the Covenant barely upon writing , without any apparent evidences of a real change of Principles . 11. Not using freedom in shewing what we were convinced , was sinful in reference to the late Treaty with the King , but going on therein when we were not satisfied in our consciences for fear of reproach and of being mistaken . 12. Silence in Publick , and not giving Testimony after a discovery of the Kings Commission given to James Graham ; for invading the Kingdom . 13. Pressing the King to make a Declaration to the world , whilest we knew by clear evidences that he had no real conviction of the things contained therein . 14. Too much desiring to lurk upon by ends , when called to give a Testimony . 15. Not bearing Testimony against Publick Defections in a right and spiritual way . 16. Unfaithfulness in bearing burden with them , whom the Lord raised up to be his witnesses against the publick backslidings , omitting to bear Testimony our selves upon carnal respects and lukewarmness in adhering to publick Testimonies formerly given . A Postscript . Which could not be gotten printed . THe foregoing causes of Gods wrath being on severall dayes of solemne Humiliation laid out & confessed before the Lord , we thought fit to subjoine here some other causes of our late Humiliation ; as 1. The late declining of the Land by consenting & engaging unto the publick actings of the present Powers , so contrary to the Covenants , & so much prejudicial to Religion & liberties . 2. The defection of diverse , who are accounted religious , from their former principles , unto Separation , & other Errours of the time . 3. The Usurpation & Carriage of the present pretended Assembly . 4. The English their great Encroachments , upon the Liberties of this Church . 5. That the promised Conversion of His Ancient people of the Jewes may be hastened . 6. That the Lord may make our present resolutions for reforming our selves , our Elderships & people effectual , and may bless our Endeavours to this purpose . FINIS . 
A20714	----	Duplyes of the ministers & professors of Aberdene to second answeres of some reverend brethren, concerning the late covenant. 1638 Approx. 275 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20714 STC 71 ESTC S100398 99836240 99836240 499 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20714) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 499) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1475-1640 ; 1591:05) Duplyes of the ministers & professors of Aberdene to second answeres of some reverend brethren, concerning the late covenant. Forbes, John, 1593-1648. 133, [1] p. By Edw. Raban, Printed in Aberdene : 1638. Signed by John Forbes and five others. A reply to: The answeres of some brethren of the ministerie, to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in Aberdene. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Answeres of some brethren of the ministerie, to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in Aberdene. Covenanters -- Scotland -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Aberdeen (Scotland) -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DUPLYES Of the MINISTERS & PROFESSORS of ABERDENE , TO The second ANSWERES of some REVEREND BRETHREN , Concerning The LATE COVENANT . If thou take foorth the precious from the vyle , thou shalt be as my mouth : Let them returne vnto thee , but returne not thou vnto them . IEREM . 15.19 . Honour all men : Loue the Brotherhood : Feare GOD : Honour the King. 1. PET. 2.17 . Printed in Aberdene , by Edw. Raban , 1638. coat of arms or blazon TO THE UNPARTIALL READER . IT may bee you haue not , as yet , heard the true relation of our proceedinges , and carriage , towards those two Reverend Brethren , who came latelie hither , to recommend to vs , and our People , the LATE COVENANT : Wee declare therefore to you , That we hearing of their comming , and intention , and beeing of a contrarie mynde , resolved , that before wee should giue consent , that they should preach to our People , wee would propone to them , by way of certaine DEMANDS , the chiefe reasons which made vs to bee averse from their proceedings ; promising to admit them to our Pulpits , if they should giue vs satisfaction , concerning the LATE COVENANT . Wee intended not to Print these DEMANDES at the first ; but afterwards considering howe much our People might bee confirmed by them , in that pious resolution which they haue , to continue in the obedience of the Lawes of this Church and Kingdome , concerning EPISCOPACIE , and those thinges which were concluded in PEARTH ASSEMBLIE ; wee thought good to put them to the Presse , but determined not to make vse of them , by divulgating them , except we saw that our people stood in present neede of them ; which indeede came to passe : for vpon Fryday , the twentie of Julie last , these Reverende Brethren came to this Towne , and having that same night receaved our DEMANDES in writ , they returned their Answeres vnto them on Saturday following , late in the evening : but they came not to our handes , who replyed vnto them , vntill Sunday in the morning . Neyther had we leasure to reade , or consider , vntill both the Sermons were ended in our Churches . Wherefore wee did meete together that day , at foure houres afternoone , that wee might peruse them . And at that same tyme , hearing that these Reverend Brethren had preached in audience of dyverse of our people , conveaned in the court of a noble man his lodging , not having obtayned our consent thereto , and in their Sermons had vsed a forme of Answering to our DEMANDES , which they did publicklie reade , affirming , that they had given full satisfaction to vs , in a written coppie of their Answeres , which they had sent to vs : and by that meanes , had laboured to disswade and draw our People from their obedience vnto the Articles of PEARTH , & the Lawes of this Kingdome ratifying them : wee knowing how insufficient their Answeres were , to giue satisfaction to anie , who would duelie ponder our DEMANDES , gaue licence to the Printer to divulgate them , and the next day did wryte our REPLYES to their Answeres , intending to put them to the Presse on Tuesday . But wee were earnestlie entreated by a noble Man , to send backe to them the copie of their Answeres , that they might revise and perfect them , & also to delay the printing of our REPLYES vntill Fryday following . Which wee willinglie granted . But wherefore this was desired of vs , you may conjecture ; seeing they neyther added , nor diminished , nor altered anie thing in their Answeres . Vpon the next Fryday at night , wee gaue our REPLYES to the Printer : and to these Reverende Brethren , who returned not to this Citie , vntill Saturday following , wee sent a copie of our Replyes in writ , on the Lords Day : vnto which we receaved not their Answeres , vntill they came from the Presse , to wit , on Tuesday the fourteenth of August : that is , eyghteene dayes after they had receaved our REPLYES . What successe these Brethren had in their Sermons , which they preached here , vpō two severall Lords Dayes , it is sufficientlie knowne : neyther haue they reason to talke so much of it as they doe , in their Preface to the Reader . The first of these Dayes , some few who were thought to bee that way inclined before , subscryved their COVENANT : But the next Lords Day , they scarce prevailed with anie at all . And a great many , who heard them both these Dayes , professed , that they returned from their Sermons , more averse from the COVENANT , than they were before . Now good Reader , wee present to thee our REPLYES , to their second Answeres ; which for shortnesse cause , wee haue called DVPLYES : wee pray you consider them vnpartiallie . And if you reape anie benefite by perusing them , let it not be ascrybed vnto vs , but to the invincible force of divyne Trueth . Wee conclude with Zorobabell , saying ▪ Blessed bee the GOD of Trueth : And let all the People shout , and saye , Great is Trueth , and mightie aboue all thinges . TO OUR REVEREND BRETHREN M r ALEXANDER HENDERSON And M r DAVID DICKSON . THat your Answeres , Reverende and Deare Brethren ; haue not in anie degree satisfied vs , wee impute it not to your weaknesse , whom wee know to bee able Men , and much exercysed in the matters debated betwixt vs : but wee impute it to the weaknesse of your cause , and to that inabilitie which is in all men , as well as in you , to beare out agaynst the Trueth . Wee are sorie that yee are not so respectiue , and favourable , in your judgement of vs : for yee playnlie declare in your Preface , that yee suspect vs of prejudice : and that for two reasons . The first is , that our Demandes , which yee conceaved had beene meerelie intended for you , were published before your comming in Print : as also , that our REPLYES were Printed before we receaved your last Answeres to them . Whence yee conclude , that wee were rather ayming at victorie , moved thereto by prejudice , than at satisfaction by searching of the Trueth . This reason is grounded vpon a mistaking : for altho our Demandes at the first , were intended for you onlie , yet afterwardes we resolved to Print them , as also our REPLYES , ( the Printing whereof did nowayes depend vpon your second Answeres , ) not for loue of contention , nor desire of victorie , ( GOD knoweth ) but for such reasons , as wee haue expressed in our Preface to the vnpartiall Reader , whom wee hope wee haue satisfied in this poynt . Your other reason is , that the groundes of your Answeres to vs , haue proven satisfactorie to others ; who for Age and Learning , are pryme men of this Kingdome : and to whom our modestie will not suffer vs , to preferre our selues . Farre be it frō vs to be so presumptuous , as to preferre our selues to so manie Learned and worthie Divynes : and as farre bee it from vs , to measure the soliditie , and sufficiencie of your Answeres , by the Habilities or Induments of these , who haue acquiesced in them . If this your reason were good , the Papists might more probablie accuse vs of prejudice , ( as indeede they vnjustlie doe ) because your Answeres to our Argumentes , haue proven satisfactorie to manie thousands of those , who for profunditie , and subtilitie of wit , are inferiour to none of the World : but wee regarde not this slender motiue , remembring these wordes of our Saviour , I thanke Thee , O Father , Lord of Heaven and Earth , because Thou hast hid these thinges from the Wyse and Prudent , and hast revealed them vnto Babes : even so , O Father , for so it seemed good in Thy sight . Besides , if yee compare the Divynes , Ancient and Moderne , who are of our judgement , with these who favour your opinion , eyther in number , or in the excellencie of their gifts , ye shall find that in this , the advantage is greatlie ours . In the meane tyme yee shall know , that wee can bring farre better reasons to free our selues of prejudice , than these which yee haue brought agaynst vs : to wit , the soliditie of our Argumentes , which haue put you to such straytes , ( pardon vs to say that , which everie one who hath eyes , may see ) that oft-tymes yee doe not so much , as attempt to answere them , beeing glad to passe them by , with the show of an Argument in contrarium , or some other lyke shift : our humble and earnest attestations , in calling GOD , the onlie competent judge ; as witnesse of our sinceritie , in the inmost thoughtes of our soule ; our seriouslie professed Resolution , to concurre with you , if wee should get satisfaction from you : the Modestie , Ingenuitie , and Peaceablenesse of our wrytings to you , and on the contrarie , your too great disdainfulnesse and asperitie in your second Answeres ; bewraying not onlie the weaknesse of your myndes , farre by our expectation , but also the weaknesse of your cause to vnpartiall Readers , who ascrybe this to the pungent force of our Answeres ; judging , that they haue made you some-what more cholericke , than you were before . To this wee will adde the great reluctance , which some of the most Judicious Subscribentes did finde in their Consciences , before they subscrybed your Covenant ; together with the Limitations , and Reservations , wherewith they subscrybed it ; evidentlie arguing their strong apprehension , of the dangerous ambiguitie and haske sounding of the wordes of the Late Covenant : so that even these who are now joyned with you , haue beene much affrighted with those thinges which terrifie vs. As for your Protestation in the ende of your Epistle , that yee can no more bee brought to our mynde , than yee can bee drawne from the profession of our Religion , as it hath beene reformed , sworne , &c. Altho this importeth no small prejudice , possessing and over-ruling your myndes ; yet looking to the invincible force of that Trueth which wee mayntayne , wee even yet hope that at last it shall prevaile with you ▪ especiallie considering that our controversie is not concerning the reformed Religion ; wherevnto wee as sincerelie adheare as anie who-so-ever , but concerning the equitie of that forme of Covenant which yee latelie made . Wishing you and all others , to adheare truelie and sincerelie , to the same true Religion ; and to all the dueties which in it are recommended to you : wee most humblie , and earnestlie pray the Almightie GOD , to pittie His Church in this Kingdome , and to vnite all our heartes in Trueth and Peace , in these most dangerous dayes : which although they bee to you dayes of gladnesse , as yee professe , yet to those who loue the peace of Sion , and the tranquillitie of this Kingdome , they are Sad and Melancholious dayes , in respect of the blacke clowdes of GOD'S wrath , hanging over our heads , & threatning vs with stormes of fearfull Calamities : which wee pray the Almightie GOD to avert . THE FIRST DVPLY . IN our Disputes agaynst the Papistes , ( which haue bene frequent , and by GOD'S grace not vnfruitfull , ) as wee haue learned , that to multiplie objections agaynst the Trueth , is a thing easie , as yee say , but fruitlesse and vaine : so also wee haue learned , that to multiplie Evasions , agaynst solide Arguments brought for the Trueth , is a thing no lesse easie , but altogether vnprofitable : which wee pray you take heede to . How forcible are right wordes ? but what doeth your arguing reproue ? IOB 6.25 . 2. Yee say , that our objection , agaynst your calling , and the warrand of your cōming to vs , was framed & published in Print , before it was proponed vnto you , and ere your Answere could bee had . Indeede our DEMANDES were at the Presse at your comming , that they might be in readinesse ; but were not published , before your selues in your Sermones did publicklie reade them , and dispute agaynst them , in audience of such of our People as were there present for the tyme ; albeit that written copie of them was delyvered to you onlie , and not at that tyme communicated by vs to anie other . 3 , Your Authoritie which ye acclayme , is neyther from his Majestie , nor warranded by Act of Parliament , nor by the Lordes of his Majesties Counsell , nor by anie Nationall Synode of this Kingdome , nor by anie Judicatorie established in it . And both in your first Answere , as also now agayne yee professe , that yee came not hither to vsurpe the Authoritie , of anie Civill or Spirituall Iudicatorie . As for your multitude , ( which yee call allmost the whole Kirke and Kingdome ) it beeing destitute of Authoritie foresayde , maketh no warrand of ordinarie calling . Therefore , yee seeme to pretende an extraordinarie calling from GOD , alleadging an extraordinarie necessitie at this tyme , which truelie wee see not in anie such degree , as may deserue and warrand so great a change from the receaved order , which is publicklie by Lawes established in this Kirke and Kingdome . That saying of the Apostle , Let vs consider one another , to provoke vnto loue , and to good workes , which yee alleadge for your extraordinarie imployment , importeth not an extraordinarie calling , but an ordinarie duetie , to bee performed by all Christians , according to their Callings . 4. The Word of GOD , and the Canons of Councells , doe so permit to Pastors , the care of the whole Kirke , as they must remember to doe all thinges , Decentlie and in Order , and not to interpone themselues in their Brethrens charges , and agaynst their will. And praised bee GOD , there was not anie Combustion , Errour , or Confusion , in these places of our charges , as yee doe alleadge : Neyther did our People stand in neede , of such helpe from you . And if yee meane the Combustion of our Nationall Kirke , wee doe thinke your remeede not convenient ; as beeing , in our judgement , not agreeable to the right way of Trueth and Peace . 5. Whereas yee alleadge , that if some members of this Kirke , had not cared more kyndlie , in this tyme of common danger , than others haue done , the whole bodie had beene ere now dangerouslie , if not desperatelie , diseased ; Wee answere , That wee most heartilie wish , anie disease of this Church , to bee tymouslie prevented and cured . But withall wee wish this to bee done without a rupture , and such a dangerous division : chieflie seeing our Church is not infected with anie such Erroures , nor is in such dangers , as may giue just occasion , of so fearfull a division : which in it selfe is a sore disease , and from which in holie Scripture , wee are often , and verie earnestlie dehorted . Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria , in his Epistle to Novatus , recorded by Eusebius , Lib. 6. Historiae Cap. 37. worthilie sayeth , You ought rather to haue suffered anie thing what-so-ever , for avoyding of cutting asunder the Kirke of GOD : and Martyrdome for keeping the Kirke from Schisme , is no lesse glorious , than which is suffered , for not committing Idolatrie . And in my opinion also it is greater ; for in suffring Martyrdome for not committing Idolatrie , a man suffereth for one , even for his owne soule ; but heere a man suffereth Martyrdome for the whole Kirke . 6. Yee affirme , that we haue no reason to complayne of your carriage , heere towards vs , in respect yee for your Sermones preached to our People , made choyse of vacant houres , that they might attende the ordinarie tymes of Worship . But indeede this satisfieth not our complaynt : for we justlie complayned of your preaching to our People , without our consent , at anie houre ; and of your labouring , to make them Subscrybe the LATE COVENANT , before yee had given satisfaction to vs , concerning the equitie of it . 7. Yee reprooue vs for these harmlesse wordes of a Confoederation , and Negatiue Confession . That little Confession , was long agoe called Negatiue , à parte majore . And as for that other word , it is well knowne to all those who are expert in our Mother Tongue , and in the Latine , that Covenanting , and Confoederation , doe signifie one , and the same thing : and therefore , both these wordes are alyke respectfull , in our judgement . Whereas yee say , that your COVENANT is made with GOD , and doe call it His COVENANT : and lykewyse for justifying your swearing , and Subscrybing thereof , doe bring some places of Scripture , wherein mention is made of a COVENANT , & Oath , betwixt GOD and His People ; wee shall then allowe the same name , and respect vnto your Covenant , when yee shall make it manifest , that your Covenant in all poynts therein contayned , hath no lesse warrand from the written word of GOD , than that Covenant which the Israelites did sweare in the dayes of Ioshua , ( IOSHVA 24. verse 25 ) and in the dayes of Jehojada the Priest , ( 2. KINGS 11. verse 17 ) and in the dayes of King Asa , ( 2. CHRON. 15. verse 15 ) and that which is mentioned by ISAIAH , 44. verse 5. 8. As wee are still informed , that some haue fled the Countrey , and some haue Subscrybed for feare ; so no Pastors in our knowledge haue gone to Court , for the causes alleadged by you . Wee doe not presume to judge of the Consciences of men , and wee wish you to judge more charitablie , of these Reverende Prelates , than yee doe . The occasion of this present storme was pretended to bee the Introduction of the Bookes of Service , and Canons , and the high Commission . These causes are now removed ; and yet the storme continueth so vehement , ( as yee seeme to grant ) that the Bishops haue just feares warranding their flight , to saue their persons ; which wee judge to bee too great violence , for anie such cause , agaynst persons in so sacred a calling . 9. Wee shall assuredlie , ( by the grace of GOD ) still contribute , as yee desire , our prayers , and all other meanes agreeable to our consciences , for extinguishing of the present Combustion . And for that effect , everie one of vs shall secretlie , and humblie , mourne before the LORD , and shall search and trye our wayes , and turne vnto the LORD . And as wee haue alreadie humbled our selues publicklie , with Fasting and Mourning for that effect , so are wee readie in tyme to come , to doe the lyke , when it shall bee indicted or allowed by Authoritie , according to the established order in this Kirke and Kingdome . Yea , also wee are readie to joyne with you in the Late Covenant , so soone as wee shall receaue satisfaction to our consciences , concerning the lawfulnesse thereof ; which as wee haue protested before , so doe wee yet protest , and professe . 10. The Reasons which yee touch in your first Answere , for proving that wee might without just offence to anie , joyne with you in Subscrybing the Covenant , are sufficientlie answered in our first Replye . For , First , It is not yet discerned in a Nationall Assemblie , whether your Interpretation added to the Olde Covenant , bee in all poynts sound or vnsound ; and therefore wee haue reason to thinke , that this New Covenant , is not substantiallie one with the Olde : chieflie seeing it addeth to the Olde Covenant , not onlie your Interpretation of it , but also a promise of forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles , vntill they bee tryed in an Assemblie ; and lyke-wyse a Band of Mutuall Defence , by force of Armes , made without the King's privitie and consent . Secondlie , Your inference of Mutuall Defence , agaynst all persons what-so-ever , drawne from the words of the Olde Covenant , is meerlie invalide . For nothing was pactioned or promised in the olde Covenant , without the King's Majestie his privitie ; but the Band of Mutuall Defence , agaynst all persons what-so-ever , in this your New Covenant , is without the command or consent of the King , to whom onlie the Sword is given in this Kingdome , immediatlie by GOD. See to this purpose the words of King IAMES the sixt of blessed Memorie , in his booke entituled , The Law of free Monarchies , in the English edition of his royall workes , at London , Anno 1616. Pag. 206. That which yee adde concerning the Generall Band , is also little to the purpose , for that Band had the King's warrand , where-as his Majestie doeth now forbid your Covenant . Thirdlie , Altho the former Oath subscrybed , did appertayne onlie to the persons of the subscrybers , all the dayes of their lyues ; yet you haue in your Interpretation , extended the Obligation thereof , to the present and succeeding generations in this land , without anie warrand eyther from Publicke Lawes , or from the wordes of the Oath it selfe : which also is a Substantiall Difference betwixt that Oath , and your Late Covenant . Where-as yee alleadge , that the warrand which the Olde Covenant had from King , Counsell , and Assemblie , remayneth virtuallie , and was never yet discharged ; wee answere , it remaineth not , and that because King JAMES of blessed Memorie , disalowed that little Confession , in respect of the inconveniencie of the multitude of Negatiues , as is cleare by his Majesties wordes , published in the Printed summe of the cōference holden at Hampton Court , Anno 1603. And no former Act of Counsell , made in the tyme of anie former King , doeth sufficiently warrand our consciences to Subscrybe anie Oath now , which seemeth to vs to bee disagreeable to the Act of Parliament ; and which our present Dread Soveraygne LORD , the King's Majestie , by his publicke Proclamations ; and other Intimations of his Royall pleasure , forbiddeth vs to Subscrybe . And as for the Acts of these two Assemblies , which did injoyne subscription to the sayde Little Confession , they were Relatiue to the King's Mandate , which is now expyred by his owne declaration , and with his Royall breath , according to that common Maxime : Morte mandatori : expirat mandatum . Extra . De officio & potestate judicis delegati , Cap. 19. relatum est in glossa . For the injunction was given for that tyme onlie , as wee conceaue , beeing warranded by the wordes of these Assemblies . 11. These that were suspect of Papistrie amongst vs , haue not beene vrged by vs to Subscrybe that Negatiue Confession ; but onelie some Articles relatiue to the National Confession . And as for such as receaue degrees in Philosophie , in our Colledges , they doe sweare onlie to the true reformed Religion , as it is publicklie professed and preached , according to GOD'S word , in this Kirke of Scotland , and established by publicke Authoritie , with a generall Abjuration of all , both Popish , and other Haeresies contrarie thereto . And those who receaue degrees of Divinitie , doe more expresslie sweare to the Orthodoxe determinations of the Ancient Catholicke Kirke , as is evident by the words of the Oath , whereof the tenor followeth . Ego A. B. sancte & ex animo coram omniscio & omnipotente Deo confiteor & profiteor fidē eam quae de sancta Trinitate , & Mediatore Emmanuele à sanctis Patribus in sex primis O Ecumenicis conciliis , contra Pauli Samosateni , Sabellij , Arij , Macedonij , Apollinaris , Nestorij , Eutychetis , & Monothelitarum haereses proposita explicata & defensa est , esse vere Christianam , orthodoxam , Catholicam , ex sacris Canonicis scripturis haustam ; Symbolum quoque sancti Athanasii vt similiter orthodoxum me recipere . Item me ex animo detestari haeresin Pelegianam , ejusue reliquias Semipelagianas , & eas haereses quae Imaginibus aut vlli merae creaturae religiosam concedunt adorationem . Item , me monarchiam Papae Romani in vniversam Ecclesiā , & ejus cùm in spiritualibus tùm in temporalibus primatum , & judicij Papalis in religionis controversiis infallibilitatem , tanquam antichristiana deliramenta rejicere , omnesue etiam alias haereses tum olim invectas , tum recens sub Romani Pontificis tyrannide natas anathematizo . Agnosco Spiritum sanctum in Canonicis V. & N. Testamenti scripturis per Prophetas , Evāgelistas , & Apostolos loquentem , esse nobis vnicum , supremum , infallibilem , & ordinarium omnium de fide vitaue Christiana controversiarum Iudicem . Et S. scripturam Canonicis V. ac N. Testamenti libris comprehensam esse vnicam , certam , stabilem , perfectam , totalem regulam fidei vitaeque Christianae , tum quoad textum , tum quoad interpretationem authenticam seu divinae authoritatis ; & hanc quae hodie in Ecclesia Scoticana palam & publica authoritate ex sacro DEI verbo proponitur de credendis , sperandis , amandis , doctrinam esse orthodoxam , Catholicam . Et ipsam hanc Ecclesiae Scoticanae doctrinam , me ad extremum vsque vitae meae halitum constanter per DEI gratiam professurum & pro mea vocatione defensurum sancte promitto , juro . Insuper almae huic Vniversitati cui hunc scholasticum ( docturae Theologicae ) honorem debebo , me nunquam ingratum futurum , sed semper ei ex animo fauturum , ejusque commoda , piè , seriò , sedulò , fideliter promoturum sancte etiam coram eodem omniscio & omnipotente DEO promitto , juro . Wee , who were graduated heere , did sweare this Oath , and now , for satisfaction of others , we all doe sincerelie attest God , that wee doe , and shall adheare to it , constantlie , all the dayes of our lyfe . 12. Yee doe agayne object to vs , that wee haue presumed to disallow your Explanation of the Late Covenant , which hath beene publicklie allowed by his Majesties Commissioner : adding thereto , that wee will haue the Kingdome guiltie of Combination agaynst Authoritie , and that wee will not haue the King to bee satisfied ; whence yee inferre , that our dealing is more suteable to Papistes , and such incendiaries , than for vs ; who desire to proue good Patriots , in vsing all meanes of pacification . But certaynlie yee wrong vs : for what was done by his Majesties Commissioner , anent your Declaration and Explanation of your Covenant , is evident by his Grace owne letter , latelie written to vs of that matter ; whereby his Grace hath declared , that he was nowayes contented therewith , and that his Majestie hath not receaved anie satisfaction thereby . The same is evident also , by his Grace owne Manifesto , prefixed to our DEMANDS , your first Answeres , and our first REPLIES ; reprinted at Edinburgh , by his Gr. speciall command . To the which Manifesto , or Declaration of his Majesties High Commissioner , wee remit the READER , for his full satisfaction , in this , and some other poyntes of your ANSWERES . 13. Wee intende not to beare vpon you ▪ and your associates , ( who take to your selues the name of the Kingdome , heere in this your Answere ) guiltinesse of Combination agaynst Authoritie , as wee haue protested and declared , in the ende of our former REPLYES : but in the tendernesse of our Consciences , wee doe vprightlie signifie to you our scruples , which hinder vs from approving or Subscrybing your COVENANT . And wee are so free of that odious imputation , of taking part with anie Incendiaries , or imitating anie proceedings of that kynde ; as wee heartilie wish , and shall endeavour , to proue good Patriots , and Christians , in such evident loue of Trueth and Peace , as it shall bee manifest , that wee neyther haue beene , nor shall bee Authors , or Fomenters , of this miserable Combustion . 14. Yee are sorie , yee saye , That wee should account your Covenant , to bee a Confoederacie agaynst the Trueth ▪ and yee affirme , that yee labour with men , to joyne with you in sinceritie , and not through humane feares . Now , REVEREND BRETHREN , in the feare of GOD , laying aside all humane feare , wee doe sincerelie declare , that if wee thought your Covenant , in all poynts agreeable to the Trueth , wee should make no opposition thereto . And wee doe heartilie wish , that according as yee doe heere professe , so indeede no man bee threatned with worldlie terroures , to goe your way . Wee ayme indeede , at the same ende which yee professe , to wit , at the Trueth and puritie of Religion , and peace of Church and Kingdome : But wee are not as yet perswaded , that your way is lawfull and convenient , for attayning to this ende . THE II. DVPLY . WEE desire all troubles to bee prevented by allowable meanes , but are not perswaded to reckon in that number , this your Covenanting , and Conventions , which wee esteeme to haue beene the occasion of much trouble . As concerning your question , where-vnto yee so earnestlie requyre our Answere , to wit , whether wee would haue receaved the Bookes of Service and Canons , or vsed such meanes , as yee haue vsed for avoyding them ? yee shall know , that if we had beene of your judgement , concerning those Bookes , wee would neyther haue receaved them , nor yet vsed anie meanes vnlawfull for opposing of them , ( such wee thinke your Covenant and Conventions , prohibited by Authoritie to bee , vntill wee bee better informed ) but would haue vsed humble supplication to his Majestie , for removing those evills : and if we had found no remeede thereby , would haue resolved , according to the practise of Ancient Christians , eyther to flee his Majesties dominions , or else patientlie to suffer what-so-ever punishment it should haue pleased him to inflict . In the meane tyme , concerning those Bookes of Service and Canons , wee rest content with his Majesties gracious Proclamation : and if heere-after our opinion of them shall bee asked by Authoritie , wee shall sincerelie and vnpartially declare it . 2. Your urging of vs agayne , with the saying of King JAMES , forceth vs to manifest his meaning by his owne wordes , perhaps contrarie to your wish or expectation . That most wyse and religious King , neare the beginning of his Booke , cōcerning the Powder Treason , wryteth expresselie , that such a rysing vp of the bodie , pro aris , & focis , & pro patre patriae , ought to be according to everie ones calling and facultie . Which wordes at least doe import , that the moving of the Politicke bodie , in whole , or in part , ought not to bee agaynst the will and direction of the head . This is cleare by that which the same King hath written in his Booke entituled , The true Law of free Monarchies , where by manie strong Arguments , hee doeth at length demonstrate , that in a free . Monarchie , ( such hee proveth this his Ancient Kingdome of Scotland to bee ) the Subjects for no occasion or pretext what-so-ever , may take Armes , without power from the King ; and much lesse agaynst him , whether hee bee a good King , or an oppressour ; whether godlie , or vngodlie ; altho the People haue might and strength humane . And comprehendeth the summe of all his discourse concerning this matter , in these words following . Shortlie , then , to take vp in two or three sentences , grounded vpon all these Argmentes , out of the law of GOD , the duetie & alleadgeance of the people to their lawfull King : their obedience , I say , ought to bee to him , as to GOD'S Lievtenant in Earth , obeying his commands in all things , except directlie agaynst GOD , as the commands of GODS minister ; acknowledging him a judge set by GOD over them , having power to judge them , but to bee judged onlie by GOD , whom to onlie hee must giue count of his judgement . Fearing him , as their judge ; loving him , as their Father ; praying for him , as their Protectour ; for his continuance , if hee bee good ; for his amendement , if hee be wicked ; following and obeying his lawfull commands , eschewing and fleeing his furie in his vnlawfull , without resistance , but by fobbes and teares to GOD , according to that sentence vsed in the primitiue Church in the tyme of the persecution , P●eces & lachryma , sunt armae Ecclesiae : that is , Prayers and Teares , are the armes of the Church . 3. Ye tolde vs before , and now againe doe repeat it , that the first part of the Act of Parliament 1585 , is relatiue to another Act in Queene Maries tyme , forbidding Bands of Manrent . Wee knew that sufficientlie before yee tolde it , and passed by that part of your Answere , as not pertinent for our Argument : so that yee needed not now agayne , to put vs in mynde of it . But wee may justlie challenge you , for not answering that which wee objected , concerning the second part of that Act ; for it reacheth farther , than that Act made in Queene Maries tyme , and of new statuteth and ordaineth , That in tyme comming , no Leagues or Bands bee made amongst his Majesties Subjects of anie degree , vpon what-so-ever colour or pretence , without his Highnesse or his successoures privitie and consent , had and obtayned thereto ; vnder the payne to be holden & execute as movers of sedition and unquyetnesse , &c. Wherevnto also is consonant the 131 Act made in the 8 Parliament of King James the sixt , Anno 1584 ; where it is statuted and ordayned by the King and his three estates , that none of his Highnesse Subjectes of what-so-ever qualitie , estate , or function they bee of , spirituall or temporall , presume or take vpon hand to convocate , conveane , or assemble themselues together , for holding of Councells , Conventions , or Assemblies , to treate , consult , and determinate in anie matter of Estate , Civill or Ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinarie judgements ) without his Majesties speciall commandement , or expresse licence had and obtayned to that effect , vnder the paynes ordayned by the Lawes and Acts of Parliament , agaynst such as vnlawfullie convocate the Kings Liedges . And where-as yee finde fault , that wee dispute from the Act of Parliament , and that wee doe preciselie adheare to the letter of the Law , wee pray you to consider , that the nature of this question leadeth vs to the Act of Parliament . Beside , it seemeth strange , that yee should challenge vs in this kynde , since for justifying of your vnion ( as yee call it ) yee haue amassed a great number of Acts of Parliament , and inserted them in the booke of your Covenant . Wee omit the missapplying of these Acts , which were made agaynst Poperie , and not agaynst all these thinges , which yee doe now resist as Popish . Neyther can wee perceaue , how these Acts of Parlament adduced by you , to justifie your vnion , proue that poynt . More-over , some of these Acts cited by you , as namelie , the 114 Act made in Parliament Anno 1592 , in so farre as it is agaynst Episcopall Government , and all other of that sort , are expreslie rescinded by a posterior Act made in Parliament Anno 1612. How could yee in a legall Dispute , for justifying your vnion , produce rescinded Acts , as if they were standing Lawes , and passe by the posterior Acts , which are yet Lawes standing in vigour , whereby these other Acts are rescinded ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Constitutiones tempore posteriores , potiores sunt his quae ipsas praecesserunt . ff . de constitutionibus Principum , L. 4. 4. Wee doe adheare in our former Replye , not onlie to the letter , but also ( according to our conception , without prejudice of better information ) to the verie reason and lyfe of the Law. The sentence cited by you , to wit , Salus Reipub. suprema lex esto , or the safetie of the Common-Wealth should bee the chiefe Law , serveth for a good direction to Rulers , in making or changing of Lawes , or in judging according to them : whence in the Lawes of the 12 Tables , these wordes are applyed to this purpose . This is observed by King James of blessed Memorie , in his often mentioned booke of the true Law of free Monarchies : For albeit , sayeth hee , that I haue at lēgth proved , that the King is aboue the Law , as both the author and giver of strēgth thereto ; yet a good King will not onlie delyte to rule his Subjects by the Law , but even will conforme himselfe in his owne actions therevnto , alwayes keeping that groūd , that the health of the Cōmon-Wealth be his chiefe Law. And where he seeth the Law doubt some , or rigorous , hee may interpret or mittigate the same , lest otherwyse summum jus bee summa injuria : But this sentence doeth no wayes warrand Subjectes to refuse obedience to standing Lawes , agaynst the will of the Supreame Law-giver , who is a speaking Law. For this were to open a doore to all confusion , which would not prooue the safetie , but the ruine of the Common-Wealth . As for that which yee sayde before of the Generall Band , and Confession of Fayth , and which heere agayne yee doe alleadge for your Covenant , wee haue signified our opinion thereof , in our preceeding DVPLYE . The responses and verdicts of Juris-Consults concerning your Covenant , are not knowne to vs , nor yet the reasons & inducements , which moved them to giue out their declaration in your favoures , as yee alleadge . Of OBEDIENCE , due by Subjects , to AVTHORITIE . 5. The poynt touching Royall Authoritie , is not so full of thornes and rockes as yee giue out , if men would bee pleased vnpartiallie to holde the playne and patent way , layde before vs by holie Scripture , and by Orthodoxe Antiquitie , and by manie Eminent Divynes in the reformed Church , and learned Politickes ; which wee shall heere make manifest , after the vindication of those three famous Theologues , ( Whitaker , Bilson , and Rivet ) whom yee would haue the Reader to esteeme favourers of your opinion . 6. Doctor Whitakers wordes agaynst William Raynold , translated into English , out of the Latine Edition at Oppenheme , Anno 1612. Pag. 51. are these , Hee relateth the tumults and troubles , which were raysed for Religion , in Germanie , France , and Boheme : as if that one thing were sufficient to condemne them , because once they did oppose themselues , and resisted the violence offered to GOD'S Trueth , and to themselues : Where-as notwithstanding , Fayth , Oath , and publicke Edicts , and finallie the Lawes themselues gaue them warrand to doe the same . I will not say more of this matter , which is nowayes pertinent to the present purpose , especiallie seeing not onlie their just Apologie , but also the Edicts of the Princes themselues haue liberated them from the cryme of rebellion . By these words of Doctor Whitaker , which yee haue cited , the Reader may easilie perceaue , that hee doeth nowayes mayntayne or allowe taking of Armes by Subjects , without warrand of the publicke Lawes , and approbation of the Prince ; but excuseth what was done in those warres , by the allowance of the Lawes and Edicts of Princes . 7. So also Doctor Bilson , in his Booke entituled , The true difference betwixt Christian Subjection , and vnchristian Rebellion , printed at Oxford Anno 1585 , Pag. 382. in the wordes cited by you , declareth evidentlie , that hee speaketh of such Republickes & States , as haue defences warranded by fundamentall Covenant , in that Governement . But what is that Doctors mynde , concerning the duetie of Subjects , in a free and absolute Monarchie , is evident by his owne words in that same booke , Pag. 380 , where disputing agaynst a Jesuit , hee sayeth ; Warre for the Catholicke Religion , is both lawfull and honourable , you say : you must adde , of the Subjectes agaynst their Prince , or else you range cleane besides our question . Wee stryue not what causes may leade Christian Princes to make Warre on their Neyghboures , but whether it bee lawfull or tollerable for the Subject , to beare Armes agaynst his naturall and absolute Prince . You proue , which is nothing to our purpose . But , Sir , in this enterpryze , the person must bee respected as well as the cause : Bee the cause never so just , if the person bee not authorized by GOD to draw the Sword , they bee no just nor lawfull Warres . Private men may not venter on Warres , vnlesse they bee directly warranded by him that hath the Sword from GOD. And agayne in that same booke , Pag. 502 , Our Saviour for teaching his , that they should bee brought before Kings and Rulers , and put to death , and hated of all men for His Name sake : addeth not , as you would haue it , and hee that first rebelleth , but , hee that endureth to the ende , shall bee saved ; and agayne , Not with violence restrayne them , but in patience possesse your owne soules . This is the way for all Christian Subjects to conquer Tyrants , and this is the remedie provyded in the New Testament agaynst all persecutions , not to resist powers , which GOD hath ordayned , lest wee bee damned : but with all meeknesse to suffer , that wee may bee crowned . And Pag. 513. hee showeth , that manifolde formes of Common-Wealthes , make diverse men speake diverslie of the Magistrates sword . And Pag. 518. hee pleadeth , that the Subjects in England , haue not that lawfull warrand , to draw the sword without consent of their Prince , as the Germanes haue without consent of the Emperour ; and this discourse hee prosecuteth in some following pages . 8. The same is the meaning of Doctor Rivet , ( as wee take it ) in his Commentarie vpon the PSALME 68 ; where he distinguisheth betweene an absolute Principalitie , and such a Principalitie as is onlie Conditionall , Pactionall , Conventionall . Of this second sort are to bee vnderstood , his words of just and necessarie defence . But of the absolute Principalitie speaking in that same place , hee recommendeth to Subjects , rather suffering of Martyrdome . And this to bee his meaning , appeareth more clearlie by his last declaration concerning this question , in his late Treatise entituled , Jesuita Vapulans : where beeing pressed by an adversarie , hee handleth this question of purpose . In the meane tyme , wee wonder verie much , that yee haue not directlie answered to these remarkeable wordes of Doctor Rivet , alleadged by vs in our Replye , wherein hee playnlie averreth , that the doctrine of Buchanane , Knox , and Goodman , concerning Subjects resisting their lawfull Princes , is not approved by anie sound Protestant . Wee expected from you , a full and particular Answere ; and now agayne we would gladlie heare , whether yee approue the judgement of Rivet , concerning that doctrine of these wryters , or not . 9. Thus having vindicated these three divynes , which yee alleadge for you , wee come now to those Testimonies which wee promised , for clearing of the playnnesse of the way touching Authoritie . First , it is evident by holie Scripture , that it is vnlawfull for Subjects in a Monarchicall estate , ( such as is this Kingdome of Scotland ) to take Armes for Religion , or for anie other pretence , without warrand and power from the Prince , and Supreame Magistrate . For the Scripture teacheth vs , that the SWORD belongeth onlie to the KING , and to them who are sent by him , ROM . 13. 1. PET. 2.13.14 . That wee ought to keepe the King's commandement , and that in regarde of the Oath of GOD , ECCLES . 8.2 . And , that wee should bee subject , not onlie for wrath , but also for conscience sake ; because the Powers that bee , are ordayned of GOD : Who-so-ever , there-fore , sayeth S. PAVL , resisteth the Power , resisteth the ordinance of GOD : And they that resist , shall receaue to themselues damnation , ROM . 13. In the wordes of the Apostle S. PAVL , there is a remarkable opposition betwixt Subjection and Resistance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; implying , that all militarie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether Defensiue , or Offensiue , if it bee agaynst the Superiour Power , which GOD hath set over vs , is forbidden . In lyke manner we reade MATTHEW 26.52 . that all they that take the Sword , shall perish with the Sword. Now certayne it is , that in a Free Monarchie , Subjects haue not the Sword from GOD , except by the hand of the King , to whom onlie GOD hath immediatelie given it . And therefore who-so-ever taketh the Sword without his warrand , hath just reason to feare the foresayde warning of our Saviour . Manie other places of Scripture might bee adduced to this purpose , which for brevitie wee omit , and doe proceede in the next rowme to some testimonies of ancient Fathers , & other wryters . 10. Tertullian , in his Apologeticke , Chap. 30. and 33. and 37. telleth vs , that the ancient Christians in his tyme , altho having an heathen and persecuting Emperour , did honour him , as chosen of GOD , and second from GOD , and first after GOD ; and did choose rather to suffer , than to make resistance by force of Armes , altho they lacked not number , and strength to doe it . 11. The lyke example haue we in that renowned Thebaean Legiō of 6666 Christian Souldioures , called Agaunenses , from the place of their suffering , who without making resistance , as they had strength of hand to haue done , suffered themselues rather to bee slayne , for their Christian Profession , by the Officers of Maximian the Emperour , executors of his cruell commandement agaynst them . This fell out in the 18 yeare of Diocletian , as Ado Viennensis wryteth in his Chronicle , which was the yeare of GOD 297 , as Cardinall Baronius reckoneth in his Annalls . And of that their Christian cowrage , and pious resolution , Venantius Fortunatus , an ancient Bishop of Poictiers , hath left vnto vs these Encomiasticke lynes , in the second Booke of his Poëms , Biblioth . Patr. Tom. 8. Edit . 4. Pag. 781. Queis , positis gladiis , sunt arma è dogmate Pauli , Nomine pro CHRISTI dulcius esse mori . Pectore belligero poterant qui vincere ferro , Invitant jugulis vulnera chara suis . 12. Gregorie Nazianzen , in his first Oration , speaking of the Persecution by Julian the Apostate , when the Christians were moe in number , and stronger in might of hand , to haue made open resistance , if they had in their consciences found it agreeable to their Christian Profession , declareth playnlie , that they had no other remedie agaynst that Persecution , but patient suffering for CHRIST , with gloriation in CHRIST . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 13. S. Ambrose , having receaved imperiall commandement , to deliver the sacred Houses , or Churches , to bee possessed by the Arians , declareth what hee thought convenient to bee done in such a case ; to wit , neyther to obey in that which hee could not performe with a good conscience , nor yet to resist by force of Armes . His wordes to the people , ( CONCIONE 1. contra AVXENTIVM ) are these ; Why , then , are yee troubled ? I shall never willinglie leaue you . If I bee compelled , I can not gayn-stand . I may bee sorie , I may weepe , I may sigh . Agaynst Armes , Souldiours , the Goathes also , my Teares are Armes : For such are the Guardes of a Priest . Other-wayes I neyther ought nor may resist . a And in the second Booke of his Epistles , and 14 Epistle , to his Sister Marcellina , speaking of that same purpose , hee sayeth ; b I shall not fortifie my selfe with a multitude of people about mee . — Wee beseech , O EMPEROVR . we fight not . — I may not deliver the Church ; but I ought not make resistance . 14. Such also was the doctrine and practise of manie other great Lightes , which shyned in the dayes of Julian the Apostate , and in the dayes of the Arrian Emperoures , and Gothicke Arrian Kinges . 15. S. Augustine , wryting of a lawfull Warre , acknowledgeth that onlie to bee lawfull , which hath authoritie from the Prince . For it is much to bee regarded , ( sayeth hee ) for what causes , and by whose authoritie , men vndertake Warres : But that naturall order , which is accommodated to the peace of mortall men , requireth this , That the authoritie and counsell of vndertaking Warre , bee in the power of the Prince . 16. The imperiall Lawes doe say the same , ff . Ad legem Juliam majestatis . Leg. 3. Eadem lege tenetur , & qui injussu Principis bellum gesserit , delectumve habuerit , exercitum comparaverit . Et Cod. vt armorum vsus inscio Principe interdictus sit . Nulli prorsus nobis insciis , atque inconsultis quorumlibet armorum movendorum copia tribuatur . These are the words of the Emperoures Valentinian and Valens . Et Cod. de re militari , Leg. 13. Nemo miles . Nemo miles vel sibi vacet , vel aliena obsequia sine nutu principali peragere audeat , &c. 17. BODIN , in his first Booke de Republica , cap. 10. Num. 155 & 156. ( Pag. 244. Edit . Latin. 4. Vrsell . Anno 1601. ) reckoneth among the proper rights of Majestie , the right and power to make Warre : and this hee showeth to appertayne , in a free Monarchie , to the Prince onelie . 18. To this meaning sayeth Peter Martyr ; As concerning the efficient cause , it is certayne that Warre may not bee made without the authoritie of the Prince . For Paull sayeth , that hee beareth the Sword : therefore hee may giue it to whom hee willeth , and may take it from whom hee willeth . Loc. Com. Class . 4. Cap. 16. § 2. And a little after , to wit , § 7. hee reciteth and commendeth a saying of Hostiensis to the same purpose . 19. CALVIN , in the fourth Booke of his INSTITVTION , in the last Chapter of that Booke , disputeth the Question at length , and by manie strong Argumentes evinceth , and concludeth , that it is no-wayes lawfull for Subjectes , to resist their Prince by force of Armes ; whether the Prince bee Godlie , and just ; or vngodlie , and vnjust in his conversation , and commaundementes : and , that no-thing remayneth to Subjectes in such a case , but to obey , or suffer . Where vnderstand , that Fleeing , is a sort of Suffering . Neyther are his wordes subjoyned in the 31 Sect. to wit , I speake allwayes of private men , &c. contrarie to this . For first CALVIN in this Dispute , indifferentlie vseth the names of private men , and Subjectes : And therefore , in the 33 Sect. at the beginning of it , hee tearmeth those of whose duetie hee disputeth , Subjectes . And in-deede , who-so-ever is a Subject , is also , in respect of the supreame Ruler , a private man. Although Magistrates , who are vnder the King , bee publicke persons , in respect of their inferioures ; yet being considered , with relation to him that is Supreame , 1. PET. 2.13 . they are but private . As in Dialecticke , an intermediate genus , altho in respect of the inferiour species , it bee a genus ; yet in relation to the superiour genus , it is but a species . All POWER OF GOVERNING , is so subjected to the supreame Power , that what-so-ever is done agaynst the will of the supreame Ruler , is destitute of that Power ; and consequentlie , is to bee esteemed for a private act . For , as wee are taught by the Philosophers , ORDER can not bee , but with a reference to that which is first . Hence KING IAMES , in his Booke Of the true Law of free Monarchies , PAG. 206. affirmeth , that all the people are but private men , the authoritie beeing allwayes with the Magistrate . Secondlie , this is manifest from the verie wordes of CALVIN , in that same 31 Sect. for there hee excepteth none from the necessitie of obeying , or suffering , when Kinges command thinges vnjust ; but onelie popular Magistrates , appoynted for restrayning the licentiousnesse of Kinges . Nowe , where such Magistrates are erected , it is certayne , that a King , in such a Common-wealth , hath not the supreame power : For if hee had the supreame power , none could force him , since an Inferiour can not force his Superiour . This can not bee done , but onelie by him , who is Superiour , or at least aequall . Thirdlie , this is cleare also by the examples adduced by CALVIN ; namelie , the Lacedaemonian Ephori , the Romane Tribunes , and the Athenian Demarchi . When the Ephori were set vp in Lacedaemon , the Kinges of Lacedaemon , were but Kinges in name , and had not the Supreame power , as it is confessed by the Learned . So when the Tribunes had their full power in Rome , the Supreame power was in the people : and in lyke manner it was in Athens , , when the Demarchi had power . Therefore , from this no-thing can bee inferred for the lawfull resistance of Subjectes , to a Monarch , or King , properlie so called . Fourthlie , CALVIN applying this to the Kingdomes that nowe are , sayeth no more , but that peradventure the three Estates assembled in Parliament , haue that fame power , which the fore-mentioned Ephori , &c. had . Heere it is to bee marked , that hee sayeth onelie , peradventure it is so : which can bee no warrand to a man's conscience , in a matter of so great importance . For hee that resisteth his Superiour by force of Armes , should not onelie thinke , that peradventure hee hath power , but should bee assuredlie perswaded , that hee hath power so to doe . When there is no more said , but that peradventure such a thing is , it may bee as reasonablie sayde , Peradventure such a thing is not . Neyther doeth hee giue this power even peradventure , but to the the three Estates assembled in Parliament . Hence the learned RIVET , speaking of CALVIN his mynde in this place , sayeth , that hee giveth no power to people over Monarchs , properlie so called . The same also is observed , concerning CALVIN his mynde , by Albericus Gentilis , in his third Royall Dispute . 20. The same doctrine also is delivered by King JAMES of blessed Memorie , in his Booke entituled The true Law of free Monarchies , by Hugo Grotius in his first Booke de jure belli & pacis , CAP. 4. by Leonhartus Hutterus , in his common places , Loc. 32. CAP. 3. Iohannes Gerhardus in the 6 TOM . of his common places , in his Treatise de magistratu politico , NVM . 483. where hee discourseth accuratelie of this matter : Zepperus in his 3 Booke de Politia Ecclesiastica , in the last Section of the 13 Chapter , PAG. 573. Edit . Herborn . 1595. Albericus Gentilis , in his regall disputations , disput . 3. de vi civium in Regem semper injusta . Iohn Bishop of Rochester , in his worke written agaynst Bellarmine , de potestate Papae in rebus temporalibus , LIB . 1. CAP. 8. CLASS . 2. Where hee adduceth a clowde of manie moe Authors . M. Antonius de Dominis , in his Booke called Ostensio errorum Francisci Suarez , CAP. 6. § 27. Ioannes Angelius Werdenhagen , I. C. in his Politica generalis , LIB . 3. CAP. 10. QUEST . 14. 21. By these Testimonies wee intende not to lay vpon you , or anie of our Countrey-men , anie imputation , or to take vpon vs to giue sentence concerning their proceedinges : but onlie beeing invited heereto by your last Answeres , wee thought it our duetie , to signifie to the Reader , that manie Ancient and late Famous Wryters are not of that opinion , eyther to thinke the question touching Authoritie , so full of Rockes and Thornes , as you call it , or yet to favour such a defensiue taking of Armes , as you thinke to bee alleadged by Whitaker , Bilson , and Rivet . 22. Now to prosecute what remayneth of your Answere : whereas yee say , that when yee justifie your Covenants and Conventions , yee meane not onlie the last and most remote endes , but the nearest and immediate ; wee pray you tell vs what yee meane by the nearest and immediate ende : if yee meane the object it selfe , ( which the Schoole-men call finem intrinsecum & proximum ) then the lawfulnesse and equitie of the matter , vowed and promised in the Covenant , is all one with the goodnesse of the ende of it . Whence wee inferre , that seeing the matter promised by you in this your Covenant , to wit , your Mutuall Defence agaynst all persons , none excepted , is in our judgement vnlawfull , and forbidden by a lawfull Authoritie ; the ende , of your Covenant is meerelie evill : but if by the nearest ende yee meane any thing which is diverse from the object , then wee still affirme agaynst the last part of your first Answere , to our second DEMAND , that Conventions , and Covenants , & all other actions , are to bee esteemed & judged of , first or principallie by the equitie of the object , and then by the goodnesse of the ends of it , whether they bee fines proximi , or fines remoti . 23. Wee doe not joyne with the Papistes , blamers of our Reformation , ( as yee seeme to beare vpon vs ) because they hate and oppugne our reformed Religion , which wee loue and defende . Neyther doe wee take vpon vs to censure the proceedinges of our Reformers : but wee stryue , by the grace of GOD , so to carrie in our owne tyme , and to walke wyselie in a perfect way , as our adversaries the Papistes , may get no advantage to pleade for their vnwarrantable doctrine and practises , by anie pretence of our example . THE III. DVPLY . IN your third Answere , passing lightlie from our REPLYE , yee fall into some vnexpected digressions , concerning the Service Booke and our thoughts thereof : we esteeme it a matter beyond the compasse of humane judicatorie , to sit vpon the thoughts of other men . As for those outward expressions , which yee alleadge vpon some of vs , of not seeing erroures in that Booke , or groaning for it ; yee shall vnderstand , that such multiplicitie of Popish erroures , as was alleadged by some of you , to bee in that Booke , was invisible to some of vs. Altho to enter in a particular examination or consideration , of everie poynt and sentence in that Booke , is not now tyme nor place . Neyther did anie of vs professe groaning for that Booke in particular , but for an vniformitie of Divyne Service throughout this Nationall Kirke , and a more perfect forme than wee yet haue , that the publicke Service were not permitted to the severall judgements , and private choyse of everie Minister and Reader . Which also was thought convenient by the Nationall Assemblie of the Kirke of Scotland , holden at ABERDENE , Anno 1616. 2. Whether that Service Booke ( now discharged ) contayneth anie Innovation of Religion , or anie thing contrarie to the Protestant Religion , ( as yee alleadge ) wee doe not dispute now . But we doe assuredlie belieue , the pietie and sinceritie of his Majesties intention , ever to haue beene , and still constantlie to bee , as it is graciouslie declared by his Majesties late PROCLAMATION . And wee are certaynlie perswaded , that his Majestie hath given order , to discharge all the Actes of Counsell , made anent the Canons , and Service-Booke ; and are crediblie informed , that They are discharged by Act of Counsell , [ at Holie-Rood-House , the fift of Julie last ] according to the order given by his Majestie . Also , wee see no such just cause of Feare , as may import your alleadged Necessitie of Covenanting ; seeing his Majestie will not presse anie thing of that nature , but in such a fayre and legall way , as shall satisfie all his loving Subjectes : and , that hee neyther intendeth innovations in Religion nor Lawes ; as wee declared in our former Replye , to which yee haue not sufficientlie answered . Neyther was it necessarie , for removing of anie just Feares , that his sacred Majestie should disallowe that Service-Booke , as yee requyre ; but it was sufficient , to discharge it , in manner foresayde . 3. Yee doe conclude your Answere vnto our thirde Replye , with an vncouth and incredible Position , whereof yee bring no proofe at all , but onelie this bare Assertion ; Who-so-ever professe them-selues , to bee perfectlie satisfied with the PROCLAMATION , doe proclayme in the eares of all the Kingdome , that they are better pleased with the Service-Booke , and Canons , than with the Religion , as it hath beene professed in this Land since the Reformation . This your Thesis , is so evidentlie weake , that we neede no more for the over-throwe there-of , but to oppose there-vnto this our playne and vndenyable Antithesis ; Who professe them-selues to bee perfectlie satisfied with that PROCLAMATION , where-by the Service-Booke is discharged , & the Religion professed in this Land since the Reformation , is established , doe proclayme in the eares of all the Kingdome , that they are better pleased with the Religion professed in this Land since the Reformation , than with the Service-Booke , and Canons . THE IV. DVPLY . YEE alleadged a before , and now agayne doe affirme , that wee haue mistaken your Interpretation of the Olde Covenant , as if it had beene given out Judiciallie by you , and , as if yee had intended to enforce it vpon others . To free your selues of this imputation , yee sayde in your first Answere , that yee intended onlie To make knowne your owne meaning according to the mynde of our reformers , and in charitie to recommend it to others . Hence wee inferred in our REPLYE , that yee ought not to obtrude your Interpretation vpon vs , nor molest anie man for not receaving the same . To this now yee say in your second Answere ; Altho you neyther vse threatnings , nor obtrude your Interpretation vpon vs , yet wee must pardon you , if yee match vs not with the greatest part of this Kingdome , in whose name , by all fayre meanes yee recommend it to vs. Truelie , Brethren , wee are not offended with you , for preferring the judgement of so manie , to our judgement , who are but few in number : neyther neede yee to craue pardon of vs for this . But concerning these fayre meanes , and that force of reason whereby , yee say , yee recommend your Interpretation of the Olde Covenant to vs , pardon vs , if the experience wee haue , both of your wrytings and proceedinges , make vs to oppose this your assertion . For in your wrytings wee expected indeede , but haue not found that force of reason , whereof yee speake : and as for the proceedinges of those who haue subscrybed your Covenant , wee of all men haue least reason to belieue that they vse no threatninges , seeing wee heare daylie so much their threatnings agaynst our selues . 2. Where-as for clearing of that which yee sayde before , concerning the mynde of our Reformers , yee affirme , that The authoritatiue judgement of our Reformers is evident , not onlie by the Confession of Fayth ratified in Parliament , but also by the bookes of Discipline , Acts of Generall Assemblies , and by their owne writs : First , wee marvell , how yee can say , that the private writings of Master Knox , and others , who with him were instruments of that great worke of Reformation , haue publicke authoritie to obliedge the Subjectes of this Kingdome . The legislatiue , and obligatorie power of the Church , is onlie in Synods or conventions of Bishops and Presbyters , and not in particular persons expressing their myndes apart . Next , this Church in the former age , by abrogating the office of Superintendents , established in the first booke of Discipline , hath declared , that the statutes & ordinances contayned in those bookes , are not of an authoritie perpetuallie obligatorie , but may bee altered or abrogated by the Church , according to the exigencie of tyme. The same lykewyse is manifest by the abrogation of summarie excommunication , which this Church did abolish , altho it was established in Generall Assemblies , wherein Master Knox , and other Reformers , were present . Wee neede not to insist much in this , seeing so manie of you , who are Subscribents , mis-regarde the ordinances of our Reformers , praefixed to the PSALME BOOKE , concerning the office of Superintendentes , or Bishopes , Funerall Sermones , and set formes of Prayer , which they appoynted , to bee publicklie read in the Church . Hence the Reader may perceaue , that ye haue no warrand for your Interpretation of the Olde Covenant , from the authoritatiue , and obligatorie judgement , of the Reformers ; seeing yee can not ground it vpon the Confession of Fayth ratified in Parliament . As for those other Meanes mentioned by vs , to wit , Scripture , Antiquie , and consent of the Reformed Churches ; that they truelie make for vs , and agaynst you , the vnpartiall Reader may perceaue , by these our Disputes . Whether or not Episcopacie , and Pearth Articles , bee abjured in the Late Covenant . 3. As for the second Miss-taking mentioned by you in your Answere , wee did showe in our Replye , that in your Covenant , Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are abjured . And for proving of this , wee asked of you , what yee meaned by the recoverie and libertie of the Gospell , as it was established and professed before the fore-sayde Novations ? and what is that period of tyme , to which your wordes there haue reference ? that is , Whether it bee that period of tyme , when the Service-Booke , and Booke of Canons , were vrged vpon you ? or if it bee the tyme , when Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , were receaved in this Church ? But , truelie , your Answere to this , is no-wayes satisfactorie , nor hath so much as a showe of satisfaction . For yee are afrayd to expresse that period of tyme , lest yee bee forced to graunt , that which wee before objected . And yet your speach bewrayeth you : For seeing yee answere onelie to that which wee sayde concerning the last of these two periods , wee collect , that by the recoverie of the libertie and puritie of the Gospell , as it was established before the fore-sayd Novations , yee meane the reducing of the Policie of this Church , vnto that estate in which it was , before Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , were established . And hence wee inferre , as wee did before , that in that part of your Covenant , yee condemne and abjure Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , as contrarie to the Puritie and Libertie of the GOSPELL . 4. Yee seeme to answere , that in that part of your Covenant , yee condemne not PEARTH Articles , and Episcopacie , but those Abuses and Corruptions , which haue accompanied them ; such as the Superstitious observing of dayes , cessation from worke on those dayes , Feasting , Guysing , and the grosse abuses , which haue entered in the Sacrament , vpon kneeling before the Elementes : and , that in respect of these Abuses , wee who allow Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , may sweare without prejudice of our cause , to recover the Puritie and Libertie of the Gospell , as it was established , and professed , before these Novations . 5. But , first , let anie indifferent , or vnpartiall man , who knoweth the state of our CHVRCH , judge , whether or not it bee lyklie , that your Vowe , of the recovering the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell , as it was before Episcopacie , and Pearth Articles , were introduced , importeth onelie an Intention of removing of the Consequentes of Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , and not of the removing of those thinges them-selues ? Truelie , wee are perswaded , that they who knowe the state of this CHVRCH , and your mynde , concerning these thinges , will thinke this your Glosse of your owne wordes , to bee violent , and excogitated for cluding our Argument . 6. Secondlie : Who can thinke , that yee , and others , Contryvers of the Late Covenant , who condemne Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , as much as yee doe the consequentes of them , haue onelie vowed , to remoue their Consequentes , and not remoue them-selues ? 7. Thirdlie , is it possible , that anie can promise and vowe , to labour for the curing of so manie , and so great pretended diseases of this Church , ( wee meane these abuses which yee say , haue accompanied Pearth Articles and Episcopacie , ) and in the meane tyme promise , and intende nothing concerning the removing of the causes of them ? 8. Fourthlie , how can wee , without great prejudice of our cause , acknowledge , that these grosse abuses mentioned by you , haue entred in the Sacrament , by kneeling before the Elements ? ( yee should haue sayde at the receaving of the Elements ) for seeing Kneeling at the receaving of the Sacrament , is confessed by vs to bee a matter indifferent ; if in our Oath , wee acknowledge these grosse abuses to haue entred in vpon Kneeling , it will probablie follow in the judgement of some , and in your judgement , who recommend this Oath vnto vs , it will follow infalliblie , that Kneeling for the evill consequences thereof , ought to bee removed . Doe yee not heere cunninglie deale with vs ? For altho yee vrge vs not , as yee say , to sweare and promise the removing of Kneeling , yet yee vrge vs , by your owne confession , to promise the removing of these abuses occasioned by Kneeling : which beeing acknowledged by vs , yee will then take vpon you to demonstrate , that Kneeling it selfe ought to bee removed : for yee holde it for a Maxime , That thinges indifferent , beeing abused and polluted with Superstition , should bee abolished . Wee can not sufficientlie marvell , how yee who are of this mynde , can say to vs , that wee who allowe Pearth Articles and Episcopacie , may sweare to recover the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell , as it was before , &c. For yee meane , that wee may doe so , without prejudice of our cause . But wee haue alreadie showne , that according to your judgement and doctrine , if wee sweare that which yee would haue vs to sweare , our cause shall bee much prejudged , yea , vtterlie lost . 9. Fiftlie : Howe can wee sweare , to remoue these grosse abuses entered in vpon Kneeling , as yee alleadge ; seeing wee thinke , that no such abuses haue entered in vpon it ? Yea , our people , trye them who please , will show , that they are as free from all erronious conceits , concerning that holie Sacrament , as anie living in these Congregations where Kneeling is daylie cryed downe . 10 Sixtlie , as for these abuses and corruptions , reckoned vp by you , as the consequentes of the observation of Festivall dayes , to passe by that which before wee marked concerning Kneeling , to wit , that the granting of this were a great prejudice to our cause , some of these are not abuses at all , as , cessation from worke . Agayne , some of them haue not come in vpon the observation of the Articles of Pearth , as Guysing , and Feasting , ( yee meane excessiue Feasting , for otherwyse it is not an abuse ) which onlie fall foorth on Christ-mas Feastivitie . For sure wee are , that these abuses haue not come by the anniversarie commemoration of CHIST'S Nativitie , in the which by the ordinance of Pearth Assemblie , all Superstitious observation , and Prophanation of that day , or anie other day , is prohibited , and appoynted to be rebuked . This the Reverend and learned Bishop of EDINBVRGH , in his defence of the Act of Pearth Assemblie , concerning Feastivities , PAG. 63. proveth , because ( sayeth hee ) wee haue lacked preaching vpon Christ-mas day , these fiftie seaven yeares by-gone , in our Church , yet Ryot , Prophanenesse , Surfet , and Drunkennesse , haue not beene wanting . 11. Seaventhlie , as for Superstitious observation of dayes , ( whereof hitherto wee haue had no experience ) wee marvell , that yee can reckon it , amongst the Consequentes of the observation of dayes : seeing in your judgement , it is all one with the observation of dayes . For yee thinke the observation of anie daye , except the LORD'S Day , to bee , in the owne nature of it , Superstitious , and Will-worship . 12. As for the last part of your Answere to our Argument , concerning the fore-sayde period of tyme ; where yee alleadge , that manie Corruptions , of Popish and Arminian doctrine , haue entered in the Kirke , &c. wee aske you , Whether yee designe heere an other period of tyme , than yee did before ? or if yee designe onlie this selfe-same period of tyme , ( in the which both the fore-sayde Practicall Abuses , and these Doctrinall Corruptions , haue entered into this Church , accompanying , a yee alleadge , Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? ) Or , last of all , If yee designe no period of tyme at all ? If yee take you to this last , professing , that yee haue heere designed no period of tyme ; then yee answere not our Argument , where-in wee particularlie , and expresslie posed you , concerning that period of tyme , vnto which your wordes cited oft before , haue reference . If yee designe the same period of tyme , then looke howe yee can escape our praeceeding Argumentes , concerning that period of tyme. 13. But if yee designe an other period of tyme , then wee aske you , Whether it bee prior , or posterior , to the period of tyme alreadie mentioned ; to wit , the tyme praeceeding the bringing in of the Articles of Pearth ? Yee can not say , that it is posterior to it : for yee complayned of Arminian Corruptions , even before Pearth Assemblie ; branding some of the most Learned of our Church , with that Aspersion . And of Popish Corruptions of Doctrine , yee complayned , when Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , were established . For the Doctrines , of the lawfulnesse and expediencie of these thinges , are , in your judgement , meerlie Popish , and Antichristian . Neyther can yee say , that it is prior to the fore-sayde period of tyme : for the tyme praeceeding the in-bringing of Pearth Articles , comprehendeth all that tract of tyme which interveaned betwixt the Reformation , and Pearth Assemblie . 14. But wee will yet more evidentlie convince you , by two other Arguments , drawne from that part of your Covenant , of which wee are now speaking , and from the wordes of this your Answere , to our fourth REPLYE ; for first in your Covenant yee promise , and also will haue vs to promise with you , To forebeare for a tyme , the practise of Pearth Articles , vntill they bee tryed , as yee say , in a free Assemblie . But this forbearance importeth a manifest prejudice , and wronging of our cause : for this is a fore-acknowledgement , eyther of the vnlawfulnesse , or else of the inexpediencie of the matters , concluded in Pearth Assemblie . For wherefore ought wee in this exigence of the Church , to forbeare the practise of Pearth Articles , rather than of other Rites of the Church , except for some greater evill comprehended in them ? This will appeare more evident , if wee shall consider the reason alleadged by you , Pag. 17 , wherefore wee ought now to forbeare the practise of these Articles : to wit , because in the case of Scandall , and sensible feare of Superstition , wee ought to doe so . Now this case of Scandall is not in your judgement , a temporarie , but a perpetuall consequent of Pearth Articles . For yee thinke it will ever scandalize the Papists , as if we were approaching to them : Lykewyse yee thinke everie one of them , and especiallie Kneeling , to bee inductiue to sinne , ex conditione operis , by the verie nature and qualitie of the worke it selfe . Whence it followeth , that they are necessarilie and immutablie scandalous ; for what-so-ever agreeth to anie thing , in respect of the nature of it , it agreeth to it necessarilie and immutablie . If therefore wee in this respect , sweare the forbearance of Pearth Articles , wee shall bee holden to forbeare Pearth Articles , not for a tyme , but for ever . 15. Next , wee pray you consider , what is meaned by the foresayde Novations , in that part of your Covenant , wherein yee promise to labour to recover the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell , as it was before the foresayde Novations . Certaynlie these wordes can not bee vnderstood of Novations to bee introduced , and which haue not as yet entred vnto our Church . For the Libertie ▪ and Puritie of the Church is not as yet lost , yea , not impared by them , and so needeth not to bee recovered by the removing of them . They must then be vnderstood of the Novations mentioned in the Parenthesis of your Covenant ; that , is of all Innovations alreadie introduced by Authoritie , and their alleadged Consequentes , which yee promise to forbeare , vntill they bee allowed , and tryed by a free Assemblie . Hence anie man may conclude , that altho in your Parenthesis , yee promise onlie to forbeare these Novations for a tyme , yet in the wordes immediatelie following , yee condemne and abjure them . For the recovering of the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell , as it was established before the foresayde Novations , importeth manifestlie a removing of all these Novations , which eyther in themselues , or in respect of their consequents , are contrarie to the Puritie and Libertie of the Gospell . But all Novations alreadie introduced , are in your judgement of this kynde , and there-fore your Vowe , of the Recovering the Libertie and Puritie of the GOSPELL , importeth a removing of all the fore-sayde Novations . 16. To conclude this Argument : Yee may see , that wee haue pryed no more narrowlie into the expressions of your COVENANT , than wee had reason ; and haue laboured , not to scarre our selues , and others , with meere shadowes , as yee affirme . Of our ARGVMENT , Ad hominem , and the weake Retorsion of it , by the Answeres . 17. Nowe wee come to our Argument , or Syllogisme , AD HOMINEM , which hath so pinched you , that yee haue not attempted to answere to anie of the Propositions of it . Our intention in that Argument , was to proue , that whether Pearth Articles bee abjured in the Late Covenant , or not ; Yet yee ( who came hither , to giue vs satisfaction concerning the Covenant ) can not , with a safe conscience , averre , or declare to vs , that they are not abjured in it . This wee did evidentlie proue , reasoning thus : What-so-ever Rites are abjured in the Olde Covenant , they are also , in your judgement , abjured in the Late Covenant . But Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are , in your judgement , abjured in the Olde Covenant : ERGO , they are , in your judgement , abjured in the Late Covenant : and , consequentlie , if yee deale sincerelie with vs , ye must averre , that they are also abjured in the Late Covenant . 18. To this yee say , first , that what-so-ever be your judgement , as yee are particular persons , yet , at this tyme , yee were to bee taken , as Commissioners from the whole Companie of Subscrybers . Truelie wee did take you so ; and did thinke , that yee who were Commissioners from such a Multitude of good Christians , would haue tolde vs your mynde sincerelie , concerning the full extent of the Late Covenant ; and , that yee would neyther haue affirmed anie thing as Commissioners , which yee doe not thinke to bee true , as yee are particular persons ; nor yet would haue laboured , so to insnare vs , as to haue bidden vs subscrybe a Covenant , reallie , and indeede , in your judgement , abjuring those thinges , which wee , with a safe conscience , can not abjure . For , in your judgement , PEARTH ARTICLES , and EPISCOPACIE , are most reallie abjured in the LATE COVENANT , although yee playnlie affirme the contrarie , in your Answeres to our fourth , fift , and sixt Demaund . And ( which is much to bee noted ) in your Answere to our tenth Demaund , yee affirme , concerning your selues , That yee , in this Late Covenant , haue promised onelie Forbearance of Pearth Articles . Wee wonder much , howe yee can say so . For who-so-ever by their Oath haue tyed themselues to a Confession , in the which they firmlie belieue Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , to bee abjured , those haue indeede abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie . But yee in the Late Covenant , haue tyed your selues by your Oath , to the Little Confession , or Olde Covenant , in the which yee firmlie belieue , Episcopacie , and Pearth Articles , to bee abjured : Ergo , in your Late Covenant yee haue abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie : And not onelie yee , but all those who are of that same mynde with you . Whence wee inferred , in that tenth Demaund , That none of you can vote freelie in the intended Assemblie , concerning PEARTH ARTICLES , and EPISCOPACIE . 19. Secondlie , yee say , that if others of the Subscribents , who are of our judgement , ( that is , who are not perswaded that Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are abjured in the Olde Covenant , ) had come as Commissioners at this tyme to vs , our Argument AD HOMINEM , had beene anticipated , because it would not haue beene pertinent for them . But yee are deceaved , for wee haue ever looked principallie to these , who were the first Contryvers of the Late Covenant , or had speciall hand in it , that is , to your selues , and to others , who these manie yeares by-gone , haue opposed Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , as Popish corruptions , abjured in the Olde Covenant ; and consequentlie haue , in this Late Covenant , ( in the which that former Covenant is renewed ) by your owne personall Oath , abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie . If then that other sort of Commissioners had come vnto vs , wee would haue sayde to them , that wee can not sweare the Late Covenant , because Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are in it abjured . And this wee would haue proved by the lyke Argumēt AD HOMINEM , that is , by an Argument grounded vpon the judgement of the contryvers of the Late Covenant : as yee may easilie perceaue . 20. Thirdlie , yee say , that wee haue perceaved the insufficiencie of our Argument , because wee objected this to our selues : that seeing wee thinke Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , not to bee abjured in the Olde Covenant , wee may Subscrybe the New Covenant , in the which that Olde Covenant is renewed . Truelie yee might haue alleadged this , if wee had propounded that objection , and had left it vnanswered . But wee answered it ▪ and brought some reasons ( which yee wyselie did passe by , perceaving the force of them ) to show , that wee can not convenientlie subscrybe your Late Covenant , notwithstanding of our Judgement , or rather Opinion of the meaning of the Olde Covenant . We say Opinion : for to speake truelie what we thinke , wee doubt , and so doe others with vs , concerning the meaning of some parts of the Olde Covenant , touching matters of Ecclesiasticall policie , and haue not so full a perswasion in our myndes concerning those parts , as may bee to vs a warrand of our Oath . 21. Fourthlie , where-as yee say , that it was not for vs to inquyre in your private opinion , concerning the meaning of the Late Covenant , in that part of it , where it tyeth vs to the inviolable observation of the Olde Covenant , nor was it necessarie for you , to make it knowne to vs ; Wee answere , that wee inquired not your private opinion , but the common judgement of all those , who with you these twentie yeares by past , haue accused vs of Perjurie , for the alleadged violation of the Olde Covenant , sworne by our Praedecessoures . And truelie wee had more than reason to doe so ; because wee most justlie feared , that yee , who haue so oft accused vs of Perjurie , for practising Rites and Ceremonies abjured , as yee alleadge , in the Olde Covenant , sworne by our Praedecessoures , would much more vehementlie ; yea , also with a greater show of probabilitie , accuse vs of Perjurie , for violation of the Olde Covenant , sworne and ratified by our selues in this Late Covenant , if wee should stand to the defence of Pearth Articles in tyme to come . It became vs therefore , for eschewing of this inconvenient , to inquyre of you , and you also sincerelie and playnlie to declare to vs , whether or not wee may Subscrybe & sweare the New Covenant , as it includeth and ratifieth the Olde , and yet bee reallie free from all abjuration , or condemning Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? And lykewyse whether or not yee , and all others who are of your mynde , will holde and esteeme vs free from abjuration of them , not-with-standing of our subscrybing of your Covenant . These Questions requyre a punctuall Aunswere . For if our subscrybing of your Covenant , may eyther import a reall Abjuration of Pearth Articles , or if it may make you to thinke , that by vertue of our Subscription , wee are reallie , and in-deede , bound to reject them for ever ; neyther can wee , with a good conscience , subscrybe your Covenant ; neyther can yee , with a good conscience , requyre it of vs. 22. Fiftlie , from our refusing to subscrybe the Late Covenant , in so farre as it reneweth the Olde Covenant , or Little Confession ; because that Confession , according to your Interpretation , or conception of it , importeth an Abjuration of Pearth Articles , yee collect , first , that vpon this ground wee would not haue subscrybed the Late Confession anie tyme by-past . Secondlie , That wee can not sweare the Confession of anie Church , no , not the Articles of the CREED , Petitions of the LORD'S PRAYER , nor Praeceptes of the ten COMMANDEMENTS , in respect of the diverse Interpretations , which men giue of them . Wee answere , first , that since the Little Confession , is not of Divine Authoritie , and since the Humane Authoritie which it had , hath these manie yeares by-gone ceassed , ( as THE PEACEABLE WARNING , Latelie given to the Subjectes in SCOTLAND , proveth ) wee would haue refused our Subscription vnto it , ever since wee heard , that it importeth an Abjuration of all Rites , and Ceremonies , which were not receaved in our CHVRCH in the yeare 1681 ; except wee had gotten some Evidence to the contrarie , sufficientlie satisfying our myndes . Secondlie : As for the CREED , LORD's PRAYER , and tenne COMMANDEMENTS , your Argument taken from the varietie of mens Expositions of them , is farre from the purpose . For , since wee are perswaded , that the Author , or Penne-men of THEM , neyther intended , nor yet delivered anie thing in them , but Trueth : and that their Expression is authenticke , wee are bound to embrace , and receaue them , not-with-standing of the varietie of Interpretations , which men giue of them : neyther is it lawfull to vs , to refuse our Subscription , or Assent , to them , what-so-ever be the judgement or assent of those who requyre it of vs : beeing allwayes bound to acknowledge the infallible Authoritie of them , even when wee doubt of the true meaning of them . Thirdlie : As for anie of these later Confessions of Churches , if the case bee such , as nowe it is in this particular of this Late Covenant , that is , if wee bee not bound by anie standing Lawe , to subscrybe it , and if it bee so lyable to the varietie of Interpretations , that it may probablie import that which wee thinke to bee contrarie to the TRVETH , and if these who requyre our Subscription , bee , in our judgement , Opposers of the Trueth , in anie poynt contayned in that Confession , & may make advantage of our Subscription , alleadging , that wee are tyed by it , to consent to their Doctrines , or Practises : we may justlie , in such a case , denye our Subscription to that Confession , for the ambiguitie of it ; and much more may desire those who vrge vs to subscrybe it , to declare vnto ●s , before wee giue our SVBSCRIPTION , Whether , or not , that CONFESSION , in their judgement , will tye vs to their Doctrines , and Practises . 23. Last of all : In modestie , as yee say , but with a jesting complement , yee present vnto vs , a Dish ▪ of our owne dressing : yee meane , the lyke Argument , AD HOMINEM ; which is this : The Rites and Ceremonies which are not abjured in the Negatiue Confession , are not abjured in this Late Covenant : But the Rites and Ceremonies , which were concluded in Pearth Assemblie , are not abjured ▪ as yee say , in the Negatiue Confession , made anno 1581 ; therefore they are not abjured in this Late Covenant . The first Proposition , as yee say , is evident , because in the Late Covenant wee are bound no farther , concerning the Negatiue Confession , but to keepe it inviolable : And there-fore , what Rites are not abjured there , are not abjured heere . Lyke-wyse yee say , that the second PROPOSITION can not bee denyed by vs , in respect these twentie yeares by-gone , wee haue thought our selues free of Perjurie , not-with-standing of the Oath made 1581 , and of our conforming our selues to the Ordinance of PEARTH . Good Brethren , yee haue retorted this . Argument verie weaklie vpon vs. For , first , wee flatlie denye the Major of your Syllogisme ; and withall doe repell the confirmation of it . For altho Pearth Articles , were not abjured in the Late Covenant , in so farre as it reneweth the Negatiue Confession ; yet they may bee , and , as it is alreadie proven , they are abjured in that other part of your Late Covenant , where yee vowe and promise , To recover the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell , as it was established and professed before the fore-sayde Novations-Next , as for your Minor , or second Proposition , wee suspend our judgement of it , vntill wee bee better informed and advysed : doubting , as wee sayde before , concerning the meaning of those parts of the Olde Covenant , which concerne matters of Rite or Ceremonie . Neyther doeth the confirmation of your Minor trouble vs ; for wee haue thought our selues free of Perjurie these twentie yeares by-gone , not for anie certayne perswasion which wee had , that Pearth Articles are not abjured in the Olde Covenant ; but because wee did not personallie sweare that Covenant , and are not tyed to it , by the Oath ▪ of those who did Subscrybe it : which wee are readie to demonstrate by irrefragable Argumentes . Yee see then your Argument retorted vpon vs , pearceth vs not at all : and the Reader , may perceaue that our Argument hath beene so forciblie throwne vpon you , that yee haue not taken vpon you to answere anie part of it . If ye had had evidence of the Trueth for you , yee would not onlie haue retorted our Argument , but also by answering it punctuallie , showne , that it strayteth not you : and if yee had beene exact Resolvers , yee would not haue gone about to haue satisfied vs with a naked Argument in contrarium . 24. Before wee leaue this poynt , that it may bee knowne to all , what reason wee haue to insist in this our Argument , AD HOMINEM , and that wee haue proponed it , not to catch advantage of you , but to get satisfaction to our owne myndes , concerning the COVENANT , and your sinceritie in vrging vs to Subscrybe it , wee will collect out of that which hath bene alreadie sayd , some INTERROGATORIES , which wee pray you to answere punctuallie , if yee intende to giue vs satisfaction . The first is , Whether or not your declaration of the extent of the LATE COVEMANT , to wit , that it extendeth not it selfe to the abjuration of Pearth Articles , bee not onlie VERA , true in it selfe , but also VERAX , that is , consonant to your mynde , and to the mynde of the chiefe Contryvers of it ? The reason where-fore wee propone this question , yee will perceaue by these that follow . Secondlie , seeing yee and others the chiefe Contryvers of the Olde Covenant , haue beene ever of this mynde , that Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are abjured in it ; wee aske , Whether yee all tying your selues by this LATE COVENANT , to the inviolable observation of the OLDE COVENANT , haue tyed your selues to it in all the particular poynts , which yee conceaved to bee contayned in it , or onelie in some of them ? Did yee by mentall reservation , except anie part of that OLDE COVENANT , or in particular did yee except that part of it , in the which , Perpetuall continuance in the Doctrine & Discipline of this Church is promised ? Or if that part was not excepted , did yee put anie new glosse vpon it which it had not before ? And if yee did not , whether or not yee renewing the Oath of perpetuall observation , of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church , as it was Anno 1581 , haue not onlie reallie , but also according to your owne conception of that part of the OLDE COVENANT , abjured all Rites and Ceremonies , added to the Discipline of this Church , since the fore-sayde yeare ; and consequentlie , the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie ? Thirdlie , seeing yee so confidentlie averre , that Pearth Articles are abjured in the Olde Covenant , howe can yee denye them to bee abjured in the New Covenant , except yee acknowledge a substantiall difference , betwixt the Olde and New Covenant ? Fourthlie , if yee grant that they are reallie and indeed abjured in the Late Covenant , how can yee faythfullie and sincerelie say to vs , or to anie other , that they are not abjured in it ? Fiftlie , how can yee , and all others , ( who with you haue reallie , and also according to your owne conception of the Olde Covenant , abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , by renewing of it ) voyce freelie , in the intended Assemblie , concerning these thinges ; seeing yee are tyed by your Oath , to condemne and abrogate them ? Sixtlie , How can wee concurre with you in an Oath , wherein wee are infalliblie perswaded that yee haue abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? Seaventhlie , If wee concurre with you in that Oath , will yee not ( as wee objected in our REPLYE , but yee haue not answered it ) thinke vs bound by our Oath , to condemne Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? And will not yee thinke your selues bound in conscience to tell vs , and all others , that which yee thinke to bee trueth , and may make much for your cause , to wit , That the wordes of the Covenant haue but one sense , and that in that one sense Pearth Articles are abjured ? 25. Yee , and all others , may nowe see , howe injustlie yee sayde , That wee would haue the Covenanters , agaynst their intention , And whether they will or not , to dis-allowe , and condemne Pearth Articles , and Episcopall Governement , lest they bee tryed in a free Assemblie . God knoweth , how farre wee detest all such dealing , and this vindication of our two Argumentes ( wee added also a third , but yee haue swallowed it ) brought by vs , to proue , that Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are abjured in your Late Covenant , will sufficientlie cleare vs of this imputation , to all vnpartiall Readers . 26. Wee did not onelie alleadge , as yee say , that your Supplications to his Majestie were fullie satisfied , by the last PROCLAMATION ; but grounding an Argument vpon your Answere , to our fourth Demaund , wee reasoned thus : If in all your Supplications , yee haue onelie sought the removing of the Service-Booke , Booke of Canons , and New High Commission ; not complayning of anie other Novations , alreadie introduced : And , seeing his Majestie hath graunted this vnto you , what reason haue yee to say , that his Majestie hath not satisfied your Supplications ? This our Argument , yee haue turned to a meere Alleadgeance , lest yee should haue troubled your selues , with answering it . VVhether , or not , we may forbeare the practise of PEARTH ARTICLES , vntill they bee tryed in a FREE ASSEMBLIE . 27. Wee come now to the consideration of that , which your COVENANT , by your owne confession , tyeth vs to ; to wit , The forbearance of PEARTH Articles , vntill they bee tryed in a free Assemblie . And first , where-as yee say , That the vrging of the Service Booke , is a sufficient reason for forbearance of PEARTH Articles , till an Assemblie ; wee professe , that wee can not see the equitie , and force of this reason . For the Service-Booke may be holden out , albeit Pearth Articles were not forborne at this tyme ; yea , altho they should never bee removed . And the more obedient , Subjects were at this tyme , to his Majesties lawes allreadie established , the greater hope might they haue of obtayning their desires . 28. Ye bring 2 Argumēts , to proue the lawfulnes of the forbearance of Novations alreadie introduced . One is , that the Articles of Pearth establishing them , were cōcluded onlie for satisfying the King , and not to presse anie man with the practise of them : And because the Act it selfe ( yee meane the Act concerning Kneeling ) giveth warrand , to forbeare the practise of them at this tyme , when the memorie of Superstition is revived . But this reason doeth no wayes satisfie our consciences . For , to begin with the last part of your Answere ; THE MEMORIE OF SVPERSTITIOVS CELEBRATION OF THE LORD'S SVPPER , is not renewed in this Kingdome , for ought wee know . And , if yee meane , that it is renewed by the Service-Booke ; suppone that were true , yet , yee know , the Service-Booke is discharged , by the Act of Councell , at his Majesties commandement . Secondlie , the Act of Pearth , giveth no warrand to forbeare Kneeling , vpon everie suspition or apprehension of Superstition , re-entring vnto this Church . Your Argument , which yee brought to proue this , from the narratiue of that Act , in your Answere to our nynth Demaund , is confuted moste playnlie by vs in our Replye to your Aunswere : and wee shall agayne speake of it in our DVPLYE , to your second Answere concerning that Demaund . 29. As for the other two parts of your reason , they are contrarie to the verie wordes of the Acts of Pearth Assemblie . The first part is contrarie to the Narratiue of all these Acts , wherein no mention is made of satisfying the King , but of other motiues taken from the expediencie , or vtilitie of the matters themselues . The second part is contrarie to the tenour of the Decision , or Determination of these Acts : in the which by these formall wordes , The Assemblie thinketh good : the Assemblie ordayneth : Kneeling in the Celebration of the Sacrament , Feastivall dayes , &c. are enjoyned . 30. Wee heare of a childish , and ridiculous concept of some , who thinke that these wordes , The Assemblie thinketh good , importe not an Ecclesiasticke constitution , but a meere advyse , or counsell . This apprehension proceedeth from ignorance : for that phrase is most frequentlie vsed by Councells , in their decrees . In that Apostolicke Councell , mentioned ACTS 15 , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are expresslie vsed , verse 22.25.28 . In the Councell of Ancyra , Can. 1. & 2. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is vsed . In that Great and first O Ecumenicke Councell of Nice , Can. 5 , yee haue these wordes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Can. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Can. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the third Councell of Carthage , Can. 1.2 . & 3. the word placuit is vsed , & in codice Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae Graeco-Latino passim habetur vox PLACVIT 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And from the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Decrees of the Apostolicke Councell were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Act. 16.4 - Yea , also the Civill Decree of Caesar Augustus , LVKE 2. verse 1. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , edictum , placitum . And in the Civill Lawe , the Constitutions of Emperoures , are called Principum placita , Instit . de Jure naturali , § . 6. & 9. Quod Principi placuit , Legis habet vigorem , sayeth Vlpianus , ff . de Constit . Principum , Lege 1 : Where Quod Principi placuit , signifieth as much , as Quod Princeps constituit . 31. Your other Reason , ( which yee bring to proue the lawfulnesse of the forbearance of Pearth Articles ) is , That it is lawfull to sweare the forbearance of a thing indifferent , in the case of Scandall , and sensible Feare of Superstition , in others . Yea , yee thinke , that by doing so , yee haue sworne Obedience to the Commandement of GOD , which forbiddeth the doing of that where-by others may bee scandalized . This Reason moveth vs no more than the first : For , as for your feare of farther Superstition , it is now groundlesse , and causelesse , in respect of the gracious Promises contayned in his Majesties PROCLAMATION . But although it were a feare justlie conceaved , and although the eschewing of an Evill justlie feared , bee a thing good , and desirable ; yet wee ought not , for the eschewing of it , disobey the lawfull Commaundementes of our Superioures . For this were to doe Evill , that Good might come of it ; which the Apostle condemneth ; ROM . 3. verse 8. Of SCANDALL ; and whether or not wee may denye Obedience to the Lawes of our Superiours , for feare of Scandall causleslie taken ? 32. As for that other motiue of Scandall , for which yee alleadge , that wee who thinke the matters concluded in Pearth Assemblie , to bee indifferent , and lawfull , may sweare the forbearance of them ; wee pray you , tell vs , What kynd of Scandall it is , which , as yee alleadge , is taken at the practise of Pearth Articles ? Yee knowe , that passiue Scandall , is eyther procured by the enormitie or irregularitie of the fact it selfe , ( to wit , when eyther it is a Sinne , or else hath a manifest showe of sinne ) or else it is not procured , but causeleslie taken by some , eyther through malice , or else through weaknesse . Nowe , which of these two sortes of Scandall whould yee haue vs to acknowledge , in the practise of Pearth Articles ? If the first , then yee would haue vs to condemne Pearth Articles , before they bee tryed in a free Assemblie : which is contrarie to your Protestation , and no lesse contrarie to our Resolution . For , if wee acknowledge anie enormitie in the practise of Pearth Articles , ex ipsa conditione operis , wee shall bee holden to condemne them , and abstayne from them for ever . 33. If yee will haue vs to acknowledge , that the Scandall following vpon the practise of Pearth Articles , is of the second sort , that is , is causeleslie taken ; and , that for such a Scandall , whether it bee taken through weaknesse , or malice , wee ought to abstayne from the doing of a thing indifferent , although it bee enjoyned by a lawfull Authoritie ; ( for yee generallie affirme , that all thinges , which are not necessarie , and directlie commaunded by GOD Him-selfe , ought to bee omitted , for anie Scandall what-so-ever , altho it bee causeleslie , yea , and most maliciouslie taken , and that not-with-standing of anie humane precept , or lawe , enjoying them . See the Dispute agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 2. Cap. 8. Sect. 5. & 6. Item Cap. 9. Sect. 10. ) then wee protest , that wee differ so farre from you in this poynt , that wee thinke , that for no Scandall , causeleslie taken , can wee sweare such a forbearance of Pearth Articles , as yee would haue vs. And wee marvell from whence yee haue learned this strange , and moste haske Doctrine , that for Scandall , causeleslie , yea , maliciouslie taken , a man may totallie , and absolutelie , denye Obedience , to the Lawes of Superioures . 34. The Author of the Dispute even now cited , alleadgeth for his opinion , some Schoole-men , acknowledging the trueth of it : and hee nameth Cajetane , and Bannez , who ( sayeth hee ) affirme , that wee should abstayne , even a spiritualibus non necessariis , when Scandall aryseth out of them . Hee might haue cited for this tenet , Thomas , and all his Interpreters , ( even altho hee had beene but slenderlie acquaynt with them ) as well as these two : For they all doe say so . But truelie he much mis-taketh them , when hee alleadgeth them for his opinion . For , first , none of them ever taught , that wee ought to abstayne totallie and altogether , from anie spirituall duetie for the Scandall , eyther of the weake , or malicious . Secondlie , when Thomas and others following him , say , That bona spiritualia non necessaria sunt dimittenda propter Scandalum , they speake directlie de eis quae sunt sub consilio , non vero sub praecepto , of matters of Councell , and not commanded by anie Authoritie , divyne or humane : and the most which they say of them , is , that such thinges sunt interdum occultanda , vel ad tempus differenda , that is , may at some tymes , and in some places , bee omitted , for eschewing the Scandall of the weake . Thirdlie , the most accurate Casuists , and Jnterpreters of Thomas , differ much about this question , Whether or not , thinges that are commanded by positiue Lawes , Civill , and Ecclesiasticall , may bee omitted at any tyme , for eschewing Scandalum pusillorum , the Scandall of the weake . Dyverse of them denye this , to wit , Navarrus , in Manual . Cap. 14. § . 44. Vasquez , Tom. 5. Tract . de scandalo , dubio primo , § . 5. Becanus in summa Theologiae , Part. 2. Tom. posteriori , Tract . 1. Cap. 27. Quaest. 5. Ferdin . de Castro Palao , in opere morali , Tract . 6. Disp. 6. Punct . 16. Duvallius , in 2 am 2 ae Divae Thomae , Tract . de Charitate , Quaest . 19. Art. 5. And for their judgement , they cite Thomas , Durandus , Almainus , Anton. Florent . and manie others . Fourthlie : Those of them who thinke , that thinges commanded by humane Lawes , may bee omitted in the case of Scandall , admit not , as yee doe , such an omission of the thing commaunded , in the case of Scandall , as is conjoyned with a flatte Disclayming of the Authoritie of the Lawe . For they tell vs , that wee ought not , for anie Scandall of the weake , denye Obedience to the Precepts , or Lawes , of our Superioures , when-so-ever all other Circumstances beeing considered , wee are tyed , or obliedged , to the obedience of them . The omission , then , of the thing commaunded , which they allowe , is onelie a partiall and occasionall forbearance , and not a totall abstinence from Obedience , or disclayming the Authoritie of the Lawe . See Valentia , Tom. 3. Disp. 3. Quaest . 18. Punct . 4. & Suarez , de triplici Virtute , Tract . 3. Disp. 10. Sect. 3. § . 9. 35. But the forbearance of Pearth Articles , which yee requyre of vs , is conjoyned with a flatte disclayming of the Authoritie of all the Laws which established them . And yee will haue vs to forbeare these Articles , at this tyme , when all the particular Circumstances , which wee ought to regarde , beeing considered , wee are tyed to Obedience of them ; especiallie , if wee looke to the will and mynd of the Law-givers , and of our present Superioures . Wee justlie say , that you will haue vs to disclayme , all-to-gether , the Authoritie of these Lawe : For who-so-ever resolue , and determine , not to practise Pearth Articles , vntill they bee tryed in a New Assemblie , and established by a New Parliament ; these are purposed , never to obey them , except they bee tyed by new Lawes and Actes , concluded in a New Assemblie , and Parliament : And , consequentlie , are resolved , never to regarde and obeye the Lawes or Actes of Pearth Assemblie , and the Parliament 1621 , which established these thinges . But so it is , yee would haue vs to resolue , yea , to promise , and sweare , not to practise Pearth Articles , vntill they bee tryed in a New Assemblie , and established by a New Parliament : ERGO , yee would haue vs to promise , not to practise Perth articles , except wee bee tyed , or obliedged , by New Lawes , to practise them : and , consequentlie . would haue vs , never to regarde , or obey , the Actes of Pearth Assemblie , and Parliament 1621. 36. This kynde of forbearance , to wit , which is conjoyned with a playne disclayming of the authoritie of the Lawes made by our Superioures , can not bee excused with your pretence of Scandall causeleslie taken . This wee proue : First , by a position granted by your selues , and so evidentlie true , that no man can denye it . The Author of the Dispute , agaynst English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 1. Cap. 4. Sect. 4. sayeth , That it were Scandall , not to obey thb Lawes of the Church , when they prescrybe thinges necessarie , or expedient for the eschewing of Scandall : And , that it were contempt , to refuse obedience to the Lawes of the Church , when wee are not certaynlie perswaded , of the vnlawfulnesse or inexpediencie of things commanded . Now , if such a refusing of obedience , bee both a Contempt , and a Scandall , it followeth manifestlie , that no man for eschewing of Scandall causeleslie taken , ought in such a case to refuse obedience . Hence wee reason thus : who-so-ever are not perswaded of the vnlawfulnesse or inexpediencie , of the things commanded by their Superioures ; and on the contrare thinke them to bee expedient ad vitandum Scandalum ; these ought not for eschewing of Scandall , refuse obedience to the lawes and ordinances of their Superioures . But so it is , wee are neyther perswaded of the vnlawfulnesse , nor of the inexpediencie of Pearth Articles : yea , on the contrarie , wee thinke that the Acts of Pearth Assemblie , enjoyneth thinges verie expedient for eschewing of Scandall : ERGO , wee ought not for eschewing of Scandall causeleslie taken , to refuse obedience to them . The Major of this our first Argument , is alreadie proven . The Minor is conforme to the light of our owne consciences , as GOD knoweth : and therefore so long as wee are of this mynde , wee can not denye obedience to the ordinances of our Superioures , for anie feare of Scandall causeleslie taken . 37. Secondlie , that which may bee removed by information or instruction , can not bee a warrand to vs , of a totall abstinence from the obedience of Lawes , or , which is all one , of an avowed disclayming of the Authoritie of them . But the Scandall of the weake , taken by the practise of Pearth Articles , may bee removed by information , or instruction : ERGO , it can not bee a warrand to vs , of a totall disclayming of the Authoritie of the Laws , whereby these Articles were established . 38. Thirdlie : If for Scandalls taken , especiallie by the Malicious , wee may disclayme the Authoritie of a Law , then wee may ever disclayme the Authoritie of all Lawes , of the Church or Estate . For there is nothing commanded by Lawes , but some , eyther through weaknesse , or through malice , may take offence at it . 39. Fourthlie , Wee ought not for eschewing Scandall causeleslie taken , to injure or offend anie man , by denying to him , that which is due to him , and therefore wee ought not , for eschewing Scandall causeleslie taken , to offend and injure our Superioures , in Church and Policie , by denying to them that obedience which is due to them . The antecedent is cleare by manie examples . For if a man bee Excommunicated , shall his Wyfe , Children , and Servants flee his companie , and so denye to him these dueties which they owe to him , for feare that others bee Scandalized , by their keeping of companie with an Excommunicate Person ? And if they may not for eschewing of Scandall , abstayne from these dueties , which they owe to a private person , much lesse may wee abstayne from that obedience , which we owe to our Superioures , having publicke charges in Church and Policie , for eschewing of Scandals causeleslie taken by others . 40. Fiftlie , What if the thing commanded , bee enjoyned by the civill Magistrate , vnder payne of death , and by Ecclesiasticall Authoritie , vnder payne of Excommunication , shall wee for feare of a Scandall causeleslie taken , which may bee removed by information , or for the Scandall of the malicious , who will not bee informed at all , abstayne from the doing of a thing lawfull and expedient , enjoyned by Authoritie , and by so doing , incurre these most grievous punishments of Death Temporall , and Spirituall ? Wee belieue , that your selues , who speake most of Scandall , would bee loath to take such a yoke vpon you . 41. Sixtlie , The denying of obedience , to the lawfull commandements of our Superioures , is forbidden in the fift COMMANDEMENT , and consequentlie it is a sinne . Shall wee then for a Scandall causeleslie taken , denye obedience to our Superioures , and so incurre the guiltiness of sinne ? Yee commonlie answere to this , that the Negatiue Part of the fift COMMANDEMENT , which forbiddeth the resisting of the power , ROM . 13. VERS 2. and in generall the denying of obedience to Superioures , is to bee vnderstood with the exception of the case of anie Scandall taken by others . For if wee see , ( say yee ) that anie may , or will take offence , at the doing of that which is commanded by our Superioures , wee are not holden to obey them : and our denying of obedience to them in such a case , is not forbidden in that COMMANDEMENT . 42. But , first , wee aske , what warrand yee haue to say , that the negatiue part of the fift Commaundement , is to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of Scandall , more than other negatiue Preceptes of the second Table ? Secondlie : As men may take offence , eyther though weaknesse , or malice , at our doing of the thing commaunded ; so they are moste readie to stumble at our denying of Obedience to the lawfull Commaundementes of our Superioures : For they will take occasion , by our carriage , to doe that , vnto which by nature , they are moste enclyned ; to wit , to vilipende Lawes , and the Authoritie of their Superioures . Shall wee , then , for the eschewing of a Scandall causeleslie taken , not onelie refuse to our Superioures , the duetie of Obedience , which they craue of vs ; but also incurre an other Scandall , and that a farre more perilous one . Thirdlie : Wee haue alreadie showne , that the negatiue parte of the fift Commaundement , is not allwayes to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of Scandall causeleslie taken . For , Wyues , Children , and Servantes , must not denye Obedience , and familiar conversation to their Husbandes , Parentes , and Masters , which are excommunicated , for feare that others , through weaknesse , or malice , bee scandalized there-at . Fourthly : As yee saye , that the Precept concerning Obedience to Superioures , is to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of Scandall causeleslie taken ; so wee , with farre better Reason , saye , that the Precept , of eschewing Scandall causeleslie taken , is to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of Obedience peremptorlie requyred , by our lawfull Superioures , as wee shall showe in our next Argument . VVhether the PRECEPT of OBEDIENCE to SVPERIOVRS , or the PRECEPT of eschewing SCANDALL , be more obligatorie ? 43. Last of all : When a man is peremptorlie vrged by his Superioures , to obey their lawfull Commandements , and in the meane tyme feareth , that if hee doe the thing commanded by them , some , through weaknesse , shall be scandalized , by his carriage ; in this case , hee is not onlie in a difficultie , or strait , betwixt the Commandement of Man , and THE COMMANDEMENT OF GOD , who forbiddeth vs to doe that where-by our weake Brother may bee offended ; but also hee seemeth to bee in a strayt betwixt two of GOD'S Commandementes ; to wit , betwixt that Precept which forbiddeth the doing of anie thing , where-by the weake may bee scandalized , and that other Precept which forbiddeth the resisting of Authoritie ; and telleth vs , that who-so-ever resisteth the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of GOD. Nowe , seeing GOD'S Preceptes are not repugnant one to another , neyther doeth GOD by His Lawes laye vpon vs a necessitie of sinning , out of all question , in this case , wee are fred from the Obligation of one of these Preceptes : and that which doeth not so strictlie tye vs , or is lesse obligatorie , must needs giue place to the other , which is of greater Obligation . Yee commonlie saye , that the Precept of Obedience to humane Authoritie , must giue place to the Precept of eschewing Scandall , altho it bee causeleslie taken : And , to confirme your Assertion , yee saye , that the Ordinance of a Superiour , can not make that fact to bee free of Scandall , which other-wayes would bee scandalous ; and , that a fact , vpon which anie Scandall followeth , ought not to bee done for the Commaundement of Man. Whence yee collect , that , in such a case , wee ought not to regarde , or obeye , the Commaundement of our Superioures . 44. This your Reason can not bee good , because we can easilie retort the Argument , and saye to you , that in such a case wee ought not to regarde the Scandall causeleslie taken by our weake brethren , so farre , as to denye simplie , and absolutelie , Obedience to our Superioures for it ; and that because the sinne of Disobedience ought to be eschewed : and no Scandall of weake brethren causeleslie taken , can make that fact , not to bee the sinne of disobedience , which other-wayes , that is , extra casum scandali , would bee the sinne of disobedience . For it is certayne , that ( laying aside the case of Scandall ) to denye Obedience to the Ordinance of our Superioures , enjoyning , and peremptorlie requyring of vs , thinges lawfull , and expedient , is reallie the sinne of Disobedience . Yee will saye , that the scandall of weake brethren , may make that Fact , or Omission , not to bee Disobedience , which otherwayes would bee Disobedience ; because wee ought not for the Commaundement of man , doe that where-by our weake brother may bee offended : and so the Precept of Obedience bindeth not , when offence of a weake brother may bee feared . On the contrarie wee saye , that the lawfull commaundement of Superioures , may make that Scandall of our weake brethren , not to bee imputed vnto vs , which other-wayes would bee imputed vnto vs , as a matter of our guiltinesse ; because wee ought not , for feare of Scandall causeleslie taken , denye Obedience to the lawfull Commaundementes of our Superioures . 45. Agayne , yee say , that when Scandall of weake brethren may bee feared , the Precept of Obedience is not obligatorie , in respect the thing commaunded by our Superioures , altho it bee in it selfe lawfull , yet it becommeth vnexpedient , in respect of the Scandall which may followe vpon it . Nowe , ( saye yee ) the Ordinances of our Superioures are not obligatorie , when the thinges commaunded by them are vnexpedient . Wee , on the contrarie , saye , that when our Superioures requyre of vs Obedience to their lawfull Commaundementes , the Precept of eschewing Scandall , is not obligatorie ; in respect wee ought not , for Scandall causeleslie taken , omit necessarie dueties , which GOD in His Law requyreth of vs : In which number , wee moste justlie doe reckon , THE DVETIE OF OBEDIENCE , which wee owe to the lawfull Commaundementes of our Superioures . 46. As for that which yee saye , that when Scandall may bee taken at the doing of the thing commanded , then the thing commanded becommeth inexpedient , and so ought not to bee obeyed ; that yee bee not more deceaved by this errour , wee pray you marke , that a thing commanded by our Superioures , in Church , or Policie , may bee two wayes inexpedient , to wit , eyther in respect of some particular Persons , who through weaknesse or malice doe stumble at it , or else in respect of the bodie in generall , because it is contrarie to Order , Decencie , and Edification . If the thing commanded bee inexpedient the first way onlie , wee may indeed , in such a case , for eschewing the Scandall of the weake , forbeare the practise of the thing commanded hic , & nunc , in some particu●ar places , and tymes : provyding alwayes wee doe this , Without offence of our Supericures , and without the Scandall of others , who by our forbearance may bee made to vilipend the Authoritie of Lawes . But wee , can not in such a case totallie and absolutelie , denye obedience to a Law , as wee haue alreadie proven . Neyther is your Argument brought to the contrarie valide , in respect wee ought more to looke to the vtilitie and benefite , which the bodie of the Church may receaue by the thing commanded , and by our Obedience to our Superioures , than to the harme which some particular Persons may receaue there-by . 47. If the thing commanded , bee in our private judgement inexpedient the second way , wee ought not for that to denye Obedience to the Lawes of the Church ; for when the inexpediencie of a thing is questionable , & probable Arguments may bee brought pro and contra , concerning the expediencie of it , wee haue sufficient warrand to practise it , if the Church by her publicke decree hath declared , that shee thinketh it expedient . Your errour , who are of the contrarie mynde , is verie dangerous , & may proue most pernicious to the Church , for it maketh the Church obnoxious to perpetual Schisme , & disconformitie in matters of externall Policie : in respect men ordinarilie are divyded in judgement , concerning the expediencie of these thinges . Suppone , then , that in a Synode consisting of an hundreth Pastors , threescore of them thinke this , or that particular Ceremonie to bee expedient for the good of the Church ; and in respect of the plurality of their voices , mak an Act to be concluded for the establishing of it , shall the remnant fourtie , who are of the contrarie judgement , denye Obedience to the Act of the Synode , because they are perswaded , that the thing concluded is inexpedient ; and shall they by doing so , rent the bodie of the Church ? Truelie , if wee were all of your mynde , wee should never haue Peace nor Vnitie in this Church . Yee will say , perhaps , that this our Argument , is Popish , and leadeth men to acquiesee , without tryall , or examination , in the Decrees of the Church . Wee answere , that in matters of fayth , the trueth where-of may bee infalliblie concluded out of GOD'S word , wee ought not , without tryall , to acquiesce into the Decrees of the Church . And in this respect wee dissent from the Papistes , who ascrybe too much to the Authoritie of Councells , as if their Decrees were infallible . But in matters of Policie , if we bee certayne , that in their owne nature they are indifferent , and if the expediencie of them onlie bee called in question , seeing no certayne Conclusion , concerning their expediencie , can bee infalliblie drawne out of GOD'S Word , which hath not determined , whether this or that particular Rite bee agreeable to Order , Decencie , and aedification ; wee ought to acquiesce into the Decree or Constitution of the CHVRCH , altho it bee not of infallible authoritie : and that partlie because it is impossible , that other-wayes wee can agree in one Conclusion , concerning matters of this nature ; and partlie , because if wee denye Obedience to the Decree of the CHVRCH in such matters , our Disobedience shall proue farre more vnexpedient , and hurtfull to the CHVRCH , than our Obedience can bee . 48. Seeing , then , what-so-ever yee haue hither-to sayde , concerning the Question proponed by vs , may bee easilie aunswered , with a retortion of the Argument , vpon your selues ; that wee may eschewe all such Logomachie , wee must take some other course , and trye which of these two Preceptes is in it selfe of greater moment , and obligation : for thence wee may collect , which of these two Preceptes doeth obliedge vs in the case foresayde ; the other giving place to it , and not obliedging vs at all , in that case . If yee say , that the Precept which forbiddeth vs to doe that where-by our weake brother may bee scandalized , is in it selfe more obligatorie , or doeth more strictlie tye vs to the obedience of it , as beeing of greater moment , yee must bring a solid Reason for you , which wee thinke yee will hardlie finde . Wee knowe yee saye , that the Precept concerning Scandall , is more obligatorie , and of greater moment ; because it concerneth the losse of the soule of a Brother : But this Reason is not valide ; first , in respect our Brother , if hee bee scandalized , by our Obedience to our Superioures , sinneth not by our default , who doe obey : For our carriage , in giving Obedience , is such , as may rather aedifie our Brother . Secondlie : The Precept which forbiddeth Disobedience , concerneth the losse both of our owne soules , and of the soules of others , who may bee entysed to that sin , by our denying Obedience , to the lawfull commandements of our Superiours . Thirdlie . If that Praecept of eschewing Scandall , causeleslie taken , doe so strictlie obliedge vs , when our Superioures requyre Obedience of vs , it may happen , that a man shall bee in an inextricable perplexitie , not knowing whether hee shall obey , or denye Obedience to the Commandements of his Superioures : in respect hee may feare the Scandall of the weake , whether hee obey , or denye Obedience . For , as wee sayde before , manie are most readie to bee Scandalized by our denying of Obedience to our Superioures , in thinges lawfull , and otherwyse expedient : and that because wee by nature are most vnwilling to bee curbed , and to haue our Libertie restrayned , by the Lawes of our Supeperioures . For this cause ( as Calvin judiciouslie noteth , Instit . Lib. 2. Cap. 8. § . 35. ) GOD to allure vs to the duetie of Obedience to our Superiouree , called all Superioures , Parentes , in the fift COMMANDEMENT . 49. But wee , with good warrand , doe averre , that the Precept which forbiddeth resisting of the Civill power , and in generall the denying of Obedience to the lawfull Commandements of our Superioures , is of greater obligation and moment . And , first , wee proue this by an Argument taken from the dyverse degrees of that care , which wee ought to haue of the Salvation of others : for this care tyeth vs to three thinges ; to wit , first , to the doing of that which may be aedificatiue , and maye giue a good example to all . Secondlie : to the eschewing of that which may bee Scandalous , or an evill example to all ; that is , to the eschewing of everie thing , which is eyther sinne , or hath a manifest showe of sinne . Thirdlie : To abstayne even from that , which altho it bee lawfull , yet it may bee , to some particular persons , an occasion of sinne . Of these , the first two are most to bee regarded , in respect they concerne the good of all , which is to bee preferred to the good of particular persons . Hence wee inferre that the Precept of Obedience to Superioures , which prescrybeth an Act aedificatiue to all , because it is an exercise of a moste eminent and necessarie vertue , is more obligatorie , and of greater moment , than the Precept of eschewing Scandall , causeleslie taken , by some particular persons . 50. Secondlie : That the Praecept of Obedience to our Superioures , is of greater Moment , and consequentlie more obligatorie , than the Precept of eschewing Scandall ; is evident by these reasons which are brought by our Divynes , to show where-fore the fift Commaundement , hath the first place in the second Table : to wit , first , because it commeth nearest to the nature of Religion or Pietie , commanded in the first Table , whence ( as your owne Amesius noteth in his Medulla , Lib. 2. Cap. 17. § . 13. ) the honouring and obeying of Parents , is called by prophane Authors , Religion and Pietie . Secondlie : This Precept , is the ground and sinewe , ( sayeth Pareus , in his Catecheticke explication of the fift Precept , ) of the Obedience which is to bee given to all the rest of the Precepts , of the second Table . Two reasons are commonlie brought of this : One is , that all Societies , oeconomicke , Civill and Ecclesiasticall , doe consist and are conserved , by the submission or subjection of Inferioures to Superioures , which beeing removed , confusion necessarilie followeth . The other is , that the Obedience of this Precept , maketh way to the Obedience of all the rest . For our Superioures are set over vs , to the ende , that they may make vs to doe our duetie to all others . And consequentlie our Obedience to them , is a meane instituted by GOD , to procure our Obedience to all the rest of the Precepts of the second Table . Now , would yee know what followeth out of this , let your owne Amesius , whose wordes are more gracious vnto you , than ours , tell you it : Seeing ( sayth he , Cap. citato , § . 6 ) humane societie hath the place of a foundation or ground , in respect of other dueties , of Justice and Charitie , which are commanded in the second Table of the Law : therefore these crymes which directlie procure the perturbation , confusion , and eversion of it , are more grievous than the violations of the singular Praecepts . Now we subsume : the denying of Obedience to Superioures , injoyning such thinges as in them-selues are lawfull and exdient , directlie procureth the perturbation and confusion of humane societie . And therefore it is a cryme greater than the violation of other particular Praecepts of the second Table . For this cause , Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria , in his Epistle ad Novatum , cited before , declaring how much the vnitie of the Church ( which is most frequentlie marred by the disobedience of Inferioures to their Superioures , ) ought to bee regarded , sayeth , that Martyrdome suffered for eschewing of Schisme , is more glorious , than Martyrdome suffered for eschewing Idolatrie . 51. Thirdlie : These offices , or dueties , which wee owe to others , by way of Justice , are more strictlie obligatorie , than these which wee owe to them , onelie by way of Charitie . And consequentlie , these Praecepts which prescrybe Dueties of Justice , are of greater obligation , than these which prescrybe Dueties of Charitie onelie . But wee owe the duetie of Obedience to our Superiours , by way of Justice , and therefore it is more obligatorie , than the duetie of eschewing Scandall causleslie taken , which is a duetie onlie of Charitie . The Major , or first proposition of this Argument , is cleare of it selfe , as beeing a Maxime not onelie receaved by the Scholastickes and Popish Casuists ▪ but also by our Divynes . See your owne Amesius , in his Medulla ; Lib. 2. Cap. 16. § . 58.59.60.61.62.63 . where hee not onlie proponeth this Maxime , but also proveth it by two most evident examples . The Minor is lykewyse cleare : For , first , the duetie of Obedience , which wee owe to the publicke Lawes of the Church and Kingdome , belongeth to that Generall Justice , which is called Justitia legalis . For the legall justice , as it is in Inferiours , or Subjects , it is a vertue inclyning them to the Obedience of all Lawes , made for the benefite of the Common-wealth , as Aristotle declareth in his 5 Booke of the Ethickes , Cap. 1. Secondlie : Debitum obedientiae , the debt of Obedience , which wee owe to our Superioures , is not onlie debitum morale , a debt or duetie , vnto which wee are tyed by morall honestie , and GOD'S commandement , but also debitum legale , or debitum justitiae , ( quod viz. fundatur in proprio jure alterius ) a debt grounded vpon the true and proper right , which our Superioures haue to exact this duetie of vs ; so that they may accuse vs of injurie , and censure vs , if wee performe it not . There is great difference betwixt these two sorts of debt ; and the last is farre more obligatorie , than the first : As for example , A man oweth moneys to the poore , by a morall debt , but to his creditor hee oweth them by a legall debt , or debt of justice : And therefore , hee is more strictlie oblieged to pay his creditor , than to giue almes . Such-lyke , by morall honestie , and GOD'S precept also , a man oweth to his neyghbour , a pious carefulnesse , to impede sinne in him , by admonition , instruction , good example , and by omission even of thinges lawfull , when hee foreseeth that his neyghbour in respect of his weaknesse , will bee scandalized by them . But his neyghbour hath not such a right to exact these thinges of him , neyther can hee haue action agaynst him , for not performing of them , as our lawfull Superioures haue for our due obedience . In what sense the Administration of the SACRAMENTS , in private places , was thought indifferent in PEARTH ASSEMBLIE . 52. In our Replye wee professed , that wee can not abstayne presentlie from private Baptisme , and private Communion , beeing requyred to administrate these Sacraments to such persons , as can not come , or bee brought to the Church . Hence , first , yee take occasion to object to vs , that the state of the question concerning Pearth Articles , is quyte altered , in respect wee and our associates , did ever before alleadge the question to bee of things indifferent , but now we thinke them to bee so necessarie , that altho the Generall Assemblie of the Church should discharge them , wee behoved still to practise them : Wee answere , first , that the Assemblie of Pearth hath determined nothing , of the indifferencie or necessitie of these thinges . Secondlie : If anie who allowed these Articles , did at that tyme in their discourses and speaches call them indifferent , they meaned onlie , that in the celebration of these Sacramentes , the circumstances of place and tyme are thinges indifferent of their owne nature : or , which is all one , that wee are not so tyed to the administration of them in the Church , and at tymes appoynted for Sermon , but wee may celebrate them in private houses , and at other tymes . But judicious and Learned men , even then thought the denying of these Sacramentes to persons , who can not come , or bee brought to the Church , to bee a restrayning of the meanes of grace , altogether vnwarrandable by GOD'S word . Whence yee may collect , whether or not they thought it to bee vnlawfull . Thirdlie : Yee haue no warrand from our Replye , to say , that wee would not abstayne from private Baptisme , and Communion , altho our Nationall Assemblie should discharge them . For as wee are verie vnwilling to omit anie necessarie Duetie of our Calling : so wee carrie a singular respect to lawfull Authoritie , and to the Peace , and Unitie of the Church ; abhorring Schisme , as the verie Pest of the Church . But of this wee shall speake heereafter in the thirteenth Duplye . 53. Next , yee say , if wee haue the same judgement of Kneeling , in the receaving of the Communion , and of Feastivall dayes , it commeth to passe among vs which hath beene incident to the Church in former ages , that thinges haue beene first brought in as indifferent , then vrged as necessarie . Certaynlie , Brethren , none are so guiltie of this , as your selues , and your associates : for yee haue now made some thinges to be esteemed necessarie by your followers , which haue beene accounted indifferent , not onlie since the Reformation , but these fifteene hundreth yeares by-gone . And in some other thinges , which the auncient Church did wyselie forbid , yee doe now make the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell to consist . As for vs , wee stand as wee stood before , and doe yet thinke Kneeling in the receaving of the Sacrament , and the fiue Feastivall dayes , to bee Rites indifferent in their owne nature ; but indeede verie profitable , and edificatiue , if Pastors would doe their duetie in making their people sensible , of the lawfulnesse and expediencie of them . 54. Wee are of the same judgement concerning Confirmation , which CALVIN , wryting vpon HEBR. 6. 2. acknowledgeth , To haue beene vndoubtedlie delyvered to the Church , by the Apostles : and with the same Author , in the fourth booke of his Institut . Cap. 19 , § . 14. wee wish , That the vse of it were agayne restored : so farre are we from that partiall dealing with the Articles of Pearth , which yee object vnto vs. What hath moved our most Reverende Prelates , to abstayne hitherto from the practising of it , wee know not : they can themselues best satisfie you in this poynt . And wee modestlie judge , that this omission hath proceeded from weyghtie & regardable causes . It was sufficient for vs , to haue a care of our owne dueties , in our particular stations . But the vrging and pressing of that practise vpon the Bishops , requyreth higher Authoritie , than ours . In the meane tyme , ye know the Bishops never disclaymed the Authoritie of that Act of Pearth , concerning Confirmation , or of any other of these Acts , as yee haue done , who haue beene hitherto professed and avowed disobeyers of them all . Wherefore wee wish you , heereafter not to bring this omission of the Bishops , in the matter of Confirmation , as an Argument for that forbearance of Pearth Articles , which yee requyre of vs : for there is a great difference betwixt the omission of a duetie commanded by a Law , and an avowed , or professed , yea , sworne disobedience of the Law. 55. Last of all , whereas ye say , that we , by maintaining the necessitie of private Baptisme & Cōmunion , doe condemne the practise of this our Church , frō the Reformatiō , till Pearth Assemblie , & put no small guiltinesse vpon other Reformed Churches , who vse not private Baptisme and Communion at all , but abstayne from them as dangerous : wee answere , that wee haue , in all modestie , proponed our owne judgement , concerning private Baptisme , and private Communion , neminem judicantes ( as CYPRIAN sayde of olde , in consilio Carthag . in praefat . ) nor taking vpon vs , to censure or condemne the practise eyther of this Church , in tymes preceeding Pearth Assemblie , or of other Reformed Churches . Wee can not indeede denye , but wee dissent from them : and if this bee a condemning of them , wee may no lesse justlie say to you , that you condemne the Practise and Doctrine not onlie of our Reformers , in the particulars mentioned before in this same DVPLYE , but also of dyverse Reformed Churches , and of the Ancient Church , as wee declared in our sixt DEMAND , and shall agayne speake of it in our sixt DVPLYE . A DEFENCE OF OVR DOCTRINE and PRACTISE , concerning the Celebration of BAPTISME and the LORD'S SVPPER , in private places . 56. Yee desire vs , wyselie to consider , whether the desire which our people haue of Baptisme and Communion , in tyme of sicknesse , bee not occasioned by prevayling of Poperie , and through a superstitious conceat that people haue of these Sacraments , as necessarie to salvation . Wee are loath to come short of you in dueties of charitie , espciallie in good wishes ; and therefore , wee lykewyse wish you , wyselie to consider , whether the neglect of these Sacraments in the tyme of sicknesse , which is in manie parts of the Kingdome , proceede not from some want of a sufficient knowledge , and due esteeme of the fruites of these High and Heavenlie mysteries . 57. It is well that yee acknowledge , that we minister these Sacraments in private , as necessarie onelie by the necessitie of the commandement of GOD ; but with all yee conceaue , that our people imagine , or seeme to imagine them to bee so necessarie meanes , as that GOD hath tyed his grace to them . Wee desire you to judge charitablie of those who are vnknowne to you ; and with all wee declare , that neyther wee doe teach our people , nor doe they thinke , for ought wee did ever know , that Baptisme is so necessarie a meane vnto salvation , that without it God can not , or will not saue anie : yea , on the contrarie , wee are confident , that when Baptisme is earnestlie sought for , or vnfeygnedlie desired , and yet can not bee had , the Prayers of the Parentes , and of the Church , are accepted by GOD , in stead of the ordinarie meane , the vse where-of is hindered , by vnavoidable necessitie : and so in this wee depart from the rigid tenet of Papistes . On the other part , wee lykewyse teach , and accordinglie our people learne , that BAPTISME is the ordinarie meane of our enterance into the CHVRCH , and of our REGENERATION ; to the vse where-of , GOD , by His Commaundement , hath tyed vs. 58. If the Commaundement of our SAVIOUR , MATTH . 28.19 . Goe yee , there-fore , and teach all Nations , baptizing them , In the Name of the Father , and of the Sonne , and of the holie Ghost , tye not Parentes to seeke Baptisme to their Children , and Pastors to administer , when it is sought , then haue wee no commaundement at all , for baptizing of Infantes , which is an Anabaptisticall absurditie : But if Parentes and Pastors , are tyed by this Commaundement , then Parents ought to seeke Baptisme , to their dying Children , not baptized before : ( for then , or never ) and Pastors must accordinglie performe that Duetie then , which is incumbent vpon them . This is that which KING JAMES of blessed memorie , in a Conference at Hampton-Court , pag. 17 , reporteth him-selfe , to haue aunswered to a Scotish Minister , whyle hee was in Scotland : The Minister asked , If hee thought Baptisme so necessarie , that if it bee omitted , the Chyld should bee damned ? No , sayde the King ; but if you beeing called to baptize the Chyld , though privatelie , should refuse to come , I thinke you should bee damned . 59. Yee say , ( to avoyde the strength of this Argument ) that the necessitie of the Commandement , standeth onlie for Baptisme in publicke ; and , that no Praecept requyreth Baptisme , but when it can bee had orderlie , with all the circumstances thereof : whereof yee say this is one , that it bee administred in the presence of that visible Kirke , whereof the Children are to bee members . Thus , first , yee condemne as vnlawfull the administration of Baptisme even in the Church , God-fathers , and God-mothers , beeing present , if the whole Congregation bee not present there ; and the lyke doctrine wee finde in others , also cited on the Margine , which soundeth so harshlie in the eares of some of your owne adherentes , that they can not bee perswaded that this is your doctrine . Secondlie : The commandement of CHRIST tying vs to Baptisme , hath no such addition eyther of the presence of the Congregation , or yet of the materiall Kirke . This belongeth but to the Solemnitie , and not to the necessarie lawfull vse of Baptisme . Where GOD hath tyed this solemnitie to Baptisme , yee can not show by holie Scripture : but where GOD hath tyed vs to Baptisme , wee haue alreadie showne . It is true , Solemnities should not bee lightlie omitted : but the Law sayeth , When evident equitie requyreth , they may bee dispensed with : for according to that same Law , That which is chiefe and principall , should not bee ruled by that which is accessorie , but contrariwyse . As for the place of Baptisme , wee may say of it , as Tertullian sayeth of the tyme thereof , in the 19 Chapter of his Booke of Baptisme , Everie day is the LORD'S , everie houre , day , and tyme , is fitte for Baptisme : it may want of the Solemnitie , but nothing of the grace . Neyther is such a number , as yee requyre to bee present , necessarie in this case . Our Saviour hath taught vs , MATTH . 18.19 , That if two shall agree on Earth , as touching anie thing that they shall aske , it shall bee done for them , of His Father which is in Heaven : For , sayeth Hee , where two or three are gathered together in my Name , there am I in the midst of them . Wee beseech you , therefore , Brethren , to take heede , that yee prescrybe not to mens consciences , Rites of necessitie , without cleare warrand from God's word , by which yee will never bee able to prooue the necessitie of this circumstance requyred by you in Baptisme . 60. The practise of the Prtmitiue Church , both in the Apostles tymes , and thereafter , agreeth with this doctrine and practise of ours . Saynct PHILIP baptized the Eunuch on the waye , ACTS 8. ANANIAS baptized Saul in a private house , ACTS 9. Saynct PAVL baptized the Iaylour in his house , ACTS 16. If yee answere as others doe , that the necessitie of the infancie of the Church , excused the want of the presence of a Congregation : wee replye , that the same necessitie is found in the cases whereof wee speake : for as vnpossible it is for a dying Infant , who about Mid-night is at the last gaspe , to enjoy the presence of the Congregation , as it was impossible for anie of the afore-mentioned , the Eunuch , Saul , or the Jaylour , to haue had a Congregation present at their Baptisme , yea , more impossible ; and why should there not bee the same effect , where there is the same reason ? 61. The Practise of the Auncient Church , in this , is also cleare for vs. This is manifest from the 76 Epistle of S. Cyprian , from the Oration of Gregorie Nyssen , agaynst them who delayed their Baptisme , from S. Basill , in his 13 Homilie , which is an Exhortation to Baptisme , Tom. 1 , from Gregorie Nazianzen , in his 40 Oration , whose wordes wee haue cited vpon the margine . Hence altho two set-tymes were appoynted , for Solemne Baptisme , yet the case of necessitie was ever excepted . This is cleare by the fore-sayde Testimonies , as also by these following , Siricius Epist. 1. Cap. 2. Tom. 1. Concil . Gelas . Epist . 9. ad Episcopos Lucaniae , Tom. 2. Concil . Conc. Antisiodor . Cap. 18. Tom. 2. Conc. Matiscon . 2. Cap. 3. Tom. 2. Concil . Conc. Meldens . Cap. 48. Conc. Triburiens . Cap. 12. Concil . in Palatio Vernis Cap. 7. Conc. Wormatiens . Cap. 1. Tom. 3. Concil . The learned Causabon , in his 16 Exercitation , considering all this , sayeth , Woe to them , that in the administration of this SACRAMENT , denye their duetie to dying Infantes , vnder pretence of I knowe not what Discipline . To this same purpose the learned Martin Bucer , in the 15 Chapter of his Censure of the ENGLISH LITVRGIE , considering Baptisme of sicke Infantes privatelie , sayeth , In this Constitution , all thinges are holilie set downe . This same Practise also is allowed by Doctor Whitaker , in his Booke agaynst REYNOLDS , Pag. 48. 62. The Congregation , say yee , where-of the Chylde is to bee a member , hath interest in this , and there-fore ought to bee present , no lesse than at Excommunication , where-by a rotten member is cut off . In this case of necessitie , there is no prejudice eyther to the Chylde , or to the Congregation , thorow the want of the Congregations presence : for there is no neglect , nor contempt of the Congregation in this case , or of anie of the members there-of : and the Chylde by Baptisme , though privatelie administred , is ingrafted into CHRIST , and so beeing joyned to the head of the Church , becōmeth also vnited vnto the Church , which is His Bodie . If Excommunication requyre the presence of the whole Congregation , because the power of binding and loosing , is delyeered by CHRIST to everie particular Church , or Congregation , collectiuelie taken as it is affirmed in the Dispute agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 3. Cap. 8. Pag. 182 , then it is not alyke with Baptisme , the power where-of is committed to the Pastors of the Church , MATTH . 28. But altho that ground bee not true , as wee thinke it is not , yet Excommunication is done in presence of the People . For this censure may not bee inflicted , but onelie for publicke offences ; and therefore must be publiekc , as the offence is , That others also may feare , 1. TIM . 5.20 . and haue no companie with the delinquent , that hee may bee ashamed , 2. THESS . 3.14 . and so your similitude holdeth not . 63. As for the administring of the Sacrament of the LORD'S Supper , wee say it is most profitable , for comforting of the Soules of men , fighting with the terroures of Death ; and that the case may fall out , wherein they most ardentlie desire it , and consequentlie , that Pastors who are the Stewards of GOD'S House , ought not to denye to his Children , so hungring and thirsting in this conflict , that heavenlie refreshment : which wee are not ashamed , with the anciēt Fathers , to call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Viaticum , though yee seeme to condemne this . It is manifest by the writings of the ancient Fathers : Justine Martyr , in his 2 Apologie : Eusebius , in the 6 Booke of his Storie , 36 Chapter , and others , that the Sacrament was administred to sicke persons privatelie . The famous O Ecumenicke Councell of Nice , in the 13 Canon , and second part there-of , appoynteth the same , or rather confirmeth the ancien Lawes there-anent . The lyke wee may see in the 76 Canon , of the fourth Councell of Carthage . See Balsamon also , vpon the 20 Canon of the Councell of Carthage , where speaking of dying persons , hee sayeth , That the LORD'S Supper should bee carefullie administred vnto them ; and Baptisme , if they bee not baptized . Hence Bishop Jewell , in his Dispute agaynst Hurdings , PAG. 32. sayeth , That certayne godlie persons , both Men and Women , in tyme of persecution , or of sicknesse , or of other necessitie , receaved the Sacrament in their houses , it is not denyed . The Ancient Fathers also call this Sacrament viaticum , or a provision for our journey . So the Fathers , in the fourth Councell of Carthage , speake , Canon 78. So Gaudentius in his second Treatise on Exodus . So in Saynct Basill his Liturgie , wee finde this PRAYER , that the participation of these sacred things , may bee the viaticum of eternall lyfe . So Concil . Vas . 1. Can. 2. So Paulinus in vita Ambrosii . Whence Causabon , in his answere to the Epistle of Cardinall Perron● , PAG. 49 , sayeth , The Church of England not onlie distributeth , the mysticall bread to the faythfull in the publicke Congregation , but also administrateth to dying persons this viaticum , as the Fathers of the Councell of Nice , and all Antiquitie , call it . 64. Learned Calvine was of this mynde : Manie and weyghtie reasons , sayeth hee , Epist. 361. moue mee to thinke , that the Communion should not bee denyed to sicke Persons . ZEPPERVS , in his first Booke of Ecclesiasticall policie , and 12 Chapter , hath these words of this matter , One thing remayneth yet to bee resolved , to wit , concerning the Communion of sicke persons . Albeit some thinke otherwyse , yet it seemeth , that the holie Supper may not , nor ought not , to bee denyed to them that seeke it . For if it was appoynted for the confirming of our fayth , and increase of our Communion with CHRIST ; if wee ought by the vse of it to testifie our fayth and studie of repentance ; why should they bee depryved of so great a good , who fight with long d●seases , or are in danger of their lyfe ? When doeth Satan labour more stronglie to shake and brangle our fayth , than when wee are exercysed with bodilie diseases ? When doe our consciences tremble more , and stand in neede , of the most ample corroboration of fayth , than when wee finde that death is knocking at the doore , and that wee are called to compeare before the Tribunall of God ? HIERONYMVS ZANCHIVS , is of the same mind . Thus he wryteth in an Epistle of his to John Crato , Physician to the Emperour , I haue nothing to say of the question proponed by you , but that I subscrybe to your judgement , provyding this bee done when necessitie requyreth , and it bee administred to them , who through sicknesse , cannot come foorth with others in publicke . For since CHRIST denyeth this to none of his Disciples , how can wee refuse it to sicke persons , who desire it before they depart hence , and that not out of anie Superstition , but that their myndes may bee the more comforted , and raysed vp ? MARTINE BVCER , in the 22 Chapter of his fore mentioned censure , considering that part of the LITVRG●E , where-in the administrating of the Communion to sicke persons is set downe , sayeth , Thinges heere commanded , are agreeable anough to holie Scripture : for it avayleth not a little , to the comforting of troubled Soules , to receaue the Communion of the LORD . Yea , hee hath written a particular and most devote Treatise , directing Pastors how to administer the Communion to sicke persons : and yet , wee trust , yee will not call him a Papist , since hee was so hatefull to Papists , that after hee was dead , they raysed vp his bones , and burnt them . PETER MARTYR , wryting vpon the tenth Chapter of the first Epistle to the CORINTH . speaking of the LORD'S Supper , hath these wordes , They say it must bee given to sicke persons : I confesse , sayeth hee , but the mysterie may bee celebrated before the sicke persons . It is to bee remarked also , that often-tymes it falleth out , that some persons are affixed to their beds by sicknesse , for the space of fiue or sixe , yea , ten yeares , or more : And how can we denye the comfort of this holie Sacrament to those all that space , especiallie when they earnestlie long for it ? 65. This doctrine and practise of ours , tendeth not to the contempt of the Sacraments , ( as yee would beare vpon it ) it is playne contrarie : for by this practise , wee show , how much wee reverence the Commandement of GOD , and how highlie wee esteeme of his ordinances , which wee so earnestlie seeke after ; whereas on the other part , the practise of others , leadeth people to the contempt of the Sacraments , because they are moved there-by , to thinke , that there is no such necessitie and efficacie in them , as Scripture , and the consent of Christians , hath ascrybed there-vnto . As for other abuses , rehearsed by you , as fruites of private Baptisme , since you bring no proofe for what yee say in this , wee oppone our just denyall , to your bare and vnjust assertion . 66. Lastlie , yee advertise the Reader , that yee thinke not the materiall Churches , but the ordinarie meetinges , necessarie to the lawfull administration of the Sacraments , lest anie should conceaue that yee entertayne a Superstitious conceat of places . Wee thinke , yee might haue spared this advertisement : for we finde , that they who oppugne our doctrine and practise in this poynt , are so farre from beeing in danger of the extremitie mentioned by you , that on the contrarie they teach , that the Church is a Place no more holie , than anie other , and that it may bee indifferentlie vsed to sacred or civill vses : which in our judgment is not agreeable , eyther to holie Scripture , or to sound Antiquitie . See Eusebius in his Ecclesiasticke Historie , Lib. 10. Cap. 3. Chrysost . homil . 36. on the first Epistle to the CORINTHIANS , S. Augustine , in his first Booke of the citie of GOD , Cap. 1. Codex Theodasianus , Lib. 9. Titul . 45. de his qui ad Ecclesias confugerunt . Conc. Gangrens . Can. 21. THE V. DVPLY . THE indifferent Reader may perceaue , by our former DVPLYE , that your ANSWRE to our first exception , taken from the obedience , due to Authoritie , and from our judgement , concerning the administration of BAPTISME , and the LORD'S Supper , to dying persons in private places , hath not given satisfaction . 2. Wee asked of you , in our fift DEMAND , how wee can Subscrybe the Negatiue Confession , as it is propounded by you , without contradicting the Positiue Confession , approved by Parliament , holden Anno 1567 , since the Positiue Confession , CHAP. 21 , declareth , that Rites are changeable , according to the exigencie of tyme , and consequentlie that no perpetuall Law , may or ought to bee made of them , and the Negatiue Confession maketh a perpetuall Law , concerning the externall Rites of the Church ; at least according to your judgement , who vrge the Subscryving of this Covenant and Confession vpon vs ? Wee vrged farther in our Replye , that the Late Covenant bindeth vs to the Olde Covenant , made Anno 1581 ; for by your Late Covenant , yee professe your selues bound to keepe the foresayde Nationall Oath ( as yee call it ) inviolable : and that Olde Covenant , or Oath , bindeth vs to the Discipline which was then ; and that Discipline comprehendeth all the externall Rites of it , ( as yee haue in all your Wrytinges professed , especiallie in that late Booke entituled , The Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies : whence in your Sermones , and printed Bookes , since the Assemblie of Pearth , yee haue beene still accusing vs of Perjurie . ) So from the first , to the last , the Late Covenant bindeth vs to the Policie which was then ; and consequentlie , maketh a Perpetuall Lawe , concerning the RITES of the CHVRCH , as if they were vnchangeable . 3. Your Answere to this Argument , is not sufficient , nor to the purpose . 1. Yee put off , without anie Answere , that which wee alleadge out of A Dispute , agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies ; and , in stead of answering , wish , that what wee haue thence , or from anie other Treatise of that kinde , were keeped to another tyme. Pardon vs , that wee wish greater ingenuitie , and a more direct Answere . Consider the wordes of that Treatise before cited , Parte 4. Cap. 8. Sect. 8. No man amongst vs can certaynlie knowe , that the Discipline meaned and spoken of in the Oath , by those that sweare it , comprehendeth not vnder it those poyntes of Discipline , for which wee nowe contende , and which this Church had in vse at the swearing of the Oath . Shall wee , then , put the breach of the Oath in a fayre hazard ? GOD forbid . The same wee finde to bee the judement of others also , who haue opposed the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopall Governement . Since , there-fore , wee desire to bee resolved , concerning the right meaning of the Negatiue Confession ; lest by it wee contradict the Positiue Confession , approved in Parliament : Had wee dot reason to propone this Difficultie to you , who requyre our Subscription , and came hither , to resolue our Scruples ? If yee condemne the judgement of these your Brethren , who were Authors of these Treatises , why doe yee not openlie professe , that yee , and the rest of the Authors of the Late Couenant , disallowe it ? If yee doe approue it , as wee haue great reason to thinke yee doe , since yee haue still opposed the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie , and doe expresslie referre vs to those Treatises , in your nynth Answere : Howe doe yee not see , that , with a good conscience , yee can not requyre vs , to sweare , and subscrybe , that which yee knowe to bee contrarie to our mynde ? Remember , we pray you , the words of the former Treatise , in the place before cited , Put the case , it were doubtfull and questionable , what is meaned by the word DISCIPLINE in the OATH ; yet pars tutior , the safer way were to bee chosen ; which is affirmed there to bee this : That the poyntes practised by vs , are abjured in the Negatiue Confession . 4. Secondlie : where-as yee saye , That none of you would refuse to sweare the Short Confession , because wee haue expounded some Articles of it contrarie to your mynde ▪ wee replye , that this Answere satisfieth not : for your swearing the Negatiue Confession , not-with-standing of the contrarie Interpretation of them who differ in judgement from you , showeth not , howe the apparent Contradiction betwixt it , and the Positiue Confession , objected by vs , is reconciled by you the propounders and vrgers of it . More-over , If wee did vrge you to subscrybe the Negatiue Confession , when in the meane tyme wee were perswaded , that our Interpretation of the Articles there-of , were contrarie to your judgement ; wee were bound to labour to informe your judgement , before wee did exact your Oath : and , consequentlie , by the lawe of Charitie and Equitie , yee are obliedged , not to requyre our Oath , till first yee doe that , which is sufficient , to make our judgement conforme to yours : which as yet yee haue not done . 5. Thirdlie : Yee saye , Your desire is , that both of vs keepe our meaning of the Negatiue Confession , according to our diverse measures of light , and onelie promise Forbearance : which , yee saye , wee may doe , because that wee thinke the poyntes controverted , to bee indifferent : wee answere , That yee still flee the poynt in question : for it is an-other thing for vs , to keepe our meaninges , and another thing for vs , to sweare a Covenant , when wee are not perswaded of the trueth there-of . Yee might , and may still enjoye your meaning for vs : but howe wee can keepe our meaning , and subscrybe your Covenant , wee see not ; since wee thinke the one repugnant to the other . Neyther is it Forbearance onelie that is requyred , as we haue showne before ; nor yet can we sweare Forbearance , the Lawe standing still in vigour , and Authoritie requyring Obedience . Lastlie : Wee thinke not all the poyntes contraverted , to bee indifferent , as was before declared . 6. Thus it may appeare , howe yee haue dealt with our SORITES , as yee call it . The lyke dealing wee find anent our DILEMMA ; the Hornes whereof , ( as yee speake ) yee labour to turne agaynst our selues , by asking , To which of the members of the Distinction , we referre Pearth articles and Episcopacie ? If , say ye , they were abjured in the Negatiue Confessiō , we are perjured for the practising of them : and if left indifferent , by that Confession , wee may , not-with-standing of that Confession , forbeare the practise of them . First , Your Question is not pertinent : For the Distinction is not ours , but yours . And to what purpose is it to you , to knowe , to what member of your Distinction , wee referre the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie ? Secondlie : There is no strength in eyther of the Hornes of your DILEMMA : For , by turning it wrong , you haue made it your owne . The one Horne is , That if the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie , bee left indifferent , by the Short Confession , wee may forbeare the practise of them . First , This meeteth not the Horne of our Dilemma , which was , if wee bee not tyed , by the Negatiue Confession , to the omission of these thinges ; then why haue yee , in all your Wrytinges agaynst vs , exprobrated to vs , Perjurie , for violating of the Oath contained in that Confession ? To this no word by you is aunswered heere . Secondlie : Suppone these thinges were left indifferent by the Negatiue Confession ; yet may wee not forbeare the practise of them : because , since that Confession , Lawes haue passed on them ; which remaining in vigour , requyre our Obedience , as wee sayde before . 7. The other Horne of your Dilemma , is , that if these poyntes were abjured for ever , before Pearth Assemblie , then wee , who practise them , are perjured . To which wee aunswere , That it followeth not : for wee never did sweare to that Negatiue Confession . And there-fore , though these poyntes were abjured there-in , yet are wee free from all guiltinesse of Perjurie . And , in the meane tyme , yee haue not resolved , howe hee who is perswaded , of the lawfulnesse of those poyntes , can sweare the Negatiue Confession , if by it the Swearer bee tyed , to the abjuring of those poyntes , which was the other part of our Dilemma . Thus , if yee will consider rightlie , ye may perceaue , that , our Dilemma standeth vnmoved , with the Hornes of it still towards you . Yee farther insinuate , that our Reasons , are not solide and graue , but velitations of such a sort as yee looked not for . Let the judicious Reader , pronounce his sentence of this ; onelie wee wish , that yee had chosen rather to satisfie , than to contemne our Reasons . That which yee heere agayne adde , concerning the change of Commissioners , is answered in our fourth DVPLYE . 8. To giue light to your former Discourse , yee subjoyne a Distinction of Discipline , into three members : First , yee saye , It is taken for the Rule of Governement of the Church , and Censure of Manners , by Office-bearers appoynted by CHRIST : and thus , yee saye , it is vnchangeable . Secondlie ; For Constitutions of Councells , and Actes of Parliament , about matters of Religion : And thus , yee say , it is alterable , or constant , according to the nature of particular Objectes . Thirdlie : For the ordering of Circumstances , to bee observed in all actions , Divine , and Humane : and so yee say it is variable . First by these Distinctions , the matter seemeth rather to bee obscured , than cleared . For ye doe not expresse , in which of these senses the Discipline mentioned in the Negatiue Confession , is to bee taken , which was the poynt requyred of you . 9. Secondlie : Yee seeme by this Distinction , to intangle your selues yet more . For , first , if yee take the name of Discipline , in anie one , or anie two of these senses , what say yee to these following wordes of your Dispute agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , Parte 4. Cap. 8. Sect. 8 ? The Bishop doeth but needleslie question , what is meaned by the Discipline where-of the Oath speaketh . For howsoever in Ecclesiasticall vse , it signifieth often-tymes , that Policie , which standeth in the censuring of Manners ; yet in the Oath it must bee taken in the largest sense ; namelie , for the whole Policie of the Church . For , 1. The whole Policie of this Church , did , at that tyme , goe vnder the name of Discipline : and those two Bookes wherein this Policie is contayned , were called The Bookes of Discipline . And without all doubt , they who sware the Oath , meaned by Discipline , that whole Policie of the Church which is cōtayned in those Bookes . 10. Secondly , when that Little Confession was framed , the Governmēt of the Church was onlie by Presbyters , and not by Bishops : and , there-fore , if yee thinke , that the name of Discipline , in that Confession , comprehendeth vnder it the first part of your Distinction , ( which , as wee conceaue , yee will not denye ) yee may easilie perceaue , that wee are vrged by you , to sweare , and subscrybe , agaynst our Consciences ; since wee thinke the Rule of the Governement of the Church , which then was , to bee changeable ; and , that the Governement was lawfullie chaunged , by following Assemblies , and Parliamentes , from Presbyters , to Bishops . 11. Thirdlie : If these Constitutions of Councels , concerning Objects alterable , mentioned in the second member of your Distinction , bee one , and the same , with ordering of variable Circumstances , mentioned in the third member ; why haue yee distinguished the one from the other ? But , if they bee different , then yee graunt , that Ecclesiasticke Constitutions , may bee made concerning some alterable matters of Religion , which are not bare Circumstances ; which is repugnant to your ordinarie Doctrine ; where-by yee mayntayne , that nothing changeable , is lest to the Determination of the Church , in matters of Religion ; but onelie Circumstances of Actions . Wee can not see , howe yee can mayntayne this Doctrine , and yet oppose the Determinations of the Church , concerning Ceremonies , which are indifferent . 12. Wee had reason to inquyre your judgement , concerning Rites or Ceremonies , which are not of Divine Institution , whether they bee lawfull , or not , though yee still shunne the declaring of it . Since by your Covenant , yee intende a reformation of Religion , and a recovering of the Libertie , and Puritie of the Gospell , as yee speake ; if yee in your judgement , condemne such Ceremonies , ( as yee insinuate ) wee can not expect , but that , if yee obtayne your desires , all such Rites shall bee expelled and condemned , especiallie since by this your Late Covenant , yee tye your selues to that Olde Covenant , where-in yee disclayme and detest all Rites brought into the Church , without the word of GOD. Now , wee can not concurre with you , for promoving this ende , because such a judgement , is playne contrarie to ours , yea , contrarie to the vniversall judgement and practise , of the Auncient Kirke , repugnant also to the judgement of the Protestant Churches , and most famous Divynes therein , as may appeare by the quotations on the margine . But if yee bee of the same mynde with vs , and thinke , that there are some Rites of that kynde lawfull , why doe you hide your mynde from vs , and others , since the acknowledgement and manifesting of this Trueth , would bee no small advancement to your cause , by removing this great offence ? Of Matrimoniall Benediction , and God-fathers in Baptisme . 13. As for solemne blessing of Marriage , wee asked , what warrand yee had for it , by Praecept or Practise , set downe in GOD'S word . In your Answere yee insinuate , that it is a blessing of the people cōmanded in the Law , and more playnlie wee finde this set downe in the Dispute , agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , PART . 3. CAP. 2. SECT . 10. Yet playne it is from Scripture it selfe , that Matrimoniall Benediction , ought to bee given by a Pastor , for GOD hath commanded His Ministers , to blesse His people , ( NVM . 6. ) First , who ever before you , did ground the necessitie of solemne blessing of Marriage vpon these words , NVM . 6.23 . Speake vnto Aaron , and vnto his sonnes , saying , On this wyse yee shall blesse the children of Israel , saying vnto them : The LORD blesse thee , and keepe thee : &c. Learned Melanchton , was not so well versed in Scriptures , as to see this . For hee sayeth in his Epistles , Pag. 328. Yee see that the Rite of the Auncients is , that the Brydegroome and Bryde , are joyned before the Altar , in the sight of GOD , and with the incalling of GOD. Which custome vndoubtedlie hath beene ordained by the first Fathers , that wee may consider that this conjunction was appoynted by GOD , and is assisted by Him. 14. Secondlie : By this commandement of GOD , to blesse the people , NVM . 6. eyther there is a necessitie layde vpon the Church , to blesse Marriages solemnlie , or not . If yee say , there is not a necessitie , then there is no commandement of GOD there-anent , for it is necessarie to obey GOD'S Commandement . If yee say , there is a necessitie , what say yee then to your Friend Didoclaue , who in his Altar of Damascus , Pag. 866 , affirmeth , that neyther the presence of the Congregation , nor blessing of the Minister , is necessarie to this action ? And if yee dissent heere-in from him , yee are holden to prooue your opinion , by a necessarie consequence from holie Scripture , which wee are perswaded yee are not able to doe . 15. Thirdlie : The Commaundement , To blesse the people , is no lesse , if not more generall , than that , 1. COR. 14.40 . Let all thinges bee done decentlie , and in order : on the which wordes , both Auncient and Recent Divines , doe ground the lawfullnesse of the Ceremonies which wee allowe . 16. Fourthlie : Since that Commaundement , of blessing the People , is generall , what reason haue yee , for not including other civill important Contractes , especiallie that are performed with a Vowe , or Promissorie Oath ? A Vowe made to GOD , is a COVENANT with GOD , as well as the Matrimoniall Oath . All Vowes and Oaths , are Acts of Religious Worship , although they bee joyned to Civill Contractes : and , there-fore , if because of the COVENANT with GOD , yee blesse Marriage solemnlie , yee ought to doe the same , to other Civill Contractes , where-in there is the lyke COVENANT , by vertue of an Oath or Vowe . 17. Fiftlie : Where-as yee saye , that though Marriage were a Paction , meerlie Civill , yet because it is so important , yee would not with-holde Ecclesiasticke Benediction from it , not-with-standing of the abuse of Poperie : wee would vnderstand , howe this agreeth with the current Doctrine of those that are of your mynde : for wee reade in the Abridgement of Lincolne , Pag. 17 , that wee should cast away even such thinges , as had a good originall , ( if they bee not still necessarie , and commaunded of GOD ) when once they are knowne to bee defiled with Idolatrie , or abused by it . So in The Dispute agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , Parte 3. Cap. 2. Sect. 2. it is affirmed , that Rites , Ancient , lawfull , and agreeable to GOD'S Word , should , not-with-standing , necessarilie bee abolished , because of their superstition , and wicked abuse . Yee adde , that yee will not vse Marriage superstitiouslie , according to the praescript of the Service-booke . Yee did not finde the Service-Booke , neyther in our Demaundes , nor in our Replyes ; yet wee knowe not , howe yee so often reach vnto it . 18. Lastlie : Of the Stipulation of God-fathers in Baptisme , instanced by vs , in our fift Demaund , yee haue spoken nothing particularlie , eyther in your first or second Aunsweres . Wee haue no Praecept , or example of it in holie Scripture : yea , some of our learned Divines affirme , that it was instituted by Pope Higynus : and yee will not denye , that it hath beene much abused in Poperie . Howe commeth it to passe , then , that this Ceremonie is allowed , and vsed by some of you ? Wee saye , some ; for wee are informed , that some of your mynde , doe not vse it at all . See D. Morton , in his Defence of the three Ceremonies , Pag. 24. THE VI. DVPLY . IN your first Answere to our sixt Demaund , yee answered nothing to that , which wee affirmed concerning the judgement of Divynes , Auncient and Moderne , who eyther haue absolutelie allowed these Rites , which were concluded in Pearth Assemblie , or else haue thought them tolerable , and such as ought not to make a stirre in the Church : Neyther did yee touch that , which wee objected , concerning the venerable custome , and practise of the Auncient Church , and the most eminent lights of it , which yee condemne in your Interpretation of the Negatiue Confession , contayned in the Late Covenant . Wherefore , in our Replye to that Answere of yours , wee did holde your silence , for a granting of the Trueth of that which wee sayde , concerning so manie Divynes , Auncient and Moderne , who stand for vs. Now in your second Answere to that Demaund , yee labour to bereaue vs of this advantage , and granting that Divynes , both Auncient and Moderne , are agaynst you , concerning the the lawfulnesse of things controverted , ( a thing to be noted by the Reader , and which should make you more sparing in your speaches of vs who favour Pearth Articles , than yee are ) yee say , first , that Divynes , Auncient , and Moderne , are agaynst vs also : and that both these propositions may bee true , in respect they are both indefinite in a matter contingent . But our Propositions concerning the judgement of Divynes who stand for vs , was more than indefinite . For all-bee-it wee sayde not , that all are for vs ; yet wee sayde , that manie , yea , so manie ; meaning , that a great manie are for vs , and against you , in matters of lawfullnesse , and vnlawfullnesse ; and , consequentlie , in matters of Fayth . This expression of the number , yee were glad to passe by ; because yee can not saye the lyke of these , who favour your judgement , concerning the vnlawfullnesse of those thinges . For , scarce knowe wee anie Moderne Divines , without his Majesties Dominions , that peremptorlie condemne these Rites , as vnlawfull , which were concluded in Pearth Assemblie : and of Auntientes , wee meane the Fathers of the Auncient Church , wee knowe none at all , who are of your mynde . Howe is it , then , that for these your Newe Positions , yee make such stirre , and doe take such Dangerous Courses in hand ? Secondlie : Yee saye , that allmost all Divines allowe of such a Forbearance , of thinges indifferent , as yee requyre of vs. But yee will not bee able to make this good : For , who of our Divines , haue anie-where allowed , in Subjectes such a Forbearance of thinges indifferent , and lawfull , as is conjoyned with a totall and sworne Disobedience of standing Lawes , agaynst the Prohibition of their Superioures ? Thirdlie : That which yee saye , concerning Innovations allreadie introduced ; to wit , that no-thing is requyred of vs , concerning them , but a Forbearance of them for a tyme ; and , that wee may condescende to it , without eyther Disobedience to Authoritie , or wronging of our Flocke ; it is allreadie refuted , in the two former DVPLYES . THE VII . DVPLY . OUR REASON proponed in the seaventh DEMAND , is not sufficientlie aunswered , neyther the Impediment removed , as wee haue formerlie made manifest , especiallie in our fourth DVPLY , Where-as , for removing of our Scruple , concerning your Interpretation of the Short Confession , yee tell vs , that yee vrge not vpon vs your meaning , but leaue vs to our owne , till the matter be examined in an Assemblie : We aunswere ; Wee loue not the swearing of an Oath , without cleare Interpretation there-of ; and wee approue not Subscription of such a Covenant , with diverse , or doubtfull meaninges : neyther doe wee thinke that a convenient meane , for solid Pacification . And as wee are free , in professing our meaning , concerning the Pearth Articles , and Episcopie ; so wee requyre of you the lyke playnnesse , or then the reason of your Retyrednesse . 2. The Pearth Articles ye doe vnjustlie call Novations , if by this name yee vnderstand , thinges repugnant to our Reformed Religion , or forbidden by our Publicke Lawes : for these Articles are not of this sort . Those of them which wee call Necessarie , the Assemblie of Pearth did not conclude as indifferent , ( as yee alledge ) neyther can anie such thing be inferred from the words of the Actes of that Assemblie . There-fore , we haue no reason to change this opinion , as yee would haue vs to doe . Wee holde all the fiue poynts , to bee Lawfull , & Laudable , and some of them more than Indifferent , which also the wordes of the Synode it selfe doe implye : So that , without just reason , it hath pleased you to say , that thinges formerlie indifferent , are become necessarie ; and what was but lawfull before , and had much a-doe to gayne that Reputation , is nowe become Laudable . Thus , agayne , wee doe playnlie declare vnto you , that the cause of our vnwillingnesse to Subscrybe , or promise Forbearance , is both the Commaundement of Authoritie , and also the Necessitie and Excellencie of some of the thinges commaunded : besides that , wee thinke them all Lawfull , and Laudable . What wee would doe , at the Commandement of Authoritie , in the Forbearance of the Practise of those thinges , for the Peace of the Church , and Kingdome , shall bee declared in our DVPLY to your thirteenth ANSWERE , where-in yee vrge this poynt agayne . THE VIII . DVPLY . WHERE-AS yee doe remit the Reader , to your former Answere , and our Replye ; wee also remit him there-to , and to our first Duplye ; hoping that hee shall rest satisfied there-with . 2. Wee haue , in those places , aunswered your Argument , concerning your Swearing , the Defence of the King , and his Authoritie , with a Specification , as yee call it ; and haue showne , that what hath not beene looked to so narrowlie , in this matter heere-to-fore , is requisite nowe , for the Reasons expressed in our eyght Replye , and first Duplye . Concerning the full Expression , of the Loyaltie of your Intentions , to mayntayne the King's Person , and Honour ; whether , or not , yee haue given just Satisfaction , to those who are nearest to the King's Majestie , ( as yee saye ) wee referre you , and the Readers , to that , which yee , and they , will finde neare the ende of our first Duplye . Wee wonder greatlie , yee should affirme , that wee , by craving Resolution , doe wrong the King , and our selues ; or that yee , by giving of it , should wrong them who are nearest his Majestie , and also the Covenant , and the Subscrybers there-of . For our requyring of resolution , in this matter of so great importance , is a pregnant Argument of our loyaltie towards our dreade Soveraygne , and of our care , to haue alwayes our owne consciences voyd of offence , towards GOD , and towards Men. And your giving of satisfaction vnto vs , woulde haue served for farther clearing of your Covenant , and the subscriptions there-of . Your pretence , that by giving vs satisfaction , yee should wrong them who are nearest his Majestie , is grounded vpon a wrong supposition , as if they had alreadie receaved satisfaction by your Declaration . 3. GOD is witnesse , wee doe not wittinglie and willinglie multiplie doubts , for hindring a good worke , or to oppose agaynst a shyning light , ( as yee would haue the Reader to thinke of vs ) but in all humilitie , and vprightnesse of heart , doe declare our mynde , and doe intimate our vnaffected scruples . And wee thinke it verie pertinent , at this tyme , to craue resolution of them , and to desire your Answere , concerning this mayne duetie , which is not fullie expressed in your Covenant ; where-as a more full expression of it , had beene verie needfull , at this tyme. 4. Lastlie : Where-as yee complayne , that wee tooke not sufficient notice of you , whyle yee were amonst vs ; yee may easilie consider , that our publicke Charges , and Employmentes , together with the shortnesse of the tyme of your abode heere , doe sufficientlie vindicate vs , from anie imputation of Neglect in that kynde : and our doores were not closed , if it had pleased you , in Brotherlie kyndnesse , to haue visited vs : which wee ought rather to haue exspected of you , seeing yee came vndesired , to the place of our Stations , to deale with vs , and also to deale with our people , agaynst our will , before wee had receaved satisfaction . THE IX . DVPLY . AS yee doe referre the Reader , to your former Answeres ; so doe wee referre him to our former Replyes , and Duplyes . 2. The meaning of the Act of the Assemblie of Pearth , citing the wordes of the PSALME 95 , is not ( as yee doe interpret it ) anie perverting of the Text , neyther tendeth it to inferre there-vpon , absolute necessitie of Kneeling , in all worshipping of GOD , or in this part of His worship , in the celebration of the holie Communion : but onlie to inferre the Lawfullnesse , and commendable Decencie of Kneeling , in Divine Worship ; and that it is such a Gesture , as our lawfull Superioures may enjoyne to bee vsed , in GOD'S Worship ; and that Religious Adoration , and Kneeling , is to bee done to GOD onelie , altho they sinne not , who vse another Gesture , where this is not requyred by Authoritie , but another appoynted , or permitted . 3. Wee doe not kneele before the Sacramentall Elementes , making them the Object of our Adoration , eyther Mediate , or Immediate : neyther doeth the Act of Pearth Assemblie import anie such thing . But all our Adoration , both outward , and inward , is immediatelie directed to GOD onelie , with Prayer , and Thankes-giving , at the receaving of so great a Benefite . Where-fore , your objecting of Idolatrie , agaynst vs heere , and in your other Treatises , is moste vnjust . Wee marvell also , howe yee doe heere referre vs , to those Treatises , which in your twelfth Aunswere , yee seeme to disclayme , finding fault , that anie of vs should laye holde on them , or build anie thing vpon them . As lyke-wyse yee heere alleadge , That the Assemblie of Pearth made Kneeling necessarie in all poynts of GODS Worship ; and , consequentlie , in receaving the holie Eucharist : not remembering , that in your seaventh Aunswere , yee sayde , the Assemblie had concluded the fiue Articles as indifferent . 4. Concerning the Service-Booke , ( which now is not vrged ) wee haue alreadie answered . Neyther find wee anie reason , of your vncharitable construction of vs , or of the disposition of the people , as if they were now become Superstitious . Nor doeth this tyme giue anie just cause of such feares , as are sufficient to overthrowe the reasons of that Act of Pearth Assemblie . 5. Wee did not in malice , but in loue , say , that such a defence as yee professe heere , according to your Protestation , and such meetinges and conventions doe requyre the Kings consent , and Authoritie , to make them lawfull , according to our judgement : where-of some reasons wee haue expressed before in our second Replye , which as yet yee haue not satisfied . 6. It seemeth , that yee are eyther not able , or not willing , to answere particularlie and playnlie , to our intergatories proponed in our nynth Replye : and wee would vnderstand some reason , why yee doe so , in such a free and brotherlie conference ; seeing altho yee doe otherwyse interprete our meaning , yet truelie wee did not propone them to bee snares to you , but to obtayne satisfaction to our selues and others , for a peaceable ende . As for your questions , which yee throwe agaynst vs , with playne profession to worke vs discontentment thereby , we shall here make aunswere to them in meeknesse , and evident demonstration of our peaceable disposition . QVAEST . Answered . 7. YOur first Quaestion , concerning the Service-Booke , and booke of Canons , is no-wayes pertinentlie proponed to vs. If wee did vrge vpon you the sayde bookes of Service and Canons , as yee doe now the Covenant vpon vs , wee should particularlie and punctuallie , declare our mynde concerning them . 8. To your second Question , wee answere , that it is our duetie to enquyre carefullie , what is incumbent vpon vs by the law of GOD , and man , towards our Prince . Wee doe not moue questions of state , but doe answere to your propositions , resulting vpon matters of state , and wee doe labour , as it well becommeth all good Subjects , to bee well informed , before wee put our hand to anie thing , which concerneth our due obedience to our Prince . As for that which heere agayne yee alleadge , of his Majesties Commissioner , and wyse States-men , as having receaved satisfaction from you , wee referre you , as before , to our Answere made thereto , in our first DVPLYE . 9. To your third Question , wee answere ; our assertion concerning the vnlawfulnesse of Subjects their resisting the Authoritie , of free Monarchies , by force of Armes , even altho they were enemies to the Trueth , and persecutors of the professors there-of , can not in the judgement of anie reasonable man , import that we haue the least suspition of our King , that eyther hee shall change his Religion , or shall fall vpon his religious and loyall Subjects with force of Armes . Wee haue often declared in these our Disputes , that wee are fullie perswaded of our King's Majesties constancie , in profession of the true Religion , and equitable disposition in mtnistration of justice . And in testification heere-of , we rest satisfied with his Majesties Proclamation , agaynst which yee haue protested . 10. To your fourth Question , wee answere , because that wee doe esteeme Subscription to your Covenant , neyther to bee warrandable by GOD'S word , nor to bee a convenient meane for pacification , wee holde it our duetie , both to with-holde our handes from it , and to dehort our people from it . 11. To your fift Question , wee answere : 1. Wee holde it a wrong supposition which yee make , that the Prelates and their followers , are labouring to introduce Poperie , and to make a faction . 2. Wee know our gracious King , to bee so just , and so wyse , and so rype in yeares and experience , that hee will not suffer anie of his Subjects , to abuse his Majesties name , in the execution of anie injustice . 3. To make resistance by force of Armes , agaynst the King's publicke standing Lawes , and agaynst his Majesties publicke Proclamations , is not ( in our judgement ) a convenient or lawfull way , for defending of the Religion , of the Liberties , and Lawes of the Kingdome , and of the Kings Authoritie ; but on the contrarie it bringeth Scandall vpon our profession . See our Reasons in our second DVPLYE . 12. To your sixt Question , wee answere , that in all free Monarchies , there is nothing left to Subjectes , in the case of persecution , by their owne Soveraygne Princes , but patient suffering , with Prayers and Teares to GOD , or fleeing from their wrath , as wee haue at length proved in our second DVPLYE . This doctrine did the people of Alexandria , learne of their holie Bishop Athanasius , as is evident by their owne wordes , in their Protestation , subjoyned to the Epistle of Athanasius , ad vitam solitariam agentes . If ( say they ) it bee the commandement of the Emperour , that wee bee persecuted , wee all are readie to suffer Martyrdome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tom. 1. Oper. Athanas . pag. 868 , Edit . Paris . 1627. As for the nature of the Government of this Kingdome of SCOTLAND , reade the Booke of KING IAMES THE SIXT of Blessed Memorie , entituled , The true Lawe of free Monarchies , and the Praeface of the first Booke of REGIAM MAIESTATEM ; where it is expresslie sayde , of the KING of SCOTLAND , that Hee hath no Superiour , but the Creator of Heaven and Earth , Ruler of all thinges . This our Aunswere , neyther proceedeth from Flatterie , neyther from anie intention , to stirre vp Princes agaynst their loyall Subjectes , nor from anie ayme at other worldlie endes , ( as yee doe vncharitablie judge ) but from our due Fidelitie to our KING , from our true Loue to our Countrey , and from our vpright Desire to the GLORIE of GOD , and the Comfort of our owne Soules , in the Day of our Accompts . THE X. DVPLY . ALTHO wee take you to bee of the number of those who penned the Late Covenant , yet pardon vs , to call your Glosses of it in question , so long as yee doe not satisfie our Argumentes , which prooue them to bee contrarie to the verie wordes of your Covenant . Wee haue showne , in our Replyes , and nowe agayne in our fourth Duplye , that the wordes of the Covenant , importe a perpetuall adherence , to the whole externall Policie of the Church , as it was Anno 1581 ; and the remooving of Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , as of thinges contrarie to the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell . Whence wee still inferre , that these who haue sworne the Covenant , are tyed by their Oath , to vote agaynst Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie : and , consequentlie , can not , without praejudice , eyther dispute , or giue out a decisiue sentence concerning them , in the intended Assemblie . 2. Yee saye , Yee will not judge so vncharitable of vs , as to thinke vs so corrupt , that , in our opinion , since the tyme designed by vs , no-thing hath entered into the Church , beside Episcopacie , and the Articles of Pearth , which can bee praejudiciall to the Libertie and Puritie of the Gospell . Wee are glad , that altho yee judge vncharitablie of vs , yet yee judge not so vncharitablie : and , altho yee thinke vs corrupt , yet yee thinke vs not so corrupt , as not to bee sensible of these thinges . Wee tolde you our mynde before , in our fourth DVPLY , concerning these Abuses , which yee thinke to haue beene occasioned by Pearth Articles : and no we wee tell you , that if Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , for these their alleadged Consequentes , bee alltogether remooved , the benefite which yee thinke our Church may receaue , by remooving of them , shall not , in anie measure , aequall Her Great Losses . THE XI . DVPLY . WEE complayned in our DEMAND , of the vncharitablenesse of your Followers , who calumniate vs , as if wee were Favourers of Poperie . And to showe howe vnjust this Calumnie is , wee declared , that wee are readie , to sweare , and subscrybe , our Nationall Confession of Fayth , ratified and registrated in Parliament : to which Declaration , wee haue nowe added our Oath , which wee did sweare , when wee receaved the Degree of Doctorate in Theologie , and haue solemnlie agayne renewed it , PAG. 15.16 . In your Answere to that Demand , yee slighted our Complaynt , and did not so much as once mention it ; which made vs in our Replye , to complayne also of you , who haue showne your selues so vnwilling to giue vs that Testimonie of our Sinceritie in professing the Trueth , which all who knowe vs , thinke to bee due to vs. Wee exspected , that in your second Aunswere to that Demaund , this fault should haue beene amended . But , contrarie to our expectation , wee perceaue , not onelie that yee are insensible of the grievous injurie done to vs , by the calumnious reportes of others ; but also , that yee haue busied your owne wittes , to enquyre , as yee saye , in matters , to search , and to trye our wayes , and to expiscate what yee could agaynst vs , by the vnfriendlie testimonie of some , who , perhaps , are displeased with vs , as Achab was with Micajah , for the freedome of our Admonitions . Charitie , yee knowe , thinketh no evill , 1. COR. 13.5 , and covereth a multitude of transgressions , PROV . 10.12 . 1. PET. 4.8 . But vncharitable Inquisition , and prying into other mens doinges , not onelie discovereth those infirmities , vnto which God will haue everie one of vs subject , for humbling of vs ; but also bringeth even vpon good men , a multitude of vndeserved Aspersions . BRETHREN , wee intende not to giue you a Meeting in this ; for our Resolution is , not to bee over-come of evill , but to over-come evill with good , ROM . 12.21 . And wee are glad to suffer this for His Cause , whose Trueth wee mayntayne , pittying in you this Great Defect of Christian and Brotherlie Compassion ; and praying GOD , not to laye it to your charge . Wherefore , wee will not search and trye your wayes , as yee haue done ours : but wee will reflect our thoughts vpon our selues , and see whether or not wee bee guiltie of these thinges , which yee heere reprehende in vs. 2. Yee say , first , That wee haue taken an ample Testimonie to our selues . But what , wee pray you , haue wee testified of our selues ; but this onlie , that in sincere and zealous profession of the Trueth , wee are not inferiour to others ; and , according to our measure , haue striven to bee faythfuil in all the dueties of our Calling ? Yee haue , in-deede , put more in-to our Apologie , and saye , that wee haue praysed our selues , from our frequencie of Prayer , extraordinarie Humiliations , and holinesse of lyfe , and conversation , &c. For , as yee are loath to speake anie good of vs ; so yee would haue the Reader belieue , that wee speake too much good of our selues . But in this , as yee wrong vs , so yee make the Reader to see , howe negligentlie yee haue read and considered our wordes . For , where-as in the seconde parte of our Replye , wee tolde you , that wee haue other Meanes , and more effectuall , than your Covenant , to vse , for holding out of Poperie ; mentioning in particular , extraordinarie Humiliation , frequencie of Prayer , amendement of lyfe , diligence in Preaching , and searching the Scriptures , &c. Yee imagine , that wee doe arrogate to our selues , some singularitie , in vsing these Means ; not considering , that it is one thing to saye , that wee may and ought to vse these Meanes , and an-other thing , to say , that wee are singular , and eminent , aboue others , in the diligent vse of them . 3. Next : Where-as yee saye , that yee were desirous , rather to heare that testimonie , at the mouthes of others , ( as if yee had never heard our Paynes and Labours , for the Trueth , commended by anie ) who knoweth not , but in this case , in the which we stand for the present , it is lawfull , and moste expedient to men , to vindicate them-selues , and their Fidelitie in their Callinges , from the contempt and Calumnies of others . Wee haue in the Scriptures , notable Examples of GGD'S dearest Saynctes , who in such cases , yea , in other cases also , without anie derogation , to their singular humilitie , did fall out into high expressions , of their owne vertuous and pious carriage . Who ever spake so humblie of him-selfe as PAVL , who calleth him-selfe lesse than the least of all Saynctes , EPHES. 3.8 , and yet else-where hee sayeth , that hee was not a whit behinde the verie chiefest Apostles ; and , that hee laboured more aboundantlie than they all , 1. COR. 15.10 . 2. COR. 11.5 . 4. The defectes , which by your strict and curious Inquisition , yee thinke yee haue found in vs , may bee reduced into two poynctes : One is , that wee are too sparing in our paynes , in Preaching ; and , that wee often fill our Places with Novices . The other is , that the small Paynes which wee haue taken , are not fruitfull . And , to prooue this , yee saye , that Poperie hath no lesse increased in our Citie , vnder our Ministerie , than anie tyme before since the Reformation . As for the first of these , to omit that which Modestie will not permit vs to speake , eyther of our owne Paynes in Teaching , or of yours , it is verie well knowne , that in the case of Sicknesse , and extraordinarie Employmentes in our Callinges ▪ which but seldome doe fall foorth to vs , it is both lawfull , and commendable to see , that our Places may bee filled , eyther with some actuall Minister , or , fayling of that , with able Studentes of Divinitie , approven by publicke Authoritie , where-of your selues can not bee ignorant , in respect of your frequent Peregrinations , from your Stations . 5. As for the next poynt : Altho it were true , yet the Parable of the Seede sowen in diverse sortes of ground , and the dolorous Complayntes , which these most paynfull and thunderin Preachers , Eliah , 1. KING . 19. 10. Isaiah , 53. 1. Paul , GAL. 1.6 . and 3.1 . yea , of CHRIST Him-selfe , MATTH . 23.37 . and LVKE 19.41.42 . made of the hard successe of their laboures , may learne you to bee more benigne in your censures of vs , than yee are . In the meane tyme , it is knowne to his Majestie , to the Lordes of Secret Counsell , and to all the Countrey heere ; as also it is evident , by manie publicke extant Actes of the sayde Secret Counsell , and of our Diocoesian Assemblies , that wee haue beene as diligentlie exercised , in opposing of Poperie , as anie Ministers in this KINGDOME . Neyther hath our successe heere-in beene so badde , as yee haue given it out : for since our entrie to the ministrie heere , scarce hath anie man beene diverted from the Trueth , to Poperie , some Papistes haue beene converted , to the Profession of the Trueth , and others who were incorrigible , haue beene forced to departe from this countrey . Yea , wee thinke , that our successe , in dealing with the Papistes , had beene vndoubtedlie greater , if they had not beene hardened in their Errour , by your strange and scandalous Doctrines , repugnant to Scripture , and sound Antiquitie . 6. That which yee saye in the second part of your Aunswere , concerning the powerfull effectes of your Covenant , meeteth not with that which wee did object , concerning the vnlawfullnesse of it . For , that which is not in it selfe lawfull , can never bee truelie profitable to anie . And SOLOMON hath tolde vs , the there is no wisdome , nor vnderstanding , agaynst the LORD , PROVERBS 21.30 . 7. As for last parte of your Aunswere , wee haue so often tolde you , that your feare of the in-bringing of the Service-Booke , and Canons , is causelesse : and yee haue so oft denyed this , that it were follie to wearie the Reader anie more with this matter . In the meane tyme , wee tell you , that if you Covenant bee vnlawfull in it selfe , ( as wee still thinke it to bee ) your feare , altho it were justlie conceaved , will never free your Soules of the guiltinesse of it . THE XII . DVPLY . TO justifie or excuse your omission , of publicke disallowing and condemning the publicke disorders , and misscarriages of some who haue subscrybed the Covenant ; especiallie the offering of violence to Prelates , and Ministers , in tyme of Divine Service , and in the House of GOD , where-of wee spake in our twelfth Demaund , and Replye : yee aunswere , first , that yee acknowledge not the Service-Booke , for the LORD'S Service . Yee might saye the same of anie Service-Booke , ( if yee allowe the Reasons latelie set foorth in Print agaynst the Service-Booke ) for there a Praescript forme of Prayet , is condemned , which directlie crossth the practise of the Vniversll Church of CHRIST , Auncient , and Recent . 2. Yee alleadge , that yee acknowledge not the vnsurpd Authoritie of Prelates , for Lawfull Authoritie . For ought wee can perceaue , by the Doctrines of those with whome yee joyne , yee acknowledge no lawfull Authoritie at all in Prelates , aboue your selues , and other Ministers : and yee seeme so to insinuate so much here , by blaming vs , for calling them , Reverend and holie Fathers . Wee are perswaded of the lawfullnesse of their Office , and therefore are not ashamed , with Scripture , and Godlie Antiquitie , to call such as are advaunced to this Sacred Dignitie , Fathers , and Revenrend Fathers . Neyther should personall faultes , alleadged by you , hinder our observance , till what is alleadged , bee clearlie proven , For , so long as thinges are doubfull , wee should interpret to the better parte , LVKE 6.37 . And it is a Rule of Lawe , that in a doubtfull case , the state of a Possessour , is best ; and consequentlie , of him that hither-to hath beene in a Possission of a good name : as also , that in thinges doubtfull , wee should rather favour the persone accused , than him that accuseth . 3. If yee bee of this same judgement , with vs , concerning the lawfullnesse of their Office , why doe ye not reverence them , as well as wee ? But if their verie Office seeme to you vnlawfull , wee esteeme your judgement contrarie to holie Scripture , to all sound Antiquitie , and to the best Learned amongst Reformed Divines . Heare what MELANCHTHON sayeth , I would to GOD , I would to GOD , it laye in mee , not to confirme the Dominion , but to restore the Governement of Bishops : for I see what manner of Policie wee shall have ; the Ecclesiasticall Policie beeing dissolved : I doe see , that heereafter will growe vp , a greater tyrannie in the Church , than ever was before . And agayne , in an-other Epistle to Camerarius , hee sayeth , You will not believe howe much I am hated , by those of Noricum , and by others , for the restoring of Jurisdiction to Bishops . So our Companions fight for their owne Kingdome , & not for the Kingdome of CHRIST . So in other place . See Bucer , de Regno CHRISTI , Pag. 67. 4. Thirdlie , Yee alleadge the zeale of the people , by reason where-of yee saye , that it was no-thing strange , that in such a case , they were stirred vp to oppose . Suppone they had opposed , yet , that they should haue so opposed , as to haue offered violence to Sacred persons , Prelates or Ministers , who are spirituall Fathers , seemeth to vs verie strange , for all that hitherto yee haue sayde . There is no zeale , without the exraordinarie in●●inct of GOD'S Spirit , which can warrand m●n desti●●●e ●f Authoritie , to laye their handes on ●●●h persons . Touch not Myne anoynted , and doe My Prophets 〈◊〉 harme , sayeth the LORD , PSALME 105. Let all th●nges bee done decentlie , and in order , sayeth S. PAVL , 1. COR. 14.40 . GOD is not the Author of confusion or tumult , but of peace , sayeth that same Apostle there , VERSE 33. To this purpose Grogorie Nazianzene , in his 26 Oration , speaking of the chiefe causes of division in the Church , sayeth , One of them ia vnrulie , ferventnesse without reason and knowledge , and the another is , disorder and vndecencie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. The sonne should account the person of his Father Sacred , ff . de obsequiis , Lib. 9. So wee ought also to esteeme of our Spirituall Fathers : and , there-fore , to offer injurie to their persons , and that , in tyme of Divine Service , must needes bee a grievous sinne . In the Novell Constitutions of IVSTINIAN , Authent . Collat. 9. Tit. 6. Novella 123. de SANCTISS . EPISCOPIS , &c. CAP 31. there is a remarkeable Lawe to this purpose , cited vpon the MARGINE . The lyke Law wee finde in Cod. Iustin . Lib. 1. Tit. 3. de Episcop . & Clericis . Now altho in these imperiall Lawes , the sanction bee severe , yet wee wish no such severitie to bee vsed amongst vs , but praying GOD , to forgiue them who haue transgressed : Wee desire them to consider , that auncientlie amongst Christians , such doings were greatlie disallowed . 6. S. Chrysostome , speaking of the reverence due by people to Pastours , sayeth , A man may nowe see , that there are not so great Scoffes and reproaches , vsed by the vnfaythfull , agaynst the Rulers , as by those that seeme to bee faythfull , and to bee joyned with vs. Let vs therefore inquyre whence commeth this negligence , and contempt of pietie , that wee haue such a hostilitie agaynst our Fathers . There is nothing , there is nothing , that can so easilie destroy the Church , as whē there is not an exact joynture of Disciples , to their Masters ; of childrē to parents , and of thē that are ruled , with their rulers . He that but speaketh evil against his brother , is debarred from reading the divyne Scriptures , ( for what hast thou to doe to take my Covenant in thy mouth ? sayth the LORD ; & subjoyneth this cause , Thou sittest and speakest evill of thy brother , ) and thinkest thou thy selfe worthie to come to the sacred porches , who accusest thy spirituall Father ? How agreeth this with reason ? For if they who speake evill of Father or Mother , should dye , according to the Law ; of what judgemēt is he worthie , who dare speake evil of him who is much more necessarie , and better , than those Parentes ? Why feareth hee not , that the earth should open , and swallow him , or that thunder should come from Heaven , and burne vp that cursing tongue ? See him also , Lib. 3. de Sacerdotio , Cap. 5. & 6. 7. In the next place , yee saye , that the keeping of GOD'S House , from Pollution and superstition , belongeth to Authoritie , to the communitie of the Faythfull , and to everie one in his owne Place , and Order : but , certainlie if everie one , or all the communitie , keepe their owne Place , and Order , they can doe no-thing in this , by way of force , without , farre lesse agaynst Authoritie . Hence Zanchius , in his first Booke of Images , Thes . 4 , sayeth , Without Authoritie of the Prince , it is lawfull to none in this Countrey , to take Idoles out of Churches , or to chaunge anie thing in Religion : hee that doeth so , should bee punished , as seditious . This hee confirmeth by reason , and by the testimonie of Saynct Augustine , Tom. 10. de Sermone Domini in Monte , Homilia 6. And a little after , hee subjoyneth ; Augustine handeleth this Argument piouslie , hee dehorteth his people , from such a practise , and sayeth , That it is pravorum hominum , & furiosorum circumcellionum . 8. As for your vehement Accusations and Threatnings , ( heere , and Answere 14 ) agaynst the wryter of the late WARNING to the Subjects in SCOTLAND , yee may easilie perceaue , by the Printed Edition of that WARNING , and by the Printed Editions of our REPLYES , that , that offence is taken away . And now , Reverende Brethren , why are yee pleased thus to digresse from the matter in hand , to waken and holde on foote , personall quarrels agaynst your brother , by digging vp buried wordes , and renewing haske interpretations thereof , contrarie to his loving intention , and after that himselfe , for satisfaction to all men , hath so publicklie disallowed and abolished these wordes ? This vncharitable dealing , can bring no advantage to the cause which yee mayntayne , but rather maketh it the more to bee disgusted , in consideration of your too great eagernesse to stirre vp hatred agaynst your neyghbour , & to worke him trouble ; whom yee ought not to persecute with implacable wrath , which worketh not the righteousnesse of GOD ; nor to exasperate agaynst him his other deare Countrey-men : but rather , as well beseemeth your profession and calling , yee ought to exhort them to the most favourable cōstruction of things , and to christian placabilitie , and to the entertaynnig of their wonted loving affection towards him . As for these our present questions , wee desire Theologicallie onlie , and peaceablie , to conferre of them with you , or anie other our Reverende Brethren , of our owne calling . 9. Yee say , that Master KNOX spared not to call Kneeling , a diabolicall invention . If yee allowe this saying , how can it bee , that in your COVENANT , intended for removing of Innovations , and recovering of the Puritie of the Gospell , yee expresslie aymed not at the abolishing of this ceremonie , which is so hatefull in your eyes ? But if yee doe not approue this his saying , why did yee not choose rather , in charitie to cover this escape of so worthie a personage , than openlie to blaze it abroad ? 10. Yee haue needleslie drawne into your discourse , mention of IRENICVM . Of which worke , for mittigation of your vnpeaceable censure , bee pleased to take notice of the judgement , of that most worthie Pastor , and most graue and learned Divyne , D. Iames Vsher , Arch-Bishop of Armach , Primate of all Ireland , in this his Epistle written to the Author . VIR EXIMIE ; SVmma cum voluptate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum perlegi : eamue Patriae tuae foelicitatem sum gratulatus , quod novum tandem produxerit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui eam ipsi praestitit diligentiam & virtutem , quàm olim exteris Ecclesiis ( quum non admodum dissimiles de adiaphoris obortae lites earum pacem perturbarent ) exhibuit ille Vetus ; qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nulla salus bello : ipsiue bello salus si qua sit , non alio quam pacis nomine ea continetur . Nam & de pace belli Vriam , opinor , a Davide aliquando interrogatum meministi . Jam verò , pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scriptum remitto tibi ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : sed quod jucundum praebeat spectaculum Midianiticorum satellitum inter se manum conserentium , & mutuo isto bello Ecclesiolae nostrae , pacem promoventium . Tu quicquid , hoc est , munusculi , vt ab homine optimè erga te affecto transmissum suscipe , & me ( vt facis ) ama . Pontanae , in Hibernia , III. Eid . Decembr . anno reparatae salutis 1632. Tuus in CHRISTI Ministerio conservus IACOBVS ARMACHANVS . Me juvat alma quies , gens haec fera bella minatur , Et quoties Pacem poscimus , arma crepat . THE XIII . DVPLY . YEE repeate your former Answere , concerning your Interpretation of the clause of forbearance , which wee haue allreadie refuted in our former REPLYES , neyther doe yee bring heere anie new confirmation thereof : And therefore all the three Scandals , mentioned in our 13 DEMAND , doe yet remayne vnremoved . 2. Altho your Interpretation were admitted , which wee can not admit , yet at least the third Scandall were no wayes avoydable there-by , ( what-so-ever may bee supposed concerning the other two , ) and that because of the reason expressed in our 13 REPLYE ; to which your Answeres heere are not satisfactorie . 1. Yee doe insinuate , that yee thinke our Oath of obedience to our Ordinarie , and Pearth Constitutions , not lawfull in it selfe : which wee are perswaded is verie lawfull . 2. Yee would seeme to inferre the vnlawfulnesse of it , by challenging , the Authoritie where-by it was exacted ; and alleadging that there is no ordinance made Civill or Ecclesiasticke , appoynting anie such Oath . This reason ( altho it were granted ) hath no strength at all , to prooue that which yee intende , to wit , that eyther our Oath is in it selfe vnlawfull , or that wee may now lawfullie breake it : for our swearing of that Oath is not agaynst anie lawfull Authoritie , eyther divyne or humane : and in such a case , Oathes concerning thinges lawfull , ought to bee keeped , whether they bee requyred by appoyntment of a publicke ordinance , or not : which who-so-ever denyeth , hee openeth a patent doore to the breaking of lawfull Oathes , in Matrimoniall and civill contracts , and manie other cases , daylie incident in humane conversation . Also the exacting of that Oath , was clearlie warranded by two Acts of Parliament , viz. Parliament 21 , of King IAMES the 6 , holden at EDINBVRGH , Anno 1612. CHAP. 1. and Parliament 23. of King IAMES the 6 , holden at EDINBVRGH , Anno 1621. Act 1. 3. Yee take vpon you to call in question , with what conscience that Oath was given . How oft , Brethren , shall wee exhort you to forbeare judging of other mens consciences , which are knowne to GOD onlie ? Judge not , that yee bee not judged . MATTH . 7 , 1. 4. Yee alleadge , wee can not answere before a Generall Assemblie for our Oath , and the Scandall risen therevpon . No man needeth to bee ashamed , before a Generall Assemblie , or anie other Judicatorie , of his lawfull and due obedience , which hee hath given to the publicke Constitutions of the Church of SCOTLAND , and to his Majesties standing Lawes ; or of anie lawfull Oath , where-by hee hath promised that obedience . As for the Scandall , it was not given by vs , but vnnecessarilie , and vnjustlie taken , by you , and some others , vpon an erronious opinion , obstinatelie mayntayned agaynst the lawfulnesse of the matters themselues . 5. Yee say , That conceaving the Oath , according to our owne groundes , none of vs will say , that wee haue sworne the perpetuall approbation and practise of these things , which wee esteeme to bee indifferent , what-so-ever bad consequent of Poperie , Idolatrie , Superstition , or Scandall , should follow there-vpon . Wee answere , 1. These bad consequentes are alleadged by you , but not proven . 2. Evils of that kynde should bee avoyded , by some lawfull remedie . And wee doe not esteeme it lawfull for vs , to disobey Authoritie in thinges lawfull , altho in themselues indifferent : for obedience commanded by the fift Praecept of the Decalogue , is not a thing indifferent . There bee other meanes which are lawfull and more effectuall agaynst such evills , as wee haue specified in our eleventh REPLYE : 3. Wee did not sweare perpetuall approbation , and practise of indifferent thinges ; but knowing these thinges in them selues , to bee approvable , wee did sweare obedience to the publicke Lawes , requyring our practise in these thinges , so long as the Lawe standeth in vigour , and our obedience there-to is requyred by our lawfull Superioures . 4. This course wee holde to bee more agreeable to our duetie , than vpon private conceptions of Scandals vnnecessarilie taken , to breake off our due obedience to that Authoritie which GOD hath set over vs. 6. Out of our assertion ( Replye 4. ) concerning the administration of the Sacraments in private places , to sicke persons , in case of necessitie , yee doe collect , that wee can not forbeare the practise of these , altho our Ordinarie , and other lawfull Superioures should will vs to doe so . And hence yee inferre , that heere-in Pearth Assemblie , for which wee stand , is wronged by vs two wayes : 1. That wee differ in judgement from them , about the indifferencie of the fiue Articles : and next , that at the will of our Ordinarie , and yee know not what other lawfull Superioures , wee are readie to forbeare the practise of these thinges , which the Assemblie hath appoynted to bee observed . 7. As for your mayne Question , Whether a duetie necessarie by Divine Lawe , may bee , or may not bee omitted , in case , our Ordinarie , and other lawfull Superioures , should will vs to omit it ? before wee aunswere to it , wee must expound what wee meane by our other lawfull Superioures , because of your jesting pretence of ignorance heere-of . Wee meane heere-by , The King's Majestie , the Parliament , the Secret Counsell , and other Magistrates , and Ecclesiasticall Assemblies , where-vnto wee owe Obedience in our Practise requyred by them , according to publicke Lawes . 8. The Question it selfe ye doe expresse more clearlie in your Aunswere to our fourth Replye ; where yee alleadge , that wee finde some of the PEARTH ARTICLES so necessarie , that altho the Generall Assemblie of the Church should discharge them , yet wee behoved still , for conscience of the Commaundement of GOD , to practise them . Thus are wee brought to this generall Question ; Whether , or no , anie thing necessarie ( or commanded ) by Divine Lawe , may , in anie case , without sinne , bee omitted , when publicke humane Authoritie dischargeth the practise thereof ? For resolving of this Question , wee desire the Reader to take notice of these Theologicall Maximes , receaved in the Schooles , and grounded vpon HOLIE SCRIPTVRE . 9. Affirmatiue Praeceptes , doe binde at all tymes , but not to all tymes , but onelie as place and tyme requyre ; that is , when opportunitie occurreth . [ Praecepta affirmativa obligant semper , sed non ad semper , nisi pro loco & tempore ; id est , quando opportunitas occurrit . ] But Negatiue Praeceptes , doe binde at all tymes , and to all tymes . [ Praecepta negativa obligant semper & ad semper . a ] As for example ; A man is not obliedged to speake the trueth at all tymes ; for hee may bee some tyme lawfullie silent , but hee may never lawfullie lie . 10. Of Affirmatiue necessarie Dueties , some are the weyghtier matters of the Lawe , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as Iudgement , Mercie , and Fayth , MATTH . 23.23 . Others , lesse weyghtie , such as are those of the Pearth Articles ; which wee call necessarie , and yee doe reject . 11. The exercise of some Affirmatiue necessarie dueties , may bee some tymes omitted , by Authoritie , without sinne , for the publicke Peace , or some pressing necessitie . Thus Moses permitted repudiation of a man's married wyfe , not fallen into adulterie ; neyther did hee vrge strictlie the Affirmatiue duetie of adherence , and that for the hardnesse of their heart . Where-in Moses had respect to the Peace and Unitie of the Tribes of Israell , as Alexander Alensis observeth , in his Summe of Theologie , Part. 3. Qu. 46. Membro 1. Art. 1. & Art. 2. David did not execute , in his owne tyme , judgement agaynst Joab , for his murthering of Abner , and Amasa , because the sonnes of Zerviah were too harde for him . Circumcision was omitted , because of the vncertayntie of their abode in one place , when the people were with Moses in the Wildernesse . 12. Exercise of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , agaynst open obstinate offenders , is an affirmatiue duetie , incumbent , by divyne Law , vpon the Pastoures , towards those who are committed to their charge . Yet it may , and ought to bee forborne , when it can not bee vsed without an open rupture , and vnavoydable Schisme . Because in such a case the publicke peace is rather to bee looked to , lest in our inconsiderate zeale to separate the Tares , wee plucke vp also the Wheat . And what wee can not get corrected by censure , wee can doe no more but mourne for it , and patientlie wayt till GOD amende it , as Augustine proveth at length , Lib. 3. contra Epistolam Parmeniani , Cap. 1. & Cap. 2. & Lib. de fide & operibus , Cap , 5. For in this tyme ( sayeth Gregorie ) the holie Church doeth correct some thing by fervour , some thing shee tolerateth by meeknesse , some things by consideration shee dissembleth , and beareth , so that often by bearing and dissembling , shee compesceth [ or putteth away ] that evill which shee hateth . And Prosper sayeth ; For this cause therefore , they must with gentle pietie bee borne with , who for their infirmitie , may not bee rebuked . 13. When a doctrinall errour ( not beeing fundamētall ) prevaileth by publicke Authoritie in any Church , a private Pastor or Doctor espying it , may lawfullie and laudablie , forbeare publicke stryving agaynst it , when hee evidentlie perceaveth , that vnavoydable Schisme would followe there-vpon . In such a case hee should content him-selfe , to feede his hearers with that wholsome Milke of the Word , which they may receaue , and delay the giving of stronger Foode vnto them , because of their infirmitie : Considering that more necessarie and weyghtier Duetie , which hee oweth for preservation of Order and Peace ; and labouring , in a myld and peaceable manner , to cure them . To this purpose belongeth that saying of Gregorie Nazianzen , Let no man , therefore , bee more wyse than is convenient , neyther more legall than the Lawe , neyther more bright than the Light , neyther more strayght than the Rule , neyther higher than the Commaundement . But howe shall this bee ? If wee take knowledge of Decencie , and commende the lawe of Nature , and followe Reason , and despyse not good order . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] And that of the Auncient Church of Lions in France , neare eyght hundreth yeares a-goe ; Who doeth not calmlie and peaceablie moderate that which hee thinketh , but is readie incontinent to Contentions , Dissentions , and Scandalls , altho hee haue not an hereticall sense , most certaynlie hee hath an hereticall mynde . 14. Divine Institution , by the Ministerie of the Apostles , craveth Deacons , ordayned by Imposition of handes , for all their lyfe tyme , ACTS 6. Yet in our Reformed Church of SCOTLAND wee haue no such Deacons . Which OEconomicall defect , necessitated by detention of Church mayntenance necessarie for their sustentation , wee hope shall not bee imputed to our Church , as sinne , so long as Shee despyseth not that Institution , and acknowledgeth , and lamenteth , this deficiencie , and endevoureth , by peaceable lawfull meanes , to haue it remedied . 15. Altho some Affirmatiue Dueties , necessarie by Divine Praecept , doe giue place , some tymes , to other more weyghtie , and more pressing Dueties , ( as the saving of a stranger may bee omitted , for saving my father , or my brother , or my sonne , out of the same danger , when I am able onlie to saue one of them . And manie such lyke examples doe occurre : ) yet it is never lawfull to condemne or oppugne such Dueties , as evill , or superstitious , or scandalous in them-selues , neyther to ranke them amongst thinges in them-selues indifferent . 16. Hence wee doe inferre , that not-with-standing of the necessitie of those of the Pearth Articles , which wee call necessarie , yet some tymes the practising of them , may become not necessarie , and the omission there-of not sinfull , publicke Authoritie , and the necessitie of the peace of the Church , so requyring . Some tyme , in-deede , the omission of a thing praescrybed by an Affirmatiue Divine or Humane Lawe , may bee faultlesse : But it is never lawfull for Subjectes , to transgresse the Negatiue parte of the Divine Praecept , by resisting with force of Armes , that Power where-vnto GOD hath subjected them , and to which Hee hath forbidden them , to make such resistance . Neyther is it at anie tyme lawfull , for Pastors and Teachers , to teach erronious doctrine . 17. Yee doe attribute to vs , as a great absurditie , that at the will of our Ordinarie , and other lawfull Superioures , wee are readie to forbeare the practise of these thinges which the Assemblie hath appoynted to bee observed . And this yee inferre from the necessitie of Administration of the Sacramentes , some tymes in private places , according to our judgement . Certaynlie , yee will haue much a-doe , to make good , by right Logicke , this your inference from such an Antecedent . But to speake of the matter of the Consequent , for satisfaction to the Reader , wee finde no such absurditie in it , as yee seeme to proclayme . For , if some Dueties appoynted by divyne Law , giue place some-tymes to other weyghtie dueties , such as is the keeping of publicke peace and good order , as we haue alreadie showne ; much more may a thing , notwithstanding of anie humane Lawe appoynting it to bee observed , be for these respectes omitted , at the will and direction of those Superioures , to whom wee owe our obedience requyred by that humane Law , and who haue power to dispence with our practise in that part . THE XIV . DVPLY . IF the wordes of the Covenant bee playne , ( say yee ) concerning the meere forbearance , and speake nothing of the vnlawfulnesse , no mans thoughts can make a change . But wee haue given our reasons , which justlie moue vs to requyre greater playnnesse ; neyther haue wee as yet receaved satisfaction , concerning those reasons . 2. In our 14 REPLYE , wee sayde , That your Band of Mutuall Defence agaynst all persons what-so-ever , may drawe Subjects , perhaps , to take Armes agaynst their King , ( which GOD avert ) and consequentlie from that loyaltie of Obedience , which they owe to their Soveraygne , and ours ; except yee declare , and explayne your selues better , than yee haue hitherto done . To this yee answere , that , by this Replye wee doe a threefolde wrong : One to our selues , another to the Subscrybers , the third to the Kings Majestie . But yee haue not directlie answered to the poynt proponed by vs. 3. The wrong which yee say , wee doe to our selues , is in forging from the wordes of the Covenant , impediments , and drawing stumbling blockes in our owne way , to hinder our Subscription . This your wrongous asseveration , wee justlie denye , protesting , as wee haue often done , that wee doe walke sincerelie in this matter , according to our light , Not forging to our selues impedimentes , nor drawing stumbling blockes in our owne way ; but clearlie showing the impedimentes , and stumbling blockes , which the Contryvers of the COVENANT haue layde in our way , by their verie incommodious expression , irreconciliable ( in our judgement ) with your exposition . 4. Yee say , wee wrong the Subscryvers , in changing the state of the Question , and in making a divorce betwixt Religion , and the King's Authoritie , which the Covenant joyneth together , hand in hand . Wee doe no-wayes wrong the Subscrybers , when wee propone vprightlie our just Scruples , as wee in our CONSCIENCES doe conceaue them , where-by wee are moved to with-holde our handes from that COVENANT : where-of one is , the feare of vnlawfull resistance to Authoritie , if wee should holde to that COVENANT ; howe so-ever yee will not suffer to heare patientlie this objection , because in your Covenant yee doe professe , the conjunction of Religion , and the King's Authoritie : which profession of yours , doeth not sufficientlie serue for a full answere to our objection , agaynst those other words of that same Covenant , where-vpon our Scruple did aryse . To cleare this , we wish you to answere directlie ( to this our present Demaund : whether or no , in case of disagreement , ( which GOD avert ) thinke yee that the Covenantors are obliedged , by vertue of their Covenant , to make open resistance , by force of Armes ? If yee thinke they are obliedged to make resistance , then wee desire your answere to the Reasons and Testimonies brought in our 2 Duplye , proving the vnlawfulnesse of such resistance . But if yee thinke that they bee not obliedged , then declare it playnlie . 5. But most of all , yee say , wee wrong the King's Majestie , in bringing him vpon the St●ge , before his Subjectes , in whose myndes wee would ( as yee doe vnjustlie alleadge ) beget and breede suspitions of opposing the Trueth , of making Innovation in Religion , and of dealing with the Subjects , contrarie to his Lawes and Proclamations , and contrarie to the Oath at his Coronation . Wee answere ; wee haue not brought , but haue found his Majestie vpon this vnpleasant Stage , opposing himselfe openlie to your Covenant , with solemne Protestations , agaynst all suspitions of opposing the Trueth , or making Innovation of Religion , or dealing with the Subjectes contrarie to his Lawes and Proclamations , or contrarie to the Oath at his Coronation . This his Majesties declaration , agaynst which yee haue protested , wee haue willinglie receaved , and doe truelie belieue it . 6. What the most honourable Lords , of his Majesties privie Counsell haue done , concerning his Majesties last Proclamation , and vpon what motiues , their Honours themselues doe know , and his Majesties High Commissioner , hath publicklie declared in his printed MANIFESTO , contrarie to some of your Asseverations , concerning the proceeding of that Honourable Boord . 7. Yee professe heere , that , It becommeth you , to judge charitablie of his Majesties intentions , altho yee disallow the Service-Booke , and Canons , as contayning a reall Innovation of Religion ; and doe affirme , that , the intention of the Prelates , and their Associates , the Authors and Contryvers of the Bookes , is most justlie suspected by you . Wee haue tolde you alreadie , that , concerning the matters , contayned in those Bookes , it is not now tyme to dispute , the Bookes themselues being discharged by his Majesties Proclamation , and a royall promise made , that his Majestie will neyther now nor heere-after , presse the practise of the fore-sayde Canons and Service-Booke , nor anie thing of that nature , but in such a fayre and legall way , as shall satisfie all his Majesties loving Subjects ; and , that his Majestie neyther intendeth Innovation in Religion or lawes . As for the intentions of his sacred Majestie , wee doe heartilie and thankfullie acknowledge them , to bee truelie conforme to his Majesties gracious Declaration , in that his last Proclamation . And , in-deede , it becommeth both you and vs , to thinke so of them . Neyther doe wee take vpon vs , to harbour in our breasts , anie vncharitable suspition , concerning the intentions of those others of whom yee speake ; seeing they stand or fall to their owne master , and the thoughts of their hearts are vnknowne , both to you and vs : and in a matter vncertaine it is surest to judge charitablie . Yea , wee haue manie pregnant Arguments to perswade vs , that those Reverende Prelates , and their Associates , had no such intention , as yee judge . 8. Yee make mention of three wrongs , done by vs to you : The one , in the WARNING , where-of yee haue an answere allreadie given in our 12 DVPLYE , where yee did vse greater exaggerations , than eyther the intention of the Warner did merite , or became your charitie and profession . And by your repetition of it in this place , yee show , that yee haue too great delight to dwell vpon such expostulations , where-as Theologicall reasons of the matter in controversie , would better become you in such a DISPVTE . The second wrong is , that ( as yee alleadge ) wee haue wronged you . In with-holding our hand and helpe from so good a cause , of purging Religion , and reforming the Kirke , from so manie grosse abuses , and opposing all those who haue modestlie laboured for Reformation . But certaynlie , the wrong is done to vs by you , in that yee doe , without warrand of Authoritie , obtrude vpon vs , and vpon those committed to our charges , the swearing of an Oath , which is agaynst our owne consciences : and because of our just refusall and opposition , yee doe wrong vs also , in misinterpreting our pious and vpright meanings , and in making and stirring vp collaterall , and personall quarrells agaynst vs , and threatning vs there-with . Thus ( if GOD by his speciall grace did not vpholde vs ) might wee bee driven , by worldlie terroures , to doe agaynst the light of our owne consciences . 9. The third Wrong , where-with yee charge vs , and for the which yee doe insinuate , that wee maye feare Trouble , is ( as yee alleadge ) in our speaches , in publicke , and private , and in our Missiues , &c. Herevnto wee answere , as in our former Replyes , That when-so-ever it shal please you , to specifie these speaches , we hope to giue you , and all peaceablie-disposed Christians , full satisfaction , and to cleare our selues of that imputation ; so that none shall haue just reason , to worke vs anie Trouble . In the meane tyme , if our ingenuitie would permit vs , ( as it doeth not ) to thinke it a decent course , to make vse of Hearkeners , and Catchers of wordes , and to wayte for the haulting of our Brethren , some of your owne speaches might bee represented vnto you , wherein yee would find weaknesse . 10. As for these Outward , or Externall Argumentes , which ye bring heere , to proue your Covenanting , to bee The worke of GOD , from the Successe of your Enterpryze , from the multitude of Subscrybers , and from their Contentment , and from their good carriage , ( which wee would wish , in manie of them , to bee more charitable , and peaceable , and so more Christian , than it is ) wee can not acknowledge , to bee A Commentarie written by the LORD' 's owne Hand , ( as yee pretende ) in approbation of your Covenant ; vnlesse yee first clearlie showe vs the Text or Substance of your COVENANT , to bee written in the HOLIE SCRIPTURES , in all poyntes there-of ; especiallie in those poyntes , wherein yee and wee doe controvert , and which onelie , at this tyme , can bee pretended against vs , seeing we make opposition onelie in those poyntes . And wee wish heartilie , That leaving these weake Notes of Trueth , to the Papistes , chiefe Acclaymers of them , amongst Christians , ( that wee speake no-thing of Aliens from Christianitie ) yee would bee pleased to adhere , with vs , vnto the HOLIE SCRIPTURES , as the onelie sure and perfect RULE of TRUE RELIGION , and the Heavenlie Lampe , which GOD hath given vs , to showe vs the Way of Trueth and Peace : Where-in the GOD of Trueth and Peace direct all our steppes , for IESUS CHRIST our SAVIOUR , who is our Peace : To HIM bee Glorie for ever : Amen . IOHN FORBES OF CORSE , Doctor and Professor of Divinitie in ABERDENE . ROBERT BARON , Doctor and Professor of Divinitie , and Minister in ABERDENE . ALEXANDER SCROGIE , Minister at OLD ADERDENE , D. D. WILLIAM LESLEY , D. D. and Principall of the King's Colledge in ABERDENE , IA : SIBBALD , Doctor of Divinitie , and Minister at ABERDENE . ALEXANDER ROSSE , Doctor of Divinitie , and Minister at ABERDENE· Some Escapes in Printing . Pag. line for reade 7 23 because your Answers because their Answeres 8 17 Answeres Argumentes 11 25 chap. 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 37 ibid. ibid Novatus Novatian ( called their 13 31 discerned decerned [ Novatus ) 16 14 resicere , omnesque etiam resicere . Omnes etiam 28 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 20 in the 33 in the 22 33 7 alleadged allowed ibid. 11 Conventions , ye meane Covētiōs , frō their purpo 35 15 and that that [ sed ends , yemean ibid. last Seruice-Booke Service-Booke , and Ca●●● 36 1 is discharged are discharged 48 penult . condemning condemning of 52 30 contryvers recommenders 59 4 enjoying injoyning bid . last Consilio Concilio 80 margin Leg. 42 in Sexto . Reg. 42 89 11 had wee eot had we not 98 26 our Propositions our proposition 99 11 of standing to standing 100 6 Episcopie Episcopacie 105 23 Monarchies Monarchs 115 31 Lib. 9 Leg. 9 116 6 Clericis . Now Clericis . Leg. 10. Now ibid. 12 puniatur hoc ipso puniatur . Hoc ipso 117 4 cursing accusing 119 1. &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20714-e540 Lōd . edit . anno 1616. pag. 200.201 . XII . Tabularum fragmenta . de officio consulis . Regio imperio duo sunto : iique praeundo , indicando , consulendo , praetores , judices , cōsules appellantor : militia sumùm jus habento , nemini pavento . Salus populi suprema lex esto . a Quid ergo turbamini ? volens nunquam vos deseram , coactus repugnare non n●vi . Dolere potero , potero flere , potero gem●re ; adversusarma , milites , Gothos quoque , Lachryma mea arma sunt . Talia enim munimenta sunt sacerd●ti● . Aliter nec dib●a nec possum resistere . b Non ego mi vallabo circumfusione populorum . — Rogamus , Auguste , non pugnamus . — Tradere Basilicam non possum , sed repugnare non deb●● . Interest enim quibus causis , quibusque authoribus homines gerenda bella suscipiant : ordo tamen ille naturalis , mortaliam paci accommodatus hoc poscit , vt suscipiendi belli authoritas , atque consilium penes Principem sit . Aug. Lib. 22. contra Faustum , Cap. 75. Hugo Grotius , de jure belli & pacis , lib. 1. cap. 4. num . 6. Averrces ● ▪ Metaphys . comment . 6 ▪ See Hugo Grotius , de jure belli & pacis , pag. 66 where hee citeth sundrie anciēt Authors . Rivet , in his Iesuita vapulans , cap. 13. Ambrose in obitum Valentiniani . See Doctor Field in his 3. Booke of the Church , CAP. 32. Altare Damascen , pag. 828. & 853. Re-examination of the Assemblie of Pearth , pag. 227. ●n regulis ●uris , leg . 42. Gregorie Nazianzen . Orat. ●0 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vpon these wordes , NICETAS , his Interpreter , speaketh thus ; Baptismum suscipe quamdiu minime circum te pugnant is qui te baptismi aqua tingare parat , & qui poecuniarum ●uarum hares futurus est . Ille videlic●● studi●se agens atque contendens vt ea quae ad vitae exitum necessaria sunt , suppeditet , hoc est , vt te salutari aqua tingat & dominicum corpus impertiat , hic contra vt testamento hares scribatur . Concilium Nicenum , Can. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Balsamon his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Altare Damascen , pag. 341. dispute agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , PART . 3. CAP. 1. SECT . 2. Re-examination of the Article● of Pearth , pag. 143 See the Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies , part . 3. cap. 7. sect . 5. The late Confession of Helvetia , cap. 27. Confession of Bohemia , cap. 15. English Confession , art . 15. Confessio of Auspurg , art . 15. art . 7. Confession of Wirtemberg . art . 35. Confession of Sweueland , cap. 14. Calvin . Institut . lib. 4. cap. 10. §. 30. Oecolampadius Epist. Lib. 4. pag. 818. Zepperus Polit. Eccles , pag. 138.142.143 . Zanchius , in quarium Praeceptum , Melanchthon , in manie places , &c. See PETER MARTYR , on the 6 CHAP. of the Epistle to the ROM . and GERARDVS , in Loc. Theolog . Tom. 4. Altar . Damase pag. 120. Dispute agaynst the English Popish Ceremonies , part 3. cap , 8. digress . 1. Favor●iliores rei potius quam actores habentur . ff . Lib. 50. Reg. 125. Melanch . in an Epist . to Canerarius , in Concil . Theolog. Melanch . in an Epist . to Camerarius , in Concil . Theol. pag. 90. Quo jure enim I●c●bit nobis dissolvare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticam ? ●i Episcopi nobis concedant illa , quae aequun esse eos concedere ? et vt liceat , c●rte non expedit . Semper it a sensit ipse Lutherus , quem nulla de causa , quidam vt video , amant , nisi quia ●enefitcio ejus sentiunt se , Episcopos excussisse & adept●s libertatem minime vtil●m ad post●ritatem . So in an Epist. ad episc . Augusten , Deinde v●lim h●● tibi persuadeas de me deque multis aliis nos optare vt pace constituta Episcoporum p●tes●a● , sit incolumis . Et hane plurimum prodesse Ecclesiis judicamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Si quis cum sacra mysteria celebrātur , in sanctam Ecclesiam ingrediens , Episc●po , aut Clericis , aut Ministris aliis Ecclesiiae 〈◊〉 juriam aliquam inserat : jubemus hunc verbera sustinere , & in exilium mitti . Si verò haec sacra Ministeria conturbaverit , aut celebrare probibuerit : capitaliter puniatur hoc ipso & in Litaniis , in quibus Episcopi , aut Clerici reperia●tur , custodiendo . Et siquidem i●●uriam solum feceri●is , verberibus exilioque tradatur . Si verò etiam Litaniam concusserit , capitale periculum su●tin●bi●● & vindicare jubemus non solum civiles , sed etiam militares judices . In his second Homilie vpon thes words Salute Priscilla and Aquila . Tom. 5. Edit . Sa●il . pag. 327 Aug. lib. de vnico Baptismo , cap. 13. O quam detestandus est error hominum , qui elarorū viro rum quadā non restè facta laudabiliter se imitari putant , à quorum virtutibus alieni sunt . EVSEB . LIB . 5. HIST. ECCLES . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. SAM . XI . 7 . IVDIC . VII . 22 . ARTH. IONST . PARAPH. PSAL. 120 a Thom. 1 ● 2 ● , q● . 71. art . 5. ad 3 m Bonavent ▪ in 1. sent . dist . 48. art . 2. qu. 1. in Resolutione . Scotus in 3. sent . dist . 9. qu. vnica , num . 4. Gregor . respons . ad 7. interrogationem Augustini Caentuariensis . In hoc enim tempore sancta Ecclesia quaedam per f●rvorem corrigit , quaedam per mansuetudinem tolerat , quaedam per considerationem dissimulat , atque portat , vt saepe malum quod aversitur , portando & dissimulando compescat . Prosper , Lib. 2. de vita contemplativa , Cap. 5. Propter hoc ergo , blanda pietate portandi sunt , qui increpari pro sua infirmitate non possant . Nazianz. Orat. 26. tom . 1. pag. 446. & 447. Edit . Graecol . Paris . Anno 1630. Eccles . Ludg. Lib. de tenenda veritate Scripturae post medium [ in Bibl. Patr. Tom. 4. Part. 2 Edit . 4. ] Qui non tranquillè & pacificè moderatur quod sentit , sed statim paratus est ad contentiones , dissentiones , & scandala , etiamsi non habeat Haereticum sensum , certissime habet Haereticum animum . Thom. 2 a 2 ae qu. 43. art . 7. Propter nullum scandalum quod sequ● videatur , debet homo , praetermissa veritate , falsitatem docere . Hieronym . Apologia adversus Ruffinum , quae incipit , Lectis literis , prope finem . Talibus institutus es Disciplinis , vt cui respondere non potueris , caput auferas ; & linguam , qua tacere non potest se●●s ? Nec magnop●re glorieris , si facias quod Scorpiones possunt facere , & Cantharides . Fec●runt haec & Fulvia in Ciceronem , & Herodias in loannem : quia veritatem non poterant audire : & linguam veriloquam discriminali acu confoderunt . — Adversum impiissimos C●l●um atque Porthyrium quanti scripsere nostrorum ? Qui om●ssa causa , in sup●rflua criminum objectio●● versatus est ? 
A33543	----	A continuation of the historical relation of the late General Assembly in Scotland with an account of the commissions of that assembly, and other particulars concerning the present state of the church in that kingdom. Cockburn, John, 1652-1729. 1691 Approx. 206 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33543 Wing C4805 ESTC R2774 12131178 ocm 12131178 54716 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33543) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54716) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 887:7) A continuation of the historical relation of the late General Assembly in Scotland with an account of the commissions of that assembly, and other particulars concerning the present state of the church in that kingdom. Cockburn, John, 1652-1729. 75, [1] p. Printed by B. Griffin, for Samuel Keble ..., London : 1691. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Attributed to John Cockburn. cf. NUC pre-1956. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. -- General Assembly. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. 2003-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A CONTINUATION OF THE Historical Relation Of the late General Assembly IN SCOTLAND , With an Account of the Commissions of that Assembly , and other particulars concerning the present State of the Church in that Kingdom . They know not , neither will they understand ; they walk on in Darkness , Psal. 82. 5th . Licens'd , November 14th . 1691. LONDON : Printed by B. Griffin , for Samuel Keble , at the Great Turk's-Head in Fleetstreet , over against Fetter-lane-End . 1691. A CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORICAL RELATION Of the Late GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN SCOTLAND , &c. IT is in Writing as in Building , when once a man engageth him self in it , before he hath done he is necessitated to carr●y it on further than what he first thought on . The Historical Relation of the late General Assembly in Scotland , was at first extorted from me by the Curiosity of a private Friend , who afterwards prevailed to have it published : When I yielded to it , I thought my business was done , and expected no further trouble , but now I am made to believe , that there lies an obligation upon me , to continue the History of our Presbyterians in Scotland , because my former Relation hath increased in many a Curiosity to understand more and more , of the Genius and Actings of that party , and because what I have done , will be incompleat if I do not add to it an Account of the Commission of that Assembly , for the South and for the North of Scotland . I know that by such enterprises , I expose my self to the malice and aspersions of a party , of whose Revenge and Calumnies we have frequent instances , but seeing I have already dipt my Hand in the affair , I will proceed in it , for what ever prejudice it may be to my self , it may be an advantage to Posterity to lay open the Errors and Miscarriages of those , who , to the destruction of many , have set themselves up as the true Lights of the World. The false Opinion which the World had of the Presbyterian party , has twice been the occasion of Shipwrack to the Church of Scotland , and it may be expected , that the shewing them such as they are , may both prevent it a third time , and also help to recover it for this , for I hope people will not be so mad as to suffer themselves any more , to be led blindly by such Guides as they see have not knowledge enough to qualifie them for the Office ; and who while they pretend to be the purest part of Christians , commit such things as even Heathens would scruple at . Since the publishing of the Historical Relation of the General Assembly , they have Printed the principal Acts of the General Assembly , with an Index or Table , of such Acts as were not thought fit to be published . By this , the truth of many particulars in my former Relation is confirmed , only I find a mistake in one or two Acts I made mention of , as also one or two more which were altogether omitted . In the 52d page of the Historical Relation of the General Assembly , It was said that Pedagogues , Chapla●ns and Students , were appointed to own and subscribe the Confession of Faith , but I find in the first Article of that Act , Intituled , An Act approving several Overtures , which relates to that matter . That Probationers Licensed to Preach , Intrants into the Ministry , and all other Ministers and Elders received into Communion with them in Church Government , are obliged to this , and no mention of Pedag●gues , Chaplains , and Students ; but I am assured , that they were named in the first draught of the Act presented to the Assembly , and those who informed me , did not advert to the alteration of it , which was caused by the Commissioner , who knew that otherwise it would occasion no little disturbance in this Country , for as there were many Pedagogues and Chaplains , who would have refused it , so the Families , in which they are , would have been disgusted with the Government , if they had been obliged to part with them . Again , it was said , page 61. That Mr. Gilbert Rule was joined to Mr. Alexander Pitcairn , for writing an answer to the printed accounts of the Persecution of the Episcopal Clergy , and that the latter had excused himself for not doing it sooner , by the want of due information of matter of fact , but it appears now from the Index of their imprinted Acts , that this task is wholly committed to Mr. Gilbert Rule : And Mr. Pit●airn declared lately to one of my acquaintance , that he refused that employment altogether at the Assembly , because by some informations that had been sent to 〈◊〉 , he saw these accounts could not be otherwise answered than by justifying of the Rabble , which he neither would , nor could do . My Authors do not remember , that they heard such free and plain Language at the Assembly , and certainly it was too remarkable not to be taken notice of● but because Mr. Pitcairn saith it , I make no doubt but this hath passed in some private Committee , where he hath expressed himself so freely upon this head , that they found him too honest and ingenuous for serving their designs , and have thought Mr. Gilbert Rule a fitter Tool by far for their purpose . The time of the sitting of a new Assembly doth approach , to which he is obliged to give an account of his diligence , and yet nothing of this nature has appeared from him , from which we may conclude , that he finds the task very hard for him , and that he is much puzzled both at once to save his honesty , and to excuse his party . If he be the Author of that Pamphlet , Intituled , A Vindication of the Church of Scotland ( which is an answer to the ten Questions about Presbyterians ) as is commonly reported and believed , we may easily guess how , and after what manner he is to answer these accounts , viz. First , By an impudent denial of the Truth . Secondly , By extenuating the sufferings of our Clergy , in comparison of what they suffered ; for it 's said there , that all the instances alledged are false , and that any one of many amongst them , suffered more than all the Episcopal Clergy . His ingenuity in the first , appears from what I have said of Mr. Pitcairn , who refused to make any reply to these printed accounts , because the information sent to him confirmed the truth of them : And as to the other , tho it were true that they suffered as much , or more , yet that is no reasonable excuse for the present sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy ; as the common Proverb is , Two Blacks make not a White : Nor will it justifie the ills and grievances of the present times , that in former times there were as great and as many . If they had had a due sense of their sufferings , or if they had rightly improved them , this would have prompted them to Mercy and Compassion . The Spirit of Christ teacheth us as to bear the Cross , when it is on our selves , patiently and chearfully , ●o to prevent it in others , as much as is possible , and when it falls upon them , to ease and relieve them all we can : It maketh men gentle and meek , and to deal tenderly with one another , but it seems they are acted by another Spirit , viz. A Spirit of Bitterness , Cruelty , and Revenge , which makes them forward to render others miserable , and to take pleasure when they see them afflicted . But it is not true , that either any or all of them suffered so much as the Episcopal Clergy have in this Revolution . Indeed , by the Act of Glasgow , which proved fatal both to Church and State , a good many Ministers were laid aside , or rather they made a pretext of it to lay themselves aside , thinking by their number to render the Government odious , or to oblige it to revoke that Act , which required their submission to Episcopacy ; but this is nothing comparable to the treatment our Ministers met with from the Rabble . They were forewarned by the Act of Glasgow , and had several months allowed them to deliberate upon it , and were suffered , even after the expiring of the term prescribed by that Act , to possess their Houses , and to take up their Stipends ; nay , very many continued still in the exercise of their Ministry , and were con●ived at by the Government till the year 1683. and a great many also of those , who were actually turned out , were again indulged by the Clemency of the King and Government , to go to other Parishes , which was the occasion of a Schism among them , for they who had not the benefit of the Indulgence , envied them who had it , and divided from them , and uttered bitter words against them , which obliged them to make a Vindication of themselves in a Book , Intituled , A Review of the History of the Indulgence ; but the treatment of our Ministers was summary , and the proceedings against them very cruel and severe . The Rabble surprised them , assaulted them in the Night , allowed them not the least respite , but Barbarously thrust them , their Wives and Children , instantly out of Doors . Nor had they time given them to dispose of their Goods , to gather in their Debts , or provide necessary sustenance for themselves and Families : So , many who might have otherwise lived well enough , are at present in a starving condition , and are necessitated to receive Alms , that they and their Families may not quite perish . Besides , some have sustained the loss of their Wives , others of their Children , and some of both , occasioned by the inhumane usage of the Rabble . And whatever the Episcopal Clergy have suffered at this time , they have suffered meerly upon the account of Episcopacy , whereas in the late times , none ever suffered meerly upon the account of Presbytery . See Sir Geo. Mackenzie's defence of the Reign of King Charles the 2d . Some of them indeed were Hanged , as King , and Kid , and two or three more , very deservedly , because they were guilty of Sedition and Rebellion against the Government . There was never any severity shewed towards them , till they were found Ploting , and then indeed the security of the Government did oblige our Rulers to have a strict eye over them , and by all means to curb them . And what Government would not be severe to men of their principles , who hold it lawful to Deth●one and Kill Kings , and to Murder those imployed by them , if they do not act agreeably to their minds ; and who have put those principles in practise as often as they had occasion ? The Acts which were omitted were , first , That whereby John Blair was Elected to be Agent for the Church . This person serveth the Kirk as the Kings Sollicitor serveth the State ; he conveyeth the Orders of the General Assembly and Commission , to particular Presbyteries and Synods ; pursueth all the causes wherein the Kirk is concerned ; and that the Civil Authority may assist that of the Kirk , he takes out Letters of Summons from the Council against such as contravene , and refuse obedience to their Acts : Nay , in his Name , some have been charged only 〈◊〉 not complying with the Civil Government . This the Sollicitor takes ill , and considereth it as an encroachment on his Office , which hath made him put a stop to some of the Letters of Summons that were thus issued out ; but if Presbytery prosper , the Sollicitor may come to pay for this , and be made sensible that their Agent is his equal , if not his superiour , for they will not acknowledge their power subordinate to that of Kings . It 's allowable enough in the Agent to assume a part of the Sollicitors Office , when his Masters taken upon them to manage and direct the supreme Civil Power it self . In the Reigns of K. Charles and K. Iames , the Laws sometimes put Ministers on the invidious imployment of giving up Lists of Dissinters and dis●ffected persons within their Parishes , for which the Presbyterians accused them , as having a persecuting Spirit ; but let it now be considered , who may most truly be charged with it , whether the Episcopal Party , who did what they did with great reluctancy , by force and compulsion of the Law , and who , as is well known , endeavoured to save all they could , or the present Presbyterians , who willingly , and without Law , dela●e and accuse such as they think obnoxious to the Government ; and who have established an Office , and installed a person in it , on purpose to search out such as might be thought guilty , and who at their instigation has caused Summon and charge several , whom the Government conni●ed at and passed over ; but this is conform to the fourth Article of the Solemn League and Covenant , which binds every man to be a Spy and an Informer , even against his dearest Friends , and nearest Relations . Another thing passed over , is a Declaration of the Moderator , that this Assembly would depose no incumbent , simply for their Iudgment anent the Government of the Church , nor urge Re-ordination upon them . I do not remember to have heard of this before , and now we have it only in the Table of their unprinted Acts. If this had been set down at length , we could have understood it better , and that it has not been fully printed , but hudled obscurely in amongst the unprinted Acts , which few read over , makes me suspect that there is some trick in it . When the Moderator made this Declaration , it was then , as it seems , designed to shew their Moderation , and seeing they would not have it known to all men , it is a sign that they are now ashamed of it . However , we may observe , that this 〈◊〉 Act of the Assembly , but only a Declaration of the Moderator , which cannot bind Synods and Presbyteries , for if any objection should be made to them about it , they can easily reply . That he had done it of his own hend , and not by any order of the Brethren . An instance of the like treatment we have in Mr. Lyon of Kinghorn , he was suspended by the Presbyt●ry of 〈◊〉 , from whom 〈…〉 to the General Assembly , which appointed a Committ●● ●or ●ons●●●ring his 〈◊〉 ; this Committee found nothing material for inflicting such a censure upon him , and therefore gave their advice that he should be reponed , which was done ; but since that time , a Synod in Fife will have him again laid aside upon the former Indictment , telling him , that the private judgment or advice of a particular Committe , did not oblige them , seeing the Assembly made no Act in his favour . ` Again , it is said , that they will not depose them simply for their judgment about the Government of the Church , that is , for this thing only ; but withal , it implies , that this may be one reason , and we see it is often made a principal one , for they lay such stress upon it , that for this cause they set Spies on persons actions , and search out all that can be said to render any odious , who differ from them in this matter . It is evident , that persons principles , together with the places which they held , has been the great motive of prosecuting them hitherto ; but what is most remarkable is , that it s said they will not urge Re-ordination upon them , for not to urge a thing , certainly imports this much , That they may require it , tho for grave and weighty reasons they will also dispense with it . It was advisedly done to make this only a Declaration of the Moderator , for it would not probably have passed into an Act ; for tho there be none other in the World , who call in question the lawfulness and validity of Episcopal Ordination ( Boxter himself believed it so necessary , that he would needs be ordained by a Bishop ( if I remember aright 't was Bishop Hall ) after he had received the Ordination of Presbyters ) yet the most of them at present , carry things so high , as to deny the lawfulness of it , and there are some instances of Re-ordination in the former times of Presbytery ; so little do they regard the Ordination and Ministerial Authority of Episcopal men , that it has been declared frequently in their Sermons , that all the time of Episcopacy , people have been without a Ministry , and without Sacraments . Some two or three years ago , there was one who preached up this Doctrine so warmly , in and about the Lead-Mines of Hopton , that , as was reported , he prevail'd with many to suffer themselves to be Re-baptized , and Re-married , and had twelve pence from each of them for so doing . And one Mr. Cassine in Fife , when he was admitting Elders in the Kirk of Flisk , caused them before the Congregation , to renounce their Baptism , and all the Sacraments and Ordinances , which they had received from Curates , as he called Episcopal Ministers by way of contempt . This is so true , that the Heritors and Parishioners of Abdie , did upon this very head protest against Mr. Cassine , his coming amongst them ; but notwithstanding this , the Presbytery of Couper admitted him , so that it seems they have not look'd upon that as any fault or errour . Now what jugling and hypocrisie is it ? how do they play at fast , and loose with us , when sometime they tell us , that they will make no difference on the accounts of mens judgments , and sentiments , about matters of Government ; and yet never check or censure such gross and wild extravagancies ; nay , so far from it , as to encourage such as are guilty of them , and to be forward to settle them in Churches , while others more moderate are slighted and neglected : As Mr. Alexander Orrok , who ( as all that know him say ) has more sense and learning than the most of them ; and yet , for all the vacancies , they have never bestowed one Church upon him . And they joyned with Mr. Rymer , to keep him out of St. Andrews , to which he had a Call , from the Presbyterian party there , and where he himself desired to be : And all this , because he is somewhat moderate , as to the distinguishing principles , and entertains some favourable sentiments of many of the Episcopal Clergy . And as they do not encourage their own , unless they be rigid and severe about their modell of Government , and Discipline ; so they give all discouragement to such as have served under Episcopacy , but are willing to submit to Presbytery , and to live peaceably with them , Mr. William Hamilton , offered himself with such submission , that they had no shadow of excuse , for refusing to admit him into their Communion ; but they deny him all other kindness and favour , they neither offer to repone him to either of the Churches out of which he was rabled , nor do they encourage any Call to any other ; for they have so concerted it among themselves , as that none shall invite him to Preach , or any wise imploy him . He had lately an invitation to serve the Cure at Curry , in the absence of another Mr. Hamilton , who is settled Minister there ; at first the Presbytery of Edenburgh agreed to it , but afterwards Mr. Hugh Kemedy revoked the order , and dashed it out of the minuits of the Presbytery with his own hand . He had also another Call to the Kirk and Parish of Lauder , subscribed by the Magistrates of the Town , and the most of the Heritors and Parishoners ; which when he presented to the Presbytery they rejected it , and preferred another made by five Weavers . We have another late instance of their want of moderation towards these , who differ from them , in point of Church Government , which if it do not expresly contradict the abovementioned Declaration of the Moderator of the Assembly : Yet , it clearly sheweth , that the inferiour Judicatures of Synods and Presbyters are not of that mind , nor , resolved to bind themselves up to these measures . Mr. Iohn Miller a Licentia●e under Episcopacy , who lived with that Reverend and good man Mr. Laurence Charters , and sometimes officiated for him , when he was under any bodily indisposition . This person was no ways scandalous , nor had he maleversed in any manner , nor was any crime or fault objected to him ; yet the Presbytery of Hadington did prohibite him to Preach any more within their bounds . And tho he has at divers times , addressed to them for a Licence to Preach , at such times only , when Mr. Charters sickness and infirmity disabled him for that exercise : Nevertheless , they peremptorly refused it , and do continue the former restraint , meerly because after conference , they do find him not such a 〈…〉 Presbyterian as themselves , as is manifest from the final 〈◊〉 , which he had from the Moderator of the Presbytery in Present●a , which was as follows . For as much as your answer is the same that it was the last day , and after further deliberation , you seem to be more confirmed in it , and are not clear simply to say , that you wish the conti●ance of the present Church Government , and to declare your approbation of it , and y●ur preference of it to all others , we do think fit to continue the restraint formerly laid upon you by the Presbytery . Whilst I am shewing my own omissions , I may be excused if I give an account of an omission of the Clerk or Recorder of the Assembly : Who had forgot to set down an Act said to be made by them , either amongst the Printed Acts , or in the List of the unprinted ones ; and I confess , for his excuse that I cannot meet with any person , who remembers to have heard it once mentioned in the Assembly : So that we owe the knowledge thereof , only to the Presbytery of Dalkeith , who lately declared it , upon this occasion . They sent one or two of their number sometime ago , to the Parish of Inverask , which lyeth within four Miles of Edinburgh ; to entreat them to choose a Minister ; and because this people unanimously shewed their aversion to a Presbyterian ( for of three or four thousand in that Parish , there are only some twenty , or thirty that incline to that party ) therefore there was a promise made them , that if they made choice of any good or pious man , who would submit to the Civil Government , he should be accepted of , whether he were a Presbyterian or Episcopal ; whether the person who promised this , spoke ingenuously his own sentiments , or the mind of his brethren ; whether it was said only to dispose the people to be more favourably enclined towards the Presbytery of Dalkeith , or because they saw it impossible to to get their consent to a Presbyterian Minister , I shall not enquire . But the Parish laid hold on this promise , and accordingly did commissionate some of their number to wait upon the Presbytery of Dalkeith , with a List of seven or eight persons , Episcopal Ministers , who had submitted to the Civil Government , and to entreat their allowance , for their Preaching to them , according to the promise which was made that such of them as pleased the Parish best might be called to be their , Ministers . When this was first proposed , the Moderator huffed and grew angry , and asked , if they came to abuse and reproach the brethren ? The Gentlemen replyed , they designed not to abuse any ; that what they alledged was true , and they were ready to prove it , or they would appeal to the persons themselves , who had said it . Then the Moderator told them , That if any Brother had said or promised so , he had done it rashly of his own head , and would receive a Reprimand from the Presbytery for it , that the Presbytery could allow of no such thing for there was an act of the , Assembly forbiding Episcopal Incumbents to preach out of their own Churches , or people to give them a call . So under the shadow of this invisible Act , and , in all appearance , of their own devising , they shifted the promise made to the Parish of Inverask . It was said at that time , that there was no such Act in all the History of the Assembly : To which it was replyed , that if it was not Printed , it would be Printed very shortly , which I have done , lest the honest man should fail in his word . Before I leave their Acts , it will be fit to take notice of the reasons of An Act , which was mentioned in the Historical Relation of the Assembly viz. An Act which prohibiteth private use and Administration of the Sacraments , on any account whatsoever . The Reasons of this Act are worthy to be remarked . The first of them is , That by the Authority of this Church , in her former Assemblies , the private use of them hath been condemned : Which brings to my remembrance the Character , that the Reverend and Pious Bishop Leighton , was wont to give of the Presbyterians , viz. That they made themselves the Standard of opinions and practices , and never looked either abroad into the world , to see what others were doing , nor yet back into the former times , to observe what might be warranted or recommended by Antiquity ; and as by this means , they become singular in many things , so in the point in hand , they differ from all other Churches in the World. All the Reformed Churches abroad allow the use of the Lords Supper to sick and dying persons , which they have peremptorily prohibited ; as there was nothing more ordinary in the Primitive times , which might be made appear from several instances . It was from this practice , that it received the name of Viaticum ; and seeing our Blessed Lord did institute this Holy Sacrament , for the commemorating his death , and for the conveying the blessed effects of it , to strengthen our faith and hope , and to assure us of the pardon of our Sins , and of a victory over Death and Hell , through our Lord Jesus Christ : It may be truly thought great Cruelty , to deny this sensible consort to sick and dying persons ; because they stand most in need of it ; for then it is they have the deepest sense of their sins , and the greatest fears of Death and its consequences . The other reason given by them for this prohibition , is that by allowing the private use of the Sacraments in pretended cases of necessity ; the superstitious opinion is nourished , that they are necessary to Salvation , not only as commanded duties ; but as means without which Salvation cannot be contained . Therefore the Assembly discharges the Administration of the Lords Supper to sick Persons in their Houses , and all other use of the same , except in the publick Assemblies of the Church ; and also do discharge the Administration of Baptism in private ; that is , in any place , or at any time , when the Congregation is not orderly called together , to wait on the dispensing of the Word . In which we may take notice of these particulars . First , that they deny the comfort and benefit of Christ's own Ordinances to some , because others entertain wrong notions of them , which may be more safely removed by publick and private instruction . Secondly that they restrain the use of Christs Ordinances , to times and places without any Divine warrant , for the same ; And yet Mr. Rule hath laid it down as a principal ( Representation of the Presbyterian Government , page 2. ) That Christ as head of the Church hath given forth Laws , by which the affairs of the Church should be managed ; and hath not left any nomothetick power in the Church to make Laws , for her self ; her work being to declare and ex●●ute the Laws of Christ : Thirdly that they have no regard to what our Lord says , Math. 18. 20. Where two or three are gathered together in my name , there will I be amongst them ; otherwise they would not prohibit the private Administration of the Sacraments in cases of necessity and great conveniency ; in which they use only to be desired ; and even then they were never wont to be administred , but in the presence of a greater number than that our Saviour speaks of . Fourthly , this Act of theirs about Baptism proceeds from a mistake of Math. 28. 19 : as if thereby Teaching or Preaching , were appointed to go before Baptizing ; whereas the word in the Original signifies not to Preach ; but to make Disciples ; and if their sense were true , none ought to be Baptized , but such as were first taught ; and consequently Infants ought not to be Baptized at all , because incapable of being taught . Fifthly we may gather hence , their wrong notion of P●eaching and dispensing the Word , as they call it : For as Baptism was never used to be Administred , even in private , among us in Scotland , without the Word , that is , without some previous discourse of the nature of the Sacrament , of the Covenant of Grace , of our Redemption through Jesus Christ , and other points per●inent to that occasion , so their prohibiting the Administration of Baptism , without the Dispensing of the Word , ( which is done with respect to the practice of the Episcopal Clergy ) clearly shews , that they do not think the Gospel is preached , or the Word dispensed , but when one takes a Text , divides it , raises Doctrines and Uses from it , and runs 〈◊〉 into Firstlys , Secondlys , and Thirdlys , until they come to Twelf●hly and Twentiethly beloved . Finally tho the stream of this Act runs 〈◊〉 as if the Sacraments could not in any case be lawfully or duly Administred in private , yet in the conclusion it is said that this be carefully observed , when and wherever , the Lord giveth his people peace , liberty , and opportunity for their publick Assemblies ; which is added , to prevent the casting their own practices in their Teeth , and to justifie their private Administrations , if they shall happen to be reduced to the state , in which they were before this Revolution ; for they are pretty dextrous at binding and loosing themselves . And it is further to be observed , that when they want peace and liberty , it is happier for their Children ; for then they may have the benefit of Baptism in any place and at any time ; whereas now they suffer them to die without it , unless they can wait their leisure in the publick Assemblies , which falls out but once a week , except it be in some Cities . I must not let pass , how they have recorded the dissolving of the Assembly , and the appointing of another . As was said in the former relation , both these were done by the Commissioner in the Kings name , to which at the time they submitted ; but yet they intended so to record it , as if the same had been done by the simple Authority of the Assembly it self ; for they had it thus . This Assembly thought fit to dissolve it self , and to call another ; which when it was read , the Commissioner found fault with it , and desired , that it might be said , that he in his Majesties name had done it , to whom the Moderator replyed , Your Grace needs not be offended ; these things are but words , and we will not stand upon them : But the Commissioner pressing a change of the first form ; they have at last worded it thus . This Assembly being dissolved , and the next general Assembly appointed to be held at Edinburgh the first day of November next to come , the Members were dismissed with Prayer , neither did this please the Commissioner , but they would not make any express mention of the Kings Authority or of the Commissioner representing him , lest it should prove an ill president . They were careful to leave nothing upon Record , that might make against the Soveraign Supremacy , which they claim . This being all that is needful to be added to the former Relation of the General Assembly , I therefore proceed to give an Account of what has passed since , and to shew the effects and consequences of the measures laid down in the Assembly for the establishing and securing the Presbyterian Government . To keep the order of Time ; the first thing to be taken notice of , is the Synod of Lothian and Twedal , which sate down at Edinburgh on Tuesday the second of December , Mr. Areskin , who preached in the Trone Church of Edinburgh , was chosen Moderator of it ; in that Synod there was an early proof , that either moderation was not seriously recommended by the Assembly , to the particular Synods and Presbyteries , or that they had no disposition to obey : For Mr. Alexander Heriot Minister of Dalkeith , being referred to this Synod by the general Assembly , they were so far from redressing him , that instead of relaxing him from the sentence of suspension , pronounced by the Presbytery of Dalkeith ; they added to it the Sentence of Deposition and deprivation . They concluded the affair without calling upon him , or hearing his defences , and his first appearance was to hear himself deposed after the formality of reading his Libel or Indictment . Mr. Heriot was much surprised with this method and manner of proceeding , and complained of it : He told them , there was nothing more unjust than to condemn a man unheard , to let his Parties and Enemies ( meaning the Presbytery of Dalkeith , and particularly Mr. Calderwood there ) sit his Judges , and to refuse him the liberty of vindicating himself , and of clearing his innocence ; he shewed them , that the Libel or Indictment , upon which they were going to pronounce Sentence , differed from that which was given to himself , which was not fair dealing ; that a double of the particulars , which were added , should have been delivered to him , and time allowed him to answer them ; but all these things availed nothing ; for they were resolved to have him out per fas & nefas : but having told them , that as the only gross thing laid to his charge was the dancing about Bonfires , October , 14 th . 1688. So it was evident , that he was charged with this falsly and maliciously ; and that if any had sworn it , they were perjured ; for the 14 th . of October in the Year 1688 , happned to be a Lords Day , on which there never were any Bonfires , upon the hearing of this the Synod was surprised , and kept silence for a while , and sta●ed one upon another in the face ; but at last Mr. Areskin the Moderator answered , that the thing had been proven by deposition of witness ; that if there was any errour or mistake , it lay at the witnesses door , and if they had Sworn falsly , let them , said he , look to that , we are not to blame for it ; you may seek reparation from them : But in the me●n time they refused to tell him , who the witnesses were , that he might prosecute them ; Yet the starting of this made them delay the depriving him at that time , until they should try , whether he would willingly dimit his charge ; and for that end they appointed some of their number , both Laicks and Ministers , to wait upon him and confer with him . They told him that the Church of Dalkeith was a conspicuous place , and the Presbytery seat ; and therefore they could not suffer it to be in the possession of one of his Circumstances , that is , of one who had served under Episcopacy ; but if he would dimit , they would pass from the libel and recommend him to some other vacant Church , which he peremptorily refused , because he thought a voluntary dimission seemed to infer an acknowledgement of the guilt ; therefore the next day they overcame all difficulties , and formally deposed him , thereby shewing , that they would commit the greatest injustice , and betray the g●ossest partiality , rather than not obtain what they would be at . And therefore in respect to Justice and Equity , all the Members of that Synod , who consented to the Sentence of Deposition against Mr. Heriot , o●ght to be exauctorated and declared for ever incapable , and ought to have some Stigma of Infamy fixt upon them . This one instance might make the whole party bl●sh , if they were capable of blushing at any thing : But as the Scots Proverb is , Shame is passed the shed of their hair . Mr. Heriot being so much injured , by this Synod ; appealed from it , to the first Lawful G●neral Assembly , and in the mean time to Their Majesties Protection , for Justice and relief , and in pursuit of this appeal , he Addressed to the Lords of the Privy Council , intreating their Lordships to right him , and 〈◊〉 all further proc●dure against him , as appears from the Information anne●ed to the Historical Relation of the General Assembly ; but the Council were unwilling to meddle with the Kirk , for fear of clashing together ; to examin what they had done , and to oblige them to alter or revoke the sentence was to assume th● Supremacy abolished in Parliament , which was not rashly to be attempted ; wherefore all that the Council did for him , was to pass an Act for delivering up the Depositions of the witnesses , and for recognizing the affair in the next Synod ; neither of which has yet been done : Both the witnesses names and their Depositions are still concealed and kept up from Mr. Heriot . And as if he had been justly and legally deposed , they have proceeded to plant another , in the Church of Dalkeith , notwithstanding both he himself , and almost all the Heritors and Parishoners protested against it . Some of the Heriters and Parishoners in name of the rest , went to the Presbytery , and desired them to consider , that Mr. Heriot's affair was still depending , and his Appeal not discussed , so that they could not admit of another Minister , and as they thought themselves obliged to own Mr. Heriot , as their Lawful Pastor , whom they knew to be innocent and greatly injured ; so they objected against Mr. Mean ( so the old Man is called , whom they have put into the Church of Dalkeith ) and shewed that he had not the call and consent of the people ; for they had almost all of them declared against him ; and to prove this , they produced a Paper under their hand to this purpose . After this they went to Mr. Mean himself , and repeated the same to him , who answered , that their prejudice against him was groundless , that he was misrepresented as a very severe and rigid man , but he would prove otherwise ; for such as came and heard him , should be welcome , and they who did withdraw should be let alone , and have their Liberty to go whither they pleased : So to facilitate his entry , he gave smooth words , and dissembled both his own temper , and the Spirit and Genius of his party . But tho his discourse shewed , that he desired to be settled at Dalkeith , upon any terms and conditions , because it was a good and convenient Living , yet at his admission , he professed publickly , a great reluctancy and aversion to it , and that it was meer constraint that made him accept of the Charge . This was so gross , that several who were present , could not hear it with patience , but at the very time exclaimed , and charged him with Impudence , Hypocrisie , and mocking of God ; for it was well known , that he had for a long time a great desire to that place , and himself knew , that he got it against the Will and Inclinations of the people ( a very few excepted ) . If this be not Intrusion , I know not what may be called so . The next thing which falls under our consideration , is the observation of the Fast , appointed by the Assembly ; the Act and Reasons for this , which was enjoined to be read by all the Ministers in Kirks and Meeting-Houses , and the Civil Sanction enforcing it , were published with the Historical Relation of the General Assembly . This Fast was long and much discoursed of before the day of keeping it . They who smell Political Designs , in all the Presbyterian Fasts , said , That the intent of it was not to pay Devotion to God , or to conciliate his favour , by a general Humiliation , throughout the Kingdom , as was pretended , but that it was a Contrivance to ruine the Interest of the Episcopal Clergy , that those who should observe it , might be look'd upon as men of no Conscience , and that whosoever should slight it , might become obnoxious to the censure of the Government . A Gentleman told me , that some time before the sitting of the Assembly , he and some others were pleading for the Minister of that Parish , whom they designed to turn out , and that when the Presbyterian Ministers , and Lay-Elders ( among whom there was a present Lord of Session ) were deliberating what answer to give , he over-heard one say , We may grant the Gentlemen their request at this time , for the Assembly is to sit shortly , in which there will be an Act made , which will turn out all the Curates very easily . The Gentleman , at the time , could not understand of what nature that would be , but afterwards , when the Fast was enjoyned , he concluded , that was it which was designed to give so severe and universal a blow to the Episcopal Clergy . It is certain , that something of this nature was designed from the beginning , for as they were resolved not to admit any Episcopal Minister into Communion without some acknowledgment ; so understanding , that enjoyning every one to do Pennance in particular , for his defection from the Covenant , and complying with Prelacy , would be obstructed , therefore they thought a general Humiliation would be a fitter expedient , which was Equivalent upon the matter . Whosoever had read and considered Mr. Rule 's Representation of Presbyterian Government , might have foreseen this , for in his answer to that objection ( which is the seventh ) That if Presbyterians got power , they would force all to make publick Repentance who have owned Bishops , taken the Test , or other Oaths which they dislike . He saith , our principle is , That publick Scandals ought to be publickly rebuked , yet there are Cases , in which the strictness of Discipline , in this matter , may , and must be relaxed : As first , When the matter of offence is controverted , and the sinful practise is from the mis-information of the Conscience . And secondly , When the fault is Universal , and either the w●ole , or the greater part of the Church is Guilty , and so he concludeth , that a general Humiliation of the whole Church , may be instead of particular application of Censures . The Presbyterians gave out , that this Fast was a Reconciling thing , and that whosoever duly observed it , would be taken in upon very easi● terms ; but the Episcopal Clergy were mightily offended with it , and nothing gravelled them more than the Civil Sanction , for they would not have much regarded the Act of the Assembly , if that had not been added to it , but seeing that was added , they were puzled how to excuse themselves from a contempt of the Civil Government , if they did not keep the Fast , as they found it difficult to keep up their Reputation , among the people , with the observation of it , for the people were no less disgusted with it than the Clergy , looking upon it as an Unchristian Act , to impose such a task upon the Ministers of the Episcopal Perswasion ; and on all occasions they plainly said , that none but ●ordid Compliers would observe it , for , in truth , the Presbyterian Fasts are not so taking now , as they were formerly in the reign of the Covenant , for it is observed , that Mountebanks never thrive so well the second time they set up , in any place , as the first . This time there were several Papers emitted , containing reasons why the Episcopal Clergy would not observe that Fast , because they could not own the Authority of the Assembly that enjoyned it , as a Lawful Representative of this Church ; that by the Laws of God and the Church , the Ministers of the Presbyterian Perswasion had no right to impose Commands upon those of the Episcopal , seeing the essential Constitution of their Government , which is Parity , gives them no Jurisdiction over the Brethren ; and consequently , their Acts cannot bind them without their Consent , which cannot be p●etended to here , seeing they had no Delegates , or Representatives in the Assembly . It was again argued , that the Reasons of the Fast were very ambiguous , and not easily understood ; that if by the general Defection , and taking of unlawful Oaths , they meant the compliance with Prelac● , and swearing Allegiance , and the Test , the Episcopal Clergy could not profess Repentance and Humiliation for these , without a horrid Profanation of the Name of God , while in their Consciences they were not convinced of the unlawfulness of these Compliances , and that it shewed the little regard the Presbyterians had for the Sacred Offices of Religion , to enjoin their observance of this , when they knew what their Judgment and Sentiments were , as to these things . But amongst all the papers which came abroad on that occasion , there was none more diverting than the Burlesque Poem on the Fast , which one witily called the Present State of Scotland , for it not only gave a lively Picture of the Presbyterian party , but also it wittily represented the Humours and Characters of the several parties within the Kingdom , and of many particular persons , so that even those concerned , thought their Neighbours part was well done ; however , displeased they might be with their own . When the time of observing the Fast drew near , the Clergy of the Diocess of Aberdeen , took occasion to communicate their thoughts together , and found themselves obliged , both in Conscience and Reputation , not to observe it : Those of Angus , Perth , and some other places , followed their Measure ; , so that it was kept by very few in the Northern parts . The Episcopal Clergy in the South , had not such opportunity of meeting , and therefore were not so unanimous , either in their Sentiments or Practises . Some few made no scruple , either of keeping the Fast , or of reading the Assemblie's Reasons for it . Some others kept the Fast , but would not read the Paper appointed by the General Assembly , and what perswaded them to this , was a Report that the Court had given Assurance , that they who observed the Day should not suffer , tho they had no regard either to the Authority or Reasons , of the General Assembly . And to make this the more probable , there was a Paper handed about amongst them , concerted and agreed to ( as was said ) at London , by some Bishops and others there , to be read instead of that appointed by the Assembly ; I shall set it down , ●ut I know none who made use of it . A Copy of a Paper , appointed to be read instead of that set forth by the Assembly about the Fast. FOrasmuch as a Fast is appointed by Their Majesties most H●nourable Privy Council , to be observed throughout this Kingdom , upon the second Thurs●ay of January next , and the great and many crying Sins of this Nation , and especially the sad D●solation of this poor Church , and the common want of Zeal , which appears in this Land , for the Truth and Interest of the Gospel ; together , with the great Intestine Divisions and Commotions among us , that at once shake both our Religion and the Civil Government , do call aloud to all ranks and degrees of people , seriously to humble themselves before Almighty God , and to supplicate his Divine Majesty , that in the midst of that Wrath , which this Nation deserves , he may remember Mercy , that he may heal the Breaches that are made in the Walls of his Sion , and pour out the Spirit of Meekness , Charity and Moderation , upon all men , particularly upon these that serve at his Altar . And finally , That he may graciously preserve the Sacred Persons of King William and Queen Mary , our Dread Soveraigns , and prosper them in the Defending their Kingdoms from the Common Enemy , that all their Subjects may had a quiet and peaceable life under them , in all Godliness and H●nesty : Therefore you of this Parish , hereby are earnestly Exhorted to draw near to God , in this his House , upon the foresaid Thursday , being the next ensuing , and to come with a Holy and Religious preparation of Soul and Bedy , for offering up the Sacrifices of broken and contrite Hearts and Spirits , to the Father of Mercies , that so his Iudgments , that are so hanging over our Heads , may be diverted , and by the pious Groans and Interc●●●ions of our humbled Souls , he may , through the Mediation of his only Son , our Redeemer , be prevailed with yet , to make us a blessed people , in the happy continuance of our Protestant Religion , in settling his Church so amongst us , as may most tend for the Glory of his Name , and for advancing all the great Ends of our most Holy Faith. And lastly , in establishing Peace and Prosperity , under our most Gracious Soveraigns , so as both we , and our Posterity after us , may reap the comfortable fruits of them . Some being perswaded that there were but too many Reasons for a Fast , and considering too , that there were particular Reasons given for this Fast , by the Assembly , who enjoyned it , which were in every bodies hands , therefore they thought themselves obliged , not only to observe a Fast , but also to take notice of these Reasons , and so they read the Assemblies Paper , and Commented upon it , and by an excess of Charity , made the Assembly speak what they ought to have done , rather than what they actually did . The Ministers of East Lothian , and , I suppose , some from the Mers , met at Haddington , the Week before the Fast , to take joynt measures for the observation of it : It was soon agreed to , That they could neither in Reputation nor Conscience observe it , as it was enjoyned by the Assembly , and therefore it was first resolved to do it with a Protestation ; accordingly the following Protestation was Composed , which each of them was to take a Copy of , and to read it from the Pulpit , both on Sunday , at the Intimation of the Fast , and on Thursday , the Eighth of Ianuary , which was the day appointed . A Copy of a Protestation , which some Ministers offered to make , at the Intimation of the Fast , that was kept upon the 8th . of January 91. if some of their Brethren of the Presbytery , where they have their Residence , would have joyned with them in it . WHereas Their Majesties most Honourable Privy Council , by their Act and Proclamation , of the date November 21 — 90 , hath ratified and approven an Act of the General Assembly , of the date November 12. that same year , appointing a Solemn National Fast and Humiliation to be observed in all the Churches and Meeting-Houses within this Kingdom , the 2d . Thursday of this Instant . We declare , That we judge our selves obliged to give obedience to the foresaid Act of Council , in so far as that is consistent with good Conscience , and the Duty we owe to God and his Truth ; and that we are most desirous to joyn with all others within this Nation , in the publick and solemn Confession of our Sins , deprecating the Wrath of God , and supplicating for his Mercy , and in all the other Pious and Religious Exercises , proper for that Day of Humiliation and Fasting . But being that there are several Causes and Reasons expressed and specified in the said Act of the General Assembly , which do manifestly contradict our Principles and Opinions , and some things affirmed and asserted , irreconcileable to Truth and Charity , and other Christian Duties ; and lest our observance of that Fast , should be Interpreted the Homologating of these , or a sordid or deceitful Compliance against our Consciences , we judge ourselves bound to declare , as hereby we do declare , That we intimate and publish this Fast , and will observe it , for these Reasons and Causes only that are consistent with our Opinions , which we have owned by Solemn Oaths , and with the Charity , and other Duties , incumbent on us , by the Laws of the Gospel ; and do renounce all Grounds , Reasons and Causes , contrary unto , or inconsistent therewith : And in particular , We do protest 1. That by keeping of this Fast , we do not own or acknowledge , the Power and Authority that the foresaid Assembly does arrogate over us , in so far as that is contrary to the Word of God , and never heard of in the Christian Church before this time , to wit , That Presbyters should have a power of Government and Jurisdiction over other Presbyters , who are of the same Office and Degree . 2. We do protest , that we do not approve of these Words , That the Supremacy was advanced in such a way , and to such a height , as never any Christian Church acknowledged , being we know , and are ready to prove , that they are false , and being , tho the Supremacy is taken away by the Law , as unsuitable to the present circumstances of affairs ; yet it is not declared a sinful Prerogative of the Crown , neither do we esteem it as such . 3. We do protest , That we do not own or assent unto that Reason of the Fast , That the Government of the Church was altered , and Prelucy , which hath always been grievous to this Nation , introduced without the Churches consent , and contrary to the standing Acts of our National Assemblies , &c. being we certainly know , that Episcopacy was never more grievous to the Nation than Presbytery , and that it was settled with the Churches consent , in free General Assemblies , after the Reformation , and was afterward received and submitted to , by the Church , in free Meetings and Assemblies : And , in particular , we do assert , That the Assembly held at Glasgow 1610. which established and settled Episcopacy , was as lawfully Convocated , and of as undoubted Authority , as the Assembly held at Glasgow 1638. which turned it out ; as also that Episcopacy was restored by a lawful Parliament , An. 1661. and approved by the subsequent actings of the Church , in so far as that was necessary , in referenc● to a Government , formerly settled by Acts of Parliament , and Assemblies of more unquestionable Authority , than any that had Abolished the same . 4. We do protest , that we do not approve of these Words , That Prelacy was introduced contrary to the standing Acts of our National Assemblies , being it doth imply , that the King and Parliament canno● make any Law , anent the External Government and Polity of the Church , if contrary to any Act of a General Assembly ; which is to give an Absolute and Uncontroulable power to Church men , and is inconsistent with the undoubted Right and Power the State hath for reforming Abuses in the Administration of Church-Government and Discipline , and disposing of that as may best serve the ends of Religion , and the peace of the Kingdom . 5. We do protest , that we do not approve of these Words : An● yet , nevertheless , of the then standing Ministry of Scotland , many ●did suddenly and readily comply with that alteration of the Government , some out of Pride and Covetousness , or Men pleasing , some through Infirmity and Weakness , or fear of Man , and want of Courage and Zeal for God , many faithful Ministers were thereupon cast out , and many insufficient and scandalous thrust into in their Charges , &c. for these do necessarily imply the Divine Right of Presbyterian Government , that ●no Humane Authority can alter it , and that submission unto , or compliance with any other is sinful ; and that submission to Episcopacy restored , An. 1662. did proceed from vitious Causes ; as also they do imply an uncharitable Censure of many faithful Ministers , as Men pleasers , wanting Courage and Zeal for God , and the like , which we think very opposite to the temper and disposition wherewith the Duties of Fasting and Humiliation should be performed . 6. We do protest that we do not approve of these Words , That there hath been under the late Prelacy a great decay of Piety , so that it was enough to make a man be Nick named a Phanatick , if he did not run to the same excess of Riot with others ; for tho we do grant there hath been much Impiety under the late Prelacy , and do mourn for it , yet we do affirm , That it abounded as much under Presbytery , and it is not agreeable to the sincerity of our Confessions , on a Day of Solemn Humiliation , or at any time , to be partial in the Rehearsal of our Sins , or to distinguish our selves from others , as if we were more Righteous , and to confine Religion and Godliness to a Party . 7. We do protest , that we do not approve of that Reason of the Fast , That the Nation hath been guilty of breaking their Oaths , and imposing and taking ungodly and unlawful Oaths and Bonds , &c. in so far as these may signifie the Oaths of Allegiance , Supremacy , and the Test , which Oaths , as we Swore in Judgment , Righteousness , and Truth , so we do still acknowledge the equity and obligation of them . 8. We cannot approve of that Reason of the Fast , The wonted Care and Religious Sanctifying of the Lords Day is gone , &c. And of that Petition we are required to send up unto God , that the preaching of the Word , and dispencing of the Sacraments , may be accompanied with the wonted presence , power , and blessing of the Spirit of the Lord : in so far as they may imply , that the power of the Word and Sacraments is restrained and true Godliness decayed under Episcopacy , and that they abounded under Presbytery ; which is to make the Life of Religion depend upon Opinions and outward Forms of Government , or to have the persons of men in admiration , and favours of that Spiritual and pha●isaical pride , which will render all our solemn humiliations hateful to God. 9. We do protest , that these words , We have sinned notwithstanding of Promises and solemn Vowing and Covenanting with God to the contrary , are not understood by us with any reference to the Solemn League and Covenant , which some do apprehend to be the meaning of the General Assembly . All these and the like Reasons and Causes of the Fast , tho not here exprest , that are inconsistent with our declared opinions are renounced and disowned by us . And we do protest , that our observance of this Fast shall not be interpreted as the approving and homologating any of these ; And we do desire and intreat all that are of the same Principles with us , as they will avoid the Sin of Hypocrisie and mocking of God , and would be accepted of him , that they carefully separate betwixt these grounds and reasons of the Fast , that are agreeable to , and these that are contrary to their duty and good Conscience , and that they joyn with us in this our Protestation , openly owning and declaring their Judgment anent the same : We do also earnestly exhort all , in the love and fear of God , that laying aside all prejudices , malice , uncharitableness , and indiscreet and irregular zeal , lying , and slandering ; that they may unite together in confessing the Sins they are guilty of ; and humble themselves in the sight of God , for their Sins , and the Sins of their Fore fathers , without any partial respect to the opinion , that hath occasioned some divisions and differences in present and former times ; and that they send up their fervent prayers to Almighty God , that he would be pleased to bestow , of his Grace and Spirit upon all Orders and Ranks of People , that they may live as becomes the Gospel , and shew forth the praises of him , who has called them from darkness to his marvellous light ; and in particular that they would pray , that it may please our most merciful Father , to inspire all the Members of his Church , with the meek and loving Spirit of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , and that every one may seek after these things that make for peace , and whereby they may edifie one another ; that there may be a mutual forbearance of one another , as to the opinions anent the Government of the Church , which hath occasioned so much disquiet and disorder to this Church and Kingdom ; and that none be forced or tempted to declare or do against their Consciences , and that amidst the differences of opinions , there may be a chearful concurrence , in all things that have a respect unto the glory of God , and the advancement of true Godliness . Finally we do exhort all ( as we our selves do resolve by Divine Assistance ) religiously and devoutly to observe the Fast for all these ends and purposes , and in the manner specified in the Act of the General Assembly , in so far as that is consistent with this our Protestation , and is allowable by the Laws of the Gospel . But upon second thoughts , it was concluded , that the Protestation might give greater offence than the total neglect of the Fast , and so at last it was agreed , that none should observe the Fast in any wise . But one Mr. D. who was not present , being advised , that it was safest to make some observation of it , that he might not be singular , he prevailed with the Minister of Haddington , and one or two more , to break off from that general resolution , and to keep the Fast with him . In Edinburgh it was only observed by Mr. Wilkie in the Tolbooth , and Mr. Craig in the Lady Yesters Church : But no mans Behaviour in this affair was so worthy to be remarked , as that of the Reverend Mr. Charters heretofore Professor of Divinity in the Colledge of Edinburgh , and at present Minister of Dirleton . All who have any acquaintance with him , know that he is a person both of great learning and piety , whose Charity prompted him to think all the good of every one that can be reasonably conceived . He was convinced , that there were too many reasons and causes , which called for fasting , mourning , and humiliation , but as he well knew the practices of Presbyterians in former times , so it seemed evident to him , that at this time they were endeavouring to carry on their own Selfish ends under the colour of Religion and had appointed this Fast to be a snare , whereby the weak and ignorant might be drawn unawares to own and acknowledge their false and narrow principles , and which might afford a fair opportunity of inflicting Ecclesiastical Censures and other punishments upon others who would not so sordidly desert their Principles , nor debase their former Character and Profession . He had such an impression of this base dealing , of the scandal and prejudice , which Religion suffered by it ; and of the danger , which threatened the best part of the Church , that he thought every one obliged to testifie against this Act of the Assembly , and to do all he could to prevent the peoples being deceived . And because a bare forbearing a Fast in his judgment was not a sufficient Remonstrance , 〈…〉 to be read the Assembly's Act and Reasons , publickly in the Congregation , and afterwards he spoke to the people to this purpose . Ye have heard the causes of the Fast , as they are represented by the General Assembly ; they have recommended it to Pastors and others to be serious and sincere in the Confession and acknowledgment of their own and the Nations transgresions , and to be earnest in the●r Supplications for such favours from God , as the present condition and circumstances , in which this and other Reformed Churches are , do call for . I hope after the hearing of so long a Paper , you will have a little further patience , while I sincerely represent to you somethings concerning the sins we are to confess , and the mercies for which we are to supplicate . All who are wise and have a right sense of true Religion and Christianity , cannot but see , that there hath been a great defection amongst us . This defection hath not been from the truth , or from the fundamental Articles of the Christian Faith , but from the life of God and the power of Religion , and from that temper and conversation , which the Gospel requires in us , so that I doubt not but we and all good men will joyn with the Assembly , in acknowledging the sins and defection of the Nation . But whereas the Assembly seems to represent Episcopacy as a principal and capital point of the defection , and as introductory into further degrees of Corruption ; I find my self obliged to declare my sense in this affair upon this ocasion . I do not take my self to be bound to endeavour to justifie the manner of the introduction of Episcopacy into this Church An. 1662. nor the manner of Election and nomination of persons to that Office , which was in use among us , nor the legal Establishment , nor the Laws , by which it was established among us , nor the conduct of those who were in Office ; and I will not say but some who were in the Office of Episcopacy and that complied with that Government , might have been in some measure accessary to the corruptions , by their bad example or Connivance , and neglect of the true Exercise of Discipline . But yet I cannot think that the settling of an Imparity of the Officers of the Church , is to be looked upon as a defection , or that it is a thing in it self unlawful , or that it is of it self introductory of the abounding of wickedness and scandals in the Church . This I may with the greatest confidence affirm , that Religion never flourished more in the World , than it did when and where there was an Imparity among the Officers of the Church And this I know , that some famous Protestant Churches , do allow Episcopacy , and continue till this day under that form of Government ; and I am sure that most of the Wise , Pious , and Learned men abroad , tho they live where the Goverment is not Episcopal , have not such bad thoughts of it as our Brethren here have . And whereas they charge many of the then standing Ministry with compliance with the alteration of the Government . I do not see that the continuance of Pastors to serve God and the Church under the late settlement , is to be look'd upon as a defection , for which they are to repent ; divers of them having continued to serve in the Ministry , neither out of Pride , nor Covetousness , or Fear , or Weakness , or want of Courage , but out of Conscience , and a fear to offend God , by refvsing their service in that station , when there was no insuperable stop , or bar put in their way , as they thought there then was not . And the like may be said of many others , who entred afterwards into the Pastoral Office , under the the late Government . But notwithstanding of what we have said of this matter , we cannot but acknowledge , that there has been a great defection among us . Men generally have shaken off the Yo●e of Christ ; and exprest none of that respect , which we all owe to his Laws , and have abandoned themselves to their Lusts , and corrupt inclinations , so that iniquities and Immoralities of all sorts have abounded , and generally men of all ranks have corrupted their ways . Covetousness , Fraud , Oppression , Injustice , Sensuality , Drunkenness , and divers kinds of uncleannesses , Cursing , Swearing , Atheism , neglect of the worship of God , and other Sins , besides these reckoned in this Paper have abounded . The Assembly acknowledges , that there have been some disorders , among those of their perswasion : Which , they say is matter of humiliation , such as , scandalous divisions , injurious reflections against worthy men , and some dangerous principles drunk in . They say , it should be lamented , t●at some of their way , who in the main things did endeavour to maintain their Integrity , did not give seasonable and necessary testimony , against the defections and evils of the times , and did not keep a d●e distance from them . If they do mean hereby ( and I know not what else can be understood by it ) that it is to be lamented , that some of their way did not separate from such as complied with the Government , but did joyn in worship with them : This will not appear to any others , besides some of themselves , to be matter of Lamentation . It is rather matter of Lamentation , that so many of them did behave themselves so schismati●ally , and refused to joyn in worship on such slender grounds , with these who were not of the same perswasion with them concerning the Government . They seem to appropriate to those of their way , that they endeavo●●ed to keep their integrity in the main things , and that they did own 〈◊〉 , and bear witness against the co●rse of defection ; but I know that not a few amongst those who complyed did endeavour to maintain the integrity of the main things , and did own all the necessary and fundamental truths of the Gospel ; and did bear faithful witness against the course of the true and reall defection from Truth and Righteousness . They confess , as I understand it , that all of whatsoever perswasion , generally do not receive Christ , nor imitate him , &c. But , They have passed over many sins of these of their way , which all other people see , whereof some are almost proper to them ; how many of them are Proud , Fierce , Content●lous , Turbulent , Seditious and Ungovernable ; many of them presume to judge and censure , reproach , revile and traduce such as are not of their way , tho Magistrates and Ministers . Not a few seem to place all Religion in a zeal for their proper opinions , and in running separate courses from those who are not of their perswasions ; many of them are of a Factious , Schismatical and uncharitable temper , and have by their bitter and indiscreet zeal , been prompted to such inhumane , barbarous and cruel actions , which have been so much the more scandalouss as being acted under colour and pretence of Religion . These and such like should be confessed ingennously , and mourned for : And O that it might please God to make us all sensible how far we have declined from that Spirit , and temper , and that behaviour and Conversation , which the Gospel requires in us , and to dispose us to reform and amend . As to those things for which we are desired to pray , we have all reason heartily to joyn with them . There is only one expression which I have observed , in which I fear they mean , something for which I cannot joyn in Prayer with them . The expression is , Tha● all the Lords people may be of one mind in the Lord ; if they mean by it as they should do , that they may all agree in the fundamentals of Religion , and may with one mind and one mouth glorifie God , and may live in Love , Peace and Concord together ; and joyntly pursue the attainment of everlasting Life : It is a very fit Petition , and we are all earnestly to pray for it . But if they mean , we are to pray that all may have the like sentiments with themselves , about the Government of the Church , and may consider Presbyterran Government to be of such concern and importance , as themselves take it to be ; I cannot joyn with them in it . That opinion being the source of most of the distractions , which abound among us , and depriving them who hold it , of what they owe to all , who hold the fundamentals of the Christian Faith , and walk agreeable to the Laws of the Gospel . It incapacitates them who hold it for performing all Offices of Love , to these , who are not of their perswasion , and prompts them to behave themselves towards all such as Enemies to God and Religion ; it makes them look with an evil eye upon these Protestant Churches , which have not such a model of Government , and begets in them , a neglect , dislike , and aversion from these Churches . I use not to speak so much of these things in such an auditory , nor had I now spoken of them , if we had been so discreetly dealt with as not to be driven to it . This was said on Sunday . On Thursday , which was the Fast day , he added as follows , This day is set a part for Fasting , and humbling our selves under the Sense of our Sins , and the Sins of the Church , and Nation , of which we are Members , and to deprecate the wrath and heavy judgments , which our sins deserve , and to beg mercy from God , &c. And indeed it is evident that we are all highly guilty before God , and have grievously provoked him to wrath , and indignation against us ; we have disobeyed and despised the Gospel , and almost Universally under the Profession of the Christian Religion , have lived as Heathens ; and whereas the Gospel teaches us to live Righteously , Godlily and Soberly ; Unrighteousness , Ungodliness , Uncharitableness , and Intemperance have abounded among us , it is fit , that we confess these things with grief and sorrow . The Assembly in that Paper which was read to you the other day , tho they lay open the sins of others , yet are too sparing , in confessing these of their own way . They say among other things , that Episcopacy was introduced , many faithful Ministers were cast out , and insufficient and scandalous men thrust in on their Charges ; but there was not a word in all the Paper of not a few faithful Pastors cast out by some of their way , in a disorderly and tumultuous manner , they being private persons and without Authority . I wish the vacancies they have made may not be supplied by scandalous persons , or such as are weak and insufficient , and destitute of a right sense and understanding of Religion . This much may suffice of the behaviour of Episcopal men ; as to the Presbyterians thems●lves , to be sure , they kept the Fast with a great deal of fervour and zeal ; but as if it had been only appointed for confessing the errours of Episcopacy , and the Sins of Episcopal men : They spent the whole day upon this : Their Sermons and Prayers were nothing else , but so many invectives against the Episcopal Clergy , and the former Reigns , which was done partly to satisfie their Revenge , because they could do no more at present ; and partly to enflame the peoples rage ; and to render them more keen upon their destruction . Only Mr. Wilkie in the Meeting house of the Canon-gate , thought he would be too partial , if he should only reckon up the Sins of others ; wherefore in the Afternoon , he resolved to confess his own sins and the sins of his Party , and so he instanced among other Peccadillos , their taking an Indulgence from a Popish King , which was only granted to make way for Popish Priests and Iesuits , who sought the ruine of the Protestant Religion : We knew this , said he , well enough ; but self interest byassed us : and the same principal of self interest made us guilty of sinful silence ; for all that time , we never Preached against Popery , fearing that we might lose that Liberty , if we did . And none said he , was more guilty than my self ; for Mass was said daily at my Lugg , and yet I never opened my mouth . Indeed these men were very cautious then , and careful to abstain from every thing , that might be supposed to give the least offence ; by which , they shewed that they had their Tongues under great command ; for before they were wholly addicted to railing against Popery , and every thing , which they fancied to be like it . Yet they could tie themselves up instantly , when they apprehended it might do them hurt . This cautiousness was very observeable , one day in Mr. Geo. Iohnson , who Preached in the same Meeting-House of the Cannongate . He had in his Prayers unwares , contrary to the concerted measures , let fall these words , O Lord confound the Land of Graven Images , which no sooner passed from him , than he instantly checked himself , and with the same breath , cryed out , But O God save our King. Thus I have given a full account of the Fast , which occasioned as great variety of sentiments and practices , as any one thing that ever was enjoyned . It is evident , that from the beginning of this Revolution , the Presbyterians have had the turning out of the Episcopal Clergy wholly in their Head , at least , more than any other thing : Revenge , as as well as Interest and Security , prompted them to this , for they concluded it hard , if not impossible , to preserve the Interest and Reputation of their great Diana Presbytery , or to oblige people to a Superstitious Worshipping of this Goddess , by which they have their Wealth , while there were so many , who thought and taught , that there was no Divinity in it ; and consequently , both their Craft would be in danger to be set at nought , and their Diana should be despised , if these men were not removed from amongst them . And to compass this , they tryed various methods : First , as Demetrius raised an uproar in Ephesus , against St. Paul , so they began with a Rabble in the West ▪ and some places of the Southern Borders , in which they succeeded according to their mind ; for , in a short space of time , they emptied all these Churches to the number of about three or four hundred . But this method was only proper for these places , where the ignorant Bigots , and Partisans of Presbytery are , it could not be attempted in other parts of the Kingdom , where the people were better Instructed , not so rude and barbarous , and who generally were very well pleased with the Ministers of the Episcopal Perswasion , whom they preferred every way , and in all things , to the Presbyterian Preachers . If it were narrowly examined , it would be found , that even this method , in the West , is no demonstration of a total aversion , in the people there , to the Episcopal Clergy , as it was given out to be ; for there was not a General Insurrection of the Parishes of that Country , but a certain Rabble combined together , and run up and down , thrusting out Ministers , the Parishes being no less surprised with it than the Ministers themselves , and in many places the Parishes would have defended the Ministers , if either they had been forewarned , or sufficiently Armed , to make resistance . But however , they could not gain their point in the rest of the Kingdom , by these means , wherefore their only recourse was to the Civil Authority , which was very favourable to them at the time , so that they resolved to improve the occasion diligently , not knowing how long it would last . Here the E. Crafurd was very useful to them , for his Zeal caused them to search out all that might be attacked upon the head of difference from the Civil Government , and he held Councils for several Months together , only for depriving such . Oversights , Omissions of little Formalities , and small Escapes , were aggravated as if they had been willful and heinous Crimes . The gaining and encouraging compliance with the Civil Government , was so little studied , that all discouragement was given , that the Episcopal Party might thereby be Incapacitated , and consequently the danger prevented , which the Presbyterians feared from their number . There was no place for Repentance , nor could second thoughts be of any use , every one was judged by his first resolution ; and if there were but the least flaw in ones compliance , he was dealt with as if he had not offered any compliance at all . By these means a great many more of the Episcopal Clergy were laid aside , and the Presbyterians would have been glad to have had all turned out this way , for then they thought the Odium would not lye upon them . But this method failed at last too , for the Council became weary of it , as they had reason ; so the next thing resolved on , as was reported , was to procure an Act of Parliament , for declaring all the Churches within the Kingdom vacant : The pretence was , that the present Incumbents were all obtruded upon the Parishes , and therefore it was fit that the people should have their free choice , and be allowed to call Ministers suitable to their own Inclinations ; but they were advised not to propose this , as that which would be very far from serving their design , because upon calculation it would be found , that most of the Parishes within the Kingdom would call back their own Ministers , or other Episcopal ones , for by this time the people were every where shewing their disgust both at Presbytery , and the present Presbyterians , and by manifold instances it appeared , that neither of them were acceptable to the greater , and better part of the Nation . Seeing therefore they could work no more by other mens means , the Presbyterian Clergy resolved to do the work themselves , howsoever invidious it may seem to be , and for this end they got the Government of the Church , and all Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , by Act of Parliament , put into their own hands . When the Covenant was in force , they found good service of Itinerant Committees or Commissions , and they judged it would be of no less use now , to set them up again ; and so , before the rising of the Assembly , two were appointed , one for the South , and an other for the North , with full power to visit all Ministers , and to purge out of the Church such as should be thought Insufficient , Scandalous , Erroneous , or supinely Negligent . The Names of the persons appointed for these Commissions , together with an Abstract of their Instructions , are set down , page 53 , 54 , and 55. of the Hi●●orical Relation of the General Assembly : The giving them Instructions seemed to limit them , but in truth , they have all the power of a General Assembly it self , and are so much freer , that they have not one from the King to check and controul them . I shall begin with the Committee or Commission for the South , which , according to appointment , sate down at Edinburgh , the 21st . of Ianuary , 91. being the third Wednesday of that Month. Several Ministers up and down the Country , received citations to appear before them , and among the rest , Mr. Alexander Malcolm , Mr. Iames Hutchison , Mr. Iohn Farqhuar , three Ministers of Edinburgh ; Mr. Kay at Leith , Mr. Samuel Nimbo Minister of Collinton , Mr. Andrew Lumsden Minister at Dudduston , and Mr. Iohn Monro Minister at Sterline . There was also many others , whose Processes had been referred to them , either by the General Assembly , or some particular Presbyteries . The three Ministers of Edinburgh , received the Citation on Saturday , the 10th . of Ianuary , betwixt Nine and Ten a Clock at Night , which both the Ministers , and others , constructed to be done on design to discompose them for Preaching the day following . At this very hour also , they sent a Summons to Dr. Robe●●son , Minister of the Gray-frier-Church in Edinburgh , who had been Sick for a long time , and whom all the City knew to be then in Articulo mortis , as indeed he died some few hours after . The tenor of the Summons was this , To compeir before the Commission , upon the twenty first of January , to be tryed in Life and Doctrine , and discharge of the Duties of the Ministerial Function , and censured by the said Commission as they shall think Iust. Mr. Alexander Malcolm , Mr. Iames Hutchison , Mr. Iohn Farqhuar , Mr. Samuel Nimbo , and Mr. Andrew Lumsden , met , and all of them resolved to take the same joint-measures , seeing they were all in the same Circumstances . Accordingly , on the 21st . day of Ianuary , to which they had been cited , Mr. Iames Hutchison presented himself before the Commission , and in his own Name , and in Name of the other four , he desired of the Commission a special Citation , containing , and expressly naming , their Crime or Crimes , for which they were to be tryed and censured , the Accusers and Witnesses Names , and a competent time for preparing such Defences as were legal and just ; but all this was flatly denied . The next day Mr. Malcolm compeired and proposed , in his own Name , and in the Name of his Brethren , the same things , and had the same answer , for Mr. Kennedy , the Moderator , said , That the Commission was not bound to give an account why they Summoned them , nor to tell who were their Accusers , nor for what they were Accused , or who were to Witness against them , but that being cited , they were obliged to answer instantly to what should be asked of them , and if they refused , he told them the Commission had power to Censure them , and would do it . To which Mr. Malcolm replied , That it was illegal to Summon any Super inquirendis , that he and his Brethren were not bound either by Civil Laws , or Ecclesiastical Cannons , to regard or obey general citations , and that none of them would answer , except they got citations which were special and particular . He added , That they were more unjust than Festus , a Heathen Judge , for he thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner to Caesar , and not withal to signifie the crimes laid against him , but ( saith he ) we are here convened before you , and you 'll not tell us for what cause . Upon this he was ordered by the Moderator to remove . Ianuary the 23d , these five Ministers , to free themselves of farther trouble from the Commission , resolved to disown and decline their Authority , and so they sent one Mr. French as Proctor for them , with the following Declaration , which he delivered , and took Instruments upon the delivery of it . WE under-subscribers , Mr. Alexander Malcolm , James Hutchison , John Farqhuar , Ministers of Edinburgh , Mr. Samuel Nimbo Minister of Collinton , and Andrew Lumsden Minister of Duddiston , being continued in the peaceable Exercise of our Ministerial Function , notwithstanding of the alteration of the Church-government , by Act of Parliament , and being under the protection of their present Majesties , by our Submission and Obedience to Authority ; and we being , nevertheless , cited to compeir before the Commission of the late General Assembly , to hear and see the Iudgment of the said Commission , given anent us , and our Session Books and Records , and to hear and see such tryal taken of our Life , Doctrine , and discharge of the Duties of our Function , as the said Commission shall think Iust. We having all of us , considered the import of the said compeirance , upon the Citations given us , do hereby declare , That we have no freedom in our Consciences to compeir , or subject our selves , to any tryal whatsoever , before the said Commission , and that by reason of our known Principles , and former Engagements to Episcopacy ; and this we own to be our Iudgment , with all due deference and submission to Authority . In Witness whereof , we have Subscribed these presents with our Hands , at Edinburgh , January 21. 1691. Sic Subscribitur Alexander Malcolm , James Hutchison , John Farqhuar , Samuel Nimbo , Andrew Lumsden . This being the first declinature from their Authority which any had made , therefore the Commission resolved to put some severe Censure upon it . Some proposed immediate deprivation and deposition , others were for Excommunication , and , as was said , the first carried it over the last , only by two Votes , which was intimated in the several Churches the very next Lords day . As the Commission was censured by some , for their rigid and summar proceedings against these Ministers , and never offering to treat with them in any gentle manner , so these five Ministers were blamed by others , for their precipitancy in declining the Commission ; for it was said , that having so far owned them as to appear before them , and formerly to give up their Session Books , when they were asked of them , it was no ways agreeable now to give in a declinature : And as their practices were disagreeable and inconsistent , so they had thereby much wronged themselves , for by this means they had occasioned their own deprivation and deposition , whereas , if they had taken an other course , compeired before the Commission , and suffered them to accuse and lead probation , as they would have been obliged to do , they might have continued in their Offices a longer time and perhaps defeat the Commission altogether , because it would have been very hard to have proven any thing , that might have deposed any of them ; and if they had only appealed , when the Commission was about to do them some palpable Injustice , they then might have expected protection and redress from the Civil Authority ▪ but these Ministers answered thus for themselves , That some of them had never any ways owned the Presbyterian Government as yet , and others of them but very little , and that that little acknowledgment which they had made , could neither infer that they had renounced their former Sentiments about Episcopacy , nor yet entirely submitted to Presbytery , and that they had good reason to decline or disown the Commission , considering the Injustice and Illegality of their proceedings , which was both contrary to Scripture , the Canons of the Church , and the Acts of Assemblies , owned by themselves ; for as in Scripture it is commanded , first to tell men their faults in private , and not to receive any accusation against an Elder of the Church , but before two or three Witnesses . So by an Act of the Assembly at Perth , March 1. 1596. none ought to be summoned , super inquirendis , without instancing the Names of the Accusers , and the crimes and faults they are accused of . And by an other Act of a General Assembly at St. Andrews , April 24. 1582. it is appointed that Ministers within the Kingdom should have forty days allowed them , whereas only ten had been given them . They said further , that they had reason to disown the Commission , and to refuse to appear before them , considering how they had treated others , and how partial they were ; that they were not Iudges properly , but Parties and Enemies , who had resolved upon their ruine before ever they met , and , who had not only determined to have them out , quovis modo , but had also assigned their several Churches to particular persons , viz. The Grayfrier Church to Mr. Gilbert Rule , the Old Church to Mr. Blair , and the Tolbooth Church to Mr. Kirkton , which was indeed commonly talked long before , and it proving true , was a demonstration that there was a laid and formed design of turning out all the Ministers of Edinburgh , by one means or other , though they themselves were the occasion of the more speedy execution of it . Notwithstanding the Act and Sentence of the Commission , these five Ministers were resolved to continue the Exercise of their Ministry , unless they met with violence from a Rabble , or that the Civil Magistrate concurred with the Commission . Many thought the Civil Magistrate would not meddle in the matter , and a Rabble was not much feared in Edinburgh . These who frequented the Episcopal Churches , were resolved to defend their Ministers , if they met with any disturbance , but on Saturday and Sunday mornings , the Provost of Edinburgh sent to Mr. Malcolm , Mr. Hutchison , and Mr. Farqhuar , forbidding them , upon the highest peril , to attempt Preaching , or to be seen about their Churches that day , so they kept their Houses ; and the Episcopal Party being disappointed , came back from the Churches both in discontent and rage , and if their temper were as much enclined to Tumults , as the Presbyterians are , a little matter would have occasioned one that day : And indeed , the Provost feared it , and upon the apprehension of it , ordered the Captain of the Town Guards to have all his Men together in readiness , for preventing any such thing . All the Ministers of Edinburgh were now laid aside , either by the Council , or the Commissions , except Mr. Wilkie in the Tolbooth Church , who was also at this time turned out by a cunning Trick , which had no parallel then , and indeed none but the Presbyterians are capable of giving any ; but if they continue we may come to have enough such instances ; for Mr. Craig of the Cannon Gate , his Case is much like it , as shall be related afterwards . Upon Dr. Robertson's death , Mr. Wilkie was appointed by an Act of the Town Council , to go to the Gray Frier Church , to be Colleague to Mr. Hutchison there , because no Presbyterian would joyn either , and because by putting them together , they saved a Church , for the use of one of their Presbyterian Ministers ; who keep at as great distance from these that are Episcopal , as ever their Predccessors the Pharisees did from Heathens and Publicans , whom yet our Saviour often preferred to them : When Mr. Wilkie was advertised of this by Two of their numbe● , viz. George Hume Bailiff , and Iames Crawford Apothecary , sent to him for this end ; he replied , That he would very readily obey the good Town , provided his Legal Right , as one of the Ministers of Edingburgh , was not thereby prejudged or obstructed : And then it was told him , that he needed not fear that , for there was no design to wrong him , by transplanting him . This was on the 23d . of Ianuary , and on the 25th . Mr. Kirkton was brought to the Tolbooth Church , and settled Minister in it , without the Call or Consent of the Parish , the Formality of an Edict , or any thing of that Nature , usual in the admission of a Minister : But while Mr. Wilkie was thinking to take possession of the Gray Friers Church , the Lord Provost sends for him , acquainting him , that the Commission had appointed Mr. David Williamson to preach in the Gray Frier Church , for intimating the Sentence of Deposition against Mr. Hutchison , wherefore his Lordship desired to forbear that day , for Mr. David craved both forenoon and afternoon , and he assured him , that he should sustain no prejudice by it , to which Mr. Wilkie also yeilded , being very desirous to please them , and gain their favour . Some other Excuse was invented for shifting the next Sunday to , and so on for two or three Sundays , till Mr. Wilkie turned impatient at their delayes to settle him in the Gray Friers Church , when he had so easily parted with the Tolbooth Church : And he was not a little apprehensive of some disingenuous T●i0ck , when it was told him , that they who preached in the Gray Friers Church used to pray for the Reverend Brother abroad , whom that Parish belong'd to : This Mr. Wilkie concluded was not himself , as indeed it was meant of Mr. Gilbert Rule , who was then in England about the Affairs of the Kirk . Then private entreaties could no more prevail with Mr. Wilkie , so that they were forced to interpose the Authority of the whole Town Council , to which Mr. Wilkie only consented , for some two or three dayes , as appears by the following Act , given under the Town Clerks own hand . Edinburgh , the 13th . day of February , 1691. THE which Day the Lord Provost , Bailiffs ▪ Council and Deacons of Crafts , being Convened in Council , having considered their Act , transplanting Mr. Tho. Wilkie from the Tolbooth-Church to the Gray-Friers , they do appo●nt some of their number to commune with the said Mr. Thomas Wilkie , and to represent to him , for several weighty Considerations , that it is necessary the said Mr Thomas Wilkie should forbear Preaching for some Lords days , which the said Mr. Thomas Wilkie , in obedience to the Councils Commands , consented he should forbear Preaching for three Lords days , only providing the said forbearance do not prejudice his legal Title as one of the Ministers of Edinburgh . Extracted by me AeNEAS MACKLAND . But when pretences and dissimulation could no more be used , it was plainly told him , that the Gray Frier Church was to be otherwise bestowed , notwithstanding he had not only the private promise and assurance of the Provost and other Magistrates , but also the publick Faith of the Town Council , by an Act of theirs dated . Ianuary 23 , which was the condition on which he parted with the Tolbooth Church , Tho Mr. Wilkie might have guessed this from the first time that they desired his forbearance to preach ; and tho he was forewarned by several Persons , that a Trick was designed him , yet he could not keep himself from being mightily surprised and troubled at this final Answer and Resolution : The loss of his Living vext him , and the manner of taking it away was matter of more vexation , than if it had been done by the formality of a Sentence , tho never so unjust . It galled him exceedingly , that he should have been so simple as to trust men of no ingenuity , and that by currying the favour of those , who designed him a Cheat , he had suffered himself to be Trickt on t of his Ministry without Citation or Process , and while he was under no Sentence or Censure , neither was accused of any crime or maleversation , which might have deprived him . He made great Complaints , but they had no success . The good Lord Provost and Bailiffs excused themselves in that the Ministers would not quit the possession they had got , and the Ministers on the other hand , told him , that his business was with the Magistrates , for they had not meddled with him ; he had not consulted them , when he dimited the Tolbooth Church , and as they were not to enquire upon what terms he did it , so he could not blame them for taking possession of Churches that were vacant . Thus betwixt the two he was kept out of his just rights , and all the defence that can be made for it , is , That the Presbyterians had now declared open War with the Episcopal Party , and their Allies , and all that had been in confederacy with them : And in War men use not much to regard the points of Justice and Ingenuity ; If the enemy be defeated and weakened , it is no matter by what means , whether by giving fair and open Battle , or by secret Ambuscades ; the Cities or Castles which are once in possession are kept , tho they have been won not by force or generous valour , but by baseness and treachery . After much importunity to silence his clamour , they first proffered him Mr. Kirtons Meeting House , in the Castle Hill , which he refused , because it was an uncertain thing , and none of the legal Churches of the City , to one of which he had an undoubted Right . Then at last they bestowed on him the Lady Yesters Church , Which he has accepted of , and seems to be contented with at present : But it will be found , that they are still befooling him ; for besides that the Earl of Twedale debates with the Good Town the Right of planning that Church , it has no Parish annexed to it , and the Magistrates of Edinburgh , when they find their opportunity , may have many pretences , for the shutting it up again . But it was believed , and not without Reason , that the giving this Church to Mr. Wilkie , was done not so much to repair the injury he had received , as to be a pretext for turning out Mr. Craig and his People , that having no other place to go to , they might find themselves under a kind of necessity , of uniting with the Presbyterian Congr●gation in the Connon-gate . Because I have mentioned this Case of Mr. Craig , and that it hath some resemblance to that of Mr. Wilkie , I will give some short-account of it here , tho it was posterior to the other in time , by several months . This Mr. Craig is one of the Ministers of the Cannon-gate , and has had the whole charge of that Parish these two or three years , because Mr. Burnet , the other Minister , was deprived by the Council . This Parish of the Cannon-gate had the use of the Lady Yesters Church , from the Town of Edinburgh , until such time as a new-one of their own should be built . When this new one was finished , which was only in Summer last , the Presbytery of Edinburgh appointed another Mr. Wilkie , who preached in the Meeting-house to take possession of it , and with his Elders to choose another Minister , as if there had been a total vacancy , never regarding Mr. Craig's right to be a Minister there . Mr. Craig , and those of the Episcopal Perswasion in that Parish , which are in proportion more than three of four , when they heard this they addressed the Presbytery for the maintenance of their rights and priviledges , and receiving no satisfactiun from them , they brought it before the Lords of the Council , where also the Presbyterian party prevailed ; for the Council , ratified and approved the Orders of the Presbytery , and so Mr. Craig was shuffled out of his Right , tho he was willing to submit to Presbytery , and to joyn with Mr. Wilkie the Presbyterian , and had condescended not only not to pretend to any priority and preceedency , as the Elder Minister and possessour , but even also to yield the precedency to Mr. Wilkie , and to serve only as second Minister . Mr. Craig being thus kept out of the New Church of the Cannon-gate , resolved to continue preaching in the Lady Yesters Church , and his wonted Hearers were also resolved to wait still upon him there ; but that being considered as dangerous to the Presbyterian Interest in the Cannon gate , and a too great occasion of withdrawing the people from Mr. Wilkie the Presbyterian , therefore the Magistrates of Edinburgh were advised to give the Lady Yester-Church to Mr. Thomas Wilkie , who had been Minister of the Tolbooth Church , by which means Mr. Craig has no Church at all to preach in , and is forced to take refuge in an old Chappel , lying near the Water-gate , in the foot of the Cannon-gate . But to return to the Commission of the General Assembly , who were busie about their work of purging , the Church : Great endeavours were used to fix some scandal or other upon Mr. Iohn Monro , Minister of Sterlin , and Mr. Kay , Minister of South Leith , that the Commission might , take occasion to deprive them , and by that means , get those two conspicuous Churches into their possession ; but both of them appeared for themselves , and defended themselves so shoutly , that the Commission could gain no ground . Mr. Monro upbraided the Presbyterian party , to their face , with Ingratitude towards him , for he shewed how kind he had been to them in former times ; that some of them he had visited and relieved while they were in Prison , and that he had even been Instrumental in saving some of them from the Gallows ; and yet , for a requital , they were designing not only to deprive him of his Livelihood and Ministry , but also of his good Name , which is dearer to one than his Life . When they perceived that sufficient Probation could not be laid against him , they tryed to work him up to a voluntary dimission . The chief Accuser and Leader on of the Process , came to him one day , and told him , That if he would dimit , they would pass from the Libel , and give an ample Declaration of his Innocence . This past in private , and being for his Reputation , to have some publick and undoubted evidences of the same , he went presently to the Commission , and told the Moderator the proposal that had been made to him , and made the Person to own it publickly before them ; for it was so recent , that he had neither a Face to deny it , nor yet time to consider the inconveniency of acknowledging it . And Mr. Monro says , that this Man confess'd before them all , that the Libel was not true , and they were only desirous to be rid of Mr. Monro , that by his removal they might get a Minister of their own Persu●sions : Upon which Mr. Monro took occasion to reason his Case with the Commission , and to convince them how much he was injured : but the Moderator would not be rash in as●oiling him . Anothe● Day there fell out a remarkable Passage , which shews what an honest Witness a Presbyterian will make . While Mr. Monro was pleading his Case before the Commissi●n , he had a Nephew attending him without Doors , who fell a discoursing with a Countryman , whom he perceived very curious to know what the Commission was a doing ; disguising his own Sentiments , he asked the Countryman , what was his Business , he told him he was come in to help away the wicked Curates : Then the other said the Curate of Sterlin was presently before the Commission , that it would be for the Glory of God and good Service done to the Church to have him out , but that they wanted Witnesses ; and so he asked if he would go in and witness against him , to which the Fellow replyed , that indeed he knew him not , but for the Glory of God and the good of the Church he was very ready and willing to do it : Just as he was saying this one of the Presbyterian Ministers passes by , and overhearing it , cryed to the Fellow to take heed to himself , for he was amongst his Enemies ; and he added that he ought not to witness falsly upon any account , that it might not be thought that they approved of such things . But in truth there are too many Instances which prove that the Presbyterian Clergy look at Truth as little as their Witnesses that are adduced before them : for they do not receive the exculpation of any Episcopal Minister so readily and willingly as they do a Libel or Indictment against them : They mark punctually what has a tendency to render him odious or criminal , but nothing which makes for his Vindication , or the clearing of his Innocence . So this very Commission , having charged Mr. Key of South-Leith with Drunkenness ; none of the Witnesses could prove it ; and one of them was so far from doing it , that he evidently proved the contrary : Upon which Mr. Hugh Kennedy the Moderator , bad the Clerk write , Nihil novit in causa . The Witness understanding Latin , replyed , Sir , how can you say so , for I know very● much of the matter ; I have declared and made it evident to you , that Mr. Key was not drunk at that time you speak of : Upon which another Brother rose up and spoke in Passion , Sir , you were brought hither to witness against your Minister , and not to clear him or plead for him . Whence it is evident , that it was not the Truth they were seeking ; and all the reason they had to conclude Mr. Key drunk at that time , was , because he had baptized two Children in one day , and was at both their Entertainments , as if one could not be witness to a Feast without running to excess . During the sitting of this Commission , the 30 day of Ianuary , returned , which is the Anniversary of King Charles the First 's Martyrd●m . The Observation of it last year was opposed by the Presbyterian Clergy , they both refus'd to preach upon the Subject Matter and Argument of the Day ; and also to delay the going to Sermon till ten a Clock , which was desired , that the Lords of Council and Session , and others of the Nobility and Gentry might come to Church more solemnly as the Day required . And because they were so strict upon their Hours , the only Remedy was to keep back the Clock , which was made to strike eight only when it was ten by the Course of the Sun , because that is the ordinary hour of beginning their Weekly Sermons . It was Mr. Hugh Kennedy's turn to preach , and tho the Pulpit and all the rest of the Church was hung with Black , yet the little old Fox came up in a Gray Cloak , and held forth his Hour without touching the occasion directly or indirectly , either in his Sermon or Prayer : He durst not condemn the thing , because most People in the Church knew he was an Accessary to it . And I know a Gentleman , who made haste to see him in the Pulpit , saying , he thought the Pulpit should break , or the Black fall of while Kennedy was in it , as well as the Corps used to bleed at the presence of the Murtherer . To which it was answered , that Miracles were wrought to detect secret and hidden Murthers , but not to attest those which were known and transacted in the Face of the Sun. This Year , to get this Anniversary duly observed , the Court of Session was adjourned for that day , and both Lords of Council and Session sent some of their number to wait upon the Commission , and to desire that they would appoint one to preach to them a Sermon for the Day ; Sir Colin Campbel of Arbruchell was one of them who was sent after he had delivered the Request of the Council and Session , which all others think in such Cases to be equivalent to a Command : the Moderator said to him , My Lord , we are very busie and have much to do , and should not be hindered : And you and the rest all know well enough that it 's not agreeable to our Persuasion to keep days . To which it might have been replyed , that none of them make any scruple of keeping Days , which bring them in Money , for they preach very frankly at the Anniversary of George Heriot in Edinburgh , by which an hundreth Marks Scots come to the Preachers Pocket . The Commission was so civil as to deliberate about the Request : but the Result was , That they could not obey it ; which the Lords of Council and Session were highly offended with , as being an Affront to their Authority ; and therefore sent them Word , That unless they did obey them , they would not suffer them to have any other Sermon that day . The Lord Provost had Orders to see that their Will in this was observed ; who therefore forbad ringing of Bells to the ordinary Weekly Sermon , but forgot to call for the Keys of the Church Doors , so that they caused the Trone Church to be opened , whither they went and set up Mr. Shields to preach , which was interpreted a greater Contempt of the Authority of Council and Session , than if it had been any other Person ; because this Mr. Shields in a Book of his , entituled , The Hind let loose , doth expresly defend and justifie the Murther of King Charles the First , and the Assassination of the Archbishop of St. Andrews . In the beginning of his Sermon he said , It may be expected that I should speak something of that Man that dyed forty years ago : He either dyed justly or unjustly : If unjustly , it was the better for himself : if justly , we need not trouble our selves more about him . The rest of his Sermon was stuffed with Invectives against Bishops , and the Episcopal Clergy and the Church of England ; and he held forth , that it was very unlawful to keep any Confederacy with Papists and Idolaters . This Mr. Shields is one of the Three Cameronians , who addressed to the Assembly , as was said before in the Historical Relation thereof : since that time he hath published a Pamphlet , called , An Account of the Methods and Motives of the late Union and submission to the Assembly : in which all the steps of his and his two Brothers Proceedings are narrated , and the larger Paper published ; which the Assembly thought to have suppressed altogether , because it contain'd some Reflections on the Members of the Assembly . When all is considered , the coming in of these Cameronians appears a kind of Mystery which cannot be well understood , for there seems not to be a true Union , but only a kind of Truce for present Conveniency ; or if there be any Union , the Condescendence is upon the Assembly's side ; so that it may be said , the Assembly has turned Cameronian : For Mr. Shi●lds and his Two Brethren declare , That they have not retracted any thing they said or did formerly ; and as they would not condemn their own Principles and Practices , so they have laid heavy and grievous things to the charge of those in the Assembly , inconsistent with the Principles of true Covenanted Presbyterians ; which , as Mr. Shields observes , the Assembly has not contradicted nor refuted . And as their Silence is a tacite Confession of their Guilty , which they also acknowledge in general Terms , in the Act and Reasons for the Fast , so the receiving Men into their Communion without Check or Censure , who teach publickly in their Sermons , and maintain in their Books , Tenets , and Positions , which are both Scandalous to Religion , and also destructive of human Society : I say this is an evidence that they are of the same mind , and have no abhorrence of such scandalous and pernicious Principles , as those men have vented . But though the Assembly and Mr. Shields , Mr. Linning , and Mr. Boide have made an Agreement , without coming to particulars ▪ or expressing the mutual Terms or Conditions ; yet the other Cameronians refused to patch up a Peace so easily ; they require express and particular Declarations from the other Presbyterians , and desire that what Mr. Shi●lds and his Two Brethren did , may be considered as their own Private Deed , and not the Deed of the whole Party : and it is said the Breach is rather wider than it was before . Mr. Howston , who now heads the Cameronians , refused to submit his Call to the Kirk of Kilsyth , to the Presbytery of Glasgow ; and when one who was sent from that Presbytery to preach there , possessed the Pulpit , it 's reported , that he went up to a Loft or Gallery in the Church , and instead of instructing the people , they fell soul upon one another : Whatever be of this , it 's certain the Parish was divided upon this Head , and one part followed the one , and another the other . To such a height is this difference arrived , that it canbe decided by no meaner person than the King ; so that Mr. Howston went to Flanders that King William might interpose his Authority for repairing the Injury he had received ; and I am told that he not only complained of his own Treatment , but also represented to his Majesty , that the Assembly and other Presbyterians took measures that were not good either for Church or Kingdom . Thus , though they will not acknowledge the King to be the Head of their Kirk , yet they , as well as others , will have recourse to him on occasion . He succeeded so well , that he procured two Letters from the King in his behalf , one to the Council , another to the Presbytery of Glasgow : He delivered the first to my Lord Crawford , and went with the other to Glasgow : The Presbytery received it ; and to prevent any Protestation he might make for their not obeying it , they said to him , that some of the Brethren should be appointed to confer with him ; and in the mean time they dissolved the Meeting and did nothing . Upon this he returned to Edinburgh to be redressed by the Council ; but when he came there he found that his Letter had never been produc'd , and Crawford , to whom he had delivered it , had taken Journey for London , so that he is still where he was : and by this it appears , that Kings Recommendations avail but little with some Men. This Howston has a Brother , who also will not unite with our Assembly men ; but goes up and down drawing People from them , as they were wont to do from the Episcopal Ministers : being found in Edinburgh , he was shut up in Prison , and detained several Months ; till of late with difficulty he hath procured his enlargment . So little reason is there to talk of their Harmony and Union , except it be in the opposition , which both make to the Episcopal Party , that the Cameronians , to distinguish themselves the better from the other Presbyterians , have taken up a new Name , viz. That of the Society ; they do not add , of Iesus , lest they should be taken for the Disciples of Ignatius Loyola . Those of this Sect sometimes begin their Meetings at Ten or Twelve at Night , or at the dawning of the Morning , and they use to be well armed with Swords and Staves ; and I 'm told there have been hard blows given betwixt them and the other Presbyterians in the Southern and Western Shives , as happened in the late times : so now we may expect variety of Sects and Opinions , which will ruin Religion , as well as disturb the publick Peace and Quiet . For Fanaticism is a Spiritual Vertigo ; which makes people reel and stagger from side to side , and run about till they fall into Atheism and gross Impiety . To return to the Commissi●n , which sat down again upon Wednesday the Fifteenth of April : When they were met , Sir William Leccart the King's Sollicitor came and presented to the Moderator a Letter from the King , which was not received with that Respect which was due . The Moderator , without rising from his Seat , bad him give it in to the Clerk , telling him , That there was very much noise of that Letter : For indeed it was not only talked of , but also several Copies of it were spread up and down both City and Country . Then the Moderator turn'd to the Clerk , and said , Man take off the Scab of the Wamb of it , and see what 's within it , for so , as is said , he called the King's Seal upon it . This Letter was the effect of that Address , which those Commissionated by the Episcopal Clergy , who were still in place , made to the King before his going to Flanders ; whither also Two of them followed him , viz. Dr. Canaries and Mr. Lesk , that they might even there negotiate the Affairs of their Party , and get that stop put to the Proccedings of the Presbyterians ; which was promised them , but which could not be presently given , because of the King's haste to go beyond Seas . This is a true Copy of the Letter . To the Right Reverend and Our Well-beloved Ministers and Elders , Commissioners of the General Assembly of the Church of our ancient Kingdom of Scotland . Right Reverend and Well-beloved , We greet you well : WHereas there hath been humble Application made to us , by several Ministers , for themselves and others , who lately served under Episcopacy in that our ancient Kingdom , We have thought good , as well for the Good and Advantage of that Church , as the Publick Iustice and Welfare of the Nation , and the Interest of our Government , to signifie our Pleasure to you , That you make no distinction of Men , otherwise well qualified for the Ministry , who are willing to join with you , in the Acknowledgment of , and Submission to the Government of Church and State , as it is by Law now established , though they have formerly conformed to the Law introducing Episcopacy ; and that ye give them no vexation or disturbance for that cause , or upon that head ; and that in regard many of these Ministers are turned out summary , without any Sentence or Order of Law , if such shall be called to be Ministers of any Congregations , by plurality of Heritors and Elders , we judge it reasonable that you admit them , where there is no just Cause to the contrary , without making any difficulty . Whereas some of these Ministers complain of Severities and Hardships by several Sentences pronounced against them , we think fit to give you opportunity to review what Cases shall be brought before you , that your selves may give such just Redresses as the matter requireth , before we take any further notice of these Complaints . We will assure you we will protect you , and maintain the Government of the Church , in that our ancient Kingdom , by Presbytery , without suffering any invasion to be made upon it : And therefore we will expect ; That you will avoid all occasions of Divisions and Resentments , and cordially unite with those that will agree with you in the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion , and own the Confession of Faith , which the Law hath established as the Standard of the Communion of that Church . And it is our Pleasure , That during our absence out of Britain , until we give our further Directions , that you proceed to no more Process or any other Business , and dispose your selves to give out your best Means , for healing and reconciling Differnces ; and apply your selves to give impartial Redresses upon any Complaints that shall be offered unto you , against Sentences already past , that we be not obliged to give our selves any further trouble thereanent . So we bid you heartily farewel . Given at our Court in the Hague , Feb. 13. 1690. and of our Reign the Third Year . Sic subscribitur , by his Majesty's Command , JO. DALRYMPLE . When this Letter was read , the Anger and Displeasure of the Brethren was to be seen in their Countenances : One said that there was no regard to be had to it , because the King's Hand was not at it . Another replied , That whether it had come only from the Secretary himself , or been sent by the order of the King , there was no reason to take any notice of it , or be concerned with it ; for it proceeded from a mistake and mis-information , as if they had turned out any summarly , without any Sentence or Order of Law , whereas they were conscious of no such thing . It is reported of the Moderator , That when the Contents of this Letter were first imparted to him , he said , If the King had not so many Men at his back , he would make two of it : But a Person of Honour assured me , That when he was speaking to him of it , his answer was , That the King would be as wise to let these matters alone . After much deliberation , it was resolved to write an Answer to the King , and to send two of their number to negotiate their Affairs with his Majesty , and to remove the Prejudices he might have conceived against them by false Representations . The Persons who were thought fit to be sent , were Mr. Iohn Law , and Mr. David Blair . The Letter which they were to carry with them , was but once read publickly ; nor did the Moderator suffer any at the time , to propose his Judgment about it ; for he said , That there was a private Committee appointed for that matter , and so he desired every one to come in apart by himself , and there to declare his Mind , what he would have added to it , or taken away from it : Which was done either to keep the thing more secret , or that the Draught of the Letter , which the Moderator and other leading Men had made , might pass more easily without any change . The King's Letter required two things : One was to redress the Grievances which the Episcopal Ministers complained of : The other was , To forbear the proceeding any more against them , so long as the King was absent from Britain . They had no Mind to grant the first at all ; but in compliance with the last , they thought it convenient to stop a little , that they might not give their Adversaries occasion to irritate the King against them , and to withdraw his Favour , which was their only present support . The yielding to this , was only a delaying their Affairs , till they were better stated , which afterwards might be ea●ily compensated ; and by doing so , they would dispose the King's Mind for receiving their Defences for what was already done . So leaving all things as they were , the Commission was adjourned till the next Qarterly Sessi●n . But it must not be forgot , that they left particular Presbyteries and Synods , to act their part in the mean time , for they issued out no Order to stop them , neither made they any intimation of the King's Letter , or of his Will and Pleasure therein unto them ; so that when it was objected by any Episcopal Minister , they still pretended ignorance . This Month the Synod of Lothian and Tueddale met at Edinburgh , and concluded a Monthly Fast to be kept for some time : For this end , the Secret Council was addressed to , that they might ratifie and approve the same by an Act : Which indeed they did ; but Duke Hamilton would admit of no other reason for the Fast , than that of the present War , and the King's Expedition to Flanders . This did not a little displease the Brethren , who , to delude and amuse the People , and to serve their own particular Ends , had heap'd up a number of such Reasons , as the Assembly gave for the former Fast : Wherefore , because the Council would not accept of , and agree to the Act and Reasons as they were drawn up by them , they resolved to shew no regard to what the Council had done : So at the intimation of this new Fast , they did take no notice of the Act of Council or Proclamation published by them ; but enjoyned it in the Synod's Name and Authority , reading to the People the Act and Reasons of the Synod for it . Particularly Mr. Kirkton in the Tolbooth Church of Edinburgh , said , That they ought to look to this Paper which came from the Synod for their direction , in the end and nature of this Fast , and not to that other which was selling up and down the Town ; by which he meant the Act and Proclamation of the Council . The Earl of Crawford and two more of the Council were present . One of them said , That the Council could not sit with this , nor let it pass without censure ; for their Authority was baffled and affronted : But it seems it was found convenient to take no notice of it , lest they should be more baffled and affronted , by medling with these peremptory and stubborn Kirk-men , who are like an imperious Wife , that will both have all her own Will , and a part of her Husbands . About the middle of Iuly , the Commission met again . Some few days before , the two Ministers they had sent over to Flanders , returned , of whose Reception by the King , there were various Reports : But in answer to that Letter which they carried from the Commissioners , there came a second Letter from the King , which was ordered to be delivered to the two Ministers , if they returned before the Meeting of the Commission : But if they were late a-coming , another was appointed to give it to the Commission at its first sitting down . So the night before Mr. Iames Elphinston went with it to Mr. Iohn Law , and Mr. David Blair , who presented it to the Commission the next day , with an account of their Negotiation and Diligence . A Copy of the second Letter from the King to the Commission of the General Assembly . To the Right Reverend and our Well-beloved Ministers and Elders , Commissioners of the General Assembly of the Church of our ancient Kingdom of Scotland , W. Rex . RIght Reverend and Well-beloved , We greet you well . By the Letter presented to us from you , by Mr. John Law , and Mr. David Blair , Ministers , your two Commissioners , we do perceive you sufficiently understood our Intentions contained in our Letter , directed to you from the Hague ; and we are well-pleased with what you write , both as to your own unanimous Inclinations to redress those , who may be lesed , and to unite with such of the Clergy , who have served under Episcopacy , and fallen neither under the Qualifications of the Act of Parliament , nor the Terms of our Letter , and that you are sufficiently instructed by the General Assembly to receive them : From all which , we do expect a speedy and happy success ; and that ye will be so frank and charitable in that matter , that we cannot doubt but that there shall be so great a progress made in this Union betwixt you , before our return to Britain , that we shall then find no cause to continue that stop , which at present we see necessary ; and that neither you , nor any Commissioner Church-Meeting , do meddle in any process or Business , that may concern the purging out of the Episcopal Ministers : And we do not restrain you a● to other matters relative to the Church or your selves ; nor did we ever intend to protect any in the Ministry , who were truly scandalous , erroneous , or supinely negligent ; and therefore we did propose their subscribing the Confession of Faith , as the Standard of the Church-Communion , which takes off the suspicion of Errour : And as for those who are really scandalous , insufficient , and supinely negligent , if such shall apply , either by themselves or with others , though they were willing to acknowledge our Authority , and to join with you , we do not oblige you to receive such ; and in that case where there is just cause , you may proceed to a fair impartial Inquiry , in order to their being received in the Government of the Church , but not in relation to the turning them out of their Benefices and Ministry : as the Act of our Parliament has left them to our further Orders , we will not doubt of the sincere performance of what you have so fairly promised in your Letter , whereby you will best recommend your selves to us , and answer that Trust reposed in you , by the Act of our Parliament . So we bid you heartily farewel . Given at our Court at Aprebrux , the ●● / ●● of June , 1691. and of Our Reign the Third Year . By his Majesty's Command , Sic subscribitur , JO. DALRYMPE . Ever since this Revolution , the Kingdom of Scotland has been divided about the Government of the Church . The Episcopal Party have been upon the defensive side . First , they studied to preserve the Government of Episcopacy it self ; and for that end addressed to the Parliament , which proved altogether in vain . In the next place , when Presbytery was established by Act of Parliament , the Episcopal Clergy petitioned for a share of the Government of the Church , or at least to be secured from the Iurisdiction of the Presbyterians , who had declared themselves a stated Party against them . But neither was this harken'd to . Then , as their last Refuge , they considered how to save themselves , their personal Rights and Priviledges , that they might sustain no Prejudice , upon the account of their private Sentiments and Perswasion . And for this cause , they resolved to address King William himself , seeing the Applications made to others were so ineffectual : Therefore Dr. Canaries was sent from some of the Clergy , on the South-side of Tay ; Mr. Mac Gill , and Mr. Small from Angus ; Dr. Gaider , Mr. Leisk and Mr. Fobess from the Diocess of Aberdeen . This last Design succeeded better than any of the former ; for the King thought their Request reasonable , and promised them his Protection in this matter ; and in both his Letters to the Commission of the Assembly , he required this , as that which was most just and equitable . Nay , the refusing it was judged so unreasonable , that it is said , that those Presbyterian Ministers , who were sent up from the rest , did expresly promise to receive such Episcopal Ministers , not only into Communion , but into the Government , as could not be excepted against , either for Life or Doctrine . And which is yet more , it appears from King William's second Letter , that the Commission has given some such thing under their Hand . Wherefore to try their Sincerity , it was thought fit to put them to it , by making some of the Episcopal Clergy address to them . The nature and form of the Address was drawn up , and concerted at London , and sent down to Scotland with Mr. Mac Gill and Mr. Small ; for it was judged requisite they should Address all after the same manner ; the tenour of which is as followeth . To the Reverend the Ministers and others by Law impower'd to establish the Judicatories of the Church of Scotland : The humble Petition of the Ministers of the Episcopal Perswasion , Humbly sheweth , THAT whereas Episcopacy is by Law abolished in this Kingdom , we who have in the most dangerous Times manifested our Zeal against Popery , are now ready to give all the Assurances that are or can be by Law required of us , of our Aversion to Popery , of our Firmness to the Protestant Religion , of our Duty and Fidelity to their Majesties , King William and Queen Mary ; we are further ready and willing in our respective Charges and Stations to do every thing that is incumbent on us , as Ministers of the Gospel , for advancing the Power of Religion , or repressing of Scandal and Vice , and for the securing the Peace and Quiet of their Majesties Government , and to act in Church-Judicatories for carrying on of these Ends , without any regard to the Difference of Persuasion in matters that are not fundamental . We do therefore humbly and earnestly desire , That in order to these Ends , we may be suffered to act as Presbyters in this Church , in our several Precincts and Paroches . This being proposed to the Episcopal Clergy , several Arguments were used to persuade the subscribing it ; which some declined fo● one Reason , and some for another . Some guessing the success from the Presbyterian Temper , thought it would be a prostituting their Reputation to offer a thing which would not be accepted : Others apprehended that to be yielding of the Episcopal Cause to the Presbyterians , and therefore would not do it . But in the Diocess of Aberdeen , the most part condescended , and gave a Commission to Mr. Leisk , to wait upon the Commission at Edinburgh so soon as it should sit , and in their Name to address them as above ; which he did : But the Moderator said to him , That they could not receive it ; for there was a particular Commission appointed for all on the North side of Tay ; and if the Ministers of these places had any thing to say , they ought to say it to them . Mr. Leisk replied , that there was no Commission sitting in the North at that time ; that he was Moderator of both Commissions , and he judged it all one which of them he applied himself to ! That the King's Letter was directed to them , which required them to receive such as should make application unto them ; and if they refused it , he would protest , and take Instrument . The Moderator bad him do what he pleased ; and so after Protestation , he removed . Mr. Small went along with Mr. Leisk ; and while Mr. Leisk was talking with the Moderator , one of the Brethren rises from his seat , came towards Mr. Small , took him by the Shoulder , and with a most frowning Countenance said to him , Ye are a pack of prophane Raskals , and deserve no pity , neither ought to be received . After which , he returned to his seat , leaving Mr. Small surprized with his Discretion and Civility in such a place , and at such a time . The same day , or the day following , Mr. Tho. Wood , Minister at Dumb●r , and Mr. William Denune , went and offered to the Commission the same Address subscribed by about a dozen of Parsons ; which being done by Ministers on the South-side of Tay , they had not the former pretence for rejecting it . They craving an Answer , the Moderator said to them , Sirs , ye 're very hasty● you took time to draw it up , and you must allow us time to answer it : And so he put them off for some days . At their next Application , they were desired to explain some parts of the Address , as what they meant by acting as Presbyters ; whether they meant the acting separably by themselves independently on them ; or if it was to 〈◊〉 understood of their joint Concurrence with them . To this it was answered , That they had it not in their Commission to make any Explications , and therefore could not do it . So upon the 22d of Iuly , they had this Answer given them . THe Commission for Visitations on the South-side of Tay. appointed by the late General Assembly of this Church , having considered a Petition presented to them by Mr. Thomas Wood , and Mr. William Denune , signed by them and twelve other Ministers , who call themselves of the Episcopal Persuasion , do find that some of these Petitioners are deposed , some suspended , both of them for gross Immoralities ; others of them are in processes referred by the General Assembly to this Commission , and some declared contumacious by the Presbyteries of the Bounds , where they have their residence ; and some live without the Bounds committed to the inspection of this Commission . They do also find , That not only these Petitioners do not look upon this Commission as a Judicatory of this Church , but also do mistake their Work , by ascribing to them a Power to establish the Judicatories of this Church , which is not committed to them by the General Assembly ; and though the Commission be satisfied to hear of their Zeal against Popery , and Firmness in the Protestant Religion , Duty and Fidelity to their Majesties ; yet they find , that seeing the Petitioners have not offered to own and subscribe the Confession of Faith , which by Law is made the Standard of the Doctrine of this Church , they give no security against Errours ; nor do they offer to submit and concur with the present established Government of this Church , according to the Instruction of the General Assembly , much less to acknowledge it , as is required by his Majesty's gracious Letter : And whereas in the Petition , the Petitioners seem to desire an allowance for setting up a Government separate from , and independent upon that which is established by Law , and have refused , when desired by the Commission , to explain either for their Brethren , or for themselves , this or any other Expression that seemed dark and doubtful to the Commission ; declaring also expresly , That they had no further to say , than what was contained in the Petition , and that they could do nothing separately by themselves without their Constituents , Therefore on these grounds the Commission cannot grant this Petition , as it stands in terminis , however willing they be to receive such of them as personally shall be found duly qualified according to the Instructions of the Assembly , and his Majesty's grac●ous Letter Mr. Wood and Mr. Denune having got this last Answer , they made a Protestation against the Commission , for refusing them the Favour which the King's Letter required of them . Some blamed both the Ministers and the Commission ; and thought that neither of them acted so candidly as did become them ; for while both pretended a willingness to unite , each of them kept at a distance , and studied what might hinder , rather than what might fu●ther the Union . It was said , That the Ministers did needlesly offend the Commission by the Title of their Address ; for seeing they made no scruple of addressing to the Commission , they might have made as little of giving them their due Title : And it was either mere nicety to refuse it , or it was done with a design to pique them , that they might not accept of the Address . Again it was said , That they were very unreasonable in refusing to explain the ambiguous terms of the Address , and that they gave the Commission a good pretext for denying their Request , when they would not tell what was the Nature and Import of it ; for the Commission could not be obliged to grant what they did not understand . On the other hand , the Answer of the Commission was found fault with very much , and it was said , that by it , they clearly shewed that they were no wise willing to receive Episcopal Ministers , whatsoever they had professed or wrote to the King. The very Addressing to them was thought such a Condescendence in Episcopal Ministers , as to deserve a better and more kindly reception than that which it met with . And the Commission was censured not only as very indiscreet , but as most unjust , for giving them these odious Epithets in the beginning of their Answer ; for there was but one or two , whom they had any shadow or p●e●ence to name so ; and even these two offered to vindicate themselves , if they were allowed a fair Hearing . The greatest part of those , who subscribed , were neither under Process nor Censure , nor had they been at any time Libelled ; so that the Answer was unjust to them , whatever it might be to the rest . Further , it was very unjust , to reject the Address , because the Confession of Faith was not offered to be subscribed ; for though this was not expressed in terminis , yet it was clearly enough implied , and it was then only time to make that Objection , when the Confession was put to them and refused . Finally , Though the Ministers keep to generals , and refused to explain what they meant by Acting as Presbyters ; yet that was thought no just or sufficient Reason for denying their Request : For if they could not grant it in the largest extent , it was in their power to set limitations to it . They might have been sure that Episcopal Ministers would not be received at all , if not under the Notion and Character of true and lawful Presbyters , without being obliged to receive new Ordination : And in this Sense they ought to have interpreted the Petition , unless the Ministers had , in express terms , craved more . And as they could not be blamed for refusing to allow them to act independently ; so their not admitting them as Presbyters , and not consenting to their having the Power and Privilege of such , which was all that seemed to be required , is a clear demonstration that either they did not own them to be Presbyters , or that they did not desire to join with them . They had so few Ministers of their own Party , that it might been thought , they would have been glad to have received any that were willing to come over to them ; but , in truth , they chused rather to want , than to admit of any who had served under Episcopacy ; and thought the one a less inconvenience than the other , as appears from the treatment , which some Ministers , who were called Anti-Testers , met with . Five of these who refused the Test , viz. Mr. Lundy , Mr. Craig , Mr. Paterson , Mr. Marchiston , and Mr. Carmichael made Application to them , both at their last S●ssion in April , and this in Iuly : They thought their case more favourable than that of other Episcopal Ministers ; and it was said that they designed to go a very great length : I cannot tell positively what it was they would have done ; for they resolved to deliver their Mind by word of Mouth , and not to give any thing under their Hand , but they would not so much as give them access ; they would neither hear them nor take their Case into consideration . Thus it is evident , that they were resolved not to admit any Ministers of the Episcopal Persuasion , nor any who had heretofore served under the Episcopal Government : For though the King had required this in his Letter ; yet by their Instructions they were enjoined to receive none , but such as they had ground to believe would be true and faithful to the Government . And it was concluded , that none could be trusted to , who did not renounce their former Sentiments , abjure Episcopacy , and cry Peccavi for their complyance with it . But it might be reasonable enough to trust to them who did this , because such would be so much abhorred by the Episcopal Party whom they deserted , that they would then find it their Interest to keep up Presbytery . This was expresly required of Mr. Thomas Wilkie , Minister of the Tolbooth Church : for when he humbly supplicated them to be received , making great Promises of an entire Submission to their Government ; the Moderator ask'd if he had no more to say , and pressed him to declare himself more fully . To which Mr. Wilkie replyed , That he thought he had said enough , and given a sufficient Declaration of his Mind . And indeed perhaps he had said more upon the Head than could be well justified . Yet nothing would satisfie them unless he would say that his Compliance with Episcopacy was a Sin : And because he made a Scruple of that , they obstructed his Business , as was related before , and refused to receive him . But upon these Terms they admitted one Mr. Menzies , Mr. Hugh Nisbet and Mr. Arrot Minister of Ginglekirk , who are the only Persons that have gone entirely over to the Presbyterian Party , and the Episcopal Party have sustained no loss by their Desertion . For Mr. Hugh Nisbet has the Character of being Ignorant , Insufficient and Scandalous ; Mr. Arrot , besides that he is ignorant , he is so sordidly Covetous , that he is not ashamed of any base thing , if it will bring in filthy Lucre : To save himself from the Rabble , he , at the very beginning , went to the Pulpit with Invectives against the Episcopal Government , and was not short of the wildest Cameronian in Raillery and vile Expressions : And that he might oblige the Presbyterians to let him keep his Possession , he offered to put on Sackcloth and to do Penance in as may Churches as they pleased . And as for Mr. Menzies ; he was first a Hill-Preacher ; next he submitted to Episcopacy , and received a Church under that Government ; which afterward he deserted , and run again to the Hills , and was in the Rebellion at Bothwell-Bridge , which rendred him obnoxious to the Laws : And that he might escape the due Punishment of his Crime , he surrendred himself to the mercy of the Government , and took and swore the Oath of the Test. By these Instances it doth appear what Qualification is requisite to recommend one to the Favour of the Commission . And as we have seen one part of the King's Letter disobeyed ; so neither was the other regarded , which required the redressing the Grievances which the Episcopal Ministers complained of . No Censure was abated , no Process revised ; nor did they recal the Sentences of Suspension and Deposition pronounced by particular Presbyteries and Synods against Ministers , whom all the World knew to be innocent . But whether the Censures were inflicted justly or unjustly , they continued them . And to make it evident that some Episcopal Ministers had reason to complain of Partiality and Injustice , I shall , instead of many Instances , which would make me tedious , narrate fully the Case of Mr. Simon Cuper Minister at Dumfermlin , and Mr. George Iohnson , Minister of Brunt-Island . But first I will divert the Reader with an Account of something which happen'd in Fife while this Commission was sitting . The noise of the King 's Two Letters spread abroad , and the intimation of his Favourable Inclinations towards Episcopal Ministers who would own his Government , both alarm'd and awaken'd the Presbyterian Party , and put them upon divers Inventions how to prevent what they so little desired , and what they thought would prove prejudicial to them at the last . This was thought the best expedient , which might keep the Episcopal Clergy from owning and submitting to the Civil Government , because it was upon the Hope and Promise of this that so much favour was procured to them . And to effectuate this , it was resolved to make use of their Common Stratagem ; that is , to let the Rabble loose upon such Ministers as they would be rid of , and to fright them from a Compliance . Indeed they have not prosecuted this Design ; But the Attempt upon the Minister of Kemback in Fife is a sufficient Proof of it : an Account of which I have from one who was present , who upon a mistake was near to have suffer'd for the other ; and it is as followeth : On Iuly the 22 , 1691. about Twelve a Clock at night there came two men and knocked at the Gate , of the Minister of Kembock's House , desiring a Servant to direct Two Strangeer Gentlemen , who had lost the Road through the darkness of the night . A short while after , they came up to the Chamber Window , and asked the same Favour in the Name of one Andrew Clepan , a near Relation of the Laird of Kembock , and who belongs to Major Balfour's Troop , which was lying at St. Andrew's some four Miles distant . The Minister himself was not at home , for he had gone the day before to Angus , to visit his Father who was sick , and there was only a deprived Minister lodging at his House at the time . This Stranger made them no answer at first , apprehending they were Rogues who were come to rob the House . When therefore their Lyes and fair Language proved ineffectual , they began more plainly to discover themselves , calling at the Window to open in the King and Council's Name , threatning , if it was not done , to Pistol the Minister , and fire the House about him . Then the Stranger answer'd from within , your Design cannot be just , seeing ye have twice made use of Lyes ; the Minister of Kembock , whom you pretend to seek , is not at home ; I am unknown to you , and you do not pretend to search for me , and therefore I entreat you to be gone . Upon this answer they beat up the Windows , fired Pistols into the Chamber and thrust in their Swords , which made the Stranger leave his Bed and run naked out of the Chamber ; for his Cloaths were so near the Window , that he durst not go to fetch them . Finding the lowest Windows well barred with Iron , they scaled the House , and attempted to get in at the upper Windows : But being disappointed there too , they next batter'd the Door of the House with great Stones , and at last , by frequent pushing with a long Tree , or Pole , which they found in the Closs , loosed the Bands , broke the Lock , and forced open the Door : But nevertheless they durst not venture forwards at first , fearing that he who was within had laid some Snare for them , or that he was in readiness to kill the first who advanc'd . This made them with great Oaths and strong Asseverations , promise safety to his Person , which somewhat encourag'd him . But as soon as they found him , they dragg'd him in his Shirt to the Gate , abusing him with most opprobrious Language , as Hell-Hound , S●ul-murdering Dog , &c. He assured them he was not the Minister of the place , whom they pretended to seek , but acknowledged that he was a Minister deprived by the Council ; and they still supposing otherwise , Twelve of them in Country Cloths , with drawn Swords and cocked Pistols , made him twice kneel , swearing that they would allow him but one minute for Prayer ; and that all of them were resolved to have the Honou● of taking his Heart Blood. But while he was in this sad Case , expecting the worst , a Boy , whom they called Guide , when he perceived they were in earnest , cryed out vehemently and bitterly , That man is not the Minister of this Place , for , said he , I know the Minister very well . Ten of them upon this went aside to consult the matter , and return'd with a Resolution to let him go , if he would swear never to preach again . He asked if ever any of them had Oaths forced upon them ? Two of them answering Yes ; he asked in the next place , if they did keep them ; and they saying , that they thought they were not bound to do it : Then he replyed , Why would you impose an Oath upon me , which your selves acknowledge one is not bound to keep ? After some Communing , they agreed to accept of his Oath never to preach under King William , nor to pray for him , nor to accept of any Allowances from the General Assembly ; assuring him that it was resolved that King William 's Letter should never do any good to an Episcopal Soul-murdering Hell-bound . Though they spared his Life , yet they pulled his Shirt twice or thrice over his Head , and beat his naked back and Breast with the Buts of their Musquets : and before they parted with him , they sent some of their number to find out the Schoolmaster , and Church-Beddel , whom they also threatned and treated barbarously , to make them deliver the Keys of the Church , and swear never more to officiate in it . The Beddel hesitating a little , one of them advanc'd to pistol him : and would certainly have done it , if the Pistol had not by a happy Providence misgiven . Then the fear of Death made both him and the Schoolmaster do , what was required of them ▪ They declared that they were put upon this by Persons of the greatest Quality in the Kingdom , and that they were obliged to give account of their Diligence to the Assembly , that the one half of their Company was gone to the next Preaching Episcopal Minister , and that it was resolv'd none should escape . As they were parting , one of them said , It is my Iudgment you should not let this Fellow pass so easily : Complyers and Non-Complyers should be treated alike . Upon which a part of them return'd ; which the Minister perceiving , went and hid himself in a Field of Corn till they were gone , being all the while in his Shirt , for they never allowed him time to put on his Cloaths . What hindred the other Party , or what stop either of them met with is not known ; but afterwards they came not near any other Minister . A true Representation of Mr. Simon Cupar , and Mr. James Graham , Ministers of Dumfermlin , their Case ; with the pretended Presbytery of Dumfermlin . UPon the third of September , 1690 , The Ministers at Dumfermlin were cited to compeir before the Presbytory there , the tenth Instant , to hear and see themselves deposed . The Ministers being certainly informed that no Libel had at that time been offer'd against them to the Presbytery , nor any Warrant given by the Presbytery for citing them ( Mr. Frazer of Brae , their Moderator , having declar'd to the Laird of Pitliver , and Mr. George Gray , Minister at Beath , that he knew nothing of a Libel against them , nor of any Order for citing them ) thought not themselves obliged to answer that illegal Citation , order'd by some private Cabal , probably the Compilers of the Libels that were to be given in . Whereupon the Heritours of the Parish , and Magistrates of the Burgh formed a Representation , and gave it in by some of their number to the Presbytery , complaining of the Injury done them and their Ministers , craving that they would be pleased to give the Authors such Rebuke as the matter deserved ; and withal desiring that if there were any particular Libels offer'd against their Ministers , or any of them , the Presbytery would be pleased to impart the same to them , to the effect that they might give due Information concerning their Ministers , of their Life , Conversation , and Deportment in their Charge . Mr. Iames Graham , one of the Ministers , went also to the Presbytery , and in his own and his Collegue's Name , complained of encroachment made on the Presbytery's Authority , and the Injury done to them , desiring , that at least they would declare that Citation void and null : After some Consultation , the Presbytery returned answer to the Heritors and Magistrates , that they sustained the Citation , and accordingly caused call the Ministers at the Church-door : None of them compeired : A little after they sent their Officer , desiring the Ministers to come to the Presbytery . Mr. Graham went ; the Moderator told him , the Presbytery had sustained the Citation ; Mr. Graham Pleaded that it could not be sustained , being both Informal and Illegal given without any order from the Presbytery , Appealing to the Moderator himself , who had lately declared that he knew nothing of a Libel against the Ministers of Dumfermlin , nor of their being Cited ; and , producing the Citation it self , shewed that it was in prima instantia , to hear and see the Sentence of Deposition passed . The Moderator confessed that he had said so , but now he remembred , there had been a motion before them at their last Meeting concerning the M●nisters of Dumfermlin : The Draught of the Citation he acknowledged was informal , the first Citation being only to answer to the Relevancy of the Libel . Mr. Graham is removed , and , after a little while , called ; the Moderator told him , that though they sustained the Citation , yet , in his favours who had compeired , they passed from it , and gave him the eighth of October to answer to the Relevancy of his Libel : He pleading the same favour to his Collegue , it was absolutely refused . That Day Mr. Simon Cupar , the other Minister , is cited to compeir before the Presbytery the Seventeenth instant , to hear and see Probation led against him ; the which day the Heritors and Magistrates went to the Presbytery and insisted on their former Representation , and pleaded that the first Citation might be declared null . Notwithstanding of which , the Presbytery proceeded and called Mr. Cupar before them ; the Moderator told him , that by his not answering the first Citation , he had forfaulted the benefit of objecting against the Relevancy of the Libel ; that the Presbytery had judged it relevant , and that now he was called to hear and see Probation led . Mr. Cupar answered , That he had not forfaulted the benefit of being heard on the Relevancy of his Libel , seeing it had been sufficiently represented to them by his Collegue the last day , that That first Citation was informal and illegal ; that his Collegue had compeired , not as answering that Citation , but as a Plaintiff in both their Names : That the Citation was previous to any Libel offered to , or considered by the Presbytery , and without any Iudicial Order , or Warrant granted by them , that the Citation was to hear and see himself deposed , and not to answer to the Relevancy of a Libel ; and therefore he ought as yet to be heard on that head . The Moderator answered , That they acknowledged the Informality of the first Citation , but sustained the Legality of it , seeing it had been proved before them , that there was a motion the day before of Citing the Ministers of Dumfermlin . Mr. Cupa● urged , that a motion was not a sufficient ground , except a Libel had been presented , considered , and Warrant given thereupon , &c. He is removed , and , after a little space , called on . The Moderator makes return , that the Presbytery sustained that first Citation , and were resolved now to proceed to the Examination of the Witnesses . Mr. Cupar pleaded , That before they proceeded to Examine Witnesses , he might be allowed to see the Libel , and to give in his Answers to it , because his Answers might perhaps prevent the necessity of putting any to their Oaths ; and if any thing should be deponed , which he could disprove , he behoved either to be debarred from just defence , or an occasion must be given to contradictory Oaths . This was absolutely refused him , only a double of the Libel is given him ; and the Moderator told him , That though immediately after the Deposition of the Witnesses , they might proceed to Sentence , yet he should have the Eighth of October to hear the Depositions , and make answer . The Heritors pleaded , that , conform to an Act of Parliament , Mr. Cupar might be present at the Examination of the Witnesses , ( which being denied , alledging that Act reached not Church-Iudicatories , ) they protested and took Instrument . Then pleading that they might be present : This also was denied . Notwithstanding several who were not Members of the Iudicatory , were admitted . The Witnesses , about thirty , were called ; five only compeired at that time ; against whom Mr. Cupar objected not : They are sworn ; the rest of the Witnesses answered , some that day , some on the morrow ; Mr. Cupar was not called , nor enquired if he had any thing to object against them : One Robert Mody , who had an hand in forming the Libel , officiates as Clerk at the deposition of Witnesses ; whose Depositions were not read over to them , nor they required to subscribe the same . Upon the Second of October Mr. Graham is Cited to the Eighth , to hear and see Probation led against him , and receives a double of his Libel , notwithstanding the Presbytery had allowed him that day to be heard on the Relevancy of his Libel : An Evidence that the Citations were not ordered by the Presbytery , but by the Libellers . October the Eighth , The Heritors and Magistrates made a second Address to the Presbytery , complaining of their procedure against their Ministers , and bearing an ample Testimony of their Life , Conversation and Deportment in the Exercise of their Ministry , &c. Notwithstanding of which they proceeded to call Mr. Cupar . The Moderator proposed two Questions to him : First , By what Authority he could presume to exercise any Ministerial Office independent upon them , seeing the Power by which he was Installed , was dissolved ? Secondly , Whether or not he owned their Authority ? And by another Minister it was proposed that he should be charged with his Absence from the several Dyets of the Presbytery , since their sitting at Dumfermlin . Mr. Cupar answered , That he came to hear the Depositions of the Witnesses , and to make his Defence , but understood not the design of these Questions , seeing by the Laws of the Land he was in bona fide , to exercise his Ministerial Function , and had not hitherto declined their Iudicatory . Hereupon the Heritors gave in another Paper ; in which , narrating their former Representation , and their Address that day , with the Presbytery's slighting of both , they protested against the Presbytery's further procedure ; and did Appeal from them to the General Assembly ensuing : Upon several grounds therein contained , which being read , and Instruments taken . Mr. Cupar did in his own Name also Appeal from them to the said Assembly , upon the Reasons contained in the Heritor's Appeal , and others , which he reserved liberty to himself more largely to propose . About an Hour after they sent for Mr. Cupar ; the Moderator told him , the Presbytery had considered his Process , and had referred the same to the General Assembly ; and in the mean time they did prohibit him to exercise any ministerial Office , until the Meeting of the said Assembly , without giving any ground on which they founded such a Censure . Mr. Cupar told them , he thought strange of that Step of their procedure , that after Appeals and the Process referred by themselves , they should proceed to Sentence . About six a Clock Mr. Graham is called ; he complained that though the Presbytery had given him that Day to be heard on the Relevancy of his Libel ; yet he had received a Citation to hear and see Probation led . The Moderator disown'd that Citation , and offered to burn it . Tomorrow at nine a Clock is assigned him , and the Witnesses are apud act a cited to the same Dyet . After he had been heard on the Articles of his Libel , the Relevancy of it is referred to the General Assembly , and he apud act a summoned to the same , the Witnesses were dismissed unexamined . The LIBEL against Mr. CUPAR . THat , First , He has been a great Persecutor of the Godly , such as through tenderness of Conscience could not go along and join with him in his Apostacy , by sending of his Elders in the Year 〈◊〉 to inform against them , to the Judges appointed for that effect , at Cupar of Fiffe , whereby great trouble did arise to many good Persons , as Fining , Imprisonment , &c. Secondly , That he has been supinely negligent , contrary to 1 Tim. 3. 2. As , 1. That he doth not visit Families ministerially . 2. Hath not privately and personally stirred up the People to the Duties of Holiness . 3. In neglecting to visit the Sick. 4. That he omits to lecture or explain the Scriptures , according to an Order of the General Assembly for that effect . Thirdly , That he hath horribly profaned the Ordinance of the Lord's Supper , by his admitting of unclean Persons to that holy Ordinance , &c. That he admits and keeps on his Session , ungodly scandalous Elders , some of which are Drunkards , Tiplers , others Swearers , and the most part ignorant , and Neglecters of the Worship of God in their Families , Profaners of the Sabbath . Fourthly , That he hath not brought several scandalous Persons , such as Adulterers and others , nor so much as endeavoured to bring them to Repentance , nor to undergo just Censures in order thereto . Fifthly , That he hath sacrilegiously robb'd the Poor of the Charitable Offerings of the People ; which is aggravated by this , That he hath bestowed the same to carry on Persecution against poor , well-meaning , godly People ; for the proof of which , the Session-Book is required . Additional Article : That he entred and hath been admitted to the Charge of the Parioch of Dumfermlin , by presentation of the Patron , Collation , and Institution of the Prelate , and that against the Consent of the generality of the godly and serious persons within the said Parioch ; and that he hath in all things joyned and complied with , and assisted Prelacy , contrary to the Word of God , established Law of the Church , and the Lands solemn Engagements thereto ; and by taking the Oath of the Test , has manifested his incorrigibleness : For which , and the fore-named Scandals , the generality of the serious and godly in this place never accepted of him , or received him as Minister , but have been groaning under his persecutions upon that account . His ANSWER . TO the First and Fifth Articles , bearing his persecuting Dissenters , by his sending Elders to inform against them , and his sacrilegious robbing the Poor to carry on his Persecution . This is utterly false , and is not so much as probable , that the Elders should be sent on that Errand , or that they would go . The only ground of this is , That in the Year — all the Elders were summoned to Cupar of Fi●●e , to give Informations to the porteous Roll , in order to the Circuit Court held at Sterlin . The Elders complained of this Burden ; and application being made to some then in power , that they might be freed of that trouble , it was answered , That the ordinary course of such Jud●catories required it ; but that two or three might go in the Name of the rest : Which being represented to the Elders three are condescended on , viz. Iohn Cupar , Thomas Steinson , and Iohn Main , the rest , each one contributing eight Shillings Scots to defray their Expences . To the Second , The Parioch of Dumfermlin extends on every side , two Miles from the Town , in some Corners three : It consists of above two thousand seven hundred examinable persons ; every Family in the Town is visited ordinarily once a year , and twice examined : the Landward is divided into upwards of twenty Districts . These are visited twice a year , and all persons capable are convened to be examined on the principles of Religion , the Duties of Holiness , and relative Duties are particularly recommended , besides on all accidental Occasions of Baptism , Marriage , Difference in Families or between Neighbours , &c. they are particularly treated with in private . The Sick , upon notice given , are carefully attended , and the Scriptures explained , sometimes in larger , sometimes in lesser portions . To the Third and Fourth , all due Endeavours are used to debar scandalous and notarly vicious persons from the Lord's Supper : The Elders are Men of as unquestionable Integrity as any of their Quality in the Parioch ; at least nothing to the contrary , of either Communicants or Elders , was ever privately or publickly signified to him . Discipline has been carefully and impartially exercised . To the Sixth , His entrance to the Charge was by presentation of the Heretors and Magistrates , the then undoubted Patrons ; his Admission was legal and approved , by the favourable reception of the Parioch ; his Ministry countenanced by all ( a few excepted ) being ordinary Attenders on the publick Worship , and Partakers of other Ordinances of Religion under his Ministry . Indictment and Libel against Mr. James Graham , Incumbent at Dumfermlin ; given in against him to the Presbytery of Dumfermlin , the Twentieth of August , 1690. THat whereas by several Acts of the General Assemblies of this Church , and consonant to the Word of God , and in particular by Act of the late general Meeting , ratified by an Act of this present current Parliament , all scandalous , erroneous , persecuting , and supinely negligent Ministers are to be cognosced upon , and censured according to their Demerits , by the respective Presbyteries in which they live . And it being of verity , that the said Mr. Iames Graham is guilty of the Scandals , Enormities , and Transgressions following , viz. As , First , That he hath entred and been admitted to the Charge of the Parioch of Dumfermlin , by presentation of the Patron , Collation , and Institution of the Prelate , and that against the Consent of the generality of the godly and serious Persons within the said Parioch ; and that the said Mr. Graham has in all things joyned and complied with , and assisted Prelacy contrary to the Word of God , establish'd Laws of this Church , and the Land 's solemn Engagements thereto , and his taking of Declarations and Canonical Oaths , has testified his Incorrigibleness . Secondly , That he hath been supinely negligent , contrary to 1 Tim. 3. 2. As , 1. That he doth not visit Families ministerially . Nor , 2. Hath not privately and personally stirred up the People to the Duties of Holiness . 3. In neglecting to visit the Sick. 4. That he omits to lecture or to explain the Scriptures , according to the Order of the General Assembly for that effect . 5. That he Catechises not , according to the Larger and Shorter Catechisms . 6. That he takes no notice of Quakers in his Parioch , who exercise all the Duties of their Religion without control . Thirdly , That he hath horribly prophaned the Ordinance of the Lord's Supper , by his admitting of unclean Persons to that holy Ordinance . 2. That he hath admitted and keeps on his Session very scandalous Elders , some of which are Tiplers , others Swearers , and the most part ignorant , and Neglecters of the Worship of God , in their Families , Prophaners of the Sabbath . Fourthly , That he takes no notice of Persons publickly prophaning the Sabbath-day , in the Town and about it , by dighting of their Beer to the Pot , bringing in of Water and Kail , and their Walking , Drinking , and Caballing ; Children's playing ( and his own among the rest ) and that in a constant course ; which is not unknown to him , at least should not be , being so publickly acted . Fifthly , That he hath not brought several scandalous Persons , such as Adulterers , Fornicators , and others , nor so much as endeavoured to bring them to Repentance , nor to undergo just Censure in order thereunto ; for Proof of which , the Session-Book is required . For all which , and sundry others not express'd , he is justly censurable ; and therefore it is humbly craved , that the Brethren of the Presbytery of Dumfermlin would take cognisance of the same ; and being found guilty thereof , that the Presbytery may inflict such Censures , as in their godly Wisdoms they shall think meet : And that he may be examined upon his Doctrine and Sufficiency , is desired by Andrew Rolland of Gask , and William Smith , in Dumfermlin , in Name of several Presbyterians in Dumfermlin . The Life and Conversation of these two Ministers , were so innocent and exemplary , that there was not the least Pretext of charging any Immorality upon them , nor any Crime , but what was forged by Ignorance and Malice : Wherefore their Libels were adduced as a special and particular Proof , to shew how unjust and ridiculous the Presbyterian Clergy are towards such as are of another Persuasion ; especially when it was requir'd to try Mr. Graham in his Doctrine and Sufficiency ; a Person whom all know to be an able Divine and an eminent Scholar . It happened that some carried these Libels to London , where the matter was represented to a certain Person of Quality , a great Friend and Prop to the Presbyterian Party and Interest ; and he was so set upon for this , that he thought himself obliged to write to the leading Men of his Party in Scotland , to meddle no more with the Ministers of Dumfermlin , because it was made a great Objection against them . This was the Cause why the Process against Mr. Graham was let fall : But though there was the same Reason to right Mr. Cupar , yet because the Sentence was already past against him , they would not re-call it , as if all their Acts were of the nature of the Laws of Medes and P●rsians . The General Assembly referred them to the Commission ; and from one Session of the Commission , he was put off to another , with this Excuse only , That they had no leisure , for other Business , to consider his Case . At last , Mr. Cupar being wearied with so long and so frequent attendance , and finding his Parioch grudging the want of his Ministry , at their importunity he has returned to the exercise of his Ministry , the Presbyterians not being able to oppose or hinder it , unless by the French method of Dragooning the Parioch . Mr. George Johnston his Case Represented . Information to the Presbytery of Kirkaldie , against Mr. George Johnston , pretended Minister of Brunt-Island . IT having been humbly represented to the Reverend Presbytery , That the said Mr. Geo. Iohnston ought to be tried by them ; and by their Sentence deprived of , and removed from his pretended Ministry at Brunt-Island , upon these Grounds and others to be added , as there shall be occasion . First , As to the said Mr. George his entry to his pretended Ministry . It was by Episcopal Ordination , Presentation , and Collation , and which obliged him to take Declarations , Oaths of Allegiance , Supremacy , and Canonical Obedience , which are contradictory to our National Engagements , and inconsistent with Presbyterian P●inciples , which hath involved in them Persecutions and bloody Cruelty , that hath been exercised upon Presbyterians , these by-gone Years , nor have we heard ever of any resentment he ever had or hath thereof till this day , whatever length he may now come to , to secure his Benefice ; yea , we are obliged to judge him the same Man he was , seeing he keeps at his old forms of singing the Doxology , &c. Nor can there any change be seen upon him from what he was : And how in this case Presbyterians can submit to his Ministry , we cannot see . Secondly , As to his entry at Brunt-Island , it then gave great g●ound of Jealousie , that he was a Man of bad Principles , and Jesutically inclin'd ; for having bee● Curare at Fala , and having been deserted of that People , and they deserted of him , he was dispensed with by the Earl of Perth , Chancellor , and others of our Arbitrary Rulers , anent the Test that time imposed ; and the said Earl of Perth , and that Cabal , then being his Patrons , they did by the Earl of Melford , procure for him a Presentation to the Benefice of Brunt-Island ( being then vacant , and the King Patron ) till a more eminent place should be provided for him ; which at that time gave great Offence to all sorts of people here ; and which yet more encreaseth this Jealouse , not only of the Presbyterian Party , but even of his own Brethren , the Curats of their Meeting at Kirkaldie : for without acknowledging that Meeting , upon his obtained Presentation , he received his Institution from one single Neighbor Curate ( by what Authority is unknown to us ) who came and gave him the Keys of the Church-Doors and Bell-tows , as Symbols of possessing his Benefice ; which was so received by that Meeting , that they then judg'd his Practice irregular , and this Man who used it , to be of bad Principles ; for which they resolv'd to disown him for a Brother , and ( for any thing known to us ) they continue in the same mind still , having hitherto heard nothing of their further Brotherly Correspondence ; so that at his Entry here , he was under a very bad Character . Thirdly , The Jealousie mentioned ( not without just Ground ) of his unsound Principles and Practices , is so universally entertain'd , and hath taken such impression amongst all that are Presbyterian in that Congregation , that there can be no ground to expect that his Ministry can do good in that place , though it were submitted to ( as it never will be ) by the Presbyterians in that Parish . It must therefore certainly be very inconvenient ( if not unjust ) to force him upon us , or to require or expect our Submission in this Case to a Man's Ministry we have such Resentments of , and Reluctancy against , as is exprest . Fourthly , Since his Settlement here , his Negligence in his Ministerial Work hath been visible to all : For except upon Invitation to visit sick persons , we know no Ministerial Work he hath performed , except his custom●●y preaching , which he must perform for his Hire ; and in those Visits , be the Persons never so ignorant , he seldom ( if eve● ) fails to find them in that good Case , as to assure them of Heaven , and so sooths them in their Sins , &c. But as to any other part of the Ministerial Work , in Visitation of Families or Examination ( though he hath been near two years incumbent here , ) there is no shadow of Account can be given , until the Act for settling of Presbyterian Government was past ; wherein he and his Adherents finding his supine Negligence in this would readily meet him . To prevent this hazard , he goes about to take up a Roll in the Parish in order to Examination : And even in this last he hath made some discovery of himself : for in his Circuit of his coming to some of the Presbyterian's House to enquire their Names , and interrogating if they used to come to Church . It was answered , they did not ; for being Presbyterians , they waited on the Ordinances of the Meeting House ; which he affirmed was their great Sin : and it being replyed to that , That they judged it no Sin , but a Duty : He asserted it to be their greatest Sin , and so left them : and if what is said infer not Insufficiency , we know not what will. Fifthly , His unconcernedness in matters of Scandal seems also to infer , both Negligence and Scandal against him ; whereof Providence hath lately afforded us a sufficient Instance while he was Curate in Fala . A Scandal of an Adultery in the Parish of Dalkeith , pursu'd before the Session there , and the persons guilty , being contumacious , it was by a Reference brought to their Presbytery ( such as it was ) where he was a Member ▪ and from them to the Bishop and his Synod , where he was a Witness to the whole Process , which is very dextrously conducted , and the Guilt fully and clearly instructed ; so that the Scandal was manifestly notair to him . But so little was his Zeal and Tenderness , that though the Adulterer , hath as a Stranger being valetudinary , lived in Brunt-Island ever since Mr. Iohnston came here , unknown to any Person but to him ; yet he never made discovery of him to any Person , but suffered him of late to be m●rried ( though under Suspicion also to be married to another Woman at London ) without any Intimation of the Scandal : but a little after , upon an emergent , the Magistrates of Brunt-Island , finding it their Duty to enquire after that Scandal , and making their Application to the Incumbent at Dalkeith , he gave them a full account of the Process , and produced very freely to them the Session and the Presbytery Books ; where they saw the Process very clearly instructed , where that incumbent did exceedingly marvel , that Mr. Iohnston , that had been a Witness to this whole Process , had past over this matter ; and did then write a Letter or Declaration anent that Business , and directed it to the Magistrates and Ministers of Brunt-Island to be looked after , which was delivered to Mr. Iohnston by the Magistrates , and he urged to publish the same by them , that the people might be upon their Guard and know how to carry towards him ; which with the advice of his Adherents he refused to do . Sixthly , The Presbyterian Party here ( as in other places ) having for Conscience sake been fined , persecuted , and born down for Non-complyance with Prelatical Courses , carried on by such Instruments these years by-past ; and having had this Yoke of Bondage thus wreathed about their Necks , could not but in all reason and Justice expect , that when the Lord should return to have mercy upon Zion , and put the Government of his House in the Hands of his own Servants , to manage the Affairs of his Church , that we should be eased of this unsupportable Burthen . And can it be supposed any feigned submission Mr. Iohnston can now give for this World's sake , can either satisfie our Consciences , or persuade us of his Sincerity in this matter , whose Principles have been to follow Courses to maintain that wicked Hieratchy ? Nor can it be suppos'd the Reverend Presbytery , who have it in their Power to ease us of this Burthen , will instead thereof wreath this Yoke yet upon our Necks , and thereby sink us under it , and make our Bondage yet more grievous to be born . Seventhly , The Presbyterian Party in the Parish are all Unanimous never to submit to Mr. Iohnston's Ministry , nor to own him in that Station , whatever may be the Event ; and if the gratifying of him and his Adherents in this matter be the way to secure and settle Presbyterian Government , it may easily be conjectured , when it is considered , that there is no Person for him who is not an Enemy openly declared in Judgment and Practice against Presbytery ; which but corresponds to Mr. Iohnston's own Declaration and Judgment in his Case ; for when Summons were given him to appear before this Reverend Presbytery , he did even then disown their Authority , affirming he would not appear before them , having another Presbytery of his own , to whom he would answer , but not to them ; or he would answer to the Council . Eighthly , It is not to be doubted but a disappointment in this matter , will occasion such a rupture amongst us , as will not be easily healed ; And what the end or event of that may be , who can tell ? Nor can it be expected or judged just , to impose upon us the keeping up of a Meeting-House to prevent other inconveniences , since there is a Legal Maintainance due to the Faithful Ministers there , in whose Ministry the Presbyterians there pretend the largest share . Ninthly , How can it be supposed that this Man is of Presbyterian Principles , or a Friend or Well-wisher to the late Happy Change in the Government of Church and State , since all his Familiarity is with such as are well known to be Friends to neither ; nor have we an instance of any thing done by him to signifie his satisfaction with the Change , except his Praying for K. W. and Q. M. which is not doubted was done by Advice to keep off a present stroke : And it was observed , and generally talked of , when he was ordered to read that Proclamation for Praying for their Majesties , he did read it , but with that contempt in his reading , sitting on his bottom and mu●●ering it , that his manner of reading of it made many think there was more contempt in doing thereof , than if he had forborn it . And such like there having been a Sol●mn Day of Thanksgiving appointed to be kept , and a Proclamation issued out from the Convention of Estates for that effect ; for his own security , he preached one Sermon that Day , but spoke not one word to the occasion of it . As also , there being of late a Solemn Day of Humiliation to be kept , by appointment of Parliament and general meeting of Ministers , for Happy Success in the King's Expedition for Ireland , &c. he preached that Day , but was so general and unconcerned , as no hearer could have judged , by his discourse , one Sentence in his Sermon relating to the occasion , which cannot but give a discovery of the Man's Spirit and Principles by which he is led , whatever he may pretend to the contrary : And it is no wonder to see him contemn Authority , who affirms neither Church nor State to be right . Tenthly , How true a Friend he is to the Protestant Religion and Protestants for its sake , may be conjectured by his Charity to the poor banished Protestants , who were lately forced to fly from Ireland : For there having been a publick Collection appointed to be gathered for their necessary Supply , he not only neglected to intimate the Appointment to his Hearers , and press them to that Duty of Charity ; but it was commonly said , he used all the means he could to dissuade such as he had influence upon to contribute any thing in that Charitable Supply ; and the event was answerable to his design and desire , for nothing was collected in that Church for that use ; nor did any Person , within his Association , contribute one Farthing thereto . From what is said , it may appear what just grounds there are for trying Mr. Iohnston anent his pretended Ministry , and the Exercise of it at Brunt-Island ; which is left to the Reverend Presbytery's Consideration , and their definite Sentence for his removal from amongst us , as to his pretended Ministry , is humbly expected and waited for . This is given with Protestation to add further , as there shall be occasion : And beside all that is said , Mr. Pitcairn was called to the Ministry of Brunt-Island , and appointed by the Synod of Fife to serve there long before Mr. Iohnston's intrusion amongst us , so that Mr. Iohnston can have no just pretence . Sic subscribitur , THO. NAIRN . Remarks upon the foresaid LIBEL , given in against Mr. GEO. JOHNSTON . THE First Article will be confessed , and none , except the ignorant composers of the Libel , will have the worse opinion of Mr. Iohnston on that account . As to the Second , it may be said , That Mr. Iohnston might as well take a Presentation from K. Iames , who was undoubted Patron of the Church of Brunt-Island , as the Presbyterians an Indulgence from the same King ; the one is no Crime , the other cannot be well justified , because contrary to standing Laws , and because they knew the Design was to make way for Popery , which Mr. Iohnston is less a Friend to , than the Presbyterians are . Whereas it was said , That he was deserted of the People of Fala , the contrary is very well known , for that People had a great love to him , and he was in good esteem amongst them : They expressed a great deal of regret when he parted from them ; and if there were any who ran to the Presbyterian meeting-house while he was there , they were very few , and very inconsiderable . His manner of Institution to the Church of Brunt-Island , was not singular , nor yet irregular , according to the practice of the Church , and can be no reasonable prejudice against him . Nor is it true , That the other Ministers of that Presbytery disowned him ; for they always did , and still do , entertain a Brotherly Correspondence with him . As to the Third , It might have been true , That the Presbyterians entertained a Jealousie of him ; and their groundless Jealousie might have raised a Prejudice against his Ministry : But notwithstanding of that , Mr. Iohnston is very capable of doing good in that Parioch , because the Presbyterians are not near the number of the People of another Persuasion , who love Mr. Iohnston's Person , and are so very well pleased with his Ministry , that they have testified a great deal of Concernment for him . As to the Fourth , All that know Mr. Iohnston , know that he maketh Conscience of discharging the Duty of a Minister ; so that he cannot be liable to censure upon this Head ; except amongst ignorant and malicious Persons , his Omissions will be found very pardonable : And what is there given as an instance , is to be ascribed to the confusion of the Times ▪ rather than to any neglect of his . It is indeed a little strange to see an Episcopal Minister accused by Presbyterians , for encouraging Persons with assurance of Heaven , without pressing Repentance upon them ; for the Presbyterian Ministers are known to be much more guilty of this : And the only Reason why the Vulgar use to be more affected with the Visits of Presbyterian Ministers , than with the Visits of Episcopal ones , is , That the Discourses of the one goes all upon Comfort , and the other mostly on Duty : It is the practice of the Episcopal Clergy , first , to press Faith , Repentance , and Obedience to the Laws of God , and to give hopes of Heaven only upon these terms ; which , being somewhat hard to Flesh and Blood , therefore some choose the Presbyterian way of it , which is more easie , but certainly not so safe . As to the Fifth , The scandalous Person there spoken of , was living in Brunt-Island before Mr. Iohnston came to it , and had joyned himself to the Presbyterian Meeting-House , so that he was never under Mr. Iohnston's cure ; and considering the Indulgence given , then to those of that Persuasion , there was no Obligation on Mr. Iohnston to take notice of one who belonged not to his Congregation . The Banns of Marriage , were proclaimed in the Meeting-house , and he was Married by the Presbyterian Minister ; and therefore , if the suffering him to be married was a Fault , it cannot be charged upon Mr. Iohnston . The emergent which , they say , put the Magistrates of Brunt-Island upon their Duty to enquire after this scandal , was only some difference that fell out betwixt them and him ; whereby it is evident , that their prosecuting of scandal proceeds more often from a Pique , than from any sense of the Sin. The Sixth Article is Trueblue Presbyterian , and if it be admitted as relevant , the whole Episcopal Clergy must be dismissed . As to the Seventh , whatever be the Resolutions of the Presbyterian Party , it is the concerted Resolution of the Episcopal Party to own Mr. Iohnson , and to adhere to him . It is no more just to satisfie the one than the other , and it is reasonable that the lesser number yield to the greater . The Eighth is very unjust , for the accidental Inconvenience which some bring upon themselves , is no good reason for the taking away ones Legal Rights and just Possession . There is nothing in the other remaining Articles but uncertain Sur●ises and uncharitable Constructions ; and therefore this very Libel is a great Demonstration of Mr. Iohnston's Innocence . For when no real Crime could be objected against him , by these whose M●lice prompted them to do it , if 〈◊〉 had been● the least ground for it , it is evident , that his Depo●●ment : and Ministry were unblameable ; and consequently the Presbytery most unjust who suspended him , and the Commission of the General Assembly no less , who refused to repone him , and redress the Wrong● he ha●● met with . The Commission res●●ing to right Mr. Iohnston , the Parish of Brunt-Island being very sensible of the Injury which both he and they received , resolved to do themselves right ; and so they met , gave Mr. Iohnston a new Call , and put him in Possession again of the Church , declaring that they will maintain him in it by a strong Hand . And there can be no reason given why this way of possessing Ministers should not stand and be justified as well as the dispossessing and turning them out by a Rabble . The Presbyterians fret very much at this , as they have reason , because it shakes one of the pretended Pillars of their Kirk , viz. The Inclinations of the People ; and therefore they have taken out Council-Letters , requiring them to deliver up the Keys of the Church . The End of the First Part. 
A17571	----	The altar of Damascus or the patern of the English hierarchie, and Church policie obtruded upon the Church of Scotland Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1621 Approx. 383 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 114 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A17571 STC 4352 ESTC S107401 99843102 99843102 7812 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A17571) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7812) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1197:07) The altar of Damascus or the patern of the English hierarchie, and Church policie obtruded upon the Church of Scotland Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. [2], 222 p. Printed by Giles Thorpe], [Amsterdam : Anno 1621. The name of the author, David Calderwood, appears on p. 222, though he is not named as the author. Printer's name and place of publication from STC. Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Controversial literature. Church of Scotland -- Government -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Altar of Damascus OR THE PATERN OF THE ENGLISH HIERARCHIE , AND CHVRCH-Policie obtruded upon the Church of SCOTLAND . 2. KING . 16. 10. 11. And King Ahaz went to Damascus to meet Tiglath Pileser King of Assyria , and saw an Altar that was at Damascus : and King Ahaz sent to Vrijah the Priest the fashion of the altar , and the patern of it , according to all the workmanship thereof . And Vrijah the Priest built an altar according to all that King Ahaz had sent from Damascus , so Vrijah the Priest made it , against King Ahaz came from Damascus . Anno 1621. TO THE READER . I Have drawen this paterne of the English Altar obtruded upon us , out of their owne Tables of the Hierarchy and Church policie , Muckets book , their Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall , the statutes of the Realme , the admonitions , petitions , assertions , treatises , answers and replies of those who sue for reformation , the confessions of their opposites in their own defences . I have followed the order of the Tables translated out of Latine , and printed with a letter different from the rest . I intended not a full refutation : for I thought , to discover it onely , was to refute it sufficiently , to any man of sound judgement ; saving that sometime there i● a light touch , or poynting at any corruption where I suspected the simpler sort migh● be miscaried . CHAP. 1. Of the Kings Supremacie . IN the Ecclesiasticall policie of England generally are to be cōsidered , 1 Persons , 2 possessions , 3 constitutions concerning both : Persons to bee considered , are either such as haue some kinde of administration , or such as have none at all . The persōs that have some kind of administratiō , have it , either as supreme , or not so ample . The supreme , or more absolute administration , which is called the Kings supremacie , is to be considered , 1 generally , 2 particularly . Generally , by which authority the Prince as supreme governor under God , can set down in all Ecclesiasticall causes within his dominions , whatsoever is not repugnant to the word of God. By causes Ecclesiastical are meant , not onely matrimoniall and testamentary causes , and others abusively called Ecclesiasticall , but also these , which are in a proper sence Ecclesiastical , subject to Ecclesiastical cognition and jurisdiction . By the title of Supreme Governour , is understood the same power which before was expressed by the title of Head of t●e Church of England in the dayes of K. Henrie the 8. and Edward the 6. For howsoever for removing of offence taken at the metaphorical title of Head , it was changed in more proper termes of supreme governour under the reigne of Queene Elizabeth , yet the sense remaineth still . In the first yeare of her reigne , it was enacted and ordained , That such jurisdictions , privileges , superiorities and preeminences spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , as by any spirituall or Ecclesiasticall power , or authority , hath heretofore been , or may lawfully be exercised , or used , for the visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state and persons , and for reformation , order , and correction of the same , and of all manner of errors , heresies , schismes , abuses , offences , contempts and enormities , shall for ever be united and annexed to the Imperiall crowne of this Realme . And that the Queens highnes , her heirs , and successors , shall have full power , & authority , by vertue of this act , by letters patents under the great seale of England , to assigne , name , and authorize , when and as often , as her highnes , her heirs , and successors , shall think meet and conve●ient , and for such and so long time , as shall please her highnesse her heirs , and successors , such persons being naturall born subjects , as her Majestie , her heirs , and successors , shall think meet to exercise , use , occupie , and execute under her highnes , her heirs , and s●ccessors , all manner of Iurisdictions , priviledges , and preeminances , in any wise touching , or concerning any spirituall or Ecclesiacticall iurisdiction , within the Rea●●es of England or Ireland , or any other her highnes ●●minions , or countries , and to visit , reforme , redresse , order , correct , and amend all such errors , heresies , schismes , abuses , offences , contempts and enormities whatsoever , which by any manner of spirituall or Ecclesiastical power , authority , or jurisdiction , can , or may lawfully be reformed , ordered , corrected , restrained , or amended . And for the better observation of this act , it was further enacted , that every Ecclesiasticall person , officer , and minister , all and every temporall judge , Iustice , Maior , and other lay or temporal officer , and minister , and every other person having her highnes fee , or wages , within the Realm of England , or any of her highnes dominions , shall make , take , & receive a corporall oath upon the Evangelist , before such person , or persons , as shall please her highnes , her heirs , or successors , under the great seale of England , to assigne and name , to accept and take the same , according to the renor and effect hereafter following , I A. B. doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , that the Queens highnes is the onely supreme governour of this Realme , and of all other her highnes dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall or Ecclesiastical things , or causes , as temporall , and that no forreigne Prince , person , prelate , state , or Potentate , hath , or ought to have any iurisdiction , power , superiority ; preeminence , or authoritie Ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this Realme : and therefore I doe utterly renounce & forsake all forraigne iurisdictions , powers , superiorities , and authorities , and doe promise , that from henceforth I shall beare faith , and true allegeance to the Queenes highnes , her heirs , and lawfull successors , and to my power shall assist , and defend all iurisdictions , privileges , preeminences , and authorities , granted or belonging to the Queenes highnes , her heirs , and successors , or united and annexed to the Imperiall crown of the Realme . So helpe me God , and by the contents of this book . The title then of Supreme Governour in the oath is explained by the preceeding words of the statute , to which , and for observation of the which , the oath is subjoyned , viz. that the Prince hath all manner of spirituall or Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , and all manner of privileges and preeminences any way touching or belonging to the same , which was before , or may be lawfully exercised for visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state , reformation , order , and correction of the same , and of all manner of errors , heresies , schismes , abuses , offences , contempts and enormities , and that he may commit the exercise of the same to any of his naturall born subjects , whom it shall please his highness to constitute commissioners in causes Ecclesiastical , to judge , discern , and correct in matters of Idolatry , simonie , errour and heresie , and all other causes Ecclesiasticall whatsoever . This oath of supremacie is different from the oath of fidelity or allegeance devised of late . That requireth no further thē to acknowledge the king to be lawful & righteous king , and to sweare obedience and fidelitie to him , notwithstanding he be excommunicated by the Pope , & to acknowledge , that the Pope , notwithstanding of his excommunications , cannot depose kings , and dispose of kingdomes at his pleasure . The Papist is straitned with this oath of allegeance , but not with the oath of supremacie for feare of troubling his tender conscience . The statute of the supremacie was explained the same year of Qu. Elizabeths raigne , in an admonition added to the injunctions , as followeth , That her Maiestie neither doth , nor ever will , challenge any other authority then was challenged , and lately vsed by the noble kings of famous memory , king Henry the 8. and king Edward ▪ the 6. which is , and was of ancient time due to the Imperial crown of this Realme , that is , under God to have the soveraignty , and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realmes , dominions , and countries , of what estate soever they be , either Ecclesiasticall or temporall , so as no other forraigne power shall , or ought to have superiority over them . In this admonition the subjects are made to understand , that her Maiestie did not claime power to minister divine offices in the Church , as to preach the word , and minister the sacraments . They have been too simple , who have construed the statute in such a sense . For no wise man will thinke , that kings and Queens will take upon them either the paines , or worldly discredit to preach the word , minister the sacraments , intimate to the congregation the sentence of excommunication . The statute doth make no mention of divine offices in the Church , but of jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , which is , and was in time of papistrie , exercised at visitations , and in Ecclesiasticall courts . This explanation therefore of the admonition annexed to the Injunctions , and ratified by Parliament in the fift yeare of Qu. Elizabeth , derogateth nothing from the former statute , but onely summeth it in more generall tearmes . To challenge no more then was challenged , and lately used by the noble kings of famous memory , K. Henry 8. and Edward 6. is to challenge to be head of the Church , to have all jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall flowing from the possessour of the Crowne , as from the head and fountaine . Mr. Fox in his Acts & Monuments relateth , that in the 34. of K. Henry the 8. it was enacted , That the king , his heirs , and successors , kings of that Realme , shall bee taken , accepted , and reputed the onely supreme head on earth of the Church of England , and shall have and enjoy annexed and united to the Imperiall crowne , as well the title and stile thereof , as all honours , dignities , preeminences , iurisdictions , priviledges , authorities , immunities , profits and commodities , to the sayd dignitie of supreme head of the same Church belonging and appertaining : and that they shall have full power & authority from time to time , to visit , represse , redresse , reforme and amend all such errors , abuses , offences , contempts , and enormities whatsoever they be , which by any manner of spirituall authority , or iurisdiction might , or may lawfully be reformed , repressed , ordered , redressed , corrected or amended . In a rescript of Edward the sixth , it is thus written to Cranmer Archbishop of Canterburie . Seeing all manner of authoritie and iurisdiction , as well Ecclesiasticall as secular , doth slow from our regall power , as from a supreme head , &c. we give unto you power by these presents , which are to endure at our good ple●s●re , to give and promove to the sacred orders even of the Eldership ( or as they use to speake , Priesthood ) any within your Diocie . Anno 1. Edw. 6. cap. 12. an act was made , That the Bishop , should bee ma●e by the Kings letters patents , and not ●y election of Deane and Chapter , and that they should make their proces , and writings in the Kings name , and not under their own names , and that their seales should be the Kings armes . This act repealed in the 1. of Queen Mary , was revived in the 1. of K. James . It was objected to Bishop Farrar in the dayes of the same yong king Edward , that hee deserved deprivation , because hee constituted his Chancellor by his letters of commission , omitting the kings majesties stile and authority : and that he had made collations and institutions in his owne name and authority , without expressing the kings supremacie . His answer was , that howbeit there was some default of formalitie in the commission , yet his highnes stile and authority , was sufficiently expressed in the sayd commission : Neither did the sayd Chancellor offer to visit , but in the Kings name and authority to the sayd Bishop committed . And as to the other poynt , that hee made his collations and institutions in his owne name , not by his own authority , nor by any others , save the kings authority , expressing in them the kings supremacie with the Bishops own name , and seale of office . Whitgift sometime Bishop of Canterburie , sayth , We acknowledge all jurisdiction that any court in England hath , or doth exercise , be it civill or Ecclesiasticall , to be executed in her Majesties name and right , and to come from her as supreme Governour . And againe in another place , The Prince having the supreme government of the Realme in all causes , and over all persons , as she doth expresse the one by the Lord Chancellor , so doth she the other by the Archbishops . Dr. Bancroft , who was afterward made Bishop of London , and at last Bishop of Canterbury , in a Sermon made at Pauls Crosse , anno 1589. maketh her maiesty a petie Pope , and assigneth unto her , not some of the Popes power , but all honours , dignities , preeminences , iurisdictions , privileges authorities , profits and commodities , which by usurpation did at any time appertaine unto the Pope , belike relating the words of the act made in the 34. Henry 8. Our Bancroft , Mr. Spottiswood , pretended Archbishop of Saintandros , at the pretended deposition of N. in the high commission , sayd likewise , I say unto you N. the king is now Pope , and so shall be . To be supreme governour in all causes Ecclesiasticall then , is not onely to be an avenger with the sword , as Bilson would make the Iesuits beleeve in his book of obedience , but also to be judge in matters of errour and heresie , superstition and idolatry , and all other causes Ecclesiasticall ; and , as a supreme governour , to communicate this power to auy naturall borne subject . In the Parliament holden at Perth anno 1606. where a number of the Nobility consented to the restitution of the Bishops to their 3 estate , and old privileges , that they might get the other prelacies erected in temporall Lordships , it was declared in the second act , That the whole estates of their bounden dutie , with most hartie and faithfull affection , humbly and truely acknowledge , his Maiestie to be soveraigne Monarch , absolute Prince , iudge and governour over all persons , estates , and causes , both spiritnall and temporall within his sayd Realme . He is then not onely governour , but judge also over all causes . But the nature of the supremacie may be yet better conceived , when we have taken a view of the particular rights of the supremacie , and of the power granted to the high commission . The Kings supremacie considered particularly , consisteth , either of things which are granted onely by statute , or restored by statute , as due of right to the Royall Crowne . Granted first by statute , as to receive the Annates , or first yeares fruits of every Ecclesiasticall benesice after the vacancie of it , and the tenth of all Ecclesiasticall benefices yearly . These first fruits , and tenths , were the Popes due , in time of Poperie : when the Pope was cast forth , they were given to the King , and it was enacted , That the Kings Maiesty , his heirs ●nd successors , for the augmentation and maintenance of the royall estate of his Imperiall Crowne & dignity of supreme head of the Church of England , should yearly have , take , enioy , and receive , united & knit unto his imperiall crown for ever , a yearly rent , or pension , amounting to the value of the tenth part of all the revenewes , rents , farmes , tythes , offerings , emoluments , and of all other profits , as well called spirituall , as temporall , then appertaining , or belonging or that afterward from thenceforth should belong to any Archbishopricke , Bishopricke , Abbacie , Monasterie , Priorie , Archdeaconrie , Deanrie , Hospitall , Colledge , house Collegiate , Prebend , Cathedral church , Collegiate Church , couentuall church , Parsonage , Vicarage , Chanterie , free chappell , or other benefice or promotion spirituall , &c. It was further enacted , That the sayd first fruits and tenths , and all the reuenewes and profits thereof should be in the order , survey , and governance of the Court of first fruits , and tenths , and ministers of the same . This Court was erected in the Parliament begun anno 31. Henr. 8. Marke these words , for the augmentation and maintenance of the royall estate of his Imperial crowne , and dignity of supreame head of the Church of England : for in that respect are the tenths exacted . Restored by statute , as of right due to the Crowne , are either such as have ever been used by the Prince within his dominions , or haue not been in use , &c. Ever in use , as the supreme right of patronage , called Patronage Paramont , so that by lapse of time , collation of benefices are transferred to the Prince , and no further . 2. To reap the tents of vacant benefices to his owne proper use , 3. to give licence to choose a Bishop . 4. to , nominate a fit man to the Chapter , whom they shall choose to the Bishopricke . 5. to give consent to the person elected . 6. to receive the oath of homage from the Bishop . 7. to present any Ecclesiasticall persons whatsoever , before the civil judges , for offences committed against the peace of the kingdome , and the Kingsroyall dignity . Presentations and collations of benefices , whether ordinary and original , or extraordinary , and transferred by devolution to superiours for the neglect of inferiours , postponing times prescribed by law , are the inventions of Sathan , broched and dressed in his kitchin , sayth Beza . For when the Patrone presenteth to a benefice , and the Bishop giveth collation , the libertie of the Church to choose , and seeke the worthiest and fittest man one of a thousand , as Iob speaketh , is taken away , and unworthy men thrust upon the Churches . When there is any defect through neglect of time , this liberty is not restored to the Church , but her bondage still increaseth , till at last the power of bestowing a benefice by gradation come to the Prince . Now to conferre a benefice , is to set a Pastor over a flocke : for howsoever the person presented have received Ordours before , yet he hath not a particular charge , but is a minister , or as they call him , a Priest , at Random , till he obtaine some benefice . The Prince taketh up the rents of vacant Bishoprickes , as Superiours of vassals , who hold their lands of their Liege Lord. The Bishops See being vacant , the Diocesan Church as they call it , hath not liberty to choose a Bishop , either in a full convention , or by their commissioners , nor yet the ministers of the Diocie , but onely the Dean and Chapter , as was the manner in time of Popery . Neither may the Deane and Chapter proceed to the election , till first a licence bee sent from the Prince , and with the licence is sent a letter nominating the person whom they shall choose , and then they proceed to the acceptation , rather then free election of the person nominated . Notwithstanding of this imaginary and feigned processe of election , the kings assent and ratification is required . Yea without all this imaginary proceeding of Deane and Chapter , the Prince may by vertue of the statute above mentioned , proceed to the ful election by himselfe , and will do it , when he thinketh good . The clergy , nobility , gentry , communalty of the Diocie are not regarded all this time . They must accept whom Deane & Chapter at the Princes pleasure shall recommend to them . Hence it is , that the Church receiveth Pastors & Bishops from the Princes palace , and he that can give or promise the greatest gift to the greatest Courtier , shall win the prise . So the prophane courtier setteth these great commanders , Pastors over many Churches . From Popes and Princes courts , as out of the belly of the Trojan horse , have been sent forth asses , swine , Beares & Bulls upon the Lords vineyard . At the last Parliament 1617. election by Deane and Chapter was established , without the consent , yea against the acts of our Kirk . And the first man that entred this way , I mean the Parliament way , that is , by Deane & Chapter , was the land of Corce , who made it nice to take on a Bishopricke , till he had a lawfull calling , and the free approbation of the Kirk . My Lord elect must make homage to the Prince , and sweare not onely fidelity , which every subject owe to their Prince , but also as a vassall to doe homage to him as his superiour , and performe that knight service , which he is obliged to for his temporall lands . Whereas before they held their lands in pure almes , they were either compelled by Princes to hold in knights service , or made filthie pactions with them , to the end they might get in many temporall lands , and for that cause rendred themselves as vassals , selling both their owne liberties , and the liberty of Ecclesiastical elections . Not in use , till after the Papall usurped authoritie was utterly driven forth of the bounds of the English Empire . These concerne , 1 appellations , 2 Canons and lawes , 3 Benefices . As for appellations interposed at the instance of any party , 1 The last appellation is made to the Prince , and not forth of the kingdome . 2 hee delegateth judges by the Chancellour of England , under the great seale , who shall determine in the cause . Appellations ascend by degrees from one to one , not from one to many . No mediate appellation is heire from one to a Provinciall Synode , or Nationall , but from the Archdeacon , or his officiall , to the Bishop : from the Bishop or his Commissary , to the Archbishop : from the Archbishops Archdeacon to the Court of Arches , or the Court of Audience : from these Courts to the Archbishop himselfe : from the Archbishop to the Court of Chancery , or to the Prince , who by the Chancellors seale appointeth judges , 24. Henr. 8. 25. Henr. 8. 1 Elizab . So in place of gradation from parish Sessions and Consistories , to classicall meetings of the Presbyteries , from Presbyteries to Synodes of Shires , from Synodes to Nationall Assemblies , they must step up a Popish ladder , by Archdeacons , Officials , Bishops , Deane of Arches , Archbishops , saving that at the top of the ladder they finde the Prince for the Pope , to whom they must not appeale , nor yet to any greater Councels of many reformed or unreformed Churches , or to an oecumenicall Councell , whatsoever they talke of Generall Councels . Now the causes convoyed by these subordinate appellations , are all Ecclesiasticall causes agitated in the Ecclesiasticall Courts . Of which causes wee are to treat in the third chapter . These which belong to Canons , or Ecclesiasticall lawes , concerne either the making of them , or the administration and execution of them , or the relaxation of them . As for the making of them , 1. in that the Prince may make new lawes anent ceremonies and rites , with advice either of his Commissioners in causes Ecclesiasticall , or of the Metropolitan . 2 Synod , provinciall or nationall , may not be convocated without the Princes writ direct to the Metropolitan . 3. Nothing may be treated or determined in the Synode , till the Prince first be made privie , and give assent . 4. Nothing shall have the force of a law , till the Royal assent of the Prince be given to those things which the Synod shall think good to decree . Beza in his 8. Epistle to Grindal Bishop of London , confesseth , that he trembleth and shaketh at the first of these heads . And in very deed it may turne upside down the whole government of the Church , and outward forme of Gods worship , overthrow the one , and deface the other . Did not the Bishops affirme at the examination of Barow , that the Queen might establish what Church government it pleased her Highnes ? Because they dare not affirm that Princes may change any thing that is unchangeable by divine law , therefore they make many unchangeable things both in government and externall ceremonies in Gods worship , to bee changeable , that they make a change at their pleasure , and may bring in all that ever was hatched by the Antichrist , a Popish Church government , significant rites , and symbolicall toyes and ceremonies . For what may a corrupt Prince , and a corrupt Metropolitan , or some few corrupt commissioners not challenge for changeable ? Nay , even rites of order and comelines , and lawes of things indifferent for a religious use , should be considered by the lawfull and ordinary assemblies of the Church , how they agree with the generall rules prescribed in the word , how they will edifie the Church , how God shall be glorified , Christian charitie entertained , order and comelines preserved . For we must not consider things indifferent onely in ●heir generall kinde , but in their particular and circumstantiall use ; which if we permit to Princes , they may abuse indifferēt things to the great hurt of the Church . Synods ought not to be convocate without the Princes privitie , or the warrant of the law in generall ; but if the Prince be wilful in denying his assent , and the Church be in extreame danger , ready to be overwhelmed or greatly disturbed with heresies , schismes , divisions , enormities , we may use the benefit of the law : and if the law of man be wanting , yet the Church should not cease from doing her dutie , and exercising that power which is granted her by Christ , who hath also promised his presence , when but two or three are convened in his name . Salus Ecclesiae suprema lex esto . The power of Christian Princes in the Church is cumulative , to aid her to execute her power freely , not privative , to deprive and spoile her of any power Christ hath granted to her . And by the same reason , the Church may entreate , determine , and strengthen her decrees and constitutions with Ecclesiasticall censures and punishments , notwithstanding the Prince will not assent , approve , ratifie the Canons of the Church , nor confirme them by his lawes , and fortifie them with temporal punishments . Prudence I confesse is required in the Church , to weigh the case of necessity , when to put this ●er power in practise . As for the administration and execution of lawes , in that the Prince may 1. visit the Ecclesiasticall state , and their persons , 2. reforme , redresse , and correct them , and whatsoever sort of heresies , schismes , errours , abuses , offences , contempts and enormities of any whomsoever , 3. to assigne , nominate , and authorize , when and as often as it is his pleasure , such persons , being naturall borne subjects , as he shall think meet , 1. to exercise and execute all manner of jurisdictions , privileges , and preeminences in any wise touching or concerning any spirituall or Ecclesiastical jurisdiction . 2 to visit . 3 to reforme , correct and amend , all such excesses , or defects whatsoever , which by any maner of Ecclesiasticall power , authority , or jurisdiction , might been have been reformed , ordered , corrected , amended , or restrained . The Princes power in visiting , reforming , and correcting abuses , enormities , errours , heresies , &c. may be seen , as in a liuely picture , in the high commission , to be not onely a temporall power , but also a spirituall to inflict Ecclesiasticall censures & punishments . For the Prince could not communicate this power to his Delegate Commissioners , except he claimed it to himselfe as Principall . For none can transferre that to others , which he hath not himselfe . It must follow therefore that the Princes power is Ecclesiastical , not onely in respect of the object , and matter whereupon it worketh , as heresies , errours , abuses , &c. but also formally in respect of the manner , to wit , by inflicting Ecclesiasticall censures and punishments , unlesse we will affi●me that suspension , deposition , excommunication , are not Ecclesiastical , but civill punishments and censures , which were absurd . We shall entreat of the power of the high commission in the next chapter severally by it selfe . As for the relaxation of the Canons or lawes in that 1. first for ever , when as they are altogether abrogated by the Prince . 2. for a time onely , as when hee granteth remission of any crime or transgression of the Canons , for times by gone and to come , when both infamie is abolished , and the transgressor is restored to his former state . 4. When the grace of the Canon is granted for time to come , to any certaine person upon speciall occasion , the cause being tried , which ( grace ) they call dispensation , which is for the most part done , when the faculties of this kinde granted by the Archbishop of Canterbury upon whom this office doth lye by statute , are confirmed with the great seale of England ; or when , if he without just cause refuseth , the Chancellour of England , granteth them primarily , according to the statute made thereanent . If the Prince may abrogate the canons of the Church without consent of the church , in vain were the Canons of the Church made . Or that the Church may not abrogate any canon , when they finde it proveth inconvenient , is as great an inconvenience . In vaine likewise are canons strengthened , and guarded with censures , and punishments , and the black markes of infamie set upon heynous crimeswith the legall effects thereof , if the Prince may abolish the crime , as simoniacall paction , or any the like , or else infamie arising upon the crime , and make petent the ports of Ecclesiastical dignities to infamous men , against the rule of the Law. Infamibus portae ne pateant dignitatum . The Prince granteth also dispensations , either primarily by his Chancellour , if the Archbishop refuse , or secundarily confirming the faculties and dispensations granted by the Archbishop , and so by dispensations may dissipate , and wound at pleasure the Canons of the Church . Now the Prince may dispense by their lawes in all causes , wherin the Pope of Rome was wont to dispense of old . The third sort of rights restored as due to the crowne , which were not in use , but since the Popes authority was driven forth , concerne Benefices Ecclesiasticall , and Dioceses , in that the Prince may 1. enjoyne the Archbishop to confirme the election , as also to consecrate the elected into the Bishopricke . 2. to unite and consolidate , or to divide lesser Benefices , or Bishopricks , which were before united . 3. to grant a vacant Bishopricke , or lesser Benefice , in title of trust , which they call a Commendam . 4. to translate Bishops from one Bishopricke to another . 5. of two , which are nominated , to choose one to be a Suffragane Bishop . 6. to enlarge , or contract the bounds and marches of any Diocie . Election , confirmation , and consecration , of Bishops were performed of old all at one time , and that in a Synode of Bishops . If the Prince may unite , and enlarge Diocies , and Parishes without the consent of those , who have interest , hee may make parishes Diocies , and Diocies great Provinces . The competent flockes for Pastors should bee measured by the Church who calleth them , and knoweth best what burthen is most proportionable to their strength . Bishops should not be translated at Popes , or Princes pleasures , as it often commeth to passe in our times . The old Canons condemne this leaping from See to See. Ambitious and covetous men cannot content themselves , till they get either a fatter , or more glorious Bishopricke . Some are not content of one Bishopricke , except they also get the commendam and custody of another . They must not have two Bishopricks at once by the Canons , yet heir a tricke , one they may have in title of a Bishopricke , another by way of trust and custody till it bee planted . A man may not have two wives , yet hee may have two women , one as a wife , another as a Lemman . Some of them have keeped another Bishopricke in commendam sixteene or twentie yeares , as the Bishop of Glocester was commendatare of Bristow . Yea they may keepe this Lemman all their life time , if it please the Prince to bestow a perpetuall commendam . For commendams are not onely temporarie , but also perpetuall , whereas of old they endured onely for sixe moneths , or some like short space . They enrich themselves not onely with Commendams of other Bishoprickes , but also when that cannot be had , with the commendams of fat parsonages , and lesser benefices . The Diocesan Bishop hath a greater taske then hee can commodiously expede , or else , because hee is a loytering Lord , he must have a suffragane Bishop to exercise some pontifical parts of his office in some part of the Diocie , and disburthen him that farre . This Suffragane Bishop is to be chosen by the Prince out of the Leits of the two presented by the Diocesan Bishop , according to the statute made 26. Henr. 8. cap. 14. Translating of Bishops , erecting and changing of Bishops Sees , union of Bishoprickes , enlarging of Diocies , were in time of Poperie , Papall cases , reserved for the Pope of Rome . We say then , that the Prince , as supreme head and governour of the Church of England , is supreme judge in matters of heresie , simonie , idolatry , and all causes whatsoever , hath all maner of spirituall jurisdiction united to the crowne , may commit the exercise and execution of the same to others also , so that they bee naturall borne subjects , may conferre benefices , and consequently give Pastors to flockes , may choose Bishops without Dean and Chapter , receive appellations , abbrogate canons , abolish infamie , and restore the infamous to dignities , grant dispensations in all causes where the Pope was wont to dispense , give Bishoprickes and lesser benefices in commendams , enlarge , contract , unite , divide Diocies . &c. And this hee may , whether he be a Christian or not , so that he be righteous possessour of the Crowne : for all the particulars above rehearsed , are sayd to be due of right to the crowne , so that true or false Christian , or infidell , male or female , man or child , have all alike right . What is due to the Christian Magistrate , is due indeed to him , not because he is a Christian , but because he is a Magistrate . A Christian Prince doth understand better how to use his righteous power , then the infidel , but hee can claime no further authority then the infidell , and his power is onely cumulative , as I have sayd , not privative . Now , whether the particulars above rehearsed belong to any Prince whatsoever , be he true or false Christian , or infidell , I think him too simple , that cannot judge . CHAP. 2. Of the High Commission . THE High Commission is called commission of jurisdiction in causes Ecclesiastical , it is called the high commission by the favourers of it , to strike a greater terrour in the hearts of subjects . The commissioners are partly civil , partly Ecclesiasticall persons , as the Archbishops , certaine other Bishops , Deanes , Archdeacons , Chancellours , some of the secret counsell , and of the chief Iudges , Courtiers , Aldermen , sometime the Lieutenant of the Tower , the Post-master , and others making up a great number . But it is not requisite that all these , whose names are set down in the kings letters patents , should be present at every Session , to make up a full judicature , but power is given to any three of the number , the Archbishop being alwayes one . As with us are nominated and appoynted by the Kings letters patents to the number of fortie or fiftie persons , Bishops , Counsellors , Noble men , Barons , Commissaries , Ministers , yet power is given to any five of them to make up the full judicature , the Archbishops of Saintandros , and Glasgow , or any one of them being of the number of the five alwayes . And as with us , so there also , graue Counsellours , and Iudges , and other of honorable respect , may well be desired to be present when an incestuous person , or some other ma●efactor is brought before them , that their countenance at one time or other may bring credit to their great authority . But when a minister , or any other godly professour is to bee troubled for nonconformity , or writing against crossing and kneeling , or having , or spreading of bookes touching reformation of abuses , and corruptions in the Church ; then are they not desired , lest being present , they should perceive the mysteries of their iniquitie , by which they uphold their pompe , and Lordly Domination . If there be a courtier , or new upstart that favoureth them , or dare not controll them , hee may well be advertised to be present . The Archbishop hath power to associate unto himselfe any two nominated in the Kings letters parents , whether they bee Ecclesiasticall or civill persons , as for example , the Lieutenant of the Tower , and the Postmaster : as with us the Archbishop may assume any foure of the number to be his assessours ; as for example , Mr. Thomas Henderson comissarie of Edinburgh , M. Iohn Weemes commissarie of Saintandros , M. Iames Hammilton commissarie of Glasgow , and the Chauntour of Glasgow Mr. David Sharpe , or any other foure Ecclesiasticall persons , or civill enrolled in the letters patents . These three , as for example , the Archbishop , Postmaster , and Lieutenant of the Tower , have power to inquire in all heresies , errours , schismes , contempts and enormities whatsoever , which were wont to be reformed by Ecclesiasticall lawes , and jurisdiction , in all offences and contempts committed against the forme of their service , and common prayers , and other late statutes made anent Ecclesiasticall matters , as also seditious bookes , private conventicles , adulteries , fornications , outragious misbehaviours , disorders in marriages , and other offences particularly expressed in the letters patents , and all other grievous offences punishable by the Ecclesiasticall lawes of the Realme . So with us the five , as for example , the five abovenamed , have power to take triall of all offenders in life , and doctrine , or religion , or scandalous in any of these , intercommoners and recepters of Iesuites , Seminarie and Masse Priests , hearers of Masse , and excommunicate Papists , ( so like ) recusants , or not communicants , ( so like ) incestuous or adulterous persous , obstinate contemners of the discipline of of the Kirke , and excommunicate for the same : all ministers , preachers , Doctors , or masters of Schooles , Colledges and universities , all exhorting and lecturing Readers , for preaching , or speaking in publicke , against the present established order of the kirk , ( truth ) or estate , against any of the conclusions of the bypast generall assemblies of the Kirk ( truth ) specially of the acts of generall Assembly holden at Perth in the moneth of August 1618 , ( truth ) and all disobeyers of the sayd acts ( truth ) likewise writers of Pamphlets contrary to any of the constitutions of the Kirke , or Printers of the sayd bookes and pamphlets ( truth ) or of any other bookes without licence . These three commissioners may authorize their drunken pursevant to breake open mens studies , chambers , coffers , letternes , and search if there be any bookes , or writs against their Hierarchie , and the orders of their Kirke , and to spoile at their pleasure . These three commissioners may convent before them , any subject of whatsoever degree , or calling , civill or Ecclesiasticall , in whatsoever season of the yeare , earing time or harvest , from whatsoever part of the kingdome , even the remotest , for whatsoever offence reputed Ecclesiasticall , even the lightest , to the great detriment and domage of the subjects . So with us , may these or any other five in the number , the Archbishop , or any one of them being alwayes present , summon and call before them , at the times and places they shall thinke most convenient , any person dwelling within the kingdom of Scotland , and provinces of Saintandros , and Glasgow . These three commissioners have power to command the Shireffes , Iustices , and other officers , and subjects to apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , such persons as they shal think good , and take such bonds for their appearance , as they shall prescrive , or to commit them to prison . So may the five with us direct their warrant to the Captaine and Lieutenant of the Kings guard , the Provost and Bailies of the Burgh , where they shall happen to sit , Shiriffes and Bailies of Regalities , to search , take , and apprehend , whom they please , and to present them before them . The three commissioners have power to force any person convented before them , whom they suspect , to accuse himselfe upon his own oath , to answer to their interrogatories , when there is no accuser , nor article of accusation libelled against him . He must sweare to answer to that , which he doth not as yet understand , not so much as in generall . And to grace this oath , they call it the oath ex officio . If any person refuse to take this oath , hee is forthwith committed to prison . The manner of taking the oath , is by laying their hand , or three fingers on the book , to sweare by God , and the contents of the booke , that they shall answer truely to such things as shall bee demanded of them ; and when the book is kissed , the oath is accepted , as Barow reporteth in his Discovery . And although the penalties of the statutes bee never so great , as Premunire , abjuration , forfeiture of lands and goods , and some of the offences are limited to bee tried onely in the Kings Bench , yet the partie suspected shall be forced by this commission , to accuse himselfe , upon his owne oath , upon such captious interrogatories , as the wit of man can devise , when there is neither accuser , nor libell of accusation , sayth Nicholas Fuller in his arguments and defence of his Clients . This oath was set on foot under King Henry the 4. at the instant sute of the Prelates , for detecting and suppressing of those , whom that blind age called Lollards , that is , for suppressing of the Gospell , which was peeping out of corners . The Commons repined against that Statute ex officio , and the godly wrote against it , as a bloodie Maximinian law : They were first ordeined to accuse themselves , and then to be burnt . See Fox in Henry 4. The same oath doe the Prelates , now make a meanes to suppresse a due reformation of their Church , Worthy Vdal , and many more have ended their daies in the prison , for refusall of this unjust , and superstitious oath . The three Commissioners have power to fine at their discretions , to commit to prison for non compearance , or for contumacie in refusing to obey their decrees , or reputed desert of their offence , and all the Iayles , Wards , and Prisons in the land , are at their command to receive the person committed , and sent by them to prison . So with us the Captaines and Constables of the Kings Wardes , and Castles , jaylors & keepers of prisons , in burgh , or land , are charged to receive , and deteyne all persons directed to them , in such forme , as shall be prescribed in the warrant subscribed by any five of them , one of the Archbishops being alwayes of the number . Neither may the imprisoned be set at libertie , but at their pleasures . And with us also the Lords of his Ma : privie Councell , are required upon the sight of any certificate subscribed by any 5. of the sayd Cōmissioners , one of the sayd Archbishops being alwayes one , either of fine , imposed upō any party , or upon the refusing to compeir before the sayd Cōmissioners , to direct a summar charge of horning upō ten dayes for payment of the fine that shall be imposed upon them , and to direct others letters for denouncing persons that shall refuse to compeir before the sayd Commissioners , of the which letters no suspension or relaxation shall be granted , without a testimony under one of the Archbishops hands , of the parties obedience and satisfaction . Howbeit with them they bee thus authorized by the Kings letters patents , to fine , ward , and imprison ; yet are they not so authorised by the statute , whereupon the Commission is founded , which I have set down in the beginning of the first chapter . For it was ancient jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , which was restored to the Crown in that act , and meant to be executed by the Commissioners , as Nicholas Fuller avowed in the defence of his Clients . But to fine , imprison , and force any person to accuse themselves upon their own enforced othes , their being no accuser known , nor accusation libelled , he proved , was not ancient jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , but brought in , in the second yeere of ● . Hen. the 4. In the record of the worthy proceedings of the House of the Commons , at the Parliam . holden 1610 , we have this greivance . Secondly , for that whereas by the intention and words of the sayd statute , Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is restored to the Crowne , and your highnessly that statute inabled to give onely such power Ecclesiasticall to the sayd Commissioners , yet under colour of some words in that statute , whereby the Commissioners are authorized to execute their commission , according to the tenour and effect of your ●ighnesse letters patents , and by letters patents grounded therupon , the sayd Commissioners do fine and imprison , and exercise other authority , not belonging to the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction restored by that statute , which wee conceive to bee a great ●●rong to the subjects . Aud that these Commissioners might as well by colour of these words , if they were so authorized by your Highnesse letters patents , fine without stint , and imprison without limitation of time , as also according to will and discretion , without any rules of law , spirituall or temporall , adiudge and impose utter confiscation of goods , forfeiture of lands , yea & the taking away of limme and of life it selfe , and this for any matter whatsoever pertaining to spirituall jurisdiction . Which never was , nor could bee meant by the makers of that law . To fine and imprison at pleasure , are punishments belonging to the temporall sword , which Christ hath forbidden his Apostles , and all Pastors their successors to use . The weapons of their warfare are not carnall , but spirituall . Christ committed unto them keyes , not swords . In very deed , there is no crueller beast , nor more tyrannous , then a degenerate Churchman . Hee is more insolent and outragious with the Dative sword , then Princes are with the Native . Why should they not be like their eldest brother , that bloody beast of Rome . Degenerate Clergimen will either usurpe the power of the temporall sword , or take it when it is offered , but ●ver abuse it . The three commissioners may inflict spirituall censures and punishments , as suspension , deprivation , deposition , excommunication . They may call for a Priest , comand him to denounce and declare in some Cathedrall Church , or other publick place , the offender to bee excommunicated , but they enquire , cognosce , decerne , and pronouuce the sentence of excommunication in their Court ; and the excommunicate may be denounced long after : and howbeit the Priest should pronounce the sentence in judgement , yet he should bee onely like the dempster , that pronounceth the doome , or like the hangman , or poore slave directed by the judge : hee neither inquireth , cognosceth , nor decerneth . Yet , if ye think the cōmissioners may excommunicate , because the Archbishop is present , ye are deceived : for his power in the high commission is not Episcopall , nor Archiepiscopall , but delegate onely from the Prince , which other assessours not Bishops , have as well as he ; and by this delegate power he with his two associates , as I have sayd , may inflict this censure upon any subject within England or Ireland , which hee cannot doe as Bishop or Archbishop , for their jurisdiction ordinary is limited within the bounds of their Diocie , or Province . When Spottiswood , pretended Archbishop of Saintandros , was but a rurall minister in Calder ; and Law of Glasgow , a rural minister at Kirkliston , possessing onely the rents of Bishoprickes , not authorized as yet with the office of Bishops ( for that pretended Assembly of Glasgow was not yet convocated ) yet were they armed with power to decern excommunication against any subject within our Realm , & to command the minister of the offender to proceed against him : and if he refused , to suspend , deprive , or ward him . They were thus armed immediatly before that pretended assembly , with power of warding , ●ining , imprisoning , suspending , degrading , and decerning excommunication , without the consent of the Church , or approbation of the Estates , that they might wring out of the hands of the Kirke at that corrupt , and pretended Assembly , EpisEpiscopall jurisdiction , which many times they protested never to usurp , before and without the free consent of the Church obtained thereunto . O perfidious violence ! What we have said of excommunication , may be likewise said of suspension , deprivation , and deposition : The Archbishop doth not suspend or deprive , as Archbishop , but as the Kings Delegate , Iudge , and Commissioner , by which power he may suspend or deprive Ministers out of the bounds of his ordinarie jurisdiction , which no Bishops or Archbishops may doe by their ordinarie power . We had a late example in our own Archbishops about two yeares since : for when Mr. Spotiswood was at Court , Mr. Law pretended Archbishop of Glasgow , suspended Mr. Blyth , and Mr. Forrester from their ministerie , which he could not doe as Archbishop , for they were neither within his Diocie , nor his province . He did it then as head of the Commission sitting for the time , that is , by a delegate power from the King. To let passe , that at that same vile Assembly , no mention was made of Archbishops : and paction was onely made with these men who had the benefices , for which vulgarly they were called Bishops , that excommunication , suspension , deprivation , and deposition , should not be cōcluded without thē , not that they might suspend , deprive , excommunicate by themselves , and at their pleasures in the high Commission , or any where else , but according to the damnable Canons made by that wofull , but pretended and null Assembly . Farther , the Prince may inable one or mo● lay men with this same commission , wihout mixture of Ecclesiasticall persons . It is then an extraordinary power , wherewith they are inabled by the Prince to suspend , depose , and excommunicate . But the Prince hath not this power himselfe , and therfore by no right of Gods law may he communicate this power unto them , and it is a proud usurpation over the Church to them to receive it , or exercise it . In the Parliament holden 1592. some acts , which were made in that turbulent time of the 1584 yeare , were repealed as followeth . Item , our Soveraigne Lord , and Estates of Parliament foresayd , abrogates , cassis , and annulls the act of the same Parliament holden at Edinburgh the sayd yeare 1584. granting commission to Bishops , and other iudges constitute in Ecclesiasticall causes , to receive his highnesse presentations to benefices , to give collation thereupon : and to put order in all causes Ecclesiasticall , which his Maiesty and estates foresayd , declares to be expired in the selfe , and to be null in time comming , and of none availe , force , nor effect . Not withstanding of this repealed commission , our perfidious Prelats haue resumed the same again without any law reviving it . But let us proceed , and heare what is recorded in the worthy proceedings of the Parliament above mentioned . The Act is found to be inconvenient , and of dangerous extent in divers respects : 4. for that every pettie offence , pertaining to spirituall jurisdiction , is by the colour of the said words , and letters patents grounded therupon , made snbject to excommunications , and punishment , by that strange and exorhitant power , and commission , whereby the least offenders , not committing any thing of any enormous or high nature , may be drawn from the most remote places of the kingdome , to London , or yorke ; which is very grievous , and inconvenient , These three Commissioners being armed with double vengeance , and power of both swords , temporall and spirituall , may strike a man at one strike , in one sentence , for one and the selfe same fault , both with temporall and Ecclesiasticall censures , and punishments . They may depose and imprison a minister at one time for one offence : they may fine and excommunicate at one time , &c. Againe , they may punish the same offence in one person with a fine , in another with imprisonment , in the third with excommunication , in the fourth with deprivation . For their owne pleasures and discretions , and not the lawes , ar the rules of their censures and punishments . Let us see what is recorded in the grievances . Therein ( to wit in the Commission grounded upon the statute ) is grievance apprehended thus . First , for that therby the same men have both spirituall and temporall i●risdiction , and may both force the partie by oath to accuse himselfe of an offence , and also inquire thereof by a jurie : and l●stly may inflict for the same offence , at the same time , and by one and the same sentence , both spirituall and temporall punishments . 2. wheras upon sentences of deprivation , or other spirituall censures given by force of ordinarie jurisdiction , any appeale lyeth for the party grieved , that is heere excluded by expresse words of the commission . Also heere is to be a tryall by Iurie , yet no remedie by traverse not attaint . Neither can a man have any writ of errour , though a judgement or sentence , be given against him , ●●●●unting to the taking away of all his goods , and imprisoning him during life ; yea , to the adjudging him in the case of premumire , whereby his lan●s are forfeited , and he out of the protection of the Law. 3. That wheras penall lawes and offences against the same , cannot be determined in other Courts , or by other persons , then by those trusted by Parliament with the execution therof , yet the execution of many such Statutes ( divers whereof were made since 1. Eliz. ) are commended and committed to these Commissioners Ecclesiasticall , who are either to inflict the punishments contained in the Statutes , being Premunire , and other high nature ; and so to inforce a man upon his owne oath , to accuse and expose himselfe to these punishments , or else to inflict other temporall punishment at their pleasure . And yet besides , and after that done , the parties shall bee subiect in Courts mentioned in the acts , to punishment by the same acts appointed , and inflicted : which we thinke were unreasonable . The three Commissioners may not onely enquire , and try , but also judge in all causes Ecclesiasticall , in causes of heresie , simonie , idolatry , &c. It is , I grant , provided in the statute 1. Elizabeth , that they shall not in any wise have authoritie , or power , to order , determine , or adiudge , any matter or cause to he heresie , but onely such , as heretofore have been determined , ordered , or adiuged to be heresie , by the authoritie of the Canonicall Scripture ; or by the first 4. generall Councels , or any of them ; or by any other generall Councell , wherein the same was declared heresie , by the expresse and plaine words of the said Canonicall Scriptures , or such as heereafter shall be ordered , iudged , or determined to be heresie by the high Court of Parliament of this Realme , with the assent of the Clergie in their Convocation . This provision is no limitation , unlesse wee will say , that without the limits of the Canonicall Scripture there are some heresies determined , which are not determined within the bounds of the Canonicall Scripture . Seeing then they may determine in all he resies determined in the Scripture , they may determine in all herefies whatsoever , and may affirme that to bee determined for heresie in the Scripture which is orthodoxall . If the commissioners , the Princes delegates , may be judges in all causes of herefie , farre more is the Prince himselfe by their lawes , and that without the provision foresayd , wherwith the delegate commissioners are circumscribed . These three Commissioners have power to receive appellations from other inferiour courts Ecclesiasticall , like as the five with us have power by the Kings letters patents , to receive , and disusse , all appellations made to them from any inferiour Ecclesiasticall Judges , and to inhibite the said Ecclesiasticall judges to proceed iu any matter , which they shall hold to be improper for them , wherin they shall perceiue the said Iudges to have behaved themselves partially , advocating the said matters is their own judgment . See the commission renewed Anno 1618. So they may draw to themselves any cause whatsoever , agitated in inferiour courts , not onely at the appellation of any notorious villaine pretending grievance , but also by advocation , when they shall construe the cause to be unproper , or the proceedings of the infe●iour Court to be partiall . In the narrative of the proclamation it was pretended , that this high commission is erected to stay advocation of causes granted by the Lords of Councell and Session . That forasmuch , as it hath bene compleaened by the Archbishops , Bishops , and other Ministers of that his Maiesties Kingdome , that advocations and suspensions , are frequently granted by the Lords of Councell and Session unto such , as bee in processe before them , and their Ecclesiasticall Courts , for offences committed , whereby offenders are imboldned continuing in their wickednesse , and ●ing the said , advocations and suspensions , or meanes to delay their tryall and punishment , Therfore &c. Complaint hath been made sometime by ministers , and suit to stay advocations , that the ordinarie indicatures Ecclesiasticall might proceed to their censures without stop , but not to change advocations . Are the Archbishops and Bishops with their associates , honester and more conscientions men , then the Lord of Councel and Session ? An ambitious and covetous Clergie-man , is of all men the most vile and prophane . Did the Bishops complaine ? why do they then advocate causes from inferiour Courts Ecclesiasticall , seeing they have usurped the sway of proceedings in Courts Ecclesiasticall to themselves . Doe they accuse themselves of partialitiall proceeding in inferiour courts , or handling improper causes , and will these same men bee lesse partiall , and more conscientious in the high Commission ? If no censure can take effect without their approbation , and appellations should ascend from inferiour courts to superiour courts and Synods , wherefore will they rather advocate causes to this extraordinary court of high commission ? In England if a man stand wilfully fourty daies together excommunicate , and be accordingly certified by the Bishop into the Chancerie , that then ▪ he is to be committed to prison , by vertue of a Writ directed to the Shriefe : as it is sayd in the Apologie of certaine proceedings in courts Ecclesiasticall . And in a wr●● de excommunicato capiendo , it is sayd : quod potestas regia sacrosanctae Ecclesiae in querelis suis deess● non debet . The ordinarie lawfull courts Ecclesiasticall farre more then should be aided , and assisted by the secular power , and not molested or stopped . The truth is , that this high commission is erected to suppresse the libertie of the Kirk , to maintain the usurped power , and tyrannous domination of our perfidious Prelates over Synods generall & Provinciall , Presbyteries & sessions , & to effectuate the intended conformity , which they know they will never get done in Synods and Presbyteries , unlesse the terrour of this high commission were standing above their heads . And therfore when they urge conformity , they haue their recourse to this weapon , or in Synods and Presbyteries men are terrified with the feare of it . This is their strong castell , out of which they command , and hold in slavery & bondage the whole citie . Here the Bonifacian Prelats stoutly draw the two swords , fine , consine , suspend , deprive , imprison , &c. But the couragious souldier fighting the Lords battell , will not bee borne downe with any such outrages , and terrours . Now as they receive appellations from inferiour courts , no appellation can bee made from these three , or our five , suppose their injustice and tyranny cry never so loud . I wonder if the heart of any faithfull Patriot , let be conscientious professour , can digest this . These three Commissioners may appoynt inferiour Commissioners , from whom also as subdelegates , they may receive appellation . I will add out of the record of the grievances of the house of Commons these considerations . First , out of the statute , that the said act is found to be inconvenient , and of dangerous extent in divers respects : for that it inableth the making of such a commission , as well to any one subiect borne , as to more . Item , for that by the sayd Statute , the King and his successors may ( howsoever your Maiestie hath beene pleased , out of your gracious disposition otherwise to order ) make and direct such commission , into all the Countries and Diocesses , yea , into every parish of England , and therby all causes may be taken from ordinary jurisdiction of Bishops , Chancellers , and Arch-deacons , and Lay-men solely be inabled to excommunicate , and exercise all other spirituall censures : For that limit touching causes subiect to this commission being onely with these words , viz. ( such as perteine to spirituall , or ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ) it is very hard to know , what matters or offences are included in that number . And the rather because it is unknown what ancient Canons , or lawes spirituall are in force , and what not : from whence ariseth great uncertainty , and occasion of contention . Out of the commission grounded upon the statute . That the commisson giveth authoritie to inforce men called into question , to enter into recognisance , not onely for appearance from time to time , but also for performance of whatsoever shall be , by the Commissioners ordered . And also that it giveth power to enjoyn parties defendant , or accused to pay such fees to ministers of the Court , as by the Commissioners shall be thought fit . As for the execution of the commission , it is found grievous these wayes among other . 1. For that lay men are by the commissioners punished for speaking ( otherwise then in iudiciall places and courtes ) of the simonie , and other misdemeanours of spirituall men , though the thing spoken be true , and the speech tending to the inducing of some condigne punishment . 2. In that these commissioners usually appoynt and allot to women discontented at , and unwilling to live with their husbands , such portions & allowances for present maintenance , as to them shall seem fit : to the great encouragement of wives to be disobedient , and contemptuous against their husbands . 3 : In that their pursevants , or other ministers imployed in the apprehension of suspected offenders in any things spirituall , and in the searching for any supposed scandalous bookes , use to breake open mens houses , closets and deskes , rifling all corners , and secret● custodies , as in cases of high treason , or suspition therof . Their commission is grounded upon a statute and act of Parliament , howbeit it agreeth not with the statute . Wee have not so much as a shew of a statute for commission of jurisdiction in causes Ecclesiasticall , and yet our usurping Prelates tyrannize over loyall subjects , faithfull Patriots , conscientious professours , deserted by these , who will be counted fathers of the Common wealth , left open and naked to their violent rage , without any protection of the law , as if they were but the vile off scourings of the land . Will not the estate in Parliament redresse this proud usurpation ? Shall the house of Commons in their Parliament bee grieved not onely at the exorbitant power of this high commission , but also at the statute it selfe , and shall our nobles , and inferiour estates not be grieved at our usurped commission ? Or will they suffer the like statute , and make the countrey mourn and groane for it the next day , as our neighbours have done ? Can Princes or estates give power of spirituall censures either to lay or spiritual men ? Or may they lawfully put the temporall sword in the hand of Pastors ? Or may spirituall men as they call them , accept it : If neither can be done , how can the estates erect , ratifie , or suffer such a commission ? What is this but the Spanish inquisition ? Set me up this throne , Satan shall set up Papistry , or any other religion whatsoever in short processe of time . For they sit at the rudder , and may turn religion as it pleaseth them , and when they see fit occasions , and themselves to have able power . CHAP. 3. Of the dignitie and power of Archbishops in England . THis proud name of Archbishop is not to be found in all the Scripture . It was not attributed to any common Metropolitans at the first , but to the renow●ed and mightie Giants the Patriarches of Constantinople , Antioch , Alexandria , and Rome , who were mounted farre above Metropolitanes when the time was neere that the Antichrist should be mounted on horsebacke . But after that he was mounted , then Metropolitanes that they might keepe some proportion with their head , were lifted up to a degree of power above other Bishops , & invested into an office that the book of God , & the Apostolical Church never knew , to consecrate Bishops , to convocate Synods , to receive appellations frō the courts of inferior Bishops , to visit the Diocies of other Bishops within the Privince . A Diocesan Bishop that is a Bishop over many flockes , and Pastors of one Diocie , was unknown to the Apostles , far more a Bishop of Bishops , a provincial Bishop , an Archbishop having iurisdiction and power over the comprovinciall Bishops . The Church being for the most part within the bounds of the Roman Empire , the governours framed the government according to the forme of the Empire , and made degrees in the Church like to degrees in the common-wale . They intended not to set up the Antichrist , but being led , partly with carnall wisedome , partly with ambition and vainglory , wittingly and willingly did that , which brought in the Antichrist , and so the mysterie of iniquity , which began to work in the Apostles time , wrought on still , till Antichrist come to his full strength , and perfect age . While they were framing degrees according to the fashion of the Romane Empire , first Bishops , then Metropolitanes , then Primates , then the foure great Patriarches , they were but forming the second beast according to the image of the first beast , and the Bishop of Rome , one of the foure Patriarches , became the head . Neither was the Bishop and Metropolitan so great in power before the Antichrist come to his perfect age , as they were after , and have been ever since , even to this day . They hatched him , and he hath rewarded them with greater authority and power . But giving and not granting the Diocesan Bishops to bee of divine or Apostolicall institution , we will in this chapter onely let you see the Archbishops unlawful superiority over them . Persons having lesser ample administration , having eyther iudiciall administration , or administration not iudiciall , eyther constitute by law , or introduced without law , constitute by law , as the administration of the ordinarie Iudges . They doe execute it under the Prince , either in their owne name , or the name of others . In their owne name as Bishops , so called , either with addition , as Archbishops , or simply Bishops . Archbishops , ( being in England two , Canterburie and York ) are considered , eyther in respect of their peculiar Diocies in all respects , as other Bishops : or in respect of the whole province , according to the place , which they hold , eyther in the ecclesiasticall state , or the civill . In the ecclesiasticall estate , eyther according to the place , which they hold cōmon to both the Archbishops , or that which is peculiar to Canterburie . According to the place , which is common , they are to be considered , eyther as in their ordination , or as after their ordination . In the ordination it selfe , it is to be considered , that if they the Archbishops haue not been heretofore Bishops , they must be consecrated by some Bishops . If they haue been Bishops , then their election onely is cōfirmed by some Bishops . Metropolitanes were chosen , confirmed , and consecrated of old , not by some , but by the whole Synode of the comprovinciall Bishops . But the English Bishop have no Provinciall Synods to any such purpose . They have neither the Discipline prescribed in Gods word , nor the Discipline of the old Bishops and Metropolitanes , but the Discipline and policie which was in use in the time of greatest darknesse under the Antichrist ; Here also wee see a signe , that they make the Bishop and their Priest of a different order . For a Priest , when he is made a Bishop , must receive a new consecration . But a Bishop when hee is made an Archibishop , is not consecrated of new , howbeit hee bee in degree of power and jurisdiction above other Bishops . After ordination they are to be considered , either as Metropolitanes , or as Archbishops , or as Primates , or as lesser Patriarches . The English Metropolitanes have onely Bishops under them , yet , sayth Mucket , they enjoy the titles , and discharge the functions of Archbishops , and Primates also . Metopolitans at the first were not called Archbishops , as I have sayd , but the Patriarches greater and lesser onely , to whom appellation was made from the Metropolitane . But when Metropolitanes began to receive appellations , then this proud stile descended to them also , as we will see incontinent , that as Bishops , they received appellations . They will extoll the wisedome of the ancients in framing degrees in the Church , and yet they themselves confound these degrees , and offices , and make one man to bee a Metropolitan , an Archbishop , and a Patriarch . Many degrees were made to the Pope , to climm up to his throne : that beeing done , then was there confusion againe . We have this confusion then out of Babylon . As Metropolitanes , 1. in confirming the elections of the Bishops of his Province . 2. in consecrating these Bishops together with other two Bishops . By the auncient Canons it was ordained , that all the Bishops of the Province should assemble to the election , confirmation , and consecration of the Bishop also , and the Metropolitan was present with the rest , as one of the number , and moderator onely of the convention , and the action was common . The Bishop of Spalato confesseth , that by divine law one Bishop hath no greater right to consecrate another Bishop then another hath . By their own book of orders , it is not needfull , that the Archbishop consecrate a Bishop , but an inferiour Bishop may do it for him : yet a Bishop may not suffer a minister to ordaine or say handes one a minister for him . How can they then bee so shamelesse , as to say , that Archbishops bee of divine institution ; if another may consecrate a bishop as well as hee , whether it bee with his consent , or without it ? Abbots , who have been but simple Priests , have of old ordained bishops without either commission or consent of Archbishops , as Beda restifieth . Of the forme and rites of their consecration , wee shall entreat in the next Chapter . This , that they call consecration of Bishops , was not known to the purer Church . The ministers chose one of their number to bee a perpetuall moderator of the common actions , and called him Bishop , as at Alexandria , where he was first hatche● , and made at the first , but onely perpetuall president , and this was all . 3. In convocating Provinciall Synods , according to the Kings rescript , 4. in moderating Synods , and giving the last voyce . Their Provincial Synods are not like the provincial Synods which wee wont to have . For ours were but Synods of Shires , 4 , 5 , or 6 classicall Presbyteries assembling together twice in the yeare . But their Provinciall Synode is a Synod of the Bishops of one Province . All the Diocies of the Archbishop , and of his suffragane , or comprovinciall Bishops which are under him , make but one province . And seeing they have onely two Archbishops , they can have but onely two Provinciall Synods . The Metropolitane convocateth the Provincial Synod upon the Princes letter , which happeneth very rarely . If the Prince direct his letter to any Bishop , as sometime hee hath done , what need is there of a Metropolitan . For they say , we cannot have Synods , unlesse we have Metropolitanes to convocate them ; and this is a chiefe part of his function . If so be , why doth he not exerce his function without a particular letter of the Prince , as well as the Bishop doth in convocating his Diocesan Synod . If that be a part of his ordinary power to him , as this to the other why doth it depend on the Princes letter , and how dare a common Bishop take upon him notwithstanding of the Princes letter , that which of office apperteineth to the Metropolitan . Ye may see that this part of his function also , is not of divine institution , that is so dependant and changeable at the pleasure of princes , as they confesse themselves ; Neyther is it requisite of necessity to haue a Metropolitane to convocate Synodes , for Synodes at the first assembled without Metropolitanes . And in our age , both in our owne , and other reformed Churches , Synods have assembled , where there is no Metropolitane . Nay rather , Synods would be more frequently convocated , if they were altogether removed : it is so farre from the truth , that either we cannot have Synods , unlesse we have Metropolitanes , or that God hath ordained in his word that they should convocate Synodes . For we haue no Synods Metropoliticall , but onely Diocesan , since Metropolitans have beene set over our heads , nor yet national , but seldome , and dressed before hand for their purpose . If it be not of divine institution , that the Metropolitane should convocate Provinciall Synods , neither is it to moderate . And as for necessity there is none , as experience of our owne and other reformed Churches can beare witnesse : yea in their owne last Synode , Ban●roft Bishop of London was president . It may be that it was his Papsticall office , which hee had of old . For in the Catalogue of the seventy Archbishops , Canterbury is made the head of all ●ur Churches , all Bishops sworn to Canonicall obedi●nce of that Archbishop , and defence of all privileges and liberties of that seat . Where the Bishop of London is his Deane to call Synods , to publish his decrees , to make returne of the execution , Wincheste● his Chancellour , Lincolne his Vicechancellour , Salisbury his Chaunter , Worcester his Chaplaine , Rochester his Crosse-bearer . As Archbishops 1. in receiving of , and answering to appellations interposed , & made from his Suffragane Bishops . 2. In visiting the whole Province according to the lawes and custome . As the Bishops haue suffragane Bishops under them , so the Bishops themselves are Suffraganes to the Archbishop . They are not his suffraganes , as he is Metropolitane , but as he is Archbishop . So that as Archbishop he hath greater authority then he hath as Metropolitan . For as Metropolitan he must doe nothing without a Synode in the Dioces of another Bishop , neyther by receiving appellation , nor by way of visitation . But as Archbishop he may receive appellations , and visite the Dioces of his Province without a Synode , as being not onely superiour in honour , and prioritie of order , but also in power of jurisdiction . And for this his greatnes , which he attained unto , he beareth the proud title of Archbishop . The old Bishops knew no other but a Metropolitane , & the Provinciall Synode assembling twice in the yeare , to the which appellations were made . It is troublesome , say they , to call Synodes so often , Dioces are so large , and the Synode should be wearied to stay till all the appellations of inferiour Courts were decided . Here a notable tricke . First they say , it is needfull to haue Synodes , and therefore needfull to haue a Metropolitane . This againe they crosse and say , there is no need of Synods , it is difficile and incommodious to have two provinciall Synods in the yeare , as of old . The Archbishop may doe all that the Synode did , receive appellations , visit and correct the excesses and defects of other bishops , onely he may not make Canons and Ecclesiastical lawes without a Synod . Neither is there any need of new Canons , the old are sufficient . But I would demand , why Synods may not be so easily , and so often convocated as of old ? Is it because they have their Diocies extended over one , two , or three Shires , and the province extended almost as farr as the kingdome : as Canterburies province in England , and Saintandros in Scotland . Their wings should be clipped , their Diocies and provinces contracted and multiplied , if that the Discipline of the old Bishops were to bee preserved , that Synods may assemble . But before they loose any part of their extensive power , and large impire , they will rather reteine the corrupted discipline brought in under Antichrist . If they will say on the other side , the Diocies were as ample of old , then why doe they pretend to their loytering in their owne , or the Kings palaces , the distance of their Diocies . And if they will not convocate Provinciall Synods twice in the yeare , what is the reason that they will not convocate once in the yeare , or as was concluded in the Councell of Basile , once in three yeare ? Yee may see , that this corruption is so grosse , that it was palpable in the time of most palpable darknesse . Againe , Synods did not assemble onely to make Canons , but also for to put order to all causes Ecclesiasticall . Farther , there is continuall occasion to make new Canons , and also to reforme or repeale old corrupt canons . Neither doe Synods need to stay long upon appellations . if the Church should meddle onely with causes properly Ecclesiasticall , and the ancient judicatories inferiour were restored of presbyteries , and consistories . But to medle with tythes , testamentarie and matrimoniall matters , and to set up Archdeacons , Officials , and Chancellours , and the rest of that ●able , it may well procure moe appellations , then a grave and godly Synode should be troubled with . When all is done , yet Canterburie doth not , nor will not take the pains as by himselfe to decide the appellations . Hee hath ● Court , which they call the Court of Arches , wherein sitteth as Iudge , the Deane of the Arches , he hath to doe with appeales of all men within the province of Canterbury . Advocates there be in this Court 16. or moe , at the pleasure of the Archbishop , all Doctours of law , two Registers , and ten Proctors . And another Court , not unlike unto this , which they call the Court of Audience , which entertaineth the complaints , causes , and appeales of them in that province . So yee see , what way the ancient Synods are gone . Neither to direct by making Canons , nor to execute them being made , should bee permitted to the pleasure of one man. And yet by the way remember , that the Prince with advice of the Metropolitane ▪ may make Canons also . Howbeit the Archbishop be made up with the spoiles of the provinciall Synode , his grace may not attend on the ●●scharge of the Synods care and jurisdiction . And whereas he may visit if he please , the whole Diocies of his province , doe yee thinke hee will take the pains himselfe ? who then shal● attend on Court and Councell ? Yea I suppose that seldome hee sendeth his Chancelour , or any other for him . By the Canons of the Councell of Trent , the Archbishop may no visit the Diocie of another bishop , unlesse the cause and necessitie be first tried in the provinciall Synod : so that the fathers of that superstitious and bloudy councell , were ashamed of the Archbishops exorbitant power which the English retaine . And the English say , that during the time of the Archiepiscopall visitation , whereby the jurisdiction of the ordinary is suspended , that Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction which hee practiseth , hee doth exercise from , and under the Archbishop , as his deputie . The Archbishop may with the Princes consent without a Synod depose a bishop , sayth Whitgift . If bishops bee such vassals to Archbishops , what slaves thinke yee poore ministers be ? As Primates , or lesser Patriarches , 1. of right , as to admit appellations from inferiour judgements immediately . 2. of the prescription of time , to haue the custody of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction during the vacancie of any Episcopall See within his owne province . York is stiled Primate of England , and Canterburie Primate of all England . There is a fine composition of an old plea. what they may not doe as Metropolitanes , they may doe as Archbishops , and what they may not doe as Archbishops , yet they may doe as little Patriarches . As little Patriarches they may receaue appellations immediatlie . So where one may not make a leap from the Archdeacon or his Officiall to the Archbishop , and passe by the Bishop . Yet he may leap over him to that same man , as he is Patriarch . And as for custody of spirituall jurisdiction , during the vacancie of the Episcopall See , that was the right of Deane and Chapter . According to the place peculiar to the Archbishop o● Canterburie , 1. every Bishop of his province confirmed by him , must exhibite to him a Chaplaine , till he provide him some sufficient benefice . 2. As Primat of all England , he may grant letters of tuition , whereby the appellant may prosecu●e his appellation without molestation offered to him in the meane time . The Bishops have their Chaplaines , as Princes and Noblemen have , more for pompe and glory then for any necessitie or utility . For they will bee inferiour in nothing to the great Nobles , that concerneth pride of life . Noblemen for pride will not joyne themselves with the parish , where they are members , to worship God joyntly with them , as members of one politicall body , but must have their servile and flattering Chaplaines at home : yet they spoile many parishes to entertaine their beneficed and non-resident Chaplaines . Will the Bishops be behinde them in this ? Nay , they will bee as noble in this trespasse as the noblest , and the Archbishop will lead the ring . Take this unclaime of appellations from him , his letters of tuition are deere of a doyt . According to the place , which they hold in the civill estate , either as common to both , or as peculiar to any one of them . Common to both , either by the common Municipall law , or by the grant of Princes . By the common Municipall law , either in things Ecclesiasticall , or in things civill . In things Ecclesiasticall , in which they have this prerogative , to receive and register the probate of wills , and to grant to the partie succeeding the administration of the goods of the person dying intestate , having at the time of their death , Bo●a Notabilia in divers Diocies or jurisdictions of their Province . The Archbishop hath a Court which is called the Prerogative Court , in which the Commissarie sitteth upon inheritances fallen either by intestate , or by will and testament . By the 92. Canon of the Constitutions made Anno 1603. All Chauncellours , Commissaries , or Officials ; or any other exercising Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction whatsover , are commanded to charge with an oath all persons called , or voluntarily appearing before them , for the probate of ●ny will , or the administration of any goods , whether they know , or moved by any speciall inducement , do firmly beleeve that the partie deceased , ( whose testament & goods depend now in question ) had at the time of his , or her death , any goods , or good debts , in any other Diocie or Diocies , or peculiar jurisdiction within that province , then in that wherein the sayd partie died , amounting to the value of five pounds . And if the sayd person shall upon his oath affirme , That hee knoweth , or firmly beleeveth , that the sayd partie deceased had goods or good debts in any other Diocie , or Diocies , or peculiar jurisdiction within the sayd province to the value aforesayd , and particularly specifie and declare the same : then shall hee presently dismisse him , not presuming to intermedle with the probate of the sayd will , or to grant administration of the goods of the partie so dying intestat● : and shall openly and plainly declare and professe , that the sayd cause belongeth to the prerogative of the Archbishop of that Province , willing and admonishing the partie to prove the sayd will , or require administration of the s●yd go●s in the court of the sayd prerogative , and to exhibit before him the sayd iudge , the probat or administration , under the s●●l of the prerogative within 40 dayes next following . In the●● 〈◊〉 Canon the Rate of Bona Notbilia liable to the prerogative Court , is defi●●● 〈◊〉 amounting to the value of five pound , at least , 〈◊〉 and de●laring , that who so hath not good in then , to the sayd summe or value , shall not 〈…〉 to have Bona Notabilia . unlesse in any Diocie by composition or custome , Bon● Natabilia bee rated at a greater summe . Here the Archbishop hath a Court for testamentary matters , which are meere civill , and belongeth no wayes to a spirituall Court ▪ which may and ought to be heard and determined in Courts temporall . In civill things is 1. to have the title of Clemencie , which in English we call Grace . 2. to have praecedencie before all the Peeres of the kingdome . This title and stile of Grace is not granted to any inferiour to a Duke , so that they have a ●tile aboue Marquises ▪ Earles , and Vicounts . They mock at Christs words Luke 22. 25. when they say , that Christ forbad his Disciples onely to be called bountifull or benefactors , but not to bee called gracious Lords . For Christ forbidding his Disciples to beare civill rule and temporall domination , forbad them the stiles , which were attributed unto , or usurped by civill Princes , and magistrates , to set forth their pompe and power , and for example he alledgeth that stile which was given to some of the kings of Aegypt , by one stile meaning all other of the like kinde . For as he forbad them not onely to be like the Kings of Aegypt , but generally like the kings of the nations , so the titles of all secular Princes and Rulers , that rule Nations and kingdomes , are forbidden . Farther , there is greater pompe in the stile of Grace , then of benefactor , and lesse truth : for there are none so gracelesse , unclement , and cruell scoutges in the hands either of Popes or Princes to scourge the Church of Christ. These base fellowes must also haue place before the greatest Nobles in the land , and the chiefe seat in publick conventions , and parliaments . Canterbury must have place before the chiefest officers of the kingdome , Yorke before all except the Chauncellour like the ambitious sonnes of Zebedee seeking to sit the one at the right , the other at the left hand of Christ in his kingdom , which they dreamed should be a glorious worldly Monarchy . They have also traines of men to attend upon them , greater then many Noble men , and some to beare up their taile , which no Noble man hath . Fie . The Doctours of the civill law attend in their Scarlet robes upon Canterbury his grace , when he passeth through Pauls . And as I heare , when any come to his Chamber of presence , they must hold off their hats , howbeit his grace be not present himselfe . We shall see more of their pompe in the next chapter . By the grant of Princes , as Immunities , liberties , &c. in their owne large fieldes or possessions . Their immunities , liberties , priviledges and jurisdictions in their Baronies and large possessions , are but temporall , nothing availing to further and advance Christs kingdom . The particulars are best known to them , who haue seen their charters . Peculiar to any one of them , to wit , either to York , as to have the praecedence before all the officers of the kingdom , except the Lord Chancellour . Or to Canterburie , as 1. to take the place before all the officers of the kingdom : whence it is , that he is called the first Peere of the Realme . 2. to inaugurate the king at his coronation . 3. to receive the rents of the lands , which hold of him in homage , while the heire is minor , not past 21. years , howbeit the same heir hold other lands in chiefe of the crowne . 4. to hunt with his owne hounds in any parke within his own province . Bishops are made Peeres of the Realme , and Canterbury is the first Peere , therefore he must have place before all the officers of the kingdom : wherof we spake before . He must inaugurate the king at the coronation , which is a duty not appertaining to him : for the rites of coronation are not parts of the pastoral charge . And suppose they were , they belong no more to a bishop then to a minister , or to one bishop more then to another . For if there were no more , but to make an exhortation , to conceive a prayer , and blesse , a minister may do that as wel as a Bishop , or a bishop as well as an Archbishop . Bishops have vassals under them as noble men have . William the first ordained Bishopricks & Abbies , which held Baronies in pure and perpetual almes , and untill that time were free from all secular service , to be under military or knights service , enrolling every Bishoprick and Abbay at his will and pleasure , and appointing how many souldiours he would have every of them to finde for him , and his successours , in the time of hostilitie and warr . As they became vassals to kings & Emperours , so they laboured to have many vassals under themselves , insomuch that noblemen became their vassals . The Earles of Glocester had lands of the Bishop of Canterburie on this condition , that they should be his stewards at his installing . And howbeit the king should have the custody and ward of the lands of those who hold of him in chief for knight service , till the perfect age of the heir , yet the lands which hold of the Archb ▪ ar excepted . Pastors & ministers should be content of their stipends , not medling with superiority over vassals , personall or reall wards . Their bishops have parks & ponds , besides their palaces , for hunting & fishing . Canterburies grace may hunt in any park within his own province , that is through al England except 4. diocies , a pastime cōdemned by the ancient canons in clergy men . Hierome saith , he never read of a hunter that was a holy man. B● s●atu●e , as to grant the Grace of the Canons , and other Ecclesiasticall lawes , through all the Dominions of the English Empire , which ( grac●s ) they call Faculties . C●nterburie hath among other courts , a court , which they call the court of Faculties , wherein there is appoynted a chiefe President , who heareth and ●onsidereth of their grievances and requests , that are petitioners for some moderation , and easement of the Ecclesiasticall law , sometime , as they pretend , overstrict and rigorous and a Register beside , who recordeth the dispensa●ions . The Lawes of God may not be dispensed with . If Ecclesiasticall constitutions , which are made by men onely be too strict , their rigour may bee relaxed , when and where there is a necessitie . This necessi●y ought to bee considered by the Ecclesiasticall Senate , and not reserved to the Ar●hbishop of Canterburies grace , to be given , or 〈◊〉 sold at his pleasure . For in this court of Fa●ulties , dispensations are set to open sale , as at Rome as the admonition to the Parliament doth ● port ▪ If there be a just cause to remit of the rigour of the Ecclesiastical law then eas●ment shoul● be granted to the petitioner without money . If ●here be not a relevant cause , then there should bee no dispensation granted at all let be for money . So this power to dispense with Ecclesiasticall lawes , is to dissipate the Canons of the Church , & to wound th●se which are yet whole and sound . I● was enacted , 25. Henr. 8. that the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being , and his successors , shall have power and authoritie from time to time , by their discretions to give , grant , and dispense by an instrument under the seale of the said Archbishop , all manner such licences , dispensations , compositions , faculties , grants , delegacies , instruments , and all other writings , as heretofore have been used , and accustomed to be had and obtained at the See of Rome , or any person , or persons by authoritie of he same . Provided alwayes , that no manner of dispensitions , licences , faculties , or other res●ri●ts , or writings hereafter to be granted by the Archbishop , or his commissary , being of such importance , that the taxe for the expedition therof at Rome , extended to the summe of foure pounds , or aboue , shall in any wise be put in execution , till the same lic●nce , dispensation , facultie , rescript , or other writing , of what name or nature soever it be , be first confirmed by his 〈◊〉 , has heirs , or successors , kings of the Realme , under the great seale , and enrolled in the Chauncerie in a Roll by a Clarke to bee appointed for the same . It was therefore justly written by Mr. Cartwright that the Archbishop ( saving profession of obedience to the King ) was made Pope in the Bishop of Romes place , and that he exerciseth untollerable and filthy Marchandise . These faculties are to be considered , either particularly , or generally , 1. particularly , such as are often granted after summary examination and triall of the cause , as 1. to appoint publick Notaries , 2. to give licence to the sickly , women travelling with child , aged and diseased persons , to eat flesh on forbidden dayes , for some politicall respects , 3. to solemnize matrimonie , howbeit thrice open publication of the Banne● hath not preceeded . 4. In cases which belong to benefices . Notaries , which are called Registers , are appoynted by Bishops , and Archdeacons respectively . Publike Notaries appointed by Archbishops , serve , as I suppose ; the Diocies of the whole province . Seeing they haue such manner of courts and officers under them , depending wholly on them , it is no wonder , that they have this prerogative engrossed in their hands also amongst many moe ▪ If he grant licence to eate flesh onely for politicall reasons , wherefore are the same fasting dayes , or dayes of abstinence from flesh observed , which the Papists observe ? wherfore doth the curate in time of divine service make publick forewarning of these dayes , as they are to fall in the weeke following ? and why are not politick judges appointed to grant such licences ? It is the old superstition then , not new policie , which is respected . Doe none obtain licences but the diseased , aged , &c. and obtain they licences without money ? The 101. canon of their last constitutions , giveth power to the commissarie for faculties , to grant licence for marriage without 3 ▪ proclamations preceeding , onely to persons of good state and qualitie , as if persons of mean estate or quality , could not have as necessary a cause to seek relaxation of 3 proclamations . But if ther be any quantitie of money in the purse , the person is of sufficient qualitie . By these licences , children are sometime married without consent of their parents , and sometime the heire is carried away , and married without further notice . Precontracts are deluded , persons having interest which might take exception , not being publickly warned : a way given to clandestine mariages● the congregation mocked , when two of their members are ioyned in mariage , they know not where nor when . As for taking caution & securitie to make good the conditions required of of them , yet saith the defender of the last petion for reformation , that licences have been abused , as much as before , and that the strength of the canon dependeth upon the bonds of the sureties , which may be knights of the post , and men of no worth . In causes which concerne benefices , as 1. to abolish irregularitie , not wilfully contracted . Irregularitie is an impediment of the Canon law , which inableth a man to take on orders , or to minister into them , and consequently to bee admitted to benefices , or to enjoy them . All the Popish irregularities , which are not expresselie taken away , either by their late canons , or statutes of the Realme , stand still in force with them and they may observe them , as they please . To sit in judgement upon bloud , was irregularitie of old , yet these Bishops , make no scruple of it , or any other thing may serve to advance their greatnes . That which was reckoned amongst irregularities , but was in very deed a divine , and not a Canonicall impediment brought in by man , they made least account of , to wit , the irregularity of apostasie . For they allowed Popish massemongers , men for all seasons , K. Henries Priests , K. Edwards Priests . Qu. Maries Priests to be preachers of the Gospell in the daies of Qu. Elizabeth , as the authors of the admonition to the Parliament do testifie . When they would cover their Apostasie with Peters fall Mr. Cartwright maketh this distinction . Peter denied Christ cast down , or in time of his humility , they have denyed him risen from the dead , ascended up into heaven sitting at the right hand of God in glory : Peter did it to save his skin , they to save their honour : he for his life , they for their living . I speake favourably : for otherwise I might say of some ▪ that they did it not onely to save that which they had , 〈◊〉 to get more unto it . Peter did it privatly , and 〈◊〉 corner , they in set and open iudgement : he onely denied that he knew him , or that hee was one of his Disciples , but spake no evill of him : they affirmed , that they knew the Gospell to bee naught , and so spake evill both of Christ and it : hee did it suddenly , and at a push ▪ they deliberatly , and with time given to consult : he although he forsooke his master Christ , yet never served the Scribes and Pharisees , which were the enemies of Christ ; they did not onely forsake Christ , but served in the courts of his sworne enemie the Antichrist . And againe , they at one clap have renounced him with mouth , and subscribed against him with their hand , and where he forsware him once , they have forsworn him oft , according to the member of Dioceses , where they have their livings , and diversitie of times , wherein such thing● have been required . Peter was called immediatly by Christ himself , and not by man , and after his repentance comforted , and confirmed in his Apostleship . Christ was the Law-maker , and might dispense with his owne law . But the Levits which went astray after idols , shall not come neere unto me to doe the office of a Priest unto me , nor ●om● neere to any of my holy things in the most holy place : but they shall beare their shame , and their abominations , which they have committed , Ezek. 44. 13. Notwithstanding of their repentance , they were not restored to the Priesthood again . If they do unfainedly repent , they may be received againe into the besome of the Church : but because of the skar which remaineth after the deep wound of their fearfull Apostasie , they ought not to be restored to their degree of office in the Church . Men proving inconstant in the faith , are not fit to bee made captaines in the Lords armies . Bastardy is no true irregularity , or just impediment to inable a man to receive orders . If it were not too tedious to run over and apply all sorts of irregularities , we should finde an huge number of irregulars by the Canon law , amongst their Clergie men . 2 To abolish likewise simoniacall suing for promotion to benefices , or orders . Their Simonie cannot bee expressed more vively , nor contrived more succinctly , then it is already by Mr. Brightman on the Revelation . But specially their beggarlinesse in suing for livings , is notorious . For let us take a view , and make a generall muster as it were of the whole Clergie , and if you will let us begin it the basest underlings . The Curats , as they call them , are both in very deed , and in all mens account , a company of beggarly followes . In whom a man may see that verified which was threatned against the family of Esi ; men bowing themselves to the ground for a peece of silver , or a morsell of bread , and craving to bee put into one of the Priests offices , that hee may have a snap at a crust of bread , 1. Sam. 3. 36. Now for the rest , those that by meanes of their more full purses , walke more lustily , such as wee call sturdy beggars , what running up and down is there among them , what bribing , what importunat and impudent begging , what flattering offers do they make of all their obeysance , and dutifull complements , that they may come by these Ecclesiasticall promotions ? You may see many of them , that post up to the Court , or to the house of the right honorable , the Lord keeper of the great seale : for these two places are like to the beautifull gate of Salomons temple , Act. 3. 2 Men come in this way apace , thich and threefold , and they are in great hope to carry away some good reliefe . Others there are that become followers of Noblemen , and P●eres of the land , whose Chaplaines they become , either houshold or retainers , as I may call them , that live under their protection , for what end , trow yee ? Even for this and no other , that as soone as any benefite , as they call it , shall fall voyd , they might enioy it by the Lords gift . And doth not this , I pray thee , see to be an honest way to get a Church living , no such base and beggarly one as you speak of ? But is not this currying of favour meere beggery ? Is it any whit a lesse filthie thing to come to a rectorie ( or Personage ) by favour then by money ? If wee will judge indifferently , it is all one fault to creep in , whether it be by bribing and simonie , or by fawning and flatterie . The rest of the rout in the Countrey are diligent in attending the common sort of Patrones , whose thresholds they lye watching at , whose wives they brave and court , as if they were their mistresses , whose children they cogg with , whose servants they allure with faire words , and promises , to be their spokesmen , and in every place and poynt they play the parts of miserable beggars . Some there are that begg more craftily , like to those that sit in the high wayes , or in places where two wayes meet , and there they offer pilled rods to passengers , to get a peece of money● therewith as it were a pennieworth for a pennie . So doe men make way for their suits , by large giving of money in hand , or else by compacting to give some of their yerely tithes for a gratification . But some man will say , all this is not the corruption of the Lawes , but the corruptions of men . Nay surely , as long as that manner of conferring Ecclesiasticall charges taketh place , which hath been in use among us to this day , there can be no remedie applyed to cure or prevent this beggarliness . Doe wee not sufficiently find it to be true in experience ? In the late Parliament , Lawes were enacted severely against it . But what came of that ? nothing truely , but that it made men deale more closely and cunningly , to cosen the Law. We must not thinke to doe any good with our lawes , where Christs lawes are not observed . But to proceed , whence once the living is by beggerie obteined from the Patron , what a deale of begging worke is there to come , for those Sir Iohn-lack latines , that institution might be had from the Bishops . Heere hee must supplicate , not onely to the right reverend Bishops , but to Master Examiner , to my Lords Groom of his Chamber , his Register , the Yeoman of his Butterie , and Larder , yea , the meanest , that belongeth unto him . Not that want of Latine ▪ and learning will keep him from entrance into his benefice ; but that he that hath need of money for dispatch , or speech with my Lord , or the like , must fee the servants the better , whose gaine commeth trowling in this way . There is no Castle so defenced which a Latinelesse asse laden with golden mettell , may not scale and conquer . Neither is there only almost so unfit , that hath the repulse , but by what engines he prevaileth , let them looke to it . The like is the condition of Praebendaries , Archdeacons , and Deanes . Nay , are the Bishops themselves cleare of this base beggarie ? What meaneth then , that continuall haunting of the court , and hanging upon the Nobles ? Why doe they not stay and wait , till they be sent for ? yea why are they not rather pulled away from their studies against their wills ? Nay rather , if a man should appeale to their consciences , whether a● not some of those fat demeasnes of their Bishoprickes let out of their own accord , to such as they seeke , and sue to , that might farme and hire them , or else are there not other large bribes covenanted to be given to such , as shall stand them in stead , for attaining of those dignities ? But are th●y onely thus beggarly in their ambitious suing for their promotions ? Nay truly some of them are grown so extreamly base this way , that if they bee to change their See , they pay not their first fruits , but by racking together in a filt●y fashion , an almes from the poorest vicars , which yet must goe under the name of Benevolence , to make a cleanly cloke withall . The price of simonie is not onely a gift in the hand , of money , but also the servile flatterie of the tongue , prayers and sollicitations , and officious services of the body . Some Bishops have made their porters ministers , as the authour of the petition to the Queene doth witnesse . Simonie is compared to the leprosie of Gebezi , but they have a water to cleanse it , the Archbishops court of faculties , where the Simoniacall person may be washed , by a gracious , but a costly dispensation . 3. To grant a vacant benefice in title of trust ( which they call a Commendam ) either for a time or during life . Wee alledged before an example of him that was Bishop of Glocester , and withall commendatare of the Bishopricke of Bristow 16. yeares altogether , by the late Queenes dispensation , as witnesseth Godwin of Landaffe in his commentarie of the English Bishops . Bishops are not content with commendams of Bishoprickes , but to make their Bishoprickss more corpulent & fat , they take also fat parsonages , vicarages , and Prebends , in commendams . 4 That the sonne may succeed immediatly to his fathers benefice . If the sonne claime kindnes , as we call it , to his fathers benefice , he ought to be repelled , and no dispensation should further him : for the ministery doth not now discend by generation , as in the tribe of Levi. But if he be sought , lawfully chosen , and called by the Church , he may very well be admitted to his fathers benefice , without the dispensation of any Archbishop . 5 That for a time , and for some weightie cause , the beneficed person shall not bee bound to make residence , but may serve by another that is sufficient . Beneficed men are licenced to take up the rents of the benefice , without making residence on their cures , and charges . The Chaplaines of the King , Prince , Noblemen , and Bishops , take up the benefices of their parishes , and live notwitstanding at Princes , Noblemen , and Bishops houses . Mr. Leaver preaching before K. Edward 6. sayd , Now my Lords both of the Laity and Clergie , in the name of God I advertise you to take heed , for when the Lord of all Lords shall see his flockes scattered , spilt , and lost , if he will follow the ●racke of blood , it will lead him straight way unto ●his Court , and your houses , whereas those great theeves , which murther , spoile , and destroy the flock● of Christ , be received , kept and maintained . Hooper , preaching before the said King , said , that his Majestie should beginne at his owne Court , and compell the Chaplaines to serve th●se soules , that labour for their livings , otherwise he should put his owne soule in danger . The Courts then of Princes , Nobles , Bishops , and others , are the first denns of these soule-murtherers . The second rank of dennes wherein they lurke , is the universities of Cambridge , and Oxford . There the fellowes of their Colledges , benefice● persons do make residence , & not at the Churches to which their benefice● belong : but , as a Countreyman of their own ●aith , melting and dying there , like snayle● within their shelts . The third sort of Non-residents , are Deanes and Prebendaries , lurking in their Cathedrall Churches , as in dens , devouring the benefices of Parishes lying farre● off in the meane time . Others are permitted to take on orders , and to receive a benefice , and after , as unsufficient to go to the universitie to learn for the space of 3 years ; and all this time the parish doth perish with the famine of the word . The beneficed parson who is non-resident , oftentimes cannot preach , howbeit he● were willing : many other Non-residents there are , wandring vagabonds , which are not lurking in any of those dennes . Some have hirelings to preach monethly or quarterly sermon● for them , to their flocks : But because they ar● hirelings , they carie not true love to the sheep ▪ but onely serve for a little hire to the beneficed parson , and performeth the taske agree● on betwixt them ; not thinking to render account one day to the Sheep-master , but answer onely to the Sheepheard , the beneficed person , whose wages he receiveth . Therefore he dealeth not with the conscience , but perfunctoriously performeth his prescribed taske for his hire ; for he thinkes the sheep not his charge . but M. Parsons . They are like the Philistim Priests , which laid the Arke of God upon a cart , and hurled it with Oxen , which they should have carried themselves . Although I speake herein too favourably of the greatest number of them , which doe not bestow so much cost , as a new Cart , and a draft of Oxen will come too , saith M. Cartwright . For they have learned their husbandry of him , saith he , which teacheth that alwayes it standeth a man in least , which may be done by a poore asse . 6. That a Layman studying to letters may retaine a Prebend , and yet not be compelled to take on the Ministerie . If the office of the Prebendarie be necessarie , then the Prebend ought not to bee bestowed to another use . Then againe , to bestow it on a Lay-man , and not to prepare him for the use of the Ministerie , is farre from the intention of the donatour . 7. That a man entred in holy orders , and otherwise qualified according to the Lawes , may enjoy two Ecclesiasticall Benefices , if they bee Benefices of Cure within a certeine distance ; if without cure , without respect of distance . Pluralitie of benefices doth include also non-residence . For the pluralist cannot make residence at 2. or 3. divers parishes at once . By statute made 21. Henr. 8. it was provided , that spirituall men being of the kings Councel , may purchase licence or dispensation , and take , receive , and keep three Parsonages or Benefices with cure of soules , Chaplaines to the King , Queen , Prince or Princes , or any of the Kings children , brethren , sisters , vncles or Aunts , two parsonages or benefices with cure of souls . Every Archbishop , and Duke may have 6. Chaplaines , whereof every one may have two Parsonages or Benefices with cure of soules : a Marquise of Earle five Chaplaines , whereof every one may have two Parsonages , or benefices with cure of soules . Every Dutchesse , Marquesse , Countesse , and Baronesse , being widowes , two Chaplaines , the Treasurer and Controller of the Kings houses , the Kings secretarie , and Dean of his Chappel , the Kings Amner , and the master of the Rolls , two Chaplaines : the chiefe Iustice of the Kings bench , and the warden of the five ports one Claplaine , every one with two benefices of cure of soules , Lords sonnes , Lords brethren , knights sonnes , Doctors and Batchelers of divinity , Doctors of Law , and Batchelers of the Canon law . Provided also that every Archbishop , because hee must occupie 8 Chaplains at cons●cration of Bishops : And every Bishop because ●e must occupie 7 Chaplains , at giving of orders , & consecration of Churches , may every one of them have two Chaplaines over and above the number above limited unto them , whereof every one may purchase licence of dispensations , and take , receive , and keepe as many Parsonages , or benefices with cure of soules . In the Record of the worthy proceedings , it is sayd , that by the provisoes of that statute , the Kings Chaplaines may have as many benefices as they can get , without stint , and some others may have 4. benefices with cure at one time in severall counties , and some two benefices and yet bee resident upon none of them , so long as hee attendeth upon his Lord and master , which is a thing intollerable in a Christian common wealth . One person will have a mastership of a Colledge in one corner of the land , a Deanrie in another , a Prebend in the third , as Mr. Cartwright reporteth . The author of the petition to the Queen reporteth , that manie have three or foure benefices scattered one from another an hundred miles . In the 41. Canon of the late constitutions , it is licensed onely to such as have taken the degree of a Master of Arts , at the least in one of the universities , and be publick and licenced teachers , to have moe benefices with cure , then one , providing the sayd benefices bee not more then 30. miles distant asunder . But what saith Brightman to the like Canon made before . What hurt have masters of Arts done thee , or how have they offended thee , that thou shouldst owe and doe unto them this mischiefe , to make them in the first place guiltie of so great a sinne ? Thou confessest that pluralitie is evil , and a thing to be suppressed , and yet thou givest them leave in thy indulgence to bee infected with this pestilent disease . Doubtlesse it is a notable priviledge of their degree , that they may bee naught before any others . Pluralitie of benefice● distant 30. mile , doth include non-residence , as well as of an 100 mile . The Sun is farther distant from us then the Moon , yet it is not possible for us to touch the Moon . The last petition for reformation relateth that double beneficed men are suffered to hold some 2 or 3. benefices with cure : and some 2 , 3 , or 4 dignities besides . The defender of the said petition doth report , that their double beneficed men are almost sance number . If benefices without cure of soules , require notwithstanding an office , and attendance upon that office , he cannot lawfully enioy it together with a benefice of cure . It is observed by some , that there is not one almost of their bishops , but he was first a Non-resident or pluralist , or else hee could not have had sufficient meanes to obtaine the bishoprick . Generally : whence it is , that the Archbishop may dispense in all causes not repugnant to the word , if heretofore they have been used or accustomed to bee had at the Sea of Rome , or if not accustomed to bee obtained at the Sea of Rome , if the Prince himselfe , or those who are of his secret councell doe permit . We heard of some speciall dispensations before : now we heare that the Archbishop may dispense in all causes dispensed heretofore by the Pope of Rome , and more also . The Pope was never duly qualified to be a lawfull dispenser , no more is the Archbishop . Where it is sayd , if the matter it selfe be not repugnant to the word of God , it is to no purpose : for the Pope will not say , that hee dispenseth in any thing repugnant to the word of God , howbeit he doth it in effect , and so doth the Archbishop . For simonie , non-residencie , pluralitie of benefices , readmission after the irregularitie of apostasie , observation of superstitious dayes and times , not eating of flesh in Lent and forbidden dayes , which are here expressed , are repugnant to the law of God. Therefore he may take the like libereie in usurie , perjurie , incest , mariage within degrees of the Leviticall law , and the rest of the cases and causes which were reserved to the Pope of old . It is not without reason then that the authours of the Admonition call this Court a filthy quagmire , and poysoned plash of all abbominations , seeing the filth of all these abominations are washed here , and the guiltie person commeth forth after the Archbishops dispensation , as white as snow , leaving his filth behind in that Court. Beside the Prerogative Court , the Court of Arches , the Court of Audience , the Court of Faculties , the Archbishop hath yet another Court , called the Court of Peculiars , which dealeth in certaine Parishes exempt from the Bishops iuris●iction in some Diocesse , and are peculiarlie belonging to the Archbishop of Canterburie . Hee hath also inferiour Courts , such as other Bishops have . You see then , Canterburie is a petie Pope , or according to Bancrofts reckoning , a vice-pope , made up of the old spoyles of comprovinciall Bishops and Synods , and also with the new spoyls of the Pope , beeing armed beside with the Kings delegate temporall power in the High Commission , and so greater in his intensive power , then ever he was in time of Poperie . And when the union shall be accomplished , shal be greater in his extensive power also , with his Courts over-ruling our Nation , and shall be vice-pope of this little World , O if faithfull Patriots would forsee and prevent this . The least of their Ceremonies will prepare a way to this mischiefe . CHAP. 4. Of the Dignitie , and Power of English Bishops . IN the former chap●er we did onely give , not grant superiorite of Bishops over Pastors , which being supposed , we medled onely with the vnlawfull power and dignitie of Archbishops , but the truth is , that the superioritie of Bishops over Pastors is unlawfull also . By divine Law , one Pastor is not superiour in degree above another , no more then one Apostle or Euangelist above another Apostle or Euangelist . The name of Bishops was not appropriate to any eminent rank of Pastors , but was common to all , as may be seene Act. 20. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 3. Tit. 1. 1. Pet. 5. And that their office was also common may be sene in the same places from whence Hierome in his Epistle to Evagrius doth conclude , that a Bishop , and Presbyter was all one , And in his Commentarie on the Epistle to Titus cap. 1. that communi Presbyterorum consilio Ecclesiae gubernabātur , the Churches were governed by the joynt advice of Presbyters . Our Opposites say , that government was onely private in the inner court , the court of Conscience , not publicke in the externall court , or Consistorie . It was so in the time of Poperie , when the Priests were excluded from the externall governement of the Church , which Bishops did vendicate to themselves , and their Courts , the poore Priest having no further power , then to receive privately auricular confession , ponder the weight of secret faults , and accordingly to enjoyne pennance . But Hierome speaketh not of a severall , but of a common councell , and joynt care of many assembled together . For this private government in the inner Court of conscience , was not onely then , but continueth to this day , wherby every Pastor may deal with the consciences of any of his own flock . But Hierome speaketh of a government , which was altered after the Apostles times , and different from the Episcopall government which followed , When the Churches were thus governed in common , by joynt advice of Presbyters , they had not a perpetuall President ; or as we use to speake , a constant Moderator , who had this preeminence during life set over them , to moderate the common Meetings , but they choosed their Presidents , and changed them , as they thought fit . No Pastor could claime this prioritie of order , and direction of the common Meetings , as belonging to him of office . The Apostles did no where institute this same small difference of Pastors , that some during life should be moderators of the rest , let be that majoritie of rule , and superiority in power , which Bishops doe claime . The Pastors , who were at Alexandria , the first we read to have set up a constant Moderator , to whom also they did appropriate the name of Bishop . This was the beginning of that great mischiefe which followed : This was the Cockatrice egge out of the which Antichrist himselfe was hatched : For this perpetuall Presidencie and prioritie of order , did degenerate in superiority of power , and majoritie of rule , and the Bishops growing to some grandeur , they behoved to have an Archbishop , and at last a Pope . So that if a Bishop had not beene , a Pope had not been , and if there had not been a Pope , the great Antichrist had not been . Boni-gratis , supposed to be the author of the Treatise de aetatibus Ecclesiae , wondereth that the Popes Monarchie should arise from so small a beginning . But the Apostle telleth us , that that iniquitie was a Mysterie , and that this Mysterie was working under ground even in his time . For even the Apostolicall times wanted not a proud Diotrephes , loving preeminence . A little seed will bring forth a great Tree . If the Discipline had not beene corrupted , as well as doctrine , the great Antichrist could not have risen . All the errours and heresies in doctrine and matters of faith , which have entered in the Church , could not have brought him in , unlesse errour and corruption in the government had entred in also ; for unlesse this had been he could pretend no claime at all to governe and rule . I come therefore to our English bishops . Let a man travell through Italie where the Pope is , or Spaine where the Spanish Inquisition is , he shall finde no difference betwixt the power of an Italian , Spanish , or English bishop . The English bishop is the same now for power and greatnesse that hee was an hundred years since in the time of poperie . There are foure things chiefly to bee considered in him : First , the derivation of his power : 2. the sole exercise of his authority . 3. the deputation of this his authoritie . 4. his extensive power . As for the first , they are not bishops , as we have sayd , iure divino , by divine institution , or right , nor cannot bee . Neither are they Bishops by humane law , that is , the constitutions of the ancient Church , which imprudently and unhappily set up the first bishops , erring in taking up right the nature of Church government , and the qualities of the Antichrist , who was to be revealed but in the full time . For they are not of that kinde of Bishops , which ruled together with the Presbyterie or Ecclesiasticall Senate , but they are bishops by the Municipall law of the land onely in the judgement of the lawes . For all their iurisdiction & power is united and anexed to the crown , from whence it is derived , as from a source , unto them , and by law they are bound , to make their proces and writings , in the kings name , and not in their own names , and that their seals should be graved with the Kings armes , as I have already declared in the first chapter . It is true , that they make processes in their owne name , and use their own seals , but herein they transgresse the formes prescribed by lawTheir manner of holding in Capite , in chiefe of the king , their Episcopall power and jurisdiction is not changed for all that want of formalitie , as before I have cleared out of Bishop Farrars answer . Sir Edward Cooke in the 5. booke of his Reports , doth prove , That the Function , and Iurisdiction of Bishops and Archbishops in England , is by and from the Kings of England ; and concludeth , that though the proceedings , and progresse of the Ecclesiasticall Courts run in the Bishops name , yet both their courts and lawes , whereby they proceed , are the Kings , as M. Sheerwood in his Reply to Downam doth report . So then all the acts of their Episcopall jurisdiction are performed by authoritie derived from the King. If ye will call that authoritie civill , then actions of a spirituall nature are performed by a civill authoritie , which is absurd . But seeing this is impossible , that civill authoritie can be elevated to so high a nature , it must follow , that it is truely spirituall power , which is united to , and derived from the possessor of the Crown , I meane , in the estimation of men and judgement of the Law : howbeit in it selfe , and by Gods Law , it cannot be done . It followeth therefore that all the Iurisdiction properly spirituall , which the English Prelates doe exercise , as Prelates , is unlawfull , how soever they have the warrant of mens Lawes . It is but onely to save their own credite , that they have set Downam . Bilson , and other their friends on worke , to plead , that Bishops are above Pastors jure divino , by divine Institution , which they are not able to prove . Next is to be considered their sole authoritie , which is censured by Sir Francis Bacon , now Chancellour of England , after this manner , There be two circumstances in the administration of Bishops , wherein I confesse I could never be satisfied . The one , the sole exercise of their authoritie . The other , the deputation of their authoritie . For the first , the Bishop giveth orders alone , excommunicateth alone , judgeth alone . This seemeth to bee a thing almost without exemple in government , and therefore not unlikely to have crept in , in the degenerate and corrupt times . We see that the greatest Kings and Monarches have their councell . There is no temporal Court in any land of the higher sort , where the authoritie doth rest in one person . The Kings bench , common pleas , and the Exchequer , are benches of a certain number of judges . The Chauncellour of England ●ath the assistance of 12 masters of the Chauncerie . The master of the Words hath 4 Councell of the court : so hath the Chauncellour of the Dutchy . In the Exchequer chamber the Lord Treasurer is ioyned with the Chauncellour and the Barons . The Masters of Requests are ever more then one . The justices of Assize are two . The Lord President in the Marches , and in the North , have Councell of divers . The Starre Chamber is an Assembly of the Kings privie Councell , aspersed with Lords spirituall and temporall . So as , in all the Courts , the principal person hath ever , either colleagues , or assessours . The like is to be found in other well governed kingdomes abroad , where the jurisdiction is yet more distributed , as in the Courts of Parliament of France , and in other places . No man will deny , but the acts , that passe by the Bishops iurisdiction , are of as great importance , as those that posse by the civill Courts . For mens soules are more pretious then their bodies , and so are their good names . Bishope have their infirmities , and have no exception from that generall malediction against all men living , Vae soli , nam si ceciderit , &c. Nay , we see , that the first warrant in spirituall causes is directed to a number , Dic Ecclesiae , which is not so in temporall matters . And wee see that in generall causes of Church government , there are as well assemblies of all the Clergie in councels , as of the Estates in Parliament , whence the● should this sole exercise of jurisdiction come ? Surely I doe suppose , and I doe thinke upon good ground , that ab initio non fuit ita , and that the Deanes and Chapters were councells , about the Seas and Chaires of Bishops at the first , and were unto them a Presbyterie , or Consistorie , and medled not onely with the disposing of their revenues , and endowments , but much more in jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall . But that is probable , that the Dean and Chapter stucke close to the Bishop in matters of profit , and the worlds , and would not loose their hold . But in matters of jurisdiction ( which they accounted but trouble and attendance ) they suffred the Bishops to encroch , and usurpe , and so the one continueth , and the other is lost . And we see , that the Bishop of Rome ( fas est ab hoste doceri ) and no question in that Church the first institutions were excellent ) performeth all Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , as in Consistorie . And whereof consisteth this his Consistorie , but of the parish priests of Rome , which terme themselves Cardinals , a Cardinibus mundi , because the Bishop pretendeth to bee universall over the whole world . And hereof againe we see divers shadowes yet remain , in as much as the Deane and Chapter , pro forma , chooseth the Bishop , which is the highest poynt of iuris●iction . And that the Bishop when hee giveth orders , if there be any ministers casually present , calleth them to ioyne with him in imposition of hands , and some other particulars . And therefore that seemeth to me a thing reasonable , and religious , and according to the first institution , that Bishops in the greatest causes , and those which require a spirituall discerning , namely the ordaining , suspending , or depriving Ministers , in excommunication , being restored to the true and proper use , as shall be afterward touched , in sentencing the validitie of marriage , and legitimations , in judging causes criminous , as Simonie , incest , blasphemie and the like , should not proceed sole and unassisted : which point as I understand , is a reformation that may be planted sine strepitu , without any perturbation at all , and that is a mater which will give strength to the Bishops , countenance to the inferiour degrees of Prelates , or Ministers , and the better issue or proceeding in those causes , that shall passe . And as I wish thi● strength given to your Bishops in Councell , so that is not unworthy your Majesties● royall consideration , whether you shall not thinke fit to give strength to the generall councell of your Clergie the convocation house , which was then restreyned , when the state of the Clergie was thought a suspected part of th● Kingdome , in regard of their late homage to the Bishop of Rome ▪ which state now will give place to none in their loyaltie , and devotion to your Majestie . Where it is sayd here , that Deane and Chapters were at the first counsellers to Bishops , it is to be understood at the first time of erecting Deane or Chapter , not at the first setting up a Bishop ; far lesse at the first forme of Church-government planted by the Apostles . For Presbyters were before Bishops , and when Bishops were set up at the first , they were set up by the Presbyterie , and that in the degree of perpetuall Moderatorship and Presidentship onely : neither was there a particular choice made of some Presbyters to sit in judgement with this President , nor another besides this President Bishop , to be Deane of the Presbyterie ; for that had beene to make a President above a president and some Presbyters Cardinall Presbyters of more esteeme the● the rest . In the Church of Ierusalem all the Presbyten governed , not a selected number . D. Field , a defender of the hierarchie , acknowledgeth this , That for a long time there was no more respect had to one Presbyter then to another , but all equal●y interessed in the government of the Church , were indifferently called to the election of the Bishops , ●nd his consultations , it is most cleare and evid●●t A●● this he proveth in speciall of the Church of Rome by Cyprian . And the first appearance of this difference , that not all , but Car●inall Pres●yters onely were called to the common consultations in the Church of Rome it selfe , that he found , is in the time of Gregorius Magnus , that is , about 600 yeares after Christ ; yet he leaveth this as uncertaine . But certaine it is ( sayth he ) that all the Clergi● had interest in the choyce & election of the Bishop , even in Gregories time . As if now the whole ministerie and Cleargie of the citie of Lon●on should be admitted to the election of the Bishop , and not some few Chapiter men onely . Yea Bellarmine him selfe sayth , Non enim jus divinum definivit ▪ ut hi potius , quam illi ex clericis eligant . For divine 〈◊〉 hath not determined , that such and such of the Clergie more then others , should choose . But afterwords in processe of time , ( sayth D. Field ) the Cardin●lls onely had interest in the election of their Bishop , and they and no other were admitted to sit in Co●●cell with the Bispop , all other Presbyters being excluded . By which meanes the dignitie of these Cardinals was greatly encreased . Again , Now these Cardinall presbyters were not onely in the Chur●h of Rome ▪ but in other Churches also , as Duarenus sheweth . So the institution of this difference was so farre from being excellent , that it thrust lawfull pastors from the government of their owne particular charges , & the joynt government of the church , and increased the dignitie of Cardinalls . These Cardinals were but parish priests and Deacons , resident in their parishes and titles . So are not our Chapitermen . But that assistance and councel in proces of time went out of use also . So it is ever dangerous to depart from the right partern and shape formes of government to our selves . Alwayes this polititian alledgeth very pertinently to the shame of our bishops , and their sole government , that the Bishop of Rome performeth all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as in Consistorie , We heard how Archbishops were made up with the spoyles of the Synodes . So the Bishops were made up with the spoyles of the Presbyteries . Would you not thinke it very absurd , to see the Moderator sit by himselfe , exercise all manner of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction without the Presbyterie . Of the Deane and Chapter wee will have occasion to entreat a-againe . The third thing to be considered in the English Bishop , is the deputation of his authoritie . He hath griped greedily , and taken in his own hands , all the power of the Church , and when he hath done that , because he is neither able nor willing to discharge this burthen which he taketh on himselfe , hee transferreth his charge unto other officers under him . He hath taken from the Pastors the pastorall staffe of government , which belongeth to every shepheard , that is set to keepe Christs sheep , and left them nothing but the pastorall pype , to preach and minister the sacraments , and hath put that pastoral staffe in the hands of strangers who are not the true sheepherds , that is in the hands of Chancelours , Archdeacons , officialls , and Cōmissariet , vicars generall , and the rest of that Antichristian●able of officers . The 4. is their extensiue power . For wheras the presbyterie choosed , and set up a Bishop , and no presbyter was excluded from common consultation and judgement , and their meeting behoved to be ordinarie , for exercise of ordinarie jurisdiction in the Church , wher they governed , the bounds of the Bishops jurisdiction could be no larger nor the bounds of the presbyteries jurisdiction , that is wher all the presbyters might convene to exerce ordinarie jurisdiction . All the presbyters of a shire , or countie could not convene ordinarilie and weeklie together to exerce ordinarie ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . Neither is any where in the new Testamen● , a visible Church endowed with power of ecclesiasticall government taken for a whole shire , or Countie . We reade of the Church of Ephesus , Philippi , Ierusalem , Corinth , Thessalonica &c. But to call the particular congregations in the countries extended in le●gth and breadth about these cities , the church of thes● cities , is absurd , and no where to be found . H● would be thought to speake ridiculously , wh● would under the name of the church of Saint andros , comprehend all the congregations i● Mers , Lothian , and ●ife : or under the name of the church of Glasgow , all the congregations i● Teviotdale , Nithsdale , clidsdale , &c. Citi● churches and towne churches the scriptur● knoweth , but not countrie churches . F●● when the scripture speaketh of a Province or Countrey , it speaketh in the plurall number Churches , not Church , in the singular . Seing then there was no Diocesan Church , ther was no Diocesan Presbyterie , nor Diocesan Bishop . No Church is above another . The Church of Corinth had no superioritie over the Church of Cenchrea , which was next adiacent . And consequently the Presbyterie of one Church hath not superioritie over another Church , therefore the Bishop chosen by the by the Presbyterie of one Church , hath not power over the Presbyterie of another Church . Neyther can he possibly exercise ordinarie iurisdiction in divers Churches , and Presbyteries , except yee will make him a Pluralist , and have him gallop from one to another , to keepe the ordinarie meetings , which galloping was not kaowen in the Apostles times . But Bishops have spred their wings over many cities and townes , whole Countries , and Shires , that they are not able , suppose they were willing to execute the power , which they claime , in their owne persons , but must of necessity depute others . And whom depute they , I pray you ? Doctours of the civill lawe , whom they make Chauncelours , Officials , Commissaries and other officers of the Canon law . Suppose they should depute ecclesiasticall persons onely , yet this should not free them of guiltynes . For it is a personall duety which the scripture requireth of the officebearers of the Church . At the first Bishops were placed in little townes , aswell as in great cities , and were not so thin sowne , as since that avarice and ambition have made them to dispise obscure places , and to strive who should have the largest Diocies : Nay even in England the Diocies of old were not so large as now . The Bishoprick of York hath devoured many smaller bishopricks next adjacent ▪ as Camden reporteth in his Brittannia . The Bishoprick of Lincolne hath likewise devovred many bishopricks , which were in the time of the Saxons , and howbeit it hath been greatly impaired , yet there are 1247. parish churches in that Diocie at this day , as is related by Camden . These generalls being premitted , I will be the briefer in the particulars . Bishops considered simply as Bishops , of which in England there are 24. whose estate is to be considered , eit●er in the common-wealth , or in the Church . In the common-wealth , in that they have the title of Lords in respect of their Baronie annexed to the Bishoprick . 2. to have precedence before other Barons in the convention of th●ee thre Estates , or in other meetings . They tell us that Elias and Elizeus , 1. King. 18. 2. King ▪ 2 were called Lords , and if the prophe●s were of old so stiled , why may not they also ? By this reason all prophets and pastors should be so honoured . But the tuth is , that the name of Lord was given by the wife to her husband , Gen. 18. 12. and to any man of honest account , howbeit to mean men , as to Philip. Ioh. 12. 21. to Gardiners , Ioh. 20. 15. and was more common among the orientalls , then Sir is with us . Elias and Elizeus were not Barons , and for their B●ronies stiled Lords aboue the common sort . But that stile is with us attributed onely to Lords of dignitie , to Noblemen , and other officers of State. As for Bishops , you may see , that they are so stiled in respect that they are Barons howbeit D. Downam doth aledge , that they are so stiled in regard of their spirituall office and jurisdiction . The first respect is forbidden ; Luk. 22. 25. as wee have sayd before . The second respect is as unlawfull : for there are no Lords in the Church but one Christ , who is Lord and King. Their ambitious and arrogant precedencie in taking place before great Barons , is another part of their pompe . Their statelinesse and pompe is set forth also in their glorious palaces , & sumptuous buildings . Their chambers doe shine with guilt , their walles are hanged with cloth of Auris , their cupboards are laden with plate , their tables and diets are furnished with multitude and diversitie of dishes , their dayly dinners are feasts : They have 30. 40. 60. or moe every one of them of men waiting on them , some before some behind , whereof three parts of them ( set a part the carying of a dish unto the table ) have no honest or profitable calling to accupie themselves in , two houres in the day , to the filling of the Church and common wealth also , with all kinde of disorders , as Mr. Cartwright an eyewitnesse doth testifie . Many Churches lye desolate for want of sufficient provisioes , whose impropriations are appropried to bishops to maintaine their pompe and statelines , and bestowed upon keeping great horses , caroches , and trains of men . I need not to insist in this poynt , it is so sensible to any man , who hath but common sence . In the Church by reason of their calling , or of their function . In their externall calling to the Bishopricke , some things respect the Prince , some things respect other Bishops . The Prince before election may 1. nominate . 2. grant facultie to choose . After the election finished , 1. yeeldeth his Royall assent , 2. directeth his mandate to the Arch-bishop to confirme him and other two , to consecrate , 3. exacteth the oath of homage from the new bishop , 4. Restoreth to him the possessions of the Bishoprick . Such things as respect other Bishops , respect either the Archbishop , or him and others : the Archbishop , as him who is to confirme the election . Him and two others , as who are to consecrate him according to the direction of the book of orders . When the bishops Sea is destitute , the Deane and Chapter make intimation to the King of their want of a Bishop , and humble supplication for licence to choose another . The King by letters patents under his great seale , granteth them licence : and with the letters patents sendeth a missive , commending the person , who is to be chosen , some man who hath waited long on the Court , and promised to some courtier an annuitie out of his Bishopricke during life , or some other gift . After this election , which is made after the Papisticall manner by Deane and Chapter , and a superficiall manner , or pro forma , as Sir Francis Bacon , now Lord Chaunlour , sayd , the Deane and Chapter do intimate their feigned processe of election to the King : againe , praying the King to yeeld his Royall assent to the Lord elected . The King directeth his letter patents for warant to the Archbishop , or some other whom hee shall appoynt , to confirme and consecrate my Lord elect . The consecration being finished , and the bishop having done homage , and sworne fealtie , the Kings writ is directed out of the Chancerie to the Escheator , to restore to him the temporalities of the Bishopricke . And the Bishop may procure another writ out of the Chauncerie , directed to his tenants , commanding them to take him for their Lord. This order of proceeding is thus described by the authour of the Assertion for true Church policie . Here are many imaginarie formes , and mockage , rather then sound dealing . The libertie of election of Pastors , if Diocesan bishops were true Pastors , is taken from the Church , and the Church deluded with a May-game . Now as for his consecration , howbeit the Scripture doth not teach us two distinct forms of ordination , one called ▪ consecration proper to a Lord Bishop , the other by the generall name of ordination , peculiar to a minister , yet wee will let you see the Rites of their consecration , how all are taken out of the Popes Pontificall , as may be gathered by conferring the book of Orders with the said Pontificall . A table is prepared for the Masse-book , and the pontifical : so is here a table furnished with the service book , and the book of orders . There two bishops are present to assist the Consecrator , ordained to have on the Rochet , if not the Ro●che● , a surpl●ce . Here all the Bishops that be present at the consicration of Bish●ps , should wear● coapes and surplices , having pastorall staves in their hands . They retaine the surplice , seldome the coape , but they never use their pastorall staves , sayth the Author of the petition to the Queen And yet they have a staffe to beat out a painfull minister out of the Church , if he take not on a surplice . But in the abridgement of the ministers of Lincolne , it is sayd , that in the former edition ( of the book of ordination ) which seemes by the 36. article to be that , wee are required to subscribe unto , and which ; it may be , some of the Bishops doe still use , there are other corruptions , as that the coape , albe , surplice , tuni●le , and pistorall staffe , are appointed to be used in ordination and consecration . There the elected is presented by two Bishops , to the consecrator , who is sitting , and the elder of the two Bishops sayth , Most reverend father in God , &c. So here he is presented by two bishops to the Archbishop , or any other bishop having commission , to whom one of them sayth Most reverend father in God , we present unto you this godly and learned man , that he may be consecrate bishop . There none is consecrate till the commission be shewed : here likewise the Archbishop is carefull to have the Kings mandate anent his consecration , to be produced and read . There the elected taketh an oath upon his knees to the Pope , and another of obedience to the Archbishop : so here they must take one oath concerning the supremacie , another of canonicall obedience to the Archbish. There the Archbi . demandeth some questions , so also here . There is sayd , or song , Veni Creat●r ; so here . There the Archbishop together with the Bishops then present , laying on their hands , say , Receive the holy Ghost : so here also , as if the one could give , and the other receive the holy spirit from his finger ends . By the book of ordaining Prists and Deacons , the Archbishop should lay the Bible upon the bishops neck , that is to be ordained , and put a pastorall staffe in his hand , sayth the authour of the petition to the Queenes Majestie , but they put the Bible in his hand , and observe not the former direction , or else follow a later booke of ordinations . After these things being done , the consecrator and his assistants communicate with the new consecrated bishop , so here also . The Gospels , the Collects , the Epistles , the Letanie , which are here used for the most part , are borrowed from the same Pontificall , and the Letanie interrupted here also as there . There the consecrator sayth nothing more ordes●e , then is set down in the booke , either when he prayeth , or demandeth , or consecrateth ; so here . There the consecrator putteth gloves on the hands of the consecrated . Here the consecrated Bishop dealeth gloves , as I heare , to his friends : for why , now he is maried , and the mariage betwixt him and the Church , which was begun by the election , is consummate , they say , by consecration . Should not then the bridegroome deale gloves among his friends ? That day that our Bishops were first consecrated at London , their bride at home understood nothing of the matter . In respect of his function , either in things concerning Episcopall order , or concerning iurisdiction . Concerning Episcopall order , as 1. to ordaine Deacons and Ministers according to the prescript of the booke of ordinations , 2. to dedicate Churches and buriall places , 3. to confirme children . The power of order as they call it , that is a power and authority which is given to men sanctified and set apart from others , to performe such acts as belong to the service of God , and the discharge of the pastorall function , it acknowledged by D. Field , as also by the sounder sort of the Romanists themselves , to be equall & the same in all pastors , and that there is not a greater power of order in the Bishops then Presbyters . If the power of order , and authoritie to intermedle in things pertaining to Gods service , be equall and the same in all Presbyters , who hath power to abridge this their power , and limitate the exercise of it ? To reserve the exercise of it to the Bishop , as if he alone may give orders , or if other ministers joyne either casually or by Canon , with him , that it is not for consecration , but for consent and approbation onely , or that a whole Presbyterie cannot ordaine , that is , sanctifie , dedicate or set apart any person to the ministery , unlesse there be a Bishop present to utter the words of consecration , is not onely absurd , because it imports that God hath bestowed on them a facultie which they cannot put in execution , but also dangerous for the Church of God , as experience of the last age hath manifested . For then all the Ministers in France , and other reformed Churches , who received not imposition of hands by bishops , should not be lawfull Ministers . Their shift of the case of necessitie , is no shift at all . For if they have that power by divine right as they pretend , the other may in no case usurpe it . Further , seeing nature giveth not faculties in vaine , wee must not thinke that Christ gaue a power or facultie to be idle . The gifts and faculties he gaue , hee gave them , to be imployed , not onely in time of necessitie , but at all convenient times and occasions offered . Where do they finde in all scripture this exception of the case of necessitie . Where the law of God doth not distinguish ought man to distinguish ? The prayer out of the mouth of a divine bishop , a minister appoynted by the presbyterie to moderate the action , is it of lesse efficacie then the prayer out of the mouth either of an human or Satanicall Bishop . As for imposition of hands , it is a rite onely , which is common to all , and not essentiall . Seeing then to ordaine ministers belongeth to the power of order , as to preach the word , and minister the sacraments doth , and that this power is common to all pastors , the validity or invaliditie of ordination , ought not to depend upon a bishop , set up by mans appointment and invention ; and that it was but an invention of man , is clear , in that this reservation & restraint came in but by corrupt canons . In the councell of Ancyra a canon was made , to forbid the presbyters of the Citie to ordaine presbyters and Deacons without the bishops permission , wherby appeareth , that before that Canon was made , they had ordained some without the Bishops , either presence or permission : and yet their ordinations were not made voyd : and that after the making of the Canon , they yea it is confessed that this is reserved unto them , potius ad honorem sacerdetij , quam ob legis necessitatem , rather for for the honour of their Priesthood , then the necessitie of any law , at Hierome sayth . Beda sayth in plainer tearmes , that for pride aud arrogancie this as many other things were not permitted to Priests , but reserved to Bishops . That which the Iesuite Swarez sayth , concerning confirmation , Si prestyteri ex visuae ordinationis haberent sufficientem potestatem ordinis ad hoc sacramentum ministrandum , sine causa in universum prohiberentur illud conferre , may be applied to that which I affirmed of ordination , that God gave not faculties and powers to be idle . I have as yet onely supposed this their confirmation to be lawfull . But let us now see what it is . The bishop , or such as he shall appoynt , apposeth the children in some questions of a short catechisme ; for hee taketh not the paines to doe it alwayes by himselfe . Then are they brought to the bishop , not by the minister , but by a godfather and a godmother , for they must have a godfather and godmother at confirmation , as at baptisme . The Curate of the parish needeth not to come , but may send the childrens names in writing . In the first prayer the bishop prayeth for the 7. gifts of the spirit , which the Papists say , they receiue in confirmation . Then the bishop wil not lift up his hands and blesse them in common , as the Priests in the old law did , when they blessed a multitude , or great number , but they must be brought to him one by one , that he may lay his hand on every childe severally . For there is some efficacie , say they , in that signe . For they say , that imposition of hands is one of the externall meanes , by the which the holy Ghost is given ? And howbeit that prayer have the chief force , yet imposition of hands hath some also . In baptisme we receive forgivenesse of sinnes but the principall grace we receiue in confirmation , is say they , strength and defence against all tentations to sinne , and the assaults of the world . The Papists and they make the like destinction betwixt baptisme and confirmation . The Papists say , the comforter promised by Christ to his Church , was bestowed in the sacrament of confirmation . The same prayer for the comforter use they . The grace which is begun in baptisme , they say is per●ected in confirmation , as the Papist sayth : as if , when we were baptized , we were but halfe Christians . In the prayer after the laying on of hands , it is 〈◊〉 , that the laying on of the bishops hands , is a signe , whereby the childe is certified of Gods favour , and gracious goodnesse toward them , a child of seven or eight yeares of age . If it bee a certifying signe , is it not a seale of grace ; as the other sacraments are . All that I have sayd ▪ may be seen in Hooker , Hackwell , and their service book . None must receive the communion till he be thus bishoped , and yet divers bishops do not use it . Then by order of law , these who are bishoped , may refuse to take the communion . In hallowing of Churches the Papists use crosses , taper light burning of lamps , oyle , ashes , and many ridiculous ceremonies ; but let it be so , that their dedication is more simple , then the Popish , yet it is superstitious . For to dedicate , that is to dote and mortifie to such a use , as to the congregation to covein in , it is already done by the founders , who were owners of the ground , and builders of the Churches , and the use is onely civill to defend the people convened from winde and weather , or other incommodities which might impede them in the service of God. A second dedication , that is , an hallowing of it , after it is set apart before it can be employed to divine service , as if divine service were prophaned , unlesse it were hallowed , is meere superstition . Our Churches are not like the Temple of Ierusalem , which had a legall kinde of holines , and was a type and figure of Christ , but like the Iewish Synagogues . There is no more holinesse in our Churches which containe the congregation , then in the glebe land , which is dedicate and set a part to maintaine the minister , but that it should be kept cleane and comely for the people which is to convene in it . When the congregation is there at divine service , which is but accidental , and may be performed on a hillock , then God indeed is present in the middest of them . Out of this hallowing of churches , hath proceeded superstitious customes and canons of immunitie of churches . I heare they may not carry a vessell through one of their cathedrall Churches , or a bagge under their arms without reproofe , as if their great Domes were like the Temple of Ierusalem , Mark. 11. 16. The like may be sayd of Churchyards , or other burying places : for all burial places are of a like nature , whether they be neere the Church , or removed fare from it . Their jurisdiction is either delegate of ordinarie . Iurisdiction delegate sometime to the Bishop , not as he is Bishop , but as he is a citizen or subject , as 1. if he be appointed a justice of peace , 2. if he be upon the kings secret counsell . 3. if he be sent Embassadour to any forraine Prince , 4. if he have any other civil office of countenance committed to him . Besides that some of them are Iustices of Peace and Quorum , some Councellours , some at sometimes Embassadours to forrain Princes , some of them have been Deputies under the Presidents of Wales , as Whitgift late Bishop of Canterburie : some of them sit in the Starre chamber with the Chauncellour and others of the Councel , together with other Lords and Barons upon notable riots , counterfeiting of letters , taking away of maids within age against their parents and Gardians will , &c. where the most usuall punishment is imprisonment , the p●llory , or a fine . They sit also in the high Court of Parliament , pretending themselves to be the● estate of the Realm , as if the body and state of the common-wealth were not an entire and compleat body and state , without the body and state of the Prelacie , nor lawes could not be made without their consent . But the vanity of this their pretence is taken away by the authour of the Assertion of Christian Church Policie , who doth prove that lawes have been made without their consent , yea and without their presence , even since , they have been admtited to sit in Parliament . Their priviledge to sit in the Starre-chamber , and to be Lords of the Parliament house ▪ some doe thinke was granted by King Henry 2. Camd ● thinketh that this honor was bestowed upon them by William the first , and that it is in respect of their Baronies , which they hold in knight service , that they sit there . It is no fundamentall law then of the kingdome , farre lesse doth it agree with the law of God , to give voyce , and decide in criminal & civil matters in whatsoever secular court . Is there any doubt to be resolved out of the word , they have ever had a convocation of the Clergie in time of Parliament , with whom they have advised in matters of religion . Are the Prelates for their riding in pompe to Westminster , and sitting in their ●obes , more able to give advice , then the whole Clergie assembled in a lower house ? Or can they be more rice in their judgement sitting apart from them ? Or is it not enough to give advice unlesse they also vote , and that in matters no way pertinent to their calling ? Or is the Church respected in their persons , when they shall have no place but as Barons ? Or shall they vote in the name of of the Church , not having commission , but like the Nobles , who have place in respect of their birth . In the higher house the Iudges of the Realme , the Master of the Rolles , and the Secretarie of estate sit in the midst thereof ▪ upon wooll-sackes . But these that sit on the wooll-sacks have no voyce in the house , but onely sit there to answer of their knowledge in the law , when they be asked , if any doubt arise among the Lords , sayth Sir Tho. Smith in his common-wealth . This place , if any , better becommeth them , then to sit high , each in his ranke , over against the Dukes and Barons , and to answer only of their knowledge in the law of God , when they shall be required , for any matter of Religion . But this , as I sayd , may be better done in the convocation house . In time of Poperie , the Spirituall Lords might not sit in Parliament , whensoever any statute was to be made touching felonie , or treason , or the losse of any member , or shedding of bloud . If they might haue been spared then at such times , may they not be as well spared in matters of possessions and unheritances . Our Prelats entred in parliament notwithstanding the cautions and conditions condiscended upon were never insert in the act of their admission , upon which condition onely ▪ the generall assembly after great opposition made to the Churches vote in Parliament , was induced for the most to consent . To bee Lords in Parliament and Councell to governe countries , to sit in the Starre-chamber , to bee Iustices of peace and Quorum , to goe in Embassage to forraine princes , and to exerce other civill functions in the common-wealth , as is here sayd , is to exerce offices incompatible with their spirituall calling , to beare rule and dominion among the nations , to intangle themselves with the affaires of this life , and to neglect that spirituall calling , to which they were sanctified and set apart from the rest of the citizens and subjects of the kingdome . It was said of old that the Psalter should never bee out of their hands . They take the charge of a great Diocie , more then they are able to compasse within the fadome of their armes , and yet turne it over to their Vicars , officialls , Chauncellours , Archdeacons Commissaries , and take upon them offices which they confesse are not Episcopall , but delegate onely by the Prince . O what a confusion hath the pride and ambition of Clergie-men brought into the Church of God! In jurisdiction by ordinarie law attributed unto them in their owne Diocie , is to be considered , either the sinewes of exercising it , or the jurisdiction it selfe . The sinewes of exercising their jurisdiction , are Ecclesiasticall censures , which may either be infl●cted upon laymen and Ecclesiasticall persons , or peculiarly upon Ecclesiasticall persons onely . Of the first sort are 1. interdiction of divine service , 2. admonition , 3. suspension , ei●her from entrance into the Church , or from partaking of the sacraments , 4. excommunication , 5. the great curse Anathema against a pertinacious heretick . Of the second sort are 1. sequestration of the fruits of a church , 2. suspension either from office , or office and benefice , 3. deprivation , 4. deposition , & that is either verbal by sentence , or reall , which is called degradation . Of all which censures , one , to wit excommunication , is inflicted for contumacie , either for not comp●iring in judgement , or not obeying the mandates of the Church . The rest are inflicted as well for contumacie , as for other actuall offences . By interdiction , sayth Mucket , a communaltie for some publick offence , is deprived of divine service , buriall , administration , and receiving of the sacraments . Interdiction of a certaine place , as of a citie or whole countrey , for some publicke and common offences committed by them , or the superiour Magistrates , to whom they adhere , whereby Churches are closed , divine service is substracted , &c. The Bishop of S●alato sa●th , it is an impious invention , not known nor heard of in the Church for a thousand yeare , and that it bred in Pope Hildebrands brain : and concludeth after some reasoning , ●on ergo legitima est , sed spuria haec cens●va ac 〈◊〉 abominanda , quam Ecclesia pro sua 〈◊〉 ignosit . Excommunication is distinguished by the Canonists , in the lesser or greater excommunication . The lesser , sayth Mucket , is suspension from intrance into the Chur●h , or onely from partaking of the sacrament , which Cyprian calleth Abstentio , and it is inflicted for contumaci● , and other offences , but chiefly for contumacie , in not compeiring in E●●lesiasticall Courts , or not obeying their ordonances . D. Field saith , that lesser excommunication excludeth onely from the sacraments , which when it is pronounced against them that stubbornly stand out , and will not yeeld themselves to the Churches direction or disposition , is properly named excommunication ; but when it is pronounced against then that yeeld when they have offended , and seeke the blessed remedies of the evils they have committed , it is not so properly named excommunication , but it is an act of the discipline of repentance . This suspension from entrance in the Church , is against all reason : for even persons excommunicate should not be debarred from hearing of the word : for the word is the meane and powerfull instrument whereby offenders are recalled . The greater excommunication , sayth Mucket , is , whereby the offender is not onely debarred from receiving the sacrament , or entrie in the Ch. but also from the fellowship of the faithful . Doctor Field describeth it thus : The greater putteth the excommunicate from the Lords body and bloud , and depriveth them of that comfort and strength of grace , which from it they might receive , it denieth unto them the benefite of the Churches publick prayers , and so leaveth them to themselves , as forlorn ; and miserable wretches , without that assistance , presen●● and protection which from God she obtaineth for her obedient children . The tearmes being thus unfolded , we haue to consider in the use of this censure , these special poynts ; First , the lawes made under the pain of excommunication ipso facto . For in time of Poperie , there were two sorts of excommunication , one inflicted by the law or Canon , when a man committing the offence and fact inhibited by the law ; was made subject to excommunication , without the ministerie and proceeding of a judge , which was called also excommunicatio latae sententiae . The sentence was not left to the judge to pronounce , but was esteemed pronounced in the very law it selfe . The other excommunication is inflicted by a judge after citation and cononicall forewarning , wherin the sentence condemnatorie is pronounced by the judge . The former leaveth nothing to the judge , but the sentence declaratorie , to declare , that seeing he is gultie of such a crime , hee is already excommunicated . The Bishop of Spalato , howbeit their great friend otherwise , condemneth this kinde of excommunication , as absurd , and perceiveth in it , magnum Papatus arcanū latere , cui et rudes imperiti Canonistae seu potius Decretistae spiritum & robur addere sunt conanati . For , sayth hee , Excommunicare etenim est actu aliquem ligare , non potentia . Non enim ligatur , qui potest , aut debet ligari , sed qui reipsa ligatur . How can a man as yet invisible , indemonstrable , unknowne to him that bindeth , be bound ? This bond cannot bind without a binder , and the presence or knowledge of him that is bound . When such a Canon was made , there was a binder , and a bond , but none present , or known to bee bound . When the offence is committed , there is one to be bound ; but where is the binder ? And yet in their latest Canons , made in the first yeare of the Kings entry , they have made excōmunication ipso facto to be the sanction of many of their Canons : excōmunicating ipso facto all such as shall affirme the forme of their Church service to be corrupt and superstitious , the rites or ceremonies established by law to bee wicked , Antichristian , or superstitious the government of their Church by Archbishops , Bishops , Deanes , Archdeacons , &c. to be Antichristian , or repugnant to the word , or that the forme and maner of making , or consecrating their Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , is not lawfull , &c. So that at this day , the better sort both of the ministerie and professours amongst them , do stand excommunicate by this Popish guise . The next thing to be considered , is the sole authoritie of bishops excommunicating by themselves alone , or their Deputies , Officials , Chancellours , Archdeacons , the ministers and professors in whatsoever Church of their large Diocie . When Christ sayd , Tell the Church , Math. 18. was this the meaning , Tell my Lord Bishop , or his Chauncellour , the Archdeacon , or his officiall . Can this collective name Church by any shift be drawne to signifie one particular person , Canterburies grace himselfe , or the great Pope himselfe ? Is the Pope the universal Church , or the Bishop the diocesan Church , or his Chauncellour ? Christ maketh a gra●ation from one to two , at last to many . The Apostle reproveth the Corinthians because they had not already excommunicated the incestuous person . And do yee not judge them that are Within , sayth the Apostle , 1. Corinth . 5. 12. In the second Epistle , chap. 2. v. 10. hee declareth that they ha● power to forgive and reconcile the same incestuous person . And writing to the Thessalonians , hee willeth them , to note the man who obeyed or harkned not to his Epistle ; and to have no companie with him , that he may be ashamed , 2. Thessal 3. 14. Now there was no Bishop at all either at Corinth or Thessalonica , as they themselves will grant , far● lesse an usurping Prelate , drawing all the power to himselfe . It is one of the weightiest judgements in the Church , and therefore not to bee permitted to the pleasure of one man. It is not onely the Bishop tha● hath this power alone , to excommunicate by himselfe , or his Deputie , but also the Deane , Prebendaries , and Canons in welnigh all the cathedrall and collegiat churches throughout the Realme , having certain Parochiall churches exempted from the Bishop within their exempt and peculiar jurisdidictions , by meere Pastorall authoritie ( for Episcopall authoritie by the lawes of the Church they haue none ) may exercise all manner of spirituall censures , and that as wel by their substitutes , as by themselves . Nay , i● hich is more , in Cheshire , Lancashire , Yorksire , Richmondshire , and other Northern parts , there bee many Whole Deanries exempted from the Bishops jurisdiction , wherein the Deanes and their substitutes , have not onely the prohate of wills , and granting of administrations , but also the cognisance of Ecclesiasticall crimes with power to use the Ecclesiasticall censures ; yea this authority of the execution of Ecclesiatsticall censares ; have those Deanes either long since by some Papall priviledges obtained , or else by long use prescribed ag●inst the Bishops . Whereby againe it is clearly convinced , that Episcopall excommunication used in the Church of England , is not of divine institution , but onely by humane tradition : for were it of divine right , then could the same no more be prescribed , or by papall immunitie be poss●ss●d , then could these Deanes prescribe power , or be infranchised to breach the word , or to administer the ●acraments . Yee see , Cathedrall Deanes , Canons and Prebendaries in cathedrall and collegiat churches , and some rurall Deanes , may use the Ecclesiasticall censures . But the Pasto●s of the Churches set over their flocks to govern & rule with power of the keyes , are deprived of the other half of their pastoral charge , and the pastorall staffe , as I have sayed , is taken from th●m . Thirdly , they excommunicate for trifles . The last petition which was made the first yeare of the Kings entry , reporteth , thae th●y excomunicate for trifles , and twelvepennie matters . If a man pay not the fees of their Courts , he shall be excommunicate . For the Chancellors & Officials , the Registers , & the rest of that rable , must not want their unreasonable dues . They doe not excommunicate in the congregation where the offender dwelleth , but in their Courts in forme of a writ in Latine , proclaimed in the Bishops or Archbishops name , as Barrow reporteth , and so also is their absolution . The excommunication may perhaps he intimated a long tyme after in the congregation , and the people warned to beware of the man , who was excommunicate in their Court , perhaps for a trifle . The Admonition to the Parliament sayth , that whereas the excommunicate were never received till they had publickly confessed their offence . Now for paying the fees of the Court they shall by M● Officiall or Chauncellour easily be absolved . 5 The manner is that if the apparitor cannot persanally cite the person to be summoned , he useth leave word at his house . If he come not at the day , he is forthwith excommunicate , as the defender of th● last Petition ●oeth report . 6. They transf●rre this power of excommunication to lay men . their Chauncellours and officialls , whereof we shall intreate in the owne place . The curse Anathema , some doe not distinguish from the great excommunication , but onely in some solemnities , because it is uttered with some externall signes and ceremonies to strike a greater terrour . Others do distinguish it , and Mucket defineth it to be that censure , whereby a pernicious heretick as Gods publick enemie , reiected , cursed , execrate , is adjudged and given over unto eternall judgement and damnation . This is answerable to that anathema , which the Apostle calleth Maranatha , or the Talmudists schamatha . But such a censure cannot be inflicted , unlesse it be revealed to the church , that the offender hath sinned against the Holy ghost . Besides the censures common to lay men and ecclesiasticall persons already mētioned , there are these two reckoned by Mucket , corporall pennance , and deniall of buriall in sacred places . Corporall pennance is inflicted upon the outward man. For to the publick confession of the offence , there is some bodily pennance adjoyned and enioyned the offender . As for example to stand upon a Lords day bareheaded , and barefooted , cloathed with a white sheet , having a white wand in his hand at the porch of the Kirck , and when he entreth into the Kirck to prostrate himself , to kisse the ground , and then to come to the midst of the church & crave forgivenes . This manner is descrived by Mack . Lindwood in his Provincial reckoneth for corporall pennances , thrusting in a Monasterie , imprisonment , striping , and the imprinting of a mark upon the person . Many moe ●ere the popish pennances , which turned into satisfactions . For reme●d of corporall pennance , the offendour may obteine a redemption for some peeee of money , and this is called commutation of pennance , and so the sheete pennance is turned into a purse pennance . If the corporall pennance be ordeined to a spirituall end , as they say , to afflict the body or outward man , for humbling of the soule , how can it be exchāged in a pecuniarie mulct , which hath no such operation with it , especially with the greater sort ? or did they ever read of the like but in the dark dayes of poperie ? Buriall they deny to such , as are strangled for felonie , usurers , and others excommunicated by their offi●ialls , and Chancellours . The censures and punishments peculiar to ecclesiasticall persons , are not all of one nature . For some arise upon their medling with causes civill , howbeit abusiuely called ecclesiasticall ; as the sequestration of the fruits of a benefice , and giving them for a time to the custodie of another , for to defend some mans right , or to chastice the cotumacie of the owner , which sequestration if any man violate , he is to incurre the greater excommunication by the old constitutions of the English Church , sayth Muck●t . But seeing the originall of it is but temporall , it belongeth nothing to Ecclesiasticall Consistories . Deprivation is the removing of a beneficed man from his benefice . A benefice is a mans freehold , and therfore seing his livelihood consisteth it he ought not to be removed from it at the pleasure or judgement of one man. There is no difference betwixt deposition and degradation , but that deposition is verball , inflicted by the sentence of the judge : degradation is real , as when the Ecclesiastical person is denuded , or unclothed of the garments & ensigns of his order , in presence of the civill Magistrate , to whom he is relinquished to bee punished for heresie , or some other great capitall crime . Vntill this be done , they are exemed from the stroke of the Magistrates sword , after the old papistical manner : for to what use else serveth this degradation ? This censure of deposition , as the rest , is in the hands of one man alone . D. Field affirmeth , howbeit otherwise one of their owne , that the Bishop may doe nothing in matters of greatest moment , and consequence , without the advice and presence of presbyters , and in especial , that he may not deprive , depose , or degrade by hims●lfe alone , and proveth it out of the 3. and 4. Councell of Carthage . That by the late Canons , in pronouncing the sentence after the proces ended before the Chauncelour , Commissarie , Officiall , the Bishop should have the assistance of his Chauncelour , the Deane and some Prebendaries , or the Archdeacon , is no point of reformation , as they pretend , for these are onely their servants , and followers , which are to them as the shadow to the body It is sayd in the Canon law , that the consistorie of the Bishop and the Chauncelour , or principall official is all one , & therefore a man may not appeale from the Officiall principall to the Bishop , and the Archdeacon is called oculus 〈◊〉 the Bishops eye . Further they observe the Canon , but as it pleaseth them , for there is no sanction added unto it . These are the censures & punishments which are the sinewes of their ordinarie jurisaiction , by as they are 〈◊〉 commissioners , or haue civill callings committed to them by the Prince , they have their pr●sons , as Clinke , Gatchouses , Colehouses , towres , and Castles , both for laymen , and eccl●siasticall persons . The jurisdiction it self , is eyther voluntary or contentious . Voluntary jurisdiction is , when the person , with whom the Bishop dealeth , doth not stand against it . Contentious is , when such causes are handled against which some partie standeth , or else dealt with therby against his will. For it is to be thought , that the party defendant , will not willingly compeir , and unlesse he be compelled , and therefore is presumed to come against his will. Voluntary jurisdiction is established , eyther by statute , or by the Municipall lawe , or by the Municipal law , & confirmed by the ecc●●siasticall , or by the ecclesiasticall , & confirmed by the Municipall . 1. By the statute as 1. to grant licence for a time to eate flesh upon forbidden dayes , 2. that any being approved , ●ay exercise Ph●sicke , or Chirurgetie , or instruct children in that Diocie . 3. to unite and consolida●e lesser Kirkes according to a statute made thereanent . 4. to assist civill Iudges in executing certaine statutes , which concerne Ecclesiasticall causes , 5. to collect tenthes and subsidies duc by Ecclesi●sticall persons , and that either by taking a stresse , or by Ecclasiasticall censures . The 1. is superstitious , the 2. is impertinent , except that part which concerneth Schoolemaisters , but that should not be at his sole disposition . The petition to the Queen relateth , that li●ences are granted to Scholmasters for money to teach . The 3. likwise is not to be ordered at his will , and may very wel be ordered without him . So may the 4. if it were needful . The 5. is not an office competent to his calling , neither is the maner of exacting to be allowed . By the Municipall law , as 1. to certifie at the kings rescript , the civill Iudges of Bastardie and unlawfull Births , of lawfull and unlawful marriages . 2. to require the kings rescript for burning a pertinacious heretick already condemned . 3. to require the kings rescript for cōmitting to prison the person which persisteth with an obstinate mind excommunicate 40. dayes . The 1. may be done other by them , or without them . The 2. for the kind of punishment and forme of proceeding is a part of the Maximinian law , which was made in the time of K. Henry 4. whereof the ●ath ex officio is the other part . The 3. is used after this manner . If one be excommunicate for the smallest trifles in their Courts , or for a supposed offence , where there is none indeed . if hee stand wilfully 40. dayes together excommunicate , and accordingly certified by the Bishop into the Chauncerie , that then he is to be committed to prison , by vertue of a writ directed to the Sheriffe , sayth the authour of the Apologie of certain proceedings in Courts Ecclesiasticall . Neither is intimation at the common law required , but these certificats mention onely in generalitie the parties coutumacie and disobedience . The effect of the writ de excommunicato capiendo , is two-fold , 1. upon the certificate of the Bishop the party excommunicated is to be debarred action in all the Queenes Courts . 2. the partie is to be imprisoned , and is not to be delivered , unlesse he submit himselfe to the Bishop , except he hath appealed to a superiour Ecclesiasticall judge . By the municipall law , and confirmed by the Ecclesiasticall , as 1. to cause the testaments of the deceased to be proved , and registrate , 2. to grant the administratiō of the goods of him who died intestate , to the neerest kinsman . 3. when no man will enter here , to command to collect and keepe in custodie Bona caduca . 4. to cause account to be rendred of the savd administration , and to approve and reject the same , as law shall require . All ●auses testamentarie , and their appendicles are impertinent for Episcopal audience , or any Eccl●siasticall o●sistorie . Bona caduca is taken in the lawes , as when failing him to whom they belonged by law , the goods fal to another , as the akorn which falleth to the ground , when there is none to take it up , is called Caduc● glans . By law Ecclesiasticall , and co●firmed by the Municipall , as 1. to conferre benefices , or to institute into a benefice at the presentation of others . 2. to command the persons institu●ed to be inducted . 2. to command the fruits of vacant benefi●es , to bee gathered and kep● in su●e custodie by some indifferent man , to the use of the next successor . 4. to assigne a competent portion to a vicar● 5. To grant dimissorie or testimoniall letters . 6. to visit every third yeare th● Diocie . O● institution , collation induction , we shall entreat in a fitter place . As for the third , the sequestration of the fruits of the vacant benefices , the authour of the Assertion of the true Christian Church policie , thus writeth . By the interest where by the Bishop challengeth to be custos Eccl. siarum , there happen as bad , if not worse , then these ▪ for there is no sooner a Church voyd , but a post is sent in all haste with letters of sequestiction to sequester the fruits , to the use of the next incumbent ; which next incumbent for the greater care taken to preserve the fruits to his use , before hee can obteine to be put in reall possession , must pay 10. shillings , or a marke , or more , for these letters of sequestiation , with as much more also for letters , so called , of relaxation , besides 2 pence 3 pence , or 4 pence a mise for pottage Somner ▪ ● And from hence , as ● take it , is the Patron very much 〈◊〉 : For he being , as appeareth by the Statute of 25 Edm. 3. Lord and Avower of the Benefice ought to have the custodie , and possession , thereof during vacancie . The fourth should not be at the Bishops carving , but it is no great matter what be modified to them , seeing they are for the most part hirelings or blind guides . As for the fift , it is agreeable to good ordour , that no Clergie man passing from one Diocesse to another , should be admitted to take on any cure without letters of commendation , and a Testimoniall of their honest life and conversation , and sufficient qualification : but that this should be in the Bishops power is against reason , and therefore no wonder if many abuses and inconveniences arise upon their flight Passe-ports . Visitation is needfull , and it were better for the Church , if it were annuall : But that the Bishop , or any other should be sole Visitor , is hurtfull . A number is more able to make a sharpe enquirie , for moe eyes see better then one , and would not be so foone drawen away with corrupt partialitie . The chiefe part then of voluntarie jurisdiction , is every three yeare to visit the Diocie , and to enquire by the Church-wardens and Side-men , of the excesses , and defects , either of the minister , of the Church wardens themselves , or the rest of the parishioners . Or the Minister , as he is Minister , or as he is another sort of man. As Minister , either in respect of his publick function , in committing , or omitting what hee ought not : or in respect of his private life ; for many things are tollerate in lay men , which do not bes●eme Ministers . Or the Church-wardens themselves , and that concerning their office , either in the Kirk or temple , or out of it . O● the rest of the Parishoners , ●ither as having some peculiar function , or any other Christians . As having peculiar function , Phisitians , Chyrurgians , Schoolemasters , Mid-wives , if they exercise their function , not being approved , or use ●●rcerie or superstition : keepers of hospitals , when according to their foundation , the Bishop is only appoynted visitor or no other . Of the other Christians offending against pie●ie , righteousnesse , sobrietie . Against pietie , as by blasphemy against God , or the holy scripture , idolatry , superstition , s●rcerie , if it be such , as by civill lawes of the kingdom is either not at all corrected , or by order and dir●ction of the lawes , is made also subject to Ecclesiasticall censures , Breach of oath ( called Laesio fidei ) made before an Ecclesiasticall Iudge , or voluntarily to any private man , Heresie , error against the Articles of Religion set forth in a Nationall Syno● holden the yeare 1562. and confirmed by royall authoritie , sch●●me , unlaw●ul conventicles , absence from divine service in their own parish upon the Lords daye● , or other festivall dayes , where there is not a lawfull impediment , unlawfull abstinence from par●aking of the Lords Supper , which is to be celebrated thrice every year . Against justice , calumnie contumely , r●proach anent any cause Ecclesiasticall , Simoniacall suing for sacred orders or degrees , or of a benefice . Vsurie above the rate often in the hundred by yeare . Temerarious administration of the goods of the deceased , subornation of perjurie ▪ falshood or forgerie committed in any Ecclesiasticall action , violence to a minister , de●eining of that which was left in legacie to the use of the poore , or of goods due to the publick uses of the Church , d●●apidation of Ecclesiasticall goods , and buildings . Against sobriety , as incontiniencie whatsoever , committed with one of his kindred or bloud , or of alliance , either of them within the 4. degree , exclusive , according to the computation of the civill law , which is called incest , or adulterie , or committed with a widow , which is called stuprium , or where both bee single , tearmed fornication , fi●thy speech , sollicitation of anothers chastitie , drunkennesse , clandestine mariages , either in respect of consent of parents or tutors not obteined , or of the private place , or witnesses moe ▪ then two not being present , or the bannes not proclaimed three several times , upon the Lords dayes , or holy dayes in lawfull distance . In this table we have an enumeration of offences belonging to Ecclesiasticall cognisance , but it is unsufficient . For there are many moe , then are here expressed : as Theft , Sacriledge , Murther , Prophanation of the Sabboth . Sodomie , disturbance of divine service , Polygamie , Diffamation , &c. as by opening of the 10. commandements may be drawn out to a great number , which ought to be censured by the Church . This partition wall of crimes made in the Canon Law , to make some crimes temporall , others spirituall , hath made the crimes reputed Ecclesiasticall to bee neglected by the Magistrates , and many crimes not reputed Ecclesiasticall , on the other side to be neglected by the Church . As Adulterie , howbeit by Gods law it be capitall , & so ought to be also by the law of man , is not made capitall by their lawes , but referred to the Ecclesiasticall Courts , as proper to them ; many sins of witchcraft , and sorcerie likewise : And on the other side a Theefe should not passe uncensured by the Church , howbeit he be overseen by the Magistrate . For the church ought to deale with every scandalous sinner , to bring the sinner to repentance , notwithstanding the Magistrate pardō , or neglect to punish . Next they have the offences there reckoned up onely for the fashion , & of others not their mentioned , they take a severe● account . As for example , Mucket doth adde these following : Delay of Baptisme at the point of death , contempt of Episcopall confirmation , not bowing the knee at the Letanie , and at the name of Iesus , reproaches against the Liturgie , the government of the Church , &c. Profanation of the Chalice and the plate : Profanation of the Church-yards with Markets or Faires , with weapon shewing , with dancing , &c. In the Admonition to the Parliament it is said , Now great sins , either not at all punished , as blasphemie , usurie , drunkennesse , &c. or else slieghtly passed over , as with pricking in a blanket , or pinning in a sheet , as Adulterie , Whoredome , &c. Again such as are no sins , as if a man conforme not himselfe to Popish orders , and ceremonies ; if he come not at the whistle of him who hath no authoritie to call , wee meane Chanscellours , Officials , and all that rable , are grievously punished , not onely by Excommunication , Suspension , Deprivation , and other , as they terme it , spirituall coertion , but also by banishing , impris●ning , reviling , taunting , &c. So howbeit the offences ; which are abovementioned in the Table ; belong to Ecclesiasticall enquirie in respect of the slander , they are taken from the lawfull iudicatorie of the Church , and transferred to the Bishop to enquire , as he thinketh good . And therefore it is but pro froma , that they are here set downe . Simonie is one of the number , and yet what Simonie is committed , and how that may be dispensed with , wee have already manifested . Where is horrible blasphemie so rife ? It were longsome to goe through all the particulars . But this I cannot passe vvith silence , anent the prophanation of the Lords day , howbeit it bee not heere expressed . The Bill for the better observation of the Sabboth , 27 Elizabeth , being ●assed by both houses of Parliament , was notwithstanding gainesaid , and withstood by none so much as by certaine Euangelicall Bishops , and whi●h , as there men generally conceived , was onely stayed from being made a Law by the Queene , upon their counsell and perswaasion . When the Bshop doth visite , he doth not visite every parish by it selfe as our Presbyteries wont to doe , but all the Parishes in the bounds of foure or five rurall D●anries at once . When his lordship comm●th to some principall Kirk of one of the Deanries , then the Ministers , Church-wardens , and Sidemen within the bounds of those Deanries are to repaire to that place , The Parishes which perhaps have just matter of complaint against their dissolute Minister , of Church wardens , are not warned to be present at this Visitation . The Bishop being set on high , and the rest standing before him : the Church-warden touching the book and kissing it , is enjoyned at an appointed day to make known to the Bishop , or his Vicar , such offences as in a book of Articles given them are expressed . For he hath his Chancellour or Vicar and Arch-deacon , to assist him . At the appointed time the Church-wardens come , and giue up their bills of presentments , the names and dwelling places of the delinquents . The delinquents are sent for , if they can round over the matter with the bishop , or his chancellour , or vicar , there is no more of the matter ; but if not , then is the delinquent enjoyned to take an oath : suppose there be no evidence of the crime ▪ but onely a slanderous report and bruit , and if he free not himselfe by an oath , he shall be holden as guiltie : yea further , he must have sixe or eight besides to sweare at a set day , their oath of credulity , that they perswade themselues he hath sworn the truth , and thus hee is purged by canonicall purgation . Thus are they very careful , when the matter is not rounded over . For , as Lindwood , Canterburies principall Officiall , who wrote about 200. yeares since , saith , Vigilare non curant proelati quamplures ut obseruentur statuta nullam utilitatem bursalem inducenti● : Many Prelates are not vigilant and carefull to have statutes observed which bring no purse profite with them . Many abuses and corruptions are in their V●sitations , no doubt , which have not as yet come to my knowledge , but you must be content good Reader with the little , that I have delivered . In contentious jurisdiction , are to be considered either the persons , or the causes judged , or judgement it selfe . The persons , either the ordinarie judge , or else his surrogate , or the parties , the pursu●r and def●ndant : and they doe plade , either by themselves , or by others ; as by the advice of advocates , or the diligent travels of their Procurators . The things judged , are either of publike , or private interest : of publike , as I contribution for reparations of the Church fabrick , and Church-yard dike , and for acquiring any other thing which is l●cking in the Kirk : or 2 punishment some Ecclesiasticall offence , or contumely . It is true , every Church ought to be carefull to hold up the fabrik of the Church , and to furnish it with all necessarie utensils : but if the Parishioners who ought to bee contributories , be slack , they ought to bee pursued for the money in the Kings Courts , not in Church consistories . If a man holding land which usually payd a pound of waxe to the Church , do withhold it , the Churchwarden may very welpursue before a civill judge . Suchlike if the Church be uncovered , or the churchyard unclosed . Church officers may not impose taxations . Of privat interest in causes of 1. matrimony , 2. succ●ssion to the goods of the deceased , 3. Ecclesiasticall rights . Of matrimonie . either by action , or for supporting ▪ or dissolving of it . By action , either to conciliate & knit , as when we sue at law , that matrimonie may be celebrate and consummate according to the contract , or that after the celebration , the mutuall marriage duties may be performed , which is called Actio directa , or when we intend actiō of lactication of ma●●mony against another , who falsely pretendeth a matrimonial contract to our prejudice , which is called Actio contraria . For supporting or upholding of matrimonie , as when aft●r the marriage , we sue for the money promised in dowrie with the Bride . For dissolving of matrimonie , either for a precontract matrimoniall of either of the parties , with some other , or perpetuall and incurable frigiditie , or consanguinitie or affinitie by lawfull or unlawfull copulation , or adulterie , or for rigorous dealing , in which case separation from the bedd , and bo●rd , but not from the bond is granted . Such matrimoniall causes as are meere civill , belong not to Ecclesiasticall courts , as debts and dowries promised in marriage are not properly demandable in Ecclesiasticall courts . Matrimonie as it is a civill contract , may be ordered by civill lawes , seeing upon it dependeth the right of inheritances providing that nothing bee done repugnant to these conditions , which God in his word hath superadded to that contract , as to determine within degrees prohibited , or polygamie to bee lawfull . So farre as it is divine , in that God conjoyneth and interveneth as third person , and setts downe conditions both of conjunction and dissolution , in the word , the Church is to see , that that order and these caveats bee observed , which are contained in the word . For it may fall out , that both in binding up of marriage they may commit incest , and in dissolving without a just cause may offend also . It is the Churches duty to prevent and remove such offences . But of other lawes civil and municipal , they are not executors . These lawes which are divine , are of a mixt nature . These which are civill , belong onely to the civill Magistrate . The Churches part is transferred to the cognisance of officials , to whom it doth not belong . And therfore Beza concerning this abuse writeth thus . Sed quorsum hoc ad officiales , promotores , procuratores , totam denique illam procorum colluviem , quae Ecclesiam Dei i●mpridē devastat , quorsum hoc ad illa non Ecclesiae tantūmodo Christianae , verumetiā universi mundi de - But what maketh this , sayth he , for officialls , promoters , Proctors , and all that filth of swine , which now a long time doth waste the Church of God ? What is this to these shamefull staines , not onely of the Christian Church , but also of the whole world . Further , beside the Churches part , which is to take heed to offences and breach of Gods law , they have taken the Canon law for the rule of their proceedings , both in spousalls , mariages , and divorces . And thirdly , have taken in debts and dowries , goods and chattels , which are accessorie to marriage , to judge upon , and this must be called Ecclesiasticall cognisance . Lastly , these causes are of such weight , that they are not to be committed to the skill or conscience of one base officiall . It is observed by the author of the Assertion for Christian policie , that mens inheritances many times hang in suspence upon question of l●gitimation or illegitimation of their children , to be allowed or disallowed by the Canon law , and that many Knights , Esquires , and Gentlemen doe complaine , and bewa●le the stealing away , and mariages of their daughters , neeces , neere kinswomen , or wards . Couples have been married , and lived together 4 6 , or moe yeares as man and wife , and upon a new and sudden dislike and discontentment , or upon a surmised precontract , pretensedly proved by two suborned witnesses , by vertue of the Canon law the husband was adiudged no husband , & the wife no wife . Another example he relateth of one solemnly maried to a wife , and after by reason of a precontract , solemnly divorced from the same wife , and compelled by censures of the Church to marry her for whom sentence of precontract was adjudged , and yet authorized by the same consistorie about ten or twelve yeares after the divorce to resummon , recall , and rechallenge his first wife , she having a testimoniall out of the same consistorie , of her lawfull divorce , and being againe solemnly maried to another husband . Licences of mariage have been granted out of their Ecclesiasticall Court with a blanke . So the partie licenced was enabled , if it had been their pleasure , to marry another mans wife , or his wives sister . Many moe grosse absurdities are there alledged by th● learned authour , which the Reader will s●arce beleeve . But I omit them , and many other things which might be sayd anent the particulars set down in this Table . Succes●●on to the goods of the deceased , is either or him , who hath made his testam●nt , or who hath died intestate . The first 〈◊〉 her universall , when the plea is for proving or improving the testament exhibited , or particular when the suit is for to obtain a cer●ain lega●ie . The s●cond is , either properly , when no testament is made , or by way of in●estate , as when there is none who will take upon them the burthen of executorie . In either of the cases the action is either to obtaine the administration of the goods , and that eithe● simply , or with the later will annexed , that it may be fulfilled , or wit● the tutorship , and to the use of the Min●r● or else the action is against him that ingyreth himselfe into the administration , and intrometteth with the goods of the deceased , not being inabled with any warrant . Causes testamentarie , and their appendicles , are meere civill and temporall , and therefore do not belong to spirituall Courts . It is by the grant of Kings , not by Ecclesiasticall right , that Church consistories have medled with such causes . Because Bishops were supposed to bee men of good conscience , and that they would be carefull to see the later will of the deceased performed , then others , therefore they were reserved to Episcopal audience , and cognisance of Ecclesiasticall Courts . But this respect was not founded upon Gods word . For we must not looke so much to conscience , as to a lawfull calling : or else all civill causes pleaded before a Iudge should be referred to Church-men , because of their supposed good conscience . And the truth is , it is but supposed indeed . For a Bishop or pastor that will medle in matters impertinent to his calling , hath but a bad conscience . Such a man will never make conscience of it , more then another religious Christian. And what conscience they made of the matter , may bee seene , in that they transferred that which was committed to their trust , to a base Officiall , who hath as bad a conscience as the Bishop himselfe , and badder , if badder may be . And as for skill in deciding such causes , no man will deny , but the civill judges are more able to cognosce and determine in them , then Church-men . By the common law , sayth Lindwood , these causes were not committed unto the Church , but by the free grant of Princes : And therefore in the lawes alledged by him , approbation and insinuation of testaments are forbidden Clergiemen . Et ratio redditur in juribus illis allegatis , quia opprobrium est clericis , si peritos ostendere vel●●t rerum for ●ense●●● . May not matters of legacies , and bequests of goods , as well as of lands , bee determined in remporall Courts ? Cannot the Iudges in temporal courts discerne upon proofes , and other presumptions , whether the testator was of perfect memorie , or distracted , as they doe in questions of lunacie , madnesse , or idiocie , in men living ? Can they not define of two wills , which is the first , which is the later will , whether the legacie remaine , or bee recalled ; whether it bee pure or conditionall . If a creditor may recouer his debt due by the testator in the tēporall Court , what should hinder a legatarie to recover his legacie in the same Court ? This poynt is made cleare , and amplified in the Assertion of true and Christian Church policie . To conclude then , probates of wills , committing of Administrations , sequestrations of the goods of the intestate , recovering of legacies , taking up of inventaries , &c. belong not to a Church Consistorie , and it is a very great abuse that such Consistories should be called Church consistories , and that spirituall censures should bee put in execution by them . Ecclesiasticall dues and rights , are 1. tithes , which are either Praediall , Personall or Mixt. Praediall tithes are such , as come of the fruits and crop of the ground , as of corne , or fruits of trees . Personall are such , as are payed by reason of the person himselfe , out of the gain that he maketh of this trading , handicraft , hunting , warfaring , &c. The Mixt is added by s●me as a third kinde , but others reduce them according to their diversitie to one of the first two , and such are the birth of bestiall , wooll , milke , whether they be fed at home , or be at pasture in the field . Tithes of whatsoever kinde , are but temporall goods , not spirituall , howbeit they be annexed to spirituall things , and be appoyn●ed to uphold and maintaine divine service , and spirituall functions . Tithes were of old recovered in the Kings Court , not in Ecclesiasticall , as is averred in a treatise alledged by the author of the Apologie of proceedings in Courts Ecclesiasticall . We think that the Kings Courts be put out of iu●●sdiction for tythes , by a custome of the Realme , and not by the immediat power of the law of God. And againe . That suits for tithes shall be taken in the spirituall court , is onely grounded upon a favour that the Kings of this realme , and the whole realme have in times past borne to the Clergie . That the kings Courts of his Bench , and common pleas , and also other inferior courts were put out of jurisdiction for tythes , & suits for tithes were granted to spirituall Courts , was a favour , it is true , granted to the Clergie , inabling them with power within themselves to recover tithes destinate to their maintenance , but wee must not look so much to the commoditie wee may reape by the grants of Princes , as whether Church consistories should medle with such controversies concerning things temporall . This man owe me a cole , that man a sti●k , the third two stone of butter , the fourth such a number of Saffron heads , the fift so many sallow Trees : such , and such suits , were verie pertinent for a Presbyterie to sit upon ; for the Presbyterie is the true and right Consistorie . Now change this Consistorie as ye please , and make the Bishop alone to be the Church consistorie , it is all one For the causes themselves being temporall , the qualitie of the person doth not alter the nature of the cause . In the Assertion for true and Christian policie , it is said , That by a statute 32. Hen 8. c. 44. it is enacted , That the Parsons , and Curates of five Parish Chu●●hes whereunto the Town of Royston did extend it selfe and every of them , and the successors of every of them , shall have their remedie by authorit● of that Act , to sue , demand , aske , and recover in the Kings Court of Chancerie , the tithes of corne , hay , wooll ▪ lambe , and Calfe , subtracted , or devyed to be payed by any person , or persons . Are the tythes of other Parishes more spirituall then these of Royston ? But admitting such pleas to be pertinent for a spirituall Court , they should not be turned over to a Civilian , the Bishops Officiall . And what favour is granted to Church men by Princes , when a Doctor of the Law shall determine in these pleas ! 2. Oblations due of custome either every quarter of the yeare , or in baptismes , or at blessing of mariages or at Churching of women , or at burials : 3 Mortuaries ▪ 4 Indemnities , 5 Procu●a●ions . 6 expences laid forth for the repairing of Ecclesiastical buildings decayed by the negligence of the Predecessour , 7. Synodalls , 8. wages and feel due for causes judiciall , as to the Iudge , the Advocate , the Proctor , the Clarke . Or for causes out of judgement , as to the Curate or Sexten . A procuration is the furnishing of necessarie expenses for the Archbishop , Bishop , Archdeacon , or any other having power to visit in respect of their visitations . For howbeit the Bishops have great temporalities and possessions Ecclesiasticall , that doth not content them , but they must be sustained besides in their travelling . They say , they must have great riches , because they have a great burthen , and must not discharge their charge still in one place , but through the whole Diocie . And yet when they have gotten more then may suffice reasonable men , they will not travell without a new pension , and their expenses borne . For no man is bound , say they , to goe on warfare on his owne cost . And so with a new trick they got procurations annexed to their visitations , as proper stipends due to visitors . At the first , the visitor and his retinue , had their sustentation in victuals for the day which he visited the particular Church . Afterward the procuration was rated to some value of money , answerable respectively to the dignity of an Archbishop , or Archdeacon : for their retinue was prescribed in the Canons and Constitutions . The Archdeacon was appointed to have onely to have 4. persons on horseba●ke , and one Sumner . What think ye then shal be the retinue of the Bishop or Archbishop , if this be moderate in the Archdeacon . Farther , whereas they ought not to have procurations , except they visit every particular Church . They will visit 30. or 40. churches in one day at one place , and yet receive the diet in money of 30. or 40. churches or dayes . They make commodity of their visitations otherwise also , as ye have heard . Synodals are another pension due to the Bishop by every Church in the Diocie for convocating Synods . And yet their Synods are not worthy the name of Synods , for the Diocesan Bishop is onely Lord and Iudge , the rest are to bee judged , rather then to partake in common with his power . A Mortuarie is the second beast , that the deceased person hath within the parish , if hee have three , or above , the best being excepted and reserved to the iust owner . If the three be of one kind , or of divers , the parish Priest must have the second : and wherefore I pray you ? for recompensation of the personall tithes , or offerings withholden , while he lived , yea howbeit ignorantly and unwittingly , sayth Lindwood , and to what end , pro salute animae suae , sayth Simon Langham Bishop of Canterburie in his Provinciall constitution . For the safetie of the soule consisteth in remission of the sinn , sayth Lindwood in his glosse upon that constitution , which is not remitted , sayth hee , unlesse that which is withholden be restored . These are the Mortuaries , as yee see , which are demandable in their spirituall courts . Oblations should be free from compulsion , and superstition , not offered immediatly to God upon the Altar , as sometimes they doe , nor exacted under the colour of maintenance of the ministerie , whereto the tithes are already bestowed to that use . The rich parson , yea the Bishop himselfe claimeth a right to these oblations , as well as the poorest Priest. To compell men to offer by the censures of their Courts , is against the nature of a free offering . The fees demandable in their Courts , as due to the Iudge , the Register , the Advocates , the Proctors , are unreasonable . Large fees are payd for the Iudges sentence , for the Register and the proctors pains , above the rate set down by their Canons , as the defender of the last petition doth affirme . What is there obtained without paying a fee ? They have fees for excommunication , for absolution , for institution and induction , for letters of sequestration , & relaxation , for licences to preach , for subscription of a testimoniall , for commutation of pennance , for licence to marry without bannes , &c. The judgement it selfe , in which is to be considered , 1. the calling for the parties to law , 2. Litis contestation , 3. cognition of the cause , 4. the sentence , 5. such things as follow the sentence , as execution , or appellation . These things are common to every court of contentious or litigious jurisdiction . Here is to be observed , that such a litigious kinde of pleading for things civill and temporall , becommeth not the Church of God. Nos scimus , sayth the Bishop of Spalato , quia 1. Cor. 11. contentione● faciendi Ecclesia Dei cons●etudinem non habit , nisi postquam facta est p●ne tota temporalis , & pervenerint ad papatum inquieti & theologiae expe●●● juristae . Here also is to be remembred the longsomnesse of Ecclesiasticall suits , depending in their Courts . Now the Iudge , Register , Advoca●t , Proctor , are all agreed to prolong suits for their advantage , and so as the Prophet sayth , they wrap it up , Mich. 7. 3. sayth the Defender of the last petition . Where he doth also insinuate that suits have been prolonged aboue two yeares in their consistories . Wee have seene what civill causes , and after what manner they are handled . Criminall causes are brought in judgement , either by accusation , when there is one to accuse , or by denunciation , as when the Churchwardens make their presentments into ther courts , twice in the year , and at the visitations , or by inquisition , when the judge of office doth inquire into offences . What are the offences and crimes punishable in Ecclesiasticall Courts , and what are these which they chiefly search out and punish , we have declared in the table of Visitation . CHAP. 5. Of Archdeacons , Chancellors , Commissaries Officials , and Vicars generall . NOW followeth the jurisdiction exercised by the Bishops Deputies , and Archdeacons , whereunto I will premit the rest of Sir Francis Bacon now Lord Chauncellour his censure . For the second poynt , which is the deputation of their authoritie , I see no perfect and sure ground for that neither , being somwhat different from the examples and rules of government . The Bishop exerciseth his jurisdiction by his Chauncellor and Commissary , Officialls , &c. We see in all lawes of the world , officer of skill and confidence cannot be put over or exercised by Deputie , except it bee specially contained in the Originall granted , and in that case it is dutifull . There was never any Judge , in any court , made a Deputie . The Bishop is a Iudge , and of a high nature ; Whence commeth it that he should depute , considering that all trust and confidence , ( as was sayd ) as personall , and inherent , and cannot , and ought not to bee transposed ? Surely in this againe , Ab initio non fuit ita . But it is probable , that Bishops ▪ when they gaue themselves too much to the glory of the world , and became Grandoes in kingdoms , and great Counsellors to Princes , then did they delegate their proper iurisdictions , as things of too inferiour nature for their greatnesse , and then after the similitude of kings , and Count Palatines , they would have their Chauncellors and Iudges . But that example of Kings and Potentates giveth no good defence . For the reasons why kings administer by their Judges ( altho●gh themselves are the supreame Iudges ) are two . The one , because the offices of Kings are for the most part inheritance , and it is a rule in all lawes , that offices of inheritance are rather matters , that sound is interest , then in confidence , forasmuch as they may fall upon women , upon infants , upon lunatickes , and Idiots , persons not able to exercise Iudicature in person , and therefore such offices by all lawes , might ever bee administred by delegation , The second reason is , because of the amplitude of their iurisdiction , which is as great , as either their birthright from their Aun●estours , or their sword-right from God , maketh them . And therefore Moses , that was governour over no great people , and those collected together in a campe , and not scattered in Provinces , and Cities , himself● l●kewise of an extraordinarie spirit , was neverthelesse not able to suffice , and hold out in person , to iudge the people , but did by the advice of Ie●hro his father in law , approved from God , substitute Elders and Iudges , how much more other Kings and P●inces . There is a 3 reason likwise not much from the present purpose , and that is , that Kings either in respect of the common-wealth , or of the greatnesse of their own patrimonies , are usually parties in suits , and then their Iudges stand indifferent betweene them and the subiect . But in the case of Bishop , none of these reasons hold . For first , the office is E●ective and for life , and not patrimoniall , or hereditarie . An office worthy of science , confidence , and qualification . And for the second reason it is true , their jurisdiction is ample and spacious , and that their time is to bee divided between their labours , as well in the word and doctrine , as government , and iurisdiction . But I doe not see , supposing the Courts to be used uncorruptly , and without any indirect course held to multiply causes for gaine of fees , but that the Bishop might very well for causes of moment supply his iudiciall function in his owne person . For wee see before our eyes , that one Chauncellour of England dispatcheth the suits in equitie of the whole kingdome , which is not by reason of the excellencie of that rare honourable person , who now holdeth that place , but it was ever so , though more or lesse burthenous to the suiter , as the Chauncellour was more or lesse able to give dispatch , and if heed bee taken to that , which was sayd before , that the Bishops labour in the word must take up a principall part of his time , so I may say againe , that matter of state have ever taken up most of the Chauncellours time , having been for the most part persons , upon whom the Kings of this Realme have most relied for matters of Counsell . And therfore there is no doubt , but the Bishop whose circuit is lesse ample , and the causes in nature not so multiplying , where the helpe of references , Certificates , to and from fit persons , for the better ripening of causes in their neere proceedings , and such ordinary helps incident to jurisdiction , may very well suffice his office . Yet there is another helpe : for the causes that come before him are those , tithes , legacies , administrations , and other testamentarie causes , causes Matrimoniall , accusations against Ministers , tending to their suspension , deprivation or degrading . Symonie , incontinencie , heresie , breach of Sabboth , and other like causes of scandall . The first two of these differ in mine opinion , from the rest , that is , tithes and testaments , for those be matters of profit , and in their nature temporall , though by favour and connivencie of the temporall jurisdiction , they have beene allowed and permitted to the Court Ecclesiasticall . The one , to the end the Clergie might sue for that , that was their sustentation , before their own Iudges , and the other , is a kinde of pietie and religion which was thought incident to the performance of dead mens wills . And surely for these two , the Bishop in mine opinion may with lesse danger , discharge himselfe upon his ordinarie Judges . And I thinke likewise , it will fall out that those suits are in the greatest number . But for the rest which require a spirituall science , and discretion in respect of their nature , or of the scandall , it were reason in mine opinion , that there were no audience given , but by the Bishop himselfe , he being assisted , as was touched before . But it were necessarie also , he were attended by his Chauncellour , or some other his officers , being learned in the civill lawes , for his better instructions in poynts of formalitie , or the courses of the Court , which if it were done , then were there lesse use of the officiall Court , whereof there is now so much complaint . And causes of the nature aforesayd being drawn to the audience of the Bishop , would represse frivolous suits , and have a grave and incorrupt proceeding to such causes , as shall bee fit for the Court. There is a third forme also , not of jurisdiction , but of forme of proceeding , which may deserve reformation , the rather because it is contrary to the lawes and customes of this land , and state , which though they doe not rule this proceeding , yet may they be advised with for better directions , and that is the oath ex officio , wherein men are forced to accuse themselves ; and that is more , are sworne unto blankes , and not unto accusations , and charges declared . By the lawes of England , no man is bound to accuse himselfe . In the highest causes of treason , torture is used for discoverie , and not for evidence . In capitall matters , no delinquents answer upon oath is required , no not permitted . In criminall matters not capitall , handled in the Starre-chamber , and in causes of conscience , handled in the Chauncerie , for the most part , grounded upon trust and secresie , the oath of the partie is required . But how ? where there is an accusation , and an accuser , which we call bills of complaint ( from which the complaint cannot varie , and out of compasse of the which the defendant may not be examined ) exhibited into the court , and by processe certified unto the defendant . But to examine a man upon oath ▪ out of the insinuation of fame , and out of accusations secret or undeclared , though it have some countenance from the civil law , yet it is so opposite ex Diametro , to the sence of the common law , as it may well receiue some limitation . This wise Polititian maketh this overture , supposing that the Bishops ample and spatious circuite will not be contracted , and that these causes , which in their owne nature are temporall , wlll not be drawne from the ecclesiasticall Courts . For such a reformation is not , nor may not be 〈◊〉 at in these dayes , at least Polititians will not hazard their places and hopes in seeking of it , le●t Caesar ●tart . But their is a day coming for the Antichrist , and them also . What we have spoken before against medling with civill causes , their large Diocie , and excluding the Presbyterie from the cōmon governement here not m●lled with , I need not to repeat . Alwayes the reader may take up very solide reasons against the deputation of their authoritie . The ordinary Iudges , who under the Prince execute judiciall administration in name of others , are the Bishops deputies , to wit , the Vicar generall , for the universitie of causes belonging to voluntarie jurisdiction , 2. The officiall principall , for the universitie of causes belonging to contentious jurisdiction . 3. The Comm●ssary , for certain● causes , within a certaine part of the Diocie . The persons having judiciall admininistration not brought in by any law , have it eyther by Royall composition , or privilege , or prescription of time . By prescription of time as 1. some in exempt jurisdictions . 2. Archdeacons , whose office constitute by law , is to enquire in the repairing and covering of Kirks , & their implements , in ecclesiasticall enormities to be punished , to refer to the ordinary matters or greater moment to induct into benefices . 2. jurisdiction , as they haue it by prescription . It is ●xerced e●ther by themselves , or by their Officials . 〈◊〉 Byshop hath a two fold power , one of order , another of jurisdiction . The power of order he committeth to his Suffragane Bishop , as ordaining of ministers and Deacons , Bishoping of children , dedication of Churches and church yards etc. Their jurisdiction , is eyther voluntary , or contentious . The voluntary he cōmitteth , when he is absent , to his Vicar generall , the contentious he commiteth to his Chauncelour , and Com●●ssarie . The Vicar generall then in absence of the Bishop may visite the Diocie , or any part thereof , give certificates into the Kings Courts of bastardie and of excommunicates , commit administrations , give licence to eate flesh upon forbidden dayes , & doe all that may be done by the Bishops voluntarie jurisdiction , whereof we haue entreated already . D. Field sayth , that Bishops had Vicars generall , that might doe all things almost that perteyne to the Bishops iurisdiction . And Lindwood sayth , that they might not onely enquire into , but also punish and correct offences . The other deputies of the Bishop may be also called his Vicars , yet are they designed 〈◊〉 distinct name , because they haue a distinct office , to wit , the Chancelour , and the Commissarie . The Chauncelour is the Bishops principall officiall , deputed for his principall Consistorie . The Commissarie is the Bishops officiall . also , but in some remote part onely , or some places , exempted from the Archdeacon , and he is called in the Canon law , Officialis foraneus , id est extraneus , sayth Canisius . This distinction betwixt the Chauncellour and Commissarie , is made cleare in Cowells interpreter , as followeth . Officialis in the Canon law , is especially taken for him , to whom any Bishop doth generally commit the charge of his spirituall iurisdiction . And in this sence one in every Diocie is Officialis principalis , whom the statutes and lawes of this kingdome call Chancellour , Anno 32. Henr. 8. c. 15. the rest , if there be more , are by the Canon law called Officiales foranei , gloss . in Clement . 2. de rescriptis , but with us termed Commissaires Commissarij , as in the statute of Henr. 8. sometimes Commissarij foranei . The difference of these two poynts you may read in Lindwood . tit . de sequestra , c. 1. But this word Officiall in our statutes , and common law , signifieth him whom the Archdeacon substituteth in the executing of his iurisdiction , as appeareth by the statute above mentioned , and many others places . Againe , Commissarius is a title of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , at least so farre as his commission permitteth him in places of the Diocie , so farre distant from the chiefe citie , as the Chauncellour cannot call the subiects to the Bishops principall Consistorie , without their too great molestation . This Commissarie is of the Canonists termed Commissarius , or Officialis foraneus , Lindw . de accusat . c. 1. in glossa , and is ordained to this speciall end , that hee suplieth the Bishops jurisdiction and office in the out places of the Diocie , or else in such parishes as be peculiars to the Bishop , and exempted from the iurisdiction of the Archdeacon . For where either by prescription , or composition . there bee Archdeacons that have iurisdiction within their Archdeaconries , as in most places they have , there this commissarie is but superfluous , and most commonly doth rather vexe and disturbe the countrey for his lucre , then of conscience seeke to redresse the lives of offenders . And therefore the Bishop taking praestation money of his Archdeacons yearly , pro exteriori jurisdictione , as it is ordinarily called , doth by superonerating their circuit with a Commissarie , not onely wrong the Archdeacon , but the poorer sort of subiects much more , as common practise daily teacheth , to their great woe . The Bishops Chauncellour and Commissarie , and the Archdeacons official , are all three termed officialls in the canon law , the Chauncellour the principall officiall , the Commissarie , Officialis foraneus , the third , the Archdeacons officiall , or by the generall name of officiall . In the lawes and statutes of England , the first is called Chancellour , the second Commissarie , the third by the generall name of Officiall . The name of Chauncellour in this sense , is not so ancient as that of Officiall , sayth D. Field , and that in a generall signification it is used for any one that is employed for the giving of answer to sutors , for keeping of records , and notes of remembrance , and generally for the performance of some principall duties pertaining to him , whose Chauncellour he is sayd to be . The principall officiall , that is , the Chauncellour , howbeit he be but onely a Deputie , yet by fiction of the law , when hee cognosceth any cause , hee is interpreted to bee but one person with the Bishop , and to make but one consistorie with him . So that howbeit the Bishop be not present there , yet it is his consistorie . Such fictions of law have been made by , cosening and deceitfull Prelates , to deceive the world . And therefore say the Canonists , there lieth no appellation from the principall Officiall to the Bishop , but to the Archbishop : yet from the Commissarie , who is Officialis foraneus , there lieth appellation . Regularly appellation also may be made from the Archdeacon , and other inferiour Prelates , to the Bishop , sayth Canisius , unlesse the custome of the countrey hath brought in another order . The Archdeacon hath a certaine circuit of the Diocie , wherein he exerciseth his office and iurisdiction . For everie Diocie is divided into certain Archdeaconries , comprehending about the fourth part of the Diocies , if they be great Diocies . But if they be lesser Diocies , they haue but one Archdeacon , as Canterburie , Rochester , Glocester , Bristow , Worcester , &c. The Archdeacon by vertue of his degree and order , hath no jurisdiction , but onely by prescription of time , that is a papall custome , which is yet retained in the English Church . In Hieroms time at Rome the Deacons began to exalt themselves above Ministers , against which usurpation & evil custome of the Church of Rome , he inveigheth with great vehemencie , as a thing unsufferable , that the ministers of tables , and to widowes , should be lifted up with pride aboue the minister of the word and sacraments , and opponeth to the custome of the church of Rome , the custome of all the churches in the world . And yet the old corruption of that one church , ( wherin ther institutions ye see if they were excellent ) hath spread over the whole church , and grown to a great height . So that the Archdeacons will not , sayth Mr. Cartwright , take the best Ministers of the church , as their equalls . They are called Archdeacons , not of one particular Church , but of a whole shire , whereas Deacons were appoynted in several churches . It is true , that many of their Archdeacons are also ministers , but yet they exercise their iurisdiction over a whole shire , ministers and others within the bounds of their Archdeaconrie , not as Ministers , but as Archdeacons . When the Bishop should have visited his Diocie , and inquired into needfull reparations of the church , and what other things were out of order , hee sent his chiefe Deacons to visit for him . At the first they were sent onely to visit and make report , but not to sententiate in any mans cause , sayth D. Field , or to meddle with the correcting and reforming of any thing : but afterwards in processe of time they were authorized to heare and determine the smaller matters , and to reforme the lighter and lesser offences . Hence in time it c●me , that Archdeacons much used by Bishops , as most attendant on them in the visitation of their churches , and reforming small disorders , at length by prescription claimed the correction of greater things , at having of long time put themselves into the exercise of such authoritie . So the Archdeacons in the end became greater then the Deanes , let bee common Ministers . The lazie Bishop sent his Deacon to enquire into the life and conversation of the Clergie and Ministers , which was not his office , yet ye see from what a small beginning he is risen to so great a height . It is dangerous to depart from the right paterne shewed upon the mount . Againe , to make a Preacher of the word a Deacon , is to conioyne these two offices , which the Apostles did separate . Archdeacons then almost through all England by papall prescription have jurisdiction within their bounds , and power to visite , to inquire into offences , to receive presentments , & to punish with ecclesiasticall censures , to substitute officialls to supply their roomes in their Consistories , whereby it hath happened , that the subjects haue been molested for one and the selfe same fault by the Bishops Chauncelours , and the Archdeacon or his officiall . In a Canon lately made anno 1603 they haue transacted the matter so , that they shall not medle with the presentments , received at others visitations ; how the transaction is kept I cannot tell . It is to be observed that Chauncelours and officials are Civilians , Ministers doe sometime also beare these offices , but utterly ignorant in these faculties . For these Courts being confused Courts wherin matrimoniall , testamentarie and other causes of temporal matters are handled not belonging to ecclesiasticall cognisance , no wonder the Minister be ignorant in them . But on the other part , it were a shame if a Civilian should know better how to deale with an offender , and to bring him to repentance . Againe what a grosse absurditie and intolerable abuse is it in the Church of God , that Chauncelours , Commissaries , & officialls being Civilians should meddle with the censures of the Church . The Bishop hath vendicate to himself the whole power of excommunication , and then he transferreth this his power by a generall commission to another , which he may not lawfully doe , no not to a minister , far lesse to a Doctor of the Civill lawe , whom he appointeth to be his Chauncelour , or the Archdeacon to him , whom hee appoynteth to bee his Officiall . They have found out a new trick , which will not serve their turn . The Civilian , the Chauncellour , or officiall , when he is to excommunicate , he hath a minister to assist him , who pronounceth the sentence . The defender of the last petition telleth us , that the minister assistant to the Chauncellour , who is for the most part of the meanest and simplest of the clergie , is but a cyphar , he doth nothing but his masters direction , excommunicateth and absolveth at his pleasure . The Minister is not judge here , the sentence is set downe in writ to him in Latine , which he must rehearse . A memorable example we have in the Assertion for true and Christian church policie , together with the Article made anent this matter . Vniusquis● Vicarius generalis , officialis ceu commissarius , qui ordines Ecelesiasticos non susceperit . &c. Every Vicar general , officiall , or Commissarie , which hath not taken upon him Ecclesiasticall orders , shall call and associate unto him , some learned Presbyter , who being armed with sufficient authority from the Bishop in his jurisdiction , or from the Archdea , being a presb . in his iurisdictiō shall denounce , and that by the prescript of the judge present , the sentence of excommunication for contumacie . The example and practise of this precept followeth . Dr. Hone the Archdeacon of Surrey his officiall , being to excommunicate certaine persons , had a silly Curat , Mr. Rowland Allen to attend his service , and to denounce the lesson which was written to him in paper to read , Iohannes Hone , legum Doctor , officialis vener●bilis viri Domini Archidiaconi Surr. omnibus & singulis Rectoribus , &c. salutem . Cum nos rite & legitime procedentes , omnes & singulos , quorum nomina &c. in non comparendo , ●oram nobis , &c. ceu saltem in non satisf●ciendo mandatis nostris , &c. pronunciaverimus contuniaces , ipsosque ex communicandos fore decreverimus . Cumque ●iscretus vir Magister Roul . Allen Presbyter , 〈◊〉 omnes et singulos subscriptos ex officio nostro ex cōmunicaverit in scriptis iustitia id exigente , vobis igitur committimus &c. quatenus eos omnes sicut prefertur ex officio nostro excommunicatos futsse , e● esse palam denunci●tis Datum sub sigi●o officialitatis nostrae 19 die Decembris Anno Domini 1587. Iohn Hone Doctor of the lawes , official of the venerable man the 〈◊〉 of Surrey , to all and singular persons &c. greeting : Whereas wee otherwise rightly and lawfully proceeding , all and singular , whose names are 〈◊〉 in not appearing before us , or at least 〈◊〉 in not satisfying of our mandates , haue pronounced contu●ci●us ▪ and decreed them to be excommunicated . And whereas , also the discreet man Mr Rowland Allen Presbyter , out of our office , hath excommunicated 〈◊〉 and singular underwritten ●i●stice so requiring . Wherefore we charge , that openly you denounce , and declare them , and every of them , so as aforesaid , out of our office to be excommunicated . Given under the seale of our officiality , the 19 of December 1587. The poore curate , sayth this authour , jerked these , whose pointes soever the other untied . Now in this case it cannot be sayd , that it was onely the poore Curate , who 〈◊〉 excommunicate . For he is but the hangman , the other is the Iudge . Poore Rowland Allen rehearsed the sentence by the prescript of Doctor Hone. Doctor Hone ●●ted , pronounced them contumaciously absent , and upon the con●umacie decreed them to be excommunicated , prescrived the lesson to poore Rowland Allen , without which things the sentence should be a nullsentence . D. Hone the Archdeacons officiall , hath power to call and associate unto him , and to prescribe Rowland Allen presbyter , and another mans hireling Curate in Southwarke to excommunicate , not onely the parochians of anothers Pastors charge , but also any other Pastor whatsoever , subiect to the Acchdeacons jurisdiction . If it be lawfull at the voyce of a lay stranger , that an hireling and stipendiarie Curate should chase another mans sheepe out of his owne fold , how much more is it lawfull that a true shepherd should disciplinate his own sheepe , feeding and couchan● within his owne pasture , and within his own fold . Ye see then whereto this alteration of discipline will turne in the end . The censures of the Church as a matter of no worth or moment , shall be put in the hands of base Officialls , and blind Rowland Atlens . An Oxe and an Asse shall plow together in the Lords field . The Chauncellors , Commissaries , and Officialls , have power to convent a minister before them , and if hee compeir not , first suspend , and then excommunicate him , as is evident by their latest Canons . Thus shall the worthiest of our ministrie bee brought under bondage . The Reader may see how unworthily the Archbishops , Bishops , and Archdeacons deale with the Church , which not content themselves to use tyranny over it , and to take upon them of their private authoritie , which belongeth unto other with them , have also brought it into bondage under their servants , and servants servants , I meane Chauncellours , Commissaries , &c. sayth Mr. Cartwright . The Commissarie court is but a little stinking ditch , say the authors of the admonition to the Parliament . In this Court one alone doth excommunicate , one alone sitteth in judgement , and when he will can draw back the iudgement which hee hath pronounced , having called upon the name of God , and that for money , which is called the changing of penance . In this Court for none payment of two pence , a man shall be excommunicate , if he appear not when he is sent for . This Court pouleth parishes , scourgeth the poore bedge-priests , ladeth Churchwardens with manifest perjuries , punisheth whooredome and adulterie with toyish censures , remitteth without satisfying the congregation , and that in secret 〈◊〉 giveth out dispensations for unlawfull marriages , and committeth a thousand such ●ike abomina●●● ; where the Iudges , Advocates , and Proctors are for the most part papists . And as for Scribes and Notaries , as greedi● as Cormorants : If they all should perhaps see this writing they would bee as angry as Wasps , and sting like 〈◊〉 . Three of them would be enough to sting a man to death , for why , they are high Commissioners . Againe , who be their Chauncellours , but most suspected Papists . I heare not of one of them , but he is a br●●er . Who be their Sumners , but the veriest varlets ? What are the Canonists ? what are they but suspected Papists , and where have they the most countenance , but of the Bishops ? To be their chiefe doers , and high Commissioners , with them to wr●g their brethren , if they bee Gods children , and to ●et papists passe free , or to bee punished lightly . How are matters dealt with in their Courts , but all for Mistres Money . What a charge are they to the Clergie ? and what a summe have they yearly , that might be saved , and it is no small matter that maintaineth their Courts . Again , It would grieve a chast eare to heare the bawdie pleading of many Proctors and Doctors in those Courts , and the Sumners , yea and Registers themselves . Mr. Archdeacon and Mr. Chauncellour are even faine to laugh it out many times , when they can keep their countenance no longer . Suppose our high commission were never so odious , yet the Bishops shall bee sure of such servile varlets Commissaries , Officialls , and Chauncellours to sit with them , for why they shall be their own creatures . It is no wonder they be bribers , for the Bishops and Archdeacons , set in farme their jurisdiction to them . Some Chauncellours and , officialls pay 20. some 30. some 50. pounds yearly for their place , Registers some an hundred , some two hundred pounds , some more . How then is it possible but they should extort in their office , and by unreasonable and untollerable exactions make up their hard rents ? as it is sayd in the Defence of the last petition for reformation . Many greivous complaints have been made against Officialls , Commissaries , and Chauncellours from time to time , in Germanie , France , and other countries , which I might produce to make this bondage yet more sensible . CHAP. 6. Of Suffraganes , Deanes , and Cathedrall Churches . WE have seen in the former Tables , what persons have judiciall administration . Now follow , Persons having no Iudiciall administration . Those are either Ecclesiasticall persons , or lay-men . Ecclesiasticall persons are the Deacon , and the Minister : and they have their function , either without perpetuall title , as Curates , or with title . The second sort , either have a peculiar function beside their common function , or have not a peculiar function . These who have a peculiar function beside the common , either have it through the whole ●●iocie , or but in a part of it . Through ane whole Diocie , as the titular Bishops , who were of old called Chorepis●opi , that is , Rurall Bishops , now they are called Suffraganes . They are to bee considered either according to the place , which they hold in the Common-wealth , to wit , next unto Barones , or according to the place which they have in the Church , to wit , that they are Bishops both in calling and order , but wanting jurisdiction , 2. Dedicate Churches , 3. confirme children , instructed before in the Rudiments of Christian religion , and that in a Diocie allotted unto them . That which is here sayd of Suffraganes , that of old they were called Chorepiscopi , is controlled by Mucket himselfe . For hee sa●th , that the Rurall D●●nes are like the old Chorepiscopi . De●●ni 〈…〉 is Ecclesiae Chorepiscopis & A●chipresbyteris Regionarijs haud absimiles . And so doth Bleynianus also in his introduction into the theorie and practique of benefices . At the first , where the Gospell was spread through the Countrey townes and villages , as it was through Cities , so they had Coun●rey or rurall Bishops , as well as Bishops in cities . But ambition and pompe in Citie Bishops increasing , it was thought a disgrace that such a dignitie should bee obscured with a meane place of residence . Therefore it was decreed , that it should not bee lawfull to ordaine any Bishop , either in villages , little forts or small Cities , lest the name and authoritie of a Bishop should waxe vile . Sathan was advancing this way the great mysterie of iniquitie . Because he would make of Bishops young Princes , hee went about , as is well observed by Mr. Cartwright , with robberie of the rest , to lift up the head of one : otherwise the great pompe which they were striving for , could not be maintained . At the first , the countrey or Rurall Bishop had the same power in his circuit which the Citie Bishop had in the citie and suburbs of it . Hierome sayth , that the bishop of an obscure citie hath as much authoritie as hee of the most famous citie . The Presbyters who were ordained by them , their ordination was not made voyd and reversed , untill they were throwne downe through the pride and dispite of citie bishops , to the order of priesthood , which is an argument sufficient , that they were in estimation and judgement of the Church , bishops of that same sort and kinde , that the citie bishops were . Beeing spoyled of the greatest part of their power , and name also , they there called Archipresbyteri , at the last , Countrey or Rurall Deanes , and were made subject not onely to Bishops , but also to their Archdeacons , No propter subrogationem in locum Chorepiscoporum superbirent Archipresbyteri , & idem , sibi quod antea Chorepiscopi arrogarent , si immediate Episcopis supponerentur , sayth Bleynianus a Papist . This is his conjecture , that the Archpresbyters were thrust downe to a degree lower then Archdeacons , lest if they had been immediatly subiect to Bishops , they might perhaps have claimed the power of the old countrey Bishops , to whom in place they succeeded . For justly Archpresbyters may claim by their order , that which Archdeac . cannot do . For howbeit they be inferiour to Archdeac . in Popish dignitie , yet they are greater then Archdeacons in respect of their order . Countrey Bishops at their first erection being equall to Citie Bishops , were not their Deputies . In the later , and corrupt ages , proud Prelates , and loytering Lords , addicting themselves to the world , seeking ease , or intangling themselves with wordly affaires , as they commited the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to Chauncellours and Commissaries , so that which is most proper to them , as they pretend , as ordination of Priests and Deacons , confirmation of children , and dedication of Churches , they committed to Suffraganes , that they might give themselves to ease , and wait upon Councells , Parliaments , and other civill Courts : and reserved nothing belonging to their owne charge , that might trouble their ease , or draw them from attendance upon Princes Courts , and civill employments . D. Field alledgeth against these Suffragane Bishops , Melchior Canus a papist . Such Bishops Melchior Canus entreating of Councells , and the persons wherof Councells consist , sayth , they are so farr from having any place , or voyce in councells , that they neither have , nor ought to have any place in the church at all . The Bishops he speaks of , he calleth annular Bishops , happely for that whereas full Bishops had both staffe and ring expressing their jurisdiction , as well as their espousing to the church , these had the ring onely . That Suffraganes may ordaine Priests and Deacons , and confirme , in their Church , is evident by their latest Canons . Now if Bishops may transferre these things which belong to their order to one Suffragane , they may transferre it also to moe , and consequently to all the Cathedrall and countrey Deanes , and restore the countrey Deanes to their old liberties againe . It dependeth onely upon some new Canon . The Bishop of Spalato sayth , Imo si vult Epis●opus , & canones non prohiberent , potest suos parochos plene Episcopos facere , & ordinare ut omnes sui or dini● actus pl●ne possint explere : & simul ac in soli 〈◊〉 cum ipso Ecclesiam gubernare . The Bishop may make all his parish priests , not onely halfe but full Bishops , that they might governe the Church in common with him , sayth he , if the Canon law were not an impediment . The parish priest may curse this Canon law , that h●ndreth them of that which Gods law alloweth them . But that which Divine law hath given to every pastour , neither Canon nor civill law should take from them . In a part of the Diocie , as Archpresbyters whom they call rurall Deanes , and now they are imployed for the most part , to convocate their Classis , 2. to intimate to them something directed by missive from the ordinarie , as occasion shall require . 3. to Induct into benefices in place of the Archdeacon , being busied in some remote part . There were two sorts of Acchpresbyters of old . The citie Archpresbyter , who is now called the cathedrall or citie Deane , & the Countrie Archpresbyter , who is called now the rurall Deane , who was at the first institution moderator of the classis , or countrey Presbyterie , & thereafter made a countrey Bishop , or Chorepiscopus within his owne circuit , as the citie Bishop was at the first but President , or moderator of the Presbyterie of the citie and suburbs . For we must not think that the country Bishop ruled alone without his classicall Presbyterie , more then the citie Bishop did . In processe of time the citie Bishop grew to this great statelynes , which now we see , and the o●● Chorepiscopus decreased , and was throwen dovvne by degrees , till at last he is come to this poore estate of a rurall Deane . He it not ranked in this hierarchie amongst the persons having iudicial administration , but among those vvho haue none , as ye see , to intimate to the Priests with in his Deanrie , what is the Bishops pleasure eyther severally , or to convocate them togither to that effect , or to put any person in possession sometime of his Benefice , for the Archdeacon . Every Diocie in England , as vve heard before out of Mucket , is divided in Archdeaconries , moe or fevver according to their extent : Achdeacour . into Deanries . The Deanries comprehend ten Parishes , sometimes moe , seldome fewer . But cathedrall and collegiat churches are exemed out of the Archdeaconries , and rurall Deanries . Over these Deanries are set rurall Deanes , qui●us praeficiuntur Dec●nirurales , antiquis Archipresbyter is non multum ●issimiles sayeth hee . Then againe in every Diocie there are iurisdictions exempt eyther from the Archdeacon , and subiect immediately to the Bishop , or exempt from both , or from the whole Province of the Arch-Bishop , and subject immediatly to the King in respect of appellations , They want no corrupt order of governement , which they had in time of Poperie : no not so much as their exemptions . To returne then to the rurall Deanes . These rurall Deanes upon the Bishops , or his deputies warrant cited such within their Deanries , as were to compeir before the Bishop , or his deputie , and this their citation under the seale of their office they were to certifie to the Bishop , or his deputie . But Lindwood sayth , quod per eos potius quam per alios , qui hibent sigilla authentica , multae multae fiebant fraudes , and that they colluded with the partie in sealing the certificates of their citations , when as they had not made any due citation , and therefore Iohn Peccham Archbishop made a constitution , that every yeare they should svveare to give out no certificates without due citation . They were sworne every yeare sayeth Lindwood quit quolibet anno mutantur Decani , et fiunt noui . They were to hold Chapiters in a sett course foure times in the yeare , and at other times , as often as occasion should require sayth D. Field out of Lindw . But Lindwood writeth thus , Et horum capituloru● quaed●m tenentur de tribus hebdomadis in tres ; qu● , dam semelin quarta anni , & haec dicuntur , Capitul● principalia propter majorem confluen●i●m Cleri , & quia in his de negotijs arduioribus tracteri consuevit . Some did meet every three weekes , some every quarter of year . Their Chapiters convening every three weeks , were our presbyteries which doe meet in some place every weeke , in other places in two or three weeks , especially in winter . These chapiters were called capitula ruralia , countrey or rural Chapiters , sayth Lindwood , because they were assembled in the countrey towns . In these Chapiters the Deans did publish the decrees of Provinciall and Episcopall Synods . For the Bishop himselfe did not demit himselfe so farre , as to be present : and therfore sent one to make intimation , or to the Deane to doe it . Praesertim cum non deceat statum pontificalem in singulis capitulis hujusmodi interesse , sayth Lindwood . D. Field proveth that of old , they had power to visit their circuit twice every yeare , and to suspend laymen from the sacraments , and clergie men from the execution of their offices . This was a remainder of the old power of the Countrey Bishop . Now his office is onely to intimate decrees of Synods , or the Bishops will in any matter , without any iurisdiction reserved either to him , or to the ministers of the Deanrie assembled together in chapiter , or as wee speake in scripture language , presbyterie . So that their Deanries are a footstep of that which have beene , and a shadow of that whereof we had the substance . This alteration of government among us , will in the end turne to the same desolation . There are some Deanes exempt , which are subject immediatly to the Archbishop , and these have Archi●●aconall jurisdiction , sayth Lindwood . Wee have before made mention of some rurall Deanes exercising spirituall jurisdiction , but that is not common ; next it is Episcopall , for they doe it by themselves without the Chapiter . Those which beside the common have no peculiar function , are placed either in so●e cathedrall or collegiat Church , or in a parish Church . In some Cathedrall or Collegiar Church , whereof they are members , or no members . Of those who are members , the chiefe is the Deane , then in some Churches of ancient foundation , other dignities also , as the Subdeane , the Chauncellour , the chiefe Chaunter , the Thesaurer . Lastly , the Canons or Prebendaries , of which in the Churches which are more ancient , some are Residentiaries , some not . The greater Residentiaries administrate , and governe in all things with the Deane in that Church , and they have a seat in the Quire , and the power of a voyce in the Chapiter . Canons or Prebendaries no● Residentiaries , have a seat in the Quire , but not a voyce in the Chapiter . Those who who are not members , serve either to the administration of the publick Liturgie , or Sacraments , as the pettie Canons or Vicars chorall , or by assisting those who do celebrate , as the Pistler & the Gospeller . There are also others bearing office in cathedrall Churches , but they are ranked among the lay sort , by the composer of the tables , such as are singing boyes , vergerers , Ballifs ; and others set down afterward . The authour of the admonition to the parliament doth thus muster the Droanes of these Cathedrall Churches . Wee should be too long to tell your Honours of the cathedrall Churches , the dennes aforesayd of all loytering lubbers , where Mr. Dean , M. Vicedeane , Mr. Canons , or Prebendaries , the greater , M●pettie Canons , or Canons the lesser , M. Chauncellour of the Church , M. Treasurer , otherwise called Iudas the Purse-hearer , the chiefe ch●unter , singing men special favourers of religion , squealing Qui●isters , Organ players , Gospellers , pistlers , pensioners , vergers , &c. Wicl●ffe sayth , there ●e 12 disciples of the Antichrist ; Popes , Cardinals , Patriarches , Archbishops , Bishops , Archdeacons , Officialls , Deans , Monk●s , Canons , Friers , & Pardoners . He reckoneth yee see the Deans and Canons among the disciples of the Antichrist . And in truth what are they else but idle lubbers , lying in the cloysters of their Cathedrall Churches having either no necessary or profitable charge in the cathedral church , where they loyter , or else have a charge in other places , but under colour of their prebends , absent thēselves from the churches where they are bound to a cure of soules , and that which they spoyle and raven in other places , there , sayth M. Cartwr , they spend and make good cheere with . And againe he sayth , they should indeed be the rewards of learning , if they were converted unto the maintenance , and bringing up of Scholers , where now for the most part they serve for fat morsels , to fill if might bee , the greedie appetites of those , which otherwise have ynough to live with , and for holes and dennes to keep them in , which are unworthy to be kept at the ch●ge of the church , or else whose presence is necessarie , and dutifull in other places , and for the most part unprofitable there . The Deane , and Canons or Prebendaries , are not sustained with the Ecclesiastical rents and possessions of the citie , where they loiter , but for the most part of the rents and possessions of their charges in the countrey , to their ruine and desolation , the great steeples devouring the little steeples , the great Quires overthrowing the finall pulpits . It was done no doubt in a foolish and pretensed imitation of the temple of Ierusalem , to appoint such idle serving and singing men to uphold in the cathedrall Church daily chaunting and singing , as was the custome in the temple of Ierusalem . But all the people in the land had communion of worship in the sayd temple , and repaired to it thrice in the yeare to that effect and purpose , beside that the daily worship was for the use of all those who were upon severall occasions to repaire unto the sayd temple , and therefore the whole people of God is called the church of the Iewes ; because they had communion of worship in one place . But there is no such place in the Christian churches appointed either for countries , counties , or shires . Every church even the meanest , hath as great interest & priviledge to all the points of Gods worship , as the greatest cities , lett be the Cathedrall seats , which are not ever the greatest . Then againe their curions singing and chanting serveth not for edification of the soule , but rather to hinder true devotion , and carie away the mind from heavenly meditation with a carnall and sensuall delite . He that singeth should be liker pronuncianti quam canenti to one who pronounceth the word , then to one that singeth . Psalmes as sung by course ▪ & side after side : some few singing , the rest of the people resrayned from singing : One half sung with the hart , the other half with hart and voice . Then again their musicall instruments were unknowen to the church of God for 800 yeres . Yea it appeareth that they were not brought in , in the dayes of Aquinas . For he sayth , sed instruments musica sicut cytharas , et Ps●teria non assumit ecclesia in div●nas laudes ne videatur iudaizare . The Church then it seemeth used no musicall instruments in his time lest it should seeme to Iudaize . Yea amongst the Iewes themselves these musicall instruments were not used in their synagognes , but only in the temple , which was the theater of all the ceremonies of the leviticall law . Againe that one should read the gospel another the epistle , what an idle distinction of idle officemen in the church is this ? for by this reason they may make a third sort also for reading of the law . The Treasurer , Chancelour , Vicedeanes offices are not all alike in every cathedrall church , sayth Mucket , but divers according to the different statutes of divers places . It is hard therefore distinctly to define particularly their offices . The Deane of the cathedrall Church succeedeth in the roome of him , who was called Archipresbyter urbanus , the citie Presbyter , as the rurall Deanes doe the Countrey presbyter . But the cathedaall chapter doth not consist of the presbyters of the citie , as the rurall chapiter did consist of the presbyters within the rurall Archpresbyter his praecinct : yea they were bound to sit in chapiter with the Deane , sayth Dr. Field . But all the Presbyters of the cathedrall citie doe not at any time sit in chapiter with the cathedral Dean as I gave a lively example before of the citie of London , where the Ministers of the severall parishes doe not sit in chapter with the Deane of Pauls , but onely Canons and Prebendars , who for the most part ought to serve at parishes perhaps 20. or 30. miles from the citie . The cathedrall seat of Canterburie hath 12. or 13. parishes , but not 4 able preachers , sayth the author of the Assertion for true and Christian Church policie . I have been in some of their cathedrall cities , where they have no parish minister to preach , but onely the watering of some prebendarie , who commeth to attend on service in the temple , and neglecteth his owne charge with cure of soules . Againe , suppose this chapiter did consist of parish ministers within the citie , yet that some should bee made cardinall to sit in chapiter , either with Bishop or Deane , and others secluded , having as great interest in the common government of their stocks , as it is not grounded on the word , so it was not known to puret antiquitie , as wee have already made evident . And it is acknowledged also by Bellarmine , howbeit hee doeth conjecture upon a false ground , what was the cause of it . Nam à tempore Apostolorum per multos annos , imo etiam per aliquot soecula , quia pauci erant Presbyteri & Diaconi , omnes simul ad electionem Episcopi , & ad concilia vocabantur , neque opus erat tunc distinguere à Cardinalibus non Cardinales sicut etiam in alijs Ecclesi●s non disting●ebantur Canonici à non Canonicis . And yet there were many Presbyters at Rome in Cornelius time , as they themselves confesse , yet even then this distinction was not made , as Bellarmine in that same place doth acknowledge . Farther , this same chapiter hath not any medling with jurisdiction in common with the Bishop . The Deane and Prebendaries in many places have power severally to excommunicate in their parishes ▪ which belong to them in peculiar , but they convene not chapiterl●e ▪ to exercise spirituall jurisdiction , and inflict spirituall punishments , and censures , upon every delinquent within the Diocie , yea or cathedral seat onely , either with the Bishop , or without him . Alienation of church lands , or setting of takes , and such like , which concern the possessions of the Church , may not passe without them , but for spiritual jurisdiction they are content that the vicar generall , and officiall principall part that betwixt them . To what use then serveth the cathedrall Deane , and his Canons or prebendaries , &c. but to wear copes and caps , tippets , and hoods , rochets , surplices , to pipe on organs ▪ to sing curiously , to read gospels and epistles , according to their severall offices , and in their severall turnes and courses . In the 24 ▪ canon of the last constitutions , when the communion is to be celebrated upon principal feast dayes , if the bishop himself be not present , then the Dean is to administer the communion with a cope . And notwithstanding of all this , the Deane must sit in some chiefe place of the Church , with his velvet cushion before him , and cloth of estate , and be brought to his place with a silver Mace before him . CHAP. 7. The calling and function of English Priests and Deacons . THE name of Priest to signifie a minister of the Gospell , is usuall with them , even in their latest Canons . Howbeit it seemeth to bee derived from the Greek word Presbyter , yet seeing it hath been used to signifie a sacrificing Priest , such as the Masse-priest was thought to be , and is still retained in their latest translations of the Bible , to signifie a sacrificing Priest , their pretext of the originall of the name , is frivolous , for either they should translate the Leviticall Priest sacrirficer , if they would retaine the proper signification of the word priest , or else abstaine from , or alter the name of Priest , seing they may have choyce of names . The Ecclesiasticall persons in the Parish Church are , the minister , and Deacon . In the minister are to bee considered , his externall calling , and his publicke function . His externall calling is , either to the order and degree , or to the benefice , and place of the ministerie . The externall calling to the order and degree is seene , either in things preceeding the ordination , or in the ordination it selfe . In things going before the ordination , as 1. publick intimation made by the Bishop , in the most famous places of the Diocie of the day of ordinations , 2. Letters testimoniall to the Bishop ordainer , from men of good credit and religion , as well of the conversation of him who is to be ordained , as of his birth , that that he is not a bastard , or bond-man . 3. the examination of him who is to be ordained , either of his education , whether hee were brought up in a common Schoole , or in an Academie , or of his progresse in humane literature , or theologie , in which is to be considered , either the proficiencie it selfe to be tried by the Bishop himselfe , or the Archdeacon , or some other appoynted for him : or else , the degree which hee hath taken on in the Schooles . The ordination it selfe consisteth in prayers for him , who is to be ordained , 2. in exhortations to him , and 3. in imposition of hands . You may see , that they make the calling to the ministerie , and the calling to the place , two divers actions distinguished in time , whereas none ought to be admitted to the ministry , but when and where there is a place voyd . The Apostles ordained not ministers to rove abroad through a whole province , but appointed them towne by towne , Tit. 1. 5. Act. 14. 23. The Councell of Chalcedon decreed , that no presbyter should bee ordered loosely , that is , unlesse ( as it is there added ) it bee in some congregation or citie . The word Apole●ymeno●s they interpret without a title , but then by a title they meane , not a particular charge , but some possession or living to be maintained by . But who will ever admit ( sayth Mr. Calvin ) that the title which the Councell requireth , is a yearly revenue to maintaine himselfe with ? In the latest canons this Popish interpretation is approved , where are set downe the titles of such as are to be made ministers . If he be provided to a place in some cathedrall , or collegiate Church , or if he be a Fellow , or in the right of a fellow , or if he be to be a conduct or Chaplain in some colledge in Cambridge , or Oxford ; or if he be a Master of Arts of five yeares standing , that liveth of his owne charge in either of the universities , or if by the Bishop himselfe that doth ordaine him , he be shortly after to bee admitted to some benefice , or curatship then voyd , is he sayd to have a title , howbeit hee have not as yet a particular flocke , which was not the meaning of the councell of Chalcedon , farre lesse the meaning of the holy Ghost in the scripture . They have made 60. 80. or 100. at a clapp , and sent them abroad into the countrey , like masterlesse men , say the authours of the admonition to the Parliament . And againe , When they have made them , either they may tarry in their colledge , and lead the lives of loytering losels as long as they live , or else gad abroad with the Bishops Bulls ▪ like to Circumcellions to preach in other mens charges , where they list , or else get benefices by friendship , or money , or flatterie , where they can catch them : or to conclude , if all these faile , that they may goe up and downe like beggars , and fall to many follies , or else as many have done , set up bills at Pauls , or at the Royall Exchange , and such like publike places , to see if they can heare of some good masters to entertaine them into service . In the late Canons foresayd , the Bishop is ordained to maintaine him in all things necessarie , who hath not one of these titles , till he preferre him to some Ecclesiasticall living , which is but one of the rotten Canons of the Canon law . If this were kept , 3. or 4. Bishops in this realme would have kept such houses , as never any did in this land , as is sayd in the foresayd admonition . Their order in making Priests , is this . First they must be Deacons before they be made Priests , for so they interpret the words of the Apostle , 1. Tim. 3. 13. they that have ministred in the office of a Deacon wel purch●se unto themselves a good degree , that is , say they , a step to the ministerie . The Apostle sayth not that they who doe the office of a Deacon well shall get a good degree or standing , but that in so doing , they get themselves a good degree , that is , authoritie and estimation in the church , and consequently great boldnesse in the faith . For a man may have gifts sufficient for a Deaconship and yet never have gifts sufficient for the ministerie . But admitting the office of the Deacon were a step to the ministerie , that hee who is a Deacon may be a Minister , it followeth not that there is not accesse to the Ministery , but by this step of the Deaconship . And therfore not to admit a man to the ministerie , ●nlesse hee first take upon him the office of a Deacon , is a na●gh●ie device . It was decreed in their lat●st Canons , that no Bishop should make any person , of what qualities or gifts soever , a Deacon and a Minister both together upon one day . Not that alwayes every Deacon should be kept from the Ministerie a whole yeare , when the Bishop shall finde good cause to the contrary : but that there being now foure times appointed everie yeare for the ordination of Deacons and Ministers , there may be ever some time of triall of their behaviour in the office of a Deacon , before they be admitted to the order of Priesthood . Yet they are not so nice , but this order may be dispensed with , and that one may take on both the orders upon one day , as Mucket doth record . When the time of giving orders draweth neere , the Bishops Bull is set up upon the Church doore , to give warning , that if any be minded to receive orders , let them repair to the Bishop at such time and place . This is , sayth Mr. Cartwright , like the sound of a trumpet to gather an Armie . But the Bill which is set up upon the Church doore , is in latine , so that the people cannot understand the sound of the trumpet . This Bill doth not desire the people to come , & object against the persons to be ordained . And suppose that were the end , it wer but a deluding of the people : for either they have a Priest or Curat already , and then they have not need to object , or else the place is voyd , but they know not against whom to object , for amongst 40 , 50 , or 100. perhaps they know not who is the man , that is appoynted for them . The Bishop and the patron out of the whole number wil choose afterward when and whom they thinke meete . And howbeit there were not one voyd Church in all the Diocie , but incumbents in every one of them , yet the Bishop will give orders . And againe , if none of them have ever been conversant in these vacant parts , how can they stand up and object against them . The day of giving orders being published , which is ordinarily upon the Lords dayes , after the Ember weekes , then there is repaire to the citie or village where the Bishop is to give orders . He that can purchase the letters commendatory of some nobleman , or knight , shall come best speed . Then is he to be tried by the Archdeacon , who is but a Deacon onely in respect of his Archdeaconrie . Howbeit sometimes the Archdeacon be also a Priest , beside that it is a confounding of distinct offices , it is not by vertue of his Priesthood , but of his Deaconship , that he trieeth the persons who are to be ordained . They are tried by some questioning , but as the Archdeacon pleaseth . Their pastorall gifts of utterance , doctrine , and exhortation are not tried either by the Archdeacon , or any particular church : may these gifts are not needfull in an English priest ; for a bare reader is sufficient to bee an English minister . The Archdeacon is sometime in one part of the countrey , and the bishop in another . The Bishop making ministers at Exceter , and his Archdeacon at Oxenford , or the Bishop making ministers at Leichfield , and his Archdeacon at Durham . When the day of ordination is come , after an exhortation made , & the communion celebrated , the Epistle and Gospel read , and the hymne , Veni creator sung or sayd , the Archdeacon presents to the Bishop all those who are to take on the order of Priesthood that day , with these words , Reverend father in Christ , I present to you the persons here present , to be admitted to the order of Priesthood . Then after some demands and answeres , of the Bishop , and the other , who is to be admitted , he demandeth of the people who are present there , where he giveth orders , if they know any impediment which may hinder any of these present to bee admitted to the order of priesthood , which is a manifest mockage . For it may be , that none there present ever heard or saw any of them , or all of them , before that day . But these words import that ordinations of old were performed before the congregation , whereunto he was to bee appoynted . Thereafter the oath of the Kings supremacie is taken , then againe after an exhortation , follow other demands an answers . After that the people who are present , are desired secretly to commend the businesse to God , for which cause they are all silent for a little space . After that the Bishop readeth a prayer , which being finished , they who are to be ordained , sitting on their knees at the Bishops feet , the Bishop and the rest of the Priests who are present , lay hands severally upon the heads of every one of them , the Bishop uttering these words , Receive the holy Ghost , whose sinnes thou doest forgive , they are forgiven , and whose sinnes thou doest retaine , they are retained : and be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of God , and of his holy sacraments . In the name of the Father , and of the Sonne , and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . Hee commandeth the ordained to receive the holy Ghost , as our Lord and master did when hee breathed on his Disciples , bestowing in very deed the gifts of the spirit when hee breathed upon them . Ordinary pastors cannot con●erre the gifts of the spirit , whether breathing as Christ did , or by laying on of hands as the Apostles did . They may as well imitate Christs breathing , as they may usurpe these words . Whether the ordained receiveth the holy Ghost or not , let the world judge . Calvin sayth of the Popish Priests , ex equis fieri asinos , ex fatuis phre neticos , quicunque in sacerdotes consecrantur . Is any of their Curats after the pronouncing of these words , either the holier , or more apt to teach , and yet beside this blasphemie , they will the ordained to dispense the word of God , who cannot divide and cut it aright . Where it is sayd , whose sinnes yee forgive shall be forgiven , &c. a power to reteine and forgive is given them separate from the preaching of the word , as in the Roman Church an infinite number of Priests cannot preach , yet all have power to absolve from sins . So may the blind English Curates . Sicklike it is a mockage , ●hen after that the bishop delivereth to each of them the Bible in his hand , saying , Take thou authoritie to preach the word of God , and to minister the holy sacraments , in the congregation where ●hou shal● be appointed . He should rather have put the service-book in his hand . For either they are ignorant and cannot preach , yea not tried in that facultie : or if they can , they may not till they get a licence of the Bish , and whether they shal be appointed to any congregation , or not , they are uncertaine , because it dependeth upon the p●trons pleasure . So that , if either the forethinking himselfe , like the shop better then the Church , or if the Patron will keepe the doc●e shut against such insufficient men , which the Bishop opened so wide , or as somtime falleth out , they cannot agree of their market , it commeth to passe that he is made a minister , which either cannot , or will not , not onely not fulfill , but not so much as lay hand of that Ministerie whereunto hee was appoynted , sayth Mr. Cartwright . When all this is done , the companie convened sing the Creed , and they goe to the communion , which all they that receive orders take together , and remaine in the same place , where the hands were layd on them , untill such time as they have received the communion . The celebration of the supper went before in the beginning of the action as is enioyned in the book of ordering Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , but they communicate not till the end of the action . The first celebration then was nothing but a consecration , as they call it , of the bread and wine , without the pertaking of the communicants , & all the rest of the action must intervene before they partake : for to what end els is there made twice mention of the communion . So the first is like the offering of a sacrifice , the last is liker to the supper . Is not this great cōfusion betwixt the first and second part of that holy action , to intermingle another action , yea as some say , another sacrament , confounding two sacraments together . Their Letanies and Collects , for brevities sake , I passe by . The external calling to the benefice , or certaine place of the ministerie , is either to a parsonage or a vicarage . In each of them is to be considered , 1. nomination , either when the right of presentation is in another person nor his , who doth nominate , as somtime it falleth out : or when the right both to nominate & present belongeth to him . 2. The Bish. triall of his gifts & qualification , whether he be capable or not of such a Benefice . 3. Admission either to the title it selfe , as when the Bishop doth institute at the presentation of another , which is called Institution , or when the Bishop himselfe who doth institute hath the right of patronage , which is called Collation : or else admission is to the possession it selfe by inducting , which is either done by the Archdeacon himselfe , or by his deputie . After they have thus received their order of Priesthood , and are ordeined at large in nubibus , they pay for their letters of Orders ( for their admission to their Ministerie must not be free of fees ) and runne abroad through the whole Diocesse , where they please , preaching any where , if they have gotten after their Ordination another licence to preach . For they must not preach by vertue of their order of Priesthood in the intendment of the Prelates , but must have the Bishops warrant to that end . They are put in remembrance at their ordination in the Bishops interrogatories , & exhortations , in the Gospels and Epistles , and at the deliverie of the Bible in their hand , of the dutie of preaching and teaching . But that is onely for a fashion , for they read of the booke these Gospels , Epistles , Exhortations , which were used of old , and are reteined still in the booke rather to be a monument of that which hath been , then for their right use and end . For in the Romane Church , when the Masse Priest is to receive orders , by the Epistles and Gospels , &c. he is put in remembrance that he must blesse , governe , preach , baptize , 〈…〉 doctrine should be spirituall medicine to the people of God ▪ that the Church of God is to be edified both by preaching and good example . These are peeces of the ancient order , which was in the Church , lying still in their corrupt pontificals , to be rehearsed in the forme of a service . But when they come to the action it self , wherin the order of Priesthood is actually conferred at the laying on of hands , there are no such speeches used . So in the English , much is said of preaching and teaching before they come to the laying on of hands , but then there is a generall word used , Be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of God : not mening to dispens by preaching , for they know that many of them cannot teach , but to dispense it , as it is divided & set in order to be read , & sung in the service book . Or else they mock God , his word , and his Church , after the old Popish manner , not intending the right dispensing of the word by preaching . When he is to be set in a certain place , he seeketh the Patrons favour , or maketh some simonicall paction with him , as we have alreadie heard out of Brightman , and a little before out of M. Cartwright . The Patron presenteth the man whom he thinketh fittest for his own humour , and the Bishop doth try his gifts , and qualification . Heere the liberty of election is taken from the Congregation , and given to the Patron and the Bishop . That the Patron should be some way acknowledged for his liberalitie toward the Church we doe not gainesay . Therfore jus utile , that is , if he be redacted to poore estate , that he be relieved with the rents of the Church , and jus honorisicum , right to a fear in the Church , and jus onerosum , to have a care that the rents be not dilapidate , as also to be gardian and keeper of the rents of the Church during vacancie , or what other thing else , not savouring of superstition , or ostentation wee grant unto them , but the right of presentation of Clerkes to the pastorall office we cannot grant . The Church may not resigne this liberty of election in the hands of another man , but is ever bound to retaine in her own hands the freedome to choose the fittest person to have charge of their soules . This liberty of Election was acknowledged to be so equitable , & grounded upon the principles of nature , that there should be more Clerkes then one tryed when a Church was vacant , where this order might be had , that in the Councell of Trent , some others also chosen by the Synode beside the Bishop , were ordeined to examine and chose the fittest of those who offered themselves , or were offered to a tryall , and this is called examen per concursum . But in our neighbour Church they have no such constitution . The Bishop himselfe tryeth or appointeth whom he pleaseth , none is depute by a Synode to joyne with him . And where the Bishop himselfe is Patron of a benefice , he maketh not , nor yet receiveth any offer of a leite of many that the worthiest may be chosen , but the Church is under the same bondage , whether the Bishops or Lay-men be Patrons . Now what is this examination of the Bishop , surely very superficiall , and imaginarie . The request of any in authoritie is able to obtain the Bishops institution , suppose he be unsufficient . And indeed there is no extreme suite , the doore is not so hard locked , sayth Mr. Cartwright , there needeth but the lifting up of the latch . And in another place he sayth , that many say , that for a dish of fruit of the golden griffe , they lease out , and make all manner of marchandise of the Lord Orch●rds , that he which hath no gift in the heart , yet if he have a gift in the band , need no other key to open the Church doore , and enter into a benefice . He that came to the Bishop of Winchester to serve in his Diocesse , borne at Norwich , and made a Minister at Peterborow , knew not how many Sacraments there were , and requested a dayes respite to answer the Bishop , what the office of a Deacon was , may be one for example , to let us see , what manner of men may ▪ receive orders amonst them . Have not the Bishops chosen , sent , and commended unto us , saith the Authour of true and Christian Church-policie , such as know not a Bee from a Battle-dore , or the Lords prayer from the Articles of faith , of which sort of Ministers , the Parson of Haskam now living , a Chaplaine in Winton Diocesse may be produced for a witnesse , omni exceptione maior . It is related there , that this Parson at the instant request of a Knight , was demanded by the Bishop , which was the first petition of the Lords prayer , after he had a pretie space pawsed and gased towards heaven , at length made this answere ; I beleeve in God the Father Almightie , &c. This profound Clerk , howbeit hee could not obtaine the institution at that time : yet afterward , sayth this Authour , by corruption of the same Bishops Chancellour he was instituted in the same benefice , and to this day possesseth it quietly , though he can hardly read English to the understanding of his people . I could informe him also of many other such Clerkes , ●●siant and beneficed in that Diocesse , &c. That which the Bishop could not doe at the first , by reason of the Knights opposition , he did afterward at his Chancellours desire . Lest any man should thinke , that there hath been but a few of these examples , let us heare what Mr. Cartwright sayth , I am well assured , that all the● Ecclesiastical stories extant , are not able to furnish 〈◊〉 of so many unworthy ministers chosen by al the churches throughout the world , which have been since the Apostles times : as have swarmed these few yeares out of the palaces , as out of the Trojan horse , of that small number of Bishops , which are in England . Of the other side , if a man will cast his eyes to France , both in persecution and peace , and from thence looke into the Churches of some parts of Savoy , and yet stretch them out further to some certaine common-wealths in Germanie , and come home to our neighbours the Scots , and compare generally the ministers chosen of the Churches , with the most part of these , which the Bishops make : ( if he love not himself too much , and be not a stubborne defender of that hee hath undertaken ) he shall be compelled to confesse , as much difference betwixt the one and the other , as between gold and copper , or any other refuse mettall . The people which are fed , are to the people which are unfed with preaching , like an handfull to an house-full , or an inch to an ell , sayth the author of the Assertion for true Ch. policie . These are the fruits of the Patrones presentation , and the Bishops sole election , institution , or collation . The person duely chosen , and lawfully ordained , should have testimoniall under the hands of the Pres●yterie , and chiefe of the people , to certifie , that he is duely and lawfully chosen , and ordained , that is , that he hath the just title to the temporalities , and in place of the Archdeacon the kings officiaris appointed to that effect , being certified by this testimonial , may by another writ confirme , and really induct into the possession of manse and glebe , & other possessions . So the Archdeacons pretie signet should give place to the kings great seal , sayth the authour of the Assertion . For as the order doth stand , there falleth out many contentions , and suits in law , sometime betweene the Patron and the Bishop , sometime between two Clerkes presented by two Patrons : sometime between the Clerke presented , and the Bishop , the Clerke calling the Bishop by a double quarrell before the Archbishop , or the judges of the court of audience , for not granting institution : sometime between the Clerke instituted , and the Archdeacon not executing the Bishops inductorie mandate , because the Church is not vacant , and betwixt him who pretendeth the title , and the reall incumbent , whereupon doe fall out many foule riots , breaches of the kings peace , and unlawfull assemblies upon entries . and keeping of possessions . What a great hinderance the patrones power to present , is to the planting of churches with a learned and faithfull ministerie , not onely the Church of God in former ages , but also our owne since the reformation in a part , can beare witnesse . This is the difference betwixt us and them in this poynt , that they defend this right of the Patrone , which taketh away libertie of Election , wee craved a reformation of it , and were more carefull to try and sift the person presented , yet this is the inconvenience , that seldome it fell out that the worthiest were nominated , where patrons had a right to present . You see then , what wayes a man commeth to the ministerie , and a benefice . First , hee must receive orders , and pay well for them . For it can not be denied , but the Bishops Secretarie , Gentleman Vsher , groome of his chamber , Butler , Pantler , Porter , and other the Bishops menials ( besides his own and his Registers fees , and his Clerke for expedition ) doe usually ( all , or most of them ) challenge and receive fees ( some more , some lesse ) before the poore minister with his boxe of orders can be suffered to passe by the porters lodge . When all this is done , what crooked mean●s he must use before he come to the possession of a benefice , ye have heard also , and how the Congregation is all this time neglected . This cannot be denyed , that there is not any one man , or woman , amongst 40. in any one parish among 40. that can tell that ever he , or she , did see or heare of the Minister appointed , and sent by the ordinarie to be Parson , or Vicar , of the Parish Church vacant , before such time , as he did heare , or see the Parish Clearke to trudge with the Church-dore keyes to let in the S●xtin , to ring the bells for the said Parson or Vicars induction , and reall possession . The publicke furction of the minister , is either in preaching , or in the rest of his administration . In Preaching , either with licence granted him for that part after the Bishops approbation , and that either to his own flock , or without to Clergie , or people , or without licence ●b●eined to that effect , as if being master of Arts , or in any superiour degree , he preach to his owne flocke without licence . We see then that the giving of orders is not a giving of power to preach , for then every one who receiveth orders may preach without any further licence , as well as a Master of Arts , who is n●w come from Cambridge from his Rhetoricks and Physicks . This licence granted to some , and not to all ; yea , not to the most part , declareth that they doe not esteeme preaching any essentiall part of the Priests function , more then the Papists doe , and the practise among the one and the other is just the same . For none of their Priests do preach , but such as are licentiate . The author of the Petition to the Queene sayth , Where the Bishops ordeine one minister that can teach , they make twenty that cannot teach : and so idle shepheards are set up in the roome of true Pastors . They that can teach are bound hand and foot till they get a licence : But sithence Christ bad his Priests preach , who should forbid them preaching , said Wickleffe , in the exposition of his Conclusions exhibited to the Bishops . When they have gotten licence either they loyter : or if they preach , their preaching is hedged in with penalties , injunctions , caveats , canons , advertisements , that they may not deliver the whole counsell of God : or else they play the part of prophane Orators , with affected eloquence ; or make the people laugh with merry tales , as the Authour of the Admonition to the Parliament doth relate . To conclude then , a bare Reader of the service booke in English , is sufficient to be an English priest . In the rest of his administration , according to the prescript , either of the Q. Injunctions , so that they be not repugnant to the lawes , or of the Liturgie set forth by publique authoritie . This Liturgie maintaineth a Reading Ministerie : for it requireth nothing necessarily to bee done by the Minister , which a child of ten yeare old cannot doe , as well , and as lawfully , as that man wherewith the booke contenteth it selfe . Preaching is but accidentall and accessorie , without the which their office doth , and may consist . And indeed boyes , and senselesse Asses , are our common Ministers for the most part ; for common reason may serve the turn , and do this feat well enough . It is indeed lesse busie , then the Popish Priests service , because the Kalender , and the Rutricks of the book are fewer and plainer , then his Portuise , and Pic were . So that lesse Clerkes , then 〈◊〉 pri●sts which had but some blind Latine in their belly , may serve for our store , say the Authours of the Admonition to the Parliament . The administration according to the prescript of the booke of Liturgie doth concerne , either the Bishop or the Church , or the Minister himselfe . The Bishop , to wit , in confirmation of children : The Church , either in certaine rites , as bowing the knee , or in certaine answeres . Of Bishopping we have entreated before . The Congregations part standeth in some rites , and gestures , or in some answers : Now the people sit , now they stand up . When the old Testament is read , or the lessons , they make no reverence , but when the Gospell commeth , then they all stand up ; they thinke that to be of greatest authoritie , and are ignorant that the Scriptures come from one Spirit . They make curtesie when Iesus is named , either in Sermon , lesson , or otherwise , uncovering their heads , and making a leg , with such scraping on the ground , that the Minister or Reader cannot be heard for a space thereafter . And yet saith the Author of the Petition to the Qu. The Bishops and their Chaplaines seldome use this , unlesse it be at reading of the Gospell , as if the Gospell were more holy then the rest of the Scripture : especially they forget it , when lustily and bravely they sweare by the name of Iesus . The name of Iesus is more reverenced , then the name of Saviour , which is of the same signification ; or other titles of Christ , as when he is named Messias , Christ , Mediator , the Son of God , &c. or when God is named : as if the Apostle had meant Philip. 2. that every knee should bow at the naming of Iesus , when as he onely saith , At the name of Iesus : that is , every creature shall bee made to acknowledge his power , and authoritie , which is his name , as the word is often taken in the scripture . It is not the sound of syllables , but his divine power that is meant . Then again for answers , the people are appointed at divers prayers to rehearse word for word after the minister , whereby an opinion is ingendred in their minds , that other prayers do not so much pertaine to them , as those which they utter with their own mouthes . As the minister is the mouth of God from God to the people : so should he be the mouth of the people from the people to God. Sometime the minister saith one part , and the people another . And in sundry parts of the Letanie , the people make the prayer , and the minister onely directs them what to pray for . At the communion one of the people is allowed to make the generall confession in the name of the whole congregation . At some prayers they are enjoyned to kneele devoutly , and not at others . In the administration which doth concerne the Minister himselfe , or to be considered , either the substance of the booke it self , or certaine directories . As for the substance of the book , it is taken out of the Popes portuis , with some rubricks , and glosses of their own framing . The same matter which is conteined in the English , is also contained in their service book , with some little addition . The same forme is also observed with a small alteration , wheras our forme of service should be as different as may be , from the Popish . And for length , it is so wearisome , that many times it shutteth out Preaching , viz. when Baptisme , the Communion Marying , Churching , and Buryal , con●urre together , as often they doe in great Congregations , as it is said in the Abridgement of Lincolne Ministers . Divine service in the Apostolicall Church was not spent in reading prayers , Psalmes , Epistles , Gospels , &c. but for the most part in doctrine and exhortation . When the Congregation assembled , their Pastor was with them , and he spent not the time in reading lessons , prayers , collects , &c. but uttered some word of exhortation , and doctrine , upon the parcell of Scripture which was read ; as was the custome also in the Sinagogues . And suppose it had bene omitted at any time in the Sin●gogue , we reade not of any such lame Liturgie in the Christian Church , in the dayes of the Apostles , nor in many ages following , till blindnesse , ignorance and lazinesse , made the chiefe part of divine service to be omitted , and a prescript forme to be made , for 〈◊〉 and ignorant Priests . For shal we beleeve that as long as Pastors were able to teach and exhort , that they posted over a number of prayers and lessons , &c. and no farther ? No The bels of Aaron should give a sound , as often as the Lords Priest entreth into the Sanctuarie . Or doe they thinke , that their Pastor was abroad at his pleasures , when the flock was at their pasturage , as devine service , and some other reading minister serving them . The Apostolicke Church , and purer Antiquitie , knew no such minister . Out of the lessons , or Psalmes , which were read , the minister took the argument , and ground of his sermon , beginning after this , or the like manner : Ye have heard brethren the booke of , &c. read . The booke is read , wherein it is prophecied . We heare brethren , when the Gospell was read , the Lord saying that &c. The directories are contained , either in the Kalender , or the Rubricks . In the Kalender , to direct the minister in such things , as belong either to the minister himselfe , or to the whole Parish . To the minister himselfe , either in reading some Psalmes each day of every month , or of the rest of the Bible , partly out of the Canonicall Scripture , partly out of the Apocrypha bookes , and that within the yeare . The reading of Psalmes , and other parts of Scripture , is not preaching , but the word read is like a loafe unbroken , or not divided in peeces , and morsels . And therefore it is not a right set forme of service to prescribe all the Psalmes to bee read within the space of a month , or so many lessons of the Scripture within a year to take up the time , which should be spent in preaching . Lesse Scripture read , and withall explained , and opened up to the use of the hearers , is more profitable . And if the other prejudge this , howbeit the matter be good , for it is the good word of God , so much as is canonicall , yet the forme is naught , and in this case unlawfull . Then as for the reading of the Psalmes , they make daily prayers of them , when as they bee not all prayers , or else the matter of these which are pra●ers , doth not agree to the present time and state of the Church , but are read hand over head . The Apocrypha bookes should not receive that honour , as to be read publickly in the Church , as canonicall Scripture is . Because they containe sundry false and frivolous things ; and suppose not , yet they are not the trompets which are set apart and sanctified by God , to bee blowne by his priests in his temple . The church of the Iewes read no other scripture but Canonical , Moses and the Prophets , and the Psalmes : and the Christian Church in the purer times , onley the monuments of the Prophets and Apostles . The Councell of Laodicea decreed the same also . The reading of them in the Church hath made the people beleeve , that they are portions of the old and new testament . Sundry of the Prelates take texts out of the Apocrypha , sayth the authour of the petition to the Queen . Divers chapters of the Apocrypha are appointed to be read for extraordinarie lessons upon Feast daies , and some parts of the canonicall Scripture are omitted . The directories , which direct in such things , as belong to the whole Parish , are anent observing feast dayes , and daies of abstinence from flesh . They have a number of feasts , and fasting daies , more then the Iewes had appointed to them . The holy dayes observed by them , besides the weekely Sabboths , are these following , the dayes of the Feasts of the Circumcision , of the Epiph●●ie , of the Purification of the blessed Virgin ▪ of S. Matthias the Apostle , of the annuntiation of the virgine , of Saint Mark the Euangelist , of Saint Philip and Iacob the Apostles , of Christs Ascension , of the nativitie of Iohn Baptist , of S. Peter the Apostle , of Iames the Apostle , of Bartholomew the Apostle , of S. Matthew the Apostle , of S. Michael the Arch-Angel , of S. Luke the Euangelist , of S. Simon and Iude the Apostles , of all Saints , of Saint Andrew the Apostle , of Saint Thomas the Apostle , of Christs Nativitie , of S. Steven the Martyr , of S. Iohn the Euangelist , of the holy Innocents , Munday and Tuesday in Easter weeke , and Munday and Tuesday in Whitson weeke . This is their number and order as it is set downe in the beginning of their service booke . They keep the same order in the observation of them , that the Popish church observeth , with the same distance of time from other , upon the same dayes , Gospels , Epistles , Collects , and proper lessons the same , howbeit some time fewer , with the like observation of rest . And howbeit S. George be left out in this reckoning , yet is his day honoured . This Saint , saith Barrow , hath no small entertainment with his solemne procession ( and that by no small estates , but even the greatest of the land ) with Cornets , Trumpets , Harbe , Shackebuts , Ps●lteries , Du●●imer , and all instruments of musicke , &c This Saint beside his noble ordour of Knighthood hath also his peculiar Chaplaine Palatine of the order who it to weare a gold ring on his thomb . The holy dayes are dedicate to the Trinite , to Christ alone , to Saints , to Angels . As for the day dedicated to the honour of the Trinitie , Bellarmine doth confesse that it is recent , that it was not observed at Rome in the dayes of Pope Alexander the third . It was celebrated in some particular Provinces , but not received into Rome , till the time of Pope Iohn the 22. It was thought needlesse , seeing the Trinitie was remembred , either one way or other in the daily service , but especially upon the Lords day : for the Preface of the Trinitie day was of old sung upon the Lords day ; and the Creed wherein the Trinitie is remembred , was not omitted . If there should be a holy day for every great mysterie of our religion , then must we have many more holy daies , then we have yet had . If a particular day for the Trinitie entred but of late in the Church , for the respects foresaid then what mysterie of Religion is remembred frequently on the Lords day , in hymne , prayer , confession , creed , or sermon needeth not a speciall day , and a set service with bodily rest for that mysterie . You see then , that the feast which was rejected a long time by the Popes themselves , the English doe retaine . As for the feastgoelonging to the life & death of Christ the most ●enoumed , & most ancient , is Easter , and yet it was not observed by the Apostles . The hote contentions about it , whether it should be observed upon the day of the full Moone , or the Sabboth after , declareth that they did not institute it : for they could have easily decided that question , whether shall we be conforme to the Iewes in observing the same day with them or not : yea , the Apostle , 1. Cor. 5. 8. speaking of the celebration of our Easter , tyeth us not to a certaine number of dayes , as the Iewes were , who after the eating of the Lambe ; might not have any levened bread in their house for seven daies , but sayth , ours is all the yeare long to be observed , ye through our whole life , & with other kind of unleavned bread , both by particular Churches , & persons . No where doth he refer us to anniversary Easter . The Christian Pentecost was not observed by the Apostles , howsoever sometime some of thē went up to Ierusalem at the Iewish Pentecost , to confirme or ●ucrifie the Iewes , as long as the Temple stood . If the Apostles thēselves , upon whom the gifts of the H. Spirit were powred that day , did not observ it themselves , who were the receivers of the benefit , what warrant haue we to observe it . If neither Easter nor Pentecost were Apostolical institutions far lesse the Ascension day , and the Nativitie . The feast of Circumcision Bellar. saith is very recent , & it is to be observed that they have a service day , or holy time for Christs circumcis . but not for his Baptism for upon the E●iph , day they make mention of the 3 wisem . & the star , but nothing of Chr. Baptism in their G●spels and Epistles . In a word all the dayes dedicate to Christs severall acts are all humane inventions , some later , some more ancient , & Iewish formes , wherwith that people was brought up under the pedagogie of the law , a rudimentarie kind of instruction , not beseeming the Christian Church , nor answerable to the cleare light of the Gospell . The Iewes anniversarie dayes were abolished not onely for their peculiar service , or signification of things to come , but altogether , howbeit memorials of by-past benefits . Christ and his Apostles did institure no day for remembrance of a particular benefit , no not the weekly sabboth , let be an anniversary day . For the weekly Lords day was not appointed for remembrance of the particular benefit of Christs resurrection , but for the whole worship of God. If the Lords day were referred directly and expressely to the commemoration of the resurrection , then should it be the proper and peculiar service of the Sabboth , then should we not have at all a day determinate in the new ●estament , and institute to worship God for himselfe , and all his workes in generall . There was then no memoriall dayes appoynted in the new testament , but a morall day for the worship of God. The sacrament as often as it is celebrate , it is a memoriall of his passion . When the word is preached , Christ is crucified before our eyes . But dayes of particular commemorations of some speciall actions with solemnitie and cessation from worke , we have none , nor was it the intention of Christ , or his Apostles . If there be no warrant to dedicate anniversarie dayes to Christ , farre lesse to the virgin Mary , and the rest of the Saints , and of Angels . Their holy dayes of Saints are called the Saints dayes as well as Christs dayes are called his . And they have their collects , gospels , epistles , as well as Christ hath his : and what reason have they to have some anniversarie remembrances of so many Saints of the new testament , and never one for any of the old ? Can they give any reason of this difference , but a ●opish one ? And among these of the Christian Church , why is Timothy and Titus , and many ●oe not remembred as the rest are ? Is the 〈◊〉 purification of our Lady upon the candle●masse day , a matter of such moment , that it is to be honoured with some speciall day , and actions of greater importance are not so to be celebrate . This night the Maior of London kneeleth downe at S. Edwins tombe in P●ules Church , and sayth a P●ter noster , as Barro● reporteth . If I should insist upon every particular day , and rip up their collects , gospells , pis●les , hymnes and songs , I should be too pro●ixe . For we should fall upon many fooleries , and impertinent application of the word of God. In the collect from Christmas to New-yeares day , they are appointed to say , that Christ was borne upon this day , when as it be●oved him to be borne onely upon one day , 〈◊〉 it is grounded upon an erroneous conceit of Zacharies high priesthood , that he was born ●n the 25. day of December . In the collect upon Innocents day , it is sayd that the infants whom Herod murthered , were Gods witnesses . Athanasius creed is to honour the high dayes , 〈◊〉 not the common creed , and is appointed to be read onely upon certaine holy dayes , it must not grace other dayes Venite may not serve at Easter , as it doth all the yeare before , and after follow Domine labia mea . They have no reason for these and other like superstitious vanities , but such as Durandus , or any other papist can give them , out of their reasonless● Rationalls . What holynesse they place in their holy dayes may be seene in that they haue a stricter rest enjoyned upon them , not they urge for the sabbath , whereas the Lord required a stricter rest upon the Sabbath , then upon other dayes appointed by himself . Then againe their principall feasts haue Eaves and devout fastes going before . Thirdly they say they will not change them , to let us see that they may be changed ; but retaine the same dayes which the papists observe , and which , they say , were consecrate and made more holie then other dayies , be the actions , which were wrought on these dayes , as the manger and crosse of tree was with the truth of Christs body . Even howbeit this reteyning without change , doeth nourish in the people both a superstitious and popish conceit of the holynes of the day and the erroneous conceits , that Christ was borne on such a day , Iohn Baptist on such a day , that Zacharie was high priest etc. To let passe other popish opinions of worship , and merite . The most part observe it with masking , dancing , gluttonie , games , enterludes . For the which superstitious , and erroneous conceits , and incorrigible abuses , they ought to be abolished , suppose in themselves they had bene never so indifferent . Besides their Eaves they have their ordinary fridaies , Ember weeks , and lent fast . And if they say that abstinence from flesh onely is cōmanded for some politicall respects , I would demand wherefore is the minister or Curate enjoyned after sermon , homilie , or exhortation , to declare unto the people , whether there be any holy dayes , or fasting daies the week following . Are not the people commanbed likewise to repaire to the Church to pray , and to heare divine service . Their lent beginneth as the popish doeth upon Ashwednesday , with a terrible cōmination , where are pronounced many bitter curses and the people answer & ratifie every one of them with their own mouth saying , Amen . The priest before he utter the curses , after the lettanie is sayd , goeth to the pulpit , to imitate the levites who pronunced curses upon mount Ebal , and never but once , & he saith , Brethren , in the primitive Church there was a godly discipline , that at the beginning of lent , such persons as were notorious sinners , were put to open pennance , and punished in this world , that their soules might be saved in the day of the Lord : and that others admonished by their exāple might be the more afraid to offend . In stead wherof untill the same discipline , may be restored again , which thing is much to be wished etc. it is thought good that at this time should be read the generall sentences of Gods cursings against impenitent sinners . Yee see that corporall and afflictiue penance is commended for good discipl . for the disci . of the prim . church , for the discipl . of lent , and espetially on ashweonesday , & that it is wished to be restored again . I beleeve thē . It is displing , ashes , shriving , and such other gear that they would haue . In the last collect upon the first day of lent , or ashwednesday , the priest , or Curate sayth , Be favourable to thy people , which turne unto the in weeping , fasting , and prayer . Is this to fast for ciuil respects onely , for the main tenance of sea faring men , and preservation of cattell . The Priests and Clerks kneeling say the Psalme , miserere mei Deus . The prayers , and special exhortations tend to begin their repentance that day . The week before Easter hath a prescript service , epistles , and gospells for every day , which no other week in the yeare hath , say the ministers of Lincolne in their Abridgement , p. 90. 91. They observe likewise that not one day in all they care hath three collects . but good Friday , the Friday before Easter . May we not see then , that the end of their Lent fast is the same with the Popish , to wit , that they may be prepared to receive the communion at Easter , as if that communion needed a greater preparation then at other times , or had a greater vertue : Item , to be prepared against the celebration of the feast of the resurrection : to repent for the sinnes of the whole yeare : to imitate Christs fast of 40. dayes , which was a miraculous fast , a fast of another kind , for it was without hungring , a fast for one time , and not used againe either by himselfe or his Apostles , Mat. 9. The Ember weekes , which were called Ie●unia quatuor temporum , are appoynted , they say , for praying , and fasting , because the Bishop is to give orders upon the Sundayes immediately following , as it is sayd in their latest Canons . They tie the giving of orders to set seasons of the yeare , when as ministers should be thrust out into the Lords harvest , whensoever there is need . Then againe such are enioyned to fast , as have no need of a pastor , for all the parishes of the Diocie are not destitute . Where there is no feele of a want , the prayers will bee cold . It is expedient indeed that the particular congregation which hath need , humble themselves . Thirdly , this their fast is but abstinence from flesh , but not from fish , or any other delicacies which they can get , as if flesh were an uncleane creature , and polluted . So their fast in all the orders and rites of it , is the Popish fast . Lastly , they joyne not fasting and giving of orders together , as they should doe , if they followed aright that example which is set downe , Act. 13. 1. 2. but they observe their ceremonious fast , or rather superstitious abstinence from flesh on the week before , and not upon the Lords day following , when they give orders . For upon the Lords day they thinke it unlawfull to fast . And yet they will rather sever their ceremoniall fast from the action , then that it should not be performed upon the Lords day : for why ? that was the day on which the fierie tongues came downe upon the Apostles : and they observe the third houre of the day commonly , that is about nine a clocke , because it was about that time that the gifts of the holy Ghost were powred on them . For the Bishop must say to the Priest , Receive the Holy Ghost . And so one superstition is at jarre with another , and great confusion there is , and disorder in their rites and ceremonies , and no wonder , for they are Babylonish . Yet for all their apish imitations , the cloven tongues come never downe upon any of their silly Curates . The Friday fast is like the rest , and dependeth upon their mother good Friday , which hath bred them . These are their set and superstitious fasts . Extraordinary and occasionall fasts for urgent calamities , and the miseries either of their owne Church , or other Churches abroad , they have none , or very rare . Other directories are contained in the Rubrickes , which serve to direct in the manner of administration , either of some parts of the liturgie , or of the sacraments . Of some parts of the liturgie in such things as concerne all which are of that congregatiō , or some onely . Of such as concern all , as in the publick prayers , or reading of sacred homilies . In publike prayers eyther ordinary or peculiar to some time , and occasion . Their prayers are to be consi●ere● both in matter and forme . In the matter , as when in the collect upon the 12 sunday after Trinitie sunday , it is sayd , Almighty and everlasting God po●re do●ne upon us the ab●ndance of ●hy mercie giving unto us that , that our prayers dare not presume to ask . There is nothing which is needfull for us and lawfull , but wee dare and should aske it . They pray to be delivered from thundering , & tempest , when there is no appearance of danger . The third part of their prayers concern the commodities or incommodities of this life . They crave to be delivered from all adversitie , as if the petition in the Lords prayer , deliver us from that evill one , or wicked one , to witt , the Divill should be translated , from all evill . In S. Bartholom●w his collect they pray that they may follow his sermons , and there is none of them extant . Why say they , O Ananias , Azarias , and Misael , praise the Lord , more then O Peter , Paul , and virgin Marie , praise the Lord. The forme of their prayers is set downe as a lesson for the minister to read . So that the gift & exercise of the spirit is stinted , & circumscribed with their prescript prayers . For howbeit hee could pray with the tongue of an Angell , he● must be tied in time of their service , to the words which are set down in the booke . Sometime the Minister is enjoyned to beginne the Lords prayer with a loud voyce . Sometimes the Clarks and people are directed to say the Lords prayer with a lowd voyce at one time , and not another . Then againe their prayers are shred into many small peeces , They pray in two or three lines , and then after having read some other thing , come and pray as much more , and so to the 20 or 30 time , with pawses betweene . Prayers should be continued together ; not cut off and interrupted , or cut in small peeces . They doe with their prayers , as they doe with their Gospels and Episties ; which they rent from their contextis , which would serve for memorie and greater edification . They multiply words tending to the same effect ; using repetitions and babbling . How many Kyrie eleeson and Christe eleeson will they have at one time . At one and the same meeting of the Assembly , the Lords prayer is to be repeated 8 severall times , and Gloria patri 12 times . May not the Papists justly defend their beads . Glorie to the Father , &c. is not sayd after Te Deum laudamus , as after Benedicite , Magnificat , and nune dimittis . They have their times to kneel at some prayers , not at others . The Minister is ordained to stand in the accustomed place , or at the discretion of the Ordinarie . So that is left to the discretion of one man which tendeth to the edification of many . The accustomed place is the Chancel . Thereupon , saith M. Cartwright , the Minister in saying morning and evening prayer , 〈◊〉 in the Chancell with his back to the people , as if he had some secret talke with God , which the● people might not heare . And hereupon it is likewise that after morning prayer , for saying another number of prayers , he climeth up to the further end of the Chauncell , and runneth as far from the people , as the wall will let him , as though there were some variance betweene the people and the minister , or as though he were afraid of some infection of the plague , and indeed it renueth the memorie of the Leviticall priesthood , which did with-draw himselfe from the people into the place called the holiest place , where he talked with God , and offered for the sinnes of the people . The chauncel distinguished from the body of the Church , is their holy place for the Priest , and He hath a peculiar dore to this chancell , through which none might passe but himselfe , saith Borrow , For the ch●piters and letanie , there is commandement given , that they should be read in the body of the Church , saith M. Cartwright in his first Reply , In his second Reply , he saith , I am assuredly perswaded , that the tenth Church in England hath not all the service said in that place , where the whole Church may heare it . They will rather stick to the Iewish or popish rites , and imitate Masse priests , then edifie Gods people . For mariage he commeth to the bodie of the Church , for Baptisme to that part , which is over against the Church-dore , and so trudgeth from place to place . The Letanie must not bee used but upon Sundaies , Wednesdaies , and Fridayes , except the Ordinarie appoint other dayes : the Minister propoundeth things to be prayed for , or against , the people performe the prayer , saying with a lowd voyce . Good Lord deliver us , we beseech thee to heare us good Lord , and this they often repeate . And yet one suffrage is put out of the letany , which was in it before , to wit , From the tyrannie of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable enormities , good Lord deliver us . They say certaine Psalmes and prayers over the corne and grasse , and certaine gospels at crosse-waies , saith Barrowe , In the service booke , the Curate is thus directed anent Homilies . After the Creed , if there be no Sermon , shall follow one of the Homilies alreadie set forth , or after to be set forth by common authoritie . Who knoweth what is hereafter to be set forth . The Survey of the booke of common prayer doth relate , that many points of Poperie and Lutheranisme , are broached in Court , and citie pulpits , and yet not called into question , as be Doctrines tending to the Reformation of Popish ceremonies . Iudg then what corrupt Homilies may be set forth . And yet Ministers are urged to subscribe to the book of common prayer , notwithstanding of the foresaid Rubrickes . It is the office of a Pastor to preach , and not to reade Homilies . Hee ought to cut and divide the word aright , and apply it to particular sores , which cannot be done by homilies . What was said against Apocripha bookes , may be throwne against them . The reading of homilies is a cushion for idle or blind Priests to rest upon . What say you to the Vicar of W. who upon an holy day in stead of preaching the Word , which he could not , or reading of homilies which he would not ( to terrifie his Parishoners with the judgements of God , and to move them to repentance ) solemnly read , and published a counterfeit fable out of a little pamphlet , intituled , Strange newes out of Calabria , pretended to be prognosticated by M. Iohn Doleta . The parts of the Liturgie which concerne onely certaine persons are ●nens . 1. Celebration of matrimonie . In the first words uttered to the married persons by the Priest it is said , that Matrmonie signifieth unto us the mysticall union , which is between Christ and his Church . Then againe in a Collect after the conjunction it is said , O God which hast c●nsecrated the state of matrmonie to such an excellent mysterie , that in it is signified and represented the spirituall marriage , and unitie betwixt Christ and his Church . Is not this to apply these words , Ephes. 5. 32. This is a great Mysterie , to the conjunction of man and wife , which the Apostle uttereth of Christ and his Church , by which interpretation the papists have made mattimonie a Sacrament , and the band betwixt the married persons inseparable , and not to be dissolved but by death . In the first part of their homilie of Swearing , Baptisme , and Matrimonie , are called Sacraments . The minister receiving the woman at her fathers , or friends hands , is to cause the man to take the woman by the right hand , and give his troth to the woman . Then are they to loose their hands againe , and the woman taking the man by the right hand , giveth her troth . Then shall they againe loose their hands , and the man shall give unto the woman a Ring , laying the same upon the booke , with the accustomed duty to the Priest & Clerke . And the Priest taking the ring shall deliver it unto the man , to put it upon the 4 finger of the womans left hand . And the man taught by the priest shall say , with 〈…〉 thee wed , with my bodie I thee worship 〈…〉 worldly goods I thee 〈…〉 name of the Father , Son , and H. ghost , Then the man leaving the ring upon the fourth finger of the 〈◊〉 left hand , the minister shall say , set us pray . O eternall God , &c. In the prayer , the ring given and received is said to be a token and pledge of the vow and convenant made betwixt them . Is there not heere an heap of toyes , and yet never one wanteth a signification . The ring must be put upon the fourth finger of the left hand , because say they , there is a nerve which runneth from that finger straight to the heart . The ring must be layed on the service booke , I know not to what end , except it be to sanctifie it , in stead of that blessing and sprinckling with holy water , which the Popish Priest used , as may be seene in the Romane Rituall . Then againe what sense can be made of these words , with my body I thee worship , One of a thousand doth not understand them , their P●elats have not explaned them . The words of the Apostle Peter , 1. Epi. 3. 7. giving honor to the wife , as to the weaker vessell , doe signifie onely honest care and follicitude , and to beare with her infirmities , she being the weaker vessell . For honor after the Hebrew phrase is largely taken . To give honor as to the weaker vessell , and to worship her with the body is farr different , as the word worship foundeth in our Language . The Apostle 1 Cor. 12. 23. saith , And those members of the bodie which we thinke to be lesse honourable , upon these we bestow more abundant honour , that is , with greater carefulness we cover , then wee doe other members : But we are not to worship the members , which are lesse honourable . The Priest is appointed to say to God in his prayer , that the ring is a token & pledg of covenant made betwixt them . If the ring had beene used onely at the contract , as a civill rite , it might have been comported with , but to bring it into the Church , I meane to divine service , is either to prophane the same with civill ceremonies , or pollute it with Popish and superstitious rites rather , as these are . For they were counted in time of poperie holy and religious rites of a holy Sacrament . The married persons must communicate also , as was the custome in time of blindnesse , where every holy action behoved to have a Masse : and so that action , which should be common to the whole Congregation , who are members of one body , is made private and particular to a few , howbeit in a publique place . Then againe they have their forbidden times to marie in ; yea , moe then the Papists have , at least , so many as have embraced the decrees of the Councel of Trent , from Advent to the Epiphanie , from Septuagesima sunday to the octaves of Easter , from the Rogation weeke to the octaves of Pentecost , amounting in all to the third part of the yeare : as if marriage which is called honourable , did prophane these holy times . The councell of Trent hath dispensed with the Pentecost and the second they beginne at Ashwednesday . Now notwithstanding of these forbiddē times , they may get a dispensation for some money , and then it shall be lawfull enough , and these holy times shall receive no pollution ; for mony hath a great vertue with it . 2. Thankesgiving after childbirth . This is commonly called the Churching of women . I● standeth more in Psalmes , suffrages , and collects , wherein help is craved at God , not notwithstanding he take upon him authority to 〈◊〉 from sins . Then there is a Psasme , and 〈◊〉 prayers read . The silly curat can give no more comfort , then the few set words , which he must read , can minister to the departing soul. If the 〈◊〉 person can get some to communicat●●● with him 〈…〉 , as being ashamed to looke-up for some folly committed . When she commeth to the church shee must kneele downe high unto the place where the table standeth , that is , nigh unto the Quire dore , as the Rubrick in 2. Edward beareth , as the women did who after the dayes of their purification were ended , were appointed to bring their offering to the dore of the Tabernacle , Levit. 12. 6. unto the Priest , who shall make attonement for them . Then the Priest readeth over her the 121. Psal. and assureth her , that the Sun shall not burn● her by day , nor the Moone by night . Is not this a very pertinent Psalme for the purpose ? The Lords prayer being sayd , and some versicles and answeres , and then another prayer , she doth offer her accustomed offrings : and if there be a communion she receiveth the communion . Call this churching a thankes-giving , yet what reason is there of publick thanksgiving in the Church more for deliverance after childbirth , which is ordinarie , then from drowning , or other extraordinary dangers , or diseases ? and of womē more then of men ? were not that the imitation of the Iewish purification is the Mysterie of it . And so was this service intituled in the booke 2 Edw. The order of the purification of women , as is reported in the Survey . This superstitious service is not voluntarie , but enjoyned : When they come to the grave , while the corp● is made ready to be laid into the earth , they sing , or say againe another parcell of Scripture out of Iob : then while the earth is cast upon the body by some standing by , the Priest again saith something , and confidently affirmeth that God hath taken his soule and is of assured hope 〈…〉 3. The visi●a and comfort of the sick . The Priest entering into the sickmans house sayth , peace be in this house , and to all that dwel in it . When he commeth to the sickmans presence , he kneeleth downe , and prayeth his prescript lines for forgivenes of sinnes , with two kyrie eleesons , and one Christe eleeson , the Lords prayer , and some other versicles and responsories ; when as yet he hath not spoken a word to the diseased , or understood , whether hee bee sleeping or waking . After the exhortation read which he may break if need be , and the Creed rehearsed , he desireth him to make his will , and also declare his debts , what he oweth , and what is owing him . Thereafter he moveth him to liberalitie . Then shall the sick person make a speciall confession , if he feele his conscience troubled with any weightie matter , after which confession the priest shall absolve him . When he absolveth , he sayth . By his ( that is , o●r L. I. Christ ) authoritie committed to me , I absolve thee from all thy sinnes , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the H. Ghost . Amen . He absolveth like a judge , as the Popish Priest doth , giving out a definitive sentence , and absolutel , doth forgiue , not by way of deolaration . This absolution is seuered from the preaching of the word . For the dumb Gurat cannot preac● in thansgiving . This help is to live and walk● faithfully in their vocation , as if they were made uncleane by their childbirth to enterprise any thing . Shee will not stirre out of the house suppose she were never so strong , till the compleate time be expired , that is a month commonly . When she commeth forth , she is muffled 〈…〉 him , the communion . If others may not conveniently come neere him , yet the minister and he alone may communicate together : and for shortnesse of time , they have but one collect pistle and Gospell . Thus are the people nourished in an opinion of the necessitie of the sacrament , and the action which should be publick , and solemne , as the institution beareth , and the practise of the Apostolicall Church declareth is made private , & administred peculiarly in a corner , as if there were no other meane to eat the flesh and drink the bloud of Christ , of that grace were tied to the externall signes . 4. The Buriall of the dead . They have a threefold peale enjoyned in their latest canons . When any is passing out of this life , a 〈◊〉 is to be tolled , after the parties death , a short peal is rung , another before the buriall , & another after the buriall . When the time of the funerals draweth neere , the Priest & the clearks make them ready . The Priest putteth on his surplice , and then commeth to the Church stile to meet the corps . Then the Priest shall say , or the Priest and cleark shall sing and so go either to the Church or towards the grave . The words which are sayd or read alowd by the Priest , or sung by the Priest and clearkes , are 2 or 3 small sentences of scripture . For any part of scripture is sung by thē as well as Psalms , in their services . and the Bishops haue punished women for not being churched , sayth the authour of the petition to the Queen . Some are churched at home by the Priest , and therby saith the Surveyer They confirme women either in pride , if they be able to goe to church and will not , or in superstition if being not well recovered , they yet must needs be chur 〈…〉 of his resurrection to 〈…〉 againe is said or sung a sentence out of the Revelation , after the lesson , two Kyrie eleesons , with one Christe eleeson betwixt them , after that the Lords prayer : then the Priest prayeth , that God might histen his kingdome , that we with our brother , and all other departed in the true faith of thy holy name , may have our perfect consummation and blisse , both in body and soule . Is not this to pray for the dead brother ? When he is laid in the grave , he is laid east and west , in such manner , as that he may rise with his face to the East , for why ? they looke for Christ to come from the East , and it is no easie matter to turne about if one rise with his face toward the west . This ceremonie is not enjoyned in the booke , yet it is usuall , as many moe , as a white or bla●ke crosse upon the mort-cloath , candles burning over the dead corpes in the house , the ●et-wand , cakes sent abroad to friends . The priest must have his offering , and beside that the ●ortuarie , wherof I made mention before . VVhosoever is not buried after this manner in church or churchyard , howbeit in a peculiar buryall place of his owne , he is ill deemed . But this you must note , saith Barrow , neither rich nor poore , neither yong nor old , can get bury all without money in the church of England : N● peny , no paternoster there please the Priest , and then he will burie his brother , and pray for , and over him , whatsoever he be , so far as his booke will goe . The minister is so tied to this office , that if he neglect it at any time , he is to be suspended from his ministerie by the space of three monethes . So they make that a part of the Ministers function , which is not a ministeriall dutie , nor at any time , let be ordinarily , performed by ministers in the Apostolicall Church . Howbeit the Iewes had not so cleare a light in the resurrection as we have , yet did not the priest reade prayers , and fragments of Scripture at burials ; nay , they are expressely forbidden to be present at them . Funerall Sermons cannot be made without acceptation of persons . For if it be the Ministers office , he ought to make them as well at the buryall of the poore , as of the rich . It is required , and so is made to serve more for pompe or superstition , then for edification of the living . Men that never were greedie of a sermon all their life long , must have one then , to grace their funerals in the eyes of the world . M. Cartwright testifieth , that there are none more desirous of funerall Sermons , then the Papists . VVhat lying commendations are made of the dead , howbeit never so vitious , all men doe know . Neither doe these hired Orators , or Sermon-mongers , lie for nothing . They must have either a mourning gowne , or a noble . I will say nothing , saith M. Cartwright , of the great abuse of those , which having otherwise to live on the Church , take nobles for every such Sermon , and sometime a mourning gowne , which causeth the papists to open their mouth wide , and to say that the Merchandise of Sermons is much dearer , then of the Masse : for that they have for a gr●ate , or sixe pence , and the Sermon they cannot have under ● rounder summe . The Rubricks serving to direct to the maner of administration of the Sacraments , are for the administration of Baptisme , or the holy Supper , & that either in the church , or in a private house . In the administration of the Sacraments there are two things generally to be observed : First , that power is given to an ignorant Curate , or reading Minister , who cannot preach , to administer the Sacraments of Baptisme and the Lords Supper : Next , it is said in their Catechisme , that there be onely two Sacraments , as generally necessarie to salvation , that is to say , Baptisme , and the Lords Supper : implying that there are other Sacraments peculiar , not generall , as matrimonie , and orders : and others generall , but not necessarie to salvation , as Confirmation . In the Preface before Confirmation are set downe these words : And that no man sh●ll thinke that any detriment shall come to children by deferring of their confirmation , he shall know for 〈◊〉 that it is certain by Gods word , that children being baptised , have all things necessarie for their salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . These words imply three things , first , that all children baptised be undoubtedly saved ; secondly , that children unbaptised be not undoubtedly saved ; thirdly , that confirmation is not absolutely necessarie to salvation . Estius a papist , saith the like of Confirmation . That the custome of the universal Kirk doth prove sufficiently , that confirmation is not necessarie to salvation , otherwise the godly and carefull mother the Kirk , would not neglect to see this Sacrament ministred at the point of death . 1 Of Baptisme . In the preface to baptisme they commend the ancient custome of baptizing onely at Whitsuntide and Easter , except in the case of necessity , which was a superstitious and damnable custome . They say in this Preface , they will follow this custome , as neere as they can , therefore doe ordeine , that Baptisme be ministred onely upon Sundaies , and holy daies . Vpon any ordinarie preaching day then , they must not baptise , except it be coincident with an holy day : as if baptisme were not as holy a Sacrament ministred upon an other day , as upon an holy day . The child must be baptised at the font and therefore the Priest must come to that part of the Kirck , where the font is , over against the church dore , for that wanteth not a signification ; to signifie the entry of the child into the church . He must not be baptised , where the minister stood in time of divine service , or with water out of a bason . The godfathers and godmothers standing at the font , the Priest doth aske , if the child be baptised or no. In the first prayer the priest saith , that God by the baptisme of his Son , did sanctifie the s●oud lordan , and all other waters to the mysticall washing away of some ; as though vertue vvere in the water to wash away sinne , or as though Christs baptisme at one time , and not Christs institution , which serveth for all times , did sanctifie the element . In the second prayer he saith , that they comming to thy holy baptisme may 〈◊〉 remission of their sinnes by spirituall regeneration , when as the rem●ssion of our sins doth standin notimputation of them , and not in regeneration . The questions which were wont to be demanded of converts from paganisme , who were able to answer to the questions demāded : absurdly & foolishly now they demand of the infants , or their godfathers in their name . The interrogatories are these , doest thou forsoke the Divill and all his works &c. Doest thou beleeve &c. Wilt thou be baptised in this faith ? The child hath not understanding , nor faith , nor desire of baptisme . And how be it the child had faith , can the Godfather tell absolutely , and in particular , that this child whom he presenteth , doth beleeve , desire baptisme , or forsake the Devill . It is a foolish thing therefore , and great mockerie of Gods service to demand that of infants , which was at the first demanded of such , as were come to yeares of discretion , and were converted from gentilisme . The children of faithful parents are within the covenant of grace , whereupon it is that they are made partakers of the seale of the covenant . The covenant being made with the parents in their faith , & not the faith of the child , the parents should give confession of their owne faith , and not of the faith of the child , which is not , because their owne faith is the condition of the covenant upon their part , wherupon God promiseth to be their God , and the God of their seed , Wherupon also it followeth , that the father of the child should present the child , and give confession and not another , because the covenant is made with him , and his seed , and the child is his seed , not the seed of another , whom 〈…〉 proper godfather . Others may be witnesses of baptisme , but that the father should , or can resigne this duetie to another , I deny . Before the Priest dip the child in the water he sayth in his prayer , grant that all thy servants , which should be baptised in this water , may receive the fulnes of grace . This prayer was read in 2 E. once every moneth at the changing of the water in the font , as is sayd in the Survey . Howbeit it be now placed in the baptisme it self , it seemeth to be directed to the same end , to the hallowing of the water , which is then in the font . After that the child is dipped , and baptised in the name of the Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost . the Priest maketh a crosse upon the childs forehead , saying , We receive this child into the congregation of Christs flocke , and doe signe him with the signe of the crosse , in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confesse the faith of Christ cru●ified , and manfully to fight under his banner , against sinne , the world , and the devill , and to continue Christs faithfull souldier , and servant unto his lives end . He sayth not we have received , but we doe receive , as if the child were not received by baptisme , but by crossing , or as if the child were againe received by crossing which was before received by baptisme . This signing with the crosse is no decent gesture : It is rather like a Iugglers gesture , then a gesture of decencie , and comelinesse . It must then be used , as a symbolicall , and significant rite . But we have no such signe set downe in the word , as to make two crosse lines in the aire with our fingers , to represent the crosse of tree , or to signifie unto us that we should not be ashamed to confesse the crosse of Christ , &c. Thou shalt make unto thy selfe no image , that is , any representation forged in thy owne braines to be set up in the worship of God. Admit once the aereall cross in baptisme , yee cannot refuse to set up the the materiall crosse , and the Rood in the Kirck , nor the woodden or stone crosses in the high wayes . For all may signifie the same thing , that the crosse on the forchea● . And by this reason every one may weare a Giver crosse upon his forehead also . Further not onely other significant crosses materiall may be brought in upon this ground , but also all the rest of the beggarly ceremonies of baptisme , to deface & deforme the puritie , plainnes , and siniplicitie of Christs institution . As to put salt in the mouth of the child , to annoynt with oile the breast & shoulders , and the top of the head with holy chrisme and to put a burning taper in his hand , &c. for these toyes had their owne glorious significations as well as the Crosse. Lastly what doth in signify , but that which is already signified in baptisme . The same valour and courage & constant prosession & fightiug under Christs banner , is a part of that grace , which is sealed by baptisme . But beside that it is a significant toye , it is also esteemed effective . For they say , that by it , the infant is dedicated to the service of him that dyed on the crosse . Who did sanctifie this signe for such an use ? Are men able to doe it ? It was made also a consecrator of water , bread , and wine , and all other holy things in time of poperie , for the which corruption we ought to abhorr it . Againe , we signe that 〈◊〉 in token , that he shall continue Christs saithful souldier to his lives end : these words ( shall continue is his lives end ) compared with the like in the Epistl● of the 22. Sonday after trinitie ) God shall continue the worke in you to the end shew unto us , that wee use the crosse for a pledge to give assurance to the child to continue in grace to the end ; which if it bee so then it serveth to work faith , and is used effectively , sayth Parker . Hooker sayth , that there cannot be a more forcible meane to avoyd that which may deservedly procure shame . If in be in some sort a mean to secure from confusion everlasting , then is it in some sort effective of grace . In a word , suppose there were no sinfull use of it for the present , the horrible abuse of it in times by-past , and the danger and perill of these same abuses are sufficient to remove it out of this holy sacrament , where it is set up in such honourable state beside the Lords owne altar . After the signing with the crosse , the Priest sayth , Seeing now dearly beloved brethren , that these children bee regenerated , and grafted into the body of Christs congregation , and not before the crossing . Privat baptisme is administred in privat houses , sometime by a privat person , sometime by a publick . Howbeit it be not enjoyned by law , not prescribed by their service booke , that lay men or women shall baptise in time of necessitie , yet it is permitted and allowed in their practise , and hath been defended by Whitgift and Hooker in print . When it is administred , they call upon God , and say the Lords prayer , if the time will suffer . Then if the time wil not suffer they omit prayer . So that not onely they omit preaching , & the doctrine of the sacrament , but also praying , if there bee haste . If the child live , it is brought to the Church , and the maner of the privat administration is tried . The minister demandeth , by whom was the child baptised : and because some things essentiall to this sacrament may happen to be omitted through feare or hast in such time of extremitie , he demandeth of those who bring the child , with what water and words was the child baptised , and whether they think the child to be lawfully and perfectly baptised . If a lawfull minister did baptise the child , these demands were needlesse . We may perceive also to what indignitie and prophanation the sacrament is exposed , in that it must bee ministred with such haste , and feare , that the ministration of a sacrament being intended , yet it may prove to be no true sacrament , because it is marred with haste and feare . The Lord doth not allow his sacraments to be so prophaned , but to be administred with gravitie , with due time and leasure , without feare , that may make the minister miscarry in the action . If after triall he finde all right , he receiveth the child as one of the fleck with certain words which he pronounceth . After the Gospel is read , the minister together with the godfathers , and godmothers , say the Lords prayer . Then he asketh of them , the questions whereof we made mention before in publike baptisme . If these , who bring the infants , doe make uncertaine answers to the Priests demands as that it cannot appeare that the childe was baptized with water in the name of the Father , and of the Sonne , and of the holy Ghost , the Priest baptizeth the child . Then howbeit that it appeare not , that a lawfull minister did baptize , that shal not move the priest to baptize the child : wherby we may see , that baptisme by lay men , and women is not made null by their service book , but standeth for good and sufficient . When after uncertain answers the priest baptizeth , he useth this forme of words : If thou be not already baptised , I baptise thee in the name of the Father of the Son and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . But what if the child be already baptised , is it not now re-baptised in publique . Again , in private baptisme the Congregation is neglected . The Church hath interest in the baptisme of the child , as well as the Minister , for the child is received into the Congregation to be a member thereof . And therefore the confession of the parents should be given publiquely , before that the childe receive the seale of the covenant . Wee see then , what are the fruits of private baptisme ; baptisme by private persons , lay-men and women , unworthy handling of such a Mysterie for feare and hast , baptisme by supposition , and rebaptization , &c. Adde , that it doth foster an opinion of the necessitie of baptisme , or rather is grounded upon it . It is said in the Preface before Confirmation , It is certaine by Gods word , that children being baptized have all things necessarie for their salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . Yee see , they affirme that all baptised children be undoubtedly saved , and againe , doe imply in these words , that for all such as are not baptised , we have no sure warrant , hat any of them shall be safe . The Bishop of Canterburie in the Conference at Hamp●on Court , affirmed , that , If an Infant die baptised , there is evident assurance , that it is saved , wheras the state of an infant dying unbaptised is uncertaine . Is not this sound Divinitie ? The Surveyer of the booke of common-prayer relateth , that by occasion of private baptisme , many children be baptised by Masse-priests after the Popish manner , and many bastards concealed . Many pretend infirmitie , when they need not , and the solemnizing of private baptisme in publique is often omitted . 2 The Holy Supper . The Sacrament of the Supper , as also of baptisme , may be ministred amongst them without any Sermon made , or doctrine upon the Sacrament which is to be ministred ; yea , it is ministred by such as cannot teach . In their latest canons it is said plainely , that both the Sacraments be equally effectuall , whether they be ministred by a Minister that is no Preacher , or by one that is a Preacher ? In the same Canon , they are are said to be seduced by false Teachers , who refuse to have their children baptised by a minister that is no preacher , and to receive the holy Communion of his hands in the same respect , as though the vertue of these Sacraments did depend upon his abilitie to teech . And therefore it is ●r●a●●ed in that canon , that they shall first be suspended , persisting in their wilfulnesse , and then after a monthes obstinacie excommunicated . A Minister it is true is no part of the essence of the Sacrament , as a Sacrament is defined to consist of outward signes , and invisible graces , yet is a Minister necessarie to the right and lawfull ministration of the Sacrament , and is of the essence of it , that is , he is of the essence of the Sacrament , as it is defined to be an holy , and sacred action , for he is appointed by Christ to be the minister of the action . Now we acknowledge none to be a lawfull Minister , but him who is able to teach . Christ joyned preaching and baptizing in his commission , Matth , 28. To whom he committed the dispensation of the charter , and the word of reconciliation : to those also he committed the dispensation of the Seales , and to those onely . Tryall and particular examination of the communicants they have none , to try their knowledge in the mysteries of religion , and growth in Christianity . It is enough that they were once bishoped , when they were little children , as in time of poperie . The communion table is not onely covered at the time of ministration , with a faire linnen cloath , but also in the 82 canon it is ordeined , that the same tables shall from time to time be kept and repaired in fufficient and 〈◊〉 maner & covered in time of divine service , with a carpet of silk , or other decent stuffe thought meet by the Ordinarie of the place : as if the communion table were to be regarded more the other common tables after the action is ended , wheras the very elements themselves extra usū , out of the use of the Sacrament , are but comon . This is done in imitation of the popish rich altar cloths . The table being covered with a fair linnen cloth , & placed in the Church or chancel where morning & evening prayer are appointed to be said , the Priest must stand at the northside of the table , he must not stand at the head , or the southside . He beginneth with the Lords prayer & a collect , then he rehearseth distinctly all the to comand . & the people kneeling , after every command . ask forgivenes . The people of Israel kneeled not when God himself pronounced the Law from mount Sinai , howbeit they saw the mountain smoking , and lightnings , &c. Gods word uttered by man then should not bee received with kneeling . VVheras the last praier is sufficient to conclude with : the repetition of it at every commandement is superfluous battologie . Then the Priest saith the collect of the day , and another for the King , standing up . After the collects , he readeth the Epistle and the Gospell . The epistle and the gospell being ended , he saith the Creed , after the Creed , if there be not a Sermon , he readeth some Homilie alreadie set forth , or that shall hereafter be set forth . After Sermon or homilie , the people is fore-warned of the Holy-daies , or fasting daies of the next weeke following , and are earnestly exhorted to remember the poore . Then the Church-wardens , or some other by them appointed gather the devotion of the people , for so is the almes called , and upon the offering dayes appointed , every man and woman payeth to the Curate the due , and accustomed offerings : then the Priest prayeth that God would accept of their almes , & for some other things . Then he readeth a short exhortation : then a generall confession is made in the name of all those that are minded to receive the Communion . And this is allowed to be made , either by one of th●m who are to communicate , or one of the Ministers , or the Priest himselfe : So a Lay man is allowed to pray in the Church in name of the rest . This confession is made kneeling . Then he standeth up againe , and turneth him to the people , and prayeth some few words again . So they have prayer following immediately after prayer , without any new actiō intervening , standing at the one , kneel . at the other so comely is their disorder . The after some versides and answers , and proper prefaces for holy-daies , the Priest kneeleth down againe , sayth a prayer in name of all them who are to receive the communion . As soone as that is ended , without any other action intervening he standeth up againe and sayth another prayer . In this prayer he rehearseth the words of the institution to God , as the preist doth when he consecrateth the bread and wine in the Masse . For he doth not first end this prayer , and then turne him to the people to informe them of the institution , by rehearsall of the words , but uttereth them in a continuall tenour with this prayer speaking to God. O horrible prophanation of the Scripture , and superstitious consecration ! Then without any farther he and they communicate kneeling , after the Popish manner , that is , with a gesture of Adoration , when they are beholding the signes , taking , eating , drinking , and inwardly in their minds , should be meditating on the signification , and the fruit and benefite which they reap by Christ crucified , and consequently cannot without distraction of mind from this employment of the soule and meditation , pray a set , and continued prayer to God , or cannot meditate and be employed in the present action without distraction of minde from the prayer , and therefore either they pray unreverently , which they will not grant , or doe communicate this gesture of adoration to the other imployments of the soule , and of the outward senses , and members of the body , about the objects presented , which they must grant , and so nill they will they , must be forced to confesse , that they commit idolatrie . Kneeling is no decent gesture for a table : for commoditie , they say , maketh decencie , but this gesture is confessed not to be commodious , as sitting is . It is then enjoyned for another reason , to wit , fot reverence : but to kneele for reverence and religious respects is ever adoration in the highest degree . To kneele for reverence , that is to adore , is not enjoyned here for prayet , neither may prayer lawfully be enjoyned in time of another action and part of Gods worship to bee performed by the same person . And suppose it were enjoyned for the short prayer uttered by their priest , yet are not the outward senses , and inward faculties , employed principally on that prayer ; but upon another action , principally , and directly intended in the Institution , whereas the other is onely superadded by man. Let them frame their canons and acts as they please , and suppresse , that they kneele for reverence of the Sacrament , common sense may teach us , that it is done for that respect , either totally or principally . But let it be in the least part , yet that least part is idolatry . Beside the idolatry of this gesture , it cannot stand with the right manner of celebration and rites of the institution . For when they kneele for adoration , they cannot carie the cup from hand to hand , nor divide the elements amongst themselves , as Christ hath commanded . In many places the people are raised from their kneeling , to come about the table there to receive kneeling , and then are directed to their places again , saith the Authour of the Survey . The Priest giveth the bread and the wine to every one severally out of his own hands . When the cup is to be caried from one to another , the communicant is too prophane to reach it , the priests holy hand must take it from one , and give it to the other . But Christ willed his Disciples to divide it among themselves , & it was carried from hand to hand indeed , after the manner of the last paschal cup , which was changed in this communion cup. When Christ therfore gave the bread and the wine , he sayd in the plural number , Take yee , eat yee , &c. The English priest speaketh in the singular number , when he giveth the elements , he annexeth not Christs words containing a comfortable promise , and uttered in an enunciative form , but other words invented by man , and in form of a prayer , converting one part of Gods worship in another , or else confounding them . Then the Prisayth the L. prayer , & the people repeat every petition after him . Is not the minister the mouth of the people in prayer to God ? And now they wil with their own mouths pray again . When the minister prayed , did they not in hart pray with him ? if they did , wherfore repeat they every petitiō ? And when they repeat , doth the minister pray againe the same words in his hart , which before he uttered with his tongue ? Or is the toung in this exercise both of minister & people divided from the heart , exercing their functions severally , & at distinct times ? this is the second pater noster . So I must speak , seeing they use the L. prayer as the Popish priest doth his pater . After the L. prayer they have another prayer . At westminster the communion is ministred in wafer cakes , as the author of the Survey reports ; who also doth conjecture by this , that the prelates intend to advance superstition by peecemeal in all places . The like may be said of some superstitions used in the K. Chappell . Wee have seen the particulars of the Priests function , whereunto Mucket doth subjoyn that he must weare a surplice in the administration of the particulars foresaid , that is , in reading morning and evening prayer , churching of women , celebration of matrimonie , at burialls , administration of baptisme , and the Lords su●per . And if he hath taken on any degree in the Vniversitie , he must weare such a hood as appertaineth to that degree . In cathedrall and collegiat charches , the communion is to be administred upon principall feast d●●es , sometimes by the Bishop if he be present , and sometimes by the Deane : and at somtimes by a Canon , or preben darie the priacipall minister using a decent cope , and being assisted with the Gospeller and Epistler . The rich cope then is not a vestiment for common kirks , and ordinary priests . No minister being no graduate may weare a hood under pain of suspension . Notwithstanding it shall bee lawfull for such ministers , as are not Graduats to weare upon their surplices in stead of Hoods , some decent tippet of blacke , so it be not of sil●k . For their ministring garments we say first , they cannot be sayd to be enjoyned for distinction . For the place they occupie in the time of their ministration , doth of it selfe distinguish them from all others , who see them at service . They serve not for comelinesse , and gravitie , but are rather ridiculous , and stagelike , meeter for fooles and comedians , then for ministers . And if gravitie were respected in them , they should be worn ordinarily , and out of the true ministration . For he must not cast off his gravitie , when he hath ended divine service . It is then for mysterie or signification , that they weare them . The white colour of the Surplice signifieth angelicall puritie , for the Angels appeared in white . So are they painted with wings to signifie their readinesse to do their office . But significant garments belong to the priests of the Leviticall tibe , and not to the ministers of the new testament . It is beside a lying signe of that purenesse which is not nor cannot be in sinfull men . In the angels it might have represented as well their glory as their purenesse from sin . The Surplice was esteemed so holy in time of poparie , that no priest might say service , nor doe so much as make holy water , without it . And among themselves , the Surplice is well known to be esteemed by many people in all the parts of the land so holy ● thing , as that they will not receive the sacrament from any but such as weare it , as is sayd in the abridgement of the ministers of Lincolne . By what reason the Surplice and cope are retained , by the same reason the rest of the Masse-priests and Bishops vestiments may be reduced . The ministers of the Gospell should not bee made conforme in fashions , let be in mysteries and significations to Popish Priests , not weare their badges , either in or out of the ministration of divine service . It is to be observed , that in time of preaching he is not urged to weare a Surplice , as 〈…〉 of service , belike because preaching is no ●ecessarie part of his function , as is the saying and singing of service : or else why should he not use these apish and significant garments at the one , as well as at the other . In their 17. Canon students in colledges are ordained to weare Sarplices in charches St chappels upon all Son layes , holidayes , and their E●●es . The originall of this is observed in the abridgement fore sa● to be this . It is enioyned to all that are admitted to the very lowest degree of their clergie , which they call primam tonsuram . And this was it which brought that custome into the universities , that every student should at certaine times weare the Surplice in divine service , because they did in their matriculation receive this primam tonsuram , and first entrie into the clergie . I may may not insist upon this poynt , nor the rest that follow , being forced to end within this sheet . In the Deacon is likewise to be considered his externall calling and function . His externall calling is either to the order and degree , and that in every respect , as in the minister , except in some things : or to the benefice , altogether as in the minister . His function is , 1. to have an over-sight of the poore , 2. to assist the minister in celebration of the supper , 3 to blesse them who are to be maried , 4. to burie the dead , 5. to baptise , and preach , if he be called thereunto . In the book of ordering Priests and Deacons , the Deacons office is sayd to consist chiefly in assisting the Priest in divine service , specially in celebration of the Supper , and distribution of the sacrament , in reading Scripture and Homilies , in instructing children in the articles of the faith , in baptising of infants , in the preaching of the word , if the Bishop thinke him fit , and in inquiring into the state of the poore , and the sick , and intimating the same to the minister . After imposition of hands , the Bishop delivereth him in his hand the new testament , saying , Take thou authoritie to read the Gospell in the Church of God , and to preach the same , if thou bee thereto ordinarily commanded . Hee needeth not a new calling to the ministerie , and therby be inabled , but remaining still a Deacon , he may by the Bishops warrrant and licence be authorised to preach . The Apostles instituted Deacons to an other end then to preach , and severed them from preaching , because one person could not conveniently be a minister of the word , and a minister of Tables , yet they will confound them . For so they found them confounded in time of popery , and it pleaseth them to retaine them so , and not to distinguish the functions , as the Apostles did . Why are they permitted to baptize more then to celebrate the supper ? Is the one sacrament of greater excellencie then the other . May the one bee ministred by any Church officer , who may not minister the other ? When the Apostle 1. Tim. 3. descriveth the office of a Deacon , requireth he either abilitie to teach , or power to baptize ? What in effect may their Deacon not do , that the priest doth , except the ministration of the communion ? What can be the reason of this exception , but that in this ministration there was somewhat esteemed in time of poperie , proper to a priest , to wit , the offering of a sacrifice . The Deacon then is not halfe a minister , but almost a whole , and he may preach with licence , or at command of his ordinarie , as well as the Priest. What need I to insist upon such grosse absurdities ? CHAP. 8. Of the administration of Lay-men . THE laymen having some administration , have it either in a cathedral or collegiat church , or else in a parish church , &c. In the cathedral church , laymen having administration , are the receivers of the rents , Bailiffs , takers up of accounts , overseers and measurers of land , stewards of courts , and liberties , overseers of the fabrick of the temple , of the sa●ctuarie , of the bibliotheke where the book of Homilies , and service-book lye , vergerers , bellmen , singing men and boyes . Many idle and chargeable officers are fed in these dennes to uphold the pompe of a cathedrall church , and that to the great detriment of other churches . In the Parish church they have not a Senat of Elders to joyne with the Pastor for governing the same , but two or three Churchwardens to see the Kirke be watertight , and furnished with all the ornaments and utensils , to provide for the booke of common prayer , and Homilies , and the elements for the communion upon the expenses of the parish , to keep a Register of the christnings , weddings , & burialls , together with the Priest , to intimate any contribution which is to be made for some publick work : and lastly , to be the Bishop and Archdeacons spie , to delate or present offenders , howbeit for the most part they bee perjured , and offences are winked at , and suffered to passe without correction . No wonder , seeing the discipline is taken out of ●he hands of the right officers , and put in the hands of Officials , Commissaries , and Chancellors , to whom these perjured Church-wardens are made officers and servants . The possessions are either publicke , or private , &c. Heere are reckoned for the possessions belonging to the Church , bookes , vestiments , the ornamentsand implements of the Kirk , the Kirk it selfe , houses , mannours , woods , forrests , parkes , ponds , fountaines , rivers , medowes , pasturage ground , arable ground , Baron courts Hundreds , and Lathis , Tithes , oblations , obuentions , pensions for indemnit●e , procurations , Synodals , fees , immunities , liberties , priviledges , &c. It were ●edious to insist upon the use of every one of them in particular . They are either superfluous and excessive , or unlawfull , or bestowed upon the wrong person . The constitutions anent both persons , and possessions , &c. There is a controversie among the Lawiers , what Canons and Constitutions of the Canon Law be in force among them . Some of best judgement thinke it to be altogether abrogate , except so much as is particularly ratified by Statute . They themselves doe hold , that all the former canons of the canon law , all the constitutions , and decrees , nationall or provinciall , which were in use before in the Ecclesiasticall Courts , which are not repugnant to the Statutes , and municipall lawes of the Realme , or to the late constitutions established by publiqu authoritie , nor prejudiciall to the Kings prerogatiue and privileges , make up the Ecclesisticall lawes of England , and accordingly put the same in practise . There Canon law , the popes Testament then , is there principall Law booke . THinke not , good Reader , that I have made a perfect Discoverie of the English Church-policie : for that requireth the skill and paines , of the most judicious and painfull among themselves . Therefore take in good part , that little which I have in great hast gathered for thy information , and consider how dangerous it is to yeeld to a few of their Popish corruptions . Some few will draw on the rest , and the whole will make way for full Poperie to re-enter , in the owne time , which approacheth very neere in outward appearance , unlesse the Lord prevent . Hee that persevereth to the end , shall get the Crown . BIshop Spotswood hath spread a rumeur , that M David Calderwood is turned Brounist , but I assure thee , good Reader , it is not true . That old impudent ●yar , hath together with his supposed Authour , a yong man , trimmed up a tale with many circumstances , to make the mis-report the more credible . But if ever he required by letter , the judgement , either of that supposed Authour , or of any other man else , anent their opinions , then let him never be reputed for an honest man hereafter . If hee had dou●ted , he would not have sought resolution from yong schollers , and unsetled braines . The ground being false , all the rest of the circumstonces builded upon it are knovish forgeries also . If either Spotswood , or his supposed Authour , persist 〈◊〉 their caluninie after this declaration , I shall try if there be any bloud in their foreheads . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A17571-e130 The Table . Sander , de Schism . Anglic . lib. ● . p. 227. Rastall , Bishops , 9. F●x . p. 1405 1406. Pag. 680. Pag. 381. Pag. 70. Rastall , ●irst fruits . 6. Confess . fidei ● . 35. Notes for div A17571-e980 Pag. 249. P. 27 , 28. ● . 28. P. ● . Notes for div A17571-e1730 De polit . c. ● . Lib. 3. c. ●● num . 1. Hist. 1. 3. c. ●● . T. C. 2. Reply , p. 644. Can. ●● Camd. Brit. p. 181. Sess. 34. c. 3. D. ● reform Down . def . ● . 2. c. 6 p. 112. 113. Whitgift . p. 440. Camd. Br● 181. Abstract . 237. ●md . Brit. 181. P. 3. ●stal Rom. 2. Reply . ● . part , p. 97. Pag. 227. ● . Reply , 2. part . p. 178. 179. P. 178. Cap. 3. v. 1● P. 59. 597. Pelit . Anno 1603. Can. 46. 2 Repl. 1. part . p. 355. ●astal . residence . 2. P. 10. 1. Reply p ▪ 46. P. 71. Can. 41. P. 132. Camd. Brit ▪ p. 181. Notes for div A17571-e3240 cap. 2. Act. 1● . Act. 21. Of the chur . 1. 5. c. 28. p. 142. 143. De clericis , cap. 8. ● . 5. P. 143. P. 142. Defens . 1. 3. p. 150. 1. Reply p. 97. P. 274. 275. P. 102. P. 6. Of the chur . 5. c. 27. ●ontra Lu●eranos . 〈◊〉 Psal. 26. ●n aqui . tom . 〈◊〉 disput . 36. ●ct . 1. Camd. Bri● . 170. P. 49. De Polit. p. 318. De●ep . eccl . 1. 5. c. 9. nu . 38. 39. De polit . p. 316. Of the chur . l. 1. c. ●5 . 5. c. 9. nu . 2. 23. 24. Assertion 〈◊〉 ●hurch 〈◊〉 , p 41 9. ● . Discover . 241. p. 182. P. 328. l 5. poenis . cap. euenit . Of the Ch. ●5 . c. 27. P. 61 P. 8. Assertion of ●rist Poli. ●ag . 187. Mucket 325. 326. De vit● & honest . 〈◊〉 corum . ● . 1 S à crapule verb vigilan●er . Volum . 2. D●●repudijs & Divortjs . p. 3●5 . De testamen● 〈◊〉 cap. ●em verb. extorqueant . P. 105. 106 ●●art . 1. p. ● . P. 99. L. 1. de consuetud 〈◊〉 , statutum . P. 113. Assert . of Christ. poli . p. 73. 74. Lib. 3. cap. 8. num . 13. P. 219. Notes for div A17571-e5720 De sequest● . c 1. veodo Vicarios . l. 5. p. 153. 〈◊〉 juris ●anonici . 92. Lib. 5. p. 15. ●anisius in 〈◊〉 pag. ●1 . 92. sucket , p. ●4 . Id Evag. ●●st . 85. Reply . p. ● . Lib. 5. p. 15 ▪ 153. Canon 101. ●etition to ●be Queene . 70. P. 175. P. 387. 388. Anno 1584. P. 392. Can. 12● . 2 Reply , 2. part . pag. 96 ▪ P. 17. P. 50. P. 58. P. 213 ▪ Notes for div A17571-e6560 Cap. 9. pag. 339. Bleyni . introduct . p. 422. Se Damasus , Decretal . 2. Reply . 1. part . p. 525. Ad Eva●● . L. 5. p. 158. Can. 35. 6● L. 2. cap. 9. n●m . 15. Pueket p. 24. De iudicijs cap. Quidam . 1. 5. p. 150. De Consti●utionth cap Qui●● verb ●●pitulis . Pag. 15. ●ialog . l. 4. 26. Reply . pa. 3. 164. 165. 〈◊〉 . 2. quest . 〈◊〉 . art . 2. ●●g . 4. 〈◊〉 ▪ 336. Lib. 5. p. 15● ▪ Pag. 151. Pag. ●0 ▪ De Clerici cap. 16. Notes for div A17571-e7300 Instit. lib. ●● cap. 5. Se●● Can. 33. Pag. ● . Pag. 15. Pag. 309 ▪ ●●stract . p. Reply , 1. ●rt . p. 298. 2 Reply 1 part , p. 133. p. 110. Abstract p. 83. p. 236. 237. p. 238. 2. Reply . 1. part . p. 537. 148. P. 245. Assertion , p. 258. 259. Assertion , p. 259. P. 252. P. 5. P. 52. C. 1 Repl. 104. ●dm . p. 47. ●● . 93. lm . p. 14. P. 65 〈◊〉 . ●0 . 66. Discov . p. 8● Disco . p. 82. De cultu ●anctor . c. 15. Discov p 84. ●an . 31. T ● 1. Repl p. 108. Abridg● p. 35. Survey of the B. of cōmon prayer , p. 47. 1. Repl. pag. 105. Disc. p. 131. p. 105. ● . part . p. 187. Survey of ●he B. of 〈◊〉 pray●●●● . Disc. pag. 6 P. 6● . Assertion the true ● Christian pol. pag. ● . 〈…〉 Rituale R● manum , p. 174. 175. P. 147. 〈…〉 P. 62. P. 149. ●isc . p. 127. 128. 1. Reply p. 16● . Pag. 16● lib. 4. sent . ist . 7. Can. 3● . 1. Part. p. 34. L. 5. c. 65. Can. 57. ● . 72. P. 81. P. 344. Can. 24. P. 5● . P. 37. Notes for div A17571-e9960 Mucket p. 299. 
A41842	----	The great salvation offered and tendered first, by Christ himself, and then by his holy apostles, with the inevitable destruction of all that neglect it : in the sermons, reprinted / by that eminent servant of Christ, Mr. Andrew Gray ... Gray, Andrew, 1633-1656. 1694 Approx. 90 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41842 Wing G1614 ESTC R39448 18419624 ocm 18419624 107525 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41842) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107525) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1634:14) The great salvation offered and tendered first, by Christ himself, and then by his holy apostles, with the inevitable destruction of all that neglect it : in the sermons, reprinted / by that eminent servant of Christ, Mr. Andrew Gray ... Gray, Andrew, 1633-1656. [8], 48 p. Printed by George Swintown and James Glen ..., Edinburgh: 1669. Errors in paging: p. 16 misnumbered 19. Imperfect: stained, and slightly faded, with print show-through. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Sermons. Salvation -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Great Salvation Offered and Tendered , First , by Christ himself , and then by his Holy Apostles , with the inevitable Destruction of all that neglect it . In two Sermons , Reprinted . By that eminent Servant of Christ , Mr. Andrew Gray , formerly Minister of the Gospel in Glasgow . Isaiah 52. 7. How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings , that publisheth peace , that bringeth good tidings of good , that publisheth Salvation . London , Printed for H. Barnard in the Poultrey . 1694. TO THE READER . Christian Reader , BLessed were those days , when Christians , whether frown'd or smil'd upon by the World , lived by Faith , and walked in Holiness and Love ; and Ministers sought the things of their Lord and Master , Iesus Christ , and not their own : When Gospel-Truth was plainly declared by the Preachers , and Reverendly received , and not wantonly debated by Hearers ; When Gospel Ordinances were prised and used for the Enjoyment of God in them ; When Iesus Christ was all in all in Mens Religion . And when the Holy Ghost went forth sensibly in Calling , Furnishing , and Countenancing Ministers in their Work. A great measure of this Blessedness did the Western Parts of Scotland Enjoy , especially from the Year 1651 to 1660. Amongst the many bright and shining Stars in Christs Right Hand , which he set upon his Candlesticks , in that part of Brittain , two Youths deserve everlasting Remembrance in the Church , Mr. Hugh Binning , and Mr. Andrew Gray . The former Lived but to the twenty sixth year of his Age ; of whose Labours , though several excellent things are Published , his Discourses of some of the Principles of Christian Religion , deserve Special Regard . They have been often Printed , and their Depth , Gravity and Excellency deserves a larger Commendation than I can give them . Mr. Andrew Gray , his Contemporary , dyed in the twenty second year of his Age. He was Born of a Noble Family , bred up at the Vniversity , where he profited signularly in Learning , and Polished the excellent Parts God had given him . The Saving Grace of God reacht him about the nineteenth year of his Age , and at twenty he was called and setled in the Ministry of the Gospel at Glasgow ( a bright Candlestick in that day ) with Mr. James Durham , and Mr. John Carstairs , Ministers of the New Testament , of singular Worth. After two years painful and successful Labours there , the Lord called him to his Rest. His singular Gifts for Preaching , his charming way of Delivery both in Voice and Action , the power he was endowed with , and the great success on Mens Hearts , that commonly attended his Labours , were so Eminent , that he was followed by Multitudes wherever he Preached , more than any other Minister in that Land in his Day , and became the blessed Instrument of the Converting of many to the Faith of Christ. What is Printed of his Sermons , was principally by the Notes taken by some of his Hearers , sometimes compared with what he Wrote himself , which render them but lean Sceletons of the Discourses of a Minister under such singular Influences and Assistance of the Holy Ghost , as he usually was , in his Work. It is well known what Imperfections attend such posthumous writings and what allowances judicious persons read them with . How these two came forth alone , thou shalt know . A worthy Christian in Lancashire being much taken with Mr. Gray's Sermons , he design'd to reprint these two , concerning The Great Salvation , and to give some hundreds of them to his poor Neighbours , for their Souls good . This Gentleman finding that the first Publishers of them were two Ministers in Edinburgh , one of them being my honoured Father , and I also bearing his Name , he did not know but that I was one of the persons that first sent them to the Press ; and therefore he desired me to Preface to them . I told him his mistake , and that I being very young when Mr. Gray dyed , could Testify no more of my own Knowledg , but that I had seen him in my Fathers House and Pulpit , and that I do well remember the high Character be had from all the godly Ministers and Christians that knew him , and that his Death was lamented bitterly , as a publick Calamity , and a Prognostick of evil to come . Although another might be more fit than I to Commend them to the Publick ; and if it had been put to my cheice , I might have pitched on something else of this Author , or of another , for that Chritable end , driven at , yet seeing every one is to be left to their own Liberty in good works of this nature , I would neither divert his design , nor deny his request . These two Sermons , now again published , contain no matters or point of Controversy , ( except the main things of the Gospel , be so accounted in this Age , wherein angry contention is more minded by many , than solid Believing and Holy walking ) They hold forth the greatest of Truths , and best of Tidings ( The great Salvation wrought out compleatly by the Son of God our Saviour . ) They warn gravely of the greatest , commonest and most Damning of all Sins ( the neglecting thereof . ) They earnestly call to the most important of all Gospel-Duties ( the believing acceptance of this Saviour with his great Salvation . ) May some of the same Power from on High , accompany thy Reading of them , that did attend the Preaching of them , is the desire of Thy Servant in the Gospel , Ro. Trail . A SERMON Concerning the GREAT SALVATION . Heb. 2. 3. How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation , which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him ? THis everlasting Gospel which is preached unto you , is that glorious Star , which must lead us to the place where blessed Christ doth lye . This Gospel and glad tidings of the great salvation , is come near unto you : And Christ is standing at the everlasting doors of your hearts , desiring that ye would open unto him . There is that one great request , which Heaven this day hath to present unto you , and it is ; that ye would at last embrace this great salvation freely offered by him . It is the thing for which ye are called to mourn this day , that since the dayes of your fathers , and since the beginning of your own dayes , ye have stopped your ears from the sweet and chaunting voice of this blessed Chamber . Ye would never dance to Christ when he piped : Neither would ye weep to him when he lamented . But to come to the words which we have read unto you : The Apostle ( in the former Chapter ) had been discoursing most Divinely of the matchless and incomparable excellencies which are in our Lord Jesus : And in the first verse of this second Chapter , he draweth forth an Exhortation from his former Doctrine , which in short is this , That they would take heed to the Blessed Doctrine of the Gospel , and not at any time to let it slip out of their minds ; and that they would keep this Gospel as a jewel of great price , and would not sell it , but that they would be induced to buy it . And this Exhortation he presseth by two Arguments . The first Argument is in the second verse , where he saith , If the word spoken by Angels was stedfast , and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompence of reward , &c. This is , if the transgression of the Law which was delivered but by the Ministry of Angels , and every disobedience to it was so severely punished ; let that provoke you to take heed that ye transgress not the precious Gospel which was spoken by the Lord himself . The second Argument is in the words which we have read unto you , and it is taken from the certain and infallible stroak of the justice of God , which shall come upon those who slight this great salvation ; it is impossible ( saith he ) that there can be a City of refuge for those who slight this great salvation . Now in the words which we have read , there are these six things to be considered . I. First , That is an evil incident to the hearers of this precious Gospel and great salvation , to slight and undervalue it : This is clearly presupposed in the words ; otherwise there had been no ground or access for the Apostle to threaten so terrible things against the slighters of it . II. The second thing to be considered in the words , is , that the stroak and ruine of those who slight this great salvation , is certain and infallable , it will surely come upon them ; this is clear from those words , How shall we escape ? As if he had said , there is no imaginable way for us to escape , if we neglect ( this ) so great salvation ; we may have a City of refuge when we are pursued by the Law , or when we are pursued other ways by the justice of God ; but if once we slight this great salvation , there remaineth no city of refuge ( no door of escape left open ) unto us ; for where will the person flee that slighted this great salvation ! III. There is this third thing whereof we shall take notice from the words , that the stroak of the justice of God cometh justly upon them who slight this great salvation ; and truly it is a most equal and reasonable stroak ; which is also clear from the words , How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ? where he puts it home to their consciences , as if he had said , think ye not that it is just and righteous that ( if ye slight the great salvation . ) there should not be a door of escape left open unto you : He putteth the question home to their conscience to answer , yea , or no. IV. The fourth thing to be considered in the words , is this , that the slighting this great salvation is a sin that hath many aggravations which attend and wait upon it . And it hath two great aggravations from the words which I have read ; the first great aggravation in that word of the Text , graet salvation ; as if he had said , if it were not a great salvation , you might have some cloak or excuse for your slighting of it ; but seeing it is such a great and external salvation , there is now no cloak left for your sin . The second aggravation is from the certainty of this salvation , in these words , which at first began to be spoken by the Lord , and confirmed unto us by those that heard him , viz. His Apostles ; whereby he telleth them this great salvation is no notion nor fancy ; but a most certain , sure and real salvation , which yet they flight . V. The fifth thing whereof we shall take notice from the words , is this , That there are no persons ( be whom they will , Minister or people ) who slight this great salvation , that shall have a door of escape . Hence it is that the Apostle putteth himself among the rest , saying , How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ? that is , How shall I Paul escape if I neglect so great salvation , and so frustrate the grace of God! VI. Sixthly we would take notice of this from , the words , That not only heart-dispising of this great salvation , but even also the very neglecting of it hath a certain infallible and unspeakable ruine attending upon it . Now before we begin to speak to any of these six things , ( which we have observed from these words ) there are these two things whereunto we shall speak a little for clearing of the words ; first , what is meant here by great salvation : Secondly , how it is said that Christ was the first preacher of it . First , we conceive that by the great salvation is understood the Gospel , as is clear , Ephes. 1. 13. where it is called the Gospel of our salvation ; and Acts 13. 26. it is called the word of this salvation ; so that by the words of this salvation is understood the Gosgel , and those precious offers which are contained in it . And we conceive it may be called a great salvation , in these eight respects . I. First , it is called the great salvation in respect of the price which was laid down for it ; there being no less price laid down to purchase this great salvation , than the blood of the Son of God. From whence then doth salvation flow unto you ? it comes running to you in a stream of the blood of the Son of God ; this is clear , Heb. 9. 12. Neither by the blood of Goats and Calves , but by his own blood he entered in once into the holy place , having obtained eternal redemption for us . II. Secondly , it is called a great salvation in respect of the many difficulties and oppositions which lie in the way of bringing it about . What great impediments ( suppose ye ) lay in Christs way before he could accomplish and bring about this great salvation ? Was not the Justice of God to be satisfied ? was he not to dye , and to be made like unto one of us ? was he not to lie in the grave ? and was he not to bear the torments of hell before this great salvation could be accomplished and brought to pass ? there were such impediments in the way of bringing about this great salvation , that if all the Angels in heaven had been set to work , they had been all crushed under it ; had it been but that one great impediment to satisfie the justice , and pacifie the wrath of God , even that was a pass , through which none could go but the eternal Son of God. It was so guarded , that none durst to adventure to enter it ( much less could any win through it ) save he onely who was mighty to save . III. Thirdly , it is called a great salvation in respect of that high estimation which the Saints have of it . O what an high estimation have the Saints of this Gospel salvation ! there is no mercy which they think comparable to this ; all other mercies are but little Zoars in comparison of this great mercy and Gospel salvation . IV. Fourthly , it is called a great salvation in respect of those noble effects which this salvation bringeth about and produceth . Some of the great effects of the Gospel , David hath cleared , Psa. 19. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Is not this a great effect ( of this Gospel salvation ) to bring us out of nature into an estate of grace ? And that is an effect of this great salvation . Is not this a great effect to make us who were enemies , become friends ? And that is an effect of this great salvation . Is not this a great effect to make us who were moving in the way to hell , move in the way to heaven ? And that is an effect of this great salvation . Is not this a great effect to make us who were far off , to be now made near ? And yet that is an effect of this great salvation . And is not this a great effect to make us who were darkness become light in the Lord ? And that is the great effect of this Gospel-salvation . Yea , I may say , time would fail me to tell all the great effects of this great salvation . But O will ye come and see , and that will best resolve the question unto you , what the noble effects of this great salvation are . V. Fifthly , it is called a great salvation in respect of the great advantages which do redound to the person who embraceth it . First , is not heaven a noble advantage ? and that is the gain which attendeth the embracers of this great salvation . Secondly , Is not Jesus Christ a notable advantage ? And yet he is the advantage which attendeth the embracers of this great salvation . 3dly , is not eternal communion with God a noble advantage ? and that advantage attendeth the embracers of this great salvation . 4thly , is not eternal liberation from the body of death a great advantage ? and that attendeth the embracers of this great salvation . Fifthly , is not eternal singing in the enjoyment of God a great advantage ? and that attendeth the embracers of this salvation . Sixthly , is not eternal seeing of God as he is , a great and noble advantage ? And yet this ( as all the former ) attendeth the embracers of this great salvation . Yea , would ye be rich ? O then embrace this great salvation . Would ye be honourable ? Come and embrace this great salvation . Would ye be eternally happy ? O then come and partake of this great salvation . VI. Sixthly , it is called a great salvation in respect of all other salvations that ever were accomplished . There was never a salvation or victory obtained by any General or Captain ( unto a Land or people ) that could have the name of great salvation in comparison of this . VII . Seventhly , it is called a great salvation in respect of the authority of it ; we have spoken of the greatness ( as to the meritorious cause ) of it , and how great things it doth effectuate ; and also in respect of the authority of it , it is a great salvation . Would you know who is the Author of this great salvation ? it is Christ. Hebr. 5. 9. He became the Author of eternal salvation to all them that obey him . And must not this salvation be sutable to him who is the Author of it ? this is one of the most noble and irradiant beams of the Majesty of the Son of God the Mediator , that he is the Author of this great salvation . VII . Eighthly , it is called a great salvation in respect of the continuance and duration of it . It is not a salvation which is but for a day ; but it is an eternal salvation , Hebr. 9. 12. He obtained eternal Redemption for us . Now the second thing whereunto we shall speak for clearing of the words , is this , viz. How it is said that Christ was the first preacher of this eternal salvation . We do not think that the words are thus to be understood , that the Gospel and this great salvation was never preached before Christ came in the flesh ; but we think the meaning of the words may be one of these three : if not all of them . I. First , That all the preaching of this great salvation under the Law , did come very far short in the point of fulness , in comparison of Christs preaching of it ; therefore is Christ said to be the first preacher of this great salvation ; as if he had said , I know Adam he preached of this great salvation ; and Enoch he preached of this great salvation ; and the twelve Patriarchs they preached of this great salvation ; and all the Prophets who went before Christ , and are now in heaven , they preached of this great salvation ; but all their preaching deserved not the name of preaching in comparison of Christs ; for never man spake as he spake . Thus Christ was the first great preacher of this great salvation . II. Secondly , This may be the meaning of it , that Christ was the first preacher of this great salvation in respect of his clear way of preaching of it ; for he was the first preacher of it without types and shadows ; he was the first preacher of it clearly and fully , with so much demonstration and power of the Spirit . III. Thirdly , The meaning of this ( that Christ was the first preacher of this great salvation ) may relate to his appearing to Adam in Paradise when he became the first and great preacher of this salvation , when he did speak that word unto him , The seed of the woman shall tread down the head of the Serpent . The first glorious preaching of this great salvation was when Christ preached to Adam in Paradise . And that was the first and glorious morning of this blessed Gospel . Now we shall speak a little to the first of these six things which we have observed from these words ; viz. That there are many within the visible Church who are neglecters and slighters of this great salvation ; ( do ye not all take with it ? ) it is clear , Matth. 23 towards the close ; and chap. 20. 5. where those persons being invited to come to the marriage , or feast of the Gospel , it is said of them they made light of it ; which are the same words in our Text : And Luke 14. 18. when they were invited to come , it is said , They all with one consent began to make their excuse ; and Isa. 28. 2. This is the rest wherewith ye shall make the weary to rest , this is the refreshing ; yet they will not hear . Now is there a person here , who dare deny this charge , that he is a slighter of this great salvation ? I confess I am afraid that you will not take with it ; therefore I shall propose eight sorts of persons who are slighters of this great salvation , and I charge you as you will answer to God one day , that you search your hearts , whether you be among the number ( in the catalogue ) of the slighters of this great salvation . I. The first sort of persons who are slighters of this great salvation , are those persons who go about to establish their own righteousness , and will not submit to the righteousness of Christ ; ( in a word ) it is that sort of persons who think they may win to heaven by a Covenant of Works , and will not take the Gospels way of travelling to heaven in the Covenant of Grace . And surely there is not a person here who hath not that cursed inclination to be as little obliged to Christ ( for his salvation ) as he can ; we would go to heaven without the way , which is Christ. And ( believe me ) there are many in this Congregation who go thus about to establish their own righteousness . And I shall propose six sorts of persons who fall under this first rank . 1. The first sort are those who trust on their own civility , and think that will carry them to heaven ; those are the persons who go about to establish their own righteousness . Say they , I defie the world to say any thing to me , I was overmore an honest man and I trust therefore that I shall go to heaven ; but I say to thee , ( O Atheist that thou art ) thou shalt never win to heaven by those means , till thou come to Christ with this , All my righteousness is like filthy rags . 2. The second sort are those who build their confidence upon their denial of their good Works , but yet come never this length to make use of Jesus Christ. 3. The third sort are those who build their confidence upon their duties ; they think they will come to heaven by their good prayers , by their reading , and by their fasting , ( like unto that Pharisee , Luke 18. 11. ) I thank God I am not like other men ; for I fast twice in the week , I pay tithes of all that I possess : But I say unto thee , thy duties will never bring thee to heaven if Christ he not the end of all thy duties , nor can you perform a duty without him ▪ 4 , The fourth sort of Persons who fall under this first rank of slighters of the great salvation , are those who trust on their convictions ; if they have once been convinced of their sin and miserable estate , they think there is no more to do , Christ will never reject them , so they sit down and build their hope upon those convictions . 5. The fifth sort of persons are those who build their confidence upon their resolutions ; say they , oftentimes I have resolved to be a better man than I am , therefore I think ( which is the fearful delusion of many ) that God will accept the will for the deed ; but it had been good for many such a word had not been in the Bible ; or that their cursed eyes had never read it . But know this that though thou hadst as strong resolutions as Peter , or as good wishes as Balaams had , if thou never labour to bring them to practice , God shall say to thee , Depart from me , I know you not : Any of you who build upon your resolutions , you will build upon a sandy foundation , these being many times a goodness but like the morning dew , 6. And the sixth sort of persons who fall under this first rank of slighters of the great salvation ( and wherein the evil is most subtil ) are those who build their salvation upon their graces ; these also go about to establish their own righteousness ; but I say to such , Their graces cannot be the foundation of their hope , though they may be as evidences to strengthen their hope . Now are there none here who fall under this first rank of slighters of the great salvation ? or are there none here who will confess that they have gone about to establish their own righteousness ? I say to thee who wilt confess , put a rope about thy neck , and come to Christ ; for he is a merciful King : I say to thee , Come to Christ with this , All my righteousness is like filthy rags ; and if thou wilt come with this in sincerity , he shall say , Bring forth the white robe and put upon him . If thou canst be brought to speak that in sincerity to Christ , there shall be no more betwixt Christ and thee , but Come and cloath him with the whole robe . II. Secondly , Those persons slight the great salvation , who delay their taking hold of the precious offers of the Gospel : for there are many ( when we preach this Gospel , and when we hold out the great salvation to them ) who say , I will follow Christ , but I must first go home and bury my father ; ( and so they delay to take hold of this great salvation ) But I say to you ( whoever you be ) that thus delay to take hold on this great salvation , you are the slighters of it . Is there a person within these doors who dare but acknowledge that he hath slighted this great salvation , and delayed to embrace it ? O tell me what do your consciences speak ! Are there any but they most acknowledge they come under this second rank ? And I say , to you who have thus delayed , will you yet embrace it ? I say even unto you who are old men ( now past sixty years , and have slighted this great salvation so long ) yet this day this great salvation is offered unto you : What say you to it ? O what do you say to this offer ? Are ye saying , I must now delay ( and not receive this great salvation ) till my Harvest be by and over ? I say unto thee , that the Harvest of the wrath of God is ripe , and he shall put in his sickle , and cut thee down . I will say no more to those who thus slight this great salvation , but this , Why 〈◊〉 and ye all the day in the Market place idle , and doing nothing . O will you at last be induced to take and embrace this great salvation before it be hid from your eyes . III. Thirdly , Those persons are the slighters of this great salvation , who complement with Christ when they are invited to come and partake of it : And say silently ( to the Minister , or rather to their own consciences ) I pray you have me excused at this time ; as those , Luke 14. 18. But I would only ask of such , Have you any lawful excuse why you will not come and partake of this great salvatiou ? is there any person here that hath any lawful excuse to present ? I shall never take that off your hand , Have me excused . But be sure of this , I shall never excuse you , but accuse you ; therefore I desire that those persons who have slighted the great salvation , by complementing with Christ , that they would complement no more with him at all , but now embrace it . IV. The fourth sort of persons who slight this great salvation , are these who give way to discouragements and unbelief , so that they will not come and partake of this great salvation : I say , such of you are slighters of it , and Christ will esteem you such . Oh if ye knew the worth and vertue of this great salvation , there would not be a temptation ( you could meet with ) that would hinder you from embracing it , but if thou couldst not answer these temptations , thou wouldst not own them . I say unto such undervaluers and slighters of the great salvation as discouraged persons . ( And those who stay long in the place of the breaking forth of children ) that when you cannot answer your objections , which hinder you from closing with Christ , I entreat you disown them , as if ye heard them not : Say ye , Think ye this lawful ? I say it is both lawful and expedient , for it was the practice of believing Abraham ; He considered not his own body being dry as an old stick , nor the deadness of Sarahs womb . He did not consider these things which might have been objections to keep him from believing . He might have started at these two objections ; Alas , I am old ; and that objections could he not answer ; and my wife is past child-bearing ; neither could he answer that objection . What then did he with them ? He slighted them both , and considered them not . Secondly , I would say this to you who thus slight it because of discouragements ; If ye did know the worth of the great salvation which is in this Gospel redemption that is offered unto you , although ye had an army of objections to go through , ye would go through them all , To get a drink of the water of this well of Bethlehem . V. The fifth sort of persons who slight his great salvation , are those who will not do so much as take care , and give pains to hear this great salvation offered unto them ; for there are some persons who ( if they come to the Church ) desire to sit farthest off , and so never take care to hear a word of this great salvation : and such are dreadful slighters of it . Like unto these mentioned , Ier. 6. 10. To whom shall I speak and give warning , that they may hear ? Behold their ear is uncircumcised , and they cannot hearken , Isa. 28. 12. But they would not hear , Jer. 7. 10. who say we are delivered to do all these abominations : Yet they did come and stand before him , in the house which was called by his name . VI. Sixthly , Those persons are slighters of this great salvation who ( when they hear it ) are no more ( nay not so much ) affected with it , than if we were telling unto them the most senseless history of Thomas the Rymer , or some other old fable . Like unto these mentioned , Ier. 6. 10. The word of the Lord is unto them a reproach , they have no delight in it . I would pose you all , as in the sight of the Author of this great salvation ( men or women ) did you ever set your selves ( or took ye ever pains ) to bring up your hearts to the love of this great salvation ? Was it ever the rejoycing of your hearts that Christ dyed and rose again ? I do certainly believe it ( and I am perswaded ) that there are decrees past in Heaven against many of you , That in hearing ye shall hear , but not understand ; and in seeing ye shall see , and shall not perceive : For God hath made your hearts harder than the Flint or Adamant ; so that ye 〈◊〉 refuse to return when he doth exhort you . Believe me ( if I may so 〈◊〉 ) I think there is as much probability that the stones in the wall would hear ( if we would speak to him ) as soon as many of you . VII . Seventhly , Those persons are slighters of this great salvation , who did never complain that they wanted a right to this great salvation . I hope some of you are now convinced that ye never came within the compass of this great salvation : I say yet unto you , if ye did never spend one hour in secret weeping and lamenting , because ye had not aright to this Gospel redemption , it is but too probable you never had yet a right to it . Yea , know it , that such of you would little care to let precious Christ depart without any grief of heart : I think if this were voiced within this house to day , whether or not shall Christ go and depart , I doubt if there would be many heart-dissenters , though many tongue dissenters : Oh , I fear , there would be many hearts here , saying , O Christ , depart and go thy way : Yea , there are many Gadarens here , who prefer their kine and swine to precious Christ , and would beseech him to go out of their coasts . VIII . Eighthly , Those persons slight the great salvation , who never took pains to engage their hearts to take hold of Christ and the Gospel . Christ is near to you this day : The great salvation is near to you , and is now , even now offered unto you , therefore are there any who will take pains to lay hold on it ? I obtest you all who are here , by the beauty and excellency of him , who is the Author and of this great salvation , that ye come and partake of it ; I obtest you by all the Joyes of Heaven that ye embrace this great salvation ; I obtest you by all the terrours in Hell that ye embrace it ; I obtest you by the promises of the everlasting covenant that ye embrace it ; I obtest you by all the curses which are written in this book of the covenant that ye embrace it . I obtest you by the love you owe to your immortal souls , that ye will once be wise , and come partake of this great salvation . May I now have it , saist thou ? Yea , I say unto you all , ye may have it to day , ye may be partakers of it before ye go hence : And so before I proceed any further , I do in the name and authority of him who sent me here to day , and is the Author of this great salvation , freely offer it unto you to day . But I know there will be eight sorts of humors ( within this house today ) in relation to this great salvation , which now is offered unto you . 1. I think there will be some of Gallio's disposition here to day , that will care for none of these things : Yea , there are many here who will not give a fig for this rich offer of the great salvation . But , I say , Cursed be that person who putteth on Gallio's temper ( to day ) that will care for none of these things . 2. I fear there will be many of Pilates humour here ( to day ) who will say , they find nothing against the man ; yet will cry forth , Take him and crucifie him . They find no fault with Christ , and yet will be content that he be crucified . Now can ye say any thing against Christ , who is the Author of this great salvation ? Produce your strong arguments ; Are there any here who have any thing to say against him ? I am here to answer in his name ; I hope there is not one here who hath any thing to say against the Author of this great salvation . And why then do ye not take him ? See unto your selves that there be none of Pilates humour here to day , that will cry out , Ye find nothing in Christ why he should not be received , and yet will be content that he be crucified . 3. There will be many of the Jews humor here to day , who cry forth , Away with Christ , away with Christ , and give me Barabas . But oh , what a hellish word is that ! Away with spotless Christ , away with transcendent Christ , and give us the world . Now are there any here who will be so gross slighters of this great salvation ? Will ye slight this great salvation , and embrace your idols , which shall once prove a crown of thorns unto you ? 4. There will be some of Felix humor sound here to day , that will say , O Christ go away at this time , and I will here thee at a more convenient season : But I say unto you who will not hear me to day , nor embrace this great salvation , I shall defie all the Ministers in Scotland to assure you , that ye shall get another offer , if ye send me away to day ; There is not one that can or dare engage that the great salvation shall be in your offer any more . Therefore , I say , let none of Felix temper be here to day , that will say , they will hear Christ at a more convenient season . 5. There will be some of Balaams temper to day , who will desire to dye the death of the righteous , and to have their last end like his ; yet they desire not to live the life of the righteous : But I say unto you , ye shall never dye the death of the righteous , if ye live not the life of the righteous . 6. There will be some of you here to day , who ( I hope ) at least will be of Agrippas humor , that will say , Thou hast almost perswaded me to be a Christian : I say unto thee , O wilt thou quickly out with that word almost , and put in that word altogether , and say , O precious Christ , Thou hast altogether perswaded me to be a Christian : However , if thou come no greater length , I intreat thee come this length , that so thou mayst cry out , I am almost perswaded to embrace Christ the great salvation , and may be ere long ye will come further . 7. There will be some of Iudas temper here to day , who will betray Christ for thirty pieces of silver . Yea , some would sell Christ , Heaven , their Idols and all , for less then thirty pieces of silver . 8. I think there will be many of Esaus profane temper here to day , who will sell their birth-right for a mess of pottage . Now will ye enquire at your selves , Am I the person that will give my birth-right for a mess of pottage ? doth my heart say , I will sell my birth right , because I am hungered and ready to dye , what will it profit me ? give me a mess of pottage , and I will quit my birth-right . I know it , there are not a few such here to day : Therefore I intreat you enquire at your selves what is your humor . Oh shall the great salvation that ye have flighted so long , be slighted this day also , and shall there be none to embrace it ? Oh enquire and stand in awe , lest the wrath of the most high pursue you . Now I shall give you these seven considerations , which may provoke you not to slight , but embrace this great salvation . 1. The first consideration , That the not embracing this great salvation is one of the greatest acts of folly that can be , Ier. 8. 9. They have rejected the word of the Lord , ( and immediately it is subjoyned ) And what wisdom is in them ? And so Solomon doth assure you they cannot be wise who neglect this great salvation , Prov. 1. 7. Fools despise wisdom and instruction : Therefore may not I say unto you , be who ye will , ( though ye were the greatest heads of wit in all this place ) ye are but stark fools as long as ye neglect this : But would you be wise indeed , and wise unto eternal life ? Then I intreat you come and embrace this great salvation . 2. The second consideration to provoke you not to slight the great salvation , is this , that the ruine and destruction of the slighters of it , is most certain and infallable , Ier. 11. 11. Where ( speaking of slighting the covenant , which is indeed this same great salvation ) there is a Therefore put to the threatning . Therefore thus saith the Lord , I will bring evil upon them which they shall not be able to escape . I defie you all , who are the slighters of this great salvation , to find a back door , when Justice shall pursue you : for there is no door to escape if ye embrace not this great salvation : But the earth will disclose your iniquity , and heaven will declare your sin . 3. Thirdly , Let this consideration provoke you not to slight this great salvation , that Christ is exceeding serious , and earnest that ye should embrace it : And I think that Isa. 28. 23. speaketh out his exceeding seriousness , where four times he beggeth of his hearers , that they would give ear and hear his voice , saying , Give ear and hear my voice , hearken and hear my speech . What needeth all these exhortations ? but that Christ is most serious that they would embrace the great salvation . And O , that there were a person here to day , as serious to the bargain as Christ is ! But be who ye will that flight this great salvation , [ believe me ] the day is coming wherein ye shall cry out , Alas for my slighting of it ! Wilt thou therefore think presently with thy self ( O thou slighter of this great salvation ) what wilt thou say of thy slighting it ? When the Devil shall be leading thee in thorow those dark gates of hell ! O slighter of the Gospel , how many alasses wilt thou cry , when thou shalt be passing thorow these dark gates into thy everlasting prison ? Wilt thou not then cry out , O me ( a slighter of the everlasting salvation ) whether am I now going ? Alas now for my slighting the Gospel ! And as thou passest thorow , thou shalt meet with numbers of miserable comforters ; there is not one in that prison , who can comfort thee ; but many dreadful a lasses shalt thou then both cry and hear , if thou embrace not this great salvation . 4. Fourthly , Let this provoke you not to slight the great salvation , that ye will get it for a very look : O ye within this house to day , ye will get this great salvation for one look , Isa. 45. 22. Look unto me and be saved , all the ends of the earth ; for a very look ye will get this great salvation , and do ye ever think to get Heaven at a lower rate ? 5. The fifth consideration to provoke you not to slight this great salvation any more , is this , There is not one of you who is a slighter of it , but your slighting it shall increase your immortal bonds . Man or Woman , be who thou wilt , when thou art slighting this great salvation , thou art but plating a cord wherewith to bind thy soul eternally in these unquenchable flames , Isa. 28. 22. Be ye not mockers , lest your bonds be made strong . I say therefore unto you , old men , mock not , lest your bonds be made strong : Old Women , near unto your graves , mock not , lest your bonds be made strong : Young men , be ye not mockers , lest your bonds be made strong : Young Women , who are in the flower of your time , mock not , lest your bonds be made strong : but now alas , will there for all this be a person here to day who will be a moker of this great salvation ? 6. The sixth consideration to provoke you not to slight this great salvation any more , is this : Ye know not but that your days may be near unto a close , I say , you know not but the day of the preaching of this great salvation may be near unto a close . What knowest thou O man or Woman , but this shall be the last Sermon that ever thou shalt hear concerning this great salvation ? and yet for all this , shall we be sent away without one consent to embrace or receive it ? O will ye be perswaded to look to Christ , and so to take him ? 7. The seventh consideration to provoke you not to slight the great salvation , is this , that there is a five fold salvation comprehended under this great salvation . 1. The first is this , come and partake of this great salvation , and thou shalt have salvation from thy idols . And hereby I do proclaim liberty this day ▪ unto captives . I am sent forth this day with the Keyes of your Prison-house , to open your prison doors unto you , if ye will embrace this great salvation . Play unto you , O ye prisoners , come forth and show your selves ; for the Keyes of your prison-house are with us to open your prison doors unto you ; therefore O come forth and embrace this great salvation . Will there be any ( shall I think ) here that will refuse to come forth ? O go forth and flye from the land of your captivity , and from the house of your bondage . 2. Thou shalt have salvation from thy darkness and from thy ignorance . I say unto you , who understand no more of God then the stones in the wall , I command you to come forth , and partake yet of this great salvation , and unto you shall light arise ; even the day spring from on high and visit you . 3. If ye will come and partake of this great salvation , ye shall have deliverance from all your fears . Dost thou fear that thou shalt be poor ? Come and partake of this great salvation , and thou shalt be delivered from it . Art thou afraid of hell ? Come and partake of this great salvation , and thou shalt be delivered from that fear . Art thou afraid at the wrath of God ? Then come ( I say ) and partake of this great salvation , and thou shalt have redemption from that and all thy fears ; With him is plenteous redemption , and he can make thee quiet from the fear of evil . 4. If thou wilt come and partake of this salvation , thou shalt have deliverance from all thy anxieties , and from all thy cares : Ye are now careful and anxious about many things ; come and partake of this great salvation , and it will make you careful but onely for the one thing necessary . 5. If ye will come and embrace the great salvation offered unto you this day , ye shall be helped before ye go hence to sing that song , O death where is thy sting , O grave where is thy victory ! Now O will ye come and embrace this great salvation , and ye shall be more then conquerors thorow Christ who loveth you . Are there therefore any here to day that would have victory over the Devil , and over their own heart ? Then come and embrace this great salvation , and then your victory is certain . But now to press home this great salvation upon you a little further ; There are nine sorts of Persons who are invited to come and partake of this great salvation offered this day : And I charge you answer to your names when ye are called , and delay not to come . 1. First , I invite and call here to day , all who are willing to come and embrace this great salvation . Now are there any of you here to day , who are called willing ? Then I invite you to come aud embrace this great salvation , Rev. 22. 17. Whosoever will , let him come : But Oh , are there none here to day who are named willing ? I intreat you if there be any , do not deny your name , but come when ye are called and embrace this great salvation . 2. Secondly , Those persons who thirst for it , are invited to come , and partake of this great salvation , Rev. 22. 17. Let him that is athirst come . Now if there be any here who are named thirsty , let them come and partake of this great salvation , and they shall be satisfied . 3. Thirdly , are there any moneyless folk here to day ? Let them come and partake of this great salvation . Are there no monyless folk here to day ? I mean not that money or coin in your purses ; but want ye money ? That is , Want ye righteousness ? Then I pray you come and partake of this great salvation . I say , are ye so poor that ye have nothing but the fear of hell ? then I pray you come . If there be any here who have nothing to commend them to Christ , but necessity : I say unto all such , O come , come , come , and partake of this great salvation . 4. Fourthly , Those persons are invited to come ( and I wish there were many such ) who are weary ; but oh ! Are there none here to day who are called weary ? Are you not weary in pursuit of your sins ? If there be any such here to day , I say unto you , O weary folk , Come , come , come , and partake of this great salvation , and of this excellent Gospel-redemption that was purchased at so dear a rate . 5. Fifthly , Those who are heavy-loaden are invited to come , ( and I think all of you may answer to this name ) are you heavy-loaden ? O then come ! But are there none here who are heavy-loaden with sin , with misery , and estrangement from God ? If there be any such here , I say unto thee , old man or young man , be who thou wilt , O come and partake of this great salvation . 6. Sixthly , Are there any here to day who are called blind ? I say , if there be any of you who think you want eyes to see the precious excellencies of Christ , I invite you to come and partake of this great salvation . 7. Seventhly , Are there any who are called lame here to day ? I say unto such , O come , come , come , and partake of this great salvation ; for weare sent forth to day to call in the blind and the maimed , and the lame , that they may come and embrace this great salvation ; therefore are there none here to day who may be called such ? Are you neither blinde nor lame ? I hope many of you will not deny that you are such ; therefore I say unto you , O blind , halt and maimed , Come , come , and partake of this great salvation . 8. The eight sort of persons invited , are those who are sick ; therefore if there be any sick folk here to day , be who you will , I say unto you , O come and partake of this great salvation ; for the whole need not the Physician , but the sick . 9. Ninthly , Are there any here to day who know not their name , or their condition ? I say unto you , O nameless folk , Come and partake of this great salvation ; Come to Christ for the knowledge of your souls condition ; Come as a nameless one , and he shall not reject thee , though thy case were so evil that thou couldst not give it a name ; for of all that come unto him he sendeth none away . Now where do you find your name and sirname ? O do you not know it ? I hope now you may know ; therefore I entreat you answer to it , and so come away and partake of this great salvation . But I am afraid there be many strong iron bars in the way of some of you , which you cannot win over . Ah , how fast are some souls locked in Satans snare ! And therefore I shall speak a little for discovering of those bars that hinder from embracing this great salvation , that so you may be the better helped to remove them . I. The first great iron bar which keepeth folk romembracing this great salvation , is the bar of ignorance ; and I am afraid that this ( as a mighty bar ) hindereth many of you : You are ignorant of your selves , and of the condition of your souls ; you are ignorant of the Law , and of its severity and you are ignorant of the precious Gospel in its condescendency . O pray unto God that for Christs sake he would break that great bar of ignorance ; for till that be done , Christ may take up that complaint , Ierem. 5. 4. Surely they are foolish , they know not the way of the Lord , nor the judgment of their God. I say this bar of ignorance keepeth you from embracing this great salvation . II. The second bar which keepeth many from closing with Christ , is , the bar of presumption ; for some will cry out , What need have I to embrace the great salvation ? Have I it not already ? But I say unto thee , O fool , thou art ( by all appearance ) yet in bondage . O that this evill bar of presumption were put away ; for it is one of the greatest impediments which lieth in the way of your embracing this great salvation that is in your offer to day : Therefore I say unto you , if you will come no further , I intreat you come this length , to confess that you want this Gospel-salvation , and that you are indeed strangers to this Redemption purchased by Christ. III. The third bar that keepeth persons from embracing this great salvation , is the bar of unbelief ; you belie●e not what we say to you about this great salvation ; I know that some of you are of the Stoicks and Epicures humor , who cry out , What meaneth this man ? he seemeth to be the setter forth of some strange God. But I say unto you , I am not the setter forth of any strange God , but it is Jesus of Nazareth whom I preach unto you . Alas , some of you think this great salvation to be some morning dream , or some golden fancy : But I say unto you it is neither a dream nor fancy ; but a real truth that we preach unto you . IV. The fourth bar that keepeth persons from embracing this great salvation , is the bar of discouragement ; this strong bar keepeth many so fast , that they cannot embrace this great salvation , though it be freely offered unto them . I shall say no more to you who are such , but counsel you to do as those four Lepers did , 1 Kings 7. 4. who sate at the gate of Samaria ; who said , Why sit we here till we dye ? if we say , We will enter into the City , then the famine is in the City , and we shall dye there ; and if we sit still here , we dye also . Now therefore come , and let us fall into the Host of the Syrians ; if they save us alive we shall live , and if they kill us we shall but dye . Even so say I unto you , that if you abide in the state of unbelief , you shall surely be undone ; therefore go forth ; for you know not but God may work a great salvation for you ; and if you will quit your unbelief , and close with Christ in the offer of this great salvation ( by faith ) you shall have no more to do but eat and drink , and divide the spoil . V. The fifth bar which with-holdeth persons from embracing of this great salvation , is the bar of unwillingness ; Ye will not come to me that ye may have life . And alas , this is an iron bar indeed , by which all that are in hell have barred themselves out of heaven . Alas , shall you be such wretches also ? O what a dreadful sound is that ? Woe unto thee O Ierusalem ; Wilt thou not be made clean ? when shall it once be ? Ah , Turn you , turn you , why will you dye ? Why will you sligh this great salvation ? O will none of you this day embrace it ? VI. The sixth bar that with-holdeth persons from embracing this great salvation , is the bar of worldlymindedness : Many of you are so fixed to the World , that you cannot come and close with this great salvation . I may allude to that word spoken of Saul , 1 Sam. 10. 22. that he hid himself among the stuff ; for many have buried and nested themselves in the midst of the world , that they cannot embrace this great salvation . VII . The seventh bar which keepeth many from embracing this great salvation , is the bar of hardheartedness ; there hath such a stupidity and hardness of heart seized upon many , that let Christ preach as he will to them ( by his Word , or by other dispenations ) they are no more moved , than if his Word and dispensations were a thousand miles from them . O that strong bar of hardness of heart , when shall the Omnipotent hand of God break it ? VIII . The eight bar that hindereth many from embracing this great salvation , is the bar of sloathfulness : Many of you cannot be at the pains to embrace it ; but I say unto you , there is but small pains in the way of godliness : I say unto you , it may so easily be had , that it is in your offer to day ; and if you will , you may put forth your hand and take it . Consider therefore what you will do . O will you despise it ? I say , will you still neglect and despise it ? will you but read that dreadful word ? Acts 13. 40 , 41. Behold ye dispisers , and wonder , and perish : Tell me freely , Would you have us to return this answer to him who sent us , that you are despisers of the great salvation ? Say to it , are there none of you who ( for all this ) will consent to partake of this great salvation ? O captives and prisoners , and you who are in the bonds of Satan , Will you come and partake of this great salvation , and you shall be made free ? I have an act of release for you to day ; if you will come and make use of it , you shall be set at liberty . But , oh shall the prison doors be cast open , and yet none come forth ? But that I may come to a close , I say yet unto you , O poor Prisoners ; go forth , go forth , and partake of this great salvation . Oh will you not come foth ? What holdeth you in ? the foundation of your prison-house is shaken to day ; therefore if you will but come forth , and cast a look to Christ , your very shackels shall fall off your hands , and you shall be as those who were never bound . Now I leave this with you , and to make you think upon it , I shall speak these five words to you , and I intreat you think upon them . 1. First , I have excellent tydings to tell you ; ( I hope some of you will give ear to them ) viz. there is a great person come here to day , and that is the Mighty Author of this great salvation , who hath brought everlasting righteousness with him , desiring you to make use thereof ; it is his desire that you would take his excellent gifts at his hand . These I say are the tydings that I have to preach unto you ; and I hope never to be declared a lyar for what I preach unto you : I say yet unto you , that Christ the Author of the great salvation desireth to give it freely unto you , if you will but take it . But O will you not take it ? I think if you did see an hundred men lying in prison or dungeon without all light , bread or water , and a great Prince coming to them , saying , I desire you all to come forth , and partake of this great liberty which I bring unto you ; and every one of them should answer , I scorne to come forth at this time ; would you not think them exceeding great fools ? And yet I fear this act of great folly falls out in many of your hands to day ; that when Christ hath given us the keys of your prison doors , and they are opened , you will not come forth : But I must intreat you yet to come forth and shew your selves . For who knoweth but we may be commanded to shut your prison-doors again , and to seal them with seven seals , with an unalterable decree from heaven , never to be recalled ! Wherefore O ye prisoners , Go forth , go forth from your prison house . 2. Secondly ; I would say this to you , that it is not without much ground that this salvation ( offered to yon ) is called a great salvation . I know a little paper of two or three sheets might contain all the salvations that ever any man obtained ; but the world would not be able to contain all the books which might be written to the commendation of this great salvation ; yea , ( unto any who will embrace it ) I say ; First , if thou find not this salvation above thy faith , then go thy way when thou art come : But I know thou wilt finde it both above thy faith and hope . Secondly , if thou find it not above thy desires when thou art come unto it , then go thy way again ; but were thy desires as the sand upon the Sea shoar , thou shalt always find more in this salvation than ever thou couldst desire . Thirdly , if this salvation be not above what thou canst conceive , then go thy way when thou art come to it ; but think of it as thou canst , it shall always be above thy thoughts of it . Fourthly , if this salvation be not above thy opinion of it , then go thy way when thou art come unto it ; but I know thou wilt find it far above thy opinion of it . Therefore seeing it is so great a salvation , as that all the world could not contain all the books that might be written in the commendation of it ; O will you embrace it , even to day , while it is in your offer ? 3. Thirdly , I would say this unto you , Be perswaded that there is no sin that will more provoke the Majesty of God to punish you , than the sin of slighting this great salvation . Bring forth these murderers , saith the Lord , ( of the slighters of this invitation ) and slay them before me . I entreat you inquire at your own hearts what you will answer when you are reproved for slighting of it . Old men , will you ask at your own hearts what you will answer to Christ when he shall propose that question to you , Why slighted you the great salvation ? Old women , what will you answer when he shall say to you , Why slighted you the great salvation ? Young Men and young women , inquire at your own hearts , what you will answer , when Christ shall say to you , why slighted ye the great salvation ? Can ye imagine any answer to that question ? O dreadful shall that wrath of God be , that shall be executed upon the slighters of this great salvation ! 4. Fourthly , I would say this unto you , that Heaven is waiting to hear what exhortation the offer of this great salvation doth get among you . Here is the great salvation , here is the offer of it , and here is the commendation of it ; what say you to it ? Is it not an excellent salvation ? is it not a free salvation ? is it not a great salvation ? is it not an eternal salvation ? Why then do ye not welcome it ? Can any of you say any thing to the discommendation of it ? I know you cannot ; Yea , I dare say , your own hearts are admiring it as most excellent ; and therefore , O will ye accept it ? Alas , shall there be none here who will be found accepters of this great salvation , so freely offered to day ! 5. Fithly , I would say this to you , let all the Angels praise him who is the author of this great salvation . All the Saints round about the throne praise him who is the author of this great salvation . All those who are expectants of heaven , praise him who is the author of this great salvation . All ye to whom this offer is made , praise him who is the author of this great salvation . O heaven praise him who is the author of this great salvation , O all ye fowls of the air , praise him who is the author of this great salvation . O fire , hail , snow , vapours , stormy winds , and tempests , praise him who is the author of this great salvation . All the tribes of the earth , praise him who is the author of this great salvation ; our own soul praise him who is the author of this great salvation , and all that is within us , bless him , who is the author of this great salvation . O who would not praise him , who is the author of this great salvation ? Are there any here that will refuse to commend him ? O think upon him , and let not this be a day of slighting him . Now where are your hearts at this time ? I will tell you where many of your hearts are ; they are thinking upon the World : But I am sure there are not many of them thinking upon this great salvation . Now what resolution mind ye to go away with to day ? Oh , have ye no resolution beyond what ye had when ye came hither to day ; Are there any here who have this resolution , To whom shall we go , but to him who is the author of this great salvation , who alone hath the Words of eternal life ? Even the Lord breath it upon you . Or is this your resolution , that through Christs strength ( forsake him who will ) ye will never forsake him ? Or have ye this resolution ? That ye will esteem more highly of this great salvation then ever ye did ? O that the Lord would keep these in the in the imaginations of the thoughts of your hearts for ever . But as for you who have no resolutions to embrace this great salvation , O wherewith shall I commend it unto you ? Do not your own necessities commend it ? But if nothing can perswade you to come away and embrace it , then this place shall be an heap of witnesses against you ? for it hath heard all the words of the law which he hath spoken unto you , John 24. Oh cast your eyes upon these pillars of the house and stones in the walls . I take them as so many witnesses , that they may speak and testifie against you in the great day of the Lord , if ye neglect this great salvation to day . Therefore as ye go away , be thinking upon it , and whether or not ye mind to embrace it now while ye may have it ; This day I have set life and death before you : I have set before you both the great salvation and the great damnation ; And O that ye had understanding in all these things , that ye being wise might be provoked at last to embrace this great salvation , the which we do yet again entreat you to think upon . Is not heaven looking upon you at this time , to see what ye will do with this great offer of salvation , which I have this day from the Lord presented unto you ? Now to him that can perswade you to embrace this great salvation , this gospel redemption , this blessed mystery , into which the Angels desire to pray , to him who can bring you back from the pit , and can enlighten you with the light of the living : To him , who hath the keys of your prison , Who can open , and none can shut , and can shut , and none can open : To him , Who hath all power in Heaven and in Earth communicate , to him who can deliver you from the power of the Grave , and can set you free from all your enemies , we desire to give praise , Amen . SERMON II. Heb. 2. 3. How shall we escape if we neglect so , great salvation , which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him ? THere are two great and most ordinary complaints in these dayes . 1. There are many who complain , that their estates and persons are in bondage , and that they are sold for Slaves to the hands of strangers : But O that we could also turn over the complaint to this , that our souls are in bondange , and that we are yet in the gall of bitterness , and in the bond of iniquity , that so we might be provoked to long for the great salvation that is in our offer ! 2. There are many complaining ( and not without much cause ) that there is now such a toleration of errours : But O wilt thou complain also of this , that within thy heart there is a toleration of lusts ; is there not an act of toleration concluded in thy breast , that the devil and all his company may reign in thee at pleasure . Oh ha●e ye not need of great salvation ? Shall I tell you , that Christ is courting you to embrace it , and that he putteth on all his most glorious robes , and manifesteth himself unto you , a a suitor making offer of himself and of his great salvation ! O tell me , have ye seen him ? Or do you think to see him this day ? What robes hath he on ? There are five glorious robes wherewith he clothes himself when he condescendeth to manifest himself to his people . First , He cometh to his own with the garments of salvation , according to that word , Zach. 9. verse 9. Kejoyce , O dauhter of Sion greatly , shout O daughter of Jerusalem ; for behold thy King cometh unto thee , he is just and having salvation ; Ay , your King is come here to day , and will ye not fall in love with him when he is cloathed with the garments of salvation ? Can ye ever have a more conquering sight of Christ than when he is cloathed with such an excellent robe , and offering you salvation ? Secondly , He appeareth to his own sometimes in garments dyed in blood , according to that word , Isa. 63. verse 1. 2. Who is this that cometh up from Edom with dyed garments in blood , as one that treadeth the Wine Fat ! And now I say to you that will not look to Christ when he appears in the garments of salvation , have ye a heart to refuse him that hath fought such a combat for you , who hath trode the wine press alone , and hath stained all his garments with the blood of thy enemies ? or is there any here , who dare refuse his salvation , when they see how he treadeth his enemies in anger , and trampleth them in his fury , and thus sprinkleth their blood upon his garments ? O tremble at this sight , and seek quarter from him in time , or he shall dye his garments with the blood of thy mortal soul. Thirdly , Christ appeareth unto his own , being cloathed with these humble robes of condescendency , when he came in the similitude of sinful flesh . O what a sight was that , to behold the Prince of Heaven cloathed with our nature ? What a sight was that to behold him that was cloathed with light as with a garment ; to be cloathed with our infirmities , yet he condescended to cloath himself thus , that we might have access unto him , and be partakers of his gifts : O can we refuse him , when love hath thus pressed him to put on the beggars weed , that he might say to worms ye are my brethren , and my sisters ! Fourthly , Christ sometimes manifesteth himself being cloathed with the garments of beauty and ravishing majesty ; such was the sight that the Spouse got of Christ , Song 2. verse 3. As the Apple-tree among the Trees of the Wood , so is my beloved among the Sons ; and Song 5. when she saw him white and ruddy , and the Standard-bearer of ten thousand ; And such was that joyful sight of him , when his garment was as the light , and white as the Snow , which he had at the transfiguration , when these glorified ones did come [ as it were ] Ambassadours from that higher house to make him a visit . And fifthly , Christ he sometimes appeareth to his own in robes of dreadful majesty , and terrible highness and loftiness , when the soul upon the first sight of him remains dead , and there remains no more life in them ; such was the sight Daniel got , in his tenth Chapter , and such was the sight that Iohn got of Christ , Revel . 1. verse 17. And I would ask of all that are here , what a sight have ye gotten of Christ to day ? in which of all these robes have ye seen him ? It is true , we are not to look for the extraordinary sights of him ; but yet if ever thou hast seen him in any of his wooing , robes , sure he hath appeared matchless ; and how then shall ye then refuse him ? But now to come to the words I was speaking unto you of ; The first thing in the words [ to wit ] That there are many who live under the offer of this great salvation that do slight it , and do not embrace it : And now I shall only add a few things further unto you . 1. Let me propose a few considerations to perswade you to embrace this great salvation : God forbid we go away before we embrace this gospel salvation : and therefore I charge you in his name , go not away before ye embrace it . And to press it home upon you , there are these eight or nine properties of this great salvation that is offered unto you this day . And first , it is a free salvation ; ye have no more a do but to put forth your hand and take it . O come and take it ! Christ hath foughten for this salvation , and there is no more required of you but to come and reap the fruits of his victory ; Who ever will let him come ; there is nothing that should move you to stay away : O captives , bond-slaves to Satan , O prisoners of hope ! will ye come and partake of the great salvation ? What holds you from coming away and partaking of it ? it is freely offered unto you : Ay , believe it , Christ requires no more of you , but that ye should come and take it out of his hand ; if we consent to obey , the bargain is ended ; ye shall eat the good of the land , Isa. 1. Secondly , This great salvation , is a compleat salvation that is offered unto you to day ; this is clear , Luke 1. verse 71. That we might be saved from our enemies , and from the hands of all that hate us . There is not any enemy that is in thy way , but if thou wilt come and partake of the great salvation , thou mayest have victory over it ; so compleat a salvation is it that is in your offer this day . O shall we pass away and not embrace it ! O shall our cursed hearts undervalue this compleat salvation that is come to your door ? Believe it , salvation is near unto you , ioye will take it . Thirdly , It is a wonderful salvation ; it is such a salvation as the Angels desire to pry into it , and it is such a salvation , that all the Prophets desired to pry into it : It is almost six thousand years since all the Angels in Heaven fell into a sea of wonder at this great salvation . It is almost six thousand years since Abel fell into a sea of wonder at this great salvation ? And what think you is his exercise this day ? He is even wondering at this great salvation . Would you ask at all the Angels in Heaven , would they not all say , O embrace the great salvation ! Would ye ask at all the Saints that are above , would they not advise you to embrace the great salvation ? Should ye ask at Adam , would he not say , O embrace this great salvation ? Could ye ask at Abel , would he not say , O embrace the great salvation ? And would not all the Patriarchs say unto you , O embrace the great salvation ? And do not all that have tasted of the sweetness of it , cry out unto you , Come and embrace the great salvation . The fourth property of this salvation is , that it was bought at an exceeding dear rate , it is a dear salvation , Would you know the difference between Christs coming to this salvation , and your coming to it ? it is this : Christ was forced to travel through all the Armies of the Justice of God. He was forced to drink of the cup of the wrath of God , before he could come to purechase this great salvation ; and now what is requird of you to obtain this ? we may say no more , but put out your hands and take it . Will ye look to the price that was laid down for this salvation ? there is not a wound in the body of Christ , but it saith , This is a dear salvation : There is not a reproach Christ met with , but it saith , O is not this a great salvation ! there is not a necessity that he was put into , but it saith , is not this a great and dear salvation ! O Sirs , will ye not come and take this great salvation , this dear salvation ? What must I give for it , say ye ? I say , ye must give nothing for it ; come and take it without money and without price ; It was dear to Christ , but it shall be cheap unto you . O , is it not cheap unto you ! I assure , if you will come to the market to buy the great salvation , there is none of you that needeth to stand for the price of it . O come and take it , and have it , and there shall be no more priceing . Fifthly , It is an everlasting salvation , that ye shall enjoy the fruits of throughout eternity , as is clear Heb. 9. 13. He became the author of eternal redemption unto us ; it is a salvation that the Devil can never be able to take out of your hand ; if ye take it , ye shall never be robbed of it again . O come and partake of this great salvation , whereby the gates of hell shall never prevail against you . Sixthly , It is a noble and honourable Salvation ; it is not to be taken out of one slavery to another , but it is to be taken out of prison that we may reign , Luke 1. 71. compared with vers . 74. it is , That we being saved may serve him without fear in holiness and righteousness all the days of our life . I say , Come , come , and partake of this great salvation , that your glory may be increased , and that ye may be exalted above the Kings of the earth . Seventhly , It is a most advantagious salvation : What are the advantages of any salvation that are not to be found in this ? Is there not peace to be found in through this salvation ? is there not liberty to be found through this salvation ? is there not eternal enjoyment of God to be found through this salvation ? Yea , all salvations are in this one salvation . Lastly , It is a royal salvation , for it cometh to us from and through the Son of God : Christ is the author of it , and we conceive Christ may be said to be the author of this salvation , in these respects . 1. He is the meritorious cause that did procure it , it was the price of his blood that was laid down for to purchase this great salvation . 2. He is the fountain from whence it floweth , according to that word which we have cited , Heb. 5. 9. He became the author of eternal salvatiou . 3. He is the person that fitteth our Spirits for the partaking of it , and it is he that removeth mountains out of the way , that we may have fair access unto the great salvation . 4. It is he that must perswade our hearts to embrace and to take hold of it ; He standeth without , and cryeth to the heart to embrace this great salvation : and he standeth within , making the heart cry out , Content , I will embrace the great salvation . He is indeed the person that commendeth and doth point forth this great salvation unto us , he is the noble Minister of it ; it began first to be preached by him . Now is there any of you that have fallen in love with the great salvation , that ye may try your selves ? I shall give you some evidences of the persons that are near unto this great salvation . 1. Is thy estymation of the great salvation increased , be what it was in the morning when thou camest hither ? is thy estimation of the great gospel salvation a foot higher then it was in the morning ? I say unto thee , thou art not far from the great salvation , come away . 2. Is thy desire after the great salvation increased , be what it was in the morning ? Hath thou stronger desires after the great salvation then before thou camest hither , that is an evidence thou art not free from it . 3. Is thy thoughts of thy necessity of the great salvation greater than they were ? Thinkest thou that thou hast more need of the great salvation than ever thou thoughtest before ? And is thy opinion and thoughts of saving thy self , less than they were before thou camest hither ? Art thou forced to cry out , None but Christ can save me ; I say thou art not far from the great salvation ; wilt thou come away ! O that you would once seal this Conclusion with much heart-perswasion , I am undone without Christ , I am undone without Christ , who is the Author of this great salvation : Are there any of you that are sensible that you are in the fetters of sin , and in the bonds of iniquity ? Are you brought to the conviction of this , that you are yet in the gall of bitterness ? I say if thou be brought to this length , to be sensible of thy bonds , and art crying out , O Redeemer hasten and come away ; I say , if thou be sensible , of thy bonds and imprisonment , and crying out , O thou that wast anointed from eternity to proclaim liberty to the captives , and the opening of the prison to them that are bound ; O hasten and come away and redeem me , even poor me ; sinking , sinning , perishing , self destroying me ; thou art not far from the great salvation . 4. Art thou a person who beginneth to weep because thou hast been so long a stranger to Christ , and the great salvation ? Old men that are here , How long have you been strangers to the great salvation , and to the Author of it ? Now will you shed one tear for your estrangement ? and cry out , Woe is me that Christ and I have been so long a sunder ? I say , if thou hast come that length , thou art not far from the great salvation ; Come away : O pitty your selves , make haste , make haste , and come away . But now in the third place , let me give you some evidences by which you may know more clearly whither or no you have embraced this great salvation , that you may know your selves , and that you walk not down to your grave with a lye in your right hand . The first evidence of a person that hath embraced the great salvation , is , that he will have an high esteem of the Saviour and Author of the great salvation : Hast thou a matchless esteem of matchless Christ the Saviour of the world ? that is a speaking evidence unto thee , thou art a partaker of the great salvation : Art thou come to this length , that thou cryest out , None but Christ , none but Christ ! It is a speaking evidence , that thou art come to be a partaker of the great salvation , when thou canst cry out that word , Exod. 15. 2. The Lord is my strength and my song , he alone is become my salvation : if Christ hath become thy salvation , then it is like he hath become thy song . I would ask this of you , Were you ever brought this length , that you durst nor adventure to praise Christ alone , but was forced to call in all the creatures , and say , O magnifie the Lord with me ; O that is an evidence that you have embraced his salvation . Secondly , Those who have embraced the great salvation , will study to maintain and keep their grips of it ; they would study to hold fast so precious a Jewel ; this is prest , Gal. 5. 1. Stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free ; yea , they will study to walk suitably to this noble mercy , at least , they will strive and endeavour to do it , as is also prest in that same verse . I say , if thou hast been made a partaker of the Gospel of salvation , thou wilt strive to keep thy self from the power of those things that once triumphed over thee . Thirdly , A person that is a partaker of the great salvation , will have a high esteem of this mercy and salvation ; so Paul when he speaketh of it here , he cannot but put some note of excellency to it , calling it the great salvation ; Therefore I say , if thou hast embraced the great salvation , thou wilt have so high esteem of it , that not to be so subjected to it as thou shouldst , or to be in subjection to the power of thy lust in any measure , will be thy burden and affliction ; the man will be sorry when he is brought forth from the house of his bondage unto the red Sea ; he will be sorry , that when he should have songs of triumph over his Idols put in his mouth , that they should sing songs of triumph over him . Fourthly , A person that hath embraced the great salvation , he will be longing sometimes for the day when this salvation shall be compleat , when he shall sing that song with that numerous multitude which cannot be numbered , Revel . 7. 9. O what a day shall it be , when thou shalt begin to sing that song ! after this ( saith he ) I beheld , and lo a great multitude of all people which no man could number , of all people , nations and languages , stood before the Throne , and before the Lamb , cloathed with white robes , and palms in their hands , and they cryed ; and how cryed they ? They cryed with a loud voice . They would not mutter the song , nor sign silently ; but cryed with a loud voice : And what did they cry ? they cryed with a loud voice , Salvation unto our God who sitteth up the Throne , and to the Lamb. I would only ask of you that are partakers of the great salvation , what songs shall be put into thy mouth when the waters of Iordan shall divide themselves , that the ransomed of the Lord must pass thorow ! when thou shalt sing that song Psal. 115. 1. Not unto us , not unto us , but unto thee belongs the glory of our salvation . O what a day shall that be , when that excellent song shall be put into thy mouth ! yea , what a day shall it be when thou shalt be cloathed with those excellent garments that are made mention of , Isa. 6. 10. for he hath cloathed thee with the garments of Salvation ; and he hath covered thee with the robe of righteousness . O what robes are these ? Did you ever see such excellent robes as these must be ? I think we will misken our selves ; O do you not think we will misken our selves , when we shall put on those excellent robes ! Now therefore is the bargain closed , or will ye go away before ye take this great salvation ? Dare ye go out at these doors and neglect the great salvation ? I would ask this of you , think ye it will not be most sad , that Christ should tell this in Heaven of you to night , I was preached to a pack stones , that none of them would love me ! Will ye not be feared that this report shall be carryed back to Heaven of you ! for what report can Christ carry back but this ? Now is the cord of this great salvation let down unto you , is there none of you that will take a gripe of it ! will ye flighter after it ? will ye make this a rejoycing day in heaven , that is a fasting day unto you ? and the way to make it so , is , to embrace the great salvation . Now what say ye to it , old men ? let me speak to you , and ask your thoughts of the great salvation ; Gray Hairs should be a crown of glory if it be found in the way of righteousness ; old men , speak your minds , that young men may not have your bad example : What say ye of this salvation ? Is it not a most glorious salvation ? is it not a most excellent salvation that is in your offer ? I intreat you speak your minds , tell Christ ye are content to take the great salvation ; otherwise , whoever he be that will not partake of this gospel salvation , I in the name and authority of Christ our Master , denounce eternal and irrevocable war against him ; put on your harness , ye shall not boast when ye put it off again ; the wrath and fury of God shall come upon you to the uttermost if ye embrace not this great salvation : Other wars are but for a time ; the greatest Captains that ever the earth did carry , are now laid down in the sides of the Pit , and their swords broken under their head . Armies of ten hundred thousand , a hundred years time have laid them all in their graves , and ended all their contests ; but there is no discharge of this war that shall be concluded betwixt Christ and you : it shall become an eternal and most terrible war , which shall be but beginning when time is ended . Now peace or war , which of them will ye choose ? Dare ye send a charge to Christ , and say ye will defie him ? I am afraid there will be two things that many of us shall report to day . First , I am afraid there will be many that will give Pharaohs repot to the offer of the great salvation ; and say , Who is the Lord , that I should obey him ? I tell you who he is , He is glorious in holiness , fearful in praises , doing wonders . O embrace him before he go hence , and give not Pharaohs report , lest ye be drowned in the Sea of his wrath , whence there shall be no recovery . Secondly , I fear there will be many here to day , that will give Demas report to this precious offer : I will go and forsake Christ , and embrace this present world : O bad exchange ! Cursed be he that shall make it ! Will ye be of Demas humour . I fear there hath been many of that humour of a long time ; but I entreat you once be wise before ye die . I confess that proverb , Old fools , are twice fools : I think old men that will not embrace the great salvation , I think ye are triple fools . What wait ye for ? is there any thing can afford you any satisfaction but this great salvation ? Now are ye convinced old men , that Christ is waiting for your answer , I intreat you before ye go hence , speak your minds what ye think of the great salvation : is it not a lovely salvation ? is it not lovely now ? What say ye to it ? I am to go away , and the offer is to be taken up at this time , and it is hard to say , if ever ye shall have an offer again . I would only say this to you , and be sure of it ; though I should never be a partaker of this great salvation , yet I shall be a witness against you that are not partakers of it . I tell and declare unto you , I shall be a witness against you , if ye embrace not the great salvation ; Now old men , are ye perswaded to embrace it ? let me obtest you by the beauty of Christ , come and partake of the great salvation , ye that are travelling upon the borders of eternity : Now if ye will give no more , give this , will ye go home and think upon it ? I shall not be uncharitable , nor enter to judge your thoughts . I fear there shall be many declared and found guilty amongst us , that we have declared unto heaven we will not embrace the great salvation , but have troden the blood of the Son of God under foot . Now I entreat you every one of you , ask of your selves if ye be the persons that will presume in your hearts to do so . Now I shall leave it with you , let it not be a witness against you : I shall leave it with this ; O come away , old men , young men , old women , and maids ; come and embrace this precious gospel salvation . Ye may say , ye bid us come ; but we cannot come : I desire no more of you , but to come with this ; Lord I am content to come , but I cannot come : Come once to that : for if once ye be content to receive it , it will not be long before ye be able to receive it . Now shall Christ depart , and will none of you say ye are content to take him , will ye charge your own consciences with this ; 〈◊〉 I content to take Chrst and the great salvation ; O blest , blest , blest be he that is the author of this great salvation , and blest be he that gets any of the ends of the cord of the great salvation , that we sink not under the wrath and fury of the Lord ! Come and embrace this great salvation ; and again I say , come and embrace it ; for what can ye have if ye want it ; and what can ye want if ye have it ; I shall say no more , but close with that word , Isa. 62. vers . 21. Behold , the Lord hath proclaimed to the ends of the World , to those that are far off : What hath he proclaimed , Say ye to the Daughter of Sion , Behold thy salvation cometh , behold it cometh ! I say to you that are the ends of the World , Salvation is brought hear unto you , Stout-Hearted and far from Righteousness , the great salvation is brought near unto you , and will ye send it away ! Oh consider what ye are doing . And to him that can perswade you to embrace the great salvation , we desire to give praise . FINIS . 
A41771	----	The nonconformists vindication, or, A testimony given against the indulged assembly of separatists wherein the false calumnies and aspersions cast upon the suffering Presbyterians, are answered and confuted : also, the heads and causes of separation are opened and explained, together with an illustration of the Erastian state of the present church. Grant, Patrick, 17th/18th cent. 1700 Approx. 159 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41771 Wing G1522 ESTC R12655 13133488 ocm 13133488 97875 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41771) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97875) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 419:3) The nonconformists vindication, or, A testimony given against the indulged assembly of separatists wherein the false calumnies and aspersions cast upon the suffering Presbyterians, are answered and confuted : also, the heads and causes of separation are opened and explained, together with an illustration of the Erastian state of the present church. Grant, Patrick, 17th/18th cent. 64 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1700. Attributed to Patrick Grant. Cf. BM. Place of publication from BM. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Dissenters, Religious -- Scotland. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE NONCONFORMISTS VINDICATION , Or a Testimony given against the Indulged Assembly of SEPARATISTS : WHEREIN The false Calumnies , and Aspersions cast upon the Suffering PRESBYTERIANS , are Answered and Confuted . ALSO The Heads and Causes of Separation are Opened and Explained , together with an illustration of the Erastian State of the present CHVRCH . John 3. 21. But he that doth the Truth cometh to the Light , that his Deeds may be made manifest , that they are wrought in GOD. Ezek. 43. 10. Thou Son of Man , shew the House to the House of Israel : that they may be ashamed of their Iniquities , and let them measure the Patern . Truth and Reason Are no Treason . Libera Gens . Libera Mens . Printed in the Year 1700. Mock Verses put forth ( in Room of Confutation ) against the Au●● . by Mr. Thomas Black , Indulged Preacher at Perth ▪ TO die obscure , most be a dismal Fate , Since Mortals Purchase Fame at such a Rate . As Burning Cities razing Regal Seats , Destroying Temples overturning States . But Meaner Spirits whom Destinie Contracts , Not to aspire unto such Glorious Acts. Yet Phaetons in conceit will be content , Ere Fame be Wanting to be Fools in Print . The Authors Answer SIN to reprove does much some Men offend , When Worldly Interest is their chiefest end , The Bramble shade shall be one Day brought Low ▪ When your Erastian Church will get it 's fatal Blow . Both Fools and Wise shall known be or long , Tho now you say your Mountain standeth strong , At your Poetrie I need not furder hint , Who sit's above knows who are Fools in Print . The NONCONFORMISTS VINDICATION . Prov ▪ 18. 13. He that answereth a Matter , before he heareth , it is folly and shame unto him . MAN is a sociable Creature by nature ( as said the Philosopher ) end therefore desires company which way so ever he tends , be it to He●ven or be it to Hell , he is loath to go alone . No wonder then to see Union and Love so common a Plant , growing almost in every Garden , amongst the Bad as well as among the Good. True it is among the Godlie it is a dutie Commanded , as in John 15 , 12 and also commended Psal . 133. 1. Likewise it is the propertie of a Church well constitute ; also it is the dutie of all Believers to seek for unity and Love : Yet this mark is not inseperable , for it can be among Unbelievers , as in Rev. 17 , 13 These shall have one mind , and shall give their strength and power to the Beast : And this also can be among Professors going on in a course of defection , as we have the Example of Israel Exod 32. Who with one consent , said , These be thy Gods O Israel . And no wonder it be so , if we consider that Sin is a work of Darkness , and therefore cannot abide the light , as in John 3 21. For every one that doth evil hateth the light ; and so cannot endure that there should be any light or witness against themselves or Sins ; which witness makes them ready to cast foul aspersions and Accusations on the Faithful , who will not go on with them in their sins ; Like to Josephs Mistris who did falslie accuse him of her sin , by raising the hue and cry after him , as in Gen. 38 , 14. even so is the case this day with the Faithful of the Land , who will not , neither dare go on , in defection and separation ( from the princ●pals and practises of the Church of Scotland ) with the Erastian , indulged in their Backsliding courses of Perjurie by unity & concord . So that when they cannot obtain their desire , they most bitterlie cast their Sins upon us , accusing us of separation and division ; We acknowledge , that Union and Love are to be sought with endeavou● by all that professeth Truth , but it must be in the Lord , and not in aniething sinful : Otherways our Happiness should be of no better stamp than Israel's was Exod 32. when the People with one consent did say . These be thy Gods O Israel . Now we acknowledge , Union to be good in it self , when righdie exercised , and cannot but praise you ●or these pertinent places and passages of Scripture you urge for the obtaining of it : Acknowledging your Doctrine to be sound in the abstract . but indeed in the Application we disagree . For there is no command in Scripture to unite our selves to Sin , and obstinat defenders thereof . I mean such as have made defection from the Principals and practises of the Church of Scotland , by turning to Erastianism ; and that not onlie in one simple Act , but persevering therein from one step to an other . But I shall not insist on general assertions , but shall procced to plain and particular Probation ; and in order thereto , I shall confider the heads of the controversie ( contained in your seasonable admonition as you call it ) as they are set down in order . 1 Where first , we have the description given of the Church in her doctrine , to which we well agree in the Theo●e and speculative part . But differs in practise and application . 1 Now first you say , you own the Confession of Faith and Catechism so do we acknowledge the Confession of Faith in the whole Heads and Articles thereof . But it objected by Malignants , that the Confession of Faith is contradictory to the Covenants and Coronation Oath . In that it is said in the 23 chap Infidelity and difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrats just and legal authority : And therefore by consequence Papists or Intid●ls may be our Lawful Rulers . Answer on such consequence may be drawen from the word Infideliry , this being the abstract name and an Infidel The concret . So that the difference is great : For Infidelitie pointe●h onlie at personal Faillings such , as sins of deadness and infirmitie acting indifferendie from simplicitie ( but not obstinat to faithful warning ) from which faillings , it is said in the following part Eccle●iasticall persons are not free as in Chap : 25. Sect. 5 , Rev. 2. 3. Chapters ▪ So that from this it is concluded that faults and faillings such as formerly mentioned doth not Non Magistrat a Ruler or depose a Minister from the exercise of his office , so that this is the true and genuine meaning of this place . 2do . We do likewise believe and own , that Jesus Christ is ●he only Head and King of his Church , and that he hath instituted in his Church Officers and O●dinances , O●der and Government , and not left it to the will of man ; Magistrat or Church to alter it at their pleasure , either by a sinful limited Indulgence or yet by a Bastard Toleration , contrair to the sound Principals of Presbyterian Government and our Lands Engagments . 3tio We own likewise order in Discipline , conform to the word of God , in admission of Persons to offices and priviledges in the Church . We own no other Rules than the institutions of Jesus Christ , and the example of the Prophets and Apostles , for censure or reproof either in Doctrine or Discipline . And we own that Persons of all Ranks , are to be censured and reproved without partiality , according to the degree of their of●ence . Moreover we acknowledge prudence to be required in the exercise thereof , and that conform to the word of God , that the Transgressor be dealt with by the Spirit of meekness and love , and in such a way as may most advance the good and Edification of the Church 4 We own , that it is the mercy of our Land that we are a Land in Covenant with God , and we desire to lament for the breaches thereof in some , by turning to Poperie and in many to Prelacle , and manie now by Erastianism and Separation : And particularlie by continuance therein , going on from one step to another adding sin to sin . We bless God tho' the Land hath dealt treacherouslie with him , yet he hath not forsaken us , but ha●h keeped some faith●ul in the midst of all these defections , who hath nor complied with these Abominations , which is the Glorie of the Land , altho' by Backsliders it is acknowledged a shame . Now having set down our Judgment , what we own as our Principals . Therefore I shall in the next place , speak to that great controversie , which is so much agitated by Backsliders , viz. Separation And I most say , to me it is a thing very strange , to see Men professing Conscience , endued with Reason , qualified with Learning ; so wilfully ●o precipitat in Judging and Censuring others , who are innocent of that Sin that they themselves are Guiltie of ; Seing the Sin may be easily found out , and who they are that are guilty thereof , if we would take the Right method of seeking , which is described by Learned Men for finding out the Solution of a Contraversie , which consists in an accurat defining of the subject , and of the predicat ; that so it may appear if there be any Connection to be found betwixt the two , and then it shall appear , Whether Separation is to be ascribed to you or us . ● . Therefore I shall consider in the first place , wherein Separation consists . I say Separation imports a change ; which change must consist either in defection from Truth , or else in Excess beyond Truth . Now ( 1 ) In Defection . let it be impartiallie considered , by the para●king and receiving of that sinful Act of Indemnity , after Bothwel , in the Year 1679 or by that Toleration Suplicat and Petitioned , under your late King : And also this Bastard Toleration , now under your present King ( which neither doth , nor yet can run in a Channal of a Covenant o● Reformation ) Whether you who have complyed with these , or we who have refused them , be most Guiltie of De●ection and Change , from the Principals of Presbyterian Government , our Covenants , Coronation Oath , & Fundamental Laws . Certain●ie where the Defection and Change is ; there must be the Separation . But I shall have occasion afterward to speak to this , when I come to the Sins and Accusations led against you : Therefore I will not insist upon it at this time Bat on the other hand , if in excess you can lay any thing to our Charge ( since your Separation from us ) we are willing to cast our courses into scanning , by examing the Matter ▪ And likewise for the present , we shall take your Premisses to Consideration , which you lay out against us , by the Writings of these two famous Godlie Learned Men , viz. Mr. Rutherford and Mr. Durham , whom you led out as Witnesses against us ; Judging that we will be found within the compass of Rigid Separatist ; who in excess do separat from the Church without any sufficient ground . Therefore I shall consider the instances you insist upon . 1. First you say , was there not as great defects and faults in some of the Churches of Christ mentioned in Scripture : As in Corinth , Galatia , and some of the Churches of Asia ▪ And yet no warrand to withdraw from them . Ans , In respect of it's extent , it cannot be so said of all these Churches , That they had Sinned totallie and universallie as on Man as we charge you ; or if by some of these Churches it may be said , That they were under an universal Decay and Deadness , as to the Exercise of Disciplin ; yet from Scripture it cannot be said ; that they were obstinat , wil●ul Defenders and denyers of their Sin , as ye are ; who by consequence are disorderly Walkers , from which the Apostle gives command to withdraw 2 Thes : 3 , 6. And if we are warranted to withdraw from the di●orderlie Brother , T●en may I argue ( by way of Induction ) also from a disorderlie Assembl●e . who are perseve●ing in their sin , So that in this our singularitie doth not appear , neither from Scripture ; Nor yet from your own Concession as in Page 5 You say if anie Church profess or pract●●e what is sin on the Matter , we ought to withdraw , which is the Case of the present Controversie , as I shall afterward make it appear . Furder you con●i●ue ●o amplifie the ab●urd●tie of our singulari●ie , by interrogating , while we seperat from you : What Church is there on Earth with which we would Communicat and join in Worship with ? To which I Answer , What if it were yeilded in Thesi ? That there were no Church on Earth with which we could join with , no more than with you ; would this be any thing absurd ? Or against which of all the Atri●utes of God ( either Communicable or Incommunicable ) would this take up a con●radiction ? True it is the Lord ha●h D●creed to have a Church ; But whether to preserve or keep them Faithful , as to few or manie ; is left to the freedom of his own H●lie will & pleasure . Whether to include them within the Familie of an Noah , or to limit them to the Familie of an Ioshua , is all one with the Lord I mean ( for a smal j●nctur of time ) in that degre● of Faithfulness , which is agreeable to God's word . But this is not our case , we can join with other Churche Abroad , altho' we dare not join with you , we acknowledge that the Corruptions are great in manie things , which now to insert all wer● tedi●us , we acknowledge that t●ey are lying under an Erastia● deadness and infirmity , which sin differs far from your Erastian obstin●● defection ; 〈…〉 shall afterward make ie appear . But how ever we 〈◊〉 Join with them in so far as they are reformed , and not involve our selv●● in breach of Covenant ; they not being under our Covenant engagments , our Covenants not engageing us to reform without Land ; except in our personal practise neither can we charge them with these things ; that we can charge you with , can we charge them with breach of Covenant , who were never under it ? or can we ●ccuse them of the Erastian Indulgence and Toleration ? which overthroweth the principals , and practises of Pres●y●erian Government ; or can we accuse them of the Backsl●●ing perjured actings of this Bastard Toleration , under this present Revolution ▪ who never had the Tentations , nor tryals of the lik● sin 's as ye have had , who hath made separation fr●m us , by such de●ections . So that in th●● , ●o absu●dity doth appear in our not joining with you , and yet with others . Que●t : Why will you join with others , in so far as they are Reformed ? And not join with us , in so far as we are Reformed : Resp . Our joining is not to ●e understood a constituting of our selves with them : But only an approving of their Doctrine , in so far as it is agreeable to the Word o● God ; and the Constitu●ions of the Reformed Church of Scotland Likewise we can approve of your Doctrine to be sound , when considered in the abstract , as it may be distinguished from you : But Subjective●ie considered in you as to practise , and application , in this we differ , as I shall afterward make it appear when I come to the impurity and unlawfulness of your worship . Quest What is the difference betwixt these Chu●ches in Holland , Geneva , Garmany : and the present E●astian Church . Res : The Churches abroad are under an ●m●erfection in that they are not come to the hight of Reformation requi●ed of in the word of God , such as the constitutions and Covenanted engagments of the Church of Scotland And therefore they are under the Lords wrath and fatherly anger ( being under an E●astian Deadness and infirmity ) ever and while they Reform as in Rev 3 2. S●rengthen the things which remain and are ready to die : fo● I have not found thy works perfect before God Now seing the Lord req●ires per●ection in Reformation , in it's sincere endeavour ; then ought we not to constitut our selves in assisting anie Church in war , until they come to our Reformation ( either in practise or promise ) let us not be pleased , where God is angrie . But on the other hand the Lord deal●th , as an angrie Judge towards a Church going on obstinatlie in defection : And therefore , they are diametrically opposite one to another , as in Heb. 10 30. If any Man draw back , my Soul shall have no pleasure in him . So that when all this is considered , then it will appear , That the difference is very great betwixt an imperfection and a defection , and that both in Practise and Doctrine . Now we declare , That we dare not join with you in your worship : And that because it is contrair to our Faith and Conscience . 1. First , In respect of your mission , by reason of the changing of your holding , in taking your power and liberty , ( as you call it ) ( 1 ) From the Bloody Magistrat Charles the Second ( in the Year 1679 ) by that sinful Act of Indemnity after Bothwel , where ye left the Fields , & came eo the Houses ; And likewise did endeavour to observe the Limitations contained in that Act : And also did acknowledge him to be your lawful King ( in Prayer before God ) altho' a Declared Tyrant , and stated Enemy to the Work of Reformation ; For which Tyranny , you ought at that time to have joined with the Suffering Party , in casting him off ; rather than to have hearkened to that sinful Act : The end of which , was to break the Church ( This you did contrair to the advice of the wise Man , Pro. 23 3 6 , Eat not the Bread of him who hath an evil Eye : neither be desirous of his dainties , for they are deceitful meat ) ( 2 ) and now ye have taken your Constitution from the Corrupt Tolerating Magistrat , who neither hath taken the Covenants , Coronation Oath ; nor yet can take it , as he is now Circumstantiated ; being cloathed with Prelacy : And therefore your Assemblies , and Ordinances , are Bastard and Evil Begotten , because they neither do , nor yet can run in the Channal of a Covenant of Reformation . So that in this , the Foundation and Being of your Church , is not consonant to the state of our Church , in the dayes of our Ancestors ; And therefore from the consideration of this , we dare not in Conscience acknowledge your power and mission . 2. As to the effects , I mean the power of Conversion . which you ascribe unto your selves in converting , in this we differ , and that because , it is condemned in Scripture , ae in Jer. 23 22. But if they had stood in my Counsil , and caused my People to hear my Words : then should they have turned them from the Evil of their ways , and from the Evil of their doings . We acknowledge , that you may beg●t Children of your own kind , to believe and practise with your selves , in your Era stian Backsliding courses , by puting on a naked external Profession of Presbytrie , with natural and morall piety , flowing from a natural Conscience , making them fit stones for your Erastian Building : But to make them fit Stones for the Lords Church , by leting them see the Lands Sins and De●ections ; and the Perjured actings of Covenant-breaking that you are guilty of , both as to time past and now present ; this you will not do your selves : And therefore will not suffer others , like to these spoken of . Mat. 23 13. Obj. But it is objected , that this too hard a Sentence ; will we Condemn all ? How prove we , that Conversion is not be ascribed to the present Church ? Ans . Far be it from us to condemn anie , but these whom the Holy Ghost condemneth , and describeth for Wicked and Ungodlie Men ; See for proof of this , Psal , 1 and 2. And consider i● , and then you will see who is the Christian , Psal , 1. 1. and who are Christs Church , Psal . 2 , I say the Godly Man is said , not to sit in the counfel of the U●godly , nor yet to stand in the way of Sinners , which cannot be said of vo● , who has taken the Indulgence and Toleration , under your late Kings and has given no Testimonie against them ( the which defect , is a silent consenting and approving of the thing ) But on the other Hand ( in prayer besore God ) did acknowledge them to be your law●ul K●ngs , which was a sitting in the Counsel of the Ungodly , by approving that the Persons elected to the Throne were lawful , and these who did elect them , were , the true and lawful Sons of the State , in whom the power was , which to affirm is false , for both of them had devested themselves of that power that belonged to them , as Men and Christians , by stateing themselves Enemies to God and Godliness ; as was to be seen in their setting up of Prelacie and Supremacie , and in sheding the Blood of the Godlie . Now when all this is considered , doth it not appear that you belong to the Categorie of ungodlie Men , described here in this Psal . But in the next place , I say conversion is a leaving of Sin , and turning to God ; Now to ascribe this to you , were to affirm a contradiction , that is , That a Man may be Godlie and Ungodlie ; simul et semel , that is to say , Once and together , in that he may serve two opposites , viz. Christ , and the Idol of Supremacy , which to affirm is false For the Lord will not dwell under the Idols Roof ; as in Cor. 6 15. Moreover Psal . 2 , you see who are Christs Church . I say they are these who owns Jesus Christ as King and Head of his Church , and maintains his Laws , Doctrine and Discipline , whose opposite Wicked men are , for they will not submit to Church Discipline , nor incorporat themselves under Christs Banner , as in vers 2. 2. But this indulged Church declares the contrair , in that they cotporat themselves with these who are not under Christs Bands ( I mean Discipline ) And ●or all this , continue the Church of Christ , altho clearly condemned in this Psal . But how rightly this is applyed ; Let any tender Conscience Judge , 3. We differ from you , as to the extent , because your Preaching doth not reach to all Sins and Deffections ; I mean not sins unknown , and never Preached against by our Church in former times : But only these Sins , I say that were inanimously condemned by all the Ministrie , I instance the late unlawful confederacie in joining with Idolatars , contrair to the Writings of faithful Mr , Gilhespie ▪ Also these black Articles contained in that confederacie , drawn up by your King and his Confederats , where liberty of Conscience was proposed as the end thereof , and then falsly calling it the work of God , &c. With many other steps of of Backslidings formerly mentioned . So that in this your Worship is impure , being limited ; And therefore noways agreeable , or consonant to the Gospel , in the dayes of our Ancestors ; And therefore we cannot in Faith and Conscience join with it . 4. Fourthly the impurety of your Doctrine appears , in that your Religious Fasts , ( as you call them ) Petitions and Prayers , are both Sinful on the matter , and also contradictory to Scripture , Oh! how contradictorie is this to the command of God ? And the Example of the Godly to pray for a Blessing , on that Work which the Lord hath pronounced a curse , viz. Associating and joining in War with Idolaters such as Papists , who are the Enem●es of God , and subjects of Antichrist , and was not this your case in this late War. How manie Fasts had ye● in order for Humiliation ( as ye said ) for a Blessing upon the War , altho , clearly condemned , in the Example of Jehosaphats joining with Ahab in War , who was an Idolator : And if the Lord powred out his Judgment on him for his Sinful Association , as in the 1 Kings 22 and 2 Chro. 19 2 , Then how could the great Assembly pray for a Blessing on this late Association ? Doth not such Prayers draw to a Blasphemous consequence ? which would have the Lord to declare himself changeable in his Nature , to bless that which he hath declared in his word , that he will curse ; He being in his Nature Holy , and of Purer Eyes , than to behold Iniquitie , Hab. 1 13 , Oh! How Monstrous is this practise , and abhored of by Malignants , who can spie such Sins with the Eye of Malice and Envie , that the great praying Assemblie cannot do , nor will not do ; Alas ! That Men professing Conscience , should walk so contrair to hight : Or that they should be permitted of God ; to do that which the wicked Sorcerer Balaam would not do , Num. 23 20. Behold I have received a Commandment to bless , and he hath Blessed : and I cannot reverse it : But you are walking contrair unto God , by seeking a Blessing on the cursed thing . Now let anie unbyassed unprejudged Persons Judge , how dear bought your deliverance is ; with no less price , than price o● Conscience ; For without this wickedness , you could not have your present temporal prosperitie : Now when all this is considered , may it not be said , That none of Tender Conscience dare join with you in your Worship . Obj. But some will object and say , If there were two Robbers Fighting , and the one were Strong and Cruel ; and the other weak ; were it not a Dutie , to help the weak against the cruel one ? And the reason is if the strong Robber prevail , he will next fall upon us . Ans . we must not help a Robber in an Act of Robberie , for this is contrair to Scripture , As in 1 Tim , 5 , 22. [ be not partakers of other mens Sins ] and 1 Peter . 1 : 15 [ be not abussie bodie in other mens matters , ] that is in mens privat intrests , in an action wherein the glory of God , and the good of the Kingdom is not seen ; which is the case this day betwixt the King of France and the Emperour ; They are fighting for the Cown of Spain in order to set up a popish . King to murder the Souls of the poor subjects , by their damnable doctrine . Now I think no Christian this day in Scotland considering our fundamental Laws , and engagements ; which are that no Popish King shall reign over us , and if not over us ? then why should we consent , that they should be over others , contrair to Axiom or Carmen . Quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris , that 's to say that which you would not have done to your selves , do not so to others . Now as to the second branch of your objection viz. that you join with the Emperour in order to bring down the King of France ▪ Answer you should not do evil that good may come of it Rom 3 , 8. for in so doing you make God your enimie , when you take unlawfull means : so that in this you rather make that cruell Tyrrant strong , than weak for sure I am unlawfull means , will always bring furth Judgements , as I have already held out in Israels case . 5 But Fiftly the impurity of your Doctrine appears in the misapplying of it , and that falsly both as to mercies and Judgements . ( 1 ) as to mercies let it be considered what you were a people laying in sin , enjoying the benefit of your sinfull Toleration , under your late King , and acknowledging him to be your lawfull King in prayer before God ; altho' afterwards in a printed declaration in the year 1689 the Crown was acknowledged to be Vaccant , by reason that he was a Papist , and had had not taken the Coronation Oath ; But formerly you did acknowledge , that he was an Instrument to open the do ot of libertie to your Gospel ( as you called it ) So that in this you acknowledge your deliverance to be begun , and him to be Instrumental in it ; And if this was then how you could cast him off ? & be so unthankful for your Mercies . But if you own that Declaration of the States , in the Year 1689 ; Then you must acknowledge your Sin in owning of him anie manner of way : And that either by Addressing of him for your Libertie ; or yet confessing him to be an Instrument of Deliverance , otherwayes you cannot date your Deliverance , nor yet point out the Instrument of it , seing it cannot be ascribed to two opposit instruments , viz. the present and late King. So that in this you Mercies are contradictorie , both as to the instruments , and also the time of deliverance ; and by consequence one way or other , according to your own confession , and practise , must be misapplied . So that in this , no tender Conscience dare join with you . But furder let it be considered , who are the object of Mercie ; & then it will appear , to whom the deliverance belongeth , I say doth not Mercie belong to these that are in Miserie ; I mean these who seeth and confeffessess themselves so to be , as in 2 Chro. 7 11. If my People which are called by my Name , shall humble themselves and Pray and seek my Face , and turn from their wicked wayes : then will I hear from Heaven and will forgive their Sins , and heall their Land. So that it appears , from this that deliverance belongeth only to a penitent People . Also in the Book of the Judges , it is said of Israel , That they cryed unto the Lord ; that is by Repentance and Confession of Sin ( for no other Prayers are heard of God Jo. 9 31 ) And he sent them a Deliverer : So that from this you see that the object of Mercie , is only the Penitent , that confesses their Sin : which cannot be said of you , who hitherto hath never acknowledged your Erastian courses of defection , in the matter of the Indulgence and Toleration , contrair to the Example of the People of God in former times , who were plain and particular ▪ as in Ezera 9 2. The strange Marriages are confessed : But no Confession to be seen of the strange Marriages , that hath been made with the Enemies of God , by you in the forenamed Sins . Alas ▪ Then how can you apply Deliverance , seing ye have no warrand from Scripture so to do ; when all circumstances are considered , and whatever you have done or may do in this ; Yet be asured that your Application of Deliverance is not of any other nature than that spoken of in Jer. 14 12. A false Vision and Divination and , the deceit of your own Heart . Now this being your state and condition , then is your present temporal prosperity , not anie other thing , but an Judgment , like to that spoken of Jer. 13 13 , 14 verses , viz. Fair flourishing providen●es in answering you according to the Idols of your own Hearts , and then bringing a Battle upon the back of it . Now seeing Mercies and Judgments are misplaced , and that by calling Evil Good , and Good Evil ; then may we refuse such Worship : For it is not the Voice of Christ : but the Voice of Strangers ; which Voice we ought not hear Joh. 10 5. Moreover in the next place , you furder proceed to ampli●ie our alleged Sin , by affirming that our practise is altogether contradictorie , by reason that it it stricketh against our selves ; in that we are subject to failing , for you say , can we affirm , that we are pure ? might not there be Recriminations against you , but these things doth not make for peace nor Edifie . To which I answer , I yeald there is Sins amongst us , committed by some and Remonstrat by others : But what altho we were all Guiltie , would that blot out yours : Or will two Blacks make a White , or will our fallings warrand us to walk contrair to light , by laying aside our Testimony against you . But you say these things make no● for peace nor edifie . Ans . This I deny , for to search ou● sin , a●d to examine our practise by the Line and Rule of Gods Word , is a dutie both Commanded and Commended in Scripture , and is good in it self , that is Bonum perse ; And that which is good in it self ●●th alwise good effects ; and if anie bad consequence or even● follow upon this dutie . it flows accidentally from the Corruptions of Men ▪ I mean from some rough unpolished Stone , that doth not answer Line and Level ▪ For the same is ascribed to the Gospel , as in Luke 2 14. It is said to bring peace on Earth and good will towards Men , this is in in it's own nature ▪ But accidentallie it is said Chap. 12 51 , Suppose ye that I am come to send peace on Earth ; I tell you nay : but rather Division . So that this slows from the Corruptions of Men. Furder you say , you will forbear these things . Ans . We dare not do so ; But most follow the Mark and Character given by our Saviour , John 3 21. But he that doth the truth cometh to the light , that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in God. Indeed you would have our alleged Sins buried , in order that you may get your Backsliding courses of Defection Buried , but we will not do so : And therefore desires to be foremost in Ripping up of our Sins , and in examining of our actionts by the Word of God : Otherwise our Zeall will be of a Bastard kind , if it be not ▪ universal against all Sin : So that in this we will not pass by one Action ( that ever hath been done ▪ since your separation from us ) without trying it by the Word of GOD , and the approven practises of our Ancestors . Now in the first place , if we have done any thing that we are not bound and engaged both from the Word of God , and our Covenants , expreslie to do : Them we shall take with our Guilt . Secondly , If anie thing be done , that an absolute necessitie or indispensabilitie , did not calll for . Thirdly , If the Mercies or Deliverance of the Church , hereafter for the time to come , shall run in anie other Channel : Than what we have Espoused ; then shall we acknowledge our selves Transgressors . So that we are willing to reason the Matter , and to put our courses into scanning ; That it may appear , clearly to the World , who are in the wrong ye , or we , Now we say , we will not pass by one action , that has been done since your S●paration from us , without trying it by the word of God , and the approve● practises of our Ancestors . Therefore I shall in the first place confider the Seperation , in it's rise and progress , as to the time when it first began , and that was in the Year 77 and 78 , This Erastian Weed , did then appear in that Presbytrie at Edinburgh & Dunscore , where Mr , Richard Cameron was Censured for his Preaching against the Supremacy and the indulged Ministers ( who received the Indulgencie after Pentland , in the Year 67 , and when accused besor them , he declared that his Accusations did prove him to be a Presbyterian , for he had done nothing , but what was agreeable to Gods Word , and the Constitutions of the Church of Scotland : And therefore he would decline anie such Presbytrie as lawful , who would so accuse the Innocent of Guil● ; which they could not prove . I say at that time the Twins began to struggle in the Church Womb ; as did appear by the Malice , Clamour , and Reproach , that these Ministers did vent against Mr. Cameron for his declining of them , they thought this was a sin of a deep dye . But alas ! no Lamenting for Truth , that was wronged by the Indulgence , and the defence thereof , as appeared by their giving by Names to all these who were against the Supremacy and Indulgency , calling them Cameronions . Now as this Erastian weed did still grow among these : So likewise the Faithful did still adhere to Truth ; as did appear at Bothwell , by their casting off the Tyrrants Interest , declaring a War against him , & all the Men of his Practise , as stated Enemies to the Church of Christ . But the other Party who favoured the Indulgencie and Supremacie , emitted a Declaration contrair to the former , taking in the Tyrrants Interest , acknowledging him to be their lawful King , Notwithstanding of all the Tyrranie that had been done by him against the Work of Reformatson , from the Year 61 to the Year 79. where he did appear in War , against the Interest of Christ . So that you see that it was a Contradiction to them , to say that they would defend the Interest of Christ , and the Interest of his Enemies , they being opposit , the one to the other , Alas ! this was the cursed Achan in the Camp ' for which Israel could not stand before the Eumie ; as in Josh . 7. So that from this you see , that the Separation was materialie begun before Bothwell ; But not formallie brought forth ( in all it's Circumstances ) until the Act of Indemnity afterward was proclaimed ; which Proclamation the indulged did willinglie accept , at which time they separated from the Faithful . From which time we are willing to examine our Actions , ever since the Year 79. and that because in your National Fast in the ●ear 1690 , ye accuse us of dangerous principles , and undiscreat Zeal . Therefore we are willing to cast our courses into Scanning , by examining the Matter . As 1. First , If we have done any thing , that we are not bound and engaged , both from the Word of God and our Covenants to do ; then we shall take with our Guilt . Now I shall give a Narration and Account of our Proceedings , in that sad Day of the Church calamitie , under the indulgencie in the Year 1680 , It 's said Job 17 8 9 Vpright Men shall be astoni●hed at this , and the Innooent shall stir up himself against the Hypocrite . The Righteous shall hold on his way , and he that hath clean Hands shall be stronger and stronger . That is shall add Strength : Now this was the Case of the Faithful , who were keeping clean Hands ; they did bestir themselves against Hypocritical Backsliders , by shewing their love to the Crown and Interest of Christ , and to the Land , in cleaving to our Covenant● and Lands Engagments . Judging that altho others had imbraced the Tyrrants interest . and had corporat themselves under his Banner : Yet they were engaged to perfect the thing begun , viz. To cast off that Tyrrant and declare a War against him , and all these of his practise . And this they did in as legal a way , as the present Circumstances could permit . For the Faithful , who were adhearing to the Laws and Liberties of the Church and Nation , did call a Representative , and did invest themselves with Authority ; by vertue of which they did emit a Declaration at Sanquhar , which is as follows , The DECLARATION and TESTIMONY of the true PRESBYTERIANS , ANTIPRELATICK ▪ ANTIER ASTIAN Persecuted Party in SCOTLAND , Published at Sauquhar June 22 1680. IT is not amongst the smallest of the Lords Mercies to this poor Land , that there hath alwayes been some who have given their Testimony against everie course of Defection , we were guiltie of ; which is a token for good , That he doth not intend to cast us of all together , but that he will leave Remnant in whom he will be gracious , if they throw his Grace keep themselves clean , and walk in his ways and methods , as they have been walked in , and owned by Predecessors of trulie worthy Memory ; in their carrying on of our noble work of Reformation , in the several steps thereof , both from Popery and Prelacie : And likewise from Erastian Supremacy , so much usurped by him ( who , it is true so far as we know ) is descended from the Race of our Kings : Yet he has so far deboared from what he ought to have been ; by his Perjurie , and his usurping in Church Matters , and Tyrrany in Matters Civil , as is known by the whole Land ; That we have just reason to account it amongst the Lords great contraversies against us , that we had not disowned him , and the Men of his Practises ( whether inferior Magistrats or any other ) as Enemies to our Lord Jesus , his Crown and true Protestant and Presbyterian Interest in these Lands , our Lords Espoused Bride and Church . Therefore tho' we be for Government and Governours , such as the Word of God and our Covenants allows : yet we for our selves and all that will adhere unto us The Representatives of the true Presbyterian Church , and Covenanted Nation of Scotland ; considering the great hazard of lying under sin any longer . Do by thi● presents diso●n Charles Stuart , who has been Reigning ( or rather we say Tyr●anizing ) on the Throne of Britain , as having any Right , Title , or Interest ●o , or in the said Crown of Scotland or Government , as forefaulted several years since , by his Perjurie and Breach of Covenant with God and his Church , and U●urpation of his Crown , and Royal Prerogatives : and many other Breaches in Matters Ecclesiastick , and by his Tyrannie and breaches in the very Leges regn●ndi , in matters civell ▪ For which reasons , we declare that several years since , he should have been denuded , of being King , Ruler or Magistrat , or haveing any power , or to be obeyed as ●●ch as also we under the banner of our Lord Jesus Christ the Captain of Salvation ; do declare a war with such a Tyrant and usurper , and all the men of these practises , as enimies to our Lord Jesus Christ , and his cause and and Covenant , and against all such as have any way strenthened him , in his usurpation and Tyrannie civell and Ecclesiacstick , yea and against all such as shall any way strengthen , side with or acnowledge any other in the like usurpation and Tyrannie : far more against such as would betray , or deliver up our free : Reformed Church , into the boundage of Antichrist the Pope of Rome ; by this we homologat our Testimony at Rutherglen the Tuentie nynth of May 1679. and all the Fai●hfull Testimones of these that have gone before us : As also we do disclaim that Declaration published at Hamiltoun the 13 day of June 1679 , chiefly because it takes in the Kings intrest which we are several years since loused from : As also because of the foresaids reasons and others ; that we may after this ; if the Lord will , publish , as also we disown , and resent the reception of the Duke of York a professed Papist , as repugnant to our principales , and vows to the most High God : and as that which is the great tho alas ! the just reproach of our Church . we also by this protest against his succeeding to the Crown ; as against what ever hath been done ; or any are essaying to do , in this Land , given to the Lord , in prejudice to our work of Reformation . And to conclude we hope after this , none will blame us , or offend at our rewarding of these that are against us , as they have done to us , as the Lord gives the opportunity . This is not to exclude any who hath declined , if they be willing to give satisfaction , according to the degree of offence . Now the lawfulness of this Proceeding , being denyed by some , upon the Matter ; and the authority thereof questioned by others : It was acknowledged to be a dutie indispensi●le in the year 1681 ) to ratifie and approve all that was done at Sanquhar : ( Considering the Parliament that then was , where the Duke of York sat Commissioner ) and likewise to testifie against the unlawfulness of that Parliament ; and all others preceeding , since the Year 1661 , did publish a Declaration at Lanerk , which is as follows , The Act and Apologetick DECLARATION of the true PRESBYTERIANS of the Church of SCOTLAND . January 12 1682. ALtho we ought to take in good part , whatever God in his Infinte Wisdom , hath for the Punishment of our sins carved out unto us , and eye and acknowledge him alone in it , and altho we alwise ought to acknowledge Government , and Governours as ordained by him , in so far as they rule and govern according to the Rules , set down by him in his word , and Constitutive Laws of the Nation , and ought to cast the Mantle of Love on the lesser errors of Governours , and give the best countenance to their Administration , that the Naure of their Actions will bear . Yet when all these Laws , both of God and the Kingdom Conditional and Constitutive of the Government , are cassed & anuled by pretended Law ; & the highest of Usurpation , & an inexplicable prerogative in matters Ecclesiastical , and Arbitary Government in Matters Civil is arrogat , when a Banner of impiety , Prophanness , and Atheism is avowedly displayed against the Heavens , and a Door opened to Abominations , of all sorts and sizes , and the remedy thereof still denyed by him , who should be as a Sun and Shield to the People : when the Parliaments who ought to be the grand trusties of the Kingdom to whom it belongs in such a Case , to secure the Civil and Spiritual interests , are so prelimited by Law , as no true Son of the state , and Church hath liberty to sit and Vote there . So that the Parliamen●s and all places of publick trust , and offices of the Kingdom from the highest to the lowest , are made up of none , but these who are corrupted , oyerawed , overuled and bribbed ; what shall the People do in such an extremity ? Should they give up their reason as Men ? Their Consciences as Christians ? and resign their Liberties , Fortunes , Reason , Religion , and that all to the inexorable obstinacy , incurable wilfulness , and Malice of these who in spite of God and Man. And notwithstanding of their many Oaths , and Vows , both to God and his People , are resolved to make their own will the absolute and soveraign Rule of their Actions , and their strained Indulgencie , the measure of the subjects hope and hapiness . Shal the end of Government be lost throw the Weakness , Tyrrany , and Wickedness of Governours ? And must the People by an implicit submission and deplorable stupidity , destroy themselves ? And betray their Posterity ; and become objects of reproach , to the present Generation , and pity and contempt to the future . Have not they in such an extremity , good ground to make use of that natural and radical power they have ? to shake o●f that yoke , which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear . which accordingly the Lord honour'd us , in a generall and unprelimited convention of the States and several shires of Scotland to do : a convention of unperlimitted members . Aconvention of men who had only the glory of God ; the good of the common wealth before their eyes . The like whereof the present reigning Tyrant , could never since his home comeing pretend to . At which convention he was most legally and by general consent cast off ; by the Declaration afterward published at Sanqubair , by speciall warrand from the said convention . But that we may not seem to have done that ; or yet to do the like , upon no grounds or yet upon few or small grounds , we shall hint at some few of the many thousands of the misdemaners of the now cast off Tyrant , in his overturning of our Church and state . And First at his very entrie , as if he had attained to Neros desire at one blow in his first Parilament , he cut of the neck of that Noble constitution of Church and state ; which our noble and worthy Auccstors had made , and not thinking it enough , treacherously and falslie to perjure himself ; he made consitutions and Laws ( if it be not an abuse of language to call them so ) as none but fouls of his own feathers , and such as would run with him to the same excess of riot should have access to the very meanest place or office in the Kingdom , and tho' that in it self is enough ; yet not the Thousand part of what he , hath done Secondly did he not take to himself a licentious sphear exceeding all measure divine and humane Tyrannicall obtruding his will for a law , both in Matters civell and Eccelesiastick makeing us a lawghing stock to the Neighbouring nations , who imagined that what he was doing ( however Tyrrannious in it self ) to be consonant to our Laws , blaming the badness of our Laws , instead of the badness of the Governours , whereas there is nothing less cousonant to the Tenor and End of ours and all others , Divine and Humane . For we have reason to praise the Lord , who so eminently assisted our Ancestors in framing our Laws ; So that we may upon good grounds say , That there is no Nation ( in civilibus ) has beter , and ( in Ecclesiasticis ) so good as we , having by Gods great Providence attained unto a more excellent Reformation than any Nition . The observing of which Laws , was the very constitutive and absolute Condition , whereupon he was admitted to the Royal Office , and without which , he was not to have the exercise of his power ; And to which he was most deeply and solemnly Sworn , oftner than once , with his hands lifted up to the most high God , himself declaring the subjects ●y no longer to remain or continue , than the Ends and Constitutions of these Governments were pursued , and preserved by him : All which are contrair to his engagments foresaid , by his pretended , ( and as soresaid constitute Parliaments ) cassed and annuled and these Laws no more made their rule , but his own will , by his Letters : So that we are made the reproach of the Nations ; who say only that we have the Law Letters , instead of the Letter of the Law. Thirdly , Hath it not been his constant method to Adjourn and Dissolve Parliaments at his pleasure , when they ( tho his own Creatures ) were so sensible of his Misdemanors , as that they began to question , & when questioned by them ; ye may easily conjecture what they were ▪ Fourthly Hath he not stated himself as Supream head over all persons in all causes Civil and Ecclesiastick ; and by vertue of that arrogantly arrogated power , fabricated a Chimerick Government Peagantry in the Church , with such Ludibrious eminence , Pompious power and pride , through the vanity of Mens deprived imaginations , the grievous and misterious abyses , from whence have eshewed all the calamities and woes , all the languishing sorrows and confounding shames , and reproach , which in this day of blackness and darkness , hath involved , polluted and pestered the Church and Kingdom , and thus have approven himself to be Defender of the Faith , under which the Godly party true Sons of the Church and Nation , have been groaning these twentie Years bygone , and great numbers Murdered and slain in the Fields , and led as Lambs to the Slaughter upon Scaffolds , ●mprisoned , keeped in Irons , and with exquisite Torters Tormented , Exilled , Badished , and sold as Slaves amongst Savages ; All which they endured most patiently a long time , or ever they offered to appear in publict Arms against them . And all this they have met with as a reward ; First upon the Lords part , tho unjust and ungreat as to his part , for their too great and inordinat love wherewith they prevented him , in the day of his distress , being the first and only beginning of his unhappy Restauration . Fifthly , Time would faill us to narrate what exorbitant impossings , taxings , cessings , and every way impoverizing of the Subjects , & Grinding of the Faces of the Poor , Delapidating the Rights and Revenues of the Crown , for no other end , but to imploy them for keeping of a Bordel rather than a Court : Since there is no Court in the World , has attained to suc● a height in Debauchry , and Deprivedness , as that Court by his Example has done . For the whole Nation follows the Kings example . R●gis ad exemplum totus componitut orbis ▪ Sixthly , As it had not been enough to exercise , such a Tyrranical & Arbitary power himself ; He by a la●e Parliament such as the former ; intends that his Cruelty and Tyrrany shall not dye with himself , but that he shall in his own time instal such an one ( if not worse ) than himself contrair to all Law , Reason , & Religion . And in that parliament to unhing very Protestanism it self by framing a Test , such as no Protestant ( how corrupt so ever ) can take , and so ridiculous , as that it is made the Laughing stock even of Enemies themselves ; is it then any wonder considering such dealings ( and many Thousand● moe ) That true Scots Men ( tho we have been alwayes , & even to the extremity sometimes loyal to our Kings ) should after Twentie years Tyrranny , break out at last , as we have done , and put in practise , that power that God and Nature has given us , and we having reserved to our selves , all our Engagments , with our Princes ; having been alwise conditional , as all other Kingdoms are implicitly , but ours explicitly : Let none therefore object against the legality , either of what we have done , or are doing , for observe how inconsiderable so ever we are said to be , to prove our selves to have done nothing against our Ancient Laws , Civil or Ecclesiastick , against any Laws or Divine● whatsoever , our Ancient Laws beinp Judges , and we having safety to pass and repass , if the publick Faith after so many Breaches , can be trusted for that effect . So then let no Foraign Kingdom or Churches throw misinformation or false copies ( as they are many ) of what we Act or do , because we have not access to the Press , as they , we say let them not take up a wrong opinion of us or our Proceedings . For we are only endeavouring to extricat our selves from under a Tyrrannical Yoak , and to reduce our Church and state to what they were in the Year 1648. 1649. Therefore we here conveened in our Name and Authority ratifies and approves , what has been done by the Rutherglen and Sanquhar Declarations . And by their presents rescinds and annnles , and makes void whatsoever has been done by Charles Stuart and his Accomplices in prejudice to our Ancient Laws and Liberties . in all the prelimited Parliaments and Conventions ; since the Year 1660 , and particularly the late Parliament holden at Elinburgh the 28 day of July 1681 ( by a Com●issioner professedly Popish , and for Villany exilled his native Land ) with all the Acts and Laws there Statued and Enacted , as that Abominable , Riduculous , and Unparalel●ed Soul Perjuring Test and the rest , We therefore Command and Charges you to pass to the Mercat Cross of Lanerk , and in Our Name and Authority , to Publish this Our Act and Declaration , as ye will be answerable . Dated the 23 of December 1681. Let King JESUS Reign and all his Enemies be scattered . NOW considering the Miseries the Land was in at that time , by reason of that cruel and intolerable Bondage , which was exercised over the subjects , by their Laws ; which was , That none should have their Lives or Lioerties : But these who would sell Soul and Conscience , and either comply or connive at their Abominations , or else suffer Death . Now in such a case , I think no Man of reason , but will acknowledge that we have done nothing , but what we are bound to do from the Word of God , and our Covenants , which is to preserve and defend King and Rulers , in the Defence and Preservation of the true Religion : But no furder as is abundantly proven in our Declarations . Now if any shall raise Objection against the manner of our Proceedings , As. First , that the Representative powr of rejecting Tyrannie belongeth not to privat Persons ; but only to the OPTIMATES REGNI , that is to say , to the Peers of the Land such as Nobles Barons Burgesies And therefore they are Custodes legis , the keepers of the law ; who are to see to the Laws and saftie of the Kingdom in defending the Rights and Liberties of the Subjects . Answer . Indeed it would become them best but they failing in this . by their defection and complyance , silence and connivance at the Tyrannie commited in this case , it becomes the subjects ( altho' privat persons ) to assume to themselves that power of defending the Laws and Kingdom , which they have Forefaulted . As for Example , if a City were Besieged by an Enemie , and the Magistrats and these who had the power would conspire in one , with the Enemy to destroy the Citizens , were it not their duty , to take the power ( which they have abused ) and defend themselves their Lives and Liberties . Now this being our case , then no reasonable man , I think will condemn what we have done , considering the grounds and reasons abovementioned . Now this Representative power was firmly owned and avowed , by all the Nonconformists in the Year 1680. 1681 , and 1682. But in the Year 1633 , they began to faint the eminent godly , in whom the Life and substance of this dut●e was , were in a great part taken away , by suffering in Fields and Scaffolds ; and the remaing partie who were Faithful protested against these failings , but were not heard : So that at length , they denyed that they acted Authoritatively in these Declarations above mentioned , where the judicious Reader may discern the contrair , by such congruous expressions , as is used for expressing the nature of the Action . But now this hopeless party of Nonconformists , has turned their Testimonies to Protestations ; That when Kings and Queens comes to the Throne , they enter a Protestation against them : But what is that to the purpose ? What if all the Shires in Scotland would send a Thousand Arm'd Men to the chief City of every Shire , to declare against them ? And there rest on their Protestations , would thus effectuat any thing ? Certainly no , the only duty is to call a Representative , and put on Authority and take to them that power which they have Forfaulted , and by vertue of that power they may proceed against them , with the Sword of Justice ; and this power belongs only to the faithful of of the Land , who are the true Sons of the Church and State. Alas ! this fainting did arise from the weakness of their Love and Faith ; they thinking , this was a work too hard for them ( who were so few ) to carrie on against so great a Generation of Malignants , and Backsliders . Likewise that it was mocked at by wicked Men and carnal Proffessors ; as a thing desperat , that would bring forth much Blood and Confusion : Whereas a dutie is still absolute and indispensible ; and therefore to be gone about in Faith , trusting to the alsuffiency and faithfulness of God , for throwbearing . Faith being the same now , that it was in the days of Noah : And therefore we ought to obey the Command of God , whatever the effects may be : For surely that which is duty , will bring forth good effects , when waited for with patience . And sure I am these Testimonies abovementioned , has Foughten the Throne of Britain , more than Three Hundred Thousand Armed Nobles could have done ; both as to the present and pastime , and likewise will be for the time to come ( however insignificant the Actors may seem to be ) and the reason is because they are agreeable to Gods Word : And therefore have the promise of the Lords presence , and if God be with us who can be against us ? But this shall more appear in the , following head , which is That if any thing be done , that an Indispensability or absolute necessity did not not call for ? then shall we acknowledge our selves transgressors ; and this I endeavour to prove by several Arguments ; as ( 1 ) from the nature of the ordinance , Magistrats being servants , to the common wealth , and nourishing fathers to the Church ; so that they are made for the peoples good , as in Rom : 13. and not the people for their Tyrannicall Lust and use . Ergo from the nature of the ordinance it is a dutie indispensiable to cast off Tyrannie . 2d● . Secondly from the holiness of GOD , God is holy in the Heav●ns , holy in the Earth , holy in his Chu●ch , ho●y in his civ●l ordinances . Ergo , by consequence we are to have his Ordinances holy ; because we are commanded so Lev. 19. 2. ye shall be holy for I the Lord your God I am holy if we be not for keeping Gods Ordinances holy how can we pray , that his will be done on Earth as in heaven . 3. The Magistrat has the sword of justice put in his hand , and is to Judge for God , being Gods Minister and vicegerant ; And therefore no Tyrant as in the 2 sam : 23. he that rules over men must be just in ruleing in the fear of the Lord. Ergo its an indspensible dutie to opose Tyrannie , this being agreeable to Gods will and word . 2. But Secondly the abselute necessity flows from the inevitable Judgments of God upon the neglect of this dutie , of reforming and repareing this broken down hedge as in Ezek. 22. 30. I sought for a man among them that should make up the hedge , and stand in the gap before me for the Land , that I should not destroy it ; but I found none and ver● 31. therefore have I powered out my indignation upon them I have consumed them with the fire of my wrath : So that from this you see that where their is no testimony against sin , the Judgment of God will come , and this is aboundantly confirmed in that pertinent passage 1 Sam. 3 13. I have told him that I would Judge his house for ever , for the in iquiy which he knoweth because his sons made themselves vile & he restrained them not Eli did give ●esti●ony against his sons Cap. 2. 24. 25. but it was not such as the Lord required or as the nature of his office did call for as a high preist he ought to have cast them out of their office and to have deposed them and cut them off from the Congregation of the Lord for their Sin. 2. as a Judge he ought to have punished them with the sword of Justice ( according to the Law of God ) for their Adultery . All this they deserved , so that you see that the Testimony must always be proportionable to the o●tence , otherwise we must partake of their Sin , and consequently of their Judgment . Now let the Judicious Reader consider this , and then he will see , that we have done nothing , but what is just and right and agre●●ble to Gods Will and Word , in our casting off of him ; who had manifestly cast off God , as you see by what is said above . So that when all this is considered : I think the lawfulness of the dutie is sufficiently proven from its essential Atributes , which is indispensability and absolute necessity . Now I shall in the next place speak to the third head , which is that if the Mercies and Deliverance of the Church hereafter , for the time to come , shall run in any other Channel : than what we have espoused , then shall we acknowledge our selves transgressors . 1. Now this I prove , first from the Mercies of God , in that they do not extend towards unbelievers , such as the impenitent . ( I mean Fatherly Mercies ) but only towards the Faithful , who are keeping Covenant with God , and adhearing to their Vows and Engagments : Such the Lord has promised to be with , as in 2 Chro. 15 2. The Lord is with you while ye be with him . 2. Secondly , To repair and build a civil state ( that 's defaced and ruined by reason of Tyrannie ) is a work of Gods Mercie and Love , & doth terminat only in Believers , so that they are the Instruments in and by whom the Lord will build this work , they being led by his Word & Spirit , and the promise belonging only to such , as in Zach. 4 6 Not by might nor by power , but by my Spirit saith the Lord of Hosts . Now seing they are the instruments ; Then let none carp at the manner of this Dutie , for we have done nothing but what is agreeable to Gods Word and Will. as I have clearly held out . But on the other hand let these who condemn this dutie , consider that what we have done , will not fall to the ground , or be buried . For certainly there is no Action , but must either be Sin or Dutie . I say there is no Action situat in individuo , That 's to say , considered subjectively as to its rise , progress , object and end , but must be morally good , or else morrally evil ( indifferences layes in certain degrees or circumstances ) then by consequence this Action , must be either put among the Sins of the Fathers or else among the duties of the Fa●hers ; for certainly one of the two must be . And I think it is impossible to make this Action a Lands Sin , considering the invincible grounds and reasons given above . Now having held out the lawfulness of our rejecting , and casting Tyrany off , and that the Mercies and Deliverance of the Church , cannot run in any other Channel . I shall in the next place , speak to the manner of Government , and Governours , that we contend for : Which is found in that Covenant , drawn up by Mr. Cargill , in the Year 1680 , where we do declare that we shall set up over our selves , and over what God shall give us power of Government ( and Governours according to the Word of God , and especially to that word Exod. 18 21 ) viz. That we shall no more commit the Government of our selvs to one single Person , or lineal Succession , That is Monarchy Government : But the Government we incline to is a Common Wealth ; but whether ARISTOCRATICAL or DEMOCRATICAL or a mixture of both , we will not at present determine : We seing that Monarchie is very lyable to incoveniences , and apt to degen●rat into Tyranny , as long and sad experience has taught us , this flowing from the natures , humours , and inclinations of the People , and especially the Nobility , who hitherto has driven Kings to Tyarnnie , insinuating themselves in their favours , by their makeing a Sacra●ice of the Lands rights and Liberties to them , that thereby they may partake of the spoill of the Poor subjects , of which we can give innumerable and sure inflances ▪ But that we may see that if their be any thing that stands in our way ? of changeing rhis Goverment . There are but two things that seemeth to have weight . 1 First if the deed and obligation of our Ancestors ? can bind us to Monarchie Government by lineall or hereditary Succession . 2 Secondly , if it be in the power of people to choise any form or kind of Government ? that they please . Now as to the first I say the contract and Obligation of the fathers ( simply considered as an Obligation of the fathers ) can never bind the posterity ; and that because a Contract or Covenant is called by POLITITIANS , Vinculum pe●sonarum , that 's to say , a bond of persons . Now the Children not yet existing , cannot be said to be Agents in this bond neither can it bind them ▪ seeing all men are born free : that is to say , with the free exercise of reason , to choise that which is good , and to refuse what is evil . I say all our O●ligation flows ex natura rei , that 's to say from the nature of the thing . in so far , as that Obligation tends to the glory of God , and saftie of the Kingdom , in preserving maintaing , and carrying on of Religion and vertue in the Land , in this we are bound , this being the chief and principle end of all our Actions . But on the other hand , when this end cannot be obtained : Then are we free from the Contract and Obligation of the Fathers ; this Contract being conditional , so that now it is loosed , and that ex natura rei . Secondly , If it be in the power of the People , to choise any form or kind of Government that they please ? That 's most for the good of the Land , and safety of the Kingdom . It is affirmed . First , The reason is , because we are not bound to Monarchy Government , and lineal Succession , by a Divine Precept , as the Hebrews were : for this was Typical of Christ , and promised to them from Gen. 49. 10. The Scepter shall not depart from Juda , nor a Lawgiver , from between his Feet until Shiloh come . Now from their Example , it cannot be proven that we are tyed , to that particular kind of Government . Otherwise , if by their example this had been , then should it have ●yed every individual Kingdom , to this kind of Government : But the contrair is seen , and also taught by all found jurists : For People are to choise any kind of Government , that they see most convenient for the nature of the People , and saftie of the Kingdom , in which Religion and vertue may most flourish and grow . Secondly , All sound Polititians acknowledges , that under the Yoak of Tytanny , the People may either change the Government or the Family . Now the Family is only to be changed , where Monarchy suits well with the Kingdom . But alas ! by sad experience , the contrair has been seen in Scotland ( ye● unto this day ) how that Kings , has been encouraged , and driven on to absolute power and Tyranny , by corrupt Noblemen : I mean such as Pensioners , who partake with them in the spoil of the poor Subjects : So that from this experienced Misery , it is most convenient to change the Government , according to the Judgment of all sound Polititians ▪ 2. Moreover in the next place we declare , That these Governours , that we contend for , Shall be able Men , such as fear God Men of Truth , hating covetousness , as in Exod 18 21 Ilay their Qualifications , principally are contained in these three things . 1 That they be Men of sound principles . 2. That they be such as exercise themselves in G●dliness , viz. In praying and Meditating on Gods Word , seeking counsel and direction from him ; otherwise they will never be fit for Government . 3. That they be free of scandal , that 's to say , that they be lying under no known sin , without Repentance . And that these Men whom we shall set over us , shall be engaged to govern us principally by that civil and judicial Law ( we mean not that Law which is Ceremonial and Typical ) given by God to his People Israel , and that we shall be governed by that Law , in matters of Life and Death , and in all other things al●o , so far as they reach , and are consisting with our Christian liberty , established in all Christindom , &c. Moreover as to the electing of these Governours or Judges , that are invested with the Qualifications abovementioned , who are to be put in principal places , of great and weighty business in the Land , such we say are to be chosen by lots : And to be gone about by prayer and fasting , as our manner was in the year 80 ▪ for no other way can better remove envy , ambition and contention among a People , then this way can do , Now I think from the Grounds and Reasons abovementioned , it will appear , That the Government we have chosen , is the only ●itest Government ; And likewise that the Qualifications of the governours are agreeable to Gods word , and consequently to his will ; and therefore to be embraced by all these who desires the safetie and wellbeing of the Kingdom . Therefore I shall lay down three considerations ( as motives ) flowing from the miseries of choising any other kind of Government , or Governours , than what we have espoused . First , I say to these who contends to have one King with England , let such consider the Miseries that will follow upon this choise , and let these be grounds and motives to diswade any wellwisher to the Kingdom from embracing of them . 1. As to matters of Religion , consider the corruptions of that Kingdom , by reason of the prevailing power of Prelacie , rooted in that Land ▪ and the small inclination that the Presbyterian Partie hath to a Lands Reformation , by Covenant Vows and Engagments , in order to cast out Prelacie : So that by this neglect the prelatick Partie are strong in power , which makes their Kings Jeroboam like comply with them , thinking they cannot possess the Crown and Kingdom , if they do not so . Now Scotland having cast off Prelacie , and sworn against it ; can never embrace and receive that King who complyes with Prelacie ; and invests himself therewith ; neither can a King serve two Masters at once : For this were to build and destroy simul & semel , which is a compleat contradiction . Therefore none Godly , whose Consciences are not byassed and prejudged , will ever subject themselves to such a King , altho they should suffer the utmost of Cruelty . Secondly , As to vertue and exercise of Trade , how much is this Land opposed , hindred , and imprisoned by that Nation of England ( as sad experience has taught us ) they having the Seat of the Throne and Sitting at the Helm , Advising and Counselling their Kings , not to Countenance nor assist Scotland in the exercise of Trade . But on the ot●er hand to declare Enmitie againg them , of which we have had a late instance . But I will not insist upon this head , seing both Noblemen & ●everal others , has spoken Learnedly and reasonably upon this head : And I think it is approven by the whole Land ; except only by these few , who are by assed , prejudged , and bought for Self Interest , to the Selling and betraying of their Nation . Now from the Consideration of what is abovementioned , I think we may be moved to reject that King : And if we may refuse and reject him upon the account of Prelacy : Then much more may we refuse that Popish Prince ( who pretends to a Heredetarie Succession , contrair to the Lands Engagements and Laws ) upon the Account of Popery , whose intention without doubt , is to pollu●e and d●si●e the Land with Idolatrie ; and therefore to be resisted and oppo●ed , to the outmost of our power by all the Inhabitants of the Land. 2. There is a second di●siculty that do occur to these , who would be for the continuing of Mon●rchy Government , and for choi●ing a King from among our selves . The difficulty is this , the Mould of Kingly Government is lost , by that unlawful and intolerable Priviledge and Prerogative that is given to Kings , which is a Negative Voice , which is not proper to Kings ; but to the Parliament , as Learned Buchannan , and Mr. Rutherfo●d , gives an Account in his Rex Lex , concerning the power of Parliaments , where he gives instances , that under the days of Peagantry , the Parliament had the Negative Voice : And downward under the Christian Faith , yea to the days of our Reformation : So that it is out of late crept in , bu● how unlawful this Negative Voice is , let Men of understanding Judge ; for by that they call and raise Parliaments , and not any thing can pass in Act , but what they please , likewise in matters of Life and Death , and this is done contrair to the Law ; and cons●quently to a Faithful Parliament ; For the Law and Faithful Parliamenters d●th not distinguish : That whoso opposes the one opposes the other . And this usurped prerogative is so in use in the Land , and h●s been dispensed with silence and connivance : So that now it is difficult to find the Mould of Kingly Government or to perswade M●n to imbrace it : And therefore easier to change the Government , than to set it up . I have spoken this in a Politick way by manner of civil Policie . 3. There remains now only this on mean to make use of in order to set up Government in the Land , viz. A Common Wealth , and this must be done by counsel and direction from Gods word : Otherways the Building will be in vain Psal . 127. Except the Lord Build the House , they labour in vain that Build it . Now you must either Build on the Foundation already laid , or else you must make it unlawful , and disagreeable to Gods word . But this will not be , as is aboundantly proven from the invincible grounds and Reasons given above . For surely what we have done , must either be approven , or disapproven , for as I have already told you , that there is no Action situate in individue , but must be either good or evil , that is , It must be either rancked up among the sins of the Fathers , or else among the duties of the Fathers . And I think when this is Faithfully done , it shall appear that the Mercies and Deliverance of the Church , shall not run in any other Channel than what we have espoused So that in this I think I have brought this contraversie to a point . Now let this Generation play their Game as they will : Yet surely this deserted cause will arise coast what it will ; And hath the Lord been at such pains ( if so I dare speak ) to keep his Church in the Fu●nace of Affliction near Twenty Years , from the Year 61 to the Year 79 , inorder to oring forth this duty . Then c●rtainly he will bring them to the same Wilderness , and plead with them there , as in Hosea 2 14. I will go and return to my place till they acknowledge their offence , and seek my Face : in their Affliction they will seek me early . Hath the Lords Church been under the Feet of cruel Boody Tyrants ( in Scotland ) already . I fear there is worse dayes coming , in which this Land shall be brought under the Feet of cruel Bloody Papifts . And then Backsliders shall be Robbed of their Idols of Erastian Indulgence ; and it may be Burried , Convictions will arise , though more than Twenty Five Years in the Grave , and that with Josephs Brethren some will say , as in Gen. 42. 21. We are verily Guilty concerning our Brother , &c. Now you have thought that such a duty a● this , would have brought furth much Blood and Confusion in the Land : But it will be found , that the neglect and omission shall bring furth greater : But none believeth nor seeth Judgments , but these who sees sins . Now having commented at large upon these three heads , because in them , the most material and substantial part of the Contraversie did lay : I shall in the next place , proceed to consider the premisses , that you lay out against us ( in your Phamphlet called the Seasonable Admonition ) taken from the Writings of Mr. Durham concerning Scandalous Divisions , which Premisses , I shall speak to in order as they lay . Ye say we may and ought to endeavour Union , though there be many things defective : This likewise I acknowledge , for no perfection is to be obtained Heir on Earth . 1. But first you say . Though there be differences of Judgments in many things , namely in such things as are consistent with the Foundation and Edification . It may be interrogat what Sins can consist with the Foundation ▪ I Answer . Personal sins , sins of ignorance , infirmity , deadness in wanting Zeal and Courage : But no wilful deliberat contented sin , that 's obstinatly defended nourished and maintained can be said to consist with the Foundation ; And that because the Attribut● and Properties of dutie are given unto it , which properly belongs to the Foundation . So that here , Durham understands sins of ignorance of duty , because he saith , Mens understandings are not perfect , nor of equal reach . Now ignorance or simple infirmity , can never be cause of Seperation : Seing Separation consists , either in Defect or else in Excess . Now it cannot be said , That a Man in ignorance has made Defection ; because he never knew no better , nor yet was ever furder reformed ; and therefore no ground there is to withdraw from him , nor yet from any Church that owns him as a Member . so long as his ignorance is not obstinat and wilful , and that in opposition to all warning : But this do●h not touch our controversie , it being about Truth , Revealed , and receaved by the Church of Scotland , and therefore not sins of ignorance or simple infirmity . 2. But Secondly , You say though there be dissatisfaction with many Persons , whether Officers or Members ? To which I Ans . Personal sins , can never make any separat from a true Church , who doth not aid and assist them in their sin , nor yet from the guilty Persons themselves , unless they be obstinat Desenders thereof : But indeed if they shall refuse ●o be reproved and warned of their sin , and if the Church shall Benjamin-like Espouse their quarrel , then may we withdraw from them : But we acknowledge that a Church is not to be separat from , so long as there are any Remonstrators in it ▪ yea if it were but one ; for so long ●● there is one Remonstrator in it , God and Christ hath not left that Church , and therefore Man should not leave it . 3. Thirdly he saith Union may be consistent with many particular failings and defects in the exercise of Govrnment , as spareing some corrupt members and censuring others unjustly . To which I Answer , it would be interrogat , if the Assembly understands these defects ? in sparing of some , from the rod of discipline to be simple deference flowing from the sin of infirmity and deadness , not obstinat ; but subject to faith full warning , if this be ? then their ought not to be sepration But when the exercise of Discipline is not only defered , and delayed out deneyed , and the deney all thereof becometh an essential pillar of the building : so that the free exercise of discipline is inconsistent with the being thereof , which is the case of your Church this day , and Therefore when this is , then their is cause of separation ; so the contraversie is not about defering of discipline but the denaying and laying aside of it in its free exercise as to all Persons and Ranks without exception , which is your case this day . Moreover we acknowledge that no Church can be without failings and faults , for no perfection is to obtained in the Church militant here on Earth But however the endeavour of dutie , is not to be laid aside , for we ought to seek perfection , withall Christian sincerity and prudence , Altho' we may faill and come short therein . Furder you say there was in the primitive Churches a tollerating Iezabel and the Nicolaitans to which I answer : it cannot be denayed but it was so : however , was it not in them a defect and sin ? and was it not displeasing in the sight of GOD , as in Revelation 2 , Chap 15 , 16 , and doth not the Lord highly praise and commend the faithfull exercise of discipline in the primitive Church ? as in Rev. 2 2 I know thy works and thy Labour and thy patience , and how thou canst not bear them ? which are evill and thou hast tryed them which say they are Apostles and are not , and hast found them liars what shal I say then in this ? doth the great Assembly Glory in the defects and sins of the primitive Churches ; endeavouring to like them in evill , or say you that your case , and theirs is one , if this ye say , then I do deny . 1 Their sin was not obstinat and maliciou●ly desperat in opposition to all warrning and Admonition as yours was and is , have not you Sitten twentie years warning ( some of you ) of the faithfull whose sufferings and blood ( with heads and hands ) are crying to you to deliver up that Bloody Church renting , Land Destroying , Soul Murdering , Sin of Indulgency and Errastianism , unto the Sword of Ecclesiastical Discipline , and yet ye will not do it , but renders us evil for good , in crying out against us , charging us with Separation : because we will not consent to your Sin ; and can we exercise any greater Act of Love towards you ? Than to testifie against your Sin , by our withdrawing from your destroying courses . Oh! how miserable would this ●●nd be ? If we were all jointly going on in Sin , and resting satisfied with our Deadness and Toleration : Can ye say then that the sins of the Primitive Churches were in opposition to all warning , I mean after that the holy Apostles did Write unto them ; and if this you cannot do ; then ye ought not to defend the state of your Church , from their Example . But 2. Can it be said that the exercise of Discipline , in the Primitive Churches was inconsistent with their being and Foundation , certainly it was not , for they could extend the Exercise of Discipline towards all that were Baptized and receaved into the Church , without respect of Persons , as all Faithful Churches may and ought to do : But the Exercise of Discipline is inconsistent with your being and Foundation ; by reason that you dare not Censure and reprove the Sins of all Ranks of such as are Baptized , which Sins and Persons , I shali have occasion afterwards to speak more particularly , when I come to the Sins and Accusations led against you . 4. Fourthly , Ye insist furder and says , That such Defects as do not make Communion in a Church , and in its ordinances sinful , will not warrand a Separation . Ans , These def●●●s that doth not warrand a Separation are Personal Defects ; Or the defects formerly mentioned , But the Defects we charge you with are Totall and Universal , we charge you whollie as one Man to be Guiltie And that both as to your Foundation , and Application , and also with obstinate Perseverance therein . Now this 6 Rule ye speak of in pag. 323 , viz. When Men may unit● without Personal Guillt or accession to the guilt of others there may and ought to be Union . This I say , doth coincidat with the following Objection annent the incestous Person : Therefore I shall leave it while afterward . Moreover in Pag. 324. Ye say if a Man be put to condemne anything he thinks Laufwll in his own practise , or the practise of others . or 2. if he be put to approve the deed or parctise of others , which he counted sinfull , or affirme that to be truth , which he counteth error , these ye say may hinder union , this is likeways personal sins . Now consider the nature of the sin wha● the man is to condemn ye say that which he thinks lawfull in himself or , others , or to approve that which he thinks unlawful in others . I say no privat man can Separat from any particular Person upon alleadged offence without revaling the case to the Representatives of the Church and if the offence be clearly decided already to be sin by the Church : Then the Church is to Act Faithfully in it ; and the Accuser ha●h exonered himself ; But if it be some particular light in the Accuser , or Speculation of New Reformation , then he is to Communicat it to the Church , that it may be jointly gone on in , and not by Separation from the Person Accuesed . Secondly , Ye instance Mr. Rutherford who speaks of them who have the pure word of God Preached , and the Sacraments duly Administred , what if many of them led a Life contrair to what they profess ? and yet the Governours use not the Rod of Discipline to censure them ; Then whether should the Members separat from that Church , yea or no ? Answer , A contrair practise can never be said to subsist in Exercise ( if strickly taken ) without a contrair Profession , when Tryed and Examined : For the will must be active either in choising or refusing , or approving , or defending ; or else dissapproving . Now when Sin is defended , then a Man doth join his Profession to it by the defence of his Practise , declaring that his Sin , and he is Friends , So that his former Profession is nothing else , but a shadow , because i● wants the practise , from which the Man is to be defined : For Man is no more than he practises , neither will get any other Testimony a● the last Day as in Matth. 25 , 21. But however it is acknowledged here , ●hat it is a duty to Censure such ; and the omission is a Sin. The Question then is , What shall the dissatisfied do , whether separat or no ? Answer When duty is neglected , in such a case , they are to use all Christian means and prudence in the first place , to awaken them out of that neglect and deadness : And that by admonition again and again , by holding out the Burden , that is on their Conscience by reason of that neglect . All this must be done , before they separat : For Seperation can not be , but where Sin is obstinatly defended , nourished and maintained ; and that not only by a part , but by the whole . For certainly the Governours must either approve or disapprove this neglect ; if they approve the neglect and abuse of Discipline , received and owned of them formerly : Then they fall in defection from their first Love , which is a sin that the Lord hath threatned to punish , with no less than his leaving and departing , as in Rev. 2. 5. And when the Lord leaves the house , why should Man abide in it ? Furder it is urged , That the incestuous Mans Sin not Censured infected the Church , the infected Church infecteth the Worship . Ans . This Objection is most subtile , being hung up in the Abstract a part from Exercise ; but hower let us first consider the ●ncestuous Person by describing and desining him as he is in his Sin. I say the incestuous Person obstinatly defending and impenitently Persevering in his sin , belongs materially ( though not formally cast out ) to that Body and Corporation , of which Satan is the head , the Church not consenting , nor approving ; but hating and abhoring the sin , belongs to that Body of which Christ Jesus is the head . Now let them be cast into a Categorical Mould ▪ What form shall come forth ? Only two pure Negatives or two Particulars , between which there is no Connexion , that 's to say , The incestuous Person is not of the Church ; and again the Church hath no affinity with the incestuous Person , and if no connexion ? Then consequently , no conclusion can be drawen , the sin being Personal , and therefore no just cause of Separation from the whole . Now we are confident , That what is said anent these premisses , drawn from these two Learned Pious Men , viz. Mr. Rutherford and Mr. Durham , concerning the practise of riged Separatists ; it may appear to any that are not byassed and prejudged , that we do not come within the compass of Riged Separatists , seing we do acknowledge , That Separation is not to be stated , but where sin is obstinatly maintained , nourished and defended , and that not only by a part ; but by the whole ; and that in opposition to all warning as yours is . So that from this you shall never defend your selves by the Example of the Churches of Corinth , Galatia , Philadephia , Ephesus , Thytira , Sardis and Laodecia ▪ unless ye can prove , that they did resist all warning by defending their fin ; and so were still to be the Spouse of Christ . Oh! doth not the Lord threaten to remove his Candlestick from among them ; except they repent , as in Rev. 2 5. Think ●e that the Lord will dwell where sin is obstinatly defended , Is he not of purer Eyes than to behold Iniquity , as in Hab. 1. 13. 2 Cor. 6. 15 , 16. What concord hath Christ with Belial ? or what part hath he that Believeth with an Infidel ? or what Agreement hath the Temple of GOD with Idols ? Now I shall in the next place proceed to the complaints and sins led against you . Where first it is said we complain of Ministers Conversations , that some are light and frothy . Answer . This complaint is unpertinent to the present contraversie ; our contraversie not being about Personal sins , but about your foundation and being . I say personal Accusation , belongs to a Church right in its constitution , and pertaineth to the well being of it ; So that we are not to think that any Church ever was , or ever will be ( though never so pure ) without Personal guilt , so long as the Church Millitant is upon Earth . Therefore I do reject this complaint , as being unfit for the present contraversie . Secondly , Ye say there is many complaints of the Exercise of Discipline and Government , such as it is much neglected , or but partially Exercised : Insufficient Ministers admitted , and Scandalous Elders . Ans● , This complaint is rash and evil concocted , being a Remonstrance belonging to a true Church , right in its Foundation and Constitution , and nowayes belonging to an Erastian Church . As for the neglect and partiality of Discipline . I shall speak to it , when I come to illustrat the present state of this Erastian Church , by shewing , that neglect and partiality are the essential Pillars and Props , on which this Church stands ; and that the Faithful Exercise of Discipline , is inconsistent with the being thereof . As to the admitting of insufficient Ministers and Scandalous Elders . I Answer , This is a Circulating in affirming , that Scandal admitteth of Scandal . Now yield , that Ministers and Elders were sufficient , and free of all Scandal , dot not their joining with the present Church ? make them scandalous , and doth not our practise in withdrawing from them ? declare it so to be , by our not hearing nor owning them as lawful Ministers . But I hope this rash confounding , of Remonstration , will be acknowledged to be wrong after consideration , and so will be amended by my Brethren . As for receiving of Currats , and not Excommunicating the Prelats . Answer , This same Remonstrance is Genuine with the former ; for who can lawfully Excommunicat ; But the Faithful , I mean these that has not changed their head Christ Jesus : For i● this Church might Excommunicat the Prelats ; and the Excommunicating of them were a valid duty in the sight of God , and coun●inanced of him ; then should all of us be present at the hearing of this duty . But take head Brethren what our Lord says , Luke 6. 42. First cast the Beam out of thine own Eye ; and then shalt thou see clearly , to pull out the Mote that is in thy Brothers Eye . So I say , let the Ministers of this Erastian Church , first cast out the Sin of the Erastian Indulgence and Toleration ( under their late Kings ) by humble acknowledgment of the guilt thereof , in its high Aggra●ating Circumstances : And then they shall be in case for Excommunicating the Prelats , and when this shall be , then let us give our presence to the Action with Heart and Hand . Thirdly ▪ You say the instances we chiefly insist upon , are the accepting of the Indulgence and Toleration , that these are either justified , or not confessed and condemned . Your Answer . is ( 1 ) You say that it is undenyable , that there were different Sentiments and Practises annent these things , amongst them that were Reputed , Learned and Pious , and had suffered for their cleaving to the Government of this Church . Answer . I wonder that the great Assembly , who professeth to have so much Gospel purity and simplicity ; should so jugle and shuffle over such a great contraversie with such ambiguity and boutgates as to speak of different Sentiments without specefieing the Sentances . What doth the Assembly mean by their Sentiments ? if they do understand inconveniences and incommodities , about certain degrees and circumstances : Then may I say , no Action ever was , since there were Plurality of Persons in the World ; but had different Sentiments : Some sees more inconveniences , some less ; And how oft doth it run that length ? Quot capita tot Sententiae , that 's to say . How many Heads , so many Sentances ; So that every one almost hath their peculiar and proper Speculations . Now on the other hand if ye understand these different Sentiments to be about the sinfulness of the Indulgence and Toleration : Then why have ye not been plain and particular on the matter ; by holding out the Hainous Aggravating nature thereof , in order to the satisfying of our Consciences . Certainly the Spirit of God ( who knows all things , and the Burden that is on us by reason of that sin ) never led you to such ambiguity as to speak of different Sentiments . You say that is not the controversie of our day , there is no matter nor occasion of debate annent them now , nor any practise annent them now , that may be an offence to any Ministers are no where now setled by Indulgence or Toleration . Answer , This I deny , for still the contraversie remains ay & while the Sin be confessed and forsaken . True it is the Indulgence is over ; but what change is come in its roum , not a change from sin to duty , but from one sin to another , from one Erastian Toleration to another ( as I shall make it appear afterward ) still ye are going on in the same sin , which is an argument sufficient in place of all other arguments , to prove the Indulgency and Toleration to be a sin ; because ye are deserted of God by reason of the guilt thereof , as in Isa . 59. 2. So that ye are never in favour with God , nor honoured of him to own duty , but still goes on in the same sin : For what can obstinat Sinners do ? but sin , seing the Lord is not present with them , to lead them by his Spirit . Furder I would interrogat the great Assemby , how they parted with the Indulgency and Toleration ? that 's to say , Whether they parted with it as Enemies to it ; or as Friend● , you have parted as Enemies to it : Then surely you have particulared both the Enemy and the Enmity , by holding out the high Aggravating nature and circumstances thereof , as a Man uses to do , with his Enemy , he will ever say the most and worst , he can so should ye be particular about your sin , according to the Example of true Penitents in Scripture , as in Psal . 51. 14. Deliver me from Blood guiltiness , and in Ezera . 9. 2. The strange Marriages are confessed , but no confession of the Indulgency and Toleration ; neither in your National Fast and Humiliation , in the Year 1690 , you have not so much as once named the sin . True it is ye speak in Scripture Language , but they are general Scriptures , and general Confessions , & binds your selves to them , and so burieth the Sins in contraversie : yea and in this present Testimony , you cover & hids this Sin with Boutgats and ambiguity , by speaking of your different Sentiments : So that when all this is considered , then it may appear that the Assembly hath not parted with the Indulgency and Toleration , as Enemies to it , but as Friends : And therefore by consequence the contraversie betwixt us remains . Thirdly , You say when pious and peaceable Divines treat of the peace and Unity of the Church , they advise to forbear the reviving the debates of former times among the Godly , or engaging to declare Men Sentiments annent them ; as being con●rair to the peace and Edification of the Church , when present duty is not concerned : Or when it is not about a Fundamental truth or Necessar duty : And the forbearance doth not mar any duty , that the Church in general is concerned in , or in danger the Salvation of Souls , throw the want of clearness therein . Ans . When debates are not about a Fundamental Truth and Necessar duty ? Then it is not to be revieved : But our contraversie is about a Fundamental Truth and necessar duty , being about the Kingly Authority of Christ Jesus , that he is the only King and Head of his Church ; & so by consequence the Bloody Persecuting Magistrat hath no power to prescribe and give a limited Indulgency or Toleration . For 1. I say consider the Church in her ●ssential parts , consisting in Authority and Obedience . I mean the Head and Members , which is one body . How then can this Body admit of two distinct Authorities , or how can Obedience consist with it ? I say can the Church which is Christs Body , serve two Heads ? would not this make the Church a Monster ? to admit of two distinct Authorities , and doth not this overturn the nature and Vows of Baptism ? we being receaved into the Church as Members , and subjects to become obedient to the Doctrine , Discipline , and Kingly Government of Christ Jesus , How then can any of the subjects become a Head contrair to Baptism ? or how can any within the Church ? give obedience to that Head , or can their obedience ( though under great pretences of Liberty ) be called any thing , but sin and bondage , because that so long as this Authority is retained and keeped ; still there is limits set to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church ; by reason that although the Discipline were Exercised towards all ; yet it can-cannot reach this Head : And therefore at best the liberty is but a Bondage , and then by consequence this liberty , ( as they call it ) is inconsistent with the free , and Faithful Exercise of Presbyterian Government , and doth overturn the Foundation thereof , which is the case of the great Assembly in the matter of the Indulgence , and the late and present Toleration . Obj But some will object and say , Why may not a liberty be taken from a Persecuting Enemy ; as for example , If the King of France would proclaim a Liberty to all the Banished Protestants , were it not duty to them to imbrace the offer ? Ans , This I deny , and the reason is , That this he must do either as an Enemy or absolute Master over the Church , or else as a Friend and Subject to the Crown and Kingdom of Christ . Now as an Enemy retaining and adhearing to his Popish Idolatrie , without repenting of his cruel Bloody Tyrranny formerly committed , in this he cannot give a liberty to the Gospel ; Because it involveth a contradiction , by reason that he cannot serue two opposites , viz. The Gospel of Christ Jesus , and his Popish Idolatry : For this were to build and destroy simul & semel , that 's to say once and together , which is a compleat contradiction according to our Saviours Words Matth. 6. 24. No Man can serve two Masters : for either he will hate the one and love the other : or else he will hold to the one and despise the other . That 's to say , He cannot with full D●ligence ▪ single love , and fidelitie , serve them both ( they being opposites ) for Love and Fidelity terminates only in one single object ; So that from this you see , that as an Enemy he can never give libertie to the Gospel . Secondly , As a Friend and Subject to the Crown and Kingdom of Christ , he cannot retain an Authoritie over the Church , that is Supra Sacra , by prescribing Bounds and Limites to the Doctrine , Discip●ine , and Kingly Government of Christ Jesus . But on the other hand as a Subject , he is to exercise his power Circa Sacra , that is that the power of Doctrine and Discipline be Faithfully exercised ( in the Land ) by these to whom the power is committed , and that according to Gods Word without partiality , and respect of Persons . And when this or shall be , then he declares himself to be guilty of Death , by reason of his former sins , in sheding the Blood of Innocent Persons , by reason that the Law of God requires that such shall die , as in Num. 35 , 31. Ye shall take no satisfaction for the Life of a Murderer , which is Guilty of Death : But he shall he surely put to Death . And Verse 33. The Land cannot be cleansed of the Blood that is shed therein , but by the Blood of him that shed it . Now if the King of France Act as a Friend and Subject , then he will acknowledge his Subjection to the Kingdom of Christ ▪ And then by consequence will deny any Authoritative Superioritie over the Gospel . Moreover in the next place , Protestants can never imbrace that Liberty ( as they call it ) and the reason is . 1. it sets limits to the extent of the ●ospel in its Doctrine , which is to go throw all Nations ( and consequ●ntly all places of the Kingdom ) and teach them to observe all things whatsoever , I have commanded you , Matth. 28. 20. Now if they shall declare this Command Faithfully , viz. That Popish Idolatry is to be rooted out of the Land , and not to be permitted , and Tyrrannie to be cast out , and that the Throne and State are to be Reformed , and that Men of Truth Fearing God and hating covetousness , are to be invested with the present power , that Justice may be Execute on the Guilty without respect of Persons . Now I think this will overturn their Liberty , and make it null : And no otherwayes can they Faithfully do , if they observe all that is given them in Commission as Faith●ul Ambassadors ( in the Name of God and Christ ) who are to declare the whole Will of God unto the People . So that from this you see , that a sinful Indulgence is inconsistent with a Gospel Liberty : And therefore nowayes to be imbraced , by any that professes Jesus Christ to be King and Head of his Church , and that by reason that it cuts off the Doctrine , Discipline and Kingly Government of Christ Jesus , by their Su●jecting to ●hat Government , which distinguishes from the Government of Christ , so that in this they are the Servants of Men. Obj. But some will object and say , If a Heathen King would proclaim a Liberty to the Gospel , were it not a duty to imbrace it . Ans . A ●●athen hath no Law : And therefore we are not to proceed in Law against him , either for his past or present Practise ; For the Scripture says where is no Lw there is no Transgression , Rom , 4. 15. That 's to say ●hey cannot be accused of Defection from that Law which they never receaved , and consequently cannot be punished ( whatever judgements the Lord may inflect upon them for their ignorance and miserie ) Now Papests or Malignants professes the name of Christ and pretends to be under Law : therefore we are to see to the right maner and exercise of that Law ; that it be according to the will and word of the Lawgiver . Moreover as to a heathens proclaming of liberty , in this we are not to give eare . For belivers hes this in commission allready to go throw all Nations : also it is Christs right and prerogative Psal . 2 8 , I shall give thee the heathen for thin inherietance Now all that Belivers are to do in this , is that the occasion and encouragement is the stronger ▪ but but not their commission . Moreover in the next place you say there are three Doctrinal Mistaks that occasion our divisions ( 1 ) because we think a thing to be duty therefore it is to be done at all Seasons , and we consider not that a thing may be good on the matter , which is not to be done at all times . I Ans . we acknowledge prudence is to be exercised in going about Duty ; but however it hath a time , which time we fear you would deny if put to it , or if ye should go about this duty I fear according to your former practise it would be unseasonable , as for exemple in the matter of your late King , ye did never cry out against his sin so long as he was in power commiting them but when his back was at the wall , and the Lords judgements powering down upon him ; then ye did give witness , which witness was unseasonable , by reason of your unfaithfulness . The other is ●hat we cannot maintaine union with any that differs from us , and cometh not up to our minde in all things . Ans . we denay to have any proper or peculiar judgement or mind but what hath been received , owned and avowed by our Ancestors in the Confession of faith , and Covenants and if there be any new step of Reformation started by you or us , for the time here after , we desire it may be prudently and tenderly carried on and not by Division . The third is , that where we apprehend persons guilty of sins we cannot have communion with them unless they explicitly and publickly confesse the same . Answer : we denaie likewaies to have anie peculiar apprehension of guilt ▪ but onlie what the Scripture condemns , and the Acts and Constitutions of our Church : And is not agreeable to Scripture that Sins publickly committed , are to be publickly confessed , as in 2 Cor. 2 , 6. 1 , Tim. 5 , 20. Them that Sin rebuke before all , that others also may fear . I hope the Learned Assembly will acknowledge that Sin must be confessed and forsaken or else the Lord cannot in justice forgive , and that because the promise belongs only to such , as in Prov. 28. 13 , He that hideth his sin shall not prosper : But whos● confesses and forsakes them shall find Mercy . Indeed if any Transgressor shall find Mercy of God , and be honoured of him in the way of duty : Then ought we not to stick precisly on the maner of his confession ; for assuredly the Lord has blotted out his sin , and therefore let not man again set it on the score . Furder we charge you with three mistakes , which are the Rocks on which our Church hitherto has spli●ed . The first is , That you acknowledge a thing to be duty in it self , such as Fidelity in Doctrine and Discipline : But the Exercise of it most not come within Doors ; but must be Shouldered to the Door with carnal prudence , and indulged exigences , because as in Page 19. You say the Church will have more prejudice by the exercise thereof ; than benefire . Now whether obedience to please God , or obedience to please Men , bringeth most loss or benefite to the Church , let any tender Conscience judge . The second is , more Tenderness towards Transgressors , than toward● the Truths of God : So that Truth shall be dashed in pieces , rather than the Bulk of Professors should be broken . Alas ! this sin has been Epidemick in this Land to the ●uine of the Church . The third is , confident trusting and Relaying on Mercies and Deliverance , without Repentance and confession of sin ; Forge●ing that threatning , Ezek. 17 15. Shall he prosper , shall he escape that doth such things , or shall he break the Covenant and be delivered . Moreover you say , you ●ind among our G●ievances , yet two more heavy Accusations . The first is that there is corruption in the Constitution as it is now established , being under the bondage of an Erastian Yoak submited to . I Answer ▪ For investigating of a more ●nited harmonie and Concatination of the controversie . I shall Translate the handling of this Grievance to the posterior place : and therefore shall first speak to the Oath of Allegiance . Where I shall speak to the Oath of Allegiance in the abstract from the present contraversie . I say the Oath of Allegiance when Lawfull , is cordially to be taken by the subjects ; and is a piece of a Religious work , and becomes Ministers well to take Qua Subjects , and tends nowayes to their Qualifications Qua Ministers ; but only as Subjects : Therefore we do nowayes carp at an Oath of Allegiance when Lawfull . Now the Question is , Whether the Oath of Allegiance to the present King be lawful , yea or no. The Assembly affirmeth but we deny . And that 1. Because the Person on the Throne , did at his first Entry to Britain Invest and Cloath himself with Prelacy , and that contrair to his former practise and Education . And this was done by the English Prelats who were the principal moving Instruments in this Revolution , in bringing him to the Throne ? So that as they did countinance him to his upseting ; so likewise he did countinance them to their defending and maintaining . as is to be seen in his present and past practise , how he hath owned that Antichristian party , by erecting some to Bishopricks , which is a thing very clear , that his setting up of such , and also his hearing and Communicating with them in Worship , declares that he hath invested himself with Prelacy ; and so has devested himself of the Qualifications of a lawful King according to our National Covenant , Solemn League and Covenant , and Coronation Oath , where Kings are engaged to swear , to maintain Presbyterian Government , and to the utmost of their power to oppose Antichristian Prelacy and all fals Religion . Now seing that he hath invested himself with Prelacy ; then how can any Faithful subject acknowledge him as their King ; or swear allegiance to him : without being guiltie of the sin of Prelacie by their consenting to set it upon the Throne . Is not thi● Breach of Covenant and perjure in the Subjects to elect a Person to the Throne , who has not the elective properties , such as the Qualifications contained in our Fundamental Laws . For at best his Qualifications are but exercised indifferently , either toward● Prelacy in England , or this supposed Presbytrie in Scotland , and therefore doth not leave to the one , more than to the other , but invests himself with both , according to the inclinations of the People : Which practise is contradictory , for how can one serve two Masters ? And therefore no Godlie Faithful Subject can in Conscience elect and choise that which is contradictorie ; seing the Elective properties are wanting ; and so by consequence no Oath of Allegiance can be given without Sin and Perjurie . The second reason is , Because he did not take the Covenant at his Entrie to the Throne . Now according to the practise of our Ancestors who in the Crowning of their K●ngs ; did first cause them swear to the National Covenant , the Solemn League and Covenant . I instance the maner of the Coronation at Seoon in the Year 51. Where Charles the second did take the Covenants ; And likewise did swear and engage to endeavour the Reformation of Religion ●n the other two Kingdoms ; that when it should please the Lord to restore him to his Government there ▪ that he was bound to endeavour the establishment of the Work of Reformation there , as well as to maintain it here . But nothing of this hath ever yet been : I say the entrie to the Crown hath not come throw the Channal of a Covenant of Reformation : And therefore how can any Subject swear to be loyal to him who has not sworn to be loyal and Faithful to the Crown and Interest of Jesus Christ . Certainly our obedience and loyalty to Kings must be in the Lord ; and not in ma●ters sinful and unlawful , either as to the Burieing , or yet as to the bearing down the Covenanted work of Reformation , which our Ancestors did make a principal mark of a lawful King Anointed and Qualified of God ; for ruling in righteousness . Certainlie where this is either wanting , or yet denyed in a King : Then the Oath of Allegiance in the Subjects is Sinful and Unlawful according to our Fundamental Laws . A third reason is , Because the Persons who did elect him ▪ did not take the Covenant , and therefore were not the lawful Representatives of this Covenanted Land : And seing we may refuse a King upon his not taking the Covenant , then by consequence we may refuse these Representatives . As for example , this the present Generation holds good in Thesi . as to the maner ; For they acknowledge that the present Ministers hath no right to their Stipends ; unless the Persons who elect them be qualified , with the Oath of allegiance . Now if I may argue from their concession as to the maner : then much more may I argue from the matter and ground above mentioned , that king and people ; ought in such a great work to qualifie themselves by entring ●n Covenant with God , according to ●he Example of the Lords People in former times , as in 2 Kings 11. 17. And Jehojada made a Covenant between the Lord and the King : and the People , that they should be the Lords People . So that from this you see , That a Covenanted Land , ought to renew their Covenant with God , in such a work as this . I say both King and People , if they expect the Lords presence , and bles●ing : But if otherwayes they do not this ; then may they expect that chalenge in Hose● 8. 4. They have set up Kings , but not by me , they have mude Princes and I knew it not . That is not by my direction and approbation : As if the Lord had said , Ye never sought my council in this , neither did come before me with confession of sin , and Humiliation for your defection : In order to leave your sin , and cleave to a Covenanted work of R●formation : And therefore saith the Lord I know it not , that 's to say , I have no affection to it so as to approve it ; and when the Lord disproves , why should Man approve ? for certainly where there is no just right or title to a Crown , then it may be expected , that , That Government and these Governours , are full of Misery and of short continuance , according to that triplicat threatning Ezek 21 27 , I will overturn , overturn , overturn it , and it shall be no more until he come whose right it is , and I will give it him . So I say we cannot acknowledge these Rulers to be lawful , or yet lawfully chosen , so long as the Covenant is laid aside : And therefore from the consideration of this , the Oath of Allegiance must be unlawful , and that both according to Scripture and our Fundamental Laws . The Fourth reason is , because he cannot take the Coronation Oath , as he is now stated , being invested with Prelacy ; according to our Fundamental Laws , Kings are to Swear to maintain the true Religion of Christ Jesus ; the which Religion is Presbyterian Government , in it's power and purity : And also shall gainstand and abolish all false Religion contrair to the same ; under which false Religion , Antichristian Prelacy is comprehended , which I think the great Assembly will not deny : True it is in the Year ●6 . the Coronation Oath was proposed to the Person on the Throne ( being sent by the hand of a privat Person ) to take , but whether or no taken it may be doubted , seing he walks contrair thereto , by denying all practical obedience . But however the sin is greater in breach thereof ; both by the Taker and Proposers of this Oath , than it had never been , and that I prove from Scripture , Eccles . 5. 5. Better is it that thou shouldest not Vow , than that thou shouldest Vow and not Pay. Now in the breach of this Oath , there is a silent contended resting thereon by both Parties , without Exhortation or Admonition from the one ; or endeavour after obedience in the other . Is not an lawful Oath seriously to be performed , seing that the the taker finds it to be a duty : And therefore to be gone about , as in Eccles . 9. 10. Whatsoever thine hand findeth to do , do it with thy might Now if he shall with full power and might maintain Presbyterian Government , then Prelacy shall get no aid nor assistance . And I hope the Assembly will acknowledge , that Prelacie is no where to be Entertained ; and that the maintainers thereof , are Enemies to the Crown and Kingdom of Christ ; So that it is not enough to countinance Presbytrie now in its shadow ; or yet I say in its substance in Scotland , unless that it be countinanced both in England and Ireland , according to the Tenor of the Coronation Oath , which is to abolish and gainstand all false Religion ; and therefore Popery is no where to be Tolerated . But in this Revolution , there is a Toleration of false Religion ; and therefore the present Person on the Throne , can neither be owned as a lawful King ; nor yet be looked upon as a faithful Instrument of Reformation : Seing he sends out contrair streams from the same Fountain to thir Kingdoms . Now according to the Judgment of the Assembly , if it shall be yealded ? that this is a deliverance and libertie , yet it is contradictorie to Scripture as in James 3. 11 : Doth a Fountain at the same place send forth sweet Water and bitter . This the Apostle denys , so I say can streams of Liberty and Blessedness proceed from your King to Scotland and bondage and Thraldom to England and Ireland . Certainly no , our Liberty can never be purchassed with our Brethrens and Neighbours Thraldom . And now let this liberty be never so large in this Land , yet if it be not universall throughout the whole Kingdoms , in its sincere endeavour , to the maintaing of Presbytrie , & to the abolishing of all false Religion contrair to the same , then it cannot be said , that the Coronation Oath is in the least observed to one more than to another , for all comes under his Toleration ; And so by consequence this Oath is made null ; and therefore no Subject neither Minister nor People can Swear Allegiance to him , without involving themselves in Perjurie and Breach of the Fundamental Laws . But some will object and say , That the Covenants and Coronation Oath , doth not engage us to reform without the Kingdom . Answer ▪ Yeild it be so , yet it binds us to reform our selves and King. 1. Our selves , in that we are not to suffer any Prelatick Person , or favourer thereof o● Conniver at any false Religion , to be set upon the Throne , without being guilty either of direct or indirect complyance therewith . I say direct complyance , when there is a consenting and an aiding him in his upsetting , without evident signs , and qualifications for the Authority . 2. Indirectly , when there is a neglect of a Faithful Testimony against the sin , which sin will ( if not prevented ) destroy the Soul , because it is Rebellion and Enmity against Jesus Christ to entertain Antichristian Prelacy and Popery . For what can one be said to be , who owns Presbytrie ( if so it may be said ) in the one Kingdom , and Antichristianism in the other , but half Loyal to the Crown and Kingdom of Christ , and a Person half Loyal is but at best an Enemy ; and so consequently becomes lyable to the Wrath and Justice of God , And therefore it is the duty of a Faithful Assembly to forwarn the forementioned guilty person of his sin , in order to make out of the way of Wrath ▪ Otherwise they will be guilty , as in Ezek. 33. 9. When I say unto the Wicked Man thou shall surely die , if thou doest not speak to warn the Wicked from his way , that Wicked Man shall die in his iniquity ; but his Blood will I require at thine Hand , So I say unless that there be Faithful warning given , and that in Doctrine , both as to Admonition and Exhortation , and likewise to the highest degree of censure and Discipline in case of obstinacie : Otherwayes we cannot be free of this guilt ? nor yet be innocent from Perjurie , seing that the King ( according to the Faith and Practise of the present professing Generation ) is a lawful King and nourishing Father to the Church , and so by consequence is a Member of the Church , and therefore Subject to the Laws thereof , which I think the Assembly will not deny , considering that his Mercies comes under their inspection as is to be seen , by their praying for prosperity and a Blessing to his undertakings : And why should not his sin , and miserie , llikewayes be marked and testified against , or else we shall never reform our selves . But some will object and say , that the King has owned and countinanced Presbytrie in Scotland and declared Enmity against Prelacy . Answer . This he hath done by way of an Erastian Toleration ; and that from Self Interest ; as is to be seen : Because they Tolerat his sin , and beco●es obedi●nt to his corrupt unlawful Commands , by keeping of sinful Fast dayes , and Thansgiving days and the like . And that both contrair to Scripture and the principals of Presbytrie , which the Prelatick party out of wilfulness will not do ; So that from this his Faithfulness doth not appear , unless that his Zeal were universal against all the Prelatick party . I say in other places as well as here . For certainly it is to be followed with Zeal and hatred in the other Kingdoms , as well as here , it being evil in it self and according to that true Axiom quod Malum est per se non mutatur a Circumstantjis , that 's to say , That which is evil in it se●f cannot be changed from circumstances of place , So I say unless that this Zeal be universal , it can noways be sound and reall . But it may be furder objected that there was good reforming Kings in Judah who did not take away the high places : And why may n●t our King be owned , as a Lawful Reforming King , although Prelacy be not altogether abolished . Answer . The difference is very great , As ( 1 ) The Reforming Kings of Judah were never Anointted or brought to the Throne by the Priests of the High places : But your king was brought to the Throne of Britan , principaly by the English Prelats , the Lords spritwall as they were called ( 2 ) the priests of the high places , were never in court , or near to the Th●one with the Reforming king of Judah : But the English Prelats are ( 3 ) the kings of Judah never bult the high places , in the time of their Reformation but your king hes set up Prelats in England since his coming to the Throne . I instance Mr Gilbert Burnet , ( 4 ) we never read that the kings of Judab Sacrificed in the high places in the time of their Reformation But your king heares and communicats with the prelatick party in worship ( 5 ) the Reforming kings of Judah did never swear to defend the high places , in the time of their Reformation ; by opposing and hindering these that would have destroyed them : But your King has Defended the high places , for the past and present time , from these that would have destroyed them . So that from this you see , that your Kings practise doth nowayes quadrat with the practise of the Reforming Kings of Judah ▪ And that because in them it was a sin of deadness and infirmity : But in him a willful deliberat contented sin , as is to be seen by the laying aside the endeavour of the duty ; and much more the Perfection thereof in its sincerity . Furder you say , do we not think him our lawful King and is he not a blessed Instrument in Gods Hand , to work so great Deliverance for you and us . Answer , This we have clearly denyed from the forementioned grounds and objections , and we think any single eye , that is not by assed and prejudged will assent to what we have said . And if any be of that judgment ( which I am not ) viz , That it might please the Lord for a time to continue Kingly Government in this Land , and to raise up a King to rule in Righteousness ; for the good of his Church and People . I say , then it might be expected , that he should be set upon the Throne with cleaner hands , than Blood shedors , Test-takers , and Eras●●an Indulged Proffessors , who hath never yet acknowledged their sin : Nor yet prepared themselves for Mercy . And whatever you may think of this Revolution , in calling it a Deliverance : Yet far be it from us to think so , as to let such Dreams or Delusions enter into our Heads or Hearts , seing there is no promise from the word to believe so . Now from what is said above , I think it shall appear that the Oath of Allegiance , cannot not be given to the present Person on the Throne , nor yet to any Successor who shall walk in his steps : For what is applicable to the one , shall still be applicable to any other of the same practise . Now I shall in the next place proceed to the Grievance given against you ; which is ●hat there is corruption in the Constitution , as it is now established , being under the bondage of an Erastian Yoak submitted to . Which charge you deny as false : And then interrogates , if we know what Erastianism is . It is likely you say , few of us do ▪ Ans Some of us knows as much of Erastianism , as can be said by some of the most famous Learned Divines in Europe . And I think our Faithful Ancestors hath not le●t this contraversie in the dark , as is to be seen by Learned Mr. Gilhespie in his Aarons Rod , where he penteth out Erastianism so full , as that the capacities of the Vulgar may understand . Furder you say , do we no● consider , how sinful and highly uncharitable it is to Accuse , Judge and Censure the Godly Ministers of this Church . who formerly wrestled against Erastianism , as so contradictorie to themselves and Treacherous to their Master , as to betray his Interest and the Church Priviledges to an Erastian Yoak . Ans . This is no argument to prove , that they are now Faithful , because that they once were so . Are not the best of Men subject to sin and fallings ? And can do nothing of our selves , without the Lords Assistance , and the help of his holy Spirit ? And hath not some of the Godlie Kings of Judah , Built again that which formerly they Destroyed , as Solomon , Asa , Joash , and hath not many Professors in our days walked contrair to their Profession ? They who once were Remonstrators formerly against Erastianism , were seen publiklie to appear in the Street of Edinburgh in the Parliament Closs to the derision o● many hundreds , puting up an Address and Supplication to a Po●ish King , for an Erastian Toleration , and Lioertie ( as they called it ) Now this was the sin of a great many , which sin hath been Benjamin like Espoussed by the whole Assembly . First in their complying with the Benefite ( as they called it ) and then being passed over with silence & connivance , which should have been confessed ; Yea and in a well constitute Church should have been Censured and Punished , with the Sword of Ecclesiastical Discipline . But with you there is no Testimonie given against the sin , proportionable to the offence ; for at best your Testimonie hath been , but like to that of Eli to his Sons 1 Sam. 2 , 24 , 25. Which Testimonie will never be approven of God for Faithfulness , as in Chap. 3. 13. Because his Sons made themselves vile , and he restrained them not , So that now you see , we charge you with Erastianism upon sufficient grounds ; although the Indulgence and present Toleration had never committed ? but when all is considered ; then how great is the ground of Accusation against your Erastian practise . But furder you say , what are the instances brought to prove so grievous an Accusation . Ans . For proof of your Erastian Constitution . I shall first lay out to your your consideration the being of your Church , as it is founded on the Oath of Allegiance to an unlawful King , who walketh contrair to our Covenants , Coronation Oath , and Fundamental Laws ▪ And therefore doth distinguish from a Lawful King and Faithful Subject , to the Crown and Kingdom of Christ , who should be a nourishing Father to the Church , and Terror to Evil doers ; But according to the forementioned Ground and Objections ; there is a contrair walking ; So that obedience and subjection to him is not Subordination to the Lord , as to a Magistrat that exerciseth his power Circa Sacrat And therefore no Minister nor Subject can swear to him without being guilty of changing their head , Christ Jesus : And also of making a Sacrafice of the Rights and Liberties of the Church , by Burieing our Covenanted Engagments ; and giving up the Fundamental Laws unto the Will and Lust of Man : So that your present state , and Liberty , is , not any thing else ▪ but a sinful Toleration purchassed by price of Conscience founded on a mutual Tolerating of one another ; which makes a joint Conspiracie against Christ and his cause , by making , I say a Sacrafice of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church ; by your partiality and silence at the sins of the Throne ( 1 ) I say in Government the Intrinsical power of the Tolerating Magistrat doth appear , in that the Will , Awe , and fear of the Magistrat , Rings , Rules , and Principalie is followed in your Assembly by that Negative Voice of your King , in that you dare not Act or do any thing , though lawful and necessar , until the Tolerating Magistrat think fit to Tolerat ▪ I mean in things external and easie , which doth not strick against the sins of the Throne . Yea how oft hath the Assembly meet together and goten little or nothing done , and all for want of the will of the Magistrat to preceed and draw them . But Secondly , The intrinsical power of the present Magistrat appears in Doctrine , in your Infidelity , in Burieing the sins of the Throne , As 1. In Tolerating Prelacy and Popery throughout the Kingdoms . 2. The black Articles contained in the late War by joining with the Popish party , contrair to the Writing of Mr. Gilhespie , which was owned and approven by the Church in the dayes of our Ancestors . 3. The wasting and Impoverishing of the Land in time of Peace by Cesses , and Impositions , spending these Exactions in pride and Lust : bestowing a great part of them on corrupt Members of Parliament in order to make them ●ervicable Instruments for carrieing on those sinful actings . 4. The change that 's in Doctrine , Prayer and Practise by the command of the Magistrat , as to the desisting and leaving of the Warr with the King of F●ance in the Year 98 and 99. Now let it be yealded that the War was lawful on the matter : Which cannot be denyed , he being an oppressing Tyrant and stated Enemy to God and Godliness : And therefore the necessar causes and circumstances of War being found in him ; which is Aggression on the Lives and Liberties of the Subjects , which was compleated on them ; though ●ot perfected on us : From which Aggression the absolute necessity , and Indispensability of Militating did flow . Now this being , then the causes of War was good and valide on the matter , the end being the Glory of God and saftie of the Subjects and Kingdom : Then why should it not have been proceeded in a right manner by seeking the Lords power and Presence , and by refusing sinful Association : Either with Protestants who were not willing to come up to the height of our Reformation : Or yet with Papists or Malignants who were Enemies to it . Also in a good Action there should be perseverance therein : Seing there is more diligence required in the end of an Action ; than in its beginning ▪ There being no change in the Enemy , he being the same now if not worse ; than in the time of War : For still he Persecuteth the Protestants ; therefore peace , should not have been made with the Enemy , although there might be sad loss ; according to the Example of Israel in the matter of Benjamin , who after they had fallen twice enquired of the Lord the causes thereof , by Weeping and Fasting , and searching out their fin ; So ought you to have done : But both matter and maner are abussed and layed aside by the Command , Fear and Awe of the Magistrat , So that he whose overthrow ( in prayer you sought , and Tyrrannie you confessed , must now be passed over with silence and connivance : allthough he be the same now that he was then . And all this is done by the command of the Tolerating Magistrat , whose Servants ye are tossed with the wind of their powre : like to these spoken of in Psal . 1. 4 much of this obedience is to be seen in your fast days , and thanks giving days ; which manifasts the Intrinscicall power that the Magistrat hath in makeing you obey contrair to the word . But thirdly the Intrinscicall power of the Tolerating Magistrat : appears in the neglect of Discipline in that you dare not do any thing in the Assembly in order to the censuring . Confessing and setting of days of Humiliation a part for the sins of the Throne : Such as manifest Perjurie in the Breach of the Coronation Oath ; the joining in War with the Popish party , the sad Oppressions in the Land , by Cesses and Impositions , the Tolerating of Poperie and Prelacie throughout the Kingdoms . Now in a well constitute Church , all these Sins ought to be confessed , and in case of obstinacy to be Censured and Punished with the Sword of Ecclesiastical Discipline , to ●he height , even to Excommunication ; Seing that the Assembly acknowledgeth that there should not be partialitie in Ministers : and therefore without respect of Persons they are to reprove Kings ; as well as other Men , they being Subjects to Christ ; and receaved into the Church by the Vows of Baptism : But all this is laid aside , through fear and awe of the Magistrat ; by your obedience to the Supremacy ; they ruling intrinsically in you , as to matter of practise : as is to be seen in your Assemblies , how that your King has the Negative Voice , which declares that the Supremacie is yet infit in this Land ( although not screwed up to that height in all its formalities that it was in the Year 61. 62. and downward ) For your Kings Commissioner hath so far the ascendant power , that nothing shall pass in Act in your Assemblies ; but what he pleaseth : And no otherwayes can you enjoy them . So that from this it doth appear . That neglect and partiality of Discipline , is not a sin of deadness and infirmity ; but a deliberat contented Omission and neglect : And therefore partialitie and infidelity are made the Pillar of prudence and essential Prop , on which your Erastian Church stands : Now when all this is considered , may it not be said upon grounds that your Church is Erastian and not Presbyterian ▪ Obj. But it may be Objected by some , That the present Ministers doth Preach sound Doctrine ; and that both Learnedly and Ela●o●aily , and doth noways Teach Erastian Principles . Answer , The difference is as great betwixt Preaching and Practise , as betwixt true Piety , and painted Hypocrisie : For a Man may Preach and profess sound Doctrine , and yet be a stated enemy to the practise thereof ; Like to the Foolish Builder spoken of by our Saviour , Matth. 7. 26. And every one that heareth these sayings of mine and doth them not , shall be likened to a foolish Man , which built his house upon the Sand. Now by hearing , these sayings are to be understood a Believing and an understanding of them so that by this it doth appear that men may be well qualifed with the art and Skill of Building , so as to make a comely form and structur of an bulding and likeways to have it seemingly well decored within ; so that , it may be pleasing and takeing to the eyes of the beholders ; and yet for all this not deserve the name of a Bulding , the Foundation being wanting , ffor their is not any thing that our Saviour ch●lenneth , but the Foundation , which presuposeth that all things for art and ornamen● might , be in this house . For without doubt if any other thing had been wanting , our Savour had not omitted . So that from this you see that Gods Sacrafices must be on Gods altar , Gods word in Gods house and therefore not in the jdols Temple : For you cannot worship and obey God and the idole of Supremacie at once I say such hath no right to Gods word : who are walking obstinatly on in sin as in Psal : 50. 16. But unto the wicked God sayes , What hast thou to do to declare my Statutes ? or that thou shouldest take my Covenant in thy Mouth , seing thou ●atest inst●uction &c. that 's to say it doth not become such to propose Gods Word ; neither can they apply it , but falsly : And therefore not to be owned as the Chast Bride and Spouse of Christ . But on the other hand as false Builders and Teachers , whose Building is wi●hin the Flood ma●k of the Wrath of God , and will one day be swept away with Judgments : And therefore it is the duty of all Believers , to come out from among them ; least they be partakers of their Sins , and consequently of their P●angs , as in Rev. 18. 4 Furder you say graut there were Encroachments on the Churches rights and no Testimony against it ; That is weakness and want of courage ; but is not just ground of Separation from worship in a true Church . Answer , This overturns the Faith of the great Assembly ; and that because an universal deadness and infirmity cannot be found , but in a Church dead and deserted ; or else dying or declinning , dead and deserted the Assembly will not acknowledge ▪ Seing they are receaved into Mercie ( as they say ) being delivered from their former bondage and miserie : And therefore by consequence has obtained the favourable presence of God , which giveth Courage and Zeal . 2. Dying and declining this cannot be the Assembly , being flowrishing in the bud of their Reformation ; And therefore cannot so suddenlie lay aside their Zeal , as to be overcome with an universal deadness ; So as to suffer Encroachments on the Church Rights , without the least Testimonie of Remonstration . It would be expected that Reciprocal Duties were to be found in such a Church : I mean in Love and Zeal for the kindness and mercie you have receaved and found , in being delivered ( as you say ) But however we acknowledge that deadness and infirmitie , deference & delay of Dutie cannot because of Separation . But the Question is If Faithfulness , courage and Zeal in the exercise of duty in maintaining the Churches Rights can consist with the state of your Church , yea or no. So that the contraversie is not abou● deadness and infirmity , deference and delay : but if the Faithful exercise of Zeal can consist with the present and future state of your Church . Now therefore in c●lm Blood and from Conscience we pose you , as in the sight of God , the Judge of Quick and Dead , before whom you and we must stand and give an account of our words and Actions ; that yôu take to consideration the Accusa●ions led against you ; and that you may vindicat● y●ur selves if it be possible with the standing of your Church ; by execising Faithfulness in Doctrine and Di●cipline , that it may be manifest before God and the world ; that you are not guilty of E●astianism . And for p●oof hereof in order to your Vindicating , we desire you may satisfie us in the●e following premisses and proposition● which we shall lay down ; for trying of your Faithfulness and soundness as to the state of your Church . Experiment , As first we desire an particular answer anent the Indulgence , in that you would either approve or disapprove of it : If it may stand with the being of your Church : Seing that it is a necessar duty in a Faithful Church to make a Separation betwixt the clean and unclean , the holy and prophain the neglect of this being sadly reproved and threatned with Judgments , as in Ezek. 22. 26. They have put no difference between the Holy and Prophain : neither have they shewed difference between the unclean and the clean , and verse the 31. Therefore have I poured out mine Indignation upon tbem , I have consumed them with the Fire of my Wrath. Now therefore take warning of this threatning , and jugle no more with God , by speaking of your different Sentiments ; But be particular in specifieing the contraversie , that so it may be manifest to the World , whether you approve of it as a duty , or disapproves of it as it is a sin . Experiment 2. We desire the like answer annent the late Toleration under your late King : If that Address and Supplication ( given in to the Popish Chancellor ) by a great part of your Ministers , be lawful , yea or no , Or whether or no you did partake of that Liberty and Benefite ( as they called it ) or hitherto hath Benjamin like Espoused the quarrel of these Transgressors ; by denying that the like Act deserves to be Censured and Punished with the Sword of Ecclesiastical Discipline ; or else as publickly to be confessed before God and the World , in it's high Aggravating circumstances as it was committed . Experiment . 3. If it can consist with the State of your Church , to walk in the steps of your Ancestors , that you and your King ( or any Successor hereafter whatsoever ) may enter in Covenant with God ; by renewing the National Covenant , the Solemn League and Covenant ; That it may be manifest to the World , that you deliverance is not Bastard and Evil Begotten , but can run through the Channal of a Covenant of Reformation : And indeed we shall not carp much at the deference of it ; if there shall be any possibility for the time to come to accomplish this work . Experiment 4. Fourthly , We desire if it may stand with the being of your Church : That the sins of the Throne may be confessed , and particularlie acknowledged , and Faithfully reproved in Doctrine , censured by Discipline , and punished with the Ecclesiastical Sword in case of obstinacy . Particularly these forementioned sins , Namelie ▪ ( 1 ) The manifest Perjurie in Breach of the Coronation Oath in countinancing & Tolerating of Poperie and Prelacie throughout the Kingdoms . 2. The black Articles contained in the late Confederacie , where Liberty of Conscience was proposed as the end ; and the Persons confederat with were Idola●rous Papists , which is contrair to Scripture and the Testimonies of our Ancestors to join with such in War. 3. The impowerishing of the Land by Cesses and Impositions in time of Peace . Now we think the consideration of these Propositions cannot in Conscience be denyed ; seing they are agreeable to Scripture , and consonant to the judgment of all sound Divines : That sins of all sorts of Persons , both High and Lo Kings as well as the meanest Subjects ; are Faithfullie to be reproved and Censured by Discipline : or else the Church cannot be obedient and Loyal to Christ Jesus , who is King of Kings , and Lord of Lords ; and has given command unto his Messengers to teach all things whatsoever he hath commanded them as in Matth. 28. 20. and Jer. 1. 7. For thou shall go to all that I will send thee , and whatsoever I command thee thou shalt speak . And doth not this command reach the sins of Kings , as well as other Men ; the word being sent unto them . I hope the Learned Assembly will acknowledge that p●r●iality is to be avoided being reproved of God , as in Mal. 2. 9. And therefore let none stumble at the Faithful reproving , and censuring of these ●ins mentioned ; seing that it is a duty Commanded of God : and commened by the Example of the Holy Prop●ers , who Faithfullie reproved Kings without partialitie ; then let the Assem●lie , if they be what they profess imi●ate the P●actise of the Holie Prophets by laying aside par●ialitie ; and the slavi●h fear of Men : That it may be manifest to the World that your Church is built upon the Foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , Jesus Ch●ist being the chief corner stone , Ephes ▪ 2. 20 If otherwise ●ou shall refuse this dut●e and wilful●●e out of carnal prudence l●y aside Z●al courage and Fidelitie ; then sha●l 〈◊〉 be guiltie of Erastianism by declaring your selves to be the Servan●s , and slaves of en . But some will object and say , if the sins of the Throne may be so marked reproved and censured : Then it would 〈◊〉 that Pre●by●●●●an Government cannot agree with Monarchie , I Answer ▪ the lawful 〈…〉 and exercise of Kingly Government , can well agree with Presbyterie : But not the abuse and unlawful exercise thereof , and that because it brings the Lords Wrath and Judgment , both on the Throne & Church , in case of silence and connivance thereat . Therefore we desire that you would consider impartially , and without prejudice the Accusations , Grounds and Objections led against you ; that so it may appear , how hateful and abhoring a sinful Union is ? Oh! what sin is more reproved and forbidden than Union in iniquity , as in Eph. 5 , 11. Have no sellowship with the unfruitful Works of Darkness : but rather reprove them , and in 2 Cor. 6. 14 , 15 , 16. What fellowship hath Righteousness with Vnrighteousness , and what Communion hath Light with Darkness ? and what concord hath Christ with Belial ? or what part hath he that believeth with an unbeliever ? or what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols ? and verse 17. Wherefore come out from among them and be separat saith the Lord ; and touch not the unclean thing and I will receave you . Moreover hath not the Lord declared the Imposibility of Union with sinners by the Mouth of his Prophets , as in Amos 3. 3. Can two walk together except they be agreed . Oh ▪ can Union be in sin and defection ? or would you be in a happy condition if you obtained it ? Alas ! no more , than Israel was in their defection , Exod. 32. When with on consent they did say , These be thy Gods O Israel which brought thee up out of the Land of Egypt . And doth not an universal sinning bring universal Judgments on a Land and People : Therefore consider this and lay to Heart your defection , and be awakned with the Judgments of God upon the Land , by the Plague of Famine , that has been these Years bygone , and now present and seek out your sins , and the causes of the Lords Wrath ; why he thus contends with the Land , according to the Example of the Godly in former times , as in 2 Sam. 21. And there was a Famine in the Days of David three Years , Year after Year , and David enquired of the Lord ; and the Lord answered and said , It is for Saul and for his Bloody House : because he slew the Gibionites . So that you see , the causes of the Famine was Breach of Covenant and Bloodsheding , which certainly is the causes of this Famine : And did David enquire after the causes while there was three Years Famine , then let the Assembly and all of us enquire after the causes : Now while there hath been six years Famine . And I think the causes thereof will be found to be the same ; that it was in the days of David , viz. Breach of Covenat and Bloodshed , which the Assembly are deeplie guiltie of by their past and present practise ; as I have plainlie held out in the forementioned Grounds and Accusations led against you . Therefore examine your selves and consider what you have done , and are doing by your going on in Breach of Covenant & Perjurie , and by your trampling on the Blood of the Saints and Martyres , in condemning and burieing their Testimonies , and maliciously and falsly accusing the Faithful of Separation , because they will not go on with you , in your Soul Murdering courses , to the ruine of the Land and their own Souls . But in the next place we desire you to consider , what it is you have to justisie before God and the World in defence of your continued Defection , in going on in your Erastian courses . Have you this to say that you are in Judgment sound Presbyterians and professes sound Principles ? Whereas in practise you deny it , by subjecting to the fear , awe and unlawful commands of the Tolerating Magistrat : Like 〈◊〉 these spoken of , Isa . 29 , 12. This People draw near to me with their mouth and with their lips d● honour me : but have removed their heart far from me , and their fear towards me are taught by the Precepts of men . Or like to these 2 Kings 17. 33. Who feared the Lord and served their own Gods Or what more have you to boast of by your Learning and external form of piety ? or yet by Elabourat painful Preaching : when in practise you are despisers of the Building ; like to these Jewish Doctors ' who could Learnedly hold out the signs , tokens , and marks of the Messias ; Yet when they did see him to whom their own signs did agree , they would have none of him . Oh then ! shall it so be with you ? will you still go on in a wilful malicious despite against the cause of Christ , and the followers thereof ? I say , beware lest your wilful hearted of Truth arising from envie , bring some in the end to fall into the sin unpardonable , as did these Jewish Doctors . 2. We desise you to consider , who it is you have to deall with in your contending , I say it is God , not man that you have to deall with ; therefore take head what was spoken to Paul. Acts 9. 4 , 5. It is hard for you to kick against the Pricks ▪ I say Truth maintainer is Omnipotent and cannot sin ; and therefore will see to the cause of the Afflicted and right of the Poor , Psal . 140. 12. And will teach his Truths Doctrinallie by his Judgments on Backsliders , i● walking contrair unto them ▪ while they walk contrair unto him , as in Lev. 16 , 17. And will get himself honour upon your Idols , by overthrowing them , and by destroying the bramble ▪ under which Backsliders are sheltering , as in Judges 9. 9. And seing the Lord will be glorious in his judgments ? then do not build , that which he will destroy : neither insult confidentlie over the desolations of his House and People , thinking now the Witnesses are dead and buried ; and now you have go ten the Victorie , consider that place of Scripture , 1 Sam 2. ●6 The Lord Kill●th and he makes alive , he bringeth down to the Grave , and he bringeth up . Therefore we exhort you in the sight of God to lay aside these weapons of War , by which you cover , and defends your sins and defections , viz. These four painted complexions , namelie Personal sins , sins of infirmitie , deadness , want of Courage and Zeal , and lay to heart your sins , by confessing and forsaking of them ; seing the Lord is willing and readie to receave you , and is not the suffering remanent readie to imbrace Union and Communion with you upon Repentantance and Confession ? But if you shall refuse this , and continue obstinat in defending of your sin , and will not hear ; then let us spread out your case before the Lord , seeking his assistance to mourn over them , that our Hearts may be affected with grief , and our Souls made to weep in secret places for your pride , and our eyes made to weep sore and run down Tears for all the Abominaations done in the Land. So let all thine Enemies Perish , O LORD : but let them tha● love him , be as the Sun , when he goeth forth in his might . Judges , 5 , 31. FINIS . 
A39752	----	The church wounded and rent by a spirit of division held forth in a short account of some sad differences hath been of late in the Church of Scotland, with the occasion, grounds, and too evident product therof whose wounds are bleeding to this day : togither with some vindication of the truth, and principles of our church in this present state of things from unjust revilings and reproach, and a few words in the close with respect to what are the greatest concerns of Christians exercise and duty in these times. Fleming, Robert, 1630-1694. 1681 Approx. 225 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39752 Wing F1263 ESTC R20193 12676733 ocm 12676733 65578 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39752) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65578) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 353:28) The church wounded and rent by a spirit of division held forth in a short account of some sad differences hath been of late in the Church of Scotland, with the occasion, grounds, and too evident product therof whose wounds are bleeding to this day : togither with some vindication of the truth, and principles of our church in this present state of things from unjust revilings and reproach, and a few words in the close with respect to what are the greatest concerns of Christians exercise and duty in these times. Fleming, Robert, 1630-1694. [8], 48 p. s.n.], [S.l. : 1681. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History -- 17th century. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Church wounded and rent By a Spirit of Division , Held forth In a short account of some sad differences hath been of late in the Church of Scotland , with the occasion , grounds , and too evident product therof whose wounds are bleeding to this day . Togither with some vindication of the truth , and principles of our Church in this present state of things from unjust revilings and reproach ; And a few words in the close with respect to what are the greatest concerns of Christians exercise and duty in these times . Heb. 10 : 23. Let us hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering : ( for he is faithfull that promised . ) Philip. 3. 16. Nevertheless , whereto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us mind the same thing . Philip. 2. 2. Let nothing be done through strife , or vain glory , but in Lowliness of mind let each esteem other beter then themselves . James 3. 16. For where invying and strife is , there is confusion , and every evil work . 1 Thessal . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now we exhort you , Brethren , warn them that are unruly comfort the feeble-minded , support the weak , be patient toward all men . Printed M.DC.LXXXI . THE PREFACE . IT will be acknowledged by all , who have any serious impression of the truth , on their spirits , what sore , and trying times , we are now fallen in , and how deplorably sad the present state of religion is almost every where ; yea what need seems for our being awake with some deeper apprehensions , of what may be coming , and of so many presages , that this night , is not yet at the darkest , but one of the sorest conflicts which the reformed Churches have hitherto mett with , may be on a very near approach : of which one remarkably sad , and most threatning presage , is now too obvious in this late astonishing rent , and breach , hath been in the Church of Scotland , so impetuously driven and fomented by some there , to the furthest scandal , and reproach of the truth , and giving the adversary , such occasion to blasphem ; Thus hath there been so sore woundings of religion , and the holy spirit of God greatly provoked , and greived thereby . I confesse such a tryal would have been litle either feared , or apprehended in a time , when so hot a furnace hath been set up amongst us , and that the Church had smarted , and been so sore brunt , with the offence , which followed upon former breakings ; yea when it is so joyntly acknowledged , how much the honour of Christ the spreading of the Gospel , and edificatione of the Church , is concerned , and in the highest measure prejugded herein ; this is a sad subject , which should call each to that serious inquiry , and tryal of their own work , and frame of spirit , in such a day , as may lead in to peace , and assurance of heart , before the Lord in this mater ; and to be seriously affected with what we have seen following thereon ( yea might have been feared , with the first breaking up of this strange rent ) of the spirit of error , and delusion , in the Holy righteousness of God , now with such prevalence over some , whose work had been , to put the Church in a flame and unsetle others , as they can find no ground where to fix themselves , but are like to shake loose all principles , and run that length as is incompatible , not only with Christian but humane society . Some few things , with respect thereto I would premit now in the entry , to be considered . 1. First what light , doe thus break forth , out of the very bowels of such confusion , both for conviction , and confirming of us in the truth ; if we be but serious observes of the work of the Lord in this day ; and I would yet hope may tend to put some Deeper impression of these things on this generation , when as with one audible voice from heaven , so much hath occurred , to seal our instruction herein . 1. That none thus so easily adventure , after what we have seen on such a publick rent , and breach of the Church as this , and to hazard on a precipice , and rock ▪ on which so many hath dashed , and been broke , and where the losing of communion in love , hath not long wanted a sad breach in the unity of faith . 2. That there may be now more fear , and dread , of managing differences in judgment within the Church , with that bitterness , and passion , as hath too visibly been of late , to stumble , and beget wrath , more then conviction ; or to make ane offering of such strange fire ; the truth and cause of God can be promot only by these meanes , and that spirit , which he doeth himself require . 3. That Professors of the truth , be more deeply pressed about the ground work , and for a solid founding on the great fundation-truths , and principles of religion , when this sad want may be so visibly now read , on all our distempers , and make us yet fear where some great pretences , to religion may end . Here is one of the sadest judgments of the time , much Ignorance of the truth , and rule of the Gospel ; with a louse and unstable mind , tho with greatest confidence otherwise , amongst too many under a Profession of godliness this day ; through which the tempter hath gotten such advantage , yea on some whose affection and tenderness of spirit , I dar not question , but thought they could not run too far at a distance from what they judged wrong , not fearing a destroying snare on the other hand , and that corruption of the mind by error , is no lesse mortall then in the life and practice ; yea which is too sadly obvious less hope of a cure , where such a leprosy is once broke forth in the head . 4. And have we not now seen , for our furthest conviction herein , that none lift up themselves above that which is meet , upon the repute , and credit of their profession ; before him who is no respecter of persons , and resisteth the proud , to so sever a smiting , and thrusting down of their Brethren , and fellow-servants , as hath too obviously been in these late differences ; and without that suteable fear , and dread , leist these whom they gave so sore a thrust to , under the warrant o● some opprobrious designation , be such , whom Jesus Christ will own , and finds his servants , and messengers , thus lye a bleeding under that wound . 5. I would hope also , that such a witness of the jealousy , and displeasure of the Lord , against despysers and revilers of the Ministers of the Gospel , may have more weight on the conscience of many after this ; when with so discernable and awfull a voice , this I humbly judge , hath been spoke and may be applyed , to all such who professe the truth , and the generations yet to come , to fear , and dread , to give thus the authority of the Son of God , the supreme head of his Church , so publick ane affront in the Ministry of his servants , as this party hath of late done , in our Church ; or rise up in such a conspiracy againe ; and no pretences when tryed at that bar of the scriptures of truth can possibly bear out . 6. And should not this clear the spotless way of the Lord , and seall our instruction from what we have seen ; that when no answerable fruit is to such a season of the meanes of the Gospel , as hes been of late , nor ane embracing the truth in its simplicity , and with desyre after the sincere milk of the word , as might have been hoped for ; but a seeking more after new and strange doctrine , and to follow these things which tended not to edify ; that so sad and dark ane ecclipse should follow ; Tho I hope some blessed fruit of these times past , shall be yet found and abide with many . O that after this a more fervent , and serious respect to the ordinances of Christ , might yet revive in our Land , and a keeping close by this appointed way , not only to beget , but to confirme , feed , and make the saints perfect , Ephes . 4 : 12. I hope such as under these meanes hath known a neir , and sensible fellowship with Jesus Christ , with that ineffably sweet and fragant savour of his name ; and that surely he feeds his people there ; cannot at so easy a rate be taken off these breasts , as too many of late hath been . It is sure the more true growth , and livly the work of grace , is on the soul , the more felt need , and desyre will be then after the ordinances of Christ ; and it may be feared besides all we have seen , if so sad a falling off from those , be still owned as to reject the message of truth , from such known , godly , and eminently qualified Ministers of Christ , to his Church , upon that pretence of the late indulgence , leist they lose even what they had once attained , when thus out of the way of the Lord , and from under his promise for protection , and being keeped , from the prevalence of that spirit of error , and delusion , which by the very same entry hath now got such visible power on others . I nothing doubt but many hath beene ingadged herein without fear or apprension of such hazard , and as judging it duty ; and that some whose appearance this way hath had most weight and credit with others , their heart would have trembled , at what hath beene now seen to follow thereupon , whilst the tendencie and product of such things hath out-rune so much their intent ; but it should be mater of grief to all what ground we have thus lost , and what the great adversary of the Church hath gained , to prejudge the interest of the Gospel . 2. I must premit this further to be considered , that it is not so much want of light , as of practice , which is the greatest let to the Churches cure ; and I would humbly offer some few , things where both unquestionable duty , and the remedy of these sore distempers now amongst us , are joyntly obvious , as we might yet hope to see another appearance on the Church , when these are in earnest followed . 1. To keep closse by the scripture , with a sincere humble inquiry for light there , and a more intire reference , to its alone decision . It is sure the conscience must be no rule to us , nor can alter the nature of things , to make that good , which is evill , but must have a rule for its selve ; nor is it further the voice of God , then it is truely inlightened ; yea nothing hes beene more threatning to the Church , then the strong impulses of one erring conscience ; which seldome keeps within any bounds . And tho I would desyre with the furthest tenderness to speak in this present case , so far as a necessare owning of the truth can admit , yet I must say , it hath beene to me , one of the astonishing things of this day , How such violence in driving this sad rent in our Church , and on these grounds as hath beene pretended , could seek shelter under this patrociny , of the Scriptures of truth , or plead its warrant from that blessed rule of the Gospel , which is so expresse , plaine , and full herein ; and what should meane this strange halting , if the Lord be God let us follow him and subject wholly to his word , for at that bar only , I hope it is , we desyre to appear and be tryed : what a sweet testimony will this then be on the soul of a dying Christian , that the truth was so dear to them , as no preingadgment , nor any interest of their supposed credit , did interpose between the authority of his word , and their conscience , or betwixt their conscience , and a declaring the same to the world both for giving glory to the truth , and the advantage , and edification of others ; yea this from some of greatest repute in the Church , hath tended to transmit their memorie with a most sweet savour , and credit to after times . 2. A serious inquiry and tryall by all of their own way with much fear , and jealousy of themselves should be a blessed ingredient in our cure and relieffe this day , when snairs and hazards are so thick spread : and I think it may be now further convincing , that whatever be the case of our Church , such a way and methode , was no sutable cure , as did visibly tend to inflame the wound , more then to heal , nor that the wrath of man , worketh the righteousness of God : I hope a second inquiry , and tryal , by any of a serious spirit , will let them yet clearly see , that such pretences they founded on , can never justify this late rent , and falling of thus from Church fellowship , where not only they could continue without sinne , but with much hope of a blessing . 3. And doeth not here both the rule of duty and our relieffe in this sad case , convincingly meet , in a seeking to overcome evill , and privat injuries with good . It is true this is a specialy pungent tryal and will not want some conflict , but I am sure is found one of the choisest opportunities of a Christians life , for theirafter peace , yea the more wrestling may thus be upon special provocations and with some peculiar aggravating circumstances , to reach this blessed victory over themselves , the more comfort and joy will be , upon their after thoughts heirof , and I am sure thus is greater advantage , for a just vindication by Christians of themselves whilst pressed thereto , as this is with least bitterness or recrimination followed . 4. It is clear that the spirit of God expresly cals for keeping a distance with such things as may tend to engender striffe , and debate in the Church , and not to edifie , as our dutie ; and I think it may be too seen , how sad influence this hath had , to break the comfort and edification , of Christian fellowship , where once professors of religion hath beene involved in such a way . There was no such practice , or custome , in these first pure times of the Church , whilst the Apostles lived , and was specially adverted to then ; but if any be contentious we have no such custome in the Churches of God , 1 Cor. 11. 5. It is duty also , for the furthest convincing tenderness to be used by such , who through grace , have beene keeped fixed , for restoring of others with the spirit of meekness , and according to the rule , of some putting a difference ; great peace should thus follow upon a tender bearing with the frowardness , and revilings of any , under these saddistempers , upon this designe , and for being thus all things to all ; to gaine one from the error of his way , is a greater victory then to gaine a city . I find in the life of blessed musculus , this followed with much success in dealing with some at Ausburgh , who wer then under a sad sad prevalence of the spirrit of error , by seaking first to gaine on their heart & affection and then to deal with their conscience , which proved at last effectual . 6. It is sure we are now called in this present tryal not to be secure as to what further growth so strange a contagion may have ; when the Apostle sheweth a litle leaven leaveneth the wholl lump , 1. Cor. 5 , 6. Which as a destroying plague , may thus quickly spread from one house , to a city and thence thrugh the wholl land yea it is known how small the rise of Quakerisme was within these few years in the Churches of Britaine . Nor are these light or small things hath beene now with a strange confidence owned by some of that way , or what may be feared of its further prevalence if the Lord doe not graciously prevent and rebuke such a spirit which hath thus troubled the poor Church . 7. There needs much advertence also on the other hand , that there be a continued fear , and no coolness , from this sad extreme , in our watching of the Churches hazard from open adversaries , and to what assault may be yet made to the rights and liberties of the Kingdome of our blessed Lord , the alone supreme head , and King of his Church ; but that thus an equall fear , and jealousy be keeped up , so as the truth lose no ground upon either hand . Reader for this present publick appearance I shall us but a few words it may be easy to judge how sad a part it is in a time when al humours are so much aloft , and what may be expected this way if there be not from another airt to suport against the contradiction of men ; but this I must say I have beene stated under circumstances , and with some surprising call hereto , as I hope , could obviat the most sharpe reflections of any who are this day unbayased in such a case , but I forbear herein to speak more particularly ; only as to the occasion of my moving further upon this subject , was from that which is contained in the first Section which upon some desyre and aime for a serious and sober communing upon these differences in our Church , was directed to some few friends ; and did choise that way by writ , to prevent any erruption might be of heat , as too usually there is hazard of , in verball reasoning upon such things ; and since I found it so frequently challenged how any could oppose themselve to what is owned and asserted in that History of the Indulgence , as that which they judged enough to answer al ; in such a case , I was enforced to touch it a litle , tho in a very few words , whic● I designe as far as possible , and now in such ane unpleasing essay ; yet I humbly judge with that evidence of the truth , as may shew the mistake and invalidity of these grounds , on which so strange a superstructure when seriously pondered and weighed , hath beene raised ; Nor have yet found more urged upon the mater by any on this head then what is made use of there . It is sure no times past hath beene ever with so intire ane onnesse in judgment as no occasion of difference did fall out amongst the truly godly in some concerne of the truth ; but it is sad that so dreadfull a hazard of occasioning a breach in the Church this way , is not yet credit upon tryal , until some have once tryed it themselves . My great unfitness to move in such a case , was just ground of fear , besides much aversion otherwayes to intermedle with so sad , and unpleasing a subject , but being pressed herein , I hope I may say , it was , with a serious aim , and inquiry after the truth ; and to be confirmed by Scripture-light in a matter of such great publick contest ; and with some desire to prevent the stumblings of many as may now be much feared on these amazing and shaking things , that have since followed on this breach ; for what incongruity may be judged , in the close anent some thing practical , and the Churches hazard from Popery , with such a subject ; I thought was so far suteable , as I am sure a greater weight thereof , would be found ane effectuall meane to take off these sad unedifieing debates . There are some considerable mistakes at the press both in words , and in the pointing , but I hope are such as the discerning Reader can notice , without darkning the sence , and will pardon . SECTION I. THough I have much aversion to move in any controversies , especially where friends so truely dear on every side are thus interested , & when our distempers so sadly prevail , as most seem not in case to bear mutually freedome in these things , so as this present breach would seem almost beyond hope , if some blessed touch of the great healers hand do not marvellously surprise us in this day , beside the crowd and noise now may be feared , is so great , as to shut all access for a being heard on such a subject . And for my self I may say , I have been struck with that terrour of these sad imbittering animosities , and heats now amongst us , as to judge it no less desireable to find an hiding place from the strife of tongues , than from the pride and violence of men ; yet since it is sure , true friendship and love gaines more by freedome and openness of heart with others , than to keep at a distance . Besides that sad impression of this deplorable breach and rent in our Church hath pressed me to write these few lines , not for debate or contending , I may say , in the least ; but for the truths sake in a sober and humble reasoning , with some exoneration of my own spirit in a few proposals , with the grounds thereof , which without prejudice or offence I would desire , yea obtest to be seriously pondered . And I hope , I may humbly adventure to say , it hath been with some desire to prove my own heart in this matter , before him who is the grear searcher thereof , and under some present constraint of light have now write this , as I durst not ( though they were my dying words with peace or quiet of spirit retreat here ) But before I offer these proposals , I would desire to premit some few concessions , which I hope on every hand ( what ever be the present differences ) will be acknowledged . 1. That there must be no coolness or indifferency in any interest of the truth under the greatest hazard , this being so invaluable , as there cannot be too dear a purchass thereof ; yea that truths comparatively small may be great in their season , so as a testimony thereto , with greatest respect is then necessarily called for , when a publick opposition is made to the same . 2. That this great truth of the visible Kingdome of Jesus Christ over his Church , and its independance on the Magistrat , and his being the alone supreame head and Lawgiver thereto , is of such high concerne and elevation , as we should not count our life dear ( if called of the Lord to be offered up as a Sacrifice thereon ) yea that a publick testimony should be then more specially owned thereto , with a clear and distinct sound , when so visibly opposed , as in this day . 3. That is must on all hands be confessed a sad decay of a true publick spirit now amongst us , and of that zeal , integrity and watchfulness for the things of God , and deep impression of the Covenant with God these nations are so solemnely engaged to , as hath formerly been with too sad and unsensible a wearing out from under former impressions of duty in this long continued triall now in the Church , and that success which seemes to wait on a sinful course , for which all of us have cause for being deeply humbled before the Lord this day . 4. I would hope also this will not be under debate , that an endeavour for a safe union ( and without any prejudice to the truth ) amongst these who have been helped in this day to witness and suffer against prelacy , and are one in the great concernes of truth & godliness , is both a commanded and indispensibly necessary duty , and will be found as expresly charged upon us , as any duty I know in the Scripture . 5. That there may be differences in a purely Reformed Church in matters of truth consistent with mutuall edification , and without any division or breach amongst such , yea that such will be still here , whilst we know but in part . 6. This concession I hope may not come under question , that it is a part of our guilt this day , our not being more suteably affected with both the sin and judgment of this present rent and division , as we ought : when our Master hath so expresly told , that a Kingdome divided against it self cannot stand , and no less thus threatned than the utter dissolution of such a Church . 7. That there is now need of more closs correspondence , and personall freedome with greatest tenderness to be managed in this present difference with other , since they may thus tear one another at a distance , before they understand them , and that prejudice thus entertained with personal reflections , and alienating of affection must necessarily tend on every hand to widen the breach . 8. That this deplorable rent now amongst the godly hath that sad gravamen therewith , that it is a striving and devouring one another in the furnace , whilst so sore pressed otherwise under the cross , yea in the publick view of all our Adversaries , who so eagerly thus watch for our halting . 9. That there is a great hazard in credulity , and easy entertaining reports to the prejudice of others in a time , when too many seem designedly to tread in the dark this way , as if it were to promot a party , rather than to seek the truth , and follow an interest on the ruine and fall of the repute of others , who have had a most sweet savour in the Church of Christ , and been much blessed for the edification of many : this we may fear is one of the provoking evils in this time , and as a smoak in his nostrils , who hath said , such as sow discord amongst brethren are an abomination unto him Pro. 6 : 19. and hath cursed such as smiteth his neighbour secretly Deut. 27 : 24. which may be no less sad and sore by smiting by the tongue , than by the sword . 10. I hope this also will be mutually granted , that a safe managing of differences and rents amongst the godly in so breaking a time as this , is one of the most difficult things in Christianity , so hard it is to get our own spirits kept out , to reach that tender and due regard to present circumstances for publick edification ; yea to be kept in an humble and spirituall frame in such a case , and to have the life of grace kept in vigorous exercise , so as thus to have pride , wrath , and bitterness of spirit made to melt down in meekness , humility and love . Having premitted these few , Concessions , which may be found of some weight in this sad case , we are now in , I must humbly offer these following Proposals to be considered . PROP. I. Should we not with greatest fear and trembling look on a breach and rent of the Church , and amongst the truely godly in this day on these grounds ? 1. That it so expresly controlls the authority of our great Master , who hath enjoyned by such reitereated commands , love and concord amongst his Disciples , so as I can find no duty in the New Testament with more frequent obtestations and arguments pressed than this . And though it is unquestionable , that some must be more culpable in the cause of the difference than others , yet doth he press thus with such vehemency , and without any such reserve , to sist , untill there should be an intire onness in judgment amongst themselves , else there were no such difficulty or neid of it to be thus pressed . 2. That it was his dying charge Joh. 15 : 17. to love one another , and to guard against any breach amongst themselves , and seemes to have been the thing his heart was most fixt on , when he was to leave the world , as a witness of their being his Disciples , and that the world might know him to be sent of God , Joh. 17 : 21. and thus be for a testimony to the truth of the Gospel , and to enforce a conviction of the excellency of Christianity and doctrine thereof on the greatest Atheists . 3. And may we not see these prejudices , which follow on a formed and growing breach of the Church , are oft such , as the cause and occasion thereof do bear no proportion thereto , when brought to the Test of that great rule of Christian love in its due latitude , as prescribed by our blessed Master ; yea that thus there is a being so sadly engaged in disputings & sidings with parties , with such exasperation of spirit , and neglecting of these offices of love we ow to others . 4. That we may see such a sad rent , the more it is followed , the more it becomes a labyrinth and maze , and no way found thus to get out , but that by which they first entered . 5. That conspicuous beacon also , which in all ages hath been set hereon , may make us tremble hereat , and how this hath resolved not only into strife , debate , confusion and disturbances both publick and private , but to hazard the very ruine and dissolution of such a Church . We find Salvian shewing that this was one of the saddest presages of that desolating stroak , that came upon the Affricain Churches , and we may see the very first visible degenerating of Christianity in the primitive times begin here , for it is at such a breach the envious one waits to sow his tares ; and how rare is a stop , or fixing found in such a current , but like the breaking in of waters , doth carry many a further length than they ever intended . It is known on what grounds that sad breach by Labadie and his party began here in the Belgick Church , with whom many went in the simplicity of their heart , and by such a designed cure to the offence was then taken by them , did but heighten the distemper , and occasioned so much prejudice against the power and truth of godliness in this land . PROP. II. May we on any safe ground break up Church fellowship and communion so far with those who have accepted the late indulgence , as not to hear or receive the publick ordinances from them as being such : I must propose this on these grounds . 1. That hereby no approbation of the Indulgence can be necessarily inferred , and the ground of offence can never be owned such , as to pollute the ordinances , or make communion with these in the least sinfull to us . But it would be adverted on what side the most dangerous and destructive inconveniences are , and hazard of the greatest offence hereby to the Church . 2. That we must still own these as our brethren ( what ever be the present difference ) with whom we are one ( we hope ) in Christ , and in the great concernes of truth and godliness , in the same doctrine and principles of the Church : for in these we differ not in Thesi , what ever the application hereof is matter of difference ; yea should be tender to judge , in so far as they profess ( whom we so assuredly know to be both serious and godly ) in their opposition both to the Prelatick and Erastian Adversary . 3. That they are such we must own to be the undoabted Ministers of Christ , cloathed with a Ministeriall power to preach and dispense the ordinances , ere ever this Indulgence was on foot , these being Acts of their office , which flowes from no convey or grant of the Magistrat to such places ; and that be vertue of their office and calling , the peoples tey standeth still in force to hear them , with respect to that primary relation they were under , as Officers of the Church universall . 4. That this cannot be made practicable , except we take the very Government of the Church off its hinges , without a declarative sentence ; since upon the matter it is to draw out one of the highest censures against so considerable a party of the Ministry , yea to exercea critick and juridicall power some way , not only over these who are indulged , but over must of the whole Non-Conformists , who are still free and enforced in conscience to own such in their Ministry . 5. That this should be a departing from an union once acknowledged in our fellowship and communion with them in the publick ordinances . It hath been hitherto publickly owned , that if the whole Church had been so far left , as to some sad compliance for a time that way , and thus the peoplefixt under the Ministry of such , that even on an after discovery of the evil thereof , there would not be allowed the same necessity , or expediency of separation , or for refusall to hear them , as there is now in our case for a non-compliance with that party , and keeping thus at a continued distance , which was a ground had such weight with our worthy Ancestors in the former times of prelacy , when it was not brought in at once , but by degrees into the Church , and thus found it not safe and easy to break up so far , as not to have Chruch fellowship in receiving the publick ordinances then from such , though a most vigorous opposition to the sinfulness of that way was still followed , 6. Because this might quickly tend to a casting off of most , if not the whole of the standing non-conforme Ministry now in the Church , who have been helped to stand and withstand against Prelacy , and to open such a doore for any of the people at their pleasure to quite or turn off the Ministers of the Gospel , without any fixed or previous cognition in such a case . And Oh! how hard , or difficult will it be found to set bounds , or fix new landmarks , when once the old are taken up , may be easily judged . PROP. III. Is such a refusall to hear these Ministers who are indulged , now owned , because it is simpliciter unlawfull , or on that ground of its expediency , and for edification ? I would hope , none yet dare come to own the first ; but for the second of expediency in such a present case , I must humbly judge such a practice would seem very unanswerable thereunto , on these grounds . 1. That this sad effect hath so visibly followed thereon , to break up that sweet edifying fellowship , which was formerly amongst Christians in many places , so as these who were wount to walk together , and keep Christian converse , for building up one another in the truth , can now hardly joyn or pray together , 2. That none seem to have gained by this late heightned breach , except the publick Adversary , yea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad a dash to these publick meetings in the fields thus given , which here to fore were so eminently blessed , whilst thus such open contradiction of late in preaching hath too evidently brought a stumbling to the weak , and a reproach on the way of the Lord , as we may fear shall not in haste be taken off . 3. That thus the prelatick party seems more hardned , and to have less reckoning of that heavy charge of perjury and defection from the truth , when so great a part of Non-Conforme Ministers they find publickly classed with them , who yet are otherwise known to be both able and godly ; yea which hath been sadly regrated , that the edge of that wounted zeal which was against Prelacy and the common Adversary , hath been thus blunted in a more hot pursute of the other party . 4. The shaking and stumbling of many , which I must here write with a sad remembrance of a Christian , who I durst not but say but was truely serious , who spake to me almost weeping , when I was last in our Country , of being put to that through this late breach and visible contradictions in publick preaching ; yea that some had openly declared there were scarce four faithfull Ministers of the Church to be found , that they knew not what , or whom to credit , but like to be shaken in the very foundation . And I must humbly judge , if this breach should grow , I know no gain will ever recompense the Kings dammage herein , I mean of our King and head in the edification of his people . Yea who are there , if not fixt and established by grace , that can look on these devouring heats and breakings amongst both Christians and Ministers in this day , but are in hazard to take prejudice at the whole of Religion , and must needs judge that these cannot be the fruits of the Spirit of Christ . 5. I must yet add on this ground of expediency , if it would seem to engage the multitude in these controversies , and make this their business , ere many such know what the solide work and exercise of godliness is , or what either the principles and power of Religion means , and why is that so expresly commanded Rom. 14 : 1. Him that is weak in the faith receive , but not to doubtfull disputations . It is sure , that it much concernes all who preach the Gospel , to know the message they deliver be suted for solide edification , and in bearing testimony to the truth in this day , which is so unquestionably a duty , that yet it be with such a grave ministerial seriousness and Christian wisdome , as it may commend the truth to the conscience of the people , so as this duty be neither neglected , nor unsuteably managed , otherwise a light and too ordinary a way in speaking on so grave a concerne , or on publick differences , without some convincing and suteable weight herein , and when it is with personal reflections , we may fear would stumble much more then convince , as would seem a thrust rather at the persons of some , than at their way , and to gain an interest to a party more than for the truth . PROP. IV. Are not such expresly called , yea with an intense study to unite so far for the truths sake , and in following clear uncontroverted duties , who are otherwise like minded in things of the Lord , what ever now may be in difference amongst us , so as that union should not , nor ought to sist , untill a through onness of judgment be attained in this present controversy ( which were so much to be desired ) upon these grounds . 1. That the Scripture clearly determines this ; so far as we have attained , to walk by the same rule , and mind the same things , however even in some matters of truth not one , Phil. 3 : 15. 16. and with hope , that the Lord in due time may graciously convince such who are in the present difference most culpable . And I should hope , that more tender and affectionat condescendence in the way of dealing with such might tend more to reclaime and recover , than any violent and peremptory way . 2. Because , if such an uniting in unquestionable duties should cease , untill there be a full union in judgment amongst the truely godly , what times of the Church have been favourable , that we could then ever hope , or essay any concord in duty . 3. That it is sure , the most eminent Instruments in the work of the Gospel , both in the primitive times , and since the Reformation , have been oft at a very sad difference amongst themselves in the matters of truth , whose concurrence otherwise in carrying on the work of the Lord , hath been most remarkeably sealed with a blessing . 4. That a bearing and forbearing in many differences of judgment amongst the godly for the Churches peace , and without any involvement in the sin of others , hath not been hitherto questioned by the greatest lights and witnesses to the truth in these late times , especially where both the doctrine and Government of the Church hath been in the great and weighty concernes thereof adhered to . Thus blessed Calvin doth so pressingly obtest the English Congregation at Francfort for a tender bearing and mutuall forbearing amongst themselves , in that present difference was then , with respect to the circumstances they stood under , and for the truths sake , though he was far from owning that party in that wherein the rest of their brethren had been sohighly grieved . PROP. V. Is it not one of the great concernes and trials of Christian wisdome in the Church , how to apply the rule in things lawful and commanded , with a due regard to edification in such a case . I propose this on these grounds . 1. The express warrant of the Scripture , 1 Cor. 10 : 23. all things are lawfull , but not expedient , all things are lawfull , but edify not . 2. That this hath been one of the greatest depths of Satan to turn men over in the managing of a duty on another sad extreame , as the very way to break it , but he that handleth a matter wisely shall find good . The way of the Lord , and a closs adhering to his truth doth never of it self occasion a breach in the Church , but what our corruption , and unsuteable following of duty doth on either hand occasion ; nor is there any jarre , except what is from our selves betwixt zeal and Christian prudence , since these are both expresly enjoyned , and equally obliging by the holy Ghost , nor can they ever part , but with a sad prejudice to the truth . There is a holy contemperature of zeal , meekness and love , all which being from one and the same spirit , do with a sweet onness necessarily concurre for the same end . Nor can I possibly reconcile a being professedly hot in the one , with being cold and unconcerned in the other , except I should quite the revealed rule of our duty for both . 3. Because the truth may get a very sore thrust by the manner of our contending for it : the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace , and both should be seriously adverted to , that the cause of God be neither neglected , nor yet prejuged , through a non-suteable following thereof . A wound needs both a tender and skilfull hand to handle it , else it were easy to destroy , where the case and present constitution of the patient is not considered a right . O! if that Scripture were more practically owned , for a humble tender condescendence in our dealing with others for the truths sake , I was all things to all , that I might gain some . Our bitter , hot and unadvised expressions may some times wrong the interest of our blessed Master more , than we may find easy with our furthest work to recover . PROP. VI. Is there not ground both to fear and watch against a giving any thrust at the credit and repute of the Ministers of Christin our Church , who in this hour of tentation , and after many sore wrestlings and differences , have yet obtained mercy to stand and suffer against prelacy , what ever cause they may have to weep before the Lord over themselves for saddest failings and unanswerableness to the work of their day ? I most propose this on these grounds . 1. Though I would be far from judging it to be designed , yet ex intentione operis , is it not too visibly inductive concurring with the same end , and interest both of the Prelatick party and Quakers , and thus may give a sadder thrust , than is apprehended , at the propheticall , as well as the kingly office of our blessed head ? 2. That this upon the matter is some way all one , as to silence them and cast them out of the Church : since it must needs tend to disable and render them useless in their Masters work , what ever tends to break their credit , as Ministers of the Gospel . And should it not be deeply considered , if the charge be such , and of that necessity to follow for making them in a manner contemptible to the people , as the labour and fervice of such this day in the vineyard of the Lord may amount to . 3. What help thus can the poor ignorant and impenitent sinners have for their cure , if thus impressed and taught to turn their back on so many serious and godly Ministers , whose work hath had a convincing seal on many ? And I hope with greatest desire would seek the saving of souls , yea when the prophane , drunkards , swearers and worldlings shall thus flee under such a patrociny , that many if not most of the non-conforme Ministers of the Church are neither to be heard , nor owned , how sad should this be ? Or if they go that length , as to hear , yet with having them in such contempt , as without any dread or fear to slight their ministeriall exhortations . And Oh! the souls of many thus in hazard to be undone , and to run to their own destruction , and take such advantage , when so much is given to revile Ministers known to be unquestionably godly , and fixed in the Government of the Church , when they would seek to draw them to repentance . This is no personall interest , nor will it be found a light or small matter , pretend who will to the contrary , to give a publick thrust at the credit of a Minister of Jesus Christ , who may yet have some service for his Master under his hand , and whose sin being blotted out shall be for ever hid in the day of their appearance before the great judge . Or thus rake up what we may hope he hath covered . I remember what I heard pressed in the time of the late difference about the publick resolutions after a communion before a most solemne auditory , and by one of the greatest Ministers of Christ I know then ; yea when to the conviction of all he was owned with greatest evidence of the presence of God. I think , saith he , as to the sad differences now in the Church , we should with Shem and Japhet take the mantle , and with our eyes shut go backward , and lay it upon Noah , yet was he in his judgment fixt against the resolution . 4. Hath not the greatest strength which error and seduction have got in the Church of Brittain , most visibly followed on the reproach and subtile breaking of the credit of the Ministers of Christ ? And what doth the Popish Adversary more visibly designe than this ? As Conzen a Jesuite Polit. 2. cap. 18. writes , that the surest way to reduce the Church to Popery , was to have their great aim against the Ministers of the Reformed Churches , by blasting of their reputation , as well as persecuting of their persons . 5. And how sad may this be judged for such , after many years tossings , and being exposed to many sore difficulties , to be made to suffer at last more from friends , than publick Adversaries , and thus be under both these rods at once . I write this , I hope I may say , without the least countenancing of whatever hath been matter of grief or offence in the practice of any ; but that I am pressed from that due respect I ow both to the persons and Ministry of known able and godly Ministers , and straiching the principles of the Church . 6. I must further add , that I fear it be found a guilt lying heavy on Scotland , and on many Professors there , beyond most of the Reformed Churches this day , a high and daring contempt of the Ministers of Christ there , without respect to their former sufferings , integrity and weight in the Church , with a designed spreading and agreaging their infirmities , because of the differences from them : for which we may yet fear this sin be write in our judgment by the Lord his recalling further his despised Messingers . And now whilst it seemes the plague of the time for many to hate and revile the Ministry of Christ , need they be thus further killed and hardned with prejudice against such a remedy , and that these even by their friends should be thus put to do their work with grief and not with joy ? I shall but further add , that it would be deeply pondered , how far the credit of the truth , which is of more concerne than our souls are worth , hath been exposed to saddest reproach ; how much reall exercise of soul in the serious and internall work of Religion hath been made of late to resolve in imbittering debates , and as it were a drawing into parties . Oh! how must our care be yet further write in letters of blood ? That Rabies Theologorum , as it was tearmed in the German Church , was such as made some eminent Ministers of Christ then to long for death , to get out of such a flame into that land of peace . We may not quite the least of truth for the peace and concord of the Church , nor can these be ever in opposite tearmes , but as we make them , and I may with some confidence say , that what is now here writen , hath been with a serious desire in respect to both ; but I hope some may speak in the words of Bucer , that for a safe healing , and to have it made effectuall to a broken and rent Church now , they would judge it of that concerne , as if called and helped of the Lord herein , to lay down their life for the same , and thus for their brethren . I have been in some measure pressed to write this , if I could with that single regard to the interest of the Lord thus deal with my own conscience , and others . And though I designed in as few words as possible , to speak my heart herein , yet must add a few things more on a subject , though very sad , yet of much weight and import . 1. That it may be too visibly the great want which is this day in the serious work of Christianity , and gives the saddest rise to these high distempers now amongst us , that if these graces of the spirit were in more lively exercise , the love of Christ , humility , patience and meekness , a putting on of bowells of mercy , tenderness and compassion , as the Elect of God towards these we differ from , with more severe self judging , and suteable fear in judging , and condemning others , we are commanded to have ; this present difference should never have come to a formed breach in the Church ; yea thus more advantage to the truth , and a more clear testimony kept up thereto by a spirit of love . It hath been astonishing to see imbittering heats and animosity , with such sore thrusts at a distance to break the credit of others , which are so visible corruptions of corruption , yet plead a patrociny for the same . O my friends , why is it so ? The zeal of God must be for the Churches edification , and also bring us thus under a constraint for union : the wisdom that is from above , and is pure , is peaceable , gentle and easy to be intreated , without hypocrisy and without partiality . And do any feele the comforts and sealings of the spirit with a dividing and imbittered temper ? It was a sad rebuke the Disciples of Christ got , though on a just resentment they had of the wrong done their Master , but that tended more to destroy , than to gain , you know not of what spirit you are . 2. Have we not hitherto seen , that on a small remove and secession in our Church fellowship , such have made more haste than good speed , nor have found it easy after to fixe , untill they have been a length their heart would some time have trembled at ; yea thus besides the wounding the heart of the godly , darkning the glory of 〈◊〉 Gospel , and shaking the faith of many , have been forced to run on saddest inconveniences and new principles to maintain their way . What ever length the difference about the publick resolutions of late came to ( which was a visible presage of the stroak that after came ) yet was there no dashing on such a rock as this is now . And we may know , that what ever tends to divide amongst the godly , or betwixt people and Ministers , gets but too easy an hearing oft amongst many , it is so sib to our corruption , and one of the strongest lusts of the flesh . 3. Is there not an undoubted necessity this day to essay to the farthest an union and healing in the Church , when of no less import , than the keeping up of the worship of God , the salvation of the people , the credit of the Gospel , and a preventing the stumbling of many now in such visible hazard , which are more than our souls are worth ? And can we see how these shall be safe , if this breach be still widned ? The longer continuance will make it the more difficult to heal , when on all hands we are made to mourn , and see the issue , which we would not formerly believe ; and is not this a strange rent and distemper in a day , when the Lord hath cast us all down , that our great work should be to bear down others , with such a pronness to take offence , as well as there is in giving it , is one of the high provoking causes of wrath and judgment , which as in greatest letters , I must say , hath been write before our eyes in the late providences of this time . 4. Since each is concerned to prove his own heart and work herein , and what may be his accession to so highly a provoking guilt and stroak as threatens no less than an utter quenching the light of the Gospel in Scotland , and to be overwhelmed with Popery , Atheisme , and all ungodliness , which so much gain ground by our breach . It were well , if there could be so impartiall a search herein , and triall more of our selves , than by rolling it over on others , what may be our part therein ; and if these things bring not a sad involvement in such a guilt . 1. When there is no tender abstaining from harsh censuring of others . 2. When there is a pressing more of that which tends to divide , than what there is to unite , and in how far we are still one in our former principles . 3. When high prejudice , and alienation of affection is not closly watched against , which like the predominant humour of the jaundice , will quickly present all things in the same colours , and make it difficult to judge of the way of others we differ from , without a sad by ass . 4. When contendings even for the truth are more passionat and breaking , than with humble seriousness to be rationally convincing and healing , which is so unlike the way of the Lord , and in being defamed , yet to intreat . 5. When there is not some study to walk closs together in so far as we are one , and mutually convinced , which I am sure would help to come more neer in what is now the matter of difference , I must here confess for my self , it hath been heavy on my spirit , that I did not with more seriousness , and according to my small measure move herein , when last in my own countrey , and had so neer a prospect of these deplorable confusions , nor have been under that suteable weight , as such a time calls for , when the Church there is as strugling betwixt life and death , though I may say , it hath oft made me covet a hiding and more abstractness from so sad a noise : but O blessed they , to whom it it shall be given to stand in such 〈◊〉 breach this day , so as it may be convincingly evident the zeal of God , and a healing spirit do most sweetly concurre . 5. And what can we possibly answer to our own conscience , and to all the Reformed Churches this day , yea at the appearing of Jesus Christ , that now the poor Church of Scotland , when in the furnace , and so long in a suffering condition , is like to be more ruined by our selves , than by other Adversaries ; and such a sore rent now amongst these , who are still one in doctrine , worship and Government , and we hope have access to the Father by the same spirit , as have in a sad measure broke up Church fellowship in the Gospell ordinances , and in the most concerning duties of Christian society amongst many ; yea this to be still growing , and yet no essay nor endeavour to prevent such a ruine , that is like to be entailed even on the offspring , and what may be the thought of the generation that succeeds , when so deplorable a history shall be put on record . SECTION II. IT may be strange and matter of astonishment this day , what so severe a stretching of that controversy about the late Indulgence , in our Church , and bringing things to such ane extreme , can possibly meane ? As though no party else were to contend with , when the whole of Religion , is like to be swallowed up betwixt Popery , Prelacy , and Atheisme , and that the peace and true edification of the Church were now so low and cheap , as to sacrifice them upon such ane account ; yea , while so many are in that hazard to be shaken , as they are like to lose all setted perswasion of the truth : but since such stresse hath been by some layed on these grounds adduced in the late History of the Indulgence , for not hearing , or receaving the ordinances of the Gospell , from such Ministers as have accepted thereof , to a further widening thus of the breach ; and , that I have been expresly referred thereto , as a full answer to what is held forth in the forgoing Paper , or whatever can be said to the contrary ; I was pressed to some perusall thereof , so far as to know whence a conclusion so strange , and of so high and universall concern to all the Churches , could possibly be inferred or established by any , who admit the Truth and Authrity of the Scriptures , and these principles wherein we have hitherto walked . But ere I touch this more particularly , I must , to prevent mistakes , premitt some few things in the entry . First , That it is sure the question of Separation is one of the most difficult things , and lyes more in the dark , then most things that are controverted ; and that all acts of extremity , such as this , should be with greatest reluctation , and on convincing and necessary grounds followed ; nor can we ever see such away hath in any time been blessed , ( how favourable soever it might seem in the eyes of some ) which hath tended to perplex and precipitantly to break a poor Church and how sad a mark is put thereon , by the holy Ghost , may be read Jude vers . 19. Secondly , Though some seem too visibly unconcerned , and in stead of being sutably affected , to account this growing breach rather ane ornament and matter of boasting ; yet , when seriously considered , of such import is it , and that question anent Church fellowship and communion ; as this may be truly called , Articulus stantis & cadentis Ecclesiae , and upon no lesse hazard now , ( if grace doe not marvelously prevent ) then the dissolution of a Nationall Church : and is not that James 3. 16. written in greatest letters this day before us , that where strife is there is confusion and every evill work , and that thus both the work of conversion and interest of the Gospell is most visibly obstructed . Thirdly , We must take no measure of present duty , from the event , but whatever proposalls or essayes should be for any composure or healing now in the Church , I hope , I may say , it is no sinfull tampering , or with any ceding or latitude in the least , in the matter of God ; but let truth still have the first place , for I should reckon any such peace with greatest terrour , which might cause a breach with God : have salt in your selfes , and peace one with another . Fourthly , It is not the case of the Indulgence , or the acceptance thereof by any of our Brethren , that is now the controversy amongst us , nor is here touched further , then a necessary opposing , so strange and unjust inferences , as hath been made thence , to make this difference seem greater then it is ; and for renting the poor Church ; but it is known when that design of the Magistrate was set on foot , what sutable and serious freedome ( in the opportune season ) was used to prevent any dividing among us , and to keep of any concurrence therewith , yet with that due and tender respect to there Ministry , with whom we herein differed , to prevent any publick rent or breach , and as we judged these most sutably consistent , so it is sure , the thoughts of such things , we now see , and of such a spirit as is now aloft would have made our hearts then tremble . Fiftly , I doubt not that this great duty will be acknowledged by all , if it had a sutable weight on us , in such a day , to adore the holy and spotlesse righteousnesse of God in what he hath done , and ly in the dust before him , against whom we have sinned , and be much in humble and serious selfjudging ; for we should tremble either to justifie or extenuate the sad declinings which hath been in our Church , in these later times , from that first love , tenderness and zeall for God , and the great concerns of his truth ; yea mourn , that so sad a faint hath been among us , and despondency of spirit , for such a sutable , unite , and solemne appearance , as was called for in bearing testimony against these invasions made on the Kindome of our blessed Master , whilst many opportunities hath been too visibly lost of this great duty by us al. Sixtly , Yet upon the other hand we must not shut our eyes , nor conceall such a ground of hope , and token for good , that the Lord will not destroy , but dwell in our land , that he hath accepted a testimony by the sufferings of his poor people , even of all ranks now for these years past , who have cheerfully endured , with much long-suffering , some unto death , banishment , imprisonment , and the spoiling of their goods , as I may adventure to say , upon this account a greater testimony hath not been given to the way of the Lord , and his truth in our Church , since the first begun Reformation from Popery ; yea , that what ever be these sad deplorable differences now amongst us , yet are they not stated upon a publick disowning of any principle of truth either in doctrine , worship , or Government ; and hopes , that many of these who are most severly reflected on by some , would through grace , ( if called to publick confession , of the glorious headship and supremacy , of our blessed Head , King , and Lawgiver to his Church , ) not account their life dear unto the death , to be offered up as a sacrifice thereon : Wherein I judge as is meet , and with more peace of minde now when I write this , then to judge with that severity , and peremtorinesse , which have been by some , against their Brethren , and fellow-servants this day . I shall but add , that what is here touched , hath been with some desire and aime , to keep a distance from any personall reflections , or to provoke and give a thrust at the repute of any ; but Oh , if a delivering ourselfes up to the truth , were reckoned to be the greatest Victory , and however provoked or injured , yet by manifestation of the truth to their consciences , in a humble , tender , and convincing way to deall with such ; surely , this should be matter of peace and joy in the shutting up of our dayes , and not to have recompenced evill with evill , but to have thus endeavoured the gaining the soul of their Brother , by overcoming evill with good . Having premitted these , I must touch alittle some grounds layed down in that history of the Indulgence , for not hearing of the indulged Ministers ; and such measures as seem to have been taken , for a stretching this difference so far , as to break of Church communion and fellowship with these , whom yet they dare not but own as the Messengers of Christ to his Church ; which I must say upon some serious reflection , hath been astonishing to see , so high a charge and arguments adduced there , and with such confidence followed , which , if fearched unto , by any serious and unbyassed Reader , may enforce them to see , the conclusion would seem to have been established befor the premisses ; though in this as to the tendency thereof , and these sad and deplorable consequences that are like to follow , I hope , was neither designed , nor forseen by the Author , to whose memory , ( if such as is pretended to be ) I doe own great respects , and to have no further reflection on what is there , then the truth , which must have preference to all , indispensibly requires . First , We may see in stead of Arguments , some high and confident assertions , where I must say , the enditement goes above the evidence ; and that ( 1. ) There is both ane imposing of a sense upon their Brethrens practise , and a being judge also themselfes ; and such a sense , as these who have been known most averse from any acceptance of that Indulgence , yet can neither see nor admitt ; but how hard is it , in a dividing time , when all humors are so much aloft , to censure without slander . ( 2. ) Here is a pressing of that sense on this practise , which themselves doe with a professed abhorrence disown ; whose candour and sincerity otherwayes , in the greatest concerns of Religion , I hope , none dare debate ; and how sad is it , when deductions , and inferences , are rather forced , then found , from the way of others , and a designe more to defame , and make things worse , then they are to reclaime : and to urge things beyond their due weight : there is a rigide and severe prosecution even in things lawfull , that brings much scandall on Religion , and the way of the Lord , so as to make many scarr and take a judgment thereof by this practise , which yet , is so full of a holy sweetnesse and condescendence . ( 3. ) What is held forth there , as it too obviously exceeds , so it is a divesting of the matter , of these just extenuating circumstances that it is capable of , whilst no censure should extend further according to the rule , then what necessarly must be inferred from the fact : for that 1 Cor. 13. commanded Charity , which thinketh no evill of our Brother , so also reasoneth no evill , so as to put ane harder construction then it can justly hear , as if there were some desire , to have such ane advantage to speak evill , and interprete doubtfull things in the worst sense . Secondly , For these multiplied divisions of many arguments , and a strange empeachment of ane accumulative defection from the truth , and falling in with Erastianisme ; I confess was astonishing , what such a heaping up of these should meane , with so visible a coincidence upon the matter , as if to repeat the very same thing , though in another form twenty , or thirty times over , could thus have the more weight : but we know , arguments must be weighed , and not numbered . Thirtly , And is there not to visible a tendency of all these high aggravations , and reasonings there upon , to cause a further breach , and stretch this difference , beyond , either what was needfull , or expedient , for edification , in making that a stumbling block for many to break themselfes on , which was not so before ; and thus in shunning one extreme , hath rushed both themselfes , and others , one another , as is like , ( if the Lord prevenr not ) to cause a further stated division in other points of truth ; and to what a sad extreme now are things thus come ; when it is so expresly declared in the preface to that History , that he can pray for nothing else in behalf of the indulged Ministers , but repentance , and untill that , may have no sute else to God in their behalf ; which is ane expresse denying to pray for the successe of their Ministry , and edification of the people , untill they be once convinced , and have changed their judgment : yea , thus could not joine with such in prayer , upon any other sute that they should put up for themselfes , before the Lord. I should wish this had been so cautioned , as any safe or warrantable sense , could have been put on so strange ane assertion , otherwise the communion of the saints , and the doctrine of the Church herein , must undeniably be made void . Fourthly , That here is a most sad , and unwarrantable overstretching of this controversy , ( in so high a charge , as is thus brought , of Erastianisme , and ane expresse formall , receiving of their Ministry from Magistrate ) I must humbly judge , is unanswerable on these grounds . ( 1. ) That thus , is charged upon them and their practise , for having yeelded up more to the Magistrate , then is so much , as once sought or required by them , in that Act of Indulgence ; since that which is expresly shewed there , is , that they allow and permitt such the publick exercise of their Ministry , in these respective places where they should be confyned , to be without hazard of law . ( 2. ) Because , ( and , I hope , none will question it ) their Ministry , and the validity thereof , and that they did also exercise the same , notwithstanding of any hazard from the law , before any such Indulgence was , is sufficiently known . ( 3. ) Whatever difference hath been in the application , yet their publick adherence , to the same principles , in the point controverted is undenyable , only they judge their practise herein , to be consistent therewith , whilst questioned by others , which is the very state of this present case . ( 4. ) I hope none dare judge these our Brethren ( whatever difference of judgment be herein ) or charge them with wilfull errour , or controuling their light and conscience in this matter , but that they have walked accordingly ; ( and I must so judge as is meet ) but if any will assume ane authority both to judge , and passe sentence on the conscience of such , whom they know to be serious , tender , and judicious , in the matters of truth ; I cannot answer this , but must leave them to answer that great infallible rule of the Scriptures of truth herein ; but I must say , the putting of so a strange a gravamen , and exaggerating of this practise so far beyond all bounds , hath seemd strange to mee , how possibly such could be without some fear and dread , ( how light so ever it seem now to some ) of being found guilty of a sad breach of the ninth command : and since all should prove their own work , I humbly think , they should be as competent judges in the truth of their profession , and of what they have so solemnly declared , as any else . ( 5. ) Here also is a visible opposing of them to themselfes , in so far as their declaration before the Councill , and set down in that History is evident , and hath these very words publickly , before the Magistrate : ( We have receaved our Ministry from Jesus Christ , with full prescriptions from him , for regulating us therein , and must be accountable to him , ) and if these so publickly owned this , and spoke the same in truth , and sincerity ; then these strange assertions so frequently renewed there , even to the readers nauseating , upon such ane account of there having taken their Ministry from the Magistrate , must be undenyably false : besides it s known ( and should we deny what is just to our Brethren upon such ane account , ) their practicall witness , and counteracting of any instructions imposed on them by the Magistrate . Fiftly , There seems much endeavour to invalidate any declaration , which was then given before the Councell , upon the omission of that clause , only , and that though they owned their Ministry to be from Jesus Christ , and to receave directions from him for the exercise thereof , that , yet , this clause , only , was deliberatly left out , and the Authors of that History seems the more pressed herein , else their whole scope were frustrate , since none could debate this to have been then , a full and clear confession of their Ministry , as from Christ alone , and independant on the Magistrate , and therefore are concerned to prove , that this , only , was a deliberate omission , which I must confesse a strange reasoning to any discerning Reader , that page 130. argum . 12. they with such confidence say , it is apparent the indulged did deliberatly shun to say , they had there Ministry only from Christ , and yet page 24. when they give the reason why this was deliberatly done , because it was designed by some , ( sayes the Author ) if I be not misinformed : and must the whole stresse of most of their arguments , be layed over upon their designe , and intention herein , and no lesse then a judiciall for faulture of their Ministry thence inferred , whilst they are , yet , put to confesse ane uncertainty , whither they were rightly enformed anent this , yea , or no , or if this omission was truly deliberate : and since this is a publick fixing , a most high scandall on so many Ministers of Christ , it would have been expected to be with the furthest evidence to convince others , and that they are in case for the full , and judiciall , out making thereof , when required ; if they would give that measure they expect from others , and which the Scripture indispensibly requires in such a case . Sixtly , It is strange , so sudden a determining , and publishing the private judgings of some , in a matter of such weight and universall concern , without so much as a previous communicating in Councill herein , with the must tender of their Brethren , whom they would in charity judge to be serious , and have the Councill of God with them , yea , this without laying down any such convincing grounds , as were necessary to justifie so strange a practise , as the departure from fellowship in the publick ordinances , with so great a part of the Church ; as though this had no weight in this day , for the spirit of the Prophets being subject to the Prophets . I must say , though some should own an revelation , or extraordinary impulse in this , yet , so far , it might have been judged , they might have keept of , as not to vent the same in ane disorderly and unsutable way ; or adventure to bring in so strange a practise , and of so publick concern in the Church , without the Church ; or to exerce their private judgment , over the whole of their Brethren . The Apostle Paull , tho immediatly called by Christ , yet would goe up to Jerusalem to conferre with the Brethren ; nor would Paull and Barnabas together , adventure to determine in that difference at Antioch , untill it was brought to the Apostles : the same spirit which leads unto all truth , does also lead unto Humility , and to the furthest tender condescendence in Brethrens dealling with other ; nor should it be light , whatever may be the private thoughts of some , in a matter of truth , to doe any thing precipitantly which may disturb the Church : and now when it is strugling as if between life and death , was this a time to drive with such heat this present breach , and in a way to defame , more then to convince and gaine , and with such a height of severe reflection on all that comes not to their measure this way , as if to be pious , and peacable at once , were wholly inconsistent . Sevently , And what should it meane , or is it sutable to that candour and tender respect , which we owe to the Author of the late Apology , to set down these arguments which he hath there for not hearing of the Curats , for not hearing the indulged ; and herein , to oppose him to himself , and his own expresly declared sense to the countrary , whilst now by his death he cannot answer . But his own words there , I hope , will not be denyed , which yow may read pag. 128. and there also see , a vigorous opposition to the indulgence yet without any breach or dividing from these worthy Ministers , who have accepted thereof , are no wayes inconsistent . Amongst the many designes aimed at , ( said that Author ) in this indulgence , and in part obtained , we know the breakings and dividing of our party was a principall one ; but , we hope , without the fruit our Adversaries expected ; for whatever difference there hash been , and yet is among us , in our practise in relation to the indulgence , we are all agreed in our preceeding exceptions against it , and if there had been accesse for representing the same to the Rulers , our unanimity and concord in these had been more discovered and known to the world ; there is no change with us , of our known and professed judgment anent the Government of the Church , in its distinction from , and independency on the Magistrate ; some who take hold on all occasions to reproach us , are pleased to represent their acceptance of this indulgence , as contradictory to , and inconsistent with our former professed principles in Church Government ; yet , any that considers what was shortly hinted at in the Councell , at the receiving of this indulgence , and what was more largly declared by them , to their congregations at first entry , will be sufficiently convinced of our constant adherence to former principles , which by this acceptance is not at all changed : thus for he . Eightly , But if the declared judgments , and authority of some may influence any to a more implicite falling in with this way ; I must yet further crave leave , to oppose the judgment of one , who , I suppose , may have the same weight and authority in this case , it is the Author of the true Non-conformist , who in his clearing the duty of forbearance to hear the Curats , hath these words which I cited , in the first Paper , Page 196. I freely acknowledge , that if God had permitted this whole Church to slide into the present evills of Prelacy , and thereafter had blessed it with a discovery ; yet , I would not admitt in that condition the same necessity and expediency of separation , that I now finde , to plead with for a non complyance , in as much as our present non-complyance , was not only a more seasonable and safe duty , but also was attended with a faithfull and edifying adherence , to our true and sent Teachers . And page 194. hath these words , that separation is a departing from ane union , once acknowledged , even in these things , that are in themselfes not condemned , and thus does most expresly determine , the unwarrantableness of falling of from Church fellowship with the indulged Ministers on that head , after so known and acknowledged union with these in the publick ordinances , even after the acceptance of the indulgence , till of late , but that you may know , what is the sense and declared judgment of this Author , in this case , I shall give you now further his own words , pag. 487. opposing himself herein to these sharp reflections of G. B. But you doe not only make your Non-conformist to cede as it were to your reasonings ; but in a manner to own the late pretended indulgence , as flowing from the supremacy , as on purpose to fix on these few Ministers of ours , who have been thereby restored , at least a constructive approbation of this evill . And there in the following page has these words . But not to lose time in these triflings , I differ from your Non-conformist , and am so much against the supremacy , that I abominate the indulgence under this name , but that God has disposed the King to restore in any measure what was so sinfully taken away , we account it a great blessing , wishing that he may be in such manner satisfied with the fruits of this course , as may more and more convince him of its righteousness , and encourage him to its prosecution . But if you , or any think , by this poor and scant restitution , to bribe the Lords people , to the rest of your usurpations ; we trust the Lord will deliver his own ; and that as hitherto , our Ministers has looked upon themselfes as such , neither of Man , nor only by Man ; but by Jesus Christ and God the Father ; so they will accordingly acquit themselfes , and in a speciall manner testify for his right and ordinance , against all invasions ; and that so much the more , as the hard condition of the present times , hath engaged them to an seeming allowance of that of which they ought to purge themselfes in the first place : thus you see what is the declared judgment of that Author in this present case , yea , how far he is a length herein ; and I hope non will question his speaking his light , and judgment in this sincerly ; but that we may see different judgments and apprehentions in this case should not seeme so strange now in the Church . Nintly , But since so great a weight is layed on this , that the indulged Ministers are in the same classe , and case , with these who are Prelatick , yea , seems rather to hold them out as worse ; I must now affer some few things on this head , for any discerning Reader to considere . ( 1. ) How visibly this hath tended , to a sad heightening the present breach ; that the just grounds , whereon we have keept such a distance from the hearing of such , hath not been more weighed , and understood ; and how these can give no possible warrant , to make the same inference in this present controversy . ( 2. ) That the stretching of this by some to so great a height , as to take arguments hence , for forbearing to hear , so many eminently godly and able Non-conformed Ministers , upon this head of the indulgence ; would truly seem , as if designed , rather to weaken its strenth against the Prelatick party , and give such , to sad ane advantage against us , in this day . ( 3. ) Since it is not in thesi , or without a due consideration of these speciall grounds , and just concurrence of circumstances in the complex case now of our Church , this can be understood for not hearing of the Curats , but as such , which in a speciall way must be stated by it self : ( for it might otherwise tend , to a sad prejudice to the truth , and publick interest of the Reformed Churches , and run unawares on a very evident precipice ) I must therefore beseech and obtest , that this may be more adverted to , and that we may know how sutably to give a reason , of our light and practise herein , upon clear and evident grounds for which I shall offer these . ( 1. ) That with the late erection of Prelacy , there was then no departure from any acknowledged union with such , but a simple Non-complyance , and a publick owning and adhering to these faithfull Non-conformed Ministers , under whom they had been formerly sed ; though it is true , that not a few after , when their heart was touched by the word , fell more of from hearing of such , upon so discernible difference , they found among them , and the Non conformed Ministers . ( 2. ) That here is no dark or controverted case , in our Church , as to the evill and dreadfulnesse of Prelacy , and of any accession to strengthen that interest , but that wherein we are explicitly sworn to by the oath of God , to endeavour , in our severall places and stations , the extirpation of , and thus , should be pressed to keep at furthest distance from any tendency , to strenthen the same ; yea , while such severe acts and threatenings of the Councill , hath been issued out there upon , does make this the more a case of confession , tho they should be easily satisfied this day if all should forbear to hear the indulged . ( 3. ) That forbearance now to hear the Curats , is in a case , wherein the previous cognition , and authoritative judgment of the Church of Scotland , and generall assemblies thereof , hath by a judiciall procedure , been so expresse and full thereanent ; yea , though not the same individuall persons , yet in the very same case , conformity to Prelacy hath been upon a clear , publick , and judiciall tryall , most solemnly judged and sentenced , by the indicatories of our Church ; which sheweth the great disparity betwixt this , and a few private persons , taking on them , to judge and sentence their Brethren , upon a practise under such debate this day , among the most seriously godly in the land , yea , this in expresse opposition to the judgment of most of the Non-conformists in our Church . ( 4. ) This discernible difference is here also , and may be convincing to all , as we are on all hands so fully one in acknowledging of the truth , as we can debate these sad differences among us , upon common principles which are mutually consented to , and does not divide in the same center , whilst by the Conformists there is so publick and professed among of Prelacy , as both there principles and practise are stated in ane expresse opposition . ( 5. ) It is undenyable likewayes , that the intrusion of most of such as are Conformists , amongst these where they fixed , can have no place here ; since , so far as I know , none that accepted the indulgence , have wanted some expresse call from , and consent of both the Eldership and people , and however , that act of the Councell was antecedent thereto , yet , were they neither commanded nor obliged , to any election of these more then of others , by that act ; but hath it left to their own consent , whether to call them or not . ( 6. ) Nor can it be said , that such who were indulged , ( except these who hath that liberty to their own congregations ) did come under any further relation , but to exerce their Ministry there , upon mutuall consent , where they had more free and peacable accesse , and without prejudice , to any former relation , or tye , to their congregations . Lastly I must further adde , with some astonishement at what is declared intent of these arguments , adduced there that it is to vindicate the practice of such as scruple to own or hear any indulged Ministers , & thus to fix them who were bot hesitant before , to a further falling of from the hearing of such , the tendency of which & whether this would lead , I must judge hath not been apprehended or advented to , and that these sad consequences would necessarily fallow thereon ; first to lay a stumbling block in the way of many thousands of the people , who had no such scruple herein so far as to prejudge , & weaken their edification by their Ministry ; yea thus frustrat that success and fruit their work of the Gospell might have ; and Oh! must the scrupling of some few be thus publickly vindicated , at so dear a rate as the too visible hazard of so many immortall souls in taking them either wholly off or marring their profit in the publick ordinances dispensed by so many able , and serious Ministers of Christ ; and how very sad a consequence is this also to fix perpetuat a formed rent in the Church , by laying thus down dividing principles ( I must say not according to the doctrine of Christ that we have receaved ) to salve a dividing practice , which otherwise we might hope , should have ere now worn out ; but there they expresly fix the unlawfulness of hearing any of these , so long as that case exist of their being indulged except upon that supposall which I hope through grace shall never take place of there being no preaching Ministry els in the whole Church , and thus doeth lay down a new rule , and precedent buit with that disadvantage that I humbly judge its greatest weight , and inforcement most be from the authority of the imposers , though of such ane import as upon the matter it is noe less then to sentence ; yea , some way unchurch all these congregations who own & adhere to their Ministry . I thought it a grave remark of a choise and eminent Minister of Christ , in thir late times upon this head ; I could , sayes he , relate many sad stories of persons professing godliness , who out of dislike begane at first to separate from our Church meetings , and after many changes are turned now some Quakers , some Ranters and Atheists , these are his very words with this reason he did give thereof , that such as fall off from the publick worship are like a Man tumbling down a hill that never leaves , till he come to the bottom . SECTION III. BUt that there may be , upon such sad differences , a right understanding of the question , and a moving on clear grounds ; which hath been rendered so perplex & dark , by to visible essayes , for making things seem greater then they are : I must come more near , to touch this present controversy ; and Oh! what can this meane , the poor Church all in a flame , yea , almost to a being utterly broke , and the cause so litle understood , but many thus thrusting at others in the dark , and I am sure , when mens eyes shall be opened , and these muddy waters become clear , that such , as shall be keept from a being swallowed up , in that whirlepit of error , and delusion ; will then wonder , how their spirits should have been thus entangled , in so high breakings , and animosities , on such a ground as this ; and be enforced to see , that it was not so much , upon the matter of any difference , in light , and judgment , as a dividing spirit , which in the holy righteousnesse of God , is now too much aloft : this is indeed , a great and boisterous winde , which is renting the poor Church , but the Lord is not there ; except that wee may see it , one of the saddest tokens of his displeasure . But , since on a clear stating of this controversy , the issue , and a right judging thereof , necessarily depends ; and that we may understand , wherein the present difference does mostly ; I shall offer some important questions , on this account , to be considered . QUEST . I. What the indulgence is ? About which , so high , and continued a breach , is thus in our Church : for I have found a strange noise and clamor , by some , upon this account , who did not yet understand , what this truly was ; besides , that astonishment that it causeth to strangers abroad , about what the Church of Scotland , is this day , in such a flame . I shall give but this short , and plain account of it . It was ane order , and appointment of the Magistrate , to some Non-conformed Ministers , who were expresly named ; to repaire to such places , and remaine there confined ; permitting , and allowing them to preach , and exerce the others parts of their ministeriall function , in the said respective places , or parishes , where they were thus confined . This is the very substance , of the last act of indulgence , of date Sept. 3. 1672. and the former Act of Indulgence , which preceeded some years before that , being upon the matter , one , and the same , only without any sentence of Confinement , I need not further mention , that about the acceptance of this , there was some difference in judgment , amongst the most serious both Christians and Ministers in our Church , and with some free , plain , and tender communing among themselfes , upon such ane account ; but , I may say , without any designed tendency , to any such breach , as some of late have made it their very work to promote . QUEST . II. It may be needfull to know , how far there is yet , ane undenyable onnesse and agreement , among the true Non-conformed Ministers , and Professours of our Church , notwithstanding of this present difference , about the accepting of the Indulgence , to which I must answer , in these few . ( 1. ) That we are one , in a joint confession , and publick owning of the same doctrine , worship , and Government , as formerly : whatever by all of us , should be sadly regrated , as to the want of that freedome , in such a publick testimoy thereto , before Adversaries ; as these sad encroachments hath been made , upon the Government of the Church , established by our blessed Head and Master , did in this day require . ( 2. ) That whatever hath been thus wanting in practise , ( Oh! that we could truly mourn over the same ) yet , are we still one , and agreed upon both sides , in a declared , and , I hope , serious disowning , both Prelacy , and Erastianisme as contrary to the Scripture . ( 3. ) In this also are we one , that whatever the Magistrate hath assumed ; yet , that he hath no just right and power , or is in the least proper for him , to judge of the spirituall condition and state of the people , as to the fittednesse of Ministers for labouring amongst them ; and thus to make application of persons to particular places , for the exercise of their Ministry there ; which is alone proper and competent , to the ordering and cognition of the Church ; this , so far , as I know , is upon no side either owned or approven . ( 4. ) Herein likewayes , doe we jointly agree , that to none it belongs , but to our blessed Head and Lawgiver , to prescribe , and give rules to his servants , for the exercise of their Ministry ; and that these rules , we can only own and acknowledge , which he hath given , for the same , to us , in the Scripture . QUEST . III. I know it is of greatest weight , now to be considered , and , wherein the state of this controversy much lyes ; if there be ground , or warrant from the Scripture , and doctrine of the Reformed Churches , to break of Church communion with these who have accepted of this late Indulgence , and refuse such as the Ministers of Christ , and by his autority , dispensers of the mystery of the Gospell , upon this present difference , now held forth . I know , they doe not assert in that History of the Indulgence , this to be simpliciter sinfull , to hear either such , or the Curats , but it is only in case , that no preaching Ministry were else in the land ; otherwayes doth most expresly allow , and warrant a forbearing to hear such , as these , who hath fallen under no lesse , then a judiciall forfeiture of their Ministry , in so far , as they have accepted of that Indulgence : and herein , doth in effect impose upon the conscience of the people , to rack and disquiet their minde ; so as many through fear and ignorance upon this account , knowes not what to doe . Now to this question , I must give this plain and expresse answer , that it seemes a most convincingly sinfull , and offensive practise , without any just cause , or warrant followed ; which , I here offer , to demonstrate , from these following grounds . I. That no Scripture command , or warrant is for the same , from the example of our blessed Lord , nor was ever taught by his Prophets , & Apostles , & therefore ane unjust and offensive rent . I hope , this none dar debate , that the Scripture is the alone instrument , and Rule of Church Government , and to this Law , and Testimony , we must take ourselfes , under every debateable case theranent ; yea that any ministeriall power given to us , is only executive , and declarative , to apply the revealed will of the Lord unto his people , by a clear discovery thereof ; and what is not according to that rule , none may admitt , though under the patrociny of ane Angell : but that , for this practise we have no Scripture warrant , is most clear . ( 1. ) From the example of our blessed head himself , while he was here , upon the earth , and that respect , he did expresly own to the prescribed worship , of the Jewish Church ; yea , that such was his blessed way , as no visible rent was by disciples , from the publick ordinances , even then , when the dreadfull declinings of that Church , was so great a length . ( 2. ) We see what both the Prophets and Apostles taught , and what was their practise in this case , that as on the one hand , they sought to keep the people at furthest distance from all idolatry and false worship ; so upon the other hand did give no warrant , but expresly to the contrary , as to any departure from the publick worship , where it was not corrupted , notwithstanding of these sad declinings of the Church otherwise ; and I crave any to shew ane instance to the contrary . ( 3. ) Nothing can be more evident , then the care the Apostle had to keep the Church of Corinth from dashing on such a rock , to such as doe but seriously read and consider these Epistles : nor doth our blessed Master , to the seven Churches , give the least ground or warrant , as to any falling of , or secession , from the publick assemblies , notwithstanding of so sad a charge , as is there given against some of these Churches : but we may see , how concerned the Apostle was against this , as one of the publick evills and scandalls , then breaking up in the Church , Heb. 10 : 25. the forsaking of the assemblies , for the publick worship of God , as the manner of some was then : and Oh! what can it mean ? thus to rack the consciences of the people , and impose such new terms and conditions of Church communion , as neither the Scripture , nor examples of the purest Reformed Churches since the Apostles time , did ever warrant ; for which , I must here humbly challenge , any , who are otherwise minded , to let us see , where the signature of one Scripture command is , for what they impose ; or what divine precept is violated by hearing the indulged ; or if such a cure , and remedy , was ever taught by the great healer , as this practise , of admitting no composure and uniting in controverted duties , untill there be a full onnesse of judgment among us ; or thus to break and disquiet a poor Church , ( as though some had no work else ) almost outwearied with these sad , and perpetuall contendings , for making void their Ministry , which hath been and , I hope , yet shall be owned of the Lord for his peoples edification . II. Ground , to demonstrate the unwarrantablenesse of this practise , is this ; that it is expresly contrare to that established order of Christ in his Church , as the proper remedy , and releife , for any publick offences , Matt. 18 : 15. and which is so expresse a rule given in this case , as can admit of no alteration ; as also to that , 1 Cor. 14 : 40. that all things should be done in order and decency : nor can there be any hesitation herein , whether this practise and way , which is thus taken by some , does not controll the same ; thus to withdraw , and impose ( upon the matter ) so high and publick a censure on others , by their private judgment and authority , except they will adventure to determine on the rule , and these ancient Scripture bounds which are there set to us ; but as it is sure , the things of Christ , must be by his warrant only , & no latitude else given us , but to observe he whatsoever commands Mat. 28 last : yea , that no healing or cure will ever be to the Church , but by his appointed means ; so it is undenyable , that to withdraw from Church fellowship , in such a manner as this , is a most high and spirituall censure . Yea , not to eat with a scandalous Brother , must be understood as ane act of judgment , and does suppose some previous tryall , else , there should be no fixed rule ; but for each to be his own judge in pulling of his Brother to shame ; and , thus no bounds could be fixed , to prevent endlesse breakings and rents in the Church . It s true , a publick releife is not , as formerly , now accessible , but as there is yet , through grace , a faithfull Ministry in our Church , who hath the authority of Jesus Christ , to cognosce and judge of the matters of his house , and to whom , the power of the keyes , both of doctrine and discipline , is by his own warrant committ , ( whatever essayes hath been , and still are , to make such contemptible before the people , yea , some way , I must say , no lesse thus to exauctorate them , and controll their commission this day , then hath been by publick Adversaries . ) So is there also , some sutable exoneration that each Christian may have , in the case of publick offence , ( when there is not such accesse by the Church ) to spread forth the same before the Lord , to endeavour in their capacity and station how to convince , gain , and restore such with the spirit of meeknesse , and thus use personall freedome and tendernesse in dealing with others ; wherein , I am sure , both more peace , and advantage to these they deall with , should be thus reached ; then by any such highly disorderly way , and unwarrantable severity , as is now adventured on by some . III. Ground , to clear the unwarrantablenesse of this practise , is , that it is so expresly contrare to that approven and commended practise in the Church , Rev. 2 : 2. that they hath tryed such who called themselfes Apostles , and were not , but had found them lyars ; where as it is most clear that this was a judiciall tryall , and in a legall and orderly way , of such , before any declarative sentence , and for this end is adduced by the greatest interpreters , to prove the necessity thereof , but this , as I have formerly touched , can give no advantage , in that case of the Conformists , to Prelacy , where besides other grounds mentioned , the antecedent judgment of our Church , hath been so full , clear , and harmonious , there upon : whilst I touch this , I must cite the words and authority of blessed Mr Rutherfurd , in his divine right of Church Government page 378. We grant , sayes he , that each should eschew false Teachers , and all that walk inordinatly , but that every one , should shun these , whom in his private judgment he conceives to be such , before he rebuke , and labour to gaine , and in case of obstinacy , then to tell the Church , is forbidden Mat. 18. and Lev. 19 : 19. for if this sayes he , should be allowed , that I might unbrother , and cast out of heart and fellowship , every one whom I offend at , and conceaves to walk inordinatly ; were first a pathway to perpetuall Schismes . 2. A violation of all Laws of Christian fraternity and communion . 3. A dissolving and breaking all Church communion ; and , it is strange , sayes he , that some would have Christs order keeped , in private offences done by one Brother to another , and not the same in publick offences where one may offend a whole Church . IV. Ground , this is a practise which is stated against the very rule , nature , and end of Church communion , in falling of from hearing upon that head of the indulgence , which may be demonstrable to any on these grounds . ( 1. ) That according to this rule , the sin nor notoriely of corruption in Church offices , does not corrupt or defile the ordinances , because these are the ordinances of Christ ; otherwayes they should have a necessary dependance on , and be of more or lesse value according to the dispensers : but I grant , that may detract from our joy and comfort in partaking thereof , which yet does no way reach the validity of the ordinances . ( 2. ) That it is sure , sad differences both in judgment and practise in the Church , may be consistent with the nature and ends of that blessed unity , which Christ doth require there , and with a keeping of from partaking of the sin of others . ( 3. ) That Church Acts even of these , who are not Pastors according to Gods heart , tho externally called , may be to themselfes unprofitable , and yet edifying to the Hearers ; nor can a greiving and offensive practise make their authority or acts void , since such may have authority , who have not approbation from the Lord , in dispensing his ordinances ; and will any adventure to say , that Jesus Christ hath either disowned , or withdrawen from the Ministry of our Brethren who are thus deserted by many ; which , I confesse , is to me both sad and astonishing , to see many now withdraw , and rather keep their own house , then concurre in publick worship with such , where Christ in the power and efficacy of his word is yet to be seen ; if this be the cure , that some pretends for our present distemper , I must say , it s more sad then the disease . ( 4. ) If Church fellowship be truly understood , it will not be so easy to break of there , as many judged , since all other safe meanes must needs be first essayed ; nor may we fasten a publick scandall on others , especially upon officers of the Church , without the furthest advantage to make it evident both to themselfes , and convincing even to the conscience of others , 1 Tim. 5 : 19. it is not a privilege of order only , but of office , that Ministers have to speak in the name of the Lord , who hath said , he that despiseth you , despiseth me ; and to reject such , is a higher guilt , then to reject the same word in the mouth of a private Christian , for they are the Messengers of the Lord of hosts , and bears his impresse . ( 5. ) This is a practise , as hath therewith a fixing of such terms and conditions of Church communion , which hath not been , nor can be found in any preceeding records , since the times of the Apostles ; and I judge it on speciall cause of these sad breakings now among us , and that so many contend as them that beat the air ; their mistake and ignorance of the true nature , and rule , of externall communion in the Church ; for if this should be considered , upon clear Scripture evidence , as it was in the first planting of the Christian Church , I should not then fear any publick rent on this late difference ; and that which is a necessary condition of Church communion , I hope , must plead some Scripture warrant for its imposition . I know some will plead , that this is but a departure in some degree , of Church-fellowship , which is both a poor and unwarrantable Apology ; since both the rule is thus far deserted , and no ground to know where they may fix after ; but we have to visible ane account this day , where this sad course hath already landed . V. Ground , that is sad a and unwarrantable practise , which tends to cause division in the Church , contrary to the doctrine we have receaved , Rom. 15. which , I am sure , may be to evident , pretend any to the contrarie what they will , upon these grounds . ( 1. ) That whatever was the first rise , or occasion of the offence , cannot be owned as the proper cause of such a formed rent , as this now is ; since most sad offences hath been without any such effect , especially when it was more upon practise , then on any principles of truth ; and the killing of a patient by poyson , through mistake of the true medicine , can never be charged on this , that the body was before in a sad distemper ; nor a misapplication of the meanes to cure a wound , when it hath caused a gangren in the body , be justly charged on the first giving of the wound , since this otherwayes might have been safely healed . ( 2. ) We know that for severall years after that accepting of the indulgence , that difference both in jugdment and practise among us , yet did cause no such effect ; but the work of the Gospell did then must discernibly prosper , untill such violent essayes these two years now past , hath been for bringing things to such ane extreme . And Oh! from that sad period may be too discernibly dated , some further degree of the Lords departure from among us , and these deplorable effects of much blood , devastation , reproach , weakening of the interest of Religion , strenthening of the hands of Adversaries , beyond all that hath been in former times , and which hath encreased our bonds more , then all our Adversaries could ever doe . ( 3. ) If so severe a stretching of this late difference , and loading of the practise of others , with that which it could not bear ; if a carnall and violent way of following this debate , a high crying up of such in whom their own image , more then the image of Christ did appear , and peremtory imposing their judgment , without the least tender condescendence to these that differed from them , doe necessarily tend to engender division in the Church , and have ane undoubted causality from the very nature thereof to this end ; then it may be known , yea , ( I dare appeall any discerning Christian in the Church ) at whose door this must be layed , and who hath most actively moved to put the poor Church in such a flame , and this not upon any principle of truth , which was on either side disowned ; but upon contraverted deductions , from a different practise , and application thereof : this may be no lesse amazing , then it is sad , that the way of some now seems more how to dispatch things by censure , and revilings , then by arguments , and by high words and invectives to exulcerate , more then rationally to convince ; but a sharp censurer and a self searcher does rarely meet in one , though none more usually needs the tender construction of others , then such ; this hath been to known an evill in our Church . VI. Ground , this practise seemes ane expresse violation & breach of Covenant , wherein we are so solemnly engaged before the Lord , which , I know not , how any possibly can evade , when we are no lesse solemnly engaged there , against Schism , then either Prelacy or Erastianisme ; and , if this be not ane unwarrantable Schism , and renting of the Church , I know no such charge could have been given against any since the primitive times , and that on these grounds . ( 1. ) That by Schisme is not to be understood a dividing from the doctrine , but from the communion of the Church , and that it tends to a disyointing from the body , thus we finde , even in the most pure times of the Church , these put in a peculiar class , and looked on with no lesse dread and fear , as such , who did oppose the doctrine of the Church ; and it is but to manifest , that in all times , the most destroying errors hath been still grafted on this stock , whilst on the other hand , the more near fellowship with our blessed head is keept up , and where the life and power of godlinesse is much in exercise , the more hath this sad rock been keept of ; as the more near the lines are to the center , the more near are they , and close to one another . ( 2. ) It is clear also from the Apostles dealing with the Church of Corinth , and about which he used such sharpnesse that they took a divided way of communicating and going about other duties , as tending to make a breach and Schism then , in that Church , whatever gave the rise thereto : se 1 Cor. 11 : 18 , 19. yea , does thus rebuke them , not only that some said they were of Paull , and others of Apollos , but even these that said they were of Christ , so far as this upon the manner was in a contentious and divided way , since of him , and him alone must the whole Church be named . ( 3. ) It hath not hetherto been under debate , from the Scripture , and doctrine of the Reformed Church thereannent , to be ane unquestionable Schisme , where there is a departure from that union in the publick worship and ordinances of the Gospell in which they had formerly walked , and thus a dividing and designed falling off from the same , without any just cause or warrant from the Scripture , to a publick disturbance of that order appointed by Christ in his house , yea contrary to that commanded love , tenderness , prudence and forbearance so expresly required of Church members towards one ane other , and to his blessed authority who has so clearly warranted such a forbearing with these , as in some things may be contrary minded , upon different apprehensions of the truth , so far as both love amongst themselfes , the publick peace of the Church , may not be thus disturbed ; it is sure the choisest of the saints doeth carry to heaven with them , both errors , mistakes and prophesieing in part , and some overclouding must still be of the brightest stares while they shine here ; Oh! if that now which is the present cause of these differences were but once brought to that rule of the word should it not inforce many to be a wonder to themselfes at the strange way they have been upon , and whether they have been carried in this deplorable rent of whose seriousness otherwise I doe not question . VII . Ground , this is a practise contrary to most expresse Scripture commands , for forbearance and condescendence among the godly in breaking times , which we may not only see , Rom. 14 : 3 , 4 , 5. Eph. 4 : 2 , 3 , 4. 1 Cor. 9 : 19. 20. but that it was for this end the Spirit of God doe enjoine the same , that there may be no breach or rent in the Body of Christ , about which he hath so tender a care , and is such a forbearance , as we finde expresly commanded in this very case , upon a controverted practise of the Church , and difference of judgment therein , whatever upon the one side might be more culpable herein then upon the other , as is clear in that debate about meats , 1 Cor. 11. and Oh! what can it mean ? Whiles both our duty and remedy doth here meet at once , yet , this should have so litle weight with us , at this day : for if such a commanded forbearance can have no place among these who are one and agreed in this same principles even in the point controverted , and only differ in the application , yea are mutually perswaded of others sincerity ; I know no place then it could have ever had , since there was a Christian Church : which hath put me to some astonishment , what the peremtory way of some can intend , and to obstruct ane union in the way of the Lord only fought , without ceding in any truth , or being put to condemn any thing they judge lawfull , or approve what they judge sinfull , in the way of others ; and if this be denyed , I would desire then to know what sinfull complyance , or yeelding in any concerne of the truth , can be herein challenged ; or if such a suteable essay hash yet been for a tender , serious communeing , with such they keep so great a distance with ; to meet and concurre in what are uncontroverted duties in such a day . But oh ! the temper of this time seems more now in passion than argument , which is so naturall and pleasing an evill , as the most expresse authority of the Scripture is not like to restraine . I must adde this further to be considered , if such a departure from Church fellowship should be admitdon this head of the late indulgence , and the discretive judgment , of any ( which can only be pretended here ) stretched to such a hight as without the Church to impose this , which is of so publik and universal concerne on the conscience of the people , these consequences of greatest import must need follow . 1. To breake up Church fellowship and communion with most all the Reformed Churches this day ; yea is a caice and practice under these circumstances it is now stated , as will finde no precedent , even from such , who have formerly most pleaded for separation who did never own this on any such ground as a different practice , upon various apprehensions thereof , among such who are most intirely one in the same doctrine and principles . 2. This also must follow to withdrauw from Fellowship in hearing of the most choice and eminent Non-conforme Ministers now in the Church of England , whose liberty they had for a peaceable accesse to their publick meetings some years now past , was of that same nature , and in al 's expresse termes one with this indulgence . Yea it must necessarily tend like wayes to fall of communion in publick with the whole Ministry of the Belgick Church , which to the furthest conviction of any who will question this can be demonstrat on clearest ground . 3. Nothing can be more evidently contrair then this practice is to the known judgments of the old Non-conformists , yea of such who have been most eminent both in the Churches of Old and New-England of the congregational judgment , whose tender respect to guard against any dashing on such a rock as this , they have published to the world , which I forbear to set down here only to avoide prolixity . But I must yet speak a few words more on this so important a caice , and obtest ( I hope I may say with most tender respect ) such who in some simplicity of heart hath been carried so strainge a length in these differences , and may not be aware of the hazard , and on what a precipice they are thus led to consider . 1. If ther be no caus to fear , lest theyr resolution be fixt before their light , and a serious tryall of theyr way , and motion herein , since the sincerity of our aime can make none approven in that where a declining is in the matter from the rule . 2. And that the example and authority of none can bear weight with the conscience upon an after search of what they have done , sinc each must prove his own worke , yea it is sure non would take poysone upon the credit or repute of others , nor can the wisdom of words add any weight to the word of truth . 3. Is there not much cause to fear ( that without preventing grace ) division is at such a height , as it shall at last end in dissolution . Julian knew this to well , when as one of the greatest means he followed for the undoing of Christianity was not only to tollerat but to foment differences among Christians . 4. And what can such fore breakings as these mean , for sure it is one of two that either we do not center in Christ , and are unite by the same spirit with him , or that we are thus under some dreadfull prevalence of temptation ; It is not the lines that are streight but such as are drawn crooked from the center , which do justle and tread on other . 5. Should it not be a strainge contradiction , for a profest contending , upon the Kingdom , and supremacy of our blest head , over his Church ; by a visible controlling of the authority of his Laws over our conscience and practice , and can this be under debate where there is so sad an exceeding of these Scripture bounds sett to us , in mutuall contendings in such differences as these now are , for which , I shall but offer these express commands given in such a caice to be considered which I may say could not possibly but restraine any such rupture and schisme now in our Church , if some suteable weight thereof were on our spirits ; Phil. 2 : 3. Eph. 4 : 31. Rom. 14. 3 , 4. James 3. vers . 6. Hath not in all times the Churches hazard been more from the right then the left hand , and from such a party as lyes in ambush to enter at every breach ; I mean the spirit of errour and delusion , than from open assaults yea is there any mean could have been essayed more sad for the opening such a door , then this to divide the Church , and godly among themselfs . 7. 〈◊〉 whither hath this tyde carried some , I am sure much beyond their own thoughts and what deplorable effects have thus been of late in so strainge a keeping this breach up with these who are partakers of the same precious faith , and when much more is yet to unite , then to disjoine , shall there yet be further dashing on such a rock whereon so remarkable a beacon in these known sad and dismall consequences hes been set up before us , yea no essay for a binding up of such wounds which are now like to bleed unto death . 8. What strange pleasure must it be that is more in bitter contendings ( I fear ) then to live in the practise of these great truths we know ; or what true gain can be thus projected for our masters interest ; it is sur such a delight , sould be greatest paine to any serious , and tender spirit . Yea have not such intemperat heats yet spent their strengh under these strange chainges which have of late gone over , as might have brought some sutable cool atlast to this fever . 9. Are professors of the truth in such a manner now prest to adorne the profession thereof , as formerly , and under such a weight how great , great a thing it is for any to be eternally saved though never more cause to walk under fear of this , then in the present age , or where moe in a way of profession , and with much of the forme of godliness hath been in hazard to perish , and come short of heaven , yea with lesse accesse to be convinc'd or to bear faithful dealling with their conscience then seems now ; and do but consider whom yow prejudge most in withdrawing from the Ministry of these , who I hope shall be ouned of the Lord as his messingers to the Church and darre own no other resentment both of greife and sorrow upon the visible hazard of such as seem not to be awarre thereof themselves . 10. Yow know that expresse command of watching with a godly jealousy against any strainge doctrine , Heb. 13 : 3. and it 's but too known how eager a grasping is by many more at what seems new and strange , then what may edify ; nor hath such oft apprehended the hazard of some plausible error , untill it came to a more formed complexion , as is now . 11. What advantage is thus given to the Prelatick party for that charge of separation against the whole Non-conformists this day , and though with clearest evidence we can evince the injustnesse thereof ; yet knows not how to ansuer on your behalf when we are reproved . 12. Are we not both called and taught , to trye the spirits whither they be of God , by clearest Scripture light : and that the impulse and motions of the spirit of grace , must assuredly tend to compose and sanctify the whole frame of the soul with a humble tender submisnesse to the tryall of the word herein , and is it not expresly shewed what the fruits of the spirit and flesh are . Galat. 21. 22. 2 Tim. 1. 2. 3. vers . and how farre the way of the Lord is from any irregular or impetuous courses ; yea such as may seem incompatible with the very use and exercise of reason . These words of Luther in the second tome of his epistles , ar of much weight : sayes he in your tryal and decerning the spirits ye would trye whither they can prove their calling in what is strange or extraordinary either in their judgment or practice , for God never sent any but they were either called by men , in his appointed way , or declared by signes , no not his own son , and in no wayes , may we accept the calling of any upon such a warrant of some singular impulses or revelation . I must yet beseech this further , to be layd to heart ; that if any thing can be known by its native and visible effects , we may then read in greatest Letters , what a Babel of confusion and disorder , with dividing both of hearts and tongues hath followed on this late astonishing rent , and Schisme in our Church , yea when thus taken off any certaine rule , for hearing and joining in the publick Ordinances , knowes not where to finde themselfs , or to be in one measure in such a caice . I desire to speake this with a tender respect to such , who I darre not question hath had a serious regard to the truth yet hath not been awarre of the subtilty of this snare , and with hope that upon serious after thoughts some more fixt uniting both in judgment and heart may yet follow amongst all who are indeed lovers of the truth , in our Church ; with some more suiteable fear to dash againe on such a rock ; yea to see how true and sweet a consistence , may be betwixt Zeal and fervency for the Lord , and that humble fear and tendernesse in our private judgment in such a difference , as this , where on no side the truth is denyed ; so as to keep of any publick rent in the Church . QUEST . IV. Which may be yet needful to touch on these late publick differences , if it be either matter of duty , or expedient and for edification , to bring these in publick and engadge the people therein ; and if some forbearance thus by Ministers of the Gospel , be not in such a time and under these circumstances we stand , called for . For clearing of which , I hope there is no debate ; upon that great duty of a faithful and free wairning against publick sins , and though with a suiteable prudence , yet impartially to apply the rule against them , and to shew both the duties and dangers of the time ; but I humbly judge , no justleing will be found here , with a tender abstinence and forbearance in such a caice as this , where a different judgment and practice is now , amongst the most serious godly and faithful Ministers , in our Church who yet does so jointly concurre and are one in the same truth ; upon these grounds . 1. That this can not be pleaded as a publick Testimony to the truth ; as it thus reflects on the practice of their Brethren , with whom they differ on whom no disouning or opposing of the same . Without the furthest breach of charity can be thus fixt ; nor is this before any such as are the known and publick adversaries thereto , or upon any visible hazard , Luke 21 : 12. When you shall be brought before Kings and rulers for my names sake , this shall turne to you for a testimony , but I must say the tendencie of such ordinare and publick reflections is rather like to darken the credit and beauty of so great and honourable an appearance , as a Testimony indeed for the truth is ; and if these necessare requisites thereto , according to the Scripture , were this day more understood , there could not be so ordinare a pretending of this . 2. I would know wherein this way is usefull or expedient to most of hearers who can so little judge on these things . We are indeed called to declaire the whole counsell of God , Acts. 20 : 27. But this is most evidently qualified by the same Apostle , verse 20. that he kept nothing back hereof which might be profitable for them , and thus expresly showes what bounds Ministers hath sett herein by the holy Ghost in their delivering of the message of God to his Church that it be not only truth but such as may be for the edification of these they preach to . 3. Since it is clear that positive duties do not binde ad semper . and no cause can be now pleaded in this caice for guarding against any present snare or hazard to the Church should not the inconvenience which the contentious keeping up of these differences may occasion have more weight with us which the Apostle so sharply rebukes , 1 Cor. 11 : 16. But if any seem to be contentious we have no such custome nor in the Church of God ; and oh ! that the losse and gaine herein were more impartially weighted , what both the Lucrum cessans and Damnum emergens hath been this way . 4. And is this so small a thing as may seem to some , to bring in publick , and before the Church so high a charge of Erastianisme and defection from the truth against these their Brethren who are thus as expressely pointed at as they were named , since it is sure there can be no publick rebuke and admonition before the people as this most evidently is , but as a publick Church censure and juridical act of Discipline , yea which is no lesse manifest then that of excommunication , and if so publick a violation of that order which our blessed head hath expressely fixt for his Church , be so lightly regarded ; where are we . Nor can this be , pretended as a doctrinal reproof which is such an applying of the rule against sins of the time must as stil leave the particular application thereof to their own conscience who are thus guiltie , without any expresse designing of particular persones , where no judicial procedour and conviction by the Church hes gone before , but here is a most publick and expresse fixing of so sad a scandal even before the Church , against so many particular Ministers of the Gospel ( who are still labouring in the vineyard of the Lord ) as if they were designed by name . 5. And are not these unquestionable requisites for a publick reproofe , not only their calling thereto , that it be orderly , and upon clearest evidence but that this be not exposed to any prejudicate exception , from their way who do thus reprove , which may be on too just ground feared this day that some have put themselves out of the furthest capacitie to edifie by any such mean , from their own unsuteable manageing hereof . 6 , What if these who are thus so openly reflected upon should take the same freedom for publick contradiction ? Wherein would this quickly resolve , but a furder growing scandall , to ruine the Church and make way for the endlesse debatings , which as the Apostle showes does rather engender Questions then any godly edifying in the faith . We know the Apostle Paul withstood Peter to the face , but it is observable on what ground it was stated , that when Peter knew the differences then amongst these of the Jews and Gentiles who beleeved was such as should cause no rent or dividing thereon ; yet to please the Jews had withdrawn and separat from fellowship with the beleeving Gentiles , yea that this rent was like to grow so as Barnabas also was drawn into the same dissimulation and thus a sad and ruining breach like to follow . 7. Should we not be to the furthest tender of unsettling of the spirits of the people when so much allready shaken and in that manner now racked and tossed to and fro with every winde of Doctrine as many are like to losse all persuasion of the truth , yea when it is so hard and all most impossible to keep some within any bounds ; and whilest thus the triumph of adversaries and strengthening the hands of the ungodly upon such strainge reflections , brought in publick , does visibly gaine ground ; and what interest can be thus pretended for the Church of Christ in so publick a going to Law with their Brethren before so watching an adversary , whose strength must needs lye in our breach . 8. Is not also the bringing things thus to such an extream , of that visible tendencie , as to bring under question the validitie of their Ministerial acts amongst the people , by so publick a thrust at the credit and repute of their Ministry , which is so far an exposing of many to the hazard both of atheisme and errour , besides the weakening such in the publick work of the Lord , who are so known able Ministers of Christ . I shall adde no further but a humble and serious appeal to their own conscience , who may have judged this their duty , if on deeper reflection hereon ; a tender abstinence and forbearance this way and to keep of any dashing on such a rock as hath been allready touched , untill light and conviction from the Lord yet further break up should not be their own peace , and comfort as well as the publick peace of the Church in that day when their eyes shall become dim , and the keepers of the house begin to tremble . SECTION IV. WHen such sad use is now like to be made of these times , as to give the truth and credit thereof ( which above all things should be dear to us ) a Deaths wound , were it possible , by reproach ; I hope it will not be incongruous to such a subject , to speak yet a few words more ; for answering some high pretences for prejudice and stumbling , which seem now most publickly to be owned yea not only thus to break and undo themselves but to involve others in the same ruine ; Not that the truth needs the witness or respects of men to commend the same ▪ which as the sun in it's strength keeps its course amidst all the dark clouds which can interveen ; but in a day of such blasphemy and reproach , we should require justice at the barre of mens own conscience herein , if there can be any cause for stumbling at the holy and unspotted wayes of the Lord , but what is from themselfs , and from their seeking after such a latitude in their principles , as might sure that liberty , which they take thus in their practice . Now with some respect their to , I shall offer these eight grounds which are at this day most pretented . 1. These strange intestine conflicts and Differences in judgment that we are now in the Church , and among professors of the truth as though they were not the Children of the same house , for ANSWER , I hope these things when seriously pondered may silence any such reflection on the way of truth , which I shall but leave to mens conscience . 1. That our blest Lord hath with clearest evidence layd down such sure and fixt grounds , in his own word for the peace and concord of his Church , and followers , with these expresse rules and provision for the same as there can be no known ground for such sad and deploreable breakings , but what mens own corruption and declining from the rule doth occasion . 2. It is must clear that one of the greatest of the Lawes of God to which with the furthest reiterat inforcements our obedience is required for preventing the Churches hazard on this rock , is that Law of charity , and love , for the Godly amongst themselves , so as without this he will accept no mans service , 1 Cor. 13. And is such the Apostle presses , above all things to put on charity ; which is the bond of perfection , Coloss . 3 : 13 , 14. 3. I hope it is undenyable also that these principles of union and love are so firmely fixt , as might be consistent both with some various apprehensions , and difference in judgment amongst his people here , who are unite in himself and in the great concerns of truth and godlyness , so as upon such an accompt the peace and concord of his Church should not be suspended , since it is here we know but in part ; and as all have not the same helps , so not the same capacity for understanding of many things , which may cause some difference in the Church . Not that we should think opinions are free , or errors in judgment not to be seriously watched against al 's well as corruption in practice since it is not only through sanctification of the spirit , but beleef of the truth we are appointed to life . 4. For this end likewayes hath our blest head set such bounds and measures to his people in the manageing of these differences which may fall in as that there should be no fear of any sad rent or breach where a due respect unto these is had , and to walk according to the rule , and spirit of the gospel , and oh ! that these great commands , Rom. 14 : 3 , 4. Philip. 2 : 3. were more seriously pondered , there could not but be some more lawfull regard to keep of such bitter and offensive breakings , as may be oft seen amongst us . 5. Nor is there cause to fear any breach from the most serious and servent contending for the truth , and closse adherence thereto which should be dearer to us then our life and can admitt no latitude or ceding there , when the revealed rule of our duty herein is observed that this be managed with a humble tender condescendence and cedeing in our own things , to one another , for oh ! there hath our saddest contests , and a nimosity their greatest strength this day . It were well if such a blest contending , and striving lawfully , as the Apostle shewes were thus studied , that it be in the way of the Lord and by means of his own appointment ; by purenesse , by long suffering , by the word of truth , by the armour of God on the right hadn and on the left &c. And where these are not mens study and practice they must live in an expresse contradiction to these principles which yet they darre not disown , yea in so farre becomes not only a just matter of grief , but a spot in the fellowship of the saints . 6. Whatever sad differences be oft amongst these , which both their darknesse of minde , and contrariety of natural dispositions , may influence , yet does not still that blest unity of the spirit stand fixt and sure , by which the whole race of the saints are unite in a new and spirituall nature , In these sweet & sensible communications of the spirit , and do all meet in one blest center , yea so near an intercourse of souls and Sympathy does result thence ( however the sad prevalence of corruption may for some time darken the same ) as no union and concord like this is in all the socities of the earth , and may be such a witness to the truth of christianity , as to silence even the greatest Atheist . 7. Yea may we not have here a special confirming evidence of the certainty of the truth , that notwithstanding of such differences both in judgment , and practice , with so sore prejudice and estrangement of heart and differences of naturall temper and disposition of amongst the Godly , yet this hath inforced from all these an undoubted assent , to the most great and weighty concerns of religion , yea to a joint acknowledging of the same principle about which some difference may be in the application thereof to some particular caice . 8. I shall but adde , that it 's known what sweet harmony and onenesse of heart hath sometimes been among such as did Professe the truth , of all ranks in our Church , and in a fixt adherence to the same cause , and how it was at a sad ebb , that some differences broke up amongst the most eminently godly both Ministers and professors there , for some time on that head of the publick resolutions , though without any formed breach or schisme , but after among such who thus differed , a most sweet concord and concurrence in a joint opposition against prelacy and to suffer rather then in the least to consent thereto did follow : yea though since amongst the most serious Non-conformists , a greater freedom hath been in the judgment and practice of some , then others , for hearing of Conformists to prelacie , yet so farre as I know hath it been with a due and tender respect , as was suteable , to keep of either dividing or alienation in such a caice : but oh ! it must be confest to what a hight have these late confusions , and breaches amongst us come and what fewel this hath been to a great increase of sin ; yet is there one ground to hope when almost there seemes no comforting signe els , that he who hath seen our wayes , can he all them also , by a marvellous surpriseal of grace . 2. Prejudice it , which is by some highly entertained in these times for their own breaking is the perplexedness and hesitation they are in what way to choice when the truth seems now involved in such a confusion of different judgments and such visible contradictions amongst professors thereof . For Answer , if no thing were to shake or offend there should then be no tryed establishment , yet since this seems one of the saddest diseases of the time in many's being soon saken in minde with such wavering and unsettledness in the truth I must speak a few words thereto to witness what greatest advantage such as desire to walk in the light may have to hold fast the profession of their faith without wavering and for the furthest quiet and assuring of their heart therein on these grounds . 1. That the Scripture is so near , these living oracles of truth , which do with so clear and distinct a sound speake if men had but ears to hear . 2. That the Lord hath given to his people a spirit of discerning in some greater and lesser measure so as to prove all things by a serious personal tryal , yea that none needs receive the truth upon trust or to lean on the authority or example of any herein but to judge their own eyes and conscience should be al 's faithfull to them as any . 3. He hath given also as a special help a fixt Ministry to his Church yea for this very end Ephes . 4 : 14. that we should henceforth be no more Children tossed to and fro with every winde of doctrine , and therefor with a divine mission hath given such spiritual gifts as the necessity and service of the Church may require for interpreting and clearing up of what may be the counsel and minde of the Lord to his Church according to his own word . 4. That the most weighty things of religion both as to faith and practice are not interested in most of these sad contests , which are now amongst but he hath so graciously condescended that what we should most live by should not cost us so dear and that the greatest subtilties and most intricate controversies which are so oft in the Church ye most out of our way , yea such as should cause no trouble or disquiet of minde herein . 5. Is not also most clearly sheued us , how we may know our being led and kept in the way of truth , and what should qualify , and make us meet for the blest conduct and teachings of the spirit by his word , such as a holy fear , and sincere resignation of the soul thereto , meekness , humility with a fixt and serious resolving to close therewith , how crosse however it should be to our own private affection and credit . 6. There is this advantage to know that blest and approven way , wherein we may have peace , as that in which the footsteps of the saints and so innunerable a company , hath gone before who received the spirit this way , and with greatest assurance did know the truth of that seal on their own soul , so as after no new or strange light we need to inquire . 7. And hath not the meanest of the saints these peculiar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and marks whereby to discerne the way of truth in a dark and trying time , by plainest Scripture light , both for clearing and confirming of their minde herein . 1. That we should follow these things , which tend to peace and to edify Rom. 14. 19. For thus surely does the way of truth tend to build and not to cast doune : and if many caices which some does now agitat , with much disquiet both to themselfs and others , were more brought to that great rule of solid edification , I should not fear that so much time should be lost therein . 2. It is sure the way of truth , must be stil rationally convincing such as doth persuad by teaching , and to fix and clear the judgment before the will , by manifestation of the truth to mens conscience for thus we are taught , and be alwayes ready ; to render a reason of the hope that is in yow with all meeknesse and fear . 1 Pet. 3. 15. 3. Such is this blest way as it is cautious , and advertant to hazard on each hand , and to guard against the dephts of Satan as well as to resist his fury , a way which lyeth betuixt extreams either on the right or left hand , for thus we are taught 2 Cor. 6. 7. 2 Cor. 11. 14 2 Thess . 2. 2. 4. It is such a way as leadeth us to regard the special varying of a caice , as to some present duty with a due respect and ballancing of circumstances : and to see that the same way at all times is not to be followed in our practice , since what may be most requisite and edifiing some time and in one caice , may be destructive in another , for this hath the Holy Ghost shewed that all things are lawful but not expedient 1 Cor. 10. 23. 5. Thus we may know and discerne the truth and way thereof which is according to godliness , Tit. 1. 1. when it is such as visibly tend , by its power and efficacy on the heart , to heal the distempers of the minde and judgment , and by practical obedience to a more full assurance of understanding in themselves ; and may thus see its very native result and tendence , is to make professours of the truth , humble , meek , sober and temperat in their personal conversation , yea tender to provoke or excite the corruption of any . 6. Is ther not this necessare tendence also of the revealed way of truth , to walk wisely towards such as are without Col. 4. 5. and with the furthest tender respect to prevent their being further alienat or hardened in their aversion from the way of the Lord , which I must say should be one of the most weighty concerns of a Christians study , for adorning the profession of the Gospel in sueh a day . 7. I shall but add this more , what advantage a christian may thus have for true peace and quiet on such a reflection of having kept guard against any hid personal prejudice or such a byasse which the preingadgment of their judgment in the present caice , and that influence their interest in a divided party might have occasioned , yea thus of some tender respect to the Purity al 's well as the peace of their own conscience that there may be no private interest or setting up of such a stumbling block before their eyes as to darken their judgment herein . 3. Ground which I fear in these times may be much made use of by many for their own stumbling is that strange spirit and to visible eruptions of pride , bitterness and passion with which these contests and differences in judgments amongst professours of the truth are so oft followed . For Answer whatever sad occasion be thus given of offence , yet can there be none for taking prejudice or any reflecting thus on religion except men will put out the very eyes both of their reason and conscience , when it is so clear 1. How visible a contradiction any such sad appearances of pride , bitternesse and wrath are to the designe and intent of the Gospel , which is for the furthest self abasing , to subdue and mortify such lusts and thus prevent any exorbitancy that way : as that which is not only to adorne a christian walk but is a most essential part of our sanctification : and is not the authority of the rule herein such on their conscience , whom yow may most thus challenge , as they are even inforced to seek a cover and hiding of these evills , which they know to be their shame , and cannot bear the light being thus judged in themselfs and so conscious of their deformity . 2. Is not the reliefe also and antidote to so dreadfull a poison most clearly held forth to us , how to watch against this which both hath so subtile and forcible an infection , and deep rooting in mens nature . 3. Or can yow challenge the least shaddow of Latitude , from our blest Lawgiver , and the lawes of his Kingdom , herein , which are so expresse not only against any open eruption of such evills , but against the most secret convoy , and intertainement thereof in the heart , yea that , on no lesse haz●rd then of being shut out for ever from that Land , which is above , we must both watch and wrestle against the same ; for such is the straite and narrow way , and so many low entries there , as none possibly can get through without a humble , and subdued Spirit , and as little children to receive the Kingdom of God. 4. Can prejudice so farre overcome mens conscience , as not to see the excellency of a Christian spirit , and the undoubted reality thereof , which hath so brightly shined and I hope yet doth ( to silence the greatest reproacher ) in many convincing examples of humility , meeknesse and in the conquest of their passions and forgiving of injuries , as a convincing witness to the world of ther being thus transformed into his blest image of whom as the great pattern set before us we are to Learne . 5. And should not tenderness and compasion be more suteable then prejudice and stumbling at such a sight yow thus challenge , when nothing can be more visibly contraire to the very use of reason then any such sad eruption of pride , bitterness , and wrath , which is so sore a disease and a fever of the minde , and causeth such disorder , sad , and tumultuous rysings there , as they are made their own punishment and the very mean to frustrat that end they most follow , yea in no way could more gratify and give the greatest advantage to such they contend with and to put themselfs in the pouer of every one to become their tormentor . 6. Yow little know what sharp and bitter reflections such may oft have on themselfs upon any sad appearance this way or advantage , their corruption hath got under some sad assault , yea such , as even the sense of a sealed pardon on thir soul can not sometimes blunt the sharp edge of this grief and indignation against themselves . 7. And may yow not clearly see what visible detest such are even inforced to have at the appearance of these evills in others ; which thus hath a sad outbreaking in their own practice ; as convincingly showes their way must contradict both their own judgment and principles . 8. I shall but further adde , what great incitements and clearest discovery doth the Scripture afford , of that blest way , which was never known , nor attaind by nature , how to get such prevailing evills subdued ; yea how to improve injuries to the greatest advantage , and thus by overcoming , to gaine the most glorious and desireable victory and revenge , on such who have injured them , by humble and tender forbearance , and what a sueet facility might be found this way , when the first wave , and assault is whos 's once broke and resisted but greatest strength still lyes in the first assault . 4. Ground and pretence for prejudic in these times , is that so little evidence seems of tenderness and a convincing serious practice even in their way who have a name & repute of religion with such abounding offences , as gives occasion not only to question the sincerity of their profession , bot to stumble at the very forme and appearance of godliness . ANSW : though nothing should be more dreadfull then for any to make the truth accessory to their sin , or take thus shelter under its patiociny , yet since it is so great a concern to vindic●t pure , and undefiled religion , and the spotles rule , and pattern thereof in a day of such reproach , and when any advantage is so eagerly sought and followed for this end , I would but offer some few things , to plead with their conscience who thus , are in more hazard to undo and break themselfes , then to hurt the credit of the truth . 1. If there should not be more to shake and stumble if such offences were not in the Church of Christ when so expressly fortold as the Scripture els should want a most convincing seall and witness thereto , yea when , thus yow may see that not only an empty show and the hypocrisy of some bot the recorded blemishes and falling of the saints their , to be demonstrative and confirming of the truth , al 's well as the bright est evidences , and lustre of their grace . 2. I confesse it were a suteable inference , for none to engadge with the profession of godliness without the power and how dreadfull a part such acts , who live stangers thereto but how strange , and astonishing were it for such , as are ungodly thus to justify their own way . 3. If yow stumble here , and embrace no religion until yow finde no offences amongst the professours thereof , then ye must have none , but turne Athiest , bot your conscience herein , must needs tell yow ( silence it as yow wid ) that the truth , and principles of godliness , bindes men over with the greatest tyes and engadgments to holyness , purity , candor and righteousness , even in all our dealing with men , under the severest threatnmgs and oh ! must the glory , and honour of the truth , which is according to godliness , thus come under reproach and suffer from the untender , and unansuerable practice of any who profess the same , 4. Can yow posibly debate this ( which might both silence and make men ashamed of such a challenge ) that under any pretences , which have ever been to religion , in the world it is the doctrine of Christ only , which indispensibly requires truth and sincerity of the heart herein , and that the conformity of our duties on the matter to the rule , is not enowgh without a serious respect to the quality of the principles of our acting , that it be in faith , and from the love of Christ , which is so essentiall a requisite therto , yea that this is so framed as to correspond with the inward man , to exerce an authority over the conscience , and our most retired thougths , al 's well as actings , and to put shame and terrour on such whose glorying is in appearance , bot not in heart . 5. Yow know likewayes that the most select societies of such who ever yet profest the truth and since there hath been a Church on the earth , did never want a sad mixture , yea these feu choised difciples of our blest Master , was not only with a Judas but a falling Peter , and a misbeleeuing Thomas ●mong them and should this have been a ground then for prejudice at the truth of christianity in its first dauning when by such a constitution our great Master would have it known what his Church whilst here upon the earth will be even in the purest times thereof . 6. Will ye not allow that measure which we finde in the primitive times , the Christians did require of their heathen adversaries , upon any publict offences which were then objected to them , to give but that allouance , which they did to their philosophers , and such as profest morall vertue , amongst them , which was not to charge the corruption and offences , of the practice of any , on the rule of their profession ; whilst yow have these further inforcements of this , that yow know upon your own conscience what a sore burthen and grief these are to such , who are tender , and sincere in following of the truth , and how evident their discountenance of any such appearance is , yea may not the establishment of Church discipline , and censure , with such express rules herein by our blest head , convince and silence these who reproach . 7. Let some who pretend most , to stumble on such an accompt , speak but their own heart , if these be not much more their trouble , and torment whose walk does most convincingly tend , to adorne the profession of the Gospel , whose sincere , and serious embracement of the truth hes been with such visible outward dissadvantage , and no privat interest , to sway them herein , as they ar enforced to see this , for none possibly could conceive , how this should be on any other ground , then the known pover and certainty therof on their soul . 8. Are not such whose way is thus the ground of your challenge , most visibly condemned by their own avoued principles , yea what ever essayes hath been to personat serious godliness , by a false show yet is it not most convincing , even to such as look but at a distance , that native lustre , self evidencing light , with that sweet savour and efficacy , which accompanies the same , as no possible invention , or art could ever reach , no more then to make a dead picture live . Oh! that such a day of reproach as this and that sad woe the world is so unsensible of , because of offences , might more suteably affect our hearts and that it is with so visible adeclining ●ow , in the Church , and mens grouing weary of the simplicity of the truth ; these sweet paths , and footsteps of serious godlyness , love and zeall for God , self denyall , and contempt of the world , seems to be all most overgrown and worne out amongst many professours in this age . 5. Ground that I fear some may be ready this day to break and stumble on is , these high pretences of zeall and fervency , for the truth in the way of so me as would seem most visibly to crosse and interfer , with the most known principles of Christian prudence , yea that due necessar use of mens reasone which the Scripture , does so indispensibly require . ANSW . though the zeall of God , and faithfullness for his interest even with the most convincing evidence of the truth thereof to mens conscience is that which the world cannot bear ; yet I hope these things when seriously considered may silence any publict reflection herein . 1. That the greatest want which may be now matter of grief in all the Churches , is that of pure zeal and love to Jesus Christ , and his truth and of such a spirit to follow the Lord fully , and oh ! our fall hath been too great and universall from that first love which was wont to shine , and burne in these who profest the truth to be hid this day , and seems one of the saddest presages of a dark night , yet coming on when with a continued light , the heat , and power thereof is so farre gone . 2. But to silence any such reflection it may be demonstrable to the furthest ; that the true and native tendence of the zeall of God , and fervency in his work , can cause no breaking or disorder , nor hath any irregular , violent motion or scorching heat therwith , but where ever this most brightly shines , there also does a humble tender condescendence to convince and gaine most evidently appear ; how by manifestation of the truth to mens conscience , to prevent any ground may be thus taken of offence ; who is offended , and I burne not , was the temper of that blessed mans spirit , when he was burning in zeall for God , and thus carried him out that he might be all things to all , that he might gaine some : for such should be the greatest acrimony and sharpness , of these who should be the salt of the earth that it may allwayes tend to season , to preserve , and recover , and not to destroy . 3. And is not Christian wisdom , and prudence a peece of our sanctification , and a true and native result of pure zeall , and love to Christ ; ●…o as the more a Christian , the more tender thus to keep by the rules and to walk circumspectly not as fools , but as wise ( and is not mens folly stil a fruit of their own corruption ) nor can the truth of godliness be vigourously exerted , bot●o farre , it will cause also snch a sweet composure , and even temper of spirit , as to watch with an equall advertance , to extreams upon either hand . 4. It needs be no strange thing , or give any advantage to bring true Zeall , under discredit that there may be a more impetuo us motion , and making haste by some when they are out of the way , then they were formerly for the truth ; it being too evident , such as are once under the influence of delusion ; are also in that dreadfull hazard to be as winds carried about with a tempest ; but such is purezeal that tho it increas the streame , it does not overflow its bankes ; nor wil breake the least comand , for vindication of the greatest truth . 5. There is such an indissoluble tye by the Holy Ghost betuixt true zeall , and that Christian moderation ; which we should make known to all , as none may divide ; but as the one tends to give life , and intensness of Duty , so is the other to resttaine all exorbitancy , and keep this in its proper channell ; and that none be carried out , beyond these just bounds , & measures which are so expressly set to us by the rule , but so as that it be without any lukewarmness or abatement of servency in spirit for serving the Lord ; for where on either hand these are divided , the credit of the truth , and true interest of the Church , must then needs suffer , and get a sor wound . 6. Ground of stumbling and offence which too visibly many are like to break on , yea to take prejudice allmost against the whole ministry of our Church , is that these who have had greatest weight and acceptance in the work of the Gospell and hath endured so much under many assaults , these years past , in their opposition to prelacy with some unansuerable conviction hereof ; I hope to the conscience of all , and with a continued adherence to former principles , are yet with such reproach , so publictly thus followed even by professed friends . ANSW . Though I hope the perusall of what hath been already touched on this subject may have some weight both for clearing , and in some measure to silence thes strange hightened prejudice of some this way ; yet since this is one of the greatest tryalls of a Minister of Christ , both on the account of their work and the credit of their blest Master , who accounted them worthy to put into his service , and that many are thus in hazard to be shaken , I must yet further speak but a few things thereto ; 1. That what ever may be their part who hath taken most liberty this way , yet should we reckon it is our sins , that is their strength ; and much unansuerableness to so high and holy a calling ; for which the holy God doth thus call to a humble , and serious self judging before him , and more deep tryall of our own hearts and way with that fear least our sins should finde us out , if we be not concerned to finde them and lay the same to heart ; tho I hope such yet , darre with some confidence , leave their cause before the Lord , to plead herein against the unjust reproach of men . 2. It'should be no strange thing now what in all tymes , hath been the lot of the most serious Ministers of Christ even when they have had a most sweet , and sensible seall of his acceptance in their work , to have no other requittall from men , then contempt , and hatred , who yet for the truths sake , have with the furthest tenderness sought to gaine such to the way of the Lord ; yea have had the tryall , of such extreams as to be reviled by these who sometimes would have plucked out almost their eyes for them . 3. But it is sure the Holy Ghost hath with no lesse expresseness put a guard about the repute and credit of a Minister of Christ , then about their calling , for which read 1 Tim. 5. 19. 1. Thess 5. 12. 13. yea these are so straitely conjoined , as what ever tend to discredit their persones , must needs tend also to weaken the weight , and authority of their message , on the conscience of the hearers ; and is this of small regard now with many , and to be without any dread least in so farre , the blood of souls , be charged on them in the day of the Lord ; who by such notour reflections and without any just caus or calling thereto , did thus beget such a prejudice , and contempt , as to have the lesse reckoning made of the word of truth delivered by them . In this I must here exoner my own conscience upon so publict a sin and of such sad conseqence to the Churches hazard which seems so little to touch this day . 4. Hath it been yet ever seen that where the Ministers of Christ , hath had no suteable weight and acceptance of their persons , for their works sake , in any place bot there also was a most visible abatement of peoples respect and love to the truth and of any true grouth amongst them under the ordinances , nor know I an advantage which the envyous man could more desire , to sow tares in the vineyard of the Lord , then this is when prejudice jealousy , and disrespect , comes once to any height , what ever pretences it may go under against such who are in deed the messengers of truth , and dispensers of his ordinances . 5. And I hope there is just ground to account such the undoubted Ministers of Christ , in our Church and who shall be thus owned in the day of his appearance ; yea who have had a convincing seall to their ministry on the hearts of many , who for ministeriall abilities soundness in the faith and being made examplary to others in humility , tenderness of walk love and fervent desire for gaineing of souls to Christ , would have been reckoned with the highest respect in the first primitive times of the Church , who yet hath been this day exposed to the furthest revilings of some . And tho it is not the naked testimony or respects of men that by such would be either sought , or satisfying , but how to have this inforced on their conscience , by a convincing witness , and example of a serious Ministeriall practice , yet should it not be strange that such be to the furthest concerned to manitaine the credit , & authority of their ministry , which is not theirs but their Masters . 7. Ground of prejudice , against the truth which is now highly pretended , is not only upon the strainge and highly irregular actings , by some , as may seem visibly inductive to greatest confusion and disorder , bot that these have been owned and supported by such principles congruous thereto , as seem in compatible both with the practice , and profession , hitherto of our Church . ANSW . Whatever advantage hath been given by any thus to reflect which ( I may with some confidence say in behalf of the most serious Non conformists of our Church ) have been as a sword in there bones even beyond their own personall sufferrings because of the voice of him who reproacheth , yet since many are thus ready to stumble and knows not , what a sore woe and judgment , offences are to such as make so sad an use thereof : yea which may be feared this day , are glad of any advantage herein : and that where such a poisenous cloud of prejudice interveens , and a prejudicat impression of the truth , and of serious godliness , is the glasse , there cannot but be very sad reflections thereon : I must yet crave leave in a few words , as a witness to the truth of our profession , and for a just vindication offer these things to be considered , by the conscience of our greatest Adversaries herein . 1. That we should seek no greater favour , but that upon clearest evidence , from the tryall and judgment of the Scriptures of truth , ( which we are ready to render , to all that ask ) there might be such free access to a publict , and serious reasoning herein , as that the truth might be heard for it self , judging it no less our concerne to convince mens judgment , for commending the way of the Lord to their conscience , then to engadge the affections . 2. That it is , in no new , or strainge caice , we are now stated ; and do own no other judgment and principles this day , then what are expresly acknowledged by the most purely Reformed Churches of Christ , since the Reformation , and is that good and old way , and the same truth for which our worthy pred●cessours did by their wrestling prayers and sufferings so vigourously contend yea wherein so innumerable a company of most serious solid and tender Christians have been sealed and found such abounding comforts of the spirit of truth upon their suffering and testimony upon the same . 3. That it is no privat interest , or , for our own things no temporall honour greatness or riches in this world that such sore wrestlings by the godly in our Church hath been , which I hope may now have some conviction and witness on the conscience of our Adversaries , and how such have not wanted an very obvious and alluring baite this way , may be easy to judge if some greater interest did not preponder at of being to dear a purchase at so sad a rate of unfaithfullness , to our blessed Lord and Master in his truth . 4. That it hath been no matter of indifference , or any small and triviall interest , such have been concerned in these late tryalls to appear for , bot for the lawes , and interest , of Christ , and the rights and liberties his Kingdom , which after some blest and confortable possession so long yea with the furthest concurrence of the civil lawes herein we should reckon as our birth right ; and inheritance , whatever sad short coming have been by all in that measure of the testimony of our fathers thereto , against such invasion on so great an interest as hath been in these tymes . 5. We have confidence to say , that we own no doctrine , or principles but what tends to give all due respect and obedience to the Magistrate , without detracting from his just rights and power , bot to gave unto Cesar the things that are Cesars yea without the least denying to the Christian Magistrat , whatever with any Scripture warrant , we may allow , of an externall objectively , ecclesiastick power such as is cumulative for the truth not against it ; bot that he can have no power formaly ecclesiastick , and what is purely Spirituall or any immediat power of cognition in matters simply ecclesiastick antecedent to the judgment of the Church , which is so incompatible with the order and Governement established by him , who is the alone head and Lawgiver to his own house , whose Kingdom is not of this world . 6. We may say with a humble appeal to their conscience w●o do most reproach , that it is for no preheminence or to be Lords over Gods heritage or owning any power bot what is ministeriall to declare and execute our Masters will , and such a power which hes the inward man for its proper object and the true edification of the body of Christ for its peculiar end , wherein we own a speciall regard to be had in the whole exercise and application thereof , and in dealing with the conscience of gainsayers , that it be with greatest tenderness , and Christian prudence , such as may most tend to edifie and gaine upon their conscjence ; and therefor , are privat , essayes expresly appointed to go before a publict , and judicial procedour . And if any just ground of offence hath been given in the excess of some this way let it cause no reflection on that blest and beautiful order in the house of the Lord our God appointed by himself , yea which with grief upon any convincing evident thereof we should to the furthest dissown . 7. It is evident that these sacred tyes of our oath and covenant with God , we are so solemnly engadged in , containe no other duties or obligations , then what the Scripture indispensibly obleidges to , and are stated on these great concerns of truth and righteousness . 8. We can also witness with some quiet and assurance that the great anne and concerne of the most serious Non-conforme Ministers of Christ , in our Church , in their adventuring to preach the Gospel not withstanding of any prohibitions by the present Law hath been upon no sactious or privat designe , bot under constraint of duty , upon so pressing a call and necessity of the people , as these unto whom the dispensation , of the Gospel and ordinances , is commit , and a necessity thus laide upon them with some serious aime , and desire , I hope , to pursne this end , and to sheu the indispensible nead of imbracing that blest offer of reconciliation by Christ : as also to presse holiness , and give warning of any share when it is evident the people might be in hazard thereby . Nor dare our respect to the persons of any in the least , ballance with the interest of truth here , for a publick disowning with grief what ever in their way have given just cause of offence , and stumbling in such a time . 9. It is the revealed truth of the Scripture , which we do expresly own as the alone formal object of our Faith ; and that it is there each should come to prove his work , bot a that it be ●ust and warrantable on the matter according to these unchangeable rules , of truth and righteousness , and to know our warrand and calling herein : else no security could be from the greatest confusion and irregularity among men . 10. That extraordinare motions , or impulses , must be no rule or warrand of duty , nor for any going beyond these express bounds , set to us in the word , by which they must be known and tryed ; for God hath assigned to each their station , and calling , and that a serious and tender regard should be against all exorbitance in the excess al 's well as any sinfull deficience or neglect therein . And I hope whatever be found unauswerable this d●y in the practice of any to these known principles and doctrine of our Church which are confessed and most universally adhered to by the non-Conformists there as we do , with grief disown , so I have confidence there cannot want some testimony thereto even on the conscience of our greatest adversaries . 8. I must nere yet add on strange ground of quarrell and prejudice ; that a serious adherence to the Government and Kingdom of Christ over his Church , for which the authority of his Lawes and institution is so unanswerably clear , should be judged incompatible with the civill interest , and security of the state . For ANSW . if men shut their own eyes , where the Scripture is so clear ; and hath thus shewed us , not only what is just , but what is good , and how assuredly this is the greatest concerne of a Nation to have the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the rights thereof establisht ; and kept up , when the ve●y express intent and tendence thereof is to promote and transmit both the purity and power of godliness to the present and succeeding ages , I confesse there can be no reasoning , then in such a caice , but if principles of self love , to our temporall advantage and such pretended respect to the publick interest of the Land , bear any weight ; I would but plead a little , with a serious appeal to these principles , which our adversaries do yet own , and assent to ; if the truth , and serious practice of godliness and these means which are necessarily directing thereto , be not visibly the great interest and safety of a Nation , and to have the furthest awe and reverence thereof kept up ; upon these grounds . 1. Because thus is the greatest inforcement of civill duties , by a religious tye , and on principles of conscience . 2. That this tends to the furthest advance and improvement of human nature ; both to make human society sweet and desireable , and for a more vigou●ous and true improvement of mens naturall abilities , for the publick good interest of that place . 3. And can this be a publick grievance , which brings the greatest inforcements to sincerity , candor , and truth ; which as it is essentially necessar for the establishment of justice , and moral righteousness , so tends to beget true mutuall assurance both in words , and actings amongst men ? and how possibly can a Nation be safe ; or any true intercourse and security in our personall concerns , where truth , and godliness hath no due respect there . 4. Is it not thus the duties of our severall relations are most promote , yea which gives the greatest security to civill Government , and sets home on mens hearts their obligations to Magistracy as the Ordinance of God ; not from fear , but for conscience sake , and it is little known , what hid pledges , such as are truly godly are of the peace and safty of the Land they are in . 5. Can the blest tendencie of truth and godliness , be under deba●e ; to subdue the diseases of the minde ; and restraine these exorbitances of pride , envy , wrath , ambition , &c beyond the furthest reach of all humane Lawes , which hath stil so deplorable effects every where , and raised too visibly , most of these storms , and tempests which are in the world , and causeth so dreadfull disorders amongst men . 6. It is sure also the way of truth , must needs lead men to be quiet , and do their own business , yea for such as are in that condition ; to work with their own hands 1 Thess . 5 : 11. and to abide in that calling , in which the Lord hath placed them ; and to painfulness and industry therein , to be no busy medlers in the affaires of others ; and that no man go about to defraud his brother , that none render evill for evill unto any , which as they are most express Scripture commands , must demonstratively witness this like wayes , what a publick blessing , truth and godliness , is to the Land wherein it is kept up ; I shall only add this more , what regard even on politick grounds should be to that which so necessarily brings therewith , the love of our neighbour , and to do unto others , as we would be dealt with , by them , as also tenderness to the afflicted , a compassionat spirit to relieve such as are in distresse , with hospitality to strangers ▪ which must needs have a vigourous exercise there , where the love of the truth is intertained , as being so essentiall a part of our obedience to the Gospell . SECTION V. AFter some thoughts on this sad and unpleasing subject of the late differences in our Church . I would desire yet in the shutting up thereof to speak a few words , on a more practicall concern , that might lead in , and leave the Reader on another sent , and inquiry , which I fear in this strange croud and noise hath been of publick debates , by too many be much lost , and shall touch this in thes 4. particulars : O that with a blessing from him who can serve himself of the meanest things it might be made a word in season to my in such times . 1. To consider what may most contribute to a Christians joy and solid peace upon , an after reckoning with their own conscience as to their way , in this winnowing time when such hot contendings hes been in the Church , for which I would humbly offer these . 1. what sweet peace will then be in having been kept closs at home with a tender and jealous eye over the frame and temper of their ovvn spirits , since we cannot but see where the strength of these strange paroxismes , of heat , and bitterness , amongst Professors of the truth does now most lye , that it is from these jarring corruptions upon the heart , more then from any differences of light and judgement and which no eager disputes but a tender and lively practice in being exercised to Godliness can effectually cure , & then we might both hope for a blest healing composure under these different measures of light amongst Christian , and for a tender and humble reasoning in things wherein they differ , when thus a more near conformity to the Spirit , and rule of the Gospell , is once reached , which must needs subject the Soul , to account it our greatest honour , to be overcome by the truth . 2. That they have been kept from any such precipitant judgment of others , as usually follow on such debates ; and their spirit kept under some blest aw , and restraint , of these suddain , violent , commotions , and truptions of passions as runs such unto most sad undecencies , to discredit the profession of the truth , discompose themselfs , and wound their own conscience . 3. That they have been tender of practising that themselves which they have condemned in others by any such aime more how to revile , then reclaime ; and to a heightning , rather then healing of this strange breach . 4. That the fleeing of one extream , hath still been with some regard of being kept from running on any other & of there having had impartial respect to entertaine what ever is justly approveable , and according to the rule , upon eitheir hand ; yea not only with a humble ceding in personal injuries , and such a tender managing of their own necessar vindication upon the revilings of others as might tend to convince more then to provoke ; but that they have this testimony , they did in earnest pray for such , and seek their mercy , and reclaming from the Lord 5. That no pretences or personal respects hath shut their eyes upon any visible hazard to the truth , and of having been kept on a serious watch agaist the dephits and subtility of Satan , on the right hand , no lesse then on the left ; which we might have seen too evidently in this late amazeing breach . 1. By an overbending to break , and take of from unquestionable duty by somes exacting on the conscience of others , according to their measures and dictates , beyond the expresse bounds and warrand of the word . 2. By such a strange coincidence of seeming extreams ; that what hath been intentionally followed by open adversaries should be no lesse vigourously carried on by others ex intentione operis so as to run thus cross ( I doubt not ) to their own thoughts ; to obstruct the spreading of the gospel and bring the truth and profession thereof under discredit , and I must add a too visible tendence of this way , to such a precipice of resolving their light , and confidence on extraordinare motions ; without a humble enquiry , and tryall thereof , by the Scripture ; so as some in outrunning , the revealed rule of duty hath stumbled on the dark mountaines ere they were aware ; and lost their feet , in seeking of wings to flee ; as may be for a sad warning to after times . 2. This were a most suteable study in such a day ; how to walk wisely , towards such as are without , and what might most tend to gaine respect to the truth ; to convince , and prevaile with mens conscience , even of known and publict adversaries now in a time of so great reproach ; and it is sure these should be special advantages for such ane end . 1. When the truth of holiness , in convincing and visible realities of a Christians practise , as are present before mens eyes does appear , which was the glory of the Church in the primitive times , who were then the first fruits of the Gospel among the gentiles , that it was said , they did not speak great things , but live them ; and which was then specially noted by adversaries : see how the Christians love , one another ; for then did the love of Christ bear rule in his peoples heart ; but how sad an account is recorded in some ages after , that no times had been more fertile of religions ; than these and of great contests this way , but none more barren of religion ; in the truth and solidity thereof ; whilst it seemed rather the notion of religion , most conversed with in such a Day , then with the thing it self . 2. When this doth appear , under great tribulation ; for it is then both religion , and these who professe it , are at once proved ; and is assuredly one of the choicest opportunities of a Christians life to convince the world ; but oh it seems such a prospect of Christianity , is now rare , as the saints have had in former times or ; or such a conjunction , as this when they received the word under great affliction , but with a greater joy , and comfort of the Holy Ghost . 3. When a serious and tender way , is followed by christians , to gaine more upon mens judgment , by a humble , and rational account from the Scripture of their hope , and practise , then by a more confident , and severe imposing , upon their faith since it is sure , the premisses , and conclusion must be still relative , and the truth much more hurt then helped when it is not in a convincing way , commended to the conscience even of adversaries . It is not sufferings ; but the cause that makes the martyre ; that it be indeed for the truth , and no just ground of offence , be by any given to darken the credit thereof , and here there must be no redeming of the personall repute of any , at so high a rate , as a publick dash , and prejudice to the honour , and credit of the way of the Lord , in this day . 4. This also were a speciall advantage , for gaining respect to the truth , when in the room of sore and bitter compleanings ; the voice of joy , and thanksgiving , may be heard , amongst such as own the way of the Lord this day ; even under all their griefs and pressures other wayes . I write this under some conviction , how rare such a study , seems now to adorne the profession of the Gospel : though it is sure , none ever sought to finde the comfort , and mercy of their lot , for an excitement to this blest excercise of praise ; but found cause for it , and how to be faithfull , in a lesser measure , but they found more added ; and how great a want this is , and hinderance to the prayers of the Church , this day is more then we seem to lay to heart ; yea how much thus the world is tempted , to judge religion , only a dead forme ; and that Christians do not in truth beleeve , what they beleeve , yea that they are few , if any , on the earth , who walk suteably to such a hope , and assurance of the glory , which is to come . I am sure , as no serious and wise observer , but might finde their being under some singular engadgments from what hath been the way of the Lords dealing with them ; so it is sad when these are more buried almost and forgot , then searchd out under present and new trouble . Some would judge a suteable accesse , to give in their mite , to this treasure , a special enlargement ; and to own a peculiar debt , to so great a duty , for putting their seal , to the truth , and faithfulness of God this day , and to bear a honourable witness to his way , amidst all the changes , and remarkably searching tryals , have occurred , in the course of their pilgrimage . He is the rock his work is perfect , and all his wayes are judgment , a God of truth , just , and true , is he . Deut. 23. 3. O that men would praise him , and that one generation , would declare his works , to another , and transmit the memory of his goodness ; yea that such a blest conformity to the doctrin of Christ in humility , love , meekness , bowels of compassion and overcoming evill with good , might this day more appear ; as the world thus , might be both judged , and condemned in their own conscience thereby : 3. This also might be a suteable and edifiing study for Christians in such a time , for getting a clear sight , of the way of the Lord , amidst all these strange and amazing things , which are before us , both for their own strengthening , and to justifie his holy and unspotted righteousnesse , and thus to consider , that what ever , we now see yet it is so clear . 1. That the glory of the Church militant , and greatest triumph , which the Gospel hath had since its first dawning in the world , was yet never by any outward clam , or prosperous state here , but under tribulation , and distresse , in ignominy , and contempt , els I must confesse , I have mistaken the Scripture ; and that thus the most Lucide intervals , and sunshine hath been most usually short , and not only a dark cloud but a seen necessity thereof , hath still followed . 2. And how sweet , and confirming might such a clear prospect be , now to a shaken Christian , of the singular congruity , of such a providence , both to the revealed truth , and infinit wisdom of God , in his dealing with his people ; that so straite , and wearysome away , should be here to an eternity of glory , in that life ; which is to come ; and no getting there but thorow some degrees , of sore breaking , and anguish , and going through a state of tryall , befor that of enjoyment ; when they consider , how unconceiveably great and excellent , that state which is above , is ; and their being trained in so sharp a a school of tribulation here , shall at length tend to an unexpressible joy , and comfort , that ever they had such an occasion to prove their love and adherence to Jesus Christ and of crediting his truth against all visible grounds , and in having with patience and hope got through such a throng of temptations , when they thus see , the most bitter grieving , and difficult part of their warfare , was but to make the victory more full , and triumphant . 3. Thus we might have a more clear , and confirming look of the holy judgment of the Lord , in the product of these sad breakings , in our Church that when so strange a spirit , hath been aloft , and a strong affection in some , without a humble and deliberat judgment , it should at last resolve in a fervor of error and delusion , yea to come that length of breaking down what they supposed to be bulding up , and to adventure with greatest confidence for engadging the Holy God , to a concurrance in these wayes which his word doth expressly testify against , whilst so impatient to be touched herein , as they have been ready to turne again and tear such , who hath with tenderness , sought their recovery . But tho such sad things should deeply affect us yet , there is no cause for stumbling to any ; pure religion and undefiled is the same this day that ever it was ; and the redeemed of the Lord , are a broken , and diseased company , whielst here by the way full of sores and Distempers , but all under cure , which will ere long be perfyted , and I hope through grace , there is a generation of tender , solid , and humble Christians yet in our land ( who shall be owned and accepted at the appearance of Jesus Christ ) as this day I know on the earth ; and many much hid there ; but what is too visible the temper and complexion of this age , may cause much fear , upon these peculiar hazards , professors now seem to be exposed to ; beyond former times , when a forme of knowledge , and the theory of practical religion hath so farr outgone tenderness and practice , and become so much a matter of art , and Invention , whilst Christians formerly with a smaller measure of light and in a plainer dresse , walked in the love and simplicity of the truth ; a bold and professing age , where a too easy and suddain growth to a forward appearance amongst many , hath so visibly out run a solid rooting in the truth , and that fear and serious exercise on their own soul , about their spiritual state and the soundness of conversion as hath sometimes been ; an age where it may be feared that not at a common rate many are like to adventure on the furthest hazard of perishing amidst these strange distempers in our Church , but with highest pretences seem to out darre all means of conviction ; even while with greatest tenderness and love to their souls followed , yea an age when that dreadful engine of Sathan is now so discernibly on foot and in such different formes and shape , by the spirit of error and delusion , to turne men off all setled persuasion of the truth and give the credit and interest of the Gospel a sorer wound , then the open violence and rage of others , hath yet ever done ; and is not here one sad influencing cause of so deplorable a State of the Church this day , that many professing godlinesse in this age are not more taken up with the great and weighty things thereof , and in these retired exercises which hath the clossest communication with the vitals of Christianity ; and so indispensibly necessar to a honourable appearance for the Lord , in any publict duty and service of the time . 4. What a choise study in so extreme an exigence now of the Church should this be to know , and bring near , by some more deep reflection thereon , how great these things are , which a humble and serious Christian hath to converse with , and to oppose all his griefs and fears this day , even when they seem to presse above measure ; which this might not only confirme but overcome the heart with unexpressible joy , when he but thus alone reasons with himself . 1. What ever shaking winds now blow , almost from evry airth , yet hath he firme and surest , principles of trust for a safe founding the rest and peace of his soul , and his security here is full though not his enjoyment , yea what ever want now be of the certainty of adherence in resting on the truth with such full repose and quiet of minde he is called to : yet he knowes thereis no want , of furthest certainty of evidence . 2. That not in a dream , but in the most serious composure of spirit , he can retire into the Gospel of Christ : and there see how unexpressiblie blessed poor lost man is made by a redeemer : on whom he hath choiced to have the exceeding riches of his grace shewed forth to all eternity , yea this in so marvelous a way when no possible help could be found in us , that the Holy God , would take satisfaction to himself by himself , not only to save his people but to preserve the rights of justice inviolable : yea hath thus brought us under a Law to come and be blessed in his Son , to whom he bears record that in him is life , and an eternall salvation made sure . 3. That the clear intent of this astonishing mistery is not only to save his people from wrath , but to make them meet by the spirit of holyness , for that state , which is above : since it is not pardon alone , or a heaven without us , can make any blessed untill the soul once be framed for it , and this first begun and wrought there , and now , what hath a Christian this day to converse when amidst the multitude of his saddest thoughts , he can with such assurance retire into the Gospel , and thence look up to an eternity of glory as that which ere long he shall know and enjoy . 4. That this is so sure , for his confirming , that such a signature and Impress of the Gospel , in the truth and reality of holiness is to be seen this day in the earth , I hope yet in innumereable instances even in these declining times with so visible an assimilation and likness to a higher state herein , that if men but exerce reason , they might see , it is Sure a marvelous transforming power , could ever make such a change , and that miracles ( if rightly considered ) does not this day cease in the Church , whilst so great a witness to the power and truth of godliness is continued . 5. He thus sees that tho no resemblance of our blessed head hath been left to the Church , of his human appearance whilst he was in the earth ; yet is his undoubted Image and portraiture drawne to the life , to be seen here , in the truth and reality of holyness ; and how much should this commend and indear truth , in the inward parts , and tender walking with God unto christians , that thus not only the reflection of his image on such may be convincing to the world in whom as so many mirrours he hath choised to shine forth , and appear ; but that in this state of distance , whilst they see him not whom their soul loves , they may yet still wear his blessed portrature within on their heart , and thus discerinbly see him there , until they be taken up to himself for ever . 6. Thus he can intertaine his soul in so dismall an hower , that he knowes assuredly , there are comforts here , which have no rise or affinity with the flesh , unexpressibly above all the griefs of time , and seeks no credit from any on report but to be found upon surest tryall , such as no grief , paine or pressure was yet ever at that hight in the lot of any of the saints , which the spirit of the Lord cannot make sweet and easy to endure , yea hath oft looked them out of paine with a present sensible outgate on their soul before any outward deliverance broke up . 7. He knowes also that the greatest comforts within time are assuredly in the life and exercise of godliness ; when thus a sincere resignation , is reached , and a feeling of themselfs to offer freely yea with joy their Isaac , and most indeared indeared interests to the Lord ; in having credit his truth against visible grounds of hope , and their being helped to crosse some present desireable interest of sense , on the alone incouragement of faith and when some remarkable sharp triall hath been thus got well through ; upon this sweat reflection also of having gained a season , and opportunity for the Lord , that may be for some fruit to his praise , and of a streight and serious aime to please him , when the visible displeasure of men , hath come in competition therewith , O what pleasure and an abundant entry to a christians peace will be then felt . 8. He hath this to be confirming , what unexpressible delight and pleasure is found on displeasing the flesh , even in its most impetuous , and violent motions , in tryall of their obedience , and love to Christ ( what ever paine may be for a little in that conflict ) as lets him see , resistance to sin is the most gainefull , and rationall act of his life ; whilst with any sinfull delight , which in a moment is gone , an imbittering sting and inward shame upon the guilt thereof , does then only abide , yea is so tried that the way of sin , can never cease to be a way of paine , and torment if the strenght and malignity of the disease did not take of all sense thereof , which as a bone out of joint , hath no ease , nor does suffer the whol body to be at rest ; whilst on the other hand in closse following the rule , and resisting a present temptation , what sweet peace , humble confidence , and comfortable accesse to God , with inward rejoycing is most sensibly then found , and how here only is the way of his relief ; and a great seal thus to the truth , when he sees so firme and indissoluble a tie betwixt peace , and holiness , as the worst of times can never break of . 9. He knowes that if no searching tryal , there could be no triumph and in so farre should be shut out from the overcomers joy , to which the forest wrestling of a christian when sanctifiingly exercising must still make way . 10. And what thoughts might these be on a more deep reflection , upon the truth , and reality of prayer , that here is no conjecturall thing but such a passage , is sure , knowne , and tryed , betwixt heaven , and a Christians soul ; which hath had so wonderfull effects , and certain returns , in the greatess exigence and strait ; and is not only an instituted dutie , but mean of their reliefe , yea not only the sweetest way of converse with God here on the earth ; but is the most effectual to prevaile and obtaine . I shall but add , a few words more , now in the close , and deteane the reader no further ; that it would have been judged , the appearance of the time , in this extream exigence , with what may be seen of the deplorable state of the Church of Christ , not only in Brittain , but almost universally , might ere now have allayed these high distempers , hath been of late , when popery is on so present and dreadfull an approach as threatens to swallow up all , and when that mine , which hath been so long in the dark , and digging under the ground , seems so near to spring , yea hath got too visible advantage , to enter at such a breach ( as hath been of late ) and gain ground this way . It is true , it may seem not easy to comprehend and is surely one of the greatest dephts of the judgment of God this day , how in one and the same age where the truth hath so brightly shined , both in purity , and power , there can be a subjecting of so many with their own consent , to so visible and notour an Impostur , as popery is , and after all we have seen , this Surprising darknesse , should now-come to such a hight , as men are turned thus cruel against themselves , and the Posterity , to deliver up all that should be dearest to them , to such a party : yea engadge in a way that so clearly enervats the whole intent of the Gospel , and where there is no conceiveable access for seduction , by any arguments to mens reason , and judgment ; or on other termes then to shut their eyes first on the Bible . But what ever length this tryal , may now come , and tho it should yet once provaile against all visible profession of the truth in the Church of Brittain and Ireland , we should adore the spotless righteousness of God herein in delivering mens reason and judgment up to so strong delusion , since as the greatest of blessings which ever came to the world is the pure light of the Gospel ; it needs not be strange that the greatest of judgments follow on a peoples contempt , and rejecting thereof , so as nothing is so absurd and irrationally grosse which these will not drink in who have once rejected the truth . But since the prospect and impression of this time , is like to be more fainting , then to confirme , or awake to duty , I would but touch this a little , though there can be no possible stumbling , for want of light , when the truth and doctrine of the reformed religion is so fully cleared ; and tho this might seem incongruous with the forgoeing subject , yet I am sure not unsuteable to the time when such hazard is now of much stumbling , and men do unsensibly weare at a distance from under these former impressions of the truth , and the way of the Lord , which they once had ; yea that a few dayes may come the Churches way more remarkable for tryal , then all hath yet ever been in this age ; I shall but offer some special reflexions now sutable to such a day , and of so known publick , and unquestionable evidence , to the Church that when brought near to our thoughts , may let us see how farre the advantage , and measure of these confirmations of the truth , given in to this generation , does exceed that of former times ; and I should hop such an exercise , might be of use and blessed through the Lords gracious concurrence for Christians furthest confirming , thus but to reason with themself , and have more deep reflectings thereon . 1. What ever hight this present assault from popery , may come to yet we know how solemne a triumph , the Gospel hes had , and that surly it is the same truth , and cause of the reformed Church ; for which so great things , hath the Lord wrought , when that blest revolution once came , after Antichristian darkness had overspread the face of the World for many ages ; so as the full stroak , and down fall of that Kingdome , seems not more marvelous , and above all humane appearances , when now at a distance ; then what we have already seen . 2. That it is clear , how extraordinare a power did attend this blest work of the Churches rising and that astonishing swift progress thereof , as nations seemed to be borne at once , and the earth to bring forth in one day ; Churches was then both planted , and confirmed betwixt the Year 1521. and 70. like a new Christian World , thus brought forth and setled , yea how farre this was above visible means and how little interest instruments had therein as it may be still said , let none fear or stager at the promise of God , though difficulties in an ordinare way , seem insuperable ; after we have now seen what the Lord hath don these last ages . 3. That it is so evident , how with the first shining forth of the truth , and doctrine of Christ , in the purity thereof , the life and power of Christianity came also therewith to the world , and how this blest light , did lead in , to greatest tenderness in the walk , and practise of Christians , which we might see yet as still present before us , how extraordinare an effusion of the spirit of God , this was , which caused then so marvelous a change , and lustre on the Church . 4. Have we not seen to confirme us of the truth , these prodigies of cruelty hath been acted , by the popish party such as some immediat power and incitement of the Divell , can only answer and hath so farre outgone the ordinare rate of humane cruelty , as if Infernall spirits , had then come and assumed human shape , to act this way ; yea is evident that no such measures can be found under the heathenish persecution against the Christian Church and in that strange way and manner followed as the French , and Irish massacre , hath been . 5. That such horrid practises also , hath been consequentiall to their doctrine , and principles , so as this hath not only been dispensed with 〈◊〉 by that Church , but accounted as highly meritorious , that it may be now easy to judge where that spirit , and way tends and what might be expected where this long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fury should but once get a vent . 6. Have we not seen also no possible m●●●… security , from such whose greatest strength hath thus been to move still in the dark ; and by surprise , to make their greatest assault , yea whose very religion , does so evidently subvert all truth , and mutuall confidence amongst men . 7. But have we not also seen , amore excellent spirit , and invicible power , hath been , to bear up against all this cruelty , and rage , and how great a seal , thus hath been to the Protestant ●●…se , and doctrine in these late times , by innumerable witnesses , who even in their extreamest sufferings , did so convincingly evidence , a joy unspeakable , and undoubted sealing of the comforts , of the Holy Ghost , on their soul . 8. That these likewise were rare examples , of the truth , and reality , of holyness in their day ; and of humility , and subduedness to the flesh , yea of tenderness , and bowels of compassion to their persecutors whom the Lord did thus call and prepare for such a sacrifice . 9. That no precipitancy , or stubbornness , in the least was in their way , but as with great assurance of minde ; so with a tender , humble and deliberat acting , their study then was by rationall conviction to deall with the conscience of adversaries , in a willing rendering , the reason of their faith , and suffering , with all meekness , from the scripture , with a reference thereto before the world , to be tryed and searched out in what any could object . 10. Have we not seen the power , and wisdom of God , most brightly shine forth , in that day , in the weakness of means , and that no speciall peice of service , was then called for , but a most surprising and discernible call , and excitement of instruments thereto , who in the same spirit , by which others were helped to suffer , was remarkably then carried out to act in defence of the Gospel much above themselves and their ordinare reach . 11. Have we not seen also , that no great thing was by the Lord , then brought forth for his Church , but some remarkable hight of trouble , went before , and how every step of her rise , and prevailling over Antichrist hath been still ushered in with some sore conflict , and down casting lyke the Pangs , and throwes , of the birth before a delivery . 12. Have we not clearly seen , that no humane power since the breaking forth of this blest light of the gospel , could yet ever reach its end , against the reformed Church ; though no possible way , and chainge of weapons , have been left untried , but how most visibly the work of their own hands , hath ensnared them herein , and tended more to the furtherance of the gospel . 13. And might it not be confirming what hath been so clear to see , the reformed Church of France , get so sweet a clam , yea fixt in a setled state , with outward peace , and legal security , by the Catholick league there , andby such a formidable conjunction as was therein of persons and interests for her utter ruine . 14. To see four Kings of France , successively taken away in 30 Years , all upon the same designe ; and in a vigorous pursuite to destroy the Protestant interest there , and in them that race of the house of Valois wholy extinct of whom two , were by a violent death Henry the second , and third , and this last so remarkably from that very airt with whom he had most concurred and joyned in counsell , as particularly with the Duke of Guise , for the massacre but both falling and destroyed by other in a short time . 15. To see the Netherlands fixt both in a setled state , and Church by that bloody engine of the Spanish inquisition , set up there and severe cruelty of Philip the II. , as the very mean made most subservient thereto . 16. To see the Protestant doctrine , more effectually promot and rooted in England , by the bloody dayes of Queen Mary , then the peace full calme of King Eduard who had gone before . 17. To see the violence and falshood of Queen Douager , and inbringing , of the French to Scotland , to bear down and destroy the Protestant interest there , such an effectual mean and advantage for its rise and further establishment . 18. To see the blood , and cruelty by Ferdinand the II. in Bohemia , in so very short a time most visibly returned on himself , to a making Germany almost desolate , and for many years , to sume in its own blood , by the Swedes , and their confederats . 19. To see that horrid late Irish massacre , in a few years after resolved in an utter rooting out almost of that cruel party , who had moved therein with such a discernible sunshine of the liberty of the Gospel , as did follow after in that land . 20. I must here add which may be clear and confirming this day how so strange a falling in with popery hath been now these 20. Years past in Brittaine , and what ground that interest hath gained there , hath so visibly had its strength from that airt of atheisme , ignorance , and the getting up of a prophane Spirit , which as a prodigie , and deluge hath thus broke forth in these lands , once blest both with the purity , and power , of the Gospel beyond most of the Churches ; and how such hath indeed found it easy to quite the truth , who yet never knew it , besides the influence , and suting of such a baite , as this way is to the temper of so licentious a time , and for some private interest , when that hath been under so favourable an aspect . FINIS . 
A29747	----	Christ in believers the hope of glory being the substance of several sermons / preached by John Brown. Brown, John, 1610?-1679. 1694 Approx. 290 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 106 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29747 Wing B5027 ESTC R27231 09722183 ocm 09722183 44047 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29747) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44047) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1351:4) Christ in believers the hope of glory being the substance of several sermons / preached by John Brown. Brown, John, 1610?-1679. [7], 195 p. Printed by John Reid, Edinburgh : 1694. "Never before published in English." Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesus Christ -- Sermons. Church of Scotland -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-04 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-04 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CHRIST IN BELIEVERS THE Hope of GLORY . BEING The Substance of several Sermons , Preached By The Learned , Laborious and Faithful Servant of Christ Mr. IOHN BROWN Sometime Minister of the Gospel at Wamphray in Annandale . Never before Published in English. EDINBURGH , Printed by Iohn Reid . Anno 1694. TO THE READER Christian Reader , AMongst the Prejudices , wherewith the Hearts of many of the People of this Generation are plagued , this is not the smallest or least ; that they accept of , or reject what cometh to the publick view of the World ▪ more as they affect or disaffect the Authors , then according to the Worth and Merit of the Thing published : And are more ready to say , As concerning this Sect , we know that every where it is spoken against , Then to say , But we desire to hear of thee , what thou thinkest , Or with the Noble Bereans , to search the Scriptures daylie , whether these Things be so or not . But Reader , For removing thy Prejudices , know , that the following Sheets exhibite unto thee , several Precious and Excellent TRUTHS , not to be found every where so succinctly and yet clearly handled ; Which , if thou hast any Spiritual Senses exercised to discern Good and evil , may by the Blessing of GOD , prove wholesome Food to thy Soul : And if thou hadst known the Reverend and Worthy Author , thou could'st not for his sake , have had the least ground to be prejudged at any Truth , that ever did come from his Pen. And for thy better Knowledge of him , he hath left some Monuments behind him of his singular Piety and Learning , which if perused , would no doubt make him great in thy Esteem : And these Monuments are extant in his Writings , both in Latine and English , in Polemick and Practical Divinity ; Such as his Book , De Causa Dei , contra Anti Sabbatorios . His Refutation of the Errors of Wolzogius and Velthusius , about the Right Interpretation of Scripture , and about Church Government , And an Manuscript intituled , Defensio Ecclesiae Scoticanae , &c. Which was exhibite to the General Assembly of this Church , Anno 1692. And is not yet published , but we wait for it , and expect that it shall be of the same Accuracie with the rest : All these , he hath Writen in Latine ▪ Moreover he hath written excellently against the Quakers , and made evident the dreadful tendency of their pestiferous Errors ; And for Practical Divinity , let the first and second Part of The Life of Faith , with his Book intituled , CHRIST the Way , the Truth , and the Life , be considered , and it shall be evident that he hath done great Service to the Church of GOD , particularly in discovering from the Scriptures , the right way of making use of CHRIST for sanctification ; A little Subject handled before him , especially in such a plain andclear Method . But Christian Reader , I would advertise thee , not to look for that Accurateness of expression in the following Sheets , which may appear in the Authors other Writings ; For they are only some Notes of Sermons preached in the time of the Authors trouble , at Utrecht , for the most part in his own Chamber ; Which after his Death , came to the hand of the Reverend Mr. James Koolman , Minister of the Gospel at Sluis in Flanders , and by him were published in Dutch , as an Appendix to the Dutch Translation of the Authors Book , intituled , CHRIST the Way , th● Truth , and the Life , And now are only translated out of Dutch , at first intended for the private ●se of some particular Persons , but afterward by the Solicitations of some , who had the occasion to read them , they were diligently compared with the Dutch Translation , and committed to the Press , the Original not being extant , so far as I know , that this present Translation may be compared with it , and therefore any Defects that may appear in this little Book , cannot in Iustice be ascribed to the Author , but to the Translators , who yet have used very great Diligence and Faithfulness in what they have done . And to conclude , I am hopeful that the Reader shall find , that what pains he shall bestow , upon the perusing of them , shall not be in vain , they containing so many Soul-Solacing Truths , so clearly proposed , together with many Pathetick Exhortations , and Soul-Searching Marks of Christians , all founded upon clear Scripture Testimony , and when perused , he shall say , that the Report he hath heard of them , was not only true , but that the half of what was true of them , was not reported . CHRIST THE Hope of Glory IN BELIEVERS , &c. Coloss. 1.27 . To whom God would make known what is the Riches of the Glory of this Mystery among the Gentiles , which is Christ in you , the Hope of Glory . THe Apostle having made mention of the Gospel , whereof he was made a Minister , according to his ordinary Method , cannot supe●ficially pass it over : But as he counted it his Glory , to be employed in that Glorious Ambassage of Preaching ▪ the Gospel to lost Sinners , Rom 1 16. 1 Tim. 1.12 . So he falleth out on all occasions in the commen●ation of that Noble Ambassage : And therefore having made mention of the Gospel , vers . 23.25 . before he proceed further , he cannot but ( in thi● and the foregoing verse ) give it some commendatory or praise worthy Titles , to make it more amiable and acceptable . What he sayes th●reof in this 27 Vers may b● summed up in ●hese few Heads . 1. That it is a Mystery , not easie to be understood by every one ▪ 2. That it is meerly the Fruit of fre● Garce and good Pleasure of God , that this Mystery wa● made known and manifested . 3. That whateve● outward Discoveries are made thereof unto al● within ●he visible Church , yet the more specia● Mani●estations and Discoveries thereof , are reserved for , and made manifest unto the Saint● 4. That this is a Mystery , which hath Glory i●●t . 5. That the Glory of this Mystery is not ordinary : There is in it , The Riches of Glory . 6. Th●● this is now made known among the Gentiles . 7. Th●● the Quintessence , Ki●nel , or the Riches of th● Glory of this Mystery , or the very ●nd or ai● thereof is . Christ in you the Hope of Glory . What we have to say upon this Verse , we sha●● reduce to these principal Heads . First , There is a Glory to come , whereof som● shall be made partakers . Secondly , There is an Hope of that Glory , whic● may be attained in time . Thirdly , The surest ground and most undoub●●d Mark of that Hope , is , Christ l●ving and wo●●ing in the Soul. Fourthly , Here is unfolded a short sum of a the riches of the Glory of the Mystery of the Gospel , Christinus , the Hope of Glory . As to the First Head : We see there is a Glory , whereof B●lievers here have an Hope , and in the expectation whereof they are to live : This ●hrough ●he whole Scripture is sufficiently held forth as ●hat which the real Children of God , are to meet with ; And in the beholding whereof , they are supported and comforted against all Rancounters ●hey may meet with in a wicked World : But who can tell what this Glory is ? Seeing 1. It do●h not yet appear what we shall be , 1 Ioh. ● , 2. And notwithstanding it be much mention'd in Scripture , yet is it not as yet seen ; it is as yet an unseen Glory , hidden for the present from the Eyes of those , who undoubtedly shall be made partakers of the same . 2. It is called a Glory tha● shall be revealed , 1 Pet. ● . 1 And when shall i● be revealed ? Even wh●n Christ● Glory shall be revealed , then shall Believers be glad with exceeding joy , 1 Pet 4.13 . When Christ who is our Life shall appear , then shall ye a●so ●ppear ( saith the Apostle to the same Colossians , Chap. 3 4. ) with him in Glory . 3. It is a Glory which shall be revealed in us , Rom. ● . 18 . So that now it must be an unseen and super●xcellent Glory ; Not an outward show , or a bor●owed Glance , but an inward Glory , which shall ●e revealed in us . 4. It is such a Glory , which eye hath not seen , ●or ear heard ▪ neither hath it entered into the H●art of Man to conc●ive what this foreordained Glory is , Isa. 64 4. 1 Cor 2 9 , It were but o● small value , if M●r●als by their words could express i● , yea if crea●ed Wisdom could comprehend it , or sufficiently understand what it is . Le● the highest s●aring wi●s , that are , propose to themselves the greatest Glory they can imagine ▪ and let others come after them , and add to thei● highest Conceptions , and so on , until there wer● none mo●e to add thereunto : And if it were possible the whole Quint●ssence of their united Conceptions were molten into one Mass , or reduce● into one comprehensive Thought , it should com● short , yea very far short of that Mysterious Glory which shall be revealed , but hitherto it hath no●●ntered into the Heart of man to conceive : How unfi● are we then to speak of it , being unexpressibly greater than we can imagine . Nevertheless let us ●eview some Scriptural Expressions concerning this Glory . As 1. Sometimes it is holden forth , under th● Name of a Kingdom , and of a Kingdom bestowe● of the Father , Luke 12 29 , 32. A Kingdom appointed by Christ , Luke 22.29 . And a Heavenl● Kingdom , whereunto we are preserved , 2 Tim. ●● 18. And what greater Glory can Mortals here e●pect then to be Kings , and to be Heirs of Kingdoms ? And O! this a Kingdom of ano●h●● kind ; a Kingdom of Glory , wherein there is nothing but pure and unmixed Glory : All th● Subjects of this Kingdom are Glorious , all the Exercises are Glorious , all the Air they breath in is Glorious , the Meat they feed upon , i● Glorious , all their Garments are Glorious . 2. It is called a Crown , and a Crown of Glory , 1 Pet. 5.4 . Kings highly esteem of their Crown , and the Rights and Pendicles thereof , and will spare no possible means for the defence of the same ▪ Though notwithstanding of all , their Crowns may fall from their Heads , and their Right die out , either through their u●just Purchase , or possessing of the same . But this Crown is a Crown of Righteousness , 2 Tim. 4.8 . A Crown incorruptible , 1 Cor 9 25. Kings with all their Crowns , more then the Beggar , cannot once buy by Dea●h , Psal. 49.7 , 8 , 9. They must return unto the Dust : But this is a Crown of Life , which preserves from all Deaths , and all its Concomitants , Revel 2.10 . 3. They are said to Reign , that is ▪ really to possess their Kingdom , and to enjoy the Glory of their Greatness : Earthly Kings may be Titular Kings , and no more , having the Title without the Kingdom ; But the Poss●ssors of this Glory , are truly in possession of the Kingdom of Glory . They Reign , and not only so , but they Reign with Christ. 2 Tim. 2.12 . And that for ever and ever , Revel . 22.5 . They sit with Christ on his Throne , as He sits with his Father in his Throne , Revel . 3 21. O who can unfold the Glory that is in this Glory ! that Believers should not only behold the Glory of Christ , Iohn 17 : 24. But that also they should be made partakers with h●m therein ; That He as the Head , and they as th● Members should enjoy the same Glory : How deep and unexpressible is this Ocean of Glory ? 4. This Glory is held forth under the Name o● an Inheritance , to point forth the undoubted right which they have thereto through Grace ▪ and th● sure possession , which they shall have thereof i● due time ; It is an Inheritance amongst all them which are Sanctified , Act. 20.22 . And 26.18 . A● Inheritance of the Saints in Light , Coloss. 1.12 . A● Inheritance incorruptible , undefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserved in Heaven for you , 1 Pet. 1 4.5 . It is called an Eternal Inheritance , Heb : 9 15. An Inheritance in the Kingdom of Christ and of God , Ephes 5.5 . Further , let us consider , as to this Glory , what other Names , it getteth in Scripture . 1. It is called a Crown of Glory , 1 Pet. 5 4. A Crown of Glory that fadeth not away : This is far preferrable to the Crowns of yellow Clay . 2. It is an Eternal Glory , 2 Tim 2.10 . 1 Pet. 5.10 . This is Glory that fadeth not away , no wayes bounded nor confined within the narrow , or short Marches of time , but stretched out through all the Ages of endless Eternity . 3. It is a Glory wherewith the Saints shall appear wi●h Christ , Coloss. 3 4 I● shall be his Livery , who is the King of Glory , and the Saints their Livery . 4. It is a vast weight of Glory ; therefore the Apostle knows not enough how to express and demonstrate it , 2 Cor. 4 17. Calling it a far more exceeding and Eternal weight of Glory ; But the Original is more Emphatick , as if we should thus express it , by one Hyberbole added to another , the one supperlative expression surpassing the other : It is an Eternal weight of Glory : O how wonderful ! A weight of Glory , who can poise it ? An Eternal weight ; when shall the weight thereof be pondered ? An transcendant Eternal weight ; yea not only so , but a far more exceeding and transcendant weight of Glory . 5. It is called the Glory of Jesus Christ , 2 Thess 2.14 . For Believers are made joynt Heirs with him , Rom. 8.17 . It is the Glory , which He ha●h purchased ; The Glory which he is now in poss●ssion of ; The Glory which He prepareth for His own , Joh. 14 3. The Glory , which He hath gotten from the Father , that He may bestow it on them , Joh. 17.22 . 6. It is a Glory , which is the Saints portion ; Ephess . 1.18 . Coloss. 1.12 . Who must be made meet to be partakers of the same ; For without are Dogs , Sorcerers , Whoremongers , Murderers , Idolaters , and whosoever loveth and maketh a Lye , Revel . 22 15. No Whoremonger nor unclean person , nor Covetous man , who is an Idolater , hath Inheritance● in the Kingdom of Christ , and of God. Ephes 5.5 . Therefore must the H●irs of this Glory be prepared thereunto , Rom 9.23 . se● Revel 21.27 . 7. It is a Glory far surpassing all Sufferings whatsomever ; they are not once to be laid in t●● ballance , or compared with the same , Rom. ● 18 ▪ For I reckon , saith the Apostle , that the Suff●rings of this present time , are not worthy to be comp●red with the Glory , which shall be revealed in us . O● Suff●rings here are but Light , and for a moment ▪ How can they then be compared with this Glory in respect of the weightiness thereof , seeing in superlative degree , it is wholly and exceedingl● excellent ? Or to be compared , in respect of i● continuance , seeing it is Eternal ? What proportion is there between a moment and Eternity ? Not so much as between the tenth part of ● drop of Water , and the vast Ocean . 8. It is a Glory that reacheth both Soul and Body , even the very lump of fl●sh ; our Bodies shall be raised in Glory , 1 Cor. 15.43 . And Christ Jesus shall change our vile Bodies , that they may be fashioned like unto his Glorious Body : Phil. 3.21 . But if you should ask the Question , what really that Glory is : We must acknowledge we cannot answer it ; it is far , yea very far above our Uptakings , neither hath it ever entered into the heart of man to fathom or take it up ; How can we then express it ? O that we had the Faith thereof established in our Hearts ! We might better tell you what that Glory is not , then what it is . Let us then consider a little , what this Glory doth free the Believer from . 1 , That Glory shall then freely deliver the Believer from all distress , Sorrow , Sighing , Pains , Tortures , Stiches , Sicknes and Death ; There is no Death in Glory , for it is without end ; The weight of that Glory is so sweet and satisfying , that the Soul , that is loaded therewith , cannot but rejoyce continually , and forget all its Sorrows and Complaints ; there is no Sighing under that burden ; Fo● , however it be exceeding weighty , yet it is both able to bear it self , and support , and bear up the Soul loaded therewith : And the Ransomed of the Lord shall 〈◊〉 return ; and come to Zion , with Songs and everlasting joy upon their Heads , they shall obtain joy and gladness , and sorrow and fighing shall flee away , Isa. 35.10 . In the Heavenly Zion , in that place of Glory , there is no Mourning to be heard , Isa. ●1 . 11 . That Glory cannot admit of the least tear amongst the Inhabitants ●here ; For the Lord God shall wipe away Tears from off all faces , Isa 25.8 . Revel 7.17 . and 21 4. The Inhabitant of that Land shall not say , I am sick , Isa 33.24 . 2. That Glory shall de●iver the Believer from all occasions of Sorrow and Sadness ; no Oppressor nor Persecuter shall breath there ; no Object of sorrow there ; no injury shall be done to any there , no scorching Sun there ; the Sun shall not Light upon them , nor any heat , Revel 7 16. Isa. 49.10 . 3. That Glory shall deliver the B●liever from all sin , the very Fountain of all our Miseries ; Sin cometh not within the Marches of the new Land of Glory ; Corruption may pursue and molest a Child of God , to the very Ports of Glory , bu● there they part , never more to meet : There , he shall be in case to cry out , Victory , Victory ! O Death , where is thy Sting ? O Grave where is thy Victory ? The sting of Death is Sin , but Sin shall have no access there . 4. That Glory sh●ll deliver the Believers from all Temptations to sin , whether from within , o● from without : No Devils , nor Instruments o● Devils there , to molest or tempt us ; no inward stirrings of Corruptions there ; no Objects to divert there , no lusting of the Eye , no lusting of the Flesh , nor pride of Life , shall be there . That Glory secures the Soul , and seats it beyond the reach of all spiritual Enemi●s : There , shall Believers be as Princes , Rulers and Conquerors over the World ; And there , shall Satan , w●th all his Devices and Instrumen●s be utterly routed , and eternally shakled under their feet , and shall never more be unloosed . 5. That Glory shall deliver us from all Anxieties and Torme●ting perplexi●ies , whereunto here , we are made lyable ; no Hunger , Thirst , Cold , Weariness , &c. there ; The Labourer shall Sweat no more there ; The burden bearer shall cry no more , O my back ? The poor man shall drudge no more for Bread to his Family , he shall no more travel over Sea and Land , for Back and Belly , They shall Hunger no more , neither Thirst any more ; and wherefore ? For the Lamb , which is in the midst of the Throne shall ●eed them , and shall lead them into living Fountains of Waters , Revel 7.16 , 17. 6. That Glory sh●ll deliver them from all Darkness of Judgement about their Duty , and doubtings and questionings concerning their State or Frame , neither suspecting it as to the present , no● eve●●earing a change therein as to the future : Glory is Light , and pure Light , neither can it admit of Darkness ; the Light that is there , darkens the Sun ; For that City of Glory hath no need of the Sun , neither of the Moon to shine in it , For the Glory of God doth Lighten it , and the Lamb is the Light thereof , Revel . 21.23 . There the Bride shineth , for her Light is come , and the Glory of the Lord is risen upon her . Isa 60.1 . 7. That Glory shall deliver the Believer from all sorrowful and heart-breaki●g Ecclipses and interruptions of the Beams of the Love and Favour of God : Now Clouds interveens betwixt the Light of Gods Countenance , and the poor Soul , with many Jealousies , Fears and Terrors , and sometimes real ▪ and sometimes fancied Desertions , tormenting the Believer , casting him in Feavers and Distempers , waging War against him , so that he looks out into God , and the da●es of old , and he is troubled : But there is no Desertion in Glory , no Clouds , no Night there , Revel . 21 25. Their Su● shall never set , no Ecclipses there ▪ They shall dwell in the Light of his Countenance , and drink in Eternally the Out le●tings of Glory from the unmeasurable and Etternally living Fountain of Glory , and that without the least interruption ; They shall everlastingly ly in the bosome of God. 8. That Glory shall deliver the Believer from all deadness , formali●y , sinking under the burden of Duties , upsitting through Discouragements and sloathfulness in the waye● of the Lord , and from all such Spiritual Distempers : They shall serve him there , night and day without wearying or upsitting , Revel 7 15. All who come to land in Glory , they shall mount up with wings as Eagles , they shall run and not be weary , and they shall walk and not be faint , Isai : 40 : 31 : There shall that word be fulfilled , He that is feeble among them — shall be as David ; and the house of David shall be as GOD , as the Angel of the LORD before them Zech : 12 : 8 : Thus we have opened some what of that Negative happiness , ( may we so call it ? ) which holds forth some what of this Glory : But if you ask what positively i● is , we lose our selves , not being in case to answer it ; Nevertheless the Scriptures makes use of some expressions , whereby we may come to understand somewhat of that Life of Glory : However many of them are but borrowed from such enjoyments and exerc●ses as are most pleasant and delectable ●o us here : We only shall make mention of the most principal ones . As 1 ▪ It is a Life of grea● Joy and Gladness : They shall obtainjoy and gladness , Isa. 35.10 and 51 8. Then th●s Gladness is great , it shall be an unspeakably glorious Joy , 1 Pet. 1.8 . For then they shall see him ; seeing the joy , which now they have , when they love him , whom they see not , and believe on an unseen Christ , is inexpressible and full of Glory : How much more inexpressibly full of Glory shall they then be , when they come to embrace him whom their Soul loveth ; whom now they enjoy alone by Faith : Spiritual Joy and Gladness in the Holy Ghost is the very beginings of it in time , Rom. 14.17 . It is here a Fruit of the Spirit , Gal. 5.22 . It is an exceeding great joy , 1 Pet. 4.13 . That when his Glory shall be revealed , ye may be glad also with exceeding joy : It is an everlasting joy , ●sa . 35.10 . and 51.11 . The very earnest thereof here enjoyed , far surp●steth the laughing joy of the wicked , Psal. 4 7 It is a peculiar joy , a rejoycing in the g●adness of his Nation , Psal. 106.5 . Here is Fulness of joy , Psal 16.11 . 2. It is a Life of clear Sight ; we shall know no more in part , but know even as we are known , 1 Cor. 13.12 . And We shall see him as he ●s , 1 Joh 3.2 . Now we see darkly through a Gla●s , But then face to face , 1 Cor. 13.12 . In the Light of Glory there is no Da●kness . The Soul no sooner enters the threshold of Glory , but it is delivered from all Damps , Mists , Clouds and Imperfections , and capacitate more fully and disti●ctly to receive the Outtings of Light ●verlastingly flowing from that Fountain of Light , who dwelleth In the Light which no man can approach unto , 1 T●m . 6.16 . Not that the Soul shall then be in case to behold Gods being , whom no man hath seen , or ca● see ; He remains for ever God Invisible , 1 Tim 1.17 . And the Believer a finite Creature , and s● incapable to behold the Being of God , whic● is Infinite and Invisible : But they shall be admitted to such nearness , and enjoy such immediate Manifestations and Beams flowing fro● the Fountain of Glory , that it shall be as a se●ing of him face to face , and a knowing of him as we are known , in comparison of what here enjoyed : Undoubtedly our Understandin● though never so deep , shall be there complea●ly satisfied , and that is enough , and may satis●●● us . 3. That Glory hath a wonderful transfor●ing vertue , as appeareth from 1 Iohn 3.2 . 〈◊〉 shall be like Him ; that is , like unto Christ , 〈◊〉 whom the Apostle speaks there , for we sha●● see him as he is . The discoveries of God in th● Land of Glory , shall transform us , and i● print in the Soul those Heavenly Accompli●●ments , which shall make us like unto him . T●● Divine rayes proceeding from that Object , 〈◊〉 received by the Soul , shall make it , so far●● capable , conformable to the Object , ca●●●ing alongst with them a transforming Po●●● and Vertue : They shall imprint in the Sou●● lively Copy of the Glorious Communica●● Vertues , after a more Clear , full , Heavenly 〈◊〉 visible way , and in a far greater measure 〈◊〉 here ; Though even here , the Glory of the Lord being seen as in a Glass , changeth the Believer Into the same Image , from Glory to Glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord , 2 Cor. 3.18 . This is a powerful operative Glory ; a continual refreshing Glory . 4. That Glory filleth up the spacious desires and out-stretched uptakings of the Soul ; so that the Soul living in Glory can complain of no wants , but is compleatly satisfied , Ps. l7. 15 . I shall be satisfied when I awake with thy likeness . Then shall all the corners of the wide and vastly enlarged Soul be fully satisfied . There shall be no Hunger and Thirst there after wants , for all shall be enjoyed , what the Soul can desire . This teacheth us 1 st . That all the good to be enjoyed there , shall be real , and not apparent only and imaginary . 2 ly . It shall be a most fit and suteable good ; other wayes it could never satisfy ; superfluity of Water is satisfying to a Fish , because in its Element ; yet could not be so to man , who lives in another Element . 3 ly . There shall be no scarcity of ●hat suteable and convenient good , but a fulness that shall answer all the extended desires of the Soul. 4 ly . That the Soul shall possess and enjoy this ●ullness , that it may be satisfied therewith , and get all its wan●s filled up thereby . 5. In ●hat Glory , the Believer is admitted to more close Fellowship with God ; For there they are admitted to stand before the Throne of God , Revel 7.15 . There it is , that they shall fully possess Him as their Portion , and tha● familiarly ; For they ●tand there as Ministers o● State , attending the Kings own person ; Then behold they H●s Face , and live and do rejoyce i● the Light of his Countenance day and nigh● They are made Pillars in the Temple of God ▪ and they shall go no more out , Rev. 3.12 . Glor● is their House and Element ; They could no● live without th●t Glory ; They could no● breath without His Company ; He dwells among them , even He that sitteth upon t th● Throne , Revel 7.15 . There the great Tabernacle of God is with men , whereof this Tabernacle enjoyed by them in the Church Militan● is but a sm●ll resemblance ; There it is , when that word sha●l be made good and lively , whic● we have Revel . 21.3 . And I heard a great voic● out of Heaven , saying ▪ Behold the Tabernacle 〈◊〉 God is with men , and He will dwell with them , an● they shall be his People , and God himself shall b● with them , and shall be their God. The Believe● there lyeth in the Bosome of God , there it 〈◊〉 that They shall see his Face , and his Name shall b● in their Foreheads , Revel 22 4. 6. In Glory they shall have near Communio● wi●h Jesus Christ their Head , their Husban● their Brother , their Lord and King ; Then they are with Christ , and enjoy Him , Phil. 1 23. 2 Cor. 5.8 . And ●hat for ever and ever 1 Thess 4.17 . He lives with them , and feed them ; The Lamb which is in the midst of the Throne , shall feed them , and shall lead them , Rev. 7 17. They shall sit with him there , upon his Throne , Revel . 3.21 . There got they the Morning Star , Revel . 2.28 . There do they eat of the hidden Manna , Rev. 2.17 . Here the Soul is put to long for nearness with Christ , and complain of clouds interrupting the Beams of His Love ; But there they shall see Him to their Contentment and Satisfaction ; For they shall be continually with the Lord , and follow the Lamb whithersoever He goeth , Revel . 14.4 . There shall the I●habitan●s of Glory be partakers of the Marriage of the Lamb , Revel . 19 7 , 8. 7. In Glory their Work and Imployment shall be to serve God and the Lamb , day and night in his Temple , Revel . 7 15. and 22.3 . And to praise Him there each one , and all of them shall take their Harps and Sing a new Song ; saying , thou art worthy — For thou wast slain ; and hast redeemed us to God by thy Blood ▪ out of every Kindred and Tongue , and People and Nation : And hast made us unto our God Kings and Priests — And again , Worthy is the Lamb that wast slain to receive Power , and Riches ▪ and Wisdom , and Strength , and Honour , and Glory , and Blessing , — And again , Blessi●g , and Glory , and Honour , and Power , be unto Him that sit●eth upon the ●hrone , and unto the Lamb for ever and ever , Revel 5 8 , 9 , 12 , 13. There they are admitted to the most honourable Employment imaginable , to the excellentest and most noble peice of Work , i● the high Court of the great King , to a work without end and interruption , or wearying ; Thei● Harps shall never be mistuned , their Tongue● never wearied , and their Song shall never wa● old , but shall endure new , fresh and delight son● through out all the ●ges of Eternity : There is , that they cry wi●h a loud voice , Salvation 〈◊〉 our God which sitteth upon the Throne , and unto th● Lamb , R●vel . 7 9 , 10. This is their Song wh●● stand before the Throne and before the Lamb arrayed with white Robes , with Palms in thei● Hands , and they are not alone in this exercis● They have the Angels singing with them , eve● all the Angels that st●nd , round about th● Throne , Saying , Amen Blessing and Glory , 〈◊〉 Wisdom , and Thanksgiving , and Honour , a●● Power and light , be unto our God for ever and ever Revel 7.11 , 12. O what a sweet●est is the● And what joy ●nd satisfact●on is ●here in th● restless , and ●●●rnally refreshing Exercise , 〈◊〉 singing Pr●ise unto God , and the Lamb , an● in p●oclai●i●g ev●●l●sti●gly their Experienc● o● the unspeaka●le great Favours wh●ch th● con●●●●●lly e●j●y . 8 In Glory ●he Soul is continually ravishe● and refreshed through the continually new an● fresh Rayes and Ou●goings of th● Love , 〈◊〉 Grace and Favour of God , that fl●weth fo●●●rom the Living and Eternal Fountain of all Satisfaction : There the Inhabitants of Glory e●j●●●ullness in the presence of God , and Drink of ●he Pleasures that are at his Right Hand for evermore , Psal. 16 , 11. They are abundantly satisfied , and Drunk with the Fatness of that higher House , and made to Drink of the River of his Pleasures , Psal 36.8 . The Lamb shall lead them unto living Fountains of Waters , Revel . 7.17 . There they have subst●ntially that Feast of Fat things , a Fe●st of Wines on the Lees , of Fat things ●ull o● M●rrow , of Win●s on the Lees excellently refi●ed . For he will swallow up Death in Victo●y , and the Lord God will wipe away Tears from all Faces , Isa. 25.6 8. O! Then ye Expectan●s of Glory , let me lay before you some f●w Duti●s . As 1. Be astonished ever this wonder●ull● condiscending Love and free Grace of God , that hath predestinate and called you to such a s●a●e of Glory , who were as well as others H●irs of Hell. and had forfeited your Right to Glory and Salvation , as well as they , who sh●ll never taste of the Fruit of that True that growe●h in the midst of the Paradice of God , and of ●hat Feast of Glory : I say , stand and a●mi●● this his free Love , and begin with your Heavenly Work of Glory here in time . 2 Hold the Faith of this Glory fr●sh in your Souls , and let your Conversation wi●nes● to all men , that you believe there is an approaching Glor● , whereof you are Expectants . 3. Make sure to your selves this Inheritance of Glory through Fa●●● in Christ ; and hold your Interest clear : vouch the La●b and his Interest here , that y●● may live everlastingly wi●h him hereafter . Be much in the Meditation thereof , and in p●●paring your self thereto : Give you● self over Him , who shall make you meet ●o be a par●●ker of the Inheritance o● the Saints in Light , Co● 1.12 5. Fix your Affections upon and Seek thi● things which are above , where Christ sitteth at 〈◊〉 right hand of God , Col. 3 1. And not upon thin● below : How shall you otherwayes eviden● that you are Heirs of Glory ? Is there such Glorious Inheritance for you above , and ar● your Hearts and Affections still below ? O How unbeseeming is it to such who have th● hope and expectation of a Crown , to be sti●●gading in their Affections after Straws . 6 Lay seriously to Heart what you have expressed Philip. 3.20 . Let your Conversation be in Heaven , live as Burgesses of that Glory , as having your whole Stock and Traffique there . 7. Desire and long to be there , with Christian Submission ; I desire saith the Apostle ( Phil. 1.23 . ) to depart and be with Christ. 8. Come for●h and take possession of this Life of Glory , by giving up your selves to serve him , in receiving and enjoying Him by Faith , and by giving over your selves to be guided and ordered according to His Will. 9 Let your Faith in Him comfort and support you here in time : And that ( 1. ) Against Poverty and Wants here ; For Glory is coming , which shall more than make ●hem all up . ( 2. ) Against Reproaches , Shame and Contempt in the World ; The Crown of Glory will recompence all wrongs , and the Garments of Glory will compleatly cover all . ( 3. ) Against outward Difficulties and Persecution , especially when occasioned by stedfast standing for Christ and His Cause , for all these shall disappear so soon as the Palms are put in thy Hand , and the Triumphant Song in thy Mo●●h . ( 4. ) Ag●inst Sin and a living Body of Death ; For Glory Come●h which shall put an end to it ; Sin shall not enter there , it cannot once breath in that Element of Glory . ( 5 ) Against Satan and Temptations , for in Glory , you shall no more be vexe● with them , these darts have no Place there . ( 6. ) This should comfort against your distance from God , and the hidings of his Countenanc●● for in Glory , you shall eternally behold His Face , without any interveening Clouds . ( 7. ) This should comfort against wearying and faggings in Duty , for that Glory will strengthen you in the work of Glory . ( 8. ) Let this comfort you against the weakness of Grace , and especially of that of Love , which sha●l be perfect in Glory ; For Love sh●ll be all there ; Faith and Hope shall there t●ke ●heir farewell of the Believer , as having finished their work . Secondly , That which we have to mark in this Text , is the Hope , of this Glory : Which gives us ground to speak of two things : The First is more abstractly and generally hel● forth : The Second , more clearly and particularly . As to the First , which is by way of exclusion , Viz. That however the Believer has a Righ● to these great things , By vertue of the promisses of GOD in the Covenant of Grace , an● the Merits of Jesus Christ the Cautioner ; Ye● here , they have no Possession of what is purchased or promised ; They must wait , and live a● those that wait : And not only they but our selv●● also , which have the first fruits of the Spirit , eve● we our selves Groan within our selves , waiting fo● the Adoption , to wit , the Redemption of our Body for we are saved by Hope : But hope that is seen 〈◊〉 not hope , for what a man se●th , why doth he ye● hope for ? But if we hope for that we see not , that do we with Patience wait f●r it . Rom : 8.23.24 25 Glory is purchased for them at a dear ra●e to wit , the Blood of Christ , and promised to to them by the GOD of Truth , who cannot lie ▪ Nevertheless , while here in time , though now and h●● a● the LORD sees good , they may ge● some foretaste of that life of Glory , and have best●wed on them the Earnest of the Inheritance , even the Holy Spirit of promise by whom they 〈◊〉 seale● : Yet they must wai● until the Redem●tion of the Purchased Possession , Ephes : 1.13.14 All that is goten here is but the earnest of what is to come , and of what is folded up in the promise , which they must follow after in Faith and hope ; Here they wait for that Glory and live in the Faith and expectation of what is to come : And now abideth Faith , Hope , &c. 1 Cor : 13.13 . The Lord sees it good , it should b● so , for wise and weighty reasons , we shall offer some few which may satisfie us herein . 1 Reason , That he may attain the praise of his truth and faithfulness ; when it is seen , that such who are no Fools dare nevertheless adventure their Souls and all their Concernments upon GODs naked word , d●pend thereupon , and Possess their Souls in patience : and thus live in hope ; Yea not only so , but Rejoyce in the hope of the Glory of GOD. Rom. 5.2 . Though for the present they may have very little or nothing in hand . 2. Reason , That thereby the several Graces of GODs Spirit may be exercised in them , as Faith , Patience , longing , &c. Whereof the beliver shall make no use , when once in possession of Glory : The hope that is seen is no hope , that is , hope has no more place , when the thing hoped for is seen and po●sessed ; And where hope is in exercise , there is also a patient waiting ; all which acknowledge Faith to be the foundation whereon ●h●y stand ; Now is the time and season ●or these Fruits to grow , for a● soon as the hoped for Inheritance is attained these flowers shall no more blo●som in the Garden of the Soul. Now must we live by Fai●● and not by Sense , 2 Cor. 5.7 . Now is it tha● they groan earnestly , desiring to be cloath●● upon , with their House which is from Heave● to wit , while they are in this Tabernacle , 2 Cor 5.1 , 2 , 4. Now abideth Faith , Hope , 1 Cor. l3. 13 3. Reason , That they may be prepared an● made meet for ●hat Glory , and to be partakers 〈◊〉 the Inheritance of the Saints in Light , Col. 1 . 1● Glory is no ordinary Life , neither shall Sinner find a breathing in that Element , they must b● changed , washed and prepared before the● come there : The rough stones win out of Natures Womb , must be plained and polished before they can be use●ull Materials for the higher House . Here then , must the Expectants of tha● Glory , through the exercise of Faith , Hope , Patience , &c. Be adorned and fitted for th●● glorious Habitation . The Children that were 〈◊〉 stand before the King of Babylon , were to b● taugh● and ●●●●ished wi●h the King● Meat , a●● Wine , w●ich be Drank for the space of th●●● years , Dan. 1 , 3 , 4 , 5. Far more then are 〈◊〉 Attenders o● Glory , to be prepared , whereb● they may be fi●ted to stand in the presence o● the grea● King of Glory , and that everlastingly ▪ 4. Reason : Th●● thereby , Glory may be the sweeter a●d welcomer unto them , when th●● get it , a lo●g expected Crown , is the welcomer when o●●●ined . 5. Reason , That thereby He may have occasion to evidence the Glory of his Power Truth and Faithfulness , in bringing them at last to the Possession of the promised Inheritance , after some few years patient waiting , and that notwithstanding of many difficulties in the way , the deceitfulness of their own Hearts , the many discouragements , from within and from without , wherewith they had to Fight . 6. Reason , That the ungodly among whom they live , may be the more inexcusable , who say in effect , that there is no God , and that he is not to be trusted , That Glory and Blessedness is but a meer dream and fancy ; when they see that Believers among them , rest on the Faithful word of God , and comfort themselves in the Hope of Glory , which shall be revealed , and that in the midst of reproaches , Persecutions , Poverty , Difficulties , &c. And that they will not let go the hope of that Inheritance , for all the Profite and Pleasures of the World , or condescend to any thing , which in the least might prejudge that Hope , no not for the greatest of worldly advantages , Rom. 8.18 . But here , take some words of Vse alongst with you . 1. For Caution to such who now ●nd then win at some Foretastings of this glorious Life of Glory , and sometimes are admitted to the Kings Banqueting-house , and filled with the Kisses of his Mouth , and Eat of his Aples of Love , and so are brought into the very Suburbs of Heaven : I would say these things unto them . ( 1. ) Think not that that life , will alwayes continue , you may now and then have more then ordinary Dainties , and some dayes of Feasting ; yet remember ▪ that thy Life here is by Faith , Hope , &c. And not by Sense : But providing that it please th● Lord out of his overflowing Goodness , fo● his own Glory , to da●dle you on his Knee● and to treat you more then ordinary , make i● welcome ; Be not puffed up therewith , no● imagine that it will be your ordinary fare , s● long as here in time : But rather look that ther● will be a low ebb , after such a Spring-flood and that that Table shall yet again be drawn And so prepare your self for your ordinary portion , remembring , that thy Life here , Is Life of Hope , grounded upon Faith. ( 2. ) Wh●● of this sort of extraordinary intertainme●● you also get , look but on it as a Pledge or A●les-penny , and endeavour to carry your selv● as Expectants of Glory , looking out into tha● which is to come , and let your desires grow● the more to compleat the Harvest , since th● first Fruits are so sweet , be not satisfied wi●● what you receive of that nature as if it we●● your Portion . Glory is here not in Hand , b● in Hope to such . 2. Vse . To such , who are great Strange to the fore-tastings of Sense , let them not 〈◊〉 discouraged . But 1. Be satisfied though the Lord should with hold from you , these more extraordinary Out-lettings of his Favour , and deal with thee , otherwise then with some ; Remember that your ordinary way of living is a Life of Hope . 2. Make use of this Hope , which is your Life , to the best advantage : Exercise thy Faith , and comfort thy self , in the Hope of the Glory of God : Thus shall you Glorify Him , who hath called you to this Hope of his Kingdom , knowing that ye are saved by Hope , Rom. 8.24 . And that there is an Hope ●aid up for you in Heaven , Col. 1.5 . Live as those that are begotten again into a lively Hope , 1 Pet. 1.3 . 3. Vse . Hereby I do advise all the Godly , who are called to this Hope , that they so carry themselves before the World , ( how little soever they have in possession ) as those that are rich in Hope . Merchants can boast , and hold out a Port , as if they had much Money in Cash , by reason of the great income of some rich Cargo , which they are in expectation of , notwithstanding of their being very empty handed ●or the present : But , as the Riches of Glory , far exceed the riches of this World ; So the expectation and assurance thereof , is infinitely far beyond that of worldly Riches . O! then , carry your selves in all things , whatever Gods Dispensations may be towards you , so as becometh those , who are Expectants of Glory . Let the Hope thereof support your Souls unde● all Discouragements . Let no Dispensation● Loss , Cross , any wayes abate your Hope , 〈◊〉 make you carry unbeseeming such a Gloriou● Hope , whereunto you are called , knowin● that none of these things can rob you of th●● great expected Salvation , or make you miser●able . 4. Vse , To suches are y●t Strangers to thi● Hope ; I have these few things to say . 1. Thin● more then you do on the Life of the Godly , so whatever may be their condition , here in time yet they have a Crown , and a sure Inheritanc● and are Expectants of a Life of Glory , an● have a well grounded Hope thereof : So th●t their Life , however accompanied , with 〈◊〉 greatest of outward Calamities , yet far preferable to yours . 2. Covet & long exceeding to be amongst the number of those ; Fo● howeve● these dews & dropings of Consolation which sometime , even here , they are enjoyin● besuch , as the ungodly so long as they remain 〈◊〉 can never experimentally understand , yet th● are infinitely below that which is abiding then in the Hope whereof they are called to liv● Life , Light. Joy , and all is sown for the● and they and they alone have the sure and w● grounded Hope thereof . 3. Judge , who a● wisest , ye or the Believer ; ye loss for little rousted Gold , worm-eaten Pleasure and vain imaginary Glory , this rich Prize : A●● ye live here without Hope , whereas they through a most noble , Majestick and generous Disposition dispise your silly Feckless Portion , a Compound o● meer Vanity : And look to an Incorruptible and Substantial Glory , an incomparable Inheritance , and a Crown of Glory : Neither will quite their Hope of Glory for all the fancied Satisfaction , the Art of man can squeeze out of these imaginary Pleasures , Profi●s and Glory of this momentary time . 4. Behold and be convinced of the reality of Religion : For certainly it can be no Dream , Fancy , or groundless imagination that makes the Believer so cheerfully forsake that which you choose for your Portion , and rest satisfied with ; and makes them resolutely and deliberately undergo Shame , Discredit , Poverty , Persecution , Death and Flames , rather than Act any thing , or cede in the least Puncti●ilio , ●hat might cut off or ma●r the Hope of what ●hey are expecting . They are Men as well as others , by nature as wise and careful of their ●ope and well being , as well as others ; Nevertheless , most willing for the Hope that is set before them , to turn their back on all these things : They are as little Fantastick or Crack-brain'd as others ; yet the very ●ope and expectation of that Glory , which is ●romised , will support and bear them up under ●urdens , that would crush twenty ungodly bodies , ●t will make them sing in the midst of the Fires , as Crowned and sitting in their Chair of Stat● having only in hand the Hope of Glory . Now that , which is clearly held forth b● these words , The Hope of Glory , is , that the● really such a thing amongst the Godly , as th● Hope of Glory : It is true , the unjust man ha● a Hope , which perisheth , Prov. 11.7 . Wh●● they die their Hope and Expectation perishe● with them , because it was after the things below , and these all pass away : And providi●● it be after the things , which are above , yet bei●● the badly bottomed , their Hope is but as the gi●ing up of the Ghost , or puffing out its breath a●● perisheth , Iob. 11.20 . Even so hath the H●pocrite a Hope , but it shall perish , Iob 8.13 . A● their Trust is as the Spiders Web , soon brok● down , & I pray you , What is the Hope of the H●pocrite , though he hath gained , when God taketh ●way his Soul ? Job . 27.8 . But the hope of th● Believer is solid and real ; which appears thu● ▪ First , It is bottomed on a sure and nob●●●oundation . As 1. on the Promise and Oa●● of God ▪ Heb 6 , 17 , 18. Wherein God willi●● more abundantly to shew unto the Heirs of Prom●● the immulability of his Counsel , confirmed it by 〈◊〉 Oath : That by two immutable things , in which was impossible for God to lye , we might have strong Consolation , who have fled for refuge , to 〈◊〉 ●old upon the Hope set before us , &c. 2. On th● Power of God , who made Abraham to Ho●● against Hope , Rom 4 , 17 , 18 , 21. He believ●●ven God , who quickneth ●he dead , and calle● ●hose , which be not as though they were , and being ●ully perswaded that what he had promised , he was able also to perform ; So Heb. 11.18 , 19. He accounted that God was able to raise him up Isaac , even from the dead . 3. On the continually and really felt experience of the Goodness of God , Rom. 5.3 , 4. Knowing that Tribulation worketh patience , and patience experience , and experience hope . See also Lam : 3.21 , 4. On the Resurrection of Jesus Christ , as a publick person , having to the uttermost satisfied Justice , and procured a publick Absolviture or Discharge . 1 , Pet. 1 , 3. They are begotten again unto a lively Hope by the Resurrection of Jesus Christ from the Dead . 5. On Christs living in them : As here in the Text , which is no fancie ; as we shall afterward make appear . Secondly , The Hope of the Believer is a real work of God's Spirit in the Soul ; Therefore He is called the God of Hope , Rom , 15 , 13. They abound in Hope , through the Power of the Holy Ghost . It is God that begetteth us again into this Lively Hope 1 Pet : 1 , 3. And it is He that giveth it . 2 Thes : 2.16 . Thirdly , It is a Hope carried on in the Soul , through a real work o● Grace : God giveth us good Hope through Grace . 2 Thes : 2 , 16. Fourthly , This Hope hath a real Object ; For Heaven is the Object of their Hope , Col : 1 , 5 , For the Hope , which is laid up for you in Heaven . This is the Hope of their calling , Ephes : 1 , 1● and 4 , 4. Christ is their Hope , the Lord Ies●● Christ , which is our Hope . 1 Tim , 1 , 1. They tru●● in the Lord , and He is their Hope , Ier : 17. ● The Psalmist saith , Psal : 71.5 . For Thou an● my Hope O Lord , Thou art my Trust , from my Youth . The Lord will be the Hope of his Peopl● and the strength of the Children of Israel saith , Joe● chap : 3 , 16 , And what further can be required , for the making Hope a real business ? What ar● all the advantage of the richest incomes in a world , in comparison of this one thing ? And yet that uncertain and petty rent beget●eth hope , which will make the Merchant , who ventureth thereon , sing and rejoice within himself upon his expectations : But O! Her● is the Hope of Eternal Life , which God that cannot lie promised before the world began . Tit : 1 , 2. Fifthly , It is a Hope of real use and advantage to the Believer : It is an excellent and approven weapon for defending the head : Therefore compared to a Helmet . Ephes : 6.17 . 1 Thes : 5.8 . It defends the head from all blows , and holds it up from sinking under temptations , difficulties and discouragements therefore compared to an Anchor , Heb : 6 , 18 , 19. Holding fast the Soul , in the day of storm , and making the Believer undauntedly ride out the same , and boldly to set head against satan his tentations , falling down upon him , as so many swelling and raging billows of a tempestuous Sea ; And as the blasts of a terrible tempest , to render him hopeless , ●nd so to quite grips of Christ , and his expecta●ions of thē Crown . S●xtly , This Hope hath many real and excel●ent operations on the Soul , therefore cannot out be real . For 1. This Hope is a fountain of continual comfort ; Therefore we read of the confidence of Hope . Heb : 3.6 . And the Believer must rejoice in Hope . Rom , 12.12 . Hope affords matter for a song in the saddest day ; Therefore the Apostle sayes , Rom : 5.2 . We rejoice in hope of the Glory of God : And not only so , but we glory in Tribulation . v. 3. For what they hope for is certain , the hope of the Righteous shall be gladeness . Prov : 10.28 . Not like the expectation of the wicked which shall perish . 2. Again Hope is that which quickneth the heart , and encourageth the soul : For when the Soul is ready to sink in discouragements , seeing no appearance of fulfilling the great things promised , and filled with fears of falling off , and so to loose the prize . Then Hope will hold up the head , and encourage the sinking Soul , and thus it is a quickning and enlivening bu●iness , therefore called a lively Hope , 1 Pet : 1.3.3 . This Hope is a mean of Salvation ; Therefore we are said to be saved by Hope , Rom. 8.24 . Faith and Hope are two noble Lackays that never parts from the Believer , until fairly within the haven of Glory . 4. This Hope rejoiceth and comfort the Soul under all its losses , troubles and wandring● : what supported Abrahams heart whe● he sojourned in the Land of promise , as in 〈◊〉 strange Countrey , dwelling in Tabernacles with Isack and Iacob , the heirs with him of the same promise , But Hope ; For it immediatly follow● Heb : 11 9 , 10. For he looked for a city , whic● hath fonddations , whose Builder and Maker is Go● 5. This Hope sets the Soul a work . to make 〈◊〉 self ready and meet for the heavenly Habitation , to continueand go on in Sanctification , and to oppose & withstand whatever is unbeseeming an expectant of Glory . So that it is of a purifieing nature . For every man that hath thi● Hope in him , purifieth himself even as he is pu●● 1 Joh : 3.3.6 . This Hope humbleth , quieteth and ●ully satisfies the Soul , when disquiete● and disturbed through the proud and arrogan● undervaluings of those , who disdain full● upbraid them and their confidence in God Psal : 42.5 , 11. Or through the sad simptoms o● an angry God , whereby deep calle●● unto deep at the noise of his Water-spouts , al● his waves and bil●ows going over . v 7 ▪ An● appearing to cast them off . Psal : 43.3 . Fo● when David is thus exercised , the only thin● which upholds him is Hope , and therefore the● alone cordial , in that lamentable song he stil● again and again recommends his soul unto , 〈◊〉 hope thou in God ; And chargeth his Soul as high●y irrational , in being cast down and disquiet●d , seeing hope was yet to the fore . Saying , Why art thou cast down O my Soul , and why art tho●●isquieted in me ; hope thou in God , ●or I shall yet ●raise Him , &c. Thus we see that hope will ●ise up the cast down and disquieted Soul. 7 This hope not only delivers the Soul from all ●nxieties and fears , but sets it beyond the reach ●hereof , so that the Believer he sings , tho rot●ing in the grave , even his very dust and burried flesh or body shall rest in hope ▪ under the dark & cold chambers of death . Psal : 16.9 . Acts 2.31 . Thou shalt be sè●ure . saith , Zopha● , Iob : 11.18 . Because there is hope , Hereby it is that the Righteous is said to have hope in his death , Prov. 1● 32. When their condition in the eyes of the wicked seem most desperate and hopeless , even then they have hope , when death the king of terrors is grapling with them , and burying them in the dust ; Even then they lift up their heads in Hope . 8. Hope gives Confidence and true Christian Boldness to look Tentations in the Face : Hope maketh not ashamed , Rom. 5.5 . In these Words , there is an dimunitive manner of speech , for it signifyeth so much , as Hope giveth great Confidence and Boldness ; And wherefore ? For the expectation of the poor shall not perish for ever , Psal : 9.18 . Nor be cut off Pro : 24.4 . There shall be a Reward , Davids prayer , Psal : 119.116 . Let me not be ashamed of my hope : Shall be answered , and in end accomplished . 9. Hope makes the Soul calm and patient under all persecutions ; Therefor Paul mentions the patience of Hope , to the Thessalonians , Thes : 1.3 . At a ground of his praise on their behalf . But it may be asked , if all really and Godl● have this Hope I Answer , Yes , more or less , for they are begotten again into this Lively Hope , 1 Pe● 1.3 . And their Faith and Hope must be i● GOD , 1 Pet. 1.21 . But all have it not 〈◊〉 the same Degree and Measure : For 1. Som● attain unto the full assurance of Hope . Heb. ● 11. Which dispelleth all clouds , and puts th● Soul without the reach of all doubtings or further Questioning of the Matter : But this is no● ordinary , but seldom attained . 2. Some a●tain unto a reasonable Hope , bottomed 〈◊〉 Faith , as through Patience and Comfort of th● Scriptures , they have Hope , Rom. 15. ● Their Conscience bearing them Witness , th● they have fled for Refuge to lay hold upon th●● Hope set before them , Heb : 6.18 . They believe that the Word o● GOD is sure and u●changeable , and that he cannot deny himse●● Hence it is , that they have a firm Hope , whic● ( though without foretastings and sensible i●fluences of Joy ) supports them under all di●couragements . 3. Some , who have no● readily come this length , nevertheless ha● about ●he posts of Wisdoms door : And tho they can do no more , yet will they look unto the LORD , and wait upon the GOD of their Salvation , Mic : 7.7 . They know and are assured , tha● Salvation is no where else to be ●ound , neither will they seek it any other where , he alone must be the GOD of their Salvation ; And therefore they wait and look out ●or Him , and encourrage themselves with the Hope of a happy Outgate ; My GOD will hear me . They will wait upon the LORD , that hideth His Face , and will look for Him , Isa : 8 , 17. Meditating on that Word , Isa : 45.22 . Look unto me , and be ye saved , all the ends of the Earth , Though they dare not say they have at●ained that Lively Hope , yet they know , that ●hey are at the right Door , therefore will not give over , but resolves so long as there is Life or Breath in them , to hang at the cheeks of GOD's gates , come of it what will. Thus Hope prese●ves the Soul from dispair , or giv●ng over the Cause as desperate , and from say●ng with that wicked king , 2 King : 6.33 . This evil is of the LORD , why should I wait for ●he LORD any longer ? 4. Some being enviro●ed with temptations and thick clouds , may conclude that they are cast off , and say in ●heir haste , that the LORD hath forgotten ●hem , and cast t●em off ; Yea , and say round●y , that there is no Hope , that their Hope is perished from the LORD , Lam : 3.18 . Isa : 40.27 . Ezek : 37.8 . And that they are cu● off , Psal : 31.22 . And that all Men are lyers . Psal : 116.10 , 11 , And with Iob Chap : 17 , 15. & 19 10 ▪ And where is now my Hope : Mine Hope hath he removed like a tree . Yet notwithstanding of all this , they will not quite nor sell their Interest , of Christ and Heaven , but reckon it their great priviledge , that they are out of hell , and that GOD renews his Mercys to them day by day this they recall to mind , therefore have they Hope , Lam : 3.21 . Vse . Since there is such a noble and excellent Grace , every way so necessary and profi●able ; Surely it is our great conc●rnment an● interest to try and search narrowly , whith●● we have it or not : Many phansie they have● true & lively Hope , and alas ! it is but a clatch up and imaginary hope , they die with a lie i● their Right Hand . Again others , who hav● really this Hope in their Soul , notwithstanding entertaìn suspicious that all is wrong wit● them , and therefore cry out that their Strengt● and Hope in GOD is departed ; Therefor w● shall speak a word to both . And 1 All hav● not a True and Lively Hope , who say the● have it ; There is a generation that is reall● without Hope , Eph : 2.12 . Who yet phansie they have a sure and well grounded Hope● But the hope of many shall ●erish with themselves ; Pro : 11.7 . Iob. 18.13.14 . Al●● this ill grounded hope , will not support the Man that hath it : What is the hope of the Hypocrite ; though he hath gained , when God taketh away hisSoul ? saith Iob. ch . 27.8.2 . It must be undoubtedly a sad and lamentable Disappoinment of their Expectations , many shall meet with , when their Hope shall forsake them , and sink under them as the broken reed of Egypt ; And what more lamentable then to credit the stress of their immortal Souls in a rotten ●reed , and to phansie when Death shall come , to Land in Glory , and yet for them and their Hope u●●erly to perish ? Oh! how shall their former Hope , augment their irrecoverable and eternal Misery , and rende ? their condition more lamentable then they had never had such a Hope ? 3. Shall not this disappointment occasion great confusion of Faces ? Shall it not fare with them , as with the Troops of ●ema , and the Companies of Sheba , ●o that they shall be ashamed and con●ounded , bec●use they had hoped , Job 6.19 , 20. Many pass now for great Christians , and have a hope they will not quite with , which shall fill their Faces with con●usion , when they come to see , that their Hope hath been but a meer Dream . 4. Is it not a terrible plague and judgement , to be so far possessed with blindness , as not only to be ignorant , where we are , but to drea● and phansie , that we walk on a sure and even ground ; whereas puffed up with vain presumption , we are walking on the very sides of the pit , not knowing , but every step may land us in Eternity , and so in everlasting confusion ? Alas ! how lamentable is it to see people feeding upon ashes , and turned aside with a deceitful heart , so that they cannot deliver their Soul , Nor say , is there not a lie in my right hand , Isa : 44.20.5 . Providing the m●ssing of our hope were of small importance , the matter were not so great ; But to miss and be disappointed of Glory , of Eternal Salvation , of the Fellowship of GOD Eternally ; O how dreadful must that be ? how can such a loss ever be repaired ? what can man give for the Redemption of his Soul ? Or what shall h● give in exchange thereof ? what thing imaginable can repair this irrepairable Loss ? 6. Providing this loss could ever be recovered , it were the more supportable ; But when this one Loss and disappointment can never be again repaired , what a terrible bussiness then , to rest here , in time , on a false hope , which with them will perish , and give up the Ghost ; their being no● returning again to make amendment of by gone miscarriages . O! Then , should not every Soul ●eriously consider how greatly it is th●● Interest to ponder , and narrowly to examine on what ground their Hope resteth . Now ●or helping such out of their self deceitfulness , who fancy they have the right Hope and are yet strangers thereto ; And for easing such , who cannot be convinced that their Hop● is of the right kind ; I shall in short , propose some Marks . whereby the one and and the other may try themselve● . 1. Mark , Let every one try how they came by their Hope , that Hope which is born with us , and hath alwise lodged in us , and kept us in peace , since we came into the World , providing we have no other , cannot be of the right stamp : For hope is a fruit of the Spirit ; For we through the Spirit wait for the Hope of Righteousness by Faith , Gal : 5 5. There is no abounding in hope , but through the power of the holy Ghost , Rom. 15.13 . The strength of nature , or ed●cation cannot help us here . Our Lord Jesus Christ himself , and GOD even our Fath●r must give us good hope through Grace , 2 Thes : 2.16 . This hope is from no natural extraction , it is of Divine Extract . 2. Mark , True and lively Hope , is ever grounded upon Christ's Righteousness and Resurrection ; Therefore it is a waiting For the hope of Righteousness by Faith , Gal : 5.5 . Awaiting for what is hoped for , through the Righteousness of ●hrist , or only by vertue of that Righteousness of Jesus Christ , which is laid hold on by Faith ; so that the hope of Glory is founded thereon : We are begotten again unto a lively hope by the Resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead , 1 Pet : 1 3. So that the hope , which is not upon Christ , which is not built on his Dea●h and Resurrection , and upon his imputed Righteousness , but on something within our selves , be it never so specious or excellent , as an honest heart as they phansie , outward holiness , blamelessness , victory over corruptions , singular devotion , or whatever it be of that nature , will be but a● the giving up of the Ghost , and come far short of helping or relieving the poor Soul. 3. Mark , True and lively Hope , as it is sounded upon Faith , so they go hand in hand , toge●her , 1 Pet : 1.21 . Who by him do believe in God , that raised him up from the dead , and gav● him Glory , that your Hope and Faith might be i● God. Hope without Paith laying hold upon ● crucified Saviour , according to the tenor o● the Covenant , is but a meer dream : Hope cannot stand , but upon the pillar of Faith ; Therefore the Church first embraceth GOD as her Portion , then she wins to the solid exercise of Hope Lam : 3 : 24. The Lord is my portion , sayeth my soul , therefore will I hope in him . 4. Ma●k , Where there is a real Hope o● Glory , there will be a leaning on GOD , and committing of our Souls to him for through bearing , through all the difficulties , Wyndings and turnings in our way : Ou● hope is co●tinually in GOD , Psal. 39.7 . Others truste● in their Riches , they gathered and heaped it u● But for David , he sayes , And now Lord , wh● wait I for ? My hope is in Thee ; compared wi●● Psal : 71.5 . David on this foundation , press● to be delivered out of the hands of the wicked because he had alwayes been his hope ; For he sayeth , Thou art my hope , O Lord God , thou art my trust from my youth ; Thus casts he all his cares and burdens on the LORD , and this was his constant way and continual practise : He had no other hope , neither acknowledged any other , knowing that he was happy , that had the GOD of Jacob for his help , and whose hope was in the LORD his GOD , Psal : 146.5 . 5. Mark , Where there is a Reall and Lively Hope of Glory , desires after bewitching pleasures will grow cold ; And now what wait I for ? saith David , Psal : 39.7 . My hope is in Thee : He saw nothing in the World worthy his attendance , for his hope , he had established it on a sure and sufficient Object ; he betook himself not to these , who said who will shew us any Good , Psal : 4.6 . O! When the heart through hope , hath fastened it self on GOD , how little values it all the vanity of a perishing world ; The sight of Glory , which they have through hope , darkens that lustre and beauty which others see in the perishing things of a world , whose eyes being of the same substance with the world , are earthly . 6. Mark , This true Hope is accompanied with a careful endeavour to keep all the Commandments of GOD ; LORD sayeth David , Psal : 119.166 . I have hoped for thy Salvation , and done thy Commandments . True hope is an enemy to a careless life , and is accompanied with tenderness and earnestness : Hope sets the Soul a running , Act. 26.7 . Vnto which promise , our twelve Tribes instantly serving GOD day and night , hope to come . 7. Mark , Hope will sit down down well satisfied on GODS bare Word ; As Abraham , who against hope believed in hope , Rom : 4.18 , And how often sayeth David , that he hoped in GODS Word , Psal : 119.49.114 . Psal : 130 5. Hope will keep the Soul in Life , even when all things seems contradicting the very Promises , and to say it is vain to wait any more . 8. Mark , Hope is a purifying Business , 〈◊〉 Job : 3.3 . It sets the Soul a work to wash i●self in the Blood of Christ , and makes the Sou● to labour in the strength of Jesus to get sin k●lled , the desires of the flesh and mind brought under , and the Soul sanctified ; So that they will wrestle with GOD by Faith in Prayer , to be made fit to have an Interest of the Inheritance of the Saints in Light. 9. Mark , Hope makes the Soul silent an● satisfied under great temptations : David Psal 38. was under sore trialls , the LORD chastned him , his an w●s●stuck fast in him , his hand pressed him sore , both Soul and Body did bear th● marks , that GOD was contending with him fo● sin ; Yea , his heart was ove●whelmed withi● him , and his streng●h b●●ailed him ; And eve● when it was thus with him inwardly , enemie● without were seeking his Life , laying snares ●or him , and seeking his hurt : What was ●t then that quieted and calmed him , at this time , and made him carry as a man , that heareth not , and in whose mouth there are no reprooffs , but even that which immediately follows ; For in thee O Lord do I hope . Having laid down these Marks , whe●eby Men may try whither they have an Interest in this lively Hope or not ; So I would advise such who see ground of fears , because without this lively Hope , seriously to consider , and lay these following things to heart . As 1. It is required that the Soul through its dwelling on the thoughts of this so great a Bussiness , be more sensible of , and affected with the missings of this Grace of Hope : Consider what a miserable condition the Soul is in , which is without hope in the World , and how lamentable their case is , who have no other hope , then a hope that will perish , which will but prove to them as a spiders web , and so faill them in their greatest need . 2. Be convinced ●erein , that through your self , you shall never attain unto a lively Hope ; You must again be be gotten unto this Hope : It is wholly and only the Work of GODS Spirit , neither nature , nor any natural advantages can help you thereto . 3. Let the thoughts of your hopeless condition , stir you up to self humiliation before the LORD , which is the only way to be exalted in due time . 4. Foresake all ground of hope i● your self ; So the poor hath hope , Job . 5.16 . For whatever it is in your self , you bottom o● ground your hope upon , it will be sound to be but a ●lippery and ●inful ●oundation ; And the more you build thereon , it shall be the wors● 5. Lay hold on Christ , as he is offered in the Gospel , and cleave to him by Faith : For Hope is begotten in the womb of Faith : All hope no● grounded on Faith and flowing from it , is bu● a meer phansie and chimera . 6. Having laid hold on Christ , as he is offered in the Gospel , and so resting on him for Salvation , wait for the breathings & influences of the Spirit on the Soul , in the careful and earnest undertaking and pursuit of the means , that your head may be lifted up thereby in hope . For encouradgement thereto , observe these following things . 1. This lively Hope in the Soul , will calm many storms , and keep the Soul in a● even and stayed posture , under sharp and sad dispensations , and the multitude of shaking● and changings ; It will deliver the Soul from many disquieting fears , and make the Soul sleep sweetly under them all , and lift up its head above difficulties , so that it shall be freed from perplexities , or be secure , because there is hope , Job . 11.18.2 . This will encourage to constancy in duty , notwithstanding of opposition in the way ; Hope will never suffer the heart to sink , it will be a cork to the poor Soul , which wi●l make it swime through the jaws and gulfs of the greatest opposition , and most insupperable like difficulties : When other ●hings as so many weights and heavy loads , would bear down the Soul , Hope will draw and hold it up , that it go not to the ground : Or in case , the Soul , is at any time over charged and brought under water , as it were to the ●rink of hell , Hope notwithstanding will recover again the Soul , out of the very womb of ●ell , and will it make it look out towards the Temple . 3. Hope hardens a man , and makes him prooff against the day of battel ; It encourageth and strengtheneth the Soul ; There●y he can run through a troop , for he knows ●hat his head is secured , well covered and guarded with the helmet of Hope , the Helmet of Salvation , 1 The● : 5.8 . Eph : 6.17.4 . Hope ●s a strong guard against temptations : What values a man the great offers of the World , who has a Lively Hope of Heaven ! The fear of death , worldly losses , and the greatest of ●ufferings , will not once shake him who hath the Hope of Eternal Life : The hope of a bet●er Resurrection will make them refuse to accept of a deliverance , upon unworthy or base ●erms . 5. Hope assures us of Heaven , where●ore we find that Heaven is often laid out to us by Hope , Eph : 1.18 . & 4.4 . Col : 1.5 . Tit : 2.13 . Heb : 6.18 . It is The Anchor of ●he Soul both sure and stedfast , and which entereth into that within the vail , whether the forerunner is for us entered , Heb : 6.19 , 20.6 ▪ Hereto should these words encourage us Psal ▪ 147 11. The LORD taketh pleasure in them tha● fear him , in those that hope in his mercy , 7. A● hope is needful , necessary and useful , whil● passing through the valley of sorrow and tear●● so also , when drawing near the end of our journey , and when pale death comes to look us i● the face ; For the Righteous hath hope in his death Pro : 14.32 . When the hope of the Hypocrite and unrighteous person giveth up the Ghost , and foresaketh him in his greatest strai● even then will the Hope of the Righteous comfort and bear up his head ; Yea , when death the king of terrors hath done its worst , an● conveyed the Soul into Eternity ; Hope , tho● may take its leave of the Soul , as having no more service to do it , 1 Cor : 13.13 . Yet wi●● attend the corps of the Believer to the grave and be a bed unto his dust , Psal : 16.9 U●til the morning of the Resurrection dawn . Again , as to those , who really have th● Hope , and yet cannot be convinced thereo● I would say these few things . 1. It is not strange , that such who are begotten again into a Lively Hope , be now an● then brought to doubtings , through these 〈◊〉 such like grounds . As 1. Because sad no● strange like dispensations are measured out unto them by GOD : this makes the Church 〈◊〉 out , Lam : 3.18 . And I said , my strength an● my hope is perished from the Lord : See v. 1.2 . This occasioned Iob also to say , that his hope was removed like a tree , or rooted out of the ground , Iob : 19 8.9 , 10.2 . Because there is ●ant of growth in Grace and Mortifica●ion , for ●hey hear that hope is a purifying Grace , and ●hey can find no advancing in that work . 3. Because they miss the other above mentioned Fruits of a Lively Hope : But 2. Hope , is like to other Graces , not alwayes alike visible , sometimes so clouded and ●id , that it cannot be easily seen or discovered ; And in a very little , it may appear again , when the cloud and ●hick mist is over , as we ●ee , Lam : 3.18 There the Church com●lains , that her strength and hope was perish●d from the Lord , yet she sayeth , a little after , This I recal to my mind , therefore have I hope . And again v. 26. It is good , that a man should ●oth hope , and quietly wait for the Salvation of the ●ord . The holy Man Iob cry●th out , as one ●hat hath no hope , He hath destroyed me on every ●●de , and I am gone , and mine hope hath he re●oved like a tree : And nevertheless , before all is ●one , and he end his reckonings , he get●eth his head lifted up on high , and hope brings ●im so above , that he triumphs , Chap : 19. ● . 25.26 , 27. For I know that my Re●eemer liveth , and though after my skin , worms ●estroy this body , yet in my fl●sh , shall I see God , &c. 3. Hope ( as have other Graces ) hath its degrees ; There is a full assurance of hope , Heb. 6.11 . And there is a weak Hope , that cannot see farr , being accompanied with many doubtings , discouragements , fears , &c , Nevertheless a weak hope may be a true hope , being on an Evangelical ground : Hope may be lively , in respect of its root , yet weak and sickly , in respect of its present frame and operations . 4. It is not therefore safe ●o conclude , that there is no hope , because there is no full assurance of Hope , or Actual , Lively , Vigorou● , or stronge Hope . 5. It were better to make an impartial enquiry , according to the forementioned Marks ; And search and see , if ever you had any thing of a True and Lively Hope of Glory through CHRIST ; And providing you have ever had it ▪ you may then be confident that the root remains ; for the Gifts and Calling of GOD are without repentance ; Rom. 11 , 29. Question . But what shall he do , who is brought to suspect all what formerly has been wrought in his Soul , looking on it all as false work ? How I say , shall such win to any clearness concerning their Hope , or what shall they do for strengthening of the same ? Answer . Such would lay to heart , and well improve these following Considerations : As 1. As Hope it self , is the Gift of GOD , and not their own work ; So is also the clear discovery of this Hope in the Soul , his Gift , and a new Gift . The observation whereof , should make the Soul fix its eye on the Soveraignity and Freeness of God , who may bestow His Gifts as He will ; and depend on God for Light to ●ee and discern things , which are given him of GOD ▪ 2 As the first lively Acting of Hope , is a fruit of the Spirit of Life , and floweth from the Spirit of Life in them ; So all the after actings depend on continual influences from Heaven . These considerations should humble them under the impression of an absolute and Soveraign Lord ; And should stir them up to search and see , wherein they have provoked GOD , ●o hold in his Influences , in the continual out-goings of Hope , and withdraw his Light , whereby they might be in case to discern the being of Hope in the Soul , even when but w●ak in its operations . 3. Such are to humble themselves before ●he LORD , in the sense of their naturall frailty and inability ; As likewayes of their unrighteousness and transgressions , whereby they have provoked the LORD to leave them in the dark . 4. They must endeavour to lay to heart , and renew their dependance on GOD , with up●ightness of heart , and ●o ponde●●he Word , and to drink it in , for it is through patience and comfort of the Scriptures that we have Hope , Rom : 15.4 . 5. The life of Hope , will occasion frequent outgoings and renewings of Faith on the Mediator , receiving him , as offered in the Gospel , and embracing of GOD , as the alone satisfying and satiating portion in Christ Jesus ; For Hope groweth out of the stock of Faith , neither can it be without it ▪ so that whenever the Soul can say , the Lord is my portion , he may safely conclude , therefore will I hope : So David charged his Soul to hope in GOD. And why ? Because he was the health of his countenance and his GOD , Psal : 42 : and 43. 6. They must be much on the thoughts o● GODS Favours bestowed on them ; The thoughts of common mercies being renewed unto them every morning , encourageth the Church to Hope , Lam : 3.22.23 , 24. Th● dispensations of GODS loving kindness revealed in preserving ●hem , that they are not consumed , and the renewed Fruit of his Compassion , continually discovered , and seriously considered , encourageth to Hope . Thus laying up as a rich Treasure , the experiences of these Expressions of GODS Love , and continually living therein , will work up the Soul to Hope ; For Experience worketh Hope , Rom : 5 4. It is the nourishment ( as it were ) of Hope , and when this is a way , hope must become sick and weak ; Whereas the thoughts of GOD● Mercy discovered through Experiences , is a noble Cordial and encou●agement to hope : Let Isra●l hope in the Lord , saith David , Psal : 130.7 . And why ? For with the Lord there is mercy , and with him is plenteous Redemption ; That is , all the stores of Power , choise of Methods , plenty of Means ; abundance of wayes to save his People out of their troubles , be what they will , are in JEHOVAH ; Then Hope in Him. 7. It were necessary , there were in such , a submissivenss unto GOD , that there be nothing in them , of a churlish or crabed disposition against the LORD ; For this occasions his further withdrawing of himself , and indrawing of his Influences , and so to leave us in the dark : It is good therefore to put our mouths in the dust , if so be , there may be hope , stooping in the dust , and putting clay in the mouth , for fear , that it speak against GOD● Dispensations , Lam : 3.29 . with Iob. 40.4 , 5 8. It were necessary and need●ul in such an occasion , to stand and establish themselves , in the Faith of GODS Almighty Power , whereby he can work wonders ; The Faith of this helped Abraham to hope against hope , Rom. 4. He looked upon God , as one who quickneth the dead , and therefore he was not discouraged , tho the matter in all humane probability was hopeless and desperate . A sight o● our difficulties in the way , as impossible to be mastered , makes u● often faint and conclude , that there is no hope , whereas a right sight of his Power and Al sufficiency , is an excellent Antidote against the same , Gen : 15.1 , 2. 9. Joy and Peece in believing , and cleaving to Christ , according to the Gospel , as it is a work of the GOD of Peace , so it makes way , not only for to hope , but to abound in hope , Rom : 15.13 . 10. It were good for such , they were continually laying to heart , this great and necessary duty , to wit , in a constant and continued Tract and way to foresake all other ground of hope besides GOD , that providing they could not with confidence say , that thei● hope was in GOD , yet that they could sincerly & freely declare that with their will they place● not their Hope and Confidence on any thing within themselves ; Thus the Soul may have som● ground for winding up its Anchor , tho eve● under the power of dreadful unbelief . 11. It were good in such occasions , the did not per●mptorly and wickedly cast at t●● ground of hope , which other wayes they mig●● find , nor entertain an obstinate prejudic● against themselves , but ra●her lay that we●● to heart , Heb : 10.35 . Cast not away therefo●● your confidence The ●hird ●hing , which we have to spe●● of , is the ground of Hope . Christ in you : A●● these words may be co●si●ered three wayes . First , In themselves , as holding forth great priviledge of Believers , in a near and inward Vnion with Christ. Secondly , In so far as they hold forth the ground of this lively Hope . Thirdly , In so far as they point out the Riches of the Glory of the Gospel , which is now revealed . As to the First , Christ in you , These words hold forth the wonderful rich priviledge of Believers , in their Union and Communion with Christ , who is in them : For Understanding whereof , these following things , are worthy to be observed . As 1. This Union is one of the greatest Mysteries of the Gospel ; However now we may wonder and admire , not being in case to take it up fully or understand the same , before we arrive in the Land of Light , where that which is imperfect , shall be done a way ; The Apostle calls it a Mystery , yea , a Great Mystery , Eph : 5.32 . 2. Though it be a great Mysterie , and so above our uptakings ; Nevertheless , that we may understand so much thereof as is needful for our Comfort and Growth in Grace , let us consider that this Vnion in Scripture is held forth under diverse Similitudes . ( 1. ) Under the Similitude of the Union between Man and Wife in Marriage , Ephes : 5.31.32 . As Man and Wife become on fl●sh , so Christ and the Believer become one Spirit , 1. Cor. 6.16 , 17. Therefore he is spoken of , under the name of a Bridegroom , and the Church is called his Bride through the whole Song of Solomon , and John tells us Chap. 3.29 That he that hath the Bride is the Bridegr●●m , So we read Revel : 21.9 . Of the Bride the Lambs Wife : And as this is to express the usefulness and advantageousness of Christ to the Believer , and his Right and Interest in him , with what is his ; So it is also to demonstra●e , as an evidence of the former , the near Vnio● and Communion , that is be●ween Christ an● them , whereby they are made one . ( ● ) Under the similitude o● that Union which is between the Root and the Branches Ioh : 15.1 , 5. I am the Vine , ye are the Branches : See also Rom : 11.17 . Which points o● th● absolute necessity of their depending o● him , for influences of Life and Strength ; An● the necessity of their living and abidng in Him by Faith , for that end ; And so to suck 〈◊〉 and sap from Him continually , it holds forth also their close and inward Union wi●h Him that we in him are one Tree . 3 Under the similitu●e of that Union , whic● is between the head and the members . 1 Co● ▪ 12.12 . Therefore the Head of every Man Christ , 1 Cor : 11.3 . And he is the Head of 〈◊〉 body , Eph : 4.15 . and 5.23 . Col : 1. 〈◊〉 To shew that all the Influences of Life , wor●ing , motion and feeling , &c. are of him So that we live , move , and have our being of him ; And can do no more without him , than a body without a Head ; And therefore , there must be a near Union betwixt us and him . ( 4 ) Under the similitude of an Union betwixt the Foundation and the Building , 1 Pet : 2.4.6 . The Believer is built on him as lively stones , Christ is the chief corner stone of that Building , and it is in him , that all the building fi●ely framed together , groweth up into an holy Temple in the Lord ; In whom they also are builded together for ●nhabittation of God through the Spirit , Ephes : 2.21 , 22. Which manifests that the Believer cannot subsist wi●hout him , more then a house can stand without a foundation ; And therefore ●hey must lean on him , and be firmely united ●o him , other wayes they can neither stand nor ●ubsist . ( 5. ) Under the similitude that is betwixt the Body and the Cloathing , or Armour ; The Believer is said to put on the LORD Jesus Christ , Rom : 13.14 . For as many of you , as have been baptized into Christ , have put on Christ , Gal : 3. ●7 . And he is put on as Cloath to defend from ●he cold , and to cover their nak●dness , and ●lso for addorning ; So also is he pu● on as Ar●our for defending us against all spiritual enemies . ( 6. ) Under the similitude , that is betwixt the Accused and his Advocat , betwix●●he principal Debtor and his Cautione , who are as one person in Judgement ; Therefore it is , that the Believer is blessed with all Spiritual Blessings in Christ , Eph. 1.3 . Being choosen in him , v. 4. They are crucified with him , in a legal sense , Gal : 2.20 . They are dead with him , Rom : 6 8. Col : 2.20 . Buryed with him by Baptism unto death , Rom : 6.4 . Quickened together , and raised up together , and made to sit together in Heavenly Places , Ephes. 2.5.6 . Planted together in the likeness of hi● Death , and shall be also in the likeness of his Resurrection , Rom : 6 5. Yea , and their Life is bid with him in God , Col : 3 3. So are they said to be heirs , and joynt heirs with him , Rom : ● . 17 . All which palpably hold forth a real and legal Union betwixt Christ and Belivers to their Joy , Comfort , and satisfaction : Christ being their Cautioner , stands oblidged for them , and answers in Judgement for them , as a Head and publick person appearing for them . As Adam , was in respect of his posterity , so ●his second Adam , this last Adam , as he is called , 1 Cor : 15.45 47. Who is a quickening Spirit , and Lord of Heaven , he appears as a Head , and publick person , all his Spiritual posterity , he binds and oblidges himself for them , in a Covanant with GOD ; And having satisfi●d ●or them , he is risen from the dead , and became the first fruits of them that sl●p● ; And in him shall all his Spiritual seed be made alive , v. 22 , 3. This Vnion is held out to us in some other Expressions , which are most pathetick and condescending ; As when Christ and they are called one seed , Gal : 3.16 . One Body , 1 Cor : 12.13.27 . 1 Cor : 6.16.17 . And make up one Mystical Christ , 1 Cor : 12.12 . 4. This Vnion , is inward ; It is a mutual in-being , for as here , he is said to be in us , and Rom : 8.10 . Gal : 2.20 . 2 Cor : 13.5 . Ephes : 3.17 . So , we are said to be in him , Rom : 8.1 . 1 Cor : 3 ▪ 1. 2 Cor : 1.21 . and 5.17 . and 12.2 . Rom : 16.7 . Philip : 3.9 . and. 4. ●1 . He in us , and we in him , Ioh : 14.20 . O how wonderful and inconceiveable is this Vnion . 5. This Vnion hath some likness and resem●lance , with that Union which is betwixt the ●ather and Christ , Ioh : 17.11.21.22 . That they all may be one , as thou Father art in me , and in thee , and again , that they may be one , even as we are one . 6. This Vnion , is not only between Christ ●nd the Souls of Believers , but also between Christ and their Bodies ; For their Bodies are said to be Temples of the Holy Ghost , 1 Cor : ● . 19 . And by the vertue of this Union , their dead Bodies , shall be again raised in the last ●ay : For , if we believe that Iesus died , and rose ●gain , even so them , which sleep in Jesus , will God bring with him , 1 Thes. 4.14 . 7. This Vnion is not only near and inward , but also durable & lasting ; Therefore , he is no● only in us , but dwelleth in us , Ephes : 3.17 . And we are said to abide in him , Joh : 15 6.7 . And as we are dead in Christ , 1 Thes : 4.14 Rev : 14.13 . Even so , in Christ shall we be made alive , 1 Cor : 15.22 . And with him , 1 Thes : 4.14 . So , that death cannot loose that knot , otherwayes the hope and comfor● of the Believer , which proceedeth from thi● Union , were loose and unsure ; For if in thi● life only they had hope in Christ , they were of all men most miserable , 1 Cor : 15.19 . with Rom. 8.11 . 8. As it is excellent , near and inward , so greatly useful ; There being no life , strength working , moving , growth , or fruitfullness without it : — If any Man have not the Spirit o● Christ , he is none of his , Rom : 8.9 . Chris● Jesus must be in us , except we be Reprobate● 2 Cor : 13.5 . 9. We must be careful , not to have perverted uptakings of this Vnion betwixt Chris● and a Believer , or of Christs In being in a Believer ; That is , we are not to have carnal uptakings thereof ; As it were such an Union , as between the clay & the thing formed thereof , o● betwixt the vessel , and the water that is in it , 〈◊〉 betwix● things confounded and mixed togethe● in one : Nor are we to take it up , in a way an● wayes derogatory thereto ; As if it were a substantial Vnion , such as there is , among th● Persons of the Trinity , or between Christs GOD-●had and Manhood : Nor should we think prophanlie of it , as if it were a meer phansie or notion . But we are so to apprehend it , as a real , tho Mystical , Mysterious and Spiritual Union , having Real and Spiritual Effects in Life and Death , and after Death , to wit , Peace with God , Reconciliation , Redemption , Remission of sins , Justification , Adoption , Approaching to God with Confidence , Santification , Comfort , Joy in the Holy Ghost , a Joyful Resurrection and Eternal Glory . 10. As this Union is Spiritual in it self , so ●t is made up through a Spiritual Bond of Means ; For , as it is , through Faith on our part , Eph : 3.17 . So through the Spirit on his part , the which is promised in the New Covenant , Ezek : 36 27. Isa : 59 21. Christ hath promised to send him , Ioh. 15.26 . And he must abide with us for ever , I●hn . 14.16 . Therefore Christ and they are called one Spirit , 1 Cor : 6.16 , 17. But to come more particularly to the purpose , we shall now point out and demonstrate , ●n what respect he is to be in the Beli●ver , Christ in you : We may apprehend Christ to be ●n the Believer , in these respects . 1. As a King in his Kingdom , si●ting upon his Throne , Ruling and Defending it by his Laws ●nd Statutes , preserving it by his Wisdom from intestine Ruptures , Divisions and B●oyl● and by his strength and mighty Pow●r fro● Outlandish Invasions ; So is Christs Re●gni● as Head , Law-giver , and great Command● in the Souls of his People , by h●s Laws a●● Statutes ; So is he said to Reign over the house 〈◊〉 Iacob — Luk : 1.33 . with 1 Joh : 4 4. 2. As the Master of a Family in his ow● House , where he dwells with Contentmen● Ease , Satisfaction , Pleasure and Delight , 〈◊〉 beholding his House : Even so , Christ ●wel● in the Hearts of his People , Eph : 3.17 A●● therefore called his own house , Heb : 3.6 . And an habitation of God through the Spirit , Eph : ● 22. Christ standing before the door , promiseth to such as will open to him , to come it Revel : 3.20 . 3. Christ is in the Believer , as a Tradseman in his Shop , doing the Work of his Calling ; I say , so is Christ advancing the Work o● Grace in the Believer , for beliveth in them Gal : 2.20 . And if Christ be in you , the body i● dead because of sea , but the Spirit is Life , becaus● of Righteousness , Rom , 8 10. As the GOD this World , that is the Devil , is and dwel● in them , to who● the Gospel is hid , and wh● are lost , blinding the minds of them , whic● believe not , 2 Cor : 4.3 4. And as the prince 〈◊〉 the power of the air , that evil spirit doth wor● in the Children of disobedience , Ephes : 2 . 2● Even so , Christ having cast out this strong man , comes to the heart , and takes possession ●hereof , and worketh therein , what is well pleasing in his eyes . 4. Like into one in his obtained possession , ●nd in his Garden , deligh●ing himself in the ●njoyment of what he hath gotten and purchased : Even so is Christ in Believers hav●ng purchased them unto himself , and that with his own Blood , p●ss●ssing them as his own , and there deligh●e●h he himself as in his Garden , Song . 6.2 My Beloved is gone down ●nto his Garden , to the beds of Spices , to feed in ●he Gardens , and to gather Lillies . So , that this Expression , Christ in you , holds ●orth . ( 1 ) Christ reco0ncilled with them by Faith ; He stands no more at the door knock●ng , but he is let in , and there is peace betwixt Him and ●hem , he is come in . ( 2. ) Christs ●nward Affection to them ; He cannot but love ●hem , in whom he dwells and abides ; In whose bosome he layeth his head , and in whose Heart he hath his Throne . ( 3 ) ●hrists ●pecial acknowledging them ●o be his ransom●d Ones ; for his peculiar Treasure , for his House , and constant dwelling Place . ( 4. ) Christs working in them , the work of Holy●ess , and drawing in them more and more ●vely Draughts and Lineaments of his new ●mage , that the new Man of Grace ▪ may be ●tronger and stronger , & they made more and ●ore conformable to the Prince of their Salvtion in all the Graces of the Spirit . ( 5. ) Christs reigning and sweying his Scepter in the Soul ; And that his Laws are obeyed , his Statutes followed , and that there is no willing subjection to any other Master ; That Christ having cast out the old tyrant & usurper , he is acknowledged as the Alone and Lawful Soveraign . ( 6 ) Christs resting himself in his Love to them ; For where he loves , there i● his resting place , there he makes his abode , ( 7. ) Christs being in them , as their life , the Fountain and Well spring of all Life and Operations , Gal : 2.20 . ( 8. ) In a word , It holds sorth ●hat Christ is in them , to do in and for them , to bring them up to Glory , to lead them through difficulties , to strengthen them against opposition , to comfort them against discouragements , and to support them under crosses , and so in the end to bring them home . Question , But how is He in the Believer ? I Answer , He is there , not only as GOD ; For so is he over all , neither is he there meerly as Man ; For he is so in Heaven , at the Right Hand of the Father , where he must abide , until the times of restitution of all things , which God hath spoken by the mouth of all his Holy Prophets , since the World began , Acts. 3.21 . Bu● as Mediator , not in Person , but by his Viceroy , and great Lord keeper of his Room , the Holy Ghost ; For he is the Comforter , that ●hall ever abide with us ; And for whom Christ prayed the Father , and w●●m he was ●o send , Ioh : 14.16 , 17.26 . Io● : 15.26 , and 16.7.13 . Question , But is it by the Spirit himself , that Christ lives and abides in the Believer ; Or is ●t alone by the Graces , Effects and Operations of the Spirit ? Answer , By whatever of the two it be , by this way of Christs in dwelling , is every way strong ground of Consolation , and affords solide Joy , and a sure well grounded Hope of Glory . Notwithstanding , there are several Expressions in Scripture that seems to plead ●or the Spirit himself . As 1. The Believer is said to be the Temple of God & of the Holy Ghost , 1 Cor : 3.16 , 17. and 6.19 . Which gives to know more than that they have his Graces , as the design & ground of the Apostles reasoning holds forth , Know ye not that ye are the Temple of God ? And that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you ? If any man defile the Temple of God , him shall God destroy : For the Temple of God as holy , which Temple ye are . Here three times they are called GODS Temple , And not only so , but as if the Apostle would further lay forth the business , he adds , And that the Spirit of GOD dwelleth in you : All which may be said very properly of a Person , and more properly than of any work wrought by the Spirit . To the same purpose the Apostle speaketh , 1 Cor : 6.19 . What , know ye not , that ▪ your body is the Temple of the Holy Ghost , which is in you , which ye have of God — The Holy Ghost is said to be in them as a Temple . 2. The Spirit is spoken of as a Gift , with a d●fference from his Works and Effects o● Grace ; — Because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost , which is given us , Rom : 5.5 . Here is the Grace of Love wrought by the Holy Ghost ; And moreover the Apostle sayes , that it is by the Holy Ghost , which is given unto us ; So that the Holy Ghost himself is given as a special Gift , besides that of his Fruit and Operations in the Soul ; Compared with Ezek : 36.27 . And I will put my Spiri● within you . 3. Christ promises to send him in h●● Room , and mentions him alwayes as a Person ▪ that he will send to dwell and abide with them , to work in them ; ●o saith he , Iob. 14.16 ▪ 17. And I will pray the Father , and he shall giv● you another comforter , that he may abide with yo● for ever ( So that it is the Comforter himsel● that he promiseth here , and not simply h●● Comforts ) And who is this Comforter ? Eve● the spirit of Truth , whom the World cannot receive because it seeth him not , neither knoweth him , b●● ye know him : And as if this were not sufficien● he adds further , for he dwelleth with yo● and shall be in you : And yet further , v. 26. Bu● the Comforter , which is the Holy Ghost whom the Father will send in my Name , He shall teach you all things — So that the Comforter himself as distinguished from his teaching , is promised here , And Ioh : 15.26 . He is also promised as contradistinguished from his Operations , and testifying o● Christ. 4. The Believer is said to have the Spirit , So that they belong not to Christ , who have not have the Spirit of Christ , Rom : 8.9 . He is said to dwell in them , Rom : 8.11 . 1 Cor : 3.16 . 2 Tim : 1.14 . To be with them Ioh : 14.17 . And to be in them , Rom : 8.11 . — By his Spirit that dwelleth in you . 5. Not only doth the Spirit help our infirmities ▪ which is through Grace ; But the Spirit himself , is said to make intercession for us with groaninos which cannot be uttered , which āpears to be somewhat other , that is given them then the meer Graces of the Spirit ; And that because there immediately follows , And he that searcheth the hearts , knoweth what is the mind of the Spirit , Rom : 8.27 . 6. The Believer is said to be sealled with the holy Spirit o● promise ; And he is the earnest of our Inheritance , Eph : 1.13 , 14. And given as a seal and Pledge , Eph : 4.30 . The earnest of the Spirit is given in their hearts , 2 Cor : 1.22 So also 2. Cor : 5.5 . which seems to hold out more than his Fruits . 7. Therefore the Believer is commanded not only , not to quench the Spirit , Ephes : 5. 19. which may have respect to his Operations , and Indrawings of Grace in the Soul ; But also , not to grieve the Spirit , Ephes : 4.30 . Which seems to import the dwelling of the Spirit in them . 8. It is by vertue of this Union betwixt the Spirit and the believer , that their very dust is raised up in the last day ; so that God by the Spirit that dwelleth in them , shall quicken their mortal bodies , Rom : 8.11 . This Spirit then that dwelleth in them , must be somewhat else , then his Graces , for by these , the mortal bodies are not quickened . And he is called the Spirit of Him that raised up Iesus from the dead , 9. He is said to be sent forth into their Hea●ts , crying Abba Father , Gal : 4.6 . 10. David prayeth expresly , Psal : 51.11 . That the LORD would not take his Holy Spirit from him . Vse , 1. This is a noble point of Truth , and full of many grounds o● Comfort : And how could Believers other wayes then rejoyce , providing this Union betwixt Christ and them were believed ? Did they know that Christ were in them , keeping house in them , dweling with them , with joy and satisfaction , would it not make them sing under all adversity . And that upon a four fold account . 1. Upon the account of the great Honour which i● brought to them thereby , even to them , who formerly were meer cages of unclean spirits , and yet still have much coorruption abiding in them : That the King of Zion , who is King of kings , LORD of Lords , Heir of all , the Brightness o● his Fathers Glory , and the express Image of his Person , Heb : 1.3 . Who is the Image of the invisible GOD , the first borne of every Creature , Col : 1.15 . That he ( I say ) should come and loege with them , lodge in their Heart , within their Soul ; That he whom the Heaven of heavens cannot contain , that is High and Lofty , who dwells in Eternity , should live with such a One , and be united with such : O what incomprehensible Honour is this ! Elizabeth cryed once with great admiration , And whence is this to me , that the Mother of my Lord should come to me ? Luke . 1.43 . And may not the Believer with much more admiration cry out , And whence is this to me , that my Lord himself should come to me ? And not only so , but come to me , and dwell and abide with me ? 2. Here is great comfort on the account of profit and advantage : Have they the Heir of all things , so near to them and with them , living in them , what can they then want ? For if Christ be theirs , all things are theirs , life , death , ●hings present , and things to come , 1 Cor , 3.22 , 23. Hath GOD given Christ , and shall he not with him also freely give us all things ? Rom : ● . 32 . And what can they lack that have all things ? what can they want , who have Him in them , in whom dwells all the fullness of the God head bodily ? Col : 2.9 . What want they who have Heaven ? And can they want Heaven within them , who have Christ within them ? They are compleat in him , Col : 2.10 . Which is ●he Head of all principality and power . 3. Here is comfor upon the account of safety ; Who , or what can harm them , who have preservation or salvation wi●hin them ? Christ the Author of Eternal Salvation within them . O what security for them , in whom he is ! What can tribulation or distress , or famine or n●kedness , or peril or sword do to such ? can they separate him , who is become a Habitation for Christ , from the love of GOD , which is in Christ Jesus ? No , no ; can the ship drown wherein Christ is ? Can fire or water , harm a Soul , who is a Habitation for Christ ? What can satan do against Christs lodging ? Can he , or dare he cast it down ? 4. Here is Comfort upon the account of security and tranquility : For who can weaken and endamage their right to Glory , that allready have begun Glory in the soul , to wit , Christ the hope of Glory ? can satan or the world make such an one miserable ? No , surely ; greater is He that is in them , then he that is in the world , 1 Ioh : 4.4 . What surer pledge of Heaven and Salvation , can the soul have , then a begun possession ? What is Heaven , other then a life of Communion with GOD , in the nearest and strictest degre● ? And 〈◊〉 stricte● Union can any have with Christ than to have him in them ? Vse , 2 Unbelievers and strangers ●o Christ , may hence gather these princ●pal Points for their better improvement o●●he ●oresaid Truths . 1. Have n● mean ●hough●s ●f ●he life and state of B●liev●rs ; You s●e to what they are ●x●l●ed , h●wever contemp●able in the eyes of ●he World : despise you such an incomprehensi●le ●●ch advantage ? I● is no such despic●ble and mean Life as , you phansie : Have then a higher esteem thereof , if you would be truely Wise. 2. Again , on the other hand , ponder seriously , what a fearful and m●serable condi●ion i● is , wher●in ye are who are strange●s to Christ ; And in place of Christ in you , the H●pe of Glory , ye have satan ●n you , working th● w●●ks of darkness , blinding the mind , left the light of the glorious Gospel ●f Christ , who is the Image of God , shouuld shine unto you , 2 Cor : 4 4. Be●ng without Christ , ●o ye have no hope strangers from the Covenants ●f promise , and without God , Ephes : 2 21. Without a Leader and Commander , Isa : 55. Without Protect●on or ●oy , and w●thout ●ll that ●s good . 3 Do no● only think on it , ●ut dwell on the thoughts of it , until that your ●earts be wrough● up to a real sorrow and ●rief , that ye have been so long in such a con●ition , and have keeped Christ so long at the door , and so have foresaken your own Mercies , and have loved death rather then life Ionah . 2.8 . Prov : 8 36.4 . Endeavou● earnestly to win free of this estate , and to b● Partakers of this singular and unspeakable advantage , to have Christ in you . Seek unto to him , who hath the Kings keys , and the k●ys of of David , and that openeth and no ma● shutteh , That he may put his hand into the hol● of the lock , and cast open the leaves , and unbolt the dear of your heart and come in . 5 ▪ Whatever ye do , Be carefull that ye w●on● none of them , Ye see who is near han● them , and whose House and Habitation ●hey are : Do ●hem no hurt , left ye bring on you● selves , the wrath of him that dwelleth i● them . Vse , 3 For Application of these comfortable Truths aright , there are several Dutie● required of Believers themselves . 1. They must make use of Christ for Light Counsel and Direction in all their wayes ; Seeing ●e is so near unto you , that he is even within you , then make all your difficulties know● unto him ; Undertake nothing without his Advice : Believers are to trust in the Lord wit● all ●heir heart , and in nothing to lean unt● their own understanding , acknowledging him in all th●ir wayes , and he shall direct thei● path● , Pr● : 3 5.6 . Thus therefore , as the● received Christ Jesus the Lord , so should the● walk in him , Col. 2.6 . Setting him up for their Patern and Example , and so walking as be walked in the World , in all Humility , Pati●nce , Love , Zeal , Holiness and Uprightness , ●hat thereby it may appear that Christ is in ●hem , and that they are rooted and built up ●n him , and established in Faith. 2. They must lay to Heart that great Duty of growing in Grace , and bearing Fruit in him , Ioh. 15.2 . That this Union with Christ may appear ; For when found fruitful in him , ●hen it appears that they are united unto a Fruitful and sappy Root , and that the foun●ain of Life and influences is in them : And on ●his account are they to be the more diligent in ●hese following Duties . As 1. Live in the constant and real Convictions of your Impo●ency to do any thing of your selves , knowing ●hat ye are not sufficient of your selves , to ●hink any thing as of your selves , 2 Cor. 3.5 . ● . Acknowledges that all your sufficiency is in Christ , through whom ye can do all things , ●hilip . 4.13 . Believe his All-sufficiency and ●eadiness to help and bear through Difficulties , ●ll such , who will imploy him and his Grace . ● . In confidence hereof , go to him for help , ●epend on him for assist●nce , according to the ●romises , lay the weigh● of the Duty on him ●y Faith. 4. Lean and rest on him by Faith : ●nd so venture upon every commanded Duty ●ith uprightness of Heart . 3. The Believer must lay to Heart the Du●y of rejoycing in him , and of boasting alone in him : And that in these respects . 1. As having all what they have , in and through , and for him alone : As also all they have to expect for the making of them compleatly happy , must run through this Channel , so tha● the Believer is alone Compleat in him , Col. 2.10.2 . Because they will find all their wants , through Lo●ses , Crosses , Tossings , sharp D●spensations , &c. Richly made up in Him , in whom Dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead Bodily . Col. 2.9 . For He is in the● , 3. Because , that through Him they are brought to the highest pitch of Honour and Credite imaginable , as having Christ abiding and dwelling in them . 4. Because that through Him they have the ●urest hope of seeing God , and of dwelling in Glory eternally ; For Christ in them is the hope of Glory . 5. Because that in Him they have cause to triumph over Death , Hell , the Grave and Corruption , and over a Body of Death , Rom. 7.24 , 25. 1 Cor. 15.55.6 . Because they have him near at hand , to go to , is all their Needs , Miseries , Doubts and Questionings , Weakness , &c. He is ever at hand , for he is in them . 4. Seeing Christ is come so near unto them , that He is in them ; so they are to keep near Communion and Fellowship wi●h him ; and that in these following respects . 1. That they converse with him in their thoughts , separating themselves from all others , singly to speak with him , adoring and admiring his Love and Condescendency towards them , and with delight continuing in the Meditation of his Person , Offices and Mediatory Works , &c. 2. That they be often speaking with him in Prayer : And thus keeping up a Correspondence with him , laying out all their wants before him , pouring out their Souls in his Bosome , going to him on all occasions . 3. That they seek advice of , and consult him in all Emergents , attempting nothing , without giving him notice first thereof . 4. That they set h●m up con●inually as their Patern , that they may be Followers of God as dear Children , Ephes. 5.1 . He ha●h left us an example , that we should follew his steps , 1 Pet. 2.21.5 . That they unbosome their whole Secrets to Him , seeing He is their Heart and bosome Friend , and seeing this is the real and sure token and demonstration of resting in , and crediting of Him. 6. That ●hey approach unto Him , or unto God through Him , with all Christian freedom and familia●ity , with an assurance of accep●ance , seeing He is come so near to the Soul : For in him , We have boldness and access , with confidence by the Faith of Him , E●hes 3.12 . And through Him we ●oth have an access , by one Spirit unto the Father , Ephes. 2 18.5 Seeing it hath pleased Christ , ●o worthy and excellent a Guest , to take up Lodging in the Souls of Believers , they must beware of g●ieving Him : We should be loath to let a good Guest go to the door upon the account of our incivility . Now among other things , these following will grieve Christ and and provoke him to depart , ( 2. ) In case we have not that high esteem of Him as we ought ; any will soon weary in Company , where affronted and slighted . ( 2. ) Providing due honour and Respect to him be not intertained and fostered , notwithstanding of all our forementioned freedom and familiarity with him : For homliness must not spill good Manners . He is a great King and Jealous God. A Sen Honoureth his Father , and a Servant his Master : If then I be a Father , where is mine Honour ? And if I be a Master , where is my Fear ? saith the Lord of Hosts , &c. Mal. 1.6 . ( 3 ) Providing we have not strong , hearty , and sensible desires after him : For as Love and Kindness waxeth cold , so Friendship dryeth up . His Love i● strong , and love must be answered with love , otherwayes it turns into Jealousie ; He is a jealous Lover ; And as his Love has mounted far above all Love , yea above all the Love of Women , though distilled into one : Therefore we should carry our selves , as ever sensible hereof , continually praying that ou● Hearts might alwayes be directed into ●he Lor● of God , 2 Thess. 3.5 . And we keeped there●● Iude v. 21. And may abound yet more and mor● Phil. 1.9 . ( 4. ) Providing we be carnally minded , this will chase him out of the Soul ; Because the Carnal mind is enmity against God , Rom. 8.7 . ( 5. ) Providing we give free access to inward Corruption , that will exceedingly grieve him : For he is come expr●sly into the Soul , to break that yoke of bondage ; And to deliver the poor Soul from the Tyranny of Sin : And when man willingly subjects unto his unreconcilable enemies , it is a direct and open declaring , and proclaiming our unwillingness to intertain him longer in the Soul , and a seeking these beastly , self and Soul-ruining Lusts and Desires above him : An● that cannot but grieve him , when he sees Satans company more prized then his . ( 6 ) Providing we disesteem and undervalue his Doctrine , Leading , Counsel and Advice , resisting his Motions , and tr●mpling on his Laws ; This will make him weary of his Lodging , when we are not so ready as formerly to do what a Friend desires us , and when not so willing to take his Advice , and to follow it , then it is a Symptome , that we are jealous of him , and wearied of his company . ( 7 ) Providing we be lazie and sloathful in Duty : This will grieve the Spirit , because he is dishonoured thereby , and in effect declared to be a dry sapless Root , when the branches in him are seen without Fruit , notwithstanding o● all their fair leaves . 6. Is Christ so affable and gracious , that he takes up lodging in poor Souls ? Then they should heartily welcome him , and let him know so much : And that 1. By giving him the Throne , and the head of ●he Table , with the best place in the House , for he is worthy : He is the Lord of Hosts , the Master , the Husband , the kindly Suitor ; Hereby we manifest our high esteem and burning Love towards H●m , as knowing that none is to be compared wi●h him . 2. To make him the more welcome , we should call in all our scattered Desires and wandering Aff●ction● , which now are spent and set loose in hunting after the scum of empty shaddowy Vanities , and g●ther them in , and direct them all towards him ▪ as to the Center : As being only worthy of a●l Love and Affect●on ; for He is altogether a●d wholly Lovely , Song 5 16 And the Desire of all Nations , Hag. 2.7 3. We should to the u●termost of our Power , lay out our selves 〈◊〉 Him , sparing no cost nor Labour to pleas● Him , and to evidence our sincere affections towards him . 4. We should give him his whole will and Command over us , and over what is ours ; so that all our Power , Wisdom , Will , Conscience , Memory , Affections , &c. With all the Members of our Body attend his Command ; so as he might ever freely take and dispose of us and ours , according to his good pleasure , without opposition or gainsaying , whereby he might be the more freely Master of the House , and freely make us● of all , according to his Will. 5. We sh●uld side with him against all that would oppose him in our Souls ; And by his Au●hority , and through his Strength , we should put to the door , all that are enemies to him and his Interest in our Soul● : were it the right eye , or the cutting ●ff of the right hand , if in opposition to him . 6. We should with cheerfulness and outstreched Hearts , run in the wayes of his Commandments , and do his will with delight and readiness , and seek to know what might please or displease him , tha● the one might be done , and the other eshewed , whatever might follow thereupon . 7. Hath Christ so far honoured the poor Believer , as to come under a roof with him , yea as to come into his Heart , to dwell and abide there ; And should they not s●●k all occasions again to honour him ? Namely , 1. They should put the Crown upon his Head , and behold King Solomon , with the Crown , wherewith his Mother crowned him , in the day of his Espousals , and in the day of the gladness of his Heart . 2. They should earnestly and carefully observe all the Precepts and Ordinances in the Wo●sh●p , whereby he is publickl● and solemnly served and honoured in the World ; This is the honour and open Testimony of Respect he calls for The sons of Eli , honoured him not thus , ne●ther Nadab and Ab●hu , nor Vzza , nor the Bethshemites , wherefore his fierce anger was powered forth against them . 3. They should recommend him to the Love and Esteem of others , speaking good of him in all Companies , laying forth his Beauty and desireableness at the Bride doth , Song . 2. And so engaging and perswading others to love him . 4. They would so carry themselves , that others that look upon them , may see a desireable Lovelyness and Beauty in Christianity , That is , by walking chearfully in the wayes of GOD , that others may not be scarred therefrom , through their sad and dejected carriage , as if there were no reason of Joy and Gladness of heart in the Service of GOD , and as is he were an unkindly and hard Master , whom they serve . 8. Is Christ himself within the Believer , then surely they are called to walk so , that all that notice them , may distinctly see , and freely say , that such have not only been with Christ , but that they are continually with him , and he with them , and that he lodges and lives in their Souls : And for that effect . 1. They should have a care , that they be not conformed to this world , but transformed by the renewing of their minds , Rom : 12.2 That it might be manifest , that they serve another Master , then the world serves , and that they are moved and led by another Spirit . 2. Their hearts should be lifted up in the wayes of the Lord ; As it was with the Heart of that good King , 2 Chron : 17.6 3. Their walk and carriage should be singular , Heavenly and Spiritual , as being above the World , and the vanities thereof , as having their Hearts and desires in Heaven , Where Christ sitteth on the Right Hand of GOD , Col : 3.1 . And as having their Conversation in Heaven , Phil : 3.20 . And as it becometh the Gospel , Phil : 1.27 . Having Christ in them , so should they be dead and crucified to the World. 4. Thus having Christ in them , whose eyes are at a fl●me of fire , who sees their whole carriage , and knows the frame of their Hearts , they should endeavour in their whole carriage and walk to be upright and without hypocrisy , that they may present themselves pleasant before him , who sees the secrets of of the Heart ; For our rejoycing is this , saith the Apostle , 2 Cor : 1.12 . The Testimony of our conscience , that in simplicity and Godly sincerity , no● with fleshly wisdom , but by the Grace of GOD , we have had our conversation in the World , &c. Wherefore laying aside — all guile and hypocrisies , — 1 Pet : 2.1.5 . They should then make it appear that Christ is in them , by serving him after a lively manner ; So it is not sufficient to follow Duti●s , but to perfo●m them as living in Christ , or as having Christ , living in them , as having the Fountain of Life within them , and the Bread of Life ; Therefore are they to present their bodies a living sacrifice unto GOD , Rom : 12.1 . And shew forth themselves as lively stones — built up a Spiritual House , — 1 Pet : 2 ●5 . 6 . They must also make this evident by their Zealous way of walking , seeing Christ hath a loathing at lukewarmness , Rev : 3 15 : 16. That they are Zealous of good Works , Tit. 2.14.7 Their Christian carriage should fill them with Joy and Gladness , as delighting themselves in the Law of the LORD , and rejoycing in serving and pleasing of him . 8. They must walk in the fear of the LORD , and be in his fear all the day long , and carry themselves circumspectly and tenderly , as in the sight of Jesus Christ , who is in them , and locketh upon them , wherever they be , and in whatever they are doing . 9. Is Christ come into their Souls to work his work , then the● should not suffer him to be idle , bu● g●ve him employment : He accounts Employment the greatest Friendship , and best Reception that we give him ; To wit , 1. That he teach and lead them in the wayes of GOD ; Thus he getts Employment as a Prophet . 2. That he command and lead them as a King ; Wh●reas ● corruptions diverts from following the Dicta●es of his Spirit ; He is given for a leader and commander to the People , Isa : 55.4 . And for that end , he must be employed . 3. Tha● he w●sh ●hem from their da●ly polu●ions , seeing he i● a fountain opened to the House of David , and to the ●nhabitants of J●rusalem , for sin and uncleanness , Zach : 13.1 . His blood cleanseth us from all sin , 1 Joh : 1.7 . And he is faithful , &c : ● : 9.4 . That he pray for them as an Advocate with the Father , being a Propitiation or at●onement for their sins , 1 Ioh : 2.1 , 2. — Seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them , Heb : 7.25 5. That he renew & sanctity them wholly in Spirit , & Soul , and Body , that he renew them wholly in the inward Man ; So that the new Man of Grace may grow , and corruption may be brought under . 6. That he strengthen them , with all might , according to his Glorious power , unto all patience and long s●ffering with Joyfullness Col : 1.11 . That he may grant them , according to the riches of his Glory , to be strengthened with might by his Spirit , in the Inner-man , Ephes : 3.16 . That they may be strong in the Lord , and in the power of his might , Ephes : 6.18.7 That he may refresh and enliven the● , when sicking and fainting under fears , weakness , outbreakings of corruption , hidings of the Lords Face , or such like . 8. In a wo●d , that he may make them confident of this very thing , that he who hath begun a good work in ●hem , will pe●form it , until the day of Ies●s Christ , Phil : 1.6 . That in him they may perfect their Holiness in the fear of G●D , 2 Cor : 7.1 . That so the work may be C●owned to his Glory : That they may be presented to him , A glorious Church , not having spot or wrinkle , — but that they should be Holy and without blemish , Ephes. 5.27 . 10. Seeing Christ is so near them , that he himself , is in them , so they should have their retreat to him , in all their difficulties , for help and deliverance : And that 1. when distempered wi●h doubtings and discouragements an●nt their State , present frame , or Duties : For with him is the Fountain of Life , and in his Light shall we see Light , Psal. 36 9.2 . When they are assaulted with sinking dis●ouragements , so that they cannot stand and subsist under their burdens : For in him alone , and in the strength of his power , can they be strengthned : He can make them renew their strength , and mount up with Wings as Eagles , to run and not be wearied , Isa 40.31 , 3. Or when disordered with outward losses or crosses ; For he only can make up all their losses , and fully satisfy , being an incomparable portion , Ier. 10.16.4 . When they are confounded with fears , whether from the breaking forth of Corruptions , or from the deceitfulness of their own Heart , the cuningness of Satan , the weakness of Grace , the accusations of Conscience , &c. Seeing he is a present help upon all occasions , and easily with a blink of his Countenance , can drive away all these clouds and grounds of fear . Having now gi●en some Observations of these words , Christ in you ; We come now to speak of them , in so far as they are the ground of the hope of Glory : And so they teach us , that Christ in the Soul , is a most sure , clear and certain ground of a lively hope of Glory , which we shall manifest and confirm with these Scriptural Reasons . 1. All such in whom Christ is and Lives , He hath purchased and bought with his Blood , Gal. 2.20 . Christ liveth in me ( saith he ) and then addeth , Who loved me , and gave Himself for me . Such are bought with a price , both Soul and Body , 1 Cor. 6.20 . And seeing Christ hath bought them so Dear , and taken possession of them , as of his peculiar Treasure , what is there that can afford ground once to call in question ▪ or doubt of their Salvation , they are bought unto Glory , and Glory is purchased unto them , and Christ possesseth them as such , and so they are certain of Glory . 2. There is no condemnation to them which are in Christ Iesus , Rom. 8.1 . And who are in Christ , the same hath Christ in them , as is clear from what fol●ows in that Text , ver . 9.10.3 . That Christ is in the Soul , sayes , that however they were once without Christ , yet now are they made ●igh by the Blood of Christ ; Who is our Peace , ●nd hath reconciled us unto God , Ephes 2.12 , 13 , 14 , 16. Reconciled Souls shall certainly possess Glory . 4. Christ is called our Life ; And our Life is hide with him in God , Col. 3.3 , 4. They then that have him in them , may be ●ssured of Eternal Life . 5. Such in whom Christ lives , shall be Filled with all the fulness of God , as we see Ephes. 3.17 , 19. That is , until begun Grace here , be perfected in Glory hereafter , where we shall be filled fully and compleatly with the fulness of God , enjoying his pres●nce in immediate Communion with him , so full as we shall be able to contain . Ioh. 17.23 , 24.6 . Christ is made for all such , Wisdom , Righteousness , Sanctification and Redemption . 1 Cor. 1.30 How then can they be deprived of Salvation ? 7. Such are the Children of God , as the Apostle saith Rom. 8. Who are led by the Spirit , have the Spirit o● Christ in them , ver . 9 , 10 , 11. For as many as are led by the Spirit of God , they are the Sons of God , ver . 14 And if Children , then Heirs , Heirs of God , and joynt Heirs with Christ , ver . 17. So that Christ in them , must be a certain and sure hope of Glory 8. Providing Christ be in them , then The Spirit is Life ( saith the Apostle , Rom. 8.10 . ) Because of Righteousness : That is , their Soul and Spirit is already living , by vertue of Christs Righteousness , and the Life of Glory is begun in them , therefore they shall live the Life of Glory hereafter . 9. These that have Christ in them they have received Abundance of Grace , and of the Gift of Righteousness , through Christ living in them ; And so shall certainly Reign in Life by Him , Rom. 5.17.10 . Such who have Christ in them , they are quickned together with Him , yea they are raised up together in Heavenly places in Christ Iesus . Ephes. 2.5 , 6. Christ takes possession in their Name , and they in him , as their Head and Agent : And so in effect , and in respect of legal Certainty , they have present possession of Glory ; so that Christ in them , must be the assured hope of Glory . For further clearing and confirming hereof , observe these following Considerations . To wit. 1. That Christs being and living in the Soul , gives us to know the greatest Love and Respect He hath for that Soul : And whom he Loves . He Loves unto the end , Ioh. 13 1. And what can separate the Soul from his Love , Rom. 8.38 , 39.2 . Christs coming into a Soul , intimates his union therewith , which union is fast , and who can loose it ? And being one with him , and united with him , so they shall be alwayes with him : He hath prayed , that they might be with him , wher● he is , that they might behold his Glory , Ioh. 17.24 . He will not want his Servants : For where he is , there they must be also , Joh : 12.26.3 . Christs being in the Soul , holds forth his protection ; He ●s in them , to own and defend them ; & who can wrong them whom Christ defends ? Whom Christ defends , the Father defends also , Joh. 10.27 , 28 , 29 , 30. My sheep hear my voise , and I know them , and they follow me . And I give unto them Eternal Life , and they shall never perish , neither shall any man pluck them out of my hand . My Father which gave them me , is greater then all , ●nd no man is able to pluck them out of my Fathers hand . I and my Father are one . 4. Christ is in them , taking possession of them , as of his own purchase : And who shall , or can take his Possession over his head ? Because greater is He , that is in them , then he that is in the World , 1 Joh. 4.4.5 . He is in them , as fitting and preparing them for Glory , and Sanctifying and cleansing them , With the washing of Water by the Word : That He might present them to himself a Glorious Church , not having spot or wrinckle , or any such thing , but that they should be Holy and without blemish , Ephes. 5.26 , 27.6 . He is in them by his Spirit , as the pledge and earnest of Glory , Ephes. 1.13 , 14. 2 Cor. 1.22.7 . In a word , that he is in them , is begun Glory , Glory in the Seed , and in the out-sprouting : He is in them , working the work of Grace , and that is the foundation of Glory : Here they have begun Communion with him , and that shall never be broken off , but be carried on to a more imm●diate , sweet , full , and uninterrupted Fellowship in Glory ; so that Christ in the Believer , can be no other thing then the sure hope of Glory . Vse 1. This Truth makes way for confuting 1. Papists , who are against assurance of Salvavation , and who defend and teach , that we are to fear and doubt all the dayes of our Lif● ▪ For if Christ in us , be the assured hope of Glory , then undoubtedly ▪ some of these , in whom Christ dwelleth attain to this assurance : For some of them come through Grace to see , that Christ dwells and abids in them . 2. It is for confutation of Arminians , who lay a sure foundation for the doubting of Papists , in ●aying , that the Saints may fall away , and that wholly and finally : But providing that were true , then Christ should not be the Hope of Glory in the Saints : For , according to that Doctrine , he could be in us to day , and not tomorrow , and so his being in us , could be no hope of Glory . 3. It is for confutation of Antimonians , who deny Sanct●fication to be any evidence of Justification ; notwithstanding we see that Christ in Believers , is a sure and fast ground of the hope of Glory : Now his being in them is through the work of Sanct●fication . 4. For confu●ing of poor deceived Souls , who build their Hope of Glory on some other thing . As ( 1 ) Upon an imagination that God is merciful ; which can afford them no more ground of the hope of Glory , then to all living , yea then to Devils . ( 2 ) Who build their hope upon their naked fancy of their good Heart , which is most false , the Heart being Deceitful above all things , and desperately wicked : So is it an undoubted token that Christ is not in them : For since He i● Light , so should he discover their deceitfulness unto them : So that it can never be a ground of Hope , but a sufficient foundation of a real imagination , and of a dreadful deceit . ( 3. ) Who build their hope upon their innocency and freedom from scandalous out-breakings ; with the Pharisee Luke 18 Yea a Heathen will pretend more then they . ( 4 ) Who build upon their Civility and Sobriety , which readily they may have through a soft nature & humor , through good education , & corrupte● by ends , which may be a ground of self-deceiving , though never of the hope of Glory . ( 5. ) Who bui●d on ou●ward diligence and carefulness , after publick Worship , wherein a Pharisee may go beyond them , and which at most but holds forth , that they have a Name they live , and yet are dead . Dead and formal Worship , is no assured hope of Glory . ( 6 ) Who build on the forsaking some Lusts and former evil practises , to which they were formerly addicted ; whereas notwithstanding Satan may have a sure and certain Poss●ssion of their Soul. Vse 2. This Truth serves to inform us of these two . 1. That the state of these , who are yet without Christ is very sad , and lamentable : For if without Christ , they have no hope of Glory : And what have they then , though they had the World at their disposal , and were swiming in Pleasure● ? Alas ! they want that , which might sweeten the want of all other things , to wit , the hope of Glory . 2. That the condition of those , who have fled to Christ , and have gotten that noble Guest , Christ in them , is unspeakably happy : For let their outward Estate be here in the World , what it will , they may Sing in the hope of the Glory of God ; having Christ in them , so they have the assuredest hope of Glory imaginable : They have Christ , who is the whole Covenant whereby Glory is ensured : They have him with●n their Souls , who already hath given them the possession of Glory , fitting them to have a Portion in the Inheritance of the Saints in Light : And who takes possession of them , that he and they may never more be separate . Vse 3. This Doctrine contains also in it a Reproof . 1. To Unbelievers who notwithstanding they be wholly without Christ , and his Spirit , nevertheless dreams and imagins , that they have an undoubted right unto Glory ; And so deceives themselves wi●h a vain and ungrounded hope , that all will be well with them at last . 2. For reproof to Believers , who have this assured ground of hope , nevertheless improves it not for their comfort and encouragement : But holds themselves up with doubtings and scruples concerning their Right and Inheritance ; taking heed to the lying whisperings and temptations of Satan , and so lives in Terrors , sinful Fears and Unbelief , whereby they wrong and grieve the noble Spirit , who hath taken up quarters in their Soul , even for that end among others that they might have a lively hope of Glory and thereby be supported under the pressure of Terrors and Fea●s , strengthened against th● Soul troubling injections , and heart-distur●ing temptations of Satan , and comforted against all discouragements Vse 4. Th●s Doctrine ●olds out these following Duties to the Unbeliever . As 1. They ought to Labour to have this Truth , deeply rooted in their Hearts , that before Christ be in them , they can have no well grounded hope ever to see God in Glory . 2. That herein they are to be convinced of the necessity of giving ear unto the Call of the Gospel , and to give obedience thereunto , which is ( as we shall after hear ) that we receive Christ , the Prince of Life in our Souls . 3. That therefore there should be nothing so desirable to them , as to have Christ living and working in their Souls ▪ and to rest on nothing less for a satisfying ground of the hope of Glory . Vse 5. This Truth holds out unto us , the sure ground of the consolation of Believers , in whom Christ is : O! what cause of gladness and rejoycing have they , go as it will with them in the World : For though the World frown upon them , nevertheles● they may rejoyce in the Hope of the Glory of God , what●ver ground of sorrow , they may otherwayes have , as they see how it fares with them in the World , yet when they look within , and beholds the footsteps of Christ walking within them , and the Fruits of his living and abiding in them ; so may they raise up themselves with unspeakable and excellent joy . Objection , But it may be asked , how comes it then , that even such are more filled with fears and anxieties then others , concerning their Eternal Happiness and lively hope , and are continually in fears and doubting , possessing their Life often in sorrow ? Ans. 1. It is one thing to have Christ in us , and another thing to see him in us ; This is a new and different Gift : And God may give the one , when he thinks good to with-hold the other . 2. The Lord may thus for wise and holy ends measure out his Favours : As he is a Soveraign , so he is also wise ; he doth what he will , and yet doth all in deep Wisdom , for wise and holy ends : The Lord may have a high and Soveraign hand in this business , and may find ●t necessar , so to keep them humble , tender , wa●chful and diligent in Duties : For he sees that readily , did they see how rich they were , they would forget bo●h God and themselves , not being well ball●ssed to carry such a high Topsail , and that thus they might come to boast and turn secure , and give too much advantage to Satan to assault and overcome them . 3. They may read●ly have a sinful h●nd therein themselves : And that ( 1 ) When they give too much heed to the lying Injections and temptations of Satan : It is not safe to entertain discourse with such an enemy , who is a Lyar and a Murderer from the beginning : He is too great a Sophist and Disputer for us . ( 2. ) When they give too much way to corruption , which darkens all , and gives Satan advantage and occasion to accuse of Hypocrisy , and to alledge and say , providing Christ be in you , how is it so and so ? ( 3 ) When by the false Injections of Satan , they Nick-name the work of Christ in them , consenting to the reproaches of the enemy , and joyning with him in affording Objections against all the work of Grace in their Soul : And thus having filled their mind with prejudices against themselves , through the instigation of Satan , they are not in case , either to receive , or accept of any right Information concerning their Souls . ( 4. ) It may also f●ll out through their misunderstanding the true Nature and work of Grace , and of Christs being in them , imagining that nothing can be called or reckoned Christ in the Soul , but an exceeding great out-letting of the Spirit , carrying the Soul over all difficulties , accompanied with great joy and gladness , and with an eminent and great degree of Sanctification . Vse 6. This Truth exceedingly calls for a narrow Tryal , viz. If Christ be in us or not : And because it is a material business we shall therefore speak the more to it . 1. We shall lay forth some false Marks , by which many deceive themselves , both on the one hand , and on the other . 2. We will give you some true Marks , where you may judge in this matter , In speaking to the false Marks , we must have our eye upon two sorts of Persons , and so speak to the Marks , whereupon each goes to work and deceives themselves : Some have Christ really dwelling in their Soul , and yet nevertheless imagine , that it is not so , upon ●uch and such grounds , that they perceive in ●hemselves , which they judge cannot consist ●ith Christs living in them : Others again , have ●ot Christ in them , notwithstanding imagine ●hat he is in them , by reason of such and such ●hings , which they judge to be real Marks of ●hrists being in them . And both the one and ●he other , are deceived with false grounds . As to the First , viz. Such who have Christ ●eally in them , and nevertheless will not be ●onvinced thereof : They may mistake on these ●nd the like grounds . 1. Because they are no wayes like to these ●aints , whereof the Scriptures make mention , 〈◊〉 whom was the Spirit of Christ ; Neither like ●ose , who now live , who have Christ in them : ●s if ( forsooth ) all were Christians of the ●●me Magnitude , Age , Strength and Liveli●ess ; As if there were not in Christs Family , young Children as well as old , young Centinels , as well as Lively , Strong and great Warriors , 1 Cor. 3.1 . 1 Ioh. 2.13 , 14. A Child hath real Life , and is a man , though not a strong and able man ; yea the very Child in the Mothers Belly hath real Life ; and so many Children in Christ go to Heaven , for he carries the Lambs i● his Bosome . Isa 40 11. 2. Because they find not the Operations of the Spirit in them ; That is likewayes no true mark : For he may be in the Soul , and yet may be hide from the Soul , the Lord judging it fittest it should be so ▪ that he may hide pride from their eyes , and they ( as was said ) may be keep'd humble and sobbing all their dayes . The Spirit bloweth where he listeth , and after what manner he will. 3. Because they are dayly full of Fears and Jealousies , that all is not right with them : Hence they conclude , that providing Christ were really in them , then all their Questionings would be done away , and all their clouds scattered , and they would obtain a full assurance : But this is a mistake , Christ may be , and Faith in him may be , where this certainty is not , never was , and likely shall never be , until the Soul come within the view of the Land of Glory : Yea the Scripture is ●ull of such like Complain●s of the Saints , and of their often expressing their suspicions : It is the Disease that follows the Royal Blood , incident to the most Heavenly Spirits ; Moses David , Heman , Asaph , Iob , Ieremiah , the C●urch , Psal : 120. Lam : 1. and 2. and 3. ●nd 4 And that under the Church and Saints of the New Testament , as well as the Old , 1 Cor : 10.6 . Now these things were our examples , — with v. 1.1 . 2 Cor : 1 8 9 2 Cor : 2.11 2. Cor : 7 4 , 5 , 6. 1 Pet : 1.6 , 7. Yea Christ may be there , where the Soul through the power of temptation pe●emptorly concludeth , that he is not in them , ●therwayes woe to not a few . 4. Because Strangers to some sensible and ●omfortable manifestations , which some win ●t ; They see not , neither find they , as with ●ome , the Rayes and reall Blinks of his smiling Countenance : But this is no sure Mark ; Christ ●ay be , where these things are not , or other●ayes woe to many poor Soules . These are ●he free outlettings of his Love , wherein the LORD dealls as a Soveraign ; Allowing some ●o come near him , for so ●e thinketh fit , and ●thers to stand farther off , and think it suffici●nt , if but admitted to stand within the portall ●f his Pallace : All Subj●cts are not Courtiers , ●or all Courtiers alike high : The Mother will ●ake the one Child , and kiss and dandl● it upon ●he knee , and not the other ; So Christ takes ●ot all his Children into his Banqueting house , ●●ither spreads he his Banner of Love over ●hem , in a sensible manne● : Each one , is not ●ayed with Flaggons , and comforted with Apples ; Every one hath not Christs left hand unde● their head , and his right hand embracing them : Some must be satisfied , to want these manifestations , until they ascend into the Higher House . 5. Because they know not , what it is to have their Hearts lifted up in the wayes of the LORD ; They know not what that Joy in the Holy Ghost meaneth , nor what it is to chear themselves with Joy unspeakable and full of Glory . O is this sufficient ground to conclude , that Christ is not in them ? What a gross mistake is this ? Do all Christians attain to such high Attainments ? Alas ! Some must be well satisfied to creep to Heaven , and never once get up their back , untill they win within the very ports of Glory : Some in stead of rejoycing , must carry the tear in their eye , the whole way and never get it washen away , untill that Christs soft hand , once for all , wash it off , and then they shall weep no more , being arrived there , where no sorrowing nor sighing shall be heard , for then sighing and ●orrowing , must flee away . 6. Because their Graces shine not , nor have not that Beauty and Lustre , Which they believed to have had , Providing Christ were in them : Where Faith , Hope Love &c. is nothing to what it should , or must be , ( thin● they ) if Christ were in them . But they notl●● not , that there are degrees of Grace : All ar● not Saints of the first Magnitude ; Each ones Faith , ( even true Faith ) is not Assurance : Christ is , where the least grain weight of Grace is ; And sometimes Grace will go in litle Room ; Christ is , where there is but one smoaking Flax , and but one broken Reed . 7. Because they are not only without Comfort and Joy , but are also full of terrours , fears and trembling , whereof they imagine they should be free , providing Christ were in them : Alas , poor Soul , why thinks thou thus ! Were it so as ye imagine , what should have become of excellent Heman , Psal : 88.15 . Who from his youth up , was afflicted and ready to die , and was distracted with the Terrours of GOD , which he suffered . What should ye then say of the good King Hezekiah , who became to chatter like a Cran or a Swallow , and to mourn as a Dove , Isa : 38.14 . And of others whom we could name . 8. Because they see no Grace growing in them , all seems to be going back with them : I grant , it is most lamentable when it is so , and a case much to be condolled ; Nevertheless , it may readily appear to be so , when really it is not so ; Christ may be , where this grouth in Grace , is neither seen , nor observed ; Yea , Christ may be , where there is a sinful decay for a time , by reason of some Winter ●lasts and storms , or by reason of some worm , or such like at the root ; Nevertheless , the seed shall remain , and where the seed is , there is Christ , so that this is but a false Mark. 9. Because they observe so much Hypocrisie in their Actings , undoubtedly say they , if Christ were in us , it should not be so with us ▪ But as to this , we should mark , that however , he who hath Christ in him , can be no Hypocrite ; For a Hypocrite is such , whose state is without Christ ; Nevertheless , he may have much hypocrisie in him , even as he hath mor● or less of other corruptions ; Every act of hypocrisie , will not say , that that man is a hypocrite ; There is great difference between yellow brass , and Gold that hath scumm mixed with it , the best of our Mettals have dross in them : The State of perfection is not here . 10. Because they cannot perform commanded Duties , without opposition and grea● fighting : Whereas if Christ were in them ( imagine they ) their wheels would move more Lightly : But this is also a mistake , and a perverted rule to judge by ; For in the best that Live , there remains much of the old man , that never rests , But continually setts it self against every Good motion and work , that is in hand ; so that the good that they would , they cannot get done , But the evil , that they woul● not that they are made to do , the Law o● their members , warring continually against the ●aw o● their mind , making them cry Out , Owre ch●d man , that I am , who shall deliver me , from the Body of this Death ! Rom : 7.14 , 15.24 . 11. Because corruption is not weakned , but as they imagine is on the growing hand , which could not be , providing Christ were in them : But herein is also a mistake , the one or other special corruption , may in respect of some temptation , grow more at one time , than at another , & nevertheless , Grace under no decay , nor corruption growing in the who●e Body : The leaves will abundantly fall off ●he Tree , yea , and three times more in the Harvest , than at another time , and yet be under no decay : Corruption through temptation may be discovered , while never●heless , neither growing , nor in strength ; And at other times they may be less seen and feared , when most strong and dangerous : An unseen and quiet devil , may be more hazardous , than a seen and a roaring devil ; Corrup●ions grow● not alwayes most , when they rage most . 12. Because , sometimes they have gross out-breakings : This is sad I confess , and lamentable ; But therefrom we cannot certainly conclude , that we are without Christ ; Fo● Moses , David , Peter , &c. had their heavy falls , which occasioned the opening of the mouths of the ungodly . 13. Because , that sometimes they are carried away , with the tide and stream of their Corruptions , that they see nothing , but a constant course , and a joynt complotting of gross evils : This I aknowlege is a sad condition , and sadly to be Lamented ; Notwithstanding there is no Satisfying ground there form to conclude Positively , that such a Soul , is certainly without Christ ; For we find Asa did that which was good and right in the eyes of the Lord ; And yet what a gross outbreakings find we in him , 2 Chr●n : 16. He made Benhadad to break his league with Baasha ; And further to engage him thereto , he commited sacriledge , and spoiled and plundered the House of the LORD , and he trusted in an arm of flesh ; And put the Prophet in the prison house for faithfully reproving of him , ; And besides at the time , oppre●sed some of the people ; And in his sickness , he sought not to the LORD , bu● to the Physicians . O! We cannot tell , beside how many corruptions , Christ will dwell in the Soul : Even such as are excommunicate for gross scandals , may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus , 1 Cor : 5.5 . 14. Because they are troubled with dreadful temptations and blasphemous injections : But neither can this be a sufficient ground to judge ●uch a Soul to be without Christ ; We know with what temptations the devil set upon Christ himself ; After that he had tempted him , with the foulest Idolatry , To wit , to worship the devil , then to a tempting of GOD , and a questioning his own God head , and his right and interest in GOD as his Father : What will he not then attempt against the poor Followers of Christ ? And seeing he so assaulted the Prince of Salvation , in whom he could find nothing , and that for forty dayes together , and then but left him for a time , Mark. 1.13 . Luk. 4 2.13 . Why should his Followers think it strange , when long troubled with such injections . 15. Because the LORD pursues them in his anger , and in his carriage to them shews his sore displeasure , and writs their sins on their judgements : This also is no sound Mark so to conclude ; For we know how he carried with David , Psal : 6. and 38. and 51. And what he did with Iob , who said , Chap. 6.4 . The arrows of the Almighty are within me , the poison whereof , drinketh up my Spirit : The terrors of God do set themselves in array against me . On the other hand , let us see , which are the false grounds , wherein others deceive themselves , imagining they are in Christ , when there is nothing like it . 1. They have a Pro●ession and a great Name , an Approbation of others , as none such Christians : But may with the Church of Sardis , have a name that they live , and yet are dead : Many believed in Christ , whom notwithstanding he would not commit himself unto , Because he knew all men , Ioh : 2.23.24 . The end of the five foolish Virgins in the parable , Mat : 25. May sufficiently alarm such ; For they were professors , yea great Professors , & acknowledged as such by others , long waiting P●o●essors , earnestly seeking to enter in , and desirous of oyl for their Lamps , &c. And yet Christ was never in them , for he declared He knew them not . 2. They are free of scandalous and gross sinns , whereunto some Gracious Souls may be lyable : But poor Soul , that may be , and yet Christ not in you : The Pharisee could say Luk : 18 11. God I thank thee , that I am not as other men are , extortieners , unjust , adulterers , or even as this Publican Many may escape the polutions of the world . 2. Pe● : 2.20 . And ye● the letter end be worse with them then the beginning . 3. They are Civil and honest in all their dealings , no man can charge them for wronging any by false or cheating means : But this may be , and notwithstanding Christ never admitted into your Souls : was not the young man such an one ? Luk. 18 21. who said , All these have I kept from my youth ? Many Civilians go to hell ; Civility may pretend somewhat , and go ●ar among men , but it is of a small account with GOD , where there is no more : Yea , the heathen may exceed many a Christian , in respect of Civility , and yet they are without Christ. 4. They have alwayes , as they imagine keeped a good Conscience , never gone contrary to unto it , But in every thing they have walked according to the Light and Dictates of the same : This may seem indeed to be a great length , and yet nothing to prove that Christ is in their Souls ; For many Consciences are deaf and blind , so that they cannot see far to guide , neither speak out , and many a ones Conscience is without eyes , and some Consciences are fast a sleep , so that this can prove but little : These that thought they did GOD good service in killing the Prophets and Apostles , according to what Christ ●oretold , Ioh : 16. Had their Consciences going before them ; Paul followed his Conscience , when he persecuted the Church , he acknowledges it , Act : 26.91.10 . I verily thought with my self , that I ought to do many things contrary to the Name of Jesus of Nazareth . Which thing I also did in Jerusalem , and many of the Saints , did I shut up in prison , &c. Again he saith , Act : 23.1 . — I have lived in all good Conscience before God , untill this day : Which seems to have respect to his unconverted State , when out of Zeal , he persecuted the ●hurch , Phil : 3.6 . And yet untill Christ appeared unto him in ●he way to Damascus , he was a stranger unto Christ , and Christ not revealled unto him . 5 In many outward things , they are changed and reformed , and in respect of these they are changed folks : Alas ! that may appear to be something , and yet is nothing to prove that Christ is in the Soul ; For Herod was a stranger unto Christ , notwithstanding he did many things , when he heard Iohn ; Mark 6.20 . 6. They are careful Followers of the Ordinances , and take pleasure in running after Duties : This I confess may bear much bulk among Men ; But it is said , that Herod heard John gladly , Mark 6.20 . Isaiah speaks of some tha● sought the LORD daily , and had delight to know His ways , chap. 58.2 . with Ezek. 33 31 , 32. 7. They are much in Prayer , and think with themselves , that they are very diligent and serious therein : Neither is this any infallible token that Christ is in their Souls , For many may cry , Lord , Lord , open unto us , to whom Christ shall say , I know you not : Matth : 7.24 . And many may ask , and ask a miss . Iam. 4.3 . & 25.11.12 . 8. They hold with the Good Cause , and with them that suffer for it ; I acknowledge this is much ; But this alone will not prove that Christ is in the Soul ; Iudas continued long in Christs company , and many were Christs Disciples who in end forsook him , Iohn 6. David had many Valiant Men with him , who fought with him the battels of the Lord ; And Paul makes a supposition of some , that might give their bodies to be burnt , & yet be without love : 1 Cor. 13 3. 9 They have much knowledge in the mysteries of the Gospel , they can speak much and illustrate the same by many reasons , yea , they can debate for it , and Preach thereof , and have many excellent and singular Gifts : This may be , and yet Christ not in the Soul ; Gifts and Graces differ much , Heb 6.4 . Read and observe it , and trust no more to such loose grounds : Shal not many who have prophesied in the Name of Christ , be shut out of the gates of Heaven ? Matth 7 22. 10. They have strong and earnest desires to be in Heaven , & to do what is Right : And had not the foolish Virgins , a desire to enter in with the Bridegroom , when they cryed , Lord , Lord , open unto us : Matth. 25 : 11. Wished not Balaam to die the death of the Righteous ? Alas ! carnal self-seeking desires , will not prove that Christ is in the Soul. 11. They have many Convictions , upstirrings , and awakenings of Conscience , and good resolutions following therupon : Ah! many have had such , who never were brought to embrace Jesus Christ ; There sickness is gone , and they afterwards become more obdured then ever : Convictions may be lively , and die out again , and terrors break forth , and hold up again , before that the Soul is brought fully home , and made willing to open unto Christ , and let him in upon his own termes . 12. They have a good opinion of the Doctrine of the Gospel , as being good and acceptable newes of good tydings and mercy ; And have no exceptions against the conditions of the Gospel offers , they judge them very reasonable , just , and most worthy to be accepted : But light and Conviction will not say that the thing is done ; At best it is but a tasting of the good word of GOD , Heb : 6 5. Having discovered some of these false Marks , on the one hand and one the other ; I come now to lay out some Particulars that will give fuller discovery of the matter ; only I must say before hand , that every one , that hath Christ realy in them , cannot alike Distinctly feel and comprehend all these Marks in them ; But some will be in case more to judg of some of them , & some to judge more of others of them . 1. Mark : Where Christ is , there has been some clear Discoveries of this , that that Person was without Christ , and of the miserableness of of the estate of being without Christ ; As likewise a weariedness of being longer in that condition with strong disires to be delivered there from ; As also a reall , full , resolute , & peremptory forsaking of all without Christ. I Say first , There hath beenclear convincing Discoverys of Persons being once without Christ , and of the Lamentableness and misery of that estate : Not that all has alike great and clear discoveries ; But every one in some measure , has this clear discovery in them : nether say I , that every one is peromptorly to stint themselves to the same measure and degree of Light here mentioned ; But that really , there must be some measure of light in the Soul , and such a measure as shall make willing to run out of that estate , and to hearken unto the G●spel . We must also here , pu● a d●fference betwixt those Discoveries , and the terrors that sometimes Accompanies them ; Providing the Discoveries be such as drives to Christ , it is well , be it accompanied with more or less terror . ( 2. ) I say there ha● been a weariedness of this their Natural state , with an earnest disire to be unbound and Delivered , and crying out with those , who were p●icked in there heart Act. 2. Act 16 Men and Brethren what shall we do to be saved : And there hath never been any thing of this sor● , there has been no in letting of Christ ▪ ( 3. ) I say there is a real and actuall casting off all other things , Because they cannot serve two Masters ; There is a real forsakeing of all hope of life through our own Righteousness , or of any others whatsomever , But through Christ alone : what things formerly was account●d gain ▪ they account now Loss ●or Christ ; Yea doubtless they count all things but loss , for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesu● ●hil : 3.7.8 9 So that where there is a harkering after ou● own righteousness , or a resting thereon , or any thing besides him , for righteousness and life , with pleasure and satisfaction , Christ is not there . 2 Mark : Where Christ is , there is an opening of the heart for him , a real hearty accepting of consenting to closing with , and laying hold on him , As he is Offered in the Gospel ; A receiving of him upon his own termes freely , and wholy , and ●or all ends and uses , in order and in respect to Salvation ; As the door is opened , so will he come in . Revel : 3.20 . And where it is kept fast bolted , there is he not entered as yet : Where this opening of the heart , This cordiall Consenting , this soul receiving of the Offered Mediator , is wanting , Christ is not there . It s true some may have opened unto him , and yet not know of it , imagining that this opening to , accepting or receiveing of Christ offered , is some what else , then really it is , and looking out after more enlargedness of heart to receive him , yet more heartily ; they account but Little of any thing they have yet gotten or attained ; Therefore when the heart hath t●uely open'd it self for him and at least is realy satisfied that Christ who is a King , having the key of David open the Door , come in , Live there , and where the heart crieth out earnestly , O! when will He come to me ; we may conclude that Christ is already there . 3. Mark : Where Christ is , there is immediatly an emptiness seen in all other things , and such fullness Discovered and discerned in him , which satisfies and quiets the Soul , so that it rests therein , as having an All-sufficient portion , and as fully pleased and contented therewith , because they judge ( and indeed not a miss ) that the Lines are fallen to them in Pleasant places , Psal : 16. They cry out ; Whom have I in Heaven but thee ? and there is none upon earth , that I desire besides thee : Psal : 73.25 . And they are so satisfyed with him , that they sit down , & call in all their wandering affections and inclinations , that were scattered upon the mountains of vanity , and brings them all in to him as the Center ; And gives them a new commission to be for ever again imployed in , by , and for him alone . 4. Mark. Where Christ is in the Soul , there they cast their burdens on Him , & run to with their Doubtings , Troubles , Accidents , Weakness , Accusations , Failings , Duties , and with all they have to do . The Soul shall have Him even in its eye a● All-sufficient , able and willing to help in all Exigencies and Necessities , and shall look out to Him for that effect . 5. Mark. Where Christ is , there He gets the Heart , for there he lives , Ephes. 3 , 17. So that what ev●● it b●●hat presents its self to the Soul , though never so taking , yet He has still the precedency , disposing , and chief room , unless it be for a time , that the Soul may be over poured and carried away with some l●st or other . These that have Christ in them , they Confess that Iesus is the Son of God , 1 Joh : 4.15 . And so altogether Matchless : For all such dwell in Him , and He in them : So that He is unto them White and Ruddy , the chiefest among ten thousands , Song . ● . 10 . And whatever is his , is altogether lovely , ver . 16. For unto them which believes , He is precious , 1 Pet. ● . 7 . I acknowledge this love and esteem will not alwayes be the same , nor appear in the like degree : Nevertheless it is for the most part p●edomining and reigning , and where these ●hings are not so , it is a sad token that Christ hath not as yet taken up his abode . 6 , Mark. Where Christ is , there is a forsaking of all former Lovers , for now they have changed Masters : They shall say to their former Idoles , get you hence , as if they were so many menstruous cloaths , Isa : 30.22 . Then they say with Ephraim , What have we to do any more with Idoles Hos : 14 8. For where he comes , all these must give place to him , as being worthy of all ; There old ( J ) liveth no more , Gal : 2.20 . But where the old lovers keep their poss●ssion , where the old idoles , the old sinns , have the old esteem , and the old service , and not as yet cast out with loathing and shame , it is not as yet ●ight there : Christ , when he comes , binds the old man , sets the old Tyrant that possessed the Soul , out of doors . 7. Mark : Where Christ is , there is a compleat change , that word is realy felt 2. Cor : 5.17 . If any man be in Christ , he is a new creature : Now is he , as he were in another world , drawing his breath in another element ; They are no more the folks they were . They that are Christs , have Crucified the flesh , with the affections and lusts , Gal. 5 24. They look on those lusts and affections as their enemies , and declares themselves enemies against them ; wars against them in root and branch , and against all their motions ; whether they be sinful a●fections , and passions , such as these , whereby the mans Mind doth suffer , and is troubled and affected with ; or whether they be sinful lusts , such as these stirred up by fleshly carnal Baits and Pleasures , as motions to Intemperance , uncleanness , &c. Now those who are Christs , are said to cruci●y and put to death all these , because they have engaged themselves by profession and Covenant , Sealed in Baptism so to do , Rom. 6.3 , 4. And have actually begun th●s wo●k , so that though this Body of corrup● flesh be in them , yet through the Spirit , Rom. 8.13 . And by imitating his Cross , Rom. 6 5. They are upon the work of Mor●ifying it , suppressing the endeavours , and smoothering the ●ffects of it , Rom. 6.12 They resolve now to walk in newness of Life , Rom. 6.4 . From this time forth they have a new understanding , renewed in the Spirit of their mind , no more s●bject to the Dominion of fleshly Lusts , whic● is enmity against God ; They ●ave a new will , which is now flexible to God● will and Command , neither doth it now rebel as formerly ; They have new Desires , new Inclinations , new Work , new Ends before ●●em , new Followship , no more Fellows●ip wi●h the unfruit●ul works of Darkness . 8. Mark. Where Christ is , there is a resting on him for Li●e , and leani●g on him for Righteousness , Adop●ion , Justification and S●●vation , wi●h ●aul , Phil ▪ 3.9 . Who desired to be found i● him , not having his own Righteousness , which is of the Law , but that which is through the faith of Christ , the Righteousness which is of GOD by Faith. The Soul in●ends to live th●ough this way alone , to r●st in , to hide himsel● in Christ , until ( ●o speak so ) a bitt o● the Man cannot be seen , that when he is calle● for , it may be answered , LORD , I am in Christ , not having my own Righteousness : — If Christ be in you ( saith Paul ) — the Spirit i● Life , ●ecause of R●ghteousness , Rom : 8.30 . The Soul resolves alone to live through this way , through his Righteousness . I● 〈◊〉 LORD ●ave we Righteousness and stren●●● say they , Isa : 54.24 . In the LORD exp●c● they only to be Justifi●d and to Glory , ● . 2● 9. Mark , Where Christ is , there is a grea● 〈◊〉 to esh●w sin , Joh : 3.6 . Whos●e●er 〈◊〉 in him sinne●h not : To wit , with that 〈◊〉 as formerly : They may be overtaken in a fault , as Gal : 6.1 . But ●hey are not w●llingly intangled again with the yoke of bondage , G●l : ● . 1 . Som●times they may be carried away with the stream of a temptation , as David and Peter , yet they give not themselves willingly & deliberatly over to the will of their Lust● : But even when corruption has the upper hand , there is a party within them that protesteth against that course and usurpation , Rom : 7. That which they do they would not , and that which they do not , they would willing●y do ; The Spirit warreth against the fl●sh , Gal : 5.17 . Hereby it is , that ●●ey walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit , Rom : 8.1 . 10. Mark , Where Christ is , there is a real , fast , & resolute care & endeavour to keep the Commandments of Christ , 1 Joh : 3.24 . And he that keepeth his Commandments , dwelleth in him , and he in him And again 1 Joh : 2.5 . Hereby they know , that they are in him , because they keep his word . They will cast at none of his Laws , but have respect unto all his Commandments , Psal : 119.6 . This is their work and design , to be conformable in all things to his Law , and their faillings , are the cause of much sorrow unto them . 11. Mark , In whom Christ is , they live in Love , as in their Element , 1 Joh : 4.16 . And we have known and believed the Love that GOD hath to us , GOD is love , and he that dwelleth in Love , dwelleth in GOD , and GOD in him , Also 1 Joh : 4.13 . Hereby know we , that we dwell in him ▪ and he in us , because he hath given us of his Spirit . A humble and condescending Spirit , , a tender and simpathizing Spirit , a Spirit of Wisdom and counsel , a Spirit o● Knowledge , and of the Fear of the LORD : We may see , what for a Spirit it is , that is given unto Christ without measure , Isa : 11.2 . Where it is called the Spirit of Wisdom and Vnderstanding , the Spirit of Counsel and Might , the Spirit of Knowledge , and of the Fear of the LORD ; So that these who have Christ living in them , are more or less partakers of this Spirit ; For they are one Spirit with Christ , their darkness is in part removed , their pride killed , and they made more conformable to Christ their Head and Husband . 12. Mark , Who have Christ in them , they walk after the Spirit , Rom : 8.1 . That is , they have a new counsellour , a new lea●er to lead them in all their wayes , they walk now in the strength of the LORD , being strong in him , and in the power of his might , Ephes : 6.10 . They have new principles and new Motives to their work ; They go now to their Duties upon another ground , and for other ends then formerly , a●d this is not at some times , at starts and si●s , but in a more serious , constant and resolute manner ; For they walk after the Spirit . 13 Mark , These who have this Spirit of Christ in them , they live by Faith , ●nd depend upon him for Grace , Strength , I●fluences and Life , that they may s●rve him in their na●ural , ordinary , and civil Conversations , as well as in their Christian Life ; That they may be for him , and for●his Glory , in all their eating , drinking , sleeping , walking , wi●hin and without house , in their ordinary calling , work and Imployment , as well as in the hearing of the Word , and in Prayer : The Life which they now live in the fl●sh , is by Faith , Gal● 2.20 . 14 Mark , These that have Christ in them , are of a broken and contri●e Spirit , they dare not arrogantly look up to GOD , they lyin the d●st , and cry guilty , glorifying GOD , and taking shame unto themselves : He dwells with him , that is of a contrite humble Spirit , Isa : 57 15. Such a Heart is his second Throne , whereas the proud he sees a far off . 15. Mark , Who have Christ in them , they get something of a publick Spirit ; That mind is in part in them , which also was in Christ , Phil 2.5 . So that they hav● a heart to lay out themselves more effectually for Zion then formerly : Christs cause , and the Suff●rings of his people lyes nearer thei● heart , then their own things . From these Marks , we may try and see , i● we have ground to think that Christ is really in us or not . Now , we come in the Third place , to speak of these words , Christ in you , the Hope of Glory , n so farr as they are the riches of the Glory of this Mysterie , which is now made manifest among the Gentiles ; which will lead us to speak of the first part of the verse , wherein ( as we said in the beginning ) is a praise and high commendation of the Gospel on several accounts . As 1. Being a Mysterie . 2. A Mystery that hath Glory in it . 3. A Mystery , that hath the Riches of Glory in it . 4. A Mysterie now made manifest among the Gentiles . 5. Tho so , nevertheless the Riches of the Glory of this Mysterie is not made manif●st to all the Gentiles , nay not unto all that hear the Gos●●l , but to the Saints mentioned verse 26.6 . And that according to the good pleasur● of GOD , T● whom GOD would make known . 7. So th●● it is alo●e GOD● work , to make known this Mysterie For the opening up of this Busines● , we shall first speak a word concerning every one of these pa●ticulars severally ; And then to all joyntly , holding ●his forth , To wit , that Christ in the Believer is the Hope of Glory . First then , the Gospel is a Mysterie , consider it , the Doctrine of the Gospel is a Divine de●p , Mysterious Truth , therefore it is called the Mysterie of the Gospel , Ephes : 6.19 . we may unde●stand that it is called a Mysterie in these respects , 1. In respect of the first finding of it out ; ●he Gospel was not at first ●ound out by men 〈◊〉 Angels , never could they have fallen upon 〈◊〉 ; It went far above the reach of their capaci●●es to find out the way , how the condemned ●●nner , should again be reconciled unto GOD ; ●●is only is the invention of GOD , therefore 〈◊〉 is called the Mysterie of his will Ephes : 1.9 . 〈◊〉 Mystery unto which he gave a being out of ●●s own good will and pleasure , He willed it , ●nd therefore it was . ● . The Gospel is a Mystery in respect of the disco●ery , and making known thereof ; As no flesh ●ould have found it out , so no flesh could have ●allen on such a way , until it pleased the LORD ●o make it known ; flesh and blood hath not ●evealed it , Math : 16.17 . Yea the Angels ●ould not have revealled it for they were strangers thereunto , and came to the knowledge ●hereof by the Church , Eph : 3.10 . By the Churc was the manifold wisdom of GOD ( to wit in the mystery of the Gospel ) made known unto the Principalites and powers in Heavenly places ; therefore we hear that the Angels are present in the Assemblies of GOD● people , 1 Cor : 11.10 . and Peter ●els us 1. Pet : 1.12 . That ●he Angels are desirou● to look into these things , Tim : 3.16 . Seen of Angels , giving us to know so much , They looked up with desire and satisfaction , as seeing something new in Him , which formerly they had not seen . 3. The Gospel is a Mystery , in respect of the way and manner of its manifestation . For it was not wholy at once revealed , bu● by degrees ▪ the more to hold forth the worth and excelency ●hereof : for fi●st darkly revealed , and mani●ested to Adam in this , The seed of the woman shall bruise the head of the Serpent . Gen : 3.14 15 Then 2ly It was a litle more clearly discov●red unto Abraham , Isaac and Iacob , These we●e the old stock , of Belivers : And this was also ●hrough promises , when the LORD said un●o Abraham , ●hat he should be the father of many Nations Gen : 15.5 6. And that in hi● , all families of ●he earth should be bless●d , Gen : 12.3 . and 18.18 . and 22.18 Such like pr●m●ses we fi●d made unto Isaac , Gen : 26 4 And unto Iacob Gen : 28 14. And th●● was the ver● Gospel , as Paul declareth Gal : 3.8 . And Peter , Act. 3.25 3ly . It was yet more clearly discovered unto Moses , and u●to the peo●le , which G●D then separated for himself , in typs shadowes , ●ff●rings ●●d ●nd othe● figures and legal ceremonies ; all which held forth , the way of Salva●ion through a c●uc●fi●d Mediator . 4ly . Then was ●his business more clearly discove●ed unto David , ●o that the good ●h●ngs of the Gospel , are 〈◊〉 the sure mercies of David Act 13.32 , ●3 . ●4 . compared with Psal. 2 6. Isa : 55.3 Ps●l . 16.11.5 . After that Christ is now come , 〈◊〉 whole business is more fully and distinctly manifested then ever ; In respect of which clearness , the Gospel is now said in a special way , to be made manifest and revealed , and formerly shut up & kept secret Rom : 16.25.26 . Now to him , that is of Power to stablish you , according to my Gospel , and the preaching of Iesut Christ , according to the revelation of the Mystery which was kept secret since the world began , bu● now is made manifest , see also Ephes : 3.3.5 . See also the verse that goeth before my text as the subj●ct of this present Treatise Col : 1.26 . 4. The Gospel is a Mystery , in resp●ct of the Instruments that reveal i● GOD himself first revealed it unto Adam , Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob . And men who had immedia●e Inspiraions , were imployed in this work Now at last his own Son Jesus Christ is imployed in this Embassag● , Heb : 2 3 , 5. It is a Mystery , in respect of the persons to whom it is openly publ●sh●d ? It must be a mysterious business , which G●D will not make known to all the world : This doth also hold out the singularity and excellency of the same , that not every one can m●ke to the knowledge thereof , bu● only some particular persons and Nations . GOD revealed the Gospel to few , save Abraham ▪ family in his day●s ; And as he revealed it to the posterity of Iacob ; very few of other Nations w●re priviledged with it ; He sheweth his word unto Jacob , his statutes ▪ and 〈◊〉 judgements unto Isr●el , He hath not dealt so wit any Nation : Psal. 147 ▪ 19.20 . And so commandeth Christ , that for a time , his Disciple should not go into the way of the Gentiles , no● enter into any City of the Samaritans , Mat : 10 5. In times past GOD suffered all Nations to wel● in their own wayes Act. 14.16 . And eve● since the door was opened for the Gentiles the Holy Ghost would not suff●r Paul an● Timothy to Preach the word in Asia and Bethynia Act. 16.6 , 7. So there has been i● all ages since the dayes of Christ , many N●tions living in darkness , without the gloriou● sun-shine of the Gospel : And the present sta●● of the Jews , and far more then the greates● part of the world , gives evidence thereof . Fo● that part of the world , this day that is enlightened with the outward administeration of th● Gospel , is but very inconsiderable , in respec● of the other parts . 6. The Gospel is ● Mystery in respect o● the few number of those unto whom it i● made known in power and life , seeing many are called , but ●ew are chosen , O! How grea● a Mystery is it , even unto many , who ar● under the outward administration of the same ▪ The Mystery of this Mystery is only made know● unto the Saints , as the verse before our ●ext holds sorth , and Job : 17 , 6. Vnto the men , which ●hou gavest me . O How few believe the rep●rt , ●hich is revealed in the Gospel , Isa. 5● ▪ 1. 7. The Gospel is a Mystery , In respect of th●●ptaking , or rather defect of the uptaking of many , even of those , who● have the re●ort thereof sounding in their ●at● ; how many remain ignorant thereof ? Is it not a ●tumbleing block unto some , as it was unto ●he Jewes ? And foolishness unto others , as it ●as unto the Greeks ? Cor : 1.23 ▪ Therefore ●e see , that not many wise men after the flesh ▪ ●ot many mighty , not many noble are called . But ●OD hath chosen the foolish things of the world , ●o confound the wise , And GOD hath chosen ●he weak things of the world , to confound the things , ●hich are mighty ; And base things of the world , ●nd things which are despised , ●hath GOD chosen , 〈◊〉 and things which are not , to bring to nouhge ●hings that are . Cor : 26.27 . ●8 . These things ●re hid from the wise and prudent , and reveal●d unto babes Mat : 11 . 2● . 8. It is a Mystery , even in respect of those ●ho are savingly enlightened , ●or they know ●ut these Mysteri●s , and prophesie in part , 1. ●or : 13. they see now but through a glass ●arkly 1. Cor 13.12 . So , that it remains ● Mystery , even to those , who see most of it . ● . It is a Mystery , in respect of the Matter 〈◊〉 treats of : which will appear , if we take it up more Generally , or more particuliarly , First More generally , so it contains a Mystery . 1. It is called the Mystery of the Kingdom of Heaven Matt : 13.11 . Mark. 4.11 . Luk. 8.10 . Here is indeed singular Mysteries o● state , whereof few have knowledge or understanding . 2. It is called the Mystery of Christ Ephes : 3.4 . Because that therein that great Mystery is revealed , whereof Paul speake●h 1. Tim. 3.16 great is the Mystery of Godlyness , GOD was manifest in the flesh , Iustifiyed i● the Spirit , seen of Angels , preached unto the Gentiles , believed on in the world received up unto Glory . The Mystery of Christs Incarnation , and his be●ng under the Law , and of his conception and Birth , of his N●tures , and of the uniting the same in one Pe●son , of his Offices , fi●tedness for , and excercise of his Offices , of his Life , Doctrine , sufferings and death , with the concomitans o● all these , all which is revealed and known unto us in the Gospel . 3. It is called the Mystery of GOD , and of the Father , and of Christ , Col : 2.2 . As being the Mystery , that was joyntly carried on by the Father and the Son , whereof the foundation was laid in that old or fundamental con●ract of Covenant of redemption , betwixt the father , and the Son , concerning mans Salv●tion ; And in so 〈◊〉 the Gospel makes known unto us , how GOD was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself 2. Cor : 5.19 . Again we take it up more Particularly , and it may be called a Mystery , because the great Mysteries are folded up therein , and thereby Discovered and brought to Light , and that in such a Measure of clearness and Revelation as no where else , or by no other means is to be obtained : These Mysterysare many , we shall bring them to Three Heads . The first Principal head , is of such Mysteries , as chi●ly respect men , whereof we shall name these following . 1. How , or on what conditions is it , that lost and condemned man , an heir of hell by Nature under the Wrath of GOD , is again reconciled unto GOD , and united to him , to wit , through Faith in Jesus Christ ; which therefore is called the Mystery of the Faith. 1. Tim : 3.9 . This is only brought to Light through the Gospel . 2. How that the Gentiles , who some●imes were a far off , without Christ , — Aliens from the common wealth of Israel , and strangers from the Covenants of promise , having no hope , and without GOD in the world , are now , made nigh by the blood of Christ ; And now are no more stranger and forreigners , but fellow citizens with the saints , and of the houshold of GOD Ephes : 2 . 1●.13.17.18.19 . and 3.5.6.3 . How justice is satisfyed , so that the poor Bankrupts , who had Forfeited their Right to Glory , and banished from the presence of GOD by Law and Justice , by reason of their breaking of the Law in Adam , and the Original Corruption of the Heart , and because of their dayly transgressions , are restored again into a State of Friendship , and brought again into the favour of GOD , and made Heirs of the Kingdom . The Gospel only brings these Mysteries to Light : For Life and Immortality are brought to Light through the Gospel . 2 Tim. 1.10 , 4. How that Sinners by Nature standing under the Sente●ce of the Law , and guilty before GOD , are Justified in the presence of a Righteous GOD , and are Cloathed with a Righteousnes which is not their own , from any thing in themselves , but imputed unto them , and received by Fai●h : This is realy the Mysterie of Faith , and of the Grace of God that bringeth Salvation . Tit. 2.11 , And this is Justification by Faith , and through the Grace of GOD , which the Gospel maketh known , and fully revealeth ; For therein the Kindness and Love of GOD our Saviour toward man appears : Not by works of Righteousness , which we have done , but according to His Mercy He saved us , by the washing of Regeneration , and renewing of the Holy Ghost : That being Iustified by his Grace , we should be made Heirs according to the hope of eternal Life . Ti● . 3 4 : 5 , 7.5 . How pro●tigate Sinners who have their hearts full of enmity against GOD , ●eing enemies in their mind by wicked works , Col : 1.21 . And who hate Christ and his Fa●her . Iohn . 7.7 , and 15.18.23 , 24. Are made willing to lay hold on Christ for their LORD and King , and to take on his yoke to believe in him , and to rest on him . By the Gospel is only made known , what is the exceeding greatness of his power to us-ward who believe , according to the working of his Mighty Power . Ephes. 1.19 . And how the Sinner is convinced , humbled , broken , and brought off from his vain hope , false grounds , and unsound imaginations , and perswaded to deny himself and his own Righteousness , and to flee to Christ , that he may be preserved under the shaddow of his Wings from the tempests and storms of GOD's wrath . This Mystery of Godlyness manifesteth unto us , how that Limbs of Satan are married unto Christ as their husband Ephes : 5.23.6 . How the sinner , being altogether foul and ugly , polluted within and without , is made meet to be partaker of the Inheritance of the Saints in Light Col : 1.12 . And sanctified and cleansed , with the washing of water by the word , That Christ might present it to himself , not having spot or wrinkle , or any such thing , but that it should be Holy , and without blemish Ephes : 5.26.27 . The Gospel only manifesteth this real Evangelick way of Sanct●fication . 7. How cometh it to pass , that such a wonderfull chang is wrought in the creature , who sometimes was foolish , disobedient , deceived , serving divers lust● and pleasures , living in malice , envy , hatefull , and hateing one another ; How now they are tame as Lambs , seeking peace with all men , crucified to the World , dead to the pleasures and vanities which formerly they were drowned ; being now taught to deny ungodlyness and worldly lusts , they live soberly , righteously and Godly in their present world , Tit : 2.12 . The Gospel only Discovers to us , the right ground of this wonderfull change , and lets us see that this is the fruit of his Reigning , who i● th● R●d out of the stem of Iesse , the girdle of whose Ioy●● is righteousness , and faithfulness the girdle of his reins , That the wolf shall dwell with the Lamb , and the Leopard shall lay down with the kid , and the calf and the young Lyon , and the fa●ling together , and a litle Child shall lead them &c. Isa : 11.1 , 5 , 6 7.8 . How it is , that such as were the curse of the Law , heirs of hell , under the sentence of condemnation , are made heirs o● Glory , have a sure and Covenanted right to Everlasting Salvation ; have the lively hope and certain expectation thereof , & are Coheirs with Christ , have the same sealed , which he as the head of the Body hath . The Gospel brings this eternall Mystery of love to Light ; and maketh , the eternal purpose of GOD , and his decre● of predestination manifest , whereby he hath ordained unto li●e his Elect through Jesus Christ : here is the Mystery of his will made known unto us , according to ●is good pleasure , which he had purposed in himself . Ephes : 1.9 . The second principal head is , of such Mysteries as relate unto Christ ; And here is a bundle of Mysteries , Revealed and made known by the Gospel , which shall be matter of wondering ●or the Redeemed through all Eternity . Take but some few instances , for his Name is Wonderful Isa. 9.6 . And he is answerable to his Name ; For he is wholy a wonder And 1 That he became a man , that God is made man , made fl●sh , and made manifest in the flesh 1. Tim : 3.16 . And dwelt among us , Joh. 1.14 . That the Creator of the ends of the earth , is become a Creature ; how may the Angels stand astonished thereat , that GOD taketh on mans Nature , Uniting it in a personal union with himself ? Who can ●each the ground of this Mystery ? And how should we have attained the knowledge thereof , but through the Gospel ? 2. That he should not only take on him man● Nature , but also take upon him the form of a servant , though he ( being in the form of GOD ) thought it no robbery to be equal with G●D : & yet notwithstanding should make himself of no reputation , Phil 2 6.7 . That he should take upon him our infirmities , and be made like unto us in all things except sin Heb : 2.17 . That he should become poor as a servant , not haveing whereupon to lay his head , and being born had no better intertainment than a manger ; And that all the dayes of his life he was a man of sorrows , and acquainted with grief ; And meeting with many injures and reproaches from the hands of friends and foes , great and smal , from Relations and others : What a Mystery of love , compassion , tenderness , and Condescendency is here ! 3. That he should be GOD and man in two distinct Natures , and one person for ever ▪ so that it was realy he who was GOD , that same Person who suffered all that was laid ●pon him to suffer ; Therefore are we said to be purchased with his own Blood Act. 20.28 . This was the true Emmanuel , GOD with us Isa , 14.7 . Mat : 1.23 . Luk : 1.31 . And he is GOD and man at this day , and for ever . 4 That he should come under the Law , who was the great Law-giver Gal : 4 ▪ 4. And that he subjected himself unto the commands of the moral Law and to the Institu●ion of the Ceremonial Law , that he might fullfill all righteousness Matt ● . 15 . and 5.17 . and migh● Redeem them that were under the Law , that we might receive the Adoption o● Sons Gal : 4.5 . What a bottomless depths of love is here ! 5. That this Person should come as the Fathers servant , with his orders and Comission Isa : 53.11 . and 42.1 ▪ Zech : 3. ● , Joh : 6.38 . and 10.18 . and 15.10 . and 17.4 . and 20.21 . And that he took upon him the Offices of a King , Priest and Prophet Psal : 2.6 . Heb : 5.5.6.7 . and ● . 14 , 15. Act : 13. — Luke 18. — and alone for our behoove , that he might be a compleat Saviour . 6 ly . That He who was all fullness , condescended to receive a fullness as Head and Saviour of His Body , that we all of his fulness might receive , and Grace for Grace , Iohn 1.16 . Thus was He anointed with the Holy Ghost above measure , Iohn 3.34 . Psalm 4 5.7 . In whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge , Col. 2.3 . It pleased the Father that in Him should all fullness dwell , Col. 1.19 Yea in Him dwelleth all the fullness of the God ●ead bodily , Col. 2.9 . And for that end , that he might be compleatly furnished for saving of His people . What could make known unto us , such a compleat ordained Mediator , but this Gospel alone ? 7. That he fully and faithfully performed the word , which he undertook ; exercising punctually the Offices , whice he took upon himself , and that he is still carrying on ●h● work of these Offices , untill he hath deliverd up the Kingdom to GOD , even the Father , Cor : 15.24.8 . That he for the carring on of this work of Redemption , was well satisfyed to endure the Cross , dispising the shame Heb : 12.2.3 . &c. To be assaulted with , and tempted of the Devil Ma : 4.1 , 2 3 &c. Luk : 4.2 . &c. Heb : 4.15 . to be persecuted unto death , yea to the death of the Cross , Isa : 53.9 , 10. Yea and to bear the wrath and curse of GOD Almighty which we had deserved Gal : 2.13 . Lu● 22 44 , Isa : 53 5.6 , 10. How may men an● Angels stand astonished at these Mysteries o● love that he undertook , and all for such , unto whom he was never , & can never be obliged ▪ yea even for his enemies Rom : 5.10.9 . Tha● he as a publick person , head and Representative of the Elect , which were given unto him to be saved , after that he had remained unde● the power of Death until the third day Act : 2.24 , 25.26 . R●se again from the dead by hi● own Power Joh : 10 18 And thereby with powe● declared himself to be the Son of GOD Rom : 1 4 And that he had satisfied Justice , having payed the price , and come out of Prison Rom : 8.34 . Heb : 2.14 . here are Mysteries full of hope , & soul consolation . 10. That he as head , and representing his ransomed Ones , should ascend up unto Heaven , triumphing over principalites & powers leading captivetycaptive , to take possession , in their Name , & prepare a place for them Heb : 6 20 Ephs : 4.8 Joh 14 3 The Apostles stood gazing on him , and so do ye lift up your heart● to gaz● on him by fai●h , and view him in that act , as p●ssing along unto Heaven , as leading sin , hell , death and devils in triumph at his Chario● wh●els , when he ascended up on high , he led captivity captive , then he led captive all our Spiritual enemies , that would have ruined ensl●ved and captivated us . Now leading of captives , is alwayes after a compleat Victory ; And therefore whereas at His Death , He had conquered them , at His Rising scattered them , now at His Ascension , He leads them Captive . O what a Mystery of Hope , and of full Assurance is here ! 11. That even when exalted to that high state of Honour , Power and M●jesty , having got a Name , which is above every Name . Phil. 2.9 . And glorified with the Father Himself , with ●hat Glory , which He had wi●h the Father be●ore the World was Ioh. 17.8 . He should not ●orget His poor Members on Earth , but that He daily now appears in the presence of GOD ●or them Heb. 9 , 12.24 . & 7.25 Rom 8.34 . An●wering all the particular Accusations brought ●n against them 1 Ioh. 2 1. T●king care , that ●hey and their Performances be accepted ●phes . 1.6.1 Pet. 2.5 . Revel . 8.3 . How shall ●e attain unto the knowledge of these Heart-●omforting Cordials , and Soul-strengthening Mysteries , but alone through the Gospel ? 12. That He by His Word and Spirit should make real and effectual Application of the good and great Things that are purchased , by giving them Saving Grace , Repen●ance and Remission of Sins Act. 5.31 . and Faith Tit. 3.5 6. Ephes. 2.8 . 2 Cor. 4.13 . Ephes. 1.17 , 18 , 19. And His Spirit establishing and strengthe●i●g their Faith Ioh. 14 , 16 , 17 , 26. And bringing the begun work unto perfection , through the continual I●fluences of His Spirit ; And at l●st ●●owning them with G●ory Psal. 110.1 . 1 Cor ▪ 15.25 . Who thô such as the Eye hath not seen nor Ear heard , neither hath it entered into th● Heart of Man to take up Isa. 64.4 . 1. Cor. 2 , 9 ▪ Neither doth it yet appear 1 Ioh. 3.2 . Nevertheless is the Revelation of these unknow● tran●cending Mysteries of Glory , only mad● known to us by the Gospel . The Third principal Point is of these Mysteries , which the Gospel reveal● to us of GOD ▪ These are also many , we shall name but a fe● of them . As 1. His Love and Goodness i● finding out a way of Salvation , and for th● end sending His own Son unto the World Well might Iohn say Chap. 3 , 16. For God solved the World , that He gave His only ●egotten 〈◊〉 that whosoever believeth in Him , should not peris● but have everlasting Life . For who can say● express what sort of Love , or how great th● Love was ? Heathens without the Churc● may observe and see much of His Love , in th● common tract of Dispensations , and His Goo●ness should lead them to Repentance Act 1● 17. But thereby they can never attain suc● length , as to see and understand this Lov● this everlasting Fountain of Love. This Lo●● and Goodness o● GOD , is only manifested u●to Men through the Gospel Tit. 3.4.2 H●● Eternal Purpose and Decree of Saving 〈◊〉 Sinners , in a way unspeakably , tending to 〈◊〉 Praise of His glorious Attributes , especia● of His Justice , Mercy and Wisdom : Nature ●hereat must sing dumb ; Nature can discover nothing how He has chosen some of us in Christ , before the foundation of the World , having predestinated them , unto the Adoption of Children by Iesus Christ , according to the good pleasure of Hes Will : To the Praise of the Glory of His Grace . Ephes. 1 4 , 5 , 6. Only the Gosp●l doth this Vers 9. Natu●e cannot learn us , how the Children unb●rn , not having as yet don● either Good or Evil , should h●ve it said unto them , the Elder serve the Younger , That the purpose of God , according to Election , might stand , not of works , but of Him , that calleth . Rom 9 11 , 12 , 13 3 His Soveraignity is in this matchless Remedy , in choosing o● some , and not all , in undertaking for some , and not for others , sending the glad Tydings of the Gospel to some , and not to others ; reaching the Heart of some through the Preaching of the Gospel , and not of others . 4. His Justice in pun●shing of Sin , even in His own Son , when standing in the place and room of Sinners , which is a greater Demonstration of GOD's Justice than ever could be obta●ned by all the Plagues and Judgements , whereby He hath ever punished the greatest of Sinners Rom. 3.21 , 22 , 25.26.5 . His Mercy in pardoning & passing by Sinners , according to the satisfaction of Christ , and in accepting such as believe , as Righteous , according to ●he good pleasure of His Will Ephes. 1.6 , 7 , 8. Can there be a greater Evidence of Mercy than this ? A grea●●● cannot be imagined ; Therefore the Gospel 〈◊〉 called the Grace of GOD. 6. His infinit Wisdom is herein discovered , in so ordering th● whole work of our Salvation , that Just●ce should be fully satisfied , and Mercy hav● place ; so that Mercy & Truth should k●ss ea●h other : This is called His manifold W●sdom . ●phes 3.10 . All Wisdom Ephes. 1.8.7 . H●● Truth in letting loose all His Threa●nings upon the Cautioner , when the principal Debter was spared . From all which it is more than evident , tha● the Gospel holds sorth the great Plot of Salvation more clearly and distinctly , than all ●he works of Creation and Providence could have done . But 10. The Gospel is called a Mysteey , in respect of the many glorious and remarkable Effect● and Fra●s , which it hath ; whereof we shall give these ●ew instane●s . 1. By the Gospel , there is a Church gathered out of the VVorld , which shall stand to the end of the VVorld , in d●spi●e of all ●he O●position , Men and D●vils shall make against it : VVhat a Mystery o● P●wer was here , when a few Fishers , without the help of Humane Learning and without the ●ssi●tance of Humane Advantages , through Preaching and continual Su●fering , carried on the Gospel of Christ ; So that it was spread throu●h the world , and continueth to this day , no●withstanding of all the Oppositions that the Gates of He●l can do against it , through Emperors , higher Pow●●s , with inferiour Magistrats , corrupt Church-men , &c. who through Subtility and Violence , laboured totally to root out the same . 2. By the Gospel , Men were brought out of themselves to seek R●ghteousness , and Justification in another ; yea in a Crucified and Despised Mediator , and made willing directly contrary their Nature and deep rooted Inclination of Heart , which is continually looking out for Help and Delivery in themselves , to fors●ke their own Righteousness , and all which formerly they counted Gain , and to fl●e to Christ Jesus for all , and to lay hold on Him Faith , that only they may be justified in Him. 3. This Gospel learns the Soul alone to depend on Christ for Help in every Duty , whereunto they a●e called , and to see their S●reng●h only to be in Him , and in the Streng●h of His Right Arm O! a 〈◊〉 My●●ery to ●lesh and Blood. 4. This G●spel m●kes M●n to forsake all Relations and Interests fo● Chr●st . Mat 10.37 , 38. Luk 14 26. VVha● 〈◊〉 Mystery of P●wer must be here ? 5. This G●s●●l m●kes M●n to f●rsake their Id●ls , 〈◊〉 Bosome sins and Evil● , which formerly ●●ey loved as their liv●s , and to pl●ck ou●●heir ●●ght Eyes , and to cut off ●heir right Hands Mat 5. 29 , 30. Mat. 18 8 , 9. Mark. 9.45.6 . Th● Gospel makes a Man suffer all things , and th●● cheerfully , were it even Death is self for Christ and H●s Truths , and to forsake all that is de●● unto him , yea the world . Act. 20 24. Reve. 12.11 . 1 Vse . Certainly the serious pondering 〈◊〉 ●hese , Might justly cause us stand astonishe● ▪ Neither could we forbear from wondering providing we noticed what wonderful Goodness , Mercy , and infinit Condescendency , i● herein held forth , in the Lord 's bringing to light these Mysteries , and His keeping up th● fairest and clearest Discoveries thereof for ou● days ; or that orders our time in the worl● thus to be , when the Sun of Righteousnes● with His full and bright Beams , shineth in ou●●orizon . 2 Vse . The Consideration of the Lord opening up these Mysteries in our days , ca●● for great thank●ulness from us . O how shoul● our Hearts praise and magnify Him , who ha●● thus brought Life and Immortality into ligh● The Angels sung when this Evangelick day fi●● brake up , and counted it their honour to 〈◊〉 the fi●st News thereof to a Company of poo● Shepherds . Luk. 2.10 , 11. And the Angel sa●● unto them , fear not : for behold I bring you go●● Tydings of grea● joy , which shall be to all peop●● 〈◊〉 unto you is born this day , in the City of David a Saviour , which is Christ the Lord. Luk 2.31 whereupon Anna the Prophetess gave Thanks likewise unto the Lord ▪ and spake of Him to all that looked for redemption in Jerusalem . Mary cried forth , & said , My Soul doth magnify the Lord , and my Spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour Luk. 1.46 , 47. Zacharias ▪ when his Tongue was loosed , spake and praised God Luk 1 64 And again Vers 68 , 69. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel ▪ ●or He hath visited and redeemed His People , And hath raised up a horn of Salvation for us , in the house of His Servant David , &c. 3 Vse . This requires that we should l●ment and weep over the sad condition of th●se . 1. That have not so much as the outward Revelations of these Mysteries amongst them , who notwithstanding of all this Light sit in Darkness , and live in the Land of the shaddow of Death . O! Pray for the coming of Christ's Kingdom , that the People ●hat w●lk i● Darkness may see a g●eat light , and that the light may shine upon th●se tha● dwell in the Land of the shadow of Death Isa 9 2.2 . As also the sad estate of those that hear the outward sound thereof , bu● knows no more of the lively Power and Operation of this M●ster● , then there were no such thing , Whom the God of this World hath blinded — lest the light of the Glorious Gospel — should shine unto them . 2 Cor. 4 4. 4 Vse This Doct●ine requires , 〈◊〉 we walk sutably under these grea● M●●cies p●ovided and purchased unto us , and improve th●m accordingly : And more especially . 1. Th●● we esteem and account highly of this unspeakable Favour , the Mystery of the Gospel , which is the Grace of God , and the discovery of Life and Immortality . 2. That we be herein tender and watchful , that we neither do , nor say any thing , which may be to the Dishonour of th●s Mystery ; But that in all things we walk wo●thy of the Gospel . 3. That we should be Zealous , in standing up for the Defence o● this Gospel , which is such a Mystery : we should be always ready to buy the Truth , and upon no account to sell it . 4. That we receive the Gospel into our Hearts , believing and welcoming the same ; not judging it enough that we hear the sound thereof , without fi●ding , and experimentally knowing the lively and strong Effects and Operations of the same in the Soul. 5. That we in the pre●ching , and ye in the hearing of the Gospel , continually look upon it , as a Mystery , and therefore should beware of judging ourselves in a capacity to reach unto the ground of this so great a Depth , or to measure the sam● by our scrimp natural Understandings , or sh●llow Capacities , and so to cast at all , we cannot fathom , or attempt to cast it in our C●lins and Form. O! indeed a heavy Sin , a bold , daring , and presump●uou● counterfei●ing of ●h● King's Coyn , and a giv●ng out of our Counterfeit , mixed , clipped Mettal , instead of the K●ng's true Coyn. 6. That we , s●e●ng it 's a Mystery , and so far above the reach of our Capacities , should seek unto the LORD alone for Light ; we should go to H●m as the Author thereof , and should go to Christ , who is given for a Light , that this Sun of Righteousness , who is the real substance of this Mystery , might clear up our Understanding with the Sun Beams of His light , and make us in some measure to know what the Riches of the Glory of this Mystery is , and that He might drive away the Clouds of Ignorance and Prejudices , whereby this light is keeped from us ; Hereby we should evidence our believing that this is a Mystery , through our faith●ul and continual dependence on this Fountain of Light that we may see this Mystery of Light in His Light. Of the Glory of this Mystery . Moreover , there is the Glory of th●s Mystery ; For it is a Mystery that hath Glory in it . Therefore it is called a Glorious Gospel , the Glorious Gospel of Christ 2 Cor. 4.4 . 1 Tim. 1.11 . Therefore is its Minist●ation mo●e glorious , than the Ministration of the Law 2 Cor. 3 7 , 8. But if the Ministration of Death , written & ingraven in stones was glorious , so that the Children of Is●●el , could not stedfastly behold the face of Mose● , for the glory of his Countenance , which Glory was to be done away . How shall not the Ministration of the Spirit ( which is a Gospel Ministration ) be rather Glorious ? This is the Ministration of Righteousness , which exceedeth in Glory Vers 9. And here is the excellent Glory Vers. 10. Let us see in what respect , and from what Head this Gospel is so Glorious . 1. It is Glorious , in respect of the Author o● the same : GOD is the Author of it , and all Hi● works are Glorious ; Men nor Angels could never have found out this way of Salvation through a Crucified Saviour ; But it is GOD'● VVork , and a singular pe●ce of VVorkmanship of His , above all what we see in Scripture ; Therefore it is called , The Glorious Gospel of the Blessed God. 1 Tim. 1.11 . 2. The Gospel is Glorious , in respect of the Instruments imployed in Preaching and making known this Mistery : GOD the Father , made the fi●st publication thereof in Paradise , whe● He said to our Fore-father , that the Seed o● the Woman should bruise the Head of the Serpent , Gen. 3 15 The Son is more especially made use of , in this work Heb. 1.2 . and 2.3 . There●or● c●lled the Gloriou● Gospel of Christ 2 Cor 4 4. Also the Holy Ghost is therein employed — But unto us they did minister the thi●gs which are now reported unto you by them that have preached the Gospel un●● you , with the Holy Ghost sent down from Heaven 1 Pet. 1.12 . The Angels were imployed in this work Luk 2.10 , 11 , 12. The great Prophets and Apostles were Messengers of this Gospel 1 Pet. 1.10 , 11. It was their work to publish this great Salvation : So that it must be a glorious wo●k , wherein such glorious Hands were imployed . 3. It is Glorious , in respect of the way , which GOD entered on for the manifesting and making known this Mystery , and for confirming us in the same ; which is held out in short , Heb. 2.3 , 4 How shall we expect if we neglect so great Salvation , whi●h at the first began to be spoken by the Lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard Him ; God also bearing them witness , both with Signs and Wonders , and with diverse Miracles , and Gifts of the Holy Ghost , according to His own will. 4. It is a Glorious Gospel , in respect ●f ●hese who have studied it ; not only many R●ghteous Mat. 13.17 . But also many Prophets and Kings Luk. 10.24 . 1 Pet. 1 10. have desired to see these Mysteries ; The Prophets enqui●ed unto , & searched diligently after this Salvation : And even the Angels themselves have a holy Curiosity to know what i● meaneth & herefore they are said to look into it , or to stoop down with the bowing of the Head , and bending of the Neck , that they may behold what it is ; And they come to the knowledge of i● by this Gospel 1 Pet. 1.12 . Ephes 3 10. This must then be a Glorious Subj●ct , and there must be some ravishing Glory in this Mystery , which engageth these glor●fied Creatures to pore and lock into it . 5. It cannot be otherways than a Glorious Gospel , seeing even the Feet ( thô suddled with dust ) of those that bring good Tidings thereof , are so beautiful Isa. 52.7 . Rom. 10.15 . Yea it cannot be expressed how lovely and beautiful they are in the Eyes of those , who are sensible of their necessity of Salvation . 6. It is a Glorious Gospel , in respect that i● putteth a singular glorious Beauty , on all that it comes near unto ; Therefore it is the Glory of a Land to enjoy it , and where this Gospel is , Glory dwelleth in that Land Psal. 85.9 . And where this , or any outward resemblance of the same is , there is Glory ; Therefore when the A●k was taken by the Philistines , the Holy Wife of Phineas , the Daughter in Law of Eli , cried forth , saying , Glory is departed from Israel . ● Sam. 4 22. Therefore was it that the Glory of the latter House , should be greater than the Glory of the former Hag. 2.9 . Because Christ should appear therein with this Glorious Gospel . 7. The Gospel is Glorious , in respect of 〈◊〉 Su●ject and Matter ; It treats of a ma●chless and glorious Business of that Fair , Amiable and Glorious Branch of the Lord Isa 4.2 Here is the Branch of that Root o● Iesse , which is every way Glorious Isa. 11.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Here is the Revelation of the knowledge of ●he LORD , ●he knowledge whereof should fill the Earth in the days of the Gospel , as the Waters cover the Sea Isa. 11.9 . Hereby is the Riches of the Glory of the Lord made known , and therefore it must be a Glorious Business Rom. 9 23. And her● behold we the Glory of God in the face of Iesus Christ 2 Cor 4.6 . The Gospel is as it were the face of Christ ; Herein sh●ned His Glory which the Apostles saw Ioh. 1.14 . of Him , who therein is the ●rightness of His Father's Glory Heb 1.3 . Is ●t not a Glorious Business , which bringeth to ●ight Life and Immortality , and this is done ●y the Gospel 2 Tim 1.10 . It revealeth Grace , and so is the Gospel Grace Act. ●0 . 24 . 8. It is Glorious in respect that Christ hereby makes His Body and Bride Glorious unto Him●elf , for it is by this Word that He sanctifi●th ●nd cleanseth Ephes 5.26 , 27. 9. It is a Glorious Gospel , in respect of the many several Eff●cts and Fruits which it bring●th sorth , being ●he savour of Life unto Life . As 1. It is the weapon of our Warfare , which is Mighty through God , To the pulling down of ●●rong holds , casting down of imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it self , against the ●nowledge of God , and bringeth into captivity ●very thought to the obedience of Christ 2 Cor 10.4 , 5. Therefore it is called , The power of God ●nto Salvation Rom. 1.16.2 . It hath a begetting vertue , it bringeth forth Sons an● Daughters unto GOD , as the Apostle says ● Cor. 4.15 that He had begotten the Corinthian● through the Gospel . 3. The Gospel containeth the Conditions and Articles of Peace between GOD and the poor Sinner , and therefore it is called , The Gospel of Peace , Ephes 6.15 . And it is the Mean , whereby the miserable Enemy Man , is brought unto another state of Peace and Reconciliation with GOD ; so that he lays off his enmity against GOD , Hi● interests and servants , so that thereby the Wolf is made to ly with the Lamb. 4. The Gospel hath an ensuring and establishing power , establishing the Soul against all Storm● and Tentations ; Therefore saith Paul. Now to Him that is of Power to stablish you , according to my Gospel , and the preaching of Iesus Christ ( according to the Revelation of the Mystery which was kept secret since the World began — be Glory — Rom 16 25 , 27.5 . The Gospel hath a trans●o●ming and changing power , cloathing the Heirs of Hell with begun Glory , and changing them into the Image of GOD 2 Cor. 3 18. But we all with open face , beholding as in ● glass , the Glory of the Lord , are changed into th● same Image , from Glory to Glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord. 6. In a word , it is the Instrument of Salvation , and therefore called the Gospel of Salvation Ephes 1.13 . It is the savour of Life unto Life 2 Cor. 2.16 . Before we ●pply this , we shall speak a litle to the other part , to wit , The Riches of Glory . Of the Riches of Glory . There is not only a Glory to be seen in the Gospel , but thereis an exceeding great Excellency of Glory , which points forth the singularness and excellency thereof . And this will appear , First , Providing we compare this Glory with other things , which either are but such in the esteem of Men , or that really have Glo●y in mu●● less than that Glory , which shineth forth ●ere . 1. Compare it with that which the Men of this World , ordinarly esteem Glorious , as greatness of Power and Authority , stately Buildings , many Servants , great and multiplied Titles o● Honour , and such like . Alas ! what a poor spectacle is all ●he glittering Glory of this World , which hath no reali●y in it , but consists in a meer imagination , and the meer blossomings of a ●oving Fancy , and fruit of a light and creazie Brain : Alas ! how lean , sober and empty , is this so called and fancied Glory , wherewith the Children of this World are so bewitched , taken up with child●sh admiration , eager gaping and hot pursuing after the same : What is it in comparison of this Glory , which shineth in the Gospel ? What is here , that should take up the Soul of Man , that knoweth what real Glory is ? What can these ou●ward , borrowed , imaginary Garnishin●s do , to the real amending and felici●ating of a poor immortal Soul ? What is here ●or quie●ing a raging and disordered Conscience ? What is here , which can make the poor Creature sing , when pale Death looks him in the face , and when wrestling with the King of Terrors ? Yea will not the thoughts of all these things , wherein the Soul formerly boasted , but add to his sorrow , and augment his grief , now when he seeth , he must fors●ke all , and live in darkness eternally ? For when he dieth , he shall carry nothing away : his Glory shall no● descend after him . Psal. 49.17 . What signifi●●h ●hen the Glory of his House , how great so●ver it be ? What is the Glory of Great Ones , when the Lord kindle●h under the same , a burning like the burning of a fire , Isa. 10.16 . Nebuchadnezzar had a Kingdom , and Majesty , and Glory and Honour , so that all People , Nations and Languages trembled and fearrd before him : whom he would he slew , and whom he would he kept alive , and whom he would he set up , and whom he would be put down Dan 5 18 , 19. But a poor lamentable Glory was it , that could not desend him from the grea●est Misery that ever a King or Prince was brought unto . Vers. 20 , 21. But when his heart waes lifted up , and his mind hardened in pride , he was deposed from his Kingly throne , and they took his Glory from him . And he was driven from the ●ons of Men , and his Heart was made like the Beasts , and his dwelling was With thr wild Asses , they fed him with gross , like Oxen , and his Body was wet with the dew of Heaven , till he knew , that the Most high GOD , ruled in the Kingdom of Men , and that He appointeth over it , whomsoever He will. See also Isa. 5.14 Therefore Hell or the Grave hath inlarged hee self , and opened her mouth without measure , and their glory , and their multitude , and their pomp , and he that rejoiceth shall descend into it . How vain and empty then , ●ust that Glory be , which thus dieth out with a fi● by stink ? How far inferiour to this rich and excellent Glory ? 2. Compare the Gospel Glory , with the great and real Glory of Heaven and Earth , this piece of Work of the only wise Creator ; And it will very far surmount these in Glory : The noble Fabrick of Heaven and Earth , replinished with such variety of Creatures , carries clear evidences of the glorious Wisdom & Power of Him , who hath made the same out of Nothing , and sustaineth them continually , by the Word of His Power ; For He spake , and it was done , He commanded and it stood fast Psal. 33.9 . — For the Pillars of th● Earth are the Lords , and He hath set the World upon them . 1 Sam. 2.8 . He hath established them Psal 89.2 . And formed them Psal 90 2. Who can once look upon this Fabrick , being so curious in all its points and proportions , without observing singular Glory , wh●ch hold forth the Glory of the great Master Builder : Who can look upon the Heavens ▪ and observe how admirably they are garnished , and indented with so many glorious shining Creatures , and not fall a wondering at the rare Building , and its excellent Contrivance ? Who can behold the Sea , that terrible and vast Creature , the dry Land , the Hills , the Valleys , with their pleasant Rivers , and watery Rivolets , with all their fair and fruitful Inclosures , the spacious , vast and bowling VVilderness , with all their various , different and numerous Inhabitants , the VVater with its Fishes , the Air above with its Fowls ; And not behold , I say , a special ravishing Glory therein : But O! what is all ●his Glory in comparison to that Glory , which shineth in the Gospel : The Flowers springs out of ●he Earth , and spreads for●h ●ts Glory , but suddenly it is cut down and withereth , so shall the Heavens and the Earth pass away , they shall perish , yea all of them shall wax old like a Garment , and as a Vesture sha●l they be changed Psal. 102.26 . But this Glory , which shines forth in the Gospel , is an eve●lasting Glory : Great was the VVisdom of GOD , which shined forth in creating all things of nothing , but in the G●spel , The manifold Wisdom of God is ma●e known . Ephes. 3 , 10. 3. Compare the Glory of the Gospel , with the first Covenant made with Adam , in the state of Innocency , so shall there appear here a singular Glory ; I confess it was a Glorious Business , to see that rational Creature Man , in a Covenant of Friendship wi●h his Maker ; For there was wonderful Condescendency on GOD's part , in that He came under the Bond of the Covenant , and under Obligations of a rich Promise unto the Creature , in case of Obedience , which otherwayes he was indebted to his Creator , by vertue of His Creation ; And pleasant was it to behold , the Wheels of the Soul of Man , besmeered with the promise of the rich Recompense of Reward : But the Glory of the Gospel Covenant da●kens that , as the rising of the Sun darkeneth the sparkling light of the Stars : Adam if he had ●tood , had never appeared with Christ as a glorious Member of Hîs glorified mystical Body Col. 3.4 . He ha● never been partaker of that Glory , which Christ bestoweth upon His own , which He hath of the Father , as the Redeemed now have Ioh. 17.22 . He had never been brought to Glory through Christ , as the Captain of Salvation made perfect through Suff●rings , as the Saints are now brought Heb. 2.10 He had never had that relation and interest in Christ , as his elder Brother , H●ad and Saviour , which Believers now have by ve●tue of the New Covenant : He had never sitten with Christ upon His Throne , as Christ sitteth upon His Father Throne ; But this unspeakable Concotenat●on of Glory is carried on through the Covenant of Grace : The Glory which he should hav● purchased , should have been but a Glory o● his own begetting , bought with his poor inconsiderable sweating and legal payment , but the Glory of the Gospel , is a Glory , bought wit● the Life and heart Blood of the E●ernal Son of GOD ; The other had been but a Glory of Law work and of Law-merit ; But this is a matchless Glory , wholly through and through , shining with the Glory of free Grace : Here appear● incomprehensible Love , wonderful free Grace inconceivable Mercy , and a wonderful harmony of Mercy and Judgement . Adam had not sung that new Song , which the Redeemed now sing in Glory : So that upon infinite accounts , the Glory of the Gospel , far surmounteth the Glory of the Covenant of Works ; That was unsure , as the event did manifest ; This is sure for all the Seed , being grounded and firmly bottomed on the Faithfulness , established on the Truth , ensured through the Righteousness , strengthned by the Oa●h of GOD , and confirmed by the Death of the Testator . &c. 4. Compare the Gospel with the forme● Administration of the Covenant of Grace , before Christ's Incarnation , and thô that Administration had its own Glory , which nevertheless beho●ved to be abolished ; yet here is a Glory far more excellent ; A Glory after which in former times , the Prophets searched , ●nd unto whom it was revealed , they Prophe●ed of this Grace that should come unto you . 1 Pet. ● . 10 , 12. The first Dispensation was da●k , ●s also the Mysteries were vailed with Types , ●hadows , Ceremonies and Offerings ; There●ore Moses put a vail over his face , that the Chil●ren of Israel should not stedfastly look to the end ●f that which is abolished . 2. Cor. 3.13 . That Administration in respect of the Administra●ion of the New Testament , is called the Let●er that killeth , and the ministration of Death written and engraven on Stones , the Ministra●ion of Condemnation ; But this is called the Spirit , the Spirit that giveth Life , and the Ministration of the Spirit , the Ministration of Righteousness : So that the Glory of the former Ministration , was not once to be compared with the Glory of the latter Ministration . That was ●ndeed glorious , so that the Children of Israol could not sted●●stly behold the Face of Moses , for the Glory of his Countenance , but it was a Glory that was to be done away ; But this is much more glorious , and surpasseth far in Glo●y ; For even that which was made glorious , had no Glory in this repect , by reason of the Glory that excelleth 2 Cor. 3.6 , 7 , 8 , 9 10. Therefore until that that Evangelical Day began to down and clear up , and Faith , or the great object of Faith Christ Jesus came unto the World ; The Heirs were kept under the Law , shut up unto the Faith , as in a prison , and held under the strict Discipline of a Pedagogue or School Master Gal. 3.23 , 24 , 25. Under the Law , they were Children , differing nothing from Servants , but were in Bondage , under the Elements of the World , and they were Tutors and Governours Gal. 4.2 , 3. They were under weak and beggerly Elements Gal. 4.9 But we shall not insist longer here , this being sufficiently held forth by the Apostle Paul , throughout hi● whole Epistle to the Hebrews . Secondly , Further , that there are Riches in the Glory of the Gospel , will appear , providing we in the next place take notice of the glorious and super-excellent Nature of the same . Many things might be brought in for clearing of this , but we shall satisfie our selve● with some f●w . As 1. This rich glorious Nature of the Gospel appears , while it is called , The Power of God unto Salvation , to every o●● that believeth , to the Jew first , and also to the Greek Rom. 1.16 . That noble and sharp-fighted Apostle of the Gentiles saw such a Riche● of Glory therein , that how contemp●ible so ever it appeared to others , whether Iew o● Gentile , yet with him it had a high esteem , he was not ashamed of it , that is , he gloried in it , this being a dimunitive menner of Speech , wherein more is understood , than is exprest ▪ For he descerned it to be the glorious and none-such Instrument of GODs Power to break up Satan's hoof Quarters in the World , and so to spread out the Kingdom of Jesus Christ ; Whereupon he says 2 Cor. 10.4.5 The weapons of our warefare are not carnal , but mighty through God , to the pulling down of strong Holds , casting down Imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God , and bringing into captivity , every thought to the obedience of Christ. Justly then might he magnify his Office , whileas he was imployed to carry these Treasures unto the Gentiles Rom. 11.13.2 . Its Riches appeareth herein , that the Gospel is the Cabinet wherein lyeth , and the Field wherein is to be found , the most enriching Glory imaginable : It hath folded up in it , that really enriching Pearl , which when the wise Merchant had found , sold all that he had and bought it ; which you may read in that Parable , and which is doubled with very litle alteration Mat. 13.44 , 45 , 46. Christ the alone enriching Pearl of great Price , is the whole Matter , the Heart and Marrow of this Gospel ; It is wholly imployed about Him , therefore cannot but contain Glory , and Riches of Glory , therefore it is called , The Word of Christ Col. 3.16.3 It appears herein , because it is the offering , a●d the holding forth of the most en●iching and glorious Marriage , that ever was heard tell of a A Marriage between the lof●ly , high , holy , glorious and matchless King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , and despicable Sinners , poo● beggerly Creatures , by Nature Heirs of Hell. It is the word of Reconciliation containing Articles and Conditions of Peace , between the Holy , Righteous and Glorious GOD , and sinful self-destroying Sinners , which is intrusted to the Apostles , and their Successors 2 Cor 5.10 , 20. therefore called the word of Peace . Act. 10.36 , 37.4 . The Riches of Glory appears herein , because the Gospel is the outward Call of God ; which , when the LORD makes effectual , He accompanyeth with an inward , powerful , irresistable Calling to the most glorious things imaginable : It is hereby that the Lord Jesus bringeth many Sons unto Glory Heb. 2.10 . Hereby do the Elect obtain the Salvation , that is in Christ Iesus with Eternal Glory . 2 Tim 2.10 . By the Gospel the Thessalonians were called to the obtaining of the Glory of our Lord Iesus Christ 2 Thess. 2.14 15. Who can tell what is the hope of this Calling , and what is the Glory of this Inheritance of the Saints in light : Such as can discern this , must have the Eyes of their Understanding opened and enlightned of GOD Ephes. 1.17 , 18. It is a compleat rich glorious Kingdom , whereunto Men are called by the Gospel . 1 Thess. 2.12 . He calleth unto His Kingdom and Glory . 5 It appears herein , that it is the means of discovering the most enriching glorious , most latent ●nd concerning Secrets : What is better and ●ore desireable than Life , than true Life and ●mmortality , and this is made manifest ●hrough the Gospel 2 Tim. 1.10 . One that is ●ondemned to Die should esteem a Reprive of ●he Sentence , a rich and glorious Business , ●hô ignorant but that he might be taken away within few Hours or Days , through some special stroke of GOD upon him : How much more infinitly worthy and richly excellent is ●his Life , which is Immortality ? And what Riches of Glory , must there be in the Gospel which bringeth thi● into light ? 6. It appears ●erein , that the Gospel bring● Heaven to the Door of the Soul , with all the Glory that is herein ; And therefore called the Word of ●he Kingdom , or the Gospel of the Kingdom Mat. 4.23 . and 9 35. and 24.14 . And the matter thereof , is to preach the Kingdom of God Mark. 1.14 . Act 20.25 . and 28.31 . Luk. 4.43.9.60 . So it is also called , The Kingdoms of God Luk. 10.9 11. Mark. 1.15 . and 4.25 . And the Kingdom of Heaven in many of the ●arables Mat. 13. and 20.1 . and 22.2 . &c. Thirdly , That there are Riches in the Gospel , appears from the special , rich and glorious Efficacy of the same ; whereof take these few Proofs . 1. The Gospel hath a powerful enlightning vertue , so that these that sit in darkness , come to see a great light Math. 4.15 , 16. Therefore Paul was sent to open the Eyes , and turn Men from darkness to light Act. 26.11 Where it comes with power , it discovers th● lamentable estate , wherein poor Man is b● Nature , and discovers the way of escape 2. It hath a propagating and begetting power where it is the savor o● Li●e unto Life ; I ha●● begotten you through the Gospel ( saith Paul to th● Corinthians ) 1 Cor. 4.15 . Therefore it is calle● the Word of Life ; Phil. 2 16. It quickneth from the Dead ; through the powerful operation o● the Spirit ; we are born again by this Word 1 Pet 1 23. 3. It hath a nourishing vertue , therefore it is called , The sincere Milk of th● Word ; whereby we grow , even as the Child groweth by the Milk on the Breast : 1 Tim. 2 2. 4. Thereby is the Soul brought by Faith ●o lay hold on Christ , and so thereby brought into a sure and safe state ; Therefore it is called , The Word of F●ith Rom. 10 8. And the Word of Salva●ion Act 13 26. VVe believe through this word preached by the Apostles and their Success●rs Ioh 17.20 . 5. It hath a washing and cleansing vertue ; It is by the word , that Christ sanctifieth and cleanseth His Church Ephes 5.26 6. It hath a cu●●ing and piercing vertu● ; Paul speaking of the Gospel ( Heb 4.12 . ) saith , That the Word of God is quick and powerfu● , and sharper than any two edged Sword , piercing to the dividing asunder of both Soul and Spirit , and of the Ioints and Marrow , and is a discerner of the thoughts of the Heart : ●n allusion to the Anatomy of Bodies , or else ●o the cutting up of the Sacrifices , whether ●hese of the Iews , or as it was used among the Heathens , especially by the Sooth-sayers , who ●uriously searched into every inward part as Ezek. 21.21 . Look what the Intrals are to a ●harp Sword , or Sacrificers Kni●e , or like In●turments of Anatom●zing in a ●kilful Hand , ●uch are all the most inward and secret parts of ●he Heart , even those , which are most difficult to be divided , unto this Sword in GOD's Hand , when pleased to use it to search the Heart and Reins , and to discover and bring ●orth to judgement the secrets of them ; Not only is it to ungird and stripe off the outward Cloaths of outward and formal Actions , and so present the Soul naked as Vers. 13. Nor only to flea off all the Skin , and so to see what lyes under it ( as the next word , Opened , doth sometimes signifie ) but further to cut up and cleave to the Back bone ( as the word will bear ) that so all the Inwards may appear ; And this so curiously divided and laid asunder , as to see and view a part , what is in each . In a word , this Sword of the Gospel , when rightly handled , it not only hath a discerning , piercing , penetrating power with it , to come in on the Heart , discovering its Intents , and striking at the root of Corrup●ions ; But it will humble the proudest Hearts ▪ and quicken the deadest Spirits , and peirce through the Soul and Conscience of the most obdured ; Anatomize an● lay open their Thoughts , their Security , Pride ▪ Formality , Hypocrisie , &c. And strike a● the root of the Body of Death , to kill it , and be its death ; Undoubtedly then , their canno● but be a singular Riches o● Glory in this Gospel . 7. As it hath its arise from free Grace , and is the open Proclamation of the Grace of GOD ; And therefore called , The Word of His Grace Act. 20 32. so it builds up such as receive it , and carries them on until it fairly land them in Glory ; for it is able to save Souls Iames 1.21 . 1 Vse . Here we have ground and reason ●o bemoan the state and condition of not a few People and Persons , to pity them , and from compassion towards them , to pray for them . As 1. These who never as yet saw this Glory , having never as yet heard of this glorious Gospel ; They may it's true , go beyond others in worldly Riches , fulness of all things , carnal Prudence and Policy , and have abundance of Gold , Silver and costly Jewels , and have much outward Pomp and Flourishes : But alas ! nevertheless when they have never heard of Christ , they are but continuing and sitting in darkness ; The Glory of the Lord , hath never as yet shined upon them , the Sun of Righteousness is never risen upon them , with Healing under His Wings : Miserable and lamentable is their Conditions , notwithstanding of all their Supe●fluities . O! let us pray , that this glorious Light , may once break up amon●st them , that the Earth may be filled with the Glory of ●he Lord , as the Waters cover the Sea. 2. We should condole these Nations , where the Name and outward Knowledge of the Gospel is , and nothing else ; Nothing of the Power , Beauty and Glory of the Gospel of Salvation ; But alas ! all is darkned with the fogg and mist of Idolatry , and Superstition , or of humane Inventions , which vails and darkens the singular Beauty , which is to be seen in the Ordinances of Jesus Christ , according to the Simplicity of the Gospel . Oh! have compassion on such , who hasten Judgement on themselves , and love darkness , rather than light : For what are all the vain Imaginations and Inventions o● Men , but a darkning of the glorious Splendour of the Sun of Righteousness , that He may not sh●ne in His native and superexcellent Glory . 3. We should commiserate that People , where His Glory did once shine , bu● seems now to be robbed thereof , through the Godlessness and Wickedness of Men , being Instruments of Satan , in whose Soul , the ●ight of this Gospel never shined . While Satan hath imployed his Agents to banish the Faithful , who carry this Torch of Light , and hold up the Glorious Standart of Jesus Christ ; These ungodly Men do what in them is , by their Conclusions , Acts and Deeds , o● unreasonable Persecution , to banish Christ , His Servants and Gospel out of the Land. O● wha● a loss is it , to be robbed of this Glory , providing we have any Tenderness or Sympathie as Christians , let us be earnest in Prayer fo● such . 4. We should condole such Nation● and Churches , that have a Name , that they Live , and yet are Dead , who have only the sound of the Gospel , with a bare and naked Offer of Jesus Christ : And those , thô they b● free of Idolatry and Superstition , which ar● open Blots and Spots on this Glory , and th● free of outward Persecution , yet great Strangers unto the Riches of the Glory of this Gospel , S●rangers unto the Power and Operations of the same , having the Name o● Purity ▪ and G●spel Truths amongst them , but no more ; And so are dying and perishing throug● an inward decay of Life and Power . The●● undoub●edly are also to be lamented over . 2. Vse . As on this ground we lament th● state of the Churches , so may we take up ● Lamentation over the persons who live unde● the dew and sun-shine of the Gospel , and nevertheless see no Beauty or Glory in the ●ame The Glory the●eof is hid from ●heir Eyes , an● they see no Beau●y , nor desireableness , no● Riches of Glory in the same , the GOD of th●● World having blinded their Minds 2 Cor 4.4 . They look upon the Gospel , as an artificia● composed Fable ; They set no worth nor pri●● upon it as they should ; In place of Glory , is a burthen whereof they would willingly be quite ; Therefore they improve not the occasion , which they have for attaining to the knowledge thereof , and for having an Interest in this Glory : Many are ind●fferent and Gallio like , and in no ways lay the ●●siness to Heart ; Others are Heart-enemies to this Glory , and the power thereof ; Many content themselves with the outward Glory , without seeking inward Heart knowledge of the Riches of Glory , which is to be seen therein . 3 Vse . This affords ground of Rebuke , unto several sort of People . As 1. Unto such , who darken the Glory of this Gospel , with their Errours , Superstitions , Inventions and false Glosses , and all such , who in any measure darken and cloud the Simplicity of this Gospel , its Glory and singular Beauty . 2. Such are to be rebuked , who persecute the ve●y Name and Profession of the Gospel , and all who adhere to the same , as many do , who ( ●f possible ) would drive it out of the World. O! what aileth them , and offends them at this Gospel , which is so ●ull of Glory , and bringeth Glory in it to poor Soul● ? Surely such Men must be driven on and acted by the Spirit of the Devil , who is an unreconcilable Enemy unto this Gospel of Glory . 3. It is for rebuke to such , who are Enemies to the power and purity of the Gospel ; who thô they may readily stand for the profession of it , and own that , yet their Heart riseth against the Life and Power thereof , wherever they discern it ; and as a fi● occasion ●ff●rs them , they but laugh and mock at all that is more than an outwar● prof●ssion . It s true there is a Beau●y and Glory to be seen in the very ou●ward Dispensation of the Gospel , when performed in Gospel purity ; But the more special Glory , with the Riches of the Glory of the Gospel , l●eth in the power thereof upon the Soul , leading captive to the obedience of Faith , and bringing them unto subjection unto Christ ; And their Heart riseth against that , wherein the Glory and Power of the same do●h most signally appear . 4. Such are to be rebuked , who bring stains and shame , through ●h●ir scandalous Life upon that gloriou● Gospel , bringing up an evil Report upon th● same ; And thereby occasioning Enemies to desp●se and con●emn the same : O! what a da●k Cloud doth the scandalous Lives of Profess●rs , raise over the ●ace of this Sun ? This is far from adorning the Doctrine of God our Saviour in all things , which is required Tit. 2.10 5. Such are to be reproved , who will not s●ffer this Glory , once to enter their Souls , who c●st no● up the Door of their Souls , that it may enter in , and call not to the GOD o● Glory , that He. Who commanded the light to shine out of d●rkness , ma● shine into ●heir Hearts to give the light of the knowledge of the Glory of God , in the Face of Iesus Christ. 2 Cor. 4.6 . But on the contrary makes themselves hard against it , and refuse to accept of it : As appears from the following Particulars . ( 1 ) They resolve to keep their old way , whatever be said unto them , they will not alter , they will remain the old Men and the old Women still . ( 2 ) They refuse to subject themselves unto the Righteousness of GOD , and endeavour to establish a Righteousness of their own ; Now herein lyes the Glory of the Gospel , that it breaks us off from that Course of self-seeking , that we might live and grow up in Him , who is the Head in all things . ( 3 ) They will not submit themselves unto the Conditions of the Gospel Covenant , nor receive Christ as He is offered in the Gospel . ( 4 ) They will not forsake their old Lovers , and especially that Ash●aroth , that prime Dagon , and principal Idole Self ; Now the power of the Gospel appears herein , that it makes the Soul put out its right Eye , and cut off the right Hand , and cast away all its own Righteousness , as so many menstruous Cloaths and fil●hy Rags . 4 Vse . This requires of us sundry Du●ies . As 1. We ought then to be very thankful unto GOD , that ever it hath pleased Him to tryst us in the time and ●lace of His manifesting this glorious Mystery ; What are we better than others , that have gone before us , or than many that live in other places of the World , who have never a● ye● s●en one blink of Glo●● ? Providing we could prise a right the worth o● this Treasure , we should see ou● unspeak●ble and great Obligations to Thankfulness , 〈◊〉 as we would be forced to cry forth , What shall we render unto the Lord for this Benefi● and infinite Mercy ? 2. We should esteem highly of this Gospel , and priz● it much , that our despising thereof provoke not the Lord to remove it ; that the Sun might not go down over the Prophets , nor the day be dark over them Mic. 3.6 . And lest He might give us up unto the lusts of our own Heart , and give us darkness in place of light , for our misprising and undervaluing the Glory and light of the p●●cious Gospel . 3. We should be much it P●ayer , to hold the Gospel still in its power and purity amonst us , that it may shine in the midst of us , in its Glory and Beauty , as the power of GOD unto Salvation . 4. We should endeavour on all occasions greatly to welcome ●he Gospel amongst us , and to be ware that we oppose not the Power and Operation● of the same . O let the Glory thereof shine it our H●arts ! And for that eff●ct let us lay ope● our selves to the Beams of the same , that they may have free entry into our Souls : Les us lay aside all prejudices and love to our Idols , and receive this Light and Glory in love , 5 Let us not be satisfied until that we see and obtai● a more clear discovery of the Riches of the Glory of this Mystery . To wit. ( 1 ) That this Gospel discovers to us our Wre●chedness , Emptyness , Madness , Poverty , Nakedness and every way Undon●n●ss . ( 2 ) That it holds forth unto us the Excellency of Christ , in His Person , Nature , Offices , Works , and Employments in the World. ( 3 ) That it draws Hearts to Him , and from our selves , and from all other Lovers and Vanities , wherewith heretofore we have been betwitched . ( 4 ) That it unites our Souls to Him through Fai●h , that we may live in Him , and He in us , and be one in Him. ( 5 ) That it enclineth our Hearts , unto a swee● Union with the Gospel Comman●s , and to a living by Faith in Christ , and to a depending and resting on Him for Salvation , through His offe●ing of Himself , and through His Media●ory Righteousness offered and hold●n for●h in the Gosp●l ▪ and impu●ed ●o Believers th●ough F●ith . ( 6 ) Tha the Discovery of this Gospel makes us ●●ll in love with Holiness , an● to work out our Salvation with Fear and Trembling , leaning on Jesus by Faith , drawing Life and Power from Him , who is given ●or a Covenant un●o the People , that we might so g●ow up and bea● Fru●t in Him , and go from streng●h ●o streng●h in Him , untill we appear be●or● GOD 〈◊〉 Zion 5 Use. This requires ● sel●-searching , whether or not we hav● ever attained a sav●ng si●ht of this Glory , the Riches of the Glory of ●his Mystery : And we may know it by these Mark● As 1 Mark. The light of the Gospel discover● a Fulness , a sensible Fulness , a Soul-satisfy●ng , and a Soul-saving Fulness , and a free and gracious Fulness in Christ. 2 Mark. The light of the Gospel discovers , I say , where this glorious Light comes , it discovers sel● ▪ emptiness , self deceitfulness , and loathsomness . 3 Mark. It takes the Soul captive instantly to make choise of Christ for all , to esteem of Him above all , as the chief among ten thousand ; And to lay hold on Him , on His own Terms , with Heart and Hand , and to accept of Him for all our Wants , and for all that we desire , and to rest fully satisfied and content with Him. 4 Mark. It inclines the Soul sweetly to employ Christ in all their Needs , to give Him constant employment in all His Offices , until He bring them home and land them in Glory . 5. Mark. It makes the Soul , that hath a right discovery thereof , fall in love with Holiness , and to make Conscience of their ways , to walk circu●spectly to the Glory of GOD , and to the praise and adorning the Gospel Profession , to the engaging of Strangers unto the ●eceiving of the Gospel . 6. Mark. It will give them a high esteem of all , even of the smallest Ordinance and Institution of Christ , and make them careful ●o keep them pure , and to improve them to the right end , and will make them help to maintain His Cro●● rights and Priviledges . ●s King in His ow●●●urch , and chief Commander in ●is own House . — Among the Gentiles : These 〈…〉 of Glory , 〈…〉 things . 1. 〈…〉 ●●credible in th● beg●●●ing of th● 〈…〉 the Gentiles should be 〈…〉 Priviledge , and exal●ed to 〈…〉 Glory : For 1. 〈…〉 o● Christ. 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 unto the 〈…〉 ordained , 〈…〉 first off●● of the G●spel , 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 with an 〈…〉 way of 〈…〉 Mat. 10.5 . 〈…〉 who● are 〈…〉 Enemies or 〈…〉 cou●● not only not tolerate , tha● 〈…〉 should be Partakers of that 〈…〉 bad to spr●●● to 〈…〉 , th● be saved — 1 Thes. 〈…〉 worl●●either 〈…〉 of Heaven , 〈…〉 further the Apostles themselves notwithstanding of their ample and large Commission to g● and Teach and Baptize all Nations . Math. 28 ▪ 18 , 19. And notwithstanding they were fo● that end qualified and furnished , with extraordinary Gifts of the Holy Ghost , yet could hardly be perswaded to Preach this Word among the Gentiles ; For we find that Peter w●● examined by the rest of the Apostles , for b● going unto Cornelius . Act. 11.2 , 3.3 . Th● Gentiles were looked upon with an ill Eye an● contemned , therefore called Sinners of th● Gentiles . Gal. 2.15 . And as without Christ , so aliens from the Common-wealth of Israel , a●● strangers from the Covenants of Promise , havin● no hope , and without God in the World. Ephes. : 12.4 . Yea they were accounted Dogs , an● unworthy to eat of the Childrens Bread ▪ se● on that ground , Christ seemed to cast off th● poor Cananitish Woman , to whom He answered , I am not sent , but unto the lost sheep of the House of Israel . Math. 15. 2. Notwithstanding of all this , the Lor● so ordered it , that the Gospel got entranc● under the Gentiles , while He sent His Apostle● among them , and blessed their Labours , amongst them . Act. 13.46 . and 14.27 . a●● 15 3 , 7.14.15 , 17 and 18 , 6 Yea the Ie● rej●cting of the Gospel , occasioned the preaching of the same under the Gentiles . A●● 23 46. and 8.6 . and the di●●i●●shing of 〈◊〉 Iews , was the Riches of the Gentiles . Rom. 11.12 . 3. Hereby were the Prophecies concerning Christ , and His Kingdom fulfilled ; The Root ●f Iesse must stand for an Ensign to the People , and the Gentiles must seek into it . Isa. 11.10 . and 60.5 . His Name must be great among the Gentiles . Mal. 1.11 . And to such , had Christ a Commission to come in an appoin●ed time Isa. 42.6.49.6 . Act 13.47 . Luk. 1.32 . So must He bring forth judgement to the Gentiles . Isa. 42.1 . Math. 12.18 . see Rom. 15.9 , 10 , 11. 4. And as this was an eminent Evidence of this Mystery of Wisdom , Love , and free Grace , which was long kept bide in the Heart of GOD , Ephes. 3.3 , 4 , 5 So was i● that the Apostles , who for a time , were unsatisfied , therewith at last held their peace , and glorified God , saying , Then hath God also to the Gentiles granted Repentance unto Life . Act 11.18 . And Paul accounted it his Mercy to preach among the Gentiles . Ephes. 3.7 , 8. And magn●fied his Office thereby . Rom 11 13. And we find him often glorying therein . 1 Tim. 2.7 . 2 Tim. 1.11 . Which , as it should stir up our Hearts to admiration over that wonderful Love and free Grace of GOD , who hath sought after the Gentiles in Clemency and Mercy , who had been so long debarred ; And establ●shed usi●● the Faith of the great things promsed unto ●ut in ●he Word , now 〈…〉 to see the old Prophesies and 〈…〉 were 〈…〉 als● 〈…〉 〈…〉 our un●o 〈…〉 p●ay for them , upon 〈…〉 g●ven on their acc●un● , 〈◊〉 the Lord in due time will accompl●sh ; A●d besides it should make us lay to Heart ou● Duty in managing aright t●● Pri●iledge , in the thankful acknowledg●ment of the Lord 's undeserved Love herein , and by hearty embracing and welcoming this Offer , and to walk worthy o● the same , in all holy Conversation , to the Glory of GOD. Qu●st . But providing it be asked , Whe●her all the Gentiles see the Glory , and know the Richer of the Glory of this Mystery . I Answer , No : For all have not the p●eaching of the G●spel among ●hem . If it be ●urther asked , If all th●se , to whom thi● Gospel is preached , see ●h●s Glory ? I Answer , No. But only the Saints among the Gentiles , as app●ar● from Vers 26 This is made manifest to the Saints . Where we see that it is a●●ne ●he Sain●s , who have obtained G●ace to beli●ve this G●spel , and not every one who hears i● preached , who d●scern the Riches of the Glory of this Mystery , which is in the Gospel For 1. Unto some he preaching of the glad Tydings of the Gospel , is the savor of Death unto Death . 2 Cor. 2.16 . And unto their corrup●ed and prejudicated Understanding it savours as a dead Carion , wherein their Souls hath no pleasure , yea it is as D●ath ▪ so that their rejecting of the Gospel , and their averseness from it , proves their Death and 〈◊〉 . 2. Unto some it is but foolishness , as it was unto the Greeks . 1 Cor. 1.23 . And matter of Mocking and Derision , as the Doctrine of the Resurrection , was unto these of Athens Act. 17.32 . Many have no better op●nion of the Ambassadours of Christ , who are sent to preach the Gospel , 〈◊〉 Fest●s of Paul , Act. 26.24 . And of the Believers of the Gospel , than the Pharisees had of the Multitude Ioh. 7 49.3 . Unto some Christ is a Rock of Offence , and the preaching of the Gospel of Christ , is a stumbling Block unto them , even as unto the Iews , who stumbled at the stumbling Stone and rock of Offence . 1 Cor. 1. ●3 . Rom 9.32 , 33. Even as Christ Himself was for the fall of many , so the preaching of the Gos●el is the occasion of the ruine of many . 4. Many will not hear the Gospel with Faith , and therefore it cannot profi● them , Not being mixed with Faith in th●m that heard it . Heb. 4.2 . Neither will they receive it in Love , nor receive the Love of the Tr●●h . 2 Thess. 2.10 . And therefor● sa●●●oe 〈◊〉 ●hemselves unto th● Righteousness of God , held out unto them therein Rom. 10.3 . They will not suffer the Word of Instruction to get any room in their Souls , but they receive this Grace of GOD in vain , and through unbelief they reject it , they will not obey this form of Doctrine , nor yeild themselves Servants thereunto . 5. The GOD of this World hath so blinded the Minds of them which believe not , that the Light of the glorious Gospel of of Christ , who is the Image of GOD , cannot shine unto them ; So that they can discern nothing of the Glory of the same . 2 Cor 4.4 . And some blinded by a Judgement from GOD , are therefore no Co-partners of this Revelation . Math. 11.25.6 . Some see a glance , some da●k half glimmerings , of this Glory , but discern not the glory of this Mystery , they get some sight , which may occasion some litle work and operation in them , nevertheless they continwe strangers unto the true spiritual Glory thereof : For ( 1 ) They may see so much therein , as may engage them to a profession of the same , for a time in a fair day , when i● is accompanied with no persecution ; But ●ven as the stony ground having no deepnes● of Earth , whe● persecution comes , they immediatly forsake the Gospel , and turn their back upon it . Math. 13. ( 2 ) They may readily see so much in it , as makes them willing●● to part with somewhat , but not that in●● which will make them willing to forsake 〈◊〉 for Christ ; The cares of the World , doth not only choak all again , but creats a mist in their Eyes , which totally cloudeth and darkneth this Glory ( 3 ) They may see that which may inwardly affect them , as Agrippa to be almost Christians . Act. 26. and no more . ( 4 ) They may readily have some general knowledge of the Letter and out-side thereof , and may be great Doctors and learned Preachers , and nevertheless wholly strangers unto the Power and Life of the same . ( 5 ) Yea they may attain some resemblance thereof , and as it were some glorious sparklings , such as the Apostle speaks of , Heb 6.4 , 5. But alone unto True Believers , the Lord maketh known and manifesteth this Glory , and maketh them to see the Riches of the Glory of this Mystery ; These see it , to whom He discovereth those Secreets which are kept hid from the wise of the World ; They s●e it , who see that Glory , which changeth the Soul , so that thereby , they are changed into the same Image , from Glory to Glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord. 2 Cor. 3.18 . But what is that sight they get , which others are Strangers unto ? Ans. 1. They see a special necessary good , which deeply affecteth the Heart ; Others only win at some Conceptions , that goeth no further , than the Head. 2. They see something directly applicable unto to their case and condition , and is very sut●able unto them , where●● others look on these things , a● more the concernment o● others than themselves . 3. They see the good is co●pleat , all-sufficient , necessary and satisfying , which is held out in this Gospel , and therefore they seek not after more , provi●ing they obtain that , they judge their Lot is fa●len unto them in pleasant places , and that t●ey have goodly Heritage . 4. They see somewhat of that Soul-ravishing profound Counsel of Redemption , wherein all the Persons of the Tri●ity are engaged to carry on and perf●ct the same , and ●●ey see herein such Glory , that it makes them long for Heaven , that they might obtain a more broad and wide look o● that divine mysterious on-carrying of the wa● of Salva●ion , wherein so much of GOD , and of His glorious Attribut●● , in such a lofty way doth appear . 5. Th● 〈…〉 that therein , 〈◊〉 reache● 〈…〉 Soul , a●d make●h them , that 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 and soul , giving their 〈…〉 , as be●ng al●ogether p●ecious 〈◊〉 Soul satisfying . 6. They see that which makes them 〈◊〉 willing , and 〈…〉 all and ●●ll every thing , 〈…〉 once they 〈…〉 invaluable 〈◊〉 7. They se● that Light which hath that pow●● and force therein , that bringeth under their irregular love to the World , and all other Vanities , together with the strong Corruptions that molest them . 1 Vse . It needs then be no strange business , that there are so ●ew , that highly esteem of this Gospel , and that so many undervalue and contemn it ; seeing there are so few real Saints , who alone can see the glory and singula● Excell●ncy of this Gospel . Oh! it is a sealled 〈◊〉 , even unto them who 〈◊〉 hear it , 〈…〉 the ou●ward ●h●ll , and 〈…〉 sweet and deli●a● kirnel 〈◊〉 . 2 Vse . Behold here ●he Touch-stone , whereby every one must ●●●mine himself , and judge of Himself , wh●●her 〈◊〉 be in the Faith or not ; This special sight and discovery is alone peculiar to Believe●s , the Spirit of Light which they have received in the Gospel , makes them now see another sight than formerly they could apprehend or understand . O the depth of Wisdom , Power , Love , Grace , Righteousness and Mercy , which we now daily more and more discover ! O what heavenly and divine Glory shines therein , and ●ha● in the very meanest of all Christ's Precepts ! Othe●s take but a carnal and general look of th●se Ordinances , and therefore not so tender nor so zealou● of them , who can bear with the mixtures and Inventions of Men amongst them , and can fancy a Beauty , Decency and Consistency in these Inventions , whereas there is nothing in them but a vile deformity : And as for the substance of the Gospel , the glad Tydings of Peace & Reconcîliation with GOD , it is unto them an indifferent business far from being all their Salvation , & all their desire ; Their Hearts cannot embrace the Gospel , as the glorious Manifestation of the Son of GOD , which brings to Light , Life and Immortality ; They see not the Glory of GOD in the Face of Jesus Christ. Wo then to such , who have not more knowledge of this Business ; Then 1. A literal speculative knowledge of this Glory of GOD , which pusseth up , and filleth the Soul with wind and vanity , and never sinketh deep into the Soul. 2. A tickling outward Motion , with somewhat of acquired knowledge , that only affecteth the person , as the lovely Song of one that hath a pleasant Voice . Ezek. 33.32 . Their Ears are tickled with the new Tydings of Salvation , and of a Mediator to preserve them from the Wrath of GOD , and that is all . 3. Who have no more than some small tastings in the time of a Communion , or at some o●her solemn occasion , that take● more on them than ordinary , but is instantly suffocate , without taking further root . 4. Wo also to such , that have but some Light that forceth to some half works , and to some raw wishe● , that all might be better , some Flashes of Resolutions and hasty Undertakings , which occasioneth somewhat that looketh like a change , thô ●las ! their Heart in the interim is cleaving to their Abominations , and going out continually after their Covetousness . To whom God would make known , &c. These words may have respect both to the outward manifesting of the Mystery of this Gospel Truth ; As as also to the making known and discovering of this Truth of the Gospel effectualy on the Heart , which is more especially here to be understood , because that this Revealed Mystery is calldd , Christ in them , the Hope of Glory . In respect of both these , the Words hold forth two thing● : First , That this Revelation is of GOD. Secondly , That it is an Act of His free Grace and free Love. As to the First , to wit , The outward making known of the Gospel ( which we shall pass in a word ) We see , that as this Gospel is alone of GOD , Who is the Author thereof , so the outward publishing of the same dependeth on His free Grace and Will , so that he sends it to whom He will , and to whom He will , He sends it not ; see Act. 16.7 . The Spirit suffered not Paul , and his Companions to go unto Bithynta : However Satan and his Instruments may have a hand therein , nevertheless we are to look mostly to GOD , Who has the chief hand in i● ▪ Who followeth His own Resolution , sending the Gospel , where He has any to bring in thereby , be it one Soul or moe , or to 〈◊〉 one lost Groat , or one wandering Sh●●p , which finding incapacitate either to le●d or drive , He taketh it on His Shoulders ; rej●ycing . Luk 15.5 . Christ went ove● to the G●da●ens ●or one poor Soul : Paul 〈◊〉 charged to abide at 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 Gospel of Salv●●ion , and th●t 〈◊〉 〈…〉 the publishi●g of 〈…〉 time and place , w●er● 〈…〉 Providence of GOD have ou● 〈…〉 That we abase our selves in 〈…〉 be ashamed of our unsuteable 〈…〉 Him , Who hath sought us ou● , 〈…〉 many Thousands , whereas we 〈…〉 as any , only th●t He 〈◊〉 give ●●●vidence of the freeness of His 〈…〉 3. That we walk more 〈…〉 benefit , that He 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 , when 〈…〉 The conside●●●ion 〈…〉 as to ●ear , 〈…〉 the remov●●● the 〈…〉 us , as He 〈…〉 Revel 2.4 . Tha● 〈…〉 GOD 's Soveraign t● , who singularly in this disposeth as He will : Our carnal Hearts are sometimes ready to rise against Him , and to wonder wherefore He suffers so many rich Nations to be so long without one Word of the Gospel of Salvation , and suffers it to remain there , where the People i● wearied thereof , and would willingly be quite of it ; But His Will should answer all such Objections in us , and settle all such Distempers in our Hearts : We must be satisfied herein , for He doth what He will in Heaven and Earth , and gives no account of what He doth . As to what relates to the other part , which is here principally to be understood , we learn. First , That it is GOD alone , Who can make known unto the Soul the Glory and Riches of this Mystery , and do●h effectually publish and reveal it ; This requires the revealing of the Arm of the Lord. Isa. 53.1 . For Flesh and Blood cannot do it , but the Father which is in Heaven Math. 16.17 . And the Spirit . Ephes. 3.5 . The God of our Lord Iesus Christ , the Father of Glory , must give unto us the Spirit of Wisdom , in the knowledge of Him. Ephes. 1.17 . see Vers. 9. Therefore the Spirit is promised for that effect . Ioh. 14.26.1 Cor. 2.10 , 11 , 12. Gal. 1.16 . This appears further from the natural state of Mankind , who cannot know these Mysteries without a divine powerful Revelation & Manifestation of the same in them . For 1. Natural Men are by Nature blind , without knowledge , lying and living in darkness ; And wha● can they then discern ●n these M●steries ? Revel 3.17 . Luk 4.18.1 Pet. 2.9 . Act. 26.18 . Isa 42.7 . They are in darkness , and darkness hath blinded their Eyes , 1 Ioh. 2 11. They walk in Darkness , and ly in Da●kness . 1 Ioh. ● . 6 . 1 Ioh. 2.9 They are of Darkness . 1 Thess. 5.5 . They are called Darkness it self . Ephes 5.8 . Yea under the power of Darkness . Col. 1.13 2. Therefore they are under a natural Impotency and Unfi●ness to understand the things of GOD. 1 Cor. 2 14. The natural Man receiveth not the things of the ●pirit of God , for they are foolishness unto him , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . 3. Besides this natural Impotency in the Understanding , to take up and know these Mysteries , there is also an acquired moral Inability seated in him , through misunderstanding and prejudice against the Mysteries of GOD : For it is said of the natural Man , 1 Cor. 2 14 That he receiveth not the thing of the Spirit of God , for they are foolishness unto him ; Therefore , was the Preaching of Christ cruc●fied , unto the Jews a stumbling block , and unto the Greeks foolishness . 1 Cor. 1.23.4 . Yea the carnal Understanding is enmity against GOD ; It submits not it self to the Law of GOD , neither can it . Rom. 8.7 , 8. so that there is also a pravity and impotency in their will ; Therefore saith Christ , that a corrupt Tree cannot bring sorth good Fruit. Math. 7. The Ethiopia● canno● change his Skin . Ier. 13 5. There is an acquired habitual ave●ssness , through the pravi●y of our Inclinations : By Nature People are so w●dded and glewed to their Lusts and Idols which they will not ●ors●ks ( which augments their natural Antipathy against the Gospel ) so that they are Enemies in their Minds by wicked works Col. 1.21.6 . Besides all this , the Devil , who is the god of this World , i● working in th●m . Ephes 2.2 . who more especially so blinds the Minds of those who do not believe , that the light of the glorious Gospel of Christ , who is the Image of GOD , may not shine unto them . 2 Cor. 4.4 . This needs no ●u●ther evidence , being more than manifest by daily experience ; no preaching will once pick on some ; yea Christ Himself preached unto many who go● no profit thereby ; The great things of GOD's Law , are accounted bu● a strange thing by some . Hos. 8. Many have Eyes and see not , Ears and hear not . 1 Vse . We are hereby called to be established in ●he Faith of this Truth , That it is only a Divine Power , which can mak● known unto us and in us the Gospel Truths ; We by Industry and Education , with some ordinary light of the Spirit , may win to understand the letter of the Gospel ; But in respect of the saving Manifestation of this Mystery , there is a necessity of a real , discriminating , special , immediate , inward and powerful Operation of the Spirit of GOD in the Soul , driving away the natural Darkness , and received prejudices , creating Divine Light in the Mind and Understanding , and so forming in the Soul , a Spiri●ual Patern of the glorious Mysteries of the Gospel : For until this enlightning Operation and Revelation of the Spirit come , all will be to no purpose . 2. Vse . So should we have a loathing and aversion of that dreadful Doctrine , which says , That this Divine Spiritual Enlightning is not needful , but alledge that moral perswasion , with the outward Revelation is sufficient ; whereas none who hath any knowledge of his own Heart can be so stupid , that he should not see so much of the Darkness of his own Understanding , that no less than a Divine Power must be exercised and put forth in order to this his Enlightning : And what doth this Opinion else , but signally vilifie , and palpably deny the Divine Mystery of this Revelation , and lamentably blow up the empty Creature with Pride , Ambition , and a foolish conceit of himself to retain somewhat , whereby he may ( as he ●ancies ) be the less obliged to GOD , and may have ground to thank himself , to sacrifice unto his own Net , and burn incense unto his own Drag . What a ruining and dreadful Enemy is this opinion , against the exalting of the Power of GOD's Grace , and against Folks carrying therein with subordination and dependency on GOD , and against all Prayer unto GOD. 3 Vse . However this be only GOD's work , and His powerful work ; nevertheless none ought because of his Impotency and natural Ignorance to account himself therefore discharged , exeemed or delivered from guilt : For ( 1 ) Our natural Impotency is our Sin. ( 2 ) Besides there is ever real opposing and rejecting of this Light , in all such as are come to the years of discretion , who hear this Gospel , and a wilful contemning of this Light , which will abundantly stop the Mouths of every one ; And this often appears either by their neglecting of the Means , or by their negligent and sloathful improving of the same , and their not using , but misusing of the Light which they have , &c. 4 Vse . Notwithstanding this be GOD's work , yet we should not cast off the Means , for hereby it pleases the Lord to convey Life , and to come with that Light and enlighten when and where He will ; For it ple●sed God by the foolishness of preaching to save — 1 Cor. 1.21 . And Faith come●h by hearing . Rom. 10.17 . And however the Means in themselves can do nothing , yet being ordained by Him , as it is our duty , so we may have peace in waiting on the ●ree and glorious King , where He Commands us to wait , and our waiting will sharpen our desires and longings after that blessed Light ; yea when we are disappointed and cut off in our expectations , even this must serve for the further humbling and abasing of our selves , and to make us the more earnestly cry out unto Him , who is the Fountain of Light , that He who has caused the Light to shine out of Darkness , would shine in our Hearts , in giving us the Light of the knowledge of the Glory of God , in the face of Jesus Christ. 2 Cor 4 6. Our attendance on the Means should be constant , because we know not , when He may come ; It is good to sow by all Waters , and to sow Morning and Evening , and in our Du●●es alone to eye Him , knowing that all must come from Him. And albeit there may many Discou●agements arise to cause us give it over ; partly from without , Sa●an crying , It is in vain to wait any longer , and partly from within , our Hearts , looking on it as a desperat work ; yet this consideration that this Enlightning is GOD 's working , may encourage and set us foreward again ; For GOD is a Soveraign King , free to come when He will , so is He gracious and merciful , and can and will pass over many Enormities , and much opposition ; yea ●urther for quieting of our Hearts under all Objections whatsomever , this may suffic● , He is GOD Almigh●y , and unresistible in His workings ; He shall work , and who shall hinder it . 2 dly . Moreover , we should learn from hence , that GOD maketh known this Glorious Mystery to whom He wi●l most freely , without Hyre or Price , it is an Act of His wonderful free G●ace , He would make known &c. not by reason of any deserving or worth , in us , or by vertue of any pliabliness , or readiness in those , to whom ●his is made known , or of any necessary connexion betwixt the preparation in them and His Work ; But meerly from His free Grace and good Pleasure ; for He is found of them that sought Him not Isa. 65.1 . Therefore it is through Faith that we are saved , and Faith is not from our selves , It is the Gift of God. Ephes 2.8 . And not by the works which we have done , but accord●ng to His Mercy we are saved . T it 3.5 . 1. Vse . For Instruction , and this should learn us , 1. To admire this wonder●ul and undeserved Love towards us in this Mystery , in respect of the very outward making known of the same to us , when Kingdoms and Nations more preferrable than we , ly still in Darkness , or have corrupted and undone these Truths by their Errors . 2 That we with all ●hankfulness heartily acknowledge this Mystery , and walk humbly under the sense of this undeserved favour . We are to fear the Lord and His Goodness , as also to meditate what an account we have to give for these rich Mercies , lest we misimprove the same , and turn His Grace unto Wantonness , seriously laying to Heart , that it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorah in the day of Judgement , than for such , who have had these Manifestations , and this Light among them , and notwithstanding have desired Darkness rathe● than Light. 2. Vse . For warning unto such , to whom the Lord in a saving way , hath made known the Riches of Glory , by bringing it into their Soul with power and efficacy : Namely , 1. They should walk worthy of such Grace and Love , by carrying themselves humbly before Him , remembring their Nativity and the Rock from whence they are hewed , that free free Grace may get the Honour of all 2. They should live in the admiration of this rich and free Grace of GOD : What were you , or your Fathers House , that GOD should have cast His Eye upon you ? What could He see more in you , than in others , who yet 〈◊〉 in Darkness , without these saving Discoveries ? 3. They ought to endeavour to commend the Riches of this Grace and Goodness to others , to speak good of Him , who hath been so good to them . 4. They ought to make use of these Discoveries , which GOD hath given them for the advantage of others , doing their outmost to win others , and to hold out somewhat of that Light to others , that they may be brought in thereby . But I hasten now to the Last Point in this Verse . to wit , That Christ i● the Soul is the riches of the Glory of this Mystery made known in the G●spel ; Which is Christ in you , saith he . This Truth contains these three Particulars . First , That a Soul-union wi●h Christ is the first Intention , chief Scope and D●sign of the Gospel : This principally is intended therein , that Christ may be near hand and within the Soul. A Second is , That in this Union , consists the Riches of the Glory of the Gospel , thereby is this Riches made known , and here is their Center : For the Soul that is in possession of this Union , is likeways partaker of the Riches of this Glory . Thirdly , That this Union of the Soul with Christ , or the bringing of Christ unto the Soul , is only the Work of GOD , for He maketh known th● Riches of the Glory of the Gospel . As to the First of these Truths , we are to observe these two Things , 1 ▪ That until ●he Gospel come unto a Soul with power and efficacy , the Soul is without Christ. 2. That the Gospel is the Instrument of GOD , whereby this Union between Christ and the Soul is carried on ; and this is the end and design thereof . The First which is here premised , is clear from Ephes 2.12 . before the Gospel came to the Ephesians , among the Miseries wherein they were , this was the chief , that as they were withou● G●D , so also wi●hout Christ , when the Gospel fi●st comes among a Pe●ple , it finds them fitting in Da●kn●ss , and in the reg●on and shadow of Death . Mat. 4 16 ●sa . 9 2. And under the power of Satan . Act 26.18 . Therefore it was the principal work of the Apostles , where they came to preach Christ , Act. 9 20. and 8 5 Vse . This being sufficiently clear , we are to lea●n thus to make use of it . As 1. Earnestly to seek ●fter more solid and real Convictions of these T●uths ; Many yet lying in Nature , and before whom the Light of the Gospel hath never shined in its power , dream notwithstanding that they have Christ in them as well as others , and so deceive their own Souls , and disappoint the great end of the Gospel . A full conviction hereof , should dispose Folk more earnestly to give ear unto the preaching of the G●spel . 2. These Fools must not imagine i● sufficient , that they have the outward Ordinances of the Gospel , and under the administration of the same : For unless the Gospel do come in p●wer , and in the evidence of the Spirit unto ●h●m , the● may nevertheless abide without Christ : Yea and until they fi●d this in them , they will certainly continue Christless and Graceless . 3. They are called then to cry unto the Lord , that He would reveal his Arm in the preaching of the Gospel , that they may not longer continue in in their s●d and lamentable Condition The Second is , That this Gospel , and the administration of the same , is the appointed Means , whereby this spiritual and saving Union , is carried on , and that this is its princ●pal end and d●sign , appears from these G●ounds . 1 st . Here is the Off●r of this Reconciliation and Union held ●orth , Christ comes in the preaching of the Gospel ; And 1. He tells what is His Father's Mi●d and Will , namely that they should accept of Him , believe in Him , and let Him into ●he Soul , for this is the great Commandment and so much called for duty . Ioh. 6.29 — This is ●he work of GOD , that ye believe on ●im , whom He hath sent . 1 Ioh. 3.23 . And this His Commandment , that we should believe on the Name of His Son Jesus Christ. 2. He entreateth them in His Father's N●me to come , to open unto Him , that He might come and take up His Habitation with them . Isa ●5 . 1 . Revel 3.20.3 He pr●sses and drives on His Request , Su●e and Desire , with many Arguments and Motives , as we have evidenced formerly . 4. He removes all the Difficulties out of the way , by answering all Objections , preventing all Discouragements . O how full is the Gospel of this ! 5. He upb●aids them that they come not unto Him. Joh. 5.4 . Ye will not come to me , that ye might have Life . 6. He waits patiently , with much Longanimity upon them , ●●newing His Sute● , Cries and Intreaties . A● which is palpable in the administration of th● Gospel ; whereby appears sufficiently th●● this Union betwixt Christ and the Soul , is th● great design and end of the Gospel . 2 dly . Herein the Gospel , the Conditions ar● cleared and laid open , whereupon this Union must be accomplished ; Namely , 1. That w● forsake all other Lovers , and be fully satisfied that thereis a separation between us and them ; for we must foresake our Fathers House , providing we will ●ave the King greatly to take pleasure in us . Psal 45.10 , 11.2 . That we receive Him freely without Money and without P●ice . Isa. 55.1 , 2.3 . That we receive Him wholly , even as He offereth Himsel● to be married unto us , that is as a Priest , Prophet and King for we must receive all of Him , and not ● part of Him. Joh. 1.12.4 . That we receive Him fully without reserve , absolutely without exception , seeing He is altogether Lovely , and every way useful and absolutely ne●essary . 5. That we receive Him for every Work and Imployment , for Sanctification as well as Justification . 6. That we jointly deny our selves , take up His Cross and follow Him. Mat. 16.24 . 3 dly . In this Gospel , we have the Nature of this Union . viz. The indwelling of Christ manifested unto us : For here is declared , 1. That is indwelling of Christ , and union with him , mysterious . profound , unsearchable , and comprehensible , Ephes : 5.32.2 . That is wholly Spiritual , so that they become ●he Spirit , 1 Cor : 6.17 . They are made parkers of His Spirit , Rom : 8.9.3 . That it a near and inward Union , so that no Com●●rison can sufficiently demonstrate it , as we ●●ve heard before . 4. That it is permanent ●●d inviolable , nothing can make a separati●● here , Rom : 8.38 , 39.5 . That it is Glo●●ous & Exceeding Excellent . 6. That it is very useful and profitable Union , having ●●effably great and wonderful Advantages , ●oth here and hereafter . 4 In this Gospel we have what Christ did for ●●e carrying on of this Union , how he is be●●me a Mediator & Cautioner , taking upon ●●m to make peace and reconciliation ▪ and so 〈◊〉 satisfie Justice for their sins , How in the ●●lness of time , he has come , and has given a ●●ll and perfect satisfaction according to his ●ndertaking ; how he hath purchased of the ●ather all that was accounted necessary for the ●●rrying on of this Union in respect of the E●●ct ; How he lives forever as an Intercessor , ●●r that end and effect ; How he as King and ●ead of the Church hath appointed ordinan●es and Laws ; How that he hath blessed them ●●cording to his good pleasure for that Effect ; ●nd how he hath sent his Spirit to work up his Chosen to a cheerful receiving of his offer ; A● this , and much more is made known in the Gospel . 5. Here is held forth and cleared , what is required on our part , in respect of obtainin● possession , and to be possessed of this Noble Spirit , and to win at this Union : Namely , 1. Tha● we forsake all our Righteousness , with al● other Idols and lovers , which poss●s● our So●l● 2. That we acknowledge and be convinced o● our own inability , and natural unwillingnes● to open unto him . 3. That we attend on th● means appointed , and on him in the mean● 4. That we lay a side all prejudices . 5. Tha● we lay our selves open to his approaches . 6. That we cry and long after him , and his company so as we can . 6. Here in this Gospel is made known , tha● this opening of the heart for Christ , is a wo●● above nature , and that Christ is the Au●ho● and finisher of Faith , Heb. 12.1 , 2. And that no man can come until the Father draw him . Ioh. 6.44 . 7. Here is also discovered that notwithstanding ●he LORD wonderful in Council , mighty indeed , hath thought good through the foolishness of Preaching to save those that believe , 〈◊〉 Cor. 1.21 . And to make use of Plan●ers an● waterers , albeit neither of them can do good , providing he give not the increase . 1 Cor. 3 ▪ 5 , 6 , 7. And therefore hath he sent Labour●rs to his Vine-yeard to labour and work there , ●o that they are Labourers together with GOD Cor. 3.8 , 9. He sends his servants , as so ●any Amb●ssadors to Court a Bride for Christ. ● Cor. 5.20 , and 11 , 2. Therefore they ●ome in their Masters Name , and lay forth ●he Articles of agreement and reconciliation , ●nd he himself must and will through his Spirit ●etermine and perswad unto an opening . Vse , From all that is said appears that the Gospel and the preaching of the same is the ●eans appointed of GOD , for this end , and ●hat it is the chief and grand design of the preached Gospel to work up the Soul into this Un●on with Christ , and make the heart to open , ●hat the King of Glory may enter in : Which ●hould incite to these things . 1. To a high es●eemation of the Gospel , as being such a noble mean ordained for such an excellent end ; To account highly of it , ( I say ) and of such who are appointed to carry these glad tidings of the great Salvation , and to ha●ken unto it & them , as such noble means of Gods appointment . 2 That we may have this end before us in the Administration of the Gospel ; The Ministers should so preach it , and the People should so hear it , as a mean ordained for that end , and never to rest s●ti●fied , or much less to think all is well , until this end be first attained , to wit , that Christ be formed in the Soul : O! it were desireable to see that the Ministers in preaching of the Gospel were ( as it were ) traveiling 〈◊〉 Birth to obtain this end , Gal. 4.19.3 . That 〈◊〉 lament the estate of such who miss this glorio●● gospel , & of those who have but the sound of t●● Gospel without the power thereof . 4. That 〈◊〉 be thankfull for this inesteemable priviledg● and so be sensible of the same , and be care●●● that we provoke not God to remove this adva●tagious & most useful Candlestick . 5. That 〈◊〉 have compassion on those who are desperat● wicked , that they are so wearied of this prec●ous Gospel , that they hate , oppose , ruine , y●● persecute the same : O what a misery is th●● for Poor Souls to forsake their own unspea●able riches . The third thing is , that this Vnion , to wit● Christ in the Soul , is the riches of the Glory 〈◊〉 this Gospel Mysterie ; And this appears . 1. In th●● it is the principal and chief business , which th● Infinitly wise GOD had be●ore him in the Eternal Counsel of his will , to work out by th● dispensation . 2. The LORD who is the Autho● of this Gospel , is thereby Gloryfied in his Glorious Attributes , Christ exalted and made 〈◊〉 see the travel of his Soul , and the pleasure o● the LORD prosper in his hand , and the grea● designe therein principally intended next th● Glory of GOD , to wit , the Eternal compact between GOD and the Mediator , is then begun 〈◊〉 be accomplished . 3. All the Draughts of th● Glorious Gospel , terminate here as in a Cente● 4. Then beginneth ●he Soul to kn●w what are the excellen● Riches of the 〈◊〉 of Love , Grace and w●sd●m , that are brough● to light throug●t the G●spel , then , and not untill then , begin ●hey to be part●k●rs thereof . Vse , This serves to set us all a wo●k to a serìous enquiry and tryal , if the Gospel hath had these noble Fruits in us , which may be known from what hath been formerly mentioned of Christ his being in the Soul : And we are never to think we see or know any thing of the R●ches of the Gospel , ( how great soever a measure of kn●wledge otherwayes we may have attain●d , or be partake●s of ) un●il this Union be wrought ; and prov●ding this be wrought , then we may well sit down contented , what ever other things we want , as having now in thi● Union the whole Riches of the G●spel , as in a Treasure laid up in our Souls . O what a condition must this b● ▪ The last thing i● , that thi● Fruit of the Gospel , and ●his sh●rt compend of the Riches of its Glory ; is of GOD , and wrough● by Him , He makes i● known , and the reason is clear ; ●or , 1. Man by nature hates Christ , will no● welcome Him , much less let Him in to dwell in the Soul ; they hate bo●h Him and His Father , Ioh. 15 24 2ly . The l●gh● which must discover this enmitie , together wi●h the miserie that accompanieth their estate , who are w●thout Christ , is Divine ; these Saving discoveries are only attainable through a divine supernatural illuminati●● ▪ Now it is GOD alone that openeth the eyes of the blind . 3ly . As it is GOD alone that taketh away the natural blindnes● of the understanding , and sends Divine Light into the Soul ; so must He guard off , and remove the natural pravity of the will , and do away the stony heart , and make his people willing ; after this manner must He open th● heart , as He opened the heart of Lydia , Acts 16 . 14.4ly . Even so must GOD by His immediate powerful Grace effectually work the consen● unto the offer made in the Gospel ; And how ever this work of the LORD be powerfull and irresistable , overcoming all opposition from without and within , nevertheless it is without force and violence ; For though He draw , yet He draweth with the cords of Men and Bonds of love , strongly convincing , making the Soul effectually to submit and give it self over , seing the heart is in his hand , He can turn it whether He will ; as He pouers in Grace , so He makes the Soul willing . 1. Vse . This should serve to teach those who are made partakers of this Union , to know whom they have to thank for it , and who should have the praise and the honour of this noble and glorious Work , and make them far from thinking or saying , that they themselves have made the difference , or from offering sacrifice unto their own net ▪ in respect o● his Grace . 2 , Vse . This should also learn others , where the right door is ▪ whereunto they must betake themselves O! poor Souls look to him , and to him alone , and wait at the Posts of his door , forsaking your own strength , and despairing in and of your selves . FINIS . 
A42358	----	A treatise of ruling elders and deacons In which, these things which belong to the understanding of their office and duty, are clearly and shortly set down. By a Minister of the Church of Scotland. Guthrie, James, 1612?-1661. 1690 Approx. 72 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42358 Wing G2265A ESTC R215845 99827607 99827607 32029 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42358) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32029) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1849:6) A treatise of ruling elders and deacons In which, these things which belong to the understanding of their office and duty, are clearly and shortly set down. By a Minister of the Church of Scotland. Guthrie, James, 1612?-1661. 92 p. re-printed by the heir of Andrew Anderson, printer to their most excellent Majesties, Edinburgh : anno Dom. 1690. A minister of the Church of Scotland = James Guthrie. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Customs and practices -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TREATISE OF RULING ELDERS AND DEACONS . In which , these things which belong to the understanding of their Office and Duty , are clearly and shortly set down . By a Minister of the Church of SCOTLAND . 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour . Tim. 3. ●3 . They that have used the office of a Deacon well , purchase to themselves a good degree , and great boldness in the faith , which is in Christ Jesus . EDINBURGH , Re-Printed by the Heir of Andrew Anderson , Printer to their most Excellent Majesties . Anno DOM. 1690. The Preface . THe LORD , whose fire is in Zion ▪ and whosefurnace is in Jerusalem , hath in depths of his wisdom spoken by terrible things in righteousness against this Nation , he hath brought us down wonderfully , and hath made our breach wide as the Sea , who can heal us ? our bruise is incurable , and our wound is grievous , for the Lord hath ▪ wounded us with the wound of an Enemy , with the chastisement of a cruel one , because our sins were encreased , he hath mingled a perverse spirit in the midst of us , which causeth us to erre in every work , as a drunken man staggereth in his vomit , and we eat every man the flesh of his own arm , for all this his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still , the yoke of our transgressions is bound by his hand , they are wreathed , and come up upon our neck , and in the day of our calamity , he hath covered us with a cloud in his anger , that like blind men in the dark we grope for the wall , and cannot find either our sin or our duty : some cry , that there be many of our Prophets who have not discovered our iniquity to turn away our captivity : others complain , that not a few of them , have seen for us false burdens and causes of banishment ; what shall we do whilst it 's thus with us ? surely it is meet to be said unto God , shew me why thou contendest with me , I have born Chastisement , I will not offend any more , that which I see not , teach thou me , if I have done iniquity , I will do no more ; untill the Lord shall reveal it unto us , and make us wise in heart to understand this , and speak to us , that we may declare it , for what the Land mourns . It is fit that in the things of the Lord's controversie , and of our duty whereto we have already attained , we walk by the same rule , and minde the same things . I do suppose that all of us are of one minde in this , that our corrupt mixture in Church members , and Church-officers , are one main cause , why so much wrath is gone forth from the Lord against us , and doth abide upon us . The Lord's design upon Scotland for a long time past seems to have been to purge his house , and as to have his ordinances pure , so to have his people and his Officers also pure ; I mean not of a higher pitch than the doctrine and policie of our Church doth reach , because ( I fear not to say it ) the measuring line of the Sanctuary hath been stretched over these , ●o give unto them due Scripture dimensions , concerning the qualification of Church members , and Church Officers : If in these things our practice were agreeable to our rule , we needed not be ashamed , but might speak with our Enemies in the gate , and answer him that reproacheth us , our sin is , that being weighed in our own ballance , we are found too light ; how many Church-members are there in Scotland , whom our Church discipline ( if conscientiously weilded ) would cut off as rotten , How many Church-Officers , whom that disciplin would cast out as unsavory salt ? we have rejoyced in our pride and been haughty because of the Lord 's holy mountain , but have not so zealously cared , that holiness to the Lord might be engraven in all the pots of his house . We have boasted of a Reformation of the Ordinances , without seeking as really to reform Church-Officers , and Church-Members , according to the Pattern thereof . Pure Ordinances are indeed things precious and excellent , ( and what soul among us that hath any measure of the true Zeal of the Lords house , can behold the defacing of these , and not make it the matter of their lamentation ) yet these are but means subordinate to a more high and super-excellent end , to wit , that we may thereby be brought with open face to behold as in a glass the glory of the Lord , and be changed unto the same Image from glory to glory , even as by the spirit of the Lord , that we may ▪ all come unto the unity of the faith , unto the knowledge of the Son of God , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ. It is true , that all the Members of the Church visible , will not be living and lively stones in the Lords temple , neither doth the rule of Church-constitution , hold out or cast out all who are not really such ; but this is the great scope that all of us ought to levell at , that all the Lords people may be holy that all who profess faith in Iesus Christ , may walk as becomes the Gospel of Jesus Christ. And how shall this be attained , unless these who bears the Vessels of the Lord , and to whom the charge of holy things be committed be holy , the sons of Levi must be purified , and purged as gold and as silver , before they offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousness , when that is done , then are the offerings of Judah and Jerusalem pleasant unto the Lord. I acknowledge that we were once upon a fair way for purging the House of God in this Land , they who interrupted us shall bear their burden ; but what was done in this thing , was not more refreshing to gracious hearts , than it was sorely repined at , and opposed by others ( a sin that provoked the Lord to stop the current of so rich a mercy ) therefore do many now make haste again to intrude themselves upon the Cangregations whence they were once justly cast out , and not a few amongst the People love to have it so , as though there were a conspiracy to return to Egypt , and to build again the walls of Jericho , and repair the ruines of Edom. I do also acknowledge it with thank fulness unto the great Shepherd of Souls , that there is a great company of gracious men amongst the Officers of his Church , who walk in the ways of the Lord , and keep his charge , but there be also many that neither do so , nor know how to do it ; To say nothing of Ministers : It is more than manifest , that there is a generation of ignorant , slothfull , earthly minded men , who bear the name of Elders and Deacons in many Congregations , and where such bear rule , what can be expected , but that the People should perish for want of knowledge , and holiness be despised , and ly in the dust , and Congregations still abide in to swarthy a temper , If we might find grace in the Lords sight , to be throughly convinced of this great Church-evil , whence many Church evils flow , and be brought with some measure of sincerity to endeavour the remedy thereof , what a branch of hope might it be , that our reproach should be taken away , and we become a People instructed in the way of the Lord , and walking to the Praise and Commendation of the Gospel , which is now evil spoken of , because of the ignorance , and loose conversation of many among us : Therefore am I bold as pressed in spirit ( albeit one of the weakest and most unworthy ) to offer this little Treatise , with an eye upon this end . And let me without offence , beseech all the Ministers , Elders , Deacons , Congregations , Presbyteries , and Assemblies of this Church , in the bowels of the Lord Iesus Christ : yea , let me ob●est them by the blood of the everlasting Covenant , by their Zeal of the Lord's honour , by the credite of the Gospel , by their love to souls , and by the sury of the Lord , which he hath caused to rest upon us , because he purged us , and we would not be purged ; and as they desire , the Lord should bring us again , and cause us stand before him , and leave us a remnant , and give us a nail in his holy place ; that they would each of them in their stations , endeavour to take forth the precious from the vile , and purge the Lord's house in this Land from corrupt Officers , and corrupt members ; Oh , will we not be made clean ? When will it once be ? To the CHRISTIAN READER . THe inducements that perswaded me first to write , and then to publish this little Treatise of Ruling Elders and Deacons , were chiefly these , 1. The sensible Impression that the Lord hath made upon my Spirit , as also ( I know ) upon the spirits of the godly of the Land , of the great prejudice that comes to this poor Church by a multitude of men in these offices , who neither know their duty , nor make conscience to perform it . 2. The vindicating the Doctrine of our Church concerning these Church-Offi●ers , that the mouths of such who speak evil may be stopped , and others who stumble may be satisfied . 3. The pressing desire of Brethren , Ministers , and Elders in the Presbytery and Congregation , where the Lord hath set me ; all which did receive some spirit and life , when I found my Name among those to whom the Gen. Assembly of this Church did commit and recommend this work long ago . I have endeavoured to handle it with as much plainness and evidence of Truth , and as shortly , without wronging of the matter as I could : It is not unlike that some may think , that I have done no great business , because I have brought no new thing . I acknowledge that it is so ; what I have said , is for the matter ( I trust ) and in many things for the words too , the Doctrine of the Scriptures , and of Protestant Divines , and of our Church , in the Act ▪ s and Policy thereof ; I have but put together in one , and digested into some Method what was lying scattered of before , that these who either could not , or would not be at the pains to search for such things , may now have them at their hand . Others may look upon this Treatise as not plain enough , or as not so exact , full , and perfect as it ought to be ; with these I shall not contend ; I have done what I could , at least what I conceived best in order to the ends I propounded to my self ; If others shall find favour of the Lord to do better , I shall blesse his Name on their behalf , and receive and make use of their pains with thankfulness . And some may happily think , that there is here too much laid upon Ruling-Elders , more nor they shall be able or willing to undertake ; yea , more than the Lord doth require of them , most of the things that are mentioned by us being incumbent to Ministers rather than to Elders . It is true what is said of the Elders duty , is also the duty of Ministers , for what soever the Elder ought to do by vertue of his Calling , that also ought the Minister to do , and somewhat more , but so far as we know , nothing is spoken here of the Elder , that doth not belong to him ; if through ignorance or want of abilitie , or neglect , or custome , Elders have not done these things , it is that which ought to be helped , it is now high time for them to awake , and to know and owne , and follow their duty ; and for the Church of God in Scotland , to know how much she hath smarted under the hands of ignorant and slothful , yea and scandalous men ; we would not alwayes satisfie our selves with disguised and histrionical men , puffed up with Titles or with Idols , dead in sins to be Elders ; but would seek after holy men , who being endued with faith in God , and walking in his obedience , God authorizing them , and the Church his Spouse choosing them , and calling them , undertake the Government thereof , that they may labour to the conservation and Edification of the same in Christ ; Neither needs the qualification , or multitude , or difficulties of the particulars here spoken of , discourage or scarr any : It is not so much the measure as the truth of the thing that is to be looked at . We have set down what a Ruling Elder ought to be , in regard of the whole extent of his Charge , sundry particulars whereof the most part of Ruling Elders are seldom called to exercise , and if they be in some measure fitted for these parts of the charge which God calls them to exercise , and follow the same with singleness of heart , they may believe that they shall be assisted , and accepted of God in Iesus Christ ; the Imployment is not theirs , but the Lords , from whom they may expect both their furniture , and also their reward ; let them arise and be doing , and the Lord shall be with them . A Short TREATISE OF Ruling Elders . CHAP. I. Of their Names . WHat is necessary to be understood concerning Ruling Elders may be taken up in the explication of these four , 1. Their name . 2. Their institution . 3. Their Calling . 4. Their Qualification and Duty . The word Elder in the Scripture doth signifie divers things , 1. It signifieth old men , or men come to age ▪ 1 Tim. 5. 1. Rebuke not an-Elder , but intreat him as a father , and the younger men as brethren . 2. It signifies those who have lived in the times of old . Mat. 15. 2. Why do thy Disciples transgress the tradition of the Elders . 3. It is taken for honourable and worthy men , Isa. 3. 2. The Lord of Hosts doth take away from Jerusalem and Judah the Prudent and the Ancient . 4. It is the name of a Spiritual Officer in the house of God. Acts 14. 23. And when they had ordained them Elders in every city . In this last signification it is taken in this place , for these who bear Rule in the House of God , who are called Elders because of the Knowledge , Gifts , Experience , Prudence and Gravity , wherewith they ought to be indued . The Officers in the House of God , who in the Scriptures are called by the name of Elders , are of severall soits , Preaching Elders or Ministers , Teaching Elders or Doctors , and Ruling or Governing Elders , all these three are often times in the N. T. comprized under the general name of Elder , Act. 15 6 , 22. & 20. 17. 1. Pet. 5 It is the Ruling Elder whom we have now to do with , who is so called , not because the power of ruling and governing the Church belongs to him alone , for it also belongs to the Preaching ●nd Teaching Elders , or to the Ministers and Doctors : But because to rule and govern is the principal and chief part of his Charge and Imployment , it is the highest Act of his Office ; It is not competent for him to Preach , that belongs to the Pastor or Minister , nor to teach , that belongs to the Doctor ; but his Office is comprized within the compasse of Ruling and Governing the Church ; and therefore he is called the Governing or Ruling Elder ; The Apostle in the Epistle to the Rom : ch . 1● . 8. calleth him , him that ruleth , and 1 Cor. 12. 28 ▪ he calls them Governments putting the abstract for the concret , Governments for Governours . Thus then we have the proper or right name of these Church Officers , which serves to correct a twofold mistake . The 1. is , of these who either out of ignorance , or disdain , do call them Lay-Elders , as if they were a part of the People only , and not to be reckoned amongst the Officers of the Lords House , whom the Popish Church in their pride , and others following them calls the Clergy , that is , the Lords Inheritance , in opposition to the Laity or People , whom they look upon , as base and much inferior to the other in worth and Excellency , whereas all the Lords People are his portion , and the lot of his in heritance , Deut. 32. 9. 1. Pet. 5. 3. The second mistake is , of these who do call these only Ruling-Elders , who sit in Presbyteries , Synods , and General Assemblies , allowing to others the name of Elders , but not of Ruling-Elders : But every Elder in the Lords House is a Ruling-Elder , because the power and exercise of rule and Government belongs to every Elder , though some of them upon speciall occasions be called to a more eminent Exercise of it than others . CHAP. II. Of the Institution of Ruling-Elders . THE Institution of the Office of Ruling Elder , is divine , it is not an ordinance of man , but of God. The Lord Jesus , upon whose shoulder the Government is , and who is faithfull in all his House , hath in his Eternal Wisdom thought fit to appoint such an Officer in his House , for the right and orderly Governing thereof . It is true , that by the sloth , or rather by the pride of Teachers , whilest they alone would seem to be somewhat , and by the policy of Satan , and inadvertance of the Church , these Officers were for many Ages together , out of use in the Christian Church . But certain it is , that both the Jewish Synagogue , and after , the Christian Church had Seniores , or Elders , without whose counsel nothing was done in the Church ; That the Jewish Church had such , appears from 2 Chro. 19. 8. Jer. 29. 1. Mat. 16 ▪ 21 , 22 , 23 , 26 , 57 , 59. Act. 4. 5. And that the Christian Church also had them in the primitive & purest times thereof , appears from the testimony of ancient Writers , as may be found by these who will take pains to search into these things But we have a more sure word for the Divine Institution of Elders in the Christian Church , then any testimony of man , to wit , the Testimony of God , in the Scriptures of the New Testament . The first place of Scripture is Rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. Having then gifts , differing according to the grace that is given us , whether prophesie , let us prophesie according to the proportion of faith , or Ministery , let us wait on our Ministring , or he that teacheth on teaching , or he that exhorteth on exhortation ; he that gives , let him do it wih simplicity : he that ruleth , with diligence ▪ he that sheweth mercy , with cheerfulnesse . In which Text , the Apostle doth first comprehend all the severall kindes of ordinary standing Officers in the Church of God , under two general Heads , to wit , Prophecie , whereby is meaned the ordinary facultie of right understanding and expounding the Scriptures , and Ministery , under which is comprehended all other Church-Officers and Imployments : To each of these the Apostle addeth their generall duties , to wit , that he who prophesieth , should do it according to the proportion of faith , h. e. according to the measure , of the measure of knowledge of the word of faith , that he hath received of God ; And he that ministers , let him wait on his ministring , h. e. let him not do it negligently or slothfully , but faithfully and diligently . Then he sub-divides these two Generalls , into the speciall Offices contained under them ; He divides him that prophesieth , into him that teacheth , and him that exhorteth , or into the Doctor , to whom the word of teaching or Instruction belongs , and the Pastor , to whom the Word of Exhortation is competent . Under him that ministereth , he comprehends , first him that giveth , by whom is meant the Deacon , who is appointed for the supply of the poor ▪ Secondly , him that ruleth , by whom can be meant no other then the Ruling Elder , seeing an ordinary ruling Officer in the Church , who is different from the Pastor and Teacher is here spoken of by the Apostle . The second place of Scripture that proves the Office of Ruling Elders is , 1 Cor. 12. 28. And God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondly Prophets , thirdly Teachers , afterward miracles , then gifts of healing , helps , governments , kinds of tongues . Some of the Bibles of the late English Translation read helps in governments , but cross to the Text in the first Language , that bears helps , governments , as two distinct things , and therefore in other Editions of that Translation , this is helped . In this Text the Apostle reckons several Officers of the Church , some extraordinary , which were to continue but for a season , such as Apostles , Prophets , Powers or Miracles , gifts of healing , kinds of tongues : Some Ordinary , which were to continue in the Church to the end of the World , and these are Teachers , or the ordinary Church ▪ Officers , who are exercised in the Word : Helps , h. e. the Deacons , who are appointed for the help and relief of the poor ; and governments , h. e. the Governing and Ruling Elders ; for it is clear from the words , that the Apostle by Governments , doth mean a Church-Officer , whom God hath set in his Church , for Ruling and Governing thereof , now this cannot be any other of the Church-Officers , for these he hath named besides , and therefore it remains that it is the Ruling Elder . The third place of Scripture is , 1Tim . 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour , specially they that labour in the word and doctrine . Which Text doth hold forth and distinguish two sorts of Elders in the Church , to whom the Lord Jesus hath committed the power of Ruling ; One sort who do also labour in the Word and Doctrine , to wit , Pastors and Teachers : Another sort who do only Rule , and doing it well , are accounted worthy of double honour , and these are the Ruling Elders of whom we speak . From this that the Office of the Ruling Elder is of Divine Institution , we gather these conclusions , First , that it is not a thing arbitrary and indifferent for such to wait upon their charge , yea or not , as they please , or as their attendance may contribute for their own or their friends particular , which is the custom of too too many Elders ; but that they are bound in conscience diligently to attend and follow the duties thereof , whether they be such as they ought , to the several Members of the Congregation , or the keeping of Session , or Presbytery , and other Assemblies of the Church , when they are called and desired thereto . Secondly , that Elders ought to do their Office , not formally and hypocritically , for the fashion only , but sincerely and honestly , as in the sight of God , by whom they are called unto this holy Calling , and to whom they must render an accompt of their discharge of this great trust . Thirdly , they ought not to domineer over their fellow Brethren and Elders , but carry themselves humbly and serviceably , as these who are appointed of the Lord Jesus for ministring unto , and edifying of his Body the Church . Fourthly , that they ought to carry themselves with that authority , holiness , gravity and prudence , that becomes these who are called of God to bear Rule in his House . Fifthly , that Elders once lawfully called to the Office , and having gifts from God meet to exexcise the same , ( unless they be removed therefrom , because of miscarriages ) are still Elders , thogh happily in Congregations where many qualified men may be found , some may be permitted for a time to surcease from the exercise of the charge , and others be put in their room , as was among the Levites under the Law , in serving in the Temple by courses . Sixthly , that people ought to obey such as these who have the rule over them , and to submit themselves , because they wait for their souls , as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy , and not with grief , Heb. 13. 17. Yea , they would know them as these who are over them in the Lord , and do admonish them , and esteem them very highly in love for their works sake , 1 Thes. 5. 12 , 13. CHAP. III. Of the Vocation or Calling of Ruling Elders . AS no man is to intrude in any imployment without a lawful Calling , so much less ought any man to intrude himself without a Calling , into any sacred Function in the House of God : Heb. 5. 4. Therefore before any take upon him to exercise the Office of Ruling Elder , he ought to be lawfully called thereunto . This Calling is inward or outward ; the inward Calling is the Testimony of a good Conscience , concerning some measure of ability and gifts for the Charge , and a sincere , and honest inclination and purpose to imploy these gifts , for the honour of God , the advancement of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the good of souls . The outward Calling is to be after the same manner with that of other Church-officers , and it stands in their Election , and in the tryal of their carriage , gifts , and admission to the Charge . The Election is to be made by the Congregation wherein they are to bear charge , Acts 6. 3. 5 ▪ and 14. 23. That it may be gone about in the more orderly way , it is fit that a nomination be made by the Minister and Eldership of the Congregation of the persons fittest , and best qualified for the imployment , and that the names of the persons nominated by them , be publickly intimated to the Congregation , and they desired , in case of their not being satisfied , as having exception , or knowing others better qualified , to represent the same to the Minister and Eldership . If there be no Eldership in the Congregation , a nomination may be made either by the Presbytery , or by the most judicious and godly Members of the Congregation ; particularly Masters of Families , together with the Minister , or one or more Ministers of the Presbytery , in case of the Congregations want of a Minister . The trial is to be by the Minister and Eldership of the Congregation , or in case of the want of these , by the Presbytery : And they are to be tryed both in regard of their conversation , that it be blameless and holy , and also in regard of their knowledge and experience in the things of God , and of the Affairs of his House , and of their ability and prudence for Government ; It is true that the trial of Elders in their knowledge and gifts required for their Charge , hath not been much in use in this Church ; It being taken for granted , that conscience would be made of making choise of such as had knowledge , and were able and fit , or that if any ignorant , or not able and sitted , were nominat , that some of the Congregation upon the intimation of their names , would except against them ; but by this means it hath come to pass , that many ignorant and unqualified men have been admitted Elders in many Congregations , to the great detriment of Religion , and no small reproach of our Church : The Apostle 1 Tim. 3. 10. speaking of Deacons , which is the lowest rank of the Officers of the Church , requires that these also first be proved , then let them use the Office of a Deacon , being found blameless : And the same reasons and grounds that plead for the tryal of a Minister , pleads also for the tryal of Elders , in a way suitable to the qualifications required in them . Their Admission is to be by the Minister of the Congregation , or one appointed by the Presbytery , in the presence of the whole Congregation , with the Preaching of the Word , concerning their duty , and with Prayer and Humiliation , concerning the spirit of their Calling to be poured out upon them , and that the pleasure of the Lord may prosper in their hands : At which time they are solemnly to engage themselves before the Lord , to be faithful , and diligent , and watchful over the flock committed to their charge , and in all the duties of that holy and honourable imployment ; and the People are also to engage themselves to obey them , and to submit themselves to them in the Lord , and to honour them , and highly to esteem them in love for their works sake . CHAP. IV. Of the Duties of a Ruling Elder . THe Duties of a Ruling Elder be of two sorts , some that are personal , and relate to his conversation as a Christian , others that are Official , and relate to his Ruling , as an Office-bearer in the House of God. His personal qualifications , or the duties of his conversation , are the same with these which the Apostle requires in the conversation of a Minister , 1 Tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. and 6. 11. Tit. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. In which Scriptures under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an Overseer , he comprehends all these Officers who have the Oversight and Charge of Souls , and sets down what manner of persons he would have them to be in regard of their conversation and carriage : I shall speak of these things with Application to the Ruling Elder . That the Ruling Elder ought to be of a blameless and Christian Conversation , is above question , but that it may be more distinctly known what the Holy Ghost requires of such in regard of their conversation : I shall from these Scriptures show , First , what the Apostle would have them not to be . Secondly , what he would have them to be . The things of the first sort are these : 1. A Ruling Elder must not be given to Wine , they must not be lovers nor followers of strong drink , nor debord in riot and excess , nor tipple away time in Ale-houses and Taverns . 2. He must not be a striker nor a brawler , nor given to quarrelling and contentions . 3. He must not be covetous , nor greedy of filthy lucre ; for , the love of money is the root of all evil , which while some covet after , they erre from the faith , and pierce themselves through with many sorrows . 4. He must not be a novice ; or one newly come to the faith , lest he bepuffed up with pride , and fall into the condemnation of the Devil , the spirits of Novices are not yet well ballasted , nor brought low enough by frequent exercises of the Cross , and so come to be more easily puffed up , therefore there is need that he be an exercised Souldier of Iesus Christ , and one who by Experience is taught to know the wiles of the Devil , and is able to endure hardness . 5. He must not be self-willed , adhering pertinaciously , and without reason to his own judgment , and refusing to hearken to the judgment of his Brethren , though sound and wholesome . 6. He must not be soon angry , whether upon real or conceived causes of provocation . The things of the second sort be these , 1 , He must be blameless . h. e. One who walks without offence towards God and men . 2. If married , he must be the husband of one Wife ; such a one who shuns all unlawful lusts , satisfying himself with , and keeping himself within the bounds of the Remedy provided of God. 3. He must be vigilant , watchfull over his own soul , that no temptation prevail upon him , watchful unto every good duty , and to take hold of every opportunity of wel-doing . 4. He must be sober , & temperat , of a sound and humble minde , moderating his own appetite and affections , and satisfying himself with a moderat use of the Creatures , and of the things of this world . 5. He must be of a good behaviour or modest , of a grave and staid , yet of an effable and courteous carriage , neither light and vain , to the loosing of his Authority , and rendring himself contemptible , nor sullen , and self-pleasing , to the discouraging and scaring away of the flock , by his needless distance & austerity . 6. Given to hospitality , ready to receive strangers to his House , especially the poor , and those who are of the houshold of Faith. 7 , Apt to teach , h. e. A man of knowledge , and able to instruct others , one who hath a ready and willing minde to teach others , which is not so meant , as if it were requisite for the Ruling Elder to be endued with the Gifts of Exhortation and instruction competent to the Pastor and Teacher , or that he may and ought to imploy himself therein , but of that fitness and ability to Teach that is competent to his Calling , which he must be ready and willing to exercise so far as belongs thereto . 8. Moderate , in the first Language , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ●endered patient , 1 Tim. 3. Not rigorous nor exacting the hight of the Law in his dealing , but in his own particular of a condescending nature , and remitting something of strict justice . 9. Patient , one who without wearying , waits on his duty notwithstanding of difficulties , and doth bear the delayes , untractableness , and injuries of others . 10. One who rules well his own house , having his Children in subjection with all gravity , to which the Apostle adds this reason , if a man know not how to rule his own house how shall he take a care of the Church of God. 1 Tim. 3. 5. The Church of God is of larger extent than one Family , and the duties to be performed in it , be of greater eminency and difficulty , and require more skill , wisdom , and courage , then these that are to be performed in a Family . The ruling well of his own house , doth import not only ability for doing of it , but also that he make conscience of , and actually perform these duties that are required for the right and well ordering of a Christian Family , to teach and instruct his Children , and Servants in the knowledge of God , to take care of their sanctifying the Lord's day , of their profi●ing in Godliness , of their seeking of God , and of their ordering their conversation aright , to read the Scriptures , sing Psalms , pray in the Family , and to exhort , admonish , rebuke and comfort all that are of his houshold , as their condition doth require ; for if these duties ly upon all Masters of Families who profess the Gospel , then in a special way upon Elders , who are appointed to stir up , and go before others in the performance thereof . 11. A lover of good men , one whose soul cleaves to those who fear God , having such in estimation above all others , cherishing them , and conversing ordinarily and familiarly with them . 12. He must be just , one who is straight and upright in all his dealings among men , deceiving no man , defrauding no man , withholding nothing from any man that is due to him , but giving to every man his own . 13. Holy , careful to express the life of Religion , and power of Godliness in a● his conversation . 14. He must b● one who holds fast the faithful Wor● that he hath been taught , one wh● is stable in the ●aith holding fa● the truth of God , without wave●ing or turning aside to error . Lastly , he must be one who hath good report of these who are without lest he fall into reproach and snare of the devil , 〈◊〉 he must be such a one , whose blameless conversation ▪ and sober and Christian walking doth extort a testimony even from these who know not God , and who doth by well-doing put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , that if any speak evil of him as of an evil-doer , they may be ashamed who speak falsly against his good conversation in Christ. The Apostle comprehends all these summarly in two sentences , [ 1 Tim. 4. 12. Be thou an example of the believers in word , in conversation , in charity , in spirit , in faith , in purity , 1 Tim. 6. 11. But thou O man of God , flee these things , and follow after righteousness , godliness , faith , love , patience , meekness . CHAP. V. Of the duties of their Calling which are more private . THe duties of their Calling are these that belong to their watching over , and ruling of the flock , and they be of two sorts ; some that they are to perform by themselves alone , and so may be called More private duties ; others that they are to perform jointly with the rest of the Over seers of the House of God , and may be called more publick . The duties of their Calling , that be more private , are all these that private Christians are bound to perform each of them unto another by the Law of charity and love , and these are , first ; to instruct one another , Joh. 4. 29. Acts 18. 26. Secondly , to exhort and stir up one another , to provoke unto love and good works , Heb. 10. 24 , 25. Thirdly , to admonish and rebuke one another , Levit. 19. 17. First , privately , and if they will not hearken , then before Witnesses , & if yet they will not hearken , then to tell the Church , and if they will not hear the Church , then to tell the Church ; and if they will not hear the Church , then let them be unto us as Heathens and Publicans , Math. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. Fourthly , to comfort the afflicted , and to support the weak , 1 Thess. 5. 11. Fifthly , to restore those who are fallen , Gal. 6. 1. Sixthly ; To reconcile these who are at variance , Math. 5. 9. Seventhly , To pray one for another , Jude 20. Eighthly , To visit the sick , and those who are in bonds and distress , Math , 25. 36. All these duties Elders are to perform to the several Members of the Congregation , by vertue of their Calling . The Scriptures do expresly mention some of them , as incumbent unto them , to wit , admonishing these over whom God hath set them , 1 Thess. 5. 12. visiting and praying over the sick , Jam. 5. 14. feeding the flock by Instruction , Exhortation , Rebuke and Comfort in such a way as is competent to their station . Act 20. 28. The rest we may warrantably gather by analogie and proportion from these ; If privat Christians be obliged thereto , much more are Christian Elders , who have the charge of Souls , in a special way obliged thereto . These things are well expressed in the sixth Chap. of the second Book of Discipline . [ As the Pastors and Doctors ( say they ) should be diligent in teaching and sowing the ●eed of the Word ; so the Elders should be careful in seeking of the fruit of the same of the People . It appertains to them to assist the Pastor , in Examination of them that come to the Lords Table ▪ Item in visiting the sick , they should cause the Acts of the Assemblies aswell particular as general , to be put in execution carefully ▪ they should be diligent to admonish all men of their duty , according to the rule of the Evangel ; things that they cannot correct by privat admonition , they should bring to the Eldership . From what hath been said concerning these duties of Ruling Elders these three things follow ; First , that they ought to be men of such ability , as are in some measure able to instruct , exhort admonish , rebuke , comfort , pray , and do these duties now mentioned . Secondly , That it is needful for them , not only to have some measure of ability for these things , but also to have some measure of dexterity , wisdom , experience , tenderness in following the same . Thirdly , That they be well acquainted with the condition of the Congregation , and the Members thereof , and therefore be careful to observe their carriage , and frequently to visit and take inspection of Families , that they may instruct the ignorant , exhort the negligent , admonish the sloathful , and rebuke those who walk disorderly , comfort the afflicted , establish those who waver , visit the sick , encourage these who do well , and see piety and godliness promoted in Families , and every one edifying another in love , walking in the fear of the Lord , and comfort of the Holy Ghost . CHAP. VI. Of these duties which are more publick , and which they are ●o perform joyntly with others . THe duties of Elders which are more publick , and which they are to perform joyntly with others , are these which ly upon them in the Assemblies or Courts of the Church , which are made up of Preaching Elders , Teaching Elders , and Ruling Elders : These Assemblies are in our Church of four sorts ; either they are of the Elders of particular Congregations , which is the Church Session , or of the Elders of moe Congregations than one lying near together , which is the Presbyterie , or of the Elders of moe Presbyteries then one , which is the Provincial Synod , or of the Elders Commissioners from all the Presbyteries in the Land , which is the General or National Assembly : To these we may adde a fifth sort , to wit , that which is made up of Elders , from all or diverse Nations professing the Faith of Jesus Christ. Whilst we speak of Elders , of which the Assemblies of the Church are made up , we mean all sorts of Elders : Ministers , Doctors , and Ruling Elders . It is true , that in the Congregations of our Church , because of the want of maintenance , there be few , or no Doctors , or Teaching Elders distinct from Pastors or Ministers , who perform the duties both of the Preaching Elder , and of the Teaching Elder , only in the Schools of Divinity are such . In all Assemblies of the Church , Ruling Elders being therto rightly called , have power to sit , write , debate , vote , and conclude in all matters that are handled therein , Acts 15. 2. and 6. 22 , 23. The things which be handled in the Assemblies of the Church , be either matters of Faith , matters of Order , matters of Discipline , or that which concerneth the sending of Church-officers , according to which they have a fourfold power : 1. That which is called Dogmatick , whereby they judge of Truth and Error , in points of Doctrine , according to the Word of God only . 2. That which is callee Diatactick , by which they discern and judge of the circumstances of these things that belong to the worship of God , as Times , Places , Persons , and all such particulars in Ecclesiastick Affairs as are not determined in the Word , according to the general Rules thereof , concerning order and decency , avoiding of scandal , doing all to the glory of God ▪ and to the edifying of the Church . 3. That which is Critick or Corrective , by which Censures are exercised upon the scandalous and obstinate , and such as are penitent again admitted to the Ordinances , Fellowship & Society of the Church . 4. That which is called Exousiastick , by vertue of which they send , authorize and give power to Church officers to serve in the house of God All these Assemblies are not to exer ▪ cise all these powers , but to keep themselves within their due bounds , the Inferior leaving these things that are of more common concernment to the Superiour ; but in all these Powers , Ruling Elders have a share , and do put forth the same in exercise , according to the measure that belongs to the Assembly whereof they are Members , Acts 15. 6. 22 , 23. Howbeit the execution of some decrees of the Church-assemblies ; such as the Imposition of hands , the pronouncing the Sentence of excommunication , the receiving of Penitents , the Intimation of the Deposition of Ministers , and such like , do belong to Ministers alone . These being the Duties and Powers of Ruling Elders in the Assemblies of the Church , its requisite that they be indued with such abilities and qualifications as are needful for the exercising thereof ; but because all Ruling Elders are not alwayes called to sit in all these Assemblies : But one from every Session sufficeth to the Presbytery and Provincial Synods , and a few from every Presbytery , and from greater Congregations , or Burghs therein to the General Assembly , as also a few from the whole Church throughout a Land , to a more universal Assembly ; Therefore , though it is to be wished and endeavoured , that all Elders may have due qualifications for all these things ; and though special care is to be taken every where to choose the most qualified , yet in particular Congregations men may be chosen Elders , who have not such a measure of all these qualifications ; they being otherwise men of a blameless and Christian Conversation , and having such a measure of knowledge , and prudence , as is fit for Governing that Congregation , and judging of the things that are handled in the Session thereof , which for the most part are matters of scandal , and trying and admitting of Penitents ; but if there be any who are not of a blameless and Christian conversation , and have not some measure of these qualifications required by the Word of God in a Ruling Elder , no Congregation ought to choose any such , nor any Session or Presbytery to admit them to the charge , for it is not seemly that the servants of corruption should have authority to judge in the Kirk of God , and if any such have been admitted , they are to endeavour the removal of them , as they would not partake of their sin , and be found guilty before the Lord of the blood of souls , which cannot but suffer prejudice through negligence or ill guiding of such men . CHAP. VII . Of the Duty of Elders in censuring scandals and scandalous persons , and receiving of penitents . BEcause the Government and Duty of Elders in Congregations , lyes for most part in censuring scandals and scandalous persons , and trying and admitting of penitents ; Therefore it is fit to speak somewhat of their right way of following their Duty in these things . 1. For the Persons about whom their censures are to be exercised , it is all the Members of the Congregation indifferently and impartially , without respect of persons , the rich as well as the poor , the high as well as the low , their friends , kinsmen , alliance , neighbours and acquaintance , as well as others . Ja. 2. sharply reproves these who have the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ the Lord of glory with respect of persons , by preferring the rich to the poor ; and Solomon says , that divers weights , and divers measures are an abomination to the Lord , must it not then be worthy of rebuke to have the censures of our Lord Jesus with respect of persons , and to weigh the rich and the poor , the high and the low in divers ballances , by taking notice of the one , and passing by the other . 2. It is incumbent to them to exercise their power , not only over the people of the Congregation , but also over these of their own number , as all Christians , so so they in a special way who are yoke-fellows in the work of the Lord , ought to consider and admonish one another , and if any of them be found negligent , or insufficient , or do in any thing miscarry , to the offence of the Gospel , and blaming of the eldership , he is to be censured by the Minister , or Ministers , and the rest of the Elders , as the degree of his offence doth require , the Apostle Paul , Acts 20. 28. gives charge to all Elders to take heed to themselves , as well as to the flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made them Over-seers . 3. As all sorts of scandalous persons , whether in the Congregation , or amongst themselves : so all sorts of scandals and offences are to be taken notice of by them ▪ The Apostle 2 Thes. 3. 6. commands that we withdraw from every brother that walketh disorderly , and amongst disorderly walkers , he doth vers . 11. reckon idle persons , who do not work at all , but are busie bodies ; intimating to us , that even these scandals and disorders , which are by many little taken notice of & lookt upon as no faults , ought to be taken notice of by the Church , that all her members may walk honestly ; and as it becomes the Gospel of Iesus Christ. The Acts of our Church doth appoint , that whatsoever it be that might spot that Christian Congregation , ought not to escape either admonition or censures : So in the order of Ecclesiastick Discipline , 1567. Two great neglects there be that by ignorance or custom have crept in among Elders in many Congregations . 1. That they do not take notice of the omission of Duties , as well as of the commission of faults ; as for instance , If there be any member of the ▪ Congregation who lives idlely , and waits not upon his Calling , who is not given to Prayer , who is not charitable to the poor , who waits not upon the publick Ordinances ; if there be any Master of a Family who prays not in his Family , who does not bring up his Children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord ; or 2. Thar they do not take notice of the commission of faults , and scandals of all sorts , but of some few only ; such as fornication , adultery , and profaning of the Lords Day , and suffering many others , such as tipling , drunkenness , filthy communication , lying , cursing , swearing , oppression , reproaching of Piety , and Godliness , &c. to pass without observation . 4. Elders are to take heed , that they bring in no civil questions and Debates before the Assemblies of the Church , and that they do not use nor inflict any civil mulct , or punishment , upon persons convict of scandal , these being proper to the Civil Magistrat ; The Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the Censures thereof being Spiritual , and not of this world , John 18. 36. 5. In the taking notice of offences , they are to observe this Order : If the Offence be privat , and known to but a few , then are they in the first place to admonish the offender privatly , and if he hearken to the admonition and amend it , needs go no further , nor be dilated to the Church ; If he do not hearken nor amend , then is the Elder to take with him some of his Brethren , and to admonish the offender before witnesses , and if he hearken , the Church needs not be acquainted therewith , but if he despise this second admonition , then is ●e to be dilated by the Elder to the Church , that he may be called before the Session , and convicted and censured by them ; This is the Order commanded and prescribed by Jesus Christ , Mat. 18 15 , 16 , 17. if the offence be Publick and open , then is the offender without such previous admonition to be dilated to the Session , that according to the Apostles Rule , 1 Tim. 5 ▪ 20. They that sin ( meaning openly ) may be rebuked before all , that others may fear . 6. In these dilations , they are to take heed that they do not ▪ upon every rumor or jealousie , or suspition , bring men to be questioned Publickly , as scandalous walkers , but first to be carefull to make diligent and prudent enquiry about the truth of the matter , and to see if it can be proven by Witnesses , or that the scandall thereof be common and flagrant , or attended with pregnant likely-hoods , and presumptions of truth , before they bring it in publick , that so it may appear to the Congregation , and to the party themselves , that they are not questioned and challenged without cause . 7. In the matter of dilation and censure , they are in the fear of God , and in the simplicity and sincerity of of their hearts , to take heed that fear or favour , or solistations , or threatnings , or gifts , or bribes , make them not passe by , or wink at the fault of any , and that passion , or malice , or privat quarrels , and particulars make them not to dilate , or rip up , or censure the miscarriage of any , and that they carry with all tendernesse and compassion , and moderation , towards the offender , that they may aprove themselves to his conscience ; that nothing puts them one to dilate him , and proceed against him , but the conscience of duty , and a desire to gain his soul , and to purge the Church of scandals , Gal. 6. 1 2 Cor. 4. 2. It s a high provocation before the Lord , for a Chu●ch-Officer to abuse the power given him of God , for edifying his Body the Church , unto the satisfying his own passions and corrupt affections . 8. They are to take heed , that they do not use the Censures of the Church as a bodily punishment or penance to satisfie for sin , but a spiritual medicine , for humbling and gaining of the soul ; all Church censures , even Excommunication it self , which is the most terrible and destroying-like censure , being ordained of God for this end , 1 Cor. 5. The Apostle commands to deliver the incestuous person to Satan , not that he may satisfie for his sin , but that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus Christ. The word Satisfaction may admit of a tolerable construction in Church-censures , in order to the removing of the scandal before men ; but this being so much abused in the Popish Church , and the hearts of men , being so prone to true Gospel repentance , to a meer legal penance , and to conceive , that by meer outward submission and obedience to the censures of the Church , that the guilt of their sin is done away before God , Therefore Elders would carefully shun every thing that may give occasion to the fostering this pernicious opinion , and take pains to instruct offenders in the true nature and ends of the censures of the Kirk . 9. A great part of Elders work , is , to travel and take pains with scandalous persons who are now convict , to bring them to repentance , by seasonable and frequent conference , instructing , exhorting and admonishing them , untill they they perceive some measure of true and earnest humiliation wrought in them for their sin , and them fitted to evidence and declare the same in publick before the Congregation , that so the scandal may be removed . 10. They are not to desire or appoint any to professe repentance before the Congregation , untill the signes of repentance appear in them . The Incestuous Corinthian sorrowed exceedingly before the Apostle did any thing concerning the receiving of him ; And the Discipline of our Church appoints Ministers and Elders sharply to examine these who offer themselves to repentance , what fear and terrour they have of Gods judgements , what hatred of sin , and sorrow for the same , and what sense and feeling they have of Gods mercies ? In which if they be ignorant , they ought diligently to be instructed ; for it is ( say they ) but a mocking to put such to publick repentance , who neither understand what sin is , what repentance is , what grace is , nor by whom Gods mercies and favors are purchased ? And that after he is instructed in these things , and brought to have some taste of Gods judgements , especially of his mercies in Jesus Christ , he may be presented before the publick Church ; These things are set down in the form and order of Publick Repentance , appointed by the Assembly 1567. Lastly , when the signs and evidences of true and unfeigned Repentance do appear in these who have offended , Elders would shew themselves ready and willing to receive them with all tendernesse and compassion , and to forgive and comfort them , and confirm their love towards them , 2. Cor. 2. 7 , 8. The number of Elders in every Congregation cannot be well limited or determined , but it is to be more or less , according to the quantity of the Congregation , and necessities and condition of the people , and as men qualified and fit for the Charge can be found . It hath been an evil custom in some Congregations , that rather than they would want any of their wonted number , they would choose unqualified men , and that in several Congregations , the office of Elder hath been given to those of the richer and higher sort , as due to such ( though haply of no experience in the things of Jesus Christ , and in many things of an untender and blame-worthy conversation ) because of their condition in the world , or conceiving that their secular power and credit was the best means to promote the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and men qualified with knowledge and experience in the things pertaining to souls , and of a Christian and godly carriage have been passed by , because of a mean condition in the World. Better it is that the number be few , before we choose the ignorant and scandalous ; and that they be of a low degree , if godly , than of a high degree , if otherwise . That Elders may the more conveniently discharge their duty ; It is convenient that the Congregation be divided into so many parts , and that some competent part be assigned to the more peculiar care and inspection of every Elder ; yet so , as he neglect not to take heed to all the flock of God , over which the Holy Ghost hath made him an over-seer . CHAP. I. Of Deacons . Of their Names . THat we may also understand what doth belong unto Deacons , we shall speak of them shortly , after the same order . 1. Of their Name . 2. Of their Institution . 3. Of their Calling . 4. Of their duty and qualificacion . The word Deacon , largely taken , signifies any servant or Minister , Matth. 23. 11. Therefore in the New Testament , it doth sometimes comprehend all Church-Officers , even the Apostles themselves , 1 Cor. 3. 5. Because every Church-officer is appointed of God , for perfecting of the Saints , for the work of the Ministery , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and edifying the Body of Christ. When we speak of Deacons in the Kirk , it is not taken in this large sense , for any Church-officer of whatsoever sort , but for a certain kind of Church Officers distinct from Pastors , Teachers and Elders , to whom the collection and distribution of the Goods of the Church doth belong , for the supply of the necessities of the poor . CHAP. II. Of the Institution of Deacons . THe Institution of the Office of Deacon in the Church of Christ , is Divine ; it 's a special Ordinance and Appointment of Jesus Christ , that there should be Deacons in his House , Act ▪ 6. 3. The Apostle gives command to the Disciples to choose out among themselves men of honest report , full of the Holy Ghost , and of Wisdom , whom they might appoint over the business of the poor , which was accordingly done , as may be seen in the 5 and 6 verses of that Chapter : Neither was this a temporary institution upon this particular occasion , for the Church of Jerusalem only , but for all the Churches of Christ to the end of the world ; Therefore the Apostle Paul in several of his Epistles to the Churches , doth mention them , Rom. 12. 8. He exhorteth him that gives or imparts , ( h. e. the Deacon , to whom the care of giving and distributing is committed ) to do it with simplicity , 1 Cor. 12. 28. he reckons helps , ( h. e. Deacons who are appointed for helping the poor ) among these Officers whom God hath set in his Church ; and writing to the Philippians , he directs his Epistle to all the Saints in Christ , with the Bishops ( or Overseers , under whom he comprehends Ministers , Teachers and Elders ) and to the Deacons , 1 ▪ Tim. wherein he gives Rules concerning the qualification and carriage of all Church-officers , he treats of the Deacon at large , chap. 3. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. From the Divine Institution of Deacons , we gather 1. That the Deacon is a distinct Officer from the Elder ; it is a defect and fault in some Congregations , that they put no difference betwixt those two , but so confounds and mingles them together , as if they were both one , either appointing none for the Office of Deacon , but leaving that charge also upon the Elders , or else giving the Deacons the same power and imployment with the Elders . It 's true , whatsoever the Deacon may do by vertue of his Office , that same may be done by an Elder , as whatsoever is done by an Elder , may be done by a Minister : because the higher and more eminent offices in the Church , doth include the powers of the lower . It 's also true , that the Deacons may assist in judgment with the Minister and Elders , and be helping to them in these things that concerns the oversight of the Congregation , by information and advice ; Yet it is necessary that Congregations should so far regard the Ordinance , and reverence the Wisdom of God , in appointing these Officers , as to have both Elders and Deacons , and to preserve them distinct in their actings and operations , not giving to the Deacon , or suffering him to assume the Elders office . 2. That Deacons are not to count light of this imployment , or any others to esteem lightly of them , because they are called thereunto , and do exercise the same ; but that they themselves , and all others ought to look upon it as one of these holy and honourable Imployments , which the wisdom of God hath thought fit to appoint in his house , for supplying the necessities of the Saints . The Lord Jesus himself did not disdain to wash his Disciples feet ; Angels are all of them ministering Spirits , sent forth to minister for their sakes who are appointed to be heirs of Salvation ; why then should any think it below them to serve the Church of Christ , and to minister to the Saints in this Imployment ? 1 Tim. 3. 13. CHAP. III. Of the Calling of Deacons . NOne is to step into this Office , but he that is lawfully called therto ; Unto their Calling its needful , First , That they have abilities and gifts fit for the charge , together with an honest purpose of heart to serve the Lord faithfully in the discharge of the same , by seeking his honour , and the good of the Church . 2. That they be chosen by the Congregation in which they are to serve , which choice is to be made after the same manner , as that of Ruling Elder . 3. That tryal be taken by the Minister and Elders , concerning their conversation , that it be blameless and holy : And concerning their gifts , that they have that tenderness , discretion , dexterity and prudence , that is fit for that Imployment , and that they be admitted to their Charge with Prayer and Supplication , and opening of the Word concerning their duty publickly in the Congregation , where they are solemnly to engage themselves to be faithful in the trust committed to them of God , Act. 6. 3 , 5 , 6. 1 Tim. 3. 10. CHAP. IV. Of their Duty . First of their Conversation . THeir Duty is either that which concerns their Conversation , or their office and calling ; for their conversation , the Apostle shews what it must be , 1 Tim. 3. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. They must not be double tongued , nor lyars , nor dissemblers , nor deceivers . 2. They must not be given to much wine , nor tiplers , nor drunkards , nor lovers , nor followers of strong drink . 3. They must not be greedy of filthy lucre , nor such as are covetous , and whose hearts run after the things of the world . 4. They must be grave men , of a pos'd and stayed carriage , and not of a light and vain behaviour . 5. They must be such as hold fast the mystery of Faith in a pure conscience , h. e. Who do not only know the Doctrine of the Gospel , but do hold fast the Faith thereof without wavering , and study to have a good conscience , in walking answerably thereto . 6. They must be the husband of one wife , such as abstain from all unlawful lusts , satisfying themselves with the Remedy allowed of God. 7. They must be such as rule their own houses and their children well , such as command and instruct their children and houshold to keep the way of the Lord , going before them in the practice of piety and godliness , and all holy and religious duties . CHAP. V. Of the Duties of their Calling . THe Duties that Deacons are bound to perform in their calling , may be reduced to these heads : 1. That they be careful to take exact notice of such as are poor in the Congregation , and have not wherewith to maintain themselves ▪ 2. That they be careful from time to time to collect and receive from the several Members of the Congregation , and strangers that come among them , what the Lord shall incline their hearts to give for a supply of the necessities of the poor ; and in a seasonable and Christian way , to stir up and exhort to Charity and Liberality , that the more may be given . 3. That what is received and collected by them , be faithfully delivered , that it may be put in the Treasury of the Congregation . 4. That they do timously make known the several conditions and necessities of the several poor within the Congregation , to the Church Session , that provision may be appointed accordingly for each of them , that so the poor may not be put to begging , to the grief of their spirits , and reproach of the Gospel . 5. That they be careful , honestly and in simplicity , without respect of persons , to distribute and deliver to the poor what is appointed for supply of their necessities ; and if they be Orphans , and young ones , or such who have no knowledge or understanding , nor ability to dispose and order the things that concern their food and rayment : That the Deacons honestly imploy and bestow what is given for their use , that they may be supplyed in these things . 6. That they be careful that what belongs to the poor be not dilapidated , nor applyed to any other use ; and if that there be any stock in the Church Treasure , it be improven to the best advantage , for the benefit & use of the poor ; Yet so that the poor be rather always supplyed , than Moneys treasured up for a vain shew . 7. That they be careful to take notice of these who are sick , that they may acquaint the Ministers and Elders therewith , for visiting of them ; and if that they be poor , their necessities may be supplied . That Deacons may the more conveniently discharge their Duty , It s fit that some part of the Congregation be assigned to every one of them for the better inspection of the poor thereof , and that the Diets of collecting for the poor be divided amongst them . The number of Deacons in every Congregation is to be according to the proportion of the Congregation , and of the poor therein ; and though there be no necessity of an equal number of Elders and Deacons , yet it is fit that each Elder have some Deacon to be assisting to him in the bounds of which he hath more peculiar inspection , that so both the one and the other may discharge their duty , with the greater facility to themselves , and with the greater benefit and advantage of the Congregation . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A42358-e190 Isa. 31. 9 ▪ Psal. 65 5. Lam. 1. 9. Lam. 2. 13. Jer. 30. 12. 1● . Isa 19. 14 ▪ Isa. 9. 20. Lam. 1. 14. Lam. 2. 1. Is. 59. 10. Lam. 2 14. Job 10. 2. Job 34. 31 , 32. Jer. 9. 12. Ezek. 24. 13. Isa. 1. 25. Ezek , 20. 38. Zeph. 3 9. Zeph. 3 , 11● Zech. 14. 20. 21. 2 Cor. 3. 18. Ephes. 4. 13. Mat. 20. 16. Psal. 93. 5. Phil. 1. 27. Mal. 3. 3 , 4. Ezek. 24. 13 Ezra . 9. 8 , Jer. 15. 19. Jer. 13. 27. Notes for div A42358-e1070 Iunius Eccles . 1 , 2 , c. 3. Notes for div A42358-e1190 The 2 book of Disc. c. 6. Si. Assert : of the Government of the Ch. of Scotland . 1. part . cap : 1. 1 Tim. 5. 1. Mat. 15. 2. Acts. 14. 23. The 2. book of Discipline ch . 6. sect . 1. Acts 15. 6. 22. and 20 17. 1 Pet. 5. Th● 2. book of De●… 6. 8. 3. Rom. 12. 8 1 Cor. 12. 28. The 2 book of Discip. Ch. 6. sect . 2. Ambros Com. on 1. Tim. 5. 1. Tert. in his 34 Ch. of Apol. Basil. Mag. Com. on Isay 3. 2. Hier. on that same place . Aug Ep. 137. Greg. con . Cels. lib. 3. Aug. ● . 3. contra Cresoen . Cap. 56. 2. Book of Discipl . c. 3. sect . 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. Assert : of the government of the Church of Scotland , part 1. c. 2. pag. 11. and 17. 2. Book of Discip. ch . 6. sect . 3. 2 Book of dis . cap. 3. 2 Book of dis . cap. 3. 1. Book of discip . 8. heads touching the Election of Elders and Deacons . 1. Book of discipline 8 head See the manner of Electing and admitting Ministers and Elders , prefixed to the old Psalm Book . 1. Book of Discipline , 8. head . 2. Book of Discipline , chap. 6. The manner of Electing Ministers and Elders . Jun. Eccles. lib. 2. ch . 2. ch . 3. 1 Book of discip . 8. head . 2. Book discip . 6. chap. Asser. of the Government of the Church of Scotland . 1. part . ch . 2. 1 part . p. 15. Jun. Eecles . lib. 2. cap. 3. p. 107. 2 Book of Dis. cip . 6. ch . 1 Book of disc . 8. head . 2 Book 6. ch . The office and duties of Elders prefixed to the Ps. 2 Book of Discipline ch . 6. and chap. 7. 1. Book of Discipline ch . 7. 1. Book of Discip. concerning Persons subject to discipline 2. Book of Discip. ch . 1. and 7. 1. Book of Discip. 8. head . The weekly Assem . of Ministers , elders and Deacons prefixed to the old Ps. 1 ▪ Book of Discip. chap. 7. sect . 6. The Order of Ecclesiastick Discipline , appointed by the Assembly 1567. And in the Order of Excommunication , commanded to be Printed by the Assembly 1571. 2. Book of Discipline , Ch. 6. sect . 12. The form & order of publick repentance perfixed to the old Ps. 1 Book of discip . ch . 6. Sect. 4. Acts of the Ass. 1646. Notes for div A42358-e3570 1. Book of discip . ch . 8. Eph. 4. 12. 1. Book of Discipline ch ▪ 8. 1. Book of Discipline 8. chap. 1. Book of Dis. ch . 2. p. 74. 1 Book of Discipline p. 57. 2. Book of Discip. chap. 8. 2. Book of Discipline chap. 8. 
A35017	----	The Scotch Presbyterian eloquence, or, The foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books, sermons and prayers and some remarks on Mr. Rule's late Vindication of the kirk Curate, Jacob. 1692 Approx. 307 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 62 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35017 Wing C6961 ESTC R10498 12534453 ocm 12534453 62829 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35017) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62829) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 311:8) The Scotch Presbyterian eloquence, or, The foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books, sermons and prayers and some remarks on Mr. Rule's late Vindication of the kirk Curate, Jacob. Calder, Robert, 1658-1723. [4], 116 p. Printed for Randal Taylor ..., London : 1692. Dedication signed: Jacob Curate (pseudonym of Gilbert Crokatt and John Monro) Attributed to Gilbert Crokatt and John Monro. "This work has been often wrongly assigned to Robert Calder, who may have edited some of the reprints"--Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.) Reproduction of original in Rutgers University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. -- Vindication of the Church of Scotland. Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. 2005-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence ; OR , THE FOOLISHNESS OF THEIR TEACHING DISCOVERED FROM THEIR Books , Sermons , and Prayers ; And some REMARKS on Mr. RULE 's LATE VINDICATION of the KIRK . It grieveth my Soul to think , what Pitiful , Raw , and Ignorant Preaching is crowded most after , meerly for the loudness of the Preacher's Voice : How often have I known the ablest Preacher undervalued , and an Ignorant Man by Crouds applauded , when I , who have been acquainted with the Preacher , ab incunabilis , have known him to be unable to answer most Questions in the Common Catechism . Baxter's Cure of Church : Divisions , Direct . x. Follow not the Pastors of this Land , for the Sun is gone down upon them ; as the Lord liveth , they lead you from Christ and the good old way . Sam. Rutherford , Epist . 2. To his Parishioners . LONDON , Printed for Randal Taylor near Stationers-Hall . 1692. To the R. H. P. and P. of the K ; the most G. and very G. P. of the present P. of the C. in Scotland , E. C. My L. AS there was never any Book and Patron more suited to one another , than this Book is to your Lp ; so there were never any Reasons more satisfying than those that have iniduced me to this Dedication : For , first , if in this Incredulous Age , some men should charge the following Relatitions of any falshoods ; it were an injustice done to your Lp , to pretend , that any man is so capaable to vindicate them as your Lp ; who amidst the throng of so much Ecclesiastick and Civil Busiess at Court ( from which you are now fain to retire for case and refreshment to your wonted Solitude in the Country ) have been very constant and close in the study of those extraordinary Books cited in this Pamphlet ; and so unwearied a hearer of those wonderful Preachers of whom I now treat , that you have every day heard them with joy for many hours together ; and never fail'd , with your own hand , to write those learned and Elaborate Discourses I have here published ; and many more of the like nature ; in which Zeal ( to your glory and to the shame of other Professors be it spoken ) you had no equal , but one Reverend Ruling Elder , a Bonnet-maker in Leithweind . So that , My L ▪ this Dedication is but only the offering to you some few of the rare Sayings , and comprehensive Sentences which grace and adorn those Papers that your Lp. has been at such pains to collect , and are still so careful to preserve ; and which you justly value more than all the Rights and Charters of your very oppulent and flourishing Fortune . My L. the easie access which these high and mighty Preachers have ever allow'd your Lp. to their company , joyn'd to that vast Experience which you have now acquired in the Stile of the Cura●es , by your allowing them so fairly and fully to make their defences at the Council-board , gives you such a title to judge of the Works of these Contending Parties , as ●o●e but your self can pretend to : Your Lp. knows well , that it 's in possible for the ablest Curate or Prelate amongst them all , to imitate the precious , powerful , Soul-ravishing , Heart-serarching Elequence of those Sons of Thunder , Kirkrone , Rule , Schilds , Areskine , Chrightone , Dickson , &c. and that there is such a real difference betwixt their Sermons and that of the Prelatical Party , that if the first be Gospel , as your Lp. is fully perswaded ; then it must be received by all men , for an unquestionable truth , that the Gospel was never preached in Scotland when Prelacy prevail'd in it , as your Lp. and the Godly party you Patronize , have often affirm'd : And tho' this were not evident to all that compare the Works of the present Professors with those of their Opposits , yet your Lps. simple word would pass in the World for a sufficient proof of it , Lying , Slandering , or the least known falshood being infinitely below such a true Gentleman : Nay , there is no Heroick Virtue more conspicuous in your Lp , than your Veracity , which hath so fill'd the Minds and Mouths of all who intimately know you , that it must needs one day make a considerable figure in the account of your Lps. Life , which cannot miss to see the light in a short time , being , that for those three years last past , you have so successfully laboured to furnish plenty of Memoirs and Authors for such a work . But , 2dly . Some of the Malignants , who have no tast for such Spiritual Sayings , as daily drop from the Pens and Tongues of the Covenanted Brethren , may accuse the Books and Sermons here cited of Nonsense ; but for as ill natured as the World is grown , they must own , that your Lp. has been very long , and very intimately acquainted with the truest and best Nonsense ; so that being a complete Master of it your self , it must be allowed that you are also a very good Judge . Besides , My L. the Curates themselves cannot deny , but that your Lp. is fully qualified to judge of the Works of such learned men as are spoke of in this Treatise ; if they consider your wonderful knowledge of , and great concern for the Mother University at St. Andrews , which had the happiness to be nearest to your Lp , and to be your particular charge ; and the Kingdom is not unsensible how you Reformed and Purged it throughly , with such unspeakable Justice and Impartially , that even aged Gentlemen , Drs. of Divinity , and Heads of Colledges , some who had been your Lordships own Masters , and one your Kinsman , had not he least regard nor respect from you , because of their wanting Covenant Grace , without which no man is valuable in your Lps. Eyes : Let men but consider with what deliberation & forefight you did proceed , and what Prudent and Learned Advice you did follow in providing for the Education of the rising Generation in that Society ; and then they can never doubt of your being wonderfully qualified both to be a Patron and a Judge of this Book . These Considerations , joyned to that of your Lps. unexpressible Merit ( for which I want a Comparison ) naturally led me to beg you would take the following Flowers of Presbyterian Eloquence into your Protection , as cordially as you do the Anthors of them : If your Lps. unknown Modesty would allow it , I could tell the World in a few words , some of your natural and acquired Endowments : To your Courage and Conduct which are equal , you have added such a success , as to raise the Church and State of Scotland to be the wonder and amazement of the World : Such burning and unquenchable Zeal ; such strange and unaccountable Prudence , and unparallel'd Piety hath appear'd in all your publick Actions , that if others had but wrought together with your Lp. in any measure , then I dare say ( as your Lp. excellently words it , in your pious printed Speech to the Parliament ) A greater dispatch had been made of the Prelatists , and many honest suffering Ministers e're now had been delivered of their pinches ; and the Enemies of the Kirk and Covenant had evanished , as they did lately from Court , when your Lp. condescended to appear in person at it : It is to you that the Nation owes her miraculous deliverance from the Idolatries of the Creed , Lords-Prayer , and Gloria Patri : It 's your Lp. that hath rescued us from the Superstitions of observing Christmass , Easter , and Whitsunday , and from all the Popish fopperies of Cassocks , close sleev'd Gowns and Girdles : It 's your Lp. that enriched Their Majesties Treasure with the Revenues of fourteen fat Bishops , and with admirable expedition have voided more than half of the Churches of the Kingdom ; and advanced such a set of Preachers as it is certain , never flourished in any period of the Church of Scotland under any of their Majesties Predecessors ; and now that some malignant Lords have been brought into the Council again ; your Lp. hath retir'd from it , bravely scorning to sit at the same Board with the Opposers of the Cause . My L. tho' the times have been reeling and dangerous , yet your Lp. has , by extraordinary management , put your self beyond the greatest reach and Malice of Fortune , for you have , indeed , deserved well of all Parties ; K. James is obliged to thank you for the real Service you have done him ; and K. William for your good Will to serve His Majesty : The Presbyterian Clergy own their good Livings to you ; and the Episcopal Divines are bound to you , for advancing them to the Honour of being Confessors : The stubborn Highlanders owe all their Composition-money to your Lp ; and the West Country Rabble were highly enriched by your Lp's Countenauce and Protection : You scorn that malignant way of making your Palace a Cooks Shop for Strangers ; but tho' your Commons be short , yet , it 's well known , that your Graces are long ; at least after Dinner , the full length of a Curates Sermon , and that is three quarters of an hour : There is one thing more that your Lordship is most remarkable for , and that is , your daily practice of Family Duty ; it 's well known , that there have been more new Creatures begotten in your Lp's Family , than in any other we have yet heard of ; and in this matter , such is your great Goodness and Humility , that you condescend often to allow to some of your Servants , the Paternal Honour that 's known to be due to your Lp. But all these , and many more such like extraordinary Qualifications which the World admire in your Lordship , are nothing to those Supernatural Gifts and Graces which are so evident in all your Actions , that you often take God to witness , that you never make one step without the special Assistance and Direction of the Holy Ghost . My L. these and other Reasons ( that I now omit , since I hope this shall not be the last Address of this nature ) makes me bold to give your Lp. this trouble , and humbly to beg your Protection to what you so much value , and that you would but once at least , grant the Petition of , My L. Your Lp's most Obedient , and most Obliged Servant , Jacob Curate . SECT . 1. The true Character of the Presbyterian Pastors and People in Scotland . OUR Blessed Saviour , in his Sermon on the Mount , bids us beware of false Teachers ; and tells us , That by their Fruits we may know them : Such Fruits are not open and publick Scandals , for then the simple Multitude ( that measure Religion by the Sound and not by the Sense ) could not so easily be deluded by them . It must be acknowledged , that the End of Preaching should be the Edification of the Hearers ; the Design of it being to perswade Men to Piety towards God , and Charity towards one another , and to draw the Image of God upon the Souls of Men. But it will appear from what follows , That the Scotch Presbyterians Sermons have no such tendency ; for the Preachers themselves ( who would have the world believe , that they only are the Powerful , and Soul-refreshing Gospellers ) have not been industrious to draw the likeness of God upon the Hearts of their Hearers , but meerly to impress their own Image there ; that is , they labour'd not to make good Christians , but rigid Prebyterians ▪ That I may not be thought to assert this without ground ( for I would not slander the Devil ) I shall first give you the true Character of the Presbyterian Pastors and People . 2. I shall say before you , some remarkable passages taken out of their own Printed Books , to confirm this Character . 3. Some special Notes ( written from their own Mouths ) as they preach'd them under the happy Reign of K. Charles II , and since the late Revolution . Lastly , I shall give you some taste of that Extemporary Gibberish , which they use instead of Prayer , and for which they have justled out , not only all the Liturgies of the Pure and Primitive Church , but even the Lord's Prayer it self , because it is an evident Argument and Pattern for Christians praying in a set Form ; and in all this I shall say nothing but what I know to be true , and what I am ready to make appear to be so , upon a fair and free tryal , if that may be had where Presbyterians Rule . In the first Place , then I am to give you the true Character of Presbyterian Pastors and People . I shall begin with the People , for they are truly the Guides , and their Pastors must follow them , whom they pretend to Conduct . For the Preachers of the new Gospel , knowing that their trade hath no old nor sure Foundation , they are forced to flee to this new and unaccountable Notion , that the Calling and Constituting of Ministers is in the Power of the Mob : Now the World knows by too long and sad Experience , that their Mobile is not led by Reason nor Religion , but by Fancy and Imagination ; so that we may be sure when the Election of Ministers is put in their hands , they will chuse none but such as will readily sooth and indulge them in their most extravagant and mad Humors : What Ministers can be expected from the choice of a People void of common Sense , and guided by irregular Passions , who torture the Scripture , making it speak the Language of their deluded Imaginations . They will tell you , that ye ought to fight the Battels of the Lord , because the Scripture says in the Epistle to the Hebrews , Without shedding of Blood there is no Remission . They are generally Covetous and Deceitful ; and the Preaching they are bred with , hath no tendency to work them into the contrary Virtues . They call Peace , Love , Charity , and Justice , not Gospel , but dry Morality only . I had once very great difficulty to convince one of them , that it was a Sin for him to cheat and impose upon his Neighbour in matters of Trade , by concealing the faults of his Goods from the Buyer . He ask'd my Reason : I told him , Because he would not wish one to deal so with himself . That is ( said he again ) but Morality : for if I shall believe in Christ I shall be saved . I ask'd him , Was not this Christ's saying , Whatsoever ye would that others should do unto you , that do you unto others ? Yes , he said , that was good , but that Christ , because of the hardness of the Jews Hearts spake very much Morality with his Gospel . The poor man spoke as he was taught and bred in the Conventicles ; for it will be very long e're they hear a Sermon upon Just Dealing , or Restitution of ill-gotten Goods ; and who knows not that despising of Dominions , speaking evil of Dignities , and rising in Arms against the Lord 's Anointed , is with them but fighting the Battels of the Lord. One George Flint , in the Parish of Smalholm , in the Shire of Teviotdate , was look'd upon as a very great Saint among them ; and yet out of Zeal against the Government , he kept a Dog whom he named Charles , after the King ; and a Cat which he named Katherine , after the Queen ; and another Dog whom he named Gideon , after the Minister of the Parish . They are a People that will not Swear in common Discourse for a World , yet they never scruple before a Judge , any Perjury that may seem to advance the Cause , nor stand in their ordinary dealings to cheat for a penny ; nay , Murther it self becomes a Virtue when the work of the Covenant seems to require it ; and the new Gospel which they Profess is so far from condemning Lying , Cheating , Murther and Rebellion , when committed to fulfil the Ends of the Solemn League , that many of these whom they reckon Martyrs , have at their Execution gloried in these Crimes , as the sure Evidences of their Salvation . Morality being thus discountenanced by the generality of that Party , the poor People are thereby lock'd up in a Cell of Ignorance . This did clearly appear , when the Laws , in the former Government , discharg'd Conventicles , the people being brought thereby home to the Churches : When the Ministers began to Catechise them in the Principles of the Christian Religion , they found them grosly Ignorant ; for when they were desired to repeat the Creed , Lord's-Prayer , and Ten Commandments ; they told they were above these childish Ordinances ; for if they believed in Christ , they were certainly well : And yet these Ignorants would Adventure to pray Ex tempore , and in their Families to Lecture on the most mysterious Chapters of Ezekiel , Daniel , or the Revelation . A grave and good Minister told me , that upon a certain occasion he desired a very zealous She-Saint to repeat the Creed : And that she return'd this Answer , I know not what ye mean by the Creed . Did not your Father , says the Minister , promise to bring you up in that Faith ? Indeed did he not ( said she ) for I thank my Saviour , that Superstition was not in my Father's time . What then was in your Father's time ? ( said the Minister . ) It was ( said she ) the holy Covenant , which you have put away . Whether was it the Covenant of Works or Grace ? said the Minister . Covenant of Works , said she , that is handy Labour . It was the Covenent of Grace which was made with Adam , and which all of you have put away . At Night she went home , and a number of the sighing Fraternity flock'd after , pretending to hear her pray : Their Family Exercise being ended , she told them the Conference that pass'd betwixt the Curate and her , and they all concluded she had the better , and that she was certainly more than match for the ablest Curate in that Country . Generally their Conventicles produced very many Bastards , and the Excuses they made for that , was , Where Sin abounds , the Grace of God superabounds . There is no Condemnation to them that are in Christ . Sometimes this , The Lambs of Christ may sport together : To the pure all things are pure . Nay , generally they are of Opinion , That a Man is never a true Saint , till he have a sound fall , such as that of David's with Bathsheba . The following Narration of a well known Truth shall serve for Instance . A party of King Charles II. his Guards being sent to apprehend Mr. Dav. Williamson ( one of the most Eminent of their Ministers now in Edenburgh ) for the frequent Rebellion and Treason he preached then at Field Meetings ; and the party having surrounded the House where he was , a Zealous Lady , Mistress of the House , being very Solicitous to conceal him , rose in all haste from her Bed , where she left her Daughter of about Eighteen Years of Age , and having dress'd up the Holy Man's Head with some of her own Night Cloaths , she wittily advis'd him to take her place in the warm Bed with her Girl ; to which he modestly and readly consented : And knowing well how to employ his time , especially upon such and extraordinary Call , to propagate the Image of the Party ; while the Mother , to divert the Troopers enquiry , was treating them with strong drink in the Parlour ; he to express his gratitude , applies himself with extraordinary Kindness to the Daughter , who finding him like to prove a very useful Man in his Generation , told her Mother she would have him for her Husband ; to which the Mother , though otherwise unwilling , yet for concealing the Scandal , out of Love to the Cause consented , when the mystery of the Iniquity , was wholly disclosed to her . This whole Story is as well known in Scotland , as that the Covenant was begun and carried on by Rebellion and Oppression . Nor was the Actor , who is at this day one of the chief Props of the cause , more admired for his extraordinary diligence and courage in this Matter , than for his excellent Invention in finding a passage of St. Paul's , to prove that the Scandal of this was very consistent with the state of a person truly Regenerate ; Verily , I do not , said he , deny , but that , with St. Paul , I have a Law in my Members , warring against the Law of my Mind , and bringing me into Captivity into the Law of Sin , which is in my Members . Now according to the Gloss which that whole Party puts upon this Scripture , saying , That St. Paul here speaks of himself , and does not personate an Unregenerate Man , this Defence of Williamson's must be allowed to be good ; as also that the height of Carnality is consistent with the greatest Grace . Even so the Hereticks , in St. Peter's Days , wrested some things hard to be understood in St. Paul's Epistles , to their own Destruction . There was among them a married Woman near Edenburgh , who had paid several Fines for not going to Church , yet scrupled not to commit Adultery with one of the Earl of Marr's Regiment , and the Fellow himself : that was Guilty , told , out of detestation to their damnable Hypocrisie , that the vile Woman had the confidence , in time of her Abomination , to say to him ; O you that are in Marr 's Regiment , but you be pretty able Men , but yet ye art great Covenant Breakers ; alas , few or none of you are Godly . There are very many Instances of this Nature , but I shall only add one more which was old me by a Gentleman of good Reputation and Credit , who himself confessed to me , with regret , that in the heat of his Youth , he had been guilty of the Sin of Fornication with a Gentlewoman of that Holy Sect ; he says , that being with her in a Garret , and she hearing some body coming up Stairs , she said to him , Ah , here 's my Aunt , I must devise a Trick to divert her ; upon which she ●ell a whining and howling aloud , as these People use to do at their most private Devotions , O to believe , to believe ; O to have Experience , said she . And by that means she diverted her Aunts further Approaching , who instantly retired , commending her Niece's Zeal and Devotion . The Gentleman conceals the Woman's Name , out of regard to her Honour and his own ; begs Pardon for the Sin , and tells it only to discover the abominable Nature of their Hypocrisie . They are generally deluded by Persons that have but specious pretences to Godliness . And such is the force , that a loud Voice and a whining Tone , in broken and smother'd words , have upon the Animal Spirits of the Presbyterian Rabble ; that they look not upon a Man as endued with the Spirit of God , without such canting and deformity of Holiness . A person that hath the dexterity of whining , may make a great Congreation of them weep with an Ode of Horace , or Eclogue of Virgil , especially if he can but drivel a little either at Mouth , or Eyes , when he repeats them . And such a person may pass for a Soul-ravishing spiritualist , if he can but set off his Nonsence with a wry mouth , which with them is called , A Grace pouring down Countenance . The snuffling and twang of the Nose , passes for the Gospel sound ; and the throwings of the Face , for the motions of the Spirit . They are more concerned at the reading the Speeches of their Covenant Martyrs , yea such Martyrs as died for Rebellion and Murder , than in reading the Martyrdom of St. Stephen , or any of his Followers . A Sermon of mere Railing and Nonsence will af●ect them more than Christ's Sermon on the Mount ; and no wonder , for all they do is to affect the Passions , and not the Judgment . One Mr. Daniel Douglass , an old Presbyterian Preacher in the Mers , simple man as to the World , yet of more Learning , Ingenuity and good Nature than most of them ; he was not long agoe preaching before the meeting of his Brethren , and agoe annalysing a Text Logically , and very remote from vulgar Capacities , yet so powerful and melting was his Tone and Actions , that in the Congregation he spies a Woman weeping , and pointing towards her , he crys out , Wife , what makes you weep ? I am sure thou understandest not what I am saying ; my Disourse is directed to the Brethren , and not to the like of you ; nay , I question whether the Brethren themselves understand this that I am speaking . Several Instances can be given of their strong delusions ; this is none of the least , that they take it for a sure Evidence upon their Death-beds , that it 's well with them , because they never heard a Curate in their lifetime . For an indulged Presbyterian , who is the Author of the Review of the History of the Indulgence , tells us thus much , Page 527 , and Page 528 , That some of the leading people among the Presbyterians , were of Opinion , that Baptism by Episcopal Ministers is the mark of the Beast ; and the hearing of them as unlawful as Fornication , Adultery , or the worshipping the Calves of Dan and Bethel : And I think that a Curate can tell no worse tale of them , than this , which a Presbyterian himself owns and declares to the World in Print . I cannot here pass by what happen'd a few Years ago , in the Parish of Tindrum in the South-west ; a person that was Executed for Bestiality there , in his Prayers bless'd God , that for a long time he had heard no Curate preach ; at which the Hearts of some Presbyterian Saints began to warm with Affection to him , and exprest so much Charity , that upon that account they doubted not but that he might be saved ; and were sorry that he was not allow'd to live , because of the good that such a Zealous man might have done . It is a well known truth in the Parish of Teviotdale , that two or three sighing Sisters , coming to a Man in Prison , the Night before he was burnt for Bestiality ; the wholsomest Advice they gave him was this , O Andrew , Andrew , Andrew , all the Sins that ever you committed are nothing to your hearing the cursed Curates ; if you get Pardon for that Sin , Andrew , all is right with you . A young Woman in Fife , Daughter to a Presbyterian Preacher there , reading that of St. Peter , Christ the Bishop of our Souls , blotted out the word ( Bishop ) and in the place thereof incerted Presbyterian of our Souls . And by the same Spirit of Biggotry , one of her Zealous Sisters in the same Family , tore every where out of her Bible the word Lord ; Because , said she , it is polluted by being applied to the Profane Prelates . Instances of their Madness and Delusions might swell into an huge Volume , but I shall only mention two or three which are commonly known . What greater Instance of Delusion , than that Seven or Eight thousand people should be raised to Rebellion at Bothwel-bridge , from laboring their ground , and keeping their Sheep ; and that by Sermons assuring them , that the very Windlestraws , the Grass in the Field , and Stars in Heaven would fight for them : And that after the Victory they should possess the Kingdom themselves . O it 's the promis'd Land , and you Israelites shall inherit it : but in this they found their Preachers to prove salve Prophets . After their Defeat , a Gentleman told me ; that going to view the Field , where the Battle was fought , he saw one in the Agony of death , crying out , Ah , cheated out of Life and Soul : The Gentleman inquired what he meant by that expression , Ah ( said he ) our Preachers , our Preachers , they made us believe , that as sure as the Bible was the word of God , we should gain the day , for that the Windlestraws should fight for us . About the same time a person of Quality returning from the West , with some of the King's Forces , being necessitate to lodge in a Country House , where there was but one Woman , and she with child ; for the Men and all that were able to run , had fled out of the way . The Nobleman encouraged the poor Woman , desiring her not to be afraid ; sent one upon his own Horse for Midwife and other Women to attend her . The poor Woman surprised and encouraged with this unexpected kindness , began to talk more freely , and said , Sir , I see you that are Kings-men are not so ill as we heard ye were ; for we heard that it was ordinary for you to rip up Women with Child ; but pray will you tell me , Sir , what sort of Men are your Bishops ? They are , said he , very good Men , and they are chosen out from among the Clergy to oversee the rest of the Ministers . But are they , says she , shapen like other Men ? Why ask you that , said he ? Because our Preachers made us believe , the Bishops were all cloven-footed . There is scarce one of an hundred among the Presbyterian Vulgar , that will be either reason'd or laugh'd out of the strange Opinions they have of Bishops ; as particularly , that they will not suffer Witches to be burnt , because ( as they alledge ) every Bishop loses five hundred Marks Scots , for every Witch that 's burnt in his Diocess . Nay , the generality of The Presbyterian Rabble in the West , will not believe that Bishops have any Shadows , being perswaded by some of their Teachers , that the Devil hath taken away their Shadow as an earnest of the Substance , for their opposing of Covenant Work in the Land. I shall add but one Instance more of the silliness of the Presbyterian People , and that is of a certain person well known both in the North and South of Scotland , for being not a degree and an half from an Idiot , and to be a Man that can scarcely read an English Book . This person takes on him to be a Preacher , and among Presbyterian People has procured a great esteem to himself for a wonderful and rare Gospeller , for having not the least degree either of natural or acquir'd Parts , they therefore conclude him to have a large stock of Grace , and to be a most heavenly Man. He came lately to the Mers , where he was never known before , and lodging on a Saturday's Night in a Country-town , he caused call in the good people in the Town to Prayers . Immediately the House was fill'd with a Crow'd , then he lectures to them on the first of Ezekiel , and he told them , that the Wheel spoken of in the Sixteenth Verse , was the Antichrist , and the Wheel in the middle was the Bishops and the Curates ; For ( says he ) here 's a Wheel within a Wheel , just so the Curates are within the Bishops , and both of them within Antichrist . Then the Wheels are ( says my Text ) lifted up ; even so , Beloved the Bishops and Curates are lifted up ; lifted up upon Coaches with four Wheels , just as Sathan lifted up Christ to the Pinacle of the Temple , but God will take the Hammer of the Covenant in his own Hand , and knock down these proud Prelates , and break all their Coaches and their Wheels to pieces , Beloved , and lay the Curates on their Backs , so that they shall never rise again ; for the Prophet says here , that when they went they went upon their four sides , and they returned not when they went , Beloved : That you may see it very plain and clear , for tho' they may go out and Persecute God's own Covenanted People , yet they shall return falling upon their Broad-sides , and get such a fall that they shall never be able to stand or return to persecute the Godly , so long as they go upon their four sides , and are lifted up upon four Wheels . The people said , they never heard such a sweet Tongue in a Gracious Man's Head. He spoke much against those that took an Indulgence from K. James . The next day he told them , that the Episcopal Minister in the Parish was his Cousin , therefore he would go to Church , and hear how he could Preach . Truly , Sir ( says the people ) we shall go along with you wherever you go , albeit it be our ordinary to go to the Meeting house in the Parish . And that same very day he brought all the Dissenters in the Parish to the Church . The people intreated him to deal with the Minister to turn Presbyterian , and promis'd to desert the Meeting-house Preacher , whom they ordinarily heard , and to hear the Episcopal Minister upon his Conversion . He promised to deal very seriously with him : For that purpose , the next day he came to the Ministers House , and after a few sighs and affected groans , he expostulates thus , Dear Cousin , what makes you own perjur'd Episcopacy ? What have you to say against that Office ? replies the Minister . I have many Arguments , said he , and one I am sure you can never answer ; and you will find it in Psal . 45. 1. My Heart enditeth a good thing : Now is not this , says he , a plain Argument agaist Bishops ; for when will they endite good things ? The people wondered that the Minister could not be perswaded by so clear an Argument , and said , Poor Soul , his Heart is heardened , he has not Grace enough to believe and be Converted . This Account is proved before very many famous witnesses in the City of Edinburgh . All I have told of them is truth , but the hundred part is not told . You may judge of the Tree by these Fruits ; and of what a delicate Set of Reformers we have at his time in the West and South of Scotland . I come in the next place , to give you a true Character of their Preachers . And truly , to be plain , they are a Proud , Sour , Inconversable Tribe , looking perfectly like the Pharisees , having Faces like their horrid Decree of Reprobation . They are without Humanity , void of common Civility , as well as Catholick Charity , so wholly enslaved to the Humours of their people , that they give no other Reason why they converse not with Men of a different Opinon , but only that their People would take it very ill if they should . However , I fear there is something in it more , and that is , lest their Ignorance should be discover'd ; for it 's certain , they have as little Learning as good Nature : And we have both felt and seen , that that is next Neighbour to none at all . They have their Souls cast into a different mould from all Christians in the World. There is no Church but they differ from , both in Worship and Practice : They have quite banish'd the use of the Lord's Prayer , and what ridiculous stuff they have foisted in for it , shall be told in its proper Place , The smoothest reason that they alledge for their forbearing it , is , That the use thereof is inconvenient . This is Dr. Rule 's own Reason in that pretended Answer he has published to the Ten Questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian Government in Scotland . Their famous Preacher James Kirktown , when one of the Magistrates of Edenburgh enquired why they did forbear the publick use of the Lord's Prayer ? told down-right , because it was the badge of the Episcopal Worship . I doubt not but many have heard long ere now of a Conference that past betwixt my Lord B ... and a ruling Elder in the North. In short it is this , Five Presbyterian Preachers , last Year , appointed themselves Judges , to purge Two or Three Diocesses in the North. They took to assist , or to accompany them , some whom they call Ruling-Elders , one of whom entreated my Lord B ... to further with his help the happy and blessed Reformation , particularly by giving in Complaints against Ignorant , Scandalous , and Erroneous Ministers , that the Church of God might be replenished with the Faithful : Truly then ( saith my Lord ) there is one whom I can prove to be very Atheistical , Ignorant and Scandalous . At which the Ruling-Elder began to prick up is Ears ; And pray you , Sir , ( says he ) who is the Man ? Indeed ( says my Lord ) I will be free with you , it is Mr. James Urquhart , one of your own Preachers , who is come with you now to sit as a Judge upon others ; and by Witnesses of unquestionable Honesty I can make it appear that he said , If ever Christ was drunk upon Earth , it was when he made the Lords Prayer . And I appeal to your self , who are a Ruling-Elder , whether or not this be Blasphemy ? Some other things of Scandalous Nature I can prove against him . O but ( says he ) we are not come here to Judge our Brethren , our Business is with the Curates . It is ordinary to hear their People say , That if Christ were on Earth again , he would think shame of that Form , that they could make better themselves , and that he was but young when he compos'd it . All which Blasphemies must needs be the Effects or Consequent of what they hear from their Preachers . And as for the Apostles Creed , it is not so much as once mentioned at the Baptising of Infants ; for all that they require at Baptism , is , That the Father promise to breed up the Child in the Belief of the Westminster Confession of Faith , and that he shall adhere to all the National Engagements laying on them to be Presbyterians . * Here I cannot forget what Mr. John Dickson , Preacher in the Meeting-House at Kelso , said once in a Sermon ; Ask ( said he ) an old dying Wife , if she hath any Evidence of Salvation , she will tell you , I hope so ; for I believe the Apostles Creed , I am taken with the Lord's Prayer , and I know my Duty to the be Ten Commands . But I tell you , Sirs , there are but old rotten Wheel-barrows , to carry Souls to Hell. These are Idols that the false Prelates and Curates have set up , to obstruct the Covenant and the Work of God in the Land. For reading the Scriptures in Churches , they have abolished that with the rest , and in place thereof , he that raises the Psalm reads the Sermon that was preach'd the Sabbath before ; And for the Gospel Hymn , called the Doxology , or Gloria Patri , they reject that as a superstitious prelatical Addition to the Word of God. A certain Maid being lately Catechised by one of these Preachers , the first question he propos'd to her was , Maggi , Now what think you are the Saints doing in Heaven ? I know not , Sir : O Maggy , that is a very easie question , answer it , Maggy . I think then ( said she ) they are doing that in Heaven which ye will not let us do on Earth ; What is that , Maggy ? says he . They are singing Glory to the Father , Son and Holy Ghost , Sir. Now that is your Mistake , Maggy ( said he ) for there 's no such malignant Songs sung there ; you have been quite wrong taught , Maggy , the Curates have deceived you , Maggy . They have no distinguishing Garb from Lay-men , and yet they took upon them to admonish the King's Commissioner to their last Assembly , for wearing a Scarlet Cloak , and told him plainly , That it was not decent for his Grace to appear before them in such a Garb ; upon which my Lord told them , That he thought it as undecent for them to appear before him in gray Cloaks and Cravats . When the Church of Arrol was last Year made Vacant by the Expulsion of the Reverend and Learned Dr. Niclson , the Elders and Heritors there , whereof many were Gentlemen of the best quality met together , that according to the present Law and constant Practice of the Presbyterians they might chuse and call another Minister to be their Parson ; after they had unanimously agreed , and sign'd , and sent a formal Legal Call to Mr. Lisk , a person of indisputable Qualifications for the Ministry , in which he has been imploy'd with great Reputation for several Years in the North , and one who has given signal Evidence of his good Affections to heir present Majesties ; my Lord Kinnard , Chief Heritor , went with the rest to signifie their Calling of Mr. Lisk to the Presbytery ; at my Lords entering into the place where the Presbytery was sitting , he ask'd if they were the Ministers of the Presbytery ; Do not you see that we are ? said the Moderator . My Lord replied , That by their Garb no Body could know them , and that their Spirit was invisible ; now whether it was for this Jest , or because they knew Mr. Lisk to be Episcopal in his Judgment I know not ; but this I know , that these grave New Gospellers , rejected the Call , in despite both of the Heritors and of their own Law , brought in a Hot-headed Young Man of their own Stamp and Election . However , that they use no distinguishing Garb , must be acknowledged to be very Congruous ; for truly they are but Laicks , and it will surpass all their Learning , to prove that they are Ministers of Jesus Christ , but meerly Preachers sent and call'd by the People , who are generally but very ill Judges of Mens Qualifications for the Ministry ; hence their constant and vast Heats and Divisions about their calling of able Men. The Mobile ordinarily take their Measures only from the appearances of things , and indeed a Presbyterian Preachers Out-side is not his worst , for they appear commonly , though in Lay-garb , yet in Sheeps-clothing ; but as we have often formerly , so do we now , feel that they are inwardly nothing but ravenous Wolves . Now as to their Sermons ( which is the main design of this Paper ) they are still upon the Government and the Times , preaching up the Excellency of their Kirk-Government , which they call Christ , the Crown , Scepter , and Government of Christ . This was an old Custom among them to preach up the Times , and the neglect thereof they call'd sinful Silence . When in the former Confusions of the State they violently intruded themselves and Usurped the Government of the Church , which they never had in settled Times . In those Days at a publick Synod they openly reproved one Mr. Lighton for not preaching up the Times . Who ( saith he ) doth preach up the Times ? It was answer'd , That all the Brethren did it . The ( says Mr. Lighton ) if all you preach up the Times , you may allow one poor Brother to preach up Christ Jesus and Eternity . But this was never , not is like to be the Design of their Sermons ; for , trace them in their Politicks , Morals , Mysticks , and Metaphysicks , you shall find them Selfish , Singular , and full of Nonsensick Rhapsodies , These perhaps may seem hard Words , but an Aethiopian must be painted black , and that 's no sault in the Painter . For their Politicks , there is no Government under the Sun could tolerate them , if they but act in other Nations as they have done in Scotland since their Intrusion there ; to instance but in our Times , Did nor Mr. Cargill , one of their Celebrated Preachers , Excommunicate all the Royal Family , the Bishops and Curates , and all that should hear them and adhere to them ? They , indeed , that affect the Name of Sober Presbyterians disown'd these Hill-men , particularly because they refused to join with them in thanking King James for the Toleration , which he granted to them . And yet such is the Disingenuity of these who would be called Sober Presbyterians , that they cry out that they suffered Persecution ; whereas it was the Cameronians only , whom they disown , that did suffer any thing : For these others were settled in Churches by an Indulgence granted by the King. Against which Indulgence all the Sufferers , like true Presbyterians , gave their Testimony , calling it a meer brat of Erastianism . What Government could tolerate such Ministers , as John Deckson , whom I named before , who in a Sermon Preached by him in the Parish of Gallashiels , declar'd , That it was all one to Sacrifice to Devils , as to pay Cess to King Charles . The Author of the Review of the History of Indulgence , one of the Sober sort of Presbyterians , tells , Page 610. the same of a Preacher of his Acquaintance . I shall say no more of their Sentiments concerning Government , but only referr the Readers to their Printed Acts of General Assemblies , and to those Covenants which themselves have Printed , often Subscribed and Sworn , and which are now again , for the benefit of Strangers , published in that Excellent Vindication of King Charles II. his Happy Government in Scotland by Sir George Mac Kenze , in which it's Evident , that they plainly renounce Monarchy and all Power , but that of the Covenanted Kirk . As to their Disposition to live peaceably , I appeal not only to their Principles vented in these Covenants and Acts of their general Assemblies , but also to the many private Murthers , and open Rebellions which they have been guilty of under every Reign , since their first entry into Britain . Even in our own Days , since 1666 , they have raised no less than Three formidable Rebellions , besides many lesser Insurrections and Tumults , wherein many Christians have suffered . With what Violence did they flee to Arms , and persecute all who were not of their Party , upon the occasion of the late Revolution ; when , if it had not been for their indiscreet and fiery Zeal , this Kingdom might have been happily united to England : But what ever Advantage such an Union might have brought to the Church and State ; yet , because it seemed to have no good Aspect to the covenanted cause , therefore the motion of it , though offered , was industriously stifled , and that Opportunity , which we can hardly hope to recover , quite lost . Nay , under the present Government , for which they in the beginning pretended to be so zealous , 't is well known over all the Kingdom , that they were last Year contriving by force , without any regard to Authority , to have the Solemn League renewed , and imposed after the old manner , upon all Men , Women and Children ; and in order to this good end , many Thousands of them , at Field meetings in the West , conveened after their ordinary way , with Bibles and Musquets , Psalm-Books and rusty Swords , and subscrbed a new Association for raising of Men , Horse and Arms , to advance the Old Cause , repurge the holy Kirk , and make a thorow Reformation in the Land. But I shall take occasion by and by to give you some later and more evident Instances of their Neglect and Contempt of their present Governors . In the next place survey them in their Learning , and you shall find that it lies only in the study of some Anti-Arminian Metaphysicks , and in the practical Divinity they pretend to draw from the Heads of Election and Reprobation , whereby they preach Men out of their Wits , and very often into Despair and Self-murder . It 's generally known , that Joseph Brodie , Preacher in Forress in the time of the late Presbytery , did in the presence of a very Learned and Eminent Person , take occasion in the Pulpit to speak of a poor Man , who was then in such a desperate Condition , that it was judg'd necessary to bind up his Hands , lest otherwise he should cut his own Throat , as he continually threatned ; of this desperate Wretch the pious Preacher above-named pronounced thus ; Sirs , this is the best Man in my Parish , would to God ye were all like him ; he does truely fear Reprobation , which most of you are not aware of . There is a common printed Pamphlet compos'd and publish'd by a Presbyterian Preacher , concerning one Bessie Clarkson , a Woman that lived at Lanark , who was three Years in despair , or to speak in their Cant , under Exercise . Whosoever reads that Pamphlet will find , that the poor Woman's Distemper proceeded only form their indiscreet Preaching , representing God as a sower , severe and unmerciful Being . It is known in the Shire of Teviotdale that Mr. William Veach murder'd the Bodies , as well as Souls , of two or three Persons with one Sermon ; For , preaching in the Town of Jedburgh to a great Congregation , he said , There are Tow thousand of you here to day , but I am sure Fourscore of you will not he saved ; upon which Three of his ignorant Hearers , being in Despair , dispatched themselves soon after . And lately in Edenburgh Mr. James Kirkton , ( the Everlasting Comedian of their Party ) one of their famous Preachers in that City , praying publickly for a poor Woman much troubled in Spirit , said , A wholesome Disease , good Lord , a wholesome Disease , Lord , for the Soul. Alas , said he , few in the Land are troubled with this Disease . Lord , grant that she may have many fellows in this Disease . Not only do they make their People distracted with such desperate Doctrine as this , but moreover they incourage them in direct Impieties . Mr. Selkirk preaching at Musselburgh expressed himself thus , God seed no Sin in his Chosen ; Now , Sirs , be you guilty of Murder , Adultery , Bestiality , or any other gross Sin , if you be of the Election of Grace there is no fear of you , for God sees no Sin in his Chosen covenanted People . And this is consonant to an expression of Mr. Samuel Rutherford's printed Letters , Hellfulls of Sins cannot separate is from Christ . In the Parish of Mr. Macmath , Minister of Leswade , some of those who were lately the most active in persecuting and driving him form his Residence ( even after he had the Privy Councils Protection , and a Guard assign'd him for his Defence ) have since suffer'd violent deaths ; two of them prevented the Hangman's pains by becoming their own Murtherers . When the Earl of Lauderdale and Sir George Mackenzie dyed last year much about one time , the party who pretend to unriddle all the most secret Causes of God's Providence , called their Deaths a visible Judgment , for their being Enemies to the good Cause , altho' it be well known that both these honourable Persons dyed of a natural Death , in a good age , being both of them worn out with their great diligence in their King and Country's Service ( perhaps , indeed , their days were shortened , by seeing such Firebrands able again to force themselves into the Church , as had before ruin'd both it and the State , and were the Scandal of Christianity as well as Disgrace of their Nation . ) But when these abovenamed Self-Murtherers of the Parish of Leswade had divided Judas's death betwixt them , the one hanging himself , the other ripping up his own Belly , till all his Bowels gushed out : The Presbyterian Preacher in that Parish , holding forth next Sunday , was so ready of Invention as to find Arguments from thence for the Confirmation of the good Cause : Ab Sirs ( says he ) nothing has befallen these Men but what God had from Eternity decreed ; and I can tell you , Sirs , why he decreed it , indeed it was even because they had gone sometimes to hear the Graceless Curates . Ah , Sirs , ye may see in this Judgment the danger of that Sin , beware of hearing Curates , Sirs , you see it 's a dangerous thing , Sirs , but I 'll tell you more yet anent this , Sirs , this is a plain proof that the Gospel has non been preached in this Parish these twenty eight Years , for in all that time you have no : heard so much as of one that had a tender Conscience like these men ; but now when we begin again to preach the Gospel , it 's so powerful , that it awakes mens Consciences , and pricks them so at the Heart , that they cannot bear it , nor live under it . And now I leave the World to Judge , whether this sort of Learning and manner of Preaching , doth not stand in diametrical opposition to all Religion and Reason , and does not in its Tenure and Effects , appear to be indeed the Doctrine of Devils , and another Gospel ; and yet by it our Rabble Reformation has been wrought . All true and solid Learning , particularly Antiquity is decryed by them , because in it there is no vestige , no not so much as any shadow of Presbytery to be found ; to preach Peace and Righteousness ( tho' that be the design of the Gospel ) yet since it does not answer the Ends of the Covenant , it must be condemn'd as temporizing , time-serving , and the pleasing of men more than God , who , they are sure , can never be pleas'd but in their Covenanted way . Morality with them is but old , out-dated , heathenish Virtue , and therefore such a Book as The whole Duty of Man , is look'd upon with wonderful contempt by them : Frazer of Bray , one of the greatest among them , professes downright , that there is no Gospel , nor any relish of it in that Book , and that Aristotle's Ethicks have as much true Divinity as that Book hath . And John Vetch of Woolstruthers says , That that Book is too much upon Moral Duty . A certain Lady of their Stamp , getting it once into her hands , and hearing that it was a Moral Book , done by an Episcopal Divine , she made a Burnt Offering of it , out of her great Zeal against Episcopacy and Morality . Mr. Macquire , one of their celebrated Professors and Preachers , in his Preface to Brown's Book , entituled , Christ the Truth , Way , and Life , calls the people that are taken up with the whole Duty of Man , or any such Books , a Moralizing , or rather , says he , a Muddizing Generation . The most of their Sermons are Nonsensick Raptures , the abuse of Mystick Divinity , in canting and compounded Vocables , oft-times stuffed with impertinent and base Similes and always with homely , course , and ridiculous Expressions , very unsuitable to the Gravity and Solemnity that becomes Divinity . They are for the most part upon Believe , Believe ; and mistaking Faith for a meer Recumbency , they value no Works but such as tend to propagate Presbytery . When they speak of Christ , they represent him as a Gallant , Courting and Kissing , by their Fulsome , Amorous Discourses on the mysterious Parables of the Canticles ; and making Christ and his Gospel to be their own Kirk Government ; they have quite debased Divinity , and debauched the Morals of the People : This is evident , not only from their manner of Preaching , but also from their way of Writing most of their Books , whereof some Instances shall be given in the next Section . Some of them have an odd way of acting in the Pulpit , personating Discourses often by way of Dialogue betwixt them and the Devil . Such ways were of old familiar to the Monks , as appears from Monsieur Claude in his Second part of the Defence of the Reformation , Chap. 10. where he vindicates Luther from an aspersion cast upon him by the Church of Rome . For , say the Papists , Luther professeth in his Writings , that he had a Conference with the Devil concerning the Mass , and that the Devil accused him for being an Idolater . To which Luther answers , That he was then in Ignorance , and that he obey'd his Superiours . Hence the Papists conclude , that Luther was the Devil's Scholar . But Monsieur Claude lets them see ▪ that Luther spoke in a Monkish Stile , and that the Stile of the Convent did represent conflicts betwixt the Flesh and Spirit , as personal exploits with the Devil : To prove this , he instances St. Dominick , who says , That he saw the Devil one Night , in his Iron Hands carry a Paper to him , which he read by the light of a Lamp , and told it was a Catalogue of his sins , and the sins of his Brethren , upon which St. Dominick commanded him to leave the Paper with him , which was done accordingly ; and afterwards he and his Brethren found cause to correct something in their Lives . All that is said for this , is , that it is a Romantick Stile proper to the Monks , and all that is meant thereby is this , that the Devil could lay such and sins to their charge , their Consciences did smite them , therefore they corrected what they found amiss . But such a Stile did create wrong Ideas in the Litteral Interpreters of such Narrations : And it is like some of our Reformers reading Books of this nature , either thought such Apparisions real , or that they affected the Stile ; for it its reported of Mr. Robert Bruce , one of our Scotch Reformers , that having studied the Civil Law , and going one day to the Colledge of Justice , to pass his Tryals in order to commence Advocate , he said , that he saw a great Gulph in the Close or Court of the Parliament-House , like the mouth of Hell , and this diverted his entrance into the House , upon which he gave over the Study of the Law , and applyed himself to Theology . Whether the thing was litterally true , or whether the man had a disturbed Imagination ( as good men may have ) or whether he affected the Stile of the Convent , and meant thus much buy it , That the imployment of a Jurist was dangerous , and apt to lead men into such Temptations as he feared might be too strong for him , I know not which to conclude ; but this I am sure of , That one Mr. Thomas Hogg , a very popular Presbyterian Preacher in the North , asked a person of great Learning , in a Religious Conference , whether or not he had seen the Devil ? It was answered him , That he had never seen him in any visible apperance : Then I assure you ( saith Mr. Hogg ) that you can never be happy till you see him in that manner ; that is , until you have both a personal Converse and Combat with him . I know nothing more apt to create a more Religious Madness in poor well-meaning people , that this sort of Divinity , in which our Presbyterians have quite out-done the senseless old Monks . Their Principles and Doctrine being , as ye have heard , opposite to Morality , it will not be thought strange that the height of Pride and Rusticitie should appear in their Conversation : The common Civilities due to Mankind , they allow not to Persons of the Quality , that are of a different Opinion from themselves . To avoid and flee from the Company where a Curate is , as if it were a Pest-house is a common sign of Grace : To affront a Prelate openly is a most meritorious Work , and such as becomes a true Saint : To approve and applaud the Murtherers of the Archbishop of St. Andrews , is an infallible Evidence of one thoroughly reformed . That the World may be satisfied of their Behaviour towards ordinary Men , I shall give you some late Instances of their Carriage towards those of the highest Rank and Quality ; the matters of Fact are such as are known to be true by Multitudes of People before whom they were acted ; and themseves have the Impudence still to Glory in them ; and yet I will not say , but some of the Party may deny them upon occasion at Court , as they do other things as evident ; for I know what Metal their Foreheads are made of . 1. Then when their Majesties Privy Council , by advice of all the Judges conform to a standing Act of Parliament , and common Practice , appointed a Sermon upon the thirtieth Day of January , 1690 : The Council some time before sent a Person of Quality , one of their own Stamp and Kidney , to the Commissioners of the General Assembly , to desire them in their Majesties and Council's Name , to appoint one of their number to preach before them in St. Giles's Church on that Day , and to put them in mind that it was the Anniversary for the Martyrdom of King Charles the First , and that a Sermon proper for the occasion was expected according to the Religion , Law , and Custom of the Nation . The grave Noddies of the Assembly answer'd thus , Let the Council to do their own Business , for we are to receive no Directions from the State , nor to the take our Measures from the Council , especiallly in preaching Anniversary-Sermons . Upon which they appointed Shields , a Cameronian , one of the most wild and violent of the Hill-men , to preach in the Tron-Church , where-in they used to have Weekly Lectures , as it happened upon that Day of the Week , but where neither the Lords of Council nor Judges were used to come . All that he spoke concerning the King's Murther was this , Ye Sirs , perhaps some of you may foolishly fanoy that I came here to day to preach to you concerning the Death of King Charles the First : What ? preach for a Man that died forty Years ago ; if it be true what some Histories tells of him , he is very mach wronged ; but if it be true what we believe of him ; and have ground for , he is suffering the Vengeance of God in Hell this day for his own and Fore-fathers Sing . The same Shields as he was holding forth sometime before at Edinburgh , said , That for ought he saw , King William and Queen Mary were rather seeking an earthly Crown to themselves , than seeking to put the Crown on Christ's Head. That is , in the Conventicle stile , to settle Presbyterian Government . This same Year again they peremptorily refused and despised the Privy Council's Order , requiring them , according to a standing Act of Parliament , to preach upon that day . 2. Inst . Mr. Areskme preaching in the Tron Church at Edinburgh , the day after the King by open Proclamation had adjourned the General Assembly , said , Sirs , Ye heard a strange Proclamation the other day , which I hope the Authors of may Repent some day : It brings to my mind , Sirs , an old story of King Cyrus who once set his Hands fairly to the building of God's House , but his Hand was not well in the Work , when he drew it out again : All is well that ends well , Sirs ; for what think ye become of King Cyrus , Sirs ? I 'll tell you that Sirs ; He e'en made an ill end , he e'en died a bloody death in a strange Land. I wish the like may not befal our King ; they say Comparisons are odious , but I hope ye will not think that Scripture-comparisons are so ; whatever you may think , I am sure of this , that no King but King Jesus , had Power to Adjourn our General Assembly . This was spoken so lately , before so great an Auditory , that whatever Rule may say in his next Book , yet I think the Author himself will not have the Impudence to deny it . 3. When last Summer their Commissioners returned from King William in Flanders , and told the General Assembly , That the King had possitively told them , that he would not any longer suffer them to oppress and persecute the Episcopal Subjects ; and desired them in his Name to acquaint the General Assembly with his Mind , that for the time to come they should proceed more moderately , otherwise he would let them know that he is their Master . The Moderators said openly , That if it were not for the great Army he had with him , he durst not have said so to them ; and however , he had been wiser to have held his peace , for that they own'd no Master but Christ . When King William in January last desired them , by his Letter to the General Assembly , to re-admit into the Exercise of the Ministry , so many of the Episcopal Presbyters as should be willing to submit to and comply with a Formula which his Majesty sent to them , and appointed to be the Terms of Communion betwixt the Parties : This Proposal of Peace and Union , which moderate Presbyterians might have been thought to have rejoyced in , was insolently rejected , and exclaimed against by all the Assembly , except one Mr. Orack † . Then the common discourse and preaching of Presbyterians was . That King William design'd to Dethrone King Jesus ; that the prescribing to them any Formula was an Incroachment upon Christ's Kingdom , and a violent Usurpation of his Priviledges ; that any Formula but the Covenant , is of the Devil 's making , and ought not to be tolerated by Presbyterians . The Moderator of the General Assembly , in his Prayer immediately after its Dissolution , reflected upon King William as sent in Wrath to be a Curse to God's Kirk . He and the whole Assembly protested against the King's Power to dissolve them , and before his Commissioner disclaim'd all his Authority that way : Afterwards , to make their Testimony ( that 's their word for Treason ) publick , they went to the Cross of Edinburgh , and took a formal Protestation after the old manner against the King in behalf of the People of God ( by which they intend their own Subjects . ) The Magnanimous Earl of Crawford vowed before the Commissioners , that he would adhere to the Protestation with his Life and Fortune , two things equally great and valuable . Their ordinary Doctrine and Discourse in the Pulpit and out of it , speaking of the Kirk and King , is , Deliverance will come from another hand , but thou and thy house shall perish . Mr. Matthew Red , holding forth the New Gospel at his Kirk in North Berwick , Feb. 20th , 1691-92 , said , The Kirk of Scotland is presently under the same condition that David was , when he was so sore persecuted and pursued by Saul , that he seemed to have no way left him to escape ; but then a Messenger came and told Saul , that the Philistines had invaded the Land ; this gave Saul some other † Tow in his Rock , and by that David was deliver'd . This Mr. Red being that same night with another of his Brethren at Supper at a Knight's House in that Parish , told plainly , That by the Philistines in his Sermon , he meant the French. And both the New Gospellers agreed , that the Kirk of Scotland could not now be otherwise deliver'd but by an Invasion of the French to restore King James . This acconnt I had from a Gentleman of good Credit who was present both at the Sermon and Supper . Mr. Stenton , one of their noted Preachers , said in an open Company , the day after the Assembly was dissolved , That they had appointed their next Meeting in 1693 , hoping that before that time they might have another King who would allow them better Conditions . They now lay great stress upon the Prophesie of an old Man in the West , who at his dying in 1689 , said , The perfect Deliverance of God's Kirk must come after all by the French , for this King William will not do it . And say commonly , that they brought in a Dog for God's sake , and that he now begins to bite the Barnes . This being their way of treating a King who has condescended to oblige them even to his own loss , and to the wonder of Mankind ; what may their Fellow-subjects , especially such as are not of their Biggotry of Opinion , expect from them ? That this is no new thing to them , nor the actings only of some few of the more rigid sort of them , is evident from their extravagant and constant course of Rudeness to King James the Sixth , and to both the Charles's , whereof many instances are to be seen in their own Books , some of them you may meet with in the next Section . All the Presbyterians profess , that the keeping of Anniversary Days , even for the greatest Blessing of the Gospel , is Superstition and Popery . For the modestest of them that ever spake last Year against Christmas , was Frazer of Bray , who preaching in the High Church of Edinburgh , in his ordinary turn upon that day on which Christmas fell , all that he said was , Some will think that I will speak either for the Day or against it : To speak against it I see no reason , and to speak for it I see as little ; for why should we keep our Saviour's Birth-day , and not his Conception . Had this Man been but acquainted with the Liturgy of the Primitive Church , or of that in the Neighbour-Nation , he might have found that they keep Annunciation-day for the Conception , and this would have broke the strongest Horn of his Presbyterian Dilemma . But for all the Abhorrence that Presbyterians have , and do profess against the Observation of Anniversary-days , yet they never missed to preach an Anniversary Sermon on Mr. Heriot , who built and indued the great Hospital in the City of Edinburgh ; the reason is , that for every Sermon on Heriot's Commendation , they get five Ponds , a new Hat and a Bible . If they could have made but the same Purchase by preaching on Christmas , it 's more than probable that they would have thought the Annual Observation of our Saviour's Birth , as little superstitious as that of Mr. Heriot's Memory . But the Disingenuity , Hypocrisy , and Covetousness of that Party appears not only in this , but in many other particulars ; for who clamour'd more than Presbyterians against Plurality of Benefices , which was never allowed nor practised under Episcopacy in our Kingdom , and now severals of them are suing for five or six ●tipends at once , viz. the great Apostles of the New Gospel , Dr. Bule , Mr. John and Mr. William Vetches , Mr. David Williamson , John Dickson . I cannot here omit a passage of Mr. James Kirkton , now a famous Preacher in Edinburgh , who held forth formerly in a Meeting-house about three and twenty Miles from it , in the Parish of St. Martine , within the Shire of the Mers , in which Parish there was an Episcopal Minister that gave Obedience to the present Laws , but this Kirkton by the Act restoring Presbyterian Preachers to their former Charges , out of Malice against the Episcopal Minister , and Covetousness to get the Stipend of the place , * comes from Edinburgh and preaches one Sermon in the Parish of St. Martine , and returning some days after , left the Church without a Minister , by which means he obtain'd to himself the Stipend of that Parish , tho' he lived and preaches in the City of Edinburgh ever since . There is another , Mr. Anthony Murray , who has a considerable Estate in Dunsire , he ordinarly uses this Phrase as a Proverb , That he desires no more in the World but a Bit and a Brat ; that is , only as much Food and Raiment as Nature craves ; and yet this very Man that would seem so denied to the World , got himself into the possession of two fat Benefices , viz. that of Counter in which he never did preach , and that of Dunsire Parish , in which the Regular Pastor had served for the whole Year , 1688 , and for the greater part of the Year 1689 , and yet was not allow'd one Farthing of the Living for either : altho' when he was drove away he had eight young Motherless Children , and no Bread for them , whereof Murray it seems not having one Child , had no sence at all . Who cried out more against the Covetousness of Prelates , and complying Ministers , than Mr. John Johnston , yet in the time of his suppos'd Persecution , he made up two thousand and five hundred Pounds Sterling ; and to the certain knowledge of his Acquantances he was two hundred Pounds Sterling in debt when he abdicated his Parish . This same Johnston being called to a dying Gentleman in East Lotham , who was always Episcopal , ( but the Call was by some Phanatical Friends , without the knowledge of the dying Person ) Johnston having come to his Chamber , advances with many Hums and Ha's close to the Gentleman's Bed-side , and after stairing a while upon him , at last with a great Groan he gave his Judgment of his State and Condition in these words : I see nothing there in that Face , ah , I see nothing but Damnation , Hell and Reprobation ! At which words , a merry Man standing by , whispers in the ears of the said Mr. Johnston , He hath left you two hundred Marks . Mr. Johnston at this changed his mind ( like the Barbarians in the Isle of Malta , ) and says , But methinks I see the Sun of Righteousness rising with healing under his wings , sayng , Son be of good chear , thy sins are forgiven thee . Who cried out more against Ministers Scandals , than one Balfour in the Mers , and yet but a few Months ago he fled for the Sin of Adultery himself . This among them is called but a Slip of the Saints ; but far less Slips in others are aggravated into heinous Scandals and crying Sins , as that ought indeed to be esteem'd . What greater act of Injustice than that done to Mr. Alexander Heriot , Minister of Dalkeith , who gave all Obedience to the Civil Law , and yet the Presbytery of Dalkeith permitted one Calderwood , a declared Enemy of Mr. Heriot's , and some others of his Accusers , to sit as Judges among them , and not only admitted , but also invited and encouraged two or three Knights of the Post to swear , That the Minister had danced about a Bon-fire the 14th of October 1688. And when it was made appear to the conviction of all Men , that there was no Bon-fires in the Town upon that Day , and that the Town was never wont to use any such Solemnity upon the occasion of that Day ; all that the Presbytery said , was , That they could not help it , for the matter was sworn and deponed , and and they behoved to proceed , having a Call to Purge the Church . Besides , their not having good Notions of the Gospel , nor of any good Heathen Morals ; one reason of their malicious and crabbed Nature may be , that they never suffered Affliction , for after they abdicated their Churches in 1662 , they began every-where in their Sermons to cant about the Persecution of the Godly , and to magnifie their own Sufferings ; by this means they were pamper'd instead of being persecuted ; some of the godly Sisters supplying them with plentiful Gratuities to their Families , and Mony to their Purses ; they really lived better then ever they did before , by their Stipends . They themseves boasted that they were sure of Crowns for their Sufferings ; and that Angels visited them often in their Troubles ; and both were materially true . I know severals of them who got Estates this way , and that grew fat and lusty under their Persecutions . Mr. Shields , one of their honestest and best Writers , being well acquainted with all that they suffered , and a great Sharer in it , glories in this , that they were highly provided for in their greatest Difficulties , and makes an Argument for it of their being God's People : In his Annalysis ( as he calls it ) on the 29th of Deuteronomy , delivered in a Discourse to the People on the Preparation-day before they renewed the Covenants , p. 10. l. 8. these are his words : Tho' in the Wilderness of Prelatick , Erastian , and Antichristian Vsurpations , we did not meet with Miracles , yet truly we have experienced Wonders of the Lord's Care and Kindness , and for all the Harassings and Persecutions , &c. the poor Wilderness-Wanderers have look'd as Meat-like and Cloath-like a others that sat at Ease in their Houses , and drank their Wine and their strong Drink . The Party finding such good Fruits of their Itinerary Labours , continued to preach the unthinking Mobile out of their Money and Senses , and well as out of their Duty to God and Man , receiving in the mean time , instead of Cups of cold Water , * many Bowls of warm Sack ; the true Covenant-Liquor , and the best Spirit that inspires the New Gospellers . By these means the Malignity of their Nature was rather kindled than abated ; the only Men and suffered any thing , being the poor silly Plow-men and Shepherds in the West , whom the false Teachers hounded out to die for a broken Covenant : It 's true indeed that many such Men being deluded into several Rebellions , put the State under a necessity of defending it self , by punishing some of them , and killing others in Battels ; but yet before the danger of these Battels , the Preachers were generally so wise as to save themselves , by running first ; for ad they been so honest as to have born but a part of these Burdens which they imposed upon their Proselytes , or so couragious as to have but shew'd their Faces in the day of Battel ( to which they always sounded the Allarm by their Sermons ) then it 's like we should not have been now infested with such swarms of these Locusts as have over-spread our Land , and again filled our King's Chambers , as the Frogs and Lice of Aegypt did that of Pharaoh's . Tho' upon certain occasions the more subtile and cunning Presbyterians , knowing that no art can defend or disguise the unaccountable wildness and madness of some of their party , are forc'd , to disprove and condemn them ; Yet they never fail to make use of the Sufferings of these same wild Men , to magnify that Persecution which themselves pretend to have undergone , but had not the least share in . Eminent instances of this we have in Rule 's late book . To whom among other favours we owe this new distinction of wild and sober Presbyterians . Truly if the Presbyterians had met with the same measure with which they formerly served the Prelatists , if they had been used as they did good Bishop Wishart , whom they made to lye seven Months in a dark stinking close Prison , without the conveniency of so much as changing his Shirt but once , so that he was like to be eaten up of himself , and the Vermine which that nasty place produced ; its probable that by such Severities ( which I am glad they suffered not ) they might have been brought to something of that good Man's Christian Temper and Disposition : And that this was very great , the worst of themselves were constrained to own , when upon changing of the Scene , he being deservedly advanced to the Bishoprick of Edinburgh , was so Charitable as to convey large supplies to such of them as were Imprison'd for their Notorious Rebellion at ●entland Hills , 1666 , and that without letting them know from what hand it came , nay his Compassion to them was such , that he continued such Presbyterian Preachers as were any thing tollerable , in their Churches and Office ; without imposing on them the conditions of Conformity which the Law then required : But now Presbyterian Preachers , even those that are called the soberest , as we may see by their daily Practices , and Expressions , are highly galled , because they are not allowed to treat the Bishops and other Ministers of God's Word , after the same Barbarous manner that they formerly did , that is , Hew them in pieces before the Lord , as they were wont to Phrase it , for they commonly compare Bishops to Agag , and those ordained by them to the Amalekites . The Episcopal Ministers and Rulers used all Christian and discreet Methods when they had Power to gain and oblige the Dissenters , and to save them from the Penalties of the Law. But now such is the ingratitude of some , even of those same Presbyterians , whom the Episcopal Ministers had saved from the Gibbet , to which the Law had justly doomed them ; that they were the only Persons that invented false Stories , forged malicious Lybels , and raised Tumults against those very Ministers who had been formerly so exceeding kind to them ; we have but too many instances of their rendering Evil for Good in this manner : And that which makes this the more strange and odious , is , that it is Acted under a pretence to Religion , and Reformation , and that the giddy People are instigated to this Wickedness by their Preachers ; I shall trouble the Reader at present only with two Particulars to this purpose : Mr. Monro , Parson of Sterling , was lately lybelled and accused before the Brethren of the Inquisition , by one whom , as all the Neighbourhead knows , he preserved from being Hanged , when he well deserved it . And now , tho' the said Parson Monro has visibly baffled all the Articles of his Lybel to the disgrace of his ungrateful Accuser , and of those Preachers who openly prompted him to this Villany , yet they daily molest and disquiet him , because of his constant adherence to the Sacred Order of Episcopacy , which is the greatest Fault his Judges can accuse him of , except that of his possessing a good Living , and that his Parts and Piety darken the whole Presbytery , of which his Parishoners being fully convinced , Love him so well , that they resolve , cost what it may , they will not part with him as their Minister ; and have therefore , to the great mortification of the Presbytery there , joyntly signified so much to them under their hands . The other particular instance of this Nature , shall be that of one Ronaldson , a Tenant in the Parish of Cranston , whom the Orthodox Minister there , Mr. Burnet , by his Intercession with Persons of Quality , preserved from having his Goods confiscated , and Person Banished ; after Ronaldson by his signal Disobedience to the Law had exposed himself to that Sentence : This kindness Ronaldson then looked on as so great and surprising , That he often and openly professed he knew not how to be thankful enough for it ; he and his Family constantly kept the Church thereafter , and upon every occasion acknowledged the Minister's singular favour , with all the Signs of sincere gratitude ; But yet upon the new light of the late Revolution , he appeared the most open and avowed Enemy that the Minister had : The Minister justly surprised with this , challenged his many promises of continuing grateful . To whom Ronaldson gravely replyed , that the Thanks of his Preservation was not due to him , but only to God ; who oft-times ( said he ) stirs up ill Men to befriend his own People . This change was wrought upon the Man , and this answer put in his Mouth ( as himself sometimes owns and professes ) by frequent Conferences with their Preachers , who in their private Discourses and publick Sermons have assured him , that he is not to look to the Instrument , but to the Cause of his Preservation . I shall shut up this head concerning the Persecution they pretended to have suffered , with a remarkable note of a Sermon preached lately by Mr. Daniel Douglass , one of their great * Mufties , Now Sirs , ( says he ) I will be even plain with you , and perhaps e'en more plain than pleasant , Sirs , I 'le tell you now , Sirs , its ordinary for us to cry out that we were persecuted under Episcopacy , but we are yet living , Sirs ; and why were we not Hanged as well as others were , beloved ? It is e'en because we thought they did cast away their Lives needlesly , and that we would not venture our Lives for such matters as they ventured their Lives , for I knew to meet with kindness both from the Church-men and the States-men : And particularly I knew that the Clerks of Council and Session would take nothing from us , but there are no such Clerks now : For there is one Gibbie Eliot , Sirs , that has no Charity nor Discretion , for if we were all made up of Dollars , he would swallow us up ; pray God , Sirs , to keep our Purses from that false lown Eliot . Ingenuity is a thing they are not concerned about , for that 's but a Branch of dry Morality , below Men so full of Grace ; some young Men among them that have had the Advantage of being abroad are more affable , and in their Conferences with Men of Sence , they ordinarily exclaim against the peevish sowr and unconversable Temper of Scotch Presbyterians ; but yet these same Sparks of the Cause , sing to a quite contrary Tune when they are in a collective or representative body . I have read of a certain Monk who being wearied of the Cloyster aimed at a vacant Dignity , the possession whereof he knew would set him free : For this end he applied himself to every one of his Acquaintances that had a Suffrage in the Election , and from every singular and individual Person he received very fair and satisfying promises , bet yet he found himself still disappointed when they met together in Assemblies for the Election , whereupon he invites most or all of them upon a set Day to Dine and be merry with him . They that were invited knew that he was not in condition to make any competent Provision for so many Guests ; Wherefore according to the usual Custom of that Fraternity , they sent each of them some material or other , proper to make up the Feast ; some sent Flesh , some Fish of divers Kinds , some sent Butter , some Cheese , some Wine , and others Oyl . All which he boyled in one Kettle together , and his Guests being conveen'd , he caused serve up that Hotch-potch in several large Dishes to them , so that every Dish as they tasted it equally disgusted them : Where upon they asked what manner of Victuals it was ? He said it was just such as themselves had sent , all well boyled in a large Kettle together . That , say they , is the worst Meat in the World when thus jumbled together , but very good when every thing is dressed by it self . Just so are ye to me , says the Monk , you are very fair and kind , when single , and one by one : But I can find nothing worse than you , when you are all together . The Presbyterians resemble the Monks in this , as in many other things , for take them singly , and they generally condemn the Methods and Proceedings of their Brethren , as rigid and severe , but take the same Men met together in a Presbytery , Synod , or Assembly , and the whole Body is the most unpalatable and most unsavory Hotch-potch in the World. And now to hasten to a close of this Section , Strangers may justly wonder that Men of such Temper and Qualification , as ye have now heard the Pretbyterian Preachers to be , should have any followers . But this will not seem so strange to such as confider what Multitudes of the Rabble , crowd after Jack Bowels in his Drunken Fits , Women and Children are ordinarily led by noise and shew , tho' it were but of Hobby-Horses and Rattles . And indeed the Presbyterian Preachers are only flocked after by such a Herd , some out of a blind Zeal and Itch after novelty and change , some again loving to Fish in the troubled Waters of such Confusions as are inseparable from Presbytery , hoping thereby ●o mend their broken Fortunes . And to palliate their want of Sence , and greater Faults , by a pretence to strict Religion : Others frequent them for sport and diversion , as Men of little Sence and less business run after Stage-Players and Rope-dancers . Sometimes ago these Preachers were conversant only with Shepherds , and a few silly Women , laden with divers Lusts , whose hot Zeal had no knowledge to guide it ; the Preachers then indeed admired themselves for Persons of great Gifts and Learning , because of the esteem that these ignorant Creatures had for them ; but now that they are brought to Act in publick , and possess the Pulpits of Learned Men , they are at a great Disadvantage , for their better Auditories expect solid Divinity , Rational and close Discourses , and that being none of their Talent , puts them quite out of their Road and Element , and hence it is that the People generally forsake and abhor them , and nothing but a few of the Rabble frequent their best Churches and Preachers : So that now their own dear followers begin to complain and cry out , That Christ did more good in the Hills than he does now in the Churches . And if they hold on at their usual manner of Raving in Pulpits , they cannot fail to render themselves as Ridiculous and odious as they deserve , which they have made pretty good Advances to already . They frequently upbraid Curates , as deserted of the Spirit , because they own that in the composing of their Sermons they make use of Books , and yet Mr. David Williamson , one of their ablest Men , Preaching before the Parliament , on Ps . 2. and verse 10. stole most of his Sermon from Herle's Tripus of Wisdom , and had the Confidence to reprint the same at Edinburgh . Indeed the nonsence and railing of that Sermon is wholly his own ; for none but himself ever pretended or presumed as he does there , That Christ dyed a Martyr for the Presbyterian Government ; because forsooth this Inscription was written on his Cross , Jesus of Nazareth King of the Jews . I do not discommend the use of Books , but the Hypocrisie of these Men , who give out that they Preach meerly by Inspiration and Meditation , as Mr. Areskine did in a Sermon which he Preached lately in the Tron Church at Edinburgh , his words were these , The Curates goes to their Books for Preachings , but we go to our Knees for our Preachings . And yet such is the silliness of some deluded People , that they proclaim these for Soul-refreshing and powerful Preachers , and for Men that , as they Phrase it , have an inbearing Gift , speaking home to their Hearts : Indeed make some People judges , we know Presbyterian Sermons will gain the applause . I remember the Old Fable of the Cuckow and the Nightingale , both contended who should Sing sweetest , the Ass because of his long Ears is made judge , the Nightingale Sung first , the Cuckow next , the Asse's determination was , that truly the Nightingale Sung pretty well , but for a good sweet plain taking Song , and a fine Note , the Cuckow Sung far better . Some who are not so well acquainted with the Scotch Presbyterian's manner of Preaching and praying may , perhaps , think that matters are here aggravated against them , because things so very Ridiculous were never vented by any former Sect , as these I have and am hereafter to discover of them ; but they are too well known to be denyed among us : And that Strangers may not think themselves imposed upon , I shall in the next Section give the Reader some little taste of their Printed Books , and leave him to judge from the Ridiculousness of what they have deliberately published to the World that way , what extravagancy they may be Guilty of in these extemporary Ravings , which they mis-call Spiritual Preaching and Praying . SECT . II. Containing some Expressions out of their printed Books . AND first for their Sermons ; Mr. William Guthry at Fenwick , hath printed one full of Curses and Imprecations , Viz. Will you gang Man to the cursed Curates ? Gang , and the Vengeance of God gang with thee : The cursed Curates bids us side with them ; the Devil rugg * their Hearts out of their sides . The Sermon in every Page is to the same purpose . The People in the West are mightily taken with it ; and the Author is held for a great Saint among them , chiefly upon the account , as themselves phrase it , of his sharp Pen against Prelates and Curates . Mr. Walwood , Brother to Mercurius , in a printed Sermon on this Text , If the righteous shall scarcely be saved , &c. says , among other as ridiculous things , these words , Men think that every Dog will win to Heaven , but I assure you , it is a great matter to win there ; for Noblemen that will be saved I believe there 's not twenty , I trow I doubled them : for Gentlemen I could write them all in three inch of Paper . Ibid. Men thought much when a part of the City of Glascow was burnt , but for my part I would not shed a Tear tho' Glascow and Edinburgh both were burnt ; and a great matter , they burnt the Covenant . The best of their Preachers were singled out to hold forth to the Parliament , and the L. Commissioner M. a Person equally fitted to judge of Ministers and Statesmen , appointed such of these Sermons to be printed , as he in his Godly Wisdom thought fittest for advancing the designs of Omnipotent Presbytery . These Sermons are generally inhanced by the Party , and preserved as infallible Evidences of the great Learning and Piety of the New Gospel Professors , upon which account they are carefully kept from malignant Hands and Eyes : However , I once had the favour allowed me to read three of the choicest of them , published by Williamson , Rule , and Spalding ; wherein they extol Presbyterian Government , with all the glorious Epithets due to the Gospel and the Christian Church , viz. Christ's Bride , his Virgin , his Spouse , his Glory , his Honour , his Church , his precious Remnant , his glorious Elect , his pure People . God's House , Tabernacle , Dwelling place and Sanctuary , his Holy Ark , his chosen Generation , his dear Children , his Kingdom , his Mountain , his Jewels , his Crown , Scepter , and Diadem ; in a word , the most obscure and darkest Prophesies and Revelations were all spoke with an eye to the present Scotch Model , tho' that be so new as never to have been heard of in Scotland , or any other Church before : and the Presbyterians themselves will as soon prove that the High Priesthood of Aaron among the Jews was a Type of Presbyterian Democracy in the Church , as shew any Foot-steps , or the least mention of Presbyterianism in any of the ancient Monuments and Records of the Church , except they will say that Christianity began with Calvin ; and yet if you 'll believe the Sermons of the former Triumvirate , they that oppose the Rigour of Scotch Presbytery are Enemies to God and his Cause , to Christ and to his Gospel , they are worse than Heathens , they are Philistines , which are not to be suffered to live in the Holy Land , * nay they that concur not to advance it to its former height , ( and that is above King and Parliament ) not only their Estates and Lives , but their Souls may go for it : You Members of Parliament who are not forward for this , you shall with Jehoiakim , be buried with the Burial of an Ass : Think but seriously what an Epitaph may be written on your Tomb , and what Discourses may be of you when ye are gone , Here lies a Man that never was a Friend to Christ , or his Interest , now he is dead , but he was an Opposer and Persecutor of Christ of his Truth and People . But dying is not all , what shall ye say when , ye shall be cited at the great Assize , before the Tribunal of Christ , to that Question , What Justice and Vote gave ye to we in my afflicted Church , in the first Parliament of King William and Queen Mary in Scotland , was ye for me or against met ? Spalding's Sermon before the Parliament , on 1 Chron. 12. 32. p. 20. Versus finem & p. 21 Initio . Mr. Gilbert Rule in his Sermon before the Parliament , on Isaiah 2. 2. ( for their Texts are generally out of the obscurest places of the Old Testament , ) takes it for granted , that the Mountain of the Lord's House there spoke of , is expresly meant of Scotch Presbytery ; Which , he says , is terrible as an Army with Banners . This last , I confess , has often been found true in the most litteral sence ; but why Presbytery should be called a Mountain , I cannot so well say , except it be because it was exalted at ‖ Dunce-law above the tops of the Mountains , that is , Monarchy and Episcopacy , at which time the Phanaticks and Rebels were the Nations that flocked unto it , and establish'd it upon the ruines of their own former Oaths and Obligations . But to speak in his own words , The exalting and establishing of Scotch Presbytery , ( for that 's the only true Religion , ) the flourishing of it , is the means to advance the poorest and most contemptible People * to Reputation both with God and all good Men , yea , often in the eyes of them that are but moral and intelligent , tho' Enemies , as is evident from Deut. 4. 6. This is your wisdom in the sight of the Nations , which shall say , Surely this Nation is a wise and understanding People : for what Nation is there so great , who have God so nigh unto them , &c. Now that no body might mistake , as in this he meant Religion in general , and not Scotch Presbytery , he makes Application particularly to the Kirk in these words , If ye will set Christ on high in this poor Church , he will set the Church and Nation on high ; Scotland hath in former times been * renowned and esteemed among the Churches of the Reformation upon this account : It may be an Honour in after Ages to your Posterity , that such a Man was active in that happy Parliament that settled Religion in the Church ; yea , this way will render us more formidable to our Enemies , and Vnfriends to our Way , * , than strong Armies or Navies could do . 1 Sam. 4. 7. And the Philistines were afraid , &c. fo● they said , that God is come to the camp . Rule 's Sermon before the Parliament , p. 13. The plain meaning of this is , All the Land and Sea-Forces of England and the Confederates , can signifie nothing against their Enemies , so long as they entertain or suffer amongst them these Enemies of Religion , the Bishops . That famous Man in his Generation , Mr. David Williamson , preached before the Reforming Parliament on this Text , Be wise ye Kings , be instucted ye Judges of the Earth , Psal . 2. 10. I cannot but approve the choice of this Text , because those Kings had need be very wise indeed , that have to do with Presbyterians ; and those Civil Judges must be stronger than the Kirk , that will not condescend to be instructed by them in all things . In the former part of that Sermon he divides and subdivides Government so often , till ( as the Presbyterian Author , from whom he steals these ridiculous Distinctions * , ) he at last divides the King's and Judges from all Power : It 's no new thing for some Men first to distinguish the King's Person from his Authority , and then to divide his Head from his Body ; Well , it 's granted by all hands , that such Men are well acquainted with all the ways of dividing Government . In the latter part of that Sermon , the Author speaking of Presbyterial Government , uses these words , which we easily grant to be peculiarly his own : It 's no light matter , ( says he ) it 's an Ordinance of God , the Royal Diadem of Christ ; he was a Martyr on this Head , for it was his Ditty on the Cross , John 19. 19. Jesus of Nazareth King of the Jews . If this Scripture do not prove that Christ died a Martyr for Scots Presbytery , I am sure there 's no other place either in Scripture or Antiquity that will. The next Notes shall be from a Sermon that is highly valued by all true Presbyterians , viz. That which according to the Author 's dating it , was printed the 40 Year of our publick breach of Covenant ; the Year , as the Author at the end of the Title Page describes it , wherein there was much Zeal for confederating among Men , but little for covenanting with GOD. In the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , and 5 Pages , he compareth the Scotch Covenants to the Covenant of Grace , and to the Covenants at Horeb and in Moab . In the 6th Page he says , The Covenant may be tendred and taken without the consent of the Magistrate , but his after Dissent or Discharge cannot loose the Obligation of it . Page 9. He says , As Israel in the Wilderness , so have we had our Marahs , and our Massa's , and Meribahs , Taberahs , and Kibroth Hataavahs at Pentland-hills , Bothwel-bridge , Ardsmoss , † &c. From this consideration he presses the renewing of the Covenant . Page 10. God's removing two Kings who withstood the covenanted Reformation , and the abolishing two wicked Establishments , Tyranny and Prelacy , should stir up all Lovers of Religion to the Duty of Covenanting . Page 12. All the meaner sort of all Sexes and Ages , Wives and Children , are obliged to this , tho' the Primores & Primates regni do not concur : if the Children be not capable , Parents are to engage for them . Accordingly ( says he ) in Scotland it hath been in use for faithful Ministers , to take Parents , engaged to the Covenant , when they presented their Children to Baptism * . Page 14. Subjects are relaxed from their sworn Allegiance to a King or Magistrate , by his rescinding or disowning the Covenant ; as is plain from the third Article of the Solemn League : But there is nothing that can any way enervate the sacred Obligation of Scotland's Holy Covenant , which still must stand in inviolable force . Page 16. It is a Covenant obliging not only the present , but the absent , and not only the absent in regard of place , but in regard of time : It obligeth all the Children of Israel , binds all Posterity with Annexation of Curses to the Breakers . Page 17. It 's the Foundation of the People's Compact with the King at his Inauguration : therefore as long as Scotland is Scotland , and God unchangeable , Scotland's Reformation in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government , must be endeavour'd to be performed in a Conformity to the Covenant : The matter of it is Moral , containing nothing but what is antecedently and eternally binding , albeit there had never been a formal Covenant ; the ends of it are perpetually good . Page 18. The express Command from Exod. 23. obliges to banish all Covenant-breakers out of the Land ; for the example of the Popish , Prelatical , and Malignant Faction in Britain and Ireland , the suffering them to dwell in the Land , and to creep into places of Trust , and especially the stupid Submission to the Restitution of Church and State , and to the Re-introduction of their wicked Establishments , abjur'd by Covenant , did gradually induce Parishes and Provinces to this dreadful Sin of Covenant-breaking . Then in some subsequent Pages he enumerates all the Curses and Plagues , national or personal , spoken of in Scripture , as threatned with a special regard to the breaking of this Covenant , and who can tell ( says he ) but the Sword now drawn in Scotland and Ireland may avenge the Quarrel of God's broken Covenant . Pag. 27. The breaking of the Covenant is the most Heinous of all Sins : Profainity of all sorts , Hypocrisie , Idolatry , Adultery , Treachery , Pride , Blood , and Oppression , and all that ever brought down Vengeance upon any Generation recorded in Scripture , or in any History , with these indeed , and the greatest aggravations of them , the Land hath been Polluted ; but chiefly that which incenses the Anger of the Lord , hath been , and remains to be Breach of Covenant , and all these Abominations not simply because Breaches of the Law if God , but as under this special Aggravation , that they have been and are Breaches of the Covenant , as is evident from Deuterom . 29. 25. Because they have forsaken the Covenant of the Lord God of their Fathers . &c. * Pag. 33. The great Reason why Men should renew the Covenant at this time , and why those of the true Presbyterian Party did it in the end of 1688. They though it then ( says he ) expedient , as it is still , by renewing of these Antient Covenants , to declare what Cause they would avouch and appear for , what King they would own , and upon what Terms they would offer their Submission to the present Government then to be Established , who had before declared their Revolt from the former , and for this end to make this the Band of their Association . The same Author , in his Solemn Confession of Sins pag. 53. says most ingenuously , We and our Teachers in a great measure complyed with , submitted unto , and connived , at the incroachments of the Supremacy , and absolute Power , both in accepting and countenancing the former Indulgences , and the late Tolleration . We have taken and subscribed Oaths , and Bonds , all which have been contrary to the Reformation we were Sworn to preserve . Pag 54. We are obliged to confess the offensive Carriage and Conversation of many that have gone to England , who have proven very stumbling to the Sectarians there . Yea of late , many have embraced the Toleration introductive of a Sectarian multiformity , without so much as a Testimony against the Toleration of Popery it self . The general Toleration , which in its own Nature tended , and in its Design intended , to introduce Popery and Slavery by Arbitrary and Absolute Power , hath been accepted and addressed for , by many of our Ministers ; and countenanced , complyed , and concurr'd with by many of our People , without a Testimony or endeavour to understand it . — Many dregs of , Popish Superstition have been observed , Popish Festival days as † Pasch , Yule , and Fastings Eve , &c. have been kept by many : And prelatical Anniversary days devised of their own Heart , appointed for Commemorating the Kings Birth Days , as May 29. Octob. 14. &c. Who were born as Scourges to this Realm , being complied with by many , pag. 58. As it was our Fathers Sin to inaugurate the late King , after such Discoveries of his Hypocritical enmity to Religion and Liberty , upon his subscription of the Covenant ; to when he burnt and buried that Holy Covenant , and degenerated into manifest Tyranny , and had razed the very Foundation on which both his Right to Govern , and the Peoples Allegiance were founded , and remitted the Subjects Allegiance , by annulling the bond of it ; we sinned in continuing to own his Authority : When all he had was engaged and exerted in Rebellion against God ; for which the Lord put us to shame , and went not out with our Armies at Pentland Hills and Bothwell Bridge . Notes out of the Hind let loose , Printed 1687. which Book is the great Oracle and Idol of the true Covenanters . Pag. 3. It 's observable how reproachfully he speaks of Princes , and even of such as are now our Kings Allies , in these words , The Protestants of Hungary are under the tearing Laws of that Ravenous Eagle the Tyrant of Austria : Those of Piedmont under the Grassant Tyranny of that little Tyger of Savoy . Pag. 24. Our first Reformers never resigned nor abandoned that first and most just priviledge of Resistance . Nay nor of bringing publick Beasts of prey to condign Punishment , in an extraordinary way of vindictive justice ; E. G. Cardinal Beaton that was Slain in the Tower of St. Andrew's by James Melvin , who perceiving his consorts moved with Passion withdrew them , and said , This work and Judgement of God , altho' it be Secret , ought to be done with greater Gravity ; and presentnig the point of his Sword to the Cardinal , said , Repent thee of thy former wicked Life , but especially of the shedding of the Blood of Mr. George Wisheart , which yet Crys for Vengeance from God upon thee : And we from God are sent to revenge it ; for here before my God , I protest that — Nothing moveth me to strike thee , but only because thou hast been , and remainest an obstinate Enemy agoinst Christ Jesus and his holy Gospel ; Of which fast , says my Author , the faithful and famous Historian Mr. Knox , speaks very Honourably , and after the Slaughter joyned himself with them ; yet now such a fact committed upon such another Bloody and Treacherous Beast , the Cardinal prelate of Scotland Eight years agon , is generally Condemned as Horrid Murder . Pag. 75. Speaking of the King's defeat at Worcester , he says , Israel had Sinned and Transgressed the Covenant . — Having taken the accursed thing , and put it even amongst their own stuff ; therefore the Children of Israel could not stand before their Enemies , but an Army of them near 30000. was totally Routed at Worcester ; and the Achan , the cause of the overthrow , was forced to hide himself beyond Sea , where he continued a wandring Fugitive in Exile till 1660. False Monk , then General , with a Combination of Malignants , and publick Resolutioners , did machinate our Misery , and effectuated it , by bringing the King home to England from his Banishment , wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred against the Work of God. Pag. 96. The Covenant is our Magna Charta of Religion and Righteousness , our greatest Security for all our Interests . Pag. 99. That same perfidious Parliament fram'd an Act for an Anniversary Thanksgiving , Commemorating every 29th of May , that Blasphemy against the Spirit and Work of God ; and Celebrating that unhappy Restauration of the Rescinder of the Reformation , which had not only the Concurrence of the Universality of the Nation , but ( alas for shame that it should be told in Gath , ) even of some Presbyterian Ministers , who afterwards accepted the Indulgence ; one of which , a Pillar among them , was seen scandalously Dancing about the Bonfires . — O Holy and Astonishing Justice , thus to Recompence our way upon our own Head ; To suffer this holy Work and Cause to be ruined under our unhappy Hands , who suffered the Destroyer to come in , who had it in his Heart , swell'd with enmity against Christ , to raze and ruine the Work , as he most Wickedly did . Pag. 110. The King gave us many proofs and Demonstrations of his being true to Antichrist , in minding all the Promises and Treaties with him , as he had of his being false to Christ , in all his Covenant-Engagements with his People : For in the Year , 1666. He , with his Dear and Royal Brother the Duke of York , contrived , Countenanced , and Abetted , the burning of London , evident by their employing their Guards to hinder the People from saving their own ; and to dismiss the Incendiaries , the Papists , who were taken in the Fact. Pag. 123. At length the virulent Traytor , James Sharp , the Arch Prelate , received the just Demerit of his Perfidy , Perjuries , Apostacies , Sorceries , Villanies , and Murders , sharp Arrows of the mighty , and Coals of Juniper , for upon the 3d of May , 1679. several worthy Gentlemen , with some other Men of Courage and Zeal for the Cause of God , and the good of the Country , executed Righteous judgement upon him at Magus Moor , near St. Andrew's : And the same Month on the 29th of May , the Testimony at Rutherglen , was published against that Abomination of Celebrating an Anniversary day for setting up an usurped Power , destroying the Interest of Christ in the Land , and against all sinful and unlawful Acts emitted and executed , published and prosecuted against our Covenanted Reformation ; where also they burnt the Acts of Supremacy , , the Declaration , the Act Rescessory , for the burning the Covenant . Page 146. At length the King of Terrours , a Terrour to all Kings , cut off that Supreme Author and Authoriser of Mischief , Charles the Second , by the suspicious Intervention of an unnatural Hand , as the Instrument thereof ; wherein much of the Justice of God was to be observed , and of his Faithfulness verified ; That bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days : His bloody Violence was recompenced with the unnatural Villany of his Brother , and his unparallel'd Perjury was justly rewarded with the most ungrateful and treacherous Monster of a Parricide ; for all the numerous Brood of his adulterous and incestuous Brats , begotten of a Multitude of Whores , at home and abroad , yea , with his own Sister too , he died a Childless Pultron , and had the unlamented Burial of an Ass : and for all his Hypocritical Pretentions to a Protestant Profession , he drunk his Death in a Popish Potion , contrived by his own dear Brother that succeeded him ; — passionately resenting Charles his Vow , to suffer the Murder of the Earl of Ess●x to come to a Trial , which was extorted by the reiterated Solicitations of some , who offer'd to discover by whom it was contrived and acted ; which made the Duke's guilty Conscience to dread a Detection of his deep Accession to it : whereupon the Potion quickly after prepared , put a stop to that , and an end to his Life , February 6th , 1685 : of which horrid Villany time will disclose the Mystery , and give the History when it shall be seasonable . Page 237. A Prelate's Depute is no Minister of Christ , but a Curate is a Prelate's Depute , Ergo. — That a Prelate's-Depute is no Minister of Christ , I prove not only from that , that a Prelate , qua talis , is not a Servant of Christ , but an Enemy ; and therefore cannot confer upon another that Dignity to be Christ's Servant ; but also from this , that the Scriptures allow no derivation of deputed Officers , Rom. 12. 7 , 9. Page 255. Never can it be instanced these twenty seven Years , that the Curates have brought one Soul to Christ , but many instances may be given of their murdering Souls : Hence these who cannot but be Soul-murderers , may not be heard or entertaind as Soul-Physicians ; but the Curates cannot but be Soul-murderers , Ergo. Page 256. The Meetings of the Curates , for Administration of Ordinances in their way , the Lord hates , and hath signally forsaken : therefore we should hate and forsake them . This is confirmed by Mr. Durhame , Rev. 1. p. 55. Page 259. Hearing of Curates reductively involves us under the guilt of Idolatry , and breach of the second Commandment ; therefore we ought not to let them dwell in the Land , lest they make us sin , Exod. 23. 32. We should destroy their very names out of the place , Deut. 12. 3. Jud. 2. 7. Page 285. Jus Populi , cap. 16. ( says he ) Make this one Character of a Tyrant , that living in Luxury , Whoredom , Greed and Idleness , he neglecteth , or is unfit for his Office. How these sute to our times , we need not express ; what effrontery of Impudence is it for such Monsters to pretend to rule . P. 296. Kings and Tyrants for the most part are reciprocal terms . Page 306. We own the obligation of our sacred Covenants unrepealably and indispensably binding to all . But we deny that hereby we are bound either to maintain Monarchy , or to own the Authority of either of the two Monarchs that have monarchized or tyrannized over us these twenty seven Years past . In the Covenants we are not bound , but only conditionally , tomaintain the King's Person and Authority , that is only upon the terms that he should be a Loyal Subject to Christ , * and a faithful Servant to the People , which he cannot be thought who does not cause all stand to their Covenant-Engagements , as Josiah did , 2 Chron. 34. But , alas , there was never a Jostah in the Race of our Kings ; they rose up to the height of Rebellion against God and the People , with Heaven-daring Insolency , not only breaking but burning the Holy Covenant . Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority , p. 308. When Monarchy becomes opposite to the Ends of Government , the Contagion of it affects that very Species of Government ; and then the House is to be pulled down , when the Leprosie is got into the Walls and Foundation . The People may make their publick Servant sensible , that he is at his highest Elevation but a Servant : Hence now when the Species named in the Covenant , viz. Monarchy , is so vitiate , that it is become the Instrument of the Destruction of all the Ends of that Covenant , and now by Law transmitted to all Successors , as an hereditary , perfect , and perpetual Opposition to the coming of Christ's Kingdom ; so that as long as there is one to wear that Crown , ( but Jehovah will in Righteousness execute Coniah's Doom upon the Race , Jerem 22. ult . write this Man Childless , ) and to enter Heir to the Government as now established , he must be an Enemy to Christ : There is no other way left , but to think on a new Model , moulded according to the true Pattern . Page 311. As he is not , nor will not be our covenantted and sworn King , and therefore we cannot be his covenanted and sworn Subjects ; so he is not , nor can be our crown'd King , and therefore we cannot be his liege Subjects , owning Fealty and Obedience to him . Page 340. It will be found that there is no Title on Earth now to the Crowns , to Families , to Persons , but the People's Suffrage ; for the Institution of Magistracy does not made James Stuart a King , no more than John Chamberlain . Page 375. Kings must be like Dogs that are best Hunters , not those who are born of best Dogs ; therefore Dominion is not hereditary . Page 389. The Inferiour is accountable to the Superiour , the King is inferiour , the People is superiour ; Ergo , the King is accountable to the People . The Proposition is plain ; for if the King's Superiority make the People accountable to him , in case of transgressing the Laws , then why should not the People's Superiority make the King accountable to them , in case of transgressing the Laws . Page 411. In the fourth Article of the Covenant , we are obliged to endeavour that all Incendiaries and Malignants , &c. be brought to condign Punishment ; therefore is it imaginable that the Head of that unhallowed Party , the great Malignant Enemy , who is the Spring , and gives life to all these Abominations , should be exempted from punishment ? shall we be obliged to discover and bring to punishment the little petty Malignants , and this implacably stated Enemy to Christ , escape with a Crown on his head ? Nay , we are by this obliged , if ever we be in condition , to bring these stated Enemies to God and the Country , to condign Punishment , from the highest to the lowest : And this we are to do , as we would have the Anger of the Lord turned away from us , which cannot not be without hanging up their Heads before the Lord against the Sun , Numb . 25. 4. Page 412. By the fifth Article of the Covenant , we are obliged to endeavour that Justice be done upon such as oppose the Peace and Union between the Kingdoms ; abut this Man and his Brother have destroy'd and annull'd that which was the Bond of these Kingdoms Union , viz. the Solemn League and Covenant . Page 459. That form God save the King , now imposed , as it is found in the Original , is only paraphrastically expounded , and most catachrestically applied to Tyrants , being in the native sence of the words only , Let the King live ; which as it is now extorted most illegally , so it can be render'd neither civilly , nor sincerely , nor christianly : It is a horrid mocking of God , and a heinous taking of his Name in vain , contrary to the third Commandment : If it be a congratulation , it is the more abominable , not only for the Hypocrisie that is in it , but the Blasphemy , in giving Thanks for the Promoter of the Devil's Interest , and the Destroyer of Christ's and the Liberties of Mankind . Page 466. Let us consider the Person and Matter for whom and for what , this Prayer ( God save the King ; ) is extorted : Either it is for the Salvation of James the Papist , or of James the Tyrant ; Now it 's not the Will of God , that they that have , and keep , and will not part with the Mark of the Beast , should be saved ; for he is adjudged of God to drink the Wine of his Wrath , Rev. 14. 9 , 10. We cannot pray for him as a Christian , or as King , because he is neither ; and as a Tyrant he can no more be saved that as a Papist ; for , Tophet is ordained of old , yea , for the King it is prepared , Isai . 3. 33. Now while he continues such , we must complain in Prayers , not for his Mis-government only , but for that he governs , and desire to be deliver'd from him ; for , considering what a Man , and what a King he is , guilty of Murder , Adultery , Idolatry , under the Sentence of the Law both of God and Man ; we can pray no otherwise for him than for a Murderer , Adulterer , Idolater ; we cannot pray that the Lord may bless his Government , for it 's his Sin and our Misery , that he is a Governour , and his Throne is a Throne of Iniquity . What Form of Prayer this Author uses for the King , may be seen at the end of the Notes of their Prayers . Page 482 and 483. These that now would impose Bonds upon us , are such Sons of Belial as cannot be taken by the hand . There is one general Argument that will condemn coming in any Terms or Bonds with that Party that have broken the Covenant , because such Transactions are a sort of Confederacy with the known Enemies of the Truth and Godliness * Mr. Gillespy demonstrates that to be unlawful ; when in capacity , we should not suffer them to dwell in the Land ; if we are not to be familiar with Heathens , far less with Apostates ; for the Apostle lays much more restraint from Communion with them than with Pagans , 1 Cor. 5. 10. And again , Exodus 34. 12. All sacred Transactions are discharged upon a moral and perpetually binding ground : And all Toleration is prohibited , and all conjugal Affinity . Such Compliances brought on the first desolating Judgment , the Flood , on the old World , Gen. 6. when the Godly conformed and incorporated with the Ungodly Crew . — The Scriptures frequently disprove all Confederacies , Covenants , Concord , and , without distinction , all Transactions and Unitive Agreements with the Men of Belial , that overturn the Reformation , p. 487. Page 501. It 's clear from the Form , the Object , and from the Ends of the Covenant , which are all Moral , and of indispensable Obligation , that it is of perpetual and unalterably binding force , obliging the present and and all future Generations . Page 500. By Allegiance and Loyalty , can be meant nothing else , by our present Governors , but an Obligation to own and Obey , and never to oppose the Design of advancing Tyranny ; and by Peaceableness and Orderliness , nothing else can be intended , than an Obligation never to oppose either the present Settlement , or future Establishment of Popery and Arbitrary Power , upon the Ruines of the Reformation , and our Civil and Religious Rights and Liberties ; whence they that take these Oaths and Bonds , in any other sence , look more to the Liberties of Worldly Interest , than to the Dictates of Conscience , and by quibling Evasions do but mock God , deceive the World , and illude the Enemies , and delude themselves . Page 505. The Covenant is the Foundation of the People's Compact with the King at his Inauguration , the fundamental Law of the Government , and among the very Leges & regulae reganndi ; so that the Rescinders of of it are chargeable not only with Perjury but of Treason and Tyranny , in breaking and altering the Constitution of the Government , and are lyable to the Curse of the Covenant ; for they cannot rescind that , nor escape it's Vengeance ; whereof we have a Speaking-pledge already , in that the Rescinder of these Covenants was so terribly rescinded , and cut off by the hands of unnatural Violence ; God thereby fulfilling that threatned Judgment of Covenant-breakers , That he that hath broken his Covenant shall be brought to Destruction ; and bloody and deceitful Men shall not live out half their days : So Charles the Second got not leave to live out half of the days he projected to himself . Page 508. To require Men to subscribe to a Declaration asserting that the National Covenant , and the Solemn League and Covenant , were and are in themselves unlawful Oaths , is to require Men to enter into a Confederacy against the Lord , at which the Heavens might stand astonish'd ; it 's an unparallel'd breach of the third Commandment , and could no more be taken tin Truth and Righteousness , that an Oath renouncing the Bible . Page 513. An acknowledgment of Ecclesiastical Supremacy resident in the King , is the most blasphemous Usurpation on the Prerogatives of Christ , that ever the greatest Monster among Men durst arrogate ; yea , the Roman Beast never claimed more ; and in effect it is nothing else but one of his Names of Blasphemy , twisted out of the Pope's hands by King Henry the Eighth , and handed down to Queen Elizàbeth , &c. By this many intolerable Incroachments , made upon the Liberties and Priviledges of the Church of Christ , are yeilded unto ; as that there must be no Church-Assemblies without the Magistrates Consent , but that the Power of Convocating and Indicting Assemblies does belong only to him , that he may dissolve them when he pleases , and that his Presence , or his Commissioners , is necessary to each National Assembly . Page 516. To engage in Bonds of living peaceably , is to engage in Bonds of Iniquity ; they are Covenants of Peace with God's Enemies , whom we should count our Enemies ; and hate them because they hate him , Psal . 139. It 's more suitable to answer as Jehu did to Joram , What peace , so long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezabel , and her witchcrafts are so many ? than to ingage to be at Peace with those who are carrying on Babylon's Interest , the Mother of Harlots and Witchcrafts * Page 658. For private Persons to destroy and rid the Commonwealth , of such Burdens and vile Vermine , so pernicious to it as Tyrants are , was thought a Vertue meriting Commendation by all Nations ; among the rudest Nations this is a Relict of Reason ; as the Oriental Indidians have a Custom when ever any Persons run a Muck , that is , in a revengeful Fury take such a quantity of Opium as distracts them into such a Rage of mad Animosity , that they fear not to Assault and go thorow destroying whom they can find in their way ; then every Man arms against him , and is ambitious of the Honour of first killing him ; which is very rational : And it seems to be as rational , to take the same couse with out mad Malignant Mucks * , who are drunk with Hellish Fury , and are running in a Rage to destroy the People of God. Page 701. The exacting Taxations for maintaining of the Army , and the paying of Subsidies , was and remains to be a Consummating Crimson Wickedness , the Cry whereof reaches Heaven ; since upon the matter it exceeded the Gadarens Wickedness , and was short of their Civility ; they did not beseech Christ and his Gospel to be gone out of Scotland , but with armed Violence declar'd , they would with the strong Hand drive him out of his Possession , in order to which their Legions are levied with a professed Declaration , That there shall not be a Soul left in the Nation , who shall not be slain , shut up , or sold as Slaves , who will own CHRIST and his Interest . Page 712. The paying of Subsidies to the present Goverment , is to surnish that Party of the Dragon's Legions , in their War against Prince Michael and his Angels , with Supplies ; which no Moral Force can excuse , no more than it can do the shedding of the Blood of their innocent Children , or sacrificing them to Moloch ; for no Sacrifice they can offer to the Devil , can be more real , or so acceptable , as what they declare by this ; being so direct not only in opposition to the coming of the Kingdom of Christ , but the Deletion of his precious Interests , and the giving Satan such an absolute Dominion in the Nation , as that they who have made the Decree , and all who put it in Execution , practically declare thereby they have mancipate themselves to his Slavery , and sold themselves to work Wickedness in the sight of the Lord : so likewise that all the rest of the Nation may with themselves become his Vassals , and in evidence of their Opposition to Christ , and in recognition to Satan's Sovereignty , and their Subjection , they are appointed to pay these black Meals . * Mr. Rule . the great Scribe now of the Party , in his Second Vindication of the Church of Scotland , owns at every turn , that there are many Presbyterians in Scotland , who are neither moderate nor sober ; and to these he imputes all the Rebellions and Murders committed by the Party , and yet he calls the Legal Restraints , put upon these wild or mad Presbyterians , ( for so they must be called , if they be neither moderate nor sober , ) cruel Persecutions : Now their whole pretended Martyrology being only made up of these Men , I would fain know whose Martyrs such Men were ; for the Devil has his Martys too . This is Mr. Rule 's best way of Reasoning , for which I am apt to think there 's few of the Party that will thank him ; it being most evident , that those whom he so much disowns and reflects upon , are the only true Scotch Presbyterians ; for whereas Rule , and some few with him , who would be thought moderate and sober , have evidently deserted the old Cause , and seem to sit down upon the Lees of Dutch Presbytery , unto which they have basely degenerated , while these others tread exactly in the steps of their Forefathers , and act in a close Conformity to the Covenants , and the Decrees of the General Assemblies ; which must be acknowledged to be the Rule for Scotch Presbyterians , or else it must be confest that they have none . I shall leave the Reader to judge which of these two are indeed the truest Scotch Presbyterians , by the account which one of their own famous Writers gives of those whom Mr. Rule calls sober and moderate ; in the Historical Representation of the Testimonies of the Church of Scotland , ( printed 1687 , p. 162. and downwards , ) speaking of the Toleration granted in that same Year by the King , he says , and truely too , that those who embraced it , acted contrary to the Presbyterian Principles of the Church of Scotland , particularly to the Declaration of the General Assembly , July , 27 , 1649 ; And contrary to the Covenant . And on this Head his Arguments are infinitely beyond any that ever we have heard from Mr. Rule ; For ( says he ) this Toleration is founded on Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , and Absolute Power , which all are to obey without reserve . Again , ( says he ) it comes through such a Conveyance , as suspends , stops , and disables all Penal Laws against Papists , and thereby everts all the Securities and Legal Bulwarks that Protestants can have for the Establishment of their Religion , making them depend only upon the Arbitrary Word of an Absolute Monarch , whose Principles oblige him to break it : So they that accept this Toleration , do thereby recognize a Power in the King , to subvert all Laws , Right , and Liberties ; which is contrary to Reason as well as Religion , and a clear breach of the Covenants : By this Toleration the Papists are encouraged and encreased in Numbers , the whole Nation overflow'd with their Hellish Locusts , and all places fill'd with Priests and Jesuits ; yea , the Executive Power of the Government is put in the Hands of the Romanists . — Watever Liberty this may be to some Consciences , it 's none to the Tender : it 's only a Toleration which is always of Evil , for that which is good cannot be tolerated , under the Notion of Good , but countenanced and incouraged as such : therefore this reflects upon our Religion , when a Toleration is accepted , which implies such a Reproach , and the annexed Indemnity and Pardon , tacitely condemns the Profession thereof , as a Fault , or Crime ; which no Christian can bear with , or homologate by Acceptance ; whatever some Addressers , particularly the Presbyterians at London , have blasphemously alledged , that God is hereby restored to his Empire over the Conscience : Moreover , * ( says he ) true Presbyterians can never closs themselves among them that are hereby indulged , viz. Archbishops and Bishops , all the Prelatical and Malignant Crew , all Quakers and Papists , reaching also all Idolatry , Blasphemy , Heresie , and Truth ; making the Professors of Christ Partners with Antichrist's Vassals . Such a Toleration is contrary to the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament ; it 's like Julian the Apostate's Toleration , designing to root out Chirstianity ; it 's contrary to the Confession of Faith ; and therefore to accept this Toleration , is inconsistent with the Principles of the Church of Scotland , National and Solemn Leagues and Covenants , and Solemn Acknowledgments of Sins , and Engagements to Duties ; in all which we are bound to Extirpate Popery and Prelacy , as inconsistent with the whole Tract of our former Contendings , and particularly with the Testimony of the Synod of Fi●e , and other Brethren , against Cromwel ' s vast Toleration and Liberty of Conscience . The worst of all is , ( says he ) that it 's further declared in that Toleration , that nothing must be preached or taught , which may any way tend to alienate the Hearts of the People from the King or his Government : here is the Price at which they ought to purchase their Freedom ; a sad Bargain to buy Liberty and sell Truth . But who can be faithful , but he must think it his Duty to alienate the Hearts of the People from such an Enemy to Christ ? What Watchman must not see it his indispensable Duty , to preach so that the People may hate the Whore , and this Pimp of Hers : It cannot be but very stumbling to see the Ministers of Scotland purchasing à Liberty to themselves , at the rate of burying and betraying the Cause into Bondage ; and thus to be laid by , from all Opposition to Antichrist's Design , in such a season : The World will be tempted to think , that they are not governed by Principles , but their own Interest , and that it was not the late overturning of Religion and Liberty that offended them ; for if that Arbitrary Power had been but exerted in their favours , tho' with the same prejudice to the Cause of Christ , they would have complied with it , as they do now . Mr. Rule in his late Book is highly offended with the Author of the case of the afflicted Clergy , for saying , That the Presbyterians Addressed and Thanked K. James for this Toleration in a fawning and flattering manner ; and yet our honest Presbyterian Author deals more roundly with them , Pag. 173. his words are these , The Addresses made thereupon , were with a strain of Fulsome and Blasphemous Flatteries , to the Dishonour of God , the Reproach of the Cause , the Betraying of the Church , the Detriment of the Nation , and the exposing themselves to the Contempt of all . Again , ( says he , Pag 176 , 177 , 178. ) The Address it self is of such a dress , as makes the things addressed for to be odious , and the Addressers to forefault the Respect , and merit the Indignation of all that are friends to the Protestant and Presbyterian Cause . — Nothing could have been more cross to the real desires of the true Presbyterians than this newly start-up Opinion , that Interest has led them to espouse . — There is nothing here sounds like the old Presbyterian strain ; neither was there ever an Address of this Stile seen before from Presbyterians : It would have looked far more Presbyterian like , to have sent a Protestation against the now openly des●gn'd Introduction of Popery , and Subversion of all Laws and Liberties , which they are Covenanted to maintain ; or at least , an Address in the usual Language of the Presbyterians , who used always to speak of the Covenants , and work of Reformation ; but here never a word of these , but of Loyalty to His Excellent , to His Gracious , and to His Sacred Majesty ; of Loyalty not to be questioned ; an entire Loyalty in Doctrine a resolved Loyalty in Practice , and a fervent Loyalty in Prayers : All that they are sollicitous about , is not for the Prerogatives of their Master , or the Liberties of the Church ; but lest their Loyalty be question'd , that they be otherwise represented ; all that they beseech for , is , Not that the Cause of Christ be not wronged , or Antichrist introduced by this Liberty ; but that those who promote any Disloyal Principles and Practices may be looked upon as none of theirs : and all the hopes they have , 〈…〉 great perswasions of His Majesty's Justice and Goodness . Here is a Lawless , Unrestrained Loyalty to a Tyrant , claiming and absolute Power , to be obeyed without reserve ; not only professed , but solicitously sought to be the Principle of Presbyterians , whereas it is the Principle of Atheistical Hobes . — This is not the Presbyterian Loyalty to the King , according to the Restrictions in the Covenants ; but Erastian Loyalty to a Tyrant in his overturning Religion , Laws and Liberties , and in protecting and incouraging all Iniquity . This Loyalty in Doctrine will be found Disloyalty to Christ , in a sinful and shameful silence , that wrong is done to him . This Loyalty in Practice , is a plain betraying of Religion and Liberty , and lying by from all opposition to the destroyer of both . And this Loyalty in Prayers , for all Blessings ever to attend His Person and Government , will be found inconsistent with the Zeal of Christians , and the cries of the Elect unto God , for Vengeance upon the Supporters of Antichrist ; nor consonant to Presbyterian Prayers in reference to Popish Tyrants ; it were much more suitable for them to pray , That God which hath caused his Name to dwell in his Church , may destroy all Kings that shall put to their Hands to alter and destroy the House of God , Ezra ▪ 6. 12. Page 178. 179. This Address is so stuffed with sneaking Flatteries , that it would more become Sycophants and Court Parasites , than Ministers of the Gospel . — Nothing but a Rhapsody of Flatteries , justifying all his Claim to Absoluteness , and engaging to Demean themselves so , as that he may find cause to enlarge rather than to diminish his Favours , which can be no other way but in assisting him to destroy Religion and Liberty : O what an indelible Reproach is this for Ministers , who pretend to be set for the Defence of the Gospel , thus to be found betraying Religion . This is in effect not only Flattery , but Blasphemy , as great as if they had said . They resolved , by the help of God , to be as Unfaithful , Time-serving , and Silent Ministers , as ever plagued the Church of God , p. 180. Now the Presbyterians who accepted this Toleration , and made such bustling Addresses of Thanks to King James for it , are they whom Mr. Rule calls the sober Presbyterians : and now I leave him to Vindicate himself and them , from what is thus charged upon them , by one who is well known to be a true Presbyterian , * and as such is at present own'd , and imployed in a considerable Trust by the General Assembly : And if we may judge from all the Principles and Practices of former Scotch Presbyterians , he is really a far honester Presbyterian , than they who would now call themselves Moderate ; and yet in contradiction to that Title , persecute their Reformed Brethren with the greatest Rigour and Severity . To conclude this Head , and to justifie what may be thought most severe in the Character giver of Presbyterians in the former Section ; if we may believe the account the Presbyterians of Scotland have published to the World themselves , ( as I think they ought not to blame us if we do ) then the one half of our Presbyterians are neither Moderate nor Sober , but Wild Hill-men , Separatists , a robbing , lawless , ungovernable Rabble , a mad People , head-strong Traytors and Rebels , that is , in a word , they are Cameronians , vide First and Second Vindication , and further Vindication of the Church of Scotland . The other half are Betrayers of all Religion , Covenant-breakers , Worldly , Fawning , Flattering Court Parasites , Blasphemous , Unsaithful , Time-serving , Silent Ministers , and the greatest Plagues of the Church of Scotland ; vide , Hind let loose , Banders disbanded . And even Dr. Rule , ( as he Intitles himself , and is angry that others do not call him so too , ) in that Defence of the Presbyterians , which he writes by the Order of the General Assembly , calls the Cameronians a People rendered mad , p. 91. And in the same Page , speaking of the other Party of Presbyterians , says , I deny not but many of them put force upon their Light. Again , p. 118. They did hear renitente Conscientiâ . And what is this to say , in plain terms , but that one Party of Presbyterians is without their Wits , and many of the other without any Conscience : Now what may Prelatists look for from such Men , Pudet haec opprobia nobis & dici potuisse & non potuisse refelli . There are some famous Authors more , that are fit to have place here , because in their Writings they discover the true Spirit of the Presbyterian New Gospel , two of them own themselves to be present Pamphleteers for the Party , pretending , forsooth , to answer Books too . The honestest and truest Presbyterian of these two , shall have , as he deserves , the first place , that is the Author of the brief and true Account of the Sufferings of the Kirk of Scotland , occasioned by the Episcopalians , since the Year 1660 ; London , printed 1690. In the very first Page , he seems to be struck with Astonishment at the thinking but of Episcopalians , ( as he calls them , ) O ( says he ) their Superlative Impudence , their Hellish Dissimulation and Malice : They imitate the Devil himself , who first tempts , and then accuses , tho' it 's too visible that their Consciences are past feeling , being seared as with a hot Iron . When their Hierarchy was restored , the Devil , who seemed to be bound sometime before , * was let loose , the Flood-gates of all Impiety and Wickedness were set open ; and Hell did triumph in its Conquests over the Nation , and displayed its Banner not only against Religion , but even Morality : Which the Prelates , and their Adherents were so far from opposing , that they indulged the People , but especially the Gentry , in their Wickedness , as knowing that to be the only Method to secure them on their side . Well , believe but this New Gospeller , and the Scotch Gentry , as well as Clergy , are a rare sort of Monsters , indeed ; for the best Characters and softest Words he bestows upon them , are these , They are Godless Miscreants , of the true Aegyptian Brood , infamous Parracides , Sorcerers , and incestuous Apostates , infamous Varlets , infamous Villains , left to corrode their own viprous Bowels with their Inhumane Fury ; the Devil's Instruments , fit onely to be Stallions and Pimps to Bawdy-Houses ; the Episcopalian Hireling Preachers , with their infernal Bawlings , the Scum and Refuse of the Nation , they bore the Characters of Wickedness of their Foreheads , liker Pagans than Professors , Blood-hounds , Children of Hell , the Tyranno-papa-prelatical Host , the great Papa-prelatical Champion Dundee , Savage Beasts in Humane Shape , a graceless untoward Generation of Prelatists , who use nothing but Hectoring for Reason , and Cursing for Argument ; ungodly Episcopal Brutes , that reprobate Faction ; that Limb of Antichrist , and infernal Locust , the Apostate Archbishop Sharp , with a Malice like his Father the Devil , that waspish formal Prelate . — The Generation of Vipers , the Episcopalian Seed of the Serpent , Hectors and Buffoons , the most obdurate , impenitent , spiteful , base , impudent Priests , whose Fathers were not good enough to eat with the Dogs of their Flocks , infamous , scandalous , lying , Runnagates , &c. This is the way the Scotch Presbyterians use to argue and answer Books ; and these are the sweetest Flowers of our Authors Presbyterial Rhetorick , that he liberally strows in every Page of his Book ; which being quite contrary to the Spirit and Genious of CHRIST must be allowed to pass for new minted , superfine Presbyterian Gospel . Well , so much for Scotland , that 's his own Country perhaps our Author may be more courteous and civil to Strangers . Next then let 's see how he treats the other Reformed Churches : As for the Church of England , he discharges most furiously against her in many places , viz. p 7. She is the worst constitute Church in the World ; These Tantivees , let their Hyperbolical Pretensions of Zeal for Religion and Loyalty , be what they will , if the King but put forth his hand to touch them , they will curse him to his face ; * and rather than part with an Inch of Superstition , or a Swinish Lust , will , as the Party have always done , lay a Confederacy with Hell and Rome , as times past and present do evidence beyond contradiction . I wonder he did not add , and times to come ; for that would have been as true as the other . And again , p. 8. For the new upstart slavish Doctrine of Passive Obedience , as the Church of England had the Dishonour to be the Mother of it , she has also the Ignominy to be the Murderer , having basely cut it's Throat , as Harlots use to do sometimes with their spurious Brood . * Page 27. If the English Clergy offer to assist the Prelatical Scots , as they ate readier by a thousand to one to do it , * than to Swear Allegiance to their Soveraigns , it may arm the good Women with their Folding-stools once more against them ; as it did formerly in King Charles the First 's time , when one of the Bishops began to read the Common-Prayer , which she called Popery * . Pag. 28. Is it not as lawful for the Scots Presbyterians , to pray against the English Hierarchy as Antichristian . As for the English Clergy and Prelates too , to Plot , drink and plead in their Sessions at the Devil , against the Scots Presbyterie : And I believe they would pray against it also , but that they have not a Form for it . To suppose , that the banihing the Prelatical Scots Clergy was not encouraged by Authority , is Ignorance and Sawciness ; for it 's plain , Authority in Scotland , has done what was proper for a Civil Government to do , viz. They have declared the Hierarchy Antihumane ; that is , contrary to the peoples Inclination * : and , I suppose , are so good natur'd , to wish their Neighbours were rid of it too ; and so much the rather , that they have so often found , and do still find them imposing Sawcy Intrigues against the Kingdom of Scotland , wherein , if they persist , it may perhaps , and let them blame themselves for it , prove as fatal to them as it did in the days of Dr. Laud. Well , here 's a severe and open threatning , England then look to it . The Scots Presbyterians are sworn in their Holy Covenant , to reform Britain and Ireland , ( though it be by Club Law ) and let them but have Power , according to their Will , and they will soon visit you once more , for all your Goods . Pag. 29. The Bishops are generally found to be against that which is for the Nations good , and howsoever the late opposition which they made to the late King may be magnified , they seem quickly to have repented of it . But supposing they had continued stedfast , yet whatever good Nature might have done , I am sure , Justice would not have awarded them any thanks ; which will appear undeniably true , if we consider ( among many other things which he instances ) how most of the Bishops opposed the reversing of the Judgment of Perjury given against : Dr. Oates , who did the Nation more service than Seven Idolized Stars , so many of whom are now turned dark Lanthorns . Nor can it ever be forgot , how many of the inferior Clergy , following the Conduct of their Tripple-headed Guide , advanced the Interest of the Tripple-Crown , and some of them topping ones too , at the hour of death , grated with their slavish nonsensical Doctrine of Resistance upon the Consciences of the Noble Hero's , and Darlings of the People , the Lord Russel and Duke of Monmouth , upon the very Scaffolds ; and if the contrary Doctrine be damnable , as they alledged , then I am sure their Church hath been guilty of damnable Practices since * . This is the Charity that the New Gospel Professors have to the Church of England , which the whole Christian World besides them , doth so justly honour and esteem , upon the account of their Government , Worship , Doctrine , and Practice , which their Phanatical Neighbours so maliciously censure and blaspheme . Well , but ( say they ) the Church of England is still labouring under much Romish Superstition and Idolatry ; and which is worse , she is Papaprelatical , nay , she is Archipapaprelatical ; and that 's Antihumane , in the New Gospel phrase . But I hope they will be kind , at least , to their Brethren of the Presbyterian ▪ Church beyond Sea. Are not the Dutch and French , Presbyterians ? Is not the Mother Church of Geneva throughly reformed ? No , no , they have never set up the Solemn League and Covenant for their Standard : Or to speak in the Authors own words , pag. 27. They are strangers to the power of Godliness , because not knowing how to pray , without they must have recourse to a Form , which is as unreasonable and unnatural an imposition upon the Strong , especially , on Ministers , as would be the imposing of Crutches upon the adult and able part of Mankind , who can walk better without them . Well , Christ prescribed a Form of Prayer to his Disciples ; the first , and all the succeeding Ages of the Church thought it not only convenient , but necessary to use Forms in Publick Worship ; but , alas the Disciples themselves , and all preceding Christians , are but weak , unable Infants , in respect of the adult , strong and covenanted Professors of the new Gospel in the West of Scotland . The next famous Author is Mr. Rule , who calls himself a Doctor of Medicine ( for they never pretended to have any in Divinity ) in his Second Vindication of the Kirk of Scotland , he says , pag. 113. That it is an unfair , injurious , and false Imputation , to charge the severity of the Stile of this Author upon the Presbyterians , who he says , disown that Stile , it being written by a Cameronian , while they stood at a distance from the sober Presbyterians ; however those whom he calls Sober Presbyterians , have never yet , by any publick deed , condemned that Book , nor any other of the Barbarities of these unsober Cameronian Presbyterians , but have , on the contrary , received them into their Communion , without the least acknowledgment of any such Crimes ; and Dr. Rule ( that I may not offend him ) calls them the Zealous Party , and represents them as pretty gentle , in that they made it their work only to deprive , and not to Murther the Episcopal Ministers , pag. 125. Altho' the Doctor knows , that Instances can be given of some Ministers that were even Murthered by that Zealous Party , not long ago ; and himself owns , in the beginning of his Post-script , that five Men and six Women , Presbyterians , came to the House of William Ferguson , Minister of Kilpatrick ; and because he would not alter his manner of Praying , and come out of his House , as they had charged him , they therefore invaded his House , tore off his Cloaths , and beat him on the Head and Legs , which lookt but too like a design to Murther him : Several other things of this Nature were so notorious , that his ridiculous way of disguising , when he cannot deny them , must needs satisfie the World , of the certain truth of the Accounts that have been given by the Eye-witnesses and Sufferers in that Persecution . Upon which Consideration , Mr. Pitcarne , a better Writer , and as it appears , a much honester Man , declined the vindicating of these late Proceedings of the Presbyterians ; not that he did not like the Presbyterian Cause , for he is through-paced that way ; but because , after he had examined the matters of Fact for several Months , as he had been enjoyned by the Fraternity , he found it impossible to speak any thing in their Vindication , but what the greatest part of Scotland would know to be notoriously false ; wherefore , as Dr. Rule himself informs us , Preface to his Second Vindication , parag . 5 , & 7. in the end of the same Book , Pag. 190. When this Affair was committed to him , after many Months he returned the Papers to be answered , without any Reply to them . But passing this , I wonder that the Worthy Doctor should , in his late Book ( now cited ) exactly imitate that severe Stile , which he and his Sober Party pretend to disown ; but , perhaps , he sees not this Beam in his own Eye , with which he must grant the Soberest Presbyterians to be justly chargeable ; because , as he himself is at great pains to inform the World , both in the beginning and ending of his Book , the whole party committed that trust to him , when others had refused it : Vid. Preface , parag . 5 , and 7. pages , and Second Vindication , pag. 192. Upon which account , not only the Scurrilous Railing , but all the Untruths , Contradictions , and Nonsence , which abounds in every Page , is justly chargeable upon the whole Party , of which I shall give the World such a tast , as may be sufficient to make them judge of all the rest , which would be too tedious and nauseous here to insert . First then , as to Scurrilous Railing Accusations , in the very first page of his Preface , he calls Prelatists , The Seed of the Serpent , whose Enmity against the Seed of the Woman ( that you must know , is Scots Presbyterians ) as it began , so it must end with the World ; and that you may not mistake him , he avers after in the same page , That they use the old stratagems of Satan ; and in the 2d . page he compares them to Heathens , Papists , yea , they are Devils , both Greek and Syriack Devils ; nay , they are Jesuites , Wo to Posterity if they believe them , for then , to be sure , succeeding Ages will turn absolute Scepticks : He adds , It 's evident , that many of them regarded not the Civil Authority of the Nation , and others , by their lewdness of Conversation , made themselves unworthy to be in the Holy Function of the Ministry , Preface , Paragr . 2. And in the Book it self , page 1. he charges the Authors of our late Books , with Malice , Lies , Railing , and guilty of the fowlest and falsest Misrepresentations that the Minds of Men can suggest , enraged by being deprived of the occasion they once had to persecute their Neighbours , the end to which they improved their Lucrative places . Page 4. Mean Spirits and Mercenary Souls , that imploy themselves in Mendicant Writings and Practices ; — beyond the common size of Slanderous Malice , Page 7. Guilty of the highest Impudence and Sauciness , page 12. Prelatital Party eminent for Spite , but hath neither Truth nor Charity to warrant it , page 21. They who know their temper , and the brow and way of those for whom they plead , will not believe their Professions , their Hypocrisie being shameful , and twisted with Malice , page 23. The temper of Episcopalians is by unmanly , as well as unchristian , shifts , tobuoy up their sinking Cause , page 25. This Historian's Ignorant Malice to be despised , Judas Iscariot was his Predecessor , page 52. The contempt of the Ministry came from the Atheism and Debauches of the Episcopal Clergy , page 64. And again , of an Eminent Divine , * he saith , That his Words are like those of a Mad-man , or of one raving in a Fever , page 51. It would be tedious and nauseous to trace this his Presbyterian Eloquence , through every page , as he vents it ; or to shew how falsly and boldly he charges a whole Sacred Order of Men , with the faults , which he supposes , and would have the World believe , some single persons among them , to be guilty of ; as that they are perfrictae frontis , Nothing manifestly false can check their Conscience and Impudence : The whole party grosly Ignorant , Papising Prelates , pages 126 , 131 , 133. Spuing out the most spiteful Venom that can lodge in a Humane Breast , page 136. Impudence beyond Jesuitical , page 142. They glory either in their having no Principle , or that they can yield over the Belly of Conscience , to promote their Interest with Men , page 144. The differences betwixt us and them , are not reconcileable ; * a heap of Lies , Men that have taught their Tongues and Pens to speak and write Lies , pag. 146 , 147. Lies and Calumnies , horrid lies , a broad lie , pag. 150 , 151. This which they now call a broad lie , past for a Gospel Truth among the Presbyterians , An. 1648. * Prelatical Incumbents were Scandalous , and unfit to edifie the people , and do rather harden them in Wickedness , page 162. A whole fardel of lies , malicious Representations , coupled falshoods , impudent and false assertions , brazen Foreheads , page 166. Prelates spend their short Glass with gingling py-bald Orations , page 168. Bitterness , Malice and Contempt is suitable to the Hislorical Talent of many of the Prelatical Party : If the Debauchery of Prelates did not tempt people to count all Religion a sham , it were well , page 173. He knows that his Impudent Assertions and Lies can be discovered , and his Villanie come abroad at last , page 178. A Snarling Cur , — a lying Spirit doth possess the Men with whom we have to do , * Pag. 191 , 194. This is the Meek , Lowlie Strain of the Presbyterian new Gospel , whereby the soberest of them , pretend to vindicate their own proceedings , and refute the Writings of other Men I leave the World to judge , by this way of defending the Party , what their Cause must be , and to determine , whether he who calls himself a Sober Presbyterian ; and says , That he was selected and appointed by the sober General Assembly , to write in their defence ; be not indeed as black and foul-mouth'd , as the most rank and rigid Cameronian among them all ; for my part , I can see no difference betwixt his Stile and theirs , except this may pass for one , that Mr. Rule seems to have learned his Stile from the Coal-stealers in Edenburgh , or at Buckhaven , of which Colledge only he ought to have been Principal ; whereas the Cameronians seem to have learned their Stile from the Shepherds and Herring-fishers on the Western Coast , who , tho' they have more Cant , yet they have less Knavery than the former : If Mr. Rule should challenge me , as falling into the same fault for which I here blame him , because of some sharpness which he may apprehend to be in that Character I have given before of the Presbyterian Preachers and People , yet that is only chargeable upon my single person , and not upon others of our Party , for I neither do , nor pretend to write by a Commission from them : And besides , he himself hath provided me with an Apologie , viz. Calling things by their true names , is not to be reckoned inconsistent with Moderation and Calmness ; A petulant and effronted Adversary is not to be handled with that softness of Stile , which is fit for such as are more modest , Preface , Paragr . 6 . But passing those Flowers of Presbyterian Eloquence , let us examine in the next place , if this Author makes any amends for his Stile , by the Truth and Reason that he writes ; it would be tedious to trace him through every Page , in which his Nonsence , Contradictions , and Falshoods abound , and therefore I shall here mention only some generals . There is one Principle suitable to the Genius of the New Gospel only , upon which much of his Book is founded , and it 's this , Do as ye have been done by ; by this he excuses the greatest Barbarities of the Presbyterian Rabble , and often justifies their highest Severities against Episcopal Ministers * ; it 's true in other places he condemns them , and says , he will not defend them ; but he seems not concerned shamefully to contradict himself at every turn : The People for whom he pleads are not so critical as to observe that , and for others he says , that he despises and contemns them : Sometimes , if you 'l believe him , Cameronians are zealous godly Men , eminent for their suffering for Christ ; by and by says he , They are a wild , ungovernable , desperate Rabble , render'd mad by Oppression : the sum of all is , Revenge is a true Presbyterian Vertue , and Contradiction Mr. Rule 's best : way of Reasoning . Preface , par . 6. these are his words : I have treated the Adversaries I deal with as Brethren , desiring rather to exeeed , than come short in Civility , and fair dealing with them . But at the same time he takes the liberty almost in every Page , to call those he deals with . Of the Seed of the Serpent , Devils , habitual Drunkards and Swearers , Traitors that deserve to have their Necks stretched , prophane Persons , constant Sabbath-breakers , horrid Lyers and Slanderers , Men who beat their Wives , and in their Dealings are most injurious to Men , having no Conscience , p. 32. Ministers who are Opposers of Christ , and his Institution , and who harden and encourage the People in their Sins , As may be read in the Pages above cited , and many other of Rule 's exceeding Civil Book , which being written by the Design of the whole General Assembly , it 's but natural and just to conclude , that this is the only way of Scots Presbyterian Civility and fair Dealing . Again in the same Preface , and Parag . 6. he says , I build not on Hear-say , or common Talk , which is the best Foundation of many of the Assertions of my Adversaries . And in the same page , these are his immediate preceeding words , The truth of matters of fact asserted in this Treatise , is not to be taken from me , but from them who are my Informers , few of whom I pretend to any personal knowledge of , therefore not my Veracity is pledged , but that of others : if they have deceived , or been deceived , I am not to answer for that . What can a Man believe of a Book that 's usher'd in with such a doubting and contradictory Preface ; if these were not Mr. Rule 's own express Sayings , no body could well believe , that the whole Faction could have singled out such a Writer to Vindicate them ; but Falshood it seems has no Feet , and Lyars who have so little Wit and Memory , must needs be often intangled in their own Snares . Some of the Church of England have medled far beyond their Line in our Affairs , tho' we be far from interposing in any of theirs , p. 16. only upon occasion we take the Christian Liberty that our Predecessors have always done , of calling them Superstitious , Popish , and Idolatrous in their Worship ; and in their Doctrine , scandalous for Arianism , Arminianism , Socinianism , Popery , and that Turkish Bow-string Doctrine of Passive Obedience ; and that in their Government they are directly contrary to Christ's Institution , to the design of the Reformation , and to the Holy Covenant , being Tyrannical , Prelatical , yea and Archi-papa-prelatical ; What we are bound to by the Covenant , says he again , is not to reform them , but to concur with them , when lawfully called , to advance the Reformation ; that is , wholly to overturn their Church and State , as we formerly did by our own glorious Gospel-Methods of Fire and Sword , having a very lawful Call from a godly Party , who invited us to fight the Battels of the Lord against the Mighty , the King who opposed Reformation-Work in the Land ; And now ( says he ) its far from our thoughts to go beyond that Boundary , in being concerned in their Affairs , we wish their Reformation , but leave the managing of it to themselves ; that is , till we find such a blessed Occasion as those Worthies of the Lord , the Reformers , did in 48. Page 23. he says that King James abdicated the Government , and that the Parliament called it so ; if he knows any thing of those Affairs , he knows that the Parliament of Scotland did nor give it that name , tho' that of England did : However , if he did Abdicate , I would fain know how this consists with Rule his concluding just before , p. 22. That his Royal Authority was taken away by the Nation ; and with what he says p. 100. The Nation laid him aside , and chused another ; This is the constant Doctrine of Scotch Presbyterians , ( and they practice accordingly , ) That the People can give and take away the Royal Authority , can lay aside and chuse Kings at their pleasure , vide Buchan . de Jur. Reg. Jus Populi Vind. Lex . Rex , and Rule 's Vind. Now to use Mr. Rule 's moderate Phrase in that place , Some Mens necks have been made to stretch for a less Crime ; than to assert under an Hereditary Monarchy , that Kings are or can be elected ; and it 's certain they are as little Friends to their present Majesties , as to Monarchy , who would found their Authority upon such a tottering bottom : nay , Mr. Rule in the name of the other Presbyterians , tells plainly that they owe no Allegiance to King William , but in so far as he supports Presbytery , and that it would overturn the very Foundations of his Authority to restore Episcopacy , For ( says he ) it is declared against in , the Claim of Right , as a Grievance , and therefore cannot be restored without overturniing the Foundation of our present Civil Settlement , p. 90. parag . 4 . And again p. 152. parag . 2. The Convention hath voted Episcopacy to be a Grievance to the Nation , and in the Claim of Right , made it a Fundamental Article in the Government , that it should be abolished . Now what 's the meaning of all this , but that the present Government of , State must necessarily stand and fall with Presbytery ? So that all their great boasts of Loyalty to the present King , amounts to no more than this , No Presbytery , no King William . Page 36. par . 11. he says , Most of the Episcopal Ministers who went out , were put out by their own Consciences ; for they deserted their Charges without either Sentence Threatning , or Compulsion . And yet before that Page 26 , Parag. 6. he owns that the Presbyterian Rabble did persecute and drive them away . But that this is no more imputable to the Presbyterians , than the Drunkenness , Swearing , Whoredoms , and Persecutions , * that we charge many of the Prelatists with , are to be lookt on as the Crimes of all the , Episcopalians . And farther he excuses that Rabble , because as he there avers , They were under the highest Provocations imaginable to do what they did ; yea , to have proceeded to farther Severities . And he adds out of the abundance of Presbyterian sence , that these things were done in an Interregnum ; which by the bye , can never possibly fall out in an Hereditary Kingdom * : And tho' he says we had then no Church-Government , yet himself knows the contrary , and that Prelacy stood then established by many Laws made in 27 Parliaments , freely and legally Elected in the most setled times , and that the Prince of Orange , who had then at the desire of some of the Nobility and Gentry , taken the Kingdom under his Protection , did by his solemn Proclamation order all things in the Church and State to continue as the Laws had fixed them , till the Convention of the States should meet : But says honest Mr. Rule , These enraged People were chafed in their minds , and having now potentiam , tho' not potestatem , therefore it was not to be wondered that they relieved themselves * ; that is , by Rabbling the Legal Orthodox Clergy . Moreover , p. 161. he says expresly , That in Galloway the Incumbents were generally driven away ; but how all this is consistent with what he said before , viz. That they deserted without either Threating or Compulsionn , I leave the infallible Assembly who imployed this Author , to judge , and if they can , to reconcile what He writes in the following Citations . Page 34 , par . 10. speaking of the Rabbling Cameronians , he says , That they came into Mr. Skinner , Minister of Daly , his House , and after they had eaten , they went away without doing any prejudice to any in the Family ; again p. 27. par . 10. he owns expresly , that those Rabble-Reformers by force took away the Money out of the Poor's Box , from Mr. Russel Minister at Govan ; but says he , They did it with all Tenderness ; and if you will credit those Sacrilegious Robbers , Rule 's Informers , both Mr. Russel and his Wife were drunk : but that our Author may prove himself and his Book to be all of one Presbyterian Piece , he tells again , p. 29. par . 5. That the Author of the Case of the Afflicted Clergy , foully mis-represents the Cameronians , while he speaketh of their eating and drinking at the expence of them whom they rabbled ; all the reports that we have of them , give account of their not laying their hands on the prey , Esth . 2. 15. Page 145. It 's better that England and Scotland be two different Nations , than that the Institutions of Christ should be thwarted , that they be made one . — May not two Nations trade together , and be governed by the same Laws , and yet bear with one another as to Church-ways ? And may not also the West of Scotland , and the other parts of that Kingdom , trade together and be governed by the same Laws , and yet the West not impose their Kirk-ways upon the rest of the Kingdom ? Responde Gilberte . The Presbyterian Government was settled by Christ , p. 151. Here he leaves it to the Discretion of the Reader , to judge whether this be a simple Affirmation only , or an Affirmation and Oath conjoyned ; tho' the first may be his meaning , yet the latter sence seems most natural to the words , and in any other sence there is no truth in them : and indeed the Arguments by which their Preachers would perswade the People to this , are as ridiculous as the Assertion it self ; for their ordinary Cant is , Beloved , we read in the Word , that the Apostles went up together , one did not go before the other ; there was no Precedency amongst them , Beloved ; and therefore it 's clear , that there was no Prelacy in those days : And again we read , that honest Paul ( they never call him St. Paul , because he never swore the Solemn League and Covenant , ) left his Cloak at Troas : Why , Sirs , you see plainly from this Text , that Paul had not a Gown but a Cloak , for says the Text , he left his Cloak , it does not say that he left his Gown ; never a Gown had that precious Man to leave , Beloved , and therefore you may be sure he was no Prelate ; for they , false Lowns , have no Cloaks but Gowns . From these and such like Arguments , our Author allows no Church but the Presbyterian to be of Divine Institution , and at one dash he Unchurches all the Episcopal Churches ; and yet says he , p. 154. Presbyterians deny not Papists to be lawful Ministers . If he can but confute the Learned Dr. Pearson's Defence of Ignatius ' s Epistles ; or shew us from any Authentick Record , or received Ancient Historian , that Presbytery was ever the Government of the Church , then we shall yield the Cause , and believe , in spite of our Reason , that all Rule 's Vain and Empty Boasts of this Matter , are indeed well founded , that both parts of his Contradictions are certainly true , and all the real foolishness of their Preaching , solid Arguments . Pages 154 & 155. He racks his Wit and Cunning to evade and shift this notorious truth , That instead of fourteen Bishops , which were formerly in the Church , the Kirk had new set up sixty : But in this matter all his Quibles and Sophisms ( and his best Arguments are no more ) depend upon this Supposition , That that Parliament was the Church , ( which is directly contrary to the Fundamental Principle of a Spiritual Power inherent in the Kirk , altogether Independent on the Parliament , which has no Power over Christ's Office-bearers , ) for it was that Parliament in which there was not so much as one Clergy-man , that impowered these sixty Presbyters to govern the Kirk , and restrained all the rest from that Priviledge ; it was that Parliament which took upon them to judge of the Hability of these sixty , and of the Inhability of other Presbyters to govern : well then , according to his way of arguing here , it 's the Parliament that , Pro Ecclesiae Statu , can impower or restra●● Presbyters , notwithstanding of their Universal and Equal Priviledge to govern . Indeed this Parliament was excessively kind to Mr. Rule , and he for once will be civil to them ; and in contradiction to all the Principles and Practices of former Presbyterians , they shall pass for the whole Omnipotent Kirk . Page 156. We are for Moderation , maugre all the Reproaches cast upon us : The Moderation of any Party is best known by their Practices when in power ; now when the Presbyterians were last in power , all the Evidences of their Moderation were , the reeking of Fields and Scaffolds with the Blood of Princes , Prelates , Nobles , Gentry , and Commons ; the Cries and Tears of Widows and Orphans ; the Groans of Men Imprisoned , Banished , Excommunicated , Sequestred ; some Cathedrals razed , and others converted to Garrisons and Stables , and the lesser Churches made Dens for Thieves , in the most litteral sence : and now that they are in power again , all the Evidences of their Moderation , are Rabbling , Robbing , Beating , Wounding , Imprisoning , and Banishing of Bishops , Curates , Wives , and Children ; the stigmatizing and slandering innocent and good Men ; invading the just Rights of the King , and of his best Subjects ; rendering whole Countries destitute of any Ministry , flying at every turn in the face of Civil Authority ; becoming false Accusers and Informers , and at the same time sitting as judges of Men in Office , and the next day intruding into their Places * : This Purging Work as they call it , Kirk Moderation with a witness ; and to use Mr. Rule 's own words , it 's even as essential to Presbyterians as Rationality it self , which they pretend to be great Masters of , tho' their Scriblers be now and then delirious . Page 157. Speaking of the Protestation made by some Presbyters , against the King and the Acts of Parliament to Assist and Deliver him , when perfidiously Imprisoned by the English Rebels , he says it was no gross nor scandalous Crime , but only a speculative Opinion in a controverted Point : This shews what is the Opinion of Mr. Rule , and of the Party that imployed him ; but how it consists with his telling the World so often in his two last Books , That Presbyterians do not take upon them to meddle in matters of State , nor to controul their Civil Governours ; I leave him to shew us in his next Vindication : In the same Page , and the following , Mr. Rule , vindicating the Proceedings of the General Assembly in this matter , says , That the fatal Division about Protestation and Remonstrance , was through the Mercy of GOD , not so much as mentioned among them ; and yet in the very next lines he says , That it was moved that the old Sentence against the Remonstrators should be revoked ; and the revoking of their Sentence was confirmed by this Meeting : — That Mr. Pitcairn , one of the Reverend Brethren , was dissatisfied with the Determination of the Meeting in that Affair , and was a little hot about it , and spoke of entering a Protestation against it . Would any People but Scotch Presbyterians have imployed such a Scribler as dare thus prophane the Mercies of GOD , to justifie his own foolish and palpable Contradictions . Page 160. He grants that to make up their Meeting , some Presbyteries sent more than was customary or allowable , and yet it was a Regular , Lawful , General Assembly ; and that they had none at all sent from other parts ; which parts were more than one half of the Nation : And was not this a pretty General indeed , that included only the least part of the Particulars * ? This is true Presbyterian Logic , and the Author of it deserves well to be Head of a Colledge . In the same Page he denies confidently , that Presbyterians were wont to appoint their Fasts on the Lord's Day ; whereas he might have , with at least as great shew of truth , denied that ever they fasted on any Day : But his two Reasons for the General Assembly's appointing this Fast on the Lord's Day , will render this whole matter as plain as a Pikestaff ; First , says he , It was the Harvest time , and to fast then on a Week-day , would have been a high Inconveniency ; Well , we godly Presbyterians , that are the Children of the Lord , may make bold with his Day , rather than seem by Religious Exercises to incommode the People in their Worldly interest . Secondly , Religious Joy and Religious Sorrow do very well agree : And even so Fasting and Feasting at the same time may be very religiously and well observed by the Godly . They that write Contradictions must needs speak some Truths , and Mr. Rule stumbles upon one that 's well known , Pag. 161. where he says , We confess that planting work went more slowly on than purging work . Well St. Paul was a Divine , and he was all for planting and healing ; Dr. Rule calls himself a Physician , and he is all for purging and launcing . The Presbyterians are always for purging work . Now they are for purging the Kirk : next have at the King Council and Houshold ; there must be some purging work there too . Again , There are many malignant Members , which like so many ill humours corrupt the Body of the Parliament , therefore that must be also purged : Then the filthiness of the Army ( by which Reformation-Work must be carried on ) that must be likewise purged ; and then that all the Streams may be pure Presbyterian , the Fountains must be cleansed , the Universities must be purged from the corruption of all ill-affected and suspected persons ; and in a word , to make a thorough Reformation in the Land , the whole Nation must be soundly drenched , and purging work must go on in the Land after the old Presbyterian manner , so long as there remains either Guts or Brains in it . My Lord C — d who is deservedly honoured by all the party . His Godly Parks and Orchards are well planted already , and why then should the General Assembly be any farther concerned about planting work ? Purging work is their Great Business . There is another evident truth that Mr. Rule happens to Deviate into Pag. 188. viz. The worst of the Prelaists would be readiest to profess Repentance for conforming to Episcopacy , which they who acted from a principle could not do . In this I heartily agree with him , and am sufficiently satisfied that that Episcopal Renegado , who professed such a Repentance before their Assembly , neither acted from any Principle , nor can be supposed to have any Conscience ; and we bless God that all the Presbyterian interest , art , and industry , now that they have power , could not prevail with any but this one man , to prostitute his Conscience to his interest , in such a base and scandalous compliance . I shall end my reflections on this Author's sayings , with some short Remarks upon the Witnesses which he alledges to attest his assertions , and first in general I say of them in his own words , Pag. 88. That they are the sworn Enemies of the Episcopal Church * , and in a combination not only to defame them , but to root them out , and cut them off from the face of the earth ; and we have from the Pamphlet now under consideration * , a taste of the veracity of the men with whom we have to do : If his witnesses make no more conscience of speaking truth , than he himself doth , then few thinking men will be moved with what they say . 2ly , Of the Witnesses named by the Authors of our Books , he says , they are mostly teste me ipso , the Complainant is the witness , which is not fair . Now all Rule his Evidences are by this exception to be rejected , for he himself , and all others that know them , are fully satisfied that those very Cameronians , whom he names as the Evidences to disguise and lessen the attested matters of fact of our late Persecution , were themselves the principal actors of that horrid Tragedy . Since then it is not fair to admit parties to be witnesses , why should these Cameronians be received as such in this affair ? Again he saith , that Ministers witnessing for one another derogateth much from the Credibility of their Testimonies ; but what say you to Cameronian Presbyterians witnessing for one another ? why , this derogates nothing from the credibility of their Testimonoes , for they are not Ministers , that 's one evident reason ; and moreover they are all men of strict Conscience , a godly generation , and very faithful to their Solemn League , the Holy Scots Covenant . Upon these considerations M. Rule , Defender of the New Gospel-Faith , would have the world receive the testimony of that Cameronian Rabble , as infallible proofs of what he asserts in his second vindication of the Presbyterian Kirk . And yet Preface pag. 6. he says of them , That he will not pledge his veracity for theirs , that he pretends to no Personal knowledg of but a few of them ; and that if they deceive , or have been deceived , not he but they are to blame for it . After all this , if neither Bishops nor other Ministers , neither Laick , Lords nor Gentry , both of the Scotch and English Nation , must be allowed to have any Credit , when they are brought by our Authors to attest known Truths , and matters of Fact whereof they were Eye Witnesses ; then I beseech you , why should men receive that high Character and Testimony which Mr. Rule gives of himself , pag. 169 ? when he says , He did not only practice Medicine , but likewise took the Degree of Doctor in it , yet never giving over the Work of preaching frequently : This is a terrible Man indeed , who , it seems , can kill both Soul and Body : He is far stricter to the Covenanted Work , than his Brethren the Presbyterians in England ; for they can upon occasion , for Interest and other such holy Purposes unite and joyn with Independents , whereas he like a man of unmoveable Conscience , withstood the temptation of having an Independent Congregation at Aberdeen , when great offers of that Charge were made to him there ; and in Northumberland he suffered no small loss , because he would not fall in with that Independent way . Again , if you 'll believe himself , he hat no want of Latin , and that he speaks false Lattin , is false ; he is ready ( as he hath done ) to give proof to the contrary , and to compete with all such as pretend to it ; but when and where we must not know , till Elias come . Nay , besides all this , he hath an excellent hand at Latin Prayers , which he can make longer or shorter , as the occasion requireth , but never so short as some men alledge ; neither doth he use to pray VERY LONG in publick , even in English , and that 's more indeed than any other of his Fraternity can alledge for themselves : Long Prayers serve the Party for many great ends ; in them they can sound the Alarms to Rebellion , commend themselves highly , defame the King , rail against and revile Malignants , raise and inflame the Mob , vent false News and Stories , and many other Hocus tricks their long ex Trumpry Prayers serve for : Moreover , Mr. Rule , to shew his Parts , longs for an Adversary like himself , I wish , says he , a Sciolist would make it appear by a Solid Refutation , what Ignorance I have discovered in my Writings , I am ready to defend it * with all the probability the subject matter is capable of : But my mistakes , if I be in any , must not pass for proofs of my Ignorance : If any Momus will make his censure on the Presbyterian Government , it 's like Mr. Rule , the great Atlas of the Cause , or some for him , will give him a farther Answer : Just such another as this exceeding civil and fair Vindication : And then , to conclude his own Character , he assures us , That he exceeds all other Presbyterians , both in his tenderness to the Episcopal party , and in his Argumentative way , rather than bitterness ; of all which the new Gospel Modesty and Meekness , the Candor , Ingenuity , and Argumentation that appears every where in his late Books is a sufficient evidence . Now for a man to say all this of himself , because no body else will , this sure is teste me ipso with a witness : , unless it shall be allowed , that Gilbert may witness for Rule , and Rule again for Gilbert ; that the Doctor may witness for the Principal , and the honest Principal again , by way of Requital , does the like kindness to his beloved Doctor ; this is the Presbyterian way of proving things by Witnesses . Mr. Rule answers our Books so throughly , that he imputes to the Authors , as a fault in their Method , every little escape of the Printers about wrong numbering the Pages * , which is frequently occasioned by sending one and the same Book to several Houses for the speedier dispatch ; however the Alphabetical numbering of the Sheets , ordinarily serves to help the misplaced Figures ; but tho' Mr. Rule be often dabling about the Press , yet it seems he either does not , or he will not know this . Mr. Rule , at last , to confirm all the Contradictions and Falshoods of his Book , brings in Mr. Meldrum , one of his own Kidney , and just such another Scribler , as appears by his Letter , Page 195. where he says . That the Prelatists way is to spread Reflective Pamphlets in England , keeping them as secret as they can in Scotland , where the falshood of matters of Fact are not known , and they might soon have their Shame and Lying discovered . None but a true Scots Presbyterian could have asserted this , for he himself too well knows , that his Party , which domineers now in Scotland , allows no Episcopal Pamphlets to be brought into , or dispersed in that Kingdom , and that sometime before the writing of his Letter , several hundreds of these Pamphlets were , by the Presbyterian Party , seiz'd at Berwick , to prevent their being dispersed in Scotland ; and that contrary to all the Rules of Justice , and Commerce betwixt the two Nations , and to the great prejudice of the Bookseller , these Books are by the Arbitrary Power of Presbyterians still kept up : But we shall allow Mr. Meldrum to be more candid in this than in his former dealings with us , if he will but now obtain to us , the common liberty of the Press in Scotland , and then we promise that he shall have a sight of all our Pamphlets sine praetio aut praece , which now he says he cannot obtain by either of these means . Page 196 ▪ None but a Cameronian will assert , as Mr. Meldrum does , That the Covenant is a Sacred Oath ; just as Sacred as that by which the Jews bound themselves to murther St. Paul : The World is not now ignorant , how that Covenant was by Subjects , who had no shadow or Authority , pressed upon their Brethren in despite of the King , at the expence of much Treasure , and many thousand Lives and Perjuries . Page 197. he says , That the submitting of some , who had been ordained only by Presbyterians , to be re-ordained by Bishops , is Scandalous : None but one of Rule 's Evidences would have said this ; the Reformed French have been always justly reputed by all other Protestants , for the great Learning and Piety of their Ministers , and yet the most Learned and Pious of their Ministers , at their coming into England , when they could have the advantage of being Ordained by Bishops , have chearfully not only submitted to it , but begged it of the Right Reverend Fathers of the Church : Of which we have many late Instances . The account he gives of his shufling and shifting about the Oath of Canonical Obedience is very Comical ; for he owns , That he Subscribed a Paper whereof he did not seriously consider either the words or the matter , and he thinks himself sufficiently absolved from that , because , forsooth , he was not present when that paper was read in the Church , and by telling the People next Lord's day , that he conceiv'd he had yielded to nothing but what he first offered , which they that know the matter of Fact call Canonical Obedience ; for which , if you 'll believe him , he lamented several years ▪ after ; all which time he still continued both in his Lamentations and Canonical Obedience together ; and now he says he 's obliged to those he calls his Enemies , for giving him the opportunity to tell the World , that he repents of it . The other matters narrated in that Letter , and in the Book to which it is annexed , are only such as will at first view appear designed on purpose to disguise and smother evident Truths , to extol and magnifie themselves and their Party , as very Innocent , Godly , and Candid Men ; and to reproach and condemn all others as Perjured Liars and Slanderers ; to all which , as they neither need nor deserve any particular answer , so I hope no body shall ever Vouchsafe them the honour of it , and if they do , I wish it may have the good effect of opening some mens Eyes . But there is no Book so much admir'd by the whole Party as Samuel Rutherford's Letters , there one may see , the genuine stile of these new Gospellers , the whole Book is uniform , all of a piece , and speaks out in their own Dialect the Spirit of Scots Presbyterians , therefore I shall here set down some passages of it . Epist . 1. To Mr ▪ Robert Cunningham , he says , Let us be faithful to him that can ride through Hell and Death upon a Windlestraw , and his Horse never stumble . Epist . 2. To his Parishioners . Christ sought his black Wife through Pain , Fire , Shame , and the Grave , and swimm'd the Salt Sea for her ; and she then consented and said , even so I take him . Ibid. Every man hath Conversion and the New-birth , but it 's not leel * come by , they had never a sick Night for Sin ; when they go to take out their Faith , they take out a fair nothing , or as we use to speak , a Bleaflum * . Epist . 3. To the Professors of Christ in Ireland . It will be asked at every one of us , on what terms we here brook Christ , for we have sitten long Meal * free : we found Christ without a wet Foot , and he and his Gospel came upon small charges . to our Doors , but now we must wet our Feet to seek him . Ibid. Christ will not bring before Sun and Moon all the Infirmities of his Wife . It is the modesty of Marriage-Anger , or Husband-wrath , that our sweet Lord Jesus will not come with Chiding in the Streets , to let all the World hear what is betwixt him and us ▪ Ibid. O that I had my fill of his Love , but I know ill Manners make an uncouth ▪ and strange Bridegroom . Epist . 5. To my Lady Kenmure . Madam , why should I smother Christ's honesty ? he looked * framed and uncouth-like upon me when I came first here , but I believe himself better than his looks , I shall not again quarrel with Christ for a * Gloom : now he hath taken the Mask off his Face , and saith , Kiss thy fill . Ibid. It 's little to talk of Christ by the Book and Tongue , but to come nigh Christ and hauss * him , and embrace him is another thing . Epist . 11. To the Vicount of Kenmure . despair that ever I should win * to the far end of Christ's Love , there are so many plies in it ; I wonder what he mean , to put such a Slave at the Board-head , at his own Elbow . Ah! that I should lay my black Mouth to such a fair , fair , fair Face as Christ's ; he got neither bud nor hire of me , it cost me nothing . Epist . 12. To my Lady Kenmure . If there were buying , and selling , and blocking for as good again betwixt Christ and us , then Free grace might go play it self , and a Saviour might sing dumb , and Christ go and sleep . Epist . 14. To John Gordon of Gordness . Many a sweet , sweet , soft Kiss , many a perfumed well smell'd Kiss , and Embracement have I receiv'd of my Royal Master . Ibid. And now , whoever they be that have returned to their old vomit ( Prelacy ) since my departure , I bind upon their Back , in my Master's Name and Authority , the long , lasting , weighty Vengeance and Curse of god ; in the Lord's Name I give them a doom of black and unmixed pure Wrath , which my Master shall ratify , except they timeously repent and turn to the Lord. Epist . 15. To my Lady Boyd . Christ delighteth to take up fallen Bairns , and to mend broken Bones ; he is content that ye lay broken Arms and Legs on his Knee , that he may spelk them . Ibid. I think shame of the Board-head , and first Mess * , and the Royal King's Dining-hall ; and that my black hand should come on such a Ruler's Table . Ibid. I know he hath other things to do than to play with me , and trinle an Apple with me . Epist . 17 To my Lord Lowdon . You come out to the Streets with Christ on your Forehead , when many are ashamed of him , and hid him under their Cloaks as if he were a stoln Christ . Epist . 19. To Mr. Huge M c. Kel . O how many black Counts * have Christ and I rounded over together ? O how fat a Portion hath he given to an hungry Soul ? I had rather have Christ's four hours , than have Dinner and Supper both in one from any other . Epist . 20. To my Lady Boyd . I see now a Sufferer for Christ will be holden at the Door as well as another poor Sinner , and will be fain to eat with the Bairns , and to take the By-board , and glad so . Epist . 21. To Mr. David Dickson . I cannot get a House in Aberdeen wherein to leave Drink-silver in my Master's Name , save one only ; there is no sale for Christ in the North , he is like to lie long on my Hand , e're any accept him . Epist . 27. To Mr. Matthew Mowat . If I had Vessels I might fill them , but my old riven * holely and running-out dish , ever when I am at the Well , can but bring little away . Alas , I have skail'd * more of God's Grace than I have brought with me . Ibid . I had not so much free Gear † when I came to Christ's Camp as to buy a Sword , I wonder that Christ should not laugh at such a Souldier . Epist . 27. To Earlston Younger . I have seen the Devil as it were dead and buried , and yet rise again , and be a worse Devil than ever he was ; therefore , Brother , beware of a green young Devil that hath never been buried ; the Devil in his Flower is much to be feared : Better yoak * with an old Gray-hair'd , withered , dry Devil , &c The Saints in Heaven are nothing but Christ's forborn , beggerly Dyvars * , a pack of redeem'd Sinners . All Christ's good Bairns go to Heaven with a broken Brow , and a crooked Leg. Ibid. It 's a hard matter for a poor hungry Man to win * his Meat upon hidden Christ , for then the Key of his Pantry Door is a seeking , and cannot be had , but hunger must break through Iron-Locks : I bemoan not them that can make a dinn * and all . the Fields adoe , for a lost Saviour ; yet must let him hear it , to say so , on both sides of his Head , when he hideth himself it standeth you hard to want Christ ; and therefore that which idle onwaiting cannot do , misnurtered * crying and knocking will do ; Christ will not dance to your daft Spring * . Ibid. At our first Conversion the Lord putteth the Meat in young Bairns Mouths with his own hand . We love always to have the Pap put in our Mouth . Ibid. If my Creditor Christ would take from me what he hath lent , I would not long keep the Causey . I think it Manhood to play the Coward , and jouke * in the lee side of Christ , and thus I am saved . Ibid. I complain when Christ cometh , he Cometh always to fetch Fire , he is ever in haste , hemay not tarry , and poor I ( a beggarly Dyvar ) get but a standing Visit , and a standing Kiss , and but , How dost thou ? in the by-going . Epist . 28. To Alexander Gordon of Knockraig . O if I could be a Bridge over a Water for my Lord Jesus to walk upon and keep his Feet dry . He can make a fair Feast out of a black Devil . Ibid . If God were dead , and Christ buried and rotten among Worms , indeed then we might look like dead folks . Epist . 34. To Earltown . I would give him my Bond under my Faith to * frist Heaven a hundred years longer , so being he would lay his holy Face to my sometimes wet Cheeks . Epist . 35. To Marion Mac Naught . Christ , who is your Head , hath win through with his Life , howbeit , not with a whole Skin . Sometimes King Jesus sendeth me out a standing-drink , and whispereth a word through the Wall , and I am well content of kindness at the second hand , his bode is ever welcome , but at other times he will be Messenger himself , and I get the Cup of Salvation out of his own hand , he drinking to me , and we cannot rest till we be in other's Arms. Epist . 41. To my Lady Culross ▪ O to be snattering and swimming over Head and Ears in Christ's Love ; Blessed be my rich Lord Jesus , who sendeth not away Beggers from his House with a * toom-dish . Epist . 45. To John Keanedy . It doth a Soul good to get a * cuff with the lovely , sweet , and soft hand of Jesus ; what power and strength is in his Love , I am perswaded it can climb up a steep Hill and Hell upon its back , shame may confound and fear me once to hold up my black mouth to receive one of Christ's undeserved kisses . Ep. 50. To James Bantie . The best Regenerate have their defilements , and , if I may speak so , their * . draff-pock that will clog behind them , all their days ; if my Lord had not given me his love , I would have fallen through the * Causey of Aberdeen e're now ; but for you that hunger ye shall be filled e're you go , there is as much in our Lord's Pantry as will satisfie all this Bairns ; and as much wine in his Cellar as will quench all their thirst : I shall tell you what ye shall do , treat him well , give him the armed Chair , and the * board-head , and make him welcome to the mean portion ye have . Ep. 51. To John Stuart . That miscarried Journey is with child to you of mercy and consolation , and shall bring forth a fair birth , and the Lord shall be midwife to the birth . If our Lord ride upon a straw , his Horse shall neither stumble nor fall . Epist . 53. To John Stuart , Oh if my Lord will make dung of me to satten and make fertile his own corn-ridges in Mount Zion . Ibid. God be pleased to take home in his house my Harlot-mother . — O if her Husband would be so kind as to go and fetch her out of the Brothel-house , and chase her lovers to the hills ; but there will be sad days e're it come to that . Epist . 54 ▪ To my Lady Busby . Wo's me that bits of living Clay dare come out to rush hard heads with him , and that my unkind mother this Harlot Kirk , hath given her sweet * half-marrow such a meeting . Epist . 56. To Mr. Thomas Garvan , I confidently believe that there is a Bed made for Christ and me , and that we shall take our fill of love in it . Epist . 57. My * riven dish , and running-out vessel can hold little of Christ Jesus . Ibid. It 's Christ's wisdom that his Bairns go wet-shod and cold-footed to Heaven . Ep. 63. To the Earl of Cassils , Many now would go to Heaven the Land-way ( for they love not to be Sea-sick ) riding up to Christ upon Foot-mantles , and ratling Coaches , and rubbing their Velvet with the Princes of the Land in the highest seats : If this be the narrow way I quit all skill to the way of Salvation . Ep. 89. to John Kennedy . O that the Courts fenced in the name of the Bastard Prelates , ( their Godfathers , the Popes Bayliffs , Sheriffs ) were cried down . — If this had not been I would have * skinked over my part of Paradise for a breakfast of dead moth-eaten earth . Ep. 92. To Mr. David Dickson . I have been these two Sabbaths or three in private taking * instruments in the name of God , That my Lord Jesus and I have kissed each other in Aberdeen ; who can blame Christ to take me on behind him , ( if I may say so ) on his white Horse thorow a water , will not a Father take his little * dated Davie in his arms , and carry him over a Ditch or Mire ; my short legs could not step over this Lair ( or sinking mire ) and therefore , &c. Ep. 108. To Robert Gordon of Knoxbrex . I love to be kissed and sit on Christ's knee , but I cannot set my feet to the ground , for afflictions bring the cramp upon my faith . Ep. 118. To Bathia Aird . At my first entry hither , Christ and I agreed not well upon it , now he 's content to kiss my black mouth , to put his hand in mine , and to feed me with as many consolations as would feed ten hungry souls , yet I dare not say he is a waster of comforts . Ep. 121. To Robert Gordon of Knocksbrek Christ seemeth to leave Heaven ( to say so ) and his Court , and to come down to laugh and play and sport with a * Daft bairn . I deny nothing that the Mediator will challenge me of , but I turn it all back upon himself , let him look his own old * Counts , if he be angry , for he will get no more of me . Ep. 122. To Earleston . There is a mystery of love in Christ that I never saw , O that he would lay by the lap of the covering that is over it , and let my * greening soul see it ; I would break the door and be in upon him , to get my womb full of love . Ep. 128. To Mr. Hugh Henderson . Christ shuffleth up and down in his hands the great Body of Heaven and Earth , and Kirk and Commonwealth are in his hand like a stock of Cards , and he dealeth the Play to the Mourners in Zion . When Christ has sleeped out his sleep , and his own are tried , he will arise as a strong man after wine , &c. If Christ bud and grow green , and bloom and bear seed again in Scotland , and his Father send him two Summers again in one year , and bless his Crop , O what cause have we to rejoyce , &c. Ep. 139. To Mr. John Mein . I see Christ will not * prigg with me , nor stand upon stepping stones , but cometh in at the broad side without Ceremonies , or making of it nice . Ep. 141. To the Earl of Lothian . If your Lordship and others shall go on to dive to the lowest ground and bottom of the Knavery , and perfidious treachery to Christ , of the cursed and wretched Prelates , the Antichrist's first-born , and the first-fruit of his foul womb , and shall deal with our Soveraign , then your Righteousness shall break thorough the Clouds , &c. Ep. 142. O for a long Play-day with Christ . Ep. 145. Mr. John Ferguson . Were is not that I am * dated now and then with pieces of Christ's sweet comforts , I fear I should have made an ill * browst of this honourable Cross . Ep. 162. To Mr. Hugh Mc Kell . I will verily give my Lord Jesus a free discharge of all that I like a fool laid to his charge , and beg him pardon to the * mends . Ep. 163. I tremble at the remembrance of a new out-cast betwixt him and me , but I find Christ dare not be long unkind . Ep. 137. To my Lady Boyd . Nothing hath given my faith a greater back-set till it crackt again , than my closed mouth . Ep. 139. To Carletown . The Lord hath done it , I will not go to Law with Christ , for I would gain nothing of that . The Devil is but God's Master-fencer , to teach us to handle our arms . Ep. 198. To Mr. John Levingston . The Devil cannot get it denied but we suffer for the apple of Christ's eye , his Royal Prerogatives as King and Law-giver ; let us not fear , he will have his Gospel once again * roûped in Scotland , and the matter go to Vows to see who will say , Let Christ be Crowned King in Scotland : It is true Antichrist stirreth his tail , but I love a rumbling and raging Devil in the Kirk , rather than a subtil or sleeping Devil , Christ never got a Bride without stroke of Sword. Epist . 200. O Hell were a good cheap price to buy him at . Ep. 207. A kiss of Christ blown over his shoulder , the parings and crumbs of glory under his Table in Heaven ; a shower like a thin May mist of his love , would make me green , sappy and joyful . Ep. 214. Go on as ye have worthily begun in purging of the Lord's House in this Land , and plucking down the Stalls — of Antichrist's filthy nest , this wretched Prelacy , and that black Kingdom whose wicked aims have ever been and still are to make this fat world , the only Compass they would have Faith and Religion to sail by , and to mount up the man of sin , their God-father the Pope of Rome , upon the highest stair of Christ's Throne , and to make a Velvet-church , &c. Ibid. These men mind nothing else but that by bringing in the Pope's foul tail first upon us , their wretched and beggerly Ceremonies ; they may thrust in after them Antichrist's legs , thighs , and his belly , head and shoulders ; and then cry down Christ and the Gospel , and up the Merchandize and Wares of the Great Whore. Ibid. Christ shall never be content with this Land , neither shall his hot fiery indignation be turned away , so long as the Prelate ( the man that lay in Antichrist's foul womb , and the Antichrist's Lord Bailiff ) shall sit Lord Carver in the Lord Jesus Courts . The Prelate is both the Egg and the Nest to cleck and bring forth Popery ; plead therefore for the pulling down of the Nest , and crushing of the Egg. All that is meant here by Christ , is Presbyterian Government . I shall conclude this Section with some of their most remarkable Principles and Opinions concerning Civil Government . The Presbyterians of late have talk'd much of their Loyalty , but if they have any , it must be in contradiction to their Principles : For proof of this I shall not trouble you with Citations from Private Men , but appeal to their Covenants and Solemn Leagues , to their constant Doctrin as well as Practice of Resistance ; and some few Instances I must not omit , taken from the Acts of their General Assemblies , and those Books which have the general Approbation of the Party , in which they express themselves thus ; Vnless Men blot out of their Hearts , the Love of Religion , and Cause of God , and cast off all care of their Country , Laws , and Liberties , &c. they must now or never appear active ( against the King ) each one stretching himself to , yea , and beyond their Power ; it is not time to dally , or go about the Business by halves ; nor to be almost , but altogether Zealous : Cursed is he that doth the Work of the Lord negligently . Solemn and seasonable warning to all Ranks , Feb. 12. 1645. Sess . 18. In another seasonable and necessary warning , dated July 27. 1649. Sess . 27. they say ; But if his Majesty , or any having or pretending Power and Commission from him , shall Invade this Kingdom , upon pretext of establishing him in the exercise of his Royal Power ; as it will be a high provocation against God to be accessory or assisting thereto , so it will be a necessary Duty to resist and oppose the same . The Author of the Hind let loose * reflecting on these passages , says , These Fathers could well distinguish betwixt Authority and the Person , and were not so Loyal as now their degenerate Children are Ambitious to shew themselves stupidly stooping to the Shadow thereof , and yet will be called , The only Assertors of Presbyterian Principles . The Presbytery hath the Power of making Peace and War , and the Parliament ought not to enter into any War without them ; more than Joshua did without the consent of Eliazar . Any Vnion or Engagement of the Nation , to defend the King's Person , Honour , or Prerogative , is unlawful , unless allowed by the Presbytery . The Presbytery alone knows , and it only can determine , what the Cause of God is ; the King and Parliament are not to be complied with , but in Subordination to the Covenant . The Presbytery can Counter-act the Acts of the States of Parliament , and discharge the Subjects from obeying such Acts as are imposed without the consent of the Presbytery . Act General Assembly , Aug. 3. 1648. Act and Declaration against the Act of Parliament , July 13. 1648. Act General Assembly , Aug 13. 1650. Tho' our Saviour told his Disciples , That his Kingdom was not of this World , and that therefore they ought not to fight for him , yet that Doctrine does not now oblige Covenanted Christians , for they may fight without , yea , and against the Consent of the Supream Magistrate for the Cause of God ; and a probable capacity to effectuate their Designs , is the Call of God to do it . Jus Pop. Preface to the Reader . Naph ▪ Pag. 7 , 8 , 16 , 159. Not only is it necessary to resist the King by force , in defence of the Solemn League and Covenant , but also to resist King and Parliament , when they pervert the right ways of the Lord , and hinder the Work of Reformation : The crying Sins of the Land which we should confess with sorrow before the Lord , are , That the Graceless Prelates and Curates are not hung up before the Sun , and that Men should be so Godless , as to assist the King in his distress , before he had satisfied the Kirk by publick Penance , for opposing the Work of God in the Covenant . Jus Pop. Throughout . Act General Assembly , Aug. 13. 1650. Acknowledgment of Sins and Engagement to Duties appointed and published , 1648. And again renewed at Lesmachago , March 3. 1688. with Accommodation to the present times . SECT . III. Containing Notes of the Presbyterian Sermons taken in Writing from their Mouths . AT first I begin with one I heard from Zetland , who Preaching on David and Goliah , he told the Hearers , Sirs , this David was but a little manekine like my beddle Davie Gaddies there but Goliah was a meckle strong fellow , like the Laird of Quandal there ; this David gets a Scrippie and Baggie , that is , a Sling and a Stone in it ; he slings a Stone into Goliah ' s Face , down falls Goliah and David above him : After that David was made a King ; he that was keeping Sheep before , in truth he came very well too , Sirs : Well said , Davie , see what comes of it , Sirs ; after that he commits Adultery with Uriah : Nay , ( said the beddal Davie Gaddies ) it was but with Uriah ' s Wife , Sir. In Faith , thou art right , it was Uriah's Wife , indeed man ; said Mr. John. One Ker at his entring into a Church at Teviotdale , told the People the Relation that was to be between him and them in these following words : Sirs , I am coming home to be your Shepherd , and you must be my Sheep , and the Bible will be my Tar-bottle , for I will mark you with it ; ( and laying his Hand on the Clark or Precentor's Head ) he saith , Andrew , you shall be my Dog : The sorrow a bit of your Dog will I be , said Andrew . O Andrew , I speak mystically , said the Preacher : Yea , but you speak mischievously , said And●ew . Mr. William Guthry preaching on Peter ' s Confidence , said , Peter , Sirs , was as Stalliard a Fellow as ever had cold Iron at his Arse , and yet a Hussie with a * Rock feared him . Another preaching against Drunkenness , told the Hearers , There were four sorts of Drunkenness ▪ 1. To be drunk like a Sow , tumbling in the Mire like many of this Parish . 2. There is to be drunk like a Dog ; the Dog fills the Stomach of him , and spues all out again , and thou John Jamison was this way drunk the other day . 3. There is to be drunk like a Goose : Of all Drunkenness , Sirs , beware of the Drunkenness of the Goose , for it never rests , but constantly dips the * Gobb of it in the Water : You are all drunk this way , Sirs , I need name none of you . 4. There is to be drunk like a Sheep ; the silly Sheep seldom or never drinks , but sometimes wets the Mouth of it in the Water , and rises up as well as ever ; and I my self use to be , drunk this way , Sirs . But now , I see ( said he ) two Gentlemen in the Kirk , and Gentlemen , you are both Strangers to me , but I must vindicate my self at your hands ; I have here the cursedest Parish that ever God put Breath in , for all my preaching against Drunkenness , they will go into a Change-house after Sermon , and the first thing they 'll get , is a meckle * cup full of hot Ale , and they will say , I wish we had the Minister in the midst of it : Now , Gentlemen , judge ye how I am rewarded for my good Preaching . After Sermon the Clerk gives him up , the name of a Fornicatrix , whose name was Ann ▪ Cantly ; Here is ( saith he ) one upon the Stool of Repentance , they call her Cantly , she saith her self she is an honest Woman , but I trow Scantly . Mr. John Levingstone in Ancrum , once giving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , said to his Hearers , Now , Sirs , you may take Christ piping hot ; and finding a Woman longsome in taking the Bread out of his Hand , he says , Woman , if you take not Christ , take the * meikle Devil then . One John Simple , a very Zealous Preacher among them , used to personate and act Sermons in the old Monkish Stile spoken of Sect. 1. § 16. At a certain time he preached upon that Debate , Whether a Man ▪ be Justified by Faith or by Works , and acted it after this manner , Sirs , this is a very great Debate , but who is that looking in at the Door , with his red Cap ? follow your look , Sir ; it is very ill manners to be looking in , but what 's your name ? Robert Bellarmine : Bellarmine , saith he , Whether is a man justified by Faith or by Works ? He is justified by Works : Stand thou there man. But what is he , that honest-like-man standing in the Floor with the long Beard , and Geneva * Coul ? a very honest-like-man , draw near ; What 's your name , Sir ? My name is John Calvin ▪ Calvin , honest Calvin , Whether is a man justified by Faith or by Works ? He is justified by Faith. Very well John , thy Leg to my Leg and we shall * hough down Bellarmine even now . Another time Preaching on the day of Judgment , he told them , Sirs , this will be a terrible day , we 'll all be there , and in the throng I John Simple will be , and all of you will stand at my back ; Christ will look to me , and he will say , Who is that standing there ? I 'll say again , yea even as ye * ken'd not Lord : he 'll say , I know thou's honest John Simple ; draw near , John ; now John , what good service have you done to me on Earth ? I have brought hither a company of Blew Bonnets for you , Lord : Blew Bonnets , John , what is become of the brave Hats , the Silks , and the Satins , John ? I 'll tell , I know no Lord , they went a * Gate of their own : Well , honest John , thou and thy blew Bonnets are welcome to me , come to my right hand , and let the Devil take the Hats , the Silks , and the Sattins . This John was ordinarily called Fitch-cape and Claw-poll , because in the time of Preaching or Praying he used to claw his Head , and rub his Callet . At a certain time he was called to preach in a Neighbouring Church , and his Preface was in these words : Sirs , I know what you will be saying among your selves the day , ye will say , Here is Fitch-cape come to preach to us the day ; but as the Lord lives , I had a great deal of do e're I could come to you , for by the way I met the Devil , he said to me , What now Fitch●cape , whither are you going ? I am going , said I , to preach to the People of God. People of God! said the * foul thief , they are my People . They are not yours , thou soul thief , said I. They are mine , Claw-poll , said he again to me : so the foul thief and I * tugg'd , rugg'd , and riv'd at one another , and at last I got you out of his * Clooks : Now here is the good that Fitch-cape hath done to you ; now that ye may be kept out of his Gripes , let us pray . Another , Lecturing on the first of Job , said , Sirs , I will tell you this Story very plainly . The Devil comes to God one day , God said , What now Deel , thou foul thief , whither are you going ? I am going up and down now , Lord you have put me away from you now , I must even do for my self now . Well , well , Deel ( says God ) all the ▪ World kens that it is your fault ; but do not you know that I have an honest Servant they ▪ call Job ? is not he an honest Man , Deel ? Sorrow to his thank , says the Deel , you make his Cup stand full even , you make his Pot play well , but give him a * cuff , I 'll hazard he 'll be as ill as I am called . Go , Deel ( says God ) I 'll yoke his Honesty with you : Fell * his Cows , worry his Sheep , do all mischief ye can , but for the very Saul of you , touch not a hair of his Tail. Mr. Robert Blair , that famous Presbyterian Preacher at St. Andrews , was very much thought of for his familiar way of Preaching . He preached often against the observation of Christmass ; and once in this Scotch jingle ; You will say , Sirs , Good old * Youle-day ; I 'll tell you , Good old Fool-day : You will say It is a brave Haly-day ; I tell you , it is a brave Belly-day ; you will say , these are * bonny Formalities ; but I tell you , they are bonny Fartalities . Another enveighing against the Vanity and Gaddiness of Women , spake thus ; Behold the Vanity of Women , look to them , you 'll see , first a Sattin Peticoat ; lift that , there is a Tabby Petticoat ; lift that , there is a Flanning Petticoat ; lift that , there is a Holland † Smarck ; lift that and there you will see what they ought not to be proud of , that 's no very cleanly spectacle ; Eve ( said he ) was never so vain , she sought no covering but Fig-leaves . Mr. Simple ( whom I named before ) told , That Samson was the greatest fool that ever was born , for he revealed his Secrets to a Daft * hussie . Samson , you may well call him Fool Thomson , for of all the * John Thomson's men that ever was , he was the foolest . I have a Sermon of theirs , written from the Preachers Mouth by one of their own Zealots , whereof this is one passage , Jacob began to wrestle with God , an able hand forsooth ; I Sirs , but he had a good Second , that was Faith ; Faith and God gave two or three tousles together ; at last God * Dings down Faith on its bottom ; Faith gets up to his Heels , and says , Well , God , is this your Promise to me ? I trow I have a Ticket in my Pocket here ; Faith brings out the Ticket , and stops it in God's hand , and said , Now God! is not this your own Write ? deny your own Hand-write if you dare ? Are these the Promises ? you gave me ? Look how you guide me when I come to you . God reads the Ticket , and said , Well , well , Faith , I remember I gave you such a Promise , good sooth Faith , if you had been another , thou should get all the Bones in thy Skin broken . Mr. John Welsh , a Man of great esteem among their Vulgar , once preaching on these words of Joshua , As for me and my House we will serve the Lord , &c. had this Preface : You think , Sirs , that I am come here to preach the old jocktrot Faith and Repentance to you ; not I , indeed : what think you then I am come to preach ? I come to preach a broken Covenant , Who brake it ? Even the Devils Lairds , his Bishops and his Curates ; and the Deel , Deel , will get them all at last : I know some of you are come out of Curiosity to hear what the Whigs will say . Who is a Whig , Sirs ? One that will not Swear , nor Curse , nor Bann , there a Whig to you : But you are welcome , Sirs , that come out of Curiosity ; you may get go e're ye good back again . I 'll give you an Instance of it , There was Zaccheus , a Man of a low stature ; that is , a little * droichy body , and a Publican ; that is , he was one of the Excise-men ; he went out of Curiosity to see Christ , and because he was little , he went up a Tree : Do you think , Sirs , he went to * harry a Pyet's Nest ? No , he went to see Christ ; Christ looks up , and says , Zaccheus , thou' rt always proving pratticks , thou' rt no Bairn now ; go home , go home , and make ready my Dinner ; I 'll be with you this day at Noon . After that , Sirs , this little Zaccheus began to say his Prayers Evening and Morning , as honest old Joshua did in my Text : As for me and my House , &c. as if he had said , Go you to the Devil and you will , and I and my House will say our Prayers , Sirs , as Zaccheus and the rest of the Apostles did . Another time preaching in East Lotham , he told them the great danger of hearing the Curates , in these words ; Sirs , if ever you hear these Rogues , you will cry out at the day of Judgment , O Arthur-seat fall upon us , O Pentland . Hills fall upon us : The Grass and the Corn that you see growing there , will be a Witness against you ; yea , and that Cows Horns Passing by , will be a Witness against you . Another Preaching about God's sending Jonah to Nineveh , acted it thus , did you never hear tell of a good God , and a * cappet Prophet , Sirs ? The good God said , Jonah , now billy Jonah , wilt thou go to Nineveh for † ald lang syne ; The Deel be on my feet then said Jonah : O Jonah said the good God , be not ill natured , they are my people . What care I for you or your people either , said the cappet Prophet ; wherefore shall I go to be made a lyar in my face , I know thou will have mercy on that people : Alas , alas , we † bide not the tenth part of that bidding ; yet when we come to you , I fear we 'l find you like Ephraim , a Cake unturn'd , that is , it 's stonehard on one side * , and ‖ skitter-raw on the other . Another Preaching in the West , near a Mountain called Tineock , cried out in a loud voice thus , What think you , Sirs , would the Curates do with Christ if they had him ? they would e'en take him up to Tintock top , cut off his head , and hurle his head down the hill , and laugh at it . Another in the South of Teviotdale in his Sermon said , Our Neighbour Nation will say of us , poor Scotland , beggarly Scotland , scabbed Scotland , lousie Scotland , yea , but Covenanted Scotland , that makes amends for all . One Preaching against Bishops , expressed himself thus , Sirs , at the day of Judgment Christ will call the Prelates , and he will call one of the falsest Knaves first , and say , Come hither , Sirrah , he will not call my Lord , do you remember how you put out † sike a sweet Saint of mine upon such and such a day ? Sirrah , do you mind how you persecuted one of my precious Saints that was Preaching my Word : Come , come , Sirrah , stand there at my left hand ▪ thou and the Devil shall together even now . There is nothing more ordinary among the Generality of their Preachers , than to tell that Christ did not set his foot in Scotland this eight and twenty years ; or this , I brought a stranger to you now , and a very great stranger indeed , this many a year ; would you know who it is ; it is Christ , Sirs , † hadd him fast then , for if once he get out of Scotland again , it 's like he 'l never return . It is very well known in Perthshire , that one of their Rabbies Preaching a● St. Johnstone , or thereabout , a little before the Battel of Killich ankie , upon these words , Resist the Devil and he will slie from you ; he begins very gravely after this manner , ( Humph ) my beloved , you are all here the day even for the fashions cause , but wo● ye who is amongst you the day ? even the meikle horned Devil , tho you cannot see him , yet I do : I see him , Sirs , by the eye of faith ; but you 'l say , now that we have him here , what shall we do with him , Sirs , ( Humph ) what way will ye destroy him , some of you will say we will hang him ; ha , ha , my beloved , there are not so many tows in all the Parish as hung him ; besides , he 's as light as a feather . What then will ye do with him ? for he will not hang. Then some of you will say , we will drown him . ( Humph ) my beloved , there is too much cork in his Arse , he 's as souple as an Eel , he will not sink . Others of you will say we will burn him , Na , na , Sirs , ye may scald your selves , but ye cannot burn him , for all the fire in Hell could never yet singe a hair on his tail . Now , Sirs , you cannot find a way among you all to kill him , but I will find it ; what way will this be , Sirs ? we shall even shoot him . Wherewith shall we shoot him ? We shall shoot him with the Bible . Now , Sirs , I shall shoot him presently , so ( presenting the Bible as Soldiers do their Musquet ) he crys out , Touff , Touff , Touff . Now he is shot , there lies the foul thief as dead as a Haron . Some Eye-witnesses report of another that was to give the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , such as they can give , and having got into the Pulpit , he looks about him , and says , Sirs , I miss somebody here to day , I miss Christ here the day , but he promised to be here the day , I think he will be as good as his word : however I will go out and see if he be coming ; he at this went out of the Pulpit ; and staying out some little time , he comes in and tells them , Now , Sirs , Christ is coming , I saw him on his white Horse coming to you : Now what entertainment will you give him ? I will tell you , Sirs , Will ye get among you all but † one Pint of Faith , a Gill of Grace , and a * Mutchkine of Sanctification , and this will make a good morning draught for him . In the Mers there was a Communion given lately , and as it is ordinary , there is a Discourse for every Table , one of the Preachers that 's most cried up for his Eloquence , said , You that are Wives ye will be saying ordinarily when ye meet , Cummer , have ye spun your Yarn yet ? But alas , I fear there are few of you that have spun a Wedding-garment for Christ the day . But Christ will be among you and see who is his well busked Bride , he 'l say to them that have not on their Wedding-garment . Is that nasty Slut there my Bride ? shame and lack fall that Bride : Go nasty Slut , † sway'd away to Hell. It is ordinary among some Plebeians in the South of Scotland , to go about from door to door upon New-years Eve , crying Hagmane , a corrupted word from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies the Holy Month. John Dickson holding forth against this Custom once in a Sermon at Kelso , says , Sirs , do ye know what Hagmane signifies ? It is the Devil be in the house ; that 's the meaning of its Hebrew Original . Another time he told his Hearers what an Idolatrous Church the English Church is , for lay two Eggs in a Dish , and the one is not so like the other , as the Church of Rome and the Church of England are to one another . I know a Minister that went purposely to hear this man , and declared upon his real truth , that he held out a nonsensick rhapsody for an hour and an half time on the third of Matth. This is my beloved ▪ Son in whom I am well pleased : All the Graces of the Spirit ( said he ) are mysterious , faith is a mystery , there is a faith that is not saving , but that 's no mystery ; I believe if I should ask any of you whether or no ye believe the words that I read to you , you will all say ( Humf ) we all believe that ▪ Sirs , the Devil does more , and yet he is not saved , nor like to be in haste . This is a passage of our Saviour's Transmigration , Sirs , ( says he ) It tells how our blessed Saviour was reform'd like an Angel of Light , when his Disciples saw that Glorious sight , they were all like a Country man that had never tasted outlandish wine before , the wine runs up into his head , and makes him dizzie ; so the Disciples were dizzie , the 17. v. They knew not what they said ▪ t that is they were dizzie . From the words we learn this note of Doctrine , That Christ he is lovely , O he is lovely , O he is lovely . First as he is the Son of God , 8. Prov. v. 15. By me Kings reign and princes decree justice : That is lovely Christ hath authority over all the Kings of the world : The Great Turk can do nothing without him . The meikle Deel and the black Pape can do nothing without him . There were a pack of Deels limbs a year or two ago here , and they thought forsooth all would be their own , and now lovely Christ in his Providential Providence is like to disappoint them all , and who kens but they 'l come begging Pease and Pottage at ours doors yet . Christ is lovely as he is Mediator , cut him all in pieces from head to foot , every bit of him is lovely . They 'l tell you now the young Prince is banished Britain , but I 'le tell you of a young Prince that has been banished Britain these 28 years by the incoming of the perjur'd Prelates and drunken Curates ; lovely Christ is that young Prince , and now he is like to come back again to get his Crown : O take him now , now when he is coming with a whip in his hand to scourge out the cursed Curates , &c. This was preached in the Parish of Smallum in Teviotdale , and the effect of this Preaching followed the next Sabbath , for the rabble came and pulled the Minister out of his Pulpit in the time of his Sermon . One Mr. Thomas Ramsay in Mordington within the Shire of Berwick said in a Sermon upon the foolishness of Preaching , these words : There are two sorts of Preaching , Sirs , there 's a Gentlemanny Preaching and a common manny Preaching ; for Gentlemanny Preaching they 'l feed you up with peny whistles , or * Nigg-nayes-bonny wallies : At which he perceived one of the Commons laugh . He points out to him , and said , Man , do not that think to * gull one of God's Ministres that way , lift up your Bonnet off your face , think no shame of your shape . I tell you , Sirs , there is gentlemany Preaching and commonmany Preaching . I will give you commonmany Preaching , Sirs , I will give yon milk●pottage , and this will make you bony fat and lusty in your journey to heaven . Ye † ken Sirs , ye ken , to my great grief , I may say ye ken no : But I tell you there is Gentlemany preaching , and a commonmany preaching . There are three sorts of men that despise commonmany preaching , first the Politician . 2. The Gallant . 3. The Ignorant man. First , for the Politician he will go twenty miles to hear a Gentlemanny preaching , what cares he for commonmany preaching ? 2ly , for the Gallant give him a glass of wine to drink , and give him a Lady to kiss , and what cares he for preaching ? 3ly , For the ignorant man give him a ‡ cogfull of † Brose to his belly , and a pair of * Brecks to his arse , what cares he for preaching . A little thereafter he saw a little child looking to and fro , he said , Sit still little Rogue , else I 'le cut a lug out of your head , Sirrah . O the glorious days of the Gospel , the very † wie-ones , were then so serious that they would * rugg Christ out of my heart , but now they are all baudy faced , they look as if the Curates and their Mothers were † over great . This was written from his own mouth , by a person that is ready ▪ to declare the verity of it , were he to die just after . Mr. John Veach in Wool struthers in a Nonsensical and incoherent Discourse , at the opening up of a Presbyterian Synod at Jedburgh , said , That one duty of Ministers was not to preach close and neat Discourses ; his reason was this , Men use not to bring the Spits and the Racs to the Table , when they bring the meat to it . There are many in Edinburgh who heard Mr. James Kirkton in a Sermon concerning Joseph and Mary , say , The first night , saith he , that they met together , he laid his hand on her belly , and found her with † Bairn ▪ The honest man turn'd very angry , and would have put her away , as any of us all would have done , had we met with the like ; and who is it that ever would suspect that the Holy Ghost should have another man's wife ? Another time he told his Hearers , That they might make a Lesson out of every thing that occurred to sense ; you may , faith he , get a good Lesson out of a Goose-turd , for it is black at the bottom , green in the middle , and white at the top : The blackness at the bottom let 's us see the blackness of Hell ; the greenness in the middle lets us see the vanity of the world ; and the whiteness in the top lets us see the joys of Heaven : And this good Lesson ( Sirs ) ye will find in a good turd . Now , Sirs , I would have you pray to him that sits upon the white-end to keep you from a black end . One Mr. John ▪ Hepburn , Lecturing on the second Psalm , told , Tha● there was a Dialogue betwixt the Father and the Son in Heaven , the Son said , Father will you give me my portion now ? Your portion , Son , said the Father , indeed shall you ; thou hast been a dutiful Son to me , thou never angered me in thy days ; What portion will you have , Son ? Will you give me poor Scotland , saith the Son ? Scotland , said the Father , truly thou shalt get poor Scotland . And he proved that it was Scotland he sought , from the 8 ▪ ver . I shall give thee the outmost parts of the earth for a possession ▪ Now , Sirs , Scotland is the outmost part of the earth , and therefore it was given to the Son for a Patrimony . One Mr. Mosman in Newbotle , past this Complement upon himself in a Sermon , All the world knows that I am a learned man , a judicious man , and a man that can clear the Scriptures well ; but there are some in the Parish that have not such thoughts for me ; as for them I pity them , for they must be very silly . At that time he was preaching against taking God's name in vain , he told , O Sirs , this is a very great sin , for my own part I rather steal all the horned † nout in the Parish , before I took God's name in vain once . One Mr. Robert Steidman in Caridden , told once , that the people of God had many doubts about their Election , for proof of this , see ( says he ) the 2. Cant. v. 16. My beloved is mine , and I am his . Another time he told , That the best of God's Saints have a little tincture of Atheism for a plain proof of this you , may see , says he , Psal . 14 ▪ 1. The fool hath said in his heart that there is no God. Another time he tells , That Christ was not proud nor Lordly , for he rode upon an Ass , which is a † laigh beast , and wherefore think ye did he this ? It was , Sirs , for the conveniency of the old Wives that followed him , that he might * kuttle in the Gospel in their ears as he went along . One Mr. Murray , marrying a couple , called the man , The Head , and the woman the Tail : In the name of God then , says he , I joyn Head and Tail together , Sirs , let no man ever separate them . The same person preaching at Haddan , said , Christ is a great stranger to you these 28 years , but I have brought him to you the day , Sirs , and if ye will have him , I will take him with † horning and caption for you . One Mr. Shields , preaching at Borthwick , said , Many had Religion the day , but would have none the morn , their Religion was soon gone like a womans virginity . One Wedderburn , preaching in Irvin , said , Lord , we have over * foul feet to come so far benn at Heaven , but yet as broken a Ship has come to land . Mr. Rutherford preaching at Jedburgh , said , These 28 years the grass is grown long betwixt Jedburgh and Heaven . Mr ▪ William Stuart preaching lately in Forres upon these words , Our God is a consuming fire , said , Sirs , I will explain these words in a very homely manner , There was a Godly man of my acquaintance , Sirs , he had a young Bairn that was dying , and he comes to him and said , Sandy , now my Cockie , believe in God now , for ye will not live long : No , no , said the Bairn , I will not believe in God , for God is a Boo , but I will believe in Christ , for he is sweet , Dady , and he is good . Now ye may by this see , Sirs , that God without Christ is a Boo. Boo is a word that 's used in the North of Scotland to frighten crying Children . Mr. William Vetch preaching in Linton in Teviotdale , said , Our Bishops thought they were very secure this long time : Like Willie Willie Wastel , I am in my Castle , A the Dogs in the Town Dare not ding me down . Yea but there is a doggie in Heaven that has dung them all down . Another preaching of the Dialogue betwixt God and Adam after his Fall. Adam ( said he ) went to hide himself , God comes to him , and said , where art thou , man ? I am † courring here , Lord : I 'le hazard * twa and a plack , saith God , there is a † whap in the Kape Ede , has thou been at * Barne-breaking Ede , come out of thy holes and thy bores here Ede . Mr. James Kirkson told several times in his Sermons at Edenling , That the Devil had his Kirk-Government as well as God , and would ye ken what a Government it is , indeed it is a Presbyterian Government , for he has his Minister and his Ruling Elder ; his Minister is the Pope , and his Ruling-Elder is the King of France . The same man once speaking of the Evils of the tongue , said , Your tongues , Sirs , are as foul as a dog's tongue when he licks † Skitter , before God it 's true : But do not take this out of the House with you , Sirs . Mr. Matthew Selkirk preaching against keeping of days , said , They that keep † Yule-day , * Sirs , deny that Christ came in the flesh , and are rank Jews ; & they keep that day in commemoration of J. Caesar the chief of the Jews . Mr. Hugh Kennedy Moderator of the General Assembly , being about to Christen a Child in the Colledg-Kirk , looked about him , and said , Look Sirs , and see the Devil painted in that Bairns face , but we shall do the best we can to conjure him out . I shall shortly nail his lug to Christ's trone , till from a Calf he grow up to an Ox to draw in Christ's Plow . Mr. Arskine in the Tron-Church , said , That the work of the Lord is like to be ruin'd , for there are two sorts of people that have taken their hands from the work of the Lord. First , the Malignants that never laid their hands to it . 2ly , The Court-party : but you Lasses and Lads put your shoulders to that work , take a good lift of it , for it will not break your backs ; and ye can never use your backs in a better work . One Mr. Robert Gourly preaching on the Woman of Canaan , how our Saviour called her a Dog , told , Sirs , some of you may think that our Saviour spake very improperly , for he should have called her a Bitch ; but to this I answer , a Dog is the Masculine or Feminine Gender , there is a He-dog and a She-dog . But you will ask why did he miscall the poor Woman , and call her a Dog ? There are God's Dogs and the Devils Dogs , she was God's Dog , not the Devil's Dog. Mr. Sheilds in a Sermon at Aberdeen , told the people , the only way to hold a fast † grip of Christ , was to entertain him with three Liquors in three sundry * Bickers , you must have a pint of hope , three pints of , faith , and nine pints of hot , hot , hot burning zeal . One Mr. Strange preaching on Act , 2. 37 , 38. before several Ladies of the best Quality of our Kingdom , They were pricked at their hearts , said , Some of you are come hither the day to get a prick , I fear few of you have gotten a prick , but some of you may get a prick within a short time . And seeing some laugh , he said , Do not mistake me , Sirs , It is not a natural prick I mean , but a prick at the heart . I mean not the pricks of the flesh , but the pricks of the spirit , the sweet prick of Conscience . One Mr. James Wilson now in Kirkmeddon in Galloway , told , That Faith had wonderful effects , For by faith Noah saw the deluge before it came . But I will tell you a far more wonderful effect of Faith than that , John the Baptist saw Christ through † twa wymbs , was not that a clear-ey'd little one , 〈…〉 One Mr. Melvin being sent by the Presbytery to the Parish of Monzie in Struthern , to prepare the people by a Sermon for receiving a Presbyterian Minister in the place of Mr. Drammond , a person of great Learning , who was deprived at the false suggestions of a Weaver in that Parish , ( whom he saved from the Gibbet in King Charles 2d's time ) the said Mr. Melvin Lecturing on this Text , Touch not mine Anointed , and do my Prophets no harm , said , The Kings and the great folks , and the cursed Bishops , for sooth were seeking to destroy God's own people , but as sturk as they were , God is starker , and bad them bide back , bide back , ( pointing with his finger ) this is my folk , they are none of your folks , and so God keeped his own poor people , Sirs , except some few that were hanged ; but Oh Sirs , it 's a sweet , sweet denth to go off the Gallows to God for the holy Covenant . But for these cursed Bishops and Curates , Sirs , that were leading many poor souls to Hell this long time , Sirs , ye see they are now put out ▪ they are put out , yea they are e'en trampled under our feet . This is attested by a person that then lived within two miles of the place , and heard him . Mr. Areskine in the Trone-Church proposed in a Sermon , What is the new man ? He made this learned Answer in a Melancholy long tone , It is the new man. Mr. Kirton lately in the Church he possesses at Edinburgh , began his Sermon thus , Devil tuke me soul and body . The people startling at the expression , he anticipates their wonder with this correction , You think , Sirs , this a strange word in the Pulpit , out you think nothing of it out of Pulpit ; but what if the Devil should tuke many of you when ye utter such Language ? Another time preaching against Cockupps , he told , I have been this year of God preaching against the vanity of Women , yet I see my own Daughter in the Kirk even now have as high a Cockupp as any of you all . Another time giving the Sacramens of the Lord's Supper in Crummond , at the breaking of the Bread , he told the Participants , Take , eat , Sirs , your Bread is baken . And that was all the form he used , as one of the Communicabsts told me the day after . A Presbyterian Preacher in the Parish of Killpatrick Easter , above Glasgow , in whose Parish there is one Captain Sanderson , a Church of England man , who is looked on there by them as a rank Papist , he once went to Church to see their way . The Preacher seeing him in Church , took a † Fourteen our of his Pocket , and held it up before the Congregation , expressing these words , Here I take instrument in the hand of God , that tho a man be pardoned of all his original and actual sins , yet if he neglect to 〈◊〉 our Fasts he shall never go to Heaven . The Preacher owns what he said and did . And the Captain desires the thing to be published in his name , he being ready to justifie it upon any occasion . Mr. William Moncrief , in Summer last , preaching in the Church of 〈◊〉 in Fife , the first thing he pretended to prove , was , That all his Hearers were Atheists and Reprobates ▪ And having demonstrated that , as he said , from that Psalm on which he lectur'd : He proceeded next to his Sermon on this Text , NOW it the accepted time , now is the day of Salvation ▪ on which he said , The Jews had their Now , and the Papists had their Now , but ah now they have no Now , for the Gospel is for ever hid from their Eyes . Scotland , poor Scotland had a gracious Now in the glorious days of the Covenant , when Christ was freely forced upon them ; but alas , this Land breaking the Covenant has brought darkness upon it , for many Years last , but yea God had been pleased at lust to shine through the Cloud of Prelatical , which is worse than Egyptish darkness , and to give us another Now ; that is , to offer us again his Covenant , and the Foundation of it , it Gospel , for which ye are all heartily to be thinkful , for this is your Now. And would ye know now how to express your thankfulness , I 'll even tell you now , Ye must do it by banishing out of the Covenanted Land , all the Enemies of God , the Prelates , the Curates , and all their Adherents : Ye must not converse with them , but 〈◊〉 them Hip and Thigh ▪ ye must 〈◊〉 the Philistines quite out ; ye must hate them , and persecute them , and 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 of Damnation ; ● for if ye neglect it now , your Now is past for ever ▪ Now , Sirs , ye must not think this strange Doctrine , for I can prove it by plain Scripture , for did not God frequently command his People , to cut off the 〈◊〉 Root and Branch ; and did not David positively hate and curse the Profane and Wicked who were God's Enemies ▪ But ye'll say to me , Sirs , that Christ desired us to loveour Enemies : that 's true , indeed , but there 's no word of God's Enemies there ▪ mark that , Beloved ; tho' we love out own Enemies , yet we are bound to hate God's Enemies ; that is , all the Enemies of the Covenanted 〈◊〉 : This was heard by several Sober and Judicious Persons , who were heartily sorry to hear the Scriptures so basely perverted , who immediately after the Sermon wrote down this Account , tent them to me attested under their Hands . About two Years ago Mr. Shields , who is Chaplain to my Lord Angus's Regiment , being with the said Regiment at the Town of Pe●●● , and hearing that the Colonel to an English Regiment , which had been in that Town the Week before , had made his Chaplain to read the English Service upon the Sunday before , in the Church to his Souldiers 〈…〉 Shields upon this occasion thought to ra●● nightly again●t the Church of England and its Liturgy ; among other things he said , That there was no difference betwixt the Church of England and the Church of Rome , but that the one said Mass in English , and the other in Latin ; and that upon the 〈◊〉 they were both indeed equally Idolatrous ▪ and ye know , Sirs , that according to God's Law , all Idolaters should be stoned to death ▪ Alas ▪ all the Water in * Tay will not be able to wash away the filth of that Idolatry , with which the Walls of this Kirk was last Sunday defiled ▪ ah , the Service Boo● was 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 it smell rank and strong of the old Whore of Babylon . Mr. Kirkton preaching in his Meeting-house in the Castle-hill of Edinburgh adduced several instances of the Poverty of the People of God ; amongst others , he had this remarkable one , Brethren , says he , Criticks with their * frim frams and whytie whaties , may imagine a hundred reasons for Abraham's going out of the Land of Caldea , but I will tell you what was always my Opinion , I believe Abraham , poor man , was forced to run out of the Land of Judea for Debt . Another Sunday , before several Gentlemen , who told me the Story so soon as they returned from Church , preaching on the Allsufficiency of God , he told his hearers , That they might make out of God what they pleased , Hose , Shoes , Cloaths , Meat and Drink , &c. One , says he , may have a good Stock , but he cannot get in out of his Friends hands when he needs it ; he must pursue him first before the * Lords of the Session ; registrat his Bond , get a charge of Horning , and at last take him with Caption ; but no man ever needed to registrate God's Bond , or take him with Caption , except Jacob , who took him once with Caption at the side of a Hill , and he got a broken Leg for his pains . Once in the monthly Fast-day , I heard him my self discourse to this purpose , after he had read his Text , which if I rightly remember , was , In that day I will not regard their Prayers nor their Tears , &c. In speaking to these words , says he , I shall shew you five lost Labours , three Opportunities , three Fears , three Woes , three Lamentations , three Prophesies , and a word about poor Scotland : for the three fears , the first is a great fear , and that is , lest this King give us not all our Will. The 2d . is a very great fear , and that is , if we should get all our Will. I fear we should not make good use of it . The 3d fear is the greatest of all , but I must not tell you that fear , Sirs , for fear it should fear you all to hear it . All the Town knows that this is true , and that he never preaches but after this ridiculous manner . I heard one Mr. Selkirk in a Sermon he preached in the Church of Inverask . say , Sirs , Drink , Whore , and Debauch , and run * red wood through the World ; yet , if you have but as much time as take hold of Christ in your last gasp , I shall pawn my Soul for yours . It may seem incredible , that one who ever heard of Christianity , should have used such an expression ; but it made such an impression on the Peoples Minds at that time , that I believe there is hardly one of them who have forgot it to this hour ; and consequently , all of them will be ready to vindicate the truth of what I here relate . One preaching in Preston-pans , upon Joshua 's making the Sun to stand still , resolving to make a very learned Discourse , began thus , Sirs , says he , you 'll may be , ask me how Joshua could make the Sun to stand still ? To that I answer , it was by sisting of the motion of Primum Mobile , commonly called the Zodiack-line ; but as to the Quomodo , it 's no great matter ; but that the Story was true , we have reason to believe from the Heathen Writers ; for it was told by them for a , base baudy tale , how Jupiter made a night as long as two , that he might got a longer time to lye with Alemena . Mr. Arskine in the Tron-Church , preaching on these words , Cry aloud and spare not ; told his People , There were three sorts of Cries . There is the cry of the Mouth , says he , Psal . 104. The young Lions roar after their Prey , that is , with their Mouth . The cry of their Feet , I will run the ways of thy Commandments , that is the cry of the Feet : And the cry of the Eye , They looked on him and were lightened ; that 's the cry of the Eye : If we would go to Heaven , we must not only cry with our Mouth , but likewise with out Hands , Feet , and Eyes . The same Mr. Arskine said in another Sermon , What , Sirs , if the Devil should come with a Drum at his side , saying , Hoyes , hoyes , hoyes , who will go to Hell with me , boys ? who will go to Hell with me ? The Jacobines would answer , We 'll all go , we 'll all go . Mr. James Kirkton , preaching on Jezabel , said , That well-favoured Whore , what became of her , Sirs ? she fell over a Window , Arse over Head , and her black bottom was discovered , you may all guess what the Beholders saw , beloved , a black sight you may be sure . One Mr. Mair , a Presbyterian Preacher , Son to Mr. John Mair , the Episcopal Minister in Towch , being desired by the Father to preach for him ; the Son said , He would or could not preach in their Churches , because they were polluted , but was content to preach in a Fire-house . This was provided for him , and the Company ( whereof his Father was one ) being convened , he said , I will tell you a sad truth , Sirs , You have been driven to Hell in a Coach this eight and twenty years , and that old Stock , my Father ( pointing to him ) has been the Coachman . Mr. Kirkton in October last , preaching on Hymns and Spiritual Songs , told the People , There be four kinds of Songs , Profane Songs , Malignant , Allowable , and Spiritual Songs , Profane Songs , My Mother sent me to the Well , she had better gone her self , for what I got I dare not tell , but kind Robin loves me . Malignant Songs , such as , He , ho , Gillichrankie , and the King enjoys his own again ; against which I have not much to say . 3ly . Allowable Songs , like , Once I lay with another man's Wife : Ye may be allowed , Sirs , to sing this , but I do not say , that ye are allowed to do this , for that 's a great deal of danger indeed , Lastly , Spiritual Songs , which are the Psalms of David ; but the Godless Prelates add to these , Glory to the Father , the wrost of all I have yet spoken of . The same Kirkton , in March the year before that , in a Sermon upon Come into me all ye that are heavy and weary laden ; expressed himself thus , Christ invites none to him but those that have a great burthen of Sins upon their back ; ay but , beloved , ye little ken what Christ is to day ; what Crafts-man do you think him now ? is there none of you all can tell me that , Sirs ? truly then I must e'en tell you ; would you ken it now ? in a word then , he 's a * tell you ; would you ken it about to day , Have ye any broken Hearts to mend , bring them to me , and I 'll soder them ; that is , give them Rest , beloved , for that 's the words of my Text. Mr. Arskin , in January last , holding forth in the Tron Church concerning Noah's Ark , said , that the Wolf and the Lamb lodged most peaceably together in it ; and what do you think was the reason of this , Beloved ? you may think it was a strange thing , and so indeed it was , Sirs , but it was done to fufil that Prophecy of Isaiah , Sirs , The Wolf and the Lamb shall lye down together ; there 's a plain reason now for it , Sirs . On Sunday , in January last , immediately after the King had recommended to the General Assembly , a Formula , upon the Subscribing whereof , by the Episcopal Presbyters , he desired they might be re-admitted to the publick Exercise of the Ministry , I heard one Mr. Webster , a noted professor of the New Gospel , lecturing upon Psal 15 On the 1st Verse , he said , That none but God could answer the Psalmist's Question there , and therefore , said he , it does not belong to any Earthly King , Prince , or Potentate to determine who should be Officers in God's House , or to prescribe Terms of Communion to his Kirk : On the 2d Verse he said , That it was necessary for God's People to walk uprightly ; that is , said he , never to betray the Cause of Christ's Kirk for sear of great Men : Our way is God's own way ; and sure to stand stiff to that , is the best way to please God , and even great Men , at the long run : On the 3d Verse he appealed to the Consciences of his Hearers , If Scots Presbyterians were not a holy , harmless , innocent , sincere , modest , and moderate People , and whatever is said to the contrary , but Lybels , Lies , and Slanders : On the 4th Verse he said , That the Prelates , Curates , and Malignant Counsellors are the vile persons spoke of there , and whom all the fear God are bound to contemn and despise ; especially ( said he ) because they have sworn to the hurt of the Kirk , in taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , the Test , and the Oath of Canonical Obedience , and now think to expiate all this , by subscribing a bare foolish Formula , because King William , forsooth , has sent it to us ; as if the Presbyterians ought to admit or allow any Form but the Covenant . About that same time , I mean , in January last , Mr. Fraser of Bray , at Edenburgh at the new Kirk , pretending to preach upon this Text of the Revelation , There was joy in Heaven , Michael and his Angels fought against the Dragon and his Angels : Michael and his Angels , why no good Christian can doubt , but by this we are to understand Christ and this Kirk ; and by the Dragon and his Angels is plainly meant , the Prelates and Curates : You see from this then , Sirs , betwixt whom this War and this Fighting was in Heaven ; and since they fight in Heaven for this Cause of the Kirk , why should not we fight for it also upon Earth ? What needs our Kirk be affraid of Kings , they are but men ? but we have Christ to fight for us , and we are his , his Angels , and must fight with him till we destroy the Dragon Prelates , and their Curate Angels . Ah , Sirs , ye read ( says he ) that this Dragon's Tail swept down a third part of the Stars of Heaven ; I have a sad thing to tell you now , Sirs , Alas , this Dragon's Tail has swept the North of Scotland , for few or none of Christ Ministers are to be found there . The same Frazer of Bray preaching at a Conventicle in the beginning of King James his Reign , began his Discourse thus ; I am come here to preach this day , Sirs , in spite of the Curates , and in spite of the Prelates their Masters ; and in spite of the King their Master ; and in spite of the Hector of France , his Master ; and in spite of the Pope of Rome that 's both their Master ; and in spite of the Divil that 's all their Master . SECT . IV. Containing some few Expressions of the Presbyterian Prayers . MR. James Kirkton said once in his Prayers , O Lord restore our banished King , Lord restore our banished King ; do not mistake my meaning , Lord , it is not K. James whom thou hast rejected that we seek ; it is King Christ , that has been a stranger these many years in poor Scotland . It is reported of Mr. Robert Blair at St. Andrews , that he had this expression in his Prayers , Lord , thou art a good Goose , for thou art still dropping . And severals in the Meeting-houses , of late , have made use of it ; to which they add , Lord thou rains down * middings of blessings upon us . Mr. Anderson , a Phanatick Preacher in Perthshire , in a Prayer , said , Good Lord , it is told us , That thou knows a proud man by his looks , as well as a malignant by his works ; but what tilt thou do with these malignants ? I 'll tell thee , Lord , what thou wilt do , Even take them up by the heels and * reest them in the Chimney of Hell , and dry them like Bervy Haddocks : Lord take the Pistol of thy Vengeance , and the Mortar-piece of thy Wrath , and make the * hairns of these malignants a hodge podge , but for thy own Bairns , Lord feed them with the * Plumdames and Raisons of thy Promises , and e'en give them the Spurs of Confidence , and Boots of Hope , that like new * spean'd fillies , they may * soup over the fold-dikes of Grace . A learned Divine of that Sett , at Pitsligo , in his publick Prayer , this last Summer , said , O Lord , thou' rt like a * Mousie peeping out at the hole of a Wall , for thou sees us but we see not thee . Mr. William Moncrif ( whom I named before , pag. — . ) after his Sermon is Summer last , at Largo in Fife , in the Intercession of his Prayer , said , O God establish and confirm thy Church in Scotland , and defend her from her bloody and cruel Enemies Popery and Prelacy ; O Lord prosper thy reformed Churches of Portugal and Piedmont , and of the rest of the Low Countries ; and carry on thy work which is begun in Ireland ; and sweet , good Lord , finally begin and carry on a work in England . Mr. Shields preaching near Dumfreis , in his Prayer for K William , said , Good Lord bless him with a stated opposition in his Heart to the Antichristian Church of England , and with Grace to destroy all the Idolatry and Superstition of their foolish and foppish Worship ; and bless all the people of the Land with Strength , Zeal , and Courage throughly to reform the State as well as the Church , in these Kingdoms ; that they may be untied in the Bond of the Solemn League and Covenant , and purified according to that pattern in the Mount , which we and our Posterity are all sworn to . Mr. John Welsh pray'd . Lord we are come hither , a pack of poor Beggers of us the day , alms to the poor blind here , for God's sake , that never saw the light of the Gospel ; alms to the poor deaf here , that never heard the joyful sound ; to the poor Cripples that have their Legs , the Covenant broken by the Bishops . Lord pity thy poor Kirk the day , poor Woman , sad is she ; Lord lend her a lift , and God confound that filthy bitch , that Gumgal'd Whore , the Whore of Babylon . One Mr. Hustone said , Lord give us Grace , for if theu give us not Grace we shall not give thee Glory , and who will * win by that , Lord ? One B●rlands in Gallowshiels , a blasphemous ignorant Blockhead , said in his Prayers before Sermon , Lord , when thou was electing to Eternity , grant , that we have not got a wrong cast of thy hand to our Souls . Another time praying at Jedburgh , he said , Lord confound the Tyrant of France , God's Vengeance light on him ▪ the Vengeance of God light on him , God's Vengeance light on him : but if he be of the Election of Grace , Lord save him : Lord confound the Antichristian crew in Ireland ; indeed , Lord , for the great * man time heads them , God knows we wish not his destruction , we wish him Repentance of his sins , but not the rest : As for the crew of the Church of England , that 's gone in to fight against them , they are as profane a crew as themselves , Lord ; but thou can make one man destroy another for the Interest of the people of God , and to give Gods people Elbow-room in the Land. One who is now a Head of a Colledge , and is look't upon by the party as their great Advocate and Oracle , in a publick Congregation at Edenburgh , 1690 ▪ in his Prayer had these words , which one that heard them , and immediately committed them to Writing , shewed to me ; O Lord give us , give us , good Lord ; but Lord , you 'll may be say to us , Ye are always troubling me , what shall I give you now ? but , Lord , whatever thou says , we know that thou in thy hart likes such trouble ; and now I 'll tell thee what thou should give us Lord , I 'll not be greedy nor * misleard now , Lord , then only give us thy self in earnest of better things . Good Lord , what have ye been doing all this time , where have you been this 30 year , What good have ye done to your poor Kirk in Scotland , that has been so many years spurgal'd with Antichrist's riding her ; she has been long lying on her back , and sadly defiled ; and many a good lift have we lent her ; O , how often have we put our Shoulders to Christs Cause , when his own * back was at the Wall : to be free with you , Lord , we have done many things for thee that never enter'd in thy noddle , and yet we are content that thou take all the glory ; is not that fair and kind . It 's true , good Lord , you have done * gelly well for Scotland now at last , and we hope that thou hast begun , and will carry ony thy work in England , that stands * muckle in mister of a Reformation ; but what have you done for Ireland , Lord , ah poor Ireland ; ( then pointing with his Finger to his Nose , he said ) I true , I have nickt you there , Lord. O God , thou hast bidden us pray for Kings , and yet they have been always very troublesome to thy Kirk , and very * fasious Company ; Lord , either make them good or else make us quite of their Company : They say that this new King thou hast sent us , takes the Sacrament kneeling , and from the hand of a Bishop ; ah , that 's black , that 's fowl work ; Lord deliver him from Papary and Prelacy , from a Dutch Conscience , and from the hardheartedness of the Stewarts , and let us never be * trysted again with the bag and baggage of the Family , the black band of Bishops to trouble and lord it over thy Church and Heritage . Good Lord , send back our old King of poor Scotland , restore him to his Throne and Dignity , to his absolute Power and Superemacy , from which he he hat been so long and so unjustly banished : Lord , you ken what King I mean , I do not mean K. James , na forsooth , I do no mean him , I mean , Lord , you ken well enough wha I mean , I mean sweet K. Jesus , that 's been long kept out of this his own Covenanted Kingdom , by the Bishops and Godless Act of Supremacy . Lord I have many more tales to tell you , and many sad complaint to make of our Governors and great men , and of the malignants and Dundee's men ; and many Pardons to ask for a broken Covenant and a backsliding Ministry , but I must refer them all till you and I be at more leisure , and I will not end without that old musty Prayer that they now call our Lords . Mr. Robert Kenedy , Brother to the very learned and moderate Hugh Kenedy , the Moderator of the General Assembly , once praying at a Conventicle at Chidsdale , said , Lord grant that all the Kings in the World may fall down before thy Son , and kiss his Soles not the Pope's Soles , &c. no nor his stinking * Panton either . Mr. Boyd , the famous Preacher in Chidsdale , finding in the Forenoon , that severals of his Hearers went away after the Forenoon Sermon , had this expression in his Afternoon Prayers . Now Lord , thou sees that many People go away from hearing thy word , but had we told them Stories of Robin Hood or Davie Lindsay , they had stay'd ; and yet none of these are near so good as thy Word that I Preach . Another praying against Church Government by Bishops and Curates , said , Lord , will thou take the Keys of thy own House out of the hand of those thieves and hirelings , and make them play clitter clatter upon their Crowns till they cry Maw again — ( he pronounced the word Maw like the noise of a Cat ) for thy locks have got many a wrong cast since they had the Keys . About the beginning of March 1689 one prayed for a Presbyterian Election of Members to the Parliament in the City of Edinburgh in these words : Good God now when Christ's back is at the wall , put it in the heart of the Townsmen to chuse George Stirling and Baillif Hall. Another prayed , Lord thou hast said , that he is worse than an Insidel that provides not for his own Family ; Give us not reason to say this of thee Lord , for we are thine own family , and yet we have been but scurvily provided for of a long time . Another praying after the Baptism of a Child in the City of Edinburgh , said , Lord bless and preserve this young Calf that he may grow an ox to draw in Christ's Plough . Mr. Areskine praying in the Tron-Church last year , said , Lord have mercy on all Fools and Idiots , and particularly on the Magistrates of Edinburgh . Another Imprecating ( as is very ordinary with them to do ) said , Lord give thy enemies the Papists and the Prelates a full cup of thy fury to drink ; and if they refuse to drink it off , then good Lord give them * Kelty . Mr. John Dickson praying for Grace , said , Lord dibble thou the kail-seed of thy Grace in our hearts , and if we grow not up to good kail , Lord make us good Sprouts , at least . Mr. Linning cursing the King or France in his Prayers , said , Lord , curse him , confound him , and damn him , dress him , and guide him as thou didst Pharaoh , Senacherib , and our late King James and his Father . One Frazer a young Fellow Preaching in Jedburgh , after Sermon blasphemously inverted the Blessing thus , The Curse of the Lord Jesus Christ , and of God the Father , and the Holy Ghost be upon all them that hear the Word and profit not by it . Mr. Arskine in the Tron-Church prayed , Lord be thou in Mons , Mons , Mons , be thou in Mons , good Lord , meikle need has Mons of thee , Lord , for now they that be Confederates we hope they may be made Covenanters . Bring the sworn enemy of the Solemn League the Tyrant of France to the place whence he came , and cause his Dragons shoot him in his Retreat , that he may cry out with Julian the Apostate , Now Galilean thou hast overcome me . One Mr. James Webster was admired lately at my Lord Arbuthnet his zealous Patron 's Table for this Grace before Meat , Out of the boundless , bankless , brimless , bottomless , shoreless Ocean of thy goodness we are daily foddered , filled , feasted , fatted , and half an hours Discourse to the same purpose . Mr. Kennedy before the late Assembly in which he had the name of Moderator ; said in his Prayer , Lord , Moderation is commended to us by the King , we all know it 's a Vertue that 's sometimes is useful . Lord , but I cannot say that that which they call Moduration is so convenient at this time for thy People and Cause , for even to be free with you , Good Lord , I think it best to make a clean House , by sweeping them all out at the door , and casting them out to the * Midden . Their famous Scrib Rule in a Prayer , not at Sermon , but upon another occasion as publick , a little after the dissolution of the General Assembly , expressed himself thus , O Lord thou knows that Christ's Court the General Assembly ought to protest against Usurpers upon Christs Kingdom , but if we had known that King William would have been angry with us in earnest , and if the Brethren would have followed my advice , we should have pleased the King for this time , and taken Christ in our own hand * till some other opportunity . The Moderator Chrighton immediately after the Assembly was dissolved , praying , ( amongst many other reflexions upon the King and his Counsellors ) said these words , O Lord thou knows how great a Surprizal this is to us , we lookt upon King William at his first coming among us to have been sent in mercy for deliverance to this poor Kirk , but now we see that our Deliverance must come from another hand , Good God grant that he be not sent to be a plague and a curse to thy Kirk . Hind let loose by Mr. Shields , pag. 468. I conclude this Head , says he , with that Form of Prayer that I use for the King , O Lord to whom vengeance belongeth shew thy self , lift up thy self thou Judge of the Earth , render a reward to the proud : Lord , how long shall the wicked , how long shall the wicked triumph , shall the Throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee , that frameth mischief by a law , the mighty and terrible God destroy all Kings and people that put their hand to alter and destroy the House of God ; overturn , overturn , overturn this Throne of Tyranny , and let it be no more until he come whose right it is . These are but a few of many thousand instances that might be given of that ridiculousness , profanity and blasphemy which the Scotch Presbyterians daily use in their Preaching and Praying ; and tho Strangers may think it incredible that men professing Religion or Reason , should thus debase and prostitute both , yet they who are unfortunately bound to converse with , and hear them frequently , cannot be but sadly sensible that all that 's here charged upon them is but too true , and that many of the worst expressions they are daily guilty of , are purposely here omitted , lest by such obscene , Godless , and fulsome stuff , the ears and eyes of modest Readers should be nauseated and polluted ; which if these opposers of Truth and Religion should deny , there are thousands in Scotland of the best quality and reputation ready to attest , by their Oaths and Subscriptions , as shall be made appear in a 2d Edition of this Book , if the clamors of the Party extort it , and very many are willing to join in this who were not long ago their great friends , and have many of their Sermons and Prayers in writing , which they are now willing to expose , having fully discovered the vile hypocrisie and Pharasaick professions of that Faction ; but this trouble we can hardly suppose that the Presbyterians will put us or themselves to , because it 's not probable that they will deny what they so much glory in , viz. this extraordinary way of Preaching and Praying , which they think an excellency and perfection , and call it a holy familiarity with God , & a peculiar priviledg of the most refined Saints . Some may perhaps think this Collection was publish'd meerly to render these Puritans ridiculous ; but it 's plain enough to such as know them , that we have not made but found them so , we hope that our discovering their snares may prevent some mens being intangled , with them , they ▪ compass Sea and Land , and are fully as zealous as their Predecessours to make proselytes to their Party , and new Gospel . Now the general intent of the Collectors of these Notes , was that they might stand like Beacons to fright unwary Strangers from these Rocks upon which so many have formerly made shipwrack both of faith and good conscience . Alas it 's but too too evident what havock and desolation these pretended Reformers have made in the Church and State , Gods Name , Honour and Worship is profan'd , the Gospel exposed to the scorn and contempt of its enemies , the more modest and honest Heathens and Turks ; the Flood-gates of Impiety and Atheism are set open , the foundations of all true piety or policy are overturned , and all regard to things either Sacred or Civil quite destroyed by these , who as the Royal Martyr * speaks , seeking to gain reputation with the vulgar , for their extraordinary Parts and Piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled , never so well and wisely . I wish ( as the same Royal Author did ) that their Repentance may be their only punishment , that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of publick Liturgies hath already produced , they may restore that credit , use and reverence to them , which by the Ancient Churches were given to set forms of sound and wholsome words . * And thou , O Lord , which art the same God , Blessed for ever , whose mercies are full of variety ▪ and yet of constancy ; Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despisest renewed affections joined to constant expressions : Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well-advised Devotions . Keep men in that pious Moderation of their Judgments in matters of Religion , that their ignorance may not offend others , not their opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devountly use to help their infirmities . And since the advantage of Error consists in novelty and variety , as Truth 's in unity and constancy , suffer not thy Church to be pestred with Erros , and deformed with undecencies in thy Service , under the pretence of variety and novelty 〈◊〉 nor to be deprived of truth , unity and order , under this fallacy , that constancy is the cause of formality . Lord keep us from formal Hypocrisie in our hearts , and then we know that praying to thee , or praising of thee ( with David and other holy men ) in the same forms cannot hurt us . Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the effects of blind zeal and over-bold Devotion . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35017-e480 Me was but last Year sent to Agent their Affairs at Court. * Though Mr. Rule . who defends the New Gospellers by denying their Prints , and by palpable vntruths , seems to disown this in his Second Vindication of his Kirk . Yet much honester Presbyterians affirm it , and glory in it . Vid. Covenants with acknowledgment of Sins and Engagement to Duties , renewed at Lesmahago . 1688. Et Hind let loose . † A Person who was well educated , and justly esteemed at St. Andrew's Vniversity . † That is in English some other Fish to fry . * Charity it self cannot put a better Construction on so foul an Action . * The name of a ridiculous and rebellious Book emitted by them in K. Charles the Second's time . Notes for div A35017-e5580 * Tear. Notes of printed Sermons before the Parliament . * Spaldin's Discourse to Parliament . ‖ The Hill on which they first drew up their Army against K. Ch. 1. * Such the Scoth Phanaticks are indeed . * The glorious days of the Covenant . * That is true blue Presbytery . * Herle 's Tripus . † Three notable Rebellions raised by the Presbyterians against K. Charles , the Second . * Mr. Rule denies this in his late Book , altho' himself and every Man acquainted : with the Doctrine and Practice of the Kirk , knows it to be very true . * Compare this with making Presbytery the Foundation of the present Civil Government , without which he says it cannot subsist . Second Vindication , Pag. 9. at the end . † Easter , Christmas , Shrove-Tuesday . * Mr. Rule upon the matter affirms the same Second Vindic . p. 90. * Compare this with the late Assembly's refusing , at the King's desire , to admit of any of the Episcopal Clergy with them into the Exercise of the Ministry . Compare this with the Presbyterians now denying the Power to the King of dissolving the Assembly . * Vpon this consideration the late Assembly refused at K. W.'s desire , to receive the Episcopal Party into any terms of Peace or Communion . * All that are not true Covenanters . * Taxes . * Alsop and other London Pesbyterians Address to K. J. * Shields Chaplain to my Lord Angus's Regiment , one of their famous Authors and Preachers . * That was no doubt in the peaceful and godly days of the Holy Covenant : But how seem'd the Devil to be bound then ? why , it was after the New Gospel way , he was bound in the Chains of Blood , Murther , and Rebellion ; being surfeited with those Sacrifices , he seemed to lay himself down to rest , leaving all his Drudgery upon Earth to be performed by his Covenanted Agents . * The Presbyterians indeed ordinarily prevent the King 's putting forth his hand against them , by assaulting him first . * The great design of the New Gospel to decry Passive Obedience , and to blaspheme the Church of England . * The English Clergy , who scruple to Swear , shew , that they can patiently suffer , and therefore are not concerned at what Presbyterians threaten ; the Devil can go no farther than his Chain reaches . * And so do all the new Gospellers . * By the same argument , the Protestant Religion must be Antihumane in France , Italy and Spain ; and the Christian too in all the Grand Seignior's vast Dominions . * Every thing that 's not agreeable to the New Gospel must be slavish , nonsensical , and damnable . * Loved and honoured by all but Presbyterians . * And yet they own the same Religion with us pag. 1. l 3. * The Authority of their Assemblies above that of King and Parliament . * Well Ranted Rule . * Preface Parag. 6. at the end , and p. 26. &c. * This is the Civil Style that he promised to exceed in , Pref. par . 6. * Where in the sense of the Law the King never dies . * 'T is no new thing for Presbyterians to think Power a sufficient Call to act Illegally . * As Mr. Rule himself did . * Just like the Roman Catholick Church , an Vniversal Particular . Pag. 167. * Witness their many Covenants , and Engagements to that purpose . * Rule 's 2d Vindication of the Kirk . * Even tho' it be solidly refuted by a Sciolist . * Vid Rules 2d . Vindication , pag. 88. & 177. * Honestly come by . * A sham . * Rent . * Strange . * Frown . * Hugg . * Get. * Dish . * Accounts . * Rent . * Spilt . † Goods . * Engage . * Bankrupt debters . * Yearn . * Noise * Ill manner'd . * Foolish Song . * Sculk ▪ * Give him credite . * Empty . * A Box. * Sack full of Grains * Streets . * Table ●ead . * Husband . * Rent . * Toped over . * In the hand of a Notary . * Fondled Darling . * Foolish Child . * Accounts . * Longing . * Higle . * Pampered . * Breding . * Over and above . * Put to Auction . * Pag. 80. Notes for div A35017-e17620 * Distaff . * Beke . * Large dish . * Great . * Hood . * Trip. * Knew not . * A Course . * Nasty . * Pulled and haled . * Clutches ▪ * Sound bang . * Kill . * Christmass . * Gay . † Smock . * Foolish Wench . * Hen-peckt men . * Beats . * Dwarfie . * Rifle a Magpies-Nest . * Pettish . † Old kindness . † Wait not . * Intreating . ‖ Thin Dung of young Children . † Such . † Hold. † Two English Quarts . * English Pint. † Haste . * Childrens Toyes and Rattles . * To Flout . † Know. ‡ Deep Dish . † A Strong Porrage . * Breeches . † Little Children . * Pu●l . † Too familiar . † Child . † Neat or Cattle . † Low. * Whisper . ‖ Letters of Arrestment . † Absconding . * Nesty . † absconding * Two-pence Half-penny . † All 's not well . * Mischief doing . † Thin Dung. * Christmass . † Hold. * Wooden Cups . † Two Wombs . † Piece of Money . * The name of a great River which washes the Walls of that City . * Trifles . * Raise on Action before the Judges , and Arrest him . * Stark mad . * Tinkar . Notes for div A35017-e23600 * Dunghils . * Smoke . * Brains . * Pruins . * Weaned . * Jump * Little Mouse . * Gain . * King James was then in Ireland . * Ill mannered . * When he could not stand without a Supporter . * Pretty . * Much in need . * Troublesome . * Encountered . * Slipper . * Another Cup full of it . * Dunghill . * Run a Tick with him . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer-Book . * King Ch. his most pious and pertinent Prayer . 
A43314	----	The government and order of the Church of Scotland Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. 1641 Approx. 97 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43314 Wing H1432 ESTC R221287 99832618 99832618 37092 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43314) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37092) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2147:8) The government and order of the Church of Scotland Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. [12], 68 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh : Printed, anno MDCXLI. [1641] By Alexander Henderson. Place of publication from Wing. In two parts; register and pagination are continuous. Reproduction of the original in Dr. Williams' Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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How goodly are thy tents O Iacob , and thy Tabernacles O Israel : for this house full of silver and gold I would not curse , for how shall I curse whom God hath not cursed ? or how shall I defie , whom the Lord hath not defied . COL . 2. 5. Though I be absent in the flesh , yet am I with you in the spirit , joycing and beholding your order and the stedfastnesse of your faith in Christ. Printed , Anno MDCXLI . To the Reader . MY desires at this time to know and to make known to others the form of Government and order of worship used in the Church of Scotland , have brought these following lineaments to light . There come daily into my hands without my seeking ; some one forme of Church Government or other , as the divers Authors , from their love to Reformation in their judgements did conceive : But I must confesse they did the lesse relish with me that they were directions and modells without the example or practise of any of the Christian Churches , and were Abstract Idea's of discipline in the minds of men and not Disciplina in Subjecto . One I had , Titled The forme of government used in the Church of Scotland , but , being nothing but an Abridgement , and containing generalls onely , It did not satisfie . I found also many of the godly much wearied of the Prelacy , who yet bow their shoulder to bear , and couch down between the two burthens , because , being unacquainted with the Government of the Reformed Churches , they do not know what to choose , and fear ( as to them who are in the dark is usuall ) they know not what . Such as these do rather suffer themselves to be led away with the policy of Pacuvius at Capua , which in such a case was cmmendable , then resolve to follow the faith of Abraham when the Lord called him , Get the out of thy Countrey , &c. into a Land which I will shew thee , Gen. 12. 1. What he was to forsake , and the Terminus à quo of his removing , he did know ; But whether he was to go and the Terminus ad quem , he did not know , resting assured that God would shew it him . In our own affairs we may think the evill known to be better then the good unknown ; But it holdeth not in the matters of God , nor when we speak of Malum turpe and bonum honestum , the evill of sinne and the good of obedience . But as they who travell from the South to the North , losing the sight of the one Pole come in sight of the other , and as they go on the North Pole is elevated to them by degrees : So is it here , if men would once forsake and turn their back upon that which they know to be wrong , and would ask the way to Zion with their faces thither ward , the Lord would teach them his way . I must confesse that I did give too much ear and audience to the misinformation of many ( so may I call it now after true imformation ) who would have made me to believe , 1. That the true government of that Church was Episcopall , and that beside the order of Episcopacy , there was nothing in that Church , but disorder and confusion through the Parity of their Ministers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that all did speak and no man did hear any thing of another . 2. That they had no certain rule or direction for their publike worship , but that every man following his extemporary fansie , did preach and pray what seemed good in his own eyes . And 3. ( which was to me an huge rock of offence ) That they were enemies to Kings for no other cause , but that they are Kings : and , out of a desire of Anarchy , did preferre Democracie to Monarchicall Government : Great crimes I can not deny , and much to be abhorred , for they are destructive of all Ecclesiasticall and Civile Order , and do break both the staves of beauty and of bonds . But upon tryall I did remember that , if accusation were guiltinesse , no party conld be innocent , and found that it was nothing so as was alledged : for concerning the first , I called to minde the practise of a painter of old , who being desired to represent the body of Hercules , did expresse nothing of the lineaments of his face , stature or members , but did onely make a resemblance of the Lyons skin , which he was wont to carry about as the badge of his strength , and the Trophee of his honour . Episcopacy was never the face nor order of that Church . In the most part of their assemblies have they conflicted with it , and by the strength of God obtaining the victory both of old , and much more of late They may well number it among their spoiles . The order of their Ministers each one standing in his own station , and none usurping over another , and the Subordination of their foure kindes of assemblies , joyning the consent and obedience of the people , are the face and strength of that Church . Against the second , The form of prayers , administration of the Sacraments , admission of Ministers , Excommunication , solemnizing os marriage , visitation of the sick , &c. which are set down before their Psalm-Book , and to which the Ministers are to conforme themselves , is a sufficient witnesse : for although they be not tyed to set formes and words ; yet are they not left at randome , but for testifying their consent and keeping unity , they have thelr directory and prescribed order . No where hath preaching and the ministery more spirituall and lesse carnall liberty , the Presbytery and assemblies encouraging to the one and restraining from the other . And against the third , Their Confession of Faith , the doctrine and prayers of their Church , their late declarations and remonstrances , and what is contained in ●he conclusion of this Treatise , expresse as much respect and reverence to magistracy , as any Christian Prince will require . I was also strongly drawn to the liking of that Church by the Testimonies given unto their Reformation by some of the most famous witnesses of this age . One is of that worthy Scottish Martyr Mr. George Wischeart . This Realm shall be illuminate with the light of Christs Gospel , as clearly as ever was Realm since the dayes of the Apostles . The house of God shall be builded in it , yea it shall not lack ( watsoever the enemy imagine to the contrary ) the very top-stone ; the glory of God shall evidently appear , and shall once triumph in despight of Satan . But alas , if the people shall be after unthankfull , then fearfull and terrible shall the plagues be that after shall follow . Hist. of the Church of Scotland , pag. 108. Another of Beza . Magnum hoc Dei munus quod una & religionem purā , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doctrinae , viz. retinendae vinculum , in Scotiam intulistis . Sic obsecro & obtestor haec duo simul retinete , ut uno amisso alterum diu permanere non posse semper memimeritis . Sicut Episcopi papatum pepererunt , ita pseudoepiscopos papatus reliquias Epicureismū terris invecturos : hanc pestem caveant , qui salvam Ecclesiam cupiunt , & quum illam in Scotia in tempore profligaris , ne quaeso illam unquam admittas , quantumvis unitatis retinendae specie , quae veteres etiam optimos multos fefellit , blandiatur . Bez Epist. 79. This is a great gift of God , that you have brought into Scotland , together pure Religion and good order , which is the bond to hold fast the Doctrine . I heartily pray and beseech for Gods sake , Hold fast these two together so , that you may remember , that if one be lost , the other cannot long remain . So Bishops brought forth popery , so false Bishops , the reliques of popery , shall bring into the world Epicureism . Whosoever would have the Church safe , let them beware of this pest , and seeing you have timely dispatched it in Scotland , I beseech you never admit it again , albeit it flatter with shew of the preservation of unity , which hath deceived many of the best of the Ancients . A third of the body of Confessions of faith . It is the rare priviledge of the Church of Scotland before many , in which respect her name is famous , even among strangers , that about the space of four and fifty years without schisme , let be heresie , she hath kept and holden fast unity with purity of doctrine . The greatest help of this unity , through the mercy of God , was , that with the doctrine , the discipline of Christ and the Apostles , as it is prescribed in the Word of God , was by little and little together received , and according to that discipline so neer as might be , the whole government of the Church was disposed . By this means all the seeds of schism●s and errors , so soon as they began to bud , and shew themselves , in the very breeding and birth , were smothered and rooted out . The Lord God of his infinite goodnesse grant unto the Kings most gracious Maiesty , to all the rulers of the Church , to the powers that are the Nursers of the Church , that according to the Word of God , they may keep perpetually that unity and purity of doctrine , Amen . Est illud Ecclesiae Scoticanae privilegium rarum prae multis , in quo etiam ejus nomen apud exteros fùit celebre , quod circiter annos plus minus 54. sine schismate nedum haeresi unitatem cum puritate doctrina servaverit & retinuerit . Hujus unitatis adminiculum ex Dei misericordia maximum fuit , quod paulatim tum doctrina , Christi & Apostolorum disciplinam , sicut ex verbo Dei est praaescripta , una fuit recepta , & , quam proixme fieri potuit , secundum eam totum regimen Ecclesiasticum fuit administratum H●e ratione omnia schismatum atque errorum semina quam , prinum pullulare , aut se exerere visa sunt , in ipsa quasi herba & partu sunt suffocata & extirpata . Det Dominus Deus , pro immensa su a bonitate Regiae Majestati Serenissimo , omnibusque Ecclesiarum gubernatoribus , potestatibus Ecclesiae nutritiis , ut ex Dei verbo illam unitatem & doctrinae puritatem perpetuo conservent , Amen . Corp. Confess . fidei , pag. 6. The fourth of King Iames of happy memory . The Religion professed in this Countrey , wherein I was brought up , and ever made profession of , and wishes my son ever to continue in the same , as the onely true form of Gods Worship , &c. I do equally love and honour the learned and grave men of either of these opinions , that like better of the single form of policy in our Church , than of the many Ceremonies of the Church of England , &c. I exhort my son to be beneficiall to the good men of the Ministry , praising God that there is presently a sufficient number of good men of them in this Kingdom , and yet are they all known to be against the form of the English Church . Basildor . To the Reader , And in the Assembly 1590 his Majesty praised God , for that he was born to be a King in the sincerest Church in the world , &c. The fift is of Brightman , our own Countryman , who joyneth the Churches of Helvetia , Suevia , Geneva , France , Holland , SCOTLAND , all together into one Church , for the Counter-payn of the Church of Philadelphia , because , saith he , they almost live by one and the same laws and manner of Government , as touching any matter of moment . Neither doth the distance of place break off that society which the Conjoyning of mindes and good will coupleth together , having thus joyned them into one Church , he subjoyneth concerning it . Loth would I be to provoke any man to envy , or to grieve him with my words , yet this I must say there is no place , where the doctrine soundeth not more purely , the worship of God is exercised more uncorruptly : where more faithfull diligence of the Pastors doth flourish , or more free aud willing obedience is given by the people , nor yet where there is greater reverencing of the whole Religion among all orders . And afterward , Neither doth it onely keep the doctrine of salvation free from corruption , but it doth also both deliver in writing and exercise in practice that sincere manner of government , whereby men are made partakers of salvation , Revel . of the Apocal. Chap. 37. To these may be added what upon the one hand is said by these of the separation in their first petition to to King Iames , insert in their Apology to the Doctors of Oxford . We are willing and ready to subscribe to these grounds of Religion published in the Confession of Faith made by the Church of Scotland , hoping in the unity of the same Faith to be saved by Jesus Christ : being also like minded for and with other Reformed Churches in points of greatest moment . And upon the other hand , That the meetings of Ministers for interpreting Scripture , like unto their Presbyteries were allowed by Arundell , Hutton and Matthew , three Archbishops in England , and proved very profitable in the Northern parts for increase of knowledge both in Ministers and People . But all these and the like testimonies were to me but like the saying of the woman of Samaria to her Countrey-men , till I did more fully understand the constitution and order of that Church . Then did I believe , not because of their testimonies , but because I did see and know . And from that which I have seen and do now know when I have walked and gone round about that Church , when I have told the Towers thereof , marked well her Bulwarks , and considered her pallaces , I may without offence affirm three things . First , That God hath not dealt so with every nation , if envy would permit , I might say , any nation , as he hath dealt with them . Whereof no cause can be given but his own good pleasure , he showeth mercy , and maketh his Sunne to shine on whom and were he will , and of him , and through him , and for him are all things . Secondly , that it is no marvail if that Nation stand to the defence of their Reformation , had the Lord been pleased to blesse us with the like at the time of our Reformation we would not have been so unwise as to make exchange of it with Prelacy , we would have forsaken all things rather then have forsaken it , It is more strange that any should have been found amongst them at any time to speak or to do against their own Church : But after you have with your reason and minde made a generall survey of all societies there is none more grave , more dear then that which each one of us hath with his Countrey ; Parents are dear , Children , Friends , familiars are dear ; But our native Countrey alone taketh all these within her compasse , for which what good man would doubt to die , could his death serve her for good ? So much the more detestable is their barbarity , who have with all kinde of wickednesse rent asunder their native Countrey , and both are and have been exercised in overturning her from the very foundation . If a Patriote spoke so of his Countrey , a Citizen so of his Republike , what should the Christian born , baptized , and bred in Scotland think and say , if he have been borne there not only to this mortall , but to that immortall and everlasting life : No children on earth have better reason to say , Wee are not ashamed of our Mother , and it were to be wished that the saying were reciprocally true . Thirdly , having the pattern of all the Reformed Churches before us , and this example so neer unto us , what need we to stand amazed , as not knowing what to choose ; To abide that which we have been , is neither profitable nor possible , To conjoyn the two in one is but the mixture of Iron with Clay , and must needs make the distemper greater . It were well for us ( and no other well for us can I see ) that laying aside our high conceit of our selves , and the low esteem of other reformed Churches We would resolve to follow them as they follow Christ , and not to despise the government of Christ , because they seeme to be but Mole-hils ; But to conforme to them , because they are conforme to Christ , and to the pattern shewed in the Mountain . What reciprocation of giving and receiving in matters of Religion , hath beene betweene this and the Scottish Nation may be knowne by the words of Beda , but speaking in his own idiome , according to the grounds of popery . Not long after the Monkes of the Scottish Nation , who lived in the Iland Hii , with the Monasteries under their power were brought into the rite of observing of Easter , and of shaven Crownes . The Lord bringing it so to passe ( he should have ascribed it to another spirit ) . Which certainly was done by the marvellous dispensation of divine mercy , that because that Nation , who had the science of divine knowledge , did willingly and without envy communicate the same to the people of England ; that the same Nation afterward should by the Nation of the English attain unto the perfect rule of living in these things which they had not before . The Governement and Order OF The Church of Scotland . A Description and not a Demonstration of the Church of Scotland is intended ; non jus sed factum , their doing simply and not the reason of their so doing is desired : The delineation therefore of the face of that Church , without artificiall Colours and dispute of her comelinesse and beauty , is nakedly expressed in two Parts : The one of her Officers , the other of her Assemblies . The first part . I. Of the Officers of the Church . BEside the ordinary and perpetuall Officers , which are Pastors , Doctors , Elders , and Deacons . The Church of Scotland hath no other at this time , nor did at any time acknowledge any other : These being warranted by Christ and his Apostles , the extraordinary Ministers unto whom his will was revealed , and being sufficient for all the necessary uses of the Churches , as Exhortation , Teaching , administration of the Sacraments , Government , and distribution . The Offices of Apostles , Evangelists , and Prophets were extraordinary , and continued in the Christian Church , so long as by the Will of God , it was needfull for the well of the Church ; who although in regard of their order , degree , manner of Ministration , and the places , which they did hold , which is called successio in gradum eundem . They have properly none to succeed them : yet in respect of their doctrine , holinesse of life , and substance of their Ministery , which is successio in caput , all faithfull Pastors , lawfully called to their functions , are their successors : And in this sense not only their first reformers , who had somewhat extraordinary , but all their faithfull Ministers since , who have laboured in the Word and Doctrine , for the planting , preserving and purging of Religion to the edification of the Church , and no other , are successors to the Apostles . The Office of a Bishop consisting in power or priority above a Pastor , as having no warrant in the Scripture , as being a member of the wicked Hierarchy of the Pope ( for , although this priority of Prelates had place in the Church before the Pope ascended to the top of his Ambition ; yet every corruption in doctrine , worship , but especially in government , which , since the mystery of iniquity began to work , is retained by the Pope , and by his authority is obtruded upon the Church , they conceive to be His ) and as a cursed tree , which amongst them hath brought forth no better fruits , then heresie , and errors in doctrine , idolatry and superstition in worship , Tyranny and persecution in Government , and leudnesse , and profanity of life both in Pastors and People ; They have abjured and removed out of their Church , together with all the branches of that Hierarchy , and all the offices , titles , dignities , and courts depending thereupon as may be seen in their confession of faith , Books of discipline , and acts of assemblies of old , and of late . In the beginning of their reformation they had no constitute Presbyteries , nor such provinciall and generall assemblies as they had afterward , and upon the other part they had superintendents , visiters of certain parts of the Countrey , and Commissioners for Provinces : But they who desire to know the constitution and condition of that Church , must distinguish between her infancy , and her riper age , between her desires , designes , and endevours , and her attainments , proceedings and performances ; for how soon it was possible for them , presbyteries and assemblies , which from the beginning had been intended , were erected and established ; And no sooner was this brought to passe , But superintendents and all others of that kinde , which at first were of necessary use in visiting the Country , and in planting of Churches , were declared to be neither necessary nor expedient for the Church . The Church of Scotland hath been disquieted and much troubled with Episcopacy since the beginning , and at last by the ambition of vain men , by the power and working of civill authority , and by the corrupt assemblies of Ministers , had some footing , and was in end raised to a great height , and did become a mountain . And yet the office of a Bishop was never received in that Church . But when some Ministers , who in regard of their benefices were called Bishops , had , by their own usurpation and the slavish disposition of their brethren , obtained some degree and power over them . They did come into England , and , without the consent or knowledge of the Church , received consecration , and returning home , did consecrate others like themselves . II. Of their calling . AS no man ought to presume to enter into any office Ecclesiasticall without an inward calling from God , who only discerneth the intentions , and desires of the heart , whether they be earthly or heavenly , whether they be set upon the glory of God , and edifying of the Church , or upon the means of this life ; So are there none here admitted without the approbation and judgement of men according to the rules of the Word , and the received order of the Church . This outward calling of the Officers of the Church doth consist in Election and Ordination , after due triall and examination of their soundnesse in religion , and godlinesse of life : For the better understanding of the order of the calling of their Ministers , it is to be considered , That in every one almost of their Classes , or greater Presbyteries , there be Students of Divinity ; whereof some , if they have opportunity of their Studies , do make their abode within the bounds of the Presbytery , and attend the meetings thereof : Others , who are the greater part , stay at the Universities , and in the time of vacation come home and wait upon the Presbytery . The abilities of both the one sort and the other , are tryed in private , before the Presbytery , and how soon they are found fit to come in publike , they enter upon the exercise or prophecy with the Ministers of the Presbytery , and at sometimes are employed and allowed to preach before the people : By which mean their gifts and abilities are known to the people , as their manners are manifest by their conversing amongst them . Out of the number of these Proposants , or ( as they call them ) Expectants , the Pastor is nominated to the vacant place by the Eldership , and by the Minister , if any be , with the consent and good liking of the people , and if they can pitch upon none within the bounds of their own Presbytery they have their liberty to make their choice of an Expectant of good esteem and report in some other Presbytery . The Person thus known and nominated , is by the particular Eldership , named to the greater Presbytery , where he is examined of his skill in the Languages , Latine , Greek , and Hebrew , in his interpreting of Scripture , in the controversies of Religion , in his gift of exhortation , in the holy and Ecclesiasticall History and Chronologie ; And first of all , Of his life and manner of conversation ; wherein if he be found vitious or scandalous , he is not to be admitted to any other examination ; Being thus examined , and found qualified for that charge , he is sent to the vacant place , that the people hearing him , may have the greater assurance of his gifts for edification . After the people have heard him , some Minister of the Presbytery is appointed to preach to that people of the necessity of the Ministery , of the excellency of a faithfull Minister , of the qualities of a Minister , and of the obedience due to the Gospel , or of some such Theme : And at the same time a publike Edict is served , That if any person or persons , have any thing to object against the literature , doctrine , or life of such a man , why he may not be a profitable Minister of such a Parish , They shall appear before the Presbytery in such a place , and at such a time , that their objections may be tryed and discussed . Upon the day appointed , the Door-keeper of the Presbyterian meeting , doth call three severall times , if there be any to object against the Person nominated , and if any thing be alleadged against him by any of that particular flock , or any other to whom he is known , it is duely and equally pondered by the Presbytery , and if it be found to have any weight , or the case be doubtfull , the ordination is suspended till a more perfect triall ; Otherwise if there be nothing but silence , they use to proceed . So that no man is here obtruded upon the people against their open or tacite consent and approbation , or without the voices of the particular Eldership with whom he is to serve in the Ministery . But if the person nominated be a Pastor of some other flock , and his faithfulnesse known in his former charge , this processe is spared , and his translation more speedily expede , if there be no impediments of another kinde . Upon the day appointed for accomplishing his election , and for his ordination , which is in due time made known to the Congregation , and agreed upon with them , a Fast is ordained to be kept , with more than ordinary supplication for the assistance and blessing of God , in a work of so great concernment : And one of the Pastors of the Presbytery is appointed to preach to that people of the mutuall duties of Pastor and people . All which being done , the party , ( who , during the time of the exercise of publike worship , hath been sitting in a conspicuous place before the Pulpit , accompanied with the Elders , and some Ministers of the Presbytery ) is called up , and demanded concerning his willingnesse and desire to serve the Lord JESUS , for the good of that people ; with other questions of that kinde ; and the people also are demanded , whether they will receive him for their Pastor , and submit themselves unto his Ministery in the Lord. Both having declared their readinesse and mutuall consent , The Minister cometh from the Pulpit , and with so many of the Ministers present , as may conveniently come neer , lay their hands upon his head , and in the Name of JESUS do appoint him to be the Pastor of that people , praying that from JESUS CHRIST , who is at the right hand of the Father , and giveth gifts unto men , he may finde the demonstration of the Spirit , and the power and blessing of GOD in his Ministery , to the comfort of that people . Therafter the whole Eldership give unto him the right hand of fellowship . And last of all , the Minister goeth to the Pulpit , and concludeth the whole action with pertinent thanksgiving and prayers , a Psalm is sung , and the Assembly dissolved with the blessing . By this it may appear that Pastors or Presbyters are not there admitted at large , without assignation to a particular flock , like Masters of Art , or Doctors of Physick . They conceive it to be as preposterous for Ordination to go before the Election of Ministers in the Church , as it is first to Crown a King , or Install a Magistrate , and thereafter to choose him : next in the ordination of their Ministers they use none of the ridiculous toyes , and apish conceits of Popery ; but , according to the simplicity of the Apostolicall and ancient Church , content themselves with Fasting , Prayer , and Imposition of hands ; Prayer , to bring down a blessing upon the person on whose head the hands are laid , and Fasting , to make the prayer to ascend the more fervently . This liberty of Election is in part prejudged & hindred by Patronages and Presentations which are still in use there , not by the rules of their discipline , but by toleration of that w ch they cannot amend , in the mean time procuring , that in the case of presentations by Patrons , the examination and tryall by the Presbytery , is still the same . The Congregation , where he who is presented is to serve , is called , if they have ought to object against his Doctrine or life , after they have heard him , or that their consent may be had . And if he be found Reus ambitus , or to have gone about to procure a presentation , he is repelled , & declared incapable of that place . No Pastor may thrust himself upon a flock , nor after his entry , desert his charge , or remove himself to another Congregation at his own pleasure . The Deserters , if any be , are appointed to be admonished , and in case of obstinacy , to be excommunicated . If a Minister , upon lawfull and urgent causes , desire to remove from one Congregation to another , of if a Minister be called to another Congregation , for which he is more fit , or be called forth upon grave considerations for some publike employment , tending to the common benefit of the Church ; This is not done by private transaction , and particular agreement of Ministers and Congregations , but by the wisedom and authority of the Presbyteries or Assemblies of the Church ; Nor is it done by them , but upon such reasons as should move that Church , wherein for the present he ministreth , to give her consent : for whose supply also , either a convenient course is presently taken , or the way of supply is seen to be easie . The Minister thus removed from one Church to another , receiveth no new ordination , but by vertue of his first ordination he serveth in the place , unto which he is called and elected : Only at his admission one of the Presbytery , who is appointed to preach of the duty of Pastors and people , and to pray for a blessing , recommendeth him to the Congregation , who have before declared their willingnesse and desire to receive him , and the Congregation to his care and fidelity , And the Pastor , if any be , together with the Elders , with whom he sitteth before the Pulpit , take him by the hand . Pastors and Ministers of the Word , through old age , sicknesse , or other infirmitie being disabled to bear the weight , and discharge the duty of their Pastorall charge , Do notwithstanding still retain the honour of their office , and comfort of maintenance during their lifetime . And they performing what they are able in reaching , government , visitation and catechising , others are joyned with them by the Presbytery , and with the consent of the people to be their fellow labourers , and to undergo the main charge . The same course of election and admission for substance , and in form according to the nature of their office , is observed in the calling of other Officers , as Ruling Elders , and Deacons : At the beginning , and where there be none , the Pastor , with the gravest , holiest , and those of the soundest judgement , and best affection to Religion , do choose them with the consent of the rest of the people . And where particular Elderships are already constitute , the Pastor and the Elders who are now in office , do choose such as are to succeed those who are removed by death , or any other way , or by vicissitude are to relieve such as are now in place ; And that the election of one or moe at first , or afterward may proceed with the consent of the people , their names are published and made known to the congregation by the Pastors , that if ought may be objected against any of them , why they may not be received to the office of an Elder or Deacon , it may be examined , and , if it be found important , others may be chosen . When the day of their admission cometh , the Pastor having fram'd his doctrine to the purpose , calleth them up , and remembring both them of their duty in their charge , and the people of their submitting themselves unto them , they ar● solemnly received with lifted up hands , giving their promises to be faithfull . III. The discharge of their duties in particular , and first of the Pastor . 1. The order kept in Preaching . THe Pastor is bound to teach the Word of God in season and out of season , and beside all occasionall , and week day Sermons , which in Cities and Townes use to be at least two dayes every week , The Congregation doth assemble twice on the Lords day , and for this end notice is given of the time by the sound of a Bell. When so many of all sorts , men and women , masters and servants , young and old , as shall meet together , are assembled , The publike worship beginneth with prayer , and reading some portion of holy Scripture both of the Old and New Testament , which the people hear with attention and reverence , and after reading , the whole Congregation joyneth in singing some Psalm . This reading and singing do continue till the Preaching begin ; At which time the Minister having prefaced a little for quickening and lifting up the hearts of the people , first maketh a prayer for remission of sin , Sanctification , and all things needfull , joyning also confession of sins , and thanksgiving , with speciall relation to the hearers . After which , in the forenoon is another Psalm , and after the Psalm a prayer for a blessing upon the preaching of the Word . His Text is ordinarily some part of that Book of Canonicall Scripture , which in his judgement he conceiveth to be fittest for the times , and the condition of his flock . The Doctrine deduced , is explained and confirmed by Scripture , and fitly , and faithfully applyed , all in such methode , manner , and expression as may most edifie the hearers . After Sermon he praiseth God , and prayeth again for a blessing , joyning earnest petitions for the Church Vniversall , and for the coming of the Kingdom of Christ , for all the afflicted Churches , for the Churches in his M ajest . Dominions , for the Church of Scotland , Ministery and People , for the King , the Queen , the Prince , and their whole Royall Progeny , for all the members of that particular Congregation , as well absent in their lawfull affairs as present , for all that are afflicted among them in body , minde or means . The prayer ended , a Psalm is sung , and the people dismissed with a blessing . In the afternoon either the same order in all things almost , is followed in performing the parts of publike worship , or some part of the Catechisme is expounded , and thereafter so much time as may be spared is bestowed in Catechising some part of the Parish warned particularly to attend . Beside the publike means they have other three helps for edification , one is an ordinary course of Catechising on such dayes of the week , as are judged to be fittest by the Pastor , and Eldership . Another is the visitation of families by the Pastors , and the Elders each one in his own quarter , for trying the manners of the people , whether they walk worthy of the Gospel , for setting , and holding up religious exercise in families . And that the Pastor from his particular knowledge of the flock committed to him , may apply his doctrine , and pray the more pertinently in publike The third is , Examination of all sorts of persons , who are not known to have some good measure of knowledge , before the Communion . All these parts of the Ministery in publike and private are performed more diligently , or negligently , according to the faithfulnesse or unfaithfulnesse of the Minister , who hath according to his work , his praise , or censure at the visitation of the Church , by the greater Presbytery . No Minister there , is suffered to be a non-resident , or to have the charge of more Churches ; But if two small contiguous Parishes be united by the assembly , to make up a competent congregation , he Preacheth sometime in the one , and sometime in the other Church , as the people do desire , and the Eldership doth direct . 2. The order of Baptisme . NO other but the Pastor , who preacheth the Word hath the power of the Ministration of the Sacraments ; And concerning Baptisme it useth not to be hastened before some day of the publike meeting of the Congregation , nor delayed after , but upon necessary impediments , and is never ministred in private houses . Notice is given thereof in due time to the Pastor , and that by the Father of the child , if he be not justly hindered , that a word may be spoken to him in season . After Sermon on the week dayes , and after Sermon in the afternoon , on the Lords day , The Pastor remaining in the same place , where he hath Preached , and having water in a large Basin provided , with a fair Linnen-cloth , in a convenient place , and in a decent manner ; The Father , or in his necessary absence , some other man , who is reputed godly , presenteth the child to be Baptized . The action is begun with a short and pertinent prayer , next , some words of instruction touching the Author , nature , use , and end of this Sacrament , the duties to be performed , in the one time , of the person to be Baptized , and of the parent or viceparent . Thirdly , he that presenteth the childe , maketh confession of the Faith , into which the childe is to be Baptized , and promiseth to bring up the childe in that Faith , and in the fear of God. Fourthly , the Minister being informed of the name of the childe , Baptizeth the childe so named , by sprinkling with water , Into the name of the Father , Son , and holy Ghost . Lastly , the Minister concludeth , as well the publike worship , for that time , as the action , with thanksgiving for the Word , and Sacraments , and with prayer for a blessing , and with such Petitions , as he useth at other times after Sermon , and in end dismisseth , the Congregation with the blessing . 3. The order of ministring the Communion , or the Lords Supper . THe Sacrament of the Lords Supper , is more frequently ministred in some Congregations , then in other , according to the number of the Communicants , and the Proficiency of the People in the way of Christ ; and in some places upon one Sabbath , in other places upon two , or three Sabbaths , as it may be done most conveniently , which is determined by the Minister , and Eldership of the Church . None are admited , to the Lords Supper , but such as upon examination are found to have a compe●ent measure of knowledge in the grounds of Christian Religion , and the doctrine of the Sacraments ; and are able according to the Apostles Commandement , and professe themselves willing , to examine themselves , and to renew their Covenant made with God in Baptisme , promising to walk as beseemeth Christians , and to submit themselves to all the Ordinances of Christ. The ignorant , the Scandalous , the obstinate , and such as are under Censure , or publike admonition in the way to censure , are not admitted ; Neither are strangers received , but upon sufficient testimony , or otherwise be very well known . The Sabbath day next before the Communion shall be celebrated , publike warning thereof is made by the Pastor , and of the doctrine of preparation , to be taught the last day of the week , or at least toward the end of the week ; That the Communicants may be the better prepared , by the use of the means , both in private and publike . Upon the day of the Communion ( notice being given after the doctrine of preparation , of the houres of meeting , which useth to be before the ordinary time observed other Sabbaths ) a large Table decently covered , is so placed , as that the Communicants may best sit about it , and the whole Congregation , may both hear and behold . The Preface , prayers , and preaching of that day , are all framed to the present matter of the Sacrament , and the duties of the receivers ; after Sermon immediatly the Pastor use●h an exhortation , and debarreth from the Table all ignorant , prophane , and scandalous persons , which being done , he goeth from the Pulpit , and sitteth down with the people at the Table , where the bread standing before him in great Basins , fitly prepared for breaking and distribution , and the wine in large Cups in like manner , he first readeth , and shortly expoundeth the words of Institution , shewing the nature , use , and end of the Sacrament , and the duties of the Communicants ; next he useth a prayer , wherein he both giveth thanks , especially for the Inestimable benefit of Redemption , and for the means of the Word and Sacraments , particularly of this Sacrament , and prayeth earnestly to God for his powerfull presence , and effectuall working , to accompany his own Ordinance , to the comfort of his people now to communicate . The Elements thus being Sanctified by the Word and Prayer , the Minister Sacramentally breaketh the bread , taketh and eateth himself , and delivereth to the people , sitting in decent and reverent manner about the Table , but without difference of degrees , or acceptions of persons ; these that are neerest the Minister , having received the bread , do divide it from hand to hand amongst themselves ; when the Minister delivereth the bread , according to the commandment and example of Christ , he commandeth the people to take and eat , saying , Take ye , eat ye ; this is the Body of the Lord , which is broken for you : Do it in remembrance of him . After all at the Table have taken and eaten , the Minister taketh the Cup , and drinking first himself , he giveth it to the neerest , saying , This Cup is the New Testament , in the Blood of the Lord Iesus , which is shed for many , for the remission of sins ; drink ye all of it , for as often as ye do eat this Bread , and drink this Cup , ye do shew the Lords death till he come . All this time the Elders , in a competent number , and in a grave and reverent manner , do attend about the Table , that all who are admitted to the Table , may have the bread and wine in their own place and order of sitting , the Minister also , continuing in his place , after the giving of the Elements , doth either by his own speech , stir up the Communicants to Spirituall meditations of faith , of the great love of God in Christ , and of the Passion of Christ , and to holy affections of love , joy , godly sorrow , thankfulnesse , and whatsoever may concern them at that time , or causeth be read the history of the Passion , or some other part of Scripture , which may work the same effect . After all at the Table have received the Cup , they rise from the Table , and return in a quiet manner , to their places , another company cometh to the Table , and so a third and a fourth , till all have received in the same manner as the first , during which time of removing of the one , and approaching of the other , the whole Congregation singeth some part of a Psalm , touching the Passion , or the love and kindenesse of God to his people , as Psal. 22 , or 103 , &c. After the last company hath received , the Minister rising from the Table , goeth to the Pulpit , where , after a short speech , tending to thanksgiving , he doth againe solemnely give thankes unto God for so great a mercy , and prayeth as on other Sabbaths ; The prayer ended , all joyn in singing a Psalm of praise , sutable to the occasion , and are dismissed with the blessing , before which none are to depart , unlesse in case of necessity . The Communion being thus celebrated in the forenoon , the people meet again in the afternoon , at which time , the Minister teacheth the Doctrine of thanksgiving , and closeth the publike and solemn worship of that day , from which the people use to depart , refreshed with the grace and peace of God , and strengthened , with new and fresh resolutions to serve the Lord. 4. The order of publike fasting or humiliation . SOmetimes the fast or humiliation is of larger extent , to be observed by all the Churches in the Kingdome , sometime more particular , of one or more Congregations ; Sometimes the fast is kept one day only , sometimes all the dayes of the week , Sometimes on the Sabbath only , especially in the Countrey Churches ; Sometimes upon some day of the week also , as in Cities or Towns ; They neither make difference of dayes for humiliation , nor do they keep any set fasts or feasts : all is disposed and done , according as the occasions , and causes do presse or require , as may serve most for the end intended , and may best ply with the opportunities , and necessities of the Congregation . The Sabbath next before the fast , notice is given of the Causes of humiliation , and of the times to be observed , with earnest exhortation to the people , to prepare themselves for afflicting their soules , and extraordinary humiliation . In many places especially in Cities , Towns , and greater Villages , or where the people may conveniently assemble , The day before the fast , the doctrine of preparation to the fast , is taught expressing the nature , and use thereof , for averting the wrath of God. The dayes of the fast from morning to evening , are kept holy unto the Lord in the nature of an Extraordinary Sabbath , with abstinence from meat , and drink , from delights and worldly labours , with the exercises of reading the Law , plain preaching , interpretation , and particular application , deep humiliation , and renting of the heart for sin , large , and hearty confessions of sin , fervent supplications , and earnest seeking of God , by prayer for pardon , with singing of penitentiall Psalms ; after which they have many times , found wonderfull deliverances , and extraordinary blessings from Heaven . 5. The order of marriage . ALthough marriage be no Sacrament , nor part of the Worship of God , yet they conceive that the Matrimoniall conjunction of Christians , and members of the Church is most conveniently solemnized in the face of the Congregation , with instruction out of Gods Word , of the Institution , use , and ends of marriage , and of the duties of married persons , and with blessing by the Minister , and with the prayers of the Church . The parties are contracted before they be married , and before they be contracted , if there be any suspicion of their ignorance , they are examined in the grounds of Religion , and in their knowledge of the mutuall duties , which they owe each to other . Notice also is given of the consent of Parents , or vice-Parents , and that neither of them is contracted before to any other party , nor any impediment from the degrees of Affinity , or Consanguinity prohibited ; The contract and purpose of marriage is also published , three severall Sabbaths before the same be solemnized , and if there be nothing objected to hinder their marriage , then are they solemnly married , in the face of the Congregation , before the ending of 40 dayes from the time of the contract . They require for marriage the free consent of the parties come to the yeers of discretion , and the knowledge and consent of the Parents ; they do not allow of the marrige of Infants , nor secret and clandestine contracts and marriages , nor do they use any idle rites or superstitious Ceremonies , in the time of the Solemnization . 6. The Order of Buriall of the dead . THough Buriall be no part of the Worship of God , nor of the work of the Ministry ; yet they think meet that an honest and competent number of Christians , accompany the Christian friends of the dead unto the Grave , that they may confer and comfort one another by the way , and to see the Buriall done in a grave and decent manner , remembring that sin is the cause of death , that Christ hath overcome death and the grave , and that they who die in the Lord , shall rise again to life everlasting . Their Burials are without singing or reading , which the superstitious do conceive to be profitable for the dead ; without Funerall Sermons , which do beget superstition , and tend to flartery , make the Gospel to be preached with respect of persons , and are most pressed by such as do least regard Sermons at other times ; and without Feasting , with affectate shews of mourning , and any further pomp or Ceremony , than civill differences and respects do require . They conceive , for many reasons , that the places of the assembling of the people for the Word and Sacraments , ought not to be places of Buriall , which is therefore forbidden , and , for the most part , is forborn in that Kingdom . Registers are ordained to be kept , of the nam●● and times of all that are baptized , of all that are married , and all that are married . IV. Of Doctors , and their Office , and of Schools . THe Church of Scotland hath had no other Doctors , but Masters and Professors of Divinity , in Universities and Colledges , of which , some use to be chosen to be Elders of particular Churches , and Commissioners to the Nationall Assembly , and besides these the Teachers of more private and particular Schools . They use to be examined and tried , both in their learning , and life , by the Presbitery , and their charge is not only to bring up their schollers in humane literature and liberall Arts , but also in Civill Conversation and good manners , but especially in the Grounds of Christian Religion , by way of Catechisme . As the Doctors of Colledges do keep the meetings of the Presbitery , and by course do prophesie , or make the exercise with the Ministers , so also do the masters of private Schooles for the greater part of them , who therefore are a part of the Seminarie of the publike Ministery , are numbred among the expectants , how soon they are enabled , to enter upon the exercise , and sometimes are imployed by the Ministers to help them , in teaching and Catechising of the people . The Universities also use to be visited by Commissioners delegated from the Nationall assembly , that there be nothing taught by the Professors and Doctors , but what is sound and consonant to the confession of faith , and the received doctrine , and order of the Church ; and to see that both Masters , and Schollers do their duties diligently , especially that their be no scandall nor corruption of maners . In like maner the more private schooles , are visited by the Presbiteries , poore schollers of good ingines and expectation are provided in a great part of their maintenance , by places of the foundation of Colledges , which are appointed by the Founders , or Reformers , for that use , and others are maintained , by Contribution of particular Churches within every Presbitery , which the Pastor or Elder bringeth unto them , so soone as they are chosen by the Presbitery . V. Of Elders and their Office. THe Calling , Election , and admission of Elders is before spoken of . The number of Elders in every Parish is not definit , but doth vary according to the number , and necessity of the people ; In some parishes ó , in some 10 , or 12 , &c. Such are chosen to be Elders as come neerest to the gifts , and qualities required , by the Apostle , and after they are chosen , are at all occasions exhorted by the Pastor to be ensamples to the flock , and to watch over them faithfully , against all corruptions , in religion and life . And as the Pastor should bee diligent in teaching and sowing the seed , so are the Elders desired to be carefull in seeing and seeking the fruits in the people . The Elders do attend with the Pastor in Chatechising the people , do assist him In visiting the sick , In admonishing all men of their duty , and if any will not heare them , they bring the disobedient before the Eldership ; In causing the acts of the assemblies , as well particular as generall , to be put in execution ; But a principall part of their duty is to joyne alwayes , with the Pastor in the particular Eldership , and in the other assemblies of the Church , as they shall be called , for exercising of discipline , and governing the whole Congregation . VI. Of the Deacons and their Office. WHat maner of persons the Deacons ought to be , the Scripture is plain , and such they make choise of as are so qualified , so far as may be ; The forme of their election is before expressed . Their number must be considered of , according to the number of the poore , and the proportion of the Congregation , as we spake before , of the Elders . Their maine duty , is to collect , receive , and distribute , not onely the almes , for the poore , but the whole Ecclesiasticall goods , which are not assigned and appointed , for the maintenance of particular persons . These duties they must performe , at the dscretion and by the appointment of the Pastor , and Elders ; for which cause , and not for government , they are to be present at the ordinary meetings of the Eldership . The meanes for the maintenance of the poore are collected , by the Deacons , the first day of the weeke , and other dayes of the publike assembling of the people to the worship of God , at the entry of the Church . And if this prove not a competency , then do the people either bring in their Charity , on such dayes as are appointed by the Eldership , or are willing to be taxed , according as they shall be judged to be able . In some Cities , and Parishes , where this order hath been carefully observed , none have been suffered to beg , and none have lacked . Their Ministers , beside their Gleab and Manse , are all provided to certaine , and the most part , to competent stipends , which are paid either in victuall or moneys , or in both : And if the charge of their family be great , and their children put to Schooles or Colledges , they are helped , and supplied by the charity of the people , which useth also to be extended , if need be , toward their widows and Orphanes , after their decease , of which the whole Eldership hath a speciall care . Every parish almost hath some stock for the reliefe of strangers , and for supply of the extraordinary necessities , of their owne poore : Hospitalls have their owne rents , and the publike buildings of the Church , are upholden , by the Patron , and the Freeholders of the Parish ▪ unto which , if any be unwilling , he is constrained by Law to pay his proportion . The Second Part. I. Of the Assemblies of the Church , and first in Generall . NO man here , were he never so eminent above others , for Piety , Wisdome , or Learning , or doth he never so much arrogate authority , to himself , hath the rains of Church Government in his hands to determine , or to doe what seemeth good in his own eyes ; But all matters are advised , determined , and judged with common consent in the meetings , and assemblies of the Church , which for this end are of foure sorts and degrees , which are commonly called by the names of Church sessions , or particular Elderships , or Consistories ; Presbyteries , or Classes ; Provinciall Synods , and Nationall or Generall Assemblies . Each of these assemblies , hath a President or Moderator , who beginneth , and endeth with prayer ; propoundeth matters to be treated ; procureth them to be debated if need bee , in an orderly way , that all may be heard , and none interrupted , unlesse he speak too much ; gathereth the voices , which are noted by the Clerk ; and pronounceth the sentence , or if there be an equality , remitteth it to the greater Presbyterie ; each of them hath a Clerk , or a Notary ; and a Register of all things debated and done by them , especially of such matters as may be of future use . None of these assemblies , from the least to the greatest are to treat of matters pertaining to the civill Jurisdiction and Magistrate , but only of matters Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall , that the doctrine and worship may be kept in purity , all things be done decently , and in order , in the particular Churches , and that all the members of the Churches may walke worthy of the Gospell . The lesser and inferiour assembly is subordinate to the superiour and greater , so that if any person , shall think himselfe wronged or distressed , by the unjust proceeding of the inferiour assembly , it is lawfull for him to seek reliefe of the greater , providing , it be done in an humble and peaceable way , and in the right order , by proceeding to the next greater assembly , and so of the rest , if need be , taking them in their subordination untill either he be satisfied , or , which rarely commeth to passe , he ascend unto the highest of all . In matters difficult or such as belong to superiour assemblies , References from the lesser are ordinary , but nothing belonging to an inferiour assemblie is brought before a greater , til either it cannot be setled or be disorderly done by them , or some complaint arise . And in that case , so far as may stand with truth and peace , the greater assemblie is carefull to preserve the power and authoritie of the lesser ; and therefore matters belonging to inferiour assemblies are commonly remitted unto them by the greater . There , one Church were it never so great , hath not authoritie over another , nor is it governed by any extrinsecall power ; but all the particular Churches are of equall power and authority , and are ruled and judged by themselves and their owne intrinsecall power in assemblies composed , and consisting of their officers and commissioners from them . II. Of Particular Elderships in Parishes . THe particular Eldership or Church-session consisteth of one or moe Ministers and of Elders so many in number as the proportion of the Congregation doth require , who ordinarily do meet once in the week . The Deacons are alwayes present with the Elders , not for government , but that they may make knowne the case and necessities of the poore , and may consult and receive direction for their supply . The Minister of the parish is alwayes moderator of this Meeting , and if there be moe Ministers then one , the moderator is either chosen or they doe moderate by course , providing that none bee moderator while any matter is treated , which concerneth his own particular . The matters treated by this eldership , are such particulars as concerne the worship of God in that Church , as , what dayes of the week are meetest for assembling to the publick worship , if it may be had & be thought necessary , what houres on the Lords day before and after noone , which are variable according to the length or shortnesse of the day , in Summer and Winter , what times are fittest for publick Catechising , and for visiting of particular families , how often , and at what times the Lords Supper is most seasonably ministred : all which are proper for keeping of order in that Church , and cannot be so fitly determined by a superiour assemblie ; the Elders also do here delate scandalous persons , and bring them to publick repentance according to the forme prescribed in the greater assemblies : But if there be any doubt or difficultie , or if the offences and scandals be great and hainous , or if the delinquents adde obstinacie and impenitencie to their fault , then are they warned to appear before the greater Presbyterie there to receive order for their censure , or to be sent home again to give satisfaction , or to make their repentance in their owne Church where they have given offence , and where the fault was committed : For example , a man behaving himselfe scandalouslie with a woman , both unmaried and single persons , is first admonished and rebuked , if fornication appeare , he is called before the Eldership , brought to the sense and confession of his fault , and ordained to make his publick repentance according to the order of the Church , and to abstaine from all scandalous behaviour afterward . But if he prove obstinate , hee is conveened before the greater Presbyterie , the matter is examined , and either he promiseth to give obedience to his owne Eldership , or in case of continued obstinacie , the censures of the Church proceed against him . But if there bee a scandall of adulterie or murder , the noise and scandall whereof is far spread , and filleth all mens eares round about , the parties are brought before the greater Presbyterie , and the particular Eldership doth before prepare the parties for their appearance before the Presbyterie . The same faults which are brought before the particular or greater Presbytery in an ecclesiasticall way , are also punished by the civill magistrate , and the pecuniall mulct or penalty is given to the Deacons to bee kept in the Church treasure for the benefit of the poore , or other pious uses . Nothing useth to bee done by the lesser or greater presbytery in ordering the publicke Worship , in censuring of delinquents or bringing them to publick repentance , but according to the setled order of the Church , and with expresse or tacite consent of the congregation , and if there be any new emergents that cause doubting or haesitation , the matter is remitted to the greater assemblies of the Church . III. The Order of Excommunication . ALL baptized persons , when they come to age and discretion , are not admitted to the Lords table ; but such onely as either upon examination are found to have a competent measure of knowledge in the principles of Religion , doe professe that they are beleevers and doe live unblameably , or comming from another Congregation bring with them sufficient testimonie that they are such , or are otherwise well knowne and approved . The Minister and Elders use all meanes in private and publick to bring all others within the parish to knowledge , faith , and holinesse of life , that they may be fitted for the Lords Table . But this not admission to the Communion is one thing , and excommunication of haynous or obstinate offenders is another thing very different . In case of obstinacie and wilfull impenitencie , even when the offences are not so great and scandalous , they proceed to excommunication , but with great meeknesse , longsuffering , and by many degrees , the censure being so weighty , and they desirous to gaine the sinner to repentance . If any person walke unworthy of the Gospell , or commit any trespasse , he is ( unlesse the scandall bee publike and notorious ) admonished first secretly by one , next by two or three more . And thirdly , If he contemne both , then according to the order prescribed by our Saviour , Mat. 18. The matter is brought before the Minister and Elders where he is accused both of the trespasse and of the contempt . If he cannot yet be brought to repentance , then is the matter in some measure made knowne unto the Congregation , and hee called before the greater Presbytery ; where if he give signes of his repentance , he is remitted to satisfie his owne session . But if he persist in his obstinacie , then by the Ordinance of the Presbytery , the particular eldership is to proceed against him with the censures of the Church even to excommunication . The matter being thus heard knowne and judged , and the whole processe revised by the greater presbytery , the next Sabbath without delay , the trespasse and order of admonitions are declared to the Congregation , and the person without specification of his name , admonished yet to satisfie : Which if he still refuse to doe , the next Sabbath his name with his offence and contempt , are published , if he yet continue obstinate , then the next , which is the third Sabbath , is he charged publickly to satisfie for his offence and contempt under the paine of excommunication . If now he offer himselfe to the particular Presbyterie , then do they at the appointment of the Presbyterie , give order for his publick repentance , the removing of the scandall , and his reconcilement to the Church , otherwise the Minister proceedeth in this ord●r . The Sabbath after the third publick admonition , the Minister with consent of the Eldership , is to make knowne to the Congregation that such a person is to be excommunicated , warning all that have any thing to object against it , that they appeare the next session day : And for the present , that the whole Congregation powre forth their supplications , that God would grant him repentance , and to come out of the snare of the devill . If nothing be objected , or if none for him witnesse any appearance of repentance , then is the danger of the person , and the weight of the sentence laid open the next Sabbath , and he the second time prayed for publickly . If at last upon the next Sabbath there be no signe of repentance , then is he praied for the third time , and there being no meane unassaied , nor remedy left to reclaime him , hee is strucken with the terrible sentence of excommunication , with calling upon the Name of God to ratifie the sentence in Heaven , and the people warned to hold him as an Heathen , or a Publican , and to shun all communion with him , except in naturall and civill duties to be still performed by such as are bound . It is to bee understood , that where the crimes are such that they cry to the heavens for revenge , waste the conscience , and by the law of God deserve death , and the transgressor certainly knowne , the processe may be more summarie , & excommunication more hastned , as on the other part of absolution , the time would be longer , and the triall of repentance more exact . After excommunication , he is permitted to come to the preaching of the Word , yet so as it may appeare that he commeth as one not having communion with the Church . Neither is he debarred from private counsell , instruction , admonition , and prayer , that in end his spirit may be saved . If after excommunication the Eldership finde the signes of repentance , as the good life and behaviour of the excommunicate , declaration of the griefe of his heart , and his humble submission to the order of the Church , in all things that may reconcile him to God and his people , they shall with joy of heart make it knowne to the Congregation by the Minister , that they may also have joy over their brother repenting : or if they have ought to object against ●he ●uth of his repentance , they may give notice thereof at the next meeting of the Eldership , where if nothing be alleaged against him , after he hath obeyd the injunctions of the Eldership for his further humiliation and the better tryall of his repentance , he is either brought before the greater Presbyterie , as all other penitents for great crimes , or by relation from his owne Eldership , is to give them satisfaction in the signes of his repentance that he may be absolved . As all publick penitents are received , so is the excōmunicate absolved in the face of the congrega●ion , before whom being brought by the Elders at the time appointed , he maketh free confession of his sinne and mourneth for it , cryeth to God for mercie , seeketh to be reconciled to the Church and promiseth new obedience ; with which all being satisfied and willing to receive him into their common and mutuall consolation , the Minister who preacheth for that time pronounceth him upon his repentance to bee absolved in the Name of Christ from his sinne , and free of the censurs of the Church , and have right through faith to Christ and all his benefits and ordinances , praising God for his grace , and praying that he may be fully accepted to his favour , loosed in Heaven , and heare the voice of joy and gladnesse . After the sentence of absolution , the Minister speaketh to him as to a brother exhorting him to watch and pray , or comforting him if he have need , the Elders imbrace him , and the whole congregation keepeth communion with him as if he had never offended . As the Presbyterie excommunicateth profane professors , so doth it also depose Preachers , if they be teachers of corrupt Doctrine , if their lives continue scandalous after admonition , if they be busie in renting the Church a sunder by schisme and division ; if they be given to blasphemie , profanation of the Lords day , simonie , perjurie , drunkennesse , fighting , or any other sinne , for which , whether in respect of the greatnesse of the sinne , or by reason of the contempt and obstinacie when the sinne is not so great , private persons are excommunicated ; and although they be upon their repentance absolved from the sentence of excommunication , yet in some cases especially , where the crime inferreth a perpetuall infamie , are they never readmitted to the Ministery , except upon the unanimous and most earnest desire of the whole Church where they served before . IV. Of greater Presbyteries or Classes . THe Presbyterie or Classicall meeting doth consist of particular neighbouring Churches in such a circuite as may conveniently meet together , to the number of ten , sixteene , twentie , or so many as the vicinitie of the places , and parishes may well accommodate . It is supposed that the whole particular Elderships cannot well assemble in one place ordinarily , neither is it necessarie . There be therefore beside the Minister or Ministers of the Congregation who are supposed to be perpetuall members of the Presbyterie , some of speciall note chosen out of the Elders & by them , who receiving from them commission may represent the whole ; from each particular Eldership , one of the Elders with the Minister or Ministers repaireth to the place of meeting : so that the members of this Presbyteriall meeting are all the Ministers within the Circuit , and one Elder delegated from each particular Eldership . None of the Ministers are permitted to be absent , unlesse they be detain●d by necessarie impediments or extraordinarie imployments . And therefore the day of the meeting of the Presbyterie may not be destinate to ordinarie preaching ? Nor are they to wait that day upon solemnizing of mariages . The names are called by the Clerk , and the absents are noted and examined the next day upon the reasons of their absence ; and if any happen to absent themselves many dayes without reasonable causes , they are set apart and censured as guiltie of the contempt or neglect of the order of the Church . But the Elders are not so strictlie tied to ordinarie attendance ; but if there be any matter of great weight to be handled , they are all warned to be present : And if hee who was formerly Commissioner may not assist , another Commissioner in his place may bee chosen by the Eldership . It is permitted to the expectants having entered before upon the publick exercise or prophesie to sit by the Ministers and Elders in the meeting of the Presbyterie , and to give their judgement of the doctrine , but they have no voice when matters of doctrine or discipline are debated . And in the handling of some matters which are thought fit to be concealed and kept secret , till they be by common consent published , they use to be removed . Because the whole discipline in a manner is in the hands of the Presbyterie , they are to meet once a week or fortnight upon a certaine day , and in a certain place , but in some places , through the length and deepnesse of the way in winter , they do not meet so often . The subject and matters treated in the Presbytery are all the Ecclesiasticall matters of weight , which concern the particular Churches there represented , as the examination , ordination , suspension , and deposition of Ministers ; scandals of Ministers in doctrine , life , or any part of their calling ; the decerning of excommunication , references , and appellations from particular Elderships , and the amending of any thing that hath beene negligently or weakly done by them ; the answering also of questions and requests from other Presbyteries , Churches , or persons , or sending of Commissioners in some cases to other Churches or Presbyteries , whether to admonish or advise them , or to seek counsell from them , but so that they have no autho●ity wi●hout the limi●s of their own consociation . The Ministers and Elders who are Commissioners , together with the expectants and others who are pleased to be present , meeting in the place , and at the day and houre appointed , which useth to be one halfe houre after nine a clock in the forenoone , whereof warning is given by the sound of a bell , that so all the affaires of that day ( unlesse there be somewhat extraordinary to hold them longer ) may bee exped against mid-day , doe begin with prayer , and proceed to the textuall interpretation of Scripture , which is done by the Ministers , each one in his own place by course , or by the expectants , whose names are set forth in a table , or written in the Register of the Presbyterie for that end ; after the first speaker , some other who followeth in order , and is also appointed by the Presbyterie the day before , speaketh in the second place , collecting some doctrines one or moe upon the text expounded and shewing the use thereof . The second speaker having ended about eleven a clock , the exercise is closed with thanksgiving by him who spake first . The matter of each dayes exercise is some portion of that particular book of the Old or New Testament agreed upon in the Presbyterie : once every moneth some common place or controversie is handled , unto which the exercise giveth place for that day . The ground is read in Scripture ; the state of the question propounded , the arguments for the truth pressed and vindicated from the Sophistication of the adversaries ; but the arguments contra are left to bee proponed in the Presbyteriall meeting by such Ministers as are called by the Moderator to dispute upon the propositions , or Theses exhibit , the day of the meeting next before , by the contraversar , and are propugned by him , the Moderator being praeses of the disputation . That the Presbyterie may go thorow all the controversies , they have also a table wherein they are all digested in order , so that each minister or expectant knoweth a moneth before what is next to be treated . The exercise or common head of controversie ended in publick , the people depart , and the Ministers and Elders with others , who are permitted to bee present , goe to the private place of their meeting , where all being set in order , and the Moderator having begun with prayer , the doctrine delivered in publick is examined , and each one of the Presbyterie and expectants , either approveth , or in charity and sobernesse of spirit , propoundeth his doubt against any point spoken of , which being done , the speakers for that day are called upon ( they being apart at this time ) their interpretation and doctrine approved , and they encouraged or ( if there be cause ) they are in a brotherly manner admonished . The doctrine censured ( for this they call the censure of the doctrine . ) The matters before mentioned to be the subject of the Presbyteriall jurisdiction , are propounded , modestly debated , and either concluded , or taken to further deliberation , or remitted to the Synod , and so the meeting concluded with prayer . The Moderator either continueth in his place betweene one Provinciall Synod and another , or for a shorter time , but they think it not fit to change the Moderator at every meeting . The Presbyteries also do visit the severall Churches within their bounds , either by holding their full meetings at the Churches , or by sending their commissioners thither , that they may see how the ordinances of Christ are used and obeyed , by the Minister , Eldership , and all the congregation , and that if any thing be amisse , it may be rectified . V. Of Provinciall Synods . THe whole Kingdome is by the wisdome of the Generall assemblie , so divided in Provinces , as the Ministers and Elders may , for vicinity of place , best meet in Provinciall Synods , without respect to Episcopall Dioceses , the particular Churches whereof are so far cast a sunder in Scotland that they cannot conveniently joyne in provinciall Synods . The provinciall Synode is of the same constitution with the Presbyterie , and doth consist of all the Ministers , and one Elder having commission , as before , from each particular Church within the province . It meeteth ordinarily twice a yeare , but the place & the time of the meeting are chosen according to the conveniencie of the Churches of the province , and as the exigence of their affaires doth require . The Moderator of the former Synod , openeth the Synod with a Sermon , fit for such an assembly ; and after Sermon setting himselfe downe in his place , with the clerk of the Synod ( who for the most part is one of the Ministers chosen by plurality of voices ) beginneth with prayer , causeth the names of the Ministers to be read , who not only answer for their owne presence ( the absent being noted ) but also give up the names of the Commissioners from the severall Churches , which are written , down by the Clerk , and their commissions also read , if need be , and proceedeth to the choosing of a new moderator . The Moderator is thus chosen . A list is made by the former moderator of foure or five of the ablest men for wisdome , authority and dexterity for such an employment which is approved by the consent of the Synod . And if any member of the Synod be pleased to adde any other so qualified to the list , his name is joyned with the former , and out of this list the Moderator is chosen by the suffrages of the Ministers and Elders , and set in the place of the former Moderator . The new Moderator first of all calleth for the Registers of the severall Presbyteries , and putteth them in the hands of the Ministers of other different Presbyteries to be revised and examined , That by the Records it may bee knowne how they have kept order , and performed what hath beene recommended unto them by the preceeding Synods . And what and how matters have been treated by them at every session , that they may be censured or allowed , which upon the report of the revisers is accordingly done in the face of the Synod . If there be any references from the Synode before , they are first debated and determined , and thereafter new matters are brought into deliberation . What was obscure or difficult for the Presbyteries , or might concerne them all in common , is here resolved and ordered , what hath beene done amisse is redressed . And if any difficultie arise which doth not fall under some Church constitution , it is referred to the nationall assemblie . Before the assemblie be desolved , each Presbyterie is set a part by course and enquirie made from the rest , if there bee any knowne scandall , fault , or negligence amongst them , That it may be in a brotherly manner censured , like as upon the day of the meeting of the Presbyterie next going before the Synod ; all the members of the Presbyterie suffer the like inquirie each one a part by all the rest . As the Moderator beginneth and endeth everie session before and after noon with prayer , so doth he somewhat more solemnlie close the Synod with some pithie and pertinent exhortation , and heartie thanksgiving and praier unto God. All matters , where these Synods are ordinarily kept , are with such diligence exped That the Ministers ( none of them having above a short daies journey , and Tuesday being usually the first day of their meeting ) may return to their charge against the Lords day , having notice of the day and place of the next following Synod , and carrying with them such acts as are necessarie that they may be made known to their particular Elderships and congregations . And thanks may be given in every Congregation for the good proceedings of the Synod , and for the libertie of the Churches . These Synods are not alwaies held at one time , and therefore if there be cause , some Commissioners are sent from one Synod to another , for their judgement and advice in matters of difficultie , which is reported at the following Synod for their further resolution , and that so farre as is possible there may bee a conformitie in all things . VI. Of Nationall Synods or Generall Assemblies . THe nationall assemblie meeteth once in the yeare , and the time of the following assembly agreed upon before the rising of the former , or oftner pro re nata , concerning which some Ministers have commission and warrant from the assemblie to give timely advertisement to the Presbyteries for choosing and sending their Commissioners . This great assemblie useth to bee honoured with the Kings Majesties presence either in his royall Person , or by his High Commissioner , who doth all the parts of a Supreame Civill President . In a peaceable ordering of the whole proceedings of so frequent and holy a meeting , that all mens reasons and voices may be heard , and in acquainting himselfe with the grounds of every constitution that shall be agreed upon , that by his Princely authoritie they may be observed , and if need require the sanction of the Civill Law may be added , for which end also certaine Commissioners from the assemblie are sent to attend the Parliament . It doth Consist of Commissioners from the Presbyteries or Classes , three Ministers and one Eld●r from each Presbyterie , who are chosen by the voices of the Ministers and Elders sent from the particular Elderships , and of one Commissioner from the Church session of every royall Burgh , that there may bee some proportion and equalitie . Others also are permitted although not to voice , yet to heare , propound , and debate , provided that they first obtaine leave of the Moderator : and that it may appear to be done animo aedificandi , non tentandi . The first day of the assemblie is kept with a solemne fast and humiliation , wherein the whole Citie or Towne , which is the Seat of the assemblie , useth to joyne with powerfull preaching and earnest praiers from morning till night . The particular Churches also throughout the Kingdome , upon the daies of their publick meeting , pray to God for his direction , assistance , and blessing unto the assemblie , that they may bee led into all truth , and all the Churches be refreshed with the sweet fruits thereof . The next day the Moderator of the preceding assemblie beginneth with praier , causeth the Clerk call the Presbyteries , and take up the names of the Commissioners , Ministers , and Elders , who give in their Commissions , which being read , examined , and allowed , they proceed to the chusing of a new Moderator , keeping the same order which is set downe before in choosing the Moderator of the Provinciall Synod . The new Moderator calleth for the Records of the Synods , and by the voices of the assemblie chooseth a Committee for perusing and trying them ; a Committee for the bils , complaints , and petitions to be presented to the assemblie , and such other Committees as are ordinarie for preparing of weightie matters for the assemblie , and for cutting off idle and impertinent things , that the dispatch may be the more speedie and easie , when they shall be brought to open debate and voycing ; all references from Synods , appellations , grievances , complaints , petitions , are here examined and answered ; Acts and constitutions for all the Churches are agreed upon with common consent , and if there be any considerable contradiction , and the doubts and scruples , which are made be not satisfied , matters are remitted to further deliberation till the next assemblie ; course is taken for planting of Churches , with able Ministers , that the Gospell may be spread through the whole Nation ; Rules are set downe by which the inferiour assemblies shall bee directed in all their proceedings ; all meanes used that the Church be not wronged , neither by confounding the Civill and Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , nor by the abusing or interverting the patrimonie of the Church . The Commissioners of each Presbyterie do carrie home with them a true copie of all such acts as doe concerne all the Churches , that they may walk by one and the same rule . The Moderator giveth forth Summons signed with his own hand , and the hand of the Clerke , for citing of persons in the name of the assemblie to compare before the next meeting thereof , with certification of the censures of the Church in case of disobedience . The Conclusion . IN the authoritie of these assemblies Parochiall , Presbyteriall , Provinciall , and Nationall , and in the subordination of the lesser unto the greater , or of more particular Elderships to the larger and generall Eldership , doth consist the externall order , strength , and stedfastnesse of the Church of Scotland , which is lovely and comfortable to all fearing God , whether Pastor or professors , and hath beene very awefull and terrible , as an Armie with Banners , to all Papists , to all Hereticks , Schismaticks , Hirelings , and all ungodly persons : As upon the one part they break not the bruised reed nor quench the smoaking flax , but do cherish and labour to bring to ripenesse and use , the graine of Mustardseed in sincere beginners , and the smallest talent in Preachers having the zeale of God : So upon the other part , no scandall of proud sinners escapeth censure , no heresie or error is sooner hatched , but is either presently spied out and crushed by some of the inferiour assemblies , or , if it be kept on foot and gather strength , it is quite suppressed and extinguished in the generall assemblie which meeteth once in the year , and never suffereth such bastard births to grow to be one yeare old , which is a true and maine cause why no sects nor errours have appeared in the reformed Church of France , and in the Churches of Scotland , & of the Low-Countries , so long as they enjoyed the libertie and happinesse of assemblies , which they did no sooner by the mercie of God recover , but immediately at their brightnesse , the mists and mildewes gathered before were scattered and evanished . And as , by the order and power of these assemblies , Foxes are taken that they spoile not the Vines , and Gangrenes are prevented that they spread not against truth and unity , all sorts of lewd and wicked men are discouraged and put to shame : So is there excited among the Godly Ministers an holy emulation by acquaintance , conference , and by perceiving the gifts one of another , which maketh them returne from the assemblies , with a meane and humble conceipt of themselves , and with new and strong resolutions for greater diligence in their studies , and faithfulnesse in every Pastorall duty , to the common benefit and edification of all the Churches ; all the Ministers are made more wise in matters of Governement ; and all the Congregations are affected with reverence to what is required of them by their particular Elderships , as having the consent and approbation of the whole Church . Many such fruits are reaped of these assemblies , which without them no particular person or congregation can have any ground to hope for or expect . They have no Arch-bishops , Diocesan Bishops , Suffraganes , no Chapters , no Curats , dumbe nor idle Ministers , no hirelings , non-residents , nor pluralists , no Deanes nor Arch-Deacons , no Chanters , Sub-chanters , nor Treasurers , no Chancellors , Officials , nor Apparitors , no Canons , Peti-canons , Prebends , Singingmen nor boyes ; And yet without these and the like , they have practise and use of all the ordinances of Christ ; all matters Ecclesiasticall determined , remitting questions of tithes , mariages , divorcements , &c. to the civill Judge to whom they properlie do belong , and all petitions , complaints , and Church grievances heard and redressed , which they esteeme as the sweet yoke of Christ , and think it a great ease both to their consciences and estates to be free of such bundles and burthens of trash and superfluities . They conceive that to erect Presbyteries , Synods , and Nationall assemblies , and still to keepe Prelates and the members of that Hierarchie is , in the matter of Church government , not unlike the Popish adding of Traditions to Scripture in the rule of faith , or works unto faith in the point of justification , &c. additions to Christs institution , being not only in respect of their author humane inventions , and for any use they can have idlements , vanities , and follies ; but that they do also corrupt the purity , and eat out the life of the ordinances of Christ. Here there is a superiority without tyrannie , for no Minister hath a Papall or Monarchicall Jurisdiction over his own flock , far lesse over other Pastors , and over all the Congregations or a large Dioces . Here there is a paritie without confusion and disorder , for the Pastors are in order before the Elders , and the Elders before the Deacons ; the Church is subordinate to the Presbyterie , the Presbyterie , to the Synod , and the Synod to the Nationall assembly . One Pastor also hath priority before another , for age , for zeale , for gifts , for his good deservings of the Church , each one honouring him whom God hath honoured , and as he beareth the image of God , which was to bee seene amongst the Apostles themselves . But none hath power or jurisdiction above others : even as in nature one eye hath not power over another , only the head hath power over all , even as Christ over his Church . The same may bee seene in the Common-wealth , and in some of the offices of the Roman Church it selfe . And lastly , here there is a subjection without slaverie , for the people are subject to the Pastors and Assemblies , yet there is no Assemblie wherein everie particular Church hath not interest and power ; nor is there any thing done , but they are , if not actually , yet virtually called to consent unto it . As they have done and suffered much for vindicating and maintaining the libertie of their Religion , that what belongeth unto God may be rendred unto God ; So do they desire , that according to the rule of righteousnesse , each man have his owne , and above all men , That the things which are Caesars be rendred unto him , and to give him that which is Gods were a wronging both of God and Caesar. They have ever beene willing to taxes and to pay subsidies above that w ch they were able . They joyne w th the inward reverence of their hearts , externall honour and obedience in all things lawfull . They powre forth their prayers to God in private and publick , for all blessings spirituall and temporall upon his Royall Person and Government , and upon his Progenie ; and for the same blessings upon the Queenes Majestie , especially that God by his Spirit would give unto her the knowledge and love of the truth . They long for her conversion as an happinesse to her selfe , and a meane of great happinesse to the King , to their Children , and to all their Subjects . And , that the Lord may answer their praiers , they think it incumbent to the Church of England , nor can any bond whatsoever oblige them to the contrarie , to use the best and most powerfull meanes , and would most willingly in all humilitie , love and respect , joyne their endeavours for that blessed end . And as they thus present their best desires and prayers , so are they readie to sacrifice their lives to God for his Majesties good , and in their hearts are grieved that their loyaltie , which they account their no small glorie , should have beene called in question . Neither is this all . But moreover they doe acknowledge that his Majestie , as supreame Magistrate , hath not onely charge over the Common-wealth , but doth watch and hath inspection over the Church and Church matters , but in a civill way . Vos Episcopi in Ecclesia ( saith Constantine ) Ego extra Ecclesiam Episcopus à Deo constitutus sum . And therefore that he is , by his high calling and place , Custos utriusque tabulae , to command the precepts of the first table as well as of the second table to bee obeyed : That he is Vindex Religionis by his sword , as the Spirit of God in Scripture is Iudex , and the Church is Index : That hee hath power to turn the constitutions of the Church into lawes , and to confirme them by the civill sanction in Parliament : That he may constraine all his subjects to do dutie in matters of religion , and may punish the transgressors : That when debates arise about Religion , hee hath power to call the Assemblies of the Church , to be present and civilly preside in them , and to examine their constitutions , that he may discerne of them both as a Christian caring for his own soule , and as supreame Magistrate watching over his people : and that he may do all things which can prove him to be a kinde and carefull nursing Father . They account all that is vomited out to the contrarie , [ as , that they liked Anarchie better then Monarchie , and that they would turne a Kingdome into a democratie , ] to be but the fictions and calumnies of the malitious enemies of God and his truth ; not unlike the lies which were devised against the Christians of old : their consciences , their words , writings , and actions , even then when the world did put the worst constructions upon them , were witnesses of the integritie of their hearts . They doe still hold that there can bee no antipathy betwixt one ordinance of God and another . By him Princes do reigne , and hee hath also appointed the Officers and Government of his own house . They do desire nothing more then that the Sonne of God may reigne , and that with and under the Sonne of God , the King may command , and they , as good subjects to Christ and the King , may obey . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43314-e80 Sed quum omnia ratione animoque lustraris , omnium societatum nulla est gravior , nulla carior , quum ea quae cum Repub. unicuique nostrum est . Cari sunt Parentes , Cari liberi , propinqui , familiares ; sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est , pro qua quis dubitet mortem oppetere , si ei sit profuturus ? quo est detestabilior istorum immanitas qui lacerarunt omni scelere patriam & in ea funditus delenda occupati sunt & fuerunt , Cicer. Offi. l. 1. Nec multo post illi quoque qui insulam Hii incolebant Monachi Scoticae Nationis , cum bis quae sibi subdita erant monasteriis , ad ritum paschae , & tonsurae Canonicum , domino procurante , perducti sunt &c. And afterward , Quod mira divinae factum constat dispensatione pietatis , ut quoniam Gens illa qua noverat scientiam divinae cognitionis , libenter ac sine invidia , populo Anglorum communicare curavit , ipsa quoque postmodum per Gentem Anglorum , in eis quam minus habuerat , ad perfectam vivendi norman perveniret . Beda eccles . hist. gentis Angl. l. 5. c. 23. 
A42357	----	Protesters no subverters, and presbyterie no papacie; or, A vindication of the protesting brethren, and of the government of the kirk of Scotland from the aspersions unjustly cast upon them, in a late pamphlet of some of the resolution-party, entituled, A declaration, &c. With a discovery of the insufficiency, inequality and iniquity of the things propounded in that pamphlet, as overtures of union and peace. Especially, of the iniquity of that absolute and unlimited submission to the sentences of church-judicatories that is holden forth therein, and most unjustly pleaded to belong to the being and essence of presbyterial government. By some witnesses to the way of the protestation. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A42357 of text R221886 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing G2264). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 197 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 63 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A42357 Wing G2264 ESTC R221886 99833131 99833131 37606 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42357) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37606) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2171:03) Protesters no subverters, and presbyterie no papacie; or, A vindication of the protesting brethren, and of the government of the kirk of Scotland from the aspersions unjustly cast upon them, in a late pamphlet of some of the resolution-party, entituled, A declaration, &c. With a discovery of the insufficiency, inequality and iniquity of the things propounded in that pamphlet, as overtures of union and peace. Especially, of the iniquity of that absolute and unlimited submission to the sentences of church-judicatories that is holden forth therein, and most unjustly pleaded to belong to the being and essence of presbyterial government. By some witnesses to the way of the protestation. Guthrie, James, 1612?-1661, attributed name. 119, [1] p. [s.n.], Edinburgh : printed anno Domini, 1658. Attributed by Wing to James Guthrie; the "witnesses to the way of the protestation" are not identified. The "Declaration" referred to in the title has not been traced. "Postscript" begins on p. 119. Copy has damaged final page, with missing text and numeration. Reproduction of the original in Dr. Williams' Library, London, England. eng Church of Scotland -- Government -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. A42357 R221886 (Wing G2264). civilwar no Protesters no subverters, and presbyterie no papacie; or, A vindication of the protesting brethren, and of the government of the kirk of Sco [no entry] 1658 37452 300 15 0 0 1 0 87 D The rate of 87 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PROTESTERS no Subverters , AND Presbyterie no Papacie ; OR , A VINDICATION of the Protesting Brethren , and of the Government of the Kirk of Scotland , from the Aspersions unjustly cast upon them , in a late Pamphlet of some of the Resolution-party , Entituled , A DECLARATION , &c. With a Discovery of the insufficiency , inequality and iniquity of the Things propounded in that Pamphlet , as Overtures of Union and Peace . Especially , Of the iniquity of that absolute and unlimited submission to the Sentences of Church-Judicatories that is holden forth therein , and most unjustly pleaded to belong to the Being and Essence of Presbyterial Government . To the Law and to the Testimony , Isa. 8. 20. We can do nothing against the Truth , but for the Truth , 2 Cor. 13. 8. By some Witnesses to the way of the Protestation . EDINBURGH , Printed Anno Domini , 1658. Protesters no Subverters , AND Presbyterie no Papacie : OR , A Vindication of the Protesting Brethren , and of the Government of the Kirk of Scotland , &c. THough the Brethren for the Protestation are not unsensible of the manifold injuries done unto them by a Pamphlet , bearing the title ( but little more ) of A true Representation of the rise , progresse and state of the present Divisions of the Church of Scotland , And diligently spread at home and abroad , and industriously put into the hands of publick persons in both Nations , for making them take up such thoughts , and entertain such impressions of these Brethren and their principles and cause , as are with more animosity than candor or truth represented therein ; Yet hath ( as we conceive ) the conscience of their own innocency , and the testimony which they have therof in the hearts of most of the Godly in the Land , with the small delight they have to spend their spirits , and their time , and to trouble the world with a frequent reiterating and multiplying of Answers to groundlesse and unjust imputations , perswaded them hithertills to be silent , and to rest satisfied with what was by them formerly published in the defence of their cause and persons . Neither would we have any to wonder that they do not return an Answer to that Paper , lately published , bearing title , A Declaration of the Brethren , who are for the established Government and Judicatories of this Kirk , expressing their earnest desires of Union and Peace with their dissenting Brethren ; Though we do not ( as the authors of this Paper , in order to the Publickresolution party ) take upon us to speak in their name , Yet may we , as not being altogether strangers to their mind in these matters , say , that they are silent also at this Paper , 1. because , though it do in some part of the Title and Contents thereof professe for , and pretend unto peace ; Yet , is it upon the matter , and for the body of it , but crambe recocta with the former , a bundle of the same calumnies where with the former was fraughted , a little more closely knit , and published to the world in a nevv dresse and set off with a profession and pretext of desires to union and peace ; And why should so many put themselves to the pains to assemble together for answering things that have been often answered already ; And , is not indeed an overture of peace , but in effect a heap of bitter invectives and reproaches . If the authors of it had not set the words of Union and Peace in the frontispiece of it , we doubt that ever any should have owned it , or known it by that name ; for , it doth every-where breath discord and war : that we may truly say with the Prophet Micah , ch. 3. 5. whilest they cry , Peace , peace , they bite with their teeth : and with the Psalmist , Psal. 55. 21. that whilest the words of their mouth are smoother then butter , yet wa●… is in their heart , that whilest ( some of ) their words are soft as oyl , yet most of them are like drawn swords ; or , if there were any real inclinations to peace upon the spirits of the authors of this Paper , we may fitly compare them to the first Painters in some Countries of old , whose draughts were so rude , that unlesse they had written above the head thereof , This is a Horse ; This is an Oxe , &c. the beholders would never have discovered their aim therein . Or , we may say of them , as Georgius major writeth of the fathers of Berge , who were authors of the book , called Formula concordiae Bergensis , Aut mens Vulcanum , aut forceps indocta fefellit , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} voluit cudere cudit {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . The Smith's unskilfull mind , or tongs , have , sure , deceiv'd him far ; When as he would have forg'd a Peace , he hammereth out a War . Union and peace , when stated upon the right basis , and carried-on by lawfull means , and in order to right ends , are things precious and excellent ; How seasonable , and strengthning , and refreshing a blessing would such an union be unto the Church of Scotland in this day of her trial ? Would God that these Resolution-Brethren , who do in this Paper testifie so highly of themselves , as to their making consci●…nce to lament our divisions before the Lord , and of afflicting their souls because of them , and for the sins procuring the same , and of their peaceable disposition and patience to bear , and readines●…e to forgive injuries , had been so happy therein as to tread the paths of peace , and to speak the words of sobernesse and truth , we are hopefull it had found answerable entertainment from their Brethren for the Protestation , who , from no disrespect to them , but from the conscience of their duty and zeal of the Lord's Cause , have in some things witnessed against their way ; but when they do thus use them , or rather abuse them , as seeming to speak them for union and peace , and yet not only hold fast most of what hath been the ground of their grievance and complaint , but operously labour and industriously endeavour by a congestion of groundlesse alleagences and grosse misrepresentations of matters of fact , with ill-knit consequences deduced therefrom , and from some other things true and honest in themselves , to prove them , and proclaim them to the world to be a party of ambitious , turbulent , subdolous men , who have been all this while affecting domination in the Church , and designedly projecting the subversion and overthrow of its Government ; yea , that their leading men have of late attempted the utter ruin of this Church , and of those who differ from them . We hope that no man of an impartial judgment will think that the protesting Brethren can otherwise entertain such a treaty of union and peace , that is the eslux of so bitter and unpeaceable a spirit , than with deep silence and just contempt , unlesse they would betray their own innocency , and the justnesse of the cause which they do maintain , by treating a Peace upon such perswasives and foundations , as do all-along heighten division and build up war . 2. Though this Paper , bearing the name of A Declaration of the Brethren who are for the established Government and Judicatories of the Church , And so seem to lay claim to all the publick resolution party , as its father ; Yet is it a thing very doubtfull whose it is , or who do own it : certain it is that it did not proceed from any Church-authority , but from some persons in an extrajudicial capacity : whether these were intrusted by their Brethren in the several parts of the Land for that effect , themselves best know . In the mean while they must give us leave to tell what we know , that sundry of their Brethren in several parts of the Country do professe themselves strangers to the contrivement of it , and dis●…atis ed therewith , some upon one accompt and some u●…on another ; And that a good while after it was published and going abroad in print , as the Declaration of all that party , many of them in sev●…rall parts of the Country were inquiring ▪ What is it ? and , what saith it ? The truth is , a Juncto of some few , who use to meet at E●…inburgh ▪ do in these things what they judge convenient ; and that they may not seem to take too much upon them , they would make the world believe that all of their party do it , whilest it is evident enough ( many of that party being witnesses ) that most of them are not privi●… to it ▪ and many of them are diss●…tisfied with it , A thing hardly tolerable in a publick Declaration , that pretendeth to speak the mind and judgment of the whole , and that in matters of such concernment and contradiction : And we have the more reason to take notice of this , because though after the publ●…shing of that Declaration it was con●…idently given out by some of the publick resolution Brethren , and generally expected by these of the other judgment , that it should have been owned by the Kirk-Judicatories of that judgment , and tendred by them to the protesting Brethren in a judiciall way , as containing fit means of union and peace ; Yet cannot we hear that the Presbyteries or Synods of that way have owned it , or approven thereof ; yea , sundry Synods being by men of the other judgement put to it , to declare themselves whether they would own it or not , did refuse ( some of them ) to declare themselves therein , till the other Brethren should first declare themselves satisfied therewith : which was in effect but to seek a shadow of some tolerable diversion , thereby to wave the determination of the question , upon which they would probably have divided in their votes ; and others of them would not do so much as to take the desire in consideration : How then can the protesting Brethren own it as a Declaration of the other party , or return any Answer to it upon that accompt , as long as it is not able to fetch its descent but from a few private persons ( whose names also we are left to guesse at ) and is not only not owned by their Judicatories , but by some not acknowledged , and spoke against by other Brethren of that party . These and such like considerations do sufficiently justifie the protesting party as to their sorbearing any common Answer to that unsavoury Paper ; Yet seing not a few of the other side do please themselves in the criminations contained therein , as unanswerable , and in the proposals of peace which it doth hold forth as very equal and reasonable , whereby they heighten themselves in their own way , and in groundlesse prejudices against others , and endeavour to stumble such as are weak , We trust that it shall be service not unacceptable to God , nor unpleasant to the protesting Brethren , nor unprofitable to those of the resolution-way , nor unedifying to the Church and People of God , if we shall give an Answer to that Paper , not tracing it word by word , or line by line , but first by clearing innocent men and a good cause , of these groundless prejudices that seem to be deeply rooted upon the spirits of the authors and owners of that Paper , and are therein blazed abroad to the world against their Brethren . 2. By discovering the insufficiency , and inequality and iniquity of the proposals of peace that are made therein , that ( if the Lord so will ) these miserable mistakes being removed , they may see things as they are , and attaining some right understanding thereof , may be brought to allay their passions and cease from their persecutions , and to redintigrate their affection to their Brethren , and to proffer unto them such tearms of union and peace as do beseem the men of God , who do indeed deny themselves , and seek not their own glory , but the glory of Him who sent them : or , if they will not see nor hearken , yet we may , according to our measure , bear record unto truth and innocency ; And let unbyas●…ed persons know that the protesting Brethren are not men of that spirit and character whom that Paper pointeth forth . Besides the inducements already mentioned , there is one particular that hath in a special way prevailed on us to take notice of that Paper , to wit , that the authors thereof , and of the late Representation , do not only continue to plead for that absolute and unlimited submission to the sentences of the Church-Judicatories that was required by the resolution Brethren in the conference at Edinburgh , Novemb. 1655. but carry it so high as to assert it to be of the very es●…ence and being of presbyterial Government , by which instead of the sweet and gentle yoke of Jesus Christ in that Ordinance , as it is delivered unto us in His Word , they have laboured ( we fear ) to introduce into the House of God a Kirk-government that is too nigh of kin to that which is popish , prelatical and tyrannical . There could not have been a more unhappy assertion concerning the Government of the Kirk fallen upon and published in these times , not only in order to the peace by them pretended , it being sadly suspicious that there is no good intention under the o●…fer , when the stronger party doth so much presse the absolute submission of the weaker to all their sentences whatsoever , whether jus●… or unjust ; But also , it being more than probable that men of a prelatical spirit will take hold thereof , and presse it on as subservient to the re-introducing of their way ; and that those of the congregational and independant judgment will make use of it for rendring presbyterial Government hatefull and odious , and bringing it in suspicion and jealousie with the godly : And whether some of the resolution party who do retain their old love to the prelatical way , or others of them , who ( if good testimon●… ma●… be credited ) did since the beginning of these differences professe their dislike of the subordination of Kirk ▪ Judicatories , and their respect to the congregational way , have for their own ends had hand in this thing , we leave it to wise men to consider . But now to proceed in our work . The first and great prejudice which that Paper , and , as it seemeth , these Brethren's spirits are filled with against the Brethren for the Protesta●…ion , is , That they do not only dissent from , but also have it in their thought and design , to subvert and destroy the established Government of the Church of Scotland by Presbyteries and Synods , and that their practices do manif●…stly t●…nd ther●…unto . The title and frontispiece of their Paper bear●…th them to be the Brethren who are for the established Government of the Kirk of Scotland , And the other to be the dissenting Brethren : which circumscriptions of the two parties in one sentence , without terminating their dissent to any thing else , is obviously liable to this construction , That they do dissent from that Government . In the beginning of the fifth page , they say , They did easily foresee that their way did manifestly tend to the overturning of the established Church-Government , and a little downward in the same page , That soon after , and constantly to this day by their irregular practices , contrary to all order , they have bewrayed their small respect to the established Government ; and toward the close of that s●…ction ▪ that they expresly refused subordination and ●…ubmission to the Iudicatories of the Kirk , a principle inconsistent with presbyterial Government in a constituted Church . And having in the next page reckoned over some practices and proposals of the protesting Brethren , they do thus conclude o●… them , These projects ( say they ) we look upon as s●…tting up in esfect a new 〈◊〉 Iurisdiction , and a Plant which is not of Gods planting , and not only suspending the established Church-Government 〈◊〉 die , but totally subverting it to make way for the projecters their domination in the Church and over their Brethren . When we read and repeat these things , we cannot but bemoan the blindnesse and weaknesse of the sons of men as they are now cloathed with corruption and a body of death . Our Brethrens great quarr●…l and plea , they professe to be from their zeal to maintain the Government of the House of God , which to their apprehensions the other would subvert and destroy . And if the protesting Brethren were to give an accompt of the grounds of their dissatisfaction with them in the proceedings , wherein they have been forced to differ from them , and to testifie against them , or of these courses and practices which they call irregular , and altogether disorderly and destructive to the Government , We trust they can in the simplicity of their souls say , That next unto the great End for which Government was appointed by Jesus Christ in His House , to wit , the edifying and building of His Body in those things that pertain to life and godlinesse , the fear of the resolution Brethren their ruining of the Government of the Kirk of Scotland , and other the precious Ordinances of God , and the work of R●…formation , by departing from the purity , and genuine and primitive principles thereof , and neglecting to improve the same to the ends for which they were appointed of God , and abusing them oftentimes to contrary ends , together with a de●…ire to preserve these things unto edification , hath been and is the thing that most prevaileth upon them in all these m●…tters ; And what a sad thing is it that both having the confidence to say that they are one in their end , and do design the same thing , that yet the one of them should so far mistake their own way , as to choo●…e means destructive to ●…heir own ends ; or , which is worse , that they should dissemble and mock God , and abuse the world with making profession of one thing , whil●…st the contrary is designed in their hearts , and act●…d by their hands . But how shall we perswade the resolution Brethr●…n that the other do not dissent in the matter of Church-government , but do own Presbyteries and Synods as an Ordinance of Jesus Christ , and as the Government appointed by Him who is faithfull over all the House of God as a Son ? For , to say that they do professe for it , and preach for it , and plead and print for it , and that they own and acknowledge themselves members of Presbyteries and Synods , and give obedience unto , and put in execution their just Sentences ; and that they do not professe , nor preach , nor print , nor plead , nor act for , nor subject themselves unto any other Church-government : Though these things be clear and evident , and such as have been confirmed by the constant tenor of their way now for many years , and is well known in all these three Nations ; Yet haply it shall not ransom them in this point from the bondage of their Brethrens jealousie : Shall they then open their hearts unto them , and take God , who knoweth them , to record , upon their souls , that so far as they have obtained mercy to know themselves and their own judgement , in that which concerneth Church-government , they do judge Presbyterial Government , as it is holden forth in the second Book of Discipline , and in the Acts of uncontroverted Assemblies of this Church , and sworn to in the National Covenant , and Solemn League and Covenant , to be founded upon , and agreeable unto the Word o●… God , and the only Government warranted and appointed of God , by which He would have His House to be ruled under the New Testament , and hath no thought nor design of subverting or destroying the same , or introducing any other into the House of God , but conceive themselves bound both by vertue of the Institution and Commandment of God , and by vertue of the solemn Oath of both Covenants , and many tyes besides , to endeavour the preservation thereof in its purity and power unto the end of their lives , and that it may be continued in the House of God amongst their posterity and the generations that are to come ; If after all this our Brethren will not believe , we know not what they can do , or what they are bound to do more to perswade them ; but all this they have done already , and must therefore possesse their souls in patience , and commit the cause unto God who knoweth their hearts and all the thoughts thereof afar off . These things do haply prevail so far upon the apprehensions and thoughts of some , at least , of these Brethren , as to make them allow the protesting Brethren more charity than to think that they have changed their judgements concerning the Government , or , that they do entertain formal and direct intentions , and a stated design to subvert and destroy the same : We know that they have alwayes had that candid construction in the hearts of some of them , though they have just cause to complain of others , that no professions , nor protestations nor actions of theirs , could since our late differences , gain so much credit with them as to vindicate them from some s●…ated design against the Government ; Or , if they have a testimony in their consciences to the contrary , yet they have judged it wisdom , and for the advantage of their cause , and weakning of their Brethren , by presenting them in such a figure , to endeavour to make the Nation and the World believe that it is otherwayes ; though we know nothing that they have gained thereby , unlesse it be to make themselves at last to believe what they would have had others to believe , and so in the end to make them run quite away from their old friends , as men to be scarred at : like children really afrighting themselves with the things which they devised to afright others . But let us come to that upon which they lay the stresse and weight of all these harsh constructions , to wit , their actings and irregular practices ( as they are pleased to call them ) being such as in their opinion are contrary to all order , and do clearly tend to the subversion of the Government . Of these they do reckon a great many , in their Representation published at London , which ( as to that head ( which yet taketh up a great part of that Book ) is so fraughted with groundlesse alleagances and grosse mis-representations ( we shall abstain from our Brethrens word of foul slanders ) of matters of fact ( some of them feigned , and others reported with all the distortion that a prejudiced mind can reach ) that we do profess though proportionable and correspondent assertions and carriages in their Agent and his industrious spreading of it , did make us conceive that it might be his , yet untill now that they have owned it in a publick Declaration , we could hardly be perswaded that it was theirs . But we shall leave th●… full answering of these things to its proper place , and shall now only speak to those particulars tha●… are shortly repeated in their Declaration . And i●… the entry , do desire our Brethren seriously to consider , whether they have done well by their departing from their former principles in order to the Malignant party , and hugging them in their arms , and bringing them into the Judicatories of State and Kirk , against a publick solemn Vow and Engagement , sworn by the whole Land to the Lord to the contrary ; and by abusing the Government , and turning the edge both of Doctrine and of Discipline from off them , and against their Brethren and many of the Godly in the Nation , to tempt them to cast at the Government , and to fall upon means of defence that haply might have been prejudicial thereunto , We do professe we do judge it a special mercy to this whole Church , that these things have not prevailed upon the protesting Brethren , to the designing and doing of that really wherewith they are unjustly charged ; and if God had not instructed them with a strong hand to the contrary , who knows but corruption meeting with great provocations and strong temptations , might have turned them aside to such unhappy purposes . It shall be our Brethrens wisdom , if they desire to preserve the Government , to improve it to edification , and for the comfort and encouraging of the Godly , and purging of the House of God , otherwise all their professing and pleading , and appearing for it will do but little to commend it to men's consciences ; and if it have not a root there , it is not like long to subsist in outward professions . The first particular is ( as they call it ) The declining the Authority of the supream Church-Iudicatories of this Nation once and again ; They mean the Protestations against the two late pretended Assemblies at S. Andrews , and Dundee , and Edinburgh , in both which the Government of the Church by Presbyteries and Synods , National and Provincial is clearly asserted , and an honourable testimony given thereunto by the protesting Brethren , with distinct and full profession of their purpose and resolution to adhere thereunto ; Nor is there in ●…ny of these Protestations , nor in any thing of theirs that hath been w●…itten or published in defence thereof , one tittle that strikes against any thing that relateth to the intrinsecal constitution and being of the Government of the Kirk of Scotland , but all the reasons of the Protestations against those meetings , are upon the undue qualifications of , and prelimitations made by persons assuming the exercise of Government , with such other things as are altogether extrinseck to the Government it self : they have learned to distinguish betwixt the Government of the Church , and the male-administrations and Corruptions of the Church-Governors ; and not to condemn the one when they are necessarily called to give a testimony against the other ; Yea , the duty and care they owe to the preservation of the Government constraineth them to testifie against the abusing and cortupting of it : So did our fathers of old , whose Protestations against corrupt National Church Assemblies are upon record to this day , and so far have they been by men of sound judgments , from being judged because thereof to be against the Government , that they are honoured amongst the greatest patrons and preservers thereof . The protesting Brethren do not acknowledge these two Meetings to be any of the supream Church-Judicatories in this Nation , nor to have any Authority belonging unto them , but look upon them as unfree and corrupt Assemblies ( for the reasons long ago published to the world ) that have not upon them the stamp of any of the Courts of Jesus Christ ; neither do they think that testifying against the corruptions of many of these that are now in the exercise of the Government of the Church , is to dissent from , or to do injury to the Government it self ; And we cannot but say , whatever be our Brethren's intentions in studying some way to wrap up the Authority of these two Meetings , and of that part of the Ministerial Church which is of their judgment , as it were , in the very being of the Government ( for this they seem to hint , though it be not directly spoke in that word of the established Government and Iudicatories of this Kirk , which they set in the frontispiece , and carry along in their Paper ) as if the Government could not be owned nor subsist , the Authority of these two Meetings being denied , and the corruptions of men discovered and acknowledged ; We say , whatsoever they do herein to please themselves , and to amuse the ignorant , yet the protesting Brethren do not so judge , and the other by doing , so make moe adversaries to the ●…overnment than there is just cause . ●…he second particular which they alleage , is , Their planting of Congregations in a tumultuous and disorderly way , without respect to the Iudicatories of the Kirk , or to the just interest of the People of the Congregation , and counteracting to the resolutions and determinations of the Iudicatories when any of them are pleased to be dissatisfied therewith . To carry on the great things of God that do concern the Kingdom of His Son Jesus Christ , and the eternal state of souls in a tumultuous and disorderly way , though there were no more , were a fault great enough ; but to do it upon no better foundations than meer pleasure , and for no better ends , but for serving of our own lusts , were a very grievous and hatefull sin : But let us see what cause there is ●…or this great charge ; The resolution Brethren did by those Resolutions of theirs , taken in an occasional meeting of the Commissioners of the General Assembly ( many of that number receiving either no advertisement , or else such as was out of time to keep the meeting in the year , 1651. ) give their judgment and advice unto the State , concerning the capacity of the Malignant-party ( who were before that time excluded from all Publick Trust in the Army , and in the Judicatories Civil and Ecclesiastick , and debarred from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , and from having hand in the Election of Ministers ) in order to Civil Trust , and the matter being generally much stumbled at by the Godly in the Land , they did a little thereaf●…er , whether for the allaying of that offence , or 〈◊〉 considerations best known to themselves , sudd●…nly , and contrary to Acts made by themselves , receive them to a shadow of publick repentance , or , to a mock-repentance ; We may justly and with grief of heart call it so , because God was thereby mocked , and sin and wrath increased ; and though these Brethren may deny it , and love not to hear it , yet not only the Godly , but the Body of the Land are witnesses , and do bear record of it ; yea , that party themselves are witnesses , and do make it the matter of their sporting to this day , by this semblance of repentance they were made capable of all Church-priviledges , and put in equal footing for calling of Ministers , and ruling in Congregations , with men of a blamelesse and christian conversation , and of known integrity and good affection to the work of Reformation ; And when the diet of the General Assembly came , having first done what they could for incapacitating all Brethren of differing judgment from these Resolutions , to sit in the Assembly , by citing them to the Assembly as guilty persons , and excluding them from being elected Commissioners , where they could have power , they did not only ratifie these Resolutions , with all the proceedings of those Commissioners ( who were authors thereof ) relating thereunto , but did also make Acts , appointing and ordaining Censures against all persons in this Church , whether Ministers or Professors , that did not acknowledge the Authority , and submit to the Acts and Constitutions of that Assembly concerning those Resolutions , and barring all such Expectants from entrance to the Ministery as should not acknowledge that Authority , and submit to those Constitutions ; And in their Assembly of the next yeat at Edinburgh , do provide and ordain Presbyteries to take special care , that upon the calling of any Expectant to a particular charge of the Ministery , before they admit him to his tryals , they require him under his hand to passe from the Protestations and Declinators against this and the preceding General Assemblie , if he hath been accessory to the same ; And to promise and give assurance that he shal abstain fro●… holding up debates and controversies about matters of differences in this Kirk since the Assembly , 1650. in preaching , writing , or otherwise ; upon the performance whereof , the Presbytery shall proceed to his trials ; If not , in that case the Presbyterie shall forbear to proceed , untill the next General Assembly ; leaving liberty to the Presbytery or Congregation for planting of the place otherwise : And , that Presbyteries shall require the same things fore-mentioned of every ruling Elder that cometh to sit and act in Presbyteries ; and , in case of his refusal , not admit him to act as an Elder in the Presbytery , but require the Kirk-Session from which he is sent to make choice of , and send another , who , for the peace of the Church , shall agree to perform the conditions required . By these proceedings and practices , the most unjust and irregular that we have known in this Church since we did begin to look at Reformation , in the year , 1638. and which were indeed the great cause of the distempers and distractions that have since followed , malignant and disaffected men in Congregations and Presbyteries have got up the head , and having the advantage of the Acts , already mentioned , they do make a bar thereof to shut the door against the calling of able and godly men to the work of the Ministery , who cannot bring their consciences in bondage to these things ; And do labour every-where almost , to thrust-in others according to their own heart , notwithstanding of the dislike and dissent of many of the godly and well-affected , who are best able to judge ; or , if any such happen to be called , a stop is put to their trials and admission upon the same accompt ; or , if admitted , and received by the Presbytery , then refused to be acknowledged Ministers by the Synod ; And the intrudings of others upon their charges , allowed and confirmed . If in the midst of all these difficulties and straits , whereby they that love the Gospel are barred from the precious sood of th●…ir souls , and have men thrust upon them who know not how to speak a word in season to a weary soul , nor to divide the Word aright , but do make glad the hearts of those whom God hath not made glad ; and make sad the hearts of those whom God hath not made sad : what wonder were it though the gaining or preserving of that which is more excellent and necessary , and for avoiding of a greater evil , should sometimes and in some cases , perswade unto a sinless preterition of some things , otherwise fit to be observed in the course of formality and order ; though yet the protesting Brethren have been tender even of these things , and have made conscience , as to do nothing evil and sinfull in it self , so to do nothing from contempt or disrespect to the least point of order ; yea , they have been carefull to keep within the bounds , warranted and allowed unto them of God ; And , if it be fit to compare , we may truly say , that for all the noise our Brethren make against them , for the violation of order , and taking irregular courses , they have been more carefull then themselves have been , and that they have more just and weighty grievance against them , even upon this accompt , than they have against the protesting Brethren : Have not these Brethren , some of them , intruded both upon the people and charges of other able and godly Ministers already setled ? Have not others of them , being the smaller part , and sometimes a very small part of the Presbytery , separated and withdrawn themselves from the body and greater part thereof , because they were of the other judgment ? Have they not counteracted and been instrumentall to cause people in Congregations counteract to the Determinations and Sentences of their own Presbyteries and Synods ? Have they not in Synods violently taken things out of the hands of the Presbytery , when there was neither reference , nor appeal , nor male-administration ? Have they not refused to acknowledge Ministers for members of the Synod , or to suffer them to sit & vote among them , though called by the whole Congregation , and duly tryed and admitted by the Presbytery ? Have not some of their Synods taken upon them the power of a Gen. Assembly ? and other things of that kind which were tedious to collect and enumerate . They that teach others , would teach them own selves . And if they would have their Brethren to abhor Idols , they would not commit sacriledge . If they say , that there is a difference upon the matter betwixt that which is done by them , and done by the other : take the matter simply and without respect to their numbers , and we believe the protesting Brethren will be content to stand or fall by it : and if it be the plurality of the number only , we cannot accompt that , ●…specially in a time of corruption , a sufficient plea either for condemning the one , or justifying the other . The third thing wherewith they labour to make out the designs and endeavours of the protesting Brethren to subvert the Government , is , as they are pleased to expresse it in the fourth page of their Declaration , That they have cast many and foul reproaches upon them at home and abroad , both by word and writ , that so they might make them hatefull , and purchase credit and power to their own party , whereby also they have endeavoured to render this National Church odious in the view of the world , and exposed her to be a laughing-stock to all her enemies , and furnished them with weapons ( if ( say they ) their foul slanders deserve to have credit ) whereby to fight against her , and justifie their opposition to her , when her own children bear such witnesse against her . And as they expresse it in the fifth page of that Paper , their branding Church-Officers and inferiour Iudicatories , as generally corrupt , that so all of them might be cast loose , or at least moulded to their mind . If our Lord and Master Jesus Christ had not forewarned us herein , we should have wondred that the Brethren for the publick Resolutions should see a mote in their neighbours eye , and not consider the beam in their own eye : Hath it not been their work at home and abroad , in private and publick , in print and writ , to cast foul reproaches and slanders upon the protesting Brethren ? That one scurril pamphlet , published under the name of Uldericus Veridicus , ( which had been better stiled Falsidicus ) may testifie of what spirit some of our Brethren are , who knowing that the tongue of the poor man the Author thereof would be no slander at home , ( so small was his credit in this Church when he lived ) that now after his death they have sent his crazie discourses abroad in a Latin dresse , to gain credit to their cause amongst strangers in the Reformed Churches , and make the world believe the Protesters are men fanatick and abominable , like Thomas Munster or Iohn of Leyden : But would any be at the pains to turn it into the Scotish tongue , it should not only prove a sufficient resutation of the manifold lyes and calumnies therein contained , but open the eyes of many , that they might perceive by what pillars that cause is supported ▪ But it doth most grieve us that the Name of the Lord is so often taken in vain , by our Brethren's filling their preachings and prayers in the pulpit with such stuffe as goeth abroad in others of their pamphlets ; whether it be for scarscity of other purpose , or from the abundance of that humour predomining in their breasts , we shall not determine ; but sure we are , that thereby not only many hungry souls are disappointed of their food , but those Ordinances are rendred irksome even to many hearers of their own judgment , and the 〈◊〉 sort are furnished with a common theam for the tavern . But to leave this , and answer that which is charged upon the Protesters . Our Brethren ( as we conceive ) do by these reproaches and slanders , and brandings , mean a Paper of the protesting Brethren , which holdeth forth the evidences of the growing defection in the Land , with another Paper that holdeth forth a corrupt party amongst the Ministery since the dayes of the Prelates , who , by the late publick Resolutions for bringing-in of the Malignant party , have got up the head , and carry the vote and sway in many the Judicatories of the Kirk ; with some 〈◊〉 Papers and Conferences of that kind , 〈◊〉 these Brethren have been necessarily drawn in 〈◊〉 own defence : Concerning which we say , 〈◊〉 That if these things be indeed slanders and false 〈◊〉 themselves , and have been coined and vented 〈◊〉 the protesting Brethren for the ends alleaged , 〈◊〉 ly they are great transgressors , and wretched 〈◊〉 whom the resolution Brethren have at a 〈◊〉 advantage , and if they can but a little wait 〈◊〉 possesse their souls with patience , God will 〈◊〉 their innocency , and discover the others malice against them ▪ and their treachery against His Cause ▪ But , secondly , if these things be no inventions 〈◊〉 theirs , but have real and sad truth in the bottom and have been vented by them , not out of malice against the persons , nor for rendring the Church odious , or subverting the Government , or any such sinistrous ends as these , but that , according to the Commandment of God , they may plead with their Mother , Hos. 2. 2. that free and faithfull warning being given of her backsliding revolting condition , the sin might be repented of , and reformed by those who are guilty , and the danger avoided by those who desire to keep their ▪ garments pure ; And that it might appear that ▪ they do not without just reason call and cry for purging of the House of God , that insufficient , and scandalous and corrupt men being removed from the exercise of Government , and the administration of holy things , the Government may be preserved and improved to edification , and the sons of Levi being purified and purged , they may offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousnesse , and ●…hat the offerings of His people may be pleasing ●…o Him , as in the dayes of old , and as in former years : If ( we say ) there be truth at the bottom of these things , and if in speaking and writing thereof they have these good ends before them which they have professed , then may the Lord through grace therein accept , and hear , and have compassion upon them and His people , by finding out the means to purge His House , though men will not hear , nor pitie , but accompt them foul slanderers and subtil subverters for discovering and complaining of these things . Th●…rdly , To the thing it self they have frequently acknowledged and testified , that there is a precious Gospel-godly Ministery in Scotland , which they do not confine to these of their own judgment only , but extend also to not a few of the Brethren of the other judgment also , though they dare not approve of their way , as to these late revolutions , and are much grieved in spirit , and judge it a matter to be lamented before the Lord , that they should so far mistake their old friends ( who strive , though in much weaknesse , to keep the good old way wherein both were wont to walk for carrying-on of the wo●…k of Reformation ) as to accompt them the wasters and destroyers of the Lords Vine , and become so kindly companions and patrons to men of another stamp that they judge themselves wounded if their sore be touched . But , fourthly , Are the protesting Brethren in fault , if they have often bemoaned it before God , and complained of it unto men ( both to our Brethren and others ) when called thereunto , that there be a great many ignorant insufficient and corrupt scandalous Ministers 〈◊〉 Elders , wherewith the Judicatories of the Kirk many places of the Land are pestered , and 〈◊〉 either do little or nothing to edification , or 〈◊〉 too much to destruction ? We shall not for proof 〈◊〉 this , repeat in this place those evidences of 〈◊〉 ing defection , the truth of which is but too 〈◊〉 ble , and can be attested by many sufficient 〈◊〉 ses . But we would desire our Brethren ( and 〈◊〉 if they shall slight it ) seriously to consider these 〈◊〉 things , 1. That this Church was but a few 〈◊〉 before these publick Resolutions recovered 〈◊〉 under the tyranny and corruptions of the 〈◊〉 and their adherents , under which she had 〈◊〉 and languished for the space of about fourty years by reason whereof , though a remnant was preserved through grace , yet the body of the Ministery was become either insufficient , as to their gifts , 〈◊〉 corrupt in their judgment , or scandalous in 〈◊〉 conversation . 2. That it was oftentimes after the Reformation begun in the year , 1638. not only by godly men in private , but publickly by our General Assemblies in their publick Warnings and Declarations , and Causes of Humiliation , acknowledged , that though there was an external forsaking of the prelatical way , and engaging in the Covenant , Yet that the sin of former defection and backsliding was by many still unrepented of , that many did still remain either neutral and cold , or backward and ill-affected to the work of God . 3. That the General Assemblies in the progresse of Reformation did begin to be so sensible of the multitude of insufficient and scandalous men that did still remain in Presbyteries and Synods , that they did judge Presbyteries and Synods not able to purge themselves , and that therefore it was necessary to give Commission to some select Brethren , nominated by themselves , for visiting the bounds of Presbyteries and Synods , with power to these Brethren to try and censure such Ministers and Elders as they found insufficient or scandalous . 4. That these Brethren found so much work in many places of the Country as they were not able soon to overtake , but after the continuing of their diligence by renewed Commissions for two or three years space , the General Assembly , upon the report of what was yet to do in places that had only been in part visited , and in consideration of the condition of other places , not yet visited , did find it necessary to appoint select persons , nominated by themselves , for visiting most of the Presbyteri●…s and Synods in the Country , with power to try and censure , as aforesaid . 5. That those almost general visitations of the whole Land , albeit judged most necessary for purging of the Kirk of the multitude of corrupt or insufficient men , whom Presbyteri●…s and Synods were either no●… able , or not willing to censure , was never kept , because of the War immediatly following betwixt the two Nations . 6. That few or none have since that time been purged-out by Presbyteries and Synods , the zeal that was formerly in good men amongst them being in a great measure cooled in those who do adhere to the publick Resolutions , and the endeavours of these who differ from them , being opposed and rendred ineffectual by men of another spirit , who have got up the head in the 〈◊〉 of the Kirk , and have turned the stream of their publick actings into another 〈◊〉 , to wit , against those whom they call 〈◊〉 Brethren . 7. That a great many of these 〈◊〉 , who were formerly purged-out for the profanity and malignancy , are again taken 〈◊〉 the Ministery without sufficient evidences of the repentance , and have now no small hand in 〈◊〉 governing of things in sundry Presbyteries 〈◊〉 Synods : we know their repentance is talked 〈◊〉 but we do as well know that it is but a meer tall some of them having made no 〈◊〉 at all of any of the offences for which they 〈◊〉 deposed ; others of them not having acknowledge all the particulars contained in their Sentence and most of them either prevaricating or extenu●…ting in the matter of their acknowledgments , 〈◊〉 continuing to be what they were : Sundry 〈◊〉 Brethren of the publick judgment bemoan with 〈◊〉 the taking-in of such , and in such a way ; and 〈◊〉 not themselves professe to be what they were ? 〈◊〉 dare appeal themselves , and others who b●…st kno●… them , whether they did judge themselves justl●… deposed , and have really repented of , and change●… their way , as to the things for which they were deposed . 8. That there is an universal groanin●… and sad complaint of the godly generally throughout the Land , of the insufficiency and negligence ▪ and of scandalous and malignant corrupt carriag●… of many Ministers throughout the Land , and of the proceedings of many Presbyteries and Synods , that these seven or eight years past they have done little or nothing to edification and for promoving of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the power of godlinesse , Do they not generally be wail ▪ it , that the meetings of many of the Judicatories of the Kirk are for most part rather matter of grievance and 〈◊〉 unto them , than matter of comfort and rejoycing ? And if we shall set over against this , that universal testimony that is given by the multitude of s●…andalous and disaffected malignant men in the Land , to the Ministers of the publick judgment and to the most of Presbyteries and Synods of that way in most of their actings , Doth it not say that there is prevailing corruption and defection in the Church , and in her Judicatories ? What a strange change is it , that profane malignant men in the Land , who were known opposers and haters of Godliness and of the work of Reformation , and of the Discipline and Government of the Kirk , and to whom the name of the Kirk was wont to be hatefull and odious , and her Judicatories terrible as an Army with Banners , that now their ordinary plea should be , the Kirk of Scotland , and the General Assembly , and the Presbyterie , and the Synod , and such and such Ministers , And that the Godly in the Land should be filled with sorrow , and put to open shame , whilest through the prevailing corruptions and backslidings of men , advantage is given to adversaries to fight against them with the weapons that were appointed unto them of God for their defence and comfort , and for bearing down of the profane and ungodly . The fourth thing , whence they labour to conclude the protesting Brethren adversaries unto , and projecters against the Government of the Church , is , as they represent it in the fifth page of their Declaration ; That they did break up the Conference for Union with 〈◊〉 in November ? 1655. ●…hiefly upon this accompt , That they could not 〈◊〉 the Iudicatories of the Church of their just power , 〈◊〉 devolve matters into the hands of an extrajudicial 〈◊〉 of equal numbers . Which point they resum●… again and prosecute at length in the sixth and seventh pages of that Paper , setting down the word of the protesting Brethren their Overture there anent in a distinct character , and labouring 〈◊〉 hold forth the absurdity thereof from several considerations . Whether the Conference for Union in 〈◊〉 1655. was broak either by them , or , chiefly upo●… this accompt ( though we have reason to gainsay yet ) we shall not now , nor is it needfull to stan●… to debate , but that this Overture will conclud●… them to be adversaries unto , or projecters agains●… the Government , that we do altogether deny : No●… do any of these things , alleaged by our 〈◊〉 prove it . It were tedious and little to edificatio●… of the Readers , to give a particular distinct Answer to the heaps of aggravations and bad consequents they load this Overture with ; therefore we do offer unto our Brethren's more sober and serious , or ( if they do not judge them worthy o●… their entertainment ) unto the sober and serious thoughts of others these few considerations , for vindicating this Overture from all those mistakes our Brethren have about it . 1. That there is a difference betwixt a sound or a healthfull growing reforming , and an unsound sickly decaying declining state of a Church . 2. That there is a difference betwixt a troubled distempered , and a quiet peaceable state of a Church . If our Church were altogether sound and healthfull , if in a growing , reforming condition , if in a peaceable and well-tempered state , there would be no need of any such overture ; And we believe the protesting Brethren would be in that case as far from pressing it as any other : but her sickly , decaying , declining , troubled , distempered condition doth necessarily call for , and allow for something of that kind . 2. The General Assemblies ( as we have already shewed ) did conceive extraordinary Commissions and Visitations to be needfull , when the Church was in a much better condition than she is now ; And though not a few in Presbyteries and Synods did then speak the same language that our Brethren do now , to wit , that it did lay a foundation for an universal imputation upon the Synods and other Church-Judicatories as not worthy to be trusted with the work committed to them by Christ , and was a tyrannical imposition upon them ; Yet that did not hinder the Assembly so to do , because they did see that such a way of Commissions and Visitations was necessary for the time , when Presbyteries and Synods ( many of them ) were either no●… able , or not willing to do that duty in order to the purging of the Church of corrupt officers . 3. That there is a difference betwixt the essentials and circumstantials of Presbyterial Government ; the one being such as are of divine or scriptural institution , and in themselves unalterable ; the other being such as are of positive humane institution , which are to be regulated by that great end of edification , and therefore may be altered accordingly as they do or do not contribute for that end . It is observable that the resolution Brethren in this and sundry other of their Papers , do in many of these challenges which they bring against the protestin●… Brethren , ( as proceeding in their planting 〈◊〉 Churches , and ordaining and admitting of 〈◊〉 , and propounding of Overtures for purgin●… and planting the Church in such a disorderly wa●… as is destructive to the being of the Government We say , they do confound these things , and oftentimes take circumstantials for essentials : As 〈◊〉 instance , That a Minister shall be ordained by 〈◊〉 plurality of Presbyters , we hold with them to 〈◊〉 of scriptural divine institution , but that he be ordained by such a number , officiating in such bounds , the Scripture hath not determined ; An●… therefore , if the major part of a Presbyteri●… conspire for keeping out a godly man from the Ministery , that is lawfully called by the Congregation and rightly qualified , because he is not of thei●… judgment in declining courses , it s no breach upon the being and essentials of the Government , 〈◊〉 he receive his Ordination and Admission to th●… Ministery from a neighbouring Presbyterie , especially when this conspiracy is generally throughout the Country , and no remedy thereof can b●… had by a superiour Judicatory : So in the case o●… the Overture in hand , though because of the present condition of Synods , and for edification , there be a little alteration of some things from the common way of order , yet doth it not involve any thing destructive to the being of the Government ▪ No persons are desired to be upon these Visitation●… but Ministers and Elders duly qualified , and members of the respective Synods ; No power is desired to be given , but that which is properly Ecclesiastical ; Nor is it desired to be derived from any fountain , but from the Synod it self ; Nor to proceed by any rule but by the Word of God , and the Acts of uncontroverted General Assemblies ; Nor are they to exercise it independantly , but with subordination unto , and being accomptable to the Synod from whence they do receive it : All which will be evident to any that shall impartially consider the Overture it self . And to put it above question , there is expresse mention of their qualification , and power , and commission , and subordination , and the rule by which they are to procee●… in the Overture , the same for substance as it was propounded to our Brethren in the Conference at Edinburgh , Novemb. 8. and 27. 1655. Whence i●… appeareth that our Brethren speak more passion than reason , when they say , It is a tyrannical imposition upon Synods , that they must give their power to persons whom they have not liberty to choose , nor power to call them to an accompt , and must set up a Jurisdiction above themselves , with at least a negative voice , to frustrate all their actings , if these Delegates please . Is it tyrannically to impose , to desire the Synod for the better and more unanimous carrying-on the Work of God , to ratifie the Nomination of some of the choicest of their own members , made by no forinsick persons , or party , or power ▪ but by the intrinsick members of the Synod it self , and that in such a distracted condition of the Church , And that they are not comptable , is alleaged gratis . The Article , as propounded to our Brethren , doth expresly provide , that these Committees shall in their proceedings be comptable to the Synods , nor doth that clause of the Synods not reversing any thing ●…one by these Committees , without the previous advice and consent of the general Committee of Delegates , import any thing to the contrary , but that the Synod may take an accompt of the proceedings of their own Committee , and admonish and rebuke them ; yea , and take away their Commission and Power , in the case of male-administration , and give it to others of their number , nominated as aforesaid : And for a Jurisdiction by this means set up above themselves , we can see no such thing in the Overture , but only a power of advice upon the part of these Delegates ( which yet the Synod are not simply tyed by the Overture to follow , as in the case of their advising the Synod to reverse the deeds of these Committees ) and a brotherly condescension in the Synods in the present condition of the Church , not to reverse things done by these Committees without the advice and consent of these Delegates . Neither will our Brethren's negative voice prove it ; because as these Delegates have not a negative voice in all cases , as we have already shewed , to wit , in the case of ratifying of the proceedings of these Committees , the Synod being free , notwithstanding any thing in the Overture to ratifie , albeit the Delegates should not consent , but advise otherwise ; So it is a new device to say , that a negative voice inferreth a superiour jurisdiction and power ; for , at most it maketh but a co-ordinate power : And that there is any absurdity in this , That a Committee of Delegates , nominated by the common consent of all the Synods , should , in this condition of the Church , have such a power ( if yet it be a power of Jurisdiction ) we do not see . 4. This Overture was not propounded as a perpetuall standing way , alwayes to be followed and kept up in the Church , as our Brethren are pleased to insinuate , much lesse was it propounded hereby to lay a way for perpetuating of differences and contentions ( a prejudice also they are pleased to load it with ) but , as it expresly beareth , to continue only till the present differences be healed , or , till the Lord in providence minister some better way for setling peace amongst us . Will the resolution Brethren in this present sickly declining and distracted condition of the Church , allow of no remedy for purging thereof , and composing differences , that is in any circumstance out of the common road of the ordinary procedures of Presbyteries and Synods ? We know that they will tell us that the Church is sound and healthy , and sufficiently able by Presbyteries and Synods to purge her self . But why then ( we pray our Brethren to tell us ) did the General Assembly , before these differences did arise , unanimously , judge that Presbyteries and Synods were not sufficiently able to do it , and did , upon conviction hereof , appoint extraordinary Commissions and Visitations for doing of it ? If our Brethren say , That the Gen. Assembly is the supream Church-Judicatorie in the Nation , and therefore may so do . They can easily answer themselves , That the question is of the moving cause ; or , the ground or reason upon which they did it , it was not to shew their Supremacy and Authority , which was not questioned nor controverted by any Synod or Presbyterie ▪ but ( as our Brethren well know ) because they did conceive and were convinced , that Presbyteries and Synods were not so healthy as to do these duties of themselves ; and if they were not so then when neutral , and malignant , and disaffected 〈◊〉 were under board , how much lesse now , when 〈◊〉 of them are got above the hatches , and sundry 〈◊〉 them are set to stir the rudder ? Or , if they wil say , That Presbyteries and Synods are now sufficiently able and willing of themselves to do th●… work . We pray them then to tell us why it is no●… done ? Have not most of the Godly of the Lan●… been crying upon them these seven years by-gone that they would arise and be doing that good an●… necessary work ? and yet what have all their 〈◊〉 prevailed ? are they not heard with deaf ears ? What wonder is it then though the protesting Brethren do propound such Overtures , as , being imbraced , might probably in some measure satisfi●… somewhat of the lawfull and just desires of th●… Godly in that soul-concerning matter , in propounding whereof , their design is none of those sinistrous things that are cast upon them by their Brethren ; but , that by some mean or another that is not sinfull , the House of God might be purged ; And therefore , that it might appear to their Brethren that it was not domination , nor the setting up of themselves , and the treading down of the other , that they were seeking , they were content not to exercise the power given by the Commissions of the Assembly , 1650. which in their judgment ( because no lawful General Assembly hath since interveened ) is still in force , and did propound unto them in that meeting at Edinburgh , that for making of the work of purging effectual , and in order to other publick affairs of the Church , that those persons who were nominated upon the Commission and Visitations by the Assembly , 1650. might sit ; if not by the Authority derived from that Assembly , yet by the mutual condescendence and approbation of Presbyteries , and by the same mutual condescendence and approbation these persons might have power to compose the particular differences that are now , or shall be hereafter in particular Presbyteries and Congregations ; this was not to assume the particular nomination of any person to themselves , or to state businesse upon difference of judgment , or to make any thing like a party or a faction , or to desire an equality of the number of both judgments , or to do any injury unto , or make any incroachment upon the due right of Presbyteries and Synods , ( unlesse we will say , that the General Assembly wronged them by appointing those Commissions and Visitations ) yet was this also refused and rejected by our Brethren : Whence it appears , that nothing will please , unlesse the protesting Brethren condescend , as Asses , to bow down under the burden by an absolute submission to Presbyteries and Synods , as now constituted ( that is ▪ upon the matter to the Brethren for the publick Resolutions , the protesting Brethren being , by their own verdict , a few number in comparison of the Body of the Ministery of this Church ) in their present and future actings , how negligent or corrupt soever , which themselves make evident in the next thing whereupon they impeach them , as projecters against , and subverters of the Government of the Church , to wit , their refusing to engage themselves to an absolute submission to the sentences of the Church-Judicatories . They did ( say they ( towards the end of the fifth page of their Declaration ) expresly refuse subordination and submission to the Church-Iudicatories , to which they and we were solemnly engaged at our admission to the Ministery , and which we were willing ▪ to renew for our parts , and without which our established Iudicatories shall be nothing else but so many consultative meetings ; a principle inconsistent with presbyterial Government . In speaking to this particular we shall first shortly repeat the sum of the protesting Brethren their Desires , and Offers , and Answers thereanent , in the Conference at Edinburgh ▪ Novemb. 1655. And , in the next place , shall speak somewhat to the matter it self . As to the first . In so far as concerneth Presbyterial Government , and the due subordination of Church-Judicatories , that they might testifie their approbation there●… , and that they did continue constant in their former solemn publick Professions and Engagements , they did propound unto their Brethren , That in matters concerning the Doctrine , Worship , Government and Discipline of this Church , and the Enemies of Truth and Godlinesse , and the work of Reformation , there may be mutual evidence and assurance given for adherence unto these Articles of our Covenants , and the solemn publick Confession of Sins and Engagement unto Duties , and all the Acts of uncontroverted Assemblies relating thereunto , in the literal and genuine meaning thereof : By which , we hope , that unlesse they be taken for grosse dissemblers , it doth manifestly appear that they are willing to six themselves , and desirous also to have their Brethren ( who gave but a shie answer in this particular ) also fixed in the matter of the Government of the Church . But , secondly , our Brethren , having in that Conference overtured , That all the members of this Kirk , Ministers and People , shall submit themselves to their Presbyteries and Synods respectively : And if any be grieved with the Determination of Presbyteries , they may appeal to the Synods : And if any be grieved with the Determination of a Synod , they may appeal to a General Assembly ; but that in the mean time the Sentences of Presbyteries and Synods are to be acquiesced unto , until the Determination of the respective supream Iudicatories thereupon . The protesting Brethren did quere upon this Article , Whether the submission and acquiescence required in the same , doth import a submission and acqutescence in every person , in all cases , even when the plunality of a Kirk-Iudicatory doth act contrary to the Word of God , and imploy their power to destruction and not to edification , and their Determinations doth necessarily infer present detriment to the Church ; and finding that by their Answers they did upon the matter require an absolute and unlimited submission to the Sentences of the Church-Judicatories whether just or unjust ; They did declare unto them , That as they did not willingly desire to enter in any debate anent that matter , conceiving it unexpedient to start and debate such questions at that time , or to make any Declarations thereanent ; So they did conceive that such a submission hath not hithertils been required , nor could warrantably be yeelded in such a way as it was then required , especially there being to their sense and apprehension so much corruption in the plurality of Presbyteries and Synods , whereof they professed themselves willing and ready to give the evidences . And afterwards , That they did not differ with their Brethren about what was cited by them in that Conference , from the Acts of the General Assemblies of this Kirk concerning subordination and submission , particularly from the Act of the General Assembly , 1647. concerning the hundred and eleven Propositions , and in the seventh head of doctrine therein contained ; but that they did not see how that which i● required by them , is no other than that which is established by the General Assemblies of this Kirk ; because they require such a Declaration of subjection and submission to the Sentences of the Iudicatories of this Kirk , as hath not hithertils been established by the uncontroverted Assemblies thereof , to wit , that which doth import a like submission to sentences whether just or unjust , or of corrupt or uncorrupt Iudicatories , and doth exclude Declin●●●or and contrary actings in every case , which could not but probably put the People of God in a worse condition than they were before ; because it would take away from them the use of lawfull remedies , and is contrary to the practice of the Apostle in the fourth and fifth of the Acts , and to the practice of our forefathers in the time of former defections . But because this point is of importance , and stateth the Brethren for the Protestation in the apprehensions of the more rigid of the Resolutioners , as adversaries to the very essence and being of Presbyterial Government ; therefore it is necessary , in order to their vindication , to speak more fully to it . The Question ( so far as we can understand them in it ) is , Whether such a submission be due from all the members of this Kirk , Ministers and People , to the Judicatories of the Kirk , and from the inferiour to the superiour Kirk-Judicatories in matters of Government and Discipline , as ought upon the sentence ( whether just or unjust ) of these Judicatories to sist the proceedings of the person or party grieved therewith , and make them aquiesce thereunto , untill the determination of the respective superiour Judicatory therein , without any counteracting to the same , unlesse it be to appeal unto , and follow their appeal before the superiour Judicatory ? Upon this Question we find the Brethren for the Protestation in their last Paper at the Conference Novemb. 25. 1655. expressing their judgment thus ; We are willing to subject our selves to all the just sentences of the lawf●ll Assemblies of this Kirk ; and if the case were only of a few particular persons , in things of more private interest and personal concernment , and of Iudicatories imploying their power to edification in the current of their actings , we should not much contend about it ; but when it is of a great number of godly Ministers and Elders and Professors throughout the Land , who do desire to stand in the breach , and to oppose the present course of defection , and of Iudicatories , the plurality whereof in many places do not act unto edification and for promoving the power of godlinesse , but to the contrary , it altereth the case . The resolution Brethren without admitting these qualifications and restrictions upon the sentences , or the persons sentenced and the grounds of their censure , and without acknowledging any corruption in the Church-Judicatories , are for the affirmative of the Question , to wit , subjection and submission to all the sentences of the respective Kirk-Judicatories , just or unjust , by all the members of this Kirk , Ministers and Professors , without any counteracting , unlesse it be to appeal unto , and prosecute their appeal before the superior Judicatorie , as is evident from their Overtur●… propounded unto the protesting Brethren , Iune 〈◊〉 1655. and from the Papers that passed 〈◊〉 them thereupon in the Conference at Edinburg●… from November 8. till Novemb. 29. 1655. and fro●… their late Representation , pag. 39. sect. 43. an●… pag. 47. sect. 53. and from this present 〈◊〉 . But let us examine their Reasons . Their firs●… Reason , is , That such a submission is of the ver●… essence and being of Presbyterial Government Our Brethren ( say they ) do strike at the very bein●… of Presbyterial Government , &c. Represent . pag. 39●… sect. 2. And again , they declined also to engage themselves to that submission ●…o the Government , and to observe that subordination of persons and Iudicatori●… in matters of discipline , which we were willing shoul●… be mutual ; And albeit we required nothing but 〈◊〉 is essential to Presbyterial Government — Yet they di●… wholly decline it , Represent . pag. 47. sect. 3. An●… in the fifth page of their present Declaration , They expresly refused subordination and submission to th●… Church-Iudicatories , to which we and they were solemnly engaged at our admission to the Ministery , and which we were willing to renew for our parts , and without which our established Iudicatories would be nothing but consultative meetings ; a principle inconsist●…nt with Presbyterial Government in a constitute●… Church . Answ. It is to us , and we believe will be to all sober and unbyassed men , who understand the principles of Church-government , new and strange doctrine , That an absolute and unlimited subjection to all sentences ( whether just or unjust , or agreeable or repugnant to the Word of God ) should be asserted to be at all of kin or alliance to the divine Ordinance of Presbyterial Government , which is a part of the sweet and gentle yoke of Jesus Christ , that is far from tyranny and oppression . The man who in a raving fit of a notional spirit first preached , and afterward printed those shrewd comparisons betwixt the Northern Pr●…sbyterie and the Roman Papacie , may haply think himself now justified , when he heareth so great pretenders to that Government minister by this new doctrine of theirs such ground for some parts of that comparison . If Presbyterial Government hath ( as we do believe and assert it to have ) its foundation in the Testament of Jesus Christ , upon whose shoulder the Government is , then whatsoever is of the essence and being thereof , must derive it self from the fountain of Christ's revealed Will about the Constitution and Essentials of that Government ? But we know no tittle in his Book that saith as our Brethren say , or from which , what they say in this matter , can be deduced by good and necessary consequence , to wit , that it is essential to the Government which He hath appointed His House to be ruled by , that all the Children of the House should submit unto , and acquiesce in the Determination of the Governors , without any counteracting , though their Sentence be contrary to the Law and the Testimony ; and therefore till our Brethren prove thi●… they will give us leave to deny it . We acknowledge that power and authority , and subjection , and submission are co-relatives , and that the power and authority of the superiour can no more actually subsist without the subjection and submission of the inferiour , than one relative can subsist withou●… its co-relative : But all Church-power and authority is bounded by the Word of God , and is for edification only ; And therefore all the subjection that is due thereunto , is in the Lord only ; And when we are thus subject , the power and authority is sufficiently acknowledged and preserved ▪ But , say our Brethren , without this submission ▪ which they plead for , our established Judicatories would be nothing but consultative meetings . But this we also deny ; because what is resolved and determined by Kirk-Judicatories in a right way , doth not only bind by vertue of the intrinsecal lawfulnesse thereof , ●…t being for matter , God's Word , and by vertue o●… the reverence that is due to the gifts and endowments of brethren and friends counselling right things , which is all that can be attributed to a consultative meeting , but also by vertue of a positive Law of God , by which He hath commanded us to hear the Church , and those that sit in Moses Chair , and to be subject in the Lord to Church-Governours , to whom He hath given a Ministerial and Official Authority and Power to assemble in His Name in the respective Courts appointed by Himself for governing His House according to the rule of His Word ; And therefore as they have Authority or a superiority of Jurisdiction , which no consultative meeting hath ; So whosoever resisteth their power , when put forth to edification , and not to destruction , doth not only sin , by despising that Word of God which is the matter of their Decree , and by despising the gifts and graces of their Brethren that are exercised in holding forth light unto them , but doth also sin , by resisting the Ordinance of God : A Kirk-judicatory modelled according to the patern shewed in the Mount , and cloathed with Authority from Jesus Christ , and proceeding according to the Law and to the Testimony , to which they ought to be subject , God having commanded us so to do . Their second Reason is , That without this submission and subordination they do not see how Unity and Order can be continued in the Kirk , It being in vain to think of a remedy by superiour Iudicatories without this , the refusing thereof being the way to make all Union void : So in their Answer to the Queries propounded upon their Overtures , Novemb. 16 ▪ 1655. And in their Represent . pag. 39. sect. 4. and pag. 47. sect. 3. Answ. This is the very argument and language of the Advocates of the Sea of Rome , whilst they plead the Popes visible headship and irrefragable authority and jurisdiction over the Church , to which all ought to submit without gainsaying , or counteracting , the very thing that hath set up the Man of sin , to sit a●… God in the Temple of God , unto the enslaving both of the Word of God and the consciences of men , by requiring of them subjection and blind obedience to his dictates , without examining the same according to the light of the Word . If , according to the revealed Will of God , there ought to be such a submission in all cases , without counteracting , What shall we say of the practices of the Prophets and Apostles , and others of the Servants of God who have lived before us in corrupt times ? must all their preachings and other actings , though most agreeable to the Word of God , be condemned , because they were contrary to the 〈◊〉 of the Church wherein they lived ? 〈◊〉 were indeed to set up a power over the Word 〈◊〉 God , a power for destruction and not for 〈◊〉 , That would indeed make a sinfull unity a●… order , and teach a way to avoid persecution , an readily to obtain peace with men , but with 〈◊〉 losse of Truth and a good conscience . The wa●… to preserve Unity and Order in the House of Go●… is , not to hearken to the counsels of flesh an●… bloud , by setting up the will of man for a La●… and establishing an arbitrary and tyrannica●… power over consciences , to which they shall b●… tyed to submit to iniquity and injustice ; for , Go●… hath said , that the 〈◊〉 of iniquity that framet●… mischief into a law shall have no fellowship wit●… Him ; And therefore that may destroy Unity an●… Order , it will not preserve it . But to let the Wor●… of God ( which is both the rule and bond of Unit●… and Order ) have place , Gal. 6. 16. and Judicatories proceeding according to this , is an effectua remedy actu primo and objective , as in every Ordinance of Christ ; albeit actu secundo there is n●… efficacious remedy in either Word , Sacraments , Admonitions , Suspension , Deposition , Excommunications , Presbyteries , Synods , or any Ordinance the Church doth injoy or can exercise without the effectual blessing and influence of the Spirit of God , who is the author and appointer o●… these , and concurreth therewith upon the consciences of men according to the pleasure of His own will . Shall persons sentenced unjustly , submit ? Yes , say our Brethren , for preserving Unity and Order . What remedy then , say we , for preserving the Truth ? They may appeal , say they . But , say we , they have appealed , and have therein succumbed . What remedy now ? No remedy , but that at one stroke the precious Truths of God , and interests of Jesus Christ must be born down and buried in oblivion ; And the Saints and Ministers of the Gospel be buried under the rubbish thereof , because one Assembly will have it so . But say our Brethren , how shall Unity and Order otherwayes be preserved in the Church of God ? We Answer , Very well ; because if the Sentence be unjust , it ought to be recognized and repealed : If it be just , and of an inferiour nature ; If the persons will not submit , they are , after due procedure , to be cast out , as those that will not hear the Church , and so both Unity and Purity , both Order and Truth are preserved . Will our Brethren under a pretext of Order , destroy Christian-liberty , and bring-in Popish-tyranny ? It is Christ's Order and the King of Saints Peace , that every Believer have the judgment of discretion , whether the Judicatories of the Kirk speak according to the Scriptures , or whether they ought to obey or submit , or gainsay or counteract , and what Christ hath given them , no man can take from them . Their third Argument , is taken from the judgement and practice of this , and other Churches , which ( as they affirm ) plead for this subordination and submission , required by them in their Answer to the Queries of the 16. of November , 1655. they say , That this submission hath been established by the General Assemblies , especially by the Assembly in Anno 1648. sess. 30. and practised by the General Assembly , 1646. in the case of Mr. James Morison and the Presbyterie of Kirkwall ; And that it hath been the constant practice of all the Iudicatories and members of this Kirk , ever since the late Reformation ▪ untill our present differences did arise . And in their Paper of the 24. of Novemb. 1655. they do cite for proving of this submission , the Act of the General Assembly , 1647. concerning the hundred and eleven Propositions , and the seventh head of doctrin●… therein contained . And in the 39. page and 43. section of their Representation , they are so confident as to tell the Brethren for the Protestation , that their practice in matters of Discipline and Government was never heard of in this Church , nor we believe ( say they ) in any Church where th●… Officers and constitution thereof were acknowledged to be agreeable to the Word of God ; but what-ever the superiour Iudicatories might do as they would be answerable notwithstanding an appeal , yet the appealer and inferiour did alwayes submit and sist their proceedings till their cause wa●… heard and tried . And to confirm all this , in the fifth page of their Declaration , they tell us , that both themselves and the pr●…testing Brethren were solemnly engaged to this submission at their admission to the Ministery . As to the judgment of our Church and of her General Assemblies , we do deny that ever they were of this judgment , or have declared any such thing ; but upon the contrary , let the Confession of Faith , presented unto the Parliament , and ratified by them in the year , 1567. bear witnesse , Artic. 21. concerning the power and authority of Councils lawfully gathered ; the words are these , So far as the Council proveth the Determination and Commandment that it giveth by the plain Word of God , so soo●… do we reverence and imbrace the same : But if men , under the name of a Council , pretend to forge unto us new Articles of our Faith , or to make constitutions repugn●…ng to the Word of God , then utterly we must refuse the same , as the doctrine of devils , which draweth our souls from the voice of our only God , to follow the doctrines and constitutions of men . In the beginning of the Reformation , 1562. It is concluded by the whole Ministery , in the Assembly held that year , sess. 2. That Ministers shall be subject in all lawfull admonitions , as is prescribed in the Book of Discipline . Likewise , it is provided in the Articles agreed upon by the Gen. Assembly held at Edinburgh , in March , 1570. sess. 2. concerning the Jurisdiction of the Kirk , That the suspension and deprivation of Ministers and others , admitted to functions in the Kirk , charge of souls , &c. shall be for lawfull causes . In the Book of Discipline , agreed upon in divers preceding General Assemblies , and recorded in the year , 1581. by order of the Assembly , held in April , sess. 9. to the defence of which Discipline the King and Subjects of all ranks did then subscribe and swear ; which was also renewed in the year , 1638. It is expresly declared , chap. 7. concerning Elderships , Assemblies , and Discipline ▪ That Office-bearers are to be deposed for good and just causes deserving deprivation . If it were needfull , we could cite more of this kind : We shall only adde other two testimonies from very late Assemblies of this Kirk . The Assembly conveened at S. Andrews , in Anno 1642. ●…ess . 8. in the Overture for transplantation of Ministers , do declare , That no Presbyterie or Assembly should passe a sentence for transportation of any Minister , till they give reasons for the expediency of the same , both t●… him and his Congregation , and to the Presbyterie whereof he is a member ; That if they acquiesce to the reasons given , it is so much the better ; if they do not acquiesce , yet the Presbyterie , or Assemblie , by giving such reasons before the passing of their sentence , shall make it manifest that what they do , is not pro arbitratu vel imperio only , but upon grounds of reason . And the Assembly conveened at Edinburgh , in Anno 1647. in their brotherly exhortation to their Brethren of England , do declare as followeth ; We would not ( say they ) have our zeal for Presbyteriall Government misunderstood , as if it tended to any rigour or domineering over the flock , or to hinder and exclude that instructing in meeknesse , them that oppose themselves , which the apostolicall rule holdeth forth ; or , as if we would have any such to be entrusted with that Government , as are found not yet purged , either from their old profanenesse , or from the prelatical principles and practices : which were to put a piece of new cloath into an old garment , & so to make the rent worse ; or to put new wine into old bottles , & so to lose both wine and bottles . From these passages , impartially considered , it is manifest , that the General Assemblies have judged , that as it is rigor and a domineering over the Lord's flock , for the Judicatories of the Kirk to determine , or do any thing pro arbitratu vel ●…mperio , or without giving a reason thereof from the Word ; so when they do thus determine and judge , there is no reason to submit thereunto , or acquiesce therein . As to what is cited by our Brethren , from the Act of the General Assembly , in Anno , 1648. sess. 30. We answer , That though the word , justly , be not expressed in the letter of the Act , that being amongst the praecognita or praesupposita of all those that do make or require obedience to Laws , that they make and mean of just Laws ; yet it is evident that it speaketh of those Ministers , who being justly suspended , or deposed from the function of the Ministery , shall continue in the exercise of their Ministery , or intromet with the stipends belonging to those Kirks they served at , as doth appear from the passages before cited . If our Brethren will not admit this glosse , then surely the meaning must be this ; Whatsoever Minister justly , or unjustly and contrary to the rule of the Word of God , suspended or deposed from his Ministery , shall continue to preach the Gospel , or to intromet with his stipend , We , the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , do appoint , that because of his disobedience to our Sentence , whether just or unjust , he shall be excommunicated and cast out of the Church : But as we abhorr to fasten such a meaning upon that reverend and grave Assembly ▪ So we desire to think that our Brethren , upon sober and serious thoughts , will abhorr it also , and will acknowledge with us , that it is to be understood of just Sentences only ; and if so , we do willingly acknowledge and professe , that who so , being justly suspended or deposed from the function of the Ministery , doth continue in the exercise thereof , doth deserve to be processed with Excommunication . What was practised by the General Assembly , 1646. in the case of Mr. Iames Morison , because we have not the Records of that Assembly concerning that matter , we will not take upon us to speak positively to their Determination , what it was , or to the reasons thereof , in that particular , it being a matter of fact done long ago , and cloathed with many circumstances , some of which have haply escaped our memorie ; but as we remember , and can collect from the printed Index of the Acts of that Assembly , not printed , the case was this ; Mr. Iames Morison being sentenced with suspension from the exercise of his Ministery by the Presbyterie of Kirkwall , did appeal to the General Assembly and go on in his Ministeriall function , for which the Presbyterie did pronounce against him the sentence of Deposition : The process coming before the Assembly , they did sustean his appeal , and rebuking both him and the Presbyterie for their contentious and litigious carriage one towards another in that businesse , did ( without ( so far as we remember ) any ratification of the Presbyteries sentence of Deposition , or appointing of Mr. Iames Morison to make any acknowledgement of his offence , for violating the just submission and subordination due to the Judicatories of the Kirk , ( which doubtless they would have done before his reposition , if they had been of our Brethrens judgment ) did appoint him to be reponed again to his Ministery . If the case was this , our Brethren have no advantage , but rather disadvantage in alleaging of it ; because the Assembly were so far from proceeding to a further sentence against Mr. Iames Morison , for counteracting the Sentence of the Presbyterie , that they did appoint him to be again reponed to his Ministery . When our Brethren shall make it appear from the Registers to have been otherwise , we shall lay the weight upon it that it doth deserve . Our Brethren overshoot , when they say . That thus to submit , hath been the constant practice of all the members and Judicatories of this Kirk ever since the late Reformation ; If they mean of the Reformation of this Church from Popery , they cannot but know that there was nothing more ordinary for the members and Judicatories of this Kirk than not to submit unto , but to counteract the Determinations and Sentences of the Prelates and their Synods and Assemblies , not only in matters of Doctrine and Worship , but also of Discipline and Government . It was ordinary for godly men , who were deposed by them and their Courts , to preach and continue in the exercise of their Ministry , notwithstanding of their Sentences . Some of our Brethren themselves did it . It 's true , that the Prelates were not a lawfull Authority , nor Church-Officers agreeable to the Word of God : but our Brethren do very well know , that as the Prelates , according to the Act of their Assembly at Glasgow , did sometimes in the suspension and deposition of Ministers , associate to themselves the Ministery of those bounds , where the supposed Delinquent served , that is , the Presbytery , wherof he was a member , which was a lawfully Authority ; and that as they did plead for such a submission to their Decrees and Sentences , as these Brethren do now plead for , and upon the same grounds of its being essentiall to Government and preserving of Unity and Order , and shunning of Confusion , &c. so also that those who did refuse and decline that submission , did it not only upon the ground of their want of lawfull Authority , but also upon this ground , That no obedience nor subjection is due to Ecclesiastick Laws thatare unjust and contrary to the Word of God ; as will appear to any that shall read the Treatises that were published by the defenders of the Truth in that hour of temptation , concerning the binding power of Ecclesiasticall Laws . And for the practice of the Members and Judicatories of this Kirk since the Reformation begun in Anno 1638. untill these differences did arise , when our Brethren shall bring instances of unjust sentences pronounced in that time by the Judicatories of the Kirk , it will be time for the protesting Brethren to bring instances of not submitting thereto , or counteracting the same . If the sentences were just , submission was due unto them ; and they do but trifle to make that submission a precedent to that unlimited submission which they do now plead-for . Their citation from the Act of the General Assembly , in Anno 1647. concerning the hundred and eleven Propositions , and the seventh head of Doctrine therein contained , doth make against our Brethren , and not for them : 1. Because the foregoing words of that Act do clear , that the Assembly speaketh of Ecclesiasticall Government , committed and intrusted by Christ to the Assemblies of the Kirk : but Christ hath committed no power to any Assembly to tyrannize , nor hath He commanded any Church-member , or any inferiour Church-judicatorie to subject themselves to Ecclesiasticall tyrannie . 2. Because the Propositions themselves to which that Act do relate , do confine the obedience and subjection that is to be given to the Ordinances and Decrees of Classes and Synods , to lawfull Ordinances and Decrees ; It is not lawfull , say they , to particular Churches , or ( as commonly they are called ) Parochiall , eitherto decline the Authority of Classes or Synods where they are lawfully setled , or may be had ( much lesse to withdraw themselves from that Authority if they have once acknowledged it ) or to refuse such lawfull Ordinances and Decrees of the Classes or Synods , as being agreeable to the Word of God , are with Authority imposed upon them , Act. 15. 2 , 6 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 28 , 29. Act. 16. 4. Prop. 32. It seemeth it came not into the minds of our Brethren who were appointed to prepare these Articles and Propositions ( though they did well understand the nature of Presbyteriall Goverment ) and tendered them unto the Assembly , nor into the Assemblies mind , who after hearing of them publickly read , did unanimously vote and agree to the eight generall heads of Doctrine therein contained and asserted , that men should submit to unlawfull Ordinances and Decrees of Classes and Synods ; and therefore we wonder that our Brethren should cite such testimonies for confirmation of their new doctrine , as do indeed make against it . Neither have our Brethren been more happy in what they tell us in their Representation , that this practice of ours in matters of Discipline and Government , was never heard of in any Church where the Officers and constitution thereof were acknowledged to be agreeable to the Word of God . What hath been heard of in this Church we have already told them , and for other Churches , we would desire them to look upon the story of the Church within the first four or five hundred years after Christ , and see whether many of the worthy Servants of Christ who lived of old , such as Athanasius , &c. did not refuse submission to Sentences and Decrees of Synods , and counteract thereunto , not only by preaching contrary to their Determinations , but by preaching and exercising their ministeriall function after Sentences of Deposition and Excommunication passed against them : and it will be but a poor shift for our Brethren to tell us , that these Synods did not consist of Officers and of a Constitution agreeable to the Word of God , because these worthy men had no exception against the Officers , because of their office of Bishops or such like , they being such themselves , nor against the constitution , but their exception was against the heterodoxie and iniquitie of their Decrees and Sentences , upon which account they did refuse obedience and subjection thereunto , and did counteract them , to the utmost of their power ; and though because of their so doing , they were then persecuted and reproached by many of their Brethren , and of the Kirk-judicatories of these times , a●… the fire-brands of the time , and troublers of the peace of the Church ; yet hath their praise been amongst all sober and sound men in all the Churches of Christ throughout many generations , and will be so to the end of the world . And those who did persecute them for so doing , are , and will be justly condemned as men of a malignant spirit . We remember , to this purpose , an observation of Osiander upon one of the Canons of a Council at Antioch , in which it was decided , That if any Ecclesiasticall persons , should without the advice and letters of the Bishop of the Province , and chiefly of the Metropolitan , go to the Emperour to put up any grievance unto him , he should be cast out , not only from the holy communion , but from his proper dignity which he had in the Church . This Canon ( saith Osiander ) was composed against holy Athanasius ; for Athanasius being expelled by the Arians , had fled to the Emperour Constantine the younger , and bad from him obtained regresse to his own Church . Now this Canon ( saith he ) is very unjust , which forbiddeth that a Bishop , or any other Minister of the Church being unjustly oppressed , flie to his godly civil Magistrate , since it was lawfull to the Apostle Paul to appeal to the Roman Emperour , wicked Nero , as the Acts of the Apostle witnesse : but it may be seen in this place , that Bishops were very soon seeking dominion ( saith he ) yea , tyrannie over the Church and over their colleagues , Hist. Eccl. Cent. 4. lib. 2. cap. 48. pag. 242. The last part of their alleagance , that both the protesting Brethren and they , were solemnly engaged to this submission at their admission to the Ministrie , if it were meaned of such as were admitted by , and gave engagements to the Prelates , it hath indeed too much truth in it , that many of their number , and haply some of the other also , did at their admission to the Ministrie , give these engagements for absolute and implicit submission to their ordinary , the Lord-Prelate , to which the submission required by our Brethren , as we shall afterwards shew , is too neer a kin ; but that ever such an absolute unlimited submission , was either required by Presbyteries , or engaged into by intrants since the casting out of the Prelates , we do deny , and are confident , that our Brethren can bring no relevant proof of it in the form and order of the electing of Ministers , condescended upon in the Assembly at Edinburgh , March 9. 1560. where Iohn Knox was Moderator ; sundry questions are ordered to be propounded to the intrant to the Ministrie , which ( for ought we know ) are ( and no other for substance ) the same that have been propounded since the Assembly at Glasgow , 1638 Among other things , It is demanded of him , if he will not be subject to the Discipline of the Church with the rest of his Brethren ? And the answer is , That he doth most willingly submit himself to the wholesome Discipline of the Church ; yea , to the Discipline of the same Church , by which he is now called to this office and charge , and that he doth in Gods presence , and theirs , promise obedience to all admonitions , &c. Now , what doth this amount unto , will our Brethren say , to such a subjection as they contend for ? The subjection here spoken of , is upon expresse supposall of sliding and offending upon his part who promiseth the subjection : upon which case , the protesting Brethren are as much for subjection to Discipline as the resolution Bretheren are : But if they will extend it further , and say , that it is meaned of absolute subjection to the sentence of his Brethren , whether he have osfended or not , they may as well , and with more colour of reason , say , that he is bound by his oath , not only to give subjection , but also obedience to all their admonitions , whether just or unjust , lawfull or unlawfull ; because there is no expresse limitation in the words of the oath , these qualifications , being as we said before , amongst the praecognita and praesupposita of all such questions and answers , and there being no need to expresse them , except where there are grounds of jealousie . As to the reasons and arguments which do plead against this submission , so much contended for by the resolution Brethren , we shall set them down when we come to speak of the iniquity of these Brethren their demands in order to Union and Peace . The sixth thing that our Brethren bring in , for attesting the protesting Brethren their projecting to subvert the Government of the Church , is , That some of them did endeavour to enervate the power of Church-judicatories , by procuring an order , puting the power of giving testimonie to intrants ( which is due to Presbyteries only who are authorized to judge of their call , and to try and to ordain them ) in the hands of some select persons of their own choosing , Declar. pag. 6. We do somewhat wonder at our Brethrens mentioning of this , and that in a Paper pretending to earnest desires of Union and Peace . 1. Because the whole Land , and their consciences know , that that order was not imbraced nor made use of by the protesting party in Scotland , and that many of those whose names were in it , gave their reasons why they were not clear in their consciences to close with it . 2. Because it is well known to themselves , that the reverend Brother , upon whom they would cast the blame in this matter , and others of both judgements , were required by the Lord Protector to go to London ; where being demanded , he gave his opinion , That seing there was a Court established in Scotland for disposing of the legall maintenance to such Intrants of the Ministrie , as upon certificates should be approved of by the Judges of that Court , whereby the Judges were left to an uncertainty , whose certificates to receive ; It was therefore fittest in the present distractions of the Church , that those certificate should be granted by a select number of both judgements ; which being embraced by my Lord Protector and his Council , and an Ordinance passed for that effect , and sent to Scotland ; When the reverend Brother did perceive that it was not accepted , he laid it aside and did not prosecute i●… any further ; And we wish the Brethren for the publick Resolutions would follow the example of his condescendencie in the like cases . But may i●… not be truely said , that our Brethren have done much more themselves for enervating the power of Church-Judicatories , and bringing the Ministrie into bondage by clandestine capitulations of theirs , about Intrants to the Ministrie , the effects whereof are so well known as we need not to mention them ? But ( say they in the next place ) When it pleased the Lord to break that snare their leading men have again of late attempted the utter ruine of this Church , and of these who differ from them , under the pretext of seeking a Commission for plantation of Churches , they projected to have the power of disposing the legall maintenance of Ministers pu●… in the hands of that Commission ; though they know such a power was never given nor assumed by such a Iudicatorie , but that it is contrarie to the order established by the Law of the Land : the great design therof being not only to call the Authority of the late Assemblies in question , as they expresse in their desire , but to have the maintenance put in the hands of men to their mind , who were the proposers of the Overture , that so they might discourage all who are opposite to them from the Ministrie . What poor and weak premisses are he●…r to draw such a conclusion from ! That the protesting Brethren , or their leading men ▪ have of late attempted the utter ruine of this Church ▪ and of those who differ from them . When the civil powers were pleased to put in the hands , first , of a peculiar Court appointed for that end , and afterwards into the hands of the Council , the disposing of the legall maintenance of Ministers to such Intrants , as upon certificates should be approven by them ; The protesting Brethren having represented the inconveniencie of this thing unto his Highnesse Council in Scotland , and finding that they were not impowered to change that way ▪ did afterward by some of their number , supplicate his Highnesse , That as it is allowed to the Nation to be governed by her own Laws , the like freedom may be given to the Church to be governed by her own uncontroverted Acts and Constitutions , and that Intrants to the Ministery might have full access to their stipends and maintenance , conform to the Laws of the Nation , without any bonds or engagements of a civil nature , directly or indirectly , and that all the Acts of Parliamen●… which do relate to the liberties of the Kirk , may be declared to be still in force ; and that there might be a Commission of able and godly men , who know and understand our Church affairs , nominated by his Highnesse , which might exercise the power which was formerly in the Commission of Plantation of Churches in Scotland ; and also do the duty of the Civil Magistrate anent Ecclesiastick matters , according to the Rules and Acts of uncontroverted Assemblies , and Laws of the Land preceding the year , 1651. Was there herein any thing faulty , much lesse so hainously faulty as an attempt for the utter ruin of the Church and of the resolution Brethren ? Yes , say they , there was a project in it to have the power of disposing the legal maintenance of Ministers put into the hands of that Commission , though such a power was never given nor assumed by such a Judicatory , and is contrary to the order established by the Law of the Land : But as the first part of the protesting Brethren their desire , which we have already set down , doth expresly bear , That Ministers might have accesse to their stipends in such a way , as i●… conform to the Laws of the Land ; So doth the last part expresly qualifie the power which they desire to be given to the Commission of Plantation of Kirks in the exercise of it , that it might be according to Acts of uncontroverted Assemblies and the Laws of the Land : It is neither falshood nor vanity for the protesting Brethren when they are charged as underminers of the Liberties of thi●… Kirk , to say , that in their essays for preserving and vindicating of these , they have been nothing short , if not somewhat beyond these men who challenge them ; And what though ( upon supposall of the purpose and resolution of the civ●… powers not to alter the former way of disposin●… of the legall maintenance of Ministers ) they ha●… desired that the disposing of Ministers maintenance might be in the hands of that Commission●… was it a fault , when they could not prevail to bring it in conformity to the Laws of the Land , to desi●… that there might be a translation of the power in its exercise from one subject to another , who being not necessarily diverted with multiplicity of affairs , as the Council is , might more conveniently attend it ? But , say they , the great design of this was , to call the Authority of late Assemblies in question . Supposing that to be true , that the Authoritie of these Assemblies were not only called in question , but pronounced null , would that bring utter ruine to this Church , and to those who plead for them ? do our Brethren think that the Church and themselves must stand or fall with the Authority of these late Assemblies ? We wish the Church and them too , better foundations then such bowing walls and tottering fences . But could not the Commission for plantation of Kirks have exercised that Power , and the Authority of these Assemblies have also stood ? we see no inconsistencie between them . Next , say they , The design was to have the maintenance put in the hands of men to their mind , that so they might discourage all from the Ministrie who are opposit to themselves . If our Brethren judge such discouragement to be so great a crime , why have they so much practized it , and framed the mischief thereof into a Law , that none shall have liberty to be a Burser in a DivinityCollege , or to wait upon a Family , much lesse to be admitted to the Ministrie , that doth not acknowledge the Constitution , and submit to the Acts of these two late Assemblies ? But as concerning the men into whose hands the protesting Brethren would have had the disposing of the maintenance put , though we cannot say that they are , or ought to be so self-denied that they would not have wished it to have been so , yet did they never expect such a Commission as should wholly consist of men according to their mind ▪ nor was that ever any of their Propositions to his Highness ▪ directly or indirectly ; Yea , their Propositions did not contain that qualification , as to any of them . And we can also say , That though they had been mostly or wholly of that mind , there would have been room and encouragement for men of our Brethrens judgement , both to continue , and enter into the Ministrie . Thus now have we answered that first and great prejudice , wherewith our Brethrens Paper , and ( it seemeth ) their spirits , are fraughted , against the protesting Brethren , to wit , That they do not only dissent from , but also that they have it in their thoughts and design , to subvert and destroy the established Government of the Kirk of Scotland by Presbyteries and Synods , and that their practices do manifestly tend thereunto . And in this we have been the larger , not only because we have more then probable ground to look upon it , as the great scope of our Brethrens Paper , to fill and possess this Church , and the Churches abroad , with this opinion of these Brethren that they are indeed such a shrewd party as they describe them to be , that so they may acquit and justifie the resolution Brethren in all that they have hitherto done , or shall hereafter do against them ; but also , because if there be any remnants of real inclinations in our Brethrens bosoms to a Peace approven of God and tending to edification ; we did conceive it necessary to endeavor , though with much weaknesse , to roll out of their way that great rock of offence , which they have by their own mistakes so long and so much stumbled upon , unto the making of them halt more and more , day by day , in their affections towards the protesting Brethren . There be yet two prejudices more , which we find in their Declaration , that we shall more briefly speak unto ; one is , That they have begun a needlesse rent in the Church upon a question so extrinseck to our Doctrine , Worship and Government ; so they speak in the fourth page of their Declaration : and in the third page they call it a tossing about a debate , now so far removed out of our way . To which we answer ; first , Whatever be the nature of the Question about the publick Resolutions , it is certain and manifest that the Rent thereupon was begun by the resolution Brethren ; because they did in a surreptitious meeting of some of the Commissioners of the General Assembly , without giving timous and due warning to others , in the year 1651. suddenly take these Resolutions , when the whole Church of Scotland was in possession of , and by solemn Covenants and Vows engaged to the Truths , to which these Resolutions are contrary and destructive . 2. This Question is not so extrinsick to our Doctrine , Worship and Government , as our Brethren would make the world believe ; it doth involve a portion of the precious Truth of God , which he hath been pleased to reveal and hold forth in His Word for the edification of His Church and People , that they may know what they ought to do , and what they ought not to do , in the case of intrusting of known wicked malignant men , enemies to Truth and Godlinesse , with the interests of the Lords Work and People ; And this Truth , as it hath all along since the Reformation from Popery been taught and holden forth by the Kirk of Scotland , so hath the preservation and practice thereof been judged necessary for preserving the rest of the Doctrine , and the Worship and Government in their purity , and from the pollutions and corruptions which evil men use to bring in , or give way unto ; yea , this very thing ( as our Brethren do well know ) was no small part of the controversie all along from the year 1638. betwixt the wel-affected , and the Popish and Prelaticall and Malignant party ? they may take One instance of many , to wit , the desires of the Commission of the General Assembly , in Anno 1648. concerning the unlawfull Engagement ; amongst which , that about the qualification of instruments was one of the chief . We desire them to remember what spirit that man would have beenjudged of , who in the Assembly , Anno 1650. should have pleaded that to be a question much extrinsick to our Doctrine , Worship and Government , and that it would furnish just ground of complaint against the Assembly , if they should , because thereof , divide from the Parliament which carried on that unlawfull Engagement in war against England ? 3. If our Brethren do indeed judge this question to be so extrinsick to our Doctrine , Worship and Government , How cometh it to passe that they are so tenacious of the determinations of their Assemblies about it ? If Doctrine , and Worship , and Government may be preserved intire without it , may they not for the Peace of the Church condescend to take course that these Determinations shall not be looked upon as the definitive judgement of this Kirk , or any of the Judicatories thereof in these matters ? And how cometh it to passe , that upon a question so extrinsick , they did make and still keep up against Ministers , Elders , Expectants and Professours , Acts imporrting so severe censures against those who do not submit to the Determinations of their Assemblies concerning these things ? Next , If the question be so extrinsick , how cometh it that they sometime place the standing or falling of this Church therein , and now again they would make it of no moment ? But further we say , The subject matter of these debates is not so far removed out of the way as our Brethren do talk , but do still continue in many respects : 1. In regard of the sin and guilt thereof , which hath not been taken-with , nor repented-of till this day . And as the resolution Brethren judge it hard for the protesting Brethren to be satisfied with nothing , unlesse they do repent of that , as a sin which in their consciences they judge to be a duty ; So they must give leave to the protesting Brethren to judge it hard , that the Church , of which they are Members and Ministers , should lye under the guilt of a publick transgression , and under great and sore wrath , because thereof , and they in the mean while not be permitted to discover her iniquity therein , that her captivity may be turned away , especially when they are engaged by Covenant so to do . 2. These Resolutions do continue , in regard of the Synodicall approbation and tye thereof upon all the Members of this Kirk . 3. They do continue in regard of the Acts which were made for carrying on thereof , to wit those which appoint censures against all the Members of this Kirk , who do not approve of the Authority of that Assembly at Saint Andrews and Dundee , and submit to the Acts and Constitutions thereof . 4. They do continue in regard of the publick Warnings , Remonstrances and Declarations of the Commission , 1650. and the pretended Assembly following , against the opposers thereof . 5. In regard of the authoritative approbation of many of these things by Provinciall Synods and Presbyteries , many of which have made and past particular Acts for that effect . 6. In regard of the execution of the Acts of the pretended Assemblies at Saint Andrews , Dundee , and Edinburgh , against Ministers , Elders and Expectants , who adhere to the Protestation . 7. In order to the taking-in of many disaffected and malignant persons , and making them capable of Ecclesiastick priviledges and trust , such having vote in Congregations in the Election of Ministers and Elders , and sitting as Elders in Kirk-judicatories in a wrong way . 8. They do continue in all these sad fruits and evidences of defection , which the protesting Brethren did long ago represent to the several Synods , and have since that time collected together in one ; And therefore the Authors of this Declaration do give their Readers but words , and wrong the protesting Brethren , when they tell them of tossing about a debate now so far removed out of the way ; and so do others of their party when they do discourse and write in such a strain , as if there , were no obstruction of Peace and of an Agreement , from any thing p●…rtaining to these Resolutions that is now in being , or that is urged by these who do adhere thereunto , upon , or against the protesting Brethren ; but that all the ground of the continuing of the difference , is , because the resolution Brethren will not quit their judgements and professe Repentance for what they have done ; When as , besides repentance and changing of their judgment ( which though the protesting Brethren do wish , and pray for , and hold forth as their duty ) yet do they not make it a condition , without which they will have no Union and Peace with them . There be many things relating to these Resolutions that are still in being , and are adhered unto , and prosecuted by these Brethren , that do prove hinderances and impediments of an Agreement betwixt them and the protesting Brethren ; which , as it is partly manifest from what is already said , so shall it more evidently and fully be made to appear when we shall take in consideration the Overtures of Union propounded by them in this Paper . Another of their prejudices , is , That the protesting Brethren affect preheminence , and would set up a domination of their party in this Church , and over their Brethren , Decl. pag. 4. & pag. 6. If we should say , that there is nothing of that root of pride and ambition in the protesting Brethren , that took hold on our first parents in paradise , and hath from them been derived unto all the posterity descended from them by ordinary generation , and keepeth some footing in the best of men , in whom a body of death dwelleth , we should but flatter them , and lie against the Truth ; there is , no doubt , as much of that bitter root in them as may be matter of bitter mourning and humiliation unto them before God ; neither will they ( we believe ) deny , but that they would wish the whole Church of God in this Land , and the Judicatories thereof , to be of their judgment in these points of difference , though , we hope , not upon the accompt that it is theirs , but because they judge it to be of the Lord , and consonant to the rule of His Word ; but that they do affect preheminence , and would set up a domination of their party over the Church , and over their Brethren , We have confidence and clearnesse to deny it , and have their works to witnesse the contrary . Our Brethren do well know that in their judgments , the Commission of the Generall Assembly , 1650. is still in force ; and might they not , if they had been a party affecting preheminence , have exercised the Power contained therein these years past ? But how soon those of their number , who are members thereof , had , with the advice of other Brethren of that judgement , holden-forth the causes of the Lords controversie against the Land , they did abstain and have hithertills abstained from acting in that capacity ; How frequently also have they offered unto the resolution Brethren , that if they would by themselves alone , and without them purge the House of God , that it should satisfie them to look on and rejoyce in their work ; and if when they had long waited for it and saw them like to do nothing in it ; yea , that most of them were adverse to it , and were polluting in stead of purging , Must it be an affecting of domination for Ministers and Elders in the House of God , to propound such means and overtures as do carry in them some probability towards doing somewhat in that necessary work , wherein they are yet still willing that the Resolution Brethren should have more than equal share with themselves ? It hath been ordinary for righteous men , whose consciences could not suffer them to be silent and to couch under publick corruptions without bearing testimony against the same , and endeavouring a remedy thereof , to meet with such reproaches from oppressing and loose parties and persons that have stood in the way of Reformation , that they would needs be judges , and did take too much upon them , and were seeking to set up themselves : It being amongst the policies of Satan ( wherein not only the common world , but even good men may sometimes through weaknesse and mistake be subservient unto him ) because he cannot finde in the outward carriage of those whom God calleth to witnesse against , or pull down his kingdom , sufficient ground of challenge by which they may be made odious to the world ; therefore he thinketh it for his advantage to charge them with inward abominations , such as hypocrisie , and ambition , and covetousnesse , and mischievous projects and designs , &c ▪ knowing that though they may justly deny these things , yet they shall not be able easily to refute them , there being alwayes somewhat in the most innocent and best actions of the best and most innocent men , that may by an uncharitable judgment be construed to spring from such roots . It remaineth in the last place , that we should speak to those Proposals , and Overtures of Union and Peace , that are tendred to the Protesting Brethren , and published to the world in that Declaration ; concerning which , before we descend into particulars , we offer these generall Observations ; 1. That in the very entry , they lay such a stumbling-block in the way , as seemes to render Union very hopeless : For , having spoken of the tearms of Union , propounded by the Protesting Brethren , and of the pretended injuries done by them to the Government , they do the in eight page conclude thus ; For our part ( say they ) we resolve in the power of the Lord's grace never to accord therunto , nor to reced●… from the estbalished Government , be the hazard what it will ; that is in plain English , We resolve never to condescend to any overture of purging of the Church , that hath in it any circumstance out of the common road of doing it , by the plurality of corrupt men in Presbyteries and Synods , nor to recede from that arbitrary unlimited submission , which we have declared to belong to the essence and being of the Government . As long as these Brethren will condescend to no effectuall means of purging the Church , and will unite with the Protesting Brethren upon no other tearms , then upon their yeelding to such a submission ; How can there be a comfortable Union and Peace ? 2. That whilest they make an offer of Peace , and profess themselves to be heartily content to bury in oblivion all former injuries , and to be far from any animosities which might have flowed from the same : They do in this Paper rake the very bowels of by-gone actings ; and from thence come and raise heapes of alleaged injuries , and that with such a height of animosity , that we believe , open and professed enemies could hardly out-strip them therein : so that the white and black of that printed Paper are not more opposite , then their professions and practices therein are inconsistent . 3. That it cannot be certainly and distinctly known ▪ what are the Overtures of Union and Peace , which they tender to their Brethren in that Declaration ; because they do for the full knowledge of their minde in order therunto , refer to the Conference at Edinburgh , November 1655. and to their late Representation : And do thereafter in this Declaration enumerate some particulars , passing by others mentioned in the Conference , without declaring themselves , whether they do continue still of the same minde , as to these ; wherby the Protesting Brethren and others are left in the dark , as to their present thoughts about these things . It is true , that in the last page of their Declaration they do tell us , That notwithstanding all the violent attempts of the Protesting Brethren against the Church-Government and them , since their Conference with them , yet they are not at all irritated therby to recede from the condescentions and offers then made . Whether the frame of their spirits , as to the matter of irritation , doth answer so fair expressions , let the tenor of their Representation and this Declaration bear witness . But as to their Proposals , if they do not recede from any of their condescentions and offers , made at the Conference at Edinburgh , November 1655. Wherefore is it that after they have expressed but a few of them , without mentioning the rest , they do in the penult page of their Declaration tell us , That they have made choise of this way of making known their inclinations to Peace , that their condescentions may not be hudled up in a Conference with some few , who may keep them up , or represent them to others as they please ? These words seem to us in the scope of them clearly to import , that this Declaration bears all , and the outmost length of their condescentions ; and yet it comes short in sundry particulars of what they granted in the Conference , and also of what they required ; and therefore , though they may understand themselves , yet we believe , it will be hard for others to understand them ; whether from this Pap●…r only , or also from the Papers at the Conference , we be to take the just measure of their Proposals and Desi●…es . 4. That they do usher in these things , which they would make the world believe to be great condescentions to the protesting Brethren , with great misrepresentations of the nature of their Acts and ill-grounded assertions of matters of fact . As first , Speaking to these Acts of their Assemblies , that are a Barr in the way to keep Protesting Brethren from the Ministery , and from being members of Church-judicatories . We shall not now insist ( say they ) to clear the justice and necessity of the conclusions of these Assemblies at that time , and to shew that nothing was then done but what was done formerly in like cases . Our Brethren do by these hints , give the Protesting Brethren clearly enough to understand what lot they might have expected from them , as to the execution of these Acts , if the times had not altered . Were these Acts just and necessary at that time , and are not so now also ? What hath made them change their nature ? Our Brethren give just occasion to people to stumble , and have the Ministery in contempt , by pleading conscience , and justice , and necessity a long while for things ; and then receding from them upon politick grounds , as if there were no conscience , nor justice , nor necessity of duty in them . Surely , if there be any variation , as to these Acts , it is not from the nature of the things themselves , but because the times have changed ; and if the times should change again , it is more than probable that they would find the same justice and necessity in them still : We do not know why when they proffer a suspension of the execution of them they should assert the justice and necessity of them , but that they may have a handsome regresse to take them up again when they find an opportunity , which saith , that it is not regard to justice , but to necessity , that prevails upon them to lay them down . But what justice or necessity was there for such conclusions as these , ●…hat did enact censures of Deposition against all the Ministers , and of Excommunication against the Professors of this Church , that did not acknowledge the Constitution and submit unto the Acts of these Assemblies ? Was there justice and necessity for so severe procedure for refusiing submission in things , which in our Brethrens opinion are so extrinsick to our Doctrine , and Worship , and Discipline , and Government ? Or , was there justice and necessity to persecute all those who did plead , and bear testimony against the open breach of a sworn Covenant and Engagement ? We know no precedent or parallel that our Brethren can shew for this , unlesse they fetch it from the times of Popery and Prelacy . We might also ( say they ) instruct , that though some very few Presbyteries have required of Intrants to the Ministery , of whatsoever judgment , that they should promise not to trouble the peace of the Church with these needlesse debates ; Yet , to our best knowledge , none of these Acts have been de facto a bar to hold out any godly man who was lawfully and orderly called and tried ; though we may but too justly complain how industrious and active they have been to thrust-in men of their judgment , and crush godly and able men , who did not agree with them . Though all that 's here asserted were true , yet hath there been too much mischief done by these Acts , to wit , the thrusting of godly men out of Elderships , Presbyteries and Synods , and the barring of hopeful young-men from trials , in order to publickpreaching , and of able and godly Expectants from being called and tried , in order to their entrance in the Ministery ; because they had no freedom in their consciences to take upon them the bonds required , which we have already set down : for , this Act , as it hath kept sundry Congregations from calling Expectants of that judgment , because there was no probable way how they could b●… tried or admitted to the Ministery ; So have sundry Expectants , being called , been thereby barr●… from proceeding to their trials , and sundry rulin●… Elders been excluded from sitting and voting i●… Presbyteries and Synods ; and sundry hopefu●… young-men have been necessitated to remove from the Presbyteries and Provinces wherein they d●… live , before they could be admitted to give any proof of their gifts for preaching , which the Resolution Brethren throughout the Country do ve●… well know to be a truth , that can be verified b●… instructing of particulars in several Presbyteri●… and Synods . But besides those sad effects of the●… Acts , which are here buried in silence , it seeme●… that the Authors of this Paper , though they wou●…●…ain deny , yet cannot get it avoided , that thes●… Acts have been put in execution ; for , they a●… forced to confesse , that some few Presbyteries ha●… required these bonds of Intrants to the Ministery only they say that they have been required of me●… of whatsoever judgment , as if they had required of men of their own judgment , as well as of thos who are for the Protestation ; so serious are our Brethren in these matters , that it seems they love to jest : But who gave them this power to require these bonds of men of their own judgment , seing the Act speaketh only of men of the other judgement ? Or , if they do exercise it , do they mean to bind up men of their own judgment from debating for the Protestation and against the Publick Resolutions ? or , to bind them up from debating for the Publick Resolutions , and against the Protestation ? If so , why do they themselves shew them so bad example in their Representation and Declaration , which are fraughted with debates of that nature ? Why do they that teach others , not teach them ownselves ? But what rational man , who readeth these Acts , will think that they were equally made for , or that they can be equally extended against men of both judgments ? Their last refuge is , That , to their best knowledge none of these Acts have been de facto a bar to hold out any godly man , who was lawfully and orderly called and tried . We have already told them , that it is a bar to keep some from being called , and others from being tried ; and therfore this , though true , were but a sophistication as to the point they speak unto : but there is not truth in the thing it self , because godly men , lawfully and orderly called and tryed , have been barred from entring the Ministerie by this Act , as themselves do well know , and whereof we can give the instances . As to what they speak of the protesting Brethren , that they may but too justly complain that they have been industrious and active to thrust-in men of their judgement , and to crush godly and able men who did not agree with them : it is but a groundlesse complaint , that is as easily denied as asserted ; For our parts , we think that there is cause to wish there were more industrie and activity amongst the protesting Brethren for their duty , and that there were more ability and godlinesse amongst the Expectants who are of the Resolution judgement . Next , they tell the protesting Brethren , That though they make a great noise of the Censures inflicted on some of their number , by the Assembly , 1651. yet they might say much on the behalf of the Assembly their proceeding at that time , and of their lenity , who did only censure four of their number ; who yet have never submitted to these Censures , and consequently have the lesse cause to complain . It seemeth they do still resolve to justifie all their unluckie proceedings to a tittle , and that they do rather repent that they have done so little , in persecuting the protesting Brethren , then that they have done so much : Was it lenity , first , to suspend and depose innocent men from their Ministerie , because of their witnessing against Covenant-breaches , and then to ordain the Judicatories of the Kirk to proceed against them with the sentence of Excommunication , if they should not submit to their unjust Censures ? That they have not submitted , was not because of any abatement of rigor upon the part of the Brethren who are for the publick Resolutions , ( they having caused some of these Sentences to be publickly intimated , four or five years time after the enacting of them , and having denyed to admit others of them as correspondents , though clothed with a commission from their own Synods , for that effect ) but from the conscience of their own innoc●…ncie and of the iniquity and nullity of these Sentences , as being unjust in themselves , and proceeding from these who had no Authority ; and yet , have they great cause to complain , because they have thereby not only been violently thrust out of these Kirk - Judicatories , where the resolution Brethren could carry the vote , but also have been exposed to railing and reproach and hazard from profane and malignant men throughout the Land , and sundry of them to suffering and pers●…cution from ill-affected persons in their own Congregations , who have , upon that account , not only separated themselves from their Ministerie , and set up others according to their own heart in their stead , but done their utmost to thrust them out of their stations , and when that could not be obtained , have done what they can to make their life a burden and comfortless unto them ; in all which ( for ought that ever we did hear ) they have been connived at by the resolution Brethren , and in most of these things countenanced and assisted , by not a few of the chief of them , who have thought it good service to God , so to do : but bles●…ed be His holy Majestie that hath not herein accomplished their desires , but hath upholden His weak Servants and keeped them from fainting in the day of their trouble . And though the resolution Brethren do now seem to proffer some mitigation in the matter of these Censures , yet is it ( being duly weighed ) in such a way and upon such hard conditions as maketh it nothing upon the matter ▪ For why ? They do not offer that these Censures shall be declared void or null , or , that these Ministers , notwithstanding thereof , shall be declared standing Ministers of the Gospel ; but after a preface of the justice of these Censures , they are content that the Synods do take off the Censures that are upon their respective Members ; which doth suppose , and lay for a gronnd , that they have been reall and just Sentences , rightly inflicted , for reall and just causes , and are now taken off ( as these Brethren explain themselves at the conference at Edinburgh ) for the Peace of the Church ; which is , in stead of making them void , in effect to establish and fix them , as to the equity of them , however a dispensation be granted to these Brethren , whom they concern , to exercise their Ministerie for Peaces sake ; and neither is even this to be done , but upon their giving assurance of their submission to the Judicatories ; that is , in our Brethrens sense , never to counteract any of the Sentences of the Church - Judicatories hereafter , but to submit thereunto , whether they be just or unjust , the iniquity whereof we shall afterward discover . But leaving these generall considerations , we shall take notice of the insufficiencie , inequality and iniquity of their proposals for Union and Peace . First , They are insufficient ; because , 1. There is no remedie , unlesse it be a mock-remedie , holden forth therein , as to the matter of the publick Resolutions , and the corrupt constitution of the two pretended Assemblies , at Saint Andrews , and Dundee , and Edinburgh , for preventing the like corrupt constitution for the time to come ; which things they know to be two great grounds of the protesting Brethren their grievances . These Brethren do in the conference at Edinburgh , Novemb . 8. 1655. propound and desire , That the Acts of the Commission of the General Assembly , 1650. concerning the publick Resolutions , and their Declarations , and Warnings , and Acts resulting thereupon , and the Declarations and Acts of the two late contraverted Assemblies of Dundee and Edinburgh , and all other Declarations and Acts in Presbyteries and Synods , that are the results thereof , be rendered of none effect , in order to censure past or to come ; and also , so far as they do import , or may be alleaged as the publick definitive judgement of this Kirk , or of any of the Iudicatories thereof , anent the matters contained therein , and that they be not re-acted in any time hereafter . Next , that it be declared , That the two controverted Assemblies at Saint Andrews , and Dundee , and Edinburgh , shall be , as to their constitution in the things protested and excepted against , no precedent nor prejudice to the constitution of future Generall Assemblies . Of all that is contained in these desires , they do only proffer a cessation from the execution of these Acts , whereby a barr is laid in the way to keep men who are not of their judgement from the Ministerie , and that they shall agree that they be made void and null by the next Generall Assembly . If it be said , that they do also agree that the matter concerning the publick Resolutions be remitted to the Determination of a Generall Assembly . It is true , they do so , and that is the mock-remedie we spoke of , conceiving we have just reason to call it so ; not only , because in the same place they will have it an Assembly according to the established order , which , being expounded according to the Acts of their two late Assemblies , importeth an admitting of such only to be Members , who do acknowledge the constitution , and submit to the Acts of these Assemblies that ratified these Resolutions , and the things relating thereunto , all others by their established order being incapable to be chosen Members ; but also , because they are sure to have an Assembly according to their mind , the plurality of Presbyteries being of that judgement , and the protesting Brethren being ( as they call them ) but a small number in comparison of these who are for the publick Resolutions . But haply , some will say , That the resolution Brethren cannot , without quitting of their judgement , condescend that the publick Resolutions shall not hereafter be looked upon or acknowledged as the publick definitive judgement of the Kirk of Scotland . We know , that themselves do so say , but of this we could never hear a satisfying reason from them ; and , we believe , men of more piercing judgements then we are , shall hardly reach it . Is the repealing of one Act of that Assembly , to which they did vote , and which they do still in their judgements approve , as just and equitable upon the matter , a quitting of their judgements , more then the repealing of another , to which they did also vote , and do still approve of ? They are content for the peace of the Church to repeal these Acts that do relate to the censuring of such as do oppose these Resolutions , and this they can do without condemning or quitting of their judgement : And may they not also , without condemning or quitting of their judgement , for the peace of the Church , repeal these Acts that declare these Resolutions to be the definitive sentence of the Kirk of Scotland ? this would not be a quitting or altering their judgments concerning the things themselves , but only the taking-off the Synodicall or Juridicall tye ; not because of any error in the things themselves , but upon other extrinsick considerations , a thing very ordinary in Judicatories both Civil and Ecclesiastick : And we believe , unbyassed men will think that our Brethren , who professe and publish the matter of the publick Resolutions , to be a question so extrinsick to our Doctrine , Worship and Government , and a debate now so far removed out of our way , are bound the rather so to do , because our Doctrine , Worship and Government can receive no prejudice by taking-off a Synodicall tye in matters of opinion that are so extrinsick thereto . If our resolution Brethren do indeed judge them so extrinsick , and yet will not herein condescend , they give more then cause even to indifferent men , to apprehend that all their professions for , and pretensions unto Peace , are but professious and pretensious ; or else , that they mean to hold up the tottering foundations of these rotten Resolutions , in order to some new fabrick that they intend to build thereupon when opportunity shall serve , unto the producing of the like or worse divisions and persecutions in the Church then they have formerly brought forth . Secondly , These Proposals of theirs are unsufficient , because they do contain or hold forth no effectuall means for purging of the Lords House of insufficient and scandalous and corrupt Ministers and Elders , which is one of the main desires propounded by the protesting Brethren , and one of the most necessary duties that lyeth upon the Church at this time , there being so many of that sort in the Land : they do in this particular give them a number of good words , but when they are compared with their practices and performances , they shall be found but words and no more ; they tell them that they do not contravert with them in this businesse , having often professed their willingnesse to go about that work in the most strict way , according to justice , and the common rules of Church-Iudicatories in such cases ; and that they have not only often intreated them to unite upon this very account , that the work of purging might be carried-on more effectually , but have upon all occasions of any report of scandall or insufficiencie , laid forth themselves to the utmost to try and examine the truth thereof , and have not been wanting in inflicting due censure for any thing that at any time was found . When we read these words , our spirits were filled with astonishment and grief , and what answer to return to such asseverations , we do not know , unlesse it be to commit the cause unto God , who knoweth their way in these matters , and whether they have made conscience of the work of purging these seven years past , or have neglected and obstructed the same ; yea , have in a great measure undone what was formerly done therein . How few insufficient , scandalous Ministers , since the birth of these publick Resolutions to this day have been removed from bearing charge in the House of God , and how many such have been brought-in ? We do believe that it may be truely asserted , that the resolution Brethren in one Synod since that time have brought in moe , who were formerly publickly censured for their scandalous and malignant carriage , then all the Synods in Scotland , of that judgement , have purged out . There be in one Synod nine or ten such brought into the Ministery , besides four or five others , whose mouths are opened to preach publickly , and likewise some others who are connived at to preach and administer the Ordinances , notwithstanding of their being twice deposed formerly , because of grosse offences . Let them name us , if they can , so many purged-out by the Resolution-party in all the Synods of their way these seven years past ; Why then do they speak such big words of their willingnesse to , and activity in purging ? Yea , who knoweth not that many of their party oppose Union upon this very accompt , and that even good men amongst them , who were wont to be of another spirit , are too slow and backward in this duty , by which it hath come to passe that a few processes that have by importunity been set on foot against some naughty men in some Synods , have by the Resolution Brethren their exercising their wits and inventions to find out and cast in legal shews of defence , such as variety of exceptions against witnesses , and glosses upon their depositions , and such like , been rendred more tedious , and involved in moe notional debates than readily are to be found at the most litigious Civil Bar ; and after all , these things have come but to a poor issue in the end , very few ( if any ) of these men being deposed from the Ministery , notwithstanding of many and gross scandals which they do lye under . It is the sad complaint of the Godly , that the simplicity of the Gospel , and the good old way that was wont to be used in the Church , in the trying of insufficient and scandalou●… Ministers is forsaken , and such a way taken as rather giveth them ground and encouragement to cover and hold fast their iniquity , than doth contribute to the convincing of their consciences and making them acknowledge their sin , by which it comes to passe that poor souls , who groan under the burden , are discouraged to offer the grounds of their grievance , as much dispairing to find any remedy thereof : But , say the Resolution Brethren , they are so far from foreslowing or obstructing purging , that , to delare their readinesse and sincerity in that matter , they are content , if their Brethren be not satisfied with the Rules of procedure hitherto agreed upon , that they condescend upon the strictest Rules can be desired in justice for trial and censure , and that they shall be willing to observe them ; providing they be Rules binding for all , and to which all will submit , both we and they . To which we answer , first , That they do not adhere unto , nor put in practice the Rules already agreed upon , to what purpose then should new Rules be agreed upon ? It was formerly agreed upon ▪ That Synods ought , in the case of the negligence of Presbyteries , to appoint Visitations for trial and censure in their several bounds : but in very few of the Synods of the Resolution judgment have there been any such Visitations appointed or kept since these Resolutions had a being , albeit Presbyteries be negligent of their duty ; yea , sundry Brethren in sundry of these Synods shew themselves dissatisfied with , and speak against such Visitations ; And as long as the Synods themselves do not practise them , there being so much need of them , how can we otherwayes judge but that they do dislike them ? Secondly , It was formerly agreed upon , That the Kirk-judicatories might , in the trial of Ministers , proceed by way of Inquisition : but now this is dissented from and casten at by many of the Resolution Brethren , who will have no trial ; some of them without a Libel and others of them without a Libel and an Accuser too , engaging to prove his Alleageance under pain of being censured as a Slanderer . Thirdly , Sundry things , such as drunkennesse ▪ swearing , &c. which were formerly proceeded against with the censures of Suspension and Deposition , are now so ext●…nuated by many of these Brethren , that they do refuse to censure them with these Censures , unlesse the habits or many continued re-iterated acts of these things can be proven ; And yet the Authors of this Declaration do so talk , as if all the Brethren of that judgment did strictly adhere unto , and were unanimous about the former way of procedure in the trial and censure of Ministers : but besides this departure from former Rules , they do but trifle when they say , that they are content that the Protesting Brethren condescend upon the strictest Rules can be desired in justice for trial and censure , because it is alwayes with the supposal of this foundation which they have already laid , to wit , That these Rules shall be applied or executed by men of their own judgment , who are the plurality in Presbyteries and Synods , And what purging we may expect from them , these seven years practice do now sufficiently manifest . Thirdly , The insufficiency of these Proposals doth appear from this , That they do offer and hold forth no remedy for the grievance of the Protesting Brethren , and of the Godly throughout the Land , in the matter of planting Congregations upon the Call of the plurality in Paroches , many of which are ignorant , and disaffected , and malignant , by which it comes to passe that men get into the Ministery , that cannot speak a word in season to a weary soul , and who discountenance piety and godlinesse , which ( if there be not some effectual remedy provided against it ) cannot but prove an evil very destructive to the Church , and afflicting to all who do unfeignedly desire and seek the advancement of the Gospel , and of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ . Fourthly , These Proposals do not mention any remedy against such Ministers , Expectants and Schoolmasters , who were deposed or silenced , or removed from their Charges by General Assemblies or Synods , or their Commissioners , or by Presbyteries before these differences did arise , and have again intruded themselves , or are reponed into publick stations in the Ministery , or Schools , or have their mouthes opened by Presbyteries or Synods , without confession and acknowledgement of , and repentance for all the particulars contained in their sentence and otherwise , then is provided in the Acts of uncontroverted General Assemblies : Nor do they hold forth any thing as to the way of calling of a General Assembly , and the electing of Commissioners thereunto , and handling of matters therein ; all which , as also the giving of mutual evidence and assurance in matters concerning the Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government of this Church , and the enemies of Truth and Godlinesse , and the work of Reformation , for adhering unto these Articles of our Covenants , and the solemn publick Confession of Sins and Engagement unto Duties , and all the Acts of uncontroverted Assemblies relating thereunto , in the literall and genuine sense and meaning thereof , which were propounded by the Brethren for the Protestation in the Conference at Edinburgh , November 1655. as conducible and fit means to the making up of a solid Union and well-grounded Peace . In the next place , we desire it to be considered , Whether these Overtures of Union and Peace propounded by these Brethren , be not very unequall : It hath been , and is their manner to professe and print , that they are willing to offer very equall tearms of Peace ; So in the ninth page of this Declaration , That they have already offered , that t●…ough they hold fast their own judgment , yet they will not impose upon the Protesting Brethren their judgments in the matter of their first difference . But these professions notwithstanding , they do in sundry particulars impose upon their judgment ; As first , in the matter of the Protestation : They do require that these Brethren do declare , that their Protestations against the two late controverted Assemblies and their Resolutions and Acts therunto relating , shall not hereafter be made use of in any Judicatory of this Kirk , for continuing ( as they are pleased to expresse it ) or holding up debates about the matter of our present differences ; So in their Paper of the sixteenth of November 1655. in the Conference at Edinburgh , which in another Paper of the 24. of November at that Conference , they expound thus , That their meaning is that they shall not make use of these Protestations in any Judicatory to call in question and anul the Constitution and Authority of these two late Assemblies ; which if the protesting Brethren should consent unto , would upon the matter make them to condemn their own judgement , and infer their passing from , and renouncing of these Protestations in so far as they might be a remedie against the corrupt Constitution of these two Assemblies ▪ in order to which they did conceive themselves bound in duty and conscience to make them ; yea , it should with their consent make way to establish for the future the Constitution and Authority of these two Assemblies , because it should with their own consent , take out of the way all the legall barr that is standing against that Constitution and Authority . Secondly , What greater imposing can there be upon their judgements , or what more unequal conditions of Peace can be propounded unto them then to require that they should engage themselves to an absolute and unlimited submission to the Sentences of the Kirk-judicatories especially when the Resolution Brethren are not only the plurality in most of the Judicatories , but when many of them are not such for qualification and carriage as they ought to be ; What were this but to give-up their judgments and consciences unto the meer arbitriment and will of men , to be imposed upon by them , and ruled at their pleasure ? Thirdly , How unequal a Proposal is it , that the matters in difference shall be referred and submitted to the determination of the next General Assembly , when most of the Ministers of the Land , of whom that Assembly is in all probability to be made up , ( how contrary to the Covenant , and many Acts and Declarations of former uncontroverted Assemblies is already declared ) have engaged themselves many wayes for these Resolutions , which are the ground of the difference . These few particulars may make it appear that the Resolution Brethren do not walk with an equal and even ●…oot in their Proposals ; We mean , they do not offer such tearms of Peace as are equally free of imposing upon either party , or do equally ye●…ld as much as they require ; which we do not take notice of as if this were a commendable and approven way in the things of God , we judge it but the effect of the wisdom of the flesh and to smell rankly of a carnal poltick spirit , to half and divide the thiugs of God , for making Peace amongst men : But to discover that our Brethren do not walk up to their own professions in the matter of Union and Peace , and that whilest they would make the Nation and the World believe , that they offer equal Conditions , and do not desire in any thing to impose upon their Brethren ; yet their Conditions are very unequal , and that they would highly impose upon them . But if the Overtures for Union and Peace , propounded by these Brethren , were insufficient and unequall only , though upon these two branches there be just ground for the Protesting Brethren to deny them entertainment ; yet were they more tolerable , if they did not involve injustice and iniquity , which might be shewed in sundry particulars : But this Answer having drawn to a greater length then was at first intended , we shall now only speak to that one , in which these Brethren assert the essence and being of Presbyteriall Government to consist ; and for denying of which , they hold forth the Protesting Brethren , as men that have receded from their former principles , and have in their judgments and practises turned adversaries to the very being of the Government , to wit , That arbitary and unlimited submission to the Sentences of the Church-judicatories , in matters of Discipline and Government , which is required by these Brethren . We have already spoke unto the state of the question , and have shewed how far submission to the Sentences of the Judicatories of the Kirk is condescended and y●…lded unto by the Protesting Brethren ; as also , how far it is urged and required by the Brethren for the Resolutions , and what Reasons and Grounds they do bring for their judgement in that particular , to which we have answered . It now remaineth that we should bring these Reasons , that seem to plead the unwarrantableness and iniquity of that Submission required by them , that if they can conveniently satisfie therein , they may be receded from ; or if otherwise , that they may cease to urge that matter any further ; or at least , that indifferent persons may know that it is not refused , but upon weighty reasons . Before we propound our Argument , we shall premise some common and known truths , concerning Church - Judicatories , and their Decrees and Sentences ; As , 1. That ( to express it in Calvins words , in the eight chap. of the fourth book of his Institutions ) whatsoever reverence or dignity is by the Spirit of God in the Scriptures given , whether to the Priests , o●… Prophets , or Apostles , or their successors , all of it is given not properly to men themselves , but to the Ministery , wherewhtih they are clothed ; or ( to speak more expeditly ) to the Word ; the Ministery wherof is committed unto them , Exod. 3. 4. Exod. 14. 31. Deut. 17. ●… . Mal. 2. 46. Deut. 17. 10. Ezek. 3. 17. Ier. 23. 28. Ier. 1. 6. Matth. 28. 19. Acts 15. 10 , &c. 2. That as their Authority is founded upon , and wholy derived from the Word of God ; so in the administration and exercise thereof , thy are in all things to walk according to this rule , Isa. 8. 19 , 20. Mal. 2. 6 , 7. Matth. 28. 19. 3. That Church-power is not a Lordly and Magisterialpower , but a Lowly and Ministerial-power , not an absolute and Autocratorick , but a limited and Hyperetick-power ; and that Church Decrees and Sentences are all of them regulae regulatae , rules that are subordinated , and do not binde but in the Lord , and so far as they are conform to that first inflexible and unerring-rule , prescribed by Himself , Luke 22. 24 ▪ 25 , 26 ▪ 27. Gal. 6. 16. 1 Peter 5. 2 , 3. ●… Tim. 3. 15 , 16 , 17. 1 Thes. 5. 12. Ephes. 6. 1. Calvin treating of Church-power , saith well ▪ Non est igitur Ecclesiae potestas in●…inita , sed subjecta Verbo Domini , & in eo quasi inclusa . Inst. lib. 4. cap. 8. 4 That all Church-judicatories , whether Congregational-Ederships , or Presbyteries or Synods , whether Provinciall or Nationall , or oecumenick , being constituted of men that are weak , frail and ignorant in part , are in their det●…rminations fallible and subject to Error , Isai. 40 ▪ 6 ▪ 7 ▪ 8. Rom. 3. 4. 1 Cor. 13. 9 , 12. 5. That in so far as any of these do actually erre and decline from the Truth , they do in so far act without power and authority from Jesus Christ : They can do nothing ( of themselves , they may do , but not by His Commission and Warrant ) against the Truth , but for the Truth , 2 Cor. 13. 8. The Power which He hath given them being to Edification , and not to Destruction , 2 Cor. 13. 12. 6. Sad experience , almost in every generation , doth teach us , that Church-guides and Church-judicatories do oftentimes decline from the streig●…t-wayes of the Lord , and decree unrighteous decrees , and write grievous things , which they have prescribed , Isa. 9. 15 , 16. Ier. 8. 8 , 9. Mal. 2. 8 , 9. Ier. 2. 8. And that whilest they are boasting of the Authority given to them of God , and of their skill in the Law , and professing to walk according therto , they are perverting the precious Truths of God , and persecu●…ing these who cleave thereunto , Ier ▪ 18. 18. Isa. 66. 5. Ioh. 7. 48 , 49. 7. That the same Lord , who hath commanded us not to despise Prophesying , 1 Thes. 5. 19. hath also commanded us to prove all things , and to hold fast that which is good , ver. 20. And no to believe every spirit , but to try the spirits , whether they be of God , because many false prophets are gone forth into the world , 1 Ioh. 4. 1. And that whatsoever is not of Faith is sin , Rom. 14. 15. And that we ought not to be the servants of men , 1 Cor. 7. 23. That is to do things ( especially in the matters of God ) for which we have no other warrant , but the mear pleasure & wil of men , which the apostle Peter calls living to the lusts of men , and not to the wil of God , 1 Pet. 4. 2. And that it is therfore both the duty and priviledge of every Church-member , and of every inferior Church-judicatory , to examine by the judgement of discretion every thing which the Church-authority joyneth , whether it be agreeable or repugnant to the rules of the Word ; and if after a diligent and impartiall search it be found repugnant , they are not to bring their consciences in bondage therto , neither is the allowing and exercising of the judgement of descretion by inferiours , the setting them as judges over their superiours , or making them transgress the line , or limits of that due subordination and submission appointed unto them of God . Protestant Divines in their writings , de judice Controverstarum have fully answered this , and shewed us , That it doth not make a private man or an inferiour , Judge of the Sentences and Decrees of his superiours , but only of his own actions . Having premised these things , we offer these Reasons against the Submission , so much pleaded for by our Brethren . First , This submission , we mean an absolute submission , or such a submission as is comprehensive of subjection to such Decrees and Sentences of Church-Judicatories as are upon the matter , and for the ground of them unjust and repugnant to the Word of God , hath neither precept nor precedent for it in the Book of God ; if any man say , it hath , we desire him to bring it forth : we know that the Lord did enjoyn His People under the Old Testament , under very severe punishments , to do according to the sentence which they should be taught by the Priests , the Levits , in the place which the Lord should choose , Deut. 17. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. But Calvin telleth us well , Ubi de ijs audiendis agitur , ibi nominatim ponitur , ut secundum Legem Dei respondeant : That in the same Scripture where it is commanded to hear them , that it is also commanded , that they should answer according to the Law of the Lord . We also know , that under the New Testament we are commanded to obey them that have the rule over us , and to submit our selves ▪ but it is in the Lord , 1 Thess. 5. 12. that which we call for is some precept or binding precedent in Scripture ▪ that holdeth forth submission to a●… Ecclesiastick Determination or Sentence , that is unjust and contrary to the Word of God . 2. It is contrary to clear Scripture precepts and Scripture precedents : to Scripture precepts , such as these , Be not servants of men , 1 Cor. 7. 23. Stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free , and be not intangled again with the yoke of bondage , Gal. 5. 1. It is better to obey God then men , Act. 5. 29. Preach the Word , be instant in season and out of season , 2 Tim. 4. 2. Do this in remembrance of me , 1 Cor. 11. 24. To refrain from duty upon the meer will and commandment of men , is to be a servant unto men , and to betray Christian liberty , and to be intangled with the yoke of bondage , and to obey man rather then God : and to say , that we will not preach the Gospel , nor receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , though God hath commanded us so to do ; Let us suppose that a man duely qualified is suspended from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , or from the exercise of the Ministrie , or excommunicated and cast out of the Church , because of his pressing and holding forth some precious Truth of God ▪ which a Kirk-Judicatory condemneth for a lie , and passeth such Sentences and Censures upon him because he doth adhere thereunto ; Shall we say , that this man is bound not to communicate , not to preach the Gospel , to absent himself from the fellowship and Prayers of the Saints ? Our Brethren will haply tell us , that he is bound for Peaces sake so to do , till his appeal be discussed ▪ But what shall the innocent man do when it is discussed against him , and the unjust sentence of the inferiour Judicatorie confirmed by the superiour ? shall he go to a higher , and when he is gone to the highest , and is condemned there too , ( as Christ was crucified at Ierusalem , ) what will they now allow him ? will they have him still to be a servant of men , and still to be in bondage ? and though the Lord Jesus hath commanded him to preach the Gospel , and said unto him , Wo unto thee , if thou preach not the Gospel ; and hath commanded him , to eat of His body , and drink of His bloud , and not to forsake the assembling himself with the Saints of God ; yet , because men pro arbitratu & imperio ; yea , because of his adhering to the Truth of God which they have rejected and condemned , hath forbidden him so to do ; That be shall not obey God , this is a hard saying , who can receive it ? It is also contary to clear Scripture precedents , Ieremiah was often commanded by the Authority both Ecclesiastick and Civil , to forbear speaking of the Word of the Lord ; yet did he give no subjection to the sentence , either of the one or of the other , but went on in his Ministrie , notwithstanding of all the Inhibitions and Censures past against him , Chap. 26. ch. 32. ch. 37. and ch. 38. Amos was commanded by Amaziah the Priest , to prophesie no more at Bethel , because it was the Kings Chappell and the Kings Court ; yet he did not submit , but did counteract that commandment , and did continue to prophesie in the Name of the Lord , Amos 5. 13 , 14 ▪ 15 , 16. Daniel was commanded to make no petition to any God or Man for thirtie dayes , save to King Darius ; yet did he not submit , but counteract , by going into his house , and opening his Chamber-window towards Ierusalem , and kneeling on his knees three times a day , and praying , and giving thanks before His God as he did aforetime , Dan. 6 ▪ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. The Iews did agree , that if any man did confesse that Jesus was the Christ , he should be put out of the Synagogue ; yet did the poor man , whose eyes He had opened , confesse Him openly ; and though he was actually cast out for doing of it , yet did he not submit , but went on to confesse Him still , Joh. 9. 22 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38. The Apostles were commanded once and again by the Council at Ierusalem , not to speak nor teach any more in the Name of JESUS ; but they told them , that they could not but speak the things which they had seen and heard , and that they ought to obey God rather then men , and notwithstanding they were first threatened , and afterwards imprisoned , and thirdly beaten by them for so doing ; yet did they not submit nor forbear , but daily in the Temple and from house to house they ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ , Act. 4. 19 , 20 , 21. Act. 5. 17 , 18 , 29 , 40 , 42. Paul being accused , first before Festus , and afterwards before Felix , the Roman Deputies , That he was a pestilent fellow , and a mover of sedition amongst the Iews throughout the world , and a ring-leader of the Sect of the Nazarens , who also had gone about to profane the Temple ; Did not only appeal to Cesar , but went on in his course , and preached the Gospel , and preached that the Iews killed the Lord Jesus , and their own Prophets , and persecuted the Apostles , and pleased not God , and were contrary to all men , Act. 24. 5 , 6. Act. 25. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 1 Thess. 2. 15. 3. This submission dethroneth Jesus Christ , who only hath power over the consciences of men , to bind them by His Authority , by attributing such a Power and Authority to Church-Judicatorics as doth bind mens consciences upon their meer arbitrement and pleasure : for , we must be subject , because they will have it so , though the reason why they command this subjection , to wit , our supposed delinquencie , be a meer non ens and such as hath no foundation in truth and equity . If it be told us , that the conscience is not bound , because the judgement is still left free , and the outward acts only restrained . We would have our Brethren to remember , that some of themselves , and others who did oppose conformity to the Ceremonies , did tell the Prelats and their party , when they used this defence against the argument taken from binding the conscience , to wit , That if the bare Authority of an Ecclesiasticall Law , without any other reason then the will and pleasure of men , be made to restrain us in the use of things which are in themselves indifferent , then is Christian liberty taken away ; and if so in things indifferent , how much more is it so in things necessary , such as keeping fellowship with the Assembly of the Saints in publick Prayers and Praises , and eating and drinking at the Table of the Lord , and preaching the Gospel ▪ &c the practice whereof are things commanded of God unto persons duely qualified and instructed thereunto . If it be said , That these things cease to be obliging duties to such a person hic & nunc , and that the sentence of the Church commanding him to abstain , looseth him from the obedience that he doth otherwise owe unto the Commandment of God : we desire a warrant from the Scripture of Truth for such Doctrine , as that which preferreth the Commandments of men unto the Commandments of God , and say , That it is better to obey men than God . Shall the sole will and meer pleasures of men loose a man from the obligation he oweth unto the Commandments of God ? If so , let us no more blame the Pope for dispensing with divine Laws . I cannot abstain from taking Christ's body and bloud , or from preaching the Gospel , saith the innocent man , unjustly sentenced , because I am thereunto called and commanded of God . But saith the Synod or Kirk-judicatory , We have commanded you to abstain , and therefore you should abstain , and may be satisfied in your conscience so to do ; because our Command looseth you from the Commandment of God . Hence a fourth Argument . 4. This submission concludeth a man under a necessity of sinning against God , by omitting those necessary duties that are commanded him of God , upon a non-relevant reason , to wit , the meer will and pleasure of men , to whom God hath given no power against the Truth , but for the Truth ; no power to destruction , but to edification . 5. If such a submission be due to the Judicatories of the Kirk in matters of Discipline and Government , We do not see how it is not also due unto them in matters of Doctrine and Worship . The authoritative and juridical power belonging to Classes and Synods is threefold , Dogmatick , Diatactick and Critick . Dogmatick , in reference to matters of Faith and Rules of Worship , which God hath laid down and prescribed to us in His Word , and the inconsistency of heresies , errors , and corruptions therewith . Diatactick , in reference to external order and policy in matters circumstantial , relating to time , place and persons , the conveniency whereof is determinable by the light of Nature and Christian prudence , and the general Rules of the Word ; such as these , That we should do all to the glory of God , to the edification of the Church , and in order and decency , &c. Critick , in reference to the repressing of Scandal , Error , Heresie , Schism , Obstinacie and Contempt , and preserving of the Purity of the Truth , and Holinesse of Conversation , and Unity of Judgment and Affection in the Church of God , by exercising the spiritual censures of Admonition , Suspension from the Sacrament of the Lord's-Supper , Excommunication and Suspension , and Deposition from the Ministery . Now all these Powers being authoritative , and in their determinations and exercise confined unto , and circumscribed within the bounds of the Word of God , for their rule and being , given to the Church for edification and not for destruction . We would desire from our Brethren a Reason , why the Critick-power should be more binding than the other ? or , why submission is due to an unjust sentence proceeding from the Critick-power , whilest it is not due to any erroneous or corrupt Decree proceeding from the Dogmatick or Diatactick power ; Hath God put more honour and respect upon the last than upon the two first ? Or , hath He given greater latitude in the exercise of the last nor of the two first ? or , is the last binding by th●… meer will and arbitrement of men , whil●…st the two fi●…st bind only when agreeable to the Word of God : If our Brethren do so judge , We desire to know where these foundations of difference betwixt these powers are written , or what they do bring for them from the Book of God ? or , how in reason they can consist , when the last shall be contrary to the two first ? And if this submission be equally due to the judicatories of the Kirk in all the three ; then if they shall determine that Justification by Faith alone is an error , That Communion under both kinds is not necessary , That kneeling is a necessary gesture at the Sacrament ; That it is necessary to forbear working on Yuleday and to keep it holy , and such like ; We are bound not to professe , nor preach , nor act con●…rary to these their determinations : which were to be ashamed of , and to deny the Lord Jesus and His Word before men , and to bring upon our souls the dreadfull Gospel-curse of His denying , and being ashamed of us before His Father and the Angels which are in Heaven , Matth. 10. 33. Mark 8. 38. Luke 26. 6. But upon supposal that this submission were not due to the Decrees of the Church in matters of Doctrine , Worship and external Order , by vertue of the Dogmatick and Diatactick power in themselves ; yet the asserting of it in matters of Discipline shall also necessarily infer the asserting of it in matters of Doctrine and Worship , and external Order . The Commissioners of the Gen. Assembly , 1650. did declare , That a great company and faction of wicked men , sons of Belial , being subjects , may and ought , in the case of necessity , be imployed in a Christian Army and Covenanted Nation , for the defence of Religion and the Country . And the Assembly at St. Andrews and Dundee , in anno 1651. do by vertue of their Dogmatick-power approve of , and ratifie this Doctrine and Declaration , and do withall by their Critick-power appoint and ordain , That whosoever will not submit to this Determination , but shall oppose by professing or preaching otherwise , shall be proceeded against with the censures of the Kirk . We ask , whether these censures , being put in execution , by suspension from the Sacrament , against these who professe otherwise , or by Suspension or Deposition from the Ministery , against those who preach otherwise : if this submission which is required ( being given to these censures ) will not necessarily infer , that they must not continue to profess or preach any more so : And if this by necessary consequence be not an absolute submission to the Dogmatick-power aswell as to the Critick : Or , let us take it in the case of Athanasius , who was deposed and excommunicated for professing , and preaching , and pleading Jesus Christ to be the consubstantial Son of God , or in the case of a person suspended from the Sacrament , or deposed from the Ministery , because of their professing and preaching against kneeling at the Communion ▪ Will not such submission to these sentences as excludes all counteracting , unlesse it be to appeal , necessarily infer submission to the Decrees themselves , so as the person censured must be silenced , and not professe , nor preach , nor plead any more for the one Truth , nor against the other Error . 7. To wave a little that which concerneth private and particular persons , We offer it to consideration , whether inferiour Kirk-judicatories are subordinate to the greater , and superiour simply and absolutely ▪ because they are greater and superiour , or , because the inferiour have no intrinsical power given them by Jesus Christ , but in , and wi●…h subordination to the greater , because greater . If so , it would seem that all the inferiour Judicatories of the Kirk . Congregational-Elderships , Presbyteries , and Provincial Synods must befenced and act in the name , and by vertue of the authority derived from the General Assembly , as all those Civil Courts that have no intrinsick power in themselves , but in , and with subordination to the supream Civil Magistrate , are fenced in his Name and act by vertue of his Authority . Inferiour Kirk-judicatories ▪ being Ordinances of Jesus Christ , have the promise made to them when they meet in His Name and do adhere to His Truth , Mat. 18 ▪ 18 , 19. And if so , shall the sentence of the superiour Judicatory , when wrong upon the matter , oblige them to submission . If a Presbyterie , or a Synod with the consent of the Presbyterie , do in an orderly way of procedure , cast-out an heterodox and scandalous Minister , Must they , because the Synod or General Assembly doth sustain his unjust appeal , be obliged in conscience again to receive him as a member of the Presbyterie or Synod , and acknowledge him for a lawfull Minister of the Gospel ; or , if they have in an orderly way of procedure , admitted an able orthodoxe godly man to the Ministrie : Must they , because the superiour Judicatory commands them so to do ▪ cease to acknowledge him or own him for one of their number , or as a Minister of the Gospel : if so , it seemeth to be an ill-grounded Truth that is commonly delivered by some Divines , writing of Synods , That the power of Synods is not corruptive , privative , or destructive to the power of Classical Presbyteries or single Congregations , but perfective , acumulative , and conservative thereunto . 8. What is denyed jure to oecomenick Councels , and so lawfully called Prophets and Ministers of the Gospel , to Nathan , to David , to Paul , to an Angel from heaven , Gal. 1. 8. cannot warrantably be given to General Assemblies . If oecomenick Counsels , lawfully called Ministers , if Nathan , if Samuel , if Paul , if an Angel teach or decree but according to the Word of the Lord , we are to counteract , and to contradict , Gal. 1. 8. But though we or an Angel from heaven , preach to you , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} beside what we have preached , let him be accursed , Gal. 1. 8. Therefore , &c. 9. What is proprium quarto modo to the Scripture of Truth , it cannot warrantably be given to the Judicatories of the Kirk , but not to be counteracted nor contradicted , is proprium quarto modo to the Scriptures of Truth , these being the only infallible rule in matters of Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government , Isa. 8. 20. 2 Tim. 3. 16 , 17. Therefore it cannot be given to the Judicatories of the Kirk ; and to give it , inferreth their infallibility , and exposeth our Government to the calumnie of Sectaries , who say , we make Synods as infallible as the Word of God . 10. This argueth the Scriptures of imperfection , and setteth up the necessity of humane traditions ; because every warrantable subordination and submission due to the Judicatories of the Kirk , must be given of Christ ; but no where is it written in the Book of God , that a Generall Assembly hath power given of Christ , to teach and enact such Points and Doctrines , and inflict such Censures , as no man may or ought lawfully to counteract or contradict ; Therefore , &c. 11. This submission doth infer , That if a Generall Assembly , lawfully conveened , should enact the Masse , and all the heresies of the Councel of Trent , we may not preach nor write the contrary ; for that is to counteract and contradict : But this is absurd , Therefore , &c. 12. Sentences of Kirk Judicatories , that are for the ground of them unjust and repugnant to the Word of God , are in themselves null ; because all Church-power and Authority is included in the Word of the Lord , and to be regulated according thereto , Isa. 8. 20. 2 Corinth . 13. 8 , 10. and what is null in it ●…elf cannot bind unto submission and subjection ; Therefore , When Kirk-Judicatories act not in subordination to Jesus Christ , from , and under whom they have all their power , they may lawfully be contradicted and counteracted . 13 This submission is prelaticall , and introduceth a lordly and absolute power and dominion in the Church of God , over the Flock and Ministers of Jesus Christ . It is indeed the very image and likenesse of that subjection and submission that was required by prelates of Intrants to the Ministery , Bishop Spotswood in his S●…rmon at Perth Assembly , telleth his hearers , That the sentence of superiours as long as it hath the force of a constitution , though haply otherwise established then it can set forward Godliness and Piety ; and that we be perswaded that such things are not right nor well appointed , yet ought to di●…ect us , and is a sufficient ground to our consciences for obeying . Narrat . of the proceedings of Perth Assembly , by Doctor Lindsay . page 29. And in the same place he gives this as the reason of his judgement . Except this be ( saith he ) there can be no order , and all must be filled with strife and contention ; The same thing that our Brethren now tell us , that they do not see how without this submission , Unity and and Order can be continued in the Kirk . Doctor Lindsay also himself , afterwards Bishop of Edinb ▪ in his Epistle to the Pastors and Ministers of the Church of Scotland , prefixed to his book of the proceedings of the Assembly at Perth telleth us , That where a man hath not a law , his judgement is the rule of his conscience : but where there is a law , the law must be the rule . And in the Oath which was ministred to the Intrants to the Ministerie in this Church by the Prelates , they make the Intrants to swear , That they shall live peaceable Ministers in thi●… Church , subjecting themselves to the Orders that therein are , or shall be established , & that by all meanes that they can use , they shall procure others to the due reverence of the same ; which things ( saith the intrant in that oath ) if we shall contraveen ( as God forbid ) we are content upon triall and cognition taken , by our ordinary without all reclamation , or gainsaying , to be deprived of our Ministery and be reputed Infamous and Perjured Persons for ever . And to the same purpose there is in the Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Government of the Kirk of Scotland , ratified and published by Authority , 1636. A Canon appointing , That if any person in holy Orders , lawfully Suspended , or Deposed ( that is ) in their sense , Suspended or Deposed by his ordinary , for transgressing any of these prelaticall Cannons , Shall presume to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Function during the time of his suspension , or after he is degraded , let him be Excommunicated , and delivered to the ●…y-power as incorrigible . Just so our Brethren will have the Protesting Brethren to engage and promise absolute submission to the Sentences of the Judicatories of the Kirk , whether just or unjust ; and because they do refuse it , charge them with breach of their Engagements at their entrance to ●…he Ministery , and as subverters of the very being ●…f the Government . And what they would do , if ●…hey had the Civil-power to concur , is but too apparent , from these hard representations they gave of them to the Civil-power , in the year 1651. and ●…rewd hints and insinuations which they made ●…ereupon . 14. This submission is so far from being any part of Catholick truth , much less of the essence and being of Presbyterial Government that it seems to be a tenet purely Popish and Antichristian ; and pl●…ades for a Government that is not Presbyterian , but Popish and An●…ichristian : Who knoweth not that the favorites and Emmisaries of the Sea of Rome do with might and main plead for this absolute and unlimited subjection and submission to the Decrees and Sentences of the Pope , wherein they are opposed by Protestant Divines : Debe●… excommunicatus , & si innocens ( saith a Popish Author ) aliorum consortia fugere & a sacris abstinere ; igitur vnproprte Christi instrumentum dicitur Papa cum aliquae illius actiones , a Christo non impellantur nec acceptantur . Andr. D●…valius , in 22. part , quest . 8. He that is excommunicate ( saith h●… ) albeit innocent , yet ought to sh●…n the fellowship of others , and to abstain from holy things ; therefore the Pope is ( saith he ) improperly called Christs instrument , because some of his a●…tions are neither impelled by him , nor accepted of him . So our B●…ethren will have a man that is suspended fro●…●…he Sacrament , or deposed from the Ministery , or excommunicated ▪ though unjustly ▪ to abstain from the Sacra●…ent , and from preaching , and from the fellowship of others ▪ and from holy things : And whether this be in the dispencing of Church-discipline and Government , to be the Instruments and Ministers of Christ , or if it b●… not indeed to play the Pope , and to set up Ministers and Servants above the Master of the house , we leave it to sober and unbyassed men to judge ? 15. This unlimited submission leaves the Church destitute of all Ecclesiasticall remedies , in the case of a general defection , and doth open a wide door for making the Government of the House of God degenerate into Tyranny , and in stead of being a mean of purging and preserving of Religion , to be a mean of polluting and destroying the same , and persecuting and bearing down such as desire to keep their garments pure , whether Ministers or Professors : What is Tyranny ? but when these that are in power will have inferiours , without gainsaying or coun●…eracting to yeeld subjection to their dictates and commands , though there be nothing but sic volo sic jubeo , no reason of ●…quity in them , but their own meer arbitrament and pleasure ; or though there be iniquity and injustice in them , Dan. 11. 36. and when subjection without gainsaying is not only required of private and particular men , but also o●… all inferiour Judicatories , and even of these that are clothed with lawfull power and authority ▪ Was not this the State-tyranny that was formerly exercised and 〈◊〉 for by the Malignant-party , to which there was publick opposition made by defensive Armes , that are generally acknowledged by all sober men , both Polititians and Divines , to be a lawfull mean of a peoples preservation from the mine that is threatened by Tyranny ? And shall we now set up a Church-tyranny , the meer will and abitrement ▪ yea ▪ the unjust Sentences of Church-judicatories , for Laws , and require absolute submission thereunto , not only of private and single persons , but of all in●…iour Judicatories ▪ not allowing the Congr●…gational-eldership once to whisper against what is resolved by the Presbyterie , or the Presbyterie against what is resolved by the Synod , or the Synod against what is resolved by the General Assembly . If then the superiour Judicatories will tyrannize , what remedy is there ? or if they become corrupt , how shall the ruine of Religion , or the persecution and oppression of these who desire to keep Faith and a good Conscience , be avoided ? Have the Ministers and Saints and Courts of Jesus Christ received Religion and His Ordinances upon these tearms , that if a superiour Court will have it so , they shall all crouch down , as Asses under the burden , and let them , without gainsaying ( they being now cudgel'd into silence by a sentence of suspension from the Sacrament , or Deposition or Excommunication ) ruin Church , and Ministers , and Ordinances , and Professors , and all the precious interests of Jesus Christ ; And shall we say that such a submission is required in this case , as though they ought to do nothing but weep and pray in secret ? How great tyranny is this , and how remedilesse a way to ruin ? And yet , this is the consequent of our Brethren's opinion . If they tell us , that there is no hazard of these things , because the Church of Scotland is sound in Doctrine , and Worship , and Discipline , and Government , and that it is upon the account of the soundnesse of the Church-judicatories only , that they challenge this submission as due unto them : We desire 1. to know whether they will grant that such a submission , as they do now plead for , may be denied to Church-judicatories that are unsound ? and what degrees of unsoundnesse they will have them to fall into before this submission can be warrantably denied unto them ? It seems to us , by our Brethrens judgement , as long as they keep any thing of the being and authority of Kirk-judicatories , though they be corrupt , not only in the particular Determinations , to which submission is required , but in many things besides , both in Doctrine , and Discipline , and Government , this submission must be granted them , because to deny it , is to deny the very being and essence of the Government : How this shall be avoided we do not see , unlesse they say , That a Church-judicatory that is unsound in any point of Truth doth lose its being and authority , which we hope they will not say , having in some of their Papers charged it as heterodoxie upon the Protesting Brethren . 2. As we shall be glad that they will confine this submission to sound Judicatories , upon the accompt of their soundnesse only ; so in the case of their so doing , we do not see what this importeth more in the matter of submission than the Protesting Brethren are willing to yeeld , to wit , A submission to all sound Determinations and just Sentences of the respective Judicatories of the Kirk , without any counteracting ; because if it be given to them upon that accompt only , that they are sound , then is it only to be given to them when they are sound and right in their resolutions and actings , which the Protesting Brethren willingly yeeld , and be like , in some particular cases somewhat more . We finde them in their last Paper , in the Conference at Edinburgh , November , 25. 1655. professing that if the case were only of particular persons , in things of more private interest and personal concernment , and of Judicatories imploying their power to edi●…ication in the current of their actings , they would not much contend about it . But 3. the Protesting Brethren do deny tha●… the Church of Scotland is now sound : It is their sad complaint , that there is in the Church the plu●…ality of her Judica●…ories , very much practical●… unsoundnesse , not only because of their not improving the precious Ordinances of God , for bearing down of the kingdom of sin and Satan , and advancing the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ , but also because of their abusing of them in many things , for a carrying on of a course of defection from former integrity and purity , and a course of persecution against godly Ministers , and Elders and Professors in the Land , who cannot be consenting to their backsliding courses : therefore , do these Brethren conceive that they have the more reason to refuse to engage themselves to an absolute submission to the Sentences of the Church ▪ Judicatories , whilst the power is in such hands , because it were to betray themselves and the Work and People of God , to the lusts and will of men . We conclude this debate of the nature of that submission that is due to Church-Judicatories , with two testimonies of men , who are deservedly acknowledged to be great and worthy asserters of Presbyteriall ▪ Government . The first is of the Authors of the Divine-right of Church-Government , who in the 15. Chap. of that book treating of the subordination of particular Churches to greater Assemblies , for their authoritative judging and determining of causes Ecclesiasticall , and the Divine right thereof , do write thus ; It is granted ( say they ) that the highest Ecclesiasticall Assembly in the world , cannot require from the lowest , a subordination absolute and pro arbitrio , i. e. at their own meer will and pleasure ; but only in some respect , subordination absolute , being only to the Law of God , laid down in the Scripture . We detest Popish tyrannie which claimeth a power of giving their will for a Law . It is subjection in the Lord that is pleaded-for , the streightest rule in the world , unlesse the holy Scricpture , we affirm to be regulam regulatam , i. e. a rule to be regulated , peace being only in walking according to Scripture Canon . Gal. 6. ver. 16. The other is of our Country-man , Mr. George Gillespie in his Assertion of the Government of the Church of Scotland , the sec. part , ch. 2. page 127. We must distinguish ( saith he ) betwixt a dependance absolute , and in some respect ; a Congregation doth absolutely depend upon the holy Scriptures alone , as the perfect rule of Faith , and manners , of Worship and of Church-Government ; for we accurse the tyrannie of Prelates , who claimed to themselves autocratorick power over Congregations to whom they gave their Naked-will for a Law : one of themselves told a whole Synod , that they ought to esteem that best which seemeth so to superiours ; and that this is a sufficient ground to the conscience for obeying , though the thing be inconvenient . We say , that Congregations ought indeed to be subject to Presbyteries and Synods , yet not absolutely , but in the Lord , and in things lawfull : and to this purpose the constitutions of Presbyteries and Synods , are to be examined by the judgement of Christian discretion ; for a Synod is judex judicandus , and regula regulata , so that it ought not to be blindly obeyed , whether the Ordinances be convenient or inconvenient . Having now vindicated the Protesting Brethren from the Aspersions unjustly cast upon them in that Declaration , and given a Reason why they cannot accept thereof , as containing right and fit foundations of Union ; We have only to add , That we know and are perswaded in our spirits , that as the divisions of this Church , are amongst the deepest wounds and greatest afflictions of their souls ; so there is nothing ( next unto communion and fellowship with God in his Truth ) which they do more earnestly desire , than a sinlesse Union and Peace in the Church ; and would redeem it at any rate that shall not pollute their consciences , and widen the breach with God : And therefore , as through the goodnesse and mercy of God , these Brethren have a witness of their innocency , and of the justice of their cause in the hearts of many of the precious and godly in the Land : So we desire , that none of the Lord's People will receive the accusations that are laid against them , or look upon them as men of implacable spirits , who hold up contention and division in the Church , but esteem them such as stand for the defence of the Truth , and are seeking and pursuing such an Union and Peace as may be not for the destruction , but for the preservation of the Truth and Cause of God , which they conceive themselves bound to , and tender before their own Persons and Ministery POSTSCRIPT . AFter that this Answer was sent to the Presse , the Authors of the Declaration , to which it doth contain a Reply , together with several other Brethren of their judgment , meeting at Edinburgh , in an extrajudicial way , two moneths after the first publishing thereof , did resolve that the Declaration should be tendered to the several Presbyteries of that judgement , for their approbation , and thereafter offered by them to the Protesting Brethren in the several parts of the Country , and that their Answer should be desired thereupon . Whether the imputation which they conceived to be cast upon them , by some Synods ref●…sing to declare themselves , as to their approving thereof , ( of which we have had a credible report ) or any other consideration did lead them hereunto , we shall not determine ; but we cannot but take notice , 1. That herein they have had little or no regard to the due liberty of Presbyteries and Synods , notwithstanding of their great pretentions and professions unto the contrary in all their debates with the Protesting Brethren , a few private persons having first , without acquainting them with that Paper , or desiring their approbation thereof , published the same as the Iudgment , and in the Name of the Brethren who are for the established Government of the Kirk of Scotland , and then ex post facto a long time after it had gone abroad materially in their names , to endeavour to engage them in the approbation thereof . 2. That the Presbyteries of that judgment have walked in a very different and dissonant way in order to that without justifying the Narrative 〈◊〉 ; and others having approven the whole Paper , Title and Body , as it stands , and in these tearms tendered it , as a ground of Union and Peace . 3. That sundry of these Brethren and Presbyteries of the Resolution judgment , who have approven and tendered this Paper to several of the Protesting Breth●…en , have done it in such a way as doth more savour of the customs of litigious men than doth beseem the Gospel and Servants of Iesus Christ , to wit , by Civil Notaries , and Instruments required under their hand . 4. That some Presbyteries of that judgment , have , because of some Protesting Brethren of the Presbyterie their refusing to joyn with them in condemning the practices and proposals mentioned in that Declaration , as contrary and destructive to the Government of this Kirk , declared them to be such as do dissent from the Government it self . Besides any thing that is said in the body of this Reply , it may by these things further appear what reason there was upon the one han●… to hasten forth an Answer to that Paper , and upon the other , how small reason from the Paper it self , how lub●…ick grounds from the dissonant proceedings of the Resolution Brethren thereupon , the Brethren for the Protestation have to imbrace the same , as a foundation of Union and Peace : Or , if they do so , in how great ●… cloud of uncertainty they must walk , and what hard conditions they must swallow . FINIS . 
A43317	----	Reformation of church-government in Scotland cleared from some mistakes and prejudices by the commissioners of the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland, now at London / published by especiall command. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Commission. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43317 of text R42074 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1437). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 41 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43317 Wing H1437 ESTC R42074 23660639 ocm 23660639 109557 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43317) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109557) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1702:10) Reformation of church-government in Scotland cleared from some mistakes and prejudices by the commissioners of the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland, now at London / published by especiall command. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Commission. Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. [2], 22 p. Printed by Evan Tyler ... Edinburgh : 1644. Attributed to Alexander Henderson. Cf. DNB. Contains ms. notes in margins. Reproduction of original in British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. A43317 R42074 (Wing H1437). civilwar no Reformation of church-government in Scotland, cleared from some mistakes and prejudices: by the commissioners of the Generall Assembly of th Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Commission 1644 7409 3 0 0 0 0 0 4 B The rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REFORMATION OF CHURCH-GOVERNMENT IN SCOTLAND , Cleared from some mistakes and prejudices : BY The COMMISSIONERS of the Generall Assembly of the Church of SCOTLAND , now at London . Published by especiall Command . EDINBURGH , Printed by Evan Tyler , Printer to the Kings most Excellent . Majestie . 1644. Reformation of Church-Government in SCOTLAND , cleered from some mistakes and prejudices . WHile we , the meanest of many our Brethren , for a time separated from our particular callings and stations , and sent forth into this Kingdome for a more publike imployment , are in all humility and patience , waiting what the Lord who is about some great Work in his Church , ( for which are raised so great Commotions in these and other Kingdoms of the earth ) will be pleased to do for Reformation of Religion ; the great Work of the honourable houses of Parliament , and the reverend Assembly of Divines ; and for Uniformity in Religion , so much desired by all the godly in the three Kingdomes : Unto whch an entrance is made by a solemne League and Covenant . We finde our selves bound against the prejudices and mistakings of some , who in the dark are afraid of that which they know not , and suffer their affections of love and hatred to run before their understanding ; and against the mis-representations and indirect aspersions of others , who do so commend their own way , that the reformed Churches thereby suffer disparagement ; To give that testimony unto the order and government of the Reformed Churches , and particularly of the Church of Scotland , which they do well deserve , and to honour them whom the Lord hath so highly honoured , in advancing the Kingdom of his Son , in the converting and saving of so many souls , and in opposing and suppressing a world of corruptions , Heresies , and Schismes , by his wonderfull blessing upon their order and Government . In this our humble testimony and true relation , unto which we are at this time thus necessitate , we shall endeavour nothing but a simple and innocent manifestation and defence , without desire or intention to give the smallest offence to any who fear God , love the Truth , & desire to walk in truth and in love with their Brethren . This our profession , we are confident will finde credit with all that know us , and have observed our wayes since our coming into this Kingdom , which have been , and ( so farre as the the truth will suffer us ) ever shall be , to unite , and not to divide ; to compose , rather then to create differences ; which we conceive also to be one principall end , of the calling of the Assembly of Divines , and which all the members of the Assembly , against all particular interests , are after a speciall manner ingaged to aime at and endeavour . The order and Government of the reformed Churches in the beauty and strength thereof , as it is not hid in a corner , wrapped up in a Mystery , or covered under a cloud of darknesse ; but is known to the Nations and Kingdomes of the earth , openly professed and practised in the eyes of the world , and cleerly seen , as a City that is set on a hill , in the light of the Sunne at noone day ; So is it commended , and already confirmed by a long tract of time , and the experience of many yeers , and hath been countenanced from Heaven , and blessed from above , with the preservation of the truth and unity of Religion , against Heresies and errours in Doctrine , Idolatry and corruptions in worship , and all sorts of Sects and Schismes , wherewith it hath been continually assaulted : How goodly are thy Tents : O Jacob , and thy Tabernacles O Israel , &c. It hath made the Church of Christ terrible as an Army with banners , and like a strong and fenced City , against which the Adversaries have despaired to prevaile , but by making a breach in this wall , and where they have gained ground or gotten any advantage , either the wall hath not been built , or being built hath been broken down , or not vigilantly keeped by the Watch-men . The Instruments which the Lord used in the blessed Work of Reformation of the Church of Scotland ( wee speak not of the reformers of other Churches ) were not onely learned and holy men , but had somewhat in their calling , gifts , and zeal to the glory of God , more then ordinary : Their Adversaries were not able to resist the wisdome and Spirit by which they spake ; some of them had a propheticall Spirit , manifested in divers particular and wonderfull predictions , and some of them were honoured to be Martyrs , and sealed the truth with their blood : So that in them , in the people of God converted by them , and and in the Reformation brought about by the blessing of God upon their labours , against all the Learning , Pride , Policie , and abused power of the time , there was to bee seen a representation of the Primitive and Apostolicke times , and a new resurrection from the dead . After them also did the Lord raise up in the Church of Scotland many burning and shining lights , men of the same spirit , mighty in converting of souls , walking in the same way , and who communicated their Counsels and keeped correspondence with Divines of other Nations , and with the greatest and purest lights in the Church of England , in the point of Reformation and setling of Church-government , which at that time was the common study and endeavour of both , and wherein they and their Successors continued till the times of defection , which made an unhappy interruption of the work . What men are like to do in after times we cannot foresee ; but we have not seen or heard of any to this day , farrer from partiality and prejudice in the matters of God , then their wayes witnesse them to have been ; and were they now living we beleeve there would be none in the reformed Churches , so far swayed with partiality or prejudice , that would deny them this testimony . They had no other rule and paterne of Reformation but the word of God , and the practice of the Apostolicke Churches in the Word . All the books of God are perfect , the book of life , the book of nature , the book of providence , and especially the book of Scripture , which was dy●ed by the Holy Ghost , to be a perfect directory to all the Churches , unto the second coming of Jesus Christ ; but so that it presupposeth the light and law of nature , or the rules of common prudence , to be our guide in circumstances or things locall , temporall , and personall , which being Ecolesiastico Politica , are common to the Church with civill societies , and concerning which , the Word giveth generall rules to be universally and constantly observed by all persons , in all times and places : Of things of this kind a godly and wise Divine giveth two rules : One is , that the Physician cannot by sending his letter to the Patient appoint the dyet and bath , the pulse must bee toucht , and as it is in the proverbiall speech , gladiatorem oportet in arena capere consilium . The other is , that in things of this kind , when the change is not to the better , it is both without and against reason to make a change ; without reason , because when the change is made unto that which is but as good , the one and the other in reason are equall : Against reason , because the change it self in such a case , is an hinderance to Edification , savoureth of the love of Innovation , and derogateth to the authority which maketh the Constitution . What they had once received , not upon probable grounds in way of conjecture , but upon the warrant of the Word , and by the teaching of the spirit , with certaintie of faith , that they resolved to hold fast , & did hate every false way contrary unto it . They did not in the matters of Religion rest upon a Sceptical or Pyrrhonian uncertainty ( the charge of the Orthodox Divines against the tenets of Arminians and Socinians ) which keepeth the mind uncertain unstable , is a fountain of perpetuall alterations in the Church of God , an open door to all heresies and schismes to enter by , and a ground of despairing to bring questions and controversies to a finall issue and determination . And for us , as upon the one part , we not only conceive , that no man attaineth so full assurance of faith , in any matter of Religion , but he may receive encrease of his faith , and therefore should alwayes have his minde open and ready to receive more light from the Word and Spirit of God : but also do ingenuously acknowledge ( as wee have formerly professed ) that wee are most willing to hear and learn from the Word of God , what needeth further to be reformed in the Church of Scotland : Yet God forbid , that we should never come to any certainty of perswasion , or that we should ever be learning , and never come to the knowledge of the truth ; wee ought to be resolute and unmoveable in so far as we have attained ; and this we take to be the ground , as of other practices , so also of Covenants and Oaths , both assertory and promissory , in matters of Religion . As they held it not sufficient , to receive or retain some such practices , as other reformed Churches judged warrantable ; for thus they should have rested upon some few principles and beginnings of Reformation , and might have differed as much in other things from the Reformed Churches , as they agreed in some things with them ; so can it not be satisfactory , that any Church should only practise some things , universally received in the Reformed Churches . ( 1 ) All Christian Churches , although very different in ordinances and practices , yet do agree in some things , ( 2 ) If our desire of Uniformity with other reformed Churches , and the reverend esteem we have of them , draw us to conform to them in some things ; upon the same reason we ought to joyne in all things wherein they do all agree amongst themselves . ( 3 ) Differences about Negatives and the denying of profession and practice in other matters wherein they are all unanimous and uniform , may prove no lesse dangerous and destructive , then differences about Affirmatives . The Arrians , Socinians , and many others , do erre dangerously in denying some positive points and received principles of the doctrine of the reformed Churches , concerning the Person of Christ , and his Offices . The Antinomians also ( if we should mention them ) do also agree with us in the principles of Grace ; but in their superstructures and conclusions , runne in a way destructive to the doctrine and deductions of the Apostolick and reformed Churches , and to the principles received by themselves . ( 4 ) Such Churches as make profession of differences only in Negatives , or in denying some practices received in the reformed Churches , have received , and do hold some positive practices of their own , which the reformed Churches do not allow , and which to them are negative . Of this ( would we suffer our selves to descend into particulars ) we might give divers known instances : now if they do not allow of the reformed Churches , in so far as they do not admit of these their positive practices , how shall they think that the reformed Churches can allow them in the like ? for the rule is , Wherein thou judgest another , thou condemnest thy self , for thou that judgest dost the same things . They did honour Luther , Calvin , and many others , whether their Predecessors or contemporaries , who had heart or hand , especially in an eminent degree , in the blessed work of Reformation : for their direction , they made use of the light which such notable servants of Jesus Christ did hold forth , in doctrine and discipline , and in all thankfulnesse they did desire and wish , that their names might be had in eternall remembrance : Nor was it possible that so great an alteration as the corrupt state of the Church required could be effected , and not carry some remembrance of the instruments : but for this to call us Calvinians ; and the reformed Churches , Calvinian reformed Churches , is to disgrace the true Churches of Christ , and to simbolize with the Papists , who call themselves The Catholicke Church , and hold the rule delivered by Hierome against the Luciferians : If anywhere we finde men professing Christianity , called by the particular names of men , know them to be the Synagogue of Antichrist , and not the Church of Christ . The separation may be well allowed to be called Brownists , and others from the matter wherein they erre , and part from all , not onely the reformed , but Christian Churches , as the Monothelites of old , and the Anabapists now , may bear their own names . They who apprehend any danger in names ( as there is a great deale of danger in them ) ought not to appropriate unto their own opinion , that which is common to all the reformed Churches , nor to joyne with Papists in giving names of Sects unto the reformed Churches ; and they who conceive no evill in so doing , ought not to offend , that names are given unto them , especially since their differences from the reformed Churches , must be designed under some name and notion , and in this case charity commands the mildest names , such as hint most clearly at the difference , and are farrest from reproach , to be attributed unto them , as most discriminative and tolerable . Nothing was farrer from their thoughts and intentions , then to frame in their own forge a Lesbian rule , answerable to any particular forme of civill policy , or complyable with State ends . That they looked with singlenesse of minde to the rule of Scripture , we give these three evidences ( 1 ) The great pains they took in searching the will of God , and after they had found it , their grievous sufferings from the civill authority in defence thereof , of both which afterward in the own place ( 2 ) The restlesse objection and continuall opposition of politick men and Court Sycophants against Presbyteriall government , as incompatible with Monarchy , and their manners ( 3 ) And the necessary assertion of the true policy of the Church by Divines in both Kingdoms ( between whom there was no notable difference ) demonstrating that it was in it self unalterable , because divine , and yet complyable with every lawfull kinde of humane policy and civill government , and able to keep a whole Kingdom or state in a right and sure way of Religion . Our chiefest reformers , had indeed their education in other Churches , which was the goodnesse of God to them and us : there did they see examples of Reformation , and conversed with other reformers , by whom they were taught from the word in the wayes of God , and thence did they bring ( as the Romans their laws of old from Greece and other Nations ) models of Church-government , that comparing one with another , they might fix upon that which was builded upon the foundation of the Apostles . Like as we accompt it no small happines , that we have bin educated in the Church of Scotland , and are acquainted with the practice of Church-government there , which giveth us much light and confidence against such scruples and doubtings as are powerfull enough to suspend the assent of others , who by reason of their education in other Churches , are strangers unto it . Nor do we know a reason why education in sound doctrine and true worship , should be accompted a matter of thanksgiving to God , and yet should glory in this , that we are not by education ingaged in any one form of of Discipline and Church-government , but left to our selves to be moulded by our own private thoughts . They intended and designed from the beginning , the Government of the Church by Assemblies and Presbyteries , although they could not attain that perfection at first in the infancie of Reformation , but gave place to necessity , which in such cases is universall , and in this they followed the example and practice of the Churches planted by the Apostles , which if not at first , yet afterward were of greater number in one City , then did or could ordinarily assemble in one place for the worship of God , and therefore had a plurality of Pastors and Officers , which made up a common Presbytery for governing the whole : They set up such Officers in the Church , as were both necessary and sufficient for the Church , Pastors , Teachers , ruling Elders , and Deacons : They did not permit such as are called Laymen , and intended to continue such , to preach or prophesie in the Congregation , nor did they admit of any other ruling Elders , but such as are solemnly elected and ordained , although they do maintain themselves upon their own means , and attend their own particular Callings , which is not incompatible with their Office , especially they being appointed in a number competent and proportionable to the number of the people , and quantity of the Congregation ; And their Ecclesiasticall charge , not being pastorall , nor requiring any great meditation or study apart , but such as they may easily attend , without neglect of their owne particular affaires . What shall be rendred unto the Magistrate by others , whose particular tenets are not yet known either to the Church or Magistrate , unlesse it be in a hid and secret way , unto which we are not privy , we cannot determine : but the doctrine of the Reformed Churches , concerning the honour and obedience due to the Magistrate , is openly known by their confessions of faith , and long continued practices ; and this much we know , that the principles both of Civill and Church-government , are laid out in Scripture , and therefore the one cannot be contrary to the other , or they inconsistent between themselves . Nor do wee measure the power of the Magistrate by the principles of Presbyteriall Government , but both of them by the Word , and therefore deny not unto the Magistrate what God giveth them ; and more then this dare we not professe , for any respect to our selves , or to the form of Ecclesiasticall Government professed by us : How much , and for what ends , the Pagans and Infidels of old , the Papists , Prelates , and Arminians of late , have laboured to make the way of Christ hatefull to Princes and Magistrates , is too well known , and hath been bitterly felt , yet God hath cursed this policy in the end . There may bee good reason to expresse our judgement of this or other points of duty from Scripture : but to avouch when we are not challenged , and that only in the generall , by way of comparison , That we ascribe more to the Magistrate , then the reformed Churches doe , they being faithfull to their own principles of Ecclesiasticall Government , may suffer a harder construction , then we our selves would willingly under-go , or put upon the intentions of men , who seek not their own things , but the things of Jesus Christ . As the blessed Instruments of Reformation proceeded by no other rule but the Word of God , so did they with great judgement and learning , which they had in a measure above others , examine and frame all things diligently and exactly according to the rule ; and although the Reformers in England were either altogether , or for the greater part taken up with the Doctrine ; yet in the Church of Scotland it was otherwise . After the doctrine was established , which was speedily done , they were exercised in Conferences and Assemblies , with debating the matters of Discipline and Government above the space of 20 years , which endured much opposition from authority , from worldly men , and from the adversaries of the Truth , both Prelaticall on the one hand , and upon the other hand Separatists , of which sort some came into Scotland from England , which was unto them a whetstone to quicken them , and to make them the more circumspect & exact in their way , which lay in the middle , betwixt Episcopacy upon the one hand , and popular confusion on the other . It pleased the Lord , whose presence and blessing they sought after in these dayes with frequent prayer and humiliation , both in private and in the publike Nationall Assemblies , so to assist and lead them in all truth ; that the Church of Scotland was honoured from abroad , both from England and other Nations , with the testimony of such a Reformation , as other Churches accounted to be the greatest happinesse upon earth , and when they were wishing after a Reformation , they made it the measure of their wishes . We would willingly shun comparisons , were we not brought upon this straine : We do upon very good reason judge the Church of England in the midst of her Ceremonies , to have beene a true Church , and the ministery thereof , notwithstanding the many blemishes and corruptions cleaving unto it , to have been a true ministery , and shall never deny unto them that praise , whether in debating controversies with Papists , or in practicall Divinity for private Christians , which they do most justly deserve . Upon the other part , we are neither so ignorant nor so arrogant , as to ascribe to the Church of Scotland such absolute purity and perfection , as hath not need or cannot admit of further Reformation . Yet that there is a wide difference betwixt the one and the other , acknowledged also in the Common Covenant ; Wee bring two famous witnesses from the Church of England to prove : The one is Brightman ; Loath would I be ( saith he , speaking of the Church of Scotland ) to provoke any man to envy , or to grieve him with my words : Yet this I must say , There is no place where the Doctrine soundeth more purely , the worship of God is exercised more uncorruptly , where more faithfull diligence of the Pastor doth flourish , or more free or willing obedience is given by the people , nor yet where there is greater reverencing of the whole Religion amongst all orders . And afterwards ▪ Neither doth it onely keep the Doctrine of salvation free from corruption , but it doth also both deliver in writing , and exercise in practice , that sincere manner of government whereby men are made partakers of salvation , Revel. of the Apocal. cap. 37. The other is Cartwright : Yea , the Scottish Nation , which were some yeers behind us in the profession of the Gospell , the first day almost that they received the truth , did by many degrees in the way of purity outstrip us . These two witnesses , unto which we might adde many other from the reformed Churches in other Nations , bear testimony , that there is no such thing in the Church of Scotland , as might prove her to be no Church , or bar Communion in worship with her , as the Liturgy , Ceremonies and Prelacy in the Church of England ; or that the Corruptions of the one and the other are of the same kinde , equally destructive of the essence of a Church , and equally impedetive of Communion and worship . All visible Churches , which have been , or shall be at any time on earth , consist of persons good and bad , Sheep and Goats , Wheat and Tares , such as walk Christianly and such as walk inordinatly : Which therefore must also be the condition of the Church of Scotland , yet the order of the Church , admitteth not either ignorant or openly prophane and scandalous persons , to the participation of the Lords supper : If any Pastor and particular Eldership bee negligent in their duty , it is their fault , who are to beare their own guiltinesse , and ought not to be imputed to the order of the Church , which standeth in force against it . We may be very confident , that the godly people , who did transplant themselves out of this Island , ( the fame of whose piety and zeal shall never suffer detraction or the smallest diminution from our thoughts or words ) might have lived in the Church of Scotland , injoying the pure Ordinances of God , with peace in their consciences and comfort to their souls , and would have willingly come into Scotland , when they went into New-England , could they have been free of the usurpation and tyranny of Prelats and the Prelatical party , which at that time did reigne and rage in that Kingdome , vexing the Godly Ministery and people there , with many and bitter sufferings . The two extreams of the true forme of Church-Government , which standeth in the middle way betwixt Popish and Prelaticall Tyranny , and Brownisticall and popular Anarchie , were contrary one to another , and have their own degrees of Tyranny or Anarchie in themselves , which is the cause of their sub-divisions , fractions , and differences amongst themselves : but both sides agree , and strongly joyne in opposing the true Government , which standing constantly , and without variation between the one and the other , is contrary to both . This is the true cause ( nor could it be otherwise ) that on what hand the invasion was hotest , there the defence was strongest . Against Prelacie which had many friends , and therefore made many enemies to Presbyteries , the Presbyteriall power and pens were long pleading : No sooner is the Prelaticall party , by the power and blessing of God , begun to be subdued in this Island ; but ariseth unexpectedly , The opposition on the other hand , waiting the opportunity , stronger then it was before , which moved some of our Divines of late , to write on this hand in defence of the government of the reformed Churches , as others had done before them in other Churches . In France Beza , & against Morellius Sadeel . Two Nationall Synods also of the reformed Churches in France , the one at Orleans in the year 1561. Another at Rothel 1571. And in all the reformed Churches , governed by Presbyteries and Assemblies , the positive grounds of the Government are laid open , which work equally against Adversaries on both sides , and have been applyed against them prove nata as they did arise or shew themselves . If so much have not been written upon one hand as the other , in a polemicall and Anaskeuastick way , let it be attributed unto the Adversarie , which was but obscure and weak , and from whom small danger was apprehended ▪ it being laid for a common ground by them all , That where a whole Nation is converted to the Christian faith , every particular Church is not to bee left to it selfe , as if it were alone in a Nation , but that Christ had provided a way , and there is a necessitie of a common Nationall Governement , to preserve all the Churches in Unitie and Peace . It is the Will of God , and hath been alwayes the constant course of Divine providence , that when his servants have been diligent in searching the truth , and zealous by professing and preaching , to hold it forth unto others , that they confirme and seal the truth , which they have beleeved and professed with their confession and suffering . The Church of Scotland had many Confessours , divers Pastours brought before the Lords of Councell , the High Commission , Diocesan Synods , were removed from their places , deprived of all the means of their livelyhood ; some confined , others imprisoned : a third sort brought into England , whence some of them were never suffered to returne , all of them for the Government of the Church . Others for the same cause were proceeded against by the criminall Judge , condemned of Treason , sentenced to death , and after long imprisonment , before and after the sentence , could finde no other mercy , but perpetuall banishment , wherein the greater part of them ended their dayes , without any Congregation , or Company of their owne Nation , rich or poore , to comfort them . So many of these witnesses as were suffered to live in their owne Land , did not undergoe any voluntary exile ; but in much poverty and affliction , went up and down , teaching and confirming the good people , and waiting for a spring time , wherein the face of God might again shine upon his Church and ( to use their owne expression ) some buds might arise out of the stumpe of Church government left in the earth . Had they at that time abandoned the poore oppressed Church , when they were put from their places , and deprived of their liberty , and had carried away with them such of the people as were of their minde , they had ( if wee would judge according to ordinary providence , and the course of second causes ) opposed the poore desolated Church for a prey to Episcopall oppression , and made the case of Religion in that Kingdome desperate : Or if they should have returned upon a revolution of extraordinary providence , they would have preferred the sufferings of their Brethren left behinde them in the midst of the fiery triall , unto their owne exile , and would have been loath to have impeded or retarded the late Reformation , with any thing they had brought with them from abroad : so many as returned from constrained banishment , having in all Unitie of minde , and heart joyned in the worke of Reformation . The Church of Scotland , as all other reformed Churches , hath used the power of the Keyes , & Church-censures of all sorts , especially the gravest of excommunication , with such sharpnesse and severity , and yet with such caution and moderation , as it hath been very powerfull and effectuall , to preserve the Name of God from being blasphemed , the Church and people of God from contagion , and the Delinquents brought under censure from destruction ; which are the ends proposed by them in executing the censures or the Church , and where such scandalls arise , whether in matter of opinion or practise , as are apt to make the Name of God to be blasphemed , are dangerous for the Church , and waste the Consciences of the sinners themselves , being accompanied with obstinacie and contempt of Ecclesiasticall Authority , they doe apply this last remedy , according to the order prescribed by Christ , against scandalous transgressours ; To limit the censure of excommunication in matter of opinion , to the common and uncontroverted principles ; and in the matter of manners , to the common and universall practises of Christianitie ; and in both , to the parties knowne light , is the dangerous doctrine of the Arminians , and Socinians , openeth a wide doore , and proclaimeth liberty to all other practices and errors , which are not fundamentall , and universally abhorred by all Christians , and tendeth to the overthrow of the Reformed Religion : which we wish all sound and sober spirits to abstain from , lest it render them and their profession suspected of some such opinions and practises , as in charity wee judge to be farre from their minds and wayes . Two main objections are made against the principles and practise of the order and government of the reformed Churches , for which the Church and Kingdome of Scotland , have done and suffered so much of old and of late . One is , that there is no need of the Authoritative power of Presbiteries and Synods , and that the exhortation of particular Churches one to another , the Protestation of one against another , and the withdrawing of communion one from another , may bee a sufficient remedy , and no lesse effectuall against all offences , then excommunication it selfe : especially if the Magistrate shall vouchsafe his assistance , and interpose his authoritie , for strengthening the sentence of Noncommunion ? To this we answer . 1. That this Objection supposeth a case , which hath not been found in the Church of Scotland for the space of above fourescore yeares , and which wee beleeve was never heard of in any of the Reformed Churches , except those of the separation : the pronouncing of Non-communion or Excommunication against a whole Church . Our excommunication hath beene executed , and but seldome against particular members , never against a whole Church , and wee thinke never shall bee , and therefore this imaginary feare of that which never falleth forth , is not considerable : Rules are made for ordinary and usuall cases . 2. What shall bee the remedy where the censure is mutuall , and two or more Churches mutually protest , and pronounce the sentence of Non-communion one against other ? unlesse there be a common Presbyterie , or Synod made up of the whole , which may decide the controversie , and give order unto the severall Churches . This Non-communion may prove a mean of division , rather then union . 3. In this Exhortation , Protestation , and Non-communion , there is no more to be found , then one particular member may doe against another , which yet is acknowledged to bee unsufficient for removing of offences , unlesse the authority of the Church , of which both of them bee members , shall interveine : Were it in the power of particular members to submit , or not submit , as they please , there would bee as great difference and division amongst members , as now there is amongst Churches . 4. What shall be done if the Magistrate be negligent or care for none of those things ? or if his Authoritie cannot be obtained ? or if hee bee of another Religion , and foment the difference for his owne politicke ends ? hath not the wisedome of the Sonne of God provided remedies in the Church for all the internall necessities of the Church , and constitute it a perfect body within it selfe . 5. By what probabilitie can it be made to appeare to any Rationall man and indifferent minde , that no Authoritie shall be as valide as authority against the obstinate , that via admonitionis , & requisitionis , is equall with via citationis , & publicae authoritatis : There cannot be so much as triall and examination of the offence without Authoritie , unlesse the partie be willing to appeare : that perswasion and Jurisdiction , that the delivering over to Satan , and thereby striking the Conscience with the terrour of God , by the authority of Jesus Christ , which hath the promise of a speciall and strong ratification in Heaven , and any other Ecclesiasticall way whatsoever , which must be inferiour to this , and depend onely upon perswasion on the one part , and free will on the other , can be supposed to bee a like efficacious . No man will say , but in civill matters , it is one thing to have adoe with our neighbour , who hath no more authority over us , then we have over him ; and another thing to have to doe with civill power which hath authority over both . The other Objection is : That by this Authoritie and Order of Government , one Church hath power over another , which is contrary to that liberty and equalitie Christ hath endued his Churches with , and is no other but a new Prelaticall dominion set over the Churches of Christ ? To this we answer . 1. That we are very farre from imposing or acknowledging any such collaterall power of one particular Church over another , nay not of the greatest , in all respects whatsoever over the smallest , for God hath made them equall one to another . The power which we maintain , is aggregative of the Officers of many congregations over the particular members of their Corporation : even as a member of the Naturall body is not subject to another ; but each one of them to the whole Man consisting of them all : And as one Member of Parliament , one Counseller ; or to goe lower , one member of a company , is not subject to another , but every one to the whole Colledge : The same may bee said of townes and cities : so is it with particular congregations combined in one Presbyterie . All the Reformed Churches acknowledge the Independencie of one particular Church upon another . 2. It is as miserable a mistake to compare Presbyteries and Prelates together : for the courts of Prelates are altogether forraign and extrinsecall to the congregations over which they rule , and then indeed the Metropolitan Church usurpeth and tyrannizeth over other Churches : but the power of Presbeteries in intrinsecall and naturall , they being constitute of the Pastors and Elders of the particular congregations over which they are set : So that another without themselves doth not beare rule over them ; but all of them together by common consent doe rule over every one , which is a most milde and free forme of Church-government : it being no more contrary to the liberty of a particular Church to bee ruled by a common Collegiate Presbytery , or Ecclesiastick Senate , then it is for a Member of a particular congregation to bee ruled by his owne particular Eldership . 3. Were this way of government as well known by experience unto others , as it is unto us , it would bee accounted rather Subsidium , then Dominium , and would be looked at , rather as auxiliary to particular Ministers and Elderships , then authoratative over them , especially since they neither ordain nor depose Ministers , they discern no censure , nor sentence of Excommunication of any Member , without the knowledge and consent of the congregation which is particularly concerned therein : whatsoever their authority be , the Minister and particular Eldership are advised , assisted , and strengthned , rather then commanded , enjoyned , or forced : which the particular Churches should much rather chuse , then through want of counsell and assistance , suffer themselves to run rashly upon Deposition or Excommunication , and afterward either be brought to the neighbouring Churches to the publike confession of their errour , which lesseneth their authority afterward , or to have the sentence of Non-communion pronounced against them , which must bee the cause of Schisme or scandall . So much for the present have we said , not for confutation ; but meerely for justifying our owne , and other Reformed Churches , against such misrepresentings and mistakings , as in matters of Religion are too frequent in this place at this time , to the perverting and abusing of simple and unstable minds , which will never be brought to a consistence and unitie , without this true order and governement of the Church , and the blessing of God from heaven upon his owne ordinance . Were Magistrates and civill powers acquainted with the power thereof , they would finde their authority increased , their worke more easie , and their places more comfortable thereby . Such as are most adverse to this order and government ( if they allow no materiall difference in doctrine , worship , or practise ) might enjoy their peace , and all the comforts of their Ministery and profession under it , without controlment , from that authoritative power which they so much apprehend . The Church of England which God hath blessed with so much learning and pietie , by this Reformation and Uniformitie with other Reformed Churches , which all of us have solemnely sworn and subscribed , sincerely , really , and constantly through the grace of God , to endeavour in our severall places and callings , should be a praise in the Earth . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43317e-120 The occasion . Our intention . The Government of the Reformed Churches is known . The Reformers of the Church of Scotland . The rule and patern of their Reformation . Their certainty in matters of Religion . Their consent with other Reformed Churches . They are not to be called Calvinians . Their Reformation was not framed to State ends . The Reformers not byassed , but benefited by education . They intended Presbyteriall Government from the beginning . What they give unto the Magistrate . Their diligent search for true Church-government , and the good hand of God upon them . The defence therof against adversaries on both hands . Their sufferings for the true Church government . Their exercising of that true Church government for which they had done and suffered so much . This government necessary for Churches living together . This government agreeeth with the libertie and equalitie of particular Churches . This government usefull and beneficiall to all sorts of persons . 
A51155	----	An enquiry into the new opinions, chiefly propagated by the Presbyterians of Scotland together with some animadversions on a late book, entitled, A defence of The vindication of the kirk : in a letter to a friend at Edinburgh / by A.M., D.D. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? 1696 Approx. 88 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51155 Wing M2439 ESTC R7 13648237 ocm 13648237 100948 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51155) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100948) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 795:35) An enquiry into the new opinions, chiefly propagated by the Presbyterians of Scotland together with some animadversions on a late book, entitled, A defence of The vindication of the kirk : in a letter to a friend at Edinburgh / by A.M., D.D. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? [12], 339, [1] p. Printed for Walter Kettilby, London : 1696. Attributed to Alexander Monro. Cf. BM. Errata: p. [11] Advertisement on p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. -- Defence of The vindication of the Church of Scotland. Presbyterian Church -- Controversial literature. Church of Scotland -- History. Presbyterians -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 John Cords Sampled and proofread 2005-08 John Cords Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ENQUIRY INTO THE New Opinions ( Chiefly ) Propagated by the Presbyterians of Scotland ; Together also with some Animadversions on a Late Book , Entituled , A Defence of the Vindications of the Kirk : In a LETTER to a Friend at EDINBURGH . By A. M. D. D. Jeremiah 6.16 . — Ask for the Old Paths , where is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your Souls : but they said , we will not walk therein . LONDON : Printed for Walter Kettilby , at the Bishop's-Head in St. Paul ' s Church-yard , 1696. THE CONTENTS OF THIS TREATISE . THE Introduction , inviting all the true Sons of the Church ( especially the Afflicted Clergy ) to the most serious Exercise of true Repentance and Humiliation , P. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. The Doctrines and Principles that we contend for against the later Sectaries are Primitive , Catholic , and Orthodox . p 9 , 10 , 11. CHAP. I. The Insufficiency of those Pleas and Arguments managed by the Presbyterians , against the Catholic Church , in Defence of their New Doctrine of Parity , p. 12 , 13 , 14. Their Arguments reduc'd to three general Heads , p. 15. 1. Their Pleas from the Pretended immediate Institution of our Saviour , considered , p. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. 2. Their Arguments from the Confusion of Names , observable in the New Testament , proved to be Vain and Sophistical , p. 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , &c. 3. Their Arguments from the Testimony of Ecclesiastical Writters examined , p. 39 , 40. The Testimony of St. Clement the Apostolical Bishop of Rome , Vindicated from the Wilful Mistakes of Presbyterians , p. 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , &c. The Testimony of St. Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna and Disciple of St. John the Apostle , enquired into particularly , p. 49 , 50 , 51. The Testimony from Hermas impartially viewed , and the Disingenuity of Monsiour Blondel reproved , p. 52 , 53 , 54 , &c. Pope Pius his Epistle to Justus Viennensis Censured as Spurious ; and if it was Genuine , cannot serve the Presbyterian Design , p. 56. The Instance of Marcion the Heretic as unfit to support the New Doctrine , as the former Testimony from the Spurious Epistle of Pope Pius , p. 57. The Testimony from Justin Martyr impertinently alledged by our Adversaries , p. 58 , 59. The Testimony of the Gallican Martyrs , p. 62 , 63. The Testimony of St. Cyprian , p. 64. The Testimony from the Authority of St. Jerome , p. 65. The Error of St. Jerome discovered to be very different from the New Doctrine of the Presbyterians , p. 66. St. Jerome never acknowledged any Interval , after the Death of the Apostles in which Ecclesiastical Affairs were managed , Communi Presbyterorum Consilio . Ibid & Seqq. St. Jerome taught , that Episcopacy was the Apostolical remedy of Schism , from p. 65. to p. 80. The Testimony from the Authority of Saint Austin , examined . Saint Austin reasoned from the Succession of single Persons governing the Church of Rome from the days of the Apostles , and by this Argument overthrew the Doctrine and Schism of the Donatists , p. 81. to p. 94. CHAP. II. Of the Succession of Bishops from the Apostles , p. 94. Some Presbyterian Concessions preliminary to the true State of the Controversie , p. 95 , 96. The Apostolical Office considered , with regard to its Permanent and Essential Nature ▪ 2ly . As it was adorned with Extraordinary and miraculous Advantages . The First was to continue for ever in the Church , the Second was Transient and Occasional , with regard to the first Plantations of Christianity . The Apostolical and Episcopal Office the same in its Original Nature , Essence , and Design , p 98 , 99 , 100 , 101 , &c. The true State of the Controversie , whether the Apostles left the Government of Particular Churches to single Successors , or to a College of Presbyters acting in Parity and Equality , p. 105 , 106 , The first is affirmed by all Records , whether we consider the inspired Writings of the Apostles , or the Ecclesiastical Histories of after Ages , p. 107 , &c. The true Notion of an Evangelist altogether different from the Permanent Office of Timothy or Titus , p. 111. Saint James the Just , Established Bishop of Jerusalem by the Apostles , and he in that City was the Centre of Unity , and Episcopal Succession in that See , p. 112 , 113. The Episcopal Power lodged in his person , ib. The Angels of the Asiatic Churches , Bishops in the strictest Sense , p. 114 , &c. The whole Question reduced to three Enquiries , p. 118 , &c. The Force of the Primitive Argument against Hereticks , from the Succession of single Persons , p. 123 , 124 , 125. The Ancients could not be deceived in an affair of this Nature , p. 128 , 129. The Impossibility of changing the Ecclesiastical Government from Parity to Prelacy , in the Primitive Ages , all things duly considered , p. 136 , 137. This proved at length from the Concessions of the Learned Presbyterians , Salmasius , blondel , and Bochartus , Ibid. The Peevishness of our Adversaries in this Controversie , p. 150. The Epistles of St. Ignatius overthrow the Pretences of Parity , even upon Salmasius his own Hypothesis , P. 152 , 153 , &c. The whole Controversie reduced to Nine plain Queries , p. 157 , 158 , 159 , 160. The Power of Bishops over the Subordinate Clergy and Lay-men , in the Primitive Ages , p. 161. The Presbyterian exception against large Diocesses discussed , p. 162 , 163 , 164. Saint James the Just , a Diocesan Bishop in the Strictest Sense , p. 164 , 165. CHAP. III. Of several other New Opinions propagated by the Presbyterians of Scotland , p. 168. Their Doctrine concerning the Holy-Days of our Saviour's Nativity , Resurrection , and Ascension , Ibid. Anniversary Solemnities not founded upon any Divine or Express Institution observed in the Jewish and Christian Church , p. 172 , &c. Presbyterian Exceptions removed , p. 175 , 176 , 177. This further Prosecuted from several other Considerations , p. 179 , 180 , &c. The Festivity of Christmas more particularly considered , p. 185. The Vindicator's Mistakes exposed , by the Anniversary Commemoration of the Martyrs , celebrated by the first Christians , p. 188 , &c. The New Explications of the Vindicator insisted on , p. 196 , &c. Some other ridiculous Fancies examined , viz , That Christmas was observed in honour of Julius Caesar , p. 205. The Testimony cited from Buchanan cannot serve the Presbyterian Design , p. 207 , 208. CHAP. IV. Of the Presbyterian Notion of Schism , and their fabulous Stories concerning a Presbyterian Church in Scotland , in the first Ages of Christianity , p. 211. Several Considerations proposed to prove our Scotish Presbyterians Schismaticks from the Catholic Church , in the strictest Sense of that Word , p. 213 , 214 , &c. A Particular Enquiry into that Fabulous Story propagated by our Adversaries , viz. That there was a Presbyterian Church in Scotland in the First Ages of Christianity , p. 228 , 229. The Authors cited by the Vindicator of the Kirk , to support this Dream , particularly considered , p. 230. The Authority of Prosper mistaken , and the Testimony cited by our Adversaries , from his Chronicon Consulare , more narrowly enquired into , p. 245 , &c. CHAP. V. The Presbyterian Doctrine concerning Rites and Ceremonies examined . p. 250 , 251. Their Notions contradict the Practice of all civiliz'd Nations , Ibid. The frequent Allusions to uncommanded significant Ceremonies practised in the Worship of God , that we meet with in the Holy Scriptures , prove such Ceremonies Lawful beyond all Contradiction , p. 254 , &c. Several Exceptions , offered by the Vindicator , removed , p. 256 , 257. The Orthodox Principle Prov'd from an Allusion to the Ceremony of Immersion , practis'd in the Apostolical Church of Rome , proved from Rom. 6.4 . pag. 265. Of Presbyterian Ordinations , and how little can be said in their Defence , p. 276 , &c. The Doctrine of Non-Resistance , truly Understood , is safe and Christian in it self , and in all its tendencies , p. 284 , 285. The Enthusiastic Singularities of the later Presbyterians , in rejecting all Publick Forms , in the Solemn Worship of God , reproved , p. 289 , 290 , 291 , &c. Calvin's three Arguments for Publick Liturgies are Solid and Unanswerable , p. 293 , 294 , 295. The Vindicator's usual Reproach , Viz , That the Clergy of our Church are Superstitious , examined , p. 295 , &c. The Nature of Superstition explain'd , and a Parallel insisted on , between the Superstitious Usages of the Ancient Hereticks , and the Modern Practices of the later Sectaries , p. 296 , 297 , 298 , &c. The Vindicator's Attempt to Justifie his Unaccountable Paradox forc'd upon the words of St. Jerome , from some Expositions offered by the Learned Grotius , Chastised and Exposed , and the Vanity of that Comparison demonstrated , p. 305 , 306 , 307. The Conclusion Exhorting all the true Sons of the Church to Pray for the Peace and Unity of its Members . It is expected the Reader will Pardon some Points and Comma's that are misplac'd . The Errors that disturb the Sense most , are these following . PAge 16. l. 20. r. New. p. 20. marg . r. locum . p. 55. l. 20. r. Praecipue . p. 60. marg . for Hadriani , r. Saturnini . p. 74. l. 21. r. genuine , p. 81. l. 26. r. needs . p. 84. l. 17. r. Hieronymo . p. 92. l. 15. r. Smectimnuus . p. 116. l. 3. after Angel , add , as it is render'd by the Septuagint . p. 138. l. 21. r. Centesimum . p. 159. l. 2. r. a. p. 162. l. 5. r. Saeculi , p. 182. l. 19. r. acuteness . p. 189. l. 7. r. accurate . p. 199. l 3. r. foppish . p. 253. l. 28. r. Treatises . p. 255. l. 25. after unguarded , add , and not Supported . p. 291. l. 13. after that , add , it . p. 319. l. 2. r. Shadow . AN ENQUIRY INTO THE New Opinions , &c. Sir , I Thought that our Enemies had made an end of their Libels , but I see that it is not so easie for them to forbear the practices that we complain of . The malignity of Faction is endless , and there is nothing so apt to be oppressed and reviled as Truth and Innocence . We must ( in these days of Atheism and Confusion ) arm our selves against Calumnies and Contradictions : and if we are not guarded by Resolution and Fortitude , we must desert ( not only the Peculiar Ministries of the Priesthood , but ) the Profession of Christianity it self . We are surrounded on all hands by the most ungenerous and spiteful Adversaries , the open and scandalous Sensualities of some , and the spiritual Raveries of others , lay siege to the Foundations of our Faith , and it is with great difficulty that the publick Worship of God is not quite extinguished , as it is indeed despised and ridicul'd : So grievous is our present Calamity , that the contending Parties amongst us do impute our Disasters to different Causes , and therefore we are the further remov'd from out true Cure. If we were so impartial as to acknowledge our Iniquities with Sorrow and Remorse , we would quickly find the Exercise of Contrition and Repentance more proper to remove the marks of God's Anger , than the other Methods that are most pleasing to Flesh and Blood. There is nothing more Essential to Natural Religion than the belief of God's wise and watchful Providence . It interposes in the meanest . Accidents of humane Life , and much more in the remarkable Ruins and Calamities of publick Societies and Churches : And if we do not hear the Voice of the Rod , and of him that hath appointed it , he hath still more terrible Plaues in reserve for us than the spoiling of our Goods , or the affronting of our Persons . Let us therefore draw near unto him by our fervent Prayers , and ingenuous Humiliations : for the most Innocent amongst us may find in the view of his Life several Actions and Omissions very displeasing to our Heavenly Father , as well as unsuitable to our Baptismal Vows and Engagements ; therefore the Hand of God is stretched out against us , and he is provoked to let loose amongst us a Spirit of Error and Confusion : and though we may be very Innocent as to the Accusations of those who have wickedly combin'd to defame us , yet who of us can understand his Errors ? If all things without us are in such disorder ; then is it high time for us to look within our selves , and to fix our Thoughts on their true Objects : If we are expos'd to the sadest Toslings and Uncertainties , we must endeavour to establish the Tranquillity of our mind ? If we know not where to lay our head , if we have no property upon Earth , the natural Conclusion is , to seek those things that are above . If here we are persecuted and oppressed , we must carry our thoughts and desires to that invisible Sanctuary that yields true Ease and Repose under all pressures and afflictions . It is worth our while to enquire why we , who have been dedicated to the services of the Altar , are more particularly struck at than others . It is not so much our business to complain of our Persecutors , as to look unto him that smites us : and if he ( by the discipline of so many crosses ) oblige us to consider more narrowly the frame of our Souls , we may with greater ease part with our , former Conveniencies . Let every one of us retire into himself , and open up the several foldings of his own Conscience , and endeavour hereafter to regulate our Actions by true and Christian Principles knowing that all things are naked and open to the Eyes of him with whom we have to do , and to whom we are shortly to give an account of our time and talents , and of all things that we have done in the body whether they be good or evil . If we must suffer , let us imitate the Captain of our Salvation : this is Edifying to the Church , and it establishes the Composure of our own mind . Let us canvass and examine the Doctrines and Practices for which we suffer , and enquire whether they be not the Principles of the Catholic and Primitive Church in her first and purest ages . We must not think that we are discharg'd from the peculiar Offices of our Ministry , because we are forc'd from our Residence , and exposed to all sorts of Indignities . We must firmly believe that all things work together for good to them that love God : and that our Patience and Meekness may be of greater use to the Church than if we had been allow'd to continue in our former Stations . We see how much holy things are contemn'd in our days , how triumphantly Atheism and Impiety lift up their Banners every where . Let us endeavour as much as is possible to preserve some Remains of Religion amongst the People . Let us assert the ancient Order and Piety that made the Christian Church so beautiful in former Ages . The Apostle informs us , that the time would come when men could not endure sound Doctrine , but after their own lust shall they heap to themselves Teachers having itching Ears , and they shall turn away their Ears from the truth , and shall be turned unto fables . The great Founder of our Religion sent his Apostles by found Doctrine to enlighten the World , and they convey'd this Spiritual Authority unto others who should transmit it by an orderly Succession ; and as their Mission was Heavenly in its Original , so their Doctrine was pure and holy in all its Tendencies . They considered themselves as the Ambas ▪ adors of Jesus Christ , and Delivered their Commission without any Mixture or Hypocrisy . They treated the People with all Humility and Tenderness , but in the mean time took great care to mortifie their Lusts and their Passions ; but when they grew wanton and headstrong , and thought themselves too wise to be led by their Spiritual Guides and Rulers , then they would have teachers of their own , Men chosen by themselves , such as were taught to calculate their Doctrines to popular Fancies and Humours , such as would prostitute the Gospel , to promote Error and Delusion , and make the Kingdom of Light subservient to that of Darkness , and instead of serving our blessed Saviour , they became Slaves to the People , by whom they were originally employed : and because they were so unhappily successful as to gratifie their Lusts , they were therefore voted the most edifying teachers . The Primitive Ministers of Religion had their immediate Commission from Heaven , accordingly they endeavoured by all means to restore the Image of God in the Souls of Men , to raise their Thoughts and Designs to that Happiness and Treasure which the World cannot give , which God truth promised and made sure by the Resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead . The other had their authority from Men , and therefore they must needs please the People who sent them . They must reconcile the Rules and Morals of the Gospel to the Wicked Practices and designs of the World : they must change the strictest Maxims of the Evangel into looser Theorems , and the severe Discipline of the Ancient Church unto all Licence and Luxury , the true faith that works by love unto airy Notions and Mistakes . Thus the People were pleas'd , and the Gospel was defeated , the Church is ruin'd , and God dishonour'd . Every Man in his own station is obliged to contend for the Faith once delivered to the Saints . When the Foundations of Ecclesiastical Unity are shaken loose , and the Antient Constitutions trampled upon with great Insolence and Impiety , then the hedge of t●●e Religion is not only Invaded but Demolished , and without those Sacred Vehicles it must Evaporate into Giddiness and Enthusiasm ; the Extravagance of these last days is boundless as it Sceptical , and Christianity it self is more dangerously wounded by the Delusions of some that are Baptiz'd , than by the open Blasphemies of Infidels : The last may be assaulted by Reason , ( at least in their more Lucid Intervals ) but the first are altogether inaccessible : we must not presume to instruct them who pretend to extraordinary Illuminations , their Errors are made strong by their vanity , they plead a Divine Right to every New Opipinion , and if we approach them in the ancient Paths of Modesty and Humility , they look down upon us with Scorn and Indignation ; Nay , they are inflexible to the plainest and most convincing arguments . I have frequently , with Grief and Sorrow , considered the Decays of Religion , and the Difficulties of our Employment . We must pull down strong Holds and lofty Imaginations , and grapple with the rudest Oppositions ; the Avenues of Mens Souls are blockaded by passion and prejudices and they are fortified in their Error , not only by the Corruption of their Nature , but by the artifice of Seducers , their itching Ears are pleased , their Lusts are gratified , their Passions are made more unruly , their Envy , Hatred , and Malice are indulg'd ; and they are allow'd to distinguish themselves from all others by special Titles of Division and Singularity , by which alone they think to make their Calling and Election sure . Yet notwithstanding that we are thus resisted by the Multitude of their Follies and Delusions , we must not give over by Faintness and Despondency . We must plead with them , who have left the Unity of the Church , by the words of Truth and Soberness , and exhort others to continue in that Doctrine that was reveal'd by our Saviour , taught by his Apostles , and received by all Churches in the first and best Ages , that the present Generation may not rise in Judgment against us for our Silence , nor Posterity censure our Cowardice . We must not be ashamed of the truth , even when it is contradicted with all possible Violence and Fury . I address this short Treatise to you , with a design rather to assert the Truth , than to reply to what hath been lately published by the Vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland , against a certain Book , Entituled , Apology for the Clergy , &c. though I think it necessary to make some of his Mistakes a little more apparent . There are certain Practices and Rituals received by the Christian Church , in all Ages , which are not determin'd expresly in the Holy Scriptures in so many Letters and Syllables , yet by the plainest and most undeniable Consequences , are agreeable to its general Rules , and the Uniform belief of all Christians ; and they that deny those Usages , or the Lawfulness of those Rituals , venture upon untrodden Paths , and do foolishly condemn the Wisdom of all former Ages . The special Providence of God hath so watch'd over the Church , that , since the first Plantations of Christianity , we have preserved to us some Records and Monuments of its Doctrine and Practices . The Books of such as have been learn'd in every age do plainly demonstrate that the first Christians were agreed amongst themselves in the great Articles of Religion , and in the general Rules of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Order , and by this Uniformity of Doctrine and Rituals they strengthened themselves against Infidels and Hereticks . There is nothing more opposite to the spirit of true Religion than Stubborness and Petulance , and when we despise those Constitutions that have been universally received amongst Christians , we overthrow the Foundations of Peace and Charity , and consequently we exclude our selves from the visible fellowship of Christ's Houshold and Family . When we consider the Schisms and Tumults of particular Churches , the confusions of so many Revolutions , the shakings of so many Nations , the boldness and activity of Hereticks , we have reason to adore the Goodness of God , that so many Monuments of Ecclesiastical Antiquity are preserv'd ; and whatever is uniformly determin'd by the Wisest and the best of Christians ( their learn'dst Bishops and Presbyters ) must be received as the Infallible truth of God , else we have no certain Standard to distinguish the Catholic Church in former Ages from the combinations of Hereticks : these are new in their several Errors and Delusions , and upon that very account of their Novelty were expos'd and refuted by the Ancients : they neither agreed amongst themselves , nor with the Orthodox . But the Uniform Voice of Christendom in the first and purest Ages , is the best Key to the Doctrine and Practice of the Apostles and their Successors . If it appear then that the Opinions which we oppose , and are propagated by the Presbyterian Societies are such as were never entertain'd in the Christian Church for fourteen hundred Years after our Saviour's Incarnation , then I leave it to every sober Christian to consider , whether he may safely continue in the communion of that Party that despises the whole Catholic Church both Ancient and Modern . CHAP. I. The Novelty and Insufficiency of those Pleas and Arguments managed by the Presbyterians in defence of their New Doctrine of Parity . THE first Opinion that I charge with Error and Novelty amongst our Country-men , is this , That they affirm , upon all Occasions , that our Saviour hath appointed his Church , under the New Testament ( whether Provincial , National , or Oecomenic ) to be govern'd by the several classes of Presbyters acting in perfect Parity , and owning no Subordination to any higher Officer in the Ecclesiastical Senate above a Presbyter in the modern and current Notion of the word , Such a Doctrine must be of dangerous consequence , because it is altogether new , and never propagated in any part of the Christian Church until these last days of Separation and Singularity . In this Opinion they differ , not only from the Uniform testimony of Antiquity , but also from the first Presbyterians amongst ourselves , who declare in their Confession of Faith , that all Church-Polity is variable : so far they were at that time from asserting that indispensible , divine , and unalterable right of Parity . All that the first Presbyterians pleaded was , that their new form was allowable , and not repugnant to the Oeconomy of the New Testament and Primitive Institution ; and that it came very near to the Original Model of Churches , but they never thought to advance such a bold and rash Assertion as to affirm , That the Christain Church , by the Original Authority of our Saviour and his Apostles , ought to be govern'd in all Ages by a Parity of Presbyters ; or that there was no other Officer in the Church could pretend to any share of Ecclesiastical Government above a Presbyter . When a Society of Men set up for Divine , Absolute , and Infallible Right , they ought to bring plain Proofs for what they say , else they must needs be look'd upon as Impostors , or at least self-conceited and designing Men. To propagate a Doctrine under the notion of a probable Opinion ( though it should happen to be an Error ) is consistent with Modesty , and the practice of Learned Men in all Ages ; But to affirm a new Notion to be established by Divine Right , and to require Obedience to that Scheme , as a thing that is due to Supreme and Infallible Authority , is much worse than Speculative Enthusiasm . If a man only entertains himself with his Visions and Fancies , he alone suffers by it : but if I meet with a company of head-strong Fellows , who must needs persuade me that they see so many Armies in the Air fighting , and with the exactest Discipline of War ; nay , their Banners , the shape and colour of their Horses , their several Squadrons , and the whole order of their Encampment , and will certainly knock me in the head unless I take my Oath upon it that I see all this , who never saw any such thing in my Life . I think I have reason to complain that my Circumstances , are very unlucky , I had certainly rather fall into the hands of High-way-men , than amongst those Spiritual Robbers , who divest me of my Senses , and the exercise of my Reason . If you inform our Country men that their New Doctrine is thus represented , they will tell you that none but wicked men oppose their Government ; that it is Establish'd upon the express Institution of our Saviour , that it hath been asserted and prov'd by several Learned Men of their Party beyond contradiction . But if you ask by what particular argument you may be convinc'd of the Truth of their New Doctrine , then they begin to lead you into a Labyrinth of dark and intricate Consequences , obscure and perplext Probabilities ; several Texts of Scripture they will alledge , but sadly wrested and distorted from their genuine Meaning and Design , and the uniform Suffrages of all the Ancients : And if you are not satisfied with such proofs as they advance , you must be contented to submit to their Censure , and the New Discipline must be Obey'd where-ever their Power is equal to their Pretences . I can give you but a short History of their Arguments by which they endeavour to Establish their Divine Right of Parity . When you read their Books I think all their pleas of whatever kind or force may be reduc'd to these three heads . First , either they pretend that this Parity of Presbyters is expresly commanded by our Saviour ; or , secondly , They endeavour to support it by consequences from several Texts of Scripture ; or thirdly , from the Testimonies of the ancient Writers of the Church . First I say , they pretend that this Parity of Presbyters ( exclusive of the Superiority or Jurisdiction of a Bishop ) is expresly commanded by our Saviour . This indeed promises veryfair ; For if our Saviour hath plainly and positively Commanded that Ecclesiastical Affairs shall be managed in all Churches and Ages communi Presbytero'um consilio , and by such a College of Presbyters as excludes the Authority and Jurisdiction of a Bishop , then , without all Controversie , all Christians are oblig'd to submit to it . The Consequence is plain and undeniable ; and because our Country-men do insist upon this more frequently than any of the foreign Presbyterians , we ought to hear them calmly and deliberately ; and when they plead the Authority of our Blessed Saviour we must view those Texts with reverence and attention , and see if any thing can be inferred from them that may probably support the now Scheme of Presbytery . The Parallel Texts of Scripture are , Matth. 20. 25. But Jesus called them unto him and said , ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them . v. 26. But it shall not be so great among you , but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your Minister . V. 27. And whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant . v. 28 . Even as the Son of Man came not to be ministred unto but to minister , and to give his life a ransom for many . See also Mark 10. v. 42 , 43 , 44 , 45. and Luke 22. 25. From these parallel Places they plead , that the Officers of Chirist's House were by his own express . Command establish'd in a perfect Equality , even in such a Parity as excludes the Power and Jurisdiction of any higher Order than that of a Presbyter in the modern Notion . Let us now examine , whether there be any Foundation for their Inference in the Texts last mentioned . In the first place , we find that our Blessed Saviour supposes Degrees of Subordination amongst his own Disciples , as well as all other Societies , and therefore he directs the Ecclesiasticks , who would climb to the Highest Places in the Church , to take other Methods than those that are most usual amongst the Grandees of the World : He that deserved Preferment in the Church was to be the Servant of all , so that this Text refers to the Method of Promotion , and not to the Extirpation of their Jurisdiction . They were not to aspire to Honour and Dignity by Force and Violence , or the other Arts that are so fashionable in Secular Courts , but rather by all the Acts of Modesty , Humility , and Self-denial . Next , let me ask , whether the Apostles understood this Precept of our Saviour in the sense of our Adversaries or not . If they did , ( as it is alledg'd ) how came they to exercise Jurisdiction over all Subordinate Ecclesiasticks , during their Life time , in all the Churches they Planted ? Did they go cross to the Institution of our Saviour , who perfectly understood his meaning , and to whom the Precept was Originally delivered . But that which Baffles and Exposes this Argument to all Intents and Purposes , is this , that he did that himself among them , which now he commanded them to do to one another , and therefore the doing of this towards one another in Obedience to the Command now under consideration , could not infer a Parity , unless they Blasphemously infer that Christ and his Apostles were equal : for when you read the Text with attention , you see that our Saviour recommends what he Enjoyns from his own Constant and Visible Practice amongst them , viz. that he himself , who was their Lord and Master , was their Servant , and therefore it became the Greatest among them , in imitation of him , to be Modest , Calm , and Humble towards all their Subordinate Brethren , and this qualify'd them more than any other thing for Ecclesiastical Promotions . It is very sad that any should be so much Infatuated with their new Schems of Parity , as to alledge such Texts , which ( if understood in their Sense ) Degrades our Blessed Saviour to the Degree of one of his Disciples ; for what he Commanded the Apostles , he Practised among them himself . And this is the strongest Motive to engage their Obedience ; therefore I may reasonably infer , that whatever it was that our Saviour commanded in those places of Scripture , it must of necessity be toto coelo different from all Parity and Equality . He Commanded them , that they should not exercise their Jurisdiction as the Lords of the Gentiles did , by a Spirit of Pride and Domination , but rather by the more Christian and engaging Behaviour of Charity and Humility . He that was to be the Greatest among them , was to be their Servant , in Imitation of that Heavenly Patern that was set them by our Blessed Lord and Saviour . S. Paul thought himself oblig'd to answer his Episcopal Character after this manner , when the Care of all the Churches lay upon him , when he employ'd his Apostolical Power to promote the Edification of all Men : and all the Fathers of the Church , who were advanc'd above their Brethren to Ecclesiastical Power and Jurisdiction , had this Evangelical Notion of their Dignity , that they were the Servants of all others . From what hath been said one may easily see , that there is no Ground , no not a Shadow of any Argument for the New Doctrine in these Texts of Scripture . It is true , that Salmasius glances at this way of Reasoning in his Walo Messalinus , but he lays no great stress upon it . That which is most to our purpose is , that Beza himself , in his larger Notes upon the New Testament , asserts , that all kind of Jurisdiction is not forbidden in these Texts , but that only which is joyn'd with imperious Bitterness and Domination . Let it be further considered , that the Hierarchy and Subordination of Priests was Established by Divine Authority in the lewish Church : and if our Saviour had pull'd down that ancient Polity , and commanded an Equality amongst the Presbyters of the New Testament , he would not have stated the Opposition between his own Disciples and the Lords of the Gentiles , but rather between the Priests of the Mosaie Oeconomy and the Disciples of the New Testament . When he reprov'd the corrupt glosses that were introduc'd into the Church by the Scribes and Pharisees , and taught them Purer and more Heavenly Strains of Morality , he states the Opposition between the current Doctrine receiv'd amongst the Jews , and that which he himself Taught and Recommended ; and there is no doubt to be made , if he had forbidden the several Degrees and Subordinations of Priests , and Established a perfect Equality , he would have stated a plain Opposition between the Model of the Temple , and the other Plat-form that was to succeed in the Christian Church . As for the other Text that is ordinarily cited to serve the same design , 1 Pet. 5.2 , 3. It is but the Apostle's Commentary on our Saviour's Words and Commandment , and it forbids the Spirit of Pride and Insolence , as a thing very unsuitable to all Power and Authority in the Church . Thus such Texts have been understood from the beginning , and it is one strong Prejudice against the new Exposition , that it was never heard of until these latter days . Secondly , If the Presbyterians cannot Establish their Divine Right upon express Texts of Scripture , they will support it ( as they think ) by the Clearest and most immediate Consequence , and this is Equivalent to the most Positive Command and Institution . The Argument from the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter fill all their Books from top to bottom : And if this be in it self Lame and Sophistical , they must despair to Establish the pretended Equality of Presbyters in the Ecclesiastical Government . The Argument most insisted on in favour of their Parity , ( exclusive of Episcopal Jurisdiction ) is built upon the Homonomy of Bishop and Presbyter in the Language of the New Testament , or because the Clergy are Dichotomiz'd only into Bishops and Deacons in some Texts of Scripture , and in some Ancient Writers of the Primitive Church . Hence they exclude the Authority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , though the Offices themselves be as much distinguished as is possible in several Texts of the New Testament . And if this Argument alone appear Childish and Sophistical , they have not another Sanctuary to flee to ; so my present Business is to Examine the force of it . There is not one of their number with whom you Engage in this Controversie , but immediately he will tell you , that there is no distinction between Bishop and Presbyter in the Scriptures , and therefore they conclude that their Argument a Confusione Nominum against the Superiority of a Bishop is very Solid and Demonstrative . To this purpose they cite Act. 20. 17. 28. Philip. 1.1 . 1 Tim. 3. and several other places . Whether a Bishop be of a Higher Order than a Presbyter does not now fall under our Enquiry , nor is it in it self very material . Sometimes they might be consider'd of the same Order with regard to the Priesthood common to either , by which both Bishops and Presbyters were distinguish'd from the body of the People , and other Subordinate Officers of the Church , though at other times , when Authority and Jurisdiction is nam'd , the Bishop , ( with regard to his Dignity and Power ) is always reckon'd above a Presbyter . Here we are carefully to Observe , that when the Inspir'd Writers Dichotomiz'd the Clergy into two Orders , they but follow'd the Dialect and Example of the Jews , who thus divided their Ministers also into Priests and Levites , though the Highest Order was again Subdivided both by the Jews and the Christians , when the Priests were consider'd with regard to that Subordination establish'd among themselves , and without any regard to the Body of the People . This is very agreeable to the Language of the Ancient Jews , as well as to the Idiom of the Hellenistical Tribes of the Apostolical Age : The first confounded the name of the High Priest with that of a Priest , without any other distinguishing Charcteristic or Discrimination . For Proof of this see Levit. 1. 7 , 8. And the Sons of Aaron the Priest shall put fire upon the Altar , and lay the wood in order upon the fire . v. 8. And the Priests Aaron's Sons shall lay the parts , the head and the fat in order upon the wood that is on the fire which is upon the Altar . Here we plainly find that in the first Establishment of the Mosaic Oeconomy ( in which the Patriarchal Subordination of Priests was still retain'd ) the High Priest is nam'd by the same appellative ( without any distinction of Order or Jurisdiction ) that the other Priests were nam'd by : and the Title of a Priest was promiseuously apply'd , without any distinction or marks of Eminence to the High Priest as well as to the Subordinate . Yet it was never question'd but that there were extraordinary Privileges and Dignities reserv'd to the High Priest amongst the Jews , though thus plac'd amongst the other Priests without any Nominal Distinction : nor do we find the Title of High Priest ever affix'd to the particular name of Aaron or Eleazar in all the Pentateuch , nor is the word High-Priest it self mention'd in the Books of Moses , but either twice or thrice , and that only with regard to the Administration of after days . Yet this Homonomy of names could not be reasonably pleaded then against the Subordination of other Priests to Aaron , nor against the Deference due to his Pontifical Character . Was it then to be expected that the Apostles or Apostolical Men ( when they occasionally mention'd the Presbyters of the New Testament ) might not make use of the currant Language and Pharaseology of their own Country-men , who divided their Clergy into Priests and Levites , as if there were no more but two Orders , even when the meanest of the Jews knew that the Dignity of the High Priest was very honourable and distinguish'd from all Subordinate Priests by all marks of Eminence and Authority ? It is true , that in the Hagiographical and Prophetical Writings , the High Priest is very frequently distinguish'd by his Proper and Special Character ; yet in the beginning of the Jewish Oeconomy neither Aaron nor Eleazar were called High-Priests when they are particularly nam'd , and if in those days any had been so mad as to have infer'd from this confusio Nominum an Equality between all Priests , he would certainly have been expos'd : for the Offices themselves were sufficiently distinguish'd by those Special Ministries and Jurisdictions that were peculiarly appropriated to the one , and deny'd to the other , such as were visible to the observation of the meanest among the Jews . We do not at all deny but that Bishops might be call'd Presbyters in the days of the Apostles , and justly so too , though they had other Presbyters under their Government and Inspection : for the use of the Word Presbyter was another thing then than now , if we consider it in its full Latitude and Extent ▪ With us it signifies such Priests as assist the Bishop in his Ecclesiastical Administrations , and are accountable to him for their Performances : And though all Presbyters are not Bishops , yet all Bishops are Presbyters ; and to infer an Equality of Offices from the promiscuous Use of Names , I think , is neither good Logick nor good History . We do not now Plead , ( as some Ignorant People may pretend ) that there ought to be Bishop above Presbyters because there was a High Priest among the Jews , but rather thus , that the Hierarchy that obtain'd in the Patriarchal and Jewish Oeconomy was never abrogated in the New ; and though we meet with the same Dichotomies of the Clergy in the New Testament , as are frequently seen in the Old , we ought not to conclude from thence , that there was an Equality among them of the Higher Order in that Division , no more than there was a Parity amongst the Priests of the Old Testment , for that same Highest Order , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was again divided into two , viz. the Supream and Subordinate . And not only they , but the Jews also of the Apostolical Age divided their Clergy into two Classes when they spoke of them , only as in Opposition to the People , they made no other distinction amongst them than that of Priests and Levites : But then again , upon other Occasions they Subdivided the Priests into the Highest and Subordinate Order , when they consider'd the Hierarchy in it self , and distinguish'd every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Priesthood from one another , of this we have clear Instances from Philo the Jew . Was it not then reasonable , that the Apostles should speak the Language of the Age in which they lived , and that of their Predecessors ? Whether then the Clergy be divided into their several Classes by a Biparite or Triparite division , both is very Agreeable to the Custom of the Jews . If they compar'd the Priests amongst themselves , and reckon'd up their Distinctions and Subordinations to one another , then they were Divided by a Tipartite Division ; but if they spoke of them with regard to the People , then the Bipartite Division was more Convenient so that the Community of Names was very observable when the Offices themselves were as truly Separated and Distinguished a they could be . In like manner the first Presbyter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Apostolical Age , he that was Vested with a Prostasia , was a much above the Subordinate Presbyters as the High-Priest among the Jews was above other Priests , with whom nevertheless he was frequently Subordinate Presbuyters as the High Priest among the Jews was above other Priests , with whom nevertheless he was frequently Ranked , without any Nominal Distinction or Discrimination . Nay Salmasius himself grants , that even when the pretended Equality prevail'd , there was a Praeses to whom the Protocathedria , or Locus in Cosessu Primarius , was constantly due , and that during life . And there are such mainfest and palpable Evidences of this peculiar Honour and Jurisdiction due to the one of the Ecclesiastical Senate in the Apostolical Age , that the Learned'st Sticklers for Parity cannot deny it . The Apocalyptic Angels ( amongst whom we justly reckon S. Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna ) the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , and the Catalogues of Bishops suceeding the Apostles in several Sees , ( gathered at least towards the middle of the ( Second Century ) make it Evident beyond all Contradiction . It is impossible to let us see from any Ancient Record either Genuine or Suppositious , that there was ever any thing of Moment Canonically determin'd in the Ecclesiastical Meetings without their Bishop his particular Advice and Authority . And since Clemens Romanus , Origen , and S. Cyprian do compare the Evangelical Priesthood and Ministrations with the Aaronical , how is it that we can pretend to Conclude an Equality amongst the Presbyters of the New Testament from the Dichotomies us'd in Christian Writings , no more than we can Dream of a Parity among the Jewish Priests , because they are frequently Dichotomiz'd , especially since the Ancient who sometimes divide the Clergy only into two Orders , do again upon other occasions Subdivide the Highest Order , and distinguish the Bishop from all Subordinate Presbyters . It is true , that Clemens Romanus a Writer of the Apostolical Age , Divides the Clergy into two Orders , but so he Divides also the Jewish Ministers of the Sanctuary into Priests and Levites , which no Man will allow as a Proof of the Equality of Priests under the Old Testament ; but I shall have Opportunity hereafter to consider the Testimony alledg'd by Blondel from S. Clemens's Epistle to the Corinthians more particularly in its proper Place . I have formerly said , that the most Ancient Writers , who Dichotomize the Clergy when they speak of them with regard to the Laity , do yet distinguish them by a Tripartite Division , when the Hierarchy is consider'd in it self , and with regard to that Prostasia and Jurisdiction which distinguishes one Priest from another . Tertullian in his Book de Baptismo , hath these Words , Jus quidem dandi baptismum habet summus Sacerdos qui est Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi , non tamen sine Episcopi Authoritate , quâ salvâ salva pax est : Yet Monsieur Blondel runs away with another Testimony cited from his Apologeticks , as if he had found there a perfect Equality of Presbyters , because the Seniores are said to be in the Government , than which there cannot be a more absurd Consequence , for he neither affirm'd that those Seniores were all Equal among themselves , nor is it certain , whether by the Seniores he understood all Presbyters in General , or those only who were advanc'd to the Episcopal Dignity ; for it was no part of his Business in an Apology Address'd to the Heathens to insist on the Subordinations of one Priest unto another , for he only pleaded that there was nothing in the Christian Meetings contrary to the strictest Rules of Morality and Decency , and that they were Men of Approv'd and Exemplary Lives , who were advanc'd to any share of the Ecclesiastical Government . Clemens Alexandrinus is brought as a Witness to serve the same Design , but then unluckily he reckons up the three Orders of the Clergy , and calls them Imitations of the Angelical Glory , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Upon this Occasion it is needless to name S. Cyprian , who Asserts the Jurisdiction and Prerogative of the Episcopal Power upon all Occasions with great Courage and Assurance ; and S. Polycarp the Famous Doctor of the Asiatic Church , Bishop of Smyrna , and Disciple of Saint John , who flourish'd long before S. Cyprian , though he Divides the Clergy into two Orders in his Epistle to the Philippians , yet he honourably mentions and recommends the Epistles of S. Ignatius , in which the Apostolical Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon is so often and so expresly mention'd : and S. Polycarp in the Epigraphe of that Epistle distinguishes himself from his Subordinate Presbyters , according to the Modest and Usual S●ile of those days , Pelycarp and the Presbyters that are with him , who , if he had stood on a Level with those Presbyters , would never have distinguish'd himself from the Community of his Brethren by his proper Name plac'd at such a distance , yet with Visible ( but very Modest ) Marks of Distiction and Precedence , according to the humble Practice of those Glorious Martyrs . From what hath been said , it is very evident , that there can be nothing more Foolish and Extravagant than to conclude a Parity among Priests , because some Ancient Christians us'd the Jewish Phraseology , for even these upon other Occasions frequently Assert the Jurisdiction of one Bishop over many Presbyters : and Hermas , who was Contemporary with Clemens Romanus , reproves the Ambition of some in his own time , who strove for the first Dignity and Preferment . And if there was no such Precedence then in the Church , there was no ground for his Reprehension . The sum of these Reasonings amounts to this , that when the Hellenist Jews would distinguish the High-Priest from the Levites , they thought the common Name of a priest was sufficient , * as is evident from several places in Phylo the Jew . And as it was unreasonable to conclued from thence that he had not a singular Authority and Jurisdiction over subordinate Priests , so now-a-Days an Argument founded upon the same Topic , is equally Impertinent and Sophistical . When the priests were compar'd among themselves one with another , then their Dignities and Subordinations might be seasonably mentioned . If we compare the priests of the New Testament with the Deacons , we need say no more than Priests and Deacons ; but when we compare the Priests among themselves , we must acknowledge their several Subordinations . The Priests under the Old Testament were only allowed to offer the Sacrifices , and by their Offering of Sacrifices , were distinguish'd from the Levites : So under the New Testament , the Priests , both of the highest and subordinate Order , offer the Eucharistical Sacrifice , and by so doing , are sufficiently distinguish'd from Deacons ; yet this is no Argument against the Subordination of one Priest unto another . Thus we see there was the same Reason for those Dichotomies of the Clergy , both under the Old and New Testament . From what hath been said we may easily see that the Jews us'd such Dichotomies of their Clergy , both under the Mosaic Oeconomy , and in the Apostolical Age , when the superiority of the High-Priest was past all Contradiction : And there can be a very good account given of this Phraseology , and way of speaking from the different Considerations that engag'd both Jewish and Christian Writers to use the Bipartite or Tripartite Division of the Clergy ; for the very same Christian Writers , who only mentioned two Orders , do in other places reckon up the Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , as plainly as is possible . From these Considerations , I say , we may easily perceive , that the Argument pleaded against Episcopacy , founded upon such Dichotomies , is not only weak , but very Foolish and Extravagant . Yet Blondel , Salmasius , and Daille , Men of great Learning and Reputation , imploy'd much Reading and Artifice to support their New Hypothesis by this Argument , and to wrest so many places of the Fathers , to promote an Opinion which was never heard of before the Days of Aerius ; thô it must be confess'd , that Men of extraordinary Learning have been impos'd upon by the same fallacies , particularly our Country-man , Sir Thomas Craig , in his Book de Success . Reg. Angl. But if he had read the ancient Monuments of Ecclesiastical Antiquity , with that accurate Attention wherewith he perus'd the vast Volums of Civilians , Canonists , and Historians , he had certainly been of another Mind . So visible is the Confusion of Names in the New Testament , that Apostle , Bishop , and Presbyter , are sometimes mentioned without any remarkable Distinction , yet so as the Government of one amongst many , is particularly Demonstrated . Our Saviour himself is call'd an Apostle , Heb. 3.1 . sometimes the Word seems to be restrain'd to the Number of Twelve , and Matthias , upon the Apostacy of Judas , is chosen to fill up the Number of the Twelve Apostles ; but in the same Apostolical Writings , the Name of an Apostle is bestow'd upon several others besides the Twelve , as S. S. Barnabas , Paul Andronicus , Junias , Epaphroditus , and others . Our Saviour is call'd a Bishop , 1 Pet. 2. 25. Again the Government of the Apostles is called their Episcopacy , 1 Act. 20. sometimes the Name of Bishop is attributed to such Priests as were of the first Order , invested with Apostolical Power and Jurisdiction , 1 Tim. chap. 3. Tit. 1. 7. these places are so understood by all the Fathers . Again the Bishops mentioned , 1. Philip. 1 are understood by St. Chrysostom , Oecumenius , Theophilact , and Theodoret , to be the Priests of the second Order ; for they concluded Epaphroditus to have been then Bishop of Philippi , as may be reasonably collected from Philip. 2. 25. Our English Version follows Beza , and understands it as if Epaphroditus had been a Messenger sent by the Philippians to S. Paul ; but Salmasius is much more ingenuous , and acknowledges , That the Word Apostle in the sacred Scriptures never signifies any other than legatum Dei ad homines . And this is very agreeable to the Opinion of Theodoret , who thought that when the Bishops were named in the Apostolic Age , so as to be distinguished from subordinate Priests , they were then called Apostles , thô upon other occasions they were promiscuously Named without any distinction . I only mention this transiently , not insisting upon it . My business at present is to prove that the Community of Names was so familiar in the Language of the Apostolical Age , that no Man can conclude from thence a Community of Offices . St. Peter calls himself a Presbyter , so St. John the Apostle , and the Presbytery mentioned in the first of Timothy , 4. 14. was a Senate compos'd of Apostles and other Presbyters , whether of the first or second Rank is not certain , but that S. Paul himself was one of them is evident from the second Epist . to Timothy , 1. 6. In the first , Timothy is exhorted not to neglect the Gift which was given him with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery . In the last he is put in mind to stir up the same Gift which he received by the laying on of St. Paul's Hands . And in the beginning of Christianity ( as S. Chrysostom Witnesseth ) both Bishops and Presbyters were sometimes call'd Deacons , which may be justly concluded from Coloss . 4. 17. and the Apostles themselves are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the first of the Acts , their Apostolical Ministry , to which Matthias was assumed , is called their Deaconship , 1 Act. 17. Now I take it for granted , that if any Man pretend to infer a Community of Offices , from the Community of Names , which we meet with in the Holy Scriptures ; he must needs confound the highest Order of the Church ( even the Apostolical Dignity ) with the lowest Rank of Ecclesiastical Officers . Yet this is certain that the several Offices were carefully separated in those Days ; thô the Humility of such as were uppermost , taught them not to be very forward to distinguish themselves from their subordinate Brethren , by Titles of Eminence and Jurisdiction ; and the Bishops in the second Century transcribed the same Copy in their Behaviour , who , thô they were careful to preserve the necessary Distinction between the Priests of the first and second Order , yet they studied the most modest Expressions of Humility and Condescension , as may be seen from the forecited Inscription of S. Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians , that Apostolic Martyr and Prince of the Asiatick Church . I have consider'd this Argument the more carefully , in that I find it over and over again in all the Writings of our Ecclesiastic Levellers , as their first and last Refuge to which they flee to ; and yet there is not any thing more Frivolous and Trifling ; for the Names of the lowest Officers in the Christian Church , were frequently assum'd by the highest , and distinction of Offices is rather inferr'd from their Practices , Peculiar Ministries , and Acts of Jurisdiction , than from any Names that we can fix upon . Thirdly , If they cannot establish their New Doctrine of Parity neither upon the express Commandment of our Saviour , nor upon the Consequences they manage a confusione nominum , they endeavour to support it by some Testimonies of the Primitive Fathers . When the Government and Revenues of the Church were sacrilegiously invaded by Atheists and Enthusiasts under Oliver Cromwel , the Learned Blondel employed all his skill to make the Ancients contradict themselves and all contemporary Records . When his * Book appeared , the Presbyterians concluded ( before ever they Read it ) that all was Pure and Undeniable Demonstration ; and our Country-men think they need return no other answer to any thing that is written against them , than to say that Episcopacy , and all that may be said in its defence , is quite Ruin'd and Destroyed by Monsieur Blondel , and Salmasius . And thô there are but very few of them that ever read them , and that every Line of their Writings , that hath the least colour of Argument , was frequently Answered and Expos'd , yet such is the Power of Prejudice and Partiality , that they shut their Eyes against the clearest Evidences that are produc'd by their Adversaries . It 's enough for them to say that Blondel hath written a Book in their Defence , of 549 pages ; and this in their Opinion may bar all Disputations of that Nature . When we bid them name the place that they think proves their New Doctrine most plausibly , they refuse any such close Engagement ; they will tell you that Jerome was of their Opinion , and that their Learned Champion Blondel has sufficiently prov'd that this antient Monk was a Presbyterian . I must not transscribe the Accurate and unanswerable Dissertations of several Learned Men , who have sufficiently expos'd the Writings of Blondel and Salmasius on this Head , particularly the incomparable Bishop of Chester , yet I may be allowed to examine some of the most remarkable Testimonies from Antiquity that are alleg'd by those Men to support their Doctrine of Parity , that the Reader may have a Sample of their Partialities and Prepossessions , and if none of the first Worthies of the Christian Church appear for the New Doctrine of Parity , we may safely infer , that there are little hopes to defend their cause by the Suffrages of after Ages . And in the next place I will particularly examine Blondel's Argument from the Authority of St. Jerome and Demonstrate that he mistakes or ( which is much more probable ) hides and misrepresents the Doctrine of that Learned Father ; and if St. Jerome be not his Friend , he and his Associates may despair of any other . First , I will examine some of the most remarkable Testimonies from Antiquity , and the first that is nam'd is S. Clement in his famous Epistle to the Corinthians . This is the Celebrated S. Clement , so Honourably mentioned by S. Paul himself , Philip. 4. 3. together with some others , whose Names are Written in the Book of Life , who was fellow Labourer with the Apostles , and Third Bishop of Rome by the Testimony of Irenaeus , and probably sat in the Chair of Rome from the Year 64 , until the Year 81 , or 83. He wrote his first Epistle to the Corinthians , to compose the scandalous Divisions and Schisms that had risen among them by the Pride and Vanity of some turbulent Brethren , who valu'd themselves upon the miraculous Gifts of the Spirit , to the Contempt of their ordinary Ecclesiastical Governors . It is thought by some , that this Epistle was written towards the end of Nero's Persecution , before he was advanc'd to the See of Rome . It is very observable that Blondel before he produces any Testimony from S. Clement , acknowledges , that by the universal consent of the Ancients this very S , Clement succeeded S. Peter in the Government of the See of Rome ; and thô they vary as to his Order of Succession , yet all of them agree as to the thing it self . His first Argument for Parity is founded on S. Clement's Inscription of his Epist . to the Corinthians . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . From this Inscription he concludes that the Church of Rome was then Govern'd by a Colledge of Presbyters , because the whole Church of Rome wrote to the whole Church of Corinth , not mentioning the Distinction of the Clergy from the Laity ; when the Learned Blondel Reasoned at this rate , he design'd ( it seems ) to please the Independent Party , ( who were then most Numerous and Potent in England ) rather than the Presbyterians . For if his Argument proves any thing , it proves too much , viz. That the Laity hath an equal share of Jurisdiction in the Administration of Ecclesiastical Affairs ; with Bishops and Presbyters ? And thus he might conclude , that when S. Paul wrote an Epistle together with Sosthenes , Timotheus , Sylvanus , and all the Brethren that were with him , that he had no greater Authority in the Ecclesiastical Senate , than the meanest of the Laity . Our Learned Country-man Junius , gives a far more reasonable Account of this Ancient Simplicity , of the Writings of the Apostolical Age , than such Childish Reasonings ; and he tells us that St. Clement did not prefix his Name , ut modestiae & humilitatis posteris aetatibus exemplar imitandum proponeret , and this was very subservient to his Design , that he might Teach the Corinthians , ( whom he exhorts to Concord and Humility ) by his own Example , that true and undisguised Modesty , which was then so visible in the Practice of the first Christians , when both Clergy and Laity were of one Heart , and one Mind . The next attempt that Blondel makes to support his imaginary Parity in the Primitive Church , is from St. Clement's dividing the Clergy into Bishops and Deacons , according to the current Phraseology that prevail'd in the Apostolical Age. When they considered the Clergy only , in opposition to the body of the People . I have answered this already , when I examined their Argument , founded upon such Dichotomies : But when we consider this particular place of S. Clement , with regard to that Latitude , and Promiscuous use of Names , that was very current in those Days , the Word Deacon may be understood to comprehend all those Ministers of Religion ( whether Presbyters in the modern Notion , or Deacons , who by the first Institution , were obliged to attend upon Tables , ) and then his Argument vanishes into nothing ; nay rather it is a strong confirmation of that which he would most willingly destroy ; for by Bishops and Deacons , we may understand Apostles , Bishops , Presbyters , and Attendants upon Tables ; for the Word Deacons in the Language of the Holy Scriptures , is taken in the greatest Latitude that may be , not only for such as were appointed by the Apostles , particularly to the Ministry of Tables , but also the Apostles themselves , the highest Officers in the Christian Church , are called Deacons . Who then is Paul , and who is Apollos , but Deacons , by whom they believed , even as the Lord gave to every Man ? And again , who hath made us able Deacons of the New-Testament , &c. And upon other occasions they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And those who were ordain'd to the special Ministry or Tables , were Originally constituted , that the Apostles themselves might not be diverted from the Ministry of Deaconship of the Word . And Tychicus is called a faithful Deacon , as also Timothy , so likewise . Arthippus is commanded to take heed to his Deaconship , thô it be not expresly determined , what room he held in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy , weather he was Bishop , Presbyter , or Deacons ; nay such was the Latitude of the Word Deacon , in the Apostolical Age , that it was applyed promiscuously to all the three Order of the Christain Hierarchy . So that if we understand St. Clement according to the current extent of the Word , we may safely judge him to have meant by Bishops , the Ecclesiastical Governors , and by Deacons , all subordinate Ministers of Religion , whether such as were promoted the Priesthood , or the Deacons who were confin'd to their Attendance upon Tables . What advantage then does Monsieur Blondel gain to his cause ; for though Presbyters in the modern Notion , are not perhaps the only Persons who may be understood by the Word Deacon , yet they may be comprehended as well as other Ministers of a lower Rank . Let it be observed also , that S. Clement speaks not of the Ecclesiastical Polity , such as it was brought to perfection after wards by the Apostles , but rather of the first beginnings of the Christian Church , immediatly after the Resurrection of our Saviour . For thô all the Degrees and Subordinations of the Apostolical Government , were founded upon divine Right ; yet they were not in one moment established in their True and Everlasting Figure , but had their beginning , as the Jewish Church went on from lessen steps to that more perfect Scheme that was to continue until the coming of the Messiah . This is certain , that before the Apostles left the World , they established such an Ecclesiastical Government as ought to continue in the Church , until the second coming of our Savioar . But let us suppose that where we meet with such Dichetomies in other Authors , such a Parity as is intended by the Presbyterians , may be understood ; yet when we view the Text of St. Clement more narrowly , we must not presume to make any such Inference , for the very same St. Clement Dichotomizies the Jewish Clergy who are known to have had their High Priest , Chief Priests , Priests , and Levites ; yet he comprehends them all in this short and Bipartite Division . For speaking of Jacob he hath these Words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And must we from hence conclude that there was a Parity amongst the Priests of the Old Testament , because they are thus distinguish'd from the Laity without mentioning the several Gradations of the Hierarchy amongst themselves ? Nay so little do our Adversaries gain by straining the Language of St. Clement , contrary to the Latitude and Simplicity of the Apostolical Age ; that the same Author comprehends all Ministers of Religion , under one general Word , whether Prophets , Apostles , Bishops , Presbyters , or Deacons , and not only does he thus speak of the Priests of the true Religion , but also of the * Egyptian Priests , who are known to have had their several subordinations . But that which is most material to our purpose , is that the same St. Clement , when he exhorts the Corinthians to Christian Order and Harmony , sets before them the beautiful Subordinations under the Temple-Service , how the High Priest , Priests , and Levites , were distinguished by their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and immediatly recommends to the Corinthians , that every one of them should continue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now when we consider the Primitive method of Reasoning from Jewish Precedents , St. Clement had never talked at this rate , if the Jurisdiction of one over many Priests , had been abolish'd under the New Testament , and Jerome himself ( on whose Writings M. Blondel endeavours to establish his Opinion ) in his Epistle to Evagrius , gives light to this place of St. Clements , Et ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in templo fuerunt , hoc sibi Episcopi & Presbyteri & Diaconi vendicent in Ecclesia . For without all Controversie , those traditions descended from the Jewish Church to the Christian , as their true inheritance . Nay St. Clement himself expresly distinguishes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the last may signifie Office and Age , both together . Nor can it be an Objection of any weight , that the first ( who were there Spiritual Governors ) are mentioned in the plural Number , since this was an Encyclical Epistle Address'd to Corinth , as the principal City , and from thence transmitted to its dependencies . How considerable the City of Corinth was in those Days , every body knows ; and S. Chrysostom informs us , that it was Populous and magnificent , in regard of its Riches and Wisdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : So far was S. Clement from intending a Parity of Priests , by his promiscuous use of words , that he himself distinguishes plainly the spiritual Governors from the body of subordinate Presbyters ; and it is surprising to observe how much Men may be blinded with prejudice contrary to the Universal suffrage of the Ancients , who place S. Clement so early in the Apostolical Succession of the Chair of Rome ; the Reader may see them all in one view , prefixt to Junius his Edition of his Epistle to the Corinthians . A second Witness made to appear an evidence for Parity , is the venerable S. Polycarp , Bishop of Smyrna , who by * Ireneus Bishop of Lions , is said to have been taught by the Apostles , to have convers'd with many who had seen our Saviour , and that he himself saw him in his younger Days , and that he knew him to have been constituted Bishop of Smyrna , by the Apostles . This is he who by * S. Jerome is called totius Asiae princeps : One would think that when they name S. Polycarp , they had discovered some clear Testimony in his Writings to build their Hypothesis upon , but instead of this , nothing but a wretched consequence founded upon the Bipartite Division of the Clergy , mentioned in his Epistle to the Philippians . And yet the Epigraphe of S. Polycarp's Epistle clearly distinguishes him from his Presbyters , who were then with him , which runs thus , Polycarp and the Presbyters that are with him to the Church of God which is at Philippi . And if he had not been vested with Episcopal Jurisdiction and Eminence , amongst those Presbyters , how was it agreeable to the primitive Modesty and self Denial , to have named himself only in the frontispiece of this Epistle , and to mention none of his Brethern , save only by the general name of Presbyters ? This is mighty uneasie to Blondel and the evidence of Truth forces from him the following words , id tamen in S. Martyris epistola peculiare apparet , quod eam pr. vatim suo & Presbyterorum nomine ad philippensium fraternitatem dedit ac sibi quandam supra Presbyteros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reservasse videtur ut jam tum in Episcopali apice constitutum reliquos Smyrnensium Presbyteros gradu superasse conjicere liceat . There are two things that baffle this shadow of an Argument brought from the Epistle of S. Polycarp . The first is that Irenaeus , who was intimately acquainted with him , and knew him to have been taught by S. John the Apostle , and by him ordained Bishop of Smyrna , does refute the Heresies of the Valentintans , from the unanimous Doctrine preserv'd amongst the single successors of S. Polycarp downwards to that very Period in which he wrote . For if the Ecclesiastical Power of the Church of Smyrna , had been equally lodg'd in the College of Presbyters , his Argument against the Hereticks , from the Succession of single Persons , teaching the same Doctrine first delivered by S. John , and convey'd by S. Polycarp to the following Bishops ; I say such an Argument so manag'd , could have no force , nor was it possible for Irenaeus to have us'd it . The next is this , that in the same Epistle of S. Polycarp to the Philippians , the Epistles of S. Ignatius are zealously recommended , and we need not inform the Reader how much the Divine Institution , Power , and Jurisdiction of Bishops above Presbyters is asserted in those Epistles of which I am to speak in due time . The Question then concerning S. Polycarp is , whether we are to believe S. Irenaeus Bishop of Lions , who was fully acquainted with the manner of his Education , Apostolical Doctrine , and promotion to the See of Smyrna , rather than the dark and groundless conjectures of later Ages . And from this single Instance alone , we see how inflexible and Stubborn the Power of prejudice is , how far it drives Men against Light and Conviction , and darkens all their Intellectuals in defiance of common Sense and Reason . A third Witness alledg'd by Blondel is Hermas , ( I only name some few of those that are nearest to the Apostles ) I do not now enquire into the Authority of this Book . It is most probable that it was written towards the end of the Apostolical Age ; and some of the Ancients of great Authority make him to be the same that is mention'd by S. Paul , Rom. 16. 14. It is without all Controversie , a Book of great Antiquity , as appears by the Citations out of him , still preserv'd in some Authentick Monuments , particularly Irenaeus , Clemens Alexandrinus , Tertullian , and Origen . There are two palpable evidences that Episcopacy was the Ecclesiastical Government that obtain'd in the Christian Church , when this Book was written . The first is from the second Vision of the first Book , where the sending of the Encyclical Epistle in exteras civitates , is insinuated to be the peculiar Priviledge of S. Clement , then Bishop of Rome . The other insinuation is from the second Book , and 12th Mandat . Paragr . 2. where he reproves the preposterous Ambition of such as would thrust themselves into the highest dignities , contrary to the Evangelical Methods of Humility and self-denial , exaltat enim se , & vult primam Cathedram habere . If there be no Power , there can be no Abuse of it , and therefore he reproves that insatiable thirst of Preferment that puts some amongst them upon Projects and Designs , contrary to the command of our Saviour who taught us , that he that deserv'd the Ecclesiastical Promotion was to be the Servant of all , and therefore many of the Primitive Bishops fled and hid themselves upon the first Motion of their being nam'd to the Episcopal Dignity . And the other Citation from Book the third , Similitud 8. insinuates the very same thing that I intend , viz. , a Principatus then established as the fixt Government of the Church which some were too too hasty to grasp . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51155-e2450 2 Tim. 4. 3 , 4. Vid. Dickson in Matt. and Answer to the Irenicum , by G. R. vid. Bez. in 〈◊〉 . Vid. Smectim . Jus divin . Minister Anglican . The Unbishoping Timothy and Titus . Altare Damascen . Durh. Dissert . on the Revel . v. Cotel . Not. inpriorem Epist S. Clem. p. 96. in quibus fus● & solide dem●nstratur argumentum a confusione nominum nequaquam Jurisdictionem & Authoritatem Episcoporum supra Presbyteros labefactare posse . V. Doctiss . Bevereg . cod . canon Eccles . primit lib. 2 . c. 11. Vid. Clariss . Dodwell dissert . Cypr. p. 205. Walo Mess . Tertul. de Baptismo . Stromat . Lib. 6. Pastor Herma . * Apud clariss . Dodwell . disertat : Cyprian p. 205 ● Cotel in prie● Epist . Clemen . ad Corinth . 1 Cor. 15. 7. W●●● M●● . * Aplog . prosenten , Hieronym . Amstol . 1646. Vind. St. Ignat. Adversus Hereses , lib. 3. cap. 3. V. Doctiss . Cav . Hist . liter . p. 18. Blondel Apolog . p. 9. Plerique Latinorum ( Hieronymo teste ) secundumpost Petrum fuisse putaverunt ; ut ante annum Domini 65 , ad Romanae Ecclesiae clavum sedissenecesse sit . Apol. pro sent Hier. p. 9. page , 9. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vid. doctiss , Bevereg . cod . Can. Eccles . Prim. lib. 2. p. 314. 1 Cor. 3. 5. 2. Cor. 3. 6. Acts. 6. 4. Coloss . 4. 7. 1 Thess . 3. 2. Coloss . 4. 17. Vid. etiam . Bevereg . ubi supra . Pag. ( mihi ) 40 , 41. Pag. 10. Edit . Jun. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . P● ( mihi ) 52 , 53. V. Cotel . Not. in Pr. S. Clemen . Epist . col . 95. Apud Jun. Not. in Clemen . p. 12. * Iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. & Polycarpus aut●●●non solum ab Apostolis edoctus & conversatus cum multis excis , qui dominum nostrum viderunt , sed etiam ab Apostolis in Asia , in ea quae est Smyrnis Ecclesia constitututs Episcopus , qurm & nos vidimus in prima nostra aetate . * Catalog ●pt . Eccles . Apol. p. I● . Vid. Test . Veterum ad frontem editionis , Oxon . 
A51157	----	A letter to a friend giving an account of all the treatises that have been publish'd with relation to the present persecution against the Church of Scotland Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? 1692 Approx. 85 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51157 Wing M2440 ESTC R6566 11966587 ocm 11966587 51725 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51157) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51725) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 817:35) A letter to a friend giving an account of all the treatises that have been publish'd with relation to the present persecution against the Church of Scotland Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? Meldrum, George, 1635?-1709. 32 p. Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh ..., London : 1692. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Attributed to Alexander Monro. cf. NUC pre-1956. Attributed also to George Meldrum. cf. DNB. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER To a FRIEND , Giving an Account of all the Treatises that have been publish'd , With Relation to the Present Persecution Against the Church of SCOTLAND . Lam. I. iv . The ways of Zion do mourn , because none come to the solemn feasts : all her gates are desolate : her Priests sigh : her virgins are afflicted , and she is in bitterness . And verse xii . Is it nothing to you , all ye that pass by ? LONDON : Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh , at the Golden Ball , over against the Royal Exchange in Cornhill , 1692. A LETTER To a FRIEND , &c. SIR , I Don't much wonder , that the present State of the Church of Scotland should be a little surprising to you , at your return from your Travels beyond Seas , it being so very much changed from what it was some Years ago , when you were last in Scotland , that the bare reflection upon it must needs occasion Grief and Sadness to any who are endued with the least sense of Religion or Morality . The Church was then in a flourishing condition , her Authority and Discipline in such force and vigour , that a Sentence of Excommunication was even terrible to the most wicked and prophane ; her Pastors were Men of Judgment , Learning , and Prudence , and of such unblameable Lives and Conversations , that they quite stopt the Mouths of their calumniating and malicious Enemies . Whereas now the Scene of Affairs is so much altered , that the Church is made level with the ground , and her Adversaries take pleasure in the rubbish thereof ; the Apostolical Order of Bishops totally subverted , and the greatest part of the Episcopal Clergy barbarously driven from their respective Churches , many of which are at present void and destitute of Pastor , and their Flocks left desolate , like Sheep wandring without a Sheepherd ; others of their Churches are invaded by Men who can lay no claim to that sacred Function of the holy Ministry , having never received Ordination from those Persons who are duly authorized to confer it : and their pretences for Learning , and the other Qualifications necessary for that Office are so very little , that the greatest part of them have never had occasion to apply themselves to those Studies , but have been all along trained up in Mechanick Employments , and have now leapt directly from the Shop into th Pulpit , where they exercise their Gifts at such a rate , and entertain the●● Auditors with such nauseous Stuff * , ( sometimes intermixt with blasphemous Sentences ) that instead of advancing the Christian Religion , 't is to be feared , they have propagated more Atheism and Irreligion in the Nation , than many Years will be able to root out . And since your Curiosity prompts you to a strict enquiry into the Ways and Methods by which this surprising Revolution was brought about , I shall , in order to your satisfaction , direct you to all those Treatises that have been published on this occasion , where you may find an exact and impartial account of the present Persecution raised against the Church of Scotland ; how it was at first contrived and set on foot , after the landing of the Prince of Orange here in England in the Year 1688 , and how it has been managed and carried on even till this time , with all the Fury and Violence imaginable by the Presbyterian Faction in that Kingdom . The first Discourse , I think , which was published on this Subject was , A Memorial for his Highness the Prince of Orange , in relation to the Affairs of Scotland ; together with the Address of the Presbyterian Party in that Kingdom to his Highness , and some Observations on that Address . By two Persons of Quality . This Memorial was wrote sometime before the Prince of Orange was proclaimed King of England , and the Author's design in it , was to inform the Prince , how seditiously and rebelliously the Presbyterians in Scotland had behaved themselves under the Reigns of K. James VI. K. Charles I. and K. Charles II. how in the Reign of K. Charles I. they overturned not only the Government of the Church , but usurped likewise that of the State , rescinded all the Royal Prerogatives , and murthered Thousands of the King 's best Subjects , besides the many other Barbarities which they committed under the pretence of Religion . And from hence the Author takes occasion to shew the Prince , how much his Interest obliged him to suppress that insolent Party , whose Principles and Practices were not only inconsistent with the Monarchy , but even destructive of all human Society ; and that on the contrary , Episcopacy being necessary for the support of the Monarchy , he ought to make it his chief care and concern to maintain and support it ; and the rather , because he had so solemnly engaged his Honor for the Defence thereof ; for having published in his Declaration , That his design of coming over was to support the Laws of the Nation , he tells him , That he was therefore in Honor bound to support Episcopacy , it being confirmed by Twenty Seven Parliaments of that Kingdom . The Observations upon the Presbyterians Address to the Prince of Orange are done by another Pen : They sufficiently expose the Contradiction and Inconsistency that always appears in the Actions of that Party . In their Address to the P. of Orange , they complain heavily of their Oppression and Suffering under K. James's Government , that They were lying in the Mouth of the Lyon , while Refuge failed , and when they looked on their right and left Hands , there was no Man found to pity them , till the Lord raised up his Highness for their Deliverance . And yet notwithstanding these heavy and grievous Complaints , we find that in their Address to K. James , they render him their humble and hearty Thanks , for putting a stop to their long and sad Sufferings for Nonconformity ; and they acknowledg the receipt of Favors from him , valuable above all earthly Comforts . Nay , so little reason have they to complain of Persecution from him , that it 's known how the leading Men of that Faction were only caressed and cajoled by the then Ministers of State to a very high degree , and preferr'd to Places of great Trust in the Nation . And they themselves were then so sensible of these Obligations , that out of Gratitude they offered to use their Interest for carrying on the Designs at that time set on foot by the Papists for promoting of Popery in these Dominions . It is very well known to any who were then in Scotland , how eminently they comply'd with the Dispensing Power in taking an Indulgence from the Papists , how they magnifi'd K. James upon that account , as the best of Kings that ever reigned ; and how active some of the most pragmatical Men of that Party were , in engaging all of their own persuasion to promote a Relaxation of the Penal Laws , and in persuading such Members of Parliament as they could influence , to go along with the Designs of the Court therein . And this is so notorious , that one of their own Preachers * was severely checked and rebuked by the Party , because much about that time , in a Sermon preached before their Provincial Assembly at Edinburgh , he signified his dislike of these Proceedings , and laid before them the dangerous Consequences of the same , how fatal such Methods would at last prove to the Protestant Religion in these Nations . I could here entertain you with a great many Instances of their Behaviour under K. James's Government , and of their ready complyances with all the Popish Designs then set on foot , but that I think it altogether superfluous , since one of their own Party * has sufficiently exposed them to the World upon this account , and shewn how their Practices at that time were directly contrary to their former Principles , and that their Behaviour was such , as did rather become Sycophants and Court Parasites , than those who assumed the Title of Ministers of the Gospel . And his Accusation is so very true , that they have never as yet attempted to answer him , or to vindicate themselves from those many Scandals and Reproaches wherewith he so justly charges them ; nay , on the contrary , they are so conscious of their own Guilt , that in their Address to the P. of Orange , they very very frankly own it , and make a long Apology to his Highness for it . The next thing that appear'd abroad with relation to our Scotch Affairs , was a short Letter entituled , The present State and Condition of the Clergy and Church of Scotland . It gave us but a very short and brief , tho a true , account of the many Affronts and Indignities that were done to the Episcopal Clergy of that Kingdom , by the Presbyterians there ; but after having enumerated some few Instances of their atrocious Cruelties , such as the killing of one Minister , the daubing of anothers Face with Excrements , and the inhumane usage of the Wife of a third , tho in Childbed , he at last concludes , That it was beyond the power of words to express their Misery to that degree as they suffered it . This Letter had not been very long publish'd , when there comes out a scurrilous Pamphlet , under pretence of an Answer to it ; it was call'd A brief and true account of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland , occasion'd by the Episcopalians since the Year 1660. being a Vindication of their Majesties Government in that Kingdom , relating to the Proceedings against the Bishops and Clergy there . With some Animadversions upon a Libel entituled , The present State and Condition of the Clergy and Church of Scotland . The Author of this Pamphlet , instead of answering the Letter , as he pretends , summs up , and highly aggravates the Punishments that were justly inflicted upon the Presbyterian Dissenters by the Civil Government , for their frequent Insurrections and Rebellions against it , and charges the Episcopal Clergy as the Authors of all their Sufferings upon that account . The Proceedings of the Civil Magistrate against this rebellious Crew are sufficiently vindicated by a learned Pen , as I shall afterwards inform you . And as for the Behaviour of the Episcopal Clergy , with relation to the Sufferings of these Men , they were so far from being any ways the Authors of them , that there may be many Instances given , where the Clergy have interceeded for their Pardon , and actually saved many of them from the Gallows , which they could not have escaped , had they been left to the due course of Law : And yet these Men did afterwards prove so ungrateful , that they were the chief Instruments of all the Sufferings and Persecution which those Clergy-Men , to whom they owed their Lives and Fortunes , met with in this late unhappy Revolution of our Church Affairs . And this is plain in the Case of Sir John Riddel and Mr. Chisholm , Minister at Lisly , whom he was then prosecuting for his Non-complyance ; and yet , at the same time , ingenuously confessed to him , before a good many Witnesses , that he had been very much obliged to him , and protested he would never have treated him at that rate , if it had not been Matter of Conscience to him . This Answer is all over stuff'd with so many groundless Reflections and Aspersions upon the Clergy , and fill'd with such obscene and scurrillous Language , without the least semblance of Reason or Argument , that the true way of answering it , had been to publish to the World a true and impartial History of the Author's Life and Actions , that by comparing it with his Writings , they might easily perceive what Credit and Authority they ought to have among all serious and sober Men. I must confess , I 'm a great Enemy to all personal Reflections in whatever kind of Writings , as knowing how prejudicial they of●en are to the Merit of the Cause , and how antichristian it is● for us to publish to the World the personal Infirmities of our Brethren , when the Laws of Religion oblige us rather to cover and conceal them , and to endeavour to reclaim them by a private and brotherly Admonition ; yet when Men do thus divest themselves of all Morality and Religion , as at this rate , without the least restraint of Modesty or good Manners , to bespatter the sacred Persons of Princes and Prelates , I know no other way to deal with them , but either to oblige them publickly to recant their Calumnies and Aspersions , or at least to fight them with their own Weapons , and to expose them to the World in their true Colours , that the unwary and undiscerning Multitude may not be bubbled into a belief of their malicious Lies and Calumnies . There was indeed a Reply very soon returned to this Answer , which , I suppose , did not a little discompose our Author , it giving him a small tast of what Treatment he might expect , if he should still continue to write at this extravagant and scurrilous rate . The Title of it is , The Prelatical Church-Man against the Phanatical Kirk-Man , or a Vindication of the Author of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland . This is a short Vindication of such of the Clergy as our Author had attempted to wound in their Reputation , by his groundless and malicious Aspersions . But much about this time , or a little before , there was a Discourse publish'd , which , tho it was not design'd as an Answer to this scurrilous Pamphlet , it having been publish'd before it came abroad , yet contains such Matters of Fact as do fully answer all the Calumnies of this Accuser , and it relates the History of the Persecution so impartially , as that it defies the Contradiction of the most effronted Adversary . It is called , An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland , in several Letters . The occasion and design of this undertaking , was this . When the Presbyterian Par●y had barbarously and inhumanly treated the Episcopal Clergy of that Kingdom , when their Rabble had turn'd out of their Churches by Force and Violence , above 300 Ministers in the Southern and Western Countries , and had driven them in the midst of Winter , with their Wives and tender Children , from their Houses and places of abode ; and when they had got such Ministers , as their Rabble could not reach , deprived of their Livings by a Sentence of their Civil Judicatories , and by this means had expos'd them to all the Miseries of Poverty and Want ; yet all this was not enough to satisfie their implacable Malice , but after they had thus cruelly treated their Persons at home , they endeavoured to murther them in their Fame and Reputation abroad ; for here in England they industriously printed and dispersed Papers , under the pretence of giving an account of the Transactions in Scotland at that time , which contain'd a number of malicious and bitter Invectives against the deprived Episcopal Clergy of that Nation , representing many of them to have been deprived for gross Scandals and Immoralities in their Lives , and impudently denyed the many Affronts and Indignities that were done them by the Rabble ; and by this Method they thought not only to render our Clergy odious to the English Nation , but also to make the World believe there was no such thing as a Persecution raised against them , and that all the noise about it was nothing else but the Clamours and Out-cries of a Party disaffected to the Government . The Episcopal Clergy therefore seeing that these malicious Lies and Calumnies gained credit daily with People in England , who were altogether Strangers to these Transactions , and being in a short time sensible how much they suffered in their Fame and Reputation upon this account ( than which nothing ought to be more dear and sacred to Men of their Prof●ssion ) ; found it altogether necessary to vindicate themselves from the Aspersions cast upon them by their Enemies , and to publish a true and impartial Account of their Sufferings , that the World might not any longer be imposed upon in the History of these Transactions . And so they publish'd this account of the Persecution in Four Letters , which do very fully and impartially r●late a great many Matters of Fact concerning the said Persecution ; how it was at first begun by the Rabble in the Western Shires , how they were animated and inticed thereto by their Pastors and Teachers , and how at last the Presbyterians having got the Government of the Kingdom in their hands , did prosecute the Episcopal Clergy in their Civil Courts with such open Partiality and Injustice , as if they had seem'd resolv'd never to deny it . This Treatise no sooner appear'd abroad , than People easily saw how much they had been imposed upon by former Accounts , and being now fully convinc'd of the Truth of the Persecution , began to have some Pity and Compassion towards those Reverend Persons that were thus expos'd to the Fury and blind Rage of an opposite and bigotted Faction . But the restless Spirit of that Party was still at work to run down this Account of the Persecution as false , and to persuade the World , that the Matters of Fact related therein had not the least shadow of Truth in them . However , in a short time their Impudence in denying so boldly these known Matters of Fact was soon baffled , and they themselves were quite confounded at the sight of another Treatise which came out very shortly after the former , viz. The Case of the present afflicted Clergy in Scotland truly represented . To which is added for probation , the Attestation of many unexceptionable Witnesses to every particular , and all the publick Acts and Proclamations of the Convention and Parliament relating to the Clergy . By a Lover of the Church and his Country . In this Discourse we have some further account of the Proceedings of the Rabble and Presbyterian Governours against the Clergy ; and most of the particular Matters of Fact , mention'd both in this and the other Treatise , are so fully attested by many unexceptionable Witnesses , that it gave satisfaction to the most scrupulous Enquirers , and made the Presbyterians themselves almost despair of cheating any more into a belief of their Lies and Aspersions . For here you 'll find among the Collection of Papers , particular Declarations of the Outrages and Cruelties committed upon many worthy Ministers and their Families , owned and subscribed by themselves , and attested by many other Persons of good Fame , that had the misfortune to be Eye-Witnesses to many of their tragical Sufferings . Our Author has likewise inserted all the publick Acts and Proclamations of the Convention and Parliament , relating to the Clergy , by reading of which , you 'll in some measure perceive , with what open Partiality and Injustice they were treated by the Presbyterian Governours at that time , even those whose Station and Character did oblige them at least to put on an outward shew of executing Righteousness and Justice in the Land. A further continuation of the History of this Persecution we have under the Title of A late Letter concerning the Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland . This relates only to the Persecution of such Ministers as lived in the Presbyterie of Stranraver in the Shire of Galloway , of which the former Treatise had promised us a fuller account , since it was only hinted at there . Here we have a brief Narrative of the condition of that place for some few Years before this last Persecution arose ; he tells us , in what Peace and Tranquillity they lived for a considerable time before the Indulgence granted by K. James ; how that before the publishing of that , there were not above two Dissenters in the whole Presbyterie of Stranraver , but all People went regularly and orderly to Church , nay even the Presbyterian Ministers themselves were constant hearers of the Episcopal Clergy in their Parish Churches . But no sooner was this Indulgence proclaimed , than the Presbyterian Ministers erected separate Congregations , and by infusing seditious Principles into the Minds of the giddy Multitude , did in a short time transform the Country into a Wilderness of Savage Beasts . He deduces their History in short till the commencement of the Persecution against the Clergy , and then informs us of a great many Barbarities that were committed upon them by the Rabble . I will not here trouble your Patience with informing you of any of the tragical Stories related both in this and the former Accounts , but rather advise you to read the Accounts themselves , where you 'll find the Presbyterians charged , and that justly too , with such monstruous Barbarities , as the most savage Infidels would have been asham'd to commit . There are two other short Treatises in Print , which , tho they do not immediately concern the History of the Persecution , yet since they have a reference to the Principles and Practices of our Scotch Presbyterians , I thought fit to send you this short Account of them . The first , which was publish'd a considerable time before the Discourse last mention'd , goes under this Title , Some Questions resolved concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian Government in Scotland . Our Author's design in this Discourse , is to prove that the Presbyterian Government was not by Law setled for many Years after the Protestant Religion had the legal Establishment in that Kingdom , and that it was never setled in the Church of Scotland , without restraint from tumultuous times ; all which he unanswerably proves from our Records of Parliament and our best Historians ; and further shews , that even at present , it is very far from being agreeable to the Inclinations of the People , the Basis upon which it is now erected . He shews likewise that the Principles of Presbyterians allow no Liberty of Conscience to any that dissent from them , and clearly demonstrates that their Principles are utterly destructive to the legal Monarchy of that Kingdom . He further proves that the Penal Laws in Scotland against the Presbyterians , had nothing of Persecution in them , and he fully vindicates the Episcopal Clergy from being any ways concern'd in the Sufferings which they so grievously complain of . He has likewise given us an Account of the Behaviour of the Church of Scotland , in reference to the Designs of taking away the Penal Laws against Papists , and shewn us how industrious and active the Presbyterians were in promoting the Designs for taking away the legal Restraints against Papists . So that in this Treatise you may meet with a full and satisfactory Answer to all the Calumnies and Aspersions which the Presbyterians have in their Pamphlets of late maliciously thrown upon our Clergy . Soon after the publishing of this , follow'd the other Discourse entituled . The Danger of the Church of England from a General Assembly of Covenanters in Scotland , Represented from their Principles in Oaths , and late Acts of Assemblies , compared with their Practices in these last two years , By a true Son of the Church . To the first of these Discourses there was an Answer published under this Title , A Vindication of the Church of Scotland , being an Answer to a Paper , Intituled , Some Questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterial Government in Scotland , wherein the later is vindicated from the Arguments and Calumnies of that Author , and the former is made appear to be a Stranger in that Nation . By a Minister of the Church of Scotland , as it is now Established by Law. In which the Author pretends to prove , that the Answers given to these Questions by his Adversary are altogether false and erroneous ; but the performance is very much disproportion'd to the strength and merits of the Discourse he undertakes to attack , as you may easily discover by comparing them together . Having thus far inform'd you of the Discourses that relate the History of our Scotch Persecution , as it was acted by the Laity , viz. the Rabble and Presbyterian Governours : I come in the next place to acquaint you with those Treatises which contain that Scene of the Persecution wherein the Presbyterian Clergy were the Principal and only Actors . It is true that in the former part of this Tragical Scene , their Ministers were not bare Spectators of the Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy ; nay on the contrary , they took occasion in all their publick appearances at that time , from their Pulpits and elsewhere , to incite and stir up the Rabble to the commission of all these Cruelties and Outrages upon the persons of those Reverend and Worthy Men , by calling it the glorious work of Reformation , and telling them , that they were carrying on the work of the Lord , and that God would certainly reward them for the great services they were then doing to his Church and Kingdom . Whereas it had been more for their personal Credit and Reputation , and more suitable to the Character they assume to themselves , of being Ministers of the Gospel of Peace , to have repressed the fury of the Rabble , and to have restrained them from these Insolencies and barbarities which they were acting in several corners of the Kingdom . But in this later Period of the Persecution , the Presbyterian Clergy acted their part openly and barefacedly ; when they sat upon the Bench as Judges , and established iniquity by a Law. The first Discourse of this Nature that was published , was An Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh from October 16. to November 13. in the year 1690. In a Letter from a person in Edinburgh to his Friend in London . And here our Author has given us a very exact and impartial account of the proceedings of the Presbyterian Ministers against the Episcopal Clergy both in their General Assembly , and likewise before the meeting thereof . The Parliament after having abolish●d Episcopacy , was pleased to lodge the whole Government and management of Church Affairs in the hands of some few old Presbyterian Ministers , who in the year 1661. had been deprived for refusing to submit to the Episcopal Government then Established by Law. This was a Presbyterian Constitution , you may say , not very agreeable to their Principles , which only allow an equal parity among all the Ministers of the Gospel ; but however the Constitution being so much for their Interest , it was not thought convenient to stand two nicely upon Principles . These men who were now intrusted with the Church Government having met at Edingburgh , and assumed into a share of the Government such of the Presbyterian Minist●rs as they could intirely confide in , did first agree upon the Method of Constituting their next General Assembly , and afterwards divided themselves into several Classes and Presbyteries , for examining and enquiring into the Principles and Qualifications of the Episcopal Clergy , and this in order to deprive them of their Livings and Preferments . One Author gives us a great many instances of the partiality and injustice that attended the proceedings of these inferiour Judicatories , and then continues his History to the sitting down of the General Assembly , where he entertains us with an useful and pleasant account of what passed in that meeting . When the General Assembly was dissolved , they appointed a Commission for prosecuting the work of the Reformation , and putting an end to what the Rabble and Assembly had begun . This Commission was invested with a full power to cite before them , and deprive such of the Clergy as they should judge unfit for enjoying their Preferments in the Church . And what the Methods were which they used in turning out the Episcopal Ministers that as yet retained peaceable possession of their Churches , what trifling Crimes they were forced to invent against them , may be easily gathered from another Discourse which the same Author published not long after the former , viz. A Continuation of the Historical Relation of the late General Assembly in Scotland . With an account of the Commissions of that Assembly , and other particulars concerning the present state of the Church in that Kingdom . In this Treatise the Author informs us what were the effects and consequences of the Measures , which the General Assembly had laid down for establishing and securing the Presbyterian Government . And besides many Historical Relations of considerable importance , which are contained both in this and the former Treatise , he has likewise inserted here several Original Papers which add a great deal of Light and Authority to his History ; among which there are two Letters from King William to the Commissioners of the General Assembly in Scotland , wherein he requires them to receive into their Communion such of the Episcopal Clergy as were willing to subscribe their Confession of Faith , and submit to the Presbyterian Government as then Established by Law. He further commands them , during his absence out of Britain to stop all further Processes against the Episcopal Ministers until they received further directions from him ; and withal he assures them of his Protection , and that he will maintain the Government of the Church in that Kingdom by Presbytery , without suffering the least Invasion to be made upon it . It is to be hoped that the worthy Author of this Historical Relation of the General Assembly will gratifie the World with a further Continuation of the History of their Proceedings , especially of what past at their last Meeting of their General Assembly . And this is the more earnestly to be wished for , since the two former parts were so very acceptable , and so very satisfactory to all that perused them . I come now to inform you of an Answer to some of those Discourses above mentioned , which after a long delay was at last published under this Title , A Vindication of the Church of Scotland , being an Answer to five Pamphlets . By the Author of the former Vindication in answer to the ten Questions . The Discourses which he pretends to answer are these . 1. An account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland , in several Letters . 2. The Case of the afflicted Clergy in Scotland truly represented . 3. A late Letter concerning the Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland . 4. A Memorial to his Highness the Prince of Orange in relation to the Affairs of Scotland , &c. 5. An Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh from October 16. to Nov. 13. Anno 1690. The occasion the long delay of this pretended Answer was this . The Assembly , it seems , enjoyned this task of answering the Historical Accounts of the Persecution to one * of their Ministers , and recommended to him , to receive particular Informations from the places of the Kingdom , in which these cruel Barbarities were acted ; but he , finding that the Informations sent him did confirm the truth of most of the Historical Relations he was required to answer , and being a Man of more honesty and ingenuity than many of his Brethren , did , after he had for several months made a trial of the work , at last intirely decline it , because he saw these Accounts could not be answered without justifying what the Rabble had done , which , he ingenuously acknowledged , he was neither able nor willing to do . And therefore they were forced to pitch upon another † for this employment , whom , as it appears , being a Man of a greater stock of Boldness , and far less Sincerity than the other , they found both fitter and readier for serving their designs . And he after a great many strugglings , what with the Checks of his own Conscience , and the difficulties he met with in guilding over and disguising these Matters of Fact , which are so faithfully and so circumstantially reported in these Discourses he had undertaken to attack , at last appears abroad in the World , thinking by his bare confidence alone to impose upon the Sense of Mankind , and with a bold denial to confute those truths which have all the proof and attestation that a Matter of Fact can possibly bear . They are owned in Publick and Printed Declarations , subscribed by the Ministers upon whom these Outrages were committed , and attested by many Witnesses of unspotted Fame and Reputation ; nay further , the Ministers who were the Sufferers undertake , under the severest Penalties , to prove the truth of these Declarations before any Judicial Court , even to the Conviction of their most obstinate Enemies ; and what further Proof can any reasonable Man desire ? But to let you see how fully and beyond the possibility of contradiction these matters of Fact are attested , I have subjoyned hereunto two Declarations relating to this Subject , the Original Copies of which are in my hands , subscribed by the Ministers upon whom these Cruelties were acted , and their Subscriptions attested by very good Witnesses . I send you these the rather , because they are not to be found among the Collection of Papers annexed to the Case of the Afflicted Clergy in Scotland , and one of them is a great deal more particular in the Relation than any therein inserted : For in this Declaration the particular days and months upon which these barbarities were acted , and the names of the particular persons that were Actors of the Tragedy are expresly mentioned , and three or four Witnesses at least brought to prove every individual matter of Fact that is there related ; and , if my memory don't very much fail me , a Copy of this Declaration was given in to the Privy Council at Edinburgh , and the Gentleman desired a redress of these grievances , and offered to prove before them the truth of all these particulars , if they thought them worthy of their Cognizance ; so that I would gladly know what further proof and attestation can be brought for any matter of Fact , than is here offered to evince the truth of these . Here follow the Declarations . Declaration of Mr. John Arbuckell , Minister of Rickartoun , concerning the Indignities done him by the Rabble . I Master John Arbuckell , Minister of Rickartoun , declare to all whom it may concern , That first I was taken Prisoner by the Rabble , commanded by one William Campbel , accompanied with Alexander Hillhouse , his Brother John Hillhouse , and the Laird of Allangreig was present with the Rabble , to the number of Forty or thereby , all in Arms except Allangreig ; and by them carried along to Tarboltoun , being Five Miles from Rickartoun , together with my eldest Son under silence of the Night , and there kept Prisoner in the House of Mr. James Gillespie , Minister of that place , and in the Morning carried , together with the said Mr. Gillespie , to the Church-Yard , where his Gown was torn , and a part of it laid on my Shoulder , and the other part on his Shoulder , I wanting a Gown , in respect I was not at home ; and after a long Discourse , previous to the tearing of the Gown , they led us by the hand over the Church-Yard Dyke , not permitting us to go over the Stile ; required us never hereafter to preach or crave any of our Stipends , and forbid all Men to pay us under the highest peril ; and to finish the Solemnity of that great Action , they dismist us with a Volley of Shot . After this I was forc'd to fly the Country , my Wife and tender Family continuing in the Manse * of Rickartoun till Fasting's Eve † or thereby , when she and her Four Children were turn'd out by Violence on a Saturday , the Mercat-day at Kilmarnock . It being Snow in the time , she , with great difficulty , obtained liberty to stay in a Stable till Monday , upon this condition , that she should remove the rest of our Household Furniture which they had not thrown out , on that Night before they returned from the Mercat , which was not half a Miles distance . In testimony of the Premisses , I and my eldest Son have subscribed these presents at Edinburgh . April 16 , 1690. Jo. Arbuckell . James Arbuckell . Declaration of Mr. Gilbert Muschet , Minister at Cumbernauld , concerning his barbarous Usage by the Rabble . I Master Gilbert Muschet , Minister at Cumbernauld , do by these presents declare , That whereas I was orderly presented to the Church at Cumbernauld by John Earl of Wigtone , and received Ordination and Collation from Alexander , late Archbishop of St. Andrews , then Lord Archbishop of Glasgow , and continued there these Twenty Three Years in the Function of the Ministry : Yet nevertheless I have been of late excluded and expell'd by the Rabble , both from the Church , and from my Manse and Glebe , and I my self , and my Wife , have been in great danger of our Lives , having been hurt and wounded by my own Parishioners and their Associates . Follow the particular Wrongs done me by the Rabble , and the Parties and Witnesses , if I could have a hearing . On Christmas day , 1688. They took away all my Books , together with my Papers , to burn them at the Trone . The Parties were James Mochrie , Rob. Allan , John Kirkwood , John Anderson , James Rae , James , John , and Alexander Neilsons ; by order , as they alledg'd , from John Carmichael Chamberlaine , James Carmichael , his Son , and James Fleyming , Ground Officer . Witnesses were Fergus Lugie , Hary Logy , John Baird , and Robert Boyd , Younger . In January , 1689. They made me , by their Threatnings , give back Four Petty Poynds to the value of ten or twelve Pounds Scotch , that were long ago obtained in a fair legal way , by a Decree before the Sheriff , for payment to the Reader and Beddal . The Parties were Ja. Brounlees , John Ballach , John Russel , of Catecraig , and Tho. Smellie . Witnesses , Fergus Lugie , Will. Cassils , Ja. Starke , and their two Wives , and Robert Stark , Kirk-Officer . February 4th . They excluded me from the Church , and sacrilegiously robb'd and took away the Key of the Church Door , together with the Vtensils of the Church . They likewise broke open the Doors of my House with a great Hammer , rent my Gown and burnt it , and laid violent hands upon my self and my Wife , and the Kirk Officer . Parties , Ja. Bailzie , Ja. Mochrie , Rob. Angus , Ja. Bresh , Alexander Harvy , Ja. Thomson , Ja. Rae , John Gillespie , Younger , Agnes Mochrie , and Agnes Steil . Witnesses , John Davy , Rob. Stirling , Tho. Buchanan , and John Steil . March , 7. They came out with Staves and Battoons , and stop'd my Plough , after I had till'd near Three Acres thereof , and threatned to beat the Ploughmen , to cut the Horse Legs and Plough-tackling , if they did not desist . Parties , Robert Stirling , Marion Lamb , Agnes Mochrie , Margaret Moorhead , Margaret Miller , Jean Miller , Margaret Davy , and Ja. Buchanan . Witnesses , John Watson , David Macklay , William Cassils , Younger , James Machany , Margaret Colen , and Mary Stark . April , 30. They took possession of my Glebe , being Seven Acres and a half of Land , for the use of the Meeting-House Preacher ; they till'd the rest of it , and thereafter did sow and harrow it all , ( except one ridg which I had caused sow and harrow before ) . Parties , Robert Boyd , Ja. Russel , Ja. Gilmore , John Anderson , John Young , James Mochrie , William Cassils , and Ja. Rae . And tho Eight of them had promised to pay me for what I had tilled and sown thereof , yet they never performed the same . Witnesses , John Carmichael , James Carmichael , James Davie , and Ja. Jarvey . April 21. They violently , by force of Arms , stopp'd my entry into the Church , in order to read the Convention's Proclamation , and threw the Proclamation in the Ditch , and carried me Prisoner to the Town . Parties , Ja. Rae , and John Greenlees , armed , their Associates , John Kirkwood , William Cassils , Ja. Mochrie , Robert Allan , James Thomson , John Anderson , John Smith , James Buchanan , and Tho. Dinn . Witnesses , Rob. Bresh , James Machany , John Stark , Robert , Alexander , and John Ewans , Hugh Templeton , with divers others . April 28. The entred the Meeting-House Preacher into the Church by force of Arms , tho he never read the Convention's Proclamation , nor obey'd the tenour of it then or since . Parties , Ja. Mochrie , John Kirkwood , William Cassils , Ja. Thomson , Ja. Rae , John Greenlees , Thomas Dinn , John Smith , Ja. Anderson , Ja. Renie , John Gillespie . Witnesses , Ja. Russel , John Young , John Stirling , with divers others . May 2. They broke open the Windows of my House , robbing me of several things to a considerable value , and charged me to remove the rest of my Furniture within Twenty four Hours , otherwise they would throw it into the Stone-Quarry . Parties , Ja. Mochrie , Ja. Rae , Ja. Gilmore , Younger , and Ja. Buchanan , with others . Witnesses , Jo. Kirkwood , Ja. Neilson , John Gillespie , and Ja. Buchanan . May 3. They again , after opprobrious Language , haled me Prisoner to the Newtoun , commanding me to deliver up the Key of the Manse , and three of them broke two of the Doors in my own House within the Newtoun of Cumbernauld , beating my Wife . Parties , Ja. Mochrie , Ja. Rae , and James Buchanan ; the first of these searched narrowly for me in my own Chamber , threatning to kill me , where I narrowly escaped , and he thereafter pursued me upon the King's High-way . Associates to the said Three Persons were , John Gillespy , Younger , Ja. Gilmore , Younger , and James Renie , together with John Kirkwood , William Cassils , and James Thomson , John Anderson , John Greenlees , and John Smith . Witnesses , John Young , Hary Luggie , Ja. Barrie , Hugh Templetone , and others at a publick Wedding . May 20. Mr. Michael Robb , the Meeting-House Preacher , extruded me from the Glebe , as the Rabble did from the Manse , and caused his Servant to beat the Kirk-Officer , when he was shearing a little Grass for my Horse , when he was taken away by the command of one Lieutenant Haddo , who took him along to the South and West Countries twenty days , upon pretence of a commanded Party . Witnesses , John Stirling , John Bennie , John and Tho. Buchanans , Jo. Cowie , Robert Stark , Alexander , Robert , and John Ewans . July 28. After ringing the first Bell I entered the Church , and read the Convention's Proclamation before an English Captain and Cornet , and John Carmichael Chamberlain , and having thereafter offered to preach in the Forenoon , and to obey the tenour of the said Proclamation , I was stopped by James Rae and William Cassils , the last whereof laid violent hands upon me in that sacred place , and hurled me by the Shoulders through the Church Isle , and thrust me out at the Door , tearing my Coat and my Gown . Witnesses , Ja. Robb , James Neilson , John Gillespy , Younger , James , John , and Tho. Buchanans , and Ja. Renie . August 6. They caused Home of Nineholes Troop eat a whole Night the Grass of that Meadow , which I paid Duty for to the Earl of Wigtone , the Hay thereof being worth Ten Marks Scotch , was quite destroy'd , and they caus'd Captain Morton's Horse eat a considerable quantity of my Corn of that Land I pay for yearly . Parties , John Carmichael , who quartered the said Troop , Mr. Robb , and John Cuy , his Servant , who put them from the Glebe to eat my Meadow , Witnesses , John and Thomas Buchanans , Alexander and John Ewans . September 20. They pursued me upon the High-way as I was convoying a Cousin of my own , alledging that he and I had taken down the Bell. They hurled us back Prisoners to the Town , and James Rae ran at me with a Halbard , it seems , with a design to have killed me . Parties , John Gillespy , Younger , who wounded me in the Head , John Kirkwood , William Cassils , James Buchanan , John Smith , David Dabie , John Russel . Witnesses , John Ker , Younger , William Grudlay , Andrew Currie , Geo. Mushet , John Carmichael , John Fleeming , John Donaldson , and several others . The truth of the Premisses is attested by my Subscription of these presents at Edinburgh , the Eleventh day of April , 1690. before these Witnesses , Mr. Richard Scot , Parson of Aschott , and John Falconar , Master of Arts. Richard Scot , Witness to this Subscription . John Falconar , Witness to this Subscription . G. Muschet . And now Sir , I hope , you see with what evidence and clearness of Demonstration , the particular Instances related in the History of the Scotch Persecution are accompanied , and from this you may easily judg what a height of Impudence Men must needs arrive at , to deny so plain and so evident Matters of Fact , that have all the Proof and Attestation that the Nature of the thing can possibly bear . And yet the Author of this pretended Answer is not in the least asham'd to put on such a degree of Confidence in this matter , as no Man besides a Presbyterian is capable of . But to let you see a little of his Disingenuity in managing this Affair , he has collected together five Discourses whieh he undertakes to confute , and then urges the number of the Books he 's to answer , as an Excuse why he cannot confute them all sufficiently , least he should swell his Answer into too great a Volume . What should have obliged this Author to undertake to answer so many Treatises at one time , I cannot readily conjecture , unless it were to have some plausible pretence for not being able to give a sufficient Answer to any of them singly . I 'm sure the meanest of these Treatises does far exceed the Malice of his weak Efforts , and the Assembly enjoyn'd him but the first two Discourses to confute , which , if he had done to purpose , he had better s●tisfy'd the Commands of his Superiors , and done greater Service to his Party , by vindicating them from those heavy Crimes so justly charg'd upon them . But all the Vindication he offers to bring for them , is in some Cases with a daring Boldness to deny point blank the Matter of Fact , without disproving the Attestations brought to confirm it ; in others to alleviate it , by pretending the Episcopal Clergy had expos'd themselves to the Hatred of the Rabble ; but in most Cases he acknowledges the Truth of the Relation , and then disowns the Actors were Presbyterians , and therefore the sober Presbyterians , he says , ought not to account for those Proceedings : Whereas it 's notoriously known , that these Persons whom he thus disowns and reflects upon , are the only true Presbyterians , and act in a close Conformity to their Principles , while others , pretending to a little more Sobriety and Moderation , have evidently deserted the Old Cause , and degenerated into a mungrel Constitution which they know not how to name . And notwithstanding that the Author disowns the Actors to be of their Communion , yet in his Vindication he is pleas'd to call them the Zealous Party , and represents them as pretty gentle , in that they made it their work only to deprive , and not to murder the Episcopal Ministers . In some particulars , the better to disguise and lessen the attested Matters of Fact of our late Persecution , he has brought a few Evidences and Attestations of some Witnesses , whom he looks upon as Men of Integrity and Credibility ; but they are those very Persons who were the principal Actors of that horrid Tragedy ; and how fair and candid dealing this is , I leave the World to judg . Is it to be suppos'd , that Men who had such a degree of Malice to act these unheard of Barbarities , will be at a loss for a little Impudence to deny them ? And yet this you 'll find to be the whole of his Vindication , after perusal of it , which I would advise you by all means to do , since , instead of answering , it rather confirms the Truth of the Accounts that have been given by the Eye-witnesses and Sufferers in that Persecution . There are lately publish'd some Remarks upon this Vindication , which are printed with another Book called , The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , which I shall have occasion to mention afterwards . But the Author of these Remarks has taken the pains to collect several of this Vindicator's Falshoods and Contradictions , with which every Page of his Book doth abound , and which may be sufficient to direct us in passing our Judgment on the whole ; he shews , how in some places he justifies or excuses the greatest Barbarities of the Presbyterian Rabble , and in other places disowns and condemns them ; so that he is not asham'd to contradict himself at every turn . It 's probable that ere long you may see this Vindicator more severely chastis'd , as he truly deserves , and therefore I 'll trouble you with no further Account of him at present , but leave him to the Correction of those that are chiefly concern'd to take notice of his Insolence , and shall conclude with this one Remark . That if these Men were in earnest to answer the Historical Relations of the Persecution published by the Episcopal Clergy , the most effectual and satisfactory way of confuting these Accounts , were to examin upon Oath before an impartial Judicatory , the Witnesses that attest all these publick Declarations printed in the Case of the afflicted Clergy ; and if they disown the truth of these Relations , or if the Ministers be not able to prove their several Declarations by sufficient and unexceptionable Witnesses , let them ever after be reputed as Men infamous for Lying and Calumny . This , methinks , is a fair way of dealing , and such as that Party ought not in reason to refuse , since they have the Government of the Nation in their hands , and may easily put it to a Tryal when they please . And till they do this , they must excuse the World to believe these Accounts of the Persecution to be true and genuine Relations , and to proceed neither from Malice nor Revenge . The next Period of the History of our Scotch Affairs , relates to the Visitation of the Universities , and other inferior Schools of Learning . The Presbyterian Ministers never thought themselves secure , were never at Peace and Quiet till they got this brought about ; they lookt upon them as Nurseries of such Plants as would infallibly overturn their Settlement and Constitution ; and therefore it was still the subject Matter of their Sermons before the Parliament , to press them to a speedy purging of the Universities , that the Youth of the Nation might not any longer be poyson'd with Loyal , Episcopal , and suchlike Antichristian Principles . This was their constant Topick for many Months together , and there was nothing gall'd them more than the delay of so desireable a Work ; but at last their Importunity was gratify'd ▪ and an Act of Parliament publish'd , constituting a Commission for visiting the Universities and other Schools and Seminaries of Learning within the Kingdom . This Commission divided themselves into several Committees for visiting the particular Universities , who were to make report to the General Commission of the Qualifications and Behaviour of the Professors and Regents in each University . And what the Methods of their proceeding in this Visitation were , you may easily learn from the History of what they did in relation to the Colledge of Edinburgh . It goes under this Title , Presbyterian Inquisition ; as it was lately practised against the Professors of the Colledge of Edinburgh , August and September 1690. In which the Spirit of Presbytery and their present Method of Procedure , is plainly discovered , Matter of Fact by undeniable instances cleared , and Libels against particular persons discussed . This Discourse is a sufficient demonstration to the World , what injustice and severity the Professors of this Colledge met with from their Presbyterian Visitors . It would not satisfie their Malice to strip them of their places and preferments , but they must likewise contrive some ways to ruin their Fame and Reputation , the better to palliate their own injustice . They invent Libels , and deliver them into the Visitors , no Accuser produc'd to own the Libel , * no Witnesses brought to prove any particular of it , and yet these Libels must be Registred and kept upon Record as Authentick Evidences , containing the Crimes for which the Professors were then deprived ; and all this with design to render them infamous not only in the present , but likewise to future Ages . It was this sort of treatment that obliged the Professors of the Colledge of Edinburgh , to publish a true Narrative of the Proceedings in their Visitation , that they might vindicate themselves from the aspersions cast upon them by these Libels , and let the World see , that the greatest Crimes their Adversaries had against them were their Sallaries and Revenues . In this Account you have a general Narrative of the Proceedings of the Committee against all the Members of that Colledge ; and particularly you have here inserted at large the whole Trials of two of their number , viz. Doctor Monro Principal of the Colledge , and Doctor Strachan Professor of Divinity . There you may see all the Articles Libelled against these two Doctors , to what necessity their Accusers were reduced , in being forc'd to invent mean and trifling Calumnies against Men of an unblemished Character ; you may see likewise their particular Answers to the Libels , wherein they have fully vindicated their Innocence against all those silly aspersions , that the utmost effort of their Adversaries Malice could contrive . The Author has likewise inserted in this Treatise , the Report of the Committee to General Commission in relation to these two Doctors , and the Commission 's Sentence of Deprivation against them , together with their several Animadversions upon the Report of the Committee . And that none might doubt of their partiality in this Affair , Mr. Andrew Massie's Libel is inserted , which , though notoriously true , owned and offered to be proved by persons of unquestionable Credit and Reputation , was not in the least enquired into , because he had declared himself to be of their Party . All these things you 'll find fully related in this Account , which in your reading will afford you Matter of Diverson as well as of Instruction . These are , I think the chief Discourses , that have been published by our Episcopal Divines , relating to the History of the Persecution under which their Church at present most heavily groans . But I must likewise beg leave to mention another Treatise lately come from the Press under this Title , The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , or the foolishness of their Teaching discovered from their Books , Sermons , and Prayers , and some Remarks on Mr. Rule 's late Vindication of the Kirk . The occasion of publishing this Tract , as I am inform'd , was this . You may observe that the Presbyterians of Scotland in all their Vindications , endeavour to justifie their Proceedings against the Orthodox Clergy with this Topick , by pretending that a great many of them were turn'd out meerly for their Ignorance and Insufficiency . This was the great Test by which the Presbyterian Teachers pretended to proceed in Judging and Depriving such of the Episcopal Clergy as condescended to appear before their Assemblies . Upon this account therefore , it seems , the Publisher of this Treatise thought it convenient , to inform the World a little of the Qualifications and Learning of our Presbyterian Doctors , and if it were possible , to make them sensible of their own Infirmities , and for the future asham'd of their Insolence , that they should pretend to Deprive Men for Ignorance , who are so many degrees above the reach of their low capacities ; that they , who in their Preachings and Writings appear to be not only void of all manner of Learning , but likewise destitute of common Sense and Reason , that that they should be so arrogant , as to think themselves fit Judges of any Man's Qualifications for the Office of the Holy Ministry . They might have acted perhaps more prudently , if they had set this Topick aside , and made choice of another Test for Depriving the Episcopal Clergy , and that is , as they are pleas'd to call it , the want of Grace ; then in all appearance , they had not given our Author this occasion of proclaiming to the World their scandalous Ignorance , and they would have acted more consonantly to their own Principles and Doctrines , when they run down all kind of Human Learning as a thing truly Antichristian . And here , Sir , I must tell you , that their particular despite against all manner of Learning is so observable , that when you return to Scotland , you 'll find your self deprived of the Society of many of these Learned and Ingenious Gentlemen , in whose Company and Conversation you were formerly wont to be so much Edified , and so highly pleased . They have not only Persecuted the Clergy at that rate , as to make some of our most eminent Divines leave the Kingdom ; but have likewise extended their Malice against the Learned Men of all other Professions , and discouraged them to that high degree , that they have forc'd some of the most Conspicuous of our Lawyers , Physi●ians and Mathematicians , to desert their Native Country , and take up their Residence among such as have a just value and esteem of their Merit and Desert . I could instance in all these Particulars , but that you your self will be too sensible of it , and the instances are so well known , and so generally exclaimed against , that the Presbyterians themselves begin to be somewhat asham'd of their Proceedings towards them . And truly no wonder , if they consider with what abhorrence and indignation their Posterity will remember them ; that they should have been such Hostes Patriae , such open and declared Enemies to their Native Country , as by their violent Proceedings to banish therefrom Men who were the Glory and Ornament of their Nation . This Discourse is a Collection of several remarkable Passages taken out of the Writings and Sermons of the Presbyterian Pastors ; in which their gross Ignorance in matters of Learning , and their ridiculous and almost blasphemous way of Worship is sufficiently described . The Author has collected a great many instances of the Madness and Delusions of the Presbyterian Vulgar ; how they are passionately moved with a Sermon of the greatest Nonsense , if it be pronounced but with a loud Voice and a whining Tone ; how they contemn the Creed , the Lord's Prayer , and the Ten Commandments , as childish Ordinances , and far below their Care or Concern ; and how upon their Death-beds they take it as a certain sign of Salvation , that in their life-time they never heard a Curate preach . These are such strong Delusions and Infatuations , that it 's easie to guess by what Spirit they are thus acted . In the next place he describes the peevish and unconversible Temper of their Pastors ; how they have enslav'd themselves so wholly to the Humors of their People , that to gratifie them , they must divest themselves of common Civility , as well as Christian Charity . He shews that their Pretences to Learning go no further than to understand the Doctrines of Election and Reprobation , and how by their indiscreet Sermons upon this Subject , they often drive many of the ignorant Multitude into such a high despair of God's Mercy , as to make them lay violent hands on themselves , and this they call The Saving of Souls . They infuse into the Minds of their Hearers sordid and low Notions of the high and eternal God ; they represent him as a severe and unmerciful Being , and have not the Prudence to intermix God's Offers of Mercy with his Threatnings . They not only force their Followers into Despair , but likewise sometimes encourage them in direct Impieties , by telling them , that if they be among the number of the Elect , they may be guilty of the greatest Sins without hazarding their Salvation . They talk of the greatest Mysteries of Religion in such homely , coarse , and ridiculous Expressions , as are very unsuitable to the Gravity and Solemnity with which these sacred Mysteries ought to be treated . And all these Particulars the Author of this Treatise proves against them by such undeniable Instances , that I believe they 'll hardly be so bold as to offer to confute them , least thereby they expose themselves to the greater Scorn and Derision . I think I need not caution you to read this Discourse I here speak of , with a due Regard and Veneration to those sacred things you see thus polluted and prophaned ; and not to improve it to such a bad use , as I too much fear some of our open Prophaners of all Religion will be inclin'd to do . I know you have more just and adequate Notions of the Divine Majesty , and of the Mysteries of our Holy Religion , than to entertain the meaner Thoughts of these holy and sacred things , because you see them prophan'd in this manner by the Mouths of such sordid and silly Creatures ; you know that Pearls cast before the Swine lose nothing of their intrinsick Worth and Value . I must therefore intreat you to improve the reading of this Treatise to the true design for which it was publish'd , viz. That all good Men , being rightly inform'd of the present Misery and Desolation of the Church of Scotland , and being sensible of the great Detriment that accrues thereby to Religion in general , may contribute their assistance , what by their Prayers and other lawful means , for restoring that National Church to its Primitive and Apostolical Institution ; that Religion may again flourish there as the Palm-tree , and all manner of Iniquity being depress'd , Judgment may as yet run down our Streets like a River , and Righteousness like a mighty Stream . Is it a matter of no moment , to see a whole National Church , with its Apostolical Government , quite overturn'd and destroy'd ? To see many Hundreds of the Ministers of God's Word , together with their Families , expos'd to the extreme Necessities of Poverty and Want , and by that means to the Contempt of the Laity ? To see them thus sacrific'd to the Fury and Rage of a blind and bigotted Party ? Is it nothing to see Religion in this manner abused and polluted by sordid and stupid Men , who assume to themselves the Name of Pastors ? To see them prophane the sacred Mysteries of our holy Religion by their Drollery and Ridicule ? To behold many Christians in a Kingdom wandering to and fro , without any Guide to direct them in the ways and means of Salvation , or which is worse , having only such Teachers as entertain them with Nonsense and Blasphemy , and infuse into their Minds such seditious Principles and Doctrines as must inevitably tend to their Ruin and Destruction ? These are Matters not of mere Jest and Diversion , but of great Concern and Importance , and will at last prove to be of far more fatal Consequences than , I fear , many of us are aware of . If this Deluge of Atheism and Impiety , which these Men are too too likely to introduce into that Kingdom , by venting such nauseous and ridiculous stuff in their Prayers and Sermons ; I say , if this Deluge be not timely prevented , but be suffered to go on without any stop or hindrance , it will not be found very easie to rid the Nation of the bad Effects of it for many Generations . Having now gone through all the Discourses that have been publish'd on both sides , concerning our late Revolution in Church Matters , I think it may not be amiss to acquaint you with two or three other Treatises , which , tho they principally relate to the Civil Affairs of our Nation , yet do contain some things that concern likewise our Church Affairs . The first of them is entituled thus , The late Proceedings and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland , contain'd in an Address deliver'd to the King , sign'd by the plurality of the Members thereof , stated and vindicated . That you may rightly understand the occasion of printing this Discourse , It is necessary to acquaint you , That after the Convention of Estates in Scotland had devolved the Government of that Kingdom upon K. William and Q. Mary , they fell into great Heats and Animosities among themselves . What the causes of these Divisions were , I am not at present concerned to enquire , but divided they were into several Parties , one of which went ordinarily under the Name of the Club. It consisted of a great many Members of Parliament , who were most of them Presbyterians , and zealously affected to the present Government , haveing appeared very active and industrious in dethroning K. James , and advancing K. William and Q. Mary to the Throne . This Party combin'd together to obstruct and oppose all Matters brought into the Parliament , till they should first get their Grievances against the former Governments redress'd by this , according to their Claim of Right . They alledged K. William had refused Satisfaction and Redress to these Points of the Grievances which were most material , and that he was so far from performance , that both he and his Ministers deny'd there lay any Obligation upon them for that end ; so that in this Revolution , they pretended the People did only observe a change of Masters , but no ease of Burden , or redress of Laws . And this obliged them to send up an Address to K. William , subscrib'd by the greatest part of the Members of Parliament of Scotland , representing to him the Grievances which they wanted to be redress'd in the present Parliament . This Address was deliver'd to him by the Earl of Annandale , the Lord Rosse , and Sir James Montgomery of Skelmurly , at Hampton Court , the 15th . day of October , 1689. They were much dissatisfy'd with the Ministers of State whom King William had received into his Councils and Service , alledging that he had made choice of those very Men , who had been the Instruments of K. James ' Miseries and Ruine , by advising him to these Courses that had robb'd him of the Hearts of his Subjects . It was these Ministers whom they blam'd as the Authors of all the Differences that had arisen betwixt K. William and his Parliament in Scotland ; they thought his delaying to gratifie their Desires , proceeded merely from the sinister Misrepresentations given him of their Demands as illegal , and as Encroachments upon the Royal Authority . And therefore , to justifie their Actions , they publish'd this Treatise and their Address to King William , to shew , that what they desired therein was agreeable to all the Rules of Law , Religion and Policy . The Author has inserted at large the several contested Votes of Parliament , to which K. William had refused his assent , and he endeavours to demonstrate the Legality , Reasonableness , and Necessity of them , by proving them to be in all Points agreeable to the antient Laws and Customs of that Nation . This has produced us another Discourse on the same Subject , in answer to the former . It is call'd , An Account of the Affairs of Scotland , in relation to their Religious and Civil Rights . Here our Author undertakes to satisfie the World , that K. William had offer'd to the Parliament in Scotland all the Satisfaction and Redress of their Grievances that reasonable Men could expect ; and that the true Source and Fountain whence proceeded all the Complaints of the discontented Party , was , that some of their Number were not advanc'd to such honourable and advantageous Posts of the State , as they thought they had merited by their Zeal for K. William , and the eminent Services they had done him in advancing his Interest in that Kingdom . And to evince what he undertakes , he has set down at length the Grievances themselves , and the Redress offer'd them by King William in his Instructions to his Commissioner , and makes some Reflections on both . If you encline to search any further into the History of these Debates betwixt K. William and his Parliament , you may consult the Treatises themselves , to which I refer you . I suppose you may have heard how active and diligent the Presbyterians in Scotland have been ever since this late Revolution , to exclaim against the Injustice and Severity of the former Reigns , and particularly that of K. Charles II. ( under whose Administration we enjoyed so much Peace and Tranquillity ) whom they charge with Tyranny and Oppression , Cruelty and Persecution against them and their Adherents ; and reproach his Ministers of State as Subverters of the Laws of the Kingdom , and Betrayers of the Liberties and Property of the Subject . The bad Impression which these Clamours made upon Strangers that were ignorant of these Transactions , obliged Sir Geo. Mackenzie , ( who had been Advocate to K. Charles II. and was principally aim'd at in many of the Reflections cast upon the Government and its Ministers ) to vindicate his Majesty K. Charles and his Ministers of State , from these Calumnies and Aspersions so unjustly thrown upon them . And this he has very fully and satisfactorily done in a Discourse publish'd after his Death , and called , A Vindication of the Government in Scotland , during the Reign of K. Charles II , against Misrepresentations made in several scandalous Pamphlets . To which is added , The Method of proceeding against Criminals , as also some of the Phanatical Covenants , as they were printed and published by themselves in that Reign . By Sir George Maekenzie , late Lord Advocate there . In this Treatise we have a short Narrative of the Proceedings of that Government in relation to the Presbyterian Dissenters , which alone is sufficient to undeceive Persons that have been imposed upon by Misrepresentations , and to confute all the malicious Calumnies raised against the Government . For when we consider the frequent Rebellions and Commotions which the Presbyterians raised during the Reign of King Charles II. we shall soon find that those Acts of the Government , which they tax with the greatest Severity , savour of nothing but Mildness and Lenity , and that the Government proceeded by the slowest steps imaginable to punish those who openly own'd their Designs of subverting the Monarchy . The Authour has collected all the Objections and Instances of pretended Cruelty against the Government , which the Malice of its Enemies could contrive , and has answer'd them beyond the possibility of a Reply . The Publisher has subjoyned a Collection of original Papers publish'd by themselves , which contain an Account of their avowed Principles and Practices , and from thence you may easily judg how consistent it is with the Security of any Government , to suffer the Propagation of such wicked and seditious Principles . But I think you cannot have a more impartial and true Account of their Principles , nor a fuller Vindication of the Proceedings of the Government against this rebellious Party , than from a Book lately publish'd under this Title , The History of Scotch Presbytery , being an Epitome of the Hind let loose , by Mr. Shields . With a Preface by a Presbyter of the Church of Scotland . It is Epitome of a larger Book published by Mr. Alexander Shields , one of their most eminent Preachers , and a zealous Defender of the good old Cause . Here we have a true Description of the Temper and Genius of the whole Party , and it discovers the true Spirit of the Presbyterian Gospel . There is none of them that b●tter understands the true Tenets of the Presbyterians , nor is more consequential to their Principles ; for he fairly sets down their Doctrines and Opinions , and disowns none of the most absurd and pernicious Consequences that naturally flow from them . He gives us an Historical Account of their many Insurrections and Rebellions against the Civil Government , and very frankly owns and justifies them all , together with several of their barbarous Murders committed upon the Archbishop of S. Andrews , and some others , ; so that by a slight view of this Book , you may easily judg , whether any Government of whatever species can subsist where such Principles and Doctrines are suffer'd to be propagated among the Subjects . And now , Sir , I have satisfied your desire as fully as possibly I could ; I have given you an exact Account of the most , if not all the considerable Treatises that have been Printed with respect to the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland , and that you may be the better able to judge of the truth and certainty of it , I have set down the Treatises published by both Parties ; and likewise that you may the more easily procure any of them you are desirous to read , I have subjoyned to this Letter a Catalogue of them all with the names of the Booksellers by whom they are to be sold . I think it is sufficiently evident from the foregoing Collection , what Sufferings the Orthodox Clergy in Scotland have endured , and how unaccountable the Proceedings of the Presbyterians are towards them ; and which is most to be lamented , the present miserable state and condition of the whole National Church , and the great prejudice that Religion sustains by the overthrow thereof , is no less apparent . How much it concerns all Sober and Religious Men to contribute their endeavours , for delivering that Oppressed Church from the Miseries and Calamities under which it at present Groans , I hope we are all sensible ; and therefore I shall give you no further trouble but of this one request , which is , That you would be careful to inform all persons with whom you may chance to converse , of the present deplorable state of Affairs in Scotland , that every one may lend their assistance for rescuing the Revered Clergy of that Kingdom from under their present Sufferings and Oppressions , that the Rod of the wicked may lye no longer upon the back of the Righteous , least they stretch forth their hand unto Iniquity , and likewise that our National Church may be restored to its Primitive Order and Beauty . This is the earnest desire of June 1● . 1692. Sir , Your most affectionate and humble Servant . A Catalogue of Books mention'd in the foregoing Letter . A Memorial for his Highness the Prince of Orange in relation to the Affairs of Scotland , &c. London Printed for Randal Taylor near Stationers-Hall . 1689. The present State and Condition of the Clergy and Church of Scotland . London Printed . A brief and true Account of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland occasioned by the Episcopalians since the year 1660. &c. London Printed Anno 1690. The Prelatical Church-man against the Phanatical Kirk-man , &c. London Printed Anno 1690. An account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters . London Printed for S. Cook Anno 1690. . The Case of the present afflicted Clergy in Scotland truly represented . London Printed for J. Hindmarsh at the Golden Ball over against the Royal Exchange in Cornhill . 1690. A late Letter concerning the Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland . London Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock in St. Paul 's Church-Yard . 1691. Some Questions resolved concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian Government in Scotland . London Printed , and are to be sold by Randal Taylor near Stationers-Hall . 1690. The Danger of the Church of England from a General Assembly of Covenanters in Scotland . London Printed for Tho. Bennet at the Half-Moon in St. Paul 's Church-Yard , and John Hovell , Bookseller in Oxon. 1690. A Vindication of the Church of Scotland , being an Answer to a Paper , Intituled , Some Questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian Government in Scotland , &c. London Printed for Tho. Salusbury at the Sign of the Temple near Temple-Bar in Fleetstreet . 1691. An Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh , &c. London Printed for J. Hindmarsh at the Golden Ball in Cornhill , near the Royal Exchange . 1691. A Continuation of the Historical Relation of the late General Assembly in Scotland . London Printed for Sam. Keeble , at the Great Turks head in Fleetstreet , over against Fetter-lane-end . 1691. A Vindication of the Church of Scotland , being an Answer to five Pamphlets . Printed at Edinburgh , and reprinted at London , for Tho. Parkhurst at the Bible and Three Crowns near Mercers Chappel in Cheapside . 1691. Presbyterian Inquisition , as it was lately practised against the Professors of the Colledge of Edinburgh . London Printed for J. Hindmarsh at the Golden Ball in Cornhill . 1691. The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , or the foolishness of their Teaching discovered from their Books , Sermons and Prayers , London Printed for Randal Taylor near Stationers-Hall , 1692. The late Proceedings and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland , contained in an Address delivered to the King. Glasgow Printed by Andrew Hepburn 1689. An Account of the Affairs of Scotland in relation to their Religious and Civil Rights . London Printed , and are to be sold by Richard Bald●in in the Great Old Baily near the Black Bull. 1690. A Vindication of the Government in Scotland , during the Reign of King Charles II. By Sir George Mackenzie late Lord Advocate there . London Printed for J. Hindmarsh at the Golden Ball in Cornhill . The History of Scotch Presbytery , being an Epitome of the Hind let loose , by Mr. Shields . London Printed for J. Hindmarsh at the Golden Ball in Cornhill . 1692. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51157-e170 * Vid. The Presbyterian Eloquence lately printed . * Dr. Hardy , at Edinburgh . * Mr. Shields in his Remarks upon the Presbyterian Addresses to K. James , at the end of his Hind let loose . * Mr. Alexander Pitcairn . † Mr. Gilbert Rule . * Or Pasonage-House . † Shrove-Tuesday . * And refused when legally required . 
A52060	----	The true copy of the letter which was sent from divers ministers by Mr. Marshall, and Mr. Nye to the Generall Assembly of Scotland Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A52060 of text R984 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M796). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A52060 Wing M796 ESTC R984 12075669 ocm 12075669 53569 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52060) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53569) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 239:E67, no 1) The true copy of the letter which was sent from divers ministers by Mr. Marshall, and Mr. Nye to the Generall Assembly of Scotland Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. Nye, Philip, 1596?-1672. [2], 6 p. Printed for Samuel Gellibrand, London : Septemb. 8, 1643. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Church of Scotland. -- General Assembly. A52060 R984 (Wing M796). civilwar no The true copy of the letter, which was sent from divers ministers, by Mr. Marshall, and Mr. Nye, to the Generall Assembly of Scotland. Marshall, Stephen 1643 1143 10 0 0 0 0 0 87 D The rate of 87 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE TRUE COPY OF THE LETTER , Which was sent from divers MINISTERS , BY Mr Marshall , and Mr Nye , TO THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY OF SCOTLAND . LONDON , Printed for Samuel Gellibrand . Septemb. 8. 1643. Reverend and Beloved , THE experience we have had of your forwardnesse in receiving , and faithfulnesse in weighing our former addresses , hath given us aboundant encouragement , to take hold upon this present opportunitie of breathing out something of our sorrows , which your Love , and our Necessitie command us to represent to your consideration and compassion . Much we know , we may commit to the Wisedome and Fidelitie of our Brethren , these Messengers , to impart unto you , concerning our miserable Condition , and unto them shall leave the most . Your own Nationall , but specially Christian Interest , will not permit you to hide your Eyes from the bleeding Condi●ion of your poor distressed Brethren in England , should neither Messengers , nor Letters be sent unto you . But Messengers coming , we should at once neglect our selves , should we not thus a li●tle ease our burthened Hearts by powring them out into your Bosomes , and seem ●●gratefull to you , of whose readinesse to suffer with us , and do for us , we have had so great and ample Testimonies . Surely , if ever a poor Nation were upon the edge of a most desperate precipice : If ever a poor Church were ready to be swallowed up by Satan and his Instruments ; we are that Na●ion , we are that Church . And in both respects , by so much the more miserable , by how much we expected , not a Preseruation onely , but an Augmentation also , to Happynesse in the one , and Glory in the other . We looked for peace , but no good came , and for 〈…〉 of healing , and behold trouble ? Our God , who in his former Judgements was as Mo●●h and Rottennesse ( and yet had of late begun to send us Health and Cure ) is now turned into a. Lyon to us , and threatens to rend the very Caule of our Hearts . From above he hath sent a Fire into our Bones , and it prevails against us . From our own Bowels he hath called forth and strengthe●ed an Adversary against us , a Genera●ion of Brutish Hellish men , the Rod of his anger , and the Staffe of his indignation ; under whose cruelties we bleed , and if present mercy step not in , we dye ▪ Righteous art thou , O Lord , and just are all thy Judgements ! But , O the more then barbarous carriages of our Enemies ; where ever God give any of his hidden ones up into their Hands ! We need not expresse it unto You , who know the inveterate , and deadly malice of the Antichristian faction , against the Members of our LORD JESUS : And it is well , we need not , for in truth we cannot . Your own thoughts may tell you better then any words of ours what the mercy of Papists is towards the Ministers and Servants of our Lord JESUS CHRIST . But the Lord knows we are not troubled so much with 〈…〉 Miseries and Dangers ; but that which breaks our Hearts is , The danger we behold , the Protestant Religion , and all the Reformed Churches in , at this time , through that too great and formidable strength , the Popish Faction is now arrived at : If our God will lay our Bodies as the Ground , and as the Street under their Feet , and powre out our Blood as Dust before their fury , The Will of the Lord be done . Might our Blood be a Sacrifice to ransome the rest of the Saints or Churches of Christ from Antichristian fury , we would offer it up upon this Service gladly . But we know their rage is insatiable , and will not be quenched with our blouds ; Immortall , and will not die with us ; Armed against us , not as men , but as Christians , but as Protestants , but as men desiring to Reforme our Selves , and to draw our Selves and others yet neer unto GOD . And if GOD give us up to be devoured by this rage , it will take the more strength and courage , at least to Attempt the like against all the Protestant and Reformed Churches . In a deeper sence of this extreme danger , threatning us , and you , and all the Churches , then we can expresse , we have made this addresse unto you : In the Bowels of our Lord JESUS CHRIST , humbly imploring your most fervent Prayers to the God that hears Prayers , who , should we Judge Providences , seems to be angry with our Prayers . ( Though we trust , he doth but seem so : And though he kill us , yet will we trust in him . ) Oh give us the Brotherly ayde of your re-inforced Teares and Prayers , that the Blessings of Truth and Peace which our Prayers alone have not obtained , yours , conjoyned , may . And give us , Reverend and much Honoured in our Lord , your Advises , What remaines for us further to do , for the making of our own , and the Kingdoms Peace with GOD ? We have lyen in the Dust before him ; we have powred out our Hearts in Humiliations to him ; we have in sinceritie endeavoured to reforme our Selves ; and no lesse sincerely desired , studyed , laboured the publike Reformation ; neverthelesse , The Lord hath not yet turned himself from the fiercenesse of his anger . And be pleased to advise us further , what may be the happyest course , for the uniting of the Protestant partie more firmely ? That we may all serve God with one consent , and stand up against Antichrist as one man : That our God , who now hides himself from our People ; may , Return unto us , delight in us , scatter and subdue his , and uur enemies , and cause his Face to shine upon us . The Lord prosper you , and preserve us ; so that the great work of these latter Ages may be finished , to his honour and our own , and the Churches happynesse , through CHRIST JESUS . FINIS . 
A47150	----	Help in time of need from the God of help to the people of the (so called) Church of Scotland, especially the once more zealous and professing, who have so shamefully degenerated and declined from that which their fathers the primitive Protestants attained unto ... / writ by George Keith, prisoner for the truth in Aberdeen in the latter end of the year 1664. Keith, George, 1639?-1716. 1665 Approx. 200 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47150 Wing K173 ESTC R36221 15619322 ocm 15619322 104192 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47150) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104192) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1151:10) Help in time of need from the God of help to the people of the (so called) Church of Scotland, especially the once more zealous and professing, who have so shamefully degenerated and declined from that which their fathers the primitive Protestants attained unto ... / writ by George Keith, prisoner for the truth in Aberdeen in the latter end of the year 1664. Keith, George, 1639?-1716. Jaffray, Alexander, 1614-1673. [4], 75 [i.e. 79], [1] p. s.n., [Aberdeen printed : 1665] Preface signed: Alex. Jaffray. T.p. cropped, imprint lacking. Imprint information supplied from Wing. Errata: p. [1] at end. "Writ about the beginning of the 11 month in the year 1664": p. 75. 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Presbyterianism -- Controversial literature. 2003-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Help in time of Need , from the God of Help . TO THE People of the ( so called ) Church of Scotland , especially the once more zealous and professing , who have so shamefully degenerated and declined from that which their Fathers the Primitive Protestants attained unto ; yea , and from what they have but of late themselves , so zealously asserted and maintained to be the cause and work of God , which now they have generally shrunk from , the most part actively complying and concuring to the building up again and healing of old Babylon , that , even by themselves so called , and runing into the excess of ryot with the prophane world , ( like the Dog returning to the vomit , and the Sow to the puddle , after the being once washed ) others being lying by , and cowardly bowing under , and giving up themselves to a detestable neutralitie , which they in express termes vowed against to the most high God , not daring to bear a testimony by their sufferings ( plentiful occasion being given ) for that , they , when having power made others suffer , who would not concur with them ; and all of them ( almost ) joyning together , as a common enemy against the work and glorious appearance of God , brought and more abundantly bringing forth , among his people called in derision Quakers , by the Ismaels of this Generation , who mock at , and persecute the true Heirs of the promise , as ever it hath so been from the foundation of the World. Being certain particulars very weighty , and of great concernment for them to consider seriously , for their Souls good , directed unto them , by a true lover of their welfare and prosperity both temporal and eternal , a mourner over them in this time of their great calamity and distress , who hath oft poured forth his soul before God on their behalf , that they might be saved , one of their brethren according to the flesh , and a true Protestant & friend to the good Old Cause against Babylon in whatsoever appearance . Writ by George Keith Prisoner for the Truth in Aberdein in the latter end of the year 1664. Isa. 51 18 , 19 , 20.23 . There is none to guide her among all the Sons whom she hath brought f●rth , neith●r is there any that taketh her by the hand of all the sons that she hath brought up , &c. Ezek. 10 4. Wilt thou judge them , son of man , wilt thou judge them , &c. See the whole C●●p●e th●●ughout . Jer 5.10 . Go yee ●p upon her walls and destroy , but make not a full end , take awa● her Battlements , for they are not t●e Lords , &c. Jer. 6.15 Were they shamed when they had committed abomination ? &c. Revel . 19.6 , 7 , 8 Hallelujah , for the Lord God omnipotent re●gneth , &c The Contents or heads of the particulars are as followerh . 1. A Lamentation over , and an expostulation with the People of Scotland for their so gainstanding and opposing the appearance of God among the Lords people called in derision Quakers ; and for their foul defection and Apostacy from what the Primitive Protestants and reformers were , ( whose successors they boast themselves to be ) yea and from what they have been but of late dayes themselves . 2. A Demostration of the Apostacy and defection of the ( so called ) Church of Scotland , from what their Fathers , the Primitive Protestants , and Reformers were in Principles , to the number of 14. or 16. and in many practises also , wherein their Apostacy also and defection from what they have been themselves , but in late dayes in several particulars is hinted at , and there vile relapse into Popery ( out of which they were never cleanly extricate ) is discovered , and their treachery laid open in the matter of their Covenant which they cryed up as the glory of their Nation , and the concernment and interest of Iesus Christ , which now they have trampled under feet as the myre in the street , and think shame of it as if it had been a Whores brate . 3. True and righteous judgment from the God of judgment seperating the precious from the vile , concerning the late proceedings of the People of Scotland in the matter of their reformation from , and their covenanting against Prelacy , with the corruptions , and Popish superstitions accompanying it ; as also concerning their Church Constitution , Ministry , Worship and Government set up 〈◊〉 them after the pulling down of the former , and discr●ing it ▪ as A●tichristian , wherein lik●wise the Lords controversie w●th th●m in laying them by , and suffering this day to come over th●m is shewed in which their building is also laid in the dust , and its the will of the Lord , that it never be again rebuilt . 4. The blessed , long looked for day of God broke up among us the Lords people called Quakers , with a declaration of the Lords loving kindness to us , and what he hath done for our Souls in causing the light of his countenance to shine on us . And a brief description of our Church , Ministry , Word , Worship , order and Government . And a Proclamation of the foresaid day of the Lord to the People of Scotland in judgment and mercy . With a loving Exhortation unto them , and dear and tender counsel concerning what the Lord requires of them in order to a perfect , and thorow reformation which they have often assayed , but never as yet come at . Also a few words to such who expect the breaking up of the day of God , and yet deny it , broke up among us . Writ in the fear and love of the Lord , and in bowels of love and compassion , to the people of my native Country . A Word of Exhortation by way of Preface to the following Purposes , from a Lover of the true interest of those to whom they are directed . HOw is it , that yee do not yet discern this time ? how long will yee shut out the discoverers of it , and so provoke the Lord to shut you further out from beholding them ; O fear , fear to be found any more in that guiltiness , which ( if persisted in ) may make you to be shut out for ever : And let none so look on themselves as to suppose they are past this hazard , if so be they yet continue , neglecting , opposing , and persecuting , or approving of them who persecute the growing light of this day , as it s come , and coming forth with power and great glory . Truly Friends , think what ye will , this is the thing ( I say not the only ) but the maine and chief thing that 's in the quarrel betwixt God and you , your keeping up of Mens Traditions in place of the true institutions of Christ , while he now so comes forth to vindicate and restore them , your so adhearing to , and preferring of the oldness of the Letter to the newness of the Spirit , that had its glory , but not comparable to this which excels , think not that this case and state of things , as then it was in the Primitive dayes ended with those , that were then so zealous for , and loath to part with , the Law and outward Ministration thereof , in the Letter : Nay Friends , consider seriously of it in the fear of the Lord , lay by your passion and prejudice , for it concernes you near , consider of it in soberness , and yee shall truly find it your very case at this day , as then it was theirs , that same spirit for the outward , in opposition to the inward Ministration acting now as then , and heightned in its actings now , more then ever . O who● shall that be dead to you , or yee to it , wherein yee have been 〈◊〉 long held from beholding the Glory of the Lord , as it comes forth in the work of this day ? And how contrary to , and inconsistant with it , that work was , which ( by might and power ) yee were leading on , though yee had attained , what yee so proposed in the furthest , and highest extent of that uniformity , which yee so endeavoured to have imposed upon all ; are yee not yet sensible of your mistakes and snares in these matters , so as to be made willing to glorifie God , ( as some of you have , it may be ingeniously gratified men ) with a humble confession of your over-reachings ? and other guiltiness brought upon your selves , and the people of these Nations . Truly Friends , however this may relish with you , yet yee will find yee are called to it , even to own your shame , for so setting up your posts and thresholds by his , that so yee may come to have the true forme of the house and fashion thereof shewn unto you : Are yee not sensible , that as unwise Sons yee have stayed too , too long in the place of the breaking forth of Children ? do yee not yet perceive how that the Bridegroom is really departed , and the Children , the Children of the Bridechamber called to mourning ; So will it be before the enjoyments of Christ as the Bridegroom or first Husband be parted with , yet this must yee come to know , and condescend unto , that so yee may be marryed to another , even to him raised from the dead : Thy dead men shall live ( sayes the Prophet ) together with my dead body shall they arise : the Dead and the Living body consider , for there 's much in it , and very much that concerns you nearly to look to : for , as their mistake who crucified him , was their not discerning his living body , ( for if they had but so known him they would not have crucified the Lord of Glory ) so a mistake in the other persisted in , brings under no less hazard , then being given up to crucifie him over again , eating and drinking of the damnation spoken of ( 1 Cor. 11. ) is where this discerning of the Lords body is not rightly made , the dead and crucified body , from the living body , the living soul as its first , from the quickning Spirit , which follows after , the letter and out ward teachings so much cryed up , with all the fruits , and effects of the one , ( though a very blessed and comfortable enjoyment in its place and kind , yet being but that which made nothing perfect , it s now no less necessary to be parted with , then at that time it was , else the comforter as the blessed effect of the other cannot come , nor can he be supposed so to become , where his immediate teachings are so slighted and cryed out against . Many times hath it been in my heart thus to have spoken some few words unto you , ( as these ) who I dearly love in the Lord , and to whom I stand by many bonds obliged , if in any service I could be useful , but being somewhat sensible , what I had to do in my own particular case , and not altogether unacquainted with the deceipt of the busie enemy who in this day lies so near , ready to draw out the mind , to vent its own imaginations , and to speak of the things of God , without his warrant . I have hitherto withholden in expectation of a more fit opportunity , and a clearer warrant to go about it , which upon the perusal of these ensuing Papers was very clearly given to me : And indeed the subject spoken to , and the truths asserted in them , had been some years ago much on my heart , and seriously enquired after , and that this search and enquiry was of the Lord attended with a blessing to me , I can very clearly testifie ; and finding the same things for the most part so sweetly , and with such a spirit of meekness offered unto you ; I find it only my duty at present to be concuring in my Testimony , as agreeing fully with what in them is said , as most fit and necessary to be seriously minded by you . Dear Friends , it is high time for you to awake and consider what yee are doing , there is another thing to be brought forth in this day then yee have yet conceived of ▪ And your guiltiness for opposing it , is greater then yee are yet aware of , nor will your apparent zeal for God , and his ordinances , which hath with some of you hitherto layen very near your hearts ( this I do think it hath been and that yet it may be in a measure with some of you , where singleness of heart in any measure yet remains ) serve the turn , if yee so persist in the way of provocation . Consider if something of the same snare and tentation be not on you , as was on them who so zealously contended for Moses , and the Prophets , the same was their plea , and upon the same grounds did they go on , to the rejecting and crucifying of Christ , as yee ( some of you ignorantly and others more perversly ) are in the way to do at this day ; bear with my freedom , for truly I can say it , there is no bitterness nor passion at my heart , while thus I use it , but the deep sence of the dreadful hazard yee are runing , hath drawn it from me , that if so in the will of the Lord yee may return to your first love , and so imbrace the guide of your youth again ; the missing and departing from whom , hath alwayes been the cause of our Fathers the first Protestants their short comings and mistakes of the work of God , as well as of ours , that they were not in every thing come to own their true guide , though in some things they did it , and according to the simplicity that was in them , they were sweetly ordered by him , and accepted of him . And thus was it with them and so hath it been with many , who succeeded them ; and was it not so of late among us also ? yea , eminently so it was , both in Scotland , England , and Ireland ; mainly in this our great sin and guiltiness ( as the foundation of all our mistakes and failings ) it s aggravated exceedingly beyond and above what was theirs , that the discovery of this duty of waiting to find the immediate direction of our guide in every thing as absolutely necessary ( and at the very time when more fully and universally then ever formerly it was bestowed ) being more clearly come , and coming forth then to them in that day it was , yet now more then ever , ( which is dreadful to think of ) is it both disowned and persecuted even by them whom I well knew to have sometimes sweetly enjoyed the blessed effects of the spirits immediate teachings in themselves , and so to have been instrumental to the great advantage of others , such wonderful and astonishing effects does the deep and fiery tryals of this day bring forth , when every work of man is to be consumed , the Gold and precious stones ( not built on the true foundation ) as well as the Wood , Hay and stuble , that which is born of the flesh is but flesh , even that which is begotten , but through the knowledge of Christ after the flesh must be left behind , and parted with , else the Comforter cannot come that the fruitful field may become a wilderness , and the wilderness and solitary place a fruitful field ; that so the Lord alone may be exalted in this day , and all flesh lie low as grass before him : Let therefore the dread and terror of the Lord seize upon all , especially the professing people of this Generation , that they may no more transgress in this thing of despising or neglecting , the immediate teachings of his Spirit : This key of knowledge which the Lawyers have taken away , this little stone which must fill the whole earth , dreadful is the judgment that is to be met with by such ( whatever they be ) who shall be found any more refusing to receive Jesus Christ thus coming to his Kingdome in their hearts ▪ and what then shall become of such who shall be found rebelling against the true Light , so as to mock and persecute it ? Dear Friends , as yee love your peace and safety beware of this , for it borders too near upon that guiltiness that will not be forgiven : What needs you so to be afraid at the coming of Christ to his Kingdom , that so his will may be done in Earth as it is in Heaven ? hath it not been the matter of your Prayers many a day , and do yee well to be angry , when it s so gloriously coming to pass ? O! how ill does this become you , & how ill does he take it at your hands , were it not more becoming you ( with him who so long since wished for it , ) and rejoyced thereat ) to desire that all the Lords people were Prophets ? this would not have wronged , nor deminished any thing from his Ministry then , who was so eminent , nor will it now do from the true Ministers of Christ ; those who make but a trade of preaching , thereby to win their living , as other tradesmen do , it is no marvel to see them very angry at the approaching glory of this day , if every one is to have the Spirit , and be permitted to speak publickly , what shall become then of our Ministry , say they , and how shall we live ? And though there be some , yea , I conceive it may be granted , there be many among you , who upon this account do not own these men , nor this their plea for their pretended Ministry ; but it may be really , think in your hearts that if there were no other thing in it , yee could with Moses wish for , and rejoyce thereat , even that all the Lords people were Prophets , and that it is a Gospel Ministry , and maintenance that yee stand for , and no other , and this being an institution of Christ , which now you perceive so to be struck at by the Quakers , yee may not so part with it . But Friends consider seriously of this matter , and it will not be found so , either on your part , or on theirs , whom with the world in scorn yee call Quakers ; for we do really own both a Gospel Ministry , and a suitable maintenance according to the Scriptures , and yee do neither own the one , nor the other , but in words only ; for though yee seem to disown those men who seek after the Ministry , and the standing of it , mainly upon the account of their hyre ; yet consider it seriously if upon the matter yee do not the very same thing with them , and harden them in their guiltiness , and the people in their prejudice against us while yee so both by your profession and practice , justifie and imposed , and forced maintenance , which is so well known to be contrary to the Gospel , and condemned also by your Predecessors , and many others of the Martyrs and servants of God , among our selves , and elsewhere . And again consider , however yee pretend to be for a Gospel Ministry ; it is not so , no , yee are downright opposers , and persecuters of it ; and alass that I should have such cause so to speak it . Can yee produce any institution of Christ , for justifying such a Ministry , which other wayes ye cannot maintain , but as through a line of succession from the gre●● enemy of Christ , descended upon you , and for keeping up of which a door must be set open , even for the ungodly to enter ; for its plainly so affirmed by many of greatest note amongst you , that Grace belongs only to the well being , and not to the being of such a Ministry , and ministerial qualifications , as are by you required ; see Durhame on the Revelation concerning Ministerial qualifications page 199. and where it is thus , A door set open for an ungodly man to enter ( if he be furnished with gifts of humane Learning ) and closely shut upon another ; however he may be known to be eminently pious & well furnished with spiritual knowledge & gifts of the Holy Ghost , is this your Gospel Ministry ? and yet thus it is according to the acts and appointments of your supposed , most pure and incorrupt Assemblies that hath been of late ; so far are yee in this also become contrary to your Predecessors who both by their practice and profession affirmed that every faithful man and woman was a Priest , this is fully testified too , both by Knox his Chronicle , and Spotswood in his History of the ( so called ) Kirk of Scotland , second book , page 60. and 61. are yee not ashamed therefore any longer to own such a Ministry ? O Friends , come come down and lye in the dust , for greatly hath the Lord been thus provoked by you , and lamentable is the case of the people of these Nations , who are perishing in their sins , because of such a Ministry , such leaders of the people so causing them to err . And if it be here required what is that Ministry , and what are the qualifications thereof , which the Quakers require . To this I need say but little , the Author of the ensuing Papers having fully and faithfully spoken to it , and divers other particulars , whose Testimony if not made use of will one day bear witness against you , as well against the multitude of time servers ( who go along with every thing making no question for conscience sake ( as the Apostle speaks in another case ) as of others who are under some sort of suffering at present though in part , for a true Testimony , given in some particulars , yet even in this , no wayes answerable , nor suitable to what is required in this day , and all of you in your several interests and capacities , as yee stand related to the ( so called ) Kirk of Scotland , and pretended work of Reformation , are very much called , seriously to mind what is therein said unto you , and if in soberness yee well consider of it , the thing intended may very clearly appear , that hitherto yee have been labouring but in the fire , as to the producing any work of Reformation which God allowes of ; yea , and going rather backwards , from what was once attained to loosing , and plainly contradicting the true and honest principles of your worthy Predecessors , which one thing rightly considered may evidently demonstrate to you , that your work hath not been nor is of God. The presence of God having been very eminently with the Author of these Papers in his enquiry after these things , this his service may be very useful for you , and will be so found , and acknowledged by those , whose eyes shall be opened to behold , how the Lord comes forth in this day of his power to try every work of man , and by the foolish things of the World to confound the wise . And to what is there said as to that particular , annent the qualifications of a true Minister , I shall only add these few words , that which so was necessary from the beginning , that which we have heard and seen , and handled with our hands of the word of Life , even the power and presence of the Lord , in his people do we ( whom in scorn yee call Quakers ) declare unto you , as the only essential qualification of a true Minister of Christ. And if this be it yee are so affraid of , that through the increase of this , the spirit of Prophesie , the true Church and Ministers of Christ , shall suffer loss , your fear upon this account is groundless , for these must stand , and only in that way must they prosper , so as that the gates of Hell shall never prevail against them , but if your fear be for the fall of that supposed Church , which they the hirelings I mean , and yee so contend for both among your selves , and with others , which is truly Antichristian and no better , then undoubtedly your fear is coming upon you , and for preventing of it ( as yee may suppose ) it is no marvel that ye so fall in with them for the defence of Rome , and her Ministry , or else as some who have been , and yet are famous among you , have both spoke and written , that yee must not only lose your Church and ministry , but your Baptism , and the Bible , which the witness of God in your Consciences , cannot but tell you , how much yee did sometime detest and abhor so to say , or think untill of late through the growing light of this day , in these and in many other truths of the like nature , your skirts are so discovered , and your heels made bare , and your way so hedged up of the Lord that yee cannot escape , either to own Rome as your mother Church , and so to return to her again , or fully to part with and come out of her for ever , and thence not to bring with you a stone of hers , either for a foundation to Zion , or for a corner ; nay , she must not be healed any more ( which yee have been for a long time so endeavouring ) but destroyed for ever , Ier. 51.9.26 . and the time draws near , and yet thereby neither the Church , nor Ministers of Christ , nor the true Baptisme , nor the holy Scriptures of truth , nor any other of his true Ordinances shall thereby s●ffer loss , but great and glorious advantage to them who wait for it . And because there be some , with whom I have had sweet fellowship in the Lord , who its very like , would have expected some other thing from me , then such sharp and peremptory expressions , and conclusions against them , and the way of the ( so called ) Kirk of Scotland in which I was bred with them , and had my beginning in the way of Godliness ; I know very well , as things now stands with you , yee may think so , of what I have said , as also that it may be , yee would rather have expected some account of the grounds , moving me to , and the advantages that I either looked for , or have found by such a thing : Now to speak shortly a word to this , I trust for it , yea , I am not without hope in it , that the day is coming ( and frequently have I sought it of the Lord on your behalf ) when ye shall so come to see the truth of what I say , and the necessity that ( on your account ) was on me for it , as that ye shall willingly acknowledge , that it was the greatest evidence of my dear and tender love in the Lord to you , which next to his glory led me to it , and that otherwise I should have been wanting of the expression of that true and sincere love which still I have unto you , as to the advantages I have found , which might be also offered , as the reasons whereby I was moved of the Lord , to make that so strange a change as yee account it , in owning these despised people called Quakers : I need say but little , if what is in this and the following Papers be well considered of , and I know it is my place to lie low in the fear of the Lord , and to speak but little as to advantages , or any progress that I have made ; and I acknowledge no man hath more matter so to do , yet in this case I may not be silent , but must in the fear of the Lord , give this my Testimony to the pretious people , and the truths of God asserted by them , that they do truely and really , both profess and practice the new and living way in which holiness ( by mortification and subduing a body of sin and death is attained , and have indeed come to the discovery of these things , even the life and power , which throughout the dark night of Apostacy hath lyen much hid , and hath been but very little felt , or known ; yet such is the goodness of God to that pretious people , count of them , and call them what yee will , the true power and life of holiness is more truly known to them , and eminently holden forth by them , then by any people else that have come forth since the Apostles dayes , and a greater measure do they yet wait for , and as they are faithful , it will be multiplied on them ; for the presence of the Lord is with them , and all their opposers must fall before them . Dear Friends consider then , how far yee have been mistaken concerning them , and with groundless jealousies carryed on with prejudice against them , as grosly erronious , blasphemers and the like ; Nay , nay , friends , it is not so , and upon search yee shall find it far otherwayes , let your informers who many of them sinfully take things on report without tryal , and others who for maintaining of your own interests have made lies their refuge , let such say what they will , they are , and will be found a blessed people , who as instruments in the Lords hands may be called the repairers of the breach , and the restorers of the paths to dwell in ; they own dearly , and rejoyce in the use of the holy Scriptures , and desire to live up to the practice of all the truths of God declared in them . Beware then what yee say or think of them , and that yee approve not in the least their persecuters . And if as yet yee cannot receive what they offer , yet beware to reject it , or to judge of it , because yee cannot as yet close with it ; the time may come when yee shall both see and receive it : If the work they are about be of God , ( as undoubtedly it is , then it must prosper ; beware therefore to be found any more in opposing of it , least yee also be found fighters against God. As for me , I am but a child , and as one of yesterday , yet through Grace , I am what I am ; and as I own that state wherein I was , when I walked with you , for truly I can say there was a measure of singleness and sincerity within me in it , and therefore I may not disown it , nor any , while they so continue there , if they be not wilfully opposing further discovery ; yet this I verily know , and can truly say , I then was , and now am called of the Lord to go further forgeting the things that are behind , to press forward for the prise of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus , and this is that I aim at , and which thorough the help of my God , in this way so much by you so slighted and despised ; as I keep faithful to what I know of it , I have more hope of attaining then ever . Now that I may come to a close , I have but a few words more to say to such of those to whom these Papers are directed , who are gone beyond Sea , if at any time this shall come to their hands , which is to desire them in the fear of the Lord , to consider seriously what is therein said unto them in particular , and if without prejudice in soberness they wait for it , I am hopeful , it shall be said unto them , how came yee here ? and what do you here , seeking to uphold that which I am pulling down , and to bear down that which I am setting up ? this is not your work , return from whence yee came , and it shall be shewn unto you . Dear Friends , ( for so are yee to me ) whither yee will hear or forbear , yet know of a truth I speak not unto you without a warrant . Written in the 11 th Month in the year 1664. Alex. Iaffray . A Lamentation over , and an Expostulation with the People of Scotland , for their so gain-standing and opposing the appearance of God among the Lord's People , called in derision Quakers ; And for their foul Defection and Apostacy from what the primitive Protestants and Reformers were , ( whose successors they boast themselves to be ) yea and from what they have been but of late dayes themselves . OH , oh , people of Scotland ! great is my sorrow of heart for you ; and when I consider your state and condition , many times my soul mourns , and pangs take hold of me , as of a woman in travel , and I cannot cease , but take up a lamentation over you , if possibly any of you hereby may be reached and awakened out of the deep slumber of security , whereinto ye have fallen , to consider your wayes and turn unto the Lord , from whom ye have deeply revolted , and against whom ye are fighting in this day ; and his appearance ye are calluminating , blaspheming & opposing , as witnesseth too manifestly your savage and cruel dealings with the Lord's people , whom he hath framed for himself , and who do and shall shew forth his praise to the ends of the earth . Oh , oh , your cruel mockings , your hard speeches , your inhumane usage of them , one way and another , is noticed and marked before him ; yea , it is writ as with a pen of iron and a point of a Diamond , and the least grain weight of their sufferings by him is regarded , and he will be avenged of their enemies , and repay them double ; yea , great is the indignation and wrath of the Lord against you ; verily I have felt it , yea , I have seen it ( and many others with me ) burning like a very Sea of fire and brimstone , ready to break out upon you , as certainly it will do , and sweep you away to the bottomless pit , if ye do not prevent it by speedy and unfeigned repentance . Alas unthankful People , do ye so requite the Lord ? is this the fruit ye bring forth to him , after he gave you deliverance from your enemies , and peace and rest round about ? remember and call to mind the rock from whence ye were hewed out of , and the pit from whence ye were digged , and consider your poor , low and despicable condition , and your fore-fathers estate , in the day of your and their nativity , when the Lord first visited you in Egypt , the da●kness of Popery I mean , and gave unto your fathers a little Goshen , where they had light , when the Egyptians ( such as remained Papists ) were choaked with the thick darkness ; and after when the Lord called them forth out of Egypt , and they begun to remove , having a red Sea before them , Pharaoh ( Antichrist in the Pope ) and his complices behind , and mountains on every side , yet the Lord was with them , and did fight on their behalf , and they saw great wonders in Egypt and in the Wilderness , but with many of them God was not well pleased , for they tempted him exceedingly , whereby the Lord was provoked to swear against them , that such should not enter into his Rest : and Oh , how have ye their posterity , lusted in your hearts to return into Egypt , because of the onyons , and garlick , and flesh-pots thereof , and others of you would not go forwards at the command of the Lord , but ye would sit down in the Land which God never appointed for your rest , for it was but the wilderness , and ye made to your selves of it a resting and dwelling place , where ye thought to have planted Orchards and Vineyards , and to have eaten of the fruit thereof , whereby it came to pass , that ye loathed the Manna from Heaven , and the Lord became wroth , and ceased to rain of it any more down upon you ; and ye did eat of the fruit of your own doings , and your Vineyards which ye planted , brought ye forth abominable fruit , whereby your souls were distasted , and many of you became to be past feeling of God ; and the Manna from Heaven became such a mystery unto you , as it is at this day , that ye own such a thing delusion and blasphemy ; and the cloud by day , and the firy-piller by night , which the Lord gave to your fathers to lead them , have you turned your backs upon , and shut your eyes , that ye might not see , and the Lord was provoked to remove it from you , and it ceased to appear , and your foolish hearts were so darkened , that ye denyed altogether such a thing , and at this day ye call it a fancy , viz. the Revelation of God's Spirit . Oh , oh , how are ye degenerated into a strange Plant , who were a noble Vine , a right seed ! how have ye turned from that which was the rock that followed your fathers , was their stay , was their Manna , was their Leader and Guid , their Moses ? but have ye not said with them , who typically d●d represent your estate , As for this Moses , we know not what is become of him , let us take our jewels and ear-rings of gold , and make it into a god , that may go up before us into the Land ; and now after your long and sore travel in the Wilderness , wherein ye have abode many years , going backward and forwards , wandring up and down , having lost the sight of the cloud which pointed you the way , and forgotten that rock which followed and accompanied your fathers , out of which living waters flowed to their refreshment ( which rock was Christ ) and after many of your carkasses have fallen , because of unbelief , and more are yet to fall . It hath pleased the Lord to raise up to us , among your selves , that Prophet whereof Moses wrote , and his Word we have heard sounded forth ( which is near even in our hearts ) saying to us by the powerful breath of his Spirit , Arise , arise , this is not your rest , it is polluted , it will destroy you with a sore destruction ; and the voice was so powerful , that it hath quickned us , who were dead with you while we were living , and the firy-piller hath appeared to us , glory to God for his gift , and shineth forth with beams of glory ; and the Lord hath opened the windows of Heaven , and rained down on us the Manna from Heaven , which is the food of Angels , and not like the Manna which the Iews did eat and died , but that which feedeth us unto life everlasting ; and the rock , even the eternal rock and salvation of Gods people is revealed unto us , out of which springeth pure living water from the fountain of life ; and Ioshua , which is Jesus , is given us for a head to lead us into the Land of Promise , an entrance into which many witness at this day , and others are in the way , and have got a fore-taste of the Vine-grapes of the Land , and hath sounded forth a good report concerning the same , and many hath believed the report , and tryed the truth thereof , and found it to be true , even some of your selves , who were as you , whose eyes the Lord out of his infinite mercy hath opened , and they have found a place of repentance for all their hard speeches and enmity against the people of the Lord ( in the time of their ignorance ) and his work and appearance , and have become ashamed and confounded therefore ▪ and I know assuredly it shall be so with others , who for the present ( through the ignorance that is in them ) may be persecuting the Saints of God ; but alas , alas , how dangerous and deplorable is the condition of the most part of you , for the time , with whom our testimony can have no room , nor find place in you ; and the good Land , whereof we report , has no more credit with you , then if it were a cunningly devised Fable , even the Kingdom of God and of his Christ , in the Revelation of his eternal Light , Life , Power , and Spirit in our hearts , which fills us with joy unspeakable , and full of glory , and satisfies the desires of our souls ; so that we have true content in the injoyment of our God , and have all and abound , possessing him in whose favour is life , and at whose right hand are pleasures for ever more ; the streams thereof , your thick walled prisons , and bolted gates , within which ye shut us up , cannot hinder from flowing into our souls , and for the pretiousness and excellency of his dear and sweet love , which he hath caused , and does cause us to feel shed abroad in our hearts , are we made willing patiently and contentedly to go thorow all the reproach and opposition we can meet with from you , if possibly we be made instrumental to reach some of you , that thereby ye may be saved with us , and induced to walk in the Light of the Lord with us , which has appeared and shined forth in its glory , and ( as Solomon said ) Truly it is a sweet and a pleasant thing to behold the light . O how sweet is it , how pleasing , how refreshing , how healing , how comforting , how sure a Guide ; what assurance and satisfaction it gives to the soul , none knows but such as are come to perceive it in their own hearts : this , this was it discovered unto your fathers the many gross abominations and superstitions of Popery , so that they came to loath and abhor them ; this led them forth out of Egypt , this discovered unto them Babylon the mother of fornications , and the cup wherewith she had bewitched them ; so that they had no rest till they vomited up so much of the same as they perceived to be poysonous . And oh , had you their posterity kept chast to the leadings of the Lord by his Light , which was near unto you , as well as unto them , even the light of Christ , which enlightens every man that comes into the world , and shineth in darkness , though the darkness cannot comprehend it ; had you ( I say ) kept chast thereto , and given it the preheminence above all , how unspeakable had your happiness been at this day , and now is your misery the greater , that ye have adulterated there-from , and become so impudent and shameless as to deny it for a leader , or to give it the preheminence , for have ye not set the letter of the Scriptures above it , and made them unto your selves a golden Calf to be a Guide , Leader and Rule unto you , whereas if ye had given them the proper place , setting them under the Light and Spirit of Jesus Christ , from which they came , and to which they point , it being their own testimony , that they are not that light , but were given and sent forth to bear witness of the light , that all in the light ( not in them ) might believe : I say , had you given to them their proper place , they had been as jewels and ear-rings of gold unto you , and useful in their room , whereas , through your abuse of them , and setting their testimony above the inward and immediate testimony of Jesus , which is the spirit of Prophecie ( Rev. 19.10 ) they are become your snare , and a sealed book unto you , that ye cannot read nor understand their interpretation , because ye have gone from the key ( the Light and Spirit of Christ ) which would have opened them unto you , and now they are parables unto you , and dark sayings , though you call them plain ; but plain indeed a●e they , and easie to be understood by the children and Babes of Light ; and because ye have so gone a whoring from that which would have proved a soveraign remedy and antidote against the wayes and wiles of the Devil , and Babilons cup of fornications , therefore the light being a holy , pure and chast thing , hath been provoked much to withdraw , and 〈◊〉 have cause to be afraid , lest it eternally depart from you , and you be shut up in blackness of darkness , who hath so forsaken and undervalued your own mercy , and misprized the gift of God unto you , given you to profit withal , and which only can open your eyes , and give you the knowledge of the glory of God , which is life eternal ; and you being wandred from the light , which is the first principle and key to open up the oracles and mysteries of God's Kingdom ; you have come to read the Scriptures with a false eye , and have understood them , ( yea and used them ) as weapons to fight against the appearance of Christ in his people at this day , as the Iews did against the same Lord Jesus Christ in his appearance according to the flesh at Ierusalem , they disputed against him from the Scriptures , whereas they testified of him ; but the vail was upon their eyes , and they had lost the key ( which was the light and Spirit of Christ that gave them forth ) which their Teachers had taken from them , as your Teachers have done from you . Oh , let this be a Lamentation for ever , that of the rock that begot you , yee are become so unmindful and turn'd against that which was the very life , marrow and substance of your reformation , and you having lost the same , what remains but a dead carcass , or rather an image of a reformed Church , 〈…〉 with a wrong spirit , which is the life of the W●●re , Beast , and false Prophet , who are all for the Pit. And O● how have yee betrayed your own cause , and given it a way into the hand , of your enemies , as appears by your arguments yee make use of against us , the very self same the Papists took against your Fathers , did they not upbraid them with innovations , and the novelty of their Religion , being but of a few years and dayes standing ; did not they upbraid them with the fewness of their number ? did they not upbraid them with their ignorance , calling them idiots and unlearned , as indeed they were to Humane Learning many of them ; but they were taught of God , which was far better ; did they not nick-name them , calling them after such base and contemptible names , whereby to render them odious unto the people ? did they not raise up many false slanders and reports against them ? did they not persecute them with fire and faggot , imprisonment and spoyling of their Goods , which they took joyfully ; and did they not question them as the Iewes did Christ and his Disciples , and as yee do us concerning the authority who gave them a command to preach and reform ; and had your Fathers any recourse to make , but unto that which could well bear them thorough , as it does us to day , viz. the immediate call of Gods Spirit in their hearts ; and have yee not so used us , have yee not nick-named us , and raised many false reports concerning us , and greedily sucked in the fame of them from others who invented them : Oh how strange have we been and are to you at this day , have yee not refused us , the name of Christians , which yee will not scruple to give to drunkards , cursers , whoremongers , murderers , prophane and abominable persons among your selves , whom yee own as your Church members , have yee not called us worse then the very vilest of men , even then Turks or Pagans ; saying , we are unworthy to live , and have yee not given it forth that our design is to overthrow and root out of the world the Christ an Religion , and that we strike at the very foundamentals thereof : Oh that we should be so mistaken by you , if your Predecessors were live in the body , many of them we could ▪ willingly appeal unto and next under God , set them to judge betwixt you and us , in this matter , and we are sure they would not have so mistaken us , as yee have done ; for ( although they had not come to see things as they are at this day seen , and were far short of the knowledge God hath now given to his people , being as it were the morning dawning , or twy-light unto them ) so that they had not discovered the bottom of all Babilons treasures , nor got rid of the many inventions and traditions of men , yet a measure of truth many of them received from the Lord , and were gathered in a measure to walk in the Light , and life thereof , ( and had confidence in the Lord to seal their Testimony with their blood against the Man of sin ) and they being in a measure of truth themselves could not but have known us , for all the children of light , and who are begot of the living word of truth , which gives a discerning to know one another in the truth , and in the light and spirit , which first begot them , and this is the true rule of knowing one another , and who come hither can dearly own and haue uni●n with others as brethren , though differing from them in some things , if they can feel them in the living word and spirit of truth in which their life stands , and their fellowship and communion with God , and one with another ; and it 's not the many opinions agreed upon that is the bond of peace , but the unity of the spirit ; now yee having wandred from the Word of truth , and light and spirit of Christ , which gives and preserves in the discerning and feeling one another , as members of one body , yet retaining somewhat of the form of truth and some of their opinions , yee could not but mistake and oppose us , as your greatest enemies , and your fathers enemies also , in whose succession ye so much boast , though we be much nearer them then your selves , both in principles and practices ( excepting some things they had not got rid of some of Babylons wa●es and baggage , which they brought away with them , I mean some Popish opinions , cust●ms , and traditions which in that day passed for the matters of God , but now they are seen in the light , which hath broke up in a greater measure to have Antichrists superscription upon them , and Babylon the Whores superscription , which we coming to disce●n could not but give her what was hers ; now it hath been so alwaye ▪ that such who have got into the form of truth , and not into the power spirit and life thereof , hath most persecuted these who had come thereunto , witness the Professors among the Iews , with their Priests , Teachers , Doctors and Rabies , who were the greatest enemies to Christ and his Disciples . Oh how shall I bemone and bewail you people of Scotland , who have been and are in your own apprehensions exalted unto the Heavens , and looked upon your selves , and were so reputed by others , as the choicest Nation in the World for the purity of the Gospel , and Gospel Worship , and Ordinances : Oh how are yee fallen , and become a hissing and reproach to all round about you , and the enemy hath gotten this advantage over you , saying , ah so would we have it , this is the day we looked for , and it is come , is this the royal and magnificent City which gave her self forth to be the praise of the whole earth , and a dread and terrour to her enemies round about , let our eye look upon her , for she is become defiled , she is become as one of us ; how is the stately City fallen ! how is her glory defaced ! how is her bulwarks and walls broken down , who boasted in the strength of them , as if the gates of Hell could never have prevailed against her : Oh how have yee given occasion to the enemy to revile and reproach you , and the living truth of the living God , by and through you hath suffered also , and the name of God hath been exceedingly dishonoured , and blasphem'd , and many hath been tempted in their hearts by your miscarriage to think all Religion a mockery and delusion : And Oh how have yee quite lost and fallen from that simplicity and honesty that was in your forefathers , and in some of your selves also in the time of your infancy and poverty , but now yee are grown up , and become wise and rich , lacking nothing but having all ; Oh were not your thoughts of your Reformation such as nothing could have been added thereto , but as if the topstone had been put thereupon , and the frame and building had become intire ; but alass , alass , what shall I compare you to , but even to Laodicea , whose thoughts where such of her self , and yet she was poor and miserable , and naked , and wanted the eye salve , which is the light which yee also want , and you are become lukewarm , neither hot nor cold , and are near to be spewed out , as many of you are already ; Oh how is your Gold turned into brass , and your silver become dross , and your wine become water ; how are your Nazarites that were white as snow , and pure as wool become black as Charcoal ; how is your Glory turn'd into shame , your strength into weakness , your zeal into a cold neutrality , concerning the cause and work of God , but in so far as ye are persecuting his witnesses , only because they are more righteous then your selves , and there is scarce one to be found among you all to day , bearing a sutable testimony for God , according to your own very principles , and ye have not the hearts to suffer for that which ye formerly caused others to suffer for by you , who would not go along with you in that which ye called the cause of God , and the interest and concernment of Jesus Christ. Oh , how hath this day discovered you ! how are ye stripped , and your nakedness laid open ? how are ye become an hundred fold more vile then other Nations , who never had such a Profession of God and of his Truth , as you have made . Oh , oh , how are my bowels troubled for you ! 19 th . of the 10 th . Moneth 1664. George Keath . A Demonstration of the Apostacy and defection of the ( so called ) Church of Scotland , from what their Fathers , the Primitive Protestants , and Reformers were in Principles , to the number of 14. or 16. and in many practices also , wherein their Apostacy also and defection from what they have been themselves , but of late dayes in several particulars is hinted at , and there vile relapse into Popery ( out of which they were never cleanly extricate ) is discovered , and their treachery laid open in the matter of their Covenant which they cryed up as the glory of their Nation , and the concernment and interest of Iesus Christ , which now they have trampled under feet as the myre in the street , and think shame of it as if it had been awhores brat . IN love and compassion to your souls , if happily any of you may be convinced , and in the will and commandement of God , who hath laid it upon me , to shew unto you your abominations ; if thereby his Witness in your consciences may be reached , and ye brought to some sense of the evil of your wayes , that you may repent and find mercy of him ; and not out of any evil will ( the searcher of hearts knows ) I bear to any of you , I shall proceed to demonstrate the Apostacy of your Church and Nation ▪ Priests and People , from what the primitive Protestants and first Reformers were , whose successors ye boast your selves to be , that ye may cease your glorying in the flesh , and may know the Land of your nativity and descent , which is but from Hagar ; and though ye call your selves the children of Abraham , yet ye have not his faith , but your father is an Hittit , and your mother an Am●rit , which was the challenge of the Lord even against them who descended from Abraham , and were according to their profession the choicest people in world for Religion , but they were gone from Abraham's faith , and the Spirit and Principle which guided him , which was Christ the Light ; for Abraham saw his day and rejoyced in it ; for before Abraham was , he was ; and so are you generally gone from the spirit and life of your Fathers , which was the kernel , and have kept the husk and shell as the Iews did , who put Christ to death , as you have done , and are doing ; and I can instance to you some of your Fathers , who were honest and faithful servants to God in their day , who saw your Apostacy and defection coming ; namely , Iohn Knox , George Wishard and Iohn Welshe ( as appears by this mans Epistle with several other that 's extant this day ) who by the spirit of Prophecy foretold , that Christ should be again crucified in Scotland , as he hath been and is amongst you , as he was among & in us also , till it pleased the Lord to raise us up together with him ; and the Son of Righteousness hath arisen upon us , with healing under his wings , and we witness the Son of God come , and we have been made to look upon him , and mourn because of our piercing of him , and he hath comforted us after all our sorrows , and brought us to walk in the light of his countenance , and begotten us unto a living hope by his Resurrection from the dead , and such need no verbal demonstration of your Apostacy , seeing the same in the light , as it were engraven upon your foreheads in great letters , so that he who runneth may read , who have an eye or sense to perceive ; and that ye are so unsensible your selves , it argues a very great deadness , that hath overflown you : but because many cannot read in the Spirit your defection and Apostacy , as neither can ye your selves , therefore I shall make a visible demonstration of it unto you , which ye cannot shun , though ye would never so fain , ( for the witness shall arise in your consciences , which ye shall not be able to hold down , and justifie my declaration ) from drawing a parallel betwixt your fore-fathers principles and practices , and yours ; so will all who have the least measure of ingenuity and true understanding , see how ye have gone from them , and quite lost the true Protestant cause , for which the Lord first raised them up , and how ye have healed the wound of the beast , which your fathers gave it . Let all who have any measure of simplicity among you , and desires to know the perfect way of God , seriously consider , that for which the Lord raised up his witnesses in all ages against Antichrist , and mysterie Babylon , who still gave her self forth for the Spouse of Christ , but was indeed a Harlot , and deceived the Inhabitants of the earth by her mask , getting many of the outward forms and words of the Saints , the sheeps cloathing , but inwardly adulterated from the life and Spirit of Jesus Christ , the only foundation of the true Church ; and was not the ground of the Dragons , Whores , Beasts , false Prophets quarrel against the Martyrs and witnesses of Christ principally this ? that they held the testimony of Jesus which is the spirit of Prophecie ( Rev. 19.10 . ) and bear witness against the Whore , who had the form retained without the power , yea denyed the power of godliness , denyed the teachings and leadings of the Spirit of Christ , and the Revelation of him in the hearts of the children of men ? ( this is the Antichrist who denies Christ the Son come thus in the revelation of himself in the heart ; for that coming of Christ in his bodily appearance at Ierusalem , Antichrist will not , does not deny it , being he knows it will never harm his Kingdom ; so to confess him come , providing Christ his Kingdom be not set up in the heart . ) now was there not such a dispensation in the earth , were there not a people in the Apostles dayes , who witnessed Christ come again in spirit , according to his promise ? who said , If any keep my commands , I and my Father will come and dwell with him , And again , I go away , but I will not leave you comfortless , I will come again unto you ( Iohn 17. ) And after the Resurrection and Ascension of Christ , were they not indued with the Spirit from on high , and filled with the holy Ghost ? did they not live in the Spirit , walk after the Spirit ? did it not give the knowledge of the mysteries of God's Kingdom unto them ? did not the Spirit of Wisdom and Revelation open the eyes of their understanding , to know the love of Christ , which passeth knowledge ? and while they kept here , did they not remain a pure chast Church unto Christ ? and while the eye was kept open and single by the revelation of the Spirit of Truth , could the Dragon , or Whore , or Antichrist prevail over them ? could the many traditions or inventions get place , as the Ordinances of Christ , had they kept to the evidence and demonstration of the Spirit of God ? Now was not the principal Defection and Apostacy from this , even the pure chast Light , Life and Spirit of Christ revealing God , and the things of this Kingdom unto them ? and when people wandred from this , there the inventions took place , and Babylons cup was drunk , for the vail came over , whereby the true discerning was lost , and a wrong eye opened , which could not but judge amiss of the things of God , and of his People , and wrest and abuse the Scriptures . Now ye who say , That there was indeed such a dispensation , but now it hath ceased , and is never any more to take footing in the ea●th , do ye not hereby demonstrate your selves to be of the whorish Church ? for hath not this been her plea all along this dark night of Apostacy , that the Revelation , Teachings , and leadings of the Spirit of Chirst is ceased ? therefore another Head was set up in the Church then Christ Jesus , and the Pope and his Council was made Judge to determine all controversies of Religion , and no man was to look at an infallible Judge , ( the spirit of Truth within him ) and are ye not become as bad , who openly affirm , that ye are not led by the infallible Spirit , and consequently not by the Spirit of God ; and your Church Confession of Faith saith , The former way of God's revealing himself by Prophecy and immediate Revelation , is ceased ; and God hath committed his counsel wholly into writing ( or to the Scriptures ) and nothing is to be added thereto by any new revelation of the Spirit . And oh , how fa● are ye in this point degenerated and apostatized from the primitive Protestants and Reformers , who not only affirmed , that there was immediate Revelations from God , and that the Spirit of Prophecie was not ceased , but witnessed the same in themselves , and foretold many things of consequence by the spirit of Prophecie , which came to pass : did not Iohn Knox , and George Wishard prophecie exceeding clearly ? of whom it was said , That from the day he entred upon his Ministry , t● his death , there never came a storm upon the Church , but he foresaw the end of it ; as may be seen in the Book of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland ; and many others did prophecie , as ye may read in Fox's Book of Martyrs : and was not this the main and only pillar of the Protestant cause against the Papists , who should be the Judge of Controversies , and the interpreter of Scriptures ? The Pope and his Council , with the Fathers , said , The Papists ; no said the Protestants , but the Spirit of God. And I read in the fore-cited Book of Martyrs , how when some who were burnt for their testimony to the Truth , in Queen Maries dayes , were called before the Popish Clergy , and Bishops who disputed with them ; and when the controversie arose concerning such points or Scriptures , the Popish party alleadged the determination of the Church ; but the Martyrs pleaded for the determination of the Spirit of God : and when it was queried , if such had the Spirit of God , and it was answered , Yea , ( and one brought that Scripture for his assertion , who is Antichrist , but he that denyeth that Christ is come in the flesh ) the people partly flouted thereat , and laughed them to scorn , as yee do us at this day , because we affirm that we have the Spirit of God , and that Christ is come , and his life made manifest in our mortal flesh as saith the Apostle Paul : And that which sounds very harsh in your ears at this day , and is mocked at by you , yea , accounted delusion and blasphemy , viz. Enthusiasm , or the Inspiration of God , and the motion of his Spirit ; was a thing usually known , professed , and possessed also by them , as may be read at large in the aforesaid books , and they said faith was the Inspiration of Gods Spirit , ( and so it is , and I deny that there is any true faith , but that which comes as really and immediately from the inspiration of the Spirit , as ever Paul , or Peter , or any of the Apostles and Prophets witnessed the same , whom yee your selves acknowledge to have been inspired , and were they now living yee would hiss at them as yee do at us ; calling them Inthusiasts : and Oh what a time are we fallen in , that the inspiration of the Spirit of God which is the very breath of life into the souls of the Lords people , should be scorned , and such as witness such a blessed and glorious dispensation , nick-named Fanaticks and mad men , even by them who have pretended so highly to be the reformed Church , and at such a time wherein the day of God is broke up in such clearness in the midst of them , yet they know it not . 2. Your fore-fathers the primitive Protestants and Reformers , who saw a little further into mysterie Babylon then others that went before them ; for the day brake up gradually , and there succeeded a people who saw over these , who compiled , or rather Englished the Service-book , and they disowned it , as they did also all other set forms of Prayer , and cryed them down as dead lifeless things , and they were for a worship in Spirit : thus is was , but even of very late dayes , in Queen Elizabeth and King Iames the sixth , and such were nick-named by their enemies Puritans ; and they affirmed that the Spirit of the Lord was only to teach them to pray and worship , and not any Book or Man whatsoever ; and were not set forms of Prayer cryed down also in Scotland , as lifeless barren things ( and the service-Book denyed ) and now have ye not again licked up that vomit , and through your Cities men set up ( mostly also scandalous in their conversations ) at such hours of the day or night to read a set form of Prayer ? and is there any material difference betwixt this and the Service-book ? And have not your brethren in England taken it up again ? and when it 's offered to you to read , will ye not also do the like ? there is no question of it , but most of you will , and worse also , when ye are put to the tryal ; and oh , what a mysterie is it to you , praying and singing in the Spirit ! are ye not become so impudent , as to mock this also , as I have oft witnessed my self , when your Church-members hath been so shameless as to cry in the very streets at us , when passing by , When came the Spirit last upon you , give us a Prayer from the Spirit ? And do ye not flatly deny praying and worshipping in Spirit , who deny Enthusiasm , which is to say , being interpreted ( for it 's a Greek word ) the inspiration of the Spirit of God , which is the only flame that kindles up holy 〈◊〉 in the soul after God ? and you who can prate and talk unto God without a Book in your Pulpits , and chief places of the Synagogues , and elsewhere ( in your own wills and times , and in the wills and times of others ) from a rhetorical strain , as if ye were complementing some great Prince , your prayers are as life ' ess and spiritless , as those said of the Mass-book ; and were ye come truly to the spirit of prayer , ye would know a bridle to your tongues ( without which your Religion is but vain ) and that the Spirit of God , which bloweth as well , when and where it listeth , is also as far from being limitted to set times as to set forms ; and we read not in the whole Scripture , that the Lord hath appointed any set times of prayer under the Gospel , to his people at all , whose great and most important work , is to wait the movings of the Spirit of Life from God at all times , whether to pray or give thanks , or to any other spiritual exercise ; and blessed are they who come hither , for they shall know that it is not in vain to wait upon the Lord ; for we have waited patiently upon him , and have witnessed , and do witness the pourings forth of the spirit of Prayer and praise , supplications and thanksgivings ( filling our hearts and souls night and day ) to the God of our life ; and true prayer is the gift of God , which cometh not at all in mans will or time , and therefore the season is to be waited for , which God hath kept in his own hand , and hath the key of the heart to open it when he pleaseth , and the key into the house of prayer , where is the throne of grace , without access to which , in the drawings of the Spirit-of life , man hath no acceptation with God , nor his service or worship ; all is but idolatry and abomination , only such who come to God , through the Mediator and Intercessor , Christ the Life , feeling the living drawings thereof in the particular , are accepted of him , and made joyful in the house of prayer ; and hath it not been the regret of some among you ( and may be yet when ye are in a sober mood ) that the spirit of prayer is much lost , and a dry complementing of God come in the room thereof ? 3. Were not your fore-fathers , the primitive Protestants and Reformers , a separated people ? did not they disown the Popish Assemblies , and their preaching and worship as idolatry , and forsake it ? and did not those called Puritans , both in England and Scotland , separate themselves from the other party , who stuck to the Service-book , and other superstitions ? and did not the sober people in Scotland , in the former times of Prelacy , separate from the Prelatical Assemblies and their Conformists ? did they not meet apart , and talked together of the work of God on their own hearts , and worshipped God in Spirit , and his blessing and presence was among them , while they kept cha●t to him , and mixed not with Idolaters ? Now , have ye not apostatized herein also , and mixed your selves in with the profane rabble of the world , as bad and worse then Papists , Turks , Pagans , which hath provoked the Lord to withdraw from among you , and ye can pray and sing , and communicate with such ? Is not this Babylon indeed , which is to say , Confusion ? and is not our separation from you also , as justifiable as the separation of your fathers from Papists , being we have found you to be of the same spirit , and mostly of the same principles and practices with them , and generally , as wicked , loose , scandalous , prophane and covetous , and abounding with all manner of iniquity as they ? and are not all such Idolaters ( is not thee ) vetous man an Idolater , whereas covetousness is idolatry , as saith the Scripture ? ) and are not all Idolaters to be denyed , as to any fellowship with them in worship ? and your fathers did not plead such dirty st●ff ( as you the Professors ) have learned now to do ( to shun the Cross ) for keeping the Popish and Prelatical party , their Assemblies & Service-book worship , alledging , That they sit in Moses chair , and therefore are to be heard , and we may like their good , and leave their evil . Such reasons prevailed not with your fathers ( nor ought they , for the Christians come not at all to the Scribes and Pharisees , who sit in Moses chair , but meet apart , unless to bear a testimony against them ; and bad men with all their good words , can never edifie a soul in faith or true knowledge , which is life eternal ; all they can do , is to edifie in the notion , and feed the wrong part and spirit , which delights in the notion of truth , and is satisfied in the notional knowledge , out of the life ; and the finest , truest words out of a bad mans mouth , can never reach the seed of God , either to the raising of it up , or refreshing it , but on the contrary , burdens and kills , as said the Apostle of the false Apostles , who had the letter , and were Ministers of it , out of the Spirit and Power ; and the letter ( sayes he ) kills , and so we have found it in our experience ; but these above-mentioned arguments have prevailed with you ; so that ye are herein also apostatized from them . 4. Your fore-fathers denyed the Church of Rome to be a true Church , and her Priests , and Teachers , and Bishops , and Popes to be the true Ministers of Christ , but called them Antichristian , and her the Whore of Babylon , and the Pope Antichrist ; from which testimony , you their posterity generally have shrunk , saying , that the Popish Roman Church is a true Church ( though corrupt ) which doctrine is generally maintained by you , and I have heard it asserted by those of no small profession , and it hath been preached in publick , and that their Ministers are true Ministers , though corrupt : And you say , if a Popish Priest should baptize a child , it holds good , and is a true Baptism ; and this ye are driven to maintain by the hairs of the head ( so to speak ) when ye are arraigned , both by the Papists on the one hand , and by us on the other , concerning the rise of your Ministry , and the call of your first Reformers to preach the Gospel ; for ye are drawn to a pittiful Dilemma , or Alternative , which is to confess , that either your first Protestant Reformers and Preachers were lawfully called by the Popish Priests and Bishops , to their Ministry , and consequently , that these Popish men were true Ministers of Christ , or else to grant they were called immediately of God ; and ye find it most safe to uphold your Kingdom , to yield to the former , though against the hair , rather then to confess the latter ; and a third shift cannot be invented , and ye should be constrained to give away the main pillar of your cause against us , and howgh your selves , & suffer the root upon which the National Ministry grows , to be struck at by your own consent ; for your main plea against our ministry and Ministers is , Who sent you ? have ye the call of the Church ? how can ye preach unless ye be called ? Our answer is , we are called of God , immediately by his Spirit , as was Isaiah , Amos , Paul , and many other servants of the Lord , who never had a call from man ; and all that men can do in this point , is to approve , consent to , have union with such as are called of God to the work of the Ministry , which we dearly own , and refuse not to be tryed by such as have a spirit of discerning , and the approbation of such is accepted by us . Now ye reply to us after this manner , Immediate calls are now ceased . 5. And this is another weighty point , wherein ye have apostatized from your fathers the primitive Protestants , whose answer was the self-same with ours to the Papists ( who asked them concerning their call to the Ministry ) that they were called and moved thereto by God ; and it was one of the points of Dittay against that faithful Martyr of Jesus Christ , George Wishard , one of your fathers , whom the Papists burnt for his testimony ) that he had taken up the Ministry in his own head , and at his own hand , and was not called to it ; which may be seen in the fore-cited Book , called the History of the reformation in Scotland , which Book ye generally own , and it shall be a witness against you ; and your fore-fathers were far from that poor shift you their posterity run your selves upon , that they were called of the popish Priests and Bishops ; for neither were the most part of them called by such , nor any other creature , and such as were called by them , disown'd their call , and denyed them to be the true Ministers , or their Church ( though corrupt ) a true Church , as ye now generally maintain : And in the by I would ask you one question ; if the popish Church be a true Church ( though corrupt ) as ye affirm , why have ye separated from it ? and how can ye justifie your separation there-from ? for it 's another principle of yours , That a Church holding the fundamentals ( which make it ( say ye ) a true Church ) though there be many corruptions therein , is not to be separated from . And this principle ye have taken up to justifie your compliance with Prelacy , and this late Church-model and frame , which ye formerly vomited up , and not only quit it ( and the poor Bishops could not be permitted to live among you , for after you pulled them out of their places , ye banisht them ) but vowed to God against the same . And now it stood somewhat against your stomacks to receive it among you again , and honour such men , as ye accounted unworthy of a foot of ground in the Nation , and excommunicated then , till ye fell upon this pill , whereby ye got it digested , viz. The Episcopal party is a true Church , and therefore we ought not to separate from them because of their corruptions ; and shuning one inconvenience , have ye not fallen upon another far greater , and quite given away your cause into the hands of the Papists ? for what can you answer them who query you , why ye separated from them , being a true Church , though corrupt , as ye call it ? and I believe , if Popery were urged upon you , even the blackest of it all ( and ye have too much of it else ) this pill of yours would help the most part of you to digest it also . 6. And your fathers , the primitive Protestants , denyed that a wicked man could be a true Minister of the Gospel ; as may be read at large in Fox's Book of Martyrs ; No man living in mortal sin could be a Minister of the Gospel , was their common assertion ; and it was one of the points of Dittay against Iohn Husse , for which he was burned , because he affirmed a wicked man no Minister ; and have ye not shamefully shrunk from them herein , who maintain it , that grace is not absolutely necessary for the being of a Minister , and that wicked men may be Ministers , and ye would prove it from Iudas being an Apostle : Now Iudas fell from his Ministry ( as saith the Scripture ) in selling his Master Christ , which generally your Ministers have done ; and have they not thereby fallen from their Ministry , supposing , but not granting , they had once been true Ministers ? and is it not exceeding ignorance , and stupidity to affirm , that a wicked man , who knows not Christ , nor the things of his Kingdom ( as saith the Apostle , the natural man understands not the things of God ) can be a preacher of Christ and his Kingdom ? is it not as great a riddle , as who would say , a blind man can give a true description of light , or colours , or Pilot a Ship , shew the right way to a passenger ? yea , and much more ; how can they preach unless they believe ? We believe , therefore have we spoken , saith Paul. 7. Your fathers , the primitive Protestants and Reformers , affirmed , That any good man might be , yea , was a Priest and Minister ; which also was the assertion particularly of George Wishard , and it was one point of his Dittay , and I read it in the History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland , a petition put up to the Queen by the first Reformers ; That when in the ( so called ) Parish - Kirk ; obscure places of Scripture were read , any qualified man might have liberty to speak and open the Scripture for the edification of the people ; and it was appointed so to be afterwards , as is evident by the Books of Policy and Discipline , framed and presented to the Council , Anno 1560. which thing by you is called disorder and confusion ; and it was an usual practice among them , without distinction of Clergy-man or Layely , when they met together , to speak of the things of God , and of his work on their hearts , every one according to his gift ; and these who spake were not distinguished from these who heard , by the name of Master , and stepping up into a Pulpit , and by getting the hands of so many laid upon them , or by a black Gown , or Canonical coat : And Iohn Husse , an eminent Instrument of the Reformation , and Preacher in Germany , did wear a gray coat , which he gave to his friend some dayes before his death , as Fox's Book of Martyrs relates . And ye that are so much against Women-preachers , some of you may remember upon a day when ye met together apart , men and women , and spoke of the operation of God on your hearts , without the distinction of Sex , and women allowed dearly , to exhort , pray or speak , of God's dealings with their souls ; and now ye would bring Paul's words against womens speaking in the Church , or rather against Christ the man his speaking in them , being ignorant what women Paul meant , when he wrote , that he permitted not the women to speak in the Church : now are not two or three , or half a dozen of men and women fearing God , gathered in his Name ? a true Church ; or are not two or three godly women met together , a Church , though a man be not among them ? and may they not exhort one another , and pray and give thanks together ? and is not that speaking in the Church ? and the Scripture speaks of a Church in one family ; and if a woman ( or rather the man Christ speaking in the woman ) may speak in the audience of six or twelve , why not in the audience of six or twelve hundred ? and the woman having experience of God's work on her heart , and who hath felt the love of God shed abroad in her soul , is she not fitter to speak of those things then a hundred men , who are ignorant thereof . So foolish are ye become in your reasonings ; and there are many living yet in the Nation , who remember of women who have spoke so feelingly , so lively , and experimentally of the Lord's work upon their hearts , that many eminent Preachers and Ministers , so accounted , have thought shame to open their mouth in their presence . 8. Your Fathers , the primitive Protestants and Reformers , made not Latine , Greek and Hebrew , and Aristotle's Logick and Philosophy , with other humane Learning , and the passing of so many years course at the Colledge , and that you call School-divinity , the qualifications of a Minister of Christ ; many , yea the most of them , never was at Colledge , nor had the opportunity of any to go unto , unless to a Popish ; nor had they any of these Languages or curious Arts , but were honest , plain , simple men , such as ye now call Rusticks and Tradesmen , many of them , and yet they passed among your Fathers for Ministers : but if these men were alive now , ye would cry , Away with them non-sensical fellows ? what can they say , they are not learned ? should ignorant men preach ? should Wives , Shoo-makers , Plow-men , Herds-men , be Ministers of Christ ? should they incroach upon our sacred Function ? should not they hold them with their Callings ? So say ye against many of us , who are not Book-learned , and are Tradesmen ; and this same was the very plea of the Papists against your fore-fathers , being Ministers . See how ye have borrowed their weapons , whereby they fought against them , whose successors ye boast your selves to be ; but as these Popish arguments were too weak against them , so are they against us : for our answer to you is , though we be not taught with humane Learning , nor have the Languages many of us , wherein the Scriptures were writ , yet we are taught of God , and that is better ; we have been with Jesus , and have been made eye-witnesses of his Majesty ; and yee are worse then the Iews who crucified Christ ; for when they admired , that Peter being an unlearned man did preach , yet this caused their admiration to cease , they took notice that he had been with Jesus , as we have been ; and some of us can truly say ( whereof I am one ) we have learned more in one hours company with Jesus , then we did in seven years from the Gamaliels and Rabbies among you , at whose feet we have so long sitten ; and we are come to the Spirit of God , that gave forth the Scriptures , and gives us their meaning and sence , though we have not the Languages , and which all the Languages of the world cannot afford to us ; and though many of us know not to preach in the excellency of mans wisdom ( and some of us who could , yet have renounced it ) and dare not use such a way , lest the Cross of Christ should be of none effect , yet we can speak , and have spoken , in the evidence and demonstration of the Spirit , the words which the holy Ghost teacheth us ; and he hath made us able Ministers of the new Testament , not of the letter which kills , but of the Spirit , which gives life ; and God hath blessed our Ministry , so that many unto whom we have ministred , have been quickned and brought into the fellowship of the Gospel with us ; and such a Ministry had Paul , which he learned not of man , and yet had Book-learning enough ; and such a Ministry God hath raised up in this day , which is the free gift of God , to which I bear my testimony , and a part of which I have received ▪ and now is that Promise fulfilled , and fulfilling in many hundreds , I will make a new Covenant with them , and they shall be all taught of me , from the least to the greatest , and I will write my Law in their hearts , ( in a Language which is neither Hebrew nor Greek , but such as he that is born of the Spirit can only understand ) and I will put my fear in their inward parts . And now our hearts are come to delight in the fear of God , which teacheth us the hidden mysterious wisdom , which none of the Princes or Rabbies of this world knows ; and by the Word and Law of God writ in our hearts , we are made wiser then our Teachers ; and when this dispensation shall fill the earth , as it is doing , what shall then become of the Scribe ? what shall become of the Senator ? what shall become of the Doctor , and Rabby , and Disputer of this World , who spoke to us in a Language , that neither they themselves nor we could understand ? but now saith the Lord , as Isa. 33.19 . Thou shalt not see a fierce people , a people of deep speech , that thou cannot perceive ; of a stammering tongue , that thou canst not understand . Glory to God , the pure Language is known , which was before Babylon was , wherein the many Languages came in , and the tongues of the sons of men were confounded , so that they could not know nor understand one another . And now ye who talk of the tryal of the Ministry , have ye not lost the touch-stone of tryal , which was among the primitive Christians , and was lost , but is found again among us , even the spirit of discerning , whereby we feel the true Minister in the power , and discern him from the false ; so that his fairest , yea soundest words that he hath stoln from the Saints , cannot deceive us ; and this was Paul's rule to try them who boasted to be the true Ministers , and were not ; I will know , said he , not the words of them that are puffed up , but the power ; here was a deeper search then into the best of words , into the power , what power they spoke from ; if from the Dragons power , and the ravening Wolves power within them ( which may stand with the finest words , which a●e the sheeps cloathing , wherewith that power decks it self to deceive , and so to devour the ignorant ) or if from the Lamb's power , the power and Spirit of Christ , and from grace in the heart . Oh , is not that a parable unto you ? we cannot judge the heart , say ye , nor know the spirit within man , which manifests you to be strangers unto the anointing whereby spirits can be tryed , and to the spiritual man which judgeth all things ; and though sometimes ye would give it forth to the people , that ye are not against the teachings of God's Spirit ( to you the Teachers I speak ) yet ye plainly deny it , both in word and practice ; and ye have no other means to uphold your selves , whereby to purchase your Hires , and your Dignities and Honour , which comes from below , but to keep poor people in ignorance , from the teachings of God ; therefore ye cry out so much against the Light , calling it delusion , and bididng people beware of it ; for if any people were come to the Light in their particulars , they would turn their back upon you , and deny you your Hires ▪ and then your Kitchins would not smoak so as now , nor would ye be so gorgious and sumptuous in your gaudy Apparel , nor your Wives either , which is a shame for to see , and the grief of many sober people , to think upon your pride and vanity , the cry whereof hath come up before God to his throne , and ye may read your doom , Isa. 3.24 , 25 , 26. and were it not that ye deny the teachings of God's Spirit , why pass ye so many years course at Schools to learn from men , what ye may say to the People ? and why buy ye so many books , and have your book-dayes ; and take no imployment but your books , except when some few hours in the first day of the week ye talk to people what ye have gathered and collected together out of old Authors , or then what some of you , which are better Artists , have moulded together by the forge of your own imaginations , and natural understandings , or when ye were ( and that very sparingly too ) some little time , in that you call your Catechizing and Visitations of Families ; and the bad fruit of all this , shews its much lost labour ; and ye could be better imployed in holding a Plow , or digging in a field , or any other honest occupation , then to be deluding poor people , whom ye are ever learning , and yet ye are never able to bring them to the knowledge of the Truth ; and the gross palpable ignorance of your Parishioners all abroad the Nation , with their wicked lives , shews they are evil master-stead , and that ye are not taught of God your selves , else your teachings would have better effect ; and why will ye not suffer such who are not book-learned , nor passed their course at your Colledges to learn the trade of it , to preach the Gospel ? were ye for the teachings of God's Spirit , would ye limit him to use only bookish Clergy-men for the Ministry , when the Spirit of the Lord instructs a man , though he could not read a letter ? is he not well learned ? is he not an able Minister , who hath his ability given him of God , though man hath not taught him , and yet ye cannot ? away with this ; and why persecute ye such who are taught of God ? and ye dare not say , but their practice answers their profession , and that they are better taught then your disciples are , though they come not at you to learn ; and what means the form and manner of your Sermons , when ye will take a sentence of Scripture , or common head , as it is called , and branch it out , as Aristotle's or Ronius Logick hath taught you ? and it is one main piece of tryal to young-men , coming forth to the Ministry , to make a Logical Analysis ( as it is called ) upon such a piece of Scripture as is allotted unto him ; and he is counted a brave Preacher , who can handle his Text in such a Scholastick method , and an honest plain man who is not acquainted with your School-method , nor topical places ( such as Aristotle an Heathen hath taught you , out of which , as so many 〈◊〉 ye gather together your points of Doctrine , Observations , Reasons , Motives , Means , Uses , Applications , Amplifications ) I say an honest , simple , plain man , who is not acquainted with such trifles , but can speak feelingly of the work of God on his heart , should he come and speak among people , ye will laugh him to scorn , and say of him , he hath neither rhime nor reason , he speaks confusedly and non-sense , he hath no method , he is not worth the hearing ; and yet by such foolishness of preaching , many hundreds at this day are converted unto God ; for the power of God hath accompanied such poor foolish mens Ministry ; and the Lord hath made them true Pastors , to feed the people with knowledge and understanding , and they have been instrumental to bring people to Jesus Christ , the great Bishop and Shepherd of their souls , whereas ye have nothing to feed the people with but wind and airy notions , and at best , words of truth ye have stoln out of the Scripture , which spoke out of a mans mouth , not declaring in , nor the power of God accompanying the words , are but a killing letter ; and let any sober spiritual minded man , in the least measure , judge if such things above-mentioned , which are made the qualifications of a Minister , and usually practised by them , smells of mans wisdom , or of the evidence and demonstration of the Spirit , or if any of the Apostles or Prophets used such things , who were taught of God. 9. Your fathers , the primitive Protestants were against Tythes , and that Ministers should have temporal possessions ( as an Hire for their preaching ) so said Iohn Wicklife ; and they had not their hundreds and thousands allorted to maintain them , far less would they force people against their wills to give them maintenance , and poynd them , or put them to horn , and imprison them , as ye will do . And your fathers did bear a notable testimony against the greediness and covetousness of the then Priests , as we do against you , for which ye so hate us , and stir up the Magistrate against us , as the Priests did against your fathers , and they could not suffer any man to reprove them for their covetousness : And I read of a poor man , in the History of the Reformation in Scotland , who but through his sleep , said , The Devil take the Priests , for they are a greedy pack , and the poor man was pursued for his life , and made to burn his Bill ; and though we were silent , would not the stones rise up and witness against your covetuousness ? and do not the poorest idiots in the Land see it ? and is it not a Proverb among the people , the Kirk is greedy ? Oh , what a dishonour have ye brought upon the Name and Truth of Christ ! And were it not for a livelihood , and worldly honour and respect , would so many betake them to such a work ? and does not your gain from your quarter , which you so punctually exact , ( and they that will not put into your mouths , ye prepare war against them ) and your removing from one Parish to another , where ye can have a fatter stipend , manifestly prove , ye are moved thereto , rather from a principle of covetousness , then from any desire of doing good to the souls of the people ? and how came many of you to be Teachers ? was it not the design of your Fathers and Relations , who saw it a ready way for them to put you in a livelihood , and sent you to Schools to learn the Calling ; as ever the Shoo-maker , or other Tradesmen past his Apprentiship , and then becomes free to use the Trade ? the thing is well known , and I speak it with regret ; and have not many of your selves sometime a day intreated the Lord , that he would send a purge , and put away out of his house such buyers and sellers ? and now the Lord is come to make the purge , and who of you can abide the day of his coming ? the purge goes so deep , its like to scourge you all out at doors , and e're yee be put out , yee will rather hold in who are in , and seek to uphold one another , but yee shall all fall together . And whereas yee plead , that he who preaches the Gospel , should live of the Gospel ; so say I , but I certainly know , if the Magistrate would but take away his force whereby he compells the people to put into your mouths , and if your selves would forbear your cursing , & excommunicating them , ( all which is rigid law and far from Gospel ) your Gospel could never maintaine you , and many of you would be let starve . 10. Your Fathers the Primitive Protestants professed themselves against Traditions , and all whatsoever that had not a warrant in the word of God , in the matter of his worship ; Iohn Knox said that every thing though not contrary , yet if besides the word of God in his worship , was to be denyed , and yet this day has discovered several things , which they kept , to have been but the traditions and inventions of men , but they knew not so much , and professed themselves against all traditions whatsoever , and what was not warranted of God ; and now have yee not shrunk from them herein , and taken up many things , they did cast from them as traditions ; and you say , the light of Nature or humane reason and prudence , may supply what is wanting in Scripture , to teach men at least some Circumstances in the worship of God , for order and decency , which is the Doctrine of your Church confession of Faith : Oh have yee not thus shouldered Christ off his Throne , if he by his spirit is to direct men as to the substance of Worship , will he be wanting in the lesser to teach the Circumstances also , and the order and decency ; does not all true order and decency , come from the Lords Spirit , who is the God of Order ? and is this to do in Faith , to follow the direction of the light of Nature , which is stark blind in the things of God , and humane reason and prudence cannot step one right step herein ? and have not hundreds of the Popish supperstitions crept in , under this mask of order and decency ? and is not this the Prelates plea at this day , for his service book and Organs , and Surplice , and Altars , and sign of the Cross ; lo , how have yee given away your cause in this also . 11. And your Fathers the Primitive Protestants , were against all observations of dayes , and called them supperstitious who observed them ; and your Ministers preaches up the observation of such days ( namely that called Christs Birth-day ) which within these three or four years they preached down , which breeds no small admiration to poor people , as if they had changed their God ; but I know well generally they have kept to their God all along very constantly , among all their changes , being such ( the Apostle mentions ) generally , whose God is their belly , and this master they have served , and do serve very faithfully , making every change answer its design . And though yee lay such stress upon the observation of the first day of the week for a Sabbath , yet one of your Fathers ( Calvin ) denyed the observation of that or any other day , since the coming of Christ , to be commanded of God , ( and so many hundreds of Protestants ) and is it not a great abomination , which may make the very Sun to blush , whose day yee call it , to profess to keep a day holy unto God , wherein yee ought not to think your own thoughts , nor speak your own words , nor take your own pleasures , and yet spend it so as yee do in gluttony and drunkenness , sporting , & gaming , buying and selling , worldly communication , quarreling and fighting , and will not the Minister , who in the Pulpit hath been telling you , yee should not speak your own words in that day ; but so soon as he comes forth falls as fresh to the worldly discourse , as any other ; which I have oft observed to the grief of my heart as many others have done . 12. And your Fathers the Primitive Protestants , were against Prelates , and Lording Bishops : It 's true in Queen Maries dayes in England , there were some Bishops , who did bear a measure of testimony against Popery , according to the knowledge of that day , and sealed it with their blood , and the Lord had regard unto them according to their faithfulness , to what they saw ; but such who came after saw further into mystery Babylon , and it was discovered unto them by the light , and they discerned Prelacy to be a limb of Antichrist , and so called it , and but of late dayes , it was covenanted to God against ; Again , and again , and did yee not your selves vow to God against the same : So that herein ye have not only apostatized from your Fathers , but from what yee were of late your selves . Oh what is become of all your zeal now , for that Covenant , which yee accounted the glory of your Nation ; have not many of you trampled it under foot , as a dunghill , ( which once was a Crown unto you ) and yee think shame of it , as it had been a whores brat ; and you who were very forward in causing others , to suffer for their not concurring with you , have not the confidence to suffer for it your selves . Oh were there a willingness in you to bear your testimony by sufferings , ( which hath been as weighty and useful a testimony as any ) as yee have formerly done by actings , yee would not want a fair opportunity for the same , did yee keep but faithful to the same very principles yee own'd , in disowning the worship and constitution of the ( so called ) Church now set up , which yee vowed against ; and did yee stick to your liberty , yee ought to have met together to worship God , according to your knowledge , ye would not want I say a fair opportunity to give a notable testimony by suffering for your cause ( in disowning such men ye covenanted against ) it's little worth if it be not worth the suffering for , were it not the loss not only of means and liberty outward , but of life it self if put to it ; and who would have believed it within these few years , that such an occasion coming , as now hath come , it being enacted by Law , that all who should be found meeting together to worship God any where else , but in the Prelatical assemblies and their Conformists , and such who joyne issue with them , should be put in Prisons throughout the whole Land ; I say who would have believed that the Prisons should have been so empty , would it not rather have been concluded , that such a time coming , the Prisons would not have contained the thousand part of them , and yet they are all empty for them , and I know not amongst all the thousands of you ( Ministers or people ) that vowed to God against that filthy thing set up in the Land , any of you all bearing a suitable testimony by sufferings according to your own very Principles , or have yee not all fled , before pursued , or if some began to set their faces to the battle , yet they could not stand the brunt of it , but shamefully yielded and shrunk from their testimony by sufferings , and now the Lord hath raised up a people ( even whom yee call in derision Quakers ) who fear the living God , and tremble at his Word , but fear not what man can do unto them , among your selves , but not of your selves , who hath received courage from the Lord , to bear their testimony by sufferings , and yet though they had power , could not find in their hearts , nor durst they to cause their persecutors to suffer , or lift up Sword or spear , or any carnal weapon in their own defence , against them ; but we can pray for them that persecute us , and bless them who despitefully use us ? And what is the occasion that the people called Quakers suffer imprisonment , and the spoyling of their Goods , but the very self same ; yee have to undergo the like sufferings , were yee faithful but to your own Principles ; the cause I say is common to you with us ▪ viz. our testimony against that which is now set up in the Land , and both yee and many of us also vowed to the most high God , while we were among you , we should never own such a thing , and we have kept to our vow , and yee have shrunk therefrom . Now say yee generally , we have not seen a clear call to sufferings as yet , and we should not run upon them without a clear warrant and call , we are not put to it to take any contrary oath to the former , and there is not any promise or oath required of us , to the owning of that we covenanted against , only it s laid on us to hear them , and pay their stipends , and we may do all this without owning them , and they shall never have the approbation of our hearts , and when an opportunity serves , that we may shake off this yoak , we shall be found ready to give them a heel-chop , and say some of the ( so called ) Ministers , why may we not preach under the Bishops , and sit in Synods with them , and concur in the ordering Church affairs with them , and give obedience to their lawful commands ; and yet this cannot be called an owning of them , and we conceive it 's no breach of our Covenant , and the things required of us , are not so weighty as that they should make us quit our calling , the preaching of the Gospel , what would become of our poor flocks , if we should not give some kind of submission , or condescendency unto them , we could not be permitted to preach , and some of us have got the favour , that no oath or ingagement is required of us ; they who have given ( as the most have done ) let them see to it , we are free . Ans. As for your alledging that yee see not a clear and manifest call to sufferings , it is no wonder so long as your minds are abroad , wandered from the just and righteous principle of God , his witness in your Consciences , which can only let you see the call , but now yee not consulting herewith , but misregarding it , and looking out to see your warrant or call in the Scriptures , yee may look long enough upon them , e're yee can see your call ; therefore , the Light of Christ , in your Consciences being gone from , the deceitful heart will draw , the letter of the Scriptures to its own inclinations , and promp you to put such a gloss upon it , as may keep you from the cross ; and while ye abide in this state , should ye be tryed further , & put to these things , yee think for the time , yee could not condescend to , and yee should have a clear call then to suffer , yet the deceitful heart would furnish you with a second shift , and a third , till yee should never see a call to any thing at all ; and is it not with many of you so ? is not your call grown dark & unclear to you in many things , which before the cross came , was clear enough to you . Now whereas yee say ye are not put to it , to make any contrary oath or promise , and so yee think yee have not broken your Covenant . I ask , is not a real practical breach of it , aswell , a breach ( if not more ) as a verbal ? yee have broken it in your practice , forasmuch as yee have in the least bowed , or yielded to them , which as yee mind Gods witness in all your Consciences , it will shew you : Now , admiting , or giving , but not granting , that your hearing them , and paying them their stipends , were not an owning them , yet I query you , is it a disowning them ? can yee be said to disown them ? while yee so uphold them , and come at them , I am sure , if yee be not exceedingly blinded yee cannot call , your hearing them , and paying them their stipends and revenues , a disowning them ? well then , yee neither own them , nor disown them ; and is not this the detestable neutrality yee in express termes covenanted to God against , I appeal to the witness of God in all your Consciences ; if it be not so , in the like manner I answer to you called Ministers , is your Preaching under them , and sitting in Synods with them , and coming in the ordering of Church affairs together , and your obeying their commands a disowning them ? Nay , yee cannot say it , except yee bewray your exceeding folly ; well then , ye neither own them nor disown them , and is not this the detestable neutrality yee vowed against ? and if perhaps some of you have not given any oath or promise to these men ( and it is rare if it be so ) yet your practice is as real a breach as an hundred oaths and promises ; and whereas yee say , obedience may be given to their lawf●l commands , I answer , such as are not lawfully constitute Rulers , but Usurpers , ( as many of you affirm ) no command proceeding from them is lawful as such , though never so lawful upon the matter ; for there are a great many Circumstances required ( more then the matter of the thing commanded to make it lawful ) one maine is , that the imposer of the command , have a just and lawful authority , and power from God thereto , for there is no power but from him , the powers that be are ordained of God , Romans 13. And as for your alledging these things , are not so weighty , required of you , as that yee should be put from your preaching ; I answer , admitting yee were true Preachers , or Ministers ( for I argue according to your own principles ) yet e're the least circumstance yee should yield unto 〈◊〉 , which is sinful and forbidden of God , yee were to give up the service of your Ministry were it never so useful , for that yee are not to ballance your Ministry with the smalness of the things upon the matter , on the one hand , and the service yee can do on the other , but to look alwayes to the command of God , and the honour of his name , and truth which is weighty enough to down-weigh all other considerations , though never so weighty . 13. And your Fathers the Primitive Protestants affirmed , that when any thing contrary to sound Doctrine was set up , and brought in , the Ministers who stand upon the watch tower , should not keep silence , but testifie against such a thing , and forewarn the people to be aware thereof ! and they judged silence to be a sinful connivence witness the Protestations made several times against such things , and but of late dayes , the Protestation made at the Cross of Edenburgh on the 22. day of the Month called September in the year 1638. wherein they largely shew , backing what they spoke , with pertinent Scriptures to that purpose , that they ought not to be silent : Likewise it was a principle among them , ( the first Reformers ) that they should not forbear to preach , though all the powers on earth should forbid them , whatever punishment could be inflicted upon them therefore , and it was their practice also , for they put their lives in hazard , and many of them lost their lives , bearing their testimony , and they accounted the winning of souls of people , of more worth then the saving their bodily lives ; and as yee may read in the History of the Reformation in Scotland , to such who queried , why was not obedience given to the Magistrates command ? it was answered its better to obey God then man , as Peter answered the Rulers of the Iews . Now such of you of the National Ministry who stuck to take the Canonical oath or to make an active complyance , with the Bishops , as the rest of you have done , yet have yee not shamefully shrunk he ein , yee who could open your mouths wide , against these things , now set up , before they were brought in among you , when there was no hazard of speaking , and talk boldly against the Bishops and their corruptions , and spend a good part of the hour glass on such a purpose ; but now are yee not shrunk dumb with a panick fear , that hath overtaken you , and yee have quit ▪ your Ministry at the command of man , far unlike the good Shepherd that flees not when the Wolf comes , but stands up to defend the flock from the Wolf , and laies down his life for the sheep , but the hireling flies , because he is an hireling , as yee have done ; and have yee not rather obeyed man then God ? if ever the Lord called you to your Ministry , had man power to have taken it from you ? is it not too man●fest a proof that your call and power to preach was but of men , who as they gave it you , can take it from you , as they have done ; and yet poor men ye think ye are suffering for a testimony of a good conscience ; but alass , it 's a thred-bare testimony , so to speak , and as it stands the Lord will not take it off your hands ; for have yee not chosen a lesser suffering to shun a greater ? your stipends are taken from you , but is that enough to make you leave off feeding the flock ? ( I speak according to your own principles ) regard yee no more their souls , nor your bodily maintenance ? or is there any other put in your Pulpits , is that enough either ? can yee not preach elsewhere then in a Pulpit ? may yee not preach in a field , or from house to house , as did Paul and many others , yea , your Fathers did so ; or do the people refuse to hear you , then yee have but badly learned them , & they are not taught so much love as to stick to their Pastor when the wolf comes ; but should yee not preach to them whither they will hear or forbear as Ezekiel did , and was commanded of the Lord so to do ; or have they commanded some of you to go over Seas ? should yee have obeyed that unjust command ? or if they had taken you away by violence , what hinders but yee may return to the flock , were not the fear of man over you ? I know nothing ( in the will of God ) but prisonment or death , or some such outward violence , could hinder a true Pastor from the Flock ; or hath the ( so called ) Church commanded you silence , but if their sentence be unjust , as yee think it is , should yee have obeyed it ? and yee have but a poor plea when yee say , it 's for peace sake yee so do ; for the peace which is in hazard for the testimony of the truth is but false , and so not worth the keeping , but that it was not the peace sake of your Church , or any reverence to their authority ( though this be your main defence ) but the fear of man , that hath prevailed with you to quit your charge , manifestly appears by your practice but a very few years ago , when you called Church men ; could either 〈◊〉 the Magistrate , or when he winked at you , then yee were busie with your Protestations , and yee became divided into two parties or factions called Protestators , and publick resolutione●s ; and your brethren charged you , who either protested , or adhered to the Protestation , with breaking the peace of the Church , and disobedience to its Authority ; and in that day yee could roundly answer them , that yee were to be more careful for the preservation of the truth , then of a peace that could not stand therewith , and their authority yee were not to regard , they abusing it ; and when Oliver Cromwel wincked at you both , I well remember your carriage , and was an eye-witness of much of it , with many hundreds , how many Protestations were made in your Synods , south and north , and when the one party or faction would depose , such a man or men from the ( so called ) Ministerial function , the other party would bid him or them preach , and maintain , uphold and defend him ; and now the Churches authority not being backed with the Magistrates sword ye could break through it as Cobweb , and some of you , whom your Parishes would not receive , yet yee urged your selves upon them , whither they would hear or forbear . All this and much more is fresh in the memory of thousands , and this day hath abundantly discovered you : And oh that yee could take shame and confusion of face to your selves , and read the language of the Lords work in this day , which would be answered with his witness in your Consciences ; saying with these , ( Ier. 8.14 . ) let us be silent , for the Lord hath put us to silence , for a more excellent Ministry ; the Lord hath brought forth in this day , even that of his own spirit , whereto yee have been and are great strangers , and yee have need to learn the first principle of the Oracles of God , which is the light of Christ shining in the dark heart , although yee have been so long teachers of others , and the Christ whom yee have preached so many years , yee have him yet to learn , and if ever yee receive a part of the true Ministry , yee must come to know him revealed within you , which for the time is a parable to you , and yee call it delusion . And now oh yee people of Scotland know that the Lord in his great mercy to your souls hath brought this day over your Teachers , to let you see they were but broken ●●sterns ; and their fair profession and many good words , whereby they made merchandize of you , hath much opposed and withstood the appearance of Jesus Christ , and that which letted is much removed out of the way now , and the Lord is come to teach his people himself , and to gather them into his unchangable truth , which is not subject to the windings and turnings of your teachers , and the pure fountain of the water of life , hath been opened unto us , and we drunk thereof to our unspeakable refreshment and satisfaction , and we cannot any more come at your pudled waters . 14. And your fathers , the Primitive Protestants , acknowledge no head in the Church but Christ Jesus ; and they maintained the power and authority of the Church to be altogether independent from , and not subordinate to the Magistrates power ; and Iohn Welshe and others of his brethren bore a testimony to this in his day ; for which , together with their testimony against Prelacy , they were imprisoned at Blaknes , as appears by a letter of his , with several that 's extant at this day ; and now how far have ye shrunk from this testimony of your predecessor , judge ye your selves , who call him in your Church-prayers , supream Judge in all cases , and over all causes , Civil and Ecclesiastical . There is also two other weighty particulars , which is well known to have been maintained by many primitive Protestants , both denyed by you , viz. That Christians ought neither to swear , nor fight with any carnal weapon ; both which were asserted by those called the Lollards of Kyle , as ye may read in the book of the Reformation of the Church in Scotland ; but the setter forth of the aforesaid book , hath added to their words , to the first Article , which is ( according to their assertion , as it was found in the Records of Glasgow ) That in no case it is lawful to swear , he hath added , to wit , Idely , rashly , or in vain ; and to the other , That Christians should not fight for the Faith , is added , if not driven thereto by necessity ; which two additions manifestly appears to be put to , by the publisher of the book , and that they are not these mens words , for that they are printed in another character ; and he alleadges their enemies to have depraved them , for he sayes , These Articles , together with several others , were found in their Records ; but his alleadgance is not so fair , being he had no sufficient ground therefore ▪ and the Articles are true and sound without his additions ; and it 's a perfect contradiction , which neither the Lollards of Kyle , or any rational man could affirm , to say , we must not swear at all , or in no case it is lawful to swear , which is universal and exclusive , and then to put a limitation thereto , but in such cases , viz. idely , rashly , and in vain ; I say , these two propositions , It is lawful in no case to swear , It is lawful in some case to swear , are a perfect contradiction , and no rational man can affirm both , for either the one or the other must be false ; and so the Lollards saying in no case it is lawful to swear , it is clear that they were not only against swearing , idely , rashly , or in vain ( which neither their adversaries denyed , so that it needed not be a point of Dittay against them ) but against swearing in any case , or at all . So by these 14. or 16. Articles , let all in whom there is any measure of ingenuity , or simplicity , try your present Church constitution , and with the Light wherewith Christ hath enlightned you , examine , and ye will find , that though ye call your selves the reformed Church , ye are far from the first Reformers ; and that the whole Protestant Church in Europe , hath much degenerated from the primitive Christians and Protestants , both in principles and practices , and is become quite another thing , retaining the name like an old rotten Ship , that hath been so often clamped and clouted , that all the former timbers are worn out , and others put in their place , yet keeping the name , and somewhat of the form and shape ; and ye have sailed long up and down in this old rotten Ship , which is just upon the splitting , and suffering shipwrack ; and it were happy for you , if ye would swim forth out of her for your lives ; and the greatest loss of all , is of the Spirit and Life of your first Reformers , as appears by your fruits and conversations at this day . Is not that fidelity , honesty and simplicity , much lost , and quite decayed , that some yet living remember was in the Land , and treachery , falshood , guile , and deceit come in the room thereof ; and one brother cannot trust another , and love is waxen cold , and much selfishness crept in , and the profession or Religion made a meer cloak of maliciousness , and that temperance and sobriety in words , diet and apparel , that was among many is quite gone , and wantonness , gluttony , and drunkenness , whoredom , cursing , and swearing , and prophaning of the name of God , and fearful oaths come in stead thereof , and tyranny and oppression , more then among savages , and yet people given to such wickedness , are accounted your Church-members , and partake of all the Church-priviledges with you ; and when any such die , the cry goes through your streets , there is a faithful brother departed , &c. or when any of them hath a child to be sprinkled , the Priest will cause him to rehearse the Articles of his Faith ( and he hath no more faith , nor so much as the devil , for the true faith purifies the heart , and lodges in a good conscience . ) Oh horrid abomination ! and is not the zeal among Professors quite withered , and deadness , laziness , stupidity , security , neutrality , carelessness and sottishness , generally overgrown them , and all manner of iniquity abounds ? POSTSCRIPT . ANd now ye who accuse us ( in derision called Quakers by you ) as Apostates , and that we have denyed our fore-fathers Faith , try your selves , and parallel your fathers principles and practices with your own , and also with ours , and ye shall find ye are degenerated from them exceedingly , as we were while with you ; but through the grace of God are we recovered , and brought to witness the Spirit and Life of the primitive Protestants and Christians , and in all 16. above-mentioned Articles we agree with them , and ye disagree with them ; and ye cannot instance to us one particular , wherein we dissent from them , warranted from the very letter of Scripture ; for these things wherein we have forsaken them , we have discovered by the Light , which hath opened the Scriptures to us , to have been but the inventions of men , and Babylons more subtile cup of fornications , which because that the day was not so broken up among them , as among us now , they did not discern ; but now the Light hath shined forth in such clearness , that we have seen to the bottom of all Babylons treasures ; and were they living in this day , they would concur with us , in disowning these things , and I am satisfied in it , they have been accepted of the Lord , according to their faithfulness ; but supposing ye were not shrunk from any of their principles , it 's in vain for you to think , that God will take that off your hands , he received from them , winking at their weaknesses in the day of ignorance ; for that which makes a people acceptable with God , is their faithfulness to the dispensation of knowledge in their day , and their answering his requirings therein , and following him whithersoever he leads , of which ye are very short , and this is your condemnation . Written in the 10th . Month , from the Tolbouth of Aberdeen . G. K. True and righteous Iudgement from the God of judgement , separating the precious from the vile , concerning the late proceedings of the people of Scotland in the matter of their Reformation from , and their covenanting against Prelacy , with the corruptions and popish Superstitions accompanying it ; as also concerning their Church constitution , Ministry , Worship and Government , set up by them , after the pulling down of the former , and discrying it , as Antichristian , wherein likewise the Lords controversie with them in laying them by , and suffering this day to come over them , is shewed in which their building is also laid in the dust , and its the will of the Lord , that it never be again rebuilt . GIve ear unto me , O ye people of Scotland , of what quality or degree whatsoever , and I will shew you the true and righteous judgement of God ( from whom I have received it , and by whom I am moved to declare it unto you , for your good ) concerning your late proceedings in the matter of your reformation from , and your covenanting against Prelacy , and the corruptions and popish Superstitions accompanying it , and other particulars above-mentioned . A zeal there was in many of you ( Rulers , Teachers , and People ) in that day for the Lord , and his name and truth , which he did tenderly regard , and it was marked before him , though the most of you all along minded more your selves , and how to compass your selfish , covetous , and ambitious designs then his honour ; and ye made the name of truth and Religion a meer clock to cover and mask your hypocrisie with , yet a true simplicity and uprightness of heart was among others of you , and ye did well in disowning and departing from such men , who gave themselves forth to be the Lord's Ministers and servants , but they ran , and he sent them not , and their covetousness and ambition , and seeking how to please men for their own ends , and not his honour , nor any true zeal for him , set them on such a work , to Lord it over the people , which he had forbidden , and it is abomination to him , together with the many things accompanying them , which they gave forth for his ordinances , good order , decency and comliness in the Church , but were the meer inventions of men , and Babylons golden Cup of Fornications ; and that ye vomitted up , and refused any more to drink of this cup , or to admit of such things as his Ordinances , or belonging to his worship , or as if he allowed it ( whereby your iniquity is exceedingly agravated before God , and his indignation and jealosie burns as fire against you for your returning thereto ) and because of the iniquity of such men , their pride , pomp , covetousness , tirany and ambition his wrath kindled against them , and he poured contempt , and desolation upon them , for the cry of their wickedness , together with the Prayers and ●upplications which came from many in that day ( because of them ) ascended up into his Throne in the time of their great affliction of Spirit to see his Truth , and Name so much dishonoured , and the Lord heard and regarded , and delivered them from that , which was their trouble and grief of heart , and he removed that out of the way , which was a great let unto his work , and glorious appearance in the Land , and after the removal thereof , the Lord put a fair oppertunity in your hands to have been blessed instruments in his work , whereby had ye improved it , ye should have been at this day a glory in the Earth , a Praise , a Renowne , and a Blessing , and your memory should have endured ; as a sweet savor unto all succeeding Generations . But he had many things against you , whereby he was provoked to lay you by also , so that ye should not be honoured ( nor ever shall be in the state ye are in , and way of your proceedings ) as instruments in his glorious work , which he hath purposed to bring ( and is bringing ) forth in the earth even a work of wonders and admiration , whereby he will make to himself a name everlasting therein , and give matter to all the simple-hearted of thanksgiving , and praise for ever and ever ; and this work he is bringing forth this day in the midst of you , and yee are so far from joyning issue with him therein , that ye are all opposing it , but it shall go on , and prosper , over the heads and bellyes of all gainsayers on the face of the whole Earth , and if yee repent not and give way unto his determination , he will bring this word to passe against you ; Behold ye dispisers , wonder and Perish . And now hear the righteous judgment of God concerning these things he hath to charge you with , and have been snares unto you , and matter of provocation unto him against you , for , although a true and tender Zeal ( in a measure ) there was in many of your hearts in that day for the Lord , and his Name and Truth ; yet much of a fiery , headstrong , furious false Zeal , not according to knowledge , and which was not begot of the Lords Spirit , nor kindled at his Alter , did company the same , and much prevailled over that which was pure , and tender , and of his begetting , and yet he regarded this , and because of it he loved and pittyed you , and suffered you long , till he could bear no longer , for ye were become as those , yea , and worse , whom he spued out before you , against whom his controversie was : and you went forwards in the counsels of of your own hearts , and advised with flesh and blood , and not with the Lords spirit , what yee should do , and yee relyed upon the arme of flesh , and thought to have reformed the Land with your carnal weapons , and power , and force , and might , not considering his determination which he spoke by the word of his mouth , to his Prophet of old , not by might nor by power , but by my Spirit saith the Lord. And yee dealt cruelly and roughly with such as had not freedom , nor clearness to go on with you , in the manner and way of your proceedings , and so yee became guilty of the same iniquity , yee cryed unto him against in those men , who dealt cruelly and tyranically with your selves , and yee constrained many hundreds of poor people in the Land to vow unto God and make a Covenant with you , who knew not what they were doing , no , nor knew him at all ; and because yee mixed your selves in , with a company of ignorant , vile , prophane and abominable persons , without all fear of God , and drew them along to concur with you , thereby thinking to make your selves stronge and mighty by reason of number and unformity , therefore was the Lord provoked against you , for he regarded none of these things ; the vows of the wicked are an abomination to him with all their services , and he accepteth no uniformity , but that which is of his spirit , which knits the members of the body together , and admits nothing unto union with the body , but that which is of his begeting , and but two or three fearing the Lord joyning together in a perpetual Covenant , to stand up witnesses for his name and truth , are dearly regarded by him , but many thousands associating together out of his fear he regards not at all . And forasmuch as by your vowing and covenanting , yee proceeded to put a stop and limit to the Lords spirit in any further discovery of his name and truth , his wrath waxed exceeding hot against you , and he loathed both you and your Covenant , and suffered it , as it is at this day , to be trampled under foot , and permitted your enemies , which were buried in the very dust , and their memory almost perished , to rise up against you , ( to wit the Prelats ) and bring you in greater slavery and subjection then ever , ( and now they are doing their work , and when it is done they most return to the place whence they came , and the time is near ) and many other circumstances in your proceedings , the Lord never own'd , nor shall own , in which as yee mind his witness in all your Consciences , it shall instruct you , and also show unto you the hypocritical , treacherous , deceitful , ambitious , forward spirit , that moved in you , and set you on work many times , whereby his Spirit was grieved , and that of his begetting over topped , and oppressed . And above all the great controversie of the Lord with and against you , was and is , that yee got up above the cross of Christ and turned from it ( the cross which is the power of God ) which would have kept your feet in a straight , even , stedy course , so that yee should not have declined out of the right path , either to the right or left hand , and it would have proved a righteous ballance unto you , whereby ye might have weighed every motion that arose in your hearts , and thereby known what was of the Lords spirit , and what was of your selves , and of the suggesti●● of the Devil , which laid his snares before you , and catched you in them ; and for that ye kept not chast to his Light in your Consciences , nor to the leadings of his spirit , this was it that which discovered to you the Popish and Prelatical abominations , and begat a loathing in you against them so that yee could have no rest till yee came to forsake them ; and had yee kept chast to this , it would have carried you on all along in his work , and steered your course from first to last in the streight , even righteous path of judgment : Oh ye did run well who did hinder you ? but yeare become so foolish , who began in the spirit to end in the flesh ; and now when yee got up upon the walls and bulwarks of your enemies building , and leveled it to the ground , when yee had rooted out Prelacy , and the many corruptions and superstitions accompanying the same , and digged down a good part of Babylons upsetting , then yee betook your selves to build , and yee thought it should have been a a house for God , and it was but another Babylon , for yee had gone from the true foundation , the light , life , power and spirit of Christ in your particulars , and yee gathered hay and stuble , and cast upon it , and suffered the earth in you to come over , and ye hid the talent the Lord had given you , therein , even the noble and precious and blessed gift of his Light , and the manifestation of his Spirit ( given to every man to profit withal as saith the Apostle ) which would have been a sure foundation unto you , and would have taught you in the infallible wisdom , how to have reared up the building and frame , even to the setting of the least stone or pining thereof , and it would have cemented and knit every part together , and given it a comely proportion , and all its due and proper dimensions , in height , bredth and length , and made every stone living , and it should have been a glorious building indeed , a spiritual house to offer up a spiritual service , and sacrifice to God continually ; and though the winds had blown , and the rains descended , and the floods had come , and assaulted it , yet it should have stood , which it hath not , but hath fallen , and the fall of it is great , and it hath filled you with amazement , confusion and astonishment , and darkness hath so overtaken you , and the vail is grown so thick over your hearts , that you see not as yet , cannot see your own folly , and that your building was but on the sand , and the work of your own imagination , out of the wisdom of God , and this I am moved of the Lord to declare unto you that it hath been so , and though your frame was somewhat more spacious and taking , to the eye of man , ( being somewhat in appearance , nearer the letter of the Scriptures ) then that other cast down by you , yet it was as far from being the Temple or House of God , being not of his Spirit ; for this ye had gone from in your own particulars , and at length became so impudent as to deny such a thing could be expected , to wit , the leadings of the infallible Spirit of Christ , to teach you , and guide you infallibly in your proceedings ; and ye set the letter of the Scriptures above it , and in it's room , together with your own imaginations , for ye being gone from the Spirit of Truth , the eye which read the Scriptures aright , came to be put out , and the false eye opened , which read them backward ; and the Scriptures were perverted by you to a wrong sence or meaning , and ye drew them to the square and rule of your opinions , which the erring mind , through Satans suggestion had begot in you ; and now ye fathered your opinions upon the Scripture , and they were but the brats of your own imagination . And oh , what were the materials of your building ? were they living stones polished and smoothed by the power of God ? or rather , were they not the most rude , profane rabble and multitude of the world , the same whereof the Prelatical and popish frame was composed of ? and who were the builders ? were they men taught of God standing in his wisdom ? was your Ministry a spiritual Ministry ? were they able Ministers of the new Testament , not of the letter , but of the Spirit ( such as the Scriptures speak of ? ) were they called from heaven by the Revelation of Christ ? or rather , was not your Ministry even such as the former , of mens making , which stood in man's wisdom , and taught of men , as among the very Papists ? yea , it was even so . Oh , how little hath the teaching of God's Spirit been regarded ! were they not accounted able Ministers who could talk upon the letter , and give many good and fine words to the people , and speak the Saints experiences recorded in Scripture , which generally they never knew themselves , or if any knew somewhat of that nature ( as some did ) it was not principally regarded ; and men were let pass for Ministers who were gifted with humane learning , and gifts under which the best induments of knowledge or utterance , which come not immediately from the Revelation of the infallible Spirit of Truth , may be comprehended ; and after ye had quit the Service-book , and that way of worship in set forms , and denyed them as dead life-less things , your humane learning and abilities ( together with the customary way ye had inured your selves to ) prompted you to talk and utter many words before God , which yet was as far from spiritual worship as the other ; and if at any time somewhat of the Lord's Spirit moved and breathed among you , as it did , for the Lord much pittied for his seeds sake , yet it was much suffocated and choaked , by your running forth after the imaginations of your own hearts , ye not knowing the Cross which stayes the mind , and gives a check to the forward proposterous spirit , which is rejected of the Lord with all its services ; and because your minding more the words and form , and visible things , then the living power , whereby the Lord was provoked more and more to withdraw from among you , and leave your house desolate , as at this day it is . And your Presbyterian form of Church-discipline , Order and Government , it was nothing upon the matter better then the Episcopal , there being no material difference ( in the sight of God , to render it more acceptable to him ) be●wixt the one and the other , neither of you knowing Christ the head in you , teaching you by the Revelation of his Spirit , to determine of things coming before you , ( so that ye could not say with that Synod , Act. 15.28 . It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us ) but ye went on in the same manner with them of determining of particulars in mans wisdom ; and by plurality of voices or consents , which is but a very fallible way , and hath done more evil then ever it did good , and it is all one before the Lord , whether one or a few should determine particulars , as it is among the Bishops ; or whether many by an equality should do it , as among the Presbyterians , you being both out of God's wisdom , and asking counsel and not out of his mouth ; and ye called Presbyterian Ministers did step into many things ye 〈…〉 the Bishops out of , or things much what alike , and of the same nature : ye denyed their Lordships , and took to your selves selves Masterships , ( both being equally forbidden by Christ ) ye would not suffer them to Lord it over you , but ye would Lord it over the People ; yea , and did , as tyrannically as ever the Bishops had done ; and ye were offended at the Surplices , and the Canonical Coats and Belts of their Clergy , and yet ye were equally superstitious and vain in your black cloaths and Gowns , with Pasments and Ribbons upon them , and other superfluity of naughtiness ; and ye were angry at their Revenues being so great , and yet ye stept in also to many of them ( and some of you had as much by the year as some of them ) and into their pride , covetousness , lightness , vanity , ambition , carelessness , concerning the work of Jesus Christ , and the salvation of poor people , whereof ye took up the charge , and many other iniquities they were found in , for which the Lord was provoked against them , ye have taken as it were a succession of , and ye thought the Lord should have winked at you , and indeed he bo●e much with you , and had respect unto that poor , honest , tender , simple , zealous thing that was once among you in a day , but he could no longer forbear , for the cry of your sins was great , and his oppressed seed in your hearts , as a Cart pressed with sheaves under your wickedness , cryed likewise against you and he heard and brought desolation upon you also , and laid all your stately building in the dust ; and now great is the lamentation and sorrow of your hearts , because of the fall of your building , and ye are crying in the anguish of your souls for a day again , wherein ye may have an opportunity to repair the breaches , and build up the old ruinous heaps ; and ye are saying in your hearts , the tyles are fallen , but we will build with hewn stones ; the Sycomers are cut down , but we will build with Cedars , and make the frame more able and firm then before to stand out the storm . But I say unto you , in the name and authority of the living God ( should ye attempt such a thing till ye come to his Light , and the leadings of the infallible Spirit of Truth in your particulars ) it shall not prosper , it shall be as with them who attempted the rebuilding the walls of Ierico , and have no better success , and ye shall but labour as in the very fire , and weary your selves for very vanity : I have determined , saith the Lord God Almighty , to race all to the foundation which is not of my building , to pluck up root and branch ; and all which is not of my planting , I have said to my Messengers and servants , go ye up upon her walls , break down her battlements & bull-works , for they are not mine , & level all to the ground , and let them not be built for ever and ever , Amen , saith my soul. And it is God's rich mercy , love , and compassion , that he hath brought this day over you ( could ye but open your eyes to see it , and some shall see ) that ye may suffer loss in these things which have been and are a loss and snare unto you . The 10 th . Month 1664. from the Tolbouth of Aberdein . George Keith . The word of commandement from the Lord ( which filled me with heavenly joy and comfort ) came unto me the 30. day of the 10 th . Month ( called December ) saying , Shew unto the people of Scotland my true and righteous judgement , concerning the particulars above-mentioned : And now , however these be received by you , I have peace in my God. The blessed long looked for day of God , broke up amongst us the Lords people called Quakers , with a declaration of the Lords loving kindness to us , and what he hath done for our Souls in causing the light of his countenance to shine on us . And a brief description of our Church , Ministry , Word , Worship , order and Government . And a Proclamation of the foresaid day of the Lord to the People of Scotland in judgment and mercy . With a loving Exhortation unto them , and dear and tender counsel concerning what the Lord requires of them in order to a perfect , and thorow reformation which they have often assayed , but never as yet come at . Also a few words to such who expect the breaking up of the day of God , and yet deny it , broke up among us . Written in the fear and will of the Lord , and in bowels of love and compassion to the people of my native Country . THe day of God is the Revelation of his living and eternal arm in and among the children of men , to put an end to transgression , and recover lost man , to the blessed , holy , pure , innocent state , wherein he was created by God , who breathed in him the breath of life , and he became a living soul ; it 's the setting up the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , the eternal King of righteousness , in the hearts of the Sons and Daughters of Adam , and the pulling down the Kingdom of Satan , who hath ruled over the sons of men , as God , and swayed his Scepter as an absolute Monarch in the earth . It 's the arising of the Son of righteousness with healing under his wings , in the shinings forth of his pure Light , for the dispelling the the thick Egiptian darkness that hath long covered the earth , and brought upon the Inhabitants a sad , sore , and dismal night , wherein the blessed , sweet , and amiable countenance of God hath been eclipsed , and vailed from men , whereby they could not live to God , for that life is in the light , which by the power and prevalency of darkness hath been much shut up ; so that it hath not shined forth in its glorious brightness upon mankind : It 's the pouring forth of the Spirit of the Lord upon all flesh , and the breathing of life upon the dead bones , that they may stand up and live , with flesh and sinews , in strength , beauty , and comeliness of proportion . It 's the manifestation and discovery of that great and glorious mystery , hid from ages and generations , Christ within , the hope of glory ; Jesus Christ in his powerful , spiritual , glorious , heavenly appearance in his Saints , triumphing victoriously over death and hell , and all the powers of darkness , giving to his Saints to sit down with him upon his throne , and making them partakers of that glory he had with the Father before the world began . It 's the bringing of many from the East , and from the West , and from the North , and from the South , to sit down with Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , in the Kingdom of God ; and the gathering of his elect seed from the four winds of the earth , which hath been long scattered , and pended up in the holes and caves thereof , lying in death , bondage , and captivity . The day of God is the redemption of his beloved seed , and raising it up out of the grave , to live in the blessed and glorious presence of its God : It 's the marriage day of the Spouse with the Lamb , and the bringing of her into the Chamber of Presence , and the Banquetting-house , where she is entertained with the sweet fellowship and communion of the noble plant of renown , the beloved of her souls and under his shadow she sitteth down with great delight , and his fruit is pleasant to her taste , where she gets access to him in the bed of love , and sees his sweet , comely , soul-ravishing countenance , and hears the sweet melodious voice , which pierceth the heart with darts of love , so that she is constrained to cry , Stay me with apples , comfort me with flagons , for I am sick of love ; turn away thy face from me , for it hath ravished me , being filled with the glory of his Majesty , that the sight of it is scarce tollerable in the house of clay , which often trembles at the Revelation of the weight of glory . The day of the Lord is the tabernacling and habitation of himself with men ( the Immanuel , God in us ) bringing them up out of all visible and corruptible perishing things , into fellowship with him and his Son , through the eternal Spirit . It 's the dispensation of the new Covenant taking place in the earth , the tenour whereof is , I will put my Law in their inward parts , and write it in their hearts , and will be their God , and they shall be my People , and they shall teach no more every man his neighbour , saying , know the Lord , for they shall all know me , from the least of them unto che greatest , saith the Lord , for I will forgive their iniquity , and remember their sin no more , Jer. 31. And again I will sprinkle clean water upon you , and yee shall be clean from all your filthiness , and from all your Idols will I cleanse you , a new heart also will I give you , and a new spirit will I put within you , and I will take away the stony heart out of your flesh , and I will give you an heart of flesh , and I will put my spirit within you , and cause you to walk in my statutes , and yee shall keep my Iudgements , and do them ; and yee shall dwell in the Land , that I gave to your Fathers , and yee shall be my People , and I will be your God , Ezek. 36. It 's the coming down of the new Ierusalem from above , out of Heaven upon the Earth , cloathed with the Garments of Salvation , the Lambs Glory ( which is her Light , so that She needeth not Sun , nor Moon , nor Candle ) and the pure white linnen , which is the Righteousness of the Saints ; It 's the causing the old Heavens and the old Earth to pass away , and the Elements to melt with fervent heat , and the drying up of the Sea , and the making all old things to vanish , and the creating the new Heavens , and the new Earth , wherein dwelleth Righteousness , and the making all things new . It 's the relieving the Creation of God which hath long travelled under the bondage of Corruption : It 's the coming forth of the Woman cloathed with the Sun , and a Crown of twelve Starrs upon her head , and the Moon under her feet , out of the Wilderness ; And her getting victory and Dominion with her seed ( which hold the testimony of Jesus the spirit of Prophecy , Rev. 19.10 . the great quarel of the adversary against her , Rev. 12. ) over the Dragon , Beast and false Prophet . It 's the discovery , fall , and utter overthrow of mystery Babylon , the mother of Fornications , who hath bewitched the whole earth with the Golden Cup , her Merchants hath handed forth into them who dwell thereupon ; whereby they have adulterated , and gone a whoring from God , and the pure holy life of Jesus Christ , and the chast leadings of his spirit , and the true spiritual glory hath been lost from among them , who drunk of the cup of her sorceries , and a false imaginary glory set up in its room , which is the Image of the Beast , over which the Saints get victory ; which false glory stands in some of the words and formes of truth patched together , with the inventions of men , by the cunning and art of the whorish spirit , which is very taking and specious to the eye of man , whereby it comes to pass that this whorish woman hath been taken for the spouse of Christ , and her Merchants for his Ministers . The day of God is the pulling up by the roots every plant which is not of the Lords planting , and the fire of the fierce wrath and indignation of God passing thorough the bryars and thorns for the consuming of them , and the plowing up the fallow ground , and preparing and digging , and dunging of it , whereby it may become good and fruitful , that the pure and tender plant and seed of truth sown therein may grow up , and become a tree filled with the fruits of righteousness and holiness : this seed hath long lyen ( as it were ) barren in the earth , which hath been as a Wilderness , and brought forth the Vines of Sodom , and Grapes of Gomorah , but now the Lord hath looked upon the earth , and pittied it ( for the seeds sake ) and hath sent forth and is sending his servants to till and dress it , that it may be for the Lord and master of it , a garden of pleasure , and now the truth which hath been long holden down , in and under unrighteousness is arising , and shall arise throughout the whole earth , in victory and dominion over all . And we the Lords People called in derision Quakers , and mocked and persecuted by the World ( as all the Children of God before us have been ) because we are not of them , and they know us not , do witness this day of God come and broke up among us in pure perfect brightness , to the fulfilling all these things aforesaid ( every one in their measure ) and yet more abundantly to be fulfilled , and his Kingdom revealed with power and great glory in our hearts , and the Lord hath brought back our Captivity , as the streams of the south , whereat we are as those that dream for joy ; and we who sat by the Rivers of Babylon hanging our harps upon the Willow Trees are now returned to Zion , having our hearts and our mouths filled with the Songs thereof , and our Harps harping the sweet Praises of our God , in the Land of our Nativity . And the Lord hath redeemed us out of Kindreds , Nations , Tongues , and People , to be a peculiar people unto himself , a choice Generation , a royal Priesthood , and holy Nation zealous of good works , to shew forth the Praises of him who hath called us out of darkness into his marvelous Light , which hath shined forth in beams of Glory , through the darkness in us , to the dispelling and swallowing up thereof , by its brightness , and the Light is very dear , and precious unto us , and we cannot deny it ; notwithstanding , all the opposition we meet with , from a wicked perverse World , shut up in darkness ; and because they in the state they are in , cannot comprehend it , therefore they mock , persecute , and blasphem both it , and the vessels thereof , and they would have us to disown the Light , and cease to bear our testimony unto it , because they hate the Light themselves , being it reproves their evil deeds , and makes manifest the hidden things of dishonesty , which they are loath should be known ; therefore they would have the Light quenched , stopt and buried , least their wickedness be seen , hence it is that people of all Professions , ranks , orders , qualities , and degrees , Rulers , Teachers , Priests , and People , Scribes , Lawyers , Doctors , and Disputers of this World , have and do oppose the Light , and such who testifie of it , least their pride , pomp , ambition , lust , tyranny , deceit , covetousness , and other evil deeds , which are rife among them , should be made manifest , and men of all callings hate the Light ; for deceit , treachery , unrighteousness , hath seated and spread it self over all and taken a dominion in the Earth , and is loath to quit it ; and therefore , it puts into the hearts of all its subjects , to oppose the Light , which if it get footing in the earth , will put a period to its raign , and finish transgression , and bring in everlasting Righteousness : And the Devil sets men upon the opposing the Light , least it bind him , and cast him out of his place , and spoile his house , and break his Kingdom , dashing it as a potters vessel into pieces ; and the Whore mystery Babylon , the mother of Fornications hates the Light , and puts into the hearts of the Kings and powers of the earth , to make war with the Lamb , the Light and the Children of it ; for that is it which discovers the cup of her Fornications and sorceries unto men , and makes manifest her whorish mire whereby she may be discerned , and when she is known the same Kings and Princes and great ones on the earth , who upheld her , shall come to loath and hate her , and burn her flesh with fire ; and now glory to the Lord who hath shewed us Light , and placed it in our hearts , and hath raised and is raising it up , over all opposition whatsoever in us , and by this Light we have discovered the Whore , the Antichrist , the Beast , the Dragon the subtle Serpent , the false Prophet , with all their subtle workings , and deceivableness of unrighteousness ; we have seen the Land of graven Images , and the wilderness where there is no way ; we have so long walked in ; hungry , and thirsty , and our souls fainting in us , and our tongue failing with thirst ; and the light hath given us an out-gate , & shewed us an entrance into the way of life , and path of righteousness & holiness , which the Vultures eye can never reach ; & this path at the beginning appeared to us very strait , & narrow & difficult for passage , so that many times sore doubtings and fears arise in us , lest we should never get thereinto , and many temptations have we indured from the suggestions of the great enemy of our salvation ; saying to us , it is in vain to attempt an entrance , but now blessed be the God of our salvation , an entrance , yea , an abundant entrance is ministred to us thereinto , and the path is becoming more and more easie and spacious , and delectable , the way of pleasantness , and the path of peace is opened , and opening , wherein the wayfaring man ( though a fool ) cannot erre or stray ; and the Light hath brought us to Iacob's Well , where we have found an eternal never fading spring of living water streaming forth into our souls and hearts , to our unspeakable joy , comfort , and satisfaction ; and it hath brought us into Bethel , the house of God , the house of prayer ; and we have been made joyful therein , according to the Lord's promise ; and in this house and Temple of God , we have seen the glory of the Lord , and had Isaiah's Vision , beholding him sitting upon a throne , high and lifted up , and his train filling the Temple ; and we have heard the voice , Holy , holy , holy , Lord God of Hosts , the whole earth is full of his glory ; and we have been made to cry , woe is us , for we are undone , because of uncleanness , and fear and trembling hath taken hold of us , so that the posts of the door lyes moved and shaken , at the voice of him that cryed ; and the Angel hath flown unto us , having a live coal in his hand , taken in the tongs from off the Altar , and therewith hath touched our lips , saying unto us , your iniquity is taken away , and your sin purged ; and in his Temple we have talked of the glory of the Lord , and of his loving kindness one unto another ; and we have blessed and praised the Name of the Lord , for his mercy and goodness to the children of men ; and we have eat and drunk in the house of our God , in the mountain of his holiness have we been entertained with the feast of fat things , full of marrow , of wines on the lees well refined ; and we have seen the King in his beauty , and bread hath been given to us , and our water made sure , and it faileth not , which we drink every one out of our own Cestern ; and the glorious Lord hath become unto us a place of broad Rivers ; and we have been brought to the Shepherds tents , and seen where he feedeth the flock , and causeth it to rest at noon ; and we have loved the Pasture dearly , and intreated the Shepherd that he would make us partake with the flock , and lead us to the green field and Paradice of his pleasure , and to the streams of that river which is full of water , and floweth richly forth , to the continual gladning of the City of God ; and we have desired it of him with the earnest of our souls , that we might see the good of his chosen , and be remembred with the favour he bears to his people , and gladned with the joy of his Nation , that we might have whereby to glory with his inheritance ; and the Lord hath heard and granted the breathings of our souls ; we asked life of him , and he hath given it us , and put a crown of pure gold upon our heads , even a crown of righteousness , and eternal life ; and he hath put a new song of praise to him who lives for ever and ever , in our mouths , which none can sing , no nor understand , but such as are redeemed from off the earth ; and Palms of Victory in our hands are given to us , and Harps wherewith to harp , and make melody to the God of our life , who hath created us anew in Jesus Christ , unto good works ; and Censers full of incense , which are the prayers of the Saints ; and the Lord hath not suffered , does not suffer us , to want any good thing , he openeth his hands plentifully , and filleth us with his blessing , and giveth us to drink of the River of his pleasure , and the wine which groweth in our fathers Kingdom ; and how great is his goodness ! how great is his beauty ! for Corn hath made the young-men glad , and new wine the Maids , as it is written , and the mountains have dropped down the wine , and the Fatts and Wine-presses have overflowed , and the Heavens have opened , and poured down everlasting righteousness , and rained the showers of blessing upon the tender herbs of the Lords planting in the earth ; and loe the Winter is past , the rain is over and gone , and the Spring is come , wherein the birds do sweetly sing , and the voice of the Turtle is heard in our Land ; and the Fig-tree putteth forth its blossoms , and green figs and others are come , and coming to perfection and maturity ; and the Vines with the grapes , give a good and pleasant smell ; and at our gates are all manner of pleasant fruits , new and old , laid up for our beloved . And the fruit of the Tree of Life , which beareth twelve manner of fruits , and yieldeth it every month , hath been manifested unto us , the leaves whereof are for the healing of the Nations . And we have seen the Bride , the Lamb's Wife adorned , and trimmed for the approach of her Husband , and the new Ierusalem descending from above , the Holy City coming down from God out of heaven , having the glory of her God , and her light is like unto a stone most precious , like a Jasper , clear as Cristal ; and we have seen the frame and proportion of this City , with the walls and gates of it ( within which our feet have stood ) whose builder and maker is God , and there is nothing of mans work in it , but all purely of him , and we have seen to its foundation , the Light , the Life , the Power , the Wisdom of God , revealed in the hearts of the Sons and Daughters of men , the chief corner , the foundation stone , which the builders among all the Sects and Professions of the whole earth have rejected , in this night of darkness , whereby instead of building a house or City for God , they have reared up a Babylon , which must fall , and is a falling , and shall sink as a mill-stone into the bottom of the Sea , and never rise again , Amen , Hallelujah , glory to the Lamb , whose work it is . And now the Lord hath made us Citizens of this City , and stones of this building , even living stones , polished by the power of God , and glewed and knit together by the same power and Spirit of Life , where is the pure perfect unity , and in the unity , the fellowship and communion with God , and his dear Son Jesus Christ , and one with another is witnessed ; and the builders are wise builders , standing in the wisdom and power of God , whereby they are taught to lay every stone , and how to polish and square it , and they are but tools and instruments in the hand of God , for the work is his alone , and the Ministry is spiritual , and so are the Ministers ; men taught by God , having experience of the saving work of his right hand on their hearts , who speak because they believe , and are indued with power from on high , and filled with the holy Ghost , whereby they are made able Ministers of the new Testament , having received gifts by the ascending of Christ on high , ( even for the rebellious , that he may dwell among them ) for the work of the Ministry , to the perfecting of the Saints , and edifying of the body ; and such Minister from the Light and from the Life , and from the power and Spirit , and Word of God , whereby those to whom they Minister , may come into the fellowship of the mystery with themselves , and be made partakers with them of the Unction , or anointing from the holy one , which may be with them for ever , and a teacher unto them of all things , good , necessary , and expedient for them to know , even to bring them unto the Spirit of truth , which may lead them into all truth , and instruct them , in the will , councel , and commandement of God , at all times whatever it be , and to espouse them unto Jesus Christ the great King and Lawgiver in and to his People , the great high Priest , from whose mouth the Law is to be received , the great Prophet by whom God speaketh now to his People , wherof Moses writes , who is the head in all things , and who so will not hear that Prophet , shall be put to death ; and this Prophet Jesus Christ is nigh unto us , yea , more nigh then all the men or books upon the face of the earth ; he is both our Maker and our Husband , ( the anointed of the Lord the breath of our nostrils ) so that our fellowship and communion with him is most intimate , and immediate , and nothing else does satisfie our souls but the immediate imbraces of his dear and sweet love , the seeing of his Countenance which is comely , and the hearing of his voice , which is pleasant , and powerful , and glorious , and full of Majesty ; and the Bride rejoyceth greatly because of the voice of the Bridegroom himself , and now we need not say who will go down into the grave , and bring up Christ to us , or who will ascend to Heaven to bring him down to us , or who will go over the Seas , and bring us tidings of him from Ierusalem , where he suffered in the flesh , him ( whose name is the Word of God , Rev. 19. ) we of a truth witness nigh us even in our hearts ; so that we need not either ascend or descend , or go forth , the word of life , the word of power , the word of faith which Paul preached , and Moses before him , and all the true Ministers , and pointed people to this , which was able to save them , as they turned their minds thereto , and gave up to be taught and led thereby . And this the Ministers and Servants of the Lord among the People called Quakers do preach ( without money or price being the free gift of God ) and many have believed , and received it , not as the Word of Men , but as it is indeed the Word of God , and found it ( after diligent attendance , turning their minds inward thereto ) to spring up in themselves , and to be living and powerful , and sharp as a two edged Sword , to the dividing of soul and spirit , and discerning every thought and intention of the heart , and though one evil , and unbelieving Generation , will not give credit thereto , no nor yet those of the National Ministry , who give themselves forth for the Ministers of Christ ( but are found lyars ) they call it a fancy , and delusion , and turn People from it , ( which is the only Rock that can save them ) yet we know it to be the Word of God , and we have tasted the Heavenly sweetness of it , yea and our very hands have handled that Word of Life , and we have hid it in our hearts as an only Treasure , and we do daily , and hourly , witness the pretiousness and worth thereof , for it is the food of our souls , the food of Angels , the living bread , which came down from Heaven , to give life unto the World , the Manna incorruptible , which feedeth us unto life everlasting ; and when we are an hungred , it refresheth us , and satisfieth our souls with good things , it 's milk to the babes , and flesh to the strong , it 's health to our navil , and marrow to our bones , it 's the bread which strengthneth mans heart , and the wine which maketh it glad , and oyle which maketh his face to shine , and when we thirst , living water springeth forth from this word of life in our hearts , and ministreth drink unto us , out of the living fountain , and we witness the promise fulfilled , he that believeth in me ( Christ the Word ) out of his belly shall flow a well spring of liveing water ; and when we are weak , and our hands hang down , and our knees wax feeble , the Word maketh us strong , and lifteth us up as an Eagles wings , so that we run and are not weary , and walk and are not faint , and when we are heavy through sorrow , the Word springeth forth in streams of pure joy and consolation , from the presence of the Lord , which causeth us to forget all our former troubles , and we are comforted in our God , in all our straits and difficulties , and when temptations from the Devil and his Instruments assault us , and the powers of darkness environe and surround us , as if they would swallow us up , the Word sendeth forth sweet and comfortable beams of Light , and openeth the eye-lids of the morning upon us , and breaketh through the thick Egiptian darkness , as a fiery flaming sword , and divideth asunder , and giveth us victory and deliverance : And when we are hated of the World , the Word saith , peace in us , and causeth it to flow into our souls , like the waves of the Sea , and when Sathan transformes himself ( with his Messengers ) into an Angel of Light , that he may deceive us , coming up out of the deep with Samuels Mantle , the Word of truth , which searcheth into all the depths of Satan , and to the bottom of the mystery of iniquity discovereth to us the foulers snare , and the voice of the inchanter , so that our souls escape as a bird out of the net ; and the Word defends us by night and by day , so that we need not fear the terror by night , nor the arrow that flyeth by day , nor the pestilence that walketh in darkness , being girded with the sword of the Spirit , which is the Word of God ; and the Word is a light to our feet , and a Lanthorn to our pathes , the V●im and the Thummim by which the Lord answers us , and giveth us counsel in all things pertaining either to the temporal or eternal life , and herein we meditate day and night , and by it are we made wiser then our Teachers , and it 's sweeter to us then the honey and the honey comb , and more precious then thousands of gold or silver ; and in the Word our fellowship stands with God , and one to another , whereby we know , and enjoy , and have communion one with another in the invisible , heavenly life , and though at a distance as to the bodily appearance , yet nigh to , and present one with another in Spirit , and partakers together , as members of one body in sufferings and afflictions , in joy and consolations , which as sufferings abound , do abound also . And now , though the Scriptures declare of this word , yet they are not that Word , more then a Map or description of Rome or London , is Rome or London ; or the image of Cesar is Cesar ( or bread and wine is the body and blood of Christ ) which rude draught , shadow , description , and representation of such things , and the like , may and do borrow the names of the things by them signified or represented ; and thus the Scriptures may borrow the name of the Word of God , and may sometimes be so called , as the words or Prophecy of Isaiah is called by himself his Vision , and the words of Iohn is called his Revelation , whereas they but signified these things ; and it 's my testimony , with thousands , we have found another Word then the Scriptures ( which is not repugnant to them , but teacheth the same things , and bears a like testimony with them , in a more excellent way , so that they have a sweet harmony and concord together , yet differing as much from them as bread , wine , corn , oyle , water , light , fire , differing from a verbal description or likeness of those things : And this is no dishonour to the Scriptures , but a putting them in their proper place , as a declaration of the eternal life , which though pointed at by them , yet is not to be found in them , as the Jewish people foolishly thought , ( and as Professors think at this day ) for which Christ checked them , because they would not come to him to get life , of whom the Scriptures testified , That it was in him , not in them , Ioh. 5. And thus much concerning our Ministery , and the object thereof , or thing which is ministred and preached , to wit , Christ the living and eternal Word , nigh , and in the hear : and our Worship and Sacrifice we offer up unto God in this Building , House , Temple , City or Church of God ; is spiritual prayer , and praise spiritual , even from the pourings forth of the Spirit of Life from God , praying and singing , ( and making melody in our hearts , and with our mouths and lips also , as the Lord opens them ) with the spirit and understanding in all things , making our requests known unto God , and giving thanks alwayes for all things , through Jesus Christ our life , at whose Name our knees are bowed down , and our head uncovered , and the glory is over all , and the Lord hath turned to us the pure language , and the pure lip , and given us to the throne of glory an abundant access , and hath accepted our prayers , and savoured a good savour in them , and hath largely answered the desires of our souls , blessed be his Name ; and we witness him a God who heareth prayer , even to the least desire or breathing of the upright heart , and he is worthy to be waited for , who hath come to us in an acceptable time , and prepared our hearts to seek , and his ear to hear , and given us strength and ability to wrestle and prevail with him to the break of day , and we have not let him go till he hath blessed us , and called our name Israel . And as the Ministry and Worship of the Church or house of God among us is spiritual , so is the Order , Discipline and Government among us ; and we witness the Lord present with us in our Assemblies , and the head Christ in us , ( whether few or many ) passing sound , righteous , and infallible judgement concerning the particulars that come before us ; and we take not that blind , fallible way of the many Sects and Professions in the world , to determine controversies by , viz. Plurality of Votes , but we look up to the Lord , and call upon him to decide the matter , and pass righteous judgement , and he doth it , and each in the measure of the Word of Truth , which they have received , doth perceive the mind of the Lord therein , and believeth it , their faith standing in the wisdom and power of God , revealing the thing in and to each particular , and we are manifest in one anothers consciences , and as Epistles written and read in one anothers hearts ; and we are of one mind , and one spirit and life ; and here is sweet unity , concord , harmony , and agreement , not like Babylon ; and where the Lord goeth not before us , and openeth not the particular , or particulars unto us , we stand still and forbear , till we receive his mind , who never is nor will be wanting to us , in whatsoever exigence . And now the power we have is from God alone , and his Son Jesus Christ , and he bears the government on his shoulders , and takes us up into the Throne with himself , according to his promise and maketh us a free people , Kings and Priests to our God , and our power is free and unlimited , as to any mans determination upon the face of the whole earth ; and we own no head in our Church , but Christ Jesus ; nor can we submit our consciences to any man , or yield to the precepts and commandements of men ( out of the will and power of God ) in a jot , though to the loss of our very lives ; and especially , no man or men is to impose on us the least circumstance , in the matter of the worship of the living God , and the exercise of our consciences therein ; but what man or men set up in place of authority , calls us to what is equitable and righteous betwixt us and our neighbour , we are free , and holds our selves bound to give all due obedience for conscience sake thereto ; and the Magistrate , who hath his power and authority from God , we dearly own and honour , and the obedience he requires of us , will be answered with the Witness and Word of God in our consciences , which if we should disobey , condemnation from the Lord should fall upon us . And when that which is sinful and unrighteous is urged upon us , then God's witness does arise in our conscience , and forbids us to yield thereto , but to suffer patiently what may be inflicted upon us , for our not bowing under the same , and not at all to resist with any carnal weapon , or outward violence , but to commit our cause to him , who judgeth righteously , and hath said , Vengeance is mine , and I will repay it ; and so we have sweet peace and content in our sufferings , for our consciences are kept free , and we are redeemed to God , and bought with a price , therefore we cannot be the servants of men , and we seek not any worldly power or force to maintain our Church , it needeth it not ( for the gates of hell cannot prevail against the same ) nor to propagate our Religion , for it will never do it , and we are to force no mans conscience , nor to lay any punishment upon them , or put any to sufferings , because of their not concurring with us , for we matter no uniformity , but that which is of the Lord's Spirit , perswading the hearts of people to be one with us in principle and practice , and to stand up with us , living witnesses for the name and truth of the living God , which he is revealing ; and we assuredly know all the weapons that are formed either against the truth or the witnesses of it , shall not prosper , and the Lord shall make to himself a glorious name in the earth ; and we the people of the Lord , whom he hath formed for himself , shall shew forth his praise , and the Lord will make it manifest , that we are his , and that he hath raised us up , and put his Spirit in us , and that he dwells in and among us , to all the Kindreds and Nations of the Earth , and they who will not see , shall see , and be ashamed , and confounded for their envy at the people whom God hath blessed , and will bless for ever and ever , and no deceit nor violence shall prevail against them . And therefore now O ye people of Scotland know ye that the day of God is broke up among us , the people of the Lord called by you in derision Quakers , but who indeed tremble at the Word of his power , when it is sounded forth from the Throne of Majesty ; yea , and the mighty , dreadful , terrible God of strength , power , and Majesty , Victory , and Dominion hath determined to shake the Heavens , and the Earth , and all the powers thereof , to the utter confusion and fall of whatsoever standeth up in opposition against the seting up of his eternal Kingdom of Righteousness in the hearts of the Children of Men , and the little stone cut out of the Mountain without hands , shall grow and fill the earth , and become a Mountain ; and it shall dash to pieces the Image of Clay and Iron , Brass , Silver , and Gold , and the Land of graven Images shall be smitten , and all the Gods of the Heathen famished , and all the Idols shall be broken , and cast into the holes of the rock , and Dagon shall not be able to stand before the Ark ; nor Babylon , before the spouse of Christ which is coming forth to face all their enemies , fair as the Sun , and terrible as an Army with banners ; yea , cloathed with the Sun , and the Moon under her feet . And the Lord is making a work in this day , which shall make all ears to tingle , and every heart to faint and fail that will not bow at the arm of his power stretched forth : The day of the Lord is come , and he is preparing himself to battle as a strong man , as one awakned of out sleep , ( who hath long suffered the reign and Kingdom of darkness ) and as one that cryeth out in the dread of his strength by reason of Wine ; and he is making bare his arme , and covering himself with zeal as with a cloak , now will I arise , now will I lift up my self , saith the Lord , and who is able to stand up , and make war with him ? whereof prepare to meet thy God O Scotland in the way of his judgments , and repent , repent , repent of your iniquities , from the highest to the lowest , for the controversie of the dreadful God of power , the zealous angry God who will not acquit the guilty , is against the one and the other of you , without respect of persons , because of your abominations , whereby his pure holy Spirit hath been grieved , and provoked against you , Oh Scotland , Scotland , the cry of thine iniquities , hath come up before God into his throne , and he is weary with forbearing , to execute the fierceness of his wrath upon you , though ye be not weary with sining , but are drawing iniquity , as with Cart-ropes , and filling up the measure even to the brime ; Wherefore a Cup of trembling , trembling , saith the Lord God , shall be put into thy hands , if thou speedily repent not , & thou shall drink & shall not escape , and it shall be more tollerable for Sodom and Gomorab in the day of judgment , then for you ; forasmuch as you have sinned against more Light , and have had more warnings from the Lord , one way , and another , and he hath borne with you long , and strived much with you by his Spirit to reclaim you , and would have healed you , but ye will not be healed , and oh how have your hearts turned back as a deceitful bow , and shrunk from that measure of simplicity , tenderness and zeal for the Lord , that was once among you , and because yee took up a profession of God above all the Nations of the Earth , and have so treacherously backslidden therefrom in the day of tryal , therefore is your sin exceedingly aggravated before the Lord , and he will punish you above all the Nations of the earth , if ye break not off from your sins by speedy and unfeigned repentance . And now ye who mock at the quakings and tremblings of the people of God , who feel the load of wrath ready to break out upon you , and sink you down to the bottome of Hell , and would faine stand in the gapes , and hold off the wrath , and are in great travel , because of the dreadful day they see coming upon you , and many times are crying unto God for mercy unto you , when ye are adding drunkness to thirst , and persecuting them , and saying , tush , tush , no evil shall befall us , where is the promise of his coming ? ye shall be made to tremble , and your loyns to shake , and the joynts of your knees with Belshazar ( reading the hand writing against you ) to smite one against another , and paleness shall come up upon your faces , and pangs as of a woman in travel take hold of you , and the Lord will roar out of Zion , against you , and tear in pieces as a Lyon , and who will then be able to deliver you out of his hand ? and that comfort and peace will be far from you , which we the Lords people do witness , after all our fears and tremblings ; for the cup we have drunk at his hands is sweetly tempered with mercy and judgment , and in measure he debateth with us , and stayeth his rough wind in the day of his East ; and our hearts , which once trembled for fear , and dread , and sorrow , are now made to rejoyce with trembling , at the powerful and glorious appearance of him in our souls , so that we have been made to sing unto him that song , we will praise thee O Lord ; for though thou wast angry with us , thy anger is turned away , and we are comforted . And yet now , O Scotland , the Lord hath bowels of tender pitty and compassion towards thee , which many times I have felt , and do feel , with many others , and he is much put to it ( so to speak ) concerning thee , what to do with thee , and his mercy and judgement are at a kind of holy contest and wrestling about thee ; How shall I give thee up ? how shall I deliver thee , O people of Scotland ? how shall I make thee as Admah , and set thee as Zeboim , my heart is turned within me , my repentings are kindled together ; which word hath often sounded through me , towards thy Inhabitants , O Scotland , from the Lord , who yet remembers the kindness of thy youth , and the love of thy espousals in former dayes , and the tenderness , and simplicity , and uprightness of heart that was among many of you then , with a pure zeal for his Name : And oh , what meltings and breathings of soul was after the living God! and nothing could satisfie but his living presence , which also no doubt hath been in a measure by some enjoyed ; but oh , how have ye forsaken your first love , and turned down-right enemies against that which was once your very life , and is the life of those ye are persecuting at this day , and blaspheming , to wit , the revelation of the Light , Life , Power , Love , and Spirit of God in our souls , which filleth us with heavenly comfort , joy unspeakable and full of Glory . Oh , how have ye forsaken the fountain of living waters , and digged to your selves broken Cesterns , that can hold no water ! Return , O back-sliding Scotland , for this I do declare unto thee , in the name of the Lord ; he hath yet thoughts of loving kindness unto thee , and a seed there is in thee , which is very dear and precious unto him , and he cannot forget it , more then the tender-hearted mother the fruit of her womb ; and though she should forget , yet the Lord will not forget thee ; for thou art set as a seal upon his heart , and writ upon the palms of his hands , O thou beloved seed , and he will give redemption unto thee , and raise thee up out of the holes and caves of the earth , where thou hast lain so long buried as in the grave , and the Lord hath raised , and is raising up his seed in some already , who are a kind of first fruits unto him ; and he hath brought us to walk in the light of his countenance , and rent the vails , and given us to behold his lovely amiable face with joy , and made us an entrance into the blessed Land of Promise ; and we have eat abundantly of the good of the Land , and the finest of the wheat , and honey out of the Rock hath been given unto us , and we have drunk of the wine , and tasted the Vine-grapes thereof , and the Land is a good Land ; and though there be Giants , and the sons of Amaleck in the way , yet it is conquerable , and we cannot but report well of it ; and God hath blessed our testimony , and shall bless it to hundreds and thousands , who yet are not able to hear us , nor will they , because of the anguish of soul , under the hard yoak of Pharoah in the Land of Egypt , and house of bondage ; but God will break , and is breaking , the yoak of oppression from off the neck of his seed , and will give it victory and dominion over all . And now blessed are they , who know and hearken unto the joyfull sound of the everlasting Gospel , which publisheth peace , and bringeth good tydings of salvation , and proclaimeth the acceptable year of the Lord , and the day of vengeance of our God , to comfort all that mourn to appoint unto them that mourn in Sion , to give them beauty for ashes , the oyle of joy for mourning , the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness , that they might be called trees of righteousness , the planting of the Lord , that he might be glorified . And now , O Scotland , prize the day of thy visitation , and know the things that belong to thy peace , before they be hid from thine eyes , and the day of grace sett upon thee , and put away thy abominations out of the fight of the holy pure God , which are matter of provocation unto him against thee . And whereas thou hast often assayed a Reformation unto the Lord , but it hath never come to be perfect and thorow ; and ye have been so far from going forward , that ye have shrunk back , and turned again with the dog to the vomit , wherefore now at last return to the Lord , with whom there is yet mercy , and plenteous redemption , and reform thoroughly unto him , who will not receive halfes off your hands . And now I will shew you councel from the Lord ( which I do declare in bowels of dear , and tender love unto you ) what ye shall do in order to a cleanly , perfect , and through Reformation : Above all mind the Light of Christ in your Consciences , and heed it diligently in its motion and shinings forth thorough the darkness , and as ye give obedience to it , in what it reveals unto you for duty , and shun what it discovers to be evil , it will more and more arise and shine forth in pure transparent brightness , from one degree of glory to another , and lay hold upon the darkness to the dispelling of it , and swallowing it up wholly , in the womb of its brightness ; and the Light will shew you the foundation on which ye shall build , Jesus Christ , the Wisdom and Power of God , and the Word of eternal Life , the chief corner stone , from which the Light comes , and it leads to him , and will bring you into acquaintance with him , and the leadings , and teachings of his Holy Spirit , to which yee shall do well to keep Chast , else the Serpent by his subtlety will again ensnare you , and Mystery Babylon will bewitch you with the cup of her Fornications : And oh your not keeping chast to the Lord hath often marred the work in your hands , and if ye come not in the future to keep closely and chastly to him , ye shall never prosper in any of your attempts , and all shall be but lost labour . And take up the cross to every thought , desire , imagination , motion , and affection , of your own hearts , and this will steer your course aright , and guide your feet in every step , and stay , and ballance your minds , and hold down every thing which would arise out of the wrong ground , and the pure Light will shine forth in your minds , ( thus stayed under the cross ) with glorious beams of brightness , and sweetly manifest unto you , all whatsoever the Lord requires of you , and as ye must not be forward in running on without the leadings of Christ the head in you , so be not backward nor slow in following after him , nor sit down by the way , saying in your selves , thus far will we go and no further ; Oh this hath also been a snare unto you : and mind the pure , holy , living power , more then the form , and wherever the power and Spirit of life doth not move , or appear in the forme , disown it , and stand against it , and whatever form or appearance the living power leads into , or moves in , be for it , and own it , and as ye come , to live and walk in Gods fear , it will beget more and more a discerning in you , to know and feel the power , and distinguish manifestly the dead , dry , and life-less form and appearance from the living ; and be willing to be searched as with Candles , thoroughly , and hide nothing which the Lord requires to be given up , nor keep up any thing whatsoever , that his controversie and indignation is against , and rid you of all your Idols of silver , and gold , all the wares and pleasant things of Babylon , and the Jewels and ear-rings , ye have of the Egiptians , to wit the many Inventions , that hath crept in , in the night of Apostacy , to the ensnaring and bewitching of your people , and father nothing upon the Scriptures , nor upon God , but that which is purely of him , and revealed unto you from the Spirit of truth opening and interpreting the Scriptures unto you , which holy men of God did write from the Inspiration of his Spirit , and can only be understood in and from a measure of the same , and put not the name of the Ordinances of Jesus Christ upon Babylons brats , which whoso taketh them and dasheth to pieces against the stones , blessed shall they be : And away with all the Wisdom of this World , which God is a confounding , and all consultings and reasonings with flesh and blood , and judging or determining of things , but in the wisdom and councel of God , in the Revelation of the Spirit of truth in each particular , let that be your rule in all things , and ye shall walk surely , and put away this dead , life-less , ignorant , prophane , scandalous Ministry , own no Ministery , but such who is taught of God , & speaks because he believes and ministers from the power and spirit of life , and away with makeing any humane gifts or indowments of Learning ( which is but flesh , and must die and wither ) the qualifications of a Minister , and do not limit the Spirit of the Lord , in chusing or refusing any for the work of the Ministry , they are well fitted whom he enables , though foolish and contemptible to the carnal eye ; and by these foolish , weak and despicable things , the Lord hath brought , and is bringing great things to pass ; and away with your dead life-less worship , praying and singing , which comes not from the breathings and movings of the spirit of life from God ; and away with your mungrel Church , patch'd up of the prophance rable of the World , let such who fear God , separate and come out from among them , and disown them for fellow members of the body whereof Christ is the head , and have no communion with them in their worship which is Idolatry , and away with your sprinklings of Infants , it s but of Babylon ; with many other things , the Light of Christ ( as ye heed it ) will discover unto you , which in the night of darkness hath passed for Gods ordinance , but the day hath discovered them to have the Beasts mark , and superscription ; and away with setting Bread and Wine before a prophane wicked multiude ( who hath nothing but the bare name of a Christian ) telling them its the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ , it 's abomination to God , and away with the carnal , false licentious , unbounded liberty ye take to your selves in words , diet , apparel , and worldly conversation ; mind the cross diligently , and it will teach you the golden path of Mediocrity ( or Moderation ) in all things , and away with all respecting of persons , and the honour which comes not from God , whose service is only to feed the lust of the eye , the lust of the flesh , and the pride of life , and be willing and desirous to see the glory of the pride of all flesh stained , and the Lord alone exalted , honoured , and glorified in and among the Children of men : And away with all Uniformity , which is not of the Lords Spirit ; and away with all force , and constraint in the matter of Conscience and Religion ; and away with all carnal weapons , either to defend or propagate the truth ; away with your Lording and mastering , and monopolizing ministry , who would limit the Spirit of the Lord , and make a monopoly of the gifts of God , away with your distinctions of Clergy and Laicks , and superstitious Habits and attires , for discriminating them , and away with your set and alloted hires , and maintenance for a Ministry , and forcing of people to pay them , which hath been a great snare unto many ( and hath lyen nigh all ) who from a principle of covetousness ( seeing thereby means of a livelihood ) hath intruded themselves into the ministerial Function , and given poor people to believe they were called of God thereto , whereas generally ( it is a thing well known ) they get into Parishes by worldly means , they setting their friends and relations on work , to sollicite and move the Patrons of the Parishes , or such most concerned therein , to give them entrance ; and when the thing is granted , then he called the Minister , steps up into a Pulpit , and sayes thus to the people , Beloved , by the providence of God I am called to be your Pastor , and a watch-man over you , as one who must give an account for your souls in the day of judgement ; and the Lord knows , it 's not any other principle , but a vehement desire ( thorough love to your souls ) to teach and instruct you in the knowledge of God , and to edifie you in the Faith , that hath moved me to come among you . and I have received a talent , and I must improve it , and the ability God hath given me to instruct you , together with the great desire I have to use it for your edification , I take for a sufficient call from God ; and I have also the Patrons , and the most considerable in the Parish their call . Whereas they make it manifestly appear , that covetousness hath set them thereon , for how soon any of their brethren dies , so that another Parish becomes vacant , which hath a greater stipend or maintenance , they fall upon their first trade , of solliciting for an entrance thereto , and they stick not to quit the charge of their first Flock , and to give their Wife ( to wit , the Kirk , which they say they are married to ) a Bill of divorce , though oft-times there be no occasion on her part ; and it 's not the Patrons or people who hath called them , but they first called them ; and when the people refuses to pay them their allotted hire , they pursue them with horning and poinding , which shews them to be far from the affection of husbands to their wives or parents to their children , or Pastors to the Flock , all which they pretend to be ; and were they good Pastors , their Flock would afford them milk and wool , not of constraint , but willingly , so that they needed not , either squeeze the pap to the causing it bleed , or tear the fleece off before the time of casting it , to the pulling the skin in pieces many times ; and the ability they talk of , is not of God , but of men , and it 's not God's free gift , for it hath cost them both much money and time at Schools to purchase it ; and were it the talent of the Lord , it would prove more effectual to the bettering of the people , which it does not ; for at ten , twenty , thirty , forty years end and upwards , they are as bad as at the first coming among them , and in many places much worse ; and the vehement desire to do the people good , they tell of , is but a suggestion of their deceitful hearts , for they are not come to the Light and Word of Truth , whereby to discern the true , upright , genuine desire , from the false and hypocritical : and this thing hath proved also a great share unto the people , who hath heaped up to themselves Teachers after their own hearts lusts , who might speak false peace unto them ; and that whereon there is so much stress laid , to wit , the calling of the people , or Patrons , is not of God , but of Babylon ; for in the state they are in , they will be loth ever to call a good man unto them ( supposing he could be found ) but such who will wink at their faults , and run with them thereinto ; and when at any time they let a reproof fall , it stinks out of their mouths , being guilty of the same things themselves ; and away with the education of youth at Universities and Colledges of Philosophy , so called ; I may say of them , which Luther stuck not to call them in his day , That they are the stews of Antichrist ; for out of them comes this ignorant , profane , scandalous Ministry , wherein they learn to talk of things they understand not , and to prate in mans wisdom , which is carnal , earthly , and devillish : And the Philosophy , so called , which is taught them , is but meer deceit and pedantry , which even I came to see , when among them ; and many of themselves see it , and confess it to be but vanity ; and none can teach either the knowledge of God , or of the creation , but such who come to be indued with a measure of the wisdom of God , which made the creation in number , weight , and measure , according to it 's pure holy Law , and neither God nor the work of his hands can be truly known , but in the light , which makes all manifest , which the Doctors and disputers of this world , are strangers unto , and it's follishness to them ; and many among themselves have attempted the reformation of their so called Philosophy , and squeezed their brains to find out a new one , but all in vain , it shall never be found out , till they come to the Cross of Christ , and under his cross , denying their own wisdom ) become the disciples of Christ , and learn of him ( in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom & knowledge ) the true Science of the creation ( as well as the of the Creator ) for the world was made by him , and he can best teach it , and in him manifest in man , the invisible things of God , from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , which carry upon them indeed the characters of infinite wisdom , goodness , and power , but are a sealed book , no less then the Scriptures , to such who are not come to the teachings of him , who made them , and can only give an eye to read them with a true understanding , and to advantage . And this I testifie , who have had a tryal and experience , both of the one and the other , the wisdom of man ( wherein I laboured much and long , and profited above many of my nighbours ) and the wisdom of God in which now I see , and for which I truly account that other loss and dung , even for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ , the Wisdom which was vvith the Father before the World began , and I certainly know the humane Wisdom or learning is one of the main Bulwarks of Antichrist against the Revelation , and setting up the Kingdom of Christ in the Earth , and because this is arising , and shall rise , down must the other go , and all who seek to uphold it shall fall therewith . And away with the many Doctrins and opinions yee have drunken from your teachers , who have abused the Scriptures , and you both , giving you to believe they were grounded on Scripture , and are nothing but their own imaginations , which the erring mind through Sathans suggestions , hath begot both in them and you , and rid your selves of all whatsoever , yee have taken upon trust , and what yee have not seen and learned , in the openings and manifestation of the Word and Spirit of truth in each particular , and make the revelation of the Spirit of truth in all things the rule and analogy of your faith , believing nothing less or more , then what is revealed to you therefrom ; and where that opens not , keep wholy back from passing any determination for or against : And away with that manner of interpreting Scripture and searching truth by drawing and knitting consequences , by the fallible erring mind , and natural understanding , keep close in all things to the judgment , and determination of the Spirit of God , and where that leads you ( as it did lead Christ to infer upon the Saduces the Resurrection from the dead , from that Scripture , I am the God of Abraham , and God is not the God of the dead but of the Living , ) to draw a consequence or frame an argument , do it , else forbear : And away with determining of things ( as yee have hitherto done ) by Plurality of Votes , it 's not the way of God , and will never further the Lords work or truth , their votes or consents not being in the unity of the Spirit of truth : And away with thinking general Assemblies , Counsils or Parliaments , in the state they stand in , will do you any good , in order to a perfect , and through Reformation , they will certainly marre it , but never help it forward , being out of Gods wisdom , and its foolishness unto them . And your looking too much to these things in former times hath been a great snare unto you . And thus now I have showed you good advice and councel concerning your becoming a perfect , and thoroughly reformed people , and the witness of God in all your Consciences ( as yee heed it ) will not fail to answer me to the truth , and expedience of these things I have laid before you : And principally every one mind the through reformation and change of your own hearts and lifes , by turning in your minds , to the Light of Christ in all your consciences , which must do the work , else it never will be done ; and as the reformati● of particulars grows , so will the same do in the general . And now what I have declared unto you ( and the manifestation of the Spirit of truth will shew you much more , even the perfect patern of the house of God in the Mount ) concerning these things which are necessary and expedient , in order to a thorough , cleanly and perfect reformation , we the people of the Lord called Quakers , have fallen upon them , being taught and directed thereto , by the wisdom of God , ( which buildeth the house , else the building is in vain ) and we have found and do find the blessed usefulness of them , as ye shall also find , if ye be followers of us , as we are of Christ : And now ye who say , or shall say , Tush , all this is but vanity , and folly , we will not daine to take councel from you , we are wiser then your selves , we will not learn at you , and yee but boast of things yee know not , and we expect a glorious comfortable breaking up of the day of God , in order to a more perfect and thorough reformation , then as yet hath been among us , but it shall never come to us through your airth , we can never expect good of you , for yee are but a pack of poor silly deluded brainsick fools , therefore get yee from us , we will none of your councel , the day shall never dawn upon us , if it rise not in another airth then yee tell us of . To such I say , Oh yee foolish , and unwise , how like are yee to the former generations , ( who ever were enemies to the wisdom of God , through their carnal , earthly , and devilish wisdom ) and to the Iewes of old , who despised the son of God , and crucified him the Lord of Glory , whom at that very time they were expecting to come , the promised Messiah , and when he came , they mistook him , and received him not , because of his weak , lowly , contemptible appearance to the carnal eye , but such who had the eye of Faith , saw the glory of the only begotten of God upon him , thorough the vaile which covered him from the sight of others , and he disappointed them in all their carnal expectations , and they are yet looking for him , and have looked these sixteen hundred years , but have never seen him , nor shall see him in the way they look for him ; as neither shall yee , and your judgment shall be one with theirs ; you being shut forth into utter darkness , and plagued with hardness of heart , if yee do not speedily repent . And now whether ye will hear or forbear , this I do declare unto you , in the name and power , and authority of the living God , the day of the Lord is of a truth broken up among us , and ye shall look till your eyes fail you , and rote within your eye-holes , e're ever yee see another day or appearance of Jesus Christ to your comfort , then what we the people of the Lord called Quakers , do witness come , and yet more abundantly coming , and if yee will not hear , my soul shall mourn for you in secret places , and weep before the Lord on your behalf . And yee who in the perverseness , and obstinacy of your hearts gain-stand , and oppose with all your might and power , the appearance of Jesus Christ in this day , and yet are calling for the day of the Lord ; To what purpose do yee call for it ? ( that I may use the Prophets words in the like case ) Wo unto you that desire the day of the Lord , to what end is it for you ? the day of the Lord is darkness , and not light , as if a man did flee from a Lyon , and a Bear met him , or went unto the house and leaned his hand on the wall , and a Serpent bit him ; shall not the day of Lord be darkness , and not light ? even very dark and no brightness in it . Writ about the beginning of the 11 Month in the year 1664. THE END . ERRATA . IN Page 5. line 38. for and read an . p. 16. l. 39. f. live r. alive . p. 17. l. 39. f. these r. those . p. 20. l. 30. r. in the world . p. 22. l. 37. f. this r. his . p. 30. l. 4. f. La●ely r. Layety . p. 44. l. 35. f. ease r. case . p. 60. l. 8. r. did arise . p. 63. l. 38. f. one r. an . p. 64. l. 21. f. an r. one . p. 66. l. 4. f. hear r. heart . p. 68. l. 29. f. their r. her . 
A17587	----	A re-examination of the five articles enacted at Perth anno 1618 To wit. concerning the communicants gesture in the act of receaving. The observation of festivall dayes. Episcopall confirmation or bishopping. The administration of baptisme and the supper of the Lord in privat places. Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1636 Approx. 479 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 130 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A17587 STC 4363 ESTC S107473 99843173 99843173 7886 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A17587) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7886) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1541:15; 1541:16) A re-examination of the five articles enacted at Perth anno 1618 To wit. concerning the communicants gesture in the act of receaving. The observation of festivall dayes. Episcopall confirmation or bishopping. The administration of baptisme and the supper of the Lord in privat places. Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. [8], 237, [3], [7], 237, [2] p. Printed, [Holland?] : anno 1636. By David Calderwood. Place of publication conjectured by STC. The words "The administration .. supper of the Lord" are bracketed together on the title page. Two copies, filmed one after the other. Reproduction of the originals in the British Library and the the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Church of Scotland. -- Articles of Perth -- Controversial literature. Perth Assembly, Perth, Scotland, 1618 -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A re-examination of the five articles enacted at Perth anno 1618. To wit. Concerning The communicants gesture in the act of receaving . The observation of festivall dayes . Episcopall confirmation or bishopping . The administration of baptisme in privat places . And The supper of the Lord in privat places . Printed anno 1636. To the Reader . YOu know ( good Reader ) if a man have a pretious Iewel , hee will bee exceeding carefull to keep it from any tash . True religion is more pretious then the most pretious jewel , it should be the breath of our nosthrils , and the ●oy of our hearts . Wee finde that in all ages the preservation of religion in puritie hath beene dearer to the godly then their very lives . As the preservation of religion in puritie hath been maintained , so hath the restauration to puritie beene purchased with the bloud of Martyres , and grievous troubles of many confessors . The reformation of the Church within this realm was not obtained without the martyrdome of some , and the hazard of the lives and estates of many other of our worthie predecessours . The temple was throughly built , and the head-stone brought foorth , with the acclamation of other reformed Churches , ( the Church of England , which as Bucerus observed in histime , standeth in the midst betwixt the Romane and reformed , only excepted ) crying Grace grace unto it . No where was the doctrine sounder , the divine worship purer , the government fitter for the building of Gods house . But of late yeares the doctrine is leavened with Arminianisme and poperie , the worship of God defiled with superstition and idolatrie , the joint government of Pastors in presbyteries , synodall and generall assemblies , with subordination of presbyteries to synods , and synods to generall assemblies , is changed into tyrannicall oligarchie : So that it may bee observed in our times to bee true , which was noted by Aventinus , to have beene done among the Popes in his time , that the same deedes are at one time branded with the mark of superstition ; and at another time set out with the glorious title of pietie , at one time attributed to Antichrist , at another time to Christ : at one time judged tyrannicall and unjust , at another time just and righteous . That which before we rejected as superstitious or idolatrous , is now called truely religious : that which before was called Antichristian and tyrannicall , is receaved now as ancient , and Apostolicall . Is it not lamentable to see that government which maintained the kingdome of Antichrist in former times , and with much paines thrown foorth , to bee reestablished . Some idle ministers , deserting their owne particular flocks , have taken upon them to bee diocesan pastors , the principall and only pastors of all the congregations within an whole diocie , to plant and transplant Ministers without consent of presbyteries , to stay their proceedings against hainous offenders , to sit as Princes amongst priests at their diocesan synods , to suspend and deprive Ministers by the power of the high Commission , without the consent of any lawfull , let bee pretended assemblie of the Church , to fine , confine , imprison Ministers , or other professours , without consent of the estates , to sit in the Checker , Counsell , Session , and to bear offices of estate , to vote in Parliament in name of the Church , without consent of the Church , many of the Ministrie repyning , and none consenting , but upon conditions and cautions which are not regarded , to send Commissioners to Court , as directed from the Clergie or Church , who return with articles in favours of Papists , or for advancement of their estate : is not the office of Deane , and election of bishops by deane and chapter , rejected as Popish by our generall assemblies , recalled again , without consent of the Church , or so much as a pretended assemblie ? Are not the best qualified exspectants debarred from entrie to the Ministrie , unlesse they subscrive such articles as the pretended bishops have devised , and others obtruded upon congregations to their great grief . Ministers are troubled by them with the acts of pretended assemblies , whereas themselves transgresse the acts of many laudable assemblie . Ministers are become dissolute , and erroneus doctrine is taught without controlement . We have cause to fear ere it be long , that sound and faithfull Ministers shall become as rare as wedges of gold . Consider further , that soone after the government was changed , idolatrous , superstitious , and ridiculous ceremonies were introduced into the worship of GOD with the five famous articles , of which we are now to treat . Moe are intended in the cannos lately ●●blished , and yet moe expected with the liturgle not yet printed : neither can wee look for an end , till the whole worship of God be defiled . And yet these ceremonies are either commended as ancient , or slighted as matters indifferent . It is called in question , if not altogether denyed , whether the Pope bee the great Antichrist or not : the possibilitie of reconciliation with Rome is maintained , and to this end erroneous points of doctrine delivered in publick , or defended in p●ivate , or our differences from the Romish church slighted as not fundamentall . Bookes of this kinde are printed with priviledge in our neighbour church , and in private commended by such amongst us , as apprehend the maintainance of this course to bee the easiest way to preferment . Doctor Francis White in his treatise of the Sabbath ranketh among the traditions of the church , the baptisme of infants , religious observation of the Lords day , the administration of baptisme , and the Lords supper in publick assemblies and congregations , the deliverie of the elements of the holy communion in both kindes , the service of the church in a known language . The Reader may finde more of this stuffe in Coz●ns devotions , in Montagues Gagg and Appeal , and in Shelfords sermons . Have wee not need to f●ar the burning of our owne house , when our neighbours house is in fire ? Have wee not greater cause to fear and bestirre our selves , when the fire hath seased upon the thack of our own house , and poysonable errours are vented amongst our selves , Do wee then complain without iust cause , or for matters of no importance ? The reconcilers cry peace , peace , but mean to peace , till wee bee at peace with Rome . The Prelates charge us with shisme and sedition , but they mean to peace without peaceable possession of their places , and obedience to their directions . They call us shismaticks , and yet cannot endure generall assemblies , the ordinarie remedie of division and shismes , as was acknowledged by the Kings Commissioners , and such as were acquainted with his Maiesties minde at Linlithgow , anno 1606. To what end was it enacted with their owne consent at Glasgow , 1610. that those who were called bishops , should be lyable to the triall and censure of the generall assemblie , for their office and benefice , life and conversation , if we have not yearly or set generall assemblies , to try them , or censure us , if we shall be found guiltie of shisme . Grievances presented by Ministers to parliam●nts , which should be the chief sanctuaries of refuge to all distressed subiects , are suppressed , and not suffered to be read in publick before the Estates : yea lawes are made in parliament concerning matters Ecclesiasticall , without the knowledge or consent of the generall assemblie , and acts of pretended assemblies are ratified , sometime made worse with omissions , additions , alterations . We want our assemblies to direct commissioners with articles , grievances , and petitions , to parliaments , conventions , court and counsell , and to treat of all the affaires of the Church : what wonder is it then that all be out of frame ? But wee are still charged with frowardnesse , that wee ever except against assemblies when wee have them . So did the Ubiquitars the Theologues in the Palatinat , Synodum appellatis , said they , & synodum detrectatis . The Theologues answered in their admonition , Hinc istae lachrymae , quod synodum ejusmodi vellent , qualem principibus praescripscrunt , in qui ipsi fuissent accusatores , ipsi judices , ipsi saltarent , ●c spectarent suam fabulam , & ipsi sibi plausum d●ent . So do wee answere to our Prelats , if they will suffer no assemblies , but such as they themselves overrule at pleasure , they can not pretend desire of peace . Wee call for no other assemblies then such as shall bee constitute according to the order agreed upon with his Majesties owne consent , in the generall assembly holden , anno 1598 , such as shall have libertie to conveen yearly , or at set times , and to treat of all affaires belonging to the Church , such as shall have freedome in their proceedings . It were dangerous to acknowledge every meeting , which claimeth to it self the name and authoritie of a generall assemblie . Can wee acknowledge that convention at Perth , anno 1618. for one of our lawfull generall assemblies ? The pretended pri●at occupied the place of the Moderator , without the election of the assembly , which was contrare to the order ever observedi●●●ur Church , even when wee had Superintendents , and contrare to the cautions agreed upon at Montross , anno 1600 , and at Linlithgow , anno 1606. These who were entituled bishops ; wanting commission from presbyteries , where they should make residence , had place to vote contrare to the cautions agreed upon at Montrose , and notwithstanding they had put in practice before kneeling , and observation of festivall dayes . Mo● ministers then three out of a presbyterie were admitted , or rather drawn to that meeting to give their voice . Some moderators of presbyteries being the bishops substituts , were admitted without commission . No Baron ought to vote according to the act made at Dundie , anno 1598 , but one out of the bounds of a presbyterie having commission . But a number were present at this assemblie , being only required by his Majesties missives ' and their voices were numbred with the rest Some minister● were the Kings pensioners , or looked for augmentation of stipends , or were threatned in privat by their diocesan bishop with deposition , or were circumveened with promises , that they should not be urged with practice . Necessitie of yeelding was urged , under no lesse danger then of the wrath of authoritie , and utter subversion of the order and state of our Church . Such as had courage to oppose , were checked , interrupted , threatned : yea , it was plainly professed , that neither reasoning nor voting should carie the matter : All the five articles were put to once voting , with this certificat , Hee that denied one should be reputed to have denied all . Much more might bee said to this purpose , but these few particulars are sufficient to justifie our exceptions against that assembly , as null in it self . Because many are desirous of information concerning these five articles enacted at this assembly , and treatises formerl● printed are become scarce , we were moved to prease throug● many difficulties to the publishing of this Re-examinatio● Here you shall finde the ab●idgement of what was w●i●ten be●fore , with a more particular reply to Doctor Lindseyes defence , than that which is in Altare 〈◊〉 , or to any objection of moment moved by Doctor Burges , or Master Pa●bodie . Doctor Forbes hath nothing but what he hath borrowed from our Doctours defence . I beseech you ( good Reader ) read and ponder without a minde preoccupied , either with fear of trouble , or hope of preferment , and submit your iudgement to the light of the truth . For that is the way to apostasie to seek for shifts and fig-tree leafes , when the truth is born in upon us . What hath made so many so unsetled in religion this day , and prone to receave Pop●ie , as the defence of the late novations with frivolous cavillation ? Men glorie now to dispute like Scepticks upon the very articles of our faith , so that they are like to lose the sense of all religion . The detaining of the truth of God in unrighteousnesse bringeth men at last to a reprobat sense . Pitie the case of our Church , which is more pitifull then in forraign parts , where the blo●de : sword rageth . For howbeit their externall peace bee troubled , yet they hold fast without backsliding . If the Lord will spew the luckwarm out of his mouth , what may backsliders look for ? Remember the words delivered by M. George Wishart , which he uttered a little before his martyrdome , God shall send you comfort after mee , This realme shall bee illuminated with the light of the gospel , al 's dearly as ever was any realme sines the dayes of the Apostles : the house of God shall bee builded in it , yea it shall not lack , whatsoever the enemie imagine in the contrare , the kaipstone , meaning , that it should once bee brought to the full perfection : Neither ( said hee ) shall the time bee long , till that the glory of God shall evidently appear , and once triumph in despite of Sathan : there shall many not suffer after mee . But , alace , if the people shall prove unthankefull , fearfull and terrible shall the plagues bee , that shell follow . By our Doctour , or L. or D. L. I mean Doctor Lindsey : by B. or D. B. Doctor Burges . by P. or M. P. Master Paybodie . OF THE COMMVNICANTS GESTVRE IN THE ACT of receaving , eating and drinking . The Introduction . MAster ●nox , one of the first and chiefe instruments of reformation of religion within this Realme , was called before the Counsell of England in the dayes of King Edward the sixt , anno 1553 and demanded , Why the kneeled not at the receaving of the Sacrament . He answered , Christs action was perfite , that it was with sitting and without kneeling , that it was surest to follow his example . After hote reasoning , it was said unto him , That he was not called before them of any evil minde , yet they were sorrie to finde him of a contrary minde to the common order . He answered , I am sorrie that the common order is contrarie to Christs ir●stitution . This I finde in one of his manuscripts . Within a yeare after , being exiled after the death of King Edward , in his Admonition d●rected to England , which was printed anno 1554 , he ranketh kneeling at the Lords table among the superstitious orders ; which prophane Christs true religion , and censureth the English reformation for retaining of it . When some of the English in the English Church at Frankford , where ●ee was Minister , contended for the receaving of the English Liturgie , he opposed stoutly to it . And when the contention was like to grow to some hight , hee and his Collegue Master Wittingham , with some others , drew forth of the English booke a plat in Latine , and sent it to Master Calvin . Howbeit the description of the corruptions was favourably set downe , yet kneeling at the receaving of the elements is noted up among the rest in that extract . Among his letters which are extant in writ , we finde one dated the yeare 1559 at Deep , and directed to Mastresse Anna Lock , where he calleth the crosse in Baptisme , and kneeling at the Lords table Diabolicall inventions . After his return to his native country , he ministred the Communion according to the order of the English church at Geneva , where he had been last Minister . This order was observed in all the reformed congregations , before the reformed religion was established by authority of Parliament , and is yet extant before the Psalmes in meeter , with addition of the treatises of fasting and excommunication , some prayers , the forme and manner of the election and admission of Superintendents . In the con●ession of faith prefixed and approved by our Church , we have these words , Neither must wee in the administration of the Sacraments follow mans phant●s●●s , but as Christ him selfe hath ordained , so must they be ministred . In the order of celebrating the Lords supper wee have these words , The exhortation being ended , the Minister commeth downe from the pulpit , and sitteth at the table , every man and woman likewise taking their place as occasion best serveth . And againe , The Minister breaketh the bread , and delivereth it to the people , who distribute and devide the same among themselfes , according to our Saviours commandment : And likewise giveth the cuppe . In the second head of the first b●oke of discipline drawne up in the first yeare of publike and universall reformation , wee have these words , The table of the Lord is then rightly min●stred , when it approacheth ne●rest unto Christs owne action . But plaine it is that at Supper Christ Jesus sate with his disciples ; and therefore doe we ●udge that sitting at a table is most convenient to that holy action . And againe , That the M●nister break the bread and distribute the same to these that be next to him , commanding the rest , every one with sobrietie and reverence to break 〈◊〉 other , we think it nearest to Christs action and to the perfite prac●ice . Yee see our first Reformers preferred 〈…〉 kneeling , but also to standing , and 〈…〉 none of them approached so 〈…〉 When they rejected standing 〈…〉 man judge what they thought of kneeling . 〈◊〉 ye may perceive that they rested upon 〈◊〉 , ●o only for a time , because of the abuse of kneeling , 〈…〉 , because most agreeable to the paterne . It was ordained in the generall assembly holden the year 1562 , That the order of Geneva be of served 〈…〉 ministration of the Sacraments . By the order of Geneva was meant the order which was observed in the English Church at Geneva , where Master Knox had beene of late Minister , which order is called in the first booke of discipline , The order of Geneva , and The book of Common order . This order , as I have already said , is set downe before the Psalmes in meeter . In the assembly holden anno 1564 Ministers are referred to the order set do , 〈◊〉 before the Psalmes , which is a renewing of the former act . In the Parliament holden the yeare 1567 it was declared , that whosoever refused to participate of the Sacraments , as they were then publikely administred in this reformed Church , were not to be reputed members of this Church . An act was likewise made concerning the Kings oath to be given at his coronation to maintain the religion then professed , and in speciall the due and right administration of the Sacraments then receaved . This act concerning the Kings oath was ratified again by acts of Parliament in the yeare 1581 , and againe in the yeare 1592. In the yeare 1572 it was ordained by act of Parliament , that such as did not communicate , and partake of the Sacraments as they were then truly ministred in the Church of Scotland , if they continue obstinate and disobedient , shall be reputed infamous , and unable to sit or stand in judgement , persue , bear office , &c. When in the second confession of faith , which is commonly called the Kings confession , we professe that we detest the ceremonies of the Roman Antichrist added to the ministration of the Sacraments , we professe we detest kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements of bread and wine . The order of celebrating the Lords supper , which hath beene receaved and observed since the beginning of reformation , and acknowledged both by generall assemblies and Parliaments , to be the due and right order , was perverted by a number of noble men , Barons , Ministers , and pretended Bishops conveened at Perth , in the yeare 1618 , either having no lawfull commission , or terrified with threats , or corrupted one way or other . They in their full and pretended assembly to please King James , made this act following , as it is extant among the acts of Parliament : Since we are commanded by God himself , that when we come to worship him , wee fall downe and kneel before the Lord our Maker , and considering withall , that there is no part of divine worship more heavenly and spirituall , then is the holy receaving of the blessed body and bloud of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : Like as the most humble and reverent gesture of the b●dy in our meditation and lifting up of our hearts best becometh so divine and sacred an action , therefore ( notwithstanding that our Church hath used , since the reformatio● of religion , to celebrate the holy Communion to the people sitting , by reason of the great abuse of kneeling used in the idolatrous worship of the Sacrament by the Papists , yet now , seeing all memorie of by-past superst●tion is past ) in rev●rence of God , and in due regard of so divine a mysterie , and in remembrance of so mysticall an union , as we are made partakers of ▪ the assembly thinketh good , that that blessed Sacrament be celebrated hereafter meekly and reverently upon their knees . This act , if the lying parenthesis were culled out , which is insert onely to deceave , may passe among Papists and Lutherans . It is untrue that all memory of by-past superstition is past , and untrue that the abuse of kneeling among the papists was the onely occasion that moved our first reformers to make choice of sitting , but the paterne of the first supper at the institution was the chiefe cause . And therefore they not only rejected kneeling , but also standing and taking in passing by , as wee have shewed before . We shall first defend the communicants sitting , and next impugne their kneeling in the act of receiving the sacramentall elements of bread and 〈…〉 we shall prove it first to be warrantable ; next , 〈…〉 downe our reasons whereupon wee 〈…〉 instituted . THE FIRST PART CONCERneth the defence of sitting . CHAP. I. That the Communicants sitting in the act of receaving eating and drinking is lawfull and warrantable . WE have the exemple of Christ and his Apostles at the first supper to warrant the communicants to sit in the act of receaving . No man ever doubted of it , till of late two or three wranglers hath called that in question , which hath been holden as an undoubted truth in all ages . After the ordinarie washing of their hands they sate downe to the first course of the paschall supper to eat the paschall lambe with the unleavened bread , then they rose againe to the washing of their feet . Thereafter they sate downe againe to the second course of the paschall supper , and did eat of a sallet made of sowre hearbs , which they dipped in a composed liquour as thick as mustard . This second course was a part of the paschall supper , as Scaliger and others of the learned prove out of the Jewish writers , and not their common and vulgar supper . M. P. yeeldeth to this , because the paschall supper was a sufficient meal of it selfe , and therefore they needed no other supper . It is clear that they sate howbeit not upright , yet leaning on their elbowes at the paschall supper . Scaliger citeth out of a booke set forth before Christs time , entituled Kidd●sh pesach , a canon for twice washing , and that kinde of sitting at the eating of the paschall supper . The Evangelists likewise make mention , that after they rose , and Christ had washed their feet , they sate downe againe . Now while they were eating after this sitting downe to the second course of the paschall supper , and consequently while they were yet sitting , Christ took bread , and gave thankes , &c. that is , he instituted , and ministred the evangelicall supper , Matth. 26. 26. Mark. 14. 22. Yea the very close or conclusion of the second course , or whole paschall supper was changed by Christ into the evangelicall supper . Luke and Paul relate that Christ tooke the cup after supper . The consecrating , breaking , and eating of the bread had interveened betweene the second course and the taking up of the cup. Therefore they might well say , After supper he tooke the cup. Yea they might have said also after supper hee tooke the bread , to wit after both the first and second course of the paschall supper , but then it must be meant immediatly , and without any other action interveening , because Matthew and Marke say , While they were eating . Hear Ba●radius a Jesuit , Howbeit the whole Sacrament was instituted after supper , yet it was instituted in the end of the supper , while as they were sitting and eating , for they did eat other meat , till the time of the institution of the heavenly food , and therefore Matthew and Marke say , That the Sacrament was inst●tute while as they were eating , for they were yet eating when the Lord tooke bread , blessed , and brake . Quamvis autem totum sacramentum post coenam institutum fuerit , in ipsius tamen coenae fine institutum est , cum adhuc discumberent & m●nducarent , Nam manducarunt cibos alios quousque ad institutionem caelestis cibi ventum est . Ideoque Mattheus & Marcus aiunt , manducantibus ipsis effectum sse hoc sacramentum . Adhuc enim manducabant cum Dominus accepit panem benedixit & fregit . Baronius the Cardinall collecteth that they were sitting , beca●se Matthew and Marke say , they were supping or eating , Vnde quod dicit Matthaeus coenantibus autem iis accepit Iesus p●nom & benedixit , & quod Marcus ait , & manduoantibus illis accepit Jesus panem & benedicens fregit , idem est acsi dixisset , recumbentibus illis . Chrys●stome likewise , that wh●le they were eating and drinking , Christ ●ooke bread . The collection is so cleare , that none either of the ancient or moderne Writers , Popish or Protestant did call it in question . In steed of many testimonies therefore I co●tent me with the old hymnes . M John Mair on Matth. 26. bringeth in an old hymne to this purpose , as followeth , Rex sedet in coena turba cinctus duodena . Se tenet in manibus , Se cibat ipse cibus . And the like we have in the Romane Rituall , In supremae nocte coenae Recumbens cum fratribus , Observata lege plenè Cibis in legalibus , Cibum turbae ducdenae , Se dat suis manibus . But it is likely , say some , when Christ gave thank●s , that he and the Apostles kneeled . I answer , There is no likelihood at all . What the Naucratits did at their idol feasts on the birth day of Vesta , or Apollo Cumaeus , is ●o matter . It is noted as singular in them , and not accordi●g to the custome of other Ethnicks . It was the custome of the Jewes to sit in time of blessing the bread and cup at the paschall supper . The words , which they used , were sooner uttered , then they could conveniently change sitting in kneeling and rise againe . We never read that the Jewes kneeled when they blessed their meat . Christ sate when he brake bread and gave thankes at Emaus . When hee sate with the multitude , which hee fed with five loaves , and two fishes he blessed the bread . P. granteth that Christ and his Apostles used the same gesture in blessing and giving thanks that hee did in receiving . Suppose they had kneeled in time of the blessing before the breaking of the bread , it would not follow , that they continued kneeling , or received the elements with that gesture . All agree , ancient and modern that they were sitting , when Christ spake to them , Haec verba ( nempe bibite ex eo omnes ) dicuntur solis Apostolis , qui tum ad mensam cum Christo sedebant , saith Bellarmine , Becanus , and others , as ye may see in the testimonies cited in this and the chapter following . The Naucratits after they had supplicated upon their knees , sate downe againe upon their feasting beds , as Atheneus reporteth . We prove also by collection from some circumstances , and the forme of the celebration , that they sat . They neither stood nor kneeled . Therefore they sate . They stood not , for the beds upon which they sate leaning on their elbowes , were so neer to the tables , that they might reach to it , so that they could not easily stand betwixt . It were ridiculous to alledge that they stood upon the beds . And Christ when he had ended , sayeth to them , Arise , let us go hence . If they had beene standing , hee could not say to them , Arise . It may bee gathered likewise that they kneeled not . 1. If there had beene a change from sitting , which was the ordinarie gesture at the Paschall supper , into kneeling a gesture of adoration at the Evangelicall supper , some of the Evangelists would have made mention of it , for they make mention of other changes . 2. If there had beene such a change , then kneeling should have beene institute , and all have sinned that have not kneeled since the first supper , which our opposits dare not affirm . To what end should the change have been made , if not that that gesture might be observed afterward . 3. The form of celebration could not comply with the gesture of kneeling : for Christ spake in an enunciative form , and not prayerwise , and the elements were carried from hand to hand , and divided by the Apostles among themselves . The distributing of the elements by the Communicants among themselves is not compatible with kneeling , a gesture of adoration which should bee directed to God. Wee conclude then with Mouline , that the Apostles continued sitting at the table to the ve●y end of the action . But say they , the site or posture of Christ and his Apostles at the first supper was lying and not sitting . Therefore their example is no warrant for sitting . I answere , it was not lying altogether , but partly sitting , partly leaning , and therefore saith Casaubone the Hebrew doctors call that posture sitting on beds . Hic situs neque plane jacentis est , neque plane sedentis : idcirco Hebraei hoc dixerunt sedere in lectis . And to this purpose he alledgeth also Ezechiel 23. 41. where the Prophet expresseth that posture by sitting in a bed . And where the scriptures speak of upright sitting as in Genes . 43. 33. Onkelos expresseth it by a word which signifieth sitting with leaning : and Iosephus in his historie by a Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying the same , as if it were indifferent which of the expressions to use for any of the formes . Christ himself while he was at table expresseth it by another word , which expresseth upright sitting , Luke 22 , 27 , and alludeth unto it in the same word , verse 30. As a man may stand upright , or stand leaning , so hee may sit upright , or sit leaning . There sitting , our sitting , and the Turkes answere analogically to other . L. at Perth assemblie confessed the two gestures were analoga . D. Mortoun confesseth it was a kind of sitting gesture . The English translators expresse it by sitting , and not by lying . Neither are the words used by the Evangelists the proper words which expresse that gesture , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Beza observeth on Matth. chap. 8. 11. M. P. pag. 69 , protesteth and witnesseth to the world , that the holdeth the gesture of sitting at the Lords table in it self lawfull and commendable . What a madnesse is it then to drive poor souls from a sure way to a dangerous and doubtsome way : In dubiis animae insistendum est in via tutiori , In all doubts of the soul we should insist in the surest way . But we shall clear the doubts , and prove it pernicious . CHAP. II. That wee are bound to sitting in the act of receaving eating , and drinking . THat the sitting of Christ and his Apostles at the first supper serveth not only for a warrant , but also for a direction to us to follow , appeareth by these reasons . First , Examples in setting down a patern , serve ordinarly for directions in times to come , if there bee not some singular occasion to hinder him that setteth downe the patern to do otherwise . D. Mortoun in his late work of the institution of the Sacrament , while as hee is maintaining Communion under both kindes , layeth downe the same rule in these words , Were it not that wee had no precept of Christ to do this , but only the example of his doing it in the first institution , this should bee a rule for us to observe it punctuallie , except in some circumstances , which onlie occasionallie & accidentallie happened therein , and therefore dar not give a non-obstant against the example of Christ as your councel of Constance hath done , and which your Iesuite also teacheth , as if the example of Christ were no argument of proof at all . Ye see he acknowledgeth the force of Christs example , even where there is not a commandement in expresse words , unlesse there bee circumstances occasionallie or accidentallie hapning therein . Moulius in his heavenlie alarum , pag. 56. saith , Christ and his Apostles sate at the table , without any kinde of adoration , and that the first institution was given for a patern , whereunto we ought to conforme . When our opposits object , that if we must imitate the patern , then we ought to celebrate in an upper chalmer , exclude women , put off and on our upper garment , wash our feet , sit leaning on beds , eat unleavened bread , with twelve in number , in the even-tide after supper . But these particulars were accidentall and occasionall , and therefore excepted in the rule , or were not in the time of the evangelicall supper . The washing of the disciples feet , the putting off and on of Christs upper garment , were ended before they sate down to the second course of the paschall supper , and consequently the second course interveened between and the evangelicall supper . The evangelicall supper being instituted after the paschall supper , to which it was to succeed , and Christs suffering so neere at hand , they might not lawfully eat leavened bread , nor at any other time eat the paschall supper , to which the evangelicall supper was to succeed , but in the evening . The Jews were commanded to eat the lamb not in the temple , but in houses ; and upper chalmers served for strangers that come to Jerusalem , as other private houses did to the inhabitants . There might not bee fewer then ten for one lamb , but their number might amount to twentie , as ●eza upon Matth. 26. 20. observeth . They might not eat the passeover but in one societie , and if two societies were in one house , they might not mixe together , as some have observed out of the Iewish Doctors . Those who eat of one lamb together , were called the sons of societie , as if wee would say Communicants at one table . There ye see , wherefore they were so few . And yet seeing there might be twentie in one societie , what warrant have we to affirme there were only twelve , to wit , the twelve apostles . The Canon of the masse sayeth , he gave to his Apostles and disciples . And by the same reason , what warrant have they to affirme that no women were present , seing the Iews among their precepts ordain that male and female celebrate the passeover rightly , ut mas & faeminae pascha rite faciant . It can not bee proved , saith Fulk , that no women were present . Yee may see his reason upon 1 Cor. 11. 23. Cassander in his tractar . de baptismo infantium , saith , that it is sufficient that they are fit for the communion , seing they appertain to the societie of the members of Christ. Satis est quod eas aplas off 〈◊〉 communion● constet , cum & ipsae ad societatem membr●●● . Christi pert n●ant . But let it be gr●●●ed , that none were present , but the Apostles , the reason may bee partly the number was sufficient to make up one societie for the lamb , partly as M. Cariwright observeth , that as other things so the holy Sacrament should not come to the church but by the hands of the Apostles . Their manner and kinde of sitting with leaning on the left elbow was the forme observed among the Jewes at their common feasts , and at the paschall supper , by reason of the paschall canons , because it was the most solemne time the Jewes had . So all the particular instances above mentioned were only occasionall and accidentarie , falling out by reason of the paschall supper , which might not lawfully or conveniently bee changed , yea at whatsoever time it had beene celebrate , some circumstances might occurre , which belong not to the action , as at every action there occurre individuall circumstances , as time and place , nothing belonging to that action except it be so appointed . The Rhem●sts ( sayeth M. Cartwright ) assigne things done in the Lords supper some impossible to bee done by us , some inconvenient to bee done in our sacrament , which were necessarlie done in that action of our Saviour Christ. Their sitting might easily have beene changed in kneeling , and verie commodiously , seing they sate upon beds leaning on their elbowes , yet Christ would retaine the same gesture at the evangelicall supper which they used at the paschall . But at the institution of the first passeover the Jews stood , and yet afterward they sate , as ye see here , Christ and his Apostles sate . As they changed their standing at the first supper , which was their paterne , why may not we likewise change sitting into kneeling ? I answer , when standing is changed in sitting , it is not changed into a gesture of adoration , as when sitting is changed into kneeling , which is no gesture for a feast . Next , it cannot be proved , that the people of God stood at the first passeover in the judgement of sundrie of the learned ; let be at the rest following as P. acknowledgeth , pag. 57. Howbeit L. pag. 68. affirmeth that they stood . There is neither expresse mention made of their standing , howbeit every ceremonie be set downe punctuallie , nor can it be collected by necessarie consequence , saith Barradius . But let it passe as undoubted , yet it was extraordinarie , and for that night only to signifie their hastie departure out of Egypt . All the Hebrew Doctours both ancient and moderne with full consent deliver , that the commandement of sprinkling the doore posts with bloud , putting on shoes , gird●ng up the loins , tak●ng staves in their hands , and eating the lambe with h●ste , was not to be extended to the following ages , but belonged only to that night that they were to depart out of Egypt . If standing had beene commanded , and that for times to come as well as for that night , the Jewes had transgressed in sitting , and Christ would not have applied himself unto their custome . Next , it appeareth that sitting was the ordinarie gesture used at all religious feasts . The Gentiles no doubt borrowing their custome from the people of God , sate at their feasts made of the remainder of the sacrifices offered to their idols , Amos 2. 1 Corin. 8. 10. to professe their communion and society , with their idol , or fellowship with devils , as the Apostle calleth it , 1 Corin. 10. 20. The Ethnikes sate not at the altars of their Gods , but at tables in the idol chappel . Ethnicos insuis altaribus bibisse ne quidem fando auditum est , Alstedius in supplemento tom . 4. Paustrat●e cap. 10. The Lord instituting his supper to be the only religious feast to be used in the Christian Church , observed the same gesture , which was used at the paschall supper , and other religious feasts . So that the using of this gesture at the first supper , was as it were a ratification , that the common and ordinarie gesture of religious feasts should not be altered at this feast . Further , seeing this supper was in forme of a banquet , and represented another spirituall banquet , as sitting is the usuall gesture at banquets or feasts , even when men are invited by kings , in token of that familiar societie wherewith they are honoured , so it represents that which is answerable the familiarity of the soule with Christ at the spirituall banquet . Christ intended not only to represent unto us our spirituall nouritour , for then it had sufficed he had given the signes any way without a table , without dividing and distributing among themselfes , without sitting , but in celebrating after this manner , in speciem convivii , as Piscator termeth it , he intended further then to represent spirituall nourishment , to wit societie and fellowship with him , and that he was to sup and feast with us , as it is said , Revel . 3. 20. Coenam Domini esse convivium v●lepulum liquet exeo quod d●scipuli de pane illo ederunt , & de po●ulo illo biberunt acc●mbentes simul ad mensam , Piscator in Matth. 26. in observat in vers . 26. & seqq . Kneeling obscureth that familiarity and rejoycing , which the Lordwould have signified and sealed at that time . The Polonian Baron Johannes Alasco , maintaineth further , That our sitting eating and drinking at the communion table is a figure and representation of our sitting at the heavenly . Musculus saith , That this supper is a type of the supper to come . Aqu●nas saith , it is not only a signe commemorative of Christs passion , which is past , and demonstrative of a present benefite , but also 〈◊〉 futurae gloriae ; A foreshewing signe of our glorie to come . Christ himselfe expresseth our peaceable fruition of the joyes of heaven by sitting with Abraham , Is●ac , and Jacob , in the kingdome of heaven , Matth. 8. 11. Alluding to feasts , where the feasters feasted at one table , sitting leaning on beds , as here at Christs supper . In another place he bringeth in Lazarus resting in Abrahams bosome ; Luke 16. that is sitting at the heavenly table , and leaning upon Abrahams bosome after the same manner that Iohn lay on Christs bosome , when he sate at this table , Iohn 16 And Christ himself while hee was at table promised to his Apostles that they should eat and drink at his table in his kingdome , and sit upon twelve throns , Luke 22. 30. Hee hath slender affection to the glory of Christ , or persuasion of his eternall felicitie , that would abolish out of the kirk that image of our eternall felicitie in the celestiall glory to co ●e , which is so much recommended unto us by Christ himself our Lord , by the symbole of sitting at a banquet to the unspeakable comfort of all the faithfull , saith Alasco . It followeth , that Christ precept Hoc facite , do this , comprehendeth sitting , as if Christ should have said , Celebrate this holy ordinance after the same manner as yee have now seen the patern set before your eyes , that is as a feast or banquet with the formes yee have now seene , sitting , eating , drinking , distributing ▪ &c. Time and place were not comprehended , because they were more circumstances or occasionall . But gestures are meere then meere circumstances , as M. P. pag. 34. confesseth : and a a sutable gesture for a feast was chosen by Christ , whereunto he was not forced through necessitie . Iohn Alasco presseth this precept for sitting in speciall , both in the former work , and in book de ●acramentis . Hoc faci●e . Ad totam illam actionem hoc referendum est , ut qued tum Christus cum discipulis fecit , itidem nos in sacris coetibus factitemas , & quemadmodum discipul● in illa ipsa vespera dispositi ab ipso Christo hoc acceperunt sacramentum , ita & nunc d●sponam is , saith Marlorat . in . 1. Cor. 11. It appeareth thirdly by the practise of the Apostolicall kirks , observing still this gesture , howbeit other circumstances of time and place and other things , which fell out occasionally at the first supper are not regarded . Their practise may be a commentarie to the precept Do this , that wee may take up what is comprehended under it . Howbeit Christ had not said Hoc facite , Do this , his example in setting down the patern , and put in practise by the Apostles afterwards , is equivalent to a precept : Christi & Apostolorum exempla sunt n●strum exempla●●exemplar autem rei faciendae probat rem esse praeceptam & necessariam . Christ himself after hee was sitting at table in Em●us with the two disciples , Luke 24. 30. hee took bread , blessed it , brake it , and gave to them . This place is interpreted by sundrie ancients and moderne of the breaking of the sacramentall bread , which may be granted without any vantage to the Papists for communicating in one kinde , because the example is extraordinarie : and by the Hebrew phrase of breaking of bread synecdochically may bee meant the whole supper . M. P. thinketh likewise , that it is like , this breaking of bread was sacramentall : but , saith hee , the sitting was onlie occasionall . But there was no occasion to hinder him to use another gesture , when hee come to that action . Yee see then in the judgemeut of all the interpreters , who expound this place of the sacrament of the supper , that Christ celebrate this sacrament , while he and his disciples were sitting , and used no other gesture , but that which they had used at their ordinary eating before . It is obiected , that the Apostle in the rehearsall of the words of the institution , 1 Cor. 11. maketh no mention of sitting . I answer , that the Apostle rehearseth not all that was requisite for the celebration of the supper . His chief purpose was to correct the abuse of the Corinthians , that is , their not staying upon other ; For the Lord that night he was betrayed said to all his disciples conveened together , Take ye , eat ye , drinke ye all of this . Illa coena ( Christi ) omnes commun ver accumbentes habuit . That supper had all sitting in common together , saith Chrysostome , rebuking such as neglected to communicat with the poore . O●●umenius hath the like . This is not to eat the Lords supper , he meaneth that supper , wh●ch Christ delivered , when all his disciples were present . For in that supper the Lord and all his servants sate together . Hierom in 1 Cor. 11. The Lords supper ought to be common to all , because he deliver●d the sacraments equally to all his disciples that were present . It was not the Corinthians fault that they sate ●t table , but that neither at their common meats , nor at the Lords table would they sit together , but sorted themselfes in factions and companies , saith D. ●ilson in his book of obedience . And again , Saint Paul , as Chrysistome thinketh , brought the table and supper , where the Lord himself was , and ●t which his d●sc●ples sate , for an example to shew them , that that is rightly judged to be the Lords supper , [ quae omn●bus simul convocatis concordi●er & commun●ter sumitur ] which is received in common , and with one consent of all assembled together . The Apostle saith not , I deliver to you here all that I receaved of the Lord , but I have received of the Lord , that which I have delivered unto you . The Apostle presupposeth a lawfull minister , a table , and sitting at the table , and rehearseth only Christs actions , and his words uttered to communicants sitting at that table together , bidding them all eat , drink , &c. conveened together . Not yet all his actions and words , as giving of the bread , blessing of the cup , either severally or conjunctly with the bread , and the precept , to drink all of it . Ipsi et am Evangel stae mutuo inter se supplev●sse leguntur , quae ab e●rum aliquo vel aliquibus sunt om● ssa . The Evangel●sts themselses supply mutually , what is omitted by any of the rest , saith Innocentius 3 in the Decretals . There was but one action , saith Casaubon , which consisted of the holy and common banquet , and from the nobler pa●t was called the supper of the Lord. Totam illam Corinth . orum actionem , quae sacro & communi convivio constabat , a potiori parte vocat coenam dominicam . The love-feast then and the Lords supper went together , the love-feasts in these times preceeding , and the Lords supper immediately following . For as Estius a professour in Doway reasoneth . It is likely that in imitation of Christs example at the first supper , they celebrat after the love-feast . Next , they stayed not upon other at the commoun supper , which could not have beene , if they had communicated together before , as the Greek fathers conceave , who are of the other opinion . Thirdly , the Apostle putteth them in minde of triall before , and good behaviour . If these abuses had fallen forth after , the Apostles exhortation had not beene so pertinent . Fourthly , this opinion is confirmed by the custome , which was observed after in many Churches , even till Augustinus dayes . Will●ts in his synopsis . pag. 677. In the end of those feasts they used to r●ceave the sacrament . Cornelius a Lapide a Professour in Lovane affirmeth likewise , that the love-feast preceeded the holy supper . Agape haec tempore Paule fiebat ante non post sacram synaxin . Druthmarus who wrote about the yeare 800. saith , that the Apostles celebrated after meat , as Christ did : Fe●●runt autem Apostoli multo tempore similiter post alium elbum dominicum fumentos . D. Bilson saith likewise , by Saint Pauls words , it should appear , the communion was distributed to them after meals , but ( saith he ) to us it is all one , whether before or after at their banquets and feasts it was ministred and even served at the●r t●bles , ●s Augustine noteth , epist. 118. And againe , Because these brotherly repasts did either end or begin with the Lords supper , they could not devide themselfes each from other , and disdaine the poore at the●r common meat , but they must off●r the same abuse at the Lords supper , which was m●nistred to them as they sate at the●r tabl●s immediatly before or af●er their usuall and corporall refreshings . M. P. a la ●e champion for kneeling , thinking it likely that Christ ministred the sacrament at Emaus hath this observation . Hereupon I thinke together with the institution it selfe , after supper were grounded the love-feasts , by continued occasion whereof , the disciples might possiblie for a time use sitting in the very act of receiving . D. Downame Bishop of Derrie confesseth sitting to receave the sacrament to have beene used in the Churches in the Apostles times . I passe by the names of Table , and Supper , and breaking of bread , and the opposition made by the Apostle betwixt communicating at the Lords table , and sitting at the tables of Idols , which may import this gesture , because I will have occasion to treat of them in the second part . Only let it be observed that the occasionall circumstances of the first supper were not followed as the gesture was , but upon speciall occasion . By the practise of the Apostles , wee see the time was indifferent , Act. 2. and 20. Neque Apostoli ad tempus vespertixum sese adstrinxerunt , sedipro o● asione coenam administraru●t , aliàs d●urno tempore , 〈◊〉 lege●e est , Act. 2. 46. aliàs intempesta nocte ut , Act. 20. quo pacto satis ostenderunt tempus c●enae esse indi●●e●ens . As for the denomination of supper , it doth not import , that we should celebrat ever at night . It is true , in our language this word Supper signifieth only the evening meal , but the originall word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifieth indefinitly the repast that a man take●h any time of the day . The proper Greek word for a supper is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I referre the Reader for further clearing of this point to C●saubon his exercitations . The like may be said of the number , the sex , the parlour , the manner of sitting , &c. They were not continued by the Apostolical Churches , as sitting was , which was also continued at some times , and in some places in the ages following . CHAP. III. That sitting in the act of receaving hath continued to our times . HOwbeit the supper of the Lord soone after the Apostles dayes began to bee stained with some rust , as M. Calvine observeth , yet was this gesture of sitting continued at some times , namely upon the Thursday , which is now called Maundie thursday , the day of the Lords supper , because upon that day the Lords supper was f●rst celebrate , and institute . Mornaeus reporteth that in the monasteries of S. Bennet , they have no other forme of Masse for three dayes before Easter , but this following . The Abbot sanctifieth the bread and the wine , and the Monks do communicate sitting , receaving the elements out of the Abbots hand , and this forme is by them called Mandatum , the commandement . But Bullinger more plainlie , that not only in the monasteries of the Benedictines , but also in the cathedrall kirks upon this day the tables are set in order , they sit downe , break bread , and reach the cup every one to other , every man following the footsteps of the ancient supper . Vnde nimirum ritus ille ad nos d●manavit , quo vel hodie incathedralibus ecclestis , & in Monasteriis Benedict ●orum ●n die coenae Domini ante parasceuen , Coe●●a Do●i●● palam & splendidius celebratur . Nam Evangelium Iohannis à diacono publice praelegitun , & dulcissima c●llo ●uia Christ 〈◊〉 abiturus cum discipulis habuit , recita●●ur , i●terim or 〈◊〉 disposi is mensis convivae assident , panem azymum frangen es , & calioem invicem propinantes , & in to●um veteris coenae vestigium praeferentes . Now it was the custome of old , not onlie for the Monks , but also other Christians to communicate upon this day , except offenders , as appeareth evidently in Gratians decree . And therefore the glosse both old and new upon that place , hath these words , Sic olim , modo non sic est , sed Monachi faciunt , that is , It was so of old , that the faithfull did communicate , but it is not so now , only the Monks doe it . Augustine epist. 18. ad Ianuarium reporteth , that in his time the custome was in many kirks to communicate after supper upon Thursday . And whereas there is sundrie Canons for communicating fasting , yet that anniversarie Thursday was excepted , as yee may see in Conc●l . Carthag . 3. can . 31. Ne Sacramenta altaris , n●si a jejunis hominibus celebrentur , excepto uno die ann●versario , quo coena Domini celebratur . What the Monks of S. Bennets order retained , wee may verie well judge it to have beene the auncient forme of celebration upon that day . For no doubt in that other Christians celebrated after meat which they needed not , they neglected not sitting and distributing . The two thousand souldiers , who were reconciled to the Emperour Mauritius , about the year 590. by the travell of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch , receaved the Sacrament sitting upon the ground , as Euagrius reporteth . Doctor Lindsay alledgeth the like done to the Scottish armie at Bannockburn , in the dayes of King Robert Bruce . But beside this day , which was called Coena Domini , that all the faithfull did communicate , wee finde that at other times also the people communicated in sundrie places immediatly after meat , as Socrates reporteth of the Aegypt●ans , who dwelt neere to Al●xandr●a , and the inhabitants of Thebais , Nam ubiepulati sunt , & var●is cibariis se satur●runt sub vesperam oblatione fact a mysteriis communicant , Ni●ephorus reporteth the same . Balsamo upon the 90 〈◊〉 of Concilium Trullanum saith , the devoter sort upon Saturday at midnight fate in the kirk and communicate . Alexander de Holes in the second part of his tractat . concerning the Masse , sayeth , The Pope communicateth sitting in remembrance , that the Apostles at the last supper communicated sitting . Si quaeratur quare Dominus Papa sed endo communicat , Potest dici quod hoc fit in recordation●m , quod ●eatus Petrus , & alii Apostoli , sedendo corpus Domini in coena ultima acceperunt . The Waldens●s , who are justly called the pure seed of the auncient kirk , and have continued since the dayes of Pope Silvester , some think from the dayes of the Apostles , saith Rainerius the Inquisitor , and their enemie , celebrated the Communion sitting . Concern●ng the supper of the Lord their faith was , that it was orda●n●d to be eaten , and not to bee shewed or worshipped , for a memoriall , not for a sacrifice : to serve for the present ministration , and not for reservation , to be received at table , and not to be carried out of doores , according to the use of the primitive Church , when they used to communicat sitting , and this they prove by an old Chronicle called Chronica gestorum , saith Master Fox in his acts and monuments . His warrant I finde in their apologie against one Doctour Augustine , which is extant in Lydii Waldensia , Existo manifestum est , quod primitiva ecclesia hane fidem habuit , & illam , confessa est , & non fecit reverentiam hu●c sacramento , quia illo tempore exemplo Christi sedentes statim acceperunt & nihil retinuerunt , nec extra domum extulerunt , & haec institutio di●stetit , sicut Chronica gestorum estendunt . The like they have in the confession of their faith sent to Vladiflaus king of Hungarie . Namque discipulis Christus discumbentibus dedie utendum . Luther expounding the epistle upon Saint Stephens day , saith , Christ so instituted the sacrament , that in it wee should sit at the sacrament . But all things are changed , and the idle ordinances of men , are come in place of divine ordinances . Zwinglius setting downe the forme of c●lebration used at Berne , Zurick , Basile , and other neighbour townes , saith , Sedentes & tacite auscultantes verbo Domini edimus & bibimus coenae sacramentum : Sitting and harkning with silence to the word of the Lord , wee eat and drink the sacrament of the supper . Alas●o I have cited already . Not only the strangers Churches at London in his time communicated sitting , but even to this day other Churches in the Low countries , &c. Other Churches as in Pole such as adheered to the confession of Hel●etia sate , as we may see in Confensus Poloniae . Standing about the table may consist with the distribution of the elements by the communicants , but in regard by it is pretended more reverence , the gesture of sitting is indirectly taxed , and that pretended reverence taketh away that representation of familiar f●llowship , whereof sitting is a more lively representation , seeing standing is not the usuall and ordinarie gesture at civil feasts . Communicating in passing by doth not only indirectly take sitting , but taketh away the ●oresaid distribution , Of which more afterward . THE SECOND PART . Concerning the unlawfulnesse of kneeling in the act of receaving , &c. CHAP. I. Kneeling in the act , &c. not warranted by the example of Christ and his Apostles . WE should ( as we said before ) take us in all doubts to the surest way . Our warrant for sitting can not be doubted of . We have the example of Christ and his Apostles , and the practice of the apostolicall Church for warrant to sit , but not to kneel . When Christ himselfe ministred and was present , the Apostles kneeled not . Though the Apostles did not alwayes worship Christ while he was present , especially being occupied in cruell and common acts , yet upon extraordinary occasions they and others worshipped him , Matth. 8. 2. and 9. 18. and 14. 33. and 20. 20. Luke 5. 8. Ioh. 9. 38. Nor yet directed any outward adoration to God the Father . Though they were sitting at supper , yet they m●gh●s●on have changed their gesture , especially seeing the leg●ll supper was finished , and Christs Supper began , saith W●ll●ts , pag. 648. They who receave , as is commanded , w●thou● adoration , are secure that they depart not from Gods commandement , then the which securit●e there can bee nothing be●ter , when wee intrepris● any thing . Th●y have the example of the Apostles , whom wee read not to have adored prostrate , but as they were sitting they receav●d , a●d did eat . They have the pract●se of the Apostol●ck Churches , where it is declared , that the Faithfull did communicate , not in adoration , but in breaking of bread , saith Calvine . Beza in his disput against Iodocus Harchius saith , So l●ke , as when the Lord truely to bee adored as God and man , at table did inst●tute this holy supper , that the Disciples arose to the end , that falling upon their knees , they might receav● that bread and wine out of his hand . And so lik● as the Ap●s●les were ignorant how to deliver to the Churches the mann●r how to celebrate these holy mysteries . It is known well enough , that the Love feasts could hardly , or sca●ce a●●ll ●dmit g●niculation . Agapa● quidem certe constat 〈…〉 quidem geniculationem admississe . Hospi●nsa 〈…〉 The Waldenses in the apologie above 〈…〉 hujus testimonio est , quod Dominus noster Iesu● C●ristus sedentibus ded●t , & successores longo tempore per domos fregerunt panem , & acceperunt cibum cum benedictione , & non fecerunt reverentiam . CHAP. II. Kneeling in the act of receaving is not sutable with the forme of a banquet , or use of a supper-table . THis holy action is denominate the Lords table , and the Lords supper , from the use of the one , and formes of the other . Wonderfull is the subtilitie of our Doctor , who answereth , that the sustaining of meat set on the table is the only use of a table , but of beds and furmes to sit upon . Wee say , this also is the use of a table , that the guests , or persons invited may sit at and about it , and partake of the meat set upon the table . Otherwise , if there bee no use of a table but to set meat upon it , a dressour or a cupboord may bee called a table . Whereas they say , the altar is called the table of the Lord Malach. 1. and yet none did sit at it . True and so do the Papists also call the lid of their altar a table . But it is plain wee speak of a supper or feasting table . The Altar is called the Lords table , because the Lords meat , ( Levit. 22. 25. ) that which was burnt with fire in oblation to GOD , was consumed on it . But the Lords supper is called the Lords table , because our Lord and Saviour appointed it for his guests , whom he inviteth to it . So the table of the shew bread might bee called the Lords table , but not in our sense , not a supper or feast table , and therefore impertinentlie alleadged by L. pag. 54. Kneeling is a gesture more agreeable to the Popish altar , where the Priests beside communicated kneeling , then with a feast table wherewith it agreeth not at all . Wee have put down altars , saith Alasco , and use a table , because it agreeth better with a supper , and the Apostle hath given the title of a table to denom●nate the Lords supper . And again , The termes Supper , and Table of the Lord , ver●e familiar with the Apostle Paul , seeme to require sitting rather then standing , kneeling , or passing by . Where the Apostle saith , Yee cannot partake of the table of the Lord , and the table of devils : Our Doctor saith , there is no materiall and artificiall table to be understood , but things offered to Idols in the one speach , and Christs bodie and blood in the other . But both are to bee understood : for meat offered to Idols can not bee called the table of devils , unlesse there had beene a materiall table , upon which the meat was set . The Apostle telleth us , that they sate at these tables in the Idols chappels , 1 Cor. 8. 10. The Idolaters had a table , whereon they eated the remainder of the sacrifice , which was offered upon the Altar , as the Iewes had , Habebant Iudiei primum altaria ubi sacrificabant , deinde mensa● , quas instr●ebant reliquiis ob●●i jam sacrificis , atque in illis mensis epulabantur , saith Zanchius , tom . 4. col . 466. See Tilenus , Willets , and Cornelius à ●ap●de , a Popish writer upon 1 Cor. 10. 21. and 1 Cor. 8. 10. So the by table of the Lord must likewise bee understood , not the bare elements , or as the Doctor speaketh , the bodie and blood of Christ in the sacrament , but with all a materiall table . And Beza out of the same verse , 1 Cor. 10. 21. inferreth , that in the primitive Church they had materiall tables , and not altars . Willets inferreth the like in his Synopsis . The Lords supper then is called the Lords table , by a trope called Metonymia subjecti , because the elements were set on the table , when Christ said , This cup ( meaning the wine which was in the cup ) Is the new testament in my blood , the metonymicall speach importeth necessarlie , that hee had a materiall cup in his hand , when hee uttered these words . But saith the Doctour it was possible for a man to sit at both the materiall tables . It is true , if ye look to abilitie and not to right or warrant , Ad possibilitatem facti non juris . Apostolis demonstrat . Corinthios bona conscientia non posse esse participes conviviorum idolatricorum , quippe qui participes esse soleant coenae Domini , A●stedius in supplimente . pag. 45. Wee require not of necessitie an artificiall table of timber consecrated , and set apart for that use only . A bull hide or a plot of ground may serve in time of necessity , and answereth analogically to a standing table , as the plot of ground did , whereabout the multitude sate in rowes by fifties and fifties , Mark 6. Neither do wee stand upon the fashion , whither it be long or round . We looke to the use more then to the matter o● fashion , and require , that the Communicants alwayes sit tablewise , that they may observe the forme of a feast . The Ethnicks of old thought the Gods were present , when they feasted at their ta●les . Ante foces ●lim longis considere mensis M●s erat & mensae credere ad●sse deus . The Poets bring in sometime their Gods feasting 〈◊〉 their tables . The Jewes say , That when some alter●a●●●n arose in the house of Ishbosheth the sonne of Saul , the servant incontinent spread the table , and the alteration ceased . There is a noble saying of Bensyra , Mensa parata sive posita contentio tollitur . Men●am & salem non transgredi , was an old proverbiall speach importing , that the table , was , and should be a band of fellowship . The other denomination importeth , that this holy action was celebrat , as a supper or in forme of a feast or 〈◊〉 . Piscator saith , That the holy supper was so institued , and at the first time so celebrated by our Lord and his disciples , while they sate together at table , that it had the ●●ew or resemblance of a banquet , Ita ut haec actio habuerit 〈◊〉 convivit , imò fuerit convivium , sed sacrum , & 〈◊〉 divin● ca●se , & ad piorum c●nsolationem institu●●m . Plessie saith likewise , That of old , and not at the 〈◊〉 only , this sacred supper was celebrated in the for●e of a banquet . 〈◊〉 sacrum coenam o●im c●nvivii instar , in quo discumbeba●ur , celebratam , cujus etiamnum 〈…〉 norum mandato vestigium . The Waldenses 〈…〉 the supper in forme of a banquet , saith their ene●● Hayneri●s . Now the forme of a feast or banket 〈…〉 not kneeling . None entertaineth men after that 〈…〉 Alasco , tbat they who are invited to a banquet 〈…〉 standing , walking , or kneeling , but they will the 〈…〉 at table , that all may eat together with repose of 〈◊〉 ●nd minde . They use to cause servants stand , or walke ●●●hout the table , not these who are invited . Kneeling is not a gesture which hath beene used at feasts or banquets , but ra●her a gesture of supplicants . Plessie , ye see , saith , Conviv●i instar in quo discumbebatur . They say , It may be called a supper in respect of the thing signified , whereof the soules of the faithfull are partakers . This is just the Jesuits answer , for the bread without the cup ; But is not the spirituall supper represented by the externall resemblance of a supper . Sacramentu● hoc nego dici convivium ratione rei ipsius significatae , sed ratione significationis sumptae a rebus visbiilibus , saith Cham●er de ●ucharist . lib. 8. cap. 6. num . 26. It may be called a supper rightly , howbeit it resemble not a supper in all things . Neither do we require all the formes used at common feasts , but these which Christ the Institutour and master of the feast thought sufficient . And this is likewise an answer to that which they alledge for other religious feasts , that they kneeled not at the eating of the passeover , because it was coena recta a full meale , and indured a good space , but the action of the communicant is soone dispatched . For it is not the length or shortnesse of time , that we consider so much as the forme of a feast , whereunto the gesture of kneeling is not suteable . The same formes , which were used at the close of the paschall supper , were used at this , with a little change . Further , they kneeled not at any part of the paschall supper , no not when the cuppe of praise was reached from hand to hand , which was done in a very short time , or when the bread was eaten in the quantity of an olive , and lesse then an egge . We desire this to be observed throughout all this dispute , that if wee will speake not in the termes invented by men , as to receave or give the sacrament or eucharist , but in scripture language , as to celebrate the Lords supper , to partake of the Lords table , to come together to breake bread , Act. 2. 46. Act. 20. 7. the weaknesse of all arguments for kneeling will appear more clearly , and on the other side , the pith of our arguments for a table gesture , namely sitting . The ancient Doctours , saith Moulins , had done better , if they had held themselves to the termes expressed in God● word : for they had not by this meanes ( though besides their meaning ) opened the doore to this a buse , giving example to others which came after them , to invent other new names lesse proper , and to pluck away from this sacrament the inscrtption , which served to shew the nature thereof , for the small●st faults can Satan manage with dexterity , and by the least sparkes in a small time kindle a great fire . But , saith he , the manner of speach usuall among the Apostles , to wit , to come together to break bread , is become foolish and vaine in this age . It were harsh language to use these phrases ; They brake bread together kneeling , they compassed the table of the Lord kneeling , they celebrate the supper of the Lard kneeling . To shu●t this harshnesse , the common phrases are , to receave the sacrament , or eucharist , or sacramentall elements kneeling . CHAP. III. The distribution of the elements by the Communicants among themselfes excludeth kneeling in the act of receaving . TO kneel for adoration , and to breake and distribute the bread , and reach the cup from hand to hand , are not compatible . Nor was it ever heard that the like was practised in any part of the world , but where Doctour Lindsey hath beene , that is , at Dundy , as appeareth , pag. 63. But what is absurd or grosse in that mans eyes ? Can the Communicant be both adoring God upon his knees , and at that very instant be reaching the elements to his brother likewise kneeling and adoring . Ye have heard out of Culvine before , that the faithfull in the Apostolical Churches did not communicate with adoration , but breaking of bread , as if adoration and breaking of bread could not consist together . We shall have occasion againe to treat more of confusion of actions , or different acts and parts of Gods worship . Christ reaching the cup to his disciples , commanded them to divide it among them , Luk. 22. 17. This cup is the evangelicall cup , or which is all one , the last paschall cup changed into the evangelicall . Luke applieth Christs protestation , that he would drinke no more of the fruite of the vine , &c. to the cup , which he commanded them to divide among themselfes . But that protestation is applied to the communion cuppe by Matthew and Mark , who make mention only of the cup of the Lords supper , in the verses immediatly preceeding . If it had not beene the communion cup , how could Christ protest , that he would drinke no more of the fruite of the vine in this life , if he was to drinke incontinent after of the communion cup , as they oppose the paschall cup to the evangelicall . Cyprian by this protestation proveth that vine was in the cuppe , Epist. 63. ad Coecilium . Hierom saith , Christ was both Conv●va & convivium , the fellow-feaster , and the feast it selfe ; commedens , & qui comedi ur , one who did eat , and was eaten . The old hymne beareth the same , Se nascens dedit socium , convescens in edulium . See another hymne to the same purpose cited before . Clemens Alexandrinus disputing against the Euc●atits , who abhorred wine , proveth , that Christ himself drank wine , by this , that he dranke of this cuppe . When the Schoolmen would prove , that wine was one of the elements at the evangelicall supper , they cannot finde a 〈…〉 all the Evangelists , but in this protestation . I thinke there is no man will deny that wine was in the cup , saith Museulus , seeing the Lord said , Matth. 26. Luk. 22. That he would drinke no more of the fruit of the w●ne . Fulk 〈◊〉 , The demonstrative pronoune This , Mat●h . 26. 29. declareth that he spake of the wine in his hand , tha● is , of the communion cuppe . Dominus etiam in●nducavit , utest communis sententia , saith Bellarmine de euchar . ●t . lib. 4. cap. 16. Further Christ in his protestation alludeth to the Canon or custome of the Jews . forbidding to taste of any thing after the last cup , which was called the cup of praise . Alludit ad morem quo nefas crat post poculum illud apolyticon quicquam cibi in posterum diem 〈◊〉 , saith Beza . Theobaldus Meuschius proveth likewise by this custome of the Jewes , that this protestation concerned the communion cup. To imagine that Christ protested twice , and that he bad devide the one , and not the other , is a fiction without any ground in the text . For none of the Evangelists make mention of two protestations , or to what end two , seeing the last paschall cuppe and the evangelicall was all one , the one being changed in the other . Or to what end should he have bidden them devide the paschall cup more then the evangelicall . And if there were two protestations for two severall cuppes , the later should have crossed the former . Vasquez proveth by this protestation , that Luke meant only of one cup , howbeit he maketh mention of it twice , that it was in the communion cup , that the protestation containeth the cause , wherefore he willed them to drinke of it , and devide it among them , because now at his last farewell , he would testifie his love to them , and joyne them in mutuall love to other . Ipsos inter●e mut●a charitate conjungeret , dum ex eodem calica eis propinaret . Another reason , that the cup , which Christ commanded them to divide , was the communion cup , is , that he gave thanks ; when he tooke it in his hand . Matthew and Mark refer the thanksgiving to the communion cup. Luke therefore , maketh no mention of this thanksgiving , when he maketh mention of the cup the second time , because he had made mention of it before ; But useth an article referring to that cup , of which he had made mention before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Euthymius hath observed . Luke then by way of anticipation , before he come to the order of the institution , bringeth in Christ protesting in the 17. verse , that the protestation of not drinking more , may be joyned with the protestation of not eating more , preceeding in the former verse . Therefore when he commeth to the order of the institution , vers . 20. he omitteth the protestation and thanksgiving , which are recorded by other Evangelists , because he made mention of them before , vers . 17. and 18. This anticipation or inversion of order in the Evangelist Luke , was observed by Augustine and Euthymius , Barradius the Jesuit , Jansenius , and Swarez . Meuschius observeth other inversions in the same chapter . For Judas went out immediatly after he got the sop , and consequently before the evangelicall supper . And yet Luke maketh mention of his going out after he hath set downe the evangelicall supper . Beza conjectureth , that through the negligence , and caresesnesse of writers of manuscripts , the verses have beene transposed , and not by the Evangelist himselfe , and that the 19. and 20. verses should be subjoyned to the 16 , and that the 17. and 18. verses should be subjoyned to the 19. and 20. Me●schius saith , It is likely , yea , almost necessary to thinke , that the 17. and 18. verses were taken out of the institution of the supper which followeth , and placed here by the negligence of Scribes . Verisimile igiturest & prope necessarium hos versiculos ex sacrae coenae inst . tutione huc esse à scribis trajectos . I might , if it were needfull , cite moe testimonies , that the protestation concerned the communion cup , and consequently that Christ bad them devide it , but the reasons I have brought are of themselfes snfficient to evince it . And L. doth not gansay it . But yet , saith he , Christs meaning was not , that they should reach the cup to other , but that one should not drinke all out . This silly shift he hath borrowed from Bellarmine de eu●haristia lib. 4. cap. 25. B●canus de 〈◊〉 sub utraque specie . c. 10. hath the same . Will he have the first set downe the cup that the next may take it . But this is ridiculous or superstitious , not accipere , but sumere . Nor yet gave hee to every one the cuppe out of his hand , which had beene sufficient for parting of it , if no further had beene intended , but only to the first , the first reached it to the second , and so sorth , saith Hospinian . So saith Piscator on Matthew 26. So saith Swarez the Jesuit , speaking of the cup , Fuit per 〈◊〉 as Ap●stolorum manus ab uno ad al●um delatus . And so saith Bellarmine , Calicem autem n●n fregit , nec d●v●sit ipse discumbentibus , sed dedit integrum ● unus alteri porrigeret . The last paschall cup it selfe ; which was changed into the evangelicall , was reached from hand to hand . Christ then devided it not , but bad them devide it among themselfes , as the manner was at the paschall , and is usuall at common feasts . To drinke of one cup , representeth fellowship in one common benefite , but not that communieation of mutu●ll love and amity , which is represented by reaching the same cup to other . The guests at civil banquets of old , entertaining others courteously , reached a cuppe of wi●e to others , which cappe they called philotefia , metonymica●●y , because it was a symbole of love or fr●endship , which name any man may justly impose upon the cup of the hol . supper of the Lord , saith Stu●kius . In iis eaim , amicitiae ergo humanite●se mut●● accipi●n●es , vini calicem sibi invicem porrigeb●●● , quem philo●esiam appella●an , metonym ce nimirum , quia symbolum erat amoris & amicitiae , quo nom ne ver●ssi● me quis illud sacrosancti Dom●ni coenae poculum insigni●rit . One of our Doctours saith , That they had in the primitive Church other tokens of love and friendship , as love-feasts , and the kisse of peace , but one token should not justle out another . Beside that , both are worne out of use , and the kisse is turned into the kisse of the pax . So much the rather should that signe and token which was recommended by Christ himself , be preserved . If there were no more , but reaching of the cup from one to another , and deviding of it , it were sufficient to exclude kneeling , howbeit the communicants did not breake and distribute the bread to other . For what reason were there to kneel at the receaving of the bread , and not at the receaving of the cup. Were it not also absurd to see the Communicants reaching the cuppe to other , and the minister walking along to give to every one the bread . Is the bread holier then the wine ? Analogy requireth , that the bread should be distributed by the Communicants , as well as the wine . When the Evangelists say , Christ gave the bread , they meant not to every one severally , more then when he gave the cup , or the disciples the bread to five thousand , Matth. 14. 19. for Mark 6. 4. they set the bread before five thousand . Pilat gave the body of Christ , that is commanded it to be given , Mark. 15. 45. Matth. 27. 17. Christ said in the plurall number , Take ye , ca●ye , this is my body , as well as he said , 〈◊〉 devide ye . It is probable ( saith Piscator ) that 〈◊〉 brake the bread in two parts , and gave one of them , ●o him that sate● arest on the right hand , the other , to him that sate on the left , and that they reached in order to the near●st . Tossanus upon Matth. 26. saith the like , and Hospinian , and Estius a popish writer . Sit autem & Chr●sti discipulos in ul●ima coena fe●●sse nonest improbabile , ut quibus Chr●stus d●●erit , accipite & dividite inter v●s , Luc. 22. qu●d et side caliced●ctum sit , nihil tamen vetat d●pine similiter intell gi● Beza saith , That the manner of their sitting could not permit Christ to give every one severally the Bread , but as he gave the cup to the nearest , and the nixt reached to the nearest , so it is probable that those , who sate most remote , receaved the bread from the nearest . Moulins maintaineth , That Christ might with as good reason have said , Eat ye all of this , as dr●nke ye all of this ; his reason is , Consider●ng that being set at table among 〈◊〉 persons , he could not deliver the bread into every one of the disciples hands : especially considering that the parties , lying halfe a long upon beds at the table , tooke up more roome then they do now adayes . The Canon of the Masse hath , Drinke ye all of this , Mand●cate ex eo omnis , which Bellarmine alle●geth , they have receaved by tradition from the Apostles . But to us there is the like force in the words , Eat ye , and Eat ye all of this ; for speaking in the plurall number , he spake to all . The Apostolicall Churches , and such as in the ages following celebrated , as near as they could , to the ●●terne , continued this distribution . P. acknowledgeth page 92. 101. 104. that the Communicants at the first supper did communicate the bread and cup one with another , as also in the Apossles times , pag. 95. Of the Monks of Saint Bennets orders yee may see before , and that was a footstep of the order observed universally before upon the anniversarie day , called the day of the Lords supper . Frier Raynerius saith , The Leonists , for so he calleth the W●ald●rses , celebrate the sacrament of the ●uchar●st in their conventicles ( so it pleased the Frier to call the assembly of the persecuted ) r●hearsing the words of the Gospel at their table , and participating mutually as was done at Christs supper ; In conventiculis suis celebrant , verba illa evangelii rec● an●es in mensasua , sibique mutuo participantes , sicut in Christi coena . Bull●nger saith , That the supper of the Lord is then rightly celebrated , when the communicants distribut the bread and the cup among themselfes . Idcirco legittime coenam Domini celebrantes , mu●●ò inter se panem Demin de manibus ministrorum Christi acceptum fran unt , distribu 〈◊〉 & manducant , poculum insuper Domini de manibus m●nistrorium Christi acceptum , inter sedistributam omnes pota● . And again , Primogen●● simplie tati & institutioni magis conven●t , & sedere & sacram●nt aln manus propr● as accipere de man bus praesidentium , deinde verò frangere , percipere & alliis impertir . Vt en●m Dominus ad mensam cum discipulis accubui● , ita dixit porrectis symbolis , 〈◊〉 pite , dividite inter vos And againe , Acconstat veteres non exhibuisse ca nantibus buccellas , sed mutuum fr gisse panem . It is well known ( saith he ) that the an●ien's gave no to the Communicants at the suppermorsels , but they brake bread one with another . Gualter in his homilies upon Mark setting downe the best forme of celebration , requireth that they breake the bread to other , and distribute the cup , deinde cum solenni gratiarum actione panem inter se mutuò frangant , & poculum Demian distribu●● 〈◊〉 que in coetum illum convenorunt . And when hee 〈◊〉 , hee saith , Est hic ritus simplicissimu● , & Christi 〈◊〉 nititur , quae sola nebis in omnibus sufficere debe● , This is the most simple for me , and is grounded upon Christs 〈◊〉 which alone should bee sufficient to us in all things . Tindall in his tractat upon the Lords supper pag. 477. requireth , that every man breake , and reach foorth to his neighbour . In the later consession of Holvetia , which was approved by many reformed Churches , and by our own , anno 1566. The bread is offered by the Minister , and the words of the Lord are heard , Receave it , this is my bodie , divide it amongst you , Drink yee all of this , This is my blood . The Lords supper was denominate breaking of bread from that rite , or ceremonie of breaking of the bread by the faithfull : It is said , Act. 2. 42. that the Christians continued in breaking of bread . This place is interpreted of the sacrament breaking , not only by ancient , but also modern writers , both popish and Protestant , as also Act. 20. And the Syrian interpreter translateth it eucharist in both the places . But the breaking of the bread in both the places is attributed not to the Ministers or Pastors only , but to the people also , and is made common to the whole meeting . In the one place ●●is said , they continued in breaking of bread : and in the other place yet more clearly , the Disciples conveened to break bread , which is clearer then if Luke had said , they conveened to the breaking of bread . Bellarmine saith , that Luke descriveth what the people did , not what the Apostles did . Hee might have said , both the Apostles , and the people . Estius a popish professor in ●●way acknowledgeth the same , and sayeth , Fiebat autem ●ujus panis fractio Tempore primitive Ecclesiae , primum quidem 〈◊〉 sbyter is & diaconis , deinde verò magisque particulatim à singulis fidelibus , quibus eucharstia , dabatur in manus ut ea n● , si porro ●nter se vel domi inter fuos distribuerent . In the primitive church ( saith hee ) they had the breaking of bread which was first done by the presbyters and deacons , and after them in smaller pieces by the faithfull to whom it was given , that they might distribute the same among themselfes , or at home among theirowne . For Luke meaneth so much , when hee attributeth this breaking to the faithfull in generall , Act. 2. For their distributing in the convention he alleadgeth Act. 20. For distributing at home , hee alleadgeth Act. 2. 46. whereas the meaning is , that the faithfull conveened sometime in one house , sometime in another , for fear of persecution , or not having yet appointed , and certain places for meeting . The Apostle 1 Cor. 10. 16. sayeth , The bread which wee break , is it not the communion of the body of Christ ? that is , the bread which we break , distribute , and eat . For the breaking alone by the Minister is not the communion of the bodie of Christ , P●nis quē frangimus ( 1 Cor. 10. ) idem est , atque inter nos dividimus : The bread which wee break , that is , the bread which wee divide amongst us , saith Robertus Stephanus . Whereas the Apostle saith , the cuppe which wee blesse , the words may bee spoken generally in the persons of all the faithfull , who are present . Qui quidem omnes ●alici benedicunt , eo modo & sensu , quo omnes ibidem praesentes dicuntur unà cum sacerdote offerre , videlicet animi consensu & devotioone , saith Estius . The Minister blesseth in name of the rest as their mouth : so the blessing may bee attributed to the people likewise . The Apostle rehearsing the words of the institution , said 〈…〉 but in the plurall number , Tak● ye● , eat ye . 〈◊〉 saith , that the Apostles celebrated as Christ did , e●ndem 〈…〉 teriam in rebus , & formam in verbis . It appeareth not then , that the Apostles gave to everie one severally , saying to each one , Take thou , eat thou : but that speaking in the plurall number to all at once , the Communicants brack and distributed among themselfes . Now that rite from which the Apostolicall Church denominate the whole action is sacramentall and necessarie , saith Paraeus in 1 Cor. 11. When the holy supper is called breaking of bread , it is not to be imagined , that there was only communicating in bread , but the whole is denominated from a part according to a custome of speech usuall among the Jewes , who used the phrase of breaking of bread to expresse their full meals , or common civill feasts , as Ierem. 1● . 7. As the Grecians on the contrarie , tooke the denomination sometime from the drinking , and called their feast symposium a drinking together . Yea , one of the names , which of old was given to this holy feast , was synaxis . Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith H●sychius , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to drinke with other . The breaking of the bread served for two uses : First , for representation of Christs sufferings . If their powring of the wine out of the cuppe into the mouth be a mysticall representation of the effusion of his bloud , their breaking may have the like use . Wee can well allow of a mysticall shedding of Christs bloud in the supper , faith Master Cartwright , for when the wine is powred out of the cuppe into the mouth , thereby mystically and sacramentally , is shed the bloud of Christ out of his blessed body into the earth , that is the shedding of it is 〈◊〉 . So saith Prosper in his book of sentences , Dum sangu●● 〈◊〉 sidelium sunditur , sanguinu de latere effusio defignatur Lanfranous , and A●gerus say the like . Solenne 〈◊〉 est cum frangitur panis , 〈◊〉 calix in●● fidelium funditu , tunc significari sacrificium illud quod in cruce immolatun est , saith Chamierus . The Communicants taking , eating , drinking , are mysticall , why may not also his breaking of the bread . Bullinger saith , Ac nos ipsi quidem panem Domini proprits frangi●us manibus . Nos enim ipsi in culpa sumus quod ille ait●itus . That is , Wee breake the bread of the Lord with our own hands : for we ou●selfes are to be blamed , that he was bruifed . Our sinnes wounded him , we crucified him . We reach not only the bread and cuppe to other , but partake our selfes . For we beleeve not only that he suffered for others , but in speciall for our selfes . Gualter in his Homilies upon Matth. Vt vero Christus panem accepit , & fregit , postquam gratias egisset , ita eundem discipulos quoque accipere & frangere voluit , ut ita singuli admonerentur hunc ad se privatim pertinere , se item necis illius authores esse , ad hac debitores omnibus ut eos in Christi , atque salutis que in eo habetur , societatem adducant . That is , As Christ had taken the bread , and after thanksgiving brack , so he would have his disciples to doe the like , that thereby every one might be admonished , that he belongeth to every one of them particularly , that they were the authours of his death , that they are debtours to all , to bring them to the fellowship of Christ and the salvation which is to be found in him . And in his 118. homil . upon Mark , he saith , Fractio panis Christi passionem & mortem representat , & dum singuli panem ipsi frangunt , se ex corum numero esse fatentur , qui Christo mortis authores fuerunt , id quod peccatorum 〈…〉 servit , & animum ad punitentiam extimulat . The other use is for distribution , and reaching to other , to testifie mutuall love and amitie , which dutie is expressed in a more lively manner , then if they should drinke only of one cuppe together . Therefore L. his reason page 60. that it appertaineth only to the minister , be , cause it is mysticall , is naught , for it serveth both for repraesentation and distribution . Fractio non solum ad distribuendum , sedetiam ad significandum ordinatur , Bellarmine de missa , lib. 2. cap. 10. For the representation ye have heard already sundrie Divines . If two should drinke out of one cup , and yet not reach it to other , it might well be thought , there were no great kindnesse betwixt them , Communion in one common benefite is one thing , and the communication of mutuall duties and tokens of love and friendship another . It is one thing to the guests to participate of the same dainties , which are to be united to their bodies , another to interchange and communicate with other tokens of love . Justly may the communion cup for this cause be called Philotesia , saith Stuckius . To divide the bread also , and to eat together in token of love and bene volence , was a custome observed in all the orientall countries , and is yet observed in ma●y countries of the west , say Lyra and Arias Montanas , as Serrarius the Jesuit relateth . Facit ad amicitiam conciliandam , reparandam , & conservandam , quòd de uno pane participamus , quòd panem offerimus fratribus , quodque de manu fratrum poculum accipientes bibimus . Non enim aliam ob causam videntur veteres coenam appellasse synaxin , saith Bullinger . That is , It serveth for the procu●●ng , reparing , and keeping of friendship , that we participate of one bread , that we offer bread to our brethren , and that we drinke taking the cup out of the hands of our brethren . It seemeth for no other cause the ancients called the Lords supper Synaxis . And in the 9. sermon of the same decade , Quondam arctissima faed ra fractione panis consecrabantur . Of old , Leagues or covenants were confirmed by breaking of bread . Gualter saith , Panem & peculum pii inter se distribuunt , quod illis charitatis officium commendat , & de conjunctione mutua eos admonet , ut se unum iu Christo corpus esse intelligant , & sibi invicem officiis mutuis inserviant , quemadmodum in corporibus nostris membra facere videmus . The godly distribut the bread and wine among themselfes , which recommendeth to them the duty of chariti , and putteth them in minde of mutuall conjunction , that they may understand that they are one body in Christ , and serve one another with mutuall duties , as we see the members to do in our owne bodies . Zwinglius in his exposition of the Christian faith , setteth downe a notable proofe of this . How that some sitting together casually , and participating after this manner , were reconciled , who before had beene at variance , and that this fell forth often . Deprehensum est saepenumerò , quòd quidam , qui tem●re consederant , quì tamen simultates & odiapriùs inter se exercuissent , ex hac participatione sive panis , sive potus , animi impotentiam deposuerunt . The ancients had the kisse , which was a familiar kinde of salutation among the Orientals , as the striking of hands with us , they joyned hands also , and embraced another at the communion . Seeing so many signes , and protestations of love were thought requisit at this banket of love , ought we not to be the more carefull to retaine that signe , which was practised in the patterne . I end this section with a passage out of Lauaterus , descriving the forme of celebration used in the Church of Zurich , to wit , with sitting , and the communicants distributing : posthac per totam ecclesiam ministri , that is , those that serve , az mumpanem in ●●tinis circumserunt , at accipit quisque particulam de exhibito pane , & posteà reliquam partem dat proxime assidenti : Deinde sequuntur alii ministri cum poculis & cantharis , ac praebet alius alii poculum Dominicum , atque sit omnes de uxo pane participant . If none must give the sacramentall bread , but the minister , because he acts the person of Christ , who gave his owne body , by the same reason , they may not reach the cup to other , as the Apostles did at the first supper , where they represented the faithfull , and communicate not as pastours , but as disciples , as guests , as faithfull , as all our divines do hold , and among the rest Musculus himselfe cited by L. pag. 59. All that was done in prison , Joseph was the doer of it , because he was direct our , and commander of every thing that was to be done , Gen. 39. 22. ● . confesseth the cup may be reached from one communicant to another . For ( saith he ) he in whose name the commandement is uttered , is properly the giver and propiner , because by his authoritie it is given , and by the warrant of his word it is ceaved . When the King drinketh to any of his servants , and sends it by the hands of his servant , the servant is not properly the giver and propiner , but the deliverer of the gift and propine . He granteth likewise , that the Communicants may deliver the cuppe to other , the minister still acting Christs person in his owne place . pag. 61. 62. So may we say , that Christ at the first supper , or the minister representing Christs person , is properly the giver of the bread , because by his commandement or direction it is given . When I brake the five loaves among five thousand , that is , brake and gave to the disciples to set before them to be further broken . The disciples in setting the bread before five thousand , Mark 6. 41. gave the bread to five thousand , Matth. 14. 19. Christ gave the cup to his Apostles , say the Evangelists , because at his direction they reached one to another . Swarez saith , It is one thing to distribute as a dispenser , or as of power , another to touch , carrie , or applie this sacrament to the mouth of the receaver . Aliud est dispensative , seu ex potestate distribuere hoc sacramentum , aliud verò illud tangore , deferre , aut ad os sumentis applicare . Let them make of the word dispense what they will , we say the Communicant may carrie the bread , and apply it to the hand of another Communicant . Againe , if none but the minister might doe it , because hee represents Christs person , then might not the deacon in the ancient Church do it , because he represented not Christs person , yet his giving was called dispensing . Vazquez confesseth , That it is not forbidden by divine law , that the sacrament be ministred , or carried by a layman , but by humane lawes . Non quia jure divino vetitum sit hoc sacramentum per laicum ministrari aut deferri . But humane lawes forbad laymen to touch it with their hands . I would aske , when the minister commeth from his owne place , and goeth along to deliver the elements , how doth he act the person of Christ the master of the feast . There can be no other reason of this guise , but to nourish a superstitious conceat , that it is holier to receave out of the h●nd of the minister , who perhaps is a Judas , then out of the hand of a faithfull brother , as if his hands profaned or polluted it . Are not the peoples hands as holy as the ministers ? saith P. pag. 313. Nay superstition encreasing , at last they might not take the sacrament in their owne hand to put it in their mouth , but it behoved the priest to put it in their mouth . Such superstitious conceats condemne Christ and his Apostles , and the faithfull in their time who distributed to other , and deprive us of the profitable uses of fraction , or breaking of bread , whereof we have already treated . The representation and forme of a feast or banquet is not observed . It is rather Sportula , which is opposite to coena , then coena , that is , rather like a dole of meat , then a supper . For Sportula was a dole of meat distributed by the princes to the people , which was called Sportula , from the panier , or basket , in which it was brought . This giving of the elements to every one severally , whither the communicants sit , stand , or kneel , bringeth in also confusion of actions , and private communions in the publike assembly . For while the ministers are giving the elements to every one , the people is in the meane time exercised in hearing the word read , or psalmes sung , and heare not what they say to the communicants , nor do the communicants understand , what is read or sung in publike . Yea , sometimes two ministers will be speaking at once to sundrie communicants . So the communicants communicate a part , and might as well go aside , or to an I le of the Church , to communicate , yea , and farre better . For the minister can scarce know his owne voice , when he speaketh to the commucant , being troubled with the exercise of the whole congregation , as one of the ministers of Edinburgh confessed publikely in pulpit . The exercise is dead , and cold , when the minister giveth to every one severally . Therefore they are forced to reading and singing in the mean time , to drive away tediousnesse , and so bring in confusion of actions . But if they would speake in the plur●ll number to the communicants , as Christ did , saying , Take ye , eat ye , and not to every one , Take thou , eat thou , the action should bee more comfortable . For the phrase of speach in the plurall number , ●fittest ( saith Fenner in the doctrine of the sacraments ) to note ●ut the fellowship and communion of the Church in this worke , the person of Christ by the minister bidding all his guests with one love , as from him , to be merrie , and eat with faith one spirituall meat togeither . It setteth an edge upon us , when with one heare , as it were , and together we apply every one of us to our selfes , that which is uttered by the minister . But when the action is prolonged with speaking to every one , the mindes of men languish and wander . Our Doctour saith , they utter the words in the plurall number at the consecrating of the elements , he meaneth at the rehearsall of the words of the institution , at , or before the thanksgiving , but Christ uttered them at the deliverie of the elements , which they do not . Next ( saith he ) they apply the generall command to every one in particular , as if the Apostles , or other communicants , to whom the words were uttered in the plurall number , did not apply to themselfes particularly , when every one did take , eat , and drinke . And the Doctour himselfe confesseth , that every worthy receaver ought to apply the words to himselfe in particular . If Christ spake in the plurall number , when the communicants were so few , what would he have done , if there had been a great multitude present . Another profound Doctour imagineth , that Christ spake first to all generally in the 〈◊〉 Number , and after in the singular delivering to every one particularly . But this imagination is without any ground of appearance in the text . And Swar●z rejecteth this fancie , because it changeth the order of the text set downe with so full consent of the Apostle Paul and the Evangelists , no reason forcing them so to doe . 〈◊〉 rullairatio cogit , non oprte ordinem textus mutare , praefertim cum ab Evangelistis & Paulo tanta consensione obiervatus sit . This rate of fraction or breaking of bread after thanksgiving , either for representation or distributation , is not injoyned by the English service book . Paraeus reporteth , That the Lutheran Churches have it not , but have the bread cut in small pieces , before it be brought to the hand of the minister , which is not the sacramentall breaking . The Doctour saith , That in the ancient Church the sacrament was delivered by the pastour , or the deacon who helped him , and supplied his place , but not by any of the people . If so were , wee ought to take h●ed , saith Cyprian , not what any before us hath done , but what Christ before all hath done , we must not follow the custome of men , but the truth of God. Calvin saith , That the ancients went nerer to a judaicall manner of sacrificing , then the ordinance of Christ and course of the Gospel could suffer . They carried the ●read of the sacrament home to their houses in Tertullians time , that is , about 200 yeares 〈◊〉 Christ. The custome of giving the communion to infants continued for 600 yeares . Yet wee have already produced some instances in the contrary , as of the Waldenses , and some footsteps of the ancient Church , howbeit declining , yet remaining among the Monks of Saint Bennets order , when they celebrated lebrated according to the paterne . The deacon , as I have said , represented not Christs person , and therefore should not have ministred or delivered the elements , if that were true , that none should deliver them immediatlie but the pastour , because he representeth Christs person . It is like at the first , that deacons ministring at tables in time of love-feasts , served likewise at the communion , which was conjoyned with them , and carried only the platters and cuppes , out of which the communicants them selfes tooke the elements , and distributed . Olim ex patin● suis quisque ma●ibus suam sumpsit particulam , ut morisfait ad sextam usque synodum , nempè Caesar angustanam , saith Salmeron . Thereafter they gave the elements themselfes , both the bread and the wine , and did not help the minister going along . In processe of time indeed the minister went along with the bread , and the deacon delivered the cuppe . And words were put in their mouth to be uttered at the deliverie , as Sauguis Christi ; calix vitae . At last they were made halfe priests , Clemens Alexandrinus saith , That the communicants tooke the eucharist themselfes ; Cum eucharistiam quidam , ut mos est , diviserint , permittitur unicui que è populo partem sumere . In Tertullians time it seemeth , that in Africk they tooke the elements out of the hands of their rulers or presidents , that is , the bishop , elder , or deacon , when he saith , Eucharisti ●m non aliorum qu●m de pr●es● . dentium in m●nu sumin●us . For so not only Ju●●us , but also ●●mel . us in his annotations expone that place . All these formes were aberrations from the right forme , and opened a doreto let in many corruptions . For if the distribution of the communicants had beene at all times continued , as it was at some times in the yeare , kneeling had not entred , the words uttered by Christ at the deliverie of the elements had not beene changed , confusion of actions , and a privat forme of communicating had not taken place , the forme of a feast , which is now changed into the manner of distributing a dole , had beene preserved . Therefore suppose the distributing of the communicants were not recommended to us , nor had no other profitable use , make it only lawfull , this is a most profitable use , that it is a barre to hold out so many corruptions . The first assault therefore was made upon it , at a meeting in Saint Andrewis , in the year preceeding Perth assembly . But that meeting , neither was nor is acknowledged to be a free generall assembly . For as long as wee retaine the distribution by the communicants , they perceave there was no place for kneeling . Therefore as wee would stand for the preservation of that holy action , from being prophaned with confusion of actions , and polluted with privat communion , superstitious receaving out of the minister● hand , and the idolatrous gesture of kneeling , let us stand for this distribution . What shall we say then of those , who this day ●●ke away the chiefe parts of the Lords institution , to wit , the b●e k●ng of the br●ad , and distribution , and involve this most wholesome m●ster ew●th superstitious , and contentious 〈◊〉 . They may perhaps have the popes supper , or som● other mens , whom they prop●ne to themselfes to be imitated , but they cannot have Christs supper , till leav●ng the i●v●ntions of me● , they foll w●le first institution , ●aith Gu●lt●r . Quid ergo de illis hodièd cem●ts , qui praecipuas institution is dom n●ae partes , fractionem 〈◊〉 mirum , & distributionem tollunt , simulque mysterium 〈◊〉 saluberrimum superstitiosis , & contentiosis opini●nibus involvunt . Habent illi fortassis caenam Pape aut alterius cujusdam , quem sibi imitandum proponunt . At Christi Jesu caenam non habebunt , nisi relictis hominum ad inventionibus primam ejus institutionem sequantur . If any man then will aske , where is kneeling forbidden in the act of receaving ? We answer , In the institution . For the whole frame of the paterne forbiddeth it , where magisterio vel exemplo ; by precept or exemple , as Cyprian speaketh , wee are directed to celebrat after the forme of a feast or banket , to fit , which is the usuall gesture , and most suteable to a feast , and to breake and distribute . Christs forme was most perfite ( saith Bullinger ) and to what purpose is it the Lord himself having devised a●●st simple and perfite forme , and the Apostles receaving it , to devise another . Who can devise a better , then the Sonne of God himselfe , the supreme high Priest of his Church : Quorsum attine simpli issima , optima , perfectissima que illa coenandi formula , ab ipso Christo tradita , & ab Apostolis ejus accepta , comminis●i aliam ? Quis enim m●liorem tradet ipso Dei filio pontifice catholiae ecclesiae summo ? If another more commedious and better forme could have beene devised , out of all doubt ( saith Hospinian ) Christ would have devised it , and the Apostles would have recommended it to the Churches ; and therefore willeth , that if any thing be found different , either in the nature and proper sense of words , or in rite or externall ceremonie from this rule , that it be amended according to the same , as the most holy , most excellent , most uncorrupted , and most certaine rule . Sed vide , frater charissime , si quis de antecessoribus nostris , velignoranter , vel siplmiciter , non hoc servavi● & tenuit , quod nos Dominus & magisterio & exemplo suo docuit , potest simplicitati ejus de indulgentiâ Domini venia concedi , nobis verò non poterit ignosci ; qui nunc a Domino ●dmoniti & instructi sumus . But see , most deare brother , if any of our ancestours , either through ignorance or simplicitie , hath not keeped or holden , that which the Lord hath taught us , both by precept and example , his simplicitie may be pardoned of the Lords indulgence , but wee cannot bee forgiven , who now are admonished and instructed , saith Cyprian . The testimonie ye may finde in Gratian. Doctour Mortoun in his late worke of the institution of the supper , saith , It was good divinitie in Cyprian , and pope Iulius dayes , to argue from the example of Christs instituti●n negatively , by rejecting such acts , and accounting them as centrarie to the institution of Christ , which accord not with his example , and which are not comprised within the Canon of Christ his hoc facite . Bellarmine himselfe putteth It out of all doubt , that that is best , which Christ did , and what he did is to be done , Neque enim dubita●i potest , quìn illud sit mel●us , & faciendum quod Christus feci● , De●ucharist . lib. 4. cap. 7. And yet Master Struther was not ashamed to averre , that Christs forme might be bettered . THE FOVRTH PART . CHAP. IV. It maketh us conforme to the Papists in a rite devised , by man horribly abused , and not necessarie . WE ought not to keepe conformitie in the worship of God with idolaters , papists in speciall , in any rite or ordinance devised by man , specially the man of sinne , if after it hath beene abused , or be still abused to idolatry or superstition , if the same be not necessarie , though the originall were lawfull , farre more , if the first use or institution of it was unlawfull . The Lord forbad his people to round the corners of their heads , or marte the corners of their beard , Levit. 19. 26. and 49. 32. The Egyptians and other Gentiles , saith Becanus , thought the Gods delighted in the round figure , therefore they rounded their heads , and builded round temples to them , least the Jewes should seeme to be like the Gentiles , they were forbidden to imitate them in this . The Lord would have his people to bee dignosced by other people , by their very habi●s . Therefore they were frobidden to wear linsey-woolsey , because the Gentiles used such in the worship of their gods , saith Aquinas . They were forbidden to sow their field with mingled seed . The priests were forbidden to make their heads bald , or shave off the corner of their beard for the dead , Levit. 21. 5. 5. These fashions were observed by Egyptians , Arabians , Syrians , Canaanits , and others , saith Iunius upon that place , The priests shall neither shave their head , nor suffer their locks to grow long , they shall only powle their head , Ezech. 44. 20. Bellarmine saith , This shaving was not forbidden , because it was evil in it selfe , but least they should seeme to be like to the priests of the Gentiles , beside whom they dwelt , who sacrificed to their idols with their whole head shaven . Iunius saith , Howbeit the matter was free , the equitie or reason remaineth . Ne vel sign● , vel specie quidem communicare nos cum superstitione piet iti adversa opertere . That is , We must not by any signe or shew communi●te with superstition , which is contrarie to pietie . They might not plant any groves of trees near the altar of the Lord , Deut. 16. 22. the Gentiles did so , Exod. 34. 13. Say not how did these nation● se , ve their gods . so will I do likewise , thou shalt not do so to the Lord thy God , Deut. 12. 30. After their doing ye shall n●t do , nor after their ordinances , Levit. 18. 3. the words are generall , howbeit in that chapter be brought in some instances of their wicked and impious deeds : for he opposeth to that generall , the judgements and ordinances of the Lord in generall on the other side . And some instances , we have already brought of facts in themselfes not abominal le . Although rounding or cutting the haire was in it selfe indifferent , yet God would not have it indifferent to his people , but will have them to be altogether unlike to the aliens and uncircumcised , specially in those rites , wherein religion was shewed , Lyra on Lev. 18. ● . Intendit excludere e filiis Israelitum omnem Gentilem ritum : He intended to exclude from the children of Isra●l every rite of the Gentiles . The Gentiles worshipped their Gods in and by images , God would not be so worshipped , but expresly forbad it in the second commandment . And therefore saith Zanchius , That the summe of the second precept , is , that we must not devise of our owne heads any thing in ceremonies , or the worship of God , nor borrow from the rites of idolatrous nations , but to be content with these rites and ceremonies , which God hath prescrived . Tertullian saith , That Christians might not wash their hands ( meaning for a ceremonie ) or lay aside their cloaks before prayer , Sic enim adeunt ad idola nationes : because the Gentiles go after that manner to their idols . And such like , that they might not sit upon beds after prayer , meaning for a ceremonie , Por●ò cum perinde faciunt nation●s adoratis sigillaribus suis residendo , vel prepterea in nobis reprehendi meretur , quod apud idola c●●e bretur : because the Gentiles do sit , after they h●ve ●dored their small imag●s , it deserveth to be reproved in us , which is obs●●ved beside ido●s . When he hath rebuked Christians for observing some of the Ethnicks dayes , he cryeth out , That the nations have a greater regard to their owne sect , who will claime to no solemnitie of the Christians , not the Lords day , nor pentecost , and if they know them , they will not communicate with them , in that observation , timerent enim ne Christiani viderentur , for , they wou●d be asray●d last they should seeme to be Christian. He standeth m●ch upon this , that a Christian man ought not to goe wich a lawrell garl●nd upon his head , because the Heathen used so to go . August ne saith , his mother Menica le●t bringing of wine and cakes to the church , for that shee was war●ed , it was a resemblance of the superstition of the Heathen , Quòd superstitioni Gen ilium essent simillima . In the second councell of Bracara it was decreed , that Christians deck not their houses with laurell and greene boughes upon the first day of the moneth , quia tota haec observatio paganismi est , because all this custome is heathnish . The ancients having the like reason , carried themselfes after the same manner toward Jewes and Hereticks . Th●y would not keepe Easter on that day that the Jewes did . If they had carried themselfes so constantly , both toward Jewes and Gentiles , so much superstition had not entred into the Church , as wee heare of this day . Because the Manichees fasted on the Lords day , they forbore fasting on that day , saith Augustine . The fourth councell of Tolledo decreed , That once dipping in baptisme only be used , not three , n● videantur apud nos qui tertio m●rgunt haereticorum approbare assertionem , dum sequuntur & morem ; least these who dippe thrice , seeme to approve the assertion of heretick , while they follow their custome . The first councell of Bracara forbad clergie men ●bstinence from eating of flesh , to cut off all suspition of the Priscill●an heresie . To come to our owne times . Even Suarez the Jesuit saith , The Church shunneth all fellowship or appearant conformitie with Iewes or other infidels in ce●emonies and observances , as may be gathered out of Augustine epist. 119. and Epiphanius 3. booke against heresies about the end . I said , That conformity is to be avoided not only in things impious , but even in things indifferent , when they are abused to idolatrie or superstition , except they have some necessarie uses , howbeit their first use or institution hath beene lawfull . Zanchius hath this ground , writing upon the second precept . Rivetus likewise writing upon the fourth precept of the d●●logue , It is a rule , that things indifferent , not being necessarie , if they be polluted with idolatrie , are to be abolished . Adiaphora non necessaria , horrenda idolomania polluta esse adolenda . Nay the light of nature hath taught even a Pope to acknowledge this much , howbeit it hath not beene put in practise , as oft , as occasion required . Si non nulli ex praedecessoribus nostris fecerunt aliqua , quae illo tempere potuerunt esse sine culp● , & postea vert●ntur in enrorem & superstiti●nem , sine tanditate aliqua , & magna cum authoritate destruantur , saith Pope Stephen . That is , If some of our ancestours have done some things , which in the meane time might be without blame , and after are turned to e●rour or superstition , let them be abolished without delay , for th●y have a good warrant , to wit , the exemple of Ez●kias , who brake the bra●en serpent in pieces . This is registred in Gratians detree . And the glosse upon this place saith , Successories debere mutare facta & instituta 〈◊〉 ●essorum etiam bona , si vid rint ea ess pern ci●sa exempl● , Successours should change the deeds and ordinaries of the ●ancestours , howbeit good , if they see , they become pernitious by ill exemple . I added that clause , unlesse they be of necess●rie use , to answer to such , as object the abuse of Gods creatures , and things profitable for the use of man. For the sunne , moone , starres , and other creatures , have been abused and adored , but they are Gods creatures , and of necessarie use . Gold , silver , temples , are profitable helps unto the necessities of mans life , as Tertullian speaketh , Certa subsidia necessi●atibus vite humanae procur●nt . The gold , brasse , and iron of Jericho taken into the Lords treasurie , were the civill goods of idolaters , and had no state in their idolatrous worship , as kneeling hath . Wee should shun conformitie with Papists in special , because the Pope their head is the great Antichrist , and wee are more troubled with rites abused , and polluted by him , then by any other , wee dwell neerer to papists then to any other idolaters , and they dwell or converse amongst us . For this c●use perhaps , saith B●llarmine , priests were not shaven in Hierome and Ambrose time : for yet in their time the priests of Isis , were shaven . Is it not very frivolous which our Doctor answereth , that by this reason , wee should not pray kneeling , nor rest upon the Lords day , because the papists pray kneeling to Saints , and rest on the Lords day , seeing the one is allowed by God to himself , and the other commanded . Such-like the burning of incense , howbeit abused to the worship of the brasen serpent , our question is of humane inventions . If ye would know , what rite or ceremonie , to call popish , Musculus will tell you , I call these rites pepish ( saith hee ) which either of the●r owne nat●re , or by abuse do s●rv● unto popish impuritie , superstition and blindnesse , allwhich , I am persw●ded , are to bee detested , as much as is possible . 〈◊〉 saith , That S●tan wrought powerfully and cunningly these many ages by his Roman Antichrist , to obtrude the bread upon us to be ador●d for Christ , therefore wee should put to flight whats●ever may seeme to nourish this bread worship in the mindes of the simple . And in the ninth chapter , That ; if wee love God and our Saviour Christ , none of these things , words , or gestures , will finde or keepe place among us , which have appearance of affinitie with the impieties , and abomin●tio●s brought in by Antichist upon the holy mysteries , or which may be taken hold of , to make up any commendation of them , howbeit unjustly and without cause offered . Nihilque loci vel invonient vel retinebunt apud nos , e●e●res omnes , verba , & g●stus , in quibus appareat esse aliquid tantis impietatibus affine , aut ad ullam rapiatur , quanquam improbe & absque data causa harum su●rum impi tatum commendationem . The equitie of this rule or direction , that wee should not conforme with idolaters in such rites and ordinances , as are above described , appeareth evidently , first , in that we show not , as we ought , our hatred and detestation of idolatrie , when we retaine any monument or memoriall of it . God will not have us to utter with our lips the very name of the idol , with respect or any honour . The brazen serpent , after the miraculous use of it , for which it was set up , ceased , was keeped 700 years for a memoriall of that miracle , and as a monument of Gods mercie , and benefite receaved at that time . Yet , when it began to be abused , and polluted with idolatrie , Ezekias brake it in pieces . Farre more ought the monuments and memorials of idols , or idolatrie . We honour the idol and idolatrous worship , when we retaine any monument or memoriall of idolatrie . Next , in so doing , wee keep a stumbling block in the Church , and both harden the idolater in his idolatrie , and lay a stumbling block and snare before our selfe and our brethren , by retaining of such allurements and provocations , to commit the same kinde of spirituall fornication and adulterie , and so to fall in an hainous and most derestable sinne . Woe be to him that giveth offence , it were better , that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and that he were drowned in the deep of the sea . That kneeling in the act of receaving the sacrament , hath beene abused to idolatire , can not be denyed . Nay , it is confessed , that kneeling in that act hath been abused to the vilest idolatrie , that ever was , to the worshipping of a piece bread , which the worshipper esteemed to be his god . To retaine it therefore , is to retaine a memoriall or monument of that vile idolatrie , because we use that same gesture , in that same very act , and without necessity . For our opposits affirme , That all the maine gestures are indifferent . Master P. hath a poore shift , when he saith , No ordinance of God can bee a monument of idolatry , gesturs are Gods ordinances , and his outward worship consists in them . Such like , that no creature of God can be a monument of idolatrie , but all gesturs are Gods creatures or abilities , whereunto man is disposed by creation . And our Doctour saith , That kneeling is not an humane invention , but a religious ceremonie appointed by God. But they should first have made good , that kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elemen●s w●s Gods ordinance , and then indeed the ret●ining of it had not beene a retaining of a monument of idolatrie . It is grosse , that he calleth gesturs abilities . The power or ability is naturall to man , but the gesture it selfe is volnntarie , free , and accidentall . A man hath abilitie to stand upon one of his legs , or with his back to the elements , is such a posture of the parts of a mans body , therefore lawfull in the act of receaving . Seeing neither by Gods ordinance , nor any naturall necessity wee are bound to kneel in that act , the retaining of kneeling so horribly abused in that act , is the retaining of a vile monument of idolatrie . How dangerous it is , consider it first in the papist . The papist is confirmed in his vile idolatry by our conformitie with him in that gesture . Do they not vaunt , that we are comming home to them , and hope for the full restoring of poperie againe , because we kneel at the receaving of the eucharist as they do . It is confessed also by conformitants . The ministers of Edinburgh , after they had vexed the people ten yeares with their kneeling , and seeming to bee wearied by contending with them , sent up a supplication to the king for dispensation with kneeling . In the instructions given to the bearer M. William Lev Lev●ngstoun , subserived also by them , they have these words , The Papists se●●g us in that gesture , having some externall symbolizing with them , are thereby confirmed in their errours , as though that our practise were an approaching to them , and an increase to their idolatrie and bread worship . These instructions were subscrived by all the ministers of Edinburgh in April anno 1628. M. Struther , Sydserf , Maxwell , and the rest . It is a scandall given to the godly , because it is not a necessar duetie , and is a provocation and Intisement to idolatrie . Wee are forbidden all provocations and entisements to idolatrie , as in all other precepts , wee are forbidden , as well the provocations and entisements to evill , as the evill it self . If thine eye offend thee , pluck it out , that is , whatsoever is an impediment unto us to hinder us to do good , and to worship God , though it were never so deare to us , is to bee removed out of the way , much more if it bee a cause or occasion to do evill , saith Zanchias . Whatsoever bee the intention of the doer , intent 〈◊〉 ●ntis , ye● , if the qualitie of the work it selfe conditio operis bee induct●ve to scandall , it ought to bee eshewed . They ask , what apinesse there is in the gesture to intice us to idolatrie , We answere , it is the same in forme and fashion that idolaters use in that same very act , and it is done for reverence as they also do . We are more proue by nature to idolatrie , then any other sinne . Therefor● greater diligence is to bee used in avoiding the o●casions of this sin , then of any other , saith Zanchius . What needeth further proofe , if it bee true , which they seeme to grant themselfes , that adoration in the act of receaving the bread hath opened an occasion to breed worship or artolatrie . Beza in his 8. epist. faith , The event and lamentable face of the Church , doth more then sufficiently teach us , how hurtfull t is , and commendeth those Churches which abolished it with no lesse care then other manifest made idolatrie , apert as idolomanias . Peter Martyr being a stranger , when he was a professour in Oxford , was loath to contradict the order , which was retained for the appeasing the papists , who were a strong party at that time , excuseth the matter the best he could , but with all , privie to the insuffiencie of his excusus , he wisheth it were removed . And writing against Gardin●r , he wisheth , that it were not , howbeit the kneelers direct their worship not to the symbols themselfes , but to Christ reigning in the heavens . But after the revolt of England in Qu●ene Maries dayes , when he was in Zurich , writing to the Polonian ministers , he saith , Let the evil seed , and rotten rootes be plucked up at the first beginning , for if they be neglected at the first ( I know what I speak ) it is more difficill to take them away afterward : And this is wisely to be looked to , as in the sacraments , so specially in the e●charist , that it be most sincerely done . For there are there , beleeve me , pestilent seeds of idolatrie , which unlesse they be taken away , the Church of Christ will never be beautified with pure and sincere worship . Let not the sacraments be contemned , as empty and vo●d signes ; And on the other side , let them not give greater honour to them , then their institution will suffer . Averruncentur sub ipsis initiis mala semina , & putres radices . Nam si principio negligantur , ( scio to quod loquor ) pestea difficiliùs tolluntur . Idque providendum est , ut in sacramentis , & prae●ipue in encharistiae quam sincerissimè fiat , ibi sunt , mibi crede , idololatriae pestifera semina , que porr● , ●isis●i● lara suerint , ecclesia Christi puro sinceroque cul● nunquam erit o●nata . Non centemnantur sacramenta , ut in●nla & 〈◊〉 signa . Rursmque non illis plus tribuant homines , quam 〈◊〉 institutio ferat . This was his advice , after experience he had in England , and in the same epistle he 〈◊〉 , That●ite in the ministration of the sacraments 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 which is most of all , and furthest rem●ue 〈◊〉 from papisticall toyes and ceremonies , and commeth 〈◊〉 to that puritie , which Christ and his Apostles used . 〈◊〉 in his S. sennon upon Ienah saith , The outward gesthred and behaviour of the receaver should want all kinde 〈…〉 shew orinelination to idolatrie . Wherefore seeing kneeling is a shew and externall kinde of honouring and worshipping , and heretofore grieveus and damnable idolatrie heth beene committed by 〈◊〉 the sacram●nt , I could wish it were commanded by the magistrat , that the communicants might receave it sitting or standing . Master Cartamight reporteth , that in divers places the people have knocked on their breasts , and holden up their hands , whilst the minister was in giving the bread , and not only those who receaved it , but also those who looked on , and were in the Church . In a national synod of the Belgick and French Churches in the Low-countries holden in Junie 1578. they concluded against geniculation . Genuflexionem non admittimus ob periculum adorations 〈…〉 admit not kneeling for perill of the adoration of bread worship . And in a nationall synod holden at Midleburgh , it was likewise concluded , Genuflexio omnino omittetur propter periculum superstitiosae adoratienis ; Kneeling shall altogether be omitted , because of the danger of superstitious adoration . Festus Homi●s out of these consti●utions , ●●th set downe their minde in the harmonie of their synods , to the same effect , That the communionibe not celebrated kneeling for the danger of bread worship . Our Doctour answereth , That they knew best , what served to the edification of their owne Church , as if the Hollanders were more prone to bread worship , then Scots on English . P. acknowledgeth , that they which kneel may receave too reverently . Cyprian answering to some maids , who walked with young men , talked with them , went to bed with them , and said , they abstained notwithstanding from the act , saith , Non est locus d●ndus Diabolo●● mo diu tutus periculo proxim●s ; We should not give place to the devill : No man that is near danger can be long in suretie . They alledge a Polonian synod allowing kneeling or standing , but not sitting . But they must know first , that they were farre mistaken . For they thought in synodo Graconiensi anno 1573. and Vledislanitensi anno 1523. that none but the Arrians or Arrianabaptists among themselfes did sit . It is strange , that they should thereupon exhort to the forbearance of sitting , seeing the Arrians did not sit upon conceat of par●ie , or equality with Christ. It is grosse mistaking , saith P. that fellowship and societie necessarily imports equalitie , who knowes not , that a king and a meane man may be fellow-like and sociable , and yet remainefarre unequals . Next , it is as strange , that they should be ignorant , that the gesture of sitting was in use even then , to wit 1573. 1578. 1583. in sundry Churches in Europe , as in the Low-countries , Helvetia , Scotland . Yea , as a worthy Polonian , as that Church hath bred in his time , that Polonian Baron Iohannes Alasco , wrote before the holding of that synod more amply , and more earnestly for sitting ; then any man else ; and put it in practise in the Churches where he had credite and authoritie . We are not therefore conforme to Arrians in the gesture of sitting , for it is not their invention , nor is it approved only by them ; It was in use before ever the name of Arrius was heard . Yet , howbeit their synods were mixed , and consisted partly of Lutherans , partly of such as adheared to the Boh●●mian , partly of such as adheared to the Helvetian confession , they would urge no man , fearing that urging would draw on censures , which they thought neither commendable nor expedient . For they confesse , That it is neither the will of God , nor the custome of the pur●r Church , to smite m●n with ecclesiasticall discipline for externall rites . Propter externos ritus homines pios ferire , neque est Dom●ni v●tun●as , neque purioris ecclesiaemos . As ye may see in Synodus Petriconi insis , which was holden anno 1578. Their next shift is , that ●he people may be taught and informed to direct ●he●r adoration internall and externall to God , and so all erroneous opinion may be removed . But we have told them , that it is better to fill up the pit in the way , then to set one beside to warne the passingers , that they fall not in . Watchmen are sometime negligent , sometime blinde and ignorant , or corrupt and perverse : meat doth not nourish so fast , as poison doth corrupt . Time should be better spent , then in leading poore souls through dangerous wayes , which may be forsaken . Their strength should not be tried by bringing them to the brinke of danger . Suppose information by doctrine were used at all times , and every where all are not alike capable , example and appearance of evil would worke more powerfully , then the doctrine . Of the insufficiencie of this remedy , see Calvin in his epistle to the protectour of England . The third shift is , that the command of the supreme magistrat in things indifferent taketh away the scandall . There are two sorts of indifferent things , saith Z●n●hius , some that are manifest occasions of sinning , others are not of that kinde . Res adiaphorae duplices sunt . Quaelam su●t alicui aport●e occasiones peccatorum , ita ut exillis verè immineat p●ricul●m , pèceandi : alie vero non ita se habent . For the first sort , that we ought to abstaine from 〈◊〉 evill , and all manifest occasion of evil : For who , saith he , will venture to passe along a ruinous bridge , if hee perceave manifest danger of falling into the river . Can the supreame magistrat take away that aptnesse and fitnesse , that any thing hath to intise and provoke men to sinne . The Apostle Paul saith , he had rather never eat flesh , then offend a weake brother for eating flesh offered to the idol , and sold in the market . And I think , he had greater , authority in such matters , nor any prince or generall assembly . The Belgick synods , yee see , would not take so much upon them , but for ad kneeling for fear of idolatrie . If the Church ( to whom the rule for directing the use of things indifferent in maters of religion are laide down , to wit , that all things bee done decently , in order , to edification , without offence ) may not presume so farre , far lesse may the magistrate ; for his power is cumulative to assist the Church , not privative , to deprive the Church of her power . The magistrates countenance maketh the scandall the greater , and hee strengthneth it by his authoritie , whereas hee should remove scandals , and not lay stumbling-blocks in the way of the people . The brasen serpent was but a passive , 〈◊〉 active scandall , and yet Ezekias brake it in pieces : for more should active scandals bee removed . These Cour●-clawbacks tell us , wee should rather offend the people , then the supreme magistrate . But better offend , that is , displease him , nor offend , that is , give occasion to the poorest soule , let bee many thousands , to fall into any sin , let bee so haynous a sin , as is the sin of idolatrie . The magistrate is not in danger of stumbling , for ( yee say ) he esteemeth the matter indifferent . Is not the supreme magistrate a sinfull man ? May hee not make Israel to sin ? May hee not abuse things indifferent , and transgresse the rules above mentioned ? May hee not bee a secret friend to the pope , or an a bettor of superstition ? Suppose hee have no such intention , yet hee can not by his authoritie alter conditionem operis , the qualitie of the work it self , and make a thing , which of it selfe is inductive to scandall not inductive . Doth his commandment make all so sure , that none can bee scandalized ? That is impossible , considering the shew of evill in the deed it self , the ignorance of many thousands , the disposition of the ignorants to superstition , the pronnesse of mens nature to idolatrie , and the increase of papists . Ioab was guiltie of Vriahs bloud , notwithstanding of the Kings commandment , so art thou of thy brothers falling , Thy life for his life , if hee bee a missing . Say not therefore with Cain , Am I my brothers keeper ? Active obedience to the magistrate ought not to bee a rule of thy love to Gods glory , and the salvation of thy brother . Passive obedience is not denied ; but defences by lawes aright first to bee heard . Whereas they alleadge , that sitting is dangerous for breeding contempt and prophanation . To passe by the institution , experience is a testimonie in the contrare . Rusticitie in the behaviour of simple ones , not acquainted with all the points of civili●● , is not prophanation , but may bee where the minde is in good order Horrible prophane were the words of our blind bishop to a gentle woman in the offering of the elements , because shee would not kneel . Wee maintain , that kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements was not devised , or at least authorized , till the great Antichrist overruled . Wee need not to poin●● at the time when it first began : for there are many corruptions in the Romane Church , which can not bee ded●●ed 〈◊〉 a certain beginning , by the Romanists themselfs . It is sufficient , that wee point out a time , wherein it was not in use . There can not be an authentick testimonie alleadged for kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements , before the opinion of reall presence yea , or of transubstantiation began to spread , or to come to a more certain date , for the space of a thousand years after Christ. I say , authentick testimonie : for wee regard not supposititions , or counterfite works . Origens first homilie in divers loca , is brought in , saying , Thou therefore humbling thy self , ●●itat the Centurie● , ●nd say , Lord , I am not worthie , &c. but that works is acknowledged by the papists themselfs to be counterfite . Suchlike counterfi●e Cyrillus of Jerusalem in his fifth catechisme saith , Then come to the cuppe of the blood , not stretching out thy hand , sed pr●nus & in modum adorationis & venerationis , dicens Anten● But stow●ing downward , or with the face bended downward in manner of adoration or veneration , saying , Amen . He sayeth not , Cade pronu● , fall down on thy fa●e , sed accede pronus , but come inclyning or bowing thy he●d , or upper part of thy body , as men use to do , when they make courtesie for men can not come falling flat . But what need wee trouble our selfes with his words , seeing hee is marked for a counterfite by Moulias on the Lords supper , the bishop of Spalato , and Plessie , who in his answere to the bishop of Evereux saith , These catec●ismes of Cyrillus are supposititious , and come not to light , but in our time . M. Down in his treatise of transubstantiation . pag. 3● . 38. saith , That these catecbeticall booke are but of a verie late edition , that Harding acknowledgeth , that in his time they were known to ve●ie few , and in ●rite , that they have beene published since in print , and perhaps , to winne more authoritie to them , misfathered upon Cyrillus of Ierusalem . This Cyrill directs the Communicant to touch his lips , which are sanctified with the touch of Christs body and bloud , that by the touch of that finger hee may sanctifie his eyes , brow , and others . No authentick testimonie can they produce bearing the word kneeling , which is an adoration not in a large , but strict sense . The testimonies bearing the word adore , are either counterfite , or to bee understood of inward adoration , as Doctour Burges himself confesseth , sundrie of the learned do construe them , or of adoration in time of prayer before they communicate : or adoration is taken taken only for veneration . See Iewel in the article of adoration . Bilson in his book of obedience , and Mortoun the late defender of the ceremonies , in his latest worke entituled , Of the institution of the sacrament . He bringeth in sundrie exemples to prove the latitude of the word Adore . When Theodor●t saith , dialog . 2. that the mysticall signes are adored , he should speake very grosly , if the word adore meant not only reverent usage . Moulines on the Lords supper , 2. part . page 24. translateth Theodoret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reverenced , and disputeth against adored , as not agreeable to his meaning . And so Bilson expoundeth Theodoret , and to this purpose alledgeth the glosse of the Canon law . In hoc sensu possumus q●am libet rem sacr●m adorare , id est , reveren●iam exhibere . Ana. stasius saith , Dominica verba attentè audiant , & si leliter adorent 1. venerantur , saith the glosse . Adore plenitudinem scripturae . I adore the fulnesse of the scripture , saith Tertullian . Doctour Burges is forced to constru● the word adored , in this sense , when he would give a right sense to some words of Iewell . The sacraments in that sort , in respect of that , which they signifie , and not in respect of that which they are of themselfes , are the flesh of Christ , and are so understood and beleeved and adored , but the whole honour resteth not in them , but is passed over from them to the things , which be signified , saith Iewel . His meaning is ( saith the Doctour ) that no more is or may be done respectively to the sacrament , then that which wee call veneration , that , which in strict sense , we call adoration or divine worship is reserved to God. Chrysostome meaneth spirituall reverence , in 1 Corin. 11. and therefore he useth emphaticall speeches of ascending up to the gates of heaven , even the heaven of heavens , like eagles , saith Doctour Fulk . 〈◊〉 followeth not that they kneeled in Augustines time , because the Ethnicks objected , that Christians honoured Bacchus and Ceres . The reverene carriage of Christians at the participation of the sacrament all bread and wine , was sufficient to be an occasion of the mistaking . Averroes the Arabian Spaniard , about 400 yeares since , objected , That Christians adored that which they did eat . It may be , that in his time they kneeled , and gave just occasion to Averroes reproach . But his time is not within our date . In a word , looke how old they can prove kneeling , we shall prove reall presence . Doctour Purges hath found out a place which was never found out before , wher●● hee confidently concludeth , that the communicants k●eeled in Tertull●ans time , for ( faith he ) the people shunned to take the sacrament , when they might not kneel in the act of receaving or partaking of it , and therefore forbore to come to the communion table on the station dayes , because it behoved them the stand on these dayes . Tertullian , saith he , inviteth them to come , and take the bread standing at the table publikely , and to reserve and carry it away with them and receave it at home , as they desired , kneeling , and so both duties should be performed , the receaving of the eucharist , and the tradition of standing on these dayes observed . Tertullians words are , Similiter de stationum diebus , non putant plerique sacrificiorum orationibus interveniendum , qu●d statio solvenda sit accepto corpore Domini . Which last words he translateth , because station or standing is then to be performed in receaving the body of the Lord : whereas he should ●ranst●te , because the fast is then to be brocken after the receaving of the bodie of the Lord. For the word statio in Tertullians language is taken for fasting , both in this place , and in his booke De corona militis , cap. 11. and in his booke De jejuniis , cap. 2. 10. 14. as Pamelius hath well observed upon that place , and after him Baronius in his annales . In his booke De jejuniis he bringeth in for illustration Moses persevering in prayer , till the going downe of the sunne , when the people was fighting against the Amalekits , Nonne statio fuit sera , saith he . Did Ioshua dyne that day , saith he , that he fought against the Ammorits , that commanded the sunne to stand in Gibeon , and the moone in Askalon ? That God gave such authority to Sauls commandement concerning fasting till even , that I●nathan for tasting a little hony was scarce delivered at the instant request of the people , Tantam authoritatem dedit edicto stationis Saulis , ut Ionathan filius , &c. H. bringeth in such exemples for the custome their owne sect of the Mountanists had brought in , which was to keep these fasts till evening , whereas the custome of the Church was to keepe them only to the ninth , that is , our third houre afternoone . In the 2. and 14. chapter he maketh mention of weddensday and f●yday : appointed for these fasts , Cur quartam & sextam sabbathi st●tionibus dicamus ? speaking of the custome of the Church at that time . The meaning of Tertullian , in the place above cited , is , They were in an errour , who thought that if they had receaved the sacrament , their fast should be broken , which should have continued to the set houre . For ( saith he ) d●th the encharist lose that service which wee have devoted unto God , or rather doth it binde us more to God. Nonne solennior erit statio tua , si & ad aram Dei steteris ; Shall not thy fast bee the more solemne , if thou stand also at the altar of God ; th●● is , the communion table . Accepto corpore Domini & reservata ( as Iunius reade●● ) id est stationis officio , ( not reservato ) that it may answer to the other member , both are safe , & participatis sacrificti & exc●utio off●cii , both the participation of the sacrifice ●nd performance of thy service , id est , jejunii , ( saith 〈◊〉 his answer to the theologues of Burde●ux . 〈…〉 his answer to the bishop of Ever●ux , he saith , That Tertullian would remove that scruple , that after they had communicated , their fast was broken , they thought , a● si particip●tio euch aristiae jejunium abrumpere● 〈◊〉 if the participation of the eucharist had broken up their fast : Ambrose giveth the reason , wherfore these set fasts were called Stationes , quod stantos & commarantes in eis inimicos insidiantes repellimus ; because standing and sta●ing in them wee rep●ll our enemies lying in wait for us , meaning spirituall enemies . The metaphore is borrowed from souldiers , who behoved to fast so long as they were in statio● ; Metaphora à militi●m sumpta quod quamdiu in statione erant , jejunare 〈◊〉 oportebat . See Pamelius upon both the places . Doctour Burges finding , that Tertullian lib. 2. ad uxorem , maketh mention of jejunia , fasts , after hee had made mention of stationes , concludeth in his owne fancie , that stationes were not fasts , whereas he might have seene stationes distinguished , à jejuniis in the former place also , but by the one he meaneth of such as fasted at any time of their owe free accord ; by the other the set dayes of fasting . Iejunium est indifferenter cujuslibet Di●i abstinentia , non perleg●m sed secundum propriam voluntatem , statio statutorum dierum vel temporum . And this difference Pamelius acknowledgeth , he hath out of Rabanus Ma●rus . The very phrase it selfe solvere stationem , might have guided him aright : For what more frequent a phrase for breaking of a fast , then solvere jejuniums . We denie not that they stood both these dayes , and other also , but that statio signifieth only standing in Tertullians phrase , when he saith , Solennior statio , or solvere stationem . I have insisted the longer upon this testimonie , because Doctour Burges doth so confidently gather out of it , which never man did before , that the Christians then did , and before had used to take the sacrament kneeling . This raw , but too confident antiquarie , his collection may be refuted by other testimonies , witnessing , that s●metimes they sa●e , of which we have alledged some before , or at other tim●s stood . Pionysius Alexandrinus writing to Xystus bishop of Rome , concerning one that was in sorrow , because hee was baptised by hereticks , saith , he du●st not baptise him over againe , because he had a long time stood at the table , and reached forth his hand to receave the holy food , and had beene for a long time partaker of the body and bloud of Christ. Iustinus telleth us , That the people rose , and the deacons gave to every one to partake of the bread and the wine . Is it likely , that they kneeled , when the deacons gave the elements ? In the homily which goeth under the name of Chrysostome , Stemus trementes timidi & demissis ocutis ; Let us stand trembling with fear a●d our eyes casten downe . So yee see both before and after Tertullians time testimonies for standing . There was an ancient custome in the Church ( which , Bellarmine saith , was left off but about 500. yeare before his time ) to stand upon the Lords day even in time of prayer . Zovaras in synod 6. can . 90. s●ith , That no wayes might they kneel betwixt the evening service on satterday and the Lords day at evening . Die dominico de geniculis ad orarenesa● , saith Tertullian . And such like , betwixt easter and pentecost , not only upon the Lords day , but no day of the weeke might they kneele . Yea , by the decree of Alexand●r the third , they might not kneel upon the Lords day in publike , but only at the consecration of Bishops , and giving of orders ▪ he that did consecrate , and he that w●s consecrated might kneel , and this was decreed about the yeare 1159. at which 〈◊〉 it seemeth this one exception entred in . Now will any man affirme , That they never communicated upon the Lords day , for a thousand yeare , or 1159. or imagine as Doctour Burges doth , that because they might not kneel , that all this time they tooke the sacrament standing in the Church , and went home to their houses , where they eated kneeling , or to their seats in the Church , where they might not kneel . L. page 52. confesseth , That the communican●s in the primitive Church stood at the table , when they receaved the sacrament on the Lords day . Well , say they , seeing they prayed standing , they used that gesture in the receaving of the eucharist , which they thought fittest for prayer . I answer , they thought not that gesture fittest for prayer . The authour of the questions extant in Iustinus , saith , Genu●m inclinatio in precatione magis peccatores Deo commendat , qu●m sistantes orent . He preferreth , yee see , kneeling in prayer before standing : But both are indifferent . They stood to signifie their joy for Christs resurrection , and not because they though it the fittest gesture for prayer . It was a conceat they tooke up , which entred not in the Apostle Pauls minde : for wee finde Acts 20. that he kneeled betweene Easter and Pentecost . Alwise by that custome , ye may see , they communicated standing . The testimonies above cited have not relation to any day , and the custome observed yet to this day in the orientall Churches , to communicate standing , notwithstanding , that other custome hath ceased , declareth that they intended never geniculation in the act of receaving . Ephraim Placit in his Christianographie , descriving the manner of the administration of the Lords supper in the Greek Church , in the Churches of the Mengrellians , Circassians , Georgians , Muscovits , Melchits or Syrians , Armenian , Iacobits , the Christians falsly called Nestorians , the Cophti or Egyptian Christians , the Abyssinos or Ethiopian Christians , produceth no instance for kneeling in the act of receaving , eating , drinking , which he would not have pretermined , being conforme , and dedicating his booke to the bishop of Elie. Cassander in his Liturgicks , descriving the order observed in the Churches of the Arm●n●ans , Muscovits , and in the kingdome of preste Iohn maketh no mention of kneeling , but of standing . Il●ssie in his 4. bo●ke of the Masse , trusseth up all in few words . Quarè orientales ecclesiae adorationem sacramenti admiserunt nusqu●m , non quae patriarchae Consta tinopolitano obsequuntur , n●n quae Antiocheno . Et in Abyssnis etiam ipsis hodie st●ntes sacramenta participant , nec ●●minus reverenter ; The orientall Churches no where admitted edoration of the sacrament ; not those which are obedient to the patri●rch of Constantinople , or yet the patriar●h of Antioch . And the Abyssins themselfes participate of the sacrament , standing , and yet not without reverence : Where by adoration he meaneth kneeling , whereunto be opposeth standing . If ever kneeling in the act of receaving had beene in use among them , it had not beene left off , considering mans pronnesse to idolatrie and superstition , and delight to stick in the mire when he is wallowing in it . It resteth then that kneeling is only found in the Churches subject to the Pope , of old . or at the present . Other Churches , howbeit they followed not the paterne , using another forme and gesture , not was sutable to this first , yet they degenerated not so 〈◊〉 as the Roman Church did , The Muscovite Graecians , 〈◊〉 L●tine Priest chance to say Masse upon one of their altars , they forthwith breake them downe , as defiled and polluted . And they ●old the priests of the Latine Church to be no letter then hereticks , and vouchsafe not to salute them . Willets out of Sacranus . We have not yet heard of any authentick testimonie for kneeling , which is adoration in proper and strict sense , for the space of a thousand year after Christ , which is the date we set downe . Nor yet till after the dayes of Pope Honorius the third , who lived ●bout the yeare 1220. And he decreed nothing , 〈◊〉 ●owing , not of the knee , but of the head or superiour bulk of the body , at the elevation in ●he masse . The bowing of the knee at the elevation entred not till afterward , yea , prevailed not universally even in our dayes . For I finde in Bochellus a decree made in a popish synod at Rhems , anno 1583. Quoriam apud omnes sere catholicos usus modo obtinuit , ut procumbentes adorent divin●● eucharistiam ; Because the use 〈…〉 prevailed almost among all catholicks , that falling 〈◊〉 they a●ore the divine eucharist , the holy synod exhorteth , that if there be any Church , useth another custome , a●d 〈◊〉 the body of Christ in this sacrifice standing , that they f●ll downe her●after , while the holy mysteries are set forth to be adored . Sancta synodus hortatur , ut si quae ecclesia altero more adhuc utatur , & stando Christi corpus i● hoc sacrificio adore● , proeumbat 〈…〉 sancta mysteria proponantur adorari . Where , by the way observe , that when ye finde the word adore in the ancients , it followeth not , that ye must interpret i● kneeling . For yee see , they that stood are said to adore , which is not to adore in strict and proper sense . Whither kneeling at the receaving come in with that decree of Honorius , or after , which is more likely , and that no other gesture was used at the one , which was not used at the other , I cannot determine . Howsoever it entred under Antichrist raigning , and is the receaved gesture of all such as are wit●●● the bounds of his jurisdiction , where he is Pat●●●ch . The Churches under the Patriarches of Constantinople or Antioch , hath not receaved it , as ye have heird . If the priests , and others of the elergic , be directed to the Romane ri●all to kneel in receaving the eucharist , can wee thinke any of the people had liberty not to kneel . Howbeit this idolatrous gesture prevailed under the raigne of Antichrist , yet there wanted nor faithfull witnesses to stand out against it . Of the Walden●●● yee heard before . Iohannes Slechta a Bohemian , writing to Eras●● in the veare 1519 , telleth him , that there was among them a sect , of such as were called Pyghardi , because their first ring-leader , who came to these parts in the dayes of Zisca , about four score and seventeene years before , that came out of Picardie , that they maintained , these committed idolatrie , who kneeled before the bread in the sacrament of the eucharist , or bowed before it , or adored it . In sacramento eucharistie nihil esse divinitatis credunt , sed solum panem & 〈◊〉 consecratum signis quibusdam occultis mortem Christi 〈…〉 affirmantes , & propterea in idolola●riam cadere omnes quot quot coram illo genua flectunt , & incu●vant , vel illud adorant . All the Sacramentaries call it idolatrie to kneel before the eucharist , saith Bellarmine . And yet so impudent is our Doctour , that he is not ashamed to affirme , that never any divine ancient or moderne to this day , except Arrians and Anabaptists , hath doubted , but Christ may and should be adored externally in the act of receaving . Seeing therefore this gesture entred in under Antichrist , and is maintained by him with fire and faggot , ought we not to reject it , and retaine the exemplarie sitting of Christ and his Apostles . If at any time , wee should not seeme to have communion with Antichrist , we should most of all at this holy supper , which setteth forth our communion with Christ and his Church . But put the case this gesture in the act of receaving had beene devised by others , then the great Antichrist , or might have beene used without blame , which is not possible , yet seeing it was not commanded by Christ , or his Apostles , but is the invention of man , hath beene so horribly abused , and rem●ineth still in the owne nature indifferent , as they alledge , and not necessarie by their owne confession , it ought to be abandoned for the danger of many thousand weake souls , which may bee brought on to bread worship . Wee may scandalize sometimes , even when the fact is neither evill in it selfe , nor hath appearance of evil . Etiamsi factum non fit se cundum se malum , neque secundum se habeas speci●m mali , tamen toterit esse aliquando scandalum infi●niorum , quia secund●m illorum opinione●● habet speciem mals . Domine . ●s Bannes in 2. 2. 〈◊〉 43. in art . ●● . We might 〈◊〉 a score here , and proceed no further . For what we have said , is sufficient to restraine every man from kneeling . To offend one of Christs little ones , is a hainous sinne . CHAP. V. Kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements of the supper is idolatrie . WE prove it to be idolatrie , first considering it , as it is enjoyned by the act of that pretended assembly holden at Perth , next as the action is considered simply in it selfe . We are directed by the act of Perth to kneel in reverence of the sacrament , which is idolatri● , as L. confesseth , if we do so . But we are directed to kneel in due regard of so divine a mysterie , to wit● as is the sacrament , or as is the receaving of the body and bloud of Christ , to wit , in the sacramentall manner . Wee will examine the act by parts , according to L. his analysis , howbeit wee acknowledge him not for the authentike interpreter of it . The first reason for kneeling in the narrative , is set downe in these words , Since wee are commanded , by God himselfe , that when wee come to worship him , we fall downe and kneel before the Lord our maker . Relative to this reason , we have in the conclusion this inference . Therefore in reveren●e of God , the assembly thinketh good , that the sacrament be celebrated to the people meekly , and reverently ●●●●ling upon their knee● . For the confirmation of this reason is alledged , Psal. 35. vers . 7. out of which verse the words are taken . By this reason , Christ and his Apostles , and all that have communicated sitting , or standing , or passing , since the dayes of Christ , have sinned . For if wee be commended by God to kneel , wee sinne if we kneel not . Next , the word translated worship , Psal. 95. 7. is taken , not generally for any action , or service divine , or religious expressed by the word Cul●us in Latine , as it is taken here in the act , for then wee should sinne , if we kneel not , when we bear the word read or preached , but it is taken more strictly for a speciall kinde of worshipping of God , to wit , adoring God by the gesture of prostration . And so wee shall bee commanded to prostrat our body with our hands and feet spread upon the ground , and not to kneel only . For the people of God under the law used foure kindes of gestures in signe of honour : First , a bending , or bowing downe of the head or face only , which was the least degree , and is expressed by the word Cadad : next , a bending or bowing of the superiour ●uk of the bodie expressed by the word Carang : the third , kneeling , expressed by the word Barach : the fourth , prostrating the bodie with hands and feet spread , as I have said , expressed by the word Histachaveh . The last three are all mentioned in the verse alledged . Thirdly , we have not here a commandement from God , but David his exhortation , or invitation to the godly , not to kneel or fall downe before the Lord , when they come to worship him , or as the word beareth to prostrate themselfes , for that were as much as to desire them to fall downe and kneel , when they come to fall downe and kneel ; but he exhorteth and inviteth them to come and prostrate themselfes , bow and kneel before the Lord their maker in token of thanksgiving , that is , in the temples where the arke was , and where the Lord was present in a wonderfull manner sitting betweene the cherubims . It is grosse ignorance to inferre hereupon , that wee should , or are commanded to kneel at the receaving of the sacrament , more then at the hearing of the word , or at any of them , unlesse they think the sacrament the Lord their maker . The second reason in the narrative , saith the Doctour , is this , And considering withall , that there is no part of divine worship more heavenly and spirituall , then is the holy receaving of the blessed bodie and bloud of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Relative to this reason we have in the conclusion these words , And in regard of so divine a mysterie , the assembly thinketh good , that that blessed sacrament be celebrated to the people humbly , ( or as the act ratified in parliament hath , meekly ) and reverently upon their knees . We have here no other description of receaving the sacrament in the narrative , but the receaving of the body and bloud of Christ , which smelleth strongly of the reall presence . For the like , and some other phrases hath Master Prinne discovered Doctour Cou●ins to be popish in the survey of his privat devotions . Then all that communicate , receave the body and bloud of Christ in at their mouth good and bad . This shall please the Lutheran and Papist full well . But by mysterie , saith the Doctour , is no meant the elements , nor is it said mysteries , but mysterie . It may well be the elements are not meant , because it may be , they thinke the elements vanish away , and nothing remaine but the accidents , or that Christs body and bloud are substantially present with the elements , or some other unknowne way , as the Doctour hath beene mutering in privat . And that is a mysterie indeed . But by mysterie must be meant the sacrament : for in the narrative we have no other phrase to expresse the sacrament , but the receaving of the body and bloud of Christ , which is relative to this word mysterie . And in the conclusion , the word sacrament both preceedeth and followeth : So the words in the same sense may be framed thus , Considering , there is no part of divine worship more heavenly and spirituall then is the holy receaving of the blessed sacrament , therefore the assembly thinketh good in regard of so divine a mysterie , or in regard of so heavenly a pa●t of Gods worship , that that blessed sacrament be celebrated , &c. Whereas he saith , the word is mysterie , not mysteries in the plurall number , howbeit we finde it so in the first copies , let it be mysterie ; The Doctour himselfe in his solutions for kneeling , useth sometime the word mysteries , sometime mysteries . Casaubone speaking of this sacrament , saith , It is called sometime m●sterie , sometime mysteries . Dicitur autono masticè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aut numero multitudinis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionysius Areop●git a entituleth the chapter of the Lords supper , The mysterie of the syna●is or holy communion , Ambrose saith , Indignus est Domino , qui aliter mysterium celebrat , quàm ab eo institutum est . Hierome saith , Licet in mysterio possit intelligi , tamen veriùs corpus Christi & sanguis ejussermo scripturarum est , Oecumenius saith , That the Apostle calleth the mysterie of our Master , the Lords supper . A number of testimonies might be cited to this purpose . The reason of such speach is , because both the sacramentall signes are referred to one Christ. It is but one action the celebration of the supper . Further , we receave the bodie and bloud of Christ , when we heare and beleeve the promises of the Gospel , read , exponed , or rehearsed . Origen saith , Hoc quod modo loqu mur , sunt earnes Christi , that which we are presently speaking to you is the flesh of Christ. And in another place , We are said to drinke the bloud of Christ , not only by the rites of the sacraments , but also when we hear the word . Hierome , as ye heard before , That more truly the speach of the scripture is the body and bloud of Christ. If then in the narrative , be no me ●o me●nt then the spirituall receaving of Christs body and bloud , it is no more a reason for kneeling at the receaving of the sacrament , then at hearing of the promises of the Gospel read and exponed . The words therefore must bee meant of the sacramentall manner of receaving , and the words relative in the conclusion , In regard of so divine a mysterie ; must meane , In regard of the mysticall o● sacramentall receaving ; and so the Communicant is directed to kneel , in regard of the sacrament . The third reason in the narrative , is the correspondence betweene the outward gesture of our body , and then meditation , and lifting up our hearts , whe●● wee remember , and consider the mysticall union betwixt Christ and us , and among our selfes , whereof we are made partakers by the receaving of Christs body and bloud . He shunneth to set downe the words of the narrative , and of the conclusion answerable to them , as he did in the former two reasons , because he perceaved they could not be framed to his purpose . For there is no mention made in the narrative of mysticall union , nor is it said in the narrative , that the most humble and reverent gesture of the bodie , well becommeth the meditation , and lifting up of our hearts , when wee remember and consider the mysticall union betwixt Christ and us , but that the most humble and reverent gesture of our body in our meditation and lifting up of our hearts , becommeth well so divine and sacred an action , to wit , as is the receaving of the body and bloud of Christ. Wee are not directed by the act to meditate and lift up hearts , but to use that kinde of gesture , which becommeth meditation and the lifting up of the heart ; nor is kneeling a gesture well becomming meditation . Wee meditate sitting , lying , walking . Kneeling is a gesture well becomming prayer , but not meditation . By lifting up the heart , no necessity to meane prayer : for the minde and heart may be lifted up by faith and contemplation , without prayer . And to this lifting up the Communicants were exhorted of old with sursum corda , least their hearts and mindes should be groveling and onely bent upon the elements . And so the lifting up of the eyes may be a signe of lifting up of the heart and minde , in token that wee looke confidently to have our desires granted by God , who dwelleth in heaven , as the casting downe of the eye as a token of humiliation for sinne . Suppose by lifting up of the heart prayer should be meant , yet kneeling is not the humblest gesture for prayer , but prostration . Then we should prostrat our selfes when wee receave the sacrament . Next , if the Communicant shall pray mentally , when hee receaveth the sacrament , and in that regard kneel , he shall be exercised other wayes then the act of receaving requires . Further , a secret mentall prayer shall be commended to him in publike without a vocall , and the signe of it the humble gesture of kneeling , whereas the signes of secret and mentall prayer in publike should be concealed , so farre as may be . The minister , when he delivereth the elements , is not directed to use a vocall prayer to be followed by the Communicant . And wee see , the Conformitants are not uniforme among themselfes in the words uttered at deliverie of the elements . If we may sit , or stand , or kneel in time of prayer , then kneeling is not enjoyned in regard of prayer , but some other thing intended . But , as I have said , we are not direct , by the act to lift up our hearts or pray ; and therefore I need not , as yet , to insist upon this pretext . Giving , that in the conclusion these words , In remembrance of so mysticall an union , ●e answerable in the narrative , the meditation and lifting up of our heart ; then by meditation and lifting up of the heart , is meant not prayer , but remembrance . And what is that , to say , to kneel in remembrance , that were to kneel for a memoriall . But suppone it were thus , when we remember , and as he addeth consider , to remember and consider is not to pray . Shall we kneel , whensoever we are put in minde of that mysticall union ? And what is meant by this mysticall union ? It may meane as well a materiall conjunction , as they call it , or corporall union of the body of Christ , with the bodies of the Communicants , by touch in the mouth , swallowing downe to the stomack , and mixture with the bodies of the communicants , as spirituall with the soule . O Lord , let thy bodie which I have taken , and bloud which I have drunken , c●eave uut● my guts and en●rals , saith a Romane missall . But the spirituall eating of Christs flesh , and drinking of his bloud , and the mysticall union between Christ and us wrought by it , is as well done out of the sacrament , as in it , saith Master Downe , Wee are not united with Christ by receaving his flesh into our mouthes , but by faith , which may be done without ever participat●ing the sacr●ment . That the Reader may perceave the better , how the act is contrived , let him read it without the two lies closed within the parenthesis , seeing the act is whole , and entire without them , and he shall see , that it may passe among Papists and Lutherans , not one word or syllable sounding against a reall presence in the signes , and that we are directed to kneel not in regard of any prayer , but in due regard of so divine an action or mysterie , as is the sacrament , or sacramentall receaving of Christs bodie and bloud . Wee may also consider the intent of the Church of England , or rather of their prelats and adherents , that wee may take up the better the intent of our act . For conformitie with them is intended . At the first , Kneeling was left free in the dayes of King Edward the sixt . The Papists making a stirre for want of reverence to the sacrament : at the second reviewing of the booke of common prayer . Kneeling was enjoyned upon this reason , That the sacrament might not be prophaned , but holden in a holy and reverent estimation ; this was done by the directours and contrivers of the booke , partly to pacifie the Papists , partly , because their judgement was not cleare in this point . They could not see every thing throughly at the dawning of the day . Yet it was not altered , but by a sta●ute 1. Elizabeth , that second booke of King Edwards was confirmed . Doctour Burges bringeth in a passage to explaine the matter , which , saith he , is left out by negligence of the printer . But it is more likely , that it hath beene done of purpose by such as were directours . Doctour Mortoun saith , That their Church thought it fit by outward reverence in the manner of receaving the eucharist , to testifie their due estimation of such holy rites , to stop the mouths of blasphemous Papists , vilifying the sacrament with the ignominious names of bakers bread , vintners wine , profane elements , ale-cakes . But Doctour Ames , in his reply to Doctour Mortoun , answereth , That it was not so much for the stopping of the mouths of Papists , but that some close dissembling adversaries did hinder the worke of reformation so much as they could , and that they have done so ever since , and do so still to this day . It may be such pretended the scoffing of Papists ; bu● what matter of any glosse , if kneeling be directed , that the sacrament be not prophaned , but hold in reverent estimation . Then the sacrament is prophaned belike , if wee either sit , or stand , and kneel not . Master Hu●ton saith , They kneel to put a difference betweene the ordinarie bread and wine , and these sacramentall , to which they give the more reverence , because it is more then ordinarie bread and wine . What more plaine ? They say not , they kneel to God that the sacrament may not be prophaned , but holden in reverence , &c. But simply , they are enjoyned to kneel , that the sacrament be not prophaned , &c. And suppose they were , it were no better shift then the Papists use , when they say they dedicate temples to God in honour of this or that Saint . And yet wee kneel not to God , but in prayer and thanksgiving , which are not compatible with the act of receaving , eating and drinking , of which more afterward . A bare kneeling can not be presented without some signe of extraordinarie presence , or apparition . Some of their formalists pretend , they kneel , because of the prayer u●tered at the deliverie of the elements , The body of our Lord Jesus Christ , which was given for thee , preserve thy body and soule unto everlasting life . I answer , That it is already proved , that kneeling is enjoyned for the sacraments fak● . Next , Christ prayed not at the deliverie of the elements , but in an enunciative forme uttered the word of the promise , This is my body , This cuppe is the new testament . 2. The word of promise is the speciall clause of the charter . The sacramentall signes , are like seales hanging at the charter . If at any time therefore the word of promise should be uttered , then specially when the seales are delivered . The Evangelists Matthew , Mark , Luke , and the Apostle Paul , repeat precisely and constantly that word , so that any man may perceave , the sacramentall forme of words ought precisely to be observed and uttered in the name of Christ , without change into a prayer in name of the Church . The sacramentall forme of words is observed in baptisme , why not here . Our formalists forbeare to to utter the word of promise to the Communicant . They say , They have uttered it before . It is not enough , that they were uttered before narr●iv●ly , or 〈◊〉 in rehearsall of the words of institution ; For this sacrament is an imitation of Christ , not a recitall of his words and actions . It is to doe as he did , and not to report what he did , saith Mouline . The rehearsall of the words of the institution le●terh us see , what warrant wee have to celebrate such an action , and in generall of use I read and wine . But it can not bee said demonstratively of this bread and wine in particular set on the table , that it is the body and bloud of Christ , till it be first sanctified by prayer and thanksgiving to that use , and after delivered to the communicant , with command , to take , eat , and assurance if he so doe , the bread shall be a pledge of his body , and the wine of his bloud . Christ said not , This is my body , take , eat , but Take , eat , this is my body , or actu continuo , bad them both take and eat . The promise is annexed to the commandment as conditionall , and hath no effect otherwise , but if the condition be performed . It is a receaved action among the Divines . Elementa extrausum non sunt sacramenta : The elements out of the use are no sacraments . And sacramenta perficiuntur usu . If the elements after the blessing be not delivered , shal they be sacramentally Christs body and bloud ? or if delivered , and not eaten ? It fareth with the sacramentall elements , as with pawnes and pledges in contracts and bargans : A ring may bee set a part to bee a pledge in matrimonie , yet it is not actuallie a pledge , without consent of the other partie , but only a meere sing . A stone chosen out from among many , to bee a signe of a march , is not actuallie a march stone , but in the use , when it is set with consent of parties in the march to that end . There was never a sign without the use wherefore it was appointed to be a sign . Never a march but that which divided land , nor a banquet but in eating and drinking , saith Chamier . So the elements are sanctified , and set a part by prayer and rhanksgiving to this use , but are not Christs bodie and bloud actuallie till they be receaved and used . Panis nunquam est signum corporis Christi , nisi in edendo ; nun quam vinum sanguinis , nisi in potando . And therefore this holie ordinance is properly defined a sacred act●on , consisting of so many rites . By a figurative kinde of speach it is true , the bread may bee called the sacrament of Christs bodie , because it is appointed to that end , as when Isaac said to Abraham , Where is the sacrifice ? that is , the lamb or the ramme appointed for the sacrifice , but not properly . Now the Formalist presupponeth , that the sacrament is made alreadie , before hee come to deliver the elements , and therefore , hee sayth , hee uttereth other words at the deliverie . So yee see , they place such vertue in uttering these words , This is my bodie , in the rehearsall of the institution , as the papist doth , that they thinke the read alreadie Christs bodie , and therefore absurd to utter these words againe at the deliverie to the Communicants : for then they should seeme to consecrate again . So grosse poperie is the ground of omitting the comfortable word of promise at the delivering , and snbstituting a pray●r , or ministeriall blessing , as P. calleth it , in the rowme of it , and such a prayer as presupposeth the bread already to bee Christs bodie : and therefore they say , The bodie of the Lord pr●serve thy bodie and soule . Heere also is a wil-worship : for howbeit prayer bee of it selfe a pure of Gods worship instituted and allowed by God , yet to pray unseasonablie , and out of time , at the will and device of man , when you should bee serving God in another forme , it is wil-worship : neither is there necessitie of this , a prayer alreadie preceeding . And surely this their prayer is a senselesse one , like that old prayer , Anima Christi sanctificaine , which is directed to Christs soule , whereas wee should direct our prayers to his person , not to his humanitie by it self . Let it bee observed by the way , that the words of the institution are rehearshed in the English service book , and among the rest these ords , This is my bodie , to God in a continuall tenor with the prayer begun before , just according to the order observed in the Canon of the masse , when the priest offereth his sacrifice , which is an horrible abuse of the words of the institution , which Christ uttered to the Communicants , and not unto God. I dare bee bold to affirme , the sacrifice of the masse had never en●red in the Church , if the word of promise had beene uttered at the deliverie of the elements to the Communicants in an enunciative forme , or demonstratively , as Christ did . Thirdly , if in regard of prayer , then , if Christs sacramentall speach be uttered without addition of a prayer , the Communicants must not kneel . Christs forme of speach then must be thrust out , that prayer and with it kneeling may enter in . Fourthly , suppose the prayer might be substituted in the roome of the word of promise , kneeling should not be enjoyned nor urged more precisely at that bit of prayer , then at other prayers . Yea , it is superstition to urge kneeling at one prayer more strictly , then at another , and absurd , in my judgement , to enjoyne it at all in any . They may as well enjoyne any man to lift up his eyes , to knock on his breast , to bow the head , or crouch , as to kneel : as they doe in the popish service , which hath made it the more ridiculous . for kneeling , lifting up of the hands or eyes , knocking on the breast , are naturall expressions and adumbrations of the inward motions of the soule , and proceed ex abundantia interni affectu , as saith Chamier , and therefore ought not to be extorted by injunctions , for that were to command men to play the hypocrits , and like comedians , to counterfite outward signes of such inward motions , as perhaps are not in them , so vehement as to stir them up voluntarily to such expressions . Yea , some of them may serve for ejaculations , as the lifting up of the eyes , to knock on the breast , and to bow the head , which bowing is finished in one instant , saith L. All undecent and unseemly gesture in prayer , ought to bee forbidden , but no gesture ought to bee commanded in speciall , but left free . Fiftly , that prayer above mentioned , is but a short ejaculation , and sooner ended then the Communicant can addresse himself to his knees . Sixtly , that prayer or short wish is ended before the Minister offer the bread to the Communicant , and bid him take it , and yet the Communicant is enjoined to continue still upon his knees . Nor is kneeling enjoined to them by statute or their service book , in regard of mentall prayer , for none such is enjoined . what suppose kneeling were enjoined in respect of prayer also , for if also , or principallie for reverence of the Sacrament , it is sufficient for our purpose . for to adore any other thing but God , or with God , are both idolatrous . Master Paybodie saith , Concerning prayer , I do freely confesse , that in as much as it is but an occasion , and not the principall exercise of the soule , whither it be : mentall or vocall , in the sacrament all busi●esse , I do neither deeme it the principall respect of lawfull kneeling , neither have I reason to deeme it the principall respect upon which the Church enjoyneth it . And againe , Suppose there bee no prayer used in the time of receaving , I think never the worse of the gesture of kneeling . No wonder hee say so , for hee layeth down a ground , that any of the gestures may be used in any part of Gods worship , which is a begging of the question , and yet hee can not prove kneeling at the hearing of the word , let bee in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements , but out of a misprinted place in Perth assembly , pag. 45. where in is put for after . Farre lesse can our Formalists pretend the respect of prayer . For we have no act enjoyning either any vocall prayer to be uttered by the minister or mentall by the Communicant , when he is to receave the elements . Nor doe our Formalists observe one forme of words at the deliverie , either for prayer , or otherwise . Wheresoever the publike intent of a Church is to kneel for reverence of the sacrament , every Communicant following her direction , is an idolater . Howbeit his privat intent were divers from the intent of the act , which is urged as the publike intent of the Church , yet he is interpretativè an idolater , and to be so construed both before God and man. If any man receave the sacrament upon his knees at Rome , or in any other Popish Church , whersoever were his privat intent , yet he must be interpreted to kneel according to the intent of the Church of Rome . The heart may be carried one way , and the outward action another way for feare , or other respects , but that outward action must be interpreted not according to the intention of the minde , but the intent of the injoyner . If ye fall downe before an idol in Spaine , suppose for feare of the inquisition , ye commit idolatrie , and honoureth that idol in the sight of men . If it be asked , after what manner the Communicant must be interpreted to adore , I answer , That upon better consideration of the act then before , I thinke the Communicant may according to the act kneel with a Popish intent , carring both the inward motion of his spirit , and outward submission of his body to the sacrament upon opinion of transubstantiation , or with the Lutherans intent upon opinion of consubstantiation , and that for two cases , first , because the words of the act make mention only of the body and bloud of Christ , and of the blessed sacrament , but not one word of the elements of bread and wine . Next , because some of our ministers the chief urgers of kneeling are popish , and have taught in publike in the pulpits of Edinburgh , that wee ought not to contend , or descant curiously upon the manner of Christs presence in the sacrament , and that he is present after an unknowne manner . To this purpose they cite a saying of Durandus . It is current among the English prelats . The bishop of Rochester in his defence of kneeling , commendeth the simplicitie of the ancients , who disputed not whither Christ were present C●n , sub , in , or trans , in the supper . See Hooker likewise in his fift booke of ecclesiasticall policie . And Sutton on the Lords supper , in his appendix . They will talke more plainly , when they shall see their time . Our Doctour commendeth them for this . They would have us beleeve , that the manner of the presence of Christs body at the sacrament is unknowne , whereas we know very well , that Christs body is present after a spirituall manner to the soules of the godly receaving by faith , ●ut to the sacrament , or elemen●s only after a sacramentall manner , that is , relatively , as things signified are to signes , howbeit farre distant . That incomprehensible or unsearchable manner , whereof they talke , is a lurking hole for adversaries to the truth , as Beza can tell him . Our Doctour from Christs personall omnipresence , inferreth , page 142. the flesh and bloud of Christ may be worshipped in the sacrament , because , wheresoever his person is , his humanity is corjoyned with his divinitie . By this Popish reason , Christs flesh and bloud may be worshipped in a stone , in the moone , the sunne , or any other thing else . His argument is borrowed from the Rhemists note upon Heb. 1. 8. Our doctour rejecteth the Vbiquitaries conceat of Christs humanitie , extended and diffused through every place : yet notwithstanding of this personall omnipresence , he hideth himself in the lurking hole of the imperceptible manner of the sacramentall presence . He acknowledgeth a spiritual presence of Christs body in the sacrament . B●llarmine acknowledgeth as much , for saith hee , Non habet Christus in Eucharistia modum existendi corporum , sed spirituum . If ye will bear the word Bodily , so will Bellarmine he content , because ( saith he ) Christ is not present after that manner , that bodies have existence of their own nature , unlesse the right explication bee added : He commendeth the expression of the councell of Tre●● , Verè , realiter , substantialiter , Truely reallie substantiallie , as the best and surest For the popish sence . When our doctours will not have us to contend about the manner of presence , whither by consubstantion , or transubstantiation , yet this taketh not away Substantially in generall , but leaveth place to substantially in an unknown manner . But wee proceed : If any will extend the words of the act to the elements of bread and wine , and interpret the receaving of Christs bodie and bloud , of the souls inward receaving , then howbeit hee kneeleth not upon opinion of the reall presence of Christ in the sacrament , yet his adoration is terminated , and resteth someway upon the sacrament , or sacramentall elements , otherwise hee cannot bee said to kneel for receiving of the sacrament . Now , as the papists agree not among themselves about the manner of worshipping their images , so the Communicants may differ in the manner and way of terminating that adoration or worship . Therefore suppose he believe not the reall presence or existence of the body of Christ in the bread , yet hee may in his apprehension and imagination unite them , as the papist doth his image with the prototype , and so adore the thing with the thing signified ; as the purple robbe with the King is coadored or adored per accid●ns : or hee may consider the signe , as substitute in the roome of the thing signified , howbeit absent , and performeth before it , or about it , that adoration which hee would bestow upon the thing signified , and by it , or in it honoureth the thing , signified properly , but the signe improperly : As when a Kings Ambassadour or Vice-gerent is honoured at some solemnitie with the honour of his Master , but improperly ; for the King is properly honoured . Or as Vas●uez will have images to bee adored , to wit , with the inward motion of the minde to the thing signified the bodie of Christ , and the exterior or outward signe of submission to the signe , to bee transmitted to the thing signified , or considering the signes as things sacred , and in relation to God , whom we are serving in the use of them . So howbeit the way and manner of terminating the reverence in the Sacrament bee different , according to the conceat of the Communicant , all come to one end , to wit , to kneel for reverence of the Sacrament . Now to kneel for reverence , is a gesture of adoration , and soveraigne worship , as L. ackowledgeth . It is nothing to the devil , whether a man erre this or that way . Howbeit the Communicants were not directed to kneel for reverence of the Sacrament , dare any man say , but they may easily fall upon it one of these wayes . I might draw another score heere , for it is enough that the Communicants are directed by the act of Perth to kneel , for reverence of the Sacrament : for seeing hee kneeleth in obedience to that act , hee must bee interpreted to kneel for that end : otherwise hee may goe to Rome , and take Corpus Christi out of the popes hand , reserving a secret intent to himself . Therefore howbeit kneeling in the act of receiving might hee lawfull , no professour in our Church can bee excused , if he kneel . But wee proceed , and setting aside the act of P●rth , wee consider the act or action it self , kneeling in the act of receaving , eating , drinking the 〈…〉 simplie . We will prove it can not bee done but for reverence of the Sacrament , or sacramentall elements , and that by two arguments . The first argument shall bee this , To be tied to kneel , whither by direction of others , or resolution of our own mindes , to kneel with reverence , in any religious exercise 〈…〉 or senselesse creature , can not bee done but for 〈…〉 of that creature . The communicant is 〈…〉 by the direction of others , or his own 〈…〉 to kneel with reverence before dead and senselesse creatures , when hee is in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements . Therefore he kneeleth for reverence of the sacramentall elements . I say , by direction of others , or resolution of our own minde . for we can not kneele to God in prayer , but there are many things before us , a house , a wall , a tree , &c. but they are set before us only by casuall position or situation ●●●ther can wee choose to do otherwise , but wee do not lie our selfes . I adde with reverence : for if a person finding himselfe diseased at the hearing of the word , finde himselfe eased with kneeling , that can not bee called kneeling with reverence . If yee bee tied to kneel with reverence , when you are to do any religious exercise , suppone prayer , before such a creature , suppone but a'tree , and is not likewise tied when you pray before any other creature , your gesture of adoration can not bee without respect to the tree . God himself never appointed any creature to bee an object to the eyes of man , when hee was to adore him upon his knees , but only directed his people to kneel toward a certain place , where he was present himself in an extraordinarie manner , or bound himself by promise to hear them from thence . Hee was present in the Ark after an extraordinarie manner , sitting betweene the Cherubins , answered by a lively voice out of it to Moses , and vouchsafed to hear such as turned toward the Temple , when they called upon him . But there is no such place appointed under the Gospel , far lesse any creature before which hee hath directed us to kneel . Our adoration is directed to that place , where wee know the manhood of Christ , whereof the Ark and the Temple were types , doth exist naturally or substantially , that is , to the heavens The sacramentall bread is not a place of Gods extraordinarie presence , nor of the existing of Christs manhood substantially , or of promise to hear us from thence . It is idolatrie ( saith Perkinse ) to turne , dispose or direct the worship of God , or any part thereof to any particular place or creature without the appointment of God , and more specially to direct our adoration to the bread , or the place where the bread is . The Theologues , and ministers in the Palatinat in their admonition , touching the booke of Concord , teach us , that it is idolatrie to worship God otherwise then he hath commanded : that they are guilty of this idolatrie , that direct the adoration of God to any other place or creature , then God hath commanded : that for this cause only these worshipped God aright , who in their gesture turned their faces toward the arke , where he was , prefer●● after a singular manner , because God had commanded this ceremoniall adoration , promising to heare such as worshipped him after that manner . But that under the new testament all ceremoniall adoration by turning us to any certaine place or thing , is damned . In the admonition above mentioned , therefore they condemne them as guiltie of as grosse idolatrie , who adore Christ in , or beside , or before the sacramentall bread ; ●s if he were corporally there , as those who falling down before any common bread , a stocke , or stone , would say , they adore Christ in it . Qui igitur Christum adorant in isto vel apud istum , vel coram isto pane , tanquam ibi corporaliter praesentem , aeque crassam ac Deo displicentem idololatriam admittunt , atque is qui coram quovis pane communi aut quovis trunco , aut quovis lapid : procidens , in eo Christum se aederarit dicat . They adde , as corporally present , because these against whom they were writing maintained a corporall presence . Our doctour sayeth , It is no errour to worship Christs flesh there , which must bee understood as present there , whither in respect of his personall omnipresence , or by imaginarie u●ion of the bread and his bodie , or that unknown manner of sacramentall presence , with which they cloak perhaps a meaning , which as yet they think not expedient to professe . Kuchlinus disp . theolog . pag. 597. inferreth out of Ierem. 3. 11. and Iohn 4. 23. likewise , that our adoration should not bee directed , either in bodie or minde , to the altar , or the ministers hand . Ter Simecdochen enim tollit circumstantiam omnem verti loci ; ad quem in terris dirigitur adoratio Dei , quod ostendit Antithesis manifestè , sed in spiritu & veritate . Yee see then , howbeit wee are not tied to direct our adoration at all time to the place where the bread is , as the Jewes were toward the arke , because it is not alwayes fixed in a certaine place , these divines condemne the like manner , at whatsoever time we adore before the bread . We uncover our heads , say they , when wee receave the elements , why may wee not also kneel ? I answer , first , the uncovering of the head is a gesture of reverence only , and that only among some nations , but not of adoration . The Jewes , Turkes , and Mahometans pray with their heads covered . The Grecians and Romanes of old , howbeit they walked in publike with uncovered heads , except in raine , great heat , or mourning , yet in the service of their Gods , they had their heads covered . The Europeans this day uncover their heads when they are praying . Kneeling is a gesture of adoration among all nations , either in civill or religious use . Augustine saith , Honorat emnis qui adorat , no autem adorat omnes quid onorat ; Every one that doth adore , doth honour , but not every one that honoureth , adoreth . Contraserm . Arian . c. 23. I will not kneel to every one , to whom I uncover my head civilly . Every one that standeth with his head uncovered in presence of the king , is not adoring , as he is who is presenting his petition to the king upon his knee in their sight . A provinciall synod holden at London , anno 1603 : ordained the head to be uncovered , when their service is read in the Church , yet I thinke they would not have enjoyned kneeling . We heare the canonicall scripture read with uncovered heads , but yet we kneel not . The words of Christ , which he uttered at the institution , are still and often uttered ; that same voice soundeth through all the tables of the world , his actions , which were divine and holy , are reiterat . In Gratians decree , De consecrat . dist . 1. cap. 68. we have a superstitious direction of Pope Anastasius , that when the Gospell is reade in the Church , those that are present , shall not sit , but stand venerabiliter curvi , bowing reverently , hearken and adore . Wherefore more at the hearing of the Gospell , then the Epistle , which is also Evangelicall ? Yet you see , howbeit that standing with bowing be more then to have the head uncovered , it was but veneration . And , whereas he saith , Et fideliter adorent , the glosse hath , id est venerentur , because the word adoring , is taken there in a large sense , as yee may see sundrie places above cited , not for that which is in a strict sense called adoration . Adoration in strict sense is kneeling or pr●stration . Whereas Matthew saith , chap 8. ● . of the leprouse man , That he worshipped Christ , or adored Christ , as the Latine translation hath according to the originall , Mark 1. 40. He kneeled dew●e to him , and Luke 5. 12. that he fell in his face . Suchlike , where it is said of the Cananitish woman , Matth. 15. 25. That she worshipped , or adored him : & adoravit eum . Mark 7. 25. it is said , That she fell at his feet . The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifieth to fall downe like a dog o●●whelp at the feet of another , as our Lord. Further , our heads are not other way uncovered in the act of receaving , then in the rest of the time of the celebration ; when wee are not neare the elements . And thirdly , the uncovering of our head is compatible with the varietie of actions in time of celebration , praying , singing , the words of the institution , and chapters reade , but adoration directed , as they pretend to God , can not be without presenting● our petitions , and thanks to God , which requireth a severall part of the action by it selfe . It is objected , that 1 King. 18. 39. when the people saw the fire fall upon the sacrifice , to consume it , the wood , the stones , the dust and lick up the water that was in the trench , they fell on their faces , and cried , The Lord is God. I answer , The people fell on their faces after the fire had consumed the burnt sacrifice , the wood , the stones , and licked up the water , and not in the meane time ; for it is not likely that they fell downe , till they had seene what the fire had wrought . Next , what suppose they had fallen down● in the meane time , that the fire was working the worke , wherefore it was sent . Is it any wonder , that men amazed with the presence of Gods majestie in a miracle , fall downe as astonished , to worship God. Such a visible signe of Gods presence is called the glorie of the Lord. Doctour Jackson the Arminian hath this rule to be observed , Such actions as have been managed by Gods Spirit suggested by secret instinct , or extracted by extraordinarie and speciall occasions , are then onely lawfull in others , when they are begotten by like occasions , or brought forth by like impulsions . In matters of secular civilitie or moralitie , many things ( saith he ) will beseeme one man , which are uncomely in another , and in one , and thes●●me mans deportment many things are decent and lawfull , whiles they are drawne from him by speciall or rare occasions , whose usuall practise upon dislike or no occasions , becommeth according to the nature of the subject , r●diculous , or dishonest . That in the service of God , and matters spirituall , the least digression or declination from proposed paternes , is farre more dangerous . To attempt the like enterprise unto Jonathans , upon warrant of his exemple , and upon like speeches of enemies inviting him to come up , would bee a superstitious tempting of God. Every man may not use the like prognostication , that Abrahams servant made use of , when he was sent to bespeak for his young master Isaac a wife . Jacob expressed his tender affection to his sonne Joseph , whom he never looked to see again , by kissing his coat , but to have hanged it about his bed or table , that it might receave such salutations evening and morning , or at every meales time , might have countenanced many breaches of superstition . Charles the fift after his fyrewell to the warres , and safe arrivall to Spaine , saluted the spanish shore in such an affectionat and prostrat manner , as his meanest vassall could nor ordinarly have saluted , either him or it without just imputation of grosse idolatrie . These are Doctour Jacksons examples , which hee bringeth in for illustration of his rule . If there come into the Church one that beleeveth not , or one that is unlearned , and heare one after another prophesie , and finding himself convinced , and the secrets of his heart made manifest , falling downe on his knees , he will report that God is in you of a truth , 1 Corin. 14. 24 , 25. Yet if hee fell downe before : them ordinarily , were it not idolatrous ? Thirdly , suppose they had fallen downe when the fire was in working , yet it is not said , that they fell downe with their eyes po●ing upon the fire , but upon their faces , and cried . The Lord is God , because he had manifested by his presence and power in such a miracle , that he was the true God , as 2 Chron. 7. 3. when the children of Israel saw , how the fire came down , and consumed the sacrifices , and that the glorie of the Lord had filled the house , they bowed themselves with their faces to the ground upon the pavem●n● , and worshipped and praised the Lord , saying , &c. Salomon kneeled , say they , before the altar of the Lord , when he prayed at the dedication of the temple . For it is said , 1 King. 8. 54. that when he had made an end of praying all his prayer and application to the Lord , he arose from before the altar of the Lor● , from kneeling on his knees , and stood , and blessed the people . I answer , The altar is not set downe there as the object , toward which he directed his countenance , when he was kneeling , but only as a circumstance of the place where he was , when hee praved at that time ; for he had prepared a brazen scaffold ; and set it in the middest of the court , over against the altar of the Lord , 2 Chron. 6. 13. He kneeled where he had been standing on the scaffold , and spread his hands toward the heavens , not toward the altar . It is said ; 2 Chron. 6. 13. That he fell downe upon his knees before all the congregation of Israel , and spread forth his hands towards heaven . Neither is it said , That he turned his face to the altar . They turned their face ordinarily to that part of the temple , where the arke was the place of Gods extraordinarie presence . The arke was metonymically called God , 1 Sam. 4. 7. The Lord , 1 King. 9. 25. The Lord of hosts , the King of glorie , Psal. 24. The face of the Lord , Esa. 1. 12. for it the tabernacle was made , and the temple . It represented Gods seat , and God delivered his oracles from the mercie seat above it . What likelihood then is there , that they kneeled ordinarly in their prayers looking toward the altar , or that they come never before the altar but kneeled before it ; for the altar was but dedicated at this time . It was not already dedicated , but in fieri , saith D. B. Augustine lib. 2. ad Simplicianum qui. 4. saith , David pr●yed before the arke , Quia ibi sacratior & commendatior presentia Domini erat ; because the presence of the Lord there was more sacred and more to bee respected . The like answer may bee given to that place , Micha 6. 6. Wherewith shall I come before the Lord , and bow my self before the high God. They bowed themselves before the high God sitting betweene the Cherubims , not toward the altar , they bowed , when they had offered their oblations , not to their oblations . As when they presented the basket with first fruits ; they first set it downe , and after bowed themselves before Jehovah their God , and so went out , Deut. 26. 24. 10. What if they had bowed , when they were offering to God ? When wee are in the act of receaving , eating , drinking , we are receaving , and not offering . They say , the sacramentall elements are only as objectum à quo significative , that is , as an active object moving them to worship the things signified , or God. Put case that were true . So said Purandus , Holcot , and Picus Mirandula ; That they adored the prototype or samplar before the image , which put them in minde of the samplar , and spake in as abstract a manner , of their worship , as the Formalist doth , when he pretendeth the purest intent he can in he manner of his adoration . And yet were they never ranked among the Iconomachi , but by the Papists counted good Catholiks . It is true , Bellarmine and Suarez are not content with this adoration , which they call improper adoration , when any person or thing is honoured in place of another , as when the ambassadour is honoured with the honour due and proper to the king , but for the king , or , as when all the ceremonies are celebrat about a statue in steed of the true corps . Bell irmine granteth notwithstanding that , Coram illa , vel in illa , aut per illam adoratur exemplar , that after their manner of worship the samplar is adored before the image , or in the image , or by the image . Vazquez proveth , That these Doctours made the image objectum quod , the very object passive of adoration , and that both the samplar and the image were adored , simul cum imaginibus exemplaria proximè & ut quód adorari . For they used the same respect to the images , that other Catholiks used , they uncovered their head to them , they bowed toward them , kneeled before them , and kissed them . And this he defendeth to be the right manner , when the image and the samplar are adored with one adoration , the inward motion and submission of the minde , being carried to the samplar , and the outward signe of submission to the image , being transmitted by the spirit , or in thought and defire , to the samplar . That all the Catholiks agree in this , that the kisse be so fixed upon the image , and the body be bowed before it , that the affection being inflammed with the remembrance of the samplar , be carried to it with inward reverence , Virtute cujus externum esculum in ipsum etiam veluti sagittam transmittat ; by vertue or power whereof it transmitteth the outward kiss● , as an arrow , to the samplar it selfe . So kneeling before the image , prostration , or any other signe of submission is to be transmitted by the image to the samplar after the same manner . For , saith he , in the time of the 7. synod , there were some enemies to images , who were content , that images were brought into the Church , not only for decorement , sed etiam ad excitand●m f●delibus memoriam exemplaris , ut coram eis ipsum solum ven rentur , illis tamen nullum signum honoris aut submissienis , neque osculo , nec inclinatione corporis , nec alio modo exhiberent , id enim idolatriam esse dicebant , ●ut also to stirre up the remembrance of the samplar , to the faithfull , that before them they might reverence only the samplar , but exhibite no signe of honour or submission , either by kisse or bowing of the body , or any other way , for they said that was idolatrie . Quare nec osculabantur imagines , neque ipsis corpus inclinabant , nec thurificabant , sed recti coram eis , in memoriam ex emplaris exictati , in ipsum mente sola ferebantur . And therfore ( saith he ) they neither kissed images , nor bowed their body to them ▪ nor offered incense , but standing upright before them , being stirred up to the remembrance of the samplar , they were carried only in their winde to it . In another place he saith , Iconomachi , qui ad solam recordationem imaginibus utuntur , ante illas genua non flectunt , nec se prosternunt , sic enim ipsas nota extcriori adorarent , sed erecti absque ullo gestu corporis qui reverenti●m judicet , coram imagine , exemplaris recordantur & ipsum spiritu solùm adorant . That is , The adversaries to images , who use images only to put them in remembrance of the samplar , they neither kneel , nor prostrat themselves before them , for so they should adore them with the outward note or signe , but standing upright without any gesture of the body before the image , which might be a shew of reverence , they remember the samplar , and adore it in spirit only . But these Doctours above mentioned , howbeit their inward reverence was directed to the samplar , yet the outward signe of submission was first directed to the image . Ye see then , that taking the images only as objectum à quo significativè , as instruments and meanes to stirre up their remembrance , these mangrels who were called Semiprobi , would not kneel before them : for then , saith Vazquez , they should have adored them , which he in his Popish judgement , thinketh they should have done ; but these Doctours did so . So if the elements be used only as objectum à quo significativè , to stirre up their remembrance , why kneel they before them . Nay , why are not the elements lifted up , as among the Papists , after they have said , This is my body , ( for , say they , it is made then a sacrament ) that the people being stirred up at the elevation with the sight of the signifying object , may kneel in whatsoever part of the Church they be . And howsoever the Doctour seemeth to disallow the elevation , pag. 119. 120. 121. Yet he saith , we may kneel before the elements , having them in our sight , or object to our senses , as ordinarie meanes , signes , and memorial , to stirre us up to worship God and our Saviour , pag. 88. 92. what fault were there then to lift them up to be seene . Seeing then they kneel before such a signifying object , and are tyed to kneel , the signification of the object doth not help , but rather be wrayeth , that they give that respect unto it , as by it to transmit the outward signe of worship ▪ mediatly to the thing signified , or to God , which L. confesseth to bee idolatrie , hypocrisie , and a mixture of worship : and yet this is at the least their worship . For if they used them onely as active objects , to stirre them up , they would not kneel before them in the meane time , more then when they are stirred up by the word , or works of God , by a toad , an asse , or a flee . And therefore it is not to the purpose , that he so often harpeth upon the use of stirring and moving . D. B. saith plainly , That objectum à quo significativè , is medium per quod , a means by which , and that by the sacrament , they tender adoration to God. Doctour Mortoun saith , The adoration is relativ● from the signe to Christ. If it be from the signe , it must first be carried to the signe , as a meane of conveyance unto Christ , saith Doctour Ames in his reply . But D. L. in his solutions , saith , there is a great difference between images , which are the inventions of men , and the workes of God and the sacraments . But say we , in the case of adoration there is no difference . If the historicall use of images be lawfull , as some now maintaine , quid obstat praesentia imaginis , saith Vazquez , what doth hinder you at the sight of a crucifix to fall downe before it , and worship Crist. And if the use of images to this end be forbidden , so are also the creatures . Wee esteeme more indeed of the workes of God , then of the workmanship of man. Wee owe reverence at the hearing of the word , decent and comely usage in the participation of the sacrament , which we owe not to images , howbeit this reverent use be not properly a spece of adoration . Gods word and workes are ordained by God for our instruction , and so are not images . But God never ordained them to this end , that in them , by them , or before them , we should adore him , or any other thing wee are put in remembrance of by them . They are not commanded to be used , either in or out of the time of divine service , in modo & statu accomodato ad adorationem . Wee may , and do use the word and sacraments for meanes , occasions , instruments to stirre us up to worship God , but it followeth not that wee should or may worship God by kneeling before them . The generall Councell holden at Constantinople , anno 750. in condemning images , speaking by the way of this sacrament , hath these words , Ecce igitur vivificantis illius corporis imaginem totam , panis scilicet substantiam , quam mandavit apponi , ne scilicet humana effigie figura●a , idololatria intro duceretur ; Behold therefore the whole or only image of that quickning body , the substance of bread , which he commanded to be set before them , least if it had a humane shape , idolatrie might have beene brought in . The braz●n serpent was set up upon a pole , that these who were stinged with the firie serpents , looking upon it , might be cured . Yet , saith Vazquez , God commanded them to looke upon it , standing upright without any adoration or signe of submission . The people of God had their sacraments , yet they kneeled not before them , nor yet heard they the word either read or exponed kneeling . When they heard the law of the passeover , they bowed not their head , howbeit it might bee finished in an instant , saith L. and farre lesse kneeled , but after they had heard . Gods workes are the booke of nature to teach us many things concerning God. But wee must not therefore fall downe before the sunne or moone , every green tree , an asse , a toad , when they worke , at the sight of them , upon our mindes , and move us to consider Gods goodnesse , wisedome , power . For then wee should fall into the horrible errour of Vazquez , who doubted not to averre , that not onely an image , or any holy thing may be worshipped in the same adoration with God , but also any thing in the world , the sunne , the moone , the stirres , a stock , a stone , a straw : Doctour Lindsey in his solutions , to shunne this absurditie , saith , To bow downe , when we have seene the workes of God , when we have heard the word , and when we receave the sacraments , to ador● him , when by his workes , the word , and sacraments , we are taught to adore , is neither to bow downe to an idol , nor to worship God in an idol . He durst not say , When we see the workes of God , when wee heare the word of God , as he should have done , if he would have showen the difference betwixt the word of God , the workes of God , and images . Nor yet doth he say , When we have receaved the sacrament , as he said of the other two , When we have seene the workes of God , when wee have heard the word of God. But now hee affirmeth boldly , that we may bow our knees to God before his creatures , if wee use them onely as meanes and instruments to stirre us up to worship God , pag. 94. That this errour grounded upon the significant object , may be the better perceaved , consider , that the booke of nature is like the booke of grace . If I were reading and meditating upon a passage of scripture , I am then considering what is read . When I have ended that worke , if I finde my selfe moved to pray , or give thankes , I pore not still with the eyes of my body , and my minde upon the booke , but turne my selfe to a wall , or a chaire , or a bed , or any other thing casually placed before me , yea perhaps before the booke it selfe , but casually , as before any other thing . I am not then gathering leassons or instructions , for that exercise is ended . So when I am beholding a tree , an asse , or toad , and considering in them the goodnesse , power , and wisedome of God , I am reading upon the booke of nature , I am contemplating and gathering profitable instructions . I cannot still be contemplating , and in the meane time adore kneeling in prayer , or praise , for that were a confusion of holy exercises . Nor yet after my contemplation , and preparatorie worke for worship is ended , must I tie or set my selfe before that asse , to ●d , or tree to kneel ; for then I should kneel for a greater respect to that creature , then to any other beside for the time , before which I might have kneeled casually without respect . And so the moving object shall participat of the externall adoration , my kneeling being convoyed by it to God , to whom it is directed by my spirit or affection , as Vazquez hath descrived the manner of adoration by images . The manner is not different . If the old opinion of some Heathnike philosophers were their tenent , that the world was animated by God , as our bodies are by our soules , then they might with some probabilitie conclude . Jupiter ●st quodcunque vides , All that thou seest is great Jupiter , and infer this worship before every creature . But Christian religion will not admit such gros●e opinions . They say , men how before the chaire of estate , or the princes seale , which are dead and senslesse creatures . I answer , civill worship is conveyed mediatly to the person of the prince , by bowing before such senslesse creatures , because men thinke it expedient to uphold the infirmitie of princely majestie by such meanes . But God needeth no mediat worship to uphold his majestie , nor will have none . Againe , the ceremonies of Kings and Emperours courts are no rules for religions worship . For , as Augustine saith , Multa de cultu di vino usurpata sunt , quae honoribus deseruntur humanis , sive humilitate nimia , sive adulatione pestifera . That great humilitie or pestiferous statterie , may be the originall of many honours given to princes , borrowed from the formes used in Gods worship . Nazianzen saith , The Roman Euperours were honoured with publike images . Their crownes , and diademes , and purple robes , many lawes , tributs , and multitude of subjects were not sufficient to make sure their empire , but they behoved to be adored , not only in their owne persons , but also in colours , and other works made with mens hands , that they might seeme the more venerable . That is , as Chemier interpreteth , these images proceeded ab inexplebili fostū Imperatorum , from the insatiable ambition of Emperours . The statues of some Kings have had divine honours conferred on them . Doctour Abbots in his defence of Perkinse saith , It should seeme s●range , that formalities observed to princes in their courts for majesti● and royall estate , should be made paternes of religious devotion to be practised in the Church . Francis Whit in his reply to Fisher saith , Civill and religious worship are of divers beginnings and formes , and every thing that is possible , lawfull and commendable in the one , is not so in the other . There is civill ordin●nce for the one , but there wanteth divine ordinance for the other . But ye will say , The people of God worshipped God by the arke . I answer , They worshipped God not by the arke , but in the arke . For God was present in the arke after an extraordinarie manner . God was likewise in the temple after a peculiar manner hearing their prayers . Immo hic est modus qno Deus est in templo peculiaciter , nimirium quia ibi est per exauditionem , saith Bellarmine , which was true of Salomons temple , but not rightly applied to ours . God is not in the sacramentall elements after such an extraordinarie manner , nor yet the body of Christ. Nay the body of Christ is not spiritually in the sacrament , to use the Doctours phrase , pag. 95. if by sacrament be meant the sacramentall elements , as commonly it is taken , for so the meaning shall be popish as I have declared before . But there is a spirituall presence of Christs body , not without , but within the hearts of the faithfull . This presence of God by his spirit , or spirituall presence of Christs body in the heates of the faithfull , is not extraordinarie , but ordinarie , and common to all the godly , not exposed to the senses , but inward and invisible . Howbeit in words they deny a relative worship of Christ by the signes , to gull the simple , yet wee must look to their carriage before the signes , and their ground taken from the moving and stirring object , Yea , sometime words escape plaine enough . The Lutherans worship Christ in the sacrament as wee should do . Their errour is only in the manner of presence , saith our Doctour , pag. 141. No errour to worship Christ flesh and bloud there , in respect of the personall presen●e of Ch●ists body , pag. 142. There then either really , or by imagination , as the Papist uniteth the image and the samplar , or as there , as when an emptie coffin is carried at funerals , and all the solemnities observed , as if the corps were present . Let him take his choice . And pag. 144. If ye except out of the number of reformed Churches all that thinke that Christ is present in the sacrament , and in the sacrament to be adored , I fear ye draw the number of the reformed Churches to a very small account , whom ye call the purer sort , such as Arrians , Anabaptists , and their followers . He abstaineth from cleare speeches , that he may lurke under the word Sacrament , and forbeareth the expression of our divines for the manner of Christs presence . D. Mourton , pag. 291. saith , that in the relative reverence , which is used in their Church , relation being made from the signe to Christ the thing signified , the sacrament is objectum à quo significativè . And what is that but reverence relative by the signe to Christ ? And what hindereth adoration to be carried by a significant object , more then by a representative ? The signes in the sacr●ment , notwithstanding of the want of humane shape , represent Christ to us . Yee may aske , What if yee keep not a constant course , but sometimes sit , sometime stand , and sometime kneel ? I answer , Put case , yee kneel sometime for feare like a temporizer , or of your owne accord , ye take liberty indeed to sit , stand , or kneel , but when and how oft yee kneel , yee adore , and tie your self to adore at these times before such an object , after the same manner , and for the same respects , and considerations , which are observed by those who keep a constant course . For it is not here as in prayer . Wee may pray without externall adoration , or with it , as in the petition of the mother of Zebedees children , Matth. 20. she came to Christ , adorans & pe●ens , worshipping him , and petitioning . And 2 Sam. 14. 4. the woman of Tekoa fell on her face to the ground , and did obeisance , when shee petitioned the King. For every gesture in praying to God , is no more a gesture of adoration , then in petitioning men . Now when yee adore in prayer , your adoration is directed immediatly to God , having no object before you , but such as standeth casually before you , from which you may turne your selfe in the very act of praying , to which you have no more respect then to other objects round about you . But here you 〈…〉 kneel before such an object , an object significant , and for that respect doth kneel , that that signe of outward worship may bee convoyed to Christs flesh and bloud signified by that object . We have in the former argument considered the sacramentall elements , as an object presented before us in the hand of the minister without any further use . Wee are now to consider them in the use , when wee take , eat , and drinke , and our next argument shall bee this . To adore upon our knees , when wee are performing an outward action , which is not directed to God immediatly , and in that action are occupied about an externall object , is idolatrie , unlesse that whereabout the action is employed be worthy of divine honour . Our taking , eating , drinking the bread and wine at the Lords supper , is not an action directed to God immediatly , as prayer and thanksgiving is , nor is it an outward signe of adoration , as kneeling is . Susceptio & collatio sacramentorum , est cultus quidam sa●er , eum ea dignè tractantur , nullius tamen rei est adoratio : The receaving and giving of the sacraments is a kinde of sacred worship , but it is not the adoration of any thing , saith Vazquez . And ye● our Doctour , to whom what is absurd , saith , that the sacrament is an act of reall adoration , pag. 133. They alledge commonly , that we may kneel before our meat set on the table , when wee are to blesse it . But they do not prosecute it to the point , because they see , it will not frame for their purpose : First , we are to consider the time of the blessing ; The meat is to bee considered not only as an object active , putting us in minde of a benefite , but also as passive , not of adoration , but of blessing and sanctification for our use , for the meat is not set upon the table meerly to be gazed upon , but to bee blessed and sanctified for our use . Next , we are not , nor can not be tied to blesse kneeling . Yea , wee read not in scripture , that any blessed the meat upon the tabl kneeling . Christ himself blessed sitting . Salomon kneeled , 1 King. 8. 54. when he prayed , and spake to God : but when he was to blesse the people , it is said , he rose and stood up . It is an incongruous thing among the Papists to adore a thing , which is not higher then their polles , when they adorer , because they can not be said to humble themselves to that which is lower then themselves , say D. P. and P. It were incongruous likewise , and inexpedient to set the meat as high as our polles or above , and adore before it kneeling , and looking up to in . Bochellus citeth a canon forbidding the priest to lift up the bread to be seene before the words of consecration be uttered , least the people adore and commit idolatrie . Thirdly , when we kneel , we are not bound to gaze upon the meat , but may turne our selves to a chaire , a wall , or a forme , or any other thing set before us casually . Yea , when we sit at table , we are not bound at the blessing to gaze upon the meat , but may , and do ordinarily lift up our hands and our eyes to the heavens , as Christ lifted up his eyes . But if they would come to the purpose ; and make a just comparison , they should consider next , that after the meat is blessed , it were strange to see every one who is present sit downe upon his knees , with his countenance fixed upon the bread in the hand of the master of the family or feast . And after this sort we have considered already in the former argument , the elements holden in the hands of the minister . But now we are to consider thirdly , the act of taking , eating , drinking , our meate and drinke . Wee may not take , eat , and drinke our ordinarie meat and drinke upon our knees . Nature and custome teacheth us , it were rather a mocking of God , then a reverent adoration of him . You will say , there is a differences The sacramen● all elements are holy bread and wi●e , the other common and ordinarie . There ye betray your 〈◊〉 kneel then in taking and eating the sacramentall bread , because it is holy . Now to kneel in respect of the holinesse of bread and wine , is idolatrie . And the true cause of your religious respect and bowing before it , is the holinesse of it . We are too prone to conceat too highly of things set apart to holy uses , as if they were of greater worth then our selves , for whose use they were instituted . Next , suppose there be a difference , yet our ordinarie bread is sanctified by the word of God and prayer , to our use . Therefore it is but a mocking of God , unlesse that which you eat and drinke be worthie of divine honour . Thinkest their any man so 〈◊〉 as to beleeve , that that which 〈…〉 Cicera . Yet the Papist is thus mad . Ave●roes said , My souls shall hold with the philosophers , since the Christ●a●s worship that which they eat . And this do our kneelers . Yet the Papist thinketh hee taketh and eateth the body of Christ , which by reason of the concomitance of the Godhead , hee adoreth . The Lutheran thinketh both the bread and the body are present : yet they are consonant to their erroneous grounds of the reall presence , and unlesse Christs body were there really and su●stantially , they would not take , eat , and drinke , adoring upon their knees . Neither would any reasonable man bee so absurd , as to take , eat , drinke , adoring , unlesse he beleeved , that he were eating , were worthie of divine honour . It is otherwise so absurd to kneel before God after that manner . It were absurd to kneel before an eart●●ly king , ●est eating and drinking . But it may bee our kneelers bee grosse enough in their opinion of the reall presence . Suarez saith , That as reall presence proveth adoration a priori , so adoration proveth reall presence a postiriori . Bellarmine likewise proveth adoration by reall presence , and reall presence by adoration . Algerius writing in the eleventh centurie , that is betweene a 1000. an● 1100. yeare , condemneth it as a vaine and senslesse fancie to bestow so much reverence upon the sacrament , unlesse Christs body bee present there . Tarnovius a Lutheran , Pre ermittendo hanc venerationem Christi externam , genuflexionem scilicet , communicantes presentiam Christi secundum corpus negare , & se Calvinians jungere . That is , By praetermitting this veneration , to wit , kneeling , the communicants should seeme to deny Christs bodily presence , and to joyne themselves to the Calvinians . They thinke , kneelers , who beleeve not the reall presence , worship a piece of bread . They say , We may pray mentally in the act of receaving , therefore we may kneel or adore in the act of receaving . I answer first , Wee may not pray when we are bound to another exercise . In the act of receaving , eating , drinking , we should attend upon the audible words , the visible signes and rites , meditat upon the analogie betweene the outward signes and rites , and the things signified , take , eat , drinke mentally , and spiritually by faith . And so meditation upon the analogie , is not the onely worke of the soul , as L. supposeth us to imagine . Our desires are not prayers , as L. dreameth . Prayer is more then desire . It is a manifesting of our desires to God. Desiderium non dum dicitur oratio , quousque pere intellectus loquertis cum Deo exprimatur , saith Vazqu●z . This exercise of the minde , correspondent to the outward exercise of the members and senses of the body outwardly , cannot consist with oratio continua & instructa ; set prayer . The soul may send forth to the heavens short ejaculations like darts . Prayer intermixeth it selfe with every ordinance whatsomever , s●ith P. He must meane ejaculatorie prayer , for otherwise he confesseth , that one ordinance is to be distinguished from another . But these ejaculations may be incident to all our actions , even civill , let be religious , when wee are eating and drinking our ordinarie meat and drinke , transitoriae , or ejaculatoriae orationes , as they call them , and therefore cannot be attended with kneeling . In sudden ejaculations no other gesture is required , then that wherein the motion of Gods spirit shall finde us , saith Master Downe . Next , suppose yee might pray a set prayer mentally , yet yee should not kneel in publike at your set mentall prayer , when the congrega●ion is at another exercise , nay , nor make any show by any other signe or gesture , that ye are praying . If it be mentall , it is in secret before the Lord , and the signes of it before men should bee concealed . Thirdly , it followeth , not , suppose ye may pray , that yee must pray kneeling : ●ee ▪ use the one may sometime be without the other . The Jewes prayed standing as well as kneeling , and therefore , saith Drusius , of old prayers were called stations or standings . And Rabbi Jud● had a saying , Sine stationibus non subsisteret mindus ; The world cannot subsist without stations or standings , that is , prayers . If yee will not , or may not pray but kneeling with reverence , when yee come before such a creature , it cannot be imagined to be done without respect to that creature . The like answers may be made to mentall thanksgiving . Ejaculations of thankes may agree with the proper exercise of the soule in the time of receaving , eating , drinking , as it may also with the ordinarie feeding , or any worldly businesse , but not a set thanksgiving , which should require the attention of all the powers of the soule , and cannot bee done without diverting the soule from the exercise proper for that time . Next , the signes outward should be concealed , if it be but mentall . Thirdly , what if ye must kneel , and no other gesture will serve the turne . But say they , the very action it selfe is a reall prayer or thanksgiving , and we offer sacrifices . I answer , prayer is a craving , our taking , eating , drinking , is not a craving , but a receaving . Craving and receaving is not all one . But say they ; it is a reall thanksgiving , and therefore called eucharist . It is a showing forth of the death of the Lord , till his comming againe . I answer , it is not properly thanksgiving . For thanksgiving is properly directed to God , as prayer is , either mentally onely , or also vocally and verbally , so is not our act of taking , eating , drinking . Neither was the name of eucharist given by the scripture , but by the ancients : and not for the act of taking , eating , and drinking , but for the thanksgiving preceeding , for the same reason it was called Eulogia also , because of the blessing . For , he gave thankes , and he blessed , are used indifferently by the Evangelists . Denominatio non est semper 〈◊〉 quata subjecto . From one part of the action the whole action is called Eucharist , saith Casaubon . Eulogia & eucharistia , utraque vox a parte una totam Domini actionem designat . Whereas the Apostle saith , So oft as yee shall eat , &c yee shall show forth the Lords death till he come againe ; is meant , say they , not verball , but reall preaching onely acted by taking , eating , drinking . So say the Rhemists upon 1 Corinth . 11. 26. But Doctour Fulk answereth , that even according to the judgement of the fathers , the Lords death must bee showed not only by the action , but also by words , which may stirre up to remembrance , and thankfulnesse . So also Willers . So ●ezel●us , and others . This kinde of annunciation answereth to the Hagadah , that is the declaration which was made at the passeover according to the commandement , Ex●d 1. 8. And thou shalt show . Therefore ●t the paschall supper one made the declaration , expounding everie ceremonie in their owne place , the meaning of the lambe , of the bitter hearbs , and so forth of the rest . This Ha●a●ah and d●claration of the Jewes , saith Casaula●us , answereth to that annunciate show forth , 1 Corinth . 11. 26. But be it so , that the act it selfe be called a declaration or setting forth of the Lo●ds death , yet that is not properly a declaration , or commemoration , nor yet representation of his death . Further , both representation and commemoration are to men , and not to God , resemble preaching and not prayer . The celebration of the action it selfe is a profession of thankfulnesse before men , for a great benefite , but is not thanksgiving dir●cted to God. Bell●rmine himselfe exponing how the act of eating and drinking may bee called a showing forth , give●h this reason , that the partakers should remember with thanksgiving the death of the Lord , De euch . l. 4. c. 27. So the proper and principall end of the sacrament is a further confirming and sealing of our communion with Christ , and his benefits purchased to us by his death . The testification of our thankfulnesse by showing forth his death , and commemoration of the benefits receaved thereby is a secondarie end . Neither is it directed to God immediatly , as thanksgiving is , howbeit honour redound thereby to God , because his praise is proclaimed before men . Non enim concionamur Deo neque sacramenta Domino dispersamus , sed populo . Domino ministrare dicuntur , quia ad ejus honorem id faciunt , saith Bellarmine . To honour God is more generall then to adore , for God is honoured by preaching , praying , singing , swearing ; praising , and not by adoring onely . Neither can eating and drinking of bread and wine be called properly a sacrifice . For a sacrifice properly so called , importeth destruction of the thing sacrificed , by killing , burning , effu●●● . That cannot be called properly a sacrifice , which is only for commemoration , or representation of a sacrifice . The acting of a tragedie upon a stage , is not a true tragedy indeed , howbeit the object represented , was a true tragedie . Giving of almes may be called a sacrifice , yet wee kneel not when wee give almes . It is a sacrifice only improperly , and in some respect so called . The Gentiles are said to be sacrificed by the preaching of the Gospel , Rom. 15. 16. but figuratively . There is as great difference between a sacrament and sacrifice , as taking and giving . It is yet objected , that in the act of receaving , wee receave an inestimable benefite . Ought not a subject kneel , when he receaveth a benefite from a prince to testifie his thankfulnesse ? I answer , If we were to receave a gift , suppose but a morsell of bread out of Gods owne hand immediatly , wee ought no doubt to adore upon our knees , but not , if by the hand of the creature . The person who receaveth the gift from the king , is supposed to receave it immediatly from the king , or suppose he kneel receaving from his servant , mediat civill worship are not rules for religious adoration , which should be directed immediatly to God. Now wee receave the sacrament out of the hand of the minister , not out of Christs owne hand . Multum interest inter actionem Filii Dei perse , & per ministrum . Illa enim est actio immediatè producta à divino supposito , ista ab humano . Bellarm. de Missa . lil . 2. cap. 4. Yea the Apostles at the first supper adored not on their knees , when Christ himselfe ministred the sacrament , howbeit upon occasion , and at other times they adored , not did they adore God the Father upon their knees for the benefite they were receaving . The inward benefite Christs body and bloud are receaved by the soule , not by the body , by the godly only , not by all that receave the sacrament , by faith embracing Christ present by his spirit in the soul. The godly under the law receaved the same gift , the same spirituall food , and drink , and yet kneeled not . The D. pag. 113. saith , that in the law they had but the shadow of the gift , a popish speach , whereas the Apostle saith , the same food . If the clearer revelation make the difference , which is without ground or reason , then adoration is not in respect of the gift . The godly take , eat , and drinke Christs body and bloud by the act of faith and beleeving , Now the act of faith or beleeving is not an act of adoration , as the schoolmen acknowledge , nor is it expressed outwardly by kneeling , In a 〈◊〉 fidei non potest apprehendi aliqua submissionis nota propria religionis exhibenda ipsi excellentie Dei , sicut nec ratio sacrificii aut laudis , saith Vazquez . Never man yet adored upon his knees , if his principall work was actuall beleeving desire , Christ , short ejaculations of the soule , and the acts of other graces concurre , as concomitants to remove impediments , that faith may put forth its act with greater strength , which is the principall worke of the soule in the act of receaving the elements : All dispositions which are required unto right receaving , can not distinctly and solemnely bee expressed at the same time by outward gestures , except wee would use divers gestures together , saith P. 195. The principall therefore must be considered . Next , wee receave , eat , and drinke Christs body and bloud , as soone as we are effectually called , and beginne to beleeve , and as oft as we heare the promises of the Gospell read and exponed , and doe beleeve . Christs body is as farre absent from us at the receaving of the sacrament , as at the hearing of the word . The symbols , when they are added to the word , while the myst●r●s are celebrated , I doubt not , sai●h P●ter Martyre , serve very much for assurance , for th●y s●ale the promise , tamen illa Christi nobis praesentiam magis constituere quam verba aut promissiones , constanter pernego . That is but that they make Christ more present to us , then the word and sacraments doe , I utterly denie . The Formalist speaketh , as if Christs body were present in the sacrament , or as if wee had never receaved Christs body , till wee receaved this sacrament , or never but when we receave this sacrament . Whereas Augustine saith , There is no doubt , but every one of the faithfull is made partaker of the body and bloud of Christ , when in baptisme he is made a member of Christ , as ye may see in Gratians decree . Againe he saith , Credere in eum , hoc est panem vivum manducare , to beleeve in him , is to eat the living bread . The glosse saith , Christ is eaten spiritually by faith without the sacrament . We are united with Christ , and made members of his body , before we come to this sacrament , and doe not receave his body of new at every communion , as if wee had lost it since the former ; and yet there is but one body receaved at all the times . The celebration of the Lords supper is not a new institution of the testament , but a repetition of the same . This sacram●●● 〈◊〉 authentike instrument of the testament , and as of as it ●s ministred , the same authentike instrument is 〈◊〉 over ●gain , See this illustration in Bellarmine , and ●●●anus , Wee are said then , to take , eat , drinke Christs body and bloud at every celebration of the holy supper , because wee put forth our faith in act at that time , and renewing the act of faith , wee take , eat , and drink by beleeving , that same body and bloud , which before , our faith being strengthened by the outward signes and seales to that end , and so grow in faith , and by faith in union with Christ , The holy mysteries do not beginne ( saith Jewel ) but rather continue and confirme this incorporation . Whitaker saith , Familiar●● loquendi modus est ut fieri dicatur , quod factum obsigna●ur ; That is , It is a familiar kinde of speaking to sa●● that thing is in doing , which being already done is sealed , and confirmed . Thirdly , the manner or forme of receaving a 〈…〉 be answerable to the manner of the offering , the n●ture of the gift , and the will of the giver . If a King call his nobles to a banket , it is his will that they sit at table . David and Jonathan sate at table with King Saul , as you may see , 1 Sam , 20. Such as were called the Kings friends or companions ( for the originall word signifieth as well the one as the other , Sociu● ●s amicus ) I take to have sitten ordinarily with Kings : as Zabud , 1 King. 4. 5. and Husha● the Archite , who is called , 2 Sam. 15. 37. Davids friend , and 1 Chron. 27. 33. by the same translaters , the Kings companion . Such an one was Daniel to the Babyloniah Emperour , as the Apocrypha historie of Susanna reporteth , cap. 14. 1. To this Christ alludeth , Joh. 15. 15. when he saith to his disciples at table , Hence forth I call you not servants , but I have called you friends . Abraham for his faith was called Gods friend , Jam. 2. 23. By the same reason all the faithfull are preferred to this dignity . As wee are friends and fellow-heires with Christ , so hath hee instituted this holy feast , the onely feast in the Christian Church , to assure us of our preferment , and fellowship with him . Howsoever then otherwise , and at other occasions wee behave our selves as supplicants , we are now according to our Lords will and pleasure , to observe that externall forme of a feast , which he hath left to his Church , and to act thereat in our outward carriage the persons of guests and friends . And therefore , howbeit the inviter be a great person , the manner of invitation is familiar , and our not acceptance the more offensive . Chrysostome declaiming against such as were present , and did not approach to communicate , saith , The King table is here , the King himselfe is present . Why standeth thou yawning ? If thy garments be cleane , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit downe and participat . In the English booke of common prayer , there is an exhortation to bee made to the people , when they are negligent to come to the table , where we have these words , Ye know how grievous and unkinde a thing it is , when a man hath prepared a rich feast , decked his table with all kinde of provision s● that there lacketh nothing , but the guests to sit downe and yet these who be called ( without any cause ) most unthankefully refuse to come . The exhortation seemeth to ●ee dr●w●e out of that place of Chrysostome , but they omit the 〈◊〉 words , Sit downe and participat . For all the 〈…〉 the first part of the comparison , they bid not the Communicants sit downe . But they must kneel and receave , that which is reached to them . So that there is no more use of the table , then if it were a cupbord or altar . Fourthly , if we should kneel , because we are receaving a gift , by this reason wee should kneel , when wee receave any benefite or gift of God , as for example , when we are taking , eating , drinking , our ordinarie meat and drinke . If yee will say , the sacramentall is holy bread , the other common , then yee confesse ye kneel , because of the holinesse , that is , the setting a part of it to a holy use , and that is idolatrie . If ye will say , ye receave a greater gift , then when yee receave your ordinarie food , that is no more , but then there is a greater motive . Yet , if because a gift , then whensoever , or whatsoever gift ye receave , ye ought to kneel . God deserveth thankes for the least of his benefits , and is to bee adored for whatsoever benefite spirituall or temporall receaved , in the time of divine service , or out of it . For this is the common doctrine of the school men , Eundem honorem adorationis , atque eodem modo Deo esse deferendum , etiamsi varia sunt ipsius beneficia & attributa . That is , That the same honour of adoration is to be given to God , and after the same manner , howbeit his benefites and attributes are divers . For the reason upon Gods part that moveth us to adore him , is the excellenie of his dignity . All his attributes concurre to make up this excellencie , whatsoever benefite move us , never so meane , hee deserveth honour , because bestowed by so great a Lord , who is the fountaine , & primum principium . When the Israelites were to be cured miraculously by looking up to the brazen serpent , a type of Christ , they kneeled not . It is a frivolous objection , and scarce worthie the answering , when they say , what wee may crave upon our knees , wee may receave upon our knees . They should conclude , we must receaue upon our knees . But neither the one , nor the other doth follow . For wee crave our daily food upon our knees , and rayment , therefore by their reasoning wee should kneel with reverence , when we receave our food in at our mouth , or put on our doublet . Yet say they , what wee crave of God upon our knees in publike worship , wee may receave upon our knees . But this is yet as frivolous . For wee may crave in time of publike worship upon our knees things necessarie for this temporall life , and so wee doe , when in the Lords prayer , we say , Give us this day our daily bread . Further , the diff●rence of place and time , is but a difference in circumstances , and altereth , not the nature of worship , and so I may receave upon my knees , whatsoever I may crave of God in privat worship upon my knees ; if this kinde of reasoning were good . But it is not the diversitie of the time or place where wee receave the benefite , more then the diversity of the benefite it selfe , that is the ground of adoration , but Gods excellencie , as we said before . Next , they consider not , that these three things are to bee clearly distinguished , a blessing or sanctifying of the creature , or meane God hath appointed , either for our temporall or spirituall life ( of which some are reckoned by L. pag. 85. 86. ) before the use , the use it selfe , and thanksgiving after the use . Blessing before meat , the use of the meat in enjoying it be receaving , eating , drinking , and thanksgiving after , blessing before the reading preaching or hearing of the word , the act it selfe of reading , hearing , preaching , and thanksgiving to God after , blessing before the receaving of the sacrament●ll . elements , the receaving and participation it selfe , and thanksgiving after . They aske , if humility and reverence be not requisite in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements . I answer , Yes , in all religious exercises , at the hearing of the word , reading of the word , &c. But it followeth not , that there should be humiliation upon our knees because humility of minde is required , nor adoration , because reverence is required . Is there no reverence nor humility , but in kneeling before dead and senslesse creatures ? There is a damnable humility , plausible to will-worshippers and idolaters , condemned , Coloss. 2. 23. Peter was censured , when hee refused , that Christ should wash his feet . It is Christs honour to command , obedience upon our part is true humility . Humility is an habit , adoration is an act . The act of humility is immanent , whereby a man resteth content , and well pleased with his owne estate and ranke , and doth not conceat greater worth in himself , then there is , specially in comparison with God. But adoration is a transient act , whereby a man goeth out of himselfe , as it were , to direct some homage , and worship to God. Such like reverence is a common adjunct to all sorts of worship , preaching , praying , praising , adoring , but is not a distinct kinde of worship , as is adoration . The pretence of reverence cannot be a sufficient reason for altering the ordinance of Christ and the opinion of reverence , hath often beene the dame and nour●e of manifold superstitions , saith Doctour Morto●n●● To concludes that because wee must use reverent gesture in receaving the holy communion , therefore wee must kneel in the act of receaving , is to condemne our owne Church , and other reformed Churches of want of reverence . Vnlesse yee will say , sitting is reverent for some , to take in passing for others , but kneeling for Scotland . So may the Monkes conclude , saith Doctour● Ames , wee must have garments , therefore wee must in one order have blacke , in another white , in a third gray , and so forth . If any judicious Reader will review all their reasons or pretences for kneeling , hee shall finde , they inferre a duty to kneel , and consequently an indirect taxing of Christ , and his Apostles , and all others in ancient time , or in reformed Churches , who have not kneeled . And if there were no more , this alone may let them see the weaknesse of their reasoning . Seeing kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall element is idolatry , and cannot be used but idolatrously , it followeth , that kneeling in the act of receaving brought not in a●tolatrie or bread worship , as some divines construing charitably , some old Writers , or mistaking counterfeit workes for genuing , have imagined . We may observe other ushers to have prepared the way for bread worship by kneeling . After that the virgine times of the first age or prime primitive , that is the apostolicall times were past , changes entered . They were not content to sit , but at some time , and more frequently stood . They left off distribution and breaking of bread with other , and receaved out of the minister or deacons hand . Other words were substitute in place of Christs words . In processe of time , the women might not receave the bread with their naked hand , but in a clean linnen cloath or napkin . And in many places the cuppes had pipes , whereby they sucked the wine out of the cuppe . At length the Communicants were not suffered to receave with their hands , but in at their mouther . And this proceeded from a sup●rstitious reverencing of the signes , which ended at last in bread worship , saith Vossius , Et san● consuetudo altera ing●r●ntli panem in os , circa annum sexc●nt simum demum ●●pisse videtur , neque id aliunde quam à superstitiosa veneration signorum , quae in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tandem evasit . Adde also the corrupting of the doctrine with the opinion of the reall presence , and worshipping of images , which entered both about one time . After the worshipping of images , which Master Moulins calleth the elder sister , followed bread-worship . An advertisement to the Communicants . WE are all bound to maintaine the puritie and integritie of Gods ordinances , which wee had in possession since the reformation . And therefore cannot communicate , where the gesture is changed , and distributing of the elements by the communicants is wanting . No man will be so carelesse of his legge or arme , as to suffer them to be cut off , but will venture himselfe for their preservation , or preservation of the least joynt of his fingers , howbeit they bee not such noble parts of the body , as the head and the heart , without which the body can not subsist . Farre lesse ought we to tollerate such a horrible stumbling block , as kneeling in the act of receaving the sacramentall elements , eating , and drinking . Whosoever countenanceth such communions , is accessorie to that deformation and mutilation . For if none would communicate with the ring-leaders and introducers , they would be forced to desist , had desisted long ago for shame , and had returned to our former practice . The kneeler is the thiefe , but the communicant is the recetter . Some thinke , they may , if they have liberty to sit themselves , and to reach to the nearest . But they should not looke to their owne personall priviledge , but to the liberty of the whole Church and congregation , where they are members . If some citisens would give way to the enemie , upon condition they enjoyed their owne liberty , would they not bee counted traitours and betrayers of the city . Next , that liberty shall be permitted only for a time , till others be drawn in after them , and then they shall be deprived of that libertie . But ye will say , shall I separate from a Church . I answer , when a congregation is devided , that part which doth not communicat is a part of that Church , as well as that which communicateth , and both maketh up but one congregation or Church , howbeit they bee devided in that particular act . As both the parts of the house make up but one house , notwithstanding there be a rift in the wall . Next , the part which communicateth not , adhereth to the reformed Church of Scotland , of which every particular congregation is but a part . Now , the most part , if not the two parts of the congregations have admitted no alteration . And as for the number of kneelers , it is very small in comparison . Yet it is hard , say ye , to want the benefite and comfort of the sacrament . But what comfort or benefite can y●e finde , if ye be accessorie to the introduction of such alterations , and setling of such a stumbling block in the congregation . When we cannot communicate but by committing a sinne , our forbearing is no contempt , and the Lord who hath promised to bee a little sanctuarie to his people , when they were to bee scattered among the heathen , Ezech. 11. 16. will supply our want . Doctour Featlie saith , That neither the only , nor principall thing to bee regarded in the sacrament is our benefite , but Gods glorie , and the testification of our obedience to his ordinance . Non potest autem videri sacramenta contempsisse , cui non licet eaita percipere ; ut sunt à Domino constituta , & a●sit ut ullos necessitatis casus imaginemur in quibus liceat ordinationem Domini viol●re . That is , Wee cannot seeme to have contemned the sacraments , who a●e not permitted to partake of them , as they are appointed by the Lord. Farre be it from us to imagine any causes of necessity , by which wee may violate the Lords ordinance , saith Beza . This answer may serve , if the case were so hard , that they could not have the occasion of the right and pure administration of the sacraments else where . But , praised be GOD , as yet they may have it not farre from the dores . OF FESTIVALL DAYES . IN the explication of the first head of the first booke of discipline penned anno 1560 , the first yeare of universall reformation , it was thought good , that the feasts of Christmas , Circumcision , Epiphanie , with the feasts of Apostles , Martyrs , and Virgine Marie , be utterly abolished , because they are neither commanded nor warranted by the Scripture , and that the obstinate maintainers of those and the like abominations be punished by the civill magistrat . Here utter abolition is craved , and not a reformation of abuses only , and that because observation of such feasts have no warrant from the word . In the generall assembly holden at Edinburgh , anno 1566. the later confession of Helvetia was approved , but with speciall exception against the same five dayes , which are now urged upon us . It was not then the popish observation only , with the popish opinion of worship and merit , but simpliciter all observation , that was disallowed by them . In the assembly holden anno 1575 , complaint was made against the ministers and readers beside Aberdeene , because they assembled the people to prayer and preaching upon certaine festivall dayes . Yee see not onely prophanitie , but preaching and prayer of purpose upon festivall dayes were judged rebukable . It was ordained likewise , that complaint be made to the Regent , upon the towne of Dunfreis , for urging and convoying a reader to the Church with tabret and whisle , to reade prayers all the holy dayes of Christmas , upon the refusall of their owne reader . Item , an article was formed to bee presented to the Regent , craving that all dayes heretofore keeped holy in time of papistrie beside the Lords day , be abolished , and that a civ●ll penalty bee inflicted upon the observers . In the assembly holden in Aprill , anno 1577. it was ordained , that the visitour with the advice of the synodall assem●ly , shall admonish ministers , preaching or ministring the communion at Easter or Christmas , or other like superstitious times , or readers reading , to desist , under the pain of deprivation . Ye see reading , preaching , and ministring the communion at th●s● times was forbidden , and not onely cessation from worke , and excesse of banketting , playing , &c. In the ninth head of the first booke of discipline , wee have this reason set downe against E●ster communion , Your honour● ar● not ●gnor an t how superstit●ously the people run to that action it Pasche , even as if the time gave vertue to the sacrament , and 〈◊〉 the rest of the whol● yeare , they are carelesse and negligent as if it ●ppertained not to them , but at that time onely . And for this reason other times were appointed by that booke for that holy action . In the generall assembly holden anno 1590. King James praised God , that he was b●rne to be a king in the sincerest Church of the world , sincerer then the Church of England , for their ●ervice was an 〈◊〉 ●asse in English , sincerer ●hen Geneva it selfe ; 〈◊〉 they observed Pasch and Yoo le , and what w●rrant , 〈…〉 for that ? In the assembly holden anno 15●6 . when the covenant w●s renewed , superst●t●on and idolatrie bre●●ing forth in keeping of festivall dayes , setting out of b●nefires , and singing of carrols , are reckoned among the corruptions , which were to bee amended . In the parliament holden anno 1592. wee have acts to this purpose . The pulpits have founded from time to time against all show of observing these dayes . But in the pretended and null-assembly holden at Perth , anno 1618. it was concluded by a number , not having power of voice , or broken with threats or allurements , that every minister shall make commemoration of the birth , passion , resurrection , ascension of Christ , and sending downe of the holy Ghost , upon the dayes appointed for that use , that they make choise of severall and pertinent texts of scriptures , and fraime their doctrin and exhortations accordingly . This their conclusion was ●●tified by act of counsell , and proclamation was 〈…〉 , upon the 26. of October following , comma●ding cessation from all kinde of labour or 〈…〉 these five dayes , appointed to be dedicate 〈…〉 , to the effect the subjects may the better at end the exercises , which are to be keeped in the Churches at these times . REASONS AGAINST THE FESTIVALL DAYES . WE shall consider these dayes , first as they are called holy , next as they are called festivall . Our first reason . GOd only hath power to sanctifie a day , and 〈◊〉 it holy , that is to separate it from a common ●se ●o holy exercises . Zanchius affirmeth , that it is proper to God to choose any person , or any thing to consecrate and sanctifie it to himselfe . Willets , that it belongeth only to the Creatour , to sanctifie the creature . Perkinse , Kuchlinus , and others , say the like . Master Cowper , pretended bishop of Galloway , confessed no King , no church could make an holy day . The like was acknowledged by Master Galloway , in one of his Christmas sermons . But so it is , that God hath permitted six dayes to man for the worke of his calling , and selected the seventh to himselfe , to be spent in his service . Seeing therefore God hath given libertie to man to worke six dayes , and counteth them common and prophane , no man ought to be compelled to keep them holy , but when God himselfe maketh exception , as hee did by the yoke of some anniversarie dayes under the law , or calleth us to a present humiliation or thanksgiving . The civill magistrat may command cessation from worke for a politick end , as weapon-showing , exercise of armes , defence of a city or sort of the countrey , but that is not to enjoyne a holy day , nor yet a meere idle day , but that oeconomicall and privat worke give place to publike and politick . Paraeus in epist ad Romano cap. 14. dub . 4. Tametsi rectè quidem sacra quotidiana concionum & precum publicè instituuntur , tamen omnes ad ea adstringere durum esset . The Doctour saith , some dayes were made holy , not onely because they were dedicated to the worship of God , but because a speciall worship was appointed by God , and appropriated to them , as the feast of the passeover , or whi●sunday . Other times were holy onely by reason of the use or divine worship performed on them , and not for mysterie or solemne worship appropriated to them . He saith , our divines meane only , that it is only proper to God , to make dayes holy after the first manner , but not after the second , which is false , as may appear by their description of sanctifying a day , which is generally to set it apart to an holy use , and not to a mysticall only . Next , by such an answer men make holy dayes like the Lords day . His comparison with the temple of Jerusalem , and the synagogues and Christian churches will not helpe him , unlesse the synagogues and Christian churches answer in holinesse to the sabbath and the Lords day , as hee saith , the temple did to the anniversarie feasts , which , I trust , hee will not maintaine . And this same comprison of time and place shall cleare and confirme our argument . For as no man can sanctifie a place , or make it holy but God , that is , set it so apart from all worldly uses , that it shall bee a prophaning of it to entertaine any worldly purpose or ●riste in it , or carrie a vessell through it , and to be bound to holy exercises in it , otherwise it cannot bee said to be sanctified , and set apart to God , if it stand up like an idol , so no man can sanctifie a day , that is , set it so apart to God , that when it recurreth weekly , monethly , or yearly , we must not use worldly , but must use holy exercises . But the first is true , none but God can appoint such a place , and under the new testament he hath appointed no such place . Christian churches or houses are builded for the commoditie of Gods people to defend them from the injurie of the weather , to serve them to sit in commodiously , when they are conveened to serve God , which use is civill , and is common to houses builded for civill meetings . The congregation may permit the use of their church to a civill meeting , without prejudice to their owne libertie to meet when they have occasion . Nex● , the congregation is not bound to meet in that house , but may forsake it , and take them to another . But if it were sanctified and set apart to God , they should be bound to use it . Our churches then are dedicate to the communalty of the faithfully , w●thin such a precinct for the uses foresaid , as a stateh●●●e or judgement hall may bee dedicate to a citie , but they are not sanctified and made holy to God. Our prayers are not more holy or better heard in this or that temple , then at home , saith Whittaker in his answer to Dur●us , but that God is more moved , when the faithfull meet together to pray . Impertinently doth the Doctour alledge the houres appointed for preaching in the weeke , or prayers morning and evening . For these are not houres sanctified , or consecrated to Gods service , but the most convenient times men finde in their wisedome , when most may resort to hearing of sermons and prayers , which m●y and ought to be changed , when occasions offer a more convenient time . So time is designed occasionally , not dedicat or sanctified . Time is made to serve Gods people , and not Gods people made to serve the time , or to serve God , because it is a holy time . After I had finished this worke of reexamination , there came to my hands some unsound tractats upon the sabbath . Whereupon I thought good to insert in this place , as the most pertinent , this short disconrse following , OF THE SABBATH . THe light of nature leadeth a man , acknowledging that there is a God , and to be worshipped , to acknowledge also , that tim●s should be set a part for his worship , and not onely that , but also competent and sufficient times . But nature cannot lead us without further direction , to setle upon one of the seven dayes , more then upon one of eight , ten or twelve . The Lord set downe one in the circle of seven to bee observed perpetually , and universally by all that were to worship him . In his wisedome he could best discerne what time might be spared . In respect of this perpetuity , and universality this determination participateth of the nature of a law morall . For this cause it was placed in the decalogue among the precepts purely morall , and participated with them of the same prerogatives . It was delivered by God himselfe , written in tables of stone , and preserved in the arke as the rest were . The determination of such a seventh day in particular , was made also by the Lord. Both the determinations are divine positive , the first unchangeable , the second changeable , but yet only by divine authoritie . The ten precepts of the decalogue , are called ten words , Deut. 4. 13. that is , as one expoundeth , ten sentences , or as Vossius addeth , Soultentiae praecipientes , preceptive sentences . And yet there are fourteene sentences for precepts in the decalogue . How then are there but ten words , hee answereth , there are ten chiefe , and principall , the rest are secundarie , and like appendicles . Primum istud in confesso est , quam●is quatuiorde●im inveniantur sentent●● in decalogo , quibus aliquid praecipiatur , tamen dec●m esse duntaxat primarias & principes : Caeteras secundarias ; & altarum quasi appendices . Vnde & Moses decem verba & Graci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellarunt . In the fourth commandement , there are three preceptive sentences . The first is the principall . Some reason after this manner . The Lord saith not , Remember thou , keepe holy the seventh day , but Remember thou , keepe holy the sabbath-day , and in the end , he sanctified the sabbath-day , hee saith not that seventh day from the creation , howbeit it was so for the time . But that seventh was to be changed , and the sabbath was to be fixed upon another seventh day . But to come nearer to the purpose , that this commandement requireth not directly the seventh day from the creation , but the seventh day in generall , appeareth by the reason , which enforceth not necessarly the seventh day from the creation , that wee should rest the same day that the Lord rested , but that wee should rest from our workes the seventh day , as hee rested from his . Which seventh , as under the law he appointed to be saturday , so under the Gospell , sunday , the substance of the commandement remaining . See Master Cartwrights Catechisme . But to come yet nearer . The Lord might have created the world in six houres , as easily as in six dayes . Hee might have done it in a moment , or have taken eight ten or twelve dayes . The Lord would do neither the one , nor the other , but conformed himselfe to that space of time , which in his wisedome he thought sufficient for man to doe all manner of workes of his owne . This paterne doth not concerne his peculiar people of the Jewes onely , but both Jew and Gentile , and not for a time onely , but to the end of the world , as if the Lord would reason after this manner with mankinde , What needed me to have spent six dayes in creating the world , for I might have done it in one ? or wherefore stinted I my selfe at six , I might have taken ten ? you may easily then consider wherefore I have done it . I did it , that thou may doe the like : Do all thy workes and businesse in six dayes , and rest the seventh . The imitation lieth in this then , not so much that wee rest upon such a seventh day , as upon a seventh . There is equitie in it indeed , that seeing the Lord hath granted us six dayes to worke , wee should rest the seventh , but the force of the reason lieth chiefly in this , that the Lord purposly tooke six dayes , and rested the seventh , to be a paterne to men , howbeit with all in setting downe that paterne , he considered that equity . That the precept concerning the sabbath , concerned not the Jewes onely , but all mankinde , appeareth also by this , that it was given to Adam in the beginning , Gen. 2. 2 , 3. Whereas some would have here an anticip●tion , and the words to be referred to the time , when the Lord rained Manna , and forbad his people to gather upon the seventh day , Exod. 16. as if the sabbath had never beene institute or observed before . This were a strange anticipation , to make mention of the blessing , and sanctifying the seventh day , without so much as an inckling of the proper time , which is assigned by them , which fell not forth till 2453 yeares or thereabout , after the weake of the creation . Next , the words are knit together by the same copulative with the present historie , Hee ended his worke on the seventh day , and herested on the seventh day , and he blessed the seventh day , and he sanctified it . The blessing and sanctifying then were not destinate to bee done 2453 yeares or thereabout afterwards , but presently when he had ended all his worke of creation , hee blessed and sanctified , that is , by blessing sanctified , that is , separate to a holy use , as the minister blesseth when he separateth bread and wine from a common to an holy use at the Lords suppe● . Or , he blessed and sanctified , that is , praised it , and sanctified . For the originall word signifieth also praising or rejoycing , as Gomarus himselfe bringeth exemple of praising , out of Psal. ●8 27. And Philo Judaeus expresseth it by praising ▪ Every dayes , workes had the owne commendation , but now looking upon the whole frame , the order and harmonie of it , he rejoyced , and pra●sed it , and sanctified that day . After he had perfited the worke in six dayes , he added honour to the seventh day following , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Philo ●udaeus , that is , Which when hee had praised or commended , incontinent hee deinzed to call it holy , as Gelenius translateth . Further , there is no mention of blessing the seventh day , Exod. 16. Gomarus alledgeth , that twice as much Manna fell on the sixt day , as upon any other day , there is no warrant for it , but onely that they were commanded to gather twice as much that day . Suppose his conjectute were true , that were a blessing of the sixt day , and not of the seventh . But as I have said , there is no mention of blessing in that place . But so it is , th●t when he blessed , he sanctified ▪ And seeing wee reade not that he blessed it , when he ceased from raining Manna , but when he had ended the worke of creation , it followeth that then he sanctified . Consider againe , that in Exod. 16. mention is made of the sabbath , as a time of rest appointed before , vers . 23. To morrow is the rest of the holy sabbath unto the Lord. Vers. 25. To day is a sabbath unto the Lord. Vers. 26. But on the seventh day which is the sabbath . They had neglected , or were forced to neglect that day in Egypt , where they were not suffered to rest on that day , and therefore he putteth them in minde of it , and exacteth the observation of it , which was now neglected of other nations . Consider againe , that soone after when the decalogue was promulgate upon mount Sinai , the reason given for the observation of the sabbath , was not , that the Lord rained Manna six dayes , and desisted the seventh , which concerned onely the Iewes , but that hee created all in six dayes , and rested the seventh , which concerned all mankinde . Were it not ridiculous to imagine , that God spent six dayes in creating the world , and rested the seventh , onely for the Iewes , to whome hee was to intimate the sabbath 2453. yeares after . But ye will say , what needed Adam a sabbath-day in the state o● innocencie ? I answer , because the dressing of the gard●n was committed to him , and he was to live an animall life , which would draw with it some distraction . Therefore the Lord would have a day appointed , wherein he might be wholy sequestrat from other affaires . Further , howbeit Adam was in the state of innocencie , yet his state was mutable . Whereas it is alledged , that there was no positive precept given to Adam in paradise , but the eating of the forbidden tree , I answer , none meerly positive , but that . But this is not meerly positive , but determinative , of the indefinit time required by the law of nature , which urgeth a time for sequestration . Some thinke , that Adam fell the same day that he was created , and therefore that the sabbath was sanctified after his fall . But the imposing of the names upon the creatures , the precept concerning the forbidden tree , the tentation of Adam and Eve , &c. move others to thinke otherwayes . Lyd at agreeth not , either with too short time , or yet three yeares , which were too long , but with those who alledge eight moneth wanting a week , that hee might be the more sensible of his fall and defection , after hee had for a certaine space enjoyed the pleasures of that estate . But suppose Adam fell upon the sixt day , yet the sanctification of the sabbath after , was for all mankinde , and not the Iewes onely . But yet we have no mention made , that the Patriarchs observed it . What then ? It is sufficient , that it was instituted , howbeit the observation had beene neglected . But wee must judge more charitably of the holy Patriarchs , that they were observant of the institution receaved by tradition from Adam . They receaved the law of sacrifices and other positive lawes , by revelation , by oracle , and by d●vine inspiration , saith Doctour Francis White in his treatise of the sabbath . Is it likely then , they observed not a set day , or wanted direction what day to observe , or that the Lord would hav● set any other day for ordinarie . Some gather the observation from Noahs sending forth the dove the seventh day after her returne , and againe the seventh day . That it is likely , Noah was taken up with holy exercises , every seventh day hee sent forth the dove , and that he sent it forth rather then , then any other time , because hee was craving and expecting good successe . But I will not stand upon this . Junius approveth the opinion of the Hebrew Doctours , who all agree , that there passed seven dayes betweene the going of the people out of Egypt , and the drowning of the Egyptians in the red sea , and therefore there were seven dayes appointed for the feast of the passeover . He confirmeth their opinion with his owne reckoning in his annot . upon Exod. 12. Vpon Deut. 5. he noteth , that is was the sabbath , that day Pharaohs hoast was drowned , and the people of Israel sang that song of triumph , Exod. 15. The Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrewes , chap. 4. proveth , that there is a sabbatisme me , or keeping of a sabbath yet remaining for the people of God , and all beleevers , whereinto the incredulous were not to enter , and to this purpose citeth a passage out of the psalmes . There the incredulous are threatned to be excluded from rest , which was to come : For there were two rests already past in Davids time , the one beginning at the rest of God from his workes , which were finished from the foundation of the world , and the other , when Josue brought the people into the land of Canaan . The Apostles enumeration had not beene sufficient , if the sabbath day had not beene observed from the beginning : for he maketh not mention of another sabbatisme past before Davids time , but two , whereinto man entred . There was no oth●r sabbath then in Davids time , beside that rest in Canaan , except that which was from the beginning , and consequently the sabbath observed in his time , was all one with that which was observed from the beginning . The rest of the sabbath is called Gods rest or sabbath , because God was the instituter of it , gave exemple himselfe to man , and appointed it for his owne worship , Levit. 23. 1. and 28. 2. Jesa . 56. 4. Ezech. 20. 20. Exod. 16. 23. If the words of the Apostle were taken only for Gods owne proper rest or sabbath , the Apostles reasoning had not beene pertinent : for David maketh mention of a rest , whereinto men might enter , and were exhorted to enter in , but men cannot be said to enter in Gods owne proper rest . The sabbatisme which is to come , is called Gods rest , and yet men are said to enter in it . Further , if the first rest were so called only , because it was Gods owne peculiar rest , it would fol●ow , the thy sabbath enjoyned to man had beene omitted , and the Apostles induction had beene unsufficient . Requies s●b●ati dicitur ● ei , tum fo● maliter , quia in die septimo qui● vit Peus à creatione , tum exempla●●ter & efficienter , qui● quies hominum in sabbato , & cultus sabbati institutus est à D●o ad exemplar quietis Dei in sabbato , saith Cornelius a Lapide , a professour in Lovaine . And a little before , after hee hath opened up the three rest● , the rest of the sabbath enjoyned to man , the rest of the people of God in the land of Canaan , and the eternall rest in heaven , hee inferreth , that the rest of the sabbath was in use before the law of Moses , even from the beginning of the world , or else the Apostles reasoning cannot hold . Hinc satis clarè elicitur & evincitur , sabbati cultum & requiem in us● f●isse apud homines ante le●em Mosis , ab origine 〈…〉 licet id neget Abulensis in c. 23. Levit. 4. 3. ) ut s●●i e●diem septimum homines colerent , eoque à laboribus qui●s●r●nt , in memoriam & gratiarum actionem creationis , 〈◊〉 sui quam totius mundi , quam Deus complevit die septimo : alioqui enim vim non haberet discursus & argumentum Pauli , ut patet exdictis . Howbeit scripture bee sufficient for confirmation of this truth , I will adde for superaboundance some footsteps of the first institution , which were found among the Gentiles . Whence came the name of Septimane weekes to be receaved among the Ethnicles of old . Not from the Jewes , for they abhorred their customes , and derided their sabbaths . Not from Astrologians , for distinction of dayes by weekes was more ancient , then the imposing of the names of the planets upon the dayes of the weeke . Or Ptolem●● his time , who wrote about the yeare of our Lord 140 as Rivetus proveth by the testimonie of Georgius Syncellus , and Philoponus . The ancient Greek Poets cited by them for the name of weeke , I omit . I onely adde the testimonie of Scalig●r . 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex diebus dicitur septiman● , res omibus , quidem orientis populis , ab ultima usque antiquita●e us●ata , nobis autem Enrop eis vix tandem post Christian●smum . recepta . Hee saith , from the upmost antiquitie his systeme of dayes in a weeke , was in use among all the orientall nations . But that was the part of the world , which was first planted , and where the holy Patriarches lived . Whereas , he saith , this colection or distinction of dayes in weekes , was not receaved in Europe till Christiani 〈◊〉 . entred , testimonies of Ethnick Poets , alledged by ●●vetus , make good , that the name of weekes was more ancient , even among the Latines . I adde also that place in Genes . 29. 27. where Laban saith to Jacob , Fulfill her weeke . Whither he meant a weeke of dayes , or as others interpret , a weeke of yeares , it is all one . For seven yeares was never called a weeke of yeares , but where seven dayes was called a weeke of day●s . Whence then could this so ancient a circuit , or circle of dayes come , but from the Patriarches , who observed that circle , because of the seventh-dayes-sabbath , or from the first weeke of the creation it selfe . Wee have not onely the traces of weekes among the ancient Ethniks , but also of the seventh day in speciall . I pretermit the testimonies cited by Rivetus out of Homer , Linus , and Callimachus ; who make mention of the perfiting of the worke of creation the seventh day . I content mee with the testimonies alledged for observation , in some sort , of the seventh day , by Casaubon , commencing upon that place of Suetoni●●● , Diogenes grammaticus disputare sabbutis Rhodi solitus , vententem , ut se extra ordinem audiret , non admiserat ! ac per servalu● suum in septim●● diem dis●ulerat . Where he bringeth in Lucian , making mention of resting dayes granted every seventh day to children who were at schoole : Vul●atius Gallicanus ; that souldiers exercised themselves upon the seventh day in archerie and armes : Dampridius , that Alexander Severus went up to the Capitoll upon the seventh day , when hee was in Rome , and frequented the temples : In this same place Suetonius reporteth of Diogenes the Grammarian , that if any were desirous o●heare declamation or discourse , he differred them to the seventh day . Eusebius saith , That alm●st all , as well ph●losophers as Poets , understood , that the seventh day was more sacred then other dayes . Phil● Jud●eus 〈…〉 cited saith , It was an holy day not of one 〈◊〉 region only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but of all . And in another place he s●ith , Our law admonisheth all of duetie , 〈◊〉 , Grecians , the inhabitants of the ●les , and the continent , 〈◊〉 the orientall people , the Entrop●cans , and the 〈…〉 even the whole habitable world to the uttermost coasts : for who doth not honour that holy day returning every weeke . Buxtorsius telleth us , that the Jewes at this day thinke , Christians and others shall bee phnished , because they keepe not their sabbath . And this I beleeve , they thinke not of their other holy dayes . I will close this point concerning the first , institution of the sabbath with pointing at the testimonies both of ancients and neotericks . Tertullian reporteth , that the Jewes hold that the Lord sanctified the seventh day from the beginning , and that thereupon when the law was given , the Lord said , Rem●mber . Gen 〈◊〉 ardus in his chronologie affirmeth , that the Hebrew Doctours taught so . Peter Martyr citeth Rabbi Agn●● , Broughtoun in his concent alledgeth Rambam and Aben-Ezra . Philo Judaeus his consent ye had a little before . Cyprian de Spiritu sancto . Chrysostome hom . 10. in Genes . 2. Epiphanius contra heresin Anoet● haeres . 51. The doretus 〈◊〉 est in Genesin . Augustine epist. 86. ad Casulannm . Waleus in his dissertatio de sabbatho , citeth Luther , Calvine , Zwinglius , Beza , P. Martyr , Bullinger , Zanchius , Vrsinus , Gualtor , Aretius , Bertramus Mercerus , Antoniu● Faius Juntus , Paraeus , Alstedius . Rivetus in his dissertatio de origaine sabbathi , addeth other Neoterikes . Dan●ws , Ho●pinian●s , Chimnitius , Gerardus , Marloratus , with some others , and popish writers , Eugubinus , Gen●brardus , Cornelius à Lapide , and Emanuel Sa. A diligent reader may easily finde moe , affirming that the sabbath was instituted at the beginning . Seeing the sabbath was observed from the beginning , it was not instituted in the wildernesse , but only renewed to the people of God , and enjoined to them with solemnitie , both because of their owne neglect , or forced prophanation in Egypt , as also , because it was neglected among other nations , who observed it not , or not in the right manner , but rather prophaned then sanctified it . The question ariseth , whether it was then onely morall , or partly morall , partly ceremoniall . But the question should bee stated other wayes . For there is a difference betweene these two questions , whether the sabbath of the Jewes was partly morall , partly ceremoniall , or whether the fourth precept , as it standeth in the decalogue , was partly morall , partly ceremoniall . That the Iewish sabbath was partly morall , partly ceremoniall , is the commun and receaved opinion , which , for mine owne part , I would be loath to contradict , even taking ceremoniall for typicall and profigurative of our 〈◊〉 purchased forus by Christ. But it followeth not , that the fourth precept , as it standeth in the decalogue , is partly morall , partly ceremoniall in that scene , that is typicall and prefigurative . There is nothing in the 〈◊〉 precept , as it was promulgat upon mount Sinai , ranked among the rest of the morall precepts ; placed in the midst , and written with Gods owne finger in ●ibles of stone , that soundeth any way to typicall ceremonie . At other times when the ceremonies of the law were intimated , then were typicall and ceremoniall precep●s delivered . It is true , when the fourth precept was promulgated , it was accommodated to the state of man after his fall . ●or strangers within our gates must cease that day from all manner of workes , which might give offence to Gods people , which needed not to be enjoyned in the state of innocencie , or , if mankinde had continued in the bosome of th● Church , and had not made defection falling in a second fall . But that specification of persons bound to 〈◊〉 worke , was not a ceremonie , but a needfull 〈◊〉 in respect of the time . The reason in the precept is morall , and the end of the cessation and rest is morall , to wit , to sanctifie , and keepe holy the sabbath-day . To sanctifie is taken in a generall notion ; and without reference to ceremoniall exercises , or legall more then evangelicall . The leg●ll offices were commanded by other lawes , which were positive . But White to prove that the word sanctifie is taken in a particular notion , alledgeth Deut. 5. 12. Remember to sanctifie the sabbath-day , as the Lord thy God ●ath commanded thee . This maketh nothing to the purpose ; for the word sanctifie may be still taken in a generall notion , to sanctifie the sabbath , as the Lord commanded before at the deliverie of the law . Suppo●e the word were to be taken in a particular notion in that place , Moses applying it as an interpreter and expounder to that present time , it followeth not , that it was so taken at the promulgation and engraving in ●ables of stone , for at that time there was no sacrifices appo●●ed for the sabbath , but afterward , Numb . 28. and s●●●ing on the shew-bread , Levit. 24. But these things were ceremoniall , belonged onely to the priests , and not to all and every one of the people , and were commanded afterward . So was the precept of kindly fire , which was but temporall , and that the sabbath be observed as a memoriall of their deliverie out of Egypt , Deut. 5. 15. which saith Master Ainsworth , seemeth to have fallen forth upon the sabbath day . To be a sign● , that the Lord did sanctifie them , was also set downe afterward , as one of the ends of the observation , Exod. 31. but yet that was not to be signum obsig●●ns , a sealing ligne or sacrament , but onely a declarative sig●● or indicant , or document , that God was the santifier of his people , or an argument , as others call it , or a publick note and signe of their profession , to distinguish betweene the observers of the sabbath , as a holy and sanctified people from others . But this may bee common to Iewes and Christians . The mutabilatie of the seventh day from the creation , maketh it not ceremoniall ; for a thing may bee mutable , and not ceremoniall . To appoint the seventh day to bee observed and sanctified , is not a ceremonie , unlesse the word ceremonie be abused , and taken more largely , then for a thing significant or typicall . It is properly but a politick order , determining a time for the worship of God , To bee a memoriall of the creation , and Gods rest the seventh day followed indeed upon the observation of that day , but was not the only nor principall end of the institution ; for then that should have beene the chiefe or onely exercise on that day , to contemplate and meditate upon the creatures . God propoundeth his worke of creation , and resting the seventh day , not as the onely subject to bee mused upon , but as an example for the observation of a seventh day sabbath . Howbeit of the setting of that seventh day from the creation , the prerogative it had to bee the day of Gods rest from the worke of creation , and therefore made choise of , yet perse & directè , of it selfe and directly , as Suarez speaketh , it was not appointed for commemoration of such a worke , but to worship God for himselfe , for his owne majestie and excellencie . To end this point , wee must not confound precepts , concerning ob●ervancies and ceremonies , with morall . The ceremonials are only appendicles , and have their owne positive lawes for their ground . If because there be some ceremoniall precepts concerning the sabbath , delivered afterward or apart from the promulgation of the decalogu● , the fourth precept shall be holden , partly morall , partly ceremoniall : by that reason other precepts also of the decalogue , shall bee partly morall , partly ceremoniall , for both the ceremoniall and judiciall law , saith Master Dow , have in them something , which is juris moralis , and so farre forth are contained under the morall precepts . Swarez likewise saith , Nihilominus tamen in illis ceremoniis seu observant i●s sunt quaedum rationes generales , que secundum se pertinent ad moralem rationam vir●utum , u● de se abitr●hunt à particulari significatione & ritu veteris legis . In a word , there is nothing ceremoniall in the fourth precept , no positive worship , either legall or evangelicall , enjoyned , but only sanctification , in generall without determination either of the one or other , no type or signification of things to come expressed , yea , or intended , saith Swarez , but only the institution it selfe renewed with accommodation to the state of man after his fall , of which I made mention a little before . All the determination , which is added over the naturall and morall obligation , to se apart a time to holy exercises , is divine positive , not ceremoniall or typicall : for divine postive is more generall , and comprehendeth also other lawes imposed by God for order and policie in his Church . Howbeit wee 〈…〉 distinguish betwixt in the fourth pre●ept concerning the sabbath , and the sabbath , as it was observed by the people of God upon the imposition of more precepts concerning ceremonies and observances , yet even in their observation wee may observe some markes , whereby it might be discerned from their anniversarie feasts , and to bee ordained pr●marly for a morall use . The sabbath was observed every where throughout the land , and abroad , where they remained , in the wildernesse , in the places of their captivity and dispersion . The ceremoniall feasts on 〈◊〉 I●rusalem , whither Iews and prose●i●s resorted from all countries , as at the Pentecost when the firle tongues were sent downe , and whereat the Apostle Paul hastened to bee present . Next , the ceremoniall feasts had some s●crifices and ceremonies appropriate unto them , which might not bee used at other times . The sabbath had only the doubling of the daily sacrifice at the appointed place , beside the ordinarie exercises throughout the land . Thirdly , the sabbaths of anniversarie feasts were transfe●red to the ordinarie or weekly sabbath , if it was to follow immediatly , because the dead corps and meat prepared specially of herbs , could not be preserved without spilling or putrifying specially in those hote countries . Non facimus inqu●●● , duo contin a sabbatha propter olera & prop●et mortuos . 〈…〉 restraineth this custome to the store moneth T●●ri . But the ordinarie or weekly sabbath was not drawne to the sabbaths of these anniversarie feasts . Fourthly ▪ at the anniversarie feasts they might not fast , they were dayes of joy and festivity which ●orreth not with mourning of f●sting . See Nehem. 8. 10. Exod. 12. 14. Num. 29. 15. And therefore these dayes were called Chaggim , which is derived from a word , signifying wheeling about , leaping or dancing . The most solemne day of these feasts was called jom tob , a good or merrie day . The ordinarie sabbath-day was not called jom tob . See Casaubonus , nor yet Chag . They were not forbidden to f●st , yet they might fast . That injunction , Exod. 16. 23. was a permission , not a command , or for preparation onely , not for eating the day following . Yea , they not only might fast , but did it usually , at lest to the twelft houre , as Hooker proveth by testimonies out of Josephus , Justinus , Suctonius , Balsam upon the 66. Canon , called the Apostles , saith , Wee fast not upon the sabbath , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lest wee should seeme to imitate the Jewes . Augustine saith , God spake nothing concerning dining or fasting upon the sabbath , when he sanctified the seventh day , nor afterward , when hee gave precepts concerning it to his people . Of these differences the reader may finde more in Altare Damascenum , page 667 , 668 , 669. The Jewish sabbath which was the seventh day from the creation , was abolished at the resurrection of Christ , because it had types and ceremonies annexed to it , which were shadowes of things to come . The ground ceasing , the observation of that day ceased also ; for the shadowes flee away when the body commeth in place . Yea further , I will yeeld , that the abrogation was meant by the Apostle , Coloss. 2. 17. and under the name of sabbath there , is to bee meant onely the weekly sabbath , which is more then White craveth . Not that I thinke , they answer sufficiently to those , who will have the word to be applied to the first and last day of anniversary feasts , which were also called sabbaths . But because I thinke these to bee comprehended under the name of feasts , whereof these sabbaths were the principall , and most solemne dayes . So that here is a perfite division of all their solemne dayes , to wit , that they were either feasts , to wit , anniversarie dayes , or new moones , which returned monethly , or the sabbath , which returned weekly . I so thinke the rather , because we have the like division , 1 Chron. 23. 31. where the Levits office is set downe , to offer burnt sacrifices unto the Lord , in the sabbaths , in the new moones , and on the set feasts . And againe , in Esay 1. 13 , 14. wee have the like . As for that , that the word Sabbath is in the plurall number , it crosseth not this sense : for so is the weekly sabbath usually expressed by the Greek translaters of the old testament ; and in the new testament also , Matth. 12. 1 , 5 , 10 , 11 , 12. Matth. 2● . 1. Mark. 1. 12. Mark. 2. 23 , 24. Mark 3. 2 , 4. Luk. 4. 31. Luke 6. 9. Luke 13. 10. Act. 13. 14. Act. 16. 13. In these places the word is taken either for one sabbath-day onely , or for moe . And so it may bee taken in this place , Coloss. 2. and translated either sabbath , or as the late english translation hath , sabbath dayes . The sabbath-day is expressed in the plurall number for the frequent and often returning . By the way observe , that the old sabbath was not reckoned among the Jewish festivall dayes . S●atiger saith , Manifestò sabbata distinguuntur ( to wit Esay 1. 13 , 14. ) à magnis diebus . The sabbaths are ●early d●stinguished from the great dayes , which were all one with Chaggim . The Iewish sabbath then , seeing it shadowed things to come , behoved to bee abolished . Suppose it had not beene a shadow , yet even as it was but a circumstantiall point of the fourth precept , which is morall positive , it might have beene changed for a greater reason , then was the occasion of the choice of the former . For the resurrection of Christ , and beginning of his triumph , after he had ended his course of humiliation , was a greater reason for making choice of the first day of the weeke , then resting from the worke of creation was for the seventh day before . The first respect of necessitie required abolition ; The 〈…〉 congruity . The first day of the weeke succeeded in the roome of the last day of the weeke , and hath beene observed in the Christian Church from her infancie to this day , without any change or contradiction . The Apostles were conveened together that day , when the holy Ghost descended upon them , Act. 2. When Paul had stayed at Troas seven dayes , upon the first day of the weeke , being the seventh day of his abode , the disciples conveened together to break-bread , and Paul preached and conferred with them till break of day , Act. 20. 7. 11. The originall hath , upon one of the sabbath , but sabbath is put for weeke , because from the sabbath as the principall day , they numbred the rest of the dayes of the weeke to the next sabbath in order , first , second , third , fourth , &c. of the sabbath , and distinguished them not by the names of the planets . As when the pharisie said , I fast twice in the sabbath , that is , twice in the weeke , Luke 18. 12. When Jesus was risen early the first day of the sabbath , that is , of the weeke , Mark 16. 9. And Levit 23. 15. seven sabbaths shall bee compleat , that is , seven weekes . Likewise one , according to the forme of speach familiar to the Hebrewes , is taken for first . The evening and morning were one day , that is , the first day . This place cannot bee tr●●slated one of the sabbaths : for the Apostle stayed but seven dayes , in which there was but one sabbath day . Nor yet is it likely , that the Christians did assemble upon the Iewish sabbath to their exercises . Howbeit the Apostle went in to their synagogue , Act. 13. upon their sabbath , that was not for the observation of their sabbath , but because hee could not finde the Iewes assembled together at any other time or place , that hee might have occasion to winne them , as yee may see at that time hee found occasion to deliver a word of exhortation . Wee have the first day of the weeke expressed with the like phrase , 1 Corin. 16. 2. where the Corinthians are directed to lay aside some thing for the poore the first day of the sabbath , that is , of the weeke , or every first day of the weeke . Now although this text of S. Paul maketh no expresse mention of Church assemblies this day , yet because it was the custome of Christians : And likewise it is a thing conv●nient to give almes upon the church-dayes , it cannot w●ll hee gainsaid , but that , if in Corinth and Galatia , the first day of ev●ry weeke was appointed to be a day for almes , and charitable contributions the same was also the Christians weekly holy day for their religious assemblies , saith White , and to this purpose citeth Chrysostome , in 1 Corin. hom . 43. where he sheweth , that the time was fit for collections , because that day they had receaved many great benefites , and the first of the sabbath , hee interpreteth the Lords day . So do the translations of the Bible expound both the former and this place of the first day of the week , the Belgike , the French , the Italian , the Spanish , the late English , Beza's and Tremellius out of the Syriack . With frivolous cavill●tion doe some few to their great discredite preasse to another sense , which is to the full overthrowne by Wal●e●s and Amesius . This first day of the weeke , Revel . 1. 10. is called , not the day of the Lord , as sometime in the scripture , the time of some heavie judgement is called the day of the Lord , or because the Lord revealed to him upon a day these great mysteries , for that day had beene uncertaine , the sense ca●to logicall , as if John should have said , I was ravished in the spirit that day I was ravished in the spirit . But John maketh mention of this day as a thing knowne before to the Churches , to designe the time , when he saw th●se visions . And he calleth it not the day of the Lord , but the Lords day , or the dominicall day , and so it hath ever beene called in the Christian Church since the dayes of the Apostles . Justi●u● c●ll●th it Apoc. 2. Diem solis , Sunday , because the apologie was directed to an ethnick , and in his dialogue with Trypho , the first day of the weeke , because Trypho was a Jew . It were superfluous to cite testimonies to prove that in everie age this day hath beene called the Lord day , and observed by Christians in every age . Notwithstanding it bee cleare and evident , that the Lords day was observed in the Apostles times , it is questioned whither it was instituted by Christ , or by the Apostles , or if by the Apostles , whither by them as ordinarie pastours , or as extraordinarie office-bearers , assisted with the infallible direction of the spirit . Master Daw , It concerneth us little to know , whither it was delivered by the Apostles themselves , or their next after commers . Those who come after are equalled by him with the Apostles , who were assisted extraordinarly in laying the foundation wherein the Church was builded , and setting down the government and unchangeable policie of the Church . Either every Church had power to hallow a day like the Lords day , or else the Church universall . If every nationall Church , then they might have differed , and hallowed sundrie dayes . If the Church universall , that could not be brought to passe but in the representative , an oecumenicall councell . None such could be had for 300 yeares after Christ. But so the hallowing of such a day had beene suspended for 300 yeares . If the Church may institute such a day , it may abrogate it also , and change at pleasure . If the Church , or ordinarie pastours may institute such a day , they may make lawes binding the conscience . For wee are bound in conscience to observe the Lords day , even out of the case of scandall and contempt , in secret as well as in publike , with internall worship as well as externall , or els we sinne , howbeit the Church cannot take notice of it , or judge upon it . If there be no such day for the Lord , then wee deny to him that which the verie law of nature granteth to him , for the law of nature requireth such a day . Seeing no ordinarie pastours may doe it , it followeth , that if the Apostles did it , they did it not by vertue of their pastorall power and office , which was common to them with their successours , as Master Dow speaketh , but by that power which was properly apostolicall , and that it cannot be called an ordinance of the Church , as Master Dow alledgeth it may . Even Bellarmine distinguisheth between traditions divine , apostolicall , and ecclesiasticall , and confoundeth not apostolicall with ecclesiasticall . The apostolicall constitutions , may be also called divine , saith he , because they were not instituted without the assistance of the spirit , and divine may be called apostolicall , not that they were instituted by the Apostles , sed quod ab eis primùm ecclesi● traditae sunt , cum ipsi seorsim eas à Christo accepissont , that is , that by them they were first delivered to the Church , after they had first receaved them apart from Christ himselfe . The observation of the Lords day is not like the Papists unwritten verities , for it is extant in the scripture , but the question is about the precept . We confesse practice , say they , but where is precept ? I answer , their practice was a paterne to us , and hath the force of a precept . Rivetue himselfe in his exercitations upon Genesis , answers , In such things we need no expresse precept , if wee have practice and example , namely of such as we know to be the first institutours of good order , by vertue of a speciall calling , such as were the Apostles , but chiefly where the practice is repeated , for then it is inculcat , if there be no necessarie reason craving a change . Respondeo in talibus non opus esse praec●pto expresso , si habeamus exemplum , praesertim eorum quos scimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ecclesia fuisse , ex speciali vocatione primos institutores , quales fuerunt Apostoli . In talibus enim exemplum & praxis vim aliquam habet pracepti , praesertim ubi praxis illa repetitur , tum enim incul●atur , si nulla ratio necessaria mutationem requirat . Adde also , that the observation was uniforme in all the Churches , and constant , which presupposeth a precept , an ordinance , or institution . For what likelihood is there , that one began , and the rest every one after other followed the example of others that went before in practice , and that this way the observation crept in by exemple , and did grow to a custome . The places above cited make mention of the first day of the weeke , and the Lords day not as then begun , but as knowne and observed before , even at the Pentecost , before the holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles . And yet Rivetus inferreth a precept out of 1 Corin. 16. where the Corinthians are directed every first day of the weeke , to lay aside some thing for the poore , where , howbeit the chiefe intention of the Apostle is to give direction for the helpe of the poore , yet because hee will have it to be done the first day of the weeke , it followeth that hee willeth also , that they should dedicate the Lords day to the solemne assembling of the Church , for hee that intendeth the end , intendeth also the midst , Vbi etsi prima intentio Tauli sit de collecta statuere , tamen quia vult eam primo di● hebdomadis fieri , inde sequitur voluisse etiam ut diem Dominicam solemni ecclesiae congregationl dedicarent . Qui enim vu●t finem , vult etiam media , si nihil in eis sit illegitimum , aut verbo Dei prohibitum . Yet his words would bee somewhat corrected ; for the Apostle enjoyneth them not to observe that day , as if they had never observed it before , but maket● mention of it , as a thing knowne , and as Chrysostome observed , would move them to bee the more free-hearted , because of the benefites which they had receaved that day . He enjoyneth them no new thing , but concernidg the collection for the Saints , as he had given order to the Churches of Galatia . Yet this direction implieth a direction to continue in the observation of that day ; for in directing them to doe a little , farre more would he have them to performe greater duties . Bellarmine giveth some rul●s to trie genuine apostolicall traditions , which , if yee will admit , howbeit they cannot be justly applied to their unwr●tten verities , yet very well to the observation of th● Lords day . When the universall Church observeth any thing , that none might appo●nt but God , and yet nowhere is it found written , it behoveth to averre , that it was delivered by Christ and his Ap●stles . Anot●e● rule , What the universall Church hath observed at all ●●mes before , justly we may beleeve , that it was in 〈…〉 Apostles , howbeit it bee of ●uch a qualitie , as 〈…〉 i●stituted by the Church . To this purp●se●● quoteth Aug●stine lib. 4. contra Donatist as cap. 23 These are the words , That which the universall Ch●rch 〈◊〉 , and hath not beene instituted by Councels , but ever mainta●ned , is to be beleev●d in all 〈◊〉 reason , not to have been ordained by o●her power , then the aposto●ique authori●● . Quod universate● eccle●●a nec conci●iis institu●●● , sed semp●r ●●tentum , non nisi authoritate ap●st●ica tra●ditu● certissime creditur . But seeing the ordinances of the Apostles were of two sorts . Some were temporarie , and to endure onely for a time , as abstinence from bloud , and strangled , which was enjoyned only for avoiding the offence of the weake Jewes : others were to bee observed constantly . Of this sort was the observation of the Lords day . Experience hath proved the perpetuall observation of it hitherto , and no reason can bee given , wherefore it should bee changed hereafter , as I shall show . It were superfluous to cite the testimonies of divines , referring the institution of this day to the Apostles . Walaeus hath quoted a number , dissertat . pag. 165. After hee hath laid downe his reasons , consenting with them in judgement , hee concludeth that the first day of the weeke was substituted to the sabbath by the Apostles , not onely by an ordinarie power , such as all pastours have to order rites meerly indifferent in their Churches , but by a singular power , as by such as had inspection over the whole Church , and to whom , as to extraordinarie office-bearers , was concredit to be faithfull , not onely to deliver certaine precepts of faith and manners , but also of comely order in the Church , Vt quis dies in septimana ex vi & anal gia quarti praecepti esset servandus , ne diss●nsio aut confusio ex eo inter ecclesias oriretur , omnibus ubique Christianis constaret ; as that it might bee knowne to all Christians , what day in the weeke is to bee observed by vertue and analogie of the fourth precept , least dissention or confusion should arise there about 〈◊〉 the Churches . He citeth other divines , concluding likewise that the Apostles being guided by the holy Ghost , substituted the Lords day in place of the Jewish 〈◊〉 bath . But others referre the institution to Christ himselfe , which is more likely : for after his resurrection hee appeared sundry times , taught the Apostles things pertaining to the kingdome of God , that is , the instruction , and government of his Church , and gave them commandements , Act. 1. 23. These commandements , and instructions , they delivered after to the Churches , and set them downe in their canonicall writes . Next , Christ himselfe appeared , the day of his resurrection five times . At the third appearance , hee appeared to the two disciples going to Emaus , at which time hee celebrated the holy supper according to the judgement of great divines . At the fifth appearance , he appeared to all the disciples , save Thomas , who were conveened together before . Then he gave them commission to goe and teach all nations , and in conferring his spirit hee breathed upon them , John 20. Mark. 16. Eight dayes after , that is , the eighth day after ( as Luke 2. 21. when eight dayes were accomplished for the circumcision of the childe , that is , when the childe was circumcised upon the eight day ) Christ appeared againe , and Thomas was present , at which time he cured his unbeliefe . It would appeare , their meeting was not frequent at other times , and that Christ appeared purposly at that time . And therefore it is likely , that every eight day after ordinarily they conveened , and Christ appeared unto them , wherein that great divine Junius is confident . Die ipso resurrectionis , & octavo quoque die , usque dum in coelos ascendit , apparuit disc●pulis , & in conventum eorum venit . At last upon the Pentecost , which fell upon the eight day , that is , the first day of the weeke that yeare , Christ sent downe the holy Ghost in the likenesse of firie tongues upon the Apostles conveened together . There is no speciall time noted for any of Christs apparitions , but the first and eighth day , which seemeth to be done of purpose . Therefore Cyrillus lib. 12. in 〈…〉 . 8. willeth us to observe , that the Evangelist is no● content with a simple narration , but addeth carefully , after eight dayes , and all being gathered together in one place . The Lords day could not have beene observed so long as Christ remained upon the earth without his direction . And this appeareth to be one of the commandements , which he gave them . Eusebius ascribeth the institution of this day to Christ , advancing Christ above all the great pote●tats of the Gentiles , who could not prescrive to all the inhabitants of the earth to conveene every weeke , and observe the Lords day , as Christ did . Athan●sius cited by White , pag. 78. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Lord hath changed ●r translated it ( meaning the sabbath ) into the Lords day . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may as well import , that it was so called , because the Lord was the authour and institutour of it , as because it was instituted for the honour and worship of our Lord. As the Lords prayer is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lords prayer , because the Lord was the authour of it . Zanchius is of opinion , that when the Lord blessed the seventh day , the sonne of God spent that whole day in instructing Adam and Eva , exercising them in the worship of God , and admonishing them to teach their posteritie to doe the like : for it beloved Adam to understand the sanctification of that day , which the Lord had blessed and sanctified . Wee have farre greater reason to thinke , being certaine that Christ was here on earth , appearing to his disciples at sundrie times from the day of his resurrection , till the day of his ascension , and instructing them in things belonging to his Church , that hee instructed them in this point also . Yea , yee see , hee conveened with them , and in a manner observed it also . Whither Christ himselfe instituted the observation of this day , or the Apostles by the inspiration of the Spirit , the authoritie is divine : For howsoever Bellarmine distinguisheth traditions in divine and apostolicall , the distinction is but imaginarie , saith Junius in his answer ; and Bellarmine himselfe acknowledgeth , that the apostolicall traditions in respect of the assistance of the spirit , may be called also divine , howbeit they were not delivered immediatly by Christ himselfe . Tratitiones verè apostolice sunt divinae , saith Polanus . Beza in his great annotations upon Apocal. 1. 10. calleth it , Apostolicam & verè divinam traditionem , Atradition truely divine , howbeit Apostolicall . Cornelius à Lapide joyneth both together , Christ and his Apostles . Vnde à Christo & Apostolis festum à sabbato in dominicum est translatum . Some , saith Dow , ground the institution of the Lords day upon the fourth commandement , some upon the sanctification of the seventh day at the creation , other seeke for authority out of the new Testament ; but all these three agree in one . For the fourth commandement was but a renovation of the first institution after the creation . The substance of the commandement is to observe a seventh day , the renewing the appointment of that seventh day of the first weeke , was a circumstantiall point , and therefore it was changeable , like as for some types and ceremonies annexed to it , it behoved to bee changed . The institution of the Lords day , was but a substitution of another day to that which was , the substance remaining , to wit , that the seventh day of a weeke be sanctified . For , as I observed before , the force of Gods example alledged in the fourth commandement , lieth in this chiefly , that God purposly tooke six dayes to create the world , whereas he might have done it in six houres , and rested upon the seventh ; not in this , that he created in those six dayes , and rested upon that seventh day , which followed immediatly after : for the Lord saith , for in six dayes , not , for in those six dayes . God made choise of that seventh day at that time to sanctifie it , to bee a memoriall of his rest from the worke of creation that seventh day . When Christ rose from the dead , and a new creation , as it were , of a new world was begunne , there was greater reason to sanctifie that day , howbeit there had beene no types and ceremonies annexed to the former , farre more seeing it behoved to bee abolished . The seventh day in the precept is to be considered materially , as it were , or formally . As it is considered formally , and in generall , it is of the substance of the command , but consider it materially , as the seventh from the creation , it is not of the substance of the commandment . The seventh day may bee considered both the wayes : Septimu● autem dies intelligi potest , vel ille qui est septimus d●es à creatione numerando à primo die creationis , que dici potest velu●imaterialis numeratio , vel potest dici septimus , quasi generat●m , seu formaliter ille , qui est ultimus in septenario numero dierum , sicut Aristoteles dixit ultimam unitatem esse formam numeri . The institution then of the Lords day , is nothing els but a substitution of another seventh day to the former seventh day , considered materially . These are the common phrases of divines ; that the old sabbath was changed into the first day of the weeke , that the glorie and excellencie of the old sabbath was translated into that day , that that day succeeded or was substitute to the old sabbath . What can these phrases import , but that vis praecepti the force of the precept yet remaines , and only the materiall numbring for great respects was changed . Philo● Judaeus in his booke de opificio mundi in the place above cited , upon occasion of the sabbath discourseth at large upon the mysteries of the sacred septenarie , as hee calleth it , or number of feven . Peter Martyr saith , that God delighteth in the number of seven , and hath closed up great and wonderfull workes , within the compasse of the number of seven . Scaliger saith , that the number of seven dayes is instituted by a divine power , because it is so commodious for all the course of the year , called Solar , and hath into it some divine thing . Divinitus igitur institutus est numerus dierum septenarius , qui ad omnem civilis anni Solaris rationem commodissimus est , & ut dixi nescio qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habet . But in the institution of the sabbath , God had not an eye to the mysteries , or hid vertue which is in the number of seven , but to the abilitie of man. The sabbath was made for man , and not man for the sabbath . Our reason thē for the perpetuity of a sevenths day sabbath to be sanctified , that this order cannot be changed , that it is of the substance of the fourth commandement , are these . First , if by vertue of the fourth precept of the decalogue , wee bee not bound to sanctifie one day of seven , then we have no divine precept for any certaine circle , or circuit of dayes for the sanctification of a certaine day : for no where in scripture have we any precept for any other revolution of dayes to observe one of them . Without a certain and set systeme of dayes there would arise great confusion and division in the Church of God , some judging one of ten , others perhaps one of twenty , or thirty suffi●ient , &c. It behoved th● Lord therefore by his supreme authoritie to s●int the time , to exeeme all Scruples out of mens mindes , and to prevent all confusion and disorder . No humane authoritie could have bound mens conscience to the observation of it . The Lord no where hath done it , but in the fourth precept . Next , the reason in the precept concerneth us all , for as I have said before , the Lord tooke six dayes to creat the world , no moe , no fewer , and rested the seventh to be a paterne to man , many hundred yeares before the Iewes became a nation , and in that precept , which was a renewing of the institution , commandeth us to follow that paterne . Thirdly , the proportion betweene the six dayes for man to doe his owne businesse , and the seventh to be dedicated to God , is so just , that it cannot bee altered without prejudice ; for to give man but five , were an heavie burthen , to give him seven , or eight , or moe , the time set apart for God would not be sufficient . Vnlesse wee will thinke God exacted more then was sufficient , when he required the seventh . But we must acknowledge that God is good , and wee professe equity in his precept , in that he hath given us six dayes , and taken but the seventh to himselfe . And who was so wise , as to finde out this proportion without prejudice either to God or man. Aquinas distinguisheth morall precepts in three rankes : The first are such as naturall reason doth yeeld to incontinent : The second are of such as need the more subtile consideration of the wiser sort , considering sundry circumstances : A third sort are of such as need divine instruction to help mans reason to judge , and condescend . These of the first ranke are absolut● de lege natura , simply or absolutly of the law of nature , the rest are attained unto by humane discipline and instruction as these of the second ranke , or ●v●ne inse●uctio● as these of the third . And to this ranke may this proportion bee referred . But wee are content to urge it onely as divine positive , but unchangeable , as the rest of the morall precepts are . So that the fourth precept is partly divine naturall , that God must have a time set for his worship , partly divine positive , that he must have one whole day of seven . Fourthly , Christ or the Apostles would not varie from this circle , when they changed the seventh day from the last to the first day of the weeke , but keeped themselves within that circle , which they might and would have done , if the fourth precept had beene given onely to the Jewes , or the circuit had been ceremoniall , and had relation onely to the Iewish sabbath . And this is an argument by the way , that this systeme of seven , or circuit of the weeke , was set from the beginning . The reason of the institution of the Lords day , saith Bellarmine , was , that it might succeed to the sabbath , for divine law required , that one day in the weeke should bee dedicated to divine worship . Nam jus divinum requirebat , ut unus dies hebdomadae dedicaretur cultui divino . And seeing it was not convenient that the old sabbath should bee still observed , it was changed into the Lords day . For the perpetuity of one of seven , the testimonies of many divines may bee alledged . Chrysestome , Jam hinc ab ●nitio doctrinam hanc nobis insinuat Deus , erudiens in c● culo hebdomadae diem unum integrum segregandum & seponendum in spiritualem opera●ionem . Theodoretus , Septem d ebus circulum omnem dierum conclusit . Beza in Apocal. 1. 10. Quartum praeceptum de septimo quoque die sanctificando , quo ad cultum De● a●●●net esse leg●● moral● & immotae . P. Martyr in his common places , that it is stable and firme , that one day in the weeke bee dedicated to God. Zanchius upon the fourth precept , that it is morall , so farre as it commandeth us to consecrate one day of seven to Gods externall worship . Junius saith , it is natural that the seventh day bee consecrated to God. Praelecti in Genes . cap. 2. Suarez acknowledgeth , that the dedication of the seventh day , howbeit hee calleth it an ecclesiasticall precept , cannot be changed by the ordinarie , or ordinat as he calleth it , power of the Church . Because some ecclesiasticall precepts are so neare and like to divine institutions , so conforme to the law of nature , fenced with so many reasons of honestie and religion , so ancient , and strengthened by universall custome , that simplie , or by the ordinate power of the Church ; they cannot be abrogated . Among which precepts , he ranketh that of the dedication of the seventh day . And therefore he inferreth that by the absolute power of the Church and the Popes , it may be abrogated , tamen practice & moralit●● dici posse aliquo modo immutabile , licet ecclesiasticum sit , that is , it may be said in some sort to be morally , and for practice unchangeable ; Which is as much as to say , with little honestie or credit can it bee put in practice . Such shifts are sophists driven unto , when they would advance the authority of the Church too high , as if the Church onely in imitation of God had dedicated one of seven , and had not direction from God. Alwayes yee see hee acknowledgeth , that to observe holy one of the seven dayes , is conforme to the law of nature . This seventh day , to wit , the Lords day , cannot ●e changed as the old seventh day , which was the last of the weeke . It is not onely unfit , and unconvenient , but it cannot bee changed . Not because of the nature of the day , for it differeth not in nature from another day , more then the former sabbath . If the former sabbath had beene holier in nature then other dayes , it could not have beene changed . But the reason of the immutabilitie of the Lords day is , that it was set downe by divine authority , and therefore cannot bee abrogated by humane authoritie of princes , pastours , or prelates . Wee must not looke for Christ till his comming againe , nor for any to arise hereafter equall in power and authority to the Apostles . Next , the consideration taken in making choise of this day , cannot serye for another day . Christ is not to suffer death , and rise againe at any other time . A weightier consideration to make a new change , will never fall forth , then the resurrection of Christ. And therefore nowbeit the Church had instituted it , it cannot be changed . At verò ecclesiasticum praeceptum ●ititur mysterio resurrectionis Chr●sti ●am fa● lo , quod ut sic , immutabile est : Nec enim potest C●ristus non resurrexisse , nec potest non vivere glories postquam resurrexit , saith Suarez . Seeing Christs resurrection fell forth that day , it can never be true that Christ rose not that day . Therefore for the dedication of such day , to wit , the Lords day , Suarez saith , the reasons are perpetuall and unchangeable , which have so fixed the determination , that this precept of the Church cannot reasonably be abrogated , and that the holy Ghost , which governeth the Church , will not suffer such a change to bee made against reason and the utilitie of the Church . But if it bee of divine institution , and not the Churches , it cannot bee changed , but by the like divine institution . For what ever be the considerations in making choise of the day , the determination , or as they call it , taxatio diei , dependeth chiefly upon the will of the institutour . Of the divine institution I have treated a little before . I referre the Reader for more to Willets his Synopsis , Perkins cases of conscience , Fulke against the Rhemist , Apoc. 1. 10. and other worthie Divines . The places alledged Rom. 14. and Galat. 4. maketh not against all difference of dayes , but the ceremoniall , or dead judaicall . The weaker Jewes ; Rom. 14. thought the holy dayes commanded by God in the old law , were still holier then other dayes . The Apostle willeth such to be borne with , till they come to the fuller knowledge of their Christian libertie . The Galathians had beene converted from paganisme , had begun in the spirit , but were now by the persuasion of the false apostles , like to end in the flesh , beginning to observe the dayes , moneths , and yeares , which the Jewes observed of old : Dayes , that is , their weekly sabbaths ; Moneths , that is , their new moones ; Yeares , that is , their yearly dayes , or anniversarie feasts ; or tymes and yeares , that is , Statuta tempora annorum , the appointed times of the yeares . For by the same reason , that moneths may be taken for new moones , yeares may be taken for yearly dayes . I see no likelihood , that they observed the seventh or fifty yeare . This exposition agreeth with the division of the Iewish solemnities , whereof I made mention before . The observation of such dayes , is taxed here , as were in some respect , of the quality of the new moones and yearly feasts . Now these were the sabbaths . This ceremoniall difference was abrogated , but the morall use of a set holy day was not taken away . For 〈◊〉 the same time the Lords day was observed , and by the Galathians in particular , as yee may see 1 Corin. 16. 1. where the Apostle maketh mention of the Churches of Galatia . Now to set a day is not a shadowing ceremonie more then to designe a place for the congregation to meet in , but a matter belonging to order . But there was more required to this day . For it was not instituted only for order and policie , that the people might know what dayes to conveene to publike , exercises , howbeit it was one respect . Times may bee appointed for preaching and prayer on the weeke dayes by any particular Church . But there is more required here , a day to be obseved holy by the universall Church , not only for publike worship , but also for privat , not onely for externall , but also for internall , which could not be done but by divine authoritie , which is supreme , and onely able to binde the conscience to internall as well as externall , to privat as well as to publick worship , as I have said before . The last point which I am to touch , is concerning the strictnesse of the observation : Whither we be bound to as strict observation of the Lords day , as the Jewes were of their sabbath . The superstitious observation of the Iewes wee are not bound unto . For they observed that day more precisely , then God required . They found fault with Christ healing of the sicke man upon the sabbath , and the sicke mans carrying home of his bed . They have had , and have many foolish observations , as not to pull to an herb on the sabbath , nor to eat an aple which they pluck upon that day , nor claw with their nailes in publike , nor catch a flea unlesse it bite . Let us then see , what God hath forbidden them . They were bidden ●ake that which they had to bake upon the sixt day , and seeth that they had to seeth , Exod. 16. 23. and forbidden to kindle a fire upon the seventh day . But that which was baken and seethed upon the sixt day , a part of it was not reserved to the seventh day , but that which remained over unbaken and unsodden . The text importeth no further , for if it had beene baken or sodden , they would perhaps have attributed the not putrifying upon the seventh day to the baking or seething . It was food that might bee eaten without baking , like comfites or fruit . It seemeth then this injunction was given onely during the time the manna rained . If this direction had beene to bee observed afterward , they might not have eaten any thing which was baken two dayes before . Is it likely that Christ and others bidden to the Pharisees house upon the sabbath-day , had no meat dressed for them by baking of seething . The kindling of fire was forbidden , not simply , but for baking or seething the manna , as some thinke , and therefore endured onely so long as the manna lasted , howbeit the most superstitious sort of the Jewes in later times observed it . It is noted of the Essens , a strict sect of the Jewes , as singular in them , that they kindled no fire upon the sabbath-day . They were commanded , Exod. 16. 29. to abide every man in his place , and not to goe out of their tents , at lest out of the campe . This was but temporarie . Afterward they might take journey upon the sabbath to the Prophets or synagogues , 2 King. 4. 23. Levit 23. 3. Yea , if they were not to journey for that , the Scribes prescrived to them 2000 cubits , that is a mile or thereabouts , out of a towne or citie , which was called the sabbath-dayes-journey . But afterward they became more superstitious , not taking up the Lords intent , in that place of Exodus , as the Jew that would not be drawne out of the jackes , wherein he had fallen upon the sabbath-day . So howbeit the Iewes should be superstitious now in not kindling fire , that is no warrant that the direction was not ●●●oratie . Some thinke , this prohibition served onely during the workmanship of the tabernacle . But let it bee granted , that both the one direction and the other were to endure during the policie of the Iewes , I denie that they were forbidden by vertue of the fourth precept of the decalogue . They would and might have kindled fire notwithstanding of the fourth precept . Their rest upon the sabbath was ceremoniall and figurative . And because ceremoniall and figurative , therefore , saith Bellarmine , and Dow after him , with others , it behoved to be more strict , exact , and rigid . For the more exact the figure is , the better it representeth and signifieth . So granting , that dressing and preparing of meat by fire were not a temporarie precept during the manna , yet it depended upon the ceremoniall rest and typicall state of Gods people under the law . They abstained from the buriall of the dead upon the sabbath-day , 2 Maccab. 12. 39. because if any touched the dead , or entred into the house where the dead lay , or touched a grave , was uncleane seven dayes , Numb . 19. 14. 16. and consequently they might not enter into the tabernacle . Here a duty forbidden for legall uncleannesse , which bindeth not us . The prophanation of the sabbath was a capitall crime , Exod. 31. 14. but this law bindeth not us . The workes depending upon the ceremoniall rest , or any particular ceremonie bindeth not us , but only the workes inhibited in the fourth precept , wherein the ceremoniall and iudicall precepts are not included , but onely annexed to them , as peculiar unto that people , which was under the tutorie , and paedagogie of the law . Aquinas saith , that the ceremoniall and judiciall precepts are not contained in the decalogue . Ad secundum dicendum , quod judicialia praecepta sunt determinationes moralium praeceptorum , prout ordinantur ad proximum ; sicut & ceremonialia sunt quaedam determinationes praceptorum moralium , prout ordinatur ad Deum . unde neutra praecepta continentur in daecalogo . If then these workes were not forbidden by vertue of the fourth precept , we are not bound to for beare them . If our observation of the Lords day praefigure that blessed and glorious life which we expect , as some doe hold , then our rest should be also as exact and rigid , because figurative . Dominicus dies , qui Christi resurrectione s●●xat●●e , ● , ●e ernam requiem spiritus & corporis praefigurat , saith Augustine . But wee will not build strictnesse of rest upon such a weake ground . It may bee fill drawne to resemble heavenly and spirituall things , but that is not any end of the institution . It is not ●●pu●destinatu● , instituted for any shadow or signification , though ●t may befitly applied unto such an use , saith Willet . Our rest upon the Christian sabbath is only subservient to the sanctifying of the day . The strictnesse required of old by the vertue of the fourth precept , is required of us . As Whit maketh sunday an holy day only by the ordinance of the Church , pag. 109. 150. so the particular forme and circumstances of resting are prescribed unto us , saith hee , by the Church , pag. 135. meaning the Church governours , the prelates . So doth Bellarmine allow such workes , as shall be permitted by the prelats , or have beene used by long custome . Tertiopera concessa à pralatis . Quartò opera quae ex consuetudine sunt licita . Our holy fathers the prelats , paternes and patrons of the prophanation of the Lords day , usurpe dispensation with Gods morall precepts . The very light of nature leadeth a man to acknowledge , that what time is set apart as holy , it should not bee prophaned with worldly businesse or exercises , howbeit this light hath beene detained in unrighteousnesse among the Gentiles , who would not spend the time as they ought to have done , or were ignorant , and thought their games and playes were a hononring of their gods . I need not to reekon particular workes , this generall ingraft in mans minde by nature , that a holy day should be spent in holy exercises , will direct every one in the particulars . This or that will be an impediment to the spirituall exercises , whereunto I am bound this day . In hoc pracepto est aliquid , quod est morale , ut vacare , id est , intendere Deo , orando , colendo , meditando , quae sunt in dictamine legis natura . Et ista hodie in lege Christiana magis manent in virtute , quàm in lege veteri . Ex statutis synodalibus dioecesis Lingonensis anno 1404. Here yee see in the statutes of that diocie it is acknowledged morall in the fourth precept to pray , worship , meditate , that nature diteth this much , and that these dueties remaine more in strength under the Gospell , then under the old law . This statute with the rest was approved by a Cardinall , Ludovicus de Barro . In a councell holden at Mascone 588 , the people is exhorted to spend the Lords day in hymnes and praises , prayers and teares . Sunt oculi manusque vestrae toto illo die ad Deum expanse : Let your eyes be bent , and hands spread toward God all that day . They require also spirituall exercises , in the night it selfe . In the synods holden in France , by the Popes legates Galo and Simon , it was ordained under the paine of excommunication , that none grind at watermills , or any other mills , from saturday at evening till the Lords day at evening . Cardinall Galo and Simon were sent legates to France about the yeare 1812. In a synod holden in Ange●●s 1282. the like ordinance was made against grinding at milles , notwithstanding of the abuse for a long time before , for that sins are the more hainous , the longer miserable fouls are bound to them , cumali qua praescriptio contra praecepta decalogi locum sibi vindieare non possit . Seeing no prescription can take place against the precepts of the decalogue . Yee see they ground their ordinance upon the fourth precept , and conclude ex vi quart● praecepti , that Christians may not grind at milles that day , from evening to evening . They inhibited also cutting or shaving of beards that day , or any other exercise of barbar ●ra●t , under the paine of excommunication , but in case of imminent perill of death or grievous disease . This strictnesse then required of us , admitteth not lawfull and honest games , shooting , bowling , wrastling , &c. farrelesse unhonest and unlawfull , w●i●h ought at no time to bee suffered . For honest games and passe-times , howbeit honest , may be impediment to spirituall exercises , and distract the minde as much as the lawfull workes of our calling . Refreshment by meat and thanke was allowed by God himselfe , when hee provided for the seventh day , and by Christ himselfe , who being invited , went to the pharisees house upon the sabbath to dinner . Aman may recreate himselfe with the free aire of his garden or the fields , if family dueties or the like hinder him not , providing hee spend the time in holy exercises , or holy conference with some other . But games and passe - 〈◊〉 cannot consist with such holy exercises . Workes of pietie , as to travell to the places of publike worship ; or charitie , as to visit the sicke , and of necessity , as to preserve the life of man and beast in danger , are lawfull . The Jewes suffered themselves rather to be● killed , then take armes upon the sabbath-day , 〈◊〉 after better advice , they resolved to fight if any invaded them , 1 Maccab. 2. 41. The Hebrew Doctours have a saying , Periculum animae impellit sabbatum , the perill of the life driveth away the sabbath . Yet we should pray to be free of those necessities . Christ foretelling his disciples , Matth. 24. 20. the destruction of Ierusalem , biddeth them , and in their name , other disciples , who were to follow after , pray , that their flight might not be in winter nor on the sabbath-day : wherefore not on the sabbath-day , but because it would be an hinderance of their holy and spirituall exercises upon that day . Now the destruction of Jerusalem fell not forth till fourtie yeares after Christs ascension . But so it is , the Iewish sabbath was one of the dead ceremonies , which obliged not to necessarie obedience after the passion of Christ. Christ meant then of the Christian sabbath . I have exceeded farre the bounds I set to my selfe , and therefore I am forced to end this discourse . THE DEFINITION OF A FEstivall day . IUdicious Piscator defineth thus a festivall day , ●●stum propriè loquendo est publica & folennis ceremonia mandata à Deo , ut certo anni tempore , cum singulari letitia obeatur , ad gratias agendum . Deo pro certo aliquo beneficio in populum suum collato . that is , A feast or festivall day is a publike or solemne ceremonie , commanded by God to be executed at a certaine time of the yeare , with singular gladnesse , to give God thankes for some certaine benefite bestowed on his people . Hooker the master of ceremonies , maketh festivall solemnitie to be nothing els , but the divine mixture , as it were , of these three elements , praises set forth with cheerefull alacritie of minde , delight expressed by charitable largenesse more then common bounty , and sequestration from ordinarie workes . The sabbath under the law was never called jom tob , a good , that is , a merrie day , as were the solemne anniversarie feasts . Other dayes also , which were not solemne feasts , were so called , as dayes of banketing and feasting . Drusius in his annotations upon Ester 9. citeth Elias Thesbite to this purpose . Master Aiusworth in his annotations upon Exodus 16. citeth the Chaldee paraphrase , speaking of the sabbaths and good dayes , that is , the solemne feasts as distinct things . Puxtorsius also in abbreviaturis . So the Lords day succeeding to the old sabbath , should not be ranked among the festivall dayes or feasts , as the word is taken in our common language . The definitions agree not to the Lords day . It is not an anniversarie , but a weekly day . It is not instituted for the commemoration of a particular benefite , but for the worship of God at large , as the morall law requireth , and as the old sabbath did . For howbeit that day , was made choise of , which was the day of Christs resurrection , yet it was not instituted onely for the commemoration of that particular benefit , but for the worship of God in generall . It hath no peculiar service of epistles , gospels , collects , or sermons and homil●es for Christs resurrection . The Church invented afterward a feast or festivall day , to wit , Easter , for that purpose , which is called the feast of the resurrection . S●●rez having reckoned the many prerogatives of the Lords day , as that Christ rose that day , the holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles , &c. hee willeth us to observe , that howbeit all these prerogatives might have beene considered in the determination of the day , yet the day of it selfe , and directly was not instituted for the peculiar commemoration of these ●●rkes of God , but to worship God for himselfe and his owne exellencie . Nihilominus per se ac directè non referri vel istitui hunc diem ad peculiaerem commemorationem illorum operum Dei , sed ad Deumipsum propter se colendum , & propter suam excellentiam & majestatem . It wee had no dayes but festivall for some particular benefits , we should have no day for the worship of God in generall . The Lords day therefore may justly bee called the schoole-day of Christians , as Petrus Ramus calleth it . Thirdly , as the sabbath of old was distinguished from the yearly feast , which were called good , that is , merrie dayes , so is the Lords day from the yearly feasts , invented afterwards by men . Vpon the anniversarie feasts called good dayes , they might not fast as yee have heard before . Mirth and mourning could not stand together . But upon the sabbath they might lawfully fast . Ne quando sanctifica●it De is diem septimum , quia in illo requievit ab omnibus operibus suis , aliquid de jejunio vel prandio expressit , nec cum postea populo Hebra● de ipsius dici observatione mandavit , aliquid de alimentis sumendis vel non sumendis locutus , saith August●ne . that is , God enjoyned nothing concerning fasting or eating , either the first time that he sanctified the seventh day , or afterward when he gave the manna . The Lords day succeeding in the roome of the old sabbath , as it standeth in the decalogue , is of the same qualitie . Wee may lawfully fast upon the Lords day , which were absurd to d ee upon our anniversarie feast dayes . It is true , that in the ancient Church it was thought a hainous thing to fast upon the Lords day . So did they also forbid to pray kneeling that day , to signifie their joy for Christs resurrection . This use of signification or testification was the fountaine of much superstition , and brought in a heap of ceremonies , some of which the Papists themselves were ●shamed of long since . The same ceremonie of not kneeling in time of prayer upon the Lords day , is worne out of use nigh 500 yeares since , sai●h Bellarmine . If the reason of the institution had beene solide , it should become us no lesse then them to pray standing upon the Lords day . But the ground was naught . The like may bee said of not fasting upon the Lords day . Some reason they had indeed not to fast upon this day , when the Manichees and Priscillianists fasted ; for the Manichees fasted ordinarily upon the Lords day , lest they should seeme to rejoyce for the resurrection of Christ , which they be●eeved not . The Priscillianists fasted likewise ordinarily upon the Lords day , and the nativitie day . But when there are no knowne Manichees , nor Priscillianists , there is not the like reason for not fasting . But the extremities should be avoided . To thinke it unlawfull to fast that day , or unlawfull to dine and breake our fast , are both without warrant , and superstitious . But to fast upon occasion , or in time of any imminent judgement , is lawfull . When Paul continued preaching upon the sabbath till midnight at Troas , before the tasted any thing , or the rest were refreshed with meat , this conceat of not fasting upon the Lords day , had not entred in the Church . Was Paul a Manichaean , saith Hierome , because hee and those who were with him fasted on the Lords day . His words are extant in Gratians decree , Atqui utinam omni tempore jejunare possimus ; quod in Actibus Apostolorum diebus Pentecostes , & die dominico Apostolum Paictum , & cum eo credentes fecisse legimus . Non tamen Manicheae haereseos accusandit sunt . If any had resolved to fast seven dayes or moe , he might have fasted upon the Lords day included , as ye may see in Balsamo and Zonaras upon the constitutions falsly called apostolicall , and Augustine epist. 86. ad Casulanum . Whitaker defending the occasionall fas●s of our Church , telleth Duraeus , that the respects the ancients had , concerne not us . Etsi illîs temporibus die dominica jejunare nefas fuit , propter haerelices & Judaeos , qui Christi resurrectionem impugnabant , jam dudum tamen illa offensio nullum in ecclesia locum habet , ut planè nugatorum sit quod tu de nostris in Anglia & Scotia● 〈◊〉 calumniaris , quasi eò spectent , ut his cuniculis resur●●cti●●● fidem evertamus . In a pronounciall synod holden at Dort anno 1574 it was ordained , that there bee three sermons on the Lords day , when a fast is to be keeped on ● . It is to observe a day , to say , the morne is the Lo●ds day , therefore it is unlawfull to fast , saith Chamter . Alstedius , Jejunandum etiam die dominica , si necessitas flagitet . What need I multiply testimonies , that is sufficient , which Augustine saith What dayes wee ought to fast , and what not , I finde it not defined by any precept given by our Lord , or any of the Apostles . Quibus diebus non oporteat jejunare , & quibus oporteat praecepto Domini vel Apostolorum non havenio definitum , epist. 86. But if the Lords day were a festivall day , it should follow , that we should not not fast on it at all . Now we proceed in our reasons against festivall dayes . THE II. REASON . NOne appointed holy festivities under the laws when the times were more ceremonious , but God himselfe . The dayes of Purim were called simply the dayes of Purim , not the holy dayes of Purim . They were not called Chaggim● No peculiar sacrifice was appointed , nor any holy convocation of the people enjoyned . The ordinance required but feasting and joy , and sending of portions to other . The rest mentioned Esther 9. was onely from their enemies . So much worke as might stand with a feasting day was not forbidden . Suppose they had rested altogether from worke , that would only prove an idle day , but not an holy day . Our Doctour therefore hath no warrant to say , that they were made holy dayes by Mordecay . Afterward , it 〈◊〉 true , wh●n the Jews become more superstitious , they read the book of Esthe● , after the reading whereof they sp●nt the rest of the day in revelling and riotousnesse . Next these dayes were instituted by Mordecai , and therefore were called Mordecai's dayes , 2 Maccahab . last chap. vers . 37. Sixtus Senensis saith , he is thought to be the penman of the booke of Esther , he was one of the 120. of which the great synagogue consisted , of which number were Zacharie , Daniel , Ezra , and Malachie . Whitaker thinketh Mordecai did this , God inspiring him , or perhaps by the advice or warrant of some Prophet , and doubteth not , but it was done by divine authoritie . Many things might have beene done then by their direction , the like whereof wee have not now . Thirdly , it appeareth Esther 9. 28. that this custome was to bee observed as long as the feasts appointed by the Lord himselfe . Holy dayes of ecclesiasticall constitution are not of such a nature as Doctour Fulk acknowledgeth . Fourthly , it was not done without consent of the people of the Jewes themselves , as Junius observeth . The Jewes tooke upon them and their seed to keepe these two dayes , Esther 9. 27. Howbeit they were not religious , but politike dayes , Mordecai would not impose them without their consent . The equitie of this is seene in the Canon law , where bishops are forbidden to appoint any particular festivall dayes within their diocies without consent of the people . And there is good reason , seeing they are to be withdrawne from their calling , I put now the case they had power to make a holy or festivall day . Lastly , can any prince or state make the like ordinance for the posteritie , to feast , and send portions and gifts one to other , or were it seemly to command feasting in a Christian common-wealth , howbeit allowed , and in a manner commanded to the Jewes . Alstedius denieth that the Christian Church can imitate the Jewes in the like . The memoriall dayes of the dedication mentioned , Joh. 10. 22. serve as little for their purpose , for first , they are not called , either 1 Macchab. 4. or here ; the feast of dedication , howbeit the English translatours without warrant have translated the word dedication so , which the Rhemists retaine without such a supplement . If any supplement were needfull , it may be translated the dayes of dedication , as the former were called the dayes of Purim . And so they are called 1 Maccab. 4. 59. and in the testimonie cited by Junius out of the Talmud . Joh. 10. If yee will call them the feast of dedication , because of their bodily feasting , yet unlesse there was holy convocations to divine service upon them , and cessation from worke , they cannot bee made a president for holy festivities composed of Hookers three elements , nor a●e they anniversarie holy dayes added to those the Lord himselfe appointed . There was offering of sacrifices , singing and playing upon instruments at the time of dedication of the altar eight dayes , but not enjoyned at the yearly memoriall . Thirdly , Judas Maccabaeus and his brethren , had the consent and assistance of the whole congregation of Israel to this ordinance , 1 Macc. b. 4. 59. which is wanting to our festivall dayes , But Junius citeth a testimonie out of the Talmud , bearing , that the wise men for the time instituted eight dayes of dedication , in memorie , that a little quantitie of oil , which was found in the temple scarce sufficient to enterta●ne the lamps one day , vet sufficed eight dayes , till new oil was pressed out of the olives . By the wise men are meant the Pharisees . Nam sapientes & Pharisaei synomina sunt , saith Drusius . We are not to imitate the inventions of Pharisees , or of such corrupt times as those of the Maccabces . There was no yearly remembrance by solemnitie of feast , not so much as of one for the dedication of the whole temple , either the first under Salomon , or the second under Zorobabel , nor for restoring of the temple by Ezekias , after it was prophaned by Ahaz and Vrias , or by Josias after it was polluted by Manasses and Amon. But now there was an annuall memorie appointed for renewing of the altar only , and other decayed places of the temple . As for Christs conference in the porch of the temple in the dayes of dedication , it proveth not that he honoured that feast , as they call it , with his presence . Only the circumstance of the time is pointed at , when that conference was , as the dayes of the shew-bread , Act. 20. and of the fast , Act. 27. are mentioned , to note a circumstance of time , but not that Paul observed them . Christ came up to the feast of the tabernacles before , and stayed in Jerusalem . In the meane time the dayes of dedication fell forth , as Scaliger hath observed . So Christ came not up to Ierusalem for this feast , and went away in the time of it immediatly after this conference . Further , Christ and his Apostles tooke occasion of frequent meetings to thrust their sickles in thick harvests . In a word the dayes instituted to Gods people , beside such as God himselfe appointed , were either appointed by extraordinarie warrant , or were not holy dayes , or were the inventions of the pharisees , and corrupter times . THE III. REASON . NEither Christ nor his Apostles appointed festivall dayes to be observed by Christians , but rather inhibited the observation of them , and changed onely the old sabbath to the first day of the weeke . The anniversarie solemnities were not changed but abrogated , because ceremoniall . Wee finde not the Apostles or Christian Churches in their time observed any festivall or anniversarie dayes . That pentecost mentioned 1 Corin. 16. and Act. 20. was the Iewes Pentecost . Bellarmine himselfe dare not affirme , that it was the Christians . The Apostle having occasion to treat upon this subject , condemneth observation of dayes , Gal. 4. Coloss. 2. Suppose , which is more likely , that the Galatians embraced the observation of the Iewish dayes , Galate potius Judaizabant quam astrologicas regidas servabant . Yet the Apostle reasoneth against all observation of such like dayes as judaizing . As if he had said , the observation of ceremoniall dayes , moneths and yeares , was convenient for Gods people under the law for their instruction , and to shaddow things to come , because of their non-age , and was a pedagogicall and rudimentarie instruction , which beseemeth not the state of a Christian Church , and clear light of the Gospell . These dayes were all ceremoniall , yea , the very dayes of Purim , and the dayes of dedication . Doctour Mortoun saith , were of a ceremoniall ●a●re . To celebrate the memorie of any particular act of Christ at a set time in the yeare with cessation from worke , sermons , gospels , epistles , collect , and hymnes belonging thereto , with mirth and gladne●e , without admitting of a fast at any time , is not to observe a day morally , but ceremonially . Not to fast when such a day of the yeare or weeke returneth , but to hold it festivall , is to observe a day , as to fast yearly upon another day . No doubt the Galatians observed not these dayes with the Iewish worship of sacrifices and oblations , or as shadowes of things to come , for then they had denied Christ. Neither is it likely , that they neglected the Iewish Easter and Pentecost , but yet the Apostle calleth it a returning to the Iewish rudiments , that is , Iudaizing . He instructeth the Corinthians , how they shall observe Easter , to wit , all the yeare long with the unleavened bread of sinceritie and truth , not after the Iudaicall manner . If there had beene other festivall dayes , which might have beene observed by Christians , the Apostle having so faire occasion , would have directed them to the observation of them , and not spoken so generally . Chamieraom . 3. l. 19. c. 6. embraceth a more generall exposition , that the Apostle condemneth both Iewish and Ethnick observation of dayes . Non est verisimile Apostol um adeo incaut● locutum , ut generaliter observationem damnare videtetur , si aliquam excipiebat , saith Chamierus . Or is it likely , that the dayes appointed by God himselfe being abol●shed , the Apostles would have brought in other in their roome . Is it reason then , that others should bring them in . Zanchius confesseth , That it is more agreeable to the first institution and writings of the Apostles , that one day of the weeke onely bee san ctified . Magis consentaneum est cum prima institutione & cum scriptis Apostolicis ut unus tantum dies in septimana sanctificetur . There was but one day observed in the Apostles times , and called the Lords day . If other dayes had beene dedicated to Christ , they should all have beene the Lords dayes . Beatus Rhenanus in his annotations upon Tertullian , De corona militis , observeth , that in the primitive times , the word Lord was more familiar and frequent in the mouthes of Christians , then the name of Christ. So it was as much as to say , Christs day . The Lords day then was Christs day , and Christ had no other dayes , of nativitie , passion , &c. Eusebius treading unknowne footsteps , as himselfe confesseth in the beginning of his storie , filleth up his booke with some old fables . Among the rest he maketh mention of an epistle of Polycrates bishop of Ephesus , to Victor bishop of Rome , wherein he reporteth , that hee and his predecessours , even upward to John the Evangelise , celebrated Easter upon the fourteenth day of the moone . That epistle may be marked for a counterfite , for it beareth , that Iohn was a priest , and bare in his forehead the petalum , that is , the golden plate like that of the high priests . The Doctour calleth such gay tales Rhetoricall flowres . But saith Scaliger , Neutrum concedet , qui sciverit nullum Christi Apostol um sacerdotem fuisse & nulli praeterquàm summo sacerdoti petalum gestare licuisse . Augustine , who lived in the fift age after the Apostles , could not resolve upon the originall of our five festivall dayes , but floated betweene two opinions , and not one of them sure . For they were neither instituted by the Apostles , nor by generall Councel . Socrates in his historie commeth nearer to the point , I am of opinion ( saith ●e ) that as many other things crept in of custome in sundrie places , so the feast of Easter to have prevailed among all people of a certaine privat custome and observation , in so much that not one of the Apostles hath any where prescrived so much as one rule of it to any man. A little after , They that keepe Easter the fourteenth day of the moneth , bring forth Iohn the Apostle for their Authour . Such as inhabite Rome and the west parts of the world , alledge Peter and Paul for themselves , that they should leave such a tradition : yet there is none of them that can shew in writing any testimonie of theirs for confirmation and proofe of that custome . It hath beene an old refuge , when any countrie or province could not finde the beginning of their customes , to father them upon the Apostles . A notable exemple whereof wee had in this same I le , when there was hote contention about the formes of shaven crownes . Hier●●● himselfe saith , Vnaquaeque provincia pracept a majerum leges Apostolicas arbitretur . Let every province esteeme the traditions or precepts of their forefathers to bee Apostolicall lawes . It will rather follow , that the Apostles observed not , nor appointed Easter to be observed at all . For the Apostle being directed infallibly by the spirit , had agreed upon the day as well as upon the thing it selfe , and not left occasion of contention to the Christian world . Quae aliter atque aliter observabantur non possunt ab Apostolis esse instituta , quorum ab eodem spiritu eruditorum non potuit non esse individuus consensus . Neque unquam piis fuit persuasum ab Iohanne institutum pascha decima qua ta Luna , à I etro autem post eam , quomodo jactabant veteres . It is well said in the preface to the harmonie of confessions , that the old contention about the celebrating of Easter tossed very hotly the space of two hundred yeares or thereabout , betwixt the Greekes and the Latines , was long since of us thought worthy of laughter . Whitaker wondereth at their frivolous contentions , and he saith , there was no necessitie to observe it any day . Chamierus saith , Si institutum fuisset ab Apostolus eodem ubique modo fuisset institutum & observatum , quod falsum esse jam olim observavit , Socrates . Seeing they have no sooting for the Apostles appointing of the observation of Easter , farre lesse will they be able to prove the Christians pentecost , and other festivities that came in after , as of Christs nativitie , ascension , &c. to have beene instituted by the Apostles . Iustinus questions Clemens constitutions , some sermons ascrived to Cyprian , all suppositious workes are the most ancient proofes they alledge for them . THE IIII. REASON . IF it had beene the will of God , that the severall acts of Christ should have beene celebrated with severall solemnities , the holy Ghost would have made knowne the day of his nativitie , circumcision , presentation to the temple , baptisme , transfiguration , and the like . For it is kindly , say they , to remember opus diei in die suo , the notable worke of a day in the owne day . Bellarmine saith , that Christs acts did consecrat the dayes and times wherein they were wrought . Hooker saith , that the wonderous workes of God did advance the dayes and times wherein they were wrought . There is not a day in the yeare , wherein some wonderous worke of God hath not beene wrought . All the dayes of the yeare , saith Leo , are full of Christs miracles . If Christs actions advance and consecrate the dayes where on they were wrought , they ought to have beene made knowne , lest we keep holy such dayes as were never consecrated or advan●ed . But it is confessed , that the day of Christs nativitie , and consequently of the rest depending thereupon , as of his circumcision , presentation , baptisme , have beene hid from mortall men . And therefore the day of Christs nativitie was observed diversly of old , by some in one moneth , by some in another . The 25. of December was grounded upon an erroneous conceat , that Zacharie the father of Iohn the Baptist was high priest , which errour is yet fostered by observing that day . Yee see then , as God hid the bodie of Moses for avoiding of idolatrie , so hath he the day of Christs nativitie for avoiding superstition . And this is sufficient to declare the will of God concerning other notable acts , which were knowne , to wit , that not the act , but divine institution maketh a day holy . Gods resting upon the seventh day made it not holy , but his sanctifying of it , and instituting it to be observed as holy . Ratio convenientiae non fuisset sufficiens , nisi praecessisset mandatum divinum . Rivetus in Decalogum , pag. 167. Christs actions did no more consecrate the times , wherein they were wrought , then his body did the manger , or the crosse by touch . And suppose this might have beene , it would not follow that all mangers and crosses are consecrated , no more would it follow that every 25. day of December should bee consecrated and made holy , because that whereon he was borne ( I put the case it were true ) was consecrated . Verum etiam non est , dies illos fuisse consecratos per actiones aut passiones , quae talibus diebus acciderunt . Idenim si verum esset nullus fuisset dies , qui aliqua Christi actione non esset nobilitatus & consecratus , Rivetus in Decalogum , pag. 204. As for remembring of Christs nativitie no man denieth but it is needfull , and so it is , wheresoever the Gospel is preached . But we deny that the memorie of it must be celebrated with the solemnitie of a festivall holy day , with cessation from worke , with feasting or forbearance of fasting , and a proper service . THE V. REASON . SUppose the observing of holy dayes had at the first beene a matter indifferent , yet seeing they have beene abused and polluted with superstition , they ought to bee abolished . Upon this ground Z●nch● us inferreth , Non ma è igitur f'cerunt , qui omnia pro●er diem dom nicum aboleverunt . They have therefore not done am●sse , who have abolished all other holy dayes but the Lords day . If Ezekias fact in breaking the brazen s●rpent belandable , by which he confirmeth that pule , then their fact is laudable also . But sure it is , that in former ages holy dayes have not onely beene abused with prophane and licentious revelling and surfetting , but also polluted with the opinion of worship , merite , necessitie , and a judaicall conceat , that the devill is not so bold to tempt men on these dayes as at other times . And therefore , saith Zanchius , Magicians observe holy dayes to exercise their mag●call feats with the greater efficacie . The Lords day it selfe may bee abused , but because the observation is necessarie in respect of divine institution , it cannot bee removed for the abuses of men . But the festivall dayes were not appointed by God. The number , the abuses , the will-worships of feasts so increased , that there is nothing so unsavourie to God , so pernicious to men , as to sanctifie such and so many dayes , faith the same Zanchius . Holy dayes devised for the honour of Christ , drew on holy dayes to saints . Easter brought on a superst●tions lent to attend upon it , made baptisme wait for her moone , conformed our Lords supper unto the Jewish passeover in unleavened bread . It was the first aple of contention among . Christians , the first weapon wherewith the bishop of Rome played his pr●ses against other Churches ; and after flew so many Britons with , by Austin the Monke , saith Doctour Ames . Even in Chrysostomes time , the people would forbeare to communicate at other times . But at Easter they would communicate , howbeit they had committed recently some hainous sinne , whereupon he exclameth , O consuetudinem ! o presumptionem ! O custome ! O presumption ! Because people ranne superstitiously to that holy action at Easter , as if the time gave vertue to the sacrament , and were careles●e the rest of the yeare , our reformers appointed other times free of superstition , as ye may see in the first booke of discipline . pag. 58 , 59. Therefore seeing the observation of festivall dayes is not commanded by God , and it cannot be denyed , but it hath beene much abused , it ought not to be continued , farre lesse introduced where it hath beene disused , suppose it might be now used without these abuses , because it may degener after the same manner as before . But what if it be not , nor cannot be free of abuse and superstition . They say , they esteeme them not holier then other dayes , or place any worship of God in the observation of them , but only keep them for order and policie , that the people may be assembled to religious exercises , and instructed in the mysteries of religion . But that is false , howbeit an old shift . The Papists themselves confesse , that one day is not holier then another in the owne nature , no not the Lords day , but in respect of the use and end . And in this respect our Formalists esteeme their festivall dayes holier then other dayes , call them holy dayes , and maintaine , as yee have heard before , that they may be observed as holy dayes . If the observing of a day holy for the honour of a saint be a worshipping of the saint , the observing of a day to the honour of Christ cannot bee without opinion of worship . If the observing of the Lords day as a festivall , as it is in their accompt , be worship , the observing of their holy dayes is worship . Whereas they alledge , that it is not worship , because they hold not the like necessitie in observing the one as the other , it will not helpe them . For that doth not alter the nature of worship , but maketh the one necessarie , because God instituted it , the other arbitrarie and voluntarie , and consequently will-worship . The same matter , forme , and end is in both , but God institute●h the one , and therefore lawfull , the other is instituted at the pleasure of man , so it is worship , but a vicious worship . Further , some other Formalists have of late maintained the mutabilitie of the Lords day it selfe . What our Doctour will doe now , let any man judge who knoweth him to be temporiz●r and a sceptike . Master Dow , p. 58. saith , as other holy dayes , it goeth paripassu in their canons and ancient statutes , which require the same observances under the same penalty . Th●y are not only holy dayes but also mysticall , howbeit the Doctour denieth it . For els he must disclaime his ancien●s , who call them so . Are they not appointed for the solemnitle of some mysterie of religion ? Doe they not carrie the names of Christs nativitie , passion , ascension ? &c. Are they not ordered according to the knowne or supposed times , when such things fell forth ? If it were for order and policie , they were observed , that the people may assemble and be instructed , wherefore is there but one day betweene the passion and the resurrection , fourty betwixt the resurrection and ascension , and then againe , but ten betwixt the ascension and whitsontide . Wherefore follow wee the course of the moone in our moveable feasts , and observe not a certaine day in the moneth , as we doe for other . If we observed dayes only for order and policie , then wee would not sticke to dayes , as we doe , for the commemoration of Christs nativitie ; passion , ascension , &c. The Doctour saith , we do not observe festivall dayes as the Jewes did , which were holy , not only for the use whereunto they were appointed to serve as circumstances , but by reason also of their mystik signification , and of the worship appropriated to them , which might not bee performed at another time . But that will not save the ma●ter . For a day is called mystike , not onely for shadowing things to come , but also for the mysteries solemnely remembred . And as for appropriation , doe wee not appropriat to the day of Christs nativitie a peculiar kinde of service , of epistles , gospels , collects , hymnes , homilies belonging to Christs nativitie , and thinke it absurd to performe the like service upon another day , with the like solemnitie of cessation from worke , and sup●rstitious forbearing of fasting . Wee thinke it likewise absurd to performe upon the nativitie day that peculiar service which belongeth to easter . Yea , the Doctour saith , the commemoration appointed to bee made upon the five dayes , must not bee omitted on these dayes . If it bee absurd to celebrate another day after the same manner with the same service , and no other service will serve on these dayes ; is there not a peculiar service appropriated to our festival dayes , as of old among the Jewes ? That shift is of no weight , that a minister may preach , or wee may meditate upon Christs passion another day , then the nativitie . For that is not to celebrate with solemnitie . To use another day with the like solemnitie in the place of it , or both , would be thought very absurd . The Jewes themselves without the service appropriated to their feasts , might remember these same benefites and mysteries upon other dayes , but not with the like solemnitie and peculiar service . And so the solemnitie is tyed to the time . To observed dayes after this manner is not like the appointing of houres , for preaching or prayers on weeke dayes or times for the communion , according to the policie and order set downe by everie particular congregation , we tye not our selves to them , not any peculiar service to any of them . Wee use time then onely as a circumstance , and for order , and not as a sacred time , let be as a holy festivitie . Wee observe dayes after the same manner that the Jewes did , howbeit not the same dayes , nor with the same kinde of worship . The change of the circumstance , the day and manner of wotship , doth not free us of Judaizing . Non sublata sed mutata est significatio dierum , saith Bellarmine . and so it is with the Formalists . Wee doe not say that the anniversarie revolution made the Jewish festivals ceremoniall , for in the revolution of time there was no mysterie , but the tying of such a peculiar service to the time of anniversarie resolution with such solomnitie . To performe the same duty in substance upon the morall sabbath , as occasion served , had not beene ceremoniall . What then , they say , ought not Christs inestimable benefites and notable acts to be remembred ? I answer , Yes , and so they are , for where the gospell is preached , his acts are published . Christ is set forth crucified by the preaching of the word , every communion day , his passion and death is and will be remembred to his comming againe . The Eucharist , saith Bellarmine , est memoriale omnium miraculorum & quasi compendium vitae , passionis , & resurrectionis Domini . In the written word , sermons , prayers , creeds , catechismes , his nativitie , passion , ascension , &c. are remembred . It followeth not , they should bee remembred , therefore their memorie should be celebrated severally with the solemnity of a festivall day . For the Lord hath appointed an holy day , which we call the Lords day , and may call Christs day , as I said before , for publishing all Christs acts and benefites . Pope Alexander the 3. gave this reason , wherefore the Romane Church doth not observe an holy day to the Trinitie , to wit , because glorie to the Father , and to the Sonne , and to the holy Ghost , and other like things belonging to the praise of the Trinitie , are published daily . Ecclesia Romana in usu non habet , quòd in aliquo tempore hujusmodi celebrat specialiter festivitatem , cum singulis diebus , gloria patri & filio & spiritui sancto , & catera similia dicantur ad laudem pertinentia trinitatis . The Popes ground must bee this . Whatsoever is treated on or remembred in the ordinarie divine service , needeth not a speciall holy day to celebrat the memorie of the same . I assume . The nativity , passion , resurrection , ascension of Christ , and sending downe the holy Ghost , are not only remembred in privat , but also in publike , and in the ordinarie service , specially on the Lords day . If all be true that is affirmed by a councell holden at Constantinopl● , that Christ was borne on this day , the starre shined to the wisemen on it , Christ fed 5000. persons with five loaves and two fishes on it , that hee was baptized , rose and sent downe the holy Ghost on it , the light was treated on it , and which Pope Le● affirmeth , that the Lords day is consecrated with so many mysteries dispensed on it , that whatsoever notable thing was done on earth , was done to the honour of this day , it appeareth that the Lord would have us to observe only this day , as holy and sanctified by himself for the proclaiming of all his worthy acts , and not to presume to institute holy festivities upon our owne heads . There is no danger but the memorie of Christs nativitie , &c. will be preserved to the end of the world without observing such solemnities , and making holy dayes which lyeth not in the power of man. This pretext of remembring and putting in minde , hath beene a cloak to bring in crosses , images , surplices , and other popish garments , with much other superstition , and among the rest these memoriall dayes . THE JVDGEMENT OF FORraine Divines . I Passe by the Petrobrusians , the Waldenses , and Wicleffs followers , and come to later times . Luther in his booke de bonis operibus , set forth anno 1520. wished , that there were no festivall dayes among Christians , but the Lords day only were observed . And in his booke to the nobilitie of Germanie he saith , Consul●● nesse ut o●nia festa aboleantur , solo die dominico retent● . That is , It were expedient that all feasts were abolis●ed , t●e Lords day onely being retained . Farellus and Vi●et r●n●●ed all holy dayes out of the Church of Geneva , as Calvine epist. 118. testifieth . The same decree , which banished Farellus and Calvine out of Geneva , brought in other holy dayes . In a nationall synod holden at Dort anno 1578. of the Belgick , Almaine and French Churches , we have these words . Optandum for●t nostros sex diebus laborare , & diem solum Dominicum celebrare . That is , It were to be wished , that our countrie people laboured six dayes , and celebrated only the Lords day . So yee may see festivall dayes are rather tolerated by them , because of the wilfulnesse of the magistrates and people then commended or allowed . Among the articles agreed upon and concluded concerning ecclesiasticall policie in the Palatina● , anno 1602. we have this following . Omnes Feri● per annum & festi dies tollendi è medio . All the festivall dayes through the yeare are to be abolished . Yee see where they finde the opportunity , they abolished them . Bucer , howbeit not one of the precisest reformers , upon Mathew 2. hath these words , as I finde him cited by Amesius in his fresh suit , pag. 360. I would to God , that ev●ry holy day whatsoever , beside the Lords day were abolished . That zeal which brought them first in , was without all warrant or example of the Scripture , and onely followed naturall reason , to drive out the holy dayes of the pagans , as it were to drive out one nail with another . Those holy dayes have beene defiled with so grosse superstitions , that I marvell if there be any Christian who doth not shake at their very names . Seeing then festivall dayes have no warrant , we ought not to hear the sermons delivered on these dayes of purpose for the day : for that is the chiefe element of a festivall day to use a peculiar kinde of service proper to it . And without divine service , it were but an idle day , not a holy day . The word of God is good of it selfe , but may bee abused to charming , and to foster superstition , whereof we should keepe our selves free , that wee be not guiltie of the prophanation of the name of God. Our preachers went to rebuke the people when they con●eened more frequently to the Church npon any festivall day , falling upon an ordinarie day of teaching , howbeit neither time nor text was changed . But how farre have both . preachers and professours , degenered without appearance of amendment . At the beginning of the late novations they were skar , but now many have digested that scruple . OF CONFIRMATION . OUr act , it is true , alledgeth that the Papists have made of the triall of young children their education , and how they are catechised , a sacrament of confirmation , as if no such thing were aimed at but the said triall , yet in respect that by that act the pretended bishop shall cause them to bee presented before him , that hee may blesse them with prayer for the increase of their knowledge and continuance of his heavenly grace with every one of them , and wee know that they dare , and will take upon them the rest of the rites used in the English Church , laying of hands , &c. we reason , as before , against confirmation , as it is used in the English Church . Yet two things I perceave in the act as it standeth . The one is , that the bishop is not ●ound to try by himselfe every one that is to be presented before him , but only to try , whither the minister hath beene remisse in catechising , and yet he must upon the report of others blesse them with prayer , for the increase of knowledge , and continuance of grace . Next , that he must blesse who hath not a calling to blesse , that hee must blesse as if hee were the pastour of all the souls within the diocie old and young , which charge that null and pretended assembly could not give him , seeing it hath beene acknowledged before in free assemblies to have no warrant in the word of God , and hath beene suppressed by our Church as a damnable office . Therefore his blessing is but a prophanation with his fingers . But what language is this , to say , that the bishop shall blesse them with prayer , for to blesse is one thing , and to pray another . For prayer seeketh of God good things for us , but to blesse is in Gods name to assure us , that the blessing of God is upon us , and shall accompanie us . But let us come to their paterne . That which now the Papists make the sacrament of confirmation , was of old a part of the solemnitie of baptisme . After the person was baptized , they laid on hands , that is prayed for increase and continuance of grace to the baptized , as we doe now , but without laying on of hands , because it was a rite indifferent without any use , but to designe the person for whom the prayer was made , and afterward abused to make up another sacrament . Afterward entred a superstitious device , to strike Chrisme , that is , oile of olives tempered with balme , in manner of a crosse upon the forehead of the baptized . This anointing in the forme of a crosse was called signation , or consignation , because of the signe of the crosse made upon the forehead . This unction or consignation , and imposition of hands , became in the mindes of superstitious men so necessarie , that without them they thought they had not gotten their perfite christendome , that the signe of the oily crosse perfited baptisme , and conferred the spirit of God upon the baptized . T●●s consignation and imposition of hands at the closure of baptisme was called confirmation , like as the giving of the cup to the communicants , after they have receaved the bread , was called also confirm●tion , as Cassander hath observed , but the 〈◊〉 controued onely with the first . The b●shops arrogated to themselves the unction or consignation , and imposition of hands to advance their estate . They doe that part which consummateth baptisme , which maketh a fall and pe●fite Christian. But when it was found , that the bishop could not bee present at every baptisme , the priest was permitted after baptisme to anoint the baptized in the top of the head with holy Chrisme , but he must not crosse the forehead . That must bee reserved to the bishops leasure . Then they were presented to the bishop to be confirmed , and get their perfite Christendome by rit●s , which were appendicles , and c●remonie of bapt●sme before . Th● English at their rude reformation reserved imposition of hands to the bishop , and gave their priest power to make the signe of the crosse upon the forehead of the baptized , but without chrisme . Howbeit there bee no greater antiquitie for the crossing without it then with it , they call notwithstanding the bishops imposition of hands onely confirmation , and not their priests crossing of the forehead . And yet when the priest crosseth , he saith , Wee receave this childe into the congregation of Christs flock , in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confesse the faith of Christ crucified , and manfully to fight under his banner against sinne , the world , and the devill , and to continue Christs faithfull souldier , unto his lifes end . Which words agree according to their doctrine better with confirmation ▪ For doe they not say , that in baptisme infants 〈◊〉 admitted to live in Gods family , but in conf 〈◊〉 they are rabled to fight in the armie of God. That in baptisme they beleeve the remission of sinne unto justification , in confirmation they are emboldened to make open professon of this beleefe unto salvation . And this is just the doctrine of the Papists . So they have parted the rits of confirmation , or els they must acknowledge that they have two-confirmations , which is as absurd . But let us come to the last , and that which they call confirmation or laying on of hands . It is true in their articles set forth , anno 1562. they deny confirmation to be a sacrament , and acknowledge that it flowed from a naughtie imitation of the Apostles . But Doctour Rainolds in the conference holden at Hampton court , alledged , that that article was contradicted by the rubrick of confirmation in the booke of Common prayer , as Parker hath well observed . In that rubrik it is said , That confirmation is ministred unto them that are baptized , that by imposition of hands and prayer they may receave strength a●d defence against all tentations to sinne , and the assaults of the world and the devill . Bellarmine maketh imposition of hands and prayer but one sensible signe in confirmation , howbeit the Papists have no right imposition of hands . Master Hutton saith , that imposition of hands is one of the externall meanes by which the holy Ghost is given , and howbeit that prayer hath the chiefe force , yet imposition of hands hath some also , otherwise ( saith hee ) what needed Peter and John to have travelled to Samaria , they might have prayed in Jerusalem for the holy Ghost to the Samaritans Downame likewise saith , that grace is conferred to the baptized for confirmation by imposition of hands . In the prayer after the laying on of hands wee have these words , Wee make our humble supplication unto the for these children , upon whom after the example of the Apostles wee have laid our hands , to certifie them by this signe of thy favour and gratious goodnesse towards them . Ye see then , they make imposition of hands a certifying signe of Gods favour , and a meane , whereby grace and strength against tentations and assaults is conferred . Is it not then made a sacrament & derogatorie from baptisme and the Lords supper , as if by baptisme we were not certified of Gods favour , and entred not to Gods armie as well as his family . Our Christian valour and courage to resist the devill , and professe the truth , is a fruit of that regeneration and sanctification , which is sealed to us in baptisme . Let him be a athema , who saith , that baptisme is given to the remission of sinnes , and not also to the help of grace , Concilium Melevitan●m . Is not the Lords supper a confirmation of our faith and often cel brated for that end . Because the example of the Apostles is alledged , wee answer , that imposition of hands mentioned , Act. 8. was extraordinarie . The Apostles by imposition of hands might conferre the gifts of tongues , prophesying , healing , which Philip the Evangelist had not , and therefore Peter and John were sent to Samaria for that end . For they had need of some to prophesie , and to have the Gospell in these times confirmed to them by such wonders . The effects of this imposition of hands were sensible to these that were present . And therefore Simon Magus would have bought with money that gift which the Apostles had . Strength against tentations is a grace invisible , and given onely to the faithfull , whereas the gifts of tongues , prophesying , healing , might have beene given to the unregenerat . The bishop of Spalato saith , That the imposition of the Apostles hands was but temporarie , and for a sensible effect , which was to cease , and that it was not a stable and constant sacrament of the Church , nor was it properly sacramentall . The confession of Wittenberg hath the like saying , Of a temporall and personall fact of the Apostles , a generall and perpetuall sacrament cann●t be ordained in the Christian Church without the speciall command of God. And so saith Suarez also in 3. tom . 3. disput . 33. sect . 4. Their laying on of hands then in imitation of this extraordinarie example of the Apostles is apish . As for that imposition of hands mentioned , Heb. 6. 1. I will let passe the different interpretation of Divines , who thinke , some that it was that extraordinary , whereof wee have made last mention , others that it is that which was used in ordination of ministers . I will give ; that it was an ordinarie laying on of hands upon the faithfull . But as it is joyned with baptisme in that place , so it seemeth to be that imposition of hands , which was used in the end of baptisme , when the minister prayed for persons baptized , that the Lord would increase and continue his graces with them . The Apostle there opponeth the doctrine of the beginning , that is the catatheticall doctrine of repentance from dead workes , faith , resurrection from the dead , and eternall judgement , to the doctrine of perfection . The converted Jewes and Gentiles behooved to be catechised in these grounds sufficiently , and tried before they could be baptized , and have hands laid upon them . These were called Catechument , till the time of their baptisme . Others apply it to the children of the faithfull , and thinke that when they come to age , and were fit for the communion , they were after triall in the grounds of religion admitted with imposition of hands into the societie of communicants , in ecclesiam adultorum , as Paraeus calleth them . But wee finde that imposition of hands was used after , as a ceremonie in the end of baptisme , even in the baptizing of infants ; Yet this laying on of hands upon the baptized , was , as Augustine saith , gestus orantis , the behaviour of him that prayed for , or blessed any particular person , a gesture used both under the old and new testament . As ye may see , when Jacob blessed the sonnes of Joseph , Genes . 48. when Moses laid hands upon Josua , Num. 27 , Such as had power , laid hands on these that were to bee admitted to an office in the Church , Acts 6. 1 Tim. 4. The teachers and prophets at Antioch upon Paul and Barnabus , when they were separated for the worke to which the Lord called them , Act. 13. Yea , the elders who were admitted to be Counsellers in the great Synedrion , and the Rabbins who were promoved to their degree of Doctourship were admitted and promoved with imposition of hands . So it was used in actions both civill and religious , and in religious it served to be an indicant signe of the particular person whom they were to pray for , or blesse . For when they were to blesse or pray for moe , they lifted up their hands , Levit. 9. 22. Luke 24. 10. See also Drusius . If it was only the gesture of him that prayed according to the forme of the Jewes , and did neither signifie nor seal the grace which was prayed for , it could not bee a sacrament . Bellarmine acknowledgeth , that the imposition of hands at the receaving of penitents , which was called Impositio manuum reconciliatoria , was not a consecration imprinting a character , but a ceremonie furthering prayer , or a prayer upon the person . If it was no more at there-entrie , it was nothing els in the entrie . Seeing imposition of hands was but the gesture of him that prayed , it might have beene either used or omitted , which our Doctour , pag. 98. confesseth . And should be omitted , say we , seeing it hath beene so abused , as to make it a sacrament without precept or institution , and without a promise . Farther , seeing it is but a gesture of prayer , it may be re-iterat if it were in use . Manus autem impositio , non sicut baptismus , repeti non potest , quid enim est aliud quàm oratio super hominem , saith Augustine . In the Catechisme before confirmation it is said , That there are but two sacraments generally necessarie to salvation . What then ? So will the Papists confesse , that confirmation is not necessarie to salvation , otherwise , they would minister it to the baptized at the point of death . The English booke ordaineth , that the childe shall be brought to the bishop by one that shall be his god-father , or that every childe may have a witnesse of his confirmation . This the Papists observe in their confirmation . Thus also is a token , that of old , that which is now called Confirmation , was but an appendicle or closure of baptisme , from which being afterward separated , it must not want the god-fathers it had , when it was the appendicle of baptisme . In the prayer before the laying on of hands , they pray that the childe may be strengthened with the holy Ghost the Comforter . The Papists say , the Comforter promised by Christ , was bestowed in the sacrament of confirmation . The Papists say , that in confirmation they receave the sevenfold grace of the holy spirit , wisedome , counsell , strength , knowledge , understansting , godlinesse , feare . They crave the like in the prayer before the laying on of hands . But what suppose confirm 〈…〉 sacrament , may not every pastour minister it . It appertaineth to the captaine , say they to take up the roll of the souldiers , and furnish them with armour , the shephard should marke his owne heep , &c. As if every minister were not a captaine in the Lords armie , and a sheep-hard feeding the flock concreded unto him . Bonaventure confesseth such similies force not , but institution only maketh necessitie . Our first reason then against them is the want of institution , or exemple in scripture , that bishops had this charge , and not presbyters . We now suppone only , not grant , that there were such office bearers in the Church . Peter and John were sent to Samaria , not only to lay on hands , but to advance the worke begunnely Philip. Durandus saith , it is not clear , whither they laid on 〈◊〉 as bishops , or as presbyters . Augustine , 〈…〉 is the authour of that booke , entituled , Quest veteris & novi testamenti ▪ saith , they did it as priests . But the truth is , they did it neither as bishops , or priests , and therefore neither the one nor the other succeeded unto them in it . For it was extraordinarie , and extraordinarie effects followed it . The second reason , bishops and presbyters , as themselves confesse , are equall in the power of order . If the power be equall , who can hinder them to put it in execution . Hath Christ given them a power which they may not exercise . Suarez the Jesuit saith , If presbyters have sufficient power by vertue of their ordination to minister this sacrament , it were no reason that they should be wholy hindered . What God hath instituted , the Church cannot inhibit , saith Tilenus . If presbyters had not had that power by vertue of their ordination , neither Pope nor bishop might give them commission or licence to doe it , saith Spalato . But so it is , that by dispensation of licence from the Pope , the Papists grant , they may . Our third reason , presbyters may impose hands in ordination of ministers , therefore they ●ay also in confirmation . So reasoneth Armachanus . Our fourth reason , they may celebrate and minister the Lords supper , therfore they may doe this also . So reasoneth the authour of that epistle , ad Rusticum Narbonensem . Our opposits are forced to confesse , that this is not proper to bishops by vertue of their office , but reserved to them for the dignitie of it . Hierome saith , that this was reserved to them not by necessitie of any law , but for the honour of their priesthood . Yet not in all places , but multis in locis . The authour of that epistle to Rusticus saith , it was the custome in the orient , in Illyricum , in Italie , in Africa , and in all places in the Apostles time , that presbyters did confirme . In the decretals it is said , that simple priests at Constantinople according to the custome did minister the sacrament of confirmation . Turrianus reporteth , that the Grecians reprove the Latines , because they inhibit the priests to annoint the foreheads with chrisme , as yee may see in Suarez . The bishop of Spalato complaineth , that bishops are so rigid , that they will not permit the parish priests to confirme , the rather because they come seldome to visite their parishes , and thinketh , howbeit they refuse , the priests may , as for himselfe he might have suffered the priests in his diocie confirme , but he gave them not that libertie , because he saw no necessitie of such a ceremonie , and that it was not worthie the name of a sacrament . If there were any moment in it , should the bishops honour , or lordly bishoping bee-preferred to the utilitie of it for the people . Hierome saith , If the holy Ghost should come downe only at the prayer of the bishop , these were to bee lamented , who in prisons or castels , or farre places being baptized by priests and deacons , die before the bishop visit them . If it were a matter of moment , saith Master Calvin , wherefore doe bishops suffer so many halfe Christians in their diocies . They betray by a tacite confession , that it is not a matter of such moment , as they pretend . Beda is plaine , that confirmation , as also many other things was not permitted to priests , for the arrog●ncie of bishops . ●althasav Lydius saith , It was untolerable superstit on that the priest might anoint the breast and the shoulder , but it behoved all to abstaine from the forehead , except only the bishop . Seeing this subject is already treated upon at large in another worke , and both the sacrament it selfe , and the bishop who callengeth it as proper to himselfe are bastards , I will in fast longer upon this point . In their book of comm●● prayer it is required , that these who are to bee confirmed bee able to answer the qu●stions of a little catecat●●me , that with their own mouth and consent they may ●atifie and confirm openly before the church , what the godfathers and godmothers promise in their name , and promise to endeavour to observe and keep such things , as by their own confession they have assented unto . Is not this plain mocking of God , to require publick profession before the Church of children , who cannot give a serious confession of their faith , howbeit they can utter some few words of a short catechisme like parrets . They require that they bee of a perfect age , but that is not observed , or else by perfite age they meane onely years of discretion , as they call them in the same place , that is , when they come to the use of reason , that they can discern somewhat betweene good and evill : or as Hackwell interpreteth , when reason beginneth to break up . Is this a fit time for publick profession of their faith , or to make them capable and fit for the Communion , whereof notwithstanding they do not partake many years after . Eucerus in his censure , censureth sharply this pretext of catechising . M. Parker telleth us , that for all this , they confirm them sometime in their own houses , and not openly , sometime in a Church distant many miles from the Church whereof they are members , sometimes in the same church , but without their advise or consent . It is not then either publick profession of their faith , or fitnesse for the Communion , that they are so carefull of , not their understanding of the quuestions of a short catechisme , but to shew their grandour , and what preheminence they have over other mens flocks , in making of half whole , and perfite Christians . Parents must bring their children many miles to them , to bee confirmed or bishopped , as if the holy Ghost could breath no where but upon their fingers . 〈◊〉 with the words of Tindall . After that bishops had left off preaching , then falned they this dumb ceremonie of confirmation , to have somewhat at the least wherby they might raigne over their diocie . They reserved also to themselves the christing of bels , and conjuring or hallowing of Churches and Church-yards , of altars and superaltars , hallowing of chalices , and whatsoever is of honour and profite : which confirmations , and other conjurations also they have now comitted to their suffragians , because they themselves have no leasure to minister such things for their lusts and pleasures , and aboundance of all things , and for the cumbrance that they have in the Kings matters and bu●n●sse of the realme . One keepeth the privie seale , another the great seale , the third is a confessour , that is a privi● traitour , and a s●cret Judas . He is president of the prin●e his counsell , he is an ambassadour , another is of the privie counsell . Woe is unto the Realmes where they are of the counsell . As profitable are they verily unto the Realmes with their counsell , as the woulfes unto the sheep , or the foxes unto the geese . OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF the sacraments in privat places . IN the booke of common order set downe before the psalmes in meeter , it is said , that the sacraments are not ordained of God to be used in privat corners , as charmers and sorcerers use to doe , but left to the congregation , and necessarily annexed to Gods word , as seales of the same . In the assembly holden at Edinburgh in October anno 1581. it was ordained , that the sacraments be not ministred in privat houses , but solemnely , according to the good order hitherto observed . But in the late pretended assembly holden at Perth , anno 1618. it was ordained , that the minister shall not refuse to baptise infants in privat houses , when great need compelleth the parents to crave it , but the great need is not specified , and therefore left to the judgement of every corrupt minister , who shall be willing to pleasure his parishoner upon pretence of any alledged necessitie , as a rainie day , or the saving of some charges , as a dinner , &c. Such like the minister must not refuse to administrat the communion in a privat house beside him , that for infirmitie is unable to resort to the church to receave it , or if the sick person that shall declare upon his conscience to the minister , that hee thinketh his sicknesse deadly . It is required only , that there be three or foure of good religion and conversation present to communicate with him . But , which shaketh all loose , these must be free of all impediments . What if they bee not free ? What suppose there were fourtie , let be foure , if it be not celebrated in the congregation , it is but a privat communion . Tilemus , when he was found and orthedox , laid downe this for a ground , A sacrament is a publicke action , to be performed publickly by publicke ministers , neither can any necessitie or sufficient cause be alledged , wherefore a sacred and publick action should passe in a privat because Gods ordi● 〈◊〉 should be 〈◊〉 us a supreme law , and greatest necessitie , which wee ought to obey rather then foster the ignorance and infirmitie of the people . He had beene disputing before against the administration of baptisme by lay-men and woman , but concludeth in end against administration also in a privat place , and requireth , that all sacraments be administred , not only by publike and lawfull office-bearers , but also publickly . How can the Doctour then alledge , that Tilenus words were perverted ? That the sacraments are actions of publike nature , and therefore ought to bee celebrated publickly in the congregation , appeareth by these reasons : 1. The sacraments are appointed not only to be signes and seales of invisible graces , but also to be testimonies of our pietie towards God , and badges of our profession distinguishing true Churches ; from false . All sacraments are kindes of protestation of our faith , saith Quinae . Secret corners are not fit places for such protestations . 2. Visible communion in the holy things of God , is the end of our union and consociation with a particular Church . Because wee cannot attaine to a visible communion in the holy things of God , immediatly with the whole Church militant , wee enjoy it mediatly by our communion in a particular congregation . Therefore the sacraments which are the holy things of God , ought to bee administrated in common . 3. All other actions which concerned the whole Church , were done with consent and presence of the Church , as elections , ordinations , excommunications . By the same reason ought the sacraments to be administred in publike , for the interest that all have in them , and the benefite and fruit may redound to all . 4. The sacraments ought to bee preserved from contempt , neglect , and corruptions . Heretickes take occasions to corrupt the pure administration of the sacraments , when they are administred in privat houses . The publike is the lesse regarded when people may have them in privat , as they thinke they have need , nor yet are they so reverently used , as when celebrated in the publicke assemblie . 5. It breedeth opinion of extreme danger of salvation , if any die without baptisme , or the Lords supper . Wee will have occasion to touch these reasons , when wee descend to baptisme and the Lords supper in particular . The Doctour in his answers useth often the distinction of ordinarie and extraordinarie , that ordinary they should be administred in publick , but extraordinarly and in case of necessitie they may bee administred in privat , which is a begging of the question ; for the reasons are directed against administration in privat , in whatsoever case , and there is no necessitie to violate the common order , unles it were the danger of mens salvation , for want of such a middle or meane , which is a grosse and damnable opinion ingendred and intertained by the administration in privat . He wresteth also that place in Matthew , where Christ promised to be in the midst of two or three conveened in his name , as if three or foure conveened to the administration of baptisme or the Lords supper , were a sufficient number to make up a lawfull assembly . But this speach of Christ in the precise termes cannot be extented to the sacrament . For then where two only are conveened , the communion may bee administrated . The Priest then may celebrate masse , having none to beare him companie , but the clerke to say Amen . Christ speaketh not there , as Master Cartwright hath already answered , of the publicke administring of the word and sacraments , but of the proceeding in the Church discipline against offences , and of that part which was done privatly by two or three , and promiseth , that not onely the proceeding of the Church should be ratified , but also that the admonition given by two or three , whereof hee spake before , with invocation of the name of God , should not be in vaine , but have the owne effect , either for the conversion of the offender ; or to make him inexcusable . Or by two or three is meant only a few number , where a greater number cannot be had to make up a senat , with power to execute the censures of the Church , or a few but sufficient number , where a greater may not be had to make a visible Church . But where a sufficient number may be had , and of these a Church already constituted , two or three apart cannot binde and loose . And what they may doe , other two or three may undoe , or doe the like , whereupon would follow great confusion . Wee reason against two or three conveening in a privat place to minister the holy things of God , where there is already constituted a Church , and a number consociate to that end , of which societie these two or three are but members . We meane not that the sacraments may not be administrated at no time in a privat place , but onely in a privat meeting of some few ; for the congregation is not tyed to , and some time hath not the libertie of materiall Churches , but is forced to retire to woods , caves , privat houses , but their the administration is publike , because in sight and presence of the congregation . Baptisme is that initiatorie sacrament , wher●by wee enter into the bosome of some visible congregation , or is Calvine saith , it is a sacred or solemne introduction into the Church of God , a testimonie of our heavenly burgesship , into which these are written , whom he hath adopted to himselfe . By baptisme we became members of some societie joyned together , to make up one visible Church , as it were one bodie . Baptisme therefore should bee celebrated in the presence of that visible Church whereof we are to be members . The minister then , and the parents have not the onely interest in this businesse , but the congregation also , and principally , because of their right to receave , or refuse , their concurrence to assist the minister in prayer to God for the infant , their testimonie of his entrie , and receaving , and the benefite they may reap to themselves , by remembring their owne baptisme , and the promises made to God , when they were baptized . The baptized must have communion with them in the holy things of God afterward . And therefore good reason , they enter in with their approbation , and acceptance . If a member may not be cut off by excommunication without their consent , 1 Corin. 5. none ought to bee receaved without their consent , and after this manner of entrie . Nature teacheth men , saith Bucer , that when any socieitie or corporation is to accept of one to be of their number , Id sacere cum collegae frequentiores convenerint , ut ita quasi ab omnibus illi in collegium recipiantur , & singuli offic a collegarum eis deferant , ad eaque se●●ita publicè astringant ; to doe it when the fellowes have conveened in a frequent number , that so they may bee receaved , as it were of all into the companie , and every one may shew the duty of fellowes unto them , and binde themselves to the same after the same manner publickly . This promiscuous meeting of sundrie out of sundrie quarters and parishes to the morning and evening prayers in Edinburgh , is not that body or societie whereof the bapti●ed is to be a member , nor y●t are these times appointed for the meeting of that societie to that end . Was it not then a superstitious or foolish conceat in many of the ancients who delayed baptisme , to the end of their life , or till they were overtaken with dangerous diseases , that being purged from all the sinnes of their former life , they might flie straightway to heaven . These were called Cliniei q. d. lecticularii . When we maintaine baptisme in publicke assemblies , wee meane where there is a visible Church constituted , and an order established . Therefore the exemples of the Eunuch , the jaylour , Cornelius , &c. make nothing for baptisme in privat and apart , where there is a visible Church constituted . The defence and practice of baptisme in privat , hath bred an opinion of an absolute necessitie of baptisme , as if the infant could not be saved without it , and doth ●ill foster the fame damnable opinion . Neither cast any other necessitie bee p●tended . For there is no precept requiring baptisme , when it cannot be had orderly . It is not the neglect , but the contempt which maketh not the infants but the parents guilty . It is not contempt or neglect , when the ordinarie times of publicke meetings appointed for such ends are not neglected and co●●●ned . In the ancient Church , Easter and Pentecost eves were appointed to bee the solemne times of baptisme . Whereby it came to passe , that many died without baptisme , as Socrates reporteth . But that order , which was not commendable , is worne out of use many hundred yeares since . We have now weekly ordinarie assemblies for the purpose , and yet these are neglected and contemned , specially by the wealthier sort , and the times of evening prayers are preferred before the times appointed for preaching in the morning , or upon the Lords day , whereunto they were restrained by the first booke of discipline . Whereas the sacraments should bee celebrated with reverence , and we see how solemne the baptisme of Iohn was , and of Christ at Jordan ; this baptisme in privat is irreligiously , and unreverently ministred , and the publicke scarce attended unto ; for upon the opinion of the necessitie of baptisme in privat , hath followed the defence of baptisme by women , baptisme by a pagan , baptisme with pudle water , baptisme by supposition . For if the infant recover health , they baptisme againe in publicke , if they doubt it was baptized after the right manner in privat , saying , It thou bee not baptized N. I baptise thee in the name of the Father , &c. But what if the childe was already baptized after the right manner , is not this publicke baptising rebaptization . I know our Formalists doe not defend baptisme by laymen or women to be lawfully ministred by such persons , yet they esteeme it valide and effectuall , if the right forme and manner was in substance observed , as yee may see in our Doctours grounds . That which our worthie divines have condemned as nullin it selfe , they account as valide , which no man would doe , that were not infected with the opinion of absolute necessitie of baptisme to the salvation of the infant . For necessitas precepti , the precept to baptise cannot drive them to this absurditie , seeing none are commanded or have warrant to baptise but pastours or ministers . It is necessitas medii then , that driveth them to such courses . The English service book permitteth , in privat baptisme to omit the doctrine concerning the institution and use of baptisme , and also to spare the Lords prayer , if the time will not suffer . That booke supposeth likewise , that some things essentiall to this sacrament may bee omitted in the privat ministration , through feare or haste in such extremitie . Is this reuerent using of the holy things of God , or is it sure worke , that forceth them to flie to a conditionall baptisme . The case of baptisme and circumcision is not alike , for the Lord appointed a precise time for circumcision , to wit the eight day , which in no cas● they might prevent , suppose the infant should die in the meane time . It might have beene delayed , if there were some urgent occasion to hinder , as in the wildernesse for many yeares , because they behoved to be in readinesse to remove according to the moving of the cloudy rollar . But Moses had no urgent occasion , therefore the Lord chastised him , and Sephora circumcised the childe Moses being sicke . Her example was not imitated by the Jewes themselves after , and the Church of God was yet in families . When synagogues were erected , and places for the publike service of God , circumcision was ministred onely in publike , as some thinke , and so it is an this day in the synagogues , where a synagogue is to bee had . Others hold that the Lord committed not the act or office of circumcision to the priests or Levits , but that the infants were circumcised at home , the family and nighbours being conveened , because present remedy was to be provided for curing of the wound . Barraillus the Jesuit saith , that circumcision required not either a peculiar place , or a peculiar minister . Suarez saith , that at this day , he that is called the circumciseth , circumciseth indifferently in the house or the synagogue . But it is not so in baptisme , as it cannot be ministred , but by a lawfull minister , so likewise only in the publicke assembly . The make of circumcision was permanent , and by it the circumcised might bee easily discerned whither they were counterfite professours or not . But it is not so in baptisme The paschall lambe was eaten only in families , and small societies conveened in some chamber on parlour , and might not be eaten in publick assemblies . But who dare affirme , that the Lords supper howbeit it be the sacrament answerable to it , must be celebrated after the same manner . Different is the case betweene the sacraments of the old law which belonged to one nation , and the sacraments under the Gospel belonging to the whole Christian world . The Lords supper is the sacred banket of the whole Church assembled together , saith . Bullinger in his Decades , and therefore , saith he , the Apostle requireth the Corinthian● to assemble together to partake of this supper , 1 Corin. 1● . 32. It is a finew of publicke assemblies , a hadge of our profession , a band of love , and representation of 〈◊〉 communion and fellowship , which is and ought to bee among the members of the congregation . It is not a part , or two , or three , but the whole body of the congregation which is compared to one bread , when the Apostle saith , We that are manie are one bread , and one body , for we are partakers afore bread , Corin. 10. 17. Because it is not possible to us to celebrat a sacramentall union with the whole Church militant , the Lord hath appointed us to keepe a sacramentall communion with some particular congregation or visible Church . The Doctour borroweth an absurd answer from Bellarmine and the Rhemists , that were have sacramentall communion with the whole militant Church , howbeit it be not so visible , as with any one particular Church , and his reason is , because wee are partakers of the same sacrament . I reply with Master 〈◊〉 answer to the Rhemists , Although all the faithfull , even those , that never receaved the sacrament , by faith communicate with Christs body , yet doe they alone communicate sacramentally which have their communion sealed by the outward action of eating of one sacramentall bread . And that the Apostle meaneth of these , that in one congregation or Church eat together , and not of the communion of us with those , that receave the sacrament in another Church , it is evident , for that he placeth the seal of this communion in eating all of one bread , and of one table : Whereas they that communicate in another congregation , communicate not of one table or bread with them , that are so removed , no more then they that celebrated the passeover in divers houses , were partakers of one lambe or kid . It is the same sacrament in spece or kinde , but not in number . Wee communicate in one fruit or effect , because we all receave the same Christ , but that is a spirituall , not a sacramentall communion , saith Chamier . For it was never heard , saith he , that these in Jerusalem communicate sacramentally with those in Alexandria . Otherwise what needed the bishop of Rome to send the eucharist to other bishops when they come to Rome . The Lords supper then should not be celebrated , but in the assembly of the faith for united together in one bodie of a Church . A companie conveened apart from the rest to communicate with the sicke person is not unied by themselves into the body of a Church , farre lesse three of foure , asttake , the English service booke meaneth to be a number sufficient , seeing they allow the communion to bee ministred to three or foure in the Church , and in the time of plague , sweat , or such other like contagious sicknesses , the minister may communicate with the person diseased alone . Ergo coena Domini non est privata , sed publica nulli privatim danda . Et quoniam non est publicus vel generallis catus , quandò quatuor aut quinque cum agro communicant , nihil dicunt quia not apud agros coenam instrui p●sse , si alis quoque simul coenent saith Bullinger . That is , Seeing it is not a publicke or generall meeting , when three or foure communicate with the sicke , they say nothing to purpose who say , that the supper may bee celebrated beside the sicke , if others also communicate . Suppose a companie of the faithfull in a family be called a Church , Rom. 16. 7. because the whole family consisting of Christians , and frequently exercised in religious exercises , resembleth in some sort a Church , and may be called ecelesiola , as it were , a little Church . Yet it is not that Church which hath the power and right to use the sacraments and censures , for then every family in a Christian commonwealth might celebrate the sacraments at home . So howbeit the name be communicated for the greater commendation of such a family , yet the definition doth not agree . And yet that place may be applied to the Church , which used to conveene in Aquila and Priscilla's house In that same chapter Gaius is called the host of the whole Church . See Parcus in Rom. 16. 7. 1 Corin. 16. 19. Philemon . 2. The names also given to this sacrament , may teach us , that t● should bee celebrated in the publicke assemblie . The name synaxis importeth a ga●●ering or assembling together . Casaubon saith , synaxis and synagogue are all one , because derived from one word . Liturgie signifieth a publicke service or ministrie ; both the names import the celebritie of the assembly , and the solemnitie of the administration before the assembly . The elements were sent to the absents in time , or immediately after the action in Justinus Martyrs time . Which was the first abuse we read of . After followed reservation of the eucharist for the use of the sicke , which was a greater abuse , and carrying of it home to their houses . The opinion of the necessitie of privat communious did grow to such an hight , that the eucharist was given not onely to aged persons departing this life for their Viaticum , to bee their voyage victuall , as they call it , but also to infants and babes , and this indured for the space of 600. yeares . The Papists themselves are ashamed of it , and expresly inhibit it . Yea of old , in some parts , it was the practice , to use Master Perkins words , to cram the eucharist into the mouth of them that were deceased , or to lay it upon the breast ; and burie it with the corps . Such horrible prophanations arose from the opinion of necessitie engendred upon these reservations , and giving of the eucharist to the sicke . The continuation of the like customes doth foster and entertaine the same opinion of necessitie . The ignorant are fostered in superstition , as if the grace of God were tyed to the sacrament , and no comfort could be had by there receaving of it in former times , but they must have it now for their voyage victuall , whereby they may bee enabled to attaine to life eternall without fainting in the way . Polyander after he hath concluded , that the Lords supper should not bee celebrated in privat , either for sicknesse of any person , or other case of necessitie whatsoever , granteth that not long after the Apostles times , for condescending to the weaknesse of some , this custome prevailed to send to the sicke the elements of bread and wine in the time of administration . Sed hoc medium atque adm●niculum , quod infirmioribus juvandis ac consolandis ex zelo irregulari absque Christi mandato patres exhibuerunt , paulatim in eam transiit idololatriam , ●nt aliqui non minùs administrationi sacra coena , quàm baptismi , salutemex opere operato tribuerint . That is , The helpe and nemedie they used out of irregular zeale without Christs precept , for the comfort and helpe of the weaker , ended at last into such idolatrie , that they ascrived no lesse their salvation to the administration of the holy supper , then of baptisme , and that by vertue of the worke wrought or deed done . Therefore he adviseth us to beware , that we foster not men in a superstitious opinion , by privat or domestick administration of the Lords supper . Calvin saith , Difficillimum est hic cavere , ne alios superstitio , alios ambitio & vana●ostentatio ad petendum solliciter . That is , It is verie hard to bee avoided , that superstition stirre not up some , ambition and ostentation others to crave it . Bullinger saith , If wee bee contentious in the defence of this viaticum , there will bee bred againe , that which wee have seene receaved in some ages before , a relying npon the very receaving it selfe of the sacrament , as if for it wee were acceptable to God , and departing out of this world , did flie straightway to heaven , and without it were carried straightway to hell . And many 〈◊〉 errours will spring up . Tilenus saith , in his syntagma , Whatsoever necessitie be pretended , hardly cast any sufficient cause be rendered , wherefore the publicke action should passe in a privat . Because he ord●nance of God is supreme necessitie , which wee must obey rather then faster the infirmitie of man. Illa enim infirmorum levamenta , ex ●●ordinem olim adhibita infirmitatem publicam totius ecclesia magis foverunt & auxerunt quàm privatam agrotan ium sanarunt . That is , The ease tendered by the cont non order upon the infirme , d●d rather cherish and augment the publicke disease of the whole Church , then heal the privat disease of the sicke . As for the pretended necessitie of comfort to the sicke , that same answer may be given , that the English service book giveth , when none can be had to communicate with the sicke , or for extremitie of sicknesse , or other just impediment he cannot communicate . The carat shall instruct him , that if hee doe truly repent him of his sinnes , and st●edfastly beleeve , that Jesus Christ hath suffered death upon the crosse for him , and shed his bloud for his redemption , earnestly remembring the ben sits he hath thereby , and giving him hartie thankes therefore , hee doth eat and drinke the body and bloud of our Saviour Christ profitably to his soules health , although he doth not receave the sacrament with his mouth . May not the like b●e said to the sicke in body , but ignorant or superstitious in minde , when the sacrament may not bee celebrated at their bedside without breach of Gods ordinance . The Rhemists do acknowledge , that they doe eat the flesh , and drinke the bloud of Christ , which joyne in hart and desire with the part 〈◊〉 of the sacrament . A man may die a martyr before he receave either baptisme , or the Lords supper . How many Catechumeni have died before they were baptized . The comfort and benefit wee receave at any publicke communion , is not restrained to the present time , but serveth at all times for our use . Wee were but once baptized , yet the comfort and benefite endureth all our life long . Our spirituall communion with Christ , and to eat his flesh , and drinke his bloud by faith , is ever so necessarie , that otherwise we cannot be safe , but so is not the participation of the Lords supper . Onely wee must beware of neglect and contempt of the publicke administration . The godly know in their agonie , they never want shall , which is chiefe and onely necessarie , where in they so acquiesce , that they will not without the Lords institution , trouble the comlinesse and order of the Church for their owne privat satisfaction . Norunt pij in agone nun qua●ijs d●esse , quod praecipuum est & so●ùm necessarium , in quo ita acquiescunt ut extra Dom ni institutionem , nolunt ecclesia ordinem & decorum turbare , ut sibi privatim satisfaciant . This pretended necessitie grounded upon superstitious conceats , hath drawne on a neglect of the publicke communion , because in time of their need they looke for it in privat . Ab ista manducatione clinica , cui quisque in papatufidit , ortho est in plerisque communicandi contemptus , cum prospera valetudine fruuntur ad quod semel tantum in anno ex ecclesiae sua praescripto obligantur . The whole congregation hath interest in the celebration , and is bound to see it performed reverently and religiously , which they cannot see done , when it is administred in privat . Nor can the privat administration bee performed with such reverence as is requisite . Wee read not that at any time it was the custome in the ancient church to celebrate at the bedside of the sick , but onely to carrie the eucharist to him , which notwithstanding was superstitious . The synod holden at Laodicea , cap. 58. ordained , Ne fierent in domibus oblationes ab episcopis aut presbyteris . And Justinian Novell constit . 57. hath the like . Not that I thinke the place of it selfe disgraceth the action , but the paucitie of the communicants . If the congregation were assembled in a barne , or any like capacious place through want of a church , the action might bee celebrated with no lesse grace . The sicke mans chamber is not a fit meeting place for the congregation , saith Rive●is . Suppose it were , such assemblies could not but breed or foster the opinion of necessitie . Beside the paucitie , the paines of the patient might enforce sundrie disorders . Bellarmine alledgeth , in defence of depriving the communicants of the cup , howbeit more comfort might bee had by participating both the bread and the wine , that there is lesse ill , that men want some good thing not necessarie , then that the sacrament be exposed to the hazard of irreverence . For it could not be , but the bloud of Christ would bee often split . That which hee alledgeth against the Lords institution , wee may farre more justly alledge against this privat communion , which the Lord never ordained , that the reverent usage of the sacrament is to bee preferred before the good , or rather preposterous pleasing of the sick , and feeding their ignorance and superstition . FINIS . Errata . BLot out p. 11. last line , not . p. 12 l. 15. when 81. l. 27. that . 99. l. 11. not 122. l. lest . p. 56 lin . l. the fourth part . read p. 14. l. 4. canon . 17. 22. more . l. 23. meere 20. 28. Pauli . 23. l. 24. that thursday . 27. l. 25. Hospinian . 29. l. 26. then . 30. last line notable . 3. l. l. 29. Encrarits . 39. l. 2 sic . l. 25. eat ve all of this . 45. l. 14 great . l. 25. Montanus . l. 26. members . 47. l. 4. & l. 8. sic . 54. l. 30. simplici●er . 57 l. last , Israelitarum , 60. l. 18. decree . l. 19. successates . 6. l. 18 popu●● 6. ● . l. 13. of . 65. l. 18. excuses . 67. l. 24. Cracouieni . 6● l. al 's . 68. l. 4. al 's . 69. l. 15. apertae . 74. l. 19. to stand . 76. l. 13. stantes & commorantes . 77. l. 30. Zonaras . 79. l. 14. praetermitted . 80. l. 24. quod ● . 9. l. 12 to these words . 98. l. 1. causes . l. 13 whither . 99. l. 11 if ye will bear . 122. l. 3. bewray . 128. l. 30. Christ. Desire , stort ejaculations . 135. d. l. 19. genuine . 154 l. 7. commenting . 157. l. 20. kindling fire . 158 l. 1. mutabilitie . 159 l. 7. rationem . 160. l. 27. were not bidden fast . 164. l. 26. 〈◊〉 10. logicall . 165. lin . 2. apolo . l. 19. whereon . 168. l. 5. makein . 190. l. 29. ●●gatorum . 202. l. 20 salve , 205. l. 23. ye observe . 217. l. 22. concredite . 220 lin . 30. questions . 22● lin . 12 suffraganes . 226 l. 4. become . Lesser escapes I remit to the correction of the understanding reader . A PASSAGE OF MASTER WILLIAM Cowper , peetended bishop of Gallaway his sermon , delivered before the states anno 1606. at which time he was minister at Perth . On 2 Corin. 6. 3 , 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Apostle wrote this epistle in his owne name , and in the name of Timothie his brother , as yee may penceave by the first verse of this epistle . And now in both their names hee directeth the exhortation . Preachers are workers together , brethren , and fellow-labourers . Here a worthie Apostle claimeth no superiour stile to Timothie an Evangelist , alb●it justly hee might , h●e b●ing an Apostle , the other an Evangelist , both which were temporarie and extraordinarie callings in the Church of God , but the one , namely the office of an Apostle more excellent then the other office of an Evangelist . This may serve to make these men ashamed , who being partakers of one office of pastorship with the rest of their brethren , will bee separated from them by slately sitles . Order is good , I grant , but away with such order , as hath bred that I omane Hierarchie , the tyrannie of the Antichrist . Alwayes here our chiefe lesson is that ministers should work together . They should not worke one against another . We are the servants of one Lord , wee have all one citie to build , we are fortifiers of the wall of one Jerusalem , what part of the wall wee stand and into , that is no matter , the worke and the waze is one to us all . Vnion among brethren is ay the forerunn●r of blessing , division againe bringeth on the fall ; for a kingdome devided against it selfe cannot stand . In the primitive church S. Luke saith , The multitude of beleevers were of one heart . There upon followed a flourishing estate of the church , notwithstanding the powers of the world were enemies to them . Great things are alwayes performed by union , yea suppese of mean instruments . There is non , saith Job , can restraine the influence of the Pleiades , it is but a constellation of the seven starres , which we commonly call the seven sisters ; yet do they bring with them the spring of the year . Thus a nature her self advanceth her greatest workes by unin . A materiall building is made up by the uniting of stones and timb●r b●fore disjoyned , and and the fall thereof is procured againe by their renting and sundring one from another . I exhort you therefore brethren , in the name of the Lord , that as one man our hearts may bee joyned together to doe the worke of the Lord , and this devision threatning a fearfull decay of Christ his kingdome in the midst of us , may be eshewed . Where if it be objected to me , where is the blame or cause of division ? For I know that as Salomon saith , every mans way seemeth good in his owne eyes . I answer , I have not a deligh to make a sport of the nakednesse of my father , and I desire not to be cursed with Chaent . If the division were not so evident that the most simpley perveaveth it , I could willingly also misknow it , but since the evill is manifest , the cause of the evil is also easily espied : for looke what part of the wall is gagged from the o●●●ation , where upen the building stands , and from that policie we receaved from our fathers , let th●● be drawne in to the rest againe , then shall arise a happie union , that may assure us of a continuance and increase of Gods work in the midst of us . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A17587-e630 Admonition pag. 35. Sitting warrantable . Scaliger de emendat temporum lib. 6. Barradas in concor . evangelist . Tom. 4. lib. 3. cap. 2 Barona●●al . ●om . 2. an . 34. num . 14. Chrys. hom . de prodit . Iud. And Pope Leo serm . 7. de passione Domini . That Christ and his Apostles kneeled not . Athenaens lib. 4. Luk. 24. 30. Mat. 14. 13. Mark. 6. 〈◊〉 7. Luk. 9. Ioh. 1. & 27. Pag. 39. De eucharist lib. 4. ca● . ●5 That Christ and his disciples sat . Iohn 14. 31 On the Lords supper . 1 part pag. 136. That their gesture was a kinde of sitting gesture . Exercit. pag. 490. P. acknowledgeth sitting lawfull . Christs example our direction . pag. 47. Iudeorum praecept . Cassa●dri opera pag. 737 Answere to the Rhemists . Matth. 20. 20. On. 1. Cor. 11. 23 Standing at the passeover changed . Tom. 4. l. 1. c. 17. Iunius & Tremel . in Mat. 26. 20. in Exod. 12. 11. Scaliger . Sitting suteable with the supper . Piscator in Matth. 26. 26. In Matth. 26 Aquin. par . quest . 60. 〈◊〉 forme & maniere du ministre ecclsiastique . fol. 84. Christs precept , Do this . De sacramēt fol. 95. The Apostles continued sitting . Amesius in Bellarm. enervato . tom . 3. p. 177. pag. 86. The Corinthians sa● . 1 Cor. 11. 19. In illud oportct haereses esse . Page 654. edit . in 40. Ibid. Decretal . l. 3. ●t . 41. cap. 6. Exercit. 16. pag. 511. Estius in 1. Cor. 11. 20. ●or . 11. Obek . pag. 653. Pag M. P. pag. 86. and 94. Second serm . pag. 61. Other circumstances not continued . Paraeus de symbolis & ritib. euchar . pag. 152. Exercit. pag. 511. Sitting continued in ages following . Calvin . instit . l. 4. c. 17. s. 13. Mornaeus de missa lib. 1. c. 1. & 5. De origine error . pag 46 Decreti part . 3. de consecrat . distat . ● cap. 17. Euagrius l. 6. cap. 13. L. his defence , pag. 53. 54. Hist. l. 5. c. 23 Nicephor . l. 12. c. 34. First volum pag. 209. edit . 1610. Zwingl . expositio fidei Christianae edita Bu●ling . anno 1536. Standing not so convenient as sitting . Kneeling not warranted by the example of Christ. Instit. lib. 4. c. 37. sect . 33. Beza centra Harch . vol. 3. pag. 182. Hist. sacrament . lib. 4. pag. 182. Kneeling not sutable to the Suppertable . L. pag. 51. L. pag. 43. 44. Tilen . synt . de sacrif . missae sect . 32. Wille●s synops pag. 478 edit . 1614. pag. 681. Ovid. Fast. 5 The Communion celebrate in form of a feast . Piscator in Matth. 26. in observationi●bus in versu 26. & seqq . Mornaeus de eucharist . lib. 4. cap. 7. Forma min●●ster . ecclesia●ster . Observation upō the form of speach . On the Lords supper , part . 1. pag. 8. The distribution by the Communicants excludeth kneeling . Christ commanded them to devide the cup. Hierom. epist. ad Hedibiam . Clemens Alexan. in p●edagog . ● . c. 2. Muscul. de coena Domitū . Annot. in Marc. 14. 25. Meuschii defens . harm . generalis cap. 4. In 3. part . tom . 3. quast . 78. num . 41. Swarez . in 3. part . tom . 3. p. 909. L. 62. Hospin . hist. sacra . l. 1. c. 1. & lib. 2. c. 1. p. 31. Swarez in 3. part . Thomae tom . 3. p. 861. Bellarm. de euchar . l. 4. cap. 25. Piscator in Matth. 26. v. 26. in schoilis . Antiquita●um convivialium lib. 3. cap. 10. They distributed not only the cup , but the bread . Piscat . in Matth. 26. Hosp. hist. facr●m . lib. 2. p. 31. Estius in 1 Cor. 10. 16 Beza epist. 2. On the Lords supper , 2. part pag. 97. Bellarm. de euchar . lib. 4. cap. 25. The Apostles continued this distribution . Raynerius in summa . Bulling dec●d . 6. serm . 9. fol. 364. fol. 364. fol. 360. Hom. 118. Bellar. de eu . charist . lib. 4. cap. 24. Estius in 1 Cor. 10. 16. R. Stephan . glossa in Mat. 26. Estius in 1 Cor. 10. 16. Durand . Rationa●●● . c. 1. Casaub. oxercit . pag. 537. Breaking of bread for representation . Against the Rhen●ists , or Mat. 26. 28. Lanfranc . de euchar . Alger . de sacrament . lib. 2. cap. 8. Chamierde cucharl . 7. c. 13. num . 14. Bullinger Decad. 5. serm . 7. Gualt . Homil . 295. in Matth. Breaking of bread for distribution . Se●rariu● in Iosuam 6. 9. quest 6. Bulling 〈◊〉 decad . 5. serm . 7. Hom. 118. in Marc. Expos. fidei Christian. ad Reg. Christian in 80. fol. 40. De ri●ibus ecclesiae Tigurinae c. 13. Not necessary that the minister dispense the elements . Proceedings at Perth asscmbly , pag. 60. 61. Swarez in ● . part . tom . 3. p. 861. Vazquez in part . 3. tom . 3. disp . 219. num . 12. & 13. The inconveniences following upon the ministers dispensing . L. pag. 56. Christ spake in the plurall number at the deliverie . Suarez in ● part . tom . 3. pag. 702. Paraeus de symbolis pag. 166 Distribution continued in ages , following ; Calvin . institint l. 4. c. 13. &c. s. 11. See Salme●on in Mor●on of the in●tution ●31 . Str●●at . l. 1. De corona militis c. 3. Homil. 118. in Marcum . Christs forme the most perfite . Bulling . Decad. 5. serm . 9. Hospin . histor . sacrament lib. 1. cap. ● . &c. 5. Grat. de co●secrat . dist . 2. cap. 3. pag. 49. Conformitie with idolaters forbidden . Becan . analogia vet . & novi testamenti . Aqui● , 1. 2. quaest . 10● , ●●rt . 6. ad 6. Bellarm. de monach . cap. 40. Calvin on 〈…〉 Zanch. de redempt , l● . r. c. 14. circa initium . Tertul. de oratio . c. 12. De idol . cap. 14. De corona militis . August . confess . l. 6. c. 2. Brac. 2. can . 73. August epist. 86. Tolled . 4. can . 5. Brac. 1. can . 32. S●are● in 3. part . tom . 3. dis● . sect . 2. Last ed●t . pag. 40● . Rive●tus pag. 205. Distinct. 63. cap. Quia sancta . Bellarm. d● Monach. cap. 40. pag. 116. Cap. de tradition . Censura . c. 4. Censura . c. 9. The equitie of none conformity with idolaters . Kneeling a monument of idolatrie . pag. 370. pag. 118. Kneeling scandalous to papists . Scandalous to the godly . In 2. praecept . pag. 387. Last edit . de redempt . pag. 541. Col. 160. Reply 2 part pag. 164. Homij specimen controy Belg. in fine . pag. 123. pag. 70. Cyprian . lib. 1 epist. 11. The Polonian synods mistaking . pag. 200. The pretended remedie of preaching naught . Epist. 121. Commandement of the magistrate no just e●cuse . In 3 praecept . col . 634. 1 King 20 , 39. Kneeling established by the Antichrist , and not by the ancient Church . See Riveti specimen critici sacri . lib. 2. cap. 13. Bellarm. de script . pag. 84. part . 2. pag. 65. Spalat . de rep . eccles . l. 5. c. 6. num . 69. Ad E●roicensem epist. pag. 241. De consecratio . dist . 3. cap. venera ●ilis . De consecratio . dist . 1. cap. Apostolica . Tertull. advers . Hermoginem . D. B. of kneeling . pag. 85. Fulk in 1 Cor. 11. sect . 18. Tertullians testimonie vindicated . Lib. de oratione . c. 14. pag. 54. pag. 225. Sitting or standing practised in the ancient Church . See Euseb. histor . lib. 7. cap. 9. Homil. in oncoeniis . Bellarminus de cultu sanctor . cap. 11. Tertull. de Corona militis . Decretal . l. 3. tit . de celebrat . Missa . cap. sarct . Quaest. 1●5 . Synops. cuest . 8. of the masse , pag. 691. Bochel . decret . lib. 3. c. 140. Opposite to kneeling . Erasm. epist. lib. 14. 〈…〉 Kneeling to be rejected , because abused . The act of Perth intendeth idolatry . pag. 70. The first reason of the act examined . The second reason of the act examined . L. p. 72 , 73. Casaub. exercit . pag. 550. Ambrose in 1 Cor. 11. Hieron . in Psal. 147. Oecumen●us in 1 Cor. 11. Origen in num . Homil. 23. & 16. The third reason examined . L. p. 74. pag. 46. The intent of the church of England in kneeling . D. B. of kneeling , p. 30. Reply 2. part pag. 50. The pretence of prayer examined . Of the eucharist . p. 95. De eucharistia l. 8. c. 3. num . 22 , 23. Doctour Lindseves proceedings at ●e th . page 5● . page 336. De sacram . lib. 1. c. 10. s. 7. pag. 68. P. pag. 334. pag. 299. No pretence of prayer in our act . The intent of the kneeler must be interpreted by the act . Of the manner of their adoration . D. Ames 1. reply pag. 54. part . 2. Hooker . l. 5. s. 67. pag. 142 , 145. Epist. 76. De Eucharis . lib. 1. cap. 2. pag. 70. Kneeling in the act of receiving can not be free of idolatrie . The first argument . Treatise of idolatie● . pag. 142. The uncovering of the head not like kneeling . Occasionall . ●neeling not warrant ●●r ordinarie . ● pag. 88. Levit. 9. 23 , 24. The originall of unbe●eef . pag. 332. Salomons kneeling at the dedication of the temple . Of kneeling . pag. 7. The pretence of objectum a quo significative . De imaginibus . cap. 19. 20. 21. De cultu adorat . Disp. 108. num . 73. De adorat . disp . 108. num . 90. num . 132. 134. & disp . 110 num . 34. Disp. 109. num . 7. De adorat . disp . 106. num 2. & 6. Disp. 108. num . 128. pag. ●5 . pag. 84. 85. 81. 92. D. B. of kneeling . pag. 33. Reply 2. part . pag. 65. No difference betweene images and the elements in the case of adoration . L. pag. 77. De adorat . disp . 104. num . 24. pag. 68. De adorat . disp . 110. Solut. p. ●62 . Mediat civill wor●●ip no good warrant . De civitat . Dei lib. 10. cap. 4. Chamier de Imagin . c. 6. num . 9. pag. 228. Gods extraordinarie presence in the arke . De cultu Sanct. l. 3. c. 4. Their relative adoratio● . The second argument . De adoratione disput . 93. num . 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. B. pag. 68. P. pag. 387. Decret . pag. 366. Lib. 3. de natura D●●rum . Suarez in 3. part . tom . 3. p. 780. Bellar. de e●char . l. 2. c. 3. l. 4. c. 29. Alger . de sa●cram . altar . l. 2. c. 3. Tarnov . de ministe● 10. l. 2. c. 31. The pretence of mentall prayer . pag. 102. 109. pag. 112. 〈…〉 disp . 93. num . 11. pag. 199. pag. 236. Drusti praeterita in Matth. 6. The pretence of reall prayer or thanksgiving . L. pag. 107. Exercit. p. 517. Willets qu. 1. of the sacraments . Pezel . refutatio Catechismi Iefuit . pag 421. 〈…〉 cit . pag. 224. De Missa . l. 1. c. 13. & lib. 2. c. 9. The pretence of receaving a benefite . In 3. tom . 1. 〈◊〉 p. 93. num . 20. & 21. Contra Gardiner . col , 735. edit . 1581. De consecrat . dist . 2. cap. 56. & dist . 4. c. 131. Dist. 2 c. 47. Bellarm. de Euchar. l. 1. cap. 11. Becan . de Coena calie . c. 11. Reply to Harding . art . 1. Whittakerus de sacram . pag. 68. Hom. 3. in epist ad Ephesios . Vazquez de adorat . disp . 94. num . 7. If we may receave upon our knees , what we crave upon our knees . The pretence of humility and reverence . Of the institution of the supper . p. 63. Theses theolog . pag. 476. Of the Lords supper . 1. part . pag. 40. The great sacriledge of the Church of Rome , pag. 206. Confess . c. 4. Nota. The 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. lines in the 33. page , are not Master Moulines words , but the authours . Notes for div A17587-e16650 Festivall dayes aboli●●ed by our Church . That is Easter and Ch●ist●●s . The first rea●●●● against festival day●s . Zaneh●tom . 4. col . 655. Willet Synop . p. 501. Kuchili●us in Catechismo . Perkins . Galat . 4. Whittakers opera . pag. ●● . What changeable , what unchangeable in the 4. precept . Theses Theolog. pag. 528. pag , 110. DE opificio 〈◊〉 undi in fol. pag. ●5 . The sabbath observed before Moses time . pag. 45. 〈◊〉 epist. ad 〈◊〉 Hebr. ● . 4. v. ● De eme●●at temp . lib. 1. Dissertatio ●e origine sabbathi . Lib. 3. 32. Euseb. de prepar . evangel . l. 13. c. 7. De vita Mosis , l. 2. Buxtors . synag . Iudaica , c. 11. p. 287. Adversus Iudaeos , c. ● In Gen. 2. pag. 47. De diebu●●estis . cap. 4. pag. 7. De festis , c. 1. num . 12. De fest●s , c , 2. Differences betwixt the sabbath and anniversarie feasts . See Cas●ub ▪ exercit . pag. 482. Scaliger de 〈…〉 . Exortat . pag. Epist. 86. ad Casulanum . The saturday sabbath changed . Addenda prolegomenis in libro● de emendatione temporu● . The Lords day observed in and from the Apostles times . pag. 211. 212. Discourse pag. ●3 . pag. 43. De verbo Dei non script . cap 3. ● pag. ●2 . De verbo Dei non ser●pto , p●o , c. 9. Dissert . pag. 172. Praelect . in Genes . cap. 2. Orat. de laudib . Constantini . De operi● . Dei ; part . 3. ● . 1. c. 〈◊〉 . 539. Syntag. lib. 1. cap. 47. In Genes . cap. 2 , 3. The Lords day substitute to the old sabbath . S●arez de diebus festis cap. 1. nu . 15. The perpet●ity of a seventh day . ●●non . I●●●g . p. 198. 1. 2. quaest . 100. art . 1● De cultu sanct . lib. 3. c. 11. Homil. 10. in gen . 2. quaest . in Gen. De festis c. 4. num . 9. The Lords day unchangeable . De festis c. 4. num . 10. Num. 10 , 11. All diffe●ence of dayes not abrogated . The manner of observation . Drusius de tribus sectis , lib. 4. pag. 31. Secunda , secundae qu●●st . 122. art . 1. a●● secundum . D●civie . De lib. 22. c. 30. Synops. pag. 500. De 〈◊〉 sanc● . c. 10. Gala● . 4. 10. Policie 5. book sect . ●2 . The Lords day not a festivall . De festis c. 4. Epist. 86. ad Casulanum . De cultu● sanctorum cap. 11. Di● 76. c. 11. C●erum to●●●1 . p. 227. Tom. 3. l. 29 cap. 6. num . 6 Theolog polemica , p. 509 The dayes of Purim pag. 18. Biblioth li. p. 20. De sacram . pag. 206. Against the Rhem. Apoc. 1. 10. Contr. 3. l. 4. cap. 17. 〈◊〉 . 5. 3 part . decre . ●i dist . 3. c. 2. De ●etal . titulo de Faeriis cap. Conquestus . Alstedii polemic . p. 399. The dayes of dedication . 〈◊〉 in Marc. 2. 18. De emendat . temp . The third reason against . festivall dayes . The Apostles observed no festivall dayes . Bellar. de cultu sanctor . cap. 13. Whitak . cont . 1. quest . 6. cap. 12. Defence of the ceremonies . pag. 64. Decanone lib. 9. cap. 21. num . 15. ●om● . col . 671. ●5 . c. 24 , 25. pag. 53. Elench . trihaeresi● c. 2● . lib. 5. c. 21. Epist. ad Luci●●um . Chamier . com . 3. l. 19. cap. 7. n. 37. Whitak . de scriptura quaest . 6. c. 9. Tom. 3. l. 19. c. 7. num . 9. The fourth reason against festivall dayes . Epist. 4. The fifth reason against festivall daye . Tom. 4. col . 678. Col. 679. Col. 678. ●resh 〈◊〉 2. ●art . pag. 84. Homil. 61. 2d populu●n Antioche●um : pag. 18. 23. pag. 25. pag. 23. 18. De eucharist . l. 3. c. 9. Decretal . l. 2. tit . 9. cap. Concil . Constantinop . 6. Can. 8. The judgement of forraine Divines . Notes for div A17587-e23460 The act examined . The originall of the act of the sacrament of confirmation . Cassand . Liturg . p. 218. Chemier . tom 4. l. 4. cap. 11. Spalato l 5. c. 5. Hooker . l. 5. p. 353. Hooker l. 5. p. 354. Hockwells ser●ron of confirmation . The Forma●ists hold confirmation to be a sacrament . De politera . l. 3. c. 16. Parkerus de politeia l. 3. c. 16. l. 12. Defence l. 3. c. 4. l. 6. Ordinarie imposition of hands a gesture of prayer . De rep . l. 5. c. 5. nun . 33. cap. 11. Ordinarie imposition of hands 2 ●esture of ●rayer . In pen●ate uc Fin. p. 370. De confirm . cap. 7. Imposition of hands used as a sacrament . 〈◊〉 2 de baptism . c. 16. Estius in l. 4. dist 7. The bishop not the proper minister of confirmation . In lib. 4. dist . 7. num . 17. In lib. 4. dist . ● . Quaest ▪ Quaest. 101. In 3. tom . 3. disp . 36. sect . 1. Synt. part . 1. disp . 25. De rep . l. 5. c. 12. num . 23. Amach . l. 3. 〈◊〉 quaestionum lib. 11. Dist 45. c. 6. Adversus Luciferianos . Decretal . l. 1. 〈…〉 De rep . l. 5. c. 12. n. 24. Suarez in 3. to n. 3. disp . 36. sect . 1 ▪ Adversus Luciferianos ; Institut . l. 4 ; c. 19. sect . 9. Beda in ps ; 26. Notae 〈◊〉 disp●●aboritrr . p. 28. The pretēce of catechising young children . Di polit . l. 3. c. 16. sect . 11. Obedience pag. ●52 . Notes for div A17587-e24710 The judgement of our church , concerning ad . Ministration of the sacrament in privat places . Reasons against povat administration . Ti●● insy●ag de ha●●● parte 〈…〉 . pag. 110. Part 3. quest . 7 artic 5. The distinction of ordinarie and extraordinary frivolous . Where two or three are gathered , &c. Against privat baptisme . Epist. 185. Censura c. 9. Reasons . Privat baptisme hath bred the necessitie of baptisme . Lib. 5. ● 21. Baptisme prophaned by privat administration . Proceedings pag. 105. The case of baptisme and , circumcision different . Bueanus lec . 46. Zepperus de sacram . pag. 251. Chamier . tom . 4. lib. 5. c. 14. Barrad . tom . 1. l. 9. c. 2. Suar. in 3. partem . tom . 3. disp . 29. sect . 2. Reasons against privat communion . Decad. 5. ferm . 9. pag. 117. 118. On 1 Corin. 11. §. 14. Tom. 4. l. 7. c. 13. num . 33. Dead . 5. serm . 9. The prete●●ded necessitie of privat communions . Miscellan pag. 166. Epist 361. Decad 5. serm . 9. Disp. 61. thes . 36. On Job . 6. 1. 8. R●eti Cathol . C●thodo . tom . 2. pag. 198. Privat communion hath bred neglect and irreverence Ricti cathol . orthod . tom . 2. p. 199. De eucharist . lib. 4. cap. 23. 
A47908	----	The relaps'd apostate, or, Notes upon a Presbyterian pamphlet, entituled, A petition for peace, &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1641 Approx. 222 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47908 Wing L1293 ESTC R16441 11854879 ocm 11854879 49955 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47908) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49955) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 500:20) The relaps'd apostate, or, Notes upon a Presbyterian pamphlet, entituled, A petition for peace, &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. [16], 85 p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1641 [i.e. 1661] First edition. Advertisement on p. [9]-[10]. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. -- Petition for peace. Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy, &c. Presbyterianism. Church and state -- England. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Relaps'd Apostate : OR NOTES UPON A PRESBYTERIAN PAMPHLET , ENTITULED , A PETITION for PEACE , &c. WHEREIN The FACTION and DESIGN are laid as open as Heart can wish . Nullum perniciosius Odium eft , quàm violati Beneficii pudere . Senec. Epist. By ROGER L'ESTRANGE . LONDON , Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivy-lane . M. D C. X L I. TO THE PRESBYTERIAN DIVINES ; The PUBLISHERS , and Abettours of A PAMPHLET , Entituled , A PETITION for Peace , &c. — Gentlemen , THat you may not glory either in your Cause , or Fortune , you are here Condemn'd to suffer Publique Shame by a weak hand ; yet so , as not to make Mee proud of the Conquest ; for ye fight against your selves , and fall by your own Weapons . This is the Certain Fate of all your Strivings against the Right of Bishops . The Liberties you challenge , must be allow'd again by You to the People : and where 's your Holy Discipline then ? Thus are ye Broken upon your own Wheel , and your Selves cast into the Pit ye Digg'd for Others . The well-weighing of This Consequence twenty years ago , might have sav'd a great deal of Sin , and Treasure : it may prevent the same again , ( for ought I know ) even at This Instant , duly to consider it : for to deal freely , Gentlemen , you are now Re-entred upon that deadly path that leads from Heaven to Hell , from Conscience to Disobedience : from the Reforming Pulpit to the Kings Scaffold . How shall I reconcile that Reverence I bear your Character , with the just Indignation due to your Actings ? You have of late Publish'd a Book ; Thus called ; A PETITION for PEACE , with the Reformation of the LITURGY , &c. Your Petition appears fortified with Twenty Reasons , which I take a Freedome to reply upon , and I make a little bold too with your Liturgy : submitting the Reason of All , to the Judgement of the Indifferent World ; and to your selves my Dedication . Your Writings are like the Pestilence that walketh by Night , and the Plague that destroyeth at Noon-day . They steal out , and disperse themselves in the dark , but the Malice of their Operation is Publique . Many unseemly Circumstances there are in the menage of this your Pamphlet , which I refer to their proper Notes : but since you plead the Kings Authority for what ye did ; It will behoove me in the first place to clear that point ; and no way better then from the very Words of his Majesties Commission ; directing , To advise consult upon and about the Book of Common Prayer , and the several objections and exceptions , which shall now be raised against the same , and ( if occasion be ) to make such reasonable and necessary alterations , corrections , and amendments therein , as by and between you , the said Arch-Bishop , Bishops , Doctours , and Persons hereby required and authorized to meet and advise as aforesaid , shall be agreed upon to be needful and expedient , for the giving Satisfaction to tender Consciences , and the restoring and continuance of peace and unity in the Churches under our protection and Government . How far Your Liberties agree with These Limitations , be you your selves the Judges . I am afraid you 'll think my Introduction some-what below the Dignity of the Subject ; but though the Argument in it self be grave , methinks your menage of it , is exceeding pleasant : In truth , so much , that all your sober Fashions will hardly make me swallow it for Earnest . You know we have had a Long and Bloody War , Gentlemen : and the same Actions which on the Legal side , were Duty , Piety , and Justice , were in the Adverse Party , no other then Rapine , Murther , and Rebellion . These Crimes call for Repentance , and either Christianity is but a story , or it concerns those People that have This Load upon their Consciences , frankly , and seasonably to discharge themselves . Would not a Searching Sermon now and then upon this Subject , do as much good as a Discourse of humane Impositions ? 'T is not an Act of Pardon , and Oblivion , will bring Them off , at the great day , that have these Horrours unaccompted for . As Publique Ministers , Kings may remit Publique Offences : and forgive Those who cannot yet forgive Themselves . The Royal Power extends but to the Law not to the Conscience . They shall not Dye for That which yet they may be Damn'd for . A man that Robs a Church may scape the Wheel , and yet the Sacriledge cleave to his Fingers . In fine ; Monarchs may dispense with their own Laws , and interpose betwixt the Gibbet , and the Offender ; but betwixt Sin and Vengeance ; — Guilt , and the dreadful stroke of Divine Justice ; there 's but one Mediator : before whose Majesty Kings are but animated Shadows , and all the dazling Glories of this World , a Black Obscurity . In short ; he that has made his Peace with the Law and not with his own Soul : — on Earth , and not in Heaven , has done the least part of his business . You are now crying up Those People for the Godly Party , whose wretched Souls were by the Magick of your Covenant-Holyness charm'd into Disobedience . You 're Scrupulizing now again about the Lawfulness of Ceremonies : but not a word touching the Vnlawfulness of the War. For shame , for shame , Gentlemen ; That very point betrays you . It looks as if you would have the people still believe the Cause was good , and that upon the same presumption of an Imaginary Superstition , they may tread over the same Steps again . Tell them how ill they did to fight against the King : ( if you believe 't was ill done ) press their Repentance and bewayl Publiquely your own Engagements in that sinful Quarrel : You betray otherwise the Souls ye plead for , into a final hardness , — into an Obstinate , and Impenitent Security . This is so undeniably your Duty , ( unless you still adhere to your first Cause , ) that there 's no Shifting : so that the Tryal of your Integrity depends upon this Issue : If you be truly Loyal , and Repentant , where-ever you have Preach'd disobedience , you will Recant it : however your Confession must be as Publique as your Sin. Without This cleerness all your Talk of Conscience weighs not a Nut-shell . Only betake your selves to your own Pastoral Discipline ; And there I leave ye . Your humble Servant , Roger L' Estrange . AN ADVERTISEMENT . I Have been of late sollicited by divers Persons to hold my hand : but finding no cause for 't , either in my Thoughts , or Papers , I went on , finishing what I here Publish . This morning , and just upon the perfecting of my Book , I receiv'd notice of a scandalous Report about the Court , and which ( they say ) has reach'd his Majesty's ear , That I am printing of a General List , of all those Persons now in Imployment , which formerly bare Arms or Office against the King. Who ever speaks this as upon knowledge , tells a thing false and foul . I am not such an Ass , as not to understand the mischievous Imprudence of it : nor such a Knave , as to engage in what I judge so gross , and so unlawful . But since the malice of mine enemies wants matter , for the least colour of an Accusation , I must be crush'd by Calumny , and once again condemn'd unheard ; now ( in pretence ) for dishonoring the King , as I was formerly for serving him . 'T is possible by some of the same persons too : for I 'm surè , no man that is Loyal , will pretend I 'm a Rebel . But there 's no smoak ( they say ) without some fire . The ground of this Report I may imagine ; onely a little amplifi'd it is by the benevolence of the courteous Understander . These are my words . We are with reverence to believe , that where he ( the King ) knows the Person he Prefers , or Saves , he knows likewise the Reason of his Bounty or Mercy ; and we are not to pry into forbidden secrets . As to the Rest , I think a private List presented to his Majesty , were a Good and a Loyal piece of service : as ( 't is , and ever was my judgment ) it were the contrary to make it publick , for that were to invade an Act of Parliament , to assault the Party . Whereas the other is ( as I understand it ) onely a dutiful and modest office toward his Majesty . General Rules have their Exceptions ; and beyond doubt , Particulars there are , whom they that plac'd them there , would not his Majesty should take notice of . Neither do I presume to blame even Those , but I propose to shew them . If Services of this Quality be rendred dangerous , 't is onely for those people that are weary of their Lives , to be Honest ; and I 'l content my self still to be one of them . One Note , and I have done . My Crime is not the raking into pardon'd Actions , but for exposing Relapsers , and discovering new Combinations . Novemb. 14. 1661. THE RELAPS'D APOSTATE . THE INTRODUCTION . THere is newly come forth a Godly Libell , to the TUNE of — When JOCKY first the War began — IT IS ENTITULED , A PETITION for PEACE with the Reformation of the LITURGY , &c. — SOme Thousands of these Fire-balls , are already thrown among the Common People by the Reformado Presbyters , and 't is their way ; First to Preach , the Rabble to Gunpowder ; and then scatter their Squibs among them . There is neither Author , Stationer , nor Printer , that appears to the Pamphlet : but the Design is Peace and Reformation ; and That 's the Reason they 're asham'd to own it . If my Intelligence deceives me not ; this same Schismatical piece of Holynesse , was delivered to the Presse by one Mr. Baxter , or by his Order . Ibbitson in Smithfield was the Printer . ( The Levelling Ibbitson I suppose ; he that Printed the Adjutators Proposals , I mean , and The PETITION TO THE ARMY AGAINST THE MAIOR AND ALDERMEN in October 1647. ) I am told too that R. W. has a Finger in the Pye ; — Brittanicus his old Friend ; — he that hunts in Couples with Tyton . These good Folks have Printed Treason so long , that they think now they do the King a Kindnesse , to stop at Sedition . Indeed 't is pitty their old Imprimatur-man was so unluckily call'd aside by a Good Office into Ireland ; we should have had the Toy stamp'd else with Priviledge . My Information tells me further ; that the Bauble was Barrell'd up , for fear of Venting , and so sent several ways ; which being perform'd with much Secresie and Dispatch , does but bespeak a general Tumult , and prepossess the Nation against better Reason . Crine Ruber , Niger Ore , Brevis Pede , Lumine Luscus : Rem magnam praestas , Zo●le , si bonus es . Go thy wayes Prester John , never bad of the Marque ; Four White Feet , a Wall-Eye , and sound neither Wind nor Limb ; thou' rt right I 'll warrant thee . Here 's first ; an unauthoriz'd Form of Worship : compos'd , Printed , Publish'd , and Dispers'd by private persons ; which at first dash affronts the Prerogative Royal , and the Establish'd Government . Observe next ; that 't is done by Stealth : no Name to 't : which gives a shrewd Suspicion of Ill-meaning ▪ when they that best knew what it meant , thought it not safe to own it . Look in the Third place to the Promoters of it ; and I divine , you 'll scarce find any man a Stickler in this Office , that has not been an Enemy to the King. Fourthly , take notice , that though the Book addresses to the Bishops , from Them of all the rest , 't is with most care conceal'd ; but on the Other side : The Copies flye in Swarms about the Nation : that is , where they may do most Mischief ; however kept from them , to whom they seemingly apply for Satisfaction . Is this fair Play my Masters ? See now the Timing of it : upon the just Nick , when the Bishops are consulting a Christian , General , and Friendly Accommodation : and That 's the Event they Dread ; DOMINION or CONFUSION ; — being their Motto . Did ever Presbyters set footing any where , and Blood or Slavery not go along with it ? This Comfort yet attends the Broyls they cause ; The WARR'S a less Plague then the GOVERNMENT . Once more ; who knows but they have chose this Juncture , for some yet more malicious ends ? They have not stickled to make Parties ; — held their Consults and Conventicles : — Printed and Preach'd Sedition all this while only for Exercise or Pleasure . Do they not now expect to reap the fruits of their Disloyal Labours ? The Parliaments adjourn'd , and in this Interval , 't is beyond doubt they think to do their Businesse : what can be else the drift of this their Challenging Petition ; and at this most unseasonable Instant ; but to precipitate a Breach , and disappoint the General hopes of their next Meeting ? Nothing more common with the Faction , then to discourse what wonders the next Parliament will do : and hint the Approching end of This. Unthankful Creatures ! have they so soon forgot , who sav'd them ? Their Mushrome-Honesty , has in a night forsooth shot it self up from Hell to Heaven . 'T is a wide step , from Sacriledge , to strict Holyness : — from Robbing the Material Church , to the advancing of the Mystical : — from a Lawless , Merciless oppression of Gods Ministers ; — to a true pity towards his Servants . In fine ; 't is a huge leap , from the Dross of Humanity , to the Perfection of Angels ; yet in the case before us , there 's but a Thought , a Moment ; but an Imaginary Line that seems to part them . 'T was the Kings Fiat that strook Light out of Darkness , and made them pass for what they should be ; His Majesties Command , that drew the Curtain betwixt the World , and their Transgressions ; and betwixt Life and Death . They are not yet at Ease ; they have their Heads again to make new Stakes with : and we have another King to lose , if they can catch him as they did his Father . Just Thus began the Late Rebellion ; and if good order be not taken with these Relaps'd Apostates , just Here begins another . Nor is it only the same Method and Design ; but it will soon appear , that the same persons are now in again , whining and Snivelling for Religion , ( as they did ever ) only to Cheat the Multitude , and to engage a Faction . They have now dispers'd this Pamphlet all over England ; as I am fairly assur'd . But why to the People first ? Unless they intend to make use of them ? and what use can they make , but Violence ? This is to say , that if the Bishops will not do them Reason , the People shall . Next ; Why so many ? but to beget a thorough-disaffection to the Establish'd Liturgy ? In short ; What is all This , but to cry Fire , or Murther to the Nation ; When they themselves are the Aggressours ; and 't is a Flame of their own kindling ? Truly these are Symptomes ( as the Country Fellow said ) of an Apostacy ; We 'll come a little nearer now , and feel their Pulse . By your Leave , Gentlemen of the REFORMATION . What , Sir John B — too ? Your most humble Servant Sir , Pray'e while I think on 't let me ask you a Modest Question or two ; ( with favour of your Friends here . ) Can you tell me Whether old Olivers Physicians or his Intelligencers , had the better Trade on 't ? Or do you know who it was that was so monstrous Earnest to have had me to Bridewell for my CAVEAT ? Some say , he 's a Physician ( but I hear no Body say so that knows him ) and that 't was only a cast of his Profession , to advise Breathing of a Vein with a Dog-whip . ( for betwixt Friends some of the new-modell'd Gimcracks take Mee for Mad. ) Others again will have him to be a Justice , and that he would have had me Lash'd upon the STATVTE . I am the rather inclin'd to believe This , because I 'm told that He , and Barkstead , ( late of the Tower ) were formerly Fellow-Servants , and conferr'd Notes . Now this same Barkstead laid that very Law to me : He told me that I was a Fidler , and that a Fidler was a Rogue by the Statute . Some will needs fasten it upon one , that would have made the PRESBYTERY of Pauls Covent-Garden , INDEPENDENT : and that he took an Edge they say , because of a Jerk I gave to a certain Friend of his ; who upon Richard's comming toward the Crown ; PRAY'D devoutly that the Scepter might not depart from the Family . In fine ; the thing is done , and QVI WHIPP AT , WHIPP ABITVR . — melius non tangere clamo ; Flebit , & insignis totâ cantabitur urbe . Good-morrow Knight : and Now to my Divines . HEark ye Gentlemen ; betwixt Jeast and Earnest , I have a way of Fooling , will go near to put your Gravities out of Countenance : and yet I know , you are a little Joco-serious too you selves ; but in another way . — Do not you Jeast sometimes , when ye professe to love the King ? now that 's our Earnest : — but then you 're monstrous Earnest , when y' are discover'd that you do not ; and there 's our sport . Your very way of Argument , and Reasoning , is but a kind of Cross Purposes . — 'T was ask'd me — Can any man be sav'd without Repentance ? and 't was Answer'd — Clap him up . Are not ( in good time be it spoken ) your very Vows , and Covenants , arrant Riddles ? The War was rais'd and prosecuted ; the King and his Adherents , Ruin'd ; by Virtue of your Covenant ; Ye sware to Act according to that Covenant ; and yet ye knew not what it meant . For , when the Holy War was finish'd , did not you fall together by the Ears , among your selves , about the meaning of it ? To save his Majesty , ( you 'll say ) from Covenant-Breakers . Agreed : so that it seems , According to the Covenant , the King might have been shot , but not beheaded ; or otherwise ; 't was lawful to shoot at him ; but not so to Hit him . But your poor Covenant's dead and gone ; e'en let it Rest. Yet tell me ( by the Oath ye have taken ) have ye not still a Kindness for 't ! Methinks , ( in a plain phrase ) ye look as if ye lov'd the very Ground it went upon . Your ways , your words , your Actions — All Smells of the SOLEMN — still : yes , and ( with Reverence ) your New Liturgy it self , is down-right Directorian . 'T would make one smile , ( if 't were good manners to make merry with your Grievances ) to see how the poor harmless miserable Aequivoc — is lugg'd by head and ears into your Sermons , and Discourses ; the very sound Delights you still . But that 's not all . The often mention of the word COVENANT , bespeaks a Note ; and by that double meaning , moves the People : so that the Good old Cause , is still carry'd on , under protection of an Amphibology . Now , if you please Gentlemen , we 'll cloze upon the Question , and begin with your Title . A PETITION for PEACE with the REFORMATION of the LITURGY , As it was Presented to the Right Reverend BISHOPS . By The DIVINES , appointed by His Majesties COMMISSION to treat with them about the ALTERATION of it . NOTE . I. VVE have here ( as Bishop Hall says of SMECTYMNUUS ) a Plural adversary : and in good Deed , 't was more then one mans Businesse , to do a thing so excellently amisse . No Name , no License ; and yet the matter in Debate , no less then the two Grand concerns of Humane Nature , PEACE , and SALVATION : Done by Divines too ; Dedicate to Bishops ; the Kings Commission mention'd in 't . Methinks a work of this Pretense should not have crept into the World so like a Libell ; especially considering the Nature of the Proposition : ( Change of Church-Government ; for 't is no lesse ) and the distemper'd humour of the People . This secret manner of under-feeling the Multitude , does not in any wise comport with the Design and Dignity of a fair Reformation . Truly , 't is Ill , at best ; but it may well be worse yet . Put case , that some of the prime Sticklers against Episcopacy , in 1641. should prove now of the Quorum in this Enterprize : Some that at first only press'd Moderation ; Relief for tender Consciences ; — a REFORMATION ; ( just as at present ) and yet at Last , proceeded to an unpresidented Extremity : Root and Branch : ( nothing less would satisfie them : — King , Bishops ; all went down . ) Say Gentlemen Commissioners , may not a Christian without breach of Charity , suspect a Second Part to the same Tune , from such Reformers ? Answer me not , but with your Legs , unless it be otherwise . Is This your Gospell-work to provoke Subjects against their Soveraign ? Call you This , Beating down of Popery and Prophannesse ? to scatter your Schismatical and Seditious Models among the People ; and after all the Plagues you have brought already upon this Kingdome , by your Scotch Combination , to invite the multitude once more , to prostitute themselves ; and Worship , before the Golden Calfe of your Presbytery . Come leave your Jocky-tricks , your Religious Wranglings , about the thing ye least consider , Conscience . Leave your streyning at Gnats , and swallowing of Camels : — your Blew-cap Divinity of subjecting Publique and venerable Laws , to private and Factious Constitutions . I speak this with great Reverence to all Sober Divines , in which Number my Charity can hardly comprize the Publishers , and Dispersers of the Pamphlet in Question . A PETITION for PEACE . To the Most Reverend ARCHBISHOP and Bishops , and the Reverend their Assistants , Commission'd by His Majesty , to Treat about the Alteration of the Book of COMMON-PRAYER . The Humble , and Earnest Petition of Others in the same Commission , &c. NOTE . II. HAd Zimri Peace that slew his Master ? What Peace can they expect from Others , that are at War within themselves ; whose very Thoughts are Whips ; and their own Consciences their own Tormentors ? Is Treason , Blood , and Sacriledge , so Light , and yet the Common-Prayer-Book , or a blameless Ceremony , a Burthen so Intolerable ? Those People that Engag'd against the King in the late War , should do exceeding well to look into Themselves , ere they meddle with the Publick , and take a strict Accompt of their own sins , before they enter upon the Failings of Others . As 't is their duty , to begin at home , so 't is our Part , not to trust any man that does not : for beyond doubt , 't is Vanity , or worse , that governs these unequal Consciences , that are so Quick and tender for Trifles ; so dead , and so unfeeling in weightier matters . But all this while , why a Petition for PEACE ? where 's the Danger ? what 's the Quarrel ? The Law stands still , my Masters ; You come up to 't , and then complain of Violence . Again : you Pray to them , for whom you utterly refuse to Pray ; the Bishops . But let that pass ; Peace is the thing ye would be thought to aim at ; which , as you labour to perswade the World , depends upon complying with your Alterations of the Common-Prayer . That is we are to look for War or Peace , in measure as your Propositions are deny'd , or granted . Is it not That you mean ? But with your Legs , Good Gentlemen , unless , it be otherwise . ] This ( as I take it ) is to Command , not Treat : and to deal freely , your Petitions are commonly a little too Imperious . Here 's in a word the sum of All. You have transform'd the Common Prayer , and ye would have it ratify'd . You make your Demands , ye give your Reasons : and when all fails , ye throw your Papers up and down the Nation , to shew the silly little People , what doubty Champions they have ; — to irritate the Rif-raff against Bishops ; and to proclaim your selves the Advocates of Jesus Christ. Now do I promise my self quite to undo all that you have done : to prove from your own Form of Worship that the design of it is arrantly Factious ; ( 't is a course word ) and an Encrochment upon the Kings Authority : that your Demands want Modesty , your Reasons , weight . This I shall likewise shew ; and that your scatter'd Copies are a most disingenuous , and unseemly Practice . I shall go near to unbait all your Hooks too ; lay open all your Carnal Plots upon the Gospel ; and in fine ; Place an Antidote , wherever you have cast your Poyson . I give my Thoughts their Native Liberty ; which is no more then Modest , toward those that are now laps'd into a Second Apostacy : and for the Rest , let me declare here , once for all , A Convert is to me as my own Brother . We 'll see now what it is you plead for ; and Then ( in Order ) to your Argument : the Right and Reason of your Asking . Ye Demand , Reformation in Discipline ; and Freedome from Subscription , Oaths , and Ceremonies : — The Restoring of able faithful Ministers without pressing Reordination . Ye have taken a large Field to Cavil in : See now what 't is you call a Reformation . The REFORMATION of the LITURGY OR The Ordinary PUBLICK WORSHIP on the LORDS-DAY . ( Page . 25. ) NOTE . III. OUr Liturgy was very much to blame sure : Seventy Six Quarto-Pages to reform it ? Pray'e Gentlemen , since y' are so Liberal of your Labours , do but once blesse the World with a Presbyterian Dictionary , that we may be the better for them . It would be an Excellent means I can assure ye , to beget a right understanding betwixt the King and his People ▪ Alas ! how Ignorant were We , that all this while took Reformation only for Amendment ; a Pruning perhaps of some Luxuriances , and setting things Right , that were out of Order . But now we stand Corrected , and perceive that to reform is to destroy . Was not Church-Government REFORM'D ? yes , by an Act of ABOLITION . Was not the Kings Power REFORM'D too ? yes , by a Seisure of his Regalities and of his Sacred Person . At this rate , is our Liturgy REFORM'D : that is , 't is totally thrown out ; and a wild Rhapsody of Incoherences , supplies the place of it . Note here Good People of the Land , that Presbyterian REFORMATION signifies ABOLITION . By the same Irony they made YOV FREE , and HAPPY ; the King A GLORIOUS PRINCE : advanc'd the GOSPEL . — When of all Slaves you know ye were the cheapest , and the most Ridiculous : Your Lives and Fortunes hanging upon the Lips of Varlets ; — Your Consciences tenter'd up to the Covenant , and every Pulpit was but a Religious Mous-trap . In short , remember , that Presbytery , and Rebellion , had the same Authority , and that those Prodigies of seeming Holyness , your Kirkify'd Reformers ; those Reverend Cannibals , that made such Conscience of a CEREMONY , made none of BLOUD-SHED . This is not yet , to prejudge Tenderness ; and to conclude all Forwardness of Zeal to be Hypocrisie . Let it rest here ; we have from Truth it self , that Liberty may cloke Maliciousness ; we have it likewise from experience ; for we our selves have been Betray'd by most malicious Libertines . The Question is but now how to discern the Real , from the Counterfeit : and That , so far as may concern the Plat-form here before us , shall be my business . By the Reformers Leave , we 'll shortly , plainly , and sincerely examine the matter . They pretend in the Front of this Pamphlet , to exhibite to the World , A REFORMATION of the Liturgy , but upon search , we find just nothing at all of it : only a Pragmatical and Talking thing of their own ; in stead of a most pertinent and solemn service . That 's Fraud ; Score One , Good People . Next , they confess themselves authorized to treat [ only ] about the ALTERATION of it : to propose This for That perhaps , one Clause or Passage for another : but barely to discourse , or offer at the total ABROGATION of the old form , is to assume a Power we do not find in their Commission . This is another Presbyterianism . Reckon Two. Thirdly ; they were to Treat ; They did so ; and the debate prov'd Fruitless : Where lyes the Fault I pray'e ? Do but observe a little . His Majesty , out of a Gracious Inclination to gratifie all persons whatsoever , of truly-Conscientious , and tender Principles : appoints a Consult of Episcopal , and Presbyterian Divines to advise jointly upon some general expedient ; whereby to satisfie all reasonable Parties , ( saving the Glory of God ; the Good of the Church ; his own Royal Dignity ; the Peace , and welfare of his People . ) What they insisted on , ye see under their own hands ; and that the Change of Government , was That they aim'd at , not ( as they would perswade the World ) relief of Conscience . That day wherein this Proposition should be granted , would ( I much fear ) prove but the Eve to the Destruction of this Nation . I am no Prophet , but my kind Friends , the Presbyterians before they have done , I think will make me pass for one . They make good every Syllable I promis'd for them , in my Holy Cheat : and if the Duke of Ormond would forgive me , I should presume to mind his Grace , of a Paper , which ( now more then a Twelve-month since ) was left at Kensinton for his Lordship ; although not known from WHOM , to this Instant . We are to Marque here a Third Property of this Faction . They propose things unreasonable , unnecessary , and dangerous : More then they ought to ask , as to themselves : — more then the People can be suppos'd to want ; on whose behalf they seem to Beg — more then the King can Grant , with Safety to his Majesty . When they 'r repuls'd , how sad a Tale they tell , of the hard usage of Gods People ! This is done in a Sermon , or Petition . — Let them alone thus far , and once within a fortnight , you may expect a Remonstrance , a state of the Case ; — or some such business . That 's dangerous ; for 't is ten to one , That Presbyterian Legend will have some Cutting Truths in 't . ( no Government being absolutely faultless ) The Vulgar , thinking it as easie to avoid Errors , as to discover them ; and finding some Truths in the mixture , swallow down all the Rest , for Company , ( and for Gospel . ) The next News , possibly may be the Storming of White-hall , or the Two Houses with a Petition against Bishops . ☞ When once Authority comes to be Bayted by the Rabble , your Judgement is at hand . Bethink your selves in time , my Masters ; reason the matter with your selves a little , what can these ministers propose by this Appeal from the Supreme Authority , to the People ; but to extort by Mutiny , and Tumult , what they cannot prevail for by Argument ? You are not ( first ) the Judges of the Case : so that in That Regard , 't is an Impertinence . Nor are you vers'd , ( I speak to the Common sort ) Instructed in the Controversie . Your businesse lyes not in the Revelation , nor among general Counsells . Alas ! your own souls know , you do not understand the very Terms of the Dispute , much less the Springs , and Reasons of it . Yet see ; you are the men , these Gentlemen are pleas'd to make the Vmpires of the Difference : What are these Applications then , but Trapps , bayted with Ends of Scripture , and Fragments of Religion ; set , to betray your Honest , and well-meaning Weaknesse ? Now ask your selves This Question . Whether did you contract Those Scruples which they charge upon you ; ( if really you have any ) upon the accompt of your own judgement ; or from their Instigation ▪ If upon Their accompt , observe what use this sort of people have ever made of your Beleevings : how Step by Step , they have drawn you on , from a meer Counterfeit of Conscience , to a direct Insensibility and Loss of it . Thus far , we have met with very little , either fair dealing or Moderation from them . But perhaps they 'll say , that less would have contented them . 'T is very right ▪ if manifested to be unmeet . ( Pag. 23. ) but who shall make them see more , then they have a mind to see ? They 'll say perchance too for the Printing of it ; that it was only done to shew the World that they had discharg'd their Duties . Their Duty was discharg'd in the bare Tender to the Bishops ▪ ( that is , admitting such Incumbency upon them ) The work it self , was Supere-rogatory , and afterward , their telling of the People what they had done , was to accuse the Bishops , not to acquit Themselves . Beside ; the huge Impressions ; the close Carriage of it : — In fine , it was not menaged either with an Honourable , or an Evangelical Cleerness . Further ; the Title makes the matter worst yet . A Petition for PEACE . That is . Take away BISHOPS or provide for another WAR . This will be taken heynously . Who , They take away Bishops ? Why ? 't is no wonder : The Order stands Excommunicate already : they have inserted no particular Prayer for them : and if they should do it now , it is no new thing for them to do . But their grand Plea will be this . They have no design , nor desire , to justl● out the Common-Prayer , but only that Theirs , and That may be Inserted in several Columnes , and the Minister left to his Discretion which to read : [ According to his Majesties Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs . ] Let the Kings Declaration judge betwixt us then . SInce We find ( says His Majesty speaking of the English Liturgy ) some Exceptions made against several things therein , We will appoint an equal number of Learned Divines of both Perswasions , to review the same , and to make such alterations as shall be thought most necessary ; and some Additional Forms ( in the Scripture-Phrase , as near as may be ) suited unto the nature of the several parts of Worship , and that it be left to the Ministers choice to use one or other at his Discretion . In the mean time , and till this be done , although we do heartily wish and desire , that the Ministers in their several Churches , because they dislike some Clauses and Expressions , would not totally lay aside the use of the Book of Common-Prayer , but read the parts against which there can be no Exception ; which would be the best instance of declining those marks of Distinction , which We so much labour and desire to remove ; Yet in Compassion to divers of Our good Subjects ; who scruple the use of it as now it is , Our Will and Pleasure is , that none be punished or troubled for not using it , untill it be reviewed , and effectually Reformed , as aforesaid . His Majesty , in persuance , of this Gracious Indulgence , makes an Appointment to the Intents abovementioned . We 'll see now the proportion , betwixt the Liberty they take , and what the Kings Declaration allows them . They have first form'd to Themselves a Complete Liturgy , after the Presbyterian Mode ; in stead of only altering some passages in the other . Let This be granted them , and They left at Discretion which to follow , we may be sure they 'll read their own . Consider then how they have Nestled Themselves , in the most Populous , and Wealthy places of the Kingdome , both for Convenience of Gain , and Proselytes . Put these together , and what would this Allowance fall short of a Presbyterian Government ? Take notice next , that the Alterations are to be such , as [ by the Divines of both Perswasions ] shall be thought most NECESSARY . This puts a Bar to Slight and Trivial Charges , of meer Humour , and Caprice . But our good friends regard not that , they have chang'd All that is not of Authority unalterable : disdaining in all cases , any Subjection to Episcopal Dominion , and claiming to themselves a Right of Governing all others : Imposing upon the Multitude for Holy Zeal , the troublesome Effects of Pride and Faction . In short ; This Form of Theirs is calculated to the Meridian of the Directory . Hitherto the Kings Concessions , in favour of his Presbyterian People : See now the Dutiful Return they make their Soveraign . We do heartily Wish and Desire ( sayes His Majesty ) that the Ministers would not totally lay aside the use of the Book of Common-Prayer , but Read those Parts against which there can be no Exception , &c. A man would think , nothing but Heaven or Hell , could step betwixt these men , and their Obedience . They are now drawing the first Breath of a new Life ; and their Preserver is their Prince : who to endear the Bounty and the Kindness , Hazzards himself to save them . Here 's Duty , Honour , Justice , Gratitude , nay Interest too , and all that is not Brutish in mans nature , concur to fix , and strengthen the Obligation . Sure it must be some mighty matter , that Subjects under All these Tyes , shall stick at to their Soveraign . Subjects especially of a Religious Dye , ( indeed , not of the Common Clay with other men ) whose words and actions , are all weigh'd in the Ballance of the Sanctuary . Read ( says the King ) those parts against which there can be no Exception . 'T is a short easie Task , either to Read or to Except . But this Will-worship's such a thing ; they are so afraid of Adding or Diminishing . — Away , away , ye Hypocrites , with your double-refin'd-Consciences . We 'll bate ye the Cross in Baptism ; — Kneeling at the Communion : — the Surplice ; — Bowing toward the Holy Table ; — nay Praying for Bishops too ; — any thing in fine ; though never so Authoris'd , which Ignorance it self would not blush to scruple at . We 'll only instance in some Cases , wholly incapable of any Conscientious Competition . Why not WEDDED Wife — and Husband , as well as MARRIED ? ] Pag. 69. Why not DOEST thou Believe , as well as [ DO YOU believe ? ] and All this I STEDFASTLY believe , ( according to the Common-Prayer ) is turn'd forsooth into [ All this I do UNFEIGNEDLY believe . ] I will not trouble the Reader with any more of these nauseous Alterations ; Their whole Service is of a Suit , and with much care Diversify'd from Ours , both in the Stile , and order of it . Now , let the Consistory answer for Themselves . I hope they will not say these Changes were matter of Conscience ; unlesse because the King Commanded the Contrary . What was the true ground then of this their Beastly dealing with His Majesty ? Truly no other then the pure nature of the Animal : A Presbyterian does not love a King. We have seen the Earnestness of his Majesties Desires , a word now to the Drift and reason of them : from whence , flows the cleer evidence why they oppos'd them . The King having first pass'd a large Indulgence , in all Cases of Scruple , advises a complyance with the form of the Church in points Indifferent , and without Exception : [ as the best Instance of declining Marques of Distinction ] They , for that very Reason , or a worse , decline it : either out of an Inflexible stiffness , to the Faction ; or a Contumacious desiance of the Authority . Thrust out the Common-Prayer they could not ; Agree with it , they would not : A Prescript Form they saw was necessary ; and That they brought their Stomacks to . But still the Publique Liturgy of the Church had not the luck to please them : Such and such Rites , and Clauses would not down with them . His Majesty , in favour of their pretended Scruples , suspends the Law , gives them their Freedom● : allows them to propose some Medium of Accommodation : demanding only their Agreement in matters liable to no Exception . The Reconciling Terms at last are These . Episcopacy they lay aside : — they totally reject the Common-Prayer : set up a Presbyterian Platform of their own : and This is it , which they have now the Confidence in a blind way to recommend to the Practise of the Nation . Yet so to recommend , as that the thing at last , is nothing less then it appears to be . While they pretend to mend the Common-Prayer , they take it quite away : and that they seem to give us in Exchange , is in Effect just Nothing ; affronting equally the Wisdome of the Nation , with the Authority of it . The Presbyterian Rubrick . NOTE . IV. SEE , now their Rubrick — [ In these or the like Words ] Pag. 25. — Let one of the Creeds be read , — and sometimes Athanasius Creed . ] Pag. 26. Some of these Sentences may be Read ] Pag. 27. — some may be read ] again — a Psalm may be sung ; — a Te Deum , the Benedictus , or Magnificat may be said : ] and Then the Minister is taught how to pray before his Sermon , dismissing at last the Congregation with [ a Benediction in These or the like words ] — In case of a Communion , the Minister may delay the Benediction . ] — A General Prayer in stead of the Letany , and Collects — when the Minister findeth it Convenient . ] — and a Thanks-giving ; with Hymnes , at the Discretion of the Minister . This or the like Explication — ( at Discretion , before the Communion : — This , or the Like Prayer ] — Pag. 51. Let him Bless the Bread and Wine in These or the like Words ] — Pag. 52. Let the Minister be at Liberty to consecrate the Bread and Wine , Together , or otherwise : and whether to use any Words or not , at the Breaking of the Bread , and Pouring out the Wine : and if the Minister choose to Pray but once , let him Pray as followeth , or to this Sense ] — Let it be left to the Ministers Discretion , whether to deliver the Bread and Wine ( at the Table ) only in several ; each one taking it , and applying it to Themselves ; or in General , to so many as are in each particular Form , or to put it into every Persons hand : ] — and let none be forc'd to sit , stand , or kneel . ] — Next ; This , or some such Exhortation ] — Conclude , with This , or the like Blessing . ] — ibid. Let no Minister be forced to Baptise the Child , of open Atheists , Idolaters , or Infidells , nor yet the Child of Parents justly Excommunicate , or living in any notorious , Scandalous Sin. ] — This , or the like Speech , to the Parent or Parents that present the Child . Pag. 59. After the Interrogatories ; — Let the Minister Pray Thus , or to this Sense . ] — After the Child is Baptised ; — This Exhortation or the like — to the Parents ] — and to the People , Thus , or to This Sense . ] I must not pass this office without a Marque how Tyrannous these people are wherever they can hook in any thing , within the Reach of an Ecclesiastick Lash . With what face can these uncharitable Zelotes , call themselves Gods Ministers , and yet dare to Restreyn a benefit , and Dispensation granted by God himself in favour of Mankind ? But hear the Admirable and Divine Hooker upon the Point , and then I 'll forward . Were not Proselytes , as well as Jews always taken for the Sons of Abraham ? ] and again — [ In case the Church do bring Children to the Holy Font — whose natural Parents are either unknown or known to be such as the Church accurseth , but yet forgetteth not in that Severity to take compassion upon their off-spring ( for it is the Church which doth offer them to Baptisme by the Ministry of Presenters ) were it not against both Equity and Duty to refuse the Mother of Believers her self , and not to take her in this case for a faithful Parent ? It is not the virtue of our Fathers , nor the faith of any other that can give us the true Holyness which we have by virtue of our new Birth . Yet even through the common faith and Spirit of Gods Church ( a thing which no quality of Parents can prejudice ) I say through the Faith of the Church of God undertaking the motherly care of our Souls , so far forth we may be , and are in our Infancy sanctified as to be thereby made sufficiently capable of Baptisme , and to be interessed in the Rites of our new Birth , for their Pieties Sake that offer us thereunto . ] In Matrimony the Minister may talk his Pleasure concerning the Institution , &c. — of Marriage ; — and Bury the Dead as he pleases . Vpon the receipt of great , and Extraordinary mercies , the Church , having opportunity , ( that is , if the King be at Oxford ) is to assemble for Publick Thanksgiving unto God , and the Minister to ] — ( do — no matter what ; nor for the Kings Authority in the Case . ) Further ; Though it be not unlawful , or un-meet , to keep Anniversary Commemmoration , by Festivals , of some great and notable mercies to the Church or State ( as for the Root and Branching of Episcopacy , some great Victory over the King ; or the like ) Yet because the Church-Festivals are much abused , and many sober Godly Ministers , and others unsatisfy'd in the Observation of them as Holy Dayes : Let not the Religious observation of them by publick Worship be forc'd upon any , &c. ] Oh , have a care ; 't is Lawful to Kill and Steal upon the Lords Day , but not to serve God Publickly upon a Saints Day . These Following Prayers , or the like ] for the Sick. In their Thanksgiving for Deliverance in Child-bearing . Thus , If the Woman be such as the Church hath cause to Judge ☜ Vngodly , ( and a small matter will make the Kirk judge so ) Then , the Thanksgiving must be in words more agreeable to her Condition ; if any be used ] — This is , in English ; either no Thanks at all ; or else to Publish the Mother a Whore , and the Child a Bastard . Methinks the Holy Sisters should not like this kind of Fooling ; but in some cases the Reverend will wink at small Faults . Of Pastoral Discipline . NOTE . V. THeir Forms of Pastoral Discipline follow ; which may be varied , as the Variety of Cases do require . Never such Engrossers of Liberty to Themselves , and such Niggards of it to others ; and yet they advise that Ministers may CONSENT to give accompt when they are accused of Male-administration . ] ( But what if they will not consent to give Accompt ? ) If any by notorious persidiousness , or frequent COVENANT-BREAKING have forfeited , &c. — ] Marque how they hang upon the Haunt . This Covenant-breaking , signifies one thing to the Law , and another thing to the People . In the Penitents confession , before the Congregation ; The Sin must be named and aggravated , when by the Pastor it is judg'd Requisite . ] Pag. 85. As for Instance ; if any man has been a Traytour , a Schismatique , an Oppressour , a Murtherer , a Hypocrite , or a Perjur'd Person . Let him say , — I have fought against the King : or I have Preach'd against his Authority , and Provoked Tumults against his Person : Behold , I am a Traytour . I have renounc'd my Mother the Church , and Preach'd others into Schisme and Separation : — I have destroy'd the Apostolical order of Bishops , and countenanc'd all my wild extravagancies with Forms of Religion : — Lo , I am a Schismatique . I have Impos'd upon mens Consciences , unlawful Oaths , and Covenants : Enslav'd my Fellow-Subjects , Robb'd , and Imprison'd my Sovereign ; Enter'd upon the Ministry without a Call , and thrust out Lawful Ministers from their Livings ; Scatter'd their miserable Families , and snatch'd the Bread out of the Mouths of the Widow and Fatherless . Behold , I am an Oppressour . I have Embru'd my hands in the Blood of the King , and of his Friends : bless'd God the more , for the more mischief , Father'd the Rebellion , and Bloudshed upon the Holy Ghost . See here a Murtherer . I have led and encourag'd men against his Majesty , under Pretence to save him : — Subverted the Law ; under pretext of defending it : — made the People Slaves under Colour of Setting them at Liberty , erased the Order of Episcopacy , under the notion of accusing the Persons that exercised it : and stripp'd his Majesty of his best Friends , under colour of removing Evil Counsellours . I have call'd those Ministers Scandalous , that had good Livings : — Those men Delinquents , that had good Estates ; — and those People Jesuits , that had either wit or Conscience . I have belyed the Holy Spirit in pretending Revelations ; and I have covered my Ambitious , Bloudy , Covetous , and Factious Purposes , under a Cloke of Holiness . I have stumbled at a Ceremony , and leap'd over the Seven deadly Sins . Lord I am an Hypocrite . I have renounc'd my Oath of Allegiance , and that of Canonical obedience : and taken other Oathes , and broken Them too , and multiply'd my Perjuries . I swore to defend the late King , and I have destroy'd him : and I have now sworn to the Son , with an Intent to serve him as I did his Father . I am a Perjur'd Wretch . In Truth , This Pastoral Discipline , put duly in Practise by the Composers of it , would be of Singular benefit and of great Satisfaction to the Nation . This Discipline is follow'd with a Letany , and That with a Thansgiving , both at Discretion . Observe now what a Mockery is this Pretense to a Prescript Form : and do but think how irreligious a Confusion would certainly ensue upon a Publique Sufferance of these peevish Liberties ( for doubtless such they are . ) They have thrown out , what they undertook to mend , and the new Service they have introduced , is left Arbitrary , and values norhing ; or at the best , 't is but an Execution of the Directory . As the Contrivance of it is a Jewd design upon the Publick Government , so is the Printing of it , a Practice no less foul upon the Publick Peace . The Instruments employ'd in 't , were the Last Kings Base , and bitter Enemies ; and the prime Agents in This Enterprize were grand Confederates in the late Rebellion . These are ill Signs my Masters . Truly , among matters that arrive frequently , I wonder at nothing more , then that ever a Presbyterian Faction deceiv'd any man Twice , for of All Parties that ever divided from Truth , and Honesty , I take them for a People , the most easily distinguishable from other men , and Trac'd to their Ends. Their first work is still to find out the Faults of Rulers , and the Grievances of the People ; which they proclaim , immediately ; but with great Shews of Respect toward the One , and of Innocent Tendernesse for the Other . The Offending Persons , ye may be sure are Bishops , where the Episcopal Order is in Exercise : But where they have thrown it out , and introduc'd themselves ; ye hear no more news of Ecclesiastical Errors , but of Church-censures in abundance . The Civil Magistrate is then to blame , — and never will these People rest , till they have grasp'd all . In Fine — Where you find a Private Minister inveighing against the Orders of the Church : — bewailing the Calamities of a Nation under Oppression : — Preaching up Conscience AGAINST Authority ; and stating in the Pulpit , the Legal Bounds of King and People : — A Boaster of himself , and a Despiser of his Brethren : — a Long-winded Exhorter to the Advancement of Christs Temporal Kingdome ; and a Perpetual Singer of the Lamentation : — A Cryer up of Schisme , for Conscience , Faction for Gospell , and Disobedience to Temporal Magistrates , for Christian Liberty : — where ye find such a man , — Stop him ; he 's of the Tribe of ADONIRAM . To conclude ; they have All , the same Design ; Dominion ; — and the same course they take to compass it ; — by stirring up a Godly Faction . And now in good time ; — Omnibus in Christo Fidelibus — Salutem , &c. — Marque but the Gravity of the Men ; and truly but that they have fool'd us formerly in the same way , a man would think they were in Earnest . Most Reverend Fathers , and Reverend Brethren . THe special Providence of God , and his Majesties tender regard of the Peace and Consciences of his Subjects , and his desire of their Concord in the things of God , hath put into our hands this opportunity of speaking to you as humble Petitioners , as well as Commissioners , on the behalf of these yet troubled and unhealed Churches , and of many thousand Souls that are dear to Christ ; on whose behalf we are pressed in Spirit in the sense of our Duty , most earnestly to beseech you , as you tender the Peace and Prosperity of these Churches , the comfort of His Majesty in the union of His Subjects , and the Peace of your Souls in the great Day of your Accounts , that laying by all former and present exasperating and alienating differences , you will not now deny us your Consent and Assistance to those means , that shall be proved honest and cheap , and needful to those great Desireable ends , for which we all profess to have our Offices , and our Lives . NOTE . VI. VVE have here a Healing , and a Glorious Preface . Persons Commission'd by God , and the King , to the great work of Peace and Vnion . Intent upon their Duties , and only craving the Bishops Assent to matters of evident Reason and Necessity . What now if all these big Pretences fall to nothing : and they Themselves at last prove the Obstructours of what they seem so eagerly to Promote ? They Petition the Bishops to move His Majesty on their behalf ; for the Confirmation of their Grants in his Royal Declaration : The Liberty of the Reformed Liturgy . The Restoring of able and Faithful Ministers ▪ and the Ejection of the Scandalous — ] — and these Proposals are here back'd with Twenty Reasons ; which we 'll take one by one ; and briefly as we can , make evident ; that what they call Religion is meer Faction ; — a Project by subverting the establish'd Government , to advance themselves : — That if their Modell were allowable , The Persons yet that stickl● , have the least title of all others to the advantage of it . In fine ; Their Appeal , is Tumultuary ; and their present Design ( should it succeed ) as certainly destructive to His Majesty now Living ; as the Last was to His Most CONSCIENCIOUSLY-MURTHER'D Father . The Divines REASONS FOR Their REQUESTS . [ A ] YOu ( the Bishops ) are Pastors of the Flock of Christ , who are bound to feed them , and to Preach in season , and out of Season : and to be Laborious in the Word , and Doctrine ; but are not bound to hinder all others from this blessed work , that dare not use a Cross , or Surplice , or Worship God in a form , which they judge disorderly , defective , or Corrupt , when they have better to offer him . ( Mal. 1.13 , 14. ) Is it not for matter and Phrase at least as agreeable to the holy Scriptures ? If so , we beseech you suffer us to use it , who seek nothing by it , but to Worship God as nere as we can , according to his Will who is Jealous in the matters of his Worship . [ B ] — He that thrice charg'd Peter as he lov'd him to feed his Lambs , and Sheep , did never think of charging him to deny them food , or turn them out of his Fold , or forbid all others to feed them ; unless they could digest such Forms , and Ceremonies , and Subscriptions as ours . ] NOTE . VII . [ A ] THese Presbyters are so mindful of the Bishops Duties , that they forget their own . Suppose them not bound to hinder all Non-Conformists , are they therefore bound to admit all ? Some dare not use a Surplice , others will not . Who shall distinguish now betwixt a Case of Schisme , and Conscience ? Not the Recusant surely : for that opinion were an in-let to all Heresies and Schisms , without Controle . Will any man confess himself an Heretique ? Allow the Bishop to be Judge ; his Duty leads him questionless , to proceed with Lenity or Rigour , according as he finds the Party , weak , or wilful . It seems they do not like the Form of the Church : — nor the Church Theirs ; where lyes the Authority betwixt them ? But theirs is more perhaps in Scripture-Phrase : — and lesse in Scripture-meaning . 'T is not the Crying Lord , Lord : — nor the Crowding of so many Texts hand over head into a Prayer , that makes our Service acceptable : But the due , genuine , and fervent application , and conformity of our Words , Thoughts , and Actions to Gods Revealed Will. I speak with Reverence to those blessed Oracles ; which in themselves however accommodate to our Relief and Comfort , may yet by our abuse , be render'd Mischievous : They are the Dictates of the God of Order , and hold no Fellowship with Confusion . [ B ] Touching our Saviours Charge to St. Peter : it was a Charge to Him ; to Feed his Sheep ; no warrant to the Sheep to be their own Carvers . It was his Office too , to reclaim Straglers , and keep within his Fold , such as he found inclin'd to wander after strange Shepheards . He was the Judge too of the Food that best befitted them ; and if at any time he saw them hanckering after new Walks and Pastures ; It was his Part to overwatch their Appetites ; they might perchance take poysonous Plants for wholsome else ; and reject better nourishment : Blaming the Meat for the Disorders of the Stomach . Again : Our Saviours Sheep know the True Shepheard , hear his Voyce , and follow him . ] But here the Shepheard follows Them : They run their way , and neither own , nor hear him . He offers them to eat ; They 'll none , and then they cry they are starv'd ; some few Starters leap the Pale ( of their own accord ) and then forsooth the Flock , must follow , or they complain they are turn'd out of the Fold . They proceed now to a bold Challenge , touching the Quality of their ejected Ministers . THere are few Nations under the Heavens of God , as far as we can learn , that have more able , holy , faithful , laborious and truly peaceable Preachers of the Gospel ( proportionably ) than those are that are now cast out in England , and are like in England , Scotland , and Ireland , to be cast out , if the old Conformity be urged . This witness is true , which in Judgement we bear , and must record against all the Reproches of uncharitableness , which the Justifier of the Righteous at his day will effectually confute . We therefore beseech you that when thousands of Souls are ready to famish for want of the Bread of Life , and thousands more are grieved for the Ejection of their faithful Guides , the Labourers may not be kept out , upon the account of such Forms or Ceremonies , or Re-ordination ; at least till you have enow as fit as they to supply their places , and then we shall never petition you for them more . NOTE . VIII . I Would not Lash all Presbyterian Divines for the Faults of Some : but as to Those now under Question , I doubt 't would pose the Cynique with his Lanthorn , to find a Saint among them . Observe the Clamour , and the Alarum ; — Those that are now cast out ; — and like to be . ] ( as who should say : the times are Ill God wot , already , and likely to be worse ) what a Buzze is here , with a Sting in the Tayle of it ? Nay , and take this along with ye , that these outcast Divines , are persons Eminent for Learning , Life , and Doctrine : If This be true ; what can be more enflaming , against the Government , then to Proclaim it ; If False ; what can be fouler against the Authors of the Scandal . Their Character is this . They are Able , Holy , Faithful , Laborious , and truly - peaceable Preachers of the Word . ] And they are ejected , [ upon the Account of Forms or Ceremonies , or Re-ordination . ] Pag. 2. Concerning their ABILITIES ; they are of the Commune mixture of the World in all unlawful Enterprizes : a few Crafty People , to a great many Simple : — Some to contrive and lead ; others to execute : and This we have upon Experimental Knowledge ; that the Church-faction was carried on by a Cabale in the Late Assembly , as well as the State-faction , by another in the two Houses ; and that they Both communicated still , in order to the common undertaking ; the greater part of them scarce understanding why they were come together . But let their Works bear witness of their great Abilities . Their Famous Letter of Apology and Invitation to the Reformed Churches abroad ; — does it not look as if they meant to satisfie the World , that they had renounc'd Latin as well as Popery ? Nay ; take their Learned Directory it self : — but 't is too much to add their weaknesses to my own . HOLY they are it seems too : I do not think it Honest to expose Particular Persons to a Publick Scorn , but in case of high Necessity ; Wherefore , I shall content my self to ask . If it be Holynesse ; — to Preach up treason ; and Blaspheme in the Pulpit : — to give God thanks for Murther ; and make the Story of the Last Weeks News the next Sundayes exercise : to help out a hard Text with a false Comment ; — To seize by Violence , and Fraud , anothers office , and Living ; — and to refuse the Communion to a Person for refusing the Covenant . All these things have been done , even by the Holy-men we are now speaking of . What they intend by FAITHFUL is not altogether so clear . Not to their Vowes I hope ; for those have been back , and forward ; fast and loose ; They have denounc'd their Anathema's upon both Friends and Enemies of the King ▪ Did they not destroy the Church , under pretense os Reforming it ; and having sworn Canonical obedience renounce Episcopacy ? Have they been faithful to their Friends ? ( I mean , to those of the Independent Judgement . ) Yes certainly , so far as they had need of them . We have not yet forgotten , how they besought God and the King , on the behalf of tender Consciences ; — how they laid forth the sad Estate of many Thousands , ready to famish for want of heavenly food : which delicate , and weak-stomach'd Christians , were forsooth , those Religious Brutes that brav'd his Sacred Majesty in his own Pallace : that forc'd the Votes of the Two Houses : — demolish'd Churches : — yes , and had Thanks too for their good Affections , and the SMECTYMNUANS to plead their Cause . This was great Kindness , but not Lasting . For as the Presbyterian Power encreas'd , and the Kings Lessen'd : ( effected , partly by false play in his Majesties Quarters : and partly by a Potent Combination betwixt the Kirk , and Scotifi'd English ) The Consistorian Party began now to bethink themselves , how fairly to get quit of their old friends the Independents : plainly discovering , that what was CONSCIENCE , while they needed their Assistance , was become downright SCHISME , when they could live without it ; and so That Liberty , which was cry'd up at first for Christian , and necessary , was by Those very Ministers Preach'd down again , as most Intolerable . Yet to conclude ; FAITHFUL they are ; that is : to their first Principles , of Pride : Ambition , and of Infidelity . That they are LABORIOUS Preachers likewise , we shall not much deny , for truly , I think , no men take more pains in a Pulpit then they do : or would more willingly compass Sea and Land to gain a Proselyte . But TRVLY-PEACEABLE ; — I must confess , I take to be an Epithete does not belong to Them. This particular is handled at large , in my Holy Cheat , where I have shew'd their Practises and Positions to be Insociable , and Cruell . Indeed , we need not much torment our Memories for Instances to prove the unquiet humour of these People ; since Hundreds ( I think I might say Thousands ) of their Contentious Sermons , and Discourses , are yet in Being , and in readinesse to testifie against them . Nay , which is worst of all ; their Sourness is Incorrigible : they are no sooner Pardon'd , but they Revolt into a Second Forfeiture . These are the Able , Holy , Faithful , Laborious , and truly Peaceable Peachers of the Gospell ; — that are cast out ; ( as they have worded it ) or must be kept out , because they cannot conform , &c. They Begg , that these may be admitted , or restored , at least till others may be found , as fitting , to supply their Places . ] These Holy men abuse the People : I say , they are not cast out as Non-Conformists , but as Vsurpers of those Benefits they had no Right to . By Violence , they thrust Themselves into other mens Livings ; or else by a Rebellious Power , they were plac'd there . Now , put the case , they would Conform : should That give them a Title to the Continuance of an Ill-got Possession ? Their Petition ( to end withall ) is pleasant . They desire to be In. Themselves , till others , as Fit , may be found ; of whose Fitness , they Themselves intend to be the Judges . AND we beseech you consider , when you should promote the joy and thankfulness of his Majesties Subjects for his happy Restauration , whether it be equal and seasonable to bring upon so many of them , so great Calamities , as the change of able , faithful Ministers , for such as they cannot comfortably commit the conduct of their Souls to , and the depriving them of the Liberty of the publick Worship ; Calamities far greater then the meer loss of all their worldly Substance can amount to : in a day of common Joy , to bring this causlesly on so many of his Majesties Subjects , and to force them to lye down in heart-breaking Sorrows , as being almost as far undone , as Man can do it ; this is not a due requital of the Lord for so great deliverances : Especially considering , that if it were never so certain , that it is the Sin of the Ministers that dare not be Re-ordained , or conform ; it 's hard that so many thousand innocent people should suffer even in their Souls for the faults of others . NOTE . IX . THE Reformers should do very well , to consider , as well the Loss of the late King , as the Restauration of This ; and how much more they contributed to the Former , then to the Latter . 'T is I confess , an Indecorum , to mourn upon a day of Jubile : a deep , and foul Ingratitude , to entertain so General a Blessing , as the Restoring of his Majesty , with a less General Joy. Yet since 't were idle to expect , All Parties should be pleas'd , and evident it is , Some are not ; we 'll first see , Who they are that make these loud Compleynts , and Then , what 't is that troubles them . The Presbyterian Ministers insooth are ill at ease : sick of their old Disease of 41. ( Bishops and Common-Prayer ) They suffer Causlelesly they say ; and in a day of Common Joy they are forc'd to lye down in Heart-breaking Sorrows . Alas now for their Tender Hearts ! What Mirmidon , or hard Dolopian What Savage-minded rude Cyclopian ? &c. — I want a Modest Term to express these Peoples want of Common Honesty . They 're sad they say , when were they other ? but where they ought to have put on Sackcloth ? What were their Mock-fasts , but Religious Cursings of their most Sacred Sovereign ? And their Thanks-giving-feasts , and Sermons ; — were they not Entertainments , and Discourses , of Joy , and Triumph for the Disasters of his Majesty ? No wonder then to see These People out of humour ; at a time when all Loyal Souls are fill'd with Comfort . To suffer , is not yet so much : but Causelesly ; That troubles them : They 'r sorry I perceive that they have given so little Reason for 't . Just in this manner did they Encroch upon his Late Majesty : whom they persu'd and hunted , with their Barking Arguments , up to the very Scaffold ; and There , when they were sure that Words would do no good , they babbled a little , as if they meant to have sav'd him . Once more ; they have been labouring a Faction ever since his Majesties Return ; They Preach , they Print the Old Cause over again ; and manifestly drive the same Design upon The Son , which formerly they executed upon the Father . IF we thought it would not be mis-interpreted , we would here remember you , how great and considerable a part of the three Nations they are , that must either incur these sufferings , or condole them that undergoe them ; and how great a grief it will be to His Majesty to see his grieved Subjects ; and how great a joy it will be to him , to have their hearty thanks and Prayers , and see them Live in Prosperity , Peace and Comfort under his most happy Government . NOTE . X. THis Mustering up of Multitudes , is an old Trick they learn'd from the Committee of Safety ; only a help at a dead Lift ; and truly the Party is more then a little given to This way of Amplification . Surely , he 's much a Stranger to the Temper of This Nation , that does not know the Presbyterians to be very Inconsiderable , both for Number and Interest of Credit with the People . Where did they ever any thing without the Independents ? and Them , they made a Shift to Ensnare , by a pretended Engagement for Christian Liberty : which , when they found to be a Cheat with how much Ease did the Journymen turn off their Masters ! But what a care they take , now of a Suddain , for his Majesties Satisfaction ! How great a Grief , &c. — and how great a Joy , &c. — Indeed his Majesty has reason to be troubled ; to see his Royal Mercy and Patience thus abused , by a forgetful Murmuring Faction , that will be satisfi'd with nothing consistent with the Kings Dignity , and Safety ; the Peace and Welfare of the Publique . [ A ] WE may plead the nature of their Cause , to move you to compassionate your poor afflicted Brethren in their Sufferings . It is in your own account but for refusing Conformity to things indifferent , or at the most , of no necessity to Salvation . It is in their account for the Sake of Christ , because they dare not consent to that which they judge to be an usurpation of his Kingly Power , and an accusation of his Laws as insufficient , and because they dare not be guilty of addition to , or diminution of his Worship , or of Worshipping him after any other Law , than that by which they must be judged , or such as is meerly subordinate to that . [ B ] Things dispensible and of themselves unnecessary , should not be rigorously urged upon him , to whom they would be a sin , and cause of condemnation . It is in case of things indifferent in your own judgement , that we now speak . [ C ] If it be said , that it is humour , pride , or singularity , or peevishness , or faction , and not true tendernesse of Conscience , that causeth the doubts , or Non-conformity of these men . We answer , such Crimes must be fastned only on the Individuals , that are first proved guilty of them ; and not upon multitudes unnamed , and unknown , and without proof . [ D ] If it were not for fear of sinning against [ God ] and wounding their Consciences , and hazzarding , and hindering their Salvation , they would readily obey you in all these things ; it is their fear of Sin and Damnation that is their Impediment . [ E ] One would think that a little Charity might suffice to enable you to believe them , when their Non-compliance brings them under suffering , and their compliance , is the visible way to favovr ; safety , and prosperity in the World. NOTE . XI . THere is one Gross , and Common Principle , which our Schismatical Reformers have laid down as the Foundation whereupon they build , and Justifie their Disagreements . To wit ; that Scripture is the only Rule of Humane Actions . ] We must not Eat , Sleep , Move ; — without a Text for 't . Upon this Ridiculous Assertion , they pick a Quarrell with such Orders of the Church , as are not commanded in the Word of God ; when yet the Practice of all Christian Churches hitherto extant , appears against them . The Curse lies against him that Preaches another Gospel . ] — He that abideth not in the Doctrine of Christ , hath not God : — Marque them which cause Division and Offences , contrary to the Doctrine which you have Learned , and avoid them . Now what 's all this , to the Exteriour mode of Worshipping ? St. Paul's advice was Decency ; in General Terms , not Worship Thus , or so ; but Decently ; and leaving to the Church the Judgement of that Decency . Some Posture or other we must worship in ; as Kneeling , Sitting , Standing , Leaning , Prostrate ; — or the like . It is not said ; Pray in This Posture or in That . But the Command is ; PRAY . Must we not therefore Pray at all : for want of a strict Scriptural Direction in what Posture ? 'T is the same thing , the Case of all Those Ceremonies , which are only of meet , and sensible relation to the Duty . They are in Themselves , Indifferent , but by Command made Necess●ry . Indeed Agreement even in Outward Forms were a thing very desireable , among all Christians : would but the Disagreeing Modes , and Humours of several Places bear it : Now since that cannot be , we are commanded to present our Souls to God , in the same Faith ; but for the manner of our Worship ; the sensible Formalities of it : we are to follow their Appointments , whom God has given Dominion over our Bodies : our Lawful Rulers . To offer up our Prayers , without any Significant Action , were to imply a drowsie , flat , Regardlesseness of what we do . To make the same Ceremony , Vniversall , were most improper ; because in several Places , the same Posture , or motion , carries several Meanings . Well then ; since some visible Action , is necessary ; This , or That , ( in it self ) Indifferent : — The same , throughout , — unfit ; — what more agreeable — Rational expedient ; then for the Supreme Magistrate , to say , Do This , or That , for Order sake ; wherein there 's nothing of Repugnancy to Conscience ? But we 'll now lay the General Question aside , and come to Particulars . [ A ] We take Conformity , though to matters Indifferent , ( if Commanded by a Lawful Authority ) to be a necessary to Salvation : so that no doubt remains in this case , but concerning the Authority . Further , their Pretense of Conscience ; is both Wide , and Weak . Wide ; for they dissent , in things of most u●leniable Freedome : and wherein , they only oppose the Authority , not the Thing . Why not JOYN'D ; — in the Marriage office , as well as CONJOYN'D ? so they change wedded , into marry'd ; and a hundred such frisks they have . Is This , Conscience ? Their Pretense is weak too , as Thus. They undertake to Prohibit ; which requires the same Power as to Bind . To say I cannot , is well ; to say They must not , is Authoritative : and to say , They cannot , borders upon Simple . How do they know ? when the same thing may be Lawful to one , and Vnlawful to another ? They dare not usurp Christs Kingly Power . ] Does not our Saviour tell us , his Kingdome is not of this World ? and bids us render unto Caesar the things that are Caesars ? Give me thy Heart ; — Let the Body do what it can ; without the Agreement of the Mind all 's Nothing . Kneeling before an Idol , is no Sin , ( ' bating the Scandal ) without the adjunct of a misplac'd Devotion : Or if it be , a Stumble before an Image is Idolatry . Sin is an obliquity of the Will , not This or That Flexure or Position of the Body . In fine ; Where did our Saviour either command , or forbid any Particular Posture of the Body ? At the Institution of the blessed Eucharist , says the Text , [ he sate down with the Twelve . ] for which Critical reason , our punctual Christians will sit too at the Holy Communion ; ( though in Effect that 's not the Posture ) But we read further , that our Blessed Saviour [ fell upon his Face , and Pray'd . ] Why do not our Precise Scripturists , as well Pray , Prostrate too , as Communicate , Sitting ? As if his Laws were insufficient ; ] they cry . No , neither are they yet so Actually explicit , as to set down at length all Constitutions helpful to our Condition : Much is remitted to Political Discretion ; and 't is enough if Humane Laws bear but a Non-repugnancy to the Divine . Addition or Diminution to , or of Gods Worship , they dare not assent to . ] Let this be understood just to the Letter ; they do 't Themselves ; but take it as it properly relates to points unalterable , of Faith , and Doctrine , neither dare we . [ B ] But things dispensable , &c. — ] The more dispensable the Command is ; the less dispensable is the obedience . [ If the Prophet had commanded thee a great thing , would'st thou not have done it ? How much more then when he says to Thee , — Wash and be clean ? ] A Rigorous Injunction , though of a small matter , is made necessary by a Frivolous , and stiff opposal of it . [ C ] They deny this Inconformity to proceed from Humour , Pride , &c. — and bid us charge Particulars . ] Every Presbyterian , that acted in the late War , and proceeded from Pretext of Conscience , to Subversion of the Government , and is not yet converted , is clearly — illud quod dicere nolo . Those very people are now at work again ; upon the same Pretense , and ( without Breach of Charity ) I think , we may conclude , upon the same Design . [ D ] Here they protest , that only fear of Sin and Damnation hinders their obedience . ] These first-Table Saints stop short of the Fifth Commandement . What Gospell do these Precisians live by ? What Law would their Conformity offend ? And yet they offer Oath , that a pure Scruple of Conscience is their Impediment . They could impose , and swallow , a Damning , Treasonous Oath , against the Law , without this Scruple : how come they now to be so delicate , when they have Duty , Conscience , and Authority to warrant them ? The naked Truth is this ; They'd have the King subscribe to the Supremacy of the Kirk . [ E ] Now for the credit of their Protestation ; they argue that their Non-compliance crosses their Interest . ] No , ( under favour ) by no means . There are more Presbyters , then Bishops , and every Presbyter within his little Territory , is much more then Episcopal . Beside ; it were against the Faith of the Associated Combination , for Ten or Twenty of them , to turn honest , and leave the Rest in the Lurch . Again ; Their Argument of Interest lies now , but where it did in Forty one . Their Consciences went then against the Stream too ; and yet ( abating some odd reckonings , with divine Justice ) they made a shift to make a saving Game on 't . In short , they do but venture a little , in hopes to gain a great deal . [ A ] DO you think , the Lord that died for Souls , and hath sent us to learn what that meaneth [ I will have mercy and not Sacrifice . ] is better pleased with Re-ordination , Subscription and Ceremonies , than with the saving of Souls , by the means of his own appointment ? [ B ] Concord in Ceremonies , or Re-ordination , or Oaths of obedience to Diocesans , or in your questioned particular forms of Prayer , do neither in their nature , or by virtue of any promise of God , so much conduce to Mens Salvation : as the Preaching of the Gospel doth , by able faithful and laborious Ministers . And how comes it to pass that unity , concord and order must be placed in those things , which are no way necessary thereto . Will there not be order and concord in Holy obedience and acceptable Worshipping of God , on the Terms which we now propose and crave , without the foresaid matter of offence ? [ C ] We here shew you that we are no Enemies to order , and our long importunity for the means of Concord , doth shew that we are not Enemies to concord . [ D ] We humbly crave that reproch may not be added to affliction , and that none may be called factious that are not proved such ; and that Laws imposing things indifferent in your Judgement , and sinful in theirs , may not be made the rule to judge of Faction . [ E ] It is easie to make any man an Offender , by making Laws which his Conscience will not allow him to observe , and it 's as easie to make that same man cease to seem disobedient , obstinate , or factious , without any change at all in him by taking down such needless Laws . [ F ] Sad experience tells the World , that if the Ministers that we are pleading for be laid aside , there are not competent men enough to supply their Rooms , and equally to promote the Salvation of the Flocks : This is acknowledged by them , who still give it as the reason why Ministers are not to be trusted with the expressing of their desires in their own words , nor so much as to chuse which Chapter to read , as well as which Text to preach on , to their Auditours , because we shall have Ministers so weak , as to be unfit for such a trust . NOTE . XII . [ A ] VVE have the same things over again so often , I 'm e'en Sick on 't . But I Reply ; — 'T is Truth ; God is better pleas'd with the Saving of Souls , by the means of his own Appointment ; then , &c. — Government is Gods Ordinance , Obedience his Appointment ; Obey then , and be saved . Re-ordination is not press'd as necessary ; nor , ( that I know ) Propos'd so ; though to deal freely , ( as the Case stands ) I think it were no needless Test of Discrimination , Subscription , and Ceremonies are of most necessary Relation to Unity , and Order : which 't is the Churches Care , and Duty to uphold ; to prevent Schisme , and Confusion . The Church , in these Injunctions , does but comply with a Superiour Command , virtually inculcated in all those Precepts that concern Vnity and Decency : and These Refusers , strike at God himself in their Disobedience to his Ministers . [ B ] But Concord in Ceremonies , &c. ] Observe this Clause well . Here 's first Imply'd a Competition betwixt the Efficacy of a Sermon , and of a Ceremony , &c. Whereas we put This difference ; The one , is Gods Ordinance ; the other , Mans. Yet is it in such sort Humane , as that the Authority is virtually Divine . See now their Complement upon the Episcopal Clergy : As if the Church of England had no able Preachers , but Non-Conformists : The Fruit of whose Laborious Ministry has been a Twenty-years Rebellion . But the point most remarkable , is This. 'T is CEREMONY they oppose ; not This or that Injunction , as of ill choyce or tendency ; but as an Imposition . Their Plea is a Rejection of the Power Imposing , more then of the thing imposed : 'T is the Command forsooth that they dislike . [ as an Addition to Gods Worship . ] Let Confidence it self blush for These People . Pray'e what 's the difference betwixt Addition to Gods Worship , in Words , or in Actions ? Only the One works upon the Eye , the Other upon the Ear ; Both tending to the same Effect , and Marques of our Conceipt , alike ; whether by a Significancy of nature , or of Agreement , matters not much . They seem to allow of a Set-form of Words , why not of Actions too ? Since neither the One , nor the other amounts to any thing , but as they are Qualify'd , and Tinctur'd with the Intention . Says the Command ; — Say Thus ; and why not — DO Thus too ; Grant Both ; or neither ; for These Two , Stand or fall , by the same Argument . WEE ask no more liberty then THEY take . Their Prayers , and Forms are not Actually in the Scripture ; Our Rites and Ceremonies are Potentially there . For this Cause ( says St. Paul to Titus ) I left thee in Crete , that thou shouldest set in Order the things that are wanting , and ordain Elders in every City , as I had appointed Thee . ] Here 's a Commission at Large , to set in Order , but What , or How , remitted to Discretion . Touching Re-ordination we have spoken before . A word now concerning their Oaths of obedience to Diocesans . That These persons do not much stick at an Oath , is evident from the many Oaths they have already taken ; divers of which being of direct Contradiction , would make a man suspect , they did not much heed what they swear . Only now when the Oath they should take , comes in Question , a Qualme of Conscience seizes them . They cannot swear obedience to Diocesans . That is , they will not submit to Episcopal Government : or yet more close , They 'll set up PRESBYTERY and Rule us Themselves . Why should these men be Trusted , without an Oath , according to the Law , that have so freely sworn , against the Law ? Nay , did not Modesty restreyn me , I should discourse the Insecurity of crediting those people upon their Oath ; that have already broken so many . Again ; They plead Exemption from Swearing , that of all Mortals were the most Violent Enforcers of it . Now to our Question'd Forms of Prayer . ] Who Questions them , but they that Question'd as well our Form of Government ? Those miserable Hypocrites , whose Breaths are yet scarce sweet , since they swore Last against the King , and voted down the Bishops . Agreement in the manner of Worship ought to be the Churches Care ; The Peoples Duty is submission , and Obedience ; to which , God in the very Precept , has annex'd a Promissory Blessing : and he that resists , shall receive to himself Damnation . [ C ] But They are no Enemies ( they say ) to Order , and Concord . Indeed , they 're Pleasant Folks : We are their Witnesses , what pains they took to bring all to a Presbyterian Rule , and Order : and to unite the People in a foederal Concord , against their Prince , by a Rebellious Covenant . [ D ] Here they demand , that none may be call'd Factious , that are not prov'd so . ] Content ; What is it to be Factious , but to promote , and stir up Disaffections against the stated Government ? At This Rate , all the Preachers , Writers , Printers , &c. against the Episcopal Order , or the Constitutions of the Church are Factious . More narrowly ; the Publishers , and Contrivers of the Petition for Peace ; the Presbyterian Lecturers ; ( Twenty for One ) and their Abettors may be reckon'd among the Factious . But in fine , let them prove our Ceremonies Vnlawful , we 'll soon shew them who is Factious . Their next Proposition , that the Law may not be made the Rule to judge of Faction ] is ( I perswade my self ) a Slip more then they meant us . The Law is above the King , they say , and yet They'd be above the Law. This is to draw an Appeal from the Bench to the Barr ; to damn the Judgement of the Law , and make a Presbyterian the Judge of Faction . [ E ] They come now to presse , the violence of the Laws upon their Consciences . ] Whereas 't is evident , that Streight , and Gentle Laws , have met with Soure , and crooked Humors . They say , the Law makes the Offender : may they not charge the Decalogue , by the same rule ? What shall we say then ? ( says St. Paul ) Is the Law , Sin ? God forbid . Nay , I had not known Sin , but by the Law : for I had not known Lust , except the Law had said , Thou shalt not Covet ; But Sin taking occasion by the Commandment , wrought in me all manner of Concupiscence . ] — Sin is the Transgression of the Law ; — the Disobedience not the Precept . This Freedome of Challenging the Law , leads to an Arraignment of the Ten Commandements . The Idolater excepts to the first , and Second ; the Blasphemer , to the Third ; the Sabbath-breaker , to the Fourth ; the Rebell to the Fifth ; the Murtherer , to the Sixth ; — the Adulterer , to the Seventh ; — the Thief , to the Eight ; — the Slanderer , to the Ninth ; the Extortioner , to the Tenth . Well , but their Consciences cannot submit to observe such and such Laws . Truly , to give them their Due , nor any Other neither but of their own making . Though every man may be allow'd to be the Judge of his own Conscience ; yet there are many Cases wherein men ought to be severely punish'd , for Acting according to their Consciences : For Conscience may be misinform'd ; and beyond doubt , there never yet was any Heresie , but had some well meaning Believers of the opinion . Grant but this Liberty to the Presbyterians ( as upon Equity of Conscience ) all other Factions , have the same Title to it . Where are we Then , but in an universal State of War ? His Conscience will have no King ; Anothers , no Bishops ; a Third , no Laws ; a Fourth , no Religion ; One will have Women in Common ; — Another , Goods : — In fine ; Our Peace , Comfort , and Reason ; — nay , and the Dignity of Humane Nature ; — All that is Noble , in us , or belonging to us , is by This Presbyterian Argument of an Imaginary Conscience , drown'd in Brutality , and Confusion . What Remedy then , when betwixt Law , and Conscience , there is a real Disagreement ? Where so it happens ; rather let People Innocently suffer , though they lose their Freedom , then by a foul Resistance endanger their Salvation to recover it . But They'd be quiet , they say , if some needless Laws were taken away , Yes ; as they were before , when under Colour only of Regulating , some such needless Laws , they destroy'd all the Rest. [ F ] Their next compleynt , is for want of Competent men to supply the place of Their Ministers [ Still they confine the [ Competent ] to their own Party : Reasoning the weaknesse of the Ministers , because they may not be Entrusted , to Pray in their own words , or to choose their own Chapters , &c. ] These Gentlemen have some reason to know , that there are Knaves , as well as Fools ; and that the Factious , are less fit to be Trusted with That Liberty , then the Simple . [ A ] THE persons that we now speak for , are ready to subscribe to all contained in the Holy Scriptures , and willing to be obliged by the Laws of men to practice it . [ B ] Seeing then you do profess that none of your Impositions , that cannot be concluded from the Scripture , are necessary to Salvation : let them not consequentially be made necessary to it , and more necessary than that which is ordinarily necessary . [ C ] That smaller things must not be imposed by unproportionable penalties . [ D ] The Church may not make any thing necessary to preaching it self ; that is of it self unnecessary , and not antecedently necessary , at least by accident . NOTE . XIII . [ A ] TRuly we have an Obligation to These Reformers , that if the Law requires it , they will subscribe to the contents of the Holy Bible : But That must be with their own Comment too . They puzzle the Vulgar with a blind notion of Things necessary to Salvation ; as if the sole belief of the Divine Authority of Sacred Writ , and of the Mysteries , therein comprised , were enough to carry a man to Heaven . Some Things are necessary to Salvation , as we are Christians . That is ; the Summe of the Catholick Faith , ( according to our Confession ) which except a man believe faithfully , he cannot be saved . ] — or in short ; an un-doubting Resignation and Submission to the explicite Doctrine of the Bible , teaching Salvation : These are things , Primarily , evidently , and unchangeably necessary , equally binding all Humane flesh , without distinction . Some things again , are necessary to our Salvation , as we are Men in Society ; for Instance , Subjects . And these are matters commonly , in Themselves , Indifferent ; Changeable in their Qualities ; Temporary in their Obligation ; and yet necessary by Collection . The short of all is This ; Where the Law of the Land does not Thwart the Law of God ; or That of Nature ; we are to obey the Politique Magistrate , upon pain of Damnation . [ B ] That Impositions are not necessary to Salvation . ] We answer , They are not necessary to be impos'd ; but necessary to be obey'd . [ C ] Concerning the measure betwixt the Fault and the Punishment ; Let the Law estimate the one , and proportion the Other . Private Persons are not to Correct the Publick Laws . [ D ] The Church may not , &c. ] Many a man may be duly qualify'd to Preach , in point of Ordination , ( for the purpose ) or Ability , that yet in other regards is not fit to come into a Pulpit . I hope , refusing to communicate with the Church , may pass for as fair an Impediment ; as refusing to Covenant against it . ( I am enforc'd to refresh these Gentlemens memories ever and anon . ) IF our Religion be laid upon your particular Liturgy , we shall teach the Papists further to insult , by asking us , where was our Religion two hundred years agoe ? The Common-Prayer-Book as differing from the Mass-Book , being not so old , and that which might then be the matter of a change , is not so much unchangeable it self , but that those alterations may be accepted for ends so desireable as are now before us . NOTE . XIV . TO This , we answer , that our Religion is unalterable ; our Liturgy not . If a Papist asks a Presbyterian where his Religion was two hundred years agoe ? he might as well ask him , where 't will be two hundred years hence ? But That 's a harder Question to a Puritan , then to a Catholique . Further ; to presse the Differings , or agreement of the Common-Prayer-Book , from or with the Mass-book , is more a shift then an Argument . Wee 'll keep to our Adversary . 'T is our Profession , that the Form is Alterable ; but by the same power onely that Establish'd it ; Not by a Conventicle , or a Club of Running-Lecturers ; but by a grave consult of Reverend Divines ; that is , Prepar'd by them , and fitted for the stamp of the Supream Authority . IF we may not have the Liberty of the Primitive times , when for ought can be proved , no Liturgical Forms were imposed upon any Church , yet at least let us have the Liberty of the following Ages , when under the same Prince there were diversity of Liturgies and particular Pastors , had the power of making and altering them for their particular Churches . NOTE . XV. HOw these good people beat the Bush , and yet start nothing ! The Liberty of the Primitive Times , &c. ] what Primitive Times ? where will these men begin their Reckoning ? The late Primate of Ireland , tells us , that [ all the Churches in the Christian world , in the first , and Best times , had their set forms of Liturgy whereof most are extant in the writings of the Fathers , at this day ] — when you Pray , say — Our Father , &c. ] In the Apostles age , the Holy Ghost abundantly supply'd all humane needs , by super-natural Graces , and Inspirations . But the Use of Liturgies is too cleer , to suffer or admit a contradiction . Yet this they are not very earnest in ; allow them onely the Liberty of the following Ages ] and what was that I beseech ye ? Onely the Power of making and Altering Liturgies themselves ; as under the same Prince ha's been formerly permitted to Particular Pastors . Away away for shame , with These Horse-coursing Tricks ; they dresse a sound Leg to amuse the People , when the Jade wants an Eye . Look ye be not Cheated with Their Ambition , and never trouble your selves for their Consciences : They 'll shift in all weathers ; — for in case of necessity . — Pigg may be Eaten — Yea Exceedingly well Eaten . I would the whole Nation might but once dream of such a Whipping , as when these Reverences got the Law into their own hands , their bounty would bestow upon them . They would use no other bug-word to their Children , then the Presbyterians are coming . Wer 't not a blessed Reformation , to have an Almighty Inquisition , set up in every Parish : to see a Pontificall Presbyter rule as King and Priest over the Estates and Consciences of his subjected congregation ? To have but One Commandement to keep , in stead of Ten ; Obey the Presbyter . — In truth 't is such a Government of Clouts , I cannot chuse but play the Fool with it : Briefly ; when They 're permitted to make Laws let us make Halters : We have tasted them already , and if They proceed to mind us of their Old Discipline , let us mind one another of our Old slavery ; and Them too , that they now plead for a Bratt , by their own rule not to be received into the Church ; for it was conceived in Schisme and Brought forth in Rebellion ; ( God blesse us ) I mean Presbytery . Whereas they urge that several Liturgies have been allowed under the same Prince , &c. — ] Confeis'd : It hath been so , and may be so again , and with good reason too ; yet all this while , This proves no Title our Pretenders have to the same Liberty . Where People of differing Humours , and wonted to Differing Customes , are united under the same Prince ; Prudence advises a Diversity of Liturgyes . Again ; 'T is one thing to perswade a Prince ; another thing to force him ( but the main reason is yet to come . ) These bold Petitioners presse the King to give them what they Got , and kept , ( so long as they could hold it ) by Rebellion : — to grant away , what his Royal Father held dearer then his Bloud ; and to complete the shamelesse proposition , some of the now - Petitioners to the Son , were the hot Persecutors of the Father . In fine , they act , as if they would vie Provocation with the Kings Mercy : they ask , That which his Majesty cannot grant , but with a Double hazzard to himself ; — both from the Government , and from the Persons . [ A ] IF you should reject ( which God forbid ) the moderate Proposals which now and formerly we have made we humbly crave leave to offer it to your consideration , what Judgement all the Protestant Churches are likely to pass on your proceedings , and how your cause and ours will stand represented to them , and to all succeeding Ages . [ B ] If after our submission to his Majesties Declaration , and after our own Proposals of the Primitive Episcopacy , and of such a Liturgy as here we tender , we may not be permited to exercise our Ministry , or enjoy the Publick Worship of God , the Pens of those Learned , moderate Bishops will bear witness against you , that were once employed as the chief Defenders of that cause ( we mean such as Reverend Bishop Hall and Usher ) who have published to the World that much less than this might have served to our fraternal Vnity and Peace . [ C ] And we doubt not but you know how new and strange a thing it is that you require in the Point of Reordination . When a Canon amongst those called the Apostles deposeth those that Re-ordain , and that are re-ordained . [ D ] Not only the former Bishops of England , that were more moderate were against it , but even the most fervent adversaries of the Presbyterian way ; such as Bishop Bancroft himself ; how strange must it needs seem to the Reformed Churches , to the whole Christian World , and to future Generations , that so many able , faithful Ministers , should be laid by as broken Vessells , because they dare not be re-ordained ? and that so many have been put upon so new and so Generally dis-rellished a thing . NOTE . XVI . [ A ] AS to the Protestant Churches ; ( if they have not chang'd their opinions ) they will give the same judgement of These people now , which they did formerly . That is ; they will disown Them , and their Actions , for being so singular and Impious , as to oppose the Reason , Right , and Practice of all other Nations : who Generally have their set-forms of Prayer . Touching the Moderation of their Proposals , it is already enough notorious . [ B ] If after our Submission to his Majesties Declaration , &c. ] Prodigious Boldnesse , and Ingratitude ! Submission ? as if the King had Press'd , when he Relax'd them : an Indulgence beyond President , bestow'd upon a people void of Sense . Indeed a Meritorious Patience was their Submission . Content they were not , for many of the Presbyterian Teachers here about the Town , Petition'd for more , so soon as That was Granted . But how have they submitted ? They have not Strook , That 's all . Do they not daily Preach , Write , Print against Episcopacy ; in opposition to the Express Intent , and Letter of the foresaid Declaration ? Do they not prejudge the Synod , to which that Declaration referrs them ? Yes , and abuse the Freedome of proposing some Alterations , by the Rejection of the Whole . Suitable to This Submission , are Their Proposals , both of the Primitive Episcopacy , and of their Liturgy . Their Liturgy , as we have spoken formerly , is a Contest for Dominion , not for Conscience , and comes to This at Last ; If they may not Rule , they will not worship . Their Primitive Episcopacy , sounds as much as Presbytery : for they confound the Termes , as if Bishop and Presbyter were Originally the same ; and Prelacy ( as the Queynt Smectymnuus has it ) of Diabolical Occasion , not of Apostolical Intention . At This Rate , what do they offer , in a Primitive Episcopacy ? Bishops in truth they allow , but so , that every Presbyter must be as Bishop . To give the matter Credit ; they Appeal to the Reverend Hall , and Vsher , those Learned , Moderate Bishops ( as they Term them ) whose Pens are to bear witness against These now in Being , and Authority , if they refuse their Askings . I am told , ( and I believe it ) that at least One of the Smectymnuans had a hand in this New Liturgy , and Petition for Peace . If so , I must needs put the Gentleman a Froward Question . Is Bishop Hall so much emprov'd since he Dy'd ? ( in truth a Prelate to whose Memory the Church of England owes great Reverence ) This was that Learn'd and Moderate Bishop , that Smectymnuus so bespatter'd under the Name of the Remonstrant . But will you see now how that Noble Prelate was bayted by five of our new-fangled Primitive Bishops ? S.M. E.C. T.Y. M. N. W. S. ( let Mr. Manton uncipher this . ) Variae Lectiones upon Reverend , Moderate , and Learned . Episcopal bravado . Pag. 3. ] Treason Treason Pag. 4. ] We know not what his Arrogancy might attempt . Pag. 14. ] So many Falsities and Contradictions . Pag. 15. ] A Face of confident Boldness , A Self confounded man. — Notorious Falsity — ibid. ] His Notorious — ] not leave his — ] Pag. 16. ] Os durum — ] forgets not himself , but God also . ] Words bordering upon Blasphemy — ] — Indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these Falsities ] — . Pag. 18. ] A Stirrup for Antichrist ] — Pag. 30. ] Antichristian Government ] — Pag. 65. ] — We thank God we are none of you . ] Pag. 74. ] — Borders upon Antichrist . ] Pag. 80. ] — Pride , Rebellion , Treason , Unthank-fulness , which have issued from Episcopacy . ] Pag. 85. ] These were Favours of the Bishops own laying up ; and so much for the Reverend , Moderate , and Learned . It seems a Presbyter in the Chayre , is not Infallible : why may they not mistake themselves as well in the Bishops opinion as in his Character ? Or may they not forget their Proposalls they have offer'd , as well as the Injuries ? Will these Gentlemen subscribe to the Bishops Episcopacy by Divine Right ? Or will they shew , wherever he pass'd a Contradiction upon himself ? Nay , come to his Modest offer , to the Assembly in 1644. Is That the Piece shall rise in Judgement against us ? ( and That yet was par'd as Close as close could be , the better to comply with the Sullenness of a Prevailing Faction . ) Hear what the Bishop says in That Treatise then . There never yet was any History of the Church , wherein there was not full mention made of Bishops , as the only Governours thereof ▪ The Rules of Church Government laid forth in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , do suppose , and Import that very proper Jurisdiction which is claim'd by Episcopacy at this day . ] — The Co-assession of a Lay-Presbytery he disapproves : and in his Epistle Dedicatory to his Episcopacy by Divine Right , This ; [ If any man Living can shew any one Lay-Presbyter that ever was in the World till Farell , and Viret first created him , let me forfeit my Reputation to Shame , and my Life to Justice . See now what the late Primate of Armagh sayes in his Direction , of 1642. Episcopal Ordination , and Jurisdiction hath express Warrant , in holy Scriptures : as namely Titus 1.5 . For this Cause left I Thee in Crete , that thou should'st set in order , things that are wanting , and ordeyn Presbyters : that is , Ministers in every City ; as the first of Timothy 5.22 . lay hands suddenly on no man ; and Verse 19. Against a Presbyter , or Minister , receive not an Accusation but under Two or Three Witnesses . ] Pag. 4. No other Government heard of in the Churches for 1500. years and more , then by Bishops . ] Pag. 5. This is enough to clear the Authority of the Institution ; But That , they 'll say is not the Question ? These Reverend Bishops gave their Judgements , of , and for a Primitive Episcopacy : and to a Government so Regulated , these Divines offer to submit . That is ; they will allow a Bishop to Rule in Consociation with his Presbyters : and This looks gayly to the Common-People . Rule with his Presbyters , ( they cry ) and will not that content him ? what ; would the Bishops be as absolute as Popes ? and Then , the Order's presently proclaim'd for Antichristian : and War denounc'd against all Constitutions of Their framing , as Superstitious . Nay , the most Solemn Forms and Orders of the Church ; though venerable for their long Continuance , Vse , Decency , and Vniversal Practice , are thrown out , as Idolatrous , because the Bishops favour them . Of so great moment are the Fallacies of pleasing words , where there wants skill , or care to tast the bitter meaning . But alas ! Those simple Wretches that inveigh against the Tyranny and Claim of Bishops ; and with an undistinguishing rage , — confound the persons with their Calling : how do they draw upon themselves the thing they Fear , and furiously oppose the sum of their own wishes ? — Do they first know what 't is , To RULE in CONSOCIATION ? It is , To Degrade a Bishop into a Prime Pastor : — to disrobe him of his Apostolical prelation of Degree , and allow him a Complemental priority of Order . This Imminution of Bishops , will , doubtless , not displease their Enemies ; but let them have a care ; for in that very Act and Instant , wherein they fetch a Bishop down to a Presbyter , does every Presbyter become a Bishop : so that for five and twenty they pluck down , they set up some ten thousand . This was the Cheat that fool'd the People into those Tumults , which the Smectymnuans entred the Lists to justifie . A Primitive Episcopacy was the Pretense , which they boyl'd down at length into a rank Presbytery , and more Imperious . Thus was the Government of the Church destroyed ; and after the same manner , That of the State. [ The King was to govern with his Parliament . ] This saying carryed a Popular sound ; and the Multitude were not able to comprehend the Drift of it . In short , they brought his Majesty , first , to be one of the Three Estates ; thence , by degrees , lower and lower , till they Dethron'd him , and at last Murther'd him . This was the cursed Issue of a Pretense , to the Regulation of Monarchy and Episcopacy . But to end this point : The Reformers would perswade the world , That they have made a Tender of more yielding , than the foremention'd Reverend Bishops have accounted necessary to Fraternal Vnity and Peace . We answer ; That to make This good , they must prove , that These Bishops have renounc'd their Episcopal , and Superintendent Authority : or Instance for Themselves ; wherein They acknowledge it . Not to insist upon their Vsurpations , of Framing a new Liturgy , without a Commission ; and Imposing upon the Established Government without either Modesty or Reason . [ C ] Touching Reordination : ( with submission ) I do not understand it either Requisite , or Vnlawful : nor can I learn that it is Press'd , as they pretend . The Canon whereupon they ground , is This. [ Si quis Episcopus , aut Presbyter , aut Diaconus , secundam ab aliquo Ordinationem susceperit , deponitor , tam ipse , quam qui ipsum Ordinavit , nisi fortè constet eum Ordinationem habere ab haereticis Qui enim à talibus Baptizati , aut Ordinati sunt , hi neque Fideles , neque Clerici esse possunt . ] If any Bishop , Presbyter , or Deacon , shall receive from any man ( ab aliquo ) a second Ordination , let the Person Ordaining ( qui ipsum ordinavit ) and the Person Ordained , be both Deposed : unless it appear , that his prior Ordination was by Hereticks . For those that are either Baptized or Ordained by such , cannot be reputed either Believers or Clergy-men . Observe first , that This Canon presupposes a Regular , and Episcopal Ordination : ab aliquo : — qui ordinavit : — referring singly to the Bishop , whose Assistance is deem'd so Essential to the work , as that — No Bishop ; no Ordination . Next , there 's an Error in the Canon : For , If Baptism seriously be administred in the same Element , and with the same form of words which Christs Institution Teacheth , there is no other defect in the world , that can make it Frustrate . ] So that This Canon availes them little , either in respect of the Scope of it , or the Authority . But is Re-ordination ( say they ) so new and strange a thing ? I am sorry to see Smectymnuus quarrel with himself . * We had it in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth , urg'd , and received : ] and with less colour Then , th●n Now : for there , a true necessity lay upon them : They fled for Conscience , and received Orders in the Reformed Churches ; not in contempt of Bishops , but onely for want of them . Whereas our cavilling Pretenders , have cast them off ; — Rejected their Authority ; — Vsurped their Power ; — laid violent hands upon their sacred Order ; — and after all , they have the confidence , to claim , from their Intrusions , and still adhere to the equity of Their Revolt . [ D ] Bishop Bancroft ( they say ) was against it : ( no Presbyterian Bishop . ) Could but these Gentlemen have seen beyond their Noses , they would have spar'd this Instance : Mark now how Bancroft was against it . In 1610. a Question was moved by Doctor Andrews , Bishop of Ely , touching the Consecration of three Scotish Bishops ; who , as he said , must first be ordained Presbyters , as having received no Ordination from a Bishop . Bancroft being by , maintain'd it not necessary , seeing where Bishops could not be had , the Ordination given by the Presbyters must be esteemed lawful . ] This carri'd it . Hence , it appears , that if Bishops could have been had , their Ordination by Presbyters had not been lawful . Had not these Gentlemen now as good have let the old Bishop alone , as have taken the Dorr ? as Smectymnuus has it . Let not the World believe yet , that these Complainers are out of play , barely upon the account of Re-ordination . None are Turn'd out ( so far as I can hear ) upon That Scruple ; But sure , 't is a fair reason not to Admit them : For it denotes them Factious , and in Truth , the common business of their Lectures is notorious Schism . THe holy Ghost hath commanded you to over-see the Flock , not by constraint , but willingly ; not as being Lords over God's heritage , but as Ensamples to the Flock . And that it is not onely more comfortable to your selves , to be loved as the Fathers , than to be esteemed the Afflicters of the Church ; but that it is needful to the ends of your Ministry for the People . When you are loved , your doctrine will more easily be received . But when men think that their Souls or Liberties are endangered by you , it 's easie no judge how much they are like to profit by you . NOTE . XVII . BElieve me , and we are now upon a weighty Question . Who shall be Judge , the People , or the Church ; Which is Christ's Flock ? That is , Whether shall One be the Judge of all the Rest ; or all the Rest be the Judge of that One ? ( for that 's the point ) What signifies the Multitude , but a number of single Persons , where each Individual acts , and accompts for himself ? whereas the Church , is both by Divine Deputation , and by Political Paction , Authoris'd and Acknowledg'd to be the Judge of All. If there were nothing in 't but common Expedience ; — Reason of Interest , and of State : me-thinks , That might suffice , to make us rest in Their Decrees , to whom , as by a general reference , we have subjected the Decision of all our Differences . But the Benignity of Providence treats us more kindly yet ; annexing all the Blessings of both Worlds to our Obedience : which surely no man will oppose , that is not wholly void of Religion , Moral Honesty , and of common Prudence . But it is better to obey God then Man , they 'l tell us , Has the Church any jurisdiction over our souls ? any right of Imposing upon our Consciences ? No , God forbid . But does not the Church know our consciences as well as we know one anothers ? and may not the Church as well suspect that we do not think Thus or So , as we affirm that others do ? When private persons plead for Themselves , it may be conscience ; but when they come once to stickle for others , 't is Faction . If it be said , that Preachers are not private persons . I answer , That all subordinate persons are private , in respect of their Superiors . In fine , it is our Duty every man to attend the good of his own soul ; and it belongs to the Church to over-watch us All : preserving still the common Vnity , though to the grief of some particulars . Well , but there are so many Thousands ( they say ) that suffer upon tenderness of Conscience . These People do but make So●es , that they may beg Plaisters . There may be Tender Consciences , and there are , doubtlesse , to whom great Tenderness is due , and needful ; but these Compleyners are not of That number . They are too lavish in their undertakings for ☞ others , and too Peevish in their Pleadings for Themselves . He that is Positive in what he does not know , forfeits his Credit too in what he does . But They are still Christs Flock : and 't is enough ; They say it . ( from Sheep with Clawes , deliver us . ) Take heed ( says our Saviour ) that no man deceive you , for many shall come in my name , saying , I am Christ , and shall deceive many ] and again ; There shall arise false Christs , and false Prophets . ] We see the very Text bids us take heed , and foretells dangerous Hypocrites . But what need we look further then our own Memories ? Was not the whole Crew of the late Conspirators , clad in the Livery of Gods People ? Only His Majesties Friends had , and have still the Fortune to be reckon'd among the Prophane , and not admitted into the Fold . Would These Correctors of Magnificat would shew us once , where ever Christ call'd his Flock together with a Scotch Covenant : or where the Holy Ghost gives Private Persons an Authority over their Superiours ; or Commissions the Sheep to Quarrel with their Pastor . It is confess'd , that Softness , and Humility becomes the Fathers of the Church , and 't is enjoyn'd them ; But then Obediance likewise befits the Children : whose part it is meekly to obey , in all matters not directly sinful , but to Resist in None . Let me add one thing further : Where These dividings about Forms are suffer'd , the Mischief seldome stops at Schisme : for the same Principle , that Rents the Church , Threatens the State ; beside the Hazzard of an Ambitious Faction , ever at hand to aid and to emprove , that Peevish Holynesse . In Truth , both Interests are so enter-woven , that 't is Impossible to Crush the one without bruising the other ; and to conclude ; a Schismatique shifts as naturally into a Traytor , as a Magot turns to a Flye . The next step from Liberty of Conscience , is Freedome of Estate and Person ; and from Liberty of Thought , they proceed to That of Action , arguing and concluding in great Earnest , with my Honest Friends Jeast . For at the Beginning was , nor Peasant , nor Prince ; And who ( the Divel ) made the Distinction since ? IF we are not in point of Ceremonies or Forms in every thing of your mind ; it is no more strange to have Variety of Intellectual Apprehensions in the same Kingdome and Church , then variety of temperatures and degrees of age and strength . NOTE . XVIII . WEE do not say 't is strange , that there should be Variety of Intellectual Apprehensions ; but we contend that so it is ; It ever was , and ever will be so : and from the Truth , and Evidence of That Assertion , arises the clear reason , and necessity of what we plead for . We must consider Man , as a Reasonable Creature : compos'd of Soul and Body ; born , for the Publique , and Himself ; and finally Accomptable for the Emprovement of his Talent toward the Ends of his Creation . The great , the Indispensable , and universal end , is That which has regard to the Creatour , from the Creature : and in That point we are all agreed upon a Common Principle of Reason , that 't is our Duty to Adore , Love , and obey that Gracious Power that made us . That This is the Prime end , we all Agree , and that our works are only Good , or Evill , according as they correspond with , or recede from it . In the next place , as we consist of Soul and Body ; we seem to fall under a mixt Concern ; and There , the Skill is how to temper the Angel , and the Brute , in such sort as may best comply with the behoof , and Comfort of the Individual : subjected still to the great Law and Purpose of our Being . Our Reason , we submit to the Divine Will ; and our Affections to our Reason . Behold the Scale of our obedience ; and Universal Dictates of our Reasonable Nature . In These Particulars : God , as the Sovereign Prince of the whole World , binds all Mankind alike , with an unlimited , and undistinguishing Authority . Our Souls , the Almighty Governs by his Immediate and blessed self ; our Bodies he referrs to his Deputies ; whom in all sensible and common Actions we are to obey as Gods Commissioners . We come now to the point that moves the great dispute : — our state of Liberty in matters of themselves indifferent . In This Question we are to consider , that every man is born first , for the Publick ; Next , for Himself . He that Rates any thing except his Soul , above the common Benefit of Social Nature , is an ill Member of the Vniverse . While every man consults his own Particular , how easily he 's drawn to Think That Fair , which he finds Pleasant ! Employing much more cunning to perswade himself , that what he Likes , is Lawful , then strictly to Examine it ; ( for fear it should prove otherwise . ) Are we not All made of the same Lump ; — ( — born to the same Ends : — Dignify'd with the same Reason ? — What is it Then , but an Injurious Custome , and oppression , that puts the Difference betwixt Governours , and Slaves ? That prostitutes so many Millions of Free-born Christians , to the Command of any Single Person ? These are the Stirrings and Debates of Mutinous and unadvised Natures , They scan but the one half ; and that , the Grosser too ; the vulgar part of the Question . Can the whole Perish ; and the Parts ' scape ? Can any thing be beneficial to Particular Persons , that is Destructive to the Community ? what by one Violence they Get , they Lose by Another ; and in exchange for the Soft , Honest bonds of Order and Obedience , they leap into a Sinful , Shameful Slavery Was not the late War undertaken , ( in Shew ) for This Imaginary Freedome ? and yet , at last , what was the Event , but Tyranny , and Bondage ? not by miscarriage neither , but by a Regular Fatality , and Train of Causes . Do we not find mens Minds , and Humours as various as their Complexions , or their Faces ? Every man likes his own way best ; Pleads for his own opinion . There 's no such thing as right or wrong in things Indifferent , but as they are circumstanc'd by Application : and here 's the very Case of our Reformers . Some are for Kneeling at the Eucharist ; others for Standing , Sitting , or the like ; They differ too about the manner of Receiving . Capricious Holyness ! Shall That confused , and Promisenous use of several Forms , and Postures , pass for a Decency in the Lords house , and on so solemn an occasion , which at a Private Table would be exploded for a grosse and ridiculous Immorality ? The Church , for Order sake , and Uniformity , enjoyns one form , or Posture ; This , or That , 't is Indifferent ; where lyes the Conscience of Refusing ? Should but the Rubrick say — Let the Minister enter at the Church Dore : — Would not our Teachers make it a piece of Conscience to creep in at the Window ? Marque it , 't is That ; — That — That 's the Businesse ; — 'T is POWER they Tug for , and to bring MONARCHY under the Yoke of PRESBYTERY . They argue the Expedience of granting Liberty , because forsooth of the differing humours of Applying it . The strongest Reason in the World against them . For in this State of Disagreement , take but away that Limiting , and Binding Rule that prescribes Vniformity ; what other Consequence can be expected , from letting loose so many wild , and Petulant Passions ; so many Raging , and dividing Factions , but Tumult , Heresie , and Rebellion ? IF any shall make men disobedient , by imposing things unnecessary , which they know are by learned , pious , peaceable men , esteemed sins against the Lord , and then shall thus heavily afflict them for the disobedience , which they may easily cure by the forbearance of those impositions ; let not our souls come into their secret , nor our honor be united to their Assembly : If they shall smite or cast out a supposed Schismatick , and Christ shall find an able Helper , peaceable Minister , or other Christian , wounded , or mourning , out of doors , let us not be found among the Actors . NOTE . XIX . VVHy did not the Reformers rather say ? If any shall make people Rebellious , by preaching down Obedience to Authority , as a thing unnecessary : or abuse the simple , by calling Good , Evil ; and Evil , Good : — Let not our souls — ] Whether is greater , the boldness of these Teachers , or the blindness of their Disciples ? Does not this way of Reasoning , root up all Government ? And has not the Practice of These men made good the worst that any man can say , or think of their Designe ? Were they New Folks yet , a man might find some Charity , for the soft-headed Gulls that believe them : but to be Twice catch'd in the same Trap ; Twice fool'd by the same Persons , were an unpardonable sottishness . Let the three Kingdoms cast up the Accompts of the late War , and see what they have gained clear , by the Reformation . These very Gentlemen were one and twenty years ago upon this Argument ; infinitely troubled about Additions to God's Worship , in things unnecessary ; Oathes of Subscription , &c. — To obviate these crying evils , they set to work a Preaching Ministry , and Lectur'd up the people into a Gospel-frame , ( for that 's the Knack ) of Disobedience . The People heard their Prayers ; ( for 't was to them they prayed ) Meroz was curs'd , and curs'd — and the right Reverend Matrons sent forth their Bodkins and their Thimbles to help the Lord against the Mighty . In fine ; The Cause prosper'd under their Ministery , and Things unnecessary were taken away ; that is , King , Bishops , the Law of the Land , the Liberty of the Subject : — the Heads and Fortunes of his Majesty's best Friends . Some Oathes that were of exceeding scandal and burthen to weak consciences were taken away too , or rather exchang'd , for others less offensive , to the sense of the Learned , Pious , and Peaceable men , they speak of . As for instance ; in stead of that Abominable Oath of Canonical Obedience to the Bishop and his Successors , ( in omnibus Licitis , & honestis ) in all things lawful and honest ; A Covenant was introduced of Combination against them . But no man was compell'd to take it neither ; for 't was but losing the capacities of Englishmen ; a Sequestration ; — Rotting in a Gaol , or some such trivial penalty , if they refus'd it . Indeed , to serve the King after the taking of it , was a little dangerous , because of an Article of Aug. 16.1644 . declaring , that whosoever shall voluntarily take up Arms against the Parliament , having taken the National Covenant , shall die without mercy . The truth is , the Covenant was somewhat more in Scripture-phrase , and suited better to the gust of the godly . So for the Positive Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy ; They gave us Negatives ; still mov'd by tenderness of Conscience : They made a scruple forsooth , of swearing with Vs to serve the King ; but they made none of forcing Oathes against him . To make an end ; The late Presbyterian Rebellion has cost the three Kingdoms at least fourscore millions of Treasure , besides Souls and Bodies ; and now they are hammering of the Nation into another . They talk of Conscience : so Peters , their fellow-labourer , was a man of conscience ; was he not ? the foulest part of whose lewd life , was That wherein they wrought in common fellowship . In short ; the Presbyterians bound and prostituted the Virgin , and the Independents were the Ravishers . These drops are sharper , than in any other case would stand with Modesty : but they are Truths , so timely , and so needful for the Publick , that they shall out , what ere they cost me . What do these Creatures keep a coil with Sin for ? that Act as if there were no God ; and yet they talk , as if they thought of nothing else . Are not their Contradictions upon Record ? has not the Nation , in all Quarters , the witnesses of their very Tongues and Pens against them ? Was ever any Tyranny so barbarous , as what these people exercis'd over the consciences of their fellow-subjects , and against the Government which they had sworn to preserve ? Yet now , when the Authority requires Obedience ; the learned pious men are taken of a sudden with strange fits of conscience : — FROM SUDDEN DEATH ( in the Letany ) must be , forsooth , FROM DYING SVDDENLY ; ( a most important Scruple ! ) Well , but forbearance ( they say ) cures , and eases them . We do not know , had the Rebellion of the Angels been once pardon'd , what such a mercy might have wrought upon the Devils . But here we are upon Experiment . After so large an Act of Grace ; — so flowing and magnificent a Bounty ; — so prone a goodness toward their whole Party ; now to Re-revolt : — Misereatur Deus ! They are much careful not to take an able Minister for a Schismatick : they take not half that care to distinguish a Schismatick from an able Minister . If Christ ( they say ) should find that able Minister cast out for a Schismatick ? what then , good people ? But what ( say I ) if Christ should find Schismaticks kept in for able Ministers ? what then , good Brethren ? [ A ] MEn have not their understandings at their own command , much less can they be commanded by others , if they were never so willing to believe all that is imposed on them to be lawful ; they cannot therefore believe it , because they would , the Intellect being not free . [ B ] Few men are obstinate against the opinions that tend to their ease and advancement in the world , and to save them from being vilifi'd as Schismaticks , and undone ; and when men professe before the Lord , that they do impartially study and pray for knowledge , and would gladly know the will of God at the dearest rate ; we must again say , that those men must prove that they know the Dissenters hearts , better then they are known to themselves , that expect to be believed by charitable Christians , when they charge them with wilful ignorance , or obstinate resisting of the truth . NOTE . XX. [ A ] EXceeding fine and Philosophical . Men cannot believe all that they would believe ; — and no man is to profess or act against his belief . ( that hits it . ) The Reformers cannot believe the Orders of the Church to be Lawful and Binding : The Church cannot believe the Recusancy of the Reformers to be Reasonable or Conscientious . The Reformers cannot believe that they ought to be kept out for Inconformity ; the Church cannot believe that they are to be taken in , unless they conform . The Reformers take Discipline to be essential to Salvation ; the Church thinks otherwise . The Reformers cannot but believe the Separatists to be Saints ; the Church on the other side , cannot but belive them to be Schismaticks . So that in fine , if the Church cannot grant , what the Reformers cannot but ask ; Whether shall the Law yield to a Faction , or the Faction to the Law ? [ B ] Few men are obstinate , &c. — ] This Objection is already Answered , but I shall add something . All Popular Attempts upon change of Government , are hazzardous to the Undertakers ; are there therefore no Rebellions ? But here 's the state of their Adventure . If the Design takes , and the People Tumult , then are they in at pleasure , in the head of the Faction . If it miscarries , they have no more to do but keep their countenance , retire , and grieve — because of the Vngodly . That disappointment they nick-name , — A suffering for the Gospel : — a Persecution : and in that shape , they get more by private Collections , then many an honester man does by a good Benefice . Beside : They are bold upon a confidence in the King's Lenity . They pray to be inform'd , they say . ] That was Scot's Plea , concerning the Murther of the late King ; and may be any man 's by the same equity , that shall be pleas'd to call it Conscience , to do as much again . Now for the knowledge of their Hearts , ( the last thing they insist upon ) we 'l follow the Scripture-rule : — Know the Tree by its Fruits : — measure their Faith by their Works : — Judge of their Fidelity , by their breach of Vows ; of their Honesty , by their breach of Articles ; of their Scruples , by their Sacrilege ; of their Loyalty , by their persecution of their Soveraign ; of their Tenderness , by their deliberate Murthers ; and , in fine , of all their pretended Virtues , by their contradicting Impieties . VVE crave leave to ask , whether you do not your selves in some things mistake , or may not do so for ought you know ? and whether your understandings are not still imperfect , and all men differ not in some opinion or other ? And if you may mistake in any thing , may it not be in as great things as these ? Can it be expected , that we should all be past erring about the smallest Ceremonies and Circumstances of Worship ? And then , should not the consciousness of your own infirmjty , provoke you rather to compassionate humane frailty , than to cast out your Brethren , for as small failings as your own ? NOTE . XXI . THis is but loosely argu'd : to Reason from an universal Fallibility , to an universal Toleration . Because all men may commit errors , therefore all errors must be suffered . The Law respects common equity , and politick convenience ; not the degrees of Wisdom or Folly in the Transgressors of it . If Fools were priviledg'd , all Knaves would plead Ignorance . There may be subsequent allowances in favour of misguided Vnderstandings , but they are of Charity , and Relaxation , not of strict Justice . All stated Laws ( better or worse , no matter ) if they are not simply wicked , are obliging : and to correct a publick Sanction , by a private Hand , is but to mend a Misadvice by a Rebellion . This they concede , that All may erre : Then they themselves are not Infallible : so that the Competition rests betwixt the Law and the Reformers . But now , to what we are sure of . There are some cases wherein a Subject must not obey his Prince ; but I defie the world to shew me any , wherein he may Resist him . That were to say , A Subject is no Subject . To say , he may be Su'd , makes nothing ; That Law which warrants the Compleynant is virtually the King. Again ; That which betwixt Man and Man , were a fair Rule , holds no proportion betwixt a Personal Weakness , and a Publick Inconvenience . The giving way to Clamours of this impetuous and froward nature , cost the late King his life . To say more , were to prejudge my Betters ; let this suffice . PUt your selves in their case , and suppose that you had studied , conferred and prayed , and done your best to know , whether God would have you to be Re-ordained , to use these Forms or Ceremonies , or Subscriptions or not ? and having done all , you think that God would be displeased if you should use them , would you then be used your selves , as your dissenting Brethren are now used , or are like to be ; love them as your selves , and we will crave no further favour for them . NOTE . XXII . THis we call laying of the Matter home to a Man : — Make it your own Case . Good. Whose Case did these Reformers make it , when they stripp'd all men to their Shirts , whose Consciences could not submit to their Rebellious Leagues of Extirpation , and Directorian Fopperies ? Would they have been Content , Themselves , to have been turn'd out of their Livings , because they could not play the Renegado's ; to have been muzzled up in Dungeons ; — debarr'd the Common Benefits of Humane Life : — Not suffer'd to Officiate as Private Chaplains ; — No , nor so much as teach a petty School ; — nor enter into any honest Employment , which their Ingenious malice foresaw might give The Persecuted Wretches Bread. Is This according to the Rule ? Do as you would be done by . There were no Superstitious Impositions , at That Time ; but matters went as they would have them . They Order'd every thing Themselves ; and the best Choyce an honest man had left him , was Job's upon the Dunghill . It was the Pulpit too , that gave Fire to the Train ; — that warranted the Treason , and cover'd Murther with a Gloss of Justice . Briefly ; a Reformation was the Crye of the Design , and see the Issue of it . And yet Do as you would be done by , is Their Plea , that did all This. Far be it from us however to imagine that their abuse of Justice should overthrow their Title to it ; or that the pravity of Man should frustrate the Eternal Virtue of a Decree of God , and Nature . We 'll make Their Case our own then ; and Reason with them , upon their own Principles . Do as you would be done by ; say they to us : Do as ye would be done by ; say We to Them. Would you be willing to be thus Impos'd upon ? says a Private Person : Would you be willing to be thus contemned ? says the Magistrate . Yes , if ( I commanded things unlawful , says the one : or if I were a Schismatick says the other . If upon Search and Prayer for better Light , we think that God would be displeased with us for doing This or That , we must not do it . Now , why should others trouble us , only for doing That which in our places they would do Themselves ? This is the Fair state of the Question . We are to Note here , that Words are not the certain Evidences of our Thoughts ; and that our Charity is never so ty'd up , as to be barr'd advice with Reason . Now others are to deal with Vs , according to the Rules of what things rationally seem to Them , not strictly ( peradventure ) what they are . As Thus ; A common Lyer tells a Truth ; it may be so ; yet I 'm not bound to venture any thing upon his Story . The first Profession a man makes ; — in Charity , I 'll Credit ; yet still in Prudence I 'll secure my self , in case I prove mistaken . But People that Break oft , where they may keep their Words ▪ that by prepense Contrivance have formerly strew'd their way with Oyly Language , to deadly Ends : These , by the general Dictate of Common Reason , I may suspect , and which is more , I ought to do it , and to be wary of them . Does not our Blessed Saviour himself bid us , BEWARE of the Leven of the Pharisees which is HYPOCRISY ? — Those that Tithe Mint and Cummin , and neglect Judgement Mercy , and Fidelity : — That streyn at a Gnat , and Swallow a Camell : — That are Fair outwardly , and Rotten within ; — and under colour of long Prayers , that devour Widows houses . Do not Pharisee , and Puritan begin with a Letter ? Is not this Character most bitterly like the humour of the men we wote of ? Further ; 't is manifest from this Caution , that we are not bound to think all People Godly , that call themselves so , nor to trust all appearances of Holyness ; but we are soberly to reduce our Judgements to the Standard of Discourse and Reason . They must deny the Bible , that refuse us This ; and now , suppose the Table 's turn'd . We told the World , that we were afraid of Popery ; and that our Consciences could not submit to Ceremonies ; under which colour we entred into a Covenant , which in pretense was to Reform the Church , and to Establish the King. We destroy'd Both , by virtue of That Freedome , which we seem'd only to desire in order to our Souls . The Son of that Prince whom we ruin'd , is now by Providence , and Hereditary Right , placed on his Fathers Throne . Our Consciences are once again Sick of the Old Scruples ; and cannot down with Forms , and Ceremonies . Shall we be laid aside now for our Consciences ? Yes certainly , we must be laid aside , unless we shew very good reason , first , why they should believe us Conscientious , and next , ( if truly Scrupulous they can Imagine us ) why they should trust us . Did not we swear , than an Impulse of Conscience transported us into our first Engagement ? That , all the World knows was a design of Faction , and Sedition ; and that the Pulpit-Theme , was the Decrying of the Kings Negative Voyce ; and the Exalting of the Power of Parliaments . ( Blaspheming the Authority of the Nation , by applying it to a Conspiracy in the Two Houses . ) This we have formerly done , and , as yet , given the World no Tokens of Repentance : We ask the same things over again ; and ( in good deed ) why may not they suspect to the same Purpose ? May they not argue likewise from our Practises , against our own Demands ? Do we say People may not be compell'd ? Why did we compel Them then ? Well , but suppose it a pure Case of Conscience , that hinders our Complyance . Men may think many things unlawsul to be done , that are still as unlawful to be suffer'd . We ask that Freedome from the Law , which would in Consequence destroy the Law : and This we begg , for Conscience . Were it not Breach of Trust in These to whom the Care of the Publique is committed , to gratifie a Private Scruple , by a General Inconvenience ? So that their Conscience stands engaged against us . But 't is reply'd , that we are many Thousands . All are but One , in point of Conscience ; Take them together , they 're a Faction . At last ; if we can yield no Reason why they should either Believe , or Trust us ; Where lyes the Sadnesse of our Condition ; save only in the Losse of what we never had ? Unless Thus or so Qualify'd we must not be admitted . [ A ] IT is easier to agree in few things , than upon many , upon great and certain and necessary things , than upon small uncertain and unnecessary things , and upon things that God himself hath revealed or appointed , than upon things that proceed from no surer an Original , than the Wit or Will of man. The strict prohibition of adding to , or diminishing from the things commanded by the Law-giver of the Church . Deut. 12.32 . [ B ] It 's easie to forsee , how those expressions in mens Sermons , or Prayers , or familiar Conference , which seem to any mis-understanding , or suspicious , or malicious bearers , to intimate any sense of sufferings , will be carried to the ears of Rulers , and represented as a crime . And nature having planted in all men an unwillingness to suffer , and denyed to all men a Love of Calamity , and necessitated men to feel when they are hurt , and made the Tongue and Countenance the Index of our sense , these Effects will be unvoydable , while such Impositions are continued , and while a fear of Sinning will not suffer men to swallow and digest them , and what wrongs such divisions about Religion will be to the Kingdom ; and to his Majesty , we shall not mention , because our Governours themselves may better understand it . [ C ] What universal ease , and peace , and joy would be the fruits of that happy unity and concord which the reasonable forbearances which we humbly petition for , would certainly produce ▪ how comfortable would our Ministerial labours be , when we had no such temptations , burdens or disquietments . [ D ] It must be the Primitive Simplicity of Faith , Worship , and Discipline , that must restore the Primitive Charity , Unity , and Peace , and make the multitude of Believers to be of one heart , and of one Soul , and to converse with gladness and Singleness of heart , as having all things common , Act. 4.32 . and 2.46 . No such things as our controverted Impositions ; were then made necessary to the unity and concord of the Members of the Church . NOTE . XXIII . [ A ] IT is not good to make Little matters seem Great , and Great small : — to make less difficulty of Doing what God h 'as directly forbidden , then of complying with what he has not expresly commanded . Observe here a Text most miserably forced . What-thing-soever I command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it . Deut. 12.32 . ] which our new Scholiasts render thus . Do nothing but what God commands , even where God commands nothing at all . Does not [ what-thing-soever I command : Observe to do it . ] imply that some things there are which God does not comcommand ; and that in those Cases we are at Liberty ? ( the [ Observe ] waiting upon the particular thing Commanded . ) [ B ] It 's easie to foresee , &c. — ] Our Reformers fore-sight is in this place , an Almanack for the last year . The Poyson of their Sermons , Prayers , and Conferences has been already reported to the Ears of Rulers , — by hearers , not malitious neither ; but griev'd , to see the Pulpits fill'd with Faction , Ignorance , and Scandal ; and to hear onely Hortatives to Tumult ; Defiances , and Alarums , instead of Evangelical and healing Comforts . But these ( effects they tell us ) will be unavoidable , while such Impositions are continued . Nay rather , while such Freedom is allow'd . Do these men Preach , and yet complain of a Restraint ? They cannot swallow and digest , &c. — ] Yes , Sequestred Livings they can , not Ceremonies . In truth the One is a little hard to go down , and the Other is as hard to come up . If these Divisions threaten wrong to the Kingdom , and his Majesty , ( as they say they do ) a timely order would be taken with the Dividers . [ C ] To sweeten the last Menace , where they tell us the hazzard of not complying with the Faction ; We are now blest with a view of their Land of Promise . What universal peace and ease , &c. — the giving them all they ask would certainly procure . [ Indeed I suppose the Nation might be at Vnity That way ; for betwixt Hanging and Transplanting all men of Differing opinions , there must needs ensue a pleasant state of Concord . Less rigour cannot reasonably be expected by any man , that either considers the Faction ; since it first got footing in the world ; or the late practises of these very people . Concerning their extraction and proceedings , I have given some accompt in my Holy Cheat : Of their late practises enough is said too ; onely a word touching the Quality and Temper of our Reformers . Which word [ Reformers ] must not be understood singly of those that published this spurious Liturgy , and bold Petition : but likewise of their aiding and consociate Brethren . The foulness of the late War is notorious : and the King's Mercy toward the Conspirators surpasses all example : in which number , I reckon the revolting and intruding Church-men , as Criminals of the first Magnitude . Of these , some keep their Benefices , others are laid aside , in right perhaps of the due Incumbent , or for want of Orders . Those that continue , help the rest , — set up their Lectures , — call in the ejected and the deep-mouth'd Brethren to their assistance : — and now they 're in , full cry against Church-Government , and Persecution . In fine ; out of the whole Crew of these Reformers , let any man produce one single person that ever was a friend to the late King. I 'l shew him divers of his bitter enemies ; nay , some ☞ of those ( yet publick Preachers ) in the City , that press'd the Murther of our late blessed Soveraign , rankly and openly in the very Pulpit . Now let the world judge , what these people mean by Reformation . But we are told , that forbearances will quiet them . They are no Presbyterians then : for ever since they have had a beeing , kindness has made them worse : and the very Moment of his Majesty's Return , was watched by their impatient and seditious Libels . [ D ] What an Amphibion is a designing Presbyterian ! a Levelling Prelate : — We have here a Complement to New-England from the Kirk of Scotland : — All things in common , according to the Primitive Discipline . That the Primitive simplicity of Faith and Worship , ( as Worship may be taken ) is necessary to Christian Unity ; I think no man questions , that writes Christian : but to bring Discipline up to an Essential , is ( under favour ) a Religious Soloecism : or rather , an Audacious Imputation upon all Churches , that ever yet embrac'd Christianity . 'T is in effect , a Feather pluck'd from the Soveraignty : — a consciencious encroachment upon the Supreme Power : — for by this Knack , all civil Causes are hook'd in within Cognizance of the Consistory , and found within the Purlues of their Discipline . As their Ambition is remarkable in all Cases , so is their Purpose most observable in this before us . What signifies the necessity of Their Discipline to Our Peace ? but that Bishops must down , and Presbytery up , or we shall have no Quiet with them . For a Come-off ; All things must be done with singleness of heart ( they tell us ) as having all things in common , Act. 2.46.4.32 . ( This is a morfel for the Independents ) No such Things as our controverted Inquisitions were then made necessary , &c. ] Never had men worse luck with Texts . Mark but these two Quotations now , and then admire the subtle Inference from them . No Impositions , Then ; and consequently , none must be Now. Would our Reformers have had the Church order'd , before it was gather'd ? Rules for Church-government establish'd , before Christianity it self was acknowledg'd . The Apostles had but newly receiv'd the holy Ghost ; and to convince the Jews of the Divinity of that IESUS whom they had crucified , was their first Business and Commission : Faith and Repentance was their Theme : — the Question , — Men and Brethren , What shall we do ? ( not how ) Then Peter said unto them , Repent , and be Baptized : — Act 2.37 , 38. ] Then ( says the Text ) they that gladly received his word were Baptized — and they continued stedfastly in the Apostles Doctrine , and Fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and in prayers , vers . 42. ] If the Apostles had been Presbyterians , they would perhaps have begun with their holy Discipline , and laid the Sacraments aside to be considered of at leisure . Had it not been a most preposterous course , to have directed the manner of our Worship , before they had laid the foundation of our Faith ? 'T is said again , chap. 4. vers . 32. that the multitude of them that believed , were of one heart , and of one soul. ] And here 's no mention of Impositions neither ; whence they infer the non-necessity of Impositions , as to Concord . When these Gentlemen shall have prov'd Impositions unnecessary , they have a long way yet to go , ere they shall be able to prove them unlawful . But , till they have done the former , we shall persist in our opinion of their necessity ; at least conveniential , not to Salvation , but to Vnity . It must be noted , that this unanimity in the believing multititude , was a miraculous grace . They were all filled with the holy Ghost : ( says the verse next antecedent ) and the connexion fairly implies this wonderful Agreement , to be the imm●diate working of that blessed Inspiration . [ We find a while after , when the number of the Disciples was multiplyed , there arose a murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews , because their widows were neglected in the daily ministration . Chap. 6. vers . 1. ] ( The bond of Universal Unity begins to slacken already . ) This Difference gave occasion to the institution of Deacons . Church-Officers being already appointed ; — Apostles and Presbyters by our Saviour himself , and Deacons by the Apostles : we come now to Church-Orders : or , ( in the holy Language ) Impositions . Concerning which , one General serves for All : Let every thing be done decently and in order . But the determination of that Decency is left to the Church . THe common Adversaries of our Religion , and of the King and Kingdom , will rejoyce to see us weakned by our Divisions , and employed in afflicting or censuring one another , and to see so many able Ministers laid aside , that might do much displeasure to Satan , by the weakning of his Kingdom , and by promoting the Gospel and Kingdom of the Lord. NOTE . XXV . SInce our Reformers have not over much Modesty , I wish they had a little more Argument : that a man might either with Charity believe them in a mistake , or with Honor shew them the way out of it . Who are the common Adversaries now ? The King and his Party were wont to be the common Enemies . But here they talk of Adversaries to our Religion , the King and Kingdom . They may intend the King still , for ought I know . They charg'd his Royal Father with Popery , and yet They themselves brought him to the Scaffold , because he would not set it up under ( forsooth ) the disguise of Presbytery . They declar'd him likewise an enemy to King and Kingdom , by making his Person an enemy to his Authority , as they distinguished them . Briefly , who ever they are that hate us , they may well rejoyce to see us thus Divided , but woe be to them from whom these Divisions come . 'T is not for Subjects to expostulate with Rulers : — to start from the Laws , and bid Authority follow them . Bishop Taylor says very well concerning Scandal , [ Before the Law be made , the Superior must comply with the Subject : After it is made , the Subject must comply with the Law. ] The latter is our case , and the Imposition lies on the other side ; upon the Law , not upon the People . But the great pity is , so many able Ministers are laid aside . ] Truly , as to the ability of good lungs , loud , and long talking , we 'l not contend with them . But that they are such Champions for the Lord's Kingdom , against Satan's , is more then , without better proof , we are bound to credit . However , they had better have a tug with Satan here , than hereafter ; but they must go another way to work then ; for , to destroy the Kingdoms of this world without commission , is ( without controversie ) to advance the Kingdom of Darkness , and to do the Devil a special piece of service . IF what you study for , be indeed of God , this course of unmercifull imposition , is the greatest wrong to it , that you can easily he drawn to , unawares ; while so many truly fearing God , are cast out , or trodden down , and tempted to think ill of that which themselves and the Church thus suffer by , and when so many of the worst befriend this way , because it gratifieth them , it tendeth to make your cause judged of , according to the quality of its friends and adversaries . And how great a hand this very thing hath had already in the dislike of that is befallen Diocesans , Ceremonies and the Liturgy , is a thing too generally known to need proof . NOTE . XXVI . MEthinks the Sir Johns grow a little pernicacious , ( as our Author has it ) [ unmerciful Impositions . ] What ? no more Covenants I hope . But 't is at [ unawares ] they say . That helps the matter . It seems , the Bishops do they know not what , a Jolly Garb for a Petition , This. But see ; the Godly men are not only Oppressed , but Tempted to think ill of what they suffer by . They are clearly for Ruling with the Ungodly , and Flourishing like a Green Bay-Tree ; ] but they do not love to think of being cast down with them from Slippery places , and destroyed ; — of Consuming , Perishing , and Coming to a Fearful End. ] of suffering their most certain Fate ; [ to be rooted out at last . ] As nothing can be clearer , then that their Cryes are Causeless ; so is it not less Evident , that were they Truths , their Practises are yet Vnchristian : and that they are not the men [ truly fearing God ] they would be thought to be . Beware of False Prophets ( says our Saviour ) that come to you in Sheeps Clothing , but Inwardly they are Ravening Wolves . Ye shall know them by their Fruits ] Here 's our Authority , to judge the Hearts of men by their Notorious Actions . Will they be tempted to think Ill , of what they suffer by ? So may the Traytour , of the Law that makes Rebellion Capitall : — The Plunderer , of the Command that sayes thou shalt not Steal : and in like manner , all Offenders may Quarrel with that Constitution which Orders , and Directs their Punishment . Yet we all know the Fault lyes in the Malefactour , not in the Appointment . At this rate , they may Cavil at Divine Justice , and disclaim Christianity it self , if they come once to suffer by it . Good manners they have shak'd hands with already ; for they tell us , that so many of the worst , befriend this [ Ceremonial ] way ; — That it tends to make the Cause judg'd of , according to the Quality of its Friends , and Adversaries . ] It were a good Deed to tell this Faction , as they told the Late King ; That the Suggestion is as false as the Father of Lies can Invent : ] Sure these Ill-Tutour'd Pedants know that his Sacred Majesty is a Friend to this way : The Law , Antiquity , and Reason . But since they offer to try the merits of the Cause by the Quality of its Friends , and Enemies : We shall accept the Challenge ; and let them thank Themselves , if they come off with the worst on 't : and first we 'll take a brief view of the Opposers . A Rabble of People , next dore to Brutes , for Knowledge , and Morality , began the Action . These were Instructed and prepar'd by a Cabale of Factious Lords and Commoners , ( and by Their Instruments ) to be afraid of Popery , and Invasions ; Bawle against Bishops , and Evil Counsellours ; and finally , these Virtuous Sages were made the Judges , and Reformers of Laws , and Manners . In Time these Ostlers , Tinkers , Ragg-men , Coblers , Draymen , Thimble-makers , &c. — Grew up to be our Governours . So much for the Rise , Fortune , and Extraction of the first visible undertakers . Now for their Honesty . They Plunder'd , Murther'd , Rebell'd , Forswore Themselves . Mean while , the Mock-Priests , in their Pulpits proclaim'd this Medly , for the Godly Party ; Wedded their Cause ; took in all sorts of Heretiques into the Combination . Defam'd the King : Enflam'd the People against the Government ; Cast out the B'shops ; — Swore fast and Loose ; and Preach'd three Kingdomes into Bloud and Ruine . These were the Tender Consciences ▪ — The Holy Thousands ; — and the men truly fearing God , that were cast out , and trodden down , &c. — This is no General Charge , for I allow , that many well-meaning but mis-guided Persons sided with the Party ▪ I speak of Those Members that stuck to the Work ; and of those Ministers that fluck to Them : to shew the World what sort of Persons our Challenging Divines are now pleading for , under the Notion of People grieved because of Vniversal Impositions . Methinks Those that were In , Before , and have their Pardons , should be very tender , how they engage the Nation in New Broyles : Especially against That Prince , whose Single , and Pure Grace it is , that puts a Difference betwixt the Heads They wear , and Those upon the City-Gates ; Whosoever is offended at This plain Freedome , let him blame Those that have so spitefully , and so unseasonably put this comparison of Parties to the Question . We have in Grosse , laid open the Opposers of our Church-Government , Rites and Ceremonies . Their Friends are briefly Those : The Warrant of Holy Writ : The universal Practice of Ordering the Externals of Worship : — The Establishment of the Particulars , by the Consent of the People : — The Regular Injunctions of a Lawful Authority : — and in fine , Every Person that loves the Religion , Law , Honour , Peace , and Freedome of the English Nation . Once more for All ; what is the Kings Person to the Church-Ceremonies ? Yet the same Covenant , and the same Persons , destroy'd Both. Which shews , ( as I have often said ) that the Design is Power , not Conscience ; and that the Friends and Enemies to the Church ; are the same Thing respectively to his Majesty . Touching the Dislike , which ( they say ) is befallen Diocesans , &c. — ] They tell us here a Truth , which they Themselves have well-nigh totally procur'd : for to infame the Hierarchy , and blast the Constitutions of the Church , has been ( ever since the Kings Return ) the better half of their Businesse in the Pulpit . ( Not forgetting His Majesty neither . ) [ A ] A Weak Brother that maketh an unnecessary difference of meats and dayes ; is not to be cast out , but so to be received and not to be troubled with such doubtful disputation . [ B ] Impositions are not indifferent , in the judgement of dissenters , though they be so in yours . [ C ] We beseech you therefore plead not Law against us , when our request is that you will joyn with us in Petitioning , to his Majesty and the Parliament , that there may be no such Law. [ D ] The cause of the Non-conformists hath been long ago stated , at the Troubles at Franckford , and having continued still the same , you have no reason to suspect them of any considerable Change. [ E ] We have now faithfully , and not unnecessarily , or unreasonably , spread before you , the Case of thousands of the upright of the Land : We have proposed honest and safe remedies for our present Distraction , and the preventing of the feared increase . NOTE . XXVII . [ A ] VVOuld our Divines perswade us that the Case of Meats , and Dayes , whereof the Apostle speaks , is of the same nature with That of Ceremonies , which we are now Debating , or that a weak Brother is not to be distinguish'd from a Peevish ? See how perverse and vast a difference lyes betwixt them : but right or wrong , if it be Colour'd for the Multitude , no matter for the Reason . Under the Law , God himself put a Difference betwixt Meats ; and betwixt Dayes : which Difference ceas'd , upon the coming of our Blessed Saviour . Some thought it still , a point of Conscience to observe the Law ; and These the Apostle calls weak Brethren : Others again , that knew the Law was abrogate , quitted those Scruples , and of These it is that St. Paul says ; we which are strong , ought to bear the Infirmities of the weak . Now Marque ; That which was formerly impos'd , is now become a thing Indifferent . That is ; Indifferent to the strong and knowing : not so to Those that were not yet convinced of the determination of the former Tie and Duty : and This is the true ground of the Apostles Tenderness here concerning Scandal . Destroy not him with thy Meat , for whom Christ Dyed . ] See how their Case now matches ours . They durst not Eat , because they knew that once they were bound ; and they did not know likewise that they were now discharg'd . Let our Reformers shew as much for Ceremonies : Either that Humane Impositions were ever forbidden , or that Those , practic'd in our Church , are in themselves unlawful . And yet These men are not so totally Indifferent , as they appear to be , concerning Meats , and Days . Was ever any thing more sourly Superstitious , then their Monthly-Fast ? Those Days , wherein the Church enjoyns Abstinence , they choose , to Feast upon : and Sunday is the only Day for Humiliation . [ B ] Laws are compos'd for the Publique welfare , not for the Humours of Particular Persons : and shortly ; They that do not like the Law where they Live ; should do well to search the VVorld , for a Law they like . Si non ubi sedeas locus est , est ubi ambules . [ C ] We come now to a fine Request ; That is , they desire the Bishops to Petition the King to establish Presbytery ; ( for That is directly the Effect of it ) to destroy the Act of Conformity . Do not people understand , that when Laws are form'd to a Complyance with Phansie and Humour , there is no other Law but Humour . They tell us hitherto what they would not have , see now what 't is they would have . [ D ] The cause of the Non-conformists ( they say ) is long since stated at Frankford . ] Is that it then they would be at ? Yes , that , or thereabouts . [ We have no reason to suspect them of any considerable change , ] they tell us . Truly , nor much to thank them for sticking there . But the late War is the best Measure of their Aims ; and yet they did no more there , than they attempt every where : for I defie the world to shew me one story , where ever That Faction was quiet , unless they govern'd . But they have confess'd enough ; we are to look at Frankford for their model : and by the spirit of the Reformers There , to judge of These Here. In the days of Edw. 6th . this Island first began to be leaven'd with Presbytery : through the particular craft and instigation of Calvin , whose late success and absolute dominion at Geneva , gave no small pretence and encouragement to an allowance of his Discipline . While Discontents were gathering , That Prince dies , leaving the Government to Queen Mary , in whose Reign , diverse of the Reformed perswasion fled into Germany . No sooner were they met at Frankford , but Calvin's model was there ready to bid them welcom . Some liked it but too well ; and to make easier way for 't , made it their first work to disgrace the English Forms ; just as our Consistorian Puritans do at this day . Knox , Whitingham , and some others of the Geneva-humor , made a Cull of the particulars they faulted , and sent them to Calvin for his opinion : whose Answer was , That there were many tolerable Fopperies in the English Liturgy . This Letter was made publick , and a great furtherance to the ensuing Breach ; which ended yet in the establishment of the English way at Frankford , the Calvinizers flying off to Geneva . So that Their Reformers and Ours agree ; Both , Enemies to the English Ceremonies , and Common-Prayer . The cause the same too ; both are friends to the Geneva Platform . Nay , they agree in Practise likewise . That Faction cast off their PRINCE and BISHOP there ; ours did as much for KING and BISHOPS here . If those Nonconformists , and These are of a judgment ; ( as our Divines unwarily imply ) we shall best read what these men think and mean , srom what those said and did , and rather proceed upon their own confession , than summon the three Kingdoms to bear witness of their Actions . We shall begin with Knox , ( one of the intermedlers ) whose Letters and Discourses are sufficient to his condemnation , without that History of the Church of Scotland ; of which ( though generally ascrib'd to him ) Spotswood acquits him . In 1559. Willock and Knox were advised with , concerning the discharging the Queen of her Regency . Willock gave his opinion , That they might justly deprive her from all Regiment and Authority over them . ] Knox follow'd , and added , That she ought now to be deprived . Those of most note among the Frankford-sticklers , were Goodman , Whittingham , and Gilby . See them at large in Bancroft's dangerous Positions : from whence we 'l borrow some Collections out of them . If the Magistrates ( says Goodman ) shall refuse to put Mass-mongers and false Preachers to death , the people , in seeing it performed , do shew that zeal of God which was commended in Phineas , destroying the Adulterers ; and in the Israelites against the Benjamites . Now see the men that these Reformers call Mass-mongers and false Preachers . The most part of our Ministers ( says Gilby ) are either Popish Priests , or Monks , or Fryers — Procters of Antichrist's Inventions : Popish Chapmen , &c. ] If Kings and Princes refuse to reform Religion , ( says Whittingham ) the Inferior Magistrates , or People , by direction of the Ministery , may lawfully , and ought , if need require , even by Force and Arms , to reform it themselves . To the Multitude ( says Goodman ) a portion of the sword of Justice is committed : from the which no person , King , Queen , or Emperor , ( being an Idolater ) is exempt , he must die the death . These are the opinions of those Persons whom our Reformers make their Pattern . How they proceeded , the story of Queen Elizabeth sets forth abundantly ; and our own memories may enform us , how close our Covenanters have follow'd them . [ E ] We have now faithfully , &c. ] With what Faith , Reason , or Necessity — soever the case was spread before the Bishops : we 're sure 't was fouly done to spread the case before the People . But where 's the Faith , of taking an Ell for an Inch : — of abolishing what they pretend to alter : — of perverting Scripture : — and of putting an Arbitrary Nothing upon the People , instead of a Set-form ? Where lies the Reason of presenting the Opinions of the Simple , as Arguments to the Wise : — of opposing Number to Equity : — Tumults to Authority : — and of pressing his Majesty , to put himself into the power of those very people that dethron'd his Father ? Lastly , where lies the necessity of insisting upon so many variations , as are already prov'd to be utterly unnecessary ? Now see the Remedies they offer us ▪ which come to this ; They propose to cure good Order by Confusion . Honest and safe they say they are ; and honest and safe we may believe them ; but we must first believe , that there 's no Knavery in Nature : for set mens consciences at liberty once , to think what they please , their hands will not be long restrained from executing those thinkings . Never was a general Freedom demanded , but for a particular design : nor was it ever granted , but the next proposition was Equality . But they propose it here , it seems , as to prevent the fear'd enemies of our distractions . ] Behold a drop fallen from the lips of Prudence it self . Are we in danger already and shall we be in less , when those we fear are in more power ▪ Either the Reason's naught or the Design ; let them say whether . APPENDIX . SO far as open and clear Dealing to their Arguments , or Justice to their meaning may acquit me , I think I owe them nothing ; and yet methinks I'm in their Debt , unless I match their Twenty Reasons in favour of their Propositions ; with as many against them . And which is more ; since 't is the Multitude they Court , I am content their friends shall be my Judges . When I have done , 't is at the Reformers Choyce ; either by a Reply to shew the little they have to say ; or by a more ingenuous Silence , modestly to confesse that they can say Nothing . TVVENTY REASONS AGAINST Their PROPOSITIONS . First , the Design is Dangerous , as Presbyterian . For I do not find where ever yet that Government was Setled , but by Conspiracy , and to the Ruine of the Supreme Magistrate . ( With Reverence to the Reformed Churches ; whose opinions in matters of Faith may be Sound , and yet the Extraction of their Discipline , vitious . ) 2. The Proposers of This Peace ( as they call it ) were the Promoters of the Late War : and by those very means did they destroy the Last King , which they here offer as Beneficial to This. 3. The very Matter of their Proposals , imports a Denyal and Usurpation of the Kings Authority . His Majesty may not prescribe a Set-form of Worship : They Themselves may for [ WEDDED , JOYN'D ] &c. — stamp'd with the Kings Authority signifie nothing : But change them into MARRIED , CONJOYN'D , &c. ] and the Reformers Seal to them , They pass for Current . 4. Their Propositions are an utter disclaim of the Episcopal Order : for they oppose under pretense of Conscience , all Powers or Faculties derivative from Bishops : as Canonical Obedience , Ordination , Subscription , &c. 5. They Press the King to act against his Declar'd Conscience : and to condemn the Blessed Memory of his Father ; who Dy'd because he could not Grant , what they demand now from his Royal Successour . 6. The Ground of their Pretense , is Scandal and Unfitness for the Ministry in the One Party ; Great Holyness , Ability , and Conscience in the Other , which to allow , were to make Martyrdome , and Loyalty Scandalous ; and to give Treason , Faction , and Hypocrisie , the Credit and Reward of Holynesse . ( for That 's the Difference betwixt those that Ruin'd the Late King , and Those that Perish'd for him , which Two are now the Question . ) 7. The very Style , and Manner of the Addresse , is Menacing , Libellous , and Mutinous : Menacing , in the Title ; [ A Petition for PEACE . ] That is ; no Peace without a Grant. Libellous , in the way , and purpose of it . A Nameless , Close , and Defamatory Invective against Bishops . Mutinous in the Scope , and Consequence ; 't is an Appeal from the Supreme Power to the People . 8. The Liberty they ask , Extends to any thing they shall call Conscience : and Then what Crimes , and Villanies shall not passe for Virtues , when every Malefactour is his own Judge ? 9. To give these People what they ask is to allow the Reason of their asking : and at once to reward one Injury , and justifie another . 10. They plead the Peoples Cause without Commission ; and what the Church styles Schisme , They terme Religion ; That , Christian Liberty , which the Law calls Treason . 11. 'T is dangerous trusting of common Vow-breakers , and most unequal to challenge absolute Liberty , and allow none . 12. The grant of one unreasonable Request , begets another , till at the last , it becomes unsafe to deny , by having parted with too much . 13. The late War began with a pretence of Reformation : and with Reformation are we now beginning again . It may very well be , that the same persons may intend the same things , by the same terms , and that they still propose to act by the same conscience : which if they do , in common equity and prudence , they are not to be admitted . If otherwise , till their Confession is as publick as their Fault , they are not to be believed . ( I speak of Church-men more especially . ) 14. If really the common people be disaffected to the Orders of the Church ; surely these Ministers that preach'd them into these distempers , deserve rather to be punish'd , than gratifi'd for so doing . And that 's the case . They themselves first stir up a factious humor in the Multitude , and then they call that Conscience , which is nothing else but a misguided Ignorance of their own procuring . 15. While they pretend to reform bad Laws , they destroy good ones ; noy , they oppose the very scope and benefit of Law it self , common utility and concord : making their fickle and unquiet fancies , the Rule of that Authority , which better Reason meant expresly for a curb of our licentious wandrings . 16. Our Reformers place the last Appeal in the People ; an excellent contrivance , to make That Party Judge of every thing , which effectually understands nothing . 17. Whereas they plead Religion in the case , such a Religion 't is , as the whole Christian world cann't shew the fellow on 't : rather to justifie those outrages , which even Humanity it self abhors ; than to admit those universal Rights of Government , which all men in society acknowledge , and submit to , but themselves . 18. A furious Bustle they make with the silly people , for fear of Popery . Let this be observ'd , The Church of Rome hath gain'd more English Proselytes ( ten for one ) during our Presbyterian Tyranny , than in proportion of time it ever did under our Bishops . And still we lose ; ( I would I could not say ) with Reason too : for what 's Presbytery , but a more shameful and Intolerable Popery ? ( But all perswasions have their more moderate , and their violent Parties . ) We talk of Jesuits ; What is a Jesuite , but a Presbyterian Papist ? or what a Presbyterian but a Reform'd Jesuite ? 19. Their Propositions are an affront to the King , and a snare to the People . They ask leave to alter the Common-prayer , and they take leave to destroy it . They offer a new form , and they desire it may be left to the Minister's discretion which to use ; which being granted , the Minister is left still at liberty to use neither . Thus do they play Fast and Loose with his Majesty ; ensnaring likewise the People with a lamentable pretence , that they cannot obtain , what in effect no mortal can understand . 20. Let them now get what they ask , and they shall soon take what they please : for they onely desire , that they may do what they list , and then judge of their own doings . We all know what they have done , and call'd it Conscience too ; so that their present talk of Conscience , gives us no certainty of what they intend to do . Wherefore 't is safer to refuse than trust them . Let me be taken still to speak with reverence to Authority : and truly I shall further yet subject my Reason to my Charity ; if any man will but do me the kindness to shew me onely one publick President , where ever a Presbyterian Faction , in a contest for Power , and under no necessity , kept faith with any party . What were all Articles and Ties of Honor , more then Bulrushes , when they could gain by breaking them ? How much I loathe these brawling Arguments , I might appeal to the whole practise of my life , wherein I never yet put Pen to Paper , to any man's dishonor , that was not a profess'd enemy to the King : nor have I ever printed the least syllable , but on a publick score . 'T is now high time to end this tedious wrangle , which I must not absolutely quit , till I have given some Reasons for engaging in it . First , I am ty'd by Oath to the discovery of all Conspiracies against his Majesty , and by the Oath I have taken , I judge this here in question to be a foul one . Next , as a Subject , I am bound to do the King all lawful service . Thirdly , I look upon this Office , as a small Offering to my Country ; 't is no great vanity , if I believe some weak enough for me to teach : and 't is a truth , that I as much desire to learn from others . Fourthly , We are charg'd with Ignorance and Scandal , ( the Presbyterians Livery ) and I would have the world to know , that Those of the Censorious Cut are not all Saints and Philosophers . I might add for a Fifth Reason , that general good allowance which my well-meaning weaknesses have found with the King's Friends : from whose agreement of opinion , I receive great assurance and encouragement , in my poor undertakings ; and in their Charity much Honor. But All are not so satisfi'd : for at This Instant I am inform'd of several mean designes upon my Person , Freedom , and Credit . The first amounts to nothing . The Next I look upon but as the boiling of some old rancorous Humor against the King : — a Dream perchance of forty-four again . For sure no other Persons will condemn me Now , but those that would have hang'd me Then. As to the Third , I 'm least of all sollicitous ; for perjur'd persons are no proof in Law , and for the rest , I fear them not . It will be urg'd perhaps , What has this scribling Fellow to do with the publick ? I cry ye mercy , Gentlemen . You count it nothing then , after three Prentiships spent in the Royal Cause , to be bespatter'd by those very persons that overthrew it ? This is the course of your Implacable Distempers : The Cavaliers are abus'd , and the Presbyterians complain . Give me leave onely to offer ye two or three Questions , and I have done . ( The first an old one , but not yet Resolv'd . ) First , VVithout Repentance can there be any Salvation ? or , without Confession and Restitution , any Repentance ? Secondly , VVhy will not you swear to obey Bishops , as well as ye Covenanted to destroy them ? and why may not you as well be forc'd to take a lawful Oath , as you forc'd others to an Unlawful one ? Thirdly , VVhy is it not as lawful for Bishops to silence Presbyterians , as for Presbyterians to extirpate Bishops ? One Fool may ask more Questions , than twenty VVise-men can answer . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47908-e1790 Caveat , pag. 18. Notes for div A47908-e2750 Birds of a Feather . The Marks of the Beast . Nemo repente . Cujus Contrarium . Notes for div A47908-e6670 The Divine● Petition for Peace . pag. 1. Had Zimri Peace ? Johnson . The Presbyt . Demands . Pag. 2. Notes for div A47908-e8010 Presbyterian Reformation signifies Abolition . Fraud . Usurpation . Design , not Conscience . The Method of Sedition . A Petitionary Menace . Pag. 14. The Divines exceed their Commission . The Kings Proposal to the Presbyterian Ministers . The Godly Party . Tender Conscience● . Page . 61. Ibid. His Majesties Tendernesse abused . Notes for div A47908-e12460 An Arbitrary Set-Form . Christian Liberty . Pag. 32.35.36 . ibid. Pag. 46. Christian Liberty at the Communion . Pag. 55. ibid. Pag. 56.57.58 . Unchristian Rigour . Pag. 62.64 . Consistorian Tyranny . Hookers Ecclesiastical Policy l. 5. S. 64. Pag. 68.72.73 . Concerning Festivalls . Ibid. Pag. 74.78 : Notes for div A47908-e13740 Pastoral Discipline . p. 82. Pag. 80. Pag. 81. Open Confession . For a Traytor . A Schismatick . An Oppressour A Murtherer . An Hypocrite . A Perjur'd person . This Discipline necessary for the Presbyterians . The Method of the Presbyterian Faction . The Marques of a Presbyterian . Notes for div A47908-e15450 Page . 2. Notes for div A47908-e15810 Pag. 3. Reas. 1. The Duty of Bishops . Notes for div A47908-e15950 John. 10.27 . Pag. 4. Reas. 2. A sad Compleynt . Notes for div A47908-e16760 The Presbyt . Character . Able . Holy. Faithful . Laborious . Peaceable . Pag. 4. Reas. 3. Sorrow in a day of Common Joy unseasonable . Notes for div A47908-e18560 The Presbyterians laugh when they should cry . The old Cause reviv'd . Pag. 3. Reas. 4. How great a part of the 3. Nations suffer . Notes for div A47908-e19340 The Faction good at false Musters . Inconsiderable . Pag. 4. Reas. 5. The Nature of the Cause . Page 5. Ibid. Pag 6. Notes for div A47908-e19920 The ground of the Reformers Schisme . Gal. 1.8 . 2 John 1.9 . Rom. 16.17 . 1 Cor. 14.40 . The manner of Worship left to the Church . Conformity necessary . A queynt Scruple . Matth. 26.20 . Matth. 26.39 . 2 Kings 4.13 . Their Scruple is Faction . Pag. 6. Reas. 6. The Disproportion betwixt the things in Question and the Salration of Souls . Pag. 7. Pag. 8. Notes for div A47908-e22600 Ceremonies are necessary to Order . They oppose the Power not the Thing . Tit. 1.5 . The Presbyterians swear freely . Who are Factious . Rom. 7.7 , 8. The Consequence of Presbyterian Liberty . Pag. 8. Reas. 7. The Nonconformists submit to all things necessary to Salvation . Pag. 9. Notes for div A47908-e25470 Things necessary to Salvation . Pag. 9. Reas. 8. As well the Mass-Book as the Common-Prayer . Notes for div A47908-e26210 Pag. 9. Reas. 9. The Liberty of the Ancient times . Notes for div A47908-e26540 Luke . 1 1.2 . A modest request . Johnson . Pag. 9. R. 10. The hazzard of Refusing . Notes for div A47908-e27640 Presbyterians no Protestants Smectimnuus Pag. 23. Bishop Hall's Modest offer , Pag. 3. Ibid. Pag. 4. Pag. 15. Presbyterian Primitive Episcopacy . Hooker's Eccles . pol. lib. 5. sect . 62. * Smectymnuus . Mr. Manton's Impression , pag. 51. Spotswood Hist. of Scotl. lib. 7. pag. 514. Page 10. Reason 11. Notes for div A47908-e31110 The Church the Judge . Matth. 24.4 . Matth. 24.24 . Schisme turns to Rebellion . Pag. 10. Reason . 12. Notes for div A47908-e32870 The End of mans Creation . Objection . Sol. peevish Liberty . Page 12. Reas. 13. Notes for div A47908-e34780 The Reformers Method . Page 12. Reason 14. Page 13. Notes for div A47908-e36440 The Intellect not to be forced . Page 13. Pag. 13. Reas. 15. Notes for div A47908-e37390 Pag. 14. Reas. 16. Notes for div A47908-e38000 Do as ye would be done by . Object . Sol. The Presbyterians case put . Page 14. Reas. 17. Pag. 16. Page . 16. Notes for div A47908-e40110 A Text wrested . The Reformers Unity . A subtle Inference . Page 18. Reas. 18. Notes for div A47908-e42610 The common Enemy . Great Exemplar . Pag. 447. Pag. 18. Reas. 19. Notes for div A47908-e43300 Psal. 37.36 . Psal. 73.17 . Psal. 37.39 . Mat. 7.15 , 16. How to judge of mens hearts Exact Collect. Pag. 494. Note . The Bishops adversaries . The Holy Thousands . The friends of Episcopacy . Page 18. Reas. 20. Page 19. Notes for div A47908-e45170 Rom. 15.1 . Rom. 14.15 . Plautus . History of the Church of Scotl. pag. 267. Spotswoods Hist. Scotl. pag. 136. Ibid. 137. Dangerous Posit . pag. 35. Ibid. pag. 61. Ibid. pag. 9. Ibid. pag. 36. 
A41840	----	Great precious promises, or, Some sermons concerning the promises and the right application thereof whereunto are added some other concerning the usefulnesse of faith in advancing sanctification, as also, three more concerning the faith of assurance / by Mr. Andrew Gray ... ; all being revised since his death by some friends, the last impression carefully corrected and amended. Gray, Andrew, 1633-1656. 1669 Approx. 330 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41840 Wing G1609 ESTC R39446 18419588 ocm 18419588 107523 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41840) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107523) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1634:13) Great precious promises, or, Some sermons concerning the promises and the right application thereof whereunto are added some other concerning the usefulnesse of faith in advancing sanctification, as also, three more concerning the faith of assurance / by Mr. Andrew Gray ... ; all being revised since his death by some friends, the last impression carefully corrected and amended. Gray, Andrew, 1633-1656. [6], 210 p. Printed by George Swintown and James Glen ... Edinburgh: 1669. Imperfect: tightly bound, with print show-through and some loss of print. Reproduction of original in the British Library. 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Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GREAT AND PRECIOUS PROMISES , OR , Some Sermons concerning the Promises , and the right application thereof : Whereunto are added some other concerning the usefulness of Faith in advancing Sanctification . As also , three more concerning the Faith of Assurance . By Mr. ANDREW GRAY , late Minister of the Gospel in Glasgow . All being revised since his death by some friends . The last Impression carefully corrected and amended . 2 Cor. 7.1 . Having therefore these promises ( dearly beloved ) let us cleanse our selves from all filthinesse of the flesh and spirit , perfecting holinesse in the fear of God. Edinburgh , Printed by George Swintoun and Iames Glen , Anno Dom. 1669. To the Reader . Christian Reader , ALthough ( upon some considerations ) these following Sermons have been keeped back till now , and have waited the vacancy of the Presse from other things : yet was it at first intended ( the connexion of the purposes so requiring ) that they should have come forth as soon as some other of this precious Author , which we did formerly publish : And therefore in the Preface which we then prefixed , we did relate to both , and gave the Reader such advertisements as we conceived necessary , concerning the one as well as the other : So that we have nothing to do at present , but to put this little Piece into thy hands , commending it to thy serious thoughts , and the Lords blessing upon them . Neither shall we use many words to this purpose ; Only , we find some help is offered unto thee , in three most weighty and concerning points of Christian Religion . 1. How by the lively exercise of faith ; thou may apply the great and precious Promises . 2. How by faith thou may advance the work of Sanctification . And 3. How thy faith may grow up unto Assurance . Of all which we may truly say , that nothing can more seasonably take up the thoughts nor bring more advantage to the souls of the Lords people in these times . O how necessary is it in such troublesome days , to learn , how through Faith and Patience , we may inherit the Promises : and now when our strong corruption ( hath in a manner necessitate the wise Physician to mix unto us so bitter a cup , and give so strong a potion , in what a fainting and swouning condition must we be , if by the two immutable things , in which it is impossible for God to lie , we reoeive not also the strong consolation . Again , when profanity and ungodlinesse hath so abounded in these Nations , that from the top of the head to the sole of the foot , there is no soundnesse , but wounds and bruises , and putrifying sores : And when the corruptions of the Time like the sons of Zerviah , are grown too strong , even for the Davids who are amongst us ; What should we study with more earnestnesse , then to purifie our hearts by faith , and by having these promises , to cleanse our selves from all filthinesse of the flesh and spirit , perfecting holinesse in the fear of the Lord ? 3. When the Lord hath removed us so far from peace , that the souls of many have even forget prosperity , and the multiplied changes and revolutions in our days , hath so clearly demonstrate the instability of all sublunary glory , and so convincingly taught us , that this 〈◊〉 not our ●est ; Vndoubtedly , it is time to look for a city that hath foundations , and to give all diligence to make our calling and election sure . The subject then is useful . As to the manner of handling it : It is true , much accuracy and neatnesse , is not to be expected in any work of this nature , being only the hasty gleanings of a Church Writer ; And as to livelinesse and power , though it he as easie to draw a picture with the heat and motion of a living man , as to Write or Print , these lively motions of the spirit which do often accompany the Lords Messengers in Preaching , and in an eminent measure were also let out upon this blessed Author , yet we suppose thou will find , the matter most seriously and feelingly spoken unto , as from a heart which believed , and therefore spake : Yea , both conceptions and expressions savouring much of an exercised Spirit , not only much taken up in communion with God within it self , but even thirsting also , and panting for the salvation of others ; nay ( in some measure ) travelling in birth , till Christ might be formed in them . Oh , that more of this holy zeal and fervency , might accompany this great measure of light and knowledge in the mysteries of the Gospel that the Lord hath graciously bestowed both on Pastors and People in this generation , that once again we might see , ( as in the dayes of John Baptist ) the Kingdome of Heaven suffering violence , and the violent take it by force . And that the blessed Spirit by the same gracious operations , may so warm and inlarge thy soul in the use of this and all other means for thy eternal Salvation , is , and shall be the sincere desires of Thy servants for Christs sake , Robert Traill . Iohn Stirling . Great and precious Promises . SERMON I. 2 Pet. 1.4 . Whereby are given unto us exceeding great and precious promises , that by these you might be partakers of the divine nature , having escaped the corruption that is in the world through lust . MAy we not truly say , that if ever the Christians who live in those dayes shall be advanced to stand within the holy place , and shall inherit everlasting life , all these are now before his Throne may lay aside their harps and give us leave to sing ? Will it not be a mysterie , suppose ye , unto heavenly Enoch that spent so much of his time in communion and fellowship with God , when he shall behold such Christians within that everlasting rest , that have spent so little of their time in corresponding with God ? Will it not be a mystery unto believeing Abraham , when he shall behold such misbelievers , such disputers of the promises of God , advanced to reign with Christ ? Will it not be a mystery unto wrestling Iacob , when he shall behold these Christians once crowned with immortal glory , that did so little know what it was as Princes to wrestle with God , till they did prevail : Will it not be a wonder to patient Iob , when he shall behold such impatient Christians as we have been , entering into that blessed place of repose ? Will it not be a mystery unto holy David , when he shall behold such unmortified Christians entering within that City , into which no unclean thing doth enter ? Will it not be a mystery unto tender Iosiah , to behold such Christians as we are , that have our hearts dying as a stone within us , entering into Heaven ? Will it not be a mysterie unto upright Nathaniel , to behold such hypocriticall Christians as the most part of us are , entering within the holy place , and to see those that have been cloathed with hypocrisie and guile , now cloathed with the robes of immortal Glory ? And will it not be a mysterie unto self denied Paul , when he shall behold so proud and selfish Christians enter into Heaven ? Give me leave to say this , go where we will , we shall be matchlesse and singular ; for if we shall go into eternity of pain , we shall be the greatest debtors unto the infinit justice of God , in regard of mercies we have received : and if we shall enter into eternity of joy , we shall be the greatest debtors unto the spotlesse grace of Christ , in regard of mercy we have abused . There shall be none in heaven like to us , and if we shall go to hell , there shall be few there that may be compared unto us . And let me but adde thus further before I come to the words , go where we will , we shall be out of doubt with our condition : Within a short time a real Christian shall be exalted above the reach of his misbelieving , a hypocrite shall be depressed below the reach of his faith , and one that is grosly in nature , he shall be abased beyond the reach of his presumption : A Christian ere long shall m●sbelieve no more ; a hypocrite ere long shall believe no more ; and one that is grosly in nature shall ere long presume no more : there is no misbelief in heaven , and there is no faith nor presumption of well being in hell . But to come to that which we intend to speak to , we told you when first we began our discourse upon that precious and exalting grace of Faith under a twofold notion and consideration . first , As it is justifying : And , secondly , as it is sanctifying . For the first , we resolved to speak to it in a twofold consideration . First , As it closeth with Christ simply as the object upon which it resteth , and of this we have spoken from that place , 1 Ioh. 1.3.23 . Secondly , As it closeth with Christ , as held forth in the Promises . And now being to speak of it in this consideration , we have made choise of this place , in which those things concerning the promises , shortly . 1. Ye have that fountain and spring from whence the promises do flow , holden forth in the first words of the verse , Whereby , or ( as the words may be more fitly rendered ) By whom relating unto Jesus Christ who is the original and spring of all the Promises . 2. The properties of the Promises , and these are , 1. The freedom of the promises held forth in that word , Given , whereby are given , which speaketh this , that the promises are free gifts flowing only from good pleasure , 2. Their unchangeablenesse , and that is holden forth also in the word , Given , the gifts and calling of God , being without repentance . 3. That they are exceeding great , and the Promises are called great , either in respect of that price that was laid down to purchase the Promises , or they are called great in respect of the great things that are contained in them . 4. That they are precious ; Now the Promises are called precious ; either in respect of their originall , that they come from precious Christ ; or else in respect of this , that they are the object ( I mean the object , quo , or by which ) of precious Faith , as it is called in the first verse of this Chapter ; or else they are precious , because they are things that a Christian ought to put a high account upon ; for the word that is rendered precious may likewise be rendred honourable , whereby are given unto us exceeding great and honourable promises . 3. We have holden forth in the words the great advantage of the Promises , By them we are made partakers of the divine nature : Now this is not to be understood of any essentiall conversion of our substance into the substance of God , but of a Christians having the divine vertues of Jesus Christ impressed upon his soul , and expressed in his life and conversation . And there is this lastly , concerning the promises in the words , even the time when the promises are eminen●ly accomplished ; It is , when we have escaped ; or as the word is , When we have fled from the corruptions that are in the world through lust : That is the time when a Christian meeteth with the accomplishment of the Promises . Now before we can speak to any of these , we must speak a little unto some things as necessary to be known , in order to the better understanding of all . 1. We shall not dwell long in pointing out unto you what is a promise : We conceive it is a glorious discovery of the good will of God towards sinners , and withall , a purpose and intendment , and ( if we may say ) an engagement to bestow some spiritual or temporal good upon them , or to withhold some spiritual or temporal evil from them : And certain it is , that in this description of the promise , there is a divine harmony betwixt Mercy and Truth , betwixt Righteousnesse and Peace , they kisse one another : Neither shall we stand long to point out the distinction of the promises : 1. There are some promises that are conditional , and there are some promises that are absolute , absolute promises are these that have no condition annexed unto the performance of them ; such a promise is that , that God will destroy the world no more by water , that is an absolute promise ; such a promise was that of God sending his Son into the World , that was an absolute promise ; and such is that promise of conversion , in giving the heart of flesh , it is an absolute promise : As for the conditionall promises , they are these that do require some condition to be performed by the Christian , before the accomplishment of the promise , such as that promise of Salvation , it requireth believing as going before it , He that believeth shall be saved ; And pardon , it is promised unto a Christian upon Repentance : and yet we confesse , that there is not a conditional promise that is in all the Covenant of Grace , but it may be reduced unto an absolute promise , in regard that the thing promised ( in the conditional promise ) is one absolute free gift , and the condition of the promise is another . 2. There are some promises that are temporal , and some that are spiritual ; temporal promises are these , that promise some temporal thing unto a Christian , and spiritual promises are these , that promise the bestowing of something that is of everlasting concernment . 3. There are some promises that are not accomplished in this life , such as this , That wee shall see him 〈◊〉 he is , and shall be made like unto him : But for the promises of Faith and of ●ustification , these are accomplished in this life . 4. There are some promises that are extraordinary , and there are some promises that are common : extraordinary promises are these , that are given to some particular Believer as a singular priviledge : such was that promise that was given to Abraham , that in his seed should all families of the earth be blessed , and that promise that was given to Rebekah , That the elder should serve the younger : As for common promises , they are these , that every believer in Christ hath a right to make use of . Neither shall we stand long to point out that it is the duty of a Christian to be much in the exercise of Faith , upon the promises ; it is clear from Psal. 62.8 ▪ Trust in him at all times ye people : and it is clear from the practice of that precious cloud of witnesses , recorded of in Heb. 11. that spent their dayes in imbracing of the Promises . But , 7. We would have you consider , that it is more easie for a Christian to believe spiritual Promises , then to believe temporal promises ; it is easier to trust Christ for eternal Salvation , then to trust him for our daily food when we are redacted unto straits ; and the grounds upon which we assert this , may be these ; 1. Because it is hard for a Christian to believe that Christs death reacheth for the purchasing of temporall promises , which more easily he taketh up in spiritual promises ; for a Christian can hardly believe that such a thing was in Christs intention , as to die for his daily food , which yet is most certain , if we consider it as a special mercy . 2. In a Christians believing of spiritual promises , there is often some sense and reason that helpeth him to the exercise of Faith , at least , they presse not the contrary ; but to believe a temporal promise , when a Christian is redacted unto a strait , and that he can see no outgate present , sense and reason stands upon the top of his Faith , and presseth him to dispair : As for instance , when a Christian is living upon the top of a mountain , and knoweth not where to sup at night , to believe that there is a promise upon which he may rest , that he shall not want his food ; but if that the Lord had service for him he will provide : Here , he hath not only reason to dispute against , but the strong pinching sense of hunger , both crying out , How can bread be given in the wildernesse ? 3. The tentations that assault a Christian to misbelieve upon temporal promises , they are more subtile and more con-natural to a Christian , then his temptations that assault him in resting upon spiritual promises : When a Christian is in straits in the world , the temptations that hinder his exercise of Faith , they are more consonant to flesh and blood ; we are ready to yeeld to misbelief then , because we think it is rational , and speaketh the truth . 4. A Christian is often so affrighted by his daily failings , or some particular more grosse out-breakings in his life , that howbeit he may ( through grace ) be helped to believe that the Lord shall make out these promises which concern his eternal salvation , and so do him good in the latter end : yet may he be sadly perplexed and distrustfull in making use of any particular temporary promise , for drawing forth any comfort or encouragement therefrom , as to his present exigent : because he knoweth , that although the Lord doth forgive his peoples iniquities , yet may he take vengeance on their inventions , Psal. 99.8 . and therefore may punish his present failing with the like calamities as he hath done others . 5. There is also much of a natural and carnal self love to a present life , remaining in the best , that we are many times worse to satisfie in our securities for the things of this life , then of that which is to come , and can more easily trust the Lord for our souls , then for our bodies ; so that though his naked word will sometimes satisfie us for the one , yet it will not for the other : And the last ground of it may be a Christians unacquaintednesse with that lot of exercising Faith upon temporal promises , there being many who think not that there is use for Faith , except for Salvation and the things above , which maketh his Faith upon these more difficult then upon promises that are spiritual : And this may appear most clearly , in that we find men more easily bear their spirituall wants ( even a Christian that is most exercised ) then they bear their temporal want ; and more corruption and impatience doth arise from temporal want , then from spiritual want . 2. Consider , That all a Christians duties are turned over into promises : there is not a duty that is required of a Christian , but it is converted into a Promise . Is not Faith a duty , 1 Ioh. 3.23 . This is his Commandment that ye should believe ? And is not that turned over in a promise , Ier. 3 19. Thou shalt call me thy Father ? The word importeth not only an act of necessity , but of violence , thou shalt do it : And in the thirteenth of Zechary , at the close , Thou shalt call me thy Father , and so in Ezek. 11.19 . Is not mortification a Christians duty , Colos. 3.5 . Mortifie therefore your members ; and it is turned over in a promise ▪ Ier. 32.28 . and Ezek. 36.25 , 29. where he promiseth , that he will purge away all their uncleannesses : and it is clear from Micah 7.19 . I will subdue ( said he ) all thine iniquities , it is not said , thou must subdue them , but , I will do it , Is not also the knowledge of God a commanded duty ? and yet it is turned over in a promise in the Covenant of Grace ; They shall know me from the highest to the lowest , neither shall there be need any more that one should say , know the Lord , for they shall be all taught of me . Is not the commandement of fear your duty , as is clear from Eccles. 12.13 . and yet that is likewise turned over in a promise ; I will put my fear in their inward parts , they they shall not depart away from me : So tendernesse is a Christians duty , and yet that is turned over in a promise , I will take away their heart of stone , and give them a heart of flesh . And that I may say no more of this , look but to these four places , and there ye will see almost all duties turned over in promises : there is Ier. 31. Ier ▪ 32. Ezek 11. and Ezek. 36. ye will see all the duties of the Covenant converted into Promises . But may not some say , what advantage is there of this ? much certainly , every way : That the duties are turned over into promises ; it may give a Christian hope , that he shall once perform these duties : Will ye not once be tender ? Yes certainly , because your tendernesse lieth within a promise ; Will ye not once be much in the exercise of fear ? No doubt ye will , and the ground of it is this , because your fear lieth within a promise , and so of the rest . And 2. There is this advantage of it , that all the duties required of a Christian are turned over in promises because by this means , a Christian may go to God when he cannot perform such a duty , and desire him to fulfill his word , and accomplish his promise ; and so may make use not only of the Omnipotency of God , but of the faithfulnesse of God also . There is this third Consideration that we would propose , that there are some things of a Christian within a promise , that he doth not believe to be within it , especially these three : First , the challenges of a Christian are within a promise , when ye are convinced , that is the accomplishment of a promise , this is clear from Isai. 30 21. where convictions and challenges are turned over in a promise ; When thou art turning unto the right hand or to the left , thine ears shall hear a voice behind thee , crying , this is the way , walk in it : And it may be clear , that our convictions are the accomplishment of promises , because it is a work of the Comforter , as well to convince , Iohn 16.9 . as it is for him to make one rejoyce : and if a Christian could believe that his challenges were the accomplishment of a promise , he might imbrace his challenges , he might see the faithfulnesse of God in his challenges , and he might see much love in his challenges . 2. A Christians crosse is within a promise , so that when a Christian meets with such affliction , he may sit down and cry out , this is the accomplishment of a promise , and this is clear from Psal. 89 31 , 32. wherein in the midst of the promises of ●he Covenant of Grace , that promise of visiting their iniquities with rod● , is put in the bosome of them : and from Psal. 119.77 . In faithfulnesse hast thou afflicted me ; Why doth David say in faithfulnesse ? It was this , because his crosse was the accomplishment of a promise : and it may be clear also from that word , Heb. 12.7 . Forget not the exhortation , ( speaking of the crosse ) the word is , Forget not the consolation that speaketh unto you , As if the holy Ghost did say , crosses do yeeld much consolation , as in vers . 11. They yeeld the peaceable fruits of righteousn●sse : And if this were believed , that our crosses were the accomplishment of the promises , it would help a Christian unto much humble submission , and there would not be murmuring under them , if once we did believe that they were the accomplishment of a promise : Yea , there is this advantage further , that if we did believe that our crosses were the accomplishment of a promise , we would be much in advanceing holinesse under our crosse . There is nothing that obstructeth the sweet fruits of righteousnesse under a crosse so much as impatiency : and I would say this to commend the crosse , a Christian never moveth so swiftly to heaven , as when he is under a sanctified crosse ; a crosse when it is sanctified , will prove a Christians motion to Heaven , more then ten enjoyments , for our enjoyments ordinarily do retard our way as much as further it . And there is this , Thirdly , that is within the promises , even your daily food , and the hairs of your head , the hairs of a Christians head are numbered , and within the Covenant . So that ye may see what a high respect Christ hath put upon Christians , that is clear from that word , Psal 111.5 ▪ 8. He hath given meat unto them that fear Him , He will ever be mindfull of His Covenant . Our fourth consideration shall be , to point out a little these grounds upon which Christ doth delay his accomplishment of the promises ; It is certain that a Christian is oftentimes put to this , Doth his promise fail for evermore ? and cryeth out , Why art thou become unto me as a liar , and as waters that fail ; and the grounds of this delay are these : 1. Christ knoweth that a Christian can often better improve the delay of the accomplishment of the promise , then he can improve the accomplishment it self : we might find this in our experience ( it being for the most part ) easier for a Christian to bear his crosses , then to bear his enjoyments . I think David never had so sweet a time as then , when he was pursued as a Partridge by his son Absolon ; then grace did breath forth most sweetly in his actions : but let David be under prosperity , and then we see he falleth in the sin of Adultery . And therefore never repine when ye are under a crosse ; for certainly , if we had spirituall understanding , we would not judge it so great a hazard to be under a crosse , as under prosperitie , since we have greater strength to bear the one , then to endure the other . 2. The slothfulnesse of a Christian ●o whom the promises are made , this makes the promises to be delayed in their performance , as was clear in the people of Israel ; they are fourty years in a wildernesse , before that promise of entering into Canaan is accomplished ; It was a promise that could have been accomplished in a few dayes , and yet because of their sin , it was not accomplished for fourty years , as ye may see from that word in Numb . 14.33 , 34. 3. The accomplishment of the promises is delayed , that Faith may be more put in exercise ; this is clear from that remarkable word , Psal. 105.19 . Vntill the time that his word came ; that is , un●ill the word of the Lord was accomplished ; The word of the Lord tried him , that is , it was the matter of his exercise , an exercise espe●ially unto Faith ; for indeed it is much for a Christian to believe upon a word , when it is delayed in its accomplishment . The fourth ground of delay is , that the exercise of prayer may be more ; and it is certain , that the best improvement of delayes is , to be much in prayer ; the promises they do occasion prayer , as is clear from Exod. 4. last , They believed , and bowed down their heads and worshipped , and from 2 Sam. 7.27 . where the great promises being made to David , he cryeth out , Therefore have I found in my heart to pray this prayer unto God , and it is clear from Psal. 119.49 . Perform the word unto thy servant , upon which thou hast caused me to hope . It is a bad improvement of delayes when we turn impatient ; and it is a bad improvement of delayes , when we quite our confidence . Know that promises are accomplished after delayes , and they have a luster upon them that may compence all the delay . 5. There is this other ground of the delayes of accomplishment of the promises , even that the thing that is promised may be more sweet to a Christian when it cometh : this is clear from that word of Solomon , Prov. 13 12. Hope deferred maketh the heart sick , but when the desire doth come , it is as a tree of life ; O but a mercy that cometh to a Christian through a promise , it is sweet ; yea , a drink of cold water taken up as the accomplishment of a promise , is more sweet then a feast of fat things full of marrow , and wine on the lees well refined ; to take up your bread and your dink as the accomplishment of your promises , it would make them refreshfull to you . 6. The Lord delayes his promises , that a Christian may be more in the exercise of dependency , and may be alwayes keeped about the throne . A Christian goeth to God from a threefold principle , he goeth to God from a principle of Faith , from a principle of necessity , and from a principle of love : but would you know that which putteth the Christian oftenest to God ? it is a principle of necessity : and believe it , that if necessity did not drive a Christian unto the foot of the Throne , we would seldom go from a principle of love , or from a principle of faith . And there is this last ground of the delay of the accomplishment of the promises , that the glory of the wisdom of God may appear , and the glory of his power in the accomplishment of the promise . When the promise is long beneath ground , then the wisdome and power of God doth more appear in the accomplishment of that promise . And from this I would only say to Christians that are under that exercise , complaining of the want of the performance of the promises , these few things : 1. Believe that the promise shall once be accomplished , that though the vision tarry , yet at last it shall speak . 2. Believe , that every hours delay of the accomplishment of the promise hath a sweet design of love : there is not one moment of delay , but it is for the advantage of a Christian , as is clear from that word , Rom. 8.28 . And , 3. that promise that cometh after long delays , it hath these three sweet and soul-refreshing attendants . 1. It is performed most seasonbly , a Christian if he will observe , he will see infinite wisdome shining in timeing the accompaniment of the promise to such a particular day : a Christian will be constrained to cry out , if the promise had been fulfilled before there had been no such Art of wisedome appearing in the performance of it . 2. That the promise when it is accomplished , will engage a Christian more in the exercise of ●ove , than four promises accomplished at a ●hort and smaller time : there is nothing that will so inflame the soul with love , as to have a promise accomplished after delayes . And , 3. the promises accomplished after de●ayes , have much sense waiting upon the per●ormance thereof : I think hardly a Chri●tian ever met with the accomplishment of ● promise after long delay , but his soul was made as a watered garden , and as springs of water whose waters fail not ; this promise ●aileth and cometh to a Christian perfumed with love . Now we shall shut up our discourse at this ●ime , and shall only speak to these six defects of a Christians faith in believing the promi●es . 1. That our faith is impatient , wee ●annot stay upon the promise if it be delayed : Hence ye will see , that in Scripture of●en patience is annexed to faith ; which ●peaketh this , That it is impossible for a Christian to believe as he ought , that wanteth the exercise of patience . See Heb. 6.12 . Be ye followers of them , who through faith and patience inherit the promise : And that word ●n the Revelation , This is the faith and pa●ience of the Saints . 2. Our faith in closing with the Promises , it is most unconstant : A Christian when first a promise is born in upon his spirit , he will then believe the promise and joyn with it ; but after six or seven dayes go about , he will change his Faith : this is remarkably clear from Exod. 4.31 . compared with Exod. 6.9 . When first the promise cometh to the people of Israel , that they shal go out of Egypt , it is said of them in the fourth Chapter at the close , They believed the Promise , and worshipped : But look to them in Exod. 6.9 . and there ye will see them not believing , because of bitterness and anxiety of heart : And I will tell you the grounds why our Faith is unconstant . 1. Sometimes the reading of a promise to a Christian will be as his savory meat ; sometimes when a Christian will read one time in the Covenant , it will be perfumed with love , and his soul will bee transported with joy after it , and at another time when he shall read that promise again it will be tastelesse as the white of an egge , and as his sorrowfull meat 2. That we are not much in studying the exercise of the thing● that are promised , which certainly would cu● short many of our debates . There is this third defect of our Faith , That we are not diligent , a diligent faith we call this , that after a Christian hath believed , he would be much in the exercise of prayer , for the accomplishment of the promise , he would be much in the exercise of meditation , to make that promise sweet and lively to him . And a fourth defect is this , We build our faith more upon Dispensations then upon the Word : when dispensations say that which ●he promise saith ▪ then we will believe : but when dispensation speaketh the contrary language unto the promise , then we will re●ect our confidence and hope . I will tell you two great mysteries of believing , it is hard for a Christian to believe when the Commentary seemeth to destroy the Text , that is , when the Commentary seemeth to declare , that the promise shall never be accomplished . In 〈◊〉 it is this , It is hard to believe when dispensations will say , the Word of the Lord will faill , and when promises bids you believe . 2. It is hard for a Chri●tian to take impossibilities in the one hand , and the word of promise in the other , and ●ay , O precious Christ reconcile these two together , that impossibilities do not destroy the promise , but that the promise may be accomplished notwithstanding of this . ● . We have this defect of faith amongst us , That we build our faith more upon sense , ●hen upon the word of promise ; when a Christian is in a good frame , he will believe , but when Christ hideth his face , he will then give over his hope . And lastly , there is this , That our faith upon the promises is general , we believe the truth of the promises , but we study not to make a particular application of them . I shall not stand long to make any use of what we have spoken ▪ Only I would have the Christians of this age , and those that are here , to go home with this conviction , the damnable neglect of believing of the promises . A Christian neglecteth these three duties of Religion most , he neglecteth the duty of self examining , the duty of believing the promises , and that noble soul exalting duty of meditation : these three duties ● Christian doth so constantly neglect , that almost he is above the reach of conviction , that he doth neglect them . But I would say a word unto these tha● are destitute of the Faith of the promises , and are strangers unto these blessed things that are recorded within the Covenant : And i● is onely this ; doubtlesse ye must believe your senses , if ye will not believe his Word . It is a question indeed , Which of all the senses shall be most satisfied in heaven , whether that of seeing , when we shall behold the King in his beauty ; and see him as he is , o● that of hearing , when we shall hear these melodious Halelujahs of that innumerable company , which are about the Throne , withou● any jarring amongst them all ▪ o● that of smelling , when we shall find the sweet perfume of his garments , which are perfumed with all the powders of the merchant ; or , that of touching , when we find Maries inhibiti●on taken off , Touch me not , and be admitted to imbrace him who is now ascended to his Father ; Or , that of tasting , when we shall drink of these rivers of Consolation , that shall neuer run dry . This , I say , is indeed a question ; But give me leave to tell you 〈◊〉 athiests and enemies of God : It is also a question , Which of all the five senses of a Reprobate shall be tormented in Hell , and what would ye answer to it now ? Whether ●hink ye the sense of sight , when ye shall be●old that darknesse of wrath , the devil and ●is angels , and your fellow prisoners in that ●ungeon ? Or whether shall your sense of ●earing be most tormented in hell , when ye ●hall hear those screighings and howlings ●hat shall eternally ascend up before God , ●y the souls that are in prison ? O but the ●reatest enemy would have compassion upon ●is enemy , to hear their cryes : Or , whether ●ill ye say the sense of tasting shall be most ●ormented , when ye shall drink of these ri●ers of brimstone ? Or , will the sense of ●●uching , when ye shall be eternally scorch●d 〈◊〉 with these flames of eternal indignation ▪ 〈◊〉 the sense of smelling , when ye shall eter●●lly be , as it were , suffocated with the ●●oke of that sulphurious furnace that shall ●ever be quenched ? O think you if Cain ●●ould come from hell and preach that do●●rine , that we should not persecute the ●●ints , would we listen unto him ? If Ab●●●on should come from hell , and should ●●each against the evil of ambition , would ye , 〈◊〉 unto him ? And if Achitophel should 〈◊〉 from the dead and preach that doctrine ●●to you , Let not the wise man glory in his ●●sdome , would we stop our ears ? Or if 〈◊〉 would come from hell and preach to 〈◊〉 the evil of hypocrisie , in betraying the 〈◊〉 of man with a kisse , would we believe 〈◊〉 ? Or if Dives that is recorded in the ●ospel should come from hell , and choise 〈◊〉 Text to preach upon , Iam. 5.1 . Go to ye rich men and howl , and weep for your miseries that shall come upon you . And if Dem●● would come and second him with that word love not the world , nor the things that are in the world : I fear ye would cry out wee will imbrace that doctrine at another time . Wee desire not to insist much upo● these , but O to believe , that there is an eter●nity of pain , and that there is an eternity 〈◊〉 joy . I will give you a description of the athiest , and let him think upon it , it is easie● to convince hundreds of you , that ye wa●● the fear of God , then that ye want the fait● and love of God. Oh , an imaginary faith● and a conceit of love , will yee ever quit● these it w● Idols . I confesse , once ye sha● have a faith that no man shall ever rob yo● of , and that is , the faith of that truth , th●● when once yee enter into eternity of pai● there is no redemption out of that plac● Awake , awake , for behold the Judge comet● and he shall render vengeance unto the●● that know him not . To his blessed 〈…〉 precious Name wee desire to gi●● praise . SERMON II. 2 Pet. 1.4 . Whereby are given unto us exceeding great and precious Promises , that by these you might be partakers of the divine nature , having escaped the corruption that is in the world through lust . THough Justice and Judgement be the habitation of His Throne , yet mercy and truth do go before it ●s two divine Ushers to convey ●s home unto God. There are these two things that we would ●ave Christians principally to study . 1. That ye would be much in the study of these wrongs and injuries that ye have done to Christ : And , 2. that ye would be much ●n the study of these infinite acts of precious ●ondescendency that Christ hath manifested ●owards you , that the one may provoke you ●nto sorrow and humility , and the other may provoke you unto a sweet astonishment ●nd admiration . And I would ask you this , ●f Christ should present that challenge unto you . which Absolon presented unto Hushai , Is this thy kindnesse unto thy friend ? O be●oved , what could you answer , when you were thus reproved ? I think if Christ had not forgetfulnesse for that blessed end , to ●orget the wrongs and injuries of his own ; I know not unto what use Christ should have forgetfulnesse , for he knoweth not what i● is to forget our good works , but he hath 〈◊〉 blessed arte of forgetting our wrongs ; though we may say upon the contrary , that we hav● a cursed arte of forgetting them our selves ▪ There are these three things that Christian● doth forget ; they forget much Christ , tha● is the great author of the promises , so tha● he may charge them with this , Why have 〈◊〉 forgotten me ? 2. They forget their mercies , and these divine receipts of love that Christ hath given unto them . 3. They forget even their iniquities , yea sometimes the● forget them before Christ doth forget them and passe an act of pardon upon them . 〈◊〉 shall not stand long to plead with you fo● your undervaluings of that blessed and nobl● Plant of renown ; I think if there were no more to evidence that low esteem that we have of Christ , but only this , that we ar● so much in sleighting the promises , it were more than sufficient : but besides , is there not this to testifie how much you under● value that holy and just one ; that ye study more to have an outward conformity unto him , than to have an inward . We may cal● the Christians of this time Nephthali ; they are as a hind let loose , and they give goodly words , but we do not give Christ godly practices : And is there not this also th●● testifieth our undervaluings of Christ , tha● we slight so much , secret and retired correspondance and communion with him ? 〈◊〉 suppose there are some that are here , whos● consciences beareth them record , they do not exercise themselves unto godlinesse , and I shall only say that word , that Gideon spake in another case , If God be with us , how then is all this come upon us ? such a spirit of formality , such a spirit of lazinesse , such a spirit of hardnesse , and such a spirit of undervaluing of Christ ? I suppose , that if there were a Chronicle written of all the lives of the Saints that have been since Adams dayes , and the Christians of this time should read over that Chronicle , when they should begin and read the life of Adam , they might put this to the close of it , my life is not like his , and when they should read the life of Abel , they might put this to the close of it ▪ my life is not like his ; and when they should read the life of Enoch , they might put this to the close of it , my life is not like his : O! to which of the Saints can we go : and if ye should call , is there any that would answer you , your life is like mine . But to come to the words , we told you at the last occasion tha● we spake upon them , that there were these things concerning the promises holden forth in them . 1. The rise of the promises is holden forth in these words , Whereby , or as we cleared the words may be thus rendered , by whom , which relateth unto Jesus Christ. The second thing concerning the promises holden forth in the verse is , the property of the promise , and they are these four . 1. That the promises are free , holden forth in that word , Whereby are given unto us ; all the promises of the everlasting Covenant are gifts , and not debt . There is that second property of the promises , that they are unchangeable , holden forth in that word , Given , the gifts and calling of God being without repentance . And the third property of the promises was , That they were exceeding great ▪ And the fourth , That they were exceeding precious . The third thing concerning the promises , holden forth in the words , is the advantage● that floweth to a Christian by the promise● that by them they might be made partakers o● the divine nature . And the last thing concerning them was that time when the promises were especially accomplished , it was then when we had escaped the pollutions of the world throug● lust . Now , as for the first thing , to wit , the fountain , original and rise of the promise● which is Jesus Christ , By whom ; In speakin● unto this , we shall speak a little unto thes● two . 1. In what respects Christ may b● said to be the fountain and original of th● promises ; and we conceive he may be sai● to be so . First , Because he purchased th● promises unto us by his own precio● bloud . There is not a promise in all th● everlasting Covenant , but it is the price 〈◊〉 the bloud of the Son of God ; this is clear 〈◊〉 Ephes ▪ 2.12 , 13. where speaking of the Ge●●tiles , that they were strangers unto the Co●venant of promise : he setteth down in th● 13. verse , the way by which they wer● brought near unto the Covenant , and had ●ight unto it , it was through the bloud of his ●rosse : and it is clear in Ephes. 3.9 . that the promises of the Gospel were given unto us in him , that is , through the purchase of him , ●nd his merits : and 1 Pet. 1.19 . where we are said to be bought by his bloud : for the promise of Redemption , was the price of ●loud . Secondly , Christ may be said to be ●he fountain of the Promises , in this respect , ●hat hee is the Person unto whom the promises of the Covenant are first made , and ●hrough him are made over unto us ; this is clear in Gal. 3 16. the promises were given unto Abraham , not unto many seeds , but as ●nto one , that is Christ ; and it is clear from 2 Tim. 1.9 . where the promises of Grace ●nd Salvation are said to be given unto us in ●im before the world was made : It is true , ●hat the promises are not given to Christ , considered only as the Son of God , ( for so he had no other relation to us then the Fa●her of the holy Ghost ) but yet they are , first , made to him as the Mediator and head ●f his Church , and as that blessed Dayes man , ●nd King of Saints , and the Great Lord ●eeper of all the Rights of the young heirs of Glory ; And we all receive of his fulnesse , and grace for grace . Thirdly , There is this ●espect , in which Christ may be said to be ●he fountain of the promises , that he it is ●y whom we have a right unto all the promises ; this is clear , ● Cor. 3.12 , 13. where ●hese two are conjoyned , yee are Christs , and ●hen all things are your● : If once a soul close with Christ in the Covenant of Promise , there is not one promise in Scripture but he may write this superscription abov● it , This is mine , this is mine . Fourthly Christ may be said to be the fountain of th● promises , in regard that he is the Person tha● applyeth the promises , and maketh us t● rest upon them , and to believe them , thi● David did acknowledge , Psal. 119.49 . Re●member thy word unto thy servant , upon whic● thou hast caused me to hope : as if David said I had never believed a promise , except tho●● hadest caused me , and it is clear , Ephes. 2.8 ▪ where faith is called the gift of God , eve● faith to believe the promises , it is the roy●● donation and gift of Christ. Fifthly , H● may be said to be the fountain of the pro●mises , in that he qualifieth us for the accom●plishment of them . Christ giveth us strengt● to obey the condition that is annexed to th● promise , and Christ he infuseth habitua● grace in us , by which we may be helped 〈◊〉 exercise faith upon the promises ; so th●● grant all the Scripture were promises , y● if Christ did not help us , we would never be●lieve a promise , and there would never a pro●mise be accomplished unto us . Sixthly ▪ The last respect in which Christ may be sai● to be the fountain of the promises , is , Th●● all the promises of the everlasting Covenan● they have their accomplishment throgh hi● according to that word , 2 Cor. 1.20 . All 〈◊〉 promises of God are in him yea , and in him Ame● so that ye are to blesse Christ , not only fo● the giving of the promises , but for the accom●plishment of them also . That which secondly we shall speak to from this , that Christ is the fountain of the promises , shall be to presse upon Christians these three excellent and soul concerning duties . The first , That they would not have a light account of the promises , since they are rivolets and streams that flow from that blessed Ocean : O but if a Christian did believe that the promise that he hath for his daily bread , it was bought with the blood of the second Person of the blessed Trinity , would he not have an high account of that promise ? And let me tell you , it is impossible for the promises to be in high account with you , till once ye reduce them unto their ●ise , and to their fountain : but once know that all the promises are sweet streams of ●ove that have run through the heart of precious Christ , and from thence they have ●lowed unto you , and then when this is be●ieved , how shall ye sit down and comfort your ●elves in the promises , and rejoyce exceeding●y in them . The second duty that we presse upon you ●rom this , is , That since Christ is the foun●ain and original of the Promises , be much 〈◊〉 the application of the Promises : And ●ere I shall speak a little upon these three ●hings . 1. A little unto the evidences and ●arks of those that have a right to apply ●he promises ; and shall only name unto you ●hese few : The first is , to be a person under ●onvictions of sensible need and necessity of ●uch a promise ; have ye convictions of such 〈◊〉 necessity ; Then from that ye may infer , I have a right to the promises , and are not these glad tiding● ? I know there are some that are under such convictions of their sin , tha● they think it boldness to apply the promises ▪ But I would say this unto you , that if y●● were under sensible convictions of your lostnesse , ye would give a world for an hair o● a promise whereby to hang : believe it , the exercise of misbelief is never at its height , till we would be content to dig through the earth to get a promise , and till we were at that , that our souls would pursue after them from the one end of the world to the other : And for the grounds of this assertion , that sensible necessity giveth a right to the promises , if ye will look to these grea● promises of the everlasting Covenant , are they not given to that Christian that is under a need , Isai. 55.1 , 2. and Matth. 11.28 where the great promise of the Gospel 〈◊〉 given out , and the invitation of Jesu● Christ , is unto these that are weary and heav● laden . Christ would account it an excellen● courtesie , that ye would not dispute , bu● believe , and that ye would look upon you● necessities as his call to believe the promise ▪ 2. A person that hath a high account of th● Promises , he hath a right to apply the pro●mises : Let once your soul , close with Chri●● by Faith and Love , and then you may wit● boldnesse close with the Promises . I con●fesse , if we were more in believing the pro●mises , we would have a higher and mo●●●full esteem of the Promiser : Would yo●●now the reason that Christ is not acounte● matchlesse , it is because of this , our necessities of the promises is not alwayes within our sight , and our exercising of Faith upon the promises is not our daily work . 3. This looketh like a right to the promise ; that which is born in upon a Christians spirit when he is near God in prayer , and is under most sensible exercise under his own inf●rmities , he hath readily a right to apply that promise : As for instance , when a Christian is debating himself out of Christ , which is but an unpleasant exercise ; to meet with a promise born in upon their spirit , that giveth them some ground of hope , that they may apply and rest upon Christ : or when a Christian is fainting under affliction , and is like to give over ; to meet with a word of promise born in upon his spirit , that doth uphold him in the day of his triall , he may probably conclude he hath a right to believe that promise . 4 There is that evidence , persons that have an high account of the promises , they have a right to apply the promises , it is an excellent and most concerning work for a Christian to believe the excellency of the promises , when he cannot have the actual application of the Promises . For when once a Christian cometh to this , that the great things of the everlasting Covenant are matchlesse in his eyes ; then that is the val●● of Achor , and a door of hope , that ere long Christ will apply them . 5. When a Christian hath great delight in the promises , when they are sweet to his taste , and are the refreshing and rejoycing of his heart , that is an undeniable sign that h● hath a right to make use of such promises ▪ Were your souls never refreshed by readin● of the boundlesse Covenant of love , an● the sweet promises that are in it ? I woul● have Christians marking these promises tha● have upholden them in their straits , I woul● have them marking the promises that hav● been lively to their souls , and say , Th●● once was my goodly meet , and made me to rejoyce in the house of my affliction ; and 〈◊〉 would have a Christian marking the time o● the accomplishment of the Promises , i● which he will see infinite wisdome shining i● ordering the accomplishment of the pro●mises to such a time . And I would have 〈◊〉 Christian marking the frame of his own spirit , when the promises are accomplished ( as ye will find often in Scripture ) and by all this , ye should find such a reviving an● profitable delight in the promises , that should give a very full evidence of your righ● unto them . 6. Lastly , when a Christia● understraits can receive consolation from no other thing , but all prove Physicians of no value and miserable comforters : when 〈◊〉 Christian is convinced , there is no joy to be had under such a crosse but in the faith o● the promises , that is an evidence that th●● person hath a right to the promises . I would only say this , O beloved in the Lord ▪ is not this your guilt , your undervaluing o● the promises , and your little exercise o● faith ? I would pose you with this , when last studied ye to apply any promise of the Covenant of Grace ? When last did ye exercise saith upon any of them ? Shall I tell you what is the practise of the most part of us , we study perhaps to apply one promise , but for the rest of the promises we lay them aside , and do totally neglect them : we study to apply the promises of salvation , and of having redemption through Christ , but for the promises of Sanctification , for the promises to help us to perform duties , for the promises to support us under the crosse , for the promises to comfort us in our way to heaven , for promises in reference to all ordinary things , we are not much in application of these . O but if a Christian were believing the promises , he might sit down even while he is here , and sing one of the songs of Zion , though yet but in a strange land . The second thing that I shall speak to upon the application of the promise , shall be to propose unto you some rules that ye would make use of in the application of them , and ●hall name unto you these . First , Study these four things , one is the ●aithfulnesse and truth of the promises , that ●uch a thing is the saying of him that is the faithful witnesse , and Amen : This was the practice of Paul , 1 Tim. 1.15 . the way how ●e was brought to make application of the promise , was , 1. by laying down that conclusion , this is a faithfull saying ; and Rev. ●2 . from the beginning to the 6. verse , when ●here are great promises made , and much ●poken to the commendation of heaven , this is subjoyned in the 6. verse , These are the faithfull and true sayings of God : As if Iohn had said , all that I have spoken concerning heaven , will be to no purpose , except ye believe the truth of the promises ; and this was the practice of David , 2 Sam. 7.28 . Thy words are truth , O Lord , he subjoyned th●● unto the actual application of the promises . 2. Study the sweetn●sse and excellency of the promises , this was the practice of Paul , 1 Tim. 1.15 . This is a faithfull saying , and then he subjoyneth , and worthy of all acceptation : And this was the practice of David , Psal. 119.72 . I have esteemed the laws of thy mouth better then thousands of gold and silver . O such an opinion , to esteem the promises better then thousands of gold ! It is heterodox amongst the most part of you , that prefer the world before the promises of the Covenant : and it was his practice , vers . 103. and vers . 162. I rejoyce at thy word as one that findeth great spoil : he had an higher account of the Promises , then to divide the spoil after war. 3. Let the Christian study the necessity that he hath of the promise , that there is no way of winning above that neces●sity but the closing with the promise , an● laying hold upon it . 4. Lastly , A Christi●an would study the suitablenesse that is in th● promise to answer their necessities , that i● they be under need , there is a preciou● way of remedy manifested unto them by these . The second rule that we would prescrib● in the application of the promises , is , Tha● ye do not expect sensible comforts immediately after ye have believed the promise , a Christian may apply the promises , and yet want the joy and sweetnesse that is in them : This is clear , Psal. 119.25 . My soul cleaveth unto the dust . There he is under much anxiety and much sorrow ; and yet he is a believer of the promises in the mean time , as the words following doth clear , Quicken me according to thy word , he layeth claim to the promise , and this is clear in the 81. vers . of that Psalm , My soul doth faint within me ; There is much exercise of sorrow , and yet he is a believer in the promise , But I hope in thy word : A Christian after he hath believed ●he promise , he would put a blank in Christs hand concerning the sweetnesse of the promises to be made out in its own time . What is sense ? Is it the precious indulgence of Christ that he giveth to his own . I would presse this upon you , prophesie nothing before your believing of the pomise ; but , having believed , ye may surely prophesie that the promise shall be accomplished in its own time , and the word that he hath spoken shall certainly come to passe : but as for sense , as for quickening , as for comforting , as for receiving , ye must put a blank in the hand of Christ to dispense these things to you as he seeth fit . The third rule in the application of the promises , is , That ye do not build your faith upon this , that the promises shall be accomplished , because probability and reason seem to say the thing : I would say this to a Christian , that ye may oftentimes suspect the promise is not near to be accomplished when reason saith , Behold the word of the Lo●● cometh , and that oftimes the Lord is neare● when we begin to passe a conclusion , the Word is not at hand , and the time of the accomplishment of the promise is not near ▪ Certainly many times before Christ accomplish the promises , he will learn us to be liv●ing above sense and reason , and he will hav● reason to submit to faith , and he will hav● probabilities to contradict the accomplishment of the promise ; and when probabilities are furthest away , that is His time 〈◊〉 work : this is clear in these two signal deliverances of the people of Israel from Egy●● and Babylon , Exod. 3.4 , 5. and Ezech. 37 . ●● the beginning . And therefore as a Christia● would not quite his grip of the promises , because dispensations seem to contradict th● accomplishment of the promise , and sometime cryeth out , Why art thou become unto 〈◊〉 as a liar , and as waters that fail ? So on th● other hand , ye are to build your faith upo● the promises , and not upon dispensation● even when favourable ; seeing that we kno● the way that Christ taketh many times 〈◊〉 accomplish the promises , is by contrar● means to our apprehension ; His paths 〈◊〉 in the whirlewind , and his footsteps are 〈◊〉 known . And may we not cry out , Who ca● take up the wayes of God , whose wa●es ar● more subtil than the way of an eagle in the ai● or the way of a serpent upon the rock , or the wa● of a ship upon the sea , &c. The fourth rule that we would prescribe unto you in the application of the promises , is , That ye would close absolutely with the promises , I mean , without limiting the only One. There is a limitted closing with the promise , which is the frequent exercise of our hearts ; we will close with the promise , but with this restraint laid upon Christ , That whensoever we begin to believe the promises , all things might go as we desire : and this is the great occasion that we do so frequently reject our confidence , and do refuse our hope when God doth not answer our peremptory expectations . Fifthly , We give you this rule , that ye would eye Christ much in the application of the promises . There is a threefold sight of Christ that a Christian should have when he applyeth the promises , a Christian should have a sight of the boundlesse and condescending love of Christ , that so he may be constrained to hope , and may be constrained to love . 2. A Christian should eye the faithfulnesse and unchangeableness of Christ , ●hat what his blessed lips have spoken , he will also do , and what he hath said , he will likewise bring to passe . And , 3. in the application of promises , he must eye the omnipotency of Christ , that what he hath said , he ●s able to bring to passe . And O when shall we have occasion to sing that song , What hath God wrought for us , which was the song ●hat Balaam sung who yet was but a profane wretch . 6. There is this rule that we would prescribe unto you in the application of the promises , that a Christian after he hath applyed them , he would be much in the exercise of Prayer for the accomplishment of these promises ; this was the practice o● David , 2 Sam. 7.27 . When God in passing many precious promises ; David doth subjoyn that word , Therefore have I found i● my heart to pray this prayer : And we see i● Ezek. 36.37 . All alongs that Chapter , Go● is passing most excellent promises ; and yet in vers . 37. this is subjoyned , For all these things , I will be enquired of the house of Israel : And in Ier. 29.10 , and 12. where the time is coming , when God would accomplis● his good word ( as he speaketh ) that is subjoyned in vers . 12. Then shall ye call upon me ▪ and seek after me : And Daniel 9.2 , 3 ▪ when Daniel knew that the promise 〈◊〉 near the time of its accomplishment , the● hee set himself by prayer and supplication 〈◊〉 seek the face of God. I would say these three words unto a Christian ; The smallest mercy that a Christian meeteth with , if he can call it Samuel ▪ that is , The son of prayer , and 〈◊〉 ye can call it Isaac , that is , The childe of promise , he may then , and doth ordinarily receive much consolation in that mercy . O but a mercy flowing to a Christian through a promise , if it were but a drink of col● water , and a piece of brown bread , it wil● be more excellent chear , then all the dainties of the Kings of the earth . O but to eat and drink , taking these things as the accomplishment of the promises , this would make us eat our bread with singleness of heart , and much chearfulnesse . And there is this , ●econdly , I would say unto you , When a promise is accomplished , and a Christian is ●ot much in the exercise of Prayer in the ●ccomplishment of it , one to a hundred if ●ee loose not the sanctified use of the accom●lishment of that promise . Ah , know yee ●ot that a promise when it is accomplished , may bee a curse to a Christian. That word ●s most terrible , Mal. 2.2 . I will curse your ●lessings . And the last word that I would ●ay to this , is , That a Christian who believeth ●he promises , notwithstanding that dispen●ations seem to contradict it , that promise ●hall be made most refreshfull unto his spirit , when it is accomplished . O but a Chri●tian that never had much jealousie , nor much staggering about the accomplishment ●f the promise , when it cometh , it will bee most refreshfull unto him : And believe it , ●here is not one hours entertainment of jea●ousie about the accomplishment of the promise , but it will impare the sweetnesse of ●he promise when it is accomplished , ex●ept so far , that the transcendant and free ●ove of Christ is seen in the accomplishment ●f them , notwithstanding of our misbe●ief . The last rule that I shall offer a Christia●●n his application of the promises , when ye meet with objections that yee cannot answer , but they do silence you ; I will tell you what ye should do with them , misken these obstructions and lay them by . This was the practice of believing Abraham , Rom. 4.9 . He considered not his own body being weak , and the deadnesse of Sarahs womb . The weaknesse of his own body , and the deadnesse of Sarahs womb were so strong objections in the way of the accomplishment of the promises , that he could not answer them ; and the way he taketh to refute them was , He did not consider them ; as it were , he forgot those objections and went about his duty . The third thing that we shall speak to , in relation to the application of the promises , shall be somewhat for helping a Christian that is standing at too great a distance , to get the promises applied . First , A Christian would be much in the study of these experiences of the faithfulnesse of God , and what others have met with . When ye begin to apply a promise , ye may be helped in the Faith of applying promises ▪ by beholding these great records of the faithfulnesse of God that are extant . This was the way the Angel took with Mary , Luke 1.36 . where helping her to believe that promise , that of her should be born the Messiah ; this is the way that he strengthened her , Thy cosin Elizabeth is now with childe , and hath gone six moneths , even she that was called barren . And , I shall onely name these two places in Scripture which may help you exceedingly , and strengthen you to believe the promises upon this acount . There is that ●ord in Exod. 12.41 . and 51. It is a most re●arkable saying , At the end of the four hundred ●nd thirty-years , on that same very day , ( there ●as not one day missed after the time that ●as set was accomplished ) In that same very ●ay they came out , and this is marked in ver . 51. ●gain : And there is that word 1 Kings 8.56 . ●here Solomon , when he is singing most ●weetly to God , he taketh an observation of ●is , Loe ( saith he ) there hath not failed one ●ord that God hath spoken to you by his servant Moses . Secondly , Ye would be much in the con●●deration of your own experiences , that ●ou have in the accomplishment of promises ●●rmerly . This was Davids way that he ●●ok to strengthen himself to believe the ●romise , He that hath delivered me from the ●ge of the Lion , and the paw of the Bear , he ●ill deliver me from this uncircumcised Phi●●stine , 1 Sam. 17.35 . and 37.46 . And this ●as the practice of the Apostle Paul , 2 Tim. ● ▪ 17 , 18. God hath delivered me from that 〈◊〉 lion : And from thence he subjoyneth , ●nd the Lord will deliver me from every evil ●ork : And this was his practice . 2 Cor. 1. ●● . where these three are swetly knit to●ther , God hath delivered me , he doth deli●●● me , and he shall deliver me . There is 〈◊〉 one experience of this kinde , but it ●eacheth that 〈◊〉 your● O , believe the ●●omise , and do not ●all in question his faith●●●nesse . Thirdly , There is that help ; that ye● study much the excellency of the promise● that is the most noble and excellent way 〈◊〉 move you to apply the promises , accordin● to that word , Psal. 119.111 . I have ma● thy testimonies my heritage for ever ; and th● ground of it is that , Because they are the r●●joycing of my heart . The sweetnesse of the promises would engage our heart to apply them . And there is that fourth help , a Christi●● would study the omnipotency of God , th●● so hee may bee helped to believe and appl● the promise : This is clear in Zech. 12.1 ▪ where God going to passe many excelle●● promises , hee ushers in that discourse wi●● high and magestick description of his powe● in that hee streatcheth forth the heavens , 〈◊〉 layeth the foundation of the earth , and forme● the spirit of man within him . And this 〈◊〉 the practice of Abraham , Rom. 4.21 . the 〈◊〉 how he came to believe the promise , He 〈◊〉 him able that had made it , that he 〈◊〉 perform it . Fifthly , For your help in applying 〈◊〉 the promises , Study much the unchang●●ablenesse of Christ , and his faithfulnesse , kno● that hee is the same , yesterday , and to 〈◊〉 and for ever . This was the way that 〈◊〉 came to the faith of the promises , Heb. 11. ● ▪ Shee believed , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of it 〈◊〉 that shee judged him faithfull that had pr●●mised . There 〈…〉 of misbeli●● that a Christian falleth into , but it sai●● that God is not faithfull , and that hee is not true . Now the last duty that wee would presse ●rom this point , that Christ is the fountain of the promises , is , that wee may have an high esteem of the Promiser ; even of Jesus Christ , in whom they are yea , and Amen . And I shall close all at this time with this , ●re there not many here , that have no re●pect unto him who is that faithfull witnesse , ●nd the Amen ; who hath promised us him●elf , and all things : and if yee will not take with the challenge , let your hearts but an●wer these two or three things : 1. Hath ●ot the losse of things in the world affected ●our heart more , then ever absence from ●hrist did ? Hath it not ? And can such a ●oul say , I have an high account of the Pro●iser ? Is it possible , that these that will ●ourn more under the absence of their Idols ●an for the want of him , that they can have 〈◊〉 high account of Jesus Christ ? I am per●●aded of this , there are some Merchants , 〈◊〉 the losse of their goods at the Sea , hath ●●●verted them from their nights rest , and 〈◊〉 absence from Christ never did divert 〈◊〉 from their sleep one hour . O when 〈◊〉 love to find out Jesus Christ , and to enjoy 〈◊〉 fellowship , make you rise up in the silent ●●atches of the night , and to pursue after 〈◊〉 . 2. Have not your souls delighted ●ore on the enjoyment of the things of a ●orld , than ever they did in the enjoyment 〈◊〉 Christ. Is not this true , that the increase 〈◊〉 wine and oyl , and of silver and gold hath affected your hearts more with joy than ever Christ did ? And have you a high esteem of the Promiser ? 3. Are you taking delight to entertain fellowship and communion with the Promiser ; Is this true ? When went you to your prayers , but yee wearied ere yee went away ? And have yee a high account of the Promiser ? Is not that th● language of your hearts ; O when shall the Sabbath be over ? and when shall the new mo●● be gone , that I may pursue after my Idols ? 〈◊〉 would pose you with this , if there were n● eye to take notice of you , would you 〈◊〉 slight secret prayer , would you not sligh● Family Prayer ? Wee love not to serve Je●sus Christ. I know there are atheists her● that would love to go to heaven witho●● Faith , Love , Prayer and Repentance , the● would love to go to heaven by a way th●● never one went before them . And now 〈◊〉 shall say but this one word to you that 〈◊〉 the heirs of the promise , and have the bless●● expectation of heaven , what ever the 〈◊〉 do , esteem yee highly of him : O rememb●● and comfort your selves in the thoughts 〈◊〉 the blessed day which Christ ( after hee 〈◊〉 past the sentence of condemnation upon 〈◊〉 wicked ) shall go in upon the head of 〈◊〉 Troups of the first born , hee shall walk 〈◊〉 before us through the Ports of the New J●●rusalem , having Crowns of Immortal Glo●● upon his head , and then shall follow aft●● Him His Angels , and then shall follow aft●● Him the blessed company of the first 〈◊〉 every one having the Harps of God in the ●and , and they shall be singing as they enter 〈◊〉 through the Ports of the City , Hallelujah ●nto him that was dead , and is alive , and now ●iveth for evermore . O to believe that day when first we shall all enter in through the ●●reets of the New Jerusalem , when we shall ●ee cloathed in white robes , having Crowns ●pon our head ! O such a day , if it were ●elieved , might it make us often shake our ●lasse , and streach out our necks , ( as the word 〈◊〉 , Rom. 8.19 ) till once we saw that blessed ●ay were approaching to us ! There is no ●earying in heaven , the promises are now ●ccomplished unto them , and they are inhe●●ting the promises ; When shall that word 〈◊〉 accomplished , or when shall we have oc●asion to say it ? Mark 1.37 . Behold all men 〈◊〉 after thee ; the word that these Disciples ●●ake to Christ : O study to love him , study 〈◊〉 believe on him , for bee perswaded hee is ●pon his way . And I shall say no more but ●his , that as all the promises that are within 〈◊〉 bounds of this everlasting Covenant , they 〈◊〉 yea , and Amen , in an imbraced Christ , 〈◊〉 laid hold on by faith ; so I say , all the ●●rses that are in Deut. 26.27 , 28. and all the ●●rses that are within the volumn of the Book 〈◊〉 this Covenant , they shall be yea and Amen 〈◊〉 a despised Christ , and not laid hold upon 〈◊〉 faith . SERMON III. 2 Pet. 1.4 . Whereby are given unt● us exceeding great and precious Promises , that by these you might b● partakers of the divine nature , hav●ing escaped the corruption that is i● the world through lust . SOmetimes the soul of a Christian do●● move in the paths of God , and in th● wayes towards Zion as the chariots 〈◊〉 Aminadab , when they are under the so●● enliving and quickening influences of heave● and sometimes the soul of a Christian do●● move in those blessed paths as Pharaohs ch●●riots , they drive most heavily , when there●● a cloud between the precious face of Chr●●● and them : and wee conceive that sound 〈◊〉 spirituall exercise of Faith upon the Pr●●mises , would make a Christians motio● more swift towards heaven . We grant Chr●●● hath three different wayes of guiding 〈◊〉 and daughters to Glory : there are some th●● Christ carrieth to heaven in a chariot pav●● with love , that all alongs their life they 〈◊〉 living within sight of that promised La●● and are taken up with the refreshing fo●● tastes of the heavenly joyes ; such a one 〈◊〉 Henoch , who spent his dayes in walking wi●● God : there are some that Christ guideth 〈◊〉 heaven in a chariot that is drawn with speck●ed horses ; they have mixed dispensations of sorrow and joy attending them in their walk , they have a winter and a summer , they have a night and a day , and such a one was Iob. 3. There are some that Christ carryeth to Heaven in a fiery chariot , that all alongs their life they are under distracting terrours of the most High , and are living perpetually to their own apprehensions upon the borders of hell , and such a one was Heman , whom Christ thus did guide to heaven : however , if wee shall go there , we need not much dispute the way how wee came , for he doth all things well . And upon the other part , Satan hath three different wayes of guiding souls unto everlasting torment ; there are some that Satan carryeth to hell in a chariot of delusions , making them believe that they are still going to heaven ; and such are the hypocrites in Sion : and I shall say ; I think that chariot was never so ●illed as it is in those dayes . O fear that ●nxious disappointment that many of you ( it is like ) will meet with ? An hypocrite hee hath strong hopes , hee hath strong idols , ●nd hee hath strong delusions , these are his three attendants . And there are some that Satan carryeth to hell in a chariot of profa●ity and ignorance of God , whose judgement goeth before hand , and they are known that ●hey are going there . And there are some ●hat Satan carryeth to hell in a chariot of civility , whose Religion stands in this , con●erning the letter of the Law to bee blamelesse . And certainly , believing of the promises ▪ and studying to exercise faith upon them , 〈◊〉 that which might prevent many of these damnable soul destroying and murdering delusions that are within some of our beast● . There are three things in Scripture that are called precious : Christ he is called precious 1 Pet. 2.7 . Faith is called precious , 2 Pe● ▪ 1.1 . To you that are partakers of the li●● precious faith with us , and the promises they are called precious , in the words that 〈◊〉 have read , and Faith ( as it were ) hat● two blessed eyes , by one of those it beholdeth Christ , and by another of these it beholdeth the promises , and fixeth it self upo● them . O Christians and expectants of He●ven , would you know what is the rise of 〈◊〉 the sad things that have befallen you in the●● dayes ? It is this in short , ye believe not th● promises . O Christians , what is the reaso● that ye carry not your crosses with patience it is , because ye believe not the promises b● which your soul must be upholden in th● day of your affliction . O Christian , wh●● is the rise of your little mortification ? 〈◊〉 it not because ye believe not the promises for by them ye should be made partakers 〈◊〉 the divine nature . O Christian , what is th● ground that ye pray so little , and that yo● pray with so little successe ? It is , becaus● ye believe not the promises . A Christia● when he goeth to pray , he should take the●● two things along ; 1. The sensible co●●victions of his necessities : And , 2. Th● precious promises that is given to answe● that necessity , the one would provoke fervency , and the other Faith. Are there not some here that knoweth not what it is to pray upon a promise , and that maketh you pray to so little purpose . O Christian , what is the reason of your so much sorrow , and of your little spiritual comfort ? It is , that ye believe not the promises : It is no wonder that your names be called Marah , because ye exercise not faith upon the precious promises of God. I think without wronging you or any that are here ; I doubt much if ever Christians had such hearts as the most part of us have ; O what a heart is that , that can neither pray nor praise ? both are alike mysteries unto them : What a heart is that , O Christian , that can neither believe promises , believe threatnings , nor obey commands ? What a heart is that , that can neither sorrow for sin , nor rejoyce in God ? and what a heart is that , that can neither love Christ when he is present , nor can they ●ong for Christ when he is absent ? and what ● heart is that , O Christian , that can neither ●ove heaven , nor can fear hell ? and is there nor such hearts with us , even with us that ●re here this day ? At the last occasion that we spake upon these words , we spake a little to the first ●hing in them , which was the rise and originall of the promises , holden forth in that word , Whereby , or by whom . The second ●hing in the words , was the properties of ●he promises ; and wee told you that there were these four holden forth in the words . The first property of the promises is , that they are free , which is imported in that word , are given ; all the promises of the everlasting Covenant being the precious and free gifts of God. Hence you will see that oft times the tenor of the Covenant of Grace runs upon that strain , I will give you , as i● clear , Ier. 32.39 . I will give you one heart , and Ezek. 36.26 . I will give you a new heart , and Ezek. 11.19 . I will give you ; It is the strain of the language of the Covenant of Grace , to give . Now in speaking upon this first property of the promises , to wit , their freedom , I shall speak a little unto these two , the first thing shall be to point out unto you the way how a Christian may win to the distinct uptaking of the freedom of the promises ▪ and then I shall from thence presse some duties . And in short , as to the first , we conceive that a Christian may win unto the distinct uptaking of the freedom of the promises , by these Considerations . 1. Let a Christian cast his eye upon the sweet rise , and spring , or fountain of the promises , and there ye will see their freedom shining most clear : for what is the fountain of the promises ? Is it not the boundlesse and everlasting love of Christ : this is clear , Deut. 7 ▪ 7. where God giving a reason of all the great things that he had performed for them , he setteth down the rise of it , Because I loved you , saith he : and again the ground of this is , Because I have loved you , there being no reason of love , but love : and it is clear , 2. Sam. 7.2 . where David having received many precious promises , hee setteth down the rise of all these in that verse , For the words sake , saith he , and according to thine own heart , hast thou done all these things to make them known to thy servant . And it is clear , Ezek. 17.8 . where God calleth the time of entering into Covenant with them , a time of love ; that love it was eminently shining in that day when God did condescend to Covenant with them : And hence yee see in Scripture , that the promises they are called by the name of mercy , Micah 7.20 . To perform the mercy to Abraham , which is the Promises , and they are so called , because mercy and boundlesse love is the sole fountain and spring of all these promises . Secondly , Consider the persons who have right to make use of the promises ? Must not the promises be free when the proclamation is upon these tearms , Rev. 22.17 . Whosover will , let him come , there is nothing to give you a right to the promises , but only a willingnesse to embrace them , if yee will , yee may take them . And , thirdly , yee may read the freedom of the promises in this , that any condition which is annexed to the promise : Christ giveth to the Believer strength to perform that condition : It is known that Faith is the condition of the promises , and it is certain Christ giveth a Believer that condition as well as hee giveth him the promise , Philip 1 29. To you it is given to believe , and Eph. 2.8 ▪ It is the gift of God : It is impossible for a Christian to perform the condition , except Christ who is surety for him did perform it . Fourthly , Ye may read the freedom of the promises , 〈◊〉 ye consider the time when the promises are accomplished , it is often at such a time , when the Christian hath been , and is under no very spirituall frame . Hence yee will see in Ezek. 16.60 , 61. that when the promises are accomplished , then God requireth confusion and blushing of face , because of their former wayes : and Ezek. 36.31 . when the promises are accomplished , then that is the time when the Lord calleth them to remember their own evil wayes , and their doings that were not good ; yea , hee will have them and all the world to know , it is not for their sakes that he doth this ; therefore he commandeth them to bee ashamed and confounded for their own wayes , or the posture they were in when he accomplished his promise : And if there were no other thing to speak the freedome of the promises , but the trysting of the accomplishment of them with such a frame , it were more then suff●cient : But besides this , see Davids practice , 2 Sam. 7.8 . hee readeth the freedome of the promises from his own imperfections , What am I ( saith hee ) and what is my fathers house , that thou shouldest have brought mee hitherto ? And even in the same Text , there is an Emphasis in that word , to us , Whereby are given to us , as if the Apostle did say , to prove that the promises are gifts : I can bring no other argument so strong as this , They are given to us . Fifthly , Yee may read the freedom of the Promises , if yee will consider and take up the infinite fulnesse and all-sufficiency of the Promiser , that there is nothing without himself that can perswade him to give such promises . Hence yee will see , Gen. 17.1 . when hee is making the Covenant with Abraham , hee putteth it still in the Frontispiece of the Covenant , I am God all-sufficient , as it were , to put off all thoughts of merit that Abraham might have , and that Abraham might bee perswaded of this , that there was not any imaginable perfection in himself , that could be the ground and rise of such promises . And there is that , lastly , from which yee may read the freedom of the promises , if yee consider the greatnesse of these promises : if they were of a lower nature ; then were it lesse to bee wondered , if merit should come in to plead for it self : But when a Christian shall compare himself , and the greatnesse of the promises together , hee cannot but then sing that blessed song , These are the gifts and donations of God , and what am I , and what is my fathers house that thou hast brought me hitherto . Now the second thing that wee purposed to speak to , is , to presse some duties upon you from this , that the promises are free , and wee shall lay before you these three . The first , That since the promises of God , are free , then as you would not destroy your own souls , bee much in making use and application of the Promises : Are not the promises your life ? Did not all the Saints that went to heaven before us go to heaven , living upon the promises ? There was not a step of Abrahams life , but hee walked with a promise in it ; there was not an affliction that Abraham met with , but hee took comfort to himself from the promises ; and I shall remove these two mistakes that are incident to Christians in the application of the promises , even from this ground , that they are free . The first is this , There are some Christians that will not apply the promises , because they are under the convictions of their own infirmities , and of their own basenesse : so that when wee presse you to believe the promises , yee reject this counsell , because yee consult with your own infirmities . This was the practice of David , Psal. 22.4 . Our father 's trusted in thee , they trusted and were delivered : but hee durst not trust in the 6. verse , But I am a worm , and not a man ▪ I am a reproach among the people . And it is that same divinity that is in these dayes , when we presse you to believe the promises , because of the great cloud of witnesses that have gone before you , that believed the promises . O say yee , if I were like David , and Abraham , I would believe the promises ; but truely David said that same , that lived before you , if I were like my fathers , I would believe the promises , but I am not like my fathers . And therefore I would say to you these two words . 1. Are yee inferiour o● short unto David in holinesse , or necessities ? Wee do not question but all of you will answer , wee are not inferiour to David in necessities , but in holinesse ; Then say wee , if ye be not inferiour to David in necessity , then make use of the promises : for as we cleared the last day , necessity giveth ● right in making use of the promises . 2. I would say , I am certainly perswaded , that sensible necessity would cut short many of our formal debates , in closing with the promises , necessities ( as ye use to speak ) hath no Law , and necessity hath no manners . Let mee say that to you who will not close with the promises , that if yee were under sensible necessity ▪ if Christ should forbid you to close with such a promise , ye would close with it though hee forbid you , as the woman of Canaan did , there is nothing but sensible necessity will overcome it : necessity never disputes its right , for it goeth over the belly of such a dispute , it presently maketh use of that that its need calleth for . Secondly , There is that other mistake amongst Christians in believing the promises , that they want the qualifications annexed to the promises , and therefore they dare not believe the Promise , especially that promise of closing with Christ , they think they are not under such a deep measure of humiliation , of sorrow for sin , nor under such lively apprehensions of the excellency of Christ. And I shall say but these six things unto these that will not close with Christ , because they want qualifications , or at least , have not these qualifications after such a way . First , Let mee tell thee ( O Christian that thus disputes , ) go between the first steps of a Christians way to heaven and the last , and see if yee can behold a grave upon which this is written , Behold here lieth a man or a woman that came to Christ to imbrace him , and hee would not receive them ; Did yee ever behold such a grave as this ? And why then do ye so much dispute ? Will ye take a trial of Christ whether hee will refuse you if yee come , and if hee shall refuse you , sure I am , he will do that which he never did to any before you . The second thing I would say to such , that the want of such degrees of such things , ought not to be a ground of your not closing with Christ ; for if yee had these qualifications that yee require , yee would maintain that same dispute that yee do now ; for when we desire you to close with Christ , ye answer , that your sorrow is not come to such a height as it ought , nor is your humiliation come to such a height , as ye pitch for your self to come to . O Christian , if yee come to ten times more , and yet ten times more , yee would have that same dispute then which ye have now : and the ground of it is this , the more that a Christian have real sorrow , he will oftentimes be the more in the apprehension that hee hath not sorrow . Thirdly , If yee want the qualifications that are required in these that should close with Christ in the Covenant of promise , then come to Christ to get these qualifications . I would only ask at you , think yee to spin sorrow for sin out of your own hearts ; Think ye to spin humiliation for sin out of these wretched breasts of yours , yee must come to Christ for sorrow , as well as ye come to Christ for life . Fourthly , All the qualifications ▪ that ●re annexed unto that promise of closing with Christ , and coming to him , they point ●ut rather the qualification of them that will come , then the qualification of these ●hat ought to come : Yee read such a command as that , Come unto mee all ye that are wearied and heavy loaden . O say yee , I am not weary , and I am not under the burden of sinne , therefore I cannot come . I will tell you what is the meaning of that command ; Christ inviteth these who have the greatest unwillingnesse , to come and get willingnesse : But withall , it sheweth this , none will come to get rest from Christ , but these that are first weary ; and that this is the Lords method of working , first , to make weary , and then to ease ; but no such matter in his Word , That first , wee must have a wearinesse of our own making , or else hee will not receive us : now but when yee come , yee will be weary , and hee will receive you . Fifthly , let mee say to you who thus disputes , make your want of qualifications the very ground of your closing with Christ. I shall but in three places let you see this strange arguing of Faith in closing with the promises : There is that , Psal. 40.11 , 12. Let thy truth continually preserve mee , that is , let thy promises be accomplished and made lively unto mee , which are my preservation : and would yee know the ground and reason that hee anexeth unto this ; For saith he , Innumerable evils encompassed me about , they have taken such hold of me , that I am not able to look up . He maketh his very want of qualifications , the grounds of his closing with the promise , and seeking the accomplishment of it . And there is that second expression which is most wonderfull , Psal. 25 11. David prayeth for the accomplishment of that promise , Pardon my sinne upon that same very account , Because it is great . And I shall give you a third place in which the arguing of Faith is most mysterious , Exod. 33. compared with Exod. 34.9 . In the first place , God denieth the accomplishment of that promise , of going up amongst that people : And the ground hee giveth of it , is , Because , saith hee , yee are a stiff necked people . And chap. 34. verse 9. when Moses is praying for the accomplishment of that promise , That God would go amongst them ; he taketh that same very argument out of the mouth of God ; Go up amongst us ; For , saith hee , wee are a stiff-necked people : God said he would not go up because they were a stiff necked people , and Moses desireth him to go up because of this ▪ And there is this , lastly , that wee would say to you , that so much dispute ; If yee would have these qualifications that yee want , yee would study to close with Christ by Faith ; Would ye have sorrow for sin ? then believe ; Would ye have high thoughts of Christ ? then believe : Would ye have humiliation ? then believe ; for believing is a mother grace unto all these . The second duty that we would press upon you from this consideration that the promises are free , is , That when the promises ●re given to you , and are accomplished , ye would study to be denied to any merit in your selves , which ye may suppose to be the ●ise of the giving or accomplishment of the promises . There is nothing that a Christian ●eceiveth , but it is a fruit of infinit love , there ●s not a conviction that trysteth a Christian , ●ut it is the fruit of infinite love ; there is ●ot one real sigh for sin , but it is the fruit of ●nfinit love ; there is not one blink of the precious countenance of Christ , but it is a ●ruit of infinit love ; there is not the least ●egree of hatred against sin , but it is the fruit of infinit love ; there is not the least promise that is accomplished unto you , but it is ●he fruit of infinit love : so that upon all our ●eceipts from God , there is reason to sing that ●ong , Not unto us , not unto us , but unto thee ●oth belong the glory : And therefore , I would presse this upon you , O Christians , ●educe all your mercies unto the fountain , ●nd there sit down and pen songs of everlast●ng praise to him . Will ye but take a view ●f this , there is not one bit of bread that ye ●at , that is within a promise , but it is a mercy ●hat hath come running to you through the ●owels and tender heart of Christ : his heart 〈◊〉 the fountain of all our mercies , and they ●weetly stream out of that precious foun●ain ; so that if ye had no other thing to com●end your mercy from , but that it is a gift ●f the heart of Christ , ye may take it in your ●rms upon this account , and solace your ●elves with it . The last duty that we would presse upon you from this consideration , that the promises are free , is this ; Ye would be studying to close with Jesus Christ that is promised and freely holden out to you in the Gospel ; O sinner of eighty years old , O sinner of sixty years old , O atheists of fourty years old , and O sinner of twenty years ol● and downward ! I do here invite you , 〈◊〉 the Ambassadour of Jesus Christ , to imbrace Christ freely offered in the promise ; yea , 〈◊〉 do invite you by all the vertues of that noble Plant of renown ; by that everlasting love that dwelt in his precious heart , by all the sufferings and wounds that he received , by his eternal glory , and by all the blessings and joyes of heaven , and by that love that ye owe unto your precious and immortal souls ▪ that ye would come and imbrace him freely offered to you in the Gospel . And for the further pressing of this , and for clearing of the way of your closing with him , I shall first propose some Gospel mysteries , and sweetly agreeing contradictions , ( if so we may speak ) held forth in Scripture . 1. Come and buy Christ , and yet buy him without money ; that is , come and receive Christ , and ye shall have as unquestionable a right to him as if ye had bought him , that is to buy without money ; ye have nothing to commend you to Christ but necessities , and necessities bideth you go , and Christ biddeth you come , why then will ye sit this call . 2. What a Gospel mysterie is that , Yee ar● to buy Christ , and Christ is above price , there is nothing that we can give to buy that pear● of greatest price , and yet we must buy him : then the meaning is , come , and buy Christ by faith , and by forsaking of your idols , this is all the price that he doth require for himself ; and so he requireth nothing of you but what he himself doth give , or what is both your duty and advantage to forsake , and which is no gain for him to receive : Christ is not enriched by your hearts , and by giving of your consent to him . 3. This is a Gospel mysterie , that we are to buy without money and without price , and yet to buy with a price , according to that word , Prov. 17.17 . there is a price put in the hands of fools , to buy wisdom , and what is the meaning of tha● , to buy with price , and buy without price ? It is in short this , though Christ be offered to you in the Gospel freely , ye must not sit down , but be active in closing with him ; What is the price that Christ requireth of you ? even this , that ye would forsake your soul destroying idols , and that ye would forsake your former evil wayes , and take hold of the present opportunity for imbracing him . And O! cursed shall the heart be that will not imbrace Christ ; O but to have him one hour in our arms , it were well worth ten thousand E●ernities of the enjoyment of all things that are here below ; ye would never open your arms again to another lover , if once ye had him between your breasts . O but a sight of him that now is the eternal ravishment of all that are above , would transport your hearts with joy , with delight , and admiration , above all expression . Fourthly , There is this Gospel mystery by which we would presse you to imbrace Christ ; A Christia● must buy Christ , and yet he must have him freely . Is there not an inconsistence , do you suppose between buying and having freely ▪ But I would say this to clear it , Christ is bot● the seller , he is the wares , and he is th● buyer ; Christ he presenteth himself unt● your hearts , and he desireth to sell himself and he perswadeth and freely enableth yo● to buy him : I will tell you what Chris● doth , he standeth without our hearts , and within our hearts , he standeth without an● knocketh by the Word , and he standeth within and openeth by his Spirit ; Christ he bot● commandeth , and he obeyeth , both withi● doors , and without doors , and all this 〈◊〉 doth freely . The second thing I shall say to perswade your hearts to take Christ freely promised and offered unto you , shall be this ; Will yo● consider that there is willingness in the hear● of Christ to take you . I shall give unto you these six things that speaketh ou● Chris● his willingnesse to receive you . First , Doth he not command you to come and receive him ? and if ye could multiply objection● throughout eternity , why ye should no● close with Christ , ye may cut them all asunder with this knife , This is his Commandement : And doth he not command you , Mat ▪ 11 28. Come unto me all ye that labour : And Isai. 55 1 ▪ Ho , every one that thirsteth ▪ com● to the water . Secondly , Hee doth regra●● and deeply resent it that ye will not come . ● think Christ never weeped so bitterly , as ●hat day when he weeped over Ierusalem , ●hat they would not imbrace him , Luke 19. ●● . If thou , even thou , at least , in this thy day , ●ad known these things that belong unto thy ●eace : And Iohn 5.40 . Yee will not come to me that ye may have life . O what think yee can be the rise of this , that Christ should ●orrow because yee will not give up your hearts to him ; doth hee increase his gain when yee give him your hearts ? No cer●ainly , but he cannot endure that madnesse ●n you , that ye should forsake your onely gain . Thirdly , Would you do Christ a joy●ull turn , and make his heart glad ? Imbrace him ; This is clear , Luke 15.5 . that when hee finde●h the sheep that is going astray , He returneth rejoycing . Fourthly , I say no more unto you , would you make all the Persons of the blessed Trinity to rejoyce , would yee make all the Angels of Heaven to ●ing , would yee make all the Saints that ●re round about the Throne to ex●lt for joy ; ●hen give your hearts up to Christ , and close with him in the Covenant of promise ; according to that word , Song 6. last vers . Re●urn , return O Shulamite , return , return , that we may look upon thee . Four times that command is repeated , return ▪ and the great argument with which he ba●keth it , is . That ●ll the Persons of the Trinity may rejoyce , That we may look upon thee . Fourthly , Con●ider but how he hath concescended to give himself at a very low rate : What will yee give for Christ ? O sinners , what will ye give for him ? Would yee give the world for Christ ? I will tell you what yee will ge● Christ for , ye will get him for a very look , Isa. 45.22 . Look unto mee , O all yee ends of the earth : And think yee not that is a matchlesse mercy , that the thirty three years sufferings of Christ , all the pains and torture● of his heart , his being under the unsupportable wrath of an offended God , the fruit o● all that should be yours for a look . Will ye deny that to Christ , Oh , do yee ever think to finde a more down-coming market ? Ye● , fifthly , doth not this speak an admirable willingnesse to have you , hee is to give you that look . It is impossible for these cursed eyes of ours , ever to give precious Christ a look , and therefore he hath Promised to give that to us , that we may give to him , Zech. 12 10. They shall look to mee , that very look yee are to get from Christ , and ye see it is withi● the compasse of a promise . Lastly , That speaketh Christs willingnesse to receive and take you , that he doth not take the first refusal . O Christians that are now in Christ , if Christ had taken an hundred refusals from you ye should never have been in heaven , but he waiteth for an answer , and doth not take us at our first word : acording to that word , Song . 5.2 . I am wet , saith he , with the drops of the morning , and my locks with the dew of the night : Hee was long knocking at her heart , and stayed a long time there patiently ▪ suffering all the injuries he could meet with . And I would only pose you , think yee that ●f one of the richest of you were suiting a ●ery poor woman , and shee refused you so ●any times , would your proud hearts sub●it to take her ? And yet how often-times ●ath the precious heart of Christ submitted ●o many effronts , and refusals that wee have ●iven him : I think if it were possible , Chri●●ians would wink when first they behold ●hrist upon the day of their espousals : For 〈◊〉 suppose their wil be a great dispute between ●●me and love , desire and confusion ; shame ●ill make you to close your eyes , because ye ●ave oftentimes undervalued that Prince , and ●et love will not let you close them ; desire ●ill put you to look , though reflecting upon our former wayes , will make you blush and 〈◊〉 ashamed . Thirdly , To perswade you to receive ●hrist in the offer of his free promises ▪ I ●●all but say these three words and close . Look to these excellent gifts that Christ ●●ingeth with him , he bringeth Justification ●ith him , and is not that an excellent gift ? 〈◊〉 bringeth Sanctification with him , and is 〈◊〉 that an excellent gift ? Hee bringeth joy 〈◊〉 the holy Ghost with him , and is not that 〈◊〉 excellent gift ? Hee bringeth the love of ●od with him , and is not that an excellent 〈◊〉 ? Hee bringeth patience under sufferings ●ith him , and is not that an excellent gift ? 〈◊〉 why should I name what hee bringeth ? 〈◊〉 bringeth himself and all things , and what ●●ould ye have more ? O but for one saving ●●ink of his face , it would make your hearts 〈◊〉 down your enimity that you have maintained so long . 2. O Christian , that ye ma● close with Christ , do but remember the hap●pinesse that yee will have in imbracing him I told you not long since , and now I put yo● in mind again : There is a sixfold crown whic● shall bee put upon your head ; Would yo● have long life , then come to Christ , and y●● shall have a crown of eternal life : Would 〈◊〉 have glory ? then come to Christ and ye sha●● have a crown of glory : Would ye have know●ledge of the mysteries of God ? then come 〈◊〉 Christ , and he shall crown you with know●ledge : Would you have an eternal felicity and an uninterrupted happinesse , then com● to Christ , and ye shall have an immort●●● crown : Would you have holinesse and s●●●ctifiation , then come to Christ , and yee 〈◊〉 have a crown of righteousnesse ; yea , he sha●● put a royal crown upon your head , a crow● of pure Gold ; and then that word shall be accomplished to the full , Zech. 9.16 . The● shall they be as the stones of a crown lifted 〈◊〉 and as an ensign upon the land . O what a 〈◊〉 think yee will it bee , when Christ shall 〈◊〉 your crowns upon his hand , and shall 〈◊〉 them upon those heads never to be remov● again , here we are often put to sigh 〈◊〉 that lamentation , The crown is fallen from 〈◊〉 heads , woe unto us for wee have sinned , b● there shall be no more sin to make our crow● to totter . 2. I must tell you , There is ● fourfold sute of apparel that yee shall be cloathed with ere long : ye are now cloath● with heavinesse , but then yee shall be cloath●ed with the garments of praise ; And did 〈◊〉 ●ver know such a robe as that ? Is it not a more excellent robe then the robes of Kings ●nd Emperours in the earth , to bee cloathed with praises ? Many of them are and shall ●e for ever cloathed with infamy and 〈◊〉 . Yee shall be cloathed with change of ray●ent , and shall be brought unto the King in ●ayment of needle work . O poor L●sse and ●oor Lade that sitteth upon the dung-hill , ●hat knows not what it is to have change of ●pparel , yee shall have it in that day , when ●hrist shall solemnize the Marriage with ●ou , ye shall misken your self . O Christian , 〈◊〉 yee knew your self never so well , ye will ●ee forced to cry out , O ▪ is this I ? Is this I 〈◊〉 am now made perfect through his comeli●sse . 3. Ye shall be cloathed with the gar●ents of immortall glory , yee that have your ●●undation in the dust , and dwell in the houses 〈◊〉 clay , yee shall then bee cloathed with these ●●cellent robes of immortality , and cloathed 〈◊〉 with your house from heaven . And lastly , 〈◊〉 shall bee cloathed with the garment of 〈◊〉 spotlesse righteousnesse of Christ. O such a ●●jestick walk as ye will have , when ye shall 〈◊〉 a scepter in one hand , and a palm in 〈◊〉 other , these robes put upon your back , 〈◊〉 these crowns upon your heads , and then 〈◊〉 bee walking through these streets that 〈◊〉 paved with Gold. 3. I shall give you 〈◊〉 word to think upon , That there are 〈◊〉 things that shall be your exercise in 〈◊〉 . 1. Yee shall be constantly taken up in ●●ndering : If it be not presumption for us ●hink a little ; What is the exercise of Christ and the Saints that are above , we conceive it is this , Christ is wondering at thei● beauty , and they are wondering at his beauty , Christ is looking upon them , and the● upon him ; and is it not true , that if Chris●●e now ravished with one of our eyes , Son● 4. ver . 9. much more shall he be ravishe● when both our eyes shall be given to hi● and shall eternally behold him , without go●ing a whoring after other lovers . 2. 〈◊〉 shall be continually in the exercise of prais● joy and light shall be flowing in , and admir●●tion and praise shall be flowing out eternally ye shall then sweetly warble upon the● Harps of God , and shall cry , Hallelujah 〈◊〉 him that sitteth upon the Throne , there 〈◊〉 be no discord there ; there is a sweet 〈◊〉 beautifull harmony amongst all these spirit● all and heavenly Musicians . O but to 〈◊〉 them , it were a heaven , though we had 〈◊〉 that blessed lot as to sing with them . 3. 〈◊〉 shall be continually taken up in the 〈◊〉 of love : Faith is your predominant 〈◊〉 while ye are here , but Love shall be 〈◊〉 predominant grace when ye are there . 〈◊〉 is it not a mysterie to take up these 〈◊〉 emanations of love and delight , that 〈◊〉 passe between Christ and you ? ye shall be folding Christ , and Christ shall be infold you . 4. Ye shal be continually beholding 〈◊〉 I think it is hardly possible for the Wife to ●●●member her Husband in heaven , though loved him as her own heart , they will 〈◊〉 taken up in beholding him that sitteth on Throne , they will think it too low an 〈◊〉 to be taken up with looking upon another in these relations : all will be ravished beholding him , and one another in him , and for him . O the blessed exercise of these that are now entred within tha● City , and within these Gates , whose name is praise . 5. Ye shall be continually taken up in beholding , ye shall be alwaye● knowing , and yet never able to comprehend the endless mysteries and perfections of Jesus Christ. O such a study ! Is it not pleasant alwayes to be studying Christ ? and will not these things perswade you . And now but a word more to these that will not have this free offer : If yee will not ●mbrace Christ and take him , let me tell you , 〈◊〉 would not bee in the stead of that person ●or ten thousand worlds , if yee will not im●race Christ and take him for your portion , ●he stones of the wall of this house will bear witnesse against you , and they shall have a ●ongue to speak against you , that yee have ●een invited to take him , and would not : 〈◊〉 long that day is approaching , and draw●●g near , when the Athiests and refusers of ●hrist they shall change their faith , they shall ●hange their love , they shal change their fear , 〈◊〉 they shall change their joy ; and they ●●all change their mind , ye shall change your 〈◊〉 yee that are refusers of Christ ; for I 〈◊〉 there are many that thinks they have 〈◊〉 with Christ , who never did close with 〈◊〉 ; that faith shall flee away , and ye shall ●●lieve the con●rary : yee shall change your 〈◊〉 , or at least , your opinion of your love : 〈◊〉 think yee love Christ , but yee do not imbrace him ; I will tell you what will be you● exercise , and I can tel you nothing so te●rible Christ shall eternally hate you , and ye shal● eternally hate Christ , there shall be a 〈◊〉 hatred betwixt you two for evermore . 〈◊〉 that dreadful word , Zech. 11.8 . it shall the● bee accomplished to the uttermost , My 〈◊〉 loathed them , and their soul also abhorred mee● ▪ And ye shal change your fear , for now thoug● ye fear not God , nor reverence man , yet the●● the horrour of God shall make you shake 〈◊〉 a leaf , and ye shall change your light and you● judgement . Ye do now undervalue Christ and thinks him of nothing worth ; when Chris● is presented unto you , there is no beauty 〈◊〉 yee should desire him : But , O think on th●● day when Christ shall sit down in the cloud● and ye shall see his beautifull face , every 〈◊〉 of which shal be able to captivate your hear● if they were then capable to be ravished 〈◊〉 the sight . O what will be your thoughts 〈◊〉 him ? And if the blessings of a crucified 〈◊〉 our come not upon you , then the eternal , 〈◊〉 unsupportable vengeance of Christ shall 〈◊〉 upon your heads that would not condesce●● to take him : ye shall be cursed in your 〈◊〉 ye shall be cursed in your death ▪ and ye 〈◊〉 be cursed after death ; What say ye to 〈◊〉 Are ye content to take him ! ye might 〈◊〉 the day that ever ye were born , if yee 〈◊〉 once come to close with Christ. Now 〈◊〉 him that hath the keyes of the house of D●vid , that can open your hearts to give 〈◊〉 entry , we desire to give praise . SERMON IV. 2 Pet. 1.4 . Whereby are given unto us exceeding great and precious Promises , that by these you might be partakers of the divine nature , having escaped the corruption that is in the world through lust . THere are three most glorious and excellent gifts that God hath bestowed upon man , there is that comprehensive gift of heaven , Iesus Christ , who is so called , Iohn 4.10 . and sure such a gift as ●hat , ought in some sense to blind our eyes , ●nd make us look upon all things that are be●ow him , as nothing . The second royal Gift that the Lord hath given , is the precious promises of the everlasting Covenant , which are given to us thorow him : A Christian ●hat is united unto him by the bloud of Faith ▪ 〈◊〉 may write this above the head of every promise of the everlasting Covenant , this is ●ine , and this is mine . His third precious gift , is the gift of Faith , which is that grace that maketh use of the former two : and wee conceive , that our little making use of ●hese three excellent gifts , is the great occasion and cause why these four most sad ●nd lamentable evils have befallen us . ● . The evil of a silent conscience , that though we be profound to commit iniquity , and do love a reward under every green tree , yet our conscience doth not speak nor reprove us ; and if at any time they do speak ; yet there are some that are so possessed with a dumb and dea● spirit , they can neither hear what God doth speak , nor can they hear their cons●ience . 2. The evil of a 〈◊〉 nod , wee know not the voice of our rod , and who is he that hath appointed it ; God doth not now open our ears to discipline , nor seal up our instruction . 3. There is that evil of silent mercies , the mercies that we receive of God , we understand not the language of them : ar● not our mercies Barbarians unto us , speaking to us in an unknown tongue ? and yet we may say , there is not a rod nor a mercy a Christian meets with , but it hath a voice , if wee did understand it . And lastly , there is that evil which hath befallen us , and alas , this is the capestone of all , a silent God , who doth not hearken unto the voice of our cryes , but turneth about the face of his Throne , covering himself with a cloud in his anger , so that our prayers cannot passe through . Alas , may not each Christian of this time cry out ▪ Call mee no more Naomi , but call me Mara , because th● Lord hath dealt bitterly with me . In short , I think there are these two things that may b● our lamentation upon the high places of Israel . First , That we live without sight of God ; And secondly , that wee live without sight of our selves , and all this , because wee live without a sight of these precious Gifts ▪ Christ and his Promises . But now to the words ; We to●d you ▪ tha● in them there were these four things holden ●orth concerning the promises . 1. The original and fountain of the promises , in that word , Whereby , or by whom : 2. The properties of the promises which we told you , were these four . The first was , that the promises were free ▪ holden forth in that word , they are Given ; all the promises of the everlasting Covenant being the noble gifts of God. The second ( of which we are to speak at this time ) is this , that the promises of the Covenant they are unchangeable , which is imported also in that word ▪ they are given , the gifts of God being indeed without repentance ; And as to this : 1. Wee shall prove the truth of the point : and for this end , consider that place , Numb . 23.19 . which was a part of Balaams song , Hath hee not spoken it , and will hee not also d● it ? Hath hee said it , and shall it not also come to passe ? and Psal. 89.34 . I will not break my Covenant , nor alter the word that hath gone out of my mouth : and the point is clear also , from the name that the promises getteth in Scripture , are they no called the sure mercies of David , Isa. 55.3 . and are they not sometimes in Scripture called Truth , as wee may see from Micah 7.20 . Thirdly , The nature of the Covenant proveth it ; in that it is called an everlasting Covenant , and sometimes a Covenant of Salt , because that Covenant is above the reach of alteration or putrifaction : And fourthly , It may be likewise shown from the constant experience that the Saints have had of the unchangeablenesse of the promises . This Ioshua taketh notice of , Chap. 23.24 . where when he was a dying , There hath not failed ( saith he ) one thing of all these good things that God hath spoken ; and hee is so confident of this , that he is forced to repeat that word over again in that verse : and hee taketh notice of it , Iosh. 21.45 . where hee hath tha● same expression again , There hath not failed ( saith he ) one thing of all the good things that God hath spoken : and this Solomon hee took notice of , 1 King. 8.56 . There hath n●t failed one thing that God hath spoken unto us by Moses ; and indeed , there is near six thousand years experience that preacheth this truth , the promises are unchangeable , so that wee may now say , The word of the Lord i● tried as silver is purified in a furnace of earth hot seven times : If there had been any falshood in the precious promises of the everlasting Covenant , six thousand years triall should have brought it to light ; but doth not every one of the cloud of witnesse● that have gone before us , leave this testimony upon record , Faithfull is he that hath promised , who will also do it ▪ his promise 〈◊〉 with the night and with the day , it cannot bee altered , the ordinances of heaven continue to this day , much lesse can this Covenant of love be broken or altered , only wee would have you taking this Caution by the way , that there are some conditional promises that God passeth unto his people ▪ which in the depths of his spotlesse wisdom hee doth not accomplish unto these who never fulfill the condition ; such was that promise that he gave to the Israelites in the land of Egypt of their possessing the land of Ca●aan , who yet died in the wildernesse : And ●ence is that strange word , Numb . 13.34 . see shall know my breach of promise , saith the Lord , which is a word spoken after the man●er of men , not importing any change of pur●ose in God , but only shewing that because ●hey did not believe , and so fulfill the condi●ion of the promise , therefore it was not to ●e fulfilled personally to them ▪ The second thing that we shall speak to ●pon this , that the promises are unchange●ble , shall be to propose these six golden ●illars and excellent foundation● , upon which the unchangeablenesse of the promises 〈◊〉 built . And the first of them is the omni●otency of God , that there is nothing that he ●ath promised , but he is able to effectuate ●nd to bring to passe , Therefore , 2 Cor. 6.8 . when God had been passing many ex●ellent promises , he strengtheneth their faith with this , Thus saith the Lord God Almighty : ●nd no doubt , Where the word of this King 〈◊〉 , there is power , and who can say unto him , ●hat dost thou : O misbeliever of the pre●ious promises of the Covenant ; be ashamed ●o cast up your eyes to heaven above , or to ●he earth beneath ; we think the Stars , the ●un , the Moon , and all the works of God , they ●ay speak out that to you , do not misbelieve God , but trust in him , That is wonderfull in ●ounsell and excellent in working . The se●ond is , the wisdome and infinit counsel of God , hee hath not only complea● ability to accomplish the promise that hee hath given , but hee hath the depths and treasures o● knowledge , by which hee hath contrived th● way of the accomplishment of such a promise : Hence is that word , 2 Sam. 23.5 ▪ that the Covenant is well ordered , which speaketh out the wisdome of God : and the● that word is subjoyned , the Covenant is sure● yea , the Covenant of Grace is such a thing● that there is so much of the arte of heaven● so much of infinite wisdom shining in it , tha● it is called the counsel of God , Heb. 6.17 . Tha● ye might know the immutability of his counsel . The third golden pillar , is , the infinite love 〈◊〉 God , that though there be nothing in us tha● can put him to ●●complish the promises , ye● he will take an argument from his own love , to make out such a promise to us ; there i● sometimes ( if not alwayes ) nothing in us , but that which may speak forth delayes o● the accomplishment of the promises ; but when God can bring no argument from us , he can bring an argument from his own love , 〈◊〉 Deut. 7.7 , 8. where giving a reason of the accomplishment of many promises , and o● his love to them , I loved you , saith he , because I loved you ; there being no reason that ca● bee given for love , but love . The fourth is , The unchangeablenesse of the Promiser , that he is the same , yesterday , and to day , and for ever , and without all alteration and shaddow of change : Hence yee may see , Exod. 3.14 . when God is repeating many preciou● promises unto Moses , Hee ( as it were ) ●trengtheneth Moses faith with this , I am , ●aith he , that I am , which wee conceive to point sorth the unchangeablenesse of God , ●hat what he hath said , he will certainly ac●omplish in its own time , and though the ●ision do tarry , yet at last it shall speak . The 〈◊〉 i● , The faithfulnesse of God , and that hee 〈◊〉 one that cannot lie , but certainly will ●ake out what hee hath spoken . Love , it ●aketh the promises , the faithfulnesse and ●ower of God accomplisheth the promises , ●nd the infinite wisdom of God chooseth the ●ost fit time f●r the performing of them . ●ence it is said , Psal. 119 89 , 90. Thy word 〈◊〉 Lord , is for ever setled in heaven , and the ●round of it is in the following verse ; For ●●y faithfulnesse is unto all generations : Hence ●ou may see , that oftentimes when God is ●aking promises to his own , he putteth to ●●at word , I that speak in righteousnesse , Isa. 5 , 19. and Isa. 63.1 . O! must not the ●●omises be unchangeable that are made by 〈◊〉 Father who is the God of Truth ? Must 〈◊〉 the promises bee unchangeable that are ●●ceived and merited by the Son , that is ●ruth it self , and the faithfull Witnesse , and ●men ? Must not the promises be unchange●●le that are applyed by the holy Ghost , that 〈◊〉 the Spirit of Truth ? And must not the ●●omises bee unchangeable that are made ●●own unto us by the Gospel , that is the ●ord of Truth ? Was there ever any who 〈◊〉 leave that upon record of God , that he ●as unfaithfull in the accomplishment of his ●●omises . O what a clear sight of the faithfulnesse of God shall a Christian get , whe● he shall be standing upon the outmost li●● between Time and Eternity , then he will 〈◊〉 God faithfull in accomplishing all his pr●●mises unto him from first to last . The 〈◊〉 golden pillar , is , The justice of God , 〈◊〉 justice , it now putteth him to accompli●● his promises , mercy and righteousnesse ha● now kissed each other : Hence is that wor● 1 Joh. 1.9 . He is just and faithful to forgiv● So that now the accomplishment of t●● promises , it is not only an act of love , but 〈◊〉 is an act of justice also : We confesse indee● love and mercy maketh the promises , 〈◊〉 justice and truth also putteth God to the ac●complishment of them : Hence is that word Micah 7.20 . To perform the truth to Iaco● and the mercy to Abraham : Why is it mercy to Abraham , and it is truth to Iacob ? It i● in short this , because mercy made the promises to Abraham , but truth did accomplis● the promises to Iacob ? The third thing that we shall speak to fro●●his , That the promises are unchangeable shall be , to presse these six duties upon yo● from this point . O Christians and Expectants of Heaven , who have Christ in you , the hope of Glory , rejoyce and be exceeding glad that the promises are unchangeable . 1. This is a duty that is pressed from that ground , Heb. 6.18 . That by two immutable things we might have strong consolation : There is exceeding much joy that may come to a Christian from this , that the promises shall be accomplished i● their own time . We conceive that the word unchangeable , it is engraven upon the head of many a Christians mercies . Is not unchangeable written above the head of our promises ? Is not unchangeable written upon the head of our blessednesse ? Is not unchangeable written above the head of our enjoyment of God ? That day is coming when we shall have unchangeable love , unchangeable enjoyment of God , and all things unchangeable : A●d we conceive , that if these two were believed , the truth of the promises , and the unchangeablenesse of the promises , a Christian might walk through this valey of tears with joy , and comfort himself in hope . The second duty we would presse , is this , that ye would sursease and give over your disputings and carnal reasonings about the accomplishment of the promises , since the promises of God are unchangeable , ought not we with this to silence misbelief , and all that blind humane reason can say : This is pressed , Heb. 6.16 . An oath for confirmation , it is an end of all strife . Gods confirming of his Covenant by an oath , it ought to cut short the disputings of misbelief ; And here give me leave to point out a little these grounds upon which it is that Christians doth so much dispute the accomplishment of promises : and to let you see how all these grounds may be answered from these six pillars that were given of their unchangeablenesse . The first is , When dispensations seemeth to contradict the truth of the Promises , the promise it speaketh one thing , and dispensations seem to speak another : and this is the occasion that oftentimes Christians cry out , Doth his promise fail for evermore . This is clear from the practice of David , 1. Sam. 27.1 . when dispensations were upon the top of the accompl●shment , and truth of the promises , then misbelief it ariseth as a Champion mighty to war , and cryeth out , I shall one day fall by the hand of Saul : And wee conceive , that dispensations contradicting the truth of the promises , was the occasion of his speaking that word , Psal. 116.11 . I said in my haste , all men are liars . And I would only say to you that dispute the truth of the promises upon this account , that dispensations contradicteth them : Do but consider this : God in his way is not like unto you : Would ye know the time when the promises are nearest their accomplishment , it is then when we can least see that they are to be accomplished , the promises are never nearer their performance , then when wee think that they are furthest off from it : And therefore let the faith of the omnipotency of God , uphold your spirit under such a debate , then let dispensations speak what they will , yee may answer all with this , There is nothing too hard for him , there is nothing too hard for the Lord. I grant this may try the strength of the strongest faith , yea , we finde it hath made the best to stagger when they had no probabilities to tell them that the promise shall be accomplished : this was the ground of Sarahs misbelief , Gen. 18.12 . that when she heard she should bear a son in her old age , shee laughed within her self , and did , as it were , mock at such a promise : and this was the ground of Moses his misbelief , Numb . 11.21 , 22. hee did not see a probability that such a multitude should be ●ed with flesh , and therefore hee did call in question the truth of that promise : this was the ground of the misbelief of that Lord that is made mention , 2 King. 7.2 . and this was the ground of Zecharies misbelief , Luk. 1.20 . But I would only say to you that do so much consult with probability in the exercise of your faith , these two things . 1. There is nothing too hard for God , this was the very argument that God took to convince Sarah in the 14. vers . of that 18 Chapter , Is there any thing too hard for God ? And , 2. Faith is never in its native and spirituall exercise , till once probabilities contradict the truth of the promise , then faith it is put upon the stage , and then faith doth act ; but as long as faith and probabilities think one thing , then the day of the trial of the strength of faith is not yet come . The second ground upon which Christians dispute the accomplishment of the promises , ●s their much disputing of their interest in God ? Sometimes a Christian will believe ● promise , and before the accomplishment of ●he promise come , their hope will be darkned , their interest in Christ will be obscured , and then they do quite their faith in adhering to the truth of that promise . These two are joyned together , want of the faith of our interest , and want of faith of the accomplishment of the promise , as it is clear from that word , Psal 77.8 . Is his mercy clean gone . There is disputing of his interest , and presently this is subjoyned , Doth his promise fail for evermore . Except a Christian can read his name in the ancient records of heaven , and can seal this conclusion , I am my beloveds , and my beloved he is mine , it will be a hard , and a difficult task for him , if not impossible to believe the promises . The fourth ground of a Christians disputing the truth of the promises , is , their mistaking the way how the promises are to be accomplished , There are some that suppose that when ever they close with a promise by faith , there is no more but to enter to the possession of such a promise ; but do not mistake it , between your believing the promise and the accomplishment of it , there may bee sad and dark dayes interveening , according to that word in Mark 10.30 . where Christ passing great promises to his Disciples , He , as it were doth adde , do not mistake me that ye shall have these promises without trouble and affliction , Ye shall receive ( saith he ) an hundred fold in this life with persecutions . A Christian when he believeth the promises , he must resolve to have a winter before the spring time come , wherein the promise shall bud and flourish . The fifth ground of a Christians disputing the truth of the promises , is , when the promises are long in their accomplishing . A Christian when first hee meeteth with a promise , he will cry forth , O I believe , but when ●ime is taken for the accomplishment of it , ●hen his faith beginneth to faint , and his hope beginneth to languish and give over ; yea , sometimes Christians they fall in this ●a●lt , when they believe a promise , they fix ● day for the accomplishment of it , which ●f God do not keep , but go over ; then they ●mmediately cry forth , What is my strength ●hat I should wait , and what is my confidence ●hat I should prolong my dayes . This is clear in the practice of Abraham , where the promise of having a numerous seed being given ●o him , Gen. 2.12 . the long time before that promise was accomplished in part to him , was the occasion of his misbelief , that hee vented , Gen. 15.3 . O Lord , what wilt thou give me , since I go childelesse : But yee must know , that before the vision shall speak , there is an appointed time that ye must wait , according to , 1 Pet 5.9 , 10. After yee have suffered a while , then the promises shall bee accomplished , and yee shall bee made perfect . The sixth ground upon which Christians call in question the accomplishment of the promises , is , The consideration of the greatnesse of the thing that is promised , when they compare it with their own worth and deserving , then they begin to dispute , O shall such a thing be , shall unworthy I , shall sinfull I , shall self-destroying I , shall I that am lesse then the least of his mercies , receive the accomplishment of such a mercy ▪ This we may suppose was one ground o● Abrahams misbelief , Gen. 17.18 . when h● cryed forth at that same time , when the Lord was giving him the excellent promise of 〈◊〉 Isaac , O that Ishmael might live : He though● an Isaac such an excellent mercy , that he● could not without presumption , expect th● accomplishment of that promise . And Zach. 8 ▪ 6. this was the ground of their misbelief which God doth sweetly obviate , If i● be wonderfull in the eyes of the remnant of th● people in these dayes , should is also bee wonderfull in mine . The last ground upon which Christian● dispute the accomplishment of the promises is , When in the time between their believing and the accomplishment of the promise they fall into some grosse iniquity , 〈◊〉 maketh them exceedingly debate , whethe● the promise shal be accomplished unto them for since they have transgressed the Covenant of God , and have broken their purposes and resolutions , they cannot suppos● God will abide faithfull to them , and 〈◊〉 accomplish his promises unto them , 〈◊〉 the only way how to answer this dispute , is to look to the faithfulnesse of God , and 〈◊〉 that word , 2 Tim 2.13 . Though we believ● not , yet God doth abide faithfull , he cannot 〈◊〉 himself . And now to shut up this second duty tha● we presse from the unchangeablenesse of th● promises : I shall only say these two word● unto you , 1. Assure your selves of thi● ●●at these accomplishments of promises that 〈◊〉 not through the lively exercise of 〈◊〉 , doth loose much of their sweetnesse , ●uch of their luster , and much of their ad●●ntage : Sometimes a promise will bee ac●●mplished unto a Christian , when he hath 〈◊〉 been much in the constant lively exer●●se of Faith in believing such a promise ; 〈◊〉 then the disadvantage that attendeth ●●ch a one , are not easily experessed : How ●ften may hee cry out , The Lord was in this ●ace , and I was not aware : How little of 〈◊〉 doth hee see in it , how short is hee in ●raises and rendering to the Lord according 〈◊〉 the good hee hath received ? How negli●ent in improving or keeping the mercy , ●nd how loath to lay it out for God , when ●ee saith , The Lord hath need of it : and many ●●ing● more of this kinde which may presse 〈◊〉 to be stedfast in believing . And , 2. O ●ispute lesse , and believe more , what pro●●te shall yee have of your disputings ; and 〈◊〉 yee would produce all your strong argu●ents why yee should not believe the pro●ises , yee may drown them in this immense ●epth , God is unchangeable . Let mee say ●ut this further , There are three most re●arkable changes in a Christian , in his ma●ing use of the promises : Fi●st , Sometimes ●ee will believe the promises and make ●pplication of them , and ere many hours ●o about , hee will misbelieve that promise ●hich presently he believed . Will not some●●me a Christian in the morning cry out , I ●m my beloveds , and my beloved he is mine , and ere twelve hours come , they will chang● their note and cry out , My hope and 〈◊〉 strength is perished from the Lord : Some●times a Christian in the morning will cry out My mountain standeth strong , I shall never b● moved , and ere many hours go about , he wi●● change his note , and cry out , Thou hast 〈◊〉 thy face from me , and I was troubled . Secondly Sometimes a promise will bee to a Christia● sweeter then the honey & the honey comb : Some●times a Christian would die and live upon 〈◊〉 promise : Sometimes the believing of a pro●mise will bee to a Christian as the valey 〈◊〉 Achor for a door of hope , that will make hi● to sing , and yet ere many dayes go about , h● may come to that same very promise , and i● will prove tastelesse to him as the white of 〈◊〉 egge ; so that he may cry out , O that it 〈◊〉 with mee , as in months past , and in the ancie●● times : And O where is the sweetnesse tha● found in such a promise ? O it is gone , it 〈◊〉 gone , and I am left desolate . Thirdly , Some●times when a Christian will be believing su●● a promise , and resting upon it , he wil ( throug● the Spirit of the Lord ) see much light an● clearnesse in that promise , hee will take 〈◊〉 the deep things of God that shineth therei● and at another time hee may come to th● same promise , and it may be dark to him , 〈◊〉 that his light hath evanished : and sometime the joy of a Christian in the promise will be gone when his light that hee had in it , 〈◊〉 remain with him . A Christian may come 〈◊〉 the promise , and finde his ancient light , ye● not his ancient joy , nor his ancient delight . Therefore if yee would have the promises ●lwayes sweet unto you , pray over them , ●ray that God might breath upon such a pro●ise , and make it lively to you . The third thing that wee would presse ●pon you from the unchangeablenesse of the ●romises , is that which by proportion yee ●ay gather even from this , that the threat●ings of God are unchangeable ; these two ●re conjoyned , yea , Ioshua seemeth to infer ●he unchangeablenesse of the threatnings ●rom the unchangeablenesse of the promises , Chap. 23.14 ▪ compared with verse ▪ 15. and ●hese two are conjoyned , Zech. 8.14 , 15. That as I thought to punish you , and it hath ●ome to passe , so I have thought to build you up , and it shall come to passe . And I would from this desire you to stand in awe , lest you come under the lash of the unchangeable threat●ings of God ; for know , that as God is unchangeable in the promises , and there is not one word in all the everlasting Covenant that shall not bee accomplished ; so likewise know , there is not a curse in all the Book of the Covenant , but it shall bee accomplished in its time : And know this likewise , that the day is coming when that sad word that is in Hos. 7.12 . shall bee accomplished , I will chastise them as their Congregation hath heard . And O yee that live in this place , if all the threatnings that your Congregations hath heard , shall bee accomplished in their time , yee may take up the last words of Baalams song , alas , Who shall live when God shall do these things : And therefore , since the threa●●nings of God are unchangeable , as also th● promises , life and death is set before you and either yee shall bee the Object of ●he ●●●changeable threa●nings of God , or yee mu●● be the Object of the unchangeable promise● of God : And therefore , I would from th● charge you , that as you would not be help●full to the destruction of your own immo●●tal souls , you would not undervalue th● threatnings that ye hear in your Congreg●tions , since there is a declaration past , th●● the threatnings in your Congregations sha●● be accomplished . Now there is that fourth duty that we● would presse upon you from this , that th● promises are unchangeable , have an unchange●able love to the Promiser ; let this comme●● the Promiser , let this constrain your hearts t● delight in the Promiser . O what a blessed dispensation of love is this , that an unchangeabl● God should make unchangeable promises u●●to changeable Creatures . If the promises 〈◊〉 the Covenant of Grace were as changeable i● their nature as we are changable , there shoul● not one of us go to Heaven ; but know , it i● the blessed design of love , and it hath been ● blessed practice of the infinit wisdom of God that when he hath to do with changeable creatures , he will give them unchangeable promises . And I would once invite you again that you would come near and imbrace thi● unchangeable Promiser : I shall speak these five words that may perswade you . First Christ is easily to bee gotten if yee will take ●im , ye will get Christ if ye will but hear ; ●ea , for one listening of your ear to his ●oice ye shall get him : according to that word , Isa. 55.3 . Hear , And what of that , ●nd your soul shall live ; Is not this to get Christ at an easie rate : and as we spake be●ore , ye will get Christ for a look , and is ●ot that an easie rate , Isa. 45.22 . Look unto 〈◊〉 all ye ends of the earth and be saved : Have ye a desire to take Christ , ye shall get him for that desire ; according to that word , Isa. 55.1 . Ho every one that thristeth , let him ●ome and he that wills let him come : Will ye ●ut consent to take him , ye shall have him , and what can you have at a lower rate then ●his : Shall never your cursed hands take the 〈◊〉 and put to your name to the blessed con●ract of Marriage ? Shall never these cursed hearts of ours cry forth , Even so I take him , and do promise to live to him , and to die to him . O strange , will ye not do it , upon what terms would the world have Christ , is ●t possible to have him without a consent to take him ? Oh if ye would but open to him , he would condescend to come in unto you , and to sup with you , and ye with him ; do ye but stir to open , Christ hath the Keyes in his own hand , and he would help you to open . O what if Christ the precious Gift of Heaven , the eternal admiration of Angels , that branch of Righteousness shall be despised , being offered upon so easie terms ; then cursed eternally shall be that perso● that thus undervalueth Christ , it had been better for him that he had never been born : Cursed shall ye be in your birth , and in yo●● life , and in your death , all the curses of th● Persons of the Trinity will light upon yo● yea , believe it : O wife that hath a believin● husband , in the day that the great sentenc● of eternal excommunication from the pre●sence of the Lord , shall bee past against th● undervaluers of Christ , a believing husban● will say amen to that sentence , even to hi● wife that did thus undervalue that Nobl● Plant of renown : and the wife upon th● other part will say with hearty consent , ame●● to that sentence against the unbelieving husband , and the father to the son , and the so● to the father . Now there is this fifth duty that we● would presse upon you from this , That th● promises are unchangeable , that ye woul● be perswaded to make the promises your portion and your inheritance ; What can ye wan● that will choise the promises for your portion ? I know , our cursed eyes doth not love to make invisible promises , and that invisibl● crown , and an invisible God our portion , w● look to walk by sight , not by faith . But 〈◊〉 if you knew once what it were but to clai● a relation to Christ ! Did ye once know wha● it were to have but Christ a moment between your breasts , ye would cry forth , O! wh● would not love him who is the King of Saints 〈◊〉 who would not be content to quite all thing● that they might get Christ that noble pearl o● price . And there is this last duty that wee would presse upon you from this , That the promises are unchangeable ; read a lecture from his , O Christian , even your misbelief ; God ●ath confirmed his everlasting Covenant ●ith an oath , with the Bloud of his Son , by 〈◊〉 two great broad Seals of heaven , the Sa●●ament of Baptism , and the Lords Supper ; ●nd what doth all these confirmations speak ●ut our dreadfull misbelief , and that wee now not what it is to be resting on a naked ●ord of promise . I shall say no more , but ●esire that yee would consider and take no●●ce of these three . First , Ye have been ●●lemnly and often invited by the Ambassa●ors of Christ to close with him , and to ●●ke him for your Husband and your Lord , 〈◊〉 will you consider presently , that all 〈◊〉 Angels in heaven , and all that are about 〈◊〉 Throne , and the three most glorious ●ost blessed Persons of the Trinity , that they 〈◊〉 witnesses , and shall bee to your dissent . ●nd are there not many here whose hearts ●ould never be brought up to give a hearty ●onsent to close with Christ that is the great ●●omiser , and who hath laid all the bonds ●●at heaven or earth could contrive to gain ●●ners hearts unto himself : O precious ●hrist , what could hee do to perswade us to ●●ve him which hee hath not done ; and yet 〈◊〉 may bee your name , which is in Ephes. 2. Children of disobedience . Or as the ●ord is , Children of Imperswasion , wee can●●t bee perswaded . Secondly , I fear if ●hrist Himself would come from heaven 〈◊〉 invite you , and say , here am I , imbrace 〈◊〉 , there are some here who would close not only their eyes , but their ears , they would close their eyes lest the beauty o● Christ should allure them , they woul● close their cursed ears lest they should be gained and captivate by the sweet enchaunt●ing voice of that blessed Charmer , when h● should charm so wisely . And , lastly , wi●● thou tell mee , O Christian and expectant o● heaven , what a day shall it be when all th● unchangeable promises of God shall bee a●●complished ? What a day shall it bee whe● that promise shall be accomplished , Ye sh●● see him as he is ? What a day shall it b●● when that promise shall bee accomplished ▪ Yee shall bee made like unto him ? What a da● shall it be when that promise shall be accom●plished , yee shall know as yee are known ? 〈◊〉 are ye not longing for the day of the full ac●complishment of the precious promises o● God , when yee shall sit down and comfor● your selves in the eternal and unspeakabl● fruition of them ? O let us long and wa●● till the day shall bee when that voice shall 〈◊〉 heard in heaven , That the mysteries of God 〈◊〉 finished , till the day when that voice sha●● be heard in heaven , Behold , the Bridegroo● cometh , go yee out to meet him . Oh how 〈◊〉 willing are wee to leave a world . And ho● gladly would wee take up our rest on th● side of Iordan . I think if this were th● night that that blessed voice were to be heard in heaven , Behold , the Bridegroo● cometh , go yee out to meet him ; some , if no● many of the Christians ( that are so indeed● in this time would cry forth , Oh spare little that wee may recover strength , before wee go hence and shall bee no more . Are yee not longing to bring the King over Iordan , and to bring him home to your self , and to have your heart brought home to him ? O blessed , blessed are these that are above ; Is not the voice of these that shout for victory heard ●mongst them ? Is not the voice of these that sing for joy heard among them ? Iob doth not now any more complain , Why dost ●hou make mee to possesse the iniquities of my ●outh , and setteth a print upon my heels ? David doth now no more complain , Why doth ●hy promise fail for evermore , but rather doth ●weetly sing , How is thy promise fulfilled for ●vermore ? Heman doth now no more complain , While I suffer thy terrours I am di●●racted , but rather cryeth ou● , While I feel ●hy comforts I am ravished . The voice of ●ourning is now sweetly gone away , and ●he voice of Hallelujah and of eternal prais●ng of him that sitteth upon the Throne is ●ow heard in the place of it : O such a day ●hat shall never admit of a following night . ●ow to him that is upon his way , that will ●ome , and shall come , and shall not tarry , ●e desire to give praise . SERMON V. 2 Pet. 1.4 . Whereby are given unto us exceeding great and precious Promises , that by these you might be partakers of the divine nature , having escaped the corruption that is in the world through lust . THere are three cardinal and excellent Graces that are exercised and taken up with the precious promises , there is the excellent grace of Faith , th●● believeth the truth and the goodnesse of th● promise ; there is the precious grace o● Hope , that with patience waiteth for th● accomplishment of the promise , and do●● stay untill the vision speak : and that nobl● grace of Lov● , that loveth the thing that 〈◊〉 promised ; and taketh exceeding much de●light in the Promiser . If we may be allowe● to speak so , we think these strange revolu●●●ons and times we live in , are another Eccl●●siastes , which doth fully preach forth th● vanity and emptinesse of all things that ar● below God : And wee do indeed conceiv●● that it is the great design of God in the dar●●ning of our pleasant things , and in makin● every gourd to wither , under the shaddow 〈◊〉 which we use to repose our self , and in f●●mishing all the gods of the earth , to bring h●● own to delight themselves in this visib●● Treasure , the promises of the everlasting Covenant , and in him who is the substance of them ; and that since all things else 〈◊〉 declared to be vanity , we might choise these , as our own portion for ever . At the last occasion that wee spake upon these words , we were speaking unto the properties of the promises ; and wee told you that there were ●our of them holden forth . 1. The freedome of the promises . 2. The unchangeablenesse of the promises , of which two wee have spoken unto you ; and now there remains other two to be spoken to , to wit , that the promises are exceeding great , and that they are exceeding precious , a sweet and excellent , though a rare conjunction , greatnesse and goodnesse here kissing one another , preciousn●sse and highnesse linked ●ogether by the bond of Union : And we shall speak unto these two properties toge●her , and shall clear a little this thing , in what respects the promises of the Covenant may be called exceeding great and precious : And we conceive in short , they may be cal●ed so in these eight respects . First , They ●re exceeding great , in respect of the great price that was laid down to purchase them , ●here not being a promise of the everlasting Covenant above the head of which this may not be engraven in great letters , Here is the price and purchase of bloud : And no doubt ●his ought highly to commend the promises , ●hat they are bought at so infinite a rate . Must they not be great and precious things ●hat so wise a Merchant did lay down so infinit a treasure for the purchasing of them 2. They may be called exceeding great an● precious , in respect of those great and pre●cious things that are promised in them . 〈◊〉 not godlinesse a great thing , and this is with●in the bosome of a promise ; Is not heave● an eternal enjoyment of God a great an● precious thing ? and yet this lyeth withi● the bosome of a promise ? Is not the know●ing of God as he is , our perfect conformit● with God , our victory over Idols , great an● excellent things ; and yet all these are trea●sured up in the promises . 3. They maybe called exceeding great and precious , in re●spect of the great advantage that redound to a Christian through the enjoyment o● them : the promises of the everlasting Co●venant ( if so we may speak ) are the Pensi● that draws the draughts and lineaments o● the Image of Christ upon the soul , it is th● promises of the everlasting Covenant b● which we are changed from glory to glory , 〈◊〉 it were by the Spirit of the Lord , and as Pete● doth here speak , the promises are such thing● whereby we are made partakers of the divin● nature . 4. They may be called exceedi●● precious , in respect of that neer relation th●● they have unto Jesus Christ ; What are 〈◊〉 the promises of the Covenant of Grace Are they not streams and rivolets that flo● from Jesus Christ ; Christ is the fountai● out of which all these promises do spring and can this fountain that is sweet in it se● send forth any bitter waters ? must they 〈◊〉 be precious things that have such a nob●● ●escent ? as to be streams of love flowing ●ut from the Father to the Son , and from ●im unto us , as the pouring out of the ●yntment upon the beard of Aaron which ran ●own the head unto the skirts of his gar●ents . 5. They may be called exceeding ●recious promises , in respect they , or ra●her Christ in them are the object of precious ●ith : What is the meat upon which faith ●oth feed ? is it not upon the promises of ●he Covenant , and Christ the kernel of them : What are these things that faith taketh so ●uch delight in , and is suported by ? Is ●t not the promises of the Covenant : ● . They may be called exceeding precious , 〈◊〉 that they are the things that guideth and ●●adeth us to precious Christ. There is not 〈◊〉 promise within the Book of the Covenant , ●ut , as it were , it cryeth forth with a loud ●oice , O come to Christ ; The promises are ●ndeed the Star that leadeth us unto the ●ouse where Christ dothly , and there is no ●●ccesse unto Jesus Christ but by a promise , Christ is to be found there , for he dwells within the bounds of the everlasting Cove●ant , and there he will tryst with his people , ●nd be found of them . And , 7. They may ●e called exceeding precious , in respect that ●he Saints have found such sweetnesse , and ●uch unspeakable delight in these promises . Did not David find a great sweetnesse in the ●romises when he cryed forth . The words of ●hy mouth are better unto me , then thousands of ●old and silver ? Did he not find much sweet●esse in the promises , when he was constrained to cry out , Thy Law is sweeter unto me , then the honey and the honey comb ? David in a manner was put to a nonplus , to find out any suitable similitude and significant resemblance , to point out the sweetnesse of the promises ; though we may see the Christians of this time in a spiritual fever , they have lost their spiritual taste , so that they may say , if wee may allude unto that word , 2 Sam. 19.25 . I am this day fourscore years old , and cannot discern between good and evil , can thy servant taste what I eat or what I drink . They know not what it is to bee overcome with the sweetnesse that is to bee found in these excellent streams of divine consolation . Lastly , The promises may be called exceeding precious , in that the Sai●t● have a high and matchlesse account of them ▪ Hence that word here rendered Precious , may likewise bee rendered Honourable , which speaketh forth that there is nothing th●● hath so much of the esteem of a Christia● as the promises . Would ye put wisdom , o● riches , or honour , or what ye will in the ballance with the promises , they would cry forth , what should I profit to gain all these if I lose the promises . We shall say no more of this , but that the promises are indee● that Apple , the eating of which would mak● us in some respect , ( and in humility be i● spoken ) as God knowing good and evil : Th● promises are these things that doth elevat● the soul unto a divine conformity with God● And oh that this might be the fruit of them the promises are as cords let down to soul● sinking in the myrie clay , and in the horrible ●it , do but lay hold upon them , and ye shall undoubtedly be drawn up , and he shall set your feet upon the rock , and order all your goings . Now we come to speak of the third thing ●n the words : which is the advantage and ●nspeakable gain that floweth to a Christian ●hrough the promises , holden forth in these words , That by them ye might be made par●akers of the divine nature ; which words ●oth not hold forth tha● there is any sub●tantial change of our natures unto the es●ence of God ; but onely it holds ●orth this , ●hat the soul that is taken up in believing of ●he promises , they arise unto a liken●sse and ●onformity to Him in Holinesse , Wisedome ●nd Righteousnesse . And as to these ad●antages that come to a Christian through ●he promises : 1. We must lay this for a ●round , that the fruit of all cometh to him ●hrough believing the promises , and in ●aking application of them . And the first is , That they do exceedingly ●elp and promove that excellent and neces●ary work of mortification : This is clear ●rom the words of the Text ; As likewise ●●om 2 Cor. 7.1 . Having these promises , ●early beloved , let us cleanse our selves from 〈◊〉 filthinesse of the flesh and spirit , perfecting ●olinesse in the fear of the Lord. And the ●●fluence that the promises have upon San●●ification , may be shown unto you in these ●hree . First , They lay upon a Christian 〈◊〉 ●ivine bond and obligation to study holinesse , that since Christ hath signified and testifie ▪ His respects unto us , in so ample and larg● a way as to give us such precious promise● we ought to endeavour to study holinesse which is that great reward of love that h● seeketh from us for all things that he hat● bestowed , and we receive , and this is th● meaning of that , 2 Corinth . 7.1 . Secondly ▪ The strength and furniture of a Christian fo● fulfilling and accomplishing of the work o● Sanctification , lyeth within the promises ▪ Are not the promises of God unto a Christ●●an , as Samsons lo●ks , in which their grea● strength dothly ; and if once they cut them●selves off from the promises through misbe●lief , their strength doth decay , and 〈◊〉 become as other men . Where must th● Christian go to for strength ? Is it not to th● promise : Is it not the Name of the Lord ▪ yea , this is the strength of a Christian unt● which he must resort continually . And thirdly , the promises of God they hold fort● that unspeakable reward that attendeth th●● Christian that shall study holinesse . Ther● are several promises of the everlasting Cov●●nant that cryeth forth to the Christian , t● him that overcometh will this promise b● accomplished , to him that overcometh sha●● this truth be fulfilled , and this doth exceed●ingly provoke a Christian to wrestle with 〈◊〉 his discouragements he meeteth with in th● way , he burieth all his anxieties within th● circle of his immortall Crown , which h● hopeth for , and seeth in the promise , and hi● hope maketh him dispence with his want● his expectation maketh him overcome his fears , and his looked for joy maketh him to dispence with his sorrows . The second advantage , is , That the faith of the promises do help a Christian to a spiritual and heavenly performance of the duty of prayer , and withall , maketh him delight in the performance of it : This is clear from ● Sam. 7.27 . where David believing the promises , it is subjoyned , Hee found in his heart to pray that prayer unto God ; and if any will look unto the words of that prayer , they will see them running in a heavenly and spiritual strain , speaking him one much acquainted with God , and under most high and majestick apprehensions of his Glory , as is clear also , Psal. 119.147 . I prevented the ●awning of the morning and cryed ; and as if David had said , would you know what made me thus fervent and diligent in prayer , ●t was that , I hoped in his word ; and hence ●t is , that he hath so many prayers in that Psalm , all were occasioned through the ●ith of the promises : As for instance , when ●e cryed forth , Quicken me according to thy ●ord , be mercifull unto me according to thy ●ord . And we conceive , the faith of the ●romises helpeth a Christian in his prayer to ●hese four Divine ingredients of that duty . ● . It maketh him pray with faith : when ●nce he buildeth his prayer upon the pro●ises , then he venteth his prayer with much ●onfidence of hope , according to that word , ●sal . 65.3 ▪ where ye may see a man be●ieving , and praying when he is believing , and expressing his confidence mo●● strangely in th●se words . As for our trans●gressions thou shalt purge them away ; It i● not said , thou wilt purge them away , or we desire that thou should purge them away , bu● thou shalt , which speaketh forth both the confidence of Faith , and the boldnesse o● Faith : A Christian that believeth the promises , he can take the promise in his hand and present it unto God , and say fulfill this promise since thou wilt not de●y thy Name but art faithfull . 2. It maketh a Christian pray with much humility , for when he doth understand that there is nothing that he hath but it is the fruit , and accomplishment of ● promise , he doth not boast as those tha● have received , but walketh humbly unde● his enjoyments : this is clear , Gen. 32 10 ▪ where we may see Iacob speaking to Go● with much humility , and in the ninth verse he is speaking to God with much Faith And 3. It maketh a Christian pray wi●● much love : Would you know the grea● ground that we are so remisse in the exercis● of love in prayer , it is , because we build no● our prayers upon the promise . And 4. I● helpeth a Christian to pray with much fer●vency ; when was it that David cryed to God ? Was it not when he was believing the promise that past to him of old , we would not plead with God with such remissnesse i● we did believe the promises that are withi● the Covenant . The third advantage is , That the faith o● the promises doth somtimes uphold a Christian under his spiritual disertions and tentations . Is it not certain , that sometimes he hath been ready to draw that conclusion , I am cast out of his sight , and shall no more behold him in the land of the living ? when a promise hath been born in upon his spirit , hath supported him and made him to change his song , and to invert his conclusion . This is clear from Psal. 94.18 . when I said , my foot slippeth , there is the conclusion of misbelief and dispair , yet thy mercy , O Lord , did hold me up , there is the gate at which faith doth bring in consolation , not from bygone experiences onely ; but certainly from that which he found in some precious promises that was born in upon his spirit : Many excellent cords of love hath Christ let down unto a soul , when they have been going down into the depths , and the weeds have been wrapt about their heads : It is clear likewise from Psal. 119.81 . My soul fainteth for thy salvation : as if David had said , I am in hazard to give over my hope , and to break my confidence : And would ye know what was it that supported me under such an estate , I hoped in thy word : Hath not this oftentimes been the song of a Christian in their darkest night , In the multitude of my thoughts within me , thy comforts do delight my soul : Faith will see a morning approaching in the time of the greatest trouble ; and no doubt that promise that upholdeth a Christian in their doubting and most misbelieving condition , the lively impressions of that promise will remain a long time with him ; and when first it is born in upon their spirits , they will see no small love shining forth in carving out such a promise to suit with such a providence as they are ( it may be ) meeting with for the time . The fourth advantage in believing the promise , i● , that thereby we have an excellent help to patience and divine submission under our saddest outward afflictions : this is clear from Psal. 27.13 . I had fainted unlesse I had believed to see the goodnesse of the Lord in the land of the living ; and from Psal. 119.49 , 50. where David telling his exercise in the 49. I hope , saith he , in thy word , Immediately he subjoyneth , This is my comfort in mine affliction , as if he had said , if I had not had the promises to be my comforters , I had sit alone and kept silence , and should have remained without comfort in the day of my adversity , and vers . 92. Vnlesse thy law had been my delight , I should have perished in my afflictions ; and we conceive in short , the influence which faith upon the promises hath upon the patient bearing of the crosse , may be shown unto you in these two particulars ; First , Faith it is an excellent Prophet , that alwayes prophesieth unto us good things . Would ye enquire at Faith at your midnight of affliction , what is its opinion of God and of your own estate ; Faith would sweetly resolve you thus , Wait on God for I shall yet praise him for the health of his countenance . Faith knoweth not what it is to have a wrong construction of God ; and therefore it is the noble interpreter of a Christians crosse : If sense , reason , and misbelief interpret your crosse , they will make you cry out unto God , Why art thou become unto as an enemie , or as a liar , and waters that sail ? but if faith that noble Interpreter do interpret your crosses , it will make you cry out , I know the thoughts of his heart , that they are thoughts of peace and not of evil , to give me an expected end . Faith letteth a Christian see a blessed ou●gate and issue of all the sad dispensations that he meeteth with . Faith , that is its divinity , I sow in tears , but I shall reap in joy , weeping may be at evening , saith Faith , but joy shall come in the morning . Secondly , It affordeth unto a Christian such soul refreshing consolation in the midst of their afflictions , that in a manner they forget their sorrows , as waters that passe away ; this David doth divinely assert in Psal. 119.50 . This is my comfort in mine affliction : The faith of the promises are indeed that tree which if they be cast into our waters of Marah , they will make them immediately become sweet . The fifth advantage is , that the faith of the promises doth help a Christian to a greater distance with the world , and to live as a pilgrime , as is clear from Heb. 11.13 . where these two are sweetly linked together , their imbracing of the promises by Faith , and confessing that they were strangers and pilgrims here on earth . And we shall show the influence that faith hath upon this , in these three . 1. It maketh a Christian see the end of all perfection here , and that there is nothing within this Glob of the World that is not vanity and vexation of spirit , Faith is that prospect through which a Christian hath most clear discoveries of the vanity of all things , and this doth exceedingly help him to live as a pilgrime . 2. It letteth a Christian see the endlesse perfections of heaven , and bringeth it within sight of that immense and everlasting hope , and this maketh him to live as a pilgrime , and to declare plainly that he seeketh a Countrey . And , 3. It doth exeedingly help him forward in that blessed work of weaning of affections from all things that are here ; Would you know where a Believers heart is ? It is in Heaven ; would you know where his thoughts are ? They are in Heaven ; Would ye know where his conversation is ? It is in Heaven ; Would ye know where his hope is ? It is in Heaven , his treasure is in heaven , and therefore his heart and his conversation is there , And Christ in him is the hope of glory : and indeed , more faith of the promises would constrain us all to subscribe that Confession of Faith that is in Heb 11.13 . The sixth advantage that attendeth the believing of the promises , is . That it is the mother of much spiritual joy and divine consolation , and maketh a Christian to be much in the exercise of praise : this is clear from Psal. 71.14 . But I will hope continu●ally , and then immediately is subjoyned , And will yet praise him more and more ; As likewise from Rom. 15.13 . and from 1 Pet ▪ 1.8 . If a man would have his way to heaven made pleasant , and while they are sitting by the rivers of Babel , would bee admitted to sing one of the songs of Zion , then ought they ●o believe the promises , and to choose them as their heritage for ever : and then hee may sing in hope , and praise in expectation , though he have but little in hand for the present : indeed when he looketh to his possession , there will not be so much matter of rejoycing , but when hee looketh upon his hopes and his expectations , hee may be constrained to cry ●orth , Awake up O my glory , I my self will awake early . The seventh advantage is , That the faith of the promises is a notable mean to attain unto spiritual life : This is clear from Isa. 38.16 . By these things , saith Hezekiah , do men live , ( speaking of the promises ) and in all these things is the life of my spirit . As likewise from Psal. 119.50 . Thy word , saith David , hath quickned mee . O what spirituall and divine life doth attend that Christian that is much in the exercise of Faith upon the promises : And what is the great occasion that our hearts are oftentimes dying within us like a stone , and wee are like unto ●hose that are free among the dead ? Is it ●ot because wee do not make use of the promises . Eighthly , there is that advantage , that ●aith of the promises , it maketh a Christian have an esteem of the thing that is promised : What is the reason that wee write ●his above the head of the great things of ●he everlasting Covenant , this is a Zoar , a little one ? Is it not because we do not believe ; great things sometimes to us have no beauty , and there is no comlinesse that appeareth in them why they should be desired ▪ but if we had so much faith as a grain of mustard seed , we would cry forth . How excellent are these things that are purchased to the Saints , and how eternally are they mad● up that have a right but to one line of the everlasting Covenant , That is well ordered i● all things and sure . And ninthly , The faith of the promise● is the door at which the accomplishment o● the promises doth enter in : according to tha● word , Luk. 1.45 . Blessed are they that believe for there shall be a performance of these thing● that are spoken of the Lord unto them . If w● were more in waiting for the accomplishmen● of his promises , the vision should speak and should not tarry : And no doubt , a mercy coming to us as the fruit and performance o● a promise , will make it an exceedingly to freshfull thing ; When a Christian getteth leave to sing that song which is in Isa. 25.9 . Lo , this is our God , we have waited for him and he will come and save us : And when 〈◊〉 mercy is the fruit and accomplishment of th● promise , there is a beautiful luster an● dy● upon that mercy , which no arte could 〈◊〉 on , but only the finger of the love of God The smallest mercy then becometh a matchlesse mysterie of love , and the most matchles●● mysteries of love without the exercise o● Faith , they become as things that are contemptible in our eyes , and we do not value ●or praise them . Faith maketh our thoughts ●o ascend , and misbelief makes our thoughts ●o descend , in relation to the mercies of heaven . Lastly , Besides all these advantages , We ●ave these two mentioned in the Text : ● . That by them we are partakers of the Di●ine Nature , and are brought up unto tha●●lessed conformity with God , which we had ●ost in the fall . 2. That by them we escape ●he corruptions in the world through lust : I ●ntend not particularly to open up the nature of these things at this time , because I am only ●o speak of the exercise of Faith in the promises . But O what excellent mercies are these ●o get on the beauty of the Image of God , and ●o get off these ugly defilements which were ●he image of Satan upon our souls . O how ●hould this commend the promises unto us , ●hat by faith in them , we do all behold with ●pen face as in a glasse , the glory of the Lord , ●nd are changed into the same from glory to glo●y as it were by the Spirit of the Lord. Now that which , secondly , we shall speak ●o , shall be the advantages that results to a Christian from a spiritual observation of the Lords accomplishing his promises ; for here ye see in the Text , the Apostle maketh ●n observation of these excellent things that ●re the fruit of these precious promises when they are accomplished . And the first ●dvantage is , That it stampeth the soul of a B●liever with most divine impressions of ●ove : This is clear , Isa. 38 15. where Hezekiah cryeth out , What shall I say , he hath spoken it , and himself hath done it , being as it were , astonished and overcome with th● apprehensions of the condescendency of God He is put to a non plus , and to what shall 〈◊〉 say , Psal. 41.8 , 9. As we have heard ( sait● David ) so have wee seen in the City of th● Lord of hosts , That is according to his promise , we have had suitable performance and he subjoyneth , verse 9. that which wa● both their exercise and their advantage , We● have thought of thy loving kindnesse , O God , i● the midst of thy Temple ; as it were , the ob●servation of the performance of the promise made their thoughts wholly to bee taken up with the love of God : and no doubt , ther● is more love in performing one promise , the● eternity were sufficient to make a commen●tary upon . It is one wonder of condescendency , that God should obliege and bind himself to us by promises : and another depth of wonderfull love , that he should perfor● these bonds , and answer his words with performance . The second advantage is , That the observing of accomplishment of promises doth bring in to the soul new discoveries of God this is clear , Exod. 6.3 . where God th●● speaketh to Moses : I was known ( saith he ) unto Abraham , and unto Isaac , and unto Iacob by the name of the Almighty , but by the nam● of Iehovah was I not known unto them , tha● is , by the Name of giving an accomplishment unto my promises , that Name was no● discovered unto them , but should bee mad● known unto their posterity , in the day whe●● ●is promises should passe unto performances ▪ ●nd hence it is also , that when the Lord is ●peaking of the accomplishment of great pro●ises , he doth so often in the Scripture sub●●yn that word , Ye shall know that I am Ieho●ah , or the Lord , Isa. 49.23 , 52. and 60.16 . ●nd indeed we do daily find it so ; for , is not ●very accomplshment of a promise , a new ●iscovery of the wisdome of God , that shineth 〈◊〉 the suitable tyming of the accomplishment ●f a promise : Is not every accomplishment ●f a promise a new discovery of the faithful●esse of God , that hee will not alter that which hath gone out of his mouth ? And is ●ot every performance of the promise a new ●iscovery of the love of God , that hee desir●th to magnifie his mercies above all his work , and a new discovery of the power and ●mnipotency of God , that can bring forth the ●erformance of his promise , notwithstand●ng of all things that are in the way , yea , ●ake things that are not to bee , and bringeth to ●ought things that are . The third advantage is , That it helpeth 〈◊〉 ●hristian to have high apprehensions , and ●ajestick uptakings of God : This is clear , ● Tim. 1 ▪ 15 compared with vers . 17. whe●e Paul closing with that promise , That Christ ●ame in the world to save sinners , and behold●ng in the accomplishment of it , in himself , ●is heart ( as it were ) i● elevated within ●im , and he cryeth forth . Now unto the King ●ternal , immortal , invisible , the only wise God , ●e honour and glory for ever and ever , Amen . There is an Emphasis in that word , Now , 〈◊〉 if Paul had said , I could never praise and ex●toll him till now , and I am so much bound 〈◊〉 Christ that I will not delay this exercise on● moment , now I will blesse him , and it is clea● from Mic. 7.18 . where the accomplishmen● of the promises that are there , made th● Church cry out , Who is like unto thee , he be●came matchless unto them through the performance of the promises . And so we conceiv● that these who are much in spiritual observation of the performance of the promises , they will see precious draughts of the Majesty o● God engraven upon them ; so that they wil● bee constrained to cry out ▪ that hee above 〈◊〉 mighty , that his Name is Iehovah , and in hi● is everlasting strength , upon which we ough● to rely in our greatest straits . The fourth advantage is , The observing of the accomplishment of the promises , wil● help a Christian when hee is redacted unto new straits , to be much in the exercise of faith upon God ; his former experience will produce hope in his soul ; for there is not 〈◊〉 discovery of the faithfulness of God , but hat● a voice , and cryeth out , O believe him who i● able to give a clear being unto his word : Thi● is clear from Psal. 56. at the close . Thou has● delivered my soul from death , saith David , an● then he subjoyneth , Wilt thou not deliver m● feet from falling : that is ▪ I am certainly per●swaded , thou wilt likewise perform that wor● unto me . And from Psal. 37.2 , 3. he giveth that tittle unto God , vers . 2. that he performeth all things for him , and then he doth subjoyn . Hee shall send from heaven and save mee : ●nd ( by the way ) the soul that can give God ●●at tittle and stile . That hee performeth all ●hings for them , that soul must of necessity be 〈◊〉 a choise and excellent state : And the point 〈◊〉 likewise clear from 2 Cor. 1.10 . where Paul saith , God hath delivered me , and he doth ●eliver me ; and from hence he draweth that ●onclusion of Faith , And hee will yet deliver 〈◊〉 . We confesse somtimes our former ex●eriences of the faithfulnesse of God , they do ●ot support our faith when wee are redacted ●nto new difficulties , which is either occasio●ed through the greatnesse of the strait that ●e are now put to , ( in our apprehensions ) ●bove that which we were put to before ; so ●hat though God did deliver us when we were ●unning with footmen , yet we have no faith to ●elieve that hee shall deliver us when we are ●bout to contend with horses : or else it is , ●hrough the unfaithfulnesse of our walk , in ●ot answering the precious dispensations of Christ in accomplishment of his promises , for ●his maketh us that we cannot with boldness ●ake use of his Word when we are brought ●nto a new strait , a guilty conscience is the ●●ther of misbelief . The fifth advantage is , That the accom●lishment of the promises doth occasion ●uch spiritual joy & rejoycing unto his own . We told you , the giving of the promises occa●●oneth joy , and when the promises travelleth 〈◊〉 birth and bringeth forth , that occasioneth ●uch more spiritual joy : this is clear from Psal. 28.7 . The Lord is my strength and my shield , my heart trusted in him , and I was hel●●ed : And he draweth this excellent conclusio● from it , Therefore my heart greatly rejoycet● and with my soul will I praise him , And we● conceive , that sometimes , that God tryste●● the accomplishment of the promises wi●● some precious manifestation of himself to th● soul , which maketh them to rejoyce with jo● unspeakable , and full of glory ; but however this is the matter of a spiritual song , Th●● mercy and truth have met together , and righte●ousnesse and peace are kissing one another : Is i● not a pleasant matter of a song to behol● love making promises , and to behold faithful●nesse accomplishing them ? And the last advantage is , That the observation of the accomplishment of promise● doth strengthen a Christians faith in his inte●rest in God ; so that now many disputings ar● silenced , and many questions now are out o● the way , this is clear Psal. 31.21 , 22. Davi● confesseth his quarrelling before , but whe● once the Lord had shewed his marvellous lovi●● kindnesse in a strong city , then all his quarrel● was against himself , because he had quarrelled and did say in his haste , I am cut off from befor● thine eyes . And now wee shall only speak a little un●to some duties that wee would presse upo● you , from that which wee have spoken ▪ And the first duty is , That Christians would bee much in waiting for the accomplishmen● of the promises , and standing upon thei● watch tower untill the vision shall speak ▪ And wee shall only give you these to enforce ●t . 1. It is commanded that you should so do : this is clear from Psal. 27. at the close , where David presseth that duty very much , Wait on the Lord , saith hee , and if ●hat be not enough , he will repeat that command in that same verse : Wait I say on the Lord : and no doubt the doubling of it ●peaketh not only advantage that is in it , but ●ur difficulty to obey it , and the great necessity that wee have to go about it : and ●hat same word is repeated by David , Psal. ●1 . 24 . Bee of good courage , which is that ●ame , to wait upon the Lord. 2. These that wait patiently for the accomplishment of ●he promises , God will strengthen them to ●ait : this is clear from Psal. 27. at the close , Wait on the Lord , and when wee are Hagar ●ike , casting away the childe of hope , hee ●ill open our eyes , and give us refreshment , ●y which wee may bee supported under our ●isquietment , and hee shall strengthen thine ●eart : And there is this . 3 There shall ●e a speedy accomplishment of the promises : 〈◊〉 is not long before all the mercies that ever 〈◊〉 Lord hath promised , and thou hast be●●yed , shall be told down to you , as it were , 〈◊〉 one sum , principal and interest : as is clear 〈◊〉 Hab. 2.3 . where hee positively assert●●h , That the vision will come , and will not ●●rry . There is indeed a pleasant seeming ▪ ●●ntradiction in that verse , hee had said be●●re , that the vision would tarry , and yet here 〈◊〉 ●aith , Tho vision will not tarry , but will 〈◊〉 come : in which ye may see the divini●● both of sense and faith , and that noble contradiction that is between their assertions , Sense asserting that the promise doth tarry too long , and Faith crying out , it will surely come , it will not tarry ; which i● set down , 2 Pet. 3.9 . The Lord is not slack concerning his promise . 4. Promises that come unto us through the most strong and lively exercise of Faith , and that are expected and longed for by us before they come , they are most relishing and sweet , and these mercies come unto us with a binding tye of love : this is somewhat pointed at in Isa. 25.9 . where the Church cryeth forth , Lo , this is our God , wee have waited for him , wee will bee glad and rejoyce in his salvation ▪ their waiting and expecting of the promise to be accomplished in its time is there the fountain of their song and of their spiritual joy : I think sometimes a Christian is like that misbelieving Lord , 2 King. 7.2 . that though they meet with the accomplishment of a promise , yet they do not taste of the sweetnesse that is in it , because they did not believe the Word of the Lord. The second duty that wee would press● from what we have spoken , is , That Christians would close with the promises for their everlasting inheritance , since the promise● of the Covenant are exceeding great , and ex●ceeding precious , and the advantage that lyet● in them is unspeakable . O! should no● these things proclaim aloud unto us , Clos● with the promises ●s your portion for ever . 〈◊〉 think , one that hath a right to the promises and hath entered himself heir unto the 〈◊〉 ●nheritance ; he may sometimes rejoyce in ●hat threefold mystery of the Gospel , that ●o a naturall man can hardly appear other ●hen a contradiction . 1 ▪ He may sometimes , ● have nothing , and yet I possesse all things ; ●or when hee looketh unto his being in the word , hee is as poor Lazarus , having no ●lace whereon to lay his head ; but when ●ee casteth his eye unto his spiritual inheri●●nce , then hee beholdeth his treasures , and 〈◊〉 constrained to cry out , I possesse all things . 〈◊〉 ▪ Sometimes hee may cry forth , I am ●ich , and yet I am exeeeding poor ; he may be ●●ch in hopes , and yet poor in his possessions . ●here is much of a Christians treasure that 〈◊〉 in hope ; hope is that thing that will ●ake the Christian sweetly quite all other in ●●mparison of that : that is the motto of the ●hristian , spero meliora which he holdeth 〈◊〉 in his flag , even in the great●st storm , 〈◊〉 at length hee findeth it true , that hope ●aketh not ashamed . 3. Sometime the Chri●●an will cry forth ▪ I am alwayes sorrowing , 〈◊〉 yet alwayes rejoycing : when hee casteth 〈◊〉 eye upon himself , he will sit down and 〈◊〉 his couch with tears , but when with 〈◊〉 other eye he reflecteth upon Jesus Christ ▪ ●ee will rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full 〈◊〉 glory ; a Christian can both weep and re●●●ce at one time , and again hee can rejoyce 〈◊〉 weep : No doubt , the reflecting upon 〈◊〉 immense hope , and that everlasting 〈◊〉 , will make a Christian rejoyce under 〈◊〉 his disquietmen●s and anxieties in the 〈◊〉 , he can look to the back of time , and behold a glorious inheritance . A Christia● hath the eye of an eagle that can behold an● discern things afar of . The third duty that we would presse upo● you , is , To long for the day when all the promises of the Covenant of Grace shall receiv● their compleat accomplishment , and when 〈◊〉 shall be entered into the everlasting fruitio● of all these things wherein your blessedness● lyeth . There is a threefold come that Chris● speaketh to the soul that is united unto him all which they sweetly obey . There is tha● first come , which is in Matth. 11.28 . Com● unto me all ye that are weary and heavy loaden And there is that second come , Isa. 26. Com● my people , enter into the chambers , which is t● entertain that excellent correspondency wit● him in troublesome times : And there is th●● third matchlesse come , when Christ shall sa● to his own in the day of their standing befor● the tribunal , Come , O blessed of my Father ▪ Shall we say it , that if we had faith ●s a 〈◊〉 of mustard seed , we would cry forth , Why 〈◊〉 his chariot so long in coming ; and did we 〈◊〉 or made a high account of the matchless pr●●mises of the boundlesse Covenant , we wou●● cry forth , O that our time would flee away 〈◊〉 the ships of desire . I shall say no more but th●● Christ is gone up with a shout unto heaven , an● shall come again with the sound of a trumpe● sing praises to God , sing praises , sing praises un●● our God , sing praises . The last thing that we would presse up●● you is , That ye would mark the time of 〈◊〉 accomplishment of the promises . And as 〈◊〉 ●his , I shall say but these : 1. That ordina●ily the time of the accomplishment of the promises , is the time when sense , reason , and probability doth most contradict them : this ●s clear , Ezek. 37. in the fulfilling of the promises that were past to Iudah in their capti●ity , was it not when they were as a valley of dead bones , and their hopes were in a manner cut off for their part , from the 11. verse of ●hat chapter , compared with the 12. And 2. That the time of the accomplishment of ●he promises , ordinarily i● a praying time : ●his is also clear from Dan. 9.2 , 3. and from Ier. 29.12 . compared with the 11. vers . and ●he 10. thus saith the Lord , the time when he will visit them , and perform his good word ●o them , in causing them to return , it shall be a time when they shall call upon me , and shall go and pray unto me , and I will hearken ●nto them . And , 3. the time of the accomplishment of his promises , it is a time when our thoughts of the promises are high and ●arge , when once we begin to value our mercies , this is a sign that our mercy is near , and ●t is bringing forth : However , it is our duty ●o wait on Him who can give a being unto his Word , and sweetly perform his promises . We ought not to limit infinit wisdom , nor to ●ay unto him that is infinite in strength , How ●an such a thing be ? but answer all objections of misbelief with this , God hath spoken it , ●nd he will also do it , and drown all our ob●ections of misbelief in that glorious and my●terious Name of His , I am that I am . To Him be praise . SERMON VI. Acts 26 ▪ 18. To open their eyes , an● to turn them from darknesse to light and from the power of Satan unt● God , that they may receive for●givenesse of sins , and inheritanc● among them which are sanctified b● faith that is in me . WHen first we did begin our di●●course upon the precious 〈◊〉 excellent grace of Faith ; W● told you that we intended t● speak of it under a twofold notion and co●●sideration . First , As it layeth hold upo● Christ for Justication ; and of this we hav● spoken to you at some length , as ye hav● heard . Secondly , As it closeth with Chri●● for Sanctification ; and of this we are 〈◊〉 speak at this time ; and have chosen thes● words to speak of it , which are a part 〈◊〉 that excellent Oration and Discourse th●● Paul had before Agrippa in his own defence ▪ In which Oration and Discourse of his , 〈◊〉 may behold these four things eminently shin●ing : 1. That Godlinesse and good manner are not inconsistent , not contrary one to ano●ther : Therefore ye will see in the second an● third verses of this Chapter , Paul acting th● part of a Courtly Orator : and believe 〈◊〉 there is more good manners to be learned by being seven dayes in the School of Christ , then by being seven years in all the Courts of France . This , secondly , that innocent Policy that he made use of in the deliverance of this Oration , which likewise doth appear in the second and third verse of this Chapter , where he endeavours to insinuate & ingratiate himself in the favours of the person before whom he had stood ; I confesse , piety is the best policy that is taken up in intertaining piety , howbeit true policy may move in one 〈◊〉 and sphere with piety , and the one is not contrary to the other in some case . 3. This shineth in that discourse , even the spiritual boldness Paul had in giving an excellent confession of his faith , and the declaring him to be God , even Jesus Christ in whom he did believe ; Christ witnessed a glorious confession before Pontius Pilat for him , and he would witnesse a glorious confession before Agrippa for Christ , that since Christ had not denied him in that notable day , he would not now deny precious Christ in this day : and this is from the beginning and all alongs . Lastly , This shineth in the words that Paul doth set forth , the matchlesse freedom & unspeakable riches of Christ , not onely toward himself in that he did cast the lot of everlasting love toward him ; but likewise toward the Gentiles to whom he was sent as a Preacher , and that he did gloriously condescend to visit the dark places of the earth , and to have the morning Star , and the Day spring from on high ●rising on the habitations of cruelty . And in this verse which we have read , you may behold these five glorious ends of the preaching of this everlasting Gospel , for attaining of which , Ministers are made instruments under God. The first is , to open the eyes of the blind , which in short is even this to give those that are ignorant of God , the spiritual knowledge of the deep mysteries o● the Father , and of the Son : So that from this , ye may see that the Gospel hath a kind of omnipotency in producing effects abov● the power of nature . The second , we may see in these words , to remove them from darknesse to light : Which importeth these two ▪ 1. The removing of persons from an estate of excellent joy . 2. The removing of persons from an estate of iniquity , unto an estate of holinesse , darknesse in Scripture pointing out sin , and light in Scripture pointing ou● holinesse . 3. The bringing us from unde● the power of Satan unto God , the making 〈◊〉 blessed exchange of captivity and bondage that these who were under the captivity o● Satan , may be under the captivity of Love that those who were under the bondage o● sinne , may bee under the sweet obedience 〈◊〉 Christ , whose yoke is easie , and whose burde● is light , Matth. 11.30 . 4. That person may receive the remission of sins , and the for●givenesse of their iniquity ; This is the grea● voice of the Gospel , come to a crucifie● Christ , come to a pardoning Christ , com● to a glorified Christ , Christ hath the pardo● of iniquity in his one hand , and riches 〈◊〉 himself in the other , and these are the grea● motives by which he studieth to perswade us to come . And the last is in the close of the verse , that persons may receive forgivenesse of sins , and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that is in me , that is , that they may have a share of that glorious mansion , of that excellent Kingdome that Christ hath purchased , and hath gone before to prepare . And withall , in this verse as the words are set down , ye may see the excellent and orderly methode that the Gospel keepeth in conquering souls , & you may see these excellent alurements , these perswasive arguments that Christ holdeth forth to conquer you , as it were , Christ cometh not unto us cloathed with the robes of Majesty , but clothed with the robes of Love and advantage , knowing that in this posture he shal most ●gain upon our hearts . Now in speaking unto that last end of the preaching the Gospel , we shall only according to our present purpose , take notice of this one thing from it , ( not intending to prosecute it as it is an end of the Gospel ) but as a property of Faith : and it is that , Faith in Iesus Christ hath a noble and excellent influence upon the growth of Sanctification , and the attaining of holinesse , they are sanctified , saith he , through faith in me . We shall not stand long to clear this unto you , it is evident from Act. 15.9 . where the Apostle telleth us of purifying their hearts by faith : And likewise , 1 Tim. 1.5 . where a pure heart and faith unfeigned , they are joyned and linked together : As likewise , 1 Ioh. 3.3 . Every man that hath this hope in him , 〈◊〉 purifieth himself . All the Graces of the Gospel they are linked together by a golden an● unseparable chain , so that he that obtainet● one , he shall obtain all ; yea , more , all th● graces of the Gospel , they have a mutual in●fluence upon one anothers growth , so tha● we may compare them unto Hypocrates twin of whom it was reported , that they 〈◊〉 laugh and weep together , and they did grow together : even so when one grace doth re●joyce , the rest doth rejoce with it , an● when one grace doth mourn , the rest dot● also mourn with it , and when one grace dot● grow the rest of the graces of the spirit they do likewise grow apace . There are only three particulars that w● shall insist a little upon : First , We shal● shew you how faith hath influence upon th● attaining of Sanctification , and this we mak● clear unto you in these respects . 1. In that it discovereth to the soul th●● matchless excellency , that transcendent beauty , and that surpassing comelinesse that is i● Christ , which sight doth exceedingly perswade the soul to draw that conclusion , Wh●● have I to do any more with idols ? A gloriou● sight of Christ , and acquaintance with hi● maketh us lose our acquaintance with ou● idols , and when once we are united unt● Christ by faith , we break that union we ha●● with them . And indeed , the want of th● knowledge of that excellent comelinesse th●● is in Christ , and of love to him , is the grea● occasion that the poorest dieties and idols 〈◊〉 the world taketh up your hearts : did ye but once see him who is that glorious Son of righteousnesse , yee would be forced to put in your Amen unto that excellent confession of Faith , Eccles. 1.2 . Vanity of vanities , and all is but vanity and vexation of spirit . 2. In that it is the grace that discovers unto a Christian the spotlesse holinesse of Christ , Faith doth not onely discover the beauty of Christ , but likewise his holiness , and this doth make the soul fall in love with that excellent thing Sanctification . It is recorded amongst the first steps to sin and misery , that we desired to be as Gods , knowing good and evil ; but certainly it is among the first steps to life and happinesse , when the soul desireth to be holy as hee is holy : And I suppose , this is the great ground that yee are not much endeavouring a blessed conformity to God , and to be partakers of the blessed Image of Christ , ye know not the beauty of holinesse . 3. Faith layeth hold upon Jesus Christ , ●nd draweth strength and vertue from him for the conquering of lusts , and in raising 〈◊〉 up into a blessed conformity unto himself : when the Christian is weak ; Faith is that noble correspondent between that emptiness ●hat is in us , and the fulnesse that is in Christ ; ●aith is that noble correspondent between ●hat weaknesse that is in us , and that everla●●ing strength that is in him : Therefore ●here are two noble and excellent counsels ●f Faith : First , It counsels us not to lean 〈◊〉 our own strength : And , secondly , to ●ave our recourse unto him whose Name is Iehovah that everlasting strength ; And no doubt , if we were more taken up in imploying Christ by faith , that prophesie should be accomplished , I will make the feeble ones as David , and David as the Angel of God : and when a Christian is most diffident in himself , then God should prove himself to be Almighty , and All-sufficient . And , 4. Faiths influence may be cleared in this , that it layeth hold upon the promises , and doth believe them : and believing of the promises bringeth forth that noble birth , conformity to God , according to tha● word upon which we were speaking , 2 Pet ▪ 1 : 4. by believing the promises , ( that is the advantage of it ) We are by them made partakers of the divine nature . 5. Faith also believeth the threatning● that are past in Scripture against sin , and the believing them hath an undoubted and strong influence upon the attaining and growth o● Sanctification : Faith strengtheneth a Christian against the committing of iniquity with these two words : that word , Rom. 6.20 O soul ( saith faith ) commit not iniquity , fo● the wages of sin is death : and that word , Rev ▪ 21. last , There shall in no way enter into th● City , any thing that is unclean , or that committeth iniquity . And be perswaded of it that the faith of the threatnings and of the promises that are in Scripture , would be as 〈◊〉 threefold cord not easily broken , to restai● you from the acting of iniquity : And shall tell you briefly the ground why these curse● hearts of ours doth commit iniquity wit● so little fear , and with so much delight , it is even this , because we believe not the threatnings of God , which shall be accomplished in their own season : for is it possible that if ye believed that word , Rev 21. last . That nothing shall enter into the New Ierusalem that defileth or worketh abominations , or that maketh a lie ; that ye durst not for a world adventure upon the committing of iniquity as ye do . And I shall only say to such that do undervalue the threatnings of God , the day is coming when they shall be constrained to cry out , He hath spoken it , and he hath done it , & faithful is he , there is not one jot nor title in the word of the Lord that shal fall to the ground : And believe it , God will be faithful in the accomplishment of his threatnings , as he is faithful in the accomplishment of his promises . 6. Faith discovereth unto a Christian the noble excellencies , and those spiritual dignities that are in that everlasting estate that is provided for the Saints in light ; Faith ( as it were ) carrieth up the soul to the top of Pisgah , off which it is admitted to behold the promised land , and truely the seeing of these noble things that are provided for the Saints , cannot but make them study holinesse , since they know that there is an impossibility for one to attain to that estate with ou● holinesse , because he had said it , Without holinesse no man shall see God. O then if once ye saw heaven , ye would be constrained to walk in that path of Sanctification , since it is the glorious way by which ye must walk in through the gates of that blessed City . Bu● ye know ▪ not the excellency that is there , i● is a fancy and notion unto you : and that i● the ground that ye do not study to conform your selves unto that blessed image of God. And I would only ask you this one question ▪ Is it possible that such a delusion as this can overtake you , as to think , that ye who never studied holinesse on earth , shall yet enter into heavens gates . I know there are some that say in their hearts , I shall have peace though I walk in the imaginations of my own heart : and many more , that suppose that they might fight and overcome , that they may quite the estate of nature , and be compleat in the estate of grace all in one day . But why will ye deceive your selves , Can a nation be born in one day ; Or is there but one step between hell and heaven ? O remember , though nothing be impossible with God , yet there was but one thief saved upon the crosse . 7. Faith hath influence upon the attaining of holinesse in this respect , That it believeth the exceeding great advantages that are promised unto the person that studieth holiness : Faith believeth that word , Matth. 5.8 . Blessed are the poor in spirit , for they shall see God : Faith it layeth hold upon the truth of the excellent sayings , and maketh the Christian endeavour to attain unto a likenesse and conformity with him , that so he may be admitted to behold his face for all eternity , and to be made like unto him . 8. Faith discovereth unto Christians the sinfulnesse of sin , that is never done till once they be in the lively exercise of the grace of Faith. And I will give you these three grounds why faith compleaty discovereth the sinfulnesse of sin . 1. Faith letteth us see the person against whom we commit this sin , and that doth exceedingly aggrege sin ; for when the Christian is admitted to behold God ; and to see that matchlesse excellency that is in him ; then ( saith he ) what a beast was I to offend such a glorious Majesty as He ? What a fool was I to kick against the pricks ; or to enter in the lists with such an infinite God ? 2. Faith letteth a Christian see these excellent obligations of love that Christ hath imposed upon us ; Faith letteth us see the ancient and everlasting love of Christ ; Faith is that grace that letteth us see his sufferings ; Faith letteth us see all that he hath done for us , and this maketh the Christian to cry out , Do I thus requite the Lord , O foolish one and unwise : And no doubt , if a Christian were more taken up in the study of this duty , he would be lesse in contracting debt , and were you but seriously taken up in the study of these two great Registers . 1. The Register in which all the infinit acts of love are recorded . And , 2. That Register in which all your acts of offending precious Christ are written , ye would be astonished and ashamed to see so much forgiven you ; and durst not sin any more ; there ye would see infinite mercy desiring to rejoyce over Iudgement , and there ye would see the spotlesse riches of that transcendent grace that is in Christ. 3. Faith letteth a Christian see the disadvantages of sin , and what woful effects doth follow upon it , and this doth exceedingly hold forth the sinfulnesse of sin . The second thing that we shall speak to concerning Faiths influence in the attaining Sanctification , shall be to enquire a little unto these things that hinder even Believers from attaining this blessed effect of their Faith ; for some Christians there are that in some respects are taken up in the exercise of Faith , making use of Christ for Sanctification , and yet their making use of Christ by Faith , doth not weaken the strength of their idols ( at least ) to their apprehensions , neither yet raise them up to a conformity with God ; so that they are constrained somtimes to cry out , I shall once fall by the hand of one of mine iniquities , and when they fight and doth not overcome , they are at last constrained to say , There is no hope . The first ground of such a dispensation is , That a Christian is not constant in his acting● of Faith , he will be strong in faith to day , and when the morrow cometh , he will faint in that exercise , and this doth exceedingly interrupt the noble victory of Faith : For when faith hath gotten its advantages , they lose them through security and negligence : that is a command that should be continually obeyed , Trust in the Lord at all times : and no doubt , if a Christian were more taken up in the constant actings of Faith , he should sometimes sing that song , I trusted in God , and I was helped . Secondly , The most part of Christians , they are not strong and vigorous in actings of their Faith , their Faith is exceedingly weak , and so they cannot bring forth these noble fruits and effects of Faith. If we were trusting in God with all our hearts , then that promse , Psal. 37.5 . should be accomplished to us , Trust in the Lord , and hee shall bring it to passe . Thridly , There is a strong heart conjunction and soul union between us and our idols : wee are joyned to our idols , and therefore we cannot be easily divorced ; yea , when we are in the heat of the war against them , there is a procuratour within that cryeth , O spare this little one , or this profitable or pleasant one , and this is ordinarily our practice , to spare the choisest of our lusts ; so that our Agags may cry forth , The bitternesse of death is past . But I confesse , if that union were once dissolved , wee should then bee heard with greatest earnestnesse to cry forth , O blessed bee the Lord that teacheth my hands to fight . Fourthly , Sometimes a Christian layeth too much weight upon the actings of Faith , and doth not imploy Faith , but as an instrument to which Christ must bestow strength to conquer . Sometimes we think that faith hath the vertue of overcoming in its own hand , but remember , Faith is but an empty thing without Christ : as ye may see , Acts 15.9 . where the purifying their hearts by faith is ascribed to the holy Ghost , so that the activity of faith is from him , and not in it self . Fifthly , A Christian doth not hate sin with a perfect hatred , even in the time of his warfare with his lusts , and with these strong idols that are within him , but there is a secret heart inclination to that very idol which he doth oppose : So that oftenimes there is that twofold contradiction in a Christian ; Sometimes his light will cry , mortifie such an idol , and yet his heart will cry , O spare such an idol ; yea more , sometimes his hear● will cry , mortifie such an idol , and yet hi● heart will cry , O spare such an idol : That is to say , there will be one part of our affection crying one thing , and another part o● it will cry another thing . O! but there is a remarkable command for the perfect hatred of sin , Rom. 12.9 . Abhor that which is evil . The word is in the Original , ha●e evil , as ye would do hell , that is : have perfect hatred to sin , O to hate iniquity as much as hell a and joyn that word , Eph. 5.11 . Reprove the unfruitfull works of darknesse ; or as the word may be rendered , Make out by unanswerable arguments to your tentations , that you cannot imbrace the unfruitfull works of darknesse , convince your tentations that ye cannot do it : As we suppose , it was a noble arguing of Ioseph when he was tempted , How shall I do this ? he put the tentation ( as it were ) to it : O tentation give me ou● ground why I should commit such an iniquitie . And certainly , if we were thus reasoning with our tentations , they should flee before us : But the truth is , we imbace the desire of our tentation upon implicite faith . It is a sad regrate ; and yet I may utter it , O if men would but deal with God as they do by Satan , we never dispute the promise of Satan , and never examine these allurements he setteh forth , and yet we constantly dispute with God upon every thing . Sixthly , A Christian promoveth not in the growth of Sanctification , though in some measure exercising faith , because he hath not such a heart to holinesse . If we did discover more that excellent beauty , that is , in being cloathed with that glorious robe of the righteousnesse of Christ , and in having the sweet draughts of the Image of Christ engraven upon our hearts , we would have more victory over our lusts : There is a command for a perfect love to that which is good , and holinesse in that same place , Rom. 12.9 . and cleave ( saith he ) to that which is good ; or , as the word may be rendered , Be married and glewed to that which is good , let there be an unspeakable and undissolvable knot of union between you and that which is good : And certainly , if once we believed that report which is given of holinesse , we would endeavour more to be cloathed with it : but that is the great ground why we advance not in holinesse , we know not the advantage nor diguity , to be made like God. O will ye think on it , What a thing is it for you who are the dust of his feet , to be made conform to him ? Seventhly , A Christian is not much in the exercise of other duties that should go along with faith , suspect that faith for presumption , that can act , and be maintained without Prayer , certainly prayer it keepeth in the life of Faith : Prayer , it is that grace that must act mutually with faith , in accomplishing that blessed work of Sanctification , and if we prayed more , and believed more , then we should have more to speak concerning the victory over our lusts . When was it , O Christian and expectant of heaven , that yee was constrained to put up an Eben●zer , and cry forth , Hitherto hath the Lord helped mee ? When was it , O Christian and expectant of heaven , that ye was put to cry forth , God hath arisen , and mine enemies are scattered before my face ? I will tell you what is your practice , ye make such a covenant with your idols , as Nahash did with the men of Iabesh Gilead , 1 Sam. 11.2 , 3. your lusts desire to make you pluck out your right eyes , and there is nothing your lusts will command you , but almost ye will obey ; but would you send out prayers as a messenger to tell the King of such a tyrannie , yee should know better what it is to bee victorious . There is such a Covenant between the graces of the Spirit , especially between faith and Prayer ( if so wee may allude ) as was made between Ioab and Abishai , 2 Sam. 10.11 . one grace , as it were , saith to another , If I be weak , Come over and help me , and if ye be weak , I will come and help you . When once grace is like to fall in battel , then another grace cometh and helpeth it ; when faith is like to die , then prayer and experience cometh in and sweetly helpeth faith ; when love is beginning to die , and waxe cold in the fight , then faith cometh in and putteth life in love ; and when patience is like to fall and be overcome , then faith comes in and speaks that word to patience , Wait on God , for I shall yet praise him for the health of his countenance . Oftentimes our patience and our sense they joyn together , for when sense speaketh good things , patience is in life , but when once sense preacheth hard things , it is like to die , and Faith must then maintain and uphold it . The third thing that we shall speak as to faiths influence upon Sanctification , shall be to draw these four conclusions from the point . The first is , That ye may know from this , the rise and original of your little successe over corruption : There are many that are troubled with this question ; O! what is the ground that I get not victory over my lusts , and they propose that question to Christ that once the Disciples proposed to him , Why was it that I could not cast out such a devil ? And I can give no other answer nor Christ gave to them , it is , because ye have not faith ; For if yee had faith as a grain of mustard seed , yee might say unto your idols , depart from us , and they should obey you , and there should not be a mountain in the way between you and heaven , but if ye had faith , it should be rolled away and become a plain . And the ground why many are groaning under the captivity of their idols , is , That they are not much in the exercise of faith ; sometimes yee enter in the lists with your lusts in your own strength , then ye are carried captives , and if ye do enter in the lists having some faith , yet ye maintain not the war , il faith get but one stroke . I will tell you six things which if faith overcome , it keepeth the fields , and maketh the Christian sing a song of triumph , even before a compleat victory . First , Faith helpeth a Christian to overcome that idol of impatience and discontent , some never met with a discouragement , but they cry out , This evil is of the Lord , why should I wait any longer , they are soon put to the end of their patience : Now faith can overcome such an idol , and I will tell you three excellent things that faith performeth to the soul under impatience , or when it i● in hazard of it . 1. Faith telleth the Christian there is an end , and their expectation shall not be cut off ; Faith telleth that there is a morning as well as night , and this keepeth the soul from being overcome with disco●ragement , when they are brought to the midnight of trouble ; Faith can tell what hour of the night it is , and how near the approaching of the morning , when day shall break and all their clouds flee away . 2. Faith helpeth the Christian to see there is much in Christ to make up any losse or disadvantage that they have ; if ye losse your son , or your choisest contentment in the world , Faith will say such a word as Elkana said to Hannah , 1 Sam. 1.8 . Is not Christ better to thee then ten sons ? The choisest contentments ye can lose , ( that is faiths divinity ) Christ is worth an hundred of them : and so this maketh the ●oul be ashamed of their impatiency , and to ●ive over their fretting at the excellent and ●ise dispensations of God. 3. Faith letteth Christian see , that there is not a dispensati●n that hee meeteth with , but it hath these ●wo excellent ends , it hath our advantage as ●ne end , and the glory of the Lord as another 〈◊〉 : and there is not a dispensation that a Christia● meeteth with , but these are the glo●ious ends proposed in it . And therefore I would only give you this advice , evermore ●hen yee meet with a dark dispensation , let ●ith interpret it , for it is only the best inter●reter of dark dispensations ; for if yee meet with sense , this is its interpretation , he is not ●hastening me in love , but punishing me with ●he wound of an enemy , but faith will pro●hesy good things to you in the darkest night . The second next great idol that faith will ●ring low , is that idol of covetousnesse and ●esire to the things of the world . I think ●hat word , Eccles. 3.11 . was never so much ●ccomplished as it is in those dayes , and ●mongst you , Hee hath set the world in your ●●arts , that is the idol that dwelleth and ●●dgeth within you : yea , the world it hath ●our first thoughts in the morning , and your 〈◊〉 thoughts at night ; yea more , it hath ●our thoughts when yee are at Prayer , and ●hen ye are at Preaching ; yea , it hath such dominion over you , that it giveth you , as were , a new Bible , and in all the ten Com●ands s●rapeth out the Name of God , and ●●tteth down the world . And whereas ●od saith , Thou shalt have no other Gods but me , the world saith , Thou shalt have no other Gods but me , &c. But faith will bring thi● idol low , and soon let you see the vanity and emptinesse of it ; yea , faith would let you see a more noble object , and withall , discove● unto you how short your time is , and how few hours ye have to spend in following afte● lies : And I am perswaded of this , that if y●● could win to shake hands with cold death every day , and say , thou at last shall bee my prince , and shall be the king to whom I shal● bee a subject , and if ye believed that the day of Eternity were approaching , it would be ● mean to mortifie these pursuits after th● world : And I shall say , he is a blessed Christian that can maintain alwayes such thought● of the world , as he shall have when hee i● standing upon the outmost line between Time and Eternity . I shall say it , and believe it ▪ O worldling , and O thou that hast the Moo● upon thy head , and in thy heart , the day shall once come , that thou may preach a● much of the vanity of the world , as thos● that undervalued it never so much . The third great idol that faith will brin● low , is that idol of self love and self-indul●gence , that which is the great mother of al● other Idols . I think , if there were no mor● to bee said against that Idol of self love an● self indulgence , that which is in 2 Tim. 3.2 . were sufficient , that amongst all the grea● idols of the latter times , this is put in the first place , They shall be lovers of themselves we cannot take pains for Christ , we canno● go about the exercise of any duty , because that idol of self-indulgence forbiddeth us . I will tell you its counsel and great advice it giveth you , O person , pity thy self , that same counsel Peter gave his Master , it biddeth you pity your self : But if wee could rightly interpret that language , it would be this , destroy your self , for self indulgence , and self-love is that which will ruine you . O what blessed attainments of God ; what blessed fruitions of Jesus Christ , what advancement in mortification , what conformity to God hath that idol of self indulgence obstructed , and not only utterly ruined , even in the best ? I think , if once yee could set your foot upon that idol , the rest should fall apace ; that is the general of all the forces of your lusts , and it is as Saul , the head higher then the rest of all your idols within you . The fourth idol that faith will subdue , is self-righteousnesse , this is a great thing wee maintain , we will never renounce our own righteousness and submit to the righteousnes of Christ : and the great ground of it is ▪ That there is this principle within us all , 〈◊〉 love to go to heaven through a Covenant of Works , ●nd wee never desire to be much oblieged to ●ny other , we cannot submit our selves to the righteousnesse of Christ. The fifth great idol that faith can subdue , 〈◊〉 that of pleasure , the world , and the con●entments of it : Pleasure is the great idol ●hat many worship and adore , there are ●ome ●hat love the gain of the world , and ●her ●are others that love the pleasures of ●he world ; but faith hath a noble influence upon the bringing low of such an idol ; for faith discovereth to a so●l more excellent pleasures , more sweet delights nor is to hee found under the Sun ; Faith maketh a Christian lose his state unto all things that are here below ; Faith is that grace that maketh us grow blind , and not much to behold these passing vanities , those transient dilights of a present evil world . Our second conclusion is this , That as Faith helpeth Sanctification , so Sanctification helpeth Faith. I will tell yow three great advantages Faith hath by the growth and exercise of Sanctification . 1. It is a noble evidence of faith , and maketh a Christian to bee perswaded that hee is s●tled upon the Rock , and that his interest in God is made sure . Sanctification is that which will help a Christian dayly to read his interest in God : This is clear from Iam. 2.18 . I will shew thee my faith by my workes , where this is clearly holden forth , That a Christian much in the work of Sanctification , hee can upon all times give an extract of his Faith , and , as it were , discover it and shew it to the world . 2. Sanctification maketh faith perfect , according to that remarkable word , Iam. 2.22 . And by workes was faith made perfect . There is a noble perfection that redoundeth to faith through the exercise of the work of Sanctification ; for not only is it thereby made manifest , and receiveth such a shining luster and splendor , as that sometimes the eyes of carnal men are e●en dazled to behold a Believer , but it also receiveth strength and power : Faith is not of the nature of these things that spend themselves in bringing forth , but on the contrary ●f faith bring forth a hundred children ( I mean works of holinesse ) in one day , it groweth stronger : and this is further clear , 2 Pet. 1.8 . For if these things be in you , and abound , ye shall ●either bee barren nor unfruitfull . And from ●hat other word , Iam. 2. where it is said , That faith without works is dead , being alone : ●f faith be alone , it wants its spiritual life and ●igour ; but if yee were much in the exercise of the work of Sanctification , ye would , ●o doubt , attain to a noble and lively acting of that grace of Faith. And , lastly , if a Chri●tian be much in this work of Sanctification , ●here will be a comfortable exercise of faith , ●ometimes Faith is exercised with much ●●xiety , and sometimes with much doubting , 〈◊〉 faith and a pure conscience joyned toge●her , they make an excellent feast , and ●aketh a Christian rejoyce with joy unspeak●ble and full of glory . Thirdly , Wee may draw this conclusion , ●f faith have influence upon the work of ●anctification , and helpeth the producing of noble conformity to God , then I say , there ●re many that their faith is a delusion , and ●heir hope shall bee cut off as a spiders web . There are some that have faith , that have not ●anctification , nor knows not what it is . and ●hall not that faith unquestionably perish as a ●●eam , and evanish as the vision of the night ▪ ●nd therefore if ye would testifie the reality ●f your faith , then study more the work of ●a●ctification . I shall but from Ioh. 8.14 ▪ 15. give you these eight properties of a hypocrites faith and hope , which may make you try and examine your self . 1. Their hope and their faith is but an act of folly , yea , there is not such an act of foolishnesse under heaven , as a hypocrites hope ; because it is but a castle in the aire , and as writing to himself a charter on the sand : so that word yee have rendered , whose hope shall be cut off ; is in the Original , whose folly shall be cut off ; shewing this , that they build without a foundation , and so their faith must bee most unsure and uncertain , 2. The thing they hope for shall at last loath them : O hypocrites , yee hope for enjoyment of Christ , but be perswaded of it , Christ shall eternally loath you , and yee shall eternally ●●ath Christ : that is clear in that same wor● , Whose hope shall be cut off , or as the word may be read , Whose hope shall loath them , the thing he hoped ●or shall loath him , and Christ shall say , Depart , I know you not . 3. And though yee have now much delight and pleasure in the actings of your presumptuous hope , yet at the last , ye shall loath that hope : The word will carry that , not only the thing ye hoped for shall loath you , but ye likewise shall loath your hope . The day is coming , that yee shall cry forth , cursed be the day that ever I believed that I should get heaven . 3. It shall at last be the matter of his vexation ▪ from that word , whose hope shall be cut off ; or as the word may be rendered , whose hope shall vex him . O whe● the hypocrites shall meet with that anxious , that dreadull disappointment one day , they shall then put their hand on their head , being ashamed because of their confidence . 4. He studieth by all means to keep his hope , though it be but false , therefore have ye that word in the 15 verse , hee holdeth it fast , or is the word is , hee keepeth it with hand and arm , with all his strength hee keepeth his hope : so that if Christ would come from heaven and say , man , thou art a hypocrite , and thy hope shall be cut off , they would say , I will keep my hope Sir , and maintain it , and that is an evidence your hope is not built upon the foundation ; I love never a faith that in this side of time is unchangeable , and never knoweth what it is to have ups nor downs . 5. It is built alwayes upon a wrong foundation , which is imported in 〈◊〉 word , He shall lean upon his house , which we suppose may interpret thus , hee shall lean upon his , worldly ●njoyments , or upon these spiritual like enjoyments hee met with . The hope of a hypocrite is never built upon Christ , and so unquestionably that hope shall be cut off and evanish . 6. Let hypocrites hold fast their hope with both their arms , I will say these three words to them : First , 〈◊〉 all the Ministers should preach to you , and desire you to quite your hope , and yee will not , yet doth your hope and you shall bee separate : as it is in that word . Your hope shall depart from you , and yee shall quite it . Secondly , Your hope will bring you to death , and no further : according to that word , Iohn 18.14 . Whose hope shall bring them to the King of terrours : Will it bring m● no further say you , O no , The King of ter●rors shall separate you and your hope . Thirdly The day is coming when the foundation o● it shall be discovered , and there shall no● bee a delusion but it shall be unfolded . Th● day is approaching when Christ shall as● how you got your faith , and how you main●tained it . 7. The hypocrites hope is ● poor building , it is as a spiders web ; which I conceive ( without being critick ) is this ▪ The hope of hypocrites they spin it out o● their own bowels , they have it not from Christ , but as yee see a spider spin out o● it s own bowels , so do they out of them●selves , it is no better stuff then their ow●●otten righteousnesse , Christ never beg●● those unto a lively hope . Let mee beseech you therefore , that by all means ye would study to make sure your interest in God , an● to build your faith on him , whose name i● that munition of rocks ; For believe it , I may say it with much perswasion , I know ther● are many that shall once meet ( if God pre●vent it not ) with a dreadfull disappoint●ment : And therefore as ye would not incu● that eternal hazard that is attending thos● that presumptuously take hold of a hope before Christ take hold of them , study to search your hope what it is : I desire not to raze any foundation of their hope that i● laid by the hand of Christ , but would desir● and charge you to raze the foundation o● that hope which yee have laid from the be●ginning by your own hands , and hee knew i● not . I would presse these three things upon you . First , O yee that are strangers to Christ , and that know not what it is to imbrace the offers of the everlasting Gospel , obey that excellent counsel , 2 Chron. 3.8 . Give Christ your hand ; for that word which ye have rendered , Yeeld your self to the Lord , it is in the Original , Give your hand to God ; which is in short , Marry him , and be content to contract your s●lf to him ; for believe it , the day is coming , that either that contract between you and Christ , shall bee eternally confirmed , or that contract between the devil and you , shall be eternally ratified . And , I suppose , there is so much spoken to the commendation of that noble Plant of renown , that yee may take Christ ( if so wee may speak ) blindly , ye may close your eyes and take him , for hee shall never disappoint your hope ; for let you think of him to Eternity , hee shall alwayes be above your thoughts . Secondly , I would earnestly desire you once to search and try , what was the first rise of your faith in Jesus Christ : I am perswaded of it , there are many that take up their faith at their foot , they never travelled in pain , and yet faith is brought forth . Is not this a mystery ? shall it be said , before they travelled , they brought forth ? I do not question but there may be lesse and greater pangs of the new birth , but this is most certain , there is alwayes some either lesser troubles or greater , till that childe be brought forth : and yet I may condemn these that stay too long in the place of the breaking forth of children , Christ will never refuse you when ye do really come , because y● have not been so many years and dayes in prison to the Law : Thirdly , Let me desire you to go and ask , is there a grave between you and heaven , in all that way through which the Saints have travelled , upon which this is written , here lyeth a man that sincerely sought life from Christ , and he denyed him . I think without encroaching too much upon the searching forth of the exercise of the Saints in heaven , I think we may suppose , there may be in heaven some Queries and Interrogations : Christ shall ask ▪ O beloved , Did ye want any thing here below when ye was sent forth to travel in the world ? and yee shall be constrained to an●swer , No : Christ shall ask that question a● you . Did I not all things well ? and y● shall be constrained to answer , Yes : Christ shall propose that question , Are ye not well rewarded for all your pains ? and you shall be constrained to answer , Yes : O but to take him , He is the blessed and most excellent One in heaven and in earth , it is the best bargain ever ye made : O ye Merchants that have made many excellent bargains to your own apprehension , will ye come and make one excellent bargain yet , that will make you eternally up ? And what is that ? Come and buy Christ and take him for nothing , this is not your ordinary bargaining : there is few comes to you , and biddeth you buy excellent things without money ; but come in the Gospel , and ye shall get Christ without money : O niggards that are loath to spend your money in the world , will yee come to Christ and believe on him , take him freely : O say ye , if I could get three things of Christ , I would come . 1. I would have much gold and silver ; I say , come to Christ , and ye shall get much gold and silver : Is that true ? it is abundantly true : See Iob 22.25 , 26. where pressing that exhortation , Acquaint thy self with God ▪ and using many arguments , he saith . Thou shall lay up gold as dust , and the gold of Ophir as the stones of the brooks . Is not that gold enough ? yea , ye shall have silver likewise , Thou shalt have plenty of silver . In the 26. verse , ye shall not only have gold and silver , but shall have plenty of it , and shall have the most excellent and refined gold . But O say ye , will that promise be literally accomplished to me if I come to Christ. I would only say these three things to thee : 1. Come to Christ , and if gold and silver be for thy advantage , thou shall have it literally accomplished . 2. I say , ye shall have as much contentment in Jesus Christ , as if yee had this house full of gold . 3. I will say this to thee , Christ shall be thy gold and thy silver : according to that word in the 26. verse , which is most remarkable ; yea , the Almighty shall be thy defence ; or as it is in the Original , shall be thy gold , speaking of the promise of gold before . Secondly , Ye say , I would have this that what I purpose might be accomplished : I say , come to Christ and yee shall have that likewise , Iob. 22.28 . Thou shalt decree a thing , and it shall be established unto thee ; which I conceive , doth not only take in these spiritual decrees ; but likewise these that relate to temporal enjoyments . But there is a third thing I would have ( say yee ) and I would come to Christ , and it is , that I might have all the desires of my heart : I say , O man ▪ and O woman , come to Christ , and thou shall have what thou desirest : This is clear from Psal. 37.4 . Delight thy self in God , and hee shall give thee the desires of thy heart : What can ye have man but it is there ? Would yee have any thing of Christ ? Hee putteth a blank in your hand , and saith that word which he said to Solomon , Ask ; What would yee have , and I shall give you , Christ , as it were , putteth his name to the foot of a clean sheet of paper , and hee desireth you to ask what ye would have , And is not this an excellent bargan ? O niggard , what would yee have which ye will not get in Christ ? And bee perswaded , that ye that refuse and will not take him , the eternal curse of all that is in heaven will return upon thy head , the eternall curse of all the expectants of heaven and heirs of life will return upon the head of that person that will not take Christ. And cursed , cursed shall that person be who will not take Christ , and one day all the Congregation in heaven and earth shall say , Amen . SERMON VII . 2 Cor. 13.5 . Examine your selves , whether ye be in the faith ? prove your own selves , know ye not your own selves , how that Iesus Christ is in you , except ye be reprobates ? ASsurance is a precious gift which many that live in these dayes do undervalue , and trode under foot ; do not the Christians of these times go halting between two opinions , being neither positive that they are received into the adoption of children , not positive that they are yet in a state of alienation , and enemies in their minds by wicked works ; yea , and ( that which is worse ) there are many among us that walk with much contentment under their uncertainty . I think it is a fault to be condemned in many , they pursue more to satisfie their sense for the present , nor to have a solide well grounded assurance for time to come : I could wish that all the debates and questions of these dayes , that take up so much of our time , and so much of our spirits from better things , were happily drowned in these four excellent questions , which without controversie are of greatest concernment for all to have resolved . 1. Where shall I rest all ●ight when the long shaddows of the everlasting evening shall be streatched out upon me and whither or not hath Christ gone befor● to take up a place for me in his Fathers house 2. It is a soul-concerning question , Master what shall I do to inherit eternal life ? to bee asking at him that can sweetly resolve you ▪ And 3. not to rest there , but to bee crying forth in the morning , What shall I do to be● saved , and to be crying out in the evening ▪ Lord what wilt thou have me to do . 4. It i● sweet to be asking seriously , Saw yee him whom my soul loveth : There is much of our time spent in asking news from Court ▪ and from abroad , concerning the revolutions of States and Kingdomes : But I suppose , it were better to ask , What news from heaven concerning thy self , and what news from within , and news of thy Bridegrooms comeing ? for these are great Courts , I mean the Court of heaven , and the Court of conscience , the affairs of which , a Christian should endeavour much to know . 5. It is a soul-concerning question , that a Christian should be much in proposing to himself , What shall I render unto the Lord for all his benefits . It is certain , we must say , that our faith and assurance , and all our other mercies are from him , and yet alas , we are negligent in praises , we may with Tamar rent our garments of divers colours , even the garments of the Kings daughters , because of spiritual whoredome against God , and our ingratitude to him . Now having spoken unto you at so great a length of that precious and fundamentall grace of Faith , wee have thought fit to shut up all in speaking a little upon these wo●ds we now have read , concerning the evidence and assurance of Faith. The Apostle in this Chapter is vindicating his Ministery and Apostleship , from the contempt that was cast upon it , he proveth he was a Minister of the New Testament , called and sent of God , by the blessing and successe he had among them , in that hee had not plowed nor threshed in vain ; and they being so much in censuring his way , and seeking an account of his Ministery : In these words , he doth ( as it were ) draw them off by a holy diversion unto another businesse , as if hee had said to them , O Corinthians , I will divert you from the exercise of judging me , and will lead you into an exercise that is more divine and profitable ; be much in judging and examining your selves : and indeed , it is a truth worth our observation , that if we were more in judging of our selves , wee would be lesse in judging others : but alas , there are some of us , wee are so much abroad , that we cannot be much at home . In the words , there is these six things considerable . First , That there is such a thing attainable by a Christian while hee is here , as a distinct perswasion and assurance that he is in the Faith , and hath an interest in Christ : by being in the faith ; here is not to be understood , a being in the doctrine of Faith only , but it is to be understood of principally , being indeed and really united to Christ by Faith. Secondly , That the seeking after assurance , is a necessary commanded duty , for ye see here the words very imperative , Examine your selves , prove your selves . Thirdly , That there are many mistakes and delusions among people , concerning that noble and excellent thing , Assurance , there being many that keep fast a hope which Christ shall once discountenance and sweep away , like a spiders web , and this is imported in these words , Examine your selves , or as the word may bee rendered , Take an acurate and an experimental search of your selves , try your selves , or prove your selves : it is a word that is borrowed from the Gold-smiths fineing and trying Gold. And so his putting of the Corinthians to so acurate a search of themselves , saith this clearly to us , there are many mistakes concerning this thing , many do passe a decreet in their own favours before Christ hath passed his approbation of them . Fourthly , Take notice of this from the word , that there is much and exceeding much advantage , by trying and searching whether we bee in the faith or no ; this is imported in his doubling the exhortation . Fifthly , That one most excellent and spiritual way of attaining assurance , whether we be in the faith or no , is self examination , and putting our self to the trial , as if he had said , would ye have a distinct perswasion that yee are in Christ , then bee much in the exercise of self-examination . For the rest of the words of the verse , wee intend not to handle . As to the first , That there is such a thing attainable : I shall only propose these reasons unto you to make it evident . 1. It is known in Scripture , that the Saints of old have in ordinary way attained to distinct perswasion of their interest in Christ , Song . 2. vers . 16. My beloved is mine , and I am his , and Rom. 8.38 . I am perswaded ( saith the Apostle ) that neither death nor life , &c. shall bee able to separate mee from the love of God in Christ. And 2 Cor. 5. ver . 1. For we know , if this our earthly tabernacle were dissolved , wee have a house with God not made with hands , eternal in the heavens . 2. It is the great scope of many Scriptures , to shew how Christians may attain to assurance , 1 Ioh. 1.13 . These things I write unto you , that yee may know that yee have eternal life . The great end and design of Iohn , writing in these Epistles , is , to make a soul acquaint with Christ , and to make them to accept of him , and to give them a distinct assurance that Christ hath accepted them . 3. There are many commands in Scripture for Christians to be serious in searching after assurance , 2 Pet. 1.10 . Wherefore brethren , give all diligence to make your calling and election sure . It is the blessed end of Gods oath in the everlasting Covenant , that a Christian might get assurance . What was the ground and great end that God confirmed his Covenant with an oath , was it not , Heb. 6.18 . That by two immutable things , wherein it was impossible for God to lie , ye might have strong consolation . 5. If assurance of our interest in Ch●●st were not attainable , then these precious graces of joy and love could not be well exercised : if a Christian were evermore in the dark concerning his interest in Christ , hee could not give obedience to that exhortation , Rejoyce evermore , again , I say , rejoyce , 6. The Scripture hath set down these means by which a Christian may win to assurance : as is clear , 1 Ioh. 3.18 , 19. 2 Pet. 4.5 . compared with vers 10. where the Apostle Peter pressing the Doctrine of making our calling and election sure , hee fetteth down these excellent means by which they may win to in , and doubtlesse the marks and evidences that are registrate in the Scripture of a gracious state , do assure us , that assurance is attainable . 7. What are the ends of the Sacraments , but that our assurance may bee confirmed , and that our faith may be strengthned , the two Sacraments are the two great Seals of heaven that are put to the Charter of the Covenant . Now as to the applitation , and the more full improvement of this first point , I shall only offer these considerations . 1. I would have it taken notice of , that though grace and assurance be two lovers , yet there is no such band of union between them , that the one cannot consist without the other : A Christian may have the real grace of God , and yet walk in darknesse and have no light : a Christian may be going to heaven , and yet that word oftentimes in his mouth , I am cut off from thy sight ; yea , are there not even some who have had assurance , and sometime a day have been admitted to draw that conclusion , I am my beloveds , and his desire is towards me , who are now under darknesse concerning their interest , and in much bitternesse of spirit , doe sometimes cry out , My hope and my strength is perished from the Lord. But therefore let me say this one word , both to weak ones who never had assurance , and deserted ones who have lost it ; when ye misse assurance , beware of drawing such negative conclusions concerning your graces , but when ye fit in darknesse and see no light , Trust in the Name of the Lord , and stay your selves upon your God ; that is when ye cannot reach the faith of assurance , be much in maintaining of adherence , remember Iobs divinity , Though thou should kill me , yet will I trust in thee , and consider that sweet word , He will keep them in perfect peace , whose hearts are stayed on him . My second consideration is , That since assurance is attainable , ye would study to finde out and remove these things that doth hinder you from attaining unto it . And that we may help you in this , we conceive , that the obstructions of a Christians assurance , are especially in these two . 1. Our mistaking of the Lords dealing towards us . And , 2. Our untender and unsuitable dealing towards him . Of the first sort we shall lay before you these five . The first is , want of favourable termes of prayer ; this often maketh a Christian to debate his interest ▪ and call in question his evidences , Lam. 3 8. compared with verse 18. I cry and shout , but he shutteth out my prayers : And this is the conclusion of that dispensation , verse 18. My hope and my strength is perished from the Lord ; and this i● especially occasioned when the Christian i● most serious and fervent in prayer , and the● he meeteth not with a return , this maketh them exceedingly debate their interest . And I confesse , it is a sad dispensation to meet with a silent Christ in prayer ; but yet that needeth not make a Believer question all , and debate the reality of his interest in God , since the dearest of all the children of the Kingdom have been so dealt with , even a David , Psal. 22. Cryed night and day without silence , and is not heard , but cryeth out , Why art thou so far from helping ▪ and from the words of my roaring ; yea , that passage may relate to him who was the root and off spring of David ; for even he was so dealt with , and had not presently a sensible return , when he had prayed thrice , that the cup might passe from him . Secondly , The want of sensible enlargement and liberty in prayer , that hee never got to his knees , but his heart beginneth to die like a stone within him , then hee cryeth forth that word , 2 Cor. 3.17 . Where the Spirit of the Lord is , there is liberty , and sure if I had the Spirit of the Lord , I would have liberty in the exercise of prayer , and that this is a rise of the disputing of our interest , is clear from Psal. 77.4 . compared with ver . 7.9 . saith David , I am sore troubled that I cannot speak , I have no liberty in prayer , I never go to God in prayer , but ( as it were ) my tongue sticketh to the roof of my mouth : he from hence draweth that conclusion , Hath God forgotten to bee gracious , and hath hee in wrath shut up his tender mercies for ever : I confesse , this also is a sad dispensation to meet with an absent and vailed Christ in prayer : so that we can never go to seek God in secret , but we may write this upon our prayers , He is gone , he is gone , especially when we have lost that liberty that formerly we have had : and therfore is Davids perplexity much heightened , ver . 5 , 6. from his remembring his song in the night , and his calling to mind the years of ancient times ; yet wee may remember how soon David wrote his retractions , as to that sad conclusion , I said , this is my infirmity , ver . 10. and so should we do when upon every straiting in prayer , wee begin to question all the Lords kindnesse towards us . A third obstruction of assurance , is a Christians wrestling with his corruptions painfully and seriously , and yet not meeting with any sensible victory over them , but upon the contrary , their corruptions seem to bee stronger , and they themselves seem to bee weaker , and then it is , they strengthen their misbelief , but that word , 1 Joh. 3 3. Every man that hath this hope in him , purifieth himself even as he is pure : And indeed , this is a knot that is not easily loosed , but when hee seeth his idols and corruptions prevailing over him , hee will cry out , I am gone , and there is no help in Israel concerning this thing , and yet this also is a word in haste , Paul hath registrate himself a standing witnesse , even after hee was a chosen vessel , Rom. 7. How strangely a childe of God may bee born down with a body of death even under most serious wrestlings against it : And there●fore if thou seriously maintain that combate though thou do not sensibly prevail , thou ha● no reason upon that ground to weaken th● assurance . Fourthly , When a Christian is put to mor● then ordinary outward affliction , when Go● doth dispence sadly unto them in outwar● things , they then begin to cal in question thei● interest , and dispute their assurance , this i● clear , by comparing Lament 3. vers . 18. wit● the preceeding words , where speaking of th● sad dispensations they meet with , he draweth that conclusion in verse 18. My hope and my strength is perished from the Lord , and Ion. 2.2 . where he draweth that conclusion from such a promise . I am now cast out of thy sight , the devil he taketh Eliphaz divinity and presents it to a Christian ; Call now if there be any to answer thee , and to which of the Saints wilt thou go : As if he had said , did thou ever know a Christian afflicted so as thou art afflicted , and so he would have Iob to quite his integrity ; But yet we know all these blessed ones for all their afflictions , were dear unto the Lord , and had their interest secure in him , yea , as many as he loveth , he doth rebuke and chasten , and it is bastards and not sons on whom he will not bestow a rod , and therefore we ought not to quarrel our interest because of afflictions . And lastly , The rise of a Christians discouragement , and that which hindereth their assurance , is ▪ when their former experience of the manifestations of God doth not relish to them , and when the promises upon which they have built become tastlesse unto ●hem as the white of an egge , and when they meet not with God in Ordinances , but these become lifelesse , when these three rise toge●her upon them , their case becomes very per●lexed oftentimes : and this also seemed to ●ave been Davids case , Psal. 77. When he remembered his song in the night ▪ and the dayes of ●ld , and yet had no sweetnesse in them , then he breaketh forth into these bitter complaints which are there expressed : but yet as we said before , this was his infirmity , and there is no reason for a Christian to question his interest upon such an account ; because the Ordinances are not at all times alike lively even to the best , and the Lord is not alwayes present , but though sometimes the candle of the Lord doth shine upon his head , yet at other times hee is necessitate to cry out , O that it were with me as in months past . The second sort of obstructions of a Christians assurance , I mean such as flow from our untender dealing towards God are , First , A guilty conscience ; that is a remarkable word , 1 Tim. 3 9. Holding the mystery of faith in a pure conscience ; It telleth us , that this excellent grace of Faith cannot bide but in a cleanly lodging , even in a pure conscience , and when a Christian setteth about to believe hee will know how a guilty conscience will flee in his face , and cry out , O adventure not to believe , dare thou believe ; the guiltinesse of a Christians conscience maketh him oft to cry out , Touch not the mountain lest thou be thrust thorow : And I tell you three disadvantages of a guilty conscience . 1. It obstructeth a Christians boldnesse in making applications to Christ ; his heart saith close , and his necessity saith close ; but his guilty conscience cryeth out , O stand aback and do not close . 2. A guilty conscience oftentimes it hindereth the discoveries of Christ to the soul , and doth so affright and terrifie , yea , it will so sting and bite us , that when he revealeth himself , we cannot take notice , when he would lay on a plaster , our souls will tear it off , and refuse to be comforted . 3. It doth exceedingly obstruct our going about duty . O but our soul moves slowly in the paths of God when wee are under the power of a guilty conscience . The second obstruction is , That wee are not much in the exercise of tendernesse . O but if a Christian were tender , and if in every step of his life hee desired to set Christ before his eyes , he wold easily win to much assurance , according to that word , Isa. 64 5. Thou meetest him that rejoycest and worketh righteousnesse , and these that remember thee in thy wayes : Would yee know the assured Christian , it is the tender Christian ; the Christian that doth not crucifie convictions , the Christian that brea●eth not resolutions , the Christian that doth not sit calls and opportunities to prayer , the Christian that saith not of any sin it is a little one ; or the Christian that searcheth alwayes , watcheth alwayes , examineth alwayes , and is alwayes casting out sin , that is the assured Christian. The third obstruction is , The want of the ●●ercise of the grace of fear , we are not much ●●der this disposition , to fear the Lord and 〈◊〉 goodnesse ; this is clear from that word , ●sal . 25.14 . The secret of the Lord is with ●●em that fear him , and hee will shew to them 〈◊〉 Covenant . I think there are these two ●reat evidences that much of the power of ●odlinesse is gone from some of our hearts : ●ee fear God no more , nor if wee were his ●ompanion . And we fear our selves no more ●or if we had not a deceitfull heart within 〈◊〉 , we neither fear God nor our selves , and ●ut speaketh that much of the life of Religi●● is lost amongst us . The fifth thing that doth much astruct our ●ssurance , is , much worldly mindednesse , and 〈◊〉 eager pursuit after the things of a present 〈◊〉 : That is remarkable , 2 Cor. 4. ver . last , ●ompared with 2 Cor. 5.1 . We look not unto ●he things that are seen , that is , we are not much taken up with the things of a present world , which the men of the world seek ●nd delight themselves in : and it is subjoy●ed , For wee know , if this our earthly house ●f this tabernacle were dissolved , wee have a ●ouse not made with hands ; so we see assurance ●nd mortification to the world , are much 〈◊〉 together . Would yee know where to ●●nd our hearts , the most part of us are con●ersing with idols of the world ; Would ●ee know where to find our hearts , they are ●mong the vanities of the world O how true ●s that word , Psal. 39. Man walks in a vain ●hew : What is man in all his actings , but ●s one walking in a long gallery that is set about with pictures , gazing on these thing● and saluting them all , as if they were livin● Kings and Queens , and great persons tha● could do him good ; and so our pursuing a●●ter the world , is nothing else but a dead shad●dow pursuing after dead shaddows , a man tha● is but a short living shaddow pursuing afte● vanity and nothing , and thus he fools awa● his time , forgetting to make sure the one thin● necessary . Fifthly , Want of distinct apprehension of these three , the infinite love of Christ , th● infinite power of Christ , and the infinit wise●dome of Christ ; there is not an objection O Christians that yee have from the multitud● of your sins , but it may be drowned in infi●nit love ; there is not an objection that y●● have concerning the strength of your idols but it may be drowned in that immense ocea● of the infinit power of Christ ; there is no● an objection ye have from your wants , or abou● your evil nature , but ye may drown it in the infinit wisedom and goodnesse of Christ , and there can bee nothing against your assurance , but may be sweetly answered also from these rightly applied , taken up and rested on by the soul. The last thing which hindereth our assurance , is , the smalnesse of the measure of grace that we have attained ; for when grace is small , it is hard to be discerned , and therefore , if wee would have assurance , learn not to ly still and dispute , but to rise up and to increase our stock , and then you shall know ye are rich , Grow in Grace and the knowledge of God , and by this ye shall know if 〈◊〉 follow to know the Lord. The third consideration is , that assurance ●s not bestowed at all times , but there are some special times and seasons when God giteth a Christian a broad sight of his interest , and I shall but name these . The first is , when he is first converted , and Christ and he joyns hands together , even then ●ometimes the best robe is put on upon the prodigal son , and the farted calf is killed , and 〈◊〉 is put upon his hand , and shooes upon his feet , Act. 9.17 . Paul meeteth with 〈◊〉 immediately after his conversion , 1 Ioh. ● . 12 , ●4 . I write unto you little children , because ye have known the Father ; and before that , in the 12. vers . I write unto you little ●hildren , because your sins are forgiven you ; so that when a Christian is brought into Christ , 〈◊〉 will ( as it were ) lead them to the Registers of heaven , and say , friend come and see , 〈◊〉 is your name written from eternity . But do not mistake me ▪ I do not say , this is alwayes so , but these whom Christ converteth through the thunderings of the Law , these most frequently meet with intimation of the ●ardon of their sins and peace of God , even ●t their first acquaintance ? I know there are ●ome Christians , that if ye ask at them when ●hey were begotten to a lively hope , they would say that word that the blind man once ●id , One thing I know , I was once blind , and ●ow I see , but for the time and the day , I know ●ot when it was . The second 〈◊〉 is , when they are wresting with God like Princes in Prayer , and ●atching unto that exercise , Dan. 9.23 ▪ compared with the preceeding verse , hee being much and serious in prayer , doth meet with that word from heaven , O man greatly beloved , or as the word is , O man of desires , and Acts 10.2 , 3 , 4. when Cornelius is much in exercise of watching and prayer , hee set 〈◊〉 a vision , and getteth intimation of his peac● with God ; and Iacob when he● was wrestling with Christ , Gen. 32. he hath that testi●mony given him , Thou hast as a prince wrest●led with God , and prevailed . The third time is , when a Christian is p●●●sing through the gates of death , and is upo● the borders of Eternity : I desire not to b● mistaken in this neither ; I know some Chri●stians are led to heaven through a dark 〈◊〉 so as they never see a blink of the countenance of Christ , untill the day come th●● they get him in their arm● eternally withi● his Fathers house ; Some Christians whe● they go through the gates of death , they ma● be disputing of this question , Where am I go●ing , but this is certain , that sometimes , ye● oftentimes Christ will dispense a broad sight of a Christians interest unto him at the day o● death , 2 Sam. 25.5 . When was it that Davi● sang that song , which hath strengthned thou●sands in the very jaws of death , God hat● made with me an everlasting Covenant , was i● not when death was shaking hands with him and 2 Tim. 4.8 . When was it that Paul san● that song , I have fought the good fight of faith I have finished my course , henceforth is laid 〈◊〉 for me a crown of righteousnesse , was it 〈◊〉 even then when he was ready , to depart and 〈◊〉 be offered up ? And when was it when old Simeon did sing that blessed song , Luke 2.29 ▪ Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace , for my eyes have seen thy salvation , was it not within a step of death , as it were , he went to heaven with Christ in his arms , or rather in his heart hee carried Christ with him , and found Christ before him , and so death to Simeon was a change of his place , and not a change of his company . The fourth time is , when hee is to be put to some hard and difficult duty : Before Abraham be put to forsake his native land , and become a stranger and a wanderer , hee meeteth with sweet intimation of his interest , Gen. 12.2 . I will make of thee a great nation , and vers . 7. The Lord appeared unto Abraham , and before Ieremiah be sent a Preacher to a rebellious people , he will have that word spoken unto him , I know thee before thou wast brought forth . The fifth time is , when a Christian hath done some singular act of obedience , when Abraham had obeyed the Lord , and was content to offer up his Isaac , he meeteth with a sight of his interest and Covenant renewed to him with an oath , Gen. 22.16 . By my self I have sworn , because thou hast done this thing , and hast not witholden thy son , even thy only son , blessing , I will blesse thee , and multiplying , I will multiply thee as the stars of heaven . The sixth time is , when a Christian is to meet with hard trials , difficulties and afflictions in the world , then they usually meet with assurance , and so Gen. 28.14 , 15 , 16. before Iacob go to serve Laban , he meeteth with intimation of his peace with God. The seventh time is , when a Christian is under sad persecution and affliction , then will the Lord give a word from heaven to comfort him and assure him of his fatherly love and mercy : When was it that Christ left that noble Legacy to his Disciples , Ioh. 14. ver . 27. My peace I leave with you , my peace I give you , was it not when he himself was to leave them to troublesome and sorrowful dayes , in a persecuting world . The eighth time is at some solemn Ordinances and approaches to God , the dayes of a Communion to a tender Christian have been sweet dayes , when Christ hath come to the soul , and said , Behold me , behold me . I think the eleven Apostles met with much assurance of their interest in Christ at the Communion they were at with him : O what sweet intimations were these , This is my body which is broken for you , and this cup is the New Testament in my blood shed for you , and a little after , you are they which have continued with me in my tentation , and I appoint unto you a kingdom . We come now to the second point which we proposed from the words , viz. That a● assurance is a thing which may be attained so to seek after it , is a necessary duty : 〈◊〉 me not be mistaken , as if I said , the havin● of assurance were simply necessary to Salva●tion ; no , that were a Doctrine as comfor●●lesse upon the other hand , as the Popis● doctrine of the impossibility of assurance 〈◊〉 upon the other : But the thing I say , is , that the Christians seeking after assurance , and his real ( endeavouring to attain unto it , is a necessary command of God which hee hath bound upon the consciences of his children amongst other Gospel duties ; And certainly , we need go no further for the clearing of this then the Text it self ; what meaneth these peremptory injunctions , Examine your selves whether ye be in the faith or not : Prove your own selves ; Know yee not , &c. but if you will , you may add that word , 2 Pet. 1. vers . 5. and 10. compared , what can be more expresly commanded , and more strongly pressed , then that Christians should bend their utmost endeavours for attaining unto this blessed condition of assurance : Give diligence , yea , give all diligence , yea , the rather give all diligence to make your calling and election sure . From this , we shall only lay before you these Considerations . 1. If the seeking after assurance be a necessary duety , then these three things are most lamentable . First , That there are so many in this Generation who are pure in their own eyes , and yet are not washed from their iniquity ; they flatter themselves with a rotten assurance , that hath no other foundation but their own imagination : they never knew since the first day they were Baptized and did begin to professe Christ , what it was to mortifie one lust , nor seriously to wrestle against one temptation , and yet they want not a strong perswasion of their interest in Christ : But ah , will yee stand in awe , lest ye meet with such a dreadfull disppointment , as ( when ye think y● are in the very gate of heaven ) even then to fall backwards to the very bottome of hell , and when ye expect a kindly welcome from the Lord of Glory , as one who thinks you have been in Covenant with him this many years , ye meet with that dreadfull summons ▪ Depart from me ye cursed , I know you not . 2. How sad may we be upon this account ; that howbeit assurance be an attainable thing ▪ and a great many dare not say they have attained it ; yet so little diligence is used in pursuing after it : Is it not very lamentable ▪ that many of you to whom I am speaking , since first ye gave up your names to Christ 〈◊〉 a visible way , and were reputed amongst the generation of the seekers of his face , scare● ever set a day or an hour a part to examine whether ever indeed you were in Christ or not ▪ Alas , is heaven of so little moment , is the having or wanting all the enjoyments which are there of so small concernment to you , that y● will not be at the pains as once to enquire af●ter your interest in the matter : What if any of you were but possessors of a thousand pound , and your interest or right unto it un●certain and questionable , would not your slee● depart from you , and your rest be unquiet til● you had made it more secure ? What thin● you shall the men of this generation answe● in the day of the Lord for neglecting that on thing necessary , when they have been so vex●ing themselves about many things , and hav● been so serious in so many consultations t● make sure a worm eaten portion in a perishing world , that the whole wit of Men and Angels cannot secure for one moment : It is certain , the root of all this slothfulnesse is Atheism : It is not possible that we believe 〈◊〉 really there is a heaven as we believe there i● an earth , or that the world to come is as real as that which is present , or else it must be a strange power in these lusts that keep us captive , that we are never suffered to think upon Eternity , nor to ask where we must ●●dge when this cottage we carry about shall ●all about our ears . O will ye think upon it how serious and pressing that command is , 2 Pet. 1.10 . Give all diligence to make your ●alling and election sure , when the Lord saith , ●ive all diligence , will ye give no diligence , and when he saith , make your calling and election sure , will ye live upon uncertainty , I said to the foolish , deal not so foolishly . 3. It is most lamentable , that since assurance is attainable , yet men live so content●dly under the want thereof : how strange is it that many are so seldom on their knees complaining of their uncertainty , if Christ were precious unto you , would it be so , I am sure there are some of us here that have hade the name of Christians I know not how long , that never had one sad thought about the want of assurance : when we look upon the desolations , vastations and plunderings in the world , how many of us can cry out , They have taken away my gods , and what have I more ; but when we speak of heaven we care not who deprive us of our portion there . I will not limite the Lord , nor determine what he may do , but believe it , it is one to a thousand , if many Christians of this age have a pleasant night and comfortable closing of their eyes , they are such undervalue 〈◊〉 of assurance : I may fear , that lamentation shall be heard upon the death beds of many 〈◊〉 O poor wretched wandring Soul , where art thou going : and it is no wonder it come to this ▪ when we are so long in beginning to ask the question . And now I close with this one thing , that I think beyond all question the souls that live contentedly under the want of assurance , are the careless daughters that dwelleth at ease ; Christ and they are at a remarkable distance ; it must be a cold winter and a dark night ( at best ) as to their present fellowship with God , A second consideration from this point is ▪ that if the seeking after assurance be so necessary a duty , then let me beseech you to ponder with your selves what means are fit for you to use that ye may attain it , and if ye enquire what these means are , I shall onely lay before you some few . 1. That ye would be much in the exercise of Faith , I mean the direct acts of Faith , whereby the sinner from his sense and feeling of his wants , layeth hold on Jesus Christ ▪ closing with him , and leaning upon him for a full supply out of his fulnesse : for indeed there are two great faults amongst the Lord● people , some do seek assurance of Faith , before ever they seek to have Faith. 2. Some are much more taken up in debating their evidences , whether they be real or not , then they are in strengthening their evidences , so that most of their time is spent in questioning : O! is this a real evidence of assurance ; whereas more actual believing in Christ and gripping to the promises , and l●sse disputing , were the shorter and surer way , that word is most clear , Eph. 1.13 . After ye believed , yee were sealed with the Spirit of promise , that is , ye got assurance , but not before ye believed : and ye know it is said , Matth. 9 2. And when Iesus saw their Faith , he said , Son , be of good comfort , thy sinnes are forgiven thee ▪ so then it is clear , that to be much in believing , is the nearest way to assurance . 2. Ye would be much in believing the general truths and promises of the Gospel , and frequently meditatnig of them ; all assurance is by a practical sylogisme ; the first proposition whereof , must needs bee a Scripture ●ruth : and certainly , the firm assent to that truth , and the souls delightful meditation on it , is often blessed of the Lord as a special mean whereby the conscience is helped to make the assumption , and also to bring forth the conclusion : For instance , wee see with what strength of affection Paul acteth his faith on that word , 1 Tim. 1.15 . This is a faithful saying , and worthy of all acceptation , Christ Iesus came to save sinners ; and presently we see what followeth on it , of whom I am the chief , then is his assurance ; for doubtlesse he meaneth , that he was the chief of saved sinners ; yea , certainly , a sinner thus exercising himself , will often find so much sweetnesse in the general truths , that he cannot but put to his own name . 3. Be diligent in the exercise of all spiritual graces and Christian duties , that this i● among the best means of attaining to assurance , is manifest from 2 Pet. 1. Give all diligence to make your calling and election sure : for indeed it is very observable , that the diligence there mentioned , is not a diligence in disputing and questioning about our election , but a diligence in the practice of duties and graces ▪ as is clear from ver . 5. Give all diligence ( saith the Apostle ) Whereto ? in adding to your faith vertue , to your vertue knowledge , and to knowledge temperance , &c. and then vers . 8. If ye do these things , ye shall neither be barren no● unfruitfull in the knowledge of our Lord Iesus Christ ; he doth not say in the knowledge of the Lord Iesus Christ simply , but of our Lord Jesus : importing that , that the result of diligence in these graces , shall be the knowledge of Christ as ours , and of our interes● in him : and then he addeth ( upon the othe● hand ) he that laketh these things , is blind and cannot see afar off , this is , he cannot see far i● any spiritual matter , and so not in the matte● of his interest . O therefore , think not tha● ye will get assurance by lying down with th●●●uggard upon your bed , or by your formal● prayer , or your anxious debates , but if eve● ye come to assurance , ye must be striving a● in an agony , for so the word importeth , which is used to expresse our diligence in Christia● duties . 4. As ye would be diligent , so if ever y● would come to assurance , ye would be tender and circumspect in your walking , that is a clear word , Psal. 50. last verse , To him that ordereth his conversation aright , will I shew the salvation of God , and Isa. 32. The effect of righteousnesse is peace and assurance for ever : Ah the untender walk that many of us have : it is no wonder to see us walk in darknesse , such stinking grosse vapors that ariseth off our conversation , cannot but engender clouds that hinder us from seeing God , and certainly such pearls as Assurance is not given to dogs and swine , lest they tread upon them . SERMON VIII . ● Cor. 13.5 . Examine your selves , whether ye be in the faith ? prove your own selves , know ye not your own selves , how that Iesus Christ is in you , except ye be reprobates ? THere are two great ballances into which men do weight themselves ; there are some that weight themselves in the ballance of deceit , who ●●ink that in all their labours there is no ini●uity to be found , yet God who is the weigher 〈◊〉 the spirit , when he shall weigh them will ●●grave this upon their forehead , Thou art ●eighed in the ballance , and are found light : but there are many who approve themselves , whom Christ shall never approve ▪ There are many that call God Father , whom he will not call Children , and many that call Christ Husband , whom he will not call Spouse . 2. There are some who weigh themselves in the ballance of the Sanctuary , who upon solide and most spiritual grounds do draw this conclusion , I am my beloveds and his desire is towards me , who can with boldness and confidence look Christ in the face , and say , thou art mine , and with much spiritual confidence , take him in their arms , and cry out , he shall bee eternally mine : and sure there is not a more pleasant life than to be taking him every day in our arms , and to be crying out , Am I not made up in him , am I not made up in him , Before I come to the words , there are three great and most soul-concerning errour● amongst the Christians of these dayes , that we desire ye may consider . 1. There are many that are more desirous to know what they are , then what they should do ; there are some are more taken up to know whether they be justified and sanctified , then to be indeed justified and sanctified ; and they are more desirous to know if they be in Christ , then indeed to be in him : and therefore we finde many who do spend a great deal more time disputing that question , Whether am I in Christ or not , then they do i● using of these means by which real union and communion with him may be attained : But oh , will ye once study more to be in him , and that shall be the shortest way to attain to the knowledge of your being in him . The second great errour is , that some are more desirous to know what they should do , then they are desirous to do what they know ; Are there not many of us that have this question , Wherewith shall I come before the Lord , and yet we do not know his Commandment is with us ; and that wee should do justly , love mercy , and walk humbly with our God. A third errour is , that we are more in talking of Christ , than in believing in him , or closing with him : Some of us think to win to heaven by discourses , if we can talk of Christ , wee think all is without debate or controversie ; but alas , there are many who were sweet talkers of Christ , that are cursing him this day in Hell. And I would only say this by the way , if there be any of you that have win to any soul perswasion of your interest in Christ , I intreat you if you can put the conclusion upon record , that in such a day of such a Month , and such a Year of God , you did then win to cry out , I am my beloveds and he is mine : It seemeth to have been Davids practice , Psal. 16.2 . O my soul thou hast said unto the Lord , thou art my Lord ; and it was Ierimiahs practice , Lam. 3.24 . The Lord is my portion , saith my soul , I say , yee should even mark that conclusion as they did , that when tentations come , and begin to assault you , ye may look to your record that yee have set down , and bee ashamed to misbelieve . It is true , that for a little while our assurance at best will be but ebbing and flowing , but I hope ere long , we shall bee above the reach of misbelief , and above the reach of fears , I hope ere long , we shall dispute no more , we shall be jealous no more , and we shall question our interest no more , when all our disputings and questionings shal be sweetly drowned in that infinit ocean of eternal delight and fruition of God. O expectants of heaven , expectants of heaven , are ye not looking after this day , are ye not looking after it : I know not what we do here , if we be not walking forward every day : he is upon his way ; O to see him , we will even stand and wonder at him : I hope the day is coming when we shall never lose our grips of Christ any more , he is coming , he is coming ; and I think if ▪ Christ would give a Passe , we would long to go hence : O what streets are these that are there , is there any here who is groaning for heaven , be of good comfort , I hope ere long he shall come , he shall come and wash all tears from our eyes . Now at the last occasion , when we spake upon these words , we told you that there was five or six things which we intended to consider in them . The first was , that such a thing as a distinct and well grounded perswasion of our interest in Christ was attainable ; and of this we have already spoken . The second thing is , That concerning this noble and excellent thing assurance , there are many mistakes among the people of God , and to make this evident , is is clear first in this Text , from that serious and acurate search in this matter , which the Apostle putteth these people unto , as we cleared unto you from the force of the words , and his doubling of these exhortations , Try your own selves , prove your own selves . 2. From the many commands which the Lord hath left upon record that we should not be mistaken concerning our assurance , 1 Cor. 3.18 . Let no man deceive himself , Gal. 6.3 . If a man think himself to be something , when he is nothing , he deceiveth himself , and therefore doth the Apostle adde , Let every one prove his own work , and verse 7. Be not deceived . 3. The point is clear from this , that we find in Scripture many who have been mistaken most dreadfully in the matter of their assurance , Hos. 8. Israel cryeth out , my God we know thee , and yet Israel was in a great mistake , for in the words following , verse 3. Israel had cut off the thing that was good , and Prov. 30. verse 12. we finde there , A generation that are pure in their own eyes , and yet are not washed from their iniquities . 4. It is clear from this , that it is a great design of Satan the great deceiver , that we might be mistaken about that noble and weighty point of our Assurance of being in Christ : Is there not a power given unto him from Christ to deceive the Nations ; I may say , that in no point doth he more prevail to deceive us then in this : If profanity kill its thousands , delusion kills ten thousands , & this delusion its twenty thousands . Lastly , Doth not this prove how much a Christian may be mistaken in the matter of his Assurance , even that came which is given to our hearts , Ier. 17. vers . 9. It is deceitful above all things and desperately wicked , and who can know it ; no doubt this may show us ( though there were no more ) how ready our hearts are to deceive us , making us to entertain a delusion in stead of truth , and imbrace a shadow in stead of substance . The next thing that wee have to speak to you upon this point , is to show you where these mistakes do lye , and what are these false grounds by which so many do deceive their own souls in this matter ; and here there are two sorts of persons whom we must inform . 1. There be some who upon most unwarrantable grounds do conclude that their interest in Christ is sure , when indeed it is not . 2. There be some ( upon the other hand ) who from sad mistakes of themselves , and the Lords dealing towards them , deny that they have an interest , when indeed they have . The first sort are the worst , and in the most dangerous condition , and they build upon these six false foundations , which wee beseech them to consider . The first is ▪ their supposed sensible enjoyments , some Christians in these times especially do meet with some flashes of light and joy which they have not been ( it may bee ) acquainted with before , or at least , not i● such a measure , or in such a sensible manner , and upon this they presently cry forth , My beloved is mine , and I am his . I shall not dispute with such about the reality of these enjoyments , or how they came to know that these are such as proceed from a saving work of the Spirit of Grace , but waving that debate , give me leave to say this much of all enjo●ments and sensible manifestions ( as in the point in hand ) they may bee sometime a good supporter to underprop a Christians assurance when i● 〈◊〉 , but never a good foundation whereon he may lay the first stone of that building : and therefore , ●ee is the wiser-Christian who first tryeth the reality of his interest in Christ by other blessed fruits of righteousnesse and holinesse before he ●●ust the reality of sensible enjoyments , how sweet or comfortable soever they may seem to be . 2. Some build their assurance upon the number and bulk of their duties , without considering the frame of their spirit , and the principle from which they flow , they use prayer , and reading , and conference , they wait upon Ordinances , and are alwayes there where the means is thought to bee ▪ most powerfull ▪ and upon this they take up themselves in their own arms , blessing themselves as that poor man , Luke 18. I fast twise a week , I pay tithes of all that I possesse : But alas , they do not consider that they ▪ do but build their house upon the sand , which the first blast of a temptation will overturn , because not only all our duties when weighed in the ballance , may be found light , but when put to the tryal may be found empty , dead , and lifelesse things , wherein the LORDS soul can have no pleasure . 3 ▪ Some are mistaken in the matter of their assurance , by judging themselves by the law , not knowing or not regarding the spiritual meaning thereof : Paul was a gallant man ( in his own apprehension ) when hee was without the Law , that i● ▪ when he knew not the spiritual meaning of the Law , he thought himself the most eminent 〈◊〉 in all his N●tion , and as he sheweth us , Phil ▪ ● . he could compare with any of them , but when the Lord opened his eyes , we see , he put himself last in the roll of Saints , and first in the roll of sinners , Rom. 7. He was alive without the Law , that is , thought himself living and reigning above his sinnes ; but when the commandement came , that is , when it came to his knowledge , and he saw the spirituality of it , sin revived , and he died , then hee saw how that hee had triumphed before the victory , he then saw all his sins alive , and , as it were , risen from the dead , and himself a dead man , lost and undone in the estate hee was in . O how many are there amongst us in Pauls first condition , alive without the Law : O how many destroy themselves with this , they think there is not a sin forbidden in all the Law of God but onely Ten , but alas , thou fool thou errest in this , not knowing the Scriptures ; should thou not judge thy self by that spiritual extent of the meaning of the Law , and that divine commentary which the Apostle Iames hath set forth upon it , wherein hee sheweth thee , That if thou bee guilty of the breach of one point , thou art guilty of all ; and by that infallible exposition which Christ himself the blessed Law giver hath set down , Mat. 6. whereby hee discovereth adultery in the heart and in the eye . O atheist , thou must take up the Ten Commands , and subscribe guilty to them all : And let mee tell you this , if yee will subscribe the Law to Christ , He will subscribe the Gospel to you ; if thou wilt sincerely say , I am guilty , Hee will as sincerely say , I have pardoned ; Son or daughter , be of good courage , thy sins are forgiven thee . Fourthly , Some build their assurance upon the apprehension of their hatred of some particular sin , that albeit it was sometimes as their right hand , or their eye , yet now they can pluck it out , or cut it off : But O! will thou but consider , some sin may be made weak , and the soul ( though not upon a right principle ) brought to hate it , and to cry unto it , get you hence , and yet the interest of Satan may be strong in the heart . The fifth mistake is of many who judge themselves , because they go a greater length then the former , and are kept free from all grosse outbreaking sin ; how many are there who go sleeping down to hell with this ? I am no drunkard , no adulterer , no murderer , no thief nor whore ; this long have I lived in the town , and they were never born that can say , I wronged them : and so they adventure their soul upon this , they never committed any grosse sin . But I beseech you bee not deceived , remember how that wretched man did speed , Luke 18.11 . I am no extortioner , nor adulterer , nor even as this publican , &c. poor creature that hee was , Christ giveth not a testimonial to every one who take it for themselves ; and I must tell some of you , that there may bee desperate atheists without God , and without Christ in the world , and yet be free of grosse outbreaking sins : I do not think , but many of these who crucified the Lord of Glory , were keeped from other grosse sins , What knowest thou O man that there is more favour shewed to thee , in that thou art keeped from some grosse sinnes , when yet thou hast a desperately wicked heart , then is shewed to the devil , when some links of his chai● are taken in , and restraining power , keeping him i● from his outmost bounds . God will sometimes restrain a hypocrite , or a heathen , as it was said of Abimelech , and God restrained him ▪ there may be a cord put upon thy jaws , when thou art far from having the power of conquering grace . It may be also that all that abstaining from outward out-breakings , proceedeth but from outward disadvantages , and not from any fear of God , or respect to him , yea , not so much as from the fear of any eternal punishment : Are the●e not many amongst us . I believe it , there are many , that take away shame , and Church ce●su●e , or civil punishment , and other inconveniences of that sort , and set a thousand hells before them , they would not be keeped back from one sinne , but would take their hazard of them all : Yea , is it not want of tentation , and nothing else that hindereth many from grosse out-breakings ? If Satan would come but with a kindled match , there wanteth no more to set tongue and hands and all on fire of hell , O wretched soul , do but ask thy self how often thou hast tempted Satan , when he would not tempt thee , and how often thou hast followed a tentation when it fled from thee ; yea , when the Lord hath hedged up thy wayes that thou could not overtake thy lovers , how many a long look hast thou sent after them , and what lustings of thy spirit within ; and do ye think that heart sins are nothing , although thou had no out-breakings what were the matter of that ; if thou had not a tongue thou would break the third command , and curse God in thy heart , if thou had not an eye , thou could commit adultery in thy heart ; if thou had not a hand , thou might commit murder in thy heart . O therefore build not thy assurance upon this , that thou hast made clean the outside of the platter , when yet all filthinesse it within . The sixth false foundation upon which I am sure too many build thir assurance ▪ is their gifts and pa●●s , and especially upon these two , the gift of prayer , and the gift of knowledge ; but believe it , it is not much to be a Christian in tongue , but it is much to be a Christian in heart ; know ye not that this will cast out many , We have prophesied in thy Name , and in thy name cast out devils . No doubt , these had been excellent flourishers , and if the tongue would have done it , they had been highly advanced ; but yet yee see these men meet with a depart from mee 〈◊〉 know you not . Ah , think upon it , he is not the best Christian that is the best Orator , Religion that is pure and undefiled , consisteth more in the affection , the● in the tongue , and more in practice , then in profession : I beseech you , when you cast up your evidences of assurance , consider how well yee have done , and not how well yee have spoken . The seventh false ground whereby many do misjudge themselves , is , their supposed peace of conscience : O saith one , my conscience doth not charge mee with any thing , I thank God I have a quiet mind , and nothing trouble me ; but a● , poor wretch , will thou tell me , may not the strong man be within , and therefore all is at peace ; a dumb conscience , and a s●ared conscience , is a dreadfull plague . Knowest thou not that many say , I shall have peace , though I walk in the imagination of my own heart , and because they say so , the Lord shall not spare them , but all the curses in his Book shall ly upon them . The eighth false ground , is , the approbation of other Christians , so that if they have the approbation of some such exercised Christians , or if they have the approbation of such a Minister , that is the way to silence all their disputings . O cursed bee the person that putteth his trust in men who are liars ; O man or woman , let me assure you this , if yee had a testimoniall to present to Christ , subscribed with all the hands of every Christian that ever yee we●e acquainted ●●th , this will be enough for Christ to reject you , and it both , I know you not , and therefore depart from me . There is an emphasis in that word , I know you not , as if he had said , it is not much though all others know you , If I know you not . The ninth false ground , is , their diligent observing all the Ordinances , their going to Preachings , and their going to Communions , and running to and fro , pretending this 〈◊〉 , that knowledge may be increased ; but know it , there are many that have sitten down at a Table with Christ here , that shall never sit down at the higher Table with him hereafter : Are there not many that shall say unto Christ in the great Day , Have we not ●aten and drunken in thy presen●e , unto whom Christ shall say , Depart from me , I know you not . The tenth false foundation , which is the strong delusion of Atheists ▪ of which no doubt there are many here to day : is the building of their eternall happinesse upon this , I 〈…〉 with a crosse , I never knew what it was to have a sad day ; but to thee I shall onely say , it may be thou never had a joyful day , neither in all ●hy sinful pleasures under the Sun ; but let me tell thee , it is ●ad Divinitie to conclude , therefore I am in the way to Heaven : It may be it were better reasoning ▪ ( and though I will not say it , yet it cometh nearer truth ) I had never a crosse , therefore I am going on in the way to Hell : O wilt thou but consider , what if Hee be heaping coals upon thy head , and fatting thee to the day of slaughter ? What if this word be your portion ? Eat , drink , and bee merrie while you are here , for to morrow thou must ●ternally die . What are all your pleasures ? and what are all your honours : and what are all your possessions ? What are they all ? Are there not a bone cast unto a 〈◊〉 ? the Lord valueth them not , What if they be the fa●ting of you to the day of slaughter ? Now as to these who deny they have any interest in Christ , when indeed they have , they commonly deceive themselves , and 〈◊〉 their own spirits upon some of these 〈◊〉 the like mistakes . 1. Some judge of their estate by their present frame and conditions , so that if they be in an evil frame , they begin and 〈◊〉 the foundations ; and to such I would onely say , That every change of condition doth not speak a change of estate ; 〈◊〉 childe of God may be in much darknesse , and under much deadnesse ▪ and ye● a childe of God still ▪ Psal. ●● . It was 〈◊〉 evil 〈…〉 be as a beast before God , and 〈…〉 then ●e keepeth grips ▪ and holdeth him by the right hand ▪ Iob was often in a very ill 〈◊〉 , and yet holdeth fast his integrity ▪ and why then should thou upon that account cast away thine . 2. Christians judge their estate by dispensations , they think every change of dispensations , speaketh a change of estate , and if Christ do not smile alwayes , we know not what it is to keep up the faith of our interest ; and indeed this is a great fault among Christians , that when they cannot read love in the beautifull face of Christ , they think it is not in his heart . What though he change his dispensation , doth that speak forth a change of thy estate . Christ cannot change his voice to us , but we think he changeth his heart , Christ he cannot speak to us in the whirle-wind ; but we cry out , Why art thou become unto me as an enemy ? Oh , shall precious Christ be thus mistaken . The third ground of mistake about our interest in Christ , is , that we judge of our estate by what we are in our selves , and not by what wee are in Christ. When a Christian beginneth to judge and search himself , he can finde nothing in himself ; but what is the matter of doubting , and therefore thinks it high presumption to think himself a Believer : But O fool , can thou not look to Christ , and cry out , though in my self I be nothing , yet in him I am all : O if Christians knew to judge of themselves be what they are in Christ , and not be what they are in themselves , that with one eye they might look to themselves , and cry out , I am undone , and with another look to Christ , and cry out , There is hope in Israel concerning me , that with one eye they might look to themselves , and blush , and with another eye they might look unto Christ , and hope , that with one eye they might look to themselves , and weep , and with another eye they might look to Christ and rejoyce . O Christian will thou judge alway of thy self , be what thou art in Christ , and not be what thou art in thy self ; yea , I would say this to thee by the way , when thou mee●est with tentations that put thee to dispute thy interest , do but send them to Christ to get an answer , and say , O precious Christ , answer this tentation , for this is Christs way with the soul , the Law must bring us back to Christ , and Christ must ●en● us back to the Law , and deliver us over to it , not to the condemning power of it as before , but the directing and guiding power of it as a rule of holinesse ; so that a Christians whole life must be a sweet and constant travelling between Christ and the Law : when thou hast broke the Law , flie unto Christ to take away thy guilt , and when thou hast closed with Christ , come running out again in his strength to perform the Law. The fourth mistake is , that Christians judge of their estate by the measure of their graces , more nor by the sincerity of them ; some Christians , if they finde not love in such a degree , and if they finde not repentance in such a degree , immediately they begin and raze the foundations , and do call their enjoyments delusions , and their faith presumption , and their mortification hypocrisie ; but I must say this to thee , we should not onely weigh our graces in the ballance , but try them also by the touch-stone , for the smallest piece of gold is gold , and the least degree of faith , is alike precious faith , with that the Apostles themselves had . The fifth ground of mistakes among Christians is this , That they compare themselves more unto the Saints , then they judge of themselves by the Word . O saith one , if I were like David , I would believe , but I am not like David , nor Iob , nor Hezekiah : and therefore there is none of the Saints to which I should go , and if I should call , there is none to answer , and why then should I believe : I would onely say to thee whose objection that is , it is even Davids objection , Psal. 22.5 , 6. Our father 's trusted in thee ; O they were excellent men ; But what a man am I ? A worme , and not a man , and yet , he was put from that objection : and I would say this , Are yee below him : In what ? I hope yee are not below David in necessity : Now though ye be below him in grace , if ye be not below him in necessity , yee have so much the more right to believe ; for as wee said before , necessity giveth you a right , and the more necessity , the greater right to believe . The sixth ground is , That Christians judge of their estate by Christs part of the Covenant , and not by their own , rather examining themselves by what Christ hath promised to do for them , then by what is left to them to do , which thing if it were headed , would put a close to many of our mistakes and disputings . Having now laid out some mistakes upon either hand , the next wee would do , i● to propose some considerations to presse you to guard against these mistakes , especially the first . And the first consideration is , That mistakes about one interest in Christ , and assurance , is a most universal and popular evil ; it is not one of a ●●y , nor two of a family , but many are mistaken in their interest in Christ : that word , Prov. 30.12 . There is a generation that are pure in their own eyes , and yet is not cleansed from their iniquity , it is not one or two that are under this mistake , but it is a generation : And I suppose , there are many of us , we are of this tribe and generation , Matth. 7.22 . Hee saith , many in that day shall say unto mee , Lord , Lord , and have wee not prophesied , and yet hee shall say unto them , I know you not : Since it is so universal a mistake , I intreat you be much in the search of your selves , search your own selves : Certainly I think , if there were but within this Church one that were under this mistake , it should put us all to this , Master is it I , Master is it I ; but how much mo●● since there is a generation of mistakers , should it not be our exercise every day to cry out , is it I. The second consideration is , That as it is a most universal , so also it is a most irrecoverable mistake ; if ye mistake about this your being in Christ , there is no making up of that mistake ; if once yee passe the borders of Time with this lie in your right hand , I am in Christ , there is no hope of recovery , eternity will cut off accesse to make up that mistake : I intreat you go not down to your grave with this , I am in Christ , when yet Christ may say , I know you not : I believe it , if ye could have a testimonial subscribed by the hands of all the most eminent and tender Christians that ye have known , that yee are indeed a Saint , a●d if all the Ministers that ever you spoke to should praise you in the gate , and declare you to be a son and daughter of Abraham ; yet when you shall bring up your testimoniall to Hevean , and the Father shall read it , and shall ask you where is my Sons Name , if that be not there , it will certainly be rejected , and cast over the bar . Thirdly , It is a soul destroying delusion , this mistake about ones interest in Christ , is the very ruine of their immortal soul , according to that word , Isa. 44.20 . A deceived heart hath led them aside , and what is the fruits of it , so that he cannot deliver his soul , and by consequence it may be said , that they destroy their soul ; I believe it , there are many that go to hell in a chariot of delusion ; we know some Christ guideth to Heaven by the gates of hell , and letteth them not see life till they be in sight of hell ; but it is true also ; there are others whom the devil guideth to hell , by the very borders of Heaven , he maketh them believe they are dwelling in the gate of Heaven all their dayes , and yet at last they are thrust down to these habitations that are prepared for the devil and his angels . Fourthly , If once a person be mistaken about their interest in Christ , they will have these three notable disadvantages attending upon them . 1. As long as he is under this mistake , he is without all reach of profiting by the Ordinances , for when he heareth preaching , he will apply promises , when he should apply threatnings , and upon the other hand , apply threatnings when he● should apply promises , and so that which should be his medicine , becometh poison to him . 2. As long as he is under this mistake , it maketh him that he cannot pity nor have compassion upon himself , that though he be the most suitable object of compassion , yet he knows not what it is to weep over his own ruine . 3. Readily all his graces are but delusions , all his good motions are but flashes , and all his mortification counterfeit , and all his tendernesse is but the mother of stupidity , and therefore guard against mistakes about your interest in Christ I intreat you . Fifthly , Consider , that mistakes about ones interest , is a most abiding and constant mistake , believe it , if once we mistake in this , it is one to a hundred if ever wee come right again : this is clear , Ier. 8.5 . They hold fast deceit , they keep it with both their hands : And , Isa. 44.20 . Their is a lie in their right hand , that is , they hold the lie and they keep it with all their power ; I say , if once one be mistaken concerning their interest in Christ , it is hard to put them from it , yea , delusion it is such an abiding thing , that we find Christ speaketh of it , as if it would wait upon one before the judgement seat of Christ , and as if some would never quite their hope of heaven , till Christ pronounce that word , Depart from me , I know you not , delusion may carry us over the borders of Time , and lead us in to Eternity . Sixthly , There is much counterfeit Religion that is in those dayes , their is a painted faith , there is a painted love , there is a painted mortification , and there is a painted tendernesse ; some they love shaddows and pictures , and yet they do not love the very shaddow of Christ , and are there not many who think they are imbracing Christ , and yet are imbracing a delusion and a fancy . That which thirdly wee would speak to from this poi● , is , to give you some evidences by which yee may know if the assurance ye have of your being in Christ , be right or no : Believe it , there are many that draw that conclusion , I am in Christ , which the devil and their own deceitfull heart hath drawn , and Christ never gave consent to it : And I shall propose these seven or eighth evidences of real assurance , by which ye may discern . First , A real assurance is a purifying and sanctifying assurance : this is clear , 1 Ioh. 3.3 . Every man that hath this hope in him , that is , perswaded of this that he shall come to heaven , He will purifie himself , as he is pure : And 2 Cor. 7.1 . Having therefore these promises , dearly beloved , let us cleanse our selves from all filthinesse of the flesh , and of the spirit . O! When a Christian getteth Christ in his arms , hee cannot but cry forth , What have I to do any more with idols : When he hath once gotten Christ in his arms , he will answer every tentation that he meeteth with this , I am not mine own , I am bought with a price , I cannot now dispose of my self : and if your assurance of going to heaven be not a purifying assurance ; be perswaded of it , it is but the devils pillow sowed under your arm holes : is it possible a person can be assured of heaven , and not study holinesse , can such a delusion at this overtake you . Secondly , A real assurance putteth the Christian to a pressing and earnest pursuit after communion and fellowship with God : is it possible for one to be assured , and not to ●e saying , he is sick of love : this is clear Song 2.16 , 17. My beloved is mine , and I am his ; and immediately ▪ followeth , Turn thee , O my beloved , and be like a roe , or a young har● upon the mountains of Bether : And it is clear , Song 7.10 , 11. I am my beloveds , and his desire is towards me : and what followeth upon that , She cometh and inviteth Christ , O come down with me to the fields , let us lodge in the villages . O when gave ye Christ such an invitation as this , O precious Christ , let us lodge in the villages , and go down to the secret places of the field : and Psal. 63.1 . My God , there is his assurance ; and immediately followeth upon that , Early will I seek thee , my soul thirsteth after thee as in a dry parched land where no water is . There is a pressing desire after communion . But I would ask you , Are there not many here who have the hope of heaven ( to their apprehension ) and yet the desire of communion with Christ was never with them : I desire to say to thee , ( be who thou will ) Be not deceived , God is not mocked , that which thou sowest , thou shall also reap . I think there are some of us , we would let Christ live in Heaven many dayes without giving him one visit , if He would let us alone : But O if we were within sight of our interest in Christ , how often would this be our complaint when he were absent , They have taken away my Lord , and I know not where they have laid him ; or my idol hath carried me away from Him , and I know not where to find Him. Thirdly , Assurance of our being in Christ , will put us to the exercise of praise ; believe it , I think this is one of the most searching evidences of assurance : There are some Christians they will be convinced for the neglect of the duty of prayer , but for the neglect of the duty of praise , they never have one conviction ; and I tell you the reason of it , prayer is a selfish grace , ( so to speak ) but praise it is a denying grace , prayer seeketh , but praise giveth , Exod. 15.2 . He is my God , I will prepare him an habitation , and he is my fathers God , I will exalt him , Psal. 118.28 . He is my God , I will praise him , he is my God , I will exalt him : What needeth David these repetitions , might not one serve ? No saith he , I would even spend my dayes in this , My God , my God , there is much of heaven in that word , My God , and love committeth many sweet batoligies : Now I say to thee , was thou ever put to the heart exercise of praise , by this assurance that thou hast , this is an evidence indeed , but alas , many of us cannot say it . Fourthly , A person that liveth within sight of his interest , Christ is match●esse unto him , as is clear , Song . 2.3 . I sat down under his shaddow , there is faith and assurance of it , and what accompanieth that , As the apple tree among the trees of the wood , so is my beloved among the sons : Christ hath not a match , saith the Spouse , in his sweetnesse , his power , his beauty ; and his usefulnesse is above all . Fifthly , Real assurance is a humbling thing , the assurance of a Christian maketh him to sit low in the dust : Was not Iacob low in his own eyes , when he cryed out , I am lesse then the least of all thy mercies ; What ? was not David low in his own eyes , when he spake that word , What am I , and what is my fathers house , that thou hast brought me hitherto ; and was not Paul a low man in his own eyes , Ephes. 3.8.16 . I am lesse then the least of all thy Saints , and when he cryed out , I am the cheif of sinners : The assurance that is real , it will make a Christian to sit down in the dust , and cry out , Wo is me , I 'am a man of polluted lips . Sixthly , Real assurance will put him to take much pleasure and delight in the going about of duties : that word , Psal. 40.8 . My God , saith he , that is his assurance , and presently he subjoyneth , I delight to do thy will , O Lord , this he speaketh of himself , as himself , and likewise as a type of Christ , Psal. 119.115 . Depart from me evil doers , for I will keep the commandements of my God ; I believe it , the love of Christ when it is much in exercise , it will constrain us to our duty : and therefore this proud transporting assurance in these dayes , that setteth men above all duties and Ordinances , and maketh them count the Gospel as well as the Law , but beggerly rudiments ▪ and cry out to their neighbours , Stand aback , for I am holier then thou , must needs be a delusion . Lastly , There are these three properties of a real assurance , it is a begotten assurance , it is a living assurance , and it is a constraining assurance . The first two properties of it are set down in that , 1 Pet. 1.2 . He hath begotten us to a lively hope ; Who begat that assurance in thee ? I suppose some have assurance , and it was begotten without travel ; but if Christ be not the father of thy assurance , it will evanish and passe away . And , secondly , it must be a living assurance , some hearts are dead as a stone , and yet they say they have the hope of heaven . And thirdly , it must be a constraining assurance , it will put the Christian to do what he commands , yea , if it were the most pleasant Isaac that we have , if he commandeth us to sacrifice it , we would put a knife to the throat of it , and be willing to offer it up . Now after all these evidences , I desire to have a report from you concerning your estate ; What think ye of your selves , are ye in Christ , or no ; I suppose , if Christ should come here to day , and put us all to the door but these that are in Christ , wee would have a thin assembly : I confesse , I wonder , that that word doth not make us to walk with sadnesse , Many are called , but few are chosen : Now I ask this question at you all , as in the sight of God , and as ye will one day answer unto him that will be your Judge ; What think ye of your selves ? Is there none here that can give a present positive answer to this , Are ye in Christ : I suppose this , if I were to go round them that are here , and ask , are ye in Christ , are ye , and ye in Christ , O! I doubt much if there should be many negative answers within the doors , we have so strong a faith some of us , that since we were born , we never doubted of it ; But I think ( without commending doubting ) I may say , the faith that thou never doubted of , is too like a delusion , and the faith that thou never took pains to keep , and yet it keeped it self , that is too like a delusion , the faith that never knew what it was to put thee to real seeking of Christ , is too like a delusion . But let me close with this , be your estate what it will , search and come away ; I think that is one of the most Gospel invitations that is in all the Scripture , Lam. 3.34 . Let us search and try our wayes , and turn again unto the Lord : When thou hast searched , come away , for I tell thee this , there will be nothing that will commend thee to Christ so much as necessity , and I hope there is none of you , but ye have enough of this , and know it , if ye will not come to Christ , hee will compell you to come , but it shall not be for your advan●age to stay away , till ye be compelled . O persons that are out of Christ , Come away ; O persons that are in Christ , Come away ; we must preach that word , Come away , unto you , as long as ye are here , till ye come and be fixed as a pillar in the house of God , and go no more ou● , O study to be near him : O Christian didst thou ever think upon this , and say with thy self , O when shall I have immediate imbraces of blessed Christ : When shall there be nothing between my heart and Him ? till then ▪ we never get Christ near enough , there is alway something between Him and us , till we be above the clouds : O these immediate soul infoldings and imbracings of Christ : Are ye never sending a messenger to heaven , desiring a passe to go away that ye may enjoy them , and are ye not longing for the day , when the waters of Iordan shall divide themselves , and the ransomed of the Lord shall passe thorow : Now let us sing praises to our King , sing praises , for he hath gone up with a shout , and shall come again , sing praises to our King , sing praises . SERMON IX . 2 Cor. 13.5 . Examine your selves , whether ye be in the faith ? prove your own selves , know ye not your own selves , how that Iesus Christ is in you , except ye be reprobates ? I Think ere long , there are many that passeth under the notion of Professors , that the veriest atheist when he beholdeth their walk , may cry out , Are thou also become like unto one of us : Are there not many here that are in a golden dream , and in a fools paradise , that dream they eat , and behold , when they awake , they shall be hungry ; therefore I think it is incumbent upon us , to search and examine our state , and condition ; profanity hath slain its thousands , but delusion and presumption hath slain their ten thousands . It was an ancient complaint of Christ , Luk. 12.57 . And why even of your selves judge ye not what is right ; I am perswaded of this , there are many decreets of peace past upon earth , that are never ratified in heaven , there are many that cry out , The bitternesse of death is past , whom yet God by the sword of his Justicee , shall hew in pieces before our eyes . We told you at the last occasion , that we spake upon these word ; there were six things we intended to speak from them , of the first three we have spoken . That which we intended to speak to at this time , is , that there is much soul advantage and spiritual gain , that doth redound to the Christian , by the distinct perswasion of his interest in Christ ; this we gathered from Paul's doubling the command of searching and trying themselves , as if he had said , it is a businesse that will be so much for your advantage , that it is incumbent for you to search and try diligently : And for further clearing of the point , I shall only give these three places , Rev 2.17 . I will give unto them a white stone , and in the stone a new name written , that no man knoweth , but he that hath received it : By the new name , and the white stone , is understood assurance , and the intimation of it to the soul : This indeed is such a mercy , that I defy any to make language of it , no man knoweth it , much lesse can he expresse it , but he that is the professor of it , and that place , Isa. 62.2 , 3. I will give unto them a new name , which the mouth of the Lord will name : O what a name must that be which the mouth of the Lord will name : I think , what he giveth , must be one of the noblest names that ever was given , all the stiles and titles under heaven cannot equal it . And , thirdly , we see David in the 18. Psal. found much sweetnesse and advantage in this , when nine times he hath that word , my : My strength , my rock , my fortresse and my deliverer , my strength and my buckler , the horn of my salvation , and my high tower , O David , what needeth all these Mys , David would answer us ; O! he is so sweet in himself , but O! much sweeter to me , when I put to that possessive note , My. Now to speak more particularly to these advantages of assurance , The fi●st is , That a person that is assured of his interest in Christ , he is much in desiring communion with Christ : Tell me , O thou whom my soul loveth , ( there is his assurance ) where thou feedest , and where thou makest thy flock to rest at noon , there is desire of communion , and Song 7.10 , 11. My beloved is mine , and his desire is towards me , there is her assurance , and immediately followeth , Come my beloved , let us go forth into the fields , let us lodge in the villages , there her desire of communion , Song 2.16 , 17. My beloved is mine , and I am his , and what followeth upon that , He feedeth among the lillies , untill the day break , and the shadows flie away , Turn my beloved , and be as a roe , or a wilde hart upon the mountains of Bether , that is in short , let me have sweet correspondency and fellowship with thee , till the day of Eternity shall come : I think the desires of an assured Christian , they are like the grave , the cry continually , Give , give , and they never say , it is enough : What is the reason , ye seek so little after fellowship with Christ , it is even this , ye are not perswaded of your interest in him ; believe it , if once ye had attained to this blest length , as to cry out , Christ is mine , it would be a hell upon earth for you to live at such a distance with him as ye do for the most part : O but assurance maketh absence from Christ an unsupportable burden , Psal. 22.1 . My God , my God , there is assurance , and immediately followeth his complaint , Why hidest thou thy self from me , Song 3.1 , 2 , 3. that word , Him whom my soul loveth , made her to weep so much under absence from Christ , and Ioh. 20.13 . when the Angels ask the question at Mary , Women why weepest thou ? I think she thought it a needlesse question , and she tells the cause of it , They have taken away my Lord : I think her heart was at her mouth when shee pronounced these two words , My Lord , she spake them with a great deal of emphasis and force , could ye resent absence with Christ so little , if ye were assured he were yours . I confesse , it is no wonder when persons losse that which is not their own , that they weep not much for the losse of it ; but O! to losse that which is our own , it maketh it a crosse and a burden to us . Secondly , It maketh the soul to have a high and matchless esteem of precious Christ , Song 5.10 . My beloved is white and ruddy , the chief among ten thousand : O saith the Spouse , I never saw his like , and I shall never see his like again ; there is much in that My ; interest maketh her look upon Christ with another eye nor she would have done , strangers look upon him but as a tree planted on the sand , 1 Pet. 2.7 . To you that believe Christ is precious , not to every one : And Song 2.2 . I sate down under his shaddow with great delight , the reason is , interest in the words going before , As the apple tree among the trees of the wood , so is my beloved among the sons ; yea , assurance will make every thing in Christ exceeding pleasant to the soul : as is clear , Song 5.16 . My beloved is altogether lovely , or , hee is all desires . I tell you what assurance will do , it will make Christs person pleasant and precious to the soul , it will make Christs Natures pleasant to the soul , it will make Christs Offices pleasant to the soul , it will make Christs Promises pleasant to the soul , it will make Threatnings pleasant to the soul , it will make the smell of Christs Garments pleasant to the soul , and it will make the kisses of His Mouth pleasant to the soul : O saith the assured Christian , there is nothing of Christ but it is most pleasant , and is all desires ; His Threatnings are pleasant , they are the wounds of a friend , and His kisses are pleasant , they are better then wine , His Name it is pleasant , it is as precious ointment powred , forth , His smellings are most delightsome , whose countenance is as Lebanon , excellent as the cedars : O to imbrace a married Christ , how pleasant is it to the soul ; What makeeth you to have so low thoughts of Christ ? even this , the want of assurance that Hee is your H●sband . Thirdly , Assurance will make the Christian patiently to submit to every crosse and sad dispensation he meeteth wi●h : this is clear , Heb. 10.34 . They took with joy the spoiling of their goods , and what made them do so , They hoped for a better inheritance , and a more induring substance : I tell you , assurance , it will answer all crosses with this , Christ is mine ; when they are afflicted , assurance will lift up its face , and cry out , Christ is mine , and when they are reproached , they will comfort themselves with this , Christ is mine , I can put on the Lord Iesus . Fourthly , Assurance will keep you from apostacy and defection from Christ , 2 Pet. 1.10 . Make your calling and election sure , and if ye do this ( saith he ) ye shall never fall , Heb. 3.11.12 . It is there set down as a fruit of the evil heart of misbelief , it maketh us depart from the living God , but on the contrary , assurance knitteth the soul to Christ by a threefold cord , which is not easily broken . Believe it , the assured Christian can cry out with much confidence of faith , My mountain standeth strong , I shall never be moved ; the assured Christian can cry out with much chearfulnesse : In God will I praise his word , in God have I put my trust , I will not be afraid what flesh can do unto me ; yea , he can sweetly sing in the very mouth of danger , The Lord is my light and my salvation , whom shall I fear ? the Lord is the strength of my life , of whom shall I be afraid , Psal. 27.1 . Fifthly , Assurance keepeth all the graces of the spirit green and flourishing , it is as a refreshing dew upon our branches , which maketh every grace sweetly to blossome in its season . 1. It stirreth up the exercise of love : O how vigorous are the actings of love , when a Christian can cry out , My beloved is mine , and I am his , Song 1.13 . My beloved , there is her assurance , He is a bundle of myrrhe , and shall lye all night between my breasts , that is , as long as time shall last , I shall never have Christ out of my my heart , there is love , 1 Ioh. 4.19 . We loved him , because he loved us first ; our hearts are naturally cold , but love kindleth love , the sense of his love to us , putteth our hearts into a heavenly flame towards him again . 2. Assurance keepeth up the exercise of prayer , it is the assured Christian that can p●ay best , and to best advantage , and in these three things especially , is prayer helped by assurance . First , It helpeth in the point of boldnesse : O but the assured Christian can go boldly to the Throne of Grace , Crying Abba father , and my Lord and my God. Secondly , It helpe●h our diligence in prayer , Psal. 63 1. O my God , there is assurance , early will I seek thee , there is his diligence as the fruit thereof . Thirdly , It helpeth the fervency of prayer , as in that same place , my soul thirsteth for thee , my flesh longeth for thee , there is his fervency as another fruit of his assurance . 3. Assurance keeepeth in exercise and life , the grace of mortification : ●s is clear by comparing , 2 Cor. 4. vers . last , with 2 Cor. 5.1 . We look not after the things that are seen : O Paul , what aileth you , may ye not take a look of the world , O saith Paul , and would ye know the ground of it , Wee know if this house of this tabernacle were dissolved , we have a house not made with hands , eternally in the heavens : my house and my treasure is in heaven , I must have my heart there , and my eyes also : Would yee know what would stay your pursuit after the world , study to have the assurance of your interest in Christ continually with you . And 4. It keepeth in exercise the grace of humility ; there is nothing will keep a Christian so humble as assurance , Gal. 2.20 . I live , yet not I , but Christ liveth in mee , Eph. 3.8 . there hee is all in exalting grace , and debasing himself : It is the misbeliever and discouraged person that dwelleth nearest pride ; Believe it , misbelief is big with childe of pride and apostacy , these are the two children which that fruitfull mother will bring forth . And , 5. It will help the grace of Repentance : Would yee know what would make the Christian to repent , it is even this , to take Christ in our arms and call him ours , Zech. 12.10 . They shall look unto him , that is , their faith , and and they shall mourn as one mourneth for his only Son : I think it is known by experience , the soul never weeps more tenderly under the conviction of sin , then whe● he hath Christ in his arms , and can see , Hee is mine : O how sweetly doth they then complain , there is not a sight of Christ as their own , when they have offended , but it breaketh all their heart in pieces , and it is as a sword piercing into the bones , when they cry out , O what a fool was I to offend such a precious One , in whom I had so much interest ; Was it not sense of interest that made Mary wash the feet of Christ with her tears . Lastly , It will keep in exercise the grace of Joy , 1 Pet. 1.8 . It is faith which maketh one to rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full of glory : Would yee know why your graces are withered ? would ye know why all the pleasant plants of God within your soul are decayed ? It is this , ye live without sight of your interest in Christ , believe it , ( if so I may speak ) assurance will be a watering to your graces every morning , and ●●fresh them every hour , it being as a ●hannel through which divine influence is conveighed to the increase of grace , and especially of joy . The sixth advantage that cometh in to the Christian by assurance of his interest in Christ , is , That it maketh death exceeding pleasant and comfortable to the soul ; what maketh death the king of terrours , and what maketh it so unto us ? Is it not this , wee go to heaven under a cloud : the assured Christian can take death in his arms , and cry out , welcome , O friend : the assured Christian , when he seeth the chariots his father sends for him , doth with old Iacob rejoyce , and Psal 23. When I walk through the valley of the shaddow of death , I will fear no evil : What brought you that length , David ? I tell you why , saith he , for God is with me , ver . 4. I think I need not feas any thing , when I have God in my company : It is the assured Christian that can cry out , Why should I fear death , should I not laugh at destruction : I think indeed , the assured Christian needeth no● fear death , because death to him is the death of all his lusts , the funerall of all his sorrows : and is not the day of death his coronation day , his marriage day , the day of his triumph , and of his entering into rest , and why then should he fear it . The seventh advantage is , That a Christian being in the state of assurance , can put the highest account upon the smallest mercy that hee meets with from God : the assured Christian looketh upon every mercy as a wonder ; it is the assured Christian that cryeth out , I am lesse then the least of all thy mercies : there is not a mercy he meets with , were it but a drop of cold water , but if hee can read this on it , that it came from my Husband , and from my Father , it will be better to him then the sweetest wine . Lastly , Assurance doth exceedingly help us to chearfulnesse in obedience : O that is a remarkable connexion that Paul hath , Act. 27.23 . The Lord whose I am , and whom I serve : That passage also , 2 Cor. 5.14 . is very observable , The love of Christ constrained us , &c. Why art thou so painfull a Minister Paul ? Why ? Knowest thou no man after the flesh , are not led by carnal interests , nor affections , art so busie and diligent as all the world counteth thee mad ? Why ? ( saith hee ) love will not let me rest if I would be lazie or carnal , or fold my hands to sleep : the love of Christ doth alwayes sound that in my ears , that I was dead , and he hath died for me , that henceforth I should not live unto my self , but to Him who died for me : Now to him who is the first and the last , who was dead , and is alive for evermore , Wee give praise . FINIS . 
A51043	----	The banders disbanded, or, An accurat discourse solidly and plainly demonstrating how inconvenient, scandalous & sinfull it is, in the present circumstances of the Church of Scotland, for ministers of Christ there that they may obtain a pretended liberty to preach and administer the Sacraments ... to give bond to their present rulers, that they shall live peaceably ... and so discovering clearly the great unfaithfulness of the affirmative vote of the late meeting of ministers at Edinburgh (anno 1679), concerning the lawfullness of giving the bond then presented by the councill ... McWard, Robert, 1633?-1687. 1681 Approx. 179 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51043 Wing M230 ESTC R5172 12983252 ocm 12983252 96183 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51043) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96183) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 389:18) The banders disbanded, or, An accurat discourse solidly and plainly demonstrating how inconvenient, scandalous & sinfull it is, in the present circumstances of the Church of Scotland, for ministers of Christ there that they may obtain a pretended liberty to preach and administer the Sacraments ... to give bond to their present rulers, that they shall live peaceably ... and so discovering clearly the great unfaithfulness of the affirmative vote of the late meeting of ministers at Edinburgh (anno 1679), concerning the lawfullness of giving the bond then presented by the councill ... McWard, Robert, 1633?-1687. 53, [1] p. s.n.], [Edinburgh : 1681. Attributed to Robert MacWard. Cf. DNB; NUC pre-1956. Errata on p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Banders disbanded Or AN ACCURAT DISCOURSE Solidly and plainly Demonstrating How Inconvenient , scandalous & sinfull it is , in the present Circumstances of the Church of Scotland , For Ministers of Christ there , that they may obtain a pretended Liberty to Preach and Administer the Sacraments , in such and such particular Paroches , To give Bond to their present Rulers , That they shall live peaceably : Or For others , in their name and behalf , to Bind to the said Rulers for their peace●ble living , & to present them when calle● so to do , & in case of faillzie to underly a great penalty : And so Discovering clearly the great unfaithfulness of The Affirmative Vote , of the late Meeting of Ministers at Edinburgh , ( Anno 1679. ) concerning the Lawfullness of giving the Bond then presented by the Councill : AS ALSO Occasionally holding forth many considerable Truths very necessary to be known & pondered in these dark & difficult Times . Printed Anno M. DC . LXXXI . A LETTER Concerning the Bond , tendered by the Councill of Scotland , to some Presbyterians there , in the Year 1679. SIR I Find now too certain what was reported , of that Meeting of Ministers at Edinburgh , their allowing by Vote the Peoples giving that Bond of surety for the Minister , required in the Proclamation , and have also got a double of the Bond it self . I hear the Meeting had severall communings and tampernigs , with the Members of the Councill , anent this busniess , by some of their number , whom they appointed to wait upon them from time to time for that purpose . What was the matter of their Communing , or to what end , I cannot well tell ; However when at last the Brethren , who were appointed , returned , the meeting after some sort of Conference among themselves upon the present Favour ( as they terme it ) granted by his Maj. bearing a liberty for Presbyterian Ministers to exercise their Ministry , did generally Conclude ( and that ere ever they had seen the Bond ) That they found no Reason why the People might not give security at this time for a Ministers peaceable behaviour . And upon an other day afterward , it is again Concluded as followeth : The meeting having considered the bond o● security as now presented by the Councill , find nothing therin to alter their former determination affirmativè . I hear there were severall and these of the most eminent who endeavoured to prevent this determination & were for the negative when ti ●ame to be voted . Sir , my charity toward many of these Brethern would scarce suffer me to beleeve , That ever they would have tabled such a question to be debated in so publick a Meeting , far less affirmatively determined it . But finding it now ( as I said ) too certain ; and this being the thing wherin you desire advice , I have the more fre●dom to return an answer , when I have first told you that the newes of these two Votes was so surprizing , that I was made a little to sit down as one astonied at the Report , yea & my grieved soul is so overprest , that I am in a strait whether to say any thing or be altogether silent , and what or how to express my self if I say any thing . Alas ! is it come to this in the Church of Scotland ? That so many wise men , and who by Office are seers to the Church , did see no reason why such a Bond might not be given to these who now require it , and that as a signe of the Churches subjection to that power which they have assumed over it ; yea & at such a juncture when the Cry of the Souls under the Altar , who were slain ●or the word of God & the Testimony which they held , was so much increased by reason of ●heir blood which these had recently shed . O! where is now that single eye wherwi●h our former Seers saw of old , who found valid & convincing Reasons for refusing bonds of far less import to the Cause & Churches prejudice ? O! where is the discerning of some of these same Reverend Brethren , who ha●e perceaved snares more covertly hid then now they are , when the snare is so openly spread i● the sight of the bird ? Did so many Brethren , conveened in a generall Meeting , find no Reason why such a Bond as this ought not to be given ? Was there no evill , nay , nor so much as the appearance of evill to be found in i● ? Was there no ground , nor so much as an occasion of offence in it ? Was there nothing in it , that might occasion a new breach ; and also widen & ●ender the former more incurable ? Was there nothing in it , that might be supposed would grieve the hearts of many of their dear Brethren , and many others dear to God ; the grieving of whom ought not to have been despised ? Could these Brethren suppose , that the passing such a Vote would indeed satisfy all the rest of the Non-conform Ministers & Church of Scotland ? or that their determination affirmativè would ( or ought ) also determine all the rest ? Was there nothing to be found , in yeelding to give this Bond , that might occasion both Ministers and Ministry ●o become yet more vile , and contemptible in the eyes of this evill generation ? Was there nothing in it of a dangerous preparative , of wreathing & continuing a yoke of bondage , upon the necks of Christs free Ambassadours , unto the generations to come ; & a bad copy to all other Magistrates to impose the like Bond , upon faithfull Ministers of the Gospell . Was there nothing to be found therin , that might prove a probable , yea unavoydable temptation to Ministers their being unfaithfull in delivering the whole of their Masters message , & declaring all the Counsell of God ? Was there nothing in it , to scarr & deterre , both Ministers & people ( or so much as to put them in some demurre ) from giving a Bond , upon such an account , as the like therof was scarce ever required , far less yeelded to by any Church or Church-men to this day ? Ah alas ! That ever the Ministers of Scotland should have been the first , that ever trode in this strange and unt●oden path ! Was there no hazard of confirming , & encouraging the Rulers , in all their iniquous Impositions of this nature ? Yea was ther nothing in it , that might at least be interpreted a direct condemning many Worthies , both Ministers & others , as being ignorant sc●uplers & preposterously zeallous for undergoing the outmost of sufferings , ere they would engage in the like bonds ? Ah! whither have we not caused o●r shame to go ? O! if it were possible to prevent or stop the spreading of this Report , for preventing what further disgrace is like to be cast upon al● the Ministers of Scotland ; for whoever hears of this will coun● all alike , seeing the thing was both publickly voted by a Meeting of Ministers , assuming to themselves the name of a Generall Assembly ; yea & of the Representative of the Church of Scotland . As also no publick dissent or Protestation entered against thesame . In the mean while I am not a litle refreshed by this , that it is not as you & I heard at first , That few Ministers in Scotland would be against that Vote ; for after tryall there will be found , I hope , rather few to approve therof , yea some of themselv● who then aggreed , do already wish that it had never been tabled in that Meeting . And before I proceed , I must tell you that severall wanted not their feares , that not a few of that Meeting , as it was then constitute , would be ready enouugh to declare themselves for such a Bond , whenever they should have occasion for that effect ; and there was too good ground for this , Considering 1. How we have provoked the Lord , by our former cedings & unfaithfulnes , to give us up to walk in connsells of our own . 2. How Ministers & their Ministry have been brought under so much subjection , to the Civill Magistrate already , by closing with & imbracing the two first Indulgences . 3. That so many Ministers in Scotland had laid themselves aside , from the publicke exercise of their Ministry declining & shifting to preach under the Crosse , these many years past . 4. What secret grudgings , emulations & whisperings , now & then vented by some , in sharp & bitter Invectives against their Brethren , for supplying the desolate parts of our Church , by transient visits , in this disturbed state ; being neither willing to labour themselves , or that others ( though upon their perill ) should supply their defect ; but rather with the Common Enemy despising & reproaching their persecuted Brethren , as dis-orderly walkers fosterers of the people in an ignorant zeall , leaders of them into separation & fomenters of division ; and too often decrying , extenuating & undervaluing all the glorious & signall appearances of the power of God , at these meetings , & the singular blessed effects , wich were produced by the right arme of the Lord in the Ministry of their Brethren , who were despised in the eyes of the world , & too much also in theirs . 5. How these generall Meetings were called together since the late doolfull & sorrowfull dispensation , which was at first by a few , and these such as had litle concerned themselves in the desolations of the Church , during the time of the bypast persecution , till the late Proclamation for this new liberty or Indulgence . 6. How the leaven of the two first Indulgences hath wrought till it had neer leavened our whole lump , that severall who profest once to be clear & peremptory against it , & some who then had the offer , and refused to accept , of late were become favourers of & pleaders for it . 7. What eager longing too many had after some new Indulgence , as hath been manifest from the expressions & carriage of some , which did clearly shew their readines to imbrace the first offer that might come in their way . Lastly if we consider the Constitution of the late meeting who past this Vote , That it was for the most part made up of Indulged , avowed Applauders of the Indulgence , or under-hand Approvers & favourers of the same : yea and some of them vigorous Contenders for these old publick Resolutions , which was a signall step of the Church of Scotlands declining , and who were active persecuters of their dissenting Brethren at the time of that temptation . I say an impartial Reflexion upon these & the like Considerations may make it seem lesse strange , that such a Vote did so easily passe at that Meeting . But seing you desire to have an account of my Thoughts anent this new Liberty , & the method prescrived to Ministers for entering to Congregations by petitioning the Council & giving this Bond of surety , And whither the people may concurre in calling Ministers who will enter this way , I dare not shun to communicat what light I have therin , though most unfit of many , and as averse as any from entering into a Contest wherin I am necessitat to differ from so many Reverend Brethren , whom I highly honour in the Lord , & who have deservedly been esteemed in the Church ; yet I cannot but bear my Testimony against what sin & snare I see in this , as I would not partake of other mens sin ; And shall in obedience to your Desire ( if it may be of any use for futher information to yow or others who are carefull to keep themselves from the Contagion of this current Defection ) speak alitle to this sad subject , and hold forth what Reasons do at present occurr to me against the giving or allowing to give that Bond for Ministers to obtain this new Indulgence : And in order thereto , I shall propose this method ; 1. I shall lay down some Generalls previously to be considered ; 2. a word to the Liberty granted to Ministers by the Civill Magistra● . 3. Some things by way Explication of the Bond. 4. Propose the state of the Question , & draw forth some Reasons for the negative . 5. Answer briefly to some Objections . And lastly for obviating Mistakes , I shall point at some of our Principles anent the Civill Government . As to the First , I shall touch only upon such generall Considerations as are most conducible to my present scope of arguing against giving this Bond in the present Case . And 1. Let us reflect upon some Positions of the Reformed Government of our Church called Presbyterian , as : ( 1 ) This Government is not of a temporall or Civill nature , but purely spirituall , and to be exercised modo spiri●uali ; and consequently , ( 2 ) It is a Government specifically distinct from & independent upon the Civill Government , and neither to be confounded therewith nor subordinat thereto , either in the power or exercise of the power . ( 3 ) This Government is not Monarchicall , save only in the Head Christ ; Not Hierarchicall , or prelaticall ; not Democraticall ; not Magistraticall , nor Magisterial ; but Ministeriall , & to be exercised in an immediate subordination to Christ as sole Head , King & supreame Governour of the Church & Instituter of this Government . ( 4 ) That this Government of the Church is to be exercised by a plurality of Compresbyters , or as wee use to say Communi consilio & consensu Presbyterorum , not by any single person ( it is ●iven Unitati non uni ) nor at all by the Civill Magistrat . ( 5 ) That the tryall & judging of the Qualifications & fittedness of men for the Ministry , as also the power of Conveying a Licence to Preach , or the potestative Mission to the Ministeriall function ( being acts of Ecclesiastick order and Jurisdiction ) belong only to Church Officers in their Classicall or Synodicall Meetings . ( 6 ) As the tryall & judgin● of a Persons sittedness for the Ministry in generall , so the tryall & judging of Ministers Qualifications & sittedness for the exercise of their Ministry , to the best edification , in such or such a particular Charge or Congregation belongeth only to these Church-Officers . And therefore ( 7 ) the power of transplanting or loosing Ministers from one particular Charge & fixing them in another , is proper only to Church-Officers as an intrinsick act of the power . ( 8 ) As the power or office of the Ministry is given authoritatively from ●esus Christ alone , who ascended on high and gave gifts to men , & this great gift of the Ministry unto the Church , to be conveyed by the Presbytery ; so by the same Conveyance , he gives them the exercise & liberty to the exercise of the Ministry , ( for it is frivolous in this case to distinguish between the Exercise & Liberty to the exercise , at least as to their Rise and Conveyance , as some doe ) and therefore neither the office , nor the exercise of the Office , nor liberty of the exercise therof dependeth upon , and so are not subordinat to , nor to be begged from the Civill Magistrat . ( 9 ) That the Magistrat hath not a power or right to prescribe to , or impose upon Ministers ( who are the Ambassadours only of Christ ) Instructions , Rules , Restrictions or limitations , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministry , especially when these Impositions proceed only from , & are founded upon the Magistrats assumed power & supremacy in Church-matters , & have no other ground or reason wherupon they can challenge Ministers their obedience & subjection thereto . And therefore ( 10 ) That Ministers are not accountable to the Civill Magistrate in the exercise of their ministeriall function , or in the administration of affaires purely spirituall & ecclesiastick , formally and primâ instantiâ . A II. Generall consideration we may reflect upon , is : The supervenient Engagements & Obligations to God which ly & specially upon us of the Church of Scotland , by our solemnly sworn Covenants , for the maintenance & defence of this Presbyterian Government , & the rest of the work of Reformation in all the principles therof ; And , that we shall without respect of Per●ons endeavour the extirpation of Popery , Prelacy &c. and whatsoever is contrary to ●ound doctrine & the power of Godlines ; And that we shall assist & de●end all these that enter in to this Covenant , in the maintaining & persuing therof , and shall not suffer ourselves directly nor indirectly , by what soever Combination , perswasion or terror , to be divided or withdrawn from this blessed Union ; but shall all the dayes of our li●e zeallously & constantly continue therin , against all opposition ; & promote the same according to our power against all letts & impediments whatsoever ; and what we are no able our selves to suppresse or overcome , we shall reveall & make known , that it may be timely prevented or removed : &c. All which we shall do as in the sight of God. Which Covenant hath frequently been renewed in this Church , and the breach therof often publickly acknowledged , and we solemnly engaged again to the duties therin contained ; as may be seen particularly in that Paper called A solemne Acknowledgment of sins & Engagment to duties , wherin we are expressely engaged , amongst other Errors , against Schisme , Scepticisme & Erastianisme . A III. Generall to be Considered , is : The manifold Encroachments , Invasions & Usurpations made by the Civill Magistrat upon the Royall prerogatives of Christ , the Intrinsick previledges of his Church & the just freedom of his Ambassadours , by many iniquous Lawes , Acts & Edicts , especially of late , together with all their vigorous endeavours by open force & subtile Insinuations , to putt these lawes in execution , and to advance this designe of bringing the whole Ordinances of Christ , & Officers of his House in subordination unto , & under the Check , Censure & Regulation of the Civill Magistrat , and so put themselves in actuall possession of what is assumed and settled by law . Many Instances of their endeavours to this effect might here be given , especialy these late years by past ; and of their too successfull prevailling by Church-mens ceding thereto , wherof I shall for present only give these following : the First relating to the Prelates● as ( 1 ) their altering of the Church-Government from what it was by Christ's Institution & the practice of the pure primitive times into a Government of Humane Invent●on & Lordly domination over the Lords Inheritance contrary to the word of God. ( 2 ) The Prelats were sett up & established , & the power of Ordination is conveyed unto them from the King , as having right by his Royall Office to all the externall Government of the Church . ( 3 ) The Kings giving them their Pa●ents impowering them to exercise that pretended Church-Office , making them accountable in all their Ecclesiastick Administrations to himself as supreme Governour of the Church . A Second Instance we have in reference to Presbyterian Ministers , as : ( 1 ) Turning them out of their particular Charges for not taking Presentation from the Patron & Collation from the Prelates : and for this Cause by Act of Parliament declaring their Churches to be ipso jure vacant . ( 2 ) Discharging them absolutely to exercise any part of their Ministeriall function within this Church . ( 3 ) Raising & dissipating all their Church-Iudicatories of Presbytries Synods & Gen. As●emblies . ( 4 ) In the matter of the two Late Indulgences to Presbyterian Ministers , wher●in we may take notice of severall grievous encroachments upon Christs prerogative & his Churches priviledges , as : ( 1 ) , this Indulgence is granted and deduced from the Kings supremacy in Church-affaires , & conveyed by the Councill ; as is clear from his Maj. Letter to the Councill wherupon the Indulgence is founded , and as the Narrative of the Warants given to the first Indulged , doe bear in these words , In pursuance of his Maj. Commands signified by his Letter of the 7 of Iune 1669 , &c. ( 2. ) The King by his Conncill doth nominat & elect according to his soveraign pleasure certain of the outed Ministers , as were judged by them most fitted & qualified , to be appointed , or readmitted to the exercise of their Ministry , and by that same power & pleasure excluding or passing by the rest as unworthy and unqualified for receiving that power or warrant , interdicting them any exercise therof under all highest pain . ( 3 ) By this Indulgence he fixes or admitts them to exercise the function of their Ministry in what particular flock & paroch he pleaseth to assign● , though under the notion of a Confinement . ( 4 ) He restricts them in the exercise of their Ministry to these particular Paroches , inhibiting them to preach else where in the Church . ( 5 ) With these Restrictions he gives them also severall Canons or Rules , to regulate & direct them in exercising their Ministeriall office . ( 6 ) All this is done without either advice or consent of the Church , or any of her Lawfull Officers , but at his Maj. sole pleasure as supreme in all Causes . ( 7 ) The Indulged Ministers have been frequently called & conveened before the Councill , to give an account , How they had observed these Injunctions which they had received from them , & severely rebuked , yea & some of them sentenced , by being silenced & deposed for alleadged disobedience to , or non-observance of the same ; And this is done according to the tenor of the foresaid Letter , as in these words To turn them immediatly out in case &c. A Third Instance we have in all these severe acts & cruell Executions following therupon , against many other Ministers , for presuming to exercise their Ministry ( though in a case of so urgent necessity , & upon so earnest Calls of the People ) without that licence or warrant which was granted to the Indulged . A IV. Generall previously to be considered , is : The faithfull , zealous , laborious & constant wrestlings & contendings , by manifold Testimonies , Protestations , Declarations &c. of our faithfull & worthy Predecessors , in defence of their foresaid Principles of Presb. Government , and their peremptory withstanding any thing which they perceived might in the least tend to bring the Government or Ministry under a subordination or accountablenes to the Civill Magistrat , faithfully & couragiously witnessing their resentment of any attempts tending that way , by their frequent dissentings & protestations against any acts or Conclusions insinuating such Attempts in Corrupt Assemblies , & against the very Constitution of some of them upon that account ; & by their frequent presenting of Grievances to ●he King● Councill & Parliament , yea & somtimes entering Protestation at the Cross of Edinburgh against proclamations declaring the King to be supreme Iudge in Church-matters , & that none should appeall from him & his Councill . Many such Instances may be produced : Neither have we wanted witnesses in our own time , both at the breaking up of the last Reformation from Prelacy , and also since the late Revolution & overturning of the work of Reformation , who have protested & given testimony against all such encroachments & usurpations : And though alas ! we cannot produce any joynt Testimony under our hands , against all the horrid Invasions made upon our Royall Masters prerogative & his Churches Righ●s , since the last overturning ; yet some have adventured to witness practically & pa●icularly against these usurpations & testified their maintaining of their Ministeriall freedom , who with blessed success under manifold hazards & hardships , have often ventured upon the publick exercise of their Ministry both in houses & fields , contrary to all these Law-Interdictions , without any licences or Indulgences from the Civill Magistrat , or coming under bonds to him ; not out of any contempt o● his authoritie , but meerly out of the conscience they had o● an indispensable duty , That they might make full proof of their Ministry , in such a crying necessity of the Church , and that thereby they might also witness they held their Ministry from Jesus Christ alone their only Lord & Master , and their dependence only on him , both as to their office , ex●rcise of the office , & liberty to the exercise therof . Thus having laid down these few Considerations , to be reflected on ; it would seem to me , that any who would be at pains duly to ponder the same , needed no further argument to make the very name & notion of whatsoever Bond of surety required b● the present Rulers ( & tha● as a Condition of admitting Ministers unto the exe●cise of their Ministry ) most odious & detestable at the first view ; and ye● mo●e odious , to engage in such a Bond as is now required ; & most of all , ●h●t the giving of such a Bond should be decided & decla●ed by a publick vote of M●●isters to be lawfull & warantable . But now a word to the liberty . As for Liberty i● generall , which Ministers have granted unto them by the Civill Magistra●●or the exercise of their Ministry , it may be considered either abstractly in it's own nature , o● relatively . 1. Abstractly or absolut●ly , it may be taken either positively o● negatively . Positively I understand i● , whereby the ●ivill Magistrat ( by vertue of his Magistraticall authori●y ) doth C●mmand & al●ow all the Ministers within his Dominions freely to exercise their Mi●istry according to the word of God , for the edifica●ion of his subjects . Negatively as it is a bare permission , or rather a not-hinde●ing of Ministers to exercise their Ministry . 2. This liberty may be considered relatively ; And that 1. as it relates to the lawes made against it . 2. To the Magistrat who grants it . 3. To the persons of the Ministers who accept it . 4. To the places of their Ministry . 5. To the Ministery it self , And 6. as it relates to this present Bond. 1. Then , as this liberty relates to the lawes made against it , it may be considered in a threefold sense : ( 1 ) as it is the totall removing & taking off of a Lawrestraint , that is , a rescinding & quite annulling such lawes & Edicts as are made in prejudice of it . ( 2 ) As it is only a suspending of the Execution of these Lawes ( which is indeed a removall of the legall restraint pro tempore ) and that during the pleasure of the lawgiver . ( 3 ) As it is simply a not executing of these lawes , which may be either out of neg●igence or Connivence ; for instance the liberty which many Ministers have had ( or rather taken ) to preach since this ●ate Indulgence , and yet have not given up their names to the Councill , nor found Surety according to the Proclamation : which three sorts of liberty may & ought ( in so far as it is a liberty ) to be embraced & emproved by any Minister of the Gospell . 2. This libe●ty may be considered with respect to the Magistrat who grants it , who ( 1 ) may either be an open & avowed Enemy to the work & people of God , or a profest friend thereto ; If ane avowed Enemy , then the liberty granted is the more to be suspect , but cannot upon that only account be rejected , if in itself sinless : Or ( 2 ) may either have a good & honest design in granting such a liberty , or a wicked design therin : If an honest design , then the Minister to whom it is granted , ought to be so far from refusing the same , that the Granters good design ( though the Granter otherwise be but corrupt ) should rather be a motive to him to accept of it , the liberty being in it self lawfull . But if the Granter have a bad design & prejudicall to the Gospell in tendering this liberty , then either this wicked design is made known to the Accepter ( whether the granter discover the same by his words , or declare it by his practice ) or it is not : If the former , then either the effectuating of that evill design hath a necessary & inseparable Connexion with the accepting of the liberty , or the evill designe therof is such as may be prevented or removed by the Accepters : If the former , then I cannot see how such a liberty can without sin be embraced or bargained for , though otherwise never so warantable , and a protestation in this case would be but contraria facto : If the latter , then I conceive that the Accepter's protestation against that evill design , together with a practicall endeavour to defeat it , might in such a Case be a sufficient salvo to the Accepter's Conscience , the liberty being othewise lawfull . But if this wicked design of the Magistrat ( the Imposer ) be hid & latent to the Accepter , then I see not how he can refuse a liberty ( otherwise sinless ) upon this only account , That the Magistrat who grants it is suspected to have some evill design in granting it , when no such design is made apparent ; for in such a Case I suppose it sufficient , that the Accepter endeavour what in him lyes to obviat & dissappoint whatsoever wicked design can be pretended or supposed , & particularly that which the Granrer is suspected to have in granting it . 3. As this liberty relates to the Persons of the Ministers , it may be Considered either as it is extended to all without exception , or as it is denyed to some : If it be denyed to some ( as in our case it is to many ) and these too who have been most faithfull , usefull & successefull in the work of the Ministry in the Church , and upon which very account they are deprived of it , because they have been such ; then I humbly apprehend that the tampering for , or accepting of it wold be an active concurring with the wicked design of the Excepters , in debarring such usefull Instruments ( though never so few in themselves , or despicable in the eyes of others ) from the free exercise of their Ministry to the manifest detriment of the Gospell , & consequently sinfull : an active concurring I say , because an active consenting to a bargain made up of such sinfull Conditions , whereof this is one That so many Eminent Ministers must be debar●ed from the foresaid Liberty ; and it is to be judged an active consenting , in so far as the termes & conditions are accepted , the bargain actually complyed with & acquiesced in by the Accepter , without any Protestation against the depriving of others of this liberty , & the evill design thereby intended ( which yet wold seem to be but a Protestation contradicting the practice , 1. Because all these sinfull Conditions & Restrictions are inseparably interwoven with the liberty granted in the Proclamation , unto which the Bond must be conform . 2. Because ther is no obtaining of this present Liberty , but as it is tendered by the Councill , that is , as it is complex of all these sinfull Restrictions , of which the forementioned is one ) for in this case he is to be holden a Consenter that is not a Contradicter , as is clear from the like Numb . 30 : 14. Where the Husband confirmes his wise's vowes by holding his peace , or not contradicting and protesting against them . If this Liberty be extended to all the Ministers alike , then let it be considered 4. As it relates to Places ; and thus it is either extended to all & every place within the Magistrats Dominions , or it is restricted to some only : If to some only , then it is clear that it ought upon ●his very account to be refused , in as much as the good of the whole , though attended with some externall hazard & Inconveniences ( as in our cafe ) is alwayes to be preferred to the good of a part only , which may be obtained without that hazard or inconvenience . If extended to all places alike , then it is either with a confinment of evry Minister to a particular parishonall charge , or it is without such a Confinement ; If with this confinement , then it is sinfull to accept of it , & that for two Reasons chiefly : ( 1 ) Because although all the faithfull Ministers in Scotland ( & Licentiates too ) were every one of them fixed & restricted to a paroch , I suppose that notwithstanding therof , many paroches should be vacant of such pastors . ( 2 ) Because thereby Ministers would be utterly debarred from the exercise of Church-discipline by Presbyteries & Synods , as also incapacitat for ordaining a succeeding Ministry . If this liberty be extended to all places without any such Confinement , Then 5. If we Consider this liberty with refere●ce to the Ministry it self , It is either granted with some sinfull Impositions ( and tha● either as to Doctrine or Discipline ) or it is not : If the former , then such a Liberty cannot be accepted without sin especially when these sinfull Impositions do immediatly concerne & qualify the doctrine of the Ministry , as in our case . 6. This liberty ma● be considered as it relates to the present Bond the giving of which is the very Condition of obtaining the same : And thus we are to look upon it as a Complex busines i. e. as it is complicat with all these evills and Inconveniences that are either exprest or implyed in the Bond it self & the proclamation wheron it is founded & to which it is said to be conforme ; and so it must be most sinfull to embrace the same , as shall afterward be made out . And whether a Liberty in this last sense ought not more properly to be termed a slavery , & bondage then true Liberty , let the un-prejudicat determine from what hath been already , & shall afterward be said . I come now to speak of this particular Bond for Ministers which is required by the Councill , and allowed & voted to be lawfull by the late Convocation of Ministers . ( But by the way I cannot pass , how that it hath been by severall observed ( not without Reason ) That the Imposers of these Bonds do scarse let one year pass without imposing some engagments or other upon the presbyterians , somtimes they are more obviously gross , sometimes more seemingly smooth , sometimes they are tendered more generally thorow the Kingdom , sometimes imposed upon particular shires ; And all this is carried on sometimes by Craft & cunning , sometimes by force & Cruelty : Doubtless it is not the least part of their design , hereby to make Oaths & Bonds become a triviall & common thing , & by frequent renewing of them to make the presbyterians , men of as capacious Consciences as themselves ; And it is sadly to be feared , or rather regrated , that they have gained too much of this design allready ) And lest ther may arise any mistake about the termes therof or that it should be represented either to the better or to the worse , I have thought fitt to give you here the just & genuine double of it , which is as followeth . We — for as much as upon an humble petition given in to his Maj. Privy Councill by — they have granted to them — to preach and administer the Sacraments in the Paroch , of — conform to his Maj. Proclamation of the 29. of June last ; and a Line under his Royall hand upon the 11 of July last Upon their giving Caution to the effect underwritten That is to say Wee — bind & oblige us conjunctly & severally our Heirs & successors that the said — shall live peaceably . And in order thereto we bind & oblige us to present him before his Majesties Privy Councill when we shall be called so to do And in case of failzy in not presenting him we shall be lyable to the summe of six thousand merks . There are other Copies also of this Bond , which in stead of the terme granted ( that is here used in this copy ) some of them have allowed , some given Licence ; and withall they make mention of the Proclamation as gracious , which how truely it may be termed so , may justly be doubted , if there be any truth in the received maxime , That Bonum oritur ex integra Causa malum vero ex minimo quoque defectu . But seeing this which I have here inserted is the just double of that which was presented to the Ministers at the foresaid late Assembling , and upon which the Vote did pass I shall hold my self by it . This Bond may be taken up in these two 1. The Narrative , 2. The Obligatory part . In the Narrative are mentioned 1. an humble petition given in to the Councill by the parishoners for such a Minister as they have called to such a paroch . 2. The Councill's Granting of the said petition , which Grant consists of these five . ( 1. ) they grant the Minister . ( 2. ) to preach & administer the Sacraments . ( 3. ) in such a particular paroch . ( 4 ) conforme to his Majesty's proclamation & Letter . ( 5 ) upon their finding of Caution , &c. As for the Petition , it seemes chiefly to import 1. That the people's calling of the Minister , their petitioning of the Presbytery , & their obtaining him from them , is hereby counted insufficient for his being admitted to the exercise of his Ministry , untill the Magistrate first be supplicated for it , & his Consent obtained thereto ; And therefore . 2. That the way they took forme●ly to invite & call Ministers ( at least since Ministers were outed ) hath been irregular & dis-orderly . 3. That they ought not henceforth ( seeing they look upon this new mode of calling Ministers as their present duty ) so long as matters continue thus ci●cu●stan●ia● To receive or permit such Ministers to exercise their Ministry among them as doe not enter by this De novo damus . As to the 2. Part of the Narrative which is the Councills granting the petition , whereby I. They grant such a Minister , it imports ( 1 ) That Granting or authoritative giving of Minis●ers to the Church , & investing them with power to exercise their Ministerial office , doth not belong properly primarly & solely to Christ as being the alone Head of the Church , nor to a Church-Iudicatory in subordination to him , nor to be conveyed to the Ministers in an Ecclesiastick way , But must immediatly be conveyed to him from the Civill Magistrat , & that in a Civil way . ( 2 ) That it supposeth , yea and giveth to the granter an au●hori●ative & definitive power to cognosce upon , judge & determine , & that primâ instantiâ who are worthy & qualified , & who unqualified for being admitted to the exercise of the Ministery . ( 3 ) It yeelde●h to the Civill Magistrat a power both Accumula●ive and p●ivative in matters purely Ecclesiastick , viz. a power ●o grant or not to grant ( as he pleaseth ) such Ministers a Licence to exercise their Ministry , as are bo●h qualified for , and also already ordained in that Function . II. To preach & administer the Sacraments : which yeelds to the Magistrat ( beside what we have observed in the former ) a power to separate & divide the Essentiall parts of the Ministeriall function , & enjoyn the Ministers so to doe ; for by the Proclamation and Councill's act , the Ministers who accept of this Indulgence , have Licence only to preach & administer the Sacraments , so that what they wold seem liberally to give with the one hand , they sacrilegiously robb with the other . III. In the paroch of &c. which supposes ( 1 ) That the Minister hath no power nor legall right to exercise his Ministry save in that particular Congregation to which he is assigned by the Councill . ( 2 ) That the Magistrat ha●h power to dissolve and annihilate the old ●y & relation betwixt Pastor & Flock , & to make up a new one at his pleasure ; and conseq . ( 3 ) Th●t the power of fixing , planting & transplanting of Ministers is not the proper & inherent Right of Church-Iudicatories . IV. Conforme to his Maj. Proclamation &c. Whence it is manifest That as the Councill's Grant or Licence , so the Parishoners petition , the Cautioners bonding for the Minister , as also the Ministers accepting of the Liberty therupon must be conforme to , and so a complying with & acquiescing in all these evills ( in so far as the termes are thus proposed by the Granter , & without any reluctancy , or Protestation , accepted by the Receiver ) that are inseparably connected with the said proclamation , such as : ( 1 ) The many bitter invectives against field Meetings in the Narrative therof , and a positive Condemning all such as Rendezvouzes of Rebellion &c. ( 2 ) Ane absolute Interdicting of any such Meetings for the future under highest pain . ( 3 ) Restricting the faithfull Ministry of Scotland to the south side of Tay only , excluding many other places also within the said bounds from this liberty . ( 4 ) Excluding all these Ministers who are suspected by the Councill to have been at the late Rising in armes . ( 5 ) All these also who shall afterward be admitted by non-conforme Ministers . ( 6 ) No liberty granted for the exercise of Church-discipline , or ordaining others to the work of the Ministry &c. V. Upon finding caution &c. Where observe ( 1 ) That the Councill looks upon the Ministers as persons so naughty or infamous , that they are not worthy to transact with in this affair , at least immediatly & in their own Persons , but they must have others of more credit & Respect to represent them , undertake for them , & make up the bargain in their name & favours . ( 2 ) That the Ministers are men of so pernicious & profligat principles , That they will make no C●nscience to performe their duty to their superiours ( such as peaceable living is acknowledged to be both by the Giver & Receiver of this Liberty ) unless they be either allured thereto , partly by the benefice of a set stipend from the paroch , partly by the promise of externall peace & protection from the Councill ; or else overawed thereto , either by the ●e●ror of the Councill , or ●ear of hazarding the Cautioners paying the penalty . In the Obligatory part of this Bond , I find the Cautioner is obliged to four things in reference to the Minister : 1. That he shall live peaceably : 2. In order thereto , he shall present him to the Councill when called so to do : 3. In case he failzie , he shall be lyable to 6000 Merks : And 4. he obliges ( with himself ) his Heirs & successors to all these . In all which we may observe this in generall , That there is here not only a reall or virtuall , but a formall , yea explicit Compact or Transaction between the Magistrat on the one hand , & the Minister & his Cautioner on the other ; each of the two Parties to performe something to the other , but with this difference , that what the Magistrat is to perform , he pretends to do it out of mere condescendence or indulgence to the other party ; and therefore challengeth to have the termes of the bargain in his own framing & proposing ; wheras the Minister & his Cautioner being subjects to the Magistrat , are presumed to performe their part as a duty , which they owe to their Magistrat , and are bound by the word of God to perfo●me antecedaneously to this , or any other supervenient bonds of this nature : The Magistrat on his part , grants to the Minister a liberty or licence to preach , and that upo● such & such Conditions as himself is pleased to propose ; the Minister again on his part ( or the Cautioner ●or him ) engages to fulfill these conditio●s : And so the bargain is aggreed upon & concluded by them both , & a Record therof taken , & put up in the councill books to be keept ad futuram rei memoriam . The First thing then that the Cautioner is obliged to by this Bond , is , That the Minister shall live peaceably , or ( as it is exprest in the proclamation to which the Bond is said to be conforme ) That he shall not preach Rebellion , schism nor Heresy . Now though the te●mes seem very smooth & plausible , and if some ought to be beleeved , are so plain , obvious & unquestionable , that they can hardly be lyable to mistake , or exponed in a sinistrous sense ; yet after a litle inquiry it will appear that they are most ambiguous , & co●sequen●ly fallacious when so generally & indefinitly proposed ( as in this Bond : ) for peace or peaceable living may be considered either , ( 1 ) In it's nature and quality : and thus it is many wayes distinguishable , as : Peaceable living in a naturall or Morall sense ; Civill or Ecclesiastick ; Spirituall or Carnall &c. And so according to every particular state or condition that a man can be in , may peaceable living be distinguished . Or 2. As it relates to it's Objects , which may be either ( 1 ) Persons , as God , Angels , men , devills , superiors , Inferiors , Equalls● saints , sinners , ourselves or others &c. Or ( 2 ) Actions : Or ( 3 ) Things ; and both , either good or ill ; all which to number were infinite . Or 3. it may be Considered with reference to it's Rule , which may be either the Word of God● Light of Nature , Laws of the Land , prescript of Reason , pleasure of the Rulers , Common Custome &c. Or 4. With respect to it's Circumstances of Time , place , persons &c. Or 5 With reference to it's native Consequents or Concomitants , which may be either in generall the edification of the Church & Propagation of the Gospell , or the prejudice & dis-advantage of both ; or in particular , may be either the Confirming of the Godly , Convincing & reclaiming of the wicked , or the grieving & offending of the ●odly , & hardening of the wicked &c. Or 6. In al● or any of these Respects it may be either Universall & Absolute , or Restricted & definite ; And accordingly either lawfull or sinfull . I shall not at present insist to make a particular application of these , or the like distinctions to our present case , but this only in short , that peacea●le living ought to be considered with respect to the whole Complex state of affairs wherin it is required . However in generall Peaceable living imports in it something Positive , & something Negative : Posi●ively , it may be described thus ; submissively to acquiesce in , & rest satisf●ed with that ( whether it be persons , courses or things &c ) about which it is to be exercised . Negatively , it imports this , no ways to contend with , oppose or testify dislike , or abhorrence at that or these Persons , Courses , things &c. about which it is to be exercised . And now as to our present Case , let us enquire what sort of peaceable living it is which is required in this Bond ? 1. It must either be Generall & indefinite , and so abstracted from all , & restricted to no particular & determinat sense . Or 2. it must be Universall & Absolute , & so comprehensive of all & every sense that the termes are capable of . Or 3. It must be understood in some particular , determinat & limited sense . The first it cannot be , Because To live praceably is here enjoyned in such a sense , as therin it is possible to give obedience ; but it is altogether impossible to live peaceably abstractly from , & without having a respect to some particular sense or other ; Therefore to live peaceably is not enjoyned by the Councill in such a generall , indefinit & metaphysicall sense as excludes all & every particular sense . If the 2. then , besides that it is sinfull to engage in such a Bond ( as afterward is proven Arg. 4. of the 1 Head ) it is ridiculous & absurd to enjoyn peaceable living in such a sense , and as absurd to engage thereto in that sense ; Because the termes thus taken are capable of , & lyable to senses , both contrary to , & utterly inconsistent with one another . But 3. If this peaceable living be enjoyned in some particular , determinat & limited sense ( as it must needs be , if it be not nonsense ) then our next enquiry is to know what is that particular & determinat sense of the Councill or Imposer : and this we may easily know by their sense of Rebellion , Schism & Heresy ( for the termes are equivalent , viz. not to preach Rebellion , Schisme nor Heresy , as in the Proclamation , and to live peaceably , as is exprest in the Bond ; this being a compendious positive of the other negative ) which they have a●lways declared , both by their publick Acts & Proclamations , and also by the whole series of their procedour against the Presbyterians , to be such as thereby they directly condemne many points to be Rebellion , Schism & Heresy which the Pres●yterians hold to be necessary Duty , & sound doctrine , such as these : 1 To preach the iniquity of the Parliaments Declaration & other the like Bonds imposed upon Presbyterians , or to assert the perpetuall obligation of the Covenant , & the breach therof to be perjury in the highest degree both against God & man. 2. That we are bound every one of us in our capacity & station to adhere to , & defend all the Articles & heads of these Covenants . 3. To assert the divine right of Presb. Government , & the unlawfullnes of prelaticall & Erastian . 4. That the prelats & their Curats are manifest Intruders , & tyrannically obtruded upon other faithfull men's labours without the Churches advice or Consent . 5. That it is lawfull & a necessary duty for outed Ministers to continue in the exercise of their Ministry , and that it is the peoples duty to hear & own them for their only lawfull pastors , and that notwithstanding of all the Law-Interdictions to the contrary . 6. That Jesus Christ is the alone Head & absolutely supreme Governour over the Church in all causes spirituall & Ecclesiastick● and that it is an high Usurpation and insolent Invasion upon his Royall Prerogative , for any man or mortall to arrogate unto himself either title or office of the same . 7. That all the persecution which hath been inflicted upon the presbyterian Ministers and Professors these 17 or 18 yeares , for witnessing their adherence to the work of Reformation & refusing to comply with● or subject themselves to Prelacy or the usurped Supremacy over the Church , hath been a haynous sin against God , and horrid cruelty against his people : And many moe of this nature . In short , I take peaceable living , or not to preach Rebellion Schism nor Heresy , as it is now required & imposed by the Councill , to be upon the matter this viz. To refrain from reproving , testifying against , or any ways opposing such Courses ( whether sinfull or lawfull ) as are authorized or allowed by the Laws o● Example of our present Rulers● or the persons ( whether supreme or subordinat ) who carry on the same . And consequently to be altogether silent as to the avowing such duties , or rep●oving such sins as are in controversie between the Presbyterians & the presen● Erastian Papistico-prelatick Party , such as these Presbyterian points above-me●tioned . But it is like some will say , That his Maj. & Councill allowing Presb. Ministers liberty to preach , doth eo ipso tolerat & allow them to preach & pro●esse their Presb. Principles , and consequently That the Councill's sense of peaceable living is not to be interpreted according to their former Acts and Proc●amati●ns against Convent●cles which are n●w dispensed with , but accor●ing to the presbyterians own sense therof . The st●ength of this objection seemes to consist chie●ly in these Two : 1. Because the lawes of the land are as directly & expressely ag●inst House-meetings simpliciter as they are against the Covenant & other controverte● Truths preached at these Meetings , so that a dispensation for the one ( viz. House Meetings ) doth necessarly import & inferre a dispensing with the other , viz. preaching of these controverted T●uths . 2. Because it is scarce imaginable that the Rulers or any rationall man should impose a Bond ( & that by way of favour ) upon Presbyterian Ministers , the termes wherof are known to be contrary to their Presb. Principles ( which this Bond wold certainly be if understood according to tho foresaid acts ) at least that they could in reason expect that the Presbyterians should ingadge in such a Bond , & yet continue true Presbyterians . Answer 1. If this Consequence be valide● The Magistrat allowing Presbyteria● Ministers liberty to preach , doth eo ipso allow them to preach their Presby●erian Principles ; then this must be as valide . The Magistrate granting liberty to Presbyterian Ministers to exercise their Ministry , doth eo ipso grant them liberty to exercise their Presbyterian Government , & ordain Presbyterian preache●s ( both which are essentiall partes of that function ) which is false ; fo● they have no liberty or allowance , either by the proclamation or Bond to exercise these two parts of the Ministry , and if they get leave to exercise them , it is rather by Connivence then Allowance . 2. As to the Acts made against Presbyterian House-meetings , there is ane expresse suspending of the execution of them , and that by virtue , of a power reserved to his Maj. by 5. Act. sess : 2. Parl. 2. Wheras touching other acts made against many of the Presbyterian Principles or preaching of them , there is no such suspension as yet obtained , neither doth any of them reserve to the King such a power , and so he cannot in law doe it without a parliament . But 3. I suppose what may be said here as to Presbyterian Ministers their liberty to preach their Presbyterian Principles , the same might have been said also of the Liberty g●anted by the former Indulgence ; But it is well known , That some Presby●erian Ministers then Indulged were processed as Rebells & Traitours for preaching their Presbyterian Principles , particularly Mr. William Weir , who for asserting the obligation of the Covenant , & preaching against the supremacy , was turned out by the Councill's Order . 4. Since the proclamation for this new Indulgence , there comes forth another July 27. containing ane Indemnity to these who were at the late Rise ; In which proclamation ( after many exceptions from the said Indemnity ) it is injoyned as ane expresss Condition of enjoying the benefite of the said Indemni●y . That if ever they shall be at any field Conventicle ( though the necessity were never so urgent , as probably it may be ) the said Indemnity shall not be usefull to such Transgressours any manner of way . In the same proclamation also it is expressely Commanded , To pursue & punish with all the severity that law can allow all such as shall afterward threaten or abuse the Orthodoxe ( i. e. the Corrupt ) Clergy ; And i●'s very probable , that hereby they no less discharge Ministers to threaten them by denounceing God's just judgment against them then any other persons to threate● or abuse ●hem by externall violence nor murmur against their Iudicatures or Officers ( and if but Murmuring must be so severely punished , how much sharper punishment must be inflicted upon them who publickely preach against these & testify against their enormities ? ) Or shall make , publish , print● or disperse libells or pasquills , these being the fore runners of all Rebellions ; Now by these libells & pasquills we cannot but understand chiefly such Presbyterian Principles as are emitted to the publick against Prelacy , Perjury , Erastianisme &c. so that hereby the preaching of Presbyterian Principles in opposition to these will not be allowed nor tolerate . But 5. & chiefly I wold gladly understand in what sense Schism ( which Ministers by this bond are ingadged not to preach ) is to be taken , if thereby be not meaned a separating , or keeping our selves a distinct body from the prelatick & Erastian party then which nothing is more consonant to presbyterian principles ; For that by this Schism is understood a separating from popery or any other sect ●nconsistent with the protestant Religion the Imposers thems●lves will not affirme , unless with the same breath they ●ffirme also that they are no friends to the protestant Cause & Interest . To the 2. Reason of this Objection , It is scarse imaginabile &c. I Answer 1. Whither it be imaginabile or not to some who are byassed or blinded with self-interest or prejudice , yet it is very palpable to the most seeing & serious That the termes of this Bond as imposed by the Councill is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , as shall afterward at more length appear . 2. Although he Magistrat when he imposes this Bond , doth not expressely declare that his sense of the termes therof is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , or that he requireth obedience in that sense ; yet it is true & undenyable , that the termes therof doe admitt of , and are commonly taken in a sense contrary to Presb. Principles , as also that that sense is the sense of the Magistrate ( though not declared by him to be such at the imposing of the Bond , yet alibi it is , as might be made out particularlie by produceing such acts & proclamations as have been made against the presbyterians , & are not as yet legally suspended ) yea , & that that sinfull sense of the Imposer is also the sense of the Ingadger , as shall further appear in the Arguments adduced against this Bond And therefore 3. The Imposers of this Bond doe coutch and cover the same under such generall & ambiguous termes as may admitt of a sound eneugh sense even according to the Presbyterians themselves ; wheras if they had roundly declared their own sinfull sense therof at the imposing of it , it is probable that the Presbyterians had more universally startled at it : And herein the meanest Capacity may ea●ily discover the deceitfull designe both of the Imposer & Ingadger ; o● the Imposer , to lead the poor Presbyterians into a snare , by the generality & ambiguity of the termes , & by a baite busked up with smooth & plausibe words make them swallow down hooke & all ; and of the Ingadger , in that whenever he is justly impeatched , as relinquishing his Presbyterian Principles by this Bonding , he may be alwayes ready to make his Retreat to this ( viz. that the termes are generall and admitts of a sense consonant enough with his Presbyterian Principles , & that he hes ingadged only in that sense ) as a Refuge & Cloak to cover his Anti-presbyterian Complyance . Having thus cleared what the Councill's sense of peaceable living and of Rebellion Schism & Heresy in reference to the Presbyterians , is ; as also that that sense of theirs is to be known by such Acts & Edicts against the presbyterians as are not legally suspended , I shall indeavour nixt to make it appear that the termes of this Bond are to be understood only in the Conncill's sense , & shall for present satisfy my self with this one Argument : Rebellion Schism & Heresy ( & on the contrare peaceable living ) which Ministers by this Bond are ingadged not to preach , is to be understood in that sense wherin the Ministers have formerly been guilty therof ; But only in the Councill's ( or Magistrat's ) sense have the Ministers been formerly guilty of Rebellion Schism & Heresy ; Therefore only in the Councill's sense is Rebellion , schism , Heresy & peaceable living to be understood ; and by Consequence , this Bond doth oblige the Ministers to live peaceably , or not to preach Rebellion Schism or Heresy only in the Councill's sense , of which more afterward Arg. 7. of the 1 Head. The 2 thing in the Obligatory part is the Cautioners binding him self in order to the Ministers peaceable living . That he shall present him when called so to doe : Where we see 1 That he binds absolutely for the Ministers peaceable living , for in order thereto he obliges himself to present him when called , which is nothing else but to give the Councill full assurance That he shall live peaceably . 2. That he is bound to deliver up the Minister to the Councill when called so to doe , though the Minister live never so peaceably ; for it does not run thus . That he shall present him when it shall be verified that he ha●h lived unpeaceably , but thus That he shall present him when called so to doe . 3. That this obligation is imposed by the Councill on the Cautioner as a terror & aw-band both to Cautioner & Minister ; for the Councill will easily suppose That ere the Cautioner should be instrumentall in persecuting his Minister by presenting him or before that the Minister putt himself in hazard of falling into their hands , both Cautioner & Minister will rather doe all they can to live peaceably according to the Bond , & so prevent the Councill's displeasure and their own paying of the penalty . The 3 thing in the Obligatory part of this Bond is , That the Cautioner shall be lyable to the payment of the soume of 6000 Merkes in case he failzie & not present the Minister when called for . Where observe That the two last obligations are corroborative of the first : 1 The Cautioner is absolutely ingadged that the Minister shall live peaceably . 2 In order thereto ( or for corroborating therof ) shall present him when called . And 3. in case of failzie ( or in Certification that he shall no● faill , but shall certainly present him when called ) he shall be lyable to 6000 merkes . As for Instance , If the Magistrate should require me to ingadge to performe some Civill duty unto him which I am bound in my station & capacity to doe , I therupon offer my self absolutely ●o ingadge upon my honest word to performe it ( I suppone also that the Magistrat's defigne is to have me absolutely ingadged thereto ) But because he layes no weight upon , nor gives any credite to my bare word & promise ( having possibly offended him formerly by alledged delinquencies ) and so apprehends ●hat he hath no security or assurance that I shall performe the said duty ( which duty he will by no meanes dispense with my non-performance of ) Therefore in order thereto that I may not cheat him , but performe what I'm so absolutely ingadged to , for a Corroborative & Assurance therof , he enjoynes this for a Certification , That in case I failzie ( or lest I faill & not performe my Ingadgement ) I shall be lyable to a great penalty . Will any Lawyer or Divine call this ane Alterna●ive Bond ? So in out present Case . If it be said that the Cases are not parallel , because in the one the principall obligation is lawfull , in the other ( viz. to present ●he Minister to be persecute , or to ingadge to live peaceably in the Councill's sinfull sense ) i● is not ; I Answer 1. It is both lawfull & a duty of the Ingadger as to the Imposer , and he imposes it as such , and so it is not Alternative as to him , nor imposed by him as such . 2. If the Ingadger look upon it as unlawfull & alternative , then ( 1 ) he doth at best but juggle wi●h the Imposer & cheat him . ( 2 ) He thereby confesses That he takes ane Alternative Bond wherof one of the Alternatives is unlawfull ; both which to be sinfull shall afterward be proven . If it be further said ; That the Cautioner doth not oblige himself by ane absolute Ingadgement that he shall pay the 6000 Merkes , and consequently That this is ane Alternative Ingadgment , wherof both the Alternatives are put in his power ( to wit either to present the Minister or pay the penalty ) which of them he pleases to chuse . Answer 1. That the Cautioner doth not oblige himself absolutely to pay the penalty , I grant ; but that Therefore this Ingadgement , to pay the penalty is Alternative , I deny : Because , it is neither properly Absolute nor Alternative , but merely Conditionall , as the very termes In Case ( or on Condition ) he failzie &c. doe hold forth . And it is one thing to say , I ingadge either to performe this Or that , and another to say , I ingadge to performe such a thing , and in case of not performing it , to underly a penalty or punishment : for in the fo●mer both the Alternatives are put in the Binders choice , & left arbitrary to him , and the one Alternative is no more determinatly enjoyned by the Imposer then the other : But in the Latter ( for instance when the Cautioner ingadges to present the Minister , & in case of failzie to be lyable to 6000 Merks ) the penall part of the Obligation is imposed upon him as a punishment for not performing the P●incipall part therof , & is only a secundary & subordinate obligation in respect of the principall , and to have place only upon Condition of the breach therof ; wheras Alternatives as such are not subordinate the one to the other , but both equally proposed by the Imposer , neither is the one imposed as a punishment for non-performance or breach of the other . But 2. Howsoever it may be supposed That to present the Minister or pay the penalty is Alternative upon this account , That the Cautioner by performing of the one is thereby free from the obligation of the other ; yet ( besides that it is questionable in our present Case , whither the Cautioner by paying the penalty , shall be eo ipso liberate from his obligation for the Ministers peaceable living & presenting of him when called ) sure I am that this Bond is not proposed formally & explicitely in Alternative termes ( & so not to he understood such , nor ingadged unto as such ) if w● but consider the true nature & definition of Alternative promises ( or Ingadgements ) that is given by Lawyers , which is : Alternativa promissio est , cum duo vel plura sub disjunctione ( v. g. cum dicitur aut hoc aut illud ) promittuntur cujus natura haec est , ut utrumque sit in obligatione , quamvis solutione unius tollatur tota Obligatio : that is , Ane Alternative promise ( or engadgement ) is , when two or moe things for instance when it is said Either this or that are disjunctively ( or severally ) promised , the nature of which is this , that both ( to wit the Alternative parts ) are in the obligation , although by performance of either , the whole obligation ceaseth . The 4. & last thing to be noticed in the obligatory part of this Bond is , That the Cautioner doth bind his Heirs & Successors together with himself to the fulfilling of all these 3 parts already mentioned & explained . The Inconveniences of which I shall afterward only touch in the 8. Arg. of the 3. Head. The termes of the Bond being some way explained in so for as is conducible to the purpose in hand , I shall nixt in prosecution of my Method propose the state of the Question thus : Whither in the present Circumstances of the Church of Scotland , it be lawfull & a necessary duty for the faithfull Ministers of Christ there to give bond to their present Rulers , in order to obtain liberty to preach & administer the Sacraments in such & such particular paroches , That they shall live peaceably ; Or for others in their name & behalf to bind to the said Rulers , for their peaceable living , presenting them when called so to doe & in case of failzie to underly a great penalty ? Or shorter thus : Whither Ministers ( or Cautioners in their behalf ) may lawfully give the present Bond required by the Councill ? And the Negative I sustain , and shall indeavour to evince by Reasons taken from a threefold Head ( with all due reverence & respect to these who concluded they found no Reason why it might not be given ) 1. From it 's more direct & immediate Sinfulnessesse , 2. From it's Scandallousnes . 3. From it's native & necessary Inconveniences . First therefore from it's Sinfulnes I may argue thus . THat Bond cannot be given or allowed to be given with a good Conscience which is Vinculum Iniquitatis , a Bond of Iniquity , or a sinfull Bond. But this is such a Bond : Therefore it cannot be given or allowed to be given , with a good Conscience . That a sinfull oriniquous Bond may be given with a good Conscience , no Conscientious man will affirme : But that this Bond is ane iniquous and sinfull Bond , may appear from the Reasons following . And 1 ( not to make a repetition now of what evills we have already detected in Explication of the Narrative of this Bond , which the Obligatory part hath so neer a relation to & close Connexion with , as above ) That Bond which presupposeth , yea necessarly prae-requireth ( for without previous petitioning there is no access for bonding in our case ) the making of a sinfull Adress to the Councill , must be sinfull ; this I suppose none , either in Reason or Conscience can deny : But that it is a sinfull Address which is prae-requisite to this Bonding , I prove : 1 To supplicat the Councill for that which otherwise may be had with more advantage to the Church and advancement of the Gospell , is to make a sinfull Address : But that to supplicat the Councill for this new liberty , is to supplicate for that which may otherwise &c. I prove . If greater liberty ( both extensively considered in reference to places & intensively to Truths preached ) then what is yet tendred by the Councill may be had without supplicating the Councill , Then &c. But the former is palpable from the daily experience of all these Ministers who with out any warant from , or dependence upon the Councill , have hitherto & yet doe exercise their Ministry ( though I grant not without some seeming externall hazard & Inconveniences , which yet are not comparable to the manifold Inconveniences which attend this way of bonding , these being sinfull ( as is afterward proven at large ) & the Minister active in bringing him self into them , in those it is not so ) either in Town or Country , or wherever in providence they are called , and who have therin had such signall proofs of God's contenancing their Labours , & protecting their persons ( some of them to the astonishment of all ) from the harme & fury of the Oppressor & such as thirst after their blood , that even a very reflection therupon may be sufficient to frighten any Man o● Minister of the Church of Scotland ●●om such untroden & in●rapping paths . 2. If the Councill's Grant of this Liberty upon the giving of this Bond , be many wayes manck & mutilate , as also implicate with many sinfull Restrictions & Impositions● then it is sinfull to supplicate the Councill for the benefite ( or rather bondage ) of such a grant● , And the reason is , because it is ●infull o supplicate for that which is sinfull . But the● Co●ncill's Grant is sinfull ( as is cleared above in Explication of the Narra●●ve ) Ergo &c. 3. Such a petition as putts the Civill Magistrate not only in the place of the Presbytery , but above all Church-Iudicatories , and that in Church-matters , is sinfull : But the petition praerequisite to this Bond is such : Prob. A petition that yeelds to the Civill Magistrate the power of imposing upon Ministers Instructions & limitations prejudiciall to the Church & propagating of the Gospell , a power to cognosce & authori●atively judge of Ministeriall Qualifications , as also a power to censure , silence or depose them at their pleasure , and that primâ instantiâ , such a petition , I say , doth put the Civill Magistrat not only in the place of , but above all Church-Iudicatures . But this petition is such ( as is partly already & partly afterward shall be cleared ) Ergo it is sinfull . 2. If the Councill's Act or Gra●t , the parishoners petition for that Grant be sinfull , then the giving of this Bond ( which is the very accomplishment of both ●hese , & the immediate end for which both Grant & petition are calculate ) must be much more sinfull : But both the Councills Grant & parishoners petition is sinfull , as is already proven : Therefore the giving of this Bond must be much more sinfull . 3. It is sinfull for any Man to oblige himself to doe that which is impossible for him to performe : But the Cautioner by this Bond obligeth himself to doe that which is impossible from him to performe ; Therefore it is sinfull for him so to oblige himself . That the Cautioner by this Bond obligeth himself to that which is impossible or impracticable to him , is clear from the termes of the Bond , which is , That the Minister shall live peaceably . Now seeing every Man is Master only of his own proper , personall & voluntary acts ( such as to live peaceably is to the Minister in this case ) How can the Cautioner oblige himself for the Ministers peaceable living , with out obliging himself to that which is impossible for him to performe , seeing the Minister is neither ●nder the Cautioners dynamis no● exu●ia ; i. e. the Cautioner can neither constrain him by force , nor command him by authority , but at most can only deal with him by morall swasion or intreaty to live peaceably , which the Minister may either doe or not doe as he pleases to determine , or thinks convenient . ● . It is a sin to ingadge in a Bond , wherin the matter ingadged unto is held forth in such generall & ambiguous termes as admitts of various , yea & contrary senses : But that this Bond is held forth in such termes , is cleared already in the Explication , & is obvious to the meanest capacity . And therefore it is a sin to ingadge in such a Bond. Now for a man to ingadge in a Bond , the termes wherof ( as they are proposed ) are lyable to a sense contrary to & inconsistent with the known sense of the Imposer , and yet not to signify to the Imposer in what determinat sense he ingadges , or that he does not ingadge in a sense inconsistent with that of the Imposer , what is it else but to juggle & deceive ? But more particularly . 5. Seeing the termes of this Bond ( to live peaceably ) are acknowledged to be so generall & lyable to various & contrary interpretations , then he who thus ingadges , does either ingadge to live peaceably in a generall , abstracted & metaphysicall sense , or to live peaceably in some particular & determinat sense . The former it cannot be , for that is not intelligible , yea altogether impossible , viz. to live peaceably abstractly from any particular Consideration of , or respect to particular persons , Actions , manner of peaceable living & other Circumstances . If the Latter ( as indeed it must be , seeing a determinate sense of words is the very soul & substance of words ) then by this Bond he is either obliged to live peaceably in the Imposers which is the sinfull sense ( as is formerly cleared ) or in another sense inconsistent with that of the Imposer If the former , then questionlesse it is sinfull to ingadge in such a Bond : If the Latter , then it must be deep dissimulation ( & consequently sinfull ) in him who thus ingadgeth & a manifest abusing of the Imposer with his dis-ingenuity , in as much as the Imposer requireth one thing by this Bond , and the Binder doth oblige himself to the quite contrary of what is required of him , and in effect bindeth himself to nothing at least as to that which the Imposer requires of him . 6. If it be sinfull to give Bond for Absolute & universall peaceable living with any man , then to give this Bond is a sin : But that the former is true , I prove : That which is proper & due unto God only , cannot ( jure ) be given to any man or mortall ; But a Bond for absolute paceable living is proper & due to God only : Prob. If absolute obedience , or ane absolute Ingadgement to such obedience be proper & due to God only , then absolute peaceable living , or absolutely ingadging thereto ( which is a part of that absolute obedience which is due only to God ) is proper and due unto God only . That absolute Ingadgements or absolute obedience are proper & due to God only , is hence evident , Because he & he only is the absolute & supreame Authority , and whose law only can be our absolute & infallibile Rule . And if this argument be valide against giving Bond for absolute peaceable living with any mortall because fallibile & subordinat to the absolute & sole supreame authority ; much more then must it militate against the giving of such a Bond to these who are stated & avowed Enemies to Christ's royall prerogative , to his people & work of Reformation ; yea wold not such a Bond be rather ane Association & Combination against the Lord ? That this Bond ( as it is proposed ) ingadgeth the Minister to live peaceably in ane universall & absolute sense is clear from the indefinitnes of the termes To live peaceably And it is known , that ane indefinite , generall & illimited proposition is aequivalent , to ane universall or absolute . 7. It is a sin to give such a Bond as by vertue of the obligation therof tendeth to bring the Ministry of the Gospell & Ministers doctrine immediatly & prima instantiâ to be cognosced & judged formally & authoritatively by the Civill Magistrate ; and the reason hereof is , because it belongeth properly to the Ministeriall function , formally & authoritatively ( though ministerially ) to judge & determine , & that prima instantiâ ( i. e. previously to any determination of the Magistrate or any otheir Judicature thereanent ) by the Scripture , of which Ministers are the only Interpreters ex Officio , what is Orthodoxe or Heterodoxe , what is Schisme or Heresy , these being matters purely spirituall & ecclesiastick , and so determinable only from the Scriptures . But that this Bond is such as by vertue of &c. I prove 1 , If by this Bond the Binder doth make the Magistrate the Immediate , yea sole & supreame Arb●ter & decisor of what is Schisme & Heresy in the Ministers doctrine , then the obligation of this Bond tendeth to bring the Ministers doctrine immediatly , formally & authoritatively to be cognosced & judged by the Civill Magistrate . But the former is true , thus : If the obligation of this Bond ingadgeth the Binder for the Ministers not preaching of Schisme & Heresy only & immediatly in the Magistrat's sense , then by this Bond the Binder doth make the Magistrate the Imme●iate , sole & supreme Arbiter & decisor of what is Schisme & Heresy in the Ministers doctrine . But that the former is clear● I prove ( 1 ) By this Bond the Binder doth oblige himself for the Ministe●s not preaching of Schisme & Heresy onely & immediatly in such a sense as therupon he cannot be called in question by the Civill Magistrate for the Ministers preachi●g of Schism & Heresy ( else to what purpose doth he bind ? ) But only & immediatly by binding in the Magigistrat's sense of Schisme & Heresy can he expect ●ot to be called in question by the Ma●istrate for the Ministers preaching Schism & Heresy ( for in no other sense can the Binder promise himself security ) Ergo by this Bond the Binder obligeth himself for the Ministers not preaching of Schisme or Heresy only & immediatly in the Magistrat's ( or Imposers ) sense . ( 2 ) If by this Bond the Cautioner is obliged to produce the Minister or pay the penalty only & immediatly for his preaching of Schisme or Heresy in the Magistrat's sense : then the Cautioner is bound ●or the Minister's not preaching of Schi●me or Heresy only and immediatly in the Magistrats sense : But the former is true : Therefore . The 2. Arg. whereby I prove that the obligation of this Bond tendeth to bring the doctrine of the Ministry immediatly & soldly under the Magistrat's Cognizance & decision , is this : These must be acknowledged by this Bond to have the sole immediat & supreme determination of what is Schism or Heresy in the Ministers doctrine , who have the sole immediate & supreme decision of what is properly a violation of the Ministers ingadgement by this Bond. But only the Civill Magistrate hes ( or rather assumes to himse●f ) the sole immediat & supreame decision of what is properly a violation of the Ministers ingadgement by this Bond. Ergo the Civill Magistrate must according to this Bond have the sole , immediate & supreme &c. 3. It is well known that the non-conform Ministers are not allowed by law to keep any Church-Iudicatories whereby such mat●ers as Schisme or Heresy might judicially be decided . 4. Nor doth the Councill referre the determination of these to the Prelaticall Courts or any other Ecclesiastick Judicature , so far as we know . From all which we gather That the Civill Magistrate ( the Imposer ) must according to this Bond be the sole , Immediate & supreame Arbiter & decisor of what is Schism & Heresy in the Minister's doctrine . 8. That which tendeth to the prejudice of the Church of Scotland in generall , ought to be avoyded as a sin ( for no private or particular advantage ought to interferre with the publick good , & that either in Church or Common Wealth ) But that this way of bonding or fixing by Bond to a particular Congregation , tendeth to the prejudice of our Church in ge●erall● I prove : That which tendeth only to the advantage of the farleast part of the Church , & not to the edification of the whole , ●endeth to the prejudice of the Church in generall , & so must be sinfull . But this way of Bonding tendeth only &c. Ergo. That this way of bonding tendeth only to the advantage of the far least part of the Church ( or rather to the dis-advantage of the whole ) is clear : 1 The one half of Scotland to witt from Tay north-ward whi●h is the very part which stands most in need of a faithfull Ministry is debarred & in a manner excommunicate from having this liberty● beside some of the most considerable Towns & places particularly excepted thereform . 2 All the Ministers who are suspected by the Councill to have been at the late rising in armes . 3 All these Ministers who shall afterward be ordained by non-c●nforme Mini●ters 4 All these Ministers who are not clear in their Conscience for giving or allowing such a Bond , who we hope are not a few . 5 All these Ministers who possibly cannot get any to be Surety for their peaceable behaviour , though themselves were ●lear for the thing . 6 All these Ministers Bonders who shall not actually fullfull , or shall contraveen ( whither designedly or inadvertently ) the Conditions of ●he Bond. 7 All the Ministers who shall not coram present themselves to the Councill in order to receive their Licences upon this Bond , & so passe their Tryalls before them . 8 All these paroches which either are not able to undergo the penalty of 6000. merks or are not w●lling to hazard the same , wherof there may be not a few . And 9 in a word , only such Ministers are hereby allowed & authorized to preach & administer the Sacraments , as will formally ingadge & actually performe the termes of this Ingadgement , which in charity we hope will be found a very inconsiderable number . And then let any conjecture what a small part of the Church of Scotland wold be supplied with Presbyte●ian Ministers , if none should preach but such as are thus licensed . 9. That ought not to be done with out the advice & Consent of the whol● Church which is of the great concernment of the whole Church at least ought not to be determined , co●cluded & complyed with , without first he●ring & pondering the Reasons of dis-sentients against it . But in a publ●ck Meeting of Ministers that which was of the concernment of the whole Church ( viz. their voting for the lawfullnes of this Bonding , & some of them their actuall Comp●i●g with it ) was done and concluded to be done not only without the advice & consent o● the whole Church but without so much as hearing & pondering the Reasons of dis-sentients against it , yea contrary to the minde of severall present who declared themselves against ●o sudden a determining of such a Question at that time . Therefore the giving or allowing this Bond ought not ●o be done , & so is sinfull . 10. That Bond is sinfull which may be interpreted contrary to our former lawfull & solemnly sworn Bonds & Covenants : But this Bond is such : By our former solemne Ingadgements we are bound ( & more speci●lly Mini●●ers of the Gospell ) by all lawfull means to wrestle & contend for the main●enance & defence of the work of Reformation in all the poynts & principles therof , and to oppose every thing that may be prejudiciall to the said work ; and that we shall continue constant all the dayes of our li●e in this defence & opposition . But by this Bond we oblige our selves not to con●●nd strive or wrestle any more for the defence of the wo●k of Reformation ( at least no● to oppose & with stand every thing that may be prejudiciall to the said work , & such as are profest Enimies thereto ) seeing by this Bond we ingadge to live peaceably with these , who we know are in actuall opposition against that blessed work : for these two are contrary to & inconsistent the one with the other : And therefore this Bond may be interpreted directly contra●e to our former lawfull Ingadgements , & so most sinfull , & a manifest breach of our solemne Vowes to God in most of the articles therof . And no doubt such as now ingage in this Bond wold have been look't upon as Enemies to the main ends of the Covenant if they had subscribed or allowed such a Bond to be given when required by the avowed Enemes of that Covenant in these dayes , when our Church was most vigorous in their zeal and faithfulnes for the defence of that work of Reformation according to these Covenants ; And that it can be any lesse sinfull now seeing we ly as strictly under the vowes of God now as then , and that these to whom this Bond is given are as vigorous in opposing that same work & Covenant as ever they were since the beginning , I cannot see : And we may referre it to the Consciences of these who are now so forward in gi●ing & allowing this Bond , in their most solitary retirements● when they ●i●t themselves immediatly before God who weigheth actions & compareth this deed most impartially with their so strict and peremptory Vowes to him in that Covenant , & our Churches formerzeall & tendernes in observing the same . 11. It is a sin to give such a Bond as mak●th my nighbour who is a free man , especially a Minister who is a free Ambassadour of Christ , to be a prisoner at the will & pleasure of such as will make him ane offender ●ven for a word : But such a Bond is this now required : Therefore ●infull . And if it ought to be refused upon this account that it bringeth the Minister in Bonds , much more then is it to be refused with all detestation , that it bringeth the Ministry it self and Gospell in to bondage . 12. It is sinfull to ingadge either by ane Absolute or Alternative Bond to be active or instrumentall in persecuting any ( but especially Christ's Ambassadours ) for saying or doing that which is their unquestionable duty : But by this Bond the Cautioner ingadgeth ( at least alternatively ) to be active & instrumentall in persecu●ing the Minister , ( viz. by presenting him when called for by the Councill ) for that which is really his duty , & acknowledged both by Minister & Cautioner to be such ; for instance when the Minister preaches the perpetuall obligation of the Covenant , or plainly testifyes against the crying sins & corrupt Courses of the time ( as he is bound in point of faithfullnes and Loyalty unto his great Master to doe ) especially these carried on by our Rulers or their authority , and therupon is called in question , & persecuted as a preacher of Rebellion &c. Ergo It is ●infull thus to ingadge . The like may be said also against the Cautioner his binding himself to pay the 6000 Merks in case he failzie & present not the Minister ; for thereby he obliges himself ( alternatively at least ) to be active in persecuting and punishing himself for that which is not his fault , and so to that which is sinfull . But lest any should imagine That because the termes of this Bond a●e Alternative ( the contrare of which is already made out ) therefore they may lawfully ingadge , viz. alternatively , though some of the Alternatives be really sinfull● Wherefore 13. Giving by supposition , but no● granting , that the termes of this Bond were indeed as Alternative as some wold have , or any could wish them ; yet I say that it is sinfull to ingadge therin , 1 Because all & every one of the Alternatives of this present Bond are sinfull , as is proven above . 2 Though but one of the Alternatives were sinfull & the rest lawfull , yet it is a sin to ingadge in such a Bond , and that because it is sinfull to ingadge to that which is sinfull either absolutely or alternatively ; For as we cannot without sin bind our selves to that Conditionally which upon no Condition we can without sin performe , so neither can we without sin bind o●rselves to that alternatively which in no case can come under our choice ; and where their can be no choice ( as of sin or sinfull Alternatives as such their can be none , seeing choice or election is to have place only where the thing is some way or other eligible , which sin or a sinfull Alternative can never be ) there ought to be no deliberation , and conseq . far less ought their to be Bonding . 14 That Bond is sinfull whereby the Ministers ingadged wherein are by the Imposers , 1 Restricted in the exercise of the key of Doctrine . 2. Robbed of the key of Discipline , for this is witheld in the Councill's Grant. 3. Are debarred from perpetuating the succession of a faithfull Ministry by ordaining others thereto ; at least by this bonding they taci●ely approve & virtually consent ( Consentit enim qui non con●radicit ) to these sinfull Re●●rictions . 15. If the giving of this Bond be more unwarantable then imbraceing of the former Indulgence , then this bonding is a sin , yea a greater sin then that of the former Indulgence ( at least to these who look upon the former Indulgence as a sin ) But that it is more unwarantable , is hence manifest : That by the former Indulgence the Accepter therof doth restrict his Ministry mostly as ●o the exercise of it in such a particular paroch , wheras by this Bond ( or Latter Indulgence ) the Ministry is qualified & restricted also as to the exercise of it simpliciter , i. e. as to the very doctrine it self , as is clear from what is already said : In which sense it seemeth to surpass even Prelacy it self for grossness , viz. in so far as Prelates ( as such ) requires of their Ministers the Curates that they be subject to them only as to the exercise & manadgement of the externall Government of the Church ; But by this Bond the Councill requires the bond●d Ministers to be subject to & censurable by them in the very Essentialls & most intrinsick acts of their Ministry , namely the doctrinall part therof , and the Cautioner & Minister by their bonding doe ipso facto yeeld & consent thereto ; and the more considerable this is , That Prelates pretend to be a sort of Ecclesiastick persons , & Prelacy ane Ecclesiastick order ( though both corrupt & unwarantable ) wheras the Civill Magistrate or the Councill as such cannot pre●end to any such thing . 16. If it be a sin for any Person or people absolutely to ingadge to their Rulers ( especially such as doe now require this Bond ) not to resist or oppose them by ex●ernall force in any case whatsoever , Then much more is it sinfull for Ministers to bring themselves under such ane absolute Ingadgment in reference to the intrinsick acts of their Ministry . But that it is a sin for any person or people absolutely to ingage &c. is so obvious & palpable both from the light of nature , principles of Reason & Religion , as also from the testimony of pious & judicious Politicians & Divines , yea even from the Concessions of some of these who are accounted the greast Royalists , That I forbear at large to prove it , and referres such as doubt therof to the writings of these who have treated upon that or the like subject . The Connexion of the former proposition is clear ( 1 ) Because a Mini●ter as a Minister ( or Ambassadour of Christ ) is not a servant or subject to any mortall Prince or Potentate , and so may not with ou● laese Majesty to his sole Soveraign Christ ( whose alone servant he is ) make such absolu●e ingadgements in things relating to his Ministeriall function , as Others may in matters of their Civil● Liberties & Concernes . ( 2 ) Because , by ●ow much the more indispensable the exercise of the spir●tuall sword is then tha● of the temporall , by so much the more sinfull is it for Ministers absolutely to ingadge to live peaceably ( i. e. not to lift up their spiritua●l & mini●teriall armes , such as publick Reproving , testifying or protesting against the sinful● Co●rses of the Rulers & these that are in authority ) then the people so to doe in order not to lift their carnall & temporall armes against the same Rulers : And though we are more prone by nature to flee to the Carnall sword for our bodily defence , when occasion calls thereto , yet the use of the spirituall is both much more necessary & indispensable in it self , and also much more expressely enjoyned by God in his word to these whom he hath impowered & authorized to exercise it ex officio . But to proceed . Secondly from the Scandallousnes of this Bond , I may Reason thus . A Bond that is justly scandallous or gives just ground of scandall or stumbling ( not that the ground of Scandall can be just & warantable i. e , that any ground of Scandall can justify the Scandall or warant any person to stumble ; but that such a Bond as this doth give just ground to repute the giving of it a reall Scandall , and that whi●h hes a reall and direct tendency to stumble & offend ) ought not to be given or allowed to be given : But this Bond for Mini●ters peaceable living ( as it is now required ) is such : Therefore it ought not to be given or allowed . That this B●nd is Scandallous , & that upon many accounts , may appear . 1 It is scandallous to give such a Bond as puts a tash & disgrace upon the Ministers of the Gospell : But ●ha● this is such a Bond , I prove : 1 , A Bond that imports & ( tacitely at least yet really ) praesupposes the faithfull Ministers of the Gosp●ll to have been formerly turbulent , unpeaceable or rebellious , puts a disgrace upon the Ministers of the Gospell : But this Bond is such , as is clear from the words of the proclamation , viz. But to the end that none whom we may justly Suspect shall under the colour of this favour CONTINUE to preach Rebellion &c. For it is certain that Bonds of this nature , especially these imposed by Superiours upon their In●eriours , or Rulers upon their Subjects , doe presuppose that these of whom the said Bonds are required , have either been formerly guilty of● or else have a propensity to doe the contrare of what is required of them by these Bonds : Therefore &c. 2. That Bond which imports & presupposes the Ministers to be either incapable or unworthy to bind immediatly for their own peaceable behaviour , or that they will make no Conscience of their duty ( such as to live peaceably ) except others of more Credite & Respect bind for them , or that even others their binding for them is not sufficient to keep them in order except for ane aw-band they oblige themselves also to present them , & that under a great penalty , such a B●nd I say putts a great stain & disgrace upon the Ministers of the Gospell : But such is this Bond now required : Ergo very scandallous . But 2. It is scandallous to give a Bond that not only puts disgrace upon the Ministers but also tends natively to bring the Ministry under Contemp ? That this is such a Bond is evident , Because it is scarse imaginable That such a mans Ministry ( who hes ingadged in this Bond ) can have any weight , authority or respect with the people under his Charge so long as he is look't upon as ane Infamous Offender or Malefactor , & one who is neither a good Subject nor a good Christian ; not a good Subject , because as he hath been given to rebellious Courses formerly , so he is still ready to break out into the same dis-orders ( for both these doth this Bond import , as above ) except he be chained up by another man's binding for his peaceable behaviour , who hes ( as it were ) the rope f●stened about the Ministers neck , That so soon as in the least he trespasses , he may be ready to be drawn forth , if it were even to a gibbet : nor is he look't upon as a good Christian , either by the more tender & zeallous , because he ha●h purchased externall Liberty to exercise his Ministry in so foull & unwarantable a way ; or by others , because he makes no Conscience of his duty ( to live peaceably ) except he be either bribed or over-awed thereto . What esteem then of , or reverence to such a Man's Ministry can the people have , or what au●hority & weight can such a Ministers reproving of sin or scandall in others ( & particularly these under his own oversight ) have , while he is by them looked upon to be such a Man as we have now described . 3. It is scandallous to give such a Bond as thereby the Cautioner appeares to the Imposers as a man who hath no scruple of Conscience to deliver up his Minister to be persecuted ( and who can tell how deep it may draw with him ? ) when called so to doe : But this Bond is such Therefore scandallous ; for though the termes ( to pre●ent the Minister or pay the penalty ) were never so formally alternative , yet seeing the Cautioner at his bonding doth not expressely d●clare to the Imposer which of the two Alternatives he chuses , or that he chuses not that which binds him to deliver up the Minister ( which is the more sinfull & scandallous ) the Imposer hes just ground to judge that it is more probable the Cautioner will rather deliver up the Minister when called thereto , then that he will be so lavish of his mony as to venture so great a summe for not presenting him : for as one said very pertinently ( speaking of this subject ) when one temptation prevails with him ( viz. the Ca●tioner ) to bind for the Minister , another may persuade him to lead him to the Gibbet . 4. It is a scandall for Presbyterians to give a Bond that natively tends to the weakening & dividing of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland , and makes the Bonders ipso jure the true Separatists & Fomentors of Division : But this is such a Bond : Ergo. That the giving of this Bond ( or the allowing of it by a publick Vote of Ministers ) doth really yea natively tend to the divi●ing & breaking of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland is too palpable by doolfull experience , that it should be den●ed or questioned : Likewise That the Givers & allowers of this Bond are ( theri● ) the only true Separatists from their dissenting Bretheren , and so the only C●eators of new divisions & fomentors of the former , is manifest from these two : 1. That they did coram Consult and Assembly-wayes Conclude the Lawfulnes of this Bonding yea & some of them did actually accept of the Liberty granted the●eby , and preached therupon , without first hearing & pondering of what dissenting Bretheren had to offer against it . 2 Their Bretheren who dissented from them herin , doe as yet continue in statu quo prius , in the same state & posture they were in before yea & in that same judgment & practice anent this Bond , which our Church was formerly of when most resplendent for Reformation ) that is , they preach & hear upon their perill as they have formerly , for refusing to give such homage & subjection to ane Invading Adversary in the matters of God & of his Church , as by this bondadging Bond they wold certainly be obliged to give ; wheras the Bonders have fallen upon a new & un●roden path , which is altogether unknown & a by-road to the Reformed Church of Scotland either as to her Principles or practices . And this leads me to the nixt . 5. It is a Scandall for any Minister or Professor of the Church of Scotland to give such a Bond for obtaining externall liberty to Ministers to preach , as never hath been given in any Church ( so far as we know ) far less in a Reformed Church , and least of all in so pure a Reform●d Church , as Scotland , till now : But this is such a Bond as never ( let but one parallel instance be produced to disprove it ) was given &c. Ergo. We read I confess in our Church-Records That in the year 1596. there was a Bond imposed by the King & his Councill to be subscribed by every one of ●he Ministry , under the pain of losing their stipends ; whereby they were to Confess That the King was their soveraign ●udge to them & every one of them in all Causes of Sedition & Treason , & other Civill & Criminall matters , & to all their speehes which might import the said Crimes , albeit uttered by any of them in pulpit or any other place &c. Which Bond they joyntly & unanimously refused to subscribe ( though otherwise they mostly granted upon the matter what was required of them , as in their Explication of Mr. David Black 's Declinature & else where they insinuate ) and that for XI Reasons which they gave then against the same , as may be seen in the History . 6. It is a scandallous Bond that is tendered , & when tendered is accepted by the Tenderers as the speciall signe & Test of Mi●isters their now at length succumbing unde● & yeelding up the Cause which hes been so much controver●ed , & so long con●ended for ; and so a virtu●ll ( at least ) Ingadging no more to oppose nor Contend against , but peaceably to rest satisfied with all the past & future overturnings of the work of Reformation , but specially with the manifold Invasions made upon Christ's Prerogative & the Churches Priviledges . Bu● &c. Ergo. 7. To ingadge in a Bond the termes wherof doe not only admitt of , but are commonly taken in a sinful● & scandal●ous sense ( suppone that the Ingadger should really not ingadge in that sense ) and yet not to declare , that he does not ingadge in that sinfull & scanda●lous sense , is both sinfull & scandallous ; for in such Cases ( as al●o in most , if no● all Cases of Scandall as such ) I conceive that Idem est esse & apparere , as to these to whom the scandall is given : B●t so it is in this busines of the Bond : Ergo exce●ding scandallous . That the termes of this Bond are both lyable to , and also commonly taken in a sinfull & scandallous sen●e ( at least by the more tenderly zeal●ous & judicious ) in our ●ayes , and as matters now stand is undenyable from experience . 2 That the sense of the Imposers is also sinfull & scandallous is manifest from what is already said in Explication of the Bond. And 3 That such as have already ingadged in this Bond , have not as yet declared , to the Imposers at least , that ●hey have not or would not ingadge in that sinfull & scandallous sense , is likewise manifest from matter of fact . The like may be said of the Ingadgers not protesting publickely against all or any of the innumerable evills , that are either implyed , exprest in , yea or commonly supposed to be inseparably connected with this bonding . Hence 8. It is scandallous for Presbyterian Ministers to ingadge in a Bond which is commonly suspected by most of the pious , faithfull , tender & judici●us in the Land ( yea & by Strangers also & men of other Principles ) ●o be inconsistent with Presbyterian Principles , and yet not to assert & vindicate either by Word or Write their Presb. Principles ( which are exposed to so much Reproach & Igno●iny by such Bondings ) or testify against that Usurped power by which they are so much invaded , & from which the imposing of such Bonds doth natively proceed as from their genuine source & fo●ntain ; Thus I say to ingadge , is very scandallous : But Presb. Ministers have ingadged in such a Bond , & yet have not &c. Ergo. Yea give me leave to say , How scandallous and reproachfull is it even to the dis-sentient & true hearted Presbyterians in Scotland , not to have either by Word , or Write , entered joyntly , a faithfull● free , positive , publick & plain Protestation ( whither in the face of the late Assemblers who voted for the lawfulnes of this Bond , or otherwise ) against this anti-presbyterian ( to say no worse ) and divisive Bond ; that so a standing witness might have been preserved & perpetuate to Posterity against this as one of the most gross steps of our defection and that the mouths of many both at home & abroad might be stopt , who stand not to say & hear said That the whole Ministry of Scotland are for the lawfullnes of this Bond , at least few or none avowedl● or publickely against it . 9. It is scandallous to give a Bond that hes but the appearance of our Ceding from Contending any more for Christ's undoubted Preroga●ives , the Churches intrinsick Priviledges● just freedom of his Ambassadours &c. 2 Hes the appearance of Condemning all our own & ou● Predecessors wrestlings & Contendings fo● these & their peremptory refusing & protesting against all Bonds of this or the like nature . 3 Of dis-couradging the heart & weakening the hands of all such as have hitherto , or are as yet indeavouring to keep a distance from all such Ingadgements as having the appearance of evill . 4 Of hardening & confirming open Adversaries in all their wicked Invasions , particularly their sinfull & sacrilegious Supremacy , and incouraging them by such bondings to advance the same higher & higher as they doe . 5 Of being weary of the Cross of Christ & mistrusting of Gods faithfulnes to deliver from , o● carry us cleanly thorow this dangerous difficulty , as he hes done thorow many of the like natu●e . But 6 more particularly the giving of this Bond hath at least the appearance of ( if it be not a down-right ) condemning the practice & peremptoriness of some tender & zeallous among the people of late , who by choice● have suffered the most opprobrious of deaths , ere ●hey wold so much as Consent , to take a Bond by many degrees more plausible & tolerable then this of the Ministers , and attended also with incomparably stronger Temptations . 10. It is Scandallous ( & more specially for Ministers of the Gospell ) to ingadge in a Bond , which as imposed is either contrary to , or al●oge●her withou● express Scripturall Qualifications , when the matter therof is enjoyned in the Scripture only with these Qualifications : But by giving of this Bond the Binder ingadgeth in such a Bond : Ergo. That the matter of this Bond ( viz to live peaceably ) is injoyned in the Scripture alwayes with some annexed qualifications & restrictions is manifest from many Instances , which for brevity I omitt now to cite , but shall touch some of them afterward in answering to Objections . 2 That this Bond is imposed by the Councill & accepted by the Bonders without expresse mention of these scripturall qualifications , is undenyably evident from matter of fact . 3 That the termes therof are commonly now taken & also to be understood in ane Anti-Scripturall or sinfull sense , is already proven . 11. The matter ingadged unto in this Bond is either 1 Clear & Indispensable duty ( I say Clear , because he that doubteth is damned , and what soever is not of faith is sin ; and Indispensable , because otherwise they shall never prove it to be free of sin , it being attended with so much scandall ) in the present Circumstance of affaires : Or 2. it is a clear & manifest sin : Or 3 it is a matter merely Indifferent : Or 4 it hath more appearance of duty then sin : Or 5 more appearance of sin then duty . That it is not the 1 , and that it is the 2 , is already sufficiently made out . The 3 it cannot be , seeing it is a matter of so much weight and importance to the whole Church of Scotland . And that it is not the 4 , but the 5 may appear ( beside from what is already said ) from this . That the Bonders themselves , and the Allowers therof are more taken up & exercised how to excogitate Defences ( or ra●her pre●ences ) for clearing this their bonding not to be a sin then to adduce invincible Arguments ( which cannot be had ) for proving it positively to be a necessary duty , or the refusing therof to be a manifest sin ; which shewes plainly that they have a sort of doubting & diffidency in defending this busines , as being some way apprehensive or affraid ne lateat anguis in her●a least there be some thing really sinfull in it ( bei●g somuch cryed out against & abhorred of the most Godly , tender & zeallous in the Land ) and because it must first appear not to be a sin , before it can appear to be a positive and unquestionable duty , therefore they find themselves more conce●ned , how to take off ( if possible ) the appearance or visage of sin from it , then to give it the splendor & colour of a clear & indispensable duty . Witnesse this , their Vote for the giving of this Bond , which they thought fittest to expresse in negative termes . 12. I wold in all humility & sobernes inquire● What is the main motive & Impulse that drives these Ministers now to this Bonding ; Either it must be the desire they have of externall ease & quietnes , temporall advantage & accommodation , the Courts favour & protection , applause of men , or some such carnall end ; Or else their great motive & designe must be the advancement & propagation of the Gospell , and so the edification of the Church . If the former , then they thereby declare themse●ves to be perfect Hirelings & worldlings , which we will be loath to assert of them . If the latter , then it is either the edification & advantage of ou● Church in generall , or of some particular Congregations therin : the former by giveing & observing of this Bond cannot be had , as is already proven in the 8 Arg. of the 1 Head : If the latter , then it is either the good of a few Congregations as conducible to the good of the whole● or as inconsistent therwith : The former cannot be , as is clear from the forecited arg . And the latter ought no● to be , Because ( as is already said ) no particular advantage ought to interferre with the publick good ; Besides , Christ is said to have given ●o his Church , Past●rs , Teachers &c. for edifying of the BODY ( to witt of his Church ) and not for edifying some petty particular members therof only . Thirdly from the many Inconveniences wherwith this Bond is loaded & attended , we may argue against the same as followeth . THat Bond which hath exceeding great & many Inconveniences attending or following the giving of it , ought not to be given , unless it had also as many & great advantages as might preponderat these Inconveniences or disadvantages ( which it ha●h not as may be manifest from what is above said , but shall farther more particularly appear : ) But this Bond required of Ministers hath &c. Ergo. For 1 the giving of this Bond bringeth the Minister into a great strait : 1 Either to conceall some part of the whole Counsell of God , which may readily be interpreted by the Councill , a breach of his peaceable Living , and so by his unfaithfulnesse & sin●ull silence offend both God & the godly ; or else by declaring the whole Counsell of God , & boldly preaching his presbyterian principles irrita●e the Anti-presbyterian Rulers , and so indanger both his Liberty to be forfaulted & his person to be punished . 2 Either to present himself when called for by the Councill & Cautioner , or else to hazard the Cautioners paying of the penalty for non-compearance , & so dis-oblige him who hath done him such a kindnes as to procure him the externall liberty to exercise his Ministry , by binding for him under so great a summe , and instigat also the Magistrate against him , and so purchase to himself the name of a perfidious & Contumacious person . 3 If he present himself & compear , then either to decline the Councill as Competent Judges in the matter of his Doctrine ( which may cost him no lesse then his Head ) or o●herwise silently to suffer them go on in cognoscing , judging or condemning his Doctrine of Scisme &c. ( And so yeeld to the Civill Magistrat a power to judge immediatly & authoritatively of Ministers Doctrine ) or Censuring by silencing , deposing , or otherwise punishing him , as they shall please to determine his alleadged unpeaceable living doth demerite . 2. It is Inconvenient on this account ; That it becometh a great temptation to the Cautioner to persecute the Minister by presenting of him ; especially if he apprehend that the Minister hath needlessely done or spoken that thing or word , for which he may be charged by the Councill as ane unpeaceable liver ( which may very readily fall out ) or if he be unable to pay the summe , or if he be so wickedly sett , that he will rather venture the Ministers neck then to pay such a penalty himself for not presenting of him , or if he be in some hopes & expectation to bring the Minister faire off though he present him &c. I say this is very Inconvenient , and therefore ought to be avoyded . 3. Hereby is occasion given ( if not a reall ground laid down ) not only for the Cautioner or Councill to persecute the Minister , but also for any malevolous person who carries the Minister or his Cautioner at ill will , to pitch a quarrel with him , by gathering either from his Doctrine , deportement , or ordinary discourse , any thing which may have the least shadow in law That he hath broken the peace whereto he is ingadged , or though they can catch nothing in the Ministers carriage wherat they can carp , yet they may either out of their own malice , or by the bribery perswasion or instigation of others swear to his prejudice , and so by delating him get him delivered up to the lust of these whose tender mercies are cruelty , or else the Cautioner to pay the penalty . 4. The giving of this Bond is a bad preparative & exemple for incouraging all Magistrates both at home & abroad , present & to come , either to require & receive the like Bond from Ministers , when ever they take up the least jealousy or prejudice against them ( though probably without any ground ) or else to put them from the peaceable exercise of their Ministry , and to debarr others also ( not admitted ) from accesse to the exercise therof , untill such a Bond of surety be found & given for them . 5. That Bond is very Inconvenient whereby the Binder doth inevitably bring upon himself or others either sin , scandall or suffering : But by this Bond the Binder doth incurre the necessity of bringing some or all of these upon himself or others , as may be particularly evinced from what is above said : Ergo such a Bond is most Inconvenient . 6. This bonding will at least occasion other Ministers , who either cannot find clearnes in their Conscience to give , allow , or suffer any such Bond to be given for them , or who possibly cannot get any who will venture to bind for them ( fearing perhaps they may be too rackless ( aliàs too faithfull ) in their preaching ) or these who are particularly exempted in the proclamation from this Liberty ; It occasions , I say , all such Ministers to be exposed as the only butt of the malice & persecution of the Rulers , if they shall presume to preach without their warant & Licence . 7. This Bonding is very Inconvenient , That thereby the Cautioner & Parishoners are tempted to give to their Minister carnall & sinfull advice ( viz. that he utter nothing which may irritate the Rulers , or may be interpreted unpeaceable Living &c. ) the Cautioner out of fear , least he be put by the Councill to present him , or else pay the penalty ; the People , lest they be deprived of their Minister : and thus the edification both of people & Cautioner is marred & obstructed : But this is such a Bond : Therefore . 8. It is Inconvenient also upon this account , That the Cautioner doth bind his Heirs & Successors together with himself : for 1 they may be either Children or fools . 2 They may be unable to underly so great a summe . 3 They may be of an other or contrary Judgement anent this Bond. 4 Though they be once of the opinion that there is no sin in it , yet they may afterward ( as also may the Cautioner himself ) alter their judgement and see the evill therof , & be made to smart for it , as many have done in the like cases , for doing things of far less import , & having less appearance of evill then the giving of this Bond. But the truth is , it is as impossible to make a full enumeration of all the evills & Inconveniences that are either wrapped up in , or may follow upon this way of bonding , as it is to number or foretell all the particular occurrents & circumstances that shall afterward come to pass in reference thereto . In a word , it is Sinfull , Scandallous & Inconvenient to doe or allow to be done that which hes but the appearance of evill in it , which this Bonding cannot be denyed to have . I shall now indeavour to obviat or remove what some doe alleadge in defence of the lawfulnes of giving this Bond ; as . 1. That the Scripture expressely commands what is required by this Bond. viz. to live peaceably ; as may beseen particularly in these Rom. 12 : 18. Heb. 12 : 14. Ps. 34 : 14. 1. Pet. 3 : 11. 1 Thess. 4.11 . ● Tim. 2 : 1 , 2. Rom. 14 : 19. Jer. 29 : 7. &c. Therefore such a Bond ought to be given when required . Answer 1 , Either these Scriptures doe command absolute peaceable living , and illimitedly as to times , places persons &c. or they doe not : If they doe , then how shall that Scripture hold ( for the Scriptures here adduced command us to live peaceably not so much with Magistrates as with men in generall ) Eccles. 3 : 8. There is a time of war & a time of peace ; or that , Luk. 22 : 36. He that hath no sword let him sell his garment & buy one ; and the like ? If they doe not , either then they say nothing to the purpose in hand , or else the Objectors are holden to prove that they are parallel to , & so conclusive in our present circumstantiate Case . 2. suppose that these forecited Scriptures ( commanding to live peaceably ) were held forth in as generall & indefinite termes as this present Bond ( which is manifestly false as shall presently appear ) will it yet follow , That therefore such Scriptures were absolutely & universally concludent , and ought not to admitt of any exceptions or restrictions whatsoever , because held forth in such termes ? If you 'l affirme that in such a case they ought not , because where the Scripture makes no difference nor restriction , we ought not to dinstinguish nor ●estrict ; I answer , by the same Reason then I may argue from Matth. 5 : 39 - Resist not evill , & infe●re therefrom ; ● That therefore we ought not to resist any manner of evill ( for the termes are generally & indefini●ely exprest ) & consequently not to resist sin nor Sathan ; to which if you should answer , that such a laxe consequence were very inconsequent , because ( say you ) it is not the evill of sin that there we are discharged to resist , but the evill of punishment , or private & personal injuries , might not I ( according to your own way of reasoning ) reply , that the termes of this prohibition Resist not evill , are generall , illimited & indefinite , and therefore universally conclusive and where the Scripture distinguishes not nor qualifies & restricts we ought not ; and then what is become of your argument ? But if you should answer here That though that particular passage of scripture doth not characterize nor discriminate what sort of evill we are to resist & what not , yet many other parallel places doe : Even so say I , that although one particular passage of Scripture may command peaceable living in generall absolute & indefinite termes , yet other parallel scriptures doe expressely qualify & restrict the same ; so that the former axiome will not alwayes hold unless it run after this manner where the Scripture ( viz Complexely considered as to the whole , & collatively as to particular passages therof ) ● neither● expressly distinguishes , nor gives any ground for distinguishing , we ought not to distinguish ; which I take to be very true . But 3 Though none of the foreci●ed Scriptures made any mention of the qualifications & Conditions of peaceable living , yea suppose all the Scriptures of the Bible relating to peaceable living ( except one particular passage ) were so generally & indefinitly exprest , as that indeed they seemed to command absolute peaceable living without any limitation ; yet though there were but one passage in the whole Scripture , that either expressly mentions , or so insinua●es these qualifications and restrictions of peaceable living , as therupon we have good ground to qualify and restrict the same , I say that even that one passage is to be the rule & standard by which all the rest ( indefinitly so exprest ) are to be interpreted & understood in reference to peaceable living ; not contrariwise . 4. It is not so much the generality & Indefinitnes of the termes ( to live peaceably ) that makes us hate & abhorre this Bond , as it is the sinfull & sinistrous sense that the Councill hes put upon it ; neither will it follow , That because the Magistrate doth not expressely declare in the Bond it self , or at the imposing of it , his sinfull sense therof , therefore no where else hath he declared it , or that the Bond is left arbitrary to our sensing ; no more then it will fol●ow That because the Scripture in one or moe particular passages does not expressly mention the Conditions & Limitations of peaceable living , therfor other parallel places , or the Scripture complexely taken makes no mention of them , nor insinua●s any ground for them or that they are left arbitrary to any mans frameing o● coyning 5. Though the termes of this Bond were never so sound in thesi & as they are proposed , Nay ( which is more ) although they were never so expressely Scripturall , yet when once the right sense & meaning therof comes under debate , or a sinistrous is suspected to be either ●atent or declared , I say that we ought not ingadge even in such a Bond without protesting ( at least in generall ) against any sinfull or sinistrous sense that can be put upon it , or in particular that which is suspect to be latent in the termes thereof ; Which yet is to be received with caution according to what is said above in Explication of the nature of Liberty . But 6. Even these very Scriptures adduced against the Refusers of this Bond are so far from commanding us to live peaceably in such a generall & indefinite sense as is insinuate by the Objectors , or in such a sinfull sense as required by the Imposers , that on the contrare the express qualifications & Conditions mentioned in these Scriptures ( both in ●he Text & Context ) doe exceedingly favour the Refusers , yea & which may serve as so many Arguments for them against the Objectors , as may appear thus : Rom. 12 : 18. If it be possible , as much as in you lyeth , live peaceably with all men ; from which we may gather That if it be not possible for us simply , or if not possible with a good Conscience ( as in our case it is not ) we are not to live peaceably &c. So Heb. 12 : 14. it is commanded that we follow peace with all men ( but remember what is connected with it ) and holines . Ergo we are commanded to follow peace only in so far as holines goes along with it . Also Ps. 34 : 14. & 1 Pet. 3 : 11. we are commanded to seek peace and persue it ( but what sayes the former part of the same verse ) depart from evill & doe good . Likewise 1 Tim. 2 : 1 , 2. I exhort therefore — that we may lead a quiet & peaceable life ( but how must it be qualified ? ) in all godliness & honesty : The Reason therefore why we are to pray for Kings &c. is not that we may lead a quiet & peaceable life simply , but that we may lead it in all godlines & honesty ; and so by consequence it is not lawfull for us to bind our selves to lead a quiet & peaceable life simply or absolutely , but thus q●alified . Likewise Rom. 14 : 19. Let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace ( but stay take the other half a long ) and things wherwith one may edify another . As for the other place 1 Thess. 4.11 . I see not how it makes for the present purpose , it is true it is there said , That ye study to be quiet &c. but consider also what followes in the beginning of the nixt verse , That ye walk honestly &c. So likewise 2 Kings 20 : 19. Is it not good saith Hezekiah ) that peace & truth ( Ergo not good that peace alone ) be in my dayes . And Zech. 8 : 19. Love the truth & peace . And many mo● the like . From all which it is more then manifest , That we are not commanded to live peaceably , seek peace , love peace &c. ( far less to bind our selves thereto ) absolutely & simply , but only in so far as that peace or peac●able living is consistent and accompanied with godlines , truth , edification , holines , honesty &c. As for that Scripture objected from Ier. 29.7 . where the people of the Iewes are bidden seek the peace of the City ( even of Babylon ( whither they were carried Captives ; I answer ( 1 ) Let the Objector make the parity between the two Cases , and then I shall consider how to make ane answer to the Objection . But ( 2 ) to make the dis-parity appear , the scope of this Command is to intimate to them , that it was the determinate purpose of God , that they should continue in their Captivity for a long time viz. 70. yeares ; and therefore that they should quietly submit to , & rest satisfied with their captivate lot till the time appoynted , and in the mean while to build houses , plant vineyards take wives &c that they might be increased there ; and so they are to seek the common peace & preservation of the City or Incorporation where they lived , & wherof by Gods dispensation they were made members . Hence ( 3 ) the Reason why they were to seek the peace of that City is , not because they were thereto Commanded or required by the King of Babylon or his Councill ( as it is in our Case ) but the Reason therof is given to be this , for in the peace therof ( sayes he ) shall ye have peace ; and so they did no less then what the● Law of mutuall & self-preservation did oblige them previously to this positive Command : But I question much if the same Reason that is there subjoyned to this Command will have place with us ; that is , I much doubt if it may be said in our Case , That in the peace of the Prelatists ( or Imposers of this Bond ) shall ye ( viz. Presbyterians ) have peace ; or at least , That the Presbyterians peace is so inseparably connected with , & bound up in theirs , as the Jewes their peace was in the peace of the City where they were Captives . ( 4 ) From this Command I cannot see how the Jewes were obliged to give Bond ●or absolute peaceable living , though it had been required of them by the King of Babylon or his Councill their then Superiours ( far less that it can be therefrom inferred That we are bound to give this Bond ) because such a Bond wold directly have condemned the same prophet Ieremiah who alloweth the Inhabitants of Zion to pray . That the violence done unto them & their flesh might be upon Babylon ; and the Psalmist Ps. 137. v. last , who prayeth for a bloody day upon these Babylonians ; yea & pronounceth them blessed who should dash their litle ones against the stones : And when they refused so much as to sing the songs of the Lord at their bidding , lest they sho●ld seem to have forgott the quarrell of Ierusalem & the Injuries done to their God , their Temple & Religion &c. How can any man imagine , or Divine affirme , that they ought to have given such a Bond unto such ? Wold they not rather that their tongue had cleaved to the roof of their mouth then to have Consented , and their right hand to forget her cunnig then to have subscribed such a Bond ? ( 5 ) If this were a good way of Reasoning , then Lot who was a member of Sodom's Incorporation ( & so bound to seek the preservation therof for his own preservations sake ) had been obliged if thereto required by the Sodomites , to bind for absolute peaceable living with them , and then how should this have consisted with his dayly contending with them for their vile abominations , & his indeavouring to restrain them therefrom ? I know some are pleased also to Object Prov. 23 : 23. Buy the Truth & sell it not and so it is not only lawfull ( say they ) but also commendable in them , who , ere they be deprived or made destitute of a pure & peaceable dispensation of the Gospell preached by Christs sent Ambassadours , they will rather tran●act with the Magistrat & ingadge for the Ministers peaceable behaviour , & presenting of him unde● the pain of paying a great summe of mony ; To which I Answer ( if such ane Objection may be counted worth the answering ) ( 1 ) That the Cautioners paying the 6000 Merkes is so far from procuring the peaceable preaching of the Gospell , or being accepted by the Magistrate as the price of the Liberty granted by him for the same ( far less as the price of the Truth it self which they have not to sell ) That on the contrare the paying therof is not only a punishment inflicted on him for breach of his ingadgement , but a certain evidence that he hath forfaulted that Liberty so bargained for . ( 2 ) It is one thing to buy the Truth & not to sell it , & quite another to buy externall peace & protect●on by selling the Truth or any part of it , which may justly be charged upon the Bonders , as appeares from what is already said . But ( 3 ) It is a question whither we may so formally bargaine & transact with the Civill Magistrat ( especially one who hes usurped all Church-power in Church-matters & by Church-mens Ceding to such bondings & barganings takes occasion & incouragement to advance his sinfull Supremacy ) as to offer him a summe of mony for obtaining Liberty to preach the Gospell in his Dominions ; which Liberty he is so indispensably obliged to grant previously to , and without any such Tran●action . 2. Ministers ●re subjects as well as others Therefore they cannot refuse to give or allow this Bond for their peaceable living . Answer 1 , I easily grant with all our Protestant Divines , that Ministers are subjects as they are men & members of the Common Wealth ; I am no Papist to deny subjection of Clergy-men to the Civill Magistrate in things Civill , But 2 I deny that Ministers as Ministers , or Ministers in discharging their Ministeriall function , are subject or accountable ( at least primâ instantiâ ) to the Civill Magistrate : But this Bond is required of Ministers not only as subjects ( for then how comes it that it is not also imposed upon all the rest of the subjects ; ) but mainly as Ministers , because ( 1 ) it is required of them as the Condition without which they cannot be admitted to the exercise of their Ministry . ( 2 ) Because thereby they are qualified & restricted not only in the externall exercise but also in the very Essentialls of their Ministry . 3 , I deny that either Ministers or other subjects ought to give Bond for peaceable living in such absolute termes as this Bond is held forth in . 3. Peaceable behaviour is necessarily included in the Oath of Allegiance as a part thereof . Answer 1 , I concede that subjects , & Ministers as subjects , are under the ty of Allegiance to their Civill Magistrate , whither they come under a formall , explicite & personall Oath or not , and that they are bound to live peaceably in all dutifull subjection & obedience . But 2 if by the Oath of Allegiance be understood a Bond without Condition or Limitation , obliging absolutely to peaceable living , then I deny that the Magistrat may require , or that the subjects ought to ingadge in such a Bond ; otherwise I deny this Bond ( as now it is imposed ) to be a part of , or included in the Oath of Allegiance . 4. Any subject may require of his fellow subject Law-borrows , & get him obliged to keep the peace ; Therefore much more may the King & Councill require , & subjects ought when required , to give a B●nd for peaceable living . Answer Though the Cases aggree thus far , that both are Bonds to keep the peace , yet the disparity is very considerable , as : 1 In the one Case the King & Councill , as they challenge to have the only power of framing whatsoever Bonds they impose upon their subjects , so by that same power they put what sense & exposition upon these Bonds ( for ejusdem est exponere cujus est imponere ) they please , & require obedience only in that sense , & judge of obedience or dis-obedience according thereto ; in the other Case between Subject & fellow-subject it is not so . 2. In the one , the Magistrate is both Iudge & Party ; in the other , neither of the parties is Judge to the other , but the Magistrat is ane indifferent Judge to both . 3. The King & Councill have declared their sense of the termes of this Bond to be so sinfull & sinistrous , that no Presbyterian can engadge therin without impeaching his presbyterian principles ; in the other , it signifies nothing what be the sense of him who requires the Law borrows , as to any prejudice his fellow-subject can sustain thereby , seeing he hath neither the termes in his own framing or sensing , nor is the other bound to give obedience in his sense any further then as it is the sense of the Magistrate . 4 Law-borrowes are ordinarly ( at least ought to be ) exprest in so full , plain & particular termes as both parties may easily understand in what derterminate sense obedience is required ; in our Case it is far otherwise as to this Bond. 5 , Ministers being the subjects & servants of a King who is above all mor●all Kings , may not take such a latitude in matters relating to their Ministeriall function & freedom , as others may in reference to their personall or Civill Concernes . 6 , To ingadge to live peaceably in that sense the Law-borrowes requireth is very just & lawfull in it self , which is only to doe no harm or injury to our nighbour either by word or deed ; But as to our present Bond the termes therof as they are sensed by the Magistrate ( in whose sense only the Bonder must ingadge , as above ) are most sinfull & scandallous , as is already proven at large . 7 , If the Subject who requireth the Law-borrows have declared some evill or hurtfull designe against his fellow●subject ( as in our case the Councill hath against the Presbyterians & Presbyterian Cause , by their declaredly sinistrous & anti-presbyterian sense of the termes of this Bond ) by requiring them , Then I deny that that fellow-subject ought to ingadge in these Law-borrowes , till first he secure himself against the evill of that designe . 5. I● young men ( as some doe say ) entered to the Ministry by giving a Bond to live peaceably in Oliver Cromwell's time without any scruple ; Ergo the giving of such a Bond to our Lawfull Magistrate ought far less to be scrupled at . Answer 1 Though this were true ( as is most false , as it is alleadged ) yet it is no good argument a facto ad jus ; such a thing hath been done , therefore it ought to be done 2. I must say , who soever dare affirm That such a Bond was given ( yea or required ) by all the Intrants at that time , is a grievous Calumniator , and untill he make out what he a●●irmes , let him be accounted by all a Traducer of the Bretheren & a Complyer ( in so far ) with the Enemies of our Reformation , whose malice & despight hath ever run chiefly out against these many worthy & successefull Ministers who entered since the year 1649. 3 If some very few of those Intrans got Testificats from Ministers ( nominat in the paper called the Ordinance ) of their lawfull admission to such a kirk , and of their pious and peaceable behaviour , before they could uplift their stipends , I shall not contradict ; but what is that for a ground to affirm that either all these Intrans did so , or that any of them did give such a Bond as is now required , far less thereby to purchase their entry to the Ministry , wherunto they were already entered , in the actuall exercise therof ? 4 It is also well known , that this way of testificating by that Ordinance was rejected , by all the Ministers of Sco●land nominat therin ( some very few excepted ) who only gave these testificats to a very few also , as abovesaid ; yea the generality of the Intrants themselves wold not so much as require that Testificat for obtaining their stipends from the Councill at that time , far less wold they ever have condescended to give such a Bond as is now required for obtaining the externall liberty of exercising their Ministery . 6● To refuse a Bond for peaceable living , when required by our Magistrat , were very scandallous , and that which we could not justify before the Churches abroad . Answer . 1 Though the contrary of what is here objected be more then sufficiently made out above , in the arguments of the 2 Head , yet let me say , I wish they who are pleased thus to object had been as tender of giving scandall & offence , some of them by deserting the work of their Ministery ( though so urgent a necessity was laid upon them , by their Call & Admission to that sacred function , by the great scarcity of the meanes of spirituall Life , by the earnest Invitations of the poor famishing Flocks &c. ) & rendering themselves in a manner useless & idle in their Church & generation ; Others by their sinfull silence or ambiguous speaking , as to a plain , seasonable , faithfull & peremptory testifying against the horrid defection of the Land , and by their many other scandallous cedings & complyings with the iniquous Lawes & Commands of men , to shunne & shi●t the Cross of Christ , and purchase to themselves so scandallous a way of living peaceably under the yock of bondage ; I say , I wish they h●d been as tender in giving scandall these wayes as they pretend to be in this . 2 If this be scandallous to abstain from all appearance of evill , whither of sin or scandall , & particularly from this Bond , as having at least the appearance of both ( as is evident from what is above said ) then I confess that tendernes & care to avoyd & stand aloof from scandall , must be scandallous ; for on this very account is the Bond refused . 3 , Neither will I deny , but refusing to give this Bond may indeed displease & irritate such as challenge to themselves a brutall submission to , complyance with , & acquiescence in what soever sense they are pleased to put upon it ; as also these who are so head-strong & hardy ●or bringing themselves & their Ministry into bondage by this Bond , that doe Rulers what they li●t against Christ , his Church & Gospel● , yet they are resolved to obtain & enjoy their Liberty ( such as it is ) by it , though they should even compear & publickly pass their tryalls before the Councill in order thereto . But 4 I wold fain know what Forraign Reformed Divines ( acquainted any wayes with the state of our affaires & Controversy with Prelates , Papists & Erastians ) are or will be scandallized at the refusing of a Bond so scandallous : Alas ! the contrary is too too apparent , yea palpable , as is hinted above , & a little time will more fully manifest . 7. But the Magistrate hath conceived jealousy of Ministers ( at least some of them ) who are to have this Liberty , viz. that they are turbulent , factious , disorderly & unpeaceable ; And therefore for removing such a jealousy , this Bond ought to be given now since it is required . Answer . 1 , Though I am fully perswaded that both this Bond & the Proclamation wheron it is founded doe indeed insinuate & suppose that the Presbyterian Ministers , are not only guilty of factious & rebellious Courses formerly , but that they are also still propense to break out into the same disorders & irregularities , unless they be chained up by such fettering & foul-fac'd favoures , as now are tendered ( upon which account it is already proven to be at least scandallous ) yet I say , there is either just ground for this jealousy , or there is not : If not , I doubt if they be obliged to remove a groundles jealousy , any further then by clea●ing to all , that there is no ground for it ; & by their walking so circumspectly and irreprehensibly , as they may have a Conscience voyd of offence both toward God & man ; and that they patiently bear such groundless jealousies & reproaches flowing therefrom as the Reproches of Christ. If there be any just ground for the said jealousy & suspicion , then this must either be given from their principles or practices . That there is just ground to suspect their Presbyterian principles , no true Presbyterian will affirme ; and the contrary is well known from their publick Confessions , Catechismes & Covenants : If from any thing in their practice this jealousy proceed , then let this be particularly instructed against them , which we hope cannot against the Presbyterian Ministers of Scotland ; except it be said That Ministers in following their necessary duty , by preaching in houses & fields , without or against the Rulers Licence , their testifying & protesting against their iniquous Lawes & persecution , & the Common defection of the Land &c , have thereby given just ground of jealousy to the Magistrate ; which none dare affirme , unless they dare also reflect upon the practice of Christ , his Apostles & all his faithfull Ambassadours in times of defection & persecution . But if any will yet alleadge , That some have given at least too just occasion of such jealousy in our time , Let them charge it on them , and let them answer for it , for the Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland who refuse to enter by this Bond , will not take with the Challenge or Charge , either as to their principles or practices , but do dis-own , yea detest it as most injurious & calumnious to both . But lest ( not withstanding of all that hes been hitherto said ) I or any others , who object against the giving of this Bond for Ministers peaceable Living , should be mistaken or mis-represented as dis-loyall , seditious , or dis-affected to the Civill Government & Magistracy ; as ordinarly all such ( who peremptorly plead for the Interest & Rights of Christ & his Kingdome , and upon that account find themselves often under a necessity of obeying God rather then men ) have been in all generations , and as much this day as ever , are branded with these aspersions ; though we are most willing to render first & chiefly unto God the things that are Gods , & secundarly to Caesar the things that are Caesar`s ; I say , lest our objecting against this Bond should be thus mistaken● I shall set down a few of these Principles or Positions which true Presbyterians , and Objectors against this Bond , do conscientiously hold , in reference to the Magistrate , as I That God who is the God of order hath institut & ordained Magistracy in the Common-Wealth , for the common good of Humane & Christian society . II That the Magistrate is the Minister of God for good to them that do good , and a Revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evill . III. That the Authority or power which God hath given him for incouragement to good workes & a terror to evill , is not to be resisted . IV. That all persons within the Magistrat's dominions , of whatsoever station , quality or employment , are to be subject to this Authority , & give obedience thereto according to the word of God , not only in respect of the matter commanded , but also with respect to the Authority commanding . V. That the Magistrat is Custos ac Vindex utriusque Tabulae , the Keeper & Avenger of both Tables of the Law. And that as in generall he is to command all within his dominons to worship God according to his own Word & do that which is just and equall ; so in particular , he is to command & see every one performe the duties of their respective functions & sta●ions ; and consequently Ministers also & Church-officers to do the duties of their particular places , and that under the pain of Civill Censures & punishment . VI. That the Magistrat's power is nei●her subject nor subordinat to the Ecclesiastick , no● to be confounded with it ; but is specifically disti●ct from it , and cöordinat therwith : yet the Magistrat as a Christian & member of the Church , is subject to the Ministery ; as also the Minister as a member of the Common Wealth , is subject to Magistracy ; that is ( as our Divines expresse it ) A Cöordination of Powers and a ( mutuall ) Subordination of Persons . But VII . Though these Powers be Cöordinat , yet they are not properly Collaterall or Coequall ; because they are neither of the same nature , extent , nor externall eminency , neither are they derived formally from the same fountain , the one being from God as Creator & Governour of the world , the other from Jesus Christ as Mediator & sole Supreme Head of his Church . VIII . As there is no action how Civill or secular soever ( providing it be done by a Church-member ) but as it relates to Observance toward God , it comes under the cognizance of the Eccle●iastick Iurisdiction ; so there is no cause , action or thing so sacred or Ecclesiastick , but as it respects the externall peace of humane society , belongs to the Civill Jurisdiction : the same individuall action then ( though in diverse respects ) may fall under the cognizance both of the Ecclesiastick & Civill Court ; as for instance Adultery or the like , may be the object of Church-Censures , as also of Civill punishment ; in the one , sub ratione Scandali ; in the other , sub ratione Criminis . IX . That the Magistrate may & ought to adde his Civill sanction & Confirmation to such Canons & Constitutions as are ministerially cleared & concluded by Church-Iudicatories : Neither is ●e ●o doe this implicitâ fide , but may judge of them , not only judicio apprehen●ivo & discretivo , by understanding & discerning these Canons in themselves , but also discursivo & deliberativo , by cognoscing , if they be agreeable to the Word of God & sound Reason● ; in which case he doth ( as a learned Divine saith ) judicare , but not Iudicem ager● : But of these Canons and Conclusions he hath not power to cognosce & determine judicio definitivo , decisivo or legislatorio , except only in reference to his own Act of ratifying & corroborating them by his civill sanction . X. This power of the Magistrate as to Church-affaires is Cumulative , not privative ; defensive , not destructive ; Imperative & Coactive , not Elicitive ; Objective , not formall ; Corroborative not Abrogative ; Sancitive , not L●gislative ; not sacra properly , or in Sacris , but CIRCA SACRA ; He is a Nursing father to the Chu●ch not a step-father &c. XI . That the Magistrat's power in ratifying Church-decrees , and commanding obedience thereto , is not servile ( though in some respect it may be called subservient , viz , to Ch●ist the great Law-giver of his Church who declareth his will by his Ministers ) nor meerly executive as the Churches servant but imperative , princely , & s●preame . XII , That , as when the Magistrate goes beyond his sphaere in judging & cognoscing Causes purely spirituall & Ecclesiastick , he may in so far be declined , & appealed from to the Ecclesiastick Iudicatory ; so when Church●Officers exceed the limites of their Iurisdiction , by judging & determining in Civill affaires , they may justly be declined & appealled from to the Civill Court ; and both or any of them , in cases of manifest Injury & oppression ( though acting in their own proper sphere ) may be appealled from unto the righteous & great God ( as the absolute supreme Iudge to whom both are accountable ) and to him only . XIII . As it is one thing to decline the Iudge , & an other to appeall from the sentence : so when the Magistrate unjustly determines in any Civill affair , his sentence may be appealled from , but he cannot for that be declined as a Iudge in these affaires : the like may be said of Church-Officers . XIV . Although we refuse not to yeeld obedience to the Magistrat's Commands except we be convinced in our Conscience of the unlawfulnes of them ; yet we acknowledge & assert that the Word of God alone & not the dictates of Conscience is the adaequate & infallible Rule both of Obedience & Dis-obedience . XV. As the Magistrat may command all acts of Divine worship which are according to the Word of God under the pain of Civill punishment ; so he may inflict civill punishment for disobeying these Commands . XVI . That there is a great difference betwixt a Royall Command enjoyning obedience to Church-Canons , and a nomothetick power to make Church-Canons ; the Magistrate hath the former not the latter : there is a difference also between a formall Rescinding of Church-decrees , & a Civill command not to give obedience to these decrees ; the Magistrate hath the latter not the former . XVII . As extraordinary Evills require extraordinary Helps , so the Magi●trat may doe many things in a time of the Churches gathering , backsliding or Corruption which he cannot do so long as the Church is in a well Constitut & Reformed Condition : But from this to inferre , That he may demolish the establisht order & fabrick of a right Constitut & Reformed Church , on purpose to give a proof of his extraordinary power , by reduceing the same into order again ; Or that he may make use of this extraordinary power , when the ordinary & appointed means are to be had , & also in case to effectuate the Cure ; to inferre this ( I say ) were both impious & incongruous . XVIII . That the End of Civill Government is not only to obtain a quiet & peaceable Life but also to encourage Godlines & hones●y ; nay , that the end of Mininistry is not so much a quie● & ( externally ) peaceable life● as the end of Magistra●y is godlines & honesty● XIX . That the supreame Magistrat is the politick Head of the persons who make up the visible Church ( viz. as they are members of the Common-Wealth ) but is not their Head as they are members of the visible Church , i. e. he is not Head of the visible Church ; because the Head & members are of the same nature , but the supreme Magistrat as such & the Church as such are of very different natures . XX. That what ever Liberty the Magistrat may lawfully grant to the Church , the Church may not only lawfully accept therof , but may also lawfully supplicate ( if need so require ) the magistrat for it : Though I dare not say that such a Magistrat as doth usurpe all Church-power ought to be supplicat in matters concerning the Church , even for that which otherwise may be lawfully granted & which he ought to grant , at least without ane express protestation against that power which he hath unlawfully assumed ; nor that any person ought formally to bargain with , or bribe any Magistrate with a summe of money for the grant therof ; far less to condescend to sinfull or scandallous Conditions in order to obtain it . XXI . Albeit the Magistrat ought to restore to the Church what ever right or Liberty he hath unjustly taken from the Church ; yet hence it will not follow , That because the Magistrate hath injuriously thrust Ministers out from their particular Charges Therefore he ought to restore with restriction a certain number of them to these Charges again . My reason is chiefly 1 Because in this case the Magistrate doth not restore the same Liberty which he hath injuriously taken , nor to the same number from which he took it . 2 Though he may restore to them a part of their former Liberty & they may accept of it ( viz in order to obtain the whole ) yet he cannot restrict them to a part of it , nor ought they to receive it upon such termes . 3 The Liberty which before they enjoyed did not consist in being confined to particular paroches ( which is all that the Magistrate now grants & that to a very few ) but in having free access to preach in these paroches , or elsewhere as the good of the whole Church should require . XXII . It is much betwixt Magistrates & Ministers in dispensing of spirituall & Church affaires ( as one doth neatly illustrate ) as betwixt the Will & the Understanding ; for Quamvis Voluntas imperat Intellectui quoad exercitium actus , determinatur tamen per Intellectum quoad ejus specificationem : that is , Although the Will doth command the Understanding as to the exercise of the act● yet it is determined by the understanding as to the specificall kinde therof . And Magistracy may say to Ministery ( in matters spirituall & Eccle●iastick ) as Moses said to Hobab Numb . 10 : 31. Thou mayest be to us in stead of eyes . But , as the eye cannot say unto the hand , so neither can Ministry say to Magistracy I have no need of thee . 1 Cor. 12 , 21. XXIII . As it is a matter of great moment & difficulty to fix the just limites & land-marks of the Magistrat's power & prerogative , and of the Subjects Rights & priviledges as to the exe●cise of either pro ●ic & nunc : So it is of no less difficulty & import to condescend upon the most proper & effectuall meanes hic & nunc , for keeping both within the limites of their proper orbe , or curing the extravagances of either ; or to give a just & impartiall decision when either is invaded by the other . XXIV . That in some cases many things may be granted by the People even to a tyrannous Magistrate ( for instance levyes of men , money , armes &c , ) for maintaining him in his civill pompe & grandour ( even though he should alienate the true use & end of these things by employing them for further strengthening & confirming himself in his tyrannicall or usurped power ) which cannot with a good Conscience be granted unto him or any Magistrate whatsoever when he hath expressely declared ( whither at , or before the imposing or requiring of these things ) some pernicious & destructive designe , either against Religion , the Lives or Liberties of his Subjects , which designe he resolves , & would be capacitate by the Granters , to effectuate by such a Grant. XXV . As every escape , error , or act of unfaithfulnes ( even known & continued in ) whether in a Ministers entry to the Ministry , or in his Doctrine or deportment , doth not non-minister him , nor give sufficient ground to with-draw from , or reject him as a Minister of Christ : So neither doth every enormity , mis-demeanure or act of Tyranny , Injustice , perfidy or profanity &c. in the Civill Magistrate , whither as to his way of entry to that Office , or in the execution of it , or in his private & personall behaviour , denominate him a Tyrant or ane Usurper , or give sufficient ground to divest him of his Magistraticall power , & reject him as the lawfull Magistrate . XXVI . Though such a Minister may lawfully be withdrawn from & dis-owned as a Minister of Christ's mission & institution , who either enters to the Ministry by the window ( i. e. in a way unwaranted or condemned in the Word of God ) preacheth erroneous & damnable Doctrine , is grossely scandalous & vitious in his conversation , or is utterly insufficient for such a sacred Function : Yet the case may be , & often hes been ( and whither or no it be ours now , is not mine to determine ) that a People may & ought to submit themselves to the Government even of such a Magistrate who either hath injuriously usurped that Office , or hath so malevers'd in the exercise therof ( by violating the main & most of the Conditions upon which he was admitted to it ) that his Government is degenerat into a manifest Tyranny & Irreligion , and so hes ( de jure ) forfaulted his right to rule as a Magistrate : I say the case of a People may be so circumstantiate , that they ought to subject themselves even to such a Tyrant ; till the Lord clearly poynt forth to them a way , either from his written Word , or some extraordinary impulse & influence upon their spirits , or from indubitable grounds & persuasives of sound morall principles , or such like , whereby they may emerge from under that yock . Hereby I doe not yeeld nor assert , That it is lawfull to give obedience to any unlawfull Commands , or that it is no wayes lawfull for a People to shake off the yock of ane unlawfull & tyrannicall Government : But only , That there may be some cases wherin it is lawfull for a People to yeeld subjection to a lawless Tyrant , and wherin it may be unlawfull for them to perpetrate or attempt their own liberation by externall force ( which abstractly from those Circumstances might be both lawfull , laudable & a necessary duty ) viz. when the thing attempted is either altogether impracticable , the meanes or manner of effectuating it dubious or unwarantable , the timeing of it inexpedient & unseasonable , or the necessary Concomitans or Consequents of the Cure more hurtfull or dangerous then the disease ; or the like : Neither doe I affirme , that under a tyrannicall Government it is alwayes or absolutely lawfull for the people to give passive obedience ( if such a forme of phrase may be admitted which many explode as unaccurate & incongruous ) but only that there is a time which may be called the proper season of suffering , that is , when suffering ( in opposition to acting or resisting ) is a necessary & indispensable duty . XXVII . As a man's subjecting himself to a private Robber assaulting & prevailing against him , is no solide proof of his approving or acknowledging the injury & violence committed by the Robber ; so in many cases a people or person's yeelding subjection ( viz● in matters civill & externall , for I alwayes exeem Conscience & Religion from subjection to any creature whatsoever ) to a Tyrant i. e. a publick Robber , does not argue their acknowledging or approving his tyranny & oppression . XXVIII . As it is one thing to be subject to the Magistrate for Conscience sake and a far other to subject our Conscience to the Magistrate , that is , to be subject for his pleasure sake : So although we may lawfully submitt our bodies & estates to the Civill Magistrate , and in many cases also to a Tyrant ; yet in no case can it be lawfull for us to subject our Conscience or Religion to any Magistrate or mortall , God himself being the immediate , & sole Soveraign Lord of both . XXIX . Although this great & fundamentall truth , that Christ is a King , yea & the only King & Head of his Church , be such as at no time or before no Persons is to be denyed or dis-owned , but freely & faithfully to be asserted , when the circumstances of the Case calls for a Confe●sion : yet Whither or no Caesar be a King , or hath any right to reigne as Supreame in matters civill ? ( even upon suppotion that he is ( jure ) no King , but a Tyrant & ane Usurper ) or such Law-questions as these relating to Civill Government , seemes to me not to be of such import or consequence in Religion , as that we are alwayes bound in Conscience positively to declare our judgement when interrogat theranent , especially when such Quaestions are put to us with a manifest designe to intrap our Lives or intangle our Conscience . We have Christ's own practice for a pattern of such prudence & Christian Caution . But yet I would be loath to condemne , or rigidly to censure such as out of a pious principle of zeal to God & conscience of duty , doe freely & positively declare their judgement ( when posed with such Questions ) though to the manifest detriment of their Lives , they conscientiously looking upon it as a case of Confession . XXX . We cheerfully acknowledge , that it is the duty both of Ministers & People & of every Subject to pray for Magistrates ( whither Supreame or subordinate ) & all whom the Lord hath set in authority over us ; and that not only so long as they continue to rule for the Lord or good of the Land , but even when they become open Tyrants , pe●secutors &c. & continues such : I say , we ought to pray for the Conversion & salvation even of such ; except the Lord should either expressely discharge the same , or by some infallible demonstration declare that he hes rejected them ( which I humbly think we cannot be infallibly ascertain'd of● especially as to particular persons , without divine Revelation ) or else give such clear & sensible ●ignifications of his refusing to hear any prayers for them , & of his displeasure therat , that we dare not adventure to put up such sutes withou● fearing to offend him , & procure his dis-countenance in o●her things that we find clearnes & freedom to pray for ; or the like . Thus , Sir , I have given you some account , not only of mine own , but of ●he judgement of diverse others deservedly esteemed in the Church , with whom I have communicat in the matter of this new Indulgence & way of bonding for ●b●aining the same : wherin ( with some serious desires to the Lord for light & leading ) I have indeavoured to deal as ●ingly & impar●ially ( though in a plain & simple way ) as I can , and studied also to guard against giving occasion of offence o● irritation to any who are otherwise minded . By all which you may likewise perceive what is our judgement in answer to your other Qu●stion , ●iz . Whether the People ought to concurre in calling Ministers who will enter by this Bond ? That not only we cannot advise , but are clea● & determined to dissuade ( as we find access & conveniency ) all ●o beware of Calling or Inviting of Ministers according to the pattern & plat-forme that is laid down by this new Indulgence , as they would shew themselves tender of the Concernes of Christs Crown & Kingdom , as they would not list themselves among the Obstructe●s & Opposers of the free Course of his Gospell , as they would not be counted Enemies to the Ministeriall freedom & faithfulnes of his Ambassadours ; and in a word , as they would not be found accessory to , & guilty of all these innumerable Evills of Sin , Scandall & Inconveniency ( wherof we have mentioned severall in the preceeding discourse ) that are either implyed in , or doe natively follow upon this way of pactioning . It is Likwise thought fit , That the same be communicat by you to others as you shall see needfull & convenient : A●d though we have no pleasure in contending , far less in divulging our Diffe●ences , yet it is found necessary to make this known at this time , for ●hese ( among many other ) urgent Reasons 1 The clear Co●viction , we have of the many Evi●ls & sad ●endency of complying with this new device , as you may see in the above w●itten Arguments . 2 That this is a time wherin , as there hath been , so there is still a continued & impetuous torren● of infecting Defection , and many alas ! already , & moe y●t like to be carried down with it . 3 The firme perswasion we have of that excellent & clear ( though now much controverted & contradicted ) truth , that Iesus Christ the Mediator is the alone King & supreme Governour in & over his own House & Ordinances . 4 The sense we ha●e , & ought to have , o● th● many & grievous I●croachments & . Invasions which have been made upon this his Royall Prerogative , & ou● so ready cedings to , & silence therat . 5 In particular , the multiplied experiences we have already had of the bad fruits and fatall effects of closing with the two-for●er Indulgences , too much approving of & conniving at the ●ame ; and our not indeavouring to the furthest le●gth of du●y to have prevented Complyance therewith by a seasonable , plain & publick Protestation against it . 6 , That such as will not despise , may yet have timeous warning to hold off from involving themselves in this , or any other the like snares for the future . 7 , That the fur●her offending of the already offended & afflicted Remnant ( thorow our sinfull silence & more sinfull complyance with such Courses ) may be prevented so far as in us lyeth . 8 , That this poor Mi●e may be added to all the preceeding Testimonies of the Lords servants , & a witnes continued in this Church against such steps or Courses of Defection . 9 Because most of the dissentient Bretheren were not present at the passing of the fore-mentioned Vote ( being either off the town at that time , or even these who were in it not so much as advertised that such a Vote was intended , which upon what account was neglected , is best known to the Assembler● ) but were altogether surprized with it . And since we have ( I know not by what sort of preposterous P●udence ) so unhappily le● slip the most proper & pertinent season of entering a Verball joynt Testimony against that Vote & Bond , and have not keep 't such a proportion betwixt our dissentings and their vo●ings & bondings , as should have been equivalent to a withstanding them to their face wherin they were to be blamed ; Therefore now we find our selves the more nece●sitat to give some publi●k signification of our Resentment of ●his step of Defection by ( at least ) a paper-Testimony , for rubbing off ( so far as is possible ) the Reproach that we have procured to be cast upon us , through our so long forbearance of , & flinching from so laudable & necessary a duty . 10 , And so much the rather That some h●ve taken the Confidence to publish severall Arguments whereby they essayed to prove this Bonding not only to be lawfull but a laudable duty , yea & expressly commanded by God in his Word , as may be seen in a Paper called Plea's for peaceable living ; There is also ane invective & sarcastick paper , or rather a scurrile and ●colding pamphlet ( pardon the picquantnes of the phrase since it is extorted & the thing deserves a ●harper stigma ) compound of Quae●ies containing some●hing to this purpose , but in effect is ●carse worth the naming or noticing , being a piece wherin the clamorous & carping Qu●●rier ( the Author ) hath bewrayed so much passion , pedantry & ( if we may tell the truth as it is ) manifest mendacity , by fastening groundless calumnies & nottour falsehoods upon his ad●erse Party , That I am persuaded his own Associates & greatest pleade●s for ●he Bond , will ( if they consult the advantage of their Cause ) be ashamed to own such a shameless & slanderous Satyre , which seeing it is for most part stuff'd with private & personall reflections , I leave to be cognosced by these who finde themselves most concern'd to answer it . II. Because there is such a hideous Clamour & ou●-cry against all these who ( by adhering to their sworn Presb. principles & the known p●●ctice of our worthy & zeallous Ancestours in times of such backsliding & Corruption ) doe testify their dissent from this Bond & the Late Vote for the same , as b●ing Separatists Authors & Fomentors of division , heady , self-willed , male-contents , implacable , blind zelotes , Ignorant Scruplers , and ●ven such as CANNOT GIVE A REASON for dissenting from their banded brether in this busines ; and that although these Voting Bretheren in plain termes declared they FOUND NO REASON why people might not give this Bond for Ministers , yet they may now see & know that their dissenting Bretheren found so much Reason against it as not only doth fully clear & satisfyingly convince their own Consciences of the sinfulnes therof , but may be sufficient also to render the same justly to be dis-liked , yea detested by every honest & true hearted Presbyterian & Covenanted Son of the Reformed Church of Scotland . 12. Severall o●her means were used & essayed for dis-suading and reclaiming the voting & Bonding Bretheren from ingageing or continuing in these divided & dividing practices , but have not proven effectuall . 13 , Because of the imminent danger we are now in of being overwhelmed again with Antichristian darknes , & redacted to that old Babylonish bondage & superstition ( out of which our zeallous & Renowned Reformers had wrestled thorow so many difficulties & discouragements , who not only pe●emptorly refused to bring their Ministry into such bondage as by this Bond is requisite of the Bonders , bu● also faithfully & plainly protested against the least appearance or signe of subjection that the Enemy required of them in the matters of their Ministry ) by the blood-thirsty Papists , who take no li●le incouragement by these divisive degenerate & un-presby●erian like practices ( which they ●ee so many formerly zeallous Presby●e●ians fallen upon ) to carry on their hell-hatch't & pernicious Plotts against all who will not worship the Beast & receive his mark . A●d though some of the Pleaders for , & Favorites of this new pretended ill-favour'd favour are plea●ed ●o turn this Consideration into a Motive & argument to unite with them in these by-wayes of theirs for strengthening us against that Common Enemy , and that our refusing to comply therwith is the very way to weaken both our Cause & Party ; yet how incontrovertibly true is the contrare ( both from what hath been already said , & will ( we fear ) be more sadly & shamefully discovered by the event ) if there be any truth in that , Prov. 10 : 29. The way of the Lord is strength to the upright or in that , Job . 17 : 9. he that hath clean hands ( how weak soever or witless ●e be accounted by the Wits of this world ) shall be stronger & stronger or in the Connexion betwixt these two 1 Thess. 5 : 21 , 21. to hold fast that which is good , & to Abstain from all appearance of evill . And though we should be esteemed in this to be weake yet are we strong ; Nay , when we are ( thus ) weak , then are we strong . 14 , That it seemes now evident , the Lord is at hand & cometh out of his place to plead the long dependent Controversy of Zion , to punish the Inhabitants of the Earth for their iniquity , to avenge the quarrell of his broken & burnt Covenant , to make inquisition for the blood of his Martyres , and to call all of us to give ane Account of our wayes , and particularly what hath been our carriage in reference to owning or disowning of him or his Interests , during all the time of this dismal & growing Defection , when our min●ings , excusings , shiftings , subtile or supple Evasions & partiall palliatings will be of litle value or significancy towaird off the stroakes of our highly offended & jeallous God. And Lastly , That at least we may hereby in some measure exoner & discharge our own Consciences before God & the World by thus testifying our dis-like & dissatisfaction with these & the like Courses● & more particularly , against this divisive Defection , driven on by these dolefull Indulgences & may obtain mercy in the Day of the Lords fierce & fast-approaching wrath . I shall shut all up only with a few Scriptures worthy to be pondered & improven in our practice this day , when upon the one hand there is so litle regard to the grieving & offending of the Litle Ones , and on the other , such readines ●o stumble & be offended when occasion is given . First then , for guarding against giving of Offence , let these few Scriptures be Considered : Matth. 18 : 7. Wo unto the world because of Offences ; yea , wo unto that man by whom the Offence cometh . 1 Cor. 10 : 32. Give none of●ence , n●ither to the Jews , nor to the Gentiles nor to the Church of God. Rom. 14.13 , 21. Let us not therefore judge one another any more , but judge this rather , That no man put a stumbling block or ane occasion to fall in his brother's way . It is good neither to eat flesh nor to drink wine nor ANY THING whereby thy brother stumbleth , or is offended , ●r is made weake 2 Cor. 6 : 3 4 Giving no offence ( let Ministers hearken to this , for it chiefly concernes them ) that the Ministry be not blamed , but in all things approving our selves ( read but the following verses of that Chapter , & ponder the particulars wherin Ministers ought to approve themselves ) as the Ministers of God &c. 1 Cor. 8●9 . But take heed least by any meanes this Liberty of yours ( even though abstractedly from scandall it were sinless , as this spoken of in the Text is , which the Liberty granted both in the former & latter Indulgence is not , as above ) become a stumbling block to these that are weak & vers . 12. But when ye sin against the bretheren & wound their weak Conscience , ye sin against Christ. And to this purpose I would recommend that Rule of Amesius de Consc. Lib. 5. Cap 11. Quaest. 6. Resp , 3. To prevent scandallizing of the Litle ones ( saith he ) all these things ought to be done or ●orborn which may be done or forborn without sin . Secondly , for guarding against stumbling or being offended , though occasion thereto be given , I shall only adde these following Ps. 119 : 165. Great peace have they which love thy Law , & nothing shall offend them . Hos 4 : 15. Though thou Israel play the Harlot , yet , let not Iudah offend , or transgresse . Matth. 11 : 6. And blessed is he whosoever shall not be offended in me : yea , it is given as the Character of him who received the seed into stony places ( Matth 13 : 21 ) i.e. of a fruitless & temporary professor , that when tribulation or persecution ariseth because of the word , by & by he is offended . Prov. 10 9. He that walketh upr●gh●ly walketh surely ; that is , he shall not stumble or be offended , or as it is chap. 28 : 18. he shall be saved . Prov. 13 : 6. Righteousnes keepeth him that is upright in the way . and Chap. 15 : 19. The way of the Righteous is made plain . Job . 17 : 9. The Righteous also shall ●old on his way , & he that hath clean hands shall be stronger & stronger . And in order h●reto Trust in the Lord with all t●●ne ●●a●● , & lean not to thine own Vnderstanding Prov. 3 : 5. and verse 6. In all thy wayes acknowledge him , & he shall ●irect thy paths . Keep sound wisdom and discretion Prov. 3 : 21.23 . then shalt thou walk in thy way safely , & thy foot shall not stumble . For yet a litle while ( Heb. 10 : 37 , 38. ) and he that shall come , will come , & will not tarry . Now the just shall live by Faith● but if any man shall draw-back , my soul shall have no pleasure him . Rev. 16.15 Echold I come as a thief , blessed is he that keepeth his garments , least he walk naked , & they s●e his shame . And Rev. 22 : 20. He which testifyeth these things , saith , surely I come quickly Amen . Ev●n so come Lord Iesus . Now ●nto him that is able to keep you from falling & present you faultlesse before the presence of his glory with exceeding joy , To the only wise God our Saviour , be glory & majesty , dominion & power , both now & for ever , Amen . Jud. vers 24 , 25. Diligite homines , interficite errores ; sine superbia de veritate praesumite , sine soevitia pro veritate c●rtate : Orate pro eis quos redarguitis & convincitis . Augustin . Lib. 1. Contra Epist. Petiliani . Nullus est pudor ad meliora transire . Ambros ad Valentinianum Imper. Epist. 31. Et satius est ( ut ait Lucianus ) recurrere quam male currere . Non est Levitas a cognito & damnato Errore discedere ; sed ingenue fatendum , aliud putavi , deceptus sum : haec vero superb●● stultitia perseverantiae est , quod semel dixi ( vel feci ) qualecunque est , fixum ratumque sit . Seneca Lib. 4. de Benef . cap. 38. Melius est pro pietate Dissidium quam Concordia fucata . Nazianzenus Orat. 1. de Concordia Si autem de Veritate sumitur scandalum , utilius est ut scandalum oriatur , quam veritas relinquatur . Bernard . ex Greg. Mag. hom . in Ezech. Praestantius est pro veritate pati supplicium , quam pro adulatione ferre beneficium● P. Voet. Jurisprud . sacra Ut Atagen a●iàs vocalis , captus obmutescit ; ita quibusdam servitus adimit voce● qui liber● loquebantur libere Erasm. Simil. Remedia quamvis statim mordeant vel offendant , postea tamen salutem conferunt ac voluptatem ; ita salubria monita mitio sunt nonnihil amara , postea Correct● jucundissima . Plutarchus . Errata . P : 1. l. 19. r. it . p. 6. l. 11. r. way o● p. 7. l. 13. r. ly specially . p. 14. l. 27. r. ●w to p. 15. l. 32. r. peaceably . p. 18 , l. 16. r. as true . p. 21. l. 3. r. far . p. 23. l , 2. r. to . p. 25. l. 24. r. solely . p. 26 , l. 29. r. Complying . p , 28. l. 7 & 8. their . r. there . l. 12 , r. therin . p. 29 , l. 1. r. greatest p. 31. l. 35. r. speeches● p. 33. l. 41. r. herba In some of the Copyes 48● l. 9. or ●uffering . r. of suffering 
A51064	----	The poor man's cup of cold-water ministred to the saints and sufferers for Christ in Scotland who are admidst the scorching flames of the fiery trial. McWard, Robert, 1633?-1687. 1678 Approx. 197 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51064 Wing M233 ESTC R25489 08988926 ocm 08988926 42157 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51064) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42157) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1289:20) The poor man's cup of cold-water ministred to the saints and sufferers for Christ in Scotland who are admidst the scorching flames of the fiery trial. McWard, Robert, 1633?-1687. 44 p. s.n.], [S.l. : 1678. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. Covenanters. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The poor Man's Cup of cold Water , Ministred To the Saints and Sufferers for Christ. IN SCOTLAND ; Who are admidst the scorching flames of the fiery Trial. I. JOH . III : 13. Marvel not , my Brethren , if the World hate you . I. PET. IV : 12 , 13. Behold , think it not strange , concerning the fiery trial , which is to try you , as if some strange thing hapned unto you . But rejoice , &c. II. THESS . I : 6. Seing it is a righteous thing with God , to render tribulation to them that trouble you , and to you , who are troubled rest with us , &c. LUK. XVIII . 7 . I tel you , that he will avenge them speedily . PSAL. II : 3 , 4 , 6 Let us breake their bands asunder . — He that sitteth in Heavens shall laugh . — Yet I have set my King upon my holy hill Zion . PSAL. CXXXII : 18. His Enemies will I clothe with shame : But upon himself shall his Crown flourish . Printed in the Year 1678. For the now truely honorable , and really happy , that little Flock , and lovely Company in Scotland , who are in great tribulation , for the Word of God , and for the Testimony of Iesus Christ ; and more particularly , for his specially endeared Friends , the Sufferers in the West . OF SCOTLAND . MUch honoured , dearly beloved and longed for in our Lord Jesus Christ , Grace from the God of all grace , mercy from the Father of mercies , who is rich in mercy , & peace from the God of peace , whose it is to speake that peace and to give that peace , which passeth all understanding , together with joy in the Holy Ghost , be multiplied upon you . Though I am unable to do any thing for you , or say any thing to you , which can cannot to the equivalency of a releife , now when you are overwhelmed with such an inundation and deludge of calamities ; as every one who looks on , yea the very Authors and Instruments of these miseries and mischeifes must say , if they speake their soul or sense , you are pressed out of measure and beyond strength ; yet your sufferings are such for kinde and qualitie , such for measure and weight , such for substance and circumstances , as might , through a transport of griefe and compassion , make the tongue of the dumb , if he have b●t eyes or eares , to break prison and cry out , behold , O Lord , and consider , to whom these things are done , and for what , and for whose sake . I dare not , Alas ! say , that I fill up the just measure of that sorrow for you , and that sympathy with you , which is debt upon my part , and an indispensible duty , in this day of trouble and of treading down , and of great perplexity , by the Lord God of hosts , in the valley of vision ; yet I desire to be amongst the company of those , who doe not , who dare not allow themselves , to carry as inconcerned now , when his precious interests lye a bleeding , his poor remnant under their pressures as breathing out their last , and such who endeavour to retain their integrity , and to hold fall what they have that no man take their crown , and to depart f●om that inquity , which is the inquity of our time ( a departing from God , and an opposition to Jesus Christ in nature and degree , in height and hainousnesse , of a tincture and elevation , beyond and above what the departings from God and oppositions to his Son Jesus Christ have been or were capable of in former times ) make themselves a prey ; as is manifest in your case not to be paralleled , if weighed in an even ballance . I am so much straitned , how to give my shallow and confused thoughts a vent , while I essay to contribute my poor mite , for alleying the bitternesse of your cup , and mitigating the greatnesse of your griefe ( knowing well how little proportion what ever I am able to say keeps to the anguish of your soul , because of what you are put to suffer ) as the sight of this indignation , wherewith you are filled , puts me to struggle with my inclination , and staggers me in my resolution to speake , as seeming rather to perswade me , because of the heavienesse of his hand upon you , to sit alone and keep silence , then to open my mouth , since the moving of my lips cannot asswage your griefe ; yet affection ( which easily procures a pardon , when it misseth the marke it aimed to hit ) hath in the present clamant emergent emboldened me , out of my poverty and penury , to offer such as I have ; and besides , I hope , both from the conviction of duety and knowledge , how much the depth of your distresse is beyond the supplies I can contribute for your ease , and the supportings of my feeble & feeklesse pen , to acconnt it m mercy , while you are in that Paroxisme & agony of misery , through the madnesse of such , as are incensed against your Lord and Master , to cry as I can on your behalfe , Arise o Lord , and rescue the soul of thy turtle from the rage of these men of cruelty , and do not give up the beloved of th● soul into the hand of such an enemy , whose way thy soul hateth . You have often heard , my deare and distressed friends , and you have professed also to be in the faith of this , That men may be more then conquerours , when killed all the day long , and that there is an hundred fold to be reaped in this life , even with persecution : Now set your selves , when killed and crushed , to put the crown upon your Profession ; now adorne that Doctrine of God the Saviour , which you Professe , by such a carriage , as will witnesse , you know , in the midst of what flesh can do unto you , how to be conforted in God , & how to endure the worlds hatred and harme , as those whom no affliction can make miserable ? O that he may put you in case to seale from your own experience the sweetnesse of suffering for Christ ; And to say , now we know there is a river that refresheth the whole City of God , because he hath made us drink of this river of his pleasure , whereof since we drank , we have forgotten our Poverty , & remember our Misery no more : now we can affirme from what we finde , ( whereby our souls are fortified ) that as the sufferings of Christ have abounded in us , so our consolation also hath abounded by Christ , for whom we have suffered the loss of these things , and in that loss are so great gainers , as now we know what we have lost is but dung ; but what is left us , or rather what we have found in these begun fruitions of Jesus Christ , hath begun our heaven amidst all we suffer . Yea , I am hopeful , it shall be with you in your huntings , harassings , and hideings , as it was with Moses in the mount , never so neer God , as when at the remotest distance from all creature-converse and comfort ; And that even while you lye as among the pots , and are black with the smoak of that fiery furnace , heated seven times beyond what you or your Fathers have found , or could have feared , if Satan , whose element is fire , had not set the Instruments of your calamity on fire of hell , and transported them so far beyond the limits and latitude of all reason . As if the question were asked , Why doe these heathen rage ? the answer behoved to be given , nay , aske them not a reason , for they are in rage against the Lord , and against his anointod : I say , while you are smothered with this smoak , & made black , yet your face shall be made to shine , and you put in case to say , though we be black because this sun with its scorching heat hath looked upon us ; yet are we comely , because the sun of righteousnesse with healing under his wings hath arisen upon our soul , and under the shadow of his wings we shine and sing , and are comforted . But to come more closely to what I intend in these lines . Let me tell you , deare Friends , that nothing can be more effectual for working up the heart to a right temper at all times , and more particularly in your present case , and for frameing a right the wayes of a Christian , when he must either go with the drove of those , who depart from the living God , or expose himself for his adhesion to him , and relinguishing these workers of iniquity , yea opposing of their Christ-opposing courses , to all the effects of their fury , than well to know , and often to consider , what is the nature of that State and Condition , whereunto he is called as a Christian ; to know what is his relation to Jesus Christ , who hath chosen him ; and to the world out of which he is chosen : this , if seriously and sutably pondered , would certainly cool his feverish heats , and quench his thirstings after the world , and would quicken his soul , and kindle in his heart much heat and warmth of love to Jesus Christ ; it would stablish his heart , strenghten his hands , fortify against feare , and fournish him with what is sufficient for the patient suffering of the worlds hatred and malice at him ; How would a solid reflection of his being chosen out of the world , sweetly disengage him from the entanglements of this world ; and as one made partaker of the divine nature , make him so mind and so move , as his mindings and movings would make it manifest whatsoever is below God is below the designings , the desirings and endeavourings of his soul. And the true reason why there is so little of real Christianity to be found amongst Christians , is , we consider not that Christianity is the soul cast in that blessed mould of disconformity to the world , and conformity to Christ , our having his blessed name called upon us ; as it supposeth an association with him , so it obligeth to an assimilation to him , in order to the fruition of him , without which we can never make it appeare , that we are sharers of that unction , which is the import of that blessed name called upon us . There are few , Alas ! amongst the many Professors of Religion , and pretenders to Christianity , who study to know the excellency of that state , the special comforts and the proper duties thereof , and the closenesse of that connexion which is amongst these . O! it must be an excellent state , which imports union with Jesus Christ. He that is joined to the Lord is one Spirit , saith the holy Ghost . And what must the privileges and the comforts be which follow upon and flow from this ? For Religion , as it relates to these , is the very religation of the soul to God , as a portion , and that good part which cannot be taken from him ; and then all the special duties thereof are but the promoving of that begun conformity to Jesus Christ , till it be carried on , and consummat in a perfect likenesse to him . Now he , whose soul hath received just impressions of these things , is in case to carry amidst all surrounding miseries , as one who is happy without the world , and in despight of the world ; for he hath a happinesse laid up in God , and to be laid out for him according to his need , which the world knoweth not of , and cannot take from him : hence it is , that he rejoyceth in hope , & is patient in tribulation : And as for the duties of Religion he is not found of these as of an enemy , even when he is sure he cannot follow them , but his enemies will finde him and fall on him : he knowes no other question , but Lord what wilt thou have me to doe ? And when that is clear , sets himself to doe all things without disputings and murmur●ngs . Neither is he demurred nor diverted , much lesse turned out of the way of following the Lord fully , because there is a lyon in it ? but can without fearing the wrath of a King , which is as the roaring of a lyon , & most either be encountered , or duty in its proper season deserted , go foreward ; and when the danger he exposeth himself unto by doing so would be ready , if too much pored upon , to daunt him and draw him , into a relinquishing of his Master , look upward , and endure as seeing him who is invisible O noble look ! this is that blessed second sight , whereby a Saint , in the darkest night of distresse , sees that which is soul-supporting : O! the invisible God made visible to the poor persecuted creature , in his omnipotent power , his infinit love , and his unfailing faithfulnesse , makes all visible dangers evanish into an invisibility . Therefore , deare Brethren , since you are not of the world , and since there is so great a change made in your state , and some blessed begun chance made betwixt you and the world in your manners , think it not strange concerning these fiery trials , which you meet with from the world , and must go thorow , till you get thorow the work : he hath not rightly received Christ Jesus , who looks not on suffering as his daily work : he who hath closed with Christ , and is resolved to keep him company to the end , that he may be with him without end , must be at a point in this that be where he will bonds and afflictions will abide him , in every place , yea he must resolve with it , and be in readiness for it , not only to be bound , but also to die for the name of the Lord Iesus ; And that not amongst heathens , but in Ierusalem , where also his Lord was crucified ; not only at Rome and amongst professed enemis , but in Scotland , but at Edinburgh , where Christ Jesus our Lord is now crucified again , and put to open shame ? not by a forraigne enemie , but by those who are Rulers ( if it be not abuse of language to call them so , whose Government is pure Tyranny ) and not only by Rulers , but by such Rulers as have bound their souls by the bond of a sacred and solemne Covenant , and stand eternally obliged , under the penalty of everlasting seclusion from the presence of God and from the glory of his power , to maintain that Reformation , the ruine whereof they drive with so much rigour and rage , and the razing of the foundations whereof they endeavour with the utmost of professed enmitie ; to preserve that precious treasure for , and to propagat Religion in its purity to posterity ; to protect these very persons , whom they persecute , and persecute for persisting in those wayes , wherein they themselves have give it under their hand to God they would walk . Now , we are not to think strange , concerning this fiery trial ; for whosoever would be the Disciple of Christ , must take up his crosse daily and follow him , it must be such an one as he pleases to lay on and what he wil have it to be ; he must not fansy to himself a fools Paradise in Christs company ; nay , th● crosse is the necessare concomitant of a Christian ; and sharp conflicti●g must goe before the obtaining of the conquerours crown : we must not only resolve to meet with such fiery trials , as will consume into ashes our darling Idols , ( for there is a necessity that some hand be made use of to pluck out that right eye : and cut of that right hand ' which hath caused us to offend` that so we may enter into life ) but we must and may exspect to meet with ●he saddest trouble , and the most unsufferably sharpe trials out of that airth , whence we did not feare , nor could we rationally foresee the storme should blow : these Persons and things● which should be most comfortable to the people of God , do often prove the source of their calamitie , and the Instruments Whereby they are afflicted , We need not goe to Ionah's gourd , nor Iob's Friends , we need goe to Zechariah , slain betwixt the Porch and the Altar , by Ioash , whom he was endeavouring to rescue out of the hands of the living God , by admonishing him to keep the commandement of the Lord , and his Covenant and Coronation-oath , 2. Chron. 23 : 16. compared vvith C. 24.20 . & seq . for though he vvas the Son of Iehojadah , vvho had made him King , and stain the Usurper ; yet he not onely for gote that kindenesse , bu● slevv the Son , vvho vvas desiring , yea vvhile endeavouring to keep that crown upon his head , ( by dissuading him to venture upon God-provoking courses or to enter the list of opposition to God Almighty , contrary to all the Objective and Subjective Obligations , under vvhich he vvas to him , for having set him upon the Throne , vvho could as easily and vvonderfully bring him dovvn , as he had set him up ) vvhich his Father had set upon it . But God forgote neither his foresaking of the Covenant , nor his breach of his Coronation-oath , nor his forgetting of Iehojadah's kindenesse ; but put Ioash in remembrance of all he had forgotten , and of all he had done ; and made him know he had heard the words of dying Zechariah : I need neither tell you how , nor by what Monitors he brought these things to his remembrance , nor how pla●n a parallel it is to our case : onely Ioash did not kill Iehojadah himse●f , who had been the Instrument of his setlement in the Government . I say , we need not search to reco●ds of former Generations , ( except it be to finde some of the Saints , and some of the Churches of Christ , to whom we may turne . That we may learn at them ? and be beholding the end of the Lord , know how to carry and acquit ourselves , though we may long turne over the records of former times , ere we finde a parallel to the iniquitie of ours ) for examples : when these very men , with whom we ourselves did once take sweet councel together , and with whom we walked to the house of God in company , are become such cruel and keen enemies , as it is impossible to describe their rage and cruelty ; for a naked representation of matter of fact would ●ertainly passe with such as were not witnesses to what is done , for a meditat and malicious representation of Persons & Actions . but I need not tell you stories what you finde beyond my tellings , yea beyond your own expressings . O the crimson iniquitie of our times , when such as did but the other day cry Grace Grace unto it , are this day throwing down what they had built and are crying raze it , raze it even to the foundation : When these who not long ago did cry up and commend loyalty to Jesus Christ , are now crying , Crucifie him ; let us burst his bonds assund●r , and Cast away his cords from us , Let us casse and rescinde our Covenant made to serve him , and be subject to him ; and let us set up a New Lord ; and let this be the New Law , that who ever will not doe , according as we have done and decreed , may die . But Alas ! have these men forgotten , that this Insurrection against him is recorded in Heaven , and that this their rage against his follovvers ( upon vvhom ●hey run vvith open mouth , and against vvhom they prepare themselves vvithout their fault , being chargeable vvith no guilt , abstracting from obedience to their God ) is come in remembrance before him ? and that the cry of these oppressed ones is come up unto the eare of the Lord God of Sabao●h , and vvill bring him dovvn to execute judgement for the oppressed : but let us not stumble , nor start aside for all this ; for hovv astonishing so ever it may be in it self to upright men , yet let the innocent stirr up themselves against those , who have dealt thus hypocritically with God ; and let the righteous still hold on their way , and such as have clean hands wax stronger and stronger : it is a weaknesse unworthy of saints , not to carry as those who have laid their account with the crosse , a reckoning which flesh and blood ( alwayes inculcating that carnal Doctrine , spare thy s●lf ) is very unwilling to make . We still think there is a way ( because we would have it so , and often make a way where he hath made none ) to shift these hard sayings , and shun these heavy things : and yet come at Heaven : We fansie a Possiblitie to passe thorow the world with the worlds good will , and be religious too . But this is to be wise above what is written : The Devil must first cease to lie , and murther and way-lay them that are going to Heaven ; and the enmitie between the seed of the woman and the seed of the Serpent must first be done away , or changed into perfect amitie , ( which shall never be ) before that day dawn , that the traveller to Heaven needs not lay his reckoning to meet with trouble in the way . But passing the general account that the wickeds hatred ag●inst God is so perfect , as they hate his Image and Picture , in his Children ; yea they like not the godl●nesse ( If I may cal it so ) of a hypocrit , but hate it ? which they doe , ( what ever they pretend ) not for the evil that is under i● , but for the good that appeares in it : As Lions are said to have so perfect a hatred at man , as they wil teare the picture , because of the resemblance it hath to a living man : neither shall I in●ist upon this cause o● hatred against the Students of holinesse , that there is a light in a Christians life , who walks as a Child of light , which discovers the spots of the profane world about him ; and with that light there is a heat also , which scorches and troubles their Conscience ; and therefore they cannot endure them● but take all opportunites . to deale with them as Persons come to torment them before the time , by their shineing and burning . Besides these general and un●ailing Considerations , which ought to fortify us in a resolution to make ready for the worse the world can doe ; there is somewhat peculiar in our lot , which should make us resolve and determine not onely to suffer , but to have a mixture of gall and worm●wood in our cup. wherewith Saints are but at some special times exercised : There is a must be now , for all who will live Godly in Christ Iesus to suffer persecution , and it were a madnesse to entertain other thoughts , since our time is a time of Defection and shameful Apostasy , which hath ever been found a ●ime of hot persecution . This hath been ever observed to be the practice of Apostats , to hate , as hell and to handle as the worst of men , such as stand fast fixed in owning that cause of God● which they have relinquished : a man , who resolves to keep a Conscience void of offence towards God , must take his life in his hand , and be ●n readinesse to part with it , when his lot is to live in a time and place , where there is power in their hand , who have made shipwrack of Faith and of a good Conscience . For as Apostasy is the special sin of Devils , and as Satan the great Apostat hates all , who set their face heaven ●a●d , and are Servants of that God , and seekers of that blessednesse from which he for his ●postasy is everlastingly banished ; so whomsoever he withdrawes from the wayes of the Lord , and drawes with him into the guilt of Apostasy , he drives them on also to the same sin of persecu●ing those , who hold on their way , and who adhere to those precious truths , which they have fo●saken , and are followers of God as deare Children : and these ●wo have so neer and native a connexion together , as he doth not onely drive without any difficultie those , over whom for their Apostasie he hath obtained a sole soveraignity and dominion , into these desperat and damnable courses of persecuting the truth , which they have foresaken , and the Professors ●here of , who hold fa●● his name : B●t which is more strange and sad , and should alarum every man into a watchfulnesse against the very first and smallest-like degrees o● defection from the good old wayes of God●r It is observed , that let a man , though sound in the main , slip from one degree of his zeal ond integrity , thoug● it wer● but in omission to stand-up for the defence of the Gospel , when the assaultings of Adversaries makes it duty ; much more if there be a doing of any thing , which will give the enemies of the work of God the least advantage , he forth with slides also ere he be aware into a censuring , despising , contemning ( if it stop here and go no further , it is well ) of his Brethren , whom he cannot carry alongs with him , and becomes frequently more active and indnstrious to draw them , whom he hath in so far l●ft , his length , then he is observed to be active in strengthening the things that remaine and are ready to die , amongst a people in a declining time . Now these things are so plain in our case , as it were supe●fluous for me to make them more plaine . Need I tell you , in whose hand the power is , or of what spirit and principles these men are , after all the desolation they have made amongst you ? Neither are they yet at an end ; and therefore you would be preparing for new assaults , and laying in provision against the evil day . O blessed shall the man be , who in this dismal day , shall not be offended in him , but shall endure to the end . Lay your account therefore with the worst , that violence and enmity , armed with power , & enflamed to the height of revenge , can make you suffer , for withstanding this course of iniquity , now carried on by all means & methods in the Nation . This fore-sight & providence will be our wisdom ; for when we have done so , we will not be amazed , when that comes to passe , we had resolved before hand to meet with ; or put out of our postour , when these things do emerge , with which we had laid our reckoning . But , deare Friends , for fixing yourselves into a firmenesse of resolution to hold out and hold on , though it should come to a resisting unto blood , after you are robbed and spoiled of your goods ; Consider that there is nothing in all these fires and waters , you have to passe thorow ; in all these dangers and deaths , which are before you ; in all these trials , in all these hazards , nay in all these hells that are betwixt you and heaven , whch can prevail with a soul , that knowes in whom he hath beleeved , or perswade him to cast the blessed bargan , or go back from his Master , and walke no more with him . Whither shall we go from thee , for thou hast the words of eternal life ? was the disciples deliberat and warme answer to that heart-moving question , will you also leave me ? Leave thee Lord ? Leave thee who will , we are for ever tied to an attendance upon thee , and continuance with thee , both by choice and by the chaine of our own advantage ; that eternal life , which is in thee , and is to be had by abiding with thee , arrests us with a pleasant violence to wait upon thee , while we must foresake all in following ●hee , and be foresaken of all . But secondly , let us exercise spiritual reason , and reckon right , & we will perceive , there is much of present & real advantage to be found in and reaped from the worlds hatred : and the greatest heat of persecution ; who is he that will harme you , if ye be followers of that which is good ? is a question that puts it out of question , they cannot be harmed even when hurt , and therefore it is immediatly added , 1 Pet. 3 : 14. But and if ye suffer for righteousnesse sake , happy a●e ye &c. It is true , there are none to whom moe injur●es are done , then to the poor persecuted people of God ; for as men they are not only borne to trouble , but as Christians they are borne againe unto trouble and appointed thereunto : But it is as true , that there are none who are so little iniured by injuries ; for they get meat out of the ●ater , all these things work together for their good : For first , hereby the Saints are keept in a right temper towards the world and the things thereof ; whereas i● they meet with kinde usage in it and from it , they would take too well with it , and sit down short of heaven , and forget to say , arise let us go hence , for this is not the place of our rest : there remains an unrenewed part in the saints , which would agree too well , and comply with the courses and customes of the world ; and therefore it is their speciall adavntage to be driven off from it by being distressed by it ; this bitter potion , which the world prepares for the people of the Lord , and puts all the gall and worm wood in it they can , to make it deadly poison , when drunk down and digested , by faith and patience dissipats and discusses these ill humors , which did weaken the vitals of Religion , and brought a consumption upon the inward man ; and so proves a soveraigne antidot to drive out that poison , which would have killed the soul , if not purged out . And as it serves for dissolving that union between the Saints and the world , so secondly it knits them the more closely to him , who hath chosen them out of the world ; for when they finde themselves dealt with as strangers and pilgrims in the earth , exposed to all manner of hurt and hardship , they then are in earnest in seeking that satisfaction in God , which they misse in this howling wildernesse of sorrow ; and as they never seek it so earnestly and ardently , as at such a time ; so they never so readily finde it , that they may have a proof that their own portion is fat enough , and can still afford them royal dainties ; and so sit down satis●ied with the enjoyment of God , even their own God , and sing amidst all wants and miseries , the lines are fallen to us in pleasant places . The reason then why the people of God are often in so much heavinesse , and frequently hunted & harrassed with trouble & tentations , is , that they may be hunted by the worlds hatred and evil handling of them , out of the world , home to heaven ; that since they see what they have to expect here , they may gird up the loins of their mind , & set their affections on things that are above , where Christ is & there treasure : & hence it is said , when the scourge slaieth suddenly , he laugheth at the trial of the innocent ; which is not for want of affection , being a●flicted in all there afflictions ; but , if I may say so , besids that he meens them not to command a calme in the greatest storme , & to have a consort of most sweet musick in their soul , amidst all their miseries , who have an interest in him as their God , he rejoiceth to think how the happinesse of his people is promoved by their pressures and persecutions ; and how much their persecuters are befooled , who contrare to their purpose contribute their service to the Saints , whom in their rage they intend to ruine . All men of reason have judged the mustering and marching of this host against you , a high transport of malice and madnesse ; in the mean time you mourne , and the enemies laugh amongst themselves , and the Lord , notwithstanding he takes pleasure in the prosperity of his people , he rejoyceth also : But why is it so ? It is so not only in regaird of your Adversaries , at whom he laughs , because he sees their day is coming , but because he hath such a complacency in the soul prosperity of his people , that Court and Councel and all the Nation must be set a work to scoure the Saints , the vessels of honour , that they may shine in the beauty of holinesse , and sing in the begun fruitions of God : And thus by the effects of this fury , this malice and madnesse of persecuters , a company of his poor people , whom they intended to eat up as bread and to destroy , are made meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the Saints in light ; the place to which neither they who gave the orders , nor they who obeyed and put them in execution , shall ever be admitted , except they mourne and amend their manners too ; for heaven is not a place for impure and polluted persons , there is nothing that defileth or worketh abomination that can enter-in into that City , there is neither swine nor puddle there . But to come more particularly to the purpose , & to show and set before you what grounds of strong consolation you may have , while handled as you are , by the persecuting enemy ; Consider first , That it ought not onely to remove the strangenesse , & to alley the bitternesse of your present sad lot ; but also comfort you over it , and while under it , that your sweet Lord and Mast●r was handled by the world , as you are ? If the world hate you , saith Christ , you know that it hated me before it hated you . And therefore for sweetening your lot and supporting you , Consider him lest you be wearie and faint in your minds . O what weight of sorrowes and variety of sufferings did he undergoe , both in his life and at his death ? What pinches was he put to ? What Pressoures were upon him ? Reproach , Shame , Calumnie , Hatred , Persecution met upon him , to make it appeare , he was a man of sorrowes : What alley is this to your griefe , under your pressures and Persecutions , that your Lord and Master drunk of the same cup ? he met with much worse handling : Cease then to think strange concerning this fiery trial ; but rather rejoyce , in as much as you are partakers of the sufferings of Christ ; this may comfort you , that herein you are conforme to your Lord and Master , If they have persecuted ●e , saith he , they will persecut you . But secondly , to make the consolation strong indeed , Consider that he not onely was hated of the world , and persecut●d by them , before you were ; but he is such a feeling-head as he still suffers with you , for all the after fufferings of his servants do ●ir●t light upon him ; there is never a stroke given to one of his members upon the earth , but the stound of it is felt in Heaven : Saul , Saul why persecuts thou me , being the word of our glorified Master , puts the matter beyond debate . The quarrel is at Him , and he will own it , as such , in as much as you did it unto one of these little on●s , you did it unto me , holds true here : And this is so cleare in your case as it passeth the parts of your most pregnant Adversaries to palliat this persecution with any colourable pretence , which will hide it from being a plain fighting against God. Is it not the purity of their malice and perfection of their hatred against Christ as King , which pouseth them on , & Prompts them to this persecution ? Let them ●ender any other reason for what they have done , if they can . For when to compleat the revolt of the Nation from its sworne subjection and obedience to Iesus Christ , as Supreme in his own-house● they have substitut and constitut another in his place , and have framed a Supremacy in to a Law , to be the rule and standar● , according to which our Kings , in all succeeding generations , shall of right King it over the house of God , as knowing no Superior , with a more simple absolutnes●e , then the Law of the Nation will permit them to do over the house , inheritance , interest or concerne of the meanest subject in the Kingdom : by which Law our Lord Iesus Christ is most explicitly exa●torat , he is declared to have neither house , people nor propertie in Scotland . Le● any read over our late Supremacy , and sense it , and consider if its lowest amount be not this ; we have no King but Caesar. And to make it emphatickly expressive of this , vvhereas other Acts of Supremacy ( vvherby yet our Lord Iesus Chrest vvas vvronged , and his royal prerogative encroached upon ) did still for shame leave him the title ; and a supremacy vvas pretended unto under God , and his Son Christ , and a derivation and conveyance from that fountain vvas in words acknovvledged ; that the iniquitie of our Supremacy might be supreme● an absolute , independent , arbitra●y dominion is attributed to our Kings , setled upon them by Law : And for the more security , this povver is declared to be the i●trinsick right and the inherent prerogative of the imperial Crown of the Nation , vvhereby al-Church-mat●ers are subjected to their imperial vvisdom , to do in all these as they think fit ; and the managment of these are so solely in his Majesties povver , that vvhereas the Council acts in Civils in a subordination to his Maj. according to the Law of the Land , His Maj : may make use of what kinde of persons so ever he will ; passing by Parliament or Council , to put all the incontrolable dictats and decrees of his Maj. wisdom and good pleasure , concerning Church matters , in execution ; And therefore that we may be no longer in suspense , nor solici●ous about the sense of our Supremacy , & that the Church may hen●ceforth know & acknowledge , who is her Lord and undoubted Superior , whose it is to give Laws and appoint Officers , to put them in execution ; and that there may be none , in heaven or earth , to pretend to any part of this power , or paritie in this Supremacy , the name of God and of his Son Christ is omitted in it , and ( because mentioned in other Supremacies ) must be conceived to be delet out of ours . ( O! the patience of God , that their names● yea that the name of the Nation , where such a wicke●nesse was decreed , is not before this perished from under the heavens ! ) It is true● this pleased me best in all that Supremacy , because it was plain dealing , without all cloak or complement ; for now Iesus Christ hath neither thing nor name of Kingly power left him , but is most explicitly put from the exercise of his royal Government ; And Church Lawes are no more to passe in the old stile , nor are things as formerly to be done there by vertue of the Authoritie of this one Iesus , who calleth himself a King ; But according to the new stile . And so hence forth , Church Lawes must beare the datum of the Iulian account . Now our Rulers , having framed this Law , for hainousnesse of hatred & h●ight of opposition to the Lords anointed , whom he hath made King in Zion , beyond the most supream Supremacies , that ever wer● framed or moulded into lawes , since God made man upon the earth ; or Satan , that he might destroy the Church , prompted men to compet with the Mediator & strive with him for state , y●a even in its prodigious shape and feature , beyond what was arrogat by the Man of sin , the Anti-Christ , that Son of Perdition ● Our blessed Lord Jesus , who hath all his enemies in de●ision , stirred up the spirit of some of his zealous Ambassadours to goe forth and give a Testimony against the hainousnesse of this usurpation of their Masters Crown and Sc●pter ( which will be their crown , and which should be now our main question upon which we act and suffer , as we expect his p●esence and supportings , either in doing or suffering ) and in pursuance of that Commission , which they had received from him , to preach in ●eason and out of season , and to negociat a peace betwixt this great and glorious King and poor guilty sinners : whereupon our blessed Lord Jesus Christ , though slighted and set at naught by our Rulers , bo●h to signifie his complacency in the zeal of his faithfull servants , ●ired into an holy fervo● fo● the Prerogative of their exalted Prince , from the observation of the fury , whereby they saw he was opposed ; and to refute till more come , ( O! that is coming , which may and certainly would make their souls tremble , if thought upon , the apprehensions of the righteous revenges he will ●ake , for this contempt cast upon him , and when he will returne their reproach upon them , by speaking unto them in his wrath , and vexing them in his sore displeasure ) the folly and infatuation of that new Pretence to his incommunicable Prerogative● royal , framed into a Law , and that by an argument easy to be understood by the poorest Lasse and Lad in the Nation , he goeth forth conquering and to conquer , by the Ministry of these his despised servants , and thus he reigns as King in the m●dst of his rageing enemies , and acts wonderously , so that to the conviction of all , he holds the hands of his servants , upholds them at his work , and doth from tha● day greater things by them , then ever , in regaird of many circumstances , were done in the Nation : he makes such noble and notable in roads upon Satans territories , and these darke places of the land , where the Prince of darkenesse had an indisturbed dominion , as multitudes are made , in this day of his power , to follow after and fall in love with Ordinances , dispensed by his own O●ficers , and flock unto the standart of this exalted Prince : a proof as great as ever was given of his reigneing , and that his people shall be willing in the day of his power , though all the powers of the earth were on a conspiracy against him , and abused that power to the fainting of his followers , and the fr●ghting of them into a dis●oyal relinquishing of Iesus Christ : which the Adversary perceiving , and finding that to no purpose they had cru●ified Christ aga●ne , and put him to open shame , by taking his Crown and Scepter from him , and bu●ying his Supremacy in the grave , which they had made for it , u●der the fabrick of their newly erected one , and that in vaine they had set a watch to keep the grave , & fearing withal that this reviving of his work , and resurrection of his cause , might prove to them a second errour , worse by far then the first ; The●efore , that rovers may not be ruers , and to fortifie themselves in the pos●ession of what they had taken by their Law from our Lord Iesus Ch●ist , and to prevent his returning to his throne , and his reassuming the exercise of his royal Government ( o let their feare come upon them , who feare left Christ should reigne ! ) an Host must be gathered , on purpose to march into the West , as that part of the Nation ( o happy and honourable cognizance ! ) where Iesus Christ had most remarkably rung , and which still was looked upon by them , as the Kings head-quarters ; whereupon it is resolved that that poor Countrey shall be invaded , the people in the mean time , having behaved themselves as peacably as any part of the nation , being amazed at the rumour of this rage against them , and the resolution taken to pour●in upon them such a company of Barbar's , as their carriage and cruelty is beyond my describings , send some of their number to declare that they were most peacable ; but to binde themselves to such a compliance with the course of the time , ( that is , upon the matter , to cooperat with the workers of iniquity , and to st●p Christs Ambassadours from delivering their message , and to hinder the people from meeting together to heare what he would say unto them , by such as he hath cloathed with a commission , and called to ●●eake in his name ) as a thing now no more in their power ( o let it never be in the power of these abusers of their power , for hindering the word of the Lord to have a free course and to be glorified ! ) But as to the secureing o● themselves against all these groundlesse apprehensions of an insurrection , there was no way so proper , no way so possible . as to suffer the sent servaints of Iesus Christ to preach and perswade the things belonging to the Kingdome of God. But this seemed so insufferable , and such a plain and practical contradiction to the Supremacy , in its new ( o let it never wax old ; ovrt●rne , o Lord , overtu●ne , overturne , till he come whose right it is ! ) elevation , as the same reall and practical re●urne was given to it , which Pharoah gave to that request Exod 5 : 1 Thus saith the Lord God of Israel let my people go tha● t●ey may hold a feast to me in the wildernesse ? And verse 2. Pharaoh said , who is the Lord , that I should obey his voice , to let Israel go ? I know not the L●rd , neither will I let Israel go : I say , the thing sought , on the behalfe of that poor people , s●emes to be of a piece with that of Moses & Aaron ; for it was this upon the matter , If you have taken all the houses of God in possession , If you have driven Iesus Christ out of all the Cities of the Nation ; yet will you leave him , will you allow him some place in the open feil●s to met with his followers ? will you suffer him and his to hold their Assemblies in the wildernesse , in some mosse or Mountain ? No , that may not be heard , it hath a ha●efulnesse in it● as implying a proper and peculiar soveraignity still ascribed unto Iesus Christ as King , inconsistent with and subversive of our new Supremacy . A●d therefore nothing is now heard , but muster and march : And thus an host is raised with as great solemnity and celerity , with as much pomp and parad of Artillery , &c. to invade that poor peacable company , as if the land had been invaded by the most formidable and furious forraigne enemy ; and impowered withall to do and act at that rate of violence as the actors of all imaginable mischeifs are secured by Law from all feare of future hazard , for what ever violence they commit , or wickednesse they can perpetrat ; if ●hey have but the wit to say in their own defence , it was done to answer the end of that expedition , and for his Maj. service against those , who professe subjection to another in soul-concerns . Now as there was never an act of Supremacy so explicitly in all points opposit to the kingly power of our Lord Iesus Christ , as this late one of ours , ( an act onely defineable by its own wickednesse , for this is Supremacy ; ) so besides the stupenduous unreasonablenesse of this course without a parallel , for a Magistrat to run upon and ruine his own peacable subjects , without a provocation on their part , or the least ground in law to justifie the crueltie of this procedour on his part ; besides this , I say , no man who doth narrowly look into the matter , and consider the quarrell , but he must see it , he must say it , that since God made man upon the earth , since souldiers were mustered and marched under colours and command , never was there an army raised , or an host put so formally to march up with displaied banner against Christ as King ; for this is the summe , substance and soul of all that can be said , as the genuine import of this expedition ; Christ Iesus , from whom we have taken the Crown by Law , is yet like to keep some possessions o● the Nation ; come th●refore let us march into the fields ; And since he calls himself a King● and will trouble us with Conventicles and feild meetings , and since his followers and these who flock unto him affirme him both to be a King and Captain , yea that King against whom there is no riseing up , because he is the Lord of Hosts ; let him meet us in the feilds , and mainta●n his ●itle , and vindica● his prerogative ; for as we have no King but Caesar , so this is our quarrel : And if he will not draw out and draw up , if he will not measure swords with us , then as we have taken his house in Possession , so we shall fall on , and by the strong hand t●ke the houses of all into possession , who will not renounce their depen●ance ●pon him as Soveraigne and Supreme , and shut them out , either to die in the fields wi●h him● or ●●ob or starve t●em in their houses , who will not applaud our having taken his house in●o possession . My soul trembles to give the obvious sense of those our Rulers proceedings ; nor date I give my pen it 's just libertie to unbowel this course , and lay open the blasphemies wherewith it is big even ●o a bursting : Neither is it necessare for me , for every one , who doth not shut his own eyes , must see , that hatred against Christ , and the coming of his Kingdome , expressed in this expedition , which he cannot , he dare not , without horrour and amazement expresse : who can suffer himself to resolve the practice of Rulers ( who have bound their souls to obedience , fidelitie , and loyaltie to Christ , as King , under the penal●ie of the forfeiture of their immortal souls ) into this , which is it's native and necessare sense : We are now wearied of the government of J●sus Christ● It is a yoke we cannot beare , we will not beare , we are resolved once for all to burst these his bonds , and cast away these his cords from us : We are wearied of this his Church Jurisdiction : Let him be gone therefore out of our borders : Let his name as King and Soveraigne be no more in remembrance : We have set up ano●her in his place ; and have soudered into a samenesse his Crown , with the Imperial Crown of the Nation , and have setl●d that upon the head of our King , and whosoever shall succeed him ; ( the most dangerous and deadly decree , that ever was made for that succession ) so that now , all his old pretenses to a Royal prerogatvie amongst us for the futu●e are cut off ; or if he will clame any interest , notwithstanding of this our Law ; let him now appeare to try the justice of his tittle and pre●ence by the sword : We are now drawn into the fields , to maintain what we have done : Where is he ? If his followers meet together to oppose us , we have what we would , for then we will make a breakfast of them : And if not , we shall put all , who will not bow before the Dagon of our new erected Supremacy , once for all and for ever out of case to appeare afterward : For this end have we gathered our host : For this end do we march : Fall on , red shankes : Feare not , have not we bid you : You are pitched upon as the most qualified Souldiers for this expedition against the Mediator , whom we have denied to be a Monarch , and proper instruments for our purpose , for we know you well to be such as these must be , who will do our busin●ss● , even men who feare not God nor reguard not men ; March therefore , right trustie and well beloved Sara●ens , ye who call not upon the Lord , ( and so are onely sit to be at our call and bidding ) and eat up his People in the West , who call upon him , as bread : Make these the Mediators subjects smart for it ; and either bring them to binde themselves no more to own Him nor his Ambassadours ; or leave such monuments of your savage crueltie behinde you , as will answer the keenness against Christ of those who send you in this expedition , we have secured you against all hazard ( hell excepted ; and we know , you no more feare that , then we doe ) of future danger or pursuite , for what destruction you bring upon these against whom we send you ; onely destroy ? Most deare Brethren , what miseries you have endured by the barbaritie of these Monsters , let loose upon you , are the matter of amazement , mourning and lamentation to all , who in every place call upon the Name of Jesus Christ ou● Lord , both theirs and yours , to whose eares the report of your sufferings is come . But amidst all these calamities and cruelties , you are not without comfort : O what a cordial may this be , to remember and consider , both who suffers with you , and for whose sake you suffer these thin●s ! You cannot consider this , but it will comfort you over your loss : when this is laid to heart , yeu ! will not so much be moan the loss of what is robbed from you , as you will blesse that ever you had any thing to lose for his sake , who sav●d you when ye were lost : You will then wonder at the honour , and re●oice that you are counted worthy to suf●er these things for his sake , who for your sake suffered far other things : You will take joyfully the spoiling of your goods for him , who for your sakes became poor , that you through his pover●ie might be made rich : O what will not be ●asie and sweet to suffer for that sweet names sake , which is as an ointment poured forth , by the savour vvhereof , your dead souls have been quickened , and your drouping and desponding spirits revived , cheered and comforted ! Consider then , since Christ your King , your Captain , and Saviour , neither did , nor does escape the vvorlds malice and persecution ; and since he vvas hated and handled as the vvorst of men , & novv again in the vvorst of times , is so dealt vvith ; if it be not reasonable , that vve should provide for the like , and resolve to go through the many tribulations , vvhich may be fall us in his company , and for his sake : If we intend to follow him to the place of fruition , we must go that way , which he hath paved before us , it cannot be avoided ; yea , how incongruous were it , if we could ? How unsuteable were it ? That the Lord and Master should meet with so much suffering , for the servants sake , and rejoyce amidst it all , as knowing he should see a seed , and have this recompence and satisfaction for all the travel of his soul , that the souls of his servants ●hould reap the advantage of what he underwent for them : That he shonld be beaten for the servants sake , that through his stripes the servants might be healed ; and the servants to be alwayes favoured , and applauded in that world , which had put the Master to shame and suffering , while he was negociating his servants businesse ? And as he hid not his face from shame and spiting for their sake ; so he laid down his life upon their interest . Were it seemly , that he who bore their burdens , should wade and swime thorow ●eas of sorrows , and they sail in streames of pleasure ? That he should be crowned with thornes , to purchase them an immortal Crown , & they crowned with roses ? That he should be hun●ed , and had not whereupon to lay his head , that he might , by being handled so , purchase a Kingdome to his followers : that he should go thorow death , aud such a death , and be laid in the grave , that he might have accesse to go and prepare a place for them , and take possession of the undefiled inheritance , as their common Head , and Trustee , in whom and with whom they now sit in heavenly places ; and they dwell at ease in their own house ? Truely , to say nothing of the after glory , ( for who can say what it is , since it is above apprehensions ? Onely this is sure , that they who suffer with him , shall also reigne with him ) if there were no more , then the present shar●ing and partaking in his sufferings , it were honour enongh . O how much above all regal dignite is it ! And how in comparably beyond the fancied honour of a diademe , to be crowned with thornes for Christ's sake ! There is an inherent glory for suffering in Christ , beyond all the ambition of the world● after that painted and putrid glistering bubble , with the glanceing whereof vain men are so much taken up . If this were keept in the view of the soul , what strength would it furnish ? What support would it supply the spirit of a sufferer for Christ with ? but , deare friends , the word of your Testimony and Patience hath somewhat of a precious peculiaritie in it , not onely in reguard that it is the presently opposed Truth , you are persecuted for , and so must be sweet because seasonable ; but the Word of your Testimony , and that Truth , for owneing of which , yon are put to su●●er the loss of all things , is that very Truth , for which Christ himself suffered as a Martyr : Viz. That H● was a King ● This Question is put to day unto his followers , with greater contempt than Pilat put it , What , and is Iesus a King then ? O noble cause ! O who would not rejoyce to enter the lists of Contradiction with these his enemies , & have once an opportunity , to say Yea , he is a King , and will be a King , when you ●re gone , and will prove himsel● higher then the Kings of the earth , by rescinding your Supremacy , ●hat Idol of his indignation , and object of his revenge ! O what ambition should this raise in the soul of every saint ! what patience in tribulation should this produce ? what holy courage ? what humble boasting ? what triumphing and rejoyceing to be offerred up a sacrifice upon the Interest of this Kings Crown ? Can you consider , that your present sufferings & losses are a seal to that great Truth , which Christ sealed with his blood , and not blush at the honour , and blesse him for ever , that now the source , rise and conduct of the Rulers procedour against you , and their barbarous c●uelty , give you not onely confidence , to pour out your heart befo●e him , and present your c●s● and cause , in this General , for thy sake we are killed all the day long , we are counted as sheep for the slaught●r : But more particularly , when you can sist your selves b●fore him , and sob out your sorrowes , in these words ; of a truth Lord , against thy Holy Ch●ld I●sus , whom thou h●st ano●n●ed , are all th●se gathered together , and it is for our owning of him ; as thy anointed , and r●fuseing to be on that conspiracy , that we ore thus used : I know not vvhat can give ground of gladenesse in a mans life , or vvhat can be cause of gloriation in death , if resisting unto blood upon such a quarrell , and not loving a mans life unto death in such a cause , will not give ground for it ? Beloved Friends , and much honour●d sufferers for Christ , you know , since you are taught of God that the way to overcome all trouble here , and to carry as becometh Saints under it , is , to look above it , and beyond it ; above it , to the high and supreme hand that sends it , and disposeth of it , so as it may subserve your great Interest ( for in despight of the malice and madnesse of all inferior agents , all these dire and dreadful things shall together with him , who worketh mightily in his people and for them , work together for your ●ood ; ) and beyond it , and above it , to the end of it , and the recompence of reward following after it : This is the way to profite by pressures , to be gainers in all losses ; This is the ground of sweet peace , and serenitie of mind , amidst all trouble ; and the solid foundation for patience of Spirit : For , he is only in a capaciti● to possesse his spirit in patience , whose spirit hath received these impressions , without which , the soul will be still disquieted : Trouble will still tosse it , as a ball in a large place , and it will prove unstable as water . I suppose , since you are Saints , and so must have some impressions of the absolute Soveraignitie of God , that though , in your searchings , you could not finde out or fixe upon the cause of his contendiug with you thus ; yet you would either be silent , or say , it is the Lord , let him doe unto us what seemeth h●m good : And if he have no pleasure in our livei●g , and dwelling in our little huts , and houses ; Bnt will drive us thence , the will of the Lo●d be done . But not to insist on this , which yet you will grant to be infinitly rational , ( for who hath enjoyned him his way● or who may say unto him , what doest thou ? ) there is sufficient to keep you and me , a●d the Christians of this generation from fr●ting● and saying ( while in the fire , and while the rod of the wicked rest upon your lot , and these plowers plow upon your back , and make their furrowes longer and deeper , than all these plowers● which went before them did : O when will God Loose the plough , by cutting asunder the cords of the wicked , and confou●ding & turning them all back that hate you ? He is the Lord , who will hasten it in his time , to shew that he is righteous : Let us weep for what we have done ; And wait in hope for what he will do ) why are we thus , Surely a sight of our sin would make us wonder that we are not worse : yea admire his goodnesse , who will be at all this pains about us , to heal us of these mortal diseases , whereof our immortal souls are sick even unto death : I am sure , that the crimson dye of our crying iniquities would curb our impatience , and cure us of that evil of quarrelling with him , because of our suff●rings . Consider therefore , however you suffer very unjustly from men , against whom you have done nothing justly to procure their indignation ; yet , if you look within you , and lift up your eyes above you , and consider , how the cry of your transg●essions is come up into his eare , you will be constrained , not onely to justifie him , in this seeming severi●ie ; but to confesse , from clearnesse and conviction , you are punished lesse then your iniquities des●rve : And that it is of the Lords merc● you are not consumed , because his compassions fail not . Hence is it , tha● when the Apostle Peter hath been speaking of the fiery trial 1 Pet. 4●12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. ( which this day in our case ) and hath been encouraging and comforting them , to a pa●●ent end●rein● , while schor●hed with these flames , by many noble arguments ; yet when he looks up●n thes heavie afflictions as coming from God , he calls them ver● . 17 judgements , intima●ing thereby , that his precious and peculiar people , how upright and innocent soever , as to men ; yet , they are guiltie before God , the righteous judge ; and that they mu●● acknowledge , when ●hey ●ist th●mse●ves in his sight , that what ever they suffe● is the fruit of their own doings , and that by their provocations they have procured these things , and rewarded all these evils unto their own soul , by not walking worthy of him , nor befo●e him to all pleasing . If his people , by their multiplied and manifold sins , did not extort ( if I may say so ) strokes our of his hand , he , who doth not a●●lict willingly , nor grieve the Children of men , but hath pleasure in the prosperitie of this people , would not so often take the rod in his hand , or would soon cast it into the ●ire ; for he doth not love to lash beyond necessitie ; and therefore , when he hath performed his whole work upon mount zion , he casts the rod into the fire , and punisheth the fruit of the stout heart of his and his peoples enemies , and the glory of their high looks . The saints you know , Brethren , how graciows and grown so ever , they are but Children , and therefore must be under Chastisment : The best of them are given to many Childish toyes , and not a few of them , in whom the root of the matter may be , yea will be found , are so far from abideing wit● God in their callings , and from adorning the Doctrine of God the Saviour , that so men , by seing their good works , may glorifie their Father , which is in heaven , that there is a groffnesse in their way , their iniquitie is of●en found upon the skirts of their garmen●s , and their spots are so unlike the spots of the people of God , and Persons made partakers of the divine nature , that because of these mouths of enemies are opened to blaspheme the name of God , and reproach the blessed Profession : But seting thsee aside , Alas ! how doe they , who escape such grosse pollutions , yet often trifle in the matter of communion with God ? How formal and luke-warme in their addresses ; So that he who seeks the heart , and will be worshiped in Spirit and Truth , misseth their soul , in their service ? How seldome ar● they in Heaven ? How little dwelling upon the thoughts of Jesus Christ , and the great s●lvation purchased by him , on purpose to have him precious in the soul 's esteme , and endeared according to his infinit preferablenesse to all other things , unto the heart ? How few serious designes ? And how little solide endeavour to be like him , and to have every thought of the heart brought in captivitie to his obedience ? How little meditation upon the Glory to be revealed , till the heart be ravished , and transported into admiration a● it 's inconceiveable greatnesse and in●init goodnesse ? How seldome in soliloquies wi●h him ? whence Alas ! it comes to passe , that men , having , through carnalitie of Converse with other things , disframed their heart for dueties do not pray and jest with the same seriousnesse , but there is more of their soul in a vaine sport , then in prayer , which when rightly performed , is the pouring out of the h●art to God , and the wringing of the mans suit●s thorow his soul , carrying the af●ections the●eof with it . Nay , what of desire and love to the world , and the things ther●of ? What lusting and longing after the things of this life ? what stretching ( even to the dislocation of the soul , and putting it out of case , for a converse with God , wherein the soul of Religion lieth ) what Grasping to get a grip of these things , which when got hold of , can neither be held , nor make happie ; What wrestling ? what strugling ? What striveing , to get on a load of thick Clay ? whereby the soul of him , who is thus loaded , is put out of case often for following hard after God , and so runing as he may obtain ? How are they often swallowed up in the cares of this life ? With what complacency do they frequently sinck themselves , in the dunghil of this world , into the inconsideration and oblivion of the other world , and their eternal Interest ? How are they hurried with their passions ? How puffed up with pride ? How un mortified to the delights of the sons of men ? How irregular in their motions , which shewes the irreligiousnesse of their mindings ? Alas ! their Love and hatred ( which gives the best account of a Christian ) do seldome run in the right channel , or are rarely terminat upon the proper objects ; or when it falls so out , that their face is in the right airth ; yet , how slow is their motion , in following their look ? How languid are their pantings ? What Lifelesnesse ? What ●istlesnesse appeares in their pursuings ? Yea , how quickly do they sit up , or turne aside out of the way of following the Lord fully ? But who can reckon these things up in order ? Alas ! that which is wanting , to fill up the just import of exercising our selves to Godlinesse , cannot be numbered ! And therefore , seing these things are to be found with his people , must he not visite their transgressions with the rod , and their iniquities wi●h stripes , and that because he will not take his loveing kindenesse from them , nor su●●er his ●aithfulnesse to ●ail : it is needful , that they be often in the fire , for burning-away their drosse , and in the water for washing off their defilements ; yea their propension to depart from him , and to pollute themselves in the pudle , preacheth , in order to the prevention of this , the necessitie of keeping this people all wayes under ●od , though not alwayes under the stroke of it : for then the spi●its should fail before him , and the souls that he had made . Con●ider therefore , deare f●iends , the procureing cause of this deep distresse , and if we be impartial in the search , we will finde an accursed thing with us , and this will provoke us to do the greatest haste first , which is , the taking vengeance o● our own inventions against him ; & impose the necessiti● upon us to turne away from the evil of our wayes , that he may turne f●om the fiercnesse of his anger : Let us , even in the midst of our trouble , rise up above the thoughts , and conside●ation of lower agents , and instruments of our suffering , which are the Devil and the world , who are his Tru●●ees , & acted by him , in the work of Persecution R●v . 2.10 . ( For it is not su●eable for Saints nor safe for them to dwell long there ) and take a view of our own guilt , that our being punished as our Congregations have heard , may preach unto us the Doctrine of the evil of sin , and make us in stead of our woe 's me 's for other things , cry out , woe uuto us that we have sinned ? Our not walking as became the Gospel , if thought upon , will put us in the paenitents posture , ( and surely he is out of his posture this day , who is not in that posture , and till we be in it ; in vain do we exspect , to heare him say that word , as ye were ) which is a looking unto him whom we have pierced , and a weeping : And it is in order to the produceing of these noble , and necessare effects● that there is a must be for judgement it's beginning at the house of God. I cannot in these few Pages , fol●ow this matter at any length ; but● let this abrupt hint put you to the work of searching , and exercise of Godly sorrow ; And to make this work both profitable to you , and pleasant to him , be not jealous of his love , because of what he hath laid upon your loins ; for in all this rough-like dealing & seeming severitie , bowells of tender mercies earne over you , in these agonies : Love , though the noise and sound of it's feet be not heard , because of the noise of the enemy , doth both walk and work , in these your sufferings : As man● as I love I rebuke and chasten , is the word of him , who is love it self , to them , whom he most dea●ly loveth : the principle and the period of all his proc●dour is love , even when he lasheth ; For this is written on every lash , I love so well as I will not lose , I love so well as I must embrace ; & therefore , by purgeing I must put the beloved partie in case to embrace and be emb●aced : I purpose to dwell in them , and to let them know by my familiaritie , how much I delight in them ; and therefore I must cleanse them , from all these Idols , and all the filthinesses , which seperat betwixt me and them● In a word , as in the Jeweler's shope and work house , there lies , besides the rough diamonds , the choicest jewels , and richest rings , his cutting iro●s , files , and other sharpe pointed Instrumeuts , under which they must all passe , & whereby ●hey must be polished ; so , in this life , where he is melting his gold , to cleanse it , from its drosse , and making up his jewels , to the end their beaut●e may be perfect ; yea , that they may shine in the be●●ties of holinesse , they must be under his cu●tings , his carvings and the point of his sharpest inst●uments : whosoever shall be a crown of glory in the hand of the Lord and a royal diadem in the hand of thei● God , must passe under the purgings and polishings of his hand : Th●●e are none whom he minds to make pillars in his temple to go no more forth , but he works for the self ●ame thing , by making them passe under his polishing instruments , that so they may be made to shine as the sun in the firmament , and put in case to see God , when made l●ke him : But besides that his purpose of having them in his company for ever , pu●s him to be at the pains of making them meet , even by the ●h●ngs that they suffer , ( as the mean which he graciously & wisely useth and ordereth for that end ) to be partakers of the inheritance of the s●i●ts in light : as is cleare , comparing Coloss. 1 : 11. vvith 12. he minds to be familiar vvith them here al●o , and admit them sometime vvhile in the vvay , & in the vvildernesse , to eat Manna , and to feast thei● souls in the begun fuitions of God ; and therefore to commend & endeare this life unto them , he makes the vvorld mingle a cup of gall & vvorm vvood , & put it in their hand , & hold it to their head , he beats them off from the vvorld , that vvould vvrong them , in into his ovvn bo●ome ; O blessed repose ! the place indeed , vvhere the vvearie finde both rest and refreshing . But here I must be abrupt , and leave the matter to be dilated and dwelt upon by you in yo●● Meditation : Onely let me say , that the serious minding of these things would not onely prove a happie diversion , and prevent the fretings of your mind , by an unprofitable poreing upon your fiery af●liction ; But , it would be the certain way to give you meat out of this eater● Your mind would not onely be keep 't from being grangrened into impatience , and galled with the load which lies upon your loins ; But you would be made glade and comforted over all yo●r sorrowes , & sufferings , by beholding the end of the Lord , & the gracious designe he is driveing about you , which is , to make you up for ever , by b●ing ●●us undone : And to order these light afflictions , which are but for a moment , so , as th●y shall work for you a far more exceeding , & eternal weight of glory . This is that wheel wi●hi● all ●●ese wheels ; & this is his purpose towards you , the thoughts of whose heart take place in all Generations : These things are upon his heart , & he cannot misse what he aimes at ; & therefore you cannot be miserable , amidst all the miseries you suffer from them , who cast iniquitie upon you , & in wrath ha●e you : Nay therefore you cannot misse to be happy , amidst all these , he hath blessed you , & you shall be so . But , deare friends , besides this general Consideration of your sin , & mine , which is necessary for our profiting by every touch of his hand , suffer me to sugg●st the necessity of a particu●ar enquiry ; for when ever the Lord doth pursue a Church or a Land , wi●h such a Church-desolating , & Land-destroying stroke , as we have been under , these so many yeers ( thou●h wickednesse & violence , in this assault upon you , is come to such a Prodigious height , as it is a surprise & matter of astonishment to all who look on ; nay I am perswaded , if no● many yeers ago , it had been told these who have given the o●ders , that they would do what now ●h●y bo●h do & defend , they would have given H●zaels answer ) he is then particularly pointing at some high and p●blick Provocation , which his soul hates , wherein that Church & Nation is involved , and wh●reby th●y have made themselves deeply guiltie : There is some accursed thing amongst that People , & Church , when he breaks down what he had built , & gives up the dearely beloved of his soul , into the hand of her en●mies : ( which is our present condition ) And when it is thus , It is high time to awake out of sleep , & to consider , ●hat this is ; & to enquire , and accomplish a diligent search for finding that out , for which his anger is fallen upon them , lest God both search out the iniquitie of that people , till he finde none ; & search out the iniquity of their refusing to search , & then sweep them away , as a generation of his wrath , & seperat them for evil , as those in whom his soul hath no pleasure : Nay , that which will certainly make a generation , a generation of his wrath , & cause him heap misch●ifs upon them , & spend his arrowes upo● them , is , when after such a fire is kindl●d , as threat●ns the consumption of all , with its flame , men are not awakened to enquire , what meaneth the heat of this great anger ? O , when they are so unfaithful , as either to be silent , when they see it ; or are so oraculous , in their ●inting at the guilt ( in stead of acquiting them●elves so faithfully to God , & so affectionatly to the souls of the unconcerned , as to point it forth , & be so plain , as th●y may thereby cause them to know their abominations ) as if they designed not to be understood . I grant , men may mistake in assigning causes ; and happy is that land , which ha●h these amongst them , in such a day , to whom the mou●h of the Lord hath spoken , that they may d●clare it , for what the land perisheth : And yet , if we will search the Scriptures , and consult the records of the Church in her several periods , we will finde , that publick Church-desolating judgements , had ever the guilt of that people so evidently engraven on them , as he who did run might have read i● ; so that the dispensation seemed to cry every one into the consideration of the clearly procuring provocation , and say , O Generation , see the Word of the Lord ! When he executs the judgement writen , then he cloths his word with such a visible Garment , as the man of wisdom must read his name of righteousnesse upon his rod , and the g●●lt of that people , whom he so punisheth . All of us therefore are called to a serious consideration of the caus●s of Gods displeasure , drawne out to such a length . and arisen to such a height against us : What then doeth such a stroke ? What doth such a Church-ruine , after such a blessed reformation ( I neither feare nor blush to call it blessed , notwithstanding of an act rescissory made to bury it , and the belchings forth of enemies against it , and all the Blashphemings of that great and good work of God by the Adversaries thereof ) I say what doth it say to us ? I cannot give the answer , in more proper and plaint ermes , than in the Prophet Jeremiah his words , Chap. 22. where the question is proposed , v. 8. by all that passe by , wherefore thath the L●rd done this unto this great City ? The Answer is given , v. 9. Because they h●●e foresaken ehe Covenant of the Lord their God : Which is ●his upon the matter ; they had made themselves monsters for sin , and God hath made them marvells for judgement , and se● up a monument to the commendation of his righteousnesse , over the ruine of these Covenant●breakers : what means this sad change ; that the Lord , who rejoyced over us to do us good and to multiply us , is now turned against us , as if he were rejoyceing over us to destroy us , and to bring us to nought ? Oh! This his anger with such a witnesse doth give a distinct sound ! It palpably decl●res , and plainly proclaimes our Defection from God , and Apostasie from him , after we had bound our souls with an oath to the contrare : It is not onely because we were not answerable to our Covenant-engagements , to studie holinesse in the feare of God , and walk like a people dedicat and devo●ed to him , ( though such a breach goes alwayes before , and the other followes af●er ) Bu● because we dealt unfaithfully in thar Covenant made for Reformation in his house ; we be●ame lukewarme in the cause , & so the curse of dete●table ne●trality hath over taken us : our solemne acknowledgement of sin , and engagements to dueties , were forgotten : Yea , we proceeded from one degree of unfaithfulnesse & infixed●esse in our Covenant with the most High , to another , till the whole of that Covenanted-work of Reformation was surrendered , and put in their power , who have destroyed all , and razed and overturned the blessed foundations of that beautiful structure : and this was done , with such a hast and precipitation ; as he was looked upon as a peevish Ridicule , who would have advised , in that day , to see previously to the securitie of Religion , before these were put in power , who were it's known and constant enemies : And so , what ou● worthy Fore-fathers ( of truely blessed memory ) by their zeal , their wisdome , their courage for God , their valient contendings for the truth , their prayers , their witnessings , their sufferings , had by the good hand of their God upon them wrought out for us , and put us in possession of , we blindly and basely abandoned all , and suffered our selves to be fooled out of the cause , and out of our faithfulnesse to Christ , with a flourish or small parcel of good words . And it is for this iniquitie , that the holy and righteous Lord pursues us this day : it is for this , that he doth punish us by these very hands , into whose hands we put power , to overturne his work , and left them at liberty to do so . Now O generation , see the word of the Lord. It is not my purpose here● to give an account of the several steps of our defection , or to draw the lineaments of it's black visage : that is an undertaking above my pen and parts : let the Lord , with whom is the residu● of the spirit , finde out and furnish some for it : and O that for my interest in the defection , and my accession to the cause of Gods contending this day with poor S●otland , I may ob●ain mercy to go mourning to my grave ! This may be cried out upon as Treason : well ; if the mentioning of the Land 's treacherous dealing with God be called Treason , all my Apologie is , that that makes the necessitie of doing it double , and indispensible dutie : let me be a Traitor , if that be Treason : But I know this may be particularly bogled at , and abom●nat , as if it were the reviving and raking againe out of the ashes , wherein they were burnt , and by the burners designed for ever to lye buried , of the causes of wrath : I need say little as to this ; But that the Causes of wrath need neither my patrociny , nor Apologie ; they carry alongst their own s●d aud certain evidence with them : and I judge many , who did not then see so far , as these Seers did , who drew them up , and mourned before the Lord , under the conviction of the gu●lt therein held forth , have since been convinced to their cost , that the secret of the Lord was with these his Servants , and that they stood in his Counsel : and if any of them be ●ot , they may be ere all bedone . O the burning of the Covenant in England and the Causes of wrath in Scotland , shall certainly be followed , with a fire and siercenesse of indignation , as shall make Authors , Actors , Abettors , and Rejoycers thereat , know what it is , to give such an open defiance to the Almighty . A Covenant burnt , and burnt by Authority , in the sight of heaven , with such hell-black solemnities , where the great God is Altera pars Contrahens , for Reformation of Religion accord●ng to his word , and righteounesse in walking before him , is such a sin , as may make every soul to tremble , at the fore-thoughts of what God will do , for vindicating his glory from that contempt thereby cast upon him . My present businesse is not to addresse my self by way of Testimony , or representation to them , who have done such horrid things : Onely I wish , that the burning of that City into ashes , where that Covenant was burnt , together with that non-such plague , and war , may make them take warning , ere it be too late , who did this wickednesse : for Alas ! all that is come , will be forgotten , when the wrath and vengeance that is yet coming shall be execute and mentioned . O England , England , I feare , I feare thy wo hasteneth ! the wrath of God is upon the wing against thee . both for breach of Covenant , and wipeing thy mouth , as if thou hadst done nothing amisse ! Thou hast stood and seen thy brothers day : Alas for thy day , when others shall stand aloof from thee , for feare of sharing in thy judgements ! O how unexamplified must the plagues be , wherewith they shall be pursued , whose wickednesse hath such a singularitie of hainousnesse in it , on the ground of the Righteousness and Veracity of God! The burning of a Covenant made with God , is a sin , which I believe never had precedent or parallel ; and I also believe , that the terrible tempest of the wrath of God , falling from Heaven , and following this guilt , shall for ever fright men , from following their steps , who for this shall be made spectacles of his displeasure , and documents to the coming of Christ , what a dreadful and fearful thing it is , for men , taken red-hand in this wickednesse , to fall into the hands of the living God! And as for burning the Causes of wrath , I grant that wickednesse hath a perfect parallel but of a tremenduous consequence , in ●ehojakim's practice , recorded Jer. 36.23 . where that ungodly King ( of unhappy memory ) upon his apprehended restitution to freedom , and deliverie from the judgem●nt of God , pursuing him for his wickednesse , is so grated with the prophets faithfulnesse , as he burnt the causes of wrath : Now let it be taken notice of , how the anger of the Lord burnt against this bold burner : see his burial and Epitaph Ier. 22.18.19 . but more particularly , see how for this very consumating wickednesse , he , and his posteritie for ever , are deprived from Crown and Scepter Ier. 36.30 . 2 Chro 36. His b●othe● Zedekiah , it is true , was made King for a time ; but he also continued to do evil in the ●ight of the Lord , and broke the Covenant of God ( though he burnt it not ) and then , the Lord sweeped that race , for these rebellions against him , together with the throne , off the face of the earth : thus the burning of the Causes of wrath , and the breach of God's Covenant , brought down the fire of the wrath of God from heaven , which consumed with its flame these , who had dared the Almighty after such a manner . As the Kingdome of Israel was put to a period and perished , because of Hosheah his breach of Covenant ; so the Throne of Iudah was riding post the last stage to ruine , when it came to the breaking of Covenant , and burning of the causes of wrath : God would beare with them no longer ; But for adding this evil to all the other evils they had done in his sight , he overturned that throne of iniquity , and cast them out of his sight for ever : But , my Friends , that which we are called to mind , in this day of our visitation , is , seriously to recollect our thoughts , and remember , what was our frame , in the day , when these things were carried on , and done before our eyes , what were our feares for the work of God ; what were our cares , and solicitousnesse about the preservation of that precious interest . I judge , you will allow me to say it to you , that it might have been expected from the West of Scotland , in a particular manner , that they would have given some evidences , of a peculiar concernednesse in the interest of Christ , and for the preservation of our pure and blessed Reformation , purged from the plague of usurping Erastianisme , and its wretched brat● abjured Episcopacy . L●r us call ourselves to the remembrance of our carriage , in that day : were we frighted at the dismal appea●ances of these dangers , wherewith the work of God was thre●tned , by i●carce●ating some of the most eminently faithful and useful Instruments in that work ? Or were we wakened out of our dreame of halcyon dayes of liberty , &c. when the blood of these wor hies was shed ? Where are the evid●nces of our love and loyaltie to Jesus Christ ? are they extant ? are they u●on record ? can we say in this day , w●en we are as broken in the place of dragons , and cove●ed as with the shadow of death , that we did neither deal faintly nor falsely in ●i● Covenant ? Alas ! what can we say ? what should we say ? shame and confusion of face belong to u●● a blushing silence will be a fit expression , for a stupiditie , which we cannot sufficiently lament by words , nor make language of : we were in that day under such an universal distraction , a● both did presage and procure the desolations of this day : we were fooled into such a frolick , as in th●se irreligious transports , we never remembered there was an Interest of Christ to be seen to , or secured in the first place , till we saw it was irrecoverably lost : And now , God is righteous , in l●shing us by these very hands , into which we put power to destroy that , which we were bound to have preserved , with the loss of all things , life it self not excepted . O for the spirit of repen●ance to be poured out upon all of us that rem●in ! for , if we were weeping upon him for pardon , taking vengeance on our own inventions , and wre●tling with him by prayer , and supplication ; if we were much upon our knees before him , when we are fallen into the hands of these , from whom we are no able to rise up , our enemies should not stand long upon their feet , who now trod under foot his preciou● interests and people ; for a Saint is a Hercules in genu ; that foot o● p●ide come against us should soon slip , if the slippings of our own feet , and backeslidings were mourn●d over . Secondly , my deare Friends let me beseech you , vvithout being mistaken , as if ●t l●ed to the griefe of ●hose , whom he hath wounded , seriously to reflect on your frame , and carriage afterward ; and let us consider , whether we walked mournfully before the Lord , and endeavoured to make our sorrow swel to a just proportion , with the growing desolation of the San●tuary , and the growing defection and grievous Apostasie of the Nation from our Covenant , and solemne Engagements to God : for , of whom and from whom might this have been exspected , if not of us ? We saw the blood of these precious Saints and Martyrs of Jesus shed : vve savv the frame of our Government dissolved and overturned : vve savv an Act res●issory ( the vvickednesse vvhereof reached heaven : ) vve savv abominable and abjured Episcopacy re-established by Lavv , and the faithful Ministers of Christ driven from their flocks : thus vve savv Iericho rebuilt ; and so the Nation became a Curse , being so deeply and so deliberatly involved into the guilt of open , ovvned , avouched , and by Lavv established , perjurie : Novv vvhat did vve in rhe mean time ? Alas vve had not the spirit of the day in its day ! vve carried not as knovving the times and vvhat the Israel of God ought to have done : But for all that vvas yet acted and done , Satan had not driven our Apostasie from God the full length he intended ; and therefore he still drove on ; and remembring vvel hovv he had been put to flee often seven vvayes , before the flameing zeal , and holy fervour of these vvorthies , vvho had wrestled that poor Church into a state of freedom , from an Exotick hardship , and the base bondage of Prelacy ; and hovv it had come to that amongst us , tha● Jesus Christ vvas ovvned by all the Authoritie in the Nation , as sole and absolute Soveraigne in his own house , and hovv his Throne● Crovvn and Scepter had been secured unto him , and that Prerogative , onely competent to the Son of God , setled upon him by Lavv ; vvhich vvas a National Declaration , emi●ted in the sight of the vvorld , of this import , let him who built the house beare the glory : Let him sit and rule upon his Throne : Satan , I say , envying that blessed settlement , vvhich he had found so hurtful to his Kingdom of darknesse , and vvhich vvas the Crovvn of that poor Church , vvhose Reformation in this vvas beyond all the Churches of Christ I knovv upon the earth ( though now Alas ! we may take up this Lamentation over our selves , the Crown is fallen ●rom our head , w●e unto us , for we have sinned ) to the end the mountain of Zion might once for all be desolat , and the foxes , wi●h every beast of prey , be at liberty to walk upon it , prompted men , h●ving once set them a going in a course of defection , to run to such a height of opposition to the Lord 's anointed , as never since man was up●n the earth , was there such a Supremacy f●amed into a Law , whereby name and ●hing of all K●ngly power is plainly , and explicitly taken from , and exto●ted out of the hand of ou● blessed Lo●d Jesus Christ , and g●ven unto , and setled upon the King : ( O dangerous and unsetl●ng setlement ! ) no● the incommunicable Prerogative of Him , who is King in Sion and whos 's right it is , to give Lawes to rul● his own Church and House , is alieanat , and appended to the Imperial ●rown of t●e Nation ; and it is now declared for ever , to be its inherent right , to dispose of , and do in all Church matters , as our King in his Royal wisdom shall think fit : The most manifest , u●m●sked , high , and horrid usurpation of t●e Throne of Christ , that ever the world saw : An● th● most down righ● contradiction to that declared decree Psal. 2. that ever was framed or cast in●o the mo●ld of a Law , or emitted to the view of men . Nay , let any m●n of judgemen● r●ad our Supremacy and that Psalme , and he must say one of two ; that either thi● Supre●acy is m●ant of Ch●ist , ( tho●gh his name be not in it , as was above noted ) seing it com●rehend● all that Church-powe● , and a●cribs it unto some one person , without a competitor , which onely belongs to him , whose Throne is set in Zion , by an everlasting decree : for his is the Kingdom , his is th● p●wer , a●d his is the glory ; Or he must confes●e , that it is the most pure , pe●fect , and unpa●alleled contradiction to that decree , that ever the world saw : neither do I remember any thing ●o like it , in sense and sound , as what is recorded by the Holy Ghost Is● . 14 : v. 13 , 14. to have been the language of the heart of the King of Babylon : thou hast said in thy heart ( saith the H : Ghost ) I will ascend into Heaven : I will ex●lt my Throne above the stars of God : I will sit also upon the mount of the Congregation , in the sides of the North : I will ascend above the heights of the clouds : I will be like the most high : It was certainly a very congruous and happie notion to come into a hea●hen's head , that whosoever set● his throne in th● mount of the Cong●egation , and sits supreme in the sides of the North , wh●ch is the Citie of th● great King , who hath there setled his Throne , and set the Ornament of his beautie in Majestie amongst his subjects , should also ascend above the height o● the clo●ds , and be like the most High ; But it was an unhappie mist●ke in him , to think he would set himself down in that Chair o● state , and si● upon that Ro●al Throne : But to curb this Insolent , and to cure him of this ma●nesse , the Lo●d s●t him some where else ; and therefore it is added , with an Emphasis , declarative of his high indignation against the pride of that petulant Babylonian v. 15. Yet shall thou be ●rought down ●o hell to the sides of the pit : And thus his Majestie bec●me a mocking stock , and the Nation● are brought-in insulting over him and singing in derision : How art thou ●allen from H●aven , O Lucifer , &c. O its impossible he can sit long , who sets himself down upon the Mediators Throne ! for , the arme of Iehovah , shall snatch and hurrie him thence ; and h● must catch a ●ore ●all , whom the great God throwes down , in his indignation ! Be wise now ther●fore , O ye Kings , & c● is a necessar caution here . But to my purpose : You and I saw all this perpetrat in our sight ; We saw also what wayes & methods were taken to slatter or force us into some compliance wi●h this usurpation : How did we behave , while we beheld this Idol of jealousy and abomination set in the holy place ? did our eye affect our heart , to see our blessed Lord Jesus put to more open shame , in our land , then ever he had been put to in the earth ? to see the exalted Prince Messiah so formally divested , and spoiled of his sole Soveraigni●i● , and tha● b● that very power , and principally by these very persons , who had sworn fidelitie , subjection and loyalty to our Lord Jesus Christ as King in his own house : whose alone it is to give lawes to his Church , yea to give the Law to Kings , as Church-Members , if they have that honour to be Members of his Church● Now , when this iniquitie reached unto heaven , were the rendings of the Cauls of our hearts heard also in heaven , because of the hainousnesse of this high wickednesse ? did we tremble at the thoughts of what the zeal of the Lord , for the establishment of the Mediators throne , would doe , against the Nation and Church , where this wickednesse had been done , and Christ so dealt with ? What stiring up of one another to mourne together and apart , was there , when now the glory was departed ? Were we ashamed to be seen without the teare in our eye ? yea or vvith our heads upon us , vvhen the crovvn vvas taken from our Master's head ? or had vve no use for them but , that they might keep● tvvo eyes in them , to mourne ? or did our carriage witnesse we were willing to lay them down , and lose them , as a Testimony against the wrong done to our Master ? Alas had we neither teares , nor blood to bestow upon such an honourable cause and quarrel ? Let me tell you , m● Deare Friends , that as I see cause of wondering and weeping over my own stupiditie , who was so little affected with such a heart-melting sight , and can attribut it to nothing , but want of a proportioned zeal , that I did not either die of griefe , or onely lived by choice , to lame●t the departing of the glory ; so , I cannot forebeare to tell you ( and now is the proper time for you to think-on it , and be touched with it ) that I beheld the strange unconcernednesse of many amongst you , in that day , with amazement : will you not blush to remember that the Parliament of England , though for the most part highly Erastian , were yet so surprised at the sight of our Supremncy , being then apprehensive of a designe to introduce popery amongst them , as they no sooner saw it , but they perceived that Scotland , by their newly moulded Supremacy , so prodigious for size and shape , had not onely impowered his Majestie for doing that , but more also ; if so be , he in his royal wisdom saw it fit ? This I say , together with that Act , for having so many thousand men ready to m●rch at his Majesties call , into any part of his Dominions , did much startle tha● Parliament . But what did you in the meantime ? Alas ! it was observed , particularly of not a few amongst you ( I do not charge all , nay nor any person in particular , let eve●y on reflect●on himself ) that never was there , more graspeing after the World , never more eagernesse to build your own houses , than in that day , when before your eyes , the house of your God was taken in possession , together with an unbrotherly unconcernednesse , in the sufferings of such , who were most active in testifieing against ●his wickednesse , and counteracting its de●igne : And , my Friends , I must be this far plain with you , that as with much greife of soul , I then beheld this amongst you ; so , I then said it , and often have said it and thought it since , that , for that your carriage , in such a dismal day , when we should all have been crying , and what wilt thou doe for thy great name ? and such a manifest leaving of your first love , if God should bring an enemy from the riseing of the Sun , to punish the West of Scotl●nd with a witnesse , they should smart , for what had been observed amongst them , in that hour : he should so order the matter , as , escape who would , they should not : But the Judgement of God , which begins at his own house , should either land and light there , or lye and rest there : My Deare Brethren , mistake not the designe of this plain dealing , I dar not daub with untempered mortar , because I would not have you dally in the m●tter of Repentance : I may say , my record is in heaven , that I have not allowed my self , to be at ease ; since you were in trouble : Let me speake therefore to you , in ●he words of the Holy Ghost : Heare ye the rod , and who hath appointed it : Learn to understand the Language of this Dispensation , which if you doe , your finger will ce●tainly be upon this sore ; and your eye toward the alone remedy ; so shall you comply with his noble Designe , and blesse him eternally for what hath befallen you . But Thirdly , beloved sufferers for Christ , as a further proof , I have not mentioned these things , on purpose you should be grieved , and have sor●ow upon sorrow , suffer me to adde . That , as I had often been made sad , by that nnconcernednesse in the Matters of God , and in the Sufferings of your Brethren , observed with much sorrow and regret amongst you● unanswerable to the Kindenesse of your youth , and the love of your espousals ; so , I was refre●hed , upon your behalfe , and comforted to heare , that there was a begun reviveing , for some time , observed amongst you , and that now at the last , your care of , and concernednesse in the precious Interests of Christ , began to flourish againe ; and some thing of old life and lustre began to appeare , before this enemy broke-in upon you● and that he who had been ri●eing Prosperously , in many places of the Land , going forth conquering souls , to a compliance with the blessed besigne of the Gospel ( which is to crown the conquered ) was returning , to give you a new visite , and to make you ●avourie , as in the dayes of old : But more particularly , what ever be the wickednesse of men , and your innocency as to them , that our blessed Lord Jesus hath graciously condescended to take a great Testimony at once , from his old friends and followers in the West of Scotland : he would not put such a Discredit and Discountenance upon you● as to have you behinde other parts of the land , in filling up that , which is behinde of the a●●lictions o● Christ , in your sufferings for his names sake , & the noble Interest of his crown . O now happie and honourable favourits of so glorious a King ! would you have wish●d , that the delivery of Scotland should have gone before this your distresse ? And that it should have been your reproach , that you had been last in bringing home the King , and had suffered least for his sake ? But now he hath rolled away your reproach , and enrolled you amongst the honourable company of his witnesses : O! what would you think to heare the Mediator make such a report of you in Heaven ( for his commendation makes beleevers and su●ferers f●mous there ) as this ? Now , what was lacking of a full and faithful Testimony , what was wanting in witnessing a good Confession , amongst my Disciples and Friends in t●e West of Scotland , is supplied , with full measure , heaped up shaken together , and runing over : They have not onely given , and given cheerfully , but the very poor amongst them have given as Kings unto God , because they have given him themselves , and their little All. O my Friends , if you knew what report he is making of your suffering in heaven , in stead of sincking into a despondency , you would be in hazard to be di●tracted with joy ! However , now Brethren rejoyce , and now be glade , in as much as he hath coun●ed you worthy to suffer for his sake ? He hath set ● crown and garland upon your head , which is not set on the head of every one , whom he yet crowns with loving kindnesse , and tender me●cies , and which is denied to many , who will yet get the immortal crown . To you it is now given ` ( O blessed be the Giver , and happy are the receivers ! ) not onely to believe on him , but also to suffer for his sake : To you it is given , not onely to lodge him in your house , and heart ; but , because you have done so , you are honoured to have your ho●ses taken in possession by others ; and your bodies , which are temples of the Goly Ghost , trod upon and abused by such , who , while they have the faces of men , have the fashions of Devils . But , Deare Friends , you are not so much debased and humbled , when you lay your bodies as the mire , and as the street to those that go over , and when men does the equivalent of rideing over your head ; as you are highly honoured , and exalted : You are not so much hurt , what ever harme they have done you● as you are made happie . Remember whose these words are ( which contain in them a noble Cordial for you and an excellent remedie ; swallow it down , and it will both seeke to the sore , and make an inward jubilee in your soul ) Blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousnesse sake ; for theirs is the Kingdom of heaven : Look upward you may , and Laugh : Look upward● that you may be in case to look all your trouble out of countenance : Look u●ward , and see who is Looking downward , and his heart in his eye , on purpose , to take notice of all that is done to you for his sake : their very hard speeches shall be remembered , none of your sorrowes , nor sufferings escape his observation ; but he takes notice of all these , on purpose to comfort you over them , and support you under th●m : many a poor man amongst you durst never have evened himself ●o this degree and height of honour , as either to have been drive● out of his hut , or little hole-house , or to have been oppressed in it , & that upon ●o noble an account , as it shall be recorded in heaven , & reckoned , as his Testimonie against the usurpation of the Mediators throne : This is so great an honour , I ●ay , and a thing of so noble an import , as many a poor man dar not suffer himself , to believe it for joy : He dare not allow himself to think , that his name , who had so little to lose , will be enrolled amongst the company of Confessors : but doe not wrong his love , nor rob thy self of the rich con●olation , he allowes upon thee : For if thou hast lost but a hair ●or him , if one of these have f●llen , or hath been plucked from thy head , let be thy old ble●●onnet , he will both reco●d it , & reward it : he will not onely remember , who have taken joyfully the spoiling of their goods ; But who , when they had nothing of their own to lose , had compassion upon them who were spoiled , & became companions , by choice , of them who were so used : You cannot without blushing thi●k upon the value he will put upon your suffering : & how ( if I may say so ) he will magn●fie your poor mite , which you are ashamed to mention . Can you think , without a kinde of pleasant confusion , of the warme & wonderful welcome , you will get in the other world ; when you shall be advanced to reigne with him , & heare him speake these words to you , you are they who have continued with me in my Tentations , & I appoint unto you a Kingdom , as my Father hath appointed unto me , that you may eat and drink at my table , in my Kingdom , & judge them , who now judge & cond●mne you : you are the poor company , who were not ashamed to be put to shame for my ●ake ; & therefo●e I will not be ashamed of you ; but I will confesse you before my Father and before his Angels : You are they they who have witnessed your love and loyaltie to me , & your zeal for my crown and Scepter , when your Rulers , as incensed against me , did by their Law Un-king me , & in persecuting of you crucified me againe ; come , you shall enter into my joy , you sh●ll fit with me upon my throne , & to the everlasting confusion of these my enemies , who would not that I should reigne over them , they shall not onely see you crowned ; but crowned upon the account of what they put you to suf●er : Yea , in the day when they shall be sisted before my tribunal , sentenced & shut out of my sight for ever , ●hey shall have this added to make their shame unspeakeable , they shall not onely see you glorified with me , when I am set upon the throne of my glory ; but sitting also as my Assess●rs to judge these your proud persecuters , & saying Amen to the righteousnesse of my sentence : All their savage severi●ies , & all your sorrowes & sufferings , will come in remembrance in that day , to be accordingly rewarded : Not onely shall you , much honoured Gentlemen , who , in testimony , that you dare not concurre in this opposition to Christ , & give it under your hand to obstruct ●he coming of his Kingdom , by subscribing such bonds , as Tests of your Loyalti● to men , which would bring upon your soul , the crime of les●e Majesti● ; and conclude you guil●ie of disloyaltie against the Lord's anointed , ( for which noble opposition to that course of iniqu●tie , some of you are shu● up in prison● others are denounced ) not onely shall you have all your losses made up , by that far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory : O the eternal weight , and the infinit worth of that glory , to which , all the sufferings of thi● life are not worthy to be compared ! O how much is the inheritance of the saints in light , and that hope laid up for you in heaven , above your houses & inheritances ●nd lands , which you have ventured to lose for him ! But you Tenants also , yea the Poorest Co●tar likewise , who hath sufferred any thing for him , sh●ll have no lower reward , than the Confessors crown , that crown of glory , that fadeth ●o● away : He will no● on●ly take no●ice of all the horrid plunderings , of all the ba●barous and inhumane beatings , woundings and unheard of insolencis , of these savage Saracens , who have been made use of against you ; But of all your sore hea●ts , of all your smothered sighs , ( for he does not hide his eare at his peoples breathing , when the ene●y cuts o●● their life in ●he dungeon , and casts a stone upon them ) of all your overwhelming greifs , and teares shed , not so much beca●se that the enemie had entered ●nto your houses , and ●aten up your bread ; as because they had robb●d you of the Gospel , caused your solemne and sweee● as●embl●es to cease , and did not suf●er your bread for your soul to come into the house of the Lo●d : For though the ●o●d had given you the bread of adversitie , and the water of af●liction ; yet , if the ●ospel had been left you , if your teachers had not been removed into corners , if your eyes had seen these , and if you did still heare the joyful found , & had acces●e to be made glade in his house of prayer , it would have comforted you , over all these things you have suffered : But it is for being robbed of the bread of life you weep , the desolation of the mountain of Zion makes your eyes dim : And will he hold his peace at such teares ? will he not heare the voice of such weeping ? nay all your wanderings are marked , and all your teares , if there were but one that had trickled down from your eye , aswell as your blood is regairded : Thou tellest my wandering , ( said that persecuted man ) thou putest my teares ( the word is my teare , to shew , that not one drop falls by ; and that if it were but one , it is keeped and well keeped ) in thy bottle : he doth in great tendernesse towards you , keep all the teares you weep in his bottle , that in due time , he may poure them out to you , in the wine of strong consolation . His eye hath seen , who have been made to suffer these things from the enemies of humanitie , aswell as Christianitie , which I forbeare to mention by their proper names , as not knowing ( if I should ) how to comfort those , who have suffered such things , leaving that to him vvho can , and vvho vvill . He hath taken notice of all the thefts committed amongst you , the least brat of old cloths , that hath been stollen from you , or stript off you , hath not escaped his observation ; this is marked by him , and marked on purpose , that he may in place thereof cloth you with rich and glorious robs , and classe you in that beautiful company Rev. 7. of whom it is said , these are they who came out of great tribulation &c. You are novv Princes in Pilg●ims weeds , because , under your rags , lies hide a tittle to the glorious crown ; but in that day your rags will be taken away , and you vvill appeare illustrious Princes indeed : nay the beatings , yea , outragious boastings , and threatenings of the poorest Lad or Lasse , shall not be forgotten , it had been better for them who gave the orders , & put them in execution , that a milston had been hanged about their neck , and they cast into the midst of the Sea ; than thus to have handled one of his little ones , upon such an account : nay , the weeping of poor little Children , for want of food ( while the mothers milk was dried up , or was as poison ) their pale faces , pat●ly with feare , partly with famine , shall be remembred , as a part of your ●estimonie , and that which shall certainly fill up the cup of these Amorites . But vvhat should I say ? Beloved Sufferers , right honourable Nobles , ( if any of your names be found in that rol , ●d found out of the roll of the Banders , for now , it is not many noble , and the more the shame , and pitie ; but if there be but one o● two of that tribe , the more noble ) much honoured and happi● Gentlem●n , who to m●k● it appeare you have first given your own selves unto the Lord , would not prig with him , a●out your hou●es , your inheritances , nor your lands ; but carried as at a point to par● with h●s th●ng for him , which you had received from him , as having but little pleasure to be poss●ssed of any thing , after he vvas dispossessed by law of his house , & heritage ; [ o wicked and vain attempt ! their hands shall not be able to performe their interprise , but the counsel of these frowards , who will wrestle with him , to wring the scepter out of his hand , shall be carried head long : Hath he said it , And will he not doe it ? hath he purposed it , and shall it not come to passe ? ] And you Tennants , vvho are turned out of all , and put in the condition of beggars ( O rich and to be ambition at beggarie ! ) yea you poor Labourers and Servants , who have parted with your all ; and it may be , you thought it to little . ( For vvhen love to Christ gives , it is so liberal and open handed , as it gives all : It first gives the heart to him , and then the house and goods for him , & hath a kinde of sorrow it hath no more to give ; & therefore at last , to fill up the measure the giver throwes in himself , and that with a blush , to be made use of in doing and suffering for God ) and therefore did it , vvith a kinde of sh●me , and regrete , you had no more to lose for him : be assured , he vvill not forget this your wo●k and labour of love , shevved for his names sake : nay , be assured , he vvill repay it with an inconceivable over-plus of everlasting advantage : Feare not , little flock it is the Fathers good pleasure , to give you the Kingdom , are the words of your Lord and Master : O! hovv great is your revvard in heaven ! it exceeds both your faith & your fansie , both your imagination and expectation , in the dimensions of infinit goodnesse , and eternal endureance ! O! hovv great is that Goodnesse ; vvhich he hath laid up for you , ( vvhere theeves cannot break thorow nor steale ; nay , it is above the rage of men or loose handed devils to reach it ) who now have been helped to give such a proof , that he , who alone is to be feared , is your feare and your dread ; and which he hath wrought for you , who have witness●d before the sons of Men , that you can follow him , whither soever he goeth , and that where the King is there will you be , whether in Life or in Death , and trust him with all your concerns , when exposed to the worst that the violence of the vilest of men can make you suffer . What should I say ? He hath pronounced you blessed , who makes you so , amidst all your miseries ; and therefore blessed you must be , and shall be ; so that you have no more to say , but be it unto thy suffering servants according to thy word ; neither have I , but Amen and Amen . Now , Deare Brethren , though your not having keep , as became you , the Word of his Patience hath provoked him , not to keep you from this hour of Temptation , which is come upon you ; yet , how hath he both multiplied to pardon , and magnified his grace , even while he punished , in keeping you in it ? And as the observation of your former way occasioned great feares on your behalfe , lest there should have been a further defection ; so , when it was seen and p●t beyond all debate ( though no man would suffer himself to believe , that ever such a thing , which had no colour of reason to cover the barbaritie of it's rage , would be put in execution ; lest an easie credulitie of what was not to be beleeved , till rage had quite extinguished reason , should have argued a weaknesse unworthie of a man : For to have said they are men , who Rule , though stated enemies to the wayes of God , might have secured a person against the feares of such a course ) that this evil was determined against you , wherein Religion and Reason had the defiance at once , in the resolution of your ruines : I judge , there were never moe payers put up to God , on the behalfe of a partie in the land , then there were for you , that you might be keept in this hour of temptation , & strengthened with all might , according to his glorious power , & helped without fearing the wrath of those , whose furie was armed with all the force of the Nation , and to be execute by the most formidable and barbarous Instruments , to stand it out , and to endure as seeing him who is invisible . And now , in that God hath not turned away these prayers , nor his mercy from you : But hath stood by you , helped you , held your hand , with held you from that Bond of disloyaltie to Christ , strengthened you , and keept you from the snare laid for you , and this grin of these workers of iniquitie : for this gift , I say , bestowed upon you , by the means of m●ny persons , thanks also are given unto God , by many , on your behalfe : And this aboundance of heart-establishing , and hand-strengthening Grace , bestowed upon you , by the thanksgiveings of many , redounds to the Glory of God : Deare Bre●hren , you are now in a manner become our joy and crown : This eminent exercise of your faith and patience , in that , while cr●shed by these cruel men , you have carried , as not being moved by any of these things , which have be fallen you ; but as knowing you are appointed thereun●o hath comforted your Brethren over you , in all your a●●liction and distresse : And your stand●ng fast in the Lord , hath put many , who stood in doubt of you , lest the temper by this means should have tempted you , and turned you aside to a compliance with the crooked wayes of these workers of iniquitie , who shall be led forth with all that ●oine with them , to condigne punishment , ( but what that shall be is unutterable : ) hereby , I say , your friends , the favou●ers of the dust of Zion , are put to a new di●●icultie on your behalfe ; for his doing for you , above what they could ask or think : now , this is the Echo of their pulse : O what thanks , can we render again to God for these , who ha●● been thus helped to glorifie him , by standing and withstanding in this evil day ! and for all the joy , where with we joy for their sakes , before ou● God : Yea , what gladnesse , what glorying is there amongst the saints for your patience , and fai●h● in all your persecutions , and tribulations that you endure ? But now , Deare Brethren , to the end that you may hold on , and hold out , and so be more than conquerours , through him that hath loved you , let me put you in mind you have not yet done , although you have been helped to doe much , by suffering much ; yet , there is a much behinde to be done , and suffered : Having therefore taken joyfully the spoiling of your goods , and carried as knowing in your selves , that in heaven , you have a better and an enduring substance . Now consider , that you have yet need of patience ; for you see , that the enemies teeth i● hereby set on edge to teare you , they are still eager in the pursuite : There is need of patience , I say therefore , that after you have done the will of God ( which hath been by a suffering of his will in this juncture ) you may receive the promise . Now take unto you the whole armour of God , that you may be able , having done all these noble things , to stand : Stand therefore , as resolved through grace , and in the power of his might , to keep your grou●d , and to withstand , that you lose not the things , which you have wrought , and let not go a victory so neer gained . Read over R●v . 12. and see , how that after Michael and his Angels have encountred the Dragon and his blake Legions ( and I must say , however these who marched against you were called , a glorious host , I doubt , if ever there were legions , who more compleatly were clothed in Satans livery , and it was very suteable , since there was never a company of men gathered together , since man was upon the earth , wherein the quarrel was so formally stated against the Prince Michael ) and have overcome by the blood of the lamb , &c. A victory , in kinde and qualit●● , much like yours : Now take notice , that the Devil thus cast down , even while he casts them down , that with stood him ; and thus defeat in the death of those , who loved not their lives unto the death , studies a revenge , and comes down having great wrath : Be su●e the●efore , he will endeavour to be avenged upon you , for the broken head got , at this bout : He will make war upon you , and mannage it with all the fo●ce and ●urie he can , yea wi●h all the fraud and Hellish S●ratagems ( whereof yet I am most afraid ) against that remnant● by whose keeping the commandment of God , and holding fast the Testimony of Jesus Christ , he finds hi●self cast down . He hath had great wrath , against a poor feeble company , these many years , by whom , after he had hurried all the Representatives of the Nation , into this di●ch of dread●ul Defection , & A●ostasie & carried them the length , of that heaven-daring act of Supremacy , he found him●e●f resisted : all the homage he got by this Apostasie did avail him nothing , so long : as these base-l●ke and beggarly Mordecaies did not onely not bow the knee to him ; but resisted him , and wi●hstood him ; and by their runing to and fro , he found the knowledge of God ( hi● great eye-sore ) encreased , his old nests herried , his ordinary haunts invaded , and these da●ke De●s , wherein he had dwelt without disturbance , taken in ●ossession ; and his old servants and slave● vindicat into the glorious liberty of the Sons of God. Seeing himself at such a loss , & that by a company of un doughts , as they are judged ; yea nothings ( the fittest things for this opposed Christ to work by , and the fittest ●ime too ; for by his reigning and conquering thus , and by these noble and notable inroads he makes upon Satans ●erritories , he proves himself the Captain of Salvation , and that King who is in Zion , against whom there is no rising up , against whom there is neither counsel nor strength , and so no prevailing ; however exautorat by ou● Law , & that Law put in execution by all the methods and strength , that they who f●amed the Law can enforce it by ) he is more incensed : And as to you , my Deare Friends o● the We●t o● Scotland more particula●ly , suffer me to say , That he seems to have devised that this storme should have first fallen upon you , not onely because of old Long-syne ; But , as ho●ing , that now , after so much ease you have had , while others were in trouble , and some rema●kable abatemen of that zeal , which sometime was observed to be amongst you , ( O let never such a sight be again seen● ) he would finde you unprepared to stand it out , and withstand such a furious assault ; and so , by your fainting and being ●oiled , he expected , that all the rest of your brethren should have been either frighted into the like compliances , with this course of defection , and have been made to couch as Asses between the burdens ; or their resistance , when relinqu●shed by you , to be but feeble at best , and at last such as would end in their own ruine . But now , being so far disappointed , in finding that you have been helped , not with a little help , but with a great help ; and that you have been enabl●d through Grace , to shake your selves , as at other times ; and that the Lord hath stood by you , while ●uch a Lion was let loose upon you ; and hath strengthened you , and helped you , ●o aquite your selves , in this conflict , as the good Souldiers of Jesus Christ , he hath now more wrath against you , than ever : How doth he now meditat revenge ? How doth he now grin and gnash his teeth upon you ? when having stretched out his hand against you , as nothing doubting of the victory , he finds himself foiled , and made to draw in a stump . You may expect then , to meet with all that the Gates of hell can do to u●do you : therefore , be upon your guard : you may expect to be attacqued upon all quarters , now battered with fury , then underminded b● fraud , Be sober therefore , be v●gilant , for this roaring Lyon is walking about , seeking how he may devour you : whom resist stedfast in the faith : and to the end he may get no advantage again●t you , see that you carry as not ignorant of his devices , beware of his wiles , beware of his smoothnesse ; for when he speakes you fairest , then there are seven abominati●ns in his heart : Be sure where ever you watch , or what ever you do , to double your gairds at this passe ; for it may be , you shall be yet assaulted at this post● and be in greatest hazard , to be put out of your posture by his smooth insinuations : And in order to your resistance , and standing it out● both against the wiles of the Divil , and against his open wrath , let me drop these things , and bring them to your mind . First , Let me beseech you to consid●r , what your treasure is , and see to the securing of that , in the right ●and and the right place : for if that be safe , an● well laid up , all is well : you may then su●fer and sing , we will not feare what fleshe in do unto us I need not t●ll you that your treasure is yo●r precious and immortal so●● and that you have nothing wo●th keeping , nay , n●thing that is truely tenable , or that can be keep 't , but that , for it is Christ's own account , who knew the worth of souls , what hath a man profited saith he , if he should gaine the whole world and lose his own soul ? and the words added , or what can a man give in exchange for his soul ? are resolveable in this other question , wh●●● ha●h a man lost , if he should lose the whole world , and save his own s●ul ? O what can be gaine , where ●he ●ainer is eternally lost ? or what can be loss , where the loser is saved , and for ever made up ! Nor need I tell you , that it is for this precious treasure , that loose handed Devils ●unt ; and to the end your enemy may get hold of this , and run away with it , he hou●ds●out such emissaries , as you have had to deale with , that you may be hurried , by their ho●rid savagenesse , into a solicitousnesse , how to preserve some things out of their grips , till he run away with his prey , while you are noised into an oblivion of your g●ea● Interest . Nor need I te●l you , that the alone way to secure this your treasure , is , to commit the keeping of it to Jesus Christ : for when it is in his hand and custodie it i● so sure , as no ma● , no Devil , can pluck it out ; for he is stronger then all : Ye see that in a day of fiery trial , and when judgement must begin at the House of God , and when there is a must be of suff●ring according to his will for all that would do his will , this is the happie advice given , and alone expedient that will answer the end propounded 1 Pet. 4. last , wherefore ( saith he ) let them who suffer according to the will of God commit the keeping of their soul to him in well-doi●g , i. e. in doing these very thin●s , for which they suffer all these evils of affliction ; for that is particularly the present well doing according to his will , and so often as the doing of his will may infer danger , let this act of commiting the soul to him be renewed● that so his will may only be done , and his way keept , with a holy undauntednesse of courage , in the day of mo●t desperat danger O! bu● the soul is safe that is committed unto him : we can●ot pos●esse our souls in patie●ce● while we keep them in our own possession in such a day● because , we cannot secure them ; but then are they truely our own , when we have given them away to him to keep● and we may then possesse them in patience , when they are in his possession ; this made the Apostle 2 Tim. 1.12 . enjoy a sweet serenitie in a very stormy day , the perswasion of His being faithfull to his trust , and able to keep that , which he had committed ●nto him , fo●●ified his soul against all feare of what could befall him , in following the Lord , and hardened him , into a holy misregaird and contempt of the shame of the Crosse. Therefore● deare Brethren , let this be the greatest hast with you , and the first hast too ; for he will do nothing ●or a man , nor undertake to concerne h●mself in him , or his affairs , till he have committed his soul to hi● in the first place : And when you have done this , and to the end you may in this warfare attend upon the Lord without distraction , commit all beside to him , that you would have safe : if a man love any thing , then the onely way to keep it , from being lost , is to put it into his hand ; fo● he not onely keeps all their bones , who entrust him with their persons , that none of them are broken ; ( when he intends not a greater good to them by the contrare ) but the very hairs of their head are numbe●ed , and not one of them can be touched , or fall to the ground without him . Therefore having trusted him with your soul , which is your treasure , trust him with all your other li●tle ●ri●●les too : He will take it ill , if you doe other wise : And if it be good for you , to have these preserved , he will keep them , even to your old shoes : the Angel will not let P●●er lose his Sandals , or leave them behinde him , in the prison : Put your wives , your children , your estats , your names , and reputation , yea , whatsoever is deare un●o you , in his hand ; and all is safe . O but that person may be secure , ami●st the b●i●te●ous blasts of affliction , and the tempestuous rowlings of the raging seas of trouble , whose p●rson and estate is insured in the insureance chamber of heaven ? Sure , he who hath com●●tt●d all to him may slee● sweetly , ( because he is safe ) amidst all dangers ; since the peace of God ( flowing from , a●d fol●owing such a commitment ) which passet● all understanding , gaird● the h●●●t and mind , through Christ ●esus . Secondl● , when you have thus committed all ●o● would have to his keeping , to the end , you may keep his way , when assault●d by Adver●aries , and carry with that Gallantry , which becomes th● Sou●diers of the Captain of Salvation● make use of your allowed strength and furniture : For you are no● called to this wa●fa●e on your own ch●rges : The King beares all the cost ; so that you have a bro●d boord to take a sufficiency of supply for all wants and weaknesse off : and the●efo●e you are not so much to consider what you ha●e or want in your selves , in o●der to you● t●orow bear●ng , a●d what you can do or endure , in order to the obtaining of the vict●●y ; ●s what he will ●e ●o ●ou , in that hour , and do for you ; and accordin● to this re●ko●ing you m●y say , wh●n we are weake th●n are we strong : And when we can do not●ing , ye● we can do all things , and endure all things , through Christ stre●gthening , or putting power in us : and we may reckon also upon the victory ; you even you , little ones , have overcome them , ( sa●●h he ) b●c●u●e s●ronger is he tha● is in you , then he that i● in the world : Be stron● ther●fo●e in the Lord and in the power of his might : Lay in store of suffering Graces , put on the whole Armour of God ( saith the Apos●le ) that you may be able to stand : he hath prepared that Armour for you , and it is proof , and he orders you to put it on , and t●e●efore he doubles the exhor●ation , take unto you there●ore the whole armour of God , th●t you m●● be able t● st●●d i● t●e evil day , and having done all to stand . I shall not insist on the particulars ; but leave that known place Ephes. 6. to your meditation : Onely see well to these three C●r●in●● G●aces as ever you would look for the Conquerours Crown : first , See well to ●our Faith● a●o●e a●l ( saith he ) taking the shield of Faith : I cannot here hint the universal usefulne●●e of fai●h , in th●s wa●f●re ; nor how it st●●ls the soul with so much stoutnesse ; as it can m●ke a person look the very King of terrours out of countenance , with a fearlesse mis●e●a●rd : In God I hav● pu● m● trust ( said that holy Man , in a very des●erat danger ; and then he adds ) I will not fe●re what flesh can do unto mee Faith not onely sees that , thorow all darke and di●mal appearances , which is of infinit value above all sufferings ; but , as it interesteth the ●oul in that grea● goo●nesse , it prompts with a holy fortitude , and with a peremptorinesse of resolution and courage forceth its passage , in order to possession , thorow Devils , Dangers , and Death i●●elf : But consider particularly , how faith is a shield , that you may use it as such , ( O bles●ed be He eternally , though your ene●ies can take your , old rusty swords , they cannot spoil you of ●our faith , and ●o they cannot conquer you : For this is the victory whereby you over come the world , even your faith ! ) Now faith is a shield , and a shield of salvation , because it interposeth God and his omnipotent power to protect , betwixt the man and all that oppose him● and whatsoever would hurt him : When David is put to flee from the face of ungodly Saul and his Court Grandees , and hides himself in the Cave P● . 57 : 1. — my soul trusteth in thee ( saith he ) yea in the shadow of thy wings will I make my refuge , till these calamities be overpast . O when there is nothing standing up between God and the soul , and God stands up between it and all that would harme it , but the man is safe ! This blessed shield , it both beares the man who bears it , and it beats back all the blowes of adversaries , so as by a rebound their sword enters into their own heart : He knew of what use this was to a soul , who said — I have prayed that thy faith fa●l no● : And the pe●son to whom this was said , having got a dangerous fall , and having been shamefully foiled , through the failing of his faith , yet being by grace recovered , gives this advice to ●●e●e who ●ould stand , when the devil is assaulting them on all hands : 1 Pet. 5 : 8 , 9. whom r●sist sted●ast in th● faith : And when he is thus resisted● he flees : he sees , it s in vain to t●r●w his fiery da●ts at him , who can make use of this shield : hold up thy shield , and Satan canno● hold up his face ; but will flee : why ? because , as God hath in mercy and love engaged himself to the soul● to stand by it , and with his omnipotent strength support it in the evil day ; so faith laies hold on his promise , and takes him at his word ; and thus interposeth an omnipotent God , betwixt it and all enemies , and then he stretches out his right hand against the wrath of an en●aged enemy● hence amongst the rest of the great things a●cribed to faith Heb. 11. these are not the least v. 33 , 34. Who through faith subdued Kingdomes — stopped the mouths of lions , quenched the violence of fire , escaped the edge of the sword , ou● of weakenes●● were made strong , waxtd v●liant in fight : turned to flight the Armies of the Aliens : in a word , he that makes use of thi● shield is safe , and compleatly sheltered , with the saving strength of the right hand of an omnipotent Go● : and shall be made to sing , when all his enemies , that compassed him about as bees , buzing and burning in their hatred , are quenched , as the fire of thornes ; the right hand of the Lord hath done valiantly , the right hand of the Lord is exalted , the right hand of the Lord hath done valiantly . O what a compleat securitie is this shield , in an ill day ; and therefore , when the Apostle was solicitous about the Th●ssalonians , at a time , when their Adversaries dealt with them , as men of the same Spirit , and malice , deale with you , he saies 1 Thess. 3 : 5. ●or this cause when I could for●eare no longer , I sent to know your faith : Importing , that all would be well , and they would be victors , if that was well . Secondly , see well to faith's companion , and that is Love ; this is faiths second : or the way how faith engages and goes to action● is by affection : O Love is a great Champion ! It will not be boasted or bu●●e●●ed into a base deserting of the beloved , by what all the power on the earth , in a conjunction with the gates of hell can do : It hath said it , and sworne it , where ever Jesus Christ is , there will I be , whither in life or in death : And Satan is so wise as not to assault a soul in it's warme fits , knowing well , that many waters of affliction cannot quench that flame ; but resistance will make love the more fervent , and the Lover the more fervid and forward ; and therefore , to the end he may prevaile , his metho● is , how to make souls first luke-warme , by stealing away the fewel , whereby that holy fire is fed ; or by his slight , turning the current of the affections that they may ●un in another channel , than God-ward and Christ-ward and heaven-ward : as knowing well hovv poor and pusilanimous crea●ures they quickly become ; vvhen their coal is cooled o● quenched , and hovv easily they are overcome and foiled , when they fall from first love : O my Brethren , see to get and keep your hearts warme , worke hard in gathering fewel for loves fire . O how much is it of the concernement of every Saint , to have fire burning in his bosome , in this day , when the fire of fiery tryals is burning abroad , and about him ; when enemies are in rage , and hell hot , this flame of God , this holy Love , burning heaven-hot , will afford the soul true courage to resist that rage , whereby they assault and are acted . And to this purpose , it is remarkable , that the Apostle Iude , having written his Epistle for this end alone , to excite to an earnest contending ●or the faith ; In order to a readinesse and resolutnesse to undertake this heavy work of holy contention , he onely exhorts to this one for all v. 21. Keep your ●elves ( saith he ) in the love of God : It is is true , he mentioneth faith in the foregoing verse , but it is as relating to this love , and as that which furnisheth fewel to its fire : And he speaks of prayer in the Holy Ghost also , as that , which blowes away the ashes , and blow●s up that fire into a holy flame : And then he subjoines hope , as that , which poures oile upon the fire , and makes the soul ●horowly candent . And this leads me in the Third place , to say , See to your hope also : When ever you get an allarm , or are called to the conflict , call ●or your helmet , and clap it on your h●ad , and claspe it well , and so , the head being gairded , the heart is much withou● feare : while love to Ch●ist makes a man venture upon swiming thorow the salt sea , in following of him : And faith is his skill in svvimeing , and the strength of his armes ; so , when the waters goe over his head , hope is the Cork that keeps his head above , till he swime safe to the other shore , and thorow all the seas betwixt him and heaven . And therefore , the Psalmist , perceiving himself ready to sink , saith , why art thou cast down o my Soul ? hope thou in God , &c. O how vvell will this helmet of lively hope guard the head , against all the da●ts shot from the fury of enraged Adversaries , and likevvise against all their fraud and flattery ( for these are the two deadly enemies hope hath to deale with ) by raiseing the soul into a contemp● of what the vvorld can offer , from the noble and none such expectation it hath laid up in heaven ! Nay , this Grace is of so much use to the saints as the Apostle saith , we are saved by hope : Now therefore make use of your hope , yea , hold fast the re●oycing thereof firme unto the end , and it shall prove to you a helmet of Salvation indeed : It 's exercise is , to raise up the desponding soul above all dark and dismal appearances , and to strengthen faith ; and therefore we are said , in hope to believe against hope . Novv , Deare Friends , having interjected these few things of many , with a necessitat briefnesse , and blunt abruptnesse : Let me returne , to where I left : Viz. Resolve for suffering and feare none of these things which you shall , or can suffer : onely feare to offend your God , and grieve your blessed guide : onely feare that feareful and great name , which these men , who would put you in feare , have taken in vain : feare God , and then you need feare nothing else : For he , even he alone is to be feared : You may be bold as lions , whose blessednesse is both heightn●d and hastened by the worst the world can do unto you , because you feare him : Let th●t bl●ssed feare of God gaird you against that base feare of man , vvhich even bringeth a snare : Oh the want of this ●hich hath been amongst us , hath rendered us unfit for this holy vvar , vvherein vve should have plaid the men , for our God , and the glorious Concerns of his Crovvn and Kingdom ! O vvhen vvill our heart some hardie & resolute putting ● to our hand to his vvork , in the face of the greatest hazard , prove , that he hath put his feare in our hearts ? for this feare not onely ●urnisheth with reason against the feare of frail fecklesse man , ●ho cannot when he hath done what he can reach his hand beyond the Grave : And therefore our blessed Lord Jesus Ch●ist , a●gueing his Disciples , whom he sent out to Preach the Gospel , into an holy courage , when persecute by the rage of Kings & Councels for Preaching ( which is this day our case : O when will he shorten these dayes for the elects sake ? ) he doth it by this argument Mat. 10 : 28. and Luk. 12.4 . — B● not afraid of them that kill the body and ●fter that , have no more that they can doe : ( O blessed be he for that cannot ; and for this also that these upright ones , whom they for this persecute , shall have Dominion over their persecuters in the morning ! ) But I will forewarne you whom you shall feare , fear him , which after he hath killed , hath power to cast into hell . Yea I say , unto you feare him : But as it furnished with reasons , it fortifieth also , with rich and refreshing supplies : For it hath the goodnesse of God asvvel as the greatnesse of his terrible Majesty , for its object : and hereby is the hart emboldened , and the hand strengthened to struggle with whatsoever di●●iculties and danger : Now th●refore , My Friends , to make it appeare , that God in making you new Creatures , hath made you men of other mettal , and Spirit , then the men of the world and cast you into an other mould ; whereas their transgressions say plainly vvith in the heart of every man ( vvho hath not the heart of a bea●t ) that there is no feare of God before their eyes ; so , let your feare of him , and your feare because of that to comply vvith their wicked lawes , which they have made , make it appeare , you have set the Lord alwayes before you : Let vvhat ever you doe or say , vvhen called to a compliance vvith the presen● course of iniquitie , have this plain import , and practical sense , how can we doe this great evil , and sin against God ? He is a great God , and he is a good God , and he is our God , and therefore we dare not , we can●ot , we will not offend him , to please our persecuters . But , Deare Friends , what have you to feare in following him ? give it a name if you can , that the names of sweetnesse , and salvatio● , which are in him ( and as his name is , so is he ) answering the name of what ever you have to feare , may make it a nothing ; or if it be any thing , such a thing , as he changeth its very nature and quality , and makes pay the toll and tribute of good to you . Do you feare , they will lash you with their tongues , which are as arrowes shot out , and load you with reproaches ? Remember then , whose words these are : if you be reproached for the name of Christ , h●ppie are you : you may not onely despise this shame , but weare it as your crown , and humbly b●●ast of such a cognizance of your love and loyaltie to Christ : because the reason , adduced by the Holy Ghost , doth put the happinesse of such beyond debate : for , saith he , the spirit of Glory and of God resteth upon you : as the spi●it of Satan and of shame rage●h in these reproachers ; s● the Spirit of Glory and of God resteth upon you . Are you afraid that b●sid●s ●hese lashings you shall also be put to lose , for his sake ? But why are you affraid of an ●f an impossi●ilitie ? If God h●th said it cannot be , it shall not be : why do you give it a being in your im●gination to to●ment your selves ? or why are you not rather afraid , to lose the hundred fold in this life , even with persecution , and then that eternal life , and that immortal crown , which is ●nsured , by the unfailing faithfulnesse of God , to such losers ( ●f I may abuse langu●ge , in cal●ling so great gainers , losers ) in the other life ? for if you s●ffer with him y●u shall reigne with him : what ; will you be frighted out of the way , because of ●he manifold temptations , and troubles you are exposed unto , by kee●ing of it ? No : let t●is fortifie against that frighting feare , that as you are partakers of the su●●ering , so shall you be of the con●olation : you ought rather to feare , to rob and deprive your selves , in a day , when su●h favours are a dealing , of that ground of rejoycing , that a pa●ticipation of the sufferings of Christ affords : O happie and blessed pa●ticipants of his sufferings ! for , wh●n his glory shall be revealed , you also shall be made glade with exceeding ●oy : O how cordial ! O how corroborating is such an expectation ? it will m●ke the expectant rejoice , with ●oy unspe●k●ble and full of Glory : this is heaven ( in all the he●ls of trouble , on this side of heaven ) antidated : for , this is to be pa●takers already ( as the Apostle'● phrase is ) of the glory to be revealed . Do you feare su●●ering , for that very cause , which he h●●h no● onely so often owned ; but for owning of which , your blessed Lord and Master died , as a M●rtyr ? Or are you not rather afraid , ( I hope you are ) that when Jesus Chr●st sh●ll come to judgement , and sit on the Throne of his Glory , and bring forth Scotland's Coven●nt made wi●h him , to be ●ound amongst those , whose sentence is sealed under their own hand ; for their sin is open , and gone before hand to judgement ? O dreadful may the expect●tion of the hearts of every man of them be , in ●hat day , who have had hand in tha● hainous wickednesse , when the Act rescissorie shall be brought forth , and laid besides that Covenant ; and the question put to these pannels , trembling before the Tribunal of Christ ; is this the performance of ●our Oaths , Vowes , and Covenant-engagements to me ? are you not afraid in that day to be classed ( if but for the least compliance ) amongst t●ose , who shall be found guiltie of L●sae-Majestie against the Son of God ? against him , who then shall judge them ? will there be a soul at that appearance , who dare avouch his having had a hand , in framing such a mische●fe as our Supremacy into a Law ? or would it not rather be terrible to you , to think , that living in such a time , you should not have witnessed ag●inst these high and hainous wickednesses ? Would you want the share of the commendation , and the glorious reward , that shall be given his witnesses ? What if you should weep , yea and die in prisons ? Besides , that there you may enjoy the glorious libertie of the Sons of God , and be feasted in your fetters , with the fruition of himself , and have your darke dungeons hung ( if I may say so ) with the very Arras of heaven , which is the presence of God , that can make these nastie and noisome holes , wherein you are as buried alive , preferable in●ompa●ably to all the Palaces of those , who persecute you . O there is no comparison ! ●esides this , I say which is the hundred fold ten thousand times told , out of these your prisons , you shall be brought to reigne , and have all your teares wiped away , and your prison rags taken off , and your rich robs , wherein for ever you shall reign , put on . Nay , what if you should be slaine for the word of God , and put to swime in to eternitie , in a sea of your own blood ; what have you to feare ? Though I walk thorow the valley of the shadow of death , I will feare no ill , ( saith the Psalmist ) for thou art with me O the presence of God with you , in that hour , will make it a sweet and short passage ! would you not rather choise ( if you durst make a choice ) to enter eternitie , at this passage , and go , and take up your place , amongst the souls of your brethren under the Altar , there to cry with them , How long , O Lord God holy and true , &c. than , to be found , in the croud and company of these Kings , Captains , and Councellours , &c. who shall be made to cry to the mountains , and to the rocks , to fall on them , and hide them , from the face of him that sitteth upon the Throne , and from the wrath of the Lamb ? O the wrath of the Lamb , in that day , falling upon those his now stated , and stout-hearted enemies , will make them change their note ! The haughtie mockers at the prerogative of this exalted Prince Jesus , who then shall judge these jesters , the menacer● of his Subjects , and the persecuters of his Saints , for not complying with their God-dishonouring , Christ-dethroning courses , and contrivances , shall then know what it is , to have lif●ed up their head against heaven , and their heel against his poor people , whom they trod under foot ! O the yelloch , that will be amongst Kings , and Captains , and Counsellours , when he shall speake to them in his wrath , and vex them in his sore displeasure , for having said ( and essayed it too ) let us burst their b●nds asunder , &c. I shall not here trouble you , with the observation of the tremenduous ●udgements of God , whereby some , that have been active in these cursed courses , have been hurried out of the world ; nor with an account of the anguish and agonies , under which others of them , have died ; nor yet of the ra●e Testimonies , which some , who obtained mercy and grace to repent , gave against this wicked course , wherein they had concurred , and for that cause , which they had persecuted : though he , who regairds not these works of the Lord , nor considers these operations of his hand , hath and bewrayeth sad symptoms of blindnesse and obduration : neither shall I here further then hint , to the end you may , for your establishment , take notie● of it , how wickednesse hath abounded amongst , and had a dominion over those , who have broken his Covenant : As if , all former restraints being taken off , he had said , henceforth my spirit shall no more strive with them : for , Alas iniquitie of all sorts ha●h so abounded● since the Nations enacted revolt from God ; as the way of the generalitie ( O that they , whose feet go down to death , and whose steps take hold on hell , may consider it , and be reclaimed ! ) if the word of the Lord be true , that without holiness● no man shall see the Lord ; and that heaven is such a place , as there shall in no wise enter therein any thing that defileth , neither whosoever worketh abomination &c. hath everlasting seclusion from the presence of his glory , written on it ; so that he who would be saved , must save himself from this generation , who rejoyce to do evil , and delight in the frowardnesse of the wicked . Since we broke our Covenant made with God , binding us to nothing , but an abiding with him , and walking before him , in our respective capacities ; Satan hath got leave , to open very sluce of hell , and drown Brittan with such a deludge of profanitie , that the multitude ( yea and they who are chiefe in these rebellions against God , are chiefe in all these other provocations ) are carried down the current , swiming , and singing , in this impure pudle of all impietie against God , never considering , that this streame will at last sweep them down , and swallow them up , in the lake of fire and brimston : All these put together may make you feare , to fall in with their way , le●t you fall with them , in the hands of the living God. If they cannot give you securitie against this , and that is impossible ; for the redemption of their own soul must cease for ever , if they both cease not to go on , and sorrow not for what they have done : Feare you not therefore their fear ; onely feare to forsake God , as you would not be forsaken of him : Nay , let your fortitude in refusing their bl●ke ●onds , whereby , as the binder binds himself to an opposition to Christ , and the coming of his Kingd●me ; so 〈◊〉 binds over himself to the curse of a broken Covenant , either fright them , into a forbearance , or put them under the dreadful apprehensions of what they may expect , for opposing his Christ , persecuting the Gospel , and using his servants so , who dare not , in running with them to these excesses of wickednesse , run upon the bosses of the Almightie his backler ; but rather did choise to suffer any thing , that they might be found upright and innocent from these great transgressions , and so escape that w●●th of the living God , wh●rewith all the contrivers , all the pressers of these bonds of iniquitie , all the persecuters for not complying with that decreed wickednesse , all the pleaders for it , all the pal●iaters of this impietie , all the Instruments made use of to help foreward the affliction of his poor people , for their refusal , all the rejoycers at his peoples calamitie , and connivers at these courses ; yea , and all who according to their place , station , and as they are called , do not faithfully witnesse against this course of iniquitie , shall be certainly pursued , if repentance prevent it not , overtaken , and so perish eternally : there is no Law-borrowes against the written vengeance , for the pe●sons of these practices . But , that which I would more particularly point at , to forti●ie your hearts against the feare of what you may be put to suffer , even though it should come to the laying down of your lives , is , the refreshful and reviving remembrance of his great goodnesse to them , who went before you : you need not , in order to your establishment , run so far backward as to the records and experiences of former generations ; but I may say , as you have heard , so have you seen , in the Ci●ie of our God : Call to remembrance what you have been witnesses to , what not a few of you have seen with joy , and all of you have heard with gladnesse ; yea , your enemies have beheld it with confusion of ●ace , shame , griefe , and astonishment : to wit , that singular heart solacing and shining presence of God , under which these your martyred Brethren were , at their death . It was evident , he did not so much leave them , into the hands of them who hated them , to take away their lives ; as , because he was so well pleased with their zealous fervour , their fidelitie and fixednesse in his way , ( which made them , in Testimony of their love to him , not to love their lives unto the death ) he therefore brought them forth , to Crown them , in the sight of these who killed them , and in that Crucified their Master againe ; while they with a keen crueltie killed , he crowned with loving kindnesse , and kissed their souls out of them ; kepped them , as they fell ; carried them off the scaffold in embraces , to present them to his Father and set the Martyrs Crown upon their head . I ●eed no● insist in a matter so manifest , as it is beyond the hidings or denyings of those , who put them to death , and hath also caused so many thanksgiving unto God amongst the Saints ; so that I may aske you , what do you feare ? Do you feare fruition ? Do you feare that they who cast you in the fiery furnace , shall see the Son of God walking with you in the midst of the flames ? Do you feare , to be seen made more then Conquerours through him who hath loved you ? Do you feare , that when the incensed world hath yoked a fiery Chariot for you , to cary out of the world , that the world , who hate you and hurry you thus off the stage , shall see the King come , and pave the bottome thereof for you with love ? Do you feare , that while they stretch out their hand against you , to take away your life , he manifest his love , in putting his left hand under your head , and in embracing you with his right ? do you feare , that while your blood is shed , he give convincing significations to all that look on , of his she ding abroad his love in your heart , and that your blood is precious in his sight ? Are these things to be feared , which have been the ambition of many righteous men ; yea , and a piece of so great honour , as they durst scarce even themselves to a sharing in it ? Or , hath he deserted one of all the sufferers ? see , if you can say it : why then are you daunted with danger ? why do you doubt , but he who hath glorified his name in others , will glorifie it again , in you ? Nay , did he not most signally defeat the expectation of adv●rsaries , and out-do the hope of his poor servants , by the remarkablenesse of his assistances , given to some , who were looked upon as such weake wriglings , as they could no● stand it out ? but how by standing by them , and strengthning them , did he still the enemy and avenger ? and how did he , by the marvellous supporting of his Grace , perfect praise out of the mouth of such babes and sucklings ? I may appeale to the conscience of any present at these executions , who savoure the things of God , and saw , under what a shining presence , and with what joy u●speakeable and full of glory , these dying men went out of the world , and these murthered martyrs mounted their triumphant charriot , if they would not , at that time , upon assu●ance to be carried off the stage , under the same sun-shine and sweetnesse , have left all they had in this world , and gone with gladenesse in their company , in to the other world ? If any one of all that now glorified company , had been deserted , you might be discouraged , and shrink away , and say , what is our strength that we should hope ? But , since everlasting armes underneath have been so visibly seen supporting every one , whom he called to suffer , it saith nothing , if it say not this , ●eare none of those things which you shall suffer : For my grace shall be sufficient for y●u : And my strength shall be made perfect in your weakenesse . Therefore , be not affraid , but approach your duetie with humble confidence and courage , even when death it self is in the way and you shall ●inde it with you , as it was with the Priests , be●ore whom Jordan recoiled not , till their feet were within the brink . Waite for your assistances , and supports in the hour of confl●ct , and in that very hour● it shall be given you : and you put in case to say , when we are weake , ●hen are we strong . And , to compleat this account , and make it appeare , that the most daring and desperat enemy cannot ease his own soul , by giving one instance to the contrair : I can not here passe the death of Mr Mi●chel : which the Lord hath so excellently ordered , both as to time and circumstances ; for , whereas they , who put him to death , did hope , to give thereby a da●h to the people o● God , at this time , and by their severitie exercised upon him , to make them shrink , into a fearefull compliance , with their iniquous Contrivances ; but , the supporting presence of God with him was such , as no man needs for feare to forsake the way of the Lord , because of what befell him : I mentione not here the cause , but leave the world to the account himself hath given thereof , with what his Advocats had to plead , on his behalfe : And shall onely , without making a parallel , or instituting a comparison between the two , allude to Samson's death , in this execution : Not , that I m●y take occasion , to tell the world , that he who was aimed at may passe any day in the yeer , for a Lord amongst the uncircumcised Philistims : For , that is no newes ; nay the world may judge , I do these Lords wrong , and him too , in not associating him with — But First , Sampson was a rackel and rough-handed saint , ready to pe●t the Philistims , upon all occasions : yet secondly , the Holy Ghost for all the faults that followed him hath recorded his name , and enrolled him , in th● number ( even while the names of many other are left out ) of these eminent worthies , H●b . 11. And so , he hath made the name of Mr Mitchell savovrie ; and as he tooke many Testimonies from him at all his appearances , to the cause ; so he owned him in the end , and hono●red him to die , witnessing a good confession , which will be on record to pos●eritie● Thirdly , as Sampson did more mische●fe to the enemies of the people of God , at his death , than in all his life , ( for when they sent for him to make themselves mirry with a sight of his misery , the Lord helped him to spil ●heir sport ) so I judge , it is beyond question , with every sober man , that Mr Mitchells death hath done more hurt to it's contrivers , and furious drivers , than ever his l●fe could have done , even , though he had shot againe , and hit that un hallowed marke : For , now , where as he hath died desired they who drove it , have , in breathing out their crueltie against him , brought an indelible infamy upon themselves , and ent●iled upon their posteritie a reproach , never to be rolled away ! yea , they have missed their marke so far , in hiting him ; as , I suppose , the most confident scoffer , amongst all those , who promised them selves matter of mirth , by his death , and some thing , on which they might breake their jest , will be more loath , to heare Mr Mitchels death mentioned , than the death of any of those worthies , that went before him ; lest , concerning themselves , it also be remembered , how — And thus , was that prediction fulfilled , with a witnesse , contrary to the mind of him , who , in saying so , did both mock and menace at once , that God did glorifie himself by Mr Mithels death in the grasse market : Yea , glorifie himself he did , and glory to him for having done so . Is not this then Brethren , heart-comforting and hand strengthening that , all who went off the stage , thus died , under these refreshing manifestations , and ravishments of spirit ; as their enjoyments would be the measure of mens desires , for their own soul , as they were the measure of the desires of these dying Martyrs , for all the people of God ; For , what could they wish more , or seek more , on the behalfe of these ; But , O that it were with them , in all things as it is with us , except , as to this scaffold ! which yet to us , while under these manifestations , is preferable to all the thrones of the Earth , and the Pharadises and Plea●ures , wherein they live , who put us to death ? Nay , so marvellous was the presence of God , with these his dying witnesses , as I doubt nothing ; but , some of the enemies , who looked on , and had a hand in sheding that innocent blood , have said with themselves since , O , let me die the death of th●se righteous men , and let my latter end be like theirs ! And I much doubt , when death shall look the greatest Desperado amongst them , in the face , and he finds himself , ready to be dragged before the judgement seat of Christ , if the question were asked him , whether he would have his soul now gathered , with the souls of these suffere●s ? or , with their souls , who shall be brought in before the Tribunal , with their fingers droping with the blood of those , whom they killed upon such an account , that he would be at any demurre what to choise ? Feare not then to follow , Deare Brethren , since you see , how honourably the charges of all , that have gone before you , have been borne : you have the same good God , the same Christ , the same Spirit , the same cause , the same covenanted strength : have therefore the same confidence and courage : as they did , so doe you carry , as in nothing terrified , by your Adversaries , which , as it was in them ; so , it will be in you , an evident token of perdition to your proud and implacable persecuters , But to you of salvation , and that of God. Suffer me , ere I close , to put one drop more in this cup , to make it cooling ( and never-the-lesse cordial for that ) Endeavour , Deare Friends , with a Zealous prudence , while you are in this fire of fiery trialls , to prevent or exstinguish the wilde fire of unnecessare and hurtfull animosities amongst your selves , by the flame of fervent and true love to God , and one another : this fire will burne out the other ! you see , the enemy thrusts sore at you , that you may fall ; therefore , to the end they may misse their marke , and you may stand fast in the Lord , stand close together : I shall not enlarge upon this head , onely , let me put you in mind of that notable place to this purpose , when the Apostle Philip. 1. ( after what he had said of himself V. 20. O for a company in case to say the like ! ) comes to persuade to a carriage , such as becometh the Gospel , he pitched particularly upon this piece of a Gospel-becomeing conversation , and perswads to it : That I may heare ( saith he ) — that ye stand fast in one Spi●it , with one minde , striving together for the faith of the Gospel , & c.. And knoweing well , how much true unitie did strengthen the saints , while put to this striving , he doth in the following Cap. Viz. c. 2. v. 1 , 2 , 3. with a mervellously sweet emphaticknesse , inculcat and commend the same thing , with such a warme varietie of heart-melting and affection-moving words and arguments , as are sufficient ( or nothing can be ) to cement , and souder into a samenesse , the souls and affections of all saints : If there be therefore , saith he ; any consolation in Christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies : fullfill ye my joy : that you be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind : Let nothing be done , through strife , or vain glory ; but in lowlinesse of mind , let each esteem other , better than themselves : Now what can be said after this ? Here you have union nobly qualified , and arguments powerfully quickening to pursue after it ; O fall a striving therefore , while put to strive against enemies , who shall love God and his precious interests most , and one another best : who shall be most ready to forbeare , and to beare one anothers burdens ; that so , in fulfilling this law of Christ , all may the more cheerfully beare the Crosse of Christ : have there been amongst you animosities , contentions , jealousies , whisperings , evil surmiseings , &c. ( the more is the pitie● ) well , then now is the time , to confirme your love one towards another : Now , set your selves to provoke one another , to love , and to good works : Now see , if you , who have discoursed , and disputed your selves a sunder , can pray your selves together , and so meet in that blessed center : I little doubt , if your heart be heaven-hot , in praying together , in weeping before God together , in wrestleing with him together ; but you will walk after the Lord together , in a sweet zealous singlenesse of frame : when your hearts have been warmely poured out together before God , a spiritual harmonie , and famenesse of soul , in working the work of the Lord , will follow upon it : And if my observation do not fail , our contentions never became hot , till we were cooled and much taken off , from praying together : Consider what your enemies are doing , driveing , and designing : Is it not , to make you fall asunder , that you may not be able , when divided amongst your selves , to stand before them ? or to withstand them ? take that door of them , by shuting the door upon them , at which you see they designe to ente● : and that their accesse may be the more easie , they will flatter some of you , or forbeare some of you , while they fall upon others , that so they may run down , and ruine all and raze foundations at last with ease : Set your selves therefore , with an onenesse of soul and shoulder , to defeat this desperat designe ; and in order to the frustrating of the projects of these peruerters of the right wayes of God , let union in the Lord , amongst his servants and people , be studied , and endeavoured : Let us carry in this day , as men of understanding , who know the times , and how the true Israelits of God ought to behave one towards another , while the Adversaries , lye in wait to prey upon our divisions : and is it sutable while they gnash upon us with their teeth , that we should bite and devour one another ? or , is it not more Christian and Christ-like , that while we suffer together , we smile one upon onother , and support one another ; yea , and if it should come to dying , die embraceing one another ? Let therefore all unsuteable and unseasonable striving and unbrotherly and unchristian contending be prevented , or exstinguished , ere they come to a flame : for that is fatal . It is well known , how small a wedge of the same timber , driven by the policy of an enemy , especially when in power , hath made great and grievous breaches , amongst such , who once took sweet counsel together , and walked to the house of God in company : how frequently , in all ages of the Church , have they carrried away many , first to a connivance , then to a compliance ( for he who is once cheated into a connivanee , is easily charmed into a compliance ) with their designes , and so rendered the opposition of the rest , who stood and withstood , lesse significant . Let us therefore be wise : Let us take notice of the Adversaries stratagems , whose maxime is Devide & impera : And in this they are so cunning , and closs ; as sometime they can personat a division amongst themselves , that they may the more certainly effectuat it , amongst us ; which , when it comes to passe , it hath ever deplorable and dismal effects : For , there is ever a sad and certain connexion observed , betwixt a dividing time in the Church , and a further departure from the truth , and a hotter persecution of those , who cleave to God and his truth , with purpose of heart , But becaufe I know , the greatest pretenders to what is now pleaded for , and persuaded unto , are really the greatest enemies to that union and concord , intended by the Spirit of God ; And , to the end they themselves may be applauded , in their not strivings , as becomes , for the truth ; they , of all men , are most ready to represent such as doe , as fire brands and Church renders . And therefore , let none mistake what love to union , amongst all the serious servants of Jesus Christ , in such a day , hath caused me to drop ; as if thereby , I did intend to plead for , or perswade unto , an union , with a disadvantage to the precious truth of God , and the true interest of the Gospel , or did insinuat , in order to peace and union , either an approbation of forbearance of dutie , in its proper season , or of taking such courses , as in regaird of circumstances may be construed , a compliance with the men , who have made themselves , and the Nation , guiltie before God of this high transgression , to wit , of destroying what they once built , and building againe what they destroyed : what ? shall we leave any thing undone , or shall we do any thing , under what speciou● pretext soever , that may seem to say , we have said , a confederacy to such , who call us to a confederacy , after God had inst●ucted us with a strong hand , not to say so , since that confederacy will be found a conspiracy against him ? should we joine again with the persons of these abominations , and breake his covenant ? would he not be angry with us till he had consumed us ? The woe upon woe , and w●ath upon wrath which was denounced against Scotland , by a great Seer , and eminently faithful Master-builder amongst us upon the apprehension of a relapse into a compliance with the haters of the Lord and the work of reformation , whereto he preceived a propension , and saw the Nation begun already to be leavened with the dreadful leaven of Apostasie , is so sadly accomplished upon us , that , unlesse we be a people devoted to ruine and utter destruction , we will learne from what is past , to stand aloof● and stop our eares , at the Syren-songs of those , who pipe to us , that we may dance a compliance with them , in their breach of covenant with the most High , and secure them into , a quiet possession of all , which they have taken from our blessed Lord Jesus Christ : for , this is the substance and sense of this now pressed Boud , and these newly required Lawborrowe●s . O if ever there was a day , to be unite in crying , u●ite our hearts to feare that glorious and fearefull name , the Lord our God ; If ever there was a day to be unite in watching , in standing fast in the faith , in quiting our selves like men , this is that day ! when these God-provoking courses are carried on , and our compliance and concurrence therein required ! O● now , when th●re is such a combination against the Christ of God , such an onenesse i● opposeing his Anointed , let us studie an union , in abiding with him , in owning ●im , as King , and Supreme ! let us continue with him , in these temptations , and contend for him ; let us contend with one another ( for that confirms true union ) to excite to this contention : Let us studie and promove onenesse in walking in the good old way , without turning aside to the right hand or to the left ; because of the lion that is in it , a●d without laying other foundations , in whole or in part , than what were laid : Let us not disorder these foundations , nor pick a stone out of that beautiful fabrick , and then put our invention upon the ra●k , to forge a consistency betwixt some cessions to the adversary , old principles , and finde out a way , how to go some length with them , or how not to oppose them , while they with so high a hand overturn the work of God , and yet retain our integritie , and set off this our novel invention to our Brethren , with the embrode●ie , and vermilion of u●ion ; and think , there is sufficient ground , to call all dividers , and stigmatize them as such , who will not , with us , g●ude about , to change their way , and lay as much weight upon our notions , and darke , yea benighting Dist●ngoes , as we do . Let us studie an onenesse in promoving the opposed work of God ( Alas ! under the pretence of being unite amongst our selves , we were charmed , and chained , into a forbearance of many things , in thei● proper season , which may , and ought , to send us mourning to our grave ; and keep a clos● union , between sorrow and our soul , till death make a divorce between soul and body ) let us studie an on●nesse in endeavouring some thing , ●o signifie our sorrow and shame , for the ground which we have lost , and the advantage the Adversary , by our faintings hath go● , to t●●mple upon , and triumph ove● our case : An onenesse in seeking of God a right way , by fasting and pra●er ; not daring ●o listen unto , rush upon , or receive overtours without consulting God , since the concerne is his ; and communing with our brethren , not onely equally concerned , but countenanced of God , in their endeavouring to hold fast their integritie , and hold on in the good old way . Let us studiean onenesse , in remembring whence we have fallen , and in admonishing , and being content to be admonished ; lest we be hardened , through t●e deceitfulnesse of sin , into a de●en●ce of it . Let us be followers of others , forsaking them in no case , nor under no pretext , in as fare , as they are followers of Christ : Let these be the men , whose practice we propose as a patern for imitation , whose carriage al alongs , whose constancy in the cause , whose courage in continuing at the work of the Lord , when hazard did attend dutie , spoke them , to hate the way of them who turne aside : And let us not count that the making of a breach , to forsake ( for then we count without God , and have no● th● mind of Christ ) any , or not to fall in with them , and follow them in that , wherein they forsake the way of God , and cease to be what they were , and begin to be , what once they were not , and to do or leave undone , what they condemned , as de●ection or de●astable neutralitie . It is a great abuse of language ( to give it the best name ) to put the name , or notion of union , upon that , which , if searched to the bottome , would make it appeare , that in this the uniters are rather dividers from the Lord , than endeavourers to keep the unitie of the spirit , in the bond of peace : It was not against this union nor inconsistent with it , for Paul to withstand Peter to the face , when he saw , that he walked not uprightly , according to the truth of the Gospel , and when his way had carried away others , into a dissimulation : If God have said , if any man draw back , may soul shall have no pleasure in him ; Let never our soul enter into their secrets , who would seduce us , in to a relinquishing of the cause , or into a conniveance even at a discovered propension to that , in others : let us studie the import of the place above adduced ; to wit , a standing fast in one spirit , with one mind , striving together , for the faith of the Gospel ; striving and standing up together for those things , in the faith whereof , we professed our selves ●ixed , beyond the unfixings of contrary Laws , execute with all crueltie : nay , for the fai●h , which we our selves delivered to the Saints , and for which , we should contend with all flesh ; though for that , we should be counted Schismaticks , and men of Contention , with the whole earth . There was an Union amongst the Disciples , when they all forsooke him and fled . O let us beware ! and have a care , lest , while we cry up and commend union amongst our selves , that , in keeping one another company , we leave not Christ Jesus , our Lord and master , to walk alone . Unitie amongst brethren is a very desireable thing : ( and the Lord will require it , at his hand , who endeavours it not , in his way ) but , there is a Iewel , of infinit more value , onenesse with God , and onenesse with and in the truth : and if our pursuings of the one be not minded , in it's just subordination unto● and for the promoving of the other , it loses it's intrinsick value ; and becomes a plague ; and thus , that which should have been for our welfare , is made our trap : Let union amogst brethren be accounted the ring never to be broken● but let union in the truth , and with God , be coured the Rubie and Diamond : if this be lost , our union loseth it'● name , and changeth it's nature , and passeth with him , for a Conspiracy : and so should it do with us . This ought to be our first care , yea and next care too , how to keep him company , and to continue sted●ast and immoveable , abounding in the work of the Lord ; and if herein our fellovv servants desert us , or our brethren be othervvise minded , yet vve must go on , hoping and praying that God vvill reveal the same things to them , and grant them , to be like minded vvith us , according to Chist Jesus , if vve have attained to clearnesse in dutie : and hereby the vvay , I must say , though I hate and abhore rash courses , and I hope vvould no● stand to condemne in my self , as vvell as in others , ● runing upon , and rushing into untroden paths ; yet God hath made ou● vvay so plaine of old , as the vvay-faring man though a fool , needs not er●e in it : these are no novel●ies or notions ; these are no new and darke things , we have to contend for . Is Covenant keeping with God a disputable point ! Is it dobtful , whether Christ be absolut in his own house ! or falls it under debate , whether he is to be obeyed , rather than men ! And tr●ely , of late , the course and carriage of our enemies , so directly opposite to ●he wayes of God , hath left no place for doubting about dutie , if we be but delivered from feare of danger . If then , I say , we have attained unto clearnesse in dutie , let us shut our eyes upon all dangers , difficulties & discouragements , arising from the unclearnesse or reluctancy of Brethren , yea of Fathers , and hold on in our way : let us stop our eares , and become deafe to insinuations , however ●oloured , which would foreslow us , in following and serving him . If we must desert , and be deserted of others , for doing so ; O then , but the presence of God appearing with , and for them , who in such circumstances appeare for him , as it hath , so it will make up , to the satisfaction of men● souls and senses , the want of other company ? Paul's notwithstanding , made all odds even : It was no reproach to Athanasius , that it was said of him , unus Athanasius contra totum mundum ; But that which hath perpetuat his renown , and made his name savourie to all the lovers of our Lord Jesus Christ ; nor shall it be to any , who walk in the same Spirit , who walk in the same steps . And to this union of heart amongst your selves , suffer me to append this word : Let there be a communion of all good things amongst you also , for supplying the wants and necessities of your suffering brethren : Ought you in some cases to lay down your lives for the brethren● then I pray such , who shut their eyes that they may not open their hands to minister to their necessities , to think how they shall answer that question , when put to them ( for put to every one , and more particularly to all that have a profession of love to Christ in the Nation , it shall be ) 1 Ioh. 3 : 17. it may be some of you have much taken from you , and so think your self exempted . but have you more then what is simply necessare ( and in this God will be judge , who will cut off all your superfluities out of reckoning ) for the present support of your selves , while others have nothing ? then consider the place 2. Cor. 8 : 1 , 2 , 3. &c. for I cannot enlarge ; nay read that whole Chapter and the next ; and the consideration of what the Holy Ghost hath there said , if any of his words have weight with you , must powerfully perswade to this dutie : remember what is said of the believers Acts 2. from ver . 41. &c. and consider what the paritie of the case pleads . But I may not insist ( yea , and dare I say , I hope it is needlesse ? ) onely let me aske you what you would do for Christ himself , if he were so dealt with ? Then consider the place Math. 25 : v. 35. and see how he reckons , and reckon that he will recken wit● you in tha● day , according to that reckoning , and your carriage in this . I hope , this one place for all● if ●ver you look to have a place with him ; and suffer me to leave you with a desire to consider that place also Heb. 13. and if you will compare what is said of that great dutie of suffering for Christ v. 13 and of that high dutie of praising God v. 15. and compare what is said of both , with what is said of the dutie now perswaded to v. 16 and you will both know what is to be done , and carry as believing , he is not unrighteous to forget the work and labour of love of such , who minister to the necessitie of those , who for his names sake have been spoiled of all : Onely perswade your selves , God is taking particular notice of the carriage of every man and woman in Scotland , this day ; and accordingl● as he observes , he will repay ; he that soweth sparingly shall reap sparingly , and he that soweth bountifully shall reap bountifully . I shall shut up all , in answering two Questions briefly : First , what now should be our carriage in reference to enemies ? Secondly , what may be our hope of a delivery from them ? To the first I say shortly , let us be moved , out of compassion to their precious souls , First , to pray much for them : While they stretch forth their hands against you , studie ye this blessed revenge of good will : Li●t up your heart , with your hands , unto God in the heavens , on their behalfe ; that the spirit of repentance may be given them : Do this , and fulfil his law , whose injunction it is , pray for them that despite fully use you , and persecute you : It may be , there are some of the elect , so far left at present● as to run alongst with this course , pray , that these may be reclaimed : and however , it will afford you much sweet peace , to have this Testimony , that , while they in rage and malitious rancour , were pursuing you to heavens gates , you , in love and compassion to their souls , endeavoured to cry to him to catch them● and carry them in with you , to the fruition of himself , and to share with you , in the glory to be revealed : And though , as to them , you shou●d not prevail ; yet , besides that your prayer shall be set forth before him as incense , it shall returne into your own bosome . Secondly , henceforth stand , aloof , from all listenings to proposals coming from them , or making any to them : For what ever fredom and clearnesse Godly and wise men might formerly or hitherto have had , without scruple in this matter , before they had made such a cleare discovery of their perfect and stated opposition to Christ as King , and of the puritie of their enmitie at , and implacabilitie against all , who desire to be faithful and loyal to Him ; yet now , I conceive us called of God , to take this course ; as that way , wherein alone we can expect his approbation , and countenance : First , as the most propter mean , to convince them of their wickednesse : This now , seems to be the most proper Testimony , against their way , to stand at such distance from them . Secondly , as the alone expedient , how to preserve our selves free from all compliances with them , and in good termes with Jesus Christ : for , seing it is his presence we now need , it is sure best policy , to beware of sining him out of soul or sight , by touching with that , which is soul hates , and for which his soul will be avenged . Thirdly , this is the way , to preserve unitie amongst the remnant : do we not know , that their dainties are decei●ful meat ? do we not know , that their most seemingly tender mercies are really keen crueltie ? do they offer us any thing , that looks like a favour but upon designe , that they may more cer●ainly ruine the work of God , by our divisions about it ? I shall give but two instances , to evidence what their purposes are , in their treatings with us . The first I had from a great man , now in glory , who had it from the mouth of that Noble Man , who then was active above all others , in bringing the Indulgence first upon the stage ( I abstract wholly , from the thing it self , for that is not my businesse now , to say either good or ill of it ; I onely intend here to discover , what they designe by their favours ) when he said to him , what my Lord intend you by this Indulgence ? and , what do you think to gaine by it ? if , said that Noble Man , we ga●ne no more , we shall certainly gaine this , It shall separate between the made cape , and the moderat fanaticks ( I give it in the very words , wherein I had it ) this was plain dealing indeed , and a palpable discoverie of the desperatnesse of the designe : A second Instance is this , when that work of darknesse , our Supr●macy , was brought to light , to the end , we should not , according to the merit of the cause , be allarmed and give the all●rme ( which its like from the knowledge of our principles , their conscience indi●ed to be our dutie ) some were ●et on work , to whisper us into the eare , and mumble us into a mutnesse , that we should not ment , nor whimper , at the sight of this prodigious monster ; though , for face and feature , an opposition to Christ as King beyond what ever had appeared upon the stage : But why forsooth must we be silent ? O! because favour to the fanaticks is hereby intended● for , what ever appea●ed at brime , there was some special advantage to them , at bottome : The lessening of the Episcopal power which did so lash the fanaticks , and the curbing of their crueltie , was intended : By which means , they we●e sure , that so many , as they could fool into this fa●sie , or please with this nothing , or if any thing , the most wicked of all things , would not onely divide , and be divided from their brethren ; But they knew very well also , ●hat the more seeing and serious servants of Christ , who adhered to former principles , would count themselves called of God , to look upon such , what ever names they assume to themselves , as manifest deser●ers of the cause of the Church of Scotland , and betrayers of it . And for my own part , how much so ever I am for union ; yet , I scruple not to let the world know , that be who he will● that hath beaten his brains , to shape a beautiful maske , for hi●ing the hell blakenesse of thi● monsters face , which s●ould be the abhorrence of all that love our Lord Jesus Christ in sinceritie● and hath strained his wit , to put a sufferab●e sense , upon a ●upremacy , whereby our Lord is put again to suffer : I say , I scruple not , to let the world know , that this is the Echo of my soul , as to him , or them ; O let never my soul enter into the secrets of that man ! & lett him ( who while he thus seeks to ●ile the eyes of others bewrayeth this secret , he is no Seer : nay that some finger is put into his eye , I ●hall not say , whose it is ) ne●e● be the man of my councel nay , let all the ●ervants , and all ●he people of God , stand aloof f●om him , and his whispe●ings , because , in stead of being in case to give wholsome advise , as one who stands in his masters Cou●cel , he will , by his palliatings and perverse mutterings , seduce , pervert , and ensnare : his breath will be contagious , since his speech must bewray him , to have the bot●h of the Court-Creed running upon him . Hence Fourthly , I must professe ( and I desire to say it as in the presence of God , and as writing that which I must carry-in , in my hand , before the Tribunal of Christ : what ever prejudice should be taken up , against the speaker , or the thing spoken ) that it pass●th the ken of my poor shallow capacitie , after all the discoveries , the enemies have made of the desperatnesse of their designe , how , by all possible means , and malicious methods , to ruine the work of God , and after the Mediators Crown is so formally set upon the head of another , and all that is now done● and driven , in destroying the remnant , is in order to the establishment of that invasion of his Crown , and Scepter , what addresse is possible to be made to him , ●ho is thus set down , in the Mediators Chair of State , and weares his Crown in our sight , without sin : except it be , to tell , we can make none : or to beseech to forbeare to persecute the Mediators Ambassadours , who must continue to preach the Gospel , by vertue of their Commission : Yea , who dare not think o● appearing before Christ , with●ut having given such a Testi●ony of their resentment of the us●rpation of th●ir Masters ●hro●e , and Scepter : and who dare ne●er prese●t themselves to God , without doing the equivalent of spreading that Supremacy before him ; and praying , that he would take unto him his ●reat power and reigne● and possesse himself again of his own ●h●one , and , disposse●sing these who have usurped it , shew his zeal for his Prerogative Royal : And● how such a declaration before men , and such dealing with Go● , can consist with addresses t●●●em , in Church matters , who have taken to themselves his house in possession and yet be fr●● from all compliance with , countenancing of , and conniveance a● , that great wicke●ness● , I see not : And I hope never to see with his eyes , who saith● he sees it . They have now stated the qu●rrel clearly for us : And , as ever we would have Christ to stand be us , and stand up to pl●ad this own cause , when we are not able to withstand the power of th● enemy , let ●s stand by him , and stand aloof from them . As we have neither hoof nor h●● to part with , in this matter ; so we have nothing to seek from any , that si●s in our Masters chair of state . God forbid , that ever we should be seen to bow or beg before t●em , while they sit there ! how ever , when we are passive , we may make use of what libertie is given ; yet , it is our safetie , it is our peace , it is the interest of the Gospel , and for the glory of our exalted Prince , to abstaine from seekings , an● receivings from those , who stand in such termes of opposition to him . As to the second question : What hopes we may entertain of a Delivery , from our persecuters ? First , I say , there is nothing in my judgement , which can deliver me , or any who considers the nature of our National revolt , in all its God-provoking circumstances , and how deeply every one is guiltie , from him , who sitteth upon the throne , to him who grindeth behinde the mill : and how this sin is now become the sin of the Nation ; whereby the whole is made a curse , without meditating terrour , at t●e apprehensions of the ●●yrcenes●e of the wra●h of God Almightie , against Brittan : Lesse th●n such a signification of his displeasure , that we are the people , against whom the Lord will have indignation ●or ever : lesse than utter ruine and the perishing of the name of that Nation , that Generation , and People , from under the heavens of the Lord , who have so contemned his Covenant , and ●aken his name in vain , is lesse , sure , than what our iniquitie gives ground to ●●are , is but hovering over us and ready to fall upon us ; It is true , not a few ( and blessed be ●e for that ! ● have found mercy , not to go alongs , with all these courses ; But yet , let me say even to these , it becomes us to be very sober , in our expe●tations , and submissive ; passeing the example of Ephesus , &c. let us perswade our own souls into this submission , and sobrietie , from the example of God's holy procedor wi●h Moses Deut. 3.23 , 24.25 , 26 oh , if but for an unadvised word ! If but for a little smoak about the fire of his holy and fervent zeal for God , he , who next to the Mediator , w● as reckoned faithful , in all the house , and mat●ers of God , was keept out of Canaan ? May not that holy peremptorinesse , in the just and jealous God , whereby he refused to be importuned by such a servant , make us , in remembrance of what we have unworthily done , and left undone , very sober , in our expectations , and silent , though he should cause us fall i● the wilde●nesse , and make our death prevent the dawning of that blessed , and desirable day ? O th●t we could , in the mean time , learne at th●t holy man , to be solicititous , how to transmit pure ordinances , to the posteritie , as we se● he was ; that if we must go off the stage , yet we may live and die , witnessing , how desirous we are , that God may be great amongst the posteritie , wh●n we are gone : And , that an example of witnessing for our wronged Lord and M●st●r , may be transmited to those who sh●ll succeed ; withal warning them , that they doe no● follow our example , wherein we have not contented valiant●y , for Christ , and the interest of his Crown . Secondly , I cannot forbeare to say , that , if in the soveraignitie of his Grace , he should go out of the common roade of his ordinary providence , and make the delivery come in ou● dayes ; Yet , I am sure , ( at least I may say it , as to my self ) a sober reflexion upon what we have been and done , may make us feare , that we shall have no other interests in it , but to be Spectators : And that if ●e make use of instruments , it shall be of such , ( how few soever , how base and fecklesse soever , before men , how weake and witlesse soever ) as are free of what my self , and many are guiltie of ; And with whom there hath been a fire of zeal for God , witnessed by their faithful forwardnesse , while , with my self and others , there was scarce the smoaking of a flaxe : Though yet he may graciously condescend , even to make our hair grow againe , & so make use of o●r h●nds abo●t his work , and put us in case , to shake ourselves , as his Servants have done at other times . Yet Thirdly , to the end , the poor People of the Lord may not be frighted , nor fainted into a despondency ; let me adde this : That deliverance to the people of God , in his own time , way , and manner , ( which I leave vvholly to Himself ) and that a great and glorious one , shall come : And this is no lesse cer●ain , than that I●ho●ah cannot fail to establish the Throne of his Anointed : Nay , if all the Kings of ●he Earth should agree amongst themselves , to set up one Monarch , & invest him , with the power of our Supremacy ; yet all the povver they could make , managed vvith all the Policy in hell , or out of ●ell , sh●uld not be able , to setle that Crovvn upon the Head of that Mortal ; But , t●e Immor●al God should , with the omnipotent Power of his right arme , shake that Usurper out of his seat , and setle the Throne of his Anointed upon the ruine of his Adversaries . Hath he said it ? hath he sworne it ? and sh●ll not the Zeal of Iehovah performe it ? Hath Christ bought his Crown a●d Scepter , with his Blood ? and hath he such a tittle and right to it ? And hath he all power in Heaven and in Earth , for securing himself in the possession of his purchase ? And shall any mortal o●ter to mount his Throne ? Shall any mortal offer to stripe him of this Glory , pull the Crown from his Head , and cloth him●elf with the spoils of the Mediator's honour , and be able to keep himself , in possession of what he hath taken from the Son of God ? O vain attempt ? Let them answer these Questions , put unto them Psal. 2 : vers . 1 , 2. and read ●he●r doom , V●r● . 4 , 5. O! the Mediator's Iron rod , put in his hand for securing to him his royal Scepter , shall make the potsheads of the Earth , by dashing them in pieces , know , wha● it is ●o strive with h●m for state ? And here , let me adde these things shortly ; Fi●st , A● in the way he shall take to a●compl●sh our delivery , his holy and hot Indignation again●t breach of Covenant with God shall be witnessed to the conviction even of suc● who dec●e●d it ; ( for the breach o● Covena●t with him , shall either breack Britta●'s Heart or Head ( so , Secondly , It shall be seen , to have a most convincingly closs connexion with the vengeance● wherewith our Sup●●m●cy shall be pursued The Mediators Ze●l against this idol of ind●●nation shall be written on the revenges , he will take for it : And in the day , when he rai●eth up a pa●tie , to state the quarrel upon this Head , how despicable , and contemptible so ever they may appeare ; th●n it shall appeare , he is about rescinding of our Supremacy ( for rescinded it shall be , and if they will not , he will Nay , because they will not , he shall : For his Crown must flowrish on his own Head , and all his Enemies must be clothed with shame ) & setting that Crown with pure gold , upon his Head , from whose Head it is taken , by our Law. And Thirdly , Let me adde this ( and so I have done ) that , as their rage and violence , in this late invasion made upon you , in pursueance of the designe of a full and final setlement of themselves , in the possession of what they have taken from Jesus Christ , by the ruine and overthrow of all , whose way speakes the least of resistance , even to a non-compliance● hath been an high transport of rage , whereby they have been carried , beyond all the Boundaries of Law and Reason : So I have as little doubt , but God shall make the connexion , betwixt his arising to deliver his People , & their having risen up thus , to delete and destroy them at once , so closs , and so cleare , ( how long so ever he delay it ) as it shall be no matter of dif●icultie , for any , who wisely considers these things , to observe what dependance upon , & connexion with , the deliverance of the People of the Lord , hath , as to it 's visible rise , with this their horrid and inhumane violence . He is the Lord , wh● will hasten these things in his time . Do not therefore , beloved Sufferers for Christ , suffer your hearts , to sink into a despondency : The cause is His , and he will plead , yea thorowly plead that cause , which is his own : And this shall be your Crown and Comfort to continue contending for him ( for so the cause , that is so purely his , becomes the cause of your Soul ) and if you should fall in this conflict , and die suffering ; Besides , that you fall in the bed of honour , & fall asleep , in the blessed expectation of the conquerours Crown , this your cause will out live all it's Enemies , and have a glorious Resurrection ; and your wrestlings , and witnessings , and sufferings , as they will be rewarded in Heaven ; so they shall be recorded on Earth : Therefore , lift up the hands that hang dovvn , and strengthen the freeble knees : The s●me , yea greater , afflictions have been accomplished , in your Brethren , which have been in the World ; and as the God of all Grace , after they had suffered a vvhile , made them perfect , and put them in possession of that eternal Glory , to vvhich they vvere called by Jesus Christ● so shall he stablish , strengthen , settle and keep you ●rom falling , and after all your sorrovves and sufferings , present you faultlesse , before the presence of his Glory , vvith exceeding joy : Pray for Your poor Welwisher and Companion in Tribulation . 
A55680	----	Presbyterial government described, or, A methodical synopsis of it, as it is professed and practized in the Church of Scotland gathered out of the confessions of faith, and other publick records of that church ... / by Britannus Philopresbyter. Clark, James, 1660-1723. 1695 Approx. 32 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A55680 Wing P3222 ESTC R33950 13637417 ocm 13637417 100866 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A55680) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100866) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1042:15) Presbyterial government described, or, A methodical synopsis of it, as it is professed and practized in the Church of Scotland gathered out of the confessions of faith, and other publick records of that church ... / by Britannus Philopresbyter. Clark, James, 1660-1723. Philopresbyter, Britanus. 13 p. [s.n.], Edinburgh : Printed in the year 1695. Attributed to James Clark by NUC pre-1956 imprints. Imperfect: pages cropped, stained, with loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Presbyterianism. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Presbyterial Government Described : OR , A Methodical Synopsis of it , As it is Professed and Practized in the CHURCH of SCOTLAND Gathered out of the Confess●●ns of Faith , and other publick Records of that CHURCH , 〈…〉 the Nature and Principles of this Government , UNITIE and PURITIE may be preserved in the CHURCH . By BRITANNUS PHILOPRESBYTER . 1 Cor : 14.40 . Let all things be done Decently , and in Order . Bernard . Sup : Cant : Ordo rebus & modum , & decorem , & perpetuitatem quoque tribuit . Plutar : praecep : polit : Est pulcherrima & utilissima Disciplina dicto audientem esse Rectoribus , etiamsi opibus & Gloria sint Inferiores . Senecae Oedip : 110. Quicquid excessit modum , pendet instabili loco . Edinburgh , Printed in the Year . 1695. ADVERTISEMENT . TAke here an Index of these Records out of which the substance of the ensuing Discription is gathered , Viz. 1 The Confession of Faith , and formes of Discipline used in the English Congregation at Geneva , approven by the Church of Scotland . 2 The Confession of Faith professed by the Protestants of Scotland , Anno 1560. Ratified in the first Parliament of K : J : 6. and by Act. Assem : 1638. ss : 16. 3 The Books of Discipline , approven by Act : Ass : Glasg : Apr : 24 1581 and ratified Act Ass : 1638 : ss : 16. 4 The Acts of the Generall Assemblies of the Church of Scotland . 5 The Westminster Assemblies Propositions and Directory for Church Government and Ordination of Ministers approven : Act : Ass : 1645. ss : 16. 6 The Westminster Assemblies Confession of Faith , approven by the Church of Scotland , Act : Ass , 1647 : ss . 23. and ratified 1 Parl : of K. W. and Q. M. June 7. 16●● Datum Britannopoli Martij . 28 : 1695. Presbyterial Government described . IN proposing a Scheme of Presbyterial Government , we intend not thereby to carp or cavel at others , whose Light or Conscience swayes them to be of a different Sentiment , but modestly to offer such a Plain Portraiture of it , as it may conspicuously appear to be comely and venerable , at least not so black and odious , as some immoderat Spirits are industriously employed to misrepresent and traduce , following that devilish Maxime , fortiter calumniare , aliquid adhaerebit . It is sufficiently known in the World , that there have been clamorous contests and long continued virulent debates , about Church Government , specially among us in Britain ; The LORD send a healing Spirit , and put a final Period to our dolorous dissentions , Amen . The main difference in this point lyes not so much anent the thing in general , whether there should be Government in the Church , all sides accorde that this is necessary and clearly eno●gh determined in the Scriptures : But when they compare Notes and Notio●● about the particular Sp●●ies and , Form of Government , here each Competitor partie contends ta●quam pro aris & facis , that , that Specifick Model only which they severally conceive is according to the word of GOD , should be applauded and universally acquiesced in . In prosecution of what is proposed take the Complexion and Constitution of Presbyterial Government , in these ensuing Theses or Articles gathered from their own Authentick Records . 1. Article , GOD hath a Church in the World Militant amidst many dangers and difficulties which is principally under his own Inspection , Providence and protection , and by His Revealed Will , is committed to the care Oeconomie and defence of Civil Magistrates and Ecclesiastick Ministers , who conjunctly and severally in their respective different Spheres , are to fullfill their several Commissions , in the improvement and use of their several Talents of power , Authoritie , &c. For his Glory , and the Good of his Espoused Church , as they shall be answerable to Him in the day , o● Accounts . 2 B : disc : p. 72 , 73 , Assem : Cons : C : 23. 2. As no Societie can subsist without Government Laws and Policy , and consequently neither without persons regularly vested with Authority and power , to make the same effectual for the Good and Emmolument of the Communitie , So the Infinitly Wise and Good GOD , hath copiously provided all things of the like nature requisite for the pious and peaceable Communion of Saints , whose Laws and constitutions being duely observed , the Church of GOD may be a comely , pure and orderly society , State Polititians are for Laws and Government , that the Common well and publict peace may be promoved and preserved , Military Men are for their Martial Tacticks and severe Discipline in their Hosts and Armies , yea every incorporation , be it of Merchants or the like , finds a necessitie of Rule and Order , and is there not a paritie of Reason , if not far more , why there should be Good Government and Discipline in the Church which is the City of GOD , who is not a GOD of confusion , but of Order , and hath expresly injoyned that all things be done decently and in order . Genev : form of Disc. 3. The Sacred Laws and Cannons which are to be the supream Standard and Touch stone of Ecclesiastick Acts and Decrees , are contained in the Scriptures , from whence no sort of Church Courts or Officers are to recede ne vel latum unguem in their Constitutions or Determinations , hence what ever bold Adventures any persons or parties may make either in the Creation of new Officers , Ordinances or Cannons in the Church , not agreeable and warranted by the Divine Scriptures , they are ipso facto to be reputed cass and null , and to be abandoned the Churches acceptation or Approbation , 2. B. disc , 72.74 . K , I , Conf : Act : 21. Ass : Conf : C : 1. Art. 6.10 . 4. The Mediator CHRIST , is the sole Head and Monarch of the Church : and to him doth this peculiar Prerogative appertain , for he redeemed her with his blood , and he only can actuate and inspire the Catholick Church into vital operations by his ever flowing ●ening Influences , as being that Mystick Body of Spiritually united Members , whereof He is the High and Holy Head , therefore all power is given to Him in Heaven and Earth ; [ we speak not now of his Essential Kingship or Regemie , but of His Mediatorial Supremacy ] being delegated by the Father , to employ the same for the use of the Church , but under CHRIST there is no delegated , Vicarious , Subordinate Head of the Church , which is monstruous for to imagine , as mischievous to admit , neither ought any to assume a Legislative power of framing Laws or Cannons to be imposed upon his Subjects , explain and execute his Laws and statutes , his authorized Officers may and must according to the orders he hath prescrived them , but it is cum periculo capitis , as being a capital crime , if any proceed beyond his Limits . 2. B. disc : 72 , K. l. Conf : Ar : 17 , Ass : Cons : C : 25. 5. From this Fountian of all power , is derived unto Church Officers , that Power and Authority , in the Virtue whereof they may and ought to excercise their Ministerial Functions , as GOD doth call and post them in His Providence : Hence the solemn Charges , Commands , Censures , &c. Which they execute & apply are always and only in the Name & Authorritie of this their Lord and Master and not only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potestas , Right and Authoritie , for intermeddling ex officio in sacred things , but also the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potentia , Abilities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qualifyeing them for their Office comes from his favour and fulness . 6 As the Roman Catholick pretention of a visible vi●carious Monarch , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be abjured , neither can the Morrellian Democracie be received , which cannot well avoid Anarchie and confusion , where all are promiscuously and reciprocallie the Rulers and the Ruled : therefore these two extreams being both quarrelable , Presbyterial Aristocracie , headed by the Mediator [ the only Monarch of the Church , as said is ] seems to be that well tempered mode of Government , most favoured by the Scriptures , & if moderatly and wisely mannadged by the Rulers of it ; very probably may be entertained with more Universal favour among men , Act : Ass : p : 107. 7. That Power which the Mediator hath dispenced unto his Officers , is by his will and Wisdom shared in such a Just paritie , as that they are all made Peers in Power and Authority , none being Superior in Order , degree , or Jurisdiction to another , but all subject and accountable to the Arch-Pastor , and Bishop of Souls , whose Stewards , Servants and Ministers they are having and holding their Commission alone from him : Whence all Despotick , or Lordly Magisterial Power among Gospel Ministers , is utterly to be avoided and abandoned , as being not by Divine disposition , but Human composition . Act : Ass : Dimd : 1580. 2. B : Disc : 72.74 . Act. Ass : Dec : 8. 1638. 8. The Ordinarie Office-bearers in the Church , which GOD hath appointed to continue to the end of the World [ extraordinarie now ceasing ] are Doctors , Presbyters , and Deacons , Doctors are commonly ranked with the Preaching Elders , Teaching , Preaching and Ruling pertaining to them both as they are qualified so to labour , Doctors being likewise useful in Schools and Universities , for training up Students of Theologie . As for Presbyters or Elders , they are either such as labour in the word and Doctrine , and also Rule , whom they call promiscuously , Pastors , Ministers , or Bishops . Or such as only Rule , being Members Constituent of Ecclesiastick Judicatories , concurring Authoritatively with Ministers in matters of Rule and Discipline . To these they appropriate the name of Ruling Elders ; As for Deacons they have no Authority in Courts ▪ but in Counts they have , being concerned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Church Collections and provisions for the poor , and the like . Genev : form . j : B : Disc : 55.2 . B : Disc : 74.77 . Ass : Direc : 3. &c. Act : Ass : 32. 9. The Tittle of Bishop mentioned in the Scripture , it is Identical , and of the same latitude and import with Presbyter or Pastor , both as to the nature of the Office designed by these different Synonymous Appellations , and as to the Pastoral work , incumbent to those who are vested with the Office. 2 B : Dis : 76.86 . Act. Ass : 1638.32 . 10. The intermediate Ordinary way of Communicating and Participating the Pastorial Power , and the exercise of it , is by the Election of the People , either represented in the Eldership [ who usually are their own choice ] for eviting the confusion of the Multitude , Or Virtually by every indevidual man , through their consent , [ having free access to dissent , if they produce any relevant reasons , or weighty Objections , whereof the Presbyterie is Judge competent and ordinarie ] which is the thing implyed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● : ● : Streatching out , or holding up the hand , as a sign of assent ; And chiefly by the Imposition of the bands of the Presbytrie , with Prayers and fastings , solemnly setting a part , and Ordaining the man [ chosen , called , tryed , and found fit ] to the work of the Ministrie , in general , as GOD shall clearly call him to imploy his Talents , and in particular to the Pastoral Charge of such a certain Flock , whereunto he is orderly called and admitted , which Rite and action is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Genev : form : 2. B : Disc : 75.79 , 81. Ass : Dic : 3.4 . &c. 11. The Minister being thus settled , he must reside and labour among his people for their Salvation and Edification by all Gospel means , and he cannot at his own Arbitriment , relinquish his flock , or lay aside his Pastoral charge , but is to be subject to the Presbytrie , and other Superior Courts to be disposed of as they find cause & convenient , neither can any oothers directly and Authoritatively exauterate or deprive him of his Pastoreal Power ; But they who have the Power to collate and ordain , who for clear and Onerous causes , may Suspend for a certain time , or depose for ever ; But as to what extent or influence , a sentence of the Civil Magistrate may have per concomitantiam , we will not medle to define . Act : Ass. 1638.43 . 12. This Pastoral Power is exerced and employed , either in the administration of the word and Sacraments , and other pendicles of the Didactick part of their work , wherein Ministers are to be instant , faithful and diligent , or in the exercise of Disciplin , which they are to mannage with discretion , prudence and Righteousness , both for the increase of Knowledge and Pietie , and for the curbing of vice , and reforming the flagitious . Ass : Dir : 3.4 , 2. B : Dis : 76. 13. As to the execution of Discipline , and the Diatactick part of their work , the several kinds of Courts , Supream , and subordinate , in which preaching and Ruling Elders are to govern , they are either parochial Sessions , Classical Presbytries , provincical Synods , or National Assemblies , and [ if it could be conveniently obtained ] an Oecumenick or General Council : A Parochial Session , is the ordained Minister of the place , together with the Ruling Elders , and if the Minister have a Collegue , they moderate in their Session per vices , the Moderator having no negative voice , a Classical Presbytrie is made up of the parishes of a lesser presinct than a Province , and both unto a Presbytrie , and a provincial synod ( made up of several Presbytries ) each Minister within the respective bounds cometh with one Ruling Elder with him , whom their several Sessions choose and think most fit . A National Assembly , is only made up of chosen commissionated delegats . To a National synod there comes two or three Ministers with one Ruling Elder from each Presb●●●● through the Nation , and the number of Delegates from every Presbytrie is more or less , proportionably to the number and quota of parishes in the Respective Presbytries : Also there may be sent Delegates and Commissioners from Vniversities and Broughs Royal , providing they be ordained Ruling Elders . Act : Ass : 15●0 . 2. B : Dis : 70. Ass : Dir : 14. &c. Ass : Decr : 17. 1638. Act : Ass : Jul. 18. 1648. Act : Ass : 1694. ss : 14 The Orderly way of bringing Ecclesiastick causes and cases under the cognizance of the Respective [ Superior ] Judicatories is either by Bill . by reference or appeal ▪ For the more methodical tabling thereof [ specially in the General Assembly ] there use to be Commities appointed to ripen and prepair matters for hearing in full Assemblie : Appeals ascend Gradatim from the lesser subordinate Courts [ where the cause was first tabled ] to the superior till they finally sist in the Solemn sentence of a National Assembly , this being ultimus conatus , & res ibi Judicata , not being ulterius Judicanda [ for there is no probability of an Oecumenick Council ] otherwayes there would be endless remideless work ; They admit not processes to enter per saltum , or to come in at the broad side , till first they have been tabled , tryed , or cognosced upon before the lesser Judicatories . Act : Ass : Aug : 30. 1639. Act : Ass : 1643. ss : 2. Ibid : ss : 10. Act : Ass : 1648. ss : 30. 15 The decisive sentences of the foresaid respective Courts , are to be received ; and acquiesced in , as proceeding from an Authority ordained by GOD , and therefore are Obligatorie either to yield active obedience , unto them , Or submission to censur in case of disobedience ; And affairs are to be carried on in such a prudent , orderly and Righteous way [ agreeable to the word of GOD and the Laudible constitutions of the Church ] as there may be no just Ground to reclaime , and the Reason why Inferiour Judicatories are concerned to do so , is , because if the parties , against whom the sentence strikes deeme themselves manifestly injured , or that there hath been any gross irregularity in the procedure of the Court , they may be appealed from to a superior judicatory , and so are lyable to be censured for their Maladministration , if the appellant make it appear to have been so , but if the causes or reasons of appeal be found frivolous and weak , then the appellant is still under the tye of the former sentence , for , and from which the appeal was made , and moreover is publickly rebuked for suspecting and impeaching the justice of a Church judicatory . Act : Ass : P : 108. 16. Sessions and Presbyteries meet more frequently as their affairs require , synods ordinarly twice a year , and the General Assembly once a year , and oftner , pro re nata , if necessary and weighty exegencies call for it , and if time allow not to overtake all the business comes before them . They use to appoint a Comittee of the Assemblie , either for publick emergencies that may concern the Church , for visitation of Churches , &c. Or for expeding in the interval till the nixt Annual meeting , what they had not discussed , during the Sessions of the Assemblie , and this Committee they circumscribe and Limit with instructions and appoint ad hunc effectum ; & propresenti Ecclesiae statu , the particular affairs which they are to medle with , being specified and ingrossed in their instructions and eommissions , and in all their actings they are countable to , and Censurable by the next General Assembly . Genev : Form : 2. B : Disc : 79. Act : Ass : 1638. ss : 26. Act : Ass : 1642. ss : 8. Act : Ass : 1690 ss : 26. 17. In all their Judicatories they have a Moderator , who is chosen for longer or shorter time , as they see convenient , but they are against a constant Superintendent or Moderator , least it have a bad tendencie , and produce ill effects . This protemporal Moderator hath no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or peculiar power , paramount to any of the rest of his Brethen , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ergo , I. E. for orders sake , and to evite confusion , during his service at this post , he preceeds in their arguings and ratiocinations , requires the sentiments of the several Members , summs up what seems to be the Judgement of the Pluralitie , and if it be thought fit to bring the matter in agitation to a Vote , he pronounces the mind of the Major part , which determines the thing in question , but gives no vote himself , except there be a just equality of Votes of the rest , then [ non potestatis vel Jurisdictionis ; sed necessitatis ergo ] he gives his suffrage also , the Moderator likewise , if need be , intimates a meeting pro re nata , this comely order they keep , where all may have access to moderate interchangably , and none to envie or domineer over another , in a Diotrephesian way . 2 B , dis : 79 , Act , Ass : 1638 , ss , 24. Al● . dir . p : 6. 18. The Kingdom of Christ being spiritual , and not of this World , his Subjects , Courts , Stewards or Officers [ to whom he hath committed the keyes of the Kingdom ] are so likewise , therefore it is only Ecclesiastick Causes , which they directly and properly cognosce upon , they meddle not with Civil or secular affairs , as being alterius fori , and so extraneous and excentrical to them ; except they be required by the Magistrate , to give their advice and opinion , in matters wherein the Church and Conseience may be incidentially & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerned , hence their grand care and business is to fence against Heresies , Errors , and Schisms , and such heretodox dogmes , or tenets , as are contrar to sound Doctrine and Godlinss , ne quid detrimenti capiat Ecclesia , they also as Censores morum , animadvert that no scandalous or notorious vice and impietie pass without a due check & censure , according to the merit of offences occurrent , so that matters of Faith and Godliness of Conscience and Conversation , are the proper and formal objects of their disquisition and determinations , 2. B. disc : 79 , Ass : dir : 15 , &c. Ass : Cons : c. 31. Art : 5. Act. Ass : 1638 , ss : 25. 19 There 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Censures are also spiritual , and they proceed from Lesser reproofs [ even as the Offender deserves ] ay till they come to the tremenduous censure of Excommunication , which is seldome inflicted and that not till after Leasurely deliberation , and frequent dealing , to bring the obdured delinquent to sensible Repentance , and if a gentle and discreet means are contemned , then with a great deal of solemnitie , as being Summum futuri Judicji prejudicium , they proceed to this Final and whiles Fatal sentence : they also deal with censured Delinquents to induce and prepare them to serious Repentance , that upon the apparent evidences thereof , they may be absolved , and received again into Church Communion , but if such contumacious miscreants will be obstinatly wicked to their own perdition , they grieve at Satans better success then the Churches , and leave them to the last Judgement of GOD Genev : form of Excom : and absol : Ass : Cons : C : 30. 20. They are not fond of Significant mystick Ceremonies in the worship and service of GOD but rather follow & Symbolize that comely Gospel-simplicity , which Christ and his Apostles used , that in the Church of Rome-hath been sadly marred with the whoorish fairdings and gaudrie of humane Devices , Additions and Traditions , rather borrowed from the old Pagan Pagentrie , than the Sacred page : But though they Nauseat such relicks and pieces of Papistrie , yet what Rites and Ceremonies are decent and convenient , either from the Nature or Adjuncts of the Religious Things or Actions they are exercised about , they are neither so shay nor foolish as to refuse to use them , K. J. Conf : Art : 21. Act : Ass : 1638. ss : 7. Ass : Cons : C. 21. Art : 1. 21. Neither are they for stated anniversarie Feasts or Fasts , which are sadly prophaned and abused among the Romanists , for at least the superstitious unthinking Vulgar make little other use of them , then for rioting and raveling , sporting and gamming , and other such dissolute practices , highly unbeseeming dayes , that pass under the Character and opinion of Holy-dayes : Yet when Emmergencies , and dispensations of providence occur , that call for publick humiliation and fasting , or solemn Thanksgiving ; they think it their duty to consecrate some part of their time , for Fasts and Thanksgivings , devoutly to deprecate GOD's imminent wrath , and to plead the aversion of impendent Judgements due to them for their sins , or to Praise GOD for Benefits received , and to begg further favours ; These being such pieces of Religious Work , which GOD both by his Word and Providence sometimes requires , Genev : Treat : of Fast : Act : Ass : 1645. ss : Vlt. 22. The Church hath an intrinsick power , distinct from , and not formallie dependent upon the Magistratical Civil-Authoritie , being coordinate with it , not in Spiritualibus , subordinate to it ; by which power , though there were no Magistrate , or albeit there be a Magistrate , Christian or Infidel , yet she may do every thing needful , according to Christs Orders , for her own orderlie preservation of Vnitie and Puritie ; and the administration of all the Ordinances of the LORD : This power properlie respects 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae , whereof the Civil Magistrate hath no share , qua talis . either to ordain Ministers , Preach the Word , dispence the Seals , or inflict Spiritual Censures , this being remote from his province , 2. B. Disc : 73. Ass : Cons : C. 30. A. ● . C. 31. Ar : 2. 23. Yet as to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae , what concerns the External Policie of the Church , they ascribe much to the Magistrates power and Authority , as being by GOD's Ordinance concerned to defend the Church against foul Hereticks , turbulent Schismaticks , and the contumaciouslie Scandalous , &c : That so Vnitie and Purity be preserved , and to reforme corruptions , to convocate Assemblies , to see to the Honest and Honourable provision of Ministers , and to add his Civil Sanctions to the Churches Acts and Decrees , and therefore in their General Assemblies , the supream Magistrate may either be present himself , or send his Commissioner : But whatever Objective power the Magistrate hath circa sacra , it is not Privative but Cumulative , ad majus bonum Ecclesiae . Genev : Cons : 2. B : Disc : 72. 73 84. K. J. Cons. Ar : 25. Ass : Cons : C. 23. 24. Article , For as Good as this Government is , yet it may be mismanadged [ as many times Magistracy hath been , in all the formes and shapes of it , which none will deny to be the Ordinance of GOD ] therefore whatever Maladministrations , Mistakes or Escapes , may happen by the Governours of the Church , they are not forthwith to be fixed or fathered upon the Government it self , Humanum est labi : Surely a grain of allowance must be given to the Infirmities of Men , who while cloathed with Flesh and Blood , are not to be expected perfect or infalible , nemo fine crimine vivit : And if a candid Impartial Comparison were instituted , betwixt Presbyterial and other competitor Governments , it might probably be found to be the less Criminal : But nihil est ex omni parte beatum , Ass : Cons : C. 6. Art : 5. & C. 25. Art. 5. We conclude , lamenting the unhappy times we live in , wherein the Christian Religion sadly suffers , partly by the gross immoralities of many of the professors of it upon the one hand , partly by the dissentions , divisive practices , and implacable like animosities of others of them upon the other hand ; As for the first of our maladies , we may justly say with Seneca , collecta vitia per tot aetates diu . in nos redundant ; Seculo premimur gravi quo sceleta Regnant . Sen : Octav : 355. And this Epidemical plague of prophanity seems herein to be the more prodigious and desperate , that notoriously , scandalous persons approbriously contemn the cure of their sins . Viz : The Faithful Administration of Gospel Ordinances , particularly that August and veneral ordinance of GOD , Ecclesiastick Discipline and Censures ; Alas ! few are perswaded this is a Divine Ordinance , and far fewer will submit to it as such , but rather in their pride , perversitie and ignorance , decline and scorn Church censures , Tell it not in Gath , &c : That among Christians , Christs Laws and Constitutions are so contemptuously treated , what other could be expected of Turks and Pagans , we will sav no more to such Vnchristian Christians , but what a Heathen did say of old , Sequitur Superbos ultor a tergo Deus . Sen. Here : Fur : 197. As to the other Maladie of Contentions & Sebisms in the Church , which are also the Bane of Religion , we may complain as Opratus did of his times , Omnes contentiosi homines sumus . we are all of us a contentious pack of men , for of a Truth on all sides litigant , particularly about Church Government , there are too many inflexible tenacious and peremptorie in every punctilio of their espoused Opinions , as if the whole of Religion were invelopt therein , and are readie to misjudge , nickname and revile one another , yea and some bigots of each counterparty to Vnchurch and Vnchristian one another [ a wild practice , dounright Antipodes , and contrare to the Rules and genius of the Gospel ] but be gainer or loser who will by these intestine tragick digladiations , surely the common enemie Triumphs in our spoils & ruins , as Trophies of Victory . O Christians ! what shall be done for the remedie of these maladies ? It requires indeed much wisdom to propose , and no less prudence and discretion to apply what might be thought fit to be proposed , but in all likelie hood , only Heavens hand can rectifie & redress what is amiss and out of course this day ; Yet surelie as Ministers derive their power from the Mediator Christ , so Magistrates derive theirs from God Almightie , and both be vertue of their Office , Commission and Capacitie , are unavoidably obliged to join their power and policie together for the suppression and punishment of vice and wickedness and the promoval and encouragement of Vertue and Pietie , for no less will God call civil Magistrates to an account for their negligence and maladministrations then Church Pastors and Ministers , therefore both should amicably correspond and cordially concur for advancing the peace and puritie of the Church , for which purpose it is our hearty Vote , that God would pour forth a spirit of Wisdom , Zeal and Holiness upon Magistrats Ministers and all Ranks and degrees of persons , Amen . FINIS 
A41843	----	The mystery of faith opened up, or, Some sermons concerning faith (two whereof were not formerly printed) wherein the nature, excellency, and usefulnesse of that noble grace is much cleared, and the practice thereof most powerfully pressed : whereunto are added other three sermons, two concerning death / by Mr. Andrew Gray ...; all these sermons being now carefully revised, and much corrected. Gray, Andrew, 1633-1656. 1669 Approx. 342 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 116 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41843 Wing G1617 ESTC R39450 18419754 ocm 18419754 107527 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41843) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107527) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1634:15) The mystery of faith opened up, or, Some sermons concerning faith (two whereof were not formerly printed) wherein the nature, excellency, and usefulnesse of that noble grace is much cleared, and the practice thereof most powerfully pressed : whereunto are added other three sermons, two concerning death / by Mr. Andrew Gray ...; all these sermons being now carefully revised, and much corrected. Gray, Andrew, 1633-1656. [12], 216 p. Printed by George Swintown and James Glen ..., Edinburgh: 1669. Errors in paging: p. 78 misnumbered 76. Imperfect: tightly bound, with print show-through and some loss of print. Reproduction of original in the British Library. 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Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2004-05 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Mystery of FAITH Opened up : Or some SERMONS concerning Faith ( two whereof were not formerly Printed ) Wherein the Nature , Excellency , and Usefulnesse of that noble Grace is much cleared , and the practice thereof most powerfully pressed . Whereunto are added other three Sermons , two concerning the Great Salvation , ( one of these not formerly Printed ) and a third concerning Death . By Mr. ANDREW GRAY , late Minister of the Gospel in Glasgow . All these Sermons being now carefully Revised , and much Corrected . Joh. 3. 18. He that believeth not , is condemned already , because he hath not believed in the Name of the only begotten Son of God. Edinburgh , Printed by George Swinton and Iames Glen , Anno 1669. Mr. GRAY'S Mystery of Faith. Christian Reader . AMong many weighty and soul pierceing Sentences that you will find in these following Sermons , this is one● ; That the Professors of this ●ge , whether they go to heaven or hell , they will be the greatest debtors that shall be in ●ither place● : the 〈◊〉 to the free grace of God , and the other to his Justice : And certainly , if we speak of those in this time , whose ●lessed lot it shall be to inherit the Kingdom , ●hey cannot but acknowledge themselves in●ebted to his love , above all that have gone ●efore them ▪ for w●shing them from such ugly ●●llutions , ●● this generation hath been defiled ●ith ; for bringing them through so great tri●●ilations , preserving them in the midst of so ●●eat ten●ations , and dangerous s●ares as have ●compassed them ; yea , and still keeping in the ●●ght before them , notwithstanding of so many ●asts ( if we may so speak ) from all the four ●inds of , hell to blow it out . And on the other ●nd , if we speak of these whom in this ge●●ration shall perish ▪ assuredly their debt unto ●ivine Iustice must be exceeding great , above ●●l who are gone down to the pit before them ; ●●cause the Roll of their mercies will be found have been many ●●bits longer ▪ and many cu●s broader , than theirs who lived in the pre●ding ages ; and the great things that the ●●rd hath wrought in our dayes , have born a greater testimony against the wickednesse , hardnesse and atheism of this time , then of many former . But above all , the great measure of Gospel-light that he hath no lesse plentifully offered , then wonderfully preserved to this generation , beyond all our Ancestors ; hath undoubtedly made the sin of these who shall utterly reject their own mercy , so out of measure sinfull , and their unbelief so exceedingly inexcusable , that their guilt must needs justifie Corazin and Bethsaida , or Sodom and Gommorrah in that day when every man shall give account of himself to God : And amongst the many preaching witnesses that ( al as we are afraid ) shall compear in that day against many yet living in their pleasures , and dead while they live : This now glorified Author cannot but be one , whose testimony must be very condemning , especially to the vain , loose , negligent and time-wasting youth in this age : For when h● was first drawn to the Ministry , he was but youth indeed , scarce twenty years compleat ; f●● within that age , that by the constitutions o● this Church ( except in case of more then common abilities which indeed he had ) is required for entring to that great and holy Calling . And for the space of two years after ( whic● was all the time that the Church enjoyed his Labour , he was helped to presse the Truths an● Threatnings of God so home upon the Conscience of his hearers , that as it was observed of him , b● one of his most Learned and pious Colleagu● Master Durham , who is now in glory with him he did many times cause the hair of their head stand up : The Lord not only hereby verifying his Word , that he can take the weak things of the world to confound the strong , and out of the mouth of Babes can perfect his own praise , but designing also ( as would seem of purpose ) to send a Boy out of the School for a reprover of the sluggishnesse of his People , that thereby the aged might be the more ashamed , and the younger more afraid : Neither do wee think that this was all ; but truely when we consider what measure of Graces , Gifts and Experiences the Lord did bestow upon so young a person , and then with what humility , self-denial , gravity , prudence , diligence , authority and moderation he was helped to manage these Talents during that short time of his Ministry ; It may be justly conceived that the Lord brought him forth to be a great conviction even to many of us in the Ministery who came into our Masters vineyard long before him , and will go out behind him : And indeed to us it looketh somewhat like the Lords taking up of the little Childe and setting him amongst the midst of his contending Disciples in these times , that even they who would be greatest amongst us , might be least , and see somewhat of their own weaknesse . As to this little Peece , whatever yee shall finde in it : It hath this to say for its self , that whereas many Writings in the world , do intrude themselves upon the Presse , yet this the Presse hath violently thrust into the world : For some young Student , from his good affection to the edification of the Lords People , and ( no doubt ) from his high esteem of the precious Author his memory , having given in to the Presse a Copie of some of these Sermons , being only Notes taken from his mouth when he preached them , no sooner were they seen abroad , but all the Presses in the Nation fell a labouring about them , so that ▪ ( if we mistake not ) in lesse no● two or three Months time , three or four Impressions were cast off , yet all of them so imperfect and maimed , that howbeit the excellency of the matter , and the fresh remembrance of the worthy Author his name , made them very sweet to many ( especially those who had heard him Preach ) yet the unsuitable dresse wherein they appeared and their mistakes of the first Writers ( they being hardly able to take up every thing as it was spoken ) occasioning diverse material failings in the sense , besides lesser faults , could not but be a trouble to those who were acquainted not only with the singular graces , but parts also of that eminent Youth . This gave occasion to some friends to speak a little what way these prejudices which both the Truth and the Authors name might ●ly under , by these uncorrect Impressions might be taken off . And finding that the Copie ▪ which by providence the worthy young Gentlewoman who was his wife , had lying by her though it was but Notes taken from his mouth , yet was the most correct that could be found : And that it also did contain the whole purposes that he had preached upon these Texts ; yea , the whole purposes concerning Faith , that he had preached according to that method , proposed in the first of the Sermons formerly published . This was undertaken to be revised by some , who albeit none of the fittest for these imployments , yet rather or nothing should be done in the businesse , were con●tent to bestow some hours upon it , according a● other necessary imployments would permit . And now having sought out all the Notes of these Sermons which we could finde from other hands , and compared them with the Copie abovementioned , wee do again present them unto the Lords People , not with any confidence that our pains hath put any new lustre upon them ; only wee have some hopes that the whole subject being now before them , and these things in the way of expression helped , which either might seem to be somewhat unpleasant , or liable to mistakes , they shall not n●w be lesse edifying , nor lesse acceptable then formerly they were . We did not think fit to make any considerable alterations ●●●o the method , or other things of that kind , lost ●aply by straining his excellent purposes too much , to shape them to the ordinary Rules , or to reduce them to that order which might best have pleased our selves we should have wronged the matter it self , at least , have put these to a losse who did hear him Preach , and it may be ●ow upon their reading things in that same order as they heard them , will be the more readily brought under the impressions of that livelinesse , power and weight which ( it may be ) formerly they felt upon their hearts when he was speaking . If the method do not altogether satisfie some spirits , or the explication seem not so fult , or ●f they finde some introductions which possibly ●ead not in so close , or seem not so sib to the subject of the Sermon , or happly now and then , there bee some little digressions from the main purpose , wee shall desire that this may not at all bee constructed to bee the Authors ignorance of Rules and Method , or his want of abilities in humane Learning : it being known to these who were best acquaint with him , that hee had indeed a Scholastick spirit , and was in reading far beyond his age and opportunities for Studying . But as to all these , wee shall intreat you rather to consider , 1. His age , and that his gift was but in the very moulding and breaking ( as wee speak ) in the point of order and method , when the Lord was pleased to call him home from his work . 2. That every man hath his proper gift of God , wh● in his great wisdom ( and certainly for the good of His Church ) doth so order , that there is somewhat singular and peculiar almost in every mans way , as to these things . 3. For any thing we know , hee had never that high esteem of this or any other of his labours , as to design an● of them for publick view : and these are bu● Notes taken from his mouth . 4. We are perswaded hee studied more his hearers than himself . Ye will easily perceive , when ye have bu● read a little , that hee hath been a man of a ver● zealous temper ; that the great ●ensil of hi● spirit , and that which hee did wholly spend himself about , was to make people know their dangerous condition by nature , and by all means t● perswade them to believe , and lay hold upo● the Great salvation : And truely that a ma● in such a frame should lesse attend to these lesse things is not to be wondered at . And indeed , though these things be good in themselves , and worthy to be looked to in their own place , yet for a Minister of the Gospel , in all Auditories , and upon all occasions , to pin up every purpose to such a method , and insist into such a measure of Explications and Criticismes upon words , it is but to ●etter himself , and to starve his people . 5. Consider the dulnesse of the most part of hearers in this age , and how hard a thing it is to awake a sleeping world , and to get them but to think that it doth concern them to hear in earnest ; And possibly it was not a small piece of spiritual wisedome in him , ( and it may be not unfit to be imitated by others ) to begin or end all his Sermons with an awakening word concerning Heaven , or Hell , or Iudgement , and the danger of choising the evil , and refusing the good . 6. For digressions , the truth is , that his soul was so filled with such longings after Heaven , and Glory , and so inflamed with the love of Christ , ( especially towards the latter end of his race ) that when he fell upon these subjects , upon which ( ye will see ) most of these digressions are , he could not well contain himself , nor easily bring off his own spirit ! A thing not unusual to the Saints in Scripture . And howbeit such things might seem somewhat singular ( in the time ) and not so coherent ; yet now we have grounds to apprehend that they were often strong influences of the Lords Spirit , stirring up a lamp ( as it were ) into a sudden blaze , that was not to burn long in his Church . But now we shall detain you no longer , only this we may assure you of , That although these Sermons are neither so exact , nor so full as doubtlesse they would have been , if they had come from the Authors own pen , yet as we dare say , they were studied with Prayer , Preached with Power , and backed with Successe ; so also , if ye shall read them with consideration , meditate with Prayer , and Practise with diligence , ye shall neither find your time nor pains ill bestowed , but shall have cause to blesse the Lord for this amongst other helps that he hath given , for making you meet for the inheritance of the Saints in light . That it may be blest to this end , is the earnest desire and prayer of your servants in the work of the Lord , Ro. Trail . Jo. Stirling . The Mystery of Faith Opened up . SERMON I. 1 Joh. 3. 23. This is his Commandment that ye should believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , &c. THis everlasting Gospel ( in which there are drawn so many precious draughts and divine lineaments of the transcendent beauty of a crucified Saviour , and of the riches of his unsearchable grace ) is a most precious and excellent thing , not onely because it doth contain most absolute and sublime precepts and commands , in the exercise and obedience of which , we do not only attain unto the highest pitch in holinesse , but likewise , because it containeth most rich and precious promises , in the possession and fruition of which wee are advanced to the highest pinacle of eternal blessedness , this is clear in the grace of Faith ; for what doth more purifie the heart and stamp it with the Image of the invisible God then this grace of Faith ? And what richer promises are annexed to any duty then to this duty of believing , to wit , everlasting life , and fruition of God. So that if we have dwelt fourty dayes at the foot of Mount Sinai , and had been under the greatest discovering and condemning power of the Law , we may yet come with boldnesse to mount Sion , and there imbrace Jesus Christ , who is the end of the Law for righteousnesse to such as believe ; Upon which Mount hee standeth holding forth the golden Scepter of his peace , desiring us to imbrace him , and is crying out that word in Isa. 65. 1. Behold me , behold me . O may wee not summond Angels , and these twenty four Elders about the Throne , to help us to wonder , that ever such a command as this came forth , that wee should believe on the Name of the Son of God , after that wee had broken that first and primitive command , That we should not eat of the forbidden tree : Was not this indeed to make mercy rejoyce over judgement ? And O may wee not wonder at the precious oath of the everlasting Covenant , whereby he hath sworn , That hee delighteth not in the death of sinners ? What ( suppose yee ) were poor Adams thoughts when at first the Doctrine of Free-grace , and of a crucified Christ Jesus a Saviour , was preached unto him in Paradise ? What a divine surprisal was this , that heaven should have preached peace to earth , after that earth had proclaimed war against heaven ? Was not this a low step of condescendency ? to behold an offended God preaching peace and good will to a guilty sinner ; What could self-destroying Adam think of these morning and first discoveries of this everlasting Covenant ? Christ , as it were , in the morning of time giving vent to that infinite love , which was resting in his bosome and precious heart , before the foundation of the world was laid . Wee know not whether the infinitenesse of his love , the eternity of his love , or the freedom of it , maketh up the greatest wonder ; But sure , these three joyned together , make up a matchlesse and everlasting wonder . Would any of you ask the Question , What is Christ worth ? Wee could give no answer so suitable as this , it is above all the Arithmetick of all the Angels in heaven , and all the men on earth , to calculate his worth , all men here must be put to a divine non plus ; This was Iobs divinity , Iob 28. 13. Man knoweth not the price of wisedome . And must not Jesus Christ who is the precious object of Faith , and wisedome of the Father , bee a supereminent and excellent One , who hath that Name of King of kings , and Lord of lords , not onely ingraven on his vesture , ( which pointeth out the conspicuousnesse of his Majesty ) but even also upon his thigh , to point out that in all his goings and motions , hee proveth himself to bee higher then the Kings of the earth ? And howbeit the naked proposing of the object doth not convert , yet if once our souls were admitted to behold such a sight as Christ in his Beauty and Majesty , and to bee satisfied with the divine rayes of his transcendent glory , then certainly wee should finde a blessed necessity laid upon us , of closing with him ; for Christ hath a sword proceeding out of his precious mo●●h , by which hee doth subject and subjugate his own to himself , as well as hee hath a sword girded upon his thigh , by which hee judgeth and maketh war with his enemies . Wee confesse it is not only hard , but simply impossible to commit a Hyperbole in commending of him ; His worth being alwayes so far above our expressions , and our expressions alwayes so far beneath his worth , therefore wee may be put to propose that desire unto him , Exalt thy self , O Lord , above the Heavens . But now to our purpose , being at this time to begin our discourse upon that radicall and precious grace of Faith , wee intend to speak of it under this twofold notion and consideration : First , We shall speak of it as it is justifying , or as it doth lay hold upon the righteousnesse of a crucified Saviour , makeing application of the precious promises in the Covenant of free grace , which wee call justifying Faith. And in the second place , we shall speak a little-unto Faith , as it doth lay hold upon Christs strength , for advancing the work of mortification , and doth discover the personal excellencies of Iesus Christ , by which wee advance in the work of holinesse and divine consormity with God , which wee call sanctifying Faith. However , it is not to bee supposed , that these are different habits of Faith , but different acts flowing from the same saving habit , laying hold and exercising themselves upon Christ in different respects , and for diverse ends . Now to speak upon the first , we have made choice of these words . The Apostle Iohn , in the former verse , hath been pointing out the precious advantages of the grace of obedience , and of keeping of his commands ; that such a one hath , as it were , an arbitrary power with God , and doth receive many precious returns of prayer : As likewise , that one who is exercised in the grace of repentance , is Gods delight : which is included in this , that he doth these things that are well pleasing in his sight . And now in these words hee doth , as it were , answer an objection that might bee proposed , about the impossibility of attaining these precious advantages , seeing his commands were so large , and that hardly could they bee remembered . This hee doth sweetly answer , by setting down in this one verse a short compend or breviary both of Law and Gospel , viz. That wee should love one another , which is the compend of the Law : and , The we should believe on the Name of His Son ; which is the compend of the Gospel ; And by this he sheweth the Christian , that there are not many things required of him , for attaining these excellent advantages ; but if he exercise himself in the obedience of these two comprehensive commandments , he shall find favour both with God and man. And as concerning this precious grace of Faith , Wee have , 1. the advantages of it implied in the words , and clear also from the scope , as ( no doubt ) all the commands have infinit advantages infolded in their bosome , which redounds to a Believer , by his practising of them . And , 2. the excellency of it holden forth in the words , in that it is called , His command , as if hee had no other command but this . ( And the Greek particle is here prefixed , which hath a great deal of emphasis and force in it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) But , 3. There is this also , the absolute necessity of this grace , holden forth here in this word , His Commandment : as if he would have said , by proposing of this command , I do set life and death before you , and that ye would not conceive that it is an arbitrary and indifferent thing for you to believe , or not : But be perswaded of this , that as an infinite advantage may constrain you to the obedience of it , so absolute necessity must perswade you to act that which is of your everlasting concernment . And lastly , Yee have the precious Object ▪ upon which Faith ( which is justifying ) doth exercise it self , and that is upon the Name of the Son of God ; And ( no doubt ) Faith is that excellent grace , which doth elevate the soul unto a sweet and inseparable union with Christ ▪ and is that golden and precious knot , that doth eternally knit the hearts of these precious friends together . Faith is that grace that draweth the first draughts of Christs precious Image on our hearts , and by love doth accomplish and perfire them . Now Faith taketh hold not onely on the faithfulnesse of God , that hee is a God of truth , and that in him there is no lie : but likewise it taketh hold on the omnipotency of God , that hee is one to whom nothing is too hard : and on the infinite mercy and love of God , that hee is one who doth delight to magnifie this Attribute above all his works : And these are the three great pillars of justifying Faith. From the first , it answereth all these objections of sense , which do ordinarily cry forth , Doth his promise fail for evermore ? And that with this one word , If hee hath once purposed it , hee will also do it , and if hee hath once spoken it , hee will also make it come to passe . From the second , it answereth all these objections that may arise from carnal reason and probability , which tend to the weakning of his confidence ; And these do oftemtimes cry out , How can these things be ? But Faith laying hold upon the omnipotency of God , it staggers not at the promise , but is strong in the Faith , giving glory to God. And it is the noble and divine exercise of this Heroick grace of Faith , that these objections of reason and probability , which it cannot answer , it will lay them aside , and yet close with the promise . Which was the practice of believing Abraham , who considered not his own body being weak , nor the barrennesse of Sarahs womb . As likewise , it was the commendable practice of that woman , Matth. 15. who not being able to answer the second trial of her faith from reason , yet notwithstanding , Faith made her cry out , Have mercy upon mee , O Son of David . And from the last , a Christian doth answer all the arguments of misbelief , which do arise from the convictions of our unworthinesse and sinfulnesse , which makes us oftentimes imbrace that divinity of Peters , Luk. 5 ▪ 8. Depart from me , for I am a sinful man. But Faith taking hold on the infinite mercy and love of Christ , it answereth all with this , He walks not with us according to that rule of merit , but according to that precious and golden rule of love and boundlesse compassion . But before we shall speak any thing unto you of these things , wee would a little point out some few things to be known as previous to these : we shall not dwell long in pointing out the nature of justifying Faith , it is that grace whereby a Christian being convinced of his lost estate , and of an utter impossibility to save himself , he doth flee to the righteousnesse of Jesus Christ ; and unto him who is that precious City of refuge , and there doth abide till our High Priest shall die , which shall not be for ever . Or if ye will , it is a sweet travelling of the immortall soul , betwixt infinite misery , and infinite mercy , betwixt an utter impossibility to save our selves , and a compleat ability in him to save to the uttermost , betwixt abounding sin , and superabounding mercy . Hence Faith is often holden forth to us in Scripture , under that notion of coming , Isa. 55. 1. Ho every one that thirsteth come ye to the waters . Rev. 22. 17. Whosoever will , let him take the water of life freely , Heb. 7. 25. Wherefore he is able also to save them to the uttermost that come to God by him . And we may say by the way , that if once a sinner could be brought to this , to count all his own righteousnesse but filthy rags , and to belive that a man is as really justified before God , by imputed righteousnesse , as if it were by inherent holinesse ; surely such an one were not far from the Kingdom of God. Neither shall we stand long to point out this unto you , that it is your duty to believe , for it is clear , not only from this place , but likewise from Isa. 45. 22. Look unto me , and be ye saved , all the ends of the earth . Matth. 11. 28. Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden , and I will give you rest . Joh. 14. 1. Ye believe in God , belive also in me . Isa. 55. 1. Ho , every ▪ one that thirsteth , come ye to the waters ▪ and he that hath no money , Come , buy without money and without price . But Oh! it 's a great misery of many ( and that which may be a subject of perpetuall lamentation ) that we can neither be subject to the Law , as commanding , to obey it , or as threatning , to believe it ; Nor , to the Gospel as promising , to imbrace it , and sweetly to receive it . O but that primitive temptation and delusion whereby Sathan did deceive our first father , is that whereby he yet seeks to catch and delude many souls , viz. That though we eat of the forbidden fruit , and walk in the vain imaginations of our own hearts , yet he doth suggest this to us , that we shall not die , but shall once be as God. This is Sathans great and de●●ding divinity ; And therefore , to inforce his great and precious Command a little further , wee shall propose these considerations , First , That the Gospel hath laid no obstruction in our way of closing with Christ ▪ and partaking of the effects of the Gospel ▪ but on the contrary , sheweth that the great impediment is our want of willingnesse , which wee lay in our own way : as is clear from ▪ Ioh. 5. 40. Yee will not come to mee that yee may get life : as likewise from Rev. 22. 17. where the gates of the Gospel are cast open , and whosoever will , are commanded to enter ▪ in : So that , although you may father your misbelief upon your inability , or that your spot is not the spot of his people , yet know , that the rise and original of it is , the want of willingnesse . But , to make this more clear , wee would have you knowing this , that all the qualifications annexed to this Commandement of Faith as that in Matth. 11. 28. speaketh out the qualifications rather of these that will come than of all these that ought to come ; O● hee inviteth these , that through the spiri● of discouragement and misbelief , have the greatest reluctancy to come . And may no● that ▪ cardinal and soul-refreshing promise Ioh. 6. 37. stop the mouth of misbelief so that it should have nothing to say ? H● that cometh unto mee , I will in no wayes cas● out . Yee may reduce your misbelief rather to the sinfulnesse of your will , than to the sinfulnesse of your walk ; And if once yee could come the length of willingnesse to imbrace Jesus Christ , all other objectio● and knots should be sweetly loosed and dissolved . Secondly , Consider , that though we should pray the on half of our time , and weep the other , yet if we want this noble grace of Faith , the wrath of God shall abide on us . What are all the works of these hypocrites , and these g●●string acts of Law-sanctification , but a plunging of our selves in the ditch , untill our own cloaths abhorre us ; Therefore it is , that after the Prophet Zachary ▪ hath made mention , in the 12. Chapter of his Prophesie , of making bitter lamentation for him whom wee have pierced , as for an only Son ; Yet in the beginning of the 13. Chapter , he maketh mention of a Fountain opened to the house of David , for sin and for uncleannesse : Which may intimate unto us , that , although we have washed our selves with our own tears , yet there is use of the bloud of Christ , and that we must bee washed in that fountain , even from our own righteousnesses , which are but as filthy rags . Thirdly , Consider that great and monstrous sinfulness that is in this sin of unbeleif , we will strain at a g●at , but many will easily swallow down this Camel : we will tith Mint and Anise , and fast twice in the week , but neglect faith and love , and judgment , which are the weightier things of the Law. And indeed , there are these things which speak out the sinfulnesse of unbelief . 1. That when the holy Ghost is sent to convince the world of sin , Ioh. 16. 9. he pitched upon this sin , as though there were no other sin of which the world had need to be convinced ; He will convince the world of sin , because they believe not on the Son of God : and ( no doubt ) there is more sinfulnesse in that sin , than in many breaches of the Morall Law , it being a sin against matchlesse love , and against that which is the remedy of sin . 2. That it is called by way of eminency , disobedience , as is clear from Heb. 4. 11. Lest any of you fall after the same example of unbelief : or as the word may be rendered , Lest any of you fall after that example of disobedience , Eph. 2 ▪ 2. 3. That among all these that shall be eternally excommunicate from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of his power , these that are guilty ▪ of this sin of unbelief , they are put in the first place , Rev. 21. 8. And , 4. that unbelief doth contradict and deny these three precious and cardinall Attributes of God. 1. Doth not unbelief contradict his faithfulnesse , and make him a liar ▪ 1 Ioh. 5. 10 ▪ 2. Doth it not contradict the infinitenesse of his power . And , 3 ▪ the infinitenesse of his love : and supposeth that there is something too hard for him , which his power cannot reach , nor his infinite love overcome . We may reduce many of our questions , and disputings of his good will , to this original , viz. to the disputing of his power . No doubt , if we belong to him , we shall once sing that note of lamentation over ▪ our unbelief , This is our infirmity , for changes are from the right hand of the most High. And lastly , to enforce this precious command of Faith , consider that it is His Command which speaketh forth this , that we must not take an indulgence or dispensation to our selves , to believe , or not to believe at our pleasure . And is it not a strange thing , that Christians are lesse convinced of the breaches of the Commandements of Faith , then of other commands ? They think misbelief to be but a Zoar , a little sin . And it proceedeth either from this , that the convictions of other sins ( as the neglect of prayer , or the sin of swearing , or committing adultery ) do arise from a natural conscience : ( for there is somewhat of natures light to make us abominate and hate them , when yet the light of nature will not lead us to the convictions of the sinfulnesse of misbelief , it being a Gospel and more spiritual sin ) Or it proceedeth from this , that unbelief doth ordinarily passe vail'd under the vizard of some refined vertue , as humility and tendernesse , though that rather it may be said , that it is pride and ignorance , cloathed with the garments of humility . And no doubt , Christ doth account it obedience to this Commandement of Faith , the greatest act of humility , as is clear from Rom. 10. 3. where it is called submission , they submitted not to the righteousnesse of God , Or else it proceedeth from this , that we conceive that the commandment of Faith , is not of so large extent as other commands , and so doth not bind us to the obedience of ●t . But know this , that it shall be the condemnation of the world , that they have not believed on the Name of the Son of God : And no doubt , but it is Sathans great design and cardinall project , to keep us back from obedience to the commandement of Faith , and that we should not listen to the precious promises of this everlasting Gospel , but should reject the counsel of God against our selves , and refuse his precious and divine call . The second previous consideration that we would give , shall bee to show you what are the causes that there is so much disputing of our interest , and so little beleiving , that we are unstable as water , marring our own excellency , spending so much of our time in walking under a cloud and are so seldom admitted to read our names i● these precious and eternall records of heaven ? No doubt , these things have influence upon it ▪ viz. 1. That we are more judging of God by his dispensations , then by Hi● word , supposing ever the change of his dispensations to speak forth the change of ou● state ▪ This is misbeliefs divinity , that whe● sense cannot read love in his face , but he appeareth to frown , and to cast a cloud ove● it , then it is presumption ( saith sense ) t● read love in his heart , or in his word . Bu● know it was a self denying practice of , Believing Iob , to cry out , Though he shoul● kill me , I will believe in him . Therefor● make not dispensations your Bible , other ▪ wise ye will stumble at the noon-ride of th● day , and shall halt in your way . Knew y● never what such a thing as this meaned , to ascend in overcoming thoughts of his love , notwithstanding any thing that his dispensations might preach ? We conceive , that if the eyes of our faith were opened , we might see infinite love engraven on the darkest acts and most dismal-like dispensations of his to us , though it bee oftentimes written in dark and ●im characters of sense . 2 ▪ There is this likewise which hath in●●uence upon our so much disputing and misbelieving , viz. a guilty conscience , and the ●ntertainment of some predominant lust , which oftentimes occasioneth our walking in darknesse , and having no light : This is ●lear from 1 Tim. 1. 19. where that precious ●ewel of Faith can bee holden in no other place but in a pure conscience , that is that ●oyal palace wherein it must dwell ; And ●o doubt , if once wee make shipwrack of a ●ood conscience , wee will erre concerning our ●aith . A bosome idol , when it is intertained ●oth exceedingly mar the vigorous exercise ●f these graces , which are evidences of our faith . And certainly , grace rather in its ●egrees , than in its sincerity or simple being onely , is that which giveth the clear evidence of Faith. Therefore when we find not love ●● its high and eminent actings , wee hardly win to make it any clearly concluding demonstration of our Faith. 3. As likewise , a bosome idol , when it is ●ntertained , maketh use to lose much of our ●igh esteem and reputation of Jesus Christ ; which doth exceedingly interrupt the sweet and precious actings of Faith. For it is certain , that if once the immortal soul be united to Jesus Christ by the bond of love and respect , then our Faith will increase with the increase of God. Our intertainment of a bosom idol is ordinarily punished with the want of the sensible intimations of his peace , and of our interest in him ; So that sometimes his own are constrained to cry out , God hath departed from mee , and he answereth mee not , neither by dreams nor visions . 4. There is that likewise that hath influence upon it , our not closing absolutely with Jesus Christ , but upon conditions and suppositions . We make not an absolute and blank resignation of our selves over unto Christ , to hold fast the Covenant , notwith ▪ standing hee should dispense both bitter and sad things to us ; But wee conceive that Christs Covenant with believers , is like tha● Covenant that God made with Noah , tha● there should bee summer and winter , seed● time and harvest , night and day , unto Christian. A Christian must have his nigh● as well as his day : hee must once sowe i●● tears , before hee reap in joy ; and hee mus● once go forth , bearing his precious seed , b●fore hee can return bearing his sheaves in hi● bosome : and that this hath influence upo● our instability , may bee seen from this , Th●● often a Christian , after his first closing wit● Christ , hee meeteth with desertion in poi●● of tendernesse , in point of joy , and in poi●● of strength , so that his corruptions see● now to be awaked more then formerly , th● hee wants those seeming injoyments of him which formerly he had : And that much of ●is softnesse of heart hath now evanished , which is clear somewhat from Heb. 10. 32. That after they were enlightened , they ondured great fight of afflictions , For the word that ●● there rendered afflictions , signifieth inward ●roubles through the motions of sinne , as well as outward afflictions , Gal. 5. 24. And God useth to dispense this way to his own , ●ot only to take trial of the sincerity of our ●losing with him , but to make our faith ●ore stedfast and sure . And no doubt , if we ●ose not absolutely with Christ ( when ●nder these ▪ temptations and trials ) we will ●eject our confidence as a delusion , and sup●ose it to bee but a morning dream ; there●ore it were a noble and divine practice of a ●hristian to close with Christ without re●ervation , seeing hee doth dispence nothing ●●t that which may tend to our advantage . ●nd we would say to such as are under these ●emptations , that if yee endeavour to resist ●●em , it is the most compendious and excel●●nt way to make your hearts , which now ●●e dying as a stone , to bee as a watered Gar●●n , and as springs of water , whose waters fail ●●t , and to make you strong as a Lion , so that 〈◊〉 temptation can rouse you up , but you all bee enabled to tread upon the high places the earth , and to sing songs of triumph over ●●ur Idols . 5. There is this likewise which hath in●●ence on it , or building of our faith more ●●on sense then upon Christ or his Word ; and therefore it is , that Faith is so unconstant and changeable as the Moon , we not knowing what such a thing meaneth , To hope against hope , and to bee strong in faith , giving glory to God : And we would onely say unto you , that erect your confidence upon so sandy a foundation , that when the storm and wind of tentation shall blow , That house shall fall to the ground . As likewise , building of your faith upon sense , doth abate much of your joy , and much of your precious esteem of Jesus Christ , it being faith exercising it self upon an invisible object , that maketh the Christian , to rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full of glory , 1 Pe● . 1. 8. 6. There is this last that hath influence upon it , even our sloathfulnesse in the exercise of our spiritual duties , by which Faith should bee entertained . Faith is a tender grace and a plant that must not be ruffled , bu● nourished through the sap of other precious graces ; but wee grow remisse in ou● spiritual duties , and do turn our selves upo● the bed of security , as the door upon th● hinges . And doth not our drowsinesse cloath us with rags , and make us fall into a deep sleep ; while as , if wee were diligent , O● souls should bee made fat and rich ? Yea slothfulnesse doth not only impede assuranc● in this , that it hindereth the divine communications of his love and respect , by which assurance may bee keeped in life , Cant. 5. 2 ▪ But also , it maketh our poverty come on us an armed man , and our want as one that travelleth . And withall , it letteth loose th● chain by which our corruptions are tyed , and maketh them to lift up their head , by which our assurance is much darkned and impared , and our hope is much converted into diffidence and dispair : And we would only say this , it is the diligent Christian that is the believing Christian ; and it is the believing Christian , that is the diligent Christian ; there being such a sweet reciprocation betwixt these two precious graces , that they die and live together . Now thirdly , we shall shut up our discourse with this , in pointing out a little what are those things that do obstruct a Christians closing with Christ , and believing in his precious Name . I. We conceive that this wofull evil doth ●pring and rise from that fundamentall igno●ance of this truth , that there is a God : as ●● clear from Heb. 11. 6. where that is re●uired as a qualification of a Comet , That he ●hould believe that God is : And assuredly ▪ ●ill once this precious truth be imprinted ●pon our souls , as with a pen of iron , and ●oint of a diamond , we will look upon the ●ospel as an U●opian fancy , and a deluding ●otion , to teach unstable souls , who know ●ot the way to attain unto real blessednesse . ●nd truly it is a fault in many , that they ●egin to dispute their being in Christ , before ●hey know there is a Christ : and to dispute ●heir interest in him before they believe his ●eing , and that there is such a one as is cal●●d Christ. II. Our coming unto Christ is obstructed from the want of the real and spiritual convictions of our desperate and lost estate without Jesus Christ , and that our unspeakable misery is the want of him ; which is clear from Ier. 2. 31. We are Lords , we will come no more to thee : And it is evident from Rev. 3. 16 , 18. That such a delusion as this doth overtake many , that they can reign as Kings without Jesus Christ , and that they can build their happinesse , and establish their eternal felicity upon another foundation . But , O that we could once win to this , to believe what we are without Christ , and to believe what we shall be in the enjoyment of him ; with the one eye to descend and look upon these deep draughts , that the mystery of iniquity hath imprinted upon your immortal souls , and withall to reflect upon the wages of sin , which is death ; and be constrained to cry out , Wo is me , for I am undone : And with the other eye to ascend and look to that help that is laid upon One that i● mighty , and to make use of the righteousnesse of a crucified Saviour , that so what we want in our selves , we may get it abundantly made up in him . III. There is this likewise that obstructeth our closing with Christ , our too much addictednesse to the pleasures and carnal delights of a passing world ; which is clea● from Luk. 14. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. Matth. 22 5 , 6. where these that were invited to com● to the feast of this Gospel , they do mak● their apologie , and with one consent do refuse it : some pretending an impossibility t● come , and some pretending an unavoidable inconveniency in coming : And O! What a rediculous thing is that poor complement , that these deluded sinners used to Christ , I pray you have us excused ? And is it not the world the great plea and argoment , that they make use of , When they will not come and make use of Christ ? IV. There is this lastly , which doth obstruct ones coming to Christ , their unwillingness to be denyed to their own righteousness : Which is clear from Rom. 10. 23. And wee conceive if once these two were believed ( which are the great Tropicks , out of which all these arguments may be brought to perswade you to imbrace Christ ) to wit , the infinite excellency of His person on whom we are to believe , and the infinite losse that these do sustain , who shall be eternally rejected of him . We might be persuaded to entertain a divine abstractednesse and holy retirement from all things that are here below , and to pitch our desires alone upon him , who is the everlasting wonder of Angels , and the glory of the higher House . O did we once suppose the unspeakable happinesse of these whose Faith is now advanced unto everlasting felicity and fruition , and hath entered into that eternal possession of the promises : might we not he constrained to cry out , It is good for us once to be there ? Christ weepeth to us in the Law , but we do not lament : and he pypeth to us in the Gospel , but we do not dance : He is willing to draw us with the cords of men , and with the bonds of love , and yet we will not have him to reign over us . May not Angels laugh at our folly , that wee should so undervalue this Prince of love , and should contemn him who is holden in so high esteem and reverence in these two great Assemblies that are above , of Angels , and of the spirits of just men made perfect ? Christ hath now given us the first and second Summonds , the day is approaching when the sad and wofull summonds shall be sent against us , of departing from him , into these everlasting flames , out of which there is no redemption : and this shall be the capestone of our misery , that we had once life in offer , but did refuse it ; And though there were four gates standing open toward the north , by which we might have entered into that everlasting rest , yet we choosed rather to walk in the paths that lead down to death ▪ and take hold of the chambers of hell . O but there are many that think the Gospel cunningly devised fables and foolishnesse , ( they being unwilling to believe that which sense cannot comprehend , nor reason reach ) and this is the reason why the Gospel is not imbraced , but is rejected as a humane invention ▪ and as a morning dream , &c. SERMON II. 1 Joh. 3. 23. This is his Commandment that ye should believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , &c. THere are three great and cardinall mysteries , in the unfolding of which , all a Christians time ought to be spent . First , There is that precious and everlasting mystery of Christs love and condiscendency , which those intellectual spirits , the Angels , are not able fully to comprehend . Secondly , There is that woefull mystery of the desperate deceitfulnesse and wickednesse of the heart , which no man was ever yet able fully to fathom and comprehend . And , thirdly , there is that precious mystery of that eternal felicity and blessednesse that is purchased unto the Saints , that once they shall reign with Christ , not a thousand years only , but throughout all the ages of everlasting and endless eternity : so that there is this difference betwixt the Garden of everlasting delights , that Christ hath purchased to the Saints , and that first Paradise and Eden wherein man was placed : There was a secret gate in the first , thorow which a man that had once entered in , might go out again ; But in this second and precious Eden , there is no accesse for going out . And all that is to be known of these three mysteries , is much comprehended in this , to know that they cannot fully be known ; Paul was a blessed proficient in the study of the first mystery , and had almost attained to the highest Classe of knowledge , and yet he is constrained to professe himself to bee ignorant of this : Hence is that word , Eph. 3. 19. That ye may know the love of Christ , which passeth knowledge . And is it not a mysterious command , to desire people to know that which cannot be known ? The meaning whereof we conceive to be this in part , that Paul pressed this upon them , that they should study to know that this mystery of Christs love could not be known . Ieremiah was a blessed proficient in the knowledge and study of the second mystery , he had some morning and twilight discoveries of that , and yet though in some measure he had fat homed that deep ; yet he is constrained to cry out , chap. 17. vers . 9. The heart is deceitful above all things , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? And indeed , that which Solomon saith of Kings , Prov. 25. 3. may well be said of all men in this respect , The heavens for heighth , and the earth for depth , and the heart of man is unsearchable . The Apostle Paul also was a blessed proficient in the study of the third mystery , having some morning and twilight discoveries of that promised rest , and was once caught up to the third heavens , and yet when he is beginning to speak of it , 1 Cor. 2. 9. he declareth all men to be ignorant of the knowledge of this profound mystery of mans blessednesse , and cryeth out , Eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , neither have entered into the heart of man , the things which God hath prepared for them that love him . And if there bee any thing further to bee known of these mysteries , the grace of Faith is found worthy among all the graces of the Spirit , To open the seven seals of these great deeps of God. Is not the grace of Faith that whereby a Christian doth take up the invisible excellency and vertue of a dying Christ ? Is not Faith that precious grace by which a Christian must take up the sports and blemishes that are within himself ? And is not the grace of Faith , that precious grace that placeth a Christian upon the top of mount Pisga , and there letteth him see a sight of the promised Land ? And doth open a door in Heaven , thorow which a Christian is admitted to see Christ sitting upon His Throne ? And Faith hath not only a kind of Omnipotency ; as is clear , That all things are possible to them that believe : but it hath a kind of Omnisciency , and all knowledge that it can take up and comprehend the greatest mysteries of heaven , according to that word , Prov. 28. 5. He that seeketh the Lord shall understand all things , As if hee said , there is nothing dark to a believing Christian , as there is nothing impossible to ● believing Christian. As likewise , Faith ●s that grace that must take aside the vail that is spread over the face of a crucified Christ. And Faith is that precious spy that goeth forth , and taketh up these wonderfull excellencies , that are in him . The grace of love , as it were , is born blind , and it hath nothing wherewith to solace it self , but that which is presented unto it by this noble and excellent grace of Faith. Now before wee shall speak any thing to these things that wee did propose to speak of it at the last occasion : wee shall yet speak a little unto some things which are necessary to be known , for the distinct up taking of the nature of justifying Faith ; which is the great commandement of this everlasting Gospel : and that which wee would first speak to shall be this . What is the reason and ground that the Gospel conveyance of righteousnesse and life , ( and of the excellent things of this everlasting Covenant ) should be through the exercise of the grace of Faith ? For it is not said in the Scripture that repentance justifieth , that love justifieth , or that mortification justifieth ; but it is Faith only that justifieth , and it is Faith by which a Christian inheriteth the promises , so that is clear , that Faith is that Conduit-pype , through which are conveyed to us the great blessings of this everlasting Covenant . I. And the first ground of it is this , it is through Faith , that all our blessings may be known to be by love , and by free and unsearchable grace ; as is clear , Rom. 4. 16. While the Apostle is giving a reason why the inheritance is conveyed to a Christian through Faith ; It is of faith ( saith he ) that it might be of grace : for if the inheritance were conveyed to a Christian through a Covenant of Works , then these spotlesse draughts of infinite love , and of unsearchable grace , should not be written on our inheritance , as is clear , Rom. 4. 25. And it is that great designe of Christ , to make his grace conspicuous in conveying salvation to us through Faith. II. There is this second ground likewise of it , that all the promises and blessings of this everlasting Covenant might be sure and stedfast to us , therefore they are conveyed to us through the exercise of the grace of Faith ; as is clear , Rom. 4. 16. They are of Faith ( saith he ) that they might be sure : or as the word is , that they might be settled , when the promises of life and of eternal salvation were conveyed to us through mans obedience , were they not then most uncertain and unstable ? But is not heaven your everlasting crown now , stedfast unto you , seeing you have that golden pillar of Christs everlasting righteousnesse to be the foundation of your Faith , and the strength of your confidence in the day of need ? III. There is this third ground why the promises and excellent things of this Gospel are conveyed to a Christian through the exercise of Faith , that all boasting and gloriation might be excluded , according to that word , Rom. 3. 27. By what law is boasting excluded ? Not by the law of works , but by the law of Faith. And certainly , seeing Christians have all the great things of heaven conveyed to them through the exercise of Faith ; think yee not , that this shall be your first song when yee shall be within the gates of that new Jerusalem ? Not unto us , not unto us , but unto thee doth belong the glory of our salvation . O what a precious dignity were it , but for one half hour to be admitted to hear these spotlesse songs that are sung by these thousand times ten thousand , and thousands of thousands of holy Angels , that are round about His Throne ! Doth not David that sweet singer of Israel , now sing more sweetly no● he did while he was here below ? Doth not deserted Heman now chaunt forth the praises and everlasting song of him that sitteth upon the Throne ? And doth not afflicted Iob now sing sweetly after his captivity is reduced , and he entered within that land , where the voice of joy and gladnesse is continually heard ? Would ye have a description of Heaven ? I could give it no tearm so suitable as this , Heaven is a rest , without a rest , for though there remain a rest for the righteous , yet Rev. 4. 8. These four beasts that stand before the Throne , they rest not night nor day , crying , holy , holy , holy , is the Lord God Almighty ; yet there is much divine quietnesse in that holy unquietnesse that is above . IV. There is this last ground why the blessings of the Gospel , and life and righteousnesse are conveyed to us thorow the exercise of Faith , that the way to attain to these things might be pleasant and easie ; we are certainly perswaded , that the way of winning to Heaven by a Covenant of Works was much more unpleasant and difficult . But is it not an easie way of entring into the holy of Holies , to win unto it through the exercise of Faith ? Are not all wisdoms wayes pleasantnesse , and are not all her paths peace ? Was not that just self-denial in one , that said , he would not take up a Crown though it were lying at his foot . But oh that cursed self-denial doth possesse the breasts of many ; so that though that Crown of immortal Glory and eternal blessednesse be lying at your feet , yet ye will not imbrace it , nor take it up . Is not the hatred of many to Christ covered with deceit , and therefore , Your iniquity shall be declared before the Congregation . Now that what we have spoken upon this , might be more clear , and that the nature of ●ustifying Faith be not mistaken , We would have you taking notice of these things . 1. That the grace of Faith doth not justifie Christian , as it is a work ; or because of any inherent excellency and dignity that is in this grace , above any other graces of the Spirit ; ●ut Faith doth alone justifie a Christian instrumentally and objectively ; that is , it is ●hat by which a Christian is just , by laying hold ●n the precious object of it , the righteousness of Christ. And to clear this , we would only have you knowing this , That Faith doth juifie , as it closeth with Christ ; but not because 〈◊〉 closes with Christ , which some vainly are ●old to assert ; because there is not any dig●ity or worth in the act of Faith , in closing with Christ that can be the foundation of our ●ustification , else it were to confound that precious decreet of free grace . 2. There is this that we would have you all knowing ; That Faith is not the instrument of Justification , ( as Justification is taken in an active sense , ) though it is the instrument of Justification , as it is taken in a passive sense : and the ground of this conclusion is this , because it is impossible that any action in man can be an instrument of any action in God : And therefore that phrase that you have so ordinarily spoken of , That Faith justifieth , it is thus to be resolved , That we are justified by Faith. 3. There is this that we would have you knowing , that betwixt a Christians closing by Faith with the righteousnesse of Jesus Christ , and the justification of a sinner , I say , there is no natural and indispensible connexion betwixt these two : but onely there is a connexion of divine appointment , and of free grace , though we conceive there is a natural aptitude in the grace of Faith , to lay hold on the righteousnesse of Christ , more then there is in any other grace of the Spirit , as ye may see there is a more natural aptitude and fitnesse in the hand to receive then in any other organ of the body . 4. There is this also that we would have you knowing , that a Christian in his first closing with Christ , Christ ( considered as crucified ) is the immediate object of his Faith , and not Christ considered in his personal excellencies . Hence it is often in Scripture , that Christ as crucified , is holden forth as the immediate object of justifying Faith ; as is clear , Rom. 3. 5 , 24 , 25. And the ground of this assertion is this , because that it is the formall object of justifying Faith , which doth formally justifie the sinne● ; and on which Faith doth immediately lay hold as a ransome to satisfie justice , and as a righteousnesse in which the soul dare venture to be found when it shall stand before the Judgement seat of God ; And certainly , this is Christ as obedient to the death of the crosse . And it is likewise clear , that the thing which doth engage the soul to Christ , is not onely because he is good in himself , but because he is good to us . 5. And there is this lastly , that we would have you knowing , That though faith doth alone justifie , yet Faith doth not justifie being alone : Hence is that which we have so often in Schooles , Fides justificat solum , licet non solitariè , that Faith justifieth alone , though not being alone ; as Iames doth speak , Faith without works is dead , and is of no effect . Now that which secondly we shall speak to , shall be this ; To point out to you some differences betwixt justifying Faith , which is in a real Believer , and temporary Faith which is in an Hypocrite , and one that is destitute of that everlasting hope , though he do pretend to have it . And first , That there is such a thing as temporary Faith , is clear from Luk. 8. 13. It is said there of some ▪ That they believed for a season , yea , in Acts 8. 13. It is said of Simon Magus ( who was in the gall of bitternesse , and in the bond of iniquity ) he believed . And these in Ioh 2. 23. When they did behold the miracles , they believed on Iesus Christ : and yet we conceive , that their faith was not sincere , and so this was not saving Faith. And indeed ye may see a difference betwixt these two in the very name temporary ; for this is such a Faith as doth not continue long with him that hath it , but doth evanish and passe away ; for as this is certain , that an hypocrite will not always call upon God , Iob 27. 10. So that is also certain , that a hypocrite will not alwayes believe in God. I tell you , that the longest time a hypocrite doth keep his Faith , Iob hath set down in his 18. Chap. vers . 14. Their hope ( saith he ) shall bring them to the king of terrours , and then it shall be rooted out of them and their tabernacle ; their faith will bring them no further then the gates of death , and then their faith will flee away as a dream , and evanish as a vision of the night . II. There is this difference likewise betwixt them , That temporary Faith , it closeth with Christ as a Saviour , and for righteousnesse , but it closeth not with Christ as a Prince , and for Sanctification ; but justifying Faith taketh Christ as well for a Prince , as it taketh him for a Saviour : and if Solomon did discern who was the true Mother of the childe by that , that she who would have the childe divided , was not the mother of the childe ; so we may say ▪ that they who would divide Christ in his Offices , it is an evidence that they are not among these who are actually made partakers of the Adoption of children ; there is somewhat of this pointed at in Ioh. 6. 66. where that which made many who were his disciples ( and did once believe ) desert him , was because of the hardnesse of his command , This is an hard saying , who can hear it ? And it is certain that it is a greater difficulty for a Christian to take Christ as a Prince , then as a Saviour : for by that he must make an absolute resignation of himself over to Chrrst , never to be reduced . O when saw you such a sight of Christ , that ye were constrained to cry our ( without a complement ) to him ; Truly I am thy servant ▪ I am thy servant ? O were ye never ravished with one of his eyes , nor overtaken with one chain of his neck ? Believe me , they who see him thus , do believe that His commands are not grievous . III. There is this difference , that temporary Faith is attained unto , without the exercise of the Law , but justifying Faith is not attained to without some measure of the exercise of the Law : this is clear , Mark 4. 5. where speaking of these temporary believers , it is said of them , that the fruit did immediately spring up , &c. Are there not some ( it may be here ) who think they do believe , and yet were never in any measure trembling under the discovering & condemning power of the Law ? Is not that a mystery , that one should bring forth without travelling ? And is not this a mystery in Christianity , that one should believe before he hath found the pa●gs of the New ▪ birth . I am afraid of this , that many of us have taken up our Religion at our foot : for there are many who take up Religion before Religion take them up . But would ye know the properties of a Christians Faith ? It is a begotten Faith , 1 Pet. 1. 2. and not a Faith that is taken up at our pleasure : And I would only say these two things to you , be perswaded of this , that hypocrisie may be spun with a ve●p small threed : so that the most discerning Christian cannot take up that desperate enmity that is in them . How long did Iudas lu●k under the name of a Saint , even with these that were most discerning ? And there is this that we would say , that among all these that shall be eternally excommunicate from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of his power , Hypocrites in Sion shall have the bitterest cup of Divine indignation presented unto them . Hence it is , that Christ , when he would tell the worst company that one shall have in hell , it is alwayes this : ye shall go to that place where hypocrites and sinners are : and so it would be of your concernment , that by the candle of the Lord ye would search the inward parts of the belly , before ye go down to the grave with a lie in your right hand ; a deceiving heart having turned you aside . We confesse it is sad to consider these anxious disappointments that many in those dayes shall once meet with . IV. But there is this last difference betwixt justifying Faith , and temporary Faith , That there are three precious effects of justifying Faith , which a temporary believer cannot win to . 1. To be denyed to all his enjoyments and attainments , and walk humbly under them , for we may say , that it is impossible for an hypocrite to be denyed to his enjoyments , he maketh such a deity of them , and worships them , or rather he worshippeth himself in them . There are three great graces that a hypocrite doth pursue after , ( though he rather seeketh them as gifts than as graces : ) Knowledge , Prayer , and Humility : And though it be but little that he can attain of any of the three , ( or rather nothing in a saving way ) yet least of all can he attain to the last , yea , we may judge that there is alwayes within his bosome a standing conviction , that he could never win unto that gracious grace of humility . O could ye never win to this , to count your own righteousnesse as filthy rags , and to rejoice alone in the righteousnesse of a crucified Saviour ? I would press this upon you by the way ( O Christians of this generation ) forget your perfections ; and remember your imperfections ; have a holy oblivion of your attainments , but have a Divine remembrance of your short comings , look more to what is before unperfected , nor to what is behind , and thus shall you evidence true justifying Faith. 2. It is an effect of justifying Faith to be under some constant and Divine impression of the preciousnesse of Jesus Christ , according to that word , 1 Pet. 2. 7. To you who believe , Christ is precious ; It is not said , that Christ was precious , or shall be precious , but it is said , He is precious , which doth import , ( as we use to speak ) a continued act ; Did ye never know what it was to dwell twenty four hours under the impression of the matchlesse excellency and precious worth of a crucified Saviour ? I will pose you with this . Are there not some here ( and elsewhere ) that passe under the notion of Saints , that never knew what it was to dwell half an hour under these high and elevaring thoughts of the preciousnesse of Jesus Christ ? So that wee professe we cannot tell whether we shall call him precious or undervalued : but wee may conjoyn these two names together ; that he is precious ( and yet ) undervalued Christ. 3 ▪ By true justifying Faith , a Christian winneth to mortification of his invisible and predominant lusts , which is impossible for a temporary Believer to win to . And is there not a great difference betwixt an Idol when it is cast out , and an Idol when it goeth out ? I will tell you the great mortification of hypocrites , the devil was living in them as one that was a black one , and now hee cometh again and transformeth himself into an Angel of light : He was living in them before by his spirit of prosanity , and now hee liveth in them by the spirit of hypocrisie , and counterfeiting of these things that were never clear attainments , while it is the noble dignity of Faith , Act. 15. 9. To purifie the heart . But are there not many here who never knew what it was to mortifie one lust for Christ ? Can such a delusion overtake you O●athiests ▪ That ye shall reign with Christ , if ye die not with him ? There is an opinion vented in these dayes , that there may be repentance in heaven , and I think it would seem that the Christians of this age have much of that opinion , we are so little in repentance while we are here below : but know that Faith and Sanctification are two inseparable companions : And let me tell you , if ye would know the compend of the precious exercise of Faith ? It is this , Faith hath three great things , that it perpetually contemplates and views . 1. Faith looketh to the promise , and there it doth rejoyce and rest upon it . 2. Faith looketh to the duties that are commanded , and there it cryeth out , Here am I , I will obey and hearken unto the voice of the word . And , 3. Faith looketh to the crown , and there it doth exult and sweetly rejoyce in divine expectation . And O what a sight is that , to behold that everlasting Prince standing at the end of our race , having a crown in his right hand , with this Motto ingraven on it , Hee that persevereth to the end shall be saved ? And what a Faith suppose yee shall it be thought when wee shall get on that immortal Crown of blessednesse ? What think ye is the exercise of these that are above ? O heaven , heaven , if we did know it , would we not be in a holy extasie of desire , till we were there ! And blessed be he eternally , that hath purchased that precious felicity to us . Now we shall at this time shut up our discourse , by speaking a little to these things , in which a Christian doth ordinarily meet with assurance of his interest in God , and is put to the divine actings of the grace of Faith , for there are some sealing times to a Christian. I. The first time of the sealing is , after the mortification of some predominante lust and idol , then they are admitted to read their names in these precious and ancient records of heaven , and to see ( in these Books ) their unworthy names written by the hand of that everlasting Prince . This is clear , Rev. 2. 17. To him that overcometh will I give a white stone , and in the stone a new name written , that no man knows , saving he that receiveth it . And from that 2 Tim. 4. 8. Believe mee , more mortification would make more believing , but would ye know the original of misbelief ? It is the want of exercise of spiritual mortification of our lusts . I know not where the most part of us intendeth to lodge at night , but this is certain , that wee live with much contentment with our lusts , and these predominant idols that doth so much possesse us . II. It is readily a sealing time to a Christian , when hee is admitted to the divine enjoyment of these satisfying delights that are to be found in Christ : When was it that the Spouse cryed out so often , My beloved is mine , and I am his ? Was it not when she was brought to the banqueting house , and his banner over her was love ? Believe mee , more communion with an absent Christ , would make more intimation ( in a divine manner ) of our peace with him : wee desire to blesse these that are above the reach of all these disputings , and questionings that wee are so much subject unto . III. This is a sealing time to a Christian , when hee is much in the exercise 〈◊〉 secret Prayer , and of much conversing , and corresponding with God in that duty , as is clear from that word in Dan. 9. 21. when Daniel was praying at the evening oblation , in the ●3 . verse he meets with a divine intimation of his peace with God , O man greatly beloved of God ; as the Original hath it , O man of great desires ; for he was desirable indeed , and precious to him who holdeth the Saints in his ●ight hand . IV. This is also a sealing-time to a Christian , when hee is called to the exercise of some great work , and is to be put upon some eminent holy employment , this is clear , Ier. ● 5. Where Ieremiah being called to preach the Gospel unto such a rebellious people , ●hen hee hath this eternal election declared ●nto him : Before thou wast formed in the womb , I knew thee ; Christ , as it were , giveth them that , to be meat to them for fourty dayes , and that in the strength of it , they may go many a dayes journey . V. There is also another sealing time : When ● Christian is first begotten to a precious and everlasting hope : for when at first Christians begin to be acquaint with Christ , even then sometimes he declareth to them his boundless and everlasting love : And that is the ground why some of those who are but babes in Christ , ●re so much in the exercise of diligence , so much in the exercise of the grace of love , and ●o much in the exercise of the grace of tendernesse , it is even because of the solemn impression of their interest in Christ , that , as it ●ere , they are daily taken in to read their own names in legible letters , in the Lambs book of life . VI. And there is this last time , that is ● sealing time to a Christian , and that is , when he is put under some sad and afflicting dispensation : When the furnace is hot seven times more then ordinary , Then doth God condescen●●o manifest himself to his own : When was it that Iohn met with most of the revelation● of Heaven ? Was it not when hee was in the Isle of Patmos , for the testimony of Jesus Christ● Kingdom , and patience of our blessed Lord ? Rev. 1. 9. And in that place , 2 Cor. 4. 16. Though our outward man decay , yet our inward man is renewed day by day . Now wee would presse you to bee more serious in the exercise of this precious grace ▪ And I shall tell you the compend of Christianity in these few words . 1. By faith to solace your selves in Christs invisible vertues and excellencies . And , 2. by hope , to be● viewing that precious Crown , and these everlasting dignities that are to bee given to the Saitns . And , 3 ▪ by mortification , to be crucifying your idols . And , 4. by patience ▪ to bee possessing your souls , untill once ye● shall passe through that dark land , to tha● valley of everlasting delight . And as fo● those that contemne , and undervalue th● bloud of this everlasting Covenant ( and 〈◊〉 would have all these that delight not in closing with Christ , and these who have no● misbelief as their crosse , to consider this ) The wrath of the living and eternal God do●● abide upon them who do not believe , according ●● that word , Ioh. 3. 36. He that believeth ●●ot , the wrath of God abideth on him . It is a remarkable phrase ; because of this the wrath of God will not bee a Pilgrime to a mishbe●ever , that will turn aside to tarry but for 〈◊〉 night , but the wrath of God ( to them who will not believe ) shall bee their houshold ●ompanion , and shall dwell with them ; and ●o , wo to them eternally , who have this sad ●nd everlasting companion to abide with ●hem , the wrath of a living God. There is ●ne thing we would have these knowing , that among all these who are eternally to bee dearted from Jesus Christ , misbelievers are put ●● the foremost rank , Rev. 21. 8. There he is to ●ut away the fearful and unbelieving . And ●om 2 Thess 1. 18. When Christ shall come from heaven with ten thousand of his Saints , ( What ●o do ) It is even to execute vengeance on th●se ●hat obey not the truth of the Gospel ▪ that is , who do not believe . And I pose your own hearts with this , whether or not your names ●ee written there in that ●oll , among these sho shall be cut off ? And that word , 2 Thes. ● . 12. That they might be damned who believed ●ot , but took pleasure in unrighteousnesse . O but ●he wrath of a dying Christ , and of a crucifi●d Saviour is dreadful ! It is more sad and ter●ible then the wrath of God should have been 〈◊〉 Christ had not died . I will tell you ( O ●ypocrites in Sion ) the worst news that ever were published in your e●●s , and it is this , Christ died and rose again , ( and to those that ●re begotten to a lively hope , they are glad ●●dings of great joy , and therein they may comfort themselvs ) but ye may wear a rough garment to deceive , and go to heaven in your own apprehension : But , O the sad disappointment that is waiting on many such ▪ And to close with this , we would obtest you ▪ as ye would answer to your terrible & dreadfull Judge , that shall stand one day upon his Throne , which he shall fix in the clouds , we obtest you by all the joyes of heaven , and we obtest you by all the everlasting pains of hell ▪ and we obtest you by all the curses that are written within the volume of this Book , and by all the sweet & comfortable promises that are in this everlasting Gospel , and by the love that ye owe to your immortal souls , and as ye would not crucifie Christ afresh , believe , and imbrace the offers which are presented now unto you . Know ye whether or not this shall be the last summonds that ye shall get to believe ? That so , if ye do reject it , Christ shall come from heaven , and pronounce that sad and lamentable sentence to you , Depart from me 〈◊〉 cursed , I know you not . Now , to him that ca● blesse these things to you , we desire to give praise . SERMON III. 1 Joh. 3. 23. This is his Commandment that ye should believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , &c. IT was a command that Solomon gave unto his Son , Prov. 22. 26. That he should not be surety for debt , nor should be one of those that stricketh hands ; But , O! what spotlesse breaches of that Command hath our blessed Lord Jesus committed , when he did condescend to be surely for our debt , and to pay that , that was impossible for us to satisfie ? Hath not Christ made a precious exchange with sinners ? He wreathed about his own precious neck , that bond and yoke of our iniquities , and hath given to us that unweariable , easie , and portable yoke of his Commandements ; among which this is ●ne , That wee should believe on him . Spotlesse Christ was made sin for us ▪ that sinful we might be made the righteousnesse of God in him : And is not this the condemnation of the world , that we will not believe in him ? that wee will not delight ourselves in loving of Him ( And I would say this to you , that though you should weep the one half of your dayes , and pray the other half , yet , if ye want this noble grace of Faith ▪ Your righte●usnesse shall be but like a menstruous cloath and filthy rags before him : for what is pray●ng without believing , but a taking of His ●lessed Name in vain ? What is our confer●ing upon the most divine and precious Truths of God , without believing ? Is it not ● lying to the holy Ghost , and a flattering of God with our mouth ? And we would have you knowing this , that there is a sweet harmony that is now madeup betwixt Moses and Christ , betwixt the Law and the Gospel . The Law bringeth us to Christ as a Saviour , and Christ bringeth us back again ●o the Law to be a rule of our walk , to which we must subject our selves . So then , would ye know the compend of a Christian● walk ? It is a sweet travelling betwixt mount Sinai and mount Sion , betwixt Moses and Christ , betwixt the Law and the Gospel . And we conceive that the more deep that the exercise of the Law be in a Christians conscience , before his closing with Christ , there is so much the more precious and excellent advantages waiting for him . I. There is this advantage that waiteth on the deep exercise of the Law : that it is the way to win to much establishment in the Faith , when once we begin to close with Christ. O Christians , would ye know that which maketh the superstructure and building of grace to be within you , as a bowing wall and as a tottering fence ? ( So that oftentimes y● are in hazard to raze the foundation ) it is this , Yee were not under the exercise of the Law before your believing in Jesus Christ. There are some who do not abide three dayes at mount Sinai , and these shall not dwel● many dayes at mount Sion . II. There is this advantage that waiteth on the deep exercise of the Law , it maketh Christ precious to a mans soul. What is that which filleth the soul of a Christian● with many high and excellent thoughts of Christ ? Is it not this , to have the Law registrating our Band , and putting us ( as we use to speak ) to the horn ? that is , to have the Law cursing us , and using the sentence of condemnation against us . That which maketh us have such low and undervaluing thoughts of precious Christ , is , because the most part of us are not acquainted with the deep and serious exercise of the Law : that is a mystery to the most part of Christians practice . Ye know that there were four streams which went out from the Paradise of God , into which man was first placed : And so we may say , that there are four golden streams , by which lost and destroyed man is brought back again to this Eden and Paradise of everlasting delights . First , there is the precious stream of Christs righteousnesse , by which we must be justified . And secondly , There is that stream of his Sanctification , by which we must be purified . Thirdly , There is that stream of the Wisedom of Christ , by which we must be conducted through this wildernesse wherein we have lost our way . And fourthly , There is that stream of Christs Redemption , by which we must be delivered from the power of our enemies , and must turn the Battel in the gate . It is by the Redemption of Christ that we shall once sing that triumphant song , O Death , where is thy sting ? O Grave , where is thy victory ? O but all these streams will be sweat and refreshing to a soul that is hotly pursued by the Law. So long as we see not the uglinesse of our leprosie in the glasse of the Law , we have our own Abana and Parphar , that we think may do our turn : but when once our case is truly laid open to us , then will we be content to wash our selves in Iordan seven times . III. There is this advantage that waiteth on the deep exercise of the Law , that it maketh a Christian live constantly under the impression of the sinfulnesse of sin . What is it that maketh sin exceeding sinfull to a Christian ? Is it not this , He hath been fourty dayes in Moses School ? And we conceive that the ground why such fools as we make a mock of sin , is , because we know not what it is to be under the power of his wrath and the apprehensions of the indignation of God. But now to come to that which we intend to speak of : We told you , at the first occasion that we spake upon these words , that there were many excellent things concerning the grace of Faith , holden forth in them . The first thing ( which was holden forth concerning this radicall grace of Faith ) was the infinite advantage that redoundeth to a Christian through the exercise of Faith , and giving obedience to this command : which we cleared to be holden forth , not onely from the scope , but also from the nature of this command . And now to speak a little to the point , we shall propose these considerations , that may abundantly shew how advantagious ● thing this excellent grace of Faith is . I. The first Consideration , that speaketh it , is this , That Faith maketh Christ precious to a soul , according to that word , 1 Pet. 2. 7. To you that believe , Christ is precious . And we would have you knowing this , that Faith maketh Christ more precious to a soul , nor sense , or any other thing can make him . And first , Faith maketh Christ more precious nor sense , because the estimation which the grace of Faith hath of Christ , it is builded upon the excellency of his Person : but the estimation of sense it is builded upon the excellency of his actings : so that , because he is such to them , therefore they love and esteem him . But that Heroick grace of Faith , it taketh up the excellency of Christs person , and that maketh him precious to them . Secondly , Faith makes Christ more precious then sense , because sense looketh to that love which Christ manifesteth in his Face , and in his Hands , and in his Feet : but Faith looketh to that love which is in his heart . Sense will cry forth , Who is like to thee ? whose countenance is like Lebanon , excellent as the Cedar : whose hands are as gold rings , set with Beryl , and whose legs are like pillars of Marble set in sokets of Gold. Sense will look to the smylings of Christ , and will wonder ; it will look to his dispensations and actings , and will be constrained to cry out , Who is like unto thee ▪ But the grace of Faith solaceth it self in the Fountain from whence all these springs and sweet inundations of love do flow . Thirdly , Faith maketh Christ more precious then Sense ; because Faith looketh not only to what Christ is presently , but unto what Christ is from eternity before time , and what Christ shall be unto eternity after time ; But sense onely doth look to what Christ is presently . And ye must conceive , that the sweet travelling of Faith betwixt infinite love from eternity before , and infinite love unto eternity after , must make Faith to fall in a sea of wondering , and raiseth the thoughts to the highest pito● of desire and estimation . Fourthly , We may likewise adde , that the impression of the preciousnesse of Christ , which sense maketh upon the soul , it is not so constant , not so single , as that which faith doth make . O but the grace of Faith giveth the Christian a broad look of Christ , and letteth him see Christ cloathed with ornaments of Glory , and divine Majesty . Sense followeth Christ rather that it might see his Miracles ; and Love , that it may be fed with Loaves ; but Faith follows Christ for himself above all . II. The second consideration to speak the advantage of it , is , that the grace of Faith , it hath , as it were , an arbitrary power with God ; so that whatsoever a Christian shall seek in Faith , hee shall receive it . It is the noble gift that was once given to Faith , that it should never seek any thing and bee denyed , according to that word in Matth. 21. 22. And all things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer , believing , ye shall receive it : And that word in Joh. 15. 7. Abide in me , that is , believe , and the promise is annexed to this , whatsoever ye shall ask , yee shall receive : And it is clear likewise from the preceeding verse to our Text , that if we obey this command of Faith , Whatsoever we shall ask of God , we shal receive it . And I would speak these two things to you from this . First , That oftentimes Christ putteth a blank in a Christians hand , who is much in the exercise of Faith , according to that in Matth. 20. 32. Is there not an ample blank put into that mans hand , What wilt thou that I should do unto thee ? Christ desireth him to fill up that blank with what he would ; And secondly , There is this which is one of the greatest steps of Christs matchlesse condescendency , that oftentimes when his own have sought in their presumption a blank to be put in their hand , Christ condescendeth to give it , according to that strange passage in Mark 10. 35 , 36. The two disciples who present this desire to Christ , We desire , say they , That whatsoever we ask , thou shall give it unto us , and presently that is answered , What will ye that I should do for you ? Christ hath an infinite good will to satisfie the desires of his own : and that which yet more speaketh out Christs boundlesse good will , to satisfie the desires of all that belong to him ; It may be cleared in that word , Ioh. 16. 24. Where he chargeth his Disciples with this , Hitherto ( saith he ) have ye asked me nothing ; ye must not suppose that Peter , Iames and Iohn never sought a sui● of Christ , but the meaning of that expression is this , ye sought nothing in comparison of that , which I was willing to give , and which your necessity did call for at my hands , which ye should have sought . III. There is this third consideration to point out the advantage of Faith , It is that grace , that keepeth all the graces of the spirit in life and exercise ; Faith is that higher wheel , at the motion of which , all the lower wheels do move ; If so wee may speak , Faith is that Primum mobile , that first moves and turns about all these lower graces of the Spirit , according to that , 2 Pet. 1. 5. Adde to your faith , vertue , and to your vertue , patience , and to your patience , brotherly kindnesse . First , The grace of Faith keepeth in exercise the grace of Love , as is clear , Eph. 3 17. where these two Graces are conjoyned : As likewise from Rom. 5. 1. compared with verse 5. Being justified by faith . Then this effect followeth upon it , The love of God is shed abroad in our hearts : And so it is certain , that Faith keepeth Love in Life . Faith ( being the Spy of the soul , and that Intelligencer , and precious Messenger ) it goeth out , and bringeth in objects unto Love , Faith draweth aside the vail , and love sitteth down and solaceth it self in the discoveries of Faith. Secondly , The grace of Faith likewise , it keepeth the grace of Mortification in exercise : as is clear not only from Ephes. 6. 6. but from 1 Ioh. 5. 4. This is our victory whereby we overcome the world , even our faith ; And it is certain , that Faith keepeth mortification in exercise , and advanceth holinesse , not only because of this , that Faith is that grace that presenteth to a Christian the absolute purity and spotlesse holinesse of Jesus Christ : but also because it maketh them esteem their idols tastlesse as the white of an egge , and they become unto them as their sorrowfull meat . The best principle of mortification is this , the discoveries of the invisible vertues of Jesus Christ. That mortification which a●iseth from the lovely discoveries of the excellency of Jesus Christ , is most real and abiding , as these waters which riseth from the highest springs are not onely constant , but likewise most deep and excellent . Thirdly , Faith likewise hath influence upon mortification , as it doth take hold of that infinit strength that is to Christ , by which a Christian is inabled to mo●●ifie his corruptions . Fourthly ▪ Faith likewise maketh application of the bloud of sprinkling , by which wee are purified from dead works . Fifthly , Likewise the grace of Faith keepeth in exercise the grace of Humility , as is clear ▪ Rom. 3. 27. By what Law , saith he , is boasting excluded ? It is not by the Law of Works , but by the Law of Faith. Sixthly , Faith keepeth in exercise the grace of joy , as is clear , Rom. 15. 13. Now the God of hope fill you with all joy , and peace in believing : So that ye see the proper fruit of Faith is , joy in the Holy Ghost . And certainly , did wee believe more , wee should rejoyce more . Seventhly , and lastly , Faith keepeth in exercise the grace of hope : for it is impossible for hope to bee in lively exercises , except Faith once bee exercised : which may bee a shame unto you ; For how can wee hope to attain the thing that is promised , except our faith first close with the promise ? So there is this difference betwixt the grace of Faith , and the grace of Hope : the grace of Faith closeth with the promises , but the grace of Hope , it closeth with the thing that is promised . IV. There is this fourth Consideration , that may speak out the excellency of the grace of Faith ; It is that grace , by which a Christian doth attain to most divine fellowship , and constant correspondency with Heaven . Would yee have that question resolved and determined , What is the best way , Not to stir up our beloved , nor awake him untill he please ? It is this , be much in the grace of Faith : this is clear from Eph. 3. 17. That Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith : By the exercise of all other graces , Christ is but a sojourner , That turneth aside to tarry but for a night ; but by the exercise of this grace , he cometh to take up house with us . I will tell you what faith is , It is a ladder that reacheth betwixt heaven and earth : by the steps of which , a Christian doth daily go up to heaven , and converse with the higher House . Faith is that grace , ( as the Apostle speaketh ) by which wee have accesse to the Throne of his grace . Faith ushers in the Believer to the Throne : and without it hee cannot have accesse there , nor joy when he is there . V. Here is this advantage that attendeth the exercise of Faith ; A believing Christian is a praying Christian : according to that word in Mark 9. 24. where these two are conjoyned together , Lord , I believe : and then hee falleth to his prayer presently after that confession , Help thou my unbelief . And it is clear from Psal. 63. 1. O God ▪ thou art my God , early will I seek thee , my soul thirsteth for thee . And sometimes Faith is a most impatient grace : but we may alwayes say of it , that it is a most diligent grace . Oh is it not the neglect of this precious exercise of faith and of the duty of secret Prayer , that makes our leannesse testisie to our Face , and maketh our souls as a barren wildernesse ? I am perswaded of this , ( that since Christ had any followers , and since ever this everlasting Go●pel was preached in Paradise ) the exercise of secret prayer was never so much neglected . Wee have turned over all our prayers into complements with God. We know not what ●t is to rise at mid-night and call upon God , and to inquire after our Maker under the silent watches of the night . O but it is a sweet di●ersion from sleep , to retire our selves ( in the ●ilent seasons of the night ) from all thoughts ●bout ▪ worldly matters , and to converse with ●hat invisible Majesty . VI. There is this sixth consideration to ●oint out the advantage of Faith : That Faith ●s that grace that doth facilitate a Christians obedience , and maketh it most pleasant and ●asie ; This is clear from Heb. 11. 8. By faith Abraham , when commanded to go to a strange land , obeyed , and went out , not knowing whether ●e went : The word may be rendered , He did ●hearfully obey . And ver . 17. By faith he of●ered up his only Son. Would ye know the rea●on why his commands are your burden , and why his precepts are your crosses ? It is be●ause of this , Yee do not believe : And so it is most certain , that it is impossible for a Chri●tian to attain to a pleasant way of obedience , ●ithout the exercise of Faith. Faith holdeth ●p the Crown to a Christian , and this crown ●aketh him to obey . Faith gathereth strength ●rom Christ , and that strength maketh obe●ience very easie . Faith ●aketh up the excellency of Christ , and this maketh a Christian to look upon his duty , more as his dignity , then his duty . And we are perswaded of this , that our chariot wheel should move more swiftly , ( like the chariots of Aminadab ) if we were more in the exercise of the grace of Faith. Would ye know an answer to that question . What is the first most requisit for a Christian while here below ? Faith ; And what secondly is most requisit ? Faith ; And what thirdly is most requisit for a Christian ? even Faith. Faith above all things , and above all things , Faith. VII . There is another advantage of it , that by Faith our service and prayers are accepted of God. Would ye know what is the prayer of a Christian that is not in Faith ? I● is a smoak in his nostrils , and a fire that burneth all the day . The unbelievers sacrifice is an abomination to the Lord. This is clear from Heb. 11. 4. By faith Abel offered up unto God a more acceptable sacrifice then Cain ; and we conceive that there are many unanswered prayers which we do put up , because we want that noble exercise of Faith. VIII . And lastly , we shall likewise add● this , that Faith is the gra●e by which a Christian hath that perfect and immediate sight ( as it were ) of great things that are promised to him ; Faith bringeth a Christian withi● sight of Heaven , and Faith bringeth a Christian within sight of God ; according to tha● word , Heb. 11. 1. Faith is the evidence ● things not seen , and that noble pa●adox , th●● is said of Faith , Heb. 11. 27 ▪ By faith Mos●● saw him that is invisible . Is it not an impossible thing , to see that , which cannot be seen ? But the meaning of it is this , That Faiths discoveries of God , are as certain and sure , as the discoveries of our bodily eyes are : Faith is an intelligent grace , yea , it is a most sure and infallible grace ; What will Faith not do ? And what can yee do who want Faith ? Now to enforce the advantages and excellencies of Faith a little more , wee shall propose to you the disadvantages of that wofull sin of unbelief . I. There is this disadvantage of the sin of unbelief , that all the actions that proceed from an unbeliever , they are impure and defiled , according to that in Tit. 1. 15. But unto them that are defiled , and unbelieving is nothing pure ; but even their mind and conscience is defiled . Their prayer is unclean : yea , ( as Solomon speaketh ) their plowing is sin : yea their going about the most excellent duties ( for matter ) is an abomination to God , according to that word , Rom. 14. 23. What ever is not of faith , is sin . So the want of Faith is the great polluter of all our actions and of all our performances . II. There is this second disadvantage of misbelief , that it is impossible for one in the exercise of unbelief , to mo●tifie a lust or idol : and wee may allude unto these words in Matth. 17. 20. When his disciples came to him and asked this question , Why could wee not cast out this devil ? That was given as an answer , because of your unbelief : Unbelief is that , which taketh up arms for our idols ; and doth most strongly defend them : for there is nothing that will kill corruption so much , as the exercise of faith : and when that is laid aside , we have laid by our weapons , and have in a manner concluded ● treaty of peace with our idols , that we shall not offend them , if they offend not us . III. There is this disadvantage that waiteth upon the sin of unbelief , that such an one cannot win nor attain to the grace of establishment , but is alwayes as the waves of the sea , tossed to and fro , untill once hee win to the exercise of Faith , as is clear from Isa. 7. 9 ▪ Except ye believe , ye shall not be established . IV. There is this disadvantage that waiteth on it ; it is the mother of hardnesse and stupidity of heart , according to that word in Mark 16. 14. Where he upbraideth then because of their unbelief , and then that danger followeth , to wit , hardnesse of heart , this is clear also from Act. 19. 9. Where these two sister ▪ devils are conjoyned and locked together , unbelief and hardnesse of heart , because it is unbelief indeed , that hindereth all the graces , by which the grace of tendernesse must be maintained . V. There is this disadvantage in the sin of unbelief , that it is big with childe of apostacy from God , and of defection from him , according to that word , Heb. 3. 12. Beware lest there be in any of you , an evil heart of unbelief ( and there the fruit of it ) to depart from the living God. And certainly it is no wonder , that unbelief travel in birth , till that cursed childe of Apostacy be brought forth ; not onely because of this , that an unbelieve● loseth the thoughts of the excellency of Christ , but also because he increaseth in his thoughts of love towards his idols ; for Christ doth decrease in those who misbelieve , and their idols do increase in their love , and in their desires , and in their estimation . VI. There is this sixth disadvantage in the sin of unbelief , it hindereth the communication of many signall workings and tokens of the love and favour of the most High , according to that sad word that is in Mat. 13. 58. at the close , He could not do many mighty works there because of their unbelief . Unbelief , as it were , laid a restraint on Christ , that he could not effectua●e these things which he was willing to perform . And ( to shut up our discourse at this time ) I would only adde these two aggravations , which may somewhat enforce what we have spoken ; ( I say ) there are these two aggravations in the sin of unbelief , even in his own who have a right ( and also his call ) to believe : 1. That after Christ hath given most sensible discoveries of himself , Wherein yee have seen him , as it were , face to face , yet wee will not believe : this is clear from Ioh. 6. 36. Though ye have seen me , saith Christ , yet yee do not believe in me . There is not a manifestation of Christs presence , but it is a witnesse against you , because of your unbelief . Would ye heat the voice of sense , that is rectified ? It is this , believe on the Son of God. Secondly , That notwithstanding of the signal demonstrations of the power of Christ , yet , though it were the mortifying of some lust and idol within them , yet they will not believe , but upon new temptations will doubt of his love to them . Christ preacheth faith by his Word , He preacheth faith by His fufferings , He preacheth faith by his dispensations , He preacheth faith by his promises , he preacheth faith by his rods , and if these five instruments will not ingage your hearts to believe , what can move them ? Do not his two wounds in his precious hands , preach out this point of Faith , believe him ▪ Doth not that hole opened in his side , preach this Doctrine , That we should believe in him . And these two wounds , that he received in his precious feet , do they not preach this , That we should believe on a crucified Saviour ? And we would only say this , that sometime it is the case of his own , that after the convictions of this , that it is their duty to believe , and also after some desires to close with Christ , yet they find inability to close with him . Is it not certain that to will ( to believe ) is sometime present with you : but how to perform ye know not ? And I would have a Christian making this foursold use of such a dispensation as that , ( which is most ordinarily ) when convictions of our duty to believe , and some desires to close with Christ , is not followed with actual performances . 1. To study to have your convictions more deeply rooted within you ; for it doth sometimes follow , that resolutions and min●s to believe , are not blest with actual believing ; because the conviction of our duty to believe , is not deeply imprinted upon your conscience . 2. Be convinced of that desperate enimity ( and that mystery of iniquity ) that is within you , that yee can have some will to do , without ability to perform . Wee confesse , it is not an ordinary disease in these days , to have such a contrariety betwixt a Christians will and his practice , our will for the most part being no better then our practice ; But sometime it is , which may make you cry forth , O wretched man that I am , who shall deliver me from this body of death . 3. That ye would be much in the imploying of Christ , that as hee hath given you to will , so also hee might make you to do . Christ is about to convince his own in such a dispensation as that , That faith is the gift of God : Faith is so noble a grace , that it cannot be spinned out from our resolutions , nor from our endeavours ; Faith is such a divine plant , as the Fathers right hand must plant in our souls . 4. Let it convince you of the excellency of the grace of Faith ( for the difficulty of attaining to any thing may speak out the excellency of that thing ) there is no sin but it may be easily win at ; There is an easinesse and facility to overtake the paths of our idols : but the graces of the Spirit are so excellent things , that wee must fight before we attain them . And you who are strangers to Christ Iesus ( and have never known what ●t is to close with him ) wee would request you in Christs Name to be reconciled to him . What know ye , O men , ( or rather Atheists ) but this shall bee the last summonds that yee shall get to believe ? And that because yee disobey this precious summonds , there shall be one presented to you that yee cannot sit . I remember of one man , who looking upon many thousands that were under his command , weeped over them , when he considered how that within a few years all these should be laid in their graves , and should be in eternity . O but it were much of our concernment , to bee trying our selves how it is with us . We are not afraid that it is a breach of charity , to wish that but one of each ten that are within these doors , were heirs of the grace of life , and had the solide and spiritual expectation of heaven . I think , if Christ were to come presently to speak to us ; hee might not onely say to each twelve that are here , One of you shall betray me : but wee are afraid , that hee would say to each twelve that are here , Eleven of you shall betray mee , and but one only shall passe free . O doth it not concern you , to enquire where ye shall rest at night , when the long shadows of the everlasting evening shall be stretched out upon you ? I think there are some , that are so settled upon their lies , that if they were one day in hell , and saw all the torments that are there , and were brought from it the next day to live on earth , they would not repent . And more , there are some , that take them up one day to see the joyes of heaven , and bring them back again , they would ●ot pursue after these blessed and everlasting ●njoyments . O is not Christ much underva●ued by us ? But I must tell you this , One wo ● past , but behold another wo is fast coming . O ●he s●reighing of these spirits that are enter●d into their everlasting prison-house , out of which there is no redemption . What shall ●e your choise , when Christ shall come in the ●louds ? I am perswaded , there are many , ●o whom , at that day , this Doctrine would be ●avishing , viz. That there were not a death , ●hat there were not a God , and that there were ●ot an eternity . Oh! will yee believe , That ●he sword of the Iustice of God is bathed in hea●en , and shall come down to make a sacrifice , ●ot ▪ in the land of Idumea , nor in the land of Bozra ; but hee is to make a sacrifice among his ●eople , who seemed to make a Covenant with ●im by sacrifice . Ah , ah , shall we say that ? ●f that argument were used to many ▪ , that within fourty dayes they should bee at their ●ong and everlasting home , they would yet ●pend thirty nine of these days in taking plea●ure upon their lusts ▪ I am perswaded of ●his , that there are many who think that the ●ay betwixt heaven and earth is but one days ●ourney ; they think they can believe in one day , and triumph at night : But O! it shall ●e a short triumphing that such believers as ●hese shall have . Therefore , O study to close with a crucified Saviour , rest on him by faith , delight your selves in him with love , and let your souls be longing for the day when your ●oice shall bee heard in heaven ( and O how ●weet shall it be sung ) Arise , arise , arise , my love , my dove , my fair one , and come away : fo● behold your winter is past , your everlasting summer is come , and the time of the singing of birds is near : When Christ shall come over these mountains of Bether , hee shall cry , Behold I come : and the soul shall sweetly answer , Come Blessed Lord Iesus , Come . O what a life shall it be ! that with these two arms yee should eternally incircle Christ , and hold him in your arms , or rather be incircled by him ? Wait f●● him , for he shall come , and his reward is with him , and he shall once take home the wearied travellers of hope . SERMON IV. 1 Joh. 3. 23. This is his Commandment that ye should believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , &c. THere are two great and excellent gifts , which God in the depth of his boundlesse love hath bestowed on his own . First , There is that infinit gift and royal donation , his own beloved Son , Jesus Christ , which is called , The gift of God , Ioh. 4 10. And secondly , There is that excellent gift of the grace of Faith , which God hath bestowed upon his own , which is also called ▪ The gift of God , Ephes. 2. 8. Faith is the gift of God. And is it not certain , that these two gracious gifts ought to ingage ou● souls and hearts much unto him ? Infini●e Majesty could give no gift greater nor his S●● , and infinite poverty could receive , no ●●her gift so suitable as Christ ; It was the most noble gift that heaven could give , and it is the greatest advantage for earth to receive it . And wee could wish that the most part of the study and practice of men ( that is spent in pursuit after these low and transient vanities ) might bee once taken up in that precious pursuit after Christ. We could wish that all the questions and debates of the time were turned over into that soul concerning question , What shall we do to be saved ? And that all the questions , controversies , and contentions of the time were turned over into that divine contention and heavenly debate ▪ Who should be most for Christ , who should be most for exalting of the noble and excellent plant of ●enown ; and that all our judgings and searchings of other mens practices and estate might ●e turned over into that useful search , ●ro ●rove and examine our selves whether we be in ●he faith or not . And I would ask you this question , what are your thoughts concern●ng precious Christ , seeing he is that noble ●bject of Faith ? We would only have you ●aking along these things , by which Christ may be much commended to your hearts : First , There was never any that with the ●yes of Faith did behold the ma●ehlesse beau●y and transcendent worth of that crucified ●aviour , that returned his enemy . There is ●oul conquering vertue in the face of Christ , ●nd there is a heart captivating and over●oming power in the beau●y of Jesus Christ. ●his first sight that ever persecuting Saul got of Christ , it brought him unto an endless● captivity of love . Secondly , There is th● that we would say of precious Christ , whic● may engage our souls unto Him , that for al● the wrongs Believers do to Christ , yet hat● He never an evil word of them to His Fatthe● but commends them : which is clear fro● that of Ioh. 17. 6. where Christ doth con●mend the Disciples to the Father for th● grace of obedience , They have keeped th● Word : and for the grace of Faith , verse 8 ▪ They have believed that thou didst send me and yet were not the Disciples most defecti●● in obedience , both in this , That they did no●● take up their crosse and follow Christ : and al●● in that , they did not adhere to Him in th● day that He was brought to Cajaphas hall and were they not most defective in the gra●● of Faith ? as is clear from Matth. 17. 17. a●● likewise from Ioh. 14. 1. He is pressing the● to believe in Him , and yet He doth comme●● them to the Father , as most perfect in th● things . Thirdly , There is this that w● would lastly say of Him who is the noble o● ject of Faith , look to the eminent depth● Christs condescendency , and then ye will provoked to love Him. Was it not infi●●●● love that made Christ to ly three dayes in t●● grave , that we might be through all the ag● of Eternity with Him ? Was it not in f●●●● condescendency that made His precious he wear a crown of thorns , that we mig●● eternally wear a crown of Glory ? Was not infinite condescendency that made Chr●●● wear a purple robe , that so we might w●● that precious robe of the righteousnesse of ●he Saints ? And was it not matchlesse condescendency , that Christ , who knew no sin , was made sin for us , and like unto us , that so we might become like unto him , and be made the righteousnesse of God in Him. But to come to that which we intend main●y to speak upon at this time , which is that ●econd thing that we proposed to speak of ●rom these words : and that is concerning the excellency of this grace of Faith , which we cleared was holden out in that , that faith was called his commandment , which is so ●alled by way of eminency and excellency . There are many things in Scripture , which may sweetly point out the precious excel●ency of this grace of Faith , and we shall only ●peak to these things . I. The first thing that speaketh out the ●xcellency of Faith is this , it exerciseth it ●elf upon a most noble Object ( to wit ) Jesus Christ : Faith and love being the two arms ●f the immortal soul , by which we do im●race a crucified Saviour , which is often ●ointed at in Scripture : and we shall point ●t these three principall acts of Faith , which ●t exerciseth on Jesus Christ as the Object fit . 1. The first is , to make up an Union be●wixt Christ and the Believer ( Faith being ●ndeed an uniting grace , and that which ●nitteth the members to the head ) and to ●ake this more fully appear , we would point ●ut a little what sweet harmony and cor●espondency there is betwixt these two sister graces , ( to wit ) faith and love . Faith i● that nail , which fasteneth the soul to Chri●● and love is that grace which driveth that nai● to the head ; Faith at first taketh but a tender grip of Christ , and then love cometh i● and maketh the soul take a more sure grip o● him . Secondly , Ye may see that harmon● in this ; Faith is that grace which take● hold ( as it were ) of the garments of Chris● and of his words : but love ( that ambitio●● grace ) it taketh hold of the heart of Chris● and , as it were , his heart doth melt in th● hand of love . Thirdly , It may be seen i● this , Faith is that grace , which draweth th● first draught of the likenesse and image Christ upon a soul , but that ( accomplishin● grace of love , it doth compleat these fi●… draughts and these imperfect lineaments 〈◊〉 Christs Image , which were first drawn on th● soul. Fourthly , By faith and love the hea●● of Christ and of the Believer are so unite● that they are no more two , but one Spirit . 2. There is this second act that Faith 〈◊〉 exciseth on Christ , and it is in discovering t●● matchlesse excellencies , and the transce●dent properties of Jesus Christ , O wh●● large and precious commentaries doth fai●● make upon Christ ? It is indeed that faith ●●spy , which doth alwayes bring up a go●● report of him . Hence it is , that faith is c●●led understanding , Colos. 2. 2. Because it ●● that grace , which revealeth much of the pr●cious truth of that noble Object . 3. And there is this third noble act 〈◊〉 Faith , exercising it self upon Christ , 〈◊〉 maketh Christ precious to the soul , accor●ing to that word , 1 Pet. 2. 7. Unto you which ●elieve , hee is precious . And if there were ●o other thing to speak forth its worth , but ●●at , it is more then sufficient : for no doubt ●●is is the exercise of the higher House , to be ●welling on the contemplation of Christs ●eauty , and to have their ●ouls transported ●ith love towards him ; and with joy in ●im . Reason and amazement are seldome ●ompanions , but here they do sweetly joyn ●ogether ; First , a Christian loveth Christ , ●ecause of Christs actings , and then hee lo●eth all these actings because they come from Christ. II. Now secondly , this pointeth out the ●recious excellency of the grace of Faith , it ●● that grace which is most mysterious and ●ublime in its actings , it hath a more divine ●nd sublime way of acting then any other ●race ; Hence it called , The mystery of faith . ●hich speaketh this , that the actings of ●aith are mysteries to the most part of the world , and I shall only point at these things which may speak out the mysterious actings ●f the grace of Faith. 1. Faith can believe , and fix it self on a word of promise , although sense , reason and ●robability , seem to contradict the accom●lishment of that promise ▪ Faith it walketh ●ot by the low dictates of sense and reason ; ●ut by a higher rule , ( to wit ) The sure word ●f prophecie , which is clear from Rom. 4. 19. ●here Abraham believed the promise , notwith●anding that sense & reason seemed to contradict it : Hee considered not the deadnesse of his own body , neither the barrennesse of Sarahs womb , but was strong in the faith , giving glory to God : As it is clear from Heb. 11. 29 , 34. Where Faith believed their passing through the red sea , as through dry ground , which wa● most contrary to sense and reason : Faith believed the falling down of the walls of Iericho , by the blowing of rams horns . Which thing● are most impossible to sense and reason ; for sense will oftentimes cry out , All men are ●iars ; And reason will say , How can such a thing be ? And yet that Heroick grace of Faith cryeth out , Hath he spoken it : He will also do it , Hath he said it ? Then it shall come to passe . 2. Faith can believe a word of promise , notwithstanding that the dispensations of God seem to contradict it ; as was clear in Iob , who professed , Hee would trust in God , though he should kill him . And no doubt , but this was the practice of believing Iacob , hee trusted that that promise should bee accomplished , That the elder should serve the younger ; though all the dispensations of God , ( which he did meet with ) seemed to say , that promise should not be accomplished . 3. Faith can believe a word of promise , even when the Commands of God seem to contradict the accomplishment of that promise : This is clear in that singular instance of Abrahams faith , that notwithstanding hee was commanded to kill his promised seed , ( upon whom he did depend the accomplishment of the promises ) yet hee believed that ●e promises should bee performed . And ●●ough there were indeed extraordinary and ●range trials of his faith , as he had natural ●ffections to wrestle with ; yet over the bel● of all these , believing Abraham , he giveth ●aith to the promise , and bringeth his Isaac ●o the Altar ( though hee did receive him ●ack again ) this is clear from Heb. 11. 17 , ●8 , 19. 4. Faith can exercise it self upon the promise , notwithstanding that challenges and convictions of worthinesse and guilt do wait on the Christian ; This is clear , 2 Sam. 23. 5. That although his house was not so with God as did become , yet he believed the promise : As ●ikewise it is clear from Psal. 65. 3. Iniqui●ies prevail against mee : and yet that doth not interupt his Faith , but he saith , As for our ●●●●gressions thou shalt purge them away . And ●ertainly , i● were a noble and precious act of Faith to believe , notwithstanding of un●nswerable challenges of guilt ; the best way ●oth to crucifie our Idols , and to answer ●hese challenges , is believing And hoping a●ainst hope , and closing with Christ : This is most clear from Isa. 64. 6 , 7. compared with ●ers . 8. where after strange challenges , the prophet hath a strange word , But now , O Lord , ●hou art our Father . There is an Emphasis in ●he word ( now ) for all this , Yet thou art ( now ) our Father . 5. And lastly , this pointeth out the mysterious acting of the grace of Faith , that it exerciseth it self upon an invisible object , even upon Christ not yet seen , according to that word , 1 Pet. 5. 8. Whom having not seen , yet ye love , in whom though now ye see him not , yet believing , &c. I pose the greater part of you who are here , whether or not these bee two of the greatest Paradoxes and mysteries unto you ? For , is not this a mystery , to love him whom wee never saw ? Whom having not seen , yet ye love : To love an absent and unseen Christ , is a mystery to the most part of the world : and is not this a mystery , to believe on him whom we never saw ? In whom , though ye see him not , yet believing . And I shall adde this , that Faith can hold fast its interest with God , notwithstanding the most precious Christian should call us hypocrites , and not acknowledge us , this is clear in the practice of Iob ; And most clear from that word , Isa. 63. 16. Doubtlesse thou art our Father , though Abraham bee ignorant of us , and Israel acknowledge us not . III. Thirdly , this pointeth out the excellency of the grace of Faith , that Faith , ( when it is in exercise ) is that grace by which a Christian doth at●ain unto most sensible enjoyments . There is a great question that is much debated among Christians , what is the way to win this happy length , to bee alwayes under the sweet and refreshing influence of heaven , and to have his dew alwayes coming down upon our branches ? I can give no answer to it , but this , be much in the exercise of Faith : This is clear from that notion and name put upon Faith , Isa. 45. 22. It is called a look to Christ , which is a most sensible act . If yee would know a description of Faith , It is this , The divine contemplation of the immortal soul , upon that divine , excellent , and precious object , Iesus Christ. For God never made Faith a liar , and therefore its eve is never off him that is the noble object of Faith , Jesus Christ manifested in the Gospel : as it is clear , Ephes. 1. 13. After ye believed , ye were sealed with the holy Spirit of promise , which preacheth out the excellent enjoyments these had after their closing with Christ who is invisible . Our Faith is called a seeing , which speaketh out this , that Faiths sight of God , is as certain as if we did behold him with our eyes , as is clear , Heb. 11. 27. Moses saw him by Faith who is invisible . And we conceive that the ground which maketh the most part of us have such complaints , How long wilt thou forget us for ever ? It is this ; the want of the Spiritual exercise of Faith : and are there not some here who may cry out , It is more then thirty dayes since I did behold the King ; Yea , there are some who may go a greater length , and cry out , I have lived these two years at Ierusalem , and yet I have not seen the Kings face ? Yea , there are some here whose complaint may go a little higher , and cry forth , These three years and six moneths it hath not rained on me , but the clouds have been restrained and bound up , and the heavens have become brasse . And would you know the rise of these complaints , it is this , ye are not much in the Spiritual exercise of Faith. And to you , I would only say these two words , First , It is easier to perswade a reprobate that he is defective in the fear of God , and in his love to God , then to perswade some such , that they are wanting to God in their Faith ; for they hold fast that peece of desperate iniquity till they die , Secondly , We would say to these of you who have the valley of Achor for a door of hope , and have tasted of the sweetnesse of Christ , some of you will be lesse convinced ; for the neglect of the duty of Faith , then for neglect of the duty of Prayer , or of the duty of keeping the Sabbath day . But I am perswaded of this , that if the noble worth of that transcendant object were known , we would have a holy impatience , untill once we did believe . IV. Fourthly , This also pointeth out the excellency of the grace of Faith , It is that grace by which a Christian is advanced to the highest and most inconceivable pitch of dignity , and that is , To be the child of the living God : As is clear , Ioh. 1. 12. To as many as received ( or believed in him ) he gave power or prerogative to become the sons of God. And certainly that noble prerogative of Adoption is much undervalued by many : And I will tell you two grounds whereon the most part of men undervalue that excellent gift of Adoption : First , They do not take up the infinit highnesse of God ( and what a one He is ) otherwise they would cry out with David , Seemeth it a small thing in your eyes to bee a son to the King of Kings ? Secondly , We do not take up , nor understand these matchlesse Priviledges which are given to them who are once in this estate , I am perswaded , if this were believed , that he who is a servant doth not abide in the house for ever , ( though he that is a Son doth ) it would stir us up to more divine zeal in our persuit after faith . V. Fifthly , This likewise pointeth out the excellency of the grace of Faith , It is that grace , by which all other actions are pleasant to God , and are taken off our hand , as is clear , Heb. 11. 4. By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice then Cain , which must be understood even of all other duties . And that word , vers . 6. Without faith it is impossible to please God , speaketh this also , That by faith we do exceedingly please him . And this is a most sad and lamentable repoof unto many who are here , that their actions do not please God , because they are not in Faith. Would ye know a description of your prayers ? ( ye who are hypocrites , and destitute of the knowledge of God ) It is this , Your prayers are the breach of the third Command , In taking the name of the Lord in vain ; for which he will not hold you guiltlesse . And would ye know what is your hearing of Sermon ? It is an abomination to the Lord , according to that word in Tit. 1. 15. To the unbelieving and impure , nothing is clean . And as Solomon doth speak , The plowing of the wicked is sin : So that all your actions that ye go about , are but an offence to the Majesty of the Lord. Now we would speak to these two things before we proceed to the evidences of faith : ( to wit ) First , That there is a difference betwixt the direct act of Faith , and the reflecting act of Faith. For there may be a direct act of faith in a Christian , when he is not perswaded that he doth believe ; but the reflecting acts of faith are these which a Christian hath , when he is perswaded in his conscience that he doth believe . And we would secondly say , that there are many that go down to there grave under that soul destroying delusion , that they are in faith , and yet never did know what faith is : I am perswaded , there are many whom all the preachings in the world will never perswade , that they did never believe , their faith being born with them , and it will die with them , without any fruit . But faith being such an excellent grace , and so advantagious , ( whereof we have spoken a few things ) we shall speak a little further of it , First , in pointing out some evidences , by which a Christian may know , whether or not he be indeed in the Faith. Secondly , I shall give you some helps whereby Faith may be keeped in exercise . I. Now there is this first evidence of faith , that a Christian who doth believe , he accounteth absence and want of fellowship with Christ , and communion with him , one of the greatest and most lamentable crosses that ever he had : as is clear , Psalm 13. 3. Lighten mine eyes , saith David , that is , Let me behold , and be satisfied with thy face ; and the mo●ive that he backeth it with , is this , Lest I sleep the sleep of death . David thought himself a dead man , if Christ did withdraw his presence from him . Also it is clear , Cant. 3 , 1. ( compared with the following verses ) where absence from Christ , and want of communion with him , was the greatest crosse the Spouse had : and it is clear from Ioh. 20. 11 , 12 , 13. where Mary had a holy disdain of all things in respect and comparison of Christ. But I will tell you what a hypocrite doth most lament , and that is , the want of reputation among the Saints : that is the great god , and idol among hypocrites , and that which ( when not enjoyed ) hypocrites and ●theists lament most , the world , and the lust of their eyes : when they want these , ●hen they cry out , They have taken away my gods , and what have I more ? They think heaven can never make up the losse of earth . And certainly , if many of us would examine our selves by this , we would finde our selves most defective . I would pose all you who are here , who have taken on a name to be followers of Christ , whether or not ye have been content to walk thirty dayes in absence from Christ , and yet never to lament it ? Hath not Christ been thirty dayes and more in heaven , without a visit from you ? And yet for all this , ye have not cloathed your selves with sackcloath . I will not say , that ●his is an undeniable evidence of the totall ●a●t of the grace of Faith ; but it doth eminently prove this , that the person who hath ●ome this length , hath losed much of his primitive love , and much of that high esteem which he ought to have of matchlesse Christ : what can you find in this world , that maketh you converse so little with heaven ? I think that it is the noble encouragement of a Christian , when hee is going down to his grave , that he hath this wherewith to comfort himself , I am to change my place , but not my company : death to the believing Christian being a blessed transition and transportation to a more immediate , constant and uninterrupted enjoyment of God. But I believe , that if all who have the name of Believers in this generation , should go to heaven , they might have this to say , I am now not only to change my place , but also my company ; For these seventy years I have been conversant with my idols , but now I am to converse with more blessed , divine , and excellent company . O that yee might be perswaded to pursue much after an absent Christ. Were it not a sweet period of our life , to breath out our last breath in his armes , and to be living in the faith of being eternally with him , which might be founded upon his Word . II. There is this second evidence of one that is in the Faith : They do endeavour to advance that necessary work of the mortification of their idols , according to that word , 1 Ioh. 3. 4. Every man that hath this hope in him , purifieth himself even as he is pure , Act. 15. 9. Faith it purifieth the heart . And concerning this evidence ( lest any should mistake it ) I would say these things to you . First , The mortification of a Christian , as long as he is here below , it doth more consist in resolutions then attainments . It is certain , that there are high attainments of a Christian , in the mortification of his idols , but his resolutions go far above his performances . Secondly , Wee would say this , That those Christians who never came this length in Christianity , to make that an universal conclusion , and full resolution , What have I to do any more with idols ? They may suspect themselves , that they are not in the Faith : for a Christian that is in Christ , he is universal in resolutions , though he be not so in practice , but defective in performances . A Christian may have big resolutions with weak performances ; for resolution will be at the gate of heaven , before practice come from the borders of hell ; there being a long distance betwixt resolution and practice ; and the one much swifter then the other . And thirdly , Wee would likewise say , That yee who never did know what it was to endeavour ( by prayer and the exercise of other duties ) the mortification of your lusts and idols ; yee may bee afraid , that ye have not yet the hope of seeing him as he is , And I would say this to many , who are settled upon their lies , and who never did know what it was to spend one hour in secret prayer for mortifying an idol , that they would beware lest that curse bee past in heaven against them ; I would have purged you , and yee would not be purged , therefore yee shall not bee purged any more till you die ; that iniquity of refusing to commune with Christ in the work of secret mortification , I say , that iniquity shall not be purged away . And we would once seriously desire you , by that dreadful sentence that Christ shall passe against you , and by the love ye have to your immortal souls , and by the pains of these everlasting torments of hell , that ye would seriously set about the work of spirituall mortification ; that so ye may evidence that ye have believed , and that ye have the soul-comforting hope of eternal life . I would onely speak this one word to you , ( and desire you seriously to ponder it , ) What if within twelve hours hereafter a summonds were given to you ( without continuation of dayes ) to compear before the solemn and dreadfull Tribunal of that impartial Judge , Jesus Christ : What suppose ye , would be your thoughts ? Will ye examine your own conscience , what ye think would be your thoughts , if such summonds were given unto you . I am perswaded of this , That your knees would smite one against another , and your face should gather palenesse , seeing your conscience would condemn you , That ye had been weighed in the ballance and found light : O think ye that ye can both fight and triumph in one day ? Think ye that ye can fight and overcome in one day ? Think ye your lusts and unmortified corruptions so weak and faint hearted an enemy , that upon the first appearance of such imaginary champions ( as most part of us are in our own eyes ) that your idols would lay down arms and let you trample on them ? Believe me , mortification is not a work of one day , or one year , but it is a work will serve you all your time , begin as soon as ye will : And therefore seeing you have spent your dayes in the works of the flesh , it is time that now yee would begin and pursue after him , whose works is with him , and whose reward shall come before him . III. Now there is this third evidence , by which a Christian may know whether he bee in the Faith or not , and it is , that Christ is matchlesse and incomparable unto such an one , according to that word , 1 Pet. 2. 7. To you that believe Christ is precious , and that word that Luke hath in his 7. Chap. at the close , That shee to whom much was forgiven , loved much . Now lest this likewise should prove a discouragement to any , I would only have you taking notice of this , that a Christian may bee a Believer , and yet want the sensible discoveries of this , that Christ is matchlesly precious to him : but this is certain , that they which are in the lively exercise of Faith , it is impossible then for them not to esteem Christ matchlesse , and I would speak this likewise to many who are here ; Have yee not been living these ten years in Faith , and I would pose you with this , Esteem yee not your idols more matchlesse then Christ , and more of worth then hee ? It is impossible that there can bee any lively exercise of Faith , and not esteem CHRIST matchlesse , It is not to say it with your mouth , and contradict it with your heart will do the businesse : For if your hearts could speak● , it would say , I would sell Christ for thirty pieces of silver : But my idols would I sell at no rate ▪ Are there not many of you who love the world and its pleasures , better nor the eternity of joy ? Oh , know yee not that word ( O yee desperately ignorant of the Truths of God , ) That he who loveth the world , the love of the Father is not in him : And yet notwithstanding of the light of the word , yee would sell your immortal souls ( with Esau ) For a messe of po●tage : O but it is a poor bargain when yee have sold the eternity of joy for a passing world , and for its transitory delights ! I would earnestly know what shall be your thoughts in that day , when ye shall be standing upon the utmost line betwixt time and eternity . O what will bee your thoughts at that day ? but you are to follow on to an endlesse pain , ( by appearance ) and then yee are to leave your idols . I shall only desire , that ye may read the word , Isa. 10. 3. What will ye do in the day of visitation , and in the desolation which shall come from far ? To whom will ye flee for help ? and where will ye leave your glory ? Ye shall then preach mortification to the life , though all the time of mortification shall be then cut off . O but to hear a worldly minded man , when eternity of pain is looking him in the face , ( preach out concerning the vanity of this world ) might it not perswade you that the world is a fancy and a dream that shall flee away , and shall leave you in the day of your greatest strait . IV. And there is the fourth evidence of Faith , That a Christian , who doth truely believe , hee is that Christian who intertaineth a divine jealousie and a holy suspition of himself , whether or not he doth believe ; I love not that faith which is void of fear , this was clear in the practice of believing Noah , that though by faith he built the Ark , yet hee had fear mixed with his Faith. I know that there are some who are ignorant concerning this , what it is to doubt concerning eternal peace ; and more , it is not every one that doubteth , that certainly shal get heaven ; for I think an hypocrite may doubt concerning his eternal salvation ; however I think the exercise of a hypocrite under his doubtings , it is more the exercise of his judgement , then the exercise of his conscience : And I may say , That if all the exercise of the Law which is preached in these dayes were narrowly searched , it would bee more the exercise of light , then the exercise of conscience , We speak these things as our doubt , which never was our exercise ; and we make these things our publick exercise which was never our private and chamber exercise . And I think that if all that a Christian did speak to God in prayer , were his exercise , he would speak lesse , and wonder more . We would be speechlesse when wee go to God ; for often if we did speak nothing but our exercise , we would have nothing to say . And certainly it is true , that often wee fall into that wofull sin , of desperate lying against the holy Ghost , by ●lattering God with our mouth , and lying unto him with our tongue . And I shall only say these two words ; There are some who have this for their great designe , viz. they would bee at peace with their conscience , and also they would bee at peace with their idols , they would gladly reconcile conscience and their idols together , that is their great designe . And there are some whose designe is a little more refined , they study rather to be reconciled with their conscience , then to be reconciled with God ; Their great aim they shoot at , is this , to get their conscience quieted , though they know not what it is , to have the soul comforting peace of God to quiet them . V. Now , There is this last evidence of Faith , That justifying Faith is a Faith which putteth the Christian to bee much in the exercise of these duties , by which it may bee maintained , for wee must keep Faith as the apple of our eye : Aod for that end , I would only give you these three things , by which Faith must be keeped in exercise ; aud a real Christian will bee endeavouring in some measure to attain unto these . I. It keepeth Faith much in exercise , to bee much in marking and taking notice of the divine exercise and proofs of the love of God , wherewith a Christian doth meet , as is clear from that word in Rom. 5. 4. Experience worketh hope . I durst be bold to charge the most part that are indeed in Christ with this , that they are too little in remarking and taking notice of the experiences of his love . Yee should mark the place of your experience , and much more yee should mark the experience it self : as is clear from Scripture , that the very place where Christians did meet with experience , in such ane enjoyment of God , they marked it , Ezek. 1. 1. By the rivers of Chebar the heavens were opened , and I saw the visions of God : And Gen. 32. 30. Iacob called the place Peniel , the place of living , after seeing of the face of God : it was so remarkable unto him . And we conceive , that ye would mark these two things mainly in your practice . First , Ye would mark ( if ye can possibly ) the first day of your closing with Christ , and of your coming out of Egypt : and we may allude unto that command ( if not more then allude unto it ) in . Dent. 16. 1. Observe the month of Abib , and keep the passeover unto the Lord thy God : For in the moneth of Abib the Lord thy God brought thee out of the land of Egypt . And secondly , We would have you much in marking these experiences which have increased your Faith , and which have strengthned your love , and which have made you mortifie your idols . These are experiences especially to be marked . 2. Faith is keeped in exercise , and we win to the lively assurance of our interest in God : which we would presse upon you , by being much in the exercise of secret prayer . O but many loveth much to pray when abroad , who never loved to pray when alone . And that is a desperate sign of hypocrisie , according to that , Matth. 6. 5. It is said of hypocrites , They love to pray , standing in the Synagogues , and in the corner of the street ▪ s , that they might be seen of men : But it is never said of these persons , that they love to pray alone , onely they loved to pray in Synagogues : but it is secret , and retired prayer , by which Faith must be keeped in exercise . 3. And there is this likewise that we would presse , upon you , that ye would be much in ▪ studying communion and fellowship with God , that so your Faith may be keeped in life . And O what a blessed life were it , each day to be taken up to the top of the mount Pisga , and there to behold that promised land , to get a refreshfull sight of the Crown every morning , which might make us walk with joy all alongs that day ! The heart o● a Christian ought to be in heaven , his conversation ought to be there , his eyes ought to be there : And I know not what of a Christian ought to be out of heaven ( even before his going there ) save his lumpish ●abernacle of clay , which cannot inherite incorruption till he be made incorruptible . And I shall say no more but this , many of us are readi●● to betray him with a kisse , and crucifie him afresh , then to keep communion with him : but wo eternally be to him by whom the Son o● man is betrayed : and that doth crucifie Christ afresh : it were better that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and he were cast into th● depth of the sea . I remember an expressio● of a man , not two dayes ago , who ( upo● his death bed ) being asked by one what h● was doing : did most stupidly , though mos● truly reply , That he was fighting with Christ and I think that the most part of us ( if he prevent us not ) shall die fighting with Christ. But know , and be perswaded , that he is too sore a party for us to fight with : He will once tread you in the wine presse of his fury , and he shall return with dyed garments from treading such of you as would not imbrace him : He shall destroy you with all his heart . Therefore be instructed , lest his soul be disjoynted from you ( as that word in Ier. 6. 8. ) And lest your soul eternally be separted from him : Be instructed , I say , to close with him by ●aith . Now to him who can make you to do so , we desire to give praise . In the two Sermons next following , you have the rest of these sweet Purposes , which the worthy Author Preached upon the same Text ; Never before Printed . SERMON V. 1 Joh. 3. 23. This is his Commandment that ye should believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , &c. THere are two great rocks , upon which a Christian doth ordinarily dash i● his way and motion toward his rest 1. The rock of presumption and carnal confidence ; so that when Christ dandleth them upon his knees , and satisfieth them with the breasts of his consolations , and maketh their cup to overflow , then they cry out , My mountain standeth strong , I shall never be moved And , 2. The rock of misbelief and discouragement ; So that , when he hideth his face and turneth back the face of his Throne , the● they cry out , Our hope and our strength is perished from the Lord : we know not what i● is to bear our enjoyments by humility , no● our crosses by patience and submission . ●● but misbelief and jealousie are bad interpre ▪ ters of dark dispensations : they know no● what it is to read these mysterious character of divine Providence , except they be writ●●● in the legible characters of sense ; misbelie●● is big with childe of twins , and is travelli●● till it bring forth apostacy and security ; an● no doubt , he is a blessed Christian that ha●● overcome that woful idol of mi●belief , an● doth walk by that Royal Law of the Wor● and not by that changeable rule of dispensat● ▪ on s . We conceive that there are three gre●● Idols and Dagons of a Christian , that hindere●● him from putting a blank in Christs hand concerning his guiding to heaven , there is pride , self-indulgence , and security . Do we not covet to be more excellent then our neighbour ? Do we not love to travell to heaven through a valley of Roses ? And doe we not ambitiously desire to walk toward Sion , sleeping ( rather then weeping ) as we go ? Are there not some words that we would have taken out of the Bible ? That is sad divinity to flesh and bloud , Through many tribulations must we enter into the Kingdome of Heaven : we love not to be changed from vessel to vessel , that so our scent may be taken from us . There are three great enemies of Christ : Misbelief , Hypocrisie , and Profanity . Misbelief is a bloudy sin , hypocrisie is a silent sin , profanity is a crying sin . Those are mother evils , and I shall give you these differences betwixt them : Misbelief crucifieth Christ under the vail of humility , hypocrisie crucifieth Christ under the vail of love , and profanity putteth him to open shame . Misbelief denyeth the love and power of God , hypocrisie denieth the omnisciency of God , ●nd profanity denyeth the justice of God. Misbelief is a sin that looketh after inherent ●ighteousnesse , hypocrisie is a sin that look●th after external holinesse onely , and pro●anity is a sin that looketh after heaven without holinesse : making connexion between ●hese things that God hath alwayes sepa●ate , and separating these things which he ●ath alwayes put together ; So that their faith shall once prove a delusion , and flie away as a dream in the night . But let us study this excellent grace of true and saving Faith , which shall be a precious remedy against all those Christ-destroying and soul-destroying evils . But now to come to that which we did propose thirdly to be spoken of from the words , which was the sweetnesse of this grace of Faith ; no doubt , it is a pleasant command , and it maketh all commands pleasant , it is that which casteth a divine lustre upon the most hard sayings of Christ , and maketh the Christian to cry forth , God hath spoken in his holinesse , I will rejoyce . Wee need not stand long to clear that Faith is a sweet and refreshing command ; for it is oftentimes recorded in Scripture to the advantage of this grace , and unspeakable joy and heavenly delight are the hand-maids that wait upon it . But more particularly to make it out , we shall speak to these things . The first is , That this grace giveth a Christian a broad and comprehensive sight of Christ , and maketh him to behold not only the beauty of his actings , but the beauty of his person : and there are these three precious sights that Faith giveth to ● Christian of Christ. First , It letteth the Christian see Christ in his absolute and personal● excellency , taking him up as the eternal So● of God , as the Ancient of Dayes , as the Father of Eternity , as the expresse Image of Hi● Fathers person , and the brightnesse of his glory ▪ and this filleth the so●l with divine fear an● admiration ▪ Hence is that word , Heb. 11. 27 ▪ That we see by Faith him that is invisible . As if he had said , Faith is that grace that maketh things that are invisible , visible unto us . Secondly , It letteth the soul see Christ in his relative excellencies , that is , what he is to us ; Faith taketh up Christ as a Husband , and from thence we are provoked to much boldnesse and divine confidence , and withall , to see these rich possessions that are provided for us by our elder Brother , who was born for adversity : Faith taketh up Christ as a blessed Days man that did lay his hand upon us both : And from thence it is constrained to wonder at the condescendency of Christ , it taketh him up as dying , and as redeeming us from the power of the grave , and from the hands of our enemies ; and this provoketh Christians to make a totall and absolute resignation of themselves over unto Christ , To serve him all the dayes of our life in righteousnesse and holinesse . And , thirdly , Faith maketh the soul behold these mysterious draughts of spotlesse love , those divine emanations of love that have flowed from his ancient and everlasting love since the world began . Would you know the great ground why we are so ignorant of him , who is the study of Angels , and of all that are about the Throne , it is this , we are not much in the exercise of faith . And if we would ask that question , What is the way to attain to the saving knowledge of God in Christ ? We could give no answer to it but this , Believe , and again believe , and again believe : Faith openeth these mysterious seals of his boundlesse perfection , and in some way teacheth the Christian to answer that unanswerable question , What is His Name , and what is his Sons Name . There is this secondly that pointeth out the sweetnesse of Faith , that it giveth an excellent relish unto the promises , and maketh them food to our soul. What are all the promises without faith ( as to our use ) but as a dead letter that hath no life : But faith exercised upon the promises , maketh a Christian cry out , The words of his mouth are sweeter unto mee then the honey and the honey comb : as is clear from Heb. 11. 12 , 13. It is by Faith that wee imbrace the promises , and do receive them . Thirdly , The sweetnesse of Faith may appear by this , that it enableth a Christian to rejoyce under the most anxious and afflicting dispensations that hee meeteth with while hee is here below ; as is clear from Rom. 5. 1 , 5. where his being justified by Faith hath this fruit attending it , to joy in ●ribulation ; And likewise from Heb. 10. 34 , 35. Doth not Faith hold the crown in its right hand , and letteth a Christian behold these infinit dignities that are provided unto them , after they have , as a strong man , run their race ; And when a Christian is put into a furnace , hot seven times more then ordinary , it bringeth down the Son of man Jesus Christ , to walk with them in the furnace : So that they walk safely , and with joy through fire and water , and ( in a manner ) they can have no crosse in his company . For would yee know what is the description of a crosse ? It is to want Christ in any estate , And would ye know what is the description of prosperity ? It is to have Christ in any condition or estate of life ; What can ye want that have him , and what can he have that want him ? He is that All ; so that all things besides him are bu● vanity . But beside this , Faith doth discover unto a Christian , that there is a sweet period of all his trials and afflictions that he can be exposed unto : so that he can never say that of faith which Ahab spake of Micajah , He never prophesieth good things to me ; But rather he may say alwayes the contrary , Faith never prophesieth evil unto me ▪ it being a grace that prophesieth excellent things in the da●kest night , and sweetly declareth , that though weeping do endure for the evening yet joy cometh in the morning ; And that , though now they ●o forth weeping bearing precious seed , yet at last they shall return rejoycing , having sheaves in their bosome . And this may bring in the fourth consideration to point out the sweetnesse of Faith , That it giveth a Christian a refreshing sight of that ●and that is a far off , and maketh him to behold that inheritance that is provided for the Saints in light : it goeth forth to the brook Eshcol , and there doth pluck down those grapes that grow in Emanuels land , to bring up a good report upon that noble Countrey we are sojourning towards , and the City the streets whereof are paved with transparent gold . And howbeit it may be a perplexing deba●e between many and their own souls , whether or not these eyes that have been the windows through which so much uncleannesse hath entered , and these species of lust have been conveyed into the heart , shall once be like the eyes of a dove washed with milk and fitly set , and be admitted to see that glorious object , the Lamb that sitteth upon the Throne : Or whether ever these tongues that have been set on fire of hell , and these polluted lips that have spoke so much against God , and Heaven , and all his People , and Interests , shall ever be admitted to sing these heavenly Halelujahs amongst that spotlesse queer of Angels , and that assembly of the first born ; or if these hands or feet that have been so active to commit iniquity , and so swift to run after vanity , shall even bee admitted hereafter to carry these Palme Branches , and to follow the Lamb where ever hee goeth ; and whether ever these hearts that have been indeed a Bethaven , and house of idols , may yet notwithstanding , bee a dwelling for the Holy Ghost : Though these things ( wee say ) and such like may bee the subject of many sad debates to some weary souls , and cause many tossings to and fro till the morning : yet faith can bring all these mysteries to light , and looking within the vail , can let us see thousands of thousands who were once as ugly as our selves , yet now having washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb , are admitted to stand before the Throne of God , and serve him day and night . Now there is that fourthly , which we● promised to speak of concerning this grace of Faith from these words , and it is the absolute necessity that is of the exercise of this grace , which is holden forth in that word , his Commandment ; which doth import these three things . 1. That all the Commands that wee can obey without this Commandement of Faith , it is but a polluting of our selves , and a plunging of our selves in the ditch till our own cloa●hs abhor us . 2. That God taketh greater delight in the exercise of that grace of Faith , then in the exercise of any other . And lastly , that as to the many imperfections which wee have in our obedience , there is a sweet act of oblivion past of them all ; if we make conscience seriously to obey this command of Faith , which is indeed , the sweet compend of the Gospel , all these things do most clearly appear , in that believing , here is called , His Commandement , by way of excellency , as if this were his only Commandement . But that we may yet a little more particularly point out the absolute necessity of Faith ; there are these things that speaketh it forth to the full . 1. That though rivers of tears should run down our eyes , because we keep not his Law , though we should never rise off our knees from prayer , and should all our life time speak to God with the tongue of Angels ; and though we should constantly obey his Commands ▪ yet without Faith we should never escape that eternal sentence of excommunication from the presence of the Lord ; there being no action that doth proceed from us which can please the majesty of the Lord , unlesse it hath its rise from this principle of Faith : as is clear from Heb. 11. 6. Without Faith it is impossible to please God. And though we should offer unto him ten thousand rivers of oyl , and thousands of rams , and should offer up in a burnt sacrifice all the beasts that are upon the mountains , and the trees that are upon hills , this should be the answer that God should return to us , Who hath required these things at your hands ? I take no pleasure in these solemn sacrifices ; Because there is no way of attaining peace with God , but through the exercise of Faith , making use of the spotlesse righteousnesse of ●esus Christ. 2. Let us do ou● outmost , by all the inventions we can , to bring down our body , and let us separate our selves from all the pleasures of the flesh : yet all our idols shall reign without much contradiction , except once we do attain unto this grace of Faith , which is that victory whereby we must overcome the world , and the hand that maketh use of infinite strength for subduing of corruption , making the Christian sweetly to take up that song , Stronger is he that is with us , than he that is in the world . From all this that we have said , both of the sweetnesse of Faith , and the necessity thereof , we would propose these few considerations , to two or three sorts of persons . 1. There are some who live in that vain imaginary delusion of attaining heaven through a Covenant of Works , and do neglect to seek salvation by Faith in the righteousnesse of Christ. And to these who build upon this sandy foundation , I shall say but these two words . First , How long shall ye labour in the fire of very vanity , do ye ever think to put on the capestone , know ye not that the day is approaching , when your house shall fall about your ears , your confidence shall be rejected , and your hope shall evanish as a dream , and flee away as a vision of the night . Secondly , What a monstrous blindnesse , and what an unspeakable act of folly must it ●e●● to say , that Christ was crucified in vain , which yet ye do practically assert , when ye go about to purchase a righteousnesse through the works of the Law. 2. There are some who are secure in their own thoughts concerning their ●aith : they never questioned the realty of it , they never examined it . O ye whose faith is as old as your selves , ye say ye never knew what it was to dispute : and I may say , ye never knew what it was to believe . Thou profane hypocrite , let me tell thee , a strong faith , and ye● strong idols , must needs be ● strong delusion ; Thou wilt not obey the Lord , thou wilt not pray , thou wilt not believe a threatning in all the Word , thou wilt count all Religion madnesse and foolishnesse , and yet thou wilt perswade thy self , thou Believest in Christ. O be not deceived , God is not mocked , and why will ye mock your selves ? Shall I tell you that reprobates have a sa● Religion , one day they must believe , and obey , and pray , and give a testimony to Godlinesse : but alas too late , and little to their advantage . Shall not he whom all the Ministers on earth could scarce ever perswade to believe so much , as a heaven o● hell , or one threatning in all the Book o● God , at last be forced to believe their ow● sense , when they shall see the Ancient of Days upon the Throne , and shall hear the cryes of so many thousand living witnesses , come ou● both from heaven and hell , bearing testimony to the truth of threatnings and promises , that not one jot of them is fallen to the ground , and he who would never be perswaded to bow a knee to God in earnest all his life , shall he not then pray with greatest fervency , that hills and mountains might fall upon him , to cover him from the face of the Lamb : And h● that would never submit to a Command of God , must he not at last obey that dreadfull Command , Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting torment , &c. Yea , he who was the greatest mocker in the world , shall then confesse , that they are blest who put their trust in the Lord , as they are excellently brought in , though in an Apocriphal Book , Wisd. c. 5. 4 ▪ Crying out with great terror , while they behold that unexpected sight of the glorious condition of the Godly . O here is the me● say they , whom we mocked , whose life w● accounted madnesse , and their end dishonourable : Be wise therefore in time , and do that willingly , which ye must do by constrain● , and do that with sweetnesse and advantage that ye must do at length with losse and sorrow . Thirdly , There are some who certainly have some hope of eternal life , but contenteth themselves with a small measure of assurance , and these I would beseech , that ye would be more endeavouring to make your calling and election sure , and would be endeavouring to see your names written in the ancient Records of Heaven : And this we shall presse upon you by several Arguments . 1. Those strong and subtil , and soul destroying delusions that are amongst many , who conceive they do believe ( as we were saying ) and are pure in their own eyes , who yet are not purged from their iniquities . O● are there not many of us that are in a golden dream , that suppose we are eating but when we awake our soul is empty , whose faith is a metaphysick notion , that hath no foundation , but mans apprehension ; and this shall never bear us through the gates of death , nor convey us in into eternity of joy . 2. May not this presse you to follow after assurance , that it is the compendious way to sweeten all your crosses : As is clear from Hab. 3. 17 , 18. where the convictions of this made Habbakuk to rejoyce in the God of his salvation ; Though the fig tree did not bear fruit , and the labour of the olive did fail , and there were no sweetnesse to be found in the vine , and from Heb. 10. 34. where they took joy●ully the spoiling of their goods , knowing within themselves that they had a better and an enduring substance : This is indeed that tree which if wee cast into the waters of Marah , they will presently become sweet : for it is not below the child of hope to be much anxious about these things that he meets with here , when he sincerely knoweth that Commandement shall come forth , Lift up your head , for the day of your eternal redemption draweth near , even the day when all the rivers of his sorrow shall sweetly run into the ocean of everlasting deligh●s . 3. A Christian that is much in assurance , he is much in communion and fellowship with God , as is clear from the Song 1. 13 , 14. and Song . 2. 3. where , when once she cometh to that , to be perswaded that Christ was her beloved , then she sat down under his shaddow , and his fruit was pleasant ●nto her taste ; for the assured Christian doth taste of these crums that ●all from that higher Table , and no doubt , these that have tasted of that old wine will not straight way desire the new , because the old is better . And then 4. It is the way to keep you from Apostacy , and making defection from God : Faith is that grace that will make you continue with Christ in all his tentations , as is clear from 2 Pet. 1. 10. where this is set down as a fruit of making our calling and election sure , that if we no these things we shall never fail : Faith makes a Christian to live a dependent life ▪ for would you know the motto of a Christian ? It is this , self diffidence , and Christ dependence , as is clear from that word in the Song 8. 5. that while we are walking through this wildernesse , we are leaning upon our welbeloved ▪ 5. This assurance will help a Christian to overcome many tentations . There are four sorts of tentations that ass●ult the Christian ; there are temptations of desire , temptations of love , temptations of hope , and temptations of anxiety , all which a Christian through this noble grace of Assurance , may sweetly overcome : he that hath once made Christ his own , what can he desire but him ? As Psal. 27. 4. One thing have I desired of the Lord : What can he love more then Christ , or love beside Christ , all his love being drowned ( as it were ) in that O●ean of his excellencies , and a sweet complacency found in the enjoyment of him ? And as to hope ; will not assurance make a Christian 〈◊〉 forth , Now , Lord , what wait I for ? my hope is in thee ? And when the heart is anxious , doth not assurance make a Christian content to bear the indignation of the Lord , and patiently submit unto the crosse , since there is a sweet connexion betwixt his crosse and his Crown , Rom. 8. 35 , 36. If he suffer with him , he shall also reign with him . And lastly , There is this argument to presse you to assurance , that it sweemeth the thoughts of death ; it maketh death unto a Christian , not the king of terrours , but the king of desires : and it is upon these grounds that assurance maketh death refreshfull unto a Christian. 1. He knoweth that it is the funerall of all his miseries , and the birth-day of all his blessed and eternal enjoyments . 2. That it is the Coronation day of a Christian , and-the day when he shall have that Marriage betwixt Christ and him sweetly solemnized : And that when he is to step that last step , hee knoweth that death will make him change his place , but not his company : And O that we could once win unto this , to seal that conclusion without presumption , My beloved is mine , and I am his : We might without presumption , sing one of the songs of Sion , even while we are in this strange land , and taking Christ in our arms , might sweetly cry forth , Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace , for my eyes have seen thy salvation . Comfort your selves in this , that all your clouds shall once passe away , and that that truth shall once come to passe which was confirmed by the oath of an Angel , with his hand lifted up towards Heaven , That time shall be no more . Time shall once sweetly die out in eternity , and ye may be looking after new heavens , and a new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousnesse . O long to be with him , for Christ longeth to have you with him . SERMON VI. 1 Joh. 3. 23. This is his Commandment that ye should believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , &c. THere are three most precious and cardinal graces , which a Christian ough● mainly to pursue : There is that exalting grace of Faith , that comforting grac● of Hope , and that aspiring grace of Love ▪ and if once a Christian did take up that heavenly difference that is between those sister-graces , hee might be provoked to move after them most swiftly , as the chariots of Aminadab . And there is this difference between those graces ; Faith is a sober and silent grace , Hope is a patient and submissive grace , Love is an ambitions and impatient grace . Faith cryeth out , O my soul be silent unto God : Hope cryeth out , I will wait patiently for the Lord , untill the vision shall speak ; but Love it cryeth out , How long art thou a coming ? and it is waiting to hear the sound of his feet coming over the mountains of separation . That is the Motto of Hope , Quod defertur non aufertur , that which is delayed ( saith Hope ) is not altogether taken away and made void : and that may be the divine embleme of the grace of Love. It is sight infolding desire in its armes , and it is desire cloathed with wings , ●reading upon delay and impediments . There is this second difference between these graces : the grace of Faith , it embraceth the truth of the promises : the grace of Hope , it embraceth the goodnesse of the thing that is promised ; but that exalting grace of Love , it embraceth the Promiser : Faith cryeth out , Hath hee spoken it , Hee will also do it : Hope ●ryeth out , Good is the Word of the Lord , be ●● unto thy servant according to thy promise : And Love , it cryeth out in a higher note , As is the apple tree amongst the trees of the ●ood , so is my well-beloved amongst the sons . ●hirdly , There is that difference between ●hese graces , Faith it overcometh temptations ; Hope , it overcometh difficulties ; but Love stayeth at home and divideth the spoil : There is a sweet correspondence between those graces in this : Faith it fighteth and conquereth ; and Hope it fighteth and conquereth ; but Love it doth enjoy the Trophies of the victory . And , Fourthly , there is this difference , the noble grace of Faith , it shall once evanish into sight ; That noble grace of Hope , it shall once evanish into possession and enjoyment ; But that constant grace of Love ; it shall be the eternal companion of a Christian , and shall walk in with him unto the streets of the New Ierusalem . And I would ask you that question , What a day shall it be when Faith shall ced● to sight ? What a day shall it be when Hope shall yeeld its place to Love , and love and sight shall eternally sit down and solace themselves in these blessed mysteries , these everlasting consolations of Heaven world without end . And fifthly , there i● this difference , lesse will sa●isfie the grac● of Faith , and the grace of Hope , tha● will satisfie the grace of Love ; Faith , i● will be content with the promise , and Hop● will be content with the thing that is promised ; but that ambitious grace of Love , i● will be onely content with the promiser Love glaspeth its arms about that Preciou● and noble object Jesus Christ ; Love is a ●● spicious grace , It oftentimes cryeth forth● They have taken away my Lord , and I kno● not where they have laid him ; So that Fai●● is oftentimes put to resolve the suspicions ●● love . I can compare these three graces to nothing so fitly , as to those three great Worthies that David had , These three graces , they will break thorow all difficulties , were it a host of Philistines , that so they may pleasure Christ , and may drink of that Well of Bethlehem , that Well of everlasting ●onsolation that ●loweth from beneath the ●hrone of God : Love is like Noah's dove , ●t never findeth rest for the sole of its foot , ●ntill once it be within that Ark , that place ●f repose Jesus Christ. And sixthly , There is this last difference between them , Faith taketh hold upon the ●●ithfulnesse of Christ ; Hope taketh hold ●pon the goodnesse of Christ ; but Love , it ●●keth hold upon the heart of Christ. And ●hink yee not it must be a pleasant and soul●●freshing exercise , to be continually taken ●● in imbracing him , that is that eternal ad●iration of Angels . Must it not be an ex●ellent life , dayly to bee feeding on the finest the wheat , and to bee satisfied with honey ●● of the rock . O but Heaven must be a plea●●n● place ! And if once we would but taste ●● the first ripe grapes , and a cluster of wine ●●a● groweth in that pleasant land , might not ●●e be constrained to bring up a good report it . But now to come to that which wee pur●●se mainly to speak of at this time . The 〈◊〉 thing concerning Faith , that wee pro●●sed from the words , was the object up●● which Faith exerciseth itself , which is 〈◊〉 set down to bee the Mame of his Son Iesus Christ. And that we may speak to this more clearly , wee shall first speak a little to the negative , what things are not the fit object of Faith , and then to the positive , shewing you how this Name of God , and of His Son Christ , is the sure ground upon which a Christian may pitch his Faith : For the first , yee must know that a Christian is not to build his faith upon sense , nor sensible enjoy ments : Sense may bee an evidence of Faith but it must not bee the foundation of Faith I know there are some that oftentimes cry out , Except I put my fingers into the print ●● the nails , and thrust my hand into the hole ●● his side , I will not believe ; and indeed it is 〈◊〉 mystery unto the most part of us , to bee exercising Faith upon a naked word of promise , abstracted from sense ; to love an absent Christ , and to believe on an absent Christ , are the two great mysteries of Christianity . But that sense is no good foundation for Faith , may appear . 1. That Fait● which is builded upon sense , is a most unconstant , a most fluctuating and transient Fait● I know sense hath its fits of love , and as were , hath its fits of Faith : Sometim●● sense is sick of love , and sometimes sense 〈◊〉 strong in Faith , but ere six hours go about sense may bee sick of jealousie , and sick 〈◊〉 misbelief , as yee will see from Psal. 30. 6 , 〈◊〉 sense , that bold thing , it will instantly 〈◊〉 out , My mountain standeth strong , I will ●●ver be moved ; but behold how soon it chan●eth its note , Thou hides thy face , and I 〈◊〉 troubled . At one time it will cry for●●● Who is like unto him that pardoneth iniquity , and that passeth over transgressions ; but ere many hours go about , it will sing a song upon another key , and cry out , Why art thou ●ecome unto mee as a liar , and as waters that ●ail ? 2. That Faith which is built upon ●ense , it wan●eth the promise of blessednesse , ●● this is annexed to believing , that is founded upon the Word , according to that in ●oh . 20. 29. Blessed are these that have not ●en , and yet have believed : nor hath that ●ith that is built upon sense such a solide ●y waiting on it , as faith that is built upon ●he naked word of promise , as may be cleared from that word , 1 Pet. 1. 8. where faith exercising it self upon Christ not seen , maketh a Christian to rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full of glory , a joy that doth not at●●nd believing , founded upon sense . 3. That ●ith that is built upon sense , it giveth not ●uch glory to God , for faith that is built ●●on sense , it exalteth not the faithfulnesse 〈◊〉 God , it exalteth not the omnipotency of ●od . I will tell you what is the divinity 〈◊〉 sense ; let me see , and then I will believe ; 〈◊〉 it knoweth not what it is to believe ●●on trust , and because the Lord hath spoken 〈◊〉 his holinesse : And in effect , Faith that is ●●ilt upon sense , is no Faith , even as ●●m . 8. Hope that is seen , is no hope ; And therefore , when the Lord seeth a Christian ●●king sense an idol , that hee will not be●●ve but when hee seeth or feeleth , this doth ●●en provoke the Majesty of the Lord to withdraw himself from that Christian , and to deny him the sweet influences of heaven and these consolations that are above , so that in an instant hee hath both his sense and hi● faith to seek . 2. A Christian is not to make his grace the object of his Faith , that is when a Christian doth behold love burning within him when hee doth behold influences to p●ay●● encreasing , and mortification waxing stro●● hee is not to build his faith upon them , thi● was condemned in the Church , in Ezek. 16 ▪ 14. compared with the 15 verse , I m●● thee perfect with my comlinesse : but the us● that thou didst make of it , thou didst put 〈◊〉 trust in thy beauty , and then thou didst pla● the harlot . It is certain , that grace when 〈◊〉 is the object of our Faith , it doth provoke God to blast the lively exercise thereof , and to make a Christian oftentimes have th●● complaint : Wo to me , my leannesse ▪ my lea●●es●● testifieth to my face . I will tell you thr●● great mysteries of Christianity , about grace The first is , to ride marches between the●● two , not to deny what they have , an● yet to bee denyed to what they have ; ma●● times , there is grace-denying , and not sel● denying ; but this is that wee would pres●● upon you to bee denyed to grace , according to that which is recorded of Moses , his fa●● did shine and he knew it not , hee did mis●e●● ( as it were ) and did not at all bee puffed ●● with it ; for so the words wee conceive m●● run . Secondly , it is a great difficulty f●● a Christian to bee denied to his self denial , 〈◊〉 ●ee humble in ●his being humble : for if pri●● ●●n have no other foundation , it will build ●● self upon humility ; and a Christian will ●●ow proud in this , that hee is growing humble . Thirdly , It is a difficultie for a Christian to examine his growing in grace , and not bee puffed up ; It is certain a Christian ought to examine his growth in grace humbly , according to that , Psal. 63. 8. My ●●ul followeth hard after thee , thy right hand ▪ ●●holdeth mee : Hee doth not only take notice ●f this , that his soul did follow after God , ●ut of the measure of that pursuit , my soul ●●lloweth hard after thee , and yet sweetly acknowledgeth , it was not his own feet which ●●rried him , nor his own hand that kept him ●●om falling . 3. Yee are not to build your Faith upon ●our works ; and upon the righteousnesse ●f the Law : I need not stand long to re●ure ●●at practicall Popery that is amongst us , ●●at thinketh wee can go to heaven through 〈◊〉 Covenant of Works . I told you not long ●●●e , what your going to heaven through Covenant of Works speaketh ; even this ●●r●id blasphemy ; That it was an act of ●onstruous folly to send Christ to die for ●●ers ; for , if you can go to heaven with●●t him , was not Christ then crucified in 〈◊〉 . And I would tell you now , that ●● is speaketh out your damnable ignorance 〈◊〉 the weaknesse and deceitfulnesse of your ●●n hearts . O yee that are so great de●●ders of Salvation by the Covenant of ●orks , I beseech you , What is the rea●●● that yee break the Covenant of Works oftner then any ; for there is none th● thinketh they will go to heaven this way but these that are the greatest breakers of th● Covenant of Works . And is not that inconsistent , and most contradictory divinity , yo●● faith contradicting your practice , and you● practice telling you that your faith is a lie . Fourthly , We must not mix our ow● righteousnesse with Christ , as the object o● our believing : This is indeed an evill tha● often lodgeth in the bosome of the most refined hypocrite , when Satan cannot preva●● to exclude Christ altogether , then he is content with that whorish woman , to divide th● childe , and let the object of our faith be ha● Christ , and half of self ; And the truth i● many of these poor unwise sons , who st●● long in the place of the breaking forth ●● children , do willingly hearken to this ove●ture , for fear it be presumption for such po●● wretches to meddle too boldly with the righteousnesse of Christ ; but it were good suc● weak ones would consider that word , R●● 10. 2. where the Holy Ghost calleth th● making use of His righteousnesse , an act ●● submission , They have not submitted ( saith h●● unto the righteousnesse of Christ. O will y●● not lay this to heart , that our Lord will ta●● your believing , or your putting on his righteousnesse for an act of great humility , a●● will take your misbelief as a marvelous act 〈◊〉 the highest pride and presumption . Fifthly , We are not to make providenc● the object of our faith . I know there ●● some that ask the ground of their right 〈◊〉 heaven , they will tell us , that God hath been ●ind to them all their dayes . I would only ●ay to such , He may be feeding you unto the day ●f slaughter , and no man knoweth love or hatred ●●y any thing that is before him . This much of ●he object of Faith negatively . And now to speak to it positively , we see ●he Text holdeth out Christ himself as that excellent and compleat object of Faith , This ●s his Commandement , that we believe on the ●ame of his Son : and thus Faith closeth with Christ in a fourfold consideration . First , It ●oseth with God in Christ , not with God immediatly and nakedly ; for , hee dwelleth in ●●ght inaccessible , that no man can approach unto : He is higher then the heaven , what can we do ? ●nd deeper then hell what can we know ? Job 11. ●herefore wee must approach unto Him ●hrough a vail , even the vail of Christ His ●esh , Heb. 10 God is a consuming fire , and of ●●rer eyes then that he can behold iniquity : and therefore we must first cast our eye upon that ●essed Days-man , that laid his hand upon us ●●th ; and look upon God as in Christ recon●ling the world to himself , and so draw near ●nto him through a Mediator , who is the first ●●d the last , and he that liveth and was dead , ●●d is alive for evermore , able to save to the ●termost all that come unto God by Him , ●eing he liveth for ever to make intercessi●n for them . Secondly , Faith closeth with ●hrist , as tendered freely in a Covenant of ●omise . We could have had nothing to do ●●th Christ , if he had not been given of the ●ther , and offered himself in a free Covenant of promise ; but he being thus holde● forth upon tearms of free love ( which dot● utterly abominat hyre ) and so nodle a proclamation issued forth under the great se● of Heaven , That whosoever will , may come an● drink of the water of life freely ; Upon th●● the poor creature draweth near by vertue 〈◊〉 a right , and stretching out the armes of mo●● enlarged affections , doth run upon him wit● that joyful shout , My Lord and my God ; an● then maketh an absolute resignation of it se● unto him ; which is holden out in the Scripture by that sweet expression of kissing 〈◊〉 the Son. And there are three parts of Chris● blessed Body that the Christian must endeavour to kisse and imbrace : the mouth ●● Christ , the hand of Christ , and the feet ●● Christ : the kissing of his feet importing th● exercise of love , the kissing of his hands th● exercise of subjection , and the kissing of h●● mouth the exercise of communion and fellowship with him . Thirdly , Faith close● with Christ as the purchaser and meritorious cause of all the good we receive : He is the person that hath purchased all these thi●● unto us , and there is not one blink of lov● there is not the smallest enjoyment that Christian meeteth with , but it is the price the blood of Christ ; Christs precious blo● was laid down for it . Fourthly , Faith ●●seth with Christ as the efficient and work● of all our mercies ; all our enjoyments th●● are far from him as the efficient cause , that ▪ He is the worker of all these things in 〈◊〉 it is his precious fingers that must accomplish that blessed work of grace , and they are from Christ as the dispenser of these things ; Christ is the great Steward of Heaven that doth communicate unto Believers all the Treasures of the Higher House ; For Him hath God the Father sealed . O but that word that Christ once spake , is much verified by Himself , It is more blessed to give , then to ●eci●ve ; Christ is that fountain and treasure 〈◊〉 whom all our gifts and graces are treasured ●p ; for , before the blessing come to Believers , ●hey come to Christ as the Head , according ●o that word , 2 Tim. 1 9. Which grace was ●iven to us in Him , before the foundations of the ●orld were laid : It was given to Christ be●●e the world was made , and for that end , ●●at it might be communicate unto all his ●embers , and so out of His fulnesse we all ●eive , and grace for grace . But , secondly , The Text holdeth forth ●ore particularly this excellent object of ●●th , to be the Name of his Son , That ye ●●ieve in the Name of his Son. And here ●●eed we may be at a stand . It is long ●●ce Agur did non plus all the world ●●th that question , What is his Name ? and ●●at is his Sons Name , if thou canst tell ? ●●ow little a thing can be known of Him ! ●●d O how brutish is this generation ! that ●●w so much lesse then might be known Him in such a day of the Gospel . But ●t we may speak a little , according to our ●●k measure of Faith , as closing with the ●●e of Christ. His Name is His glorious ●●●u●es , by which he revealeth so much of Himself in the Scriptures , as poor mortals can take up . Wee did shew you before , that there was three of these that were the main pillars of justifying Faith , Faithfulnesse , Omnipotency , and His infinite Love and Mercy : And how from these may bee answered all the objections of sense , of c●rnall reason , and of misbelief , arising from convictions of unworthinesse . And certain it is , that Faith in all its conflicts , maketh much use of the Names of Christ. And there is not an objection that a poor tempted soul can make , but Faith can frame an answer to it , out of some of these excellent Name● of God , or of his Son Christ. It would bee a more longsome work then I intend to let you see this in all ; But I shall onely instance in that One glorious Name of God , by which he proclaimeth his glory , Exod. 34. The Lord ▪ the Lord God , mercifull and gracious , long suffering , and abundant in goodnesse and truth● Keeping mercy for thousands , forgiving iniquit● transgression and sin , and that will by no mean● clear the guilty , &c. I think there are seve● ordinary objections which may bee answere● from that place . First , It is an ordinar● objection which misbelievers do make , th●● they are under the strength of their corruption , that they are black as the Tents of Keda● and not beautifull a● the Curtains of Solomon And doth not the first letter of that Nam● answer this , that he is a mercifull Lord : th● one importing his ability to save , and 〈◊〉 bring down every high imagination ? Th● other importing , his infinite delight to h●● those who have no strength , and are under the power of their adversaries , the power of God being of no larger extent then his love . There is that second objection of misbelief , that wee have nothing to commend us to Christ : But all that wee have to boast of , are infirmities and imperfections : And this is abundantly answered from that second letter of his Name , that he is Gracious : which importeth the freedom of the dispensations of his love that hee walketh nor with us , according to that rule of merit , but according to that golden and excellent rule of Love. It is a great dispute whether Mercy or Grace be the greatest wonder , Whether the love of Christ , or the freedom of it bee the greatest mystery : Sure both these put together make up a matchlesse wonder ? Thirdly , Misbelief will object , that wee have forsaken him dayes without number , and that wee cannot trace back our apostasie unto the first day of its rise : And is not that abundantly answered from that letter of his Name , that hee is long suffering ? This being that Glorious attribute in God , the glory of which hee desireth to magnifie above all his Name . Fourthly , Misbelief doth ordinarily propose this objection , that wee have multiplied our transgressions , and have committed whoredoms under every green tree , and have given gifts to our lovers , even hyring our idols : So that wee may take up that lamentation , is not our sin great , and our transgression infinit : And is not that also answered from that letter of his Name , that hee is abundant in goodnesse ? That though sin abound in us , yet grace doth much more superabound in him . Wee confesse indeed , that there are some that may walk under that condition , that if they had no other exercise throughout eternity , but to make confession , they might confesse and never make any needlesse repetition : And truely in some respect , it is a mercy that we are mysteries unto our self : for , if wee did know compleatly the seven abominations of our hearts , and those mysterious actings of the body of death , we would be in hazard to choise strangling and death , rather then life : Yet may not one glimpse of that abundant goodnesse satisfie us , and calm the storm . Fifthly , Saith misbelief , wee know that we have broken our Vowes and Covenants with God , and that all these things that wee have taken on , have been but as flax before the fire of tentation ; so that wee have no hope that he will have mercy upon these that have broken wedlock , and have not been stedfast in his Covenant . But is not that abundantly answered from that letter of His Name , That hee is abundant in truth : which speaketh , That though wee deny our selves , yet he abideth faithfull , and doth not alter the word that hath gone out of his mouth . It is the infinite blessednesse of man that though hee bee changeable , yet they have to do with one that is an unchangeable being . Sixthly ; There is that objection : That notwithstanding all these things are matters of encouragement to some , yet they know not whether or not the lot of everlasting love have fallen upon them : And whether their names be in the ancient records of Heaven . But this is answered from that letter of His Name , hee keepeth mercy for thousands ? which sheweth us that great number of those upon whom the lot of everlasting love shall fall : And if there were no other sentence in all the Scripture , ●his might be a sufficient matter of a Song , and might make us cry out , Who is like un●o him , whose compassions have no end , And who desires to magnifie his mercy above all his works ? And lastly , Misbelief maketh this objection , They have sinned not onely against light , not onely against vowes , not onely after much enjoyment of God , but even after the application of threatnings : So that they conceive , that their Maker will ●ot have mercy upon such . Yet this is fully answered likewise from that letter of His Name , He forgiveth iniquity , transgression ●nd sin : which three words doth abundantly speak forth ; That there is no transression which he will not pardon , there being but one particular amongst all that ●●nu●etable number of sins which lodgeth 〈◊〉 the heart of fallen man , that he declared ●●pardonable : And there is none of our ●iseases that is above the infinit a●●e of love , ●nd concerning which we can take up that ●omplaint , There is no balm in Gilead , and ●●ere is no Physician there . And though pro●idence may master up many impossibilities , ●et let Faith take the promise in the one ●nd , and impossibilites in the other , and desire God to reconcile them ; that if we cannot see any connexion between Providence and the Word , yet may we reflect upon the omnipotency of God , that can make thing● that are seeming contrary sweetly to agree together , the Comment●●y will never destroy the Text , nor Providence will never destroy the faithfulnesse of God : And let me give you this advice , that those objections of misbelief which you cannot answer , and , in ● manner putteth you to a non plus , and whe● ye have looked over all the Names of God , y● cannot finde an answer to them , sleight them and cover them , as we have often told you was the practice of believing Abraham , Rom ▪ 4. 19. where that strong objection of misbelief appearing before his eyes , the deadness● of his body , and the barrenesse of Sarahs womb ▪ It is recorded of him , he considered not thes● things : as it were , he had a divine transitio● from the objections of misbelief to the actin● of Faith : and this is clear from Matth. 15 ▪ 25 , 26. Where that strong objection of misbelief being proposed against that woman the she was not within the compasse o● Christs Commission , she hath a noble way o● answering with this , Lord have mercy upon m● And ( if so we may speak ) Faith hath a kin● of divine impertinency in answering the objections of misbelief ; or rather a holy sleighting of them that gaineth the victory , whe● cavilling with tentations will not do it . The like also may be instanced in His So● Name : O how glorious titles are given t● that Prince of the Kings of the earth , and 〈◊〉 that Plant of renown , upon which the weakest faith may cast anchor , and ride out the greatest storm ; I shall not detain you long on this subject , but this we would have you know , that there is no strait nor difficulty that a Christian can be exposed unto , but there is some name or a●tribute of Christ that may sweetly answer that difficulty , and make up that disadvantage . Is a Christian exposed unto afflictions and troubles in a present world ? Let him comfort himself in this , that Christ is the shadow of a great rock in a wearied land ; Is a Christian under inward anxiety and vexation of mind ? Let him comfort himself in this , That Christ is the God of peace , and of all consolation ; Is a Christian under darknesse and confusion of spirit ? Let him comfort himself in this , That Christ is the Father of lights , and is the eternal wisdom of God ; Is a Christian under the convictions of this , that he is under the power and dominion of his lusts ? Let him comfort himself in this , that Christ is Redemption ; yea ( that I stay no longer ) if it were possible that a Christian could have a necessity that he could not find a name in Christ to answer it , he may lawfully frame a name to Christ out of any promise in all the Book of God , and he should find it forth-coming for the relieving and making up of that necessity , God would not disappoint his expectation . There is yet one thing further , in reference to the object of Faith , which we shall desire you to tale notice of ; and it is the way of Faiths closing with its noble object , and its testing on him : and this we conceive may be excellently taken up by our considering of the many several names that Faith getteth in Scripture , beyond any other of ●he graces of the Spirit . It is called looking , Isa. 45 22. Look unto me : It is called abiding in Christ , Joh. 15. 4. Abide in mee : It is called a keeping silence unto God , Psal. 37. 7. My soul trust in God ; Or as the word is in the Original , My soul be silent unto God ; and that in Psal. 62. 1. My soul waiteth ; Or as the word is , Truly my soul is silent unto God. Likewise Faith is called a leaning , Psal. 7. 15. I have leaned upon thee from my mothers womb . Faith is called an eating of Christs flesh , John 6. 53. Faith is called a casting of our burden upon God , Psal. 55. 22. Cast your burden upon God : and Faith it is called a coming unto God , Matth. 11. 28. And according to these different names , there are these seven noble properties & ma●chless differences of this grace of Faith. The first is , That this is this grace by which a Christian doth enjoy much communion with God : Hence it is called a looking : which importeth , that Faith is a continuall contemplation of the immortal Soul upon that precious and excellent object Jesus Christ. There is that second property of saith , That it is that grace by which a communion with God is maintained : Hence it is called an abiding in God. It is that grace whi●h maketh Christ and the believer to dwell together . The third property of Faith is , that it is a most submissive grace : Hence it is called a keeping silence unto God : Faith as it were , it knoweth not what it is to ●epine . It is the noble excellency of Faith , it never knew what it was to misconstruct Christ. It is the noble excellency of Faith , it never knew what it was to passe an evil report upon Christ. Faith it will promise good things to a Christian in the darkest night ; for , when Love asketh Faith that question , Isa. 21. 11 , 12. Watchman , what of the night ? Watchman , what of the night ? Or , when shall the morning break ? Faith answereth it with the words that follow , ( onely a little inverting the order ) The night cometh , and also the morning ; the morning is approaching , that admitteth of no following night . There is that fourth property of Faith , It is the grace which keep●th a Christian in ●e severance , by its ●uilding upon the rock . Hence it is called a ●eaning upon God ; for a Christian by Faith doth perpe●ually joyn himself to Christ , so ●hat what ever trouble hee be cast into , by Faith hee come●h up out of that wildernesse , ●eaning upon his beloved , and by Faith hee is ●ed up to the Rock that is higher then hee , ●here he may sit in safety , and even ●augh at ●eath and destruction when assailing him . ●here is that fifth property of Faith , That ●●s the grace that bringeth satisfaction un●● the spirituall senses of a Christian , by a ●ose and particular application of Christ 〈◊〉 the nou●●ishment of the soul. Hence it is ●lled an eating of the fl●sh of Christ. There are ●ree senses that Faith satisfieth , Faith satisfieth the sense of sight , it satisfieth the sense of taste , and it satisfieth the sense of touch : Faith will make a Christian handle that eternall word of life : Faith will make a Christian see that noble plant of renown ; And Faith will make a Christian taste and see how gracious the Lord is . And no doubt , these tha● have once satisfied their sight , they will b● longing to satisfie their taste . There is tha● sixth property of Faith , It is that grace which giveth rest unto a Christian : Hence i● is called a casting of our burden upon him : I● is , as it were , the soul giving unto Christ tha● unsupportable yoke of our iniquities , an● taking from Christ that easie and portabl● yoke of his Commandements . And seventhly , There is that last property of Faith , I● is that grace by which Sanctification is pro ▪ moved : Hence it is called a coming to Christ ▪ It is the soul in a divine motion and travelling from the land of Egypt unto the land o● Canaan : Faith it is the soul in a pleasant motion from the land of the north , the land o● our captivity , unto that land of perfect liberty , all along going out by the footsteps of t●● flock , and walking in that new and living wa● even in Him who is the Way , the Truth and t●● Life . And now for a more full application 〈◊〉 this , we shall speak but to two things further . 1. We would have it considered , th● there are some that come unto the Covena● of Promise with lesse difficulty , and after ▪ more divine and evangelick way ; and the● are some that close with Christ , in a mo●● difficult and legall way ; there are some that before they can come to mount Sion , they must dwell fourty dayes at mount Sinai . There are some , before the decreet of heaven shall be given to them , they must roa● as an ox , and must cover themselvs with sackcloath , having ashes upon their heads , we must be a Benoni before we be Benjamin , that is , we must be a son of sorrow , before we can be a son of consolation . But this is certain , that Christ leadeth sometimes some to himself through a valley of roses : And I would only have you taking notice of these two , which though we conceive they b● not infallible in the rule , yet oftentimes experience maketh them out to be truth . 1. That there are three sorts of persons who are most ordinarily brought under great terrour , ●ere they close with Christ. First , These who have committed some grosse and abominable sin that is most contradicting unto the light of nature . Secondly , That person that sinneth much against light , before conversion : Hence it is observed in all the Books of the Gospel , and in the book of the Acts , there was a more Gospel and love way of converting the Gentiles , then was of converting the Jews , see Act. 2. 37. there is a sharp Law exercise among them who had crucified the Lord of Life , and Act. 9. Paul that had been a grievous persecuter , at his conversion , he is first stricken dead to the ground before he be made a captive of the love of Christ , and constrained to cry out , What wilt thou have me to do : but look to Act. 8. and chap. 19. and there ye will find a more fair and smooth way of begetting sons to Christ. And , thirdly , that person that is much in conceit of his own righteousnesse , he useth to be brought to Christ through much terrour and exercise of the Law : that is clear in Paul , his condition also , Phil. 3. and Act. 9. compared , and certainly , who ever thinketh to come that length in self abasement , and will count as the Apostle doth in that Chapter , must dwell many dayes at mount Sinai , and learn his Arithmethick there . 2. We would have you taking notice of this , that though the person that is brought in to Christ in a more smooth and evangelick way may have the preheminency of the person that is brought to Christ after a more legall and terrible way in some things . Yet we conceive , that a Christian that is brought to Christ through much of the exercise of the Law , and through many of the thunderings of mount Sinai , after he hath wone to see his right of Christ , he is more constant in the exercise of Faith ; and the reason of it is , because that an ordinary ground of misbelief is our not distinct uptaking either of the time of our conversion , which is oftentimes hid from these persons that are converted in a more evangelick way , as likewise this , that those persons that are brought to Christ in a more Gospelchariot , are sometimes put to debates , whether ever they were under the exercise of the Law , and this maketh them often ( as it were ) to raze the foundation , and to cry forth , My hope , and my strength is perished from the Lord. And now to shut up our discourse , we shall adde this one word of exhortation ; that ye would carefully lay hold upon that noble object , and exercise your faith upon him ; and I shall say but this , that all these that have this noble grace of Faith , and that are he●●s of that everlasting inheritance : There is a fourfold Crown prepared for you ; There is a Crown of life that is prepared for him that shall sight the good fight of Faith ; ●ut what may you say is a Crown of Life , except we have joy waiting upon that life ; ●or what is life without joy , but a bitternesse , and a burthen to it self ; Therefore ●e shall have a crown of joy ; but what were ● crown of Life , and a crown of ●oy , except we had the grace of Holinesse , and were compleat in that ; Therefore , ye shall have ●lso a crown of Righteousnesse : But , what were Life Joy and Righteousnesse , without Glory ; Therefore ye ●hall have likewise a ●●own of Glory ▪ But what of all these , if that Crown should once fall from our head , 〈◊〉 we should be deprived of our King●om ? Therefore , take this to make up all ●he rest , it is an eternal crown of Glory . ●hat word in Prov. 27. n●a● the close , The ●●own ▪ saith Solomon , doth not endure for ever : ●ut this precious Crown that the hands of ●hrist shall fix upon the head of an over●oming Christian , this is the mot●o that is ●●grav●n upon it , Unchangeable and Eter●all , Eternal and unchangeable , and O what a day suppose ye shall that be , when tha● precious Crown shall be put upon our heads ▪ What think you will be the difference betwix● Christ and the Believers in heaven . They shall have these four crowns which are indeed one ; but Christ shall have upon hi● head many Crowns , according to that word Rev. 19. 12. But let me say one word also to you who are strangers from God , and ar● destitute of the grace of Christ , and will no● by faith close with this excellent Object ▪ There is a fourfold crown that once shall b● put upon your heads ; but do not misinterpret the vision : There is a difference betwix● the Butler and the Baker ; ye may prophesi● good things to your self , but there is a crow● of death which ye shall once have put upo● your heads ; ye shall be alwayes dying , an● never able to die : there is a crown of sorrow that ye shall have put upon your head when ye shall eternally sigh forth that lamentation , O to be anihilat , and reduced unto nothing ; when the reduction of you into nothing would be a heaven , when ye shall b● tormented in those everlasting flames . An● I would say this by the way , ye will be al● miserable , comfortlesse one to another , ther● will be no ground of consolation that ye shal● reap , for the community of your sorrow shall increase the degrees of that sorrow And there is another crown also that ye shal● put on , and that is a crown of sin , instead o● that crown of righteousnesse : would you kno● your exercise , O ye that are predestinate u● to these everlasting pains ? Would ye kno● your exercise ? It is this , ye shall eternally blaspheme , and curse the God that made you . I am perswaded of this , that the terrours of hell will afflict you more , and doth , then that of the sinning perpetually in hell : Ye would think nothing many of you to be in hell , if there were no pain there ; for the exercise of sin it will be your delight and life : but be perswaded of it , that when your conscience is awakened , the exercise of sinning shall exceedingly aggreage your pain . And there is this crown lastly , that ye shall put on , and that is the crown of shame : The Prophet Isaiah maketh mention of a crown of pride ; but ye that have put on that crown of pride , ye shall once put on that crown of everlasting confusion and shame , when ye shall not be able to lift up your eyes to him whom ye have peirced : I would fain desire you to know , what will be your exercise at these three dayes ; what will be your exercise when death shall be summonding you to remove , and ye shall first be entered heirs unto these everlasting pains ; I am perswaded ye will reflect much ? Will ye not reflect upon many Sermons that ye have heard , wherein ye have been invited to partake of the sweet offers of Salvation . I remember of one , that upon his death bed cryed forth , A world for time , a world for one inch of time , one that perhaps did hold his head high , and no doubt was greater than the greatest here , his Crown could not purchase on inch of time , but dying with this , Call time again , call time again ; that petition was denyed , and so it shall be , I fear , to the most part that are here . I think it was a pretty Hieroglyph●ck of the Egyptians , they painted Time with three hea●s ; The first head that painted out time that was past , Was a greedy Wolfe gaping , which importeth this , That our time past was mispent , and there was nothing left , but like a Wolfe to gape for it again : And there was that second head of a roaring Lyon , round , which import the time pr●sent , and for this end was so painted , that people might lay hold upon their present opportunities ; otherwise , it would be the matter of their ruine , and of their eternall undoing . And there was that last head , which was of a deceitfull Dog , fawning ; which signified , that people they ●eceive themselves with the time to come , thinking they will be religious at their dea●h , and that they will overcome at their death , but this is ●●attery , no better then the fawning of a mad Dog. I think wee may learn much of this , even to be provoked to lay hold upon ou● gol●●n opportunities , that wee sell not ●ur time but that wee buy it . There are two thi●●gs that a Christian must not sell , that is , sell not the truth but buy it , and sell not your time but buy it . I am perswaded of this , that one moment of time is worth ten thousand worlds , if improven : And I would ask you , what advantage shall yee have of all things that yee have ●o●mented your selves about , when time shall be no more ? I suppose indeed , this is an ordinary evil amongst the people of this age , of which we have our own share and proportion . There are many that envy Godlinesse , and the Godly , The excellent ones that are in the earth , that think it a pleasure to vent their malice against such : I know that ordinary practice it is older by a thousand years then themselves , that they persecure Godlinesse under the name of hypocrisie : They call Godliness hypocrisie , and upon that account they begin and speak maliciously against it : onely ● would ask you this question , What will ●e say in that day when Christ will ask that question at you , that Gideon asked at Zeba ●od Zalmuna , who are these that ye killed with your tongue ? Most it not be answered , Every one did resemble the person of a King ? ● will ye not believe ! will ye not close with Christ ? I know it is ordinary that we run ●pon these two extreams , Sometimes we ●o not believe the threatnings of the Law , ●nd sometimes we will not believe the pro●ises of the Gospel . But I would only de●e to know , what if it had been so order●● in the infinite wisdome of God , that all ●●e letters of this Book should have been ●●earnings ? what should have been our lot , ●●all the promises should have been s●raped ●t of it . But certainly this must be your ●t ▪ all ●he promises of the Book of this Co●nant shall be taken from you , and all the ●●ses thereof shall be a flying roll that shall ●●er within your houses , and shall there ●●●rnally remain . Know this , O ye that are ●●emies to Christ , know it and think upon it , Every battel of the warriour is with confused noise , and with garments rolled in blood ▪ But that war that Christ shall have against the hypocrites in Zion , and those that are ignorant of him , and will not close with him it shall be with fewell of fire , and eternal i●dignation . O what will be your though●● suppose you , when Christ shall come wi●● that two edged sword of the ●ury of th● Lord , to enter to fight with you ? It i●●● delightsome exercise . Oh that ye were n●● almost , but altogether perswaded to be Christians , and that once Christ might conq●● you with that two edged sword that proceedeth out of his mouth , that so ye might subject your selves to Him , and make Him t●● object of your Faith. Now to Him th●● hath engraven upon His vesture , and on 〈◊〉 thigh , that He is the King of kings , and 〈◊〉 Lord of lords , we desire to give praise . A SERMON Concerning the Great-Salvation . Heb. 2. 3. How shall we escape if we neglect so great Salvation , which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him . THis everlasting Gospel , which is preached unto you , is that glorious Star , which must lead us to the place where blessed Christ doth ●ly . This Gospel and glad tydings of the Great Salvation is come near unto you : And Christ is standing at the everlasting doors of your hearts , desiring that ye would open unto him . There is that one great request which heaven , this day , hath to present unto you , and it is , That ye would at last imbrace this Great Salvation freely offered by him . It is the thing for which ye are called to mourn this day , that since the dayes of your fathers , and since the beginning of your own dayes , ●e have stopped your ears from that sweet and chaunting voice of this blessed Charmer . Ye would never dance to Christ when he pyped , neither would ye weep to him when he lamented . But to come to the words which we have read unto you : The Apostle in the forme● Chapter hath been discoursing most divinely , of the matchless and incomparable excellencies which are in our blessed Lord Jesus ; And in the first verse of this second Chapter , h● draweth forth an exhortation from his former Doctrine , which in short is this , That they would take heed to the blessed Doctrine of the Gospel : And not at any time to let it slip out of our minds , and that they would keep thi● Gospel as a Jewel of great price , and would not sell it , but that they would be induced to buy it . And this exhortation he presseth by two Arguments . The first Argument is in the second verse where he saith , If the word spoken by Angel● was stedfast , and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompence of reward , &c. That is , if the transgression of the Law , which was delivered but by the Ministry of Angels , and every disobedience to i● was so severely punished ; Let that provoke you to take heed , that ye transgresse no● the precious Gospel which was spoken by the Lord himself . The second Argument is in the word which we have read unto you , and it i● taken from the certain and infallible stroa● of the Justice of God , which shall com● upon those who slight this Great Salvation ●t is impossible ( saith he ) that there can be a ●●ity of refuge for these who slight this Great Salvation . Now in the words which wee have read , here are these six things to be considered . I. First , That it is an evil incident to the ●●earers of this precious Gospel and Great ●●lvation , to slight and undervalue it ; This is early presupposed in the words , otherwise here had been no ground or accesse for the postle to threaten so terrible things against ●●e slighters of it . II. The second thing to bee considered in 〈◊〉 words , is , That the stroak and ruine of ●●ose who slight this Great Salvation , is ●●●tain , and infallible , it will surely come ●●on them : This is clear from these words , ●●w shall we escape ? As if he had said , there ●●no imaginable way for us to escape , if wee ●●glect ( this ) so Great Salvation : wee may ●●●e a city of refuge when wee are pursued the Law ; or , when wee are pursued by ●●ictions , and wee may escape when wee 〈◊〉 pursued otherwayes by the Justice of ●●d ; but if once wee slight this Great ●●●vation , there remaineth no city of refuge ●●o door of escape left open ) unto us : for ●ere will the person flee that slighteth this ●●at Salvation ? II. There is this third thing whereof we ●●●l take notice from the words , That the ●●ak of the Justice of God cometh justly ●n them who slight this Great Salvation ; truely it is a most equal and reasonable ●●●k , which is also clear from the words , How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ! where he puts it home to their consciences , as if he had said , think yee not tha● it is just and righteous that ( if yee slight the Great-Salvation ) there should not be a doo● of escape left open unto you ? Hee putteth the question home to their conscience to answer , yea , or no. IV. The fourth thing to bee considered i● the words , is this , That the slighting thi● Great-Salvation is a sin that hath many aggravations which attend and wait upon i● . And it hath two great aggravations from th● words which I have read ; The first great aggravation in that word of the Text , Great Salvation , as if he had said , if it were not Great Salvation , yee might have some clo●● or excuse for your slighting of it : but se●ing it is such a great and eternal Salvation● there is now no cloak left for your sin . The second aggravation is from the certainty 〈◊〉 this Salvation : in these words , Which at fi●● began to be spoken by the Lord : and was conf●●med unto us by those that heard him , viz. 〈◊〉 Apostles , whereby he telleth them , this Great Salvation is no notion no● fancy ; but a m●● certain , sure , and real Salvation , which y●● they slight . V. The fifth thing whereof wee shall ●a●● notice from the words , is this , That the● are no persons ( be who they will , Minister 〈◊〉 people ) who slight this Great-Salvatio● that shall have a door of escape . Hence is , that the Apostle putteth himself amo●● the rest , saying , How shall wee escape ; if 〈◊〉 neglect so great salvation ; That is , How shall Paul , escape , if I neglect so great salvation ; ●nd so frustrat the grace of God ? VI. Sixthly , We would take notice of this ●●om the words , That not only heart despi●●ng of this Great Salvation , but even also ●he very neglecting of it , hath a certain infallible and unspeakable ruine attending upon it 〈◊〉 Now before wee begin to speak to any of ●hese six things ( which we have observed from ●●e words ) There are these two things where●●to we shall speak a little for clearing of the ●ords . First , What is meaned here by Great ●alvation ; Secondly , How it is said , that Christ was the first preacher of it . First , Wee conceive , that by the Great-sal●ation , is understood the Gospel , as is clear , ●ph . 1. 13. Where it is called , the Gospel of ●●r salvation , and Act. 13. 26. it it called the ●ord of this salvation ; So that by the word of this Salvation , is understood the Gospel , ●●d these precious offers which are contained in it . And we conceive , it may be called 〈◊〉 Great-Salvation , in these eight respects . I. First , It is called the Great-Salvation , ●● respect of the price that was laid down ●or it : There being no lesse price laid down ●● purchase this Great-Salvation , then the ●loud of the Son of God. From whence then ●oth Salvation flow unto you ? It comes ●●nning to you in a stream of the blood of the 〈◊〉 of God. This is clear , Heb. 9. 12. Nei●●er by the blood of Goats and Calves ; but by ●is own blould he entered in once into the holy ●lace , having obtained eternal redemption for us . II. Secondly , It is called a Great Salvation , in respect of the many difficulties and oppositions which ly in the way of bringing it about . What great impediments ( suppose ye ) lay in Christs way , before he could accomplish and bring about this Great Salvation ? Was not the Justice of God to be satisfied ? Was he not to die , and be made like unto one of us ? Was he not to●ly in the grave ? And was he not to bear the to●ments of hell , before this Great-Salvatio● could be accomplished , and brought to passe 〈◊〉 There were such impediments in the way o● bringing about this Great Salvation , that ●● all the Angels in Heaven had been set to the work , they had been all crushed under 〈◊〉 had it been but that one great impediment● to satisfie the Iustice , and pacifie the wra●●● of God , even that was a passe , through which none could go , but the eternal Son of God. It was so guarded that none durst adventure to enter it ( much lesse could any win through it ) save he only , who was mighty to save . III. Thirdly , It is called a Great Salvation in respect of that high estimation which the Saints have of it . O what an high estimation have the Saints of this Gospel Salvation ! There is no mercy which they think comparable to this , all other mercies are but little Zoars in comparison of this great Mercy , and Gospel Salvation . IV. Fourthly , It is called a Great Salvation , in respect of these noble effects which this Salvation bringeth about , and produceth● Some of the great effects of the Gospel ? David hath cleared , Psal. 19. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Is not this ● great effect ( of this Gospel Salvation ) to ●ring us out of nature into an estate of grace ? And that is an effect of this Great Salvation ? ●s not this a great effect , to make us who were enemies , become friends ? And that is ●● effect of this Great Salvation ? Is not this ● great effect , to make us who were moving ●● the way to hell , move in the way to hea●●n ? And that is an effect of this Great Salvation . Is not this a great effect , to make us who were far off , to be now made near ? And ●●t that is an effect of this Great Salvation . And is not this a great effect , to make us who were darknesse , become light in the Lord ? and ●●at is the great effect of this Gospel Salvation : Yea , I may say , time would fail me to tell ●f all the great effects of this Great Salvation ; ●ut O will yee come and see , and that will ●est resolve the question unto you , what the ●ble effects of this Great Salvation are . V. Fifthly , It is called a Great Salvation , 〈◊〉 respect of the great advantages which ●oth redound to the person who imbraceth 〈◊〉 First , Is not Heaven a noble advantage ? ●●d that is the gain , which attendeth the ●●bracers of this Great Salvation . Secondly , 〈◊〉 not Jesus Christ a notable advantage ? ●●d yet hee is the advantage which attendeth ●● imbracers of this Great Salvation ▪ ●●irdly , Is not eternall communion with ●●d a notable advantage ? And that advantage attendeth the imbracers of this Great ●●vation . Fourthly , Is not eternal liberation from the body of death , a great advantage ? and that attendeth the imbracers o● this Great Salvation . Fifthly , Is not eternall singing in the enjoyment of God a grea● advantage ? and that attendeth the imbracer● of this Salvation . Sixthly , Is not eternal seeing of God as he is , a great and noble advantage ? And yet this ( as all the former ) attendeth the imbracers of this Great Salvation ▪ Ye● , would ye be rich ? O then imbrace thi● Great Salvation . Would ye be honourable Come and imbrace this Great Salvation Would ye be eternally happy ? O then com● and partake of this Great Salvation . VI. Sixthly , It is called a Great Salvatio● in respect of all other Salvations that eve● were accomplished . There was never a salvation , or victory obtained by any General 〈◊〉 Captain ( unto a Land or People ) that coul● have the name of Great Salvation in comp●rison of this . VII . Seventhly , It is called a Great-Salvation , in respect of the authority of it . W● have spoken of the greatnesse ( as to the m●ritorious cause ) of it , and how great things doth effectuate : and also in respect of t●● authority of it , it is a Great-Salvatio● Would ye know who is the Author of th● Great-Salvation ? It is Christ , Heb. 5. 9. 〈◊〉 became the Author of eternal Salvation to 〈◊〉 them that obey him . And must not this Salvation be suitable to him who is the Author it . This is one of the most noble and irra●●ant beams of the Majesty of the Son of G●● the Mediator , that he is the Author of 〈◊〉 Great Salvation . VIII . Eighthly , It is called a Great Salvation , in respect of the continuance and duration of it . It is not a salvation which is but 〈◊〉 a day : but it is an eternal Salvation , Heb. 〈◊〉 . 12. He obtained eternal redemption for us . Now the second thing whereunto we shall ●peak , for clearing of the words , is this , viz. How it is said , That Christ was the first ●reacher of this eternal Salvation . We do ●ot think that the words are thus to be understood , that the Gospel , and this Great Salvation was never preached before Christ came ●● the flesh ; but we think the meaning of the ●ords may be one of these three , if not all ●f them . I. First , That all the preaching of this Great Salvation under the Law , did come ●ery far short in the point of fulnesse , in ●omparison of Christs preaching of it ; There●ore is Christ said to be the first Preacher of his Great Salvation : As if he had said , I ●now Adam , he preached of this Great Salvation : and Enoch , he preached of this Great Salvation : And the twelve Patriarchs , they ●reached of this Great Salvation : And all ●he Prophets who went before Christ , and 〈◊〉 now in heaven , they preached of this Great Salvation ; But all their preaching de●erved not the name of preaching in compa●ison of Christs ; for , Never man spake as he ●pake . Thus Christ was the first great preach●r of this Great Salvation . II. Secondly , This may be the meaning ●f it , that Christ was the first Preacher of ●●is Great Salvation , in respect of his clear way of preaching of it : for hee was the first Preacher of it without Types and Shadows , hee was the first Preacher of it clearly and fully , with so much demonstration and power of the Spirit . III. Thirdly , The meaning of this ( that Christ was the first Preacher of this Great Salvation ) may relate to his appearing to Adam in Paradise , when he became the first and great Preacher of this Salvation , whe● hee did speak that word unto him , The See● of the Woman shall tread down the head of the Serpent . The first glorious preaching of thi● Great Salvation was , when Christ preached i● to Adam in Paradise . And that was the firs● and glorious morning of this blessed Gospel ▪ Now we shall speak a little to the first o● these six things which we have observed fro● the words , viz. That there are many within the visibl● Church , who are neglecters and slighters o● this Great Salvation ; ( do yee not all tak● with it ? ) It is clear , Matth. 23. toward● the close , and chap. 22. 5. Where these persons being invited to come to the marriage or feast of the Gospel , It is said of them They made light of it . Which are the sam● words in our Text. And Luke 14. 18 ▪ When they were invited to come , it is said They all with one consent began to make thei● excuse . And Isa. 28. 2. This is the rest where with yee shall make them weary to rest , this i● the refreshing , yet they will not hear . No● is there a person here who dare deny thi● charge , that hee is a slighter of thi● Grea● Salvation ? I confesse I am afraid , that ye will ●ot take with it ; Therefore I shall propose eighth sorts of persons who are slighters of this Great Salvation . And I charge you , as ye will answer to God one day , that ye search your hearts , whether ye be among the number ( in the Catalogue ) of the slighters of this Great Salvation . I , The first sort of persons , who are slighters of this Great Salvation , are these per●ons who go about to establish their own ●ighteousnesse , and will not submit to the ●ighteousnesse of Christ : ( in a word ) it is ●hat sort of persons , who think they may win to heaven by a Covenant of Works , and will not take the Gospels way of travelling ●o heaven in the Covenant of Grace . And ●orely there is not a person here , who hath ●ot that cursed inclination to be as little ob●ieged to Christ ( for his Salvation ) as he can . We would go to Heaven without the Way , which is Christ. And ( believe me ) there are ●any in this congregation , who go thus a●out to establish their own righteousnesse . And I shall propose six sorts of persons who ●●ll under the first rank . 1. The first sort are these who trust on ●heir own civility , and think these will car●y them to heaven ; These are the persons ●ho go about to establish their own righteousnesse . Say they , I defy the world to ●●y any thing to me , I was evermore an ho●est man , and I trust therefore that I shall ●o to heaven ; But I say to thee , ( O atheist ●●at thou art ) thou shal● never win to heaven by these means , till thou come to Christ with this , All my righteousnesse is lik● filthy rags . 2. The second sort are these , who buil● their confidence upon their denial of thei● good works , but yet come never this lengt● to make use of Jesus Christ. 3. The third ●ort are these , who buil● their confidence upon their duties ; The● think they will come to heaven by their goo● prayers , by their reading , and by their fasting ( like unto that Pharisee , Luk 18. 11 ) I than● God I am not like other men ▪ for I fast twi●● in the week : I pay tiths of all that I possesse● But I say unto thee , thy duties will neve● bring thee to heaven , if Christ be not th● end of all thy duties , nor can ye perform an● duty without him . 4. The fourth sort of persons , who ●a● under this first rank of slighters of the Gre●● Salvation , are those who trust on their co●victions . If they have once been convinc● of their sin and miserable estate , they thi● their is no more to do , Christ will never ●●ject them , so they sit down and build the hope upon these convictions . 5. The fifth sort of persons are these w● build their confidence upon their resolution ▪ Say they , oftentimes I have resolved to be better man than I am : therefore I thi●● ( which is the fearfull delusion of many that God will accept the will for the deed : B●● it had been good for many , such a word h●● not been in the Bible ; or that their cu●s●● eyes had never read it . But know this , t●● though thou had as strong resolutions as Peter , or as good wishes as Balaam had , if thou never labour to bring them to practice , God shall say to thee , Depart from me , I know you not . And of you who build upon your resolutions , ye build upon a sandy foundation , these being many times a goodnesse but like the morning dew . 6. And the sixth sort of persons who fall under this first rank of slighters of the Great Salvation ( and wherein the evil is most subtill ) are these who build their Salvation upon their graces ; these also go about to establish their own righteousnesse : But I say to thee , Thy grace cannot be the foundation of thy hope , though they may be as evidences to strengthen thy hope . Now are there none here who fall under this first rank of slighters of the Great Salvation ; or are there none here who will confesse that they have gone about to establish their own righteousnesse ? I say to thee , who will confesse , put a rope about thy neck , and come to Christ ; for he is a mercifull King : I say to thee , come to Christ with this , All my righteousness is like filthy rags : And if thou wilt come with this in sincerity , he shall say , Bring forth the white robe and put it upon him : If thou can be brought to speak that in sincerity to Christ , there shall be no more betwixt Christ and thee , But , Come and cloath him with the white robe . II. Secondly , These persons slight the Great Salvation , who delay their taking hold of the precious offers of the Gospel : For there are many ( when we preach thi● Gospel , and when we hold out the Great Salvation to them ) who say , I will follow Christ : But I must first go home and bury m● father ; ( and so they delay to take hold o●●his Great Salvation ) But I say to you tha● ( who ever you be ) that thus delay to tak● hold on this Great Salvation , ye are the sligh● of it . Is there a person within these doors , who dare , but acknowledge that he hath slighted this Great Salvation , and delayed to imbrace it ? O tell me ? What d● your consciences speak ? Are there any bu● they must acknowledge they come unde● this second rank ? And I say to you , who have thus delayed , will ye yet imbrace it ? 〈◊〉 say even unto you who are old men ( now past sixty years , and have slighted this Great Salvation so long ) yet this day this grea● Great Salvation is offered unto you : Wha● say ye to it ? O what do ye say to this offer ▪ Are ye saying , I must now delay ( and not receive this Great Salvation ) till my Harvest b● by , and over ? I say unto thee , that the Harvest of the wrath of God is ripe , and he shal● put in his sickle , and cut thee down . I wil● say no more to these who thus slight thi● Great Salvation , but this , Why stand ye all th● day in the Market place idle , and doing nothing . O will ye at last be induced to tak● and imbrace this Great Salvation , before ●● be hid from your eyes . III. Thirdly , These persons are th● slighters of this Great Salvation , who complement with Christ , when they are invite● to come and partake of it : And say silently ●o the Minister , ( or rather to their own con●ciences ) I pray you have me excused at this ●ime , as these Luk. 14. 18. But I would only ask at such , have ye any lawfull excuse , why ye will not come and partake of this Great Salvation ? Is there any person here , that hath any lawfull excuse to present ? I shall never take that off your hand , Have me excused : But be sure of this , I shall never excuse you , but accuse you : Therefore I desire that these persons , who have slighted the Great Salvation , by complementing with Christ , that they would complement no more wi●h Him at all : But now imbrace it . IV. The fourth sort of persons who slight this Great Salvation , are these who give way to discouragements and unbelief , so that they will not come and partake of this Great Salvation : I say , such of you are slighters of it , and Christ will esteem you such . Oh if ye knew the worth and vertue of this Great Salvation , there would not be a tentation ( you could meet with ) ●hat would hinder you from imbracing it , but if thou could not answer these ●emptations , thou would not own them . I say unto such undervaluers and slighters of the Great Salvation as discouraged persons ( And these who stay long in the place of the breaking forth of children ) tha● when ye cannot answer your objections , which hinder you from closing with Christ , I intrea● you disown them , as if you heard them not : Say ●●e , Think ye this lawfull ? I say , it is both lawfull and expedient : for it was the practic● of believing Abraham , Hee considered not 〈◊〉 own body , being dry as an old stick , Nor th● deadnesse of Sarahs womb . Hee did not cons●der these things which might have been objections to keep him from believing . He● might have started at these two objections ▪ Alas , I am old , and that objection could he● not answer : And my wife is past child hea●● , neither could hee answer that objection● What then did hee with them ? Hee slighte● them both , and considered them not . Secondly , I would say this to you , who thu● slight it because of discouragements : If ye● did know the worth of the Great Salvatio● which is in this Gospel redemption that is offered unto you , although ye had an Army o● objections to go through , yee would go through them all , To get a drink of the wate● of this well of Bethlehem . V. The fifth sort of persons who sligh● this Great Salvation , are these who wil● not do so much as take care , and give pain● to hear this Great Salvation offered unto them ; for there are some persons who ( i● they come to the Church ) desire to sit farrest off , and so never take care to hear a wor● of this Great Salvation : And such are dreadfull slighters of it . Like unto these mentioned , Ier. 6. 10. To whom shall I speak an● give warning , that they may hear ? Behold their ear is uncircumised , and they cannot hearken , Isa. 28. 12. But they would not hear , Je●● 7. 10. Who say , we are delivered to do all thes● abominations : yet they did come and stan●● before him , in the House which was called by his Name . VI. Sixthly , These persons are slighters of this Great Salvation , ( who when they hear it ) are no more ( nay not so much ) affected with it , ●hen if they were telling unto them the most senslesse history of Thomas the Rymer , or some other old fable ; Like unto these mentioned , Ier. 6. 10. The word of the Lord is unto them a reproach , they have no delight in it . I would pose you all as in the sight of the Author of this Great Salvation , ( men or women ) did you ever set your selves ( or took ye ever pains ) to bring up your hearts to the love of this Great Salvation ? Was it ever the rejoycing of your hearts that Christ dyed and rose again ? I do certainly believe it , ( and I am perswaded ) that there are decrees past in Heaven against many of you . That in hearing ye shall hear , but not understand ; and in seeing ye shall see , and shall not perceive , For God hath made your hearts harder then the Flint or Adamant ; so that ye shall refuse to return when he doth exhort you . Believe me , ( if I may so speak ) I think there is as much probability that the stones in the wall would hear ( if we would speak to them ) as soon as many of you . VII . Seventhly , These persons are slighters of the Great Salvation , who did never complain that they wanted a right to this Great Salvation . I hope some of you are now convinced that ye never came within the compasse of this Great ▪ Salvation : I say yet unto you , if ye did never spend one hou● in secret weeping and lamenting , because y● had not a righ● to this Gospel Redemption● it is but too probable you never ha● yet ● right to it . Yea , know it , that such of you would little care to let precious Christ depar●● without any grief of heart ; I think if thi● were voiced within this house to ▪ day , whether or not shall Christ go and depart , I doub● if there would be many Heart diss●nters , though many Tongue dissenters : Oh , I fear there would be many hearts here , saying , O Christ depart and go thy way : yea , there are many Gadarens here , who prefer their ●ine and swine to precious Christ , and would be●eech him to go out of their coasts . VIII . Eightly , These persons sligh● the Great ▪ Salvation , who never took pain● to engage their hearts to take hold of Christ and the Gospel . Christ is near to you this day : The Great salvation is near to you , and is now , even now offered unto you : Therefore are there any who will take pains to lay hold on it ? I obtest you all who are here , by the beauty and excellency of him who is the Author of this Great salvation , that ye come and partake of it ; I obtest you by all the joyes of heaven that ye imbrace this Great salvation , I obtest you by all the ●errous in hell , that ye imbrace it , I obtest you by the promises of the everlasting Covenant , that ye imbrace it , I obtest you by all the curses which are written in this Book of the Covenant , that ye imbrace it , I obtest you by the love ye owe to your immortall souls , that ye would once be wise , and come and partake of the Great salvation . May I now have it , saith thou ? Yea , I say unto you all , ye may have it to day , ye may be partakers of it before ye go hence : And so before I proceed any further , I do in the Name and Authority of him who sent me here to day , ( and is the Author of this Great Salvation ) freely offer it unto you ; Therefore take it off my hand , embrace this Great Salvation offered to you to day ; But I know there will be eight sorts of humors ( within this house to day ) in relation to this Great Salvation , which now is offered unto you . 1. I think there will be some of Gallio's disposition here to day , that will care for none of these things ; Yea , there are many here who will not give a fig for this rich offer of the Great Salvation . But , I say , cursed be that person who puts on Gallio's temper ( to day ) that will care for none of these things . 2. I fear there will be many of Pilat's humor here ( to day ) who will say , they find nothing against the man ; yet will cry forth , Take him and crucifie him . They find no fault with Christ , and yet will be con●ent that he be crucified . Now can ye say any thing against Christ , who is the Author of this Great Salvation ? Produce your strong arguments ; are there any here who have any thing to say against Him ? I am here to answer in His Name : I hope there ●s not one here who hath any thing to say against the Author of this Great Salvation . And why then do ye not take Him ? See unto your selves , that there be none of Pilats humor here to day , that will cry out , Yee find nothing in Christ why he should not be received and yet will bee content , that hee bee crucified . 3. There will bee many of the Jews humor here to day , who cry forth , Away with Christ , away with Christ , and give me Barrabas . But oh what a hellish word is that , Away with spotlesse Christ , away with transcenden● Christ , and give us the world ? Now are there any here who will be so gross slighters of this Great Salvation ? Will ye slight this Great Salvation , and imbrace your idols , which shal● once prove a crown of thorns unto you ? 4. There will bee some of Felix humor found here to day , that will say , O Christ , g● away at this time , and I will hear thee at a mos● convenient season ; But I say unto you wh● will not hear mee to day , nor imbrace th●● Great Salvation , I shall defy all the Ministe●● in Scotland to assure you , that ye shall get another offer , if ye send me away to day . Ther● is not one that can , or dare , engage , that th● Great Salvation shall bee in your offer and more . Therefore I say , let none of Fel●● temper be here to day , that will say , They wi●● hear Christ at a more convenient season . 5. There will bee some of Balaams temper ( to day ) who will desire To die the deat● of the righteous , and to have their last 〈◊〉 like his ; yet they desire not to live the li●● of the righteous . But I say unto you , ye sha●● never die the death of the righteous , if ye live not the life of the righteous . 6. There will bee some of you here ( to day ) who ( I hope ) at least , will bee of Agripa's humour , that will say , Thou hast almost perswaded me to be a Christian : I say unto thee , O wilt thou quickly out with that word almost , and put in that word altogether , and say , O precious Christ , Thou hast altogether perswaded me to be a Christian : However , if thou come no greater length , I intreat thee come this length , that so thou may cry out , I am almost perswaded to imbrace Christ the Great Salvation , and may be ere long ye will come further . 7. There will bee some of Iudas temper here ( to day ) Who will betray Christ for thirty pieces of silver ; Yea , some would sell Christ , Heaven , their idols and all , for lesse then thirty pieces of silver . 8. I think there will be many of Esaus pro●ane temper here ( to day ) Who will sell their birth-right for a messe of pottage . Now will ye enquire at your selves , am I the person that will give my birth-right for a messe of pottage ? Doth my heart say , I will sell my birth-right , because I am hungered and ready to die : what will it profit me ? Give mee a messe of pottage , and I will quite my birth-right . I know it , there are not a few such here to ●ay ; Therefore I intreat you , enquire at your selves what is your humour . Oh shall the Great Salvation , that yee have slighted ●o long , bee slighted this day also , and shall there bee none to imbrace it ? Oh inquire , and stand inlaw , lest the wrath of the most High pursue you . Now I shall give you these seven considerations , which may provoke you not to slight ( but imbrace ) this Great Salvation . 1. The first Consideration , That the not imbracing of this Great Salvation is one of the greatest acts of folly that can be , Ier. 8 : 9. They have rejected the word of the Lord , ( and immediatly is subjoyned ) . And , what wisedom is in them ? And so Solomon doth assure you they cannot be wise who neglect this Great Salvation , Prov. 1. 7. Fools despise wisedom and instruction ; Therefore , may not I say unto you , be who ye will ( though ye were the greatest heads of wit in all this place ) ye are but stark fools as long as ye neglect this . But would ye be wise indeed , and wise unto eternal life ? then I intreat you come and imbrace this Great Salvation . II. The second Consideration , to provoke you not to slight the Great Salvation , is this ▪ that the ruine and destruction of the slighters of it , is most certain and infallible , Ier. 11. 11. Where ( speaking of slighting the Covenant ▪ which is indeed this same Great Salvation ) there is a therefore put to the threatning . Therefore thus saith the Lord , I will bring evil upon them which they shall not be able to escape I defy you all who are the slighters of this Great Salvation , to finde a back door , when justice shall pursue you : For there is n● door to escape if ye imbrace not this Great Salvation : But the earth will disclose your iniquity , and heaven will declare your sin . III. Thirdly , Let this Consideration provoke you not to slight this Great Salvation , that Christ is exceeding serious , and earnest that ye would imbrace it . And I think that , Isa. 28. 23. speaketh out his exceeding seriousnesse : where four times hee beggeth of his hearers , that they would give ear and hear his voice ( saying ) Give ear and hear my voice , ●earken and hear my speech . What needeth all these exhortations ? But that Christ is most serious , that they would imbrace the Great Salvation . And O that there were a person here ( to day ) as serious to the bargain as Christ is ! But , be who yee will that slight this Great Salvation , ( believe me ) the day is coming wherein ye shall cry out , alas for my slighting of it . Wilt thou therefore think presently with thy self ( O thou slighter of this Great Salvation ) what wilt thou say of thy slighting of it , when the devil shall be leading thee in thorow these dark gates of hell ? O slighter of the Gospel , how many alaces wilt thou cry , when thou shalt be passing thorow these dark gates into thy everlasting prison ? Wilt thou not then cry out . ( O me slighter of the everlasting Salvation ) whither am I now going ? Alas , now for my slighting the Gospel : And as thou passest thorow , thou shalt meet with numbers of miserable comforters . There is not one in that prison who can comfort thee : But many dreadfull alaces shalt thou then both cry and hear , if thou imbrace not this Great Salvation . IV. Fourthly , Let this provoke you no● to slight the Great Salvation , that ye will get it for a very look . O ye within this house to day , ye will get this Great Salvation for one look , Isa. 45. 22. Look unto me , and b● saved , all the ends of the earth . For a very look ye will get this Great salvation : and do y●● ever think to get Heaven at a lower rate ? V. The fifth Consideration , to provoke you not to slight this Great Salvation and more , is this , There is not one of you wh● is a slighter of it , but your slighting it shall increase your immortall bonds . Man or Woman , be who thou wilt , when thou art slighting this Great Salvation ; thou art but pla●ing a cord wherewith to bind thy soul eternally in these unquenchable flames , Isa. 2● 22. Be ye not mockers , lest your bonds be ma● strong ; I say therefore unto you , old me● mock not , lest your bonds be made strong : o● women , near unto your graves , mock not , l●● your bonds be made strong : Young men , be 〈◊〉 not mockers , lest your bonds be made strong● Young women , who are in the flower of yo●● time , mock not , lest your bonds be made strong ▪ But now alas , will there ( for all this ) ●e● person here to day who will be a mockers this Great Salvation ? VI. The sixth Consideration , to provoke you not to slight this Great Salvation a●● more , is this , Ye know not but that yo●● dayes may be near a close ; I say , ye kno● not , but the day of the preaching of this Great Salvation may be near unto a close . Wh● knowest thou , O man or woman , but t●● shall be the last Sermon that ever thou shalt ●ear concerning this Great Salvation ? And yet for all this , shall we be sent away without one consent to imbrace or receive it ? O will ye be perswaded to look to Christ , and so to take him . VII . The seventh consideration , to provoke you not to slight the Great Salvation , is this , that there is a five fold Salvation comprehended under this Great Salvation . I. The first is this , come and partake of this Great Salvation , and thou shalt have Salvation from thy idols : and hereby I do proclaim liberty ( this day ) unto captives . I am sent forth ( this day ) with the keyes of your prison house , to open your prison doors unto you , if ye will imbrace this Great Salvation . I say unto you . O ye prisoners come forth and shew your selves ; for the keyes of your prison house are with us to open your prison doors unto you , therefore O come forth and embrace this Great Salvation . Will there be any ( shall I think ) here that will refuse to come forth , O go forth and slee from the land of your captivity , and from the house of your bondage . II. Thou shalt have Salvation from thy darknesse , and from thy ignorance ? I say unto you who understand no more of God then the stones in the wall , I command you to come forth , and partake yet of this Great Salvation ; and unto you shall light arise , even the Day Spring from on high shall visit you . III. If ye will come and partake of this Great Salvation , ye shall have deliverance from all your fears . Dost thou fear that thou shalt be poor : Come and partake of this Great Salvation ; and thou shalt be delivered from it ? Art thou afraid of hell ? Come and partake of this Great Salvation , and thou shalt be delivered from that fear . Art thou afraid at the wrath of God ? Then come ( ● say ) and partake of this Great Salvation , and thou shalt have redemption from that and al● thy fears , With him is plenteous redemption and hee can make thee quiet from the fear o● evil . IV. If thou wilt come and partake of this Salvation , thou shalt have deliverance from all thy anxieties , and from all thy cares : y●● are now carefull and anxious about many things ; Come and partake of this Great Salvation , and it will make you carefull but only for the one thing necessary . V. If yee will come and embrace the Great Salvation offered unto you this day , yee shall be helped before yee go hence to sing that song , O death where is thy sting ? O grave where is thy victory ? Now O will ye come and imbrace this Great Salvation , And yee shall b● more then conquerours thorow Christ who love●● you Are there therefore any here to day that would have victory over the devil , and over their own hearts ? Then come and embrace this Great Salvation , and then your victory i● certain . But now to presse home this Great Salvation upon you a little further , there are nin● sorts of persons , who are invited to come and partake of this Great Salvation offered this day : And I charge you answer to your names when ye are called , and delay not to come . I. First , I invite and call here to day , all who are willing to come and embrace this Great Salvation . Now , are there any of ●ou here to day , who are called willing ? ●hen I invite you to come , and imbrace this Great Salvation , Rev. 22. 17. Whosoever will , ●et him come : But oh , are there none here 〈◊〉 day who are named willing ? I intreat ●on , if there be any , do not deny your name , ●●t come when you are called and embrace this Great Salvation . II. Secondly , These persons who thirst ●●r it , are invited to come , and partake of ●●●s Great Salvation , Rev. 22. 17. Let him ●●t is a thirst , come . Now if there be any ●ere who are named thirsty , let them come and partake of this Salvation , and they shall ●e satisfied . III. Thirdly , Are there any money-lesse ●●lk here to day ? Let them come and partake of this Great Salvation ; Are there no money-lesse folk here to day ? I mean not that money or coin in your purses , but want ●●e money ? That is , want ye righteousnesse ? ●hen I pray you , come and partake of this Great Salvation . I say , are ye so poor , that ●e have nothing but the fear of hell ? Then I ●ay you come . If there be any here who have nothing to commend them to Christ , but necessity : I say unto all such , O come , come , ●●me , and partake of this Great Salvation . IV. Fourthly , These persons are invited ●o come ( and I wish there were many such ) who are weary : But Oh! are there none here to day , who are called weary ? Are y●● not weary in pursuit of yours ? If there be any such here to day , I say unto you , O weary folk , come , come , come , and partake of this Great Salvation , and of this excellent Gospel Redemption that was purchased at so dear 〈◊〉 rate . V. Fifthly , These who are heavy loadened are invited to come , ( and I think all of you may answer to this name ) are ye heavy loaden●● O then come . But are there none here who are heavy loaden with sin , with misery , and estrangement from God ? If there be any such here , I say unto thee , old man , or young man , be who thou wilt , O come , and partake of this Great Salvation . VI. Sixthly , Are there any here to day who are called blind ? I say , if there be any o● you who think ye want eyes to see the precious excellencies of Christ , I invite you to come and partake of this Great Salvation . VII . Seventhly , Are there any who are called lame here to day ? I say unto such , ● come , come , come , and partake of this Great Salvation : For we are sent forth to day , to call in the blind & the maimed , and the lame that they may come and imbrace this Great Salvation : Therefore are there none he●● to day who may be called such : Are ye neither blind nor lame ? I hope many of you will not deny that ye are such ; Therefore say unto you ; O blind , halt and maimed com● come , and partake of this Great Salvation . VIII . The eighth sort of persons invit●● are these who are sick , therefore if there be ●y sick folk here to day , be who ye will , I say ●●to you , O come and partake of this Great salvation , For the whole need not the Physician , ●●t the sick . IX . Ninthly , Are there any here to day who know not their name , or their conditi●● , I say unto you , O namelesse folk , come and partake of this Great salvation , come to Christ or the knowledge of your souls condition , ●ome as a namelesse one , and he shall not re●●ct thee , though thy case were so evil that thou could not give it a name ; for , Of all ●●at come unto him he sendeth none away . Now where do you find your name and ●●name ? O do ye not know it ? I hope now ●e may know ; therefore I intreat you answer to it , and so come away and partake of this Great Salvation . But I am afraid there be many strong iron●●rs in the way of some of you , which ye can●t win over . Ah , how fast are some souls ●●cked in Satans snare ; And therefore I shall ●eak a little for discovering of these bars , ●hat hinder from imbracing this Great Salvation , that so ye may be the better helped to remove them . I. The first great iron ▪ bar which keepeth ●olk from imbracing this Great Salvation , is ●he bar of ignorance ; and I am afraid that ●●is ( as a mighty bar ) hindereth many of you : Ye are ignorant of your selves , and of ●he condition of your souls , ye are ignorant ●f the Law and of its severity , and ye are ignorant of the precious Gospel in its condescendency . O pray unto God that for Christ sake , hee would break that great bar of ignorance ; for till that be done , Christ may take up that complaint , Ier. 5. 4. Surely they are foolish , they know not the way of the Lord , not the judgement of their God. I say , this bar o● ignorance keepeth you from embracing this Great Salvation . II. The second bar which keepeth many from closing with Christ , is the bar of presumption , for some will cry out , what nee● have I to embrace the Great Salvation ? Have I it not already ? But I say unto thee , O fool thou art ( by all appearance ) yet in bondage ▪ O that this evil bar of presumption were put away ; for it is one of the greatest impediments which lyeth in the way of your imbracing this Great Salvation that is in your offer to day : Therefore I say unto you , i● you will come no further ; I intreat you come this length , to confesse that ye want this Gospel Salvation and that yee are indeed strangers to this Redemption purchased by Christ. III. The third bar that keepeth persons from imbracing this Great Salvation , is the bar of unbelief , yee believe not what wee say to you anent this Great Salvation , I know that some of you are of the Stoicks and Epicures humor , who cry out , What meaneth this man ? He seemeth to be the setter forth of some strange God. But I say unto you , I am no● the setter forth of any strange God , but it is Jesus of Nazareth whom I preach unto you ▪ Alas , some of you thinketh this Great Salvation to bee some morning dream , or some golden fancy : but I say unto you , it is neither a dream nor fancy ; but a real truth that we preach unto you . IV. The fourth bar that keepeth persons from imbracing of this Great Salvation , is the bar of discouragement : This strong bar keepeth many so fast , that they cannot imbrace this Great Salvation though it bee freely offered unto them . I shall say no more to you , who are such , but counsell you to do as these four lepers did , 1 King. 7. 4. Who sat at the gate of Samaria : who said , Why sit wee here till we die , if wee say we will ●nter ▪ into the City , then the famine is in the City , and we shall die there : and if we sit still ●●re ▪ we die also . Now therefore come , and let us fall into the host of the Syrians , if they save us alive , we shall live , and if they kill us , we ●●all but die . Even so say I unto you , that if ●t abide in the state of unbelief , yee shall surely bee undone ; therefore go forth , for yee ●now not but God may work a Great Salvation for you : and if yee will quite your unbelief and close with Christ in the offer of this Great salvation ( by saith ) ye shal have no more to do , but eat and drink , and divide the spoil . V. The fifth bar which withholdeth persons from imbracing of this Great Salvation , 〈◊〉 the bar of unwillingnesse , Yee will not ●me to thee , that yee may have life . And alas , that is an iron bar indeed , by which all that ●e in hell have barred themselves out of ●eaven . Alace , shall yee bee such wretches ●lso . O what a dreadfull sound is that , Wo ●nto thee , O Jerusalem , wilt thou not be made clean ? When shall it once be ? Ah , Turn you ▪ turn you , why will ye die ? Why will ye slight this Great Salvation ? O will none of you this day imbrace it ! VI. The sixth bar that withholdeth persons from imbracing this Great Salvation , i● the bar of worldly mindednesse : many of you are so fixed to the world , that yee cannot come and close with this Great Salvation . I may allude to that word spoken of Saul . 1 Sam. 10. 22. that hee hid himself among the stuffe : for many have buried and nested themselves in the midst of the world , that they cannot imbrace this Great Salvation . VII . The seventh bar which keepeth many from imbracing this Great Salvation , is the bar of hard heartednesse : there hath such 〈◊〉 stupidity and hardnesse of heart seised upon many , that , let Christ preach as hee will to them ( by his Word , or by other dispensations ) they are no more moved , then if his Word and dispensations were a thousand miles from them . O that strong bar of hardnesse of heart , when shall the omnipoten hand of God break it ? VIII . The eighth bar that hindereth many from imbracing this Great Salvation , is the bar of slothfulnesse . Many of you cannot be at the pains to imbrace it : but I say unto you , there is but small pains in the way o● Godlinesse : I say unto you , it may so easil● be had , that it is in your offer to day ; and 〈◊〉 ye will , ye may put forth your hand and take it . Consider therefore what yee will do O will ye despise it ! I say will ye still negle● and despise it ( will ye but read that dread●●ll word , Act. 13. 40. 41. Behold ye despi●●s , and wonder and perish . Tell me freely , would ye have us to return this answer to him who sent us , that ye are despisers of the Great Salvation ? Say to it , Are there none of you , who ( for all this ) will consent to partake of this Great Salvation ? O captives and prisoners , and ye who are in the bonds of ●atan , will ye come and partake of this Great salvation , and you shall be made free . I have 〈◊〉 act of release for you to day ; If ye will ●ome , and make use of it , ye shall be set at ●●berty . But , Oh shall the prison doors be ●st open , and yet none come forth ? But that ( I may come to a close ) I say yet unto ●●on , O poor prisoners go forth , go forth , and partake of this Great Salvation . Oh , will ●e not come forth ? What holdeth you in ? The foundation of your prison house is taken to day , therefore if ye will but come ●orth and cast a look to Christ , your very ●●kels shall fall off your hands , and ye shall ●● as those who were never bound . Now I ●ave this with you : and to make you think ●pon it , I shall speak these five words unto ●ou , and I intreat you think upon them . 1. First , I have excellent tidings to tell ●●u ( I hope some of you will give ear to ●●em ) viz. There is a great Person come ●ere to day , and that is the mighty Author ●f this Great Salvation , who hath brought ●erlasting righteousnesse with him , desiring ●ou to make use thereof ; It is his desire that yee would take his excellent Gift at his hand . These , I say , are the tiding● that have to preach unto you : and I hope never to be declared a liar for what I preach unt● you : I say yet unto you , that Christ , th● Author of the Great Salvation , desi●eth to give it freely unto you , if ye will but take it . But O will yee not take it ? I think , ●● yee did see an hundreth men lying in prison or dungeon , without all light , bread , o● water , and a great Prince coming to them saying , I desire you all to come forth , an● partake of this Great liberty which I bring unto you : and every one of them should answer , I scorn to come forth at this time ▪ would yee not think them exceeding grea● fools ? And yet I fear this act of great foll fall out in many of your , hands to day : tha● when Christ hath given us the keyes , of you● prison doors , and they are opened , yee wi●● not come forth . But I must intreat you y●● to come forth and shew your selves ; Fo● who knoweth , but wee may bee commande● to shut your prison doors again , and to se● them with seven seals : with an unalterab●● decree from heaven , never to bee recalled ▪ Wherefore , O ye prisoners , go forth , go for● from your prison house . 2. Secondly , I would say this to you that it is not without much ground th● this Salvation ( offered to you ) is called Great Salvation . ( I know a little Paper two or three sheets , might contain all t●● salvations that ever any man obtained : b● the world would not bee able to contain 〈◊〉 the Books which might be written to the commendation of this Great Salvation ; yea , ( unto any who will imbrace it ) I say , First , If thou finde not this Salvation above thy ●aith , then go thy way when thou art come ; But I know thou wilt finde it both above thy ●aith and hope . Secondly , If thou finde it not above thy desires when thou a●● come ●nto it , then go thy way again : but were thy desires as the sand upon the sea shoare , thou shalt alwayes finde more in this Salvation then ever thou could desire . Thirdly , If this Salvation be not above what thou can conceive , then go thy way when thou art come to it ; But think of it as thou can , it shall alwayes be above thy thoughts of it : Fourthly , If this Salvation be not above thy opinion of it , then go thy way when thou ●●it come unto it ; but I know thou wilt ●●nd it far above thy opinion of it . Therefore seeing it is so Great a Salvation , as that all the world could not contain all the Books ●ight be written in the commendation of it . O will ye imbrace it , even to day , while it is ●o your offer . 3. Thirdly , I would say this unto you , 〈◊〉 perswaded , that there is no sin that will more provoke the Majesty of God to punish you , then the sin of slighting the Great-salvation . Bring forth these murtherers saith the Lord ( of the slighters of this invitation ) and slay them before me . I intreat ●●en enquire at your own hearts , what ye will answer when ye are reproved for slighting of it ( Old men , will ye ask at your own hearts , what ye will answer to Christ when he shall propose that question to you Why slighted ye the Great Salvation ? Old woman , what will ye answer , when he shall say to you , why slighted ye the Great Salvation ? Young men , and young women , inquire at your own hearts what ye will answer when Christ shall say to you , why slighted ye th● great Salvation ? Can ye imagine any answer unto that question ? O dreadfull shall the wrath of God be , that shall be executed upon the slighters of this Great Salvation ? 4. Fourthly , I would say this unto you that heaven is waiting to hear , what acceptation the offer of this Great Salvation doth get among you . Here is the Great Salvation , here is the offer of it , and here is th● commendation of it ; what say ye to it ? i● it not an excellent Salvation ? Is it not 〈◊〉 free Salvation ? Is it not a Great Salvation ▪ Is it not an eternal Salvation ? Why then d● ye not welcome it ? Can any of you say an●thing to the discommendation of it ? I know you cannot ? Yea I da● say your own heart are admiring it as most excellent ; An● therefore O will ye accept it . Alas shal the● be none here who will be found accepters 〈◊〉 this Great Salvation ▪ so freely offered to day ▪ 5. Fifthly , I would say this to you , let a the Angels praise him who the Author 〈◊〉 this Great Salvation . All the Saints roun● about the Throne praise him who is the A●thor of this Great Salvation . All these wh● are expectants of heaven praise Him who 〈◊〉 the Author of this Great Salvation : All y●● to whom this offer is made , praise him who is the Author of this Great Salvation . O heaven praise him who is the Author of this Great Salvation , O all ye fowls of the air , praise him who is the Author of this Great Salvation , O fire , hail , snow , vapors , stormy winds and tempests , praise Him who is the Author of this Great Salvation . All the tribes of the earth , praise him who is the Author of this Great Salvation . Our own soul praise him who is the Author of this Great Salvation , and all that is within us blesse him who is the Author of this Great Salvation . O who would not praise Him , who is the Author of this Great Salvation ? Are there any here that will refuse to commend him ? O think upon him , and let not this be a day of slighting him ? Now where are your hearts at this time ? I will tell you where many of your hearts are , they are thinking upon the world : but I am sure there are not many of them thinking upon this Great Salvation . Now what resolution mind ye to go away with to day ? Oh , have ye no resolution beyond what ye had when ye came hither to day ? Are there any here who have this resolution , To whom shall we go , but to him who is the Author of this Great Salvation , who alone hath the words of eternal life ? Even the Lord breath it upon you . Or is this your resolution , that through Christs strength ( forsake him who will ) ye will never forsake him ? Or , have ye this resolution ▪ That ye will esteem more highly of the Great Salvation then ever ye did ? O that the Lord may keep these in the imaginations of the thoughts of your hearts for ever . But as for you who have no resolutions to imbrace this Great-Salvation , O wherewith shall I commend it unto you ? Do not your own necessities commend it ? But if nothing can perswade you to come away and imbrace it , then this place shall be a heap of witnesses against you : For it hath heard all the words of the Law which he hath spoken unto you , Josh. 24. Oh cast your eyes upon these pillars of the house , and stones in the walls : I take them as so many witnesses , that they may speak , and testifie against you in the great day of the Lord , if ye neglect this Great Salvation to day . Therefore as ye go away , be thinking upon it , and whether or not ye minde to imbrace it , now while you may have it . This day I have set life and death before you : I have set before you both the Great Salvation and the great damnation ; And O that ye had understanding in all these things ; that y●● being wise might be provocked at last to imbrace this Great Salvation , the which we do yet again intreat you to think upon . Is not heaven looking upon you at this time ▪ to see what ye will do with this great offe● of Salvation which I have this day ( from the Lord ) presented unto you ? Now , ●● Him , that can perswade you to imbrace thi● Great Salvation , this Gospel Redemption this blessed mystery into which the Angel desire to pry , to Him , Who can bring yo● back from the pit ; and can enlighten you wit● the light of the living ? To Him who hath th● keye● of your prison , Who can open and none can shut , and can shut and none can open ; To Him , who hath all power in Heaven and in Earth communicate to Him , who can deliver you from the power of the Grave , and can set you free from all your enemies , wee desire to give praise , Amen . SERMON II. Heb. 2. 3. How shall we escape if we neglect so great Salvation , which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him . THere are two great and most ordinary complaints in these dayes . 1. There are many who complain , that their Estates and Persons are in bondage , and that they are sold for slaves to the hands of strangers : But , O that wee could also turn over the complaint to this , that our souls are in bondage , and that we are yet in the gall of bitternesse , and in the bond of iniquity , that so we might be provoked to long for the Great Salvation that is in our offer . 2. There are many complaining ( and not without much cause ) that there is now such a tolleration of Errours : But , O will thou complain also of this , that within thy heart there is a tolleration of lusts ; is there no● an act of tolleration concluded within thy breast , that the devil and all his company may reign in thee at pleasure : Oh have ye not need of Great Salvation ; Shall I tell you , that Christ is cou●ting you to imbrace it , and that he putteth on all his most glorious robes , and manifesteth himself unto you , as a suiter making offer of himself and of his Great Salvation . O tell me , have ye seen him ? Or do ye think to see him this day ? What robes had he on . There are five glorious Robes wherewith he cloaths himself when he condescendeth to manifest himself to his people ▪ First , He cometh to his own with the garments of Salvation , according to that word , Zech. 9. verse . 9. Rejoyce , O daughter of Sion greatly , shout O daughter of Ierusalem ; fo● behold , thy King cometh unto thee , he is just and having Salvation ; ay , your King is come here to day , and will you not fall in love with him when he is cloathed with the garments of Salvation , can ye ever have a more conque●ing sight of Christ , then when he is cloathed with such an excellent Robe , and offering you Salvation . Secondly , He appeareth to his own sometimes in garmenes dyed in blood , according to that word , Isa ▪ 6. 3. verse 1 , 2. Who is this that cometh up from Edom with dyed garments in bloud , as one that treadeth the wine fat : And now I say to thee that will not look to Christ when he appears in the garments of Salvation , have ye a heart to refuse him , that have fought such a comba●e for you , who hath trode the wine-presse alone , and hath stained all His garments with the bloud of his enemies ; o● is there any here who dare refuse this Salvation , when they see how he treade●h his enemies in anger , and trampleth them in his fury , and thus sprinkleth their bloud upon his garments . O tremble at this sight , and seek quarter from him in time , or he shall dy his garments with the blood of thy immortall soul. Thirdly , Christ appeareth unto his own , being cloathed with these humble Robes of condescendency . when he came in the simititude of sinfull flesh : O what a sight wa● that ; to behold the Prince of Heav●n cl●ath●d with our nature ; What a sight was that to b● hold him that was cloathed with light as with a garment , to be cloathed with our infirmities , yet he condescended to cloath himself thus , that we might have accesse unto Him and be partake●● of His gifts : O can we refuse Him , when love hath thus pressed him to put on the beggar weed , that he might say to worms y● are my brethren , and my sisters . Fou●thly , Christ somtimes manifesteth Himself , being cloathed with the garments of beauty , and ravishing Majesty ; such was the sight that the Spouse go● of Christ , Song . 2. vers . 8. As the apple tree among the trees of the wood , so is my beloved among the sons ; and Song . 5. when she saw him , White and rudy , and the standard bearer of ten thousand , and such was that joyfull sight of Him ▪ when his garments were as the light , and white as the snow which he had at the Transfiguration , when these glorified ones did come ( as it were ) Ambassadors from that higher house to make him a visit . And , fifthly , Christ he sometimes appeareth to his own , in Robes of dreadfull Majesty , and terrible highnesse and loftinesse , when the soul upon the first sight of him remains dead , add there remains no more life in them ; Such was the sight Daniel got , in his 10. Chapter , and such was the sight that Iohn got of Christ , Rev. 1 verse . 17. And I would ask at all that are here , what a sight have ye gotten of Christ to day , in which of all these robes have ye seen Him in : It is true , we are not now to look for the extraordinary sights of Him ; But yet if ever thou hast seen him in any of his wooing Robes , sure he hath appeared matchlesse , and how shall ye then refuse him . But now to come to the words I was speaking unto you o● ; The first thing in the words , to wit , That there are many who live under the offer of this Great Salvation that do slight it , and do not imbrace it ; And now I shall only add a few things further unto you . 1. Let me propose a few Considerations to perswade you to imbrace the Great Salvation : God forbid we go a way before we imbrace this Gospel Salvation : And therefore , I charge you in his Name , go not away before ye imbrace it . And to presse it home upon you , there are these eight or nine properties of this Great Salvation , that is offered unto you this day . And first , It is a free Salvation , ye have no more a do , but to put forth your hand and take it : O come and take it : Christ hath foughten for this Salvation , and there is no more required of you , but ●o come and ●eap the fruits of his victory ; Who ever will let him come , there is nothing that should move you to stay away , O captives bond slaves to Satan , O prisoners of hope , will yee come and partake of the Great Salvation , what holds you from coming away and partaking of it , it is freely offered unto you : ●●y , believe it , Christ requires no more of you , but that ye should come and take it out of his hand ; If yee consent to ob●y , the bargain is ended ; Yee shall ea● the good of the land , Isa. 1. Secondly , This Great Salvation , is a compleat Salvation , that is offered unto you to day , this is clear , Luk. 1. vers . 17. That we might bee saved from our enemies , and from the hand of all that hate us , there is not any enemy that is in thy way , but if thou will come and partake of the Great Salvation , thou may have victory over it , so compleat a Salvation is it that is in your offer this day ▪ O shall wee passe away , and not imbrace it : O shall our cursed hearts undervalue this compleat Salvation that is come to your door , believe it , Salvation is near unto you , if yee will take it . Thirdly , It is a wonderfull Salvation , it 〈◊〉 such a Salvation as the Angels desireth ●o pry into it , and it is such a Salvation , ●hat all the Prophets desire to pry into it ; ●t is almost six thousand years since all the ●ngels in heaven fell into a Sea of wonder ●t this Great Salvation ; It is almost six thousand years since Abel fell into a Sea of wonder at this Great Salvation : And what think ye is his exercise this day ? He is even wondering at this Great salvation : Would ye ask at all the Angels in heaven , would they not all say , O imbrace the Great Salvation ; Would ye ask at all the Saints that are above , would they not advise you to imbrace the Great Salvation : Would ye ask at Adam would he not say , O imbrace this Great Salvation : Could ye ask at Abel , would he not say , O imbrace this Great Salvation : And would not all the Patriarchs say unto you ▪ O imbrace the Great Salvation : And do not all that have tasted of the sweetnesse of i● cry out unto you , Come and imbrace the Great Salvation . The fourth property of His salvation is that it was bought at an exceeding dear rate it is a dear Salvation . Would ye know the difference between Christs coming to thi● Salvation , and your coming to it , it is this Christ was forced to travell through all th● armies of the Justice of God ; He was forced to drink of the cup of the warth of Go● before he could come to purchase this Grea● Salvation ; and now what is required of yo● to obtain this , we may say no more , but pu● out your hands and take it ; will ye look t● the price that was laid down for this Salvation , there is not a wound in the body o● Christ , but it saith , This is a dear Salvation There is not a reproach Christ met with b●● it saith , O is not this a dear Salvation : The●● is not a buffeting Christ met with , but it sai● O is not this a dear Salvation : There is not a necessity that he is put into , but it saith ▪ Is not this a great and dear Salvation . O Sirs , will ye not come and take this Great Salvation , this dear Salvation . What must I give for it say ye , I say , ye must give nothing for it ▪ come and take it without money , and without price ; it was dear to Christ , but it shall be cheap unto you , O! is it not cheap to you , I assure you , if you will come to the market to buy the Great Salvation , there is none of you that needeth to stand for the price of it . O come and take it , and have it , and there shall be no more priging . Fifthly , It is an everlasting Salvation , that ye shall enjoy the fruits of throughout eternity , as is clear , Heb. 9. 13. He became the author of eternal redemption unto us , it is a Salvation that the devil can never be able to take out of your hand , if ye take it , ye shall never be robbed of it again . O come and partake of this Great Salvation , whereby the gates of hell shall never prevail against you . Sixthly , It is an noble and honourable Salvation , it is not to be taken out of one slavery to another , but it is to be taken out of prison that we may raign : Luk. 1. verse 71. compared with vers . 74 it is , That we being saved , may serve him without fear in holinesse and righteousnesse , all the dayes of our life . I say , Come , come , and partake of this Great Salvation , that your glory may be increased , and that ye may be exalted above the Kings of the earth . Seventhly , It is a most advantagious Salvation : What are the advantages of any Salvation that are not to be found in this : is there not peace to be found through this Salvation , is there not liberty to be found through this Salvation , is there not eternal enjoyment of God to be found through this Salvation ; yea , all Salvations are in this one Salvation . Lastly , It is a royal Salvation , for it cometh to us from and through the Son of God : Christ is the Author of it , and we conceive , Christ may be said to be the Author of this Salvation , in these respects , 1. He is the meritorious cause that did procure it , it was the price of his bloud that was laid down for to purchase this Great Salvation . 2. He is the fountain from whence it floweth , according to that word which we have cited . Heb. 5. 9. He became the Author of eternal Salvation . 3. He is the person that fitteth our spirits for partaking of it , and it is he that removeth mountains out of the way , that we may have fair accesse unto the Great Salvation . 4. It is he that must perswade our hearts to imbrace and take hold of it . He standeth without , and cryeth in to the heart , to imbrace the Great Salvation ; And he standeth within , making thy heart cry out , Content , I will imbrace the Great Salvation ; He is indeed the person that commendeth 〈◊〉 and doth point forth this Great Salvation unto us , He is the noble Minister of it , it began first to be preached by him . Now , Is there any of you that have fallen in love with the Great Salvation : that ye may try your selves , I shall give you some evidences of the persons that are near unto this Great Salvation . 1. Is thy estimation of the Great Salvation increased , be what it was in the morning when thou came hi●her ; Is thy estimation of the great Gospel Salvation a foot higher then it was in the morning , I say unto thee , thou are not far from the Great Salvation ▪ Come away . 2. Is thy desire after the Great Salvation increased be what it was in the morning ; Hath thou stronger desires after the Great Salvation , then before thou came hither , that is an evidence thou art not far from it . 3. Is thy thoughts of thy necessity of the Great Salvation greater then they were : Thinketh thou that thou hast more need of the Great Salvation then ever thou thought●st before : And is thy opinion and thoughts of saving thy self , lesse then they were before thou camest hithe● ? Art thou forced to cry out , none but Christ can save me ? I say thou art not far from the Great Salvation : Will thou come away . O that ye would once seal this conclusion with much heart ●eswasion . I am undone without Christ ▪ I am undone without Christ , who is the Author of the Great Salvation . Are there any of you that are sensible that ye are in the fetters of sin , and in the bonds of iniquity ? Are ye brought to the conviction of this , that ye are yet in the gall of bitternesse ? I say , if thou be brought to this length , to be sensible of thy bonds , and art crying out , O Redeemer , hasten and come away ; I say , If thou be sensible of thy bonds and imprisonment , and crying out , O thou that was anointed from eternity , to proclaim liberty to the captives , and the opening of the prison to them that are bound , O hasten and come away and redeem me , even poor me , sinking , sinning , perishing , self destroying me , thou art not far from the Great Salvation . 4. Art thou a person who beginneth to weep because thou hast been so long a stanger to Christ , and the Great Salvation : Old men , that are here , how long have ye been strangers to the Great Salvation , and to the Author of it ? Now will ye shed one tear for your estrangement , and cry out , Wo is me that Christ and I have been so long asunder ▪ I say , if thou hast come that length , thou art not far from the Great Salvation , Come away ▪ O pity your selves , make hast , make hast , and come away . But now in the third place , let me give you some evidence● by which ye may know more clearly , whither or no ye have imbraced this Great Salvation , that ye may know your selves , and that ye walk not down to your grave with a lie in your right hand ▪ The first evidence of a person that hath imbraced the Great Salvation , is , that he wil● have a high esteem of the Saviour and Author of the Great Salvation : Hast thou ●● matchlesse esteem of matchlesse Christ th● Saviour of the world , that is a speaking evidence unto thee , thou art a partaker of th● Great Salvation : Art thou come this length that thou cryeth out , none but Christ , non but Christ : It is a speaking evidence , that thou art come to be a partaker of the Great Salvation , when thou can cry out that word , Ex●d . 15. 2. The Lord is my strength and my song , ●he alone is become my salvation : if Christ hath become thy Salvation , then it is like he hath become thy Song . I would ask this at you , Were ye ever brought this length , that ye durst no● adventure to praise Christ your alone , but was forced to call in all the creatures , and say , O magnifie the Lord with me ? O that is an evidence that ye have imbraced his Salvation . Secondly , These who have imbraced the Great Salvation , will study to maintain and keep their grips of it : they will study to hold , fast so precious a Jewel ; this is prest , Gal. 5. ver . 1. Stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free ; yea they will study to walk suitably to this noble mercy , at least , they will strive and endeavour to do it , as is also prest , in that same verse . I say , if thou hast been made a partaker of the Gospel of Salvation , thou wilt strive to keep thy self from the power of these things that once triumphed over thee . Thirdly , A person that is a partaker of the Great Salvation , will have a high esteem of this mercy and Salvation ; so Paul , when he speaketh of it here , he cannot but put some note of excellency to it , calling it the Great Salvation ; Therefore , I say , if thou hast imbraced the Great Salvation , thou wilt have so high esteem of it , that not to be so subjected to it as thou should : or to be in subjection to the power of thy lust in any measure , will be his burden and affl●ction . The man will be sorry when he is brought forth from the house of his bondage , unto the Red sea ; he will be sorry , that when he should have songs of triumph over his idols put in his mouth , that they should sing songs of triumph over him . Fourthly , A person that hath imbraced the Great Salvation , he will be longing sometimes for the day when this Salvation shall be compleat , when he shall sing that song with tha● numerous multitude which cannot be numbered , Rev. 7 vers 9. O what a day shall it be , when thou shall begin to sing that song : After this , ( saith he ) I beheld , and lo , a great multitude of all people which ●o man could number , of all people , nations and languages stood before the throne , and before the Lamb , cloathed with white robes , and palms in their hands , and they cried ; And how cryed they ? They cryed with a loud voice : They would not mutter the song , no● sing silently , but cryed with a loud voice : And what did they cry ? They cryed with a loud voice , Salvation unto our God , who sitteth upon the throne , and to the Lamb. I would onely ask at you that are partakers of the Great Salvation , what songs shall be put into thy mouth , when the waters of Iordan shall divide themselves , that the ransomed of the Lord must passe thorow : when thou shalt sing that song , Psal 115. ver . 1. Not unto us , not unto us , but unto thee belongs the glory of our salvation : O what a day shall that be , when that excellent song shall be put in thy mouth ; yea , what a day shall it be , when thou shal the cloathed with these excellent garments that are made mention of Isa. 6. ver . 10. for hee hath cloathed thee with the garments of Salvation , and hee hath covered thee with the robe of righteousnesse : O what robes are these ? Did yee ever see such excellent robes at these must bee ? I think wee will misken our selves ; O do yee not think wee will misken our selves , when wee shall put on these excellent robes ? Now therefore , is the bargain closed : Or will yee go away before yee take this Great Salvation ? Dare yee go out at these doors , and neglect ●he Great Salvation ? I would ask this at you , Think yee it will not be most sad , that Christ should tell this in heaven of you to night , I was preached to a pack of stones , that none of them would love me : Will yee not bee feared that this report shall be carried back to heaven of you ? For what report can Christ carry back but this ? Now is the cord of this Great Salvation let down unto you : Is there none of you that will take a grip of it ? O will ye flighter after it ! Will yee make this a rejoycing day in heaven , that is a fasting day unto you , and the way to make it so , is to imbrace the Great Salvation . Now what say yee to it old men , let mee speak to you , and ask your thoughts of the Great Salvation , gray hairs should bee a Crown of Glory , if it bee found in the way of Righteousnesse , old men speak your minds , that young men may not have your bad example ; What say ye of this Salvation ? Is it not a most glorious Salvation , is it not a most excellent Salvation that is in your offer ; I intreat you speak your minds , tell Christ ye are content to take the Great Salvation ; otherwise , who ever he be that will not partake of this Gospel Salvation ; I in the Name and Authority of Christ our Master , denounce eternal and irrevockable war against him ; put on your harnesse , ye shall not boast when you put it off again , the wrath and fury of God shall come upon thee to the uttermost if ye imbrace not this Great Salvation . Other Wars are but for a time ; the greatest Captains that ever the earth did carry , are now laid down in the sides of the pit , and their swords broken under their heads . Armies of ten hundreth thousand , a hundreth years time have laid them all in their graves , and ended all their contests , but there is no discharge of his war that shall be concluded betwixt Christ and you , it shall become an eternal and most terrible War , which shall be but beginning when time is ended : Now Peace or War , which of them will ye choise ? Dare ye send a charge to Christ , and say ye will defy him ? I am afraid there shall be two things that many of us shall report to day . First , I am afraid there will be many that will give Pharaohs report to the offer of the Great Salvation , and say , Who is the Lord that I should obey him ? I tell you who he is , He is glorious in Holinesse , fearfull in Praises , doing wonders ; O imbrace him before he go hence , and give not Pharaohs report , lest yee bee drowned in the sea of His wrath , whence there shall be no recovery . Secondly , I fear there will be many here to day , that will give Demas report to this precious offer ; I will go and for sake Christ ; and ●mbrace this present world : O bad exchange ; ●ursed be he that shall make it , will ye be of Demas humor ; I fear there hath been many of that humor of a long time ; but I intreat you once be wise before you die . I confesse that proverb , old fools , are twice fools : I think old men that will not imbrace the Great Salvation , I think ye are triple fools ; What wait ye for , is there any thing can afford you any satisfaction but this Great Salvation . Now are ye convinced old men , that Christ is waiting for your answer ; I intreat you before ye go hen●e , speak your minds , what ye think of the Great Salvation ; ●s it not a lovely Salvation , Is it not lovely ●ow ? What say ye to it ; I am to go away , and the offer is to be taken up at this time , and it is hard to say , if ever ye shall have an offer again . I would only say this to you , and be sure of it , though I should never be ● partaker of this Great Salvation , yet I shall be a witnesse against you that are not partakers of it : I tell and declare unto yon , shall be a witnesse against you if ye imbrace not the Great Salvation . Now , old ●en are ye perswaded to imbrace it ? Let ●e ob●est you by the beauty of Christ , come and partake of the Great Salvation , ye that ●●e travelling upon the borders of erernity . ●ow , if ye will give no more , give this , will ye go home and think upon it . I shall not bee uncharitable , nor enter to judge your thoughts ; I fear there shall bee many declared and found guilty among us , that we have declared unto heaven wee will not imbrace the Great Salvation , but have trod the bloud of the Son of God under foot . Now I intreat you , every one of you , ask at your selves if yee be the persons that will presume in your hearts to do so . Now I shall leave it with you , let it not bee a witnesse against you . I shall leave it with this : O come away , Old men , Young men , Old women and Maids , come and imbrace this precious Gospel Salvation . Yee may say , Ye bid us come : but we cannot come . I desite no more of you● but to come with this : Lord , I am content to come , but I cannot come . Come once to that : for if once yee bee content to receive it , it will not bee long befor yee bee able to receive it . Now shall Christ depart , and will none of you say , yet are content to take him ? Will yee charge your own Consciences with this : Am I content to take Christ and the Great Salvation ? O blest , blest , blest be● He that is the Author of this Great Salvation and bles● be hee that gets any of the ends of the cord of the Great Salvation , that we sink not under the wrath and fury of the Lord Come and imbrace this Great Salvation : and again I say , come and imbrace it ; for what can yee have if yee want it ? and what can y●● want if yee have it ? I shall say no more but close with that word , Isa. 62. vers . 21 Behold , the Lord hath proclaimed to the end of the world , to those that are far off ; What hath hee proclaimed ? Say yee to the daughter of Sion , behold thy Salvation cometh , behold it cometh . I say to you that are the ends of the world , Salvation is brought near unto you : Stout hearted and far from righteousnesse , the Great Salvation is brought near unto you , and will you send it away ? O consider what ye are doing : And to him that can perswade you to imbrace the Great Salvation , we desire to give praise . A SERMON Concerning DEATH . Psal. 89. 48. What man ( is he that ) liveth and shall not see death , &c. IT is very hard to determine , where all that are here shall be within thirty years : for even ere that time come , many ( if not all ) of us who are here ●all have taken up our eternall lodging . ●nd whether we shall take it up in the eternity of joy , or the eternity of pain , is also hard to determine : onely this one thing I am sure of , that all of us shall shortly hee gone ; And ere long the shadows of death shall bee sitting upon our eye lids , and our eye strings shall begin to break , Therefore I would the more seriously inquire at you ; what would ye think if death were approaching this night unto you ? Think yee that Jesus Christ is gone up to prepare a place for you ? even for you ? Surely I think wee are all near to eternity ; and there are some hearing mee to day , whom I defy the whole world to assure , that ever they shall hear another Sermon ▪ Therefore , I intreat ▪ you all to hear this preaching , as if it were the last preaching that ever yee should hear ; and O that we● could speak it as if were the last Sermon that ever wee would preach unto you . Believe me , death is another thing then we take it to b●t : Oh what will many of us do in the day of our visitation : when desolation shall come from a far ; where will we flee for rest , and where will we leave our glory ? Old rich men where will ye flee when death assaults you ? Old poor men , where will ye flee when death assaults you ? Old women , where will ye flee when death assaults you ? Young women , where will yee flee when death assaults you ? It was an ancient observation of David , Psal. 39. 5. that God had made his daye● as an hand breadth ; which either may relate to the four fold estate of man , viz ▪ hi● infancy , his child-hood , his man-hood , and his old age : O it may relate to the four-fold time of his life , viz. his morning , his forenoon , his afternoon , and his evening , yet all our lifetime is but a day . And O think ye not that our day is near unto a close ? Now before that I begin to speak any thing from the words ; I shall speak a few things to these two questions ; which I conceive , may not altogether be unprofitable . Quest. 1. Whether is it lawfull for any to desire to die and to return unto their long and endlesse home ? whether it be lawfull for one to cry out , O time , time , flee away ( and all my shadows let them be gone ) that so long eternity may come ? Answ. I say , it is lawfull in some cases for one to desire to die : for it was Pauls desire , Philip. 1. 23. I am in a strait betwixt two ▪ having a desire to depart , and to be with Christ which is far better . And 2 Cor. 5. 2. We groa●●arnestly , desiring to be cloathed with our house which is from heaven . I long greatly till the twentieth one year of my age come , when my minority shall be overpast , that I may be entered heir to that matchlesse inheritance . But to clear in what cases it is lawfull to desire to die . 1. I say , it is lawfull to desire to die , when it floweth from a desire of uninterupted fellowship and communion with Christ , and conjunction with him : this is clear , 2 Cor. 5 , 6. Knowing that while we are present in the body , we are absent from the Lord. Therefore vers . 8. We are willing rather to be absent from the body , and to be present with the Lord. Also it is clear , Philip. 1. 23. I am in a strait betwixt two , having a desire to depart , and to be with Christ , which is far bettter . It was his great end to have neat and unmixed communion with Christ. What aileth you Paul ( might one have said ) may ye not be content to stay a while here ? Nay , saith Paul , I desire to be gone , and to be with Christ ; Wast thou never with him here Paul ? 〈◊〉 have been with him , saith he , but what is all my being with him here , in comparison of my being with him above ? While I am present in the body , I am but absent from the Lord. Therefore I will never be at rest ( saith he ) get what I will , untill I get Christ ▪ untill I get these naked and immediate imbracements of that noble Plant of renow● the flour of the stalk of Iesse , who is the light of the higher house , the eternal admiration of Angels ? II. It is lawfull to desire to die when it floweth from the excellencies of heaven , and from a desire to partake of these excellen● things that are there , this is clear , 2 Cor. 5. 4 ▪ We groan being burdened , or as the word is We groan , as they who are pressed under a heavy burden , that we may be cloathed upon , &c ▪ What aileth you to groan so Paul ? O saith he , I groan that mortality may be swallowe● up of life . III. It is lawfull to desire to die , when it floweth from a desire to be freed from the body of death : and from these ●entations that assault us ; and from these oppressions whereunto we are subject by it . Doubtlesse , Paul desired to die on this account , when he cryed out ▪ Rom. 7. 24. O wretched man that I am , who shall deliver me from the body of this death ? He longeth greatly for the day , Wherein hee should be made white like the wings of a dove , covered with silver , whose feathers are of yellow gold . O saith Paul , I am as one impatient till I be above , where I shall be cloathed with these excellent and cleanly robes , The righteousnesse of Christ. Oh , saith Paul , I think every day as a year , till I be possessed of that Kingdom where Sathan cannot tempt , and the creature cannot yeeld , and where I shall be free from all my sears of sinning . Now in all these respects , who would not desire to die ? But to guard all these , I would give you these four Cautions . 1. Caution . Your desires to die should not be peremptory , but yee should desire to die with submission to the will of God , so that although he would fill up fifteen years more to your life , yee should be content to live it out . 2. Caution . When your desires are hasty , and off hand , suspect them ; for some when they meer with an outward crosse ( without all deliberation ) will cry our , O to be gone , O that I were dead . But your desires to die , should be deliberate , but not hasty , or rash . 3. Caution . It is not lawful to desire to die , because of personal affliction . Many , when they meet with bitter afflictions , will cry out , O to be gone : They long for death , even upon that account , such were Iobs desires , Iob 20. 21 , 22. and chap. 6. ver . 7. 8. O that I might have my request , even that it would please God to destroy me , &c. This desire was very unlawfull . 4. Caution . It is not lawfull to desire to die , when thy predominant idol is taken away from thee ; yet such was Ionahs desire , chap. 4. 23. Ionah thought his credit and reputation ( which was his idol ) was gone , and could never be regained : therefore he wished to die . But I would say this to you , that some will have ten desires for death , when they have not one desire for heaven . And what moveth Christians to be so desirous to die ? It is not so much because of their hope , as because of their anxiety ; it is not so much because of their confidence , as because of their impatience . But I say unto you , when your desires of death are not accompanied with desires of heaven , suspect them . 2. I would say this , that there are some who will have ten desires for death ▪ when they will not have one for the death of the body of death ; But it were good for thee ( who are such ) to be desiring the death of the body of death , then should thou be in a more suitable ●rame to desire to die . 3. Some will have hearty desires to die , and ye● when death cometh , they will be as unwilling to die as any . It hath been observed , that some who have much desired to die , when death came , have cryed out , O spare a little that I may recover strength , &c. 4. There is a great difference between a desire to die , and death it self . It is an easie thing to desire to die , but it is a very great business to meet with death , and to look it in the face , when it cometh . We think death ( ere it come near to us ) to be but childrens play , but when we meet with it , it maketh us change our thoughts . For it is a great businesse to die . Quest. 2. Is it lawfull for a Christian to desire to live , when he is summoned to die ? Answ. In some cases it is lawfull for a Christian to desire to live , even when he is summoned to die ; which is clear from the practice of David , Psal. 39. 13. where he prayeth , That the Lord would spare him a little . It is also clear from the practice of good Hezekiah , Isa. 38. 3. when he was commanded to set his house in order , for he should die , and not live , he cryeth forth , Remember now , O Lord , how I have walked before thee in truth , and with a perfect heart : and have done , that which is good in thy sight , and Hezekiah wept sore ; Or as the word in the Original , he wept with great weeping : But to guard this , take these two Cautions . Caution 1. Thy desires to live ( when thou are summoned to die ) should not be peremptory , but with submission to the will of God , that if it bee his pleasure to remove thee presently out of time , thou should bee content to die . Caution 2. Thy desires to live should have gracious principles , and also a very gracious end , as is most clear from David , Psal. 39. 13. where hee saith , O spare a little that I may recover my strength , before I go from hence and bee no more : his desire to live was th●● hee might have more victory over his Idols , as if hee had said , my desire to live is , that I may have strength to wrestle with , and overcome my Idols : and without all controversie , Hezekiahs desire was a most precious and well grounded desire : However , I would say this unto thee , that thou shouldest examine thy desires to live , as much ( if not more ) as thy desires to die : for wee are ready to shun death if wee could , but hee is that universall King , unto whom all of us must be subject ere long . Now in the words which are read unto you , there are these six things which may be clearly observed from them . I. First , That it is a most clear and infallible truth , ●at all persons shall once see death : as is 〈◊〉 in these words , Who is hee that liveth an shall not see death . II. Secon●●● , That this truth ( that wee shall once see death ) is not much believed or thought upon by many , therefore it is that the Psalmist doubleth the Assertion . Who is he that liveth , and shall not see death ? Shall he deliver his soul ( that is his life ) from the hand ( that is ) from the power of the grave . III. Thirdly , That sometimes a Christian may win to the solide Faith of this truth , that once he must die , this the Psalmist wan unto , as it is also clear in that word ( who ) Who is he that liveth and shall not see death ? IV ▪ Fourthly , That the certainty of this , that once we shall die should be still keeped in our minde , therefore that note of attention Selah , is put to it ; as if he had said , take heed that there is none living that shall no● die ▪ V. Fifthly , That howbeit some persons put the evil day far away , as if they were not to see death , yet is the day coming when they shall see death , and death shall take them by the hand . VI. Sixthly , We shall take notice of this from the context , that the Christian who is much in minding the brevity of his life , will believe the certainty of his death , the Psalmist was speaking of the shortnesse of his life in the preceeding verse , and in this verse , he speaketh of the certainty of death ▪ Now as for the first of these things observed , viz. That it is certain and most sure that we must all once die ; I hope there are none of you here who will deny it ; although I confesse few of you beleeveth it , yet said the woman of Tek●ah , 2 Sam. 14. We must all die and be like water spilt upon the ground that cannot be gathered up again , &c. God doth not accept the person of any , and Iob 30. 32. I know thou wilt bring me to death , and to the house appointed for all living . And it is very clear , Eccles. 8. 8. There is no man that hath power over the spirit to retain the Spirit , neither hath he any power in the day of death , and there is no discharge in that War ; neither shall wickednesse deliver those that are given to it : It is also clear , Heb. 9. 27. It is appointed unto all men once to die . So it is most clear that we must die . I remember of one Philip King of Macedonia , who had one substitute for this very end , to cry at his Chamber door every morning , Memento mori , Memento mori , Memento mori , Remember thou art to die , and it is reported to have been the practice of the Nobles of Greece , and in the day wherein their Emperour was Crowned , that they presented a Marblestone unto him , and he was inquired after what fashion he would have his Tomb stone made : which practices speak forth this unto us , that although these were most destitute of light of the Scriptures , yet were very mindfull of death . Believe me , death may surprise us before we be aware , for it is most certain that we must die , but there is nothing more uncertain then the way how , and the time when we shall die . Death will surprise some , as it did Abel , in the open field , Gen. 4. 8 , Death will surprise some , as it did Eglon in his parlour , Iudg. 3. 21. And death will surprise some , as it did Saul and Ionathan in the flight , 1 Sam. 31. Now in speaking to this point , I shall first speak a little to these advantages which attend those that live within continuall sight of death . Secondly , I shall give you some Considerations to presse you to prepare for death . Thirdly , I shall give you some Directions to help you to prepare for Death : And then we shall proceed unto the second point of doctrine which we observed from the Text , and shall speak a few things from it unto you , and so come unto a close for this time . First then , we conceive there are these seven advantages which attend those who live within the continual ●ight of this truth , that they must die . I. First , The Faith of approaching death will make a soul exceeding diligent in duty : this was our blessed Lords divinity , Ioh. 9. 4. I must work the work of him that sent me , while it is day : The night cometh , when no man can work ; That is , death is approaching , therefore I must work . It is clear also , 2 Pet. 1. 12. compared with vers . 14. In the 12. vers . Peter is exceeding diligenc● in his duty , and the ground of his diligence is in the 14. vers . Knowing that shortly I must put off this my tabernacle , &c. Yea , it is even the Epicures argument , Let us eat and drink , for to morrow we shall die ; and should not the Christian much more cry out , Let mee watch and pray , for to morrow I may die ? I say , if the Epicures did make use of this notion , to make them vigorous in the pursuit of their pleasures : O how much more should a Christian improve i● , for making him vigorous in the pursuit of his duty ? Therefore I say unto you all , O bee diligent , for your night is drawing near . O Christians , and expectants of heaven , are ye not afraid lest yee be nighted before ye have walked the half of your journey ? For if yee bee nighted on your journey to heaven , before ye come to the end of your race , there is no retiring place whereunto yee may turn aside to lodge : therefore , O work , work , work , while it is day ; for behold death is approaching , and then shall we all bee called to an account . II. The Faith of approaching death , will make a Christian exceeding active in duty : hee will not only bee diligent , but also exceeding serious and zealous in the exercise of his duty : This is clear from that notable exhortation , Eccles. 9. 10. Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do , do it with thy might : and the reason is , For there is no work , nor device , nor knowledge , nor wisdom in the grave whether thou goest . Wherefore O bee active while yee are alive , for ye shall never work any more after ye are dead ; and if ye leave but one work undone , there is no doing of it after death . There is no work ( saith Solomon ) in the grave ; therefore , O be active . III. The faith of this Truth , that we must all die , will help a Christian to be exceeding mortified to the things of a present world . Oh , covetous men and women , would ye shake hands with cold death but once every morning , I should defy you to pursue the world so much as ye do . Paul was much in the meditation of his change , which made him , 2 Cor. 4. 18. to overlook these things that are temporary , while we look not ( saith he ) to the things that are seen , which are temporal , but to the things which are not seen , which are eternal , therefore , chap. 5. 1. Knowing that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved , we have a building of God , an house not made with hands , eternal in the heavens , Therefore in this we groan , earnestly desiring to be cloathed upon with our house which is from heaven . What aileth you Paul ( might one have said ) may ye not take a look of the world ( no saith he ) For I know that if this earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved , I have a house with God , not made with hands , but eternal in the heavens : That is , I know that ere long , the pins of my tabernacle will be loosed , and it will fall down about my ears , therefore I must look for another dwelling house : And , 1 Cor. 7. 24. The fashions of this world passe away , Therefore , ●aith he , vers . 32. I would have you without carefulnesse , caring how to please the Lord. And Phil. 4. 5. Let your moderation be known to all men , The Lord is at hand . As if he had said , Death is approaching and at hand , therefore I intreat you be sober : But I think many of us will be found like Saul hid among the stuffe , that is , we will be lying amongst the middest of the pleasures of this passing world : But I say unto thee who are such an one , that death will break the strings of thy harp , and thy musick will quickly cease . O but death will make thee have a low esteem of the world . O blessed is the person who hath these thoughts of the world all along his way , which he shall have of it at death ? Have not the most cursed wretches been forced to cry forth , Oh , I would give ten thousand worlds for Christ ? Have not some persons ( who have had the Moon upon their head , and that have made their belly their god ) being forced to cry forth at death ; O cursed person that I am that ever made the world my god ? Alas that I contented my self with the world . Therefore I say unto thee who art such an one , O stay thy pursuit after the world , for death is approaching that will cause all thy worldly comforts evanish . IV. When a Christian believeth this Truth , that he must die , it will be an exceeding great ●estraint to keep him from sinning , as is clear , Iob 31. 13. compared with vers . 14. where Iob reckoning over many good deeds done by himself , saith , What then shall I do when God riseth up ? and when he visiteth , what shall I answer him ? As if he had said , Sirs mistake me not , I am not boasting much of my self , for I could not have done otherwise , else what should I do when God riseth up ? How could I answer to God if I had done otherwise ? I think it were a notable practice for each of you , when temptations begin to assault you , to say , O temptation , what will I answer to God , when he riseth up to reprove me , if I should yeeld unto thee ? Likewise , Eccles 11. 9. Where Solomon , disswading young men to pursue after vanity , bringeth this as a reason . Know thou , that for all , these things , God will bring thee to judgement ; Therefore I say unto thee , who art often tempted to sin . let 〈◊〉 and reckoning with God be still in thy sight , and I defy thee then to imbrace half so many temptations as now thou dost . I intreat you to answer all your temptations with that word , What shall I do when he riseth up ? And what shall I answer when he visiteth me ? V. When a Christian liveth within the sight of this Truth , that he shall once see death , it shall make him exceeding patient under every crosse wherewith he meeteth ; Such a Christian will hardly meet with a crosse , but he will quiet himself with this , Death will put me beyond this crosse : this is but a cloud that will quickly passe away . And for this cause did Divid so composedly put up that desire , Psal. 39 4. Lord make me to know my end , and the measure of my dayes : He was sure that the knowledge of his end would put him in a sober and patient frame . VI. The sixth advantage is this , The faith of approaching death , will teach the the person that hath it , to study saving wisedome , This is clear , Psal. 90. 12. Where David putteth up this request , So teach us to number our dayes , that we may apply our hearts unto wisdome . As if he had said , I will never think my self wise , till I know that blessed peece of Arithmetick , How to number my dayes . I would desire every one of you all to think with your self every morning when ye arise , now I am a day nearer unto eternity then I was before : and at the end of every hour , now I am an hour nearer unto eternity then I was before . I say , think often , yea alwayes thus , I was never so near my death as I am now ; For , oh ! are we not all nearer to eternity to day , then we were yesterday ? VII . The seventh advantage , attending the faith of approaching Death , is this , That it will make a Christian very carefull in preparing for Death . It is impossible for one to believe really that Death is approaching , and not to prepare for it . Say what ye will , if ye be not carefull in preparing for death , ye have not the solide faith of this truth , that ye shall die . Believe me , it is not every one that thinketh he believeth this truth , that believeth it indeed . And O how dreadfull is it for an unprepared man to meet with death ? He desireth not to die , yea he would give a world for his life . but die must he whether he will or not : for death will not be requested to spare a little when he cometh ; And therefore I say unto you all , Set your house in order , for ye shall surely die ; Old men and women , set your house in order , for surely ye must die ; Young men and women , set your house in order , for to morrow . ye may die , and be cut off in the flower of your age , Think not that there are any who can sell time : for I say , ye shall never get time sold unto you . Alas , I fear the most part of persons that dieth now , death findeth them at unawars ; for indeed the persons that die among us , when we come to visit them , we may give you a sad account of them , for we think they are comprehended under these four sorts . 1. First , When we go to visit some persons on their death bed , they are like unto Nabal , their heart is dying and sinking ( like unto a stone ) within them ; they are no more affected with death , then if it were a fancy ; ( alas for the great stupidity that hath overtaken many ) therefore I intreat you delay not your repentance till death , left the Lord take away your wit , so that ye cannot then repent for your senslesnesse and stupid frame of spirit . 2. A second sort we find in a presumptuous frame , saying they have had a good hope all their dayes , and they will not quite it now ; they will go down to the grave with their hope in their right hand : or rather they will go down to the grave with a lie in their right hand ; they live in a presumptuous frame , and they die in the same delusion . For when we tell them that by all probability they are going down to hell , they answer , God forbid , I was all my time a very honest man , or woman . But I love not that confession , for there are many such honest men and women in hell this day . 3. The third sort we find , having some convictions that they have been playing the fool all their dayes ; but we can get them no further : I shall only say to such , to go down to the gr●ve with convictions in their breast , not making use of Christ , is to go down to hell 〈◊〉 a ca●●●e in their hand to let them see the way : and truly the greater part that die , die in this manner . 4. Fourthly , There are some whom we find in a self righteous frame , trusting upon the Covenant of Works , and their own merits , and trusting by these to go to heaven : yet neglecting the offer of Christs righteousnesse . But , alas , we find not one of a thousand in this frame , I desire to be dissolved , and be with Christ , that 's best of all : And scarce do we find any in such a frame , O wretched man that I am , who shall deliver me from the body of this death ? Therefore I say unto you all who are here , O will ye mind death before it take hold on you . Oh mind your work now ; for ye will find that death shall be work enough for it self , though ye leave no work till then . VIII . The eight advantage that attendeth the Christian believing this truth , that once he must die , is this , death will not be so terrible to him as it is unto many when it cometh . What ( think ye ) maketh death a king of terrours ? What maketh many to shake like the leaf of a tree , when they are summoned to appear before Gods Tribunal ? It is even because of this , they have not been thinking on death before it came , so as to prepare for it , and I fear many in this place may be feared for death , and that when it cometh to them ; they will say unto death , at Ahab said to Elijah Hast thou found me , O mine enemy ? Surely , ●●ath will take you and bring you to the judgement seat of Christ ; Therefore study by all means to think often upon it ; and make ready for it : For ( believe me ) death is a very big word , for it will once make you stand with horrour in your souls , if your peace be not made up with God : I know not a more dreadfull dispensation then death and a guilty conscience meeting together . The second thing that I shall speak unto from this first observation ( viz. That it is a most certain and infallible truth , and all persons shall once see death ) shall be to give you some considerations for pressing you to prepare for death . I. The first consideration is this , That to die well , and in the Lord , is a most difficult work ; therefore I intreat you prepare for death . It is a difficult work to communicate aright , it is a difficult work to pray aright , and it is a difficult work to con●er aright : But I must tell you , it is a more difficult work to die aright , then any of these . It is true , it is more difficult to communicate aright , then to pray aright , yet it is much more difficult to die aright , then to communicate aright : For it is a most difficult work to die in the Lord. Death will put the most accurate Christian that is here , to a wonderfull search : and therefore I will tell you nine things that death will try in thee . 1. Death will try both the reality and strength of thy Faith. It may be easie for thee to keep up Faith under many difficulties , but death shall put thy Faith to the greatest stresse that ever it did meet with . Yea , know this that the Faith of the strongest Believer may get ( and ordinarily doth get ) a set at death , the like whereof it never got before : therefore prepare for death . 2. Death will try thy love to God , some persons pretend much love to him : but death will propose this question to such a person , Lovest thou him more then these ? Lovest thou him more then thy wife ? More then thy house ? More then thy friends ? But your unwillingnesse to die , giveth us much ground to fear that many have little love to Christ , but much to the world , and so dare not answer the question , Lord thou knowest I love thee . 3. Death will try thine enjoyments , some of you may be ready to think that ye met with many enjoyments , so that ye might reckon ( as you think ) to fourty enjoyments and sweet out lettings : but beware that death bring them not down to twenty . I have known some , who thought they had met fourty times with God ; but when death came , it made them take down the count to the half , therefore seeing death will try the reality of thine enjoyments , O prepare for it . 4. Death will try thy patience . Thou may seem to have much patience now , but when death cometh ( and thou art put to die ) it will put thy patience to a great tryall , therefore prepare fore it . 5. Death will try the reality of thy duties , yea even these duties wherein thou had most satisfaction , as thy communicating aright in such a place , thou hopest that is sure : thy reading the Scripture at such a time aright , thou hopest that is sure : thou prayed at such a time aright , and hopest that is sure : thou meditated in such a place aright , and hopest that is sure . But ( believe me ) death may make thee change thy thoughts : for there are some persons who have communicated and prayed , &c. as right as any in this generation , who ( for all that ) will not find six duties wherein they can find satisfaction at death : Therefore our need is great to prepare for it . 6. Death will exceedingly try thy sincerity when it cometh : An hypocrite may go all alongs his whole way undiscovered , yet death may bring him to light , and make it appear what man he it . 7. Death will discover unto thee many hid and secret sins , of which thou never had a thought before , yea , albeit thou thought these had been forgotten , death will let thee see them standing between thee and the light of his countenance . 8. Death will accurately try thy Mortification : Some think they have come a great length in Mortification ; but ( believe me ) death will try it and put it to the touch-stone . 9. Death will try thy hope , whether it bee real or not . I shall onely say this , that all the other graces must low their sails to Faith , and so it is Faith must carry us thorow , being that last triumphing grace ▪ which must fit the field for us , when all the other graces will faint and ly by . It is Faith that must enter us fairly within the borders of eternity , It is Faith must gainstand all the temptations of death , yea , all the other graces must ( as it were ) stand by , and see Faith strike the last stroak in this war. II. The second consideration to presse you to mind death , is this , that yee are to die but once . O labour to do that well , which yee are to do but once , and the wrong doing of which can never bee helped . If yee pray not aright , ye may get that mended : if yee meditate not aright , yee may get that mended : and if ye communicate not aright , ye may get that also mended : but alas , if ye die not aright , there is no mending of that : Therefore , O prepare for death , that ye may die well , seeing ye are to die but once . III. The third consideration to presse you to mind death , is this , That they are pronounced blessed who die in the Lord , Rev. 14. 13. Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord , O let that provoke you to prepare for death , that so you may die in the Lord , that is the only way to make you eternally happy . I confesse it is a question difficult to determine whether it be more difficult to die well , or to live well ; I shall not answer it , but rather desire you to study both . IV. The fourth consideration to presse you to prepare for death , is this , viz. That though thou put all thy work by thy hand before death , yet shalt thou finde that death shall have work enough for it self , yea , as much as thou shalt get done . It will then be much for thee to win to patience , it will be much for thee to win to the sight of thy Justification : and it will then be much for thee to win to assurance : O then is it not needfull for thee , to put all thy work by thy hand before thy latter end come ? Wherefore I may say to you as Moses said in his Song , Deut. 32. 29. O that they were wise , that they understood this , that they would consider their latter end . O that ye had this piece of divine wisdome . I pray you consider that sad word , Lament . 1. 9. She remembereth not her last end , And what of it ? Therefore she came down wonderfully : So will the down coming of many in this generation be wonderfull , who consider not their last end . V. The fifth Consideration , for pressing you to prepare for death , is this , viz. That their labour shall end , but their works shall not be forgotten , as is clear from that forecited place , Revel . 14. 13. They rest from their labours , and their works follow them : and is not that a glorious advantage ? VI. The sixth consideration to presse you to prepare for death , is this , viz. That death may come upon you ere ye be awar : ye know not but death may surprise you this night , before you go home to your houses : and therefore let that presse you to study a constant preparation for death . VII . The seventh Consideration to presse you to prepare for death , is this , viz. That as death leaveth you , so will judgement find you , If death shall leave you strangers to Christ , ye shall appear before his judgement seat strangers unto him : Therefore I intreat you all to prepare for it . I think that noble practice of Paul exceeding worthy of imitation , 1 Cor. 15. 13. I die dayly , which ( I think ) doth comprehend these three things . 1. That Paul had death alwayes in his sight . 2. It comprehendeth this , that he endeavoured to keep such a frame , as that every moment he should be ready to die , so that whensoever death should put the summonds in his hand , he should be content to answer . 3. It comprehendeth this , that he laboured to lay aside and remove all things out of the way , that might detain him from laying down his tabernacle . O saith Paul , I labour so to clear my self of all hinderances , as that when ever I shall be summoned to remove out of time , I may willingly lay down my life . Thus Paul desired alwayes to have his Latter Will clear ; Therefore I would ask you this question , viz. when did you make your last testament ? I think it were suitable for us to be renewing our latter will every day ; for in so doing , Paul made an excellent testament , the better of which , none that died since have made , 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have keeped the faith ; These are very sweet articles , and then he addeth , Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousnesse , which the Lord , the righteous Iudge shall give me at that day : And think ye not that very sweet ? And he would leave some thing unto you in Christs Name , viz. And not for me only , but for all them that wait for his appearance . Now I come to the third thing proposed , viz. To give you some directions for helping you to prepare for death . Direct . 1. I intreat you , be much in preparation for death every day , for it is even a preparation for heaven , to be taking a sight of your grave and latter end every day . Direct . 2. I intreat you , he much in these duties . First , In Self examination , that your compts may be clear with God : for many a ragged compt will we have , when death and we shall meet . Secondly , Be much in the exercise of Repentance , that so ye may have every fault of corruption in you mourned for , before death and you meet . Thirdly , Be much in the exercise of Faith , making your calling and election sure ? Fourthly , Be much in the exercise of Mortification , and that will help you to keep a loose grip , not only of the world , but also of your other idols ; And if ye be much in these , ye shall undoubtedly be prepared for death . Direct . 3. Be much in minding the excellent things of heaven . A Christian that would be prepared for death , would have all his thoughts and conversation there . I think , it would be an excellent help ( in preparation for death ) to take a sight of the Crown every day . Direct . 4. Labour alwayes to keep a good conscience void of offence towards God and men 〈◊〉 I say , labour to keep thy conscience clear , and that shall be a continual feast unto thee . Direct . 5. Slight not thy known duty , do not crucify any conviction , neither break any resolution : put these three together , and that will exceedingly help you to prepare for death : I say , see that ye adventure not to slight any known duty , see that ye adventure not to crucifie any conviction , and see that ye adventure not to break your resolutions Now we come to the second thing which we observed from the words , viz. That this truth , that we shall once see death , is not much believed by many of us . And to make this appear , we shall only give some Evidences unto you , to prove that we are not as yet prepared for death . I. Evidence , Doth not the unspeakable stupidity that have overtaken many , say , that we are not a people prepared for death ? Alas , many of us would find our selves in a most stupid temper if we were presently to die ; for many of us are no more moved with the threatnings and terrouts of God , then if they did not belong unto us ; and this saith we are not as yet prepared for death . II. Evidence , That we are not prepared for death , is our pursuing so much after the vain and passing delights of a present world . Many of us , Rise up early , and go late to bed at night , and eateth the bread of sorrow all the day , and loading themselves with thick clay ; And I am sure , that such a person , ( being night and day taken up with the world ) is not prepared for death . I remember a word recorded of such a wretched one , who was exceedingly rich ; said he , I would give so many thousands of money , if death would give me but one day : yet he got it not . And O how suddenly will death surprise many of you as it did him ? III. Evidence , which speaketh forth our unpreparednesse for death , is our impatience under every petty crosse that we meet with , for the prepared Christian will be patient under very sharp crosses . IV. Evidence , That we are not prepared , is our not endeavouring to live within sight of our interest in God ▪ Oh if wee were prepared for death , durst we live in so much uncertainty of our interest in God , and of our assurance of heaven ? V. Evidence ▪ Some of us can let our Idols ly in our brest six years without repentance , and will never study to mortifie them , nor to repent for them ; and surely such are not prepared for death . Now I intreat you seriously to minde what hath been said . And that yee may the more seriously think upon it , I will tell you some materiall challenges that your consciences at death will present unto you , therefore take heed , that yee may know how yee will answer . I. Challenge . Is the slighting of much precious Time , and sinning away the precious offers of Grace . O what will yee answer to that Challenge , when Death shall present it to you ? Death will say ( or rather thine own Conscience at Death ) what ailed thee to sin away so many hours , without either Praying , Reading , or Meditating● ? Now have yee any thing to answer when Death shall present this Challenge to you ? I intreat you premedita●e what ye will say : I intreat you prevent death by presenting it first seriously to your selves . II. Challenge , That Death will present unto you , will be , for the killing of many precious Convictions which we have had . What will each of you answer at death , when your conscience proposeth this challenge to you ? thou met with such a challenge at such a time , and went home and crucified it , when at another time thou met with another challenge , and went home and crucified it : These challenges will be laid home to thy door , therefore think on them . III. Challenge , Death will charge you for a formal hypocriticall way of going about duties : I say your Conscience will then tell you , that ye went to such a Communion with a selfish end : and a● another time ye prayed hyporritically and formally : and what will ye have to answer when ye meet with these challenges ? I confesse I know not what ye can answer to these ; but I charge you , be thinking what ye will answer , for it may be that these convictions shall ly on your consciences , that even this day ye have heard two searching Sermons , and did meet with some convictions ; but made no good use of them ; yea , and ●● may be ye did sleep all the time . O what will ye answer , when it will be said to you , ye went to such a Sermon and sleeped all the time : and ye went to such a Communion , but had no other end before your eyes but to be seen of men ? I intreat you consider presently what ye will answer to these . IV. Challenge , Will be for your breaking of many precious resolutions . It will be said to some of you , that at the Communion in this place , ye took on vowes , and did break them : I am sure ye cannot question the justice of this challenge : therefore see what ye will answer ? V. Challenge , Ye slighted many precious offers of the Gospel ; O men and women in this city , what will ye answer to this ? I was often exhorted to take Christ , and yet would never take him ; What will Conscience say to that , when death shall table it before you ? I tell you what ye must then answer , O cursed I , that ever refused Christ in the Gospel , and ye shall then be confounded because this is your sin . ( Believe me ) there was never an offer of this everlasting Gospel , and of Christ in it made unto you , that shall not at death ( before or after ) be brought to your remembrance ; and O how sad and doleful will it be to you , when Christ shall open the book where your sins are written , and begin with the sin of slighting the Great Salvation ? thus I invited you when you were twelve years old , and ye would not come , I invited you when ye were thirty years old , and ye would not come , I invited you when sixty years old , and ye would not come : What will ye answer to this ? Have ye any thing to say ? Or must ye not stand speechlesse before your Judge , when he shall put home this challenge unto you , therefore think seriously upon it , how ye will answer to it . VI. Challenge , will be for your sinning oftentimes against Light , and O how sad and painfull a challenge will that be at the day of Death ! when it will be said , thou sinned with a witnesse in thy bosome that thou wast doing wrong : thy Conscience will say , oftentimes did I tell thee this is sinfull , yet wouldest thou not abstain from it : And what will ye answer from this ? VII . Challenge , Oftentimes ye sinned upon every small temptations , and what will ye answer to that ? Must ye not then confesse it , and say , O how often have I deserted Christ and imbraced my idols upon a small temdtation ? Now I intreat you be thinking what ye will answer to these seven most material Challenges which certainly shall be presented to you at death . I assure you , ye must either answer all your challenges in Christ , else ye will not get them well answered . Therefore I would exhort you to imbrace the Gospel and Christ in it : that so let death propose never so many challenges unto you ▪ ye may answer them all as David did , viz. God hath made with me an everlasting Covenant , ( and that will answer all your challenges ) though my house be not so with God , yet I have the everlasting Covenant to build my salvation upon . Now to presse you to make use of Christ , I shall give you these four Considerations . Consideration 1. If ye imbrace not Christ now , Death will be very unpleasant to you . O what else can comfort thee , when going through the region of the shadow of Death , but this , I am Christs , I am Christs ? is there any other thing can comfort thee in that day , but only this , I am Christs , and He is mine ? Consideration 2. If ye imbrace not Christ and the Great Salvation now , It will be an hundred to one , if ever ye get time or libertie to do it , when ye are going to die . For although many delay their closing with Christ till death , yet scarcely one of a hundred getteth favour to grip Christ at death : therefore think on it , for ye will not get your mind so composed at death as ye imagine , nor all things done as ye suppose : therefore now imbrace the Great Salvation . Consideration 3. If ye delay your closing with Christ , till death seise upon you , ye shall never be able to make up that losse , For will the dead rise and praise God ? Or shall any come from the land of forgetfulnesse , to take hold upon a crucified Saviour ? Therefor , O will ye take him for your Salvation . Consideration 4. If ye will take Christ now , he shall be your guide , When ye are going through the valley and shadow of death . And O how blessed is the person that can sing that word , Psal. 48. 14. This is my God , he will be my guide even unto death . If ye can sing that pleasant song , O how may ye be comforted , when your eye strings shall begin to break ? O how happy is hee who can say , Though I walk through the shadow of death , yet will I fear no ill ▪ 〈◊〉 I know that the Lord is with mee . Now this is the acceptable day , and the year of salvation , therefore do not delay , but imbrace Christ , lest death surprise you ere yee be aware , and so the acceptable day be lost . But unto these who think they may delay till death , I say , surely there are many damned atheists in hell that ( sometime ) did think as yee think : I will make all wrongs right when death and I shall meet : I hope that three dayes repentance will satisfie for all my wrongs : for I am sure there are many in hell , who did never get three dayes to think upon their former wayes ; Therefore , O come , come , and imbrace Christ presently : Now are yee all perswaded of this truth , that yee shall once see death ? Then study a tender walking ; for ( believe me ) there are many of us who shall go thorow death with many bruised bones , because of untender walking before God. We know it is not the multitude of words can perswade you to imbrace Christ , for many of you never minded the thing : but ( believe mee ) death will p●each these things to you in a more terrible manner then wee can do at this time . Therefore I say ●o each of you , O prepare to meet thy God ; for , if death finde you in an estranged estate from God , I defy the Angels in Heaven to free you out of that estate . And the day is coming wherein thou shalt cry out , O slighter of the Great Salvation that I am , I would give ten thousand worlds for one Sermon again that I once heard , wherein Christ was freely offered to me , when thou shalt bee tormented without hope of remedy ; Therefore , While it is to day , harden not your hearts , for your late wishes shall not bee granted ( when yee are gone ) if yee make not haste . O therefore Haste , haste in time , and come out from the land of your captivity , and from the house of your bondage , and take Christ for your Redeemer , the guide of your youth and old age . Now unto him , who can lead you thorow all these steps betwixt you and heaven , be eternal praise . Amen . FINIS . 
A30478	----	A vindication of the authority, constitution, and laws of the church and state of Scotland in four conferences, wherein the answer to the dialogues betwixt the Conformist and Non-conformist is examined / by Gilbert Burnet ... Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. 1673 Approx. 500 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 180 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A30478 Wing B5938 ESTC R32528 12711648 ocm 12711648 66109 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30478) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 66109) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1032:1) A vindication of the authority, constitution, and laws of the church and state of Scotland in four conferences, wherein the answer to the dialogues betwixt the Conformist and Non-conformist is examined / by Gilbert Burnet ... Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. [26], 362 [i.e. 332] p. By Robert Sanders ..., Glasgow : MDCLXXIII [1673] Numerous errors in paging; numbers 113-142 omitted. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History -- 17th century. Scotland -- Constitutional history. Scotland -- History -- 17th century. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-11 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF THE AUTHORITY , CONSTITUTION , AND LAWS OF THE CHURCH AND STATE OF SCOTLAND . IN FOUR CONFERENCES . Wherein the Answer to the Dialogues betwixt the Conformist and the Non-conformist , is examined . By GILBERT BURNET , Professor , of Theology in Glasgow . GLASGOW , By ROBERT SANDERS , Printer to the City , and University . M. DC . LXXIII . TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF LAUDERDALE , &c. HIS MAJESIES HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR SCOTLAND . MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE . The noble Character which you do now so worthily bear , together with the more lasting and inward Characters of Your Princely mind , did set me beyond doubting to whom this Address was to be made : For to whom is a vindication of the Authority and Laws of this Kingdom so due , as to Your Grace , to whom His Majesty hath by a Royal Delegation , committed the administration of Affairs among us ; and under whose wise and happy conduct , we have enjoyed so long a tract of uninterrupted tranquillity ? But it is not only Your illustrious quality that entitles You to this Dedication . No , Great Prince , greater in Your mind , than by Your fortune ; there is somewhat more inward to You , than the gifts of fortune ; which , as it proues her not blind in this instance , so commands all the respect can be payed Your Grace , by such who are honoured with so much knowledg of You , as hath fallen to the happy share of Your poorest servant . But , My Lord , since all I can say either of the vast endowments of Your Mind , or of the particular engagements I lie under to honour You , must needs fall short of my sense of both ; and what is just to be said , is not fit for me to express ; the least appearances of flattery being as unpleasant to You , as unbecoming one of my Station : I must quit this Theme , which is too great for me to manage ; and only add , that I know Your understanding , in such debates as are here managed , to be so profound , and your judgment so well balanced , that as You deservedly pass for a Master in all learning ; so , if these Sheets be so happy as to be well accounted of by You , I shall the less value or apprehend the snarlings of all Censurers . I pretend not by prefixing so great a Name to these Conferences , to be secure from Censure by Your Patrociny , since these Enemies of all Order and Authority ( with whom I deal ) will rather be provoked from that , to lash me with the more severity . I shall not to this add my poor thoughts of what this time and the tempers of those with whom we deal , seems to call for , since by so doing , I should become more ridiculous than Phormio was , when he entertained the redoubted Hannibal , with a pedantick discourse of a Generals conduct . It is from Your Graces deep judgment and great experience , that we all expect and long for a happy settlement , wherein that success and blessings may attend Your endeavours , shall be prayed for more earnestly by none alive , than by , May it please YOUR GRACE , Your Graces most humble , most faithful , and most obliged servant . G. BURNET . TO THE READER . HOW sad , but how full a Commentary doth the age we live in , give on these words of our Lord , Luke 12.49 . I am come to send fire on the earth : suppose you that I am come to give peace on the earth ; I tell you , nay ; but rather division : for from henceforth there shall be five in one house divided . Do we not see the Father divided against the Son , and the Son against the Father , and engaging into such angry heats and mortal feuds , upon colors of Religion , as if the seed of the Word of GOD , like Cadmus teeth , had spawned a generation of cruel and bloud-thirsty men : But how surprizing is the Wonder , when Religion becomes the pretence , and seems to give the rise to these animosities , since the wisdom and goodness of GOD hath devised nothing more proper and powerful for over-ruling all the secret passions of the mind , and for mortifying of all boisterous disorders ? The Doctrine delivered by our meek and lowly Master , teacheth us the great Lessons of humility , of self-diffidence , and self-contempt , guards against the undervaluing of others , and the over-rating of our selves , gives check to wrath , anger , emulation and envy ; hatred and malice , railing and censuring : And in a word , designs the moulding our natures into a conformity with its blessed Author : who when he was reviled , reviled not again ; but practised without a blemish , those great Lessons he taught his Disciples , of doing good for evil , loving his Enemies , and praying for such as despitefully used him . But how far have we fallen from that lovely Pattern ? And how is the serene and peaceable visage of Christianity transformed into a sour cankered and surly temper , as if that which obliged us to love all men , should engage us to look morose on all but a handful of a party : and that which should dilate our love to all mankind , is given for a ground of contracting it to a few as ill natured as our selves . Is there not a generation among us who highly value themselves , and all of their own form ? but whoso differs from them , is sure of their fiercest spite , and bitterest Censures . Are the lives of such as differ from them vertuous , then they say they are good moral men : But , alas ! they know not what it is to be spiritual . Again , are they devout and grave , then they are called Monastick people , Juglers , or Papists . And if nothing can be fastened on them , the charge of hypocrisie is the last shift of malice : Or if they have been guilty of any failings and mistakes , they are so far from covering or disguising of them ; that on the contrary , the relating , the aggravating , and the commenting on these , is the main subject of all their discourses . And if they go on a Visit , the first Civilities are scarce over , when these Stories ( true or false , all is to one purpose ) come to make up their conversation . Who can have the least tincture of the Christian Spirit , and look on without sad regrates , and see this bitter , fierce , and cruel venom poisoning the several Sects and divisions of Christendom ? The root and spring whereof is no other than a carnal , proud , and unmortified temper : for few are so Atheistical , but they desire to pass , both in their own account , and in the opinion of others , for good Christians : but when they find how hard a thing it is to be a Christian indeed , and that they must mortifie all their carnal appetites , their fierce passions , and swellings of pride , despise the world , and be resigned in all things to the Will of GOD , before they can deserve that noble Character , then they pursue another method more grateful to their corrupt minds , which is to list themselves under a party , to cherish and value the Heads and Leaders of it , and to divide their kindness to all of their stamp : they stifly adhere to the forms , and maintain all the humors and opinions of that Party to which they have associated themselves , and they whet their Spirits and sharpen their Tongues against all of another mould , which some do with an undisguised fierceness : Other with a visage of more gravity , by which they give the deeper wounds . What sad effects flow from this Spirit is too visible ; and I love not to play the Diviner , or to presage all the mischief it threatens : but certain it is that the great business of Religion lies under an universal neglect , while every one looks more abroad on his Neighbor , than inwardly on himself ; and all st●dy more the advancement of a Party , than the true interest of Religion . I deny not but zeal for GOD must appear , when we see indignities done to his holy Name , in a just indignation at these who so dishonour him ; but what relation have little small differences about matters which have no tendency for advancing the Image of GOD in our Souls , to that ; since both sides of the debate may be well maintained without the least indignity done to GOD , or his holy Gospel ? What opposition to the Will of GOD , or what harm to Souls can flow from so innocent a practice , as the fixing some Churchmen over others , for observing , directing , reproving , and coercing of the rest , that this should occasion such endless brawlings , and such hot contentions ? But supposing the grounds of our divisions , as great as any angry Disputer can imagine them , then certainly our zeal for them should be tempered , according to the Rules and Spirit of the Gospel . Is it a Christian temper that our spirits should boil with rage against all of another persuasion , so that we cannot think of them without secret commotions of anger and disdain , which breaks often out into four looks , ridiculous ●earings , bitter scoffings and invectives , and in attempts at bloud and cruelty ? How long shall our Nadabs and Ab●hus burn this wild-fire on the Altar of GOD , whose flames should be peaceful , and such as descend from Heaven ? When we see any endangering their Souls by erroneous Opinions , or bad practices , had we the divine Spirit in us , it would set us to our secret mournings for them : our hearts would melt in compassion towards them , and not burn in rage against them : and we would attempt for their recovery , and not contrive their 〈◊〉 . The ●ne bears on it a clear impress of that nature which is Love , in which none can have interest , or union , but such as dwell and abide in Love : but the other bears on it the lively signature of him that was a murderer from the beginning : and all that is mischievous or cruel , is of that evil one , and tends to the subversion of mankind ; as well as the ruin of true Religion . Another great Rule by which the Peace and Order of all human Societies is maintained and advanced , is obedience to the Laws , and submission to the Authority of these whom GOD hath set over us , to govern and defend us ; to whose Commands if absolute Obedience be not payed , ever till they contradict the Laws of GOD , there can be neither peace nor order among men , as long as every one prefers his own humour or inclination to the Laws of the Society in which he lives . Now it cannot be denied to be one of the sins of the age we live in , that small regard is had to that authority GOD hath committed to his Vicegerents on earth : The evidence whereof is palpable , since the bending or slackening of the execution of Laws is made the measure of most mens Obedience , and not the conscience of that duty we owe the commands of our Rulers : for what is more servile and unbecoming a man , not to say a Christian , than to yield Obedience when over-awed by force ; and to leap from it when allured by gentler methods ? If Generosity were our principle , we should be sooner vanquished by the one , than cudgelled by the other : Or if Conscience acted us , the Obligation of the Law would equally bind , whether backed with a strict Execution , or slackened into more impunity . Hence it appears how few there are who judg themselves bound to pay that reverence to the Persons , and that Obedience to the Commands of these GOD hath vested with his Authority , which the Laws of Nature and Religion do exact . And the root of all this disobedience and contempt , can be no other , but unruly and ungoverned pride , which disdains to submit to others , and exalts it self above these who are called Gods. The humble are tractable and obedient ; but the self willed are stubborn and rebellious . Yet the height of many mens pride rests not in a bare disobedience , but designs the subverting of Thrones , and the shaking of Kingdoms , unless governed by their own measures . Among all the Heresies this age hath spawned , there is not one more contrary to the whole design of Religion ▪ and more destructive of mankind , than is that bloudy Opinion of defending Religion by Arms , and of forcible resistance upon the colour of preserving Religion . The wisdom of that Policy is ●●●hly , sen●●al and devillish , favoring of a carnal unmortified and impatient mind , that cannot bear the Cross , nor trust to the Providence of GOD : and yet with how much zeal is this doctrine maintained and propagated , as if on it hung both the Law and the Prophets ? Neither is the zeal used for its defence only meant for the vindicating of what is past , but on purpose advanced for re-acting the same Tragedies : which some late villanous attempts have too clearly discovered , some of these black Arts ( tho written in white ) being by a happy providence of GOD ( by the intercepting of R. Mac his Letters which contained not a few of their rebellious practisings and designs ) brought to light . Indeed the consideration of these evils should call on all to reflect on the sad posture wherein we are , and the evident signatures of the Divine displeasure under which we l●e : from which it appears that GOD hath no pleasure in 〈◊〉 , nor will be glorified among us : that so we may discern the signs of the times , and by all these sad indications may begin to appehend our danger , and ●o turn to GOD with our whole hearts ; every one repenting of the works of his hands , and contributing his prayers and endeavours for a more general Reformation . It is not by Political Arts , nor by the execution of penal Laws , that the power of Religion can be recovered from these decays , under which it hath so long suffered . No , no , we must consider wherein we have provoked GOD to chastise us in this fashion , by letting loose among us a Spirit of uncharitableness , giddiness , cruelty and sedition : And the progress of these and other great evils , we ought to charge on our own faultiness , who have provoked GOD to plead a Controversie with us in so severe a manner . This is the method we ought to follow , which if we did , we might sooner look for the Divine protection and assistance : and then we should experience it to be better to put our confidence in GOD , than to put our confidence in men . Indeed surh a Reformation of our lives and hearts , would more strongly plead our cause , and advance our interest , than the most learned Disputes , or the severest Laws , tho followed with a most vigorous execution : Let us not therefore repine at the contempt we lie under , or the hazard we are exposed to ; nor complain of the non-execution of Laws ; but let us examine wherein we have walked contrary to the Laws of CHRIST in his Gospel , by which we have provoked GOD to render us base and contemptible before the people . In a word , till we condemn our selves more , and others less , and think more of reforming our selves , and less of punishing others , we look not like proper Objects of Mercy , or fit for a deliveranee . But I shall quit this purpose to give some account of the following Conferences . Some years ago , a small Book of Dialogues betwixt the Conformist and Nonconformist was published , and received with the general applause and good liking of all , who were so far unprepossessed as to consider the plain and simple reasonings were there laid open ; but presently all the mouths of the enraged Zealots were set a yelping and snarling at it , and at its suspected Author : some laughed at it , others despised it , and all of them were angry : some threatned a speedy answer , others doubting of the performance , said , it deserved none . At length divers Pens were said to have undertaken the Task ; but in end we had an answer from beyond Sea to it , which was received with an universal shout of victory and triumph : the Answerer acting his part with so much confidence , and edging his smatterings with so much bitterness , as if he had engaged with a compound of Ignorance and Atheism . At first reading I could not but pity one who triumphed so confidently with so little reason , and regrate the bitterness of his spirit , who belched up gall and wormwood upon every occasion . Yet in some matters of fact and History , I deny not but his confidence made me imagine truth might be on his side ; but when I examined things from their Fountains , I know not wha verdict to pass on him , who fell in so many mistakes , and stumbled at every step . Most of his errors I imputed to his second-hand reading , for he seems to have risen no higher in his learning than the reading of Pamphlets : and it is like , hath that quarrel with Antiquity , that there is not a forty year old Author in his Closet ; and so much is he beholden to the labours of others , that if one unplume him of what is borrowed , nothing will remain but scoldings , and non-sense . For when he meets with anything out of the Road , it is not unpleasant to see how browillied he is ; and so unequal in his stile , that sometimes he flies high on borrowed wings , and immediately he halts and crawls when on his own legs . I was not soon resolved whether such a Scribler deserved an Answer , since all he said that was material , had both been printed and answered full often ; yet the confidence of the Author , and the value which others , much about his own size of knowledg and modesty , did set on his labors , made me think it necessary to say a little more on these things , which were perhaps too overly glanced at by the Conformist in the Dialogues : and my interest in that Person secured me from apprehending his mistakes of my interposing in this quarrel ; for indeed what he said was so far from being shaken by this pretended trifling Answer , that as a Person of great judgment and worth , said , No more pains was needful for refuting the Answer , but the reading over the Dialogues , whose strength remained entire after all his attempts against them . I was doubtful what method to pursue in the following sheets , since I ever loathed the answering of Books by retail , as an endless and worthless labor : for when should I have done , did I call him to account for all his incoherencies and impertinencies , and examine all his simpering distinctions , and whiffling answers ? I resolved therefore at one dash to wave all that , and to examine the matters of greater and more publick concern , with that clearness of expression which befits such Subjects , and with so much brevity , as might not frighten away the more superficial Readers , nor surfeit the more laborious . Therefore I have not stayed to make good all the Conformists Opinions or arguments , hinted in these short Dialogues , but have left the examining of them , and the Answers made to them , to the consideration of the unprejudged Reader , and so have considered nothing of what he answers to the fifth and sixth Dialogues . To the fifth Dialogue , wherein set forms for Worship are pleaded for , he answers by confessing their lawfulness , arguing only against the imposing them ; but this I meet with in my second Conference , wherein I assert the binding Authority of Laws in all things lawful . And for his Answers to the sixth Dialogue , they concern me not , being made up of reflections : It is true , to shew his Common place reading , he gives a long discourse of Justification , but to very little purpose , since upon the matter the Conformist differs nothing from him : And for the justifying or condemning some phrases or modes of speech , they are not worth the while to debate about them : All my quarrel at these long winded Common places , being , that by a pretence of making matters clearer , they darken them with a multiplicity of words , and an intricacy of phrases . And as this is justly censurable on every head about which it is imployed , so it is more particularly in the matter of Justification , which being the ground of our hope and joy , should be so cleared , that no difficulty , nor nicety get into our conceptions about it . What then can be clearer than that GOD in consideration of his Sons sufferings , offers free pardon to all sinners , on the terms of their forsaking their sins , their accepting his mercy through his Son , and their obedience to the rules of his Gospel , which whosoever do , are actually in the ●avor of GOD , made partakers of his Grace , and shall in due time be admitted to his Glory ? This being the Co●f●rmists sense on that head , I leave it with all to consider what reason there was for making such ado about it , or for charging him with so heavy imputations . But he shrouds himself under his own innocency , and will patiently bear all the insultings and ungodly rage of that Adversary , without recriminating or answering him in his own style and dialect . I pursue the method of a Conference , as being both more suitable to the purposes here canvassed , and more agreeable to the Dialogues , only I furnish the Scene with more persons ; and I am much mistaken if the Answerer himself shall have ground to accuse me of not laying out the strength of his reasonings faithfully , since upon every occasion I put in Isotimus his mouth the substance of his arguings , as far as I could reach them . But to make this unpleasant peace of contention go the more easily off , I have subjoyned to it an account of the form and rules of Church Government , as I found them to have been received in the first and purest ages of the Church : But I add no more for Preface to that work , since in the end of the last Conference enough is said for introduction to it . I have divided my work in four parts and Conferences : The first examines the opinion of resisting lawful Magistrates upon the pretence of defending Religion . The second considers the Authority of Laws , and the obedience due to them , together with the Kings Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical . The third examines the spirit that acted during the late times and Wars , and continues yet to divide us by Schism and faction . And the fourth examines the lawfulness and usefulness of Episcopacy . I must now release my Reader from the delay this Introduction may have occasioned him , without the usual formality of Apologies , for the defects the following papers are guilty of , since I know these generally prevail but little for gaining what they desire : but shall only say , that this morose way of writing , by engaging into Controversies , is as contrary to my Genius as to any mans alive : For I know well how little such writings prevail for convincing of any , and that by them the most part are rather hardened into more wilfulness , and exasperated into more bitterness : Yet for this once I was prevailed on to do violence to my own inclinations , by this Patrociny of the authority and laws of that Church and Kingdom wherein I live . I am so far from thinking my self concerned to make Apology for the slowness of this Piece its appearance in publick , that I encline rather to make excuses for its coming abroad too soon . That it was ready near a twelve-month ago , can be witnessed by many who then saw it . Yet I was willing to let it lye some time by me , and my aversion from the motions of the Press , put it often under debate with me whether I should stifle it , or give it vent : at length I yielded to the frequent importunities of my friends who assaulted me from all hands , and told me how much it was longed for , and what insultings were made upon the delay of its publication . And by what is near the end of the third Conference , it will appear that it was written before the discovery of these who had robbed and wounded the Ministers in the West of Scotland . I let what is there said continue as it was written , before the discovery , but shall add somewhat here . In September last , after a new robbery had been committed on another conformable Minister , whose actors no search could discover ; some few days had not passed over , when by a strange Providence one of them was catched on another account by a brave Soldier , and being seized , such indications of his accession to the robbery were found about him , that he to prevent torture , confessed not only his own guilt , but discovered a great many more : most of them escaped , yet three were taken , and had Justice done on them , with him who had been their chief Leader : and who continued to cant it out highly after he got his Sentence , talking of his blood as innocently shed , and railing against the Prelats and Curats ; though before Sentence he was basely sordid , as any could be . One of his complices who died with more sense , acknowledged , when he spake his last words , that bitter zeal had prompted him to that villany , and not covetousness , or a design of robbing their goods . Yet I shall not conceal what I was a witness to , when a Minister of the Presbyterian perswasion being with them ( for two of them would willingly admit of none that were Episcopal ) after he had taken pains to convince the chief Robber of the atro●iousness of his crimes , which was no ●asie task , he charged him to discover if either Gentlemen , or Ministers , had prompted or cherished him in it , or been conscious to his committing these robberies , he cleared all , except a few particular and mean persons who went sharers with him . And by this fair and ingenuous procedure , the Reader may judge how far the Author is from a design of lodging infamy on these who differ from him , when of his own accord he offers a testimony for their vindication . But I shall leave this purpose , and the further prefacing at once . If my poor labors be blessed with any measure of success , I humbly offer up the praise of it to him f●om whom I derive all I have , and to whom I owe the praise of all I can do . But if these attempts bring forth none of the wished-for effects , I shall have this satisfaction , that I have sincerely and seriously studied the calming the passions , and the clearing the mistakes of these among whom I live : so that more lyes not on me , but to follow my endeavours with my most earnest prayers , that the GOD of Peace may in this our day , cause us discern and consider these things which belong to our Peace . THE HEADS TREATED OF in these Conferences . THe first Conference examines the origine and power of Magistracy , and whether Subjects may by arms resist their Sovereigns on the account , or pretence of defending Religion against Tyranny , and unjust oppression ? And whether the King of Scotland be a Sovereign Prince , or limited , so that he may be called to account , and coerced by force ? The second examines the nature of humane Laws , and of the obedience due to them , and the Civil Magistrates Right of enacting Laws in matters Ecclesiastical . The third examines the grounds and progress of the late Wars , whether they were Defensive or Invasive , and what Spirit did then prevail ? And the grounds of our present Schi●m are considered . The fourth examines the origine , lawfulness , and usefulness of Episcopal Government , which is concluded ; with an account of the Primi●ive Constitution and Government of the Churches that were first gathered and planted . The COLLOCUTORS . Eudaimon . A Moderate man. Philarchaeus . An Episc●pal man. Isotimus . A Presbyterian . Basilius . An Asserter of the Kings Authority . Criticus . One well studied in Scripture . Polyhistor . An Historian . The FIRST CONFERENCE . Eudaimon . YOU are welcome , my good Friends , and the rather that you come in such a number , whereby our converse shall be the more agreeable . Pray , sit down . Philarcheus . The rules of Custom should make us begin with asking after your Health , and what News you have . Eud. Truly the first is not worth enquiring after ; and for the other , you know how seldom I stir abroad , and how few break in upon my retirement , so that you can expect nothing from me ; but you have brought one with you who uses to know every thing that is done . Isotimus . I know you mean me : the truth is , I am very glad to hear every thing that passeth ; and think it no piece of Virtue to be so unconcerned in what befals the Church of GOD , as never to look after it : but you are much wronged , if notwithstanding all your seeming abstraction , you be not deeper in the knowledge of Affairs than any of us : however since you expect News from me , I was just now reading some Books lately printed at Holland , and particularly an accurate and learned Confutation of these virulent Dialogues you were wont to magnifie so much : and it doth my heart good to see how he baffles the writer of them on every occasion ; for he hath answered every word of them so well , and so home , that I believe we shall not see a reply in haste . Philarcheus . I suppose we have all seen the Book , but it is like you are singular in your opinion of it : I shall not deny its Author his deserved praises : he hath been faithful in setting down most of the Arguments used in the Dialogues , and no less careful to gather together all the vulgar answers to them , and truly hath said as much as can be said for his Cause . Neither writes he without art ; for when he is pinched , he drives off the Reader with a great many preliminary things , to make him forget the purpose , and to gain a more easie assent to what he asserts . I confess his Stile is rugged and harsh , so that it was not without pain I wrestled through it : but of all I have seen , he hath fallen on the surest way to gain an Applause from the Vulgar ; for he acts the greatest Confidence imaginable , and rails at his Adversary with so much contempt , and malice , that he is sure to be thought well of , by these who judge of a man more by his voice , and the impresses of earnestness , and passion he discovers , than by the weight of what he saith . Eud. These things may well take with the ignorant Rabble , with whom it is like he designs to triumph : but truly such as understand either the civilities of good Nature , or the meekness of a Christian , will be little edified with them . Indeed I am amazed to see so much indiscretion and bitterness fall from any mans Pen who hath read S. Paul , condemning railings , evil surmisings , and perverse disputings . Isot. Who begun the scolding ? The truth is , there are some who think they may rail with a priviledge , and if any in soberness tell them of their faults , they accuse them of bitterness : but was there ever any thing seen more waspish than these Dialogues ? whose design seems to have been the disgracing of a whole Party , and all their actions for many years : If then the Atheism , the blasphemy , the mockery , the enmity to GOD and Religion , the ignorance , the malice , the folly and arrogance of such a confident Babler be discovered , you are so tender der hooffed forsooth , as to complain of railings . Eud. It seems these writings have made a deep Impression on you , you have got so exactly into their stile : b●t this is a place where Passion is seldom cherished , therefore we will expect no more of that strain from you . But to deal freely with you , there were some Expressions in these Dialogues with which I was not well satisfied ; but the whole of them had such a visage of Serenity , that I wonder how they are so accused . It is true the Conformijt deals very plainly , and yet ere we part , I can perhaps satisfie you : he said but a little of what he might have said : But withal , remember how severely , he that was meekness it self , treated the Scribes and the Pharisees , and he having charged his Followers to beware of their leaven , it is obedience to his Command to search out that leaven , that it may leaven us no more . And when any of a Party are so exalted in their own conceit , as to despise and disparage all others , the love , Ministers of the Gospel owe the Souls of their Flocks , obligeth them to unmask them . As to these poor simple Reproaches that are cast on the Person of that Author , as they are known to be false and unjust , so they are done in a strain that seems equally void of Wit and Goodness . But we shall meddle no more in these ●●●sonal difference● , afte● I have told you what I heard the Author of that Conference say upon this subject : he said , He was so far from being displeased with the Author of this Answer , that he was only sorry he knew not who he was , that he might seek an opportunity of obliging him . For the things charged on him , if he was guilty of them , he needed very many prayers ; but if innocent , the other needed no fewer who so unjustly accused him : but a day comes wherein a righteous judge will judge betwixt them : and this was the utmost displeasure he expressed ; adding , That he had another sense of the account he must give for his hours , than to engage in a Counter scuffle , or to play at such small game , as a particular examen of that Book would amount to : And he judged it unworthy of him to turn Executioner on that man's Reputation , by enquiring into all the escapes of his Book which are too obvious . But he is willing to stand or fall by the decision of rational and impartial Minds , only where he was either too short , or where the Answerer hath raised so much Mist as might obscure a less discerning Reader : he will ( when he gets out of the throng wherein his Employment doth at present engage him ) offer a clearer account of the matters in question , without tracing of that p●or Creature , who , it is like , expects to be recorded among the Learned Writers of the Age , and the Champions of Truth . Bas. We have nothing to do with what is personal among these Writers : But since so many of us have met so happily , and seem a little acquainted with these Questions , let us according to our wonted freedom , toss these debates among us , without heat or reflections : which signifie nothing but to express the strength of his Passions , and the weakness of his Reasons who makes use of them . And indeed the matter of the greatest Importance is , the point of Subjects resisting their Sovereigns , in the defence of Religion , which deserves to be the better cleared , since it is not a nicety of the School , or a speculation of Philosophers , but a matter of Practice , and that which ( if received ) seems to threaten endless Wars and Confusions . Crit. I am no great Disputer , but shall be gladly a witness to your debate , and upon occasions shall presume to offer what I have gleaned among the Critical Writers on Scripture : and I hope Ij●timus's Memory is so good , that he will carefully suggest the Arguments used by the Patrons of defensive Arms. Isot. I will not undertake too much , but shall take care not to betray this good Cause , yet I will not have the Verdict passed upon my defence of it ; however I shall not sneak so shamefully as the Nonconformist did in the Dialogues . Eud. I hope I shall not need to caution you any more against reflections : but as for the alledged treachery of your friend the Nonconformist , it may be referred to all Scotland , if what he saith be not what is put in the mouths of all the People about these matters , and truly this Answer adds so little to him , that nothing can free him so well of that treachery , as the reading of this new Book . But to our purpose : The Question is first in general , If Subjects under a lawful Sovereign when oppressed in their established Religion , may by Arms defend themselves , and resist the Magistrates ? Let this be first discussed in general , and next it shall be considered how far this will quadrat with our present Case , or our late Troubles . Isot. I like your method well , and that we may follow it , consider ( see pag. 20. of the Answer , and Ius populi all over ) if their can be any thing more evident from the Laws of Nature , than that men ought to defend themselves , when unjustly assaulted ? And since the Law of Nature teacheth men not to murder themselves , it by the same force binds them to hinder another to do it , since he that doth not hinder another from committing a Crime , when it is in his power so to do , becomes guilty of the crime committed ; he is then a self-murderer who doth not defend himself from unjust force . Besides , what is the end of all Societies , but mutual Protection ? Did not the People at first choose Princes for their Protection ? Or do you imagine it was to satisfie the Pride and Cruelty of individual persons ? It was then the end of Societies , that Justice and Peace might be maintain'd : so when this is inverted , the Subjects are again to resume their own conditional surrender , and to coerce the Magistrate , who , forgetful of the ends of his Authority , doth so corrupt it . And since the great design of man should be to serve GOD , and to worship him in spirit and in truth , this is to be preferred to all things else , as being of the greatest Importance . If then Magistrates , whom S. Peter ( 1 Pet. 2.13 . ) calls the Ordinances of men , or humane Creatures , do force there Subjects from the true Worship of GOD , they ought to be restrained , and the Cause of GOD must be maintained , notwithstanding their unjust Laws or cruel Tyranny . Bas. You have indeed put such colours on your Opinion , that I should be much shaken from mine , were not my persuasion well grounded . But to examine what you have said , you must distinguish well betwixt the Laws of Nature , and the Rights or permissions of Nature : the first are unalterable Obligations , by which all men are bound , which can be reversed by no positive Law , and transgressed by no Person , upon no occasion : for the Law of Nature is the Image of GOD yet remaining in some degrees on the Souls of men , and is nothing else save certain notions of Truth , impressed by GOD on the Souls of all men that enjoy the exercise of Reason . Now self-defence cannot be a Law of Nature , otherwise it could never be dispensed with without a Sin ; nay , were a man never so criminal : For as in no case a man may kill himself , were he never so guilty ; so by that reasoning of yours , he ought not to suffer himself to be killed , neither should any Malefactor submit to the Sentence of the Judge , but stand to his defence by all the force he could raise . And it will not serve turn , to say , that for the good of the Society he ought to submit ; for no man must violate the Laws of Nature , were it on never so good a design : and since the utmost standard of our love to our Neighbors , is to love them as our selves , no consideration of the good of others can oblige one to yield up his Life , if bound by the Law of Nature to defend it . Crit. If I may interrupt you , I should tell you that as among all Nations it hath been counted Heroical to die for ones Country , or for the good of others , so the Apostle speaks , ( Rom. 5.7 . ) of those who for good men would dare to die . But chiefly CHRIST'S dying for us , shews that self-defence can be no Law of Nature : otherwise CHRIST who filled all Righteousness , had never contradicted the Laws of Nature . Bas. I thank you for your remark , which was pertinent . But next , consider there are some rights or permissions of Nature , which are allowed us , but not required of us , as propriety of goods , marriage , and other such like things , which whose doth not pretend to , he cannot be said to violate the Laws of Nature , only for some greater consideration he forgoes these Priviledges it allows . And take men out of a Society , I acknowledge forcible Resistance of any violent Assailant , to be one of the rights of Nature , which every man may make use of without a Fault , or dispense with likewise at his pleasure : But Societies being Associations of People under a Head , who hath the power of Life and Death , that sets it beyond doubt , that the Head must only judge , when the Subjects do justly fore-seal their Lives or not : which before I go about to evince , I must remove that vulgar Error , of a Magistrate's deriving his power from the surrender of the People . None can surrender what they have not : take then a multitude of People not yet associated , none of them hath power of his own Life , neither hath he power of his Neighbors , since no man out of a Society may kill another , were his Crime never so great , much less be his own murderer ; and a multitude of People not yet associated , are but so many individual Persons ; therefore the power of the Sword is not from the People , nor any of their Delegation , but is from GOD. Isot. You will pardon me to tell you , that the People must give the power , since GOD did it never by a Voice from Heaven , or by a Prophets command , except in some Instances among the Israelites , where even that was not done , but upon the previous desire of the People . And for what you say of the Peoples having no right to kill themselves , they only consent to submit to the Magistrates Sentence , when guilty . Basil. This will then infallibly prove , that forcible self-defence cannot be a Law of Nature , but only a Right ; otherwise we could not thus dispense with it . But if though guilty , I ought not to kill my self , neither can I so much as consent that another do it : Hence it is , that the original of Magistracy must be from GOD , who only can invest the Prince with the power of the Sword. Polyb. I could say much in Confirmation of that , from the universal Sense of all Nations , who ever looked on the Magistrates power , as Sacred and Divine : but these things are so copiously adduced by others , that I may well spare my labor . Crit. Nay , a greater authority is St. Paul's , Rom. 13.1 . who saith , That the powers that were then , were ordained of GOD : which on the way saith strongly , for asserting the right of a Conquerour , after some prescription , since if either we consider the power of the Roman Empire over the world , or of their Emperours over them , both will be found to have no better title than Conquest , and yet they were ordained of GOD , and not to be resisted , but submitted to , under the hazard of resisting the Ordinance of GOD , and receiving of damnation , ( p. 2. ) And it is like , the sacredness of the Magistrates power , was a part of the traditional Religion conveyed from Noah to his posterity , as was the practice of extraordinary Sacrifices . Basil. It is not to be denied but a people may chase their own form of Government , and the persons in whose hands it shall be deposited : and the Sovereignty is in their hands , of whom they do thus freely make choice : so that if they expressly agree , that any Administrators of the power , by what name soever designed , Kings , Lords , or whatever else , shall be accountable to them ; in that case , the Sovereignty lies in the major part of the people , and these Administrators are subject to them , as to the Supreme . But when it is agreed in whose hands the Sovereign power lies , and that it is not with the people ; then if the people pretend to the sword , they invade GODS right , and that which he hath devolved on his Vicegerent . And as in marriage either of the parties make a free choice , but the Marriage-bond is of GOD , neither is it free for them afterwards to refile upon pretence of injuries , till that which GOD hath declared to be a breach of the bond , be committed by either party : so though the election of the Sovereign may be of the people , yet the tie of subjection is of GOD , and therefore is not to be shaken off , without we have express warrant from him . And according to your reasoning , one that hath made a bad choice in his marriage , may argue that marriage was intended for a help and comfort to man , and for propagation ; therefore when these things are missed in a marriage , that voluntary contract may be refiled from ; and all this will conclude as well to unty an ill chosen marriage , as to shake off a Sovereign . Philarch. To this reasoning I shall add what seems from rational conjectures , and such hints as we can expect of things at so great a distance from us , to have been the rise of Magistracy . We find no warrant to kill , no not for murder before the Floud , as appears from the instances of Cain and Lamech , so no Magistracy appears to have been then : Yet from what GOD said to Cain , Gen. 4.7 . we see , the elder brother was to rule over the younger . But the want of Magistracy before the Flood , was perhaps none of the least occasions of the wickedness which was great upon earth ; but to Noah was the Law first given of punishing murder by death , Gen. 9.6 . and he was undoubtedly cloathed with that power . So his eldest Son coming in his place by the right of representation , and being by the right of primogeniture asserted before the Flood to be over his Brethren , was cloathed with the same power , and so it should have descended by the order of Nature still to the first-born . But afterwards Families divided , and went over the world to people it , whereby the single jurisdiction of one Emperor , could not serve the end of Government , especially in that rude time , in which none of these ways of correspondence , which after Ages have invented , were fallen upon . These Families did then , or at least by that Law of GOD of the elder Brothers power , ought to have been subject to the eldest of their several Families . And another rise of Magistracy , was the poverty of many who sold themselves to others that were Richer , and were in all Nations sub●ect to them , both they and their children : and this was very early begun , for Abraham's family consisted of 318. persons , and the many little Kings at that time seem to have risen out of these Families : for the posterity of these servants were likewise under the Masters Authority : and these servants were by their Masters pleasure to live or lie ; nor had they any right to resist this unjust force : But afterwards emancipation was used , some dominion being still reserved : and it is highly probable , that from these numerous Families , did most of the little Kingdoms then in the world spring up ; afterwards the more aspiring came to pretend over others , and so great Empires rose by their Conquests . Crit. I know it is strongly pretended , that the state of servitude , or such a surrender of ones life , or liberty , as subjects it to the tyranny of another , is not lawful : but this will be found groundless : for though even the Law of GOD counted the servants a Man's money , so that he was not to be punished , though he had smitten them with a rod , so that they died , provided they lived a day or two after it , Exod. 21.20 , 21. Yet in that dispensation it was not unlawful to be a servant ; nay , nor unlawful to continue in that state for ever , and not accept of the emancipation which was provided to them in the year of Iubily . Neither is this state declared unlawful under the Gospel , since S. Paul saith , 1 Cor. 7.21 . Art thou called being a servant , care not for it : but if thou mayst be free , use it rather : By which we see the Gospel doth not emancipate servants , but placeth that state among things which may be lawfully submitted to , though liberty be preferable . Basil. From this it may be well inferred , that if a Society have so intirely surrendred themselves that they are in no better case than were the servants among the Romans or Hebrews , the thing is not unlawful ; nor can they make it void , or resume the freedom without his consent whose servants they are : and as S. Peter tells , 1 Pet. 2.18 . The servants to submit to their Masters , tho punishing them wrongfully . By whom all know that he means not of hired , but of bought servants : so if a people be under any degrees of that state , they ought to submit , not only to the good , but to the froward : and still it appears that the Sword is only in the Magistrates hand , and that the people have no claim to it . It is true , in case the Magistrate be furious , or desert his right , or expose his Kingdoms to the fury of others , the Laws and Sense of all Nations agree , that the States of the Land are to be the Administrators of the power , till he recover himself : But the instance of Nebuchadn●zzar , Dan. 4.26 . shews , that still the Kingdom should be sure to him when he recovers . I●●t Now you begin to yield to truth , and confess , that a Magistrate , when he grosly abuseth his Power , may be coërced : this then shews that the People are not slaves . Basil. The Case varies very much when the abuse is such that it tends to a total Subversion , which may be called justly a Phrensie , since no man is capable of it till he be under some lesion of his mind ; in which case , the Power is to be administred by others , for the Prince and his Peoples safety : But this will never prove that a Magistrate governing by Law , though there be great errors in his Government , ought to be coërced : otherwise you must open a door to perpetual Broils , since every one by these Maxims becomes Judge ; and where he is both Judge and Party , he is not like to be cast in his Pretensions : And even few Malefactors die , but they think hard measure is given them . If then forcible self-defence be to be followed , none of these should yield up their Lives without using all attempts for res●uing them . Eud. Whatever other Cases allow of , certainly the defence of Religion by Arms is never to be admitted : for the nature of Christian Religion is such , that it excludes all carnal Weapons from its defence . And when I consider how expresly CHRIST forbids his disciples to resist evil , Matth. 25.39 . how severely that resistance is condemned by S. Paul , and that condemnation is declared the Punishment of it , I am forced to cry out , Oh! what times have we fallen in ▪ in which men dare against the express Laws of the Gospel , defend that practice upon which GOD hath passed this condemnation , If whosoever break the least of these Commandments , and teach men so to do , shall be called the least in the Kingdom of GOD : What shall their portion be who teach men to break one of the greatest of these Commandments , such as are the Laws of Peace and Subjection ? And what may we not look for from such Teachers , who dare tax that glorious Doctrine of patient Suffering , as brutish and irrational , and though it be expresly said , 1 Pet. 2.21 . That CHRIST by suffering for us , left us his Example how to follow his steps , which was followed by a glorious Cloud of Witnesses ? Yet in these last days , what a brood hath sprung up , Of men who are lovers of their own selves , traytors , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures , more than lovers of GOD : having a form of godliness , but denying the power thereof ; who creep into houses , and lead captive silly women laden with sin ? It is our sins that provoke GOD to open the bottomless pit , and let loose such locusts ; but were we turning to GOD , and repenting of the works of our hands , we might hope that their power should be taken from them , and that their folly should be made known to all men . Isot. Who talk bigly now ? But let Reason and Scripture take place , and you shall find good warrants in the Old Testament for coërcing the Magistrate , and subjecting the power in the Peoples hands , ( see p. 12. ) for the People were warranted to punish Idolaters , Deut. 13.12 . And from the beginning of Deuteronomy , it appears that Book was directed to all Israel , therefore any might have punished Idolaters ; therefore the power of Reforming is with the People : And again ( see p. 13. ) the Law of the King is set down , Deut. 18.14 . which gives a clear Evidence , that the People might coërce him : Otherwise why was that Law delivered to the People ? Crit. I am much deceived if these Instances do conclude for your design , since the utmost they can prove , is , that some share of the executive power lay in the hands of the People among the Iews ; but that proves nothing : where by Law and Practice it is clear the power is wholly in the hands of Superior unaccountable Magistrates . But that the Law of the King , or of punishing Idolaters was delivered to the People , proves not that they must execute it : For the Law of Sacrifices , and all the Temple worship was also delivered to them : but I hope you will not from that infer , that the People were to judge in these matters , or to give Laws to their Priests ; neither will the Law , because addressed to the People , prove themselves to be the executors of it ; otherwise the Epistle to the Corinthians addressed to all the Saints in Corinth , will prove the People the Iudges of Excommunication , and of the Rules of Church-worship , which are there delivered : so that though the Law was directed to all the People , yet that proves not that every precept of it concerned all the People , but that the whole of the Law was addressed to the whole People , and the respective parts of it , to all the individuals , according to their several stations : And after all this , you are to consider that some things were allowed by that Law to private Persons , which ought never to be made precedents : for the Law allowed the Friends of one that was killed by chance , to avenge the Blood on the Person that slew him , if he kept not within the City of Refuge : but that being a particular provision of their Judicial and Municipal Law , will be no warrant for such revenge in other States . Isot. But what say you to the revolt of Libnah , 2 Chron. 21.10 which revolted from Iehoram , because he forsock the LORD GOD of his fathers : And of Amaziab , 2 Chron. 25. 27. who when he turned away from following the LORD , his being killed by a Conspiracy of these in Ierusalem , and the fourscore valiant Priests who withstood ●zziah , when he went to offer incense ? 2 Chron. 26.17 . See p. 13 , 14 Crit. As for your instances , consider that many things are set down in the Old Testament , that are undoubted faults , and yet so far are they from being taxed , that they rather seem to be applauded : so it is in the case of the Midwives lie , not to mention the Polygamy of the Patriarchs ; therefore it not being clear to us by what special warrants they acted , a Practice of that Dispensation will be no precedent to us . But for that of Libnah , it may be justly doubted if the Libnah there mentioned , be that City which was assigned to the Priests : for Numbers 33.20 . we meet with a Libnah in the journyings of Israel ; and both the Syriack and the Arabick version , have understood the place of that City ; for they render it , the Idumeans that dwelt at Libnah . But whatever be in this , the particle because , doth not always import the design of the doer : which if you examine the Hebrew , will be very clear ; and I shall name but one place to satisfie you , 1 Sam. 2.25 . Elies sons hearkned not to the voice of their father , because the LORD would slay them . But , I doubt not , you will confess this was not their motive to such disobedience : so this will import no more , but that GOD in his Providence permitted that revolt for a Punishment of Iehoram's Apostasie : neither will fair Pretences justifie bad Actions : so the utmost that place can prove , is , that they made that their pretence . But that their revolt could not be without they had also revolted from GOD , will appear from this , that the Priests were bound to give attendance by turns at the Temple , so none of them could have revolted from the King without their rejecting of GOD'S Service , as long as the King was Master of Ierusalem , whither no doubt they would not have come during their revolt . As for your instance of Amaziah , I confess it is plain dealing , and you disclose the Mystery of defensive Arms that it is but lamely maintain'd , till the Doctrine of murdering of Kings be also asserted : And indeed your Friend by this ingenuity of his , hath done that Cause a prejudice , of which many are sufficiently sensible ; for this was a secret Doctrine to be instilled in corners , in the hearts of Disciples duly prepared for it , but not to be owned to the World : For if that place prove any thing , it will prove that when a King turns from following the LORD , his Subjects may conspire and slay him ; how this would take among the Fifth●Monarchy Men , I know not ; but I am sure it will be abhorred by all Protestants : and particularly by these who made it an Article of their Confession of Faith , That infidelity or difference of Religion , doth not make void the Magistrates just power : Therefore this being a direct Breach of both fifth and sixth Commands , though it be neither marked as condemned , nor punished in that short account there given , yet it will never warrant the resisting the Ordinance of GOD , upon which GOD hath entailed Damnation . And whereas your Friend alledgeth the justice of this may be evinced from Scripture , it shews that in his Judgment , not only Tyranny , but the turning from following GOD , is a just cause for conspiring against , and killing of Kings : But I cannot see where he finds what the cause of this Conspiracy was , since the Text taxeth only the time , but not the cause of it . And for the instance of Uzziah , the Priests indeed withstood him , as they ought to have done , as the Ministers of the Gospel ought yet to do , if a King would go and consecrate the LORD'S Supper : but their withstanding of that , imports no violent Opposition ; the strict signification of the word being only , that they placed themselves over against him , and so it is rendered by the LXX . Interpreters ; and remember that S. Paul withstood S. Peter to his face , Gal. 2.11 . Yet I do not apprehend you will suspect he used force . As for what follows , that the Priests did thrust him out , it will not prove they laid hands on him , that word signifying only , that they made him haste out of the Temple : and is the same word which Esther 6.14 . is rendered , hasted , where none will think that the Chamberlains laid violent hands on Haman : so all that the Priests did , was to charge Uzziah , when his Leprosie appeared , to get him quickly out of the Temple : and some Copies of the LXX . have it so rendered : and the following words shew there was no need of using force , since himself made haste . And for the word rendered valiant , or sons of valor , that word is not always taken for valor , but sometimes for activity ; so Gen. 47.6 . sometimes for riches , so Ruth 2.1 . It is also rendered wealth , Gen. 34.29 . so this will not prove that Azariah made choice of these men for the strength of their Body , but for the Resolution of their Mind , that they might stoutly contradict Uzziah ; and thus you have drawn a great deal more f●om me than I intended , or these misapplied places needed , for clearing of them from the design you had upon them . Isot. But is it not clear from 1 Sam. 14.45 . that the people of Israel rescued Jonathan from his fathers bloody sentence against him , and swore he should not die ? See p●● . ● . 5 . Crit. That will prove as little ; for no force was used in the matter , only a solemn Protestation was made . Next , the word rendered , rescued , is , redeemed , which is not used in a sense that imports violence in Scripture : but rather for a thing done by contract and agreement : And the LXX . Interpreters render it , the people intreated for Ionathan : nor need we doubt but Saul was easily prevailed upon to yield to their desire . Besides any King that would murder his eldest Son and heir of his Crown upon so bare a pretence , after he had signalized his courage so notably , as Ionathan did , may well be looked upon as one that is furious ; and so the holding of his hands , is very far different from the case of defensive Arms. Isot. But David , a man according to GODS heart , gathered four hundred Men about him , and stood to his defence , when cruelly persecuted by Saul , 1 Sam. 22.2 . Basil. Many things meet in this instance to take away any colour of an argument might be drawn from it : for David was by GODS command designed successor to the Crown , and so was no ordinary Subject . Next , Saul was become furious , and an evil spirit seized on him , so that in his rage he threw Javelins , not only at David , but at his Son Ionathan . Now all confess ▪ that when a Sovereign is frenetick , his fu●y may be restrained . Further , we see how far David was from resistance , he standing on a pure defence , so that when he had Saul in his power twice , he would do him no hurt ; yea , his heart smote him when he cut off the hem of his garment , 1 Sam. 24.4 , 5. This was not like some you know of , who set Guards about their King ( for the security of his Person forsooth ) when he had trusted himself into their hands . And it is very doubtful if David's gathering that force about him was lawful ; for these who came to him were naughty Men , and discontented and broken with debt ; whereas had that been a justifiable practice , it is like he should have had another kind of following . And his offering his service to the Philistins , who were Enemies to GOD , to fight for them against the people of GOD , is a thing which can admit of no excuse . But after all this , if the actions even of renowned Persons in the Old Dispensation be Precedents , you may adduce the instances of Ehud , to prove that we may secretly assassinate a Tyrant ; and of Iael , to prove that after we have offered protection to one who upon that trusts to us , we may secretly murder him . Isot. But what say you to the resistance used by Mattatb●as , and his Children , who killed the Kings Officers , and armed against him ? which resistance , as it was foretold by Daniel , so it is said by the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews , That by faith they waxed valiant in fight , and turned to flight the Armies of Aliens : which by all is applied to the Maccabees . And who are you to condemn that which the holy Ghost calls the work of faith in them ? See p. 18 , 19. Basil. I see Criticus is weary of speaking , and therefore will relieve him for this once , and tell you , that the title Anti●●hus had to command the Iews , is not undoubted : for Iosephus lib. 12. cap. 7. and 8. shews how the Iewish Nation was tossed betwixt hands , and sometimes in the power of the Kings of Egypt , and sometimes of Syria ; and that the factions among the Iews , gave the occasion to their being so invaded ; for ambitious pretenders to the High Priesthood , sought the favour of these Kings , and so sacrificed the interests both of Religion , and their Country to their own base ends : which was the case in Ant●ochus Epiphanes his time , who after his attempt upon Egypt , came against Ierusalem , to which he was admitted by the men of his party , who opened the gates to him : after which , he polluted their worship and Temple , and fell on the cruellest persecution imaginable . Now his title over them being so ill grounded , their asserting their freedom and Religion against that cruel and unjust Invader , was not of the nature of Subjects ●esist●ng their Sovereign . Besides , what is brought from the Epistle to the Hebrews ch . 11. for justifying these Wars , seems ill applied : for from the end of the 32. verse , it appears he only speaks there of what was done in the times of the Prophets , and none of these being during the time of the Maccabees , that is not applicable to them . Next , as for Mattathias , I must tell you that GOD often raised up extraordinary persons to judg I●rael , whose practices must be no rule to us : for GOD sets up Kings and Rulers at his pleasure : and in the Old Dispensation he frequently sent extraordinary Persons to do extraordinary things , who were called Zealots : and such was Samuel's hewing Agag in pieces before the Lord , Elijah's causing to kill the Priests of Baal , which was not done upon the peoples power to kill Idol●te●s : but Elijah having by that signal Miracle of fire falling from heaven , proved both that GOD was the LORD , and onely to be worshiped , and that he was his Prophet , and commanding these Priests to be killed , he was to be obeyed . Of the same nature was his praying for fire from heaven on the Captains who came to take him , and Eli●ha his c●r●ing of the Children who reproached him . From these Precedents we see it is apparent that often in the Old Dispensation , the power of the Sword , both ordinary and extraordinary , was assumed by persons sent of GOD , which will never warrant private and ordinary uninspired Persons to do the like . Isot. I acknowledg this hath some ground ; but the first instance of these Zealots , was Ph●nehas , in whom we find no vestige of an extraordinary mission , and yet he killed Zimri and Cosbi , for which he was rewarded with an everlasting Priesthood : So a zeal for GOD in extraordinary cases , seems warrant enough for extraordinary practices . Pag. 382. to 405. Basil. If you will read the account of that action given by Moses , it will clear you of all your mistakes : since Phinehas had the warrant of the Magistrate for all he did ; for Moses being then the Person in whose hands the Civil Power was committed by GOD , did say to the Judges of Israel , Numb . 25.5 . Slay ye every one his men that were joyned to Baal Peor . Now that Phinehas was a Judg in Israel at that time , is not to be doubted ; for Eleazer was then High Priest , and by that means exempted from that Authority , which when his Father Aaron lived , was in his hand , Numb . 3.32 . and he being now in his Fathers place , there is no ground to doubt but Phinehas was also in his , and so as one of the Judges , he had received command from Moses to execute judgment on these impure Idolaters , which he did with so much noble zeal , that the Plague was stayed , and GOD'S wrath turned away . But if this conclude a Precedent , it will prove too much , both that a Church-man may execute judgment , and that a private person in the sight of a holy Magistrate , without waiting for his Justice , may go and punish Crimes . From the instances adduced , it will appear how Zealots were ordinarily raised up in that Dispensation : But when two of CHRISTS Disciples lay claim to that priviledg of praying for fire from heaven , he gives check to the fervor of their thundring zeal , and tells them , Luk. 9.55 , 56. You know not what spirit you are of : adding , that the Son of man was not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them : whereby he shews that tho in the Old Dispensation , GOD having by his own command given his people a title to invade the Nations of Canaan , and extirpate them , having also given them Political Laws for the administration of Justice , and order among them , it was proper for that time that GOD should raise up Judges to work extraordinary deliverances to his People , whose Example we are not now to imitate : GOD also sent Prophets , who had it sometimes in Commission to execute Justice on Transgressors ; yet in the New Dispensation , these things were not to take place , where we have no temporal Canaan , nor Judicial Laws given us ; and consequently none are now extraordinarily called in the Name of GOD , to inflict ordinary and corporal punishments . Having said all this , it will be no hard task to make it appear that Mattathias was a Person extraordinarily raised up by GOD , as were the Iudges . And though no mention of that be made , neither by Iosephus , nor the Book of Maccabees , that is not to be stood upon ; for we have many of the Judges of Israel , of whose call no account is given , and yet undoubtedly they were warranted to act as they did , otherwise they had been Invaders . But if that practice of Mattathias conclude any thing by way of Precedent , it will prove that Church-men may invade the Magistrates Office , and kill his Officers , and raise War against him . Crit. I wonder we hear not Isotimus alledging the practice of the ten Tribes , who rejected Rehoboam , and made choice of Ieroboam , which useth to be very confidently adduced , for proving it to be the peoples right to give Laws to their Princes , and to shake them off when they refuse obedience to their desires . But to this and all other instances of this nature , it is to be answered , that the Iewish State being a Theocracy , as it is called by their own Writers , their Judges , and many of their Kings had their title from GOD's designation , and the possession was only yielded to them by the People , according to the command , Deut. 17.15 . To set him King over them whom the LORD their GOD did chuse : So when they sought a King , they came to Samuel , as the known Prophet of GOD , and desired him to give them a King , which he afterwards did . In like manner was David designed to succeed Saul , by the same Prophet ; and upon Sau●'s death , the Tribe of Iudah came and aknowledged , and anointed him King , which was the solemn investiture in that to which he had formerly a right . Ieroboam being by the same authority designed King over the ten Tribes by the mouth of Ahijab in the name of GOD , 1 Kings 11. Ch. from v. 28. he derived his Title from that : and there was as good warrants for the people to reject Rehoboam , and follow him , as was formerly to quite Ishbosheth , and follow David . Another instance of this nature is Elisha his sending one to Iehu , where that young Prophet saith , 2 Kings 9.6 . Thus saith the LORD GOD of Israel , I have anointed thee King over the people of the LORD , even over Israel : Upon the notice whereof , v. 13. he is declared King. These instances will sufficiently prove what I have alledged , that the Kings of the Hebrews having their right from GOD , were to be changed when the most High who ruleth in the Kingdom of men and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and setteth up over it the basest of m●n , interposed his authority and command . One word more , and I have done . When the Law of the Judge is set down , Deut. 17.12 . all who do presumptuously , and hearkened not unto the Judge , are sentenced to death , That evil might be put away from Israel , whereby the people might hear , and fear , and do no more presumptuously . This shews that absolute Submission was due to the Judges , under the pain of death ; whereby all private mens judging of their Sentence is struck out . It is true the other Laws that prefer the Commands of GOD to the Laws of men , do necessarily suppose the exception of unlawful Commands : but since no Law warrants the resisting their Sentence , it will clearly follow that absolute Submission was due to these Judges . Basil. Truly these things as they seem to be well made out from Scripture , so they stand with Reason , since no order can be expected among men , unless there be an uncontrollable Tribunal on Earth . Our Consciences are indeed only within GOD'S Jurisdiction : but if there be not a Supreme Power to cognosce and determine about our Actions , there must follow endless Confusions , when any number of People can be got to mutiny against Laws : therefore there must be a Supreme Court. But the Laws and settled Practices of Kingdoms , must determine in whose Person this lies , whether in a single Person , the Nobility , or the Major part of the People ? Yet I desire to hear what decisions the New Testament offers in this Question . Crit. Truly that will be soon dispatched ; consider then how our LORD , Matth. 5. forbids us to resist evil ; where it is true , he enumerates only small Injuries : so I shall not deny but that place will amount no farther , than that we ought to bear small Injuries , rather than revenge or oppose them ; but you must yield to the doctrine of Submission , if afterwards you consider how our LORD tells us , Matth. 11.20 . To learn of him , for he was meek ; and that he condemns the thundering fervor of his Disciples , who called for fire from Heaven , shewing the nature of the New Dispensation to be quite different from the Old , in that particularly , that the Son of man came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them : And chiefly that when he was to give the greatest instance wherein we should imitate him , he refused the defence of the Sword , and commanded S. Peter to put up his sword , Matth. 26.52 . Isot. If you urge this too much , then must I answer , that by the same Consequence you may prove we must cast our selves on dangers , and not flee from them : since we find CHRIST going up to Ierusalem , though he knew what was abiding him there : neither did he fly , which yet himself allowed . Besides , you may as well urge against all Prayer to GOD for deliverance , his not praying for Angels to assist him . But the clear account of this is given by himself , that the Scriptures were to be fulfilled which fore-told his death . See pag. 24. and Answer to the Letter about Ius popul● . Crit. I must confess my self amazed at this Answer , when I find S. Peter saving expresly , 1 Pet. 2.21 . That CHRIST suffered , leaving us an example that we might follow his steps , and applying this to the very Case of suffering wrongfully ; and that notwithstanding of that , you should study to pervert the Scripture so grosly besides : consider that CHRIST was to fulfil all righteousness ; if then the Laws of Nature exact our defence in case of unjust Persecution for Religion , he was bound to that Law as well as we ; For he came not to destroy , but to fulfil the Law , both by his Example and Precepts . If then you charge the Doctrine of Absolute Submission , as brutish and stupid , see you do not run into blasphemy , by charging that ●●oly One foolishly : for whatever he knew of the secret Will of GOD , he was to follow his revealed Will in his Actions , whereby he might be a perfect Pattern to all his followers : for GOD'S revealed Will was his Rule , as well as ours . But I dwell too long on things that are clear . As for your ●nstances , they will serve you in no stead . For his coming to Ierusalem was a duty , all the Males being bound to appear three times a year before the Lord at Ierusalem , at the three Festivals , the Passover being the first of them , Deut. 16. And this being a duty , our LORD was to perform it , what ever hazard might follow . So we find S. Paul on a less obligation , going to Ierusalem , notwithstanding the bonds were fore-told to abide him there . And as for your other pretended Consequence against Prayer , from his not praying for legions of Angels , it bewrays great Inadvertency : for you find our LORD a few minutes before , praying in the Garden , Matth. 26.42 . over and over again , that if it were possible that cup might pass from him . And there is our warrant from his Practice , to pray for a deliverance from Troubles or Persecutions , if it may stand with the holy will of GOD : But for a miraculous deliverance by the ministry of Angels , that our Lord would not pray for , lest thereby the Prophesies should not be accomplished : and by this , our praying for a miraculous Deliverance , is indeed from his example condemned : but still we are to pray , that if it be possible , and according to the Will of GOD , any bitter cup is put in our hands , may pass from us . Next , let me desi●e you to consider the reason given S. Peter for putting up his Sword , Matth. 26.52 . For they that take the sword , shall p●●●sh by the sword . Isot. You ●i●apply this place palpably , it not being designed as a threatning against S. Peter , but for the encouragement of his Disciples , and being indeed a Prophesie that the Iews who now come against him with Swords and Staves , should perish by the sword of the Romans , who should be the avengers of CHRIST'S death . See page 25. Crit. You are beholden to Grotius for this Exposition , who is the first of the latter Writers that hath given that sense to these words , tho he voucheth for his opinion some elder Writers ; and he designing to prove that a private Person may resist another private Assaillant by force , being a little pinch'd with this place , which seems to condemn simply the use of the Sword , escapes o●t of it by the answer you have adduced . But though this were the genuine scope of these words , still remember that our LORD rejects the use of the Sword for his defence : and if his fore-telling the Destruction of the Iews , was of force to bind up S. Peter's hands , why should not also that general promise , Rev. 13.10 . He that killeth with the sword , must be killed by the sword , also secure our Fears , and sheath our Swords , and the rather that it is there subjo●ned , Here is the faith and patience of the Saints ? Which seems to imply , that since retaliation will be g●ven out by God upon unjust Murderers , therefore Faith and Pat●ence must be the Exercise of the Saints , which to all unprejudged Minds , will sound a discharge of the use of Weapons of War. But after all this , the phrase of taking the sword , seems only applicable to S. Peter ; for the Band being sent out by a Magistrate , could not properly be said to have taken the Sword , it being put in their hands by these who were invested with it , though they now tyrannically abuse their power : but the phrase agrees much better with S. Peter's drawing it , who had no warrant for it , and so did indeed tak● it . Next , we hear no mention of the Band of Soldiers their using their Swords ; therefore this Prediction seems fitted for S. Peter , and all such as mistaking the nature of the Chr●●stian Dispensation , do take the Sword. But next , consider CHRIST'S words to Pilate ▪ Iohn 18.36 . M● Kingdom 〈◊〉 n●t of th●● world : if my Kingdom were of this 〈◊〉 , then w●ul● my servants fight , that I should n●t be ●●l●v●r●d to the ●●ws ; but now is my Kingdom not from ●ence . And this being said upon the Accusation the Iews had given against him to Pilate , that he call'd himself a King , charging him upon his friendship to Cesar , to put him to death , CHRIST ▪ S answer shews that earthly Kings need apprehend no prejudi●● from his Kingdom , since it not being about worldly things , was not to be ●ought fo● . Isot. Speak plainly , do you mean by this that CHRIST should have no Kingdom upon Earth ? which I fear too many of you desire , since you press this so warmly . But consider you not that by this CHRIST only means he was not to set up a Temporal Dominion upon Earth , to ●ustle Cesar from his Throne , such as the Iews expected from their Messiah ; and therefore this place is indeed strong against the pretences of some Carnal Fifth-Monarchy Men , but is ill adduced to condemn defence , when we are unjustly assaulted by a persecuting Tyrant . See p. 25. Crit. It is no new thing to find the sincere Doctrine of the Gospel misrepresented by Sons of Belial ; but learn the difference betwixt a Kingdom of the World , and in the World , and so temper your Passion . CHRIST must have a Kingdom in the World , but not of it . And the greatest hazard of a pretending King , being the raising of Wars and Commotions upon his Title , CHRIST'S words are not truly commented on by the practice of his Servants , unless they sec●re Princes from their Fears of their raising Wars upon his ●itle : Therefore as the sighting at that time , for preserving CHRIST from the Iews , had been contrary to the nature of his Spiritual Kingdom ; to the Rule of the Gospel binding all the succeeding Ages , of the Church , no less than these to whom it was first delivered , what was then contrary to the nature of CHRIST'S Kingdom , will be so still . And to this I might add the Doctrine of Peace so much insisted on in the New Testament it being the Legacy CHRIST left to his Disciples , which we are commanded to follow with all men , as much as is possible , and as in ●s lies . And if with all men , ●●re much more with the Magistrate . And S. Paul's words in the xiii . to the Romans are so express , that methinks they should strike a terror in all men from resisting the Superior Powers , le●t they resist the ordinance of GOD , and receive damnation . And it is observable , that S. Paul , who , as a Zealot , had formerly persecuted the Christians , doth now so directly contradict that Doctrine , which was at that time so horridly corrupted among the Iews . This place is so express , that it needs not the advantages may be given to it , either from the consideration of the power the Roman Empire had usurped over the World , or from the Emperor who then reigned , who must have been either Claudius or Nero : and if the former , we find ▪ Ac●s 18.2 . that he banished all the Iews , from Rome , and with them the Christians , not being distinguish●d by the Romans from the Iews , were also banished : and here was a driving of Christians from Rome , which you will not deny to have been a Persecution . But if it was Nero , we know very well how the Christians were used by him . But these words of S. Paul being as at first addressed to the Romans , so also designed by the holy Ghost to be a part of the Rule of all Christians , do prove , that whoever hath the Supreme Power , is to be submitted to , and never resisted ▪ Isot. If you were not in too great a haste , you would not be so forward , consider therefore the reason S. Paul gives for s●bmission to Superior Rulers , is , because they are the Ministers of GOD for good . If then they swe●ve from this , they forsake the end for which they are raised up , and so fa●l from their power and right to our obedience . Basil. Truly what you have said makes me not repent of any haste I seemed to make ; for what you have alledged p●oves indeed that the Sovereign is a Minister of GOD for good , so that he corrupts his power grosly when he pursues not that design : but in that he is only accountable to GOD , who●e Minister he is . And this must hold good , except you give us good ground to believe that GOD hath given authority to the Subjects to call him to account for his trust ; but if that be not made appear , then he must be left to GOD , who did impower him , and therefore can only ●oerce him . As one having his power from a King , is countable to none for the administration of it , but to the King , or to these on whom the King shall devolve it : so except it be proved , that GOD hath warranted Subjects to call their Sovereigns to account , they being his Ministers , must only be answerable to him . And according to these Principles of yours , the Magistrate● authority shall be so enervated , that he shall no more be able to serve these designs , for which GOD hath vested him with Power : every one being thus taught to shake off his Yoak when they think he acts in prejudice of Religion . And here I shall add one thing which all Casuists hold a safe Rule in matters that are doubtf●l , that we ought to follow that side of the doubt which is freest of hazard ; here then damnation is at least the seeming hazard of resistance ; therefore except upon as clear evidence you prove the danger of absolute submission to be of the same nature that it may ba●●ance the other ; then absolute submission , as being the securest ▪ is to be followed . Next , we find Saint Peter , 1 Pet. 2.13 . &c. who being ●et infecte● with the spirit of a Iewi●h zealot , had drawn the Sword ; afterwards when ind●e● with power from on High , at length pressing the doctrine of Obedience adding that the p●et●nce of the Christian freedom should not be made a Cloak of maliciousness . And this submission he recommends not only to Subjects , whose obedience was more easie , but to servants who were under a heavier Yoak , according to the Laws of servitude , both among the Iews and the Romans : and he tells them , That when they did well , and suffered for it , and took it patiently , that was acceptable . Withal adding , For even hereunto were you called ; becau●e CHRIST also suffered for us , leaving us an example , that we should follow his steps . Further , it is to be considered how the Iew ▪ s d●d upon the first prea●hing of the Gospel persecute the Ch●isti●●s every where : S. Stephen was stoned , and Saul got Commissions for making havock of the Church● b●● because this was done by the autho●ity of the San●●drim , no resistance was made them , though since at two Sermons we hear of 〈◊〉 Converts , we may be induced to believe their number was great . And from hence sub●●me that the case of persecution being then not only imminent , but also present ▪ besides the grievous persecutions were abiding the Churches for three Centuries ) it must be confess●● to be strange , that the matter of resistance being at least so dubious , no decision should be given about it in the New Testa●●nt ; nothing being alledged from it that hath any aspect that way . And indeed I cannot conceal my wonder at them who plead so much the authority and fulness of Scripture , to reach even the rituals of Worship and Government , and yet in so great a matter adventure on a practice without its warrant . Truly Isotimus , if these things prevail not with you , beyond your little small shufflings , I doubt it is because you have lost the Standard to measure Reason by , and have given up your J●dgment to your passions and interests . Isot. I am far from denying the Doctrine of the Cross to be a great part of these duties we are bound to in the Gospel ; but this must not be stretched too far , lest it infer an obligation on us to submit to a forein Prince , the Turk , or any other , if he come by force to impose on us the Alcoran , under a pretence of suffering for Religion . See pag. 27 , and 28. Basil. Truly when I hear how much weight is laid on what you have now said , as if it amounted to a demonstration against all hath been hitherto adduced ; I am in doubt whether to pity their weakness , or blame their perv●●sness , who dare adventure on that , the punishment whereof the holy Ghost hath made damnation , upon such mistakes : for God hath put the Sword in their hands who have the Sovereign Power , which they bear not in vain ; for they are the Ministers of God , and his Revengers , to execute wrath on him that doth evil : The Magistrates then are both by the Laws of God , and of all Nations , the Protectors of their Subjects , and therefore Tributes and Customs are due to them , for defraying the expence to which that must put them ; and Prayers are to be offered up for them , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . If then a forein Prince invade a Country , under whatever pretence , the Sovereign is bound to defend his Subjects , with the Sword GOD hath put in his hand , which comes to be a most lawful War on his side ; nay such , as he were a betrayer of his trust , if he omitted it . I●ot . But what if our Prince should consent to such an Invasion , and expose his Subjects to be a prey to such an Invader , must they look on and see themselves destroyed , upon the pretence that GOD hath not put the Sword in their hands , and therefore they must not take it ; and because Christ's Kingdom is not of this World , therefore they must not fight for him ? Basil. You suppose a Case not like to fall out in haste ; but were it real , that Invader having no Title to that peoples obedience , they may make use of the right of Nature which allows to one out of a Society forcible self-defence , if violently assaulted : and therefore such hostile invasion , be it upon what pretence soever , may be as lawfully resisted , as one private Man may resist another in his own defence , if he threaten to kill him , unless he renounce GOD. If then one Man may resist another , so may more men resist a great force coming against them : for to us who live here , the Grand Seignior is but a fellow of our nature , and hath no right over us , no more than one private person hath over his Neighbour . And if you do not acknowledg a great difference betwixt such an asserting of our Liberties , from one that hath no Title to them , and the resisting of a lawful Magistrate , though unjustly persecuting his Subjects , you must be set to your horned book again . Isot. But at least you will confess that private Men living in a settled Society , have no title to the Sword , according to your Principles ; must we then yield out Throats to a Robber that assaults us on the High way ? Or to come nearer you , if one threaten to kill us . if we yield not to their Religion , must we give way to their fury ? Basil. Remember still how I told you , that Men living out of Societies have a ●ight to self-defence , and when they come under Societies , they retain all their former rights , such only excepted as are by the law● of the Society judged inconsistent with its order and peace : therefore resisting of the Supreme Powers , or those having their authority , being only discharged , the right of self defence against equals still remains intire , so that a private person may claim it or not , as he will : and therefore in the case of such an Aggressor , the Laws of Nature and Nations do warrant me to use force when assaulted ; yet if a greater consideration appear , and it be evident that my giving way to such unjust force will be more for the honour of the Gospel , if I resist , I do not sin , but do well ; but if I resist not , certainly I do better . End. I have been a witness to this Discourse , not without much pleasure , and do acknowledg my self fully convinced of the necessity of obedience , and submission to the Supreme Power , since without that be once established , as the foundation of Societies , I see not what peace or order can be looked for , but every one will take on him to judg the Law-giver : and if he have so much power or policy as to make a party , he will never want pretences , chiefly about Religion , considering in how many various opinions the Christian world hath divided about it . And it is a poor Answer to say , it must be the true Religion that we should defend , since it is to be supposed every one judgeth the Religion he is of to be the true one : If then according to that Doctrine , Religion be to be defended ; certainly though the Religion be wrong , yet every one oppressed in his Cons●i●nce , and judging it to be according to truth , is bound to defend it ; since even an erring conscience doth at least tie , if not oblige . For the common resolution of Casuists being that a Man under an erroneous Conscience , is yet to follow its dictates , though he sin by so doing : then all parties that are oppressed , ought to vindicate what they judg to be the truth of GOD. And by this you may see to what a fair pass the peace of mankind is brought by these Opinions . But mistake me not , as if I were here pleading for s●●mission , to patronize the tyranny or cruelty of persecuting Princes , who shall answer to God for that great trust deposited in their hands ; which if they transgress , they have a dear account to make to him who sits in heaven and laughs at the raging and consultings of these Kings or Princes , who design to throw off his Yoak , or burst his bonds in sunder . He who hath set his King upon his holy H●ll of Zion , shall rule them with a rod of Iron , and break them in pieces as a Potter's Vessel . And he to whom vengeance doth belong , will avenge himself of all the injuries they do his truths , or followers : but as they sin against him , so they a●e only countable to him . Yet I need not add what hath been often said , that it is not the name of a King , or the ceremonies of a Coronation , that cloaths one with the Sovereign Power ; since I know there are , and have been titular Kings , who are indeed but the first Persons of the State , and only Administrators of the Laws , the Sovereign Power lying in some Assembly of the Nobility , and States , to whom they are accountable . In which Case , that Court to whom these Kings must give account , is the Supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom , and the King is but a Subject . Isot. But doth not the Coronation of a King , together with his Oath given , and the consent of the People demanded at it , prove him to have his Power upon the Conditions in that Oath ? And these Oaths being mutually given , his Coronation Oath first , and the Oath of Allegiance next , do shew it is a Compact ; and in all mutual Agreements , the nature of Compacts is , that the one party breaking , the other is also free . Further , Kings who are tied up , so that they cannot make , nor repeal Laws , nor impose Taxes without the consent of the States of their Kingdom , shew their Power to be limited , and that at least such Assemblies of the States share with them in the Sovereign Power , which is at large made out by Ius populi . Basil. It is certain there cannot be two co-ordinate Powers in a Kingdom ; for no man can serve two Masters : therefore such an Assembly of the States must either be Sovereign or subject ; for a middle there is not . As for the Coronation of Princes , it is like enough that a● first it was the formal giving their Power to them ; and the old Ceremonies yet observ'd in it , prove it hath been at first so among us : But it being a thing clear in our Law , that the King never dies , his Heir coming in his place the very moment he expires , so that he is to be obeyed before his Coronation , as well as after ; and that the Coronation is nothing but the solemn inaugurating in the Authority which the King possessed from his Father's death , shews , that any Ceremonies may be used in it , whatever the original of them may have been , do not subject his Title to the Crown to the Peoples consent . And therefore his Coronation Oath is not the condition upon which he gets his Power , since he possess'd that before ; nor is it upon that Title that he exacts the Oath of Alegiance , which he likewise exacted before his Coronation . This being the practice of a Kingdom passed all Prescription , proves the Coronation to be no compact betwixt the King and his Subjects : And therefore he is indeed bound by his Coronation Oath to God , who will be avenged on him , if he break it , so the matter of it were lawful : but the breaking of it cannot forfeit a prior Right he had to the Peoples Obedience . And as for the limitations Kings have consented to pass on their own Power , that they may act nothing but in such a form of Law , these being either the King 's free Concessions to the People , or restraints arising from some Rebellions , which extorted such Priviledges , will never prove the King a Subject to such a Court , unless by the clear Laws and Practices of that Kingdom , it be so provided , that if he do malverse , he may be punished ; which when made appear , proves that Court to have the Sovereign Power : and that never weakens my design , that Subjects ought not to resist their Sovereign . Philar. You have dwelt , methinks , too long on this , though considering the nature of the thing , it deserves indeed an exact discussion : yet this whole Doctrine appears so clear to a discerning Mind , that I cannot imagine whence all the mist is raised about it can spring , except from the corrupt Passions or Lusts of men , which are subtle enough to invent excuses , and fair colors , for the blackest of Crimes . And the smoak of the bottomless pit may have its share , in occasioning the darkness is raised about that , which by the help of the light of God , or of reason , stands so clear and obvious . But when I consider the instances of sufferings under both Dispensations , I cannot see how any should escape the force of so much evident proof as hangs about this opinion . And if it had been the Peoples duty to have reformed by the force of Arms under the Old Dispensation , so that it was a base and servile Compliance with the Tyranny and Idolatry of their Kings , not to have resisted their subverting of Religion , and setting up of Idolatry , where was then the fidelity of the Prophets , who were to lift up their voices as Trumpets , and to shew the house of Iacob their iniquities ? And since the watch-man who gave not warning to the wicked from his wicked way , was guilty of his Blood , I see not what will exc●se the silence of the Prophets in this , if it was the Peoples duty to reform : For it is a poor refuge to say , because the People were so much inclin'd to Idolatry , that therefore it was in vain to exhort them to reform ; ( See pag. 10 , 11. ) since by that Argument you may as well conclude it to have been needless to have exhorted their Kings to Reformation , their inclination to Idolatry being so strong : but their duty was to be discharged , how small soever the likelihood was of the Peoples yielding obedience to their warnings . If then it was the Peoples duty to reform , the o●ission of it was undoubtedly a Sin ; how then comes it that they who had it in commission to cause Ierusalem to know her abominations , under so severe a Certificate , do never charge the People for not going about a popular Reformation , nor co●rcing these wicked Kings who enacted so much Idolatry , backing it with such Tyranny , nor ever require them to set about it ? I know one hath pick'd out some Expressions , ( See Answer to the Letter to the Author of Ius populi ) which to his thoughts sound that way : but truly they are so remote from the sense he stretches them to , that I should wonder much at his Glosses , did I not know that the Bell seems often to ring the hearer's fancy . From these , let us pass to the instances of the first Christians , who endured the sharpest Persecutions with the greatest patience . Polyh . Here is a large Theme for much discourse , if I should adduce all might be said on this head . Indeed the Persecutions the Christians groaned under for three hundred years , are such , that scarce can they be read without horror ; the last especially , which continued for about twenty years under Dioclesian , and his Colleagues and Successors ; and by the number that suffered , we may easily guess what the strength of the Christians was . But this can be doubted by none who have ever looked upon History . Pliny lib. 10. Ep. 97. writes to Trajan ( which is reckoned to have been the 104. year of Christ ) that in Pontus and ●ithynia , where he was then Pro●onsul , there were many Christians of all Ages , Ranks and Sexes : and that not only in the Cities , but through the Villages and Country Places : that the Temples were almost desolate , the Sacrifices long intermitted , and that none almost were found to buy the Victims . The number of the Christians being so early risen to that height , we may easily imagine to what it swelled before Constantine's times : not long after that , we find a whole Legion of Marcus Aurelius his Army to have been Christians . And if we believe Tertullian , their numbers were formidable in his time ; for after he had purged the Christians of his times from the designs of doing mischief to their Enemies by stealth , he adds , Apol. cap. 37. Should we carry towards you not as secret avengers , but as open enemies , would we want the strength of numbers and armies ? Are the Maurs , the Marcomans , or the Parthians themselves , or any Nations shut up within their own Country or bounds , more than the whole World ? We are strangers to you , and yet we fill all your places , your Towns , your Islands , your Castles , your Villages , your Councils , your Camps , your Tribes , your Decuries , your Palaces , your Senate , and your Market place : Only we come not to your Temples , but abandon those to you . To what War had we not been both fit and ready , even tho our Forces had been fewer , who are butcher'd so willingly , if our Discipline did not allow us rather to be killed than to kill ? And he goes on , telling that such was the number of the Christians , that would they but change their dwellings , and leave the Roman Empire , it would have thereby become an amazing Solitude , since almost all their Citizens were Christians . And the same writer saith elsewhere , ad Scap. cap. 2. That tho the Romans who were Idolaters , were found guilty of many Conspiracies against their Emperors , yet never were any Christians found guilty of these Practices . And adds , That a Christian was no mans enemy , much less the Emperors ; but knowing him to be constituted by God , he doth find himself bound to love , reverence , honor , and wish well to him , with the whole Roman Empire , as long as the World lasts . Therefore , saith he , We worship the Emperor so as befits him , and is lawful for us , as a man next God , who hath obtained all he hath from GOD , and is inferior to none , but God only . And a little after , Cap. 5. he tells us of the numbers of the Christians , and how undaunted they were at the Persecution ; so that when one Arrius Antoninus in Asia , was persecuting the Christians , the whole City ran to his Tribunal , declaring themselves Christians . And he adds , If the like were to be done at Carthage , what would become of all the thousands were there , of every Sex , Age and Rank ? From this we may guess both of the strength and numbers of the Christians of that time , and yet there was not the least inclination among them to resistance . If any doubt the truth of what Tertullian saith , as is p. 30. he must charge him with very much Impudence , who durst offer such writings to the Heathens , in matters of fact , which could not but be notoriously enough known : Neither do I adduce these places , because I lay so much weight on Tertullian's opinion in this matter , but because he shews us what was the sense of the Christians of his time . A little after him Cyprian lived , who also tells us , ad Demetrianum , That none of the Christians when apprehended , struggled with those who seized on them , nor avenged themselves of that unjustice , though their number was great and copious : But their belief of the Vengeance sh●uld follow on their Persecutors , made them patient , so that the Innocent yielded to the Guilty . And we may judge of the number of the Christians of that Age , by what Cornelius who was Bishop of Rome , anno 254. in Euseb. 6. Book , cap ▪ 43. tells of the State of the Roman Clergy in his time , how there were in it 46 Presbyters , 7 Deacons , 42 Acolyths , 52 Exorcists , Lectors and Porters , and of Widows and poor Persons 150● , and where so many Poor were maintain'd , you must confess the number of the Christians was very great . But if we go to D●●clesian's time , we find the number of the Christians incredible ; and the Cruelties used against them to have been such , that ●ell could devise nothing beyond them . Some were burnt alive , others had boiling Lead poured on them , others had their flesh and joints to●n off them by burning Pince●s , others were broken to pieces , others stretched all out of joint , others hanged up by the Thumbs and cut in slices , others hanged up by-the heels . And this was universal through the whole Empire , and to such a degree , that it continued for many years ; and in Egypt alone they were often killed by hundreds a day , as Eu●ebius tells , who was a witness to much of it . And Godean reckons , that in one month there were seventeen thousand Martyrs killed : and during that persecution in the Province of Egypt , there were an hundred fo●ty and four thousand , who died by the violence of their Persecutors , and seven hund●ed thousand who died through the fatigues of Banishment , or of the publick works , to which they were condemned . I had almost forgot one sort of persecution , which as it was the most dreaded , so hath in it that which could not but provoke all to the utmost of horror and despair , which was the prostituting of their Virgins , more dreaded than any death . But among all these vast numbers , none offered to resist with the Sword● : and yet they were so marvellously assisted by God , that in their sufferings they expressed the greatest joy in God , by their Hymns and Psalms , and the most of mildness to their Persecutors . And dare you say , Isotimus , that these were a stupid self-murdering Crew ? Or do you think that had they been guilty of such a Crime , as you seem to fasten on the Doctrine of absolute submission ; God had appeared for them in such a signal manner , to the conviction and horror of their Persecutors ? I confess there is no piece of Story I read with such pleasure as the accounts are given of these Martyrs ; for methinks they leave a fervor upon my mind , which I meet with in no study , that of the Scriptures being only excepted . Say not then they were not able to have stood to their own defence , when it appears how great their numbers were : Or shall I here tell you the known Story of the Thebean Legion , which consisted of 6666. who being by Maximinus Herculeus , an . 287. pressed in the Oath they gave the Emperor to swear upon the Altars of the Idols , withdrew from the Camp eight miles off ; and when he sent to invite them to come and swear as the others had done ; they who commanded them answered in all their names , That they were ready to return and fight stoutly against the Barbarians ; but that being Christians , they would never worship the Gods. Whereupon the Emperor caused tith them , which they received with such joy , that every one desired the lot might fall on himself . And this prevailing nothing on them , he tithed them a second time ; and that being also without effect , he caused to murder them all , to which they submitted without resistance . And it is not to be denied , but such a number being driven to such despair , and having so much courage as to dare to die in cold bloud , might have stood to their defence a great while , and at least sold their lives at a dear rate , especially they having got off eight miles from the Army . Were it my design to back these instances with the great authorities of the most eminent Writers of the Church in these times , I should grow too tedious : but this is so far from being denied , that the only way to escape so strong an assault , is to study to detract from these holy Men by enquiring into any over-reachings , to which their fervor might have engaged them . Isot. All their practices are not binding upon us , for many of them did precipitate themselves into hazards , others were against flight , & others against resisting of private assailants , who without warrant came to murder them ; therefore the Spirit that acted in them , tho it produced effects highly to the honour of the Gospel , is not to be imitated by us : yet on the other hand , I acknowledg we ought to be slow to judg them . One thing is observable , that Maximinus was resisted by the Armenians , when he intended to set up Idolatry among them . Constantine also invaded Licinius when he persecuted the Christians in the East : and the Persians , when persecuted by their King , implored the help of the Roman Emperor . Besides , I have seen a Catalogue of many instances of resistance used in some Cities , when their good Bishops were forced away from them , which shews they were not so stupid as you design to represent them . See pag. 29 , &c. and Ius popul● at length . Basil. It is certain all Christians have one Law and Rule ; and the Laws of Nature are eternal and irreversible : if then the Law of Nature engage us to self-defence , it laid the same ties on them : therefore except you turn Enthusiast , you must say , th●t what is a Duty , or a sin now , was so then likewise ; and so you must either charge that Cl●ud of Witnesses with brutish stupidity , otherwise acuse our late forwardness of unjust resistance , since one Rule was given to both ; and contradicting practices can never be adjusted to the same Rule . And for these invidious aspersions you would fasten on them , as if they had not unde●stood their own Liberties , they are but poor escapes ; for it being already made out that violent resistance even of an equal , is not a Law , but a ●ight of Nature ; if they thought it more for the glory of the Gospel to yield even to private injuries , who are we to tax them for it ? But for flying from the Persecutors , it is true Tertullian condemned it , but that was neither the opinion nor practice of the Ch●istians in these Ages . As for what you alledg about the resistance made by the Armenians to Maximinus , I wish your friend had vouched his Author for what he saith of them ; for I am confident he is not so impudent as to prove a matter of fact done twelve Ages ago , by a Writer of this Age. All I can meet with about that , is from Euschius , lib. 9. cap. 6. who tells , That in these times the Tyrant made War against the Armenians ( men that had been of old Friends and Auxiliaries to the Romans ) whom because they were Christians , and were pious , and zealously studious about divine matters , that hater of GOD , intending to force to worship the false Gods and Devils , made to become Enemies instead of Friends , and Adversaries instead of Auxiliaries . And in the beginning of the next Chapter , he tells how in that War he and his Army received a great defeat . Now how you will infer from this , that Subjects may resist their Sovereign for Religion , I see not : for these Armenians were his Confederates , and no● his Subjects : and it is clear by the account Eusebius gives , that Armenia was not a Province , nor governed by a Prefect , as were the Provinces . Besides , consider how Maximinus came in the fag-end of that great persecution begun by Dioclesian and Herculius , continued by Gal●rius , and consummated by Maximinus himself , in which for all the numbers of the Martyrs , and the cruelty of the Persecution , there was not so much as a Tumult : which makes it evident the Christians at that time understood not the Doctrine of Resistance . But the Armenians case varying from that of Subjects , it was free for them to resist an unjust Invader , who had no Title to their Obedience . For your Story of Licinius , the true account of it will clear mistakes best ( as it is given by Eus. 10. cap. 5. ) Constantine after he turned Christian , being then Emperor of the West , called for Licinius , whom Galerius had made Emperor in the East , and they both from Millain gave out Edicts in favour of the Christians , giving them absolute liberty , and discharging all persecution on that account , which is reckoned to have been in the year 313. afterwards he allied with Licinius , and gave him his Sister in marriage , and acknowledged him his Colleague in the Empire . But some years after that Wars arose betwixt them , which Zosimus and Eutropius impute to Constantine's ambition , and impatience of a Rival : but if we believe the account Eusebius gives of it , Licinius provoked with envy at Constantine , and forgetting the Laws of Nature , the bonds of Oaths , alliance and agreement , raised a pestiferous and cruel War against him , and laid many designs and sna●es for his destruction , which he attempted long by secret and fraudulent ways , but these were always by GOD's Providence discovered , and so Constantine escaped all his designed mischief : At length Licinius finding his secret Arts did not succeed , he openly made War against Constantine . And as he was preparing for it , he made War likewise against GOD , and persecuted the Christians , because he apprehended they all prayed for Constantine , and wished him success ; whereupon he made severe Laws against the Christians , forbidding the Bishops ever to meet among themselves , or to instruct any Women : afterwards he banished all that would not worship the Gods , and from that he went to an open Persecution ; and not content with that , he by severe Laws discharged any to visit and relieve such as were in Prison for the Faith. Yet notwithstanding all this , none that were under his part of the Empire did resist him ; nay , not so much as turn over to Constantine against him , for ought that appears : But upon these things a War followed betwixt Constantine and him , wherein Licinius was defeated , and forced to submit to what conditions Constantine was pleased to give ; who took from him Greece and Illyricum , and only left him Thrace , and the East . But Licinius returning to his old ways , and breaking all agreements , a second war followed , wherein Licinius was utterly defeated , and sent to lead a private life at Thessalonica , where he was sometime after that killed , because of new designs against Constantine . This being the true account of that Story , I am to divine what advantage it can yield to the cause of Subjects resisting thei● Sovereign ; for here was a Superior Prince defending himself against the unjust attempts , and hostile incu●sions of his Enemy , who was also inferior to him , as Eusebius states it : whom consult . 10. Book , 8. ●● . and 1. Book of Const. life , ch . 42. and 2. Book , ch . 2 , &c. And for your instance of the Persians imploring the aid of the Romans , I am afraid it shall serve you in as little stead : for the account Socrates gives of it ( lib. 7. cap. 18. ) is , that Baratanes King of Persia , did severely persecute the Christians , whereupon the Christians that dwelt in Persia , were necessitated to fly to the Romans , and beseech them not to neglect them who were so destroyed , they were kindly received by Aticus the Bishop of Constantinople , who bent all his care and thoughts for their aid , and made the matter known to Theodosius the second then Emperor : but it happened at that tune the Romans had a quarrel with the Persians , who had hired a great many Romans that wrought in Mines , and sent them back without paying the agreed hire ; which quarrel was much heightned by the Persian Christians complaint ; for the King of Persia sent Ambassadours to remand them as fugitives : but the Romans refused to restore them , and not only gave them Sanctuary , but resolved by all their power to defend the Christian Religion , and rather make War with the Persians , than see the Christians so destroyed . Now it will be a pretty sleight of Logick , if from Subjects flying from a Persecution , and seeking shelter under another Prince , you will infer that they may resist their own King. And for Theodosius his War , we see other grounds assigned by the Historian : and the Politicks even of good Princes in their making of Wars , must not be a Rule to our Consciences : neither know I why this instance is adduced , except it be to justifie some who are said ( during the Wars betwixt their own Sovereign and the Country where they lived ) to have openly prayed for Victory against their Country , and to have corresponded in opposition to their native Sovereign . But I must next discuss that Catalogue of Tumults in the fourth and fifth Century , which are brought as Precedents for the resisting of Subjects : and here I must mind you of the great change was in Christendom after Constantine's days , before whom none were Christians , but such as were persuaded of the truth of the Gospel , and were ready to suffer for its profession ; so that it being then a Doctrine objected to many Persecutions , few are to be supposed to have entred into its discipline without some Convictions about it in their Consciences : but the case varied much after the Emperors became Christian ; so that what by the severity of their Laws , what by the authority of their Example , almost all the World rendered themselves Christian ; which did let in such a swarm of corrupt men into the Christian Societies , that the face of them was quickly much changed , and both Clergy and Laity became very corrupt , as appears from the complaints of all the Writers of the fourth Century : what wonder then if a tumultuating Humor crept into such a mixed multitude ? And indeed most of these instances which are alledged , if they be adduced to prove the corruption of that time , they conclude but too well : But , alas ! will they have the authority of Precedents , or can they be look'd upon as the sense of the Church at that time , since they are neither approved by Council or Church-Writer ? And truly the Tumults in these times were too frequent upon various occasions ; but upon none more than the popular elections of Bishops , of which Nazianzen gives divers instances , and for which they were taken from the People by the Council of Laodicea , Can. 13. It is also well enough known how these Tumults flowed more from the tumultuary temper of the People , than from any Doctrine their Teachers did infuse in them . And therefore Socrates lib. 7. cap. 13. giving account of one of the Tumults of Alexandria ( made use of by your Friends , as a Precedent ) tells how that City was ever inclined to Tumults , which were never compesced without blood . And at that time differences falling in betwixt Orestes the Prefect , and Cyril the Bishop , who was the first that turned the Priesthood into a temporal Dominion , they had many debates : for Orestes hating the power of the Bishops , which he judged detracted from the Prefect's authority , did much oppose Cyril ; and Cyril having raised a Tumult against the Iews , wherein some of them were killed , and the rest of them driven out of the City , Orestes was so displeased at that , that he refused to be reconciled with him ; whereupon 500 Monks came down from Nitria to fight for their Bishop , who set on the Prefect , and one of them named Ammonius , wounded him in the head with a stone ; but the People gathering , they all fled , only Ammonius was taken , whom the Prefect tortured till he died ; but Cyril buried him in the Church , and magnified his Fortitude to the degree of reckoning him a Martyr , of which he was afterwards ashamed . And their being in Alexandria at that time a learned and famous Lady , called Hyppatia , whom the People suspected of inflaming the Prefect against the Bishop , they led on by a Reader of the Church , set on her , and dragged her from her Chariot into a Church , and stript her naked , and most cruelly tore her body to pieces , which they burnt to ashes . And this , saith the Historian , brought no small Infamy , both on Cyril , and on the Church of Alexandria , since all who profess the Christian Religion , should be strangers to killing , fightings , and such like . Truly , Sir , he that will found the Doctrine of Resistance on such grounds , hath a mind on very easie terms to run himself upon Condemnation . And yet such like are the warrants your Friends bring from Church History . Therefore I see there is yet good ground to assert that Doctrine was unknown in the Christian Church , till the times wherein the Popes pretended to the Temporal Power over Princes : all whose plea was managed upon the grounds of the great Importance of Religion to be preferred to all human Interests , and that Christ had told his Disciples to buy a sword ; and that Princes being the Ministers of God , were to be no longer acknowledged , than they observed that design for which they were set up . Only in one particular , less disorder may be apprehended from the pretensions of the Roman Bishops , than from these Maxims that put the power of judging and controuling the Magistrate in the Peoples hands , which opens a door to endless confusions , and indeed sets every private Person on the Throne , and introduceth an Anarchy , which will never admit of order or remedy ; whereas these who had but one pretender over them , could more easily deal with him , and more vigorously resist him . Isot. You have said very many things from History , which I shall not at this time undertake to examine : but I am sure it hath been both the Practice and Doctrine of the Reformed Churches , that in case of unjust Tyranny , the States of a Kingdom may put a stop to the fury of a King : and therefore where the Reformation was opposed by Cruelty , it was also defended by Arms. And let me add , that I believe your great quarrel at this Doctrine , is , because the practice of it was so great a mean of preserving the Reformation , which though , in good manners , you must commend , yet I am afraid you hate it in your heart . Philar. Whether you or we be greater friends to the Reformation , let the world judge by this one Indication , that you study to draw all can be devised for the staining it with blood , which is the constant calumny of its adversaries , whereas we offer with the clearest evidences to evince its Innocence . But let me premise the distinction of Doctrine from Practices ; and tho some unjustifiable Practices appear , these must never be charged on the Reformed Churches , unless it be made appear they were founded on their Doctrine . Besides , the Reformers coming out of the corruptions of Poper● , in which the Doctrine and Practice of Resistance upon pretences of Religion were triumphant , it will not be found strange tho some of that ill-tempered Zeal continued still to leaven them . But for their Doctrine , I take the Standart of it to be in the Confessions of the several Churches ; all which being gathered in one harmony , we are in the right scent of their Opinions , when we search for them there . Now the Doctrine of resisting of Magistrates is by divers of their Confessions expressly condemned , but in none of them asserted . It is true , there were some ambiguous expressions in our Scots Confession , registred in Parliament Anno 1567 , for Art. 14. among the transgressions of the second Table , they reckon to disobey or resist any that God hath placed in authority , while they pass not over the bounds of their office ; which seems to imply the lawfulness of Resistance when they so transgress : but besides that it is not clearly asserted , and only inferred , this doth not determine what the bounds of the Magistrate's Office are : And if it be found that his Office is to coërce with the Sword , so as to be accountable to none but to God , then no Resistance will follow from hence , except of a limited Magistrate who is accountable to others . The same Explication is to be given to that part of the 24. Art. where all such are condemned who resist the Supream Power , doing that thing which appertaineth to his charge . But in the same Article the Magistrate is called God's Lieutenant , in whose Sessions God himself doth sit and judge . But with this , it is to be considered , when that Confession was ratified in Parliament , even when no Sovereign was to look to the clearing of any ambiguities , which might have-been upon design by some , and through the neglect of others , let pass . The Confessions of the other Churches are unexceptionably plain , and without restriction in the point of subjection : For what seems like a Restriction in the French Confession ( that the yoke of subjection is willingly to be born , though the Magistrates were Infidels , provided that God's Sovereign authority remain entire and uncorrupted ) imports nothing , but that our subjection to them , which takes in both Obedience and Suffering , is not to strike out the great Dominion God hath over our Souls , whom we should obey rather than man. And even the Confession of the Assembly of Divines , ratified by the Scots General Assembly , speaks of submission to Authority in absolute terms , without the exception of Resistance in case of Tyranny , Cap. 22. art . 4. It is the duty of People — to be subject to their authority for Conscience sake . Infidelity or difference in Religion , doth not make void the Magistrate's just and legal Aurity , nor fr●e the people from their due obedience to him . If then the Doctrine of Resistance be to be owned as a Law of Nature , and as a part of the Christian Freedom , how came it that it was not more expresly owned in this Confession , especially since it is known to have been the opinion of most of both these Assemblies ? But on the contrary , it seems condemned , and only the undiscerned reserves of just , legal , and due , are slip● in for the defence of their actings . Truly this seems not fair dealing , and such an asserting of Subjection at that time , looks either like the force of truth extorting it , or intimates them afraid , or ashamed to have owned that as their Doctrine to the World. And by this time , I suppose it is clear that the Reformed Churches ought not to be charged with the Doctrine of Resistance . Poly. Nay , nor the Reformed Writers neither , with whose words I could fill much Paper , and shew how they do all generally condemn the resistance of Subjects : and when any of them gives any Caveat to this , it is not in behalf of the People , but of the States of the Kingdom , who , they say , perhaps are impowered with authority to curb the tyranny of Kings , as the Ephori among the Lacedemonians , the Tribuns of the people , and the Demarchs in Rome and Athens . Now it is acknowledged , that if by the Laws of the Kingdom it be found that the King is accountable to the States , then their coercing of him is not the resistance of Subjects , but rather the managing of the Supreme Power which lies in their hands . If then you will stand to their decision in this Point , of the Peoples resisting of their Sovereigns , though Tyrants , the debate will not run long , they being so express . And this will be nothing shaken by any thing you may alledge in some corner of a Peter Martyr , or some other Persons of less name ; for as from the same Writers , other places may be brought to the contrary ; so what can these serve to enervate so much evident proof ? Besides , we are not to consider the Writings of some particular Persons , so much as what hath been the generally received opinion among the Protestant Writers , and most taught in their Pulpits and Schools . And whoever will attempt the contradicting that this hath been for absolute submission , it must be confessed to be hard to determine , whether his ignorance be most to be pitied , or his confidence most wondered at . By these things all may guess , if there be not strong grounds to apprehend the Reformed Churches must be innocent of that , which both their Confessions disown . and their Writers condemn . Isot. I confess the Author of the Dialogues did with great confidence undertake the refuting of what is generally acknowledged about resistance used by the Reformed Churches : but his Answerer hath so refuted all he alledgeth from History , that I am confident he repents of his undertaking : and were it to be done again , perhaps he would think on other tasks , than to attempt what hath miscarried so in his hand , that truly I cannot but pity him in my heart . Eud. It will be strange if he be so much mistaken as your Author represents him , yet his design in that was so good to deliver the Reformation from such a Challenge , that methinks he deserved a little better usage than your Friend bestows on him . But I am much deceived if he be not able to make good all was asserted by him : let us therefore hear what Polyhistor saith on these matters . Isot. Begin then with the matter of the Albigenses , where force was used against Simon Montfort , who had not only the permission of the French King , as is acknowledged , but was assisted by him by 15000. men , which is vouched by some Authors : Besides , that the cruelties then used ( which are made use of to aggravate their not resisting the King of France ) if pertinently adduced , prove the King of France guilty of accession to them . And the Kings Son , Prince Lewis , coming with an Army afterward , shews all to have been done by the Kings Command . And what is alledged from the Count of Tolouse , his being a Peer of France , by which he was a Vassal , and not a Subject , is to no purpose ; since by the Feudal Law , Vassals are Subjects ; and whatever authority they may have within their own Dominions , they are still Subjects to the Lord of the Feud . See p. 418. Poly. I shall not with big words blow away what you alledg ; but shall examine it from the accounts are given of that War. It is true , the Writers of that time do so strangely misrepresent these Innocents , that little credit is due to most of the Histories about them : but thus much is clear , that the Waldenses were every where persecuted , both in Dauphine , Provence , Piedmont , Calabria , Boheme , and other places , to which they scattered themselves , and fled for shelter : and notwithstanding all the Persecutions they lay under , from the Inquisition in France , they never armed against the King's authority . These about Alby embracing the same Doctrine with the Waldenses , and called from the Country they lived in Albigenses , were thundered against by the Pope , and a Iacobin Monk being killed in their Country , Pope Innocent proclaimed a Crotsade , promising Paradise to all who came and fought against these Hereticks , and avenged the blood of that Monk : and in particular suspecting Raymond Count of Tolouse , he Excommunicated him , and absolved his Subjects from their obedience , permitting any to pursue his Person , and possess his Lands ; with which he wrote to all Christian Princes to come into his Croisade . But the King of France was imployed in Wars both with the Emperor and King of England , and so could not join in it , but gave way to his Barons to take the Cross : And here the King consenting to so cruel an Invasion , did undoubtedly shake much of his right to these Provinces , since he thus exposed them to the fu●y of an unjust Invader ; so that tho they had absolutely rejected his Authority , this had quadrated with the case of a Kings deserting of his Subjects . However the War went on , all managed by the Legate , as the Popes war. But Raymond came and submitted himself to the Pope , yet the Legate went on against Beziers and Carcasson , who had a great deal of reason to resist such an unjust Aggressor . Afterwards the Legate gaping for the County of Tolouse , picked another quarrel with Raymond , and did excommunicate him of new , tho he had got the Popes absolution : whereupon he armed , with the assistance of the King of Arragon , against the Legate , and his General Simon Montfort : but afterwards the King of Arragon was defeated , yet all this while the King of France lay neutral , and would not permit his Son to go against the Albigenses , because he had promised to the King of Arragon to be neutral ; but the King of Arragon being dead , he gave way to it , and so his Son came to the Army : and this must be that which Gulielmus Brito confounds with the beginning of the War. This also is that Affair which the Centuriators say Philippus Augustus had with the Albigenses . But the Legate fearing the numbers Prince Lewis brought with him , and apprehending he might have possessed himself of the other places which belonged to the Albigenses , granted them all absolution , with the protection of the Church ; and assumed the confidence to tell the Prince , that since he had taken the Cross , he was to depend on his Orders , he representing the Pope , and not to command in that Army as the Kings Son ; reproaching him , because his Father had given no assistance to the destruction of the Albigenses when there was need of it : but that after the miraculous Victories had been obtained , he was now come to reap the Harvest of what was due to them who had hazarded their lives for the Church . And for all this , I refer you to the History of the Albigenses , compiled by M. Perrin lib. 1. cap. 12 , &c. But what if by an overplus I should justifie the Count of Tolouse , tho he had armed against the King of France , upon the account of his being a Peer of France , which exempted him from the condition of ordinary Subjects , of whom Pasquier Recherches de France , lib. 2. cap. 8 saith . It was the vulgar Opinion , that they were constituted by Charles the Great , who is believed to have given them almost as much authority as himself had , reserving only to himself the principal voice in the Chapter : but he refutes that vulgar Error , and shews how in the end of the Carolovingian Race , great confusions were in France , partly through the various Pretenders , but more through their folly : at which time , the Crown of France did likewise become Elective : and he shews how Eude , Robert , Raoul , Lewis , surnamed beyond the Sea , Lot hair , and another Lewis , were chosen Kings of France ; and the chief Persons who at that time were most active , were these Dukes , Counts , and Bishops , who afterwards were made Peers . Hugo Capet therefore taking possession of the Crown , for securing himself peaceably in it , did confirm those Peers in that great Authority they had assumed ; which if he had not done , they had given him more trouble . And their constitution was , that if any difference arose , either betwixt the King , and any of the Peers , or among the Peers themselves , it should be decided by the Council of the whole twelve Peers . And he proves from an old Placart , that they would not admit the Chancellor , Connestable , or any other great Officer of France to judg them ; they being to be judged by none , but their fellow Peers . These were also to be the Electors of the King. But Hugo Capet apprehending the danger of a free Election , caused , for preventing it , Crown his Son in his own time , which was practised by four or five succeeding Kings . And Lewis the Gross not being crowned in his Fathers time , met with some difficulty at his entry to the Crown ; which to guard against , he crowned his Son in his own time , and so that practice continued , till the pretence of electing the King was worn out by prescription . Yet some vestigies of it do still remain , since there must be at all Coronations of France twelve to represent the Peers : and by this time , I think it is well enough made out , that the Count of Tolouse was not an ordinary Subject . And as for your confounding of Subject and Vassal , Bodinus lib. de Rep. cap. 9. will help you to find out a difference betwixt them , who reckons up many kinds of Vassals and Feudataries who are not Subjects : for a Vassal is he that holds Lands of a Superior Lord , upon such conditions as are agreed to by the nature of the Feud , and is bound to protect the Superior , but may quit the Feud , by which he is free of that subjection : so that the dependence of Vassals on their Lord , must be determined by the Contract betwixt them , and not by the ordinary Laws of Subjects . And from this he concludes , that one may be a Subject and no Vassal , a Vassal and no Subject , and likewise both Vassal and Subject . The Peers of France did indeed give an Oath of homage , by which they became the Liege●men of the King , but were not for that his S●bjects : for the Oath the Subjects swore , was of a far greater extent . And thus I am deceived if all was asserted by the Conformist in the Dialogues on this head , be not made good . Isot. But since you examine this instance so accuratly , what say you to those of Piedmont , who made a League among themselves against their Prince , and did resist his cruel Persecutions by Armies . See pag. 423. Poly. Truly , I can say little on this Subject , having seen none of their Writings or Apologies , so that I know not on what grounds they went : and I see so much ignorance and partiality in accounts given from the second hand , that I seldom consider them much . Isot. The next instance in History , is , from the Wars of Boheme , where because the Chalice was denied , the People did by violence resist their King , and were headed by Zisca , who gained many Victories in the following War with Sigismund ; and in the same Kingdom fifty years ago , they not only resisted first Matthias , and then Ferdinand their King , but rejected his authority , and choosed a new King : and the account of this change , was , because he would not make good what Maximilian and Rodolph did grant about the f●ee exercise of their Religion : and thus when engagements were broken to them , they did not judge themselves bound to that tame submission you plead for . See p. 424. Poly. Remember what was laid down as a ground , that the Laws of a Society must determine who is invested with the Sovereign Power , which doth not always follow the Title of a King : but if he be accountable to any other Court , he is but a Subject , and the Sovereign Power rests in that Court. If then it be made out that the States of Bohemia are the Sovereigns , and that the Kings are accountable to them , this instance will not advance the plea of defensive Arms by Subjects . That the Crown of Bohemia is elective , was indeed much contraverted ; and was at length , and not without great likelihoods on both sides , of late debated in divers Writings : but among all that were impartial , they prevailed who pleaded its being elective . Yet I acknowledge this alone will not prove it free for the People to resist , unless it be also apparent that the Supreme Power remained with the States , which as it is almost always found to dwell with the People , when the King is elected by them . Bodin doth reckon the King of Bohemia among these that are but Titular Kings : and the Provincial Constitutions of that Kingdom do evidently demonstrate , that the King is only the Administrator , but not the fountain of their Power : which is made out from many instances , by him who writes the Republick of Bohemia , who shews how these Kings are bound to follow the pleasure and Counsel of their States : and in the year 1135 , it was decreed , that the elected Prince of Bohemia should bind himself by his Coronation Oath to rules there set down ; which if he broke , the States were to pay him no Tributes , nor to be tied to any further Obedience to him , till he amended . See Hagecus ad ann . 1135. And this Oath was taken by all the following Dukes and Kings of Bohemia ; which is an evident proof that the States had authority over their Kings , and might judge them . To this also might be added divers instances of their deposing their Kings , upon which no censure ever passed . These being then the grounds on which the Bohemians walked , it is clear they never justified their Resistance , on the account of Subjects fighting for Religion , but on the liberties of a free State , asserting their Religion when invaded by a limited Prince . The account of the first Bohemian War , is , that Iohn Huss and Ierome of Prague , being notwithstanding the Emperors Safe-conduct burnt at Constance , the whole States of Bohemia and Moravia met at Prague , and found that by the burning of their Doctors , an injury was done to the whole Kingdom , which was thereby marked with the stain of Heresie : and they first expostulated with the Emperor and Counsel about the wrong done them ; but no reparation being made , they resolved to seek it by force , and to defend the Religion had been preached by Huss ; and did declare their design to Winceslaus their King ( whom the States had before that time made prisoner twice for his maleversation ) but at that very time he died in an Apoplexy , some say through grief at that . After his death , Sigismund his Brother pretended to the Crown of Bohemia : but not being elected , was not their righteous King : so in the following Wars that were betwixt him and Zisca , the resistance was not made to the King of Bohemia , and therefore all that time was an Interregnum , and is so marked by their Historian , who tells , that the Bohemians could not be induced to receive him to be their King : he indeed invaded the Kingdom , and crowned himself , but was not chosen by the States till fifteen years after that a Peace was concluded , and he with great difficulty prevailed upon the States to ratifie his Co●onation , and acknowledge him their King. See Dub. lib. 24. & lib. 26. And by all this , I doubt not but you are convinced that the Wars of Zasca were not of the nature of Subjects resisting their Sovereign . And for the late Bohemian War , besides what was already alledged of the Power of the States , their War against Ferdinand , and the reason why by a solemn decree they rejected him , was , because he invaded the Crown without an Election , contrary to the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom : hereupon they choosed the Prince Elector Palatine to be their King. It is true , they rose also in Arms while Matthias lived , though he did not long survive these Tumults : but in all their Apologies they founded their plea on the Liberties of the Kingdom of Bohemia . And yet though this say much for their defence , I am none of the Patrons of that War , which had very few defenders among the Protestants . Isot. At length you must yield there was War for defence of Religion : but if without the inclosure of Bohemia we examine the History of Germany , there we meet with that famous Smalcaldick War , in opposition to Charles V. who was designing the overthrow of the Protestant Doctrine , which the Elector of Saxony , with the Landgrave of H●ssen , and other free Cities , managed against him . See p. 427. Poly. If any of the Passions of men have mingled in the actions of Protestants , must these therefore be fasten'd on them as their Doctrine ; especially when they went not upon Principles of Religion , but of Provincial Law● ? As for Germany , let me first tell you how far the Protestants were against Rebellion , upon p●etence of Religion . At first the Rustick War had almost kindled all Germany , which indeed began upon very unjust Causes ; but Sleydan lib. 5. tells , That some troublesome Preachers had been the cau●ers of that great and formidable War. Now it is to little purpose to say they were in many errors , and so fought not for the true Religion ; since it was befo●e made out , that if Religion be to be fought for , every man believing his own Religion to be true , is bound to take Arms in its defence , since even an erring Conscience binds : B●t as these Tumults did ●p●ead through Germany , Luther published a Writing , desiring all to abstain f●om Sedition , though with ●l h● told he apprehended some strange ●udgment was hanging over the Church-men : but that was to be l●ft to God. After which he explains the duty of the Magistrates : And adds , That the People should be severely charged not to stir without the command of their Magistrates , and that n●thing was to be attempted by private Persons : that all Sedition was against the command of God , and that Sedition was nothing but private Revenge , and therefore hated by God. Adding , That the Seditions then stirring , were raised by the Devil , who stirred up these who professed the Gospel to them , that thereby the truth might be brought under hatred and reproach , as if that could not be of God which gave occasion to so great evils . Then he tells what means were to be used for advancing of the Gospel , That they were to repent of their sins , for which God had permitted that tyranny of the Church-men . Next , That they should pray for the Divine aid , and publickly assert the truth of the Gospel , and discover the Impostures of the Popes . And he adds , That this had been his method , which had been much blessed of God. In a word , the whole strain of that first Paper shews , that the great bait used to train all into that Rebellion , was the pretence of the liberty of Religion , and the tyrannical oppression they were kept under by the Ecclesiasticks . But upon this the Beures published a Writing containing their Grievances : The first whereof was , That they might have liberty to choose Ministers , who might preach the Word of God purely to them , without the mixture of mens devises . The other particulars related to their Civil Liberties . And upon these Pretensions they appealed to Luther , who wrote again , Acknowledging the great Guilt of these Princes who received not the purity of the Gospel ; but he warns the People to consider what they did , lest they lost both Body and Soul in what they attempted . That they were neither to consider their own strength , nor the faultiness of their Adversaries , but the justice and lawfulness of the Cause ; and to be careful not to believe all Mens preachings ; for the Devil had raised up many Seditions and bloody Teachers at that time . Wherefore he forbids them to take God ' s Name in vain , and pretend that they desired in all things to follow his Laws : But minds them who threatned , that they who took the Sword , should perish by the Sword : and of the Apostle , who commands all to be obedient to Magistrates , charging on them , that though they pretended the Laws of God , yet they took the Sword , and resisted the Magistrate . But he adds , You say , the Magistrates become intolerable , for they take the Doctrine of the Gospel from us , and oppress us to the highest degree : But be it so , stars and seditions are not therefore to be raised , neither must every one coërce crimes , that belongs to him to whom the power of the Sword is given , as is express in Scripture . And besides , this is not only according to the Laws , but is by the light of Nature impressed on all mens minds : which shews , that no man can cognosce and judge in his own Cause , since all men are blinded with self-love : And it cannot be denied , but this Tumult and Sedition of yours , is a private Revenge : But if you have any warrant for this from God , you must make it out by some signal Miracle . The Magistrate indeed doth unjustly , but you much more so , who contemning the Command of God , invade anothers Iurisdiction . And he tells them , That if these things take place , there will be no more Magistracy , nor Courts of Iustice , if every man exercise private Revenge . And if this be unlawful in a private Person , much more is it so in a multitude gathered together . Whe●efore he counts them unworthy of the name of Christians , nay worse than Turks , who thus violate the Laws of Nature . Then for proof of his opinion , he adduceth that of our Lord's , resist not evil ; as also his r●proving of S. Peter for smiting with the Sword. These steps were to be f●llowed by you , saith he , or this glorious Title must be laid down . And if you followed his Example , God ' s power would appear , and he would undoubtedly have regard to you . And he adds , How far he had been always from such Practices , and how God had blessed his wo●k in his hands : but for you , you advert not how much you obstruct that which you think to promove . These are a few of Luther's words , by which it will appear both upon what pretences the●e B●ures went , and what his sense of them was . But I know it will be said , that as in the first ages of the Church , these good simple men understood not their Liberties nor Privileges , but were whee●led into a sheepish tameness : so likewise when the Re●o●mation was fi●st sp●inging , they ●●d not in that infancy understand the heroick doctrine , that the following ripeness of some Martial Spirits did broach and maintain . Alas ! Luther , poor Man ! he had been bred in his Monastery , and understood not the brave Atchievements of Christian Chivalry . But who would bear with such disingenuity , as to say , that because he defines Sedition to be private revenge , and afterwards condemns private revenge , therefore he must be understood as only condemning that ? pag 432. But as none that reads Sleydan da●e say that I have alledged one word in Luther's name , but what is faithfully translated out of these Writings : so the parcels I have here inserted , will clearly discover that Rebellion to have been coloured over with the p●etence of Oppression , Persecution , and hindering the Doctrine of the Gospel : and Luther's opinion in that must not be looked upon , as only his private sense , but that which was undoub●e●●y received by the rest of the Protestants in Germany , as appears by the series of the Story . And whatever passion Luther might have expressed , that will no more brangle what I say , than any of his other unjustifiable f●rv●●s will shake the rest of his Doctrine . For I do not adduce him here only as a private Doctor speaking his single thoughts , but as the Head of the Protestants , delivering a Doctrine which was then received among them . Isot. But he afterwards changed his Opinion when the League of Smalcald was entred into , and then we find the Protestants in another tune ; for upon apprehensions of mischief designed against them , they entred into a defensive League among themselves : tho the Constitution of the Empire being feudal , the Emperor was their Sovereign : yet both Princes and free Cities entred into this League , which afterwards broke out into War. See p 433. Poly. Before I examine that Affair , I must first clear the way by removing a mistake , which truly I judged none capable of that had ever read any thing of the Constitution of the German Empire , or of the Power of the Electors , Princes , and free Cities . I must therefore since I have to do with so much ignorance or perversness , shew that the Emperor is not Sovereign in Germany ; though the thing is so plain , that I am almost ashamed to go about it . The German Empire was hereditary from the days of Charles the Great till Henry the Fowler , and then it begun to be Elective : and as is usual in all such cases , they who had the right of Election , got by degrees the authority transferred upon themselves : but the particular time when this begun , is not so clearly defined by the German Writers . It is true , the Diet of Germany is not like the League of the United Provinces , or of the Cantons of Switzerland , where the Authority remains with the several States and Cantons , and they only meet for Counsel : but the Diet hath the supreme Authority , both of deposing of Emperors , as was practised in the case of Adolphus and Wenceslaus , and of fining , banishing , and forfeiting , either Princes or Cities . And the Princes declare after the Emperor is Crowned , that they are the Vassals of the Empire , and not of the Emperor . and when the Diet sits not , all things are judged by the Imperial Chamber , whose President must be a Prince of the Empire , who hath six Assessors from the Emperor , seven from the seven Electors , twenty from the ten Circles , two from each of them ; and by them all the differences among the Princes or Members of the Empire are decided . Upon greater occasions , the Diet is called , which Thuan compares to the Assembly of the Amphictyons in Greece , that was made up of Princes , who had no dependence one upon another . The Diet is not called by the Emperor , but by the Decree of a former Diet : or if the Emperor call one , the Princes are not bound to come to it . And so the Princes refused to come Anno 1554. and An. 1506. By the Diet Laws are given to the Emperour , as well as to the other Princes : and any Mony is ●●●sed for the use of the Empire , is not put in the Emperors hands , but in the bank of some Town , as shall be agreed on . Bodin tells he saw Letters from a German Prince to M●nmorancy , telling him , that the King of France had reason to complain of Charles the Fifth , and of his Brother , to the Duke of Saxony , and the Count Palatine , who were the Vicars of the Empire , because they had , contrary to the Laws of the Empire , and former Customs , suppressed the Kings Letters to the States of the Empire . And Maximilian the first in a Diet at Constance , Anno 1507. acknowledged , that the Majesty of the German Empire consisted in the Princes , and not in the Emperor himself . I might here add much from the way of the Emperors treating with the Princes , by sending and receiving of Ambassadors that go betwixt them , by the state in which he receives Visits from them , and returns them to them , by the Princes treating and being treated with , by all forein Princes , who write to them Brother , and not Cousin , by their making of Peace and War among themselves : and should indeed run out into a long dig●ession , if I adduced all might be alledged for proving the Princes of the Empire to be none of the Emperors Subjects : but I have no mind to engage in a vain shew of reading upon so plain a Subject . One thing I shall only add , that by the 12. Chapter of the Bulla Aurea , it is expresly provided , that the Electors shall meet together yearly in the four weeks that follow Easter , for consulting about the Affairs of the Empire : and this is thus explained in the 4th Article of the Cesarean Capitulation , That it shall be free for the six Electors by the vigor of the Bulla Aurea , to meet together as often as they please , for consulting about the Commonwealth , and that the Emperour shall make no hinderance to it , nor take it in ill part . And hence it is that these who give account of the state of the Empire , laugh at their ignorance , who through a childish mistake ascribe the Sovereign Power to the Emperor . The same may be added of the free Cities united together by a League at least 500 years old , called the Hanse-towns , who came under the protection of the Master of the Teut●●●●k Order , that possessed Prusse : and an . 1206 , they were so free , that they sent a Navy to Henry III. of England , and got great priviledges from him for their traffick in England . There were then 72. Cities in the League , who renewed their League every tenth year , and consulted whom to receive , or whom to exclude from their friendship , and choosed a P●o●●●tor to themselves . And one of the Conditions on which any City might be of this League , was , that they were free Towns : and therefore it was that some Towns in the Netherlands being of this League , their Princes were by Oath to confirm their freedom , otherwise they could not be comprehended within that League ; the end whereof was to defend one another in any necessity they might fall in . Let these things then declare whether Germany be a Monarchy or not , and it will never prove the Emperor to be the Sovereign , because the Empire is feudal , and the Emperor gives the Investitures to the Princes ; for they are not the Feudato●ies of the Emperor , but the Empire : and the Emperor by giving the Investiture becomes not their Lord : for in the Interregn of the Empire , the Electors of Palatine and Saxe are the Vicars of the Empire , and give the Investitures , who are not clothed with any authority over the rest , but only as they are the Vicars of the Empire , and not of the Emperor . And most of the Princes of Itair receive still their Investiture from the Emperor , but are far from concluding themselves his Subjects upon that account . And who thinks the King of Naples the Popes Subject , tho he receive his Investiture in that Crown from him ? These things being thus cleared , it will be evident that the Wars betwixt Charles V. and the Duke of Saxony , will never be a Precedent for Subjects resisting their Sovereign . And having said so much , it will be to no purpose to examine the rise and progress of the Smalcal●● League and War , only thus much is clear , that the leaguing of the Princes and Cities together among themselves , or with other Princes , was not held contrary to the Laws of the Empire : for after the Smalcaldic League , both the Emperor and other Kings , as France and England , treated with them , and sent Embassadors to them : Yea , the Pope sent a Nuncio to the Elector of Saxe , and Landgrave of Hessen at Smalcald , and yet never were they accused by the Emperor for entring into that League of mutual defence : which shews it was not judged contrary to the duty of these Princes to associate among themselves , or with others . And the City of Strasburg , and after them the Landgrave of Hessen , made a League with the Switzer Cantons that received the Reformation , for mutual defence against any Invasion upon the account of Religion . At Ausburg the Emperor did on the 11. of November 1530. declare , that since the Protestants did reject the Decree made about Religion , he had entred in an agreement with the rest of the Diet , not to offend any , but to defend themselves , if any force were used against these who owned that Religion . And in the following December the Protestant Princes met at Smalcald , and made an agreement among themselves in the same strain : neither were they ever condemned for so doing , but continued in a good correspondence with the Emperor many years after that , till being invaded by the Duke of Brunswick the War took its rise , which is all along proved to have been according to the Laws and Liberties of the Empire . And thus this Case doth vary exceedingly from the matter of our Debates . Eud. If I may glean after your Harvest , I could add , that the Divines of Germany were notwithstanding of all the immunity of the Princes , and injuries they met with , very much against all warlike preparations . Many vestigies of this appear through Melanclon's Letters , particularly in his 71. Letter to Camerarius an . 1528. where he gives account of the inclinations many had to War , and with how much diligence he had studied to divert them from it , though great injuries had been done them ; and that it was believed that many of the Princes had signed a conspiracy against them . And Scultet Exer. Evang. lib. 2. cap. 5. tells how Grumbachius and Iustus Ionas animated the Elector of Saxe to the War , assuring him of the Empire of Germany , if he wo●ld adventure for it : which , he adds , the Elector did : and his so doing , he compares to his throwing himself over the Pinacle of the Temple ; but all quickly repented them of the attempt , the Elector being defeated , taken , and kept Prisoner many years , and his ill Counsellors were well served for their advice , Grumbachius was quartered , and Ionas was beheaded . Thus you see how that war is censured by one of the best of the late German Divines . By this time , I think no scruples can dwell with any about the German War , and that it agrees with the case of a Prince defending his Religion and Subjects , against the unjust invasion of another Prince , to whom he owes neither obedience nor subjection : and this will easily satisfie all that know either Law or History , whether the Author of the Dialogues deserved to be treated as his Answerer doth : But it is no new thing to find ignorants full of confidence , and cowards full of boastings . Isot. But for Sweden , you yield it , and acknowledge , that because their King came against them in an unjust invasion , designing to subvert their Religion , they not only armed against him , and resisted him , but deposed him , and put his Uncle in his place , than which nothing can be more express . See p. 441. Poly. The design of the Conformist was to prove that the first Reformers did not teach the doctrine of Subjects their resistance upon the account of Religion ; but he meant not to make good all that followed after that : therefore left the more inconsiderat when they heard of the S●ares of Sweden their deposing of Sig●smund , might have mistaken that , as he knows some have done , and confounded it with the Reformation , he gave the true account of that Affair as it was : and it being seventy years after the Reformation was first brought thither , cannot be fastened on the Reformation . Besides the whole Tract of the Swedish History proves , that the Estates , as they elected , so also coerced , and frequently deposed their Kings : and therefore Bodin reckons Sweden among these divided States , where the Supreme Power lay betwixt the King and the Nobility : and tells how in his own time Henry King of Sweden having killed with his own hand , one that presented a petition to him , the States forced him to quit the Kingdom to his Brother : and that he had been for seventeen years a prisoner when he wrote his Books de Republica : It being thus frequent in Sweden upon malversation , not only to resist , but to depose their Kings , it was no wonder if when Sigismund came against them with an army of Polanders , whose Sovereign he was not , ( for none are so ignorant to think the King of Poland is a Sovereign ) they resisted him : since that was a subjecting of Sweden to foreign force , and so did totally overturn the whole Foundation of the Kingdom . But after all this , I may add , that Charles Duke of Sud●rman , was not too well reported of , for that abrogation of his Nephew , it being generally imputed to his ambition . And thus you see upon how many Accounts that Action of the Swedish State will not serve your turn . Isot. But these of Zurich resisted the other five Cantons , and being provoked by their injuries , they stop'd the Pass●ges of Victuals to them , upon which a War followed . As also at Basel , the people did maintain and assert the Reformation by Arms against their Superiors , and brake the Images , and burnt them : they also made the Senate turn off some of their number who favored the Mass. See p. 443 , 444. Poly. As for the War among the Cantons , it is undeniable that it was not of Subjects against their Sovereigns , since the Cities of Helvetia have no dependence one upon another ; nor can any one City be tied to the opinion or decree of the rest , without their own consent : which shews that every Canton is a free State within it self , and therefore their warrings among themselves , makes nothing for subjects resisting of their Sovereigns . And what is alledged from the tumult of Basel , is as little to our purpose : for these free Cities being Democratical , it was no wonder if the people off●nded with the Senate , did raise that Commotion : and the Historian expresly asserts , that what they did , they openly declared , was not for defence of Religion , but for vindicating of their own liberty . And in the end of the Story it appears what they designed , for they made the Senat receive 260. out of the Companies of the Citizens , whose counsel should be carried along in the greater concernments , that might be either for GOD's Glory , or the Good of the Commonwealth . But if you lay claim to this Story as a Precedent , you must acknowledge that a Reformation may be not only maintained by force , but that Magistrats may be removed from their Office , if they go not along with it ; and that the people may in their own Authority , without waiting for the Magistrats concurrence , go by violence and break down Images , and throw out an established Religion . But this belongs not to the case of Subjects , since in these free Cities the power is certainly with the people , and so they are not S●bjects to the Senat. And for Geneve , it is so fully proved , that it was a free Imperial City , that I need add nothing to make it out One instance will abundantly suffice to prevail upon the belief of any who can doubt whether the Bishop of Geneve was their Prince , which is , that the Bishops of Geneve did frequently become Burgesses in it : In particular , Peter de Baul● , the last who sate there , was received a Citizen by the Senat of Gen●ve 15. Iuly 1527. which doth fully prove that he could not be their Lord. But as for the Reformation of Geneve , it is true Sleydan hints as if the Bishop and Clergy had left the City , being angry at the Reformation : but in that he was mistaken , for their Bishop left the City an . 1528. and made war against it upon some disputes were betwixt him and them about their privileges : for though he was not Lord of the City , yet the Countrey about it belonged to him . But an . 1533. he returned to the City , and left it in the Iuly of the same year , fearing some seditious Tumults , which he had the more reason to apprehend , because of his Transactions with the Duke of Savoy , whereby he made over to him his interest in the City . And it was two years after this before the Reformation was received by that City . For after he left them , they passed a Decree for preserving the old Religion , and discharging of the Lutheran , and banished two of the Ministers of that Religion . And on the first of Ianuary 1534. after the Bishop was gone , his Vicar published an Edict , discharging all Assemblies f●r Divine Worship , without the Bishops permission ; and all Bibles in the French or German Tongues , were condemned to be burnt . And for the Duke of Savoy his invading them , and being resisted by them , it makes nothing for your design , this being a free Imperial City , resisting an unjust Invader . For all this , see Geneva restituta . Isot. But at least the States of the United Provinces did maintain their Religion by Arms , when Philip the Second was introducing the Inquisition among them : and tho these Wars were upon mixed grounds , so that Papists as well as Protestants concurred in them , yet it is undeniable that Religion gave the chief rise to them , and was the main consideration that engaged the Protestants into that War. See pag. 446. Poly. One error runs through all your smatterings , which is , that you never distinguish betwixt a State governed by a Monarch , where subjection is due to him by the constitution of the State , and a limited Prince , who by the Laws of that Society is accountable to , and censurable by the Nobility and people ; which states so great a difference , that he must be very purblind who doth not observe it ; And therefore I will first shew you , that the Prince of the Netherlands was but a precarious Prince , governing a free people at their pleasure and precariously , as Heuterus and Grotius de Ant. Re●p . Batav . call him : And among the Laws of the Government of Batavia , one was , that the old Customs and Laws should be sacred ; and that if the Prince decreed ought against them , he was not to be obeyed : and so it was usual among them upon a t●an●gression , to depose their Princes , of which many instances are reckoned by Grotius , and therefore he compares their Princes to the Lacedemonian Kings , upon whom the Ephori and the Senat might have cognosced . The Brabantins had indeed looked better to their liberty than the rest , and so had guarded against the deceit of their Princes ( who might have broken their Laws upon the pretence of a publick good ) by an express agreement , that if their Prince should violate the Laws , they should not be tied to obedience nor fidelity to him , till their injuries were removed : and this was confirmed by the examples of their Ancestors , Gr. An. lib. 2. And a little after , he adds , That the other Provinces in Belgium , had by practice that same privilege , and that the rather , that being all united to Brabant , by Maximilian , they were to enjoy the same privileges with them . The Brabantins had also a privilege of chusing a Conservator in any great hazard , called Ruart , Strada tom . 1. lib. 9. whose power was equal to the Roman Dictators : this they had by the privileges of the Laetus introitus . And upon this they chused the Prince of Orange their Ruart , anno 1577. And to run no further for proofs of this , when Philip was inaugurated their Prince , he expresly provided , that if he broke their privileges , they should be free from obedience and fidelity to him : and this was the ground on which they deposed him , as appears by their Decree , St. tom . 2. lib. 4. By these indications it is apparent , that the Prince of the Netherlands was not Sovereign of these Provinces , since they could cognosce upon him , and shake off his authority . But I shall next make out , that Religion was not the ground upon which these Wars were raised : The Reformation came unto the Provinces in Charles the V. his time , who cruelly persecuted all who received it , so that these who were butchered in his time , are reckoned not to be under 100000. Gr. Annal. lib. 1. All this Cruelty did neither provoke them to Arms , nor quench the Spirit of Reformation ; whereupon Philip designed to introduce the Inquisition among them , as an assured mean of extinguishing that Light. But that Court was every where so odious , and proceeded so illegally , that many of the Nobility , among whom divers were Papists , entered in a Confederacy against it , promising to defend one another , if endangered : Upon this , there were first petitions , and after that tumults ; but it went no further till the Duke of Alva came , and proceeded at the rate of the highest Tyranny imaginable , both against their Lives and Fortunes , particularly against the Counts of Egment and Horn , suspect of favoring the former disord●●s . But ( it being needle●s to make a vain shew of reading in a thing which every boy may know ) after the Duke of Alva had so transgressed all Limits , the Nobility and Deputies of the Towns of Holland , who were the Depositaries of the Laws and Privileges of that State , met at Dort , anno 1572. Gr. de Ant. Bat. cap. ● . and on Iuly 19 , decreed a War against the Duke of Alva , and made the Prince of Orange their Captain , which was done upon his e●●cting the twentieth penny of their Rents , and the tenth of their moveables , in all their transactions and merchandises . Yet all this while the power was in the hands of Papists , Gr. An●al . lib. 3. No● wa● the Protestant Religion permitted till the year 1578. that in Amster●●● , Utrecht and Harlem , the Magistrats who were addicted to the Roman Religion , were tu●ne● out , which gave great offence to some of then Confederates who adhered to Poperv . And upon this the Protestants petitioned the A●c● Duke Matthias , whom the States had chosen for their Prince , that since it was known that they were the chief object of the Spanish hatred . and so might look for the hardest measure , it they prevailed : it was therefore just they who were in the chief danger , might now enjoy some share of the Liberty with the rest ; wherefore they desired they might have Ch●rch●s allowed them , and might not be barred from publick trust , which after some debate was granted . And let this declare whether the War was managed upon the grounds of Religion ▪ or not . The year after this , the States of Holland , Geldres , Zeland , Utrecht , and Friesland , met at Utrecht , and entred in that Union which continues to this day : by which it was provided , that the Reformed Religion should be received in Holland and Zeland , but the rest were at liberty , either to chuse it or another , or both , as they pleased . So we see they did not confederate against Spain upon the account of Religion , it not being the ground of thei●●eague ; but in opposition to the Spanish Tyranny and Pride . And in their Letters to the Emperor , Ian. 8 , 1578. Str. tom . 2. lib. 2. they declared , that they never were , nor ever should be of another mind , but that the Catholick Religion should be still observed in Holland : and in the end of the year 1581. they decreed , that Philip had forfeited his Title to the Principality of Belgium , by his violating their Privileges , which he had sworn to observe : whereupon they were ( according to their compact with him at his inauguration ) free from their obedience to him ; and therefore they chus●● the Duke of Alenson to be their Prince . And now review all this ▪ and see if you can stand to your former assertion , or believe these Wars to have proceeded upon the grounds of subjects resisting their Sovereign , when he persecutes them upon the a●count of Religion , and you will be made to acknowledge , that the States of Holland were not subjects , and that their quarrel was not Religion . Isot. All this will perhaps be answered in due time : but from this let me lead you to France , where we find a long Tract of Civil Wars upon the account of Religion , and here you cannot pretend the King is a limited Sovereign ; neither was this War managed by the whole States of France , but by the Princes of the Blood , with the Nobility of some of the Provinces ; and these began under Francis the Second , then about sixteen years of Age , so that he was not under Non-age : and tho they were prosecuted under the Minority of Charles the Ninth , yet the King of Navarre , who was Regent , and so bore the King's Authority , was resisted : and after Charles was of age , the Wars continued , both during his Reign , and much of his Brother's , and did again break out in the last King's Reign . The Protestants were also owned and assisted in these Wars , not only by the Princes of Germany , but by the three last Princes who reigned in Britain . So here we have an undeniable instance of Subjects defending Religion by Arms. See pag. 454. Poly. I must again put my self and the company to a new penance by this ill understood piece of History , which you have alledged : and tell you how upon Henry the Second's death , Francis his Son , was under age by the French Law , ( for which see Thuan. lib. 16. ) which appointed the Regents power to continue till the King was 22 years of age at least , as had been done in the case of Charles the 6. which yet the History of that time saith , was a rare privilege , granted him because of his Gracefulness , and the love was generally born him , whereas the year wherein the Kings were judged capable of the Government was 25. But Francis , tho under age , being every way a Child , did for away both the Princes of the Blood , the Constable and the Admiral from the Government , which he committed to his Mother , the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Duke of Guise . Upon this the Princes of the Blood met , and sent the King of Navarre who was the first Prince of the Blood , to the King , to complain of their ill usage : but tho he was much neglected at Court , yet his simplicity was such , that he was easily whedled out of his pretensions . Upon this the Prince of Conde having a greater spirit , and being poor , thought upon other Courses , and as it is related by Davila , lib. 1. gathered a meeting at Ferté , where he p●●posed the injury done the Princes of the Blood , who in the minority of their King were now excluded the Government : which , contrary to the Salick law , was put in a womans hand , and trusted to Strangers : wherefore he moved that ( according to the practices of other Princes of the Blood , in the like Cases , which he adduced ) they might by arms make good their right , and assume the Government in the Kings minority . But the Admiral considering well the hardiness of the enterprise , said , that another way must be taken to make it succeed , which was , that since France was full of the followers of Calvin , who through the persecutions they had lain under , were now almost desperat , and had a particular hatred at the Brethren of Lorrain as their chief enemies , therefore it was fit to cherish them , and make a party of them , by which means assistance might be likewise hoped for from the Princes of Germany , and the Queen of England : and to this advice all present did yield . Upon this , saith Thuan , lib. 16. many Writings were published , proving the Government of the Kingdom in the King's minority to belong to the Princes of the Blood , and that by the Laws of France , the Regents power was not absolute , but to be regulated by the Assembly of the States , wherein many instances of the French Law were adduced : and whereas it was alledged that the King was major at 15. which was proved from an Edict of Charles the Fifth , this was fully refuted ; and it was shewed that notwithstanding of the Edict of Charles the Fifth , his Son was not admitted to the Government till he was full 22 years of age , and that in his minority the Kingdom was governed by a Council of the Princes and Nobility , which was established by an Assembly of the States . I shall not meddle further in the debate which was on both hands about the year of the King's majority , or the Power of the Princes of the Blood in his minority , but shall refer the Reader to the sixth Book of the voluminous History of France , for that time , whose Author hath suppressed his Name , where a full abstract of all the writings that passed on both sides about these matters is set down : but this shews how little your Friends understand the History of that time , who take it for granted that Francis the Second was then Major , since it was the great matter in controversie . But to proceed in my Accounts . These grounds being laid down for a war , the P●ince of Conde , as Thuan relates , would not openly own an accession to any design , till it should be in a good forwardness , but trusted the management of it to one Renaudy , who tho a Catholick by his Religion , yet drew a great meeting of Protestants to Nantes , in the beginning of February , anno 1560. where he stirred them up to arm : and in his Speech , after he had represented all the grievances , he added , that the greatest scruples that stuck with many , was the King's Authority , against which whos● rose●he did rebel : and he answered , acknowledging the obedience due to Kings , notwithstanding their wicked Laws ; and that it was without doubt , that all who resisted the Power constituted by GOD , resisted his Ordinance : but added , their resistance was of these Traitors , who having possessed themselves of the young King , designed the ruin both of King and Kingdom . This then will clear whether they walked on the Principles of Subjects resisting when persecuted by their Sovereign , or not . Upon this they designed to have seised on the King , but as it was to be executed , though it had been long carried with a marvellous secrecy , it was at length discovered , and the King conveyed to Amb●i●e : and as the Protestants were gathering to a Head , the Kin●'s Forces came upon them , and defeated and scattered them . But a little after this the King died , in good time for the Prince of Conde ; for his accession to these Commotions being discovered , he was s●ised on and sentenced to death ; but the King's death as it ●●livered him , did also put an end to the questions about the King's majority , his Brother Charles the Ninth , being a child , so that the Regency was undoubtedly the King of Navarre his right ; yet not so entirely but that the other Princes were to share with him , and the Assembly of the States to direct him , as the Lawyers proved from the French Law. The consultation about the Protestants took them long up , and a severe Edict passed against them in Iuly 1561. But in the Ianuary of the next year a solemn meeting was called of all the Prin●es of the Blood , the Privy Counsellors and the eighth Parliament of France , in which the Edict of Ianuary was passed ; giving the Protestants the free exercise of their Religion , and all the Magistrats of France were commanded to punish any who interrupted or hindered this liberty , which Edict you may see at length , Hist. d' A●big . lib. 2. c. 32. But after this , as Davila , lib. 3. relates how the Duke of Guise coming to Paris did disturb a meeting of the Protestants , so that it went to the throwing of Stones , with one of which the Duke was hurt , upon which he designed the breach of that Edict , and so was the Author and Contriver of the following Wars . After this the Edict was every where violated , and the King of Navarre united with the Constable , and the Duke of Guise for the ruin of the Protestants : upon which the Prince of Conde , as the next Prince of the Blood , asserted the Edicts , so that the ●aw was on his side : neither was the Regents power absolute or Sovereign : and the Prince of Condé in his Manifesto declared , he had armed to free the King from that captivity these stranger Princes kept him in , and that his design was only to assert the authority of the late Edict , which others were violating . Upon this the Wars began , and ere the year was ended , the King of Navarre was killed : after which the Regency did undoubtedly belong to the Prince of Condé . And thus you see upon what grounds these Wars began : and if they were after that continued during the majority of that same King , and his Successors , their Case in that was more to be pitied , than imitated : for it is known that Wars once beginning , and Jealousies growing strong , and deeply rooted , they are not easily setled . And to this I shall add what a late Writer of that Church Sieur d'Ormegrigny hath said for them , in his reflections on the Third Chapter of the Politicks of France : wherein he justifies the Protestants of France from these Imputations . What was done that way , he doth not justifie , but chargeth it on the despair of a lesser Party among them , which was disavowed by the greater part . And shews how the first Tumults in Francis II. his time , were carried mainly on by Renaudy a Papist , who had Associates of both Religions . He vindicates what followed from the Interest the Princes of the Blood had in the Government in the minority of the Kings . And what followed in Henry III. his time , he shews , was in defence of the King of Navarre , the righteous heir of the Crown , whom those of the League designed to seclude from his right . But after that Henry IV. had setled France , he not only granted the Protestants free Exercise of their Religion , but gave them some Towns for their security , to be kept by them for twenty years : at the end whereof , the late King remanding them , the Protestants were instant to keep them longer , to which he yielded for three or four years : in the end , he wisely determined ( saith that Gentleman ) to take them out of their hands . Upon which they met in an Assembly at Rochel ; and most imprudently , he adds , and against their duty , both to God and the King , they resolved to keep them still by force . But at that time there was a National Synod at Alais , where M. du Moulin presided , who searching into the posture of Affairs in that Country , where many of these places of strength lay , he found the greater and better part inclined to yield them up to the King : upon which he wrote an excellent Letter to the Assembly at Rochel , disswading them from pursuing the Courses they were ingaging in : where he shews , it was the general desire of their Churches , that it might please God to continue peace by their giving Obedience to the King : and since his Majesty was resolved to have these Places in his own hands , that they would not on that account ingage in a War. But that if Persecution was intended against them , all who feared God desired it might be for the Profession of the Gospel , and so be truly the cross of Christ : and therefore assured them the greater and better part of their Churches desired they would dissolve their meeting , if it could be with security to their Persons . And presses their parting from that Assembly , with many Arguments , and obviates what might be objected against it : And craves pardon to tell them , They would not find inclinations in those of the Religion to obey their resolutions , which many of the best quality , and greatest capacity avowedly condemned , judging that to suffer on that account , was not to suffer for the Cause of God. And therefore exhorts them to depend on God , and not precipitate themselves into Ruin by their Impatience . And he ends his Letter with the warmest and serventest language imaginable for gaining them into his opinion . It is true , his Letter wrought not the desired Effect , yet many upon it deserted the meeting . Upon the which that Gentleman shews , that what was then done , ought not to be charged on the Protestant Churches of France , since it was condemned by the National Synod of their Divines , and three parts of four who were of the Religion continued in their dutiful Obedience to the King , without ingaging in Arms with those of their Party . Amirald also in his incomparable Apology for those of the Reformed Religion , Sect. 2. vindicates them from the imputations of disloyalty to their Prince : and after he hath asserted his own opinion , that Prayers and Tears ought to be the only weapons of the Church , as agreeing best with the nature of the Gospel , and the practice of the first Christians , he adds his regrates , that their Fathers did not crown their other Virtues with invincible Patience , in suffering all the Cruelty of their Persecutors without resistance , after the Example of the Primitive Church , by which all color of reproaching the Reformation had been removed . Yet he shews how they held out during the Reign of Francis I. and Henry II. notwithstanding all the Cruelty of the Persecution , though their Numbers were great . What fell out after that , he justifies , or rather excuses ( for he saith , he cannot praise , but blame it ) on the Grounds we have already mentioned , of the minority of their Kings , and of the Interest of the Princes of the Blood. And for the business of Renaudy in Francis II. his time , he tells how Calvin disapproved it : and observes from Thuan , that he who first discovered it was of the Reformed Religion , and did it purely from the Dictate of his Conscience . He also shews that the Protestants never made War with a common Consent , till they had the Edicts on their side , so that they defended the King's Authority , which others were violating . But adds withal , that the true cause of the Wars , was reason of State , and a Faction betwixt the Houses of Bourbon and Guise : and the defence of the Protestants was pretended , to draw them into it . And for the late Wars , he charges the blame of them on the ambition of some of their Grandees , and the factious Inclinations of the Town of Rochel . And vindicates the rest of their Church from accession to them , whatever good wishes the common Interest of their Religion might have drawn from them , for these whose danger they so much apprehended . And for the Affaus of our Britain , which was then in a great Combustion , for which the Protestants were generally blamed , as if the Genius of their Religion led to an opposition of Monarchy , he saith , strangers could not well judge of matters so remore from them ; but if the King of England was by the constitutions of that Kingdom a Sovereign Prince ( which is a thing in which he cannot well offer a dicision ) then he simply condemns their raising a War against him , even though that report which was so much spread of his design to change the Reformed Religion settled there , were true . Neither are these opinions of Amirald to be look'd on as his private thoughts ; but that Apology being published by the approbation of these appointed to license the Books of the Religion , is to be received as the more common and received Doctrine of that Church . And what ever approbation or assistance the neighboring Princes might have given the Protestants in the latter or former Wars , it will not infer their allowing the Precedent of Subjects resisting their Sovereign , though persecuted by him , since it is not to be imagined many Princes could be guilty of that . But the Maxims of Princes running too commonly upon grounds very different from the Rules of Conscience , and tending chiefly to strengthen themselves , and weaken their Neighbors , we are not to make any great account of their approving or abetting of these Wars . And thus far you have drawn from me a great deal of Discourse for justifying the Conf●rmists design of vindicating the Reformed Churches from the Doctrine and Practice of Subjects resisting their Sovereign , upon pretexts of Religion . Isot. A little time may produce an Answer to all this , which I will not now attempt , but study these accounts more accurately . But let us now come home to Scotland , and examine whether the King be an accountable Prince , or not ? You know well enough how Fergus was first called over by the Scots , how many instances there are of the States their coercing the King , how the King must swear at his Coronation to observe the Laws of the Kingdom , upon which Allegiance is sworn to him , so that if he break his part , why are not the Subjects also free , since the Compact seems mutual ? I need not add to this , that the King can neither make nor abrogate Laws , without the consent of the Estates of Parliament , that he can impose no Tax without them . And from these things it appears that the King of Scotland is a limited King , who as he originally derived his Power from their choice , so is still limited by them , and liable to them . All which is at large made out by the Author of Ius populi . Basil. Now you are on a rational Point , which I acknowledge deserves to be well discussed , for if by the Laws of Scotland the King be liable to his People , then their coercing him will be no Rebellion . But this point is to be determined not from old Stories , about which we have neither Record , nor clear account for giving light how to direct our belief , nor from some tumultuary Practices , but from the Laws and Records of the Kingdom : and here the first word of our Laws gives a shrewd Indication that the King's Power is not from the People , ( which is anno 1004 , according to Sir Iohn Skeen's Collection of them : ) King Malcome gave and distributed all his Lands of the Realm of Scotland among his men , and reserved nothing in property to himself but the Royal Dignity , and the Mure-hill in the Town of Scone . Now I dare appeal to any Person whether this be not the Stile of a Sovereign , and if this prove not the King's Title to the Crown to be of another nature , than that of a voluntary Compact ? The next vestige is to be found in the Books of Regiam Majestatem , held to be published by King David I. Anno 1124 , and declared authentical by following Parliaments , where the third Verse of the Preface is , That our most glorious King having the Government of the Realm , may happily live both in the time of Peace and of warfare , and may ride the Realm committed to him by God , who hath no Superior but the Creator of Heaven and Earth , ruler over all things , &c. And let the plain sense of these words tell whether the King of Scotland , hath his power from the People , and whether he be accountable to any but to God ? It is also clear that all were bound to follow the King to the Wars , and punishment was decreed against those who refused it , see the Laws of Alexander II. Cap. 15. and Iac. 1. Parl. 1. Cap. 4. Iac. 2. p. 13. Cap. 57. And this shews they were far from allowing War against the King. The Parliaments were also originally the Kings Courts , at which all his Vassals were bound to appear personally , and give him Counsel , which proving a burden to the small Barons , they were dispenced with for their appearance in Parliament , 1. Iac. Parl. 7. cap. 101. which shews that the coming to the Parliament was looked on in these days rather as an homage due to the King , than a priviledg belonging to the Subjects , otherwise they had been loth to have parted with it so easily . And 2. Fac. 6. Parl. cap. 14. It is ordained that none rebel against the King's person nor his Authority , and whoso makes such Rebellion is to be punished after the quality and quantity of such Rebellion by the advice of the three Estates . And if it happens any within the Realm openly or notoriously to rebel against the King , or make war against the King's Laeges , against his forbidding ; in that case the King is to go upon them with assistance of the whole Lands , and to punish them after the quantity of the trespass . Here see who hath the Sovereign power , and whether any may take Arms against the King's command : and the 25. Ch. of that same Parl. defines the points of Treason . It is true by that Act those who assault Castles , or Houses where the King's person was , without the consent of the three Estates , are to be punished as Traytors : From which one may infer that the Estates may besiege the King ; but it is clear that was only a provision against these who in the minority of the Kings used to seize upon their Persons , and so assumed the Government : and therefore it was very reasonable that in such a case provision should be made , that it were not Treason for the Estates to come and besiege a place where the Kings Person were for recovering him from such as treasonably seized on him . And this did clearly take its rise from the confusions were in that King's minority , whom sometimes the Governor , sometimes the Chancellor got into their keeping , and so carried things as they pleased having the young King in their hands . The King is also declared to have full Jurisdiction and free Empire within his Realm , 3. Fac. Parl. 5. cap. 30. And all along it is to be observed that in asserting his Majesties Prerogative Royal , the phrases of asserting and acknowledging , but never of giving or granting , are used , so that no part of the King's Prerogative is granted him by the Estates , and Iac. 6. Parl. 8. cap. 129. his Majesties Royal Power and Authority over all Estates , as well spiritual as temporal , within the Realm , is ratified , approved , and perpetually confirmed in the person of the King's Majesty his Heirs and Successors . And in the 15. Parl. of that same King , Chap. 251. these words are , Albert it cannot be denied , but his Majesty is a free Prince , of a Sovereign Power , having as great liberties and Prerogatives by the Laws of this Realm and priviledg of his Crown , and Diadem , as any other King , Prince , or Potentate whatsoever . And in the 18. Parl. of the same King , Act. 1. The Estates and whole body of that present Parliament , all in one valuntary , faithful and united heart , mind and consent , did truly acknowledge his Majesties Sovereign Authority , Princely Power , Royal Prerogative , and priviledg of his Crown over all Estates , Persons and Causes within his said Kingdom By this time I suppose it is past debate , that by the Tract of the whole Laws of Scotland , his Majesty is a Sovereign unaccountable Prince , since nothing can be devised more express than are the Acts I have cited . For what you objected from the Coronation Oath , remember what was said a great while ago , that if by the Coronation the King got his Power , so that the Coronation Oath , and Oath of Allegiance were of the nature of a mutual stipulation , then you might with some reason infer that a failing of the one side , did free the other ; but nothing of that can be alledged here , where the King hath his Authority , how soon the breath of his Father goes out , and acts with full Regal power before he be crowned ; so that the Coronation is only a solemn inauguration in that which is already his right . Next , let me tell you , that the King 's swearing at his Coronation , is but a late practice ; and so the Title of the Kings of Scotland to the Crown , is not upon the swearing of that Oath : And here I shall tell you all that I can find in our Laws of the King 's swearing or promising . The first instance that meets me is , Chap. 17. of the Statutes of King Robert the Second , where these words are , For fulfilling and observing of all the premises , the King so far as concerns him in his Parliament , hath obliged himself in the word of a Prince , and his Son the Earl of Carrict ( afterwards Robert the third ) being constituted by the King for fulfilling of the premises , so far as touches him , gave and made his Oath , the holy Evangils being touched by him , and then the States of Parliament did also swear to maintain the Earl of Carrict , made then Lieutenant under the King. Now the reason why these mutual Oaths were then given , is well known , since the King's S●ccession was so doubtful . But after that , no Oath seems to have been given : and tho King Iames the Second his Coronation be set down in the Records of Parliament , there is not a word of an Oath given by any in his Name . It is true in the 11. Parl. of that King , cap 41. for securing of the Crown-lands from being alienated , it is appointed , That the King who then was , should be sworn ; and in like manner all his Successors , Kings of Scotland into their Coronation , to the keeping of that Statute , and all the points thereof . But this is not such an Oath as you alledg . Likewise in King Iames the Fourth his Reign , 2. Parl. Ch. 12. where the Council was sworn , it is added , And our Sovereign Lord hath humbled his Highness to promit and grant in Parliament , to abide and remain at their Counsels while the next Parliament . But it is to be observed , the King was then but 17 years old , and so not of full age : this promise was also a temporary provision . Besides , the very stile of it shews , that it was below his Majesty to be so bound . But the first Act for a Coronation Oath I can meet with , is Cap. 8. of the 1. Parl. of King Iames the Sixth , An. 1567. where the stile wherein the Act runs , shews it was a new thing , it bearing no narrative of any such former Custom : the words of the Act are , Item , because that the increase of Vertue and suppressing of Idolatry craves , that the Prince and the people be of one perfect Religion , which of GOD'S mercy is now presently professed within this Realm ; Therefore it is statute and ordained by our Sovereign Lord , my Lord Regent , and the three Estates of this present Parliament , that all Kings and Princes , or Magistrates what 〈◊〉 , holding their place , which hereafter may happen to Reign , and bear Rule over this Realm , at the time of their Coronation , and receipt of their Princely authority , make their faithful promise by Oath , &c. Now you see the beginning of the Coronation Oath , and I need not here reflect on the time when that Act passed , it being so obvious to every one . But I suppose it is made out , that the Kings of Scotland have not their Authority from any stipulation used at their Coronation . The next thing you alledg to prove the King of Scotland a limited Prince , is , because he must govern by Laws , which cannot be enacted without the Authority of the three Estates in Parliament : But this will not serve turn , unless you prove that the Estates can cognosce on the King , and coerce him if he transgress : for which there is not a tittle in our Laws . I acknowledg the Constitution of Parliaments to be both a rational and excellent Model , and that the King becomes a Tyrant when he violates their Priviledges , and governs without Law : But tho his Ministers who serve him in such tyrannical ways are liable to punishment by the Law , yet himself is subject to none but GOD. And from our Kings their Justice and goodness in governing legally by the Councils of their Parliaments , you have no reason to argue against their absolute Authority ; for their binding themselves to such Rules , and being tied to the observance of Laws enacted by themselves , will never overthrow their Authority , but rather commend it , as having such a temperature of Sovereignty , Justice , and Goodness in it . Isot. But was not King Iames the Third resisted and killed in the Field of Striveling , and afterwards in his Sons first Parl. Act. 14. all who were against him in that Field , were declared innocent , and his slaughter was declared to be his own fault , which was never rescinded ? As also Cap. 130. of Iac. 6. Parl. 8. the Honour and Authority of Parliament upon the free Vote of the three Estates thereof is asserted . And are not you an impugner of the Authority of the three Estates , who plead thus for the King 's Sovereign Power ? See Answer to the Letter written to the Author of Ius Populi . Basil. I shall not engage far in the Story of King Iames the Third , which even as it is represented by Buchanan , lib. 11. ( no friend to Monarchy ) is very far from being justifiable on the side of those who fought against him : nor was it the least part of their guilt , that they forced his Son , being then but fifteen years old , to own their Rebellion : And what wonder was it , that they who had killed the Father , and kept his Son in their power , passed such an Act in their own favors ? But King Iames the Fourth quickly discovered what a sincere Penitent he was for his Accession to that Rebellion , as appeared by the Iron Belt he wore all his life , as a penance for this sin : yet the meekness of his Spirit , and the power of that Faction , made that things continued in the posture they formerly were in . It is true , that Act was not expresly repelled , which perhaps was not safe at that time to have attempted : but it was really done by his Revocation ratified in his 6. Parl. cap. 100. wherein with consent of the three Estates , He annuls and revokes all Statutes and Acts of Parliament which he had enacted in his former years , that tended either to the prejudice of the Catholic Church , his Soul , or of the Crown , declaring them to have no force , but to be deleted , and cancell'd out of the Books . And it is not to be doubted , but in this he had an eye to that former Act : but for your Act asserting the Authority of Parliament , look but what immediately precedes it , and you will find the King's Authority and Supremacy fully established : and I acknowledg , that whosoever impugns the Authority of Parliament , as the King 's Great Council , doth incur a very high punishment ; but this will never prove an Authority in the States to coerce and resist the King. One thing I must mind you of from that Act , which is , That none of the Lieges must presume to impugn the dignity and Authority of the said three Estates , or to seek or procure the innovation , or diminution of the Power and Authority of the same three Estates , or any of them in time coming , under the pain of Treason . And can you be so ignorant of our Laws , as not to know that the Church was one of these Estates : for the small Barons which some called the Third Estate , came not in till three years after ? Iac. 6. Parl. 11. cap. 113. And now from all these premises , I think we may fairly infer with Sir Iohn Sheen , Title 8. of the heads of our Laws drawn up by him , That all Iurisdiction stands and consists in the King's Person by reason of his Royal Authority and Crown , and is competent to no Subject , but flows and proceeds from the King , having Supreme Iurisdiction , and is given and committed by him to such Subjects as he pleases . Eud. I must confess my self pleased with this discussion of these points you have been tossing among you : and though I have sate silent , yet I have followed the thread of all your discourse with much close attention ; and was mightily confirmed in my former Perswasion , both by the evidence of Reason , the authorities of Scripture , and these instances of History were adduced . But there are many other things yet to be talked of , though I confess this be of the greatest Importance : and the satisfaction I have received in this , makes me long to hear you handle the other matters in debate . Phil. I suppose we have forgot little that belonged to this question : but for engaging further at this time , I have no mind to it , it being so long passed Midnight : we shall therefore give some truce to our debates , and return upon the next appointment . Eud. I were unworthy of the kindness you shew me , did I importune you too much : but I will presume upon your friendship for me , to expect your company to Morrow at the same hour you did me the favor to come here to day . Isot. I shall not fail to keep your hour , tho I be hardly beset in such a croud of Assailants ; but Truth is on my side , and it is great , and shall prevail , therefore good night to you . Basil. I see you are not shaken out of your confidence for all the foils you get , yet our next days discourse will perhaps humble you a little more ; but I refer this to the appointment wherein we hope to meet again , and so , Adieu . Eud. Adieu , to you all , my good Friends . THE SECOND CONFERENCE . Eudaimon . YOU are again welcome to this place , and so much the more , that your staying some minutes later than the appointment , was making me doubt of your coming : and indeed this delay proved more tedious , and seemed longer to me than the many hours were bestowed on your yesterdays Conference : but methinks , Isotimus , your looks , though never very serene , have an unusual Cloud upon them ; I doubt you have been among the Brotherhood , whom your ingenious Relation of what passed here , hath offended . Their Temper is pretty well known to us all , some of them being as the Pestilence that walketh in darkness , with the no less zealous , but scarcely more ignorant , Sisterhood , they vent their pedling stuff : but of all things in the World shun most to engage with any that can unmask them , and discover their follies . And their safest way of dealing with such Persons , is , to laugh at them , or solemnly to pity them with a disdainful Brow. And that is the best refutation they will bestow on the solidest Reason , or if any of them yelp out with an Answer , sense or nonsense , all is alike ; the premises are never examined , only if the conclusion be positively vouched , as clearly proved from Scriptures and Reason , the sentence is irreversibly past , and you may as soon bow an Oak of an hundred years old , as deal with so much supercilious Ignorance . Tell plainly , have you been in any such Company ? Isot. What wild extravagant stuff pour you out on better men than your self ? but I pity your ignorance who know not some of these precious Worthies , whose Shooe Latchets you are not worthy to unloose . But the truth is , you have got me here among you , and bait me by turns , either to ease your own Galls , or to try mine ; yet it is needless to attempt upon me , for as I am not convinced by your Reasons , so I will not be behind with you in Reflections : and I will ●●ow and fight both , as a Co●k of the Game . 〈◊〉 . Hold , hold , for these serve to no use b●t t● 〈◊〉 p●●vish hum●rs , I will therefore engage you in another subject about the Civil Authority , which our yesterdays debate left untouched ; which is the obedience due to their Commands : let us therefore consider how far Subjection obligeth us to obey the Laws of the Civil Powers . Isot. Had you not enough of that yesterday ? Is it not enough that the Magistrate be not resisted ? but will not that serve turn with you ? or do you design that we surrender our Consciences to him , and obey all his Laws , good or bad , and follow Leviathan's Doctrine of embracing the Magistrates Faith without enquiry ? which is bravely asserted by the Author of Ecclesiastical Policy . This is indeed to make the King in God'● stead , and to render Cesar the things that are God's , which is a visible design either for P●pe●● or Atheism . Phil●r . Truly , Sir , you consider little , if you ●u●ge submission to the Penalties of the Law● , to be all the duty we owe Superiors . It is true , where the Legislators leave it to the Subjects choice , either to do a thing enacted , or to pay a Fine ; in that Case , Obedience is not simply required ; so that he who pays the M●lct , fulfils his Obligation . But whe●e a Law is simply made , and Obedience en●oined , and a Penalty fixed on Disobedience , in that Case , n●thing but the sinfulness of the Command can excuse our disobedience : neither can it be said , that he sins not who is content to submit to the punishment , since by the same method of arguing you may prove that such horrid Atheists , as say they are content to be damned , do not sin against God , since they are willing to submit to the threatned punishment . The right of exacting our Obedience is therefore to be distinguished from the power of punishing our faults . And as we have already considered how far the latter is to be acquiesced in , it remains to be examined what is due to the former . But here I lay down for a Principle , That whatever is determined by the Law of God , cannot be reversed , nor countermanded by any humane Law : For the Powers that are , being ordained of God , and they being his Ministers , do act as his Deputies : and the tie which lies on us to obey God , being the foundation of our subjection to them , it cannot bind us to that which overthrows it self : Therefore it is certain God is first to be obeyed ; and all the Laws of men which contradict his Authority or Commands , are null , and void of all obligation on our Obedience : but I must add , it is one of the arts of you know whom , to fasten Tenets on men who judge these Tenets worthy of the highest Anathema . For if it be maintained , that the Magistrate can bind obligations on our Consciences , then it will be told in every Conventicle , that here a new Tyranny is brought upon Souls , which are God's Prerogative , though this be nothing more than to say we ought to be subject for Conscience sake . If again it be proved that the determining of the externals of Government or Worship , falls within the Magistrate's Sphere , then comes in a new Complaint , and it is told , that here Religion is given up to the Lusts and Pleasure of men , though it be an hundred times repeated , that command what the King will in prejudice of the Divine Law , no Obedience is due . If again it be proved that Church Judicatories , in what notions soever , are subjects , as well as others , and no less tied to obedience than others ; upon this come in vehement outcries , as if the Throne and Kingdom of Christ were overturned and betrayed , with other such like Expressions in their harsh Stile . What is become of Mankind and of Religion , when Ignorants triumph upon these ba●ren Pretences , as if they were the only Masters of Reason , and directors of Conscience ? You know what my Temper is in most differences : but I acknowledge my mind to be f●ll of a just disdain of these ignorant , and insolent Pedlers ; which is the more inflamed , when I consider the Ruins , not only of sound Learning , but of true Piety , and the common rules of Humanity , which follow these simple Contests they make about nothing . Basil. To speak freely , I cherish Reflections no where , therefore I shall not conceal my mislike of these Invectives , which though I am forced to confess , are just ; yet I love to hear truth and peace pleaded for with a calm serene Temper : and though the intolerable and peevish railings of these Pamphlets do justifie a severe Procedure , yet I would have the softer and milder methods of the Gospel used , that so we may overcome evil with good . To take you therefore off that angry engagement , let me invite you to a sober Examen of the Magistrates Authority in things Divine . But before this be engaged in , let it be first considered whether ●●ere be any Legislative Power on Earth about things Sacred : and next , with whom it is lodged . Isot. I will so far comply with your desires , that for this once without retaliating , I quit to Philarcheus the last word of scolding . But to come to the purpose you have suggested , consider that Christ hath given us a complete Rule , wherein are all things that pertain to Life and Godliness . It is then an Imputation on his Gospel , ●o say any thing needs be added to it , and that it contains not a clear direction for all things ; therefore they accuse his Wisdom or Goodness , who pretend to add to his Laws , and wherein he hath not burthened our Consciences : what tyranny is it to bind a yoak upon us which our Fathers were not able to bear ? Whereby as our Christian liberty is invaded , so innumerable Schisms and Scandals spring from no other thing so much , as from these oppressions of Conscience , which are so much the more unjust , that the imposers acknowledging their indifferency , and the refusers scrupling their lawfulness , the peace of the Church is sacrificed to what is acknowledged indifferent : neither can any bounds be fixed to those impositions ; for if one particular may be added , why not more and more still , till the ●oak become heavier than that of Moses was ? which is made out from experience : For the humor of innovating in divine matters having once crept into the Church , it never stopp'd till it swelled to that prodigious bulk of Rites , under which the Roman Church lies oppressed . And besides all these general considerations , there is one particular against significant Rites , which is , that the instituting of them in order to a particular signification of any Grace , makes them Sacraments , according to the vulgar definition of Sacraments , that they are the outward signs of an inward Grace : but the instituting of Sacraments , is by the confes●ion of all , a part of Christ's Prerogative , since he who confers grace , can only institute the signs of it . Upon all these accounts , I plead the Rule of Scripture to be that which ought to determine about all divine matters , and that no binding Laws ought to be made in divine things wherein we are left at liberty by GOD , who is the only Master of our Consciences . See from pag. 172. to pag. 180. Phil. You have now given me a full Broad-side , after which I doubt not but you triumph as if you had shattered me all to pieces : but I am afraid you shall find this Volley of chained Ball hath quite missed me , and that I be aboard of you ere you be aware . No man can with more heartiness acknowledg the compleatness of Scripture than my self : and one part of it is , that all things which tend to Order , Edification and Peace be done , and the Scene of the World altering so , that what now tends to advance Order , Edification , and Peace , may afterwards occasion disorder ; destruction and contention , the Scripture had not been compleat , if in these things there were not an Authority on Earth , to make and unmake Laws in things indifferent . I acknowledg the adding of new pieces of worship , hath so many inconveniences hanging about it , that I should not much patronize it : but the determining of what may be done , either in this or that fashion to any particular Rule , is not of that nature : Therefore , since Worship must be in a certain posture , a certain habit , in a determinate place , and on such times , all these being of one kind ; Laws made about them upon the accounts of order , edification , or peace , do not pretend to prejudg the perfection of Scripture , by any additions to what it prescribes ; since no new thing is introduced : Indeed did humane Law-givers pretend that by their Laws these things became of their own nature more acceptable to GOD , they should invade GOD's Prerogative ; but when they are prescribed only upon the account of Decency and Order , it is intolerable peevishness to call a thing indifferent of its nature , unlawful , because commanded : For the Christian liberty consists in the exemption of our Consciences from all humane yoak , but not of our actions , which are still in the power of our Superiors , till they enjoin what is sinful , and then a greater than they is to be obeyed . I acknowledg , the simplicity of the Christian Religion is one of its chief Glories , nothing being enjoined in it but what is most properly fitted for advancing the Souls of men towards that wherein their blessedness doth consist : And therefore I never reflect without wonder , on that Censure Ammian Marcellin , a Heathen Writer , gives of Constantius , That he confounded the Christian Religion , which was of it self pure and simple , with doating superstitions : So I freely acknowledg that whosoever introduce new parts of Worship , as if they could commend us to GOD , do highly encroach on GOD's Authority , and man's Liberty . But as for the determining of things that may be done in a variety of ways into one particular form , such as the prescribing a set form for Worship , the ordering the posture in Sacraments , the habit in Worship , determinate times for commemorating great mercies , the time how long a Sinner must declare his penitence , ere he be admitted to the use of the Sacraments , and the like ( which is all in question among us ) they are quite of another nature . And it is a strange piece of nicety , if in these things , because Superiours command what seems most proper for expressing the inward sense we ought to have of things , that therefore these injunctions become criminal , and not to be obeyed . For the significancy alledged to be in them , is only a dumb way of expressing our inward thoughts ; and as we agree to express them by word , so some outward signs may be also used : as by sackcloth the penitent expresseth his sorrow , and by a Surplice a Church man expresseth his purity ; so those habits are only a silent way of speaking out the sense of the heart . Only here on the way , if you have a mind to ease your spleen a little , read what that late Pamphlet saith , to prove a distinction betwixt these two Ceremonies , pag. 111. That vulgar Sophism of making Sacraments , is the poorest Cavil imaginable : for a Sacrament is a federate Rite of stipulating with GOD , wherein as we plight our faith to GOD , so he visibly makes offer of his Gospel to us , which he accompanies with the gracious effusions of his Spirit : and indeed to institute any such Rite , were the highest encroachment on the divine Authority : But what Sophistry will fasten a pretension to this on the institution of a Right , which shall only signifie that Duty a creature ows his Maker and Redeemer , tending both to quicken the person that performs it to a sence of it , as also to work upon Spectators by such a grave solemn Rite ? To say Men can institute means of conveying the divine Grace , is justly to be condemned ; but how far differs it from that , to use signs , as well as words , for expressing our duty to GOD ? Thus you see how ill founded that pompou● Argument is , with which we have heard many triumphing among Ignorants , or where none could contradict them . ●rit . If I may have liberty to add a little , I would suggest somewhat of the true Notion of Christian Liberty , and how it is to be made use of or restrained . For the clearing whereof , we are to call to mind how upon t●●●●st p●o●●lg●tion of the Gospel , a Contention did early rise about the observation of Moses Law , the stipulation whereto was given in Circumcision ; the Iudaizers pleaded its continuance , and the Apostles asserted the Christian Liberty : the Iudaizers pretended a divine Obligation from Moses his Law ; the Apostles proved that was now vacated by the death of CHRIST , which freed all from that Yoak , and that therefore to be circumcised , as a stipulation to Moses's Law , was to continue subject to that Yoak , and so to deny the Messias was yet come , by which CHRIST should profit them nothing . But the authority of Paul and Barnabas not being great enough to settle that Question , they were sent from Antioch to the Apostles , and Presbyters at Ierusalem , who determined against the necessity of Circumcision , and consequently of the observation of the Mosaical Law , and appointed that these who were proselyted from Gentilism to the Christian Faith , should be received , not as Proselytes of Iustice , but as Proselytes of the Gates , who were only bound to obey the seven Precepts of the Sons of Noah ; which I stand not to make out , it being sufficiently cleared already by others . Here then the Christian Liberty was stated in an exemption from the Law of Moses . But for all this , we see into what compliances the Apostles consented , for gaining upon the Iews by that condescension , they Circumcise , they Purifie ( which was done by sprinkling with the ashes of the red Cow ) they take the Vows of Nazarism , they keep the Feasts at Ierusalem ( which I wonder how that Pamphleteer could deny , pag. 301. it being mentioned expresly , Acts 18.21 . ) and upon the whole matter Saint Paul gives the following Rules and Assertions . The first was , that these things did not commend a Man to GOD : For the Kingdom of GOD consisted not in meat and drink , ( which clearly relates to the Mosaical differencing of Meats , clean and unclean ) that neither Circumcision nor uncircumcision availed any thing . And if neither branch of that Controversie did of its own nature commend men to GOD ; what judgments may we pass on our trifling wranglings ? Whence we may infer , that we ought to instruct all Christians in the Faith , but not in these doubtful Disputations . The next Assertion is , That even in these matters men might be acceptable to GOD , on which side soever they were , so they judged what they did was done to GOD. He that made distinction of Days , or Meats , made it to the LORD , and he that regarded them not to the LORD , he regarded them not . So that GOD may be acceptably served by several men doing things contrary one to another . Another Rule is , That in these things every Man must be fully persuaded in his own mind , and proceed out of a clear conviction in his Conscience . A fourth Rule is , That in these matters none ought to prescribe or dictate to another : such as had a liberty in them , were not to despise the scrupulous , as unreasonable ; neither were these who scrupled at them , to judg such as acted in a higher Sphere of Liberty , as profane or licentious : so that all were to be remitted to GOD's Iudgment Seat. Another Rule is , That for the Peace of the Church , many things which are otherwise subject to great inconveniencies , may be done for the gaining our Brethren : but if such compliance harden people in their imperious humor , what was formerly to be done for gaining upon them , becomes unfit when so abused by them ; and therefore if after we have complied with the weak exceptions of others , in matters indifferent , they become so hardy as to presume upon our goodness to invade our Liberty , by enjoying such things as necessary , pretending to an authority over us ; ●re are not to give place by subjection to such , ●● n●t for an hour . The last Rule is , That in matters of indifferency , we are to postpone our own inclination , or desires , when the hazard of our brother's stumbling , or of the Peace of the Church lies in our way . All these are so clearly asserted by S. Paul , and withal are so opposite to our present Heats , that I wish they were more minded by the troublers of our Israel , and they would certainly give a speedy decision to these Feuds about doubtful disputations , which have so long preyed on the Peace of the Church . Basil. And I am sure if so great a Compliance may be given to the weakness of our brethren , much more is due to the commands of our Superiors ; except you say , we are more subject to equals than to Superiors , or that the weakness of a Brother should weigh more than the authority of Father : And in fine , that the Obligations of Charity should be more prevalent than those of Iustice ; Obedience being a debt we owe , whereas Compliance is a Benevolence given . I do not deny but great caution and tenderness must be used in making of such Laws , and that their fitness for attaining the ends of order , edification and peace , should be well considered , and they no longer adhered to , than these effects can be drawn from them : so that if the nature of Circumstances which vary all things indifferent , come to change , the same reason that exacted their being first imposed , will plead a change . I also acknowledge , that great abuse hath followed upon the innovating and prescribing in Divine matters , and that nothing hath occasioned more divisions among Christians , than the overstraining an Uniformity . But if because of abuses you overturn all Legislative Power in matters sacred , nothing that is humane shall scape your fury , since every thing is subject to abuse . And nothing will curb ones Career till he turn Quaker , that follows these Maxims . But one thing is still forgotten , that the dictates of Reason are in their kind the Voice of God ; Reason being nothing , save an impress of the Image of God on the Soul of man ; which because much obliterated by the Fall , was to be supplied by Revelation : but wherein it remains clear , its directions not contradicting any positive or revealed Law , are still to be followed as the Laws of God. Poly. For proving all this , I shall not run so far back as to examine the nature of the Priesthood , and Sacrifices were before Moses , to consider whether these flow'd from a Revelation conveyed by Tradition , or from the dictates of Reason ? But after Moses his Law was given , wherein all was modelled by Divine prescript , yet what a vast heap of additions did flow upon that worship before our Saviour's days , all that have written on the Temple service do abundantly discover . Here is a Field spacious enough for any that designed a vain shew of much reading ; but a view of Doctor Lightfoot's Temple-Service will quickly convince any , that the whole Service of the Temple was interpalated by many Additions , whose first Author cannot be traced . They also used Baptism to all who were proselyted from Gentilism . And in the Paschal Festivity alone , how many new Rites do we find ? Every School-boy may know that they had a Dish , called Charaseth , which was a thick Sawce of Dates , Figs , Almonds , &c. pounded together , which looked like Clay , to mind them of the Clay in which their Fathers wrought in Egypt , which was a significative Ceremony ; and was the Dish wherein they dipped their hand , which we find was not wanting in our Lord 's Passover ; which proves significant Rites , tho of humane appointment , cannot be criminal . And if to this I should add the several Cups of Wine , the divers removes of the Table , and covering it of new , the frequent washing of their hands , and divers other things , I should grow tedious . But our Lord never reproves these things ; nay , on the contrary he symbolized with them . It is true , when their Zeal for their Traditions made them break the Commandments of God , or adhere so stifly to them , as to judge the Consciences of such as did not comply with them in the use of them , then he checks their Hypocrisie , and accuses them , not for the use of these things , but because they placed all Religion in them , and imposed the Precepts of men as doctrines . To this I might add the whole frame of the Synagogues , both as to Government , Discipline and Worship : for whatsoever scraps may be brought which may seem to prove there were Synagogues before the Captivity , which yet is much controverted ; yet the form of Government in them , the rules of Excommunication , and its degrees , together with their Philacteries , and set forms of Worship , will never be proved from Scripture . Now since the Law of God was no less perfect in the Old Dispensation , than the Gospel is now , it will follow that Additions in things purely external and ritual , do no way detract from the Word of God : For nothing can be brought to prove the New Testament a complete Rule for Christians , which will not plead the same full authority to the Old Testament , during that Dispensation ; since though the Dispensation was imperfect , yet the Revelation of God to them was able to make them perfect and throughly furnished foe every good work : and the Scriptures which S. Paul saith , were able to make wise to salvation , can be no other than the Old Testament writings . For besides that by Scriptures nothing else is understood in the New Testament , there could be no other Scripture known to Timothy of a Child , but these of the Old Testament . If then they trespass upon the authority of the New Testament , and its blessed Author , who assert a Power to determine about Rituals in Worship , or other matters of Religion ; they committed the same Crime who pretended to add to what Moses prescribed , since he was also faithful in all his house . Or if any plead a Divine Warrant for these Institutions which were traditionally conveyed , this will open a door for all the pretences of the Roman Church , since the Expressions that cancel Traditions , are as full in the Old Testament , as in the New. And thus far I think I have evinced , that there were great additions in Rituals made by the Iews , and that these were not unlawful , since complied with by him who never did amiss , and yet these could have no higher o●iginal than humane Authority . I go on to the New Dispensation , wherein I doubt not to evince , that as for rituals , most of these they found in the Synagogue were retained , without any other change than what that Dispensation drew after it , and that they took both the Rules of Government , Worship and Discipline from the Synagogue . Therefore the Epistles do not , when treating of these matters , speak in their Stile , who are instituting new things ; but of those who are giving directions about what was already received and known : For if new Rules had been to be delivered , the Institution had been express , either in the Gospels , Acts , or Epistles . Now if any will read these without prejudice , no such thing will appear : of which manner of Stile , no account can be given ; but that things , as to Rituals continued as they were , the use of the Sacraments being only instituted by Christ , where the Language of an Institution is express . About two hundred years after Christ , outward Penitence was brought into the Church , and scandalous Persons were , according to the nature of Scandals , debarred from the Sacrament for a long space , and were by degrees , and according to the heighth of their Penitence , received to the Communion of the Church , but not after some years had passed in outward professions of Penitence : and the modelling of this became after that , the chief Care of Synods for divers Centuries . Now if one will argue , that though it be true a scandalous Person should be excommunicated ; yet since God hath mercy at whatsoever time a Sinner repents , so should the Church ( which only judgeth of the Profession ) forgive at whasoever time one professeth Penitence . It will not be easie in your Principles to answer this : and see how you will clear this practice of Discipline from Tyranny , since to debar men from the Sacraments , is a greater dominion over Consciences than the determining about Rituals . But to come nearer home , there was a certain Society you have heard of ycleped the Kirk , which had divers Books of Discipline containing rules for that , and a Directory for Worship , which had no few rules neither : they had also a frame of Government , the Supreme Judicatory whereof was composed of three Ministers , and one ruling Elder from each Presbytery , a ruling Elder beside from each Burrough , two being allowed the Metropolis , and a Commissioner was sent from each University ; and in this High Court the King came in with the Privilege of a Burgh : for though the Metropolis had two , he was allowed to send but one with a single Suffrage to represent him ; and this Court pretended to an Authority from Christ , and their Authority was Sacred with no less certificate , than he that despiseth you , despiseth me . Now how a Power can be committed to delegates without any Commission for it from the Superior , will not be easily made out . And they will search long ere they find a Divine Warrant for this Court , unless they vouch Mary Mitchelsons Testimony for it , whose hysterical Distempers were given out for Prophesies . And whereas they are so tender of Christian Liberty , that no Law must pass about the Rituals of Religion , yet their Books of Discipline and Model of Government , were not only setled by Law , but afterwards sworn to be maintained in the Covenant , wherein they swore the Preservation of the Reformed Religion in Scotland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government . These were the tender Consciences that could not hear of any Law in matters indifferent , and yet would have all swear to their Forms , many of which they could not but know were indifferent : which was a making them necessary at another rate , than is done by a Law which the Legislator can repeal when he will : and never were any in the world more addicted to their own Forms than they were . An instance of this I will give , which I dare say will surprise you : When some designers for popularity in the Western parts of that Kirk , did begin to disuse the Lord's Prayer in Worship , and the singing the Conclusion or Doxology after the Psalm , and the Minister's kneeling for private Devotion when he entred the Pulpit , the General ●ssembly took this in very ill part , and in a Letter they wrote to the Presbyteries , complained sadly , Of a Spirit of Innovation was beginning to get into the Kirk , and to throw these laudible practices out of it , mentioning the three I named , which are commanded to be still practised ; and such as refused obedience , are appointed to be conferr'd with in order to the giving of them satisfaction : and if they continu'd untractable , the Presbyteries were to proceed against them , as they should be answerable to the next general Assembly . This Letter I can produce authentically attested . But is it not strange , that some who were then zealous to condemn these Innovations , should now be carried with the herd to be guilty of them ? I am become hoarse with speaking so long , and so I must break off , having , as I suppose , given many great Precedents from History for the using of Rites in divine matters , without an express Warrant , and for passing Laws upon these , and have cleared the one of Superstition , and the other of Tyranny . Eud. Truly , all of you have done your parts so well , that even Isotimus himself seems half convinced : It is then fully clear , that as nothing is to be obtruded on our Belief without clear revelation ; so no sacred duty can be bound on o●r Obedience without a Divine Warrant : but in Rituals , especially in determining what may be done in a variety of ways to one particular Form , there hath been , and still must be , a Power on Earth ; which provided it balance all things right , and consider well the fitness of these Rites , for attaining the designed end , doth not invade God's Dominion by making Laws about them : Nor will the pretence of Christian Liberty warrant our Disobedience to them . It remains to be considered , who are vested with this Power , and how much of it belongs to the Magistrate , and how much to the Church . Basil. I now engage in a Theme which may perhaps lay me open to censure , as if I were courting the Civil Powers by the asserting of their rights : but I am too well known to you to dread your jealously much in this ; and I am too little known to my self , if flattery be my foible . I shall therefore with the greatest frankness and ingenuity , lay open my sense of this matter , with the Reasons that prevail with me in it : but I desire first to hear Isotimus his opinion about it . Isot. I do not deny the King hath Authority and Jurisdiction in matters Sacred : but it must be asserted in a due line of Subordination : First , to Christ the King of Kings , and the only Head of his Church . And next , to the Rulers and Office-bearers of the Church , who are entrusted by Christ , as his Ambassadors , with the Souls of their Flocks , and who must give him an account of their Labors ; therefore they must have their Rules only from him who empowers them , and to whom they are subject : They must also have a Power among them to preserve the Christian Society ; in order to which , they must , according to the practice of the Apostles , when difficulties emerge , meet together , and consult what may be for the advancement of the Christian Religion ; and whoso refuseth to hear the Church when she errs not from her Rule , he is to be accounted no better than a Heathen and a Publican . And since the Church is called one body , they ought to associate together in meetings , seeing also they have their Power of Christ , as Mediator , whereas the Civil Powers hold of him as he is God , they have a different Tenor , distinct Ends , and various Rules ; therefore the Authority of the Church is among the things of God , which only belong to him . And indeed Christians were very ill provided for by Christ , if they must in matters of Religion be subject to the pleasure of secular and carnal Men , who will be ready to serve their own Interests at the rate of the Ruin of every thing that is Sacred . It is true , the Civil Powers may and ought to convocate Synods to consult about matters of Religion , to require Church-men to do their duty , to add their Sanctions to Church Laws , and to join with the sounder part for carrying on a Reformation But all this is cumulative to the Churches intrinsick Power , and not privative ; so that if the Magistrate fall short of his duty , they are notwithstanding that , to go on as men empowered by Iesus Christ , and he who desp●seth them ( be his quality what it will ) despiseth him that sent them . See p. 105. to p. 109. and p. 467. to p. 486. Basil. In order to a clear progress in this matter , I shall first discuss the nature and power of the Church , by which a step shall be made to the Power the Magistrate may pretend to in matters Sacred . The Apostles being sent by Iesus Christ , did every where promulgate the Gospel , and required such as received it , to meet often together for joint Worship , and the free profession of the Faith , wherein they were particularly obliged to the use of the Sacraments . The Apostles , and after them , all Church-men , were also endued with a double Power : The one was declarative for promulgating the Gospel : the other was directive , which properly is no power ; and by this they were to advise in such matters wherein they had no warrant to command : So S. Paul wrote sometimes his own sense , which he did by permission , and not by commandment , only he advised , as one that had obtained mercy to be faithful . But because Christ was to be in his Church to the end of the World , the things they had heard were to be committed to faithful men , that they might be able to teach others . All Church men being thus the Successors of the Apostles , they are vested with a Divine Authority , for solemn publishing the Gospel ; but with this odds from the Apostles , That whereas they were infallible , their Successors are subject to error . And the power of Church-men consists formally in this , that they are Heralds of the Gospel : and by their preaching it , a solemn offer of it is made to all their hearers , which to despise , is to despise him that sent them . But in this power they are bound up to the Commission they have from God , so that what they say beyond that , is none of the divine Message . Yet because many particulars may fall in , about which it was impossible Rules could be given , they have a directive Authority , which if it be managed as S. Paul did , we need fear no tyrannical imposition from it . And therefore in these matters their definitions are not binding Laws , but Rules of advice : for in matters wherein we are left at liberty by God , if Church-men pretend to a Dominion over our Souls , they make us the servants of Men. And indeed it is the most incoherent thing imaginable , for these who lay no claim to Infallibility , to pretend to absolute obedience . It is true , the Laws of peace and order bind us to an association , if we be Christians : and therefore we ought to yield in many things for peace : but since we are all a Royal Priesthood , why Church-men should pretend to Authority or Jurisdiction , except in that which is expresly in their Commission , wherein they are purely Heralds , I do not see . It is true , Christians ought to assemble for Worship , but for the associations of Churches in Judicatories , I cannot imagine in what corner of the New Testastament that shall be found : In which I am the more confirmed , since all the labor of that Pamphleteer from p. 126. to 144. could not find it out . For it is a strange Method to prove a divine Warrant , because some reasons are brought to prove it must be so : to have cited the words , where a shorter and clearer method of proof ; since to prove that such a thing must be , and yet not to shew that it is , is only to attempt against the Scripture , for being defective in that which it ought to have contained . But if the phrase of one body conclude a proof for Associations , then since the Body includes all Christians , the whole faithful must meet together in Councils . For where have you a difference in that betwixt the Clergy , and the faithful Laicks ? But here yielding your Laick Elders of divine Institution , and to have from GOD an Authority of Ruling , as well as the Ministers have , then why do they not all come to Presbyteries ? And why but one deputed from them ? Was not this an Encroachment on them ? For if they have from CHRIST a power to Rule , as well as Ministers , why should not all the Elders meet in Presbyteries and Synods , as well as Ministers ? And why but one Elder from every Presbytery , when three Ministers go to the National Synod ? For it is folly to say , because Ministers have a power of teaching , therefore in Presbyteries and Synods the Elders must only equal their number , and in National Synods be near half their number : for that will only say that in matters of doctrine the Elders should be quite silent , but in matters of discipline , why all should not come if any have a right from Christ , will not be proved . And is not this to Lord it over your Brethren ? And do not your Ministers thus tyrannize over their Elders ? But the reason of it was visible , lest the Elders had thereby got the power in their hands , had they been the plurality in the Judicatories : which was well enough foreseen and guarded against by your Clergy , who though they were willing to serve themselves of them for a while , yet had no mind to part with their beloved Authority . But for Synods , if the obligation to them be from the unity of the Body , then nothing under an OEcumenical one will answer this , which yet is simply unpracticable . Now as for your National Synods , it is visible they are and must be framed , according to the divisions of the World in the several Kingdoms : for according to the Rules are pretended from Scripture ( tell the Church , the binding and loosing of sins , or the like ) it follows that Parochial Congregations , and the Pastors in them , are vested with an authoritative power : now why they should be made to resign this to the plurality of the Church-men of that Kingdom , will be a great Atchievement to prove in your Principles . For why shall not a Parochial Church make Laws within it self ? And why must it renounce its priviledg to such a number of Church-men cast in such a Classis by a humane power ? As likewise , where find you a divine Warrant for your delegating Commissioners to Synods ? For either they are Plenipotentiaries , or such as go upon a restricted deputation , but so as their Votes beyond their Commission shall signifie nothing , till they return and be approved by those who sent them ; if they go with a full power , assign a Warrant for such a delegation , or that many Church-men may commissionate one in their name , and that what shall be agreed to by the major part of these delegates , shall be a binding obligation on Christians : and yet I know you will think the Independents carry the Cause , if it be said that the appointments of these superiour Courts have no authority till ratified by the inferiour , which will resolve the Power into the inferiour Courts . By all which I think it is clear abundantly , that the associations of Churches into Synods , cannot be by a divine Warrant . But I must call in some relief , for I grow weary of speaking too long . Eud. I suppose none will deny the association of Churches to be an excellent mean for preserving unity and peace : but to assert a divine original for them , methinks , is a hard task ; and truly to assert the divine Authority of the major part which must be done according to the principles of Presbytery , is a thing fuller of Tyranny over Consciences , than any thing can be feared from Episcopacy ; since the greater part of mankind being evil , which holds true of no sort of people more , than of Church-men , what mischief may be expected if the plurality must decide all matters ; And to speak plainly , I look on a potion of Physick as the best cure for him , who can think a National Synod , according to the model of Glasgow , is the Kingdom of Christ on Earth , or that Court to which he hath committed his Authority , for he seems beyond the power or conviction of Reason . Crit. The Scripture clearly holds forth an authority among Church-men , but visibly restricted to their Commission , which truly is not properly a power residing among them , for they only declare what the Rule of the Gospel is ; wherein if they keep close to it , they are only Publishers of the Laws of CHRIST : and if they err from it , they are not to be regarded : It is true , the administration of Sacraments is appropriated to them , yet he that will argue this to have proceeded more from the general rules of Order , the constant practice of the Church , and the fitness of the thing , which is truly sutable to the dictates of Nature , and the Laws of Nations ; than from an express positive Command , needs much Logick to make good his attempt . It is true , the ordaining of Successors in their Office belongs undoubtedly to them , and in trying them , Rules are expresly given out in Scripture , to which they ought to adhere and follow them : but as for other things , they are either decisions of opinions , or rules for practice . In the former their authority is purely to declare , and in that they act but as Men , and we find whole Schools of them have been abused ; and in the other , they only give advices and directions ; but have no Jurisdiction . It is true , much noise is made about the Council of Ierusalem , p. 106 , as if that were a warrant for Synods to meet together . But first , it is clear no command is there given , so at most that will prove Synods to be lawful , but that gives them no authority , except you produce a clear Command for them , and obedience to them . Next , what strange wresting of Scripture is it , from that place to prove the subordination of Church Judicatories ? for if that Council was not an OEcumenical Council , nor a Provincial one , which must be yielded , since we see nothing like a Convocation ; then either Paul and Barnabas were sent from Antioch , as from one sister Church to ask advice of another ; and if so , it proves nothing for the authority of Synods , since advices are not Laws : or Antioch sent to Ierusalem , as to a Superior Church by its constitution , which cannot be imagined : for what authority could the Church of Ierusalem pretend over Antioch ? And indeed had that been true , some vestige of it had remained in History ; which is so far to the contrary , that the Church of Ierusalem was subordinate to the Church of Cesarea , which was Metropolitan in Palestine , was subject to Antioch , the third Patriarchal Sea. It will therefore remain that this was only a reference to the other Apostles , who besides their extraordinary endowments and inspiration , were acknowledged by all to be men of great eminency and authority : and therefore the authority of Paul and Barnabas not being at that time so universally acknowledged , they were sent to Ierusalem , where S. Iames was resident , and S. Peter occasionally present . Now the Authority of the Decree must be drawn from their infallible spirit ; otherwise it will prove too much , that one Church may give out decrees to another . But will the Apostles mutual consulting or conferring together , prove the National constitution , and authority of Synods or Assemblies ? Poly. All that hath been said illustrates clearly the practice of the Iews , among whom as the High-Priest was possessed with a Prophetical Spirit , which sometimes fell on him by illapses , as apears from what is said of Caiaphas ; and sometimes from the shining of the Stones in the Pectoral , called the Urim and Thummim ; so the Priests and Levites being the chief Trustees and Depositaries of the Law , Their lips were to preserve knowledg , and the Law was to be sought at their mouth , yet they had no Legislative Authority : they had indeed a Court among themselves , called the Parhedrim , made up of the heads of the Orders , and of the Families ; but that Court did not pretend to Jurisdiction , but only to explain things that concerned the Temple-worship : nay , the High-Priest was so restricted to the King and Sanbedrim , that he might not consult the Oracle without he had been ordered to do it by them : neither do we ever hear of any Laws given out , all the Old Testament over , in the name of the Priests . And in the New Testament , the Power ( it seems ) was to be managed by the body of the faithful , as well as by Church-men . It is true , the Apostles were clothed with an extraordinary power of binding and loosing of sins ; but no proofs are brought to justifie the pretences to Jurisdiction that are found among their Successors . For in the Epistle to Corinth , the Rules there laid down , are addressed to all the Saints that were called to be faithful : so also is the Epistle to the Thessalonians , where he tells them to note such as walked disorderly , and have no fellowship with them ; which are shrewd grounds to believe that at first all things were managed Parochially , where the faithful were also admitted to determine about what occurred : but for Synods , we find not the least vestige of them before the end of the second Century , that Synods were gathered about the Controversie concerning the day of Easter ; and the following Associations of Churches , shew clearly , that they took their model from the division of the Roman Empire , and so according as the Provinces were divided , the Churches in them did associate to the Metropolitans , and became subordinate to them , and these were subordinate to the Patriarchs ; by which means it was that the Bishops of Rome had the precedency , not from any imaginary derivation from St. Peter : for had they gone on such Rules , Ierusalem where our Lord himself was , had undoubtedly carried it of all the World : but Rome being the Imperial City , it was the See of the greatest Authority . And no sooner did Bizantium creep into the dignity of being the Imperial City , but the Bishop of Constantinople was made second Patriarch , and in all things equal to the Bishop of Rome , the precedency only excepted . Much might be here said for proving that these Synods did not pretend to a divine Original , though afterwards they claimed a high Authority , yet their appointments were never called Laws , but only Canons and Rules , which could not pretend to a Jurisdiction . Basil. But that I may not seem to rob the Church of all her Power , I acknowledg that by the Laws of Nature it follows , that these who unite in the service of GOD , must be warranted to associate in Meetings to agree on generals Rules , and to use means for preserving purity and order among themselves , and that all Inferiours ought to subject themselves to their Rules . But as for that brave distinction of the Churches Authority , being derived from CHRIST as Mediator , whereas the Regal Authority is from him as GOD , well doth it become its inventors , and much good may it do them . For me , I think , that CHRIST's asserting , that all power in heaven and in earth was given unto him ; and his being called , The KING of Kings , and LORD of Lords , make it as clear as the Sun , that the whole OEconomy of this World is committed to him as Mediator : and as they who died before him , were saved by him , who was slam ●●om the foundation of the world : so all humane authority was given by vertue of the second Covenant , by which mankind was preserved from infallible ruin , which otherwise it had incurred by Adams fall . But leaving any further enquiry after such a foolish nicety , I go now to examine what the Magistrates Power is in matters of Religion : And first , I lay down for a Maxim , That the externals of Worship , or Government , are not of such importance , as are the Rules of Iustice and Peace , wherein formally the Image of GOD consists . For CHRIST came to bring us to GOD : and the great end of his Gospel , is , the assimilation of us to GOD , of which , justice , righteousness , mercy and peace make a great part . Now what sacredness shall be in the outwards of Worship and Government , that these must not be medled with by his hands ; and what unhallowedness is in the other , that they may fall within his Jurisdiction , my weakness cannot reach . As for instance , when the Magistrate allows ten per cent of in●●rest , it is just to exact it ; and when he bring● i● down to six per cent , it is oppression to demand ten per cent ; so that he can determine some matte●s to be just or unjust by his Laws : now why he shall not have such a power about outward matters of Worship , or of the Government of the Church , judg you ; since the one both in it self , and as it tends to commend us to God , is much more important than the other . It is true , he cannot meddle with the holy things himself ; for the Scripture rule is express , that men be separated for the work of the Ministery : And without that separation , he invades the Altar of GOD , that taketh that honor upon him , without he be called to it . But as for giving Laws in the externals of Religion , I see not why he may not do it , as well as in matters Civil . It is true , if he contradict the divine Law by his commands , GOD is to be obeyed rather than man. But this holds in things Civil , as well as Sacred . For if he command murder , or theft , he is undoubtedly to be disobeyed , as well as when he commands amiss in matters of Religion . In a word , all Subjects are bound to obey him in every lawful command . Except therefore you prove that Church-men constituted in a Synod are not Subjects , they are bound to obedience , as well as others : Neither doth this Authority of the Magistrate any way prejudge the power Christ hath committed to his Church : For a Father hath power over his Children , and that by a divine Precept , tho the Supreme Authority have power over him , and them both : so the Churches authority is no way inconsistent with the Kings Supremacy . As for their Declarative Power , it is not at all subject to him , only the exercise of it , to this or that person , may be suspended : For since the Magistrate can banish his Subjects , he may well silence them : Yet I acknowledg if he do this , out of a design to drive the Gospel out of his Dominions , they ought to continue in their duty , notwithstanding such prohibition ; for GOD must be obeyed rather than man. And this was the case of the Primitive Bishops , who rather than give over the feeding their Flocks , laid themselves open to Martyrdom . But this will not hold for warranting turbulent persons , who notwithstanding the Magistrates continuing all encouragements for the publick Worship of GOD , chuse rather than concur in it ( tho not one of an hundred of them hath the confidence to call that unlawful ) to gather separated Congregations , whereby the flocks are scattered . Phil. Nay , since you are on that Subject , let me freely lay open the mischief of it : It is a direct breach of the Laws of the Gospel , that requires our solemn assembling together , which must ever bind all Christians , till there be somewhat in the very constitutions of these Assemblies , that renders our meeting in them unlawful : which few pretend in our case . Next , the Magistrates commanding these publick Assemblies , is certainly a clear and superadded obligation , which must bind all under sin , till they can prove these our Meetings for Worship unlawful . And as these separated Conventicles are of their own nature evil , so their effects are yet worse , and such as indeed all the ignorance and profanity in the Land is to be charged on them : for as they dissolve the union of the Church , which must needs draw mischief after it , so the vulgar are taught to despise their Ministers , and the publick Worship , and thus get loose from the yoak . And their dependence on these separated Meetings , being but precarious , as they break away from the order of the Church , so they are not tied to their own order : and thus betwixt hands , the vulgar lose all sense of Piety , and of the Worship of GOD. Next , in these separated Meetings , nothing is to be had but a long preachment , so that the knowledg and manners of the people not being look'd after , and they taught to revolt from the setled Discipline , and to disdain to be c●techised by their Pasto●s , ignorance and profanity must be the sure effect of these divided Meetings . And in fine , the disuse of the LORD's Supper is a guilt of a high nature ; for the vulgar are taught to loath the Sacrament from their Ministers hands , as much as the Mass : and preaching is all they get in their Meetings : so that what in all Ages of the Church hath been looked on , as the great cherishing of Devotion and true Piety and the chief preserver of Peace among C●●●ti●ns , is wearing out of practice with our new modelled Christians . These are the visible effects of separating practices : But I shall not play the uncharitable Diviner , to guess at the secret mischief such courses may be guilty of . Basil. Truly , what you have laid out is so well known to us all , that I am confident Isotimus himself must with much sorrow acknowledg what wicked Arts these are that some use to dislocate the Body of Christ , and to sacrifice the interests of Religion to their vanity , humor , or perhaps their secular interests . But I hold on my design , and add , that if the Magistrate encroach on God's Prerogative , by contradicting or abrogating divine Laws , all he doth that way , falls on himself . But as for the Churches Directive Power , since the exercise of that is not of obligation , he may command a surcease in it . It is true , he may sin in so doing ; yet cases may be wherein he will do right to discharge all Associations of Judicatories , if a Church be in such commotion , that these Synods would but add to the flame : but certainly he forbidding such Synods ; they are not to be gone about , there being no positive command for them in Scripture , and therefore a discharge of them contradicts no Law of God , and so cannot be disobeyed without sin : and when the Magistrate allows of Synods , he is to judg on whether side in case of differences , he will pass his Law : neither is the decision of these Synods obligatory in prejudice of his authority ; for there can be but one Supream ; and two Coordinate Powers are a Chymaera . Therefore in case a Synod and the Magistrate contradict one another in matters undetermined by GOD , it is certain a Synod sins if it offer to countermand the Civil Authority , since all must be subject to the Powers that are , of which number the Synod is a part ; therefore they are subject as well as others . And if they be bound to obey the Magistrates commands , they cannot have a power to warrant the subjects in their disobedience , since they cannot secure themselves from sin by such disobedience . And in the case of such countermands , it is indisputable the Subjects are to be determined by the Magistrates Laws , by which only the Rules of Synods are Laws , or bind the consciences formally ; since without they be authorized by him , they cannot be Laws ; for we cannot serve two Masters , nor be subject to two Legislators . And thus , methinks , enough is said for clearing the Title of the Magistrate in exacting our obedience to his Laws in matters of Religion . Crit. Indeed , the congesting of all the Old Testament offers , for proving the Civil Powers their authority in things sacred , were a task of time : And first of all , that the High Priest might not consult the Oracle , but when either desired by the King , or in a business that concerned the whole Congregation , is a great step to prove what the Civil Authority was in those matters . Next , we find the Kings of Iudah give out many Laws about matters of Religion : I shall wave the instances of David and Solomon , which are so express , that no evasion can serve the turn , but to say they acted by immediate Commission , and were inspired of GOD. It is indeed true , that they had a particular direction from GOD. But it is as clear , that they enacted these Laws upon their own Authority , as Kings , and not on a Prophetical Power . But we find Iehoshaphat , 2 Chr. 17. v. 7. sending to his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah , with whom also he sent Priests and Levites , and they went about and taught the people . There you see secular men appointed by the King to teach the people : he also , 2. Chr. 19. v. 5. set up in Ierusalem a Court made up of Levites , Priests , and the chief of the Fathers of Israel , for the judgment of the LORD , and for the controversies among the people ; and names two Presidents , Amariah the chief Priest to be over them in the matters of the LORD , and Zebadiah for all the Kings matters . And he that will consider these words , either as they lie in themselves , or as they relate to the first institution of that Court of seventy by Moses , where no mention is made but by one Judicatory , or to the Commentary of the whole Writings , and Histories of the Iews , shall be set beyond dispute , that here was but one Court to judg both of sacred and secular matters . It is true , the Priests had a Court already mentioned , but it was no Judicatory , and medled only with the Rituals of the Temple . The Levites had also , as the other Tribes , a Court of twenty three for their Tribe , which have occasioned the mistakes of some places among the Iewish Writings : but this is so clear from their Writings , that a very overly knowledg of them will satisfie an impartial Observer . And it is yet more certain , that from the time of Ezra , to the destruction of the Temple , there was but one Court , that determined of all matters both Sacred and Civil ; who particularly tried the Priests , if free of the blemishes which might cast one from the service , and could cognosce on the High Priest , and whip him when he failed in his duty . Now this commixtion of these matters in one Judicatory , if it had been so criminal , whence is it that our LORD not only never reproved so great a disorder , but when convened before them , did not accuse their constitution , and answered to the High Priest when adjured by him ? Likewise , when his Apostles were arraigned before them , they never declined that Judicatory , but pleaded their own innocence , without accusing the constitution of the Court , though challenged upon a matter of doctrine . But they , good men , thought only of catching Souls into the Net of the Gospel , and were utterly unacquainted with these new coined distinctions . Neither did they refuse obedience , pretending the Court had no Jurisdiction in these matters , but because it was better to obey GOD than Man ; which saith , They judged Obedience to that Court due , if it had not countermanded GOD. But to return to Iehoshaphat , we find him constituting these Courts , and choosing the persons and empowering them for their work , for he constituted them for Iudgment and for Controversie ; so that though it were yielded , as it will never be proved , that two Courts were here instituted , yet it cannot be denied , but here is a Church Judicatory constituted by a King , the persons named by him , a President appointed over them , and a trust committed to them . And very little Logick will serve to draw from this , as much as the Acts among us , asserting the King's Supremacy yield to him . Next , We have a clear instance of Hezekiah , who , 2 Chron. 30. ver . 2. with the Counsel of his Princes , and of the whole Congregation , made a decree for keeping the Passover , that year on the second Month , whereas the Law of GOD had affixed it to the first Month , leaving only an exception , Numb . 9.10 . for the unclean , or such as were on a journey , to keep it on the second Month. Npon which Hezekiah with the Sanhedrim and people , appoints the Passover to be entirely cast over to the second Month for that Year . Where a very great point of their Worship ( for the distinction of days was no small matter to the Iews ) was determined by the King , without asking the advice of the Priests upon it . But that you may not think this was peculiar to the King of Israel , I shall urge you with other instances : When Ezra came from Artaxerxes , he brings a Commission from him , Ezra ch . 7. ver . 25 , 26. impowering him according to the wisdom of his GOD , that was in his hand , to set up Magistrates and Iudges , who might judg them that knew the Laws of his GOD , and teach them that knew them not : and a severe certificate is passed upon the disobedient ; and one of the branches of their punishment , which is by the Translators rendered banishment , being in the Chaldaick , rooting out , is by some judged to be Excommunication ; which is the more probable , because afterwards , Chap. 10. ver . 8. the Censure he threatens on these who came not upon his Proclamation , is , forfeiture of goods , and separation from the Congregation . Here then it seems a Heathen King gives authority to Excommunicate : but be in that what will , Ezra upon his return acted in a high Character , he makes the Priests , Levites , and all Israel , to swear to put away their strange Wives : he convenes all the people under the Certificate of separation from the Congregation , and enjoyns Confession of their sins and amendment : and we find both him and Nehemiah acting in a high Character about the ordering of divine matters , which could only flow from the King's Commission , for neither of them were Prophets , nor was Ezra the High Priest but his Brother , and so no more than an ordinary Priest. Mordecai likewise instituted the feast of Purim , for which nothing could warrant him , but the King's authority , committed to him , who gave him his Ring for sealing such Orders , since he was neither King , Priest nor Prophet . And on the way , let me observe what occurs from that History , for proving what was yesterday pleaded for , The Subjects ought not to resist , no not the tyranny of their Superiours , since a Writing was procured from Ahasuerus for warranting the Iews to avenge themselves , and to stand for their lives , and to destroy and slay all that would assault them , which saith they might not have done this before that writing was given out , and yet their killing of 74000 of their Enemies shews , what their strength was . But all I have said will prove that the Civil Powers under the Old Testament did formally judg about matters of Religion ; and that that priviledg belongs to Kings by vertue of their Regal dignity , and not as they are in Covenant with GOD , since even Heathen Kings give out Orders about divine matters . Poly. If from Sacred you descend to humane practices , nothing was more used than that the Emperors judged in matters of Religion , neither was this yielded to them only after they became Christians , but Eusebius , lib. 7. cap. 30. tells , how they made application to Aurelian a Heathen Emperor , for turning Samosatenus out of the Church of Antioch , who decreed that the Houses of the Church should be given to those Bishops , whom the Christians of Italy and the Roman Bishops should recommend to them . Constantine also , when not baptized , did all his life formally judg in matters both of Doctrine and Discipline : and for the Laws they made about Church matters , they abound so much , that , as Grotius saith , One needs not read them , but look on them to be satisfied about this . And indeed I know not how to express my wonder at the affrontedness of that Pamphleter , who denies this , pag. 483. Pray ask him , was the determining about the age , the qualifications , the Election , the duties of Church-men , the declaring for what things they should be deposed , or excommunicated , a formal passing of Laws in Church matters , or only the adding Sanctions to the Church determinations ? And yet who will but with his Eye run through either the first six Titles of the Code , or the 123. Novel , besides many other places , all these , and many more Laws about Church matters will meet him . But should I take a full Career here , I am sure I should be tedious , and Grotius hath congested so many instances of this , that I refer the curious Reader to him for full satisfaction . The Elections of Bishops which had been formerly in the hands of the people and Clergy , with the Provincial Synods that judged of them , became so tumultuary , that popular Elections were discharged by the Council of Laodicea , Can. 13. and the Emperors did either formally name , as Theodosius did Nectarius , or reserve the ratifying their Election to themselves . And I must confess , it is a pretty piece of History , to say the Bishops consented to this , either as diffident of their Office , or out of ambition . See p. 485. Tell your Friends that they must either learn more knowledg , or pretend to less ; for can they produce the least vestige for the one branch of this alternative , that the Bishops their allowing the Emperor such an interest in their Elections , flowed from a distrust of their Office ? Let them give but one scrap of proof for this , and let them triumph as much as they will. Is it not a pretty thing to see one talk so superciliously of things he knows not ? Isot. But all you have brought will never prove that a King may at one stroke subvert a Government established in the Church , and turn out all who adhere to it , and set up another in its place ; neither will this conclude that the King may enact all things about Ecclesiastical matters , and Persons , by his own bare authority , which is a surrender of our consciences to him : certainly , this is to put him in CHRIST's stead , and what mischievous effects may follow upon this , if all matters of Religion be determined , by the pleasure of secular and carnal men , who consider their interests and appetites more than God's glory , or the good of the Church and of Souls : Truly my heart trembles to think on the effects this both hath produced , and still may bring forth . See pag. 483. Phil. It is charity to ease your Lungs sometimes by taking a turn in the Discourse , though you need none of my help . But what you say , Isotimus , doth no way overturn what hath been asserted : for either the change that was made was necessary , sinful , or indifferent : the two former shall not be at this time debated , but shall be afterwards discussed : but if it be indifferent , then the Kings Laws do oblige us to obedience , and the mischief hath followed on the change falls to their share , who do not obey the King's Laws , when the matter of them is lawful . And as for the thrusting out Church-men when they are guilty , Solomon's precedent is convincing , who thrust out Ab●athar from the High Priesthood ; neither can the least hint be given to prove that he acted as inspired , and not as a King : and Nehemiah tho but commissionated by Artaxerxes , thrust one out from the Priesthood , for marrying a strange Woman . For your prying into Acts of Parliament , truly neither you nor I need be so much conversant in them . Neither were it any strange matter , if some expressions in them would not bear a strict Examen . But that you now challenge about the King's enacting of all matters , will never infer a surrender of conscience to him ; for certainly that must relate to what goeth before , of the outward Government and Policy of the Church . Besides , none will quarrel the phrase of the Kings authority in all things that are Civil ; yet that will not infer that he can enact the lawfulness of murther and theft . So these expressions must carry with them a tacite exception . Yea , even without that allowance , the phrase may be well justified , since it only imports that the Kings enacting any thing in these matters , makes them legal , which differs much from lawful ; and saith only that such Orders issued forth by the King , are de facto Laws , which will not conclude they must be obeyed ; but only that his authority is to be acknowledged , either by obedience , if the command be just , or by suffering , if unjust . As for the effects this may produce , I am sure they cannot prove worse than these which have followed upon the pretences of the Churches absolute authority , and intrinsick Sovereign Power . And indeed since there is so much corruption among men , nothing that falls into the hands of men , can scape the mixtures of abuse at long run . But I must add , that the passions and pride of many Church-men in all Ages have been such , that the decision of the plurality of Church-men , seems the model of the World that is fullest of danger . Isot. Three things yet remain to be discussed : The one is , if obedience be due to the Laws , when they command things contrary to our consciences ? For sure you cannot pretend in that case , to give a preference to humane Laws beyond conscience , which is the voice of GOD. The next is , when the Magistrate commands things just of themselves , but upon unjust motives and narratives , whether my obedience doth not homologate his bad designs ? And finally , where the commands of the Magistrate are manifestly unlawful , how far should the Church , and Church men , oppose and contradict them ? For a bare non-obedience seems not to be all we are bound to , in that case . When I am satisfied in these things , I will quit this purpose . Basil. To engage in a particular discussion of what is now moved by you , would draw on more discourse than our present leisure will allow of ; yet I shall attempt the saying of what may satisfie a clear and unprejudged mind . And to the first , I shall not fall on any longer enquiry into the nature and obligation of conscience , than to tell that conscience is a conviction of our rational faculties , that such or such things are sutable to the nature and Will of God. Now all Religion is bound upon us , on this account , that there is such evidence offered for its truth , which may and ought to satisfie the strictest Examen of Reason . And all certainty is resolved in this , that our rational faculties are convinced of the truth of the objects that he before us : which conviction when applied to divine matters , is called Conscience . But there may be great mistakes in this Conviction : for either the prejudices that lie on our minds from our senses , the prepossessions of Education , interest , or humors , the want of a due application of our faculties to their objects , or chiefly the dulness and lesion of our Organs , the corruption of our minds through sin and lust , occasion many errors : so that often without good reason , oft contrary to it , we take up persuasions , to which we stifly adhere , and count such convictions evidences of the Will of GOD. I acknowledg , when a Man lies under a persuasion of the Will of GOD , he ought not to go cross to it : for this opens a door to Atheism , when that is contradicted of which we are convinced . But if this persuasion be false , it cannot secure a Man from sinning in following of it . For it is a Man 's own fault that he is thus imposed upon , since if his rational faculties were duly applied , and well purified , they should prove unerring touchstones of truth . If therefore through vanity , wilfulness , rashness , or any other byass of the mind , it be carried to wrong measures , a Man is to blame himself , and thus his errour ought to aggravate , and not lessen his guilt . If then a Man's conscience dictate to him the contrary of what GOD commands , in that case , he is in a visible hazard : for his error can never t●ke away GOD's Autho●ity , and so his wrong informed conscience doth not secure him from guilt , if he be disobedient . On the other hand , nothing in Scripture can bind a Man to act a-against the convictions of conscience , since we are bound to believe the Scriptures , only because of the evidence of their authority to our rational faculties : If then our belief of the Scriptures rest on that foundation , no part of Scripture can bind us to walk contrary to that evidence , for then it should destroy that Principle on which our Obligation to believe it self is founded , which is the evidence of reason ; and so in that case , a Man sins whatever he do . Neither is this to be accountd strange , since that erroneous conscience is from man's own fault . And that which some alledg to escape this , that in such cases a Man ought to forbear from acting , will not serve turn , to excuse a Man from sin : For in these Precepts which exact a positive obedience , such a ●orbearance and surceasing from action , is a sin . Upon these Evidences then it will follow , that if the conviction of our conscience run contrary to the Magistrates commands , these convictions are either well grounded , or ill : If the former , then the Magistrates command being contrary to the nature and Will of GOD , a●e not to be obeyed : If ill grounded , then that mistaken persuasion cannot secure us from sin , no more than in the case of conscience contradicting the Law of GOD : for the Laws of the Magistrates in things lawful , are the Laws of GOD , being the application of his general Laws unto particular instances , by one cloathed with authority from him . Therefore tho I do not say the Laws of the Magistrate can warrant our counteracting an erroneous conscience ; yet on the contrary , a misinformed conscience will not secure us when we disobey the Magistrates lawful commands . And thus I think your first Question is clearly answered . End. You have a great deal of reason to say so , your discourse being so closely rational , that I cannot see any escape from any pa●t of it ; yet I must add , that certainly it is a piece of Christian tenderness , which obligeth all in Authority , to beware of laying gall-traps and snares in the way of tender consciences . And the best way to get an undisputed obedience , is , that their commands be liable to as few exceptions as is possible ; and that the good of any such Laws be well ballanced with the hazards of them , that so the Communion of the Church in all outwards , particularly in the Sacraments , may be had on as easie terms as is possible , whereby nothing be enacted that may frighten away weak●r minds from the f●llowship of the Saints . But on the other hand , great caution must be had by all Subjects on what grounds they refuse obedience to the Laws , that so they be not found following their own designs and interests , under a colour of adhering firmly to their consciences . They must deliver themselves from all prepossessions , and narrowly examine all things , ere they adventure on refusing obedience to the Laws . But now consider if an unjust motive or narrative in a Law , deliver tender consciences from an obligation to obey it , or not ? Basil. If the Magistrate do couple his motive and narrative with our obedience , so that we cannot do the one without a seeming consent to the other , then certainly we are not to obey : For actions being often signs of the thoughts , an action how indifferent soever , if declared a sign of concurring in a sinful design , makes us guilty , in so far as we express our concurrence by a sign enjoyned for that end . But if the motive or narrative be simply an account of the Magistrates own thoughts , without expressing that obedience is to be understood as a concurrence in such intentions , then we are to obey a lawful command , tho enacted upon a bad design : For we must obey these in Authority , ever till they stand in competition with GOD. If then their Laws contradict not GOD's Precepts , neither in their natural nor intended si●nification , they are to be obeyed , whatever the grounds were for enacting them , which is only the Magistrates deed , for which he shall answer to GOD. Poly. This calls me to mind of two Stories not impertinent to this purpose : The one is of Iulian the Apostate , who to entangle the Christians , that never scrupled the bowing to the Emperors Statue , as a thing lawful , caused to set up his with the Images of some of the Gods about it , that such as bowed to it , might be understood , as ( likewise ) bowing to the Images : which abused some of the simpler : but the more discerning refused to bow at all to those Statues , because he intended to expound that innocent bowing to his Statue , as an adoration of the Gods about it . A Christian likewise being brought to the King of Persia , did according to the Law bow before him ; but when he understood that to be exacted as a divine Honor to the King , he refused it . Eud. This is clear enough that all actions are as they are understood , and accordingly to be performed , or surceased from . But it seems more difficult to determine what is to be done in case a Magistrate enact wicked Laws : Are not both his Subjects bound to refuse obedience ; and the Heads of the Church , and the watchmen of Souls likewise to witness against it ? And may they not declare openly their dislike of such Laws or practices , and proceed against him with the censures of the Church ? since as to the Censures of the Church , we see no reason why they should be dispensed with respect of persons , which S. Iames condemns in all Church Judicatories . Basil. I shall not need to repeat what hath been so often said , that we must obey GOD rather than man : if then the Magistrates enjoyn what is directly contrary to the divine Law , all are to refuse obedience , and watchmen ought to warn their Flocks against such hazards ; and such as can have admittance to their Princes , or who have the charge of their Consciences , ought with a great deal of sincere freedom , as well as humble duty , represent the evil and sinfulness of such Laws : but for any Synodical Convention , or any Declaration against them , no warrant for that doth appear ; and therefore if the Magistrate shall simply discharge all Synods , I cannot see how they can meet without sin . But for Parochial meetings of Christians for a solemn acknowledgment of GOD , such Assemblings for divine Worship , being enjoined both by the Laws of Nature , and Nations , and particularly commanded in the Gospel , no consideration can free Christians from their Obligation , thus to assemble for Worship : if then the Magistrate should discharge these or any part of them , such as Prayer , Prais●s , and reading of Scriptures , preaching the Gospel , or the use of the Sacraments , they are notwithstanding all that to be continued in . But for the consultative or directive Government of the Church , till a divine Command be produced for Synods or Discipline , it cannot lawfully be gone about without or against his authority . Crit. For refusing obedience to an unjust command , of surceasing visible Worship , the instance of Daniel is signal : who not only continued his adorations to GOD , for all Darius his Law ; but did it openly , and avowedly , that so he might own his subjection to GOD. But for reproving Kings , we see what caution was to be observed in it ; since GOD sent Prophets with express Commissions for it in the Old Testament : and Samuel notwithstanding this severe message to Saul , yet honored him before his people . It is true , there should be no respect of persons in Christian Judicatories : but that is only to be understood of these who are subject to them : and how it can agree to the King who is Supream , to be a Subject , is not easily to be comprehended . Since then honor and obedience is by divine precept due to Magistrates , nothing that invades that honor , or detracts from that obedience , can be lawfully attempted against them : such as is any Church-censure or excommunication . And therefore I cannot see how that practice of Ambrose upon Theodosius , or other later instances of some Bishops of Rome , can be reconciled to that , Render fear to whom fear , and honor to whom honor is due . Phil. I am sure their practice is far less justifiable , who are always preaching about the Laws and times to the people , with virulent reflections on King , Parliament and Council : much more such as not content with flying discourses , do by their writings , which they hope shall be longer lived , study the vilifying the persons , and affronting the authority of these GOD hath set over them . And how much of this stuff the Press hath vented these thirty years by past , such as knew the late times , or see their writings , can best judge . Eud. Now our discourse having dwelt so long upon generals , is to descend to particulars : That we may examine whether upon the grounds hitherto laid down , the late tumults , or the present Schisms and divisions can be justified , or ought to be censured ? I know this is a nice point , and it is to be tenderly handled , lest all that shall be said be imputed to the suggestions of passions and malice . Wherefore let me intreat you who are to bear the greater part of that discourse , to proceed in it calmly , that it may appear your designs are not to lodge infamy on any party or person , but simply to lay out things as they are : hoping withal , that you will not take your informations of what you say from the tatles of persons concerned , but will proceed on true and sure grounds . And that we may return to this with the greater composedness of spirit ; let our serious thoughts be interrupted with some chearfuller diversions : for our spirits are now too far engaged to fall upon such a Head. Isot. You have a great deal of reason to guard your Friends well when they are to fall upon such matters , lest they sin against the generation of GOD's Children . For my part , I am not afraid to enter on a discussion of these things , and doubt not to make it appear how the LORD's work was signally carried on by his faithful Servants , and that he himself appeared in it , even to the conviction of all beholders . If there were any either of the Church or State , who covered their own bad designs , under these pretences , that makes not the cause a whit the worse : for CHRIST chose twelve , and one of them had a Devil . Phil. Were I at present to fall a canvasing these things , I doubt not I should quickly make all your Plumes fall off : but I am willing at this time to break off our Conference : for this point will neither be soon dispatched nor easily mananaged ; therefore we shall now part with an appointment to meet next day in this same place after Dinner . Basil. I believe none of us are so weary of another , or of the Discourses we have tossed these two days , that it is needful to apprehend any will fail of being here at that hour : therefore , good night to you all . Isot. Be sure , I shall keep it , if an unavoidable excuse detain me not . Adieu . Crit. For me and Polybistor , though it is like we shall not have great occasion of bearing our share in your Discourse , yet we will not fail to be here . Eud. I cannot express my sense of the Honour you do me , in making this place still happy with so many good Company , and so much pleasant Discourse : and therefore you may assure your selves , I will wait for your return , not without impatience . And so I bid you all , good night . THE THIRD CONFERENCE . Isotimus . WE are again as good as our word in keeping this appointment , and I hope we shall be no less exact in observing the Rule we concluded last night of tempering our passions ; only I must guard you against the mistaking my zeal I may express for passion : remember who said , The zeal of thy house hath eaten me up , who also scourged the buyers and sellers out of the Temple . Eud. I confess , I want not my fears of some heat and excess in this days Discourse : but I will crave leave to check it on what side soever it appear , I know there is a holy zeal for GOD , which will inflame a devout mind . But its fire 〈◊〉 mild and gentle , free of blustering and disorder : and that rage which is in many , for some Parties or Opinions , and against others , being as void of knowledg as of Charity , ought not to pretend to Christ's Example , unless they be likewise acted by his Spirit . A diligent search will quickly discover , if our motives and maxims have a tincture of his lowly meek and self-denying spirit in them . And certainly if our zeal be for GOD , it will take its degrees from the proportion of its Objects . It is therefore a Pharisaical pretence to own a zeal for some smaller matters , which have scarce been thought upon by the whole series of Christians in all Ages , till of late , when we are so cold in the defence of Peace , Charity , obedience to those over us , and the Unity of the Church : which are great , certain , and indispensible Duties . That zeal likewise which transports a man unto unjustifiable heats of railing against particular persons , and appears in a bitter humor of dull jeering , and bold detraction , hath no reason to shroud it self under the Example of CHRIST's holy zeal ; who tho in the spirit of a Zealot , having proved his divine Mission and authority by Miracles , he whipped the defilers of the Temple out of it ; yet that dispensation wherein such practices were not unusual from extraordinary persons , being now changed into the new one , whose distinguishing Character is Charity , we are to bridle all the motions of distempered heat , left the effects of it be as unjustifiable as it self is . For it is to be considered , that the proper characters of the Gospel Spirit , are not devotion towards GOD , or zeal for his truths , which were common both with the Religion traditionally conveyed from Adam , and Noah , and that which was delivered to Moses ; but that which CHRIST hath made the cognisance of his Disciples , is , That they love one another , whereby all must know them to be such . And therefore all these who discover a spirit of hatred , rage , and malice at these , of whom they cannot deny but they may be Christ's Disciples , prove themselves to be void of his Spirit . Now , Isotimus , what endless complaints could I here make of some you know of , who are perpetually trafficking to make all who differ from them odious , who catch up every Tattle they hear that may defame them , and are sure to spread it as far as either their Tongue or Pen can reach : nor are they Niggards of their additions to them , to make them swell bigger . With what marvellous joy do they suck in an ill report ? and tho it be but dubiously related , they will be sure to vent it as the greatest truth in the World. And when the stock of Reports fails them , then they break in upon their Magazins of Forgeries : and here is an endless Trade . Sometimes they will piece up things as incoherent as the Rags of a Beggars Cloak , and shew either their pretended intelligence , or profound sagacity , to smell out bad intentions . If they can fix nothing on their Adversary , then that he is an Hypocrite , or a Dissembler , comes well to serve all purposes , and to defeat the best intentions : And , oh ! but the jealousies of Popery and Jesuitical practices , work wonders on their Belief ! Indeed , Sir , I must tell you freely , I see a Spirit stirring among us , which I look upon as tinctured with the deepest dye of Antichristianism , and so void of the common impressions of good nature and civility ; but much more of his Image , who will have us learn of him , in that he is meek and lowly , that really a Man had as well live among Scythians and Barbarians , as among such Wasps and Vipers . Every thing is alike for their malice . Do some that differ from them live in a franker way , these are sure to be called licentious and profane . Are others more severe , silent , an● retired , who express a contempt of the world with all its enjoyments , these must pass for Papists , Juglers and Hypocrites ; and their best ac●ions must be lashed with the worst Censures . Again , if we treat them softly with gentleness and respect , then they are insolent , and impute such usage to ou● distrust of our own Opinions , and a forced value of thei● way . And if we use a little more freedom to speak home , and discover their weakness and perversness to them , then they rage and some , and call us Blasphemers ; and apply all the threatnings against mockers of GOD and Piety , to such as shall offer to unmask them , or disclose any of their follies . If these in Authority coerce them , nothing is to be heard but complaints of persecution , and revilings , and evil surmisings : But will gentle courses mollifie their hearts ? No , not so much as to be grateful or civil to those to whom they ow them : but they will be sure to observe how GOD binds up the hands of the wicked , and how marvellously he protects his own : and all the favor shewed them will have no better character than a very mean and scant act of Iustice , ●licite by a visible State conveniency , if not necessity . See p. 493. You know of whom I mean , and how justly applicable these Characters are to them : and that they are not the dreams of an e●travagant fancy ; but true , though imperfect descriptions of what every one sees to be among us . Isot. I am heartily sorry to find you the first that swerves from your own Rule , and to hear you engage in a Discourse so unlike your self , at least so different from the character is conceived of you : these invectives being fitter for the Author of the friendly Debate , the Scribl●r of the Dia●ogues , or the Asserter of Ecclesiastical Policy , who have mortally wounded Religion , and all the professions and expressions of it , under a pretence of unvailing the Pharisaical spirit . And indeed you are now in the same Tract , your design being to charge all the faithful servants of CHRIST , with this tatling , whispering , and censorious temper ; because perhaps some idle people who own a kindness for these Opinions , but really are of no principles , may be guilty of these ways . Eud. I beseech you , wrest not my words beyond my design , and their meaning . I charge not the whole Party with these Arts : yet that there is too great compliance given to them , and too little freedom used against them , by too many , may without unjustice , or breach of Charity , be averred : but the disclosing of these is so far from injuring Religion , that I know nothing so proper for recovering the World from the jealousies these Arts have occasioned at it , as the unmasking of that Spirit ; that so the amiable and lovely visage of true Religion may appear in its own lustre , and free of these false Colors some unjust pretenders to it , h●ve cast over it : and therefore these Writings you mention , seem to have pursued a noble Design , which shall not want its reward . B●t remember I make a vast difference betwixt the being of an Opinion , and the pursuing all these crooked and wicked practices for its defence , which I have laid before you . At the former , I have no quarrel : for knowing how subject my self is to mistakes , I censure and judg none for their Opinions , till they strike at the foundations of Faith , or a good life : And so do not only not charge all your Party with these imputations , but know a great many of them who are very free of them : but that many are too guilty of them , is what your self dares not deny . And how much of that temper appears in the late Pamphlets , I leave with every rational Reader to conside● : for it is not worth the while for any of us to sit down , and canvass them all . But how guilty are most of you in this which you here blame me unjustly for , which is the charging a Party with the escapes , how great or signal soever , of some individuals . For to undertake the Patrociny of every man in every Party , is that which none in his right wits will do : To deal therefore equally with you , I neither think your Party nor ours , culpable for the faults of some particular persons . B●t , Sir , when a perverse detracting Spirit gets in to these who pretend highly , certainly they ought to be told it , and that roundly too . For you know the greatest danger to Religion , is to be apprehended from the leaven of the Scribes and Phari●●ecs ; since open and discernible faults do not so much prevail for infecting the Christian S●creties , as these secret and more easily palliated errors . Consider therefore a little what was the righteousness of the Pharisees , and what was their leaven , and search for it ; left it yet leaven you , and lest your righteousness exceed not theirs . The Pharisees prayed often , and long , both in the Synagogues , streets , and widows houses : they studied the Law exactly , and had a great reverence for Moses and the Prophets , and much zeal against blasphemers , false teachers and hereticks : They were strict observers of the Sabbath , and were careful to prepare for their Passouer solemnities : They had great respect for the opinions of their Ancestors : They looked grave and solemn : They fasted often , and gave tythes of all they had : Their outward deportment was not only clean , but beautiful : They were zealous to gain Proselytes , and expressed a tenderness of conscience , even in the smallest matters : They were careful to avoid all converse with profane or wicked persons . In a word , they had many things , which to a vulgar and less discerning eye , made a fair show in the flesh . But with all this , they were proud , and exalted in their own conceits , so that they despised all other persons : They were Magisterial , and desired to prescribe to every body : They were full of empty boastings , and assumed to themselves big and swelling Titles : and all their opinions they obtruded as Oracles . They did all to be seen of men , and loved salutations in the market places , and the uppermost rooms at feasts . They envied any they saw outstrip them in true worth ; and hated and contemned all that followed these . They studied to calumniate and revile every person that opposed them , with the most unjust and cruel reproaches , excommunicating all who adhered to them : Neither would they yield to the clearest evidences were offered for their conviction : and nothing but the blood of the most innocent could satisfie their revenge . They were covetous , and devoured widows houses , with their pretences of devotion . They were false and subdolous , studying to ensnare others in their speeches , or wrest what they said to a contrary and mischievous sense . They were traytors to these in Authority , though when it might serve their ends , they spared not to pretend much zeal for them : and the fervor of their zeal made them often attempt the murde●●ng of those who opposed them , and discovered their false pretexts , and mischievous designs . And from this , let all J●dge how much of that Pharisaical leaven doth yet lurk , and leaven among us . I know the application would be thought as invidious , as it is obvious . And , I pray GOD , those g●ilty of these evils , may charge them home upon themselves : For I confess , I love not that part of the Chirurgeons trade so well , as to dwell longer on the cutting of ulcers , or the searching of sores : and these whom this general hint will not help to some conviction , would be little prevailed upon by a closer discovery of the parallel . But m●stake me not , as if I charged one party only with this leaven , which is , alas ! too visible among many of all sides and parties . But to dwell no longer on generals , which every one will drive off himself , and lodge on others , let us now come to a closer review of our late times . And here , Philarcheus , I quit the Theme to you , who I know can manage it better . Phil. Truly , when I reflect on the late times , and the spirit which did then act in the Judicatories both of Church and State , I wonder much how any can be guilty of the error of thinking it was the cause of GOD was then fought for . I deny not but a great many , yea , I am willing to hope the greater part , were misled and abused , and did imagine it was Religion and Liberties they fought for ; and so went out as they were called , in the simplicity of their heart , and knew not any thing of the secret designs of their Leaders : As in the case of Absoloms rebellion , two hundred went from Ierusalem with him , which might well a little excuse their fault , but could not alleviate the guilt of that unnatural rebellion : so whatever may be said for excusing the multitudes , who , I doubt not , meant well , yet that will never serve for vindicating the course was followed . I confess , if I saw any remorse or shame for by-past miscarriages ; if I found these people we speak of , either humbled for them before GOD , or ashamed of them among men , I should be the last on earth who would upbraid them with them : and that the rather , that His Majesty hath buried the remembrance of them by a gracious oblivion . But when they continue so insolent , as still to bear up so high in their pretentions , as if GOD had been visibly with them : and when they think it an injury to their innocency to tell them of an indemnity , who would not be tempted to take them to task , and examine all their vain boastings , and empty pretences ? to which I am both provoked from their arrogance , and invited from the evident proofs of all I shall alledge , which I can lay before you from authentical Papers and Registers : and I shall freely tell you , that if any of these Pamphleteers had but the half to say of these who yield a complyance to the present Establishment , which I can say of them , the world would ring with it . But I count the defaming of men a wo●k as mean , as it is cruel . Yet I look upon my self as obliged to give some accounts of the spirit and ways of these people , which I shall do with all the reserve and caution that becomes a Christian. Eud. Hold , hold , I pray you , run not too far in your carreer , lest you lay open things were better hid : I confess these Writers do justly draw it from you ; but for the faults of two or three , be not cruel to a multitude . And what will all you shall say avail ? for we know well enough how little the clearest evidence will prevail upon their belief : And though I in particular , know upon what grounds you can go , for verifying all you undertake , and that they are unexceptionably clear ; yet it is a dunghil not to be searched too much . Wherefore let me , with my most earnest intreaties , divert you from the discourse you have threatned Isotimus with . But because all these mens defences of the resistance Subjects may make to their Sovereigns , go upon the principles of maintaining Religion and Liberties , when invaded by the Magistrate ; we will therefore be beholden to you , if you satisfie us , whether the late wars , as they were begun and carried on , were defensive or not ? Phil. Your authority over me is so entire , that your commands never fail of determining my obedience , therefore for this once I shall yield to your desire , but with this declaration , that if Isotimus cannot prevail among his friends , for conjuring that pamphleting spirit into silence , I will be forced on more freedom than I either design or desire : and be made to tell name and surname of the Actors of many things , which they may wish lay dead : and be made to prove them from authentick papers and records , and discover a mystery of iniquity , which hath lien long hid under fair pretences : and in a word , let you understand what were the arts , caballings , and intrigues of these who pretended so much to the interest of CHRIST , when they sought their own : and if in doing this , I be forced on much round and plain dealing , the blame of it will fall to their share who extort it from me . But I come now to satisfie your desire , and doubt not to convince you , that the late wars were an invasion of the Kings Authority , and of the established Laws , and were not for defence of any part of the established Religion and Liberties . In the year 1938. His Majesty having understood , that the authorizing of the Service-Book , and Book of Canons , and the establishment of the High-Commission-Courts were illegal ; did upon the representation of those grievances , not only retract what he had formerly done , but in the fullest manner discharged them , and though the Articles of Perth stood setled by Law , yet upon their petitions , who counted them grievances , he warranted their disuse : and for securing the fears of his Subjects of the change of Religion , ( with which some factious spirits had poysoned them ; ) he appointed the National Covenant , as King Iames had signed it , to be taken by all his Subjects with a bond of mutual defence and adherence to it : He also summoned an Assembly and Parliament , for satisfying all the just demands and grievances of his Subjects . But did this satisfie the zeal of that party ? No , for when all colors of grounds were removed from those malicious imputations , with which his Majesties actions were aspersed ; then did they flee to their safe and sure refuge of jealousies and fears , out of which there was never any storming of them , as if all had been only offered to trepan and deceive them . And after His Majesty had called a Synod at Glasgow , then came in the Lay-Elders , who were all of the Nobility , and men of the greatest eminence of the Kingdom , and carried the elections of the members of the Assembly in the most arbitrary manner imaginable : many instances whereof I can yet prove from authentick papers , one generall I shall only name , ( for did I stand to reckon up all , I should never get to an end : ) the ruling Elders who came from every Pa●och to the Presbyteries , for electing the Commissioners to the Assembly , were men of power , and of one knot ; and so when it was voted what Ministers should be chosen , they who were listed , being at least six , were set to the door , and thus the Elders who stayed within , carried the election as they pleased . And when the commissionated ruling Elder was chosen , they were all so associated , that they could not choose wrong . And thus it was , that the secular men did intirely choose the members of the Assembly of Glasgow . But before they went to it , a written citation of the Bishops was ordered to be read through all the Churches of Scotland ; wherein they were cha●ged , as guilty of all the crimes imaginable , which as an Agape after the Lords Supper , was first read after a Communion at Edinburgh : and upon it , orders were sent every where , for bringing in the privatest of their escapes . ( And you may judge how consonant this was to that Royal Law of charity , which covers a multitude of sins ) nor was the Kings Authority any whit regarded all this while . Was ever greater contempt put on the largest offers of grace and favor ? And when at Glasgow His Majesty offered by his Commissioner , to consent to the limiting of Bishops , nothing would satisfie their zeal without condemning the order , as unlawful and abjured . But when many illegalities of the constitution and procedure of that Assembly were discovered , their partiality appeared , for being both Judg and Party , they justified all their own disorders . Upon which His Majesties Commissioner was forced to discharge their further sitting , or procedure , under pain of Treason : but withal published His Majesties Royal intentions to them , for satisfying all their legal desires , and securing their fears . But their stomachs were too great to yield obedience , and so they sate still , pretending their authority was from CHRIST , and condemned Episcopacy , excommunicated the Bishops , with a great many other illegal and unjustifiable Acts. And when His Majesty came with an Army to do himself right by the Sword GOD had put in his hands , they took the start of him , and seised on his Castles , and on the houses and persons of his good Subjects , and went in a great body against him . Now in this His Majesty had the Law clearly of his side : For Episcopacy stood established by Act of Parliament . And if this was a cause of Religion , or a defence of it , much less such as deserved all that bloud and confusion which it drew on , let all the World judg . It is true , His Majesty was willing to settle things , and receive them again into his grace , and upon the matter granted all their desires : but they were unsatisfiable ; upon which they again armed . But of this I shall not recount the particulars , because I hope to see a clear and unbyassed narration of these things ere long . Only one Villany I will not conceal , at the pacification at Berwick , seven Articles of Treaty were signed ; But the Covenanters got a paper among them , which passed for the conditions of the agreement ; though neither signed by his Majesty , nor attested by Secretary or Clerk : and this being every where spread , his Majesty challenged it as a Forgery : and all the English Lords who were of the Treaty , having declared upon Oath , that no such paper was agreed on , it was burnt at London by the hand of the Hangman , as a scandalous paper . But this was from the Pulpits in Scotland , represented as a violation of the Treaty , and that the Articles of it were burnt . These and such were the Arts the men of that time used to inflame that blessed King 's native Subjects against him . But all these were small matters to the following invasion of England , An. 1643. For his Majesty did An. 1641. come to Scotland , and give them full satisfaction to all , even their most unreasonable demands ; which he consented to pass into Acts of Parliaments . But upon his return into England , the woful rupture betwixt him and the two Houses following ; was our Church-party satisfied with the trouble they occasioned him ? No , they were not : for they did all they could to cherish and foment the Houses in their insolent Demands , chiefly about Religion : and were as forward in pressing England's uniformity with Scotland , as they were formerly in condemning the design of bringing Scotland to an uniformity with England . I shall not engage further in the differences betwixt the King and the two Houses , than to shew that His Majesty had the Law clearly of his side , since he not only consented to the redress of all grievances , for which the least color of Law was alledged ; but had also yielded to larger concessions for securing the fears of his Subjects than had been granted by all the Kings of England since the Conquest . Yet their demands were unsatisfiable without His Majesty had consented to the abolishing of Episcopacy , and discharge of the Liturgy , which neither his Conscience , nor the Laws of England allowed of : so that the following War cannot be said to have gone on the principles of defending Religion ; since His Majesty was invading no part of the established Religion . And thus you see , that the War in England was for advancing a pretence of Religion . And for Scotlands part in it , no Sophistry will prove it defensive : for His Majesty had setled all matters to their hearts desire , and by many frequent and solemn protestations , declared his resolutions of observing inviolably that agreement : neither did he so much as require their assistance in that just defence of his Authority , and the Laws , invaded by the two Houses : though in the explication of the Covenant , An. 1039. it was agreed to , and sworn , That they should in quiet manner , or in Arms , defend His Majesties Authority , within or without the Kingdom , as they should be required by His Majesty , or any having his Authority . But all the King desired was , that Scotland might lie neutral in the quarrel , enjoying their happy tranquillity : yet this was not enough for your Churches zeal , but they remonstrated that Prelacy was the great Mountain stood in the way of Reformation , which must be removed , and they sent their Commissioners to the King with these desires , which His Majesty answered by a Writing yet extant under his own Royal hand , shewing , That the present settlement of the Church of England was so rooted in the Law , that he could not consent to a change , till a new form were agreed to , and presented to him : to which these at Westminster had no mind : but he offered all ease to tender Consciences , and to call a Synod to judg of these differences , to which he was willing to call some Divines from Scotland , for bearing their opinions and reasons . At that time , Petitions came in from several Presbyteries in Scotland , to the Conservators of the Peace , inciting them to own the Parliaments quarrel : upon which many of the Nobility , and others , signed a Cross Petition , which had no other design , but the diverting these Lords from interrupting the Peace of Scotland , by medling in the English quarrel : upon which Thunders were given out against these Petitioners , both from the Pulpits , and the Remonstrances of the Commission of the General Assembly ; and they led Processes against all who subscribed it . But His Majesty still desired a neutrality from Scotland ; and tho highly provoked by them , yet continued to bear , with more than humane patience , the affronts were put on his Authority . Yet for animating the people of Scotland into the designed War , the Leaders of that Party did every where study to poison the people with damnable jealousies of the King's inclination to Popery , of his accession to the Massacre of Ireland , and of his designs to subvert by force the late agreement with Scotland , if his Armies were blessed with success in England . It were an endless work to tell all the ways were used for rooting these wicked jealousies in the peoples hearts : neither were all His Majesties protestations able to overcome them : yet in end , when His Majesty finding what their inclinations were , did refuse to admit the Commissioners from Scotland to mediate betwixt himself and the Houses , they returned home ; and immediately upon that , contrary to all the Laws of Scotland , a great meeting of Counsellors , Conservators , and Commissioners for the publick burdens , ordained a Convention of Estates to be summoned , which was never before done without the King's command , except in the minority of the Kings : neither did they so much as wait for the King's pleasure , but only signified their resolution to him , and desired His Commands against the day prefixed . Here was an invasion of the King's Prerogative , which deserved a high Censure : yet so far did His Majesty's clemency , and love to his native Kingdom lead him , that he dispensed with this transgression , and allowed their sitting in a Convention , provided they meddled not in the business of England , nor raised an Army in order to it : But notwithstanding this , they voted themselves a free Convention , and not restricted to the bounds prescribed in the King's Letter , which they refused to registrate . And after this , they leagued with England . But having spoke my self out of breath , I quit the giving account of what follows to Basilius . Basil. I have observed one defect in your Narration , for which I will be very favorable to you , beca●se I ●ntend to be guilty of that ●ame fault my self ; which is , that you have spoken nothing of the National Covenant , and I mean to say as little of the L●ague . And I am apt to gues● that your silence was designed upon the same grounds that mine is : for indeed I can satisfie my self with nothing I can say upon the League , except I told all I know of the Arts and manner of its contrivance . And truly , I cannot prevail upon my self at present , for the saying of that . Therefore I will draw a vail over it , and say nothing , till I see further reason for a more full discovery ; and then I am afraid Isotimus shall confess , it was not prudently done to h●ve extorted it from me . But to quit this , and pu●sue the Narration Philarcheus hath devolved on me , I shall tell you how Commissioners c●me from England to treat for an Army from Scotland , for their assistance in the War they were then engaged in against the King : Upon which all Articles being agreed to , and a League ●wo●n , an Army was sent into England , which turned the seales that did then hang in an even ballance , to the King's ruin . And truly , my invention cannot reach an argument , or color , for proving these to have been defensive Arms , they being the effect of a combination with the Subjects of England against our common King. B●t shall I next tell you what followed after the fatal revolution of things in England , upon his Majesties trusting himself to the Scots Army , I am sure I should ●ill your minds with horror . For though His Majesty offered Concessions , justly to be wondered at , he having been willing to quit the Militia for divers years , and to set up Presbytery for three years ; and that in the mean while there should be a free Synod , in order to a final settlement with other great diminutions of Royal Authority ; which shew how willing he was at his own c●st to have redeemed the peace of his Kingdoms : only he added , that his Conscience could not allow him to take the Covenant , nor authorize it by Law , nor consent to the abolition of Episcopacy , or the Liturgy ; protesting that how soon he could do these things with a good Conscience , he should yield to all the desires of his Subjects : in the mean while , he intreated for a personal Treaty , in order to mutual satisfaction . Yet with how much fury did that Party press the setling of the Government without him , the di●owning his interest , and the abandoning of his Person to his Enemies ; tho at that very time , the designs of the Sectarian Party , against both Monar●hy and His Majesties Person , were breaking out , and had been made known to them by those who understood them well ? What followed upon this , I wish my silence could bury from the knowledg of all the World. But , al●s ! it is too well known what infamy these Men brought upon themselves , and their Count●y : which in the Opinion of the World , was generally held guilty of that which was the Crime of the prevailing Party , whom the Leaders over-awed and influenced . But after that , when His Majesty was made Prisoner ; when he was carried up and down by the Army ; when the Army forced both the Houses , and the City of London ; when the Treaties of Scotland were violated in all their Articles ; when the Propositions agreed on by both Kingdoms , were laid aside , and the four Bills set in their place , wherein the Covenant was not mentioned ; when upon His Majesties refusing of these he was made Prisoner , and the Vote of Non-addresses passed against him , then did the Loyalty of the Scots Nation begin again to revive : and what through the sense of duty , what through the remorse of their former actings , eve●y one was forward to real resentments of these unworthy indignities put both on their King and Country : but when the Parliament of Scotland had voted the Country to be put in a posture of War for the defence of their S●vereign , then where should I end , if I told all the seditious Papers , Preachings , and Discourses of some of the Clergy , who contradicted and countermanded the Parliament to a height of unparalelled boldness , even after all their desires , which they gave in a large Remonstrance , were granted ? But did that satisfie ? No : they then took refuge in their common Sanctuary of jealousies and fears . They threatned all who obeyed the commands of the Parliament , not only with their Church-censures , but with damnation . They did every where incite the people to rise in Arms against the Parliaments Forces : and at a Communion at Matchlin , they did so work upon the Vulgar , that they prevailed to get them draw up in a Body , promising them great assistance both from GOD and men . They kept a correspondence with the Sectarian Army , and continued by many Letters to press their speedy march unto Scotland ; and after the Scots Army marched unto England , and was by the wise judgment of GOD defeated , then did many of the Ministers , with all the vehemence imaginable , infl●me the people to Rebellion , and got them to rise , and the● marched before their Parishes like Captains . They also called for the help of the Sectarian Army to them . And thus did they stand to the Covenant , in maintaining the Privileges of Parliament , and preserving the King's Person and Authority . And when His Majesty was murdered , what attempts made they for the preservation of His Person , or for the resenting it after it was done ? This was the Loyalty of that Party ; and this is what all Princes may expect from you , unless they be absolutely at your Devotion . Let these things declare whether these Wars went upon the grounds of a pure defence . But if next to this , I should reckon up the instances of Cruelty that appeared in your Judicatories for several years , I should have too large a Theme to run through in a short Discourse . What cruel Acts were made against all who would not sign the Covenant ? They were declared Enemies to GOD , the King , and the Country . Their persons were appointed to be seized on , and their goods confis●ated . And in the November of the year 1643. when some of the most eminent of the Nobility refused to sign the Covenant , Commissions were given to Soldiers to bring them in Prisoners , warranting them to kill them if they made resistance . And , pra● , whether had this more of the cruelty of Antichrist , or of the meekness of IESUS ? Or shall I next tell you of the bloody Tribunals were at S Andrews , and other pl●ces after Philips-haughs ? And of the c●uelty again●t those Pri●oners of War , who bore Arms at the King's command , and in defence of his authority ? What bloudy Stories could I here tell , if I had not a greater horror at the relating them , tha● many of these high Pretenders had at the a●ting of them ? And should I here recount the procedure of the Ki●k Iudicatories , against all who were thought disaffected , I would be look'd on as one telling Romances , they being b●yond credit . What Processes of Ministers are yet upon Record , which have no better foundation than their not preaching to the times : their speaking with , or praying before My Lord Montrose : their not railing at the Engagement , and the like ? And what cruelty was practised in the years 1649. and 1650 ? None of us are so young , but we may remember of it . A single death of one of the greatest of the Kingdom , could not satisfie the bloud●thirsty malice of that Party , unless made formidable and disgraceful , with all the shameful pageantry could be devised . Pray , do you think these th●ngs are forgotten ? Or shall I go about to narrate , and prove them more particularly ? I confess , it is a strange thing to see men who are so obnoxious , notwithstanding that so exalted in their own conceits : and withal remember that the things I have hinted at , were not the particular actings of single and private persons , but the publick and owned proceedings of the Courts and Jud●catories . These are the grounds which persuade me that with whatsoever fair colours som● m●y va●ni●h th●s● things , yet the ●pirit that then acted in that Party , was not the Spirit of GOD. Isot. Truly , you have given in a high charge against the proceedings of the late times , which as I ought not to believe upon your assertion , so I cannot well answer ; those being matters of fact , and done most of them before I was capable of observing things : And therefore when I see men of great experience , I shall ask after the truth of what you have told me . But whatever might be the design of some Politicians at that time , or to whatever bad sense some words of the League may be stretched , yet you cannot deny , but they are capable of a good sense , and in that I own them , and so cleave to that Oath of GOD , which was intended for a solemn Covenanting with GOD : and the people meant nothing else by it , but a giving themselves to Christ : to whose truths and Ordinances they resolved to adhere at all hazards , and against all opposition : and in particular to oppose every thing might bear down the power and progress of Religion , which was the constant effect of Prelacy : therefore we are all bound to oppose it upon all hazards . And indeed when I remember of the beauty of holiness was then every where , and consider the licencious profanity , and ●coffing at Religion , which now abounds : this is stronger with me than all arguments , to persuade me that these were the men of GOD , who had his Glory before their eyes in all they did , or designed : whereas now I see every one seeking their own things , and none the things of IESUS CHRIST . And all these plagues and evils which these Kingdoms do either groan under , or may apprehend , ought to be imputed to GODS avenging wrath for a broken Covenant , which though taken by all from the highest to the lowest , is now condemned , reviled , abjured , and shamefully broken . These things should afflict our souls , and set us to our mournings , if haply GOD may turn from the fierceness of his anger . Phil. As for these Articles that relate to the combination for engaging by arms in prejudice of the Kings Authority , or may seem to bind us to the reacting these Tragedies , they being founded on the lawfulness of Subjects resisting their Sovereigns , if the unlawfulness of that was already evinced , then any obligation can be in that compact for that effect , must be of it self null and void : and therefore , as from the beginning it was sinful to engage in these wars ; so it will be yet more unlawful , if after all the evils we have seen , and the judgments we have smarted under , any would lick up that vomit : or pretend to bind a tye on the Subjects Consciences to rise in arms against their Lawful Sovere●gn . And let me tell you freely , I cannot be so blind or stupid , as not to apprehend that GODS wrath hath appeared very visibly against us now , for a tract of thirty years and more ; nei●her doth his anger seem to be turned away , but his hand is stretched out still . But that which I look on as the greater matter of his controversie with us , is that the Rulers of our Church and State did engage the ignorant multitude , under the colors of Religion , to despise the LORDS anointed , and his Authority , and by Arms to shake off his yoak , and afterwards abandon his Person , disown his interest , refuse to engage for his rescue , and in the end look on tamely , and see him murdered . Do you think it a small crime that nothing could satisfie the Leaders in that time , without they got the poor people entangled into things which they knew the vulgar did not , and could not understand , or judge of , and must implicitly rely upon the Glosses of their Teachers ? For whatever the General Assembly declared , was a duty following upon the Covenant ( which was an easie thing for the leading men to carry as they pleased ) then all the Ministers must either have preached and published that to their people , with all their zeal , otherwise they were sure to be turned out . The people being thus provoked from the Pulpits , they were indeed to be pitied , who being engaged in an oath ( many of them , no doubt in singleness of heart , having the fear of an oath upon their consciences ) and not being able to examine th●ngs to the bottom , were entangled thus , and engaged which way the leading Church-men plea●ed , and the guilt of this , as it was great in those who without due consideration engaged in those oaths , so it was most fearful in them ; who against the clear convictions of conscience , were prevailed upon by the thunders of the Church , or the threats of the State , to swear what they judged sinful . I confess , their crime was of a high and crying nature , who did thus for the love of this present world , not only make shipwreck of a good conscience , but persisted long in a tract of dissembling with GOD , and juggling with men . But the wickedness of this comes mainly to their door , who tempted them to prevarication by their severities against all refused a concurrence in these courses . And the sin of all this was the greater , that it was carried on with such pretences , as if it had been the cause and work of GOD , with fasting , prayers , tears , and shews of devotion . For these things the Land mourns , and GOD continues his controversie against us . To which I must add the great impenitence of those who being once engaged in that course of Rebellion , have not yet repented of the works of their hands . For even such as own a conviction for it , do not express that horror and remorse at their by-past crimes which become penitents : But think if by rioting , drinking and swearing , they declare themselves now of another mind than formerly they were of , that they are washed free of that defilement . In a word , none seem deeply humbled in the presence of GOD , for the sinfulness of these practices , into which they entered themselves , and engaged others . And till I see an ingenuous spirit of confessing and repenting for these great evils , for all that rebellion , that bloud , oppreson , and vastation which these courses drew on , I shall never expect a National pardon , for that National guilt . For when on the one hand , many are still justifying these black Arts , and not humbled for them , nor owning their penitence as openly as they committed their sins : And on the other hand , these who confess the faultiness of their courses , do it in a spirit of traducing others , of railing , and reviling , perhaps not without Atheistical scoffings at true Religion ; but not in a spirit of ingenuous horror , and sorror for their own accession to these courses , it appears we are still hardened , either into a judicial blindness of the one hand , or of obduration of heart on the other . That profanity doth much abound , I must with sorrow confess it , in the presence of my GOD : And I know there are many who roll themselves in the dust daily before GOD , and mourn bitterly for it : But when I enter in a deeper inquiry what may be the true causes of it , those that occur to me are , first , a judicial stroke from GOD upon us , for our by-past abominations : and chiefly for our hypocritical mocking of GOD , fastning the designs or humors of a Party on him , as if they had been his Ordinances , interests , and truths . And therefore because we held the truth of GOD in unrighteousness , his wrath hath been revealed against us . Next , the frequent involving the Land in reiterated Oaths , subscriptions , and professions of repentance , under severe Censures , which prevailed with many to swallow them over implicitly , and made others yield to them against their Conscience , hath so debauched and prostituted the Souls of people , that it is no wonder , they be now , as seared with a hot Iron , and incapable of reproofs or convictions . Besides , is it any wonder that these whose hearts naturally led them to Atheism , when they see what juggling was used about some pretences of Religion , and how the whole Land was involved in so much bloud , about such trifling matters , come thereupon to have a jealousie of Preachers and preaching , as if all they said , was but to maintain and advance their own interests and greatness , and thereupon turn Scoffers at all Religion , because of the base and irreligious practices of some , who yet vouched GOD and CHRIST for all they did ? And on remark I shall offer on the way , that the sin of your Church was legible in your judgment : their sin was the animating the people to Rebellion , upon colors of Religion ; and their judgment was , not only to be subdued , and oppressed by another rebellious Army , who were not wanting to pretend highly to the cause of GOD in all their actings : but that they brake in pieces among themselves about a decision , who might be imployed to serve in the Army , which at first disjointed , and afterwards destroyed your Church : and the schism is still among us , which is like to eat up the power of Religion , is but the dreg and genuin effect of these courses , and so all the prejudice it produceth to Religion , and the true interests of Souls is to be charged upon that same score . Isot. Really , I am much scandalized with this Discourse , which if it were heard abroad , I know would much offend the hearts of the LORD's people . And indeed , I think it ought not to be answered , no more than Rabshaketh's railings were by Eliakim . I wish I could with good Hezekiah spread it out before the LORD , and mourn over it , and for you who do so blaspheme GOD , and his Cause . But whatever you may say in the point of Resistance , yet you cannot deny , but we are all from the highest to the lowest bound in our stations ( at least ) to withstand Prelacy , against which we did so formally swear in that Oath of GOD , which most of you are not only content to break , but must needs despise and mock at . Phil. GOD is my witness , how little pleasure I have in this severe Discourse , into which the petulancy of these Writers hath engaged me : but examine what I said from Religion and Reason , and you will perhaps change your verdict of it . For my part , I say none of these things in a corner , neither do I expect that they shall not fly abroad , and if they do , I will look for all the severities which the censures and malice of many can amount to . But I will chearfully bear that cross , and will be content to be yet more vile , for declaring freely what I judg to be GOD's Controversie with the Land I live in . If for this love to Souls , many be my Adversaries , I will betake my self to prayer : and shall only add this , that few who know me suspect my temper guilty either of flattery or bitterness . And the searcher of hearts knows , that I neither design by this freedom , to commend my self to any , nor to disgrace others , but meerly to propose things as they are . If this produce any good effect , I have my design ; if not , I have discharged my conscience , and leave the issue of it with GOD , who can out of the mouths of babes and sucklings , ordain strength and perfect praise . As for any obligation you may suppose the Covenant brings upon us to oppose Episcopacy , I shall discuss it with all the clearness I am master of . I shall not tell you , how much many who took that Covenant , and do still plead its obligation have said ( from the words of the second Article , and the explication given in it to Prelacy ) for reconciling as much of Episcopacy as is setled among us , to it , according to the declared meaning of its first imposers , when they took it , and authorized it . But leaving you and them to contend about this , upon the whole matter consider , that Episcopacy is either necessary , unlawful , or indifferent : if the first be true , then you will without much ado confess that no Oath in prejudice of a necessary duty , can bind any tie upon our conscience . If it be unlawful , I shall freely acknowledg that from the oaths of the Covenants , there is a supervenient tie lying on us for its extirpation . But if it be indifferent , then I say it was a very great sin for a Nation , so far to bind up their Christian liberty , as by Oath to determine themselves to that to which GOD had not obliged them : for the circumstances of things indifferent , may so far vary , that what is of it self indifferent , may by the change of these become necessary , or unlawful . Therefore , in these matters , it is a great invasion of our Christian liberty , to fetter consciences with Oaths . And though the Rulers and chief Magistrates of a Society , have either rashly or out of fear , or upon other unjustifiable accounts , sworn an Oath , about indifferent things , which afterwards becomes highly prejudicial to the Society , then they must consider that the Government of that State is put in their hands by GOD , to whom they must answer for their administration . Theeefore they stand bound by the Laws of Nature , of Religion , and of all Societies , to do every thing that may tend most for the good of the Society . And if a Case fall in where a thing tends much to the good and peace of a Land , but the Prince stands bound some way or other by Oath against it , he did indeed sin by so swearing ; but should sin much more , if by reason of that Oath he judged himself limited from doing what might prove for the good of the Society . Indeed when an Oath concerns only a man's private rights , it ties him to performance , tho to his hurt ; but the administration of Government is none of these rights a Magistrate may dispose of at pleasure ; For he must conduct himself so , as he shall be answerable to God , whose Vicegerent he is : and when these two Obligations interfere , the one of procuring the good of the Society , the other of adhering to an Oath , so that they stand in terms of direct opposition , then certainly the greater must swallow up the lesser . It is therefore to be under consideration , whether the Obligation of procuring the good of the Society , or that of the Magistrates Oath be the greater ? But this must be soon decided , if it be considered that the former is an Obligation lying on him by GOD , who for that end raised him up to his power , and is indeed the very end of Government : whereas the other is a voluntary engagement he hath taken on himself , and can never be equal to that which was antecedent to it , much less justle it out . But if it contradict the other , the Magistrate is indeed bound to repent for his rash swearing ; but cannot be imagined from that to be bound to go against the good of the Society , for the procuring whereof , he hath the Sword and power put in his hands by GOD. And so much of the tie can lie upon a Magistrate by his Oath about things indifferent , in ordering or governing the State that is subject to him : in which he must proceed as he shall answer to GOD in the great day of his accounts : and ought not to be censured or judged for what he doth by his Subjects . But he enacting Laws in matters indifferent , they become necessary Obligations on his Subjects , which no private oath of theirs can make void . Indeed the late Writer his arguing against this , is so subtil , that I cannot comprehend it so far as to find sense in it ; for he confesseth , Pag. 232. That the Magistrate is vested with a power proportional to the ends of Government , so that no Subject may decline his lawful commands , or bind himself by any such Oath , as may interfere with a supervenient rational command . All this is sound , and indeed all I pleaded ; only his explication of rational , I cannot allow of : For tho a Magistrate may proceed to unreasonable commands , yet I see no limits set to our obedience , but from the unlawfulness of them . But in the next page , he eats all this up by telling , That there are many things still left to our selves , and our own free disposal , wherein we may freely vow : and having vowed , must not break our word . And for instance , he adduceth a mans devoting the tenth of his substance to the Lord , from which no countermand of the Magistrates can excuse . But still he concludes , Page 334. That the Magistrates Power may make void such vows as are directly , or designedly made to frustrate its right or to suspend the execution of others , in so far as they do eventually cross its lawful exercise . This last yields to me all I pretend in this case : For the Covenant being made on purpose to exclude Episcopacy , though at that time setled by Law : if Episcopacy be not unlawful , but lawful , which I now suppose , then the King's authority enjoining it , and it being a great part likewise of the Government of the Subjects , it is to be submitted to , notwithstanding the Oath made against it . So that your Friend yields without consideration , that which he thinks he denies : and therefore the reasoning in the Dialogues holds good , that the Oath of a Subject in a matter indifferent , cannot free him from the obedience he owes the Laws . It is true , his private vows in matters of his own concern , are of another nature , and so not within the compass of this Debate , which is only about the obedience we owe the Laws , supposing their matter lawful , notwithstanding our Compacts made in opposition to them : and therefore I shall not discourse of them , but stick close to the purpose in hand . But my next undertaking must be to free Children from any tie may be imagined to lie on them from the Fathers Oath : which was a matter so clear to my thinking , that I wonder what can be said against it . Isot. Indeed here your Friend the Conformist bewrayed his ignorance notably , not considering the authority Parents have over their Children by divine command , which dies not with them ; their commands being obligatory even after their death : for God commends the Rechabites for obeying Ionadabs command some ages after his death : Therefore Parents adjuring Children they are obliged by it , as the people of Israel by Saul's adjuring them not to eat food till the evening , were obliged to obedience . And such adjurations may not only bind the Children adjured , but all their posterity after them : as did the Oath for carrying Ioseph's bones out of Egypt . And further , a Society continuing still under the same notion , is bound through all ages to make good the compacts of their Progenitors , they continuing to be the same Society . And this is not only the ground on which the obligation of all alliances among Kingdoms is founded ; but is also the basis on which our tie to the Allegiance due to our Sovereign is grounded . Therefore as we find GOD in Scripture covenanting with Men , and their posterity , as in Abraham's case , and Fathers likewise engaging to GOD for themselves and their Children , as did Ioshua for himself and his House ; so our Covenants being unanimously sworn by almost the whole Nation , and confirmed by all the authority in it , must have a perpetual obligation on all the subsequent Generations . See from pag. 205. to pag. 219. Phil. I suppose , if it hold good that the Covenant binds not these who took it , to oppose or extirpate Episcopacy when setled by Law , all this reasoning will of it self evanish in smoak : But to give your Discourse all advantage , and to yield its obligation on these who took it , what you infer will never be made out ; since it is foun●ed on the supposition of a Parents authority to adjure his Child , that ties him after his Fathers death , which you apply to the Covenant . But in this there is a triple error committed by you : one of fact , and two of right . That of fact , is , that you suppose that in the Covenant the subsequent generations are adjured to its observance : whereas not a word of this is in the Covenant . On the contrary , in the end of the Preface to the League , it is said , that every one for himself doth swear : Neither is there a word in it all that imports an adjuration on posterity . It is true , in the 5. Article , every one is bound according to their place and interest , to endeavour that the Kingdoms may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all posterity . But he th●t will draw an adjuration on posterity from this , must have a new Art of Logick , not yet known . And in the National Covenant , as it was taken by King Iames , there is not a word that imports an adjuration on ●osterity . It is true , in the addition was made to it , Ann. 1●38 . it is declared , That they are convinced in their minds , and confess with their mouths , that the present and subsequent generations in this Land , were bound to keep that National Oath and subscription inviolable . But this was only their opinion who signed it : Yet for all that , there is no adjuration on posterity for observing it , no not in that Addition then sworn to . The next error of your Hypothesis , is , that the Parents commands can bind the Childrens confidence , in prejudice of the Magistrates authority : for you must either suppose this , otherwise your arguing is to no purpose , since the King's authority is in this case interposed , and therefore all our Fathers commands must yield to it : which because none deny , I shall not stand to evince . For if my Father be bound to obey the King , as well as I am ; both he sins , if he enjoin me disobedience , and I am likewise guilty , if upon that I disobey . For he that hath no warrant for his own disobedience , can be imagined to have none for securing me in mine . And in end , you suppose a Parents command or authority can bind the Conscience after his death : which is manifestly absurd ; for certainly his authority must die with himself . It is true , a piety and reverence is due to the memory of our Parents : and so much reverence should be payed to their ashes , that without a very good reason , the things they enjoyned should be religiously observed : but this is not a necessary Obligation : for circumstances may so vary things , that we may be assured , that as our Parents enjoyned such a thing , so had they seen the inconveniencies of it , they had not done it . Now while a Father lives , a Child hath this liberty to argue with him : where it is not to be doubted , but the affection of a Parent , together with the reasons adduced would make him change his Commands : but indeed did their Commands tie us after their death , we should be more in subjection to our Parents , when dead , than we were when they lived : which goeth against the sense of all mankind . And what equality is there in such mens reasons , who will deny absolute obedience to Magistrates , tho we be allowed to petition , and represent the grievances their Laws bring upon us , and yet will assert an absolute and blind obedience due to the commands of our Parents , tho dead ? Your instance of the Rechabites makes against you , for their Progenitors had appointed them to dwell in Tents , yet the fear of Nebuchadnezzar had driven them to Ierusalem : and consider if the incurring our lawful Sovereigns displeasure , together with the hazard such obedience may draw after it , be not a juster ground of excusing our selves from obedience to any such Command , suppose it were real . The Rechabites did indeed abstain from Wine , upon Ionadab's command , for which they are commended , and blessed ; and so I acknowledg it a piece of piety to obey the commands even of a dead Father ; yet in that place , it is not asserted , that that Command tied their Conscience ; but on the contrary , the blessing passed upon their obedience , seems rather to imply that it was voluntary , though generous and dutiful . The same Answer is to be made to Ioseph's adjuring the Children of Israel to carry up his bones ; which ought to have obliged even the Children of these that were so adjured , out of the gratitude due to the memory of so great a Man , especially nothing intervening that rendered obedience to it , either unexpedient or unlawful . But in general , consider that when a contract is made , either of an Association under a form and line of Magistracy , or of alliance betwixt two States , and confirmed by Oath ; there is an obligation of Justice that ariseth from the Compact , whereby such rights were translated unto the person compacted with : and thereby he and his posterity according to the Compact , are to enjoy these Rights , because translated unto his person by the Compact : but being once legally his , with a provision that they shall descend to his Heirs , then his Heirs have a right to them formally in their persons after his death , to which they have a title in justice , and not by the fidelity to which the posterity of the first compacters are bound by their Fathers deed , but because the right is now theirs : so that though the first Compacters were bound by promise and Oath , their Successors are only bound by the rules of justice , of giving to every man that which is his right : therefore whatever our Ancestors may be supposed to have compacted with the King's Progenitors , or whatever by Treaty one State yields over to another , that Promise , Donation and Oath is indeed the ground on which the Kings right may be supposed to have been first founded . But now his Title to our Obedience proceeds upon the rules of Justice , ( of giving him what is his , by an immemorial Possession , passed all prescription , so many ages ago , that the first vestiges of it cannot be traced from Records , or certain Histories ) and not of fidelity of observing the promises of our Ancestors to him , though I do not deny a pious Veneration to be due to the Promises and Oaths of Parents , when they contain in them adjurations on their Childern . And thus the Gibeonites having a right to their lives , confirmed to them by the Compact of the Princes of Israel : they and their Posterity had a good title in Justice to their lives , which was basely invaded by Saul , and had this aggravation , that the compact made with them was confirmed by oath , for which their posterity should have had a just veneration : But though that Oath did at first found their title to their Lives , and their Exemption from the forfeiture all the Amorites lay under ; yet afterwards their title was preserved upon the rules of Iustice , and the Laws of Nature , which forbid the invading the lives of our Neighbors , when by no Injury they forfeit them . Thus your confounding the titles of Inheritance and presc●iption , with the grounds upon which they first accresced , hath engaged you into all this mistaking . But from all this , you see how ill founded that reasoning of the Answerer of the Dialogues is , for proving the posterity of these who took the Covenant , tied by their fathers oath , which yet at first view , promised as fair colors of reason , as any part of his Book , had he not intermixed it with shameful insultings and railings at the Conformist : which I suppose do now appear as ill grounded , as they are cruel and base . But I am not so much in love with that stile , as to recriminate : nor shall I tell you of his errors that way of which I am in good earnest ashamed upon his account : For it is a strange thing , if a man cannot answer a discourse without he fall a fleering and railing . To conclude this whole purpose , I am mistaken , if much doubting will remain with an ingenuous and unprejudged Reader , if either we or our posterity lye under any obligation from the Covenants , to contradict or counteract the Laws of the Land , supposing the matter of them lawful : which being a large Subject , will require a discourse apart . But I will next examine some practices among us , and chiefly that of Schism and separation from the publick worship of GOD ; to which both the unity of the Spirit , which we ought to preserve in the bond of peace , and the lawful commands of these in authority , do so bind us , that I will be glad to hear what can be alledged for it . Isot. A great difference is to be made betwixt separation and non-compliance : the one is a withdrawing from what was once owned to be the Church : the other is a with-holding our concurrence from what we judg brought in upon the Church , against both Reason and Religion : and any thing you can draw from CHRIST's practice or precept , in acknowledging the High Priests , or commanding the people to observe what the Pharisees taught them , is not applicable to this purpose : For first , these were Civil Magistrates , as well as Ecclesiasticks , and Doctors of the Civil and Judicial Law , which is different from the Case of Churchmen with us . Further ; the Iewish Church was still in possession of the privileges given them from GOD , and so till CHRIST erected his Church , they were the Church of GOD : and therefore to be acknowledged , and joined with in Worship . But how vastly differs our Case from this ? See from p. 189. to p. 204. Phil. You have given a short account of the large reasonings of the late Book on this head , only he is so browilled in it , that there are whole pages in his Discourse , which I confess my weakness cannot reach . But to clear the way for your satisfaction in this matter , which I look upon as that of greatest concernment , next to the Doctrine of Non-resistance , of any thing is debated among us ; since it dissolves the unity of the Church ; and opens a patent door to all disorder , Ignorance and Profanity . I shall consider what the unity of the Church is , and in what manner we are bound to maintain and preserve it . All Christians are commanded to love one another , and to live in peace together : and in order to this , they must also unite , and concur in joint Prayers , Adorations , and other acts of Worship , to express the harmony of their love in Divine matters : Sacraments were also instituted for uniting the body together ; being solemn and federal stipulations , made with God , in the hands of some who are his Ambassadors and Representatives upon Earth : by whose mouths the Worship is chiefly offered up to God , and who must be solemnly called and separated for their Imployment . Now these Assemblings of the Saints are not to be forsaken , till there be such a Corruption in the Constitution of them , or in some part of the Worship , that we cannot escape the guilt of that , without we sepa●ate our selves from these unclean things . Wherefore the warning is given , Come out of Babylon , that we be not partakers of her sins , and so receive not of her plagues . But though there be very great and visible corruptions in a Church ; yet as long as our joining in Worship in the solemn Assemblies , doth not necessarily involve us into a Consent or Concurrence with these ; we ought never to withdraw , nor rent the unity of the body , whereof CHRIST is the head . Consider , how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity . And our Saviour sheweth of what importance he judged it to his Church , since so great a part of his last and most ravishing Prayer , is , That they might be one : And this he five times repeats , comparing the unity he prayed for , to the undivided Unity was betwixt him and his Father . How shall these words rise up in Judgment , against those who have broken these bonds of perfection upon slight grounds ! With the same earnestness do we find the Apostles pressing the Unity of the Body , and Charity among all the members of it : which is no where more amply done than in the Epistles to the Corinthians , whom the Apostle calls , the Churches of GOD ; and yet there were among them false Teachers , who studied to prey upon them , and to strike out the Apostles authority : Some among them denied the resurrection , there were Contentions and Disorders among them in their meetings : such confusions were from the strange Tongues some spake , that had one unacquainted with them , come in upon them , he had judged them mad : some were drunk when they did receive the LORD's Supper : they had an incestuous Person in their Society ; and it seems he was of quality , and much accounted of , since they were puffed up with him : they were also a scandal to the Gospel with their litigious Law sutes . These were great evils , and I hope beyond what you can charge on us : and yet though the Apostle commands them to be redressed , and rectified , doth he ever allow of these in Corinth , who were pure and holy , to forsake the solemn Assemblies , till these things were amended ? Or doth he not highly commend Charity and Unity to them ? Next , consider what Teachers these were who preached CHRIST of envy and strife , out of contention , and not sincerely , that they might add affliction to the Apostles bonds : And yet of these S. Paul's verdict is , What then ? notwithstanding every way , whether in pretence , or in truth , CHRIST is preached , and I therein do rejoice , yea , and will rejoice . Now if he rejoiced that Christ was preached at any rate , what Spirit have they , who because they suppose some preach out of Envy , or design to add to their affliction , do thereupon study to blast their reputation , and to withdraw first the Hearts , and then the Ears of all from them ? Certainly , this is not the Spirit of CHRIST , or of his Apostles . And though we see what corruptions had crept into the Churches of Asia , yet in the Epistles to them in the Revelation , they are still call'd the Churches of GOD , in the midst of whom the Son of GOD walked . They are indeed commanded to reform any corruptions were among them ; but such as had not that doctrine , and knew not the depths of Satan , but had kept their garments clean , are not commanded to separate from the rest ; on the contrary , no other burden is laid upon them ; nor are they charged for not separating from the rest . From which premises I may infer , that as long as the Communion of Saints may be kept in , without our being polluted in some piece of sinful concurrence , all are bound to it , under the hazard of tearing Christ's Body to pieces . And this stands also with the closest Reason ; for since Unity is that which holds all the body firm , whereas division dislocates and weakens it ; nothing doth more defeat the ends of Religion , and overturn the power of Godliness , than Scisms and Contentions ; which give the greatest offence to the little ones , and the fullest advantages to the common enemy imaginable . If therefore the Worship of GOD among us continue undefiled , even in the confession of all ; if the Sacraments be administred as before ; if the Persons that officiate be Ministers of the Gospel , then certainly such as separate from our publick Meetings , do forsake the Assemblies of the Saints , and so break the unity of the Spirit , and the bond of Peace . And what you said of a non-compliance as distinct from separation , hath no relation to this purpose , where nothing of a compliance is in the case , but only a joining with the Saints in solemn Worship . And doth the change of the Government of the Church , in so small a matter as the fixing a constant President , with some additions of power over your Synods , in stead of your ambulatory Moderators , derive a Contagion into our Worship , so that without a Sin it cannot be joined in ? Indeed if a Concurrence of Worship required an owning of every particular in the Constitution of the Church , a man must go to the New Atlantis to seek a Society he shall join with , since few of clear unprepossessed minds will find such Societies in the known Regions of the World , against all whose Constitutions they have not some just exceptions : and the World shall have as many parties as persons , if this be not fixed as the rule of Unity , that we cleave to it , ever till we be driven to do somewhat which with a good Conscience we cannot yield to . And even in that case , except the corruption be great and deep , a bare withdrawing , without a direct opposition , is all we are bound to . You are therefore guilty of a direct separation who forsake the Assemblies of the Saints , they continuing in their former purity , unchanged and unmixed , even in your own Principles . Isot. But one thing is not considered by you , which is a main point , that we had our Church setled , according to CHRIST'S appointment , and ratified by Law. And a change of that being made , all our faithful Ministers were turned out by the tyranny of the present Powers ; who in stead thereof , have set up a new form of Government , of none of CHRIST'S appointment : and to maintain it , have thrust in upon the LORD's People , a company of weak , ignorant , scandalous and godless Men , called Curates ; who instead of edifying , study to destroy the flock : of whom I could say much , had I a little of your virulent temper : But their own actions have so painted them out to the world , that I may well spare my labor of making them better known , it being as unnecessary as it is unpleasant . Now if the true seekers of GOD do still stick to their old Teachers , and seek wholsome food from them in corners , and are afraid of your false Teachers , according to CHRIST's command , of being aware of such men ; call you this a separation ? which is rather an adherence to the true Church , and the keeping of our Garments clean from the contagion of these men . And indeed these who do join with your Curates , do profit so little by their Ministry , that no wonder others have no heart to it . And I have known some whose consciences are so tender in this matter , that their having at sometimes joined with these Curates in Worship , hath been matter of mourning to them , even to their graves . And this may serve to clear us of the guilt of Schism in this matter , when our withdrawing is only a non-compliance with your corruption . Phil. All this saith nothing for justifying your separation . As for the turning out of your Ministers , if the Laws to which their obedience was required were just ( which shall be next considered ) then their prejudices , misinformed consciences , or peevis●mess , and not the tyranny of the Rulers , must bear the blame of it . And for these set in their places , if upon so great a desertion of the Church by so many Church-men , all their charges could not be of a sudden supplied with men so well qualified , or of such gifts and worth as was to be desired ; it is nothing but what might have been expected upon such an occasion . And for your revilings , they well become the spirit which appears too visibly in the rest of your actings ; but we still study to bear these base and cruel reflections , with the patience becoming the Ministers of the Gospel , and of these who study to learn of him , who when he was reviled , reviled not again ; but stood silent at those unjust Tribunals , when he was falsly and blasphemously reproached by his enemies ; and therefore I shall leave answering of these fearful imputations you charge on our Clergy , to the great day of reckoning , wherein judgment shall return to the righteous , and all the upright in heart shall follow it . And in the mean while shall study to bless when you curse , and pray for you who do thus despitefully use us . We trust our witness is on high , that whatever defects cleave to us , and though , may be , we have not wanted a corrupt mixture ( as you know among whom there was a son of Perdition ) yet we are free of these things you charge on us promiscuously , and that these imputations you charge us with , are as false as they are base . But all this will not serve the turn of many of your dividers , whose Ministers continue with them as formerly , and meerly because they hold themselves bound in Conscience to obey the Laws they are separated from . Truly if you can clear this of separation , you are a Master at subtil reasoning . For you know it is not the third part of this Church which was abandoned by the former Ministers upon the late change , and yet the humor of separating is universal . And though some few of your own Ministers have had the honest zeal to witness against this separation , yet how have they being pelted for it by the censures and writings of other Schismaticks ? which have prevailed so much upon the fear or prudence of others , that whatever mislike they had of these separating practices , yet they were willing either to comply in practice , or to be silent spectators of so great an evil . But if separation be a Sin , it must have a guilt of a high nature , and such as all who would be thought zealous watch-men , ought to warn their people of . And what shall be said of these ( even Church-men ) who at a time when the Laws are sharply looked to , do join in our Worship ; but if there be an unbending in these , they not only withdraw , and become thereby a scandal to others , but draw about them divided Meetings ; are not these time-servers ? For if concurrence in our Worship be lawful , and to be done at any time , it must be a duty which should be done at all times : and therefore such Masters of Conscience ought to express an equality in their ways , and that they make the rules of their concurrence in worship , to be the Laws of GOD , and not the fear of civil punishments . Finally , such as think it lawful to join in our Worship , and yet that they may not displease the people , do withdraw , shew they prefer the pleasing of men to the pleasing of GOD : and that they make more account of the one than of the other . For if it be lawful to concur in our worship , what was formerly said , proves it a duty : Are not these then the servants of men , who to please them , dispense with what by their own concession must be a duty ? Besides , such persons withdrawing , gives a great and real scandal to the vulgar , who are led by their Example , and so a humor of separating comes to be derived into all : whereby every one thinks it a piece of Religion , and that which will be sure to make him considerable , and bring customers to him , if he be a Merchant or Trades-man , that he despise the solemn Worship , and rail at his Minister : and if he but go to Conventicles , and be concern'd in all the humors of the Party , he is sure of a good name , be he as to other things what he will. Eud. Much of this we know to be too true : and certainly , nothing deserves more blame for all the disorders are among us than this separation . Discipline goes down , Catechising is despised , the Sacraments are loathed , the solemn Worship deserted . I know the poor Curates bear the blame of all , and all of them must be equally condemned , if a few of them have miscarried ; for which when ever it was proved , they were censured condignly : In end , you charge their gifts , and that their People are not edified by them : But I pray you , see whether the prejudices you make them drink in against them , occasion not that . For it is a more than humane work , to overcome prejudices . Read but the complaints of the Prophets , and you will confess a Churchmans not being profitable to his People , will be no good argument to prove him not sent of GOD , And when I consider , that even the Apostles call for the help of the Churches Prayers , that utterance might be given to them , yea and desire them to strive together in their Prayers for them ; I must crave leave to tell you , that the defect of that utterance , and power in preaching you charge on the present Preachers , may be well imputed to the want of the concurrence of the Peoples Prayers , whom prepossessions have kept from striving together with them in Prayer , that they might come among them with the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel . And if there be any of such tender and mi●led Consciences , who have been smitten with remorse for such concurrence in Worship , as their tenderness is to be valued , so their ignorance is to be pitied : and they who thus misled them , deserve the heavier censure , since they have involved simple and weak Consciences with their pedling Sophistry into such straits and doubts . In fine , you cannot say , that a Minister is by a Divine right placed over any particular flock . If then it be humane , it with all other things of that nature , is within the Magistrates cognizance ; so that when he removes one , and leaves a legal way patent for bringing in another , upon which there comes one to be placed over that flock , what injustice soever you can fancy in such dealing , yet certainly , it will never free that Parish from the tie of associating in the publick Worship , or receiving the Sacraments from the hands of that Minister , whom they cannot deny to be a Minister of the Gospel : and therefore no irregularity in the way of his entry , though as great as can be imagined , will warrant the peoples separating from him . Neither can they pretend that the first Incumbent is still their Minister , for his relation to them being founded meerly on the Laws of the Church , it is ( as was proved in the Second Conference ) subject to the Magistrates authority , and so lasts no longer than he shall dissolve it by his commands : unless it appear , that he designs the overthrow of true Religion ; in which case , I confess Pastors are , according to the practice of the first Ages of the Church , to continue at the hazard of all persecutions , and feed their flocks . But this is not applicable to our Case , where all that concerns Religion continues as formerly : only some combinations made in prejudice of the Supreme Authority are broken : and order is restored to the Church , instead of the confusions and divisions were formerly in it . And if this change have occasioned greater disorders , wherever the defect of Policy or Prudence may be charged , yet certainly , if the change that is made , be found of its own nature both lawful and good , the confusions have followed upon it , are their guilt , who with so little reason , and so much eagerness , have not only refused obedience themselves , but hindered such as were willing to have yielded it . Crit. Indeed this point of withdrawing from the publick worship , for their faul●iness who officiate , or for the errors are supposed to be in the way of their entry , doth so contradict the whole series of the Sacred Rule , that nothing can be more expresly condemned in it . The Sons of Eli made the People abhor the offering , and they defiled the Tabernacle of GOD ; yet for all that , the people continued to come and offer their Sacrifices . The Prophets do also tell us what kind of People the Priests in their times were , and yet never a word of the peoples withdrawing from the Worship . Now this must by the parity of reason , hold good under the New Dispensation ; except you say , we are not so much obliged to worship GOD in the unity of the Spirit , as they were ; the contrary whereof will be found true . Next , the High Priesthood being entailed on the line of Aaron , was certainly to descend ( as all other rights did among the Iews ) by the right of representation and primogeniture ; and so did Eleazer and Phinebas follow in a line from Aaron . It is true , the High Priesthood was afterwards in Ithamar's line , but it doth not appear by what conveyance it went to them , which certainly must have been Divine , if lawful : And none can limit GOD from dispensing with his own positive Laws . But the High Priesthood was again set in its own channel by David , and so continued downward , till after the second Temple , it becoming the chief Secular Power , was exposed to sale : and this appears from a passage cited by Doctor Lightfoot out of the Talmud of Ierusalem , in the first Temple the High Priests still served , the Son succeeding the Father , and they were 18 in number : but in the second Temple they got the High Priesthood by money . And some say , they destroyed one another by witchcraft : so that some say , there were 80 Priests in that space ; some 81 , some 82 , some 83 , some 84 , and some 85. And that Learned Doctor reckons 53 in order , till he brings the Succession down to the time of the Wars , after which it was so confused , that he pursues it no further . And in the beginning of the 3 chap. of his Temple-service , he proves the High Priesthood to have descended to the first-born , as the Priesthood , before the Law , belonged to the first-born of every Family . And therefore it was that when Simeon the Iust would have put Onias his second Son in the Priesthood , he could not do it . But Simeon the eldest Brother obtained his right , and Onias was put to fly to Egypt , where he built a famous Temple . This will prove that the High Priests in our Saviour's time had no just title to their office ; and yet our Saviour , being by his humiliation in the character of a private Person , never questioned it , no not when he was upbraided , as if he had answered GOD's High Priest irreverently , which looks like a case of Confession . And S. Paul did the same . Now as to what is said of the High Priests being a Civil Magistrate , it will not serve to deliver you ; for his title to the Civil Power flowed from his office : therefore the owning him in that , did also acknowledge his office , since he had no other right to the Civil Power , but because he was High Priest , and yet subjection was given him by our LORD , who acknowledged the High Priest. Did he not also continue in the Temple Worship , and go thither on their festivities ? where you know he must have offered Sacrifices by the hands of these Priests : and yet we know well enough what a sort of People they were . If then we are no less bound under the Gospel to the rules of Order and Unity , than they were under the Law , it will follow that no personal corruption of Church-men , can warrant a separation from Worship , even though their Opinions were erroneous , and their practices naughty : for the impertinency of the distinction of Non-compliance and separation was already proved . But next to the Temple-worship , was the service of the Synagogue , which was for the most part in the hands of the Scribes and Pharisees , who expounded the Law to the people : And Christ's commanding the people to observe what they taught , shews clearly his pleasure was , that they should not forsake the Synagogues where they taught : And his own going to the Synagogues , in which it is not to be doubted but he concurred in the Prayers and Hymns , proves abundantly that their Worship was not to be separated from . As for your Friends involved discourse , about the declining of Churches , Pag. 193. I must let it alone , till I can make sense of it : For if he intend to compare our Lord and his Apostles , their joining in the Iewish Worship , with the misguided , though sincere devotion , of some holy Souls who worshipped God with all the corrup●ions of the Roman Church , I hope he will repent the blasphemy of such a mistake . And as for what is alledged , Pag. 198. that the Iewish Dispensation being mixed , and their Law made up of matters Political , as well as Spiritual , therefore these Scribes were the Oracles of the Civil Law , and so to be gone to , it is as weak as the rest : For the Law being to be sought from the Priests lips , as to all the parts of it , any power the Priests had of pronouncing about the questions of the Law , was because they were Priests , or as they were men separated for officiating in the Synagogues : so the receiving their decisions in matters judicial , did acknowledg their Office , which was purely Ecclesiastical and sacred . From all this I may infer , that as long as any Society continues to be the Church and people of GOD , and hath the service and worship of GOD performed in it by men solemnly separated , according to GOD's appointment , whatever irregularities be either in their entry to such charges , or of their opinions or practices , these should indeed be cognosced upon , and censured by the Supreme Powers in the Society ; but will never warrant private persons to separate from the Worship , unless it be so vitiated in any part of it , that without sin they cannot concur in it : in which case , they are indeed to keep themselves clean , and to withdraw , but not to divide until the Worship be so corrupted , that the ends of publick Worship can no more be answered by such Assemblies . Poly. I know it is thought a piece of noble gallantry among our new modelled people , to despise the sentiments of the Ancient Church ; and therefore whatever I could adduce from them , would prevail little for their conviction : otherwise many things could be brought to this purpose from these two great Assertors of the Unity of the Church against Schisms and Divisions , S. Cyprian , and S. Augustin : the latter especially , who by many large Treatises studied the conviction of the Donatists , who maintained their separation from the Church , much upon the same grounds which are by your Friends asserted . But I shall dismiss this point with one Sentence of S. Augustin , lib. 2. contra Parmen . Quisquis ergo vel quod potest arguendo corrigit ; vel quod corrigere non potest , salvo pacis vinculo excludit , vel quod salvo pacis vinculo excludere non potest , aequitate improbat , firmitate supportat , hic est pacificus . And let me freely tell you , that when I consider the temper , the untractableness , the peevish complainings , the railings , the high cantings of the Donatists , which are set down by him , and others , I am sometimes made to think I am reading things that are now among our selves , and not what passed twelve Ages ago . And indeed some late practices make the parallel run more exactly betwixt our modern Zealots and the Circumcellions , who were a Sect of the Donatists , that was acted by a black and a most desperate spirit . For St. Augustin tells us , how they fell on these who adhered to the Unity of the Church , beating some with Cudgels , putting out the Eyes of others , and invading the lives of some , particularly of Maximinus Bishop of Hagaia , whom they left several times for dead . And what instances of this nature these few years have produced , all the Nation knows . How many of the Ministers have been invaded in their Houses , their Houses rifled , their goods carried away , themselves cruelly beaten and wounded , and often made to swear to abandon their Churches , and that they should not so much as complain of such bad usage to these in Authority : their Wives also scaped not the fury of these accursed Zealots , but were beaten and wounded , some of them being scarce recovered out of their labor in Child-birth . Believe me , these barbarous outrages have been such , that worse could not have been apprehended from Heathens . And if after these , I should recount the Railings , Scoffings and floutings which the Conformable Ministers meet with to their Faces , even on streets , and publick High-ways , not to mention the contempt is poured on them more privately , I would be looked on as a forger of extravagant Stories . But it is well I am talking to men who know them as well as my self . From these things I may well assume that the persecution lies mainly on the Conformists side , who for their Obedience to the Laws , lie thus open to the fury of their Enemies . Isot. Now , I dare say , you speak against your conscience : For do you think any of the LORD's people have accession to so much wickedness , which is abhorred by them all : and this is well enough known to you , though you seem to disguise it . For you have often heard our honest Ministers express their horror at such practices ; do not therefore sin against the generation of the Lord's Children so far , as to charge the guilt of some murdering Rogues , upon these who would be very glad to see Justice done upon such Villains . Phil. You say very fair , and I am glad to hear you condemning these Crimes so directly : and I am as desirous as any living can be , to be furnished with clear evidences of believing as much good as is possible of all mankind . But let me tell you plainly , that the constant concealing of these murderers , whom no search which those in Authority have caused to make , could discover , tho the Robbers carried with them often a great deal of furniture , and other goods , which must have been conveyed to some adjacent Houses , but could never be found out , after so many repeated facts of that nature , forceth upon the most charitable , a suspicion which I love not to name . Next , let me tell you that these things are very justifiable from the principles your Friends go upon : for if we be by Oath bound to discover all Malignants or evil instruments , that they may be brought to condign punishment ; and if our Conformity be so notorious a wickedness , and such a plain breach of Covenant , in the punishment whereof the Magistrate is supine and backward , then let every one compare the doctrine of the late Pamphlets , from p. 282. to p. 408. chiefly 404. and 405. and declare whether by the Rules laid down in them , any private persons upon heroical excitations may not execute vengeance on these who are so guilty of gross and notorious backsliding and defection : and what may not be expected of this nature from him who hesitates to call the invading of the Bishop with a Pistol , an accursed act ; and will only condemn it , as rash , precipitant ; and of evil example : and that not simply neither , but all circumstances being considered , and their exigences duly ballanced ? Which makes me apprehend his greatest quarrel with that deed was ; that it misled the designed effect , and so was done inadvertently , or too publickly , or upon some such particular ground , which may have occasioned its miscarriage . But to deal roundly with you , I shall freely acknowledg , if the Doctrine of Resistance by private Subjects against these in Authority be lawful , I see no ground to condemn such practices : For if we may rise in Arms against those in Authority over us , and coerce and punish them ; why not much rather against our fellow Subjects , and those to whom we owe no obedience , especially when we judg them to have transgressed so signally , and to have injured us to a high degree ? which is the case , as most of you state it , with the Ministers that are conformable . And from this , let me take the freedom to tell you , that the whole Mystery of Iesuitism doth not discover a principle more destructive of the peace and order of mankind , than this doctrine of the lawfulness of private persons executing vengeance on gross offenders , where the transgression is judged signal , the Magistrate is judged remiss , and the actors pretend an heroick excitation . This puts a Sword in a mad mans hands , and arms the whole multitude , and is worse than theirs , who will have such deeds warranted by some supreme Eccl●●●astical Power , or at least by a Confessarius and Director of the Conscience . Indeed this may justly possess the minds of all that hear it with horror , it being a direct contradiction of the Moral Law , and an overturning of all the Societies of Mankind , and Laws of Nature . Eud. I am more charitable than you are : for though I must acknowledg what you have alledged to be the native consequence of what is asserted in that Book , yet I am inclined to believe he intended not these things should be drawn from it , since he in plain terms , pag. 402. condemns these outrages . I confess , his zeal to defend all Naphthali said , and to refute every thing the Conformist alledged , hath engaged him further than himself could upon second thoughts allow of . And as for the instances of Phine●as , Elijah , or other Prophets , the argument from them was so fully obviated in our First Conference , that I am confident little weight will be laid upon it . But now , methinks , it is more than time we considered the importance of that difference about which all this ado is made : for one would expect it must be a very concerning matter , which hath occasioned so much bloud and confusion , and continues still to divide us asunder , with so much heat and bitterness . I confess , my discerning is weak , which keeps me from apprehending what importance can be in it to exact so much zeal for it , that it should be called the Kingdom of CHRIST ●●●n Earth , his Interest , Cau●e , and Work , which therefore should be ●a●nestly conten●ed for . I●ot . The natural man receiveth not the things of GOD , and the● are 〈◊〉 , to him : but Wisdom 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 ●●●●dren . That we plead for , is CHRIST's Kingdom , which is in opposition both to the proud aspirings of the Prelates , and to the violent invasions of the Civil Powers : We are therefore on CHRIST's side , asserting that none in earth can institute new Officers in his House , but those he hath appointed : and that he hath appointed none higher than ordinary preaching Presbyters , among whom he will have an equality observed : which whosoever contradict , with Diotrephes , they l●ve the preeminence , and Lord it over GOD's inheritance . Phil. Though I will not fly so high with my pretensions in big words , yet the issue of our Discourse will declare if I have not better grounds to assert Episcopacy to have descended from the Apostles , and Apostolical time● , into all the Ages and corners of the Church who received it : and that there is nothing in Scripture that contradicts ●uch an Institution . But I shall ●efer the deci●ion of thi● to all impartial minds . Basil. Truly , when without a particular Examen , I consider the whole matter in general , I can see little to except against Episcopal Government , that I cannot avoid the severe thoughts of suspecting the great ave●sion many have at it , to be occasioned from the ●●●rit of contradiction is in many which lus●●th to 〈◊〉 , or from their opposition to these in A●thority : ●or I doubt not but if Presbytery had the same countenance from the Laws , it should meet with the same contradiction from these who seem to adhere to no principle so firmly , as to their resisting the Powers that are ordained of GOD. But the handling of this , with that fulness and clearness which the noise made about it requires , will take up more of our time than we can be now Masters of , and may well claim a new Conference : Therefore we shall remit any further discourse about it to our next meeting . Isot. It is agreed to : and I shall let you see , that for all the Railings of these days Discourse , my patience is yet strong enough to allow of another enterview , though I confess my self weary of so much bad Company , whose evil Communications are designed to corrupt my good Principles . Phil. I confess , my weariness is as great as yours , though upon a very different account : For I am ●urfeited of the Contention and heat hath been among us , and long for an end of our Conferences upon these Heads , which I shall now go through once for all , being encouraged to meet with you again , because this penance is near an end : out of which if I were once extricated , I am resolved to meddle in such contentious Themes no more . Eud. Having swallowed the Ox , we must not stick on the Rump . It is true , your Converse is extreamly agreeable , yet my stomach begins to turn at so much disputing : But , I hope , to morrow shall put an end to it : And therefore I doubt not of your return , to finish what you hitherto carried on . And so a good night to you . THE FOURTH CONFERENCE . Isotimus . I COME now upon our last Nights appointment , to pursue this Conference to its end , and to examine what these grounds are which endear Episcopacy to you so much , especially considering the great disorders and con●usions its re-establishment among us hath occasioned . For my part , I cannot see what can reconcile the World to it , much less what should enamour you so of it , as to make you adhere to it , notwithstanding all the evils spring from it , and all these black Characters of GOD's displeasure are upon it : which really appear so signally to me , that it seems a fighting against GOD , to adhere longer to it . Phil. Truly , you and I enter on this S●bject with an equal surprize , though upon very different accounts : For I must tell you freely , that after I have with all the application of mind , and freedom of thoughts imaginable , considered what could engage so many in this Island , into so much zeal and rage against the Order , I am not able to satisfie my self about it . That venerable Order having such a native tendency for advancing of true Religion , Peace , Order , and every thing that is excellent : that the aversion and prejudices so many have drunk in against it , seem as unjust , as unconquerable , and look like a part of GOD's controversie with us ; whereby we are blindly carried into so much unjustifiable zeal against that , which if well managed , might prove an excellent mean for reviving the power of Religion , that hath suffered so great decays . I shall not deny , but on our part there have been great failings , for which GOD's anger hangs over our heads : and that he permits all this opposition we meet with for punishing us for our sins , which have justly provoked GOD to make us base and contemptible in the sight of the people . And this I hope shall be an effectual mean of humbling us , and of purging us from our dross : whereby this holy Order being again managed with the ancient Spirit , may appear into the World in its P●imitive lustre ; and be attended with the blessings that then followed it , to the wonder and conviction of all men . But let me add , the opposition some firy spirits have given the establishment of Episcopacy , deserves much of the blame of its being so little succesful in the great work of the Gospel : for always bitter envy and strife produce confusion and every evil work : therefore when you are to view Episcopacy in its amiable and lovely colors , let me send you back to that cloud of witnesses , who for the testimony of IESUS endured all manner of torments , were torn by beasts , slain by the sword , burnt in the fire ; and in a word , who preached the everlasting Gospel through the World. How many Churches did these Bishops found with their labors in preaching , and water not only with their tears , but their blood ? how sublime was their piety ? how frevent were their Sermons ? how constant were their labors ? how strict was their discipline ? how zealous were they against heresies ? and how watchful against vice ? In a word , read but the Histories and Writings of those great Worthies , who were by the confession of all men , Bishops , and had more absolute Authority over the Inferior Clergy , than is pretended to among us ? and then tell me , if you have not changed your verdict of that order . Have there been such men in the Christian World , as were Ignatius , Polycarp , I●●naeus , Cyprian , Thaumaturg , Athanasius , Basil , Nazianzen , Martin , Ambrose , Chrysostome , Augustin , and a thousand more ? These were , after the Apostles , the greatest glories of the Christian Church : and were burning and shining lights . It is in their lives , writings and decrees , that I desire you to view Episcopacy : and if it have any way fallen from that first and fair Original , direct your thoughts and zeal to contrive and carry on its recovery to its former purity and servor : but take it not at the disadvantage , as it may have suffered any thing from the corruptions of men , in a succession of so many ages ; for you know the Sacraments , the Ministery , and all the parts of Religion have been soiled , and stained of their first beauty by their corrupt hands , to whose care they were committed . But he were very much to blame , who would thereupon quarrel these things . I shall therefore intreat you will consider that Order , either in it self , or as it flourished in the first ages of the Church , and not as prejudices or particular escapes may have represented it to you . Eud. That you may both understand one another better , let me suggest to you the right stating of that you differ about , that you be not contending about words , or notions of things , which may appear with various shapes , and faces ; one whereof may be amiable , and another ugly : give therefore a clear and distinct account of that Episcopacy you own and assert . Poly. Since Philarcheus hath appealed to the ancient Church , for the true pattern of Episcopacy , I shall faithfully represent to you , what the office and power of their Bishops was , and how it took its first rise and growth among them ; and then I shall leave it to be discussed , how lawful or allowable it is of it self . The Iews had among them , beside the Temple-worship , which was Typical , their Synagogues , not only over the land , but through all the corners of the World into which they were dispersed ; which were called their Prosenchae among the Greeks , and Romans . Thither did they meet for the dayly worship of GOD ; there did they likewise meet on their Sabbaths , and recited their Philacteries , or Liturgies , and heard a portion of the Law read : which was divided in so many Sections , that it might be yearly read over : there was also a word of exhortation used , after the Law was read : and there were in these Synagogues , Office-Bearers separated for that work , who were to order the Worship , and the reading of the Law , and were to censure sins , by several degrees of Excommunications , casting them out of the Synagogue : they were likewise to see to the supplying the necessities of the Poor . Now if we consider the practice of our Saviour , and his Apostles , we shall find them studying to comply with the forms received among the Iews , as much as was possible , or consistent with the new Dispensation ; which might be instanced in many particulars , as in both Sacraments , the forms of Worship , the practice of Excommunication , and these might be branched out into many instances . And indeed since we find the Apostles yielding so far in compliance with the Iews about the Mosaical Rites , which were purely typical , and consequently antiquated by the death of CHRIST , we have a great deal of more reason to apprehend they complied with their forms in things that were not typical , but rather moral , such as was the order of their Worship : these things only excepted , wherein the Christian Religion required a change to be made : And this the rather , that wherever they went promulgating the Gospel , the first offer of it was made to the Iews ; many of whom believed , but were still zealous of the Traditions of their Fathers . And so it is not like , that they who could not be prevailed upon to part with the Mosaical Rites , for all the reasons were offered against them , were so easily content to change their other forms , which were of themselves useful and innocent . Now since we see the Apostles retained , and improved so many of their Rites and customs , why they should have innovated the Government of their Synagogues , will not be easily made clear : especially since they retained the names of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , which were in use among the Iews , and since they did bless and separate them by the imposition of hands , which had been also practised among the Iews : and all this will appear with a clearer visage of reason , if we consider the accounts given in the Acts , or rules prescribed in the Epistles of the Apostles , about the framing and constituting their Churches . All which speak out nothing of a new Constitution , but tell only what rules they gave for regulating things ; which from the stile they run in , seem to have been then constituted : and is very far either from Moses's Language in the Pentateuch , or from the forms of the Institution of the Sacraments : And except the little we have of the Institution of Deacons , nothing like an Institution occurs in the New Testament ; and yet that seems not the Institution of an Order , but a particular provision of men for serving the H●llenists in an office already known and received . Now let me here send you to the Masters of the Iewish learning , particularly to the eminently learned , and judicious Doctor Lightfoot , who will inform you , that in every Synagogue there was one peculiarly charged with the Worship , called the Bishop of the Congregation , the Angel of the Church , or the Minister of the Synagogue : and besides him , there were three , who had the Civil Judicatory ; who judged also about the receiving Proselytes , the imposition of hands , &c. And there were other three , who gathered , and distributed the almes . Now the Christian Religion taking place , as the Gospel was planted in the Cities , where it was chiefly preached , these forms and orders were retained , both name and thing : for we cannot think that the Apostles , whose chief work was the gaining of Souls from Gentilism or Iudaism , were very sollicitous about modes of Government ; but took things as they found them . Only the Elder and greater Christians they separated for Church Offices , and retained an inspection over them themselves . And abstracting from what was said about the Synagogues , it is natural to think , that when the Apostles left them , and died , they did appoint the more eminent to be Over-seers to the rest ; which why not every where , as well as was done by S. Paul to Timothy and Titus , is not easily to be proved . But this is yet more rational from what was premised about the Synagogue Pattern ; only they did not restrict themselves to that number , for the number of the Presbyters was indefinite ; but the Deacons were according to their first original , restricted to the number seven . Thus the first form was , that there was one whose charge it was to over-see , feed , and rule the flock : and where the number of the Christians was small , they met all in one place for Worship , and it was easie for the Bishop to overtake the charge . But for the spreading of the Gospel , he had about him a company of the elder , and more eminent Christians , who were designed and ordained for diffusing the Gospel through the Cities , Villages , and Places adjacent : and these Presbyters were as the Bishop's Children educated , and formed by him , being in all they did , directed by him , and accountable to him , and were as Probationers for the Bishoprick : one of them being always chosen to succeed in the seat when vacant through the Bishop's death . Now all these lived together , as in a little College , and were maintained out of the charitable Oblations of the People , which were deposited in the Bishop's hands , and divided in four parts ; one falling to the Bishop , another to the Clergy , a third to the Widows and Orphans , and other poor Persons , and a fourth to the building of edifices for Worship . Thus the Churches were planted , and the Gospel was disseminated through the World. But at first every Bishop had but one Parish , yet afterwards when the numbers of the Christians encreased , that they could not conveniently meet in one place ; and when through the violence of the Persecutions they durst not assemble in great multitudes , the Bishops divided their charges in lesser Parishes , and gave assignments to the Presbyters of particular flocks , which was done first in Rome , in the beginning of the Second Century : and these Churches assigned to Presbyters , as they received the Gospel from the Bishop , so they owned a dependence on him as their Father , who was also making frequent excursions to them , and visiting the whole bounds of his Precinct . And things continued thus in a Parochial Government , till toward the end of the Second Century , the Bishop being chiefly entrusted with the cure of Souls , a share whereof was also committed to the Presbyters , who were subject to him , and particularly were to be ordained by him ; nor could any Ordination be without the Bishop ; who in ordaining , was to carry along with him the con●urrence of the Presbyters , as in every other act of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction . But I run not out into more particulars , because of an account of all these things which I have drawn with an unbiass'd ingenuity , and as much diligence as was possible for me to bring along with me to so laborious a work : and this I shall send you when our Conference shall be at an end . But in the end of the Se●ond Century , the Churches were framed in another mould from the division of the Empire : and the Bishops of the Cities did , according to the several divisions of the Empire , associate in Synods with the chief Bishop of that Division or Province , who was called the Metropolitan , from the dignity of the City where he was Bishop . And hence sprang Provincial Synods , and the Superiorities , and Precedencies of Bishopricks , which were ratified in the Council of Nice , as ancient Customs , they being at that time above an hundred years old . In the beginning of the Third Century , as the purity of Churchmen begun to abate , so new methods were devised for preparing them well to those sacred Functions , and therefore they were appointed to pass through several degrees before they could be Deacons , Presbyters , or Bishops . And the Orders of Porters , Readers , Singers , Exorcists ( or Catechists ) Acolyths ( who were to be the Bishops attendants ) and Sub-deacons , were set up ; of whom mention is made first by Cyp●ian : and these degrees were so many steps of probationership to the supreme Order . But all this was not able to keep out the corruptions we●e breaking in upon Church Office●s , e●pe●●ally after the Fou●th Century , that the Empire became Christian : which as it broug●t much riches and splendor on Church Emp●oyments , so it let in g●eat swarms of corrupt men on the Christian Assemblies : And then the election to Church Offices , which was formerly in the hands of the people , was taken from them , by reason of the tumults and disorders were in these elections : which sometimes ended in blood , and occasioned much faction , and schism . And Ambitus became now such an universal sin among Churchmen , that in that Century , Monasteries were founded in divers places by holy Bishops , as by Basile , Augustine , Martin , and others ; who imitated the Example of those in Egypt , and Nitria ; whose design was the purifying of these who were to serve in the Gospel . It is true , these Seminaries did also degenerate , and become nests of superstition and idleness : yet it cannot be denied , but this was an excellent Constitution , for rightly forming the minds of the designers for holy O●ders ; that being trained up in a course of Devotion , Fasting , Solitude , abstraction from the World , and Poverty , they might be better qualified for the discharge of that holy Function . And thus I have given you a general draught and perspective of the first Constitution of Churches , together with some steps of their advance● , and declinings : But I despair not to give you an ampler account , and plan of their rules and forms . Mean while , let this suffice . Phil. From what you have told us , I shall propose the notion I have of Episcopacy , that the work of a Bishop , as it is chiefly to feed the flock , so it is more particularly to form , educate , and try these who are to be admitted to Church Imployments ; and to over-see , direct , admonish , and reprove these who are already setled in Church Offices : so that as the chief tryal of those who are to be ordained , is his work , the Ordinations ought to be performed by him ; yet not so as to exclude the assistance and concurrence of Presbyters , both in the previous tryal , and in the Ordination it self . But on the other hand , no Ordination ought to be without the Bishop . And as for Jurisdiction , though the Bishop hath authority to over-see , reprove , and admonish the Clergy ; yet in all acts of publick Jurisdiction , as he ought not to proceed without their concurrence , so neither ought they without his knowledge and allowance , determine about Ecclesiastical matters . As for the notion of the distinct Offices of Bishop and Presbyter , I confess , it is not so clear to me : and therefore since I look upon the ●acramental Actions , as the highest of sacred Pe●formances ; I cannot but acknowledge these who are empowered ●or them , must be of the highest Office in the Ch●rch . So I do not alledge a Bishop to be a dis●inct Office from a Presbyter ; but a different degree in the same Office , to whom for order and unities sake , the chief inspection and care of Ecclesiastical Matters ought to be referred , and who shall have authority to curb the Insolencies of some factious and turbulent Spirits . His work should be to feed the flock by the Word and Sacraments , as well as other Presbyters ; and especially to try and ordain Entrants , and to over-see , direct , and admonish such as bear Office . And I the more willingly incline to believe Bishops and Presbyters , to be the several degrees of the same Office , since the names of Bishop and Presbyter , are used for the same thing in Scripture ; and are also used promiscuously by the Writers of the two first Centuries . Now Isotimus , when you bring either clear Scripture , or evident Reason , for proving this to be unlawful , or unexpedient , you shall shake my kindness to this Constitution , whose venerable Antiquity hath conciliated so much reverence from me to it , that it will be a great attempt to change my value of it . Isot. These are all brave Stories well contrived for triumphing among ignorants . But these pretences f●om Antiquity have been so bat●led by the learned Assertors of Pre●byterial Government , that I wonder how you can so confidently vouch them , ●ince there is not a vestige of any dispa●ity before the 140th year after CHRIST . And we know the Mystery of Iniquity wrought in the days of the Apostles , and that then there was a Diotrophes who loved the preeminence , and the darkness and obscurity of the rise and progress of Prelacy , doth the more confirm me , that it was the Mystery of Iniquity . The pretence from Ignatius's Epistles , hath been often overthrown ; and there are words in these Epistles which clearly prove them to be the contrivance of some Impostor , they being so inconsistent with the strain of Religion , and truth of the Gospel , not to speak of the Orthodoxy and Piety of Ignatius , and the simplicity of these times , which demonstrate their interpolation evidently , for all the pains Doctor Hamond hath been at to assert their faith : and therefore these c●n furnish you with no argument . See pag. 145. and 151. Poly. I confess I can hear you tell over the arguments of these Pamphlets with some pa●ience : But truly in this instance , I know ●ot how to treat you , or rather him in whose name you speak , who yet would earnestly perswade the World of the great skill , he and his friends have in these things . Surely they are the men of Wisdom ! And one may as securely pull the hairs out of a Lion's beard , as twit them with the least deg●ee of igno●ance . But , pray , tell your Learned Friend , that in his next publick appearance , he meddle no more with Antiquity before he know it better , and discover not so much ignorance , that one of a months standing in that study may laugh at him . Pray , Sir , are you in earnest , when you tell me that for 140 years after CHRIST , there is no vestige of Prelacy on record ? Will you not believe Irenaeus , who lived at that time , though he wrote some years after , and reckons the succession of the Bishops of Rome from the days of the Apostles ? Or if the Writings and Records of that time be lost , will you give no credit in a Historical matter to those who followed that time , and drew their accounts from Writings then extant , though now lost , such as Tertullian , Cyprian , but especially Eusebius , who gives the succession of the Bishops , in the several great Sees , from the Apostles days ? Certainly , he who was born but about an hundred years after the time you mark , would have had some knowledge of so great a change . But if there was no vestige of Prelacy before the year 140 in which it first appeared , what time will you allow for its spreading through the World ? Or was it in an instant received every where ? Were all the pretenders so easily en●lamed to this Paroxism of Ambition ? And were all the other Presbyters so tame , as to be so ●asily whed●ed out of their rights , without one protestation on the contrary ? How came the Eclipse of the Church to a total Obscuration in one minute ? What charm was there in Prelacy at that time , that the World was so inchanted with it ; and that so soon after S. Iohn's death , when Polycarp , and many more of the Apostolical men did yet survive ? And how came it , that all the Churches did so unanimously concur in the defection , and not so much as two witnesses appeared to fight against this Beast ? Let me tell you freely , there is not a ravery in Don Quixot's Adventures , or Amadis de Gaul , but is liker to prevail on my belief , than this Romance . But for Ignatius's Epistles , the hazard of the issue of the debate about them is very unequal : for if these Epistles be his , then he dying so near S. Iohn's days , the Cause of Presbytery will be undone . But though they be not his , the Episcopal Party sustain small prejudice : For from other traces of Antiquity , it can be made as clear , that Episcopacy was in the Church from the days of the Apostles , as any historical thing which is at so great distance from our time . But for your friends exceptions at these Epistles , they betray his great skill , and tell clearly , that he understands not the question , and that he h●th never read a Page of Doctor Hamond , though with his usual arrogance , he slights all he saith : For had he read any pa●t of his dissertation , he would have made a difference betwixt the old vulgar Edition of these Epistles , whose Interpolations that learned Doctor acknowledgeth , and the late Edition of them by the learned Vossius , according to the Medicean Codex , whose authority he only voucheth . Now had he known this , would he have cited words out of them , which are not of the true Edition asserted by Doctor Hamond , but are of the old vulgar and rejected one ? Certainly , had he read any thing of that debate , which hath been truly managed with much subtil critical learning on both sides , he could not have stumbled unto such a mistake . But his reading , it is like , riseth not above Pamphlets ; and finding these words cited on the same design , before the late Editions of Ignatius came out ; he , without examining , took them upon trust from second hand . But I shall not run out farther upon Ignatius's Epistles , than to recommend their perusal to you , and then I am confident you will discern such a native , simple , and sincerely pious , and devout strain in them , so unlike the swelled Stile , or purposes of interpolated Writings , that they will be their own testimony for convincing you of their genuineness : but the exceptions against them being so fully , and so lately , with an amazing diligence , answered by Doctor Pearson , I shall remit you to his Labors , if you intend to examine this matter accurately . Isot. Your Conformist did likewise alledge the 40 , but he should have said the 38 Apostolical Canon , with a hint , as if fifty of these might have been the Apostles appointments : though the heap of them is so full of novelties , that their Antiquity cannot be pleaded by any who knows the state of the ancient Church ; as appears from the 3 , 17 , and 25 Canons : and were these Canons received , they would prejudge more than advance the cause you maintain , as will appear from the 4 , 33 , 36 , and 80 Canons , not to mention the 24 , 26 , 28 , 41 , 53 , 57 , and 75. And in a word , these Canons do only allow of a precedency of Order , but not of your Prelatick power and superiority , that claims the sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction : See pag. 148. Poly. Truly , Sir , if the former exceptions did prove your Author a second hand writer , who voucheth Antiquity upon the testimony of others , this doth it much more . For I am sure had he but read over those Canons , which might be done in half an hour , he had argued this point at another rate : and had he seen the Edition of Dionysius Exiguus , he had not accused the Conformist for citing that Canon , as the fortieth , since it is so in his division , who was their first publisher in the Latine Church , tho it be the thirty ninth in the Greek division . But I will deal roundly in this matter , and acknowledge that collection to be none of the Apostles nor Clement's , since all that passed under Clement's name was accounted spurious , except his first Epistle to the Corinthians . Nor was this a production of the first two ages . For the silence of the Writers of those Centuries gives clear evidence for their novelty : They not being cited for the decision of things then in controversie , wherein they are express , as in the matter of Easter , the rebaptizing Hereticks , and divers other particulars . Yet in the Fourth and Fifth Century , reference is after made to some Elders rules of the Church , which are to be found no where but in this Collection . The Apostolical Canons are also sometimes expresly mentioned : and this gives good ground to believe there were from the Third Century and forward , some rules general received in the Church , and held Apostolical , as being at first introduced by Apostolical men . This was at first learnedly made out by De Marca Concord . lib. 3. c. 2. and of late more fully by that most ingenious and accurate searcher into Antiquity Beveregius in his Preface to his Annotations on these Canons . Yet I am apt to think , they were only preserv'd by an oral tradition : and that no collection of them was agreed on , and publish'd before the fifth Century . It is certain , the Latine Church in Pope Innocent 's days acknowledged no Canons but those of Nice . And many of the Canons in this Collection , we find among Canons of other Councils , particularly in that of Antioch ; without any reference to a preceding authority that had enjoined them : which we can hardly think they had omitted , had they received the collection ( I speak of ) as Apostolical . And that of the triple immersion in Baptism , looks like a Rule , no elder than the Arrian Controversie . They began first to appear under the name of the Apostles Canons in the Fifth Century , which made Pope Gelasius with a Synod of seventy Bishops condemn them as Apocryphal ; though I must add , that the authority of that pretended Council and Decree , though generally received , be on many accounts justly questionable : And yet by this we are only to understand , that he rejected that pretended authority of the Apostles prefixed to these Canons . In the beginning of the Sixth Century they were published by Dionysius Exiguus , who prefixed fifty of them to his translation of the Greek Canons ; but he confesses they were much doubted by many . At the same time they were published in the Greek Church with the addition of thirty five more Canons , and were acknowledged generally . Iustinian cites them often in the Novels , and in the sixth Novel calls them , the Canons of the holy Apostles , kept and interpreted by the Fathers . And the same authority was ascribed to them by the Council in Trullo . These things had been pertinently alledged if you had known them , but for your Friends niblings at them , if you will but give your self the trouble of reading these Canons , you will be ashamed of his weakness , who manageth his advantage so ill . And to instance this but in one particular , had he read these Canons himself , could he have cited the eighty which is among the latter additions , and passed by the sixth , which is full to the same purpose ? But for that impudent allegation , as if a bare precedency had been only ascribed to Bishops by these Canons , look but on the 14. the 30. 37. 40. 54. and 73. and then pass your verdict on your Friends ingenuity , or his knowledg . By the 14. No Churchman may pass from one Parish to another without his Bishop's sentence , otherwise he is suspended from Ecclesiastical Functions : and if he refuse to return , when required by his Bishop , he is to be accounted a Churchman no more . By the 30. A Presbyter , who in contempt of his Bishop gathers a Congregation apart , having nothing to condemn his Bishop of , either as being unholy or unjust , he is to be deposed , as one that is ambitious , and tyrannous ; and such of the Clergy or Laity as join with them , are likewise to be censured . By the 37. The Bishop hath the care of all Church matters , which he must administrate as in the sight of God. By the 39. The Bishop hath power over all the goods of the Church ; and the reason given is , that since the precious souls of men are committed to him , it is much more just he have the charge of the goods of the Church . By the 54. If a Clergy-man reproach their Bishop , he is to be deposed , for it is written , Thou shalt not curse the Ruler of thy people . And by the 73. A Bishop , when accused , is only to be judged of by other Bishops . Now from these hints , judg whether there be truth in that Assertion , that only a precedency is asserted in these Canons : and if all the power is now pleaded for , be not there held out ; not to mention the Canon was cited by the Conformist , that Presbyters or Deacons might finish nothing without the Bishop's Sentence , since the Souls of the people are trusted to him . As for the sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , I am sure none among us do claim it , but willingly allow the Presbyters a concurrence in both these . And as to what your friend saith of Cyprian , it is of a piece with the learning and ingenuity that runneth through the rest of his Discourse , from page 150 to page 160. where for divers pages he belabours his Reader with brave shews of Learning and high invention , so that no doubt he thinks he hath performed Wonders , and fully satisfied every scruple concerning the rise and progress of Episcopacy . Isot. I pray you , do not fly too high , and make not too much ado about any small advantages you conceive you have of my Friend : but upon the whole matter I am willing to believe there was a precedency pretty early begun in the Church , which I shall not deny was useful and innocent , tho a deviation from the first pattern : Neither shall I deny , that holy men were of that Order : but when it is considered what a step even that Precedency was to Lordly Prelacy , and how from that the son of perdition rose up to his pretence of Supremacy ; we are taught how unsafe it is to change any thing in the Church , from the first institution of its blessed Head , who knew best what was fit for it , according to whose will all things in it should be managed . Poly. It hath been often repeated , that nothing was ever so sacred , as to escape that to which all things , when they fall in the hands of Mortals , are obnoxious . And may not one that quarrels a standing Ministery , argue on the same grounds , a Ministers authority over the people , gave the rise to the authority Bishops pretend over Ministers , and so the Ministery will be concluded the first step of the Beast's Throne ? Or may not the authority your Judicatories pretend to be at the same rate struck out , since from lesser Synods sprung greater ones , from Provincial rose Generals , and from these Oecumenical ones with the pretence of infallibility ? But to come nearer you , that whole frame of Metropolitans and Patriarchs was taken from the division of the Roman Empire , which made up but one great National Church : and so no wonder the Bishop of the Imperial City of that Empire , was the Metropolitan of that Church : yet he was not all that neither , since he had no authority over his fellow Patriarchs , being only the first in order , which truly were the Bishops of that Church : what they were for the first four Ages , it was never judged an absurdity to grant to them still : tho the ruin of the Roman Empire , and its division into so many Kingdoms , which are constituted in various National Churches , do alter the present frame of Europe so entirely , from what was then ; that with very good reason what was then submitted to , on the account of the Unity of the Empire , may be now undone by reason of the several Kingdoms , which are National Churches within themselves ; and need not to own so much as the acknowledgment of Primacy to any , but to the Metropolitan of their own Kingdom . And it seems the interest of Princes , as well as Churches , to assert this . But for the pretence of the Pope's supremacy Episcopacy was so far from being judged a step to it , that the ruin of the Episcopal authority over Presbyters , and the granting them exemptions from the Jurisdiction of their Ordinary , was the greatest advance the Roman Bishop ever made in his tyrannical usurpation over Churches . I need not here tell so known a matter , as is that of the exemption of the Regulars , who being subject to their own Superiors and Generals , and by them to the Pope , were sent through the World in swarms ; and with great shews of piety , devotion , and poverty , carried away all the esteem and following from the secular Clergy ; who were indeed become too secular , and these were the Pope's Agents and Emissaries , who brought the World to receive the mark of the Beast , and wonder at her . For before that time , the Popes found more difficulty to carry on their pretensions , both from secular Princes and Bishops : But these Regulars being warranted to preach and administer the Sacraments without the Bishop's license , or being subject and accountable to him ; as they brought the Bishops under great contempt , so they were the Pope's chief confidents in all their treasonable plots against the Princes of Europe . And when at the Council of Trent , the Bishops of Spain being weary of the insolencies of the Regulars , and of the Papal yoak , designed to get free from it . The great mean they proposed , was to get Episcopacy declared to be of divine Right , which would have struck out both the one and the other . But the Papal Party foresaw this well , and opposed it with all the Artifice imaginable : and Lainez the Jesuit , did at large discourse against it ; and they carried it so , that it was not permitted to be declared of divine Right . And by this , judg if it be likely that the Papacy owes its rise to Episcopacy , since the declaring it to be of divine Right , was judged one of the greatest blows the Papal Dominion could have received , as the abusing of the Episcopal authority , was the greatest step to its Exaltation . Isot. Be in these things what may be , I am sure from the beginning it was not so , since Christ did so expresly prohibit all dominion and authority among his Disciples , when he said , But it shall not be so among you : but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister , Luke 22.26 . Whereby he did not only condemn a tyrannical domination , but simply all Authority , like that the Lords of the Gentiles exercised over them . See page 88. Crit. I confess , the advantages some have drawn from these words of CHRIST , for deciding this question , have many times appeared strange to me , their purpose being so visibly different from that to which they are applied . But if we examine the occasion that drew these words from CHRIST , it will furnish us with a key for understanding them aright : and that was the frequent contentions were among the Disciples about the precedency in the Kingdom of CHRIST : for they were in the vulgar Iudaical Error , who believed the Messiah was to be a temporal Prince , and so understood all the pompous promises of the New Dispensation liberally , and thought that CHRIST should have restored Israel in the literal meaning : therefore they began to contend who should be preferred in his Kingdom : and the Wife of Zebedee did early bespeak the chief preferments for her Sons . Yea , we find them sticking to this mistake even at CHRIST's Ascension , by the question then moved , concerning his restoring the Kingdom at that time to Israel . Now these Contentions , as they sprung from an error of their judgments , so also they took their rise from their proud ambition . And for a check to both , our Saviour answers them , by telling the difference was to be betwixt his Kingdom , and the Kingdoms of the Nations : these being exercised by Grandeur and temporal Authority , whereas his Kingdom was Spiritual , and allowed nothing of that ; since Churchmen have not by CHRIST a Lordly or Despotick dominion over Christians committed to them , but a paternal and brotherly one ; by which in commanding , they serve their Flock ; so that it is both a Ministery and an Authority . Therefore the words of Christ , it shall not be so among you , relate nothing to the degrees or ranks of Churchmen , but to the nature of their power and jurisdiction over their flock , and not to their degrees among themselves , which appears evidently from the whole contexture of the words . And that he is not speaking of any equality among Churchmen in their Church power , appears from the mention is made of the greatest , and the chief ; He that is greatest among you , let him be as the younger ; and he that is chief , as he that doth serve : which shew he was not here designed to strike out the degrees of superiority , when he makes express mention of them ; but to intimate that the higher the degrees of Ecclesiastical Offices did raise them , they were thereby obliged to the more humility , and the greater labor . All which is evidently confirmed by the instance he gives of himself , which shews still he is not meaning of Church power ( since he had certainly the highest Ecclesiastical a●thority ) but only of Civil dominion ; nothing of which he would assume . And if this place be to be applied to Church power , then it will rather prove too much , that there should be no power at all among Churchmen over other Christians : For since the parallel runs betwixt the Disciples , and the Lords of the Gentiles ; it will run thus , that tho the Lords of the Gentiles bear rule over their people , yet you must not over yours : so that this must either be restricted to Civil Authority , or else it will quite strike out all Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction . But how this should be brought to prove that there may not be several ranks in Church Offices , I cannot yet imagine . And as it is not thought contrary to this , that a Minister is over your Lay-Elders and Deacons , why should it be more contrary to it , that a rank of Bishops be over Ministers ? In a word , since we find the Apostles exercising this paternal authority over other Churchmen , it will clearly follow they understood not Christ , as hereby meaning to discharge the several ranks of Churchmen , with different degrees of power . But to tell you plainly what by these words of CHRIST is clearly forbidden , I acknowledg that chiefly the Pope's pretence to the Temporal Dominion over Christendom , whether directly or indirectly , as the Vicar of CHRIST , is expresly condemned . Next , all Churchmen under what notion , or in what Judicatory soever , are condemned , who study upon a pretence of the Churches intrinsick power , to possess themselves of the authority , to determine about obedience due to Kings or Parliaments , and who bring a tyranny on the Christians , and pr●cure what by Arts , what by Power , the secular Arm to serve at their beck . Whether this was the practice of the late General Assemblies , or not , I leave it to all who are so old , as to remember how squares went then ; and if the leading Men at that time , had not really the secular power ready to lacquay at their commands , so that they ruled in the spirit of the Lords of the Gentiles , whatever they might have pretended . And the following change of Government did fully prove , that the obedience which was universally given to their commands , was only an appendage of the Civil Power , which was then directed by them : For no sooner was the power invaded by the Usurper , who regarded their Judicatories little , but the Obedience payed to their Decrees evanished . Thus , I say , these who build all their pretences to parity on their mistakes of these words , did most signally despise and neglect them in their true and real meaning . Now think not to retort this on any additions of Secular Power , which the munificence of Princes may have annexed to the Episcopal Office ; for that is not at all condemned here : CHRIST speaking only of the power Churchmen , as such , derived from him their Head , which only bars all pretensions to Civil Power on the title of their Functions ; but doth not say that their Functions render them incapable of receiving any Secular Power , by a secular conveyance from the Civil Magistrate . And so far have I considered this great and pompous argument against precedency in the Church ; and am mistaken if I have not satisfied you of the slender foundations it is built upon : all which is also applicable to St. Peter's words , of not Lording it over their flocks . Isot. You are much mistaken , if you think that to be the great foundation of our belief of a parity among Churchmen , for I will give you another , ( page 91. ) which is this , that IESUS CHRIST the head of his Church , did institute a setled Ministery in his Church , to feed and over-see the Flock , to preach , to reprove , to bind , loose , &c. It is true , he gave the Apostles many singular things beyond their Successors , which were necessary for that time , and work , and were to expire with it : But as to their Ministerial Power which was to continue , he made all equal . The Apostles also acknowledged the Pastors of the Churches , their fellow-laborors , and Brethren . And the feeding and overseeing the Flock , are duties so complicated together , that it is evident none can be fitted for the one , without they have also authority for the other . And therefore all who have a power to preach , must also have a right to govern , since Discipline is referable to preaching , as a mean to its end : preaching being the great end of the Ministery . These therefore who are sent upon that work , must not be limited in the other : neither do we ever find CHRIST instituting a Superiour Order over preaching Presbyters , which shews he judged it not necessary : And no more did the Apostles , though they with-held none of the Counsel of GOD from the flock . Therefore this Superior Order usurping the power from the preaching Elders , since it hath neither warrant , nor institution in Scripture , is to be rejected , as an invasion of the rights of the Church . In fine , the great advantage our Plea for parity hath , is , that it proves its self , till you prove a disparity . For since you acknowledg it to be of divine Right , that there be Office●s in the House of GOD , except you prove the institution of several Orders , an equality among them must be concluded . And upon these accounts it is that we cannot acknowledg the lawfulness of Prelacy . Phil. I am sure , if your Friends had now heard you , they would for ever absolve you from designing to betray their cause by a faint Patrociny ; since you have in a few words laid out all their Forces : but if you call to mind what hath heen already said , you will find most of what you have now pleaded , to be answered beforehand . For I acknowledge Bishop and Presbyter , to be one and the same Office ; and so I plead for no new Office-Bearers in the Church . Next , in our second Conference , the power given to Churchmen was proved to be double . The first branch of it , is their Authority to publish the Gospel , to manage the Worship , and to dispense the Sacraments . And this is all that is of divine right in the Ministery , in which Bishops and Presbyters are equal sharers , both being vested with this power . But beside this , the Church claims a power of Jurisdiction , of making rules for discipline , and of applying and executing the same ; all which is indeed suitable to the common Laws of Societies , and to the general rules of Scripture , but hath no positive warrant from any Scripture precept . And all these Constitutions of Churches into Synods , and the Canons of discipline , taking their rise from the divisions of the World into the several Provinces , and beginning in the end of the second , and beginning of the third Century , do clearly shew they can be derived from no divine Original ; and so were , as to their particular form , but of humane Constitution : therefore as to the management of this Jurisdiction , it is in the Churches power to cast it in what mould she will : and if so , then the constant practice of the Church for so many ages should determine us , unless we will pretend to understand the exigencies and conveniences of it better than they who were nearest the Apostolical time . But we ought to be much more determined by the Laws of the Land , which in all such matters have a power to bind our consciences to their obedience , till we prove the matter of them sinful . Now discover where the guilt lyes of fixing one over a Tract of ground , who shall have the chief inspection of the Ministery , and the greatest Authority in matters of Jurisdiction , so that all within that Precinct be governed by him , with the concurring votes of the other Presbyters : if you say , that thereby the Ministers may be restrained of many things , which otherwise the good of the Church requires to be done : I answer , these are either things necessary to be done by divine precept , or not : if the former , then since no power on earth can cancel the Authority of the divine Law , such restraints are not to be considered . But if the things be not necessary , then the Unity and Peace of the Church is certainly preferable to them . I acknowledge a Bishop may be tyrannical , and become a great burden to his Presbyters ; but , pray , may not the same be apprehended from Synods ? And remember your friends , how long it is , since they made the same complaints against the Synods : and the hazard of an ill Bishop is neither so fixed , nor so lasting , as that of a bad Synod . For a Bishop may die , and a good one succeed : but when a Synod is corrupt , they who are the major part , are careful to bring in none , but such as are sure to their way ; whereby they propagate their corruption more infallibly than a Bishop can do . And what if the Lay ruling Elders should bend up the same plea against the Ministers , who do either assume a Negative over them directly , or at least do what is equivalent , and carry every thing to the Presbytery , Synod , or General Assembly , where they are sure to carry it against the Lay-Elders , they being both more in number , and more able with their learning and eloquence to confound the others ? But should a Lay-Elder plead thus against them , We are Office-Bearers instituted by CHRIST , for ruling the flock , as well as you , and yet you take our power from us ; for whereas in our Church Sessions , which are of CHRIST's appointment , we are the greater number , being generally twelve to one ; you Ministers have got a device , to turn us out of the power : for you allow but one of us to come to your Synods , and Presbyteries , and but one of a whole Presbytery to go to a National Synod ; whereby you strike the rest of us out of our power : and thus you assert a preeminence over us , to carry matters as you please ? Now Isotimus , when in your principles you answer this , I will undertake on all hazards to satisfie all you can say , even in your own principles . Next , may not one of the Congregational way , talk at the same rate , and say , CHRIST hath given his Office-Bearers full power to preach , feed , and oversee the flock ; and yet for all that , their power of overseeing is taken from them ; and put in the hands of a multitude , who being generally corrupt themselves , and lusting to envy , will suffer none to outstrip them : but are tyrannical over any they see minding the work of the Gospel more than themselves ? And must this usurpation be endured and submitted to ? And let me ask you freely , what imaginable device will be fallen upon , for securing the Church from the tyranny of Synods , unless it be either by the Magistrates power , or by selecting some eminent Churchmen , who shall have some degrees of power beyond their brethren ? In a word , I deny not , but as in Civil Governments , there is no form upon which great inconveniences may not follow ; so the same is unavoidable in Ecclesiastical Government . But as you will not deny , Monarchy to be the best of Governments , for all the hazards of tyranny from it ; so I must crave leave to have the same impressions of Episcopacy . Crit. But suffer me to add a little for checking Isotimus his too positive asserting of parity from the New Testament ; for except he find a precept for it , his Negative Authority will never conclude it : and can only prove a parity lawful , and that imparity is not necessary . I shall acknowledge that without Scripture warrants , no new Offices may be instituted ; but without that , in order to Peace , Unity , Decency , and Edification , several ranks and dignities in the same Office , might well have been introduced : whereby some were to be empowered either by the Churches choice , or the Kings Authority , as Overseers , or inspectors of the rest : who might be able to restrain them in the exercise of some parts of their functions , which are not immediatly commanded by GOD. And you can never prove it unlawful , that any should oversee , direct , and govern Churchmen , without you prove the Apostolical function unlawful : for what is unlawful , and contrary to the rules of the Gospel , can upon no occasion , and at no time become lawful : since then both the Apostles , and the Evangelists exercised Authority over Presbyters ; it cannot be contrary to the Gospel rules , that some should do it . To pretend that this superiority was for that exigent , and to die with that age , is a mere allegation without ground from Scripture : for if by our LORD's words , it shall not be so among you , all superiority among Churchmen was forbid , how will you clear the Apostles from being the first transgressors of it ? And further , if upon that exigent such superiority was lawful , then upon a great exigent of the Church , a superiority may be still lawful . Besides , it is asserted , not proved , that such an authority as S. Paul left with Timothy and Titus , was to die with that age : for where the reason of an appointment continues , it will follow , that the Law should also be coeval with the ground on which it was first enacted : if then there be a necessity that Churchmen be kept in order , as well as other Christians ; and if the more exalted their office be , they become the more subject to corruption , and corruptions among them be both more visible , and more dangerous than they are in other persons ; the same parity of reason that enjoyns a Jurisdiction to be granted to Churchmen over the faithful , will likewise determine the fitness of granting some excrescing power to the more venerable and approved of the Clergy over others ; neither is this a new Office in the House of GOD , but an eminent rank of the same Office. Isot. You study to present Episcopacy in as harmless a posture as can be , yet that it is a distinct Office , is apparent by the sole claim of Ordination and Iurisdiction they pretend to , and by their consecration to it , which shews they account it a second Order : besides , that they do in all things carry as these who conceit themselves in a Region above the Presbyters . Phil. I am not to vindicate neither all the practices , nor all the pretensions of some who have asserted this Order , no more than you will do the opinions or actings of all your party : which when you undertake , then I allow you to charge me with what you will. But it is a different thing to say , that no Ordination , nor greater act of Jurisdiction , should pass without the Bishop's consent , or concurrence ( which is all I shall pretend to , and is certainly most necessary for preserving of Order and Peace ) from asserting that the sole power for these s●ands in the Bishops person . And though I do hold it schismatical to ordain without a Bishop , where he may be had , yet I am not to annul these Ordinations that pass from Presbyters , where no Bishop can be had : and this lays no claim to a new Office , but only to a higher degree of inspection in the same Office ; whereby the exercise of some acts of Iurisdiction are restrained to such a method ; and this may be done either by the Churches free consent , or by the King's authority . As for the consecration of Bishops by a new imposition of hands , it doth not prove them a distinct Office : being only a solemn benediction and separation of them for the discharge of that inspection committed to them : and so we find Paul and Barnabas ( though before that they preached the Gospel , yet when they were sent on a particular Commission to preach to the gentiles ) were blessed with imposition of hands , Acts 13.3 . which was the usual Ceremony of benediction . Therefore you have no reason to quarrel this , unless you apprehend their managing this oversight the worse , that they are blessed in order to it : nor can you quarrel the Office in the Liturgy , if you do not think they will manage their power the worse , if they receive a new effusion of the holy Ghost . And thus you see , how little ground there is , for quarrelling Episcopacy upon such pretences . Eud. I am truly glad you have said so much for confirming me in my kindness for that Government : for if you evinces its lawfulness , I am sure the expediency of that Constitution will not be difficult to be proved , both for the tryal of Entrants , and the oversight of these in Office : for when any thing lyes in the hands of a multitude , we have ground enough to apprehend what the issue of it will prove . And what sorry overly things these t●yals of Entrants are , all know . ●ow little pains is taken to form their minds into a right sense of that function , to which they are to be initiated at one step , without either previous degree , or mature tryal ? And here I must say , the ruine of the Church springs hence , that the passage to sacred Offices lyes so patent , whereby every one leaps into them out of a secular life , having all the train of his vanities , passions , and carnal designs about him : and most part entering thus unpurified , and unprepared , what is to be expected from them , but that they become idle , vain and licentious , or proud , ambitious , popular and covetous ? I confess , things among us are not come to any such settlement , as might give a provision against this : But devise me one like a Bishop's Authority , who shall not confer Orders to any , before either himself , or some other select and excellent persons , on whom he may with confidence devolve that trust , be well satisfied not only about the learning and abilities , but about the temper , the piety , the humility , the gravity , and discretion of such as pretend to holy Orders : And that some longer tryal be taken of them by the probationership of some previous degree . Indeed the poverty of the Church , which is not able to maintain Seminaries and Colledges of such Probationers , renders this design almost impracticable . But stretch your thoughts as far as your invention can send them , and see if you can provide such an expedient for the reforming of so visible an abuse , as were the Bishop's plenary authority to decide in this matter . For if it lie in the hands of a Plurality , the major part of these , as of all mankind , being acted by lower measures , the considerations of Kinred , alliance , friendship , or powerful recommendations , will always carry through persons , be they what they will , as to their abilities and other qualifications : And a multitude of Churchmen is less concerned in the shame can follow an unworthy promotion ; which every individual of such a company will be ready to bear off himself , and fasten on the Plurality . But if there were one to whom this were peculiarly committed , who had authority to stop it , till he were clearly convinced that the person to be ordained , was one from whose labors good might be expected to the Church , he could act more roundly in the matter : and it may be presupposed that his condition setting him above these low conside●ations , to which the inferiour Clergy are more obnoxious , he would manage it with more caution ; as knowing that both before GOD and Man , he must bear the blame of any unworthy promotion . And as for these in Office , can any thing be more rational than that the inspection into their labors , their deportment , their conversation , and their dexterity in Preaching and Catechising , be not done mutually by themselves in a parity , wherein it is to be imagined , that as they degenerate , they will be very gentle to one another ? And when any inspection is managed by an equal , it opens a door to faction , envy , and emulation : neither are the private rebukes of an equal , so well received , nor will it be easie for one of a modest temper to admonish his fellow-Presbyter freely . And yet how many things are there , of which Churchmen have need to be admonished , in the discharge of all the parts of their function , especially when they set out first , being often equally void of experience and discretion ? But what a remedy for all this , may be expected from an excellent Bishop : who shall either , if his health and strength allow it , be making excursions through his Diocese , and himself observe the temper , the labors , and conversation of his Clergy ? or at least trust this to such as he hath reason to confide most in , that so he may understand what admonitions , directions , and reproofs are to be given , which might obviate a great many indiscretions , and scandals that flow from Churchmen . And the authority of such a person , as it would more recommend the reproofs to these for whom they were meant , so it could prevail to make them effectual , by a following Censure if neglected . If the confusion some keep matters in , have hindered us for coming at a desired settlement , the Office of Episcopacy is not to be blamed , whose native tendency I have laid out before you , and in a fair idea , but in what was both the rule and practice of the ancient Church , and wants not latter instances fo● verifying it . In a word , I must tell you , I am so far from apprehending danger to the Church , from Bishops having too much power , that I shall fear rather its slow recovery , because they have too little : which might be managed with all the meekness and humility imaginable , and indeed ought to be always accompanied with the advice and concurrence of the worthiest persons among the inferior Clergy . But till you secure my fears of the greater part in all Societies becoming corrupt , I shall not say by the major part of them , but by the better part . Isot. I see you run a high strain , and far different from what was the discourse of this Countrey a year ago , of an accommodation was in●ended , wherein large offers seemed to be made : but I now see by your ingenuous freedom , that though for a while you ( who were called a great friend to that design ) were willing to yield up some parts of the Episcopal Grandeur , yet you retain the ●oot of that Lordly ambition still in your heart : and so though for some particular ends , either to deceive , or divide the LORDS people , you were willing to make an appearance of yielding ; yet it was with a resolution of returning with the first opportunity , to the old practices and designs of the Prelats , of enhansing the Ecclesiastical Power to themselves , and a few of their associats . And this lets me see , what reason all honest people have to bless GOD that these arts and devices took not ; for an Ethiopian cannot change his skin . Phil. I confess to you freely , I was a little satisfied with these condescentions as any of you ; and though they gave up the Rights of the Church to a peevish and preverse party , whom gentleness will never gain : and therefore am no less satisfied than you are , that they did not take : and so much the more , that their refusing to accept of so large offers , gave a new and clear character to the World of their temper : and that it is a faction , and the servile courting of a party which they design , and not a strict adherence to the rules of conscience , otherwise they had been more tractable . Eud. Let me crave pardon to curb your humor a little , which seems too near a kin to Isotimus his temper , though under a different character . For my part , I had then the same sense of Episcopacy which I have just now owned . But wh●n I considered the ruines of Religion which our divisions occasioned among us , and when I read the large offers S. Augustin made on the like occasion to the Donatists , I judged all possible attempts even with the largest condescentions for an accommodation , a worthy and pious design , well becoming the gravity and moderation of a Bishop to offer , and the nobleness of these in authority to second with their warmest endeavors : for if it was blessed with success , the effect was great , even the setling of a broken and divided corner of the Church : if it took not , as it fully exonered the Church of the evils of the Schism ; so it rendered the enemies of Peace and Unity the more unexcusable . Only I must say this upon my knowledg , that whatever designs men of various sentiments fastened upon that attempt , it was managed with as much ingenuity and sincerity , as mortals could carry along with them in any purpose . I know it is expected and desired that a full account of all the steps of that affair be made publick , which a friend of ours drew up all along , with the progress of it . But at present my concern in one , whom a late Pamphlet , ( as full of falshoods in matters of fact , as of weakness in point of reason ) hath mirepresented ( the case of Accommodation , Page 31 ) shall prevail with me to give an account of a particular pas●ed in a Conference , which a Bishop and two Presbyters had with about thirty of the Nonconformists , at Pasley , on the 14th of December in the year 1670. When the Bishop had in a long Discourse recommended Unity and Peace to them , on the terms were offered ; he withal said much to the advantage of Episcopacy as he stated it , from the rules and practices of the ancient Church : offering to turn their Pro●elyte immediately , if they should give him either clear Scripture , good reason or warrant from the most Primitive Antiquity against such Episcopacy . And with other things , he desired to know whether they would have joined in Communion with the Church , at the time of the Council of Nice , ( to carry them no higher ) or not ? for if they refused that , he added he would have less heartiness to desire communion with them , since of these he might say , Let my soul be with theirs . But to that , a general answer was made by one , who said , He hoped they were not looked upon , as either so weak , or so wilful , as to determine in so great a matter , but upon good grounds : which were the same , that the asserters of Presbyterian Government had built on , which they judged to be conform both to Scripture and Primitive Antiquity . But for Scripture , neither he nor any of the meeting offered to bring a Title : only he alledged some differences betwixt the anci●nt Presidents , as he called them , and our Bishops . But this was more fully enlarged by one who is believed to be among the most learned of the Party : whose words with the answer given them , I shall read to you , as I take both from a Journal was drawn of that affair , by one whose exactness and fidelity in it , can be attested by some worthy spectators , who read what he wrote after the Meeting was ended , and Judged it not only faithful , but often verbal : And that he was so careful to evite the appearances of partiality , that he seemed rather studious to be more copious in proposing what was said by these who differed from his opinion , whereas he contracted much of what was said by these he favored . The account follows . Mr. — said , That he offered to make appear , the difference was betwixt the present Episcopacy , and what was in the ancient Church , in ●ive particulars . The first was , that they had n● Archbishops in the Primitive Church . It is true , they had Metropolitans ; but in a Council o● Ca●thage , it was decreed , that no Bishop should be ●all●d ●ummus Sacerdos , or Princeps Sacerdo●um , sed primae sedis Episcopus . 2. The Bishops in the ancient Church were Parochial , and not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in every Village 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for even in Bethany we find there was a Bishop . 3. Two Bishops might be in one Church , such was ( not to mention Alexander and Narcissus at Jerusalem ) Augustin , who with Valerius , was ordained Bishop of Hippo. 4. Bishops were elected by their Presbyters , so Jerome tells us , that in Alexandria the Presbyters choosed one of their number to be Bishop : and finally , the Bishops were countable to and censurable by their Presbyters : for either this must have been , otherwise they could not have been censured at all . For though we meet with some Provincial Synods in Church History , as that of Carthage in Cyprians time , for the rebaptizing of hereticks ; and that at Antioch against Samo●atenus , yet these instances were rare , and recurred seldom ; therefore there must have been a power in Presbyters to have censured their Bishops , otherwise it could not have been done , which is absurd to imagine . And upon all these accounts , he judged the present Episcopacy differed much from the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Upon this discourse , the Bishop being weary of speaking much , looked to one of his Presbyters , whom that Pamphlet in derision , calls , a worthy Doctor : who said , He found the ancient writings were so clear for a disparity among Church-men , and so full of it , that he was assured none could doubt it , after he had looked but overly upon them : But as to what was alledged , he first assumed the five particulars , and spoke to them in order . To the first , he said , It was true , the term Archbishop , was not used in the first Centuries ▪ but in the Council of Nice , mention is not only made of Metropolitans ; but the Canon saith of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let the ancient customs have their force : which shews the superiority of Metropolitans to have been pretty early begun . And the Canon that was cited , calling him , Primae Sedis Episcopum , makes him Primate : now we are not to contend about words , when the thing is clear : neither will ●any Archbishop judg himself injured , if instead of that name , he be called Metropolitan , or Primate . Besides , Archiepiscopus , doth not import Prince of the Bishops ; but that he is the chief and first of them . And this prefixing of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was not so odious : for Nazianzen calls a Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Areopagite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For the second particular , it is true , Bishops were in many places very thick set ; for in S. Augustin ' s time it appears from the journals of a Conference he had with the Donati●ts , that there were about 500. Bishopricks in a small tract of ground , but this was not universal : for Theodoret tells he had 800. Parishes in his Diocese : and Sozomen tells of great Countries where there were very few Bishops . And to prove this , the Canons of Ancyra make a difference betwixt the Presbyters of the Country from those of the City : and over the former there was a Chorepiscopus ; which sh●ws that the whole Diocese was not within the City . But this was not much to our purpose , since the more or the less did not vary the kind . And if a Bishop might be over the Ministers of the City , it cannot be unlawful that he be likewise set over more in the Country : which can be no more essential to this matter , than it is , whether a Parish be great or small . So that this difference may well make the one unexpedient , but unlawful it cannot be , if the other be lawful . For the third particular , there was a Canon of the Council of Nice , that there might be but one Bishop in a City . And he was amazed to hear the instance of S. Augustin alledged , who was indeed ordained Coadjutor to Valerius ; but himself in his I 10. Epist. condemns that , telling that he did it ignorantly , not knowing it to be contrary to the Nicene Rules : And therefore he tells how he designed Eradius to be his Successor , but would not ordain him in his own time , because of that Canon . Other instances of more Bishops in one City , might have be●● more pertinently adduced to this purpose : but they were either Coadjutors , such as Nazianzen the son was to his father , or it was agreed to for setling a Schism , as was done in the Schism betwixt Meletius and Paulinus of Antioch . And so S. Augustin and the African Bishops with him , offered to the Donatists , that would they agree with them , these schismatical Bishops should be continued as conjunct Bishops with those already setled in those Sees where th●y lived . It is true , some will have both Linus and Clemens to have succeeded S. Peter at Rome , and Evodius and Ignatius ●o have succeeded him at Antioch : But for this , none assert that both succeeded to S. Peter ; some being for one , and some for another : and so in a historical matter , the testimonies of these who lived nearest that time should decide the question . But the Constitutions of Clemens offer a solution to this , that at first there were in some Cities two Churches , one for those of the Circumcision , and another for those of the Uncircumcision : and after the destruction of Jerusalem , this distinction was swallowed up . This is rational , and not without ground in Scripture : besides , that that Book , though none of Clements , yet is ancient . And from all this it was clear , that there might be but one Bishop in a City . As for the fourth particular , it is true , the ancient elections of Bishops and Presbyters were partly by Synods , partly by Presbyters , and partly popular . But as none would say it made any essential alteration of the Constitution of a Church , if instead of these elections , Patrons had now a right of presenting to Churches ; so though instead of these elections the King were Patron of all the Bishopricks , it did not alter the nature of Episcopacy , much less justifie a Schism against it . But beside this , it was known the Capitular elections were still continued . And for the fifth particular , he desired they might give one instance in all Antiquity , where a Bishop was censured by Presbyters : it being clear that they could finish nothing without the Bishops sentence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the words of the Canon : And if they could finish nothing without the Bishop , much less could they censure himself . Provincial Synods were begun in the second Century , which appears from many Synods were held about the day of observing Easter . Another expedient they had , when a Bishop was heretical , that the neighboring Bishops used to publish it in their Cicular Letters , which went around , and so they did excommunicate or d●pose them . But the regular way of procedure against Bishops was in Provincial Synods , which were now offered to be se● up . Yet even this exception could be no ground for separating , no more than in their principles Lay Elders had to separate from their Ministers , who were their fixed President , and yet did not judge themselves censurable by these Lay Elders ; tho as to the power of ruling , they held them to be equal . With this he ended , saying , He had now proposed what occurred of a sudden to his tho ughts on these heads , though he believed much more might be adduced ; but he supposed there was enough said to clear these particulars . And it seems the Person who had engaged him to this , judged so ; since neither he , nor any of his brethren , offered a reply . And by this account ( of the truth whereof I am willing all there present bear witness ) let the company judge of the ingenuity of these Writers . But I shall pursue the discourse of the accommodation no further . Basil. I am sure it hath left this conviction on all our Consciences , that that Party is obstinately fixed to their own humors , without the least color of reason . But now , I think , enough is said for justifying both the lawfulness and usefulness of Episcopacy , and that there is nothing in it contrary either to the nature or rules of the Gospel , or of right Reason . And for any occasional evils may have risen from the restitution of this Government , they are with no justice to be fastened on it . I know , many accuse their revenues and honors , thus the spirit that is in us lusteth to ' envy : and the eyes of many are evil , because the eyes of our pious Progenitors were good . But indeed the ravenous Appetites of some Ostriches among us , have swallowed down so much of the Churches Patrimony , that what remains of it , can scarce provoke envy . And truly Churchmen bestowing their Revenues well , for Alms-deeds , relieving the Widows and Orphans , and such modest hospitality and decency , as may preserve them from the disesteem of the vulgar , who measure their value of men much from these externals , there were no ground of quarrelling at them were their riches seven-fold increased . I am far from the thoughts of patronizing the German Bishops , on whom I look as the disgrace of that Order , who live in all things like other Princes , making Wars , and leading out Armies : nor do they once consider their Dioceses , or what they owe them as Bishops , being wholly immersed in secular affairs . But for all this , I cannot see cause for blaming Churchmen , their being either upon the publick Councils of the Kingdom in Parliaments , or on His Majesties Secret Councils , and that both because Ecclesiastical matters are often in agitation , both in the one , and the other , in which none are so properly to be advised with as Churchmen . Occasion may also be frequently given to those who should be presupposed to understand the rules of equity and conscience best , to lay them before others , who either know them not , or mind them too little . And finally , they are Subjects , as well as others , and by the clearness is to be expected in their Judgments , and the calmness of their minds , together with their abstracted and contemplative manner of life , they may upon occasions be very prudent Counsellors : And why a Prince shall be deprived of the Councils of that which should be the wisest and best part of his Kingdom , no reason can be given . But for all this , I acknowledge there is great hazard from humane Infirmity , lest by such medling they be too much intangled in matters extrinsick to them , whereby their thoughts may be drawn out from that inward , serene , and abstracted temper wherein their minds should be preserved ; both for more spiritual Contemplation , and for a more close pursuing the work of the Gospel , which ought still to be their chief labor . But I must touch this string no more , lest you say that the Fox preacheth , and methinks our discourse is now near its period . Isot. A great many things do yet remain which are untouched , and deserve to be better considered : for these crude Dialogues poured out a great deal of stuff , which it is like the writer never examined : And in these , you who are his friends , must either vindicate him , or leave him to the mercy of every severe censurer . Eud. His temper is well enough known to us , that he is very little sollicitous about the esteem or censures of men : and therefore , if all the particulars in his Book , cannot maintain themselves to the judgments of rational and unprepossessed Readers , he thinks them not worthy of his Patrociny . And for that little trifling way of writing , by tracing every word in a Book , or of making good all a man hath said , it is a task equally mean , unpleasant , and laborious : and looks like one contending for victory more than truth . Were it a worthy thing for us to go and reckon how often and comes about in any of that Pamphleteers long periods , or how often he writes false Grammar , how harsh his Phrases , and how tedious his Periods are ? or make other such like remarks : Alas , did we that , there were no end ! and yet such like are many of his reflections . But then how beautiful were our discourse , if interwoven with those elegancies of poor wretch , babler , impertinent , confident , ignorant , atheist , scoffer , and many more of that same strain ? I know well enough why he used those , his design being to make his gentle and simple Readers stand gravely , and turn up the white , and look pale , and affrighted with all those black Imputations he charges on that poor wretch . Methinks I hear the censures of the herd , when they first read over his Book , to this purpose : Oh , here is a worthy piece , full of deep learning ; and believe me , he speaks home : he is a sweet man that wrote it , be he who he will , and was marvellously born through in it all . And oh , but it is seasonable ! and well t●ned : for he hath answered the whole Book to a word . And where we thought it str●ngest , he sh●ws its weakness most . But I wish the poor wretch r●pentance , yet it is a proud Companion , and full of disdain ; but I hope he is humbled for once : it were a pity of him , for they say he hath some abilities : but they are all wrong set : and he will , may be , study to heal the beast of the wound , which one of our Champions hath given it ; but had he any sparks of grace , I could yet love him for his good — sake . It were a worthy attempt to go and satisfie such a gang of Cattle : therefore the cavils on the fifth and sixth Dialogue are so poor , that it were lost time to consider them ; and so groundless , that he who from reading over the Dialogues themselves , is not able to withstand all those tricks of Sophistry , would be little bettered by all we could add : and therefore we may well quit the Theme , and that the rather , that we have examined all that is of publick concern in these debates : and for any thing that was started , which lies out of the way , we will leave the discussing of these to the Conformist himself ; since our design in this Conference was to get mutual satisfaction to our Consciences , in these things which the Laws enjoin : and if we have gained this , we are to leave contending about other things , which relate not to us . Only if in these greater points it be found that what the Conformist said in the Dialogues , was grounded on so much clear and strong reason , as we have discovered since our first meeting ; it is to be presumed that in other things he was not so rash or irrational as to utter such absurdities or errors , as the late Pamphlets do charge upon him . Phil. Our work was to consider , whether absolute subjection was due to the Civil Authority , and how far its dominion over our obedience did reach , and whether the Principles and Practices of the late times , had such evident characters of GOD's acceptance on them , that it was an unpardonable crime to reverse that building , which they prepared with so much noise , and cemented with so much blood ; and by consequence whether Episcopacy was that accursed thing which provoked GOD's Jealousie so much against us , that it was unlawful to unite with it , or so far to comply with its adherents as to unite with them in Worship ? If these things be made clear to us , we need not amuse our selves , nor entertain one another with farther janglings , and therefore may break off our Conference . Isot. Since you will break off , I shall not struggle about it : for it is a confession of your weakness , that you pass over so many things with this slight silence . Basil. This is the genuine Spirit of the party which you now express to the life ; but when ever the Author of the Dialogues undergoes the penance of examining what you desire , it will perhaps appear , you have as little ground for this as for your other boasting . But I am sure no scruple sticks with me about these great heads we have examined , so that upon a narrow survey of these matters , it appears he had more reason for what he asserted , than he then vented : And I have as little doubt of his being able to clear himself about other matters , which are snarled at by these Pamphlets . But one thing I have not forgot , about which I am more sollicitous : which was a promise Polyhistor made of sending when our Conference were ended , an account of the model and forms of the ancient Government : which I desire with such earnestness , that I wish we we●e gone , that he might be as good as his word . Poly. I know not if it shall answer your hopes , but your curiosity shall be quickly satisfied , after I have given you some account of my design in it . When I considered the ruines of Religion , and the decays of Piety through the World , I have often bent my thoughts to seek out the most proper remedies and means for the Churches recovery : and that which seemed the most promising , was to consider the constitution , the rites and forms of the Ch●rch in her first and purest ages ; and to observe the steps of their dec●ning from the primitive simplicity and purity , which being once fully done , great materials would be the●eby congested for many use●ul thoughts , and overtures in order to a Reformation . And this is a work , which for all the accurate enquiries this age hath produced , is not yet performed to any degree of perfection , or ingenuity : therefore I resolved to pursue this design as much as my leisure and other avocations could allow of . But as I was doubtful what method to follow in digesting my observations , the Canons vulgarly called Apostolical , offered themselves to my thoughts : I thereupon resolved to follow their tract , and to compile such hints as I could gather on my way for giving a clear view of the state of the Church in the first ages . As for the opinions of the ancient Fathers , these have been so copiously examined by the Writers of Controversies , that scarce any thing can be added to those who went before us : bet few have been at such pains for searching into their practices , and rules for Discipline , and Worship , wherein their excellency and strength lay . In this inquiry I have now made good advances , but at present I will only send you my Observations on the two first Canons : and as you shall find this task hath suc●eeded with me , I will be encouraged to break it off , or to pursue it farther . Only on the way , let me tell you , that I am so far from thinking these Canons , Apostolical , that nothing can be more evid●nt , than that they were a collection made in the Third Century at soonest : for the matter of almost every Canon discovers this when well examined , and therefore that Epistle of Zephir●us the Pope , who lived about the year 20 , that mentions ●●●or as others cite it 70. ) of the Apostles sayings , is not to be consider'd : that Epistle with the other Decretals , being so manifestly spurious , that it cannot be doubted by any who reads them : and the number sixty agrees with no Edition ; for they are either fifty or 85. Tertullian is also cited for them , but the words cited as his , are not in his Book contra Praxeam , from which they are vouched . Nor can they be called the work of Clemens Romanus , though they were vented under his name . For Athanasius in his Synopsis , reckons the work of Clemens Apocryphal . And Eusebius tells us that nothing ascribed to Clement was held genuine , but his Epistle to the Corinthians . But the first Publishers of these who lived , it is like in the Third Century , have called them Apostolical , as containing the earliest rules which the Apostolical men had introduced in the Church . And afterwards others to conciliate more veneration for them , cal led them the Canons of the Apostles , compiled by Clement . And this drew Pope Gelasius's censure on them , by which the Book of the Canons of the Apostles is declared Apocryphal : which some who assert their authority and antiquity , would foolishly evite , by applying that censure only to the 35. added Canons : whereas the censure is simply passed on the Book , and not on any additions to it . And this shall serve for an Introduction to the Papers I will send you how soon I get home . Phil. I doubt not but all of us , except Isotimus , will be very desirous to understand the particular forms of the Primitive Church : but he is so sure , that they will conclude against him , that I believe he is not very curious of any such discovery . Isot. You are mistaken , for I doubt not , but much will be found among the Ancients for me ; but if otherwise , I will lead you a step higher , to let you see that from the beginning it was not so : For Antiquity , when against Scripture , proves only the error ancient . And if you quit the Scriptures to us , we will yield those musty Records to you . Eud. Pray , speak not so confidently , after all your pretences have been so baffled , that we are ashamed of you : for you are like the Spaniard , who retained his supercilious Looks and Gate , when he was set to beg . But I will not be rude in a place which owns me for its Master , though really your confidence extorts it . Isot. You are a proud company , and so elevated in your own eyes , that you despise all who differ from you , and think you censure them gently , if you call them no worse than ignorants and fools . Is there any arrogance in the World like this ? Phil. Pray , let us not fall out , now that we are to part : but I confess it is no wonder the smart of all the foils you have got , provoke some passion in you , and so I pity you ; for I know none of your Party who would have carried so discreetly . Therefore , Adieu , I must be gone , and leave this good company . Isot. You will have the last word of scolding , but I perhaps will find out one that will be too hard for you all , and will call you to account of all you have both argued and boasted . Basil. I will break of● next , since the design of your meeting is finished : only , Polyhistor , mind your promise . Poly. I go about it , and therefore , Eudannon , I beg your pardon to be gone . Eud. Though Retirement and Solitude be ever acceptable to me , yet it will not be without some pain that I return to it , when I miss so much good company , as have relieved me these four days : but the truth is , on the other hand , I am glad to see an end put to this painful Eng●gement of which I suppose we are all weary . It remains only that I return you my sincere and hearty thanks for the favor you have done me , which I wish I could do so warmly ▪ as might engage you frequently to oblige me with the like civilities . Adieu , my good friends . FINIS . 
A42758	----	An assertion of the government of the Church of Scotland in the points of ruling-elders and of the authority of presbyteries and synods with a postscript in answer to a treatise lately published against presbyteriall government. Gillespie, George, 1613-1648. 1641 Approx. 369 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 138 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42758 Wing G745 ESTC R16325 12599016 ocm 12599016 64105 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42758) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64105) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 254:E161, no 2) An assertion of the government of the Church of Scotland in the points of ruling-elders and of the authority of presbyteries and synods with a postscript in answer to a treatise lately published against presbyteriall government. Gillespie, George, 1613-1648. [16], 212 [i.e. 214] p., [1], 40 p. Printed for Iames Bryson, Edinburgh : 1641. "A post-script, in answer to a treatise very lately published, which is intituled The presbyteriall governement examined," 40 p. at end. Attributed to George Gillespie. cf. BLC. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Presbyteriall government examined. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ASSERTION OF The Government of the Church OF SCOTLAND , IN The points of Ruling-Elders , and of the Authority of Presbyteries and Synods . With a Postscript in answer to a Treatise lately published against Presbyteriall Government . Gesta Purgat . Caecil . & felic . Adhibete Conclericos & Seniores plebis Ecclesiasticos viros , & inquirant diligenter que sint istae dissensiones . August . epist. 118. Quorum ( conciliorum ) est in Ecclesia saluberima authoritas . Edinburgh , Printed for Iames Bryson , 1641. TO THE READER . IT is high time for those who have been long praying for the peace of Hierusalem , and with bleeding hearts have beheld the sorrowes of Sion , now to bestirre themselves with an extraordinary diligence , and to contribute their most serious and uncessant endeavours , for the setling of these present commotions about Church affairs , in such a manner , that the sacred twins , Truth and Peace , may both cohabit under own roofe ▪ and that this great and good work of Reformation may not be blasted in the bird , nor fade in the flourish , but may be brought forward to that full maturity , which shall afford a harvest of joy to us , and to all the Churches of God. One controversie there is about the government of the Church , and it is of such consequence , that were it well resolved upon , and rightly agreed , it should facilitate a right resolution in other matters which are in question . Now because longum iter per praecepta , breve per exempla , the way is long by precepts , short by platforms ; therefore I have carefully observed the policie and government of other reformed Churches . And because the nearnesse of relation swayeth my affection at least half a thought more unto that which is Scotlands ( caeteris paribus ) then unto that which is more remote from us , therfore I was most solicitous to see a delineation of the government of that famously reformed neighbor Church ; which when I had read , & read over again , I did conclude with my self , that if these two points at which most exception is taken , I mean the office of ruling Elders , and the authoritie of Presbyters and Synodes , which also are things common to the other reformed Churches ) could be upon good grounds maintained , there is no other thing of any moment to be objected against it . And with these thoughts I was so tossed , that I could not rest satisfied with the Quid wi●hout the Quare , but did conceive as great languor and desire for a demonstration of that form of Church government , as before I had for a declaration of the same . Whereupon I have purchased to my self from Scotland this ensuing Treatise which having fully satisfied my owne minde in the asserting of those most controverted points , I have resolved to communicate and publish the same unto others , for the reasons following . First , for the satisfaction of such as do through ignorance or mistaking stumble at such a form of Ecclesiasticall government : I do not much marvell to see those that a●e of a simple understanding , so far conquered , as to scruple the office of ruling Elders , having heard the big words and lavish expressions of some opposites against the same ; yet a poor peece it is which one of them would usher in with a tinckling Epistle , in which Projicit ampullas & sesquipedalia verba . He maketh offer to forfeit his life to justice , and his reputation to shame ; if any living man can shew that ever there was a ruling Elder in the Christian world , till F●rell , and Viret first created them . I shall not desire to take him at his word for his life , but if he be not able to give a satisfactory answer unto that which is here sayd both from Scripture , and from antiquity for ruling Elders , then hath he given sentence against his own reputation for ever . And so much the more , that having in that assertion of Episcopacie boldly averred , that the name of the Elders of the Church , in all antiquity comprehendeth none but Preachers and Divines ; and that therfore none but they may be called Seniores Ecclesiae , though some others happily may have the title of Seniores populi , because of their civill authority ; notwithstanding the reading of the observations of Iustellus , and of both the Cassaubons , hath now so farre changed his tone , that in his late answer to ●mectymnuus , he acknowledgeth that beside Pastors and Doctors , and beside the Magistrates or Elders of the Cities , there are to be found in antiquity , Seniores Ecclesiastici , Ecclesiasticall Elders also ; only he alleadgeth they were but as our Church-wardens , or rather as our Vestry-men : whereas indeed they were Judges in Ecclesiasticall controversies , and ( in some sort ) instructors of the people , as shall be made to appeare ▪ Meane while we do observe what trust is to be given to this bold Speaker , who hath beene forc●d to yeeld , what he had before with high swelling words denied . Another Instance of the same kinde is to be noted in his Remonstrance , when he speaketh of the prescript forms of prayer , which the Jewish Church had ever from the dayes of Moses , wherewith also Peter , and Iohn when they went up into the Temple at the ninth hour of Prayer did joyn ; to make good his allegiance , he addeth , the forms whereof are yet extant and ready to be produced . Yet this he handsomely eateth up in his defence ; where he gives us to understand , that those set forms of prayer are indeed specified by Capellus , a writer of our owne Age ; but that the book it selfe which contained these prayers , is perished a thousand years ago . Well , he is now content to say that once those forms were extant ; and this ( forsooth ) he will prove from a certain Samaritan Chronicle in the custodie of his faithfull friend the Primate of A●mach ; wherein he hath found a story which transporteth him as much as the invention of the demonstration did Archimedes , when he cried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have found it , I have found it . Yet — cred●t Iudaeus apella , Non ego — But this lyeth not now in my way . Only ( till a full answer be ready , I thought it not amisse to give some taste of the mans vaine arrogant humour , whose best weapons are great words . As for his last record which he fetcheth from Abrahamus Scultetus , against ruling Elders ; all that and much more hath been , and here shall be abundantly confuted . Others there be who call in question the power and authority of Ecclesiasticall Presbyteries , and of Synods , against which also some few Pens have been put to paper and have passed a censure no lesse hard then unseasonable , which ( me thinks ) might well have been spared , unlesse : there had been stronger and more convincing reasons for it . These I shall beseech , that with minds voyd of prejudice , they take into consideration the second part of this Treatise , written with no heat nor sharpnesse of words , but with plainnesse , and strength of reason : And withall I shall expect that they will not think the worse of the Author , for being ready to answer him that asketh a reason of him , or for writing a justification of the government of the Church of Scotland , to such as did desire to be more throughly resolved concerning the same ; but that rather they will make use hereof , as a key by divine Providence put into their hands , to open a doore unto further light . Secondly , there is so much the more reason for asserting those two points , by how much they have beene mainly opposed by Sathan ; for he it was whose cunning conveyance of old , made the office of ruling Elders to come into dessuetude , through the sloth , or rather the pride of the Teachers , as Ambrose complaineth ; and yet time hath not so obliterate that ancient order , but that the footsteps of the same are yet to be seen in our Officialls , Chancellors , Commissaries , Church-wardens , and High-Commission men , yea at Rome it selfe , in the Cardinalls . The same old Serpent it was whose instigation made Licinius whiles he did intend the totall ruine of the Church , to fall upon this as the most effectuall means for his purpose , that he should straightly inhibit all counsells , meetings , and con●erencies concerning the affairs of the Church . By which meanes the Christians of his time were drawne into one of two snares . Aut enim legem , &c. for saith Eusebius , either it behoved us to be obnoxious to punishment by violating the Law , or to overthrow the Rites and Ordinances of the Church , by giving obedience in that which the Law did command : for great and waighty deliberations undertaken about things controverted , cannot proceed in any other manner or way , but by the right managing of Councels . The Arminians in the Netherlands , found out another of Sathans wiles ; they were not able to hinder the assembling of a free and lawfull Synod , but for their next best , they required of the Synod of Dort twelve conditions , and the ninth was ; that there should not be in that Synod any determination or decree concerning the matters in controversie , but only an accommodation or conference , and that still it should be free to the particular Churches , to accept , or to reject the judgement of the Synod : this was a way of endlesse controversie , and justly cried down in the Synod . Moreover , Satan ever wise in his own principles , finding the Church of Scotland , like an invincible Sampson , by reason of such a constitution and gove●nment , as being preserved in integritie , could neither admit heresie , nor schisme , did make use of the Prelacie as his traiterous Dalilah , to betray that Sampson , into the hands of the now adverse P●ilistines the Papists , by stealing away both their ruling Elders , and the authority of their Presbyteries , and Synods : for he had well observed , that in these two things did their great strength lye , and that without these two , the Ministers of the Word being like so many scopae dissolut● , both sparsed , and by themselves alone might easily be brought under the yoke . When thus the Romish-affected Dalilah had taken away their strength from them , she was bold to u●t●r her insulting voice in the Service-book , and book of Canons , The Philistines be upon thee Sampson , The Papists be upon thee Scotland . In this case they did not ( as Sampson then ) presume that the Lord was with them as at other times ; they knew he was departed from them : They cried out , Return we beseech thee O God of Hosts , look down from Heaven , behold and visit this Vine , and the Vineyeard which thine own right hand hath planted . They did again ask the way to Sion with their faces thitherward , saying come , and let us joyn our selves to the Lord in a perpetuall Covenant that shall not be forgotten . And now ( glory be to the great Name of God , in the Church throughout all generations ) they have by his healing hand quickly recovered their strength . Strength I may well call it , for sayth a learned Divine , as in things which are done by bodily strength , so in things which are managed by counsells , vis unita fortior , power being put together is the stronger : and in this he doth agree with Bellarm. ; that though God by his absolute power can preserve his Church without Synods ; yet according to ordinary providence , they are necessary for the right government of the Church . The interweaving and combining of strength , by joyning the ruling Elders of every Congregation , with the Pastor , or Pastors thereof into a particular Eldership , by joyning also Commissioners , Pastors , and E●ders , from many particular Elderships , ordinarily into a classicall Presbytery , and more solemnly provinciall Synod . Finally , by joyn●ng Commissioners , Pastors , and Elders ▪ from many classicall PPresbyteries , into a Nationall Assembly ; this doth indeed make a Church beautifull as Tirza , comely as Ierusalem , terrible as an Armie with Banners . It is not to be expected , but this forme of Church government , shall still be disliked by some ( whose dislike shall notwithstanding the more commend it to all pious minds ) I mean by prophane men , who escape not without censure under Presbyteries , and Synods , as they did under the Prelacie ; by hereticks , who cannot finde favour with a Nationall Synod of many learned and godly ▪ men , as they did with a few Popish Prelats : by Matchavellians also , who do foresee that Presbyteriall Synodicall government , being conformed not to the Lesbian rule of humane authority , but to the inflexible rule of Divine Institution , will not admit of any Innovations in Religion , be they never so conduceable to politicall intentions . Some there be who whet their tongue like a sword , and bend their bowes to shoot their arrows , even bitter words . They would wound both the office of ruling Elders , and the authority of Presbyteries and Synods , with this hateful imputation , that they are in consistent with the honor and Prerogative of Princes . Sure I am , when our Saviour saith , Render unto C●esar the things which are Caesars , and unto God the things which are Gods ; he doth plainly insinuate , that the things which are Gods , need not to hinder the things which are Caesars . And why shall it be forgotten , that the Prelates did assume to themselves all that power of determining controversies ; making Canons , ordaining , suspending , deposing , and excommunicating , which now Presbyteries and Synods do claime as theirs by right . To me it appeareth a grand mistery , and worthy of deliberation in the wise Consistory of Rome : That the power of Presbyteries and Synods being meerly Ecclesiasticall , being rightly used , and nothing incroaching upon the civill power , is notwithstanding an intollerable prejudice to Kings and Princes . But the very same power in Prelates , though both abused , and mixed with civill power , is not ( for a●l that prejudiciall to Soveraignty . Yet if the fear of God cannot moli●ie the tongues of th●se men , one would think that they should be brideled with respect to the Kings most excellent Majestie , who hath been gra●iously pleased to approve and ratifie the present government of the Church of Scotland , perceiving ( ● tru●● ) that Gods honour , and his honour , Gods Lawes , and his Lawes may well subsist together . Lastly , as in publishing this assertion I intend to satisfie the scrupulous , and to put to silence the malicious ; so also to confirm the consciences of such as are friends and savourers to the right way of Church government . Whatsoever is not of faith i● sin , saith the Apostle , yea though it be in a matter otherwise indifferent : how much more is it necessary that we halt not in our judgement concerning the government of the Church , but walk straight , in the plerophory and full assurance of the same , from the warrants of the word of God ; I say againe from the warrants of the word of God , for as it is not my meaning to commend this forme because it is Scotlands , so I hope assuredly that my Country-men will not dispise Gods Ordinance , because it is Scotlands practice , but rather follow them in so far as they follow Christ and the Scripture . This therefore I pray , that thy love may abound yet more and more , in knowledge and in all judgement , that thou maiest approve the things that are excellent . Consider what I say , and the Lord give thee understanding in all things , Amen . THE CONTENTS OF the first part of this Treatise . CHAP. I. Of the words Elder , Lay-Elder , Ruling-Elder . FOure significations of the word Elder in Scripture . Of the nickname of Lay-Elders . That the Popish distinction of the Clergie , and the Laity ought to be banished . Of the name of Ruling-Elders , and the reason thereof . CHAP. II. Of the function of Ruling-Elders , and what s●re of officers they be . OF the distinction of Pastors , Doctors , Elders , and Deacons . Of the behaviour and conuersation of Ruling-Elders . Of the distinction of the power of Order and of jurisdiction . That the Ruling-Elder his power of jurisdiction , is to sit and voice in all the Consistories and Assemblies of the Church . That his power of order , is to do by way of authority those duties of edification , which every Christian is bound to do by way of charity . CHAP. III. The first argument for Ruling-Elders taken from the Iewish-Church . THat we ought to follow the Jewish Church in such things as they had not for any speciall reason proper to them , but as they were an Ecclesiasticall Republike . That the Elders among the Jews did sit among the Priests and voice in their Ecclesiasticall Courts , according to Baravias own confession , but were not their● will Magistrates as he alleadgeth . Bilsons objections answered . CHAP. IV. The second Argument taken from Math. 18.17 . WHat is the meaning of these words , Tell the Church ? Why the Presbytery may be called the Church . Our argument from this place for Ruling-Elders . CHAP. V. The third Argument taken from Rom. 12.8 . THe words Rom. 12.8 . expounded . That by him that ru●eth , is meant the Ruling-Elder . The objections to the contrary answered . CHAP. VI. The fourth Argument taken from 1 Cor. 12.28 . TH●t by governments the Apostle meaneth ruling-Elders . Two glosses given by our opposites confuted . CHAP. VII . The fi●st Argument taken from 1 Tim. 5.17 . OUr Argument from this place vindicated against ●en false glosses devised by our opposites . CHAP. VIII . The testimony of Ambrose for Ruling-Elders vindicated . NO certain ground alledged against the authority of those Commentaries upon the Epistles ascribed to Ambrose . Other answers made by our opposites to the place upon 1 Tim. 5. confuted . CHAP. IX . Other Testimonies of Antiquitie . TEstimonies for Ruling-Elders out of Tertullion , Cyprian , Epiphanius , B●sil , Chrysostome , Hierome , Eus●bius , Augustine , Origen , Isidore , the first counsell of T●lido . Other testimo●ies observed by Iustellus , and Voetius . Bilsons answer confuted . CHAP. X. The consent of Protestant Writers , and the confession of our opposites for Ruling-Elders . CItat●ons of sundry Protestant writers to this purpose . This truth hath extorted a confession from W●itgist , Saravia , Sultiffe , Camero , and M. Io. Wemys of Craigtown . CHAP. XI . Dr. Fields five arguments against ruling-Elders , answered . HIs first reason , that no foot-step of Ruling-Elders for many hundreth years could be found in any Christian Church , answered five waies . Footsteps of Ruling-Elders in the Church of England . His second reason answered . That we ought to judge of the Officers of the Church , not from 1 Tim. 3. only , but from that and other places compared together . His third reason answered by the c●rtain bounds of the power of Ruling-Elders . His fourth reason answered by the distinction of the Ecclesiastica●l Sanedrim of the Iewes , from their civill Sanedrim . His last reason concerning the names holdeth not . CHAP. XII . The extravagancies of Whitegift , and Saravia , in the matter of ruling-Elders . THe one alloweth of Ruling-Elders under an Infidell Magistrate , but not under a Christian Magistrate . The other alloweth of them under a Christian Magistrate , but not under an Infidell . That Ruling-Elders do not prejudge the power of the civill Magistrate , but the Prelacie doth , which confuteth Whitegift . That Christian Magistrates are not come in place of the Jewish Seniors , which confuteth Saravia . CHAP. XIII . Whether ruling-Elders have the power of decisive voices when they they sit in Presbyteries and Synods . THe affirmative proved by nine reasons . Two objections to the contrary answered . The place 1 Cor. 14.32 . explained . CHAP. XIIII . Of the Ordination of ruling-Elders . Of the continuance of their Office , and of their maintenance . THat the want of the Imposition of hands in Ordination , the want of maintainance , and the not continuing alwaies in the ●xercise of the Office , cannot be prejudiciall to the Office it selfe of Ruling-Elders . The Contents of the second Part. CHAP. I. Of Popular government in the Church . THat this question is necessary to be cl●●red , before the question of the authority of Assemblies . That Jurisdiction ought not to be 〈◊〉 by all the Members of a Congrega●ion , proved by 〈◊〉 reasons . Objections answered . The controversie 〈◊〉 . CHAP. II. Of the independencie of the Elderships of particular Congregations . Dr. Fields question , wh●ther the power of Jurisdiction belongeth to the Eldership of every Congregation , or to a common Presbytery made up out of many Congregations , answered by an eig●●fold distinction . A thr●●fold conformity of those Parishionall Elderships to the primitive pattern . CHAP. III. Of great Presbyteries which some call Classes . THree false gloss●s on 1 Tim. 4.14 . confuted . That the Apostle 〈◊〉 by the Presbytery a● Assembly of Presbyters . whereof also Fathers and Councels do speak . The warrant and authority of our Classicall Presbyteries declared both by good reasons , and by the Apostolicall patern : for assertion of the latter it is proved , 1. That in many of those Cities wherein the Apostles planted Christian religion , there was a greater number of christians then did or could ordinarily assemble into one place . 2. That in these Cities there was a plurality of Pastors . 3. That yet the whole within the City was one Church . 4. That the whole was governed by one common Presbytery . From all which a Corollary is drawne for these our Classicall Presbyteries . CHAP. IV. Of the authority of Sy●●ds provinciall , and Nationall . THat the power of Jurisdiction in the Synod , differeth from the power of jurisdiction in the Presbyterie . The power of Jurisdiction in Synods is three-fold , dogmatick , diataktick , and critick ; Whether the decrees of a Synod may be pressed upon such as professe scruple of conscience there anent . CHAP. V. The first argument for the authority of Synods , and the subordination of Presbyteries ●●erto , taken from the light of nature . THat the Church is a certain kinde of Republike , and in things which are common to her with other societies , is guided by the same light of nature which guideth them , Of this kinde are her assemblies . CHAP. VI. The second argument taken from Christs Institution . THe will of Christ for the authority of Synods is shewed two waies . 1. Because else he hath not sufficiently provided for all the necessities of his Church . 2. He hath committed spirituall power and authority to the Assemblies and Courts of the Church in generall , yet hath not determined in Scripture all the particular kinds , degrees , and bounds thereof , and that for three reasons . The particular kinds of Synods appointed by the Church according to the light of nature , and generall warrant and rules of the word , are mixed , thogh not meer divine ordinances . CHAP. VII . The third argument taken from the Iewish Church . THat there were among the Jews a● least two Ecclesiasticall Courts , the Synagogue , and the Sanedrim . That the power of the Synagogical con●istory was not civill , but spirituall , proved against Sutliffe . That the Jews had a supream Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , distinct from the civill Sanedrim , proved against the same Sutliffe , both from the institution therof , Deu● . 17. and from the restitution , 2 Chron. 19. and from the practice , Ier. 26. The consequence of our argument , proved against such as deny it . That we ought to follow the Jewish Church in those things which it had , not as it was Jewish , but under the common respect and account of a politicall Church . CHAP. VIII . The fourth argument taken from Acts 15. THat we finde Acts 15. a Synode of the Apostles and Elders , with authority imposing their decrees upon many particular Congregations . Foure answers made to this argument found not to be satisfactory . CHAP. IX . The sixt argument token from the Geometricall proportion . THis argument from proportion doth hold , whether we compare the collectives of Churches among themselves , or the representatives among themselves , or the representatives and collectives together . CHAP. X. The sixt argument taken from necessitie . THat without the authority of Synods , it is impossible to preserve unity , or to make an end of controversie . Other remedies declared to be ineffectuall . CHAP. XI . Objections made against the authority of Synods answered . THe place Math. 18.17 . discussed . That one visible politicall Church may comprehend many Congregations , proved . That the authority of Presbyteries and Synods doth not rob the Congregations of their liberties , as the Prelacie did . A visible Church may be considered either metaphysically , or politically : This distinction explained , serveth to obviat sundry arguments alledge● for the independent power of Congregations . Other two objections answered , which have been lately made . The first part , CONCERNING RVLING ELDERS . CHAP. I. Of the words Elder , Lay Elder , Ruling Elder . THE word Elder answereth to Zaken in the Hebrew , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek . It hath foure different significations , 1. It noteth Age. 2 ▪ Antiquity . 3. Venerability . 4. An office . In the first signification , Elder is opposed to younger , as 1 Tim. 5.1 . Rebuke not an Elder , but intreat him as a father , & the younger men as brethren , 1 Pet. 5.5 . Likewise ye younger submit your selves unto the Elder . In this sense was the Apostle Iohn called the Elder , because hee outlived the other Apostles , 2 Iohn 1. and 3. vers . 1. In the second signification Elder is opposed to Moderne , Mat. 15.2 . Why doe thy Disciples transgresse the tradition of the Elders . That is , of them of old time , Mat. 5.21 . In the third signification we finde the word , Isa. 3. where the Lord saith , that he would take away from Israel the prudent and the ancient , vezaken ; that is , the worthies among them , and such as were respected for wisedome . The same word , ( and peradverture in the same sense ) is turned Elder , Exod. 2.16 . Eth-zikne Israel , the Elders of Israel . So the Spanish Seijor , the French Seigneur , the Italian Signore , all comming from the Latine Senior , signifie a man of respect , or one venerable for dignity , gifts , prudence , or piety . Contrariwise , men of no worth , nor wisedome , men despicable for lacke of gifts and understanding , are called Children , Isa. 3.4.12 . Ephes. 4.14 . But it is the fourth signification which we have now to do withall , and so an Elder is a spirituall officer , appointed by God , and called to the government of the Church , Acts 14.23 . When they had by voyces made them Elders in every Church . They have the name of Elders , because of the maturity of knowledge , wisedome , gifts and gravity , which ought to be in them : for which reason also the name of Senators was borrowed from Senes . Before we come to speake particularly of those Elders of which our purpose is to treat , it is fit we should know them by their right name , lest wee nick-name and mis-call them . Some reproachfully and others ignorantly call them Lay Elders . But the distinction of the Clergie & Laity , is Popish and Antichristian ; and they who have narrowly considered the records of ancient times , have noted this distinction as one of the grounds whence the mystery of iniquity had the beginning of it . The name of Clergie appropriate to Ministers , is full of pride and vaine-glory , and hath made the holy people of God to be despised , as if they were prophane and uncleane in comparison of their Ministers . Gerard likeneth those who take to themselves the name of the Clergie , to the Pharisees , who called themselves by that name : for that their holinesse did separate them from the rest of the Jewes : for this Etymologie of the name Pharisee , hee citeth Tertullian , Origen , Epiphanius , Ambrose , and confirmeth it from Luke 18.10 . Hence was it that some Councels discharged the Laity from presuming to enter within the Quire , or to stand among the Clergie neere the Altar . Two reasons are alleadged why the Ministers of the Church should bee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . First , because the Lord is their Inheritance : secondly , because they are the Lords inheritance . Now both these reasons doe agree to all the faithfull people of God : For there is none of the faithfull , who may not say with David , Psal. 16.5 . The Lord is the portion of my inheritance ; and of whom also it may not bee said , that they are the Lords inheritance , or lot : for Peter giveth this name to the whole Church , 1 Pet. 5.3 . Where ( if it were needfull ) we might chalenge Bishop Hall , who borroweth a glosse from Bellarmine and Gregorius de Valentia , telling us , that Peter chargeth his fellow Bishops not to dominier over their Clergie ; so shutting out of the Text , both the duty of Pastors , because the Bishops onely are meant by Elders ; and the benefit of the people , because the inferiour Pastors are the Bishops flocke , according to this glosse : for Peter opposeth the Lording over the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to being ensamples to the Flocke . Surely , if this Popish Glosse bee true , Protestants in their Commentaries and Sermons , have gone wide from that Text. But Matthias the Apostle was chosen by lot . What then ? By what reason doth the Canon law draw from hence a name common to all the Ministers of the Gospell ? Let 〈◊〉 then banish from us such Popish names , and send them home to Rome . Bellarmin thought we had done so long ere now : for he maketh this one of his controverted heads : Whether wee may rightly call some Christians the Clergie , and others the Laity , or not , ascribing the negative to Protestants , the affirmative to the Church of Rome . Yet beside the Clergy and the Laity , Papists hold that there is a third sort in the Church distinct from both , whom they call Regulares . These are such of their religious orders , as are not taken up with contemplation alone ( like the Monkes ) but with action ; such as the Dominicans , Franciscans , &c. Who helpe and assist the Clergy in their Ecclesiasticall imployments , though they themselves bee not admitted into any particular charge in the Church . Now hee who will needs side with the Papists in the distinction of Clergy and Laity , may also with them admit a third member of the distinction ▪ and make ruling Elders of that sort ; especially since the reason why the regular Chanoins are assumed as helpers to Parish Priests , is propter multitudinem fidelis populi , & difficultatem inven●endi curatos sufficientes & idoneos , saith Cardinall Cajetan , adding further , male consultum populo Christiano invenitur sine hujusmodi supplemento . Which reasons agree well to ruling Elders . For 1. Parishes containe so many , that the Minister cannot oversee all , and every one without helpe . 2. Sufficient and fit Ministers shall hardly bee every where found . 3. It is found by experience , that sinne and scandall are never well taken neede to , and redressed , where ruling Elders are not . To let all this passe , if any man will needs retaine the name of Lay Elders , yet saith Gersomus Bucerus , What aspersion is that to our Churches ? is it any other thing then that which Papists object to us for admitting Lay men into Councels ? They who have place in the highest and most supreame assemblies of the Church , wherein the weightiest matters are determined , ought much more to be admitted into inferiour meetings , such as Presbyteries are . But if we will speake with Scripture , wee shall call them Ruling Elders , Rom. 12.8 . he that ruleth , 1 Tim. 5.17 . Elders that rule well . They are called ruling Elders , non quia soli sed quia solum praesunt . Pastors rule the Church even as they doe ; but Pastors doe something more , from which they may bee designed . Whereas the Elders of which wee are to speake , have no other imployment , which can give them a designation , except the ruling of the Church onely . That wicked railer Lisim●chus Nicanor , who assumed the name , but forgot to put on the vizorne of a Jesuit , in his congratulatory ( I should say calumniatory ) Epistle pag. 61. alledgeth that they are called ruling Elders , because the Ministers are their ruled Elders . If he were a Jesuit , he may remember that in their own society , besides their Priests , Doctors , Preachers , Confessionaries , &c. They have also Rectores , or Regentes ; whose office it is to see the rules of their order kept , to observe the behaviour of every one , & when they perceive any seeds of Heresie , to signifie the same to the Provinciall , and hee to the Generall . Yet are these Rectores among the lowest rankes of their officers , so that Jesuites need not stumble when wee call our Eldersruling Elders . CHAP. II. Of the function of Ruling Elders , and what sort of Officers they be . NOtwithstanding , of all the multiplicity of Popish orders , yet Peter Lombard treading the vestiges of the primitive simplicity , did observe that the Apostles left only two sacred orders to bee perpetuall in the Church , the order of Deacons , & the order of Elders . The administration of Deacons is exercised about things bodily . The administration of Elders about things spirituall . The former about the goods : the latter about the government of the Church . Now Elders are of three sorts . 1. Preaching Elders , or Pastors . 2. Teaching Elders or Doctors . 3. Ruling Elders . All these are Elders , because they have voice in Presbyteries , and all assemblies of the Church , and the government of the Church is incumbent to them all : nor onely to the Pastor and Elder , but to the Doctor also . The Bishop of Dune in his examen conjurationis Scoticae , p. 35. alledgeth , that our Church of Scotland did never yet determine whether Doctors and Deacons have right of voycing in the Consistories & Assemblies of the Church . But had he read our booke of Policie , hee might have found , that it excludeth Deacons from being members of Presbyteries and Assemblies , Cap. 8. but admitteth Doctors into the same , Cap. 5. The Doctor being an Elder , as said is , should assist the Pastor in the government of the Kirke ; and concurre with the Elders , his brethren , in all Assemblies , by reason the Interpretation of the Word , which is onely Iudge in Ecclesiasticall matters , is committed to his charge . But they differ , in that the Pastor laboureth in the word of exhortation , that is , by the gift of wisedome applieth the word to the manners of his flocke , and that in season and out of season , as he knoweth their particular cases to require . The Doctor laboureth in the word of Doctrine , that is , without such applications as the Pastor useth , by simple teaching he preserveth the truth and sound interpretation of the Scriptures , against all heresie and error . The ruling Elder doth neither of these , but laboureth in the government and policie of the Church onely . The Apostle hath distinguished these three sorts of Elders , 1. Tim. 5.17 . Let Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the Word and Doctrine . Where , as Beza noteth , hee distinguisheth the Word , which is the Pastors part , from Doctrine , which is the Doctors part . Even as Rom. 12.7.8 . hee distinguisheth teaching from exhortation : and 1 Cor. 12.8 . putteth the word of wisedome , and the word of knowledge for two different things . Now beside those Elders which labour in the Word , and those which labour in Doctrine , Paul speaketh to Timothy of a third sort of Elders , which labour neither in the Word nor Doctrine , but in ruling well . Hence it appeareth , how truely the Booke of Policie , Cap. 2. saith , That there are foure ordinary , perpetuall , and necessary Offices in the Church , the office of the Pastor , the Doctor , the Elder , and the Deacon : and that no other office , which is not one of these foure , ought to bee received , or suffered in the Church . But when we speake of Elders , Non personatos , &c. we will not have disguised and histrionicall men , puffed up with titles , or idols dead in sinnes , to be meant , but holy men , who being indued with faith in God , and walking in his obedience , God authorising them , and the Church his Spouse chusing and calling them , undertake the government thereof , that they may labour to the conservation and edification of the same in Christ , saith Iunius . A ruling Elder should pray for the Spirit and gifts of his calling , that hee may doe the duties of his calling , and not bee like him that played the Souldan , but a Souter ; hee must doe his office neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and pro forma , hee himselfe being Parcus Deorum caltor & infrequens ; nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doing all through contention and strife about particulars . Si duo de nostras tollas pro nomina rebus , praelia ( I may say Iurgia ) cessarent , pax sine lite foret : Nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Empiring and Lording among his brethren and fellow Elders ; Whosoever will bee great among you , let him bee your minister ; and whosoever will bee chiefe among you , let him be your servant , saith the onely Lord and Head of the Church : Nor yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , setting himselfe only to do a pleasure , or to get preferment to such as he favoureth ; Nay , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , onely by establishing good orders , and wholesome lawes in the Church , but he must carry himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , serviceably and ministerially : for as his Function is Officium and Iurisdictio , so it is Munus , a burdensome service and charge laid upon him . That a ruling Elder may bee such a one as hee ought to bee , two sorts of duties are requisite , viz. duties of his Conversation , and duties of his Calling . The duties of his conversation are the same which the Apostle Paul requireth in the conversation of the Minister of the Word , That he bee blamelesse , having a good report , not accused of riot , or unruly , vigilant , sober , of good behaviour , given to hospitality , a lover of good men , just , holy , temperate , not given to wine , no striker , not greedy of filthy lucre , not selfe-willed , not soone angry , but patient , not a brawler , not covetous , one that ruleth well his owne house , having his children in subjection , with all gravity , one that followeth after righteousnesse , godlinesse , faith , love , patience , meeknesse , &c. These and such like parts of a Christian and exemplary conversation , being required of Pastors , as they are Elders , belong unto ruling Elders also . This being plaine , let us proceed to the duties of their calling . For the better understanding whereof , we will distinguish with the Schoole-men , a two-fold power , the power of Order , and the power of Jurisdiction ; which are different in sundry respects . 1. The power of Order comprehendeth such things as a Minister by vertue of his ordination , may doe without a commission from any Presbyterie , or Assembly of the Church , as to preach the Word , to minister the Sacraments , to celebrate marriage , to visite the sicke , to catechise , to admonish , &c. The power of Jurisdiction comprehendeth such things as a Minister cannot doe by himselfe , nor by vertue of his ordination ; but they are done by a Session , Presbytery , or Synod ; and sometimes by a Minister , or Ministers , having Commission , and authority from the same , such as ordination and admission , suspension , deprivation and communication , and receiving againe into the Church , and making of Lawes and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall and such like ; whereof we boldly maintaine , that there is no part of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction , in the power of one man , but of many met together in the name of Christ. 2. The power of Order is the radicall and fundamentall power , and maketh a Minister susceptive , and capable of the power of Jurisdiction . 3. The power of Order goeth no further then the Court of Conscience ; the power of Jurisdiction is exercised in Externall and Ecclesiasticall Courts . Fourthly , the power of Order is sometime unlawfull in the use , yet not voide in it selfe . The power of Jurisdiction when it is unlawfull in the use , it is also voide in it selfe . If a Minister doe any act of Jurisdiction , as to excommunicate , or absolve without his owne parish , wanting also the consent of the Ministery and Elders of the bounds where he doth the same , such acts are voide in themselves , and of no effect . But if without his owne charge , and without the consent aforesaid , hee baptise an infant , or doe any such thing belonging to the power of Order , though his act be unlawfull , yet is the thing it selfe of force , and the Sacrament remaineth a true Sacrament . Now to our purpose . We averre that this twofold power of Order and of Jurisdiction belongeh to ruling Elders as well as to Pastors . The power of Jurisdiction is the same in both ; for the power and authority of all Jurisdiction belongeth to the Assemblies , and representative meetings of the Church , whereof the ruling Elders are necessary constituent members and have the power of decisive voycing no lesse then Pastors . Howbeit the execution of some decrees enacted by the power of Jurisdiction belongeth to Ministers alone , for Pastors alone exercise some acts of Jurisdiction , as imposition of hands , the pronouncing of the sentence of excommunication , the receiving of a penitent , &c. Are not these things done in the name and authority of some Assembly of the Church , higher or lower ? Or are they any other then the executions of the decrees and sentences of such an Assembly wherein ruling Elders voyced . The power of Order alone shall , make the difference betwixt the Pastor and the ruling Elder ; for by the power of Order , the Pastor doth preach the Word , minister the Sacraments , pray in publike , blesse the Congregation , celebrate marriage , which the ruling Elder cannot . Therefore it is falsly said by that railing Rabshakeh ( whom before I spoke of ) Ep. pag. 7. That the ruling Elders want nothing of the power of the Minister , but that they preach not , nor baptise in publike congregations : yet other things which the Pastor doth by his power of Order , the ruling Elder ought also to doe by his owne power of Order . And if we would know how much of this power of Order is common to both , let us note that Pastors doe some things by their power of Order , which all Christians ought to doe by the law of Charity . Things of this sort a ruling Elder may and ought to doe by his power of Order , and by vertue of his election and ordination to such an office . For example , every Christian is bound in Charity to admonish and reprove his brother that offendeth ; first , privately , then before witnesses ; and if he heare not , to tell it to the Church , Levit. 19.17 . Matth. 18.15.16.17 . This a ruling Elder ought to doe by vertue of his calling , and with authority , 1 Thess. 5.12 . Private Christians ought in Charity to instruct the ignorant , Joh. 4.29 . Act. 18.26 . to exhort the negligent , Heb. 3.15 . & 10.24 25. to comfort the afflicted , 1 Thess. 5.11 . to support the weake , 1 Thess. 5.14 . To restore him that falleth , Galat. 6.1 . to visite the sicke , Matth. 25.36.40 . to reconcile those who are at variance , Matth. 5.9 . to contend for the truth , and to answer for it , Iude v. 3. 1 Pet. 3.15 . All which are incumbent to the ruling Elder by the authority of his calling . To conclude then , the calling of ruling Elders consisteth in these two things . 1. To assist and voyce in all Assemblies of the Church , which is their power of jurisdiction . 2. To watch diligently over the whole flock all these wayes which have been mentioned , and to doe by authority that which other Christians ought to doe in charity , which is their power of order . And the Elder which neglecteth any one of these two whereunto his calling leadeth him , shall make answer to God for it . For the Word of God , the Discipline of this Kirke , the bonds of his owne calling and covenant , doe all binde sinne upon his soule , if either hee give not diligence in private , by admonishing all men of their duty as the case requireth ; or if he neglect to keepe either the Ecclesiasticall Court and Consistory within the Congregation where his charge is , or the Classicall Presbyterie , and other Assemblies of the Church , which he is no lesse bound to keepe then his Pastor , when he is called and dessigned thereunto . CHAP. III. The first Argument for ruling Elders , taken from the Iewish Church . HAving shewed what ruling Elders are , it followeth to shew Scripture and Divine right for them . Our first Argument is taken from the governement and pollicy of the Jewish Church thus : Whatsoever kinde of office-bearers the Jewish Church had ; not as it was Jewish , but as it was a Church , such ought the Christian Church to have also . But the Jewish Church , not as it was Jewish , but as it was a Church , had Elders of the people , who assisted in their Ecclesiasticall government , and were members of their Ecclesiasticall Consistories . Therefore such ought the Christian Church to have also . The Proposition will no man call in question ; for , quod competit alicui qua tali competit omni tali . That which agreeth to any Church as it is a Church , agreeth to every Church . I speake of the Church as it is a politicall body , and setled Ecclesiasticall Republike . Let us see then to the Assumption . The Jewish Church , not as it was a Church , but as it was Jewish , had an high Priest , typisying our great high Priest Jesus Christ. As it was Jewish , it had Musitians to play upon Harpes , Psalteries , Cymbals , and other Musicall Instruments in the Temple , 1 Chron. 25.1 . concerning which , hear Bellarmines confession , de bon . oper . lib. 1. cap. 17. Iustinus saith , that the use of instruments was granted to the Iewes for their imperfection : and that therefore such instruments have no place in the Church . Wee confesse indeed that the use of musicall instruments agreeth not alike with the perfect , and with the imperfect , and that therefore they beganne but of late to be admitted in the Church . But as it was a Church , and not as Jewish , it had foure sorts of ordinary office-bearers , Priests , Levites , Doctors , and Elders , and we conformablie have Pastors , Deacons , Doctors , and Elders . To their Priests and Levits , Cyprian doth rightly liken our Pastors and Deacons , for howsoever sundry things were done by the Priests and Levites , which were typicall and Jewish onely ; yet may we well parallell our Pastors with their Priests , in respect of a perpetuall Ecclesiasticall office common to both , viz. the Teaching and governing of the people of God , Mal. 2.7 . 2 Chron. 19.8 . and our Deacons with their Levits , in respect of the cure of Ecclesiasticall goods , and of the work of the service of the house of God in the materialls and appurtenances thereof , a function likewise common to both , 1 Chro. 26.20 . & 23.24.28 . The Jewish Church had also Doctors and Schooles , or Colledges for the preservation of true Divinity among them , and of tongues , arts , and sciences , necessary thereto , 1 Chron. 15.22.27 . 2 King. 22.14 . 1 Sam. 19.20 . 2 Kings 2.3.5 . Act. 19.9 . These office-bearers they had for no typicall use , but wee have them for the same use and end for which they had them . And all these sorts of office-bearers among us wee doe as rightly warrant from the like sorts among them as other whiles wee warrant our baptizing of Infants from their circumcising of them , our Churches by their Synagogues , &c. Now that the Jewish Church had also such Elders as wee plead for , it is manifest : for besides the Elders of the Priests , there were also Elders of the people joyned with them in the hearing and handling of Ecclesiasticall matters , Jer. 19.1 . Take of the ancients of the people ▪ and of the ancients of the Priests . The Lord sending a message by the Prophet , would have a representative body of all Judah to be gathered together for receiving it , as Tremellius noteth . So 2 Kings 6.32 . Elisha sate in his house , and the Elders sate with him . We read , 2 Chron. 19.8 . That with the Priests were joyned some of the chiefe of the Fathers of Israel , to judge Ecclesiasticall causes and controversies . And howsoever many things among the Jewes in the latter times , after the captivity , did weare to confusion and misorder , yet we finde even in the dayes of Christ , and the Apostles , that the Elders of the people still sate and voyced in Councell with the Priests , according to the ancient forme , as is cleare from sundry places of the new Testament , Matth. 16.21 . and 21.23 . and 26.57.59 . and 27.1.12 . Mark 14 43. Luke 22.66 . Acts 4.5 . This is also acknowledged by the Roman Annalist Baronius , who confesseth further , That as this was the forme among the Jewes , so by the Apostles was the same forme observed in their times , and Seniors then admitted into Councels . Saravia himselfe , who disputeth so much against ruling Elders , acknowledgeth what hath been said of the Elders of the Jewes , Seniores quidem invenio in Consessu Sacerdotum veteris Synagoga , qui Sacerdotes non erant . I finde indeed ( saith hee ) Elders in the Assembly of the Priests of the old Synagogue , which were not Priests . Et quamvis paria corum essent suffragia & authoritas in omnibus sufragiis sacerdotum , cum suffragiis Sacerdotum , &c. And although ( saith hee ) their suffrages and authority in all judgements were equall with the suffrages of the Priests , &c. But what then , thinke yee , hee hath to say against us ? Hee saith , that the Elders of the Jewes were their Magistrates , which in things pertaining to the externall government of the Church , ought not to have been debarred from the Councell of the Priests , more then the Christian Magistrate ought now to bee debarred from the Synods of the Church . Now to prove that their Elders were their civill Magistrates , hee hath no better argument then this , That the Hebrew word Zaken , which is turned Elder , importeth a chiefe man , or a Ruler . We answer , First , this is a bold conjecture which hee hath neither warranted by divine nor by humane testimonies . Secondly , Zaken doth not ever signifie a Ruler , or a man in authority , as we have shewed before . Thirdly , let us grant Zaken to bee a name of dignity , and to import a chiefe man ; yet a chiefe man is not ever a Magistrate , nor a Ruler . It would onely follow that they were of the chiefe of the fathers of Israel that were joyned with the Priests in the Sanedrim , and so it was , 2 Chron. 19.8 . Non hercle de plebe hominum lecti sed nobilissimi omnes , saith P. Cunaeus . They were , saith Loc. Theol. to . 6. § . 28. Proceres tribuum qui allegabantur una cum sacerdotibus & scribis in sacrum synedrium . Fourthly , they who were so joyned in Councell with the Priests , 2 Chron. 19.8 . are plainely distinguished from the Judges and Magistrates , vers . 11. And so are the Princes & Rulers distinguished from the Elders , Act. 4.5 . Judg. 8.14 . Deut. 5.23 . Jos. 8.33 . Fifthly , we would know whether he thought that all the Magistrates of the Jews sate in Councel with the Priests , or some of them onely : if some only , we desire either proofe or probability who they were , and how many ; if all , then should wee by the like reason admit not the supreame Magistrate alone ( which hee seemeth to say ) into the Synods of the Church , but all Magistrates whatsoever , and what a confusion should that bee ? Sixthly those Elders that sate in the civil Sanedrim , were Rulers by their sitting there ; but the Elders which sate in the Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , either were not civill Magistrates , or at least sate not there as Magistrates . So do our Magistrates sometimes sit with us , as members of our Assemblies , not as Magistrates , but as Elders . Of the distinction of those two Courts , which every one observeth not , we shall speake more afterward . We have said enough against Saravia , but Bilson doth better deserve an answer , who alledgeth more specious reasons to prove , that the Elders of the Jewes were their civill Magistrates . Hee saith , There was no Senate nor Seniors among the Jewes , but such as had power of life and death , of imprisonment , confiscation , banishment , &c. which hee maketh to appeare thus : In the dayes of Ezra the punishment of contemners was forfeiture of their substance , and separation from the congregation , Ezra 10.8 . The triall of secret murther was committed to the Elders of every City , Deut. 21.3.4 . They delivered the wilfull murtherer unto the Avenger of bloud , to be put to death , Deut. 19.12 . They condemned a stubborne sonne to death , Deut. 21.19 . They chastened a man who had spoken falsly of his wife , that hee found her not a virgin , Deut. 22.15.16.18 . Ans. First , if it should bee granted , that the Elders spoken of in these places , were civill Magistrates , this proveth not that there were no Ecclesiasticall Elders among the Jewes . Iustellus in his Annotations upon the Booke of the Canons of the African Church , distinguisheth betwixt the civill Elders mentioned , Can. 91. who were called Seniores locorum , or Vrbium : and the Ecclesiasticall Elders mentioned , Can. 100. who were called , Seniores Ecclesiae , and Seniores Plebis : the former name distinguishing them from the civill Elders , the latter distinguishing them from Preaching Elders . So there might be the same two sorts of Elders among the Jewes . And what then ? It is enough for us that wee finde in the Jewish Church , some Elders joyned with the Priests , & employed in things Ecclesiasticall . The Elders and Priests are joyned together both in the new Testament , as Matth. 26.59 . the chiefe Priests and Elders ; so in other places before cited : And likewise in the old Testament , Exod. 24.1 . Come up unto the Lord , thou and Aaron , Nadab and ●bihu , and seventy of the Elders of Israel , Deut. 27.1 . Moses with the Elders , compared with vers . 9. Moses and the Priests . Ezech. 7.26 . The Law shall perish from the Priest , and counsell from the ancients , Jer. 19 1. Take of the ancients of the people , and of the ancients of the Priests . Wee finde also the Commandements of God first delivered to the Elders , and by them to the people , Exod. 12.21.28 . and 19.7.8 . It is said , Deut. 27.1 . Moses with the Elders of Israel commanded the people . Upon which place Hugo Cardinalis saith : Argumentum , &c. Here is an argument that a Prelat ought not to command any thing without the counsell of the Elders . Secondly , but it cannot bee proved , that these Elders in the places objected , were Judges or Magistrates : nay , the contrary appeareth from other places , which wee have before alledged for the distinction of Elders from Magistrates or Judges : whereunto wee may adde , 2 Kings 10.1 . Vnto the Rulers of Iezreel , to the Elders , and to them that brought up Ahabs children . And verse 5. Hee that was over the house , and hee that was over the Citie , the Elders also , and the bringers up of the children , Ezra 10.14 . The Elders of every Citie , and the Iudges thereof . Fourthly , we read of threescore and seventeen Elders in Succoth , Judg. 8.14 . whereas the greatest number of Judges in one Citie among the Jewes was three for smaller matters , and three and twenty for greater matters . This objection Bilson himselfe moveth , but answereth it not . Fiftly , as for the places which hee objecteth against us , the first two of them make against himselfe . In Ezra 10.8 . wee finde not onely the civill punishment of forfeiture , but also as Pellicanus on that place , and Zepperus de pol. Eccl. lib. 3. cap. 7. doe observe the Ecclesiasticall punishment of excommunication , or separation from the Congregation : the former answering to the councell of the Princes , the latter to the councell of the Elders . The place Deuter. 21.3.4 . maketh against him in three respects . First , the Elders of the City did but wash their hands over the beheaded Heifer , and purge themselves before the Lord from the bloodshed , which was a matter rather Ecclesiasticall then civill , neque enim , &c. For there was no neede of a Iudge here who should be present formally as Iudge , saith Bonfrerius , the Jesuite , upon that place . Secondly , the controversie was decided by the word of the Priests , vers . 5. Thirdly , Tostatus thinketh that the Elders & the Judges are plainely distinguished , vers . 2. Thy Elders and thy Iudges shall come forth . Quaeras hic , &c. Thou mayest here aske , saith Pelargus , why the Elders of the people and the Iudges were both together called out ? I answer , because God will have both the Magistrate and the subjects to be innocent , &c. As for the other places , that which seemeth to prove most for the civill power of the Jewish Elders , is Deuter. 22. yet heare what that famous Commentator , Tostatus Abulensis , saith on that place , Quando talis , &c. When such a cause was to bee judged , because it was very weighty , the Elders of the City did meet together with the Iudges thereof , for in such facts there is some place for conjecture , and the Elders who are the wiser sort , can herein bee more attentive then others . So hee noteth upon Ruth 4.2 . that the Elders sate in the gate about the controversie betwixt Boaz and the other Kinsman , not as Judges , but as witnesses and beholders , that the matter might bee done with the more gravity and respect . Which doth further appeare from vers . 9.11 . In like manner wee answer to Deut. 21.19 . the Judges decided that cause with advice and counsell of the Elders : and so the name of Elders in those places may bee a name not of office , but of dignity , signifying men of chiefe note , for wisedome , gravity , and experience . In which sense the word Elders is taken , Gen. 50.7 . as Tostatus and Rivetus expound that place . In the same manner we say of Deuter. 19.12 . and in that case it is further to bee remembred that the Cities of refuge had a kinde of a sacred designation and use , for the Altar it selfe was sometimes a place of refuge , Exod. 21.14 . and when the sixe Cities of refuge were appointed , they were of the Cities of the Levits Numb . 35.6 . that by the judgement and counsell of the Levits who should best understand the Law of God , such controversies might be determined , as Pellicanus on that place saith well ; for this cause some read Josh. 20.7 . They sanctified Kedesh , &c. Besides , if it bee true that these causes were judged , not in the City where the murder was committed , but in the City of refuge , as Serrarius holdeth with Masius and Montanus , and alledgeth for it some very considerable reasons , then doth Bilsons Argument from Deut. 19.12 . faile also in this respect , for the Elders there mentioned are the Elders of the City where the murder was committed . CHAP. IV. The second Argument taken from Matth. 18.17 . OUR second argument we take from Matth. 18.17 . Tell the Church . Let an obstinate offender , whom no admonition doth amend , bee brought and judged by the Church . Where first of all , it is to bee condescended upon , That though hee speaketh by allusion to the Jewish Church , as is evident by these words , Let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a Publican ; Yet hee meaneth of the Christian Church , when he saith , Tell the Church , as may appeare by the words following , Whatsoever ye bind on earth , &c. which is meant of the Apostles and Ministers of ●he Gospell , Joh. 20.23 . so that hee did not send them to the Synedrium of the Jewes , when hee bade them tell the Church : nor , 2. doth hee meane of the Church universall ; for then we should have none of our wrongs redressed , because wee cannot assemble the Church universall ; nay , nor the representative of it , which is an Oecumenicke Councell : Nor 3. can wee underderstand it of the collective body , of a particular Church or Congregation ; for hee who is the God of order , not of confusion , hath committed the exercise of no Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to a promiscuous multitude . Nor 4. can it be taken of a Prelate , who being but one , can no more be called the Church , nor one can be called many , or a member be called a body . Non enim una persona potest dici Ecclesia , saith Bell. de Eccles. l. 3. c. 17. Cum Ecclesia sit populus & regnum Dei. It is plaine , that the Church there spoken of , is a certaine number met together , Where two or three are gathered together . &c. Nor 5. can wee with Erastus and Bilson expound it of the Christian Magistrate ; which exposition , beside that in a new-fangled language , it calleth the Magistrate the Church , and goeth about to overthrow all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . It is also utterly contrary to the purpose of Christ , and to the aime of that discipline which he recommendeth to bee used , which is the good of our brother , and the gaining of him from his offence , whereas the exercise of civill jurisdiction of the Magistrate is not intended for te● good of the offender , and for the winning of him to repentance ; but for the publike good of the Common-wealth , and for the preservation of peace , order , and justice , therein according to the lawes . Wherefore by the Church whereof our master speaketh , we must needs understand such a representative meeting of the Church , wherein a scandalous and obstinate person may , and ought to be judged . And what is that ? Collegium Presbyterorum , saith Camero . The Presbytery whereof mention is made , 1 Tim. 4.14 . Tell the Church , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Chrysostome , expounding the place : he meaneth the Presbyterie made up of Pastors and ruling Elders . And so Zanchius and Iunius expound him . The Pastors were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of their presiding in the Consistories of the Church . The ruling Elders were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of their ruling the flocke . Whitgift saith , Truth it is , that the place of Matthew may be understood of Seniors , but it may bee aswell understood of any other , that by the order of the Church , have authority in the Church . His confession in behalfe of Seniors we accept , but that he maketh this Scripture like a nose of waxe , and the government of the Church like the French fashion , that we utterly abhorre . But how is the Presbytery called the Church , and why ? First , even as the body is said to see when as the eyes alone doe see ; so saith Camero . The Church is said to heare that which they alone doe heare , who are as the eies of the Church . Secondly , it is a common forme of speech to give the name of that which is represented to that which representeth it . So wee commonly say that this or that is done by the States of Holland , which is done by the Senate at Hague . Now though Bishops or Pastors alone cannot represent the Church , because hearers also belong to the definition of the Church ; yet the Presbytery can well represent the Church , because it containeth , beside those who labour in the word , ruling Elders put in authority by the Church for the government thereof , as Gerard rightly resolveth . . Our Divines prove against Papists that some of these whom they call Laickes ought to have place in the Assemblies of the Church by this Argument among the rest ; because otherwise the whole Church could not be thereby represented . Thirdly , the Lord commanded that the children of Israel should lay their hands upon the Levits at their consecration , and that the whole congregation should bee brought together for that effect . This , as some have observed out of Aben-Ezra , cannot bee so understood as if the many thousands which were then in the Hoste of Israel had all laid their hands upon them , but the Elders of Israel onely representing them . So the Lord saith , speake to all the Congregattion of Israel , &c. But the execution of this command is expressed thus , Then Moses called for all the Elders of Israel , and said unto them &c. So Josh. 20.6 . Fourthly , Pastors and Elders , as they are the Ministers of Jesus Christ , so are they the Ministers and servants of his Spouse the Church . From that which hath beene said we may draw our Argument in this forme . Whatsoever Courts doe represent the Church , these are made up of ruling aswell as teaching Elders . But Presbyteries and all Assemblies of the Church are Courts which represent the Church . Ergo. The proposition is proved thus : Whatsoever Courts represent hearers aswell as teachers , and the people aswell as the Ministery , these are made up of ruling as well as teaching Elders . But whatsoever Courts doe represent the Church , these represent hearers aswell as teachers , &c. It is plaine enough that the Church cannot bee represented except the hearers of the word , which are the farre greatest part of the Church be represented . By the Ministers of the word they cannot be represented more then the Burghes can bee represented in Parliament by the Noblemen or by the Commissioners of Shires ▪ therefore by some of their owne kinde must they be represented , that is by such as are hearers and not preachers . Now some hearers cannot represent all the rest , except they have a calling and commission thereto , and who can those be but ruling Elders ? CHAP. V. Our third Argument taken from Romans 12.8 . OUR third Argument is grounded upon Rom. 12.8 . The Apostle hath declared before that , as there are many members in one body , and all the members have not the same office , for the office of the eye is to see , of the eare to heare , &c. So are their gifts given to the severall office-bearers of the Church , wherewith every one in his owne office may glorifie God and edifie the Church , vers . 4. with vers . 5.6 . These gifts he saith are differing , according to the grace given to us ; that is , according to the holy charge and office given unto us by the grace and favour of God : so vers . 3. Through the grace given unto me , saith Paul : that is through the authority of my Apostleship , which by grace I have obtained . Now whiles he exhorteth every one to the faithfull and humble use of his gift which he hath received for the discharge of his office , he illustrateth his exhortation by the enumeration of the ordinary Ecclesiasticall offices vers . 6.7.8 . And as Beza , Piscator , and Iunius doe well resolve the text . First , he maketh a generall division of functions in the Church , making two sorts of the same Prophesie , whereby is meant the faculty of expounding Scripture : and Ministerie comprehending all other imployments in the Church . Prophecying the Apostle sudivideth into Teaching , which is the Doctors part , and Exhortation which is the Pastors . Ministery he subdivideth in Giving , which is the Deacons part . Ruling which is the ruling Elders part , and Shewing mercy , which pertained to them who had care of the sicke . Against this commentary which we have made upon the Apostles words . Sutcliffe objecteth a double injury which we doe to Pastors . First , if these our Elders be the Rulers here spoken of , then Pastors ought not to rule : as if ( forsooth ) Elders could not rule except they rule alone . Next hee saith wee make these Elders as necessary to the Church as Pastors ; so that a Church cannot be where there are not ruling Elders , even as there is not a Church where there are not Word and Sacraments . Surely , a Church may happen to want Pastors , and so to want both the preaching of the Word , and the use of the Sacraments for that time : And so may it want Elders , and still remaine a Church , but defective and maimed . Howbeit the Pastors are more necessary then the Elders , because they doe not onely rule , but preach beside . But to passe this , there are other things which better deserve an answer : for one might object , 1. That the Apostle seemeth to speake of severall gifts onely , not of severall offices . 2. If hee speake of Offices , by what reason make we Prophesie and Ministery generall kindes , and all the rest particular offices . 3. Why would the Apostle put the Deacon before the Elder . 4. Bishop Andrewes in his Sermon of the worshipping of Imaginations , maketh a fourth objection , that by our interpretation of this place , wee make Qui miseretur to be Latine for a widow . To the first of these we answer , The Apostles Protasis speaketh of severall offices , not in the same , but in severall members : how then should we make his Apodosis to speak of severall gifts in the same , and not in severall office-bearers of the Church : wherefore , as seeing , hearing , tasting , &c. doe differ subjectively in respect of the members , which doe see , heare , &c. So speaketh the Apostle of teaching , exhorting , ruling , &c. as they are in different office-bearers . It is least of all credible which Bilson saith de Eccles. gubern . c. 10. p. 186.187 . that the Apostle speaks not of the gifts of office-bearers , but of gifts distributed unto all the members of Christs mysticall body , even unto women . Hee had shewed us a great secret , if hee could have made it appeare , that all who are in the Church , women and all , may both prophesie and rule . In this hee shall have the praise of out-stripping the Separatists . We know that private Christians may teach and exhort one another ; but they doe not so devote themselves thereto , as altogether to wait upon teaching and exhorting , which is the case the Apostle speaketh of . To the second wee say , that Prophesie and Ministery are put in abstracto , and ●oyned with a plurall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but teaching , exhorting , giving , ruling , and sh●wing mercie , are put in c●ncreto , and to each of them the single article pre fixed ; which is a sufficien● warrant to expound Prophesie and Ministery , as Genera , and the rest as Species , Chrysostome considering the word Ministery , saith , Rem hic generalem ponit . To the third we answer , He which is first named , hath not alwayes some prerogative or dignity above him which is last named ▪ else doe the Papists rightly argue , that Peter was the chiefe of all the Apostles , because they finde him named before all the rest , Matth. 10.2 . Act. 1.13 . The Apostle intended to reckon out all ordinary offices in the Church ; but he intended not the precise order . Chrysostome upon this same place saith : Vide quomodo ista indifferenter ponat quod minutum est primo : quod magnum est posteriore loco . Ephes. 4.11 . hee putteth Pastors before Teachers : here to the Romans he putteth Teachers before Pastors . To the fourth wee answer , That though it be ordinarily most convenient , that the office of attending the sicke bee committed to women , yet it is not essentially necessary to the offifice : And as Aretius noteth upon the place , wee may under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehend not onely widowes appointed to attend the sicke , but old men appointed to receive and entertaine strangers : Which is also judiciously observed by Martyr . Besides , when the Apostle , 1 Tim. 5. teacheth what is required in widowes , who should bee made Diaconesses ; this hee requireth among other things , that they be not such as live in pleasures and idlenesse , and take not care to provide for their owne houses , verse 6.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which though Erasmus and Beza turne in the feminine , quod si qua , yet our English Translators , and many good Interpreters , turne it in the masculine . And surely it shall have more weight if it agree to men as well as women , saith Calvin upon that place . Now they who read in the masculine , that which the Apostle saith there of widowes , will not , wee suppose , blame us for reading , Rom. 12.8 . in the masculine also , He that sheweth mercie . Wee conclude our third Argument thus : Whatsoever office-bearer in the Church is different from Pastors and Teachers , and yet ruleth the Church , he must needs bee a ruling Elder . But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned , Rom. 12.8 . is different from Pastors and Teachers , and yet ruleth the Church . Ergo. CHAP. VI. Argument 4. from 1 Cor. 12.28 . OUR fourth Argument is drawn from 1 Cor. 12.28 . where we finde againe an enumeration of sundry offices in the Church ( though not so perfect as that Rom. 12. ) and amongst others , Helps , that is , Deacons , and Governments , that is , Ruling El●ers . Where wee cannot enough admire how the Authors of the new English translation were bold to turne it thus , Helps in Governments , so to make one of two , and to elude our Argument . The originall hath them cleerely distinguished , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And I finde some late editions of the English translation to have it as it is in the Greek , Helps , Governments . How this change hath been made in the English Bibles , I know not . Chrysostome expounding , this place doth not take Helps and Governements to be all one , as Bilson hath boldly , but falsly averred . Nay Chrysostome maketh the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be ut pauperes suscipiamus : and the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he expounded to be praeesse ac curam gerere & res administrare spirituales . The former belongs to Deacons , the later to ruling Elders . Two answers are made to this place . First , D. Field answereth , that both here and Rom. 12.8 . we reason à genere ad speciem affirmativè ; because the Apostle mentioneth Governours whom he requireth to rule with diligence , therefore they were such Elders as we plead for . Whitgift saith , the word Governours , 1. Cor. 12.28 . and Rulers , Rom. 12.8 . is generall , and may either signifie Christian Magistrates , or Ecclesiasticall , as Archbishops , Bishops , or whatsoever other by lawfull authority are appointed in the Church . We reply , first , if the Apostle had mentioned Rulers or Governours alone , then might we have indeed guessed , that hee meant a generall kinde onely , and no particular Species : But since he hath enumerate so many Species , as Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , gifts of miracles , gifts of tongues , &c. Surely they did either most ignorantly , or most maliciously erre who tell us , that the Apostle putteth a Genus in the midst of so many Species . Secondly , the Apostle speaketh onely of Ecclesiasticall Officers , God hath set some in the Church , &c. What meant Whitgift to extend his words to the civill Magistrate . T. C. answered him , that hee could not distinguish betwixt the Church and Common-wealh , and so betwixt the Church Officers , and the Officers of the Common-wealth . He replied , that he could not put any such difference betwixt them , that the one may not be comprehended under the Apostles word , as well as the other . For I utterly renounce , saith he , that distinction invented by Papists , and maintained by you , which is , that Christian Magistrates governe not in the respect they be Christians but in the respect they be men ; and that they governe Christians , not in that they bee Christians , but in that they bee men : which is to give no more authority to the Christian Magistrate in the Church of Christ , then to the great Turke . Let our opposites here goe by the eares among themselves : for M. Io. Wemys holdeth , that all Kings have alike jurisdiction in the Church , Infidels as wel as Christian Kings . We hold that Christian Magistrates governe their subjects , neither as Christians , nor as men , but as Magistrates ; and they governe Christian subjects as Christian Magistrates . In like manner , Christians are governed by Magistrates , neither as they are Christians , nor as they are men , but as they are subjects , and they are governed by Christian Magistrates , as they are Christian subjects . And we all maintaine , that a Christian Magistrate hath great authority over Christian subjects , in things pertaining to the conservation and purgation of religion , which the great Turke , nor no Infidell Magistrate hath , or can have , except hee become Christian. But what doe I digressing after the impertinencies of a roving disputer ? for what of all this ? Let Christian Magistrates governe as you will , will any man say that his office is Ecclesiasticall , or to be reckoned among Apostles , Prophets Teachers ? &c. Wherefore Let us proceed to the other answer , which is made by Saravia : Hee saith , that though the Apostle , 1 Cor. 12.28 . reckon out different gifts , wee need not for that understand different persons , nor make different orders and offices in the Church , of the gifts of miracles , healing , tongues , and prophecies , which might bee , and were in one man. Whereupon he resolveth the Text thus : that first , Paul setteth downe three distinct orders , Apostles , Prophets , and Teachers ; then he reckoneth forth these common gifts of the holy Ghost ( and the gift of governing amongst the rest ) which were common to all the three . The Apostle saith not Governours , but Governments , saith Sutcliffe , to shew that he meaneth of faculties not of persons . So saith Bilson in like manner . For confutation of all this , it is to be remembred : First , that the gifts spoken of by the Apostle , are given of God for the common good and edification of the Church , And God hath set some in the Church , &c. Secondly , these gifts the Apostle considereth not , abstract●●è à subjectis ; but as they are in men indued with them , as is plaine ; for hee had before reckoned forth the gifts themselves , vers . 8.9.10 . and if here he did no more but reckon them over againe , this were actum agere . He is now upon the use and exercise of these gifts by the office-bearers of the Church , vers . 27.29 . And though the Apostle , vers . 28. speaketh concretively only of these three , Apostles , Prophets , and Teachers , yet the rest must bee understood in the same manner , per metoxymiam adjuncti ; as when wee speake of Magistracy and Ministery , for Magistrates and Ministers ▪ yea , the Apostle , vers . 29.30 . so expoundeth himself where hee speaketh concretivè of the same things whereof hee seemed before to speake abstractivè . Hee speaketh of them as they are in different subjects , which is most evident both by his protasis wherein hee did againe presse the same simile of the severall offices , not of the same but of severall members of the body ; and likewise by the words immediately subjoyned , Are all Apostles , are all Prophets ? are all Teachers ? He would have stood here and said no more , if he had meant to distinguish these three orders only as Saravia expoundeth him . But now to make it plainely appeare that hee spoke of the other gifts also , as they are in different persons , hee addeth , are all workers of miracles ? have all the gifts of healing ? doe all speake with tongues ? doe all interprete ? where wee may supply , are all for helps ? are all for governements ? But can it bee for nought that the Apostle ommitteth these two , when he doth over againe enumerate all the rest ? vers . 29.30 . It is as if he had said , there are some who have none of those speciall , and ( for the most part ) extraordinary gifts . All are not Apostles , all are not Prophets , &c. for some have but common and ordinary gifts , to bee Deacons or Elders for government . There is a great controversie betwixt the Iesuits and the Doctors of Sarbon , about the meaning of this place which we have now expounded . The Jesuits in their Spongia , writen against the censure of the University of Paris , contend , that by Helps the Apostle meaneth , the regular Chanoins , who help the Bishops and the Priests in preaching , ministering the Sacraments , and hearing confessions . By governments they say hee meaneth secular Priests , whom they call parochi . And because hee putteth helps before governments , they inferre that Regular Chanoins are of an higher degree ●in the Hierarchy of the Church , then Secular Priests . This they maintaine ( good men ) for the credit of their owne Polypragmaticke order , and not for the credit of other regular Chanoins , you may be sure . The Doctors of Sorbon in their Vindicia Censura , written by Aurelius , considered that they could not maintaine the meaning of the Apostle to bee onely of different gifts ( which no doubt they had answered , if they had thought it to carry any probability ) therefore they acknowledge that under these gifts are contained also the degrees of the Hierarchy . And that the Apostles words doe partly belong to the common gifts of the Spirit , as powers and interpretation of tongues , partly to the Hierarchy : of this later sort , they make helps and governments . And by the helps they seeme to understand Archdeacons and Curates . But now to conclude this Argument also , thus it is : They who have the gift and office of governing the Church , and are different from them , who have other gifts and offices in the Church , can be no other then the ruling Elders , which we plead for . But these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spoken of , 1 Cor. 12.28 . are such . Ergo. CHAP. VII . Argument 5. from 1 Tim. 5.17 . OUR fift Argument is taken from a cleer place , 1 Tim. 5.17 . Let the Elders that rule well bee counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine . Hence we reason after this manner . These Churches which had some Elders that laboured not in the Word and Doctrine , yet were worthy of double honour for ruling well , had the very same ruling Elders we plead for . But the Apostolicke Churches had some Elders that laboured not in the Word and Doctrine , yet were worthy of double honor for ruling well . Ergo. The Argument riseth from the plaine Text , then which what can be cleerer ? But there are some who would darken light , and lighten darkenesse . Doctor Field propoundeth three glosses upon this place for the frustration of our Argument . First , that the guides of the Church are worthy of double honour , both in respect of governing and teaching , but especially for their paines in teaching ; so that the Apostle noteth two parts or duties of Presbyteriall offices , not two sorts of Presbyters . This is manifestly against the Text , which speaketh of officers , not of offices , of persons , not of duties , for it is not said , especially for labouring , &c. But especially they that labour , &c. Secondly , he saith , among Elders some laboured principally in governing and ministering the Sacraments , some in preaching . So Paul sheweth that he preached and laboured more then all the Apostles , but baptised few or none . And when Paul and Barnabas were companions , and their travells equall ; yet Paul was the chiefe speaker ; so that though both were worthy of double honour , yet Paul especially . But for answer to this . First , we would gladly know what warrant had hee for expounding Pauls more aboundant labouring then all the Apostles , of his preaching alone ? Secondly , what warrant for such a distinction of Elders , that some laboured principally in governing , some in preaching ? Because Paul preached and did not baptise , and because hee was the chiefe speaker when hee and Barnabas travelled together : therefore some Elders laboured in governing , some in preaching ; good Logick forsooth . Thirdly , thought he that the Apostle did ever account such Ministers as doe not mainly labour in preaching to be worthy of double honour : nay , it was never the Apostles minde to allow any honour , farre lesse double honour , either to non-preaching or to seldome preaching Ministers . Vt quid enim doctor appellatur nisi ut doc●at ? saith Chrysostome . 4. Tell me whether is preaching a duty belonging to all the Ministers of the Gospell or not ? if it be not the duty of all , then it is the duty of none , but a work of supererogation or some such thing ; for if some be not bound to preach by their Presbyteriall order and vocation , what is there that should binde others to preach ? The order and calling of a Presbyter is alike common to all . Now if all bee bound to preach ( which Field himselfe seemeth to say in his first glosse , when hee calleth paines in teaching , a part or duty of the Presbyteriall office , no lesse then governing ) how shall those Presbyters bee worthy of double honour , who doe not the duties of their Presbyteriall office , but leave the one halfe of them undone ? Thirdly , saith Field , there were some that remained in certaine places for governing of those who were already wonne by the preaching of the Gospell : others travelled with great labour , from place to place , to preach Christ to such as had never heard of him . Both these were worthy of double honour , but especially the later , who did not build upon anothers foundation , nor governe those whom others had gained . The Poet would here answere : Non minor est virtus quam quaerere parta tueri . A Physitian would haply say , that to prevent the recidivation , is as much worth as the cure . But I answer , 1. There is no such opposition in the Text , but a subordination rather : for Elders who labour in the word and doctrine , are not contra-distinguished from Elders that rule well , but are declared to bee one kinde of Elders that rule well . 2. Though the Apostles and Evangelists travelled from one Countrey to another , to preach Christ to such as never heard of him ; yet where hath hee read that some of these who were meere ▪ Presbyters ( for of such speaketh the Text in hand ) did so likewise ? It rather appeareth from Act. 14.23 . Tit. 1.5 . that Elders were ordained in every Citie , there to remain at their particular charges , and no Elders finde we ordained by the Apostles ordinatione vaga . We have heard D. Fields three glosses upon this place in question . Sutcliffe hath given us other three which are no better . First , he saith , that if there bee here any distinction of ruling Elders , it is betwixt those that labour more aboundantly and painfully , and betwixt those that labour not so much . This glosse is also received by Saravia , by Titen , by Bishop Hall in his Assertion of Episcopacie by divine right . They tell us , it is one thing to preach , another thing to labour in the word and doctrine , Answ. 1. It is not the ministery of the word , but the ministery of ruling which here the Apostle maketh common to both . 2. This exposition alloweth not onely honour , but double honour ; yea , a high degree of double honour to such as take no paines in preaching , but are sparing therein . 3. It maketh the Apostles speech not to grow , but to fall : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they have stretched it to the full , noteth onely great labour , whereas to rule well importeth both great labour and great prudence , dexterity , faithfulnesse and charity beside . 4. It maketh the last part of the speech , In the Word and Doctrine , to bee superfluous : for they hold that all the difference here , is in the measure or manner of labour , and no difrence in re subjecta . 5. All who have any charge in the Ministery , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Thess. 5.11 . If they be at all faithfull , and worthy of honor , then do they labour , 1 Cor. 3.8 . yea , in labouring , watch , as they that must give account , Heb. 13.27 . 6. The Rhemists doe interpret the Apostle in the same manner . But Cartwright answereth them ; If hee had meant any extraordinary labour , hee would rather have sayd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for other where hee useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a degree of painful travell above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is put for common labour , Rom , 16.12 . But it may be the next Commentary shall be better . The words , saith Sutcliffe , are to be rendred thus : Let Elders that rule well , bee counted worthy of double honour , labouring greatly in the Word and Doctrine : so that the later part of the speech is added exegetically , to shew who they bee that rule well , to wit , these who labour greatly in the word and doctrine . That the words are so to bee understood , he undertaketh to prove from the text it selfe : For , saith hee , one who purposeth to say in Greeke , especially they who labour , will not say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus changing the Participle into a Verb , and the prepositive article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is written with an aspiration alone , into the subjunctive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum accentu gravi , for this answereth to the relative who , which the prepositive article doth never . Moreover , saith he , if the Apostle would have distinguished Elders into these that preach , and these that preach not , he would have added the adversative particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth indeed especially , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone without ● signifieth greatly , or much , as here it doth . Answ. 1. This reading of his is very harsh , and had need to sound better before it contradict both the English Translators , and the common current of Protestant Interpreters . 2. Hee is not so very well skilled in the Greeke , as hee boasteth to bee , unlesse he make the Apostle Paul a great Ignoramus in that language . For hee putteth a Participle with the Prepositive Article for a Verbe and a Relative , Philip. 4.7 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the peace of God which passeth all understanding . So Eph. 4.22 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The old man which is corrupt , and v. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The new man which after God is created . 1 Thess. 5.12 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To know them which labour among you . If S●tcliffs rule hold , we may not read it so , but thus , To know them labouring among you . So Apoc. 7.14 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , These are they who come out of great tribulation . Many places of this kinde there are , which I need not cite . 3. An Ellipsis of the particle ● , is no error , no not in members of an opposition , as Col. 2.23 . much lesse in the distinction of a Species from the Genus . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without ● , is put for especially , as well as when it hath ● , 1 Tim. 4.10 . who is the Saviour of all men , especially of these that beleeve . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This skilled Grecian would have us to conceive it thus : God is the Saviour of all men who beleeve much : and so it shall be a comfortlesse text for those of little faith . Surely this man had need to be more happy in his third exposition ; and now let us know what it is ? He saith , that though wee could evince , that the Apostle here speaketh of some other Elders besides the Ministers of the word ; yet wee shall have no advantage for our ruling Elders : for the Apostle being to prove that the Ministers of the word ought to be maintained , why might he not , saith he , use this generall proposition , That all Rulers , whether publicke or domestick , whether Civill or Ecclesiasticall , are to bee honored ? When the Apostle speaketh of the chusing of Deacons , he will have them to bee such as have ruled their own houses well . This is his last refuge , and how weak , let any ma● judge . We have heard of many sorts of Rulers , but who did ever hear ( before Sutliffe told it ) of Domesticke or Civill Elders that rule well . Had not the word Elders been in the Text , but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone , he might have been the bolder to have given this sense . But since the Apostle speaketh not generally of them that rule well , but of Elders in the Church that rule well , this marreth his glosse altogether . Bilson giveth yet another sense , That there were two sorts of Elders , some who laboured in the word and doctrine , some who had the care of the poore : both were worthy of double honour ; but especially they who laboured in the word . Answ. Deacons are distinguished from Elders , Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 3. and by all antiquity . If wee make Deacons to bee Elders , and the care of the poore to be an act of ruling , then let us make what you will of the plainest Scriptures . I finde in Didoclavius three other interpretations beside the former : First , Bridges saith , That by Elders who labour not in the word and doctrine , are meant rulers or inferiour Magistrates , chosen for compounding of civill controversies . Answ. 1. This is a strange language to call civill Magistrates by the name of Elders . 2. The Apostle is speaking of Ecclesiasticall not of Civill office-bearers . 3. This exposition maketh Pastors who labour in the word and doctrine , to bee a sort of civill Magistrates , because they are a kinde of Elders that rule well . Next , Bishop King expoundeth this place of old and infirme Bishops , who cannot labour in the word and doctrine . Answ. 1. The Apostle speaketh of Presbyters , not of Prelates . 2. To rule well importeth as great labour as preaching , and somewhat more , as I shewed before , so that they who cannot labour in preaching , cannot labour in ruling neither . 3. They who have eviscerate and spent themselves in the work of the Ministry , who have been ( as long as they could stand upon their feet ) valiant Champions for the truth , against the enemies thereof , who have served their time according to the will of God , without the staine of Heresie , Schisme , Apostasie , or unfaithfulnesse , when they become old and infirme , they ought not to be the lesse honoured ( as the impious verdict of this Prelate would have it ) but so much the more honour ought to be given to their hoare head found in the way of righteousnesse . Another Glosse is given by the same King , namely , that the Apostle would have Ministers , not onely to live well , but to feed also by the word and doctrine . Answ. 1. The rising of the Apostles words doth not concern duties , but persons , as wee have said before . 2. To live well is not to rule well , unlesse wee will make all who live godly , to rule well . 3. Thirdly , this glosse doth stil leave a double honor to Ministers that live well , though they do not preach . We see now , our opposites have been trying all windes to fetch upon us : but here we leave them betwixt winde and wave : ●or this our last argument carrieth us away with full saile . CHAP. VIII . The testimony of Ambrose for ruling Elders vindicated . IF wee looke backe beyond the times of declining unto the first and purest times of the Church , wee shall finde ruling Elders to be no new fangled device at Geneva ; but that the primitive government and policy of the Church hath beene in them restored . There is one place of Ambrose which cleereth it sufficiently . He writing on 1 Tim. 5.1 . Rebuke not an Elder , saith , Vnde & Synagoga , &c. Wherefore both the Iewish Synagogue , and after the Church had Senior or Elders , without whose counsell nothing was done in the Church : which by what negligence it grew out of use , I know not , except perhaps by the sloth , or rather by the pride of the teachers , whi●es they alone will seeme to be something . This sentence is also cited in Glossa ordinar . And it sheweth plainely that as the Jewish , so the Christian Church had some Elders , who though they were not Teachers of the Word , yet had a part of the government of the Church upon their shoulders . But that this came into desuetude , partly through the sloth of the teachers and Ministers of the Word , whiles they were not carefull to preserve the ordinances of God , and the right way of governing the Church ; and partly through their pride whilst they would doe all by themselves , and have no consorts , Vtinam modo nostra redirent In mores tempora priscos . But let us heare a triple divination which the non-friends of ruling Elders give forth upon this testimony . First , Bishop Hall telleth us that it is not Ambrose , but a counterfeit who wrote that Commentary upon the Epistles , and for this he alledgeth our owne Parker against us . The truth is , Bella●mine and Scultingius taught him this answer : The place of Parker he citeth no● in the Margine ; but I believe the place he meaneth of is de polit . Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 13. where he holdeth indeed , that the author of these Commentaries was not Ambrose , Bishop of Millaine ; but sheweth withall , that he nothing doubteth of the Catholike authority of the Commentaries themselves ; Hoc vero , &c. This saith he , may befall the best Author whosoever he be , that some may ascribe his workes to another . But that hee lived before the Councell of Nice , this addeth weight to his testimony of the Seniors . These Commentaries are commonly cited by our Divines , as Ambrose's . I finde them in Erasmus his edition , both at Collen , 1532. and at Paris , 1551. acknowledged to bee the genuine workes of Ambrose , only the Prefaces before the Epistles are called in question . They are also acknowledged in the edition of Costerius at Basile , 1555. Sixtu● Senensis ascribeth them to Ambrose in like manner . The edition of Collen , 1616. hath an observation prefixed , which repudiateth many of his workes , and these Commentaries among the rest . Yet the last edition at Paris , 1632. hath expunged that observation , which they had not done if they had approved the same : Howsoever that same observation maketh those Commentaries to bee as old as 372. or 373. Perkins in his preparative before his demonstration of the probleme , calleth in question the Commentary upon the Hebrewes , but no more . Rivet sheweth that these who reject them , doe neither give good reasons for their opinion ; neither yet doe agree among themselves . Bellarmine ascribing them to Hilarius Diaconus , Maldonat to Remigius Lugdunensis , the Censors of Lovaine to the Author of the questions of the old and new Testament . I beleeve that Cooke in his Censura Scriptorum veterum , hath touched the true cause why these Commentaries are so much called in question , which is the perfidiousnesse of Papists , who when they finde any thing therein which they imagine to bee for their advantage , then they cry , Saint Ambrose saith thus , but when they finde any thing therein which maketh against them , then they say as Hall doth , It is not Ambrose , but a counterseit ; I must confesse that Hall is wiser in disclaiming the same , then his fellowes in acknowledging them : yet because he found that the Testimony may bee of force , though not Ambrose's , and beside had no proofe for this alledgeance , he durst not trust to it , but thought upon another answer . To proceed then to their next conjecture . Bilson , Sutcliffe , and Doctor Field , tell us that Ambrose meant of Bishops , who excluded other Clergy men from their consultations , and that by the name of Teachers hee might fitly understand the Bishops , seeing none but they have power to preach in their owne right , & others but onely by permission from them . This is a most desperate shift for a bad cause . For first , there is no warrant neither from Scripture nor Antiquity to distinguish Bishops from other Ministers of the Word by the name of Teachers . Secondly , as for that reason alledged that none but Bishops have power to preach in their owne right , it is contrary to that which Field himselfe saith in the very next Chapter , where he holdeth that Presbyters are equall with Bishops in the power of order , and that they may preach and minister the Sacraments by vertue of their order , as well as Bishops . Thirdly , neither did the advising of Bishops with Presbyters cease in Ambrose his time . For as Field himself noteth out of the fourth Councell of Carthage ( which was holden shortly after Ambrose his writing hereof ) all sentences of Bishops were declared to bee void , which were not confirmed by the presence of their Clergy . Let us also heare Hierome and Chrysostome , ( who lived both in the same age with Ambrose ) what doth a Bishop , saith Hierome , ordination excepted , which a Presbyter may not doe ? By ordination alone , saith Chrysostome , are the Bishops higher , and this onely they seem to have more then Prebyters . Which were not true if Bishops had then governed the Churches by themselves , excluding the counsell and advice of Presbyters : Yea , though ordination was the only one thing which made the difference ▪ Ambrose himself sheweth that Presbyters in Egypt did also ordain when the Bishop was not present . We have heard Sutcliffe and Doctor Field , but Saravia , and after him Tilen , and after them both Hall , hath forged another glosse upon the place of Ambrose . They boldly averre that the Elders without whose counsell Ambrose saith nothing was done in the Church , were Elders by age and not by office . We reply . First , falshood cannot keepe its feet . Before we heard Saravia maintaine that the Seniors among the Jewes , who sate in Ecclesiasticall Assemblies with the Priests , and had equall suffrages therein with the Priests , were their Rulers and their Magistrates , now he telleth us they were old men , Elders by age only , not by office . Secondly , in his defence of that same twelveth Chapter against Beza , hee acknowledgeth that the Christian Church had other Elders by office , besides the Ministers of the Word . The Church saith hee , hath had Elders some by divine institution , as the Pastors of Churches , and Ministers of the Word of God. Others by condition of age or office ▪ or estimation , or learning and experience . How could hee then astrict the words of Ambrose to Elders by age onely ? 3. Where was it ever read or heard , that old men , who had no Ecclesiasticall office , were taken into the assemblies of the Church , so that nothing was done without their counsell ? 4. The Elders of whom Ambrose speaketh , are opposed to the Teachers , therefore they are not Elders by age : for such are some of the Teachers themselves . 5. Ambrose indeed in his preceding words had expounded the place of the Apostle , 1 Tim. 5.1 . of Elders by age : but thereupon he tooke occasion to speake of Elders by office also . 6. That the Elders which wee read to have been in the Jewish Church , were not Elders by age ▪ Basil sheweth plainly , whose testimony we shall heare by and by . CHAP. IX . Other Testimonies of Antiquity . THus having cleared the place of Ambrose , come we now to other testimonies of the Ancients . Tertullian in his Apologeticke against the nations , speaking of the Meetings and Assemblies of Christians , sheweth , that besides other things done therein , they had also corrections , censures , and excommunication , and that in the exercise of this discipline . Praesident probati quique Seniores , honorem ●stum non pretio sed testimonio adepti : with us doe sit all the approved Seniors , as presidents or rulers , having obtained this honour not by price , but by a good testimony . Cyprian in his Epistles doth often protest , that from the beginning of his Bishopricke he did all things by common consent and advice both of his Clergie & people . Will any man thinke , that in ordination , excommunication , reconciliation of penitents , and such like things whereof Cyprian speaketh in these places , he sought the counsell and advice of the whole Congregation , and of all and every one therein ? or rather that the people gave their counsell and consent by the Eldership representing them ? Surely , this doing of all things with the advice and counsell of the whole , both Clergy and People ▪ he otherwhere sheweth to have beene nothing else , but the doing of all things by the advice & counsell of the Presbytery ; which had not been so , if there had not been in the Presbytery some of all sorts to represent the rest . Omni actu , saith he , adme perlato placuit contrahi Presbyterium , &c. ut firmato consilio quid observari deberet consensu omnium statueretur . Epiphanius writing to Iohn , Bishop of Ierusalem , concerning the tearing of a vaile which hee had seene in the Church of a village called Anablatha , with the image of Christ , or some Saint , upon it , and concerning another vaile which he had sent for it , intreateth him to give order to the Elders of that place to receive the vaile from the bearer . It is not to bee thought there were many preaching Elders in a small village , hee speaketh in the plurall , Precor ut jubeas Presbyteros ejusdem loci &c. Basilius M●gnus in his Commentary upon Isa. 3.2 . where the Lord threatneth to take away from Israel the Ancient , or the Elder , sheweth from Numb . 11.16 . how warily such Elders were to be chosen , and that their gifts , not their age , made them Elders , he proveth from Dan. 13.50 . ( which is the history of Susanna ) where the Jewish Elders at Babylon say to young Daniel , Come sit downe among us , and shew it us , seeing God hath given thee the honour of an Elder . Then he addeth , Ad hunc , &c. After this m●nner sometimes it happeneth , that youths are found in honour to be preferred to these Elders who slothfully and negligently lead their life . These Elders then among the Iewes were falsly so c●lled : for God tooke away as the man of warre and the Prophet , so the Elder from the people of the Iewes . Therefore let the Church pray , that the Elder ( worthy to be so called , be not taken away from her self . The whole tenor of his discourse importeth , that the Christian Churches had such Elders as wee read to have been in the Jewish Church , whereof Daniel was one . And of them hee seemed to mean a little before , Habet &c. The Church also hath Iudges , who can agree brother and brother . Chrysostome compareth the Church to a house , because as in a house there are wife , children and servants , and the care or government of all is incumbent to the master of the family : So is it in the Church , wherein , beside the ruler of the same , nothing is to bee seen , but as it were wife , children , and servants , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But if the Governour of the Church , saith he , hath fellows or consorts in the government thereof , so hath the man also the wife to be his consort in the government of his house . If it be said , that by the Ruler of the Church , he meaneth the Bishop , and by his consorts preaching Presbyters , who are the Bishops helpers in the government of the Church ; I answer , If wee understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishop , then wee make Chrysostome contradict himselfe : for in his next Homily hee sheweth plainly , that Presbyters have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ruling of the Church as well as Bishops , and that the whole purpose of his former Homily agreed to Presbyters no lesse then Bishops . Now then , who were the consorts which Pastors of Churches , or preaching Elders had in the government of the Church ? Could they bee any other then Ruling Elders ? Hierome upon that place of Isaiah , saith : Et nos habemus in Ecclesia Senatum nostrum , coetum Presbyterorum : cum ergo inter caetera etiam senes ●udea perdiderit , quomodo poterit habere concilium quod proprie Seniorum est . And what sense shall we give to these words , unlesse we say it is imported that both the Jewish and the Christian Church had such an Eldership as we plead for . Else why did both hee , and Basil make such a parallell betwixt the Jewish and the Christian Church in the point of Elders ? Surely , if we understand by the Elders of the Christian Church whereof they speake , the Ministers of the Word alone , wee must also understand by the Elders of the Jewish Church , whereof they speake , the Priests , which no man will imagine . Eusebius in his History citeth Dionysiu● Alexandrinus , relating his disputes with the Chiliasts after this manner : When I was at Arsenoi●a where thou knowest this doctrine first sprung , &c. I called together the Elders and Teachers inhabiting those villages , there being present also as many of the brethren as were willing to come , and I ex●orted them publikely to the search of this doctrine , &c. By the Teachers here are meant the Pastors or Ministers of the Word , who are most frequently called by the Fathers Teachers , or Doctors : neither can it bee supposed that there were any Teachers besides the Pastors in these rurall villages , which notwithstanding we see had beside their Pastors or Teachers , Elders also . Augustine writeth his 137. Epistle to those of his owne Church at Hippon , whom he designeth thus : Dilectissimis ●ratribus , clero , senioribus & universae plebi Ecclesiae Hipponen●is cui servio in dilectione Christs . To my welbeloved brethren the Clergy , the Elders , and the whole people of the Church at Hippon whom I serve in the love of Christ. Hee putteth Elders , or Seniors in the middle betwixt the Clergy and the people as distinct from both , and yet somewhat participant of both . Isidorus Hispalensis speaking of the prudence and discretion , which Pastors should observe in teaching of the Word , giveth them this advise among others : Prius doc●ndi sunt Seniores plebis ut per ●os infra pos●tifacilius doceantur . The Elders of the people are to bee first taught , that by them such as are placed under them may be taught the more easily . Origen speaking of the tryall of such as were to bee admitted members of the Church , saith , Nonnulli praepositi sunt , &c. There are some Rulers appointed who may enquire concerning the conversation and manners of these th●t are admitted , that they may debarre from the Congregation such as commit filthinesse . In the acts of the 5. Councell of Toledo according to the late editions , we read that Cinthila ( whom others call Chintillanus ) came into that Councell , cum optimatibus & Senioribus palatii sui . But Lorinus hath found in some ancient copy , Cum optimatibus & Senioribus populi sui , with the Nobles and the Elders of his people . I would know who were these Elders of the people distinguished from the Nobles . These things may suffice from antiquity to give some evidence that the office of ruling Elders is not Calvins new fangled devise at Geneva , as our adversaries are pleased to call it : but for further confirmation of this point , Voetius disp . 2. de Senio . and before him Iustellus in annot . & notis in cod . Can. Eccles. Afric . Can. 100. hath observed sundry other pregnant testimonies from antiquity for ruling Elders , especially out of these notable records Gesta pu●gationis Caeciliani & Faelicis , to be seen in the Anna's of Baronius , An. 103. and in Albaspinaeus his edition of Optatus . These testimonies I have here set downe in the Margine . From which passages it is apparant , that in the dayes of Ambrose these Seniors were neither in all places , nor altogether growne out of use ; but that both in the Easterne and Westerne Churches , manifest footsteps of the same remained : neither is his testimony before alledged , repugnant hereunto : for we may understand his meaning to be either that in some places , or that in some sort , they were growne out of use , because peradventure the Teachers beganne to doe somethings without their counsell and advice which in former times was not so . Bilson answereth two waies to the testimony from the 137. Epist. of August . and belike hee would have answered in the same manner to these other testimonies , he saith we may understand by these Seniors either the better part of the Clergy , or the Senators & Rulers of the City . That they were neither Bishops nor preaching Presbyters , nor Deacons , it is manifest , for they are distinguished from all these , In act . purgat . Cacil . & Fal. and they are called by Isi●ore and P●rpurius , Seniores plebis . Besides , it were strange if August . Bishop of Hippo writing to his Clergy , should distinguish either the Deacons from the Presbyters by the name of the Clergy which was common to both , or some preaching Presbyters from other preaching Presbyters , by the name of Seniors . On the other part , that they were not Magistrates of Cities , it is no lesse plaine : for they are called Seniores ▪ Ecclesiae and Ecclesiastici viri , they instructed the people , and had place in judging of causes Ecclesiasticall . But elsewhere Bilson taketh upon him to prove , that those of the Clergie who were by their proper name called Presbyters , were also called Seniores , as those who came neerest to the Bishop in degree , wisedome , and age . And this he proveth by a testimony of Ambrose . Viduarum ac virginum domos nisi ●isitandi gratia Iuniores ad re non est opus & hoc cum Senioribus hoc est cum Episcopo , vel sigravior est causa cum Presbyteris . Answ. 1. Here the Seniors are the Bishop , which is neither good sense , nor any thing to his purpose . 2. Hee hath left out a word , without which the sentence cannot be understood , and that is vel : Ambrose saith , Hoc est vel ●um Episcopo , &c. and so the words may suffer a threefold sense : for either Seniores is here a name of age or of office . If it bee a name of age , as may bee presumed by the opposition thereof to Iuniores , then the meaning of Ambrose is , that young men should not goe into the houses of virgins or widowes , except it bee with some men of age , and these to bee the Bishop or the Presbyters . If ●t be a name of office the● may wee either understand , that by the Presbyters he meaneth ruling Elders , and by the Bishop the Pastor of any particular Church , ( for if Whitaker be not deceived , Past●rs have the name of Bishops , not onely in S●●●pru●e , but in the ancient ▪ Church also : ) Or that hee comprehendeth under the order of Elders , not onely the Preaching Presbyters , but the Bishop also , who was chiefe among them . By the first sense Bilson doth gaine nothing , by the other two hee hath worse then nothing ▪ for any of them destroyeth his chiefe grounds . CHAP. X. The consent of Protestant Writers , and the con●es●ion of our opposites for ruling Elders . THE office of Ruling Elders is not onely maintained by 〈◊〉 ▪ Cart●right , A●●rs● , Bucer●● , and others whom our opposites will call partiall Writers , let him who pleaseth read the commentaries of Martyr , 〈◊〉 , Gualther , Hemmingius , Piscator , Paraus upon Rom. 12.8 . 1 Cor. 12.28 . Aretius on Act. 14.23 . Zepper . de Polit. Eccles. l. 3. c. 1. & 12. Bullinger on 1 Tim. 5.17 . Arcul●rius on Act. 14.23 . Catal . Test ▪ verit . col 103. Os●and . cent 1 l. 4. c. 11. Chemn●t exam part 2. p●g 2●8 Gerard. lo● . Theol. tom . 6 p●g . 363 ●64 . Muscul. loc . com . de Eccles. c. 5 Bucan . loc com . ●oc 42. Suetanus de Discipl . Eccles. part . 4 c. 3. Polanus Synt. l. 7. c 11. Zanchius in 4 praecep col . 727. Iunius animad . in Bell●r cont 5. l 1. c 2 Danaeus de Polit. Christ. l. 6 p 452. Alsted . Theol. cas . pag. 518.520 . Soping●us ad bonam fidem Sibrandi ▪ pag. 253. &c. The Professours of Leyden , Synt. pur . Theol. Disp. 42. and sundry others , whose testimonies I omit for brevities cause , it is enough to note the places . The Author of the Assertion for true and Christian Church policie , pag. 196.197 . citeth for ruling Elders , the testimony the Commissioners of King Edward the sixt , authorised to compile a booke for the reformation of Lawes Ecclesiasticall ; among whom were the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Bishop of Ely. They say , Let the Minister going apart with some of the Elders , take counsell , &c. Voet●us citeth to the same purpose , Marlorat , Hyperius , Fulke , Whittaker , Fenner , Bunnius , Willet , Sadeel , Lubbertus , Trelcatius ( both the one and the other ) yea Socinus and the Remonstrants . Besides we have for us the practise of al wel reformed Churches , and the Confessions of the French , the Belgicke , and the Helveticke Churches to be seene in the harmony of Confessions . But what will you say if the adversaries of ruling Elders be forced to say somewhat for them ? Whitgift confesseth not onely that our division of Elders , into preaching Elders and ruling Elders , hath learned patrons ; but also that the Christian Church when there was no Christian Magistrate had governing Seniors : and elsewhere he saith , I know that in the Primitive Church , they had in every Church Seniors , to whom the government of the Congregation was committed . Saravia lendeth them his word likewise , Quod à me , &c. Which is not disputed by mee in that meaning that the Belgicke Churches , or any other which doe with edification use the service of these Elders , should rashly change any thing , before that which is better bee substitute . Againe , speaking of the government of ruling Elders ; he saith , Quod ut , &c. Which as I judge profitable and good to bee constitute in a Christian Church and Common-wealth , so I affirme no Church , no Common-wealth to bee bound thereto by Divine Law : except perhaps necessity compell , or great utility allure , and the edification of the Church require it . Loe here the force of truth struggling with one contrary minded . Hee judgeth the office of ruling Elders , profitable and good , yet not of divine right ; yet h●e ●cknowledgeth that necessity , utility , and the edification of the Church , maketh us tyed to it even by divine right . But if it be profitable and good , why did he call in question the necessity , at least the utility and the edification of it ? can one call in question the utility of that which is profitable ? he would have said the truth , but it stucke in his teeth , and could not come forth . Sael●vius de concil . lib. I cap. 8. saith that among the Jewes , Seniores tribuum , the Elders of the Tribes did sit with the Priests in judging controversies of the Law of God. Hence hee argueth against Bellarmine , that so it ought to bee in the Christian Church also , because the priviledge of Christians is no less● th●n the priviledge of the Jewes . C●mero tells us , that when the Apostle , 1 Co● . 6. reproveth the Corinthians , for that when one of 〈◊〉 had ● matter against anoth●● they 〈…〉 the Saints to bee ●udges 〈…〉 no● by the 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 m●ltitude , sedeos qui in Ecclesia constituti cra●t , ut vacarent gubernationi Ecclesiae : that is , ●hose who were ordained in the Church , to give themselves to the government of the Church . My Lord Craigtanne finding the strength of that Argument , that if beside the Ministers of the Word , other grave and wise Christians may be present in the greatest Assemblies and Councels of the Church , why not in Presbyteries also ? answereth , that indeed it is not amisse that the wiser sor● among the people be joyned as helpers and assistants to the Pastors , providing that this their auxiliary function be not obtruded as necessary . This is somewhat for us ; but we say further , if it be necessary in Oecumenicke Councells ( for no lesse doe the Arguments of our Divines in that question with the Papists conclude ) then is it necessary in Presbyteries also . CHAP. XI Doctor Fields five Arguments against ruling 〈…〉 . HIS fi●st Reason that shewed 〈◊〉 to think● there were 〈◊〉 any 〈…〉 Church , is because Bishops , Presbyters , that preach and minister the Sacraments , and Deacons , howsoever they much degenerated in later times , yet all still remained in all Christian Churches throughout the World , both Greeke and Latine , in their names and offices also in some sort . But of these ruling Elders , there are no foot-steps to bee found in any Christian Church in the World , nor were not for many hundred yeares ; whereas there would have beene some remaines of these as well as the other , had they ever had any institution from Christ or his Apostles , as the other had . To this wee answer . 1. If the Christian Churches throughout the World had wanted ruling Elders longer then they did , yet prescription can be no prejudice to the ordinance of God. 2. After that the golden age of the Apostles was spent and gone , exact diligence was not taken , to have the Church provided with well qualified Ministers , but many unfit men , yea , sundry heretickes entred into that sacred vocation , whereby it came to passe that corruption and errour overflowed the Churches , as both Eusebius proveth from Aegesippus and catalogus testium veritatis from Irenaus . Might not this be the cause of changing the office-bearers and government of the Church . 3. In the Roman , yea in Prelaticall Churches there are scarce any foot-steps at all of the offices of preaching Presbyters , and Deacons , as they were instituted by the Apostles . The Apostles ordained Presbyters to preach the Word , to minister the Sacraments , to governe the Church , and to make use of the keyes . But the Popish and Prelaticall Presbyters have not the power of the keyes , nor the power of Church government , for it is proper to their Prelates ; as for the other two they are common to their Deacons , for they also doe preach and baptise . The office of the Popish Priest standeth in two things , to consecrate and offer up the body of Christ , and to absolve the faithfull from their sinnes : See Conci . Triden . de sacr . Ordin . cap. 1. Hier. Savanarola . Triumph . cruc . lib. 3. cap. 16. And the same two make up the proper office of the Priest by the order of the English Service Booke . As touching Deacons , they were ordained by the Apostles for collecting receiving , keeping , and distributing of Ecclesiasticall goods , for maintaining of Ministers , schooles , Churches , the sicke , stranger , and poore . The Popish and Prelaticall Deacons have no such office , but an office which the Apostles never appointed to them ; for they had no preaching nor baptising Deacons . Philip preached and baptised , not as a Deacon , but as an Evangelist , Acts 21.8 . Besides at the time of his preaching and baptising , hee could not have exercised the office of his Deaconship , by reason of the persecution , which scattered rich and poore and all , Acts 8.1 . that which Steven did , Acts 7. was no more then every believer was bound to doe , when he is called to give a testimony to the truth , and to give a reason of his faith and practice . 4. Others of the faithfull , besides the Ministers of the Word , have beene admitted unto Councells and Synods by many Christian Churches throughout the World , as is well knowne ; and this is a manifest foot-step of the government of ruling Elders . 5. Nay in the Church of England it selfe , at this day , there are foot-steps of ruling Elders , else what meaneth the joyning of Lay-men with the Clergy in the high Commission to judge of matters Ecclesiasticall ? S●ravia saith , the Churchwardens which are in every Parish of England , have some resemblance of ruling Elders , whose change appointed by law , he saith , is to collect , keepe , and deburse the goods and revenues of the Church , to preserve the fabricke of the Church ▪ and all things pertaining thereto sure and safe , to keep account of baptismes , mariages , and burials , to admonish delinquents & other inordinate livers , to delate to the Bishop or his substitutes , such as are incorrigible , & scandalous , being sworn thereto : also to observe who are absent frō the praiers in the Church upon the Lords dayes , & upon the holy dayes , & to exact from them the penalty appointed by law , and finally to see to quietnes & decency in time of divine service . Doctor Fields second reason is for that Paul , 1 Tim. 3. shewing who should be Bishops and Ministers , who Deacons , yea , who Widowes ; passeth immediatly from describing the qualitie of such as were to be Bishops and Ministers of the Word and Sacraments , to the Deacons , omitting these ruling Elders that are supposed to lye in the midst betweene them , which he neither might nor would have omitted , if there had beene any such . To this the answer is easie . 1. As we collect the actions and sufferings of Jesus Christ , and the institution of the last supper , not from any one of the Evangelists , but from all of them compared together , for that one toucheth what another omitteth ; so doe we judge of the office-bearers of the Church not from 2 Tim. 3. only , but from the collation of that and other places of Scripture of that kind . Ruling Elders are found in other places , and in the fifth Chapter of that same Epistle , though not in the third . 2 Neither were there any absurdity to hold , that the Apostle in that third Chapter comprehendeth all the ordinary office-bearers in the Church under these two Bishops and Deacons , and that under the name of Bishops , he comprehendeth both Pastors , Doctors , & ruling Elders : for as al these three are overseers , so to them all agree the qualities of a Bishop here mentioned , whereof there is only one , which seemeth not to agree to the ruling Elder , viz. that he should be apt to teach , vers . 2. Yet Beza maintaineth against Saravia , that the ruling Elder teacheth as wel as the Pastor , only the Pastor doth it publickly to the whole congregation ; the ruling Elder doth it privately , as he findeth every one to have need . And we have shewed before that as a private Christian is bound in charity to teach the ignorant , so the ruling Elder is bound to doe it ex off●cio . The third reason , which Doctor Field bringeth against us , is , for that neither Scripture nor practice of the Church , bounding the government of such governours , nor giving any direction how farre they may goe in the same , and where they must stay , lest they meddle with that they have nothing to doe with , men should bee left to a most dangerous uncertainety in an office of so great consequence . Our answer to this is : 1. Wee have shewed already the certaine bounds of the power and vocation of ruling Elders . 2. It was not necessary that the Apostle should severally set downe Canons and directions : first , touching Pastors , then Doctors ; lastly , ruling Elders , since they are all Elders , and all members of the Eldership or Presbytery ; it was enough to deliver canons and directions common to them all , especially since the duties of ruling Elders are the same which are the duties of Pastors , only the Pastors power is cumulative to theirs , and over reacheth the same in the publicke ministery of the Word and Sacraments , and so doth Paul difference them , 1 Tim. 5.17 . His fourth reason is , because we fetch the paterne of the government of ruling Elders , from the Sanedrim of the Jewes , the platforme whereof wee suppose Christ meant to bring into his Church , when he said , Tell the Church ; whereas , saith he , it is most cleere that the court was a civill court , and had a power to banish , to imprison , yea and to take away life , till by the Romans the Jewes were restrained . Wee answer that Beza de Presbyteri● . I. B. A. C. De polit . civil . & Eccl. lib. 2. Also Zepperus , Iunius , Piscator , Wolphius , Godwin , Bucerus , Gerard , And sundry others have rightly observed that the Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim among the Jewes was distinct from the civill , yet both called by the name of Sanedrim . Wee grant with Beza that sometimes civill causes were debated and determined in the Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , but this was done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he saith , the fact which was meerely civill was judged in the ●ivill Sanedrim , but when the civil● Judges could not agree de jure , even in civill causes , in that case resolution was given by the other Sanedrim ; as in like cases by the juris-consults among the Romans , for the conservation and interpretation of the law did belong to the Leviticall Tribe . Hence it is that we read 2 Chron. 19.8.11 . Iehosaphat set in Ierusalem of the Levits , and of the chiefe Priests , and of the chiefe of the Fathers of Israel , some for the Lords matters , among whom presided Amariah the chiefe Priest , and some for the Kings matters , among whom presided Z●badiah the Ruler of the house of Judah . Saravia saith this place proveth not that there were two distinct consistories , one for civill , another for Ecclesiasticall things ; because , saith he , by the Kings matters are meant matters of peace , and warre by the Lords matters , the matters of law and judgement which are called the Lords matters , because the Lord was the author of their civill lawes ; what a crazie device is this ? did not matters of peace and warre come under the civill lawes , which God had delivered to the Jewes , as well as any matter of judgement betwixt man and man ? and what can bee more plaine then that the Lords matters or things pertaining to God , when they are differenced from other matters , are ever understood to bee matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall ? Quapropter , wherefore saith Iunius , the Readers are to be warned whosoever they bee that consult the histories of ancient times , that where they read the name Syned●tum , they wisely observe whether the civill Assembly or the Ecclesiastical be meant of , because that name was confused , and indistinct , after the times of Antiochus . But notwithstanding that in these latter times all good order had much degenerate and growne to confusion , yet it seemeth to me , that even in the dayes of our Saviour Christ , the Civill and Ecclesiasticall courts remained distinct , let me say my opinion with all mens leave , and under correction of the more learned , that night that our Lord was betrayed , he was led to the Hall of Cajaphas , where there was holden an Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , which asked Jesus of his Disciples , and of his doctrine , received witnesse against him , and pronounced him guilty of blasphemy , Mat. 27.57 . Mark 14.53.55 . Ioh. 18.19 . Nothing I finde in this Councell why we should think it civill : for as touching the smiting and buffeting of Christ , Mat. 26.67 . Luk 22.63 . some think it was by the servants of the high Priests and Elders after that they themselves had gone home , & left the Councell ; howsoever , it was done tumultuously , not judicially , and tumults may fall forth in any Judicatory whether civill or Ecclesiastical As for the sentence which they gave , Mat. 26.66 . He is guilty of death , it proveth not that this was a civill Court : for just so , if an incestuous person should bee convict before an Assembly of our Church , the Moderator might ask the Assembly , what thinke ye ? and they might well answer , He is guilty of death , away with him to the Magistrate . Shortly then the matter debated in this nocturnall Councell , was meerly Ecclesiasticall , and the accusation of sedition and making himselfe a King , were not spoken of till he was brought before P●●at But there was another Sanedrim convocat in the morning ▪ Mat 27 1. Mark 15.1 Luk 22 66. and this seemes to have been not Ecclesiasticall but Civill , 1. because they meddle not with the triall of his doctrine , nor any examination of witnesses thereanent : only they desire to heare out of his own mouth , that which hee had confessed in the other Councell , viz. that he was the Christ the Son of God ; whereupon they take counsell how they might deliver him to Pilate , which was the end of their meeting 2. M●●k saith , They bound him , and carried him aw●y to Pilate . 3. The Ecclesiasticall Councell had already done that which they thought pertained to them : for what should they have convened again ? Some say , that a●l the high Priests , Scribes and Elders , were not present at that nocturnall councell , and that therefore they convened more fully in the morning . But that the nocturnall Councell was fully convened , it is manifest from Mat. 26.59 . Mark 14.53.55 . 4. This last Councell led Jesus away to Pil●te , and went themselves with him to accuse him before Pilate of sedition , and of making himselfe a King , Luk. 23.1.2 . Mat. 27.12 . 5. They complain that the power of capitall punishment was taken from them by the Romans , importing that otherwise they might have put him to death by their law , Ioh. 18.31 . Now D. Fields last reason is , For that all Fathers or Councels mentioning Elders , place them betwixt Bishops and Deacons , and make them to be Clergy men , and that in the Acts where the Apostles are said to have constitute Elders in every Church , Pastors are meant , is strongly confirmed from Act. 20.17.28 . where the Elders of the Church of Ephesus are commanded to feed the flocke of Christ over which they were appointed over-seers , whence it followeth inevitably , that they were Pastors . We answer , 1. Ambrose speaketh of Elders which were not Pastors . 2. Beza & Gualther expound the place Act. 14.23 . where the Apostles are said to have ordained Elders through every Church , of ruling as well as preaching Elders . 3. As for that which he alledgeth from Act. 20. Beza , Iunius , and the Professors of Leyden , hold , that the names of Bishops and Pastors are common both to ruling and preaching Elders , and that the Scripture giveth these names to both , howsoever in Ecclesiastical use for distinctiōs cause , they are appropriate to teaching Elders . Surely the ruling Elder both overseeth the flocke and feedeth the same , both by discipline , and by private admonition ; and for these respects may bee truly called both Bishop and Pastor . 4. How small reason hee hath to boast of the Fathers , we have already made it to appeare . 5. It is a begging of the question to reason from the appropriation of the name of Elders to the Pastors . CHAP. XII . The extravagancies of Whitgift and Saravia in the matter of ruling Elders . THese two Disputers , doe not ( as D. Field ) altogether oppose the government of ruling Elders , but with certain restrictions ; about which notwithstanding they differ betwixt themselves ▪ ●hitgift alloweth of ruling Elders under a Tyrant , but not under a Christian Magistrate , but ●ayeth they cannot be under an Infidell Magistrate . Me thinkes J see here Sampsons Foxes , with their tailes knit together , and a firebrand betwixt them , yet their heads looking sundry wa●es . To begin with Whitgift , he saith in one place . I know that in the primitive church , they had in every church seniors , to whom the Government of the Congregation was committed , but that was before there was any Christian Prince or Magistrate &c. In another place . My reason , why it ( the Church ) may not bee governed under a Christian Magistrate , is it may under a Tyrant is this : God hath given the chiefe authority in the government of the Church to the Christian Magistrate , which could not bee so , if your Seigniory might aswell retaine their authority under a Christian Prince , and in the time of peace , is under a Tyrant , and in the time of persecution ; for tell me , I pray you , what authority Ecclesiasticall remaineth to the civill Magistrate , where this Seigniory is established ? Hee who pleaseth may find this op●●ion largely consuted by Beza de Presbyterio contra Erasmum , and by I. B. A. C. polit . civil . & Eccles. Jn the meane while I answer . First , T. C. had made a sufficient Reply hereunto ( which Whitgift here in his defence should have confuted , but hath not ) viz. That if the Seniors under a Tyrant had medled with any Office of a Magistrate , then there had beene some cause why a godly Magistrate being in the Church , the Office of a Senior , or at least so much as hee exercised of the Office of a Magistrate should have ceased . But since they did onely assist the Pastor in matters Ecclesiasticall , it followeth , that as touching the Office of Elders , there is no distinction betwixt times of Peace and Persecution . Secondly , There were Seniors among the Jewes under Godly Kings , and in times of Peace : Why not likewise amongst us ? Thirdly , The Ecclesiasticall power is distinct from the civill , both in the subject , object , and end ; so that the one doth not hinder the other : The Magistrates power is to punish the outward man with an outward punishment , which the Presbytery cannot hinder , for he may civilly bind whom the Presbytery spiritually looseth , and civilly loose , whom the Presbytery spiritually bindeth , and that because the Magistrate seeketh not the repentance and salvation of the delinquent by his punishment ( as the Presbytery doth ) but onely the maintenance of the authority of his lawes , together with the quietnesse and preservation of the Common-wealth . Whence it commeth , that the delinquent serapeth not free of the Magistrate , though hee bee penitent and not obstinate . 4. How thought Whitgift , that the christian Magistrate can doe those things which the Seigniory did under a Tyrant ? Can the Magistrate by himselfe determine questions of Faith ? Can he know what order and decencie in circumstances is fitte●t for each Congregation ? Can he excommunicate offenders , &c. 5. When Bishops exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ( yea and the civill too ) this is thought no wrong to Princes : Is it a wrong in the Presbytery , yet not in this Prelacy ? Good Lord what a Mysterie is this ! 6. When Presbyters are established in their full power , there remaineth much power to the Prince even in things Ecclesiasticall , as to take diligent heed to the whole estate of the Church within his dominions , to indict Synods , and civilly to proceed in the same , to ratifie the constitutions thereof , and to adde unto them the strength of a civill sanction , to punish Heretickes , and all that disobey the assemblies of the Church , to see that no matter Ecclesiasticall be carryed factiously or rashlie , but that such things bee determined in free assemblies , to provide for Schollers , Colledges , and Kirkes , that all corrupt wayes of entring into the Ministery , by Simony , bribing patrons &c. be repressed , and finally to compell all men to doe their duty according to the Word of God , and Laws of the Church . 7. Whatsoever be the power of the supreame Magistrate , Ecclesiae tamen , &c. Yet let him leave to the Church and to the Ecclesiasticall Rulers ( such as are the Ministers of the Gospell , Elders and Deacons ) their owne power in handling Ecclesiasticall things , untouched and whole saith Danaeus . For the Ecclesiasticall power doth no more hinder the civill administration , then the Art of singing hindereth it , saith the Augustan confession . 8. We may answer by a just recrimination , that the Prelacy ( not the Presbytery ) is prejudiciall to the power of Princes , and hath often incroached upon the same . The Bishops assembled in the eight Councill of Constantinople ; ord●ined that Bishop ▪ should not light from their horses , when they chance to meet Princes , nor basely bow before them , and that if any Prince should cause a Bishop to disparage himselfe by doing otherwise , he should be excommunicated for two yeares . They also discharged Princes from being present in any Synod , except the O●cumenicke . The 1. Councill of Toledo ordaineth that Quoties Episcoporum Hispanorum Synodus convenerit , toties universalis Concilii decretum propter salutem Principum factum , peractis omnibus in Synodo recitetur , ut iniquorum mens territa corrigatur . From which canon Osiander collecteth , that some of the Bishops were not faithfull and loyall to the Kings of Spaine . The inquisition of Spaine Anno 1568. presented to King Philip twelve Articles against the Netherlands , one whereof was , That the King write unto and command the Clergie of the Netherlands , that with the Inquisition they should accept of 15. new Bishops , the which should be free from all secular jurisdiction , yea in cases of Treason . Now as touching the contrary conceit of Saravia , he alloweth such Elders as the Iewish Church had to be joyned now with Pastors under a Christian Magistrate , but under an Infidell Magistrate , hee saith they could have no place ; for he taketh the Iewish Elders to have bin their Magistrates , & that in like manner , none but Christian Magistrates should sit with the Ministers of the Word in Ecclesiasticall Courts , Princes and Nobles in generall or Nationall Councills , and Magistrates of cities in particular consistories . This is as foule an error , as that of Whitgift ; for 1. His opinion of the Iewish Elders , that they were their Magistrates we have confuted before . 2. Though it were so , that no Ruling Elders ought to be admitted , now except Christian Magistrates , yet might they have place under an Infidell Prince : as Ioseph under Pharaoh , Daniell under Nebuchadnezar . There have beene both Christian Churches , and Christian Magistra●es under Hereticall , yea Infidell Princes 3. If Christian Magistrates be come in place of the Iewish Seniors , and ought to be joyned with the Ministers of the Word in the consistories of the church . We demand quo nomine , quo jure ? whither doe they sit as Christian Magistrates , or as men of singular gifts chosen for that effect ? Jf as Magistrates then shall we make a mixture and confusion of civill & Ecclesiasticall function , else how shall men by vertue of civill places sit in spirituall Courts ? Jf as men of singular gifts chosen to sit , then may others aswell as they having the like gifts and election be admitted to sit also . 4. Saravia contradicteth himselfe , for a little after he admitteth grave and godly men in the judicatories of the Church , whither they be Magistrates or privat men , sive illi magistratu fungantur sive in rep . vivant privati . CHAP. XIII . Whether Ruling Elders have the power of decisive voyces , when they sit in Prebyteries and Synods . THere are sundry questions propounded by D. Field and other adversaries of Ruling Elders , whereinto they thinke wee are not able to satisfie them , as 1. Whether Ruling Elders ought to have decisive voyces , even in questions of Faith and Doctrine , and in the tryall and approbation of Ministers ? 2. Whether these Elders must be in every Congregation with power of ordination , deprivation , suspension , excommunication , and absolution , or whether this power bee onely in Ministers and Elders of divers Churches concurring ? 3. Jf they be Ecclesiasticall persons , where is their ordination ? 4. Whether these 〈◊〉 be perpetuall or annuall , and but for a certaine time ? Whether they ought to serve freely or to have a stipend ? Touching the first of these ; since the reformation which Luther began , it was ever maintained by the Protestāt writers , that not the Ministers of the word alone , but some of all sorts among Christians ought to have decisive voices in Councils . But Dr. Field will admit none to teach and define in Counc●ls , but the Ministers of the word onely : others he permits onely to consent unto that which is done by them . Saravia alloweth grave and learned men to sit with the Ministers of the word , yet not as Iudges , but as Counsellors and Assessors onely . Tilen will not say that the Bishops and Pastors of the Church ought to call any into their Councill , but that they may doe it when there is need . Against whom and all who are of their mind we object . 1. The example of Apostolicke Synods . Matthias the Apostle after Gods owne designation of him , by the lot which fell upon him , was chosen by the voices , not onely of the Apostles , but the other Disciples , who were met with them Act , 1.26 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Simul suffragiis electus est , as Arias Montanus turneth it . For the proper and native signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Lorinus sheweth out of Gagveius , is to choose by voices . The Professors of Leyden have noted this consensus Ecclesiae per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the election of Matthias Cens. in Confess . cap. 21. Jn the Councill of Hierusalem Act. 15. we find that beside the Apostles the Elders were present , and voiced definitively , for they by whom the Decree of the Synod was given forth , and who sent chosen men to Antioch , were the Apostles and Elders , Gerard , Loc. Theol. com . 6. n. 28. and th● Profess . of Leyden , cens . in conf . c. 21. understand that the Elders spoken of v. 5. & 6. were the ruling Elders of the Church of Hierusalem , joyned with the Apostles , who laboured in the word . Other Protestāt writers understand by the name of Elders there , both preaching and ruling Elders . The Brethrent , hat is the whole Church , heard the disputes , and consented to the Decrees , v. 21 , 22 , 23 Ruling Elders behoved to doe more then the whole Church , that is voice definitively . Lorinus the Jesuite saith , that by the name of Elders there , wee may understand not onely Priests , but others besides them . Viz. antiquiores & anctoritate praecellentes discipulos , Disciples of greatest age and note . And this he saith is the reason why the vulgar Latine hath not retained in that place the Greeke word Presbyteri , but readeth Seniores . 2. Wee have for us the example of Ecclesiasticall Courts among the Iewes , wherein the Iewish Elders had equall power of voicing with the Priests , and for this we have heard before , Saravia's plaine confession . 3. The example of ancient Councils in the Christian Church . Constantine in his Epistle which he wrote to the Churches , concerning the Nicene Councill saith ; I my selfe as one of your number was present with them ( the Bishops ) which importeth that others of the Laity voiced there with the Bishops as well as he , and hee as a chiefe one of their number . Euagrius lib. 2. cap. 4. saith , that the chiefe Senators sate with the Bishops in the Councill of Chalcedon . And after he saith , The Senators decreed as followeth . The fourth Councill of Carthag● , c. 27. speaking of the transportation of a Bishop or of any other Clergie man , saith , sane si id Ecclesiae vtilitas fiendum poposecrit , decret● Pro eo clericorum & laicorum Episcopis porrecto , in praesētia Synodi transferatur . The Decrees of the Synod of France holden by Charlemain● about the yeare 743. are said to have beene made by the King , the Bishops , the Presbyters , and Nobles . Many such examples might we shew , but the matter is so cleere that it needeth not . 4. The Revieu of the Councill of Trent written by a Papist , among other causes of the Nobility of that Councill maketh this one , that Lay-men were not called nor admitted into it , as was the forme of both the Apostolicke and other ancient Councils , shewing also from sundry Histories and examples , that both in France , Spaine , and England , Lay-men vsed to voice and to judge of all matters that were handled in Councils : alleaging further the examples of Popes themselves . That Adrian did summon many Lay-men to the Lateran Councill , as members thereof , that in imitation of him Pope Leo did the like in another Councill at the Lateran under Otho the first , and that Pope Nicholas in Epist. ad Michael Imperat. acknowledgeth the right of Lay-men to voice in Councils , wherein matters of faith are treated of , because faith is common to all . The same writer sheweth also from the Histories ▪ that in the Councill of Constance , were 24. Dukes , 140 Earles , divers Delegates from Cities and Corporations , divers learned Lawyers , and Burgesses of Universities , 5. The Protestants of Germany , did ever refuse to acknowledge any such Councill wherein none but Bishops and Ministers of the word did judge . When the Councill of Trent was first spoken of in the Dyet at Norimberg , Anno 1522. all the estates of Germany desired of Pope Adrian the 6. That admittance might be granted as well to Lay-men as to Clergie-men , and that not onely as witnesses and spectators , but to be judges there . This they could not obtaine , therefore they would not come to the Councill , and published a booke which they entituled , Causa cur Electores & caeteri confessioni Augustanae addicti ad Cōcilium Tridentinum non accedant . Where they alleage this for one cause of their not comming to Trent , because none had voice there but Cardinals , Bishops , Abbots , Generals , or superiors of orders , wheras laickes also ought to have a decisive voice in Councils , 6. If none but the Ministers of the word should sit and voice in a Synod , then it could not bee a Church representative , because the most part of the Church ( who are the hearer● and not the teachers of the word ) are not represented in it . 7. A common cause ought to be concluded by common voices . But that which is treated of in Councils is a common cause pertaining to many particular Churches . Our Divines when they prove against Papists that the election of Ministers and the excommunication of obstinate sinners ought to be done by the suffrages of the whole Church they make use of this same argument ; That which concerneth all ought to be treated of and judged by all . 8. Some of all estates in the common-wealth , voice in Parliament , therefore some of all sorts in the Church ought to voice in Councils and Synods ; for de paribus idem judicium , A Nationall Synod is that same to the Church , which . A Parliament is to the Common-wealth . 9. Those Elders whose right we plead , are called by the Apostle rulers , Rom. 12.8 . 1 Tim. 5.17 . and Governours , 1 Cor. 12.28 . therefore needs must they voice and judge in those assemblies , without which the Church cannot be ruled nor governed . Jf this be denyed them they have no other function behind , to make them Rulers or Governours of the Church . Rome was ruled by the Senate , not by the Censors ; and Athens was governed by the Ar●opagus , not by the inferiour Office-bearers , who did only take heed , how the Lawes were observed . But let us now see what is objected against this power of Ruling Elders , to voice in Councill , and to Iudge of all things , even matters of faith treated therein . First it is alleadged that lay-men have not such abilities , of gifts and learning , as to judge aright of such matters . But I dare say there are Ruling Elders in Scotlād , who in a theological dispute , should powerfully spoyle many of those who make this objection . 2. Antonius Sadeel , Iohannes a Lasco , Morney , and such like shew plainely to the world , that gifts & singular learning , are not tyed to Bishops and Doctors of the Church . 3. Neither doe men of subtile wits and deepest learning , prove alwayes fittest to dispute and determine questions of faith . It is marked in the historie of the Councill of Nice , that there was a Lay-man therein , of a simple and sincere mind , who put to silence a subtile Philosopher , whom all the Bishops could not compes●e . 4. There are many both in Parliament and secret Counsell without all controversie able to give their suffrages , and to judge of matters in hand , who notwithstanding , are not of such learning and Eloquence as to enter into the lists of a publique dispute . 5. And if the gifts and abilities , of the most part of ruling Elders , were as small as their adversaries will be pleased to call them , yet this concludeth nothing against their right power of voicing , but onely against their aptitude and fitnesse unto that , whereto their right would carry them . And we doubt that every Pastour be well gifted , for all which cōmeth within the compasse of his vocation , or doth well every thing , which he hath power to doe . Another objection is made from 1. Cor. 14.32 . The spirits of the Prophets , ar● subject to the Prophets : whence they collect , that prophets , and preachers of the word , ought to be judged by such as themselves are , that is by Prophets and Preachers , and by none other . To this we say , 1. There owne Camero giveth us another commentarie upon that place , rightly observing , that the Apostle there speaketh nothing of trying or judging the spirits , but onely of the order , which is to be kept in the Church : for whereas in the Church of Corinth , the Prophets did prophecy tumultuously , many or all of them at once , and would not give place one to another , this the Apostle condemneth , and will have the Prophets so farre subject to the Prophets , as that when one riseth up to prophecy , the rest may hold their peace . 2. That this is the sense it is cleare , from the order and dependance of the Text , for v. 30. he commandeth him that prophecieth in the Church to hold his peace , when any thing is revealed to another Prophet that sitteth by , now this he enforceth by foure reasons . 1. Because so they might all prophecy one by one , and they were mistaken , who thought that all could not prophecy , except many spake at once . 2. All that were in the Church might learne and all be comforted , by every Prophet , which could not be , except they prophecied severally one by one . 3. The Spirits of the Prophets are not arrogant , but humblie subject one to another , each giving place to other . 4. God is not the Author of confusion , but of peace and order . CHAP. XIV . Of the Ordination of Ruling Elders , of the continuance of their Office , and of their maintenance . TOuching the first of these , it cannot be denyed , but as Election to the Office , so ordination to the exercise thereof , is a thing common both to Preaching and Ruling Elders . Howbeit in Scotland imposition of hands is not used in the Ordination of Ruling Elders , as it is in the Ordination of Preaching Elders , yet this is not to bee thought a defect in their Ordination ; for imposition of hands is not an Act but a signe of Ordination , neither is it a necessary signe but is le●t free : it is not therefore without reason , that Calvin , Chemnitius , Gerard , Buca● , Ia●i● , Bucerus , and many other of our learned Writers , yea the Arch-bishop of Spalato doe all make a distinction , betwixt the essentiall act of ordination , and the externall rite thereof , holding that ordination may be full , valid and compleat , not onely without the unction used in the Roman Church , but even without the laying on of hands , used in the Reformed Churches . After the Election of Ruling Elders , with the notice & consent of the whole Church , there followeth with us a publique designation of the persons so elected , and an authoritative or potestative Mission , Ordination , or Deputation of them unto their Presbyteriall functions , together with publique exhortation unto them , and prayer in the Church for them , which wee conceive to bee all that b●longeth either to the essence , or integrity of Ordina●ion . I meane not to condemne Imposition of hands , nor any other convenient signe , in the Ordination of Ruling Elders , onely J intend to justifie our owne forme , as sufficient . As for the maintenance and the continuance of the Office of Ruling Elders , wee love not unnecessary Multiplication of questions , let every Church doe herein what they find most convenient . The manner of our Church , in these things , is such , as best be fitteth the condition of the same , & such as cannot be in reason condemned ; Neither is a stipend , nor continuance in the Function till Death , essentiall to the Ministery of the Church , but separable from the same . The Levites of old served not at all times , but by course , and when they were 50. yeares old , they were wholly liberat , from the burden and labour ( though not from the attendance ) of the Leviticall service , and Ministers , may still upon the Churches permission , for lawfull Reasons , and urgent Necessities , be absent a whole yeere , and longer too , from their particular charges . The Apostles , when they were first sent through Iudea , tooke no stipend , Mat. 10.8 , 9. Neither did Paul take any at Corinth , 1 Cor. 9.18 . The Ministers among the Waldenses , worke with their hands for their maintainance . The old Patriarchs were Priests and Preachers , to their families , and maintained themselves by the worke of their hands , feeding of Flockes , tilling the Ground , &c , These things I do not mention as Rules , to be followed by us , but to shew , that the intermission of the exercise of the Ministery , the want of maintainance and labouring with the hands , are not altogether repugnant , nor inconsistent , with the Nature of the vocation , of the Ministers of the word , but in some cases hic & nunc , may bee most approveable in them , much more in Ruling Elders . The Revenues of our Church are so small , that they cannot spare , stipends to Ruling Elders , which maketh them willing to serve without stipends , and lest they should be overburdened , with this their service , though they be chosen and called to be Ruling Elders as long as they live , at least till they m●rit , to be deposed , yet our booke of policie alloweth them , that ease of intermission and serving by course , which was allowed to the Levits of old in the Temple . The double honour which the Apostle commandeth to give unto Elders that rule well , needeth not to be expounded of maintainance and obedience ; for by double honour wee may either simply understand , much honour , or by way of comparison double honour , in respect of the Widowes , whom hee had before commanded to honour , as Calvin expoundeth the place . Both these Interpretations doth Oecumenius give upon the same place . The other question propounded by D. Field concerning Ruling Elders , shall have a resolution in that which followeth , and so J will proceed , conceiving that which hath beene said for Ruling Elders , shall satisfie such as desire to understand , though nothing can satisfie the malicious , nor them who are willingly ignorant . Here endeth the first Booke . THE Second Part , concerning the Assemblies of the Church of SCOTLAND , and Authority thereof . CHAP. I. Of popular Government in the Church . THere bee some that call in question the Warrant and Authority of classicall Presbyteries , of provinciall Synods and Nationall Assemblies , as they are used and maintained in the Church of Scotland . I meane not the Praelaticall faction , whom we set aside , but even some who are as Antiepiscopall as we are . The Scrupulosity of such ( at least of many such ) herein doth ( we conceive ) proceed not from any perversnesse of mind , but onely from certaine mistakings , which better information may remove . But first of all wee require those , whom we now labour to satisfie , to condescend upon another point , viz. that the exercise of Ecclesiasticall power and jurisdiction in a particular Congregation , ought not to bee committed to the whole collective body thereof , but is peculiar to the Eldership representing the same ; for in vaine doe wee debate the other point concerning Presbyteries and Assemblies , if this latent prejudice still occupy their minds , that the Government of the Church must needs be popular , exercised by the collective body , which happily may in some sort bee done within the bounds of a well limited Congregation , but is manifestly inconsistent with classicall Presbyteries & Synods , because the collective Bodies of all particular Congregations within the bounds of a shire , of a Province , of a Nation , cannot bee ordinarily , nor at all ordinatly , assembled together , and if they could , I beleeve that the Separatists themselves would in that case allow a dependencie or subordination of particular Congregations unto the more generall Congregation . So that the point of popular government being once cleared , it shall facilitate the other question concerning the Subordination of particular Elderships to class●icall Presbyteries & Synods . Now there are good reasons why this popular government or exercise by jurisdiction by all can not be admitted into a Congregation . First , in every Christian Congregation , there are some Rulers , some ruled , some Governors , some governed , some that command , some that obey , as is manifest from Hebr. 13.17 . 1. Thes. 5.12 . 1. Tim. 5.17 . But if the whole Congregation have the Rule and Government , who then shall be ruled and governed ? It will be answered , that in the exercise of jurisdiction , every Member is to act according to it's owne condition , the head as the head , the eye as the eye , &c. that the Rulers and Governors of a Congregation are to have the principall condu● of businesse , and to bee Heads , Eares , Mouths , &c. to the Congregation . But this simile maketh rather for us then against us , for though every member bee usefull and steadable in the body according to it 's owne condition , yet every member neither can nor doth exercise those principall actions of seeing , hearing , tasting , &c. I say not that other members cannot see , heare , taste , as the eyes , eares , and mouth doe , but they cannot at all see , heare , nor taste . So if the Rulers of a Congregation be as the eyes , eares , mouth , &c. then other members of the Congregation cannot at all act those actions of government which they act . Hence it is that some , who make the whole Congregation the first subject of the power of spirituall Jurisdiction , doe notwithstanding hold that the whole Church doth exercise the said jurisdiction as Principium quod , the Eldership alone , as Principium quo , even as the whole man seeth , as Principium quod , the eye alone , as Principium quo , and so of all the rest . Thus doe they put a difference betwixt the power it selfe , and the exercise of it , ascribing the former to the collective body of the Church , the latter to the representative : knowing that otherwise they could not preserve the distinction of Rulers and ruled in the Church . Secondly , it is well knowne that in Congregations the greater part are not fit to exercise Jurisdiction , for they can not examine the Doctrine and abilities of Ministers , how should they ordaine them ? They can not judge of questions and controversies of faith , how shall they determine the same ? They can not find out and discover Hereticks , how shall they excommunicate them ? It is answered that this evill proceedeth from another , viz. That there is too much sloth and oversight in the admission of such as are to be members of a Congregation , , and that they would be fit enough to doe their duty , if they were all Saints , they meane appearantly , and in the judgement of charity such , Rom. 1.7 . 1 Cor. 1 , 2. Eph. 1 , 1. But say we againe , 1. Why may wee not hold that when the Apostle writeth to the Saints at Rome , at Corinth , &c. he meaneth not , that all who were in those Churches , were either truely or appearantly Saints ( for some wicked ones there were among them , and manifestly vitious , Rom. 16 , 17 , 18. 1 Cor. 5.9.11 . ) But that his meaning is , to direct his Epistles to so many as were Saints at Rome , Corinth , &c. mentioning them alone ; because to them , and to none but them , did God send his word for a blessing , it being sent to others that they may goe and fall backward , and be broken , and snared , and taken , as the Prophet speaketh . 2. If it should be granted that the Apostle giveth the name of Saints to all and every one that were in the Churches of Rome , Corinth , and Ephesus , yet Mr. Ainsworth himselfe answering Mr. Bernard holdeth that they are called Saints by externall calling onely , wherewith many are called who are not chosen , and who have no appearant markes of election . Others say that they were called Saints , in respect of their baptisme , wherein they were all consecrated and devoted to God. Some say that they were all Saints , in respect of their profession . 3. Howsoever it was that they were all called Saints , yea put the case they had beene all truely Saints , surely their sanctification can not import their fitnesse to exercise jurisdiction in the Church . The former is a speciall grace of the holy Spirit given to one for his owne Salvation : The other is a common gift of the Spirit , given for the benefit of the Church . Thirdly , it were not possible to exercise jurisdiction by a whole Congregation without great confusion and disorder : therefore this way cannot be from God , who is not the author of confusion but of order . If it be answered , that order may be kept in a Congregation exercising Iurisdiction as well as in a Nationall , at least in a Oecumenicall Synod , where there will be as great a multitude , and peradventure greater , then there is in a well-bounded Congregation . Wee reply it is not so much the multitude , which should make disorder in the exercise of Jurisdiction by a whole Congregation ( though indeed in many Congregations the multitude alone would hinder order ) as the rudenesse of the vulgar sort , who if they should all speake their judgement , what a monstrous and unavoidable confusion should there be ? The members of Nationall and Oecumenicall Councils , are supposed to be men of knowledge and discretion , and so may be kept in good order , much more easily then a rude multitude in the Congregation . They who are of another judgement object to us : First , our Saviours precept , Matth. 18.17 . Where hee biddeth us not ●ell the Eldershish , but tell the Church . Ans. By the Church he meaneth the representative body of the Church , even as that which was spoken to the Elders of Israel , Exod. 12.21 . was said to be spoken by all the Congregation of Israel , Ib. verse 3. and he who was judged by the Elders , was said to bee judged by the Congregation , Ios. 20.6 . More of this place we say elsewhere . Next they object the example of excommunication by the whole Congregation of Corinth , for the Apostle sheweth that it was the duty of the whole Congregation , to cast out that incestuous man. 1 Cor. 5.13.4.9.13 . In like manner hee writeth to them all , to receive him againe , when he had repented , 2 Cor. 2.6.8 , 9. Answer . Whether the power of excommunication in actu primo seu quo ad esse , did belong to the collective body of the Church of Corinth or not , is a question controverted , and to this day sub judice lis est , yet even those who hold the affirmative part of the question , doe notwithstanding say , that i● 〈◊〉 secundo seu quo ad operari , the power pertained onely to the 〈◊〉 body of that Church which 〈…〉 P●esbytery : which is also confirmed by 2. Cor. 2.6 . where the Apostle speaking of the censure of that incestuous man , saith not , that it was inflicted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not by all , but by many . Hee was judged and sentenced by those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is by the Pastors and Elders of Corinth , howbeit the execution & finall act of that high censure , was to be with the consent and in the presence of the Congregation . Thirdly , it is objected , that Matthias was chosen by the whole number of the Disciples , Act. 1. and so were the Deacons chosen , Act. 6. and Elders in every City were made per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Congregation signifying their suffrages by the lifting up or stretching forth of their hands , Act. 14.23 . Therefore Jurisdiction ought to be exercised by whole Congregations . Answ. This Argument faileth two waies , 1. Though ordination of Office-bearers in the Church be an act of Jurisdiction , it doth not appeare that the election of them is an act of jurisdiction likewise . Though the solemnizing of marriage be an act of authority , yet the choice and desire of the parties is not an act of authority . 2. Or ( if you will ) election of Ministers is one of the Rights and Priviledges of the Church , yet no act of jurisdiction . 3. And if election were an act of authority and jurisdiction , yet the alleadged examples prove no more but that this act of jurisdiction is to be exercised by the whole body , in Ecclesia constituenda , non constituta . It may bee so indeed in Churches at their first erection , but being once erected , and all necessary Office-bearers therein planted , from thenceforth the election of Elders pertaineth to the Presbytery , to the Pastor and Elders , as Zepperus writeth , though still with the consent of the Church . Fourthly , it is objected , that what concerneth all ought to be done with the consent of all . Answ. Wee hold the same , but the consent of all is one thing , the exercise of jurisdiction by all , another thing . Ainsworth in one of his Epistles to Paget , condemneth the Elderships sitting and judging matters apart from the Congregation . Paget answereth , that though the Eldership sit apart to judge , yet before any sentence be given for the cutting off of any offender , or for any other thing which concerneth all , matters are first propounded to the whole Church , and their prayers and consent required . And surely this forme of proceeding shineth forth to us in that Apostolicall Synod at Ierusalem , for the Apostles and Elders , met , sate , and voiced apart from the whole Church , as Calvin noteth from Act. 15 , 6. and they alone judged and decreed Act. 16.4 . In the meane while were matters made knowne to the whole Church , and done with the consent of all , Act. 15.22 . If it be objected from verse 12 : that the whole multitu●e was present in the Synod : I answer , we may understand with Piscator the multitude there spokē of to be the multitude of the Apostles & Elders , V. 6. or if we should understand by the multitude the whole Church , this proveth onely that the whole Church heard the question disputed , not that they were all present at the judging and determining of it . If it be further objected that the Synodall Epistle came not onely from the Apostles and Elders , but from the brethren , that is , the whole Church . The answer is easie . The Brethren are mentioned , because it was done with their knowledge , consent , and applause . To say no more , wee would gladly bury this controversie about popular government , in eternall silence and oblivion , and to this end we are content it be packt up , in the words which the Separatists themselves ( doubtlesse perpending the Reasons above-mentioned ) have set downe in the 14. Article of the Confession of their Faith published , Anno 1616 ▪ for this they say . Wee judge each proper Pastor , may and ought to bee trusted by the Congregation , with the managing of all points of their Ecclesiasticall affaires and Government , so farre , that he with his assistants doe execute and administer the same : yet so that in matters of waight , the whole Congregation doe first understand thereof , before any thing be finished , and the finall act bee done in the presence of the whole Congregation , and also that they ( the said Congregation ) doe ●ot manifestly dissent therefrom . We are heartily content , that Congregations doe fully enjoy all the Christian liberty , which here is pleaded for in their behalfe , yea and much more also ; for the assistants spoken of in these words of the Confession , are other Pastors and Colleagues , if any there be , in the same Congregation , as will bee evident to any that readeth that Article . But wee are content that the Assistants spoken of be understood to bee Ruling Elders . Now if the Authors of that Confession thought the Christian liberty of a Congregation sufficiently preserved , when the Pastor or Pastors thereof doe manage the weighty Ecclesiasticall affaires and government , with the kno●ledge , ●nd ( at least tacite ) consent of the Congregation it selfe , then doe we not onely sufficiently and abundantly preserve the liberty of the Congregation , while as not the Pastor or Pastors thereof alone , but sundry Ruling Elders ; also , representing the Congregation , doe manage the affaires aforesaid , the Congregation withall understanding thereof , and consenting thereto , Tacitè if not Expressè . I doe not thinke but those of the Separation at this time , will easily assent to this resolution and reconcilement of the controversie , and so much the rather , because ( I beleeve ) they themselves doe seclude from the exercise of jurisdiction in the Congregation , both children under age , because of their defect of Judgement , and women , because they are forbidden to speake in the Church , and whether they seclude any other , I know ●ot , but since according to their owne Tenets , some must be secluded , and the power given to the Church , must in the exercise of it be restrained to some in the Church , it is better to say with Aegidius Hunnius , that when Christ remitteth us to the Church . Mat. 18.17 . He meaneth the prime and chiefe Members which represent the Church , that is Pastors a●d Elders , then to say that he sendeth us to the whole body of the Church . One scruple more may peradventure remaine . They will say , it is well that we require the churches consent , before any waighty matter which concerneth all be finished : but what if this consent be not had ? Whether may the Eldership cut off an offender renitente Ecclesia ? For their satisfaction is this , also wee say with Zepperus , Quod si Ecclesia &c. But if the Church , saith he , will not approve the sentence of Excommunication , nor hold it valid , and they see many disagreeing among themselves , and schismes and greater evills in the Church to follow this sentence of Excommunication : the Elders shall not proceed to Excommunication , but shall patiently suffer what cannot with the good leave of the church be amended . In the meane while they shall publikely and privately admonish and exhort So saith Zanchius , that without the consent of the church no man ought to be excommunicated . The B. of Spalato , and before him , Augustine hath given the reason hereof , because the end of excommunication cannot be attained , if the Church doe not consent thereto ; for the end is , that the offender may bee taken with feare and shame , when he findeth himselfe abhorred and accursed by the whole Church , so that it shall be in vain to excommunicate him , from whom the Multitude in the Church refuse to abstract their communion . I conclude , that in such cases ; though the Pastors and Elders have the power of jurisdiction , it is not to exercise the same . CHAP. II. Of the independencies of the Elderships of particular Congregations . WEE have now rolled away one stone of offence , but there is another in our way . It were most strange , if the collective body of a Congregation , consisting it may bee of 10 , 20 , 30 , or 40 persons , according to the grounds of these with whom we deale , should bee permitted to exercise independently all Eccleasisticall Jurisdiction : but it is almost as great a Paradox , to say , that the representative of every Congregation , which is the Eldership therof , consisting it may be of a Pastor , and two or three Ruling Elders , ought independently to exercise the foresaid jurisdiction in all points . I am debtor to D. Field , for answering one of those questions before propounded , concerning Ruling Elders , and here it falls in my hand . He asketh whether the power of Church-government and jurisdiction , doth belong to the Pastor and Elders of every Congregation , or to the Pastors and Elders of many Congregations joyned together in a Common Presbytery . I beleeve his expectation was , that while as we would sayle through betwixt the Caribdis of Episcopall tyranny , and the Scylla of popular Anarchy , wee should not know ho● to direct our course , but should certainly either bee swallowed up in the waves of mighty difficulties , or split our selves upon hid Rockes of division . Our danger , I hope , is not so great as he did imagine ; for we hold that the particular Elderships of severall Congregations have their owne power and authority of Church-government , but with a subordination unto the common or greater Presbytery , whose power is superior and of a larger extent . First , then we shall take into consideration , the bounds of the power of particular Elderships , and how the same may be said to be independent , and how not , for this purpose , I shall give foure distinctions out of Parker , and to these I shall adde other foure of my owne . The first distinction is , betwixt things which are proper and peculiar to one Congregation , and things which are common to many : the former pertaineth to the particular Eldership , the latter to the common Eldership : Whence it commeth that in Scotland the cases of ordination , suspension , deposition , and Excommunication , are determined in the greater Presbyteries , because it doth not concerne one Congregation alone , but many , who be taken into the common Presbytery , and who be put out of the sam● , neither doth the Excommunication of a sinner concerne onely one Congregation , but the Neighbouring Congregations also , among whom ( as is to be commonly supposed ▪ the sinner doth often haunt & converse . Cyprian speaking of the admission of some who had fallen , and who had no recommendation from the Martyrs to be received againe , referreth the matter to a common meeting , and his reason is , because it was a common cause , and did not concerne a few , nor one church onely . See lib. 2. Ep. 14. The second distinction is betwixt Congregations , which have a competent and well-qualified Eldership , & small Congregations , who have but few office-bearers , and those ( it may be ) not sufficiently able for Church-government . In this case of insufficiencie , a Congregation may not independently , by it selfe , exercise jurisdiction , and not in re propria , saith Parker . 3. He distinguisheth betwixt the case of right administration , and the case of aberration : whatsoever liberty , a Congregation hath in the former case , surely in the latter it must needs be subject and subordinate . If particular Elderships doe rightly manage their owne matters of Church-government , the greater Presbytery shall not need for a long time ( it may be for some yeares ) to intermeddle in any of their matters , which wee know by experience in our owne Churches . 4. Hee maketh a distinction betwixt the case of appellation and the case , de nulla administratione mala praesumpta . Though the particular Eldership hath proceeded aright , though it consist of able and sufficient men , and though it bee in re propria , yet if one think himselfe wronged , and so appeale , then is it made obnoxious to a higher consistory , for saith Parker , as the Councill of Sardis ordaineth audience must , not bee denyed to him who entreateth for it . So saith Zepperus , speaking of the same purpose , cuivis integrum quoque sit ad superiores gradus provocare , si in inferioris gradus sententia aut decreto aliquid desideret . 5. Adde unto these a distinction betwixt a Congregation , lying alone in an Iland , Province , or Nation , and a Congregation bordering with sister Churches . If either there be but one Congregation in a Kingdome or Province , or if there be many farre distant one from another , so that their Pastors and Elders cannot ordinarily meete together , then may a particular Congregation doe many things by it selfe alone , which it ought not to doe , where there are adjacent neighbouring Congregations , together with which , it may , and should have a common Presbytery . 6. Let us put a difference betwixt the subordination of one Congregation to another , or of ore Eldership to another , and the subordination of any Congregation , and of the Eldership thereof to a superior , Presbytery or Synod made out of many Congregations , as one provinciall Synod is not subject to another Provinciall Synod , yet all the Provinciall Synods in the Nation are subje●t 〈◊〉 the Nationall Synod , so it is also with the ordinary consistories , one particular Eldership is not subject to another , yet all the particular Elderships within the bounds of the common Presbytery are subject to the same . So that there is a vast difference betwixt this subordination which we maintaine , and the subordination of all the Parishes in a Diocesse to the Praelate and his Cathedrall . Where Douname doth object that all the Parishes of Geneva are Hierarchically subject to the Presbytery in the city , Parker denieth this , nisi quis &c. vnlesse saith he , peradvēture one may be subject to himselfe , for the Parishes , each for their owne part , and that alihe , are this same Presbytery . And after , Consistorium &c. for the Consistory of the Cathedrall Church is an externall meeting , divers distinct and separate from the rurall Churches , which are no part thereof , this cannot be said of the Presbytery of Geneva . 7. Wee must distinguish betwixt a dependance absolute , and , in some respect , a Congregation doth absolutely depend upon the holy Scriptures alone , as the perfect rule of faith and manners , of worship and of Church-government , for we accurse the tyranny of Prelates , who claimed to themselves an autocratoricke power over Congregations , to whom they gave their naked will for a Law. One of themselves told a whole Synod that they ought to esteeme that best which seemeth so to Superiors , and that this is a sufficient ground to the conscience for obeying , though the thing be inconvenient . We say , that Congregations ought indeed to be subject to Presbyteries and Synods , yet not absolutely , but in the Lord , and in things lawfull , and to this purpose the constitutions of Presbyteries and Synods are to bee examined by the judgement of Christian discretion , for a Synod is Iudex Iudicandus , and Regula regulata , so that it ought not to be blindly obeyed , whether the ordinance be convenient or inconvenient . Last of all we are to distinguish betwixt the condition of the Primitive Churches , before the division of Parishes , and the state of our Churches now after such division . At the first when the multitude of Christians in those great cities of Rome , Corinth , Ephesus , &c. was not divided into severall Parishes , the common Presbytery in the city did suffice for the government of the whole , and there was no need of a particular consistory of Elders , for every assembly and Congregation of Christians within the city , except perhaps to admonish , rebuke , exhort , or to take notice of such things as were to be brought into the common Presbyterie . But after that Parishes were divided , and Christian Congregations planted in the rurall villages , as well as in the cities , from henceforth it was necessary that every Congregation should have at hand within it selfe , a certaine Consistory for some acts of Church-government , though still those of greater importance were reserved to the greater Presbyterie . And thus have J , out of desire to avoid unnecessary questions , set downe my conceptions concerning the Elderships of particular Congregations , and the power of the same . If it be said , that I seeme to deny the divine right of the same , or that they have any warrant from the patterne of the Apostolike Churche . I answer . I acknowledge the conformity of the same with the patterne thus farre . 1. It is to bee suposed that in some small cities ( especially the same not being wholly converted to the Christian faith ) there was but one Christian Congregation , the Eldership whereof did manage matters of jurisdictiō proper thereto . 2. Even in the great cities , at the first there was but one Congregation of Christians , and so but one particular Eldership . 3. After that the Gospell had spread , and Christians were multiplied in those great cities , it is true , they were all governed by a common Presbytery , but that Presbytery was not remote , but ready at hand among thēselves . Now in this we keepe our selves as closse to the patterne , as the alteration of the Churches condition by the division of Parishes will suffer us , that is to say , we have a common Presbytery for governing the Congregations within a convenient circuit , but withall our Congregations have , ad manum , among themselves , an inferior Eldership for lesser acts of Government ; though in respect of the distance of the seate of the common Presbytery from sundry of our Parishes , they can not have that ease and benefit of nearenesse , which the Apostolique Churches had , yet by the particular Elderships they have as great ease of this kinde as conveniently can be . CHAP. III. Of greater Presbyteries which some call classes . THe word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Presbyterie we find thrice in the New Testament , twice of the Iewish Presbytery at Hierusalem , Luke 22.66 . Act. 22.5 . and once of the Christian Presbytery . 1. Tim. 4.14 . Neglect not the gift that is in thee , which 〈◊〉 given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . Sutlivius and Douname have borrowed , from Bellarmine , two false glosses upon this place . They say by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , we may understand either an assembly of Bishops , or the Office of a Presbyter , which was given to Timothy . To these absurdities let one of their owne side answer . Whereas saith D. Forbesse , some have expounded the Presbytery in this place to be a company of Bishops , unlesse by Bishops thou would understand simple Presbyters , it is a violent interpretation , and an insolent meaning . And whereas others have vnderstood the degree it selfe of Eldership , this can not stand , for the degree hath not hands , but hands are mens . J find in Sutlivius , a third glosse . He saith , that the word Presbyterie in this place signifieth the Ministers of the word , non juris vinculo sed ut cunque collectos , inter quos etiam Apostoli erant . Ans. 1. If so , then the occasionall meeting of Ministers , be it in a journey , or at a wedding , or a buriall , &c. shall all be Presbyteries , for then they are ut cunque collecti . 2. The Apostles did put the Churches 〈◊〉 better order , then to leave imposition of hands , or any thing of that kind to the uncertainty of an occasionall meeting . 3 , The Apostles were freely present in any Presbyterie , where they were for the time , because the oversight and care of all the Churches was layd upon them : Pastors and Elders were necessarily present therein , and did by vertue of their particular vocation meete together Presbyterially , whether an Apostle were with them , or not . No other sense can the Text suffer but that by Presbyterie we should understand consessus Presbyterorum , a meeting of Elders , and so doe Camero and Forbesse themselves expound it . Sutlivius objecteth to the contrary , that the Apostle Paul did lay on hands upon Timothy , which he proveth both from 2. Tim. 1. and , because extraordinary gifts were given by that laying on of hands . Ans. There is an expresse difference made betwixt Pauls laying on of his hands , and the Presbyteries laying on of their hāds . Of the former it is said , that Timothy received the gift , which was in him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the laying on of Pauls hands ; but he received the gift 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the laying on of the hands of the Presbyterie , as Didoclavius noteth . But saith Sutlivius , Timothy being an Evangelist ( as you hold ) how could hee be ordained by the Presbyterie ? Ans. 1. Though the Presbyterie did neither give him ordination to bee an Evangelist , nor yet conferre by the laying on of their hands extraordinary gifts upon him , yet did they lay on their hands , as setting to the the Seale and Testimony , and commending him to the grace of God , even as certaine Prophets and Teachers layd hands on Paul and Barnabas , and Ananias also before that time had laid his hands upon Paul. 2. The Presbyterie might ordaine Timothy to be an Elder . If so be he was ordained an Elder before he was ordained an Evangelist . 3. If the testimony of the Presbyterie , by the laying on of their hands , together , with the Apostles hands , in the extraordinary mission of Timothy , was required : much more may it be put out of question , that the Apostles committed to the Presbyt●ry the full power of ordaining ordinary Ministers . But it is further objected by Sutlivius that this could not be such a Presbyterie as is among us , because ordination and imposition of hands pertaine to none , but the Ministers of the word . Ans. 1. The children of Israel laid their hands upon the Levites , & we would know his reason why he denyeth the like power to ruling Elders now , especially since this imposition of hands is but a gesture of one praying , and a morall signe declaring the person prayed for . 2. Howsoever our practice ( wh●ch is also approved by good Divines ) is , to put a difference betwixt the act of ordination and the externall right thereof , which is imposition of hands , ascribing the former to the whole Presbytery both Pastors and Elders , and reserving the latter to the Ministers of the word , yet to bee done in the name of all . Thus have we evinced the Apostles meaning , when he speaketh of a Presbyterie , and this Consistory we find to have continued in the Christian Church in the ages after the Apostles . Jt is certaine that the ancient Bishops had no power to judge any cause without the presence , advice and counsell of their Presbyters Conc. Carth. 4. can . 23. Field , Forbesse , Saravia , and Douname , doe all acknowledge that it was so , and so doth Bellarmine de Pont. Rom. l. 1. c. 8. Of this Presbytery speaketh Cyprian . Omni actu ad me perlato , placuit contrahi Presbyterium , &c. Of the Presbytery speaketh the same Cyprian , lib. 2. Ep. 8. & lib. 4. Ep. 5. Ignatius ad Trall . and Hierom in Esa. 3. Wee finde it also in conc . Ancyr . can 18 and in conc . Carthag . 4. can . 35.40 . Doctor Forbesse alledgeth that the word Presbytery for fifteen hundred yeares after Christ , did signifie no other thing in the Church , then a Diocesan Synod . But herein ( if hee had understood himselfe ) he spake not so much against Presbyteries , as against Prelats ; for a Diocesse of old was bounded within one City . Tumque jampridem per omnes provincias & per urbes singulas ordinati sint Episcopi , &c. saith Cyprian . It was necessary to ordaine Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Chrysostome , speaking of the primitive times ; yea , in Country Villages also were Bishops , who were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rurall Bishops , whose Episcopall office though limited , yet ) was allowed in the Councell of Ancyra , can . 13. and the Councell of Antioch can 8. & 10. Sozomen recordeth that the Village Majuma , which was sometime a suburbe of the City Gaza , was not subject to the Bishop of Gaza , but had its owne proper Bishop , and that by the decree of a Synod in Palestina . The Councell of Sardis , can . 6. and the Councell of Laodicea , can . 57. though they discharged the ordaining of Bishops in villages , lest the name of a Bishop should grow contemptible , did neverthelesse allow every City to have a Bishop of its owne . What hath Doctor Forbesse now gained by maintaining that the bounds of a Presbyterie , and of a Diocesse were all one ? They in the Netherl●nds sometime call their Presbyteries Diocaeses : and many of our Presbyteries are greater then were Diocesses of old . Wee conclude there was anciently a Presbytery in every City which did indeede choose one of their number to preside among them , and to lay on hands in name of the rest , and hee was called the Bishop ; wherein they did more trust the deceiveable goodnesse of their owne intentions , then advert to the rule of the Word of God. These things premitted , I come now to that which is principally intended , viz. by what warrant and qu● jure , the Classicall Presbyterie among us , made up out of many neighbouring congregations , should be the ordinary Court of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction , at least in all matters of highest importance , which doe concerne either all or any of those congregations . For resolution hereof we must understand 1. That causes common to many congregations , ought not to be judged by any one of them , but by the greater Presbytery common to them all . 2. It is to bee supposed that particular congregations ( at least the farre greatest part of them ) have not in their proper Elderships so many men of sufficient abilities , as are requisite in judging and determining the cases of the examination of Ministers , of ordination , deposition , excommunication , and the like . 3. When one appealeth from a particular Eldership , out of perswasion that hee is wronged by the sentence thereof , or when that Eldership finding its owne insufficiency for determining some difficult causes , resolveth to referre the same into a higher Court : reason would that there should be an ordinary Court of a Classicall Presbytery to receive such appellations or references . 4. Congregations which lye neare together , ought all as one to keep unity and conformity in Church policy and government , neither ought one of them be permitted to doe an injury , or to give an offence unto another : and for these ends , it is most necessary that they be governed by one common Presbytery . 5. There may be a competition or a controversie not only betwixt one congregation and another , but in the same congregation betwixt the one halfe and the other ; yea , the Eldership it selfe of that congregation , may be , ( and sometimes is ) divided in it selfe . And how shall things of this kinde bee determined , but by the common Presbytery ? 6. But ( which is caput rei ) these our Classicall Presbyteries have a certaine warrant from the paterne of the Apostolicall Churches : For proofe whereof , it shall bee made to appeare , 1. That in those Cities , ( at least in many of them ) where Christian religion was planted by the Apostles , there were a great number of Christians , then either did , or conveniently could meet together into one place for the worship of God. 2. that in those Cities there was a plurality not onely of ruling Elders , but of the Ministers of the word . 3. That notwithstanding hereof , the whole number of Christians within the Citie , was one Church . 4. That the whole number , and severall companies of Christians within one Citie , were all governed by one common Presbytery . The second of these doth follow upon the first , and the fourth upon the third . The first proposition may bee made good by induction of particulars ; and first , it is more then evident of Ierusalem , where wee finde unto 120 Disciples , Act. 1.15 . added 8000. by Peters two Sermons , Act. 2.41 . and 4.4 . Besides whom , there were yet more multitudes added . Act. 5.14 . And after that also , wee read of a further multiplication of the Disciples , Act. 6.1 . by occasion whereof the seaven Deacons were chosen and ordained : which maketh some to conjecture , that there were seven congregations , a Deacon for every one . Certainly there were rather more then fewer , though wee cannot determine how many . It is written of Samaria , that the people with one accord gave heed unto Philip , Act. 8.6 . even all of them both men and women , from the least to the greatest , who had before given heed to Simon : of these all it is said , that they beleeved Philip , and were baptised , vers . 10.12 . which made the Apostles that were at Ierusalem ▪ when they heard that the great City Samaria had received the word of God , to send unto them Peter and Iohn , the harvest being so great , that Philip was not sufficient for it , v. 14. Of Ioppa it is said , that many beleeved in the Lord. Of Ant●och w● read , that a great number beleeved , and turned to the Lord , Act. 11.21 . Of Iconium that a great multitude both of the Jewes , and also of the Greekes , beleeved , Act. 14.1 Of Lidda , that all who dwelt therein , turned to the Lord , Act. 9.35 . Of Ber●a , that many of them beleeved : also of the honourable women , and the men not a few , Act. 17.12 . Of Corinth the Lord saith , I have much people in this Citie , Act. 18.10 ▪ O● Ephesus wee finde , that ●eare fell on all the Jewes and Greekes which dwelt there , and many beleeved ; yea , many of the Magicians themselves , whose bookes that were burned , amou●t●d to fif●y thousand peeces of silver , so mightily grew the Word of God and prevailed , Act. 19.17.18.19.20 . Unto the multitude of Christians in those Cities , let us adde another consideration , viz. that they had no Temples ( as now wee have ) but private places ●or their holy Assemblies , such as the house of Mary , Act. 12.12 . the Schoole of Tyrannus , Act 19.9 . an upper chamber at Tr●●s , Act. ●0 . 8 . Pauls lodging at Rome , Act. 28. ●3 . Neither doe I see any reason why the Church which was in the house of Aquila and Priscilla , Rom. 16.5 . 1 Cor. 16.19 . should not be understood to bee a congregation , as Erasmus readeth it , that is , such a-number of Christians as met together in their house . So wee read of the Church in the house of Nymphas , Col. 4.15 . And of the Church 〈…〉 house of Archippus ▪ Philem. v. 2. 〈…〉 , i● is certaine , that Christians met together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , house by house , Domatius , Act. 2.46 . both these considerations , viz. the multitude of Christians in one Citie , and their assembling together for worship in private houses , have also place in the next ages after the Apostles . Let Eusebius speak for them both . Who can describe , saith hee , those innumerable heaps & flocking multitudes , throughout all Cities and famous Assemblies , frequenting the places ded●c●ted to prayer ? Thereafter he proceedeth to shew how in aftertimes by the favour of Emperours , Christians had throughout all Cities , ample Churches built for them , they not being contented with the old Or●toria , which were but private houses . Now these two , the multitude of Christians , and the want of Temples , shall abundantly give light to my first proposition . But it may bee objected to the contrary , that all the Disciples at Ierusalem did meet together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into one place , Act. 2.44 . And the same is said of the Church of Corinth , 1 Cor. 11.20 . Ans. The disciples at Ierusalem , being at that time above 3000. it cannot be cōceived how any private house could cotain them . Beside , it is said , that they brake bread that is , did celebrate the Lords Supper from house to house . Therefore many good interpreters understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all the Disciples were linked together into one by amity and love , an evidence whereof is given in the next words , and had all things common . To the other place wee answer : 1. That Epistle , whether it were written from Philippi , or from Ephesus , was undoubtedly written very lately after the plantation of the Gospel in Corinth , while as that Church was yet in her infancie . And if it should bee granted , that at that time the whole Church of Corinth might and did meet together into one place , this proveth not that it was so afterward : for the Churches increased in number daily , Act. 16.5 . But , 2. the place of the Apostle proveth not that which is alledged : for his words may be understood in sensu distributivo . It was no solecisme for one that was writing to divers congregations , to say , When yee come together into one place , meaning distributively of every congregation , not collectively of them all together . My second proposition concerning the plurality of the Ministers of the Word in those great Cities , wherein the Apostles did erect Christian Churches , ariseth from these grounds , 1. The multiplicity of Christians . 2. The want of Temples , of which two I have already spoken . 3. The daily increase of the Churches to a greater number , Acts 16.5.4 . There was need of preachers , not only for those who were already converted in the City , but also for labouring to winne the unbelievers who were therein . These reasons may make us conclude that there were as many Pastors in one City as there were sacred meetings therein , and some more also for the respects foresaid . And what will you say if we finde examples of this plurality of Pastors in Scripture ? Of the Bishops or Pastors of the Church of Ephesus , it i● said , that Paul kneeled down , and praied with them all , and they all wept sore , Acts 20.36.37 . compared with verse 28. Here is some good number imported . To the Angell of the Church of Smyrna , that is , to the Pastors thereof collectively taken , Christ saith , The Divell shall cast some of you into prison , Revel . 2.10 . which ( if not only yet ) principally is spoken to the Pastors , though for the benefit of that whole Church . This is more plaine of the Church of Thyatira , verse 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnto you I say , & to the rest in Thyatira : as if he would say , saith Pareus , Tibi ●spicopo cum collegis & reliquo coetui dico . Paul writeth to the Bishop at Philippi , Phil. 1.1 . and notwithstanding that there was already a certaine number of Bishops or Pastors in that City , yet the Apostle thought it necessary to send unto them Epaphroditus also , Phil. 2.25 . being shortly thereafter to send unto them Timotheus , verse 19. yea to come himselfe , verse 24. so that there was no scarcity of labourers in that harvest . Epaphras and Archippus were Pastors to the Church at Colosse , and who besides we cannot tell , but Paul sent unto them also Tychicus , and Onesimu● , Col. 4.7.9 . Now touching the third proposition , no man who understandeth , will imagine that the multitude of Christians within one of those great Cities was divided into as many parishes as there were meeting places for worship . It is a point of controversie , who did beginne the division of parishes ; but whosoever it was , whether Evaristus , or Higinus , or Dionysius , certaine it is , that it was not so from the beginning , I meane in the daies of the Apostles , for then it was all one to say , in every City , or to say , in every Church . That which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Tit. 1.5 . is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts 14.22 . This is acknowledged by all Anti-prelaticall writers so farre as I know , and by the Prelaticall writers also . The last proposition , as it hath not beene denyed by any , so it is sufficiently proved by the former , for that which made the multitude of Christians within one City to be one Church , was their union under and their subjection unto the same Church governement and governours . A multitude may bee one Church , though they doe not meete together into one place for the worship of God : for example , it may fall forth , that a congregation cannot meet together into one , but into divers places , and this may continue so for some yeares together , either by reason of persecution , or by meanes of the plague , or because they have not such a large parish-Church as may containe them all , so that a part of them must meete in some other place : but a multitude cannot be one Church , unlesse they communicate in the same Church government , and under the same Governours , ( by one Church I meane one Ecclesiasticall Republike ; ) even as the like union under civill government and governours maketh one corporation : when the Apostle speaketh to all the Bishops of the Church of Ephesus , hee exhorteth them all to take heed to all the flocke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over which the holy Ghost had made them overseers , so that the whole was governed by the common counsell and advice of the Elders , as Hierome speaketh : for the same reason we say not the Churches , but the Church of Amsterdam , because all the Pastors and Elders have the charge ▪ and governement of the whole . From all which hath beene said , I inferre this Corollary , That in the times of the Apostles , the Presbytery which was the ordinary Court of Iurisdiction , which did ordaine , depose , excommunicate , &c. did consist of so many Pastors and Elders , as could with conveniency meete ordinarily together , which is a paterne and warrant for our Classicall Presbyteries . I confesse there might be in some townes no greater number of Christians then did meet together in one place , notwithstanding whereof the Pastor or Pastors and Elders of that congregation , might and did manage the government of the same , and exercise jurisdiction therein . I confesse also that in those Cities wherein there was a greater number of Christians then could meet together into one place for the worship of God , the Presbytery did consist of the Pastors and Elders within such a City : for it cannot be proved that there were at that time any Christian congregations in Landward Villages ( the persecution forcing Christians to choose the shelter of Cities , for which reason many are of opinion that the Infidells in those daies were called Pagani , because they alone dwelt in Pagis ) and if there had beene any such adjacent to Cities , we must thinke the same should have beene subject to the common Presbytery , their owne Pastors and Elders being a part thereof . Howsoever it cannot be called in question that the Presbytery in the Apostolicall Churches , was made up of as many as could conveniently meete together , for managing the ordinary matters of Jurisdiction and Church-government . The Pastors and Elders of divers Cities could not conveniently have such ordinary meetings , especially in the time of persecution ; only the Pastors and Elders within one City had such conveniency . And so to conclude , we doe not forsake , but follow the paterne , when we joyne together a number of Pastors and Elders out of the congregations in a convenient circuit , to make up a common Presbytery , which hath power and authority to governe those congregations ; for if the Presbytery which we find in those Cities wherein the Apostles planted Churches , bee a sure paterne for our Classicall Presbyteries ( as wee have proved it to bee ) then it followeth undeniably that the authority of Church-government , of excommunication , ordination , &c. which did belong to that Primitive Presbytery , doth also belong to those our Classicall or greater Presbyteries . CHAP. IV. Of the authority of Synods Provinciall and Nationall . TOuching Synods , I shall first shew what their power is , and thereafter give arguments for the same . The power of Jurisdiction which wee ascribe unto Synods , is the same in nature and kinde with that which belongeth to Presbyteries , but with this difference , that Presbyteries doe exercise it in an ordinary way , and in matters proper to the congregations within their circuit . Synods doe exercise this power in matters which are common to a whole province , or nation ; or if in matters proper to the bounds of one Presbytery , it is in an extraordinary way ; that is to say , when either Presbytery hath erred in the managing of their owne matters , or when such things are transferred to the Synod from the Presbytery , whether it be by appellation or by reference . The power of Jurisdiction , whereof I speake is threefold , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So it is distinguished by our writers , and all these three doe in manner foresaid belong unto Synods . In respect of Articles of faith or worship , a Synod is Iudex or Testis : In respect of externall order and policie in circumstances , a contriver of a Canon , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In respect of heresie , schisme , obstinacie , contempt and scandall , Vindex : not by any externall coactive power ( which is peculiar to the Magistrate ) but by spirituall censures . The dogmaticke power of a Synod , is not a power to make new Articles of faith , nor new duties and parts of divine worship , but a power to apply and interpret those Articles of faith , and duties of worship which God hath set before us in his written Word , and to declare the same to be inconsistent with emergent heresies and errours . To this purpose it is that the Apostle calleth the Church the pillar and ground of truth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which may be expounded either in sensu forensi , the Church is the publicke witnesse , notifier and keeper of truth ; even as in Courts and places of judgement , there are pillars to which the Edicts of Magistrates are affixed , that people may have notice thereof : or in sensu architectonico ▪ as the Church by her faith is built upon Christ , or ( which is all one ) upon the doctrine and truth of Christ , contained in the writings of the Prophets and Apostles , and leaneth thereto : so by her Ministery she upholdeth , under-propeth , and conserveth this same truth , lest , as the Prophet speaketh , Truth fall in the streets , & perish among men . Truth standeth fast in the Church , and is kept firme , while it is professed , preached , propugned and maintained against all contrary errour and heresie . In the same sense saith the Apostle , that unto the Jewish Church were committed the Oracles of God , by them to be kept , interpreted , propagated , &c. By the Diatakticke power a Synod may institute , restore , or change , according to the condition and exigence of the Church , the externall circumstances in the worship of God , and Ecclesiasticall discipline : I meane those circumstances which are common both to civill and sacred Societies , the conveniencie whereof is determinable by the light of Nature , alwayes observing the generall rules of the Word , which commandeth that all bee done to the glory of God , that all bee done to edifying , that all bee done in order and decencie , that we give none offence , that wee support the weake , that we give no place to the enemies of the truth , nor symbolize with Idolaters , &c. Now for avoiding disorder and disconformity in a Nation professing one Religion , it is fit that Nationall Synods give certaine directions and rules even concerning these rites and circumstances , not having therein an Arbitrary or Autocratorke power , but being alwayes tied to follow the rules foresaid . The Criticke power of a Synod , is not a Lordly imperious dominiering over the flocke of Christ , which is not to bee ruled with force and cruelty ; but it is the power of spirituall censures , as excommunication , deposition , and the like , most necessary for the repressing of heresie , errour , obstinacie in wickednesse , and scandals , otherwise incorrigible . Without this power , schismes and offences could not bee cured , but should the more increase ; whileas liberty is left to heretickes , schismatickes , and obstinate persons , without any censure to pester and disturb a whole Nation , without any regard to the constitutions of a Nationall Synod . But may one say , if the Decrees of a Synod concerning matters of Faith or Worship , may and ought to bee examined by the sure rule of the word of God , and onely to be received when they doe agree therewith ; and if also the constitutions of a Synod in externall circumstances , doe not binde , except ex aquo & bono , and propter justas mandandi causas : or , as Divines speak , in casu scandali & contemptus , and not for the meere will or authority of a Synod ; and if therefore all Christians are by the private judgement of Christian discretion , following the light of Gods Word and Spirit , to try and examine all decrees and constitutions of any Synod whatsoever , to know whether they may lawfully receive the same , as our Divines maintaine and prove against Papists . If these things be so , it may seeme contrary to Christian liberty , and to the Doctrine of Protestant Writers , that Synods should exercise the foresaid Criticke power , or inflict any spirituall censures , at least upon those who professe , that after examination of the decrees or constitutions , they cannot bee perswaded of the lawfulnesse of the same . Ans. 1. Our Divines by those their tenents , meane not to open a doore to disobedience and contempt of the ordinances of a Synod , but onely to oppugne the Popish errour concerning the binding power of Ecclesiasticall lawes , by the sole will and naked authority of the law-maker , & that Christian people ought not to seek any further reason or motive of obedience . 2. A Synod must ever put a difference betwixt those who out of a reall scruple of conscience , doe in a modest and peaceable way , refuse obedience to their ordinances , still using the meanes of their beter information , & those who contemptuously or factiously disobey the same , labouring with all their might to strengthen themselves in their errour , and to perswade others to be of their minde . 3. This objection doth militate no lesse against Ecclesiasticall censures in a particular congregation , then in a Nationall Synod . And they who doe at all approve of Church censures to be inflicted upon the contemptuous and obstinate , shall put in our mouthes an answer to objections of this kinde . CHAP. V. The first Argument for the authority of Synods , and the subordination of Presbyteries thereto , taken from the light of nature . HAving now described the power of particular Elderships ( which we call Sessions ) of Classicall Presbyteries , and of Synods , Provinciall and Nationall , it remaineth to confirme by Arguments the subordination and subjection of the particular Elderships , to the Classicall or common Presbytery , of both to the Provinciall Synod , and of all these to the Nationall Assembly : So that every one may perceive what reason the Church of Scotland hath to give unto the higher Ecclesiasticall Courts authority over the lower . I might insist long enough both in the Testimonies of Protestant Writers , and in the examples of the reformed Churches abroad , as also in the examples of all the ancient Churches , all speaking for this authority of Synods . But these I shall passe , because I know Arguments from Scripture , and reason , are required , and such we have to give . First of all I argue from the very light & law of nature . That same light of nature which hath taught our Common-wealth , beside the Magistrates and Councells of particular Burghs , to constitute higher Courts , for whole Shires , Baliveries , Stuartries , Regalities ; and above all these , the supreame Court of Parliament to governe the whole Nation , hath also taught our Church to constitute Synods Provinciall and Nationall , with power and authority above Presbyteries . Wee are farre from their minde who would make Policy the Mistresse , and Religion the Handmaid , and would have the government of the Church conformed to the government of the State as the fittest paterne . But this we say , in all such things as are alike common to the Church and to the Common-wealth , and have the same use in both , whatsoever natures light directeth the one , it cannot but direct the other also ; for as the Church is a company of Christians subject to the ●aw of God , so is it a company of men and women who are not the outlawes of nature , but followers of the same . It is well said by one , Hoc certissimum est &c. This is most certaine , that the Church is a certaine kinde of Republike ▪ for it hath all those things which all Republikes must need , have , but t●h●th them in a different way , because it is not a Civill ▪ but an Ecclesiastic●ll Republike . And againe , Est ergo , &c. ●o that this Republike is much more perfect then all others , and therefore cannot but have the things which they have that are in dignity farre inferi●ur to it . So saith Robinson in his justif . of separ . pag. 113. The visible Church , saith he , being a politie Ecclesiasticall and the perfect on of all polities , doth comprehend in it whatsoever is excellent in all other bodies politicall . Now so it is , that while as some hold the government of the Church to bee Monarchicall , others Aristocraticall , others Democraticall , others mixed of all these ; they all acknowledge that the Church is a Republike , and ought to bee governed even as a Civill Republike , in things which are alike common to both : of this kinde are Courts and Judicatories , which doe alike belong to both , and have the same use in both , viz. for rule and government ; therefore as natures light doth undeniably enforce diversity of Courts in the Common-wealth , some particular , some generall , some lower , some higher , and the latter to have authority over the former , it doth no lesse undeniably enforce the like in the Church , for de paribus idem judicium . It cannot bee denyed that the Church is led by natures light in such things as are not proper to religious holy uses , but alike common to civill societies , at least in so farre as they are common to sacred and civill uses . The Assemblies of the Church in so farre as they treat of things Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall , after a spirituall manner , for a spirituall end , and doe consist of spirituall Office-bearers as the members constituent , in as farre they are sacred , and the Church is therein directed by the Word of God alone ; yet the having of Assemblies and Consistories , and divers sorts of them , and the lower subordinat to the higher , all this is not sacred nor proper to the Church , but common with her to the Common-wealth , nature commending therein to the one , what it commendeth to the other . CHAP. VI. The second Argument , taken from Christs Institution . AS wee have Nature , so have wee Christs Institution for us , and this shall appeare two wayes . First , the fidelity of Christ , both in his Propheticall & in his Regall or Nomotheticall power , was such , that he hath sufficiently provided for all the necessities and exigences whatsoever of his Churches , to the end of the world . Therefore the Apostle calleth him as faithfull in all the house of God , as ever Moses was , who delivered lawes serving for the government of the Church of the Jewes in all cases . Whence we collect , that the authority of Classicall Presbyteries over the Elderships of particular congregations , and the authority of Synods over both , must needs have a warrant from Christs owne Institution , because without this authority , there are very important necessities of the Churches , that cannot be helped . For example , in most congregations , especially in Dorps and Villages , when a Pastor is to be ordained , the particular Eldership within the congregation can neither examine and try his gifts , and his , soundnesse in the faith , ( which examination must necessarily precede his ordination ; ) nor can they discover him , in case he be a subtile and learned hereticke ; nor yet can they pray in t●e congregation over him which is to be ordained , and give him publicke exhortation and admonition of his duty , God having neither given to the Elders of every congregation , nor yet required of them such abilities . What shall be done in this case ? Ainsworth would have the worke stayed , and the Church to want a Minister , till she be able to doe her workes , and her duties which are proper to her . Alas ! bad Christ no greater care of the Churches then so ? shall they be destitute of a Pastor , ever till they be able to try his gifts and soundnesse , and to exhort and pray at his ordination ? and how shall they ever attaine to such abilities except they bee taught ? and how shall they bee taught without a Teacher ? Now the power and authority of Classicall Presbyteries , to o●d●in Pastors in particular congregations , shall cut off all this deduction of absurdities , and shall supply the Churches need . I may adde another instance concerning the Classicall Presbytery it selfe . What if the one halfe thereof turne to be hereticall , or it may bee the major part ? They shall either have most voyces , or at least the halfe of the voyces for them , and there shall bee no remedy , unlesse the authoritative determination of a Synod be interposed . Secondly , the will of Christ for Provinciall and Nationall Assemblies to bee over Presbyteries , even as they are over the Elderships of particular congregations , appeareth also in this . He hath given us in the new Testament , expresse warrant for Ecclesiasticall Courts and Assemblies in generall , that such there ought to be , for the right government of the Church , Matth. 18.20 . Where two or three are gathered together in my Name , there am I in the midst of them . Act. 15.6 . And the Apostles and Elders came together for to consider of this matter . From these and the like places , it is plaine , that Christ willeth jurisdiction to bee exercised , and controversies to bee determined by certaine Consistories and Assemblies . Of the exercise of jurisdiction is the first place , which I have cited to bee understood , as the cohesion thereof with the purpose which went before , sheweth . Of determining questions of faith , and enacting lawes concerning things in their owne nature indifferent , is the other place to be understood , as wee shall heare afterward . So then , wee truely affirme of Ecclesiasticall Assemblies in generall , that power is commited by Christ unto them , to exercise jurisdiction , to determine questions of faith , and to make constitutions about things indifferent , in the case of scandall . Now the severall sorts of these Assemblies are not particularly determined in Scripture , but left to be particularly determined by the Church , conforme to the light of Nature , and to the generall rules of the Word of God. And the particular kindes of Assemblies appointed by the Church , conforme to the light and rules foresaid , doe fall within the compasse of those precepts which are Divine-Ecclesiastica : they are mixed ( though not meere ) divine ordinances . Even as the Scripture warranteth times of fasting , and times of thankesgiving , shewing also the causes and occasions of the same , and the right manner of performance ; but leaveth the particular dayes of fasting and thankesgiving to be determined by the Church , according to the rules of the Word . In like manner , the Scripture commendeth the renewing of the covenant of God in a Nation that hath broken it , but leaveth the day and place for such an action to be determined by the Church , according to the rules foresaid . Now if the Church following the generall warrant and rules of the Word , command to fast such a day , to give thankes such a day , to renew the covenant of God such a day ; these things are divine ordinances mixedly , though not meerely ; and he who disobeyeth , disobeyeth the commandement of God. The like may be said of catechising , and of celebrating the Lords Supper , ( which are not things occasionall , as the former , but ordinary in the Church : ) they are commended by the warrants of Scripture , but the particular times and seasons not determined . The like wee say of the order to be kept in baptisme , and in excommunication , which is not determined in the Word , though the things themselves be . The removing of scandals , by putting wicked persons to publike shame , and open confession of their faults in the Church , hath certaine warrant from Scripture , yet the degrees of that publike shame and punishment , are left to be determined by the Church , according to the quality of the scandall , and the rules of the Word . Now the Church appointeth some scandalous persons to be put to a greater shame , some to a lesser , some to ●ee o●e Sabbath in the place of publike repentance , some three , some nine , some twenty five , &c. And if the offender refuse that degree of publike shame which the Church , following the rules foresaid appointeth for him , hee may be truely said , to refuse the removing and taking away of the scandall , which the Word of God injoyneth him , and so to disobey not the Church only , but God also . Just so the Scripture having commended unto us the governing of the Church , the making of Lawes , the exercise of Jurisdiction , the deciding of controversies , by Consistories and Assemblies Ecclesiasticall , having also shewed the necessity of the same , their power , their rule of proceeding and judging , who should sit and voice in the same , &c. But leaving the particular kindes , degrees , times , bounds , and places of the same to be resolved upon by the Church , according to the light of naturall reason , and generall rules of the Word : The Church for her part , following the generall warrant and rules foresaid , together with the light of nature , hath determined and appointed Assemblies , Provinciall and Nationall , and to exercise respectively that power which the Word giveth to Assemblies in generall . The case thus standing , we may boldly maintaine that those particular kinds and degrees of Ecclesiasticall Assemblies , are Gods owne ordinances mixedly , though not meerely . But what can bee the reason , may some man say , why the Scripture hath not it selfe determined these kinds of Assemblies particularly . I answer , three reasons may be given for it : 1. because it was not necessary , the generall rules of the word together with natures light which directeth Common-wealths in things of the same kind , being sufficient to direct the Church therin . 2. As sesons and times for the meeting of Assemblies , so the just bounds thereof in so many different places of the world , are things of that kinde which were not determinable in Scripture , unlesse the world had beene filled with volumes thereof ; for , Individua sunt Infinita . 3. Because this constitution of Synods Provinciall and Nationall , is not universall for all times and places : for example , there may be in a remote Island 10. or 12. Christian congregations , which beside their particular Elderships have a common Presbytery , but are not capable of Synods either Provinciall or Nationall . Againe , let there bee an Island containing forty or fifty Christian congregations , there shall be therein , beside Presbyteries , one kinde of a Synod , but not two kindes . Besides , the reformed congregations within a great Nation , may happly be either so few , or so dispersed and distant , or so persecuted , that they can neither have Provinciall nor Nationall Assemblies . CHAP. VII . The third Argument , taken from the Iewish Church . IN the third place we take an Argument from the example of the Jewish Church ; for as in their Common-wealth there was a subordination of civill Courts , every City having its proper Court , which did consist of seven Magistrates , if we beleeve Iosephus : the Thalmudicall tradition maketh two Courts to have beene in each City , the lesser of the Triumvirat , and the greater of twenty three Judges . Beside these , they had their supreame Consistory , the civill Sanedrim , which governed the whole Nation , and had authority over the inferiour Courts . So was there also a subordination of Ecclesiasticall Courts among them : they had a Consistory in every Synagogue , for their Synagogues were appointed not only for prayer and praising of God , and for the reading and expounding of the Scriptures , but also for publike correction of offences , Acts 26.11 . They had besides , a supreame Ecclesiastical Court , whereunto the whole nation , and all the Synagogicall Consistories were subject . This Court having decayed , was restored by Ichoshaphat , 2 Chron. 19.8 . and it had the name of Sanedrim , common to it with the supream civill Court. From this Court did the reformation of that Nationall Church proceed , Nehem. 6.13 . On the second day were gathered together the chiefe of the fathers of all the people , the Priests and the Levits , unto Ezra the Scribe , even to understand the words of the Law. And they found written in the Law , &c. Whether there was yet another Ecclesiasticall Court , in the midle betwixt the Synagogue and the Sanedrim , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Presbytery , Luke 22.66 . Acts 22.5 . and made up possibly out of the particular Synagogues within the Cities , I leave it to learned men to judge : howsoever , it is plaine from Scripture , that there was at least a twofold Ecclesiasticall Court among the Jewes the Synagogue and the Sanedrim , the latter having authority above the former . Sutlivius denyeth both these , and so would have us believe that the Jewish Church had no Ecc●esiasticall Court at all . As for the Synagogues , he saith , they treated of things civill , and inflicted civill punishments , and a civill excommunication . That they inflicted civill punishment , he proveth from Mat. 10. and 23. and Luke 21. where Christ foretelleth that his Disciples should bee beaten in the Synagogues . That their excomunication was civill , he proveth by this reason , that Christ and his Disciples when they were cast out of the Synagogues , had notwithstanding a free entry into the Temple , and accesse to the sacrifices . Answ. This is a grosse mistake ; for 1. the civill Court was in the gate of the City , not in the Synagogue . 2. He who presided in the Synagogue was called the chiefe Ruler of the Synagogue , Acts 18.8.17 . the rest who sate and voiced therein , were called the Rulers of the Synagogue , Acts 13.15 . They who sate in the civill Court had no such names , but were called Judges . 3. Our Saviour distinguisheth the Synagogicall Courts from the civill Courts of judgement in Cities , calling the one Councells , the other Synagogues , Matth. 10.17 . 4. The beating and scourging in the Synagogues was an errour and abuse of the later times , the corrective power of those Consistories being properly spirituall , and ending in excommunication , Jo. 16.2 . Isai. 66.5 . the liberty of which spirituall censures the Romans did permit to the Jewes , together with the liberty of their religion , after they had taken away their civill Jurisdiction . 5. Civill excommunication is an unknowne word , and his reason for it is no lesse unknowne ; for where he hath read that Christ or any of his Disciples were excommunicate out of the Synagogues , and yet had free accesse to the Temple , I cannot understand , if it be not in the Gospell of Nicodemus . I read , Luke 4.28.28 . that Christ was in a great tumult cast out of the City of Nazareth ▪ but this I hope no man will call excommunication . The blinde man , Joh. 9.34 . was indeed excommunicated out of the Synagogue , but wee no where read that hee was thereafter found in the Temple : we read of Christs walking in Solomons porch , Jo. 10.23 . but that the blinde man was then with him , it can never be proved , and if it could , it should not import any permission or leave given to excommunicate persons to enter into the Temple , but that some were bold to take this liberty . 6. The casting out of the Synagogue cannot be called civil excommunication , because the communion and fellowship of the Jewes in the Synagogue was not civill , but sacred : they met for the worship of God , and not for civill affaires . 7. If by civill excommunication he meane banishment , or casting out of the City ( for I conceive not what other thing this strange word can import ) then how doth he suppose that they had still free accesse to the Temple , who were so excommunicated , for this importeth that they were still in the City . Wee have now evinced an Inferiour Ecclesiasticall Court among the Jewes . Come we next to the supreame Court. That there was an high Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , distinct from the Civill Sanedrim , is observed by Pelargus on Deut. 17. and S●pingius ad bonam fidem Sibrandi . pag. 261. & seq . Beside many others cited before , part . 1. chap. 11. And that it was so , wee prove from three places of the old Testament , to passe other places , from which certaine collections may be had to the same purpose . First , we finde Deut. 17. a distinction of two supreame Judicatories , to bee set in the place which the Lord should choose to put his name there , the one of the Priests & Levi●s , the other of the Judges : & unto these two supreame Courts , the Lord appointed all matters which were too hard for the inferiour Judges in the Cities of the Land , to bee brought and determined by their authority , and the sentence of the Priests or of the Judges to be obeyed both by the parties and by the inferiour Judges , under pain of death , v. 8.9.10.11.12 . To this Sutlivius answereth , that there is only one Sanedrim in that place , which was civill , as appeareth by their judging of the causes of blood , and their receiving of appellations from the civill Judges mentioned in the preceding Chapter . As for the Judge which is spoken of v. 9. and 12. he saith , we must understand that it was the high Priest. Ans. 1. The disjunctive Or doth distinguish the Judges from the Priests , verse 12. as Iunius and Ainsworth doe rightly note upon that place : The man that will doe presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the Priest ( that standeth to minister there before the Lord thy God ) or unto the Iudge . Here a distinction betwixt the Court of the Priests and the Court of the Judges , which Lyranus also acknowledgeth . 2. The Chaldee readeth Iudges in the plurall . By the Judge , saith Ainsworth , is understood the high Councell or Senat of Judges , even as they who are called Priests , verse 9. are called the Priest , verse 12. and 1 Chron. 4.42 . many Captaines are in the Hebrew called an head . 3. The high Priest cannot be understood to bee the Judge there spoken of , both because there were many Judges , as hath beene said , and because wee finde not in Scripture that ever the high Priest was called by the name of the Judge . 4. Whereas hee objecteth that the causes of blood , and other civill causes were judged in this Sanedrim . Wee answer , there were two severall things in those civill causes , the Ius and the factum . The Ius was judged in the Court of the Priests , because as B●lson teacheth , the civill Law of the Jewes was Gods judiciall Law , and it was to be sought at the Priests mouth . But the fact being meerely civill , was judged by the civill Court. Sutl●vius objecteth , that many inconveniences shall follow this distinction . 1. Judges are hereby made ignorant of the Law. 2. That two Courts of judgement are appointed in one sentence . 3. That a Judge ( the Priest ) may give out a sentence which he cannot execute . 4. That the civill Judges doe in vaine inquire concerning the fact which was before certaine by the Law , nam ex facto jus oritur . 5. That the civill Judges are dumbe Images , which must pronounce according to the sentence of others . To the 1. we say that our distinction doth not import that the Judges were ignorant of the Law , but that it pertained not to them to judge the meaning of the Law , when the same was controverted among the Infeferiour civill Judges : this pertained to the Court of the Priests . 2. It is no absurdity to expound a disjunctive sentence of two severall Courts . 3. He who answereth meerely , de jure , hath nothing to doe with execution of persons more then theory hath to doe with practice , or abstracts with concrets . 4. The fact can never be certaine by the sentence , de jure . It is not the probation , but the supposition of the fact whereupon the exposition of the sence of the Law is grounded . 5. The cognition of the fact , not of the law , do●h belong to an Inquest in Scotland , they are Iudic●s fact● , non Iuris . Yet no dumbe Im●●es I suppose . 6. Hee hath followed the Popish Interpreters , in making the Judge to be the High Priest forso they expound it for the Popes cause ; yet they themselves acknowledge the distinction of Ius and factum . See Corn. a lapide . in Deut. 17.7 . If error had not blinded this mans eyes with whom I deale , I should believe hee had beene flumbring when these things fell from his pen. But to proceed , as these two Sanedrims were instituted in the Law of Moses , so were they after decay or desuetude restored by Iehoshaphat , , 2 Chro. 19.8 . Sutlivius answereth , that wee have here only one Sanedrim which judged both the Lords matters , and the Kings matters , and that it was not an Ecclesiasticall Court , because it judged causes of blood , and other civill causes wherein appellation was made from the Judges of the Cities . By the Lords matters , hee saith , are meant criminall and civill causes , which were to be judged according to the Law of the Lord ; and by the Kings matters are meant , his patrimony and domesticke affaires . Answer 1. The Text distinguisheth two Courts , one which medled with the Lords matters , whose president was Amariah , the chiefe Priest : another which medled with the Kings matters , whose president was Zebadiah . This is so plaine , that Bonfierius the Jesuit on Deut. 17. though he maketh the Priests to have beene the Judges , yet acknowledgeth two distinct Courts , 2 Chron. 19. 2. The words vers . 8. must be understood respectively , as Didoclavius hath observed , which we explaine thus , Moreover in Ierusalem did Iehshoaphat set of the Levits , and of the Priests , and of the chiefe of the Fathers of Israel , for the judgement of the Lord , ( that is for causes Ecclesiasticall ) and ( repeat , of the Levits , of the Priests , and of the chiefe of the Fathers of Israel ) for controversies ( about civill matters , saith Piscator . ) So that some of them were appointed to judge the one , and some of them to judge the other , which proveth not either that the Courts were one , or that the same men sate in both , but only that some of the Priests and some of the Fathers of Israel were in both . 3. The Lords matters Lavater and Piscator expound to be matters Ecclesiasticall , the Kings matters to be things civill ; and this exposition comprehendeth all things which did fall within the power of those Courts . But Sutlivius glosse doth not so , for there were sundry things to be judged which were neither the Kings domesticke affaires , not yet causes criminall or civill , such as were questions about vowes , questions about the meaning of the Law , and judging betwixt the holy and the prophane , betwixt that which was cleane and that which was uncleane . These and such like Ecclesiasticall causes he leaveth out , and they are indeed left out of the power of the civill Sanedrim , and reserved to the other , for in such controversies the Priests were to stand in judgement , Ezech. 44.23.24 . Lastly , it is not to be thought , that the high Sanedrim should neede to be troubled with the Kings domesticke affaires , farre lesse that this should be made the one halfe of their commission . Now as wee have the institution of these two supreame Courts , Deuter. 17. and the restitution of them both , 2 Chron. 19. so have we an example of both , Jerem. 26. For first , Ieremiah was condemned , as worthy of death , because hee had spoken against the Temple and the holy place , verse 8.11 . and herein saith , Oecolampadius on that place , hee was a Type of Christ , against whom it was pronounced in the Councell of the chiefe Priests and Elders , He is guilty of death . So did this Ecclesiasticall Court conclude ag●i●st Ieremy , He is worthy of Death : yet the c●n●rary was concluded in the civill Sanedrim , verse 10.16 . This man , say they , is not worthy to dye , for he hath spoken to us in the Name of the Lord our God. As much as to say , you Priests have given sentence de jure against Ieremiah , but we finde he is not guilty of the fact whereof he is accused , for he hath spoken nothing but the truth which the Lord sent him to speake ; therefore as you pronounced him worthy of death , upon supposition of the fact , wee now pronounce that he is not worthy of death , because wee finde him blamelesse of the fact . Sutclivius denieth that the Priests were Iudices Iuris , and the Princes Iudices facti ; only the Princes did against the will of the Priests set Ieremiah free , whom they had destinated to death : But say I , he must either deny that Ieremiah was judged in two severall Courts , or not , if he deny it , the Text is against him : for that hee was judged in the Court of the Princes , it is plaine from verse 10.16 . and that hee was judged in the Court of the Priests , is plaine also from verse 8.9 . Where we finde the Priests comming together , neither to reason with Ieremiah ( for they had no such purpose as to give him leave to speake for himselfe ) nor yet to accuse him ; for that they do before the Princes , v. 11. Therefore it was to give sentence for their part against him , which they did ; but if he grant that sentence was given in two Courts , I would gladly know what difference could bee made betwixt the one sentence and the other , except that difference , de jure , and de facto , especially the same suting the Text so well as hath beene said . Of the vestigies of those two supreame Courts still remaining in some sort distinct , in the daies of Christ , I have spoken before . And now to proceed . Wee have proved the Antecedent of this our present Argument , concerning distinct Ecclesiasticall Courts among the Jewes , and the subjection of the lower unto the higher of the Synagogue unto the Sanedrim . But we have yet more to doe , for the consequence of our Argument is also denyed both by the Prelaticall faction , and by others ( whom wee are more sorry to contradict ) holding that reasons fetcht from the Jewish Church , doe better fat the Prelats , then the Consistorians ; howsoever now to fetch the forme of Government for the Church , from the Church of the Jewes , were , say they , to revive the old Testament . To me it seemeth strange , that both the one side , and the other , doe when they please , reason from the formes of the Jewish Church , and yet they will not permit us to reason in like manner . The former goe about to prove the Prelacy by the high Priesthood , and the lawfull use of Organs in the Church , from the like in the Temple of Solomon . The latter doe argue , that a Congregation hath right not only to elect Ministers , but to ordaine them , and lay hands on them , because the people of Israel laid hands on the Levits . That the maintainance of the Ministers of the Gospell , ought to bee voluntary , because under the Law , God would not have the Priests and Levits , to have any part or inheritance in the Land of Canaan , but to be sustained by the Offerings and Altars of the Lord. That the power of excommunication is in the body of the Church , because the Lord laid upon all Israel the duty of removing the uncleane , and of putting away leaven out of their houses at the feast of Passover . Is it right dealing now , to forbid us to reason from the forme of the Jewes . I will not use any further expostulation , but let the Reader judge . The truth is this , even as that which is in a childe , as he is a childe , agreeth not to a man , yet that which is in a childe , as he is animal rationale , agreeth also to a man : so what wee finde in the Jewish Church , as it was Jewish , or in infancy and under the pedagogy of the Law , agreeth not indeed to the Christian Church . But whatsoever the Jewish Church had , as it was a politicall Church , or Ecclesiasticall Republike ( of which sort of things , the diversity and subordination of Ecclesiasticall Courts was one ) doth belong by the same reason to the Christian Church . I say further , though the Common-wealth and civill Policy of the Jewes , be not in all points a patterne to our civill Policy , yet I am sure it is no errour to imitate the civill policy of the Jewes , in such things , as they had , not for any speciall reason proper to them , but are common to all well constituted Common-wealths , and so wee may argue from their Common-wealth , that it is a good policy to have divers civill Courts , and the higher to receive appellations from the Inferiour , as it was among them . Shall wee not by the very like reason fetch from their Ecclesiasticall Republike , diversity of Spirituall Courts , and the supreame to receive appellations from the Inferiour , because so was the constitution of the Jewish Church , and that under the common respect and account of a politicall Church , and not for any speciall reason , which doth not concerne us . CHAP. VIII . The fourth Argument , taken from Acts 15. THE example of the Apostolicall Churches , Acts 15. maketh for us . The Churches of Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia , being troubled with the question about the Jewish Ceremonies , the matter was debated and disputed at Antioch , the chiefe towne of Coelosyria , where Paul and Barnabas were for the time . It is very probable , that some out of the other Churches in that Province , as also out of the Churches of Cilicia , were present in that meeting and conference , for they were troubled with the very same question , no lesse then the Church of Antioch . Howsoever the matter could not be agreed upon in that meeting , but a reference thereof , was made to a more generall assembly at Hierusalem , and for that effect Paul and Barnabas , and others with them , were sent thither . All this is cleare by comparing verse 2. with 23. Hereupon the Apostles and Elders did synodically come together at Hierusalem , and decided the question , giving forth decrees to be observed by the particular Churches , Acts 15.6.28 . and 16.4 . We will not dispute what sort of Synod this was , only that it was a Synod with authority over many particular Churches and Congregations , and whereunto the meeting at Antioch ( whether it was provinciall , or Presbyteriall only ) did referre the determination of the question about Jewish ceremonies . It is answered by some . 1. That the reason of sending Paul and Barnabas to Hierusalem , was to know whether these teachers who pressed the observation of the ceremoniall Law had any such commission from the Apostles and Elders , as they pretended . 2. That there is here no Synod , nor assembly of the Commissioners of divers Churches , for there were no Commissioners from the rest of the Churches in Iudea , Galilee , and Samaria , mentioned Acts 9.31 . nor from the Churches of the Gentiles mentioned Act. 14.23 . neither were Paul and Barnabas , and the rest who went with them , Commissioners to represent the Church of Antioch , but messengers only to make narration of the case . 3. Not only the Apostles and Elders , but the whole Church at Hierusalem met together . 4. If the resolution which was given , be considered , as the judgement of the Church at Hierusalem , it was only her advice to her sister Churches , if otherwise considered , it was a decree absolutely Apostolicall , and divine Scripture by infallible direction from the holy Ghost , and for that reason imposed upon all the Churches of the Gentiles , though they had no Commissioners there . These answers had need to be stronger , before that so many Fathers , Councells , and Protestant Writers , who have understood the matter otherwise should all bee put in an error . To the first wee reply , that the reason of sending Paul and Barnabas to Hierusalem , was not so much to know , whether these teachers had commission from the Apostles and Elders , to presse the keeping of the Law of Moses , as to get a resolution of the question it selfe , verse 2. about this question . Now the question was not what commission the Apostles had given to those teachers , but whether they should be circumcised , after the manner of Moses , verse 1. To the second , we say , that if Paul and Barnabas , were messengers to make narration of the case , certainely they were more then sufficient messengers , and there was no need of others to be joyned in message with them , so that it appeareth the rest who were sent with them were Commissioners to represent the Churches which sent them . Neither is it credible , but that all the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , which were in the same case , with the Church of Antioch , did send their Commissioners also to Hierusalem , for otherwise , how could the Apostles and Elders have so certaine and perfect intelligence of the case of those Churches , verse 23. Beside it had beene a great neglect in those Churches , if they had not sent some to Hierusalem , as the Church of Antioch did , for if it was expedient which Antioch did , they ought no lesse to have done it , their case being the same . Moreover it may be collected from verse 3. that the other Churches through which Paul and Barnabas passed in their journey , did send some companions along with them , to joyne with them in their errand , and to give their consent in the meeting at Hierusalem , unto that which was to be concluded . This is the observation of Cajetan , Mentzerus , Calvin , Gualther , and other Interpreters upon that place . Lastly , it is no way probable , that the Apostles and Elders at Hierusalem , together with those who were sent from the Churches of Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia , and the other Churches through which Paul and Barnabas did travell , would come together without acquainting the rest of the Churches of Judea , which were so neare at hand , and might so easily send their Commissioners to Hierusalem . To the third wee reply , that it cannot bee proved from the Text that the body of the Church of Hierusalem was present , but rather it appeareth from verse 6. that they were not present , as hath been said before . And though it were granted that they were present , yet Master Robinson saith , that they did no more then consent to the decree . To the last answer , it is containe that the conclusion of that meeting at Hierusalem , was not a naked counsell and advice , but a decree imposed with authority upon the Churches , Acts 15.28 . and 16.4 . and 21.25 . And whereas it is affirmed , that the decree was meerely Apostolicall , and that the Elders did no more then consent thereto , even as the brethren did , this is manifestly against the Text , for Acts 16.4 . It is said of Paul and Silas as they went through the Cities they delivered them the decrees for to keep , that were ordained of the Apostles & Elders that were at Hierusalem . And Act. 21.25 . all the Elders speaking to Paul , say , as touching the Gentiles which believe , wee have written and concluded that they observe no such thing . That this was spoken by al the Elders , is plain from v. 18.19.20 . So then the Elders did decreee , ordaine , and conclude these things to bee imposed upon the Churches of the Gentiles , and not the Apostles only . Now the Elders of the Church of Hierusalem , had no authority to impose their decrees upon all the Churches of the Gentiles , with whom they had nothing to doe , as Mr. Robinson saith truely . Since therefore these things were imposed upon the Churches of the Gentiles , as the decrees ordained by the Apostles and Elders , at Hierusalem , this doth necessarily import that there were in that meeting , delegates and commissioners from the Churches of the Gentiles , which did represent the same . CHAP. IX . The fifth Argument , taken from Geometricall proportion . AS is the proportion of 3. to 9. so is the proportiō of 9. to 27. of 21. to 81. &c. This rule of Giometricall proportion affoordeth us a fifth Argument for the point in hand . If we should grant the government of the Church to be popular , then by what proportion , one or two are subject to a whole congregation , by the same proportion is that congregation subject to a provinciall ▪ or a nationall congregation . I meane , if all the congregations in a province or a nation were assembled into one collective body ( as all the males of the Jewes did assemble thrice in the yeare at Hierusalem , and as in the daies of the Judges , the whole congregation of the children of Israel was assembled together in Mizpeh , as one man , from Dan even to Beersheba , foure hundred thousand men , to try the cause of the Levite , and to resolve what to doe there-anent , which meeting of the Nation , was ordered by Tribes , the Tribes by families , the families by persons ) in that case any one particular congregation behoved to be subject to the generall congregation , by the same reason whereby one man is subject to the particular congregation , whereof he is a member , because the whole is greater then a part , and the body more then a member . Now the same rule holdeth in the representatives of Churches , whether we compare them with the collectives , or among themselves . If wee compare the representatives with the collectives , then as one congregation is governed by the particular Eldership representing the ●ame , by the like proportion are 14. or 16. congregations governed by a Classicall Presbytery representing them all : by the same proportion are all the congregations in a province subject to a Provinciall Synod : by the same ought all the congregations in a nation to be subject to a nationall Assembly , all of them being either mediatly or immediatly represented in the same ; for as Parker saith well , many Churches are combined into one , in the very same manner , as many members are combined into one Church . If we compare the representatives among themselves , then by what proportion , a particular Eldership representing only one congregation , is lesse in power and authority , then a Classicall Presbytery which representeth many congregations ? by the same proportion is a Classicall Presbytery lesse in power and authority then a Provinciall Synod , and it lesse in authority then a Nationall Synod . So that the authority of Presbyteries whether Parochiall or Classicall being once granted , this shall by the rule of proportion inferre the authority of Synods . I know that Synods are not ordinary Courts , as Presbyteries are ; but this and other differences betwixt them I passe : the argument holdeth for the point of authority , that Synods when they are , have authority over all the Churches in a Province or a nation , even as Presbyteries have over the congregations within their bounds . CHAP. X. The sixth Argument , taken from necessity . WEE have another reason to adde , and it is borrowed from lawlesse necessity , for without a subordination among Ecclesiasticall Courts , and the authority of the higher above the inferiour , it were utterly impossible to preserve unity , or to make an end of controversie in a Nation . A particular congregation might happily end questions and controversies betwixt the members thereof , and so keepe unity within it selfe ( and not so neither , if the one halfe of the congregation be against the other ) but how shall controversies betwixt severall congregations be determined , if both of them bee independent ? how shall plurality of religions be avoided ? how shall an apostatizing congregation be amended ? It is answered : 1. If a particular congregation neglect their duty , or doe wrong to another , the civill sword may proceed against them to make them doe their duty . 2. A particular congregation ought in difficult cases to consult with her sister Churches , for so much reason dictats , that in difficult cases , counsell should be taken of a greater number . 3. Sister Churches when they see a particular congregation doing amisse out of that relation which they have to her , being all in the same body , under the same head , may and ought to admonish her , and in case of generall apostacy , they may withdraw that communion from her , which they hold with the true Churches of Christ. But these answers are not satisfactory . The first of them agreeth not to all times , for in times of persecution , the Church hath not the helpe of the civill sword : a persecuting Magistrate will bee glad to see either division or apostasie in a congregation ; but so it is , that Christ hath povided a remedy , both for all the evills and diseases of his Church , and at all times . The Church ( as was said before ) is a Republike , and hath her lawes , Courts , and spirituall censures within her selfe , whether there be a Christian Magistrate , or not . The second answer leaveth the rectifying of an erring congregation to the uncertainty of their owne discretion , in seeking counsell from a greater number . And moreover , if this be a dictate of reason to aske counsell of a greater number , when the counsell of a few cannot resolve us , then reason being ever like it selfe , will dictate so much to a congregation , that they ought to submit to the authority of a greater number , when their owne authority is not sufficient to end a controversie among them . To the third answer wee say , that every private Christian may and ought to withdraw himselfe from the fellowship and communion , either of one man , or of a whole congregation , in the case of generall apostasie . And shall an apostatizing congregation be suffered to runne to hell , rather then any other remedy should bee used , beside that ( commonly ineffectuall ) remedy which any private Christian may use ? God forbid . What I have said of congregations , I say also of Classicall Presbyteries . How shall sentence be given betwixt two Presbyteries at varience ? How shall a divided Presbytery be re-united in it self ? How shall an Hereticall Presbytery be reclaimed ? How shall a negligent Presbytery be made to doe their duty ? How shall a despised Presbytery have their wounded authority healed againe ? In these and such like contingent cases , what remedy can bee had , beside the authority of Synods ? CHAP. XI . Objections made against the authority of Synods , answered . THey who dislike the subordination of particular congregations unto higher Ecclesiasticall Courts , object against us , our Saviours precept , Tell the Church . Wheresoever wee read in Scripture of a visible politicall Church , and not of the invisible Catholike Church , it is ever meant , say they , of a particular congregation , used to assemble in one place for the exercise of Gods publike worship ; & when the Scripture speaketh of a whole Province or Nation , the plurall number is used , as the Churches of Galatia , the Churches of Macedonia , the Churches of Asia , &c. Wherefore our Saviour in those words did deliver the power of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction , neither to Classicall Presbyteries , nor to Synods , but to particular congregations only . Answ. 1. This place proveth indeed that particular Churches have their owne power of Jurisdiction , but not that they alone have it . 2. Yea , it proveth that they alone have it not , for Christ hath a respect to the forme of the Jewes , as is evident by these words , Let him be unto thee as an Heathen or a Publican . Now we have proved that there was among the Jewes an high Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , beside the particular Synagogicall Courts : So that by pointing out the forme of the Jewish Church , hee recommendeth a subordination , and not an independency of particular Churches . 3. By the Church in that place is meant the competent Consistory of the Church , and so it agreeth to all Ecclesiasticall Courts respectively . This sence is given by Parker , though he be most tender in the vindication of the liberty of congregations . Nam cum ▪ &c. For , saith he , since Christ would have every man to be judged by his owne Church , Matth. 18. or if the judgement of his owne Church should displease him , yet ever it must be by the Church , that is , by a Synod of many Churches 4. As for the reason alledged for proofe of the contrary exposition , I oppugne it both by reason , and by their owne Tenents , and by Scripture . By reason , because the rule of Geometricall proportion ( whereof we have before spoken ) proveth a congregation to bee a part of a Nationall Church , even as one man is a part of a congregation ; for as five is the hundreth part of five hundreth , so is five hundred the hundreth part of fifty thousand . By their own grounds , because they hold the forme of a visible Church , to consist in the uniting of a number of visible Christians into one , by the bond of a holy covenant to walke in all the wayes of God. Then say I , we may say the Church of Scotland , as well as the Churches of Scotland , because all the particular Churches in Scotland , are united together into one , by the bond of a Nationall oath and covenant , to walke in all the waies and ordinances of God. By Scripture also , because Acts 8.1 . we read of the Church at Hierusalem , not the Churches : Howbeit there were at that instant above eight thousand Christians at Hierusalem , and all these still in the City ( for the first scattering of them followeth thereafter in that Chapter . ) This great number , neither did , nor could usually assemble into one place for the worship of God , but they met 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 house by house , Acts 2.46 . And whereas objection is made to the contrary from Acts 2.44 . and 5.12 . and 6.2 . Wee have before answered to the first of these places , for it is to be expounded by Acts 4.32 . they were in one ; that is , they were of one heart , and of one soule . The second place may be expounded of the Apostles , and the preceding words favour this exposition ; but though it should be takē of the multitude , it prove●h not their meeting together into one place for the worship , of God , for it was an extraordinary confluence , upon an extraordinary occasion of that which had befallen to Ananias and Saphira . The last place proveth no more , but an extraordinary and occasionall meeting , and it is also to be understood that they met turmatim , as foure hundred thousand men did assemble together , Jud. 20.1 . Another Scripturall instance we give from 1 Pet. 1.1 . with 5.2 . the Apostle writing to the dispersed Jewes in severall Provinces , calleth them all one flocke . Wee read that Laban had many flockes , Genes . 30.36.38 . yet are they all called one flocke , verse 31.32 . so were all the flockes of Iacob called one flocke , Genes . 32.7 . and 33.13 . In like manner every one of the particular Churches among those dispersed Jewes was a flocke , but compared with the whole , it was but a part of the flocke . It is no more absurd to say that a congregation is both a body , in respect of its owne members , and a member in respect of a Nationall Church , then it is to say , that every beleever considered by himselfe , is a tree of righteousnesse , and a Temple of God , yet compared with others , he is a branch of the Vine , and a stone of the Temple , for all those waies is hee called in Scripture . Sundry particular flockes may bee called one flocke , three waies : 1. Respectu pastorum , when the same shepheards oversee & take care of the whole . See an example both of the one kinde of shepheards , Luke 2.8 . and of the other , Acts 20.28 . 2. Respectu pabuli : So Paul Baynes speaking of the Low Countries , where sundry congregations in one City make but one Church , saith , that the sheepe feed together into one common pasture , though they bite not on the same individuall grasse . 3. Respectu pedi , when many congregations are governed by the same Pastorall staffe of Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Discipline . It is further objected , that Presbyteriall government and the authority of Synods , doe rob the congregations of their rights and liberties , no lesse then the Prelacy did ; so that the Churches of Christ in the removall of Episcopacy , have changed Dominum only , not Dominium . Answer . There is a vaste difference ; for 1. Episcopall governement is Monarchicall , and Christ hath left no Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction to bee exercised by one man. Presbyteriall and Synodicall governement is partly democraticall , in respect of the election of Ministers and Elders , and the doing of matters of chiefest importance , with the knowledge and consent of congregations : partly aristocratical in respect of the parity of Presbyters and their consistorial proceedings and decrees . The Monarchicall part is Christs peculiarly . 2. The Prelacy permitteth not to congregations any act of their owne Church government , but robbeth them of their particular Elderships , which ( as Parker well noteth ) the Classicall Presbyteries doe not . 3. It is one thing , saith Baynes , for Churches to subject themselves to a Bishop and Consistory , wherein they shall have no power of suffrage : Another thing to communicate with such a Presbytery , wherein themselves are members and Iudges with others . 4. The congregations did not agree not consent to Episcopall government , but were sufferers in respect of the same , but they doe heartily agree to the governement of Presbyteries and Synods , in witnesse whereof they send their Commissioners thither to concur , assist , & voice . 5. Speciall respect is had in Presbyteries and Synods , to the consent of congregations , in all matters of importance , which are proper unto the same . This the Prelacy did not regard . 6. Presbyteries and Synods doe not ( which the Prelats did ) imperiously and by their sole arbitrement domineer over congregations , for their power is directive only , ministeriall , and limited by the Lawes of God and Nature , and the lawdable Ecclesiasticall Lawes received and acknowledged by the congregations themselves . 7. Experience hath shewed us Presbyteriall and Synodicall government to bee , not only compatible with , but most conduceable for the supportment and comfort of congregations : whereas Episcopall government draweth ever after it m●lam ca●d●m , and a generall grievance of the Churches . Some other objections there are , for obviating whereof I shall permit and explane a distinction which shall serve to answer them all . We may consider a visible Church , either metaphysically or politically . It is one thing to consider men as living creatures endued with reason ; another thing to consider them as Magistrates , masters , fathers , children , servants , &c. So is it one thing to consider a visible Church as a society of men and women separated from the blinde world by divine vocation , and professing together the Gospell of Jesus Christ. Another thing to consider it as a political body , in which the power of Spirituall government and Jurisdiction is exercised , some governing and some governed . These are very different considerations ; for first , a visible Church being taken entitatively or metaphysically , her members doe ordinarily communicate together in those holy things which fall under the power of order , which I may call sacra mistica ; but being taken politically , her members communicate together in such holy things as fall within the compasse of the power of Jurisdiction , which I may call sacra politica . Secondly , Infants under age being initiated in Baptisme , are actually members of the Church in the former consideration , but potentially only in the latter , for they neither governe , nor yet have the use of reason to bee subject and obedient to those that doe governe . Thirdly , one must necessarily bee a member of the Church metaphysically be●ore he can be a member of the Church politically , but not contrariwise . Fourthly , many visible Churches have sometimes beene , and may bee without Officers , and so without Ecclesiasticall government and exercise of Jurisdiction for that time , yet still retaining the Essence of true visible Churches : whereas a Church which never yet had any Officers ordained therein ( of which kinde there have beene many at the first conversion of a Nation to the Gospell ) or which hath losed all her Officers by death or persecution , is not for that time an Ecclesiasticall Republicke , nor can bee such till she have Officers . This if they had observed who have taken so great paines to prove that there hath beene , and may bee a Church without Officers , it should happily have made them thinke their labour l●st . It might also have taught Henry Iacob to distinguish betweene a Church visible and a Church ministeriall or politicall , and not to understand these three termes to be all one , as he doth in his L●tter , bearing date the 4. of September 1611. pag. 9. Fiftly , my being a member of any one visible Church metaphysically , giveth me right and title to communicate with another visible Church ( where for the time I am ) in sacris misticis , such as the word , prayer , &c. But my being a member of any one visible Church politically doth not give me right and title to communicate with another visible Church ( where for the time I am ) in sacris politicis ▪ such as ordination , deposition , excommunication , &c. Hereunto doth Master Robinson assent in these words , As a man once baptized is alwaies baptised , so is he in all places and Chur●hes where hee comes ( as a baptized person ) to enjoy the common benefits of his baptisme , and to discharge the common duties which depend upon it . But a Pastor is not a Pastor in every Church where hee comes upon occ●sion , neither can he require in any other Church , saving that one over which the holy Ghost hath set him , that obedience , maintainance , and other respects which is due from the officers to the people ; neither stands he charged with that ministery and service , which is due to the people from the officers . The like he would have said of an Elder or a Deacon . Now this distinction shall serve to answer the obiections following . Object . Every Christian congregation is a compleat body Ecclesiasticall , having all the parts and members , and all Church officers which Christ hath instituted : therefore every congrgation hath the full and absolute power of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction . Answ. Every Christian congregation is a compleate Church or body of Christ metaphysically ; that is , hath the compleate Essence of a true visible Church ; yet every such congregation is not a compleate Ecclesiasticall Republicke , except in some certaine cases whereof wee have spoken , Chap. 2. And further , we answer , that this objection is alledged to prove , that 2 or 3 gathered together in the name of Christ , have immediately under Christ the full power of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction ; but sure I am , that two or three gathered together in the name of Christ , are not a compleate Ecclesiasticall body , having all the members and officers which Christ hath instituted , for they themselves hold that in every Christian congregation by Christs institution there ought to be at least five Officers , and when those five shall be had , there must bee also a certaine number of Christian people to bee governed and served by them . So that their Argument doth not conclude that which they propose to prove . Object . They who have received Christ , have received with him power and right to enjoy him ( though all the world bee against it ) in all the meanes and ordinances by which hee doth communicate himselfe unto the Church . But every company of faithfull people , if they be but two or three have received Christ ; therefore every such company , &c. Answ. If by the receiving of Christ , they meane the receiving of Christ on his throne , or the receiving of him in his ordinance of Church government , then wee deny their Assumption , for every company of faithfull people is not a Church politically , as wee have shewed already . Indeed every company of faithfull people who have received Christ in this manner , hath right and title to enjoy him in all his politicall ordinances , yet not independently , but by a certaine order and subordination . But if by the receiving of Christ , they meane receiving of him to salvation , or receiving of him by his Word and Spirit , wee grant , that not onely every company of faithfull people , but every particular Christian hath right and title to enjoy him in the mystical ordinances of the Word , Prayer , &c. as often as the same can be had ; yea further , hath right and title to the fruit and benefit of Ecclesiasticall jurisdicton , the exercise whereof is committed by Christ to the officers of the Church , Intuitu Ecclesiae tanquam finis . But that every company of faithfull people , who have received Christ to salvation , hath right and title to enjoy him in his politicall ordinances , by their own exercising of all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and that independently , this is more then either hath been , or can be proved . Object . The union betwixt Christ and his Church is as strait and immediate , as the union betwixt the Vine and the Branches , betwixt the Head and the Body , betwixt the Husband & the Wife . Therefore every true Church of Christ hath direct & immediate interest in , and title to Christ himself , & the whole new Testament , and every ordinance of it . Answ. The strait union betwixt Christ and the Church , expressed by these comparisons , cannot bee understood of the Church taken politically : for then the union betwixt Christ and the Church might be dissolved as often as the Church ceaseth to bee ordered and governed as an Ecclesiastical Republick . It is therefore to be understood either of the invisible Church , or at most of the visible Church taken metaphysically or entitatively . But I adde withall , it is to be likewise understood of every faithfull Christian : so that not onely every true Church , but every true member thereof , by vertue of this union , hath direct and immediate title to Christ , and to the benefit of all his ordinances for his edification and salvation . This is all which the Argument can conclude , and it maketh nothing against us . Object . If all things be the Churches , even the Ministers themselves ; yea , though they be Paul , Cephas , and Apollos , then may every Church use and enjoy all things immediately under Christ. But the first is true , 1 Cor. 3.24 . Therefore , &c. Answ. Neither can this prove any thing against us : for when the Apostle saith , All things are yours , whether Paul , &c. He is to bee understood not onely collectively of the Church , but distributively of every beleever , who hath right to the comfortable enjoyment and benefit of these things , so farre as they concerne his salvation . And in like manner I may say to the members of any particular congregation , All things are yours , whether Sessions or Presbyteris , or Provinciall or Generall Assemblies . And what wonder ? God is our Father , Christ our elder brother , the holy Ghost our Comforter , the Angels our keepers , heaven our inheritance . It is therefore no strange thing to heare , that as the supreame civill power , so the supreame Ecclesiasticall power is appointed of God in order to our good and benefit , that it be not a tyranny for hurt , but a ministery for help . These are the objections alledged for the independent and absolute power of congregations . But this is not all : Some seeme to make use of our own weapons against us , making objection from the forme of the Jewish Church , which wee take for a plat-forme . They say , that the Synagogues of the Jewes were not as the particular Churches are now : for they were not entire Churches of themselves , but members of the nationall Church , neither could they have the use of the most solemne parts of Gods worship , as were then the sacrifices . That the whole nation of the Jewes was one Church , having reference to one Temple , one high Priest , one Altar ; & it being impossible that the whole body of a Nation should in the entire and personal parts meet and communicate together in the holy things of God , the Lord so disposed and ordered , that that communion should bee had after a manner , and in a sort , and that was by way of representation : for in the Temple was daily sacrifice offered for the whole nationall Church . So the names of the twelve Tribes upon the shoulders of the Ephod , and upon the Breast-plate , and the twelve loaves of Shew bread , were for Israel signes of remembrance before the Lord. That now the Church consisteth not ( as then ) of a Nation , but of particular Assemblies , ordinarily communicating together in all the Churches holy things : whence it commeth , that there are no representative Churches now , the foundation thereof , which is the necessary absence of the Church which is represented , being taken away in the new Testament . That besides all this , if wee take the representative Church at Jerusalem for a paterne , then as there not onely hard causes were opened , and declared according to the Law , but also the sacrifices daily offered , and the most solemne service performed without the presence of the body of the Church : so now in the representative Churches , ( such as Presbyteries and Synods ) consisting of Officers alone , there must be not onely the use of jurisdiction , but the Word and Sacraments , whether people bee present or not : for how can there be a power in the Church of Officers for the use of one solemne ordinance out of the communion of the body , and not of another ? Answ. 1. To set aside the sacrifices , & other ceremonial worship performed at Jerusalem , the Synagogues among the Jewes had Gods morall worship ordinarily therein , as Prayer , and the reading & expounding of the Scriptures . 2. Whatsoever the Synagogues had , or whatsoever they wanted of the worship of God , they had an Ecclesiasticall Consistory , and a certaine order of Church government : else how shall we understand the excommunication , or casting out of the Synagogue , the Rulers of the Synagogue , and the chiefe Ruler of the Synagogue ? ( of which things we have before spoken . ) I will not here dispute whether every sin among the Jewes was either appointed to be punished capitally , or else to bee expiated by sacrifices ; but put the case it were so , this proveth that no excommunication or Ecclesiasticall censure was not then necessary : for beside the detriment of the Common-wealth by the violation of the Law , which was punishable by death ; and beside the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and guiltinesse before God , the expiation whereof by the death of Christ was prefigured in the sacrifices , there was a third thing in publike sinnes , which was punishable by spirituall censures , and that was the scandall of the Church , which could not be taken away by the oblations of the delinquent , but rather made worse thereby , even as now a publike offender doth not take away , but rather increase the scandall of the Church by his joyning in the acts of Gods worship , so long as there is no Ecclesiasticall censure imposed upon him ; neither yet ( to speake properly ) was the scandall of publike offences punishable by bodily punishments , but the Church being a politicall body had her owne Lawes , and her owne censures , no lesse then the Common-wealth . 3. As the Synagogues were particular Churches politically , so all of them collectively were one Nationall Church politically , governed by one supreame Ecclesiasticall Sanedrim , which is the representative wee meant of in our Argument . 4. But if we take the Nationall Church of the Jewes metaphysically , there was no representative thereof , unlesse it were all the males who came thrice in the yeare to Ierusalem . The daily offering of Sacrifices was not by a representative Church , but by the Priests : and though there were twelve loaves of Shewbread before the Lord , and the names of the twelve Tribes upon the brest-plate , this proveth not a Church representative , but signes representative . 5. The body of the Church is now ( as then ) necessarily absent from the Consistorial actions of debating and deciding matters of Church government , and of Jurisdiction ; and so that which was called the foundation of a representative Church doth still remaine . Now before I make an end , I must answer yet other two objections which have beene lately made . There is one who objecteth that the Assembly of the Apostles , Acts 15. can bee no president nor patterne for succeeding ages : First , because the Apostles were inspired with the holy Ghost , which wholly guided them in all matters of the Church ; so as in that their determination , they say expressely , It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us to lay upon you no greater burthen . Now , what Synod in any age after the Apostles could ever say that they were infallibly inspired and assisted by the holy Ghost ? Secondly , that injunction of the holy Ghost and of the Apostles was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for that present time , for the avoiding of offences betweene Jewes and Gentiles . But the like we read not afterward in all the writings of the Apostles . Ans. 1. I say with Whittaker , Posse alia , &c. That other lawfull councells may in like manner affirme their Decrees to be the Decrees of the holy Ghost , if they be like unto this councell , and if they keepe the same rule which the Apostles did keep and follow in this councell , for if they decree and determine nothing but from the Scriptures , which was done in this councell ; and if they examine all questions according to the Scriptures , and in all their Decrees follow the voyce of the Scripture , then may they affirme that the holy Ghost hath so decreed . 2. If the Doctrine or exhortation of a Pastor well grounded upon the Scriptures bee the Word of God , then much more is the Decree of a Synod well grounded upon the Scriptures , the Decree of the holy Ghost . 3. That Assembly was not of the Apostles alone , but of the Apostles and Elders , neither did the Decrees proceed from the Apostles alone , but from the Apostles and Elders , Acts 16.4 . and 21.25 . and in the place which is now objected , Acts 15.28 . not the Apostles alone , but the Elders with them , say , It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us . What the Elders did then , the Elders may doe now , for time hath not diminished their authority . 4. Nay , what the Apostles did in that Synod , the Elders may doe in a Synod now ; for the Apostles then did nothing but in the ordinary and common way of disputing and debating , comparing reason with reason , and sentence with sentence , and thereafter framing the Decree according to the light which they had by reasoning and by searching the Scriptures . But ( which is most observable ) the sentence of the Apostle Peter in that Synod was very imperfect and defective ; for he only disswadeth from imposing the yoke of the ceremoniall law upon the Churches of the Gentiles , but maketh no mention of any overture for avoiding the offence betwixt the Jewes and the converted Gentiles at that time , which I may suppose he would have done , if his light and judgement had carried him that farre : In this the Apostle Iames supplieth the defect of Peters sentence , and propoundeth an overture which pleased the whole councell , and according to which the decree was given sorth . This made Luther to say that Iames did change the sentence of Peter . And all this it pleased God so to dispose , that we might understand that Synod to bee indeed a president and paterne for ordinary Synods in succeding ages . 5. Henry Iacob in his third argument for the Divine Institution of the Church , saith : It is absurd and impossible , that the Text Matth. 18. was never understood for 1500 yeares after Christ. Sure this Text , Act. 15. was never understood for that whole space , if the Assembly there mentioned , be not a president to succeeding ages . 6. It maketh nothing against us , that he saith , the decree of the Apostles & Elders , was for that present time onely ; nay , it maketh for us : for in this also that Synod was a paterne to succeeding ages , forasmuch as Synods now have no power to make a perpetuall restraint from the practice of any indifferent thing , ( such as was then the eating of bloud , and things strangled ) but onely during the case of scandall . And moreover , the decree of the Apostles and Elders in that Synod , is also perpetuall , in so farre as it is conceived against the pressing of circumcision as necessary to salvation . One objection more I finde in another late Peece , which striketh not at the authority alone , but at the very reputation of Synods . This Authour alledgeth , that the ordinary government by Synods , is a thing of great confusion , by reason of the parity and equality , the voyces being numbred , not weighed . Equidem ( saith a wise Father ) at vere , &c. To say the truth , I am utterly determined never to come to any Councell of Bishops : for I never yet saw good end of any Councell : for Councels abate not ill things , but rather increase them . Answ. 1. If the parity and equality make a great confusion in the ordinary government by Synods , it shall make no lesse , but rather greater confusion in an extraordinary Synod : so that there is no ground for his restriction to that which is ordinary . 2. If the numbring of voyces , and the parity of those that doe voyce , make a confusion in Synods , why not in Parliaments also , and in other civill Courts ? 3. That testimony doth only strike at the Councels of Bishops , and so maketh not against parity , but against imparity in Councels : And , to say the truth , wee have found in our owne experience , that Prelaticall Synods have not abated , but rather increased evils in the Church . 4. The words of Nazianzen ( for he is the Father here meant of ) are not to be understood against Synods , but against the abuse of Synods at that time . And in this we must pardon him ( saith Whittaker ) that he shunned all Synods in those evill times of the Church , when the Emperour Valens was opposite to the Catholicke faith , and when the faction of heretickes did most prevaile : in that case indeed Synods should have produced greater evils . But we trust it shall be now seen that well constituted and free Synods of Pastors and Elders , shall not increase , but abate evill things . FINIS . A POST-SCRIPT , In answer to a Treatise very lately published , which is intituled , The Presbyteriall Governement examined . WHen the Printer had done all except two sheets of my former Treatise , there came to my hands a peece against Presbyteriall Governement , which promiseth much , but performeth little . Though my time be very short , yet I trust to make an answer to it , as full as it deserveth . It hath a magisteriall and high sounding title , undertaking the examination of Presbyteriall Governement . But Presbyteriall Government secretly smileth , because while she was ready to say much more for her selfe , he did not put her to to it , lest himselfe should have been put ad metam non probandi . But he particularizeth himselfe , and telleth us he hath unfolded the weaknesse of our grounds , and disproved our pretended proofs . The truth is , that the best of them & the most of them he hath not touched . He addeth that hee hath proved out of the Word of God the liberty of the people in choosing th●ir own officers . This may be added ●aute , but caste , I am sure it is not . He would make the world beleeve that Presbyterians are against the peoples election of their officers , which is a calumny . He saith , he hath annexed certaine arguments , proving Presbyteriall Governement to be contrary to the pattern which Christ hath left in the New Testament . These arguments shall be answered with no great difficulty . In this place I shall only say a word of them in generall . The man hath a notable faculty of proving that wherein the Presbyterians do agree with him , and passing that wherein they disagree from him . Many humane testimonies and citations of writers he mustreth together , to make a simple reader beleeve that many are of his judgemen● ▪ But I find none of them all except two or three to affirme any thing which we deny . But why hath he taken all this paines ? He will present it ( forsooth ) to the Kings most excellent Majestie , and to the right honourable Lords , and the honourable house of Commons now assembled in Parliament . As if it were to be expected that a popular and independant forme of Church government in every Congregation , which should most certainly open a doore to a thousand remedilesse confusions , may obtaine his Majesties royall assent , or the acceptation of the High Court of Parliament . Nay , brother , seek some other friends to your cause , for , if wise men be not too too much deceived ▪ the King and the Parliament in their great wisdome do fore-see , that whensoever Episcopall government shall be removed , another form of Provinciall and nationall Church government must needs succeed unto it . Now to come to the substance of his discourse ; first hee maketh a quarrell against the Presbyteries of particular Churches ( which are in Scotland called Sessions ▪ ) then against all higher Consistories in the Church . As for the Presbyteries of particular Churches , he judgeth them three wayes defective . First he requireth that all who are admitted into the company of Elders , even the governing or ruling Elders should be apt to teach and able to exhort with sound doctrine and convince gainesayers , and that not only privately , or in the Consistory , but in the publick assembly also , if not exactly , yet competently . Answ. 1. Though ruling Elders ought to teach , exhort , rebuke , &c. both in the Consistory , and privately from house to house , as the case of every family and person doth require ( which is all that can be drawne from those alleaged places to Timothy and Titus , if so be they ought at all to be extended to ruling Elders ) yet there is no place of Scripture to prove that they ought to teach publikly in the Congregation . 2. That expression if not exactly , yet competently is somewhat mysterious . 3. Ruling Elders are expresly distinguished from those that labour in the word and doctrine . 1 Tim. 5.17 . and from these that teach or exhort , Rom. 12.7 , 8. 4. If ruling Elders shall ●each publikly in the congregation ex officio , and with cure of soules ( as they speak ) why shall they not also minister the Sacraments , which are pendicles and seals of the word , and therefore committed to those , who are sent to the publick preaching of the Gospell , Matth. 28.19 . 5. Though he speak here only of ruling Elders , yet I doubt he requireth of , at least will permit to all men that are members of the Church the same publick teaching and prophesying in the Congregation . The second defect which he wisheth supplied , is , that the temporary ruling Elders may be made perpetuall and for life , which he enforceth by foure reasons . This I assent unto providing he admit a distinction betwixt the office it selfe , and the exercise of the same . The office of a ruling Elder ought to be for his life no lesse then the Pastors ; yet must we not condemne those Churches which dispense with the intermission of their actuall attendance for a certaine space , and permit them to exercise their office by course , as the Levits did of old , whose example himselfe here taketh for a patterne . The third thing he saith is of most moment . He doth complaine that the Elders do not administer their publik office publikly as they should , but only in their private Consistory . He doth permit them indeed to meet apart for deliberation ( whereof we shall here afterward ) but he will have their Church-office which in the Lord they have received , to be executed publickly in the face of the Congregation . 1. Because an office publick in the nature , ought also to be publick in the administration . 2. Because the reformed Churches cannot know their Elders whether they be good or bad , except by heare-say . 3. Because otherwise the Elders can not ministerially take heed to the whole flock as they are warned to do , Acts 20.28 . Ans. 1. Ruling Elders do execute their office not only in the Consistory , but from house to house throughout al the bounds of the Cōgregation ; which may easily make thē known to that Church where they serve , whether they be good or bad . 2. Their Consistoriall sentences in all matters of importance , such as ordination , Church censures , excommunication , &c. are made knowne to the whole Church . 3. He passeth a short censure upon the reformed Churches . The reformed Churches is a great word , but this man maketh a moat of it . 4. The place Acts 20.28 . cannot helpe him , for ruling Elders do feed and oversee the whole flock , both by discipline in the Consistory , and by taking heed to all the sheepe severally , as every one hath need , and in that respect may be called both Pastors and Bishops . Beside I doubt he can prove that place to be meant of ruling Elders . He He goeth on to make plaine what hee hath said , by descending to some particulars in which the Elders office s●emeth especially to consist , and these are saith hee , The admitting of members into the Church , upon profession of faith made , and the reproving and censuring of obstina●e offenders . These are the most frequent publike administrations of the office of Ruling Elders . And what of them ? hee saith , as they leave the execution of these things , to the Elders alone in the setled and well ordered state of the Church , so doe they deny , that they can be rightly and orderly done , but with the peoples privity and consent . His restriction to the setled and well ordered estate of the Church , I cannot understand . Hee had done well to have explained what hee meaneth by that not setled , nor well ordered state of the Church , in which he thinks it belongeth not to the Elders alone , to admit or cut off members . His other ambiguous expression I understand better , for by the peoples privity hee meaneth , that the people should heare the voyces and suffrages of the Elders , and by the peoples consent , hee meaneth the peoples voting with the Elders , as wee shall heare afterward . That the admission of members , ought to bee with the peoples privity and consent , hee will prove by two reasons . 1. Because wee finde in the acts of the Apostles , that men were received into the fellowship of the Church , and baptized publikely , and in the face of the congregation . 2. Because the whole communalty , being neerely to joyne with these that are admitted , ought to take knowledge of the profession of their faith . These reasons can neither conclude the peoples right of suffrage in this matter , nor so much are the peoples hearing of the suffrages of the Elders : But only that the matter might not bee ended without the peoples knowledge and tacite consent . Beside there is no small difference to bee put betwixt the admission of Jewes , Infidells , and Hereticks , upon their profession of the true Christian faith , and the admission of such as have transported themselves from another Christian congregation , bringing with them a sufficient testimonie of their holy profession of faith , and good conversation . In the meane while , Let the Reader note , that this disputer hath here in a parenthesis interlaced grosse anabaptistry , holding it a kinde of unorderly anticipation to baptise infants , who cannot give a confession of their faith . And within a few lines , he lets another thing fall from his pen , which smelleth strongly of the Anabaptisticall tenent , concerning having all things common , even bodily goods . But I proceed with him to the second head , concerning excommunication , and Church censures by the Elders , with the peoples privity and consent . This he proveth by three arguments . 1. Because Paul saith , These who sin , rebuke publikely , that others also may feare a brave argument indeed . This charge is not given to ruling Elders ; and if it had , it can neither prove the suffrage of the people , nor their hearing of the suffrage of the Elders , but onely the execution of the sentence of the Elders , in the presence and audience of the congregation . 2. Hee argueth from these words , Tell the Church , where hee would make it appeare , that by the Church is not meant the Senate of Elders excluding the people ; yea hee saith , that in this circumstance now in consideration , it comes neerer the truth to expound the Church to be the Bishop , since neither Bishops nor their Court-keepers , doe exclude the people from their consistories . Sure I am , in Scotland , ( let others speake for themselves ) The Bishops in their visitations , high Commissions , Privie-conferences at Synod● ( in which they passed their decrees ) did exclude both the people , and the most part of the ministers . He thinkes it a course unheard of either among Jewes , Gentiles , or Christians , before this last age , that publike judgements should be privatly exercised , and without the peoples privity . This ( if at all to the point ) must be understood , not of the finall execution , but of the judiciall sentence or decree . What then shall wee thinke that the Senators at Rome or the Areopagites at Athens , did never conclude or degree any thing , concerning a publike judgement , except in the audience and presence of the people . The Judges in Israel did sit in the gates of of the City , that all persons both poore and rich , great and small might have accesse unto them with their complaints , and that the sentence of judgement , might bee the more notorious & exemplary ▪ being given forth and promulgat in the gates : This proveth not that the Judges did debate , voyce , and conclude all matters in the publike audience of the people . It appeareth rather that they were so accomodate , that they might doe these things apart from the multitude . It is too much for him , to affirme either that the Synagogues were places of civill conventions and judgements , or that nothing was in the Synagogues decreed without the peoples privity , while as hee hath given no proofe nor evidence at all for it . You need not , my Masters be so curious in the notation of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which every smatterer in Divinity knoweth . But what of it ? you say , the Elders ( as such ) are called , to wit , to their office of Eldership , but called out they are not , being themselves to call out the Church . It is true that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noteth not only a calling , or a gathering together , by vertue of verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also a separation by vertue of the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But I hope it is no paradox to say , that the Elders are both called or gathered together unto the Eldership , and called out or separate from the rest of the Church to that office . And it is as far from a Paradox to say that they who are called out cannot call out others , especially the one calling out being to an office , and the other calling out being from nature to grace . He cannot think that the name , Ecclesia , Church , hath been used by any Greek Author before the Apostles times , or in their dayes , or in the age after them , for the assembly of sole Governours in the act of their government . I shall first give Instances against him in the verb , because , hee said , the Elders ( as such ) cannot be said to be called out . The Septuagint reade , Deu. 31.28 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gather unto me all the Elders . The like you may find , 1 King. 8.1 . 1 Chron. 28.1 . I shall next put him in mind that the Septuagint sometime turne Kahal by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Prov. 26.26 . His wickednesse shall be shewed before the whole Congregation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And it is plaine that the name of the Congregation , or Church , is given to the Elders , for that which is said of the Elders , Deut. 19.12 . Ios. 20.4 . is said of the Congregation , Num. 35.24 . Ios. 20.6 . So Exod 12.3 . compared with verse 21. This if hee will not take well from us , with verse 21. This if hee will not take well from us , let him take it from an Anti-presbyterian , who observeth from 1 Chron. 13.1 , 2 , 4. and 2. Chron. 1.3 . that both Kahal and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are used for the Elders and Governours . Guide unto Sion , pag. 5. The place Deut. 23.1 , 2 , 3. is well worthy of observation . It is ordained that he who is wounded in the stones , or hath his privy member cut off , or is a Bastard , or an Ammonite , or a Moabite , shall not enter into the Congregation the of Lord to the tenth generation . The word is Kahal in the Hebrew , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the version of the 70. yet Iunius , Piscator , and Pelicanus on that place , and Martyr on Iud. 11.1 . hold that by the Church or Congregation in that place is meant Consessus I●dicum , the Court of Judges and Rulers , which is called The Congregation of the mighty , Psal. 80.2 . So that the true sense of the place , is the secluding of those persons from bearing any office or rule in the Common-wealth of Israel , whereby they might be members of those Courts which did represent Israel . The same sense is given by Lyranus , Cajetan , Oleaster , Tostatus , and Lorinus . And which is more to be thought of , Ainsworth himselfe expoundeth it so , and further sheweth that it cannot be meant of joyning to the faith and religion of Israel , or entering into the Church in that respect , because Exod. 12.48 , 49. Num. 15.14 , 15. All strangers were upon their circumcision admitted into the Congregation of Israel , to offer sacrifices , and by consequence to enter into the court of the Tabernacle , which also appeareth from Levit. 22.18 . Num 9.14 . The point being now cleared from the holy Scriptures , we shal the lesse need to trouble our selves in the search of prophane Authors ; yet Pasor findeth Demosthenes using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro concione magnatum . As for that common expression of Divines , that the Elders are the Church representative , wee desire not to wrangle about names , so that the thing it selfe ( which is the power and authority of the Officers sitting and judging apart from the people ) be condescended upon . Yet let us see upon what grounds the name of a representative Church is by this man so superciliously rejected . First , hee saith that no godly , no nor reasonable man will affirme , that this representation is to be extended to any other acts of religion , than these which are exercised in the governing of the Church . But quo warrant● ? shall a man be both ungodly and unreasonable , for affirming that the Elders may and ought to represent the Church where they serve , in preferring a petition to the King and the Parliament , for a Reformation , or in bearing witnesse of the desolate condition of the Parish through the want of a ministery , or in giving counsel to a Sister Church , though these bee not acts of governing the Church . Well : be it , as he saith , what great absurdity shall fellow ? then ( forsooth ) it appertains to the people primarily and originally ( under Christ ) to rule and govern the Church , that is , themselves . But who saith he will so say of a government not personall , but publique , and instituted as the Churches is . Surely , they who think the power to be originally in the people , might here easily reply that this is no more strange than to say , that the power which is primarily and originally in the body of a Kingdome , is exercised by the Parliament , which is the representative therof . But because many learned men deny the power of Church government to be originally in the people , though others , ( and those very learned too ) doe affirme it : therefore to passe that , I shall serve him with another answer . For as we can defend the authority of Presbyteries and Synods without wrangling about the name of a representative Church , so can we defend the name of a representative Church , without debating the question , whether the people have the power originally or not . May he therefore bee pleased to take notice of other grounds and reasons for the name of a representative Church , as namely , First , what the Elders , with the knowledge and tacite consent of the Church , doe approve or dislike , that is supposed to be approved or disliked by the whole Church , which importeth , that the Church is in some sort represented by the Senate of Elders . Secondly , as wee say wee have seene a man , when haply wee have seene nothing but his head , or his face which maketh him knowne unto us , ( whence it is that Painters represent men unto us oft-times onely from their shoulders upward ) so doe wee discern & know a visible political Church , when we see in the Senate , as it were , the head and face thereof , the officers being as eyes , eares , nose , mouth , &c. to the Church , that is , being the most noble and chiefe members whereby the body is governed . Thirdly , the Senat of Elders is said to represent the Church , because of the affinity and likenesse betwixt it and the Senate , which representeth a City , or some inferior civil Corporation , affinity , I mean , not every way , but in this , that the government is not in the hands of all , but a few , and that those few were chosen with the consent of the whole Corporation . Fourthly , and if for these reasons the Eldership of a particular Church may be called a representative Church , there is much more reason for giving this name to a classicall Presbytery , or to a Synod provinciall , or nationall , for these doe result out of many particular Churches being made up of their Commissioners . His second reason he taketh from the nature of representations , alleaging that if the Elders in their Consistory represent the Church , then whatsoever they either decree or do agreeing to the Word of God , that also the Church decreeth and doth , though absent , though ignorant , both what the thing is , and upon what grounds it is done by the Elders : and this how consonant it is to Papists implicit faith , he leaveth it to wise men to consider . This argument is as much against the representations of Kings and States by their Ambassadours and Commissioners , it is against the representation of Churches by the Consistory of Elders , and so all the wisdome of Princes and States in their Embassages shall turne to implicit faith , because according to this ground , what the representing doth within the bounds of his Commission , that the represented doth implicitè . And now I shall leave to be considered by wise men these vast differences betwixt the Papists implicit faith , and the case of our Churches governed by Elderships . 1. The Church assenteth not to that which the Consistory of Elders decreeth or doth , except it be agreeing to the Word of God , as the Reasoner himselfe saith : but there is no such limitation in the Papists implicit faith . 2. The Consistory of Elders doth not presse any thing upon the Church , imperiously , or by naked wil and authority without any reason , as the Church of Rome doth with those from whom she requireth implicit faith . 3. The Papists know not what those things be which they beleeve by implicit faith : so that such a faith is rightly called mera articulorum fidei ignorantia , a meere ignorance of the articles of faith : but the decrees of our Elderships whereunto our Churches do consent , are made knowne unto them . 4. Our Churches are by the judgement of Christian discretion to examine all things propounded unto them , even the decrees of the Elders , whereas Papists may not examine what the Church propoundeth or commandeth . 5. Papists by their implicit faith beleeve whatsoever the Church beleeveth , because they think the Church can not erre , but our Churches conceive not only their particular Elderships , but oecumenicall councels to be subject to error . Come we now to his third generall reason : whereby he laboureth to prove that the consistorian course is contrary to the practise of the Apostolick Churches , because the Apostle , 1 Cor. 5. writeth to the whole Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous man. And that by these words ( when you are c●me together ) the whole Church is to be understood , he proveth by three reasons : the strength of them all , we shall take together in one argument thus . They among whom the fornicatour was , who were puffed up when they should have sorrowed , and out of the midst of whom he was to be put , who had done that thing , to whom it appertained to purge out the old leven , and to whom the Apostle wrote not to be commingled with fornicators or covetous persons , they were to be gathered together into one , and to judge and excommunicate that incestuous person . But they among whom the fornicator was , &c. were not the Elders alone , but the whole Church , Ergo , &c. And now what shall this disputer say , if I cleave this his strong argument with a wedge of his own timber , thus , &c. If they among whom the fornicator was , who were puffed up , when they should have sorrowed , and out of the midst of whom , &c. were to judge and excommunicate that incestuous person , then women were to judge and excommunicate him , and not men only . But the latter is absurd , therefore so is the former . My proposition he must either grant , or else say that the incestuous man was not to be put out of the midst of women , and that the Apostle did not forbid women to be commingled with fornicators . My assumption is his own , Pag. 24. where he tels us from 1 Cor. 14.34 , 35. 1 Tim. 2.12 . that women are debarred from liberty or right of voting in publick ecclesiasticall matters . Then let him see to the conclusion . Another proofe of the same point he addeth from 2 Cor. 2. where he writeth to these same Corinthians to receive pardon , and comfort the penitent : which I might repell in the same manner . But there is a word in that same Chapter which may cleare the thing , Vers. 6. Sufficient to such a man is this punishment ( or censure ) which was inflicted of m●ny . Which many , if ( as he saith in the next page ) the Apostle had opposed to himselfe alone , and not to all , then he said but the halfe of that which he meant to say . He would have the Corinthians to think it enough that the man had beene publickly censured by so many as were in their Presbyterie . Now if he had beene censured by the whole Church , it had been more fit and emphaticall to have said censured by all . But there is another sence which well fitteth the place . Heinsius observeth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is one thing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another thing : the former noting those that exceed in number : the latter those that are chiefe in dignity , and that therefore the Apostle when he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaneth the rulers and Elders of that Church , so that the reading shall be this , Sufficient to such a man , is this censure inflicted of the chie●e . In the same sence Pi●●rtor taketh the words : which also he doth illustrate from Mat. 12.41.42 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a greater then Ionah , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a greater then Solomon . To conclude this case , the Apostle as in other Epistles , so in this , doth sometime point at common duties belonging to the whole Church , sometime at the duties of officers . That the whole Church of Corinth should have sorrowed for the incestuous man , and that it was a common duty to them , not to be commingled with fornicators , and to have no fellowship with the unfruitfull workes of darknesse , but rather to reprove them : In like manner it concerned them all to comfort him being penitent . But as for the judging , and excommunicating of him , that did belong only to the Presbytery of Corinth , and so Calvin , Piscator , Paraeus , and many others expound the Apostles words . His digression to prove that the Apostle alone , did not give forth sentence judiciary upon the offender , is not against us , but against the prelaticall party , therefore I passe it . What he alleageth from Act. 1. & 6. & 14. For the Churche● right of suffrage in the election of Officers , we doe most heartily assent unto it , with this distinction , that when the case is such , as it was in the examples alleaged , that is , when visible politicall Churches are to be erected , not having beene before , then the right of suffrage in elections , doth indeed belong to the whole body : And though this way of election were ordinary , it cannot prove that the people have the power of that authority in them , to which they elect the officers : no more then the Electors of the Emperour have in them power of the imperiall dignity , saith Baynes . But now it is not ordinary , for when there is already a setled Ecclesiasticall republike , or a Church with officers , the officers for the time being ought by their suffrages to elect the officers that are wanting , with the knowledge and consent of the Church . Somewhat he demurreth upon Act. 15. for the vindication of which place , I refer my reader to the second part of the former Treatise , Chap. 1. & 8. Neither shall I stay to examine , by what Method either this discourse or the other about elections , falleth into the proofe of his proposition , concerning that part of the Elders office , which standeth in the censuring of offenders . He falleth at last into his owne channell , concluding it to bee a thing most equall , that the whole Church , should clearely and undoubtedly take knowledge of the contumacy of the person , that is to bee excommunicated , & of the crime for which , and this we also say with him . One word I desire to have cleared before wee proceed . One of his grounds in his discourse about elections , is that the Church officers , as they are the servants of Christ Jesus , so also her servants for Jesus sake , 2. Cor. 4.5 . The professors of Leyden say well , that they are not properly the servants of the Church , but of God , and of Christ : They are not Lords of the Church neither , but Rulers , Guides , Bishops , and Pastors of the Church : yet not servants of the Church except , objective , that is , the servants of God in the Church , or for the Churches good . If this bee his meaning , it is well . But I doubt he hath another meaning , and that is , that the Church doth give the power ( which is hers ) unto her officers , as her servants to exercise it in her name . If this bee the matter , then let us marke with Baynes , that the Church doth not virtually and out of power make an officer , but shee doth it in Stewardlike manner , ministring to the sole Lord and master of the house , so that hee who is taken in doth not his office in her name , but in his masters name : as a Butler taken in by the Steward of the house , doth not execute his office in the stewards name , but in his masters , who only out of power did conferre it on him . But now lest any should conceive of him and those of his side , that they either exercise amongst themselves , or would thrust upon others any popular or democraticall Church governement : therefore he desireth the Reader to make estimate , both of their judgement and practice in this point , according to these three declarations . First he saith they beleeve , that the externall Church governement under Christ , is plainely aristocraticall and to be administred by some choyce men , although the state bee after a fort popular and democraticall . In respect of the latter , he saith it appertaines to the people freely , to vote in elections & judgements of the Church ; in respect of the former , that the Elders ought to governe the people , even in their voting in just liberty , by propounding and ordering all things , and ( after the voting of the Church ) solemnly executing , either ordination or excommunication . Behold how he runneth upon the rocke of popular governement , even whiles he pretendeth to have his course another way : God send us better pilots . I remember I have read in sundry places of Bodin de repub . that the state is oft times different from the governement . But sure I am , this anti-consistorian maketh not only the state , but the governement of the Church to be democraticall , & that in the superlative degree , for the governement is democraticall , at least composed of a mixture of aristocracy , and democracy ( which is the most that he dare say of the Church governement ) where the people have the liberty of electing their owne officers and rulers , and where the Senat so farre observeth the people , that they may not passe the finall act , in any matter of importance , without the knowledge and tacite consent o the people , though the people doe not vote in the Senat , nay though the Senat doe not vote in the hearing of the people . Now this seemeth not enough to those with whom wee have now to doe . They will have the people freely to vote in all judgements of the Church . And what is that , but the very exercise of jurisdiction by the people , which is the democracy of Movell●s condemned by Parker himselfe , who maketh the exercise of ecclesiasticall power proper to the Rulers of the Church , though he placeth the power it selfe originally in the whole Church . Let it further be observed , what difference these men make betwixt the Elders and the people in the governement of the Church : That which they make proper to the Elders is only the propounding and ordering of matters , and the excuting of some solemne act in name of the Church . This is no more then belongeth to the moderator or Praeses in any consistory , But they will have the matter to bee determined according to the most voyces of the people . And so the new forme of Church governement which is here laid before us , is a mere democracy with many moderators , which is the most monstrous governement that ever was heard of . His second declaration is , that the Elders may and ought at times to meet apart from the body of the Church , for deliberation . This if hee meane only of that which hee specifi●th , the preparing of things so as publik●ly , and before the people , they may bee prosecuted with most conveniency . It is no more then what many require in moderators of Synods , to whom they think fit , that some Assessors , or Coadjutors be adjoyned for deliberating in private , upon the most orderly and convenient prosecuting of purposes in publike : which as it hindereth not the governement of Synods to be aristocraticall ; so neither doth the deliberation of the Elders in private , hinder the governement now in question to be democraticall . But if he meane generally , that the Elders may deliberate apart upon everything whatsoever , which is to be voyced by the people , then I aske by what reason doth he seclude from the deliberations those who are to voice ? for to give being and force to an Ecclesiasticall decree by voycing , is more than to deliberate upon it , whence it is that Papists give to Presbyters a deliberative voice in Councels , but not a decisive voice , and we also permit any understanding godly man to propound a matter to a Synod , or to reason upon it , though none have power of suffrage but the Commissioners of Churches ; So that he had greater reason to seclude the people from the voyces , than from the deliberations . His third declaration comes last , and that is that by the people whose right in voting they thus stand for , they understand not women and children , but only men , and them growen , and of discretion . Before hee did object to us that neither in Scripture nor in Greeke Authors , the name Church is used for the assembly of sole Governours : and to this I suppose I did give a satisfactory answer . But good Sir be pleased mutually to resolve us where you have read in Scripture , or in Greek Authors the name Church ( setting aside all representatives of Churches and Assemblies of sole Governors ) used for men alone , and them growen and of discretion , secluding women and children : for now I see your reserved Glosse upon those words Tell the Church : Tell all the men in the Parish that are growne and of discretion , you must not take so much upon you , as to expound that Text by a Synecdoche , which none that ever wrote upon it before your selves did imagine , and yet challenge us for expounding it by another Synecdoche , following Chrysostome , Euthymius , Faber Stapulensis , and many late Interpreters , who understand by Church in that place , the Rulers of the Church , which are the noblest part of the Church . I shall shut up this point with the words of Hyperius , who saith that we must not understand by the Church the whole multitude , Sed potius delectos &c. But rather certaine choice Elders , noted for their learning and godlinesse , in whose power the Chu●ch will have to bee the judgement in such like causes , which is proved from that , that Matth. 18 after it was said , ●ell the Church , it is added ; where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am I in the midst of them . And 2 Cor. 2. he saith , Sufficient is this censure inflicted by many . We have now done with the Elderships of particular Churches , but there is another blow which I perceive is intended against classicall Presbyteries and Synods provincial and national , for the due power by which my opposite would have the Church to be governed , hee layeth before us in this Assertion , that every particular visible Church hath from Christ absolute and intire power to exercise in and of her selfe , every ordinance of God , and so is an independent body , not standing under any other Ecclesiasticall authority out of it selfe . And this he will prove by ten Arguments : but I shall not need to multiply answers , as hee doth arguments , because many of them are coincident . The first , third , fourth , and sixth , doe all hit upon the same string . The first is thus : If those Churches , planted by the Apostolique institution , had power fully in themselves immediatly from Christ to practise all his ordinances : Then have all Churches the like power now . But the first is true . Ergo. The third thus ; Whatsoever was commanded by the seven Churches to be practised by each of them , apart , in and for themselves , that no Church of God must now omit . But Ecclesiasticall government was commanded to the seven Churches to bee practised by each of them , &c. The fourth thus ; If the Church of Corinth had power and authority within her selfe to exercise Ecclesiasticall Government ; then ought not particular Congregations now to stand under any other Ecclesiastical authority out of themselves . But the first is true , Ergo. The sixth thus . If the Apostle gave commandement unto the Eldership of Ephesus for the whole administration of all ordinances in that Church : then may the Eldership of every particular congregation , administer among themselves all Gods ordinances . But the first is true , Ergo. Now for answer to these : First , I simply deny the connexion of the proposition of the fourth argument , because it argueth à genere ad speciem affirmative , from the exercising of ecclesiastical Government , to the exercising of it independently . Neither hath hee said any thing for proofe hereof . Next , the Reader will easily perceive , that both in the first and sixth Argument his citations in proofe both of the propositions and assumptions , have not so much as the least colour of pertinency , and farre lesse of proofe . In both these arguments , when he would prove the proposition , he speaketh to the assumptiō , & contrariwise . But these things I delight not to insist upon : only I shall give two Distinctions , any one of which , much more both of them shall make these arguments wholly improfitable unto him ▪ First , I distinguish his propositions . That power & authority which the Church of Corinth , the seven Churches of Asia , and other Apostolicall Churches had to exercise Ecclesiastical government in and for themselves , the like have all Churches now which are of the like frame and condition : but the most part of particular Churches now are of a different frame and condition from the Apostolique Churches , and so have not such fulnesse of power as they had . Put the case that the Apostolick Churches were no greater then might and did ordinarily assemble together into one place for the worship of God , yet since by reason of the trouble● of those times ( which suffered not the Christians to spread themselves abroad all the countrey over , but confined them within Cities and safe places ) those Churches were not planted so thick and neare together , as that they might have the conveniency of Synodical consociation : hence it appeareth that they might do many things in and by themselves , which particular Congregations now having the conveniency of consociation with neighbour Churches , ought not to do in and by themselves . But this I have said gratis , having in my former Treatise at length declared that the Apostolick Churches ( at least the most and principall of them ) were greater then could assemble ordinarily in one place of worship , and that they were served with sundry both Pastors and Elders , & that therefore our Parochiall Churches ought not to be ( in respect of the points in question ) compared with their Churches , nor our Parochiall Presbyteries with their Presbyteries . The second distinction which I have to propound is concerning the assumptions of the arguments now in hand . The Apostolick Churches did indeed ordinarily exercise Ecclesiasticall government and all the ordinances of Christ , in and for themselves , yet so that when the occasion of a Synode did occurre for determining a question which was too hard for particular Churches , and was also common to many Churches , in that case they did submit themselves to the authority of he Synod . Which hath also before beene made plaine from Act. 15. To practise all the ordinances of God in a Church is one thing , and to practise them independantly so as nev●r to be subject to the authority of a Synod , is another thing . My antagonist doth after take it for granted & saith , that all learned men have granted that the Churches of the Apostolick constitution were independant bodies . But whence are you Sir that would make your Reader beleeve there are no learned men in the Churches of Scotland , France , the low-countries , and the other reformed Churches which have the governement of Presbyteries and Synods , conceiving it to be most agreeable to the Apostolicall patterne ? Have you put out of the category of learned men all Protestant writers who in the controversies about Councels dispute against Papists from Acts 15.2 . Why did you not among all your imeprtinent allegations , cite some few of those learned men who grant the Apostolick Churches to have been independant bodies ? But we must heare what more you have to say . Your first eight and tenne arguments are in like manner coincident . The first you frame thus . Such actions the Church may lawfully do wherein no law of God is broken . But there is no law of God broken , when particular Churches do in and among themselves exercise all Gods ordinances . Ergo. The eight thus . Whatsoever governement cannot be found commanded in the written Word o● God , ought not to have any place in the Church of God. But the Government of Presbyteries and Synods over many particular congregations cannot be found commanded , &c. The tenth thus . It is a sinne against God to adde any thing to that forme and manner of ordering Churches which Christ hath set forth in the new Testament . But to subject particular congregations under any other Ecclesiasticall authority out of themselves , is to adde , &c. Now the word independantly must be added to the assumption of the first argument , else it cannot conclude what he affirmes and we deny : for there is no question but particular Churches may exercise in and among them selves all Gods ordinances in those cases and with those distinctions which I have spoken of before , part 2. chap. 2. This being cleared I deny the assumption in all these three arguments . I expected proofe for it , but he hath given none , except that it cannot for shame be denied . I had thought it rather a shamefull thing for a writer to trouble his Reader with arguments which he cannot make good . But what saith he to the professors of Leyden who hold the institution of Synods not to be humane , but divine , which they prove from Mat. 18. & Act. 15. Nay what is more ordinary in Protestant writers then the applying of those words , Where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am I in the midst of them , unto Synods and Councels ; and hence they condemne the popish Councels , in so much that Bellarmin , Salmeron , and other Jesuits have in this contradicted all our writers , telling us ( as these men doe ) that our Saviour meaneth not of Councels in these words . Moreover that commandement whereby we stand obliged to follow the example both of the Jewish Church in the Old Testament , and of the Apostolicall Churches in the New Testament , in such things as they had not for any speciall reason which doth not concerne us , is transgressed by the withdrawing of Congregations from subjection unto Synods . Of which things I have said enough before . It is now but a poore begging of that which is in question , to object that the governement of Presbyteries and Synods hath no warrant from the Word of God. Come we then to examine his other Arguments . His second he composeth thus . If Christ in Mat. 18.17 . where he saith , Tell the Church , doth mean a particular Congregation : then hath every particular Congregation an intire power in and of it selfe to exercise Eclesiasticall governement , and all other Gods spirituall ordinances . But the first is true . Ergo , for the proposition he citeth some Writers who do not speak of such a connexion as he had to prove . The assumption he proveth thus . That Church which Christ intendeth in Matth. 18. hath absolute power in and of it selfe to perform all Gods ordinances . But Christ intendeth in Mat. 18. a particular Congregation . Therefore every particular Congregation hath absolute power , &c. How bravely doth he conclude the point ? Spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici ▪ We will not examine our examinators logick : we know what he would say : and we woul● have him to know againe that Christ in Mat. 18. meaneth indeed some sort of a particular Congregation , but neither only nor independantly . Nay he meaneth all the Consistories of the Church higher and lower respectively , as Parker conceiveth , whose words I have before set down : and to this sense the threed of the text doth leade us , for as in the preceding words there is a gradation from one to two or three more , then to the Church , so is there a gradation ( by the like order and reason ) in the Consistories of the Church . Tostatus upon this place acknowledgeth that Diae Ecclesiae reacheth as far as to an oecumenicall Councell , when particular Churches erre in their determinations , or when the cause is common to all the Churches , for example , when the Pope is to be condemned . His seventh argument followes in my order , and it runneth after this manner . Such offices and callings without which the Church of God is cōpleat and perfect for government , are superfluous and humane . But the Church of God may be compleat & perfect for government , without Presbyteriall and Synodicall offices and callings . Ergo. I answer by a distinction . Such offices and callings without which the Church of God are according to the course of Gods ordinary providence , or at all times and in all cases , perfect and compleat for government , are indeed superfluous and humane . But that such offices and callings without which the Church by the absolute power of God or at some times & in some cases is perfect & compleat , are superfluous & humane , we utterly deny . Now for the point of Synods I shall produce no other witnesses then those which this Disputer here taketh to be for him . Whittaker acknowledgeth of Councels that Secundum ordinariam providentiam necessaria sunt ad bonam ecclesiae gubernationem : according to ordinary providence they are necessary for the well governing of the Church . Parker acknowledgeth Synods to be sometime necessary in the Church , and he giveth example of the Councell of Nice , without which the evils of the Church in the daies of Constantine could not have bin remedied . The ninth Argument remaineth , which is this . That government which meerly tendeth unto the taking away from particular Congregations , their due power is unlawfull . But the government of Presbyteries and Synods ( as they now are ) doth meerly tend unto the taking away from particular Congregations their due power . Ergo. I did expect some strong proofe for the assumption of this argument , but we must take it as it is . He tels us out of Master Barlow ▪ that no man under the degree of a Prophet or an Apostle may prescribe Gods Church and children patternes . Our Synods are further from prescribing patterns either of worship or Church government than himselfe is . The patterne and whole manner of Church government is set down in the Scripture , those circumstāces excepted which are common to the Church with the Common-wealth , and are therefore determinable by natures light . Synods may not prescribe new patterns , no more may particular Churches : but Synods may in common causes , and extraordinarily prescribe unto particular churches , such things as particular churches may in particular causes and ordinarily prescribe to their owne members . If he will beleeve Parker ( whom he thinks his owne ) the authority which particular Churches have severally is not lost , but augmented when they are joyned together in Synods . But we have before abundantly declared how Presbyteriall & Synodical government doth not at all prejudge the rights of congregations . As for that which here he addeth by way of supposition , putting the case that Presbyteries & Synods will not permit a congregation to reject some cōvicted hereticks , nor to chuse any , except unfit Ministers , this is just as if one should object against Parliaments , that ( as they are now ) they do meerly tend to the taking away of the right and liberty of the subject , and then for proofe should put the case , that Parliaments will protect and maintaine Monopolists , Projectorers , &c. Now in this drove of arguments , the drover hath set some like the weake of the flock to follow up behind . The first two are blind , and see not where they are going : for it maketh nothing against us , either that the Eldership of one congregation , hath not authority over the Eldership of another congregation , or that a minister should not undertake the care of more Churches then one . His third , that presbyteriall power is never mentioned in the Scripture , is a begging of the thing in question , & is answered before ; yet I must put him again in mind of Parker , who speaking of churches saith : Legitur in Scripturis de conjunct a earū auct oritate , quando in Synodis congregantur . We read in their Scriptures of their joynt authority , when they are gathered together into Synods . But there is a speech of Zuinglius against representative Churches , which he may not omit . Zuing●ius doth indeed justly aske of the antichristian prelats , who had given them the name of a representative Church , & who had given them power to make Canons &c. yet hee addeth , de his duntaxat &c. I speak of them only that are such , others who put themselves under not above the Scriptures , my writings shall nothing prejudge . In the fourth place he objecteth , that whosoever shall deny their assertion , must hold two distinct formes of Church government to be lawfull , one where particular congregations do in & of themselves exercise all Gods ordinances ; the other where they stand under another ecclesiasticall authority out of themselves . I answer it is most lawfull for particular congregations in and of themselves to exercise all Gods ordinances , according to the distinctions & rules above mentioned : but this is not repugnant to their standing , under the authority of presbyteries & Synods , for which let us againe heare a tender friend of congregations . Major quidem potestas est Synodi quam unius alicujus Ecclesiae primea , & parochialis ; But goe we along . His first argument is , that for this reason , among others the learned say the Pope is Antichrist , viz. because he will have men to appeale from their owne Churches unto him , and to stand unto his sentence and decree : and doe not the presbyteriall assemblies & Synods , take upon them an authority much like to it . Soft my master , Soft . Canno lesse serve you , then to match our Church governemēt with the papall usurpations . 2. I shall beseech you to remember , 1. The Pope is one and receiveth appellations monarchinally : a Synod consisteth of many , & receiveth appellations aristocratically : 2. The Pope receiveth appellations from other nations beyond Sea : presbiteries and Synods not so . 3. The Pope will have his sentēce received as infallible : presbyteries & synods acknowledge themselves subject to error . 4. The Pope acknowledgeth neither the Elders , nor the Elderships of congregations : which Presbyteries & Synods do . 5. The Pope acknowledeth no power ecclesiasticall on earth , except what is subject to him , yea derived from him : and who will say so of Presbyteries & Synods . 6. The Pope receiveth appellations in other causes then ecclesiasticall : Presbyteries and Synods not so . 7. Synods are made up of the Commissioners of Churches : The Pope neither hath any cōmission himselfe from the Churches , nor will admit the Commissioners of Churches , to sit in judgement with him . 8. Synods when they receive appellations , are tyed to certaine rules of proceeding and judging , especially the Scripture . The Pope maketh his power boundlesse , and exalteth himselfe , above the very Scripture . There shall be no end ▪ except I stop in time . And what need I to make so many differences betwixt light and darknesse . A sixth argument we shall now have , what more meet and reasonable saith he , then that every mans case be there heard & determined , where the fault was cōmitted . If this rule hold thē the Parliamēt or privy Councell , ought to go to every remote county & corner of the kingdome , to judge of such faults there cōmitted , as are proper for thē to judg . His 7.8.10.11 . arguments must be gone with silence , for they run upon the robbing of congregations of their right , the exercising of ecclesiasticall government , in all the apostolique Churches , & our accoring with Papists & the Hierarchy . All which objections have been before repelled ; & it is somewhat strange , that the disput●r doth so often repeate the same arguments , to make up the greater number . A pretty art indeed : like that of the young logician who would needs prove , that the foure egs upon the table were five , because two & three make five . In this second clause of arguments there is only one behind , and that is , that by the titles given to all particular cōgregations , viz. a kingdome , a family , a body , a Queen &c. it appeareth that all ecclesiasticall auctority , ought to be in every one of thē distinctly , wholly , entirely . Where let the reader observe , that he maketh the meaning of that place Mat. 3.2 . the kingdome of God is at hand , to be this , a particular congregation is at hand ; also that he expoundeth Eph. 2.19 . & Ps. 45. of a particular congregation , which are meant of the holy Catholike Church . But say that every particular congregation is a kingdome , a family , a body , a Queene , how proveth he that these names doe agree to every congregation in respect of her externall policy , or ecclesiasticall government . Nay say they , doe agree in this respect , yet in a thousand examples it is to be seen , that one and the same thing is both totum & pars , the whole , & the part , in different respects . Whereof we have also spoken in the former treatise . He concludeth , that by this time he doth suppose the reader perceiveth , that the Scriptures are every way for them , and against the Presbyteriall governement , you shall doe well Sir to thinke better upon it ; you have it yet to prove : Therefore goe to your second thoughts , and examine with me your not unexaminable examination . Farewell . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A42758-e120 Bishop Hall his assertion of Episcopacie by Divine right . ●ag . 208 . 209.2●1 . Pag. 146. Pag. 11. Pag. 17.18 . In 1 Tim. 5. De vit● Const. ● lib. 1. cap. 44. Vide actae Syno . Dord . Sess. 25. Psal. 80 14 15. ●er . 50.5 . Whittak contr . 3. de concil . quaest 1. Cant. 6.4 ▪ Psal. 64 3. Math. 22.21 . Rom. 14 23. Phil. 1.9 . ● . Tim. 2.7 . Notes for div A42758-e2330 Catal. test . verit . lib. 2. col . 98. O●iand . cent . 1. p. 8. Loc. theol . ● . 6 . n. 37. Synod . Turon . 2. Can. 3. Syn. Constant. 6. can . 69. Of Episcop . by divine right , pag. 2.12 . Act. i. 26 . d. 21. ca. cleros D● clerie . lib. 1. cap. 1. B●ll . prae fat . ante lib. de clerie . Bell. lib. 2. de mon. cap. 1. In 2.2.4.88 . ●●t . 4. De gub . ec●l . pag. 28. M. Elias Hasen mullerus . Hist. ordin . Je● . pag. 68. Lib. 4. dist . 4. Eccles. l. ● . c. 3. Meum & tuum . Matth. 20.26.27 . 1. Tim. 3.2.3.4.5.6.7 . &c. 6.11 . Tit. 1.6.7.8 . Lib. 1. Ep. 9. Iun. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 5. Mos. and Aaron . ii . 2. c. 2. Alsted . Thesau . Chro. pag. 265. Ferneius . Theol. lib. 7. pag. 151.152 . Mar●yr . loc . com . class . 4. cap. 1. p. 745. Anno 58. n. 10. De divers . grad . minist . Evang. cap. ● 1. p. 108. Ibid. p. 118. Ibid. p. 10● . 118 . De repub . Jud. lib. 1. c. 12. Bertram de Pol. Jud. cap. 16. saith , that these Elders did continue among the ten Tribes , even after the defection of Jeroboam . Seniores erant qui in mores & vitam piorum virorum , &c. Inquirebam & reprehensionibus censur sque Ecclesiasticis animad ●ertebant . Ho●um Seniorum & reliquae Ecclesiae coetus & actiones moderab●ntur Prophetae : 〈◊〉 ut ad Prophetae d●mum al quando seniores convenirent , 2 Reg. 6.32 . In Jos. 20. quaest . 3. D● guber . Eccles . cap. ● . p. 70.71 . Praelect . tom 1. p. 23. In 4. praecept . col . 741. Contr. 3. l. 2. c. 6. D. of Tract . 17. ● . 2. Div. 4. Ubi supra , pag. 26. Loc. Theol. tom . 6. p. 137. Num. 8 9.10 . 〈◊〉 of Eccl●s . discip . pag. 87. Exo● . 12.3 . verse ●1 . 2 Cor. 4.5 . In illum locum . Eccles. l. 2. c. 1. De Presbyt . p. 87. ●oc . com . class . 4. cap 1. p. 746. De gub . Eccl. cap. 10. p. 204 Of the Church lib 5. cap. 26. Answer to the Admon . p. 114.115 Temporis illius conditiono● de qu buslibet praefectis Paulum loqui oftendit quia tuncnulli erant pii Magistratus : sed de Senioribus qui morum erant Censores saith Calvine upon Rom. 12.8 . De Reg. prim . p. 123. De diver . grad , minist . Evang. c. 11. p. 115. De Presbyt . p. 87. De perpet . Eccles . gubet . cap. 10. p. 190 , 191. C. 5. Sect. 50. Pag. 378.380 . Pag. 362. &c. Of the Church . l. 5. c. 26. 1 Cor. 15.10 . & 1.14 . Act. 14.12 . Hom. 15. in 1 Tim. De Presbyt . cap. 12. De diver . grad . minis . Evang. c. 13. Paren . cap. 11. pag. 38. Episcop . by div . right . pag. 219. 2 Cor. 11.27 . 1 Thess ▪ 2.9 . De perpet . Eccl. gub . c. 10. Altar Damasc. cap. 12. Episcop . by div . r●ght . p. 226. Critic . sacr . l. 3 c. 18. P. 134. De gub . Eccl. cap. 11. p. 210. De Presby● . c. 13. Of the Church . lib. 5. cap. 26. C. 27. Epist. ad Evag. In 1 Tim. hom . 10. In Eph●s . 4. De divers . gra . minist . Evang. c. 12. Parae● . c. ●● . p 42. Episc . by div . ●●g●t . p. 227. Cap. 39. L. 1. ●p . 8. l. 2. ●p . 5. l. 3. ●p . 10. ibid. ●p . 11. Lib. 3. ●p . 11. In 1 Tim. hom . 10. Hom. 11. L. 7. c. 23. Sent. l. 3. c. 43. Contr● . Cels. lib. 3. C. 1. In Act. 4.5 . The Councell of Carthage held An. 407. Can. 6. maketh mention of Seniors , who were expected from new Germany to come to the Councell , and unto whom the Councell remitted the election of a part of the Judges , who should decide the cause of Maure●ius . In actis purgationis Caeciliam & Faelicis , we reade , Episco●i , Presbyteri , Diacones , Seniores . Againe , Cleri●● & Seniores Cirthensium . Sundry letters were produced and read in that con●erence ; One directed Clero & S●●i●ibus : another Clericis & Seni●bus . The letter of Purpurius to ylvanus , sp●aketh thus , Adhibe●e ●●nderices & Senior●s plebis Ecclesiasticus vir●s & inquirant diligenter quae sint istae dissensi●n●● . August . ●●b . 3. contr ▪ Crescon . c. 56. Pe●●grinus p●e●●yter & Seniore Ecclep● Must ca●ae regi●nis . Againe , Serm. 19. de verb. D●m . Cum ob eriorem aliq●em à Senioribus ●rguuntu● & imput●tur alicui de ●lis cur Ebrius fuerit , &c. Ep 〈…〉 Concil● Carbarsussi●ani apud eundem August . ●●ar . in Psal. 36. Necesse nos fuerat Primi● i caus●m , quem plebs sanct● Cartha●mensis Ecclesiae ●piscopum fuerat in ovile Dei sortita , Seniorum ●ire●is ● jusdem Ecclesiae postulant●bus audire atque discutere . Optat. lib. 1. adv P●men . er●nt Ecclesiae ex auro & argento quam plurima ornamenta , &c. qua●i ( ●thers read quas ) ●idelibus Senioribus commendavit . And after , Convocantur supra memora●● Seniores , &c. Gregor . M. lib. 11. Ep. 19. Si quid de quoc●nque Clerico and aures tuas pervenerit , quod te juste poslit offendere , facile non cred●s , sed praesentibus Ecclesiae tuae Seniorib●s diligenter est perserutanda veritas , & tanc ● qualnas rei poposcerit , Canonica districtio culpam feriat delinguentis . Epist. Synodalis Concil . Pictavien . apud Gregor . T●ron . l. 10. c. 16. de sponsilibus quoque ai● coram Pontifice Clero vel Senioribus pro nepte sua orphanula ar●as accepisse . De gubern . Eccles c. 11. p. 215. Ibid. pag. 253. Offic. l. 1. c. 20. Cont●●● . de Con. i● . 〈◊〉 Def. tract ▪ 17 ▪ cap. 1. Answer to the Admonit . p. 114. Ubi supra cap. 9. p. 104. ●b . cap. ●1 . p. ● 118. De regis primatu lib. ● p. 68. Eccles. hist. lib. 3. c. 32.35 . Col. 103. De div . gra . minist . cap. 9. De poli . Eccl. lib. 3 cap. 7. I● . Deut. 17. ibid. In a. Reg. 23. Moses and Aaron . lib. 5. cap. 1. De gu●er . Ec. pag. 62. Harm . de pass . cap. 8. ●bi sup . ca. 1● . pag. 119. Deut. 20. and 21. and 24. Heb. 5.1 . In Deut. 17. Cont. Sarav . Ubi sup . c. 12. Com. in act . 14 Ubi sup . cap. 9. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 1. Cens. in confess . cap. 21. pag. 275. Answ. to the admon . pag. 114. Reply p. 140 Pol. Christ. l , 6 page 452 , Act. de potest . Eccl. Can 14. Can 17. Can●7 ●7 Hist. of the Netherlands lib. 9. page 309. no div . grad . minist . evāg . cap. 11. p. 110.114.116 . Ibid. p. ●20 Lib. 5. ● . 4● Vbi supra c. 9. p. 93 , 94. Paren . c. 11. In Act. 1.26 . Caranza in summa concil . p ▪ 357. L●b . 1. cap. 8. ●bid . Vide fosciculum rerum expetendarum . Praelect● c●m . 3● p 1176 , ●61 . In 1. Tim. 4.14 . Exam : part 2. p. 221 loc . theol . de minist . eccl . sect . 159. Loc. 42. Animad . in Bellarm. cōt . 5. lib. 1. c. 3. de guber , eccles . lib , 2. cap. 3. N. 54 &c. cap. 4. N. 13.19 . 1. Tim. 5.17 . Ibid. v. 3. Notes for div A42758-e13860 Suecan . de discip . Eccles. part 4. c. 2 ▪ Mos est scripturae ita loquide parte tanquam de ● to , sicut Corinthios in primis suae Epistolae partibus ita laudat Apostolus , tanquam omnes tales essent , cum essent laudabiles quidam eorum , saith Augustine writing to Paulinus . Supra part 1. cap 4 e. 〈◊〉 c. 11. De pol. Eccl. l. 2. cap. 12 ▪ Arrone , pag. 23. In Mat. 18.17 . de pol. eccl . lib. 1 , cap. 19. In 4 p●a●col . 75 6 de rep ▪ ec lib. 5 , 6 ▪ 12. ● 67 , lib. 3 , contra Epist. Parmen . de pol. eccl : lib , 3. cap. 20 , The Elders & Deacons of Ro●e writing to Cyprian concerning some publicke offenders . s●y Per. quam 〈◊〉 his & i● vidus●m & on●rosum videtur , 〈◊〉 p●r multos examin●e quod per multos ●omm●ssum videatur fu●sse , & un 〈◊〉 d●cere , c●nt●m grande ●imen per multos dis fusum 〈◊〉 exisse quont●m nec fi●mum decret●m potest esse quod non plur●m●rum vide bit●rh●bu●sse 〈◊〉 Cypr Epist 31. 〈…〉 . de pol. eccl . lib. 3. cap. 2. De pol. Ec. lib. 3. c. 23. Spotswood Serm. at Perth . assemb . De presb , c. 12. p. 75.81 . Serm. in apoc . 1.20 . Iren , lib ▪ 2. c. 11. p. 161. De presb●● . 1. Num. 8.10 . Iun. cont . 5. lib. 1. cap. 3. Synod . pur . theol . dyp . 42. thes . 37. Iren. lib. 2. p. 254.255 . Lib. 4. ep . 2. In 1 Tim. hom . 10. Hist. tripart . l. 6. cap. 4. G. Bucer . de gub . Eccl. pag. 100.101 . Act. 9.42 . Hist. Eccl. lib , 8. cap. 1. Vers. 46. Acts 20.28 . 1 Tim. 3.15 . Rom. 3.2 . ● . B.A.C. de Polit. civil . & Eccles. p●g . 43. Heb. 3.2 . Against Paget Chap. 5. De Presbyt . pag. 25. De Presbyt ▪ pag. 16. De gub . Eccl. cap. 2. p. 43. Mal. 2.7 . U●i supra p. 20. Alt. dam. p. 24. Matth. 26.66 . Ubi supra pag. 28. Bertram . de polit . Jud. cap. 11. ex 18. Sutliv . de Pres. cap. 2. Robinson Just. of separ . p. 163. See apolog . against the Oxford D.D. p. 47.48.59.62 . Robinson Justis . p. 122.123 . Chap. 1. Justif. p. 266. Robinson ib Whittak . controv . 3. de conquaest . 3. Sed ut totam istam controversiam dirimamus inspiciamus ( quaeso ) Act. 16.4 . Ubi legimus Paulum civitatibus illis per quas transibat tradidisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Quis nunc negare audet Presbyteros quoque habuisse suffragium , decisivum , &c. Nam vocabulum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad utrosque ex aequo accommodatur , Haectam aperta sunt ut nemo refragari possit . Jud. 20.1 . De pol. Eccl. p. 331.332 . Matth. 18.17 . D● pol Eccl. lib. 3. cap. 20. p. 318. Dioces . tryall . pag. 21. De pol. Eccl. pag. 358. Ubi supra . Justifi● . p. 317. Justif. of Separ . pag ▪ 112. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Rom. 13.4 . 2 Cor. 13.8.10 Ibid. Pag. 344. Pag. 161. Pag. 162. Pag. 163.191 . Christ on his Throne . pag. 57.58 . Act. 15.28 . Contr. 3. de conc . quest . 6. Apud Whittak . ubi supra . 〈◊〉 and modera●e discourse concerning Church as●●res . pag. 25.26 . Ubi supra , quaest . 1. Notes for div A42758-e21790 Pag. 1. 1 Tim. 3.1 . 〈◊〉 . 1.5 . ● . 9 . Pag. 2 , 3. Pag. 4. Pag. 5. Pag. 6. Page 6. Pag. 7. 1 ▪ Tim. 5.20 . Mat. 18.17 . Pag. 8. Pag. 9. Pag. 9. Pag. 10. Polan . Synt. lib. 7. cap. 11. pag. 539. Ger. loc . theol . ●om . 3. de Iusti● . ● ▪ 114. Pag. 11. Pag. 12. Pag. 1● . E●●r● . sacr . in ●llum locum . Ephes. 5.11 . Pag. 13.14 . Pag 15.16.17.19 Pag. 17.18 . Pag. 21. Pag 20. Synops. dist . 49. Th. 1. Diocess . tryall pag. 88. Pag. 22. Pag. 23. de pol. eccle . lib. 3. cap. 7. Pag. 24. Comment . in 1 Cor. 5.4 . Pag. 24 , 14. Pag. 26. Pag. 28. Pag. 28 , 29. Pag. 30. Pag. 32. Pag. 29. Pag. 34. Synops. dyp . 49 : Th. 10. ex . dyp . 42. Thes. 62. Pag. 27. Pag. 31. De Conc. q 1. p 29. De Pol. Eccle. lib. 3. pag. 131. Pag. 33. de pol. eccl . lib. 3. c 13. p. 124. Supra , cap. ult . Pag. 35. Ib. p. 124. Act. 8. expla . Pag. 36. Sup●● . cap. 2. Parker ubi supra . Pag. 129. Pag. 37.38 
A34242	----	The confession of faith ; and, The larger and shorter catechism first agreed upon by the Westminster Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and now approved by the General Assembly of the kirk of Scotland to be a part of uniformity in religion between the kirks of Christ in the three kingdoms. Westminster Confession of Faith. 1671 Approx. 408 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 127 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34242 Wing C5769 ESTC R27273 09790689 ocm 09790689 44091 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34242) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44091) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1353:14) The confession of faith ; and, The larger and shorter catechism first agreed upon by the Westminster Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and now approved by the General Assembly of the kirk of Scotland to be a part of uniformity in religion between the kirks of Christ in the three kingdoms. Westminster Confession of Faith. Dickson, David, 1583?-1663. Summe of saving knowledge. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Westminster Assembly (1643-1652). Larger catechism. Westminster Assembly (1643-1652). Shorter catechism. 116 [i.e. 196], 55 p. Printed by George Swinton and Thomas Brown, and are to be sold by James Glen and David Trench, Edinbourg : 1671. "The larger catechism" has special t.p. Includes: "The summe of saving knowledge" ([55] p. at end) with special t.p. 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Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. 2003-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CONFESSION OF FAITH And the LARGER and SHORTER CATECHISM , First agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster . And now approved by the General assembly of the Kirk of of Scotland to be a part of Uniformity in Religion , between the Kirks of Christ in the three Kingdoms . EDINBOURG , Printed by George Swintoun and Thomas Brown , and are to be sold by Iames Glen and David Trench . Anno Dom. 1671. THE CONFESSION OF FAITH First agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster . And now appointed by the General assembly of the Kirk of of Scotland to be a part of Uniformity in Religion , between the Kirks of Christ in the three Kingdoms . CHAP. I. Of the holy Scripture . ALthough the light of Nature , and the works of Creation and Providence , do so far manifest the Goodness , Wisdom , and Power of God , as to leave men unexcusable a ; yet they are not sufficient to give that knowledge of God and of his Will , which is necessary un●o salvation b . Therefore it pleased the Lord at sundry times , and in divers manners , to reveal himself , and to declare that his Will unto his Church c ; and afterwards for the better preserving , and propagating of the Truth , and for the more sure establishment and comfort of the Church against the corruption of the flesh , and the malice of Sathan and of the World ; to commit the same wholly unto writing d ; which makes the holy Scripture to be most necessary e ; those former ways of Gods revealing his will unto his People , being now ceased f . II. Under the Name of Holy Scripture , or the Word of God written , are now contained all the Books of the Old and new Testament , which are these . Of the Old Testament . GEnesis . Exodus . Leviticus . Numbers . Deuteronomie . Joshua . Judges . Ruth . I. Samuel . II. Samuel . I. Kings . II. Kings . I. Chronicles . II. Chronicles . Ezra . Nehemiah . Esther . Job . Psalms . Proverbs . Ecclesiastes . The Song of Songs Isajah . Jeremiah . Lamentations . Ezekiel . Daniel . Hosea . Joel . Amos. Obadiah . Jonah . Micah . Nahum . Habakkuk . Zephaniah . Haggai . Zechariah . Malachi . Of the New Testament . The Gospel according to MAtthew . The Gospel according to Mark. The Gospel according to Luke . The Gospel according to John. The Acts of the Apostles . Paul 's Epistle to the Romans . I. Corinthians . II. Corinthians . Galatians . Ephesians . Philippians . Colossians . I. Thessalonians . II. Thessalonians . To Timothy . I. To Timothy . II. To Titus . To Philemon . The Epistle to the Hebrews . The Epistle of James . The first and second Epistle of Peter . The first , second and third Epistles of John. The Epistle of Jude . The Revelations . All which are given by inspiration of God , to be the Rule of Faith and life g . III. The Books commonly called Apocrypha , not being of Divine inspiration , are no part of the Canon of the Scripture ; and therefore are of no Authority in the Church of God , nor to be any otherwise approved , or made use of , than other humane writings r . IV. The Authority of the holy Scripture , for which it ought to be believed and obey'd ; dependeth not upon the testimony of any man , or Church ; but wholly upon God ( who is Truth it self ) the Author thereof ; and therefore it is to be received , because it is the Word of God. i . V. We may be moved & induced by the testimony of the Church , to an high and reverend esteem of the holy Scripture k . And the heavenliness of the Matter , the efficacy of the Doctrine , the Majesty of the stile , the consent of all the parts , the scope of the whole ( which is , to give all glory to God , ) the full discovery it makes of the only way of mans salvation , the many other incomparable Excellencies , and the intire perfection thereof , are Arguments whereby it doth abundantly evidence it self to be the Word of God ; yet notwithstanding , our full perswasion and assurance of the infallible truth , and Divine authority thereof , is from the inward work of the holy Spirit , bearing witness by , and with the Word in our hearts l . VI. The whole Counsel of God concerning all things necessary for his own Glory , mans Salvation , Faith , and life , is either expr●sly set down in Scripture , or by good and necessary conseq●ence may be deduc●d from Scripture : un●o which nothing at any time is to be added , whether by new Revelation of the spirit , or traditions of men m . Nevertheless we acknowledge the inward illumination of the Spirit of God to be necessary , for the saving understanding of such things as are revealed in the word n : and that there are some circumstances concerning the Worship of God , and Government of the Church , c●mmon to humane Actions and Societies , which are to be ordered by the light of Nature , and Christian ●rudence , according to the general Rules of the Word which are alwaies to be observed o . VII . All things in Scripture are not alike plain in themselves , nor alike clear unto all p : yet those things which are necessary to be known believed , and observed for salvation , are so clearly propounded and opened in some places of Scripture or other , that not only the Learned but the Unlearned , in a due use of the ordinary means may attain unto a sufficient understanding of them q . VIII . The Old Testament in Hebrew ( which was the Native Language of the people of God of Old ) and the New Testament in Greek ( which at the time of the writing of it , was most generally known to the Nations ) being immediately inspired by God , and by his singular care & providence kept pure in all ages , are therefore Authentical r , so as in all controversies of Religion , the Church is finally to appeal unto them s . But because these Original Tongues are not known to the People of God , who have right unto , and interest in the Scriptures , and are commanded in the fear of God , to read & search them t , therefore they are to be translated into the vulgar Language of every Nation unto which they come u , that the Word of God dwelling plentifully in all , they may worship him in an acceptable manner w , and through patience and comfort of the Scriptures may have hope x . IX . The infallible Rule of Interpretation of Scripture , is the Scripture it self and therefore , when there is a question about the true and full sence of any Scripture ( which is not manifold , but one ) it must be searched and known by other places that speak more clearly y . X The Supreame Judge , by which all Controversies of Religion are to be determined , and all decrees of Councils , Opinions of Ancient Writers , Doctrines of men , and private Spirits , are to be examined ; and in whose sentence we are to rest , can be no other but the holy Spirit speaking in the Scripture z . CHAP. II. Of God , and of the Holy Trinity . THere is but one only a , living , and true God b ; who is infinite in being and Perfection c , a most pure spirit d , invisible e , without body , parts f , or passions g , immutable h , immense i eternal k , incomprehensible l , Almighty m , most wise n , most holy o , most free p , most absolute q , working all things according to the counsel of his own immutable and most righteous wi●l r , for his own glory s , most loving t , gracious , merciful , long-suffering , abundant in goodness and tru●h , ●orgiving iniquity , transgression ▪ and sin u , the rewarder of them that diligently seek him w , and withall , ●ost just and terrible in his judgments x ; hating all sin y , and who will by 〈◊〉 means clear the guilty z . II. God hath all life a , glory b , goodness c , blessedness d , in , and of himself , and is alone in and unto himself al-sufficient , not ●●anding in need of any creatures which he hath made e , nor deriving any glory from them f , but only ma●ifesting his own glory , in , by , unto , and upon them : He is the alone fountain of all being , of whom , through whom , and to whom are all thing● g , and hath most Soveraign dominion over them , to do by them , for them , or upon them , whatsoever himself pleaseth h . In his sight all things are open and manifest i , his knowledge is infinite , infallible , and independant upon the Creature k , so as nothing is to him contingent or uncertain l . He is most holy in all his counsels , in all his works , and in all his commands m . To him is due from Angels and men , and every other creature , whatsoever worship , service , or obedience he is pleased to require of them n . III. In the Unity of the God-head , there be three persons , of one substance , power and eternity ▪ God the Father , God the Son , and God the Holy Ghost o . The Father is of none , neither begotten , nor proceeding : The Son is eternally begotten of the Father p : the Holy Ghost eternally proceeding from the Father and the Son q . CHAP. III. Of Gods Eternal Decree . GOD from all eternity did , by the most wise and holy Counsel of his own will , freely , and unchangeably o●dain whatsoever comes to pass a ; yet so , as thereby , neither is God the Author of sin b , nor is violence offered to the will of the Creatures , nor is the liberty or contingency of second Causes taken away , but rather established c . II. Although God knows whatsoever may , or can come to pass upon all supposed conditions d , yet hath he not decreed any thing , because he fore-saw it as future , or as that which would come to pass upon such conditions e . By the decree of God , for the manifestation of his glory , some men and Angels f , are predestinated unto everlasting life , and others fore-ordained to everlasting death g . IV. These Angels and men , thus predestinated and fore-ordained , are particularly , and unchangeably designed , and their number is so certain and definite , that it cannot be either increased or diminished h . V. Those of mankind , that are predestinated unto Life , God , before the foundation of the world was laid , according to his eternal & immutable purpose , & the secret counsel and good pleasure of his Will , hath chosen in Christ unto everlasting glory i , out of his meer free grace , & love without any foresight of Faith , or good works , or perseverance in either of them , or any other thing in the creature as conditions or causes moving him thereunto k , and all to the Praise of his glorious grace l . VI. As God hath appointed the Elect unto Glory , so hath he by the eternal and most free purpose of his Will , fore ordained all the means thereunto m . Wherefore they who are Elected being fallen in Adam , are redeemed by Christ n , are effectually called unto faith in Christ , by his Spirit working in due season , are justified , adopted , sanctified o , and kept by his power through faith unto salvation p . Neither any other redeemed by Christ , effectually called , justified , adopted , sanctified and saved , but the Elect onely q . VII . The rest of mankind God was pleased , according to the unsearchable counsel of his own Wi●l , whereby he extendeth , or withholdeth mercy as he pleaseth , for the glory of his soveraign power over his creatures , to pass by , and to ordain them to dishonor and wrath , for their sin , to the praise of his glorious justice r . VIII . The Doctrine of this high Mystery of Predestination is to be handled with special prudence and care s , that men attending the will of God revealed in his Word , and yielding obed●ence thereunto , may from the certainty of their effectual Vocation , be assured of their eternal Election t . So shall this Doctrine afford matter of praise , reverence and admiration of God u , and of humility , diligence and abundant consolation to all that sincerely obey the Gospel w . CHAP. IV. Of Creation . IT pleased God the Father , Son and Holy Ghost a , for the manifestation of the glory of his eternal Power , Wisdom and Goodness b , in the beginning to create , or make of nothing the World , and all things therein , whether visible or invisible , in the space of six days and all very good c . II. After God had made all other creatures , he created Man , male and female d , with reasonable and immortal souls e , indued with knowledge , righteousness and tr●e holyness ; after his own Image f , having the Law of God written in their hearts g , and power to fulfil it b , and yet under a possibility of transgressing , being le●t to the liberty of their own will , which was subject unto change i . Beside this Law written in their hearts , they received a command , not to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil , which whiles they kept , they were happy in their Communion with God k , and had Dominion over the creatures l . CHHP. V. Of Providence . GOD the great Creator of all things , doth uphold a , direct , dispose , and govern all creatures , acttions , and things b , from the greatest even to the least c , by his most wise and holy Providence d , according to his infallible fore-knowledge e , and the free and immutable counsel of his own Will f , to the praise of the glory of his Wisdom , Power , Justice , Goodness , and Mercy . II. Although in Relation to the fore-knowledge and decree of God , g the first cause , all things come to pass immutably , and infallibly h , yet , by the same Providence he ordereth them to fall out according to the nature of second causes , either necessarily , freely or contingently i . III. God in his ordinary Providence maketh use of means k : yet is free to work without l , above m , and against them at his pleasure n . IV. The Almighty power , unsearchable wisdom ; and infinite goodness of God so far manifest themselve● in his Providence , that it extendeth it self even to the first fall , and all other sins of Angels and men o , and that not by a bare permission p , but such as hath joyned with it a most wise and powerful bounding q , and otherwise ordering and governing of them , in a manifold dispensation , to his own holy ends r : yet so , as the sinfulness thereof proceedeth onely from the creature , and not from God who being most holy and righteous , neither is , nor can be the Author or Approver of sin s . V. The most wise , righteous and gracious God doth often times leave for a season his own children to manifold temptations , and the corruption of their own hearts to chastise them for their former sins , or to discover unto them the hidden strength of corruption , and deceitfulness of their hearts , that they may be humbled t , and to raise them to a more close and constant dependance for their support upon himself , and to make them more watchfull against all future occasions of sin , and for sundry other just and holy ends u . VI. As for those wicked and ungodly men , whom God as a righteous Judg for former sins doth blind and harden w , from them he not only witholdeth his grace , whereby they might have been enlightned in their understandings , and wrought upon in their hearts x , but sometimes also withdraweth the gifts which they had y , & exposeth them to such objects as their corruption makes occasion of sin z ; and withal , gives them over to their own lusts , the temptations of the World , and the power of Satan a , whereby it comes to pass that they harden themselves even under those means which God useth for the softning of others b . VII . As the providence of God doth in general reach to all creatures ; so after a special manner it taketh care of his Church , and disposeth all things to the good thereof c . CHAP. VI. Of the fall of Man , of Sin , and of the punishment thereof . OUr first parents being seduced by the subtilty and temptation of Satan , sinned in eating the forbidden fruit a . This their sin , God was pleased according to his wise and holy counsel , to permit , having purpos'd to order it to 's own glory b II. By this sin they fell from their original righteousness and communion with God c , and so became dead in sin d , and wholly defiled in all the faculties & parts of soul and body e . III. They being the root of all mankind , the guilt of this sin was imputed f , and the same death in sin and corrupted nature , conveyed to all their posterity descending from them by ordinary generation g . IV. From this original corruption , whereby we are utterly indisposed , disabled , and made opposite to all good h , and wholly inclined to all evil i , do proceed all actual transgressions k . V. This corruption of nature during this life , doth remain in those that are regenerated l , and although it be , Through Christ , pardoned & mortified , yet both it self , and all the motions thereof are truly and properly sin m . VI. Every s●n , both original and Actual , being a transgression of the righteous Law of God , and contrary thereunto n , doth in its own nature , bring guilt upon the sinner o , whereby he is bound over to the wrath of God p , and curse of the Law q , and so made subject to death r , with all miseries spiritual s , temporal t , and eternal u . CHAP. VII . Of Gods Covenant with man. THe distance between God and the creature is so great , that although reasonable creatures do owe obedience unto him as their creator yet they could never have any fruition of him as their blessedness and reward , but by some voluntary condescension on Gods part , which he hath been pleased to express by way of Covenant a . II. The first Covenant made with Man , was a covenant of Works b , wherein life was promised to Adam , and in him to his posterity c , upon condition of perfect and personal obedience l . III. Man by his fall , having made himself incapable of life by that covenant , the Lord was pleas'd to make a Second m , commonly called the Covenant of Grace : Wherein he freely offereth unto sinners , Life , & Salvation by Jesus Christ , requiring of them faith in him that they may be saved n , and promising to give unto all those that are ordained unto Life , his holy Spirit , to make them willing and able to believe o . IV. This Covenant of Grace is frequently set forth in the Scripture by the Name of a Testament , in reference to the death of Jesus Christ the Testator , p and to the everlasting Inheritance , with all things belonging to it , therein bequeathed q . V. This Covenant was differently administred in the time of the Law , and in the time of the Gospel r . Under the Law , it was administred by Promises , Prophecies , Sacrifices , Circumcision , the Paschal Lamb , and other Types and Ordinances delivered to the people of the Jews , all fore-signifying Christ to come s ▪ which were for that time sufficient and efficacious , through the operation of the spirit to instruct and build up the Elect in Faith in the promised Messiah l , by whom they had full remission of sins , and eternal Salvation ; and is called , the Old Testament m . VI. Under the Gospel , when Christ the substance n , was exhibited , the Ordinances in which this Covenant is dispensed , are the preaching of the Word , & the administration of the Sacrament of Baptisme , and the Lords Supper o . Which though fewer in number , and administred with more simplicity , and less outward glory , yet , in them it is held forth in more fulness , evidence and spiritual efficacy p , to all Nations both Jews and Gentiles q ; and is called the New Testament r . There are not therefore two Covenants of Grace , differing in substance , but one & the same , under various dispensations s . CHAP. VIII . Of Christ the Mediator . IT pleased God , in his eternal purpose to chuse and ordain the Lord Jesus , his only begotten Son , to be the Mediator between God and Man a , the Prophet b , Priest c , and King d , the Head , and Saviour of his Church e , the heir of all things f , and Judge of the World g : Unto whom he did from all eternity give a people to be his seed h , and to be by him in time Redeemed , Called , Justified , Sanctified and Glorified i . II. The Son of God , the second Person in the Trinity , being very and eternal God , of one substance , and equal with the Father ; did , when the fulness of time was come , take upon him mans nature k , with all the essential properties , and common infirmities thereof , yet without sin l : being conceived by the power of the Holy Ghost , in the womb of the Virgin Mary , of her substance m . So that two whole Perfect and distinct Natures , the God-head and the Man-hood , were inseparably joyned together in one person , without Conversion , Composition or Confusion n . Which person is very God , and very Man , yet one Christ the only Mediator between God and man o . III. The Lord Jesus , in his humane nature , thus united to the divine , was sanctified and anointed with the holy spirit above measure a , having in him all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge b : in whom , it pleased the Father , that all fulness should dwell c , to the end , that being holy , harmless , undefiled and full of grace and truth d , he might be thorowly furnished to execute the Office of a Mediator , and Surety e : which Office he took not unto himself , but was thereunto called ●y his Father f , who put all power & judgment into his hand , & gave him commandment to execute the same g . IV. This Office the Lord Jesus did most willingly undertake h , which that he might discharge , he was made under the Law i , and did perfectly fulfill it k , endured most grievous torments immediately in his soul h , and most painful sufferings in his body l ; was crucified and died m : was buried , and remained under the power of death ; yet saw no ●●●●uption n . On the third day h● arose from the dead o , with the same ●●dy in which h● 〈◊〉 , with which also he ascend●● i●to heaven , and th●re sitteth at the ●ight hand of his Father g , making 〈◊〉 h , and shall return to judge m●n , and Angels at the end of the World i . V. The Lord Jesus , by his perfect obedience , and sacrifice of himself , which he , through the eternal spirit once offered up to God , hath fully satisfied the Justice of his Father k , and purchased , not only reconciliation , but an everlasting inheritance in the Kingdom of Heaven , for all those whom the Father hath given unto him l . VI. Although the work of Redemption was not actually wrought by Christ till after his Incarnation , yet the vertue , efficacy , and benefits thereof were communicated unto the elect in all ages successively from the beginning of the World , in , and by those promises , types , and sacrifices , wherein he was revealed , and signified to be the seed of the Woman , which should bruise the Serpents head ; and the Lamb slain from the beginning of the World ; being yesterday and to day the same , and for ever m . VII . Christ , in the work of Mediation , acteth according to both Natures , by each Nature doing that which is proper to it self n , yet by reason of the unity of the Person , that which is proper to one nature ▪ is some times in Scripture attributed to the Person denominated by the other Nature o . VIII . To all those for whom Christ hath purchased ▪ redemption , he doth certainly , and effectually apply and communicate the same p , making intercession for them q , and revealing unto them , in and by the word , the Mysteries of Salvation r , effectually perswading them by his spirit to believe , and obey , and governing their hearts by his word and spirit s , overcoming all their enemies by his Almighty Power and Wisdom in such manner , and wayes , as are most consonant to his wonderful and unsearchable dispensation t . CHAP. IX . Of Free Will. GOD hath indued the Will of Man with that natural liberty that is neither forced , nor by any absolute necessity of Nature determined to do good or evil a . II. Man , in his state of innocency , had freedom and power , to will , and to do , that which was good , & well-pleasing to God b ; but yet , mutably , so that he might fall from it c . III. Man by his fall into a state of sin , hath wholly lost all ability of Will to any spiritual good accompanying salvation d ; so as , a natural man , being altogether averse from that good e , and dead in sin f , is not able , by his own strength , to convert himself , or to prepare himself thereunto g . IV. When God converts a sinner , and translates him into the state of grace ; he freeth him from his natural bondage under sin h ; and by his grace , inables him freely to will and to do that which is spiritually good i yet so , as by reason of his remaining corruption , he doth not perfectly nor only will that which is good , but doth also will that which is evil k . V. The will of man is made per●ectly and immutably free to good alone in the state of Glory only l . CHAP. X. Of effectual calling . ALL those whom God hath predestinated unto life , and those only he is pleased in his appointed & accepted time , effectually to call a , by his word and Spirit b , out of that state of sin and death , in which they are by nature , to grace and salvation by Jesus Christ c , in lightning their minds spiritually and savingly to understand the things of God d ; taking away their heart of stone , and giving unto them an heart of flesh ; renewing their wills , and by his Almighty power determining them to that which is good f , e & effectually drawing them to Jesus Christ g ; yet so , as they come most freely , being made willing by his grace h . II. This effectual Call is of Gods free , and special grace alone , not from any thing at all foreseen in man i , who is altogether passive therein , until being quickened & renewed by the holy Spirit k , he is thereby inabled to answer this Call , and to imbrace the grace offered , and conveyed in it l . III. Elect infants dying in Infancy are regenerated , and saved by Christ through the Spirit m , who worketh when where and how he pleaseth n : So also are all other elect Persons , who are uncapable of being outwardly called by the Word o . IV. Others , not elected , though they may be called by the Ministry of the Word p , and may have some common operations of the Spirit , q yet they never truely come unto Christ , and therefore cannot be saved r : much less can men , not professing the Christian Religion , be saved in any other way whatsoever , be they never so diligent to frame their lives according to the light of Nature , and the Law of that Religion they do profess s . And , to assert and maintain , that they may , is very pernicious , and to be detested t . CHAP. XI . Of Iustification , THose whom GOD effectually calleth he also freely justifieth a not by infusing righteousness into them , but by pardoning their sins , & by accounting and accepting their persons as righteous : not , for any thing wrought in them , or done by them , but for Christs sake alone : nor , by imputing faith itself , the act of believing , nor any other evangelical obedience , to them as their righteousness ; but , by imputing the obedience and satisfaction of Christ unto them b , they receiving and resting on him and his righteousness by faith , which faith they have , not of themselves , it is the gift of God c . II Faith , thus receiving and resting on Christ and his righteousness , is the alone instrument of justification d ; yet is it not alone in the person justified , but is ever accompanied with all other saving graces , & is no dead faith but worketh by love e . III. Christ by his obedience and death , did fully discharge the debt of all those that are thus justified , and did make a proper , real , and full satisfaction to his Fathers Justice in their behalf f . Yet in as much as he was given by the Father for them g , and his obedience and satisfaction accepted in their stead hand , both freely , not for any thing in them , their justification is only of free grace i , h that , both the exact justice , & rich grace of God , might be glorified in the justification of sinners k . IV. God did from all eternity , decree to justifie all the elect l , and Christ did , in the fulness of time , die f●r their sins , and rise again for their justification m : nevertheless they are not justified , untill the holy spirit doth in due time , actually apply Christ unto them . V. God doth continue to forgive the sins of those that are justified o : and , although they can never fall from the state of justification p ; yet , they may by their sins , fall under Gods fatherly displeasure , and not have the light of his countenance restored unto them , until they humble themselves , confess their sins , beg pardon , and renew their Faith and Repentance q . VI. The justification of Believers under the Old Testament , was , in all these respects , one and the same , with the justification of Believers under the New Testament r . CHAP. XII . Of Adoption . ALl those that are justified , God vouchsafeth , in , and for his only Son Jesus Christ , to make partakers of the grace of Adoption a : by which they are taken into the number , and enjoy the liberties and priviledges of the children of God b , have his Name put upon them c , receive the spirit of Adoption d , have access to the throne of grace with boldness e , are inabled to cry Abba , Father f , are pitied g , protected h , provided for i , and chastned by him , as by a Father k : yet never cast off l , but sealed to the day of redemption m , and inherit the promises n , as heirs of everlasting Salvation o . CHAP. XIII . Of Sanctification . THey who are effectually called , and regenerated , having a new heart , & a new spirit created in them are further sanctified really & personally , through the vertue of Christs death & resurrection a , by his word and spirit dwelling in them b : the dominion of the whole body of sin is destroyed c , and the several lusts thereof are more & more weakned and mortified d , and they , more and more quickned and strengthned in all saving graces e , f to the practice of true holiness , without which no man shall see the Lord. II. This sanctification is throughout , in the whole man g : yet imperfect in this life , there abideth still some remnants of corruption in every part h : whence ariseth a continual and irreconcilable war ; the flesh lusting against the spirit , and the spirit against the flesh i . III. In which war , although the remaining corruption , for a time , may much prevail k : yet through the continual supply of strength from the sanctifying Spirit of Christ , the regenerate part doth overcome l : & so the Saints grow in grace m , perfecting holiness in the fear of God n . CHAP. XIV . Of saving Faith. THe grace of Faith , whereby the Elect are inabled to believe to the saving of their Souls a , is the work of the Spirit of Christ in their hearts b , & is ordinarily wrought by the Ministry of the Word c , by which also , and by the administration of the Sacraments , and Prayer , it is increased and strengthned d . II. By this Faith , a Christian believeth to be true , whatsoever is revealed in the word , for the authority of God himself speaking therein e ▪ and acteth differently upon that which each particular passage thereof containeth , yielding obedience to the Commands f ; trembling at the threatnings h , g and imbracing the promises of God for this life , and that which is to come h . But the principal acts of saving faith , are Accepting , Receiving , and resting upon Christ alone for Justification , Sanctification , and Eternal life ; by vertue of the Covenant of grace i . III. This faith is different in degrees , weak , or strong k : may be often and many waies assailed , and weakned , but gets the victory l : growing up in many to the attainment of a full assurance through Christ m , who is both the Author and finisher of our Faith n . CHAP. XV. Of Repentance unto life . REpentance unto life , is an Evangelical grace a , the doctrine whereof is to be Preached by every Minister of the Gospel , as well as that of Faith in Christ b . II. By it , a sinner , out of the sight and sense not only of the danger , but also of the filthiness and odiousness of his sins , as contrary to the holy nature , and righteous Law of God : and , upon the apprehension of his mercy in Christ to such as are penitent , so grieves for , & hates his sin● , as to turn from them all unto God c , purposing & endeavoring to walk with him in all the waies of his Commandments d . III. Although Repentance be not to be rested in , as any satisfaction for sin , or any cause of the pardon thereof e , which is the act of Gods free grace in Christ f , yet is it of such necessity to all sinners , that none may expect pardon without it g . IV. As there is no sin so small but it deserves damnation h ; so there is no sin so great , that it can bring damnation on those who truly repent i . V. Men ought not to content themselves with a general repentance , but it is every mans duty to endeavour to repent of his particular sins , particularly k . VI. As every man is bound to make private confession of his sins to God , praying for the pardon thereof l upon which , and the forsaking of them , he shall find mercy m : so he that scandalizeth his brother , or the Church of Christ , ought to be willing by a private or publick confess●on ▪ and sorrow for his sin to declare his repentance to th●se that are offended n , who are thereupon to be recon●●●ed to him , and in love to receive him .. o CHAP. XVI . Of good Woorks . GOod Works are onely such as God hath commanded in his holy Word a , and not such as without the warrant thereof , are devised by men , out of blind zeal , or upon any pretence of good intention b . II. These good works done in obedience to Gods Commandments , are the fruits and evidences of a true and lively faith c : and by them , Believers manifest their thankfulness d : strengthen their assurance e , edifie their Brethren f , adorn the profession of the Gospel g , stop the mouths of the adversaries h , and glorifie God i , whose workmanship they are , created in Christ Jesus thereunto k : that having their fruit unto holiness , they may have the end , eternal life l . III. Their ability to do good works is not at all of themselves , but wholly from the Spirit of Christ m . And that they may be inabled thereunto , besides the graces they have already received , there is required an actual influence of the same holy Spirit , to work in them to will and to do , of his good pleasure n : yet are they not hereupon to grow negligent , as if they were not bound to perform any duty , unless upon a special motion of the Spirit ; but they ought to be diligent in stirring up the grace of God that is in them o . IV. They who in their obedience attain to the greatest hight , which is possible in this life , are so far from being able to supererogate , and to do more than God requires , as that they fall short of much which in duty they are bound to do p . V. We cannot by our best works merit pardon of sin , or eternal life at the hand of God , by reason of the great disproportion that is between them and the glory to come ; & the infinite distance that is between us & God , whom , by them , we can neither profit , not satisfie for the debt of our former sins q , but when we have done all we can , we have done but our duty , and are unprofitable servants r , and because , as they are good they proceed from his spirit s : and as they are wrought by us , they are defiled , and mixed with so much weakness & imperfection , that they cannot endure the severity of Gods judgment t . VI. Yet notwithstanding the Persons of believers being accepted through Christ , their good works also are accepted in him u , not as though they were in this life wholly unblamable and unreprovable in Gods sight w , but that , he looking upon them in his Son , is pleased to accept and reward that which is sincere , though accompanied with many weaknesses and imperfections x . VII . Works done by unregenerate men , although , for the mater of them they may be things which God commands , and of good use , both to themselves and others y , yet because they proceed not from an heart purified by faith z , nor are done in a right manner , according to the word a , nor to a right end , the glory of God b , they are therefore sinful , and cannot please God , or make a man meet to receive grace from God c . And yet their neglect of them is more sinful and displeasing unto God d . CHAP. XVII . Of Perseverance . THey whom God hath accepted in his ●eloved , effectually called , a●d sanctified by hi● Spirit , can neither to●ally nor finally ; fall away from the state of grace : but shall certainly persevere ●herein to the end , and be eternally saved a . II. This perseverance of the Saints depends not upon their own free will , but upon the immutability of the decree of election , flowing from the free & unch●ngeable love of God the Father b , upon the e●ficacy of the merit and in●ercession of Jesus Chri●● c ▪ the abiding of the spirit , & of the seed of God within them d , and the nature of the Covenant of Grace e : from all which ariseth also the certainty & infalli●ility thereof f . III. Nevertheless , they may through the temptations of ●atan & of the world , the prevalency of corruption remaining in them ; and the neglect of the means of their preservation , fall into grievous sins g , and for a time continue therein h , whereby they incur Gods displeasure i , and grieve his holy spirit k , come to be d●prived of some measure of their graces and comforts l , have their hearts hardened m , and their consciences wounded n , hurt , and scandalize others o , and bring temporal judgments upon themselves p . CHAP. XVIII . Of the assurance of Grace and Salvation . ALthough hypocrites and other unregenerate men may vainly deceive themselves with false hopes and carnal presumptions of being in the favour of God , and estate of Salvation a , which hope of theirs shall perish b : yet such as truly believe in the Lord Jesus , and love him in sincerity , endeavouring to walk in all good conscience before him , may in this life be certainly assured that they are in the state of grace c , and may rejoyce in the hope of the glory of god which hope shall never make them ashamed d . II. This certainty is not a bare conjectural and probable perswasion , grounded upon a fallible hope e , but an infallible assurance of faith , founded upon the divine truth of the promises of salvation f , the inward evidence of those graces unto which these promises are made g , the testimony of the spirit o● adoption witnessing with ou● spirits that we are the children of God h : which spirit is the earnest of inheritance , whereby we are sealed to the day of redemption i . III. This infallible assurance doth not so belong to the essence of faith but that a true believer may wait long and conflict with many difficulties before he be partaker of it k : yea , being enabled by the spirit to know the things which are freely given him of God , he may , without extraordinary revelation , in the right use of ordinary means , attain thereunto l . And therefore it is the duty of every one to give all diligence to make his calling and election sure m , that thereby his heart may be enlarged in peace & joy in the holy Ghost , in love & thankfulness to God , & in strength and chearfulness in the duties of obedience , the proper fruits of this assurance n ; so far is it from inclining men to looseness o . IV. True believers may have the assurance of their Salvation divers ways shaken , diminished , and intermitted , as by negligence in preserving of it , by falling into some special sin , which woundeth the conscience , & grieveth the spirit , by some sudden or vehement temptation , by Gods withdrawing the light of his countenance , & suffering even such as fear him to walk in darkness , and to have no light p : yet are they never utterly destitute of that seed of God , & life of faith , that love of Christ and the brethren , that sincerity of heart , and conscience of duty , out of which by the operation of the spiri● , this assurance may in due time be revived q , and by the which in the mean time their supported from utter despair r CHAP. XIX . Of the Law of God. GOD gave to Adam a Law , as a Covenant of Works , by which he bound him , & all his posterity to personal , entire , exact and perpetual obedience , promised life upon the fulfilling , and threatned death upon the breach of it : and indued him with power and ability to keep it a . II. This Law , after his fall continued to be a perfect rule of righteousness , & as such , was delivered by God upon Mount Sinai , in ten Commandments , and written in two Tables b , the four first Commandments containing our duty towards God , and the other six , our duty to man c . III. Beside this Law commonly called Moral , God was pleased to give to the people of Is●ael , as a Church under age , Ceremonial Laws , containing several typical Ordi●ances , partly of worship , prefiguring Christ his graces , actions , suffering● , and benefits d , and partly hold●ng forth divers instructions of Moral duties e . All which Ceremonial Laws are now abrogated under the new Testament f . IV. To them also , as a body Politic , he gave sundry Judicial Laws , which expired together with the state of that people , not obligeing any other now , further than the general equity thereof may require g . V. The Moral Law doth for ever bind all , as well justified persons as others , to the obedience thereof h , and that , not only in regard of the ●atter contained in it , but also in respect of the Authority of God the Creator who gave it i . Neither doth Christ in the Gospel any way dissolve but much strengthen this obligation k . VI. Although true believer ▪ be not under the Law , as a Covenant of works , to be thereby justified , or condemned l , yet it is of great use to them , as well as to others , in that , as a rule of life informing the of the will of God , and their duty , it directs and binds them to walk accordingly m , discovering also the sinful pollutions of their nature , hearts and lives n : so as examining themselves thereby , they may come to further conviction of , hum●liation for , and hatred against sin o : together with a clearer sight of the need they have of Christ , and the perfection of his obedience p . It is likewise of use to the regenerate , to restrain their corruptions : in that it forbids sin q : and the threatnings of it serve to shew , what even their sins deserve : and what afflictions in this life , they may expect for them , although freed from the curse thereof threatned in the Law r . The promises of it in like manner , shew them Gods approbation of obedience , & what blessings they may expect upon the performance there of s : although not as due to them by the Law , as a Covenant of Works t . So as a mans doing good , and refraining from evil , because the Law encourageth to the one , & deterreth from the other , is no evidence of his being under the Law , and not under grace u . VII . Neither are the fore mentioned uses of the Law contrary to the grace of the Gospel , but do sweetly comply with it w , the spirit of Christ subduing , and inabling the will of man , to do that freely and chearfully , which the will of God revealed in the Law , requireth to be done x , CHAP. XX. Of Christian Liberty , and Liberty of Conscience . THe Liberty which Christ hath purchased for Believers , under the gospel , consists in their freedom from the guilt of sin , the condemning wrath of God , the curse of the Moral Law a , and in their being delivered from this present evil world , bondage to Satan , and dominion of sin b ; from the evil of afflictions , the sting of death , the Victory of the grave , and everlasting damnation c , as also , in their free access to God d , and their yielding obedience unto him , not out of slavish fear , but a Child like love and willing mind e . All which were common also to Believers under the Law. But under the new Testament , the liberty of Christians is further inlarged , in their freedom from the yoke of the Ceremonial Law , to which the Jewish Church was subject g , and in greater boldness of access to the Throne of Grace h , and in fuller communications of the free Spirit of God , than believers under the Law , did ordinarily partake of i . II. God alone is Lord of the conscience k : and hath left it free from the doctrines and commandments of men which are in any thing contrary to his word , or beside it , in matters of Faith or Worship l . So that to believe such Doctrines , or to obey such commands out of conscience , is to betray true liberty of conscience m , & the requiring of an implicite . Faith , and an absolute and blind obedience , is , to destroy liberty of conscience , and reason also n . III. They , who upon pretence of Christian Liberty , do practice any sin , or cherish any Lust , do thereby destroy the end of Christian liberty , which is , that being delivered out of the hands of our Enemies , we might serve the Lord without fear , in holiness and righteousness before him all the daies of our life o . IV. And because the power which God hath ordained , and the liberty which Christ hath purchased , are not intended by God , to destroy , but mutually to uphold & preserve one another : They , who upon pretence of Christian liberty shall oppose any lawful power , or the lawful exercise of it , whether it be Civil or Ecclesiastical , resist the ordinance of God p . And , for their publishing of such practices , as are contrary to the light of nature , or to the known principles of Christianity , whether concerning Faith , Worship , or Conversation : or , to the power of Godliness : or such erroneous Opinions or Practices , as either in their own nature , or in the manner of publishing or maintaining them , are destructive to the external peace and order which Christ hath established in the Church , they may lawfully be called to account , and proceeded against by the Censures of the Church q , and by the power of civil Magistrate r . CHAP. XXI . Of Religious Worship , and the Sabbath day . THe light of Nature sheweth that there is a God , who hath Lordship & sovereignty over all , is good ▪ & doth good unto all , & is therefore to be feared , loved , praised , called upon , trusted in and served with all the heart , and with all the soul , and with all the might a . But , the acceptable way of worshiping the true God , is instituted by himself , and so limited to his own revealed Will ▪ that he may not be worshipped according to the imaginations & devices of men , or the suggestions of Satan , under any visible representations , or any other way not prescribed in the holy Scripture b . II. Religious Worship is to be given to God , the Father , Son and holy Ghost ; and to him alone c ; not to Angels , Saints , or any other Creature d , and since the Fall , not without a Mediator ; nor in the mediation of any other , but of Christ alone e . III. Prayer with Thanks-giving being one special part of Religious Worship f , is by God required of all men g : and that it may be accepted it is to be made in the name of the Son h , by the help of his Spirit i , according to his will k : with understanding , reverence , humility , fervency , faith , love , l and perseverance and if vocal , in a known tongue m . IV. Prayer is to be made for all things lawful n , and for all sorts of men living , or that shall live hereafter o : but not for the dead p , nor for those of whom it it may be known that they have sinned the sin unto death q . V. The reading of the Scriptures with Godly fear r , the sound Preaching s , and conscionable hearing of the Word ; in obedience unto God , with understanding , faith , and reverence t : singing of Psalms with grace in the heart u : as also the due administration , and worthy receiving of the Sacraments instituted by Christ ; are all parts of the ordinary Religious Worship of God w ; besides religious Oaths x , Vows y , Sollemn Fasting z , and Thanksgivings upon several occasions a , which are in their several times and seasons , to be used in an holy and religious manner b . VI. Neither Prayer nor any other part of Religious Worship , is now under the Gospel , either tyed unto , or made more acceptable by any place in which it is performed or towards which it is directed c : but GOD is to be worshipped every where d , in Spirit and truth e : as in private Families f , daily g , and in secret , each one to himself h ; so more solemnly in the publick Assemblies , which are not carelesly or wilfully to be neglected , or forsaken when God , by his word or providence calleth thereunto i . VII . As it is of the Law of Nature , that , in general , a due proportion of time be set apart , for the Worship of God : so in his word , by a positive , moral , and perpetual Commandment , binding all men , in all Ages , he hath particularly appointed one day in seven for a Sabbath to be kept holy unto him k : which from the beginning of the World to the resurrection of Christ , was the last day of the week ; and from the resurrection of Christ , was changed ▪ into the first day of the Week l , which in Scripture is called the Lords Day m , and is to be continued to the end of the World , as the Christian Sabbath n . VIII . This Sabbath is then kept holy unto the Lord , when men , after a due preparing of their hearts and ordering of their common affairs beforehand , do not only observe an holy rest all the day , from their own works , words & thoughts about their worldly imployments ▪ and recreations o , but also are taken up the whole time in the publick and private exercises of his Worship , and in the duties of necessity and mercy p . CHAP. XXII . Of Lawful Oaths and Vows . A Lawful Oath is a part of religious Worship a , wherein , upon just occasion , the person swearing , solemnly calleth God to witness what he asserteth or promiseth ; and to judge him according to the truth or falshood of what he sweareth b . II. The Name of God only , is that by which men ought to swear , & therein it is to be used with all holy fear and reverence e . Therefore to swear vainly , or rashly , by that glorious and dreadful Name ; or , to swear at all , by any other thing , is sinful and to be abhorred d . Yet , as in matters of weight and moment , an Oath is warranted by the word of God , under the New Testament as well as under the Old e ; so a lawful Oath , being imposed by lawful Authority , in such matters ought to be taken f . III. Whosoever taketh an Oath , ought duly to consider the weightiness of so solemn an act , and therein to avouch nothing , but what he is fully perswaded is the Truth g , Neither may any man ▪ bind himself by Oath to any thing but what is good and just , and what he believeth so to be , and what he is able and resolved to perform h . Yet it is a sin , to refuse an Oath touching any thing that is good and just , being imposed by lawful Authority i . IV. An Oath is to be taken in the plain and common sense of the words without equivocation , or mental reservation k : It cannot oblige to sin ; but , in any thing not sinful , being taken , it binds to performance , although to a mans own hart l . Nor is it to be vio●ated , although made to Hereticks o● Infidels m . V. A Vow is of the like nature with a Promissary O●th , and ought to be made with the like Religious care , and to be performed with the like faithfulness n . VI. It is not to be made to any Creature but to God a●one o , and that it may be accepted , it is to be made voluntarily , out of Faith , and conscience of Duty , in way of thankfulness ▪ for mercy received , or of the obtaining of what we want : whereby we more strictly bind our selves to necessary duties : or , to other things , so far , and so long as they may fitly conduce thereunto p . VII . No man may Vow , to do any thing forbidden in the word of God , or what would hinder any duty therein commanded , or which is not in his own power , and for the performance whereof , he hath no promise of ability from God q . In which respect , Popish Monastical Vows of perpetual single life , professed Poverty , and Regular Obedience , are so far from being degrees of higher Perfection , that they are superstitious and sinful snares , in which , no Christian may intangle himself r . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Civil Magistrate . GOD , the Supream Lord and King of all the world , hath ordained Civil Magistrates to be under him , over the people for his own Glory , and the publick good : and to this end , hath armed them with the power of the sword , for the defence and encouragement of them that are good , and for the punishment of evil doers a . II. It is Lawful for Christians to accept and execute the Office of a Magistrate , when called thereunto b : in the managing whereof , as they ought especially to maintain Piety , Justice , and Peace , according to the wholsome Laws of each Common-wealth c : so for that end , they may lawfully now under the New Testament , wage War , upon just and necessary occasion d . III. The Civil Magistrate may not assume to himself the administration of the Word & Sacraments , or the power of the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven e : yet he hath Authority , and it is his duty , to take order that Unity and peace be preserved in the Church , that the truth of God be kept pure and entire , that all blasphemies and heresies be suppressed , all corruptions and abuses in worship & discipline prevented , or reformed : and all the Ordinances of God duly settled , administred and observed f : For the better effecting whereof , he hath power to call Synods , to be present at them , and to provide that whatsoever is transacted in them , be according to the mind of God g . IV. It is the duty of people to pray for Magistrates h , to honour their persons i , to pay them tribute & other dues k : to obey their lawful Commands , and to be subject to their Authority for conscience sake l Infidelity or indifference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority , nor free the people from their due obedience to him m : From which Ecclesiastical persons are not exempted n , much less hath the Pope any power or jurisdiction over them , in their Dominions , or over any of their people ; and least of all to deprive them of their Dominions , or lives , if he shall judge them to be Hereticks or upon any other pretence whatsoever o . CHAP. XXIV . Of Marriage and Divorce . MArriage is to be between one Man and one Woman . neither is it lawful for any Man to have more than one Wife , nor for any Woman to have more than one Husband , at the same time a . II. Marriage was ordained for the mutual help of Husband and Wife b , for the increase of Mankind , with a legitimate issue , and of the Church with an holy seed c , and for preventing of uncleanness d . III. It is lawful for all sorts of people to marry , who are able with judgment to give their consent e . Yet , is it the duty of Christians to marry only in the Lord f . And therefore such as profess the true reformed Religion , should not marry with Infidels , Papists , or other Idolaters . Neither should such as are godly be unequally yoked , by marrying with such as are notoriously wicked in their life , or maintain damnable heresies g . IV. Marriage ought not to be within the degrees of Consanguinity or Affinity forbidden in the Word h . N●r can such incest●o●s Marriages ever be made lawful by any Law of man , or consent of Parties , so as those Per●ons may live together as Man and Wife i . The man may not ma●ry any of his wifes kinred nearer in blood , than he may of his own ; nor , the Wo●an of her Husbands kindred , nearer in blood than of her own k . V. Adultery or fornication committed after a Contract , being detected before Mar●iage , giveth iust occasion to the innocent Party to dissolve that contract l ▪ In the case of Adultery after Marriage , it is lawful for the innocent party to sue out a divorce m , and af●er the divorce , to marry another , as if the offending party were dead n . VI. Although the corruptions of man be such as is apt to study Arguments , unduely to put asunder thos● whom God hath j●yned together in marriage : yet ●●thing but Adultery , or such wilful desertion as can no way be remedied by the Church , or Civil Magistrate , is cause sufficient of dissolving the bond of Marriage o : Wherein , a publick and orderly course of proceeding is to be observed : And , the persons concerned in it , not left to their own wills & discretion in their own case p . CHAP. XXV . Of the Church . THE Catholick or Universal Church which is invisible , consists of the whole number of the Elect , that have been , are , or shall be gathered into one , under Christ the Head thereof ; and is the Spouse , the Body , the fulness of him that filleth all in all a . II. The Visible Church which is also Catholick or Universal , unde● the Gospel ( not confined to one Nation , as before under the law ) consist● of all those , throughout the world ▪ that pro●ess the true Religion b , together with their Children c : an● is the Kingdom of the Lord Jesu● Christ d , the House and family o● God e , ou● of which there is no ordinary possibility of Salvation f . III. Unto this Catholick visible Church , Christ hath given the Ministry , Oracles , and Ordinances of God , for the gathering , and perfecting of the Saints , in this life to the end of the World : and doth by his own presence and spirit , according to his promise , make them effectual thereunto g . IV. This Catholick Church hath been sometimes more , sometimes less visible h . And particular Churches , which are Members thereof , are more or less pure , according as the Doctrine of the Gospel is taught and imbraced , Ordinances administred , and publick Worship performed more or less purely in them i . V. The purest Churches under Heaven are subject both to mixture and errour k , and some have so degenerated as to become no Churches of Christ , but Synagogues of Satan l . Nevertheless , there shall be alwaies a Church on Earth to worship God according to his will m . VI. There is no other Head of the Church , but the Lord Jesus Christ n . Nor can the Pope of Rome , in any sence be head thereof : but is that Anti-Christ , that Man of sin , and Son of perdition that exalteth himself in the Church , against Christ and all that is called God o . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Communion of Saints . ALL Saints that are united to Jesus Christ their head , by his Spirit , and by Faith , have fellowship with him in his graces , sufferings , death , resurrection , and glory a . And , being united to one another in love , they have communion in each others gifts and graces b , and are obliged to the performance of such duties publick and private , as do conduce to their mutual good , both in the inward & outward man c . II. Saints by profession are bound to maintain an holy fellowship and communion in the worship of God ; and in performing such other spiritual servic●s as tend to their mutual edification d : as also , in relieving each other in outward things according to their several abilities , and necessities . Which Communion , as God offereth opportunity , is to be extended unto all those , who in every place call upon the Name of the Lord Jesus e . III. This Communion which the Saints have with Christ , doth not make them , in any wise , partakers of the substance of his God-head , or to be equal with Christ in any respect : either of which to affir● , is impious and blasphem●us f . Nor doth their Communion one with another as Saints , take away , or infringe the title or propriety which each man hath in his goods and possessions g . CHAP. XXVII . Of the Sacraments . SAcraments are holy Signs , and Seals of the Covenant of grace a , immediately instituted by God b , to represent Christ , and his benefits ; and to confirm our interest in him c . as also , to put a visible difference between those that belong unto the Church , and the rest of the world d ; and solemnly to engage them to the service of God in Christ according to his word e . II. There is in every Sacrament a Spiritual relation , or Sacramental union , between the sign and the thing signified : whence it comes to pass , that the names , and effects of the one , are attributed to the other f . III. The grace which is exhibited in , or by the Sacraments rightly used , is not conferred by any power in them ; neither doth the efficacy of a Sacrament depend upon the piety , or intention of him that doth administer it g ; but upon the work of the Spirit h , and the word of institution , which contains , together with a precept authorizing the use thereof , a promise of benefit to worthy receivers i . IV. There be only two Sacraments ordained by Christ our Lord , in the Gospel , that is to say , Baptism and the Supper of the Lord , neither of which may be dispensed by any , but by a Minister of the word lawfully ordained k . V. The Sacraments of the Old Testament , in regard of the spiritual things thereby signified , and exhibited , were , for substance the same with those of the New l . CHAP. XXVIII . Of Baptisme . BAptism is a Sacrament of the New Testament , ordained by Jesus Christ a , not only for the solemn admission of the party baptized , into the visible Church b : but also , to be unto him a sign and seal of the Covenant of Grace c , of his ingrafting into Christ d , of Regeneration e , of Remission of sins f , and of his giving up unto God through Jesus Christ , to walk in newness of life g , which Sacrament is , by Christs own appointment , to be continued in his Church , untill the end of the World h . II. The outward Element to be used in the Sacrament , is Water , wherewith the party is to be Baptized , in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy-Ghost , by a Minister of the Gospel , lawfully called thereunto i . III. Dipping of the person into the Water , is not necessary : but , Baptism is rightly administred , by pouring , or sprinkling Water upon the person k . IV. Not only those that do actually p●of●ss Faith in , and obedience unto Christ l , but also the infants of one , or both believing parents , are to be baptized m . V. Although i● be a great sin to contemn or neglect this ordinance n , yet ●race and Salvation are not so inseparably annexed unto it , as that no person can be regenerated or saved without it o , or that all that are baptized , are undoubtedly regenerated p . VI. The efficacy of Baptism is not ●yed to that moment of time , wherein it is administred q , yet notwithstanding by the right use of this Ordinance , the grace promised , is not only offered , but really exhibited & confer'd by the Holy Ghost to such ( whether of age , or infants ) as that grace belongeth unto , according to the Council of Gods own Will , in his appointed time r . VII . The Sacrament of Baptism is but once to be administred to any person s . CHAP. XXIX . Of the LORDS Supper . OUr Lord Jesus , in the night wherein he was betrayed , instituted the Sacrament of his Body and Blood , called the Lords Supper to be observed in his Church , unto the end of the world , for the perpetual Remembrance of the Sacrifice of himself in his Death : the sealing all benefits thereof unto true Believers , their spiritual nourishment and growth in him , their further engagement in , and to all duties whi●h they ow unto him , and to be a Bond and Pledge of their Communion with him , and with each other , as Members of his Mystical Body a . II. In this Sacrament Christ is not offered up to his Father : nor , any real Sacrifice made at all , for remission of s●n of the quick or dead b , but only a commemoration of that one , offering up of himself , by himself , upon the Cross , once for all , and a spiritual oblation of all possible praise unto God for the same c . So that , the Popish Sacrifice of the Mass ( as they call it ) is most abominably injurious to Christs one , only Sacrifice , the only propitiation for all the sins of the elect d . III. The Lord Jesus hath in this Ordinance , appointed his Minister● to declare his word of institution to the People , to pray and bless the Elements of Bread and Wine , and thereby to set them apart from a common to a holy use : and to take , and break the Bread , to take the Cup , and ( they communicating also themselves ) to give both to the Communicants e , but to none who are not then present in the Congregation f . IV. Private Masses , or receiving this Sacrament by a Priest , or any other alone g , as likewise the denyal of the Cup to the People h , worshipping the Elements , the lifting them up , or carrying them about for adoration , and the reserving them for any pretended religious use , are all contrary to the nature of this Sacrament , and to the institution of Christ i . V. The outward Elements in this Sacrament duly set apart to the uses ordained by Christ , have such relation to him crucified , as that truly , yet Sacramentally only , they are sometimes called by the name of the things they represent , to wit , the Body and Blood of Christ k : albeit in substance and nature , they still remain , truly and only Bread and Wine , as they were before l . VI. That Doctrine which maintains a change of the substance of Bread and Wine , into the substance of Christs Body and blood ( commonly called Transubstantiation ) by Consecration of a Priest , or by any other way , is repugnant , not to Scripture alone , but even to common sense and reason ; overthroweth the nature of the Sacrament , & hath been , and is the cause of manifold superstitions ; yea , of gross Idolatries m . VII . Worthy receivers outwardly partaking of the visible Elements , in this Sacrament n , do then also inwardly by faith really & indeed , yet not carnally & corporally , but spiritually , receive , & feed upon Christ crucified , & all benefits of his death ▪ The Body & Blood of Christ being then , nor corporally or carnally , in , with or under the bread and Wine : yet , as really , but spiritually , present to the faith of believers in that ordinance , as the Elements themselves are to their outward senses o . VIII . Although ignorant , and wicked men receive the outward elements in this Sacrament : yet they receive not the thing signified thereby ; but by their unworthy coming thereunto , are guilty of the body & blood of the Lord to their own damnation . Wherefore , all ignorant and ungodly persons , as they are unfit to enjoy Communion with him , so are they unworthy of the Lords Ta●le ▪ and cannot without great sin against Christ while they remain such , partake of these holy Mysteries p , or be admitted thereunto q . CHAP. XXX . Of Church Censures . THe Lord Jesus , as King and Head of his Church , hath therein appointed a Government , in the hand of Church Officers , distinct from the Civil Magistrate a . II. To these Officers , the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven are committed : by vertue whereof , they have power , respectively , to retain , and remit sins : to shut that Kingdom against the impenitent , both by the word and Censures ; and to open it unto penitent sinners , by the Ministry of the Gospel , and by absolution from Censures , as occasion sha●l require b . III. Church Censures are necessary , for the ●eclaiming and gaining of offending Brethren , for deterring of oth●●s from the like offences , for pu●ging out of that Leaven which might infect the whole Lump , for v●●dicating the honour of Christ , 〈◊〉 the holy profession of the Gos●●l , & for preventing the wrath of God , which might iustly fall upon the Church , if they should suffer his Covenant , and ●he Seals thereof to be ●rofaned by notorious and obstinate offenders c . IV. For the better attaining of these ends , the officers of the Church are to proceed by Admonition , suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper for a season ; and by Excommunication from the Church , according to the nature of the crime and demerit of the person d . CHAP. XXXI . Of Synods and Councils . FOr the better Government , and further edification of the Church there ought to be such Assemblies , as are commonly called Synods or Councils a . II. As Magistrates may lawfully call a Synod of Ministers , and other fit persons , to consult and advise with , about matters of Religion b : So , if Magistrates be open Enemies to the Church , the Ministers of Christ , of themselves , by vertue of their Office ; or they , with other fit persons , upon delegation from their Churches , may meet together in such assemblies c . III. It belongeth to Synods and Councils , Ministerially to determine Controversies of Faith , and cases of Conscience , to set down rules and Directions for the better ordering of the publick worship o● God , and Government of his Church : to receive complaints in cases of malice , administration : and authoritatively , to determine the same ; which Decrees and Determinations , if consonant to the word of God , are to be received with reverence , and submission : not only for their agreement with the word , but also for the power whereby they are made as being an Ordinance of God appointed thereunto in his Word d . IV. All Synods or Councils , since the Apostles times , whether general or particular , may erre , and many have erred . Therefore they are not to be made the rule of Faith , or practice ; but to be used as an help in both e . V. Synods and Councils are to handle , or conclude nothing , but that which is Ecclesiastical : and are not to intermeddle with Civil affairs which concern the Common wealth , unless by way of humble petition in cases extraordinary : or by way of advice , for satisfaction of conscience , if they be thereunto required by the Civil Magistrate f . CHAP. XXXII· Of the state of men after death , and of the Resurrection of the dead . THe bodies of men , after death , return to dust , and see corruption a : but their Souls ( which neither die nor sleep ) having an immortal subsistence , immediately return to God who gave them b : the souls of the righteous , being then made perfect in holiness , are received into the highest Heavens where they behold the face of God , in light and glory , waiting for the full Redemption of their Bodies c . And the souls of the wicked are cast into Hell , where they remain in torments and utter darkness , reserved to the Judgment of the great day d . Besides these two places , for souls separated from their bodies , the Scripture acknowledgeth none . II. At the last day , such as are found alive , shall not die , but be changed e ; and all the dead shall be raised up , with the self same bodies , and none other , although with different qualities , which shall be united again to their souls for ever f . III. The Bodies of the unjust , shall by the power of Christ be raised to dishonour : the Bodies of the just by the Spirit , unto honour : and be made conformable to his own glorious Body g . CHAP. XXXIII . Of the last judgment . GOD hath appointed a Day , wherein he will judge the World in righteousness , by Jesus Christ a , to whom all power and judgment is given of the Father b . in which day , not only the Apostate Angels shall be judged c , but likewise all persons that have lived upon earth , shall appear before the Tribunal of Christ , to give an accompt of their thoughts , words and deeds , and to receive accordingly to what they have done in the body , whether good or evil d . II. The end of Gods appointing this day , is for the manifestation of the gl●ry of his mercy , in the eternal salvation of the elect : and , of his justice , in the damnation of the reprobate , who are wicked , and disobedient : For , then shall the Righteous go into everlasting Life , and receive that fulness of joy and refreshing , which shall come from the Presence of the Lord : but ▪ the wicked , who know not God ▪ and obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ , shall be cast into eternal Torments , and be p●nished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of h●s power e . III. As Christ would have us to be certainly perswaded that th●r● shall be a Day of Judgment , both to deter all men from sin , and for the greater consolation of the godly in their adversity f : so , will he have that day unknown to Men , that they may shake off all carnal security , and be alwaies watchful , because they know not at what hour the Lord will come : and , may be ever prepared to say , Come , Lord Jesus , come quickly , Amen g . FINIS . THE LARGER CATECHISM , First agreed upon By the ASSEMBLY of DIVINES at Westminster . And now approved by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland . To be a part of Uniformity in Religion between the Kirks of Christ in the three Kingdoms . EDINBOURG , Printed by George Swintoun and Thomas Brown , and are to be sold by Iames Glen and David Trench . Anno Dom. 1671. The LARGER CATECHISM , First agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster . And now appointed by the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , to be a part of Uniformi●y in Religion , between the Kirks of Christ , in the three Kingdomes . Question . 1. WHat is the chief and highest end of man ? A. Mans chief and highest end is , to glorifie God a , and fully to enjoy him for ever b . Q. 2. How doth it appear that there is a God ? A. The very light of nature in man , and the works of God declare plainly that there is a God c : but his Word and Spirit only do sufficiently and effectually reveal him unto men for their Salvation d . Q. 3. What is the word of God ? A. The holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament are the Word of God e , the only Rule of Faith and obedience f . Q. 4. How doth it appear that the Scriptures are the word of God ? A. The Scriptures manifest themselves to be the Word of God , by their Majesty g , and purity h ; by the consent of all the parts i , & the scope of the whole , which is to give al glory t● God k by their light and power to convince and convert sinners , to comfort and build up believers unto salvation l : But the Spirit of God bearing witness by and with the Scriptures in the heart of man , is alone able fully to perswade it , that they are the very word of God m . Q. 5. What do the Scriptures principally teach ? A. The Scriptures principally teach , what man is to believe concerning God and what duty God requires of man n . Q. 6. What do the Scriptures make known of God ? A. The Scriptures make known what God is o , the persons in the Godhead p , his decrees q , and the execution of his decrees r . Q. 7. What is God ? A. God is a Spirit s , in and of himself infinite in being t , glory u , blessedness w , and perfection x , all sufficient y , eternal z , unchangeable a , incomprehensible b , every where present c , almighty d , knowing all things e , most wise f , most holy g , most just h , most merciful and gracious , long suffering and abundant in goodness and truth i . Q. 8. Are there more Gods than one ? A. There is but one only , the living and true God k . Q. 9. How many persons are there in the Godhead ? A. There be three persons in the Godhead , the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost , and these three are one , true , eternal God , the same in substance , equal in power and glory , although distinguished by their Personal properties l . Q 10. What are the personal properties of the three persons in the Godhead q A. It is proper to the Father to beget the Son m , and to the Son to bebegotten of the Father n , and to the holy Ghost to proceed from th● Father and Son , from all eternity o . Q 11. How doth it appear that the Son and the Holy Ghost are God equal with the Father ? A. The S●riptures manifest that the Son , & the Holy Ghost , are God equal with the Father , ●scribing unto them such names p , attributes q , works r , and worship s , as are proper to ●od only . Q 1● What are the decree● of God ? A. Gods decrees are the wise , free , and holy acts of the counsel of his will t , whereby from all eternity , he hath for his own glory , unchangeably , fore-●rdained whatsoever comes to pass in time u ; especially concerning Angels and Men. Q. 13. What hath God especially decreed concerning Angels and Men ? A. God by an eternal and immutable decree , ●ut of his meer love for the praise of his glorious grace to be manifested in due time , ha●h elected some Angels to glory w ; and in Christ hath chosen some men to eternal life , and the means thereof x and also according to his soveraign power , and the unsearchable co●nsel of his own will ( whereby he extendeth or witholdeth favour as he pleaseth ) hath passed by and fore-ordained the rest to dishonour and wrath , to be for their sin inflicted , to the praise of the glory of his justice y Q. 14. How doth God execute his Decrees ? A. God executeth his decrees in the works of Creation and Providence ; according to his infallible foreknowledg and the free and immutable counsel of his own will z . Q. 15. What is the work of Creation ? A. The work of Creation , is that wherein God did , in the beginning , by the word of his power , make of nothing , the world and all things therein , for himself , within the space of six daies , and all very good a . Q. 16. How did God create the Angels ? A. God created all the Angels b spirits c , immortal d , holy e , excelling in knowledge f , mighty in power g , to execute his Commandments , and to praise his name h ; yet subject to change i . Q. 17. How did God create man ? A. After God had made oll other creatures , he created man male and female k form'd the body of the man of the dust of the ground , and the woman of a rib of the man m , indued them with living , reasonable and immortal souls n : made them after his own image o , in knowledge p , righteousness , and holiness q , having the law of God written in their hearts r : and power to fulfil it s , with dominion over the creatures t , yet subject to fall u . Q. 18. What are Gods works of Providence ? A. Gods works of Providence are , his most holy w , wise x , & powerful preserving y , and governing all his creatures z , ordering them and all their actions a , to his own glory b . Q. 19. What is Gods Providence towards the Angels ? A. God by his Providence permitted some of the Angels wilfully and irrecoverably to fall into sin & damnation c , limiting and ordering that and all their sins to his own glory d , and established the rest in holiness and happ●ness e , imploying them all f , at his pleasure in the administration of his power , mercy and justice g . Q. 20. What was the providence of God towards man in the estate wherein he wa● created ? A. The Providence of God toward man , in the estate wherein he was created , was , the placing him in Paradise , appointing him to dress it , giving him liberty to eat of the fruit of the earth h , putting the creatures under his dominion i , and ordaining marriage for his help k : affording him communion with himself l , instituting the Sabbath m , entering into a Covenant of life with him , upon condition of personal , perfect , and perpetual obedience n , of which the Tree of Life was a pledge o , and for biding to eat of the Tree of Knowledge of good and evil , upon pain of death p . Q. 21. Did man continue in that estate wherein God at first created him ? A. Our first parents being left to the freedom of their own will , through the temptation of Satan , transgressed the Commandment of God , in eating the forbidden fruit , and thereby fell from the estate of Innocency wherein they were created q . Q. 22. Did all mankind fall in that first transgression ? A. The Covenant being made with Adam as a publick person , not for himself only ▪ but for his posterity , all mankind descending from him by ordinary generation r , sinned in him , and fell with him in that first transgression s . Q. 23. Into what estate did the fall bring mankind ? A. The fall brought mankind into an estate of sin and misery t . Q. 24. What is sin ? A. Sin is any want of conformity unto , or transgression of any Law of God , given as a rule to the reasonable creatures u . Q. 25. Wherein consisteth the sinfulness of that estate whereinto man fell ? A. The sinfulness of that estate whereinto man fell , consisteth in the guilt of Adams first sin w , the want of that righteousness wherein he was created , & the corruption of his nature , whereby he is utterly indispos'd , disabled and made opposite unto all that is spiritually good , and wholly in●lined to all evil , and that continnually x which is commonly called Original sin , and from which do proceed all act●al transgressions y , Q. How is Original sin conveyed from our first parents to their posterity ? A Original sin is conveyed from our first parents to their posterity by natural generation , so as all that proceed from them in that way , are conceived and born in sin z . Q. 27. What misery did the fall bring upon mankind ? A. The fall brought upon mankind the loss of Communion with God a his displeasure and curse , so as we are by nature children of wrath b , bond-slaves to Satan c , and justly liable to all punishments in this world , & that which is to come d . Q. 28. What are the punishments of sin in this world ? A. The punishment of sin in this world , are , either inward , as blindness of mind e , a reprobate sense f , strong delusions g , hardness of heart h , horrour of conscience i , and vile affections k ; or outward , as the curse of God upon the creatures for our sakes l , and all other evils that befal us in our bodies , names , estates , relations and employments m , together with de●th it self n . Q. 29. What are the punishments of sin in the world to come ? A. The punishments of sin in the world to come , are everlasting separation from the comfortable presence of God , and most grievous torments in soul and body without intermission , in hell fire , for ever o . Q. 30 , Doth God leave all mankind to perish in the estate of sin and misery ? A. God doth not leave all mankind to perish in the estate of sin & misery p , into which they fell , by the breach of the first Covenant , commonly cal'd the Covenant of works , q : but , of his meer love & mercy , delivereth his elect out of it , & bringeth them into an estate of Salvation by the second covenant , commonly called the Covenant of Grace r . Q. 31. With whom was the Covenant of Grace made ? A. The Covenant of Grace was made with Christ as the second Adam , and in him , with all the elect , as his seed s . Q. 32. How is the grace of God manifested in the second Covenant ? A. The grace of God is manifested in the second covenant , in that he freely provideth and offereth to sinners a Mediator t , and life and salvation by him u , and requiring Faith as the condition to interest them in him w , promiseth and giveth his holy Spirit x , to all his elect , to work in them that faith y , with all other saving graces z , and to enable them unto all holy obedience a , as the evidence of the truth of their Faith b , and thankfulness to God c , and as the way which he hath appointed them to Salvation d . Q. 33. Was the Covenant of grace alway ▪ administred after one and the same manner ? A The Covenant of Grace was not always administred after the same manner , but the administration of it under the Old Testament was different from that under the New e . Q. 34. How was the covenant of grace administred under the Old Testament ? A. The Covenant of Grace was administred under the Old Testament , by promises f , prophesies g , Sacrifices h , Circumcision i , the Passover k : & other types & ordinances , which did all foresignifie Christ then to come , and were for that time sufficient to build up the elect in faith in the promised Messiah l , by whom they then had full remission of sin , and ete●nal Salvation m . Q 35. How is the Covenant of Grace administred under the New Testament ? A. Under the New Testament , when Christ the substance was exhibited , the same Covenant of Grace was and still is to be administred in the preaching of the word n , & the administration of the Sacraments of Baptism o , and the Lords Supper p ; in which , Grace and Salvation is held forth in more fulness , evidence , and efficacy to all Nations q . Q. 36. Who is the Mediator of the Covena●t of Grace ? A. The only Mediator of the Covenant of Grace is the Lord Jesus Christ r , who being the eternal Son of God , of one substance , and equal with the Father s , in the fulness of time became man t , and so was and continues to be God and Man in two intire distinct natures , and one person for ever u . Q. 37. How did Christ being God become man ? A. Christ the Son of God became man , by taking to himself a true body , and reasonable soul w , being conceived by the power of the Holy Ghost , in the womb of the Virgin Mary , of her substance , and born of her x ; yet without sin y . Q. 38. Why was it requisite that the Mediator should be God ? A. It was requisite that the mediator should be God , that he might sustain and keep the humane nature from sinking under the infinit wrath of God , and the power of death z ; give worth & efficacy to his suffering● , obedience and intercession a ; and so satisfie Gods justice b , procure his favour c , purchase a peculiar people d , give his Spirit to them e , conquer all their enemies f , & bring them to everlasting Salvation g . Q. 39. Why was it requisite that the Mediator should be man ? A. It was requisite that the Mediator should be man , that he might advance our nature h , pe●form obedience to the Law i , suffer & make intercession for us in our nature k , have a fellow-feeling of our infirmi●ies l , that we might receive the adoption of sons m , and have comfort and access with boldness unto the Throne of Grace n . Q. 40. Why was it requisite that the Mediator should be God and man in one Person ? A. It was requisite that the Mediator , who was to reconcile God and Man , should himself be bo●h God and Man , and this in one person , that the proper works of each nature might be accepted of God for us o , and relyed on by us , as the works of the whole person p . Q. 41. Why was our Mediatour called Iesus ? A. Our Mediator was called Jesus , because he saved his people from their sins q . Q. 42. Why was our Mediatour called Christ ? A. Our Mediator was called Christ , because he was anointed with the Holy Ghost above measure p , and so set apart , & fully furnished with all authority & ability s , to execute the offices of a Prophet t , Priest u , & King of his Church w , in the estate both of his Humiliation and Exaltation . Q. 43. How doth Christ execute the office of a Prophet ? A. Christ executeth the office of a Prophet , in his revealing to the Church x , in all ages , by his Spirit and Word y , in divers ways of administration z , the whole will of God a , in all things concerning heir edification and salvation b . Q. 44. How doth Christ execute the Office of a priest ? A. Christ executeth the Office of a Priest , in his once off●ring himself a Sacrifice without spot to God c , to be a reconciliation for the sins of his people d , and in making continual intercession for them e . Q. 45. How doth Christ execute the Office of a King ? A Christ executeth the Office of a King , in calling out of the World a people to himself f , & giving them Officers g , Laws h , and Censures , by which he visibly governs them i , in bestowing saving grace upon his elect k , rewarding their obedience l , and correcting them for their sins m , preserving and supporting them under all their temptations and sufferings n , restraining and overcoming all their enemies o , and powerfully ordering all things for his own glory p , and their own good q ; and also in taking vengeance on the rest , who know not God , and obey not the Gospel r . Q. 46. What was the estate of Christs Humiliation ? A. The estate of Christs Humiliation was , that low condition , wherein , he for our sakes , emptying himself of his glory , took upon him the form of a servant in his conception and birth , life , death , and after his death untill his resurrection s . Q. 47. How did Christ humble himself in his conception and birth ? A. Christ humbled himself in his conception and birth , in that , being from all eternity the Son of God , in the bosom of the father , he was pleased in the fulness of time to become the Son of Man , made of a woman of low estate and to be born of her , with divers circumstances of more than ordinary abasement t . Q. 48. How did Christ humble himself in his life ? A. Christ humbled himself in his life , by subjecting himself to the law u , which he perfectly fulfilled w , and by conflicting with the indignities of the world x , temptations of Satan y , and infirmities in his flesh , whether common to the nature of man , or particularly accompanying that his low condition z . Q. 49. How did Christ humble himself in his death ? A. Christ humbled himself in his death , in that having been betrayed by Iudas a , forsaken by his Disciples b , scorned and rejected by the world c , condemned by Pilate , and tormented by his persecutors d , having also conflicted with the terrors of death & the powers of darkness , felt and born the weight of Gods wrath e : he laid down his life an offering for sin f , induring the painful , shameful , and cursed death of the Cross g . Q. 50. Wherein consisted Christs humiliation after his death ? A. Christs humiliation after his death , consisted in his being buried h , and continuing in the state of the dead , and under the power of death till the third day i , which hath been otherwise expressed in these words , He descended into Hell. Q. 51. What was the estate of Christs exaltation ? A. The estate ●f Christs exaltation comprehendeth his Resurrection k , Ascension l , sitting at the right hand of the Father m , and his coming again to judge the world n . Q 52. 〈…〉 Christ exalted in his Resurrection ? A. Christ was ex●lted in his Resurrection , in that not having seen corruption in death , of which it was not possible for him to be held o , and having the s●●e very body in which he suff●red , with ●he e●●●ntial properties thereof p , but wi●hout mortality any other common infirmities belonging to this life , really united to his soul q , he rose again from the dead the third day , by his own power r : whereby he declared himself to be the Son of God s , to have satisfied divine justice t , to have vanquished death and him that had the power of it u , & to the Lord of quick and dead w ; all which he did as a publick person x , the head of his Church y , for their justification z , quickning in grace a , support against enemies b , & to assure them of their Resurrection from the dead at the last day c . Q. 53. How was Christ exalted in his Ascension ? A. Christ was exalted in his Ascension , in that having after his Resurrection often appeared unto , & conversed with his Apostles , speaking to them of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God d , and giving them commission to preach the Gospel to all Nations e ; fourty daies after his Resurrection , he , in our nature , and as our head f , triumphing over enemies g , visibly went up into the highest heavens , there to receive gifts for men h , to raise up our affections thither i , and to prepare a place for us k : where himself is , and shall continue , till his second coming at the end of the world l . Q. 54. How is Christ exalted in his sitting at the right hand of God ? A. Christ is exalted in his sitting at the right hand of God , in that , as God-manhe is advanc'd to the highest favour with God the Father m , with all fulness of joy n , glory o , and power over all things in heaven & earth p , and doth gather and defend his Church & subdue their enemies , furnisheth his Ministers and people with gifts and graces q , and maketh intercession for them r . Q. 54. How doth Christ make intercession ? A. Christ maketh intercession , by his appearing in our nature continually before the Father in heaven s , in the merit of his obedience and sacrifice on earth t , declaring his will to have it applyed to all believers u , answering all accusations against them w , procuring for them quiet of conscience notwithstanding daily failings x , access with boldness to the throne of grace y , and acceptance of their persons z , and services a . Q. 56. How is Christ to be exalted in his coming again to judge the world ? A. Christ is to be exalted in his coming again to judge the world , in that he who was unjustly judged and condemned by wicked men b , shall come again at the last day in great power c , and in the ful manifestation of his own glory , and of his Fathers , with all his holy Angels d , with a shout , with the voice of the Arch-Angel , and with the Trumpet of God e , to judge the world in righteousness f . Q. 57. What benefits hath Christ procured by his mediation ? A. Christ by his mediation hath procured redemption g , with all other benefits of the Covenant of Grace h . Q. 58. How do we come to be made partakers of the ben●fits which Christ hath procured ? A. We are made partakers of the benefits whi●h Christ hath procur'd by the application of them unto us i which is the work especially of God the Holy Ghost k . Q. 59. Who are made partaker● of Redemption through Christ ? A. Redemption is certainly applied , and effectually communicated to all those for whom Christ hath purchased it l , who are in time by the Holy Ghost enabled to believe in Christ according to the Gospel m . Q. 60. Can they who have never heard the Gospel , and so know not Iesus Christ , nor believe in him , he saved by their living according to the light of nature ? A. They who having never heard the Gospel n , know not Jesus Christ o , and believe not in him , cannot be saved p , be they never so diligent to frame their lives according to the light of nature q , or the Law of that Religion which they profess r : neither is there salvation in any other , but in Christ alone s , who is the Saviour only of his body the Church t . Q. 61. Are all they saved who hear the Gospel and live in the Church ? A. All that hear the Gospel and live in the visible Church are not saved , but they only who are true members of the Church invisible u . Q. 62. What is the visible Church ? A. The visible Church is a society made up of all such as in all ages & places of the world profess the true Religion w , and of their Children x . Q. 63. What are the especial priviledges of the visible Church ? A. The Visible Church hath the priviledge of being under Gods special care and government y , of being protected and preserved in all ages notwithstanding the opposition of all enemies z , and of enjoying the communion of Saints , the ordinary means of Salvation a , offers of grace by Christ to all the members of it in the ministery of the Gospel , testifying , that whosoever believes in him shall be saved b , and excluding none that will come unto him c . Q. 64. What is the invisible Church ? A. The invisible Church is the whole number of the elect , that have been , are , or shall be gathered into one , under Christ the head d . Q. 65. What special benefits do the Members of the invisible Church enjoy by Christ ? A. The Members of the Invisible Church , by Christ , enjoy Union and Communion with him , in grace and glory e . Q. 66. What is that Union which the Elect have with Christ ? A. The Union which the elect have with Christ , is the work of Gods grace f , whereby they are spiritually and mystically , yet really and inseparably joyned to Christ , as their head and husband g , which is done in their effectually Calling h . Q. 67. What is effectual Calling ? A. Effectual Calling is the work of Gods Almighty power & grace i , whereby out of his free and especial love to his elect , and from nothing in them moving him thereunto k ▪ he doth in his accepted time invite & draw them to Jesus Christ by his Word and Spirit l , saving inlightning their minds m , renewing and powerfully determining their wills n so as they , although in themselves dead in sin , are hereby made willing and able freely to answer his call , & to accept and imbrace the grace offered and conveyed therein o . Q. 68. Are all the elect only effectually called ? A. All the Elect , and they onely are effectually called p , although others may be , and often are , outwardly cal'd by the ministry of the Word q , and have some common operations of the spirit r , who , for their wilful neglect and contempt of the grace offered to them , being justly left in their unbelief , do never truely come to Jesus Christ s . Q. 69. What is the communion in Grace which the members of the invisible Church have with Christ ? A. The Communion in Grace , which the members of the Invisible Church have with Christ , is , their partaking of the vertue of his Mediation , in their Justification t , Adoption u , Sanctification , and what ever else in this life manifests their Union with him w . Q. 70. What is Iustification ? A. Justification is an act of Gods free grace unto sinners x , in which he pardoneth all their sins , accepteth and accounteth their persons righteous in his sight y , not for any thing wrought in them or done by them z but only for the perfect obedience and ful satisfaction of Christ , by God imputed to them a , and received by Faith alone b . Q. 71. How is Iustification an act of Gods free Grace ? A. Although Christ by his Obedience and Death , did make a proper , real , and full satisfaction to Gods justice in the behalf of them that are justified , yet , in as much as God accepteth the satisfaction from a surety which he might have demanded of them , did provide th●s surety his own only Son d , imputing his righteousness to them e , and requiring nothing of them for their Justification but faith f , which also is his gift g , their justification is , to them , of free grace h . Q. 72 What is justifying Faith ? A. Justifying Faith , is a saving grace i , wrought in the heart of a sinner by the Spirit k ▪ & word of God l whereby he , being convinced of his sin , and misery , and of the disability in himself and all other creatures to recover him out of his lost condition m , not only assenteth to the truth of the promise of the Gospel n , but receiveth and resteth upon Christ and his righteousness therein held forth , for pardon of sin o , and for the accepting & accounting of his person righteous in the sight of God for Salvation p . Q. 73. How doth Faith justifie a sinner in the sight of God ? A. Faith justifies a sinner in the sight of God , not because of these other graces which do alwaies accompany it , or of good works that are the fruits of it q , nor as if the grace of Faith , or any act thereof , were imputed to him for his justification r , but only as it is an instrument , by which he receiveth and applieth Christ & his righteousness s . Q. 74. What is Adoption ? A. Adoption is an Act of the free grace of God t , in and for his only Son Jesus Christ u , whereby all those that are justified are received into the number of his Children w , have his name put upon them x , the Spirit of his Son given to them y , are under his fatherly care & dispensations z admitted to all the liberties and priviledges of the sons of God , made heirs of all the promises , and fellow-heirs with Christ in glory a . Q. 75. What is Sanctification ? A. Sanctification is a work of Gods grace , whereby they whom God hath before the foundation of the world chosen to be holy , are in time through the powerful operation of his spirit b , applying the death and resurrection of Christ unto them c , renewed in their whole man after the image of God d , having the seeds of repentance unto life , and of all other saving graces put into their hearts , and those graces so stirred up , increased and strengthned f , as that they more and more die unto sin , and rise unto newness of life g . Q. 76. What is repentance unto life ? A. Repentance unto life is a saving grace h , wrought in the heart of a sinner by the Spirit i , & Word of God k whereby out of the sight & sense not only of the danger l , but also of the filthiness & odiousness of his sins m , and upon the apprehension of Gods mercy in Christ to such as are penitent n , he so grieves for o , and hates his sins p , as that he turns from them all to God q , purposing and endeavouring constantly to walk with him in all the ways of new obedience r Q. 77. Wherein do Iustification and Sanctification differ ? A. Although Sanctification be inseparably joyned with Justification s yet they differ , in that God in Justification imputeth the righteousness of Christ t , in Sanctification his spirit infuseth grace , and enableth to the exercise thereof u : in the former , sin is pardoned w , in the other it is subdued x , the one doth equally free all believers from the revenging wrath of God , & that perfectly in this life , that they never fall into condemnation y , the other is neither equal in all z , nor in this life perfect in any a , but growing up to perfection b . Q. 78. Whence ariseth the imperfection of Sanctification in believers ? A. The imperfection of Sanctification in believers , ariseth from the remnants of sin abiding in every part of them , and the perpetual lustings of the flesh against the spirit , whereby they are often soiled with temptations , and fall into many sins c , are hindred in all their spiritual services d & their best works are imperfect & defiled in the sight of God e . Q. 79. May not true believers , by reason of their imperfections , and the many temptations & sins they are overtaken with , fall away from the state of Grace ? A. True believers , by reason of the unchangeable love of God f , and his Decree and Covenant to give them perseverance g , their inseparable union with Christ h , his continual intercession for them i , and the Spirit and seed of God abiding in them k , can neither totally nor finally fall away from the estate of grace l , but are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation m . Q. 80. Can true believers be infallibly assured that they are in the estate of grace , and that they shall persevere therein unto Salvation ? A. Such as truly believe in Christ , and endeavour to walk in all good conscience before him n , may , without extraordinary revelation , by faith grounded upon the truth of Gods promises , and by the spirit enabling them to discern in themselves those graces to which the promises of life are made o , and bearing witness with their spirits that they are the children of God p , be infallibly assured that they are in the estate of grace , & shall persevere therein unto salvation q . Q. 81. Are all true believers at all times assured of their present being in the estate of grace , and that they shall be saved ? A. Assurance of grace & salvation not being of the essence of faith r , true believers may wait long before they obtain it s , and after the enjoyment thereof , may have it weakned and intermitted through manifold distempers , sins , temptations , and desertions t : yet are they never left with out such a presence & support of the Spirit of God , as keeps them from sinking into utter despair u . Q. 82. What is the Communion in glory , which the members of the invisible Church have with Christ ? A. The communion in glory which the members of the invisible Church have with Christ , is , in this life w immediately after death x , and at last perfected at the Resurrection and day of Judgment y . Q. 83. What is the Communion in glory with Christ , which the members of the invisible Church enjoy in this life ? A. The members of the invisible Church have communicated to them in this life , the first fruits of glory with Christ , as they are members of him their head , & so , in him , are interested in that glory which he is fully possessed of z , and as an earnest thereof , enjoy the sense of Gods love a , peace of conscience , joy in the holy Ghost , & hope of glory b . as on the contrary , the sense of Gods revenging wrath , horror of conscience , and a fearful expectation of judgment , are to the wicked , the beginning of their torments which they shall endure after death c . Q. 84. Shall all men die ? A. Death being threatned as the wages of sin d , it is appointed unto all men once to die e , for that all have sinned f . Q. 85. Death being the wages of sin , why are not the righteous delivered from death , seeing all their sins are forgiven in Christ ? A. The righteous shall be delivered from death it self at the last day , & even in death are delivered from the sting & curse of it g , so that although they die , yet it is out of Gods love h to free them perfectly from sin and misery i , & to make then ▪ capable of further communion with Christ in glory , which they then enter upon k Q. 89. What is the Communion in glory with Christ which the members of the invisible Church enjoy immediately after death ? A. The communion in glory with Christ , which the members of the invisible Church enjoy immediately after death , is , in that their souls are then made perfect in ho●iness l , and received into the highest heavens m , whe●e they behold the face of God in light and glory n , wa●ting for the f●ll redemption of their bodies o , which even in death continue united to Christ p , and rest in their Graves as in their Beds q ; till at the last day they be again united to their souls r : whereas the souls of the wicked are at death cast into hel , where they remain in torments and utter darkness , and their bodies kept in their graves as in their Prisons , till the great day s . Q. 87. What are we to believe concerning the Resurrection ? A. We are to believe that at the last day there shall be a general Resurrection of the dead , both of the just and unjust t , when they that are then found alive , shall in a moment be changed , & the self same bodies of the dead which were laid in the grave , being then again united to their souls forever , shall be raised up by the power of Christ u ; the bodies of the just by the Spirit of Christ , & by vertue of his resurrection , as their head shall be raised in power , spiritual , incorruptible , and made like to his glorious body w , and the bodies of the wicked shall be raised up in dishonour by him , as an offended Judge x . Q. 88. What shall immediately follow after the Resurrection ? A. Immediately after the resurrection shall follow the general and final judgment of Angels and men y , the day & hour whereof no man knows , that all may watch & pray , & be ever ready for the coming of the Lord z . Q. 89. What shall be done to the wicked at the day of Iudgment ? A. At the day of judgment the wicked shall be set on Christs left hand a , and upon clear evidence , & full conviction of their own consciences b , shall have the fearful , but just sentence of condemnation pronounced against them c , and thereupon shall be cast out from the favourable Presence of God & the glorious fellowship with Christ , his Saints , and all his holy Angels , into hell to be punished with unspeakable torments , both of body and soul , with the Devil and his Angels for ever d . Q. 90. What shall be done to the Righteous at the day of Iudgment ? e A. At the day of judgment , the righteous being caught up to Christ in the clouds , shall be set on his right hand , & there openly acknowledged and acquitted f , shall joyn with him in the judging of reprobate Angels and men g , and shall be received into heaven h , where they shall be fully and for ever freed from all sin and misery i , filled with unconceivable joyes k : made perfectly holy , and happy both in body and soul , in the company of innumerable saints , and holy Angels l , but especially in the immediate vision and fruition of God the Father , of our Lord Jesus Christ , and of the holy Spirit , to all eternity m : & this is the perfect and full communion which the members of the invisible Church shall enjoy with Christ in glory at the resurrection and day of Judgment . Having seen what the Scriptures principally teach us to believe concerning God ; it follows to consider what they require as the duty of man. Q. 91. WHat is the duty that God requireth of man ? A. The duty which God requireth of man , is obedience to his revealed will n . Q. 92. What did God at first reveal unto man as the rule of his obedience ? A. The rule of obedience revealed to Adam in the state of innocency , and to all mankind in him , beside a special command , not to eat of the fruit of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil , was the moral Law o . Q. 93. What is the Moral Law ? A. The Moral Law is the declaration of the will of God to mankind , directing and binding every one to personal , perfeect , and perpetual conformity and obedience thereunto in the fruits & dispositions of the whole man , soul and body p , and in performance of all those duties of holiness and righteousness which he oweth to God and man q ; promising life upon the fulfilling , and threatning death upon the breach of it r . Q. 94. Is there any use of the Moral Law to man since the fall ? A. Although no man since the fall , can attain to righteousness and life by the Moral Law s , yet there is great use thereof as well common to all men , as peculiar either to the unregenerate , or regenerate t . Q. 95. Of what use is the Moral Law to all men ? A. The Moral Law is of use to all men , to inform them of the holy nature and will of God u , & of their duty , binding them to walk accorddingly w ; to convince them of their disability to keep it , & of the sinful pollution of their nature , hearts , & lives x , to humble them in sense of their sin and misery y , and there by help them to a clear sight of the need they have of Christ z , and of the perfection of his obedience a . Q. 96. What particular use is there of the Moral Law to unregenerate men ? A. The Moral Law is of use to unregenerate men , to awaken their consciences to fly from wrath to come b , & to drive them to Christ c , or upon their continuance in the estate and way of sin , to leave them unexcuseable d , & under the curse thereof e . Q. 97. What special use is there of the Moral Law to the regenerate ? A. Although they that are regenerate , & believe in Christ , be delivered from the moral law as a Covenant of works f , so as thereby they are neither justified g , nor condemned h , yet , beside the general uses thereof common to them with all men , it is of special use , to shew them how much they are bound to Christ for his fulfilling it , and enduring the curse thereof in their stead , and for their good i , & thereby to provoke them to more thankfulness k , and to express the same in their greater care to conform themselves thereunto as the rule of their obedience l . Q. 98. Where is the Moral Law summarily comprehended ? A. The moral Law is summarily comprehended in the ten Commandments , which were delivered by the voice of God upon mount Sinai , & written by him in two tables of stone m , and are recorded in the twentieth chap. of Exodus : the four first Commandements containing our duty to God , and the other six , our duty to man n . Q. 99. What rules are to be observed for the right understanding of the ten Commandments ? A. For the right understanding of the ten Commandments , these rules are to be observed . 1. That the Law is perfect , & bindeth every one to full conformity in the wholeman unto the righteousness thereof , & unto intire obedience , for ever ; so as , to requite the utmost perfection of every duty , and to for●●d the least degree of every sin o . 2. That it is spiritual ; and so reacheth the Understanding , Will , Affections , and all other powers of the soul , as well as words , works and gestures p . 3. That one and the same thing ▪ in divers respects , is required or forbidden in several Commandments q . 4. That , as , where a duty is commanded , the contrary sin is forbidden r , and , where a sin is forbidden , the contrary duty is commanded s , so , where a promise is annexed , the contrary threatning is included t ▪ and where a threatning is annexed , the contrary promise is included u . 5. That , what God forbids is at no time to be done w , what he commands is alwaies our duty x , and yet every particular duty is not to be done at all times y . 6. That , under one sin or duty , all of the same kind are forbidden or commanded , together with all the causes , means , occasions , and appearances thereof , & provocations thereunto z . 7. That what is forbidden or commanded to our selves , we are bound according to our places , to endeavour that it may be avoided or performed by others according to the duty of their places a . 8. That , in what is commanded to others , we are bound according to our places and callings to be helpful to them b , and to take heed of partaking with others in what is forbidden them c . Q. 101. What special things are we to consider in the ten Commandments ? A. We are to consider in the 10 Commandments , the preface , the substance of the Commandments themselves , & several reasons annexed to some of them , the more to inforce them . Q. 102. What is the preface to the Commandments ? A. The preface to the Commandments is contained in these words [ I am the Lord thy God , which have brought thee out of the Land of Egypt , out of the house of bondage d , ] where in God manifesteth his Sovereignty , as being Jehovah , the eternal , immutable , and Almighty God e , having his being in and of himself f , and giving being to all his words g , and works h , and that he is a God in Covenant , as with Israel of old , so with all his people i ; who , as he brought them out of their bondage in Egypt ; so he delivereth us from our spiritual thraldom k , and that therefore we are bound to take him for our God alone , and to keep all his Commandments l . Q. 102. What is the sum of the four Commandments , which contain our duty to God ? A. The Sum of the four Commandments containing our duty to God , is to love the Lord our God with all our heart , and with all our soul , and with all our strength , and with all our mind m . Q. 103. Which is the first Commandment ? A. The first Commandment is , Thou shalt have no other Gods before me n . Q. 104. What are the duties required in the first Commandment ? A. The duties required in the first Commandment , are , the knowing & acknowledging of God to be the only true God , and our God o : and to worship and glorifie him accordingly p , by thinking q , meditating r remembring s , highly esteeming t , honouring u , adoring w , chusing x , loving y , desiring z , fearing of him a believing him b , trusting c , hoping d ▪ rejoycing e , in him f , being zealous for him g , calling upon him , giving all praise & thanks h , & yielding all obedience & submission to him , with the whole man i . be in carefull in all things to please him k , and sorrowfull when in any thing he is offended l , and walking humbly with him m . Q. 105. What are the sins forbidden in the first Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the first Commandment , are , Atheisme in denying , or not having a God n ; Idolatry in having , or worshiping more Gods than one , or any with , or in stead of the true God o , s the not having and avouching him for God , and our God p ; the omission or neglect of any thing due to him required in this Commandment q , ignorance r , forgetfulness , misapprehensions t , false opinions u , unworthy and wicked thoughts of him w , bold and curious search into his secrets x ; all prophaneness y , hatred of God z , self-love a , self-seeking b , and all other inordinate and immoderate setting of our mind , will , or affections upon other things , and taking them off from him in whole or in part c ; vain credulity d , unbelief e , heresie f , misbelief g , distrust h , despair i , incorrigibleness k , insensibleness under judgments l , hardness of heart m , pride n , presumption o , carnal security p , tempting of God q , using unlawful means r , and trusting in lawful means s , carnal delights and joyes t , corrupt , blind , and indiscreet zeal u , lukewarmness w , & deadness in the things of God x , estranging our selves , and apostatizing from God y , praying or giving any religious worship to Saints , Angels , or any other creatures z , all compacts , and consulting with the devil a , and harkning to his suggestions b , making men the Lords of our faith & conscience c , slighting and despising God , and his Commands d , resisting & grieving of his spirit e , disconte●t , and impatient at his dispensatio●● , charging him foolishly for the evil● he inflicts on us f , and ascribing the praise of any good we either are , have , or can do , to fortune g , idols h , our selves i , or any other creature k . Q. 106. What are we especially taught by these words [ before me ] in the first Commandment ? A. These words , before me , or before my face , in the first Commandment , teach us , that God who seeth all things , takes special notice of , and is much displeased with the si● of having any other God ; that so it may be an argument to disswade from it , and to aggravate it as a most impudent provocation l : as also to perswade us to do , as in his sight , whatever we do in his service m . Q. 207. Which is the second Commandment ? A. The second Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not make to thee any graven image , or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above , or that is in the earth beneath , or that is in the water under the earth ; thou shalt not bow down to them nor serve them : for I the Lord thy God , am a jealous God , visiting the iniquity of the Fathers upon the Children , unto the third and fourth ge●eration of them that hate me ; & shew●ng mercy unto thousands of them that ●ove me and keep my Commandments n . Q. 108. What are the duties requi●ed in the second Commandment ? A. The duties required in the se●ond Commandment , are , the re●eiving , observing and keeping pure ●nd intire all such religious worship ●nd Ordinances as God hath insti●uted in his word o , particularly , ●rayer and Thanksgiving in the ●ame of Christ p , the reading , preaching , and hearing the word q , the administration and receiving of the Sacraments r , Church government and discipline s , the Ministry and maintenance thereof t , religious fasting u , swearing by the name of God w , and vowing unto him x : as also the disapproving , detesting , opposing all false worship y ; and according to each ones place and calling , removing it , and all monuments of idolatry z . Q. 109. What are the sins forbidden in the second commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the second Commandment , are , all devising a , counselling b , commanding c , using d , and any ways approving any religious worship not instituted by God himself e : tolerating a false Religion f , the making any representation of God , of all or of any of the three persons either inwardly in our mind , or outwardly in any kind of Image or likeness of any creature whatsoever g , all worshipping of it h , or God in it , or by it i , the making of any representation of feigned Deities , and all worship of them , or service belonging to them l , all superstitious devices m , corrupting the worship of God n , adding to it , taking from it o , whether invented & taken up of our selves p , or receiv'd by tradition from others q , though under the title of antiquity r , custom s , devotions t , good intent , or any other pretence whatsoever u , ●imony w , sacriledge x , all neglect y , contempt z , hindering a , and opposing the Worship & Ordinances which God hath appointed b . Q. 110. What are the reasons annexed to the second Commandment , the more to enforce it ? A The reasons annexed to the second Commandment , the more to inforce it , contained in these words , [ For I the Lord thy God am a jealous God , visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation , of them that hate me , and shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me & keep my Commandments c , ] are besides Gods soveraignty over us , & propriety in us d , his fervent zeal for his own worship e , & his revengful indignation against all false worship , as being a spiritual whoredom f ; accounting the breakers of this Commandment such as hate him & threatning to punish them unto divers generations g , & esteeming the observers of it such as love him , and keep his Commandments & promising mercy to them unto many generations h . Q. 111. Which is the third Commandment ? A. The third Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain : for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his Name in vain i . ] Q. 112. What is required in th● third Commandment ? A. The third Commandment requires , that the name of God , his titles , attributes k , ordinances l , the word m , sacraments n , prayer o , oaths p , vows q , his lots r , his works s , & whatsoever else there is whereby he makes himself known , be holily and reverently used in thought t , meditation u , word w , writing x , by an holy profession y , and answerable conversation z , to the glory of God a , and th● good of our selves b , and others c . Q. 113. What are the sins forbidde● in the third Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the third Commandment , are , the not usin● of Gods name as is required d , & the abuse of it , in an ignorant t , vain f , irreverent , profane g , superstitious h , or wicked mentioning , or otherwise using his titles , attributes i , ordinances k , or works l , by blasphemy m , perjury n , all sinful cursings o , oaths p vows q , and lots r , violating of our oaths and vows , if lawful s , and fulfilling them , if of things unlawful t , murmuring & quarrelling at u , curious prying into w , and misapplying of Gods decrees x , and providences y , misinterpreting z , misapplying a , or any way perverting the word , or any part of it b , to profane jests c , curious or unprofitable questions , vain janglings , or the maintaining of false doctrines d , abusing it , the creatures , or any thing contained under the Name of God , to charms , or sinful lusts and practices f , the maligning g , scorning h , reviling i , or any ways opposing of Gods truth , grace , and ways k , making profession of Religion in hypocrisie , or for sinister ends l , being e ashamed of it m , or a shame to it by uncomfortable n , unwise o , unfruitful p , and offensive walkings , or backsliding from it . Q. 114. What reasons are annexed to the third Commandment ? A. The reasons annexed to the third Commandment in these words [ The Lord thy God ] & [ For the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his Name in vain s , ] are because he is the Lord & our God , and therefore his name is not to be profaned , or any way abused by us t , especially , because he is so far from acquitting and sparing the transgressours of this Commandment , as that he will not suffer them to escape his righteous judgment u , albeit many such escape the Censure and punishment of men w . Q. 115. Which is the fourth Commandment ? A. The fourth Commandment is , [ Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy : six days shalt thou labour & do all thy work , but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God , in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man servant , nor thy maid servant , nor thy cattel ▪ nor thy stranger that is within thy thy gates : For in six days the Lord made heaven & earth , the sea , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day , and hallowed it x . ] Q. 116. What is required in the fourth Commandment ? A. The fourth Commandment requireth of all men the sanctifying or keeping holy to God , such set time as he hath appointed in his Word ; expresly , one whole day in seven , which was the seventh from the beginning of the world to the resurrection of Christ , & the first day of the week e●e since , & so to continue to the end of the world , which is the Christian Sabbath y , and in the new Testament called the Lords day z . Q. 117. How is the Sabbath o● Lords day to be Sanctified ? A. The Sabbath or Lords day is to be Sanctified , by an holy resting all the day a , not only from such works as are at all times sinful , but even from such worldly imployments & recreations as are on other days lawful b ; and making it our delight to spend the whole time ( except so much of it as is to be taken up in works of necessity and mercy c ) in the publick and private exercises of Gods worship d : and to that end we are to prepare our hearts , and with such fore-sight , diligence and moderation to dispose , and seasonably to dispatch our worldly business , that we may be the more free and fit for the duties of that day e . Q. 118. Why is the charge of keeping the Sabbath more specially directed to governours of families and other superiours ? A. The charge of keeping the Sabbath is more specially directed to governours of families & other superiours , because they are bound not only to keep it themselves , but to see that it be observed by all those that are under their charge , & because they are prone oft times to hinder them by imployments of their own f . Q. 119. What are the sins forbidden in the fourth Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the fourth Commandment , are , all omissions of the duties required g , all careless , negligent , and unprofitable performing of them , and being weary of them h , all profaning the day by idleness ▪ & doing that which is in it self sinful i , and by all needless work● , words and thoughts about our worldly imployments and recreations k . Q. 120. What are the reasons annexed to the fourth Commandment , the more to inforce it ? A. The Reas●ns annexed to the fourth Commandment , the more to enforce it , are taken from the equity of it , God allowing us six days of seven for our own affairs , and reserving but one for himself , in these words , [ Six da●● shalt thou labour and do all thy work l . ] from Gods challenging a special propriety in that day , [ The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God m . ] from the example of God , who in 6 days made heaven and earth , the sea , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , & from that blessing which God put upon that day , not only in sanctifying it to be a day for his service , but in ordaining it to be a means of blessing to us in our sanctifying it : [ Wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day and hallowed it n . ] Q. 121. Why is the word Remember set in the beginning of the fourth Commandment ? A. The word Remember is set in the beginning of the fourth Commandment o , partly because of the great benefit of remembring it : we being thereby helped in our preparation to keep it p ▪ and in keeping it , ●etter to keep all the rest of the Commandmen●s q , and to continue a thankful remembrance of the two great benefits of Creation and Redemption which contain a short abridgment of Religion r , and partly because we are very ready to forget it s , for that there is l●s light of ●ature for it t , and yet it restraineth our natural liberty in things at other times lawful u : that it cometh but once in seven dayes , and many worldly businesses come between , and too often take off our minds from thinking of it , either to prepare for it , or to sanctifie it w , & that Sathan with his instruments , much labour to blot out the glory and even the memory of it , to bring in all irreligion and impiety x Q. 122. What is the sum of the sixth Commandments which contain our duty to man ? A. The sum of the six commandment , which contain our duty to man , is , to love our neighbour as our selves y , and to do to others what we would have them do to us z . Q. 123. Which is the fifth Commandment ? A. The fifth Commandment is , [ Honour thy Father and Mother , that thy days may be long upon the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee a . ] Q 124 Who are meant by Father & Mother , in the fifth Commandment ? A. By Father and Mother , in the fifth Commandment , are meant not only natural parents b , but all superiours in age c , and gifts d , and especially such as by Gods Ordinance are over us in place of Authority , whether in family e , Church f , or Common-wealth g . Q. 125. Why are Superiours styled Father and Mother ? A. Superiours are styled Father & Mother , both to teach them in all duties towards their inferiours , like natural parents , to express love and tenderness to them , according to their several relations h , and to work inferiours to a greater willingness and chearfulness in performing their duties to their superiours as to their parent● i . Q. 126. What is the general scope of the fi●th Commandment ? A. The general s●ope of the fifth Commandment is the performance of those duties which we mutually owe in our several relations , as Inferiours , Superiours , Equals k . Q. 127. What is the Honour that Inferiours owe to their Superiours ? A. The Honour which Inferiours owe to their Superiours is , all due reverence , in heart l , word m , & behaviour n : prayer & thanksgiving for them o , imitating of their virtues & graces p : willing obedience to their lawful commands , and counsels q , due submission to their corrections r fidelity to s , defence t , and maintainance of their persons & authority , according to their several ranks & the nature of their places u : bearing with their infirmities , and covering them in love w , that so they may be an honour to them and to their government x . Q. 128. What are the sins of inferiours against their Superiours ? A. The sins of inferiours against their Superiours , are , all neglect of the duties required toward them y , envying at z , contempt of a , and Rebellion b , against their persons c , and places d , in their lawful counsels e , commands and corrections f : cursing , mocking g , and all such refractory and scandalous carriage , as proves a shame and dishonour to them and their government h . Q. 129. What is required of Superiours towards their inferiours ? A. It is required of Superiours according to that power they receive from God , and that relation wherein they stand , to love i , pray for k , and bless their inferiours l , to instruct m , counsel , and admonish them n , countenancing o , commending p , and rewarding such as do well q : discountenancing r , reproving and chastning such as do ill s , protecting t , and providing for them all things necessary for soul u , and body w : and by grave , wise , holy , and exemplary carriage , to procure glory to God x , honour to themselves y , and so to preserve that Authority which God hath put upon them z . Q. 130. What are the sins of Superiours ? A. The sins of Superiours are , beside the neglect of the duties requir'd of them a , an inordinate seeking of themselves b , their own glory c , ease , profit , or pleasure d , commanding things unlawful e , or not in the power of inferiours to perform f , counselling g , encouraging h , or favouring them in that which is evil i , dis●wading , discouraging or discountenancing them in that which is good k ; correcting them unduly l , careless exposing , or leaving them to wrong temptation and danger m , provoking them to wrath n , or any way dishonouring themselves or lessning their authority , by an unjust , indiscreet , rigorous or remiss behaviour o . Q 131. What are the duties of equals ? A. The duties of equals are to regard the dignity and worth of each other p , in giving honour to go one before another q , and to rejoyce in each others gifts and advancement as in their own r . Q. 132. What are the sins of equals ? A. The sins of equals are , beside the neglect of the duties required s , the undervaluing of the worth t , envying the gifts u , grieving at the advancement or prosperity one of another w , and usurping preeminence one over another x . Q. 133. What is the reason annexed to the fifth Commandment , the more to ●nforce it ? A. The reason annexed to the fifth Commandment , in these words , [ That thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee y , ] is an express promise of long life and prosperity , as far as it shall serve for Gods glory , and their own good , to all such as keep this Commandment z . Q 134. Which is the sixth Commandment ? A. The sixth Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not kill a . ] Q. 135. What are the duties required in the sixth Commandment ? A The duties required in the sixth Commandment are , all careful studies & lawful endeavours to preserve the life of ourselves b , & others c , by resisting all thoughts & purposes d , subduing all passions e , and avoiding all occasions f , temptations g , and practices which tend to the unjust taking away the life of any h , by just defence thereof against violence i , patient bearing of the hand of God k , quietness of mind l , chearfulness of Spirit m , a sober use of meat n , drink o , physick p , sleep q , labour r , and recreation s , by charitable thoughts t , love u , compassion w , meekness , gentleness , kindness x , peaceable y , mild and courteous speeches , and behaviour z , forbearance , readiness to be reconciled , patient forbearing and forgiving injuries , and requiting good for evil a , comforting and succouring the distressed , and protecting and defending the innocent b . Q. 136. What are the sins forbidden in the sixth Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the sixth Commandment are , all taking away the life of our selves c , or of others d , except in case of publick justice e , lawful war f , or necessary defence g ; the neglecting or withdrawing the lawful and necessary means of preservation of life h , sinful anger i , hatred k , envy l , desire of revenge m , all excessive passions n , distracting cares o , immoderate use of meat , drink p , labour q , & recreations r , provoking words s , oppression t , quarrelling u , striking , wounding w , and whatsoever else tends to the destruction of the life of any x . Q. 137. Which is the seventh Commandment ? A. The seventh Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not commit adultery y ] Q. 138. What are the duties required in the seventh Commandment ? A. The duties required in the seventh Commandment , are , Chastity , in body , mind , affections z , words a , & behaviour b , & the preservation of it in our selves and others c , watchfulness over the eyes , and all the senses d , temperance e , keeping of chast company f , modesty inapparel g , marriage by those that have not the gift of continency h : conjugal love i , and cohabitation k , diligent labour in our callings l , shunning all occasions of uncleanness , and resisting temptations thereunto m . Q. 139. What are the sins forbidden in the seventh Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the seventh commandment , besides the neglect of the duties required n , are adultery , fornications o , rape incest p , sodomy , and all unnatural lusts q , all unclean imaginations , thoughts , purposes and affections r ; all corrupt or filthy communications , or listening thereto s , wanton looks t , impudent or light behaviour : immodest apparel u , prohibiting of lawful w , and dispensing with unlawful marriages x , allowing , tolerating , keeping of stews , & resorting to them y , intangling vows of single life z , undue delay of marriage a , having more wives or husbands than one , at the same time b , unjust divorce c , or desertion d , idleness , gluttony , drunkenness e , unchast company f , lascivious songs , books , pictures , dancings , stage-plays g , and all other provocations to , or acts of uncleanness either in our selves or others h . Q. 140. Which is the eighth Commandment ? A. The eighth Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not steal i . ] Q. 141. What are the duties required in the eighth Commandment ? A. The duties required in the eighth Commandment are , truth , faithfulness & justice in contracts , & commerce between man & man k : rendering to every one his due l , restitution of goods unlawfully detained from the right owners thereof m , giving and lending freely , according to our abilities , and the necessities of others n : moderation of our judgments ▪ wills , and affections , concerning worldly goods o ; a provident care and study to get p , keep , use and dispose those thing● which are necessary and convenient for the sustentation of our nature , & suteable to our condition q , a lawful calling r , & diligence in it s : frugality t , avoiding unnecessary law suits u , & suretyship , or other like engagements w , and an endeavour by all just , and lawful means , to procure , preserve and further the weal and outward estate of others as well as our own x . Q. 142. What are the sins forbidden in the eighth Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the eighth Commandment , beside the neglect of the duties required y , are these z , robbery a , man-stealing b , & receiving any thing that is stollen c , fradulent dealing d , false weights & measures e , removing land marks f , injustice and unfaithfulness in contracts between man and man g , or in matters of trust h : oppression i , exto●tion k ▪ usury l , bribery m , vexatious law-suits n , unjust inclosures , and depopulati●n● o , ingrossing commodities to enhance the price p , unlawful callings q , and all other unjust or sinful ways of taking , or withholding from our Neighbour what belongs to him , or of enriching our selves r , covetousness s , inordinate prizing and affecting worldly goods t , distrustful and distracting cares & studies in getting , keeping , & using them u , envying at the prosperity of others w , as likewise idleness x , prodigality , wastful gaming , and all other ways whereby we do unduly prejudice our own outward estate y , and defrauding our selves of the due use and comfort of that estate which God hath given us z . Q. 143. Which is the ninth Commandment ? A. The ninth Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour a . ] Q. 144. What are the duties required in the ninth Commandment ? A. The duties required in the ninth Commandment are , the preserving & promoting of truth between man and man b , & the good name of our neighbours as well as our own c : appearing , and standing for d , and from the heart e , sincerely f , freely g , clearly h , and fully i , speaking the truth & only the truth in matters of judgment and justice k , and in all other things whatsoever l , a charitable esteem of our neighbours m ; loving , desiring , & rejoycing in their good name n , sorrowing for o , & covering of their infirmities p , freely acknowledging their gifts and graces q , defending their innocency r , a ready receiving of a good report s , and unwillingness to admit of an evil report concerning them t , discouraging s tale-bearers u , flatterers w , and slanderers x , love and care of our own good name , and defending it when need requireth y , keeping of lawful promises z , studying and practising of whatsoever things are true , honest , lovely , and of good report a . Q. 145. What are the sins forbidden in the ninth Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the ninth Commandment are , all prejudicing the truth and the good name of our neighbours as well as our own b , especially in publick judicature c , giving false evidence d , suborning false witnesses e , wittingly appearing & pleading for an evil cause , outfacing & over bearing the truth f , passing unjust sentence g , calling evil good , & good evil , rewarding the wicked accord●ng to the work of the righteous , and the righteous according to the works of the wicked h , forgery i , concealing the truth , undue silence in a just cause k , and holding our peace when iniquity calleth either for a reproof from our selves l , or complaint to others m , speaking the truth unseasonably n , or malicio●sly to a wrong end o , or perverting it to a wrong meaning p , or in doubtful and equivocal expressions to the p●ejudice of truth or justice q ▪ speaking untruth r , lying s , slandring t , ●ack●iting u , detracting w , tale-bearing x , whispering y , scoffing z , revi●ing a , rash b , harsh c , & par●ial censuring d , misconstruing intentions , words & act●ons e , flattering f , vain glorious bosting g , thinking or speaking too highly or to meanly of our selves or others h , denying the gifts and graces of God i , aggravating smaller faults k , hiding , excusing , or extenuating of sins when cal●d to a free confession l , unnecessary discovering of infirmities m , raising false rumors n , receiving & countenancing evil reports o and stopping our ears against just defence p , evil suspition q , envying or grieving at the deserved credit of any r , endeavouring or desiring to impair it s , rejoycing in their disgrace and infamy t , scornful contempt u , fond admiration w , breach of lawful promises x , neglecting such things as are of good report y , & practising or not avoiding our selves , or not hindring , what we can in others such things as procure an ill name z . Q. 146. Which is the tenth Commandment ? A. The tenth Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man servant , nor his maid servant , nor his ox nor his ass , nor any thing that is thy neighbours a . ] Q. 147. What are the duties required in the Tenth Commandment ? A. The duties required in the tenth Commandment are , such a full contentment with our own condition b , and such a charitable frame of the wholesoul towards our neighbour , as that all our inward motions & affections touching him tend unto , and further all that good which is his c . Q. 148. What are the sins forbidden in the tenth Commandment ? A. The sins forbidden in the tenth Commandment are , discontentment with our own estate d , envying e , and grieving at the good of our neighbours f , together with all inordinate motions and affections to any thing that is his g . Q. 149. Is any man able perfectly to keep the Commandments of God ? A. No man is able either of himself h , or by any grace receiv'd in thi● life , perfectly to keep the commandments of God i , but doth daily break them in thought k , word , and deed l . Q. 150. Are all transgressions of the Law of God equally hainous in themselves and in the sight of God ? A. All transgressions of the Law of God are not equally hainous : but some ●●ns in themselves , and by reason of several aggravations , are more hainous in the sight of God than others m . Q. 151. What are those aggravations which make some sins more hainous than others ? A. Sins receive their aggravations from the persons offending n , if they be of riper age o , greater experience or grace p , eminent for profession q ▪ gifts r , place s , office t , guides to others u , and whose example is likely to be followed by others w . From the parties offended x , if immediately against God y , his attributes z , & worship a , against Christ and his grace b , the holy Spirit c , his witness d , and working e ; against superioursmen of eminency f , & such as we stand especially related & engaged unto g , against any of the saints h , particularly weak brethren i , the souls of them or any other k and the common good of all or many l . From the nature and quality of the offence m , if it be against the express letter of the Law n , break many Commandments , contain in it many sins o , if not only conceiv'd in the heart , but breaks forth in words and actions p , scandalize others q , and admit of no reparation r , if against means s , mercies t , judgments u , light of nature w , conviction of conscience x , publick or private admonition y , censures of the Church z , civil punishments a , and our own prayers purposes , promises b , vows c , covenante d , & engagements to God or men e , if done deliberatly f , wilfully g presumptuously h , impudently i , bostingly k , maliciously l , frequently m , obstinatly n , with delight o , continuance p , or relapsing after repentance . From circumstances q , of time r , and place s ; if on the Lords day t , or other times of divine worship u , or immediately before w , or after these x , or other helps to prevent or remedy miscarriages y , if in publick , or in the presence of others who are thereby likely to be provoked or defiled z . Q. 152. What doth every sin deserve at the hands of God ? A ▪ Every sin , even the least being against the sovereignty a , goodness b & holiness of God c , and against his righteous Law d : deserveth his wrath and curse e , both in this life f , & that which is to come g , & cannot be expiated but by the blood of Christ , Q. 153. What doth God require of us that we may escape his wrath and curse due to us by reason of the transgression of the Law ? h A. That we may escape the wrath and curse of God due to us by reason of the transgression of the Law , he requireth of us repentance toward God , and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ i , and the diligent use of the outward means whereby Christ communicates to us the benefits of his mediation k . Q. 154. What are the outward means whereby Christ communicates to us the benefits of his mediation ? A. The outward and ordinary means wereby Christ communica●eth to his Church the benefits of his ●ediation , are , all his ordinances , ●specially the word , Sacraments ●nd Prayer : all which are made effe●tual to the elect for their salvation l . Q. 195. How i● the Word made ●ffectual to salvation ? A. The Spirit of God maketh the ●●ading , but especially the preaching ●f the word , an effectual means of ●●lightning m , convincing and hum●ing sinners n , of driving them out 〈◊〉 themselves , & drawing them un●● Christ o , of conforming them to 〈◊〉 Image p , & subduing them to his ●ll q , of strengthening them against ●●mptations and corruptions r , of building them up in grace s , and establishing their hearts in holiness and comfort through faith unto salvation t . Q. 156. Is the word of God to b● read by all ? A. Although all are not to be permitted to read the word publickly to th● Congregation u , yet all sorts of people are bound to read it apart b● themselves w , and with their fam●●lies x , to which end the holy Scrip●tures are to be translated out of 〈◊〉 Original into vulgar languages y . Q. 157. How is the word of G●● to be read ? A. The holy Scriptures are to be rea● with an high and reverent esteem them z , with a firm perswasion th● they are the very word of God a , that he only can enable us to und●●●stand them b , with desire to kno● believe & obey the will of God ●●●vealed in them c , d with diligence & attention to the matter & 〈◊〉 of them e , with meditation f , app●●●cation g , self-denial h , and praye● ▪ Q. 158. By whom is the word God to be preached ? A. The word of God is to be prea●●●ed only by such as are sufficie●●●ly gifted k , and also duly approved and called to that office l . Q. 159. How is the word of God to be preached by those that are called thereunto ? A. They that are called to labour in the ministry of the word , are to preach sound doctrine m , diligently n , in season & out of season o , plainly p ; not in the enticing words of mens wisdom , but in demonstration of the Spirit and power q , faithfully r , mak●ng known the whole counsel of God s , wisely t applying themselves to ●he necessities and capacities of the ●earers u , zealously w , with fervent ●ove to God x , and the souls of the people y , sincerely z , aiming at his glory a , and their conversion b , edi●ication c , and salvation d . Q. 160. What is required of those ●hat hear the word preached ? A. It is required of those that hear ●he word preached , that they attend ●pon it with diligence e , preparati●n f , & prayer g , examine what they ●ear by the Scriptures h , receive the ●●uth with faith i , love , meekness , ●nd readiness of mind , as the Word of God n , meditate o , and confer of it p , hide it in their hearts q , and bring forth the fruit of it in their lives r . Q. 161. How do the Sacraments become effectual means of Salvation ? A. The Sacraments become effectual means of Salvation , not by any power in themselves , or any vertue derived from the piety & intention of him by whom they are administred , but only by the working of the holy Ghost , and the blessing of Christ by whom they are instituted s . Q. 162. What is a Sacrament ? A. A Sacrament is an holy ordinance instituted by Christ in his Church t , to signifie , seal , and exhibit u , unto those that are within the Covenant of Grace w , the benefits of his mediation x , to strengthen , and increase their faith , & all other graces y , to oblige them to obedience z , to testifie and cherish their love and communion one with another a , and to distinguish them from those that are without b . Q. 163. What are the parts of a Sacrament ? A. The parts of a Sacrament are two ; the one , an outward and sen●sible sign , used according to Christs own appointment ; the other an inward and spiritual grace , thereby signified c . Q. 164. How many Sacraments hath Christ instituted in his Church under the New Testament ? A. Under the New Testament Christ hath instituted in his Church only two Sacraments , Baptism , and the Lords Supper d . Q. 163. What is Baptism ? A. Baptism is a Sacrament of the New Testament , wherein Christ hath ordained the washing with water , in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the holy Ghost e , to be a sign and seal of ingrafting into himself f , of remission of sins by his blood g , and regeneration by his Spirit h , of adoption i , and resurrection unto everlasting life k : and whereby the parties baptized are solemnly admitted into the visible Church l , and enter into an open and professed ingagement to be wholly and only the Lords m . Q. 166. Unto whom is Baptism to be administred ? A. Baptism is not to be administred to any that are out of the visible Church , & so strangers from the Covenant of promise , till they profess their faith in Christ , and obedience to him n : but infants descending from parents , either both , or but one of them , pr●fessing faith in Christ , and obedience to him , are in that respect , within the Covenant , and to be baptized o . Q. 167. How is our baptism to be improved by us ? A. The needful but much neglected duty of improving our Baptism , is to be performed by us all our life long , especially in the time of temptation , and when we are present at the administration of it to others p , by serious and thankful con●ideration of the nature of it , & of the ends for which Christ instituted it , the priviledges and benefits conferred and sealed thereby , and our solemn vow made therein q , by being humbled for our sinful defilements , our falling short of , and walking contrary to the grace of Baptism and our ingagements r , by growing up to assurance of pardon of sin , and of all other blessings sealed to us in that Sacrament s , by drawing strength from the death and resurrection of Christ into whom we are baptized , for the mortifying of sin , and quickning of grace t , and by endeavouring to live by faith u , to have our conversation in holiness and righteousness w , as those that have therein given up there name to Christ x , and to walk in brotherly love , as being baptized by the same spirit into one body y . Q. 168. What is the Lords Supper ? A. The Lords Supper is a Sacrament of the New Testament z , wherein by giving and receiving bread and wine according to the appointment of Jesus Christ , his death is shewed forth : and they that worthily communicate , feed upon his body and blood , to their spiritual nourishment and growth in grace a , have their union & communion with him confirmed b , testifie and renew their thankfulness c , and ingagement to God d , and their mutual love , and fellowship each with other , as members of the same mystical body e . Q. 169. How hath Christ appointed bread & wine to be given and received in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ? A. Christ hath appointed the ministers of his word , in the administratition of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , to set apart the bread and wine from common use , by the word of institution , thanksgiving , & prayer , to take and break the bread , and to give both the bread , & the wine to the Communicants , who are , by the same appointment , to take , & eat the bread , and to drink the wine , in thankful remembrance that the body of Christ was broken and given , and his blood shed for them f . Q. 170. How do they that worthily communicate in the Lords Supper , feed upon the body and blood of Christ therein ? A. As the body and blood of Christ are not corporally or carnally present in , with , or under the bread and wine in the Lords Supper g , and yet are spiritually present to the faith of the receiver , no less truly and really than the elements themselves are to their outward sense h , so they that worthily communicate in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , do therein feed upon the body and blood of Christ , not after a corporal , or carnal but in a spiritual manner , yet truly & really i , while by faith they receive and apply unto themselves Christ crucified , and all the benefits of his death k . Q. 171. How are they that receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to prepare themselves before they come unto it ? A. They that receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , are , before they come , to prepare themselves thereunto , by examining themselves l , of their being in Christ m , of their sins and wants n , of the truth and measure of their knowledge o , faith p , repentance q , love to God and the brethren r , charity to all men s , forgiving those that have done them wrong t , of their desires after Christ u , and of their new obedience w , and by renewing the exercise of these graces x , by serious meditation y , and fervent prayers z . Q. 172. May one who doubteth of his being in Christ , or of his due preparation , come to the Lords Supper ? A. One who doubteth of his being in Christ , or of his due preparation to the Sacrament of the Lords supper may have true interest in Christ , though he be not yet assured thereof a , and in Gods account , hath it , if he be duely affected with the apprehension of the want of it b , & unfainedly desires to be found in Christ e , and to depart from iniquity d : in which case ( because promises are made , and this Sacrament is appointed , for the relief even of weak and doubting Christians e ) he is to bewail his unbelief f , and labour to have his doubts resolved g , and so doing he may and ought to come to the Lords Supper , that he may be further strengthened h . Q. 173. May any who profess the faith , and desire to come to the Lords Supper , be kept from it ? A. Such as are found to be ignorant or scandalous , notwithstanding their profession of the faith , and desire to come to the Lords Supper , may and ought to be kept from that Sacrament by the power which Christ hath left in his Church i , until they receive instruction , and manifest their reformation k . Q. 174. What is required of them that receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in the time of the administration of it ? A. It is required of them that receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , that , during the time of the administration of it with all holy reverence and attention they wait upon God in that Ordinance l , did ligently observe the Sacramental Elements and actions m , heedfully discern the Lords Body n , and affectionatly meditate on his death and sufferings o , and thereby stir up themselves to a vigorous exercise of their graces p , in judging themselves q , and sorrowing for sin r , in earnest hungring and thirsting after Christ s , feeding on him by faith t , receiving of his fulness u , trusting in his merits w , rejoycing in his love x , giving thanks for his grace y , in renewing of their Covenant with God z , and love to all the Saints a . Q. 175. What is the duty of Christians after they have received the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ? A. The duty of Christians after they have received the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , is seriously to consider how they have behaved themselves therein , and with what success b ; if they find quickning and comfort , to bless God for it c , beg the continuance of it d , watch against relapses e , fulfil their vows f , and incourage themselves to a frequent attendance on that ordinance g , but if they find not present benefit , more exactly to review their preparation to , & carriage at the Sacrament h , in both which if they can approve themselves to God and their own consciences , they are to wait for the fruit of it in due time i , but if they see they have failed in either , they are to be humbled k , and to attend upon it afterward with more care & diligence l . Q. 176. Wherein do the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper agree ? A. The Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper agree , in that the Author of both is God m , the spiritual part of both is Christ and his benefits n , both are seals of the same Covenant o , are to be dispensed by Ministers of the Gospel and by none other p , and to be continued in the Church of Christ untill his second coming q . Q. 177. Wherein do the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper differ ? A. The Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper differ , in that Baptism is to be administred but once with water to be a sign & seal of our regeneration and ingrafting into Christ r , and that even to infants s ; whereas the Lords Supper is to be administred often , in the Elements of bread and wine , to represent and exhibit Christ as spiritual norrishment to the soul t , and to confirm our continuance and growth in him u , and that only to such as are of years and abilitie to examine themselves w . Q. 178. What is Prayer ? A. Prayer is an offering up of our desires unto God x , in the name of Christ y , by the help of his spirit z , with confession of our sins a , and thankful acknowledgment of his mercies b . Q. 179. Are we to pray unto God only ? A. God only being able to search the hearts c , hear the requests d , pardon the sins e , & fulfil the desires of all f , and only to be believed in g , and worshipped with religious worship h , prayer which is a special part thereof i , is to be made by all to him alone k and to none other l . Q. 180. What is it to pray in the Name of Christ ? A. To pray in the name of Christ is in obedience to his command , and in confidence on his promises , to ask mercy for his sake m , not by bare mentioning of his Name n , but by drawing our encouragement to pray & our boldness , strength , and hope of acceptance in prayer , from Christ and his mediation o . Q. 181. Why are we to pray in the Name of Christ ? A. The sinfulness of man , and his distance from God by reason thereof , being so great , as that we can have no access into his presence without a Mediator p , and there being none in Heaven or Earth appointed to , or fit for that glorious work , but Christ alone q , we are to pray in no other name but his only r . Q. 182. How doth the Spirit help us to pray ? A. We not knowing what to pray for as we ought , the Spirit helpeth our infirmities , by enabling us to understand both for whom , and what , and how prayer is to be made , and by working and quickning in our hearts ( although not in all persons , nor at all times in the same measure ) those apprehensions , affections , & graces which are requisit for the right performance of that duty s . Q. 183. For whom are we to pray ? A. We are to pray for the whole Church of Christ , upon Earth t , for Magistrates u , and Ministers w , for our selves x , our breathren y , yea our enemies z , and for all sorts of men living a , or that shall live hereafter b , but not for the dead c , nor for those that are known to have sinned the sin unto death d . Q. For what things are we to pray ? A. We are to pray for all things tending to the glory of God e , the welfare of the Church f , our own g , or others good h , but not for any thing that is unlawful i . Q. 185. How are we to pray ? A. We are to pray with an awful apprehension of the Majesty of God k , and deep sense of our own unworthiness l , necessities m , and sins n , with patience o , thankful p , and enlarged hearts q , with understanding , faith , sincerity , fervency , love and perseverance , waiting upon him with humble submission to his will. Q. 186. What rule hath God given for our direction in the duty of prayer ? A. The whole word of God is of use to direct ur in the duty of prayer : but the special rule of direction is that form of prayer , which our Saviour Christ taught his Disciples ▪ commonly called the Lords Prayer b · Q. 187. How is the Lords Prayer to be used ? A. The Lords Prayer is not only for direction as a patern according to which we are to make other prayers , but may also be used as a prayer , so that it be done with understanding , faith , reverence , and other graces necessary to the right performance of the duty of prayer c . Q. 188. Of how many parts doth the Lords prayer consist ? A. The Lords Prayer consists of three parts , a Preface , Petitions , and a conclusion . Q. 189. What doth the Preface of the Lords Prayer teach us ? A. The Preface of the Lords Prayer , [ contained in these words , Our Father which art in Heaven d ] teacheth us , when we pray , to draw near to God with confidence of his Fatherly goodness , and our interest therein e , with reverence and all other child-like dispositions f , Heavenly affections g , and due apprehensions of his soveraign power , majesty , and gracious condescension h , as also to pray with and for others i . Q. 190. What do we pray for in the first Petition ? A. In the first Petition [ which is Hallowed be thy Name k ] acknowledging the utter inability & indisposition , that is in our selves and all men to honour God aright l ; we pray that God would by his grace inable and incline us and others to know , to acknowledg and highly to esteem him m , his titles n , attributes o , ordinances , word p , works and whatsoever he is pleased to make himself known by q , and to glorify him in thought , word r , and deed s , that he would prevent and remove Atheism t , ignorance u , idolatry w , prophanness x , and whatsoever is dishonourable to him y , and by his overruling providence direct and dispose of all things to his own glory z . Q. 191. What do we pray for in the second Petition ? A. In the second Petition [ which is , thy kingdom come a . ] acknowledging our selves and all mankind to be by nature under the dominion of sin and Satan b ; we pray that the Kingdom of sin and Sathan may be destroyed c , the Gospel propagated throughout the world d , the Jews called e , the fulness of the Gentiles brought in f , the Church furnished with all Gospel officers and ordinances g , purged from corruption h , countenanced & maintained by the civil Magistrate i , that the ordinances of Christ may be purely dispensed and made effectual to the converting of those that are yet in their sins , & the confirming , comforting and building up of those that are already converted k : that Christ would rule in our hearts here , & hasten the time of his second coming , l & our reigning with him for ever m , and that he would be pleased so to exercise the Kingdom of his power in all the world , as may best conduce to these ends n . Q. 192. What do we pray for in the third Petition ? A. In the third Petition [ which is , Thy will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven o , ] acknowledging that by nature we & all men are not only utterly unable & unwilling to know & to do the will of God p , but prone to rebel against his word q , to repine & murmure against his providence r , & wholly inclined to do the will of the flesh , & of the devil s , we pray that God would by his Spirit take away from ourselves and others , all blindness ▪ weakness , indisposedness w , and perversness of heart x , & by his graces make us able and willing to know , do and submit to his will in all things y , with the like humility z , chearfulness a , faithfulness b , diligence c , zeal d , sincerity e , and constancy f , as the Angels do in Heaven g . Q. 193. What do we pray for in the fourth Petition ? A. In the fourth Petition , [ which is , Give us this day our daily bread h , ] acknowledging that in Adam and by our sin , we have forfeited our right to all the outward blessings of this life , & deserve to be wholly deprived of them by God , and to have them cursed to us in the use of them i , and that neither they of themselves are able to sustain us k , nor we to merit l , or by our own industry to procure them m , but prone to desire n , get o , and use them unlawfully p , we pray for our selves and others , that both they & we waiting upon the providence of God , from day to day in the use of lawful means , may of his free gift , and as to his fatherly wisdom shall seem best , enjoy a competent portion of them q , and have the same continued and blessed unto us in our holy and comfortable use of them r , and contentment in them s , & be kept from all things that are contrary to our temporal support and comfort t . Q. 194. What do we pray for in the fifth Petition ? A. In the fifth Petition [ which is Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors u , ] acknowledging that we & all others are guilty both of original and actual sin , & thereby become debters to the justice of God , and that neither we , nor any other creature can make the least sa●isfaction for that debt w ; we pray for our selves & others , that God of his free grace would , through the obedience & satisfaction of Christ apprehended & applyed by faith , acquit us both from the guilt and punishment of sin x , accept us in his beloved y , continue his favour and grace to us z , pardon our daily failings a , & fill us with peace and joy , in giving us daily more and more assurance of forgiveness b , which we are the rather emboldned to ask and encouraged to expect when we have this Testimony in our selves , that we from the heart forgive others their offences c . Q. 195. What do we pray for in the sixth Petition ? A ▪ In the sixth Petition [ which is , And lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil d ] acknowledging that the most wise righteous and gracious God for divers holy and just ends may so order things , that we may be assaulted , and for a time led captive by temptations e , that Satan f , the world g , and the flesh are ready powerfully to draw us aside and insnare us h ; & that we , even after the pardon of our sins , by reason of our corruption i , weakness , and want of watchfulness k , are not only subject to be tempted , & forward to expose our selves unto temptations l , but also of our selve● unable & unwilling to resist them , to recover out of them and to improve them m , and worthy to be left under the power of them n we pray that God would so over-rule the world and al● in it o , subdue the flesh p , and restrain Satan q , order all thing● r , bestow and bless all means of grace s , and quicken us to watchfulness in the use of them , that we and all his people may b● hi● pr●vidence be kept from being 〈◊〉 to sin t , or if tempted , that by 〈◊〉 spirit we may be powerfully supported and enabled to stand in that hour of temptation u , or when fallen , raised and again recovered out of it w , & have a sanctified use and improvement thereof x , that our sanctification & salvation may be perfected y , Satan trodden under our feet z , and we fully freed from sin , temtation , and all evil for ever a . Q. 196. What doth the conclusion of the Lords prayer teach us ? A. The conclusion of the Lords prayer , [ which is , For thine is the Kingdom , the power and the glory , for ever , Amen b , ] teacheth us to enforce our Petitions with arguments c , which are to be taken not from any worthiness in our selves , or in any other creature , but from God d , and with our prayers to joyn praises e , ascribing to God alone eternal Soveraignty , omnipotency , and glorious excellency f , in regard whereof , as he is able and willing to help us g , so we by faith are imboldned to plead with him that he would h , and quietly to rely upon him that he will fulfil our requests i , k and to testifie this our desire and assurance , we say , Amen . The Shorter CATECHISM , First agreed upon by the Assembly of DiVines at Westminster . And now appointed by the General assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , to be a part of Uniformity in Religion , between the Kirks of Christ , in the three Kingdoms . Quest. 1. WHat is the chief end of Man ? A. Mans chief end is to glorifie God a , and to enjoy him for ever b . Q. 2. What rule hath God given to direct us how we may glorifie and enjoy him ? A. The Word of God ( which is contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament o ) is the only rule to direct us , how we may glorifie and enjoy him d . Q. 3. What do the Scriptures principally teach ? A. The Scriptures principally teach what man is to believe concerning God ; and what duty God requires of man e . Q. 4 What is God ? A. God is a spirit f , infinite g , eternal h , and unchangeable i , in his being k , wisdom l , power m , holiness n , justice , goodness and Truth o . Q. 5. Are there more Gods than one ? A. There is but one only , the living and true God p . Q. 6. How many persons are there in the Godhead ? A. There are three persons in the God-head , the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost ; and these three are one God , the same in substance , equal in power and glory q . Q. 7. What are the decrees of God ? A. The decrees of God are his eternal purpose according to the counsel of his will , whereby for his own glory , he hath fore-ordained whatsoever comes to pass r . Q. 8. How doth God execute his Decrees ? A. God executeth his Decrees in the works of Creation & Providence . Q. 9. What is the work of Creation ? A The work of Creation is Gods making all things of nothing , by the word of his power , in the space of six days , and all very good s . Q. 10. How did G●d create man ? A. God created man , male & female after his own image , in knowledge , righteousness , and holiness , with dominion over the creatures t . Q. 11. What are Gods works of Providence ? A. Gods works of providence are , his most holy u , wise w , and powerful preserving x , and governing all his creatures and all their actions y . Q. 12. What special act of providence did God exercise towards man in the estate wherein he was created ? A. When God had created Man , he entred into a Covenant of life with him , upon condition of perfect obedience : forbidding him to eat of the Tree of knowledge of good and evil , upon pain of death z . Q. 13. Did our first Parents continue in the estate wherein they were created ? A Our first Parents , being left to the freedom of their own will , fell from the estate wherein they were created , by sinning against God a . Q. 14. What is sin ? A. Sin is any want of conformity unto , or transgression of the Law of God b . Q. 15. What was the sin whereby our first Parents fell from the estate wherein they were created ? A. The sin whereby our first Parents ●ell from the estate wherein they were created , was their eating the forbidden fruit c . Q. 16. Did all mankind fall in Adams first transgression ? A. The Covenant being made with Adam , not only for himself , but for his posterity , all mankind descending from him by ordinary generation , sinned in him , & fell with him in his first transgression d . Q. 17. Into what estate did th● fall bring mankind ? A. The fall brought mankind into an estate of sin and misery . Q. 18. Wherein consists the sinfu●●ness of that estate whereinto man fell ▪ A. The sinfulness of that estat● whereinto man fell , consists in th● guilt of Adams first sin , the want 〈◊〉 Original righteousness , and the cor●ruption of his whole nature , which 〈◊〉 commonly called Original sin , tog●ther with all actual transgressions which proceed from it f . Q. 19. What is the misery of that estate whereinto man fell ? A. All mankind by their fall lost communion with God g , are under his wrath & curse h , & so made liable to all miseries in this life , to death it self , & to the pains of Hell for ever i . Q. 29. Did God leave all mankind to perish in the estate of sin and misery ? A. God having out of his meer good pleasure from all eternity , elected some to everlasting life k , did enter into a Covenant of grace , to deliver them out of the estate of sin & misery , and to bring them into an estate of Salvation by a Redeemer l . Q. 21. Who is the Redeemer of Gods elect ? A. The only Redeemer of Gods elect , is the Lord Jesus Christ m , who being the eternal Son of God , became man n , and so was , and continueth to be God & man , in two distinct natures , & one person for ever . o Q. 22. How did Christ being the Son of God become man ? A. Christ the Son of God became man by taking to himself a true body p , and a reasonable soul q , being conceived by the power of the holy Ghost in the womb of the Virgin Mary , & born of her r , yet without sin s . Q. 23. What Offices doth Christ execute as our Redeemer ? A. Christ as our redeemer executeth the Offices of a Prophet , of a Priest , and of a King , both in his estate of humiliation , & exaltation t . Q. 24. How doth Christ execute the Office of a Prophet ? A. Christ executeth the Office of a Prophet , in revealing to us by his Word , and Spirit , the will of God for our salvation u . Q. 25. How doth Christ execute the Office of a Priest ? A. Christ executeth the Office of a Priest , in his once offering up of himself a sacrifice to satisfie divine justice w , and reconcile us to God x , and in making continual intercession for us y . Q. 26. How doth Christ ex●pute the Office of a King ? A. Christ executeth the Office of a King , in subduing us to himself z , in r●ling a , and defending us b , and in restraining and conquering all his and our enemies . Q. 27. Wherein did Christs H●miliation consist ? A. Christs humiliation consisted in his being born , and that in a low condition d , made under the Law e , undergoing the miseries of this life f , the wrath of God g , and the cursed death of the Cross h , in being buried i , and continuing under the power of death for a time k . Q. 28. Wherein consisteth Christs Exaltation ? A. Christs exaltation consisteth in his rising again from the dead on the third day l , in ascending up into Heaven m , in sitting at the right hand of God the Father n , and coming to judge the world at the last day o . Q. 29. How are we made partakers of the Redemption purchased by Christ ? A. We are made partakers of the Redemption purchased by Christ , by the effectual application of it to us p , by his holy Spirit q . Q. 30. How doth the Spirit apply to us the Redemption purchased by Christ ? A The Spirit applyeth to us , the Redemption purchased by Christ by working faith in us r , and thereby uniting us to Christ in our Effectual Calling s . Q. 31. What is effectual calling ? A. Effectual calling is the work of Gods Spirit t , whereby ●●nvincing us of our sin & misery u , inlightening our minds in the knowledge of Christ w , and renewing our wills x , he doth perswade and inable us to imbrace Jesus Christ freely offered to us in the Gospel y . Q. 32. What benefits do they that are effectually called partake of in this life ? A. They that are effectually called , do in this life partake of Justification z , Adoption a , Sanctification , & the several benefits which in this life do either accompany or flow from them b . Q. 33. What is Iustification ? A. Justification is an act of Gods fr●e grace , wherein he pardoneth all our sins c , and accepteth us as righteous in his sight d , only for the righteousness of Christ imputed to us e , and received by faith alone f . Q. 34. What is Adoption ? A. Adoption is an act of Gods free grace g , whereby we are received into the number , & have a right to a●l the priviledges of the Sons of God h . Q. 35. What is Sanctification ? A. Sanctification is the work of God● free grace i , whereby we are renewed in the whole man after the Image of God k : and are inabled more and more to die unto sin , and live unto righteousness l . Q. 36. What are the benefits which in this life do accompany or flow from Iustification , adoption & sanctification ? A. The benefits which in this life do accompany or flow from Justification , Adoption , and Sanctification , are ▪ assurance of Gods love , peace of conscience m , joy in the Holy Ghost n , increase of grace o , and perseverance therein to the end p . Q. 37. What benefits do Believers receive from Christ at death ? A. The Souls of Believers are at their death made perfect in holiness q , & do immediately pass into glory r , and their bodies being still united to Christ s , do rest in their graves t , till the Resurrection u . Q. 38 VVhat benefits do Believers receive from Christ at the resurrection ? A. At the resurrection , believers being raised up in glory w , shall be openly acknowledged & acquitted in the day of judgment x , and made perfectly blessed in full enjoying of God y , to all eternity z . Q. 39. What is the duty which God requireth of man ? A. The duty which God requireth of man , is obedience to his revealed will a . Q. 40. What did God at first reveal to man for the rule of his obedience ? A. The rule which God at first revealed to man for his obedience , was the Moral Law b . Q. 41. Where is the Moral Law summarily comprehended ? A. The Moral Law is summarily comprehended in the Ten Commandments c . Q. 42. What is the Sum of the Ten Commandments ? A. The sum of the Ten Commandments is , to love the Lord our God , with all our heart , with all our soul , wi●h all our strength , and with all our mind : and our neighbour as our selves d . Q. 43. What is the Preface to the Ten Commandments ? A. The Preface to the Ten Commandments is in these words , [ I am the Lord thy God , Which have brought thee out of the Land of Egypt , out of the house of bondage e . ] Q. 44. What doth the preface to the Ten Commandments teach us ? A. The Preface to the Ten Commandments teacheth us , that because God is the Lord , and our God , and Redeemer , therefore we a●e bound to keep all his Commandments f . Q. 45. Which is the first Commandment ? A. The first Commandment is , [ Thou shalt have no other Gods before me g . ] Q. 46. What is required in the first Commandment ? A. The first Commandment requireth us to know and acknowledge God to be the only true God and our God h , and to worship and glorifie him accordingly i Q. 47. What is forbidden in the first Commandment ? A. The first Commandment forbiddeth the denying k , or not worshipping & glorifying the true God , as God l , and our God m , and the giving that worship & glory to any other , which is due to him alone n . Q. 48. What are we especially taught by these words [ Before me ] in the first Commandment ? A. These words [ before me ] in the first Commandment , teach us , that God who seeth all things taketh 〈◊〉 of , and ● much displeased with the sin of having any other God o . Q 49. Which is the second Commandment ? A. The second Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven Image , or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above , or that is in the Earth beneath , or that is in the water under the Earth ; thou shalt not bow down thy self to them nor serve them : for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God : visiting the iniquity of the Fathers upon the children , unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me ; and shewing mercy unto thousands , of them that love me , and keep my Commandments p . ] Q. 50. What is required in the second Commandment ? A. The second Commandment requireth the receiving , observing , and keeping pure and intire all such religious worship and ordinances , as God hath appointed in his Word q . Q. 51. What is forbidden in the second Commandment ? A. The second Commandment forbiddeth the worshiping of God by Images r , or any other way not appointed in his word s . Q. 52. What are the reasons annexed to the second Commandment ? A. The reasons annexed to the second Commandment , are , Gods Soveraign●y over us t , his prop●iety in us u , and the zeal he hath to his own worship w . Q 53. VVhich is the third Commandment ? A. The third Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain , for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain x . ] Q. 54. VVhat is required in the third Commandment ? A. The third Commandment requireth the holy and reverent use of Gods Names y , Titles z , Attributes a , Ordinances b , Words c , and Works d . Q. 55. VVhat is forbidden in the third Commandment ? A. The third Commandment forbiddeth all prof●ning or abusing of any thing whereby God maketh himself known e . Q. 55. VVhat is the reason annexed to the third Commandment ? A. The reason annexed to the third Commandment is , that however the breakers of this Commandment may escape punishment from men● yet the Lord our God will not suffer them to escape his righteous judgment f . Q. 57. Which is the fourth Commandment ? A. The fourth Commandment is , [ Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy : Six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work , but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God ; in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man servant , nor thy maid servant , nor thy cattel , nor the stranger that is within thy gates : For in six days the Lord made Heaven and Eartb , the Sea and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day ; wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day , and hallowed it g . ] Q. 58. What is required in the fourth Commandment ? A. The fourth Commandment requireth the keeping holy to God such set time as he hath appointed in his word , expresly one whole day in seven to be a H. Sabbath to himself h . Q. 59. Which day of the seven hath God appointed to be the weekly Sabbath ? A. From the beginning of the world to the Resurrection of Christ , God appointed the seventh day of the week to be the weekly Sabbath : & the first day of the week ever since to continue to the end of the world , which is the Christian Sabbath i . Q. 60. How is the Sabbath to be sanctified ? A. The Sabbath is to be sanctified by an holy resting all that day k , even from such worldly imployments and recreations as are lawful on other days l , and spending the whole time in the publick and private exercises of Gods worship m , except so much as is to be taken up in the works of necessity and mercy n . Q. 61. What is forbidden in the fourth Commandment ? A. The fourth Commandment forbiddeth the omission or careless performance of the duties required o , & the prophaning the day by idleness p or doing that which is in it self sinful q , or by unnecessary thoughts words , or works , about worldly imployments or recreations r . Q. 62. What are the reasons annexed to the fourth Commandment ? A. The reasons annexed to the fourth Commandment are , Gods allowing us six days of the week for our own imployments s , his challenging a special propriety in the seventh , his own example , and his blessing the Sabbath day t . Q. 63. VVhich is the fifth Commandment ? A. The fifth Commandment is , [ Honour thy father & thy mother that thy day may be long upon the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee u . ] Q. 64. VVhat is required in the fifth Commandment ? A. The fifth Commandment requireth the preserving the honour , and performing the duties , belonging to every one in their several places and relations , as Superiours w , Inferiours x , or Equals y . Q. 65. What is forbidden in the fifth Commandment ? A. The fifth Commandment forbiddeth the neglect of , or doing any thing against the honour & duty which belongeth to every one in their several places and relations z . Q. 66. What is the reason annexed to the fifth Commandment ? A. The reason annexed to the fifth Commandment is , a promise of long life and prosperity ( as far as it shall serve for Gods glory , and their own good ) to all such as keep this Commandment . Q. 67. Which is the sixth Commandment ? A. The sixth Commandment is [ Thou shalt not kill b . ] Q. 68. What is required in the sixth Commandment ? A. The sixth Commandment requireth all lawful endeavours to preserve our own life c , and the life of others d . Q. 69. What is forbidden in the sixth Commandment ? A. The sixth Commandment forbiddeth the taking away of our own life , or the life of our neighbour unjustly : or whatsoever tendeth thereunto e . Q. 70. Which is the seventh Commandment ? A. The seventh Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not Commit Adultery f . ] Q. 71. What is required in the seventh Commandment ? A. The seventh Commandment requireth the preservation of our own and our neighbours chastity in heart , speech and behaviour g . Q. 72. What is forbidden in the seventh Commandment ? A. The seventh Commandment forbiddeth all unchast thoughts , words , and actions h . Q. 73. Which is the eighth Commandment ? A. The eighth Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not steal i . ] Q. 74. What is required in the eighth Commandment ? A. The eighth Commandment requireth the lawful procuring , and furthering the wealth and outward estate of our selves and others k . Q. 75. What is forbidden in the eighth Commandment ? A. The eighth Commandment forbiddeth whatsoever doth , or may unjustly hinder our own , or our neighbours wealth , or outward estate l . Q. 76. Which is the ninth Commandment ? A. The ninth Commandment is , [ thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour m . ] Q : 77. What is required in the ninth Commandment ? A. The ninth Commandment requireth the maintaining and promoting of truth between man and man n , and of our own and our neighbours good name o , especially in witness bearing p . Q. 78. What is forbidden in the ninth Commandment : A. The ninth Commandment forbiddeth whatsoever is prejudicial to truth , or injurious to our own , or our neighbours good name q . Q 79. Which is the tenth Commandment ? A. The tenth Commandment is , [ Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man servant , nor his maid servant , nor his Ox , nor his Ass , nor any thing that is thy neighbours r . ] Q. 80. What is required in the tenth Commandment ? A. The tenth Commandment requireth full contentment with our own condition s , with a right and charitable frame of spirit toward our neighbour and all that is his t . Q. 81. What is forbidden in the tenth Commandment . A. The Tenth Commandment forbiddeth all discontentment with our own estate u , envying or grieving at the good of our neighbour w , & all inordinate motions and affections , to any thing that is his x . Q. 82. Is any man able perfectly to keep the Commandments of God ? A. No meer man since the fall , is able in this life , perfectly to keep the Commandments of God y , but doth daily break them in thought , word , and deed z . Q. 83. Are all transgressions of the Law equally hainous ? A. Some sins in themselves , and by reason of several aggravation● , are more hainous in the sight of God than others a . Q. 84. What doth every sin deserve ? A. Every sin deserveth Gods wrath , and curse , both in this life , and that which is to come b . Q. 85. What doth God require of us , that we may escape his wrath and curse , due to us for sin ? A. To escape the wrath and curse of God due to us for sin ▪ God requireth of us faith in Jesus Christ , repentance unto life c , with the diligent use of all the outward means , whereby Christ Communicateth to us the benefits of Redemption d . Q. 86. What is faith in Iesus Christ ? A. Faith in Jesus Christ is a saving grace e , whereby we receive and rest upon him alone for Salvation ▪ as he is offered to us in the Gospel f . Q. 87. What is repentance unto life ? A. Repentance unto life is a saving grace g , whereby a sinner out of a true sense of his sin h , and apprehension of the mercy of God in Christ i , doth with grief and hatred of his sin , turn from it unto God k : with full purpose of , and endeavour after , new obedience l . Q. 88. What are the outward means , whereby Christ communicateth to us the benefits of Redemption ? A. The outward and ordinary means whereby Christ communicateth to us the benefits of Redemption , are his Ordinances , especially the Word , Sacrament , and Prayer ; all which are made effectual to the Elect , for salvation m . Q. 89. How is the word made effectual to Salvation ? A. The Spirit of God maketh the Reading , but especially the Preaching of the Word , an effectual means of convincing and converting sinners , and of building them up in holiness , and comfort through faith unto salvation n . Q. 90. How is the word to be read and heard , that it may become effect●al to Salvation ? A. That the word may become effectua● to salvation , we must attend thereunto with diligence o , preparation p , and prayer q , receive it with ●aith and love r , lay it up in our hearts s , & practice it in our lives t ▪ Q. 91. How do the Sacraments become effectual means of Salvation ? A. The Sacraments become effectual means of salvation , not from any vertue in them , or in him that doth administer them , but onely by the blessing of Christ u , and the working of his Spirit in them that by faith receive them w . Q. 92. What is a Sacrament ? A. A Sacrament is an holy Ordinance instituted by Christ , wherein , by sensible signs , Christ and the benefits of the New Covenant are represented , sealed , and applyed to believers x . Q. 93. Which are the Sacraments of the New Testament ? A. The Sacraments of the New Testament are , Baptism y , and the Lords Supper z . Q. 94. What is Baptism ? A. Baptism is a Sacrament , wherein the washing with water , in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and ●f the Holy Ghost a , doth signifie and seal our ingrafting into Christ , and partaking of the benefits of the Covenant of Grace , and our engagement to be the Lords b . Q. 95. To whom is Baptism to be administred ? A. Baptism is not to be administred to any that are out of the visible Church , till they profess their faith in Christ , and obedience to him c , but the infants of such as are members of the visible Church are to be baptized d . Q. 96. What is the Lords Supper ? A. The Lords Supper is a Sacrament , wherein by giving and receiving Bread and Wine according to Christs appointment , his death is shewed forth : and the worthy receivers are not after a corporal and carnal manner , but by ●faith made partakers of his Body and Blood , with all his benefits to their spiritual nourishment , and growth in grace e . Q. 97. What is required to the worthy receiving of the Lords Supper ? A. It is required of them that would worthily partake of the Lords Supper , that they examine themselves , of their knowledge to discern the Lords Body f , of their faith to feed upon him g , of their repentance h , love , and new obedience , lest coming unworthily , they eat and drink judgment to themselves l . Q. 28. VVhat is Prayer ? A. Prayer is an offering up of ou● desires unto God m , for things agreeable to his will n , in the Name of Christ o , with confession of our sins p , and thankful acknowledgement of his mercies n . Q. 99. VVhat rule hath God given for our direction in Prayer ? A. The whole word of God is of use to direct us in prayer r : but the special rule of direction , is that form of Prayer , which Christ taught his Disciples , commonly called , The Lords Prayer s . Q. 110. VVhat doth the Preface of the Lords Prayer teach us ? A. The preface of the Lords Prayer , which is , [ Our Father which are in Heaven t , ] teacheth us to draw near to God , with all holy reverence , and confidence , as Children to a Father , able and ready to help us u ▪ and that we should pray with and for others w . Q. 101. VVhat do we pray for in the first Petition ? A. In the first Petition , which is , [ Hallowed be thy Name x ] we pray that God would enable us & others to glorifie him in all that whereby he maketh himself known y , and that he would dis●ose all things to his own glory z . Q. 102. VVhat do we pray for in the second Petition ? A. In the second Petition , which is , [ Thy Kingdom come a , ] we pray that Satans Kingdom may be destroyed b , and that the Kingdom of Grace may be advanced c , our selves and others brought into it , and kept in it d , and that the Kingdom of Glory may be hastned e . Q. 103. VVhat do we pray for in the third Petition ? A. In the third Petition , which is , [ Thy will be done in Earth as it is in Heaven f , ] we pray that God by his grace would make us able and willing to know , obey , and submit to his will in all things g , as the Angels do in Heaven h . Q. 104. VVhat do we pray for in the fourth Petition ? A. In the fourth Petition , which is , [ Give us this day our daily bread i , ] we pray , that of Gods free gift we may receive a competent portion of the good things of this life , and enjoy his blessing with them k . Q. 105. What do we pray for in the fifth Petition ? A. In the fifth Petition , which is , [ And forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors l , ] we pray that God for Christs sake would freely pardon all our sins m : which we are the ●ather encouraged to ask , because by his grace we are inabled from the heart to forgive others n . Q. 106. What do we pray for in the sixth Petition ? A. In the sixth Petition , which is , [ And lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil o , ] we pray that God would either keep us from being tempted to sin p , or support and deliver us when we are tempted q . Q. 107. What doth the conclusion of the Lords Prayer teach us ? A. The Conclusion of the Lords Prayer , which is , [ For thine is the Kingdom , and the power , and the glory , for ever , Amen r , ] teacheth us to take our incouragement in prayer from God onely s , and in our prayers to praise him , ascribing Kingdom , power and glory to him t , and in testimony of our desire and assurance to be heard , we say , Amen u . THE TEN COMMANDMENTS . Exod. 20. GOD spake all these words , saying , I am the Lord thy God , which have brought thee out 〈◊〉 the Land of Egypt , out of the house of bondage . I. Thou shalt have no other Gods before me . II. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven I●age , or any likeness of any thing that is in Hea●en above , or that is in the Earth beneath , or that 〈◊〉 in the water under the Earth , thou shalt not 〈◊〉 down thy self to them nor serve them : for I the ●ord thy God am a jealous God , visiting the iniqui●● of the Fathers upon the Children , unto the third ●nd fourth generation of them that hate me ; and ●●ewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me , ●nd keep my Commandments . III. Thou shall not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain , for the Lord will not ●old him guilt●●ss ▪ that taketh his Name in va●n . IV. Remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy : ●ix days shalt thou labour and do all thy work ▪ 〈◊〉 the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord 〈◊〉 God : in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , 〈◊〉 thy Son , nor thy Daughter , thy man-servant , 〈◊〉 thy maid-servant , nor thy 〈◊〉 , nor the stranger that is within thy gates : For in six days the Lord made Heaven and Earth , the Se● , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , wheref●re the Lord blessed the Sabbath day , and hallowed it . V. Honour thy father and thy mo●her , that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee . VI. Thou shalt not kill . VII . Thou shalt not commit adultery . VIII . Thou shalt not steal . XI . Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour . X. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours Wife , nor his Man Servant , nor his Maid Servant , nor his Ox , nor his Asse , nor any thing that is thy neighbours . THE LORDS PRAYER . Math. 6. OVr Father which art in Heaven . Hallowed be thy Name : Thy Kingdom c●me : Thy will be done on Earth , as it is in Heaven , Give us this day our daily bread : And forgive us our debts , as we forgive our debtors ; And lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil : For thine is the Kingdom , and the power , and the glory for ever ; Amen . THE CREED . I Believe in God the Father Almighty , maker of Heaven and Earth : and in Iesus Christ his only Son our Lord , which was conceived by the holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead and buried : He descended into Hell * : the third day he rose again from the dead , he ascended into Heaven , and siteth on the right ●and of God the Father Almighty , from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead : I believe in the Holy Ghost , the Holy Catholick Church , the Communion of Saints , the forgiveness of sins , the Resurrection of the Body , and the life everlasting . Amen . SO much of every Question both in the Larger and Shorter Catechism , is repeated in the Answer , as maketh every Answer an entire Proposition , or Sentence in it self ; to the end , the Learner may further improve it upon all occasions , for his increase in knowledge and piety ▪ even out of the course of catechising , as well as in it . And albeit the substance of the doctrine comprised in that abridgement , commonly called the Apostles Creed , be fully set forth in each of the Catechisms , so as there is no necessity of inserting the Creed it self , yet it is here annexed , not as though it were composed by the Apostles , or ought to be estee●ed Canonical Scripture , as the ten Commandments , and the Lords Prayer ( much less a Prayer , as ignorant people have been apt to make both it and the Decalogue ) but because it is a brief sum of the Christian Faith , agreeable to the Word of God , and anciently recei●ed in the Churches of Christ. THE SUMME OF SAVING KNOWLEDGE , With the Practical use thereof . John 6.37 . All that the Father giveth me , shall come to me : and him that cometh to me , I will in no wise cast out . EDINBVRGH , Printed by George Swintoun , and Thomas Brown , and are to be sould by Iames Glen , and David Trench . 1671. A brief Sum of Christian Doctrine , Contained In Holy Scriptures , and holden forth in the Confession of Faith & Catechism . Agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminst●r , and received by the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland . The sum of Saving knowledge may be taken up in these four hea●s . 1. The woeful condition wh●r●in all men are by nature , through breaking of the Covenant of Works . 2. The R●medy pr●vided for the Elect in Iesus Christ , by the Covenant of Grace . 3. The means appointed ●o make them part●kers of this Covenant . 4. The blessi●gs which are effectually conv●yed unto the Elect by these means . Which four heads are set down each of them in some f●w Propositions . HEAD 1. Our woful condition by nature , through breaking the Covenant of Works . Hos. 13 9. O Israel , thou hast destroyed thy self . THe Almighty and Eternal God the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost , three di●tinct persons , in one and the same undivided God-head , equally in●inite in all perfections ; did before time most wisely decree for his own glory , whatsoever cometh to pass in time , and doth most holily , and infallibly execute all hi● Decrees ▪ without being partaker of the sin 〈◊〉 any creature . II. This God in six days made all things 〈◊〉 nothing very good in their own kind , in special● he made all the Angels holy ; and he mad● our first Parents Adam and Eve , the root 〈◊〉 mankind ▪ both upright and able to keep the Law written in their heart . Which Law the●● were naturally bound to obey under pain 〈◊〉 death , but God was not bound to reward thei● service , till he entered in a Covenant or Contract with them , and their posterity in them ▪ to give them eternal life upon condition of perfect personal obedience , withal threatning death in case they should fail . This is the Covenant of Works . III. Both Angels and Men are subject to the change of their own free-will as experience proveth ( God having reserved to himself the incommunicable property of being naturally unchangeable ) For many Angels of their own accord fell by sin from their first estate and became Devils our first Parents being inticed by Satan , one of these Devils speaking in a serpent ▪ did break the Covenant of Works in eating the forbidden Fruit ▪ whereby they and their posterity being in their loins , as branches in the root , and comprehended in the same Covenant with them , became not only lyable to eternal death , but also lost all ability to please God ; yea did become by nature enemies to God and to all spiritual good , and 〈◊〉 lined only to evil continually . This is our original sin , the bitter root of all our actual transgressions ▪ in thought , word ▪ and deed . HEAD II. The remedy provided in Jesus Christ for the Elect by the Covenant of Grace ; Hos. 13.9 . O Israel , thou hast destroyed thy self , but in me is thine help . ALbeit man , having brought himself into this woeful condition be neither able to ●elp himself , nor willing to be helped by God ●ut of it , but rather inclined to ly still unsen●●●le of it , till he perish : yet God for the glory ●f his rich Grace , hath revealed in his Word ●way to save sinners , to wit , by faith in Jesus Christ the Eternal Son of God , by vertue of ●nd according to , the tenor of the Covenant of Redemption , made and agreed upon between God the Father and God the Son , in the counsel of the Trinity before the World began . II. The sum of the Covenant of Redemption is this , God having freely chosen unto life , a ●ertain number of lost mankind , for the glory ●f his rich Grace did give them before the world began , unto God the Son appointed Redeemer , that upon condition he would humble ●imself so far as to assume the humane natur●●f a soul and body , unto personal union with ●is Divine Nature , and submit himself 〈…〉 Law as surety for them , and satisfie Justice for them , by giving obedience in their name , even unto the suffering of the cursed death of the Cross , he should ransom and redeem them all from sin and death , and purchase unto them righteousness and eternal life , with all saying graces leading thereunto , to be effectually , by means of his own appointment , applyed in due time to every one of them . This condition the Son of God ( who is Jesus Christ our Lord ) did accept before the world began , and in the fulness of time came into the World , was born of the Virgin Mary , subjected himself to the Law , and compleatly payed the ransome on the Cross : but by vertue of the foresaid bargain made before the World began , he is in all ages since the fall of Adam , still upon the work of applying actually the purchased benefits unto the elect : and that he doth by way of entertaining a Covenant of free grace and reconciliation with them , through faith in himself , which Covenant he makes over to every believer a right and interest to himself , and to all his blessings . III. For the accomplishment of this Covenant of Redemption , and making the Elect partakers of the benefits thereof in the Covenant of Grace , Christ Jesus was clad with the three●old Office of Prophet , Priest , and King. Made a Prophet , to reveal all saving knowledge to his people , and to perswade them to believe and 〈◊〉 the same ▪ Made a Priest , to offer up himself a sacrifice once for them all , and to interceed continually with the Father for making their persons and services acceptable to him . And made a King , to subdue them to himself , to feed and rule them by his own appointed Ordinances , and to defend them from their enemies . HEAD 3. The outward means appointed to make the Elect partakers of this Covenant , and all the rest that are called to be inexcusable , Mat. 22.14 . Many are called . THe outward means and ordinances for making men partakers of the Covenant of Grace are so wisely dispenced , as the Elect ●hall be infallibly converted and saved by them , and the Reprobate among whom they are not , be justly stumbled . The means are specially these four . 1. The Word of God. 2. The Sacraments . 3. Kirk Government . ● . Prayer . In the Word of God preached by ●ent Messengers , the Lord makes offer of Grace to all sinners upon condition of faith in Jesus Christ , and whosoever do confess their sin , accept of Christ offered , and submit themselves to his Ordinances , he will have both them and their children received into the honour and priviledges of the Covenant of Grace . By the Sacraments God will have the Covenant sealed for confirming the bargain on the foresaid condition . By Kirk Government he will have them ●edge in , and help foreward unto the keeping of the Covenant . And by Prayer , he will have his own gl●rious Grace promised in the Covenant , to be daily drawn forth , acknowledged and imployed . All which means are f●llowed either really , or in profession only , according to the quality of the Co●enanters , as they a●e true or counter●it believers , II. The Covenant of Grace set down in the Old Testament before Christ came , and in the New since he came , is one and the same in substance , albeit different in outward administration : for the Covenant in the Old Testament , being sealed with the Sacraments of Circumcision and the Paschal Lamb did set forth Christs death to come , and the benefits purchased thereby , under the shadow of bloody sacrifices and sundry ceremonies : but since Christ came , the Covenant , being sealed by the Sacraments of Baptism , and the Lords Supper , do clearly hold forth Christ already crucified before our eyes , victorious over death , and the grave , and gloriously ruling Heaven , and Earth for the good of his own people . HEAD IV. The bless●ngs which a● effectually conveyed by these mea● to the Lords Elect or chosen one Mat. 22.24 . Many are called , 〈◊〉 few are chosen . BY these outward Ordinances as our Lord makes the Reprobate inexcusable so , in the power of his Spirit , he applies unto the Elect effectually , all saving graces purchased to them , in the Covenant of Redemption , and maketh a change in their persons . In particular , 1. He doth convert or regenerate them , by giving spiritual life to them , in open●ng their understandings , renewing their wills , affections and faculties , for giving spiritual obedience to his commands . 2. He gives unto them saving Faith by making them in the sense of deserved condemnation , to give their consent heartily to the ▪ Covenant of Grace , and to imbrace Christ Jesus unfained . 3. He gives them Repentance , by making them , with Godly sorrow in the hatred of sin , and love of Righteousness : turn from all iniquity to the service of God , and , 4. He Sanctifies them , by making them go on and persevere in faith , and spiritual obedience of the Law of God , manifested by fruitfulness in all duties , and doing good works , as God offereth occasion . II. Together with this inward change of their Persons , God changes also their state : for so soon as they are brought by Faith into the Covenant of Grace , 1. He Iustifies them , by imputing unto them , that perfect obedience which Christ gave to the Law , and the satisfaction also which upon the Cross Christ gave unto Justice in their name . 2. He Reconcials them , and makes them friends to God , who were before enemies to God. 3. He Adoptes them that they should be no more children of Satan , but children of God , inriched with all spiritual priviledges of his Sons : And last of all , after their warfare in this life is ended , he perfects the holiness and blessedness , first of their souls at their death , and then both of their souls and their bodys , being joyfully joyned together again , in the Resurrection , at the day of his Glorious coming to Judgment ▪ when all the wicked shall be sent away to Hell , with Satan whom they have served ; but Christs own chosen and redeemed ones true Believers , Students of holiness , shall remain with himself for ever , in the state of Glorification . The practical use of Saving Knowledge , Contained in Scripture , and holden forth briefly in the foresaid Confessions of Faith and Catechisms . THe chief general use of Christian Doctrine is , to convince a man of sin , and of Righteousness , and of Judgment , Iohn 16.8 . Partly by the Law or Covenant of Works , that he may be humbled and become penitent , and partly by the Gospel or Covenant of Grace , that he may become an unfained believer in Jesus Christ , and be strengthened in his faith by good fruits ▪ and so be saved . The sum of the Covenant of Works , or of the Law , is this , If thou do all that is commanded , and not fail in any point , thou shalt be saved : But if thou fail , thou shalt die . Rom. 10.5 . Gal. 3.10 , 12. The sum of the Gospel or Covenant of grace and Reconciliation is this , If thou flee from deserved wrath , to the true Reedemer Iesus Christ , ( who is able to save to the uttermost all that come to God , through him ) thou shalt not perish but have eternal life , Rom. 10.8.9 , 11. For convincing a man of sin , of Righteousness , and of Judgment by the Law ▪ or Covenant of Works let these Scriptures among many more be made use of . 1. For convincing a man of sin by the Law : consider , Ier. 17.9 , 10. THe heart is d●ceitful above all things , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? I the Lord search the heart , I try the reins , ●v●n to give every man according to his ways , and according to the fruit of his doings : Here the Lord teacheth these two things . 1. That the fountain of all our miscarriage and actual sinning against God is in the heart , which comprehendeth the mind , will , affections and all the powers of the soul , as they are corrupted and defiled with original sin : the mind being not only ignorant and uncapable of saving truth ; but also full of error and enmity against God ▪ and the will and affections being obstinately disobedient unto all Gods directions ▪ and bent toward that only which is evil ▪ The heart , saith he , is deceitful above all things , and desperately wicked ; yea , and unsearchably wicked : so that no man can know it , and Gen. 6.5 . Every imagination of the thoughts of mans heart is only evil continually ( saith the Lord ) whose testimony we must trust in this and all other matters : and experience also may teach us , that till God make us deny our selves , we ●ever look to God in any thing ▪ but fleshly ●elf interest alone doth rule us and move all the wheels of our actions . 2. That the Lord bringeth our original sin ●r wicked inclination , withal the actual fruits ●hereof , unto reckoning before his Judgment ●eat , for he searcheth the heart and tryeth the ●eins , to give every man according to his ways , ●nd according to the fruit of his doings . Hence let every man reason thus : What God and my guilty conscience beareth witness of , I am convinced that it is true . But God and my guilty conscience beareth witness , that my heart is deceitful above all ●hings ▪ and desperately wicked ; and that all ●he imaginations of my heart , by nature , are only evil continually . Therefore I am convinced that this is true . Thus a man may be convinced of sin by the Law. ● For convincing a man of righteousness by the Law , consider , Gal. 3.10 . AS many as are of the w●rks of the Law , are under the curse : for it is written , Cursed is ●very ●ne that continueth not in all things which are ●ri●t●n in th● Book of t●e Law to ●o them . Here the Apostle teacheth us three things . 1. That by reason of our natural sinfulness , 〈◊〉 impossibility of any mans being justified ●y the works of the Law is so certain , that whosoever do seek Justification by the work of the Law , are liable to the curse of God , fo● breaking of the Law ; for , as many as are of 〈◊〉 works of the Law are under the curse , saith he . 2. That unto the perfect fulfilling of th● Law , the keeping of one or two of the pr●●cepts , or doing of some , or of all duties ( if 〈◊〉 were possible ) for a time is not sufficient ; 〈◊〉 the Law requireth , that a man continue in 〈◊〉 things which are written in the Book of the Law , 〈◊〉 do them . 3. That because no man can come up to th● perfection every man by nature is under th● curse ; for the Law saith Cursed is every one th● continueth not in all things , which are written 〈◊〉 the Book of the Law , to do them . Now to be under the curse , comprehende●● all the displeasure of God , with the danger 〈◊〉 the breaking forth more and more of his wrat● upon soul and body , both in this life and afte● death perpetually , if grace do not prevent th● full execution thereof . Hence let every man reason thus : Whosoever , according to the Covenant o● Works is liable to the curse of God , for break●ing the Law , times and ways out of number cannot be justified or find righteousness by the works of the Law. But I ( may every man say ) according to th● Covenant of Works , am liable to the curse 〈◊〉 God , for breaking the Law , times and ways 〈◊〉 of number . Therefore I cannot be justified , or have ●●ghteousness by the works of the Law. Thus may a man be convinced of righteous●●●● , that it is not to be had by his own works 〈◊〉 by the Law. ● . For convincing a man of Judgment by the Lavv : consider , 2 Thes. 1.7 . THe Lord shall be revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels , ver . 8. In flaming 〈◊〉 ●aking vengeance on them that know not 〈◊〉 ▪ and that obey not the Gospel of our Lord 〈◊〉 Christ. ver . 9. Who shall be punished with ●●erlasting destruction from the presence of the 〈◊〉 , and from the glory of his power . ver . 10. ●hen he shall come to be glorified in his saints , 〈◊〉 to be admired in all them that believe . Wherein we are taught , that our Lord Jesus , ●ho now offers to be Mediator for them who ●el●eve in him , shall at the last day , come armed ●ith flaming fire , to judge , condemn and de●●roy all them who have not believed God , 〈◊〉 not received the offer of grace made in 〈◊〉 Gospel , nor obeyed the Doctrine thereof ; 〈◊〉 remain in their natural estate under the ●aw or Covenant of Works . Hence let every man reason thus : What the righteous Judge hath fore-warn●d , me shall be done , at the last day , I am sure 〈◊〉 just judgement . But the righteous Judge hath fore-warned ●e , that if I do not believe God in time , and obey the Doctrine of the Gospel , I shall 〈◊〉 secluded from his presence and his glory , at t●● last day , and be tormented in soul and body 〈◊〉 ever . Therefore I am convinced that this is 〈◊〉 Judgement . And I have reason to thank God heartil● who hath forewarned me to flee from the wrat● which is to come . Thus every man may be , by the Law or C●●venant of Works , convinced of judgment , 〈◊〉 he shall continue under the Covenant 〈◊〉 Works , or shall not obey the Gospel of ou● Lord Jesus . For convincing a man of sin , righteous●ness , and judgment by the Gospel . AS for convincing a man of sin , and righ●teousness , and judgment by the Gospe● or Covenant of grace , he must understan● three things . 1. That not believing in Jesu● Christ , or refusing of the Covenant of Grace offered in him , is a greater and more dangerous sin , then all other sins against the Law● because the hearers of the Gospel ▪ not believing in Christ , do reject Gods mercy in Christ ▪ the only way of freedom from sin and wrath , and will not yield to be reconciled to God. Next , he must understand that perfect remission of sin and true righteousness is to be had only by faith in Jesus ; because God requireth no ●ther conditions but Faith , and testfiies from ●eaven that he is well pleased to justifie sinners ●pon this condition . 3. He must understand ●hat , upon righteousness received by faith , ●udgment shall follow on the one hand , to the ●estroying of the works of the Devil in the ●eliever , and to the perfecting of the work of ●anctification in him , with power : and that ●pon refusing to take righteousness by Faith in ●esus Christ , Judgment shall follow on the o●her hand , to the condemnation of the misbe●●ever , and destroying of him with Satan and ●is servants for ever . For this end let these passages of Scripture , ●mong many others , serve to make the great●ess of the sin of not believing in Christ appear , ●r to make the greatness of the sin of refusing ●f the Covenant of Grace , offered to us , in ●he offering of Christ unto us , let the fair offer ●f Grace be looked upon as it is made , Isa. 55. ● . Incline your ear and come unto me ( saith the ●ord ) hear , and your soul shall live , and I will ●ake an everlasting Covenant with you , even ●he sure mercies of David . That is , if ye will ●elieve me , and be reconciled to me , I will by Covenant ▪ give unto you Christ , and all sa●ing graces in him ; repeated , Acts 13.24 . Again consider that this general offer in ●ubstance is equivalent to a special offer made ●o every one in particular , as appeareth by ●●e Apostles making use of it , Acts 16.13 . ●elieve on the Lord Jesus Christ , and thou shalt be saved and thy house . The reason o● which offer is given I●h . 3.16 . For God so lov●● the World , that he gave his only begotten Son , th●● whosoever believeth in him , should not perish , bu● have everlasting life . Seeing then this grea● salvation is offered in the Lord Jesus , whosoever believe not in him , but lo●k for happines● some other way , what doth he else , but observ● lying vanities , and forsake his own mercy whic● he might have had in Christ ? Ion●h 2.8 , ● ▪ What doth he else but blaspheme God in hi● heart ? as it is said , 1 Iohn 5.10 . He that believeth not God , hath made him a liar , because 〈◊〉 believeth not the record that God gave of his Son and this is the record , that God hath given to us eternal life , and this life is in his Son ; and that no si● against the Law is like unto this sin , Christ testifies , Iohn 15.22 . If I had not come and spoke● to them ▪ they had not h●● sin ; but now they hav● no cloak for their sin . This may convince 〈◊〉 man of the greatness of this sin of not believing in Christ. For convincing a man of righteousness to be had only by faith in Christ ● consider how , Rom. 10.3 , 4. IT Is said , that the Iews being ignorant o● Gods righteousness , and going about to establis● their own righteousness . have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God , ( and so they perished ) for Christ is the end of the La● 〈◊〉 righteousness to every one that believeth : and ●cts 13.34 . By Christ Iesus all that believe , are ●●stified from all things , from which ye could not be ●●stified by the Law of Moses : and 1 Iohn 1.7 . 〈◊〉 blood of Iesus Christ his Son , cleanseth us from 〈◊〉 sin . For convincing a man of judgement , if a ●an imbrace this righteousness : consider , ● Iohn 3.8 . For this purpose the Son of God was ●●nifested that he mi●●t destroy the works of the ●evil . and Heb. 9.14 . How much more shall the 〈◊〉 of Christ , who through the eternal Spirit , 〈◊〉 himself without spot to God , purge your consci●ce from dead works to serve the living God. But if a man imbrace not this righteousness , 〈◊〉 is pronounced , Iohn 3.18 . He that be●●●veth not is condemned already ; because he hath 〈◊〉 believed in the Name of the only begotten Son of 〈◊〉 . And this is the condemnation , that light is 〈◊〉 into the World , ●nd men love darkness rather 〈◊〉 light . Hence let the penitent desiring to believe , ●●ason thus : What doth suffice to convince all the Elect 〈◊〉 the world of the greatness of the sin of not ●●lieving in Christ , or refusing to flee to him 〈◊〉 relief from sins done against the Law , and ●●om wrath due thereto ? and what sufficeth 〈◊〉 convince them that righteousness and eter●●l life is to be had by Faith in Jesus Christ , or 〈◊〉 consenting to the Covenant of Grace in him ? and what sufficeth to convince them of Judgement to be exercised by Christ for destroying the works of the Devil in a man , and sanctifying and saving all that believe in him , may suffice to convince me also . But what the Spirit hath said in these or other like Scriptures , sufficeth to convince the Elect world of the foresaid sin and righteousness and Judgment . Therefore what the Spirit hath said in these and other like Scriptures , serveth to convince me thereof also . Whereupon let the penitent desiring to believe take with him words , and say heartily to the Lord ; Seeing thou saye●t , seek ye my Face ▪ my soul answereth unto thee , thy face , Lor● will I seek , I have hearkned unto the offer of an everlasting Covenant of all saving mercies to be had in Christ , and I do heartily embrace thy offer , Lord let it be a bargain , Lord I believe , help my unbelief : Behold I give my self to thee to serve thee in all things for ever , and I hope they right ●and shall save me , the Lord will perfect that which concerneth me . Thy mercy ▪ O Lord endureth for ever , forsake not the works of thy own hands . Thus may a m●n be made an unfained believer in Christ. For strengthning the mans Faith who hath agreed unto the Covenant of Grace . BEcause many true believers are weak , and do much doubt if ever they shall be sure of the soundness of their own Faith and Effectual calling , or made certain of their Justification and Salvation , when they see , that many , who profess faith , are found to deceive themselves ; let us see how every believer may be made strong in the faith , and sure of his own Election and Salvation upon solid grounds by sure warrants and true evidences of faith . To this end among many other Scriptures , take these following . 1. For laying solid grounds of faith , consider , 2 Pet. 1.10 . Wherefore the rather , brethren ▪ give diligence to make sure your calling and election , for if ye do these things , ye shall never fall . In which words the Apostle teacheth us these four things , for help and direction , how to be made strong in the faith . 1. That such as believe in Christ Jesus , and are fled to him for relief from sin and wrath , albeit they be weak in the faith , yet they are indeed Children of the same Father with the Apostles : for so he accounteth of them , while he called them brethren . 2. That albeit we be not sure , for the time of our effectual calling and election , yet we may be made sure of both , if we use diligence : for this he presupposeth , saying , Give diligence to make your calling and election sure . 2. That we must not be discouraged , when we see many seeming believers prove rotten branches and make defection , but we must the rather take the better heed to our selves Wherefore the rather , brethren , saith he , give all diligence . 4. That the way to be sure both of our effectual calling , and Election , is to make sure work of our Faith , by laying the grounds of it solidly , and bringing forth the fruits of our faith in new obedience constantly , For if ye do these thing● , saith he , ye shall never fall ; understand by these things , what he had said of sound faith , ver . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. And what he had said of the bringing out of the fruits of faith , ver . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. To this same purpose , consider , Rom. 1.8 . There is therefore now no condemnation to them that are in Christ Iesus , who walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit . ver . 2. For the Law of the Spirit of Life , in Christ Iesus , hath made me free from the Law of sin and death . ver . 3. For what the Law could not do , in that it was weak through the flesh , God sending his own Son , in the likeness of sinfull flesh , and for sin condemned sin in the flesh . ver . 4. That the righteousness of the Law might be fulfilled in us , who walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit . Wherein the Apostle teacheth us these four things , for laying of the ground of faith solidly . 1. That every one is a true believer , who in the sense of his sin and fear of Gods wrath doth flee for full relief from both unto Jesus Christ alone , as the only Mediator , and all-sufficient Redeemer of men , and being fled to Christ , doth strive against his own flesh , or corrupt inclination of nature , and studieth to follow the rule of Gods Spirit , set down in his Word ; for the man whom the Apostle doth here bless as a true believer , is a man in Christ Jesus , who doth not walk after the flesh , but after ●he Spirit . 2. That all such persons as are fled to Christ , ●nd do strive against sin , howsoever they may ●e possibly exercised under the sense of wrath , ●nd fear of condemnation , yet they are in no ●anger ; for there is no condemnation ( saith he ) ●o them that are in Christ Iesus , who walk not ●fter the flesh , but after the Spirit . 3. That albeit the Apostle himself ( brought 〈◊〉 here for examples cause ) and all other true ●elievers in Christ , be , by nature , under the ●aw of sin and death , or under the Covenant ●f Works , ( called the Law of sin and death , ●ecause it bindeth sin and death upon us , till ●hrist set us free ) yet the Law of the spirit of ●●e in Christ Jesus , or the Covenant of Grace ●o called , because it doth inable and quicken man to a spiritual life through Christ ) doth set the apostle and all true believers free from the Covenant of Work● or the Law of sin and death , so that every man may say with him , The Law of the Spirit of life , or the Covenant of Grace , hath freed me from the Law of sin and death , or Covenant of Works . 4. That the fountain and first ground from whence our freedom from the curse of the Law doth flow , is the Covenant of Redemption , past betwixt God , and God the Son , as incarnate , wherein Christ takes the Curse of the Law upon him for sin , that the believer , who could not otherwise be delivered from the Covenant of Works , may be delivered from it . And this Doctrine the Apostle holdeth forth in these four branches . 1. That it was utterly ▪ impossible for the Law , or Covenant of works , to bring righteousness and life to a sinner because it was weak . 2. That this weakness and inability of the Law , or Covenant of Works , is not the fault of the Law , but the fault of sinfull flesh , which is neither able to ●ay the penalty of sin , nor to give perfect obedience to the Law ( presuppose by-gone sins were forgiven ) the Law was weak ( saith he ) through the flesh . 3. That the righteousness and salvation of sinners , which was impossible to be brought about by the Law , is brought to pass by sending Gods own Son , Jesus Christ in the flesh , in whose flesh sin is condemned and punished , for making satisfaction in the behalf of the Elect , that they might be set free . 4. That by his means the Law loseth nothing , because the righteousness of the Law is best fulfilled this way : First by Christ , giving perfect active obedience in our name unto it in all things : Next , by his paying , in our name , the penalty , ( due to our sins ) in his death . And lastly , by his working of Sanctification in us , who are true believers , who strive to give new obedience unto the Law , and walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit . Warrants yo believe . FOr building our confid●nce upon th●s solid ground , these four Warrants and special motives to believe in Christ may serve : The 1. whereof is Gods hearty invitation , holden forth , Isa. 55.1 , ● , 3 , 4 , 5. Ho , every one that thirsteth , come ye to the waters , and he that hath no money , come and buy without money , and without price . ver . 2. Wherefore do ye spend your money for that which is not bread , and your labour for that which satisfieth not ? Hearken diligently unto me , and eat ye that which is good , and let your soul delight it self in fatness . ver . 3. Incline your ear and come to me ; hear , and your soul shall live , and I will make an everlasting Covenant with you , even the sure mercies of David . ver . 4. Behold I have given him for a witness to the people , a leader and commander to the people , &c. Here ( after setting down the precious ransom of our Redemption by the sufferings of Christ , and the rich blessings purchased to us thereby in the two former Chapters ) the Lord , in this Chapter , 1. Maketh open offer of Christ and his grace by proclamation of a free and gracious market of Righteousness and Salvation ; to be had through Christ to every soul without exception , that truly desires to be saved from sin and wrath ; ●o , every one that thirsteth , saith he . 2. He inviteth all sinners , that , for any reason , stand at distance with God , to come and take from him riches of grace running in Christ as a River to wash away sin , and to slacken wrath : Come ye to water , saith he . 3. Lest any should stand back , in the sense of his own sinfulness or unworthiness and ina●ility to do any good , the Lord calleth upon such persons in special , saying , He that hath no money , come . ● . H● craveth no more of his Merchant , but that he be pleased with the wares offered , which are grace and more grace , and that he heartily consent unto , and imbrace this offer of grace , that so he may close a bargain and a formal Covenant with God●punc ; Come , buy without money ( saith he ) Come eat , that is , consent to have , and take unto you all saving graces , make the wares your own , possess them , and make use of all blessings in Christ , whatsoever maketh for your spiritual life and comfort , use and enjoy it freely , without paying any thing for it . Come , buy wine and milk without money and without price , saith he , 5. Because the Lord knoweth how much we are inclined to seek righteousness and life by our own performances , and satisfaction to have righteousness and l●fe●punc ; as it were by the way of works , and how lo●th we are to embrace Christ Jesus , and to take life by way of free grace , through Jesus Christ , upon the tearm● whereupon it is offered to us , therefore the Lord lovingly calls us off this our crooked and unhappy way , with a gentle and timous admonition , giving us to understand that we shall but lose our labour in this our way , Wherefore do ye spend your money ( saith he ) for that which is not bread , and your labour for that which satisfieth not ? 6. The Lord promiseth to us solid satisfaction , in the way of betaking our selves unto the grace of Christ , even true c●ntentment , and fulness of spiritual pleasure , saying , Hearken diligently unto me , and eat that which is good , and let your soul delight its self in fatness . 6. Because faith cometh by hearing , he calleth for audience unto the explication of the offer , and calleth for believing of , and listening unto the truth , which is able to beget the application of saving faith and to draw the soul to trust in God. Incline your ear and come unto me , saith he . To which end the Lord promiseth , that this offer , being , received , shall quicken the dead sinner , and that upon the welcoming of this offer , he will close the Covenant of Grace with the man that shall consent unto it , even an indissolvable Covenant of perpetual Reconciliation and Peace , Hearken and your soul shall live , and I will make an everlasting Covenant with you . Which Covenant he declareth , shall be in substance the assignation , and the making over of all the saving graces , which David ( who is Jesus Christ , Act. 13.34 . ) hath brought for us in the Covenant of Redemption , I will make a Covenant with you ( saith he ) even the sure mercies of David . By sure mercies he means saving graces , such as are righteousness , peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost , Adoption , Sanctification , and Glorification , and whatsoever belongs to Godliness , and life eternal . 8. To confirm and assure us of the real grant of these saving mercies , and to perswade us of the reality of the Covenant betwixt God and the believer of this word , the Father hath made a fourfold gift of his eternal and only begotten Son. First , to be incarnate and born , for our sake , of the seed of David , his type , for which cause he is called here , and Act. 13.34 . ( David the true and everlasting King of Israel . ) This is the great gift of God to man , Iohn . 4.10 . And here [ I have given him to be David , or born of David to the people ] Secondly , he hath made a gift of Christ to be a witness to the people , both of the sure and saving mercies granted to the redeemed in the Covenant of Redemption , and also of the Fathers willingness , and purpose to apply them , and to make them fast in the Covenant of Reconciliation made with such as imbrace the offer ; I have given him ( saith the Lord here ) to be a witness to the people : and truly he is a sufficient witness in this manner , in many respects . 1. Because he is one of the Persons of the blessed Trinity , and party contracter for us , in the Covenant of Redemption before the World was . 2. He is by Office as Mediator , the Messenger of the Covenant , and hath gotten commission to reveal it . 3. He began actually to reveal it in Paradise , where he promised that the seed of the woman should bruise the head of the Serpent . 4. He set forth his own death and suff●ring● , and the great benefits that should come th●reby to us , in the types and figures of sacrifices and ceremonies before his coming . 5. He gave more and more light 〈◊〉 this Covenant , speaking by his Spirit , thou ag● to age , in the holy prophets . 6. He came him●●lf 〈◊〉 the fulness of time , and did bear witness of all things belonging to this Covenant , a●d of Gods willing mind to take believers into it , partly by uniting our nature in one person with the D●vine Nature , part●y by Preaching the good tidings of the Covenant with his own mouth , partly by paying the price of Redemption on the Cross , and partly by dealing still with the people from the beginning to this day , to draw in and to hold in the redeemed in this Covenant . Thirdly , God hath made a gift of Christ , as a Leader to the people , to bring us through all difficulties , all afflictions and temptations , unto life , by this Covenant . And he it is , and no other , who doth indeed lead his own unto the Covenant , and in the Covenant all the way on unto salvation . 1. By the direction of his word and Spirit . 2. By the example of his own life , in faith and obedience , even to the death of the Cross. 3. By his powerful working , bearing his redeemed ones in his arms , and causing them to lean on him , while they go up through the wilderness . Fourthly , God hath made a gift of Christ unto his people , as a Commander ; which Office he faithfully exerciseth , by giving to his Kirk and people , Laws and Ordinances , Pastours and Governours , and all necessary Officers , by keeping Cou●ts and Assemblies among them to see that his Laws be obeyed : Subduing by his Word , Spirit and Discipline , his peoples corruptions ; and by his Wisdom and power , guarding them against their enemies whatsoever . Hence he who hath closed bargain with God , may strengthen his faith , by reasoning after this manner . Whosoever doth heartily receive the offer of free grace made here to sinners , thirsting for righteousness and salvation , unto him by everlasting Covenant belongeth Christ the true David , with all his sure and saving mercies . But I ( may the weak believer say ) do heartily receive the offer of free grace , made here to sinners , thir●●ing for righteousness and salvation . Therefore unto me , by an everlasting Covevenant belongeth Christ Jesus , with all his s●re and saving mercies . The second warrant and special motive to imbrace Christ and believe in him is the earnest request that God maketh to us to be reconciled to him in Christ , holden forth , 2 Cor. 5. ver . 14.19.2.21 . GOd was in Christ , reconciling the world unto himself , not imputing their trespasses unto them : and hath committed unto us the word of Reconciliation . ver . 20. Now then we are Embassadors for Christ , as though God did beseech you by us , we pray you in Christs stead , be ye reconciled to God. ver . 21. For he hath made him to be sin for us who knew no sin , that we might be made the righteousness of God in him . Wherein the Apostle teacheth us these nine Doctrines . 1. That the elect World , or the World redeemed souls , are by nature in the estate of enmity against God. This is presupposed in the word Reconciliation ; for reconciliation , or renewing of friendship , cannot be , except betwixt those that have been at enmity . 2. That in all the time by-past , since the fall of Adam , Christ Jesus , the eternal Son of God , as Mediator , and the Father in him , hath been about the making friendship ( by his word and Spirit ) betwixt himself and the elect World , God ( saith he ) was in Christ reconciling the world to himself . 3. That the way of reconciliation was in all ages one and the same in substance , viz. by forgiving the sins of them who do acknowledge their sins , and their enmity against God , and do seek reconciliation and remission of sins in Christ , for God ( saith he ) was in Christ reconciling the world to himself , by way of not imputing their trespasses unto them . 4. That the end and scope of the Gospel and whole word of God , is threefold . 1. It serveth to make people sensible of their sins , and of their enmity against God , and of their danger if they should stand out , and not fear Gods displeasure . 2. The word of God serveth to make men acquainted with the course which God hath prepared for making friendship with him through Christ , viz. That if men shall acknowledge the enmity , and shall be content to enter into a Covenant of friendship with God , through Christ , then God will be contented to be reconciled with them freely . 3. The word of God serveth to teach men how to carry themselves towards God , as friends , after they are reconciled to him , viz. to be loath to sin against him , and to strive heartily to obey his Commandments , and therefore the Word of God here is called the Word of Reconciliation , because it teacheth us , what need we have of reconciliation , and how to make it , and how to keep the reconciliation of friendship , being made with God through Christ. 5. That albeit the hearing , believing , and obeying of this word , doth belong to all those to whom this Gospel doth come , yet the Office of preaching of it , with authority , belongeth to none but to such only as God doth call to this ministry , and sendeth out with Commission for this work . This the Apostle holdeth forth , ver . 18. in these words , he hath committed to us the word of Reconciliation . 6. That the Ministers of the Gospel should behave themselves as Christs Messengers , and should closely follow their commission set down in the word , Matth. 28.19 , 20. and when they do so , they should be received by the people , as Ambassadours from God : for here the Apole , in all their names , saith , we are Embassadours for Christ , as though God did beseech you by us . 7. That Ministers in all earnestness of affections should deal with people , to acknowledge their sins , and their natural enmity against God more and more seriously : and to consent to the Covenant of Grace and Embassage of Christ more and more heartily ; and to evidence more and more clearly their reconciliation by a holy carriage before God. This he holdeth forth , when he saith , we pray you be reconciled to God. 8. That in the Ministers affectionate dealing with the people , the people should consider , that they have to do with God and Christ , requesting them by the Ministers to be reconciled , now there cannot be a greater inducement to break a sinners hard heart , than Gods making request to him for friendship : For when it became us , who have done so many wrongs to God , to seek friendship of God , he preventeth , and ( O wonder of wonders ! ) he requesteth us to be content to be reconciled wit● him : and therefore most fearful wrath must abide them , who do set light by this request ; and do not yield when they hear Ministers with Commission , saying , We are Embassadours for Christ , as though God did beseech you by us , we pray you in Christs stead be ye reconciled to God. 9. To make it appear , how it cometh to pass that the Covenant of Reconciliation should be so easily made up betwixt God and a humble sinner fleeing to Christ , the Apostle leads us unto the cause of it , holden forth in the Covenant of Redemption ; the sum whereof is this . It is agreed betwixt God and the mediator Iesus Christ the Son of God Surety for the redeemed , as parties contractors , that the sins of the redeemed should be imputed to innocent Christ , and he both condemned and put to death for them upon this very condition , that whosoever heartily consents unto the Covenant of Reconciliation offered through Christ , shall by the imputation of his obedience unto them , be justified and holden righteous before God , for God hath made Christ who knew no sin , to be sin for us ( saith the Apostle ) that we might be made the Righteousness of God in him . Hence may a weak believer strengthen his faith , by reasoning from this ground after this manner . He that upon the loving request of God and Christ , made to him by the mouth of his Ministers ( having Commission to that effect ) hath embraced the offer of perpetual reconciliation through Christ , and do purpose by Gods Grace , as a reconciled person to strive against sin , and to serve God to his power constantly , may be as sure to have righteousness , and eternal life given to him for the obedience of Christ imputed to him , as it is sure that Christ was condemned and put to death for the sins of the redeemed imputed to him . But I ( may the weake believer say ) upon the loving request of God and Christ made to me by the mouth of his Ministers , have imbraced the offer of perpetual reconciliation through Christ , and do purpose by Gods gra●e , as a reconciled person , to strive against sin , and to serve God to my power constantly . Therefore I may be as sure to have righteousness and ●ternal life given to me for the obedience of Christ imputed to me , as it is sure that Christ was condemned and put to death for the sins of the redeemed imputed to him . The third warrant and special motive to believe in Christ , is the strait and awful command of God , charging all the hearers of the Gospel to approach to Christ , in the order set down by him , and to believe in him : holden forth , 1 Ioh. 3.23 . THis is his Commandment , that we should believe on the name of his Son Iesus Christ , and love one another , as be gave us commandment . Wherein the Apostle giveth us to understand these five Doctrines . 1. That ●f any man shall not be taken with the sw●et invitation of God , nor with the humb●e and loving request of God made to him to be reconciled , he shall find he hath to do with the Soveraign Authority of the highest Majesty ; for this is his commandment , that we believe in him , saith he . 2. That if any man look upon this Command as he hath looked heretofore upon the neglected Commandments of the Law ; he must consider that this is a command of the Gospel , posterior to the Law , given for making use of the remedy of all sins ; which if it be disobeyed , there is no other Command to follow but this : Go , ye cursed , into everlasting fire of Hell : for this is his commandment : the obedience of which is most pleasant in his sight , ver . 22. And without which it is impossible to please him , Heb. 11.6 . 3. That every one who heareth the Gospel , must make conscience of the duty of lively faith in Christ , the weak believer must not think it presumption to do what is commanded : the person inclined to despiration must take up himself , and think upon obedience unto this sweet and saving command : the strong believer must dip yet more in the sense of his need he hath of Jesus Christ , and more and more grow in the obedience of this command , yea , the most impenitent , prophane and wicked person , must not thrust out himself , or be thrust out by others , from orderly aiming at this duty , how desperate soever his condition seem to be ; for he that commands all men to believe in Christ , doth thereby command all men to believe that they are damned and lost without Christ : he thereby commands all men to acknowledge their sins , and their need of Christ , and in effect commands all men to repent , that they may believe in him . And whosoever do refuse to repent of their by-gone sins are guilty of disobedience to this Command given to all hearers , but especially to those that are within the visible Church , for this is his commandment , that we should believe in the name of his Son Iesus Christ ▪ saith he . 4. That he who ob●yeth this Commandment , hath built his salvation on a solid ground . For first , he hath found the promised Messiah , compleatly furnished with all perfections unto the perfect execution of the Offices of Prophet , Priest , and King ; for he is that Christ in whom the man doth believe . 2. He hath embraced a Saviour who is able to save to the uttermost ; yea , and who doth effectually save every one that cometh to God through him : for he is Jesus the true Saviour of his people from their sins . 3. He that obeyeth this command , hath bui●t his salvation on the Rock , that is , on the Son of God , to whom it is no robbery to be called equal to the Father , and who is worthy to be the object of saving Faith and of Spiritual Worship , for this is his command ( saith he ) that we believe in the Name of his Son Iesus Christ. 5. That he who hath believed on Jesus Christ ( though he be freed from the curse of the Law ) is not freed from the Command and obedience of the Law , but tyed thereunto by a new obligation , and a new command from Christ : Which new command from Christ importeth help to obey the command , unto which command from Christ , the Father addeth his authority and command also ; for this i● his commandment ( saith John ) that we believe on the Name of his Son Iesus Christ , and love one another , as he hath Commandded us . The first part of which command enjoyning belief in him ▪ necessarily implyeth love to God , and so obedience to the first tab●e , for believing in God , and loving God are inseparable . And the second part of the command injoyneth love to our neighbour , ( especially to the houshold of faith ) and so obedience unto the second Table of the Law. Hence may a weak believer strengthen himself by reasoning from this ground after this manner . Whosoever in the sense of his own sinfulness and fear of Gods wrath , at the command of God , is fled to Iesus Christ the only remedy of sin and mis●ry and hath ingaged his heart to the obedience of the Law of Love , his Faith is not presumptuous or dead , but true and saving Faith. But I ( may the weak believer say ) in the sense of my own sinfulness and fear of Gods wrath am fled to Iesus Christ the only remedy of sin and misery , and have ingaged my heart to the obedience of the Law of Love. Therefore my faith is not a presumtuous and dead faith , but true and saving faith . The fourth warrant and spec●al motive to believe in Christ is much assurance of life given , in case men shall obey the command of believing , and a fearful certification , of destruction , in case they obey not : holden forth , Ioh. 3.35 . THe Father loveth the Son , and hath given all things into his hand . ver . 36 He that believeth on the Son hath everlasting life , and he that believeth not the Son , shall not see life , but the wrath of God abideth on him . Wherein are holden forth to us these five following Doctrines , 1. That the Father is well satisfied with the undertakings of the Son , entered Redeemer and Surety to pay the ransom of believers , and to perfect them in holiness and salvation . The Father loveth the Son , saith he , viz. As he standeth Mediator in our name , undertaking to perfect our Redemption in all points . The Father loveth him , that is , doth heartily accept his offer to do the work , and is well pleased with him : his soul delighteth in him and resteth upon him , and maketh him in this his Office , the receptacle of love and grace and good will , to be conveyed by him to believers in him . 2. That for fulfilling of the Covenant of Redemption , the Father hath given to the Son , ( as he standeth in the capacity of the Mediator ) or as he is God incarnate , ( the word made flesh ) all authority in Heaven and Earth , all furniture of the riches of grace , and of spirit and life with all power , and ability , which the Union of the Divine Nature with the Humane ; or which the fulness of the Godhead , dwelling substantially in his Humane Nature , or which the indivisible all-sufficiency and omnipote●●y of the inseparable , every where present Trini●● do●h import ; or the work of Rede●ption ca●●equire ; the Father ( saith he ) hath given al●●hi●gs into the Sons hand , to wit , for acco●pl●●hing his work . 3. 〈◊〉 assurance of life is holden forth to all , who shall heartily receive Christ and the offer of the Covenant of grace and reconciliation through him , he that believeth on the Son ( saith he ) hath everlasting life , for it is made fast unto him , 1. In Gods purpose , and irrevocable decree , as the believer is a man elected to life . 2. By effectual calling of him unto life by God , who as he is faithful , so will he do it . 3. By promise and everlasting Covenant , sworn by God to give the believer strong consolation in life and death upon immutable grounds . 4. By a pawn and infestment under the great Seal of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , so oft as the believer shall come to receive the symbols and pledges of life . 5. In Christ the fountain and head of life , who is entred in a possession , as atturney for believers , in whom our life is so laid up , that it cannot be taken away . 6. By begun possession of spiritual life and regeneration , and a Kingdom consisting in righteousness , peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost , erected within the believer , as arles of the full possession of everlasting life . 4. A fearful certification is given , if a man receive not the Doctrine concerning righteousness and eternal life to be had by Jesus Christ : he that believes not the Son , shall not see life , that is , not so much as understand what it meaneth . 5. He further certifieth , that if a man receive not the Doctrine of the Son of God , he shall be burdened twice with the wrath of God once as a born rebel by nature , he shall bear the curse of the Law , or the Covenant of Works ; and next , he shall endure a greater condemnation , in respect that light being come into the world , and offered to him , he hath rejected it , and loveth darkness rather than light , and this double wrath shall be fastned and fixed immoveably upon him , so long as he remaineth in the condition of misbelief , the wrath of God abideth on him , saith he . Hence may the weak believer strengthen his faith by reasoning from this ground after this manner . Whosoever believeth the Doctrine delivered by the Son of God , and findeth himself partly drawn powerfully to believe him , by the sight of life in ●im , and partly driven by the fear of Gods wrath to adhere unto him , may be sure of right and interest to life eternal through him . But , sinful and unworthy I , ( may the weak believer say ) do believe the Doctrine delivered by the Son of God , and do feel my self partly drawn powerfully to believe in him , by the sight of life in him ; and partly driven , by the fear of Gods wrath to adhere unto him . Therefore I may be sure of my right and interest unto eternal life through him . The evidences of true Faith. SO much for the laying the grounds of faith and warrants to believe : now for evidencing of true faith by fruits , these four things are requisite . 1. That the believer be soundly convinced in his judgment , of this obligation to keep the whole moral Law , all the days of his life : And that not the less , but so much the more , as he is delivered by Christ from the Covenant of Works , and curse of the Law. 2. That he endeavour to grow in the exercise and daily practice of Godliness and righteousness . 3. That the course of his new obedience run in the right channel , that is , through faith in Christ , and through a good conscience , to all the duties of love toward God and man. 4. That he keep strait communion with the fountain Christ Jesus , from whom grace must run along for furnishing of good fruits . For the first , viz. To convince the believer , in his judgement , of his obligation to keep the Moral Law , among many passages , take Matth. 5.16 . LEt your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your Father which is in Heaven . ver . 17. Think not that I am come to destroy the Law or the Prophets : I am not come to destroy , but to fulfil . ver . 18. For verily I say unto you , till Heaven and Earth pass , one jot or one title shall in no wise pass from the Law , till all be fulfi●led . ver . 19. Whosoever therefore shall break one of these least Commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be called least in the Kingdom of Heaven but whosoever shall do and teach them , the same shall be called great in the Kingdom of Heaven . ver . 20. For I say unto you , that except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees , ye shall in no case enter into the Kingdom of Heaven . Wherein our Lord , 1. Giveth commandment to believers , justified by faith , to give evidence of the grace of God in them , before men , by doing good works . Let your light so shine before men ( saith he ) that they may see your good works . 2. He induceth them so to do , by shewing that albeit they be not justified by works ; yet spectators of their good works may be converted or edified , and so glory may redound to God by their good works , when the witnesses thereof shall glorifie your Father which is in Heaven . 3. He gives them no other rule for their new obedience , than the Moral Law , set down , and explicated by Moses and the Prophets . Think not ( saith he ) that I am come to destroy the Law , and the Prophets . 4. He gives them to understand that the Doctrine of grace , and freedom from the curse of the Law , by faith in him , is readily mistaken by mens corrupt judgment , as if it did loose or slaken the obligation of believers to obey the commands , and to be subject to the authority of the Law , and that this error is indeed a destroying of the Law and of the Prophets , which he will in no case ever endure in any of his Disciples , it is so contrary to the end of his coming , which is first to sanctifie , and then to save believers . Think not ( saith he ) that I am come to destroy the Law , and the Prophets . 5. He teacheth , that the end of the Gospel and Covenant of Grace , is to procure mens obedience unto the Moral Law , I am come ( saith he ) to fulfil the Law , and the Prophets . 6. That the obligation of the Moral Law , it● all points , unto all holy duties , is perpetual and shall stand to the worlds end , that is , till Heaven and Earth pass away . 7. That as God hath a care of the Scriptures from the beginning , so shall he have care of them still to the Worlds end , that there shall not one jot or one title of the substance thereof be taken away , so saith the Text , v. 11. 8. That as the breaking of the Moral Law , and defending the transgression thereof to be no sin , doth exclude men both from Heaven , and justly also from the fellowship of the true Kirk , so the obedience of the Law and teaching others to do the same , by example , counsel and doctrine , according to every mans calling , proveth a man to be a true believer , and in great estimation with God , and worthy to be much esteemed of by the true Church , v. 19. 9. That the righteousness of every true Christian , must be more than the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees ; for the Scribes and Pharisees , albeit they took great pains to discharge sundry duties of the Law , yet they cutted short the exposition thereof : that it might the less condemn the practice , they studied the outward part of the duty , but neglected the inward and spiritual part : they discharged meaner duties carefully , but neglected judgment , mercy and the love of God : In a word , they went about to establish their own righteousness , and rejected the Righteousness of God by faith in Jesus . But a true Christian must have more than all this , he must acknowledg the full extent of the spiritual meaning of the Law , and have a respect to all the Commandments , and labour to cleanse himself from all filthiness of flesh and Spirit , and not lay weight upon what service he hath done , or shall do , but cloath himself with the imputed righteousness of Christ : which only can hide his nakedness , or else he cannot be saved . So saith the Text , Except your righteousness , &c. The second thing requisite to evidence true Faith , is that the believer endeavour to put the rules of Godliness and Righteousness in practice , and to grow in the daily exercise thereof : holden forth , 2 Pet. 1.5 . ANd besides this giving all diligence , add to your faith vertue , and to vertue knowledge , ver . 6. And to knowledge temperance ; and to temperance , patience ; and to patience godliness : ver . 7. And to godliness , brotherly kindness , and to brotherly kindness , charity . ver . 8. For if these things be in you , and abound , they make you that ye shall neither be barre● nor unfruitfull in the knowledge of our Lord Iesus Christ. Wherein , 1. The Apostle teacheth believers , for evidencing of pious faith in themselves , to endeavour to add to their faith seven other sister graces : the first is Vertue , or the active exercise and practice of all Moral duties , that so faith may not be idle , but put forth it self in work . The second is Knowledge , which serveth to furnish Faith with information of the truth to be believed ; and to furnish Vertue with direction what duties are to be done , and how to go about them prudently . The third is Temperance , which serveth to moderate the use of all pleasant things , that a man be not cloged therewith , nor made unfit for any duty , whereto he is called . The fourth is Patience , which serveth to moderate a mans affections , when he meeteth wi●h any difficulty or unpleasant thing , that he neither weary for pains required in well doing , nor faint when the Lord chastiseth him , nor murmur when he crosseth him . The fifth is Godliness , which may keep him up in all exercises of Religion , inward and outward , whereby he may be furnished from God , for all other duties which he hath to do . The sixth is Brotherly kindness , which keepeth estimation of , and affection to , all the houshold of Faith , and to the image of God in every one wheresoever it is seen . The seventh is Love , which keepeth the heart in readiness to do good to all men , whosoever they be , upon all occasions which God shall offer . 2. Albeit it be true , that there is much corruption and infirmity in the godly , yet the Apostle will have men uprightly endeavouring , and doing their best , as they are able to joyn all these graces one to another , and to grow in the measure of exercising of them : giving all diligence ( saith he ) add to your saith , &c. 3. He assureth all professed believers , that as they shall profit in the obedience of this direction , so they shall Profitably prove the soundness of their own faith , and if they want these graces , that they shall be found blind deceivers of themselves , ver . 9. The third thing requisite to evidence true faith is , that obedience to the Law run in the right channel , that is through faith in Christ , &c. holden forth , 1 Tim. 1.5 . NOw the end of the Commandment is love out of a pure heart , and of a good conscience and of saith unfaigned . Wherein the Apostle teacheth these seven Doctrines . 1. That the obedience of the Law must flow from love , and love from a pure heart , and a pure heart from a good Conscience , and a good conscience from Faith unfaigned , this he maketh the only right channel of good works , the end of the Law is Love , &c. 2. That the end of the Law is not that men may be justified by their obedience of it , as the Jewish Doctors did falsly teach : for it is impossible that sinners can be justified by the Law , who for every transgression are condemned by the Law : for the end of the Law is ( not such as the Jewish Doctors taught , but ) love out of a pure heart , &c. 3. That the true end of the Law , preached unto the people , is that they , by the Law , being made to see their deserved condemnation , should flie to Christ unfaignedly , to be justified by faith in him : So saith the Text , while it maketh love to flow through faith in Christ. 4. That no man can set himself in love to obey the Law , except in as far as his conscience is quieted by faith , or is seeking to be quieted in Christ , for the end of the Law is love of a good conscience , and faith unfaigned . 5. That faigned faith goeth to Christ without reckoning with the Law , and so wants an errand ; but unfaigned faith reckoneth with the Law , and is forced to flie for refuge unto Christ as the end of the Law , for righteousness so often as it finds it self guilty for breaking of the Law : For the end of the Law is faith unfaigned . 6. That the fruits of love may come forth in act particularly it is necessary , that the heart be brought to the hatred of all sin and uncleanness , and to a stedfast purpose to follow all holiness universal ; for the end of the Law is love out of a pure heart . 7. That unfaigned f●ith is able to make the conscience good , and the heart pure , and the man lovingly obedient to the Law ; for when Christs blood is seen by faith to quiet justice , then the conscience becometh quiet also , and will not suffer the heart to entertain the love of sin , but sets the man on work to fear God for his mercy , and to obey all his commandments out of love to God for his free gift of justification by grace bestowed on him : For this is the end of the Law indeed , whereby it obtaineth of a man more obedience than any other way . The fourth thing requisite to evidence true faith is , the keeping of strait communion with Christ , the fountain of all grace and of all good works : holden forth , Iohn 15.5 . I Am the true vine , ye are the branches , he that abideth in me and I in him , the same bringeth forth much fruit ; for without me ye can do nothing . Wherein Christ in a similitude from a vine tree teacheth us . 1. That by nature we are wild barren briers till we be changed by coming unto Christ , and that Christ is that noble vine tree having all life and sap of grace in himself , and able to change the nature of every one that cometh to him , and to communicate spirit and life to as many as shall believe in him : I am the vine ( saith he ) and ye are the branches . 2 That Christ loveth to have believers so united unto him , as that they be not separated at any time by unbelief : and that there may be a mutual inhabitation of them in him by faith and love , and of him in them , by his Word and Spirit , for he joyneth these together , if ye abide in me and I in you , as things inseparable . 3. That except a man be ingrafted in Christ and united to him by faith , he cannot do any the least good work of his own strength : yea , except in as far as a man doth draw spirit and life from Christ by faith , the work which he doth is naughty and nul in the point of goodness in Gods estimation , for without me ( saith he ) ye can do nothing . 4. That this mutual inhabitation , is the fountain and infallible cause of constant continuing and abounding in well-doing . For he that abideth in me , and I in him ( saith he ) the same beareth much fruit . Now as our abiding in Christ presupposeth three things , 1. That we have heard the joyful sound of the Gospel making offer of Christ to us who are lost sinners by the Law. 2. That we have heartily embraced the gracious offer of Christ. 3. That by receiving of him we are become the sons of God , Iob. 1.12 . And are incorporated into his Mystical body , that he may dwell in us as his temple , and we dwel in him as in the residence of righteousness and life , So our abiding in Christ importeth other three things . 1. An imploying of Christ in all our addresses to God , and in all our undertakings of whatsoever peece of service to him . 2. A contentedness with his sufficiency , without going out from him to seek righteousness or life , or furniture in any case , in our own or any of the creatures worthiness . 3. A fixedness in our believing in him , a fixedness in our imploying and making use of him , and a fixedness in our contentment in him , and adhering to him , so that no allurement , no tentation of Satan or the World , no terror nor trouble may be able to drive our spirits from firm adherence unto him ; or from constant avowing of his truth and obeying his commands , who hath loved us and given himself for us : and in whom not only our life is laid up , but also the fulness of the God-head dwelleth bodily , by reason of the substantial and personal union of the Divine and Humane nature in him . Hence let every watchful Believer , for strengthning himself in faith and obedience , reason after this manner . WHosoever doth daily imploy Christ Iesus for cleansing his conscience and affections from the guiltiness and filthiness of sins against the Law , and for making of him to give evidence of true faith in himself . But I ( may every watchful believer say ) do daily imploy Jesus Christ for cleansing my conscience and affections from the guiltiness and filthiness of sins against the Law , & for enabling of me to give obedience to the Law in love . Therefore I have the evidence of true faith in my self . And hence also let the sleepy and sluggish believer reason , for his own up-stirring thus . Whatsoever is necessary for giving evidence of true faith , I must study to do it , except would deceive my self and perish . But to imploy Christ Jesus daily for cleansing of my conscience and affections from the guiltiness and filthiness of sins against the Law , and for enabling of me to give obedience to the Law in love , is necessary for evidencing of true faith in me . Therefore this I must study to do , except I would deceive my self and perish . And lastly , seeing Christ himself hath pointed this fourth as an undoubted evidence of a man elected of God unto life , and given to Jesus Christ to be redeemed , if he come unto him , that is , close Covenant and keep communion with him , as he teacheth us , Iohn 6.37 . Saying , All that the Father hath given me , shall come to me , and him that cometh to me , I will in no wise cast out . Let every person who doth not in earnest make use of Christ , for remission of sin and amendment of life , reason hence , and from the whole premisses , after this manner , that his conscience may be wakned . Whosoever is neither by the Law nor by the Gospel so convinced of sin , righteousness and judgment , as to make him come to Christ and imploy him daily for remission of sin and amendment of life , he wanteth not only all evidence of saving faith , but also all appearance of his election , so long as he remaineth in this condition . But I ( may every impenitent person say ) am neither by the Law nor Gospel convinced of sin , righteousness and judgment , as to make me come to Christ and imploy him daily for remission of sin and amendment of life Therefore I want not only all the evidence of saving faith , but also all appearance of my election , so long as I remain in this condition . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A34242-e120 a a Rom. 2.14.15 . Rom. 1.19.20 , Psal. 19.1 , 2 , 3. Rom. 1.32 . b b 1 Cor. 1.11 . & 2.14.15 . c c Heb. 1.1 . d d Pro. 22· 19 , 20 , 21. Luk 1.3 , 4. Rom 15.4 . Mat. 4.4 , ● , 10. Isa 8.19 , 20 e e 2 Tim. 3.15 . f f Heb. 1.1 , 2. 2 Pet. 1.19 . g g Luk. 16.29.31 . Eph. 3.20 . Rev. 22.18.19 . 2 Tim. 3.16 . r r Luk. 24.27 , 44. Rom. 3.2 . 2 Pet. 1.21 . i i 2 Pet. 1.19 21. 2 Tim. 3.16 . 1 Ioh. 5.9 . 1 Thes. 2.13 . k k 1 Tim. 3.15 . l l Ioh. 2.20 , 27. Ioh. 16.13 14 ▪ 1 Cor. 2.10.11 , 12 ▪ Isa. 59.21 . m m 2 Tim. 3.15 , 16 , 17. Gal. 1.8 , 9. 2 Thes. 2.2 . n n Ioh. 6.45 . 1 Cor. 2.9 , 10 , 11 , 12. o o 1 Cor. 11.13 , 14. 1 Cor. 14.26 , 40. p p 2 Pet. 3.6 . q q Ps. 119.103 , 130. r r Mat. 5 . 1● s s Isa. 8.10 . Act. 15.15 . Ioh. 5.39.46 . t t Ioh. 5.39 . u u 1 Cor. 14.6 , 9 , 11 , 12 , 24 , 27 , 28. w w Col. 3.16 x x Ro. 15.4 . y y 2 Pet. 1.20 , 21. Act. 19.15.19 . z z Mat. 22.29.31 . Eph. 2.10 . Act. 28.25 . a a Deut. 6.4 . 1 Cor. 8.4 , 6. b b 1 T●es . 1.9 . Ier. 10.10 c c Iob. 11.7 , 8 , 9. Iob. 26.14 . d d Iob 4.24 ▪ e e 1 Tim. 1.17 , f f Deut. 4.15.16 . g g Act. 14.11 . h h Iam. 1.17 i i 1 Ki. 8.27 . k k Ps. 143.3 . l l Ps. ● ▪ 43.3 . m m Gen. 27.1 n n Ro. 16.27 . o o Isa. ● . 3 . p p Ps. 115.3 . q q 〈◊〉 3. ●4 . r r H●b . 1.11 . s s ●ro . 16.4 . t t Ioh. 4 , 16. u u Exo. 34.7 . w w Heb. 11.6 x x Neh. 9.32 . y y Ps. 5.5 , 6. z z N●h . 1.2 . a a Iob. 5.26 . b b Act. 7.2 . c c Ps 119.68 . d d 1 Tim. 6.15 e e Act. 17.24 , 25. f f I●● . 27.2 . g g Rom. 11.6 . h h 〈◊〉 . 4.11 . Dan. 4.25 . i i Heb. 4.13 . k k Rom. 11.33 , 34. Psal. 147.5 l l Act. 14.18 Ezek. 11.5 . m m Ps. 145.17 . Rom. 7.12 . n n Rev. 5.12 , 13 , 14. o o 1 Ioh. 5.7 . Mat. 3.16 , 17. Mat. 28.61 2 Cor. 13.4 . p p Joh. 1.14 , 15. q q Joh. 15.26 . Gal. 4.6 . a a Eph. 1.1 . Rom 11.33 Heb. 6.17 Ro 9 15.18 . b b Ia● . 1.13 17. ● Iob. 1.1 . c c Act. 2.24 . Mat. 17.12 Act. 4.27 . Ioh. 19.11 . Pro. 16.33 . d d Act. 15.18 . Mat. 11.12 24. e e Rom. 9.11 , 13 , 16 , 18. f f 1 Tim. 5.21 . Mat. 25.41 g g Rom 9.22 , 23. Eph. 1.5 , 6. Pro. 16.4 . h h 2 Tim. 2.19 . i i Eph. 1.4 . Rom. 8.30 . 2 Tim. 1.9 . 1 Thes. 5.9 . k k Ro. 9.11 . l l Eph. 1.4 . Eph. 1.6 . m m 1 Pet 1.2 . Eph. 1.4 , 5. Eph. 2.10 . 2 Thes. 2.13 . n n 1 Thes. 5.9 , 10. Tit. 2.14 . o o Rom. 8.10 . Eph. 1.5 . 2 Thes 5.18 p p 1 Pet. 1.5 . q q Ioh. 17.9 . Rom. 8.28 . to the end . Ioh. 10.26 . Ioh. 8.47 . ● Ioh. 2.19 . r r Mat. 11.25 , 26. Rom. 9.12 . ● ●im . 2.19 . 1 Pet. 2.8 . s s Ro. 9.22 . Ro. 11.35 . Deu. 29.29 . t t 2 Pet 1.10 u u Eph. 1.6 . w w Ro. 11.5 , 6 , 20. 2 Pet. 1.10 . Rom. 8.33 . Luk. 10.20 a a Heb. 1.2 . Ioh. 1.1 , 2. Gen. 1.2 . Iob. 26.13 . b b Ro. 1.20 . Ier. 10.12 . Ps. 33.5 , 6. c c Gen. 1. Cap Heb. 11.5 . Col. 1.16 . Act. 17.2 . d d Gen. 1.27 . e e Gen. 2.7 . Luk. 23.24 Mat. 10.28 f f Gen. 1. ●6 . Col. 3.10 . Eph. 4.24 . g g Rom. 2.14 , 15. b b Eccl. 7.29 . i i Gen. 3.6 . Eccl. 7.23 . k k Gen. 2.12 . & 2.8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 23. l l Gen. 1.26 , 28. a a Heb. 1.3 . b b Dan. 4.34 . Ps. 135.6 . Act 17 25.26 , 28. c c Mat. 10.29 , 30 , 31. d d Pro. 15.3 e e Act. 15.18 f f Eph. 1.11 . Psal. 33.10.11 . g g Isa. 63.14 . Eph 3.10 . Rom. 9.17 . Gen. 45.7 . Psa. 14 5.7 . h h Act. 2.23 . i i Gen. 8.22 . Ier. 11.35 . Ex. 22.13 . with Deut. 19.5 . Isa. 10.6 , 7. k k Act. 27.3 . Isa. 55.10 . l l Hos. 1.7 . Mat. 4.4 . m m Rom. 4.19 , 20 , 21. n n 1 Kin. 6.6 . Dan. 3.26 . o o Rom. 11.31 , 33 , 34. 2 Sam. 24.1 . 1 Chr. 10.4 , 13 , 14. 2 Sam. 19.10 . Act. 2.23 . p p Act. 14.16 . q q Ps. 76.10 . 2 Ki. 19.28 r r Gen. 50.20 Isa. 10 , 6.7 . s s Iam. 1.13 14 , 17. 1 Ioh ▪ 2.16 . Psal. 50 , 21 t t 2 Cor. 12.25 , 26 , 31. 2 Sam. 24. u u 1 Cor. 12.7 , 8 , 9. Psal. 73. throughout . Psal. 77.1 . to 12. w w Rom. 1.24 , 26 , 28. Ro. 11.7 , 8. x x Deu. ●9 . 4 . y y Mat. 13.12 . z z Deu. 2.30 . 2 Reg. 8.12 . a a Ps. 81.11.12 . 2 Thes. 2.10 , 11 , 12. b b Exod. 7.3 . 2 Cor. 2.15 . Isa. 8.14 . 1 Pet. 2.7.8 Isa. 6.9 , 14. c c 1 Tim. 4.10 . Rom. 8.28 . Isa. 34.24 . a a Gen. 3.13 . 2 Cor. 2.3 . b b Ro. 11.3 . c c Gen 3 , 6 , 7 d d Gen. 2.17 . e e Tit. 1.15 . f f Gen. 1.17 . Act. 17.16 . Rom. 3.12 , 15 , 16 , 17. g g Ps. 51.5 . Gen. 5.3 . Iob. 14.4 . h h Rom. 5.6 . Rom. 8.7 . Col. 1.21 . i i Gen. 6.5 . Gen. 8.21 . Rom. 3.10.11 , 12. k k Iam. 1.14 , 15. Ep. 2.2 , 3. Mat. 15.19 . l l 1 Ioh. 1.8 . Iam. 3.2 . Prov. 20.9 . Eccl. 7.20 . m m Rom. 7.5 , 7 , 8 , 25. Gal. 5.17 . n n 1 Ioh 3.4 . o o Ro , 2.15 . & 3.9 , 19. p p Eph 2 3 q q Gal. 3.1 . r r Rom. 6 ▪ 13. s s Eph. 4.16 . t t Rom 8.20 . Lam. 3.39 . u u Ma. 25.41 2 Thes. 1.9 . a a Isa. 40.13.14 , 15 , 16 , 17. Job . 9.32 . 1 Sam. 2.25 Ps. 100.2 , 3. Iob. 22.2 , 3 Luk. 17.10 Act. 17.24 , 25. b b Gal. 3.12 . c c Rom. 10.5 . Rom 5.12 . to 20. l l 1 Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3.4 . Heb. 11.13 . Ioh. 8.56 l m m Gal. 3.7 , 8 , 9 , 14. n n Col. 2.17 . o o Mat. 28.19 , 20. 1 Cor. 11.23 24 , 25. p p Heb. 12.22 . to 28. Ier. 31.33 . q q Mat. 28.29 . Eph. 2.15.16 , 17 , 18 , r r Lu. 12.10 . s s Oal . 3.14 . Act. 5.1 . Rom ' 3.2 , 1.23 , 28 , 30. Psal. 31.1 . Heb. 13 ▪ 8. l l 1 Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Heb. 11.13 . Ioh. 8.56 . m m Gal. 3.7.8 , 9 , 14. n n Col. 2.17 . o o Mat. 28.19.20 . 1 Cor. 11.23.24.25 . p p Heb. 12.22 . to 28. Ier. 31.33 . q q Mat. 28.19 . Eph. 2.15 , 16 , 17 , 18. r r Lu. 12.10 . s s Gal. 3.14 . Act. 5.1 . Rom. 3.21 , 23 , 28 , 30. Psal. 31.1 . Heb. 12.8 . a a Isa. 42.1 . 1 Pet. 1.19 . Joh. 3.16 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . b b Act. 3.22 . c c Heb. 5.5 . d d Ps. 2.6 . Luk. 1.33 . e e Eph. 5.13 . f f Heb. 1.2 . g g Act. 17.1 . h h Ioh. 17.6 . Ps. 21.30 . Isa. 53.10 . i i 1 Tim. 2.6 . Isa. 55.4 , 5. 1 Cor. 1.30 . k k Ioh. 1.1 . 1 Joh. 5.20 . Phil. 2.6 . l l Heb. 2.14 . & 4.15 . m m Luk. 1.27.31 , 35. Gal. 4.4 . n n Lu. 31.35 . Rom. 9.5 . 1 Tim. 3.26 . o o Ro. 1.2 , 4. a a Isa. 42.1 . 1 Pet. 1.19 . Iob. 3.16 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . b b Act. 3.22 . c c Heb. 5.5 . d d Psal. 2.6 . Luk. 1.33 . e e Eph. 5.13 . f f Heb. 1.2 . g g Act. 17.1 h h Iob. 17.6 ▪ Psal. 21.30 Isa. 53.10 . i i 1 Tim. 2.6 . Isa. 55.4.5 , 1 Cor. 1.30 . k k Ioh. 1.1 . 1 Ioh. 5 , 20. h h Pil. 2.6 . l l Heb 2.14 . & 4.15 . m m Luk. 1.27 31 , 35. Gac . 4.4 . n n Lu. 31 , 35. Rom. 9.5 . 1 Tim. 3.26 . o o Rom. 1.2 , 4 i i Rom. 14. ● Act. 1.11 Mat. 13.40 Iude v. 6. 2 Pet. 2.4 ▪ k k Rom. 5.19 Heb 10.14 ▪ Eph. 5.2 . Rom. 3.25 . l l Dan. 9 2● 26 Col. ● . 19.20 . Ioh. 17.2 . Heb , 9.12 ▪ 13. m m Gal. 4 , 4 , 5. Gen. 3.15 . Rev. 13.8 . n n Heb. 9.14 1 Pet. 3.18 ▪ o o Act ▪ 20.28 Jo● . 3 13. 1 Jo● . 3.16 p p Jo● . 6.37 . q q ● Jo● . 2.1 . Rom. 8.14 . r r Jo● . 15.13 ●ph . 1.7 , 8. Joh. 17.6 . s s Joh. 14.16 . Heb. 12.2 . 2 Cor. 4.3 . ●o . 8.9 , 14. & 15.18.19 ●oh . 17 , 17. t t Ps. 110.1 . ● Cor. 15.15 . Mal. 4.2 , 3. Col. 2.15 . a a Mat. 17.12 Jam. 1.14 . D●●t . 30.15 b b Ecol . 7.29 Gen. 1.26 . c c Gen. 2.16 . & 3.6 . d d Rom. 5.6 . and 8.7 . Joh. 15.5 . e e Re. 3.10.11 . f f Eph. 2 1.5 . Col. 3.13 . g g Joh. 6.44 . 1 Cor. 2.14 . Tit. 2.3.4 . h h Col. 1.13 . Jo● . 8.31.36 . i i Phil. 2.13 . Ro. 6.18.22 k k Gal. 5.17 . Rom. 1.15.18 , 19 , 21. l l Eph. 4.12 . Heb. 11.13 . Jude v. 24. a a Ro. 8.30 . & 11.7 . Eph. 10.21 . b b 2 Thes. 1.13 , 14. 2 Cor. 3.36 . c c Rom 8.2 . Eph. 2.1 , 5. 2 Tim. 1.9 . d d Act. 26.18 . Eph. 1.17.18 . f f Ezek. 11.19 . Phil. 2.13 . Deut. 30.6 . e e Ezek 36.26 . g g Eph. 1.19 h h Cant. 1.4 . Ioh 6.37 . i i 2 Tim. 1.9 . Tit. 3.4.5.8.9 . k k 1 Cor. 2.1.4 . Rom. 8.7 . Eph. 2.5 . l l Ioh 6.37 . m m Luk. 18.15.16 . Ioh. 3.3 , 5. n n Ioh. 3.8 . o o 1 Ioh. 5.12 . Act. 4.12 . p p Mat. 22.14 . q q Mat. 7.22 Heb. 6.4 5. r r Ioh. 6.64.65 , 66. and 8.24 . s s Act. 1 12. Ioh. 14 6. Eph 2.12 . Ioh. 4.22 . t t 2 Ioh. v. 9 , 10 , 11. Gal. 1.6.78 a a Ro. 8.30 . and 3 , 24. b b Rom. 4 5.9 , 7 , 8. 2 Cor. 5.19 . Rom. 3.22.24 , 25 , 26. Tit. 3 5.7 . Eph. 1.7 . Ier. 23.6 . 1 Cor. 1.30 . Rom. 5.17.18 , 19. c c Act. 10.44 . Phi. 3.5 . Act. 13 . 3● , 39. d d John 1.12 . Rom. 3.18 . e e ●am . 2.17 . Gal. 5.6 . f f Rom. 5.8 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . Heb. 10.10 . Isa. 53.4 , 5 , 6 , 10 , 11. g g Rom. 8.32 . i i Rom 3.24 h h Mat. 3.17 k k Ro. 3.26 . l l Gal. 3.8 . Rom. 8.30 . m m Gal. 4.4 . Rom ● . 25 . Tit. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. o o Mat. 6.12 . 1 Joh. 2.1.2 . p p Luk , 22.32 , ● Joh. 10 , 8. q q Psal. 8● . 31 , 32 , 33. Mat. 26.75 r r Gal. 3.9 , 13 , 14. a a Eph. 1.5 . Gal. 4 4 , 5. b b Rom. 8.17 . Jer. 14.9 . Rev. 3.12 . d d Rom. 8.15 . e e Eph. 3.12 . f f Gal. 4.6 . g g Ps. 103.13 . h h Prov. 14.26 . i i Mat. 6.30 1. Pet. 5 7. k k Heb. 12.6 l l Lam. 3.31 m m Eph 4 30 n n Heb. 6.12 o o 1 Pet. 1.3.4 Heb. 1.14 . a a 1 Cor. 6.11 Act. 20.32 . b b Ioh. 17.17 Eph. 5.26 . c c Rom. 6.6 . d d Gal. 5.14 . Rom , 8.13 . e e Col. 1.12 . f f 2 Cor 7.1 . Heb. 12.12 . g g 1 Thes. 5.23 . h h 1 Ioh. 1 10 Rom. 7 18.23 . Phil. 3.12 . i i Gal. 5.17 . 1 Pet. 2 11. k k Ro. 7.23 . l l Ro. 6.14 . m m 2 Pet. 3.18 . n n 2 Cor. 7.1 . a a Heb. 10.39 . b b 2 Cor. 4.13 . c c Rom. 10.14 , 17. d d 1 Pet. 2.2 Rom. 4 . 1● . e e Ioh. 4.42 . 2 Thes. 3.13 f f Rom. 16.26 . h h Heb. 11.13 . g g Isa. 66.2 . h h Heb. 11.13 . i i Ioh. 1.11 . Act. ●6 . 32 Act. 15.11 . k k Heb. 5.13 l l Luke 22.31 . Eph. 6.16 . m m Heb 6.11.12 . Heb. 10.22 . Col. 2.2 . n n Heb. 12.2 . a a Zech. 12. ●0 . Act 11.18 b b Luk. 24.47 . Mat. 1. ●5 . c c Ezek 18.30 , 31. I●a . 30.22 . Psal. 51.4 ▪ P●a● . 119.128 . d d Psa. 119.6.59.105 . Luk. 1.6 ▪ 2 Kings . 23.15 . e e Ezek. 36.31 , 32. Ezek. 16.61.62 , 63. f f Hos. 14.24 . Rom. 3.24 . g g Luk. 13.3.5 . Act. 17.50 , 51. h h Rom. 6.23 . Mat. 22.36 i i Isa. 1.16.18 . k k Ps. 19.13 . Luk ▪ 9.8 . l l Ps. 51.4 . m m Prov. 28.13 . 1 Joh. 1.9 . n n Jam 5.16 . Luk 17 3. Joh. 7.19 . Psal 51. 〈…〉 o o a a Mic. 6.8 Rom. 12.2 . Heb. 13.21 . b b Mat. 15.9 . Isa. 29.13 . 1 Pet. 1.18 . Rom. 10.2 . Ioh. 16.2 . c c Iam. 2.18 22. d d Psal. 116.12 , 13. 1 Pet. 2.9 . e e 1 Iob. 2.3 . f f 2 Cor. 6.2 . Mat. 5.16 . g g Tit. 2.5 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 1 Tim. 6.1 . h h 1 Pet. 2.15 . i i 1 Pet. 2.22 . Ioh. 15.8 . k k Eph. 2.10 . l l Rom. 6.22 m m Ioh. 15.4 Ezek. 16.26 , 27. n n Phil. 2.13 ● Cor. 3.5 . o o Phil. 2.12 Heb. 6.11.12 . Isa. 64.7 . 2 Tim. 26.6 . Iude v. 20.21 . p p Luke . 17.10 . Neh. 13.22 . Ioh. 9.2.7 . Gal. 4.17 . q q Ro. 3.20 . Eph. 2.8.9 . Psal. 16.2 . Iob. 35 78 r r Luk. 17.10 . s s Gal. 5.22 . t t Isa. 64.6 . Gal. 5.17 . Rom. 7.15.18 . u u Eph. 1.6 . 1 Pet. 2.5 . Gen. 4.4 . Heb. 11 , 4. w w Job . 9.20 . x x Heb. 13.20 , 21. 2 Cor. 8 12. Heb. 6.10 . Mat. 15.21 23. y y 2 Kings 10.30 , 31. Phil. 1.15.16 , 18. z z Gen. 4.9 . Heb. 11.4 ▪ a a 1 Cor. 13 3 , Isa. 12. b b Mat. 6.3 . c c Hag. 2.14 . Tit. 1.15 . Amos 5.21.22 Hos. ● . 4 . d d Ps. 14.4 . Job . 21.14 , 15. Mat. 25.41 . a a Phi● . 1.6 . 2 Pet. 1.10 . 1 Ioh. 2.9 . 1 Pet. 1.5 . b b 2 Tim. 2.18 , 19. Ier. 31.3 . c c Heb. 10.10 , 11. Heb. 9.12 , 13.14 , 15. Luk. 12.32 d d Ioh. 4.16 John 2 ▪ 27. e e Jer. 32.40 . f f Joh. 10.28 1 Joh. 2.19 . g g Mat. 26.70 , 71 , 74. h h Psal. 51.14 ▪ i i Isa. 64.5 . k k Eph. 4.30 . l l Psal. 51.8 . m m Isa. 53.17 . n n Ps. 37.3.4 o o Sam. 12.14 . p p Ps. 89 ▪ 31.32 . a a Iob. 8.13 14. Mic. 3.11 . Deut. 29.19 b b Mat. 7.22 Act. 26.6.23 . c c 1 Ioh. 2.3 1 Ioh. 5.13 d d Rom. 5.2 , 5. e e Heb. 6.11.19 . f f Heb. 6.17.18 . g g 1 Pet. 1.4.5 , 10 , 11. 1 Iob. 2.3 . 2 Cor , 1.12 . h h Rom. 8.15 i i Eph. 3.13 . k k Ioh , 5.13 Isa. 30 , 10. Mark 9.24 . Psal. 77. to ver . 12. l l 1 Cor. 2.12 1 Ioh. 4.13 Heb. 6.11 . Eph. 3.17.18 ▪ 19. m m 2 Pet. 1.10 . n n Rom. 5.1 , 2 , 5 Rom. 14.17 . Ephes. 1.3 , 4 Psal. 4.6.7 . o o 1 Ioh. 2.1 . Rom. 6.1 , 2. 2 Cor. 7.1 . Ro. 8.1.12 . 1 Ioh. 1.2.3 Psal. 1●0 . 4 1 Ioh. 1.6.7 p p Cant. 5.2.3 , 6. Psal. 51.8 , 12 , 13. Eph. 4.30 . Psal. 77.1 . Mat. 26.69 Isa. 50.10 . Psal. 31.22 Psalm . 88. throughout . q q Joh. 3.9 . Luk. 21.52 . Job 13.15 . Psal. 73.15 . Isa. 50.10 . r r Mic. 7.7 , 8 , 9. Jer. 32.10 . I●a . 5.4 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. ps . 22.1 . ps . 88. throughout a a Gen. 1.16 Gen. 2.17 . Ro. 2.14.15 & 10.5 . Gal. 3.10 . Eccl. 7.9 . Job . 28.28 . b b Jam. 1.25 ▪ & 2 . 8.1● , 11. Ro. 13.8 , 6. Deut. 5.32 . & 0.4 . Exod. 34.1 c c Mat. 22.37 , 33 , 39 , 40. d d Heb. 9. Chap. Heb. 10.1 . Col. 2.17 . e e 1 Cor. 5 ▪ 2. f f Col. 2.14.16 , 17. Dan. 9.27 . Eph. 1.15 , 16 g g Exod. 21. Chap. Exod. 22 , to 29. 1 Pet. 2.3 , 14. Mat. 5.17 . h h Rom. 13.8.9 , 10. i i Iam 2.10.1 . k k Mat. 5.17 18.19 . Jam. 2.8 . Rom. 3.31 . l l Rom. 6.14 . Gal. 2.16 . and 4 , ● . 5 . Act. 13. ●9 . Rom. 8.1 . m m Rom. 7.21 , 22 , 25. Psal. 119.4 5 , 6. 1 Cor. 17.19 n n Rom. 7.7 . o o Iam. 1.23 Rom. 7.9 . p p Gal. 3 . 2● . Rom. 8.3 , 4. q q Iam. 2.11 Psal. 119.101 , 104. r r Ezra 9.13 , 14. Psal. 89.30 31 , 32 , 33. s s Lev. 26.1 . to 14. with 2 Cor. 6.10 . Eph. 9.2 , 3. Psal. 19.11 t t Gal. 2.16 . Luk. 17.12 . u u Rom. 6 12 1 Pet. 3 , 8.9 , 10 , 12. Heb. 12.28 w w Gal. 3.21 x x Ezek. 36.27 . Heb. 8.10 . a a Tit. 2.11 . Gal. 3.13 . b b Gal. 1.4 . Rom. 6.14 . c c Rom. 2.8 . 1 Cor. 15.54 55 , 56 , 57. d d Ro. 5.1 , 2. e e Ro. 8.14 . 1 Ioh. 4.18 i i Job . 7.58 , 59. 2 Cor. 3.13.17 , 18. k k Jam. 4.12 Rom. 14.4 . l l Act. 4.19 Act. 5.29 . Mat. 13.8 , 9 , 10. 2 Cor. 1.24 . Mat. 15.9 . m m Col. 2.20.22 , 23. Gal. 1.10 . & 2.4 , 5. & 5.1 . n n Ro. 10.17 Isa. 4.20 . Act. 17.11 Joh. 4.21 . Hos. 5.11 . Rev. 5.11.16 , 17. Jer. 8.9 . o o Gal. 1 . 13· 1 Pet. 2.16 2 Pet. 2.19 . Job . 8.34 . Luk. 1.74 . p p Ma. 12.29 . 1 Pet. 2.13.14 , 16. Rom. 13.1 . to 8. Heb. 13.17 . q q Ro. 1.30 . 1 Cor. 5.1 , 5 , 11.13 . 2 Joh. 10.11 2 Thes. 3.14 Tit. 1.10 , 11 , 12 , & 3.12 Mat. 18.15 , 16 , 17. Rev. 3.2 . r r Deut. 23.6 . to 12. Ro. 13.3.4 . 2 Joh. 10.11 . Ezra 7.23 . to 28. Rev. 17.12 , 16 , 17. Neh. 13. to 30. 2 Kin , 23. to 21. 2 Ch. 34.35 . & 15.12 , 13. Dan. 3.21 . Isa. 49.23 . Zech. 13.2.3 . a a Rom. 1.20 Psal. 119.68 . Ier. 10.7 . Psal , 18.3 . Mark. 12.33 . b b Deut. 12.32 . Mat. 15.9 . Act. 17.25 . Mat. 4.9 . c c Mat. 4.10 d d Col. 2.18 . Rev. 19.10 . e e Ioh. 4.6 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . Eph. 2.8 . f f Phil. 4.6 . g g Psal. 65.2 h h Ioh. 13.14 i i Rom. 8.16 . k k 1 Ioh. 5.14 l l Ps. 47.7 . m m 1 Cor. 14. n n 1 Ioh. 5.14 . Ioh. 17.20 . p p 2 Sam. 12.21 , 23. Rev. 13.12 q q 1 Ioh. 5.16 . r r Act. 15.21 . s s 1 Tit. 4.2 . t t Mat 3.1.19 . u u Col. 3.16 . Iam. 5.13 . Eph. 5.19 . w w Mat. 28.19 . x x Deu. 6.63 Mat. 9.18 . y y Isa. 19.21 . Eccles. 5.4 , 5. z z Ioel. 2.12 . Esther . 4.16 . 1 Cor. 7.5 . a a Ps. 107. throughout . Esther . 9 . 2● b b Heb. 12.28 c c Ioh. 4.21 d d Mal. 1.11 1 Tim. 2.8 . e e Ioh. 4.23 . f f Ier. 10.25 Ioh. 1 ▪ ● . g g Mat. 6.11 h h Mat. 6.6 . i i ●sa . 16.6 . Heb. 10 . 2● . P●ov . 8.34 . Act. 13.42 ▪ k k Exod. 20 8 , 10 , 11. Isa. 56.1 , 4. l l Gen. 2.2 ▪ 3 m m Rev. 1.10 . n n Exod. 20.8 , 10. Mat· 5.17 . o o Exod. 20.8 . Exod. 3.15 , 16 , 17. Isa. 58.13 . Nehem. 13.15 . to 22. p p Isa. 58.13 a a D●ut . 10.20 . b b Ex. 20.7 : 2 Cor. 1.23 . 2 Chron. 6.22 , 23. e e ●eut . 6.13 d d Exod. 30.7 . Ier. 5.7 . Mat. 5.34 . e e Heb 6.16 . f f 1 King. 8.31 . g g Exod. 20.7 . Ier. 4.2 . h h Gen 24.2 . to 9. i i Num. 5.1.9 k k Ier. 4.2 . Psal. 24.14 . l l 1 Sam 25.32 , 33 , 34. m m Ezek 17.16 , 18 , 19. n n Isa. 1● . 21 . o o Ps. 76.11 p p Deu● . ●3 . 22 , 23. q q Act. 23.12 , 14. r r Mat. 19.11 , 12. 2 Pet. 4.2 . a a Rom. 13.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. b b Pro. 8.15 ▪ c c Ps. 2.10 . 1 Pet. 2.13 . d d Luk. 3.14 Mat. 8.9 . Rev. 17.16 . e e 2 Chron. 26.18 . Mat. 16.9 . Rom. 10.15 Heb. 5.4 . f f Isa. 49.23 Lev. 24.16 . 2 King. 1 8 4. 1 Chr. 13.1 . to 9. g g 2 Chr. 19.8 , 9 , 10. h h 1 Tim. 2.1.2 . i i 1 Pet. 2.17 . k k Rom. 15.6 , 7. l l Rom. 13.5 . m m 1 Pet. 2.13 , 16. n n Rom. 13.1 . Act. 25.9 . Iude v. 8. to 11. o o 2 Th●s . 2.4 . a a Gen. 2.34 . Mat. 19.5 . b b Gen. 2.18 . c c Mal. 2.15 d d 1 Cor. 7.2 . e e Heb 13.4 . 1 Cor. 7.36 . f f 1 Cor. 7.39 . g g Gen. 34.14 . Deut. 7.34 . Ne● . 13 25. h h Lev. 8. chap. 1 Cor. 5.1 . i i Mar. 6.18 Levit. 18.24 . to 28. k k Levit. 26 19 , 21. l l Mat. 1.8.19 , 20. m m Mat. 5.31 ▪ 32. n n Mat. 19.9 . Rom. 7.2 3· o o Mat. 19.8 . 1 Cor. 7.15 . p p Deut. 14.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. a a Ep● . 1.10 . b b 1 Cor. 1.2 Ren. 7.9 . c c 1 Cor. 7.14 . ● Ez●k . 16.20.21 . Rom. 11.16 d d Mat. 13.47 . e e Eph. 2.19 . Eph. 3.15 . f f Act. 2.47 . g g 1 Cor. 12.28 . Eph. 4.11 , 12 , 13. h h Rom. 15.3 , 4. Rev. 12.6 , 24. i i Rev. 2.3 . k k 1 Cor. 13.12 . Mat. 13.24 to 47. l l Rev. 18.2 . Rom. 11.18 m m Mic. 6.18 . Mat. 28 1● n n Co● . 1.18 . o o Mat. 2.3 , 8 , 9 , 10. Re● . 13.6 . a a 1 Ioh. 1.3 Ioh. 1.16 . Phi● . 3.10 . b b Eph. 4.15 . Col. 2.19 . c c 1 Thes. 5.11.14 . 1 Ioh. 3.16 d d Heb. 10.24.25 . Isa. 2.3 . e e Act. 2.44 . 1 Ioh. 3.17 . f f Col. 1.18.19 . 1 Cor. 8.6 . Isa. 41.8 . Heb. 1.89 . g g Exod. 10.15 . Eph. 4.28 . a a Rom. 4.12 b b Mat. 28.19 . c c 1 Cor. 10.16 . Ga. 3.7 d d Rom. 15.8 . Ex. 12.18 . e e Rom. 6.3 , 4. 1 Cor. 10.16.21 . f f Gen. 17 , 10 Mat. 26.27 g g Rom. 2.28 . h h Mat. 3.11 . 1 Cor. 12.13 i i Mat. 16.27 , 28. k k Mat. 28.19 . Heb. 5.4 . l l 1 Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. a a Mat. 28.19 . b b 1 Cor. 12.1 , 3. c c Rom. 4.11 . d d Gal. 3.27 . e e Tit. 3.5 . f f Mat. 1.4 . g g Rom. 6.2 . h h Mat. 28.19 , 20. i i Mat. 3.12 Ioh. 1.33 . k k Heb. 9.10 . to 22. l l Mat. 16.15.16 . m m Gen. 7.9 . Col. 2.11.12 . Act. 2.38.39 . Mat. 28.19 . n n Luk. 7.30 . Exod. 4.24 . o o Rom. 4.11 p p Act. 8.13 . q q Ioh. 3.58 r r Gal. 1.27 . s s Tit. 3 5. a a 1 Cor 11.23 , 24. b b Heb. 9.22 28. c c 1 Cor. 11.24 , 36. Mat. 26.26 d d Heb. 7.23 Heb. 10.12 . e e Mat. 26.26 , 28. Luk. 22.19 f f Act. 10.7 . g g 1 Cor. 10.6 . h h Mat. 14.23 . i i Mat. 15.9 . k k Mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. l l 1 Cor. 11.26 , 28. Mat. 26.29 m m Act. 3.21 Cor. 11.26 . n n 1 Cor. 2.28 . o o 1 Cor. 10.16 . p p 1 Cor. 11.27 , 28 , 29. q q 1 Cor. 5.6 . a a Isa. 9.6 , 7. Act. 20 17. Mat. 28.18 . b b Mat. 16.19 . Mat 18.17 . Ioh. 20.21 . c c 1 Cor. 5. chap. Mat. 7.6 . Iude v. 23. d d 1 Th●s . 15.12 , 2. Mat. 18.17 a a Act. 15.2 b b Isa. 49.23 1 Tim. 2.12 . 2 Chron. 9.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Mat , 2.4.5 . c c Act. 15.2.22 , 23 , 25. d d Act. 15.15 , 19 , 24 , 27 , 28. Act. 16.4 . Mat. 18.17 to 20. e e Eph. 2.20 . Act. 7.11 . 1 Cor. 2.5 . f f Luk. 12.13 , 14. a a Gen. 3.19 . Act. 13.36 . b b Luk. 23.43 . Eccl. 12.7 . 2 Cor. 5.1 . Phil. 1.13 . c c Act. 3.21 d d Luk. 16.23 , 24. 1 Pet. 3.19 . e e 1 Thes. 4.17 . f f 1 Cor. 13.42 , 43 , 44. g g Act. 24.15 . Ioh. 5.28 . a a Act. 1● . 21 . b b Ioh. 5.22 . c c 1 Cor. 5.3 . d d 2 ●o● . ● . 10 . e e Mat. 25 31 Rom. ● . 22 , 23 ▪ f f Pet. 3.11 g g M●● . 24. ●6 . Re● . 22. ●● . Notes for div A34242-e20830 a a Rom. 11.36 . b b Ps. 73.24 . to the end . Ioh. 7.21 c c Rom. 1.19 d d 1 Cor. 2.9 e e 2. Tim. 3.16 . 2 Pet. 1.19.21 . f f 〈◊〉 2.20 . g g H●s . 8.12 h h P●al . 11.6 i i 〈◊〉 ●● . 43 k k Rom. 3.19 . l l Act. 18.28 m m Ioh. 16.13 . 1 Ioh. 2 20.21 . n n Tim. 1.13 o o H●b . 11 . 6· p p 1 Ioh. 5 . 7· q q Act. 15.14 r r Act. 4.27 ▪ s s Ioh. 4.24 t t ●x . 3 . 14· u u Act. 7.2 . w w 1 Tim. 6. x x Mat 5.48 . y y Gen. 17.1 . z z Ps. 40.12 . a a Mal. 3 . 6· b b Iam. 1.7 . c c Ps. 139.1 . d d Rev. 4.8 . e e Heb. 4.13 . f f Ro. 16.17 . g g Isa. 16.3 . h h Deu. 32.1 i i Ex. 34.6 . k k Deut. 6.2 . l l 1 Ioh. 5.9 . Mat. 3.16 , 17. m m Heb. 1.5 . n n Io● . 1.4 o o Iohn 15.26 . Gal. 4.6 p p I●a . 6.2.5 . q q Io● 1 1. r r Co● 1.1 . s s Mat. 28.19 . t t Eph. 4.11 u u Eph. 1.11 w w 1 Tim. 5.21 . x x Eph 1 4. y y Rom. 9.17 18.22 . z z Eph. 1.17 . a a Heb. 11.3 b b Gal. 1.16 Ps. 104.4 . d d Mat. 12.30 . e e Mat 25.31 . f f 2 Sam. 14 17. g g 2 Thes. 1.7 . h h Ps. 103.20 . i i 2 Pet. 2.4 . k k Gen. 1.27 Gen. 2.7 . m m Gen. 2.12 n n Gen. 2.7 . o o G●n . 1.27 . p p Col. 3.10 . q q Eph. 4.24 . r r Rom. 2.13 s s Ec. 7.29 . t t Gen. 1.28 . u u Gen. 3.6 . w w Ps. 14.5 . x x Ps. 10.4 . y y Heb. 1.3 . z z Ps 10.19 a a Mat 10.39.31 . b b Ro. 11.36 . c c Iude. v. 6. d d Ioh. 1.12 e e 1 Tim. 5.21 f f Ps. 104.4 . g g 2 King. 19.25 . h h Gen. 2 8. i i Gen. 1.28 k k Gen. 2.18 . l l Gen. 1.25 . m m Gen. 2.3 . n n Gal. 3.12 o o Gen. 2.9 . p p Gen. 2.17 q q Gen. 3.9 . 2 Cor. 11.3 . r r Act. 17.26 s s Gen. 2.16 . t t Rom 5.12 . Rom. 3.13 . u u 1 Ioh. 3.4 w w Ro. 5.12 . x x Rom. 3.10 to 20. y y Iam. 1.14 z z Ps. 57.3 . a a Gen. 3.8 . b b Eph. 2.2 . c c 2 Tim. 2.26 . d d Gen. 2.17 Rom , 6.23 . e e Eph. 4.28 . f f Ro. 1.28 . g g 2 Thes. 2 11. h h Ro. 2.5 . i i Isa. 33.14 k k Ro. 1.26 l l Gen. 3.17 m m Deut. 18.15 . n n Ro. 6 , 21. o o 2 Thes. 1.9 . Mat. 9.44 , 46 , 48. p p 1 Thes. 5.9 q q Gal. 3.10 r r T it 3.4.5 s s Gal. 3.16 . Rom. 5.15 . to the end . t t Gen 3.15 u u 1. Ioh. 5.11 , 12. w w Ioh. 3.16 x x Pro. 1.23 y y 1 Cor. 4.13 . z z Gal. 5.22 . a a Ez. 36.27 b b Iam. 2.18 c c 1 Cor. 5.14 . d d Eph. 2.10 e e 2 Cor. 3.6 f f Rom. 15.8 . g g Act. 3.10 h h Heb. 10.1 i i Rom. 4.11 k k 1 Cor. 5.7 . l l Heb. 8.9 . m m Gal. 3.7 . n n Mat. 16.15 . o o Mat. 28.20 . p p 1 Cor. 11.23 , 24 , 25 , q q 2 Cor ▪ 3.6 . to the end . r r 1 Tim. 2.5 s s Ioh. 1.11 t t Gal. 4.4 . u u Luk. 1 , 35 w w Ioh , 1.14 x x Luk. 1.27 . y y Heb. 4.15 . z z Act. 2.24 a a Act. 20.28 . b b Ro. 3 24. c c Eph. 1.6 . d d Tit. 2.13 . e e Gal 4.6 . f f Luk 1.68 g g Heb. 5.8 . h h Heb. 2.16 i i Gal. 4.4 . k k Heb 2.14 l l Heb. 4.5 . m m Gal. 4.15 n n Heb. 4 16 o o Mat. 1.12 p p 1 Pet. 2.6 q q Mat. 1.21 . p p Ioh 3.34 s s Ioh. 6.27 t t Act. 13.21 u u Heb. 5.5 . w w Psal. 2.6 x x Ioh. 1.18 y y 1 Pet. 1.10 z z Heb. 1.1.2 a a Ioh. 15.15 b b Act. 20. c c Heb. 9.14 d d Heb. 2.17 e e Heb. 7.25 . f f Act. 15.14 g g Eph. 4.11 . h h Isa. 35.21 i i Mat. 18.18 k k Act. 5.35 l l Rev. 12.12 . m m Rev. 3.19 n n Isa. 63.9 . o o 1 Cor. 15. p p Rom. 14.10.11 . q q Ro. 8.28 . r r 2 Thes. 1.8 , 9. s s Phil 2.6.7 , 8. t t Ioh. 1.14 . u u Gal. 4.4 w w Mat. 5.17 . x x Ps. 22.6 . y y Mat. 4.1 . to 12. z z Heb. 2.17 . a a Mat. 27 4 b b Mat. 26.56 . c c Isa. 5.2 , 3. d d Mat. 27.26 . to 50. e e Luk. 22.44 . f f Isa. 53 10 g g Phil. 2.8 . h h 1 Cor. 15 3.4 . i i Ps. 16.10 . k k 1 Cor. 15.4 . l l Mat. 16.10 m m Eph. 1.20 n n Act. ● . 11 . o o Act. 2.24 p p Lu. 24.39 q q Rom. 6.9 . r r Ioh. 70.8 s s Rom. 1.4 . t t Rom. 8.34 u u Heb. 2.14 w w Ro. 14.9 x x 1 Cor. 15 21 , 22. y y Eph. 1.20 z z Ro. 2.25 . a a Eph. 2.1 . b b 1 Cor. 15.26 , 27. c c 1 Cor. 15 20. d d Act. 1.2 . e e Mat. 28.19 , 20. f f Heb. 6.20 g g Eph. 4.8 . h h Act. 1.9 . i i Col. 3.1.8 k k Ioh. 14.3 l l Act. 3.21 . m m Phil. 2.9 n n Act. 2.28 o o Ioh. 17.5 p p Eph. 1.21 . q q Eph. 4.10 . r r Rom. 3.34 s s Heb. 1.3 . t t Heb. 1.3 . u u Ioh. 3.16 w w Ro. 8.33 . x x Ro. 5.1.2 . y y Heb. 4.16 z z Eph. 1.6 . a a 1. Pet. 2.5 b b Act. 3.14 c c Mat. 24.30 . d d Luk. 9 26 e e 1 Thes. 4.16 . f f Act. 17 . 3● g g Heb. 9.12 . h h 2 Cor. 1.20 . i i Ioh. 1.11 k k Tit. 3.5 . l l Eph. 1.13 . Ioh. 6.37 . m m Eph. 2.8 . n n Ro 10.14 . o o 2 Thes. 1.8 . p p Ioh. 8.24 q q 1 Cor. 1.20 . to 24. r r Rom. 9.31 . s s Act. 4.12 . t t Eph. 5.23 . u u Ioh. 12.38 . to 40. Mat. 22.14 Mat. 7.21 . Rom. 11.7 . w w 1 Cor. 1.2 . x x 1 Cor. 7.14 y y Isa. 4.5 , 6 z z Ps. 111 throughout a a Act. 2.39 . b b Psal. 147.19 , 20. c c Ioh. 6.37 d d Eph. 1.10 . Ioh. 10.19 e e Ioh. 17.21 Ioh. 17.24 f f Eph. 1.22 g g 1 Cor. 6.17 . h h 1 Pet. 5.10 . i i Ioh. 5 25 k k Tit. 3.4 . l l 2 Cor. 5.20 . m m Act. 26.18 . n n Ioh. 6.45 . o o Eph. 2.5 . p p Act. 13.48 . q q Ma● . 2● . 14 . r r Mat. 7.22 s s Joh. 12.38 , 39 , 40. Ioh. 6.64 . t t Rom. 8.30 u u Eph ▪ 1.5 . w w 1 Cor. 1.30 . x x Rom. 3.21.24.25 . y y 2 Cor. 5.19 21. z z Tit. 3.5 . a a Rom. 5.17 18 , 19. b b Act. 10.54 Rom. 5.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. d d 1 Tim. 2.5 , 6. e e 2 Cor. 15.21 . f f Rom. 3.24 . g g Eph. 2.8 . h h Eph. 1.7 . i i Heb. 10.39 k k 2 Cor. 4.13 l l Rom. 10.14 , 17. m m Act. 2.37 n n Eph. 1.13 o o Joh. 1.12 p p Phil. 3.9 . Act. 15.11 . q q Gal. 3.11 . r r Rom. 4.5 . s s Jo● . 1.12 . Phil. 3.19 . t t 1 Io● . 3.1 u u Eph. 1.5 . w w Jo● . 5.12 . x x 2 Cor 6.18 . y y Gal. 4.6 . z z Ps. 103.13 . a a Heb. 6.12 . b b Heb. 1.4 . c c Rom 6.4 . d d Eph. 4.23 Act. ● . 18 f f Iudev . 20. g g Rom. 6.4 . to 14. h h 2 Tim 2.25 i i Zech. 12.10 . k k Act. 11.18 . l l Ezek. 18.28 , 32. m m Ezek 36.21 . n n Io●l . 2.12 o o Ier. 31.18 p p 2 Cor. 7. ● . q q Act. 26.18 . r r Ps. 119.9 . s s 1 Cor. 6.11 t t Rom. 5.6 . u u Ez. 36.27 w w Rom. 3.24 , 25. x x Rom 6.6 . y y Rom. 8.33 . z z 1 Ioh. 2.12 , 13 , 14. a a Ioh. 1.8 . b b 2 Cor. 7.1 . c c Rom. 7.18 . Mar. 14.66 to the end d d H●b . 12.1 . e e Isa. 64.5 . f f Ier. 31.3 . g g 2 Tim. 2.19 . h h 1 Cor. 1.8 . i i Heb. 7.25 . k k 1 Ioh. 3.9 . l l Ier. 32.40 m m 1 Pet. 1.5 n n 1 Ioh. 2.9 o o 1 Cor. 2.12 . p p Rom. 8.16 . q q 1 Ioh. 5.13 . r r Eph. 1.131 . s s Isa. 50.10 Psal. 88. throughout . t t Psal. 77.2 to 12. u u 1 Joh 1.9 . w w 1 Cor. 3.18 . x x L●k . 23.43 . y y 1 Thes. 4.17 . z z Eph. 2.5 . a a Rom. 5.5 b b Rom. 5.1 . c c Gen 4.13 Mat. 27.4 . d d Rom. 6.13 e e Heb. 9.17 . f f Rom. 5.11 . g g 1 Cor. 15.16 ▪ 56. h h 〈◊〉 57.1 . i i Rev. 14.15 . k k Luk. 23.43 . l l 〈◊〉 ●2 . 2● m m 2 Cor. 5.6 , 8. n n Io● . ● . 2 . o o Rom ● 23. p p 1 Thes. 4.14 . q q Isa. 57.2 . r r Job . 19.26 , 27. s s Luk. 16.73 . t t Act. 24.15 u u 1 Cor. 15.52.53 . w w 1 Cor. 15.22 , 23 , 42 , 43 , 44. x x Joh. 5.27 y y 2 Pet. 2.4 . Jude v. 6.7 14 , 15. z z Mat. 24.35 , 42 , 4● . a a Mat. 25.33 . b b Rom. 2.15 . c c Mat. 25.41 , 42 , 43. d d 2 Thes. 1.8 . e e 1 Thes. 4.17 . f f Mat. 25.33 . g g 1 Cor. 6.2 . h h Mat. 25.34 , 36. 1 Eph. 5.27 . k k Ps. 16.11 . l l Heb. 12.22 m m 1 Ioh. 3.2 n n Rom. 12.1 , 2. o o Gen. 1.28 . p p Deut. 5.1 . q q Luk. 1.75 r r Rom. 10.5 . s s So. 8.3 . t t Tim. 1.8 . u u Lev. 11.44 , 44. w w Mic. 6.8 Iam. 2.10 , 11. x x Ps. 19.11 , 12. y y Rom. 3.9.25 . z z Gal. 3.21 22. a a Rom. 10 , 4. b b 1 Tim. 1.9 , 10. c c Gal. 3.24 . d d Rom. 1.20 e e Gal. 3.10 f f Rom. 6.14 . Gal. 4.4 , 5. g g Rom. 3.10 h h Gal. 5.23 . Rom. 8.1 . i i Rom. 7.24 , 25. k k Luk. 1.68 , 69 , 74 , 75. Col. 1.12 . l l Rom. 7.22 . m m Deu. 10.4 . n n Mat. 22.37 , to 40. o o Psal. 19.7 Mat. 5.21 . to the end . p p Ro. 7.14 . q q Col. 3.5 . Amos. 8.5 . r r Isa. 58.13 Deut. 6.13 . s s Mat. 1.21 to 25. t t Exod. 20.11 . u u Ier. 18.7 w w Job . 13.7 x x Deut. 4.8 y y Mat. 12.7 z z Mat. 5.21 a a Exod. 20.10 . b b 2 Cor. 1.24 . c c 1 Tim. 5.29 . d d Ex. 20.2 . e e Isa. 14.6 . f f Ex. 3.44 . g g Ex. 6.4 . h h Act. 17.24 , 28. i i Gen. 17.7 . k k Luk. 1.74 l l 1 Pet. 1.15.16 , 17 , 18. m m Luk. 10.27 . n n Ex. 20.3 o o 1 Chron. 28 , 9. p p Psal. 95.6 . q q Mal. 13.16 r r Ps. 63.6 . s s Eccl , 12.1 . t t Ps. 71.19 . u u Mal. 1.6 . w w Is. 45.23 . x x Josh. 24.15 , 22. y y Deut. 6.5 . z z Ps. 73.25 a a Isa. 8.13 . b b Ex. 1●4 . 31 c c Isa. 26.1 . d d Ps. 1●●0 . 7 e e Ps. 37.4 . f f Ps. 32.11 g g Ro. 12.11 . h h Phil. 4.6 . i i Jer. 7.23 . k k 1 Joh. 3.22 . l l Jer. 31.28 . m m Mic. 6.8 . n n Ps. 14.1 . Eph. 2.12 . o o Ier. 2.27.28 . s s Jer. 2.32 . p p Ps. 81.11 . q q Isa. 43.22 . r r Jer. 4.22 . t t Act. 17.23 . u u Isa. 40.18 . w w Ps. 15.20 . x x Deut. 29.29 . y y Tit. 1.16 . z z Rom. 1.30 . a a 2 Tim. 5.1 b b Phil. 2.21 c c 1 Joh. 2.15 . d d 1 Joh. 4.1 . e e Heb. 3.12 . f f Gal. 5 20. g g Act. 26.9 . h h Ps. 78.22 . i i Gen. 4.13 k k Jer. 5.3 . l l Isa. 42.25 . m m Rom. 2.5 . n n Jer. 13.15 o o Ps. 19.13 . p p Zeph. 1.12 . q q Mat. 4.7 . r r Rom. 3.8 . s s Ier. 17.5 . t t 1 Tim. 3.5 u u Gal. 4.17 . w w Rev. 3.16 . x x Rev. 3.1 . y y Ezek. 14.5 . z z Rom. 10.14 , 15. a a Rev. 20.6 . b b Act. 5.3 . c c 2 Cor. 1.24 . d d Deut. 32.15 . e e Act. 1.51 f f Psal. 73.2 , 3 , 14 , 22. g g 1 Sam. 6. h h Dan. 5.23 i i Deut. 8.17 . k k Heb. 1.16 . l l Ezek. 8.5 . to the end m m 1 Chyon . 38 , 9. n n Exod. 20.4 , 5 , 6. o o Deut 32.46 , 47. p p Phil. 4.6 . q q Deut. 17.18 . Act. 10.33 . r r Mat. 28.29 . s s Mat. 18.15 . t t Eph. 4.11 . u u Ioel. 2.12 w w Deu. 6.13 x x Isa 19 21. y y Act. 17.16 z z Deut. 7.5 . a a Num. 15.39 . b b Deu. 13.6 c c Hos. 5.11 . d d 1 King. 12.33 . e e Deu. 12.30 , 32. f f Deut. 13.6 . to 12. Revel . 2.2.14 , 15 , 20. Rev. 17.12 . g g Deut. 4.15 . to 19. Act. 17.29 . Rom. 1.21 , 22 , 23 , 25. h h Dan. 1.3 , 18. Gal. 4.8 . i i Exod. 32.5 , 8. l l 1 Kin. 18.26 . m m Act. 17.22 n n Mal. 1.7 . o o Deut. 4.2 . p p Ps. 104.19 q q Mat. 10.9 r r 1 Pet. 1.18 s s Ier. 41.17 . t t Isa. 65.3 . u u 1 Sam. 15.21 . w w Act. 8.18 x x Ro. 2.22 . y y Ex. 4.24 . z z Mat. 22.5 a a Mal. 1.7 . b b Act. 13.43 . c c Ex. 20.5 . d d Ps. 45.11 e e Ex. 34.13 f f 1 Cor. 10.20 , 22. g g Hos. 2.27 . h h Deu. 5.39 . i i Ex. 20.7 . k k Mat. 6.9 . l l Mal 1.14 m m Ps. 138.2 . n n 1 Cor. 11.24 , 26 , 28. o o 1 Tim. 2.8 . p p Ier. 4.2 . q q Eccl. 5.3 . r r Act. 1.2 . s s Iob. 16.24 t t Mal. 3.16 u u Psal. 8. to the end w w Col. 3.17 . x x Ps. 102.18 . y y Pet. 3.15 . z z Phil. 1.27 . a a 1 Cor. 10.35 . b b Jer. 32.35 c c 1 Pet. 2.12 d d Mat. 2.2 . t t Act. 17.28 . f f Prov. 50.9 ▪ g g Mal. 1.6 . h h 1 Sam 4.4 , 5. i i 2 Kings 18.30 , 35. k k Ps 50.16 . l l Isa. 5 11. m m 2 Kings 19.22 . n n Zech. 8.17 . o o 1 Sam. 27.42 . p p Ier. 5.7 . q q Deut. 23.18 . r r Esth. 3. ● . s s Ps. 24.4 . t t Mat. 6.26 . u u Rom. 3.14 w w Deut. 29 19. x x Rom. 3.5 . y y Eccl. 8.11 z z Mat. 5.21 a a Ezek. 13.22 . b b 2 Pet. 3.16 . c c Isa. 22.13 . d d 1. Tim. 1.4.6 , 7. f f 2 Tim. 1.3 , 4. Rom. 13.13 , 14. Iude v. 4. g g Acts. 13.4 , 5. h h Psal. 1.1 . i i 1 Pet. 4.4 . k k Act. 13.45 , 50. l l 2 Tim. 3.5 . e e Deut. 18.11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Act 19. m m Mat. 8.38 n n Ps. 73.14 . o o 1 Cor. 6.5 . p p Isa. 5.4 . Rom. 3 23 Gal. 3.31.3 s s Exo. 20.7 t t Lev. 19.12 u u Ezek. 36.21 , 22 , 23. w w 1 Sam. 2.12 . to 24. x x Exod. 20.8 , 9 , 10 , 11 y y Deu. 5 12. z z Rev. 1.10 . a a Exod. 20.8 ▪ 10. b b Exod. 16.29 . to 28. c c Mat. 12.10 , to 13. d d Isa. 58.13 Act. 20.7 . Isa. 6 6.23 . e e Ex. 20.8 . f f Ex. 20.10 Ier. 17.20 21 , 22. g g Ezek 22.26 . h h Act. 20.7 i i Ezek. 23. ●8 . k k Ier. 17.14 . Isa. 58.13 . l l Ex. 20.9 . m m Ex. 20.10 n n Ex. 20.11 o o Ex. 20.8 . p p Ex. 16.23 . Luk. ●3 . 5● q q Psal. 92. title with v. 13.14 . r r Gen. 2.2.3 . s s Eze. 12.26 t t Gen. 9.14 . u u Ex. 34.31 w w Deut. 54.14 , 15. x x ●●n . 1.7 . y y Ma. 22 19 z z Mat. 7.12 a a Ex. 20.12 b b Prov. 23.22 , 25. c c 1 Tim. 5.1 . d d Gen. 4 20. e e 2 Kin. 5 13 f f Kin. 2.12 . g g Isa. 49.23 h h Eph. 6.4 . i i 1 Cor. 4.14 , ●5 , 16. k k Eph. 5.21 . l l Mal. 1.6 . m m Prov. 31.28 . n n Le. 19.32 . o o 2 Tim. 2.1 . p p Heb. 13.7 . q q Eph. 6.12 . r r Heb. 12.9 . s s Tit. 2.9 . t t 1 Sam 26.15 , 16. u u Mat. 22.21 . w w 1 Pet. 2.18 . Pro. 23.22 . x x Ps. 127.3 , ● , 5. y y Mat. 15.4 , 5 , 6. z z Num. 11.28 , 29. a a 1 Sam. 8.7 b b 2 Sam. 15 1. to 12. c c Exod. 2.1.15 . d d 1 Sam. 10.27 . e e 1 Sam. 2.25 . f f Deut. 21.18 . g g Pro. 30.11 . h h Pro. 19.26 . i i Col. 3.19 . k k Iob. 1.5 . l l Heb. 7.7 . m m Deu. 6.6 . n n Eph. 6.4 . o o 1 Pet 3.7 . p p 1 Pet. 2 14 q q Est. 6.3 . r r Rom. 13.3 . s s Pro. 29.15 t t Iob. 29.12 u u Eph. 6.4 . w w ● Tim. 5.8 x x 1 Tim. 4.12 . y y 1 King. 3.28 . z z Tit. 2.15 . a a Ez. 34.2 . b b Phil , 2.21 c c Ioh. 5.14 . d d Isa. 56.11 e e Deut. 3.4 . f f Ex. 5 10. g g Mat. 14.18 . h h Sa. 13.28 . i i 1 Sam. 3.13 . k k Ioh. 7.46 l l 1 Pet , 2.18 m m Gen. 38.26 . n n Eph. 6.4 . o o Gen. 9.21 p p 1 ●e 2.7 . q q Rom. 12.1 10. r r Rom. 12.15 s s Rom 23.8 . t t 2 Tim. 3.3 . u u Act. 7.9 . w w Num. 13.2 x x 3 Ioh. 5.9 . y y Ex. 20.12 z z Deu. 5.16 . a a Ex. 20.13 b b Eph. 5.28 . c c 1 Kings 18.4 . d d Ier. 16.15 . e e Eph. 4 , 16. f f 2 Sam. 2.22 . g g Mat. 4.6 . h h 1 Sam. 24.12 . i i Ps. 82.4 . k k Iam. 5.7 . l l 1 Thes. 4.12 m m Pro. 17.22 n n Pro. 15.26 , 27. o o 1 Tim. 5.23 p p Isa. 38 . 21· q q Ps. 127.2 . r r Eccl. 5.12 . s s Eccl. 3.4 . t t Sam. 19.4 . u u Ro. 13.10 . w w Lu. 10.33 x x Col. 3.12 y y Iam. 3.17 z z 1 Pet. 3.8 , 9 , 10.11 a a Mat. 5.24 b b 1 Thes. 5.14 c c Act. 16.28 d d Gen. 9.5 . e e Num. 35.32 , 33. f f Ier. 48. to Deut. 20.9 . g g Ex. 22.2 . h h Mat. 25.42 , 43. i i Mat. 5.22 . k k 1 Ioh. 3.15 l l Pro. 14.30 . m m Ro. 12.19 . n n Eph. 4.31 . o o Mat. 6.31 . p p Lu. 21.34 . q q Ecc. 12.2 . r r Isa. 5.12 . s s Pro. 15.1 . t t Eze. 18.18 u u Gal. 5.15 . w w Nu. 35.16 x x Ex. 21.18 . y y Ex. 20 . 14· z z 1 Thes. 4.4 . a a Col 4.6 . b b 1 Pet. 3.2 . c c 1 Cor. 7.2 . d d Iob. 31.2 . e e Act. 24.24 f f Prov. 2.16 g g 2 Tim. 2.9 . h h 1 Cor. 7.2 . i i Pro. 5.19 k k 1 Pet. 3.7 . l l Pro. 31.12 m m Pro. 5.8 . n n Pro. 5.7 . o o Heb. 13.4 . p p 2 Sam. 13.14 . q q Rom. 1.24 r r Mat. 5.28 Col. 3.5 . s s Eph. 5.3 . t t Isa. 3.16 . u u Pro. 7.10 . w w 1 Tim. 4.3 . x x Lev. 18.1 y y 1 King. 15 12. z z Mat. 19.10.11 . a a 1 Cor. 7.7 . b b Mal. 2.14 . c c Mat 4.32 d d 1 Cor 7.12 e e Ezek 16.49 . f f Ge. 39.10 . g g Eph. 5.4 . h h 2 Ki. 5.30 i i Ex. 20.15 k k Ps 15 2. l l Rom. 13.7 . m m Lev. 6.2 . n n Lu. 6.30 . o o 1 Tim. 6.6 . p p 1 Tim 5.8 . q q pro. 27.23 r r 1 Cor. 7.10 . s s Eph. 2.28 . t t Ioh. 6 12. u u 1 Cor. 6.1 . w w Pro. 6.1 . x x Lev. 15.35 . y y Iam. 2.25 z z Eph. 4.28 . a a Ps. 62.10 b b 1 Tim. 1.10 c c Pro. 29 24 d d 1 Thes. 4.6 . e e Pro. 11.1 . f f Deu. 19.14 g g Amo● 8.5 . h h Luk. 16.10 , 12. i i Ez. 22.29 . Lev. 25.17 . k k Mat. 22.25 ▪ ●z . 22.12 . l l Ps. 15 5. m m Ioh. 15. ●4 n n 1 Cor 6.6 , 7 , 8. Prov. 3.29.30 . o o Isa. 5 8. Mic. 2.2 . p p Prov. 11.26 . q q Act. 19.19.24 , 25. r r Ioh. 20.19 s s Lu. 12.15 . t t 1 Tim 5.3 . u u Mat. 6.25 w w Ps. 73.3 . x x 2 Thes. 3.11 y y Prov. 21.17 . Prov. 18.9 . z z Eccl. 4.8 . a a Ex. 20.16 . b b Zech. 8.16 c c 3 Ioh. v. 12 d d Pro● 31.8 . e e Ps. 15.2 . f f 2 Chro. 19.9 . g g 1 Sam. 19.4 , 5. h h Io●h . 7.19 i i 2 Sam. 14.18.20 k k Lev. 19.15 l l 2 Cor. 1.17 . m m Heb. 6.9 . 1 Cor. 13.6 . n n Rom. 1.8 . o o 2 Cor. 2.4 . p p Prov. 12 9. q q 1 Cor. 1.4 . r r 1 Sam. 12.14 . s s 1 Cor. 13.6 . t t Psal. 15.3 . s s 1 Cor. 13.6 . u u Prov. 25.23 . Pro. 26.24 , 25. x x Ps 101.5 . y y Pro. 14.5 . z z Ps. 1.4 . a a Phil. 4 ▪ 8. b b 1 Sam. 17.28 . c c Lev. 19.15 d d Pro. 19.5 . e e Act. 5.13 . f f Ier. 9.3 . g g 1 King. 21.9 . to 14 h h Isa. 15.23 i i Ps. 119 69. k k Lev. 5.1 . l l 1 Kin. 5.6 . m m Isa. 5 9.4 . n n Pr. 19. ●1 . o o 1 Sam. 12.9 , 10. p p Ps. 56.6 . q q Gen. 3.5 . r r Isa. 59.3 . s s Lev. 19.11 t t Ps. 50.20 . u u Ps. 15.3 . w w Iam. 4.11 x x Le. 19.19 . y y Ro. 1.29 . z z Gen. 21.6 . a a 1 Cor. 6.10 . b b Mat. 7.1 . c c Act. 28.4 . d d Rom. 2.1 . e e Neb. 6.6 . f f Ps. 12.2 . g g 2 Tim. 3.2 . h h Luk. 18.9 . Rom. 12 . 1● . 1 Cor. 4.4 . Act. 12.22 . Exod. 4.10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. i i Ioh. 4.6 . k k Mat. 7.3 , 4 , 5. l l Prov. 28.13 . Gen. 4.9 . m m Gen. 9.22 . Prov. 25.9 , 10. n n Exod. 23.1 . o o Prov. 29.12 . p p Act. 7.56 . q q 1 Cor. 13.3 . r r Num. 11.29 . s s Ezra 4.11 . t t Ier. 48.27 u u Ps. 35.15 ▪ w w Iu. v. 16. x x Rom. 1.32 y y 1 Sam. 2.14 z z 2 Sa. 12.13 a a Ex. 10.17 b b Heb. 13.5 . c c Ioh. 31.29 Rom. 12.15 d d 1 Kin. 11.4 . e e Gal. 5.26 . f f Ps. 112.9 . g g Rom. 7.7 . h h Iam. 3.3 . Ioh. 15.5 . i i Eccl. 7 . 2● k k Gen. 6.5 . l l Rom. 3.9 . m m Ioh. 19.11 , n n Ier. 2.8 . o o Iob. 22.7 . p p 1 Kin. 11.4 . q q 2 Sam. 12.14 . r r Iam. 4.17 . s s Ier. 5.4 , 5. t t 2 Sam. 12.7 , 8 , 9. u u Rom. 2.17 . w w Gal. 2.11 x x Mat. 2.38 39. y y 1 Sam. 2.25 . z z Rom. 2.4 . a a Mal. 1.8 . b b Heb. 2.2 . c c Heb. 10.29 d d Ep. 4.30 . e e Heb. 6.4 . f f Iude v. 8. g g Prov. 30.17 . h h Zeph. 2.8 . i i 1 Cor. 12.8 k k Eze. 13.9 . l l 1 Thes. 2.15.16 . m m Prov. 6.30 , 35. n n Ezra 5.10 , 11 , 12. o o Col. 3.5 . 1 Tim. 6.20 . Prov. 5 , 8 , 9 , 10. p p Iames 1.14 . Mat. 5.22 . Mic. 2.1 . q q Mat. 18.7 . r r Deut. 22.22 , to 28. s s Mat. 11.21 . to 24. t t Isa. 1.3 . u u Amos 4.8 . to 14. w w Rom. 1.16 , 17. x x Rom. 1.24 . y y Prov. 29.1 . z z Tit. 3 10. a a Prov. 27.22 . b b Ps. 78.24 . c c Eccl. 5.4 . d d Lev. 26.25 . e e Pro. 2.17 . f f Ps. 35.3 . g g Ier. 6.16 h h Nu. 15 30 i i Ier. 3.3 . k k Ps. 52.1 . l l 3 Ioh. v. 10 m m Num. 14.22 . n n Zech. 7.11 , 12. o o ●ro . 2.24 . p p Isa. 57.17 q q Ier 34.8 . r r 2 King. 5.26 . s s Ier. 7.10 . t t Ezek. 23.37 , 39. u u Isa 58.3 . w w 1 Cor. 11.20.21 . x x Ier. 7.8 . y y Ez. 9.13 . z z 2 Sam. 16.22 . a a Iam. 2.10 b b Exod. 20.1 , 2 ▪ c c Heb. 1.13 . Lev. 10.3 . d d 1. Io● . 3.14 . Rom. 7.11 . e e Eph. 5.6 . Gal. 3 ▪ 10. f f Deut. 28.15 . g g Mat. 25.41 . h h Heb. 9.22 . i i Act. 20.21 . Mat. 3.7 , 8. k k Prov. 2.1 . to 6. l l Mat. 28.19 , 20. m m Neh. 8.8 . n n 1 Cor. 14.24 , 25. o o Act. 2.37 41. p p 2 Cor. 3.18 q q 2 Cor. 10.4 , 5 , 6. r r Mat. 4.4.7.10 . s s Act. 20.32 t t Rom. 16.25 . u u Deu. 31.9.11 , 12 , 13. w w Deut. 17.19 . x x Deut. 6.6.7 , 8 , 9. y y 1 Cor. 14.6 , 9 , 11 , 12 , 15 , 26. z z Ps. 19.10 . a a 2 Pet. 1.19 , 20 , 21. b b Luk. 14.25 . c c Deut. 17.19 , 20. d d Act. 17.11 . e e Act 8.30 , 31. f f Ps. 1.2 . g g 2 Chr. 34.21 . h h Prov. 3.5 . Prov. 21. to 17. k k 1 Tim. 3.2.6 . l l Ier. 14.63 . m m Tit. 2.1.8 . n n Act. 18.25 o o 2 Tim. 4.2 . p p 1 Cor. 14.19 q q 1 Cor. 2.4 . r r Ier. 23.28 s s Act. 20.21 . t t Col. 1.28 . u u 1 Cor. 3.2 . w w Act. 8.25 x x 2 Cor. 5.13 , 14. y y Col. 4.12 . z z 2 Cor. ● . 17 a a 1 Thes. 2.4 , 5.6 . b b 1 Cor. 9.19 , 20 , 21 , 22. c c 2 Cor. 12.19 . d d 1 Tim. 4.9 . e e Prov. 8.3 . f f 1 ●et . 2.1 , 2. g g Psal. 119 8. h h Act. 18.11 . i i Heb. 4.2 . n n 1 Thes. 2.13 o o Luk. 9.44 p p Lu. 21.14 . q q Prov. 2.1 . r r Luk. 6.15 . s s 1 Pet. 3.21 t t Gen. 17.7.10 . u u Rom. 4.11 w w Rom. 15.8 . x x Acts 2.38 . y y Rom. 4.11 z z Rom. 6.3.4 . a a Eph. 4.2 , 3 , 4 , 5. b b Eph. 2.11 12. c c Mat. 3.11 1 Pet. 2.21 . d d Mat. 28.19 . 1 Cor. 11.20 , 23. e e Mat. 28.19 . f f Gal. 3.2 . g g Mat. 14. h h Tit. 3.5 . i i Gal. 3.26.27 . k k 1 Cor. 15.29 . l l 1. Cor. 12.13 . m m Rom. 6.4 . n n Act. 8.36 , 37. Act. 2.38 . o o Gen. 17.7 , 9. Luke . 18.15.16 . Rom. 11.16 p p Col. 2.11.12 . Rom. 6.4 , 6 , 11. q q Rom. 6.3 , 4 , 5. r r 1 Cor. 1.11 12 , 13. Rom. 6.2 , 3. s s Rom. 4.11 . ● . t t Rom. 6.3 , 4 ▪ 5. u u Gal. 3.26.27 . w w Rom. 6.22 . x x Act. 2.38 y y 1 Cor. 12.13 , 25 , 26 , 27. z z Luk 22.20 . a a Mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. b b 1 Cor. 10.15 c c 1 Cor. 11.24 , 25 , 26. d d 1 Cor. 10.14 , 15 , 16. e e 1 Cor. 10.17 . f f 1 Cor 11.23 , 24. Mat 26.26 27 , 28. g g Act. 3.2 . h h Mat. 26.26 , 28. i i 1 Cor. 11.24 , 25.26 , 27 , 28 , 29. k k 1 Cor. 10.16 . l l 1 Cor. 11.18 . m m 1 Cor. 13.5 . n n 1 Cor. 5.7 . o o 1 Cor. 11.29 . p p 2 Cor. 13.5 . q q Zech. 12.10 . r r 1 Cor. 10.16 , 17. s s 1 Cor. 5.8 . t t Mat. 5.23 24. u u Isa. 55.1 . w w 1 Cor. 5.7 , 8. x x 1 Cor. 11.25 , 26 , 28. y y 1 Cor. 13.24 , 25. z z 2. Chr. 30 ▪ 18 , 19. a a Isa. 50.10 . b b Isa. 54.7 , 8 , 9 , 10. e e Phil. 3.8 , 9. d d 2 Tim. 2.19 . e e Isa. 40.11 , 20 , 31. Mat. 21.28 f f Mat. 9.22 . g g Act. 2.37 . h h Rom. 4.11 . i i 1 Cor. 11.27 . to the end . 1 Tim. 5.22 k k 2 Cor. 3.7 . l l Lev. 10.3 m m Exod. 14.8 . n n 1 Cor. 11.29 o o Luke 12.19 . p p 1 Cor. 12.26 . q q 1 Cor 1● . 3 r r Zech. 1● . 10 . s s Rev. 13.17 . t t Joh. 6.25 . u u Ioh. 4.16 . w w Phil. 3.9 . x x Ps. 63.4 , 5 y y Ps. 22.26 . z z Ier. 50.5 . a a Act. 2.11 b b Ps. 28.7 . c c Chr. 30.21 to 26. d d Ps. 36.10 ▪ e e 1 Cor. 10.3 , 4 , 5 , 11. f f Ps. 50.14 . g g 1 Cor. 11.25 , 26. h h Can. 5.1 . to 6. i i Ps. 125.1.2 k k 2 Cor. 13.18 , 19. l l 2 Cor. 7.11 . m m Mat. 28.19 . n n Rom. 6.3.4 . o o Rom. 4.11 . p p Ioh. 1.33 . q q Mat. 1 19. r r Mat. 3.11 . s s Gen. 17.7 t t 1 Cor. 1.23 , 24 , 25 , 26. u u 1 Cor. 10.16 . w w 1 Cor. 11.28 , 29. x x Ps. 62.8 . y y Joh. 16.23 . z z Rom. 8.26 a a Ps. 31.5 , 6 b b Phil. 4.6 . c c 1 King. 8.39 . d d Ps. 65 2. e e Mic. 7.18 . f f Ps. 145.18 , 19. g g Rom. 10.11 . h h Mat. 1.10 . i i 1 Cor. 1.2 . k k Ps. 50.15 . l l Ro. 10.14 . m m Ioh. 14.14 , 1. n n Mat. 7.21 o o Heb. 4.14.15 , 16. 1 Iob. 5.13.14 , 15. p p Ioh. 14.6 . Isa. 49.2 . q q Ioh. 6.27 . r r Col. 3.17 . Heb. 13.15 s s Rom. 8.26.27 . t t Eph. 6.18 . u u 2 Tim. 3.12 . w w Col 4.3 . x x Gen. 31.11 . y y Iam. 16. z z Mat. 3.41 a a 1 Tim. 2.1 , 2. b b Ioh. 17.20 . c c Sam. 12. d d 1 Ioh. 5.16 . e e Mat. 6.9 . f f Ps ▪ 51.18 . g g Mat. 7.11 h h Ps. 125.14 i i 1 Ioh. 5.1 . k k Eccl. 3.1 . l l Gen. 1 8.17 m m Luke 15.17 , 18 , 19. n n Luke 18.13 , 14. o o Ps. 51.17 . p p Phil. 4.6 . q q 1 Sam. 1.15 . b b Mat. 6.5 . to 13. Luk. 1.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. c c Mat. 6.9 . Luke 11.2 . d d Mat 6.9 . e e Luk. 11.13 . f f Isa. 46.9 . g g Ps. 11.1 . h h Isa. 63.15.16 . i i Act. 11.5 . k k Mat. 6.9 . l l 2 Cor. 3.5 . m m Ps. 67.2 . n n Ps. 83.18 o o Ps. 86.10 . p p 2 Thes. 3.2 . q q Ps. 145. throughout r r Ps. 103.1 s s Ph. 19.11 t t Ps. 67 1. u u Eph. 1.17 . w w Ps. 98.7 . x x Ps. 74.18 . y y 2 Kin. 19.15.16 . z z 1 Chron. 20.6 , 10. a a Mat. 6.10 . b b Eph. 2.2 . c c Ps. 58.1 . d d 2 Thes. 3.1 . e e Rom. 10.1 f f Ioh. 17.9.20 . g g Mat. 9.18 h h Mal. 3.1.11 . i i 1 Tim. ● . 1 , 2. k k Acts. 4.29 30. l l Eph. 3.14 . to 21. m m Rev. 22.10 . n n Isa. 64.1 , 2. o o Mat. 6.10 p p Rom. 7.18 q q Rom 8.7 . r r Exod. 17.7 s s Eph. 2.2 . w w Mat. 26.40 , 41. x x Ier. 21.18 , 19. y y Ps. 110.1 , 8 , 25 , 6. z z Mic. 6.8 . a a Ps. 100.2 . b b Isa. 38.3 . c c ●s . 119.4 , 5. d d Rom. 12.11 . e e Ps. 119.80 . f f Ps. 119.112 . g g Isa. 6.2 . h h Mat. 6.11 . i i Gen. 2.17 . k k Deut. 8.5 . l l Gen. 32.10 . m m Deut. 8.17 , 18. n n Ier. 6.13 . o o Hos. 2.7 . p p Iam. 4.3 . q q Gen. 4.12 , 13 , 14. r r 1 Tim. 4.3 , 4 , 5. s s 1 Tim. 6.6 , 7 , 8. t t Prov. 30.8 , 9. u u Mat. 6.12 w w Rom. 3.9 . to 22. x x Rom. 3.24 , 25 , 26. y y Eph. 1.5.7 z z 2 Pet. 1.2 . a a Hos. 14.2 b b Rom. 15.13 . c c Luk. 11.4 . d d Mat. 6.13 e e 2 Chr. 32.31 . f f 1 Chr 21.1 . g g Luk. 21.34 h h Iam. 1.14 . i i Gal. 5.17 . k k Mat. 26.41 . l l Mat. 26.63 , 70 , 71 , 72. m m Rom. 7.23 , 24. n n Ps. 81.11.12 . o o Ioh. 17.15 p p Ps. 51.10 . q q 2 Cor. 12 ▪ 7 , 8. r r 1 Cor. 10.12 , 13. s s Heb. 13.20 , 21. t t Mat. 26.11 . u u Eph. 3.14 , 15 , 16 , 17. w w Ps. 51.12 x x 1 Pet. 5.8 , 9 , 10. y y 2 Cor. 13.7 , 9. z z Rom. 16.20 . a a Ioh. 17.1 . b b Mat. 6.13 c c Rom. 15.30 . d d Dan. 9.4.7 , 8 , 9 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. e e Phil. 4.6 . f f 1 Chr. 29.10 . to 13. g g Eph. 3.20.21 . h h 2 Chr. 20.6.11 . i i 2 Chr. 14.11 . k k 1 Cor. 14.16 . Notes for div A34242-e56580 a a 1 Cor. 10.2 . Rom. 11.26 b b Ps. 73.15 . to the end . o o 2 Tim. 3.16 . d d 1 Ioh. 1.3 , 4. e e 2 Tim. 1.13 . & 3.16 . f f Ioh 4.24 . g g Ioh. 11.7 , 8 , 9. h h Ps. 90.2 . i i Jam. 1.17 . k k Ex. 3.14 . l l Ps. 147.5 . m m Rev. 4.8 . n n Rev. 15.5 . o o Ex 54.6 , 7 p p Deut. 6.4 . q q 1 Ioh. 5.7 . r r Eph. 1.4.11 . s s Gen. 1. ●ap . Heb. 11.5 . t t Gen. 1.26.27 , 28. Eph. 4.24 . u u Ps. 1●5 . 17 . w w Ps 104.24 . Isa. 28.29 . x x Heb. 1.3 . y y Ps. 103.9 . Mat. 10.29 , 30 , 31. z z Gal. 3.12 . G●n . 2.17 . a a Gen. 3.6 , 7 , 8 , 13. Eccl. 7.29 . b b 1 Io● . 4.4 c c Gen. 3 6.12 . d d Gen. 2.16 17. Rom. 5.12 . 1. Cor. 15.21 , 22. Rom. 5.12 . f f Rom. 5.18.19 . Eph. 2.1 , 2 , 3. g g Gen. 3.8.10 , 24. h h Eph. 2.2 , 3 i i La 3.39 . Mat. 25 41.46 . k k Eph. 2.4 . l l Rom. 3.10 21 , 22. m m 1 Tim. 2.3 , 6. n n Ioh. 1.14 . Gal. 1.4 . o o Rom. 9.5 . Heb. 7.24.25 . p p Heb. 2.14.16 . & 10.5 q q Mat. 26.38 . r r Luk 1 27 31 , 35. s s Heb 4.15 . & 7.16 . t t Act. 3.21 2● . Heb. 12.25 . u u Ioh. 1.18 . Ioh. 15.15 . & 20.31 . w w Heb. 9.14 , 18. x x Heb. 2 17 y y Heb. 7.24 , 25. z z Acts 15.14 , 15 , 16. a a Isa. 33.22 b b Isa. 32 2. ● . 1 Cor. 15. ●5 . d d Luk. 2.7 . e e Gal. 4.4 . f f Heb. 12.2 , 3. g g Luke 22.44 . h h Phil. 28. i i 1 Cor. 15.3 . k k Acts 1.24 , 25 , 26. l l 1 Cor. 13.4 . m m Mar. 16.19 . n n Eph. 1.20 . o o Act. 2.11 . & 17.31 . p p Ioh. 1.12 , 13. q q Tit. 3.5 , 6 r r Ep. 1.13 , 14. s s Eph. 3.17 . 1 Cor. 8.5 . t t 2 Tim. 1.9 2 Thes 2.13.14 . u u Act. 1.37 w w Act. 26.18 . x x Ezek. 36.26 , 27. y y Ioh. 6.44 , 45. z z Rom. 8.30 . a a Eph. 1.5 . b b 1 Cor. 1.16.20 . c c Rom. 3 ▪ 24 ▪ 25. d d 2 Cor. 5.12 , 21. e e Rom 5.17 18 , 19. f f Gal. 2.16 . Phil. 3.9 . g g 1 Ioh. 3.1 . h h Ioh. 1.12 . Rom. 8.7 . i i 2 Thes. 2.13 . k k Eph. 4 23.24 . l l Ro. 6.4.5 . Rom. 8.1 . m m Rom. 5.5 , 25. n n Ro 14.17 . o o Pro 4.18 . p p 1 Ioh 5.13 q q Heb. 12.23 . Phil. 2.23 . s s 1 Thes. 4. t t Isa 57.11 . u u Ioh. 29.26 , 27. w w 1 Cor. 15.43 . x x Mat. 25.2 y y 1 Ioh. 32. z z 1 Thes. 4.17 , 18. a a Mic 6.8 . b b Rom. 2.14 , 15. & 10.5 . c c Deut. 10.4 . d d Mat 22.37 . to 41. e e Exod. 49.4 . f f Luke . 1.74.7 . g g Ex. 18.3 ▪ h h 1 Chr. 18.9 . i i Mat. 4.10 . k k Ps. 11.1 . l l Rom. 1.21 . m m Ps. 81.10.11 . n n Rom. 1 23.26 . o o 〈◊〉 8.5 . ●o the end . Ps. 44 20 , ●● . p p Exod. 20.4 , 5 , 6. q q Deut. 32.46 . Mat. 28.20 Act. 2.42 . r r Deut. 4.15 to 19. s s Deut. 12.31 , 32. t t Ps. 95.2.5 , 6. u u Ps. 45.11 . w w Exod. 34 ▪ 13 , 14. x x Exod. 20 7. y y Mat. 6.9 . z z Ps. 38.4 . a a Rev. 15.3 , 4. b b Mal. 1.11.14 . c c Ps. 1 ▪ 38.1 , 2. d d Ioh 26.24 . e e Mal. 16 , 7 , 22. & 1.2 . & 5.14 ▪ f f 1 Sam. 2. ● . to 24. 1 Sam 3.13 . g g Exod. 20.8 to 11. h h Deut. 5.12 , 13 , 14. i i Gen. 7.2.3 Acts. 20.1 . k k Exod. 22 8 , 10. l l Neh. 13.15 . to 22. m m Luke . 4.16 . n n Mat. 13.1 . to 13. o o Ezek. 22.26 . p p Act. 20.7 , 9. q q Ezek. 2.38 . r r Ier. 17.24 . s s Exod. 20.9 . t t Exod. 29.11 . u u Exod. 20.12 . w w Eph. 5.21 x x 1 Pet. 2.17 . y y Rom. 10.12 . z z Mat. 15.4 , 5 , 6. Ezek. 34.2 , 3 , 4. Deut. 5.16 . b b Exod. 20.15 . c c Ep. 5.28.29 . d d 1 Kin. 18.4 . e e Act. 16.28 . Gen. 9.6 . f f Exod. 20.14 . g g 1 Cor. 7.2.3 , 5 , 35 , 36. Col. 4.6 . 1 Pet. 3.1 . h h Math. 15.19 . i i Ex. 20.15 k k Gen. 20.30 . 1 Tim. 5.8 . l l Prov. 23.20 , 21 ▪ & 28.19 . m m Ex. 20.16 . n n Zach. 8.16 . o o Ioh. 3.11 . p p Prov. 14.3 , 25. q q 1 Sam. 17 28. Ps. 15.3 . r r Exod. 10.17 . s s Heb. 13.5 t t Ioh. 13.29 Rom. 11.15 u u 1 King. 21.4 . w w Gal. 5.26 . x x Rom. 7.7 , 8. & 13 9. z z Gen. 5.6 . & 6.21 . a a Ezek 8.6 13 , 15. 1 Ioh. 5.16 . b b Eph. 5 6. Gal. 3.10 . Mat. 25.41 c c Act. 20.21 . d d Prov. 2.1 . to 6. Isa 55.3 . e e Heb. 10.39 . f f Ioh 1.12 . Phil. 3.9 . g g Act. 11.18 . h h Act. 2.37 . i i Ioel. 2.12 k k Ier. 11.18 , 19. l l 2 Cor. 7.11 . m m Mat. 28.19 , 20. Act. 2.42 , 46 , 47. n n Neh. 8.8 . 1 Cor 14.24 , 25. o o Pro. 8.34 . p p 1. Pet. 2.1 , 2. q q Ps. 119.18 . r r Heb. 4.1 . s s Ps. 119.11 . t t Luk. 8.15 . u u 1 Pet. 3.11 Mat. 3.11 . w w 1 Cor. 12.13 x x Gen. 17.7 , 10. 1 Cor. 11.23 , 26. y y Mat. 28.19 . z z Mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. a a Mat. 28.19 . b b Rom. 6.4 . Gal. 3.27 . c c Act. 8.36 37. & 2.38 d d Act. 2.38.39 . 1 Cor. 7.14 . e e 1 Cor. 11.23 ▪ to 36. & 10.16 . f f 1 Cor. 11.28 , 29. g g 2 Cor. 13.5 . h h 1 Cor. 11.31 . l l 1 Cor. 11.26 , 29. m m Ps. 62.8 . n n 1 Ioh. 5.11 . o o Ioh. 15.23 . p p Ps. 31.5 , 9. Dan. 9.4 . n n Phil. 4.6 . r r 1 Ioh. 5.14 s s Mat. 6.9 . to 12. t t Mat. 6.9 . u u Rom. 8.18 . Luk. 11.13 . w w Act. 12.15 . 1 Tim. 2.2 . x x Mat. 6.9 . y y Ps. 67.2 , 3. z z Psal. 83. throughout . a a Mat 6.10 . b b Ps. 68.1 , 18. c c Rev. 12.10 , 11. d d 2 Thes. 3.1 . e e Rev. 22.20 . f f Mat. 6.12 . g g Ps. 67. throughout . h h Ps. 103.20 , 21. i i Mat. 6.11 k k Prov. 30.8 , 9. l l Mat. 6.12 . m m Ps. 51.1.2 , 7 , 9. Dan. 9 17 , 18 , 19. n n Luke 11.4 . Mat. 18.35 o o Mat. 6.13 p p Mat. 26.41 . q q 2 Cor. 12.8 . r r Mat. 6.13 . s s Dan. 9.4 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. t t 1 Chr. 29.10 to 13. u u 1 Cor. 14.16 . Notes for div A34242-e67270 * * i. e. Continued in the state of the dead , and under the power of death till the third day . 
A50348	----	Episcopacie not abivred in His Maiesties realme of Scotland containing many remarkable passages newly pvblished, the contents of the severall chapters follow in the next page. Maxwell, John, 1590?-1647. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A50348 of text R21652 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M1380). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 270 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A50348 Wing M1380 ESTC R21652 12618180 ocm 12618180 64434 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50348) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64434) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 673:14) Episcopacie not abivred in His Maiesties realme of Scotland containing many remarkable passages newly pvblished, the contents of the severall chapters follow in the next page. Maxwell, John, 1590?-1647. [12], 125 p. s.n.], [London : 1641. Attributed to John Maxwell. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Running title: Episcopacie not abjured in Scotland. Reproduction of original in Trinity College Library, Dublin. eng Church of Scotland -- Government. A50348 R21652 (Wing M1380). civilwar no Episcopacie not abiured in His Maiesties realme of Scotland. Containing many remarkable passages. Newly published. The contents of the sever Maxwell, John 1641 48094 271 55 0 0 0 0 68 D The rate of 68 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EPISCOPACIE NOT ABIVRED IN HIS MAIESTIES REALME OF SCOTLAND . CONTAINING MANY Remarkable passages . NEWLY PVBLISHED . The Contents of the severall Chapters follow in the next page . Printed 1641. The Contents of the severall Chapters in this BOOK . CHAP. I. COntaining a Comparison betwixt this Assemblie and the Councell of Trent . 1. They agree in like subtill policie in their proceedings , specified in 6. points . 2. They disagree , in that the Councell of Trent , in externall order was more formall than this , and more substantiall in discussing the Articles . CHAP. II. Containing two reasons why we intend to speak onely against the Act condemning Episcopacie . 1. Because the rest of the Acts are established upon the same grounds . 2. Because their principall purpose in desiring this Assembly was to suppresse Episcopacie . 3. The Act it self is set down verbatim , as it was set down in their printed Coppie subscribed by the Clerk ▪ CHAP. III. Discussing their foure Considerations in their preface , whereby they alleage they were moved to make this Act . 1. The Consideration of the great mercie of God in the work of the reformation ; wherein three notable falshoods are remarked . 2. That many evill innovations were obtruded upon the Church : wherein also three notable falshoods are rem●rked . 3. That by the Kings urging the book of Common Prayer , they were moved of Necessitie to make their Covenant : wherein are remarked 7. notable falshoods . 4. That many having subscribed the Covenant without their applications , yet according to the meaning it had 1580. therefore it is necessary , that the Assembly should declare the true meaning : wherein are shown divers falshoods and impertinencies . CHAP. IIII. Containing the state of the Question , as it was proponed to be voyced in the Assemblie . 1. The necessitie of right stating the Question . 2. That their proposition is captious and confused , including three severall Questions of divers natures , wherunto no one Categoricall answer could be given . 3. That they set it down in many ambiguous words and termes . 4. It is sophistically and subtilly drawn à Thes●ad Hypothesin . 5. That being proposed in that manner it could not possibly resolve the doubts , but rather increase them . 6. The Question simply proposed had been fitter to resolve doubts . 7. There are two points which they intend to prove unlawfull in Episcopacie . 1. That they have charge over mo● particular ●●ocks than one . 2. That they have power and preheminence over their Brethren . CHAP. V. That this power and preheminence is not contrarie to the Confession of Faith in the Church of Scotland , but most conforme thereto , and to the first book of Discipline , and continuall practice of the Church of Scotland . 1. A distinction of the Confessions of Faith so called , in a positive and negative , and that the positive is the only proper Confession of the Church of Scotland . 2. That there is no Article of this Confession condemning this power and preheminence , 3. That the meaning of this Confession , concerning the point of Government , set down in the first book of Discipline , and long practice of the Church doth expresly approve the same . 4. A paralell betwixt Superintendents and Bishops , wherein is shown that the power of Superintendents was no lesse than that which Bishops require now . 5. That Bishops , retaining the office , title and Benefice of Bishops , had the power for 20. yeers after the reformation , and that by approbation both of the Church and Civill estate . CHAP. VI . That this power and preheminence of Bishops was not abjured by the negative Confession or Covenant . 1. That this negative Confession is not the proper Confession of the Church of Scotland , but an Appendix thereof . 2. That it is only the first Confession whereunto all were sworn to adhere . 3. Two reasons shewing that by the oath of the Covenant or negative Confession Episcopacie was not abjured . 1. Because it cannot have a meaning contrary to that whereof it is an Appendix . 2. Because it belongeth only to the King , and not to an Assemblie of the Church without the King , to declare in what sense the oath was required . CHAP. VII . An Answer to those passages alleaged in the Act out of the Abjuration . 1. Answered in Generall by Consideration of the words themselves . 2. By the confession of the Moderator and his associats . 3. A particular answer to the first passage , shewing it to be cited falsly and impertinently . CHAP. VIII . An Answer to the second passage of the Covenant , wherein is shown clearly . 1. A notable falshood in the citation both by chang●ng words , and adding others not contained in the originall . 2. Divers reasons why this passage doth prove nothing to their purpose . CHAP. IX . An Answer to the third passage wherein are these particulars . 1. It is shown to be impertinent . 2. What is meaned by the word Hierarchie . 3. That there may be an Hierarchie , neither Antichristian nor wicked , proved by the testimony of Calvin . 4. Their first reason to prove that Episcopall Government is the Antichristian , wicked Hierarchie , is by ▪ a false Syllogisme , ex omnibus particularibus & affirmantibus in secundâ figurâ . 5. This reason passable amongst themselves because no man durst examine it , under paine of the censure of the Church . 6. Their second reason childish and Sophisticall . 7. Their third reason impertinently applied . 8. Their fourth reason hath no consequence and farre from the purpose . 9. Their last reason is grounded upon a place in the second book of Discipline falsly related . CHAP. X. An Answer to the fourth passage containing three particulars . 1. An explaining of the words . 2. That the Doctrine and Discipline whereunto we are sworn to joyne our selvs , is not all the doctrine and discipline taught and practised in the Church of Scotland . 3. That this Doctrine is expresly limitated in the Covenant by foure limitations , by every one of which it is cleered , that this power and preheminence of Bishops is not abjured . 4. The first limitation , that we swear only to adhere to that which is taught by Gods Word ; wherein there is nothing contrary to this point , but all is conforme thereto . 5. The second limitation is , that Doctrine which is professed by many notable Realms and Churches : no Realm nor Church did condemne this , except Gene●a , and that not absolutely , but many Churches did approve it expresly . 6. The third limitation is , the doctrine particularly expressed in the first Confession of Faith : but no doctrine is expressed therein contrary to this point . 7. The fourth limitation is , that Doctrine which was for a long time before professed by the King and whole body of the Kingdome : But the King and body of the Kingdome did expresly professe that they did approve this point here damned . 8. The discipline is limitated by the same limitation . 9. The discipline is either taken in a strict and proper sense for the censures of the Church , or else in a large sense , signifying the whole policy of the Church . 10. In the first sense , it was as yet retained precisely in the Church of Scotland under Episcopall Government ; and therefore the oath is not broken . 11. Discipline is again distinguished in these points which are essentiall and perpetuall , and those which are accidentall and mutable . 12. The first sort are prescribed by Gods Word , and were not abolished by Episcopall government , but observed inviolable . 13. The other sort is left to the libertie of the Church , and therefore alterable by the Church . 14. To the observation of those , the Oath bindeth so long as the Constitution of the Church standeth in force ; but being abrogate by a new Constitution , the Oath thereto is dissolved . 15. Whosoever doth not follow the Church in those Alterations doe against their oath . CHAP. XI . An Answer to the Acts of the generall Assemblies alleaged contrary to this point untill the year 1580. wherein are these particulars . 1. That no Act of Assemblie is , nor can be produced before that year 1575. 2. The occasion of impugning Episcopacie at that time . 1. some fierie humours lately come from Geneva , and zealous of Geneva Discipline . 2. The Kings minoritie . 3. Factions amongst the Nobilitie and Courtiers . 4. The Sacrilegious greedinesse of those gaping after the Church rents , who for their own ends abused the simplicitie of some Ministers , and pride of others . 3. That Bishops were not only tollerate , but approved by the Church untill this year 1575. 4. At this Assemblie in August 1575. was the first motion against Episcopacie in the Church of Scotland . 5. The proceeding of this Assemblie declared at length , whereby it is cleered that this point here in controversie was not challenged therein , but expresly approved by all . 6. Nothing in substance concluded against Episcopacie for five years after . 7. A notable dissimulation of our Covenanters in citing an Act of this Assembly . CHAP. XII . Answering to the Acts of Generall Assemblies for establishing the second book of Discipline , wherein are these particulars . 1. This book was brought in by the same occasions whereby Episcopacie began to be challenged . 2. This Discipline was never fully agreed unto by the Church , some points thereof never practised , and those which were practised but of short continuance . 3. They doe not themselves , nor will not approve some points in this book , but refuse obedience thereto , instanced in three particulars . 4. This book nor any part thereof had any strength of a Law before the injoyning of the Oath . 5. It is defective in the most substantiall points of Discipline , and superabundant in points not pertaining to Ecclesiasticall discipline . 6. And therefore the Discipline therein contained cannot be that , whereunto we are sworn to joyne our selvs precisely . CHAP. XIII . Answering to the Act of the Assembly at Dundee 1580. condemning Episcopacie , together with the Act at Glasgo 1581. explaining the same containing these particulars . 1. Albeit they condemned in these Acts Episcopacie ( as it was then used in Scotland ) as unlawfull in it self , yet did they not condemne these points here controverted . 2. Neither did the Church then condemn any substantiall point of Episcopacie , except they did contradict themselves , instanced in six principall points of that Doctrine . 3. They condemn only the corruptions which were at that time in Bishops themselvs , whereof some are only supposed corruptions ; some corruptions indeed , but only personall , and not essentiall to the office . 4. The principall point they condemn in Bishops is , that they received not their Commission from the Church to exercise their charge : and yet it is evidently proved , that they had Commission from the Church to exercise all the points of their function . CHAP. XIIII . Answering to the rest of the Acts here cited . 1. Their Acts can be of no greater force than the former whereupon they are grounded , and therefore refuted by the same reasons . 2. Some particular observations upon these Acts , whereby it is shewed that they make more against them , nor for them . 3. Many of these Acts shews that they were concluded expresly against the Kings Majesties intention . 4. The reason why that Act of Parliament 1592. Establishing Presbyteries , was suffered to passe by the King and the three Estates . 5. It was not because they did approve the same , but for eschewing of greater evils which were justly feared . 6. That Presbyteriall Government in Scotland did not indure in full force above ten years . 7. An Act of that Assembly 1589. disgracefull to the Church of Scotland . CHAP. XV . Discussing the Conclusion of this Act , wherein are contained these particulars . 1. Their Hyperbolicall magnifying of their accurate proceeding in concluding this Act , not like to be true . 2. The proposition of the Question by the Moderator , informall , obscure , ambiguous , sophysticall , and such as could not be answered Categorically . 3. The causes why they did so unanimously agree in their voycing was , because all were debarred whom they suspected would make any contradiction . 4. The voyces , as they are here declared , doe neither fully answer to their proposition , nor condemn any thing in Episcopacie , as it is now in Scotland . 5. They cannot excuse this but by laying the fault up●n the Printer , which is not like to be true for many reasons . EPISCOPACY NOT ABIVRED IN SCOTLAND . CHAP. I. A Comparison betwixt this Assembly and the Councell of Trent . THat turbulent and seditious Conventicle of Covenanting Ministers and mis-ruling Elders assembled at Glasgow , Novemb. 1638. can be compared to none of that kind so well , as to that infamous Councell of Trent ; which as it hath for a long time troubled the whole world , Emperors , Kings and Princes : fo this hath vexed mightily the Kings Majestie our dread Soveraigne , disturbed both Church and Common-wealth , and hath led all his Subjects in Scotland blind-fold to Rebellion , given evill example to other Kingdomes , and brought an evident Scandall upon the reformed Religion . There hath been no lesse humane or rather Satanicall policie , and subtile close conveyance practised by the chiefe Rulers in that Assembly of Glasgow , both in the Preparation , Prosecution , and Conclusion thereof , ( yet in this more malice , and lesse respect to the Supreme Magistrate , and present established estate of the Church ) than in that of Trent . First , as the Pope and his Cardinalls in the Consistorie professed , that they desired a generall Councell , and did openly exhort the Emperor , Kings , Princes , and Republiques to concurre with them : yet they declared evidently by their dealing that they desired , either not at all a Councell , or not such an one as should be assembled by the Authoritie of the Emperor and Kings , or that any of them or their Ambassadors should have suffrage therein , and much lesse presidencie according to the ancient Custome of the Church , esteeming that their Authority , suffrage , or presence would crosse their particular ends : Even so our Covenanters , albeit they often petitioned his Majestie for the libertie of a generall Assemblie , yet they declared plainly by their proceedings , that they did not desire such an one , as should be either convocated by his Majesties Authoritie , or wherein he , his Commission or Councell should preside , or give suffrage , or be present , if it had been in their choice , accounting it so not to be a free Assembly . Secondly , as the Pope and his Cardinalls in the Consistorie used Politick meanes , that none or few of these Prelates , whom they supposed in any wayes would crosse their designes , should appeare in the Councell : although publikly they did admonish all , yet by private threatnings and distastes , hindred from comming many of the Bishops of Germany , France and Spaine : but on the contrary , allured by divers means those whom they supposed would favour their designes , as all the Bishops of Italy : so that when the Councell was at the greatest , there were above 150. Italian Bishops , whereof many were at the Popes charges , yet not above 60. of all other Nations . So in this at Glasgow , politick meanes were used that none should be chosen Commissioners , except Covenanters ; and of those , only the strongest and most obstinate , who had solemnely already sworn unto these things they intended to conclude : and on the other part , meanes were used that all those , who were suspected to be averse from their designes , or not forward enough , shoud be excluded : as is evident by the particular Instructions sent from the Tables of the Covenant unto all the Presbyteries of Scotland , which were discovered by the care and diligence of his Majesties Commissioner ▪ and produced in open Assembly to their great confusion , whereby it was appointed that care should be taken that none should be chosen as Commissioner , for the Ministers or ruling Elders , but Covenanters , and those wel-affected to the busines ; And if that any other happen to be chosen by the greater part , that all the best affected protest against them , and processe them before the Assembly that they might be excluded from voycing , and for that effect also directed an informall and illegall Citations against all the Bishops , to exclude them from having place or voyce in their assembly , who ought to have been ( by the present lawes of the Church of Scotland , and continuall practice of the universall Church in all ages ) the principall members thereof . Thirdly , as in the Councell of Trent , the Pope of Rome to have more voices favouring his designes , did create many titular Bishops , who had no Christian slock , and had never so much as seen that Church which they did represent . So likewise in this Assembly were brought in many Titular Lay-elders , as Commissioners from Presbyteries , wherein they had no habitations , nor ever did sit therein to exercise their rule of Elder-ship before the day of their election to be Commissioners to the Assemblie . Fourthly , the Pope and his Cardinalls did complaine that the Emperor and Kings would have prelimitate ▪ the Councell by their directions : yet the Ambassadors and Prelates did in every Session and Congregation complain more justly , that the Councell was not free , being strangely prelimitate by the Pope and Consistory of Rome , both in the members and matters to be proposed , as also in framing of the Canons . So our Covenanters did require a free assembly , affirming , that as farre as the assembly should be prelimitate either in the members or matters to be treated , so farre the necessary ends of the Assembly and good of the Church was hindred , accounting it a most dangerous usurpation to any person or Iudicatori● whatsoever , to impose any such limitations , except an Assembly it self ; And therefore did most grievously complaine against his Majestie , ( although unjustly ) for he required no limitations , but such as were prescribed by former lawfull assemblies . Yet his Majestie and the whole Kingdome may more justly complaine of them , who refusing the reasonable prelimitations of other former assemblies ; did neverthesse admit strange limitations from the Tables of the Covenant , ( which was neither a lawfull Assembly of the Church , nor had any authority over the same ) and those also against the established Constitutions of former generall Assemblies and Lawes of the Kingdome , as appeares evidently by those foure papers of Instructions sent to every Presbytery , according to the which the Assembly was limitate both in the members and matters . Fiftly , as in the Councell of Trent nothing was admitted to Consultation , but Proponentibus Legatis , which gave occasion of offence to many : no Bishop , no Prelate , no Regall Embassador , nor any good Christian had liberty to propose any thing , onely the Popes Legates had this Power , who did propose every thing as they received instructions from 〈◊〉 : even so in this Assemblie , nothing was admitted to De●●beration , but Proponente Mo●●rator● ; And he likewise was confined to the Ordinance of the Tables , who had before set down every Article which was to be treated : All propositions of any other whatsoever , though flowing from his Majestie , by his Commissioner or Councell , were contemptuously rejected . Sixtly , as in the Councell of Trent , let the Fathers and Doctors deliberate and reason Pro & Contra as they pleased , yet nothing was concluded , untill it was first agreed unto by the Pope and his Cardinalls at Rome , and their determination , who never heard the reasoning ▪ was sent to Trent to be enacted , and that no otherwise then it was set down by them ; which gave occasion to that common proverbe , That the holy Spirit , whereby the Councell was directed , came from Rome in a C●og-bag . So likewise all that which was done in this Assembly was fore-ordained by the Tables of the Covenant in Edinburgh : For there were all the members of the Assembly constituted , though contrary to the perpetuall practice of the Church ; there were all the Commissions framed , and a Cople thereof sent to every Presbyterie , as appeared by the production , since never one of them was different in one Syllable from another ; there also was the whole order of the Assemblie set down , and accordingly observed ; there were all things which were to be proposed in the Assembly , discussed and concluded by the Rulers of the Covenant , who for the most part were Lay-persons , Noblemen , Gentlemen , Burge●●es , and some few Ministers most forward in the cause : therefore it may be justly said , that the Spirit , whereby those holy Brethren of the Assembly were ruled , came not from Heaven ▪ but directly from Edinburgh . I leave you to imagine by the effects what Spirit that was , which hath stirred up such Sedition , Rebellion , Disorder and Confusion both in Church and Common-wealth . Then although in these points of Corruptions , and many other which for shortnes we omit , this Assembly at Glasgow was not unlike that Councell of Trest ; yet I will be bold to say , and that truely , that in some substantiall points , that Councell was more formall than this Assemblie . For the Councell of Trent in the Externall order and Constitution of the members thereof , keeped more formality and decency according to the order of the Church many ages before . 1. There was none admitted to that Councell except Prelates of the Church , Ambassadours of Princes , and the most learned Doctors in all Europe for the time ; And such as the Prelates thought fit in the bounds of their Iurisdiction to reason in weighty points of Doctrine . 2. In their Congregations and Sessions , they did sit every man in his owne place according to his degree , with such gravitie , modestie and decencie , as did become Reverend Fathers , distinguished one from another by their habits , appointed by the Canons of the Church , making it appear to the beholders , a Venerable Assemblie . 3. In their proceedings were appointed the wisest of the Bishops , and most learned amongst the Doctors to frame the Articles , and being framed , were particularly one by one discussed , by weighty reasons maturely in severall dayes and diets , all doubts particularly moved , and Objections solidly answered according to their grounds , using not onely the testimony of former approved Councels , Fathers and learned Schoolemen , but also very frequently the Authority of Sacred Scriptures : So that if in their conclusions they had pondered well the reasons alleaged , and had concluded according to the same , and not according to the Popes sole Authoritie ; that Councell might have had a more happy event for the weell and peace of the Christian Church . But in this Assemblie at Glasgow was not observed that forme , order or decencie , which did become a venerable Ecclesiastick meeting : for first , these , who were ever esteemed the Principall members of all generall or Nationall Councels , to wit , the Reverend Bishops of the Church , were excluded ; a company of Lay-men , Earles , Lords , Gentlemen and Burgesses , without warrant , Authoritie , or example of the ancient Church were thrust in their roomes , bearing chiefe Sway in the Assembie , carrying all matters violently for their own ends ; so that it was remarked by wise and grave men , that one Earle and one Lord made more speech in the Assemblie , than all the Clergie , except the Moderator . 2. In their Sessions , no order or decencie observed , all sitting pel-mell , without distinction of Degrees , save onely that Lay-Noblemen and Gentlemen occupied the chiefest roomes with their swords and pistolls by their sides ; The Ministers mixt amongst Burgesses , Merchants , and Noblemens servants , hardly to be discerned from them by their Habite or Carriage ; Many of the Ministers in coloured clothes , all in short cloakes , except the Ministers of Glasgow who had their Gownes ; so that unlesse one had known their persons before , they should scarcely have discerned the Ministers from the Merchant or Taylor . 3. The Ministers were not there by the approbation of their Bishops according to the custome of the Primitive Church , and Acts of the generall Assemblies of Scotland long after the Reformation , as for instance , in that Assemblie at Edinburgh Iuly 1568. It was expresly ordained , that no Minister should leave his Flock , except such as were chosen by their Superintendants : but by Commissions from their new invented form of Presbyteries , wherein Lay-men had the greatest rule , or rather from the Tables of the Covenant , who did not choose the most wise , modest and learned Brethren ; but the most turbulent , seditious , and bold to oppose Authoritie : fit members indeed of such an Assemblie . 4. In discussing of the matters which were concluded , no reasoning but superficiall ; no carefull pondering of the Reasons , but all taken Implicit fide , which had any shew ; no exact distinguishing of the Articles , but many matters of different nature were h●dled up together confusedly , and with great precipitation were voyced and concluded . The Assembly continued onely a moneth , and a great part of that time ( to wit from the 21. of November to the 4. of December ) was consumed in circumstantiall points concerning the persons to be admitted to have voice in receiving and discussing their Commissions , in Contestations betwixt the Commissioner and the Covenanters , in excluding some of his Majesties Counsellors authorized by him to have voyce in the Assemblie , contrary to the Practice of all Ancient approved Councels , either Generall or Nationall ; in rejecting most just protestations of divers Presbyteries against this Assemblie , as that of the Presbyteries of Glasgow , of P●ables , of Aberdeine , of the Channonry of Rosse ; in refusing to heare read the most just declinature and protestations of the Bishops . And finally , in declaring certaine books of the former Assemblies to be Authentick registers . At last , the fourth of December they enter to the principall matters for which this Assembly was required , beginning at the condemnation of the six last generall Assemblies , conveened , continued , and concluded by the Kings Majesties Authoritie , and full consent of the Church , and ratified by the whole bodie of the Kingdome in Parliament : which they did in shorter space then could suffice to reade them over ; so precipitate were they in condemning absolutely so many grave Assemblies with such unanimous consent , as never one was called , but ( without reason or judgement ) condemned them all in one word , by implicite faith given to some few , neither of the most wise , or learned of the company , who had a Committee to invent some apparant reasons to anull the same : and that is most certaine that the two part of those who voyced against them , had never seen the Acts and the proceedings of these Assemblies , or at least had never read nor perused them ; But out of a blind zeal and Iesuiticall obedience , did it only , because they were so directed by the Tables of the Covenant , and their rebellious Leaders . In another Session they deposed and excommunicated summarily fourteen Bishops , upon a pretended false Libell produced before the Presbytery of Edinburgh against them ( which by no law or reason could be competent Iudges to their processe ) without lawfull citation , contrary to the Acts of many generall Assemblies , the Books of Discipline and perpetuall practice of the Church ; For the Church of Scotland was never accustomed , no , not in the most strict times of Presbyteriall government , to proceed so summarily to the sentence of excommunication against most notorious offenders , without mature deliberation and long space granted to the Accused , either to justifie himself , or declare his repentance . 1. There was used three private personall Citations to appear before the Presbytery ; next , if those were not obeyed , three publik Citations one three severall Sabbaths . 3. Followed three publik prayers for their conversion , and if at any of these times they did appear , either to purge themselves of the crime imputed to them , or submitting themselves to the censure of the Church ; The sentence of excommunication was not pronounced against them . In another Session , they condemned with one voyce the Book of Common Prayer ; the Book of Canons , the Book of Ordination of Ministers , and Consecration of Bishops ; together with the Court of the High Commission : which space was not sufficient to have read over all those books , muchlesse to peruse them throughly , and discusse the controverted points therein , which was necessarily requisit to be done before they had been absolutely rejected . But this is strange , that the principall and most weighty point , for the which chiefly they did procure this Assembly , should have been so slightly , & with such precipitation handled , to wit , whether Bishops should be reteined or removed forth of the Church of Scotland : A Doctrine so universally approven by the whole Christian Church , even in her purest time since the Apostles dayes , and allowed in Substance by the reformed Church of Scotland , for many yeares after the reformation ; And though repressed for a time , yet re-established again by divers more lawfull Assemblies than this , ratified by divers Act of Parliament , and continued now for many yeeres by-gon ; there behoved to be many and weighty reasons why such a Doctrine should be conversed , with a serious deliberation to ponder and consider them ; yet neverthelesse in this Assembly in one short Session , the whole matter was proponed , discussed , voiced , concluded , and a large Act past thereupon . CHAP. II. Concerning the Act against Episcopacie . ALbeit it were an easie matter to refute all the controverted Acts of this Assemblie , yet leaving the rest at this time , we intend onely to examine that Act , Sess. 26. Decemb. 8. Against Episcopacie , And that for two reasons especially : First , because the grounds whereupon this Act is concluded , are the self-same whereupon all the rest of the controverted Acts are grounded ; and therefore these grounds being declared evidently to be infirme and weak , it will also appear that together with this Act of Episcopacie , All the rest of their Acts depending thereupon shall be found to be ruinous , as I trust their fall shall be suddain . Secondly , because the principall aime of the most and chiefest of these , who were members of that Conventicle , was to suppresse Bishops , because they esteemed them chiefly to have crossed their Sacrilegious and ambitious 〈◊〉 : I or , ●efore Bishops were re-established , the Noblemen and Baro●s both possessed the substance of the Church ren●s , and also ruled the whole E●tate at their pleasure in Councell and Parliament , by their own voyces , and voyces of the Gentry and Borroughs , whom those factious 〈◊〉 did depend for the most part upon one Noble man or other : then finding that by the re-establishing of Bishops , their rents were taken out of their hands , and that they were like to loose their Abbeyes , and Prio●ies also ; and finally , that their particular ends ( not alwayes tending to the weell of the Church ▪ or Kingdome , or Honour of the Prince , ) were crossed by the estate of Bishops : no marvell then , though they be moved by all meanes possible to suppresse them ; and for that effect have laboured to make use of the simplicitie of some of the Ministrie , and proud humours of others impatient of Subjection to lawfull Authoritie , of whom some having aimed in vaine at Bishopricks ( as is well known of divers of the Ring-leaders of that Faction ) thought it best for their credit , to declare a great contempt of that estate , which they had with much labour sought after , without the desired effect , according to the fable of the Fox ▪ others by their former misdemeanors both against the Church and Regall Authority , being past hope of further advancement , did easily condescend to shake off that yoak , which their turbulent humours could never suffer them patiently to bear ; those were made to blow the trumpet of Rebellion , both in their Pulpits and private conferences , drawing the people after them , and the simplest sort of Ministers also , who did not judiciously remark their secret ends , cloaked under the colour of Religion , and libertie of the Church , by which meanes this condemning of Episcopacie was brought in head with all the consequences thereof . This is the point we mean to examine for the present , and that you may see the weaknes of their reasons the better , we shall set down verbatim the Act it self , as it was conceived by them . Act of the Assemblie at Glasgow , Sess. 16. Decemb. 8. 1638. Declaring Episcopacie to have been adjured by the Confession of Faith , 1580. And to be removed out of this Kirk . THe Assemblie taking to their most grave and serious Consideration , first , the unspeakable goodnesse and great mercie of God manifested to this Nation , in that so necessarie , so difficult , and so excellent and divine work of Reformation , which was at last brought to such perfection , that this Kirk was reformed , not onely in Doctrine and Worship , but also after many conferences and publik reasonings in divers Nationall Assemblies , joyned with solemn humiliations and prayers to God , the Discipline and Government of the Kirk , as the hedge and guard of the doctrine and worship , was prescribed according to the rule of Gods word , in the book of Policie and Discipline , agreed upon in the Assemblie 1578. and insert in the Register 1581. established by the Acts of the Assemblies , by the confession of Faith , sworn and subscribed at the direction of the Assembly , and by continuall practice of this Kirk . Secondly , that by men seeking their own things , and not the things of Iesus Christ ; divers . Novations have been introduced to the great disturbance of this Kirk , so firmely once compacted , and to the endangering of Religion , and many grosse evils obtruded , to the utter 〈◊〉 of the work of Reformation● and change of the whole form of worship and f●ce of this Kirk , commanded to receive with reverence a new Book of Common prayer , as the onely form to be used in Gods publik worship , and 〈◊〉 Contraveeners to be condignely censured , and punished : and after many supplications and complaints , knowing no other way for the preservation of Religion , were moved by God , and drawn by necessity , to 〈◊〉 the Nationall Covenant of this Kirk and kingdome , which the Lord since hath blessed from Heaven , and to subscribe the confession of faith , with an Application thereof abjuring the great evils wherewith they were now pressed , and suspending the practice of all Novations formerly introduced , till they should be tryed in a free generall Assembly : lastly , that some of his Majesties Subjects of sundry ranks have by his Majesties command subscribed and renewed the confession of Faith , without the former explication ; And that both the one and the other Subscribers have subscribed the said Confession in this year , as it was professed , and according to the meaning that it had in this Kingdome , when it was first subscribed , ●581 . and afterward : The Assemblie therfore 〈◊〉 by the Subscription of his Majesties high Commissioner , 〈◊〉 of the Lords of secret Councell , Sept. 22. 1638. and by the Acts of Councell of the date foresaid , bearing that they should subscribe the said Confession , and ordaining all his Majesties Subjects to subscribe the same ; according to the foresaid date and tenor , and as it was then professed within this Kingdome ; As likewise by the protestation of some of the Senators of the Colledge of Iustice , when they were required to subscribe , and by the many doubtings of his Majesties good subjects , especially because the Subscribers of the Confession in February 1638. are bound to suspend the approbations of the corruptions of the Government of the Kirk ▪ 〈◊〉 they be tryed in a free generall Assemblie ; finding it proper for them , and most necessarie and incumbent to them , to give out the true meaning therof , as it was at first profest , that all his Majesties Subjects in a matter so important , as is the publik Confession of Faith , so solemnly sworn and subscribed , may be of one mind and one heart , and have 〈◊〉 satisfaction to all their doubts ; and that the posteritie afterward may be fully perswaded of the true meaning thereof , after earnest calling upon the Name of God , so religiously ●●tested in the said Confession , have entred into a diligent search of the Registers of the Kirk , and books of the Generall Assembly , which the greatest part of the Assembli●● had not 〈◊〉 before , and which by the speciall providence of God were ●reserved , brought to their hands , and publikly acknowledged to be authentick , and have found that in the l●ter ▪ Confession of the Kirk of Scotland ; We professe 1. That we detest ●ll Traditions brought into the Kirk , without or against the Word of God , and Doctrine of this reformed Kirk . Next , We abhorre and detest all contrary Religion and Doctrine , but chiefly , all kind of Papistry in generall , and part 〈◊〉 heads ; as they were then damned and 〈◊〉 by the Word of God , and Kirk of 〈…〉 when the said Confession was sworn and subscribed , Anno 1580. & 1581. 1590. & 1591. Thirdly , That we detest 〈…〉 Antichrist , his worldly Monarchie , and wi●●ed Hierchie● . Fourthly ; That we joyne 〈◊〉 selves to this reformed Kirk in Doctrine Faith , Religion , and Discipline ; promising and swearing by the great Name of God , that we shall continue in the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk , and defend the same according to Vocation and Power , all the dayes of our life . But so it is that Episcopall government is abhorred and detested , and the Government by Ministers and Elders , in Assemblies Generall and Provinciall , and Presbyteries was sworn to and subscribed , in subscribing that Confession , and ought to be holden by Vs , if we adhere to the meaning of the Kirk , when that Confession was framed , sword to , and subscribed ; unto which we are obliged by the Nationall o●th and subscription of this Kirk , as is evident by the Acts of Generall Assemblies , agreed upon both before , 〈…〉 after the swearing and subscribing of the said Confessions ; in the yeare above mentioned , and the book of Policie agreed upon in the Assemblie which was holden at Edinburgh the ●4 . of Aprill , and 24. of October ▪ Anno 1578. 〈◊〉 in the Register of the Kirk by Ordinance of the Assemblie holden as Glasgow 1581. and to be subscribed by all Ministers that then did bear , or thereafter were to bear office in this Kirk , by ordinance of the Assemblis holden the 4. of August at Edinburgh 1500. and at Edinburgh the 2. of Iuly 1591. but specially in the 2. 3. 4. 6. 7. and 11. Chapters of the said Book . The Bishops being tollerate from the year 1572. till the Assembly holden in August 1575. And all this time the Assembly being wearied with the Complaints made against them , did enter in search of the office it self , and did agree in this , that the name of a Bishop is common to every one of them that hath a particular flock , over which he hath a particular charge , as well to preach the Word , as to minister the Sacraments . At the next Assembly which was holden in Aprill 1576. such Bishops were censured , us had not taken them to a particular flock , in the generall Assemblie conveened in April , the year of God 1578. Sess. 4. Intimation was 〈◊〉 as followeth . For so much as the heads of the Policie being concluded and agreed upon in the lust Assemblie , by the most part of the Brethren : certaine of the Brethren had some difficultie in the head , de Diacon●t● ; whereupon further reasoning was reserved to this Assemblie . It is therefore required , if any of the Brethren have any reasonable doubt or argument to propone , that he be ready the morrow , and then shall be heard and resolved . In the 6. Sess. April 26. According to the Ordinance made the day before ; all persons that had any doubt or argument to propone , were required to propone the same : But none offered to propone any argument on the contrary . In the Assembly holden at Edinburgh , in October 1578. It was shown● by the Moderator thereof to the Noble , who were present , viz. My Lord Chancellor , the Earle of 〈◊〉 , my Lord Seat●n , and my Lord Lind●ey , What care and 〈◊〉 die the Assemblie had taken to entertaine and keep the puritie of the sincere Word of God , unmixed with the inventions of their own heads ; and to preserve it to the posteritie hereafter , and seeing that the true Religion is not able to continue , not enduce king without a good discipline and policie , in that part also have they imployed their wit and studie , and drawn forth out of the pure fountaine of Gods Word , such a Discipline as is meet to remain in the Kirk . In the same Assemblie , the speciall Corruptions were set down , which they craved such of the Bishops as would submit themselves to the Assemblie to remove , with pr●mise that if the generall Assemblie hereafter shall find further corruptions in the said Estate , then hitherto are expressed , that they be content to be reformed by the said Assemblie , according to the Word of God , when they shall be required thereto . First , That they be content to be Pastors and Ministers of one flock : that they usurpe no criminall Iurisdiction , that they vote not in Parliament in the Name of the Kirk , that they take not up for the maintenance of their Ambition and Riotousnesse , the Emoluments of the Kirk , which may susteine many Pastors , the Schools , and the poore ; but be content with reasonable Livings according to their office : that they claime not to themselves the titles of Lords Temporall , neither usurpe temporall Iurisdictions , whereby they are abstracted from their office ; that they empyre not above the particular Elder-ships , but be subject to the same : that they usurpe not the power of the Presbyteries . The Question being propounded by the Synod of Lowthian in the Assembly holden in Iuly 1579. a●ent a generall order to be taken for the erecting of Presbyteries , in places where publike exercise is used , untill the time the Policie of the Kirk be established by a Law : It is answered , The exercise may be judged to be a Presbyterie . In the Assemblie holden at Dundie in Iuly 1580. Sess. 4. The office of a Bishop was abolished by a particular Act ; as appeareth by the tenor of the Act following . For so much as the office of a Bishop , as it is now used and commonly taken within this Realm , hath no sure warrant , Authoritie , nor good ground in the Scriptures , but is brought in by the folly and corruption of mans inventions , to the great overthrow of the Kirk of God , the whole Assemblie of the Kirk in one voyce , after libertie given to all men to reason in the matter , none opponing himself in defending the said pretended office , findeth and declareth the said pretended office , used and termed , as is abovesaid , unlawfull in it self , as having neither fundament , ground , nor warrant in the Word of God ; And ordaineth that all such persons as brook or shall brook hereafter the said office , shall be charged simply to dimit , quit , and leave off the same , as an office whereunto they are not called by God : And such like to desist and cease from all preaching , ministration of the Sacraments , or using any way the office of Pastors , while they receive de ●ov● , Admission from the generall Assembly , under the paine of excommunication to be used against them , wherein if they be found disobedient , or contradict this Act in any point , the sentence of Excommunication , after due admonition , to be executed against them . In the same Assembly holden Anno 1580. Sess. 10. This Article was appointed to be propounded to the King and Councell ▪ that the book of Policie might be established by 〈◊〉 Act of privie Councell , while a Parliament be holden , 〈◊〉 which it might be confirmed by a Law . The extent of the Act ma●e at Dundie , was interpreted and explained in the Assembly holden at Glasgow , in April 1581. Sess. 6. as followeth . Anent the Act made in the Assembly holden at Dundie against Bishops , because some difficultie appeared to some Brethren to arise out of the word ( Office ) contained in the said Act , what should be meaned thereby , the Assembly consisting far the most part of such as voted , and were present in the Assembly at Dundie , to take away the said difficultie , resolving upon the true meaning and understanding of the said Act , declare that they meaned wholly to condemne the whole estate of Bishops , as they are now in Scotland ; and that the same was the determination and conclusion of the Assembly at this time , because some Brethren doubted whether the former Act was to be understood of the Spirituall function onely , and others alleaged that the whole office of a Bishop , as it was used , was damnable , and that by the said Act , the Bishops should be charged to dimit the same : this Assembly declareth that they meaned wholly to condemne the whole estate of Bishops , as they were then in Scotland , And that this was the meaning of the Assembly at that time . The Kings Commissioner presented unto this Assemblie the Confession of Faith , subscribed by the King and his houshold , not long before together with a plot of the Presbyteries to be erected , which is Registrate in the books of the Assemblie , with a Letter to be directed from his Majestie to the Noblemen , and Gentlemen of the Countrey , for their action of Presbyteries , consisting of Pastors and Elders , and dissolutions of Prelacies , and with an offer to set forward the Policie untill it were established by Parliament : The Kings letter subscribed by his hand , to the Noblemen and Gentlemen , was read in open audience of the whole Assembly . This Assembly ordained the book of Policie to be insert in the Register by the Act following . For asmuch as travell hath been taken in the framing of the Policie of the Kirk , and divers suits have been made by the Magistrate for Approbation thereof , which yet hath not taken the happy effect , which good men would wish , yet that the posteritie may judge well of the present Age , and of the meaning of the Kirk ; the Assemblie hath concluded , that the book of Policie agreed to in divers Assemblies before , should be registrate in the Acts of the Kirk , and remaine therein ad perpetuam rei memoriam : And the Copies thereof to be taken to every Presbyterie ; of which book the Tenor followeth , &c. Immediately after the inserting of the book of Policie , called ther● the book of Discipline ; The Assembly ordained that the Confession of Faith be subscribed as followeth . Anent the Confession of Faith lately set forth by the Kings Majestie , and subscribed by his Highnesse : the Assembly in one voyce acknowledgeth the said Confession to be a true , Christian , and faithfull Confession , to be agreed unto by such as truely professe Christ , and have a care of Religion , and the tenour thereof to be followed out efoldly , as the same is laid out in the said Proclamation , wherein that Discipline is sworn to . In the generall Assemblie holden at Edinburgh in October 1581. Sess. 10. Mr. Robert Montgomery is accused for teaching that discipline is a thing indifferent ; Sess. 23. The Assemblie gave Commission to the Presbytery of Stirling , to charge Mr. Robert Montgomery to continue in the Ministry of Stirling , and not to meddle with any other office or function of the Kirk ; namely , in aspiring to the Bishoprick of Glasgow , against the Word of God , and Acts of the Kirk , under the pain of Excommunication . In the same Assembly it is acknowledged that the estate of Bishops is condemned by the Kirk , Commission for erection of moe Presbyteries was renewed : and a new Ordinance made for subscribing the Confession of Faith , and to proceed against whatsoever persons that would not aknowledge and subscribe the same . In the Assembly holden in April 1582. there was a new Commission for erection of Presbyteries where none was at yet erected : Mr. Robert Montgomery , pretending to be Bishop of Glasgow , was ordained to be deposed and excommunicate , except he gave evident t●kens of Repentance , and promise to superseed , which he did not : and therefore was excommunicate shortly after , according to the ordinance of this Assembly . In the generall Assembly holden at Edinburgh 1582. The Generall Assembly gave Commission to some Presbyteries to try and censure such as were called Bishops , for the great slander arising by their impunitie . Commission was given at this Assembly to present some Articles to the Councell and estates , for approving and establishing by their authoritie the Presbyteries , the Synodall and Generall Assemblies in the 19. Sess. the Assemblie declared that 〈◊〉 Bishop may ●it upon the Councell in name of the Kirk . In the Assemblie holden Anno 1586. these two Articles were agreed upon . First , It is found that all such as the Scripture appointeth Governors of the Kirk , to wit , Pastors , Doctors , and Elders may conveene to the generall Assemblies , and vote in Ecclesiasticall matters . Secondly , There are foure Office-bearers set down to us by the Scriptures , to wit , Pastors , Doctors , Elders , and De●cons , and the name of Bishop ought not to be taken , as it hath been in the time of Papistry , but is common to all Pastors and Ministers . In the Assembly holden Anno 1587. Sess. 8. It was ordained that the admission of Mr. Robert Montgomery by the Presbyterie of Glasgow , suppose to the Temporalitie of the Bishoprick only , be undone and anulled with all possible diligence , to the effect Slander might be removed from the Kirk . In Sess. 15. Mr. Rob. Pont she●ed the Kings presentation to the Bishoprick of Cathnes , and desired the Iudgement of the Assemblie . The Assemblie in their Letter to the Kings Majestie , declared that they judged the said Mr. Rob ▪ to be a Bishop already , according to the doctrine of S. Paul : but as to that corrupt estate or office of these who hath been termed Bishops heretofore , they found it not agreeable to the word of God , and that it hath been 〈◊〉 in divers Assemblies before . In the Instructions given to such as were appointed to wait● upon the Parliament , it was ordained in the same Assembly , Sess. 17. th●t they be carefull that nothing b● admitted prejudiciall to the liberties of this Kirk , as it wa● concluded according to the Word of God in the generall Assemblies , preceeding the year 1584. but precisely to seek the same to be ratified in the Assemblie holden in March 1589. where the Articles were made for the subscribing the confession of Faith with a 〈…〉 , it was 〈◊〉 as followe●● ▪ For so much as the Neighbour Kirk in England is understood to be heavily troubled for maintaining of the true discipline and government , whose griefes ought to move us : therefore the Presbyterie of Edi●burgh was ordained to comfort the said Kirk in the said matter . In the Assemblie holden 1590. when the Confession of Faith was subscribed universally de novo , A ratification of the liberties of the Kirk in her Iurisdiction , Discipline , Presbyteries , Synods , and generall Assemblies , and an abrogation of all things contrary thereunto ; was ordained to 〈◊〉 sought both of the Councell and Parliament . In the next Session , it was ordained that the book of Discipline , specially the controverted heads , should be subscribed by all Ministers that beare , or hereafter were to beare office in this Kirk , and that they be charged by the Presbyteries under the paine of Excommunication : seeing the Word of God cannot be keeped in sincerity , unlesse the holy Discipline be preserved . The Presbyteries were ordained to get a Copie under the ●lerks hand ; there was sundry Copies subscrib●d by the Ministers in the Presbyteries yet extant , as Haddington , 〈◊〉 , &c. produced before the Assemblie . In the Assembly 1591. Sess. 4. The former Act anent the subscription to the book of Policie is renued , and penattis imposed upon the Moderator , in case it be not put in ex●cution . In the Assembly 22. May 1592. Sess. 2. These articles were drawne up , That the Acts of Parliament made 1584. against the Discipline , Libertie , and Authoritie of the Kirk be 〈◊〉 , and the same Discipline , whereof the Kirk hath been in practice , precisely ratified ; that Ab●●ts , Pryo●ies , and other Prelats pretending the title of the Kirk , be not suffered in time comming . In the eleventh Session , the number of the Presbyteries were given up , and 〈◊〉 in the Parliament immediately following . The fifth of Inne 1592. The Libertie , Discipline and Iurisdiction of the 〈◊〉 Kirk in her Sessions , Presbyteries , 〈◊〉 and generall Assemblies is largely ratified , as the same was used and exercised within this Realm , and all the Acts contrary thereto abrogate : the Kings prerogative declared not to be prejudiciall to the same priviledges grounded upon the Word of God : the former Commissions to Bishops 1584. rescinded , and all ecclesiasticall matters subjected to Presbyteries , according to the discipline of this Kirk . Anno 1595. the Book of Policie with other Acts is ratified and ordained to be printed . It was also cleared that Episcopacie was condemned in these words of the Confession , His wicked Hierarchie . For the Popish Hierarchie doth consist of Bishops , Presbyters , and Deacons , that is Baptizing and Preaching Deacons : for so it is determined in the Councell of Trent , in the 4. Chap. De Sacramento ordinis , Cant. 6. Si quis dixerit in Ecclesiâ Catholicâ non esse Hierarchiam divinâ ordinatione institutam , quae constat ex Episcopis , Presbyteris & Ministris , anathema sit . Bellarmine likewise in his Book De Clericis cap. 11. saith , That there are three Hierarchies in the Militant Kirk : The first of Bishops , the second of Priests , the third of Deacons ; and that the Decons are also Princes , if they be compared with the people : This proposition following ; Hierarchia ecclesiastica constat ex Pontifice , Cardinalibus , Archiepiscopis , Episcopis & Regularibus , was censured by the facultie of Theologie in the Vniversitie at Paris , as followeth ; In ista prima propositione enumeratio membrorum Hierarchiae Ecclesiasticae seu sacri Principatus , divinâ ordinatione instituti est manca & redundans atque inducens in errorem contrarium determinationi sacrae Synodi Tridentinae : The proposition was defective , because it pretermitted the Presbyters and Deacons ; it was censured as redund●nt , because it made the Hierarchie to consist of the Pope . Cardinals , Archbishops and Regulars ; the Pope is not within the Hierarchie , Primats , Metropolitanes , and Archbishops , but as they are Bishops . Furthermore , this Hierarchie is distinguished in the Confession from the Popes Monarchie , and howbeit this Hierarchie be called the Antichrists Hierarchie , yet it is not to distinguish betwixt the Hierarchie in the Popish Kirk , and any other as lawfull : but the Hierarchie wheresoever it is , is called his ; as the rest of the Popish corruption are called his , to wit , Invocation of Saints , Cannonization of Saints , Dedication of Altars , &c. are called his , not that there is another lawfull Cannonization , Invocation or Dedication of Altars ▪ whatsoever corruptio● was in the Kirk , either in Doctrine , worship , or Government , since the Mysterie of Iniquitie began to work , and is retained , and maintained by the Pope , and obtruded upon the Kirk by his Authoritie are his . A passage also out of the History of the Councell of Trent was alleaged , where it is related , that the Councell would not define the Hierarchie by the seven Orders : we have in our Confession of Faith the manifold Orders set a part and distinguished from the Hierarchie , but as it is set down in the Cannon above cited : we have in the book of Policie or second book of Discipline , in the end of the second Chapter , this Conclusion agreed upon . Therefore all the ambitious Titles invented in the Kingdome of Antichrist , and in his usurped Hierarchie , which are not of one of these foure sorts , to wit , Pastors , Doctors , Elders and Deacons : together with the offices depending thereupon , in one word ought to be rejected . All which and many other Warrants being publikly read , and particularly at great length examined , & all objections answered in face of the Assemblie , all the members of the Assemblie being many times de●●red and required to propon● their doubts and 〈◊〉 , and every one being heard to the full , and after much ●gitation as fully satisfied ; The Moderator at last exh●rting every one to declare his mind did put the master to voy●ing in these termes : Whether according to the Confession of Taith , as it was professed in the year 1580. 1581. and 1590. there be any other Bishop , but a Pastou● of a particular flock , having no power nor preheminence nor power over his Brethren , and whether by that Confession , as it was then professed , all other Episcopacie is abjured , and ought to be removed out of this Kirk . The whole Assemblie most unanimously , without contradiction of any one ( and with the 〈◊〉 of one 〈◊〉 ) professing full perswasion of mind , did voyce , That all Episcopacie different from that of a pastour over a particular flock , was abjured in this Kirk , and to be removed out of it . And therefore prohibits under Ecclesiasticall 〈◊〉 any to usurpe , accept , defend , or obey the pretended authority thereof in time comming . Collected , visied , and extracted forth of the Register of the Acts of Assemblie by me Mr. A. Iohnstone Clerk thereto , under my signe and subscription manuall . A. Iohnstone Cler. Eccl. Edinburgh , the 12 ▪ of Ian ▪ 1639. CHAP. III. Discussing the foure Considerations whereby they were moved to make this Act . OUr Covenanters before they come to the point , in the beginning of the Act , have set down foure considerations whereby they alleage they were moved , yea forced of Necessity to conclude this Act against Bishops : and albeit they doe not directly appertaine to the substance of the Controversie , yet we will shortly observe some few notes thereupon , to shew upon what impertinent Considerations this Act hath been grounded . Their first Consideration is of the unspeakable goodnesse and great mercie of God , manifested to this Nation in that excellent and divine work of Reformation , brought to perfection , not onely in Doctrine and worship , but also in Discipline and Government , &c. Whereupon first we must remark , that if they had soriously considered that excellent work of Reformation , with due respect towards these worthy Reformers ; ( whom God used as instruments in effectuating that work ) they should never have been moved thereby to have concluded such an Act as this , so directly contrary to their mind ; for they at the Reformation did establish such a discipline and government in the Church according to Gods Word , as whereby one Pastour under the Name of Superintendent might lawfully have power and preheminence over other Brethren of the Ministrie , and over moe particular flock than one ; which discipline and government continued with happie successe in the Church of Scotland , above thirty yeers after the Reformation : but they have made this Act quite contr●dictorie thereto , That it is not 〈◊〉 for one Pastor 〈◊〉 have power and preheminence over other Brethren , nor over moe particular flock than one . 2. That which they alleage that the second Book of Discipline is the perfection of the work of Reformation , can no wise be true ; for that cannot rightly be called the perfection of any thing , which doth reverse and destroy the substance and nature thereof : but so it is that the Government established by the second book of Discipline , which was presbyteriall , including an absolute paritie amongst Pastors , did reverse and destroy the nature of the government established by the Reformation , which was Episcopall , including directly Superioritie of one Pastor over others ; and therefore it could no wayes truely be called the perfection thereof . 3. It is false that this Discipline was established by the Confession of Faith , as shall be hereafter qualified by discussing all the passages falsly and impertinently alleaged for the same : As likewise I see not how it can be true , that this book of Discipline was established by the continuall practice of the Church ; for some points thereof were never practised in the Church of Scotland , and those which were practised contrary to the estate of Bishops , were not o● long continuance ; the practice of 8. or 10. or 15. yeers ( which is the most I can reckon ) cannot be accounted such a continued practice , as may make prescription against the continuall practice of the whole Christian Church for many hundred yeares before , and above six and thirtie yeeres since the approved practice of the principall points of their Discipline were discontinued , as we shall shew more particularly hereafter . Their second Consideration is , that by mens seeking their own things and not the things of Christ , many Innovations and great evils have been obtruded upon the Church , to the utter undoing of the work of reformation , and change of the whole forme of worship and face of the Church . To this we answer , that those Constitutions of the Church ( which they call Novations and Evils , such as the establishing of Bishops ; Baptisme in private places in ●ase of Necessitie ; reverent Kneeling in the Act of receiving the Supper of the Lord ; not refusing to give it to the sick who earnestly desire it ; the thankfull remembrance of Gods speciall benefits by prayer ; and preaching of the Word upon certaine appointed dayes ; the Cate●hizing of yong children ; and presenting of them to the Bishop to blesse them by prayer for increase of knowledge and continuance of Gods grace ) are neither evils in themselves , but tending to the removall of evils from the worship of God : as irreverence and contempt of the Sacraments , neglect of a thankfull remembrance of Gods speciall benefits , and ignorance in youth , and to the establishing of great good in the Church , as sound Government , Reverence in the worship of God , thankfulnesse for Gods benefits , increase of knowledge in the yonger sort , and Spirituall comfort to Christian soules in Distresse : Neither are they to be accounted Novations , but rather a restoring of the ancient Constitutions and Customes of the Primitive Church in her purest times . 2. These things cannot be said to be obtruded upon the Church , which were received by the Consent both of the Church in Generall Assemblies , and by the whole body of the Kingdome in Parliament , as all those Constitutions which they challenge have been : but on the contrary , those things are said more truely to be obtruded upon the Church , which are not brought in either by Assemblie or Parliament , yea directly against the Acts of both standing in force are violently urged upon the people , not onely to receive them simply , but likewise to swear solemnly to the truth thereof by the great name of God , and that not by any having authority or lawfull calling thereunto , but by certaine seditious private persons : and such are their seditious Covenant and impertinent applications , or false interpretations of the Confession of Faith ; whereby many persons of sundry estates were by false allurements and violent threatnings , forced against their minds , to swear directly disobedience to the Kings Laws and Constitutions of the Church . Finally , it is also false , that those things which they call Nova●ions , have undone the work of Reformation , and changed the whole forme of Gods worship or face of the Church : For the work of Reformation is rather restored by the establishing of Bishops , which was destroyed in that point by their Presbyteriall Government , and absolute paritie of Pastors ; as we have touched already , and shall be more fully cleered hereafter . Then albeit some Circumstances and Ceremonies in Gods worship , and externall apparell of the Church have been changed , yet the substance and forme of Faith , Religion , worship , and the Beautifull face of the Spouse of Christ , the Church , doth notwithstanding remaine still without change or alteration ; which S. Austin Epist. 86. expresseth fitly , speaking of the like Novations in these words , Vna fides oft universa Ecclesiae , tametsi ipsa fidei unitas quibusdam diversis observationibus celebratur , quibus nullo modo quod in fide verum est impeditur , omnis enim pulchritudo filia regis intrinsecùs , illa autem observationes quae variè celebrantur , in ejus veste intelliguntur . That is to say , The faith of the universall Church is one , although the unitie of the Faith it self be celebrated by some diversitie of observations , whereby the truth of faith is not hindred ; for all the Beautie of the Kings daughter is within , But these observations which are diversly celebrated are in her apparell . And Tortullian lib. de virg. vela●d . faith , Regula quidem fidei una omninò est sola immobilis & irreformabilis , &c. And a little after , Hâc lege fidei manente , caetera jam disciplinae & conversationis admittunt novitatem correctionis , operante & proficiente usque in finem gratia Dei . That is to say , The rule of Faith is altogether one only , unchangeable , and such as admitteth no reformation ; this Law of Faith standing firme , the rest that concerne discipline and reformation may admit the Noveltie of Correction by the grace of God , which worketh a profitable progresse even to the end . Their third Consideration is , that by the Kings urging of the Book of Common Prayer , they knowing no other way to preserve Religion , were moved by GOD , and urged by Necessity to renew the Nationall Covenant , which the Lord since hath blessed from heaven , and to subscribe the Confession of Faith with an Application , abjuring and suspending all Novations formerly introduced , till they should be tried in a free generall Assembly . To this I answer , first , that the Kings urging of the Book of Common prayer was not the true essentiall cause of their rebellious Covenant , but onely an occasion greedily apprehended by the Ring-leaders , to make that a pretext to stirre up the people to follow them in their Rebellion , which they had before purposed in their heart : For , if it had been the true cause when the King discharged that book , their Rebellion had there ceased ; for sublata vera causa tollitur effectus , the true cause being taken away the effect must needs cease : But so it is that their Rebellion did never shew it self in so damnable effects , as it did after the discharge of the book of Common prayer , and granting of all their petitions . 2. The urging of that Book containing no impious thing against God , nor hurtfull to true Religion , could not be a just motive to move them by any Necessitie to such an action , as by the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome is declared to be high Treason ; when as Subjects without permission or knowledge of the Kings Majestie , doe combine themselves in a mutuall band of maintenance against all persons whatsoever , not excepting the King their Soveraigne ; yea , it is most evident that this Rebellious Covenant was intended against the Kings Majestie directly , and against him onely ; albeit they cunningly dissemble and pretend the contrary ; for from whom could so many potent Noblemen and gentlemen of such worth , with so great a number of their followers , possibly or by any liklihood fear any danger or harme in their persons or estates , for refusing the Book of Common prayer , or other things which they call Innovations , urged chiefly by the Kings Authoritie and speciall Command , if it were not from the King himself ; Could they fear any harme from thirteen or foureteen Bishops , for the most part old decrepit and impotent men ? or was there any , the smallest appearance of externall Invasion , or inward Conspiracie in the Kingdome , before they made it by their Covenant ? so it is manifest that it was from the King onely they feared danger , being conscious to themselves of their mis-demeanors and Rebellious intentions , by which it is more than evident , that the band of mutuall defence was onely intended against the Kings Majesties self . 3. Was there no other way to preserve Religion , but by Disobedience and Rebellion ? it is a dangerous and harmefull physick , which prescribes a remedie worse than the disease it self : the greatest danger which could come to Religion by this Book , was only in circumstances , Ceremonies , and some mis-interpreted words , which being rightly understood could not have been rejected by peaceable , wise and understanding men , they might have been better interpreted or otherwise corrected , than by open disobedience to God and his Anointed : as Obedience ( according to the saying of the Prophet ) is better than sacrifice : so Disobedience and Rebellion bringeth more danger and harme to Religion , than the alteration of some indifferent Ceremonies and Circumstances can be able to doe , as any wise man may consider by the miserable effects which ordinarily accompanieth Rebellion . 4 It is false also that they were moved thereto by God . For God is the God of order , and the God of peace , the author and commander of obedience unto Superiors ; and therefore cannot be called without blasphemie , the author of Rebellion , Disobedience , Disorder , and Confusion in Church or Common-wealth , such as this Covenant is in it self , and hath produced all those evils as the proper effects thereof : It is the doctrine of Anabaptists and fanaticall Libertines to ascribe all the foolish conceits of their braines to the motion of Gods Spirit : But certainly , it is more probable that they have been moved to this Rebellious Covenant by that Spirit , whereby Chore , Dathan , and Abiram were moved to make insurrection , drawing all the Congregation of Israel to Rebellion against Moses and Aar●n , since both the Acts are very like one to another , as is evident by considering the circumstances . That Traitor Raviliack who killed Henry the Fourth of France , was a confident in his imagination ; affirming , even to the very death , that he was not moved to that Fact by any par●●●ular respect , or instigation of another person , but onely by God and the Virgin Mary . 5. It is false also that they were thereto drawn by Necessitie ; it was thought indeed that those of Lower Germany were drawn by some Necessity , to confederate themselves together against the King of Spaine , ( who was their Prince indeed ) yet neither he , nor any of his Predecessors had such absolute Soveraigntie over them , as our King hath over Scotland ; because he violented their conciences , compelling them not onely to forsake , but also to forswear the true Religion , and imbrace Popish Idolatrie ; not by Proclamations onely , but by fire and sword , and cruell torments in the Inquisition ; wherby many thousands of them were put to death most cruelly , before ever they made any combination amongst themselves , or refused due Obedience to their Prince . Although neverthelesse many wise and learned men are of opinion , that their rising in Armes against their Prince , was not altogether justifiable before God : much lesse then can our Covenanters alleage truely , that they were drawn by any Necessitie to this Rebellious combination ; since for the refusall of that book , never a man in Scotland had lost his life or estate , or a drop of his bloud , or was fined in a farthing , or had his body imprisoned , or a haire of his head touch'd before that Covenant . 6. They alleage that this was a renewing of the Nationall Covenant injoyned by King Iames , which is most false ; for it was a plaine contracting of a new one , different in Substance from that which was sworn either the year 1580. or 1590. as they know well , and their own conscience beares them witnes . The substance of a Covenant consists 1. in the Authoritie whereby it is concluded . 2. In the parties betwixt whom . 3. In the matter or Articles whereunto they bind themselves . 4. In the end for the which it is contracted ; but in all these points , this Covenant is different from the former injoyned by King Iames of h●ppy memory . First , the Kings Covenant was injoyned by the Authoritie of the King and his Councell , who only under God hath power to bind all his Subjects : but this was onely framed and urged by private men , upon those , over whom they had no lawfull Authoritie civill or ecclesiasticall . Secondly , in that Covenant the parties were the Kings Majestie our dread Soveraign on th'one part , and all his Subjects on th'other part : in this , the parties are some particular private persons , Noblemen , Barrons , Gentlemen , Ministers , Burgesses , and Commons amongst themselves , excluding the Kings Majestie . Thirdly , the matter and Articles whereunto all are bound in the first Covenant , are the maintenance of true Religion according to the Confession of Faith , Abjuration of all Antichristian and Popish errors , the defence of the Kings Majesties person , Authoritie and estate ; but in this , albeit they pretend to bind themselves by oath to the defence of all these , yet is it but a pretext to cover their Rebellion , and Protestatio contra factum : for it is evident that they have in this very Fact , many wayes incroached upon the Kings Majesties Authoritie and estate , contrarie to the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome ; but the principall Articles whereto they bind themselves is , 1. To stand together in the mutuall defence one of another against all persons whatsoever . 2. To the maintenance of their false Applications of the Confession of Faith added thereunto , like the Glosse of Orleans , destroying the meaning of the Text . 3. To forbear the practice of all those things which they call Novations , constituted by the consent of the Church , ratified in Parliament , and commanded by the King , which is directly to swear disobedience both to the King and the Church , and consequently to God also . 4. To reject the present Government of the Church established by the Kings authoritie , consent of the Church in divers generall Assemblies , and of the whole estates in Parliament : finally , to suppresse one of the three estates o● Parliament , thereby destroying the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome . Fourthly , the end of the first Covenant was to maintaine peace and concord both in Church and Common-wealth ( which was many wayes disturbed in those times ) and defence of the Kingdome from externall Invasions and inward Seditions , which were upon too evident grounds then feared : but in this their Covenant the chief intended end was to disturbe the peace both in the Church and Kingdome , by stirring up seditious factions therein against the King and his Loyall Subjects , that in those troubles ( as fishing in troubled waters ) they might work their own particular ends : and not to exclude externall invasions , but rather to open a gate for strangers to enter , and if their secret practices with the King of France , and the Estates of Holland could have prevailed ( as they were confident they should ) to have brought in forraigne forces within the bowells of the Kingdome ; But praised be God , those Estates were wiser than so , as to assist Subjects in their unjust Rebellion against their naturall Prince . Finally , we must not omit their foolish and vaine boasting here , and in their other pamphlets often repeated usque a● Nauseam , that their Rebellious Covenant hath been by the Lord blessed from Heaven ; they conceive so , because of the great appla●se it hath had amongst themselvs , and the prosperous succe●●e they have found in their enterprizes against the Kings Castles , in putting their Armies to the field , and harming the Kings loyall Subjects without present damage to themselves : but let not him that putteth on his Armour boast himself , as he that putteth it off ; Chore , Dathan and Abirars had good successe at the first , and drew after them in their Rebellious Covenant two hundred and fiftie Princes of the Assemblie , famous in the Congregation , and men of Renoune ▪ as it is written , Numb. 16. 2. And a great many of the people against Moses and Aaron , the Prince of the people , and the high Priest of the Lord whom God had set over them ; So that Moses being greatly astonished , fell down most abjectly upon his face before them , and could not know how to represse that Sedition , except the Lord had comforted and directed him : these men might have thought as our Covenanters doe , that the Lord had blessed their enterprize from Heaven ; yet ere it was long they found Gods just Iudgement and Curse both from Heaven and Earth , for the Earth swallowed up some of them quick , and others were destroyed by fire from Heaven : Let all Seditious Rebells therefore learne by this example to repent in time , and not to boast too confidently of their present successe , but fear the end . The fourth and last Consideration is , because his Majesties Commissioners and Councell , by the Kings Commandment , and others of his Subjects by ordinance of the Councell , had subscribed the Confession of Faith without their Applications ; and that both the one & the other Subscribers had done it according to the date , tenor and mea●ing it had An. 1581. there , for they considered that it was expedient and proper for the generall Assemblie to declare the true meaning thereof , as it was at first professed , to the end that all his Majesties Subjects may be one mind and heart , and have full satisfaction to all their doubts . Concerning this Consideration , we must observe that howsoever the subscribers of that rebellious Covenant did understand the Confession of Faith , yet those who did subscribe the Kings Covenant at his Majesties command , both first and last , could not lawfully swear to it in any other sence than the King who required the oath did understand the same ; for this is most certaine , That all oathes required by a magistrate should be taken in the direct and explained meaning of him who required the oath : But it is evident that his Majestie declared himself plainly enough , that he did not require his Councell , nor his other subjects , to sweat this Confession in such meaning as therby either Episcopacy ▪ or the other established Constitutions of the Church should be abjured ; for otherwise , it had been a deluding of his Majesties Command by a Iesuiticall equivocation , who teach their Supposts that Axiom , Vnto dangerous interrogatories one may frame to himself a safe sense , and swear thereto , thought it be contrary to the meaning of him who required the Oath . Therefore I cannot conceive , that those judicious and discreet Noblemen would practise Iesuiticall tricks to elude his Majesties Command , in swearing that Confession and Covenant in another sense than they knew his Majestie intended . 2. Albeit , that in their subscribing and swearing they had all added expresly that restriction , According to the meaning it had Anno 1581. yet will it not follow that they had any doubt of the true meaning , for we must presuppone that all the Kings loyall Subjects did conceive , that that Covenant was no otherwise understood at that time by King Iames of happy memory , than it is now by King Charles ; to wit , in such a sense as might stand with Episcopacie , neither could it be otherwise understood as we shall declare more fully hereafter : and therefore , those needed not this Act of Assemblie to resolve them of their doubt in this point ; and certainly , this Assembly hath casten more doubts and scruples in the hearts of men , than ever they shall be able to resolve , untill it shall be declared Null , as indeed it is already really null in it self . It were an infinit labour to examine all the falshoods of these Considerations , since there is scarce a line or a sentence therein , which doth not containe divers falshoods ; yet those which we have remarked are sufficient to declare how unfirme those considerations are to ground thereupon a Necessitie of concluding this Act . CHAP. IIII. Containing the state of the Question concerning Episcopacie , as it is here condemned . HAving already discussed the falshood and impertinencie of those foure considerations , laid down for grounds in their preface to the Act ; we must now come to discusse the Act it self : But first of all , before we enter to the reasons pr● or contra , the state of the Controversie must be first set down , for there is nothing more requisite to the clear deciding of any Controversie , than the right stating of the Question ; but chiefly in these Controversies which are to be determined by voyces or suffrages in a grave Assemblie of the Church , wherein every one ought to give his voyce , not according to the example or injunction of other men , but according to a certaine knowledge and conscience before God : therefore the Question must be cleer without ambiguitie , either in the matter , or in the words and phrases ; It is a trick of Sophisters to propose a Question or determine it in obscure and ambiguous termes , which may be drawn to contrary senses ; all such Questions ought to be plaine , clear and simple , and such as one may easily conceive , and answer thereto directly and Categorically . But in this Act of the Assemblie the proposition of the Question is set down , in such ambiguous words and intricate phrases , that one can hardly either understand the meaning , or give a direct answer ▪ And albeit the proposition of the Question be set down in the end of the Act after all the Reasons , yet we must consider it in the beginning , to the end we may try how pertinently or impertinently the reasons alleaged , doe conclude the determination of the Assemblie : It is proposed therefore by the Moderator in these words , Whether according to the Confession of Faith , as it was professed in the year 1580. 1581. and 1590. there be any other Bishop , but a Pastor of a particular flock , having no preheminence nor power over his Brethren ; and whether by that Confession , as it was then professed , all other Episcopacie is abjured , and ought to be removed out of this Kirk . First , this proposition of the Question is altogether captious , including a Sophisme à multis interrogatis ; for there are three severall Questions expresly included therein , which are so different in Nature , that one cannot possibly answer to all in one manner , 1 Whether according to the Confession of faith , as it was professed in the year 1580. 1581. & 1590. there be any other Bishop , but a Pastor of a particular flock , having no preheminence 〈◊〉 power over his Brethren : to this , the voycers according to the meaning of the Covenanters behoved to answer negativè , that there was no other Bishop . 2. Whether by that Confession , as it was then professed , all other Episcopacie is abjured : Certainely , all Covenanters keeping their own grounds behoved to answer to this affirmativè , that all other was abjured . 3. Whether all other Episcopacie behoved to be removed out of this Kirk , To this Question also they could not answer but affirma●●vè . Is it not then evident ? that such a question as this ●ould not be put to voycing , except by those who had a mind to intangle simple men by a Sophysticall proposition ; for in all matters which are to be determined by voyces , the question ought to be so proposed , as the voicers may answer by a simple affirmation , or by a simple negation , and as it is called in the Schools Categoricè ; otherwise , there behoved to be a strange confusion in di●tinguishing the voices . But to this Question as it was proposed , no one Categoricall answer could be given by any , but they behoved of necessitie to answer negativè to one part , and affirmativè to another . I have known the Moderator to have been a quick and solid Logician , and I should marvell what could make him oversee himself so grosly in such a weightie busines against all true Logick , if I did know that passions and affections will often miscarry wise and learned men into great absurdities : or , that perhaps the Question was so framed at the tables of the Covenant , and appointed to be thus proposed at the Assembly ; therefore he could not alter nor change the forme , because of his Oath of obedience to them as his Superiors , although he knew it was against all Logick and good reason . But lest they should object , that if the Questions though many in number , have such a necessary and essentiall co-herence together , that the one being granted , the rest must be necessarily granted also , or that upon the Negative of the one , the affirmative of the other dependeth by necessary consequence ; then it is not captious , but one answer may suffice for all . To this we answer , that these Questions have no such necessary Cohesion together , for although the answer of the first were granted to be true , yet the answer to the second may be false , & albeit the second be granted , the third may be false : for first , although it were granted that by the Confession of Faith , there were no other Bishops but such as were Pastors over a particular flock , and had no preheminence over their Brethren ; yet is it not necessary to grant , that all others were abjured ; for albeit there be no other Bishops expressed in the Confession of Faith , yet that will not exclude all others that are not expressed , yea even in divine Scripture ; although in matters necessary to Salvation , Argumentum negativum à Scripturis be good and valid , it is not written , Ergo it is not necessary to Salvation ; yet is it not so in all other particulars , not necessarie to Salvation , it is not written Ergo it is not ; much lesse can such a reason be necessarie in humane writs , such as the Confession of Faith is . First , because all humane writs are subject to error , and not infallibly true ; then because confessions doe not comprehend every point , which may by any be called in controversie , but those onely which are chiefly controverted with their principall Adversaries : Now this point of the preheminencie of Bishops , &c. was not a point controverted , betwixt the reformers of Religion who set down the Confession , and their Adversaries the Papists ; And therefore needed not to be mentioned in the Confession , and by consequent , albeit there was no such Bishops according to the Confession ; yet it is not necessary that they should be abjured . Then there is as little coherence betwixt the last two questions , for although it had been abjured at that time , yet will it not follow necessarily , that it be now removed out of the Church for two reasons ; first , because then it might have been abjured wrongfully and out of Ignorance ; but afterwards men comming to better and sounder knowledge , that which rashly hath been abjured before , may be lawfully restored now . Next , because if there had been a Law and Constitution against it , for certaine reasons of not expediencie , the Church might have abjured it for that time ; yet that Law being abrogated by lawfull Authoritie , it may be received againe by the Church : for it is holden as granted by all , that Oaths given to humane positive Laws , either Civill or Ecclesiastick , obliges no longer than the Law stands in force ; Now therefore since the Law forbidding preheminencie of one Pastor over others ( if any such Law was ) being now abrogated , and the contrarie established , this preheminencie ought not to be removed now , though formerly abjured . Secondly , There is great Ambiguities in the termes of the proposition themselves , yea , almost every word hath its own Ambiguitie : for 1. the word Confession is ambiguous , for although there be two writs which by some are called Confessions , yet there is one onely proper and perfect profession of Faith of the Church of Scotland , neither ought there to be any more in one Church ; to wit that large Confession set down at the beginning of the reformation , wherein is contained all the positive Doctrine maintained by that Church , which was acknowledged & received in the general Assembly , An. 1560. and ratified by the whole body of the kingdom in Parliament , 1567. and inserted verbatim in the body of the Act : that other which is called the negative Confession is only an Appendix of the former , containing an abjuration of certaine speciall Errors of the Romane Church , so it is doubtfull which of those Confessions is here understood . 2. There is likewise an Ambiguity in that word , According to the Confession ; because it may be understood diversly , for either it implies that it is expresly contained therein , and so it is properly according to the same ; or otherwise it may signifie onely that it is not contrary thereunto , though not particularly expressed : now Episcopacie in the first sense perhaps is not according to the Confession , because it is not expressly mentioned therein , which is no absurditie as we have shown before ; yet is it according to it in the second sense , because not contrary thereunto . 3. There is ambiguitie in the words ( As it is professed Anno 1580. &c. ) For either it must be signified as it was then proposed in writ or print , and so certainly it was no otherwise professed at that time than it was from the beginning , and is now at this present ▪ but hath been ever conserved unaltered , or uncorrupted in the Registers of the Church and Kingdome , so that the particular restriction to those years 1580. 1581. 1590. is needlesse and superfluous : or by ( Profession ) is signified the sense or interpretation thereof , as it was understood and interpreted An. 1580. and thus also that restriction of the profession to those years , is no lesse superfluous ; for it could not be , or at least ought not to have been by any otherwise interpreted in these years , or now , then it was understood at the beginning by those who set it down , for ( as we say ) unusquisque est optimus suorum verborum interpres , and the first Reformers , who framed that Confession , did interpret it in the first book of Discipline , and Acts of divers Assemblies thereafter , so as it did approve the power of one Pastor over others : Therefore , if any did interpret it in a contrary sense , they wronged greatly the worthy Reformers of the Religion , and we are not now obliged to imitate them in their wrongfull dealing . 4. There is Ambiguitie likewise in the word ( Bishop ) which sometimes is taken in a generall sense , as it is attributed to every Pastor in the Church who hath power to oversee the actions of the people in Spirituall affaires : sometimes more particularly , as it signifieth those that have Iurisdiction both over moe pastors and people of a certaine bounds called a Diocese , as it hath been taken in all Churches since the Apostles dayes , untill this former age , but because this is discussed in the Question it self I speak no more of it . Finally , there is Ambiguities in those words ( A particular flock , ) for a Diocese is the particular flock of a Bishop , aswell as a Parish is the particular flock of a Minister : many more Ambiguities might be remarked in the words of this Question , which for briefues we omit here , but shall be ( God willing ) discussed as occasion serves in the subsequent discourse . Thirdly , it is also subtle Sophysticall dealing , that they have drawn the Question à Thesi ad Hypothesin ; they doe not aske whether Episcopacie be lawfull in it self or not , but whether it should be retained or removed , in regard of the Confession of Faith , and of the Covenant , and that only as the Confession was understood An. 1580. 1581. & 1590. involving the Question in divers intricate suppositions , which they have done subtilly for their own ends : first , because they were not able to bring any solid testimony of Scripture , or approved Fathers , or practice of true antiquitie , to prove the unlawfulnesse of that office ; and therefore , neither in this Act , nor in any other Act of this Assembly is there one syllable produced out of Gods Word to approve their conclusions , but all their proofes are from their Negative Confession of Faith , impudently wrested from the true meaning thereof , from the Oath of the Covenant strangely mis-applyed , and from certaine Acts of late Generall Assemblies ; which all at the best are but humane testimonies , and such manner of proofes is not consonant to their ordinary exclamations against humane ordinances and Traditions of men , continually pretending to all their speeches and actions , Gods Word , and Conscience which only is to be grounded thereupon . 2. They have framed the Question so , restricting the meaning of the Confession to the year 1580. &c. because it is evident that from the reformation untill that time , they could not alleage any Act of Assembly or Book of Discipline , shewing that the Church had any such intention as absolutely to condemne Episcopacie : but by the contrary , the Church had declared both by the first book of Discipline , and Acts of divers Assemblies ( as shall be fully made clear ) that she did so explaine her meaning in the Confession of Faith concerning the point of Government , as she did approve expresly this power and preheminence , and charge over moe particular ●●ocks condemned by this Act. 3. They framed the question in this manner , to strike a terror of a fearfull perjurie upon the weak Consciences of these who could not discerne rightly either the quality of the Oath or the matter thereof ; to make them more plyable to their Rebellious projects , perswading them , that the swearers themselves and all their posteritie were bound to the observation of that Oath , according to their false interpretation , notwithstanding of any interveening Law or Constitution absolving them from it ; and that this fearfull perjurie could never be expiated , except they renewed their Oath to that Covenant , together with their false Applications and perverse interpretations , farre different , yea flat contrary to their meaning who framed the Confession of Faith and injoyned the Oath , which as we shall shew , is but an Imaginarie fear . It had been more plaine dealing , and fitter to have removed all doubts , if they had proposed the Question more simply , and in more perspicuous termes , asking , Whether the Office of a Bishop be lawfull in it self or not ; for , if it had been solidly proven by Gods Word to be unlawfull , then it had been evident also , that the Oath whereby it was abjured , was lawfull ; and no man could have doubted but that Oath did bind , both the Actuall swearers and all their posterity to the observation thereof : but if it had been found by cleer Scripture that the Office of a Bishop had been lawfull , then no man could have doubted but the Oath whereby they did abjure it was unlawfull ; and therefore , that no man was bound to the observation thereof , but by the contrary , all were bound in Conscience to break such an Oath : or , if it had been found of middle nature , neither simply unlawfull , nor necessarily lawfull at all times , but a thing indifferent , in the power of the Church and Supreme Magistrate , to make a Law either establishing or abolishing the same , who might also require an Oath of all to observe that Law : then certainly , no man could have doubted but that so long as that positive Law stood in force , that Oath did bind all Subjects to the observation of it ; as likewise that the Law being abolished by lawfull Authoritie , no man was further bound , but was ipso facto absolved from the Oath . So the Question being propounded in this manner , and resolved any other wayes it had cleered all doubts and moved all to be of One mind and one heart ; but being propounded in their manner , no resolution did take away all doubts ( as they promised to doe by this Act ) but rather did multiplie them and make them greater : For albeit it had been cleered , that Episcopacie had been abjured by the Oath of the Covenant ( which notwithstanding is not done ) yet a greater doubt remained , whether that Abjuration was lawfull or not ; which could not be resolved except it had been first made manifest , that Episcopacie was unlawfull in it self by Gods Word . Yet that we may follow them in their own method , and reason upon their own grounds , we shall leave at this time the probations which may be brought for the office of a Bishop from Gods Word , and practice of the Primitive Church , which hath been sufficiently performed by divers learned Divines , to the which the best of that Sect could never sufficiently answer . Taking then the Question as it is set downe by them , there are two points which they onely here condemne in that office ; first , that they have charge over moe Parishes than one , secondly , that they have power and preheminencie over their Brethren , we shall make it therefore evident , 1. That by the Confession of Faith , Books of Discipline , Acts of Generall Assemblies , and long continued practice of the Church of Scotland at the reformation and many yeers after , this preheminence and power of one Pastor over others , and charge over moe parishes than one , hath been acknowledged to be lawfull . Secondly , we shall shew that none of those passages brought by them , at length in the Act it self , ( which doubtlesse were the strongest they could find ) forth of the abjuration in the Covenant , books of Discipline , and Acts of former generall assemblies , doe prove their conclusion ; but that all of them are either falsly or impertinently cited , farre by , or contrary to the meaning of the Authors , and therefore that all of them are Sophystically alleaged . CHAP. V. That this preheminence and power of Bishops here questioned is conforme to the true Confession of Faith of the Church of Scotland , to the first Book of Discipline and the long continued practice of the Church . FIrst , we must observe that there are two Confessions of Faith so called in the Church of Scotland , as we have remarked before , to wit , that large Confession , established at the first reformation , framed by Iohn Knox , and other faithfull Ministers Anno 1560. Confirmed by divers generall Assemblies , received by the whole body of the Kingdome , ratified by Act of Parliament 1567. and inserted in the body of the Act , which is the only proper Confession of the Church of Scotland , containing all the positive grounds of the Reformed Religion , especially in matters of Faith , controverted betwixt us and the Papists , and other Hereticks ; the other called commonly the Negative Confession , which is not properly a perfe●t Confession , but an Appendix of the former , framed not by any Ordinance of the Assemblie of the Church , but by the appointment of the Kings Majestie and Councell ; first sworn and subscribed by the Kings Majestie himself and his houshold , then by an Act of Councell dated the 5. of March 1580. It was ordained that all persons within the Kingdome should swear the same ; and for more commodious doing thereof , it was presented by his Majesties Commissioners to the Assemblie holden at Glasgow , 1581. that they might approve it , and injoyne every Minister to see the Oath taken by all their Parishioners , and it did containe an abjuration of most speciall grosse errors of Poperie : the same abju●ation was againe commanded by the King to be renewed in the year 1590. ( when as that Conspiracie of some Papists trafficking with the King of Spaine was discovered ) having annexed thereto a generall band or Covenant , whereby all the Subjects bindes themselves with the Kings Majestie for maintenance of true Religion , according to the Confession of Faith set down at the first reformation , and for the defence of the Kings Majesties person , Authoritie and estate , against all Enemies within and without the Kingdome ; to the end that true professors , and his Majesties loyall Subjects might more easily be discerned from hypocriticall Papists and seditious Rebells . Now as for that onely perfect Confession there is no clause nor Article therein , which either expresly , or by any probable consequence condemneth this power and preheminencie here controverted : neither have they been so bold , as to alleage any passage out of the same ; nor was it the meaning of those godly and learned persons who set it down , and proposed it to be received by the Church and Kingdome of Scotland ; nor the meaning of the Church and Kingdome who accepted and approved the same , as the true Doctrine proved by Gods Word , thereby to condemne any such thing : yea , it is most evident that they had a quite contrary meaning , as they themselves did publikly declare in the first book of Discipline , shewing therein what manner of Government and Policie they doe require in the true reformed Church ; to wit , that it should be governed by Superintendents in every Province , having power and preheminence over all the Ministers and all the Parishes within their bounds : for this book of Discipline was framed by the same persons who set down that confession of Faith , and at the same very time or shortly thereafter ; and that by the command and direction of the great Councell of Scotland , admitted to the Government , by common cons●nt of the whole estates , in the Queens absence , ( being for the time in France ) and ratifi●●● by Act of Councell , and manuall subscriptions of the Counsellors , and of divers other men of worth the 17. of Ianuary 1560. approved by many generall Assemblies , and the continuall practice of the Church for twice as many years thereafter , as Presbyteriall Governmental remained in force . Then that we may see how farre this power of Superintendents did extend , we must consider that the first Reformers of Religion , ( because of the detestable enormities of Papisticall Bishops , which made their persons , offices , and very names to be detested ) out of a certaine zealous scrupulositie , would not at first give the title of Bishops to the rulers of the Church ; yet neverthelesse by the example of many other reformed Churches , gave to those who were appointed to their charge a title of the same signification , calling them ( Superintendents : ) So changing a proper Greek word into a barbarous Latine , for the Greek word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , and the Latine word Superintendens doe both signifie one thing ; to wit , such a one as is set over others to oversee their actions . Albeit by this book of Discipline , the whole Kingdome was divided in ten Dioceses , expresly so called ) and over every Diocese a Superintendent appointed to be set ; yet in all the books of Assemblies we find onely foure who carried expresly this title , to wit , M● . Iohn Spotswood ( father to the late deceased Iohn Archbishop of St. An●●●ws ) called Superintendent of L●●thran , or Edinburgh : Iohn Areskin of Diune Superintendent of Angus and Mearnes , or of Brechin : Mr. Iohn Wonram Superintendent of Fyfe or S. Andrews : M. Iohn W●llocks Superintendent of the West or Glasgow : those who were set over the rest of the Dioceses were called Commissioners , either because at that time they could not fi●d so many sufficient men , or for lack of sufficient meanes to maintaine the estate of Superintendents , or as some rather thinke , because they esteemed this too absolute a Title , and neere in signification to the title of Bishop ; therfore they thought it more fit to call them Commissioners , as importing morse a dependencie upon the generall Assemblie of the Church , from which they received Commission to exercise their charge , not for any definite time , but ad vitam or ad culpam . Those same are at sometimes called Visitores by a word of the like signification with Episcopus , for {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} signifieth likewise a Visitor , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Visitation , as 1 Pet. ● . 12. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is translated by all interpreters in dievisitationis , and so the Hebrew word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} from the known word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} visitavit by the Septuagints is translated {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , and by Latines Inspector , Visitator or Praefectus : Howsoever they were diversly named they had all a like power and Iurisdiction , which was no lesse then in the Church of Scotland , than the power which the Bishops had in the ancient Church ; or in the Church of Scotland these many yeers by-gone , as may appeare by this paralell , betwixt the power of Bishops and the power of Superintendents . A Paralell betwixt the power of Bishops and the power of Superintendents . FIrst , as every Bishop hath his own Diocese , over the which he hath Superioritie and Iurisdiction , and therin a speciall Citie , for his sea and place of Residence , called the Metropolitan or Cathedrall Citie . So every 〈…〉 by the first book of Discipline Cap. 5. Art. 2. 〈…〉 pointed to him his own Diocese , to have 〈◊〉 power over all persons both pastors and people 〈◊〉 that bounds , and therein a certaine place of ordinary residence , called there the Superintendents towne ; which for the most part were the same Cities , from which the Bishops of Scotland are now denominated . Secondly , As all the Clergie in every Diocese are bound to give 〈◊〉 obedience to their ordinary Bishop , according to 〈◊〉 Canons of the Church . Right so by a speciall 〈…〉 Generall Assembly at Edinburgh , Iuly 30. 1562. It is concluded by the whole ministers there Assembled , that all Ministers shall be Sub●●ct to their Superintendents in all lawfull 〈…〉 as well in the book of Discipline , as in 〈…〉 Election of Superintendents ; which is no other 〈…〉 but Canonicall obedience . Thirdly , As all Bishops are to be 〈…〉 of Generall or Nationall Councels , 〈…〉 been in all ages , and needed not any 〈…〉 thereto , from the time that they were 〈…〉 consecrated to that office . So likewise in all 〈…〉 Superintendents and Commission●● 〈◊〉 were constant principall members of 〈…〉 Assemblies , and needed not any particular Commission thereto , but being once admitted to the office , were ever acknowledged thereafter , and received without any other Commission ; as is evident by that Assemblie at Edinburgh Iuly 1568. wherein the members of the Generall Assemblie are divided in two Ranks , some are appointed to be ordinary and perpetuall members , as Superintendents and Commissioners of Provinces ; the other sort are mutable , as Commissioners of Churches , Vniversities , Townes , and Provinces ; the first had no need of particular Commission , but were perpetuall and first called in the Roll , the other were changeable from Assemblie to Assemblie , and had new particular Commissions from those by whom they were directed . In the Assemblie at Edinburgh 1563. that every Superintendent shall appear the first day of the Assemblie : at Edinburgh March 1578. the same Act is renewed , and Bishops also are appointed to be present at all Assemblies , or else to be accounted unworthy of the office , and by divers other Acts : yea , after that the othee of Bishops begun to be questioned in the Assemblie 1579. Iuly 7. Sess. 9. It is ordained That Bishops and Com●iss●ouers of Provinces who abjent themselves from 〈◊〉 Assemblies shall be censured according to the Act , august 12. 1575. and that Act to be understood not onely 〈◊〉 Bishops having power of Visitation from the Church , but also of such as have not that office . Fourthly , As all Bishops have power to hold their Synods twice in the year , when and where it shall please them within their own Diocese , and there all the Clergie of the Diocese are bound to conveene , and all matters which concerne the Diocese are therein to be determined by the Bishop . So likewise albeit that in the first book of Discipline , there is no mention of Synodall or Provinciall Assemblies : yet after by Acts of Generall Assemblies , it is appointed that every Superintendent and Commissioner shall hold Synods in their own bounds , wherein all matters pertaining particularly to their own Diocese or Province shall be determined , as appeares by the Assemblie at Edinburgh March 5. 1570. wherein these two Acts are set downe : first , It is ordained that offenders in hainous crymes shall not appear before the generall Assembly , but shall be called before the Superintendents , and Commissioners of Provinces to appear before them in their Synodall Conventions , and there to receive their injunctions , conforme to the order used before in Generall Assemblies . Itein , It is ordained that all Question● concerning the Province shall be propounded first to the Superintendent et Commissioner , to receive resolution in their Synodall conventions ; and if they be diffieile , to be propounded to the next generall Assemblie by the Superiatendent or Commissioner ; with certification that no Question shall be received hereafter from any private Minister . So likewise in the Assemblie at Edinburgh 1568. It is ordained that no Minister exhort or reade , or other person shall trouble the Generall Assembly with such matters as Superintendents may and ought to decide in their Synods ; And if they doe so their Letters shall be rejected . Fiftly , As no Pastor ought to have place in Nationall Assemblies , except such as are authorized thereunto by their Ordinarie Bishop , according to the custome of the ancient Church : Although our Bishops in Scotland , since they were re-established , did never usurpe this power to themselves , but left the Election of the Commissioner in the power of the Brethren of the Presbyterie : So likewise it was ordained in the Assemblie at Edinburgh 1568. That no Minister should have voyce in Generall Assemblies , nor leave their flocks to attend thereat , unlesse they be chosen by their Superintendent , as men known able to reason , and of knowledge to judge in matters of weight . The same likewise we see testified to have been the Custome of the Church of Scotland , by a Letter written by the Lord Glames then Chancellor of Scotland unto Beza , about the year 1575. when Episcopacie began to be quarrelled , wherein Quaest. 2. he saith , Post reformatam Religionem consuetudine receptum est , ut Episcopi ( under which word he comprehendeth the Superintendents ) & ex Ministris , Pastoribus , ac Senioribus , tot , quot ijde● Episcopi jusserint , unum in locum conveniant , cum praecipuis Barronibus , ac Nobilibus , Religionem veram profitentibus , & de doctrinâ & de moribus inquisituri . Sixtly , As all the presentation of Benefices vacant were to be directed to the Bishop of the Diocese where the Benefice lyes ; so that if the person presented be found qualified , he may enjoy the same . So is it appointed at the Assembly holden at St. Iohnstone Iune 1563. That when any Benefice shall chance to vaick , or is now vacant , that a qualified person be presented to the Superintendent of that Province where the Benefice lyes , and that he being found sufficient , be admitted Minister to that Kirk , &c. Likewise in the Assembly at Edinburgh , 1578. ( wherein they alleage the second book of Discipline was agreed unto ) one of the Petitions of the Assemblie preferred to the King and Councell was , That all presentations to Benefices may be directed to the Commissioner or Superintendent where the Benefice lyes . Seventhly , As the Ordination of Ministers appertaines peculiarly to the Bishop of the Diocese . So likewise the Ordination ( which by the stile of Scotland is called Admission or Conftirmation ) not onely of Ministers , but also of Readers , Schoolmasters and Principalls of Colledges , did appertaine to the Superintendents in their owne bounds , as is evident by the fifth Chapter of the book of Discipline , in the Article of Superintendents , and in the Article of Schools and Universities . Eightly , As Bishops have at all times had power to examine the life , doctrine and behaviour of the Clergie of his own Diocese , and to admonish , correct , or censure them accordingly . So likewise in the same book of Discipline , Cap. 5. the Superintendents received power and authoritie to visit the Churches of their bounds , so often as they may , and therein not only to preach , But also to exmine the life , diligence and behaviour of all the Ministers , as likewise the orders of the Kirks , and manners of the people , and to admonish where admonition needeth , and to correct them by the censures of the Kirk , &c. Ninthly , As Bishops have power of suspension or deposition of Ministers , who are either scandalous in their lives , or hereticall in their doctrine . So by the book of Discipline , and divers Acts of the Assemblies , that power doth appertaine to Superintendents , Commissioners or Visitors , as is manifest by that place of the book of Disciplince , cited by us in the former Article : and by the Assemblie holden at Edinburgh , April 1576. wherein it is said , Anent the demand made by Mr. Andrew Hay Parson of Ranthrow , if every Commissioner or Visitor in his own bounds hath alike power and Iurisdiction to plant Ministers , suspend and depose for reasonable causes : the Assemblie resolved affirmative , that they have alike power and Iurisdiction therein , as is contained in the particular Acts concerning the Iurisdiction of Visitors . Tenthly , As Bishops , because of their places and great charges in overseeing all the Churches , have greater rents appointed to them than to other Pastors . So likewise by the book of Disciplie , Cap. 5. in the Article for the provision of Ministers , is appointed almost foure times asmuch stipend for the Superintendent , as for other private Ministers . Moreover , it is evident by many Acts of Generall Assemblies , that those Bishops who had joyned themselves to the reformed Church , retaining still the office and title of Bishops , did by approbation of the generall Assemblies , exercise their Iurisdiction over the Ministrie and people of their own Diocese , even from the beginning of the Reformation almost ; for in the Assembly at Edinburgh , 1582. Alexander Gordon Bishop of Galloway was authorized to plant Ministers , exhorters and readers , and to doe such other things as has been heretofore accustomed to be done by Superintendents or Commissioners . In the Assembly at S. Iohnstone , Iunc 1563. the Bishops of Orknay and Kai●hnes are allowed to exercise the same Iurisdiction ; and to shew that they did not this by compulsion of Superior Authoritie , but of their own voluntary motion , in that Assembly it is appointed , that a Supplication shall be preferred in name of the whole Assembly to the Queens Majestie , that she would be pleased to remit the thirds of the Bishopricks ( which were then in the Queens hands ) to the Bishops , who were allowed by the Church to be Commissioners , for planting of Churches within the bounds of their own Diocese : and therafter Anno 1572. All Bishops were by speciall Act of the Generall Assemblie restored to the function , at the desire of the Earle of Lenox then Regent of Scotland : and the next year in the Assembly at Edinburgh 1573. certaine limitations of their power were added , not very strict which no Bishop can refuse ; 1. That the Iurisdiction of Bishops in their Ecclesiasticall function , should not exceed the Iurisdiction of the Superintendents , which heretofore they had and presently have ; which Iurisdiction , as we have declared , was no lesse than that which the Bishops require now . 2. That they should be willingly subject to the Discipline appointed by the Generall Assemblie as members thereof : This likewise is reasonable , and no Bishop will think himself exeemed from the censure of a Nationall Assemblie lawfully constituted , according to the established and approved orders of the Church . 3. That no Bishops give co●●ation of Benefices within the bounds of Superintendents without their consent and testimoniall subscribed by their hands : This was also reasonable , for Superintendents were also Bishops , and it is conforme to the ancient Canons of the Church , That no Bishop should give ordination or collation to any within the Diocese of another Bishop without his consent and testimoniall . 4. That Bishops in their own Diocese visite by themselves , where no Superintend●nts are : which indeed is their duty , if they be not impedited either by infirmitie , or by some weightier affaires of the Church . 5. That they give no collation of Benefices without the advice of three qualified Ministers : The Bishops of Scotland heretofore did astrict themselves further , for they were not accustomed to give collation of Benefices ( except 〈◊〉 were to men of known worth in the exercise of the ministry before ) without the advice of the whole Brethren of the Exercise in the bounds where the Benefice lyes , committing the whole triall both of their life and doctrine to them , and according to their Testificate did accept or reject him who was presented . By this then which we have truely related out of the book of Discipline , and Acts of Generall Assemblies of the Church , it is manifest , that the true Confession of faith , as it was professed at the Reformation , and many yeers thereafter , had no such meaning as condemne or ●bjure the power and preheminence of One Pastour over others , or over moe particular flocks than one : But on the contrary did approve the same , as it is explained ( concerning the point of Government ) by the book of Discipline and practice of the Church , under the title of Superintendent untill the year 1590. and under the title of Bishop untill the year 1580. for untill those years neither the one nor the other were abrogated by the Assembly of the Church , the first Act condemning that Iurisdiction under the title of Bishops was in that Assembly at Dundie 1580. and the first Act abolishing the office and title of Superintendents was in that Assembly at Edinburgh , August 1590. wherein it is declared that since Presbyteries were fully established , that Superintendents and Commissioners were neither necessarie nor expedient . What regard should be had to those Acts we shall shew hereafter . Is it not therefore too impudent and manifest a calumnie , and a scandalous impurtation laid by our Covenainers upon the worthy reformers of the Church of Scotland ; and those who did prosecute the same for many years , that their meaning in the Confession of Faith was to condemne that as unlawfull , which they did approve by their plaine and publike declaration and continuall practice ? As it is also a subtill and hypocriticall dissimulation of the Ring-leaders of this Rebellion ( against the knowledge and conscience ●f those who knowes the historie of that Church since the Reformation ) to professe and perswade people that their upright intentions is to reduce the Church to her former purity wherein she was constituted by the Reformations , and to abolish all novation● , since they are manifestly doing the quite contrary ; abolishing , violently that order of Government which was established by the Reformation , and establishing in place thereof a most dangerous Novation , never heard of in many Christian Church since the beginning untill this 〈◊〉 age , and whereof the Church of Scotland never thought of , nor dreamed at the Reformation or many yeers thereafter ; untill it was brought by a violent wind from Geneva , bringing therewith great trouble and disturbance to the Church of Scotland , and whole Kingdome both first and last . CHAP. VI . Shewing that this power and preheminence of Bishops was not abjured by the Negative Confession or Covenant . HAving showne that this power and preheminence of Bishops was not condemned by the principall and proper Confession of Faith of the Church of Scotland . It followes also , that we shew that it was not condemned by that abjuration in the Covenant called the Negative Confession ; which by them improperly and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is called a Confession : For it is absurd , and almost repugnans in adjecto , to say that it should be the Confession of Faith in any Church , which doth not declare any positive point of Doctrine to be beleeved , but consisteth onely of meere Negatives , which are not to be beleeved . It was onely therefore set down as an Appendix of the true Confession , for that end which we declared before : For this is the ordinary manner both of publike Confessions of Churches , and private Confessions of particular persons , first to set down the positive Doctrine in certaine Articles and propositions , which are properly the Confession of Faith ; and then by way of Appendix deduced from thence , to adjoyne damning and abjuring of the contrary errors : so we see it done in most of the Confessions of reformed Churches , collected together in that book called Syntagma Confessionum . So doth befa in his Confession , and learned Zanchius in his : right so we must conceive the matter , that those abjurations of Popish errors set down in the Covenant , are but Appendices deduced from the Articles and propositions which comprehend the Confession of Faith : yea , the very words of that Covenant make it cleer and evident , for therin it is first said , We beleeve with our hearts and confesse with our mouthes , that this is the true Christion , Faith and Religion , which is particularly expressed in the Confession of our Faith , established and confirmed by divers Acts of Parliament , &c. To the which Confession and forme of Religion we agree in all points , &c. In these words is the proposition and summe of the Confession , the Appendix followeth thereafter in these words , And therefore we abhorre and detest all contrary Doctrine and Religion , but chiefly Papistrie and particular heads thereof , &c. whereby it is evident , that it is onely the proper ancient Confession of Faith set down at the Reformation , whereunto they did directly swear in that Covenant ; but unto the abjuration of errors they did onely swear indirectly , and by consequent , as they were contrary to the doctrine contained in the Confession of Faith . From this then that we have shown to be true , we may bring a forcible argument to prove , that by this abjuration the power and preheminence of Bishops is not abjured : For this abjuration being but an Appendix deduced by necessary consequence , it could not of it self have another meaning , or at least not a contrary sense to that Confession whereupon it depends ; but so it is that the meaning of the Confession of Faith , as it was explained by the Church , was no other , but that it was lawfull for one Pastor to have this power & preheminencie over others , &c. Therfore the abjuration could not have a contrary meaning , towit , that this power and preheminencie was unlawfull in it self . The assumption of this argument is already sufficiently qualified in the former Chapter by the book of Discipline , Acts of divers generall Assemblies , and long continued practice of the Church . The proposition is evident in it self , for it is an absurd thing to say , that an Appendix should have a contrary sense to the principall proposition , from whence it is deduced by necessary consequence : all good Logicians know this , of which number to my knowledge the Moderator is one , who hath in his time composed many accurate propositions with their Appendices ; and would not have suffered one of his Schollers with patience to set down their Thesis with so evill knit consequences , as they would make us beleeve , is betwixt the confession of Faith , and the Abjuration of the Covenant depending thereupon . I can finde no reason why he and other learned men of that Assemblie should be so farre misled against all true Logick and sound reason ; except it be ( as appeares ) that they have captivated their understanding to the Tables of the Covenant , that for obedience thereto they have forgot all rules of Logick , to advance per fas & nefas their Idoll of Presbyteriall Government . But our Covenanters objects , that albeit the Confession of Faith might have been understood so by those who have set it down , and so interpreted by the Church for a long time , as that thereby this power and preheminency was not condemned ; yet the Generall Assembly of the Church ( to whom it appertaines to interpret the Confession of Faith ) might understand and interpret it otherwise , as it did in that Assembly at Dundie 1580. wherein Episcopacie was condemned , and now in this Assembly at Glasgow , 1639. To this we answer first , It is possible indeed , that men might understand it otherwise then it was understood at the beginning , yea in a contrary sense as the Covenanters doe interpret it now : But the Question is , whether both those contrary sense can be the true meaning of the Confession ; I hope they will not judge so , except they would make the Confession of Faith like a nose of wax , ( as some blasphemous Papists speak of the Scripture ) or that they would make the Confession ( which ought to be a firme and constant rule , to try the doctrine of all within the Church ) like a Lesbian rule , which may be applyed both to crooked and straight lines , or to contrary and contradictory senses . Then if it be so , it may be asked which of those is the true meaning ? Certainely , there is no reasonable man but will esteeme that to be the true meaning which is intended and expressed by the author thereof ; For as we say , Vnusquique est su●ru●● verborum optimus interpres , except such a one as speaketh non-sense : but so it is , that they that framed the Confession of the Church of Scotland , and the Church who received the same , did declare their meaning therein to be such , as that thereby this power and preheminencie was not damned , but directly approved ; Therefore that contrary meaning which they ascribe to the Church in the year 1580. 1581. 1590. must needs be false . Secondly , This Covenant and abjuration therein was neither framed by the Authoritie of the Church or generall Assembly , nor was the Oath required by their Authoritie : but both was done by the Authoritie of the King and Councell , at whose direction this Covenant and abjuration was framed , and the Oath and subscription thereto required of all his Subjects by his Commandment ; therefore it appertaineth onely to his Majestie and Councell to declare the meaning thereof , and in what sense he did require the Oath of all his Subjects : For this is a most true Axiom agreed unto by all orthodox writers , That all Oathes required by a Magistrate should be taken according to the direct and plaine meaning of him who requireth the same : But it is most manifest that neither the King nor Councell did require that oath in such a sense , as thereby Episcopacie should be condemned ; for he and his Councell did plainely declare before that time , at that same very time , and many times afterward , that his expresse meaning , purpose , and constant intention was , to continue the estate and office of a Bishop in the Church of Scotland ; and to withstand all motions tending to the overthrow thereof , as we shall shew more particularly . For first , that this abjuration was set forth by the King and Councels appointment , and that by his Authoritie onely the Oath was required , is manifest both by that Act of Councell , March 5. 1580. which they have prefixed before their Rebellious Covenant pressing thereby to make people beleeve , that it was authorized by the King : as likewise by the Acts of Assembly cited here by themselves , wherein is declared , That the Kings Commissioner presented to the Assembly in April 1581. the Confession of Faith subscribed by the King and his houshold not long before , and in that Act approving this Confession cited here by them it is expresly acknowledged that it was set forth by the Kings Majestie . Next that it was to be understood according to the Kings Majesties meaning , appeareth also by the same Act where it is said , That it should be followed out efoldly , as the same is laid out in the Kings Proclamation , for that word Efoldly signifieth , that they should follow not onely the words , but likewise the sense and meaning which was intended in his Majesties proclamation , not in a twofold sense , as if the Assemblie would intend one sense and the King another , but simply and sincerely by all in the same words and meaning which his Majestie did expresse in his Proclamation . Thirdly , that his Majestie did not intend , that it should be sworn and subscribed in such a sense or meaning , as that thereby Episcopacie should be condemned is also most manifest . 1. By his Majestie and Councell often rejecting the instant petitions of divers Assemblies , for establishing the second book of Discipline , whereby the power of Bishops is impaired , and absolute paritie of all Pastors established ; as they acknowledge themselves by that Act of the Assembly at Glasgow 1581. cited here by them , wherein are these words , Because divers suits have been made to the Magistrate for approbation to the book of Policie , which yet have taken no great effect . Then because his Majestie both before this time , at this time , and after , did shew evidently that he did approve the office of a Bishop , as he testified by his divers protestations against those Assemblies which pressed to suppresse the same , and by his presentation of Bishops to the places , whensoever they hapned to be vacant ; as he did at that same very time , present M. Rob. Montgomery to the Archbishoprick of Glasgow : and by that Act of Parliament 1584. whereby the whole Iurisdiction of Bishops was ratified by his Majestie with consent of the whole estates of the Kingdome . Seeing then that this Abjuration or Confession ( call it as they please ) was framed by the Kings Majestie , appointed to be subscribed and sworn by his Authoritie , and that in such a sense , as that thereby Episcopacie was not understood to be abjured ; It must be also presupponed , that all those who did swear or subscribe the same , did it in no other sense or meaning , otherwise they did swear falsly , sophystically , and by Equivocation : therefore it must necessarily be concluded , that by that Oath of the Covenant 1580. 1581. 1590. and 1591. Episcopacie , nor the power and preheminence of one pastor over others , or moe particular flocks than one , was not abjured by honest men , who had an efold and upright meaning in taking their Oath . Neither can the interpretation of this Assemblie at Glasgow 1639. give any sure warrant to those who hath sworn in a sense contrary to the Kings meaning ; for if this Abjuration or Covenant had been the Act of the Church properly , there had been some appearance that a lawfull generall Assembly now might give forth the true interpretation thereof ; but since it is the King and Councels Act , and the Oath thereto required of all the Subjects by his Authoritie , it doth not appertaine to the Generall assembly , especially such an unformall and unlawfull one as this , to declare in what sense it should be understood . So that it is but false and vaine fear , wherewith they would burden the consciences of all the Kingdome of Scotland , as being fearfully perjured , by establishing contrary to the pretended oath of the Covenant , the office of Bishops in Scotland , and giving obedience unto them : But on the contrary , they are rather forsworn and perjured , who contrary to the meaning of their first oath , have by their new rebellious Covenant and ordinance of their Assembly abjured Episcopacie . And of this no man needeth to doubt , but that all those who have acknowledged Bishops , and have taken their oath of Canonicall obedience , and now by perswasion of their Leaders have broken their solemn Oath , in disobeying and contemning their authoritie , and ratifying their disobedience by another Oath , are evidently forsworn , as most of the Ministers of that Assembly have done ; Let them in sincerity of mind search their own consciences in this point , and I doubt not , that if it have any life therein , they will finde themselves sensibly pricked thereby . CHAP. VII . VVherein is answered to their Argument taken from foure severall sentences of the Abjuration , and particularly to the first . HAving now shown that neither by the principall Confession of Faith , nor by the Appendix thereof called Abjuration , nor by the first book of Discipline , nor by any Acts of Assemblies , nor practice of the Church many yeers after the reformation , this power and preheminency of Bishops here controverted is condemned ; it rests that we answer to those Arguments which are brought by them in the body of the Act , to prove the determination of the Assembly , which are neither brought from the Word of God , nor from the testimonie or practice of the primitive Church immediately after the Apostles dayes , nor from any words of the perfect Confession of Faith in the Church of Scotland , but all their Arguments are of a later foundation , and may be in summe reduced to three sorts ; first , they bring certaine broken sentences ●ut of the Abjuration in the Covenant , which they call the Confession , then some Acts of their late Generall Assemblies , and thirdly , some passages out of the second book of Discipline to the which we shall answer in their own order . And first they bring foure severall sentences out of the Abjuration or negative Confession , falsifying and wresting them strangely , as to make them appeare to have some shew of proving their determination : The first passage is in these words , We professe that we detest all Traditions brought into the Kirk , without , or against the Word of God , and Doctrine of this reformed Kirk . The second is , We abhorre and detest all contrary Religion and Doctrine , but chiefly , all kind of Papistry in generall , nad particular heads ; as they were then damned and confuted by the Word of God , and Kirk of Scotland , when the said Confession was sworn and subscribed , Anno 1580. and 1581. 1590. and 1591. The third is , That we detest the Roman Antichrist , his worldly Monarchy and wicked Hierarchie . The fourth is , That we joyne our selves to this reformed Kirk , in Doctrine , Faith , Religion and Discipline , promising and swearing by the great name of God , that we shall continue in the Doctrine and Discipline of this Kirk , and defend the same according to our vocation and power . We answer first in generall to all these passages , that by none of them is either Episcopall Government abjured , for first in the words themselves , there is no mention either of Bishops or their power and preheminency over others , or their charge over moc particular flocks , or of Presbyteries of absolute parity of Pastors : Therefore except they have recourse to some secret meaning , these passage can serve nothing to their purposes : and we have shown before both by the meaning of the principall Confession of Faith , whereof this Abjuration is an Appendix , and by the explained meaning of his Majestie by whose appointment this abjuration is framed , and who required the oath and subscription thereunto , that it cannot be understood in such a sense as that this power and preheminencie of Bishops should be thereby abjured , and therefore neither the words nor the s●nse can be able to p●ove their purpose . Secondly , we prove the same by the Confession of the Moderator M. Alexander Henrison , and his Associats the Apostles of the Covenant ; for they in their Disputes with the Doctors of Aberdeene doe confesse plainly , that by swearing this Confession of Faith , Episcopacie was not abjured , and that any man might safely swear that Confession and their Covenant also , without abjuring Episcopacie ; and by this profession they entised many to sweat and subscribe their Covenant , who otherwise would n●t have done it . Now either they spake sincerely at that time according to their knowledge and conscience , and so did flatly contradict this position , That by swearing the Confession of Faith Episcopacie was abjured : or else by dissembling policie they did so professe , contrary to their own mind , to serve their own designes in advancing ( per fas & nefas ) their rebellious Covenant ; And so did shew themselves Iesuiticall temporizers and time-servers ( En graine ) abusing people most impudently to promote their own ends . Albeit this that we have spoken , already may suffice to cleer that Abjuration and Coven●●t , or any part thereof , of any such meaning as they pretend , yet that the matter may be more evident , we shall examine particularly every one of these foure sentences cited by them , shewing that all of them are either falsly or impertinently alleaged by them to prove such a conclusion . As to the first sentence here produced , by it we may judge ( tanquam ex ungue Leonem ) what we m●y expects of the rest of these reverend Fathers 〈◊〉 : they begin with a manifest falshood , and we 〈…〉 divers more in that kind ; the words according to that citation are , We professe that we detest all traditions brought into the Kirk , without , or against Gods Word , and Doctrine of this Reformed Kirk . Whereas in the Covenant it self it is otherwise , for there the words are , And finally we detest all his ( to wit the Roman Antichrists ) Traditions without or against Gods Word . First , we answer that there is a great difference betwixt All Traditions absolutely , and the Roman Antichrists traditions ; for albeit we detest as sincerely as they doe all Antichristian traditions , yet doe we not so detest all traditions absolutely , which have not expresse or particular warrant from Gods Word , if they be not repugnant thereto : the Traditions of the Roman Antichrist are those which are invented by him , for upholding his tyrannie over the consciences of men , made equall to Gods word , and intruded upon the Church as parts of Gods worship , those we detest and abhorre from our very heart ; but to abjure absolutely all Traditions which are not expressed in Gods Word , it was never the meaning of the reformed Church of Scotland , nor of any well reformed Church ; for all the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church , and all Neoterick , Orthodox writers doe teach , that some Apostolicall and Ecclesiasticall traditions are not onely profitable , but also almost necessary to be retained in the Chruch ; Necessary I say , if not ad esse simplicter , yet ad bene esse , such as are according to these generall rules of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 14. According to decency and good order , and tending to Edification : and such as are according to that rule of S. Austin lib. 4. contra Donat. cap. 41. Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec concilijs constitutum semper retentum est , non nisi Apostolicà authoritate traditum , rectissimè crediture : of which there are many profitably reteined in the Church , both concerning doctrine , manners , government , and circumstances of Gods worship , as the distinction of Canonicall books from Apocrypha , the Constitutions of the Apostolick Creed , the manner of the celebration of Marriage before the Church , the sprinkling of water upon the head of the Child in Baptisme to be sufficient , the gesture of kneeling in the Supper of the Lord , the time and place of the ordinarie Celebration thereof in the morning , and in the Church ; and such likewise are the Appropriating of the name and title of Bishops , to these Pastors who are set in Authority over others , and divers Ecclesiasticall Canons concerning the manner of their Government . Secondly , albeit it had been so that all Traditions had been simply abjured , ( which men of understanding would not have done ) yet this sentence could not have served to prove their Conclusion ; for although some of the points of the office of a Bishop , now appertaining thereto , be by Apostolick tradition or Ecclesiasticall constitution , yet this point here called in Question , that one Pastor may have power and preheminencie over others , or over more particular flocks , is not a Tradition either against or without Gods Word , and Doctrine of this reformed Church ; but first it is a most certaine written veritie approved by Gods Word expresly , and the Constant practice of the Church of God , from the very first Constitution of the visible Church and publik exercise of Gods worship , not only under the old Testament , but under the new also , continued in all Churches untill this lust age , which cannot be denied without great impudencic : then it is not against the doctrine of the reformed Church of Scotland , but most conformable thereunto , as we have sufficiently declared before ; therefore it is manifest , that this passage can prove nothing for their purpose , but is both falsly and impertinently produced by them . CHAP. VIII . VVherein is answered the second Passage of the Covenant . THe second passage cited from the Negative Confession or Abjuration , is no lesse falsified than the former , both in the change of words , and addition of others not contained in the Originall : the words of their citation are , We abhorre and detest all contrary Religion and Doctrine , but chiefly all kind of Papistrie in generall , and particular heads , as they were then damned and confuted by the Word of God and Chruch of Scotland , when the said Confession was sworn and subscribed , Anno 1580. and 1581. 1590. and 1591. But the words in the Originall are only these , As they are now dawned and confuted by the Word of God and Kirk of Scotland : So that they change that particle ( now ) in ( then ) and adde more which is not in the Originall , when the Confession was sworn and subscribed Anno 1580. & 1581. 1590. & 1591. Albeit this Alteration seemeth but small to change ( now ) in ( then , ) yet in effect , it is very matteriall and subtilly made to wrest the meaning of the words to their own purpose , contrary to the intention of those who framed this Abjuration , in making this ( Now ) relative to the damning of Episcopacie in that Assemblie at Dundie 1580. and others thereafter , albeit it be evident , that there was no such thing intended in the framing of this Abjuration for divers reasons . First , that ( now ) in the Kings Covenant , is not to be understood of that present definite time then , when the Covenant was framed or subscribed , but as it is expresly exponed a little before , Now for along time , to wit , from that time when the large Confession of Faith was set forth Anno 1560. and approved by the Generall Assembly , and ratified in Parliament 1567. By the which Confession those particular heads of Papistrie were condemned and confuted , and the true Doctrine opposite thereunto , Now for a long time openly professed by the King , and whole body of the Kingdome , as it is expresly set down in the same place of the Covenant : therefore it is manifest that this ( Now ) is not relative to that Condemnation of Episcopacie 1580. which was not then for a long time condemned , but only for that present yeer . Secondly , albeit we should grant that this ( Now ) was not to be understood of that definite time , yet doth it not serve to prove the point in Controversie ; for albeit by that Assembly 1580. Episcopacie as it was then used in Scotland was condemned , yet this power and preheminence , by approbation and practice of the Church of Scotland , were standing in force in the persons of Superintendents , Commissioners or Visitors , and not abrogated untill the year 1590. towit , ten years after ▪ the setting down , and swearing of this Abjuration : And therefore this power and preheminence , which is the point in controversie , cannot be understood to have been then condemned in the Abjuration 1580. & 1581. for otherwise the Church should have condemned that which in the mean time they did approve and practise . Thirdly , notwithstanding that Act 1580. condemning Episcopacie , as it was then used in Scotland , yet these points of the power and preheminence of one Pastor over others , and charge over moe particular flocks was not condemned , but expresly acknowledged to be lawfull by that whole Assembly , wherein Episcopacie was called in Question Anno 1575. 1576. as shall be evidently cleared when we shall come to discusse the Acts of those Assemblies . Fourthly , those points of Papistrie in generall , and the particular heads damned and confuted by Gods Word and Kirk of Scotland , were only such as were opposite to the doctrine contained in the principall Confession of the Church of Scotland , then of a long time professed by the Kings Majestie , and whole body of the Kingdome , as it is expresly set down in the same place of the Covenant : But so it is , that there was no Doctrine contained either in the Confession of Faith , or professed now for a long time by the King and whole body of the Kingdome , contrary to these points of power and preheminence of one Pastor over other Brethren , or moe particular flocks : therefore these are not points of Papistrie abjured by the Covenant , as being damned then by Gods Word , or the Church of Scotland , and so this passage doth not more serve to prove their purpose than the former . CHAP. IX . Containing an Answer to the third Passage . THe third Passage is in those words We detest the Roman Antichrist , his worldly Monarchie and wicked Hierarchie . In this passage indeed there is no false citation as in the former two ; yet is there as great impertinencie in applying it to their purpose : for I cannot see what they can assume upon this proposition to conclude the point in Controversie , except they would say , that all power and preheminence of one Pastor over his Brethren , or over more particular flocks is an Antichristian worldly Monarchie , and all degrees of Ecclesiasticall persons is an Antichristian wicked Hierarchie , and therefore detested and abjured : But if this Assumption were true , then the high priest in Ierusalem constituted by God himself had been an Antichristian Monarch , and the divers degrees of Ecclesiasticall persons distinguished by God himself had been an Antichristian wicked Hierarchie ; for it is most certaine , that the High priest had power and preheminencie over his Brethren , and charge over all the particular flocks in Iudea . The Apostles likewise in the Christian Church , and their fellow-labourers , Tit●u , Timothie , and others had been Antichristian wordly Monarchs , for it is most certaine , that they had power and prehe●ninence over their Brethren , and charge over moe particular flocks , as Bishops have now ; which may be qualified by the writings of the Apostles , and the testimony of all the Venerable Fathers of the Primitive Church , who lived either in the dayes of the Apostles , or neer to them . So likewise those Reverend ●●thers themselves , as Polycarpus , Ignatius , Cyprian , Austin , Ambrose , Chrysostome , &c. should be esteemed no better : yea likewise our Superintendents or Com●issioners of Provinces should have been Antichristian worldly Monarchs . So that the worthy Instruments of God in the reformation of the Church of Scotland , must be thought to have ( instead of a laudable reformation ) brought in an Antichristian worldly Monarchy in the Church of Scotland . But the principall words which they doe most urge is the last c●●●se of this passage , His wicked Hierarchie , by which words it was made cleer ( as they alleage ) in the Assembly that Episcopacie was abjured : what was made cleer in the Assembly we know not , but we shall make it cleer ( God willing ) to 〈◊〉 ( whose eyes are not blinded with partiall affection ) that those reasons produced in the Act in the end thereof at length ( which doubtlesse were the most weighty they could bring ) are foolish , childish and ridiculous , unworthy of such men as they would be accounted amongst the people . But before we enter to discusse their reasons , we must first explaine the word Hierarchie , and shew what Hierarchie is here condemned : first , the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} amongst the ancient Grocians was used to signifie a certaine Magistracie , the charge whereof was to have a 〈◊〉 of Sacred and Holy things , as of Temples , Altars , and Sacrifices ; and from thence was translated by an●ient Christian writers to signifie the sacred orders of Rulers in the Church : Now that there is an holy order of Rulers in the Church I think no man can deny , even in Presbyteriall Government , there are three orders of Ecclesiasticall persons who bear rule in the Church , and have charge of sacred things , of distinct power and authoritie , towit , Pastors , Elders , and Deacons , and so those orders may be ●afely called an Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie ; they who understand the Greek word , knowes perfectly that it signifies no other thing , but 〈◊〉 of sacred things , or a holy Government : they cannot deny but these Ecclesiasticall functions have every one their own point of Government , and that about sacred and holy things , why then should they abhorre the word , since they acknowledge the thing signified thereby to be competent to their Ecclesiasticall functions ? Is it because the word is borrowed from Ethnicks ? It should not be abhorred for this cause , more than the words Episcopus , Presbyter , and Pastor , which did signifie also amongst the Ethnicks certaine offices , or magistracies , as is well known to those who are versed in their writings . Or is it because it hath been abused by the Papists ? neither can it for this cause be rejected , taken in a right sense , and separating Papisticall corruptions from it , more then the other titles given to Ecclesiasticall officers , which all have been abused in the Popish Church : and that this word Hierarchy may be used to signifie the orders of Ecclesiasticall rulers in the Christian Church , I will bring no other testimony than that of Calvin , who was the first Author of Presbyteriall Government , he in his Treatise De N●cessitat● ref●rmanda Ecclesia , speaking of the Popish Hierarchy , saith ; If they will set us down such an Hierarchie , wherein Bishops have so preheminence , that they refuse not to be subject to Christ , depending from him as from their head , and referring all to him ; wherein they doe so entertaine Societie amo●gst themselves , that they be no otherwise bound but by his truth : Then I must acknowledge that th●se are worthy to be called ex●crable , who will not reverence such an Hierarchie , and with all humble obedience receive the same . Where we see that Calvin doth acknowledge , that there may be a lawfull Hierarchie neither wicked nor Antichristian , and such was this Hierarchie in the Church of Scotland ; consisting of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , wherein Bishops have so preheminence over others , as they refuse not to be subject to Christ , and depend upon him , as from their head , and not from the Pope of Rome , &c. And therefore in the judgement of Calvin , those who will not reverence such an Hierarchie , are worthy to be accounted execrable and accursed ; and since our Covenanters professe , that they reverence the judgement of Calvin more than all Antiquitie , I marvell how they can blesse themselves in this , wherein he accounteth them accursed . To the same purpose likewise speaketh Beza , the chief promoter of Presbyteriall government in his Answer to Saravia De divers . grad. Minist. cap. 21. Albeit he doth not name Hierarchie , yet speaking of the Orders in the Roman Church , whereof the Hierarchie doth consist , he concludeth in these words , Neither doe we accuse of this Tyrannie , all those who are called Archbishops or Bishops , for what Arrogancie were this ? yea , we doe acknowledge all those who are so called , as faithfull Pastors of the Christian Church , providing , they imitate the example of those holy Bishops , in reforming the house of God so miserably , deformed ; according to the rule of Gods Word ; and obey them , and with all reverence receive them : so farre are we from that whereof some do most impudently accuse us , that we should prescribe to any our particular example to be followed like to those impertinent men , who esteeme nothing well done except that which they doe themselves , &c. By the judgement then of these two learned men , whose judgements they can hardly contemne , all Hierarchie is not condemned , nor all Episcopacie under the name of Hierarchie is to be abjured , but only in so farre as it is Antichristian and wicked ; that is to say , the manifold corruptions and abuses in the orders of Ecclesiasticall rulers brought in by the Pope to fortifie his usurped Tyrannie ; Those with you we also abjure and detest from our very heart . But so it is , that one Pastor to have power and preheminence over others , is not to be reckoned amongst these corruptions which were brought in by the Pope or Antichrist , but was appointed by God himself , and practised in the Church by those whom Beza doth acknowledge to have been faithfull Pastors of the Christian Church . Now to come to the reasons which they set down at length in the end of the Act ; the first reason whereby they presse to prove that the order of Government under Bishops , having power and preheminence over other Pastors , as Presbyters and Deacons , is the P●pish Hierarchy , is in these words : The Popis● Hierarchie doth consist of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , that is , Baptizing and Preaching Deacons , which they prove first by a Canon of the Councell of Trent . 2. By a testimony of Bellarmine . 3. By a Censure of the Vniversitie of Paris , of certaine Articles sent out of Ireland ; which tedious probation was needlesse , for we doe not deny their proposition , but grant that the Popish Hierarchie doth consist of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons ; But what then ? they suppresse the Assumption and Conclusion , yet according to Logicall Rules we may finde them out , their Conclusion is known , towit , that Episcopall Government is the Antichristian wicked Hierarchie . So to inferre this Conclusion upon their proposition as it is set down , nothing can be assumed for the minor , but that Episcopall Government consisteth of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . So the whole Syllogisme must be . The Popish Hierarchie doth consist of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . But Episcopall Government consisteth of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons : Ergo , Episcopall government is the Popish wicked Hierarchie . But by their leave , this is a Syllogisme , Ex omnibus particularibus & affirmantibus in secundà figurâ , which concludeth not , as they who have learned the first rudiment of Logick knows ; such as that , Asinus habet aures , tu habes aures , ergò , tu es Asinus . I confesse that this may be reduced to a syllogisme in primâ figurâ , by converting the termes of the proposition , and making it universall , as Quic quid habet aures est Asinus , tu habes aures , Ergo , &c. But thus the Major is evidently false , and so likewise their Syllogisme may be deduced in the same manner , by converting the Major , and making it universall , but so it is no more their proposition , thus ; All Orders of Ecclesiasticall Rulers consisting of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons is the Antichristian wicked Hierarchie . But the orders of Ecclesiasticall rulers in Episcopall Government consisteth of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . Ergo , &c. But so the major is evidently also false , neither doth their reasons any wayes prove it , for if it were true , we might aswell prove thereby that the orders in the Ecclesiasticall Rulers in the Apostles dayes , and Primitive Church after them , was the Popish wicked Hierarchie ; for they cannot deny but therein were Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons . As likewise that their Presbyteriall Government is the Antichristian wicked Hierarchie , for they grant that their Pastors are Bishops , their Elders Presbyters , and their Deacons are Ecclesiasticall Rulers also . But they seeme to object , that their Deacons are not preaching and baptizing Deacons as ours are , and those of the Roman Church , but onely distributers of the Ecclesiasticall goods : I answer , their Deacons are so much the worse , as unlike to Apostolick Deacons ; and therefore our Deacons and Popish Deacons more Christian , and liker to those who were appointed by the Apostles , for Stephen who was the first of these Deacons was a Preacher , and for his preaching suffered Martyrdome . Act. 7. Philip was a Deacon , and yet both a Preacher and Baptizer , Act. 8. 5. & 12. And so we must esteeme that all the rest of the Deacons had the same power , nor are they able to shew the contrary . We will not be ashamed therefore in this point , rather to joyne with Papists , wherein they adhere to Gods Word and sound Antiquity , than to their new invented opinion disagreeing from both . This reason , notwithstanding the grosse informalitie thereof , was good enough for the Common people , who are well pleased , with any shew of reason comming from the mouthes of their Leaders , and men of learning amongst them either would not or durst not enquire the strength of it : or if they did enquire in their own minds , durst not publish their opinion either by word or writ , because of an Act of this Assemblie , Sess. 23. Act. 17. prohibiting any person of whatsoever qualitie or degree to speak or write against this Assemblie , or any Act thereof under paine of incurring the censure of the Kirk . Therefore leaving the informality of this Argument , I answer to the substance of the matter ; that all orders of Ecclesiasticall Rulers are and may be called an Hierarchie we grant , in that sense which we have declared , but that all such is wicked and Antichristian we deny , and have even Calvin ( the first founder of Presbyteriall Discipline ) for our warrant , as we have shown already ▪ and therefore that exception they make , That this Hierarchie is called the Antichristian Hierarchie , not to distinguish the Hierarchie in the Popish Church from any other as lawfull , But that the Hierarchie wheresoever it is , is called His : is most false , and all the reasons they bring to prove it are as false and impertinent . First , they say , as Invocation of Saints , Canonization of Saints , &c. are called his , not that there is any lawfull Invocation or Canonization of Saints , but wheresoever they are , they are his ; even so ( would they say ) the Hierarchie is called his , not as if there were any other Hierarchie lawfull , but all Hierarchie wheresoever it is , is the Popes , therefore abjured . A solid reason indeed , and worthy of such an Assembly : for first they may aswell conclude that all wordly Monarchy is abjured , because the Popes worldly Monarchie is abjured , and so be of the Anabaptists opinion , that there ought to be no King in a Christian Church ; and indeed it is to be lamented that their words , writings and practice doe bewray their mind , that they approach too neer to those damnable opinions . Secondly , this is a manifest putid Sophis●●● , A dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter ; All Antichristian wicked Hierarchie is abjured , Ergo , All Hierarchie is abjured simpliciter . A child or an ignorant that knew never a word of Logick , may see by naturall reason evidently the absurditie of this Argument , for albeit all wicked and Antichristian Hierarchie is unlawfull , and therefore to be abjured : but since there may be a lawfull Hierarchie in the Church as we have shown , which therefore needs not to be abjured simpliciter ; as if one should reason thus ; God hateth all wicked men , ergo He hateth all men simpliciter . This Sophisme is like that which is in their next Act against the Articles of Perths Assembly , to prove that Confirmation of Children is abjured , The Popish five bastard Sacraments are abjured , but Confirmation is one of the five bastard Sacraments , ergo abjured : It is abjured indeed to be a Sacrament , but not therefore simply , for so they may conclude aswell upon that ground that Marriage is abjured , because Marriage is one of these five bastard Sacraments ; albeit perhaps the Moderator has abjured marriage , yet I hope all the rest of the Brethren of the Assemblie will not doe so . I marvell indeed , that men esteemed for learned and wise should have blotted paper with such trash , and put such childish Arguments in print , as if they had to deal with none but fools or Ignorants . Thirdly , there is a great difference betwixt Canonization or Invocation of Saints , and an Hierarchie : for Invocation and Canonization are sunply evill in themselves , as against Gods Word , albeit they had never had the Pope for their Author . But an Hierarchie or order of sacred Rulers in the Church is not in it self evill , but onely in regard of the Corruptions thereof in the Roman Church , for which respect it is called Antichristian and wicked , and therefore only abjured ; though in it self separating these corruptions from it , it may be lawfull and reteined : Secondly , they bring a reason to prove this , that all Hierarchie is the Popes in these words , Whatsoever corruption was in the Kirk , either in Doctrine , Worship , or Government , since the mystery of iniquitie began to work , and is retained and maintained by the Pope , and obtruded upon the Church by his Authoritie , is his , but all Hierarchie is such ; Ergo , &c. I answer , that neither the Hierarchie in it self , that is the order of Ecclesiasticall Rulers , nor the power and preheminencie of one of these orders above others , is a corruption of the Church , but a perfection thereof , as we have shown before , nor was it brought in since the mystery of Iniquity began to work , but established by God himself long before that mysterie of Iniquitie ; And albeit it was retained and maintained by the Pope , yet for that is it not to be rejected more than divers sound points of Doctrine , which are as yet retained and maintained by the Pope ; God forbid we should think , that all which the Pope retaines and maintaines were wicked and properly Antichristian ; finally , neither is it obtruded now upon the reformed Church by the Popes Authoritie , but restored to the former perfection by the lawfull Authoritie of the Kings Majestie , with consent both of Civill and Ecclesiasticall Supreme ●udicatorie of Generall Assemblies and Parliaments : Therefore this Hierarchie in our Church is neither to be accounted the Popes nor Antichristian . Thirdly , they alleage a passage out of the Historie of the Councell of Trent to prove this , Where it is related that the Councell would not define the Hierarchye by the seven Orders ▪ and that we have in our Confession the manifold orders set apart , and distinguished from the Hierarchie : Ergo , Gl●ke . I professe I doe not understand what they would conclude upon these words , but of this I am assured , they can conclude nothing that serves to prove their conclusion ; It hath need of a sharp wit to finde any cleer consequence thereof pertinent to the purpose , and since they have set downe no consequence themselves , it were an idle thing for me to trouble my braines to search it out , and therefore untill it be better explained , I leave it . Lastly , they alleage a passage out of their second book of Discipline , Cap. 2. in the end thereof : Therefore all the ambitious titles invented in the Kingdome of Antichrists , and in his usurped Hierarchie which are not of one of these foure sorts , towit , Pastors , Doctors , Elders and Deacons : together with the offices depending thereupon in one word ought to be rejected . If they would conclude upon this , that the ambitious title of Bishop , and the office depending thereupon is therfore to be rejected , ( for I can see no other consequence that can be deduced of these words pertinent to the purpose in hand . ) I answer , first that they have used as great falshood in this citation , as they have done in divers others before , for in that same very place cited by them , the title of Bishop is one of these which they acknowledge is given to signifie a Pastor of the Church , for a little before , they number these titles to be Pastor , Minister , Bishop , Doctor , Presbyter , Elder and Deacon ; and yet they here in their citation , reckon onely foure titles , whereas in the book it self in the Chapter cited by them seven are reckoned , whereof the title of Bishop is one , and therefore not to be rejected as an ambitio●s title , nor the office depending thereupon . Secondly , the title of Bishop is not an ambitious title invented in the Kingdome of the Antichrist , or the Popes usurped Hierarchy , but is a title given by the Spirit of God in the Scripture to signifie a Spirituall function in the Church , Acts 1. 20. Acts 20. 28. 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2. And therefore this Citation out of the Book of Discipline is both false and impertinent . Thirdly , Albeit it were truely alleaged , and did prove the point directly , yet we account not the Authoritie of that Book so authentick , asto make it an Article of our Beleife whatsoever is said there . CHAP. X. Containing an Answer to the fourth place cited out of the Abjuration . THe fourth and last passage of the Abjuration or Negative Confession , whereby they alleage that Episcopacie is abjured , is , We professe that we joyne our selves to this reformed Kirk , in Doctrine , Faith , Religion , and Discipline ; promising and swearing by the great Name of God , that we shall continue in the Doctrine and Discipline of this Kirk , and defend the same according to our Vocation and power all the dayes of our life . First , we must remark that by these foure distinct terms are not signified foure severall distinct things , but by doctrine , Faith and Religion is signified one and the self-same thing , for Doctrine to be beleeved is the object of Faith and Religion consists in the practice of this Doctrine , and Discipline is the meanes to conserve Doctrine , Faith and Religion , and so we see in the next words , containing the promissary part of the Oath , they are all reduceed to two , Doctrine and Discipline . Secondly , we must consider what doctrine and discipline this is whereunto they swear ; It is not every point of doctrine which hath been taught in the pulpits of Scotland , nor every point of Discipline which hath been practised in their Sessions , Presbyteries & Assemblies ; for then ( God knowes ) how doubtsome and uncertaine an Oath this should have been , because those points have been often changed , and some directly contrary to other : the matter of an Oath should be so clearly and particularly set down as is possible ; for it be set down indefinitely , men may involve themselves rashly in a contradictory Oath : And therefore those who framed this Oath , have wisely and considerately set down divers limitations of the matter of the Oath , whereby it is made clear and evident , what doctrine and discipline it is whereunto they promise by their oath to joyne themselves : But our Covenanters have dissembled subtilly those necessary limitations , and set it down in generall and indefinite termes , only naming in generall the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of Scotland . Now that we may know more evidently what Doctrine and Discipline is here meaned , I shall set down at more length the words of the Oath as they be in the Originall : We beleeve with our hearts and confesse with our mo●thes , &c. that this is the onely true Faith and Religion , pleasing God and bringing salvation to man , which is now by the mercy of God revealed to us by the preaching of the blessed Evangel , and received , beleeved and defended by many notable Churches and Realms , and chiefly by the Church of Scotland ; particularly expressed in the Confession of Faith , established and publikely confirmed by divers Acts of Parliament , and now of along time publikely professed by the King and whole body of the Kingdome . In these words are comprehended foure necessary limitations of the matter of this Oath , without the bounds of which , it is not to be extended ; Albeit it were sufficient to shew that Episcopacie was not abjured by this Oath , if we prove that by any one of these limitations it can be excluded , yet to make the probation more full we shall make it evident , that not by one onely , but by all these foure limitations , this point ( That it is not lawfull for one Pastor to have power and preheminence over his Brethren , or over more particular flocks than one ) is excluded from this Oath , and therefore not abjured as a Popish error . The first limitation is , that they only did swear to adhere to that Doctrine , which is revealed by the preaching of the blessed Evangel , or by Gods Word : But so it is that no doctrine condemning this power and preheminencie , is revealed by the Gospel , or expressed by Gods Word , or depending thereupon by necessary consequence , therefore by that Oath , none was sworn to adhere to any such Doctrine condemning that point : But the contrary doctrine is so clearly testified by the whole course of Scripture , both in the old and new Testament , that it is lawfull for one Pastor to have power and preheminence over others , or over moe particular flocks , that we much admire why men so versed in Scripture can be so blinded as not to soe so cleer a Truth , or if they see it to be so impudent , and without conscience to abjure it as a damnable Heresie , compelling others to abjure the same by so solemn and fearfull an Oath , wherein they move them really to perjure themselves for eschewing a supposed perjury . The second limitation is , that the Doctrine whereunto they swear to adhere was that , Which was received , beleeved , and defended by many notable Churches & Realms , then when this Oath was first made : But so it is that this Doctrine declaring it to be unlawfull , that one Pastor should have power and preheminence over others &c. was not received , beleeved , and defended by many notable Churches and Realms at that time ; for we can shew that the most of the reformed Churches and Realms at that time did professe and practise the contrary , as all the Churches of High-Germany , Rohemia , Denmark , Sweden , Norway , Poland , Hungaria , Helvetia , England , Ireland , and our own Church of Scotland : they cannot produce one Realm , nor any Church that had at that time imbraced fully presbyteriall Government , except one City of Geneva , which notwithstanding did not so absolutely condemne Episcopacie as they doe , as we have shown by the Testimonie of the two cheifest members of that Church , Calvin and Beza . There are now some Churches which have received the Geneva Discipline , as the Palatinate in High-Germany , the consederate Provinces of Lower-Germany , and the reformed Church of France , which notwithstanding had not that Discipline , nor a full established Church amongst them at that time : for the Palatinate continued in the Doctrine and Discipline of the August●ne Confession , untill the year 1584. when Iohn Cassitmere Prince Elector after his Brother L●d●wick's death brought in Calvinisme , as Lucus O●iander in his Epitom , Histor , Eccles. Ce●t . 26. lib. 4. cap. 20. doth testifie . In the Low Countries , albeit there were many protestants before , yet had they not an established Church untill the year 1583. when as they renounced the Authoritie of the King of Spaine : neither had they of France an established Church untill the raigne of Henry the Fourth . Reade over all the Confessions of Reformed Churches contained in that Sy●tag●●●●onfessionum , you shall not finde one of them condemning this power and preheminence , or Episcopacie absolutely . But on the contrary , many of them doe expresly approve it : Therefore since there was not many notable Churches and Realmes , which received , beleeved and defended , that it was unlawfull for one Pastor to have power and preheminence over others , or over moe particular flocks , it is manifest that this point was not abjured by the Oath of the Covenant . Thirdly , the matter of the Oath is expresly restricted to that Doctrine and Discipline , Which is particularly expressed in the Confession of Faith , set down Anno 1560. And ratified publikly by divers Acts of Parliament before this Abjuration was sworn : by which limitation is excluded from this oath all points of Doctrine and Discipline added since , either by Acts of Generall Assemblies , Synods or Presbyteries since that Confession was received , as that Act of the Assemblie at D●ndie , 1580. and at Gl●sgow , 1581. Condemning Episcopacie , and others of that kinde ; and such are our Covenanters Additions or Applications of the Confession of Faith , expressed in their Rebellio●s Covenant : And the truth is , that they neither have nor can produce one word of that Confession condemning this power and preheminence , neither had the Church who established it any such purpose or intention to doe so . But on the contrary , the same Church , at the same very time , in setting down the first book of Discipline , did approve that power and preheminencie under the title of Superintendents ; therefore this point was not abjured by the Oath . Fourthly , the matter of this Oath is determined to be that doctrine and discipline , Which was for a long time before , the first framing of this Oath , professed by the King and whole body of this Kingdome . But so it is that no point of Doctrine condemning this power and preheminence , was professed for a long time before this , by the King or body of the Kingdome : therefore that power and preheminence was not abjured by that Oath . For the Kings profession we have shown Cap. 6. what it was at that time , and both before and after ; then the profession of the whole body of the Kingdome cannot be determined by particular mens opinions , but by publik Acts either by the Supreme , Civill or Ecclesiastick Court . And they have not produced any Act of either of those Courts long before , shewing such a profession ; and therefore , it is to be presupposed that there was none such : But on the contrary , we can produce Acts of both those Courts , not onely long before , but also continually since the Reformation , yea at that same very time when this Abjuration was first made , and some yeers after standing in force , approving this power and preheminence : the first Act they can produce , having any appearance of condemning Episcopacie as unlawfull , is that Act of the Assemblie at Dundee 1580. which notwithstanding doth not serve their purpose , first , because this Act was not long before ( if not after ) this Abjuration was first framed , being even that same very year about that same time . Secondly , albeit the office of a Bishop , as it was then in Scotland , be condemned , yet notwithstanding this point , that it was lawfull that one Pastor might have power and preheminence given him , was agreed unto by the whole Assemblie , as we have signified before , and shall more fully declare hereafter . Thirdly , long before this the power and preheminencie of Superintendents and Commissioners was publikly approved by the first book of Discipline , and by divers Acts of Generall Assemblies , even then , and some years after standing in force unrepealed , which we have before faithfully cited cap. 5. And as for the civill Courts both of Councell and Parliament , they declared their profession by rejecting of divers suits made for ratifying the second book of Discipline , which seemed to condemne this power and preheminence as in the Assemblies , 1578. 1579. and 1580. cited here by themselves ; It is declared that divers suits were made for establishing the second book of Discipline by Act of Parliament , or otherwise , if that could not be obtained , by Act of Councell , but both the one and the other were often refused . Moreover , it was declared by the King and whole body of the Kingdome assembled in Parliament at Edinburgh May 22. 1584. that they had no such profession : but on the contrary , in the 129. Act of that Parliament representing the whole body of the Kingdome , the whole power , preheminence and Iurisdiction of Bishops was ratified and confirmed in most ample forme . By which it is evident , that there was no point of Doctrine long before the swearing of this Covenant received , beleeved and defended by the King and whole body of the Kingdome , condemning this power and preheminence now in question ; And therefore that it was not abjured by the Oath of the Covenant . And since it is so , it is strange with what face or conscience they can so 〈◊〉 abuse Christian people , as to impose falsly ●uch a burden upon the Consciences of all persons within the Kingdome , both King and Subjects , Pastors and people , in pressing to perswade them against so many evident reasons , that they are all by vertue of that Oath so fearfully perjured , who have consented to the 〈◊〉 of Episcopacie . But , because this point of Episcopacie is understood by them rather to be abjured under the name of Discipline , than under the name of Doctrine : therefore to take away all way of Escape or subt●rfuge , we shall examine the point of Discipline also , and shew how farre it is included in the Oath ; and albeit it be by all those former limitations excluded also , for these limitations are to be applied aswell to the Discipline as to the Doctrine . Yet for further resolution , we must consider that the word ( Discipline ) is taken in divers significations , first strictly and properly , for that part of the Policie which concerneth the censures of the Church , to be practised upon those who doe erre either in doctrine , or in manners of life . And so Episcopacie , or power and preheminence of one Pastor over others is not contrary thereto , but may very well subsist therewith , and hath subsisted actually both during the Governement under Superintendents or Commissioners , as also under the Government of Bishops since they were re-established : for the same censures which were established by the book of Discipline , by the order set down before our Psalm books , and by divers Acts of Generall Assemblies long before Bishops were re-established , did still remaine the same admo●itions private and publik , the same sentence of excom●unication , and manner of proceeding therein , by three private and three publik Citations before Ecclesiasticall Indicatories , the same publik prayers ●ppointed by order of the Church of repentance to the delinquent , upon three severall Sabbath dayes , the same forme of pronouncing the sentence , and enjoyning private or publik satisfaction , the same manner of receiving and absolving of the pen●tent . As all within the Church of Scotland doe know : And therefore it is evident , that this power and preh●minence of Bishops is not contrary to the Discipl●●e of the Church of Scotland taken in this ●eale ; 〈◊〉 apparently it is taken in the Oath for in ●ll speeches or w●●●s of con●sequenc● chi●●● those which are see down for a sol●●● oath , ●hich ought to be plain and cleer , ) the words 〈◊〉 be taken in their proper and most usuall sense , rather than in an unproper and figurative , except by some evident reason it appear that it must be taken improperly . And this certainly is the most proper and usuall meaning of this word ( Discipline , ) as it is taken in the order set down before our Psalm books , in the second book of Discipline cap. 7. intituled of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , in the second book of Discipline every where , and most frequently by all Ecclesiasticall writers : and therefore those who have obeyed and received Bishops are not perjured , nor have broken that oath , whereby they did swear to adhere to the Discipline of the Church of Scotland . But on the contrary , those of this Assembly who have deposed and excommunicated with such precipitation so many Bishops and Ministers , without observing in their proces these formes prescribed by the Discipline of the Church of Scotland , are evidently perjured according to their own grounds . Secondly , the word Discipline is taken at some times in a more large and ample signification , for the whole Policie of the Church , which in the second book of Discipline cap. 1. is defined to be An order or form of Spirituall Government , which is exercised by the members thereto appointed by the Word of God , for the we ●ll of the whole bodie : which policie cap. 2. is divided , first in regard of the persons , in that part which concerneth Rulers , and that which concerneth them who are ruled ; secondly , in regard of the thing subject to this Policie in three parts . 1. The policie which concernes the preaching of the Word , and the administration of the Sacraments . 2 That which concerneth the censures of the Church or Discipline so properly called . 3. In that which concerneth the collecting and distributions of Almes and ●ent of the Church . Now if any will be so obstinate as to contend , that the word Discipline is taken in this large sense in the Oath of the Covenant ; for their satisfaction likewise , we must consider that in this Discipline or Policie , it is requisite that we distinguish the points which are essentiall and perpetuall , from the points accidentall and mutable ; or as it is expresly distinguished in the first book of Discipline cap. 9. Intituled of the Policie of the Church in things utterly necessary , without the which there is no face of a visible Church , and in things profitable and not meerly necessarie : the points utterly necessary are those which are prescribed by Gods Word to endure perpetually , as that there be Pastors , Teachers and Rulers in the Church , that Gods Word be truely taught , and Sacraments administred according to Christs Institutions , and that the censures of the Church be exercised against scandalous persons , and such other like things . The points not meerly necessary but profitable are those , which are not particularly prescribed by Gods Word , but left to the libertie of the Church to constitute by Ecclesiasticall Canons , setting down the formes , Ceremonies and Orders to be observed in Gods worship , and ruling of the Church , according as the divers circumstances of time , place , and persons doe require : Such as , how many Pastors under what names and titles they ought to bear rule in the Church , over what bounds or what particular persons they ought to have charge , when , where , in what order , gesture , or what habite they ought to preach , pray , or administer Sacraments , and exercise their Authoritie , and divers other Ecclesiasticall Constitutions concerning their particular manner of Government . The first sort ought not to be altered or changed in substance , since they are appointed by God to be perpetuall in the Church , and the oath taken in Baptisme , or entr●e to a calling , doth oblige every one within the Church according to their place and station therein , to observe them perpetually , albeit there had been no other Oath . But so it is that this power and preheminencie here condemned , is not contrary to any of these essentiall points of the policie of the Church appointed by Gods word , but most conforme therto , according to the practice of the Church both under the Old and New Testament ; And therefore in swearing to adhere to these points of Discipline none have abjured this power and preheminence , but therewith have retained those essentiall points without change or Alteration . There be other points of Episcopacie , which are comprehended under the accidentall parts of the Policie of the Church , such as are by what titles or names those who bear chief rule in the Church ought to be called , Whether Bishops , or Superintendents , or Commissioners , or Presidents , or {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or Moderatores , by whose advice they should exercise their Authoritie , whether by Chapters ▪ or Synods , or Presbyteries , or by other wise , godly and learned men , assumed by their own choice to be their C●uncell : Albeit indeed it be more expedient to use these titles and names , which have ever been used in the Apostolick and Primitive Church , and continued by long prescription in after ages , than those new invented titles , by men affecting Singularitie . These points being alterable in their own nature , as not being precisely commanded in Gods word , may be changed by the Church in whose libertie they were left : and therefore no Oath could bind any man to the perpetuall observation thereof , in case it pleased the Church for reasons of expediency to alter them ; for according to that Common Regula Iuris , Iuramentum sequitur naturam actus super quo interponitur , if the things we swear unto be of their own nature perpetui Iuris , the oath taken thereupon bi●des to the perpetuall observation , and no Creature is able to absolve us of that Oath . But if it be Iuris positivi , and onely a Constitution of the C●urch or Common-wealth concerning these things 〈◊〉 are left to the libertie of the Church or Supreme 〈…〉 then certainly , the oath taken thereupon , 〈…〉 longer than the Constitution standeth in force , but being altered by that same lawfull Authoritie whereby it was established , all are ipso facto loosed from the bond of that Oath : yea all those who have sworn to adhere to the Discipline of the Church of Scotland , are bound by vertue of that oath to follow the Church in the alteration she makes in those mutable points , and to obey the new Acts and Constitutions that concerne the same . Although they be different or contrary to the former Acts , and all those who disobey therein contemptuously , are guiltie of perjurie : Therefore since the Church hath altered upon good and grave reasons those formes and Constitutions of Presbyteriall Government , established for a time not upon so good grounds unto the ancient approved manner of Episcopall Government ; all those within the Church are obliged notwithstanding of their former oath to follow the Church in her change without fear of perjurie . And on the contrary all our Covenanters , who before the lawful abrogation of the Constitutions of the Church established by lawfull Authoritie , have not conformed themselves thereto , but disobeying them in their own persons , and by their exemplary practice intised , yea compelled others to disobey and rebell to the disgrace of their mother their Church , and breaking of the bond of peace , whereby the Unitie of the Spirit is conserved doe lye under a fearfull perjurie untill they doe seriously repent . CHAP. XI . Answering to the Acts of the Generall Assemblies produced against Bishops untill that Act at Dundee , 1580. HAving disoussed those passages alleaged out of the Abjuration of the Covenant , it rests that we answer in like manner to the Acts of divers generall Assemblies , produced to prove that the Church hath condemned this power and preheminence of one Pastor over another and over moe particular flocks : albeit a sufficient answer may easily be gathered by the judicious Reader ; out of that which we have said already , yet because many are moved by the Authority of those Assemblies , who doe not understand the manner of their proceedings , we must consider them more particularly , to the end than we may shew what weight and force they ought to have in the Church . Those Acts here cited by them for the more commodious answering without Tautologie may be disposed in three Ranks , first , some of them containe only preparations to the condemning of Episcopacie , as those from the year 1575. to the 1580. next there are some that tend directly to the establishing of the second book of Discipline , transferring the power of Bishops to Presbyteries ; thirdly , others are such as condemne Episcopacie , which all we shall examine particularly in their own order . And first we must observe , that they never alleage one word of any Assembly since the Reformation untill that at Edinburgh 1575. albeit there were thirtie generall Assemblies in Scotland before that time , more uncorrupt , holy and venerable , than any of those which are alleaged of them ; for why they were not able to shew by any probabilitie , that before that time the Church of Scotland did think any evill of this power and preheminencie , but did continually and constantly approve the same both by her Constitutions and practice . Next we must consider the causes and occasions moving the Ministers at that time to alter their judgements in this point , and if we remark the estate of the Church and Kingdome of Scotland at that time , as it is known to all these who have taken paines to understand the true history of the Church and Kingdome of Scotland in those dayes , we shall finde evidently the occasions of this alteration of Iudgement . First , there were at that time some men of learning , but of fiery and violent humours , come into Scotland from Geneva , who because of their travels abroad and learning were had in great esteeme ; and they being themselves greatly in love with Geneva discipline , did labour by all manner of perswasions to move others to like both of the Clergie and Laitie , especially Noblemen , to a liking therof also ; at lest by intreaties , perswasions , and some shew of reason made secretly amongst themselves a reasonable number both of Nobility and Ministry , who carried a great sway in generall Assemblies , and were able to make a partie if the former Government were called in Question . Secondly , they thought the time fit to further their designe , in regard of the Kings Majesties minoritie , being then about ten yeers of age at most , and therefore not capable of the knowledge of that which was most fit for the Government either of the Civill or Ecclesiastick estate , governed himself by divers men of divers humours . Thirdly , there was a great furtherance to this Alteration , in regard of the great troubles , divisions and factions at that time , amongst the Nobilitie and Courtiers , every one striving to thrust out his Neighbour from that imployment he had about the King and Court , as witnes the violent death of three Regents , and the fourth , like enough , had gone the same way ( if his Govermne●t had indured longer ) and many of the Nobility cut off by particular quarrells , some justly , some unjustly under colour of legall proceeding : as witnes likewise an Act of the Assemblie at Edinburgh 1578. whereby a solemn Fast was injoyned for divers reasons , Especially because of the ●ivill and intestine , ungodly S●ditions and Divisions within the Bowells of the Kingdome : Some Noblemen therefore and Courtiers in those factious times , as fishing in troubled waters , to further their own ends did labour to make some pretext of Religion , and therefore did strive to ha●e the Church upon their side , abusing the simplicitie of some of the Ministrie zealous of the new Discipline , and the pride of others impatient of subjection to their Bishops or Superintendents stirring them up to cast off their yoak : knowing that they by their Sermons and private practices might doe much , to make the people incline to which faction they pleased best ; And by that meanes to force the Kings Majestie for fear of a generall insurrection to grant them whatsoever they desired , which policie our Covenanting Noblemen have carefully practised now with great but a dangerous effect : there was never yet in those times so bold a Traitor , but he found Ministers of that sect to Countenance him , and approve his doings both privately and publikly , as witnes their applauding the Earle of Bothwell in his treasonable attempts , for it is certainly known that of those moneyes which was collected by the Ministers for the relief of Geneva , a part was imployed to wage souldiers for him , I know and could name if I pleased both the deliverers and Receivers thereof : It is known also that Ministers of that Sect had a chief hand in all those attempts which commonly are called Roads , as at the road of Stritilling , the road of Leith , and the Abbey road , and at the 17. day of December the Earle of Gowry found one of the prime Ministers of that Sect to justifie his cause , and refuse to give thanks to God for the Kings Deliverie from that treasonable Attempt . Finally , it is well known how King Iames of happy memory was vehemently troubled and vexed most unjustly by that Sect , during the time of that Anarchie of the Church , as he himself left in record in his Basilicon Doron . Fourthly , to those occasions another was joyned to further the ruine of Episcopacie , towit , the Sacrilegious greed of some of the Nobilitie and Courtiers gaping after the Church-rents , which they perceived they could never obtaine so long as the Authority of Bishops did subsist , and therefore did use the uttermost of their endeavour to bear down that estate , pushing forward the Ministers to cry out against the Bishops , and to blue abroad their personall faults both in their Assemblies , Pulpits and private conference , to make the very office it self 〈◊〉 to the people . It is therefore more than manifest ▪ that those troublesome and factio●s times cannot be accounted a good pr●sident for the Government of the Church in after ages ; for shall a few turbulent Assemblies backed and 〈◊〉 forward by factious humours and sacrilegious greed of Noblemen and Courtiers ? in the mi●orage of the Supreme Magistrate constituting a new Discipline , by the example of one small Citie of Geneva , confirmed onely by the practice of fourteen or fifteen yeers at most , be able to counterpoize Gods Word , the continuall practice of the Church of God both under the old and new Testament , and the example of the blessed Apostles and their Successors , the venerable Pastors of the Primitive Church , continued in after ages in all Christian Nations untill this last age ; yea retained by the first reformers of the Church of Scotland , and approved by the Church therein for many yeers thereafter . So that the Authoritie of these Assemblies ought not to move judicious men judging without partiall affection : This much in generall concerning those Assemblies whereby the estate of Bishops was opprest in those dayes , yet to remove all scruple , we shall discusse particularly all the Acts alleaged here out of these assemblies , shewing that they serve little or nothing to the present purpose . First , they alleage that Bishops were tollerated from the year 1572. untill this year 1575. . But by their leave , they were tollerated from the very first years of the Reformation , for so many of them as did joyne themselves to the reformed Religion , retaining the title , office , and Benefice of a Bishop , did exercise their jurisdiction 〈◊〉 all the Pastors a●d people within their Diocese by approbation of the generall Assemblies of the Church , as we have shown before , Cap. 5. So that this was not as they alleage a meer tolleration , but a full consent and approbation , at least in regard of their power and preheminence above Ministers , and charge over moe particular parishes . It is true that Anno 1572. there were divers Bishopricks vacant , and that my Lord Regent did excuse himself to the Assembly , that they had been so long void ; as appears by an Act of that Assemblie at Edinburgh , August 1572. wherein it is recorded , that Alexander Hay Clark of the Councell presented some Articles in name of the Regent to the Assembly , whereof one is My Lord Regent his grace mindes , that with all convenient diligence , qualified persons shall be presented to the Bishopricks now vacant , the delay whereof has not been by his owne default , but by reason that some enteresse ●as made to those livings in favour of some Noblemen , before his acceptation of the Regencie ; yet his Grace is perswaded that qualified persons shall be speedily presented , and in case of fail●i● , will not faile without the others knowledge or consent to present . So it appeares by his excuse , and promise of diligence in times to come , that this was not a tolleration onely , but an earnest suit of the Church , that qualified persons should be presented as they were shortly after and accepted by the Assemblie : The Regent at this time was the worthy Mathew Earle of Lenox , a man of a noble and generous disposition , who bent himself to wrest the Church Livings out of the Noblemens hands , and to establish the Church in her proper lustre , which doubtlesse he had effectuate if he had been suffered longer to live , and so settled things therein , as King Iames of happy memory , and King Charles now raigning should not have had so much trouble and turmoile in redressing the estate thereof againe : But not long after this , he was traiterously murthered at 〈…〉 , and after his death another wind blowing , all his designes were reversed , Episcopacie born down , and the Church brought to miserable povertie . The first Assembly alleaged to prove their conclusion is that in August 1575. which notwithstanding doth nothing make for them , but against them rather , as we shall make manifest by the proceeding of that Assemblie and Conclusion thereof , according as we have faithfully extracted them out of the Register of the Assemblies . At this Assemblie indeed was made the first publik motion against Episcopacie ( although they had before laid privately their plots in their own conventicles ) at the very beginning of the Assembly , when they were calling the Roll of their names , the Bishops ( according to the accustomed order in former Assemblies ) being first called , the promoters of Geneva discipline set forward one Iohn Durie , a man neither of the wisest nor most learned of the Ministrie , but of great boldnesse , which happily he had learned in the Cloister , having been sometime ( as I have heard ) a Monk in Dumfermling ; he rising up made a Protestation , That the calling of the Bishops in the Assemblie should not prejudge the opinions and reasons which he and other Brethren of his mind had to oppone against the office and name of Bishops ; this Protestation being vehemently seconded by others , the question was proposed to the Assemblie in these termes , Whether the Bishops , as they are now in Scotland , have their function of the word of God , or not : a more formall proposition indeed than this in the Assemblie of the Covenanters , albeit it have some ambiguitie also : they thought it not sit to put the matter presently to the voycing , untill it were sufficiently discussed by reasoning pro & contra ; and for that effect there are three appointed upon every part to reason the matter , and to report their judgement and opinion to the Assemblie , and how farre they could agree : the reasoners against Episcopacie were M● . Andrew Meltin Principall of the Colledge of Glasgow , who was the chief man in this cause , M● . Iames Lawson Minister at Edinburgh , and M. Iohn Craig Minister at Aberdeene : on the other part for Bishops were appointed M. George Hay Commissioner of Caithnes , M. David Lyndsay Minister at Leith , M. Iohn Ro●● Minister at P●rth ; they together having conferred and reasoned the matter at length , could not agree upon the Principall question , and therefore the Assembly determined by an Act , That they think it not expedient presently to answer to the Principall question : yet they who were appointed to reason the matter , reported to the Assembly that they had agreed altogether in certain points , First , that the name of Bishop is common to all them which have charge of a particular flock , to preach the Word and administer the Sacrament , which is their chief function by the Word of God . Secondly , That out of this number may be chosen one to have power to visite such reasonable bounds as the Assemblie shall appoint . Thirdly , That he may have power in these bounds to appoint Ministers , with consent of the Ministers of that province , and of the flock to which they are appointed . Fourthly , That he may have power to appoint Elders , and Deacons in every particular Congregation with consent of the people . Fiftly , That he may have power to suspend and depose Ministers for reasonable causes , with consent of the Ministers aforesaid . The which points of agreement were ratified and approved by the next Generall Assembly in April , 1576. whereby it is evident that they did not intend to diminish that power and preheminence , which Superintendents had before over private Ministers , or over the particular Congregations within their bounds , which as we have shown before was no lesse than tha● which Bishops now doe require to have in the Church : And therefore that this Assemblie concluded directly against them , who condemne the power and preheminence of Bishops over Ministers and over moe particular flocks than one . Secondly , we must remark a subtill dissimulation of our Covenanters , who in the Citation of this Act remember only one point of this Agreement towit , That the Name of a Bishop is common to every one of them that hath a particular flock ; but dissembles the other points of agreement which we have rehearsed importing this power and preheminence , because they found them directly contrary to their Conclusion . Thirdly , albeit they intended at this Assemblie presently to have thrown down Episcopacie to the ground , yet because many wise , learned and godly Brethren did oppose them , standing firmly for the ancient discipline of the Church , there passed five or six years in these contestations before the finall sentence was pronounced ; in the mean time those Episcopomastiges ceased not to labour diligently by all meanes to draw others to their judgement , using likewise the perswasions of men of speciall note beyond Seas ; as in the time of the Contestation , the Lord Glames then Chancellor of Scotland was moved by our Genevating Ministers to write to Beza , craving his opinion concerning the present Government under Bishops & Superintendents , to the which letter Beza made a large answer condemning the present Government , and setting down a plot of that Policie and Discipline which he desired them to imbrace , according to the which they did frame their second book of Discipline , and that in many points ipsissimis verbis , as may appear by conferring the Book with his Epistle . That second citation from the Assembly , April 1576. serves nothing to their purpose , for albeit Some Bishops were censured because they had not betaken themselves to a particular flock : yet this might consist with power and preheminence over other as is cleer in the Superindents , who albeit they had particular flocks wherein they were specially bound to attend in preaching the Word , and administration of Sacraments , yet that did not hinder but that they might have charge over other Pastors and moe Parishes . Finally , those corruptions of the estate of Bishops which are set down in the Assemblie at Edinburgh , 1578. were not fully concluded in that Assembly to be damned absolutely , but only proposed by some and craved to be considered . CHAP. XII . Answering to the Acts for establishing of the second Book of Discipline . THe second Rank of Acts cited out of Generall Assemblies are those which concern the establishing of the second Book of Discipline , such as are that Act of the Assembly in April 1578. Sess. 4. that in April 1578. Iuly 1579. Iuly 1580. Sess. 10. April 1581. 1590. 1591. Sess. 4. to the which they need no particular Answer , but Generally concerning this book of Discipline , we answer , first , that this Book of Discipline was brought in head , and urged by the same means and occasions whereof we spake before , to subvert the former established Government , and to bear down Bishops , that the Church the more easie might be robbed of her patrimonie by Noblemen and Courtiers gaping after the Church-rents , and factious humours striving to singularity , contrary to the mind of the wisest and gravest and most modest of the Ministry , and opposed continually by the King & Councel and whole body of the Kingdome , as the very Acts themselves here produced by them doe evidently declare . Secondly , the Acts of those Assemblies can be of no greater force than the book it self , for the establishing whereof they were made . But so it is , that this Book is not in it self that Discipline whereunto we swear to joyne our selves in the Oath of the Covenant , first , because at this time the book of Discipline was but onely a thing in fieri , not as yet concluded when the Oath was made , and therefore could not be accounted to be comprehended therein ; for that Ordinance of the Assemblie at Glasgow , 1581. whereby that Discipline was appointed to be registrated in the Assembly books , did not make it a binding Law , neither was it intended for that end , but as it is expresly set down in the Act it self ad perpetuam rei memoriam , and that the posteritie should think well of the intention of the Church . So it was but a thing intended by the Church , but not effected : as likewise that Ordinance of the Assembly at Glasgow 1590. concerning the subscription to that book , did not extend it self to all , but to actuall Ministers only , and yet of those many did resist it ; as particularly the Ministers of Angus and Mear●es , and divers other parts of the Kingdome , for the which cause it was thought needfull that a new Act should be made Anno 1591. injoyning againe the subscription under a penalty , and particularly to those of Angus and Mear●es . This book was never ratified by any Act of Estate either in Councell or Parliament , without the which they themselves confesse it could not be a Law , as they doe in that Assembly Iuly 1579. and that Assembly 1580 Sess. 10. As for that Act of Parliament 1592. here alleaged , first , it was after the last urging of the swearing of the Covenant 1591. and therefore could not be included in the Oath . Secondly , it was but a partiall ratification , not of the whole book , but of Generall , Synodall , and of Presbyteriall Assemblies , and Parish Sessions , which did still remaine under Episcopall government with greater regularitie than they were before . 2. This book of Discipline many years after the first motion thereof , could not be agreed unto by the greatest and best part of the Ministrie , finding it for the most part but an Imaginary plot , which could be hardly effectuate or indure long in the Church without great corruption , as the event proved . Some of it never put in practice either in the Church of Scotland , or any other Church in the world , like to the frame of Policie in Plato's Republik , or of Outopia , as those points de Diaconatu , concerning the collecting and distribution of the rents of the Church : in some points the contrary hath ever been practised , as it is appointed by that Book Cap. 7. That Landward Churches should not nor could not have particular Elderships , and yet ever after there was not so small a Landward Church , but had their particular Sessions consisting of the Ministers , Elders and Deacons . It is likewise there appointed that Elders once lawfully called to the office may never leave it again ; and yet it hath ever been an use that he who was Elder this year should be casheered the next , and every year a new Election made . Item , it is ordained Cap. 3. That all Ecclesiasticall Parsons , as Pastors , Elders , and Deacons should receive the Ceremonie of ordination to their office , which are declared to be Fasting and Prayer , and imposition of hands of Elderships , and yet they did never practise imposition of hands upon Elders or Deacons , but only in the Ordination of Pastors : many other points might be brought which either were never practised , or the contrary practice brought in . 3. If this Book of Discipline be a declaration of the meaning of Church , whereby the negative Confession in the Covenant should be interpreted , then those who have sworn the Covenant , have sworn also to this Book of Discipline ; if it be so then , which of all the Covenanters can free themselves of perjurie , for I am assured , that the greatest part are not perswaded in their Conscience of the truth of all this Book of Discipline , nor will swear to adhere thereto all the dayes of their lives : let them put their Covenanting Noblemen , and other Gentlemen possessors of the Church Rents , to an assay to swear that point of this Book ca. 9. That to take any part of the patrimony of the Church ( consisting of Tithes , Manses , Glaebs , Possessions , Lands , Biggings , Annuall rents , and any other thing which hath been at any time before , or shall be in times coming , given for the use and utilitie of the Church ) and convert it to the particular and profane use of any person , we hold it a detestable Sacriledge before God . Or that point Cap. 12. That this order which Gods Word craves , cannot stand with patronages , or power of presentation , &c. put them ( I say ) to this Oath particularly , and make them understand , that by swearing to the discipline of the Church of Scotland , they are sworn also to this point ; and then you shall find that they will rather renounce your Covenant before they take such an Oath : Or if they have so bad a Conscience as to swear so directly against their mind , before they perform really that which they swear , by restitution of the patrimonie of the Church and quieting the Right of Patronage , they shall rather revolt from your Covenant , and conforme themselves to the Book of Common Prayer , Book of Canons , and high Commission likewise . So if you should put many of the Ministrie , especially those who possesse rich Parsonages , to swear particularly that point of the Policie appointed by this Book , Cap. 9. & Cap. 12. To suffer the Deacons to intromet with all their Church Rents , and to distribute the same by the direction of the ruling Elders , giving one fourth part for the maintenance of their Lay-Elders and Deacons , another to their poore Hospitals and Schools : another for upholding the fabrick of the Church and other extraordinary affayres , and only a fourth part to be given to the Minister ; they should find few of them who would imbrace their Covenant upon those Conditions . So then to perswade people that by swearing to adhere to the discipline of the Church of Scotland , they swear also to this book and to all the points therein , ( whereunto the whole Church did agree fully in that Assemblie 1578. as they alleage ) either it is a false deluding of the whole Kingdom , in drawing upon their consciences the burden of a fearfull perjurie , or else the Covenanters themselves remaine as yet under that fearfull perjurie , notwithstanding of the renewing of their Covenant , whereby they think that their perjurie is expiate ; for they have not as yet renounced those things which they are bound to renounce by their oath . 4. This Book of Discipline is deficient in the principall points of Church discipline ; there is no order set down therein of the censures of the Church , nor of the manner of proceeding to the sentence of excommunication against offenders , or in the absolution of the penitent , or of receiving them again into the Church who has been excommunicated : in which points that which properly is called the Discipline of the Church doth consist . Every Church hath her Ecclesiasticall Canons , whereby those things are directed , but this book omitting those Canons hath done , as that Painter , who having portraied every Nation in its proper habite , did paint the French man naked with a paire of Taylors sheers in his hand to shape to himself a fashion of Habite , because he changeth yearly according to his fancie : even so this book of Discipline hath given to the Ministers , and Lay-Elders in their Elderships , a power to shape to themselves a new forme of Discipline every year as they please ; so that as I know perfectly , there were few Presbyteries or Sessions in Scotland , but had different manner of proceeding in these things , as I could instance in divers particulars , having seen and perused many Presbyteriall and Session books . And there is none amongst themselves , who frequented divers Presbyteries , but they know this to be true . Finally , this Book is superabundant also , meddling with those things which doe not appertaine to Ecclesiasticall discipline , as setting down rules restraining the civill and supreme Magistrate in the execution of his charge committed to him by God , debarring him from meddling with Ecclesiasticall matters , and not giving him so much power therein , as to a Shoemaker or Taylor being a ruling Elder , and giving him no definitive power , but only to be an executioner of that which they define , and such other points of Iesuiticall doctrine . Seeing therefore this book of Discipline was never fully approved , nor practised by the Church , nor fully ratified by the estate and kingdome , nor received fully by the Covenanters themselves , and since it is de●icient in principall points of Discipline , and superabundant in meddling wit●things impertinent , it cannot be accounted that discipline whereunto all are sworn by the oath of the Covenant : And therefore that all those Acts of Assemblies cited here for the establishing thereof are impertinent to prove their conclusion . CHAP. XIII . VVherein is discussed that Act of the Generall Assemblie at Dundee 1580. Condemning Episcopacie , as it was then in Scotland . THe principall Act whereupon they chiefly insist , and ground this abjuration and meaning of the Church in these years when the Covenant was sworn , is that Act of the Generall Assemblie at Dundee Iuly 1580. whereby The office of a Bishop ( as it was then used in Scotland ) is condemned as unlawfull in it self : and that Act at Glasgow in April 1581. explaining the same , declaring it to be understood not of the spirituall function only , but of the whole office of a Bishop , as it was then used . Albeit the Church appeareth wholly to have condemned by those Acts all the points of the function of a Bishop , yet if we consider rightly , we shall finde nothing in them which proveth directly the determination of this Assemblie ; for I cannot see how the whole Church of Scotland did agree at that time in condemning as unlawfull in it self , either this point of Episcopacie which is condemned by this Assemblie of Covenanters 1638. or any Substantiall point either of the Spirituall or temporall function thereof , except they grant that the Church at that time did contradict it self . First , I am assured they intended not to condemne in Bishops , as unlawfull it self , the preaching of the Word , the Administration of the Sacraments , and the exercise of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , since they acknowledge themselves that these are the principall points of their spirituall function in that Act of the Assemblie 1575. discussed here before . Secondly , neither did they condemn as unlawfull in it self , the name and title of a Bishop to be appropriated to some Pastors by others , for first , they did allow the title of Superintendent to be appropriated to some pastors , which is a word of the same sense and signification , and importing as great Authoritie and Iurisdiction as the other ; And therefore it were but a foolish Logomachie , or strife about words to allow the one title , and condemne the other . Secondly , it may aswell be condemned as unlawfull , to appropriate the name of Minister to the degree of preaching Pastors , which is common to all those who have charge in the Church : or to appropriate the name of Elder to their ruling Elders only , which is common to all Pastors , Apostles , Evangelists , and Bishops . Thirdly , neither did they condemne as unlawfull in it self , their power and preheminence over the Ministers in their Diocese , or charge over moe particular Parishes , first , because there were points agreed upon by both parties before this Assemblie , and approved by a speciall Act as we have shown before , Cap. 11. Secondly , because this power was as yet still remaining in the persons of Superintendents , Commissioners and Visitors , and long after this time . Fourthly , neither did they condemne as unlawfull in it self , their power of Convocation of Synodall Assemblies and their moderation therein , for the Church acknowledged this power to be lawfull in Superintendents , as we have shown by divers Acts of Assemblies , Cap. 5. for if it were unlawfull in it self , it could not be thought lawfull under any title whatsoever . Fiftly , neither did they condemne as unlawfull in it self their sitting and voycing in Councell or Parliament , or other Civill Iudicatories ; for they acknowledge in the second book of Discipline , Cap. 11. That Pastors may and should assist their Princes when they be required in all things agreeable to Gods Word , whether it be in Councell or Parliament , or otherwise . So a little before this time M. Robert Pont , who was a Pastor and Commissioner of Caithenes , had licence from the Assemblie to exercise the office of a Senator of the Colledge of Iustice , which was a civill Iudicatorie : That proviso which is added to this doth not import any unlawfulnes in the office , Providing they neglect not their own charge , nor by flatterie of Princes hurt the publik estate of the Church ; if any doe so , it is but a personall fault , and not essentiall to the office , for Bishops may doe more good in those places for the publik weal of the Church , than their Apostles of the Covenant by their long staying in Edinburgh farre from their own particular charges , attending the tables of the Covenant , and gadding up and down the Countrie to stirre up the Kings Subjects to rebellion against him , and to disturb the estate of the Church and Kingdome , as many of the Covenanting Ministers have done . These are the principall points both of the Spirituall and temporall functions of the Bishops , and since they were not accounted by the Church unlawfull in themselves , how can this be that this Assembly hath justly condemned The whole estate of Bishops as unlawfull in it self ; except the Ambiguitie lurk in these words which are there added and often repeated , As it is now used in Scotland , signifying that it was only the corruptions which were in those who were Bishops at that time which they did condemn , and not Episcopacie absolutely . It may be true indeed , that there were some corruptions at that time in those who had the office of Bishops , or that they did not exercise their office aright , retaining some corruptions of the Roman Church , but for these personall faults , the office should not have been condemned of it self , since these corruptions might have been separated from the office , as they were indeed by the new re-establishment of Bishops in the year 1606. 1608. And certainly , they understood those corruptions which are remaked to have been in the Bishops by the book of discipline , Cap. 11. whereof some are corruptions indeed , but not competent to that office , as it was now established in Scotland by generall Assemblies and Acts of Parliament : others of them are only supposed corruptions , which cannot be convinced to be such indeed , either by Gods Word , or testimonie of approved Fathers , or practice , or example of the primitive Church . 1. They say , it is a corruption that the name of Bishop should be appropriated to some few : we have answered to this a little before , shewing that this is only a proud doting about questions and strife of words , as the Apostle sayes , 1 ▪ Tim ▪ 6. 4. 2. They account it a corruption , that they addict not themselves to a particular flock : I answer , that they doe so , for their Diocese is their particular flock ; Then it is neither necessarie nor expedient , that he to whom the generall charge of many parishes is committed , should astrict himself to one Parish only , nor can the contrary be convinced from Gods Word , wherein we finde no such divisions of Parishes as is now . 3. They challenge them that they are called Lords over their brethren , and over the inheritance of the Lord : But first we say , that they are not called Lords in regard of their rule over their Brethren , but in regard of their temporall Lordships bestowed upon them by the Liberalitie of Princes , and in regard of their place in Parliament and Councell : then this title of Lord , like as Dominus in Latine , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Greek is sometimes a word signifying absolute and illimitated Dominion . So we see that divers Emperors , albeit in effect they had absolute dominion , yet did they refuse often the title of Dominus because it was odious to people , and in this sense Bishops are not called Lords , neither doe they arrogate to themselves such absolute and unlimited dominion , as to doe what they pleased , but they must be ruled by the Canons of the Church . But otherwise the title of Lord is only a word of honour competent to every man of respect , to whom it pleases the Prince , or custome of the Countrey to give that title , as in France we see the Bishops are no otherwise intituted than other ordinarie Gentlemen , calling them Mounsieur ; so likewise in Spaine and Italy Seignior , which title is also given to any other man of worth ; it is only the custome of the Countrey of England and Scotland , whereby this title of Lord is given to Bishops , and not for any absolute Dominion they arrogate thereby . 4. They account it a corruption that Bishops should have further bounds to visite then they may lawfully ( they would say conveniently : ) but that corruption may easily be amended by division of the Diocese , as is lately done in the Diocese of St. Andrews , without abolishing the whole office . 5. That a Pastor should have criminall Iurisdiction : we answer they have not this as Pastors or Bishops , but as a priviledge by the Laws of the Countrey annexed to their temporall lands , which notwithstanding they doe not exercise in their own person , but by their Stewards or Bailif●es . 6. They count it a corruption , that Bishops would not subject themselves to the correction and censures of the particular Elderships or Presbyteries : this is but a supposed corruption , and if it were so , it were a great corruption indeed , and a most uncomely and confused disorder , to give libertie to the inferior members to correct the head ; it is true indeed , that Bishops ought to be subject to the censures of Generall or Nationall Councels , and none of them will think themselves exeemed from such a one as is lawfully constituted . Albeit the Bishops did decline upon many just reasons this Assembly of Covenanters , which are at length expressed in their declinature , yet if that the Assemblie had been constituted according to the present established order of the Church , they would never have declined from the same . The last corruptions , they remark in the Bishops as they were then in Scotland , is , that they did not instruct their people in Gods Word , which is a corruption indeed , but not essentiall to the office of a Bishop , or allowed by a Law : if any omit that dutie , let them be censured for their personall fault , it is great iniquitie to condemn the whole office as unlawfull in it self , for the personall fault of one or two . But I perceive that the chief thing which was then condemned in Episcopacie is , that they did not receive their Commission to exercise their charge from the Church , or that every Minister had not his voyce in the Nomination or Election of Bishops , but that they were nominated and presented by the King , elected by those of the Chapton only , and consecrated by other Bishops , and this was the thing which moved them ●o despitefully to condemn that estate , in the constitution whereof every one of them had not a hand , and in all their proceedings both in the book of Discipline and Acts of Assemblies it appeares , that this was the chief thing they required , that if they had had their Commission only from the Church or generall Assemblie , they would have condescended to all other points of their function . 1. In the second book of Discipline , Cap. 11. they confess that albeit Pastors as pastors have not power over moe ●locks than one , yet if it be given them by the Church they may exercise it lawfully . 2. In the Assemblie 1575. it is agreed by both parties as we have declared , that amongst the pastors one may be chosen by the Church to visite certaine bounds comprehending many particular parishes , and therein to plant Ministers , to suspend and depose them for reasonable causes . 3. In the Assemblie at Edinburgh 1578. one of the principall petitions they make to the Regent , was that none should be admitted to vote in Parliament in name of the Church , excep● such as have Commission from the Church . 4. In the second book of Discipline , Cap. 11. It is said that no person under whatsoever title ought to attempt any Act in name of the Church either in Councell or Parliament , having no Commission from the Church ; so that if that had been done , we see that they acknowledge both their power and preheminence over other Pastors , their charge over moe particular flocks , their sitting in Councell , and voting in Parliament to have been lawfull , which are the principall points both of the Spirituall and temporall function of Bishops , which they challenge in this Assemblie to be unlawfull . If then we can shew that the Bishops have received from the Church such a Commission , to exercise all these points of their office , how can it be denied but they may exercise them lawfully , since this is the only exception against them in these things : Therefore we shall make it appear that Bishops have received from the Church this Commission . 1. Christ himself who is the head of the Church having all power , gave to the Apostles this Commission to exercise power and preheminence in all Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters , over all both Pastors and people throughout the whole world . 2. The Apostles who were at the beginning the representative Church , gave the like Commission to Bishops over certaine bounds over the which they received Iurisdiction , as Paul gave to Timothy in Ephesus , and the bounds of Asia minor thereabout , Commission to plant Churches , to ordaine Presbyters and Deacons , to have Iurisdiction and Rule over them being ordained , to receive or repell accusations given in against them , and by consequent to judge and correct , or censure them : the same Commission received Titus in the Kingdome of Creta ; neither can it be doubted , but the rest of the Apostles gave the like Commission unto others in these Nations where they travelled to preach the Gospel , who were to succeed them in the rule and Government of the Churches , wherin they had not only the Name , but also the office , and that power of Bishops which is here called in Controversie ; as none can deny , except those who will impudently deny all t●rue records of Antiquitie , since all the o●thodox Fathers who succeeded the Apostles , and lived in the same age with them , doe with unanimous consent testifie the same . The which Commission was derived from the Primitive Church ( who received it from the Apostles ) to those of succeeding ages , confirmed by continuall practice uncontrouled for the space of fifteen hundred years by any Orthodox writers , untill this last age that some of the Church of Geneva began to call it in question . 3. The Commission to vote in Parliament they could not have at the beginning , when there was no Christian Magistrates or Common-wealths , yet so soone as Kingdomes and Common-wealths received the publik exercise of Christian Religion authorized by Laws , then the Church considering that many of the Civill Laws did either directly or indirectly reflect upon Ecclesiasticall matters and Religion ; and that it was very expedient , that Ecclesiasticall Constitutions for better obedience thereto should be strengthened by the Laws of the Kingdome , they did earnestly supplicate Emperors , Kings and Magistrates that some Commissioners from the Church might have place in their Soveraign Courts , whereby Laws were established to further therein the cause of God and the Church , and to take heed Nè Ecclesia aliquid detrimenti capiat : the which supplications Christian Emperors , Kings and Magistrates out of a pious zeal did grant , And therefore did authorize the Bishops and Prelates to sit in their Soveraigne Courts in name of the Church ; this priviledge many godly and learned Prelates did injoy to the unspeakable good of the Church , and advancement of Christian Religion : so that it is no lesse , but rather a great deal mo●e wicked Sacriledge to rob the Church of this so profitable a priviledge , than to rob her of her patrimonie : and therefore no marvell , though these who make no scruple in Conscience to be sacrilegious in the one , be also sacrilegious in the other . 4. To come neerer to our Church of Scotland it is evident by all histories , that since there were Christian Princes therein , the reverend Bishops did not onely rule the Ecclesiastick affaires , but also had a great hand in the affaires of the Civill estate , and did much good by their wise Counsell to the King , the Church and whole Kingdome , before Popish tyrannie had place therein ; and that since there were any formall Parliament in Scotland , the Prelats made up the third Estate , and did represent the whole Church therein , both by the consent of the Church and fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome , so that to the enacting of any Law , the consent of Prelates was ever thought as necessarie as any of the other two Estates . And therefore since by the fundamentall Laws of this Kingdome , no Act in Civill or Ecclesiasticall matters ever had the strength of a binding Law without the consent of all the three Estates , whosoever will prease to suppresse the estate of Prelates doe reverse and destroy the very fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome . 5. To come yet neerer to the reformed Church of Scotland , at the very first reformation , those who were appointed in the place of Bishops called Superintendents , had by Commission from the Church as great power and preheminence over other Pastors , and all the Parishes within the bounds of the charge committed to them , as Bishops doe now require in their Diocese . It is true , the Superintendents had not vote in Parliament , nor could have ; for why the Bishops retained still their possession in those places upon their ancient Commission , often ratified in Parliament both before and after the Reformation , never quarrelled by any Generall Assemblie of the Church , untill that Assemblie at Edinburgh in October 1578. wherein the Bishops are required only , not to vote in Parliament in name of the Church without speciall Commission there●ra . And a few years before , to wit , at the Assemblie at Edi●burgh 1573. the whole Iurisdiction and power of Bishops is expresly allowed by the Church , with some exceptious not very materiall as we remarked before , and yet there is no mention of excepting this power , to vote in Parliament in name of the Church , whereby they doe tacitely at the least approve this the ancient Commission of the Bishops to vote in Parliament in name of the Church . Finally , at the last re-establishing of Bishops , Thu Commission to vote in Parliament in name of the Church was expresly given to them by the Church ; for first , by that Assemblie at Montrosse 1600. the Church gave Commission to a certaine number of Ministers ( though not under the title of Bishops ) to have a care of the Generall affaires of the Church , and to voice in Parliament in name of the Church : then the generall Assemblies at Glasgo● and Lithgow in the year 1606. 1608. 1610. they did under the very title of Bishops receive full Commission from the Church , not only to vote in Parliament , but likewise to exercise their whole Iurisdiction , power and and preheminence over all Pastors and people within the bounds of their Diocese , and so every Bishop particularly by their election and consecration receives power to use this Commission , whensoever occasion shall be offered : neither is it necessary , that for every severall Act they doe in name of the Church , they have a new particular Commission for that effect ; but it is sufficient , that by the consent of the Church and Estates of the Kingdome , this power is annexed to the office of a Bishop for ever , so that whosoever should be elected to that office , should have this Commission once for all during his life time , or untill by his malversation in his charge he be lawfully and legally deprived . It is true indeed , that the Church may adde new Articles to their Commission , as times and occasions requires ; as is done in England and Ireland where the Convocation of the Clergie sits ever in the time of Parliament , to consider upon such Articles as are thought by common consent to serve for the wee l of the Church , and by them are presented to the Bishops , that by their care they may receive due ratification : but the turbulent behaviour of some Ministers in Scotland , who scornes to have their petitions proposed orderly by the Bishops , hath as yet barred the Clergie of Scotland from that priviledge . Now to conclude this point , since for ought we can see , the only exception that the Church of Scotland hath made against any point of the function of Bishops , at that time when Episcopacie was condemned as unlawfull , Anno 1580. & 1581. is that they had not their power and preheminence by Commission from the Church or generall Assemblie , and since that exception , as we have shown , is now removed , it is evident that those Acts of the Assemblies at Dundee , 1580. and at Glasgow , 1581. doe not serve to prove the Conclusion of this Assemblie , and therefore are impertinently alleaged . CHAP. XIIII . Discussing the rest of the Acts of Assemblies here cited . SInce all the rest of the Acts in the subsequent Assemblies against Bishops are grounded upon these two former Acts , whereby the office of a Bishop was condemned , and since we have shown in the former Chapter that they doe not serve to prove the Conclusion of this Assemblie , and therefore the rest of the Acts depending thereupon must have as little strength as they , so that we need not to insist in the particular discussing of every one of them : yet lest it be thought that we have over past them altogether , we shall remark some few particular observations upon them , whereby it may be perceived that if they serve not for their purpose here ▪ yet that they serve in divers points against them . First , those Acts cited here concerning the presentation by the King , and admission by the Presbytery of Glasgow of M. Robert Montgomerie to the office of the Archbishop of Glasgow . and of M. Robert Po●s to be Bishop of Caith●es , and the divers ineffectuall suits made by the Generall Assemblies to the King , Councell and Parliament , for advancing of their Presbyteriall Discipline , and suppression of Bishops , to wit , those presented by the Assemblies 1580. 1581. & 1587. serves against them in so farre as they declare , that their violent proceedings against Bishops , and for establishing of their new discipline , was not allowed by the Kings Majestie and Councell , and whole body of the Kingdome in Parliament all this time , but directly resisted , as contrary to their wills and manifest intentions , whereby it is evident , that neither the King nor the Councell , nor the whole body of the Kingdome had any such meaning or intention , as by that oath of the Covenant , to abjure Episcopacie . 2. Although that the King and estate suffered an Act to passe in Parliament 1592. establishing in a part their new discipline , yet was it not their meaning to approve the same directly . But for a pregnant reason of estate , they did tollerate lesser evils , that greater might be eschewed : for at that time it is well known , that the King and estate were mightily astonished by the late discovery of a dangerous conspiracie of sundry Noblemen of greatest power in the Kingdome , by the practice of some tras●ieking Iesuites and Gentlemen affected to the Popish Religion , such as Father Creightou , father Abercromy , Sir William Graham of Fentry , M. George Carr , and others who brought in great summes of Spanish gold , and promised greater , whereby those Noblemen and many others of their Faction were corrupted to betray their Native Countrey , promising by their letters , and subscription of blank papers , to give way and assistance to the King of Spaines Navie to enter within the bowels of the Kingdome : No marvell therefore , although ( in so perillous a time , when a totall ruine both of Church and Kingdome , of Policie and Religion was feared and threatned ) the King and estate thought it fit for eschewing the present danger , to give way at that time to those new Disciplinarians , suffering that Act of Parliament to passe in their favour ; fearing that if they should have resisted their present importunity , turbulent spirits ( as some of them were ) might have made a further distraction , even amongst these who adhered to the true Religion , whereby an other gate might have been opened for the entrie of forraigne enemies , and so the estate being thus devided should have been lesse able to resist the common enemie . This was the very true reason whereby his Majestie was in a manner forced to condescend to this Act , whereof they brag so much , contrary to his own judgement and constant intention : as is evident by that which followed , for no sooner was that blast past , and that Conspiracie repressed , but King Iames of happie memory did set himself more earnestly than ever he did before , to re-establish Episcopall government , and bear down that new discipline , the evils and corruptions whereof disturbing both Church and Common-wealth he perceived daily more and more . 3 We must remark that this Act of Parliament 1592. was the first that ever did allow presbyteriall Government by a Law , and therefore ought to be accounted the first establishment thereof in the Kingdome of Scotland , whereby it appears , how short a continuance it had in this Church , and how soone it became loathsome to all estates of persons , Spuria , putamina non agunt altas radices : For not full eight years after this , in the Assemblie at Montrosse , 1600. it received a great blow , and Episcopacie was by one step more advanced , wherein it was concluded that a certaine number of ministers who were nominated by the King , should supply the place of Bishops , by voycing in Parliament in name of the Church , and to have a care of the generall affaires thereof under the name . of Commissioners , whose power was inlarged by that Assembly at Haliru●house , 1602. and Bishops thereafter under their own proper title were established in their full power and Iurisdiction by the generall Assemblies of the Church 1606. 1608. 1610. & solemnly ratified by consent of the three Estates in Parliament , 1612. 4. We cannot omit that Act cited out of the Assemblie March 1589. wherein it is said for asmuch as the Neighbour Kirk in England is understood to be heavily troubled for maintaining of the true Discipline and Government , whose griefes ought to move us : therefore the Presbyterie of Edinburgh was ordained to comfort the said Church in the said matter . I cannot conceive whom they call The Church of England here , except it be some few Schismaticks , who a little before this time were challenged before the Starre-chamber , for disturbing the Church and Kingdome , by promoting unto the people a new forme of Discipline , different in many points both from the Scottish Discipline , and that of Geneva ; who because they did obstinately refuse to answere to some interrogatories proposed to them by the Councell of England , were committed to prison ; of which number was one Wigintone , who stirred up three fanaticall fellows , Edmund Coppinger , William Hacket and Henry Arthington to labour for their relief , perswading them that they were extraordinarily called thereto , Hacket being mightily possessed by this humour did give out that Christ was descended from heaven with his fan in his hand , and had called him extraordinarily to purge both Church and Common-wealth , he sent out before him his two principall Prophets Coppinger and Arthington , to whom he assigned a diverse charge , that Coppinger should offer grace and mercie to the people , if they would beleeve and follow him , for the relief of the faithfull servants of God , and Arthingtone should denounce Gods wrath and eternall damnation to unbeleevers who would not adhere to them : those two being sent by Hacket came to the streets of London , and did preach according to their charge , railing impudently against the Queen and Councell , declaring openly that she was fallen from her right to the Crowne , and that Hacket was their King whom they ought to obey , being placed in Christs stead ; whereby they moved great multitudes of the Common people to follow them , but before they could effectuate their purpose , they were prevented by certaine of the Councell sent by the Queen , who apprehended them in the very Act at Cheapside the 16. of Iuly 1591. for the which cause Hacket was executed as a Traitor , Coppinger killed himself in prison , and Arthington repenting him of his madnesse did confesse their whole proceedings : in whose Confession it was declared that they had received an incouragement to this attempt from Scotland by the means of one Penry , who having been a certaine space a Preacher in Scotland , wa● returned a little before this enterprise , and was lurking then in the City of London , or in some place thereabouts : this Penry was chiefly the man who procured these consolatorie letters from the Assembly to his Companions , to the great disgrace of the Church of Scotland , as having given encouragement to further such a treasonable attempt : and apparantly that letter written from Scotland by one Gibson to Coppinger was one of these consolatorie letters ordained by the Assemblie to be written to them ; wherein he saith , The best of our Ministers are most carefull of your estate , and have sent for that effect a Preacher of our Church ( to wit Penry ) this last sommer ( 1590. ) of purpose to conferre with the best affected Ministers of your Church , to lay down a plot how our Church might best travell for ●our relief . I have heard some of the wisest and gravest of the Ministrie of Scotland at that time , who did heavily regrate that the Church of Scotland was mightily abused by this Penry , who although he was for a time in great estimation amongst the people , and some of the chief Ministers likewise , yet they found him at last an arrant K●ave . I am sorry that the Brethren of this Assemblie have been so inconsiderate , as to refricare ban● scabie● , in calling to remembrance again , that oppro●ric of the Church of Scotland in these times , as having had two deep a hand in that attempt , to stirre up a Combustion in our Neighbour Kingdome and Church , but our Covenanters are so farre from being ashamed thereof , as they cease not as yet to use all meanes to doe the like , if they could find in England such fanaticall fellows , as Hacket and Coppinger . CHAP. XV . Discussing the Conclusion of the Act . NOw after they have set down their confused rapsody of Reasons for proving the determination of their Assembly , they conclude in these Hyperbolicall termes , All which and many other reasons being publikly read , and particularly at great length examined , and all objections answered in the face of the Assembly , all the members of the Assembly , being many times required to propone their doubts and scruples , and every one being heard to the full , and after much agitation as fully satisfied , &c. Magnifick words indeed . Dare pondus idonea fumo . able to give weight to the light smoak of their reasons : it is a strange matter if it be true that in one only Session , in the shortest day almost in the whole year the 8. of December , so many things could be done to the full , that all these reasons and many others could be particularly at great length examined in so short a space , All objections that could be proponed exactly answered Every member of the Assembly heard to the full , Every member of the Assembly being many times desired and required to propound not only their great Doubts , but their small scruples also ; and after much agitation all being fully satisfied : certainly , the perswaders had need of great volubilitie of tongue , to repeat so many reasons in so short a time , to propose and to answer to many so strong objections , as might have been alleaged against their Conclusions , and the Eloquence of Cicero or Demosthenes , yea , the tongues of Angels to perswade to the full all their hearers of the truth of their reasons and answers : and these who were contrary minded had need of pregnant wits to conceive all their perswasions so quickly , yea of some secret Enthusiasme and divine inspiration to change their hearts , who not long agoe were fully perswaded to the contrary , and had confirmed their per●wasion by their oath of Canonicall obedience to their Bishops , and had practised accordingly for a long time : all these things alleaged here to have been done , had required a greater space to have done them Exactly to the full than the space of a whole month , which was the whole time this Assembly did sit in determining with this point many other Articles of no smal consequence ; so precipitate were they in their determinations , fearing les● they should have been prevented , before they had vented their great malice against Moses and Aaron , the King , and the Bishops to the Full . Secondly , after this Bravado the Moderator did put the matter to voycing in these termes , Whether according to the Confession of Faith , as it was professed in the year , 1580. 1581. & 1590. there be any other Bishop , but a pastor of a particular ●●ock , having no preheminence nor power over his Brethren , and whether by that Confession , as it was then professed , all other Episcopacie is abjured , and ought to be removed out of this Kirk . This proposition we have discussed before at the beginning in stating the question as was most fit , to the end we might more easily perceive whether the reasons alleaged did conclude directly the point in Controversie : where we have shown evidently , that this proposition , as it is here set down , was informall , obscure , ambiguous , sophisticall , and such a one as it was impossible to answer Categoric● , either affirmative or negative , as all voy●es ought to be given and are accustomed to be in any orderly meeting , therefore we need not to insist further therein in this place . Thirdly , when it comes to the voycing , they say , The whole Assembly most unanimously without contradiction of any one ( and with the hesitation of one alla●erly ) professing full perswasion of ●ind did voyce , &c. No marvell , though all these who were present and admitted to give voyce , did so without contradiction , since all those whom they suspected , would make any contradiction were either excluded from being Commissioners , or if they were chosen Commissioners , were debarred from voycing by the Rulers of the Covenant , according to the instructions sent from their Tables at Edinburgh , and directed to every Presbyterie , some publikly to all , some secretly to those of every Presbyterie , who were most affected to the cause ; and to make this evident , it shall not be amisse to set down some of their instructions verbatim . 1. Order must be taken that none be chosen ruling-Elders but Covenanters , and those wel-affected to the businesse . 2. That where the Minister is not wel affected , the ruling-Elder be chosen by the Commissioners of the Shire , and spoken to particularly to that effect . 3. That they be carefull that no Chapter-men , Chappel-men , or Ministers , Iustices of peace , be chosen Commissioners although they be Covenanters . 4. That the Commissioners of the Shire cause conveen before them the ruling-Elder of every Chur●h before the day of the election , and injoyne them upon their oath that they give vote to none to be Commissioner , but to those who are named already at the meeting at Edinburgh . 5. That such as are erroneous in doctrine or scand●lous 〈◊〉 life ( and such only they account those who are contrary to their Covenant ) be presently processed , that they be not chosen Commissioners , and if they shall happen to be chosen by the greater part , that all the best affected protest against them , and come to the Assembly to testifie the same . There were divers likewise who were chosen and admitted Commissoners , and yet did remove themselves when the Assemblie was discharged by the Kings Authoritie , out of conscience of obedience to the Sover●igne Majestie and detestation of Rebellion before this point was put to voycing : Therefore none remaining except these who were resolved to be partakers of Rebellion , no marvell , though none of them did contradict their rebellious Leaders . We see indeed this same unanimous consent in all the rest of the Articles which were put to voycing in this Assembly , whereby it may be cleerly discerned , that all of them before this time were resolved upon amongst themselves , by a sensible preagreement at their Tables at Edinburgh , to the which agreement , they did astrict all the Commissioners before they were admitted to have voice in this Assembly : and for that effect it is injoyned both by their secret and publik instru●tions . That every Presbyterie shall send their Commissioners to Edinburgh before the first of October ( which was seven weeks before the day appointed to the beginning of the Assembly ) to the end they may know their own strength the better at their next meeting . So that these Acts cannot be accounted the Acts of the generall Assembly of the Church at Glasgow , but rather Acts of those seditious tables of Covenanters at Edinburgh , and only repeated here at Glasgow for the fashion . Fourthly , wherein was this unanimous consent of their suffrages ? It was ( say they ) That all Episcopacie different from that of a Pastor over a particular flock , was abjured in this Kirk , and to be removed out of the same . If this was their unanimous suffrage and no more , I marvell not that there were no contradiction : Yea , I beleeve , that if all the Bishops in Scotland , and all those who had refused to subscribe their Covenant , had been admitted to give their voyce , they should not have contradicted this : for neither doe these words answer to the propositon of the Moderator , nor doe they condemn Episcopacie in any point , as it was then used in Scotland , or in the primitive Church . As for the first , that it doth not answer directly to the proposition , I prove it in two substantiall points : for first ( as we declared before in setting down of the state of the question ) the Moderators proposition included three distinct questions . 1. Whether according to the confession of Faith , as it was professed anno 1580. 1581. & 1590. there be any other Bishop but a Pastor of a particular flock , having no preheminence nor power over his Brethren . 2. Whether by the confession of Faith , as it was then professed , all other be abjured . 3. Whether all other ought to be removed out of this Kirk or not . But in voycing they answer only to the last two , omitting altogether the the first , which notwithstanding is the ground of both the other : And indeed considering the informalitie of the proposition , I esteeme that they had good reason to answer so , for if they had done otherwise , their voices had been as informall and intricate as the proposition was , because they could not answer Categorically to all three at once , for why , according to their grounds they behooved to answer to the first Negati●● , and to the other two affirmativè ; and therefore lest their answers should have been obscure and intricate , including both a negative and affirmative voyce , they did wisely to answer to those questions only , to the which one affirma●ive voyce might serve . 2. The propo●ition containeth two points of Episc●pacie , to wit , Charge over moe particular flocks , and power and preheminence over other Brethren , demanding , if both these points be abjured or not , and both to be removed : But in voycing they determine only the first point concerning their charge over moe particular ●locks than one , not a word of their abjuring or removing their power and preheminence over their 〈◊〉 , which notwithstanding is the chief point that doth most grieve our ●ovenenters , and for removing whereof they have raised all this trou●l● Be it therefore known to all , that this Assembly which was 〈◊〉 conve●ned to condemn Episcopacie ▪ did 〈…〉 this power and preheminence over their 〈…〉 therefore that this standing still in force in the Church of Scotland , whosoever yeeldeth not due obedience to the Bishops according to their oath , are evidently perjured , and are not absolved from their oath by this Assembly except they would say that they have extended the Conclusion further then all their unanimous voyces could suffer ; which as they must confesse is the greatest iniquitie which can be committed by any Assembly whatsoever . Finally , if it be so , that no episcopacie is here condemned , except that which is different from a Pastor of a particular flock ; there is nothing here condemned in the Bishops , either as they were of old in the p●imitive Church , or were of late in Scotland , and are as yet in England and Ireland , yea , no Episcopacie is here abjured , except that of the Bishop of Rome , who only arrogats to himself to be the Pastor of the universall flock : all other Bishops requires no more , but to be a Pastor of a particular flock , and as Cyprian faith , Episcopatus 〈◊〉 est , cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur : there is no bounds prescribed by Gods word of a particular ●lock , but the Church by the Authority of the Magistrats , for the more commodious ruling of the Church , and for conserving unitie , have divided Kingdoms in provinces , and provinces in particular Dioceses , and Dioceses in particular parishes , appointing to every part their own rulers , so that as a parish is the particular flock of a Presbyter or Minister ; even so a Diocese is the particular flock of a Bishop , the province the particular flock of an Archbishop , and the Nation or Kingdome in regard of the universall Church is the particular flock of a Primate . Neither may any Bishop lawfully usurpe charge over the particular flock of another Bishop without his consent . Their Apostles of the Covenant who went through the Country to preach , not the Gospel of peace , but their seditious Covenant and mortall warre against the King and all his Loyall Subjects , albeit they pretend to be Pastors only of a particular parish , yet did violently intrude themselves to exercise charge in the parishes of other pastors , without warrant or Authoritie , or lawfull calling from the Church , and contrary to the Constitutions of the Church of Scotland , established even then when presbyteriall government was in greatest force , drawing after them many thousands of people to disobedience and open Rebellion , and by consequent to perdition , except they repent ; and yet who dare be so bold as to say to any of them cur ita facis ? I cannot see what they can answer to this grosse and absurd escape in not answering by their voices fully to the proposition , and extending the determination of the Assembly further than the voyces can suffer , except that they would alleage that it is a fault in the Printer , and that it was otherwise in the originall Register , which is not like to be true for these reasons : first , because if it had been so that they had answered fully to the proposition , their suffrages should not have been Categoricall , but very informall and intricate , including both a negative and an affirmative voyce . 2. Their Clerk M. Archibald Iohnstone hath testified the contrary , by adding to this printed Coppie , and all other which I have seen his signe and Manuall subscription , testifying thereby that they are printed according to the originall Acts contained in the Authentick Register , out of the which he affirmes , he hath not only collected and extracted these Acts , but also visied them , to see if the extract was according to the originall ; if he had committed such an absurd escape in omitting the very principall point whereupon the whole Act doth depend , and being that Act also for the which the Assembly was chiefly conveened : he hath certainely shown himself a very Asse , unworthy of that trust which the whole Assembly did commit unto him by an expresse Act , constituting him the only visitor and approver of all things that are to be printed concerning the Church or Religion . 3. Albeit it had been true that Iohnstone might ●ave overseen himself so far , yet how could it be possible that the Moderator , and others committed to visite the Acts should have suffered such a fault , as reverseth the whole Act about the which greatest care was taken to passe forth before it was diligently corrected . Therefore I cannot but beleeve assuredly that there was no fault committed by the Printer , but that the Act was printed according to the originall Register , and that it was so written in the Register , as it was voyced unanimously in the Assembly , and that the voycers had no other meaning then their words did expresse : and therefore that nothing in effect was concluded in this Act against Episcopacie , as the title of the Act beares . And so we may conclude justly in these words of the Satyrick . Poet : Parturiunt moutes & nascitur ridiculus mus . FINIS . 
A51154	----	An apology for the clergy of Scotland chiefly oppos'd to the censures, calumnies, and accusations of a late Presbyterian vindicator, in a letter to a friend : wherein his vanity, partiality and sophistry are modestly reproved, and the legal establishment of episcopacy in that kingdom, from the beginning of the Reformation, is made evident from history and the records of Parliament : together with a postscript, relating to a scandalous pamphlet intituled, An answer to The Scotch Presbyterian eloquence. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? 1693 Approx. 299 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51154 Wing M2437 ESTC R20155 12354068 ocm 12354068 60080 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51154) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60080) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 643:5) An apology for the clergy of Scotland chiefly oppos'd to the censures, calumnies, and accusations of a late Presbyterian vindicator, in a letter to a friend : wherein his vanity, partiality and sophistry are modestly reproved, and the legal establishment of episcopacy in that kingdom, from the beginning of the Reformation, is made evident from history and the records of Parliament : together with a postscript, relating to a scandalous pamphlet intituled, An answer to The Scotch Presbyterian eloquence. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? [4], 108 p. Printed for Jos. Hindmarsh ..., London : 1693. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ridpath, George, d. 1726. -- Answer to the Scotch Presbyterian eloquence. Episcopal Church in Scotland -- Clergy. Church of Scotland. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN APOLOGY FOR THE Clergy of Scotland , Chiefly oppos'd to the Censures , Calumnies , and Accusations OF A LATE Presbyterian Vindicator , In a LETTER to a FRIEND . WHEREIN His Vanity , Partiality and Sophistry are modestly Reproved , And the Legal Establishment of Episcopacy in that Kingdom , from the Beginning of the Reformation , is made evident from History and the Records of Parliament . Together with A POSTSCRIPT , relating to a Scandalous Pamphlet , Intituled , An Answer to the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence . Quibus ego non sum tantum honorom habiturus , ut ad ea quae dixerint , certo loco , aut singulatim unicuique respondeam . Sic breviter , quoniam non consulto , sed casu , in eorum mentionem incidi , quasi praeteriens satisfaciam universis . M. T. C Orat. in Q. Caecilium . Imprimatur . Sept. 24. 1692. Edmund Bohun . LONDON : Printed for Jos . Hindmarsh , at the Golden Ball over against the Royal Exchange in Cornhil . 1693. THE CONTENTS . A Short Introduction Page 1 , 2 The Division p. 2 The first Plea discuss'd , and the Cameronians prov'd not only to be Presbyterians , but the only true Presbyterians p. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 The Villanies committed to be the result of an Uniform Combination , and wicked Principles , and not the transient efforts of Passion p. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 The second Plea of an Interregnum expos'd p. 10 The third Plea , that the People were injur'd by the Clergy disprov'd p. 11 , 12 , 13 The fourth Plea , from the Immoralities of the Clergy , Confuted and Retorted p. 14 , 15 , 16 The fifth Plea against the Clergy from their want of Popular Election , unreasonable in it self , and retorted upon the Adversary p. 16 , 17 The sixth Plea , that the Clergy peevishly and rigorously pressed Conformity , examin'd ibid. The seventh Plea against the Clergy , that they are Heterodox , found to be vain , foolish , and frivolous p. 18 The eighth Plea , that they are Enemies to K. William and Q. Mary considered p. 19 The ninth , that they Preached Non-Resistance , and Passive Obedience . This Doctrine proved to be still reasonable and Christian p. 20 The tenth Plea against the Clergy , that the Episcopal Church is remiss in Censuring scandalous Delinquents , bassled and rejected p. 22 The second General Head , a Modest Censure of the Vindicator taken from his own Book . p. 23 First , His avowed Partiality and Injustice ibid. Secondly , His peremptory and Enthusiastick pretences to a Jus Divinum p. 24 Thirdly , His rudeness and vanity p. 25 Fourthly , His Tergiversations and Lying p. 26 Fifthly , His illnatured and uncharitable Insinuations p. 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 The third General Head. His Theological Reasonings , &c. p. 38 First , Of the Observation of Christmas , and the Festivities of the Church p. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 Secondly , His Notion of Schism p. 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 Thirdly , His Censure of the Clergy for Preaching Morality p. 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 Fourthly , Nis Notion of Calvinism , and his way of explaining , and defending it p. 51 , 52 Fifthly , His pretences to Antiquity , and the History of the Culdees p. 53 , 54 , 55 Sixthly , His Clamour against Ceremonies of human Institution p. 56 The fourth General Head , wherein the Legal Establishment of Episcopacy in Scotland , is proved from the Records of Parliament p. 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 The Conclusion in several instances from the foresaid History p. 66 The Protestation in the year 1651. against the General Assembly p. 79 Postscript , Relating to a Scandalous Pamphlet , Entituled , An Answer to the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence p. 85 , 86 , &c. AN APOLOGY FOR THE Clergy of Scotland , &c. SIR , YOUR Friendship for me I look upon as a great Honor , and I value my self upon it ; and the sincerity , wherewith I endeavour to serve you , prompts me more to undertake what you command , than any sense I can have of my own Skill or Ability : and rather than oblige you to continue your importunities , I send you here my thoughts of that Book you ordered me to Read. I undertook it with great aversion ; partly because such scurrilous Contentions are very Unchristian in the first Original , scandalous in their Consequences , and very unedifying to the Christian Church . Partly , Because I think the late Presbyterian Barbarities and Cruelties towards the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland are sufficiently known all Europe over , and therefore I was unwilling to undergo the Penance of reading a Book , that provoked me in every other Line unto the undecencies of Passion . It lay by me six months without ever opening it , until I was over-powered by your Commands . Though , in the mean time I must tell you that you never imposed a severer Task upon me . I have no inclination to Read such Books , no more than I have to drink off a Potion of Physick every day to my Breakfast : besides there are some men with whose Genius I am not well acquainted , who cannot be silenced because they have made lies their Refuge . The Truth , it self ( if at any time it happen'd to be on their side , ) doth not please them unless it be dressed up in all the Colours of Falshood , and stript of its natural Beauty and Simplicity ; who like Solomon's Whore , when they have but newly committed their Abominations , defie all mankind to charge them with the least Transgression . Men who Arm themselves with all degrees of Confidence to run down the clearest Truths that truly represent or seem to disparage the Faction in which they are engaged . If that Book of which you desire my Thoughts were particularly answered , such a Reply could not but swell to a prodigious Bulk , because to clear the Matter of Fact in so many particular Cases , obliges men to turn over all the Pamphlets to which his Book is related . I did indeed once Read his Book that he Entitles his Second Vindication , and I hope I shall never be so destitute of good Books ( though at present I have very few ) as to peruse it a second time . However I will briefly give you my thoughts of it , and since the Book has no method , I may be allowed to put the Reflections I make upon it in any order I please . In the first place I will examine his General Apologies by which he thinks to ward off the blame of the barbarous Rabblings of the Clergy from his Party . Secondly , From the Book it self , I 'll give you a natural Character of the Author . Thirdly , I will shortly consider his Theological Reasonings , that occasionally falls under his consideration , when he pleads for the Innocence of Presbyterians . And lastly , I will consider the truth of that ordinary Objection that the Presbyterians manage against the Episcopal Church of Scotland , when they alledge that Presbyterian Government was established in that Church from the beginning of the Reformation . And first , I take notice that all along he seem to disown the Cameronians as Presbyterians , or as men not of their Communion . At other times he acknowledges they are zealous godly men , and if he proves that the Barbarities committed upon the Clergy were not committed by sober and intelligent Presbyterians , he thinks the Presbyterians are sufficiently vindicated from all imputations of Cruelty and Violence . And therefore unless we prove them sober and intelligent , he thinks all our Complaints of the Outrage and Tumults of the Presbyterians are vain and impertinent : But are not the Cameronians Presbyterians ? To what Communion then do they belong ? Have they any Principles , Discipline , or Worship , different from the Presbyterians ? Were not their Leading Men lately owned and received by the pretended General Assembly , without retracting any Articles of Doctrine , or disowning any of their Practices that they so zealously recommended to their Followers in the West ? This is a very pleasant Fancy , that the Author should endeavor to hide the Tumults and Insurrections of that Party by changing the name of Presbyterian into Cameronian . The Donatists in Africk ( as readily all Schismaticks do ) split themselves into two great Factions , viz. The Primianists and the Maximianists . What Sacrilegious Villanies they committed ( and all under the Pretext of Zeal and Reformation ) every body knows . But pray ? What an impertinent Apology could it have been for the Donatists to say that it was true indeed there were a great many Barbarities committed upon the Clergy , their Families , Churches , Altars , and Sacred Utensils ; and upon the People adhereing to their Communion , but that such Indignities were not committed by the sober intelligent Donatists , they intended no more than the Reformation of Abuses by orderly and Imperial Edicts . Their Zeal against the Traditores only put them upon extraordinary attempts of Reformation . It could not be denied , but that the African Church and the Catholick Clergy there were sadly opprest and run down by a company of mad and ungovernable Enthusiasts ; but the sober and intelligent Donatists were not to be blamed . They were either the Primianists , or the Maximianists , that committed such Extravagancies , and disorders , or ( which is most probable ) they were committed by the Circumcellians , a third Division of that unhappy Family . Now the Author makes just such another Apology for the Presbyterians of Scotland . He cannot deny but that the Orthodox Clergy in the Western Shires were miserably harassed , but the sober and intelligent Presbyterians are not to be blamed . We do easily grant him that the Presbyterians that were most instrumental in the Disasters of the Clergy were not sober men , though the most intelligent amongst them did contrive and manage the irregular Heats and Motions of their own Partizans . But to expose the vanity of this Apology a little more closely . We know no Opinions that Mr. Cameron propagated or entertained that were peculiar to himself . He followed most closely and ingenuously the Hypothesis of the old and zealous Presbyterians ; and the plain Truth is , Mr. Cameron was not a man very proper to be the Founder of a new Sect. He built upon the Notions that he was taught by his Brethren : and the Presbyterians are obliged for this word Cameronian to the Episcopal Clergy , who mean no more by this word but a Presbyterian whose Zeal for his Faction ( after the Example of Mr. Cameron ) over drives him violently beyond all Bounds of discretion . And yet I cannot but commend their Artifice in this . The word Presbyterian is known in England , but the word Cameronian is not ; and therefore this distinction ( for distinctions are of great use sometimes ) of Presbyterian and Cameronian is a very plausible Defence in England to disprove all the complaints made by the Episcopal Clergy . As if the Cameronians were a new Species of Schismaticks different from the Presbyterians , and that we had three considerable divisions of Christians in Scotland , the Episcopal Party , the Presbyterians and the Cameronians . Whereas indeed , we know of none but two . And the Cameronians are those Presbyterians that have studyed their own Principles most accurately , and draw from those Principles such practical Conclusions as they naturally and necessarily yield . I know not how this Author can make his Peace with the Cameronians . For the whole Nation knows that those Presbyterians whom he Nicknames Cameronians did assert their Presbyterian Principles when others were very silent ; and upon this they value themselves as the most Pious , Active , and ingenuous of the whole Party , who differ not from others in their Principles but do exceed some of their Brethren in higher degrees of Zeal and Sincerity to promote the Interest of their Combination . But pray ? What is it that the Cameronians have done that they might not have done upon Presbyterian Principles ? For it is a received Maxim amongst them That the people may , ( especially in Conjunction with their Pastors ) reform the Church when the Magistrate is slack or remiss in his duty , or opposite unto the designed Reformation . Now the removal of the Episcopal Clergy upon their Hypothesis was a necessary mean to advance this glorious Reformation . And what is there in the most Barbarous Rabbling of the Clergy inconsistent with the Presbyterian Principles ? Can Religion prosper in our Nation unless the Bishops and their Adberents be extirpated ? And is not Presbyterian Government the immediate and express Institution of our Lord and Saviour ? Is not the exercise of Presbyterian Discipline the Administration of his Royal Kingdom and Scepter . And may we be less serious in asserting his Kingly Office than in defending his Priestly and Prophetical Office ? Did not the Presbyterian Church of Scotland upon all Turns wrestle with Authority about this great Truth ? And does the Author think that they ought not to interpose in so Critical a Juncture to rescue themselves from the Bondage of the Antichristian Hierarchy ? That their Squeamish Consciences groan'd under for so many years ? If the Reformation of the Church from Episcopacy to Presbytery be of this Consequence ( As they Print and Preach every where . ) What is there in those last Tumultuous Rabblings that the Presbyterians can disown ? Wherein are the Cameronians to be blamed ? Because forsooth this Author thinks that the Actors of those Villanies we complain of were perhaps not so sober and intelligent , that is to say , he rejoyc'd in what was done , but he wished it might have been carryed on with greater caution and secrecy , least the Episcopal Clergy might take occasion to represent them and their proceedings in their true and natural Colours . I think the Author is to blame for saying the Cammeronians are not intelligent . For certainly they took their Measures by the best directions that could be had ; for their Agents gave them exact intelligence of what they might venture upon and when . Accordingly a company of wicked Incendiaries ( who had declared War against King Charles the Second , when he Governed the Nation by those Laws that were made in times of Peace by the most unanimous and solemn Parliaments that ever the Nation had , and who declared in their Seditious Pamphlets and Papers that he had forfeited all Right to the Crown , because forsooth , he had broke the Covenant ) I say they , were the men who at the beginning of this Revolution ( as they were directed ) fell violently upon the Clergy and drove them from their Houses and Residence ; to the scandal of Christianity , and reproach of our Nation . And this is not at all to be imputed to the casual efforts of Passion or Revenge , but to an uniform Combination of the whole Society : and this appears , because the Clergy were not generally Rabbled by their own Parishioners , but by those Fire-brands who concerted their Measures with their own Societies , and did nothing of that Nature without Advice and Directions . The Author thinks to excuse what was done against the Clergy , when he tells us in some places of his Book , that their own Parishioners gave them no disturbance : but this proves that the Cruelties they met with proceeded from a League and Covenant amongst their Enemies since those mischiefs did not light upon a few of the Clergy ( who might possibly provoke their Parishoners by some indiscretions ) but upon the whole Order , even upon such , ( who mistaking the true Objects of Pity and Compassion ) as had frequently interposed with their Superiors to mitigate the Legal Penalties against Non-Conformists . Add to this that severals of the Gentry in the West , who were better natur'd and had better Principles than their Presbyterian Neighbours , were very forward to resent the Affronts , and Indiguities done to the Clergy , until they understood that the Tide was risen too high to be resisted : and that such of the Presbyterians as were then out of the Nation , and directed the Methods that the Rabblers were to take , would vigorously resent the least stop that was put to their carreer . For it is observable of such men that they never forgive an Injury ; and no Injuries are more implacably resented than any the least Affront that is offer'd to their Faction and Government . And it is no wonder for they never say the Lords Prayer , and it is probable that their opposition to that Divine Composure , is rather from its contradiction to their Nature , than from the strength of some whiffling Enthusiastick Arguments invented against it . It is not possible to oblige men of their Tempers by any Favours , and the Clergy upon the last Revolution found such of them as they had done kindness to , most venomous and irreconcilable : and generally the Body of the People in those Western Shires are cunning , avaritious and dissembling beyond measure : and since the Presbyterian Principles invaded their Honesty , it was never heard that any of them heartily forgave an Injury , or what they sancied to be so . But I return to what I intended , viz. That the Affronts done to the Clergy were concerted by the Party : since it is evident from many of their Topicks and their avowed Principles , that there was nothing so rude or villanous in the disasters that the Clergy met with but what they might venture upon by the Maxims of their Moral Theology ; so also it appears undeniably from this , that the Leading Men of that Party who were at London upon the beginnig of the Revolution , opposed with all Vigour and Impudence all the Evidences brought from Scotland of the Sufferings of the Clergy . And though a Reverend person brought with him Authentick Attestations of what the Clergy suffered ; yet the leading Presbyterians boldly averred , that there was nothing in Scotland but prosound Peace and Silence ; that they had Letters from their Factors and Chamberlains informing the contrary to what was alledged by the Episcopal Party . In the Confusion that Affairs then stood , it was easie for them to stop any regular or legal Tryal ; and they had in that critical Juncture many Advantages of their Neighbours . So their Emissaries in Scotland went on with all possible Licence and Villany . And it is very odd that this Author should undertake to vindicate the Presbyterians from those Tumults , when the united force of the whole Party , with all their Zeal and Strength , never yet appeared so unanimous and uniform in any enterprise as at that time in their endeavours to pull down our National Church , and so fond were they then of their Revenge , that they preferred their Dagon of Presbytery to their being United to England . The Author thinks that neither he nor his Party are obliged to vindicate any act of Cruelty that proceeded from the Civil Authority against the Clergy . If they were the Patrons of Presbytery ( as he thanks God they were ) certainly their Actings ought to have been justified in the first place , but he tells us that if the Clergy have suffered any thing that was hard and extraordinary , it ought not to be imputed to his Party and Principles , but to the King and the Councel , and the Rabble , as he very mannerly expresses himself . Yet I must thank him for this compendious Apology , since the Presbyterians under the late Reigns suffered nothing but what was inflicted by Law. We need make no excuses for the Laws made against Presbyterians , and those Laws more gravely consulted , than the hasty and undigested resolutions of peevish and angry Outlaws . And such Laws were made in times of Peace , and with all Solemnity and Deliberation , and were absolutely necessary to maintain the Peace of the Nation , and the Kings legal and just Prerogative against the Popular but pernicious Tenets of bigotted Covenanters ; now I hope you are sufficiently convinced that I need not transcribe the History of the Tragical Rebellion in King Charles the First his time , nor yet the many Protestations of the Covenanters at the Cross at Edenburgh against the Kings most Just and Fatherly Proceedings . And to convince you by one Instance that they love nothing but what they possess by Force and Rebellion . When that most gracious King ordered the Covenant to be taken as it was Enacted in King James the Sixth his time ( thinking this might blunt the edge of the Covenanters , and satisfie the deluded People ) they Protest against this his Proclamation . For you must think that in their Divinity , things Lawful in their Nature , nay things Necessary , ( for such they take the Covenant to be ) become unlawful when once required by lawful Authority . Does this Author think that the present Generation knows nothing of the History of Presbyterians ? That the British Tragedies from the year 1638. are buried in eternal silence ? That all the Monuments of their daring Insolence are extinct ? That the Acts of the General Assembly are quite lost ? That the Villanies of the Remonstrators are Recorded no where ? Why then does he think to impose upon the World by telling us that indeed they are very sorry for the Tumults that happened in the West , but that the Presbyterians were no Actors in those disorders . They would gladly see things done more regularly and orderly ; They ( forsooth ) love no such Methods : and yet the present Ministers of the Presbyterian Church cannot instance any one thing that the Cameronians did upon this late Revolution , but what is justifiable from Presbyterian Principles ; and though they could not be justified from their former Principles , why may not the present Presbyterians improve the Principles of their Predecessors * As all Sectaries do who grow worse and worse until they are given up of God unto a Reprobate mind . And indeed if I had any Books by me I could easily prove ( especially from their own Calderwood ) that the Presbyterians did nothing towards the Clergy in the West of Scotland upon the late Revolution , but what they ought to have done upon their Principles and former Practises . It is very pleasant to observe what different Batteries the Presbyterians in Scotland , and the Dissenters in England raise against Episcopacy . The Presbyterians in Scotland plead for their National , Classical , Spiritual Power , independent upon Kings : the Dissenters in England plead that such a Spiritual Union amongst Clergy-Men is too powerful a Faction , and may easily endanger the Safety and Peace of the Nation . The Reason is , the Presbyterians are in possession of such an Union in Scotland , and the Dissenters in England have no legal Cement to unite them together . And therefore every thing that they are not in Possession of at present , is wicked and dangerous : but if they could grasp it , it might become a very useful Engine to Propogate the Covenant all Europe over . For they find that men are naturally averse to the Power and Authority of their Discipline , and therefore it were necessary to support it by all the strength of Laws and Edicts , and by the Inquisition it self , if the Eyes of Princes could be so far opened as to see that there is no true Reformation wrought but by the Conduct and direction of Presbyterians . I have insisted the longer upon this general Topick because most of his Book is built upon this Subterfuge alone , that Cameronians are no Presbyterians , though they can be reduced to no other Schismaticks ; and that what they did was disowned by the Presbyterians though he himself knows the contrary , and the whole Party magnified these Heroes ; and when it was doing it was said to be nothing less than the Cause and Work of God. But I leave this general Head when I give you an account of one remarkable piece of Sophistry and tergiversation , that he makes use of to palliate the Crimes of his Party ; and it is so much the more material , since if he fails in this he shakes the Foundation of all his Apologies , by which he would make us believe that the wise and leading Men of his Party had no hand in any Tumults , no not in that at Edinburgh in December 1688. His words are , For the Tumults at Edenburgh , we know of none but what was made by the Students at the College there in burning the Pope in Effigy . And a little alter , That any Presbyterians who then or since had Authority in the State or Church did assist in contrivance or management of this matter we do utterly deny . I have faithfully transcribed his own words , because this is a considerable passage which flies in the Face of all Evidence , and contradicts the Conviction of all the Inhabitants at Edenburgh . Then , if the barbarous Tumult at Edenburgh was managed and contrived by the Leading Men of his Party , who then and since have had Authority in the State , in that case all his Apologies for the Presbyterians fall to the ground . And from this one single Instance his Book is ruin'd and his Authority baffled , and the next General Assembly will order him to be more cautious , and quietly tell him , it had been better he had not ventured upon this unfortunate Sally against his Adversaries . For there is nothing more easily made out than that the Leading Men of the Presbyterians were the sole Actors and Contrivers of this hideous Tumult . To make you sensible of this , let me observe first , That he shussles and confounds two very different Stories into one , viz. The Tumultuous desaceing of the Kings Chappel , and the burning of the Pope in Effigy : for the last was near a fortnight after the other without any Tumult or disorder . The Students had made a mock Effigies of the Pope , and carryed it from the place that it was made to the Colledge , and from thence to the Cross at Edenburgh . All of them in the mean time walking orderly in their Ranks , and the Colledge Mace carryed before them by one of the Publick Servants , this could not be obtained without the Masters Permission . So there was no Tumult nor no disorder intended . A great many of the Nobility , and most of the Citizens of best quality were looking on , and when this foolish Ceremony was over , they retired to their Lodgings without any Tumult or Extravagance . But the defacing the Chappel at Holyrude House was a Tumult indeed , and a very tragical one too , in all its beginnings and Consequences . This fell out upon the 10. day of December , 1688. The Presbyterian Faction in Edenburgh , had sometime before determined to Rifle the Kings House , particularly my Lord Chancelor's Lodgings , to deface the Chappel , and to force the Guards , and in a word , to make the most terrible and the most numerous shew that they were able to make . In order to this they gave out that the Papists intended a Massacre of the Protestants , though there was not a Papist in Edenburgh to two thousand Protestants : And in the Confusion that Men were then in , a great many unwary people were frighted , and the Presbyterians concerted their Measures and slew to their Arms , and the City for that night become a dismal habitation , carrying all the marks of Hell and Confusion ; nothing was to be heard but screeches , lamentable howlings and shootings , and this was not managed by the Body of the People ( who were very a verse to such treacherous and unmanly adventures ) but by some of the Leading Presbyterians , who then and now have Authority in the State , and might be known by their large Buff-Belt , and a Halbard upon their Shoulder , running up and down in great fury to excite the People to this Reformation . In this Scuffle , before they entred the Chappel , there were some killed , and several wounded by the Guards that kept the King's House , and in the mean time the Governours of this Tumult finding that the People were not so forward to Pillage the King's House , went up and down and told them that their own Children were killed , when those very Children were as Home and safe in their Lodgings . And though many were wounded , and severals killed , yet not a Student belonging to the College was hurt , for there were but very few of them whose Youth and Levity had engaged them to be witnesses of this Tumult . I believe the Ringleaders of the Presbyterians at Edenburgh will give the Vindicator but little thanks for mentioning this Tumult that is openly avowed by themselves And he may ask , not only the forementioned Gentleman , but also the Master of F — and several others ( whose names are concealed , and may continue so , unless the Vindicator , or some of his Associates , by their indiscretions oblige me to be more particular ) whether they were there , and what a glorious Figure they made . If it be unpleasant to name particular Gentlemen , they may thank their Vindicator who obtrudes such fulsome Lies upon the World , when the Matter of Fact is so very recent , and known to all the Inhabitants at Edenburgh ; and the Leading Presbyterians are very loth to part with the honor of this Atchievement , so agreeable to their constant Genius and former Practises ; for one of their chief Advocates pleaded lately before the Judges , in the Tryal of Mr. Wallace , that they that Pillaged the Kings House were a Company of Grave , Reasonable , Thinking Men , Commanded by a Lord of the Sessions . We see then by this one single Instance the Spirit of Lies and Vanity that runs through his Book . For if it be undenyable that this Rabble Reformation was concerted by the Ringleaders of the Faction . Then he must own that the Tumults were not the accidental Essorts of some angry inconsiderable People but the united endeavours of the Presbyterians . And indeed this Essay at Edenburgh was but the Preface to other marks of the Kindness they intended the Clergy in that place ; if their violence had not been happily prevented by the Generous Resolution of that Learned and Illustrious Society of the College of Justice : and it is very probable that the Vindicator wrote down this Story carlesly and hand over head . For if he had advised with his Friends at Edenburgh , George Stirling the Apothecary , and Mr. Menzies in the Locken buiths : they could not be so self-denyed as to be willingly deprived of the honour they had in managing and contriving this Tumult . It was a disparagement to their Zeal , and Activity , to be robbed of the Glory they acquired in this Enterprise . I cannot but acknowledge that it is highly indecent to name particular Men , but what shall we say when we have to do with such Wasps and Hornets : you see then by the Reflections I have made of this General Topick , what the Superstructure must be . The next thing under which he endeavours to cover himself and his Party , is his fancy of an Interregnum . He tells us gravely in many places of his Book , that what was done against the Clergy was done in an Interregnum , and that the People were highly provoked by the Clergy , that they were instrumental in the Sufferings of the Non-Conformists . That the Clergy themselves were but profligate and debauched , and that they are generally such as are unacquainted with the operation of the Spirit of God upon their Hearts ; and if this does not excuse , yet it extenuates what those zealous Patriots did at that time to advance the Glorious Reformation . I cannot but take notice in the first place of his wild imagination of an Interregnum , which cannot properly fall out in an Hereditary Monarchy ; for the King never dies . For , Though the Laws were not put in Execution in that Interval of Confusion and uncertainty , yet they retained their Legal Force and Authority . The Government was indeed in a Convulsive Motion , so that it could not perform the ordinary Functions of Order and Justice ; but does he think , that because humane Laws were in that Interval hindred , that therefore the Godly and Zealous Presbyterians were loosed from the Obligations of the Laws of Nature and Religion ? Is there no security against the violent hands of those Saints , but the coercive power of Laws ? How can they pretend to be better Christians than the rest of their Neighbours when they venture upon the most unchristian Practices ? Which puts me in mind of the Character that Cornelius Tacitus gives of the Jews , They were kind and affectionate to their own Kindred , but they retained adversus omnes alios hostile odium . Juvenal gives the same Character of them , but it is much more agreeable to the Presbyterians . Does he think that the Notion of an Interregnum can justifie what modest Men are ashamed to own ? And is it for the honour of his Party that he should proclaim to the World that they stand not in awe of the Divine Laws , unless they are restrained by the terrour of Humane Laws ? Why do they pretend to be acquainted with the Gospel , when they openly and jointly contomn its most essential Precepts ? But he says the People were much injured and provoked by the Clergy . What the Clergy in the West of Scotland did , I know not , if I make an estimate of their proceedings against Non-Conformists , from the practice of our Clergy-Men in other parts of the Nation , I declare sincerely to you I never knew one of them that prosecuted the Dissenters without great reluctancy , nay I knew many of them that interposed with sincere kindness and vigor for their Parishioners , frequently and with success too , when they were obnoxious to the Laws . But let us suppose that the Clergy did prosecute the Dissenters according to Law , they did nothing in this but what they were obliged to do , the Peace of the Nation was indangered , the Legal and Lineal Monarchy was undermined ; and the Government , by such frequent shakings , most likely to relapse into its former state of Civil War and Confusion ; and the souls of the People committed to their Care were poysoned with dark and Enthusiastick Principles : Speaking evil of Dignities took place of the Ten Commandments , and a Schism unreasonable in its beginnings , and disowned by all Protestant Churches , and the learnedest Presbyterians * , was propagated in all corners of the Nation with all vigor and diligence ; and ought the Clergy to look on and continue idle Spectators when the Peace and Safety of their Country Spiritual and Temporal was so daringly and factiously invaded ? Were they not obliged by the Laws of God and Man to stop this Career of Insolence and Villany , and though they ought to undeceive the poor deluded People by all the soft Methods of tenderness and meekness , yet the Boutefeu's and Incendiaries were to be chastised and lashed with greater severities , and our Governours did nothing then but what they ought to have done in their own defence , unless they had resolved to Sacrifice the Fundamental Constitution of the Monarchy and their own Honours , Dignities , and Estates unto the Caprice and Ambition of some bigotted Covenanters . But I would ask the Vindicator whether they of the Clergy that never prosecuted any of the Dissenters were the more kindly treated upon this last Revolution . I know severals of them who have been most spitefully used by the Presbyterians , though formerly they did them all the good Offices that lay in their power . The Clergy , as well as the Laity , were obliged by the Laws of the Land , and by the Fundamental Laws of Humane Society , to crush , and extirpate the beginnings of Rebellion , and the attempts of such as preached the most pernicious Principles , until at last the Rebels justified in their Books and Sermons open and avowed Murthers . And that by the most natural Consequences from their own Principles , when the wickedness of the Party appeared thus terrible to the Peace of the Nation , was it to be expected that our Governours should look on and suffer their own Throats to be cut , their Families to be forfeited , their King to be dethroned , their Church Polity to be pulled down , and the entire Scheme of their Government to be defaced ? And all this for no other Reason , and upon no wiser Consideration , than because their Enemies pretended Religion , and gave most sacred Names to the most abominable Crimes . And now again that they are uppermost , they are very angry that men do not shut their Eyes , and suffer their Follies and Tyranny to overspread the Nation without Contradiction . But what was it , that their Ministers did suffer upon the Restitution of King Charles the Second . Why they would not take Presentations from the Patron , nor Collation from the Bishop : they would possess their Benefices against the Law , and in defiance of Authority : but was any of them turned out that did comply with the Law ? So earnest were some of our Ecclesiastical Governors to keep them in their Places , that they made such offers of Peace and Accommodation , as none could refuse but sullen and desperate Incendiaries , nor was there any thing required of them , but what the most rigid Presbyterians might comply with , if their Zeal to support their Faction had not infatuated them as much against the Vow of Baptism , as against the common Peace and Safety of their Country . The Presbyterians in Scotland are generally blinded with this fatal prejudice ( an Evidence of their incurable Enthusiasm ) they think that no man can act any thing against the Presbyterians , but he immediately acts against the light of his own Conscience . They take it for granted that their way is the only true Religion , that it is plainly revealed , and that they give greater Evidences of Piety , and Religion , than any other Society of Christians upon Earth , and if you do not believe this presently , without Examination , you are far from the Kingdom of God. Nay , you are alienated from the life of God. Hence it is that the Presbyterians conclude that whatever is done against their Party , is done rather against the Light and Conviction of their Enemies , than the petulance and vanity of their own Fraternity : therefore they insinuate upon all occasions , that all Reasonings against them proceed from Prophanity and Atheism , or from men void of all Principles and Religion . You may as easily reason a Bedlamite out of his fancied Honors and Principalities , as persuade any of their deluded Disciples that they may be in an Errour : and this they owe to their cunning Teachers , who tyrannize over their Belief as imperiously as the cruel Brach-mans do among the Indians . But let me enquire in the next place calmly , did the meek Covenanters when they got the ascendent in King Charles the First his time , treat their Opposite with that gentleness and discretion , that condescention and longanimity , that became the true Gospel of our Saviour ? But so very far from this temper , that they prosecuted the Malignants with all Rage and Cruelty . And if there were not another instance of their Cruelty , but the Sufferings of the excellent Bishop Wishart , men might easily penetrate into the Genius and Spirit of the Party . Then their Pulpits thundered against the Malignants all the Curses in the Bible ; and all were Malignants , in their Dialect , that were not Presbyterians . Add to this the universal and restless endeavours of their Ministers to ruin the Persons , Estates , and Families , of all that opposed their Designs : and their Discipline was made an Engine to pry into the greatest Secrets of Families , and the Presbyterian Chaplain , who was ordinarily the Ministers Intelligencer , complained in his Prayers of what he thought amiss in the Family or Neighbourhood , nay the Soundest part of the Nation groaned under this Tyrannical Pedantry , as the Israelites did under the Egyptians , when their bloody Scaffolds stood erected for some whole weeks together . Then it was , that their modest Ministers said that their Cause was like to prosper , when they justified one Crime by the Commission of another , and the whole Scheme of their Arbitrary Tyranny from their Success and Prosperity ; when their Turkish Argument of Force and Arms ran down the Doctrines of our Meek and Crucified Saviour . And now forsooth they must tell us , that the Episcopal Clergy were rigid , and peevish , and severe , to their Parishioners ; when perhaps they did not represent to the Judges , in their several bounds , the tenth part of those Crimes that were committed against the Church and State ; and yet the Law did oblige them to give up the names of Recusants . And do not we see , that the Presbyterians since the late Revolution have out done the diligence of all men against the Clergy and Laity of the Episcopal persuasion , for the whole Faction applyed their utmost force ( since the Revolution ) to ruin her Neighbours , and possess themselves of all their Places , Civil , Military , and Ecclesiastical . The truth is , there are no people upon Earth that value Government and Sovereignty as the Presbyterians do . It is the Idol they bow to : there is nothing gratifies their highest Passions so much as a power to tyrannize . If the whole world were once under their Feet , they would look chearful , their Blood would Circulate more briskly ; untill this be obtained there is no rest nor peace for mankind . The Discipline , the Sacred Discipline of Geneve , must wrestle with all Authority until the Consumation of all things . But if the former excuse did not serve his Design ; yet it is often insinuated all a long his Book that most of the Clergy were wicked men . But let me suppose the truth of this infamous accusation ; who made them Judges of the Scandalous Clergy ? Whose Delegats were they in the Execution of this Punishment ? I have told you before that I am acquainted with very few of the Clergy of the Western Shires , but I am informed by judicious and intelligent Men , that generally the Clergy in those Shires were Grave , Sober , and Assiduous in the work of the Ministry . That most of them endeavoured upon all occasions to gain those Enthusiasts from their Schism and Delusion , and were very successful in this Christian design , if a new Indulgence after the Defeat at Bothwel Bridge had not buoyed up their Interest . As for the scandalous Aspersions cast upon the Clergy by the Western Presbyterians , it is certain that by one of the Vindicators own Rules we ought not to believe them ; because they are all of them of a Party , and indeed of such a Party , who from their first appearance in the World placed much of their strength in reproaching the Clergy . If some of the Ministers in the West did not live according to the Dignity of their Character , we ought rather all of us ( who have not renounced our Baptism ) to lament it , rather than insult and upbraid them with it . Indeed a Minister , whose Employment is to fit other men for Eternal Life , and yet lives in open and scandalous opposition to his Rule , is the most monstrous thing in Nature . All the Satyrical Writings of the Poets , and all the Invectives of Orators , cannot furnish one word to give a true Idea of that loathsome Creature . But on the other hand , If any of them be guilty , to upbraid them with their faults , is not the way to reform them , for of all Advices those that are given to reform the Clergy , should be managed most nicely and tenderly . And it is to be feared that the Vindicator and his Associates are very glad when they can discover the trippings of their Adversaries . If any of the Clergy be guilty of such things as are clamorously alledged by Presbyterians ; it is no Argument against the common Cause of the Catholick Church , and the Apostolical Succession of that Hierareby of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , continued from the days of the Apostles until now . And therefore he may , if he will ( as is threatned ) employ the people in the West to make and gather stories to the disadvantage of the Episcopal Clergy , and it is an easie thing to swell that Volumn into a prodigious Bulk , if their ignorant and implacable Enemies may be believed , it is not possible for them not to accuse . But I think the Vindicator himself , is not of so profligate a Conscience as to give Ear to such malicious Reports . We have had late Instances of the Presbyterian activity against the Reputation of the Clergy , no man could escape a Libel that enjoyed a comfortable Benefice . Nothing could have made the Presbyterians more contemptible than this treacherous and sneaking method of Libelling , when it was visible to all men that those scurrilous Papers were intended for no more , than to ruin and disgrace the most innocent and deserving men . And it is very odd that they could venture to blindfold the Nation by this bassled and hypocritical Sham , and how comes it that the Clergy in the West are represented as Criminals , when they dare not attack the Clergy in the North ? The reason is obvious , the People in the West date their Conversion from the time that they forbear to hear the Curates , and they think themselves obliged by all their ties and solemn Covenants , to ruin and disparage those limbs of Antichrist . But the People in the North can discover no such beauty in their Presbyterian Discipline : they love and honour their own Ministers , they hear them Preach the Articles of Christian Faith , and true and solid Morals , and so rough are those Infidels in the North , that they never thought Sniveling necessary to make a great Saint . They love a plain and unaffected Stile , and they cannot be persuaded but that the Oracles of God may be Preached without affectation , and yet with all requisite Gravity and Recollection . If there be so many Libels gathered by Presbyterians , it may provoke their Enemies to recriminate , and if the Vindicator thinks that such scurrilous writings can serve the common cause of Religion , I wish him more wisdom and sobriety : I condemn all such methods in all Parties , and if the thing were allowable , we could tell him that many of his Associates in the Ministry are very scandalous , some of them Adulterers . some Fornicators , some Blasphemers ; some whole Presbyterian Families Incestuous , — Sed praestat motos componere fluctus . If I rejoyced in this Recrimination , I were not a good Christian . But it is necessary to put those Proud and Supercillous men in mind , that they are but ordinary Mortals , encompassed about with the same Infirmities with other men , and that they should consult the Scriptures , and the Fathers for Arguments , rather than the Cameronian Zealots in the Western Shires ; and if they beat the Clergy at those Weapons , they deserve to be chastised ; and for a conclusion to this Observation , I must tell you that I know not a more unblamable Company of men upon Earth than the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland . Nor do I know any five of them in the whole Nation , who could not undergo the severest Examinations , used in the Christian Church Preparatory to Ordination , I wish that they may make a Christian use of their present Tryals , and give the world a proof of that greatness of soul that qualifies men for the Priesthood ; that all round about them may be convinced that he that is in them is greater than he that is in the World. Seneca tells us that to do good even when it is attended with infamy , is noble and heroick : and a greater than Seneca tells us , that we must go thorough good report and bad report ; God will clear our Innocence as the Sun in his Meridian Elevation , and I hope to the Conviction of our Enemies , that in the simplicity of our souls we designed the Reformation of sinners , and that we look upon our selves as Dedicated to the immediate Service of God , and the sooner we retire into our own Consciences , and discover the secret Springs of our present Calamity , the sooner will our heavenly Father remove the marks of his Indignation . There is no Argument so proper to convince the Ignorance of foolish men as by well doing : and though we should not be so succesful in gaining Proselites in the midst of a crooked and perverse Generation , yet we fortifie the Peace and Tranqulllity of our Consciences , we strengthen our selves against those things that are most terrible to Flesh and Blood , we rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full of Glory , in the midst of all Calamities and Reproaches that are cast upon us . And let not them that are yet untouched think that their Brethren , upon whom the Tower of Siloam fell , are greater sinners than their Neighbors . I leave this , and I go forward to another Topick by which he endeavours to vindicate the Presbyterians ; and it is this that the Clergy of the Church of Scotland did press the Consciences of the Presbyterians ; and that the People could not own them as their Ministers , because they were obtruded upon them , and not invited by Popular Elections . But the Vindicator should consider , that if his Argument be turn'd against his Party in the North of Scotland , it may be of dangerous Consequence to the growth of Presbytery . For the bresbyterians there are not likely to carry their Elections by plurality of Votes ; but does not he remember that severals of the Remonstrator Presbyterians have been inducted to their Churches by some Troops of English Horse in the time of the late Civil Wars , yet he does not think but that the People owed all Deference and Spiritual Obedience to them ; and if a * Pastoral Relation may be founded between a Minister and the People by Cromwells Troopers , why not by King Charles the Second's Dragoons ? But does not the Vindicator remember that some have been obtruded on the old College of Aberdeen , without the Regular and Collegiate Election , by the same very force that had planted some Remonstrator Ministers , and that without any Tryal or Examination , when their more deserving Predecessors were most Tyrannically removed . But not to trifle with the Vindicator , The method of admitting Ministers in the Church of Scotland , under the Episcopal Constitution , is the most just , and the most unexceptionable that can be devised . For when the Candidate for any Ecclesiastical Preferment receives a Presentation from the Patron , he goes to the Bishop , and the Bishop sends him to the Presbytery to undergoe the ordinary tryals of his Literature and Sufficiency ; and when the Bishop and his Presbyters with him are satisfied of his Knowledge and Learning , then the Bishop serves a publick ●dict at the Church where the Candidate is to be preferred , inviting all the Parishioners to come to the Cathedral Church against an appointed day , to see if they have any reasonable exception against the Candidate ; and this is not done in a hurry but they have a competent time allowed them to gather all possible Informations concerning him from all Quarters ; and if they can object any thing against him that is of any weight , they are heardand the Candidate is repulsed : now I would gladly know what is it that the People can complain of in this Ecclesiastical Polity ? The Consusions of Elections that are solely left to the People are innumerable , and though we had not famous and remarkable Instances in Ecclesiastical History of the bloody and tragical Effects of such popular Elections , our own Country might furnish us with very many sad Experiments , when the Parishoners could not compromise the affair peaceably , they quickly came to Blowes , and in many places to Bloodshed , and Riots . These were all the good effects we could discern of their popular Elections ; it cannot be denyed , but that the method of electing the Clergy varied often and appeared under many Figures in several Ages , and Countries , since the first Plantations of Christianity : but I dare boldly say no Christian Church came nearer the Apostolical Method , and more happily avoided both Extremes , than the Church of Scotland under the Episcopal Constitution . But you may put the Vindicator in mind that the Presbyterians themselves never thought the Call of the People so essential a Constitution of that Pastoral Relation . For there is an Act of the General Assembly , ordering the Presbytery to name a Minister to such Parishes as were Malignant , that is , such as were of the Episcopal persuasion , so this pretended popular Election , if at any time it prove unserviceable to advance their Tyranny , is immediately rejected . For the Presbyterians do not at all believe any such inherent Right in the People to chuse their own Ministers ; for they think the Malignants have no Right to chuse for themselves , this is the sole privilege of the Godly . The Malignants are not at all to be consulted , accordingly we see that though their Parliament Iudged the power of Election in the Heretors and Elders of each Parish , or in the major part of them , yet no Elections are allowed by the Presbyteries , though never so unanimous and universal , but such as are promoted by their own Factions , witness Musselburgh and Tranent . There is hardly any thing insisted upon by the Presbyterians more foolish and inconsistent with common honesty than this Topick from popular Elections , and to say the truth , the old Presbyterians never obtrude such a whimsey upon the People : the Lay Patronages were not abolished in Scotland until the year 49. when the Discipline was in its Zeaith when there was no sin Preached against but Malignancy , and the King , Prerogative Royal was possessed by the Kirk . Presbyterians in other Countries quietly submit to Lay Patrons : and indeed if the Bishops take care that 〈◊〉 but pious and vertuous Men be Ordained , what harm can the Church 〈◊〉 by such Presentations . May not the Clergy examine such Candidates 〈◊〉 offer themselves to the Ministry , accurately and narrowly ▪ 'T is certain that the most tristing and supersicial Students do most effectually recommend themselves to the People , nay there are so many mean and abject Arts requisite to promote a Clergy-Man ( if the Hypothesis of the popular Election hold necessary ) that an ingenuous man cannot proslitute himself to such servile and popular methods . As for the grave and retired Clergy-Man , he is sure never to be preferred ; and if some judicious and discreet Patron does not force him out of his Solitude , he is like to die amongst his Books , and the Church has been served in all Ages to the best Advantages by such as least understood the Arts of Insinuation , and it will continue so until the end of all things . In the next place I do not see why the Vindicator should say that the Clergy pressed the Consciences of their Hearers : there was nothing in our worship , but the use of the Lords Prayer , the Doxology , and the Apostolick Creed at Baptism , that they themselves objected against , are not these mighty Grievances to Tender Consciences ? The Vindicator tells us that Presbyterians were not against the use of those Forms but they would not use them as the Prelatists did . What he means by this I cannot tell ; but I can tell you that all the Presbyterians before the year 1638. made use of them all . And that after the year 38. until Cromwell's Army invaded our Nation they never left off the using of those Catholick and Christian Forms . But such of the Remonstrators as were deeply in the Interests of the Usurper , then left off the use of such Forms , drawing as near as was possible to the Spiritual Heights , and pretended Purity of the Independents in the Army . And the Christian Religion at that time in our Nation varied in its outward Figure , and in their Notions about it as much as the Philosophy of the Schools , and the wise Questions of Universale and Objectum Attributionis logicae . The Vindicator is content to use such Forms , but not as the Episcopal Church doth command it . That is to say , he will do nothing in Unity and Society with the Christian Church , and though the Vow of Baptism oblige us , as we are Members of Christs Mystical Body , to preserve and support the Unity of the Christian Church , yet he thinks he may leave the Communion the Church , without either fear or scruple , in those very things that are short Abstracts of our Faith , and Symbols of our Profession . And yet no People are now so violent as they in pressing Subscriptions to the Presbyterian Confession at Westminster , and that without any exception , restriction , or explication , I am of Opinion that the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland have been from their Infancy taught in , ( and are firmly resolved to adhere to ) the Protestant Religion , and is it not a piece of extraordinary vanity in the Presbyterians to insinuate that they themselves are the only men careful to preserve the purity of Doctrine ? Did not the Clergy that addressed to the pretended General Assembly , plainly declare that they would subscribe the Westminster Confession , as it contained the Fundamentals of Protestant Religion . But this the Vindicator thinks did not sufficiently purge them from the suspicion of being Arminians . There are but very few of the Clergy of Scotland that explain the Doctrine of Grace and Freewill after the method of Arminius ; and if any of them does not favor the Calvinian Hypothesis they are very far from propagating their Opinions in a factious manner , and not at all enclined to change the Pulpit into a Metaphysical Chair . I think it is no disparagement to either of the Parties to say that every one of them cannot state such controversial differences fairly , and reason about them closely ; nor is it necessary for every Country Minister to read Alvarez and Dr. Tuisse , Arminius and Episcopius . Those questions have been debated in all Ages of the Church , and if we understand so little of our selves , of our own soul , and its union with the body , the method and manner of its operations . How daring a thing is it to pretend to gr●sp the infinite Mind that made Heaven and Earth , and to methodize the Acts of that eternal Intellect , in whom we live , move , and have our Being ? To read some of the School men is enough to make a modest man tremble , when he considers that the incomprehensible Deity is thought to be fettered by the Laws , Methods , and confused Notions of our Mind , this is learned Ignorance , and the Presbyterians may think they wonderfully reform the World when they oblige Ministers to Swear their Systems of Metaphysicks . It were infinitely better to leave them to their Liberty in things that are disputable in their Nature , and past finding out after all our Endeavours . Upon the whole matter , the Objections against the Clergy from the Doctrine they Preach is vain and trifling , and serves no other Design than to fill the Mouths of the People with words that they do not understand , and yet have a mischievous influence upon their lives . Another Topick by which he endeavours to provoke the present Powers against the Episcopal Clergy , is , that they are Enemies to King William and Queen Mary . I have no Commission to give an account of particular mens Opinions in the Controversie that is now debated in Britain , but I may observe that the Vindicator puts a mean Complement upon King William , to tell the World in Print that the Interest of King William , and that of the Presbyterians is embarqued together ; i. e. If King William does not punctually observe the Original Contract , they know well enough what they owe all earthly Kings . Again he tells us , that such of the Episcopal Clergy as addressed to King William and Queen Mary ; never thought of any such Address , until they had lost all hopes of King James ; and by this he thinks to disparage the Episcopal Clergy wonderfully : whereas the Argument rightly turn'd is to their Advantage . That they never treacherously betrayed King James when they were publickly Praying for him , nor did they secretly undermine his Government when they were giving publick thanks for his Administrations , as the Presbyterians did , and such of the Episcopal Clergy as came over to King William , ought to be treated with Civility and Protection at least , if it were no more but that their Principles of Government are more agreeable to Reason , and more favourable to Monarchy in General , and the Common Peace of Mankind . I know no Notion the Presbyterians can have of a King , but that he should be * Arch-Bedle to the Kirk , and that he ought to employ his Power and Authority to execute their Decrees . The Vindicator remembers no doubt the Act of the West Kirk . A Specimen of Presbyterian Loyalty to K. Willian and Q. Mary , we have lately from the Provost of Rutherglin , who publickly owned that they would indeed Arm so many Forces , and not Disband them until K. William had Established Presbytery to their mind ; and if he did not so settle it , they would turn him out , and use him as they did K. Charles the First . But if the Episcopal Clergy in the West of Scotland are enemies to the present Government , they are obliged to continue in that opposition by the Vindicators Principles , so unfortunate is he in his Endeavours to serve the present Government . For if the Clergy in those Shires never met with any thing but Acts of Hostility , without any Law , Tryal , or so much as any the least Formality of Justice ; pray , let the Vindicator tell me what Allegiance do they owe upon such Principles , as he and his Associates were wont to propagate under the Reign of K. Charles the Second ? And therefore he himself ( not others ) deserves to have his Neck stretched for adhereing to such Principles , as necessarily overthrow in their last consequence all Government and Order . Another Topick upon which he and others found many of their Libels against the Clergy , is , that they were subservient in the late Reigns to advance Arbitrary Power by their Doctrine of Non-Resistance and Passive Obedience . The Episcopal Clergy Preached no Doctrine but the true Christian Doctrine , which can never be overthrown by all the Attempts of their Adversaries ; they Preached indeed that in every Government there was a Supreme Legal Tribunal , from whose Decisions there lay no Appeal upon Earth . That this Supreme Tribunal was not at all to be resisted , and therefore that the Insurrections in the Western Shires against the King , Parliament , and Laws was Rebellion , in its most rigorous Notion : this indeed they did Preach , and I hope they are not yet so degenerate as to think or Preach otherwise : as for the other Branch of the Controversie , whether the King of Scots may be resisted , I will tell the Vindicator my Opinion when he and I stands upon a Level . For where the Supreme Tribunal may be resisted , and counter acted , then there is something higher than what is already granted to be Supreme ; but the King and Parliament are with us Supreme , and if they may be resisted , what is it that may not be resisted ? If Sentences interfere , there can be no Government , because no final Decision of Controversies ; therefore there can be no Appeal from the Supreme Tribunal in any Nation ; and into whatever Figure the Government is molded , some such Supreme Independent Tribunal must be acknowledged , whence there is no Appeal , and of which there is no resisting ; unless you so order your Government as to have one part of it fight perpetually against the other and in that case our Saviour tells us , That a House divided against it self cannot stand . And do the Presbyterians think to recommend themselves by asserting such Doctrines as necessarily overthrow all Government ? And Blowes up the Foundations of all Humane Society ? We have all the Governments in the World to defend us upon this Head ; for without this necessary truth no Notion can be formed of what is Law , Government , or Society ; do not we see every day such as opposed the Government , any where , Fined , Confined , or Executed ? And this carries with it the Unanimous Sentence of all Judges upon Earth , declaring that the Government is not to be Resisted in its first and Supreme Authority : neither ought the Secrets of Government to be so prophaned , as to be laid open to the Censure and Objections of every petulant Medler . It is not our business , who live in private Stations , to Canvass the Mysteries of State ; God ordinarily gives to such as are at the Helm of Government another Spirit , than that he bestowes upon private men , their care must extend far and near , we must not upon all occasions publish our Comments upon their actions , far less ought we to fly to Arms when our Caprice is not satisfied , nor when the Dreams and Delusims of our particular Sect are discouraged . For , If men may run to Arms upon every occasion , the Political World should quickly tumble into the Original Chaos . Whatever Parties then there are that oppose the Doctrine of Non-Resistance , thus stated , are Enemies to all Government , and when they themselves are invested with Power and Authority , their Practice b●●●●●● their former Notions , and exposes sufficiently their Chimerical Ideas ; and whatever branches there may be of this Controversie , it must be agreed to on all hands , that the Scots Presbyterians were Rebels under Charles I. and Charles II. in all the Formalities of Rebellion . The Vindicator himself thinks that the Authority of the Nation in the Convention or Parliament , may take away the Legal Right that belongs to the Clergy . Had not the Clergy as good right to their by-past Stipends as any man had to his private Estate ? So it seems that in some cases the Convention may invade the Property of private men , especially the Property of the Episcopal Clergy , and this is no other stretch of Arbitrary Power , than what was practised formerly against the Lieges in the warmest weather of the Covenant , when private men were compelled to lend their mony to Levy an Army against the King : yet since it was to advance the Covenant there was nothing Arbitrary in it , and though it was open Robbery , and never practised by any of our Kings , yet we were forced to stoop to Ruin and Poverty , because the Covenanters said that this was our Liberty and Property . So they that clamour most against Arbitrary Power , practise it most when they dare venture . Another Imputation whereby the Presbyterians endeavour to fully the Reputation of the Episcopal Clergy is this , that the kindness that any have for Episcopacy proceeds from the Espiscopal Clergy's indulging men in their sins and immoralities . And this is the old story , and contains nothing but their inveterate spite and malice . What is it that the Episcopal Church teaches that indulges men in their sins ? What Doctrine is it , that 's publickly owned or taught by the Episcopal Church , that has the least tendency to the breach of any of Gods Commandments ? How long shall these Sons of Strife continue in their Impudence ? Though this Accusation be as senseless as it is indesinite , yet upon this occasion they ordinarily magnifie their discipline , as the most Sovereign Remedy against the immoralities of the Age , much after the same manner that Montebanks do when they set off their Drugs with vehement and zealous Harrangues ; and if you have the patience for a quarter of an hour you 'll hear all that they can say . Whereas a grave experienced Physitian , will make no such promises , but he 'll calmly consider the present temper of your Body , the Causes of your Disease , and proportion his Applications to your strength , and other Circumstances , without noise or Ostentation . I know no effect that ever the Presbyterian Discipline had towards Reforming the World , unless you reckon that the murthering of Bastard Children was of that Nature . It cannot be denyed but that the Presbyterian Ministers use long Discourses to the Whores that sit on the Stool of Repentance , but they cannot name three of them that ever mounted that Publick Seat but they became Prostitutes , and when once they made Shipwrack of their Modesty , one may guess what followed . And their publick appearance in this manner made them impudent . This is all the Reformation I know that their Discipline most eminently promotes ; its true indeed there was a very remakable Step towards the Reformation made by Sir John Hall , and his Associates , the first year of the Revolution , when the Wells were locked up , and none could have fresh Water upon Sunday , yet as much Wine and Brandy was allowed as one was pleased to call for . But if by their Discipline , they mean that endless and pragmatick inquisition into all Actions , it is as impracticable , as it is burthensome ; and though it be a natural step to advance their Supremacy , yet it is attended with so much confusion and animosities , that neither true Religion nor Liberty can endure it . It is pleasant to hear them declaim against the Tyranny of Papal Power , and yet meddle with all that ever he medled with . We know what Profanations of the Name of God were occasioned by this Discipline in the year 1648. when the best of the Nobility and Gentry , and others were made to profess their Repentance for the Lawful Engagement . I do not plead against Ecclesiastical Discipline ; for it is absolutely necessary to the order and Preservation of the Church , as it is a Society founded by our Lord and Saviour . But this new fantastick and apish imitation of strictness , is inconsistent with reason , as it is indeed destructive to true and regular Devotion . The Vindicator uses to refer his Readers to other Books , I cannot condemn that practise , therefore I wish him to Read Bishop Bramhall's Treatise of the new Discipline . There is nothing more desireable than to see the Antient Discipline revived , and all men ought to Pray that God would direct our Ecclesiastical Governours , to restore the Primitive Discipline , so as the most negligent may be awakened , directed , and encouraged to repent , and testifie his Repentance by the most unfeigned mortification , and Charity . Thus I have run over some of the General Heads that are scattered up and down his Vindication , and given you freely but very briefly my Opinion of them . The next thing I undertook for your satisfaction was to enquire into the Spirit and Genius of the Author , by the Characters that appear of him in his Vindication . Not that I conclude him habitually such , for perhaps the paroxysms of his Indignation are over , but this I may conclude that when this Book was written , he was overdriven with his passion : I do not immediately conclude him to be of the Seed of the Serpent , nor of the Race of Esau , nor a Villain , nor the Successor of Judas Iscariot , nor a Rabshakeh . Though he opposes the Apostolical Government of Episcopacy , he is not of my Opinion ; but I do not think he deserves any Censure on that account that he is not of my Persuasion . His Adversaries cannot drive him to a greater absurdity than if he be made to vent his Passion in personal Reflections , and therefore I shall endeavour to six nothing upon his person but what naturally follows from his own words . I charge him therefore in the first place with open and avowed Partiality . He rejects the Testimony of any man that is not of his Party , so he rejects the Testimony of John Gibson , one of the Magistrates of Glasgow because , says he , he was of a party , and made . * a Bailiff by the Archbishop ; and all knew the Prelates . Inclinations towards the present Civil Government . His Argument may be reduced into form thus , the Bishop was an enemy to the Civil Government , John Gibson was named a Bailiff by the Bishop : Ergo the Testimony of John Gibson ought not to be received in a Matter of Fact : this is very hard , how can a man at London be more credibly inform'd of a Matter of Fact in Glasgow , than by the Authentick Testimonies of the Magistrates of Glasgow , but he tells us the Magistrates were of a Party , and what of that ? By this method of reasoning what becomes of Calderwood's History of the Presbyterians ? Must not we believe him at all because he is of a different persuasion ? Just so our Author treats Mr. Morer , one of the Prebendaries of Sarum , who wrote the first Letter of the Persecutions . The Vindicator tells us it is one lie from the beginning to the end , and why all this harshness and severity ? Why ? Because the Vindicator imagines him to be a Jacobite , though he ventured his person in Ireland , and swore the Oath of Allegiance to K. William and Q. Mary , and wrote this Letter to one of his Ecclestastical Superiors in England , yet the account he gave of the Scots Affairs did not please the Vindicator , and therefore he 's immediately transformed into a Jacobite . This is a very hard case , but why may not even the Jacobites be received as Witnesses . The Jews when they swear upon the Pentateuch are received as Witnesses before all Judicatures , and in all Courts in Christendom ; so are the Mahumetans when they swear upon the Alchoran , and all Pagans if they swear by the Idol of their Country . But Mr. Morer is no Presbyterian , and therefore his Testimony must be rejected ; thus with one dash of his Pen he overthrows all the Accounts that he himself had from the West , to the Disparagement of the Episcopal Clergy , or in defence of their Enemies , for they are all of them of a Party , and obliged by their Oaths to ruin Episcopacy . And again he rejects the Testimony of a great and an exact Historian , because he was no Presbyterian . And again , The Testimony of a Mininister , Witnessing the Persecution of another , must not be received . Another thing very remarkable in this Book , is the Author 's peremptory and dogmatick pretences to the Jus Divinum of Presbytery , contrary to the Modesty , or rather Caution of the first Presbyterians , who declared in their publick Consessions , that all Church Polity was variable , and changeable ; but the Scots Presbyterians , think they cannot justifie their Zeal for their now Polity , unless the People believe it to be of Divine Right . But how to make up this Divine Right from the Precepts of our Saviour , or the practice of the Apostles , or the Succession of the first Ages of Christianity , they know not ; they are resolved to say it is of Divine Right , and then they work hard for strained Consequences , and hence it is that they are very angry if their intrinsick Ecclesiastical power lodged in this parity be not obeyed , or questioned . So the Vindicator complains that such of the Episcopal Clergy as addressed to them , did consider them no otherwise than as a Company of men that derived all the Power they had from the Convention , and was not this a mighty astront ? They cannot endure that they should be considered as Delegates of the State , when as yet all the Nation knows , and common Sense must determine they could have no power over the Episcopal Clergy , but what they derived from the State ; and therefore all along he asserts positively , that the Scots Presbytery is the immediate Institution of Jesus Christ . But I must be so just to him as to acknowledge that most of all his Brethren , are equally peremptory and dogmatick upon this Head , and though Calvin acknowledges great honor and deference to be due to Prelates etiam hoc nomine , if they should embrace the Reformation , yet his Disciples are more improved , and cannot endure that any other Church Pollty sould prevail . From this proceed the high and lofty Epithets they bestow upon Presbytery ; Christs visible Kingdom upon Earth , his Royal Crown and Scepter , his express Institution and Discipline . And upon this Hypothesis they become proud and insolent , they despise all their opposites as men not acquainted with the Spirit of God. and enemies to the Kingdom of Jesus Christ . Another thing I take notice of in his Writings , is , his rudeness and vanity . He represents his Adversary as a Liar , and a Villain , though he cannot prove that the Author of the History of the General Assembly wrote one Lie , from the beginning to the end , if the Accounts he got from such as were present were not so exact , he himself was not to be blamed ; but the Vindicator cannot prove that any information he got was false . Again , one of his Adversaries is represented as a Liar , and a Slanderer , and tell us again that the Council appointed that no Decreet should pass in savour of the Episcopal Clergy , until the Parliament should determine in that extraordinary case ; where I take notice , that according to the Vindicators present Doctrine , the Council may stop and disable the Laws , especially when the the Episcopal Clergy Prosecute their Debitors before the Ordinary Judge . and therefore the Council may invade any mans Legal Property , contrary to the Law , and much more the Parliament ; yet this is a stretch or Arbitrary Power , never heard of in Scotland notwithstanding of all the hideous Clamors of that restless Faction . He may if he will endeavour to justifie that Arbitrary stretch , but I think that they who were most active in it , do truly think shame of it as a thing as much unprecedented and unwarrantable . Again , He insinuates that the Clergy had Clubs for thinking , and that it is an impudent falshood that either Dr. R. or Mr. Malcolm made application to the Presbyterians . As for the last whether he made application , or after what manner , I neither know nor shall I ever enquire . As for the first he is at his rest , and I will not rake into his Ashes ; but this is certainly known , although he had addressed unto the Presbyteries , he had been rejected because he was one of the Ministers of Edinburgh ; for his Party had determined to break through all obstacles of Justice and Decency , rather than suffer any of the Episcopal Clergy to continue within the City of Edinburgh . Nay , no Presbyterian was allowed , if once he had made the least Advances of Complyance with Episcopacy , as was then too visible in the Case of Mr Wilky . The Vindicator's clownish Buffoonry , and insulting over the afflicted , in the 4th . page , I omit . You will excuse me if I do not transcribe the most part of his Book , the ordinary Epithets he bestows on his Adversaries are , that they are impudent Slanderers and Villains ; but when his Heroic Passion is put into a higher ferment , they are Successors of Judas Iscariot , and Rabshakes . No doubt the Sisters will think that the Vindicator is a precious convincing man , he tramples upon the Episcopal Clergy as if they were below his notice , there is no grapling with a Giant of so much strength and reason . We must be taught better manners than to venture upon this man of Oak and Forehead , poor Creatures ! Have not we been taught better than to make publick the Secrets of the Faction ? if this man write once again , he will ruin us for ever . Is not the World well mended by this Reformation ? But I had rather prove the Vindicator a Lyar than call him so , and therefore you may ask him who gave him information that my Lord Dundee had gathered together at Edenburgh two thousand men of the Kings disbanded Forces , that with them he might surprize the Convention , when all the Nation knows that when he retir'd from Edenburgh he had not above thirty or forty to attend his Person . Who saw the two thousand ? And how comes the Vindicator to six upon that precise number twice ? Where were they Mustered ? And is it likely that my Lord Dundee at the Head of two thousand well trained old Soldiers could be forced to retire from Edenburgh by all the Vagabond Russians that came from the West . Let the Vindicator recollect himself a little , and enquire where he had this information . What my Lord Dundee intended is not the Subject of our present enquiry , but I am very sure that if he had had the fourth part of that number the Vindicator alledges , he could have quickly made the Convention at that time retire : and this I confidently think , though the Vindicator Confutes this probability by telling Mr. Morer that the Presbyterian Confidence is built on a better foundation than such as Dundee was ; and here I must take notice of this Gentlemans Charitable Temper and Condescention . Mr. Morer , one of the Prebendaries of Sarum , wrote that none doubted but that if my Lord Dundee had lived he would have changed at that time the Face of Affairs in Scotland . From this the Vindicator concludes that the Episcopal Party in Scotland placed their Confidence in none higher than my Lord Dundee , how is it possible to shun those venomous darts of spite and ill nature ? So when ever you speak to a Presbyterian I advise you to take good heed what you say , and how ; if you do not say every thing that may be said , they are sure to conclude , that what was left unsaid was not at all believed by you : so when Mr. Morer writes again he must tell his Patron that though such a change was probable according to the situation of Affairs at that time yet the Episcopal Party placed their Confidence in God. For if his words are not thus guarded the Presbyterians will immediately conclude that the Episcopal Party are but a pack of Atheists that place no Confidence in God , but lean on the Arm of Flesh . I return from this Digression to that that I lately mention'd , viz. The Vindicators story of two thousand disbanded Soldiers , which carries with it all the marks by which a willful and deliberate lye , may be known from modest and ingenuous Truth , and the reason why I instance in this particular is because the Vindicator was at Edenburgh , or not far from it , about that time , and therefore it is not probable but that he might have known the truth : and from this I conclude that either he lies deliberately , and willfully , or his Informers are Lyars , and idle talkers , or at best he himself , is guilty of supine negligence , in gathering true Informations . For to do him Justice , I promise to retract this publickly , if he get five or six men of any note even amongst the Presbyterians in Edenburgh , who will declare it under their hands that they knew that my Lord Dundee had gathered together two thousand Disbanded Soldiers at Edenburgh , before he retired from the Convention . And the Vindicator himself cannot deny but that this is an extraordinary piece of Condescension , that I should leave it to be decided by the Testimony of Presbyterians themselves , since he rejects all Episcopal Witnesses . The next thing I instance , as to his Candour and Integrity , is this , that in the third page of his Preface he writes , that there was Advice writen by Dr. Canaries to Mr. Lisk , to be communicated to the Episcopal Party , That they should yield feigned Obedience to the Presbyterians at present , and these words he caused to be Printed in a different Character , that every one might conclude they were the words of Dr. Canaries Letter ; whereas the Doctor never wrote such a thing , nor any thing that can yield any such Consequence . And 't is yet more pleasant to read his Letter that justifies this disingenuous usage , because forsooth feigned Obedience was a Scriptural Phrase , and though the Doctor wrote no such thing , yet he thinks he was allowed to Print this Relation of him , so as all the World might conclude these words were the express words of Dr. Canarie's Letter , and this Lie is more unpardonable than the former , because it is deliberate and unrepented off . I shall mention one Instance more of his Candour and Integrity , and it relates to Mr. Macmath , whom he injures most atrociously . And because he raises all his Batteries against Mr. Macmath , the Minister of Leswade , we need no other proof of the Vindicators ingenuity , nor no other Character of his genius than to read that part of his Libel that relates to Mr. Macmath . First , he charges him with Drunkenness , but the Vindicator knew no such thing , only the barbarous Villains who wounded him upon the Road as he was Travelling from Edenburgh to his own House , they would take care to transmit to the Vindicator such stories as were most convenient for him to propagate , but Mr. Macmath was that very night , before he came from Edenburgh , in the company of two Gentlemen of Honor and Integrity , and appeals to them whether they could perceive in him either the first beginnings , or the least appearance of any excess or disorder , and their Testimony is of greater authority than all the stories that the Vindicacor can patch together from such Villains as made an attempt upon his life . Next he charges him with amorous , wanton , and lascivious behaviour , and I am glad the Vindicator mentions it , because in this very story we have a notorious instance of their Villany and Hypocrisie : there was a poor woman hired by the Presbyterians to say that Mr. Macmath once made Love to her , and she was prevailed with by her Brother , a Presbyterian , to say so , and when she was encouraged by them again to adhere to what she said , she declined it , and told them that she had said enough for any thing she had gotten . Her Brother , who had taught her thus to accuse an innocent man , was smitten with such a remorse ( when he came to consider more narrowly what he had done ) that he was in hazard to destroy himself , and actually did so , when he removed to the next Parish , by ripping up his own Belly . But it is no wonder to hear Mr. Machmath thus calumniated , when they had the impudence to accuse the Venerable Old Archbishop Spotswood of Incest with his own Niece of fourteen years old . And to make an end of what concerns Mr. Macmath , let me acquaint the Reader that such as were most active in his Trouble and Persecution , very shortly after felt the severity of Gods just Judgment . John Clark , who beat him with the great end of his Musket , was suddenly bruised to death by the fall of a Tree in the Wood of Rosling , so that he never spoke again : and for the other Mr. Borthwite , his Conscience did so check him , that he had no peace until he ended his life in a most lamentable Distraction and Madness . I am not so bold as to infer that the Persecuting of Mr. Macmath was the only sin that drew upon them the visible and sudden marks of Gods heavy displeasure , but I may very safely say that the Signatures of Gods anger are frequently legible enough in the punishment of some mens sins , and that Atheistical Hypocrites seldom escape his indignation even in this World. As for the Vindicators Tattling of Mr. Finlasone , Mr. Finlasone himself denyed all when he was challenged . But , that I may no longer detain the Reader , nor yet condemn my self to the drudgery of raking into that Puddle that is here heaped together against Mr. Macmath , let him compare the following Authentick Certificate in favours of Mr. Macmath , subscribed by the Gentlemen and others of his own Parish , with all the little knavish and impudent Lyes that the Vindicator has gathered already , or may hereafter invent , and then let him Judg as his discretion will lead him . Leswade , August 10. 1689. WE Subscibers , Heretors , or such as represent them , Elders , and others within this Parish of Leswade , do hereby Declare and Testifie that Mr. John Macmath , present Minister there , has been above these twenty years bygone in the said Ministry to our great satisfaction , and has Preached the Word of God faithfully , and performed other Duties of his Ministerial Function diligently ; his Deportment and Behaviour being sutable to his Doctrine and Sacred Employment : wherefore we do own him as our lawful Minister , and are well pleased that he be continued in the peaceable exercise of his Ministry amongst us , as witness these presents subscribed with our hands . Sic Subscribitur . Sir Will. Drummond of Hauthornden , Kt. William Drummond . Saintclare of Rosline , Barronet . Jo. Saintclare . Lately one of the Magistrates of Edenburgh . Jo. Johnstone . Representing the Barronry of Prestone . Ro. Preston . Nicolsone of Trabrowne , one of the Magistrates of Edenburgh , as representing Leswade Barronry . Ja. Nicolsone . Son to the L. Prestone . Alex. Prestone . Town Major of Edenburgh , living in the Parish of Leswade . Major Will. Murray . Son to the L. Prestone . Char. Prestone . Son to Major Murray . Pat. Murray . Elders Alex Lawder . Ja. Chiseholme . Will. Dobie . Tho. Geddes . Archibald Johnstone . Jo. Mulckin . Tho. Reok. Ad. Threplain . Will. Ramsey . Alex. Porteous . William Pouersell . Masters of Families . John Reok. Franc. Scott . Pat Whytlaw . Ja. Morisone . Jo. Mathre . Geo. Johnstone . Da. Mackall . Alex. White . And. Summer . Again he tells us , that it is well known that the Episcopal Party made all the essayes they were capable of to carry the Elections for the Convention , when it is far better known , that in several Shires the Episcopal Gentry declin'd industriously their being chosen for that Convention , particularly in the Shire of Ross where the Vindicator dare not say that the Presbyterians can carry the Elections . And let me but once for all tell you , that the Presbyterians had many Advantages of their Opposites at that time not to be named . To be short , his Book is every where interspersed with the silliest shufflings and tergiversations : it is not enough for him to say that he is not acquainted with the Matter of Fact , when any thing is affirmed by his Adversary , that he is a stranger to , but instead of this ; he presently flies in his Face and gives him the Lie. I 'll give you one Instance of this rudeness , Mr. Morer wrote to his Patron , that there were some that Sate in the late Convention , who were not infeft in their Estates , and consequently were excluded by the Fundamental Laws of the Nation . This the Vindicator denies , and tells us , his denial is a sufficient answer , and all this because Mr. Morer did not name the Members of the Convention that were not infeft in their Estates . Had it not been an extraordinary indiscretion to have named particular Gentlemen , and to publish what might be so prejudicial to their Interest amongst their Creditors and Acquaintances . And if the Vindicator will generously conceal their names , he shall know them too when he pleases ; and when he thus contends for the honor of that Convention , he in the next Line blunders most unhappily , and tells the World in Print that some Sate in that Convention who were forfeit for High Treason by all the solemnities and forms of Law , and that before the Sentence was Repealed by any Judicatory : and therefore I advise the Vindicator not to bind up the Sovereign Powers of the Earth to little Punctilio's and Forms of Law , but let him be a little more kind to Arbitrary Power , and the extraordinary Exigences of State. And since he thinks it very just that the Convention should allow such a procedure against all the Forms of Law ; why may not he allow the King and Council to put the very Laws in Execution against Phanaticks , when the essentials of Government are endangered by their Conspiracies and Insurrections . There are frequent Instances of his Disingenuity and shifting , which no body expects should be particularly refuted : because they engage ones enquiries into all those Pamphlets he pretends to refute ; and because the Book would swell to a prodigious Bulk , and the Publick is not at all concerned to know the Circumstances of every particular Ministers Sufferings in the West of Scotland . I could in the next place inform you of his Inconsistencies . He treats his Adversaries as Brethren , yet in his Preface he insinuates that such Disputes with the Episcopal Party are but the strugglings and oppositions between the Seed of the Woman , and the Seed of the Serpent ; and that there are but few Matters of Fact that he pretends to any knowledge of himself . Yet in the next Line almost , he tells us that he doth not build on hear-say or common Talk ; and yet the materials of his Book are but the Testimonies of many who were Actors or Abettors of the Western Villanies : and if he did not build on hear-say , how came he to Print that Mr. George Henry , Minister at Carstarphin , meddled with a Brewery , which is notoriously false ? And though this be a trifling story , yet is it an undeniable Evidence that the Vindicator was heedless and inconsiderate in gathering true Materials . Again , The Vindicator tells us that they do not think K. William an Idolater though he Communicate with the Church of England , yet when some of his Party mounts the Desk and declaims their Maccaronicks , they positively conclude that the Church of England is idolatrous . Again , he does not allow that the Clergy who Address'd the Commission of the General Assembly had any measure of wit , yet their Contrivances were founded on deep Consults . But let me tell the Vindicator , that no man , or Society of men , has the Monopoly of Prudence , the most cautious steps may be sometimes frustrated and the wisest men may sometimes widely mistake their measure : and the Hearts of all Men , as well as the Hearts of Kings and Princes , are in the hands of God , and their motions directed by his Providence . And after all , let me tell the Vindicator once more , that that little Contrivance and Formula of an Address blew up their pretended Assembly : and let me tell him more , yet ( tho I pretend to no acquaintance in Political things ) that it is very probable that those very Laws by which the Ringleaders of Presbytery thought to secure their Tyranny for ever , will occasion its fall and ruin , though they endeavour to support it by the Pens and Lungs of all its Associates . I could name many other Inconsistencies , I have no room for them : every other Line is stuffed with such mean and scurrilous Railings that it is nauseous to repeat them ; yet I cannot but take notice of his Vanity . He treats his Adversaries with scorn and contempt . The Author of the History of the General Assembly he treats as a Sciolist , and as a Momus , and he is enraged that he should presume to write that one of the Presbyterian Doctors could not speak Latine . Such an Affront was not to be endured by a man that had signalized himself so much in Controversial Feats , and therefore I advise you when you meddle with the Presbyterions , to make your Approaches with all possible Caution and Reverence . A Presbyterian had rather be accused of Adultery , Sodomy , or Incest , than to be thought Ignorant , and this is the reason why the Author of that History is lash'd with all the severities of Satyr , and the Vindicator would have forgiven him any thing rather than the least Insinuation of being ignorant . Alas ! this was not to be be endured that one of their Leaders , and who had made a remarkable Figure , should be thus run down and exposed to laughter . For though the Presbyterians look very demure and grave , you mistake them , if you think them Stoicks : If you venture to say any thing that may rob them of that pleasant Imagination of their own Grandeur , that lovely idea that they have of themselves , and their extraordinary performances . But I must tell you what occasioned his heavy displeasure against the Author of the History of the General Assembly , That Author gives one Instance why he thought Mr. Gilbert Rule did not understand throughly the things that he wrote of , because when he Cites the Epistle of St. Jerom to Evagrius , and from thence Cites the Sentence you see in the Margine * he must needs force the word ordinatio in that Epistle to signifie the Ordering of the Meetings . This Exposition the Author of that History ( such an Infidel he is ) thinks a little Paradoxical , if not downright Ignorance ; because no Ecclesiastical Writer in that , or any former Age understood any such thing by that word so placed , as it is in that Epistle ; besides there 's no mention of any meeting near that word , that determin it to that signification . And since this Exposition was so very odd , the Author of that History did treat it and the Inventer of it very familiarly . Besides , others do think that it this Exposition be received , it will oblige us to understand St. Jerom , in many places , in a Sense contrary to the Opinion of all former Ages . Thus I find St. Jerom informs us that such and such a man was Ordinatus ab Apostolis Episcopus of such a place , therefore the meaning must be that such a man was appointed to meet the Apostle at such a place . However the Vindicator treats him as a Sciolist , a Momus , a poor sequacious Animal , that follows such as went before him . But if he had been acquainted with the penetrating Genius of Mr. Rule and others , he had no doubt understood the Fathers better . It is very difficult to guess what to impute this extravagant Fancy to , he thought it dangerous to allow that Ordinatio did signifie the Imposition of Hands , at least he wished such a power might not be granted to a Bishop , and therefore he will have Ordinatio in that Epistle of St. Jerom to Evagrius , to signifie the ordering of something , though that thing be not named in St. Jreom ; and if it signifies the ordering of something ( as the Vindicator profoundly Reasons , ) why not the ordering of a Meeting ? And if it was the ordering of a Meeting ? Why not the ordering of an Ecclesiastical Meeting ? Yet all this time it is not determined whether this ordering of the Meeting be an Authoritative appointing of the time when they should meet , and what they should treat of , or only presiding as Moderator amongst them , when the Collective body themselves appointed the meeting . Because , I say , this is left uncertain ; perhaps the Vindicator will judge it most convenient to adhere to the last . If he had said , that Ordinatio signified the ordering of a Dromedary it had been more to his purpose , for certainly the ordering of such an Animal made not so great a distinction between a Bishop and Presbyter as the ordering of Ecclesiastical Meetings . How contrary such a fancy is to the received exposition of that word , will best appear when we consider other places in the works of S. Jerom , where the word Ordinare is made use of , and let us suppose that the word must be interpreted according to the new Critick . Thus we find St. Jerom , Comment . 1. Epist . ad Timothe . Cap. 3. ab initio Primum laicos instituit de quibus optimi quique in facordotium eliguntur & sic dicit quales debeant ordinari . Then the meaning must be according to this late discovery , that the Apostle declared such as were fit to be appointed to meet . Again , S. Jerom in his Comment on the Epist . to Titus in those words : For this cause left I thee in Crete that thou mightest ordain , He hath these words , Quae desunt recto tenore corrige & tunc demum presbyteros poteris ordinare , cum omnes in Ecclesia fuerint recti , when all have been blameless in the Church , then thou mayst appoint Presbyters to meet . And again , in his Catalogue Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum , speaking of S. James the Brother of our Lord , Jacobus qui appellatur frater Domini cognomento justus — Post Passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatus , the meaning must be , that he was appointed by the Apostles to meet at Jerusalem . And in the same Book it is said again , Timotheus autem Ephesiorum Episcopus ordinatus a Beato Paulo , that is to say , Timothy the Bishop was appointed by S. Paul to meet at Ephesus . Again , Polycarpus Joannis Apostoli discipulus & ab eo Smyrnae Episcopus ordinatus , totius Asiae princeps fuit . I need add no more testimonies to make this Critical observation more ridiculous , and I defic all that ever looked into the Presbyterian Books to find any thing so palpably ignorant and foolish , as this exposition of that passage in S. Hierom , except it be the Vindicators Notion of decretum praedamnatum , which I shall examine before I end this Letter , and yet I do not remember that ever I read any Man more proud and supercilious ; but Ignorance and Pride go ordinarily together . I shall not contend with him about this nonsensical Whimsey , I wish with all my heart he had writ a Book in Quarto of such Expositions of the most difficult places in the Fathers ▪ and I dare assure him such Books would be read by the Youth in the Universities with far greater Delight than his Vindication of the Kirk of Scotland . And I have a far greater Opinion of the knowledge of most of his Brethren , than to think that there are two of them in the Nation ( except it be Mr. Russel and Mr. Gourlay ) that can agree with him in this Exposition ; the reason why I mention it here is not to dispute with him any farther concerning it , but to give you an Instance of his insufferable Pride and Vanity that he resents the least Contradiction to his Nonsence with so much bitterness and indignation * . Another Instance to the same purpose we have again p. 183. The Author of the History of the General Assembly said , That such as were thrust into Universities and Colleges by the Presbyterian Faction were short of their Predecessors . This nettles the Vindicator , who , ( if his sufficiencies be such as he fancies ) should have slighted it . And therefore he compares the men of his way with their Predecessors , ( I suppose he must mean such as are lately promoted into the Seminaries of Learning ) if the Vindicator means Mr. Rules Predecessors in the College of Edenburgh that are already dead , He is extravagantly impertinent ; If he mean the Masters lately ejected , I assure him , they never compared themselves nor their Sufficiencies with any dead nor alive ; the more any man knows the less he thinks of it ; and though Knowledge in it self be very valuable , yet such Thrasonical Boastings of it are very opposite to the nature of it . It may be the Vindicator thinks that the ejected Masters wrote so advantageously of themselves : but if that be his mistake , I dare assure him they had no hand in any History of the Assembly , or of any affairs relating to it . And if such as love these Masters speak kindly of them , when they are expelled by a prevailing Faction , he need not take it ill , far less is there any necessity to run them down with such loud and saucy Comparisons * . He instances in four particulars , wherein he thinks the present Masters may compare with their Predecessors , viz. The Knowledge of Books , useful Learning , Prudence to direct the Studies of the Youth , Grammar , and the knowledge of the learned Languages † . If it be so , it is still so much the better , but it is very difficult for any man that was intirely a stranger to his Predecessors , to know what Books they recommended or were themselves acquainted with . But the Author mentioning casually Mr. Gilbert Rule 's want of Latin , brought the Vindicator into this lofty strain of Comparisons , no doubt it was to let the World see how well he understood the Roman Authors , that he cites Plutarch and Simonides in Latin , but a little Latin may go very far if it be dexterously managed , and it may be worth his while to consider the direction † Buchanan gave the Franciscans . But if he would be entreated to put on a more chearful humour , I would tell him freely my opinion on the whole matter ; and that is , that a man may be learned , and judicious , and know a great many excellent Books , and reason closely and yet not speak the Latin readily ; so that there is no necessity to appear buffy and out of humour , tho it were said that he did not speak Latin purely and fluently , that accomplishment depends upon long practice and upon all Revolutions ( and sometimes without them ) the publick Schools have their Factions , and some are ready to censure what is not justly censureable , and this might occasion the Boys to be a little more severe than perhaps was allowable , when this Rabbi spoke something instead of Latin that was neither Latin nor Scotch . But I must tell him withal what I heard from eye and ear Witnesses in ( and this I have more credible Attestations than any of the Testimonies the Vindicator brings to disparage the Clergy ) That the said Mr. Rule did publickly in his Prelections in plenis Academiae comiti is , say , That one that did so and so , as the Church of England did , was guiltus Idolatriae ; nor have I this from the younger Boys of that House , but from such as need not be named and cannot reasonably be suspected of lying . And I must tell Mr. Rule , tho such an unhappy Trip would vilifie him amongst the Students , yet it never lessens him in my Opinion , because ones Imagination may be so fix'd upon the thing , that he forgets what Language he ought to speak . But I will tell you of another thing that I think was yet worse . At a publick Commencement , apprehending that a Gentleman who was disputing against the Praeses did bear too hard upon him ; He got up very gravely , and spoke to the Praeses thus , Domine Praeses , require illum ut proponat Argumentum categorice . It is true , that require illum is Latin ; for ( if I remember right ) it may be met with in Eunuch . Terent. But in a sense vastly different from what was intended by Mr. Rule . For the sense intended by Mr. Rule no doubt , was that the Praeses would oblige the Opponent to be more methodical . and if that be the meaning , it could not be more unhappily exprest , for requirere aliquem in true Latin signifies to search for one again and again , to see where he may be found . I shall give you one Instance more , It is this , Mr. Rule finding that one of the Students in a Harrangue , advanced some things that were unagreeable to him , and favourable to some of the Masters that were lately ejected , He got up and offered to silence the Youth , and said , That ille diolamat contra starum Regni , He meant no doubt the late Convontion and Parliament , and any thing against them in the old Latin was contra Ordines Regni , how this ought to be express'd after the Reformation I know not . I can make no Apology for keeping you so long to such Importinencies , but who can help it : Why shall men give themselves the trouble to answer Books so accurately as the Vindicator pretends to do , that there must not be a Cobweb in all their foldings unswept . This put the Vindicator upon many impertinent Essays , and if I had time to insist upon them I could furnish you with very pleasant Instances out of his Answers to Mr. Morer's Letter . But the Vindicator must refute accurately ; and this obliges him to condescensions below Gravity and Manhood . Every where we have visible marks of the Vindicators Genius , every where he stoops so low when he has nothing to pick up but straws and broken Pins , the Spirit of Contradiction eats out the vitals of his Soul , and ever and anon puts him upon silly and extravagant importinencies : For to nothing else can it be imputed than to his impardonable vanity — his wishing this Sciolist or some other would attempt the refuting his Books . I must confess , I read his Vindications and his pretended Answer to the Ironicum , and if he be not improved since he wrote those Tracts , he deserves no particular Answer , for his Explication of S. Jerom's Epistle , and his Decretum praedamnatum ( of which hereafter ) are Indications of his groundless and illiterate Fopperies : if he had defended himself by the common Pleas of learned Presbyterians , he ought to be treated with Civility and Discretion ; but when he presumes to dictate either blasphemous Nonsence , ( such as his decretum praedamnatum ) or visionary and childish Romances ( such as his fancy of the meaning of Ordinatio in S. Jerom's Epistle ) he should in this case be treated according to his Character , for it is not possible that so much ignorance could dwell but in the company of so much Pride , and therefore I appeal to all the Scots Presbyterians , if ever they yet discovered any such monstrous Nonsence written or said by any man that pretended to have read but one System in his lifetime , and yet this Mormo of a Scholar must forsooth strat with so much insolence and vanity , as if he were teaching some Americans , who were never acquainted with the civilized part of Mankind . There have been many attempts used by different Parties to expose one another for their Ignorance and Immoralities , but I defie all men to name one Instance of greater Ignorance , either before or after the Reformation than this one Notion of his Decretum praedamnatum , and yet forsooth he must pretend to explain and defend the Calvinian System , and takes occasion by an innocent Sentence or two , to thrust himself into this Scuffle without considering whether he understood the Controversie or not , but I leave him to the Chastisement of others . Good Nature and Christian Modesty teach us to hide and extenuate the weaknesses of others ; but when those very men pretend to give Rules to all mankind , they ought to be put in mind that it is not yet time for them to appear so arrogant and presumptuous . Affectation is the meanest Vice , and an intollerable piece of Hypocrisie ; we are not so ugly by our natural defects , as by the Accomplishments that we counterfeit , and this is the Hereditary uncurable Disease of our Pedling little Reformers . They cannot indure to follow the common Sentiments of Mankind , they are all for heights , and singularities . He that walks not in the common Road , where the way is safe , must be silly , and bypocondriack , or proud , and designing ; and therefore the Spirit of Christianity teaches us to believe and practice the indisputable Truths of our Religion , more than the peculiar Opinions of broken Schismaticks , and lesser Fraternities . Sometimes I have had some kind Thoughts towards the Quakers ; but when I considered that they needlesly forsake the innocent Customs of Mankind , the Universally acknowledged Rules of Decency , and the Universal Tradition of the Church , I must think that they are led by a Spirit of Delusion and Pride . Nothing recommends us to God more than true Humility , and it is an undeniable proof of Integrity and Self denial to comply with the innocent Customs of the World , and therefore our Saviour left us an Example , by which we may in the midst of all tentations live in the World , and yet continue unspotted by its infection . I have digressed two far , not from what I designed , but from the Vindicators account of things . I am afraid I may get upon the Finger-ends , because I did not name my Witnesses for the Latin Eleganeies that I lately mentioned ; but if he waites to the Bookseller whose name is prefixt , he shall know as many Witnesses as are necessary , and forty more such Barbarisms . To end , and to complete this Character of the Vindicator , I might mention his apparent Shufflings and Tergiversations , for when the Outrages done to the Clergy are open and notorious , then he extenuates it as no great Injury , when some of them were beat upon the Head , and Legs , and others of them made to go through deep waters in the midst of Winter . But among all the Flights of his Invention there is none more remarkable than this unwary concession , that Ecclesiastical Judicatories that enquire into Scandals are not obliged to follow the Forms of other Courts . I thought that the Forms of Civil Courts were wisely appointed partly to prevent our being surprized , partly to hinder ( as far as humane Prudence could prevent ) all Forgeries , and Combinations , against the innocent , and that the Forms were but the external Fences , that the Law invented to guard Justice and Equity . But this Author tells us that it s doubted ( no doubt amongst Learned Men ) whether the Ecclesiastical Court be obliged to follow such Forms . It is very odd that the Laity among the Scots Presbyterians , who pretend to be at the greatest Remove from Popery , shall thus calmly stoop to the most intollerable slavery of the Inquisition . Next to this Concession is his fair Advertisement to the Church of England , that indeed the Covenanters do not think themselves obliged to reform the Church of England , unless they are called to it ; but if the Godly in England call them , then all their Ammunition must be employed to serve their dear Brethren in England . Next to this , let me instance his shameful Shuffling about the Toleration lately granted to Presbyterians in Scotland , he tells us , that they expressed as much as they were capable their dislike of the Toleration given to the Papists for their Herosies and Idolatry , yet their Agents , then at Court , wrote Books ( such as they were ) pleading that the Penal Laws ought to be Repealed ; but withal the Vindicator adds that they do not grudge Liberty to any others who can shew as good a Warrant for their way of Worship as they do , i. e. they have a Divine Right for their way , and none others can have a Divine Right if they have it ; because their way is different from all others ; and therefore at bottom they are against Toleration as the most mischievous thing in the World : and in the time of the late Troubles they exclaimed against it , as a thing worse than the Calves of Dan and Bethel . Now you have no other Character of the Vindicator from me , than what I have extracted from his Book , nor do I conclude him to be habitually guilty of such shuffling and disingenuity ; but single Acts may grow into rooted Habits . He is so deeply tinctur'd with the fulleness of his Faction ; that he 'll rather question whether the Body of the Sun is luminous , than admit the least scruple concerning the Divine Right of Presbytery . The next thing I promised to Discourse of , was his Theological Reasonings that occasionally falls under his Consideration , when he pleads the Innocence of the Presbyterians . It is true , the Vindicator does not designedly insist on those Theological heads that I am shortly to speak of , but incidentally they fall in his way ; but he cannot forbear his venomous Squibs , when he mentions the practice of the Catholic Church , that mostly expose their Novelty and Enthusiasm . The first I take notice of is his Censure of the Catholick Observation of Christmas ; The Author of the second Letter did very iudiciously observe how diametrically opposite the western Phanaticks are to the spirit and practice of the Catholick Church , That they should begin their Barbarities against the Clergy upon that very day upon which the Church did celebrate the Nativity of our blessed Saviour ; and which the Angelical Hosts of Heaven did magnifie with triumphant Songs ; the Vindicator cannot let this Observation pass without his Theological Animadversions . And he tells us in the first place , that the Author of that Letter valu'd himself upon this fine Notion , certainly the Author could not value himself upon this Notion , but he had great reason to value the universal practice of the Christian Church from the first plantations of Christianity . Next the Vindicator tells us , that it is ridiculous to assert that that day was celebrated by the Court of Heaven . What ? says he , Did the Court of Heaven keep the Anniversary day ? This is profoundly wise . There is no standing before the wit and smartness of such Repartees . What , did not the Court of Heaven celebrate the birth of our blessed Saviour ? And was not the Anniversary Solemnity of this Festival a just imitation of what the Court of Heaven did ? But he asks if the Court of Heaven did keep an Anniversary ? For the great Danger is in that word Anniversary . But might not the Christian Church take care that this glorious Mystery should never be forgotten ? And was it not reasonable that our Posterity should remember it , as well as they to whom it was first reveal'd ? and could the Christian Church take more effectual methods to preserve the memory of it than by appointing this Anniversary Festival ? He grants that the Institution is very ancient , but that the Church did keep it in all Ages is said without book ; If he means that there are no Presbyterian Books that give Evidence for this Festival , we grant it ; but if he mean that the Church did not observe it from the very days of the Apostles , we desire to know when it began ? and in what Period of the Church it was not observed ? and then we may see more clearly into the Origine of this Festival : And tho it had not been from the beginning the Christian Church may continue the practice of it upon the best reasons . He asks again , If our Saviour was born upon the 25th day of December , but this is childish and impertinent , when the Church did order the Commemoration of that Mystery on the 25. of December , she did not decide that Chronological Nicety , whether our Saviour was born on the 25. of December , nor was it needful to encrease the Devotions of the Church , that they should be performed with regard to one day more than to another , as if they depended upon such a Critical Minute of time , I hope the Vindicator knows that the 25. of December in France is not the 25. of December in Britain ; and yet the Christians of either communion celebrate the Nativity of our blessed Saviour with regard to the Calculations of the Country in which they live , nay , he may know that there are Confiderable Objections against the common Aera of the Christians . But the Vindicator thinks that such an Anniversary day is not to be kept by Gods Appointment . But hath not God appointed us to obey the Apostles and their Successors our lawful Ecclesiastical Rulers to the end of the World : And may not they regulate the publick Solemnities and returns of Gods Worship ? Is there any thing in this Regulation but what hath a natural tendency to preserve and propagate the great truths of the New Testament ? With what impudence then dare we refuse obedience to the universal Church , when her Constitutions are so just , so wise and so agreeable to the whole tenor of the Gospel ? If all the Ecclesiastical Constitutions from the days of the Apostles had been written in the Bible , could one read it in a thousand years ? There was a plain necessity in that case to have continued the immediate inspiration in the Church until the consummation of all things . Upon this their Hypothesis Reason becomes useless to order the publick Solemnities of the Church , the Christian Faith being once revealed , they needed not the assistance of a new Revelation to order its publick Solemnities ; For when the festivities and Fasts of the Church were only conversant about the Articles of Faith already reveal'd , it is supposed that common sense and discretion must cloath the great Mysteries of our Religion , with such vehicles of time , place , and publick Solemnity , as best preserve their reverence , and transmit them to Posterity . But this is an unfortunate mistake , an original Blunder of the whole Party ; and as long as they keep to this Maxim they must necessarily continue stubborn and ungovernable , and proof against the wisest Constitutions of the Christian Church : for they must have Scripture for such things as could not be contain'd in the Scripture ; but he fortifies this with a Latin Sentence , as if Nonsence could change its Nature by being put into Latin. For the Question is not of Articles of Faith , but concerning the Constitutions of the universal Church . But perhaps the Vindicator might yield to the Observations of Christmas , if the Observation of it were not anniversary . There is some hidden dangerous Plot in that word Anniversary , as if our Posterity were not to be educated in that Faith which we believe . And so Enthusiastick our Presbyterians are become , that they broach Principles unknown to all the subdivisions of Dissenters in England ; and tho more knowing and intelligent among them never scruple the observation of an Anniversary day , since they yearly commemorate the dreadful Fire of London , by Fasting and Prayers . From all this I conclude , That it is very dangerous , if not impious , to separate from the Church in those excellent Constitutions that have been received from the beginning , and in all Countries where the name of Jesus hath been worshipped , such Constitutions and Solemnities have been derived from the Apostles or Apostolick times . When the World was enlightened by the knowledge of the Son of God , he did not extinguish the light of Reason , but he supposes it , and reasons from it , and strengthens it , and there is nothing more strongly enclined towards God , and the Communications of his Spirit , than true and unbiassed Reason . Therefore such Constitutions [ as the reason of all Mankind is agreed in ) have nothing in them contrary to the purity of our Religion . If Anniversary days and Festivals have been profaned among the Pagans to the worship of Idols , why may they not be sanctified by the true Object of Worship , and the honour of Jesus Christ ? Publick Solemnities have nothing in their own nature that is reproveable no more than the motion of the Sun , or the vicissitude of Seasons , if any part of our time be abused to excess or riot , or the worship of an Idol , we are liable to the Justice of God. But when we return from Idols to the true God , when we change our excess into fasting , and prayer , and when the whole Scene is become pure , what is there in all this that can be blamed ? Do not we see all Nations agree in this , that publick Solemnities , and anniversary Festivals , and Fasts are necessary to the being and beauty of Religion , even those Nations that are at the greatest distance from our Customs , our Language , our Laws , and way of living , upon the Conversion of Nations to the Christian Religion ; some of the places where they worshipped their Idols have been dedicated to the true God ; and was it not a happy Victory over the Kingdom of Darkness when the publick Solemnities of Idolatry , times and places , have changed their Objects , their Exercises , and their End. It is true , the great Anniversaries of the Jewish Religion were appointed immediately by divine Authority . But had not they other Anniversaries not immediately appointed by God , and do you read that ever the Prophets did reprove the Jews for such Anniversaries . They did indeed reprove their negligence and indevotion in them , but the thing it self was acknowledged reasonable and prudent , and a very powerful instrument of true Religion when managed with Contrition , true Simplicity and Piety . Zach. Did ye at all fast unto me saith the Lord. The Fasts mentioned here are of humane appointment , and yet anniversary . Our Saviour was present at the Feast of the Dedication , for which there was not any immediate Divine Institution ; and though he had not been present , if it had been superstitious he had certainly reproved it , and given directions against such usages in the general . To shake off all the externals of Religion , is as dangerous as the multiplying of them , the one is the Error of the Romanists , and the other the superstition of the Dissenters . It is certain that nothing preserves Knowledge of Christian Religion amongst the Body of the People more than the Festivals of the Church ; for it is not left to the Arbitrary or Extemporary Fits of Devotion , but the Church by her excellent Discipline orders the matter so , that it is not possible to forget the Faith unto which we have been once Baptized : but amongst the Presbyterians in Scotland , the People are taught by their Leaders to despise all Forms , such great souls ought not to be fettered to the Rules and Methods of the Universal Church , and therefore it is very rare to find a Child in the West of Scotland , that can repeat the Commandments or the Creed ( I mean the Children of Presbyterian Parents ) and by such Enthusiastick pretences , Atheism is insensibly promoted , and the Body of the People alienated from the simplicity of Christian Religion , and scarcely will they allow any man to be acquainted with true Religion that mentions those first Principles of it . It is not possible to tell how much their opposition to Forms and Festivals of the Church has infatuated their People , there is nothing can make a Clown in the West of Scotland laugh so heartily , as when the Curate recommends to their Children the Creed , the Lords Prayer , and Ten Commandments ; and therefore they have no opinion of any Mans understanding , unless he entertain them with Discourses of Gods unsearchable decrees , of Justification before Conversion , and how the Convictions of natural Conscience may be distnguished from the Convictions that proceed from the Spirt of God : to observe the Festivals of the Church is but a piece of antiquated Superstition . But we ought to remember that the stated Festivals and Fasts of the Church do preserve , and increase true Devotion and Mortification . Fasting is acknowledged a necessary Instrument of Religion by all Nations who profess any Religion at all . It is not enjoyned , but suposed by our Saviour : why may not then the Church regulate and direct the Publick Solemnities of Fasting , as well as of Prayer . There is nothing so proper to fix our attention as Fasting , it delivers the Soul from the oppressions of the Body , and restores it to its true and native Sovereignty over our Lusts and Passions . The stated Periods of Fasting oblige the most stubborn and impenitent to think of his Soul , and the visible Practice of the Church Preach Repentance more effectually , and make more lasting Impressions than the loose and indefinite Homilies of self-conceited men . The External Solemnities of Religion may be abused ( as the most excellent things are ) when they are left to the Conduct of humane weakness ; but it is not possible to preserve Religion among the Body of Mankind , without those Vehicles of Form and Order . Nothing hinders the Reformation of the Grecian Churches , from the variety of their Errors and Superstitions , so much as the open neglect of Fasting among the Protestants , and this Practice is not to be defended , but rather lamented and amended . What a Cruelty is it in all the Sectaries to deprive the People of the Publick helps of Prayer and Fasting ? Who can justifie this , that considers the many Incumbrances , Tentations , Weaknesses , that we daily encounter ? They that set up Methods of their own , in opposition to the Wisdom of the Church , in all Ages may amuse the People for a while , but can produce nothing that is solid or useful . It is certain that the Grecian Churches had , long ere now , made an utter Apostacy from the Christian Religion , if the ancient and fix'd Discipline of the Church did not retain them in the Faith , and when we consider how much the Religion that we are Baptized into , triumphs over Sensualities and Concupiscence , we cannot but acknowledge the Wisdom and Beauty of the ancient Discipline . The most useful things in Art or Nature , may be sadly abused by Folly or Ignorance . We are not to separate from the Roman Church , further than they have separated from the Wise and Primitive Constitution of the first Ages of Christianity ; and all the Protestants abroad seem to agree in this Truth , for they Preach and Pray Publickly upon the great Fasts and Festivals of the Church . The publick Seasons of Devotion are the Catechism of the People . It is true , when there is no day fixt for the Uniform Celebration of such a Mystery it may be remembred by some ; but it is not credible that all the People will remember it ; but when the day is fixt we cannot forget it , and from our Infancy we are easily trained in the Nurture and Admonition of the Lord , and in the simplicity of Christian Religion , free from Jewish Superstition ( touch not , taste not , handle not , with which all our Sectaries are unhappily Leavened ) as well as from giddiness and Enthusiasm . The next thing that I mention , is his Accusation against the Episcopal Church , that they were guilty of Schism : For , He tells us that he knows no Schism , but such as was caused by his Opposites , and this is pleasant enough . There is a Company of men lately started up in the Christian Church , and if the Universal Church does not immediatly strike Sail to their Novelties , all must be concluded Schismaticks . By our Baptismal Vowes we are obliged to preserve the Unity of the Catholick Church , we are Members of that visible Body , that worship the true God through Jesus Christ , and consequently we are obliged to worship God in Unity and in Society , nor can we separate from any sound part of the Catholick Church , that does not require unlawful Conditions of Communion , and such as are forbidden by that God whom we Worship . Upon this Hypothesis , I think it impossible for the Presbyterians of Scotland to defend themselves against the Charge of Schism in its most rigorous and formal Notion . First , Because they separate from all Churches Ancient and Modern , there is not now a Church upon Earth with whom they think they may Communicate without fear of being polluted . The Protestants of France observe the Festivals of the Church , as also the Protestants of Geneve and Swisserland , and the Calvinists in Germany do the same . As for the Lutherans of Germany , Denmark , and Sweedland , we dare not so much as once name them , they have all of them Liturgies and Festivals , and Organs , and Divine Hymns , distinct from the Psalms of David . As for the Socinians of Poland , though they agree in some things with them ; yet they would no doubt refuse their Communion . They must refuse , upon their Principles , the Communion of the Grecian Church , and all the Subdivisions of it : and they cannot joyn with the Papists , nor yet with the Church of England . And their Consciences could not endure to Communicate with the Episcopal Church of Scotland , that was against their Covenants , and their Obligations , as if a man could disingage himself from what he is obliged to , by the Common Ties of Christianity , and the Vows of Baptism , by any Bond or posterior Obligation of his own . But if there be no visible Church with which they can Communicate , they are certainly cut off from the visible Communion of Saints over the Habitable World ; and this Pharisaical singularity is so much the more hateful , that it is abhorred by all Protestant Churches , and if the Vindicator will Read Durellus only , he will easily see how opposite this peevishness is to the Sentiments and Practice of all Reformed Churches . It is acknowledged by all sober men , that to joyn with , or abet Schismaticks , makes one guilty of Schism : and therefore the Presbyterians can by no means require the Members of the Episcopal Church , to joyn with them , who have wilfully and furiously cut themselves off from the whole Body of Christians : but there is lately found out a wise Distinction to save them from this blow , they can have occasional Communion with other Churches , tho they cannot have a sixt Communion with them . Before I consider this Distinction , let me inform you that the Ringleaders of the former Presbyterians in Scotland never made use of any such Distinction , they themselves reasoned against Separation upon such frivolous pretences as are now alledged by their Successors ; but the Presbyterians have borrowed this Distinction from English Dissenters . And the former Presbyterians did never separate from the Publick Worship under the Episcopal Constitution ; nor did the latter Presbyterians after the Restoration , dream of it until the year 1664. that some of the Western Bigots , as had fled to Holland , thought that the Faction could not be supported unless People were taught that they were obliged to leave the Communion of the Episcopal Church intirely . And accordingly in Ann. 1664. there appeared a Seditious Pamphlet in Octavo , Entituled , The Apologetical Relation of the Church of Scotland . And it is impossible for any Presbyterian to name any one Book or Treatise before this Pamphlet , that justified the Separation of Presbyterians from the Publick Reformed Worship under the Episcopal Constitution in the Church of Scotland . It is a long time since I Read this Book , and therefore I cannot give a particular account of it , though I remember that the Author when he comes to that Conclusion , that the People were not to hear the Curates , he speaks with diffidence and hesitation , and in some one place or other of that Dispute he softens this wild and extravagant Paradox by some restrictions and limitations . That they were not to hear them always nor constantly , but that they ought so far to separate as to keep the Party from being swallowed up in the Communion of the Church . Accordingly , their first Essays of Schism were but faint and timorous , they were not in the beginning so well armed against the Remorse of their own Consciences , for this was a Novelty , and they did not venture upon it with that boldness and assurance that afterward appear'd , to that degree that our Governors were forced to make severe Laws against their Field Meetings , which were justly termed by our Law the Rendezvouze of Rebellion . And though the Bigots in the West had advanced this Paradox , yet the Presbyterians of greatest Note and Learning took no notice of it , but kept the Communion of the Church after the Restoration of Episcopacy as punctually as any Church-malt . And it is very observable that all the Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland , made use of the Christian Forms of the Lords Prayer , Creed , and Doxology , until Olivers Army invaded Scotland , and the Independent Chaplains in that Army thought their own Dispensation was above that of Geneva . Upon this , such of the Presbyterians as would recommend themselves to the Usurper , and such as had his Ear , forbore those Forms in the Publick Worship , and by degrees they fell into desitetude ( for it was not Creditable to be out of the Fashion ) and yet they have the Confidence to justifie their Separation from the Episcopal Church , partly because such such Christian Forms are retained in the Publick Worship . And though they dispute against the use of Forms , yet they pronounce the Apostolick Benediction after Sermon , as others do , except some few who love rather to Paraphrase it , than keep to its Original simplicity . The unhappy temper of Schismaticks leads them to do every thing against the Spirit and Practice of the Church ; and though the Canonical and Universal Methods of the Church are tempered with regard to our weakness and infirmities , yet they love to fly in the Face of their Mother , when she tenderly binds up their Wounds , and offers her Assistance to prevent their Ruin and Danger . I have almost forgot to enquire into the meaning of that distinction of occasional and fixed Communion . Why may not one do that constantly ( since the Common Tyes of Christianity oblige him ) that he may do occasionally ? But if the meaning be that their Consciences allow them now and then to hear an Episcopal Presbyter Preach , or Read , though they dare not venture upon the highest Acts of Communion , such as receiving of the Lords Supper , at this rate they may have this occasional Communion with Papists , Grecians , Jews , and Mahumetans , for they all teach some great and common Truths which they dare not refuse . But secondly , It is apparent that the Scots Presbyterians are Schismaticks in the strictest Sense , because by their Principles they must needs profess , that if they had lived one hundred and fifty years before the first Council of Nice , there was then a necessity to separate from the Unity of the Church . For then all those things that they scruple at in the Publick Worship were practised by the Universal Church , the Solemnities , and Festivities , the Publick Fasts , the Altars , the Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon . Nay , the Dignity of Metrapolitans is supposed as Ancient and Venerable by the first Council of Nice . So upon the Presbyterian Hypothesis , they should have been obliged if they had lived amongst the Ancients then , to keep up distinct and separate Conventicles , when the Purity of their Lives , and the Glory of Martyrdom , and Patience , made them shine to the Confusion of their Enemies , when their Zeal for God made them victorious over all the Powers of Darkness , when by their Fastings and their Prayers , they crucified the Flesh with all its Lusts and Affections , when they taught the Gospel in its Majesty , and Simplicity , and bafled the Objection of the Pagans by their heavenly Conversation . Let my Soul be with those first Christians , I would chuse their Company at all adventures , without the least fear of either Christmas , Easter , or Good Friday . But thirdly , The present Presbyterians must be Schismaticks , by the Doctrine and Practice of their Predecessors . This I have touched a little before . Fourthly , I desire the Presbyterians to name some Schismaticks in the Records of Ecclesiastical History , that are now acknowledged by the common consent of all Churches to be Schismaticks , and then I enquire what it was that made them such ; and if this be not agreeable to the Presbyterians more eminently , than to any rank of the ancient Schismaticks , I am mistaken . But fifthly , They themselves do not deny ( nor can they ) but that they are Schismaticks in St. Cyprian's Notion of Schism , since to separate from ones own Bishop was a just and Apostolical Notion of Schism . And the Presbyterians of Scotland are by so much the more inexcusable in that they have stubbornly and factiously Conspired against the Apostolical Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon . The next thing that I remark , is his Censure of the I piscopal Clergy for Preaching Morality , pag. 62. and 63. He tells us that the Author of the Second Letter wrote , That the Episcopal Party understand the Christian Philosophy better , and that it was never understood or preached better in Scotland , than under Episcopacy . The Vindicator replies very wittily , That he thought the Commendation of a Minister had been rather to understand Christian Divinity , than Christian Philosophy . But softly , Sir , I do not see that nice distinction between Christian Divinity , and Christian Philosophy ; for if Philosophy be truely Christian , it must be refined upon no lower Standard than the Morals that our Saviour practised , and recommended ; and is not this Christian Divinity in it ; Nature and Tendency ? The Author of that Letter did not understand by Philosophy , the lame and defective Systems of the Pagans , but rather that Heavenly and Spiritual Rule delivered by our Saviour . I hope he has not the Impudence to accuse the Clergy that they recommended the Pagan Morals as a perfect Rule of Life to their Hearers ; or that they themselves did neither believe nor exhort others to believe the Mysteries of Faith , the Credenda of our Religion . It may be they did fortifie some excellent Arguments among the Philosophers with Christian Motives , and what the Philosophers ( who spoke of the Immortality of the Soul with dissidence and hesitation ) could not recommend but faintly : the Christian Preachers did assert boldly , since the Resurrection of our Saviour from the Dead , was an invincible and infallible Argument , not only of our Resurrection , but of the Glory that shall afterwards be revealed . There is nothing truly excellent among the Pagan Writers , but what is in one place or other for the Matter found in the New Testament , and purer Morals , and greater heights than the Pagans could discern . Nor can I think but that the Preachers of the Gospel may make very good use of Pagan Moralists . I always thought Seneca a very excellent Book , but if Seneca be Christianised ( as the Vindicator speaks ) I cannot see what fault the Vindicator can find with Seneca , or Marcus Aurelius , or any of our Ancient Friends . For certainly Christian Morality in its true extent and latitude , is nothing else but Evangelical Obedience and Holiness , without which no man shall see God. And I believe the Author of that Letter intended no more , than that the Episcopal Clergy did plainly and seriously recommend to their Hearers the Reformation of their 〈◊〉 according to the Christian Standard . And truly , Sir , notwithstanding the Vindicators Sarcastic Paraphrase , I think this is very good Philosophy , nay more , I think Moral Philosophy never arrived at its true Elevation and Meridian Purity , but by the Doctrine of our Saviour and his Apostles ; and does the Vindicator know better Philosophy than what is taught in the Sermon upon the Mount , and in the 12th . to the Romans , we Preach that the Wisdom which is from above is pure , peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated , full of mercy , and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , we Preach that a man endowed with knowledge , should shew out of a good Conversation , his Works with meekness of Wisdom . We Preach That if any seem to be religious , and bridleth not his Tongue , but deceiveth his own heart , that this mans Religion is vain , because true Religion , and undefiled before God and the Father is this , to visit the Fatherless , and Widow , in their Afflictions , and to keep himself unspotted from the world . We Preach that the Grace of God that bringeth salvation , bath appeared to all men , teaching us , that denying ungodliness , and worldly Lusts , we should live soberly , righteously , and godly , in this present world . And truly , Sir , I think this very good Morality , and the rather because we fortifie our Exhortations , with the same motives that the Apostles used , and with which the Pagan Philosophers could not be acquainted . Looking for that blessed hope , and the glorious appearing of the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ who gave himself for us , that he might redeem us from all iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good Works . It is very true that the Pagan Philosophers Preached against Lust and Sensualities , and Uncleanness ; but could they recommend Chastity by such powerful and invincible motives as you meet with , 1 Cor. 6. 19 , 20. What , know you not that your bodies are the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you , which ye have of God , and ye are not your own , for ye are bought with a price ; therefore glorifie God in your body and your spirit which are Gods. And without all doubt S. Paul recommended to the Philippians the true use of the Moral Philosophers , when he exhorts Phil. 4. 8. Finally Brethren whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things lovely , whatsoever things are of good report , if there be any vertue , and if there be any praise , think on these things . Compare this with the place on the Margin , and hundreds of such places , and from them I conclude , that to Preach what the Moral Philosophers commended ( though we must Preach many things that they could not see ) and to strengthen them by Christian Motives is a thing very becoming the Ministers of the Gospel : because it is indispensably necessary and agreeable to the Practice of our Saviour , and his Apostles . But the Vindicator tells us , Pag. 62. That this is the dialect of men strongly enclin'd to Socinianism . I let go this mark of his spite and ill nature , for we have no Socinians amongst the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland . And if he understands the Socinians , they are not so very zealous for Celebrating the Festival of Christs Nativity and Incarnation ; nor yet are they great Enemies to Presbyterian Government , nor can they be thought zealous for any particular Platform ( were it never so agreeable to the Canons of the Ancient Church ) any further than their interest is involv'd . He tells us a little after , that the preaching of some men is such morality , as Seneca and other Heathens taught , only Christianised with some words ; so the Vindicator thinks that the morality they recommended to their Hearers was neither higher nor purer than the Doctrines of Seneca and other Stoicks ; But it may be that they have read Seneca with as much attention as he did , and can give as good an account of the Defects of the Stoical Philosophy , and wherein it fell short of the Christian Standard : One may easily guess whom he means , and intends to hit by this waspish accusation . But to pursue him thorow all his hiding places , and little Subterfuges , is as useless as it is wearisom . The reason why I kept you so long on this Head , was to discover the Genius of the people we have to do with . He tells us , this Philosophy was never much preached by the Presbyterians : but the Philosophy that I have describ'd was preach'd by S. Paul , and consequently not opposito unto the Doctrine of Christ crucified ( as he fancies ) but rather subservient unto it , and a great confirmation of the truth and divinity of it ; It is very true , that the Princes of Philosophers understood not the Revelations of the Gospel , but the true exercise of Reason is very consistent with Revelation ; and S. Paul's discourse to the Athenian proves him a learned and solid Philosopher . And tho the Apostles were mean and illiterate men , yet God did strengthen their Reason beyond the most accurate Philosophers : And when he sent them forth to preach the Gospel , they became in the strictest sense greater Philosophers than their Enomies . And tho the Christian Religion in its beginnings appeared weak and foolish , yet when it was narrowly enquired into , it was found to be the wisdom of God , and the power of God : for the Apostles offer'd the best Reasons to convince both Jew and Gentile , that Jesus of Nazareth was the Messins ; and consequently , that there was no other name under heaven known by which men might be saved but the name of JESUS . They proved their Mission , and their Doctrine by their Miracles ; and this was an Argument divine , and a refragable in its nature ; as it was obvious and plain to the meanest Capacity , and therefore the Author to the Hebrews concludes , that the damnation of Infidels is the most just and reasonable thing , because infidelity it self is most inexcusable , since God did bear witness to the Gospel by signs , and wonders , and divers miracles and gifts of the holy Ghost . True Philosophy * and Religion support one another . None can be truly religious but he that exercises his Reason , and he that exercises his reason must of necessity be religious . For the whole of our Religion is a reasonable service ; God treats us as reasonable Creatures ; he makes himself Master of our Will , by methods sutable to his wisdom and our nature ; when the light of the Gospel enters the Soul and warms it by its direct beams and perpendicular rays , she then chuses what is best with all her force and delight . It is certain , that if the Moral Philosophers could lay aside their pride and the interest of a Faction , they might be sooner gained to Christianity than others , they could not but see the beauty and reasonableness of such excellent Morals as were recommended in the Gospel , and were far above the lame and defective systems of the Pagan Schools . There are no excellent Precepts amongst the Pagans , but what are contained in the New Testament ; and if we recommend Christian vertue by Christian motives , I think the whole undertaking is very commendable . Why the Vindicator should thus waspishly Comment on an innocent Sentence or two of that Author , I cannot tell ; but he may remember that when we were Boys we were taught that Philosophy in its utmost extent and latitudo , was the knowledge of divine and human things . And then Christian Philosophy is good Christian Divinity & vicê versâ ; but the Vindicator is afraid lest any one may think him a stranger to Philosophy , and therefore tells us , that it may be that they understand that as well as their Neighbours . And no doubt this Paragraph of his , that I have examined , is a sufficient Evidence of his Philosophical skill and knowledge . Such another Specimen of his Candour and Ingenuity we meet with pag. 66. where he again insinuates , that the Clergy are Socinians , &c. The Author of the second Letter had justly observed , that the Clergy could not be erroneous , because they could sign the 39 Articles of the Church of England . But the Vindicator replies , So can many do who every day preach against the Doctrine contained in these Articles . And at this rate he may disprove all external Evidences : there is no penetrating into the hearts of men , they are only accessible to Omniscience to whom all things are naked and open . But the Vindicator may remember , that the dissenting Ministes in and about London in their late agreement , require no more of any as marks of Orthodoxy , than the subsoription of 36 Articles . The Vindicator insinuates , that though the Clergy do subscribe them , yet they preach against them . This is another stroke of his good Nature and Civility ; and he may beconvinced long e're now , that the Episcopal Clergy is not so very pliable to do any thing against their Convictions in view of their worldly Interest , even when he and his Party have been very active to reduce them to extraordinary straits and difficulties ; nay , if he will oblige me to be plain , I could tell him , where some Ministers of that Faction were so villanously zealous against the Clergy , that they did solicite Witnesses against them , where they themselves , or some of their intimate Brethren were Judges . I am not to publish Names , but I can prove this whenever it is found convenient . I know the Vindicator will be very curious to know my Informers , but I am not obliged to be so particular , though I am resolved by Gods assistance to perform all the promises I make to him and his Associates . But the next Censure that he bestows on the Clergy is of the same nature with the former . The Author of the second Letter had said , that there were many among the Clergy who were not inclined to be every day talking to the people of Gods decrees and absolute reprobation , &c. Indeed , I think the Author gave a just account of the prudence and modesty of his Brethren , but the Vindicator lashes him here with great severity , and tells him that his discourse is impertinent ; for they do not require that one should talk always to the people of Decrees and Reprobations . But here the Vindicator gives no great proof of his Logick . For the phrase , every day did not imply a Metaphysical strictness , as if the Presbyterians never preach'd on any other Subject but on the absolute Decrees and Reprobation ; but the plain and obvious meaning is , that Presbyterians did frequently and indiscreetly handle such abstruse Subjects , as neither they nor the people were able to fathom . And all such Phrases , though they seem to imply a Logical universality must be interpreted , to intend no more , than that such or such a thing frequently comes to pass . The next Blow is more severe , and one had need to be armed Capa-pee to meet with it , But if he mean ( as he must if he speak to the purpose ) that the absolute decrees of Electon and Reprobation , both praeteritum as an act of Sovereignty , and praedamnatum as an act of Justice , are not to be held forth or taught to the people ; we abhor this as an unsound Doctrine , and look on him as a pitiful Advocate for the Orthodoxy of the Clergy . Thus the Vindicator is sufficiently revenged of his Adversary , who is now more lamentably shattered than can be imagined ; It is not generous in the Vindicator thus to pursue his Victory ; is it possible that such meek and calm Saints shall thus openly expose the weakness of their Antagonists . But if the Vindicator were out of his passion , I would entreat him to tell me in what place of Saint Paul's Epistles does he read of a Decretum praedamnatum , and what ever come of the Calvinian or Arminian Hypothesis ; I am afraid his Explication is both conplicated Nonsense and Blasphemy . But he tells us , that he understands Philosophy as well as his Neighbors ; pray , let him tell us in which of the Schoolmen or Protestant Calvinists did he ever read of a Decretum praedamnatum ? praeteritio and praedamnatio may be met with , but a Decretum praedamnatum is the peculiar invention of this * Philosopher . The Decree is the Act of God , and there is no act of his can be condemned . Such an unfortunate Blunder as this is was never before seen in print ; and yet the Vindicator must tell us , that such things must be held forth to the people , and in imitation of Saint Paul too . Truly , I think they had as good not be held forth , but hid and laid up in the boundless Registers of Chimera's , Non-entities , and Negations . I think this Deoretum praedamnatum may keep company with such ancient Gentlemen of its own kindred and Family ; and ought not at all to be held forth to the people . And if you be acquainted with the Vindicator , you may advise him to read the Calvinian Hypothesis before he venture to explain it . And perhaps there are some about him who may expose his explication of the decrees as much as they do his Latin reasonings against Idolatry . The next thing I take notice of is his historical Argument from the Culdees , to prove that there was a Presbyterian Church in Scotland in the primitive times before Popery entred . And the plain truth is , this is the only thing that he says , that deserves to be considered , not for any weight or historical Truth that is in it , but because the learned Blondel made use of it to support that imaginary Hypothesis from some Ancient Testimonies . He had met with it in Buchanan's History , and that learned Historian took it unwarily from his Contemporary Monks , Boctius and others , or such as were little removed from his own Age ; Blondel made use of it to serve the dissenting Interest in Britain . And to the end that he might make a great muster of Testimonies , he must needs erect a Presbyterian Church in Scotland towards the end of the second Century , or beginning of the third . If they can prove this , I must confess it is of considerable weight ; but the great misfortune is , there are no Authors now extant upon whose Testimony an affair so distant from our times can be reasonably founded . None within six hundred years of that Period gives us the least evidence for it , when I say six hundred years , I do not mean , that good Authors at the distance of seven or eight hundred years give any Evidence for it more than their Predecessors ; but when there is none to vouch it within that Period , it is ridiculous to impose it as a piece of true History . And our Vindicator tells us , that tho the Presbyterian Government continue for some Ages in the Church of Scotland before they had Bishops : Can he name any Church upon Earth that embrac'd the Christian Religion , and yet none to write the affairs of their own time for some Ages together ? But if the writings of those ancient Presbyterians are lost ; Are there no fragments of them preserved in the writings of succeeding Ages ? There were no people so ignorant as the Monks for some Centuries before the Reformation ; and yet there was nothing that they were so ignorant in as true Ecclesiastical History . And if they had been the most learned and accurate , what could they help themselves in an affair of this nature when they had no certain Records by which they might transmit the knowledge of former times to Posterity . No tradition of that Antiquity can be preserved without writing ; why then do they obtrude this fabulous Story , since it cannot be received by any known rules of Credibility , we have no vestige of it from any Author that lived near those times . The Vindicator uses to refer us in some Instances to his own little Books , I do him a greater kindness when I refer him to the Learned Du Launoy , and from several Treatises and reasonings of his ( which now I have not at command ) he may learn by what Rules to distinguish fabulous Accounts from true and solid History , and not only from him but from hundreds , if they do but argue from principles of common sense , and the acknowledg'd rules of Logick . * Indeed , the Presbyterians might have given us some of the Acts of their Assemblies , in that ancient Period , and the rules of Discipline , as well as obtrude upon us this Romantick Account . And if I dare interpose my Opinion , I think that the late illiterate Monks advanc'd this Fable to gratifie the Pope's design , of exempting the religious Orders from Episcopal Jurisdiction , by which Engine the Bishops were kept low , and the Reformation hindred , and the religious Orders encouraged , to check their Authority in all places . This is so known , that it needs neither proof nor illustration ; and this Fiction of the Culdees governing a Church without the authority of a Bishop , invented in the days of Barbarism and Superstition , seems naturally calculated to advance this Design , and to depress the Episcopal Jurisdiction . For the Monks that propagated this Story , were more conversant in little Legends , than the Writings of the Ancients . And hardly is there any thing more opposite to the Universal Testimony , and simplicity of those Ages , than this Monkish Fable of Presbyterian Government , towards the end of the Second Century , or the beginnings of the Third , when all the known Records of the Christian Church unanimously declare for the Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter and Deacon , and the Succession of Bishops from the Apostles . It is not possible to preserve the memory of the greatest men * , the greatest Conquests , or the most remarkable Actions , unless they are timeously committed to writing . Unwritten Tradition goes but a short way , and is not able to support it self with any certainty , for any number of years . Is it likely that the Scotish Church had any other Ecclesiastical Government than what was received in the Christian Church when they were converted to the Faith ? and is it not very sad that there are no parallel Instances of any other Church from abroad ? By whom were they Converted ? And is it not reasonable to think that such as were instrumental in their Conversion , would plant the Ecclesiastical Government amongst them that they were acquainted with themselves ? And are there any footsteps of such a Government amongst the more polite and learned Nations , who because they had the Advantages of learning , might sooner transmit to Posterity the Knowledge of their Ecclesiastical Affairs . And let me ask the Presbyterians , if they had all the Testimonies of the Ancients in favours of their parity , and that we only had the Authority of some fabulous Monks in some remote Corner of the World to support our Hierarchy , and that in an Age of shameful Ignorance , and Darkness , when they imposed upon mankind , and multiplyed their visionary Legends . I ask , how the Vindicator would treat us if we appeared with our Culdees against the undoubted Records of the Fathers , the Universal Suffrages of Councels , the Succession of the famous Sees , and the glorious Cloud of Witnesses , that by their Zeal and Sufferings enlightened the World ? I think he would treat us very huffingly , and let us hear more than once his oft repeated and beloved Metaphor of the Seed of the Serpent , and the Seed of the woman . Would not he tell us of our bold and silly pretences to Antiquity . However when the Vindicator names good Authors foreign or domestick in the third , fourth , fifth , sixth , or seventh Century ( and this is more than by the Rules of Credibility or History we need yield to him ) then it is time to consider his Testimonies . Let him Read Blondel again , and see whether that great Antiquary can name any Ancient Writer to uphold this Monastick Dream . But if I should grant that there had been some Priests in Scotland before there were Bishops in it , there is nothing in that Concession to favor Presbytery ; for they had their Mission and Ordination from Bishops in other places to whom they might give an account of their Travels and Success , and this was ordinary before Nations were Converted . But when they received the Faith , all Ecclesiastical Officers were then encouraged to continue amongst them , and this is it that we confidently affirm , that where there are any Records of Nations and Countries Converted to the Faith , there do we meet with the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , over the whole Christian Church . The Primitive Confessors and Martyrs Travailed the World over to gain Proselytes to Christianity , some Bishops , some Presbyters , some Deacons , some Lay-men ; but wherever there was any considerable number of Converts , then they became an Organical Church , and had Bishops and Presbyters Constituted , until their sound went unto all the earth , and their words unto the ends of the world . He runs down the Author of the History of the General Assembly as one , not acquainted with the Actings of Grace in the Soul , because forsooth he had not spoke with reverence enough of Mr. Gray's Sermons , in that Page cited on the Margin . The Vindicator discovers much of his own creeping Genius , when he discourses of the Act of their Assembly against the private Administration of Baptism , nor is it possible to pursue him in such a Wilderness of little impertinencies . Their pretended Assembly would have done better if they had left the Administration of Baptism to the discretion of Ministers in all places , it is certainly much to be wished , that Baptism be Administred with all publick Solemnity , when there is not an apparent necessity to recede from so laudable a Custom , but to make Discourses to the People on particular Texts of Scripture , at the Administration of Baptism , is a thing in it self altogether new and unnecessary . If the nature , use , and design of it , be seriously explained , there needs no more . And to think a Sermon , in the modern and usual Notion , necessary is as great Superstition , as that of theirs , who fancy that the effects of it follow ex opere operato , which Phrase is very little understood by the People , and perhaps others who should teach the People do not throughly understand it neither . Next I shall take notice of what we are told by the Vindicator Pag. 174. That the Presbyterians could not comply with Human Ceremonies with a good Conscience in the Worship of God * . It is true the Vindicator hath not in this place any Discourse to prove this unlawful , but I take notice of it as one of the Theological hints that are interspersed in his Defamatory Libel , But may not Ceremonies of Human Appointment ( if they decently and gravely express our Affections ) be used in the Worship of God ? Did not Solomon advise us to look to our Feet when we come into the house of God , and the same Ceremony was practised under the Patriarchal Dispensation , viz. That of putting off our Shoes when we approach the Holy Place : as Moses was enjoyned by God himself , because the place he stood upon was holy ground , and this was an Advertisement that he ought to do what was ordinarily done by all the Eastern Nations when he approached the place of Gods peculiar Residence . And pray , Was it not a significant Ceremony expressive of their Reverence and adoration ? In like manner , Sackcloth and Ashes did amongst all Nations signifie grief and sorrow , therefore in their Humiliations they were used to express their Remorse and Contritions . The Presbyterians fix upon a word , and pronounce it with disdain and contempt , they repeat it with Indignation , and then their zealous Disciples when they hear that word pronounced , presently let fly their thoughts to some monstrous thing or other that is not at all signified by that word ; yet the Idea of some such ugly thing sticks to their Imagination , for no other reason but that Mas John frown'd when he heard that word pronounced . What other reason can we give why the word ( significant Ceremony ) should disturb their Imaginations ? Why may not we express our Thoughts , Passions , and Affections by Ceremonies as well as by words ? Since both are innocent , and both serve the same design . But the Covenanters themselves used significant Ceremonies , when they imposed the Covenant : he that Swore was to lift up his right hand bare , you are to take notice that it was the Right and not the Left , and it was lifted up and not otherwise extended . It was bare , and not covered , and was not this a significant Ceremony of Human Institution ? In the Worship of God , nature taught Mankind to approach God with all the decent Marks of Distance and Adoration , and they that declaim most against Ceremonies , do practice them frequently , only they do this more awkwardly , and with a figure becoming their singularity ; but this will never convince the Intelligent part of Mankind that they are either wiser or better than any of their Neighbours . True Religion obliges us to comply with the innocent decencies of Mankind , and to affect nothing that 's extraordinary or singular . Our Saviour left us this Example , he eat and drank with Publicans and Sinners , and affected no Customs different from the Jews . If the Ceremonies be practised by the Nation amongst whom we live , if they decently express our Reverence , or our Humiliation , I see no reason why they may not be used in the Service of God , as well as words , especially when they are commanded by our lawful Superiours as necessary Instruments of Publick Order and Uniformity , nor can they change their Nature by being commanded ; for such and such Ceremonies are in their Nature indifferent , yet some one or other must be used , and which of them we shall use may very well be determined by our lawful Superiors . Sitting ( for any thing I know ) was never looked upon as a Posture of Reverence , yet the Presbyterians in Scotland , for the most part fit all of them in time of Publick Prayer , what they signifie by it I know not , I am sure not that which becomes Prayer , and the Worship of the most High God. We look upon the decent Ceremonies of the Church as Appendages or Expressions , but not constituent parts of Worship , as is foolishly and peevishly alledged by our Adversaries ; and I may put the Vindicator in mind , that the reason why some of the Clergy in Scotland Read the Book of Common-Prayer , is not what he suggests , according to his wonted Candor and Ingenuity , but rather an open avowing of their Principles , when it was visible to the World there was no possibility of uniting with the Presbyterians . Another thing I take notice of , is to be met with Pag. 196 , 197. The Author of that Epistle , that is subjoyned to the Vindicators Book , tells us , to the reproach of our Bishops , that some of them upon the Restoration of the Government submitted to reordination to the great scandal not only of this , but other Reformed Churches . I know none were scandalized at it , but such as were resolved to pick quarrels with every thing that the Bishops would do . It was no scandal to the Foreign Churches or the French Divines . All of them the greatest men among them are reordained when they come to England , and they chearfully submit to it . And this was never condemned by any Publick Act of the Gallican Church , nor by none of their Eminent Divines . The Church of England does not absolutely condemn their Ordinations in France , but rather waves the debate : but she is determined to preserve an unquestionable succession of Priests within her own Bounds . As to the Matter of Fact narrated in Mr. Meldrum's Letter I know nothing of it , and therefore I ought to say no more than I know . He tells us that he subscribed a Paper , and that the Paper was drawn out of the Archbishops Letter by a Friend of his , and that now he repents for Subscribing this Paper , and that though he was in great Friendship afterwards with Bishop Scougal , and did what others in that Interval did , yet he thinks that by all this he paid no formal Canonical Obedience . From all which I observe , that it is a very happy thing to live in , or near an University as Mr. Meldrum did . Distinctions are very useful things , one had better carry a good bundle of them about him than all your famous Elixirs and Essences ; one may pay material Canonical Obedience , but it is dangerous to pay it formally : the great mischief is in the formality of paying it , but for my part I have sworn Canonical Obedience formally , and I have paid it materially , and shall never decline my Bishops Spiritual Authority when ever there is occasion , and I think all the Presbyters of that National Church are as much obliged to obey their Spiritual Governours , notwithstanding of all that past in favors of the opposite Faction since the Revolution . And now I think it high time to go forward to the fourth Particular that I promised , viz. To let you see the several Periods of Episcopacy and Presbytery in the Church of Scotland since the Reformation . And I am the more confident to give you satisfaction , because I had the happiness to peruse a Manuscript ( written by a person of great honour and true Learning ) relating to this very affair ; and it is of so much the greater weight and Authority , that it is not only founded on our best Historians , but on the authentick Records of Parliament ; and it is from that Manuscript that I copy the following Account : for it is apparent that the Church was never governed by a Parity of Officers , but by different Orders from the beginning of the Reformation . And in the entry to this Narration , Let us remark , says my Author , That none of our Martyrs did ever impugn or oppose imparity in the Church , or preach or write against it ; you cannot name one Testimony , unless you argue from their preaching against Popish Tyranny and unwarrantable exercise of Ecclesiastical Power , to infer that they were for ( the then unheard of ) Parity , and all who write of those Martyrs and first Reformers , omit not to praise them for their dutiful submission to their Bishops and Superiours . And it is very probable these Martyrs would have pseached against Ecclesiastical Tyranny as well in a Company of Arbitrary Presbyters , as they did when it was lodged in one or few ; and that Presbyters may be Tyrants , witness the Scots History from the year 1639 to 1652. At which time Cromwel ( tho no Friend to Episcopacy ) was so wearied with the Insolencies and Confusions of Presbytery , that he dismist it solemnly at Barrow-Moor . Let us now come to positive Evidences . The very first established Reformation in Scotland , was that which on the 6th of July 1560 ( being the third day after the pacification at Leith ) was concluded on , betwixt the Lords and Ministers of the Congregation assisted by the Queen of Englands General and Ambassader on the one side . And the Queen Regent , the popish Lords , and Clergy , assisted by the French Ambassador on the other side , in name of Francis and Mary their Sovrreigns . The Protestant Lords and Clergy did meet , at Edenburgh , the Protestants preached in the Churches and in their Assembly they did distribute their Preachers among the Chief Towns of the Nation , and did nominate five Superintendents for the Dioceses , where the Bishops were popish . For there are no Superintendents named then for Galloway and Argile , because the Bishops of those Dioceses were Protestants . By the said Treaty a Parliament was to hold in August following , wherein the Confession of Faith drawn up by the Superintendents was given in to the Lords of the Articles , prepared by them , and Voted in Parliament , where it was carried in the Affirmative . In this Parliament the Bishops did sit as the first Estate . The popish Bishops voted against the Confession , the Protestant Bishops , viz. Galloway and Argile , and three Abbots voted for it . The Sederunt of this Parliament is on Record with its Acts , and related by Spotswood , pag. 149. In January thereafter , the Scottish Protestant Clergy offer a form of Church Policy ; one of its Heads is for Superintendents , whom they name , and appoint , with distinct Dioceses for them , and to shew that these Reformers did not treat of Superintendents as a temporary Resolution for that time only ; It is there said , that the Election of Superintendents , in aftertimes should be stricter than the present circumstances would allow ; and the last Head of that Policy prescribes some Conditions to be kept in future Elections of Superintendents . Spotwood , pag. 150 and 160 , and by the book of Policy , pag. 168. it is expresly ordered , that Complaints against Ministers be notified to the Superintendents . And the Petition presented to the Queen , related by Knox Hist . pag. 337. bears , as the superscription of the Superintendents , Ministers of the whole Church of Scotland , to the Queens Majesty , &c. And in the year 1563. John Knox and others elected a Superintendent for Dumfries , and the Letter written from the Assembly or Convention of the Scots Church at Edenburgh on the 27. of December , 1566. to the Church of England bears this Superscription . The Superintendents , Ministers , and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland to their Brethren , the Bishops and Pastors of England . And at Queen Mary's first arrival in Scotland from France , the Superintendents and Ministers did meet at Edenburgh in an Assembly , Knox bist . pag. 318. In January 1572. the Commission of the Assembly did meet at Leith , under the Regents Government , and did agree on seven Articles of Policy . 1. That all Bishopricks which were vacant ( and those were only four ; for where popish Bishops were alive , the See's were not esteemed vacant , but supplied by Protestant Superintendents ) should be filled out of the ablest of the Ministry . Secondly , That spiritual Jurisdiction should be exercis'd by Bishops in their Dioceses ; and the sixth Article is , that Ministers should receive Ordination from the Bishops , and in Dioceses where no Bishops were , they should receive Ordination from the Superintendents . And in August thereafter , the General Assembly of the Church did meet at Perth , and approved of all these Articles ; and accordingly Mr. John Douglas , Mr. James B●yd , Mr. James Paton , and Mr. Andrew Graham , were plac'd in the four vacant Bishopricks . It was Mr. Andrew Melvil's misfortune that he was neglected , and therefore in the year 1575. he stirr'd up one Mr. Dury to impugne the Episcopal Order , and all Imparity . This is the first time that this debate was toss'd in our Church ; and on it , Church and State immediately divided , and much Confusion , Rapine , Blood and other mischiefs did follow , and then and since every firy Faction did lay hold on this Schism as a fund whereon to build all Rebellion and Treason . In prosecution of this Schism Mr. Andrew ( and some Ministers led by him ) did in the year 1578. draw a Book of Policy stuffed so with the spirit of Mr. Andrew himself , that it was rather a Proposal for the overthrow of all just Authority than an Establishment of a Religious Government : and therefore it could never ( no not in these distracted furious times ( even when there was no King in our Israel ) obtain approbation from any Authority , but was look'd on as a Rapsody of groundless Assertions , and full of mischievous Novelties . Indeed , in the year 1580. an Assembly met at Dundee , called by Mr. Andrew and his Associates without a shadow of any permission from the Civil Authority ; and they declared that the Office of a Bishop ( but with this restriction , as it was then used ) had neither foundation nor warrant in the Word of God. But let all serious Christians consider , whether they will believe this famous Conventicle or the plain Scriptures , the Doctrine of the Apostles , the primitive Fathers , and the Canons of all Oecomenick Counsels , and the rule of Apostolick and primitive Practice , and to help their choice , let them take notice of the pious Design of this Assembly in casting off Bishops , by the very next clause in their Act , viz. That their next Assembly should consider how to dispose of the Patrimony and possessions of Bishops . This was the primitive Invasion of the Kings Patronages and Regale of the Crown . Then Presbyterian Disciples began to propagate their new Gospel very zealously ; The first was one Montgomery , who at Sterling proposed that all such as spoke for the Order of Bishops should be censured ; but this zealous Saint did most basely and simoniacally ( shortly thereafter ) bargain with a Nobleman that he might be made Bishop of Glasgow , and then his Co-Presbyters ( who themselves were not so successful ) handled him to purpose ; but with such indiscretion , that in pursuing him they trampled on the King and all the Civil Authority , in so far , that when they were called to answer for illegal Invasions on the Kings Authority , they did boldly protest , that tho they compeared in civility to the King , yet that they did not acknowledge the King 〈◊〉 Councils Right in any Ecclesiastick matter . This was on the 12th of April 1582. And shortly thereafter in one of their Assemblies holden at St. Andrews , Mr. Andrew Melvil told the Master of Requests ( who was sent by the King to stop some of their illegal procedures ) that they did not meddle in Civil matters ; but in Ecclesiastick matters they had sufficient Authority to proceed , and did so . The practice on these grounds did shortly follow , for on the 23d of August 1582. the King was made Prisoner by a Faction of Lords at the house of Ruthwen , and on the 13th of October 1582. the Assembly of the Church at Edenburg , did by an Act approve of that perduellion , and declared that it was good service to God and his Chucrh . And in the beginning of January 1583. two Ambassadors came from France , and one from England , to endeavour the Kings Liberty ; the Assembly ordered the Ministers to declaim against the impious Design of liberating the King , and they did rail at the Ambassadors by name , and stirred up the Rabble ( their faithful Confederates on all occasions ) not to suffer the Badge of the French Order to be seen on their Streets , it being the mark of the Beast , a badge of Antichrist , and to shew their good Manners as well as their sound Doctrine , the King having appointed the Magistrates of Edenburgh to entertain the Ambassadors on the 16th of February 1583. The Ministers appointed a solemn Fast on that very day , and civilly preached from morning till night , ( a matter of no great difficulty to such as preach for such ends , and with so little rule ) cursing the Magistrates , and their Company , and were with difficulty kept from excommunicating them . The King having delivered himself from his restraint , Mr. Dury and others of the Ministry openly assert that there was no injury done to the King , and Mr. Melvil declaimed frequently against the King , for which he was called before the Council ; but he boldly declined the King and Council as Judges in prima Instantia of what 's preached in the Pulpit , even tho it were high Treason , and so he fled to England ▪ from whence he kindled that Conspiracy , which shortly thereafter brought the Earl of Gowry and others to the Scaffold . These seditious doctrines and practices moved the whole Estates of the Kingdom in the year 1584 , on the 22d day of May in a Parliament at Edenburgh by a solemn Act , to assert the Kings Sovereign Power over all persons , and in all causes as his undoubted ancient Right ; and that it was Treason to decline his Authority in any matter , and discharging all Assemblies , Convocations , and all Jurisdictions spiritual or temporal , not allowed by the King and Estates : and prohibiting all factions and seditious Preachings , Sermons , and all slanderous Speeches against the King. The Ministers declaimed against this and reproached this Act of Parliament . Notwithstanding of all this , the King was prevail'd with to allow Mr. Melvil and his Complices to return to their Churches : but no sooner had they this favour , than Mr. Andrew calls an Assembly to St. Andrews ; it consisted of Presbyters and Laicks , and one Mr. Robert Wilky , a Regent Professour , and Laick was chosen Moderator . There in a most ridiculous manner they Cite the Archbishop of St. Andrews on twenty four hours to Compear before them ( and he not compearing ) they caused a young indiscreet Fellow , called Hunter , to Excommunicate him , for having accession to that Act of Parliament lately mentioned , he being a Member of Parliament , and an Assembly meeting this very year at Edenburgh , would have taken up this difference , and in order thereto did Absolve the Archbishop from Excommunication ; yet Mr. Andrew and his adherents protested against the Assembly , and declared that notwithstanding of their Absolution , yet the Archbishop should be still esteemed as one delivered to Sathan , until signs of true Repentance appeared . And though upon all occasions they magnifie their Assemblies , and their pretended parity , yet when the far major number was against their humour , they regarded not their plurality . For in Anno 1591. when the Synod of St. Andrews had determined to constitute one Mr. Weems , Minister at Leuchars , Mr. Melvil , and some few more , viz. six were for one Mr. Walace , and when the far major part would not submit to his Opinion , ( though they pretend that the Kingdom of Christ is invaded when Bishops or Princes oppose the majority of a Synod ) yet Mr. Melvil . and his six withdraw to another place , and admitted Mr. Walace to the Ministry of Leuchars , and the Synod did admit Mr. Weems . But this had almost engaged the Parishioners in Blood , and the scussle could not be ended until Melvil's Faction prevailed so far against the Synod , that neither of the two should be Minister at that Church . The Reason why I insist on this , is , to let them of a contrary Opinion see how justly our dislike of a parity in Church Offices is Founded , and that there being no imaginable warrant for it from Scripture , Apostolick Practice , Primitive Fathers , Councils , or any well Established Christian Church , and that the best plea for it , seems to be the pretended parity that is alledged amongst the first Reformers in Scotland , we judged it fit first to shew that there was an imparity then ; and always thereafter in this Church , and that the design of parity was always rejected by our Kings , Parliaments , and the most , and best of our Clergy , and that the immoralities , and Seditions , of such as contended for parity gives us no invitation to be amongst their Successors . It is true , that the King in the year 1590. and 1591. and 1592. was so often brought into danger , twice was he Captive , and constantly in great trouble by the Seditions of Mr. Andrew Melvil , and his firy complices , that in the year 1592. he did consent to grant a great deal of Jurisdiction to Presbyteries ; Synods , and General Assemblies by Act of Parliament ; and this of necessity to evite a threatned Rebellion , and that by the advice of Chancellor Maitland , who in Council advised the King to give them much of their will , for that 〈◊〉 the short way to make them odious , as already they were troubleseme to the Nation , and then they would be turned out by all . Yet there was never an Act or motion of Abolishing Episcopacy ; but on the contrary , they continued in their Dioceses and Churches always thereafter , and in the very year 1594. Cunnigham Bishop of Aberdeen did Babtize Prince Henry at Sterling ; but the King was forced to connive a while at at their Insolence , for they had preached the People into a persuasion that the King was to betray his own Crown and Kingdoms to the King of Spain . And when three Noblemen were brought to Tryal before the Justice , the Ministers would needs order the Process in October 1593 , and to back them , they stirred up multitudes of the Rabble to Arms , thereby to force Justice to decide in their favour ; nor would they disband or abstain from coming before the Judges in armed Crowds , although the King and Council did by Proclamation prohibit them . If this be Presbyterian Government , it must be confessed that Anno 1590 , 1591 , 1592 , and 1593. Presbyters had it solely . But all this time Bishops did exist by Law , enjoyed their Rents , and preached in their Churches , if you trust not us , Notice the most Authentic Records of the Kingdom . By Act of Parliament 1. Jac. 6. Chap. 7. Ministers are ordered to be presented by the Patrons to the Superintendent of the Diocese . Note , At this time most of the Bishops were Popish , which occasioned the Protestants to appoint Superintendents . Anno 1572. Parl. 3. Jac. 6. Chap 45. The Government of the Church is declared to be in the Archbishops , Bishops , and Superintendents . Note , Both Bishops , and Superintendents , are contemporary then in the Church . The like owned Chap. 46. 48. and 54. of that Parliament . In the year 1573. The Authority of the Bishops is owned by the first Act of the 4. Par. Jac. 6. In the year 1578. the like by Act. 63. Parl. 5. Jac. 6. In the year 1579. the like by Act. 71. Parliam . 6. Jac. 6. In the year 1581. That the Bishops did continue in the Church appears from Act 100. Parl. 7. Jac. 6. The like appears from the Acts 106 , and 114 , of that Parliament . In the year 1584. The Bishops Authority fully owned Act. 132. Parl. 8. Jac. 6 In the year 1587. It appears that Prelacy existed then by Act 28. Parl. 11. Jac. 6. Also in that 11. Parl. It appears by the Act of Annexation , that Prelacy did still exist by Law , even although their Temporalties were annexed to the Crown . and by the 111. Act , of that 11. Parl. In the year 1591 , 1592 , 1593 , and 1594. The King , and Bishops , could not stop the Insolence of Presbyters , nor their meeting in Synods and Assemblies , without any interposition of the Royal Authority , but this hindered not but that the Bishops did still exist by Law , and exerced some part of their Office , and in all Parliaments and Conventions of Estates , the Prelates did did always Sit and Vote as the first of the three Estates , as the Records and Sederunts of all the Parliaments will prove . In the year 1596. Leslie , Bishop of Ross , dying at Brussels , Mr. David Lindsey was presented by the King to the Bishoprick the very next year . In the year 1598. there was a Conference appointed at Falkland betwixt the Commissioners of the Assembly , and some appointed by the King to meet with them , where they agreed on ten Articles or Propositions of Policy , for the Church , relating chiefly to the Clergy's Votes in Parliament , and the Elections of Bishops in the Dioceses ; some of these Propositions were foolish , but it was thought convenient that the King should comply with those Hot Heads in some things ; for at that time Severals began to debate his Right of Succession to the Crown of England , and so he would have all quiet at Home , yet still this is evident that Bishops did then exist by Law , and that altho something concerning them was debated , yet their Office and Order was not . In the year 1600 , these forementioned Articles were appoved in the Assembly at Monross , March 28 , 1600. and to that Assembly Mr. Dury ( who was the chief Tool with Mr. Melvil for parity ) at his death did write an Exhortation disowning his former Errors , and earnestly advising them to submit to the ancient Order , and to chuse good Bishops of the best of the Ministers . In the year 1601. the King called an Assembly of the Church to meet at Brunt Island , where many good things were Enacted , both for the true Liberty of the Church , and for reclaiming the Popish Nobility from their Errors , which proved more effectual and pacific than all the former furious Methods , which at that time were promoted by a Hot Headed Man , called Davidson , who by a Letter to the Assembly incited them to declare against the Kings Hypocrisie , and other Errors . The Assembly would have proceeded to Censure him , but the King would not allow it , saying , it was matter of Joy that these Hot Heads were reduced to one , or some few . In the year 1602. the King in an Assembly at Halyrood-House , did shew great Clemency to some firy Ministers , whom the Assembly would have Censured : as also he gave great Satisfaction to the whole Assembly and Nation ; by his excellent Proposals for establishing Provisions both for Bishops and Presbyters . And in this Assembly of the Church was the fifth of August appointed an Anniversary Thanksgiving for the Kings Delivery from Gowry's Conspiracy . Before the Diet appointed for the next General Assembly , the Crown of England did fall to the King by the Death of Queen Elizabeth ; so there was no meeting of Church General Assemblies for a while , but the few remaining Hot Headed Presbyters were very busie on the Kings removal so far : and fearing the excellent Order of the English Church ( the great Safety and Peace of Britain depending on an intire and full Concord of the Island ) they were apprehensive that upon such Considerations , the King would heartily promote a further Establishment of Episcopal Jurisdiction in Scotland . The Presbyterians in this Juncture did busily stir up Prejudices in the People against the Church of England ; tho undoubtedly the best Reformed Church and greatest Bulwark against Popery . And though the King , for good Reasons , when he went to England , Adjourned the General Assembly from July 1604 , to July 1605. yet these Men prevailed with Nine of the Fifty Presbyteries of Scotland to keep the Meeting notwithstanding of the Kings Prorogation : where Thirteen Persons meeting did most Seditiously run into such Declarations against the Statutes , and standing Laws , as were by the Judicatures declared Treason , and for which Severals of the Thirteen were Condemned before the Justices . For they could not be persuaded either to acknowledge , or revoke their seditious Pasquils , but they were afterwards pardoned by the King , when they confessed that the Chancellour encouraged their Meeting in July 1604. and proved it , which forced the Chancellour to prove likewise that they promised to connive at his being a Papist , and his Possession of what he had of the Church Lands , upon Condition he should own them against Episcopacy , whereupon the King said that the Presbyterians would betray the Protestant Religion in hatred to Episcopacy , and the Chancellour would betray Episcopacy for greed of their Temporalties . So far my Author . And now from all this I infer , that the first Reformers of our Religion in Scotland declaimed against the Tyranny , and incroachments of the Bishop of Rome , but never against the Episcopal Jurisdiction as such . That Mr. Wisehart , and some others of our most Eminent Reformers and Martyrs knew no other Government of the Church but Episcopacy . The first being bred in the University of Cambridge , and others , who were his Disciples , followed his Sentiments . And that the first Reformers submitted to the Episcopal Jurisdiction of such of the Bishops as Preached and promoted the Protestant Doctrine . Secondly , That though the Episcopal Authority was frequently weakned , crushed and interrupted , by the Popular Insurrections , and Conspiracies of Mr. Melvil's Faction , yet it was never legally abolished , but rather continued in the Church , secured , and defended by many Laws . ☞ Thirdly , That the Presbyterians always watched the difficult Postures of the King's Affairs , and whenever they found him at a disadvantage , then they made him much more uneasie by Popular Tumults , and Insurrections . Fourthly , That the Romish Clergy never pleaded their Exemptions from the Secular Powers more violently and factiously , than the Melvilian Tribe in Scotland . Fifthly , That Episcopacy was not Abolished in that very year wherein they pretend that Presbytery was Established , but that Episcopacy in Anno 1592. was still retained in all its legal Rights , Privileges , and Authority . It is true that the Insolence of Presbyters was not then to be resisted , but by granting them great Liberties , and that this Liberty was granted by the necessitous Circumstances that the King was in . Sixthly , That the most violent of their Faction had not then the Impudence to quarrel the Superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter , as a thing unlawful in it self ; but that Mr. Melvil made his approaches to the ruin of Episcopacy by plausible pretences , viz. That it was abused , and that it was not exercised according to its primitive designs and simplicity . Seventhly , I observe that Episcopacy was never legally Abolished in Scotland , until the Tragical Rebellion in King Charles the First his Reign broke forth , and we need not inform the World how unwilling King Charles the Martyr was to Abolish Episcopacy . Eighthly , That the Royal Authority never gave way to their Rebellion , and Insolence , when they could hinder it ; but sometimes they were forced to yield to grant them great Liberties to avoid the heavier Blows and Thunder Claps of their Fury . Ninthly , That we can have no better Evidence for any Matter of Fact than the Publick Records of Parliament . Tenthly , We may clearly discern that the Vindicators Book in defence of his Party , is one Hypocritical Shuffle from top to bottom . For if Mr. Melvil , the Founder of Presbytery , and his Confederates , did affront the Kings Person , and declined his Authority , and provoked the Rabble , and Excommunicated the Archbishop , and was so rude to the Ambassadors of Foreign Princes , and profanely appointed a Fast , with no other design than to bassle the King to his Teeth . Then let me ask the Vindicator why all this Apology , to persuade the World that Presbyterians are not capable of such Villanies as is the Rabbling of the Clergy . Nay , I must tell him Presbyterians did nothing upon this last Revolution , but what they Practised when they had not such opportunities to to vent their Malice . And by this unquestionable History he and all others may see , to how little purpose his Distinction of sober Presbyterians , and Cameronians will serve him ; for the Cameronians have no Principles different from Presbyterians , nor the Presbyterians from Cameronians , nor is it possible to resute the Cameronians by Presbyterian Principles . Eleventhly , We may gather from the preceeding History , and the constant Practice of Presbyterians , that they have no Principles of Unity amongst themselves , for , the lesser number ( if more Popular than their Brethren ) may remonstrate with that Insolence , and Fury , against the plurality as to stop the whole course of Discipline , as in the forementioned case of Mr. Andrew Melvil . Twelsthly , The Spirit of Presbytery , is a Spirit of Tyranny , and cannot endure to Obey , and therefore such as are fully Poisoned with its Principles , ( whenever the Decisions of the Publick contradict their own peculiar Plan and Scheme ) they immediately fly in the Face of that Authority , they formerly pretended to support , and by general words , which at the bottom have no particular signification , but what they please to put upon them , they pick quarrels , and exceptions against all their own Judicatures , Governments Civil and Ecclesiastical . This is visible as from many instances , so from the famous Protestations of several biggorted Incendiaries against the General Assembly of the Presbyterians Anno 1651. because that General Assembly did promote the Publick Resolutions in order to the Restoring the King to the Exercise of his Government , they pretend that the General Assembly was not rightly constituted , that the generality of the Godly did adhere to the Protestors , that the Publick Resolutioners had made defection , because they were for bringing again into Places of Power and Trust , such as would probably serve the King against the Rebellion then on Foot , upon such pretences they decline their Supreme National Judicatory , and because that Print is known but to very few of the present Generation , and since it is a Monument of their Villany and Stubbornness , it may be seen at the end of this Letter . I have no more to add , but that I wish my Skill to serve you , were equal to my Zeal and Affection , for I am in all sincerity Your most obedient Servant . The Protestation of divers Ministers , against the Proceedings of the late Commission of the Church of Scotland , as also against the lawfulness of the present pretended Assembly . Right Reverend , HOW gracious God hath been to the Church of Scotland , in giving her pure Ordinances ; we trust that while we live , it shall be acknowledged , with thanfulness , by us unto the Most High , of whom we desire Mercy and Grace to adhere unto the Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government Established in this Land , amongst the many sad Tokens of the Lords Indignation and Wrath against this Kirk , the present Difference of his Servants in the Ministry , is looked upon by us , and we believe by all the godly in the Land , as one of the greatest . And as we hold it a Duty deeply to be humbled before the Lord in the Sense thereof , and by all lawful and fair means , within the compass of our power and station , to endeavour the remedy ; so we do acknowledge a free General Assembly , lawfully Called , and rightly Constituted , and proceeding with Meekness and Love in the Spirit of the Lord Jesus Christ , according to the Rule of the Word , and the Acts and Constitutions of this Kirk , to be amongst the first and most effectual means appointed of God for obtaining the same , and for preserving Purity , and advancing the power of the Work of Reformation in this Age , and transmitting the same unspotted to our Posterity , and to the Ages and Generations that are to come : but that as the faithful Servants of Jesus Christ in his Church in former times did by his good Hand on them in the right Administration of free and lawful General Assemblies , bring the Work of Reformation in Scotland unto a great Perfoction , and nigh Conformity with the first Pattern : so unfaithful Men minding their own things more than things of Christ , and Usurping over their Brethres , and the Lords Inheritance , did deface the beauty thereof , first by encroaching upon the Liberty and Freedom of Assemblies , afterwards by taking away the very Assemblies themselves . Therefore remembring and calling to mind the many Bonds and Obligations that lie upon us from the Lord , and being desirous to be found faithful in this day of Tentation , and to exonerate our Consciences as in his sight , and to avoid the accession unto that guiltiness in which many have involved themselves . And conceiving that this Meeting is not a lawful General Assembly of the Church of Scotland , in regard that the Election of Commissioners to the same , have been limited and prejudiced in the due Liberty thereof , by a Letter and Act of their Commissioners of the last Assembly sent to Presbyteries , appointing such Brethren as after Conference remained unsatisfied with , and continued to oppose the Publick Resolutions , to be Cited to the General Assembly . And in regard the Commission of many Burghs and Presbyteries are absent , as wanting free access , by reason of the Motions of the Enemy : and in regard that many of the Commissioners of the last General Assembly have carried on a course of defection , contrary to the Trust committed to them , and to the Acts and Constitutions of this Church : and who in their Remonstrances and Papers , have stirred up the Civil Magistrate against such who are unsatisfied in their Consciences with their Proceedings , and who have prelimited the Assembly , by their Letter and Act formerly mentioned , are admitted to Sit , and Voted as Members of the Assembly , and their Moderator chosen to be Moderator of the Assembly , notwithstanding timous exception was made against them , that they ought not to be admitted as Members of the Assembly , until their Proceedings were first tried and approven by the Assembly : and in regard that his Majesty , and his Majesties Commissioners by his Speech , did incite too hard Courses against these who are unsatisfied in their Consciences , with the Proceedings of the Commissioners , before the trial and approbation of the Commission Book , or any Act made by the Assembly for the approving their Proceedings ; we do upon these , and many others important grounds and reasons , to be proponed and given in time and place convenient , in the name of the Church of Scotland , and in our names , and in the name of all Ministers , Ruling Elders , and Professours of this Kirk , who do , or shall adhere to us , Protest against the Validity and Constitution of this Assembly , as not being free and lawful : and that they may not assume unto themselves any Authority , nor exercise any Power or Jurisdiction for determining of Controversies , making of Acts emitting of Declarations , judging of Protestations or Appeals , or Proceedings of Synods , or inferior Judicatories , or Censuring Persons or Papers , or issuing of Commissions of whatsoever sort to any persons whatsoever , and in particular Protests that they may not proceed unto the Approbation or Ratification of the Proceedings of the former Commission , not only because of the want of just Power and Authority so to do , but also because these Proceedings contain many things contrary to the Trust committed to their Commissioners , especially their allowing and carrying on a Conjunction with the Malignant Party , and bringing them into Places of Power and Trust in the Judicatories and in the Army , contrary to the Word of God , Solemn League and Covenant , the Solemn Confession of Sins , and Engagement to Duties , the constant Tenor of Warnings , Declarations , Remonstrances , Causes of Humiliations , Letters , Supplications , Acts and Constitutions of this Kirk , and the laying a Foundation for the Civil Magistrate , to meddle with these things which concern Ministers , their Doctrine and Exercise of Ministerial Duties before they be Cited , Tried , and Censured by the Judicatories of the Kirk . And we Protest that whatsoever Determinations , Acts , Ratifications , Declarations , Censures , or Commissions that shall be made or given by them , may be Void and Null , and may not be interpreted as binding to the Kirk of Scotland ; but that notwithstanding thereof , it may be free for us , and such as adhere to us , to Exercise our Ministry and enjoy the due Christian Liberty of our Consciences , according to the Word of God , National Covenant , Solemn League and Covenant , the Confession of Sins , and Engagements to Duties , and all the Acts and Constitutions of this Kirk , and that there may be liberty to chuse Commissioners , and to Convene a Free and Lawful General Assembly , when there shall be need , and the Lord shall give opportunity , and to add what further reasons shall have weight for strengthning this our Protestation , and shewing the nullity of this Assembly , and the unwarrantableness of the Proceedings of the Commissioners of the former Assembly ; and that these presents may be put upon Record in the Registers of the General Assembly to be extant ad futuram rei memoriam , and that we may have a subscribed Extract under the Clerks hand . Subscribed and presented at St. Andrews 20. July , 1651. by Mr. A. G. Moderator of the last Assembly . Mr. Samuel Rutherford . Mr. James Guthery . Mr. Patrick Gillespy . Mr. John Meinzies . Mr. Ephraim Melvin . Mr. John Carstaires . Mr. William Adair . Mr. Thomas Wyllie . Mr. John Nevoy . Mr. James Simpson . Mr. William Guthery . Mr. Alexander Moncreif . Mr. John Hamilton in Inderkip . Mr. Robert Muire . Mr. John Hart. Mr. Andrew Donaldson . Mr. Robert Keith . And ten other Ministers . Right Reverend , WE are constrained by many necessities , and by transferring of the Assembly , to be absent from your subsequent meeting ; and having laid to Heart what the Lord requireth of us in this day of so sad a Dispensation , and so sore a Controversie against the Land. We think our selves bound in Conscience , to lay open to you , that we are much unsatisfied with the Proceedings of the Commissioners of the late General Assembly relating to the in-bringing and in-trusting of the Malignant Party , with the Consequences thereof ; there issuing forth one Act with a Letter , to the prejudice , as we conceive , of the Presbyteries Election of Commissioners to this Assembly , which hath need to be looked on , least the Freedom of this High Court of Jesus Christ , by such preparatives , be infringed . We wish it be your Wisdoms care , that begun Evils be remedied , our bleeding Wounds with tender Hands bound up , and that the fierce Wrath of the Lord smoaking in our Bowels may be quenched : and do in all humility and reverence of your Wisdoms , and tenderness of respect to precious Men , whom we much honour and love in the Lord , though in this matter we most disser from them in Judgments ; Protest that the foresaid Proceedings be not Ratified and approven by you , and that we be not involved in the Guilt and Consequences to the Ratifications thereof : and this we crave to be Recorded in your Register for the Vindication of Truth , and exoneration of our Consciences . The Lord give you wisdom in all things , and powre out upon you a spirit of Healing the backslidings of the Land , of building up our Breaches . We rest Your Wisdoms loving Brethren and Servants in Christ . Subscribed and sent from Pearth to Dundee ( to which place the Assembly was Adjourned from S. Andrews upon the 21. July 1651. ) by M. Alexander Dunlap , William Sumervell , John Mauld , James Donaldson , John Veatch , John Hammilton in Carmichael , Alexander Barterem , Ministers ; and William Brown of Dolphington , a Ruling Elder . POSTSCRIPT . WHEN the Printer had cast off the former Sheets , there appeared here a scurrilous Pamphlet , intituled an Answer to the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence in three parts . If you would have a Character of the Author you must read the Book , and perhaps by so doing , you may meet with something that is extraordinary , and which cannot so easily fall under words ; he appears with all the storm and Thunder that passion and rage can furnish him with , he breaths nothing but violence and indignation , and blusters with so much fury , that at first view you may perceive him as great a Separatist from good nature and modesty , as he is from the Christian Church and her Worship . He divides his Pamphlet into three parts . In the first , he complains of cruel Laws made against the Presbyterians in the former Reigns . In the second , he meddles with the Author of the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . In the third , he assaults the Sermons and Lives of the Bishops and Clergy . As to the first , King Charles II. and our subordinate Governors made no Laws against the Presbyterians in Scotland , but what they were forc'd to make in their own defence ; when the King was restor'd to his hereditary right , and the Nations deliver'd from their Egyptian bondage ; the Parliament being call'd they enacted such Laws as were absolutely necessary for preserving their Liberty and sundamental Constitution : and because they had so sadly smarted under their cruel Taskmasters ( the Covenanters ) in the late Civil Wars , they took care in the first place , by gentle Laws both the reclaim the deluded , and secure their own safety . The frequent attempts and insurrections of the Presbyterians afterwards oblig'd them to make more severe Laws , nor did ever any man in that Period suffer capital punishment , but for high Treason against the King and State. If their errors and delusions were purely speculative , and did not upon all turns prompt them to overturn the Government and grasp the Sovereignty , they might live in Scotland in all peace and tranquility , as other Dissenters did . But when the whole * Scheme of their Religion ( as far as they differ from the Episcopal party ) is nothing in it self but ungovernable humor and Rebellion , and when their insolence became so intolerable that they proclaim'd open War against the King in his own Dominions , and preach'd to their Hearers that they ought to kill his Servants , and that he had no right to the Crown because he broke the Covenant ; what Apology needs there be made against the unreasonable clamours of such desperate Incendiaries , especially when their cruelties towards the Episcopal Church both Clergy and Laity after the Year 1637. were unparallel'd in History , as they were diabolical in their nature . And their Oath of the Covenant impos'd upon all ranks and degrees of persons within the Nation , and ( Children at the Schools not excepted ) with greater tyranny , malice and violence than the Fathers of the Inquisition ever practised . VVhat was it then that the King was to be blam'd for , and his Ministers of State ? VVhy ; they would not acknowledg that the King had lost his right to the Crown , they defended his calm and obedient Subjects from the hands of these religious Harpyes who would needs persuade the Nation , that there was no Sin so much to be dreaded , as any the least transgression of the solemn League and Covenant . The King and his Ministers of State might more plausibly be accus'd of cruelty , if they had made severe Laws against the consequences of Presbyterian Opinions , rather than against the open and avowed efforts of treachery and Rebellion ; Prudence and caution might arm them against the first , but self-defence , the Laws of nature and Nations , their own honour and safety , must needs prompt them to the second . In short , you will meet with nothing in the first part of this Pamphlet , but an ill contriv'd abstract of the Hind let loose , and you know that the Episcopalians took care to compendise that Book , and publish it of new , that all men might see the principles , practices and humors of that Sect whom they oppose : nor can there be a better defence of King Charles the seconds Government , than the Hind let loose , if duly consider'd , and upon the whole matter I will only say this , that if the Ministers of State under King Charles II. in Scotland have done nothing against the Presbyterians , but what all wise , great , and good Men have done in the like cases , then the Clamours of this party against their Ministry are rather an honour to , than an accusation against their proceedings . For as long as there are any Records of publick transactions preserv'd in our Nation , the Rebellions under King Charles I. and II. and the principles by which they have been maintain'd , and the * Artifices , made use of to delude the people unto misery and Enthusiasm , can never be forgotten : and if there was no other Book extant but the Acts of their General Assemblies , they sufficiently vindicate King Charles II , and his Ministers of State from any shadow of cruelty and rigor . But all this and much more is made evident by the Learned and Loyal * Advocate in his short and accurate Defence of King Charles the 2ds . Government , where he attacks , and baffles by Reason , Law , and the customs of Nations , the little cavils and exceptions started against the administrations of that wise and peaceable Monarch . A Book which shall never be answered , I do not mean , that they shall not write against it , but that it is unanswerable , and they may as wisely run a tilt against a Rock , as endeavour to shake any part of its main design . The reasonings of it are so clear , the historical retorsions so undeniable , and the villanies of their factions and combinations so transparent , that to meddle with that Book will more and more discover their folly , as well as renew their correction : and the publisher of it thinks still he has done the Nation good service ; and he is the more confirmed in his Opinion , that he perceives , that the little and hidden Nurslings of Presbytery are galled by it . * It is a Lye that Sir George Mackenzie pretended he would not publish it , tho he would not allow a Copy surreptitiously procured to come abroad without his immediate orders and directions ; and when he saw it convenient , he recommended it to his Friend to publish it ; and it might have been printed a good while before he died , if the publisher had not been diverted by many little Occurrences . But let nor this Scribler , or any of his party , blame Sir George Mackenzie , that their Covenants were added to the Treatise lately mentioned ; this is solely to be imputed to the Publisher , and he needs no Apology for the doing of it , since they are undeniable monuments of their incurable stubbornness and Rebellion : and the reasonings in the Treatise it self are frequently related to , and illustrated by those wicked Papers , I mean the Bonds and Covenants of that restless Faction . But to end this Paragraph , you may tell this Accuser , that the original Copy written by Mr. Andrew Johastone ( then Amanuensis to Sir George Mackenzie ) is full in the Publishers hands . The Scribler unwarily does us a great deal of honour , when he tells the World that the practices of Presbyterians under the Reign of King Charles II. were prosecuted and opposed by such as the Duke of Queensberry , Marquis of Athol , Earl of Linlithgow , Viscount of Tarbat , Lieutenant General Drummond , and Sir George Mackenzie . If he understood the Laws of Consequence , he might easily see that Men of their Quality , Sense and Interest are too great a weight in the opposite Scale , and since we have just reason to glory in their parts , honour and integrity , it is very odd that he should be so foolish , as to own that we are favour'd by persons of their merit and vertue . 'T is pleasant to see with what rudeness and vanity this little Man assaults the memory of Sir George Mackenzie ; so have I seen sometimes when a generous Falcon drops dead to the ground , the Kites , the Crows , and the Jackdaws gather about him , and solemnize a Jubilee , and yet even when he lies dead they dare not touch one of his feathers . He may remember the Fable , that when the Lion was expiring , the Ass amongst other Beasts kick'd him , and insulted over him . I do not mean by this , that Sir George Mackenzie , if he were alive , would have taken notice of his bawling or buffoonry ; but to let him see , that he is as void of generosity and honour , as he is of common sense and modesty . In this first Part he appears very uneasie , that the Episcopal Party are not Persecuted to the utmost , and upbraids us ever and anon with the Lenity that we meet with under the present Government , and again must needs persuade the World , that our Principles of Passive Obedience are more dangerous to the present Government , than the Principles of the Covenant were to the former . But if there be no more in the case than Passive Obedience , I think the Government needs not be afraid ; and if the Episcopal Party are not so violently Persecuted now , if they do not feel those loads of Misery that they groaned under from the year 1638. to 1649 , ( when the Covenanted Zealots were uppermost ) this is not at all to be imputed to the Lenity of Presbyterians , but to the restraints that are laid upon them by the opposite Biass of the Nobility and Gentry , and because their most terrible Weapon of Excommunication is blunted ( the Civil Penalties that formerly did attend it being taken away ) this is the true Reason why they do not Prosecute their Antagonists with Excommunications , because such Censures now have no force ; so that notwithstanding of all his Panegyricks in commendation of their Meekness , we look upon them still as Tygers Chained , not altered in their Nature , but much more galled and irritated by their restraint . If the Scotch Episcopal Party has any favour in England or in Scotland , they ought to thank God for it , and his Instruments whom he directs , and employs to preserve them . I hope 't is visible to the World , with what Industry and Application , and by what Engines and Means , Presbyterians are resolved to destroy them . In the Second Part of his Pamphlet he falls foul upon the Author of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , in which Scuffle I am not at all concerned . I think the Author of that Collection was to blame , that he did not more particularly relate the times when , the persons , by whom , and places where , such Stuff was Preached , and perhaps he has been unwary as to some Stories which need Confirmation , but since there is such variety and multitude of true Stories of that Nature , nothing should be advanc'd to their disadvantage that is not duly attested . As for the Inconsistencies charged upon the Author of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , they are not worth your while to consider them , nor have I any inclination to examine them , nor am I concerned to offer my mediation between them ; only let me inform you that the Book of which I send you the General History , contains not one good Consequence from the beginning to the end . I have heard that the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence has been much talked off , and therefore I take the liberty to acquaint you with the Reasons that induce me to believe , that there was no injury done the Scotch Presbyterians in the publishing of that Book . First , Because the Printed Accounts cited from their Books are equal to the unprinted relations of their Sermons and Prayers . Mr. Rutherford's Letters alone have in them many coarse and abusive Metaphors , and Applications that are mean and loathsome ; and though I do not at all in this Letter meddle with his design and meaning , yet I think it but a modest Censure to say , that there was in those Letters more Popularity than Piety . I know the Party do magnifie him highly , and it is no part of my business to lessen their Opinion of him ; yet I must tell you , that in the esteem of all impartial Men he must fall below the Character they bestow upon him . He had Read Dr. Twisse , and others of his Opinion , and if any Learning appear in his Books , it is but some of the Metaphysicks he had borrowed from Dr. Twisse , as Dr. Owen , in his Treatise De Justitiâ Vindicativâ , assures us . And he was so plunged in these Metaphysical Whimsies , that none can make Sense of what he wrote . Let his Patrons consider that Chapter in his Exercitationes Apologeticae pro Divinâ Gratiâ , wherein he pretends to answer that Argument , Quod unusquisque tenetur credere , and then tell me if they can boast of his Perspicuity and Solidity . Of the same Stamp are his Metaphysical Dissertations annexed to his Book De Providentia , de Ente Possibili : if I had the Book by me , I think I could give you Divertisement . I know very well what our Adversaries will say , viz. that I do not understand him , and I must sincerely acknowledge they are in the right of it . But Secondly , The most blasphemous Stories in the Book called the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , can be proved by the best and most undeniable Evidence , viz. That of Mr. Urquhart's concerning the Lords Prayer , that of Mr. Kirkton's concerning the Holy Ghost , and that he believed Abraham run out of the Land of Caldea for debt . Now I agree with this angry Scribler , so far , that these are horrid and blasphemous expressions , and I pitch upon them , because he himself thinks that nothing can be worse , and that these Expressions alone ( if falsely alledged ) disprove the whole Collection . Now we fairly offer to prove these three , the first against Mr. Urquhart , the other two against Mr. Kirkton . This is undeniably just by his own Concessions Pag. 61. and if such blasphemous Stories are openly tolerated , what must we expect from that Society of Men , and I have in the former Treatise given you two instances of greater Ignorance and Nonsense in the Printed Books of Mr. Rule , than any that's to be found in the Scotch Eloquence . As for the Stories cited from the Scotch Eloquence against Mr. Rule , and mentioned by him in Pag. 61. I do not truly believe them , unless I have better Authority for them . Thirdly , suppose that one had a mind to make Stories to the disadvantage of the Scotch Presbyterians , yet their jargon is so coarsly extravagant , that it is not possible for any Man to speak their Language , unless he had been Educated in their Gibberish , and the Harmony between their Printed Books , and their unprinted Sermons is so exact , that none can doubt of the last who Read the first . Let me but name one Man , it is Mr. J. K. his Fancy is so Comical , so surprizing , so unimitable , that it is not possible to say any thing as he says it himself , nor yet to ascribe to another what is said by him ; and this way of Preaching is no new thing amongst the Presbyterians . They always accused the Episcopalians that their Sermons were Cold , and Dry , and Moral Discourses , and were not Calculated to the Capacities and Affections of the People as theirs were , and therefore they complyed so much with the Genius of the People that they forgot the Majesty of Religion , and the distinction between things Sacred and Prophane . Fourthly , There may be so many Stories added of their abusive Distorsions of the Scripture with Authentick attestations , that it were their wisdom to let this Debate fall . For Preaching after their way is become of late so trisling an Exercise , that no Man could perform it to the satisfaction of their thorow pac'd Disciples , but he that was either an extraordinary Hypocrite , or well advanced in Madness , and whatever Men pretend that have considered the affair but superficially , 't is necessary to expose that absurd , sensual , and ludicrous Sect , that Metamorphose Religion , and its Solemn Exercises unto Theatrical Scenes . If the great things of Religion be true , if we have any thing that distinguishes us from the Beasts that perish , if our Souls survive our Bodies , and if our belief and hopes of invisible things , and the slate of Retribution be not intirely a Dream : what greater affront can be done to the Majesty of God , the dignity of Human Nature , and the Common Sense of Mankind , than thus by mock Sermons to Lampoon the great Truths of the Gospel ? Did not our meek and blessed Saviour chastise the Hypocrisie of the Pharisees with greater severity , than the more open and undisguised lewdness of Publicans and Sinners ? And St. Paul treats them with no other Language , than that of dogs , evil workers , and the concision ; their Character is more at length in the Epistle of St. Jude ; such religious Scorners do in the most effectual manner promote Atheism , and they that Act Devotion after the manner of a Farce , do expose it more than the Wits , and the Philosophers . Upon this consideration alone the Presbyterian Preachments do more harm to Piety , than the most subtile Arguments of Ancient and Modern Atheists : we are supported against Atheism by the strength of Natural Reason , when we are attacked gravely by plausible appearances : but when we are surprized and disarmed by the sudden insinuations of Raillery , we are quickly overcome , not because we are weak , but because we do not resolutely encounter the Enemy . One Sermon mixt with such fooleries , as give occasion to this Digression , do more real hurt than can be imagined ; and if it be a fault to Publish them , how intolerable is it to Preach them , and to support Societies that seem to design nothing less than to ridicule all Religion . But it is the just Judgment of God , that they who have forsaken the Unity of the Church should be given up to strong delusions . In the third part of his Pamphlet , he heaps together some monstrous and ridiculous Stories against the Clergy , and though one had sufficient strength to grapple with a Scavenger and lay him in the Mire , yet methinks the undertaking is neither generous nor decent . There are a great many of them that he asperses that I know nothing off , so it is not reasonable to expect that I should meddle in their affairs , and yet if they were the most arrant Villains upon Earth , I am able to demonstrate , that his Testimony against them is not Valid . And therefore I humbly beg of all disinterested Strangers to consider but a few Particulars ; and then let them judge whether the accusations of Presbyterians against the Episcopal Church of Scotland are to be valued . First , They may remember that this way of Libelling , is the true Characteristick of the Party , and we need gather no other instances to prove this , than the Practises of their General Assembly , Anno 1638. Who ( when they Sat ) Libelled the Venerable Archbishop Spotswood , and all his Brethren of that Order , of the most abominable Crimes , and charged them with the sins of Habitual Lying , Swearing , Drunkenness , Adultery , Incest , Sodomy , and Sorcery , with an &c. and they past their Censures upon them as guilty of these Abominations , and inserted the names of particular Gentlemen as Witnesses , who were never acquainted with this Contrivance : and ordered all the Ministers of the Nation to Read all these Libels and Sentences from their Pulpits , as if the whole Process had been fairly examined , and the Witnesses had appeared before that Packt Jury of Mock Ecclesiasticks . Now this was the Solemn Act of the whole Party met in a General Assembly , who concerted those Methods , when they were mutually conscious to the Knavery of one another , and defying the Omniscience of Heaven , went on resolutely against their own Convictions , as well as the Practice of all former Ages . It is but ordinary for private Men to assault the Reputation of others , but what degrees of wickedness must they arrive to , that Combine together , and own to one another , that the plainest Laws of God might be trampled upon , rather than miss their end . And this Villany is still upon Record , and to their everlasting disgrace undeniable , and will continue so , as long as there are any Monuments of that Nation preserv'd . Their Predecessors thus United , found Calumny the most proper Weapon , and effectual Instrument to serve their Malice , and to disgrace amongst the deluded People , Grave , Learned , Loyal , and Judicious Men ; and the People were quickly undeceived , when the Covenanters got into the Saddle : for from the year 1638. to the year 1652. ( when Oliver grew weary of their insolence ) the Nation groaned under the saddest and most unutterable Bondage . The Reader is therefore desired to remember that no Man can continue a Presbyterian without the Arts of Calumny . Omne imperium conservatur iisdem artibus quibus primò acquiritur : and when the Varnish of Hypocrisie drops off , then the Tyranny supported by it must sink . The Presbyterians began their Faction with Calumny , and they cannot now ( if they would ) lay it aside . What could the Episcopal Clergy expect from their present Persecutors , less than their Predecessors met with in that General Assembly ? Who stuck at nothing , how monstrous soever , to promote their end ; when they forbear to breath , then it is that they forbear to Slander and Calumniate . When upon the late Revolution the Presbyterians were impowred more plainly to discover their Nature , the first thing they betook themselves to was that of Libelling ; and when they have now wearied themselves ( if they can be wearied of what is so natural to the Faction ) and exposed their own Reputation by invading that of other Mens , they must yet goe on , not that they find this Method successful , but because they cannot forbear ; and it is enough for the Reader to know that they cannot name three of the Clergy of Scotland justly deprived for Immoralities , after all their Insidious Arts , Libellings , and Clamours since the Revolution . But to make the Villany of that General Assembly , I lately named a little more conspicuous , I desire the Reader may remember a very memorable Story . It is this , The Assembly pretended that the Bishops were proved guilty of all the Crimes that were imputed to them , by sufficient Evidence ; and therefore they inserted the names of several Gentlemen , and others , in their Sentences , as Witnesses of the Libels . And in their Sentence against the Archbishop Spotswood , the Laird of Balfour , in Fife , was named as a Witness , whereas this Honest Gentleman never knew any thing of the matter ; and all the time of the Sitting of that Mock Assembly , he had never been from his own House , which is at least threescore Miles from Glasgow . But Mr. Colin Adam , Minister of Anstruther-Easter , did Read the Sentence against the Archbishop , from the Pulpit upon a Sunday , according to the Assemblies appointment , the Laird of Balfour being in the Church , and hearing his own name Read as a Witness of the Libel against the Archbishop , went out of the Church , and immediately after Sermon called for the Minister , and challenged him how he could Read His name in such a Villanous Paper , since he himself knew that he had not been from Home all the time of the Assembly , and so could not have been a Witness there . To which the Minister answered , that he knew well enough he was not a Witness , but the Assembly had inserted his name , and he durst not but Read as they had ordered . Now let the World judge what an Assembly this was , and what Credit ought those Enemies of Mankind and good Nature ever to have , after such a palpable Wickedness ; that when they had charged the Fathers of the Church with such Abominations , they should presume to abuse the names of Particular Gentlemen , as Witnesses of their own inventions . After this piece of undeniable History , I would gladly know , whether any Modest Man thinks it necessary , that a particular answer should be returned to the odious Libel against the unstained Reputation of that Pious , Prudent , Learned , and Loyal Martyr Archbishop Sharp , who cannot be named , but to the disgrace of the Scotch Presbyterians . I need not upon this occasion run out into Tragical Exclamations against their Impudence , the more they Lye , the more true they are to the Spirit of the Party . They cannot be more kind to his Reputation than they were to his Life , whom they barbarously murdered , and whose Assassines were magnified in their Pamphlets . And though this little unknown Accuser pretends that he was not Murdered by the Presbyterians , because ( forsooth ) one of their Ministers in Holland refused the Sacrament to one of the Murderers , yet it was undeniably the effect of their united Combination , and justified in their Pamphlets , and attempted once , and threatned frequently before . We dare him , and all his Associates , to answer what Mr. Sheilds has Written relating to this Affair : my meaning is , that this effort of their Villany was not the result of private Passion , but the avowed and just Consequence of their Principles , and then let their Patrons tell me if they meet with any thing worse in the Morals of the Jesuits , that are every where so justly exposed . They agree in their Notions , but exceed them far by their Bawling , Rudeness , and Buffoonry . The Jesuit is Mannerly and Artificial , but the Scotch Presbyterian seems to act by the mechanism of his Nature . Slanders and Calumny , being thus Authorized by the Assembly , it was no wonder to see their Leading Men Practise the same Villanies ; therefore it is that you find Mr. Rutherford , Gravely and Maliciously , accuse the Bishops of the same Crimes , that the Assembly accused them of , in his Preface to Lex Rex , which I cannot Cite more particularly , having no Books by me . Secondly , Such as are Strangers to our affairs , must remember that this Trade of Libelling the Clergy is no Reflection upon our Country . For the whole Body of the Clergy of England were thus maliciously assaulted , and all the Crimes Libelled against them , that their Enemies could invent . And if such an illustrious Body of Ecclesiasticks were thus rudely treated , can the Clergy of Scotland , under their present Miseries and Oppressions , expect fairer Quarters . Thirdly , I desire the Reader to consider with how much Rudeness and Ignorance , this unknown Lampooner bespatters the present Clergy of the Church of England , and the Laity of her Communion . It is no part of my business to transcribe his Characters * , if he had assaulted only some private Men , in some remote Corners of our Country , he might be thought only to defend his own Party , but when he foams nothing but Spite and Rancour , and Violence , against all Men of whatever Rank , Nation , or Dignity , I again wish the unbyassed Reader to tell me if this Man should be particularly answered . It is not possible for him to hide his Nature , the paltry cruptions of his Choler are ungovernable . He seems to forget his own design ( which was to make the Scotch Clergy odious in England ) he accuses them before whom he Pleads , as much as those who were the first Objects of his Indignation . But this is not enough , he attacks not only our prime Nobility and Gentry , but all our Kings since the Reformation . I am alraid I have troubled you too much , and therefore I make haste in a word or two , to examine the Characters he gives of particular men , as far as I know them . Some he accuses as guilty of gross Immoralities , that were actually for such Immoralities deposed and censured by their Ecclesiastick Superiors , such were Dean Hamilton , Ninian Paterson , John Anderson of Terregles , and Kockburn of St. Bothens . And is it not very strange that he should accuse the justice of our Ecclesiastical Superiors , because of such vitious persons as were actually censured by their Authority . So it seems in this man's Language they are accountable for them whom they censure , as well as for others . Others he names that are not at all of my acquaintance , and it is nothing but what I expected , that the Agents of the party would employ their little Missionaries to gather Stories from all corners of the Country amongst their Disciples . The first that he endeavours to abuse , is Dr. Paterson Archbishop of Glasgow , and that in a stile becoming the true race of the Gnosticks , I mean Scotch Presbyterians , who have no other precedents in History , than these impure Sectaries , whose lives were a disgrace to humane Nature , as well as a reproach to Religion . The VVorld is not yet so besotted as to think that the Archbishop of Glasgow needs particular answers . Indeed , I must acknowledge that the Author has pretty well secured himself against such Apologies : his accusations are so obscene , that no Christian must name them ; and therefore he has hid himself in a Cloud of Forgeries , that none can repeat but a Devil , and none could invent but the Author . The Arch-bishops Character , Merit and Parts , cannot but draw upon him the Odium of the whole Party . And I wish with all my heart , they had not try'd his patience by more terrible methods , than those of Pasquils and Calumnies . The next of my Acquaintance is Mr. Brown Minister of Drysdale , and the foolish Notes that he makes him to have preach'd , is a pure Forgery , a Lye in which there is not any mixture of truth . His connivances of the Adultery of Lockerby with Archbald Johnstone of Kirkburn's Wife , is of the same stamp with the former , for he prosecuted the Adulterer so vigorously , that he got him excommunicated , and continued so under the highest Censures of the Church , untill the evidences of his repentance obliged the Bishop to absolve him . In the next Paragraph he mentions Mr. Cant , whom he names underling to Mr. Hamilton , and whom he rails at again . Mr. Andrew Cant was never underling to any dead nor alive , though still subordinate to his Governors both Civil and Ecclesiastical : the unaffected freedom of his temper makes him now and then a scourge to Hypocrites , and he still preaches the Gospel to all that observe him by his patience , as he did lately by his excellent Sermons : and the stories forged of him are but the exhalations of the Libellers infectious breath . In the next Paragraph to Mr. Cant , he mentions severals who had their Mission and Education from the Presbyterians , and if they preach'd such things , we know to whom they ow it ; many of 'em are dead long since , and it was not possible upon the restitution of the Government , Anno 1660 , so speedily to recover the Clergy from Presbyterian fooleries , for tho they complied with Episcopacy , such as grew old under Presbytery , spoke still the Language of Ashdod : for being enjoin'd under Presbytery to preach perpetually against Montrose , and the Malignants : they stumbled now and then into their former blunderings ; and it is pleasant to see this Man accuse the Church for the sayings of Presbyterians , who though they complied with Episcopacy upon the restoration of the Government ; yet still they wore the marks of their former slavery in their Phrase as well as in their Faces , such are most of them he names , Pag. 66. 67. But the most impetuous Efforts of his malice are levell'd against Dr. Canaries . The Doctor told me , That these were not the first Essays of their Civility towards him ; for he being employed by some of the Episcopal Clergy to represent their grievances at Court , the Presbyterians from that very moment fixed their Eye upon him , and prosecuted him with all the Calumnies that their fury and common practices in such cases could suggest unto them . But still they found the Doctor too hard for them , and the wise Men amongst them have frequently own'd to him , that as they hated such Methods , so they highly disapprov'd the particular injustice that was done to the Doctor . Mr. Spalding who was Clerk to the first pretended Assembly after the Revolution , and is now one of the Preachers of Dundee , was put upon searching after such a Story ; but ( as he confest to Mr. Carstairs ) he found there was nothing to be made of it . And the Doctor appeals , both to Mr. Carstairs , and Mr. Spalding for the truth of this , and he doubts not but that they will readily do him justice in it , and and it is very odd that this Libeller should accuse him of new , when he stood two Trials before the Privy Council , when it was highly Presbyterian , and proceeded against the Episcopal Clergy with the greatest rigor : and another before a Presbyterian Synod , in which all the Members except three Ministers , and three ruling Elders , were mighty violent against him . And in both these Trials he so baffled his Accusers , that the Judicatories treated him with special Honour , and acquitted him from all the Calumnies that were charged upon him , and reproved his Enemies for their malicious libelling of him . And this Narrative the Doctor can prove by authentick Extracts , which he has in his own hands . So that the underling Pedlars amongst the Presbyterians may write what they please , 't is not now in their power to hurt him . And the Doctor further appeals to the Presbytery of Selkirk , when he was there , how readily they would have received him into their Communion , such a particular esteem they had for him . The Story that 's metamorphos'd by this Accuser into a prodigious villany is no more than this , That the Doctor , when he was a Boy at the University , fell into the Company of two other Young Gentlemen at Dundee , and they three walking about the Fields in the Summer-time , met in the Evening with some Women that were watching in the Fields the Linnen that they had wash'd , the other two Gentlemen accosted some of these Women , by amorous and foolish Embraces , and the Doctor over hearing one of them squeak , he called them back , and chid them for what they had done , and told them if there was any noise made about it , he would declare he had no accession to it . And when this trisling Story was examined before the Presbytery of Dundee , both the Women , and the other two Gentlemen acquitted the Doctor , and constantly owned that he had no share in it at all . And this is remarkable , that there was no Circumstance relating to it , but what was examined by Mr. Rate , then Minister of Dundee , an Indulg'd Presbyterian . Nor did the Doctor go out of the Nation till two years after that , upon occasion of his Fathers death . By this Story one may see the Malice , and indefatigable Industry of that Sect , it was the Doctors early fate to be accused by the Presbyterians ; and though no part of the Story be within any possible degrees of Truth : yet the Reader may see , how the Libeller Vapours , as if he had the best and clearest Evidence . And since the Doctor has lived eighteen or nineteen years beyond the reach of Calumny , blameless , to the Conviction of his Enemies , how foolish , and how impious is it to accuse him . As for his being Popish he has given an account of that in the Preface to his Sermon Printed at London 1686 ; but that he was a Jesuit is a Lye , for he was never of any Order in that Church , and his Zeal against Popery did sufficiently appear , and all that know him , know his Innocence , as to all the malicious Slanders invented against him . The following Paragraph , pag. 72. mentions Mr. Monro , commonly called Doctor Monro . I am sufficiently acquainted with the Doctor , and he says so little of him , that I may be allowed to examine it particularly . First , He 's commonly called Dr. Monro , and the meaning of this is one of two , either a Fanatick Squeamishness that will not allow the Title of Doctor to any Clergy Man ; or , an insinuation that he was not graduated Doctor in the University . If the first be intended , 't is but a piece of Quakerism , the 4th . day of the Week commonly called Wednesday . If the second be meant , he was not called Doctor until the Month of February 1682 , when he received his Degree in the Theological Schools of the New College at St. Andrews from the Learned Doctor Comri , then Vice Chancellour of the University . Our Libeller adds that he is a mighty Agent for the Party . If he has any qualities to recommend him , that of a good Agent is none of them . And again , he is represented to be one of the Episcopal Pamphleteers . I do not know what he means by this , unless he charges him with publishing the Presbyterian Inquisition . It may be he was the Author of that Narrative , which he is ready to justifie if ever he is fairly tryed ( excepting still some Marginal Notes relating to Mr. Rule , to which he had no accession ) and this Pamphlet contains so many steps of Presbyterian Knavery and disingenuity , that if he please he may let it alone . But the saddest blow against the Doctor is this , that it is well known that he Rode for several years in the Pope's Guards , but I ask , to whom is this known ? To the Presbyterians only , who know all secrets , and discover Plots in the World of the Moon ? But I must tell you that for the time the Doctor was abroad , he was never out of France , and the Confines of it , nor nearer to Rome than about four hundred and eighty Italian Miles . It were more easie for this Accuser to have Copyed the former Libel contained in the Presbyterian Inquisition , than thus to trust to his own invention . Mr. Gray comes next , if he mean Mr. James Gray , Minister of Kelso , he is remarkable for his Modesty , Learning , Veracity , and Piety , and he is Charactered in an opposite Style , by such as neither know him , nor the vertuos that recommend him to his Brethren . Mr. George Henry , Minister of Corstorphen , is a Man of Gravity and Prudence , and his other qualifications are undeniable , and he is not capable of any such extravagance of Passion as this common Accuser charges him with . Mr. Alexander Ramsay , Minister of the Old Kirk of Edinburgh , was driven from his Residence in the West by the Covenanted Zealots , and lived since in the Eye of the Nation , beloved of all that know him , whether we consider his blamless Life , or Ministerial Sufficiencies . Dr. Annan Dean of Edinburgh was known all Scotland over , and there was scarcely ever a more innocent Man in Britain , and he needs no Apology . Now 't is pleasant enough to observe , that in all this List he hath not named the Author of Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , nor the Publisher . I have given you a short account of such as I know , for such as I am not acquainted with , I have no reason to believe this Libeller . For if they were never so guilty , they must have other Accusers than Men of such Prostitute Consciences . His Civility to the Church of * England alone , makes it appear how little he is to be regarded . He begins his Book with a † Lye in the Title Page , that it might be all of a piece . As for any Shadows of Argument that are here and there scattered , if they be of any weight they shall be considered when the other Pamphlets , that are threatned by the Party , are made publick . Farewel . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51154-e980 Vide Optatum , Milevit . The Confederacies against the Government were then called Societies in the West of Scotland . Dr. S — . Jusque datum sceleri — Vid. Kings large Manifesto . * Who of the old Presbyterians ever Preached against the use of the Lords Prayer or Doxology ? Letters of a Dissenter to the truly Learned Dr. Burscough . Pag. 35. Edenburgh Edition . Crimine ab uno disie omnes . The very next Lords day one of their Ministers in the Meeting-House belonging to the Tron Church Parish , December 17. thanked God for this Glorious Reformation , I instance him not to exclude others , but because I can prove it . Non monstrare vias eadem nisi sacra colenti . * Bochart . Phaleg . Edit . 3. Lugd. Batav . pag. 989. Cavendum igitur ne Scyllae fugâ in hanc Charybdim incidamus , neve rigor nimius , & plusquam Vatinianum in Episcopos odium , eo imprudentes adigat , ut Veteri Ecclesie dicam scribamus , & al ejus communione ipsi nos arceamus . A quibus Extremis Gallicanas Ecclesias semper abhorruisse libri à Gallis scripti palam indicant , & Nostrorum perpetua praxis . Idem ibid. Interim Episcopale regimen esse antiquissimum , & paulo post Apostolos per Universam Ecclesiam magno cum fructu obtinuisse , est mihi compertissimum . Bishop Lighton . The Presbyterians in England libelled all kind of Crimes against the Clergy before the Rump Parliament , and one of them was deprived for drunkenness , who was so abstemious , that he never drank any thing in his life but Milk and Water . John Ep. Vid. pag. 52. and pag. 87. * His own word . Vid. Letters of the Persecution . Damasus and Urcisinus at Rome , Videtiam Ammianum Marcelinum . Wherever they dare venture , they have no regard to the popular Call , as lately appeared at Leith , the unanimous popular Election of Mr. George Gray was refused , and one Wishart a Presbyterian thrust upon them . Vid. Presbyterian Inquisition of the College of Edenburgh . Acts 17. Page 24. Edinb . Edit . Page ibid. Edinb . Edit . For they fancy the Covenant to be the tenure by which any King may hold his Crown . * And therefore K. William having not taken the Covenant , and being in League with bigot Papists , and still Protecting the Church of England and its Hierarchy , should be Excommunicated upon Presbyterian Principles , as at Sanghair lately it was reasoned and determined , the 10th . of August . — Nunquamne reponam Vexatus toties . — Vitia dominantium tolerare debemus sicut nimios imbres . Cornel. Tacit. Pag. 96. and 97. Pag. 76. and pag. 166. Vid. Bramhal on the Scots Discipline . Act of General Assembly 49. His own mannerly expressions . Pag. 94. * Alderman . Page 85. Page 88. Page 100. Page 109. Vid. Confession of Faith inserted in the Oath of the Test . Page 185. Page 178. Pag. 123. Pag. 55 Pag. 40. Pag. 13. Second Vindication . Edenb . Edit . Mr. Riddel of Haysning in the Forest , and Captain Straitone . Anno 38. Pag. 12. Pag. 12. Pag. 10. Paragraph 6. Ibidem . Pag. 115. Pag. 183. and Pag. 169. Mr. Gilbert Rule . * Sancti Hieron . Epist . ad Evagr. Quid facit Episcopus quod non facit Presbyter excepta ordinatione . Catalogus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum . * Nulli patentius reprehenduntur , quam qui maxime laudari merentur . Plin. Ep. 20. lib. 7. Pag. 183. Tacit. Convitia spreta exolescunt , si irascare agnita videntur . As to the Characters given to some of them , neither they nor the Author of that History was to be blamed for it . * Tullius Orat. in Caecil . Nam cum omnis arrogantia odiosa est , tum illa Ingenii atque eloquentiae multo molestissima . † Nam levia ingenia quia nihil a-h bent nihil sibi detrabunt , magno ingenio multaque nihilominus habituro convenit etiam simplex veri erroris confessio . Celsus de Medic. lib. 8. † Buchan . Francise . Novi ego qui tantum tor quinq latina teneret Verba , sed ingenii sic dexteritate valebat , Ut quocunque loco , de re quacunque parata , Semper & ad nutum posita in statione teneret . Mr. Magnus Prince . Page 164. Pag. Pag. 5. Mr. J. S. Pag. 6. Pag. Pag. 25. Pag. 25. Vid. Mr. Medes Discourse of Christmas . Quia scriptum non legimus ideo jussum non credimus . A short digression . Vid. Dr. Gunning of the Lent-Fast . We may seek for rest in new ways , but we shall never find it but in the old . Colloss . Pag. Vid. Rutherford's Due right of Presbytery . Collection of Cases against Dissenters , by the Clergy of London . Vid. Defence of King Charles II. Government by S. G. M. Mr. Ro. Douglas , Mr. Geo. Hutchinson , Mr. Sam. Rutherford , Mr. J. W. and many others . Those Christian Forms were rejected by Bastard Presbyterians that grew upon the Independent Stock . Heb. Jam. 3. 17. Jam. 1. 26. Tit. 2. 11 , 12. Tit. 2. 13 , 14. Galat. 5. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. 1 Cor. 1. 23 , 24. Acts 17. Acts. 2. Hebr. 2. 3 , 4. * Vid. Just in Mar. Dialog . cum tryph . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 66. Article of a Confession of Faith. Pag. 66. Virg. Aeneid . 1. — Tantaene animis coelestibus irae . * Tully de nat . deorum , lib. 3. nihil tam absurdum quod non dixerit aliquis philosophorum . Pag : Apolog. pro sententia Hieronym , p 315. Pag. 3. Vindicat. 1. The Antiquity of our Nation does not depend on any such Monkish Legend , but may very well stand on its former grounds , and such collateral proofs as may be borrowed from the Roman Historians . Vid. Macken . Defence of the Royal Line . Du Launoy . * Logica Clerici parte secunda de judici is . Desicientibus omnibus historicis monumentis historia gentis alicujus cognosci nequit , nec quidquam verum nisi casu de ca dici . Quot conjecturae inanes cirea historiam sacram & Ecclesiast team , quasi certae affer●●●●● quae mu●●o majorem historiarum requirerent lucem , si de tis quidquam certi slatuendum esse● ? * Tullius pro Archia Poeta ? Atque is tamen ( Alexander ) cum in Sigaeo ad Achillis tumulum astitisset . O fortunate , inquit , adolescens qui tuae virtutis Homerum praeconem inveneris ! & verè , nam nisi Ili●s illa extitisset idem tumulus qui corpus ejus contexerat nomen etiam obruisset . 1. Vindicat. Preface . Apoleg . pro Sentent . Hieron . Rom. 10. 18. Pag. 184. Pag. 185. * But they refused to joyn in the Worship of God when there were no Ceremonies appointed . M. Alix , and many others . Spotswood , Ann. 1560. pag. 149. and Knox in his Hist . 1560. pag. 264 sets down at length the form of Electing the Superintendents . Du St. Esprit . Notes for div A51154-e37930 * Vid. Hind let loose . Nepthali Jus populi . * Vid. King 's large Manifesto . * Sir George Mackenzie . * Answer to the Scottish Presbyterian Eloquence , p. 27. Quis genus Aeaeadum ? — Virg. Phaedri Fabulae . Pag. 26. Anno 1638. That you may be fully informed of the 〈◊〉 , disingenuity , illegal Practises , and tumultuous Villanies of the Covenanters , you are earnestly desired to Read King Charles I. large Declaration in Folio . Lond. Printed for R●b . Young , 1639. Vide Hind let loose . Vide Hind let loose throughout . Vid. Centuries of Scandalous Ministers complained of to the Parliament , Anno 1646. * You may meet with them at length Page 4. of his Pamphlet . Vid. Pag. 64. Pag. 66. Pag. 71. Pag. 72. Pag. 78. * Vide Page 4. throughout . † Printed for Tho. Anderson near Charing-Cross . 1693. 
A29750	----	The history of the indulgence shewing its rise, conveyance, progress, and acceptance : together with a demonstration of the unlawfulness thereof and an answere to contrary objections : as also, a vindication of such as scruple to hear the indulged / by a Presbyterian. Brown, John, 1610?-1679. 1678 Approx. 549 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29750 Wing B5029 ESTC R12562 13578258 ocm 13578258 100484 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29750) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100484) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 837:12) The history of the indulgence shewing its rise, conveyance, progress, and acceptance : together with a demonstration of the unlawfulness thereof and an answere to contrary objections : as also, a vindication of such as scruple to hear the indulged / by a Presbyterian. Brown, John, 1610?-1679. [14], 162, [2] p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1678. Written by John Brown. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Probable place of publication from Wing. Includes index in manuscript. Advertisement on p. [1-2] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Scotland -- History -- 1660-1688. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HISTORY OF THE INDULGENCE Shewing its Rise , Conveyance , Progress and Acceptance : Together with a Demonstration of the Unlawfulness thereof , And an Answere to contrary Objections : As also a Vindication of such , as scruple to hear the Indulged . By a PRESBYTERIAN . Printed in the Year MDCLXXVIII . TO THE CHRISTIAN READERS , Particularly , the suffering Ministers and Professors in the CHURCH of SCOTLAND . Reverend , much honoured , and dearly beloved ; I hope , I need not tell you , ( whom I look upon and addresse my self unto , as taught of God , not onely in the main ; but in many things that relate to our present calamitous case and condition ) that the knowledge of the times , and what the Israel of God ought to do , should be your Ornament & Cognizance , distinguishing you from others , who are brutish in their knowledge : Neither need I tell you , how impossible it is to know , what the present day and hour makes indispensible dutie , without a just reflexion on what is past ; for the emergents of the present day can never be improved , to the advantage of preventing the morrow's miserie , without this ; whereas hereby the present day may be made the better for yesterdayes errour . Now , that you and I may be helped to a profitable reflexion upon what is past , and improve it to its just advantage , the Lord hath been pleased , in this common and unconcerned sopor of many , to put it upon the heart of a Servant of his , to whom he hath given dexteritie , of hand for the undertakeing , to give you and me the following History , and Account of one particular emergent , in the sad History of our time , which hath been followed with the most dismal and dire effects of any thing that hath befallen our poor Church , & the precious remnant therein , since the Holy Lord was pleased to give us up into the hand of such , as have with violence and rage overturned that blessed and beautiful fabrick , reared up and erected amongst us by Him , who dwelt in it , and made our soules glade in his house , while we walked with Him , and He dwelt among us . If this History and account be carped at , and cryed out against by some ; that must be borne with ; for our distempers ( Alas ) and distractions are arisen to that heat and height , as he who rebuk●th in the gate is hated , and he who speaketh uprightly is abhorred . And yet a faithful and wise Servant , seeing how his Lord is wronged , and for what the Land is made to mourne , and the Church in hazard to be utterly ruined , may not lay his hand upon his mouth , and , to prevent the opening of the mouths of others against him , give up himself to a stupid silence . But whatever some may judge or say of what is here said , and set before us , wisdom will be justified of her Children : and I am sure , the account given will be refreshful and acceptable to many , who love the truth , and lament these our recessions and declineings from our first love & wayes . Oh if I might mix myself amongst the mourners , and those whose souls are melted & poured-out in them , in this heart-rending reflexion ! I shall at present forbeare to go so far backward , as to set before your eye , ( which may make you and me goe mourning to our grave , and ought to be remembered by us for that very end ) what was our carriage , or rather , what were our miscarriages , in the day , when the Enemy , with displayed banner and open-faced violence , did raze and overturn all . Oh , if He would raise up some to represent us now unto ourselves , according to what we really were in that day ; that so we for our part might goe mourning to the grave , and the succeeding generations might thereby take warning , and beware to tread our path , or trace our steps , lest , as we have done , they should stumble , fall and be broken . Leaving therefore this sad subject , I come to make a blunt and abrupt inquirie how did we behave ? What was our Posture and Practice after we had so stupidly stood by , till we saw the whole work overturned , without offering to interpose effectually to prevent its ruine , or fall with it ? And now , when we ourselves were thrust from the publick Exercise of our Ministrie , are we found lamenting after the Lord ? Are we found lying in the dust , loathing ourselves in the remembrance of the sad and soul-afflicting ruine , which fell under our hand ? Is there now a corresponding how to excite one another unto the first Love , and to the first works of the Church of Scotland ? doth the sorrow of every mans soul look-out at his eye , while he beholds the desolation of the Sanctuary , the Mountain of Zion laid waste , and the Foxes walking upon it , and considers how he hath not onely outlived the departing of the glory , but must , if he see , and lay to heart what hath been in his hand , carrie his own tormenter about with him , as having by his conniveing , or a cowardise , unworthy of the Spirit of Ambassadours for Christ , contributed to the advancement of the enemies desperat designe ? Do we now meet , and set dayes apart alone and together , on this very designe , to mourn , to pour out our hearts before Him , to weep upon Him , importuning Him , and praying with all manner of prayer and supplication for Light , for Life , for Zeal , for Courage ; that as being strengthened with all might , according to his glorious Power , we might be in case to stand and withstand , in so evil a day , and having done all to stand ? Did we , as knowing from what had past , and as not ignorant of his devices , plead with our Lord , that we might not be left , nor led into temptation ; but that we might be upheld in our integritie , and helped upon all hazards to witnesse our soul abhorrence at the wayes of these turners aside , and overturners of the work of God ? Did we , as faithful Ambassadours of Christ , fixedly loyal to our exalted Prince ; or as true Lovers of the soul-interest of those , who by their way had witnessed there was no feare of God before their eyes , yea that they had forgotten , or delete the apprehension of that Eternal God , who is above them ; and so in the madnesse of their apostasie , without all inquirie or care , whether that way did lead them , or where it would Land them , run as enràged upon the bosses of the buckler of God Almightie ? Did we , I say , deal plainly with the men of these abominations , these prodigious wickednesses , these hateful and heaven-dareing practices ? Did we beseech , obtest , exhort , yea and with an Ambassadour-becoming boldnesse charge them , in the name of the liveing God , to returne , as they would not be turned into hell , for these their treacherous turnings away from Him , and transcendently wicked turnings against Him ? Nay alas ! Whatever were the secrete mournings , the sorrowings , the grievings of some , which , I hope , are on recorde in Heaven ; yet , the first thing that is heard of in others , after an interval of shameful and sinful silence , is a fearlesse making and medling with the stated enemies of the work of God , even while breathing-out a keennesse of crueltie against the more zealous faithful Ministers and Professors , and this fearlessé medling ( ere mourning over former unfaithfulnesses and miscarriages had gone before ; ere Brethren , equallie concerned in the case , and on whom the care of the Church did equallie lye , yea and of some of them I may say , were no lesse eaten up with the zeal of His house , than the Consulters , were consulted ) produced this that fatal Indulgence ; and to use the Vindicators phrase [ which he in useing , upon the occasion and account he makes use of it , to detestation abused ] hinc illae lachrymae . Alas ? What else but a further defection could be exspected , as the issue and result of these medlings , betwixt , ( on the one part ) not onely the Chiefe Instruments of all these incumbent Calamities ; but men set upon this mischiefe , how to destroy by dividing , and ruine by their Methodes , beyond hope of an escape or recovery , the poor remnant ; and root-out the remembrance of that People , and Partie , whom in their thoughts , desires and designes , they had devoted to destruction . And ( on the other part ) what ever the men had formerly been , or still were ; yet I must say it ( and let none mistake me so far , as if I intended hereby to reproach or reflect ; far be it from my soul ; for while I am constrained to mention it , I desire to let my ink drop out of my Pen here , with a wrung and wounded heart ; and to writ as knowing what I now say must meet me at the Tribunal ; nay , I would forbeare to say it , if I did not beleeve it should meet me there , if I smothered what I am now about to say , in a truth-prejudgeing silence ) men in as ill case to have made or medled in the concerns of Christ and his Church , with the men , with whom they had then to doe , in their circumstances , as ever any Godly men in our Church were . I desire not to be put to the unpleasant necessitie of dilating this further ; Nor , if necessitie be laid upon me ( since it is the pure interest of truth , I desire to aime at , without respect of Persons ) shall I decline it , though for that I should be yet more vile . Now , as foregoing untendernesse & declineing had paved the way , & prepared us , for this new step of further defection ; so this wretched Indulgence hath had the most deplorable & dismal effects ; & if the Lord do not graciously deliver his Servants & Church from what it tends to & threatens , it is like to be & prove more fatall to the Poor languishing Remnant , than any step of defection , to which ever any Godly men were left , in the Church of Scotland . The Historie of its effects & of the bitter fruits it hath produced ( which will make it the just hatred of Posteritie ; as well as it is the griefe , sorrow and lamentation of many a serious soul in the Generation ) is not at present my businesse ; All I have to hint at this time , in reference to it , shall be shortly this . That however I doe not offer to make an addition of Arguments ( for that were superfluous , Considering what the Author of the following Discourse hath so nervously adduced ) yet let me addresse my self without offence ; not as an acute disputant , but as a poor blunt , plain , open-hearted well wisher , to the Work and Interest of Christ , to my Indulged Brethren ( not a few of whom are dear to my soul ; and , I hope , though they should both despise me and despitefully use me , shall be so ) in a few plain Questions . Now then the Indulgence is embraced , and thanks to the givers are rendered by the takers . I Ask therefore First , If they could , after this their acceptance and giving of thanks to the Council , have withdrawen from that appearance , and sisted themselves before Christ Jesus , the King of his Church , and with a sweet serenitie of soul have had confidence to offer their thanks to Him , for being helped to witnesse a good Confession against the wickednesse of this Invasion , made by the Overturnes of his work , upon his Royal Prerogative , who built the house , and must beare the Glory ; for it was either then or never , that it was to have been done . Secondly , Let me aske ; are they so very cleare and confident in the case , as they can , not onely in dealing with men , hold up their face , and affirme , without hinck or hesitation , that this is their rejoyceing , even the testimonie of their Conscience ; that in simplicitie and Godly sinceritie , not with fleshly wisdom , but by the Grace of God , they have had their Conversation before all men , and more aboundantly towards these backslideing Rulers , before whom they appeared , now declared enemies to the Work of God , and invaders of His Throne and Prerogative : But are they also content to be carried before the Tribunal of Christ , with this acceptance from those , who have exautorat their Lord and Master , in their hand ; and to have the qualitie of their Love to the comeing of His Kingdom , and their Loyaltie to Christ Jesus , now opposed and put from the exercise of his Royal Government by the Partie Indulgeing , in this very Indulgence , tried by such a Test ? It were fit , sure , to think on this , and lay it to heart ; for each receiver may lay his count with it , that soon or syne he shall be put to it . Thirdly , Let me aske ( though I put it out of doubt , they doe , and far be it from me to think otherwise ) whether they believe , that Christ , who purchased His Church , and bought His Crown with His precious blood , lives also to make intercession , and to plead his own purchase , and Procure , by vertue of the Price He hath payed , the execution of the written vengeance upon all , who will strive with Him for State and Supremacy in ordering the affairs of his house , the Church of the living God ; or who will , in their desperat daring and rage , revolt and exautorat Him by their Law ( which is a legal and explicit bursting of his bonds , casting away his cords from them , and , in contempt of , and Contradiction to the Christ of God , a formal taking of His house in Possession ) as our Rulers have done ; to the out-doing , in this affront to Jesus Christ , all that ever went before them ; or as if they were resolved never to be out-done by any , who should come after them , in a copeing with the Mediator , and a down-right denial of Him to be King ( for now they have put Caesar in his Place ) sure , the Indulged Brethren neither can nor will deny this : Then they must give me leave to assert and subsume ( what hath been , as oft upon my soul , as I thought upon their carriage at that appearance ( yea , if they speake consequently to the supposed concession , they must agree with me in it ; That with the same objective assurance , I beleeve the Right that Christ hath bought , to be sole and supreme , in regulating all the affairs of His own house , to have none to share with Him in the Autocratorick , Architectonick and Magisterial Power of makeing Lawes , to obliege the Conscience of his Subjects , nor to be in case to give a Ministerial Power besides himself ; And as I beleeve the firmnesse of the stipulation betwixt Jehovah and his Anointed , to secure unto him his throne ; and take vengeance on all his Adversaries , and as I beleeve he lives to make intercession ; so I must beleeve also that , at that very instant , when the Indulged stood before the Council , and by their mouth made such a harangue ; The Mediator , who is set down , at the right hand of God , was interceeding and pleading by his blood , by his wounds and Passion , for the execution of the purchased and promised vengeance upon such , who by the complex of this very deed , in a defiance to the everlasting Decree , whereby his throne is Established , declared , they had taken unto themselves His house in Possession . Ah ; my deare Brethren , can the thoughts of such a discord & discrepancy betwixt His intercession in heaven , and your harangueing on earth , enter into your soul ( and I give you the defiance to enter into the serious thoughts of the matter , and hold them out ) or be reflected upon , without Terrour , Trembling , Confusion of face , Shame and Astonishment . Now my reverend and very deare Brethren , may I not , upon this ●ccasion , make bold to fall before you as prostrat , and with the teare in mine eye , ( for I have confidence to say it , I scarce see my Paper , while by my Pen I make this addresse unto you , ) humbly and earnestly beg of you , request , beseech and obtest you , for your blessed and glorious Master's sake , who is now Crucified againe amongst us , from whose head the crown is taken ; for His Churches sake , whereof he hath made you Ministers , and so magnified you amongst men , in sending you into the world , under the Character of his Ambassadours ; for your poor broken hearted and bleeding Brethrens sake , as ever you would be amongst the restorers of our breaches ; as ever you would againe be as some of you were in times past , as the chariots and horsemen of Israel ; as ever you would wish to be brought againe to keep His Courts , and to judge His house ; and , when that work is over , to have a Place amongst them that stand by ; as you would not be the occasion of the rupture and utter ruine of the small remnant ( for God and all good and understanding-men will refound this distracting and remnant-destroying Division , that is amongst us , upon this Indulgence ) ; as you tender the good of the Posteritie , and would give an unquestionable evidence , how intensely you desire , that Jesus Christ may reign and rule without a competitor , when you are gone ; As you Love to live at peace with God , and enjoy , as feeding Pastors and faithful Witnesses to your Lord , a sweet serenitie of soul ? Nay as ever you exspect to goe off the stage in good termes with God , and have your Masters welcome of well done , good and faithful servants , and be enrolled , when you are gone , amongst the Confessors of his name , and holders fast of the word of his Testimonie , and such as had obtained mercy to be valiant for the truth : Let me , I say , upon all these , and many other accounts , make bold to beseech you , without more debate , without more delay , to deliver yourselves ; to deliver the Church ; to deliver your wounded , weeping and overwhelmed Brethren ; and to deliver the Posteritie from the snare of that cause-destroying , Church ruining , remnant-divideing Indulgence . Do not say , I would wheedle and fool you into an irrational implicitnesse or bogle you into a relinquishing of what you have embraced , with a parcel of words , wherein is nothing to convince you of the evil of what you have done , Read but the following History ; and if , as in His sight , without prejudice or mind-occaecating Passion you Peruse it , I am not without hope ; but you will suffer yourselves to be overcome ( which will be one of the greatest Victories you have ever obtained , ) into a compliance with the humble and earnest beseechings not of your Poor Brother onely , but of many , who are Presenting you to God , and dare seek nothing for you , till this be obtained . Do not offend at this last word ; for , if it were my last , I must both confesse unto you , I have never had Confidence to seek any thing for you , since you embraced that Indulgence , save this ; and I know , you have , since that day , been much out of the Praiers of many serious Prayers , to whom you were , and yet are , deare , which hath been none of your advantage ; yea whatever use you may make of it , yet fidelitie to you put me to use this freedom , that I have not onely found my self in fetters , but I have observed more servent Judicious and gracious Persons , to whom it was a case of Conscience ; yea who had no Confidence to represent you to God , as a Part of that suffering remnant , for whom they essayed to Pour out their heart before Him , whereat you will cease to wonder , when you consider that to them , the Indulgence was a Defection . But if the following History Prevail not with you , yet Let the History that God hath writen against that acceptance doe ; Least He impose the necessitie upon some to transcribe it , and set it before your eye , for your further Conviction , and a Caution to the Posteritie . But to close this , give me leave , Deare Brethren , to say this one word more ; that often , under my sinking soul-anguish and sorrow , because of this Indulgence , and its woeful effects , I have with an anticipat complacency essayed to allay the sharpnesse of my sorrow , and to flatter my self into a cheerfulnesse in the pleasant expectation and hope , that amongst the Indulged themselves , amongst so many Godly men , there was more than a may be of hope , that the Lord would pitch upon some of these , and make use of them , to discover , with more conviction and advantage , the evil of this Indulgence , than any else is in case to doe : Blessed shall that man or these men be ! And O that I may not be disappointed in this expectation ! I know , the following History will fall under the severe Censures of many , and not a few will be ready to cry-out against it , ( who shall never be able to answer its reason , but by clamour ) as unseasonable ; I grant indeed , that it is the great Qualification of writing and speaking , that it be seasonable ; and it is also the great commendation of Hearers and Readers , that they have that wisdom of heart as to discerne both time and judgement ; for as a word in season and fitly spoken is like apples of go●d in pictures of silver ; so it is a rare thing , especially in a declining time , to be in case to judge what is truely such , and , as having escaped the mistakes ariseing from preconceived Prejudices , to approve that which is more excellent ; but whatever Prejudice may prompt some to say ; yet what is said by this wise Reprover will be found and entertained as an ear-ring of gold , and an ornament of fine gold unto an obedient eare . And for my confidence in commending it , as a word in season unto the Reader , I render these reasons . First , If men consider the hainousnesse of guilt , which the Author hath clearly demonstrat to be wrapped up in , and inseparably connected with this Indulgence , they will rather say , Alas , he hath been too long in comeing , to make a discoverie of its iniquitie ; than complain as if he had come to soon . Secondly , If men take it up in its true nature and tendency , and consider impartially the qualitie of its defection , according as it is here held forth , if they speake their soul , they must say , That a standing Testimony against this evil is of more value and worth , than all of us are , when sold out of the ground . Thirdly , It will not fall under the Censure of unseasonablenesse by any , except such as doe either down-right plead for the Indulgence and defend it , or else connive at it , as an aliquid nihil , not to be regarded ; and it is to me , and , I hope , will be so to many , in regard of such , that the one may be cured of their Confidence and the other of their Indifferency and detastable Neutralitie , a word in season . Fourthly Let this silence the clamour about its unseasonablenesse , and satisfie , yea plead the indispensible necessitie of it , at this time . That the Indulged Brethren have of late been more hot and high , than formerly , even to the threatning of men into a silence at its defection , by boasting us with a Vindication of the Lawfulnesse of their Acceptance ; and therefore , as to them it ought to be justly reckoned seasonable . Fiftly , Because somewhat hath been of late done even by the Non-Indulged , not onely to the strengthening of the hands of the Indulged , and giving them new confidence in their course , in obliquo , by covering all , and carrying towards them , as if they had done nothing amisse , But upon the matter ( for it is beyond my shallow capacitie otherwise to interpret , or understand the deed ) by a direct homologating of that Indulgence ; for now silence , as to all speaking against this evil , is made the very Door and Porch , thorow which all the Intrants to the Ministery must passe . I hope , they will not alleage , that this is misinformation , for now we have it under their own hand ; and the breach of this engagement is brought and laid down as a ground , upon which a Young man is challenged ; And therefore , it s now simply necessate yea more then high time to discover and detect the blacknesse of its defection , when the Church is thus brought in bondage by it . Sixtly , The severe insulting over some of the poor remnant , who cannot forbeare to witnesse their abhorrence at it , and dare not dissemble their hatred of it , constrained the Author to give the world this account , to convince them , how little reason the one Partie hath to insult thus over their poor Brethren , and how litle cause the other have to be ashamed of witnessing their dislike . Seventhly , Because it hath been often and still is objected to us , that we have made a hideous hue and cry after it , as a theefe , but neither would nor could render a reason , or prove it to be a coming-in not by the right door , but a climbing up by another way : And therefore , the Interest of truth constrained the Author , to give them and the world such a Plain and Publick Account of the reasons of his just dissatisfaction , as may abide ad futuram rei memoriam . And Lastly , Because there is a may be of hope , that as some at least of these Godly men Indulged may be hereby taken off , and all of them made more sober , and lesse violent ; so it is much more to be hoped , that the Non-Indulged will hence-forth more seriously consider what way to deliver the Church from this evil , their Brethren out of the snare , and how to keep themselves free from the transgression of giving this evil any interpretative countenance ; ( for if God put it upon their heart to apply it , the Plaister is in their hand , to wit , a just discountenanceing of this as a defection . ) And withal that they will henceforth appeare more friendly towards the real Lovers of them and the cause ; and holders fast of their integritie , and lesse severe against such , who ought to be countenanced , cherished , and encouraged for their uprightnesse in hateing the Supremacy , as the spring , and all the streames that flow from that corrupt and cursed fountain ; and hereby shall they have better accesse , when real affection and tendernesse upon these accounts is witnessed , to curbe or cure these excesses , which are not inseparable from , yea incident to the zeal of the best of Saints out of heaven ; for it is there that our fire will want smoak . Deare Brethren I shall detain you no longer from Peruseing this History . And that you may in calmenesse and without Prejudice consider what is said ; and that the Lord God himself may , as in all things , so in this thing also , give you Light , is for you the soul-desire of Your poor afflicted Brother and welwisher . THE HISTORY OF THE INDULGENCE . AFter the unexpected Alteration ( which proved indeed a Convulsion falling-out so suddenly ) that came upon the Church , after the Kings restauration , when beside many other sad passages , ( and too many here to be commemorated ) the memorie of which may make tears trickle down from our eyes , so many of the able , painful , faithful and succesful labourers in the Vineyard of the Lord were by one Act of Councel at Glasgow Anno 1662. put from their work ; and by violence thrust out of the Vineyard , where the Lord had set them to labour ; even to the number of Three hundered and above . Nor was it enough to the Rulers to banish all those by an Act from their own Parishes ; but to make this banishment yet more grievous , and the life of those faithful Servants of Christ yet more bitter and less vital , they thereafter did command them to remove from their own Paroches twentie miles , six miles from a Cathedral Church , and three miles from a Brugh . After ( I say ) this surprizing and astonishing blow , tending so directly to the overthrow of the Lords Ministrie , in that Church , and the Introduction afterward of abjured Prelacie , whereby the Church became suddainly filled with aswarme of locusts ; and the many Acts made to enforce a compliance among the people with this defection , and actual conformity thereunto , and that so violently and rigorously , as even simple withdrawing was made seditious and criminal , and severely punished : the ejected Ministers began to think with themselves , that this tyrannical ejection did not , nor could not , unminister them , or make them no more Ministers of Christ ; so as they might not preach the Gospel , wherever they were , as Ambassadours of Christ ; but , on the contrary , they saw , that they lay under the wrath and displeasure of God , if they should not preach Christ ; and that a necessity was laid upon them , yea and wo was unto them , if they preached not the Gospel ; according to that 1 Cor. 9 : v. 16. and they observed likewise , that the necessity was now great , yea greater than ever , upon many accounts : And on the other hand , the people being more and more alienated from the Swarm of Curats , as being not only prodigiously profane , and lascivious , vaine and ignorant ( enough to demonstrate , that they were never the authorized Messengers of Christ ) but also highly guilty of perjurie and defection , in their compliance with , receiving their commission immediatly from , acting in subordination to , and by a power derived from the abjured Prelates , contrare to the Word of God , the Primitive Pattern and our own Reformation , confirmed by Oaths , solemne Vowes and Covenants ; and being sensible of an obligation still lying upon them to owne the outed Ministers , as the faithfull Servants of Christ , and therefore under a necessity to hear them , and to receive the Ordinances of Christ , as dispensed by them : both the one and the other saw themselves called to some other exercise , both to restifie their adherence to their former avowed Profession , their abhorrence of the abjured re-introduced Prelacie , and their willingness to keep Christ , in his pure Ordinances , in the Land. Wherefore not a few of the more serious Ministers , bethinking themselves , and considering the many obligations lying upon them , to preach , and to be instant in season and out of season , and considering the urgent necessitie , and withall the cheerful readiness and willingness of the people to hear , saw themselves called of God to preach as Ministers of the Gospel , wherever providence ordered their abode ; and thereupon , as occasion offered , preached unto all such as were willing to hear ; but at first ( that they might as little displease the Rulers , as possible ) only in privat houses , and that for the most part , ( if not altogether ) at such times , when there was no publick Worshipe in the publick meeting places . ( A superplus of caution . ) But such was the rage of the new installed Prelates , and such was their Indignation at , and Enmitie against those outed Ministers , and chiefly at and against the work they were about , as knowing that if Christ were keeped in the Land , and a memory only of him were reserved , they could enjoy no quiet in their usurpations ; that they ceased not to stirre up the Rulers , to all extravagancies of Cruelty , for suppressing of the Innocent , Peacable and Harmeless Assemblings . Hence came severe prohibitions , discharging all such meetings under exorbitant Penalties , both upon the Masters of the houses , where these Assemblies were found , and upon the Minister found there exercising , and upon all and every one present , without exception , Hence were houses forced and searched , and many hailed to prisons , and several necessitate to escape at windowes with the hazard of their lives ; Officers and Spies sent unto and set in several suspected places , to seize and fall upon such , as they found at such meetings , or but suspected to have been there : whence it came to passe that many , both men and women , young and old , have been dragged to Prisons , and there closs keeped , as if they had been the worst of Malefactors , besides several other outragious and illegal Acts of Violence and Oppression committed against them , contrarie to all Law , Equitie and Conscience . The faithful Ministers and people , desireing still to follow the Lord , in the duty of the day , and finding so many and so great Difficul●ies , in their Assembling in Houses , where they were so easily attraped , and could with so great hazard meet , and with difficultie escape the hands of these Burrioes , were constrained at last to keep their Meetings in the fields , though without all shelter from Cold , Winde , Snow , and Raine : Whereupon the rage and fury of the Rulers , instigated by the Prelates , did break forth into more excessive and boundless Flames : Whence came severe Acts of Councel and Parliament against the same ; and all wayes of cruelty imaginable taken , to suppress these House and Field meetings ; field meetings being discharged under the paine of death unto the Minister and Convocater , and other grievous penalties unto such as did meet : Which course of severity and rigour hath continued unto this day : But to mention the several Steps , Methods , Means , Consequences and Effects of this Tragoedie , would make too long a digression , It is sufficient for us to notice , that the Suppressing of these Meetings hath been the butt , a● which a great part ( if not the far greatest ) of the Acts and Actings of the Rulers have been levelled , ever since they began to appear ; and the onely occasion of so many Acts of Cruelty , and of Enormitie in point of Justice and Legality ▪ they being the onely eye-sore of these Enemies to Christ and His Interest , and that which they had been hitherto , both with cruelty and craft , seeking to destroy , by Tyrannical Acts and Lawes , and by more Tyrannical and illegal Executions ; as if these Assemblers had been no more lawful Subjects , but open Traitours , and the Worst of Rebels . Hence came the filling of P●isons with such as were apprehended , the sending of such Ministers as were taken into the Basse ; the setting of a great summe of Money upon the Heads of some ; liberty granted to Souldiers to wound and kill , in seeking to apprehend Ministers , and to apprehend and trouble any person they found on the high-wayes ; the selling of honest people , as Slaves , unto the French Captains , and unto Persons going to America ; the Banishing of the Wives and Children of the outed Ministers , that were come to Edinburgh for shelter , commanding them to dislodge within the short day prefixed , under the paine of being forcibly shut up , or dragged out ; the appointment of a Major in Edinburgh , with command over the Town Guards , and a good salarie for this very end , to apprehend , at all times , all such Ministers or people , as he could finde Assembling together ; the out-lawing of several Ministers , and many hundereds of Professors , discharging all supply , were it but of bread or water or of a nights lodging , to be given unto them ; and what not ? In the midst of all this furie , and after the quashing by blood , illegall & most falsly patcht up for saltures , of severall estates escheating and confiscating of goods , of that trouble Anno 1666. , occasioned through the Barbarous Executions of illegal Commands , against simple Non-complyers with the course of Prelacy , the King ( at whose instigation , or in compliance with whose Desire and Request , I know not ; but that it was not of God , nor of Christ , nor of the Spirit , that I know ) essayeth other meanes , and taketh other measures ; ( but all tending unto the same destructive end designed , to wit , the suppressing and banishing out of the Land all these Memorials of the Lords Covenanted Interest , and of his presence in the Land , the Assemblies , ( I mean ) of his Servants , to serve and Worshipe him ; according to the pure Order of the Gospel , after the example of Christ and his Apostles , & those primitive Christians , which willingly followed and heard them , ) when by cruelty the Rulers saw they were not able to attaine their end , but the more they laboured that way , to suppress these meetings , the greater and more frequent they grew , the craftie device of an Indulgence to some certaine select persons of the whole outed Ministers is fallen upon ; which if it had been more General or Universal , than it was , had in all probability , proven an effectual meane for attaining of that , which they were so earnestly labouring for , viz. the extinction of the whole Remnant . Being now to discourse of this Indulgence , as it is called , we shal beginne where it began to appear ; that is at the Kings Letter to the Councel hereanent , dated at W●it●hal the 7. of Iuny 1669. which was as followeth . CHARLES REX . Right Trustee &c. Wee Greet You well . Whereas by the Act of Councel and Proclamation at Glasgow in the Yeer 1662. a Considerable number of Ministers were at once turned out , and so debarred from preaching of the Gospel , and exercise of the Ministerie ; we are graciously pleased to authorize you , our Privie Councel , to appoint so many of the outted Ministers , as have lived peacably and orderly in the places , where they have resided , to returne to preach and exercise othe● functions of the Ministery , in the Paroch Churches , where they formerly served , ( provided they be vacant ) & to allow Patrons to present to other vacant Churches , such others of them , as you shall approve . And that such of these Ministers , as shall take Collation from the Bishop of the Diocie , and keep Presbyteries and Synods , may be warranted to lift their stipends , as other Ministers of the Kingdom . But for such , as are not , or shall not be collated by the Bishop , that they have no warrand to meddle with the vacant Stipend , but only to possesse the Manse and Gleib ; and that you appoint a Collector for these and all other vacant stipends , who shall issue the same , and pay yeerly maintenance to the saids not collated Ministers , as you shall see fit to appoint . That all who are restored , or allowed to exercise the Ministrie , be in our Name & by our Authoritie enjoined , to constitute and keep Kirk-Sessions , to keep Presbyteries and Synods , as was done by all Ministers before 1638. And that such of them , as shall not obey our Commands in keeping Presbyteries , be confined within the bounds of the Paroches , where they preach , aye and while they give assurance to keep Presbyteries for the future . That all , who shall be allowed to preach , be strickly enjoined , not to admit any of their Neighbour or other Paroches unto their Communions , nor Baptize their Children , nor marry any of them , without the allowance of the Minister of the Paroch , to which they belong , unless it be vacant for the time . And if it be found upon complaint made by any Presbytery to you , our Privie Councel , that the people of the Neighbour , or other Paroches , resort to their Preachings , and deserte their own Paroch Churches , that according to the degree of the offence and disorder , you silence the Minister , who countenances the same , for shorter or longer time , or altogether turne out , as you see cause . And upon complaint made and verified of any seditious discourse or expressions in the Pulpit , or else where , uttered by any of these Ministers , you are immediatly to turn them out , and further punish them according to Law , and the degree of the offence . That such of the outted Ministers , who live peacablie and orderly , and are not reentered , or presented as aforesaid , have allowed to them foure hundereth merks Scots , Yeerly , out of the vacant Churches , for their maintenance , till they be provided of Churches . And that even such , who shall give assurance to live so , for the future , be allowed the same yeerly maintenance . And seing we have by these orders , taken away all pretences for Conventicles , and provided for the want of such as are , & will be peacable : If any shall be found hereafter to preach without Authoritie , or keep Conventicles , our express pleasure is , That you proceed with all severity against the Preachers and Hearers , as seditous Persons , and contemners of our Authority . So leaving the Managment of these disorders to your prudence , and recommending them to your care , we bid you farewell . Given at our Court , at Whitehall the Seventh day of Iuny 1669. & of our Reigne the 21. Yeer , by his Majest : Command LAUDERDAIL . Ere we proceed , it will not be amiss to set down here some few most obvious remarks , to the end , we may come to understand better the nature , and true import of this Indulgen●e , where of this Letter is the ground and Basis. And 1. We see it is said , That by the Act of Council , and Proclamation at Glasgow An. 1662. a considerable number of Ministers were at once turned out ; and so ( N.B. ) debarred from preaching of the Gospel and exercise of the Ministrie . Whence we cannot but observe , That those Ministers , who were by that Act at Glasgow banished from their Paroch-Churches , were not only debarred and hindered from preaching of the Gospel , and Exercise of their Ministrie , in their own Congregations ( which could not but follow by an inevitable consequence ) But in the sense and meaning of the Court , they were by vertue of that sentence debarred from , and incapacitated for preaching of the Gospel , and the Exercise of the Ministrie , any where ; and so according to the meaning of the Civil Magistrate , emitting this Edict , these Ministers were simpliciter deposed from their Ministrie , and looked upon as men , having no longer power or warrand , before God or Man , to preach the Gospel , or dispense Ordinances , as Ministers thereof . Whence it followeth , that the Indulgence ( as it is called ) is a full and formal opening of their mouth againe ; & ( as to some ) a Reponing of them , according to the meaning of the Indulgers ; who doubtless will not say , ( What ever the plain Language of their Practice be ) that they have power to countermand what God hath commanded , or to discharge such , from serving Christ in the Ministrie , as he hath strickly enjoined , and that upon all highest peril , to serve him so ; but they think , they have power from God , to silence Ministers from preaching when they will ; and againe to open their mouthes , and grant them liberty to Exercise the Ministrie , as they see good ; and that the Lord Authorizeth what they do ; and so , they do but what Church-Judicatories were in use to do formerly , or Prelates yet do , as to such , who are under them . Here then being a Full , Formal , and judicial Power , granted to such , as were , in the Courts Iudgement , put from their Office , deprived of and debarred from the libertie of exercising the same , or any part thereof , to re-enter into the full and free Exercise of the same ; it appeareth to me to be undeniable , That the accepters of this Indulgence have , upon the matter , assented unto this grievous incroachment upon the Priuileges of the Church of Christ. Our Church never thought it competent to the Civil Magistrat , to depose Ministers from their Office , or to suspend them from the Exercise thereof . Let the Second Book of Discipline be viewed ; Let the CXI . Propositions be considered ; Let the Propositions for Government be looked upon ; Let our first or Second Confession of faith , or the late Confession , drawn up at West-Minster be pondered ; Let the writtings of our worthies Mr Rutherfoord , and Mr. Gillispy be read ; Yea , let all our publick proceedings , and the whole tenor of the pub●ick actings of our Church be remembered , and it will be seen , that the granting of this unto the Magistrate is point-blank contrary unto all these ; Yea , & to all the writtings of the Orthodox Anti-Arminian Anti-Erastian Divines . But I know it will be said . That the Receivers of the Indulgence cannot helpe what the Magistrate saith ; they know what themselves think ; and as they did not look upon themselves as deposed , when banished from their own Parishes , as appeared by their preaching else where after that sentence ; so they grant no such power now unto the Magistrate : Yea , when some of the Indulged were some yeers thereafter called before the Councel , it was said roundly by their Mouth , That they had received their Ministrie from Iesus Christ. But I answere , ( 1. ) Though the Indulged could not cause the Magistrate speak otherwise , than he would ; yet they were Masters of themselves , and of their own actions ; and they had liberty to do and speak that , which before the world might testifie and declare , that they did not assent unto that assuming of Church power , but on the contrary did dissent there from , and protest against it , as a sinful Usurpation and Incroachment . What publick Protestation was , I pray , given in against this , first or last ? What Plaine and Positive Testimonie was borne unto the Doctrine & Practice of our Church , in this point , which many of our forebearers did owne unto Banishment and Bloud ? ( 2. ) As for that , which was said by the mouth of some of them , ( of which more afterward ) it was but a poor salvo , in the case ; bec●use no man breathing , neither Magistrate , nor Church-Judicatory , can properly give the Ministerie ; that being proper to Christ Jesus alone : Men only can Instrumentally and Ministerially convey & apply the power , which is of Christ , unto such or such a Person : now I suppose these Brethren , who spoke so by their mouth , did not think or meane , that they had their Ministrie from Christ immediatly , without the intervention of an instrumental and ministerial cause : So that notwithstanding of this , by their practice they might and did declare , that the Civil Magistrat was the Instrumental and Ministerial cause , lawfully Authorized to repone them to their Ministrie ; that is , that all that power of Deposeing & Reponing of Ministers , which by our Reformed Doctrine , Discipline and Practice , hath been asserted to agree only to Church-Officers and Church-Judicatories , is competent to the Civil Magistrate , as such ( 3. ) Further it may be noticed , that a Minister once deposed , or suspended , and now reponed by a lawful Presbytery , might say the same , to wit. That he receiveth his Ministrie from Iesus Christ , with full Prescriptions from him &c. Without the least questioning of the lawful Ministerial and Instrumental power of the Presbyterie , in that affaire : So that it is manifest , that this could not salve them from a real acknowledging the Council upon the matter , to have the Ministerial power of Deposing and Reponing of Ministers ; and that , de jure . ( 4. ) Itis true , thei● preaching else where , after their Banishment from their own Congregations , will say , that in so far , they did not acknowledge themselves deposed from the function ; yet it will not help much ; for their by past faithful deportment will not lessen their fainte at this time , but rather aggravat their cedeing , or their silence , at the accepting of this Indulgence , springing forth of such a fountaine . Their by past honest carriage ( I speak here upon supposition , that they did sedulously preach elsewhere , when thrust from their own Charges ; though I apprehend , it will be found true , but of a few of them ) should have prompted them now to a plaine declaration of their adherence to their former Principles , and of their abhorrence of such gross and Palpable Invasions upon , and Usurpation of the power , which Christ hath granted only to his Church . 2. We may remarke , that it is said , We are graciously pleased to authorize you , our Privie Councel ( N.B. ) to appoint so many of them &c. and againe , as you shall approve of . Whence it is obvious ( 1. ) That all the power , which the Privie Councel had , was from the King ; and consequently , that they go no greater length , than the Kings Letter did allow ; and that their Actings could not justle with , or cross the Scope , Intent and Designe of his Maj. Letter ; but fully comply therewith in all points , and in all its Designes . So that , when any doubt ariseth anent what the Councel did , we must , for obtaining of Satisfaction and Clearness , have our recourse to this primum mobile , the Spring and Principle of this Motion , and the Ground and Basis of the Councels Actings : Yea we must interpret the Actings and Deed of the Councel by this Letter , which was their Cynosure , by which they were to direct their course , and their Rule and Ground of Acting . ( 2. ) Itis obvious allo , that That power , which they are authorized to exercise , is a Power to appoint such and such Persons , as they think meet , and shall approve of , to go to such and such places . It was not then a Command given , or a power granted to recal the Act of Glasgow , whereby the Ministers were banished from their Charges ; but a power to meddle with pure Church-matters , and that immediatly ; that is , to judge and cognosce of the Qualifications of Ministers ; and so to approve or not approve of them ; and a powe● of installing such as they approved of , in such places , as they shall think meet , and none else . These things are plaine . And it is manifest , that there is herein a Plaine , Clear , Palpable and Gross Incroachment on the Liberties of the Church , and on the Power granted to her of the Lord Christ Jesus , as no man will deny , who is not a stranger to the Word of God , and to the Principles of Presbyterian Government , and to all the Acts and Actings of our Church from the very first Reformation from Popery . Wherefore , seing it is known , that in this case , qui tacet consentire videtur , he who is silent , is construed to consent : And it hath been alwayes accounted in our Church ( and is so also by the Word of God ) a sinful compliance with a wicked course , not to give faithful , free and timeous Testimonie against the same ; it is undeniable , that these indulged Persons , accepting this Indulgence , conveyed through such a channel , & flowing from sucha fountaine , as is already shown have not only fainted , as to their duty ; but are interpretatively assenters unto this Usurpation . 3. The Qualification of those , who are to be restored to the Ministrie , is here also to be remarked , in those Words , So many of the outted Ministers , as have ( N. B. ) lived peacable and orderly , in the places , where thy have resided . I shall be far from saying , that Ministers should not live peacably and orderly ; but we ought to consider , what is accounted , living peacably and orderly , by such as propose this Qualification : And that sure , to speake it in the smoothest of Termes , is a negative compliance with all their Tyranny , Oppression of Church and Countrey , Bloudshed , Overturning of the Work of God , Establishing iniquity by Law , Perjurie , Apostasie , Re-establishing of Perjured Prelats , and abjured Prelacie , intruding of Hirelings ; Persecution of conscientious people , for not acknowledging of these Hirelings as lawful Ministers of the Gospel &c. That is to say , have been very quiet and silent , as to the bearing of faithfull witness unto the Cause of God , and the work of Reformation , according to our solemne Oaths and Covenants ; and have been loath to transgres any of their iniquous Lawes ; and careful to walk and carry so , in all their deportment , as not ●o displease them in the least . Now I would think that this very thing should have been enough to have scarred tender conscientious persons from accepting this Indulgence . What Son of the Church of Scotland could have accepted of a favour , in the bosome of which lay this Reproach ? Who could have accepted of this Indulgence , and not with all openly have thereby declared , that he was one of those peacable livers , for whom it was designed , and upon whom in special , as such , it was to be conferred ? And however this peacableness and orderliness was accounted a good Qualification by the Rulers , and a satisfactory Mark unto thē of the fitness of these Persons , for receiving of their favours , and a sufficient ground of security unto them , that these Persons would not stand in the way of their further destructive progress , nor marre them in their further pernicious designes : It seemeth strange to me , that conscientious Sons of the Church of Scotland , should have suffered themselves to be looked upon , with such a special eye of favour by those Enemies , and to be distinguished from others by such a Character , as in our good times , and according to the wholsome Canons of our Church , would have exposed them unto the highest of Church Censures . Had they not then a faire occasion here , yea and a loud ●all , to vindicat themselves from this Aspersion , howbeit esteemed , judged and declared the prime and indulgence-procureing Qualification by the Rulers ; and to have born witness unto the Truth of God ; if their desire to the offered favour , and love to that esteem with the Rulers , had not been too excessive and prevalent ? But there is another thing beside remarkable here , to wit. That here we see , the Magistrate assumeth to himself power to prescribe , to determine and to judge of the necessary Qualifications of Ministers , or of their Qualifications sine quibus non . And moreover , That the accepters of the Indulgence after this manner , did , upon the matter , and interpretativly , give their assent to , and approbation of these two things : First , That the Magistrate , as such , hath power to prescribe , to specifie and to declare what are indeed , and what he will have to be looked on as , the only Qualifications , necessarily requisite in Ministers : And next , That the Qualifications , by him here specified and expressed , are the only Qualifications necessarily requisite in Ministers : And consequently , that the Apostles and Primitive Ministers , who neither could nor would have lived so peacablie in reference to the Heathen Emperou●s , and their wicked Decrees , when no more repugnant to the Interest of Christ and of the Gospel , than the Decrees and Executions of our Rulers have been , were not rightly qualified for the Ministrie . Adde to these , That hereby they acknowledged themselves to be duely qualified after this manner , that is , to have been and yet to be such , ( and that deservedly , after the Court construction ) as have lived peaceablie and orderly , in the places , where they have resided . 4. There is another remark in the Letter obvious , where it is said [ That such of these Ministers , ( i.e. who are indulged ) as shall take Collation from the Bi●hop of the Diocie , and keep Presbyteries and Synods , shall be warranted to lift up their stipends , as other Ministers of the Kingdom . But such as are not , or shall not be collated , shall have no warrand to meddle with the local stipend ; but onely to possesse the Manse and Gleibe and shall have such a yeerly maintainance , as the Councel shall think fit to appoint , out of the vacat stipends . ] Though this , at the first view , may not seem very material , yet it will have its own weight , when we consider these things following , ( 1. ) That the Law of God alloweth such , as serve at the Altar , to live by the Altar ; and that the very ox , that treadeth out the Corn , should not be muzzled ; and that the labourer should have his hire ; as we see 1 Cor. 9. Gal. 6 : ver . 6. 1 Tim. 5 : 17 , 18. And that all Equity and Reason requireth , that the Benefice should follow the Office , as an accessorie and consequent thereunto . ( 2. ) That Ministers stipends are a part of the Church-rents and Emoluments ; and are as proper and due unto the Ministers of the Gospel , who serve in the place , as the Rents of any mans heritage is to him , who enjoyeth it ; these being irrevocablie given away and dedicated to the Church , and the said Donation confirmed and ratified by Law. ( 3. ) Our second Book of Discipline , approven in all points by the General Assemblie , prescribeth other Collectours of these Stipends , or of the Church Rents , than such as the King or Councel should name , and that in conformitie to the Word of God and Primitive Patern ; as we see Chap. 9. Where , speaking of the Patrimonie of the Kirk , and of the Distribution thereof ; and after they have told what they meane by the Patrimonie of the Kirk they have these words . To take any of this Patrimony by unlawful meanes , and convert it to the peculiar and prophane use of any person , we hold it a detestable Sacrilege before God : And then they adde : That the goods Ecclesiastick ought to be collected and distributed by the Deacons , as the Word of God appoints , that they who bear Office in the Kirk be provided for , without care or solicitude . ( 4. ) That there is an introduction here made to that , which may ever hereafter prove noxious and hurtful to the Church ; even way made to the bringing of the Ministers of the Gospel under perfect slavery unto the State ; for hereby we see they must be obnoxious to them , and depend upon them , not only for the quota of their stipend ; but also for the actual and yeerly payment thereof ; for yeerly must there an address be made unto the Councel , or to the Exchequer , by every Minister for his Stipend : though this be altered now ; yet there was no appearance of it , at their accepting of the Indulgence , and several yeers after . Though this may seem but a matter of small moment ; yet we think faithful Ministers should have been tender of the least thing , which might but occasion , or usher-in bondage and slaverie to that poor Church , which hath had a wrestling life , what for one thing , what for another , from the very beginning : And sagacious persons might easily have foreseen , whither such a course , as this , did tend . And if hereafter the State should lay down such a course , as that in all time coming , all the Stipends through the Land should be uplifted by general Collectours , thereto appointed by them , and given-out by these againe , to such as , and in what quantity the State shall think fit , and so make the Ministers become their slaves , and to depend upon them , as if they were their domestick Servants , and Hirelings ( the inconvenience of which upon many accounts cannot but be obvious to any considerat and judicious person ) whom had we to blame , as first breaking the ice in this matter ? And was there not here ground enough to have refused this favour ( as it is accounted ) thus conveyed ; and to have declared , they would choose rather to preach gratis , than any way contribute unto the laying of such an yoke upon the neck of the Church of Scotland . Further , see we not here , that such a snare was visible before their eyes , that either they should accept of Collation from the Prelates , and so acknowledge their dependance likewise on them , and confirme these perjured Invaders , and comply with abjuted Prelacy ; or otherwise become the Councel's Pensioners , which did tend to a manifest prostituting of the credite of the Ministrie , and to the obstructing , of ministerial freedom and faithfulness , in declaring the mind of God , as becometh the Ambassadours of Christ ? 5. The next thing to be remarked , is the Injunctions here laid upon the Indulged , which are expressed in the Letter at some length . Which Injunctions either are Lawful , or Unlawful . If they be Lawful , Then ( 1. ) They must obey them without any hesitation . ( 2. ) Then they must acknowledge the conformable Clergie , as they are called , to be lawful Ministers of the Gospel . ( 3. ) And that it is lawful to keep the Prelat's Courts and Meetings ; and thus condemne themselves , for not doing so formerly . ( 4. ) Then the people are also obliged in Conscience to owne and acknowledge these Hirelings , as lawful Ministers of the Gospel , whom they are called of God to hear and obey . But if they account these Injunctions Unlawful , how could they by their silence , and accepting of the Indulge●ce upon these termes , tacitely approve of the same ? To say , That they did not positively approve thereof , is not enough : Yea , their not-disapproving thereof Openly , Plainly , Publickly and Avowedly , being so stated as they were , and circumstances considered , cannot but be accounted an Interpretative Approbation , by all Godly , Sober and Rational persons . Nor will it availe here to say , That these Instructions were not proposed condition-wayes : For the Councel , ●hat are both the best Interpreters of this Letter , and of their own deed , in consequence of and in compliance with the same , tell us in their Act August 10. 1677. that the Indulgence was accepted upon condition of keeping and observing of these Instructions , in these words : For as much as the Lords of his Maj. privy Councel , did confine several outed Ministers to particular Paroches , with allowance to preach and exercise the other functions of the Ministrie within the same ; and did ( N.B. ) deliver unto them certain Instructions to be keeped and observed , upon which they accepted the Indulgence , granted to them : And againe , after whatsoever manner these Injunctions were proposed , yet it is certaine , as we see , they were intended so . And if these Ministers had expresly told the Councel , that they would observe none of these Injunctions , because they judged the same unlawful , and themselves obliged in conscience to declare the same ; shall any think , that the Councel would have granted them this Indulgence ? Had not that been a direct crossing of the designe and purpose of the King and Court ? How should then the people have been amused into a stupide quiescence , and asse-like couching under the burden , and blown-up with an irrational and groundless expectation of some desirable change ? It cannot , moreover , here satisfie , to say , That they undertook nothing , but resolved to do , as they found clearness ; and when they were not clear to obey to subject themselves to the penalty . For the Counsel , ( as we see ) offering the Indulgence upon condition of observing the Injunctions , when they accepted of the benefite , offered on those termes , they could not but also embrace the termes , upon which the benefite was offered ; and their accepting of the benefite was a plaine declaration of their acquiesceing in and satisfaction with the termes . And further , when they accepted of the benefite , either they accounted Obedience unto these Injunctions Lawful , or Unlawful . If they accounted it Lawful , why were they so disingenuous , as to simulate some hesitation , when they were clear and certaine ? This was not the carriage of faithful , & zealous Servants of Christ. If they did account that Obedience unlawful ; Why did they not declare so much ; especially when their silence , at the acceptance of the benefite so offered , could not but be construed by all , to be a full satisfaction with the Conditions ? did not their silence confirme the Councel of the lawfulness of the Obedience , required to these Injunctions ? This looked not like the carriage of our worthie Fore-fathers , and zealous Reformers . Moreover , what in case the Councel had likewise injoined them ( after the same manner of way , that they proposed the foresaid Injunctions ) to preach Justification by works , The Popes Infallibility , or the Kings Headship over the Church , or some such thing ? Would it have been faire in them , to have come away thanking their L L. for the favour , which was bestowed upon them , & satisfying themselves with this mental reservation , We will do as we shall be answerable , and take our hazard ? Could any have justified them in this , or judged their carriage Ministerial ? Might not every one have said , that they had taken up their Ministrie , in an unlawful way , not approved of God ; and so had run unsent ? Finally , Let me ask the Reader , if the King or a great Noble man should grant to a Person some considerable Charge or Imployment in his familie , which possible the same Person had before , but was lately thrust therefrom ; and in the mean time should lay upon him some injunctions , which seemed onerous , or not very lawful ; could any think , that his accepting of the Charge and Imployment , and returning thanks therefore , did not speak out most clearly his acquiesceing unto the conditions , his accepting of the Charge upon these conditions , and his tacite promise to obey these Injunctions , especially since he made no exceptions against them , when mentioned and proposed ? 6. We remark further that the Letter saith , That none of these Ministers have any seditious discourses , or expressions in pulpit , or elsewhere . And what is understood here , by seditious discourses or expressions , we cannot be ignorant ? But now , what Conscientious Minister can either tacitely promise such a thing , or upon the highest ●eril forbear to utter such discourses ? Or who can think , that any such thing can be yeelded unto , who considereth , what God requireth of Ministers , in reference to a Corrupted and Apostatized State ? and what the weight of the bloud of souls is ? and who hath ever read Ezek. 3 : vers . 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and Chap. 33 : ver , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. and considered , what a fearful thing it is to fall into the hands of a living God ? It is true , the Councel in their act made no mention of this ; for what reasons ; themselves best know : Yet it is sure , that the King and Court expected that none should have the benefite of the Indulgence , but such only , of whom they had , or thought they , had all the rational security imaginable , that they should be men of other Principles , than to utter such expressions . And we may be very certaine , that the Councel , in pursuance of the ends of his Maj. Letter , made choise of such , as they accounted most peacable , and of whom they had the least fears imaginable , that they should ever utter , whether in pulpit , or out of pulpit , such seditious discourses and expressions . They took them ( no doubt ) to be men of a more peacable disposition , as they called it , and more wise and sober ( to speak according to their dialect ) . But oh , what will after ages say , who shall hear of the Kings Letter , and what the Councel did in pursuance thereof ; and see also that N. N. &c. without the least Testimony to the Truth , accepted of the offer , and never hear , where or when these Persons were challenged , or accused for uttering of such speeches ; that is , for an honourable mentioning of the glorious work of God , so miraculously wrought and carried on ; and a faithful Testifying against the unparallel'd perfidie and breach of Covenant , and against the most abominable , irreligious , inhumane and tyrannical Acts , made for establishing of this wicked Course of Defection ? What ( I say ) will after ages say , when they compare this with the valiant and zealous deportment of our Predecessours , and of some , at least , of these same persons Anno 1648. and some yeers preceeding ? It will not be a sufficient covering for this nakedness to say , They heard nothing of that , while they received the Indulgence : For it is not unlike , but they saw or heard of the Kings Letter ; and the report of such an expression therein should have made them diligent to have gote a sight of it , if it was not offered unto them : and their Mouth did clearly , in his discourse before them ( as we shall hear ) intimate , that they were no strangers thereunto . And suppose they had known nothing of this ; yet they could not be ignorant , that this was included in their qualifications . And if they should reject all this , as importing no consent on their part ; Let their practice , since the accepting of the Indulgence , say , whether or not they have regairded that , as the maine and only condition . However I think here was ground enough for them to have scrupled at the embracing of this supposed favour . 7. The next thing here to be noticed in the Letter , is the Power and Command , which the King giveth to the Councel , to silence those Ministers for a longer or shorter time , if they disobey these foresaid Injunctions ; and if a complaint be verified the second time , to silence them for a longer time , or to turne them out ( that is , in plaine language , to depose them simpliciter ) especially if they utter any sedicious speeches . He must be very blinde , who seeth not what height of Erastianisme is here : did ever any of the Reformed Churches say , that a Magistrate , as such , could suspend and depose Ministers from their Office ? Did ever King Iames assume this power unto himself ? See if his Declaration , penned with his own hand , signed and delivered to the Commissioners of the Church of Scotland at Linlithgow Dec. 7. 1585. saith so much , though at this time he had gote his Supremacie in Church-matters screwed up to the highest peg , he thought attainable ? Did ever any of our Confessions of Faith , or Books of Discipline , or Acts and Canons of our Church , give the power of the Keyes , the power of inflicting Church-censures upon Ministers , unto the Civil Magistrate ? Did ever our Divines ( for I except Court Chaplains , and Parasites , whom I account none of ours ) write or say such a thing ? Read what Calderwood hath said , in his Altar . Damasc. pag , 23 , 24. and what worthy Mr. Rutherfoord hath said , in his Due Right of Presbyteries pag. 427. and forward ; and read that elaborat Tractat of Mr G. Gillespie Aarons Rod Blossoming , and see if there be any such thing hinted there . See if the CXI . Propositions , or the Propositions for Government , mention any such thing . Now if these Indulged be not Erastian in their Principles ( as I hope they are not ) I cannot see , but they are Erastian in their Practices : For they , knowing that such a power was assumed by the King , and now given and granted by the King unto the Councel , whereby they were authorized to put the same in practice , and so to exercise pure and intrinsick Church-power , that is , inflict pure Church-censures , Suspend and Depose Ministers : That is , ( 1. ) Not only not to suffer them to preach and administer Sacraments , in his Kingdom and Dominions , ( which yet worthie Mr Rutherfoord will not grant , in his Due Right &c. pag. 430. upon these accounts 1. Because the King as King hath not Dominion of places , as sacred and religious , for his power in Church-matters is only cumulative , not privative ; so as he cannot take away an house , dedicated to Gods service , no more than he can take away maintainance alloted by publick authority upon Hospitals , Schools , Pastors and Doctors . 2. The Apostles might preach in the Temple , though Civil Authority forbad them . 3. And all know , that he cannot hinder the exercise of the Ministrie , in any other Kingdom , ) it is not this onely , I say ; but simplie not to preach , and administer the Sacraments . ( 2. ) It is not only to discharge the exercise of the Ministrie ( which yet Mr Rutherfoord , ubi supra pag. 431. with Calderwood take to be a degree of Suspension , which is an Ecclesiastical degree to the censure of Excommunication ; and therefore the King may as well Excommunicat , and remit and retaine sins , as he can suspend : ) but it is to take away the very power of Order , given instrumentally by the Church ; if ; with Papists and Formalists , they asserte not an indeleble Character . And ( 3. ) It is the taking away of what he never gave ; for he never ordained , nor could ordaine a Pastor , by any Law of God ; that is , Ecclesiastically designe , appoint , set apart , and constitute a qualified Person to the Ministrie , by prayer and laying-on of hands ; for this was alwayes done by Church-officers Act. 13 : v. 3. and 14 : v. 23. 1 Tim. 4 : 14. and 5 : 22. 2 Tim. 2 : 2. Tit. 1 : 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Doth it not hence appear , that this was a manifest Usurpation of the Power and Privilege of the Church ? And what can the silence of such , as were indulged , as to this , when they accepted of the Indulgence , from such as were , in the very giving thereof , openly and avowedly declaring this their Usurpation and Incroachment , say before the world , but that they acquiesced thereunto ? This matter was not hid under ground ; It was plaine enough to all , who would not put out their owne eyes , that the King was assuming to himself Church-power , and was robbing the Church of her Privileges ; and to make way for the full accomplishment thereof , did here command and authorize his Councel to appoint such and such Ministers , so and so qualified , to such and such places , as they thought good , with this manifest certificate , that they must expect no Church-censures to be inflicted on them , for any crime or misdemanour , they shall be charged with , and be found guilty of , but by the Civil Magistrates immediatly ; not Causatively , that is , causing Church-Judicatories do it ; but doing it immediatly themselves . Who then can justifie them , and their practice , in accepting so thankfully , as they did , that Indulgence , without the least word of a Testimonie against all these open and manifest Incroachments ; and that at such time , when the designe of tyrannizing over the Church , in an Erastian way , was so palpable , and might be seen and known of all , who would but open their eyes ? But there is another thing , which here occurreth ; We see here that these Indulged Persons , are standing immediatly under the Censure of the Civil Magistrate , not only for transgressing of the Orders , and Instructions given ; but also ( as must necessarily follow ) for any other failing and transgression , not specified ; as for example for Fornication , Sabbath-breaking and other Sins and Scandals , deserving Deposition or Suspension : For put the case , that some of them ( which yet I have no cause to fear ) should commit any such scandal , as did de●erve , or were usually punished by Suspension or Deposition ; who shall inflict this Censure upon them , but the Councel ? There is no Church-Judicatorie having power over them for that effect ; and they are not under the Prelates ; And we cannot think that they may commit such crimes , and continue in the Ministrie ; Nor may we suppose , that they will suspend or depose themselves . 8. Moreover we must remark here , that the Councel is to take notice of their speeches in pulpit , who are indu●ged , and to punish them ; yea , to turne them out immediatly , if they be found to have uttered any sedicious Discourse : By which we see , that the Councel is made the immediat formal judge of Ministers Doctrine , for under the pretext of sedicious Doctrine , they may judge and condemne the most innocent and orthodox truthes . No Anti-Erastian Divine will grant this unto the Civil Magistrate . And though it be true , that the Civil Magistrat can only and properly judge of what is truely sedicious , and can only civilly punish for such crimes : Yet our Divines never granted , that the Magistrate might in prima Instantia examine , and judge of Ministers Doctrine , when alleiged to be sedicious , or treasonable : Nor did our Church , in her pure times ever yeeld to this . Our Church-Historie tels us , that Mr. Andrew Melvine , that faithful and zealous Servant of Christ , would not answer before the King and the Councel , for his alleiged treasonable discourse in Sermon , until he had first given-in a plaine and formal Protestation ; and the like was done by worthy Mr David Black upon the like occasion , and the Protestation was approven and signed by a good part of the Church of Scotland 1596. And we know also upon what ground it was , that that famous late Martyr for the Liberties of the Church , Mr Iames Guthrie , was questioned , and put to suffer : Now where was there any thing spoken by the Indulged , to bear witness to their adhering to the Church of Scotland , in this point of truth ? What was said , that might declare their dissent from this piece of Encroachment ? Was not their silence here , and accepting of the Indulgence , in the manner as it was accepted , without any publick Testimonie for the Church of Scotland and her Liberties , a Declaration , that they were willing that all their Doctrine should be immediatly , and in prima instantia , judged and examined by the Councel ; and consequently , that our Predecessours in offering Protestations , in this case , were to be condemned , and that Mr Guthrie died as a fool ? 9. We may remark a snare laid in the Letter to catch moe : for it is appointed , that such of the outted Ministers , who have lived peacably and orderly ( here is a Discriminatiō made , no less scandalous to the commended , than dangerous to the rest ) and are not reentered or presēted , as aforesaid , shall have allowed to them foure hundereth merks scots yeerly , &c. — And that such as will give assurance to live so for the futurē , be allowed the said yeerly maintainance : Seing it is not unknown what is properly here understood , by living peacably and orderly , any may see what a snare is laid here to catch others . But some will say , what is that to the Indulged ? I think it speaketh very much to them ; for had they not accepted of this Indulgence , that temptatiō had been removed from the door of others , who now , seeing them without any scruple accepting of the Indulgence offered , and granted unto them in special , only upon the account , and in consideration of their being peacable and orderly livers , are emboldēed to take that gracious gift , and accept of that Princely benevolence , upon the same account , and gape for a greater morsel , Viz. a Vacancie : And will not others , who are not fast rooted , be ready to engage , and give-in security , that they may also taste of the Kings gra●uity ; and so sell their consciēce and fidelity , at as good a price as they can . And if it fall out otherwise ( as I wish , and hope it shall ) that none shall accept of those baits , under which the hook is so conspicuous ; yet no thanks to the Indulged , who have so fairly broken the ice for them . I know , a scandal may be given , when not taken ; and such , as give the scandal , are guilty before God of destroying those for whom Christ died , Rom. 14 : 15. And that word of our Saviour Mat. 18 : 6. Luk. 17 : 1 , 2. Mark. 9 : 42. is very dreadful , But who so shall offendone of these little ones , which beleeve in me , it were better for him , that a mils one were hanged about his neck , and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea . I know they will say , They are far from this hazard , having done nothing , but what is du●y and necessary duty . But though I grant it an indispensible duty for Ministers to preach the Gospel , and to be instant in season and out of season : yet they might have preached without the Indulgence , as others did , and yet do ; and the accepting of the Indulgence was not the only necessary opening of a door to preaching . Nor is it of simple preaching that I am here speaking ; and they shall never be able to make it appear , that it is a necessary duty to do , as they have done , considering what is already said , and what shall yet further be said . 10. There is another particular in the Letter , worthie of a remark , and we shall but here name it ; and that is , Tha● the councel is to allow Patrons to present to vacant Churches such Ministers , as they shall approve of . Whence it is clear , that without this consent of the Patron , which is his real or virtual Presentation , the Ministers approven of by the Councel cannot have access unto these vacāt Churches : Therefore their accepting of the Indulgence unto Vacant places , after this manner , is an approving and an establishing of the power of Patrons ; whereby they did condemne all such Ministers , and possibly some of themselves , who formerly had suffered ejection , according to the Act of Glasgow , because they had no clearness to accept of this Presentation , even though the Patron would willingly have granted it , and did of his own accord offer it . Did they not hereby also condemne that laudable piece of our Reformation Anno 1649. When these Presentations were abolished , and the people restored to their liberty of Electing their own Ministers ? 11. We may also take notice , That all this contrivance is not in order to reduce our Church in whole , or in part , to her former Presbyterian state and lustre , or to weaken , or in the least deface , the re-established Prelacie ; but rather to confirme the same ; for in the Letter , we see these Indulged are to be enjoined , in the Kings name , and by his authority , to keep Presbyteries and Synods ; that is , the Prelats meetings , so called ; for there was no other . As also encouragment was given unto them to take the Prelates Collation . So that this contrivance , as it was to gratifie a few , so it was to corroborat the abjured Prelats , in their possessiō of what they had obtained , as their quid mihi dabit is . And further , they were discharged to exerce any Ministerial function towards any of the neighbour Parishes , where there were Curats serving . Now all these Injunctions , being manifestly sinful and unlawful , might have sufficiently cautioned them against the receiving of a favoure , so strangely clogged with sinful conditions ; or at least , prompted them to have remonstrated freely and faithfully all these evils , and plainly declared their fixed aversness from ever submitting unto these Injunctions , 12. The last particular , which I shall remark here , is the Result of all this ; or that rather which is the end mainly driven at , howbeit couched in words not so manifestly expressive of a mainly designed end . The words are in the last part of the Letter . And seing we have by these orders , taken away all pretence for Conventicles , and provided for the want of such as are and will be peacable ; if any shall be found hereafter to preach without authority , or keep Conventicles , our express pleasure is , that you proceed with all severity against the Preacher and Hearers , as sedicious person , and contemners of our Authority . In the by , we may here take notice , that according to the import and meaning of this letter , no Minister must preach either in or out of Conventicles , without a borrowed Authoritie from the Magistrate , otherwise they are to be looked upon , as sedicious persons , and as contemners of Authority : So that this licence or indulgence was a reall clothing of the Indulged and licensed ( in the sense of the Court , ) with authority to preach ; as if all they had from Christ , conveyed to them by the ministrie of Church officers , according to this Appointment , had been null , and altogether insignificant . Which one thing , in my apprehension , had been enough to have scarred any , that minded to stand unto their Presbyterian , Gospel and anti-Erastian Principles , from accepting of licences of this nature , so destructive to the very being of an Ecclesiastical Ministrie , and to its dependance on & emanation from Christ Jesus , the only Head and King of his Church , and sole Fountaine of all Power and Authoritie , communicated or communicable to his Servants and Officers , as such ; and so repugnant unto the methods and midses of conveyance , instituted and ordained by Christ , and practised in the primitive Church . But the other thing , here chiefly to be noticed , is , That as we see this device of the Indulgence was batched and contrived of purpose , to beare down these Conventicles , and to give a more colourable shew of justice in persecuting the zealous Conventiclers . It is true , the Persons Indulged were not of those chiefly , who keeped Conventicles , especially in the Fields ; for if so , they had not been such as lived peacably and orderly : And so , the Conventicle-Preachers were not much diminished in their number hereby ; yet it was supposed , that none of those ▪ who lived under the Indulged their Ministerie , would much trouble themselves to go to Conventicles , and field Meetings ; wherein , in a very great part , their supposition failed not . But now ; with what Conscience shall we suppose this Indulgence could be accepted , seing thereby , every one might see a further bar and restraint put upon those worthies , who jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields in preaching of the Gospel , and were owned and contenanced of God to admiration , in the rich , yea wonderfully rich blessing of God upon their Labours , and Ministerie , dispensed by the sole Authority of Jesus Christ : yea and those of them , who were present before the Councel August 3. 1672. might have seen more cruelty breathed-out by severe orders , against those , who still followed the Lord , in Houses , in Valleyes and in Mountaines , though contrarie to the Law : For that same very day a Proclamation was issued out , commanding all Heretors timeously to declare any , who within their bounds shall take upon them to preach in such unwarranted Meetings ( as they were called ) and make their Names known to Sheriffs , Stewarts , Lords , and Bailiffs of the Regalities , or their Deputes , and all others in publick trust , within whose Jurisdiction they may be apprehended : And Authorizing these Sheriffs &c. to make exact search and enquirie after them , to apprehend and incarcerat their Persons , and to acquaint the Councel of their Imprisonment , And requiring the Magistrates of Brughs to detain them prisoners , till further Order ; and that under the highest paine : And also declaring that they would put all Lawes , Acts and Proclamations vigorously in execution , against withdrawers from the publick worshipe , in their own Paroch-Churches ? And thus was there a new fiery persecution raised , both against faithful Pastors and People . May it not be thought , that they had carried more honestly and ministerial-like , when seeing this End and Designe ( which could not be hid , ) if they had freely and plainely told the Councel , they could accept of no such Courtesie , unless the like were granted to all the faithful and honest zealous Ministers in the Land ; or at least , had declared and protested , that what was granted unto them might be no prejudice unto the rest to preach the Gospel , and to be instant in season and out of season , wheresoever and whensoever occa●ion offered ? But now , when nothing of this kind was done , did not they contribute their concurrence unto the establishing of this Midse , made use of for keeping-down of those Assemblings of the Lords people ; I mean the Indulgence ? And did they not hereby plainly enough condemne those Meetings , when they concurred so actively and effectually with the Councel , and the Kings designe to have the Land freed of them ? I know it will be said , That they could not procure favours to others : it was enough for them to accept of what was offered to themselves . But yet , though they were not Master of the Magistrates treasure of Indulgence , they were Master of their own deed ; and I suppose , few of the Godly of the Land would have blamed them , if they had , out of tenderness to the poor perishing people , and out of respect to their suffering Brethren , told the Councel ; that , as matters then stood , they could not accept of that offer , though it had been cleaner than it was , unless all their Brethren were also made partakers thereof ; or at least , that the House , and Field Preachers might not be molested . This would have looked like the deed of men , respecting the publick good , and not seeking themselves , or their own ease and liberty . It would have smelled of brotherly affection , if they had said ; We will rather take the same lot with our Brethren , than do any thing , how promising so ever it be of ease and quiet to ourselves , that may render their case more lamentable and grievous ; and may seem in the least , à countenanceing , were it but interpretatively , of the severities used against them , or do any thing that may encourage unto more cruelty , and to the prejudging of the far greatest part of the Land , of the Gospel , now going forth with power . If any shall say , That possiblie they did not approve of that manner of preaching themselves . I shall Returne , that possiblie it may be so , as to some of them , who were therefore looked on as most peacable and orderly ; and shall adde , that certainly such must condemne Christ and his Apostles , who were the greatest of Conventicle-Preachers and almost preached no other way , wanting alwayes the Authoritie of the Supream Magistrate , and yet not waiting upon their Indulgence . But as to all these things , deduced from the Kings Letter , it may be , the Indulged Ministers will think themselves little or nothing concerned ; nor obliged to take any notice of what is there said , in regarde that the Kings Letter was not directed unto them , but unto the Councel ; and it was with the Councel immediatly , and not with the King , that they had to do : And therefore are concerned only to notice what the Councel did , and said unto them , and required of them , and to notice their own carriage againe , or return unto the Councel . For answere I say . It may be so , that they shall thus think , to cheate the world and themselves , by such metaphysical abstractions , but in our actions before the Lord , and in matters of this nature , so neerly concerning the Glory of Christ , as King ; and that in a day , when all things call aloud unto a Faithful , Free & Full Witnessing unto & for the truth , such abstractions are neither Christian , nor Manly . The Letter was not hid from them , nor the contents thereof unknown to them ; for when they were before the Councel , ( as we shall heare afterward ) they by their mouth expressed their sense sufficiently of that Letter , and took the favour of the Indulgence with all humility and thankfulness , as his Majesties Royal Favour and Clemencie . Our forefathers used not to carry so , when Court-favours were pressed and urged upon them , but searched the ground and rise of these , and considered their tendencie and consequences ; knowing , that favours , granted by standing and stated Enemies , could not be for advantage , but for hurt . The Spirit of zeal and faithfulness would teach us another more Moral , Plaine & Christian Deportment : But though the Indulged should be such Metaphysical Abstracters , contrare to that Spirit of wisdom and ingenuity , that should lead all Christians ; yet the Councel dealt more plainely and roundly ( as we shall see ) and told at all occasions , and in all their Acts and Resolutions , that what they did was in pursuance of his Majesties Commands and Royal Pleasure , signified in his Letter . Finally , This abstraction , though it were yeelded to them , will not availe ; for though the Kings Letter had never been seen or heard of there was enough done by the Councel and its Committee , ( of which they could not be ignorant ) to have resolved them , if they had not been prepossessed : It was the Committee of the Councel that Elected them , that Judged them qualified for the Exercise of the Ministrie in such and such places : It was the Councel that did Appointe , Authorize and Impower them to Exerce their Ministery : It was the Councel , that did Depose & Repose , Plant and Transplant , give Injunctions , Restrictions , and Limitations , and punish for Non-Obedience : all which will be further cleared in what followeth . Having premised these few remarks upon the Kings Letter , as necessarie to the clearing of our way , because that was the ground of all ; and having , in the by , discovered several things , to shew the sinfulness of this Indulgence ; we shall now proceed to mentione more particularly what was the progress of this Business , and how this wicked Designe took effect . The Councel appointeth a Committee to cognosce upon the matter , signified in the Kings Letter , and to condescend upon the Ministers , judged fit and qualified for such a favour , according to the minde of the King , signified and plainly expressed in his Letter ; and upon the Paroches , to which they were to be ordered to go , & exercise their Ministrie : Whereupon the Councel enacteth as followeth . Edinbr . 27. Iuly 1669. THe Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , in pursuance of his Majesties Commands , signified in his Letter of the 7. of Iuny last , do appoint the Persons following to preach , and Exercise the other functions of the Ministerie , at the vacant Kirks underwritten viz. Mr. Ralph Rodger , late Minister at Glasgow , to preach at the Kirk of Kilwinning , Mr George Hutcheson , late Minister in Edinburgh , at the Kirk of Irwing . Mr William Violant , late Minister at Ferrie , at Cambusnetham : Mr Robbert Miller , late Minister at Ochiltree , at the same Kirk : Mr Iohn Park , late Minister at Stanrawer , at the same Kirk : Mr William Maitland , late Minister at Whithorn , at the Kirk of Beeth : Mr Iohn Oliphant , late Minister at Stanhouse , at the same Kirk , Mr Iohn Bell , late Minister at Ardrossine , at the same Kirk : Mr Iohn Cant , late Minister at Kel● , at the same Kirk , and Mr Iohn Mc-Michen , late Minister at Dalry , at the same Kirk . Here we see Ten were appointed to the places respectively condescended upon by the Councel ; and some were appointed to preach at the Churches , out of which they had been ejected ; but this was only an accidental thing , and meerly because these Churches were at that time vacant ; as appeareth by Mr Iohn Park his disappointment , because the Prelate prevented his coming to the Kirk designed , which had been formerly his own , by thrusting in a Curat , notwithstanding of his pleading the benefite of the Act of Indemnity , in his own defence , against what was objected against him ; and thereby acknowledged himself to have been a Traitour in all his former Actings , and that all the work of Reformation was but Rebellion : And there is no difference betwixt the appointment made to them , who returned to the places , where formerly they had preached , and that appointment , which was made to others to go to other Churches . The Councel doth not so much , as verbally signifie , the Sentence of Banishment from their own Parishes by the Act of Councel at Glasgow Anno 1662. to be now annulled , as to them , whereby they had liberty to returne to their own Charges , and follow their work ; but simply enjoyneth and appointeth them to go to such a place , and there to exercise their Ministrie , as simply and plainely , as if they had never been there before : So that the appointment is one and the same , as made by the Councel , in pursuance of the Kings Letter : And all the difference , that was in their several Orders and warrands , which they received from the Councel , was in regarde of the Patrons , and of nothing else ; as may be seen by the following tenors of these Acts. Followeth the Tenor of the Acts of Indulgence , given to the several Ministers to preach , conforme to his Maj. Letter of the 7. of Iune 1669. THe Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , in pursuance of his Maj. Commands , signified the 7. of Iune last , do appoint Mr Ralph Rodger , late Minister at Glasgow , to preach and exercise the other functions of the Ministrie , at the Kirk of Kilwinning . And thus did all the rest of this kinde run . The other did run thus . For same ekle as the Kirk of ..... is vacant , the Lords of his Majest . Privie Councel , in persuance of his Maj. command , signified by his Letter the 7. of Iune Instant ; and in regarde of the consent of the Patron , do appoint ... late Minister at ..... to reach and exercise the other functions of the Ministrie at the said Kirk of ..... Whereby we see , that these Orders make no difference betwixt such , as were appointed to their own former Churches , and others , who were appointed to other places , so that as to this , all of them received a new Commission , Warrand and Power to exerce their Ministrie , in the places designed , as if they had never had any relation unto these places before . Further , it is observable here . That these Orders and Acts of the Councel have the same Use , Force and Power , that the Bishops Collation hath , as to the exercise of the Ministrie ; and that the Ordinance of the Presbyteries used to have in the like cases : And therefore this is all the ministerial potestative Mission , wich they have unto the actual exercise of their Ministrie in these places . Thus wee see the Civil Magistrate arrogateth to himself that , which is purely Ecclesiastick , to wit , the Placeing and Displaceing , the Planting and Transplanting of Ministers ; and giving them a Ministerial Potestative Mission , which onely belongeth unto Church-Judicatories . So that these Indulged Persons may with as much right be called the Councels or Kings Curats , as others are called the Bishops Curats , whom the Prelates Collate , Place and Displace , Plant and Transplant , as they please . And wee see no regarde had unto the Judicatories of the Church , and to their power , more in the one case , than in the other ; and possibly the Prelates transportings are done with some more seeming regarde unto the power of Church-Judicatories , such as they owne under them : but in this deed of the Councel , there is not so much as a shew of any deference unto any Church-Iudicatory whatsomever ; nor is there any thing like it . It is obvious then , how clear and manifest the encroachement on the power of the Church is , that is here made . And because Magistrates have no such power from the Lord Jesus , and are not so much as nominally Church-Officers ( as Prelats in so far are , at least ) nor can act any other way , as Magistrates , than with a coactive civil power , and not ministerially under Iesus Christ ; it is manifest , that the Indulged , having this Authoritie unto the present exercise of their Ministerie in such and such places , only from the Civil Magistrate acting as such , have not Power & Authority from Christ ; for Christ conveyeth no Power and Authority in and by the Civil Magistrate , but by his own way , by Ministers of his own appointment , who act under him ministerially . And whether or not , they have not , in submitting to his way of conveyance of Power , and Authority to exerce their Ministrie hic & nunc , upon the matter renounced the former way , by which Power and Authority was ministerially conveyed unto them ; as we use to speak of such of the Prelats Underlings , who have received Collation from him , and Power to exerce their Ministrie in such and such places , where they are now placed , though formerly they were ordained and fixed by lawful Church-Judicatories , I leave to others to judge . But because it may be said , that in these foregoing Acts , there is no mention made of the Injunctions spoken of , in his Majest . Letter , to be given to all the Indulged Ministers ; Hear what was concluded and enacted by the Councel , on that same day . Edinb . the 27. of Iuly 1669. THe Lords of his Majest . Prive Councel , in pursuance of his Maj. Royal pleasure , signified to them by his Letter of the 7. of Iune last ▪ do in his Maj. Name and Authoritie , command and ordaine all such outted Ministers , who are , or shall be appointed or allowed to exercise the Ministrie ; That they constitute and keep Kirk Sessions and Presbyteries and Sy●ods , as was done by all Ministers , before the Yeer 1638. And the Councel declares , that such of them , as shall not obey in keeping of Presbyteries , they shall be confined within the bounds of the Paroches , where they preach , aye and while they give assurance to keep the Presbyteries . And also the Councel doth strickly command and enjoine all , who shall be allowed to preach , as said is , not to admit any of their Neigbour or other Paroche unto their Communions , or Baptize their Children , nor marry any of them : without the allowance of the Minister of the paroch , to which they belong , unless that Paroch be vacant for the time ; nor to countenance the people of the Neighbouring or other Paroches , in resorting to their preachings , and deserting of their own Paroch Churches . And that hereunto they give due obedience , as they will be answerable on their highest peril . And ordaines these presents to be intimate to every person , who shall by Authority foresaid be allowed the exercise of the Ministrie . We see here , that this Act , concerning the Injunctions , was made distinct from the foregoing Act of Indulgence , and these Injunctions were not expresly included or mentioned in the Act of Indulgence : And some because of this may possibly think and say , That the accepting of the Indulgence is the more justifiable . But I am not of that mind : For this dividing of these two , which were conjoined in the Kings Letter , was either done by collusion of the Indulged , or wholly without their knowledge and consent . If the former be truth , their accepting of the Indulgence is so much the more condemnable , that it was accompanied with such unfaire dealing , devised of purpose ( for no other end of this deed can be imagined ) to blindfold and deceive the simple ; whom possibly such a cheate might hoodwinke . If the latter be said , to wit , that the Indulged themselves were utterly ignorāt hereof though it is certaine , as was said above , they were not ignorant of the Kings Letter : Then I think , the first intimation made of these Injunctions unto them should have given such a discoverie of unfaire dealing , and of the Councels purpose and intention to have them in snared , that the credite of their Ministrie , the Conscience of their duty to God , and to the souls of people , the care of shunning all appearance of evil , the Command of God to give no offence , and other things considerable of that nature , should have compelled them unto a plaine and full Declaration of their sensibleness of this cheatrie , and of their unwillingness to accept of favoures , so clogged with snares . And if they had thus carried , they had approved themselves , ( otherwise than they did ) to the consciences of all Men , as lovers of upright dealing , and as such who durst not take on them the charge of souls , on such unlawful termes , nor run the errands of God , with such a Pasport . As to the Conditions themselves , I hope , even the indulged Persons themselves , are sufficiently convinced of the iniquitie of them , when ( as I hear ) they have now at length laid aside the careful observance of them : But the careful and circumspect obedience yeelded unto them at the first , is standing as a witness against them unto this day , and sheweth that however now they neglect the same , because possiblie perceiving the Councel not so earnest in pressing observance , as at the first ; yet so greedy were they of the bait of the Indulgence , that they cared not to swallow this hook with it , though it was an adding of griefe to such as had sorrow enough already ; and had in it a condemning of such , as scrupled the hearing of the Curats , and submitting to the Ordinances of Christ , administred by them . Before we proceed , it will be fit here to take some notice of that Discourse , which Mr H. had unto the Councel , in name of the rest , who were at that time Indulged with him ; for hereby we may be helped to understand , what was their sense of the Indulgence , who did receive it ; The just double of which Discourse , as it came to mine hand , I shall here set down , as followeth . I am desired , in the name of my Brethren , here present ▪ to acknowledge , in all humility and thankfulness , his Maj. Favour and Clemencie , in granting us the liberty of the publick exercise of our Ministrie , after so long a restraint from the same ; and to returne here all thanks to your L L. for the care and paines , you have taken therein : And that your L L. have been pleased to make us , the unworthiest of many of our Brethren , so early partakers of the same . We have received our Ministrie from Jesus Christ , with full prescriptions from him , for regulating us therein ; and must , in discharge thereof , be accountable to him And as there can be nothing more desirable , or refreshing to us on earth , than to have free liberty of the exercise of our Ministrie under the protection of lawful Authoritie , the excellent Ordinance of God , and to us ever most dear and precious ; so we purpose and resolve to behave our selves , in the discharge of the Ministrie , with that wisdom and prudence , that become faithful Ministers of Jesus Christ ; and to demaine ourselves towards lawful Authority , notwithstanding of our known judgment in Church-affairs , as well becometh loyal Subjects , and that from a lawful principle of Conscience . And my L L. Our prayer to God is , that the Lord would bless his Maj. in his Pers●● and Government ; and your L L. in the publick Administration ; and 〈…〉 the pursuance of his Maj. mind in his Letter , wherein his singular 〈…〉 appears ; that others of our Brethren , in due time , may be 〈…〉 of the liberty , which through his Maj. favour we now enjoy . I shall not long insist in descanting on this discourse ; seing it is so plaine and manifest an homologating of the Kings Letters ; and consequently its iniquity is so undeniable from what was formerly remarked upon that Letter , that there is no great necessitie of many moe words to that end : only it may suffice to touch on some particulars , in a few words . 1. We see hence , That these Brethren were not ignorant of the Kings Letter and of the contents thereof , when they do here acknowledge a favour and clemencie , granted unto themselves thereby . 2. Nor were they ignorant of the scope and designe of that Letter , seing they pray , that the Lord would bless the Councel , especially in the pursuance of his Maj. minde in that Letter . 3. Nor were they Ignorant particularly of the Instructions , contained in that Letter , and which were to be given unto them : as these words , with full prescriptions from him ( i.e. Christ Jesus ) to regulate us therein , do clearly show ; for by these words , as it would appear , they gave their L L. to understād , that it was not needful that these Instructions , or Prescriptions , contained in the Kings letter , should be laid before them . 4. Nor were they Ignorant , that what the Councel did herein , was by vertue of , and in full compliance with the designe of the King's Letter ; and consequently , that the King's Letter , and the contents thereof , were the onely spring and original of all this Indulgence , and of the Councels power in acting in conformity thereto , and actually granting the Indulgence ; for they thank their L L. for the care and paines , they had taken therein ; and they pray , that the Lord would blesse them , especially in the pursuance of his Maj. minde , in his Letter . 5. It is matter of astonishment to me , considering what is said , how they could acknowledge this for such an Act of favour and clemency ; And how they could say , that in this Letter , the King 's singular Moderation did eminently appear ; when from what is said , and what shall hereafter be more fully held forth , it is so notoure . That the contents of this Letter did hold forth a designe of overturning all Church-Power , as exercised by Church-Persons , and of clothing the Councel with power to impose Prescriptions , to prescribe Rules and Limitations , and to order and regulate Ministers , in the exercise of their Ministrie , as also with power to Place and Displace , Plant and Transplant Ministers , without regarde had either to the previous Call of the People , or to the Mission of any Church Judicatory ; and of subjecting of the Exercise of the Ministrie wholly unto their will and pleasure ; not to mentione the severity breathed out , in that Letter , against the Assemblings of the Lord's people . 6. It is manifest from what is already marked , that the Indulged Brethren did owne that Letter of the Kings , as the onely rise and fountaine of the favour , which they were made partakers of ; and therefore did not take the Indulgence onely from the Councel , but from the King principally , as the onely spring thereof , conveying the same to them , through the channel and medium of the Councel , who did nothing but by vertue of that Letter , and in obedience thereunto . Whence we see , that there is no ground to abstract the stream from the fountaine , or to think that these Ministers could imagine , that they were onely to notice what the Councel did , and no more ; for as they neither did this , so it were unreasonable to think they could do so . 7. They acknowledged here , that as to the liberty of the publick exercise of their Ministrie , they were onely beholden unto this Indulgence ; for , for this cause they give thanks : And thus did tacitely grant , that there ought to be no publick Exercise of the Ministrie , without liberty granted from the Magistrate ; whereby they not onely condemned all these faithful Ministers , who ventured , without that liberty granted , to preach publickly , where occasion offered in houses , or in the fields ; but they likewise condemned Christ and his Apostles , the greatest of Conventicle-keepers . So like-wise they do tacitely here grant , that when the Magistrate prohibiteth the publick Exercise of the Ministery , for longer or shorter time , he must not be disobeyed ; whereby the Magistrate hath the power yeelded to him of Suspending and Deposeing Ministers , from the exercise of their function . It is true , Magistrates can hinder the peacable publick exercise , or free publick exercise , by outward force and constraint ; but they speak not here of the freedome of peacable publick exercise , but simplie of the freedome of publick exercise of the Ministrie . Our own Church-history tels us ; how famous Mr. Bruce was cast in a fever , through terrour of conscience , for promising silence but for ten dayes , though in hopes of greater liberty . 8. It is observable here ; how thankful they are for partaking alone ( as chosen out from their Brethren ) of this favour ; whileas this very act of separating them from their Brethren , should have been a sufficient ground for them to have rejected the tendered supposed favour , seeing by the accepting thereof , in this separated way , they suffered themselves to be divided from their Brethren , contrarie to their sworn Covenants : not to speak of the stigma , they received thereby . 9. They say , That they received their Ministrie from Iesus Christ. But why was it not said , as some of them ( if I be not misinformed ) desired , onely from I. C ? When this was designedly and deliberatly left out , let all the world judge , whether in this , they carried , as faithful Ministers of the Gospel , or not : for my part , I cannot but judge , that this was a manifest betraying of the cause , and a giving up of all to the Magistrate : for hereby they declared , that in their judgements , either they had their Ministrie from others , as well as from Christ ; that is , from the Magistrate , as well as from Christ , and that in a co-equality and co-ordination ; or else that they had it not from Christ immediatly but from men , from the Magistrates , in subordination to Christ. Now neither of these can assort with truth , and with our Principles : Not the former ; for then Christ should not be sole King , but halfe , and the Magistrate should have the halfe of Christs Thron , Crown , Scepter and Glory : which were blasphemy to think . Not the latter ; for Magistracy is not subordinat in a direct line unto Christ , as Mediator ; nor hath Christ substitute the Magistrat , as his Vicar ; nor hath he given to him , as such , a ministerial power under him , to convey ministerially ( in respect of the Subjects ) or with a ministerial Authority , as his Servants , what power of Mission he giveth to his Ministers ; Magistrates , as such , act not ministerially , or with a ministerial Authority , in reference to their Subjects , but with a Coactive , Autocratorical and Architectonick Power and Authority . If it be said , that they reserved only to the Magistrate hereby , the power to grant the liberty of the free exercise ; but they meant , that they received the Ministrie it self from Jesus Christ alone . I answere , had they spoken so , we might then have understood them so . But though they had said so , the cause had been betrayed , for if they have their Ministrie from Christ alone , they must also have the free exercise of the same from him : If Christ give the Office , he giveth the power to exercise the Office : And if they depend upon others , in reference to the Exercise , they in so far rob Christ of what is his due , & hold that of men , which they should hold of Christ alone . No man needs to say here , that by this means we take away the Power of Church-Judicatories , by whom Ministers receive both the Office , and the Power of its exercise : For what Church-Judicatories do herein , they do ministerially under Christ , and Christ by them conveyeth the Office to such and such a Person , and with the Office a power to exercise it , according to the Rules of the Gospel ; and notwithstanding of this , these Officers may and must say , that they receive their Ministrie onely from Christ Jesus . But this cannot be said , if the Magistrate be substitute in the place of Church-Officers , either in reference to the Office it self , or in reference to its free Exercise ; because no Magistrate , as such , ( as is said ) acteth with a Ministerial Power , under Christ , in a right line of subordination : And therefore when they keeped out the word , onely , they did plainely declare , that they held the Ministrie partly of the Magistrate . If it be said , that they would hereby onely have reserved to the Magistrat , power to grant the Peacable Publick Exercise of the Ministrie . I would answere , that though they had meaned thus , yet they might safely and should have said , that they received their Ministrie only from Christ ; for I cannot be said to receive my Ministrie from every one , who can hinder my peacable publick exercise thereof , otherwayes I must be said to receive it , in part , from Satan and his Instruments , who can hinder my peacable publick exercise thereof . So that , use what devices men can to cover this matter , a manifest betraying of the cause will break thorow , and a receding from received and sworn Principles will be visible . 10. They said , They had full prescriptions from Iesus Christ , to regulat them in their Ministrie . Who then can justifie them , in receiving other Prescriptions from the Magistrate , and such as Christ never made mention of in his Law ; yea some where of do directly militate against Christs Prescriptions ? Doth not their receiving of these Instructions or Prescriptions , which were contained in his Maj. Letter , say , that the Prescriptions of Christ were not full ? But againe , seing they had not freedom to say , that they received their Ministrie from Christ alone , how could they say , that they had their full prescriptions from Christ ? unless they meant , that they had them not from Christ alone . And then they must say , that they had them partly from some other , and that other m●st either be the Magistrar , or Church Officers : not Church-officers ; for neither had they any call to speak of that here ; nor doth Church Officers hold forth any Prescriptions , but Christs , and that in the name of Christ. If that other be the Magistrat , than it must either be meant , Collaterally , or Subordinatly to Christ : not Subordinatly , for they are not appointed of Christ for that end ; nor do they , as Magistrats , act Ministerially , but Magisterially ; not Collaterally , For then they should have these Prescriptions equally from the Magistrates , as from Christ ; and the Magistrat should be equal and King of the Church with Christ , which is blasphemie . More might be here noted , but what is said is enough to our purpose , at present ; and what was said above needeth not be here repeated . But now we must proceed : These fore-mentioned were not all , who were that yeer indulged : For the same supposed favour was granted to others shortly thereafter , as appeareth by these Extracts out of the Register . Edinburgh , August 3. 1669. THE Persons under-written were licenced to preach at the Kirks after specified viz. Mr Iohn Scot , late at Oxnam , at the same Kirk , Mr William Hammiltoun late at Glasfoord , at the Kirk of Evandale : Mr Robert Mitchel , late at Luss , at the same Kirk : Mr Iohn Gemmil , late at Symming town at the same Kirk : Mr Patrick Campbel , late at Innerary , at the same Kirk : Mr Robert Duncanson , late at Lochanside , at Kildochrennan : Mr Andrew Cameron , late at Kilsinnan , now at Lochead in Kintyre . Edinburgh , 2. Septemb. 1669. For as much as the Kirk of Pencaitland is now vacant , by decease of Mr Alexander Vernor , last Minister thereat ; and there being some questions and legal pursuits before the Judge ordinate , concerning the right of Patronage of this Kirk : Until the decideing whereof the Kirk will be vacant , if remeed be not provided : Therefore the Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , in pursuance of his Maj. pleasure , expressed in his Letter of the 7. of Iune last , have thought fit at this time and for this Vacancie allennerly , To appoint Mr Robert Douglas , late Minister at Edinburgh , to preach and exercise the function of the Ministrie , at the said Kirk of Pencait land . And it is hereby declared , that thir presents shall be without prejudice of the right of Patronage , according as the same shall be found and declared by the Judge ordinarie . Edinburgh , Septemb. 2. 1669. The Persons underwritten were licensed to preach at the Kirks after specified viz. Mr. Matthew Ramsey , late at Kilpatrick , to preach at Paisley : Mr Alexander Hammiltoun , late Min. at Dalmenie , at the same Kirk : Mr Andrew Dalrymple , late Min. at Affleck , at Dalganie : Mr Iames Fletcher , late Min. at Neuthcome , at the same Kirk : Mr Andrew Me-Claine , late Min. at Craigneis , at Kilchattan : Mr Donald Morison , late at Kilmaglais , at Ardnamurchant . Edinburgh , Septemb. last 1669. The Persons following were ordained to preach at the Kirks after specified ; viz. Mr Iohn Stirling , at Hounam : Mr Robert Mowat at Harriot : Mr Iames Hammiltoun at Egleshame : Mr Robert Hunter at Downing : Mr Iohn Forrester at Tilliallan with Mr Andrew Reid . infirme . Edinburgh , Decemb. 9. 1669. Mr Alexander Blair at Galstown : Mr Iohn Primrose at Queensferrie : Mr David Brown at Craigie : Mr Iohn Craufurd at Lamingtoun with Mr Iohn Hammiltoun aged and infirme : Mr Iames Vetch at Machline . Edinburgh , Decemb. 16. 1669. Mr Iohn Bairdie at Paisley with Mr Matthew Ramsey infirme . Thus we see there were this Yeer 1669. Five and Thirtie in all licensed and indulged , and ordained to preach , in the several places specified , upon the Councels Order , in pursuance of the Kings Royal pleasure . And in the following yeer , we will finde the same Order given unto and obeyed by others . But ere we proceed , it will not be amisse , that we take notice of the first Act of Parliament , holden this yeer Novemb. 16. 1669. and consequently , before the last Six were licensed . The Act is an Act asserting his Majesties Supremacy over all Persons , and in all Causes Ecclesiastical . Whereby what was done by the Councel , in pursuance of his Majesties Pleasure , signified by his Letter , in the matter of granting these Indulgences , is upon the matter confirmed and ratified by Parliament , when His Maj. Supremacy is so ampliated and explained , as may comprehend within its verge all that Ecclesiastick Power , that was exerced , or ordained to be exerced , in the granting of the Indulgence , with its Antecedents , Concomitants and Consequences : And a sure way is laid for carrying on the same designe of the Indulgence , in all time coming . The Act is as followeth . Nov. 16. 1669. THE Estates of Parliament having seriously considered , how necessare it is , for the Good and Peace of the Church and State , That his Maj. Power and Authority , in Relation to Matters and Persons Ecclesiastical , be more clearly asserted by an Act of Parliament : Have therefore thought fit it be Enacted , Asserted and Declared : Like as his Maj. with Advice and Consent of his Estates of Parliament , doth hereby Enact , Assert and Declare , That his Maj. hath the Supreame Authority and Supremacy over all Persons , and in all Causes Ecclesiastical , within this His Kingdom : And that by vertue thereof , the Ordering and Disposal of the external Government and Policy of the Church , doth properly belong to His Maj. and His Successours , as an inherent right to the Crown . And that His Maj. and His Successours may Settle , Enact and Emit such Constitutions , Acts and Orders , concerning the Administration of the External Government of the Church , and the Persons imployed in the same ; and concerning all Ecclesiastical meetings , and matters to be proposed and determined therein , as they in their Royal Wisdom shall think fit : which Acts , Orders and Constitutions , being Recorded in the Books of Councel and duely published , are to be observed and obeyed by all his Maj. Subjects ; any Law , Act or Custome to the contrary notwithstanding . Like as His Maj. with Advice and Consent foresaid doth Rescind and Annul Lawes , Acts and Clauses thereof , and all Customes and Constitutions Civil or Ecclesiastick , which are contrary to , or inconsistent with His Majesties Supremacie , as it is hereby asserted . And declares the same Void and Null , in all time coming . Concerning the Irreligiousness , Antichristianisme and Exorbitancie of this Explicatory , and ( as to some things ) Ampliatory Act and Assertion of the Kings Supremacy in Church-affairs , much , yea very much might be said ; but our present business calleth us to speak of it , only in reference to the Indulgence ; that we may see with what friendly aspect this Supremacie looketh towards the Indulgence , and with what Veneration the Indulgence respecteth this Supremacie ; to the end it may appear , how the Indulgence hath contributed to the establishment of this Supra-Papal Supremacie ; and how the Accepters thereof stand chargeable with a Virtual and Material Approbation of , and Consent to the dreadful Usurpation , committed by this Supremacie . In order to which , we would know , that this Act of Supremacy , made Anno 1669. was not made , upon the account , that the Supremacie in Church-affairs had never been before screwed up to a sufficient height , in their apprehensions ; for upon the matter , little that is material is here asserted to belong unto this Ecclesiastical Supremacie , which hath not been before partly in more general , partly in more special and particular termes , plainly enough ascribed unto this Majestie , or presumed as belonging to his Majest . In the 11. Act. Parl. 1. Anno 1661. where the Oath is framed , he is to be acknowledged , Only supreme Governour over all persons , and in all causes ; and that his Power and Iurisdiction must not be declined : So that under all Persons , and all Causes , Church-officers , in their most proper , and intrinsecal ecclesiastick Affaires and Administrations , are comprehended ; and if his Majest . shall take upon him to judge Doctrine , matters of Worship , and what is most essentially Ecclesiastick , he must not be declined , as an incompetent Judge . We finde also Act. 4. Sess. 2. Parl. 1. Anno 1662. ( which is againe renewed Act. 1. Anno 1663. ) that his Majestie , with advice and consent of his Estates , appointeth Church-censures to be infflicted for Church-transgression , as plainly and formally , as ever a General Assembly , or Synod did , in these words ; That whatsoever Minister shall without a lawful excuse , to be admitted by his Ordinary , absent himself from the visitation of the Diocess — or who shall not , according to his duty , concurre therein ; or who shall not give their assistance , in all the Acts of Church-discipline , as they shall be required thereto by the Archbishop , or Bishop of the Diocess , every such Minister ( N. B. ) so offending shall , for the first fault , be suspēded from his Office and Benefice , until the next Diocesian meeting ; and if he amend not , shall be deprived . But , which is more remarkable , in the first Act of that Second Session . Anno 1662. for the Restitu●ion and Re-establishment of Prelats , we have several things , tending to cleare how high the Supremacie was then exalted : The very Act beginneth thus , for as much as the ordering and disposal of the external Government and Policy of the Church doth properly belong unto his Majestie , as an inherent right of the Crown , by vertue of his Royal Prerogative and Supremacie in causes Ecclesiastical . This is the same , that is by way of statute asserted in the late Act 1669. In the same Act it is further said , That whatever ( this , sure , is large and very comprehensive ) shall be determined by his Maj. with the advice of the Archbishops and Bishops , and such of the Clergy , as shall be nominated by his Maj. in the external Government and Policy of the Church ( the same consisting with the standing Lawes of the Kingdom ) shall be valide and effectual . And which is more , in the same Act , all preceeding Acts of Parl : are rescinded , by which the sole and only Power and Iurisdiction within the Church , doth stand in the Church , and in the General , Provincial and Presbyterial Assemblies and Kirk-Sessions . And all Acts of Parliament or Councel , which may be interpreted to have given any Church-Power , Iurisdiction or Government to the Office-bearers of the Church , their respective Meetings , other than that which acknowledgeth a dependence upon , and subordination to the Soveraign ●●wer of the King , as Supreme , So that we see , by vertue of this Act , all Church-Power and Jurisdiction whatsomever , is made to be derived from , to have a dependance upon , and to be in subordination to the Soveraigne power of the King , as Supream ; and not to stand in the Church : Whereby the King is made only the Foun●aine of Church-power , and that exclusive ( as it would seem ) even of Christ ; Of whom there is not the least mention made ; and for whom is not made the least reserve imaginable . So in the 4. Act. of the third Session of Parl. Anno 1663. For the Establishment and Constitution of a National Synod . We finde it said , that the ordering and disposal of the external Government of the Church , and the nomination of the Persons , by whose Advice , Matters relating to the same are to be setled , doth belong to his Maj. as an inherent right of the Crown , by vertue of his prerogative R●yal and Supream Authority in causes Ecclesiastical . And upon this ground is founded his power to appoint a National Synod ; to appoint the only consti●uent Members thereof , as is there specified ; to call , continue and dissolve the same , when he will ; to limit all their Debates , Consultations and Determinations to such matters and causes , as he thinketh fit ; and several other things there to be seen . Seing by these Particulars , it is manifest and undeniable , that this Ecclesiastick Supremacie was elevated presumptively before the Year 1669. to as high a degree , as could be imagined ; It may be enquired , why then was this Act made Anno 1669 ? I answere . This act ( so I conceive ) was not framed so much to make any addition to that Church power , which they thought did Iure Coronae belong orginally and fundamentally unto the King ; for that was already put almost beyond the reach of any additional supply , though not in one formal and expressive Statutory Act : As to forme the same , when screwed up to the highest , into a plaine and positive formal Statute , having the force of a Law , for all uses and ends ; and particularly to salve , in point of Law , the Councel in what they did , in and about the Indulgence , according to the desire and command of the King in his Letter , in rega●rd that the granting of this Indulgence , did manifestly repugne to and counteract several anteriour Acts of Parliament , and was a manifest breach and violation of Lawes , standing in full force , and unrepealed ; which neither their place , nor his Maj. could in Law warrand them to do , by his Letter , That the granting of the Indulgence did thus in plaine termes repugne to standing Lawes , I thus make good . In the Act of Rëstitution of Prelates Anno 1662. Prelates are restored unto the exercise of their Episcopal function , Presidence in the Church , power of Ordination , Inflicting of Censures , and all other Acts of Church Discipline . And as their Episcopal power is there asserted to be derived from his Maj. so withal it is expresly said , that the Church-power and jurisdiction is to be Regulated and Authorized , in the Exercise thereof by the Archbishops and Bishops ; who are to put order to all Ecclesiastical matters and causes , and to be accountable to his Maj. for their administrations . Whence it is manifest , that the King alone , or with his Privie Councel , cannot put order to Ecclesiastical matters and causes , or exerce Church-Power and Jurisdiction , without a violation of this Law , and manifest controlling of it . And further in the 4. Act of that same Second Session of Parliament it is expresly ordained , that none be hereafter permitted to preach in publick or in families within any diocess ; — without the licence of the Ordinary of the Diocess . So that this licence and permission , granted to the Indulged by the Councel , to preach and exercise the other parts of their function , being without the licence of the Bishops , is manifestly contrary and repugnant to this Law. Moreover Act 1. in the third Session Anno 1663. we have these words . And the Kings Maj. having resolved to conserve and maintaine the Church , in the present State and Governmēt hereof by Archbishops & Bishops ▪ and others bearing Office therein ; and not to endure , nor give way or connivace to any variation therein , in the least ; doth therefore , with advice and consent of his Estates , conveened in this third Session of his Parliament , Ratifie and Approve the afore mentioned Acts , and all other Acts and Lawes , made in the two former Sessions of Parliament , in order to the settling of Episcopal Dignity , Iurisdiction and Authority within the Kingdom , and ordains them to stand in full force , as publick Lawes of the Kingdom , and to be put to further execution , in all points , conforme to the tenor thereof . Here is a further Ratification and Confirmation of the Lawes mentioned , and the Councel hereby yet more firmely bound-up from emitting any Acts or Edicts , contradictory to , and tending to weaken and invalidat the publick standing Lawes of the Kingdom . And , which is yet more considerable , in the following words of this same Act , the effectual putting of these Lawes in execution is specially , and in terminis , recommended by King and Parliament , unto the Privy Councel , after this manner . And in pursuance of his Maj. Royal resolution herein , his Maj. with advice foresaid , doth recommend to the Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , to take speedy and Effectual Course , that these Acts receive ready and due Obedience from all his Maj. Subjects ; and for that end that they call before them all such Ministers , who having entred in or since the Yeer 1649. and have not as yet obtained Presentations and Collations as aforesaid , yet darred to preach in contempt of the Law ; and to punish them as seditious persons , and contemners of the Royal Authority . As also that they be careful , that such Ministers , who keep not the Diocesian meetings ▪ and concurre not with the Bishops , in the Acts of Church-Discipline , being for the same suspended or deprived , as said is , be accordingly after deprivation , removed from their Benefices , Gleebs and Manses . And if any of them shall notwithstanding offer to retaine the Possession of their Benefices or Manses , that they take present Course to see them dispossest . And if they shall thereafter presume to exercise their Ministrie , that they be punished , as seditious Persons , and such as contemne the Authority of Church and State. Now , notwithstanding of this express reference and severe recommendation , we know , that in the matter of the Indulgence , they were so far from punishing such , as had not obtained Presentations and Collations , and yet had continued to preach , and exercise their Ministrie ; that in perfect contradiction to this Injunction of King and Parliament , and other forementioned Acts , they licensed , warranded and impowered some such , as by Act of Parliament were to be punished as seditious Persons , and contemners of Authority of Church and State , to preach publickly , and to exercise all other parts of their Ministrie , and that upon the sole warrand of the Kings Letter , which cannot in Law warrand and impower them to contraveen express Lawes , and Acts of Parliament ; and not only to disobey the Injunctions of Parliament , but in plaine termes to counteract and counterwork the Established and Ratified Lawes ; and so to render them null and of no effect . Whence we see , that there was a necessity for the Parliament An. 1669. to do something , that might secure the Lives and Honours of the members of Councel , in point of law , in granting of that Indulgence , which was so expresly against law , and which the two Arch-Prelates , members of Councel , would never give their assent unto , as knowing how it intrenched upon the power granted to them , and the other Prelates , confirmed by Law ; and so was a manifest rescinding of these Acts and Lawes . And though this might have been done by a plaine and simple Act , approving and ratifying what the Councel had done , in compliance with his Maj Royal Pleasure , and authorizing them in time coming , to pursue the ends of the same Letter further , with a non obstante of all Acts , formerly made in favoures of Prelates and Prelacie : Yet it is probable , they made choise of this way of explaining , by a formal and full Statute and Act of Parliament , the Supremacie , in these plaine , full and ample termes , wherein we now have it ; that thereby they might not only secure the Councel , but also make the Kings sole Letter to the Councel , in all time coming , a valid ground in Law , whereupon the Councel might proceed , and enact and execute , what the King pleased in matters Ecclesiastick , how intrinsecally and purely such soever ; without so much , as owning the corrupt Ecclesiastick medium or channel of Prelacy : And withal it might have been thought , that such an act , so necessary for the legal preservation of the Indulgers , and consequently of the Indulged , in the enjoyment of the Indulgence , would go sweetly down with all the Indulged , and such as gaped for the like favour , howbeit so framed , as that it was not very pleasant , at the first tasting : For it cannot be rationally supposed , that such , as are pleased with their warme dwellings , will cast out with the walles & roof of the dwelling , without which they would enjoy no more warmness than if they were lodging beside the heth in the wilderness : And who could think , that any indulged man could be dissatisfied with that , which was all and only their legal security , and without which , they were liable to be punished as seditious persons , and as contemners of Authority , even for preaching by vertue of the Indulgence , according to Lawes standing in force unrepealed ? Whence also we see , what a faire way was made unto this Act of Supremacy , by the Indulgence ; and how the Indulgence is so far beholden unto this Act , that it can not stand without it , nor the persons Indulged be preserved from the lash of the Law , notwithstanding of all that was done by the Councel : And thus these two are as twines , which must die and live together ; for take away the Act of Supremacy , and the Indulgence is but a dead illegal thing . We may also see ; what to judge of this illegal and illegitimat birth , that cannot breathe or live , where Law reigneth , without the swedling clothes of such a Supremacy , nor can stand but as upheld by such an Anti-christian Pillar . We may also see here , that the very embraceing of the Indulgence was , upon the matter , a recognition of this Power in the King , to do in and by his Privy Councel , in Church-matters , what he pleased , even though contrary to antecedent Acts of Parliament ; and that such as are so satisfied with the effect , to wit , the Indulgence , cannot but comply with the cause , to wit , the Supremacy , as asserted in this Act ; as the man that hath a complacencie in drinking of the streames , cannot be displeased with , but delight in the fountaine , from whence they proceed . If any of these Brethren had received the same Indulgence from the Prelates immediatly , had they not thereby complyed with the Prelates , homologated their Power , and plainely assented and submitted thereunto ? Yea , had they not in this assented also mediatly unto the Supremacy , seing all the Prelats Power did flow from the Supremacie ? And shall they not now much more be looked on , as homologating the Supremacie , and as assenting thereto , when they receive the Indulgence , that immediatly floweth therefrom , and must be vindicated and defended solely by the asserting thereof ? How is it imaginable that I can receive a favour , and not homologate , assent to and acquiesce in that Power , that gave it , when the asserting of that Power , is the only mean to keep me in legal possession of the favour received ; But now , for further confirmation of what is said , let us take a view of the Act of Supremacy it self , and there see a ground laid of sufficient warrādice for the Council , in what they did , in granting the Indulgence ; and also be able to read the Indulgence it self out of the Supremacie , as here asserted ; and for this end , it will be sufficient for us , to take notice only of the last words thereof , where it is said . And that his Maj. and his Successours may Settle , Enact and Emit such Constitutions Acts and Orders , concerning the administration of the external Government of the Church , and the Persons imployed in the same , and concerning all Ecclesiastical Meetings and Maters , to be proposed and determined therein , as they in their Royal wisdom shall think fit : which Acts ▪ Orders and Constitutions , being recorded in the books of Councel , and duly published , are to be observed and obeyed by all his Maj. Subjects . Before this time , as we heard , all Acts , Orders and Constitutions , concerning Church-affairs , Church-meetings ; and Church-administrations ; were to be put in execution by the Prelates , impowered by the Supremacie unto this end : And what was lately done in the matter of the Indulgence , was done by the Councel , and not by the Prelates , and therefore contrary to law : whereupon , that this deed may be valide in law , it is here asserted , that the King , by vertue of his Supremacie , may Emit what Acts , Orders and Constitutions , he , in his royal wisdome , thinketh fit , and after what manner he pleaseth ; and so , if he will , may order and dispose of all Church-administrations , Ecclesiastick Persons , Church-meetings and matters , by himself immediatly , or by his Councel ; yea or by his lackeys ; so that if the Lawes , Constitutions , Acts and Orders , concerning these Matters , Meetings , Persons and Administrations , be signified to the Councel , by Letter , or any other way , and be recorded in their books , and duely published , ( which they must doe whensoever required ) they must be obeyed and observed by all Subjects : Now this power being asserted to belong to his Maj. as an inherent right of the crown , no deed of gift ▪ formerly granted to the Prelats , could weaken or diminish it ; and therefore nothing done of late by the Councel , in granting of the Indulgence , according to his Maj. will and pleasure , signified by his Letter Iuny 7. 1669. can prove prejudicial unto the said PrivieCouncel , they doing nothing but what was consonant unto the Kings Supremacie , here more clearly asserted , and not granted of new , save in the forme of a formal Statute and law asserting the same . Yet notwithstanding , for the more security , ( for abundance of Law breaks no Law ) it is added in the Act. ( as we see ) Any Law , Act or Custom to the contrary notwithstanding . And moreover they rescind and annul all Lawes , Acts and Clauses thereof , and all customs and constitutions , Civil or Ecclesiastick , which are contrary to and inconsistent with his Maj. Supremacie , as it is hereby asserted ; and declare the same void and null in all time coming : According to the usual course and manner . As to the other particular , we may see the native feature and lineaments of the Indulgence , in the face of the Supremacie , so manifestly , that none who see the one needs question the intimate Relation , that is betwixt them . We see it now asserted as belonging to his Maj. Supremacy , in Church-affairs , tha● he may Settle , Enact and Emit what Acts , Constitutions and Orders , he thinketh good , whether concerning Church-Administrations , or Church-meetings , or Church-matters , or Church-Officers ; and that there needeth no more to make these Lawes , to be obeyed and observed by all the Subjects , but the recording of them in the books of the Councel , and duely publishing of them . Now , as we saw above , in the Kings Letter , concerning this Indulgence , there areConstitutions , Acts and Orders emitted and setled concerning Church-administrations , shewing what shall not be preached under the paine ofCensure : whoseChildren may be baptized , whose not : who may be admitted to hear the word , and who not . Concerning Church-persons ; who shall be accounted qualified for preaching , who not : who shall be accounted fit for the charge of such a flock , and who for the charge of another : Such and such Ministers are ordained to go to such or such Congregations , not by vertue of a Call of the people , but meerly by vertue of the Councels designation . Concerning Church-meetings , They are appointed to keep Diocesian Visitations , or Synods , and to resort to Prelats Exercises , though the Prelates look not on them as sutable company . So it is ordained , whom they are to marry and whom not . In a word , let any but compare the Kings Letter with this part of the Act of Supremacie , and he shall be forced to say , that the Letter is nothing but the Supremacie exemplified and put in practice . Hence it is manifest , that no man can submit to , and accept of the Indulgence , but he must eo ipso submit to & accept of such Constitutions , Acts and Orders , as did constitute , qualifie , and limite the same ; for the Effect includeth the Causes Constituent and Discriminating . And again , no man can submit to and accept of Constitutions , Acts and Orders , flowing from a power , but they must eo ipso recognosce that Power to be properly residing in the person , giving forth these Acts and Orders ; or grant , that he is vested with that power : and seing it is plaine from the Act of Supremacie it self , that such Constitutions , Acts and Orders , so given in Church-matters , and about Church Persons , as these were , whereby the Indulgence was midwif'd into the world , do flow from the Supremacie ; it is also manifest , that no man can accept of the Indulgence , as so and so conveyed , as it was , but they must withall virtually , implicitly , and interpretativly at least though yet really and consequentially ) acquiesce , & submit unto , and acknowledge the Supremacie , in so far , as concerneth the matter of the Indulgence , and the Acts , Orders a●● Constitutions , ●●erein comprehended . I am , in all this , far from thinking , that these Indulged brethren did formally and expresly Owne , Acknowledge , Acquiesce in or Approve of the Ecclesiastick Supremacie , in and by their accepting the Indulgence ; or that they had any such Intention therein , as to make way for , approve of , or to confirme the said Supremacy . No : I am only shewing what is the native consequence thereof , and inevitablie followeth thereupon ; and what consequentially they may and ought to charge themselves with , and others , not without ground , account them interpretatively guilty of ; and what a Conscience , when rightly awakened and illuminated , will challenge them for ; and the Posteritie will think they have failed in , and many now a dayes are stumbled by , or induced to stumble upon the occasion of : not to mention the designe of the Contrivers , which yet , when known and discovered , may occasion yea and cause a sad and wakening reflection ; Nor yet to mention , what afterward , upon several occasions was discovered , of which more afterwards , and which might have been sufficient to have made some bethink themselves , and search more narrowly what they had done , and give glory to God by turning out of such dangerous , and so many wayes scandalous and offensive pathes . Having thus briefly spoken of the Supremacie , as relating to and friendly corrosponding with the Indulgence , its native daughter , we now proceed in our History , and shall show , who were Indulged even after this Act of Supremacie was thus made and published : And of these we have found already five or six licensed , that same yeer , within a moneth or thereby after the Parliament , ( which gave us such a full , and large explication of the Supremacie , ) sat down . But we proceed to the following yeers . Edinbr . 27. 1670. Mr Alexander Wedderburn at Kilmarnock . Edinb . March. 3. 1670. Mr Iohn Lauder at Dalzel : Mr George Ramsey at Kilmars : Mr Iohn Spadie at Dreghorne . Mr Thomas Black at Newtyle : Mr Andrew Mc claine at Killaro and Kilquhanan : Mr Andrew Duncanson at Kilchattan in Lorn . Thus we have this yeer seven moe ; in all fourtie three . Towards the beginning of the next year , there is a Proclamation of the Privie Councel , re-inforcing the punctual observation of the forementioned Injunctions , delivered unto the Indulged ; after this forme . Edinb . Ian. 26. 1671. For as much as the Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , in pursuance of his Maj. Royal pleasure , signified to them by his Letter the 7. of Iun. 1669. did by their Act of the 27. of Iuly 1669. Ordaine all such outted Ministers , as should be allowed to exercise the Ministrie , to keep Kirk Sessions , and keep Presbyteries and Synods , as was done by all Ministers , before the Year 1638. And did declare , that such of them , as should be allowed to Exercise the Ministrie , and should not obey in keeping of Presbyteries , should be confined within the bounds of the Paroches , where they preach , aye and while they give assurance to keep Presbyteries . And the saids Lords being informed , that hitherto Obedience hath not been given to the foresaid Act of Councel : Do therefore command and require all and every one of these Ministers , allowed to preach by order of Councel , to keep Presbyteries in time coming . And do hereby confine all these , who shall not give Obedience in keeping Presbyteries , within the bounds of the respective Paroches , where they preach . And ordains Extracts of this Act to be sent to every one of the saids Ministers , that none of them pretend ignorance . How or what way this Injunction was observed , I am not much concerned to enquire . Onely the Reader would know , that the Presbyteries now , and before the year 1638. were not the same ; so that however honest Ministers did observe those ; yet no honest man could , with a good Conscience , keep these meetings now ; because before the year 1638. Presbyteries had never been discharged , or removed : Howbeit many complied with the Prelates then , and frequented these meetings , yet good men keeped their Possessions ; only the Synods then were so far changed into Episcopal Visitations , that several honest men had not peace and freedom in going to them . But in our Dayes , Presbyterian Government was plucked up by the roots , and wholly cast away : And there was no Presbytery or Synod , but what was purely Episcopal , depending upon him , and recognosceing his Power . Whence we see , that by this Injunction , a compliance with Prelacy was designed . And I suppose , such of those Indulged Ministers , as had not freedom in Conscience to yeeld obedience unto this command , thought that by compliance herewith they should have Homologated the Prelats Power , and abjured Prelacy , notwithstanding that they were obliged by the Command of God , to hold such meetings for the exercise of Discipline , according to the Patterne of the New Testament , if such circumstances had not made it sinful in them : Why then might they not also have judged it unlawful for them , to have accepted of the Indulgence , as homologating the Magistrat's usurped Supremacie , and abjured Erastianisme , notwithstanding of their Obligation to preach the Gospel ? Why did not the Obligation to observe Presbyterial Assemblies , for the Exercise of Discipline , make them willing to step over the inconvenience of Prelacie , without acknowledging of which they could not keep these meetings hic & nune ; as they supposed their obligation to preach the Gospel did warrand them to step over the inconveniencie of Erastianisme , without acknowledging of which they could as little preach hic & nune ; Especially seing if they observed not these Presbyteries and Synods , they could observe none : But though they preached not in these places designed by the Indulgers , they could have preached elsewhere , with as much Glory to Christ , Good to souls , Edification of the whole Body , and Peace in their own mindes , if not more . I see not , how they , who scrupled not at preaching , though , as circumstantiated , attended with abjured Erastianisme , could rationally scruple the Exercise of Presbyterian Discipline , though , as circumstantiated , attended with abjured Prelacy . Yea , I think there was less ground for scrupling this of Discipline , than for scrupling that of Preaching ; because , as I said , they could have preached without the Erastian Indulgence , & that to much more advantage , as experience hath proved in others ; But they could not have exerced Discipline , such I meane as used to be exerced in Presbyteries and Synods , without the Prelates Courts . We have now seen the Progress of this device of the Indulgence , contrived mainely to suppress and keep down the Meetings of the Lords people in houses , and in the fields , which were the eye-sore of the Rulers , and which they were seeking to destroy by all meanes : As appeareth by that grievous Act of Parlia . made against them August 13. 1670. with the Act against Baptismes August 17. 1670. and that made August 20. 1670. against withdrawing from publick meetings ; all tending to this End. But notwithstanding of all th●se Midianit ish wiles , and cruel Acts , such was the presence of the Lord in the Assemblings of his people , and so powerful was the Operation of his Spirit with the laboures of a few , who laid out themselves to hold up the Standart of Christ , though contrary to the Law of men ; that the number of converts increased and multiplied daily , to the praise of the glory of Gods free grace , and to the great Encouragement of the few hands , that wrestled through all humane discouragment . Therefore our Rulers cast about againe , and fall upon another device , which they supposed would prove effectual for destroying the work of the Lord ; which was this . Besides the Ministers Indulged , as said is , there was a great company of Non-conforme Ministers , not yet Indulged , who they supposed either did , or might thereafter hold Conventicles ( as they are called ; ) and therefore to remeed or prevent this in time coming , they appoint and ordaine them to such and such places , where Indulged Ministers were setled , there to be confined , granting them liberty to preach , and exercise their Ministery there , according as the Indulged men would allow and imploy them ; or of new Indulging them by pairs , and appointing to places ; thinking by this meanes to incapacitate so many Ministers from holding of Conventicles or private meetings there , or else where : All which will be clear by the Acts of Councel , which follow . Halyrudhouse Septembr . 3. 1672. THe Lord Commissioner his grace and the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councel , considering the Disordres , which have lately been by the frequent & numerous Conventicles ; and being willing to remeed so great an evil , in the gentlest manner that could be thought on ; and his Maj. Commissioner being sufficiently instructed herein . They do order and appoint the Ministers after-named , outted since the yeer 1661. to Repaire to the Paroches following , and to remaine therein confined , permitting and allowing them to preach and exercise the other parts of their Ministerial function , in the Paroches , to which they are , or shall be confined by this present Act , and Commission after specified , viz. In the Dioces of Glasgow . In Egelsham Paroch , with Mr Iames Hammilton , Mr Donald Cargil . Paislay , with Mr Iohn Bairdy , Mrs William Eccles and Anthony Shaw. Neilstoun . Mrs Andrew Miller and Iames Wallace . Kilmakolme , Mrs Patrick Symson , and William Thomson . Kilbarchan , Mrs Iohn Stirling and Iames Walkinshaw . Killiallan , Mrs Iames Hutcheson and Alexander Iamison . Irwing . Newmiles , Mrs Iohn Burnet and Georg Campbel . Phinick , Mrs Thomas Wyllie and William Sheil . Stewartoun , Mrs William Castellaw , Andrew Hutcheson and Andrew Mortoun . Dunlop , Mrs Gabriel Cuninghame and William Meine . Larges , Mrs Iohn Wallace and Alexander Gordoun . Kilbride , Mrs Robert Boid and Gilbert Hammiltoun . Comray , Mrs Archbald Porteus and Iohn Rae . Kilminning , with Mr Ralph Rodger , Mr Robert Fleming . Irwine , with Mr Georg Hutcheson , Mr Iohn Law. Kilmarnock , with Mr. Alexa. Wederburn , Mrs Iames Rowat and William Hay . Kilmares , with Mr Georg Ramsey , Mr Iohn Parke . Dreghorn , with Mr Iohn Spading , Mr Iames Donaldson . Beith , with Mr William Maitland , Mr William Creightoun . Kilbirnie , with Mr William Datlidafe , Mr Patrick Anderson . Ardrossine , with Mr Iohn Bell , Mr Iames Bell. Air. Cultoun , Mr William Fullertoun . Riccartoun , Mrs Hugh Campbel and Hugh Crawfurd . Dundonald , Mrs Iohn Osburne and Iohn Hutcheson . Machline , with Mr Iames Veitch , Mr Robert Archbald . Ochiltrie , with Mr Robert Miller , Mr Patrick Peacock . Gastoun , with Mr Alexander Blair , Mr Adam Alison . Cragie with Mr David Broun , Mr Robert Maxwel . Dalganie , with Mr Andrew Dalrumple , Mr Iohn Campbel . Symentoun , with Mr Iohn Gemil Mr Francisce Irwing . Kircudbreight . Carsfairne , Iohn Semple , and Mr William Erskine . Kelles with Mr Cant , Mr Georg Wauch . Dalry , with Mr Iohn Mc Michen , Mr Thomas Thomsoun . Balmaclellan , Mrs Iames Lawrie and Thomas Vernor , in place of Iohn Ros , when he shall be transported to Staniekirk . Hammiltoun . Avendale , Mrs Iames Hammiltoun and Robert Young. Glasford , Mrs William Hammiltoun and Iames Nasmith . Shots , Mrs Iames Curry and Alexander Bartoun . Dalserfe , Mrs Thomas Kirkaldy and Iohn Carmichel . Stanihouse , with Mr Iohn Oliphant , Mr Matthew Me Kell . Cambushnethen , with Mr William Violand , Mr Robert Lam. Dalzel , with Mr Iohn Lauder , Mr Thomas Melvil . Lanerk . Carlouk , Mrs Alexander Livingstoun , and Peter Kid , now at Carlouk . Carmichel , Mrs Iohn Hammiltoun , and William Sommervail . Culter , Mrs Anthonie Murray and Robert Lokhart . Lamingtoun , with Mr Iohn Crawfurd , Mr William Baillie . Lesma●ago , with M● Thom. Lawrie a regular incumbant , Mr Iames Brotherstons Carstairs , Mrs Iames Kirktoun and Iohn Greg. Linlithgow . Westealder , Mrs Iohn Knox and William Weir . Burrowstouness , Mrs Robert Hunter and Iohn Ingles . Lothian , &c. Lintoun , with ●r Robert Elliot , Mr Robert Elliot , his Son. Oxnam , with Mr Iohn Scot , Mr Hugh Scot. Hownam , with Mr Iohn Stirling , Mr ..... Ker. Argyle . Killerne , Mrs Iohn Cunninson , and Alexander Mc Claine . Kilfannan , Mr Iohn Cameron . Campbeltoun , Mrs Duncan Campbel and Edward Keith . Kilchattain in Lorn , Mrs Iohn Duncanson and Alexander Mc Claine . Knapdail with Mr Dougal Campbel a Regular Incumbent , Mr Duncan Campbel . South Kyntire , Mr David Sympson . And yet notwithstanding of the said confinement , the Lord Commissioner his grace , and Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , give full power , warrand and commission to the Lord Chancellovr , the Lord Duke of Hammiltoun , the Earles of Argyle , Tweddale and Dundonald , The Lords President of the Session , Register , Treasurer Depute , and Justice-Clerk , with the Bishop of the Diocess , wherein the saids Ministers are confined , or any foure of them , within the space of Six Moneths after the date hereof , to alter and change any of the Persons foresaids from any of the saids Paroches , to another of those Paroches ; or to allow and confine other Persons in their place ; They alwayes pitching in the first place upon some outted Ministers from that Diocess , wherein the Paroches , to which they are to be confined , dolye : And allowing none to preach , who were outted before the yeer 1662. or being outted since the yeer 1661. are under ●ertifications , or sentences of any Court of this Kingdom : With power to the said Commissioners and their quorum , to confine to and allow outted Ministers , as said is , in the Paroches of Tarboltoun , Barnweel , Stevenson , Lochguenoch , Inchanen and Mearns : and that so soon as the present Incumbents in these Paroches shall be provided , and transported to other Kirks . Recommending to Patrons , to give them Presentations at Kirks that shall vaik ; and particularly to ....... Patron of the Kirk of Gallouwsheils to give a Presentation thereto Mr Alexander George . To ..... Patron of the Kirk of Burghtoun , to present thereto Mr William Naismith . To ...... Patron of the Kirk of Maclue , to present thereto Mr Robert Kincaide . To ..... Patron of Grainae , to present thereto Mr ... Stewart . And for the Intertainment and maintenance of the Ministers foresaids , confined and allowed by this Act , and of these formerly indulged by the Councel : The saids Lords do think fit , that the halfe of the Stipends of the Respective Paroches , wherein they are confined , of the Crope and Yeer of God 1672. be payed to the Ministers , formerly indulged therein ; and that the other halfe of the said stipend be equally devided amongst or betwixt these formerly , and now allowed to preach in the saids Paroches . The saids whole stipends , receiving in the future Division proportionably , according to the number of Persons formerly and now allowed to preach therein . And where there was no Person formerly indulged , the third part of the stipend of the yeer 1672. is to be payed to these confined and allowed by this present Act , in the respective Paroches foresaids . And in case any of the Ministers foresaids shall not serve ; as they are allowed by this Act or Commission foresaid ; their proportion of the said stipends are to be holden as vacant , and to be imployed , conforme to an Act to be made in this Session of Parliament , anent the disposal of the Vacant Stipends . And ordaines letters to be directed , at the Instance of the several Ministers foresaids , serving as said is , against these liable for payment of their proportions of the saids stipends . And the Lord Commissioners Grace , and Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel considering the extent of the Indulgence given by this Act , and that if the same should be any further enlarged , the regular Ministers might be discouraged , and the orderly and peacably disposed people of this Kingdom disquieted ; do declare that hereafter , they are not to extend the said Indulgence , in favours of any other people , or to any other Paroches , than to those mentioned in this Act ; nor to allow outted Ministers to preach in any Kirks , not herein expressed , and wherein there are not already Ministers allowed to preach by this Act. Thus we see this Indulgence very far extended , and as far as the Counsel minded to extend the same , in all time coming : But you will say , we hear of no Orders , Instructions and Prescriptions , given unto them , whereby they were to be regulated in the exercise of their Ministrie , as others formerly allowed and licensed were . Therefore in order to this , there is an Act of Councel , of the date of the foresaid Indulgence , to this effect . WHereas by an Act of the date of thir presents , and by former Acts of Councel , diverse Ministers ou●ted since the Year 1661. have been and are warranted and licensed , to preach at certaine Kirks , therein specified ; and it being necessare for the better keeping of good Order , that the Rules following be observed by these Ministers indulged , by an Act of the date of thir presents , and these Indulged by former Acts of Councel . Therefore the Lord Commissioners Grace , and the Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel do enjoine the punctual and due observance thereof to the saids Ministers , as they will be answerable . 1. That they presume not to marry or baptize , except such as belong to the Paroch , to which they are confined , or to the neighbouring Paroches vacant , or wanting Ministers for the time . 2. That all Ministers indulged in one and the same Diocess , celebrate the Communion upon one and the same Lords Day , and that they admit none to their Communions belonging to other Paroches , without restificats from the Ministers thereof . 3. That they preach only in these Kirks , and not in the Church-yards , nor in any place else ; under the paine , to be repute and punished as keepers of Conventicles . 4. That they remaine within , and depart not forth of the Paroch , to which they are confined , without license from the Bishop of the Diocess only . 5. That in the exercise of Discipline , all such cases , as were formerly referable to Presbyteries , continue still in the same manner ; and where there is no Presbyterial meeting , that these cases be referred to the Presbyterie of the next bounds . 6. That the ordinary dues , payable to Bursers , Clerks of Presbyteries and Synods , be payed by the saids Ministers , as formerly . And that the saids Ministers may have competent time for transporting of their families , and disposing upon their goods , The saids Lords suspends their confinement for the space of three moneths , to the effect , in the mean time , they may go about their affairs , providing that during the time of the said Suspension , they do keep and observe the rest of the Orders and Instructions foresaids , and other Acts , made anent outted Ministers . There was another act of Councel made this same day , concerning all the rest of the outted Ministers , nor as yet by name Indulged and licensed , and concerning some newly ordained , as followeth . Halyroodhouse , Septemb. 3. 1672. THe Lord Commissioner's Grace and the Lords of his Maj. privie Councel , considering that by the Act of the date of thir presents and former Acts of Councel , certaine Ministers outted since the Yeer 1661. are confined in manner ther●in contained ; and that there are remaining diverse of that Number not disposed on by the said Act , it ought also to be provided , that these may not give scandal to any , by with drawing themselves from the publick worshipe , in the Kirks of these Paroches , where they reside , nor ensnare others to do the like by their practice and example ; do therefore give order and warrant to Sheriffs , Baylies of Regalities , Baylies of Baylieries , and their respective Deputes , and Magistrats within Brughs , to call and conveen before them all outted Ministers since the Yeer 1661. And not disposed on as said is , and who are not under a sentence or censure of State , resideing in the respective jurisdiction or bounds , or who shall in any time thereafter reside therein , to require them to hear the word preached , and communicat in the Kirk of those Paroches , where they dwell or repaire to ; or dwell in some other Paroches , where they will be ordinary Hearers and Communicat ; and to declare their resolution herein ; and condescend upon the Paroches , where they intend to have their residence , and hear the word and Communicate : with power to the said Sherifs and other Magistrats foresaids to seize upon and imprison their Persons , within the space of a Moneth after they should be so required . And in case any of the said Ministers shall reside in the Paroch , where there are Ministers indulged by the Councel , they are hereby warranted and allowed to preach in the Kirks of those Paroches , where they reside , upon the Invitation of the Minister therein confined and allowed ; and not else . And whereas some within the Kingdom , without any lawful Authority or Ordination , take upon them the calling of the Ministrie , preach and do other Acts , peculiar to those of that function ; and considering that such Presumption and Intrusion upon the sacred O●fice , tend to the Disordering and Disquieting of the Church and Kingdom . Therefore the Lord Commissioner's Grace , and the L L. foresaid of his Maj. Privie Councel do enjoyn the said Sheriffs and other Magistrates foresaids , within the respective bounds , to make search for , and seize upon and imprison such , upon tryal that they have exercised the Office of a Minister : To acquaint the Councel of their Names and place of their Imprisonment , that such course may be taken with them as they shall think fit . And further , the said Sheriffs are ordained and commanded to enquire , how the Ministers , confined and allowed to preach in their several Jurisdictions , do obey the Rules prescribed to them , and contained in another Act of Councel , of the date of thir presents , and whereof extracts are to be sent to the several Magistrates foresaid , who are hereby appointed to report to the Councel there anent , every six moneths , and betwixt and the first of june next their diligence in the execution of the order , contained in the Act , certifying them , that if they shall be negligent or remisse in the execution of the orders , given to them herein , or falzying to give in the said account , they shall be proceeded against and censured , according to their demerites . By this Act we see what course was laid down to have all the outted Ministers cantonized , and brought under restraint , that so the Word might also be under bonds , and restricted to these bounds , to which they had been pleased to extend the Indulgence . We see also , how the Councel looked upon such , as had been ordained , but not by Prelates , and how they were to be persecuted by their Order . We see also , how the ministery of those , who were thus to confine themselves in places ; where Indulged men were , is restricted by their Prescriptions , in its exercise . But by the preceeding Act of Indulgence , we saw a number of Ministers Indulged . who were to repaire to the several places specified ; and to this end every one of them were to receive their own particular Act or Summonds , to this effect . Halyroodhouse Septemb. 3. 1672. THe Lord Commissioner's Grace and the Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , considering the disorders , which have lately been by frequent and numerous Conventicles , & being willing to remeed so great an evil in the gentlest manner could be thought on : and his Maj. Commissioner being sufficiently instructed herein . They do hereby order and appoint ... to repaire to the Paroch Kirk of ... and to remaine therein confined , permitting and allowing him to preach , & exercise the other parts of the Ministerial function in the said Paroch , with ... formerly Indulged . But where no Minister had been formerly Indulged , this last clause was left out . As also there was sent alongs with this act to every one of them an extract of the Councels Instructions , of the date thereof . Here we see the Former Injunctions renewed , and pressed on all , formerly and now of late indulged ; and moreover we finde some new Injunctions superadded , to wit , concerning the time of their celebrating of the Lords Supper ; of purpose to hinder the greater Good and Edification of the people , who used to go to other Churches , than their owne , to partake of that Comforting and Strengthening Ordinance ; Whereby also an insupportable yock was put upon their necks , to celebrat the Sacrament at times ( as to some in particular possiblie ) most unseasonable , when neither they nor their people were in case , and when the season of the year might prove an impediment in Landward Kirks , though none to Towns. And further they are injoined not to preach without the Walls of the Kirk , nay not so much as in their House ; such hatred and indignation had these Rulers , at all House and Field Meetings , that they would not suffer even their own licensed and warranted Ministers to do any thing , that might carry the least appearance of any such thing . So they are ordered to acknowledge their subjection unto the Prelates Courts , by referring cases , usually referable to Presbyteries , unto them ; as also to testifie their acknowledgement of the Prelates Courts , by paying their proportion of the Salarie , now alledged to be due to the Clerks of these Courts . Any may see what snares were laid here ; and what obedience was given hereunto by these Ministers , who accepted of the benefite of this Indulgence , I know not . It is sufficient for me to note here , that these Injunctions flow from an Usurped Power , and are not proper Magistratical Acts , circa sacra , but Intrinsecally Church-Constitutions ( at least several of them : ) and therefore the accepting of these , which were a piece of the complex Business of the Indulgence , as tendered and granted by the Rulers , bewrayed their falling off , in so fa● , from former Principles , owned and sworne unto . And beside , this addition of New Instructions did show , that the Councel looked upon them , as their Curats , and as Obnoxious to their Orders in Church-Matters , and what concerneth the manner and way of their exerceing of the ministerial function , as the other Curats are unto the Prelates , or as ●ver any Minister was obnoxious to the Canons and Constitutions of General or Provincial Assemblies , in our best times . And let me enquire of these Accepters , how they think such an act as this , had it been done , while the Church was in possession of her Power , would have been looked upon ? And how our General Assemblie would have looked upon such Ministers , as should have submitted unto the like then , as they have done now ? I suppose they will think , that if they had done so , they would have met with no less , than Deposition . And then let them consider , if that can be a commendable duty now , which would then have been such a Transgression . And let them say whether or not , such do them great wrong , who , adhering to their former Principles , must needs look on them , as ipso jure deposed . It deserves to be noted here , that a Lybel was formed against one Mr William Weer , at this time Indulged , and permitted to preach in West-calder ; and he was looked upon by the Councel , as one , that most basely slighted their Favour and Indulgence , and was severely to be punished , because he thought it not sufficient to enter unto that charge , mee●ly upon the Act of the Councel ; but to satisfie himself the more , as to his ground of en●rie , did receive a call from some of the Heritors and People ; and because in his first preaching to that people he declared his adherence to the So●emne League and Covenant , and that he did not acknowledge the power either of King of Bishop , in matters belonging to the Church of Christ : And in his next Sermon said , that neither King nor Councel were the Treasurers of the Gospel , or of the Ministrie of it . And because the following day , he preached against the Supremacie in matters Ecclesiastical , and against Prelacy : And because he had in preaching declared , that the Civil Magistrate had no power to appoint a day to be kept holy and observed in holy worshipe . By which we see , That the Councel taketh upon them to make this man a Minister , though they plainely shew , that he was never owned as a Minister by the Church-Judicatories . Further we see , That the Councels Act , thus ordering these Indulged Ministers to the respective Kirks , was all the call they had , or that they would acknowledge should be had , or required ; and therefore the Indulged have no call , but the call of the Councel as their ground . Further we hence see that the Councels aime and end ( among others ) was to have the Supremacie established , and Prelacie ; so that the very speaking against these , by such as were Indulged , was sufficient to be the matter of a Lybel , and was looked on as criminal : What Interpretation can then be given of the silence of others , thus Indulged , as to these great points let sober men judge ; and whether or not , the Councel did suppose , that by this Indulgence , they had obtained so many coyduks , as did willingly submit thereunto . I know several Ministers , mentioned in this Act , had not freedom to accept of this supposed favour of the Indulgence , and were therefore cited before the Councel : Among these , faithful and worthy Mr Iohn Burnet , Minister at Kilbride neer Glasgow , was one , who thought it his duty to give an open and plaine account of his Reasons to the Councel , why he could not submit to that Indulgence , and for this end , drew up his Reasons in write , directing it to the Councel : But being prevented by sickness , and thereafter by death , did not get it presented , yet sent it to the Chancellor , and left it , as his Testimonie against that evil , not changing what might have been changed in the manner of its address , because of sickness and other inconveniences . I shall here set it downe , as he left it ; not only because it was his Testimony to the Truth ( and Testimonies should be carefully keeped , and Committed to posteritie ; ) but also because his Reasons are weighty , and may helpe us to see more of the iniquity of this Indulgence . His paper was as follloweth . The draught of this Paper was framed purposely to the S. Councel , as will appear in the very entrie thereof , which mould I could not change , because of the want of health , and other Inconveniences . BEing called before his Majesties Privie Councel to give an account of the reasons , why I have not accepted of this present Indulgence , granted by his most excellent Majest . to several Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland , I desire humblie and in the fear of God ( who standeth in the Congregation of the Mightie , and Judgeth among the Gods ) to give this true , sober and ingenous Relation of such things , as did and doe invinciblie binde me , why I cannot accept of this late complex Indulgence , framed in three distinct Acts of Councel , of the Date Sept. 3. and 7. 1672. To which I shall premit these things briefly . 1. That it is well known to all the Protestant Reformed Churches abroad , concerning the Constitution and Government of this ancient Church of Scotland for many yeers , and particularly in the yeer 1660. That it was framed according to the Word of God , confirmed by many laudable and ancient Lawes of the Kingdome , and solemnly sworne to by all Ranks within the same . 2. It is also found by lamentable experience , that since that time this Ancient and Apostolick Government is wholly overturned in its very Species and kinde , and that by the Introduction of Lordly Prelacie , which is tyrannically exercised ; whereby the Church was suddenly deprived of her lawfully called Pastours , and their roomes filled by strangers , violently thrust-in upon the people , many of whom have proven scandalous and insufficient . 3. The sad Effects of these things are conspicuously apparent upon the face of this Church this day , such as involving the Land in great backsliding and defection , the abounding Ignorance & Atheisme , the overflowing spa●e of Sensuality & Profanness like to Sodome , the increase of Poperie and Errour through the Land , even to the height of Antichristian Paganisme , & Quakerisme ; The sharp suffering and smartings of many of his Maj. loyal Subjects through the Land , meerly because they cannot conforme to the present Prelatical frame ; and finally the increase of Animosities , Dissentions , Divisions , Jealousies , and Differences among the Subjects . 4. Whatever Power sound and orthodox Divines do acknowledge the Magistrat to have , and may have exercised in a troubled and extraordinary state of the Church ; yet it is not at all yeelded by them , that the Magistrat may in any wayes , alter its warrantablie established Government , and so turne that same ●roub●ed and perplexed state and frame of the Church , made such by himself , meerly to be the subject of his magisterial authoritative Care and Operation . 5. That I be not mistaken , as denying to his Maj. his just Power in Ecclesiastick matters . I do humblie and with great alacritie acknowledge , that the Civil Magistrat hath a power circa Sacra , which power is objectively Ecclesiastick ; so as he by his Royal Authoritie may enjoyn that whatsoever is commanded by the God of Heaven , may be diligently done for the House of the God of Heaven ; which Power also is by Gods appointment only Cumulative and Auxiliary to the Church , not Privative , nor Destructive , and is to be exerced alwayes in a Civil manner . As to the Reasons of my not-acceptance of the present Offer , and not repairing to the place designed by the Councel : They are 1. That our Lord Jesus Christ , Mediator , the King and Lawgiver of his owne Church , hath committed all Ministeria● Authority , for Government of his House , to his own Church-Officers , as the first proper subject and receptacle thereof , Ioh. 20 : v. 21. As my Father sent me , so send I you . Math. 28 : 18.19.20 . All Power is given to me in Heaven and Eearth , go ye and preach the Gospel . 2 Cor. 10 : v 8. Our Authoritie which the Lord hath given us for edification , and not for destruction ▪ &c. But so it is that the Act explanatorie of his Maj. Supremacie in the Church , ( whereupon the Act of Indulgence is grounded ) doth not only claime the Power to belong of right to his Maj. and Successours , as an inherent privilege of the Crown , but doth actually also invest and cloath him with the formal exercise thereof in his own Person , and that he may derive the same , and convey it to others , as in his Royal wisdome He shall think fit : For his Majest . is pleased to designe and make application of Ministers to Congregations , and that , without the previous call of the People , and power of the Presbytery ( which would suppose the Civil Magistrat to have Authoritie to judge of the suitableness of Ministers parts and gifts to labour amongst such and such a people . ) As also to frame and prescribe Ecclesiastick Rules , relating to the exercise of the Ministerial Office , as also appointing a Commission to Plant and Transplant Ministers , as they shall think fit ; Notwithstanding that it hath been unanswerablie evinced , that Presbyte●ian Government is founded on the Word of God , and confirmed otherwayes aboundantly . 2. Although I do freely disallow and condemne all tumultuarie and seditious meetings ( among which it is sad and grievous , that the peacable meetings of the Lords People for Worship , and hearing the Word soundly preached , should be reckoned ; ) yet I am so convinced and perswaded in my heart of the Lords blessing , attending the preaching of the Gospel ( though not in a pub●ick Parish Church ) as that I judge the narrative of the first act to go near to involve my acceptance of this Indulgence , being an interpretative condemning of the saids meetings . 3. There is a standing relation betwixt me & another Flock , overwhich I was set , by the appointment of Jesus Christ in his word , which tye c●n never reallie be dissolved by any other Power , than that which at first did make it up , and give it a being : And after that I had Ten years ( during the English Usurpation ) wrestled in opposition to Quakers & Independants ▪ in the place , where the first breach had been made upon the Church of Scotland , I was without any Ecclesiastick sentence thrust from the publick exerci●e o● my Ministrie in that place , where there will be 1200. examinable Persons , whereof th●re were never 50. Persons , yet to this day , who have subjected themselves to him , who is called the Regular Incumbent ; And that even when I was living 30. mi●es distant from the place . Now what a door is hereby ( by my being keeped from my Charge ) opened to Error , Atheisme and Profanness may be easily conj●ctured by those , who hear of the deplorable case of that people ? And what a g●ief must it be to them , to have their owne Lawful Pastor shut up in a Corner , whereby we are both put out of a capacitie to receive any mo●e Spiritual comfort flowing from that Relation , which is yet in force betwix● us ? Or how is it to be imagined that any new supervenient relation can result betwixt another Flock and me , by vertue of an Act only of a meer Civil Judicatorie ? Beside , that the people , in whom I have present Interest , are utterlie rendered hopeless by a clause in the end of the first Act viz. That the Indulgence , is not hereafter to be extended in favours of any other Congregation , than these mentioned in the Act , whe●eof they in that Parish are none . 4. That I will not offer to debate the Magistrat's sentence of Confinement , let be his Power to doe the same ; yet I shall soberly say , there are so many things attending the present application thereof to my Person , that it cannot be expected , I should give that Obedience hereto , which might inferre my owne Consent or Approbation , for 1. Though this Confinement be called a gentle remedie of the great evils of the Church , in the narrative of the first Act , yet it is found to be a verie sharp punishment , as it is circumstantia● . 2. All punishments , inflicted by Magistrats on Subjects , ought to relate to some Cause or Crime , and cannot be done arbitrarilie , without oppression , which truth is ingraven on the light of nature : For Festus , a heathen Man Acts 25 : 27. could say , It seemeth to me unreasonable to send a Prisoner and not withal to signifie the crime laid against him ; yet am I sentenced and sent in fetters to a Congregation , without so much as being charged with any crime , And all the world are left to collect the reason of this Censure . 3. If my Confinement relate not to any crime , it must needs relate to a designe , which designe is obvious to Common sense , viz. th●t I should preach and exercise the Office of my Ministrie , whollie at the appointment & disposal of the Civil Magistrat ; and a sentence of Confinement is less obvious to debate and dispute by the Subjects , and will more easily goe downe with any simple man , than an express command to preach , grounded on his Maj. Royal Prerogative and Supremacie , and cannot readily be refused by any , unless a man make himself to be constructed , a squimish wild Phanatick , and expose himself to great sufferings ; so this Confinment , which hath both his Maj. Prerogative and Supremacie in Ecclesiastick matters in it , comes to me in roome , and that directly , of the Peoples Call , and Presbyteries Authoritie and other Ecclesiastick Appointment . Now this designe , however closely covered , I dare not in Conscience , yea I cannot ( with the preservation of my Judgment and Principles ) concurre with , or be consentient thereto . 4. By the Confinment I am put to an open shame before the world , and particularly in that place , where I am permitted to preach the Gospel : For what weight can my preaching or ministerial Acts of Discipline and Government have , while I my self am handled and dealt with as a Malefactour and Transgressour , a Rebel or Traitour to my Prince & Nation ? Or how can I preach the word of the Lord freely and boldly against the ●innes of the time ( as against Profanness , Errour , Injustice and Oppression ) as Ministers ought impartially to do , while I am kept under a perpetual check of the sword of the Magistrat at my throat ? This to me is not preaching , but an over-awed discourse : Morover , I become a prey for any malicious prejudicat hearer , who shall happen to accuse and informe against me . Can I be answerable to God who sent me , to render up my self willingly to be a servant of men ? Were not this to cut-out my owne tongue with my owne hands ? 5. This Confinment is not simplie or mainly of my Person , ( which sentence if it were so , I should most willingly undergo ) but it is of the Office it self ( the imprisonment of which ought to be sadder to me , than any personal suffering whatsoever ) while 1. It is not of me alone , but of all the Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland , a very few only excepted . 2. While the propagation of the Gospel by the personal restraint of us all is manifestly obstructed . 3. We are cut off from the discharge of many necessary duties , which we owe to the Nation and Church , and specially at such a time , while she is in hazard to be swallowed up with a swarm of Iesuits , Quakers and other damnable Subverters of the Truth ; and ( which is yet more ) while three parts of the Kingdom , are groaning under ●he want of the Word , faithfully preached , and some few Shirs only here in the West are made , as it were , the Common Goal of all the Ministers , that are permitted to preach . 4. By this Confinment , I lose an essential part of my Ministerie , which is the exercise of Jurisdiction and Church Government ; which yet Mr Baxter , ( a very favourable non-conformist ) asserts to be as essential to the Office of a Minister , as Preaching of the word ; The staff being as needful to the shepherd , as either the pigg or the horne is ; so sayes the Scripture of preaching Elders Acts. 20.28 . The Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers or Bishops , no less then Teachers ; a principal par● of which Government is Ordination of Ministers , for preservation of a succession of faithful men in the Church ; whereof by the Act of Confinment ( as also is expresly provided by the last c●ause of the last Act ) we are intentionally deprived for ever , while it is in force : In loseing of which one branch of our Government , we undo our own cause with our owne hands . I remember the first thing the ambitious Romane Clergie invaded and usurped , was the Jurisdiction and Authoritie of Presbyters , turning the Ministers of Jesus Christ into the Prelats jurney men , making Curates of them , only for preaching and intimating the Bishops mandats , And what else doe I in this case , but make the Ministerie of the Gospel in my Person Immediatly dependant , in the exercise of it , upon the arbitriment of the Civil Magistrat . 5. As for the Permission and Allowance I have to preach ▪ when confined , This Permission seemeth very fair , while I look on it abstractly , without relation to the rest of the Particular circumstances of the Act ; for this would look like opening the door in part , which the Magistrat himself had shut ; but while I take it complexly with what else is joyned with it , it doth presently carry another ●ace , like some pictures or medals that have two or three different aspects to the eyes of the beholder : For Permission to preach in any vacant Church within the Kingdome is so very great a favour , as for which I would desire to bless God , and thank hi● Maj. most heartily : But take it without the praevious Call of the people , the Authoritie and Assistance of a Presbyterie , as it may be had ; and take it without the exercise of Discipline and Government , but what is Congregational ; and so it is ●ame . Againe , take it with the Confinment and other claggs and cavea●s , contained in the 2. Act , Or take it with the burden of being obliged to follow all matters ( formerly referable to Presbyteries and Synods ) before these Presbyteries and Synods , which are now constitute by Bishops and their De●egats ; and so it is nothing but that same Accommodation , which we formerly had in our offer from the Bishop , and did refuse : And take it yet with the robbing of our owne Congregations , and with the depriving of three parts of foure of the whole rest of the Land , and then I have it to consider , whether this my Permission to preach be not the putting of my neck under a heavier yoke , than it could be under before . 6. The last Reason ( for brevity ) is from the Affinity with and dependance this Act of his Maj. Royal Indulgence hath upon the late explanatorie Act of his Maj. Supremacie , ( which I desire with sorrow of heart to look upon , as the greatest Incroachment can be made upon the Crown and Authority of Jesus Christ , who is only King and Lawgiver of his Church upon Earth ) as will be evident by comparing the two Acts together ; For the Act of his Maj. Supremacie ( besides the narrative ) containes two principal parts , viz. ( 1 ) The Assertorie of his Maj. Supremacie , which is the main Theam proposed to be explained , in these Words ▪ The Estates of Parliament do hereby Enact , Assert and Declare , that His Majest . hath the supreame Authoritie and Supremacie over all Persons , and in all Causes Ecclesiastick ▪ within this Kingdom . ( 2. The Explanatorie part followes , in so many most comprehensive and extensive Branches and Articles , thus : That by vertue thereof the Ordering and Disposal of the external Government of the Church doth properly belong to his Maj. and his Successours , as an inherent righ● of the Crown , and that his Maj. and Successours may Settle , Enact & Emit such Constitutions , Acts & Orders , concerning the Administration of the external Government of the Church , and the Persons employed in the same , and concerning all Ecclesiastical meetings and matters , to be proposed and determined therein , as they in their Royal Wisdome shall ●hink fit . Againe the Act of his Maj Royal Indulgence , which is the exercise and actual application of his Supremacie in matters Ecclesiastick , may be taken up in these particulars comprehensively . ( 1 ) The nomination and election of such and such Ministers , to such and such respective places . ( 2 ) A power to plant and transplant , put out and put in Ministers to the Church . ( 3 ) The framing and prescribing Rules and Instructions , for limiting Ministers in the exercise of the Ministerial Office. ( 4 ) The ordaining Inferiour Magistrats , as Sherifs , Justices , &c. to informe the Councel every six moneths , under highest paines , anent the carriage of Indulged Ministers , and how they observe the foresaid Rules . ( 5 ) The Confining of licensed Ministers to one small Corner of the Kingdome , and declaring all other Places and Congregations whatsoever within this Nation to be uncapable of any share of this Royal Favour , except such places only as are exptesly contained in the Act itself . Now , that these Particulars of the Act of Indulgence are of the same nature and kinde with the Articles Explanatorie of his Maj. Supremacie , will demonstratively appear by this plaine Argument , viz. To Settle , Enact , Emit Constitutions , Acts and Orders concerning Matters , Meetings and Persons Ecclesiastick , according to their Royal pleasure , is the very substance and definition of his Majest . Supremacie , as it is explained by his Estates of Parliament . But the Act of his Majest . Indulgence , in the whole five fornamed particulars thereof , is only to Settle , Enact and Emit such Constitutions , Acts and Orders , concerning matters , and Meetings , and Persons Ecclesiastical , according to Royal pleasure : Therefore the Act of his Maj. Indulgence is the substance and definition of his Maj. Supremacie , as it is explained by his Estates of Parliament . The Rules and Instructions for limiting Ministers in the exercise of their Office , as also the rest of the two forenamed Particulars of the Indulgence , are such , as I declare I cannot accept of them , or any other favour whatsoever , upon such termes and conditions ; because they containe the down-right exercise of Erastianisme ( as I humbly conceive ; and a discretive judgment of such Acts as a man resolving to practise can not be denyed him , unless men be turned into bruits , and so be ruled no more as reasonable creatures ) namely , the Magistrat by his proper and elicit Acts , doing that which is purely Spiritual and Ecclesiastick , as a Nomothetick Head and Lawgiver , framing such Lawes and Constitutions Ecclesiastick , as are not competent for any Ministerial or Declarative Power to enact or impose ; but of that Power only , which is absolutely Soveraigne : and whatsoever will militat against an Ecclesiastick Person , to arrogat to himself to be Christs Vicar on Earth , and a visible Head , to give and make Lawes for the Church , according to his pleasure ; The same also will make much against any other , though the greatest in the World , to assume to himself this Prerogative , so long as he can produce no divine warrant for this claime . A more particular consideration of these Rules , and other Particulars , I must needs ( for brevity ) forbear . My Noble Lord. HAving , in the singleness of my heart , and I trust without any just ground of offence , given this short and sober account of the Reasons , why I have not made use of his Majest . Royal favour and Indulgence , And being fully perswaded in my Conscience , that both Magistracie and Ministery are Gods Ordinance , & no wayes destructive , but mutually helpful one to another ; so that I can not but earnestly long , That the Lord , who hath the hearts of Kings and Rulers in his hand , would put it in the heart of our great Soveraigne ( and in your Gr's heart to be instrumental therein ) that he would grant us , Ministers , libertie to make full proof of that Ministery , which the Lord hath given us for edification , and not for destruction ; that we might have the opportunitie to make it appear , that the Government , which the Lord Jesus hath appointed in his Church , doth well consist and agree with the Magistrats Civil Government in the State , that so I and all others , my outted Brethren , may have access to our former Charges , or other Congregations , as we shall have opportunity of a cordial Invitation from the people , with the assistance and help authoritatively of lawful Church ●udicatories , until such time as God shall grant a patent way to returne to our own Charges . ( 2. ) And that Presbyterian Ministers may have access to his Maj. for representing just grievances , which press heavily our Consciences , and the consciences of the people , his Maj. loyal and faithful Subjects in the Land. In granting of which necessary and just desire , I your Gr's . Servant shall be a humble Supplicant at the Throne of Grace , for the preservation of his Maj. Person , the establishing of his Throne in righteousness ; and that the Lord would poure forth the Spirit of righteous judgment on your Grace that the Lord may be blest , and your Grace may finde mercie in the day of visitation . J. BURNET . By this free and faithful Testimony , we see what Reasons moved him not to accept of this supposed favour ; and particularly we may observe , that one maine Reason was , the Relation and Affinitie , that was betwixt the Act of Indulgence , and the Explicatory Act of Supremacie ; so that who ever accepted of this Indulgence , could not but be looked upon as virtually and materially ( at least ) approving and consenting to the Supremacie ; & what iniquity lyeth wrapped-up in this , a few words could not express . But Moreover there were Ten Ministers ( I suppose worthie Mr Iohn Burnet forementioned was one of them ) who did meet together upon the same account , to draw up reasons of their refusing the Indulgence , to be presented unto the Councel : But though the Paper was drawn up and subscribed ; yet I did not hear , that it was presented . However , because it may also contribute some light and confirmation , I shall set it down here , as I had it . ALL of us being concerned and reached by the late Act of Indulgence and Confinement , & some of us being already cited to give an account , why we have not accepted the same , do humblie desire , in the fear of God , ( who standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty , and judgeth among the Gods ) to give this true , sober and ingenous relation of the Reasons , which lye weighty on our Consciences , and binde us up from compliance with your LL. Commands , in this matter ; briefly premitting first . That our non-compearance hath not flowed from any contempt of , or disrespect unto Authority ( which we alwayes highly esteem in the Lord , as our Consciences bear us witness , resolving through grace to submit thereto , in all things Lawful ) but from the apprehension , we have conceived of the hazard of our Ministrie and Persons thereby , lest by our personal appearance , and signifying our reasons coram , we might have probably irritated your LL. Secondly . That we be not mistaken , as denying to his Maj. his just power , in reference to Ecclesiastick matters , we do heartily and with great alacrity acknowledge , that the Civil Magistrat hath a power circa sacra , objectively Ecclesiastick ; so as he by his Royal Authority may enjoine , that whatsoever is commanded by the God of heaven , may be diligently done for the house of the God of heaven : Which power is only cumulative and auxiliary to the Church , not privative nor destructive , and is to be exercised alwayes modo civili . As to the reasons amongst many , which might be adduced ( not willing to trouble your L L. with prolixitie ) we humblie propose these few . 1. That our blessed Lord Jesus Christ , Mediator , the only Head , King and Law-giver of his own Church , hath committed all Ministerial Power and Authority for Government of his House , to his own Church-Officers , as the first proper Subject and Receptacle thereof Ioh. 20 : 21. Matth. 16 : 19. and 18 : 18 , 20. and 28 : v. 18 , 19 , 20. 2 Cor. 10 : 8. But so it is , that the Act explanatory of his Maj. Supremacie in the Church , whereupon this Act of Indulgence is founded , doth ascribe this Power to His Maj. and His Successours , as an inherent right of the Crown ; and actually invests him with the formal exercise thereof , in his own Person , deriving and conveying the same to others , as he in his Royal Wisdom shall think fit : And that the Act of Indulgence appeareth to be the Exercise and Actual Application of the Supremacie in Matters Ecclesiastick , is obvious by comparing the two Acts together ; namely in these 3. Particulars , ( 1. ) The Nomination and Election of such and such Ministers to such and such respective Congregations , and that without the previous Call of the People , and Power of lawful Church-Judicatories ; which supposeth the Civil Magistrat to have Authority to judge of the sutableness of Ministers Gifts and Qualifications , to labour among such and such people . ( 2. ) A power to plant and transplant , to put-out and to put-in Ministers in the Church , and actually clothing Persons meerly civil with Power for that effect . ( 3. ) The framing and prescribing Ecclesiastick Canons and Instructions , for regulating the exercise of the Ministerial Office : all which are proper , intrinsick and formal Acts of Church-power , belonging by vertue of Christs Institution to Church-Officers . 2. Although we do freely disallow and condemne all tumultuary and seditious Meetings ( amongst which it is sad and grievous that the peacable Meetings of the Lords people , for Worship and hearing of the Word soundly preached , should be reckoned ) yet are we so convinced and perswaded in our hearts of the Lords blessing , attending the preaching of the Gospel , though not in a publick Paroch-Church ; as that we judge the narra●ive of the first Act goes neer to involve the Accepters of this Indulgence in an interpretative condemning of the saids Meetings ; which we in Conscience da● not do , being commanded to abstaine fom all appearance of evil 1 Thes. 5 : 22. 3. There being a standing relation betwixt us and those flocks , over which the Holy Ghost hath made us Overseers , according to Christs Institution in his word ▪ the sense of which tye engageth us , to have special regard to these flocks , until that be dissolved by the same power , that made it up and gave it a being ; besides that by keeping us from our Charges , a wide door is opened to Errour , Atheisme and Prophanity , and we disabled to discharge the trust , committed to us by Christ , for which we must be answerable to him , in that great day of accounts : What a grief must it be to the people to have their own Lawful Pastours shut-up in a Corner , whereby both we and they are put out of a Capacity for performing of those duties , which tend to our mutual Comfort and Edification ; which no doubt is much aggravated by the Intrusion of others , whom they cannot acknowledge as their Lawful Pastors , they looking on the former relation , as yet in force . 4. Though we be far from questioning the Magistrats just power to confine any of his Subjects within his Dominions ; yet there are several things in the present complex case , which we do humblie desire to present to your L L. as burdensome to our Consciences , as ( 1. ) That this Confinement is not simplie of our Persons , but of the Ministrie it self , the Imprisonment of which should be sadder to us , than any personal suffering whatsomever : while , First , It is not of one or two , but of all the Presbyterian Ministers of the Church of Scotland , a very few only excepted . Secondly , While the Propagation of the Gospel , by the personal restraint of us all , is manifestly obstructed . Thirdly , We are cut off from the discharge of many necessarie duties , which we owe to this National Church ; and specially at such a time , when so much in hazard to be swallowed up with the floud of Iesuits , Quakers and other damnable subverters of the Truth ; and which is yet more , that the three parts of the Kingdom are groaning under the want of the word faithfully preached . As also by this Confinement , we lose the exercise of an essential part of our Ministrie viz. Jurisdiction and Church-Government , a Principal part whereof is Ordination of Ministers , for preservation of a succession of faithful men in the Church , whereof by this Act of confinement ( as is also expresly provided by the last clause of the last Act ) we are intentionally deprived for ever , while it is in force ; in loseing of which , we do burie our cause with our own hands ( 2. ) We cannot but sadly regrate , that no Physical restraint is put upon Papists & Quakers , yea while their Meetings and Conventicles have been found and known , yet not all quarrelled . But the Meetings of Orthodox Protestants hunted , pursued and obstructed , to the great griefe of all the Godly in the Land , though nothing hath been found in them to the prejudice of the peace of the Kingdom , or his Maj. true Interest ( 3. ) It is no small grievance , that we are cast in two's and three's in one Paroch , where there is no need of our Ministrie , nor accommodation for our families , while there are Thousands left to the oversight of others , both in sufficient and scandalous . 5. By the last Act of this Indulgence , all Ministers not indulged are prohibite the exercise of their Ministrie , even as to the preaching of the word , except in the places of their respective confinements , and that upon a call from the Incumbent allannerly : And in their summonds are required to engage to the same ; which being contrare to the Scripture commands , and the Commission delivered to us by the Lord Jesus , for feeding of his people by the everlasting Gospel , doth cast us upon a sad dilemma either of disobeying God , or your L L. so that we must say , Whether it be better to obey God or Men , judge ye . And now , My Lords , having in the singleness of our hearts , and , we hope , without any just ground of offence , given this short and serious representation of our thoughts , in this affaire ; we humbly intreat your L L. to give a favourable hearing to these our subsequent just and necessarie desires viz. 1. That your L L. would not construe our non-compliance with the Indulgence , as tendered in the forementioned Acts , to proceed from humour and peevishness ; but from Conscience , which makes us , that we dar not be ●ilent in matters of so great concernment to our Lord and Master , to whom in the first place we owe fidelity , upon all highest paines ; and that our hearts may not condemne us , in withholding from Caesar what is Caesars , nor in giving to him , what is the Lords . 2. That we be not pressed to go to our Confinements , nor proceeded against as disloyal , and contemners of Authority , on that account ; and that we may have liberty to preach the Gospel to our own respective flocks , and to others , as we have access in providence . 3. That your L L. would be pleased to deal with his Maj. to take off the legal restraints on our Ministrie and Persons ; that we may peacably give ourselves to the work of the Ministrie , for the Edification of the body of Christ. 4. & Lastly . That your L L. would seriously consider , in the sight of the most high God ( before whose tribunal we are all shortly to appear , and give an account of our actions ) the heavy pressures and burdens , lying on the Consciences of Ministers and People for meer preaching , and hearing of the word ; which pressures have mainly flowed from the heavy yoke of Prelacy ( a plant that our heavenly Father never planted ) under which this Church hath groaned those many years . And also we most humbly beseech your L L. that what favour it shall please his Maj. in his Royal Clemency to grant , may not be inconsistent with our known Principles , to which we stand engaged by solemne Covenant and Oaths . In granting of which desires , as your L L. will undoubtedly make glade the hearts of many Thousands of his Maj. Loyal Subjects ; so ye will much encourage us , your humble Petitioners , to continue serious Supplicants at the throne of grace , for Establishing his Maj. Throne in righteousness , and for pouring out a spirit of righteous judgement ; that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life , in all Godliness and honesty . By these Testimonies and Papers , howbeit not all presented either to the Chancellour or Councel , as was in singleness intended by some , we may see , that there wanted not weighty reasons to have moved such , as loved to walk tenderly , and circumspectly , in such a day of trial and snares , to have peremptorily refused this so dangerous , so ensnaring , so scandalous and so destructive an Indulgence . We shall now proceed in our Historie , and hasten to an end thereof . The following year , to wit , 1673. Some Ministers , who had been Indulged , were now cited before the Councel , for not observing the 29. of May. and other Instructions given unto them , of which , and of the carriage of these Ministers at that time , we shall take occasion hereafter to speak more fully , and shall content ourselves now with the simple relation of the matter , as it stands in the Registers . VPon the 8. day of Iuly 1673. The Ministers underwritten , who were Indulged to preach , at the Kirks , specified in the Councels Act of the 3. of Septemb. 1672. and formerly , being conveened before the Councel , viz. Mr Iohn Crawfurd , Mr Anthonie Murray , Mr Iohn Hammiltoun , Mr Iohn Oliphant , Mr Iames Currie , Mr Iohn Lauder , Mr Iohn Stirling , Mr Iames Hutcheson , Mr Iohn Bairdy , Mr Iohn Eccles , Mr Andrew Dalrymple , Mr Iohn Gemmil , Mr Hugh Camphel , Mr Alexander Blair , Mr Iames Veitch , Mr William Fullertoun , Mr Iohn Hutcheson , Mr Robert Miller , Mr George Ramsay , Mr Iohn Bell , Mr Ralph Rodger , Mr William Dillidaff , Mr Georg Hutcheson , Mr Iohn Spading ; Mr Iohn Wallace , and Mr William Maitland ; and all of them , except the saids Mr Iohn Bairdy , Mr Iohn Crawford and Mr William Fullertoun , compearing , and all of them , except the saids Mr Iohn Spading , Mr Iohn Wallace , and Mr William Maitland , acknowledging that they had not observed the 29 ▪ of May 1673. The Councel did finde them to have contraveened the 12. Act of the third Session of his Majest . second Parliament , and therefore fined ilk one of them , in the halfe of their respective proportions of the Stipends , allowed to them by the Act of Indulgence , and that for the Crope and year of God 1673. And in regard the saids Mr Iohn Spading , Mr Iohn Wallace , and Mr William Maitland did observe the 29. of May ▪ the Lords of Councel assoiled them ; and ordained the three Persons not compearing to be denounced Rebels . And further , the said Mr Alexander Blair Minister at Castoun , having publickly disowned the King and Councels Power , in giving them these Instructions , appointed for the Indulged Ministers ; the Lords of Councel did ordaine him immediatly to be carried to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh , and there to be kept close prisoner , until further order . And in regard diverse of these Indulged Ministers did pretend , they had not received the saids Instructions , did cause deliver to them extracts thereof at the Bar , that they might pretend no ignorance of the same . Edinbr . the 10. of Iuly 1673. The Ministers underwritten being conveened for the cause foresaid , were fined ut supra , upon their own Confession , viz. Mr Iohn Mc Michen and Iohn Sempil . And Mr Iohn Colt not compearing was ordered to be denounced . Edinbr . the last of Iuly 1673. The Ministers underwritten were also fined upon their own Confession , ut supra , for the causes foresaid , viz. Mr Iohn Scot , Mr Iames Fletcher , and Mr Robert Mowat . Upon the 4. of Septemb. 1673. Mr Alexander Blair is ordered to have liberty upon caution , that dureing the time of his Inlargment , he should keep himself in the House of Iean Weir , nigh the Weigh-House of Edinbr . and re-enter his Person within the Tolbooth thereof , within the space of one Moneth . And that dureing the said space , he should not keep any Meetings , contrare to the standing Lawes of the Kingdom , under the paine of 5000 Merks Scots money . And upon the 8. of Januar. 1674. his Inlargment is prorogat for the space of fourteen dayes , upon caution of the summe , and in the former termes . But before this short time was fully at an end , He was called home to his Master's joy : of whom , & of the ground of his particular sufferings , we will have occasion to speak something hereafter ; and therefore it will be sufficient at present , for clearing of what is past concerning him , to give a short deduction of the matter . When Mr Alex. Blair , and others ( as we saw above ) were called before the Council , upon the occasion mentioned , The Councel enquired if they had observed the Instructions that were given unto them ; some answered that they had never seen them ; where upon the Councel resolved , to prevent this excuse in time coming , to give to every one of them Coram , a Copie of these Instructions . When the day appointed here unto cometh , they all compear , ( what was their Deliberations and Resolutions , in the Interim , and what was the carriage of the rest , that day , we will have a fit occasion to speak hereafter ) the Copie of the Instructions is given to each of them , standing Coram at the Bar ; Several had received them , before , they were presented to Mr A. Blair . But when they are given to him , he , being moved with zeal , and remembering whose Ambassadour he was , told the Council plainly , that he could receive no Instructions from them , to regulat him , in the exercise of his Ministrie ; otherwise he should not be Christ Ambassadour , but theirs ; and herewith letteth their Instructions drop out of his hand , knowing of no other Salv● , or manner of testifying for the Truth , in the case . The Council , seeing what a direct Opposition this was unto them in their Designes , in a rage sent him with a Macer unto prison ; which made a great noise in the City , the more serious , though sorrowful at his sufferings , yet rejoicing that he had witnessed a good Confession , and so had perpetuated the Testimonie of the Church of Scotland her patience . This could not but carry some sad reflection with it on the rest , who had received , and come away with these Instructions in their hand ; wherefore some Judicious and serious Ministers in the Town , being filled with shame and sorrow both at what past , endeavoured to call the rest together , that they might owne Mr Blairs Testimonie , vindicat themselves , and prevent the contempt , under which otherwise they would lye ; but though they did meet , yet nothing of this kind could be granted ; some would not move one step forward ; and the rest , out of a pretence of love to Union , though in evil , would not leave them ; but they all , notwithstanding of all their love to Union , left Mr Blair alone , who yet was not alone ; his Masters presence making up the want of his Brethren their fellowship : at this meeting , I heard there was a motion made , that some should be appointed to write about the Magistrats Power in Church-matters ; as if they , forsooth , could have found-out new Principles , to have justified their own proceedings , so point blank contrary to all the Actings of the Church of Scotland , and of the faithful in it , from the beginning ; and if the Person that drew up their Vindication ( of which afterward ) was appointed hereunto , I should have expected nothing but a piece of Vedelian Pedantrie : But it was good , that this motion was also laid aside . However faithful and honest Mr Blair must moreover suffer by their Tongues ; for they were not ashamed to say , that all his suffering was for his rude and unsutable carriage before the Council , though all that knew him , knew him to have as much of a Gentle-man , and of good breeding , as any of them : But the Truth was ( as a faithful Person , to whom he himself spoke it , did report ) he had that day bowed the knee to the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , and with much earnestness begged Counsel and Courage , in order to a sutable carriage , at that appearance , and finding his heart enlarged , did not leave praying that morning , until he had obtained some assurance , he should be assisted ; and therefore came before the Council , with Micajahs Rudness ( if so it must be called , ) as having gote a sight of his Royal Master , and durst do , or receive nothing , that might countenance an encroachment upon his Prerogative Royal. It was also known , that some of those , who in their previous Meeting voted for Mr B. being their mouth before the Council , said now , they were glade he was not , for then he had marred all their Business : And in a Vindication of the rest , emitted by some of their number , he is also ( as we shall hear ) lashed , and that with the Intrado of hinc illae lachrymae , as if he had done more hurt by this Testimonie , than his own , and the lives of many were worth . While worthie Mr B. is ( as we have seen ) in prison , he falleth very sick , and friends and Physicians fearing his disease should prove mortal , he with much difficulty obtained the liberty mentioned , until he was taken home to glory . It is worthie of our noticeing , That dureing the time both of this Imprisonment and Confinement as the Sufferings of Christ abounded in him , so his Consolations also abounded by J. C. for all who conversed with him returned comforted , by seeing and sharing of his Consolations ; and particularly when drawing nigh to his end , how was his Soul made to rejoyce , in reflecting on his being honoured and helped to give that Testimony ? And with what Horrour and Indignation would he express himself , upon supposition he had done less than he did ; yea , all his griefe and regrate was , that he had not done more . At length , when the time of the liberty granted , to abide in his Chamber , was almost expired , his glorious Master , who would want him no longer , nor suffer him to want the Confessors reward , sent and rescued him from the rage of Persecutors , and from the Reproaches of his deserting Brethren , and took him home to his Masters Joy ; and the sound of , well done good and faithful Servant , filling his eares , made him shut his eyes singing , and give up the Ghost in assurance of being embraced , and of having access to embrace . From all this , these things are observable , 1. That God , by the speaking significations he gave of his complacency in the Freedom and Fidelity of his Servant , wrote a sufficient refutation of all that was said by some , to disgrace both him and his Cause . 2. That here is a new witness from Heaven against these Invasions . 3. As also against the Indulgence , and the taking of these Instructions . Beside 4. The Encouragement given to all to abide faithful , in avowing Christs Prerogatives , and the Priviledges of his Church and Kingdom , even though abandoned of all , who should bear them Companie , or go before them . Ere we returne to take further notice of what past , when the forementioned Indulged Ministers compeared before the Councel , we shall for a close out of the Registers mention these following Acts. Edinbr . 6. of Feb. 1673. A Nent a petition , presented by Mr Robert Hunter , now Minister at Burrowstouness , that conforme to an Act of Councel , the petitioner did serve the cure at the Kirk of Duning for the 1671. and 1672. years , and after Martimass last did transport himself to the Kirk of Burrowstowness , conforme to the Councels Order . And therefore humbly supplicating , that the Stipend of the said Paroch of Duning for the saids two years might be appointed to be payed to him . The Lords of his Maj. privie Councel , having heard and considered the said Petition , do ordaine the said Stipend of the said Paroch , for the said two years , to be payed to the Supplicant ; and that Letters of Horning be direct for that effect . In the Year 1676. there came forth an open Proclamation , Dated March 1. THE Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel considering that by their Act of the 3. Septemb. 1672. they did Order and appoint diverse outted Ministers , to repaire to the several Paroches , therein specified ; and to remaine therein confined , permitting and allowing them to preach and exercise the other parts of the Ministerial function in those Paroches , and did require and enjoyn these Ministers , or any other Ministers indulged by former Acts of Council , to keep and observe the Instructions following , as they would be answerable . That they should not presume to Marry or Baptize any , except such as belonged to the Paroch , to which they were confined , or to the neighbouring Paroches vacant or wanting Ministers for the time . That all Ministers indulged , in one and the same Diocess , should celebrate the Communion upon one and the same Lords Day ; and that they should admit none to their Communions belonging to other Paroches , without testificats from the Ministers thereof . That they should preach only in these Kirks , and not in the Church-yards , nor in any place else , under the paine to be repute and punished , as keepers of Conventicles . That they should remaine within and not depart forth of the Paroches , to which they are confined , without licence from the Bishop of the Diocess onely . And whereas it is informed , that the saids outted Ministers , indulged as aforesaid ( at the least many of them ) have violated and contraveened the foresaids Orders and Instructions ( upon which termes they were permitted and indulged to preach and exercise the other functions of the Ministry ) whereby many disorders are occasioned . The saids Lords do therefore , of new againe , require and command all these Indulged Ministers to keep and observe the foresaids Orders and Instructions , in time coming , and specially for keeping within the bounds of their Paroches , and celebrating the Communion upon one and the same Lords day , as they will be answerable at their perril . And ordains these presents to be printed , and Copies thereof sent to the several Ministers . Nothing needeth be here observed beside the Parenthesis , where it is said , that the Observation of these Instructions was the termes , upon which they were indulged ; and therefore when they accepted of the Indulgence on such termes , they consented to them , and professed and declared their willingness to accept of their Ministery , and of the free Exercise thereof upon these Conditions ; So that whether they observed them punctually afterward , or not , the bargain was established , and they became oblieged by their own deed , in accepting of these favoures granted on these Conditions , to observe the Instructions carefully ; and it was too late to say afterward , that the Conditions were not lawful , and therefore could not be observed , for that should have been said at first ; and even upon that account alone , had there been nothing else , they should have plainely and peremptorily rejected the supposed favour . Nor will it avail to say , that they knew not , that the punctual observing of these Instructions was made the Condition of the granted favour ; for though at first these Instructions , when given , were not expresly so called ; yet the manner of proposal was such , as all who desired not willingly to run into a s●are , might have been convinced , that so and no otherwayes they were intended , and upon the matter could carry no other import . And if any were invinciblie ignorant hereof , at their first accepting of the Indulgence ; yet now , when such a Printed Proclamation came forth , wherein this was in terminis expressed , and the Printed Proclamation ordered to be sent unto each of them , they could no longer pretend ignorance ; and therefore were called , if they had been formerly really circumvented and cheated , now openly to have declared their unwillingness to accept of the Indulgence on these termes ; and henceforth to have abandoned the same , and followed their Brethren to the Mountaines . But now when this was not done , but they remained in their warme nests , how they can plead innocent before God , or Man , I see not . We proceed to relate a few things following . Edinbr . 3. August . 1676. THe Lords of his Maj. privie Councel do hereby ordaine Mr Iohn Stirling , Minister , who is confined to the Paroch at Hounam , by an Act of Councel and Indulged to preach in that Paroch , to transport himse●f from thence to the Town of Irwing , and confine himself to the Town and Paroch of Irwing , with liberty to preach and exercise the other Functions of the Ministrie , in that Paroch , as he did in the former , according to the Instructions of the Councel , given to the rest of the Indulged Ministers . By which we see , that the simple Act of the Councel is the all and only ground of transportation from one place to another ; and that alwayes the Instructions must go alongs with them , as the constant Companion of the Indulgence . Edinb . 9. Novemb. 1676. HAving heard and considered a Petition , presented by the Magistrats of the Brugh of Irwing , supplicating that the Stipend of the Paroch of Irwing , vacant in the year 1676. might be allowed to the Petitioners , for defraying the Expences , that Mr Iohn Stirling will be at , in transporting himself to Irwing , and repairing the Kirk , School and Bridge of Irwing . Do allow the Supplicants the Stipend of the said Paroch , for the said year 1676. Instant , which is vacant , for defraying the expences of the said Mr Iohn Stirling , and repairing the Kirk , School and Bridge of Irwine ; and if need bees ordained Le●ters of horning to be direct hereupon in forme as effeits . Edinb . 1. March 1677. Anent a petition presented by Mr William Maitland , Minister at Beeth , shewing that the petitioner hath served the Cure , at the said Kirk ; the two by gone years 1675. and 1676. without receiving any stipend , albeit he hath himself and a numerous family to maintaine , which he will not be longer able to undergo , unless the Lords of Councel be pleased to allow him the said stipend for the saids two years service : And therefore humbly supplicating , that an order and warrant might be granted for that effect , in manner underwritten . The Lords of his Maj. Privie Councel , having heard and considered the foresaid Petition , do hereby grant order and warrand to the Heritors and others lyable in payment of the stipend of the said Paroch of Beeth , to make payment of the same to the Petitioner , and that for ilk one of the saids crops and years of God 1675. and 1676. and ordains Letters of horning and others to be direct thereupon , in forme as effeirs . Edinb . 7. of March. 1677. The Lords of his Majest . privie Councel , do hereby ordaine Mr Alexander Hammiltoun , who is by Act of Councel confined to the Paroch of Dalmeny , and permitted to preach there , during their pleasure , to remove himself from the said Paroch of Dalmeny to the Paroch of Dalserfe , and that betwixt and the fift day of Aprile next , and to confine himself within the said Paroch of Dalserfe till further order , as he will be answerable at his peril . And do hereby permit and a●low the said Mr Alexander Hammiltoun to preach and exercise the other functions of the Ministrie in the said Paroch , till furder order from the Councel , upon the same termes , that he hath exercised his Office formerly in the said Kirk of Dalmeny . So that we see the whole exercise of the Ministrie , is , by this Indulgence , wholly at the free and arb●●riarious disposal of the Councel , and depending upon their Orders . As also , we see , that the observation of the Instructions is an essentia● part of the bargane , being the termes and condition , on which the Indulgence is granted . There came forth a Printed Proclamation August . 10. 1677. as followeth . FOR as much as the Lords of his Maj. Privy Councel , in pursuance of his Maj. Commands , signified to them by a Letter of the 7. of Iune 1669. did confine several outted Ministers to particular Paroches , with allowance to preach and exercise the other functions of the Ministry within the same , and did deliver to them certaine Instructions , to be keeped and observed ; upon which they did accept the Indulgence granted to them . And a●beit these Instructions have been frequently repeated , and sent to these Ministers , yet diverse of them have con●raveened the same , without any manner of regarde thereto . And whereas by his Maj. Letter foresaid , it is left to the saids Lords , to allow to these Ministers such parts of the Stipends , as they should think fit ; and that from time to time , the Councel hath gi●en Orders and Wa●rands to the Heretors and others , lyable in payment of the stipend , to make payment thereof , as they saw cause ; without which special war●and , they could not , nor cannot , warrantably pay the same . Notwithstanding whereof , it is informed that several Heretors have payed , or intend to pay these stipends , without special Warrant and Order . The saids Lords do therefore Prohibite and discharge all Heretors , Fewers , Liferenters , and others , lyable in payment of the stipends of the Paroches , where these Ministers are confined , to make payment of any part of the Stipend to them , for the cropt and year 1677. and in time coming without a special Order & Warrand from the Councel , under the penalty of being lyable in payment of the said Stipend againe , to such as the Councel shall appoint , and further censured for their Contempt , and ordains these presents to be printed , and published upon a Sabbath day at the several Paroch-Kirks , where the saids Ministers are confined , that no Person pretend ignorance . In the Proclamation-emitted in the preceeding year 1676. the Council said in plaine termes , that they granted the Indulgence , upon condition that the Indulged should observe the Instructions given ; and here in this Proclamation , they say , that the Indulged did accept of the Indulgence granted to them , upon these termes ; whereby we see that it was a full and formal compact , & the Indulgence was both granted & Accepted upon the termes specified . What can now be said for vindication of these accepters , I canno● imagine . If they should say : That all this is but the deed of the Council , with which they are not concerned . Yet it is certaine , that every one is Master of his own favours , and may dispense them on what termes he pleaseth ; and when the termes are known , upon which such favours are granted , and the favours formerly accepted are held , though the conditions should seem hard , yet the favour is embraced cum hoc onere ; & any after signification of a dissatisfaction cannot but be unseasonable and insignificant . It would now have been thought , if the Indulged had not been satisfied with the termes , after such publick Intimations were made unto the whole Nation , both of the grant of the favours , and of their acceptance , upon these termes , they would have signified their dissatisfaction with the bargain , and rejected the favour of the Indulgence , which they could have upon none , but sinful termes ; especially now when their silence , and continuing in the possession of the favour , did not only interpretativly , but plainly and expresly , in the sight of the whole Nation , say , they were satisfied with the termes , and would rather submit unto them , than lose the benefite they had received in and by the Indulgence . Upon which account possibly it was , that the Councel , seeing that they had attained their end , in granting the Indulgence , and had found the Indulged so calme and pliable to submit to any termes they pleased to propose , did mitigate , within two moneths thereafter ▪ the severitie of the last Act , in so far , as concerned the stipends ; for Octob. 5. 1677. this Act was made , with which I shall end this historical Relation . Edinb . Octob. 5. 1677. The Lords of Council thought fit , of that the Indulged Ministers shall not be put to a necessity of seeking yearly warrands for their stipends : But authorizeth and appointeth the Heretores of the Paroches , where they serve , to pay them their stipends , according as they serve the cure , in whole , or in part . And do declare , that if any of these Indulged Ministers shall be found to contraveen their Instructions , the Council will proceed against them , as they shall see occasion . And recommends to the respective Commissioners , appointed by the Council , for putting the Decreets of Council &c , and Acts against Conventicles and others , in execution , to see them keep their confinements ; and to report if they finde them transgre●s . We have thus deduced this Business of the Indulgence unto this period ; and , as occasion offered , have hinted all alongs such remarks , as might suffice to give understanding in the matter , and to clear up the true state of the question unto the understanding and unprejudged Reader . And from what is said , the judicious may see what is to be said of the Indulgence , & of those Ministers , who have thus accepted thereof , though no more were said : Yet that fuller satisfaction may be given in this matter , I shall , according as I promised , turn back a little ; and take notice of some things , that fell out Anno 1673. when severals of the Indulged were ( as we heard ) called before the Councel , for not observing the 29. of May , and the Instructions that had been given to them , where by we may be helped to some further clearness in this affaire . And in this examination , I shall , as to the ground I go upon , be favourable to the Indulged , beyond all exceptions ; for I shall only take notice of the relation of what passed , as made by one of themselves , in a Narrative ( as it is called ) concerning the carriage of some Ministers , who appeared before the Councel in July last ) to wit 1673 ) written in answere to afriend , who de●ired to be informed about that affaire ; and truth or falshood was in that Paper , scattered up and down among the People ; concerning the same . And I suppose , no man will blame me for grounding my discourse against the Indulgence , and Indulged , upon this Narration , seing it may be supposed , that this would be made as favourable to them and their cause , as truth would suffer ; and I shall be loath to question matters of fact ; nor shall it be necessary for ●e to examine every word in that Paper it being sufficient for my present business , to touch upon those things , which are most material , and which concerne our present question . This Author tels us ; that there were a considerable number of Ministers , who had obtained liberty from the Magistrat to preach publickly , without hazard of that legal restraint , under which they lay before , cited before the Councel . But , not to exaggerat that word obtained , which would import , that these Ministers had been too active in procuring to themselves that liberty , as it is called ; which , whether it was so , or not , I cannot determine , though this expression would give the Reader ground to suppose that indeed it had been so ; I only observe , that his Construction of the Indulgence , and his Description thereof here given , appeareth too favourable , and more favourable than true ; for sure there was more than this in the Indulgence ; Matters had been thus , if the Act of Glasgow had been simply repealed , and every man permitted to returne home to his own Charge : But when that is not done ; but every one of them sent to such places , as the Council thought meet , and appointed and ordained , there to abide , and to exerce the function of the Ministry , with such and such limitations , and upon certaine Conditions held forth and made known , and ( as the Councel saith ) accepted and submitted to , it is manifest that the matter had a far other face . Beside , that the granting of liberty to preach publickly without hazard , needed no such Act of Parliament , as is the Act of Supremacy , to salve the granters in Law , and make the grant to stand good in Law. But what for a Possession this liberty is , the Charter , by which it is confirmed , may tell us . It can be no lawful Possession before God , which must have such a de Novo damus , and Charter to secure it : And that the Indulgence could not stand without this ▪ we have seen above ; and how , notwithstanding of all that liberty , the Indulged could not be secure , in point of Law , untill this explanatory Act of the Supremacy had past in Parliament Anno 1669. whereby not only what was done by King and Councel , in licensing of so many , before that Act , was declared to be legal , because of the Kings Supremacy in Church-Affairs , never before so amply and fully declared and explained ; but way made for prosecuting the same designe , in time coming ; according as it came to passe . When the Indulgence standeth engaged thus unto ; and under the favourable aspect of that unparalleled Supremacie ; who , that is not wholly devouted unto the Supremacy , can give such a favourable verdict of the Indulgence , as this Author did ? Beside , that impartial On-lookers will judge , that there was much more in this Indulgence , seing it is obvious enough how the contrivance was made to break the honest suffering party , and ( as some of the chiefe Contrivers said ) to divide betwixt the Mad-Cap Phanaticks , and the more sober ; to confirme the Usurpation , to strengthen the hands of Adversaries , to suppress and keep down the glorious and blessed Assemblings of the Lords people , and to settle people in a Sinful silence and stupide Submission to all the Incroachments , made on the Prerogatives of the Crown of Christ , and on the Privileges of his Church , and to the overturning of the whole Work of God ; and not only the Intentio Operantium , ( which Wise men so circumstantiated , as they were , were called to eve and consider ) was obvious and clear ; but also the Intentio Operis was undeniable ; however we may please ourselves , in devising terms of mincing and extenuating , whereby to paint it forth , as well as we can , if not so , as that it shall appear beautiful ; yet so as that it may not appear so deformed , as indeed it is , and will be to all that view it in a just and upright mirrour . He saith that it is not easie nor necessare , to tell what was said to or by every one of them , they being called-in one by one ; but this is certaine , that all of them ( except two , who were dismissed upon their declaring that they had preached on that day onely because it fell to be their lecture-day ) declared they had not preached on that day , and did agree in substance upon this ground of their forbearance , that it did not flow from any disloyalty or disaffection to Authority ; but that they had not freedome to observe any s●lemne fixed anniversary Day for religious Worshippe , besides the Lords Day . To which I shall only crave leave to say , not questioning the account he giveth here , though the Council's books tell us ▪ that there were Three assoiled , and that because of their observing that day ; nor taking notice , that the Lords day is no anniversary day , but a weekly solemne day ; nor doubting of the first part of their Apology ; for as to some , it may be more than probable , that such was their loyal affection to Authority , that for fear of offending , they did not hold forth and plainely show the true ground as they ought to have done . I grant the Parliaments calling that day , an holyday , might give ground of scrupling to Conscientious Persons : Yet I suppose , it is well enough known , that this denomination was not the effect of true Devotion , nor yet of Superstition ; the day being observed , rather in honour of Bacchus , than of the true and living God ; and that the Principal thing intended , was , a Solemne , Universal and Anniversary Condemnation of the work of Reformation , which was so fully signified in the very narrative of the Act , that I wonder these Brethren did not give this , as the ground of their non-observing of that day . I shall not think , that they thought themselves free to abstract from that Narrative , and not once to notice it ; seing they could not abstract simple preaching on that day , from its due observation ; and seing every one knowes , that every observation of a day holy , or civil , appointed by Men , doth homologat the Grounds & Reasons of the Institution . But passing this , which is not of moment , as to our present business , he tells us , that there were foure of the Brethren called-in together , upon particular summonds , for baptizing of Children of other Congregations : To which among other legal defences ( whereof he can give no particular account ) they gave this answere ; that these Acts , relating to that matter , were never intimate unto them . Upon which they were told by my L. Chanc. they should get them ; and so all were commanded to appear againe the following Tuesday . As to this , we may see , that the Council did suppose those Acts to have been made known unto them . And that , so far as the Concil did know , all the rest , save these foure , had observed the Injunctions , otherwise they had been challenged upon the violation of them , as well as these foure . As to this answere , given by those foure , I suppose , the rest will willingly acknowledge , that it was not sufficient ; and that another answer had been both more pertinent , and less introductive of new troubles ; for probably , if this answere had not been given , they had not gote such a returne from my L. Chanc. Had they ingenously said , that their commission bare them to Baptize , as well as to Preach ; and that they might not be answerable to their Master , to refuse to Baptize any Childe within the Covenant , brought unto them for that end , much trouble and temptation had been , in all appearance , prevente● . And though I will not condemne all legal defences ; yet I must say , that Ch●istian prudence might soon have taught them to have waved this defence , not only because it was obvious enough what would follow : but mainly because it contained a tacite acknowledgment , that they would not have done what they did , if the Act had been intimat to them ; and that in time coming they would willingly obey the same ; and consequently , that the Injunctions were just and righteous , and such as neither they , nor any other should disobey , whether because of the matter , or because of the power enjoining them : But more of this purpose afterward . He gives us next an account of what they did in the Interval , and how they did meet almost every day , to consult what they should do , at their next appearance , in case these Acts ( called , saith he , Rules ) should be intimate unto them : And how a Paper was produced by some , appointed thereunto , which was only relative to these Instructions or Rules , with a touch of the reasons of their not-observing of the 29. of May , to which ( saith he ) afterwards was prefixed a pretty large Introduction , concerning Christ's power , in and over his Church ; and asserting the Magistrat's just right about Ecclesiastick affairs , as amply as any thing Mr Hutcheson spoke ; and denying him no more , when it was finished , than he ●enied unto him . Concerning this Paper , I can say nothing , having never seen it ; only I finde , it contained ( as himself tels us , in the following words ) this clause : That we could not receive from the Magistrate any Instructions , to regulate us in the exercise of our Ministrie : And I finde by his own relation ; that three or foure dayes they debated upon this clause , which he calleth , Unqualified : And that many of the Brethren were against it , as an Assertion , which being so generally and indistinctly expressed , would not hold water , nor be found agreable with the Word of God , or Concessions even of our Orthodox Anti-Erastian Divines , concerning the Magistrates just right . As to this Assertion , which , as he saith , Was not satisfying to some ; though I do not know , what particularly was objected against it by these some ; yet I may take liberty to say , that it appeareth not to me contrary either to the Word of God , or to the Concessions of Orthodox Anti-Erastian Divines , if it be understood , either as relative to the case than in hand ( as it behooved to be , if pertinently adduced , ) or according to the true and native import of the words , wherein it is expressed : and that because . 1. Nothing occureth to me , in Scripture , whence it can with any shew of probability be inferred , that this Assertion is not consonant to Scripture , except what is recorded of David's giving Instructions to the Levites , Porters and Singers , and Marshalling them in their several Orders and Work. But sure I am , all Anti-Erastian Divines look upon that practice , as no precedent to Christian Magistrates now , as is well known : And their ground is clear and irrefragable ; for David ▪ did what was done herein , not as King , by any proper Magistra●ical power , as is clear from what he said himself ▪ when he was delivering all these Orders and Instructions , mentioned 1 Chron. 23. and 24. and 25. and 26. over unto Salomon Chap. 28. vers . 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. he tels him vers 19. That the Lord made him understand all this , in writting by his hand upon him : And accordingly we finde Salomon doing nothing in this matter by his own proper Magistratical power ; 2 Chron. 8 : v. 14. But according to the order of David his Father . And moreover , when King Hezekiah is about this work , reforming what was am●sse , he doth nothing of this kind , Iure Regio , by his Magistratical power ; but according to the commandement of David , and of Gad the Kings Seer ; and Nathan the Prophet , 2 Chron. 29 : v. 25. and it is added ; for it was the commandement of the Lord , by his Prophets . In like manner King Josiah , when he is ordering Church-affairs , and reforming abuses , assumed nothing to himself of this Nature , as King , but appointed all to be according to the writting of David King of Israel , and according to the writting of Salomon his Son , 2 Chron. 35 : 4. 2. Nor can I call to mind what that Concession is of our Anti-Erastian Divines , that can seem to contro●e this , ( 1. ) It cannot be that Concession , That Magistrates may and should put Ministers to their Duty , in following the Rules and Injunctions , prescribed by Christ , viz. in their Political Way , and by their Political Penalties : For hence it will no way follow , that Ministers receive Instructions from Magistrates , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie ; more than it can be said , that Magistrates receive their Instructions , for regulating them in the exercise of their Civil Function , from Ministers ; because Ministers , in their Ministerial Way , put Magistrates to their Duty , in following the Rules prescribed by God in his Word . ( 2. ) Nor can it be that Concession , That Magistrates may , by their Political and Civil Sanction , confirme and enforce civilly Canons and Rules , Ministerially cleared and concluded by Church-Judicatories : For that is but to presse the Rules of Gods Word to be observed , and is no prescribing of Injunctions ; but an enjoining civilly the Observation of Injunctions , imposed and proposed Ministerially by Church-Judicatories . ( 3. ) Nor can it be that Concession , That the Magistrate is Custos utriusque tabulae , for the Reasons already given ; The Minister also may be said , to be Custos utriusque tabulae , in his way and manner ; and yet none wil hence inferre , that he may give Instructions unto Magistrats , to regulate them in the exercise of their Office. ( 4. ) Nor can it be that Concession , That the Magistrat is Episcopus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an overseer of things without ; for these external things are properly and formally political things , belonging to the Civil Government of the outward man ; among which the function of the Ministrie , as such , cannot be reckoned ; this being purely Ecclesiastick , and properly belonging to the Spiritual Kingdome of Christ. ( 5. ) Nor can it be that Concession . That the Magistrate may limite and confine the Person of a Minister , whereby , per accident , there is a confinement laid upon the further extension of the exercise of his Ministrie : for every body seeth , that this is properly a confinement of the Person , and but consequently of the exercise of the Ministrie ; and no man will say , that is Orthodox , that the Magistrate hath the same Power over the Office of the Ministrie , that he hath over the Person of the Minister . 3. Some such thing may , I grant , be gathered , with some probability , from that Assertion of Vedelius , viz. That Magistrats have an Inspection of the Office of Ministers , as he urgeth it . But he is no Anti-Erastian , but an Erastian Divine : And I suppose no such thing will follow from this Assertion , or the like , as qualified or explained by our Orthodox Divines , who have written against Vedelius , such as Apollonius , Triglandius and Revius : Beside what Walaeus and Voetius have spoken hereunto . 4. I conceive that Assertion was very orthodox and safe ; for these Reasons , ( 1. ) This Power of giving Instructions , for regulating the exerci●e of the Ministrie , would inferre or presuppose , that the Office of the Ministrie , and its exercise are subordinat to the Magistrate in linea recta : For Instructions and Orders or Rules coming from a Superiour ( for from such they must come and not from an Inferiour , not yet from a Co-ordinat Power ) to an Inferiour , say , that the Superiour hath Power to grant a Commission to that Inferiour , be it Court or Person , to Act in that function and sphaere ; and a Power to Limite , Restrict , Enlarge or Qualifie the exercise of that function , as he seeth good : But none of our Orthodox Anti-Erastian Divines grant a Subordination , but assert a Collaterality . ( 2. ) No Orthodox Anti-Erastian Divine will say , that Ministers , as such , are so subordinant unto the Supreme Magistrat , as other inferiour Magistrates are . But if the Supream Magistrat might give Instructions to Ministers , and prescribe Rules to regulat them in the exercise of their Ministrie ; what difference shall there be , as to this , betwixt Ministers , as such , and inferiour Magistrates ? Can the Supream Magistrate do more , as to the regulating of the Magistratical function , in inferiour Magistrates , than Limite them , Restrict them , Qualifie them by such and such Instructions ? and what less shall now hereby be granted to him , in reference to Ministers , as such ? 5. But now if we speak of Injunctions and Instructions , in particular , the matter will be yet more clear , that that Assertion was truth , and nothing but truth : For either the Instructions are concerning such things , as are at all times necessary to the right exercise of the Ministery ; or concerning alterable circumstances , which only hic & nunc can be called neces●ary : If the former be said , it must be granted , that these are set down to us in the Word ; for all necessaries are there contained ; and if so , the Magistrat either enjoineth these Ministerially , as holding forth the mind of God ; but this cannot be said , for then were he no Magistrat , in that , but a Church-Officer and a Minister : or Magistratically and Autocratorically , as a Civil Magistrate . And then this must either be , in Ecclesiâ reformata & bene instituta , that is , in a well reformed and instituted Church ; or in Ecclesiâ reformanda & confusa ; that is , in a Church wholly confused & needing reformation ; In the former case , Orthodox·Anti-Erastian Divines will say , there ought to be an antecedaneous judgement of the Curch , or of Ministers , who are the only authoritative and authorized Ministerial Interpreters of the Word : And then the Magistrat doth not give the Instructions , but by his Civil Sanction politically inforceth the observation of Gods Instructions , authoritatively and ministerially held forth by the authorized ministerial Interpreters . The latter case is not our case , unless by this Concession we would grant Power and Liberty to any Magistrate , to overturn the best reformed Church that is , to the end he may order all things in it , as he pleaseth ; which was never understood by the Users of this Distinction . If the Instructions respect only the alterable Peristatica : Either Christ hath given Power to his Church , in these cases , to judge , according to the General Rules of the Word ; or not . No reformed Orthodox Anti-Erastian Divine will say not , and if the former be said ( as it must be said ) Then quo jure ? By what Law can the Church be robbed of this Power ? And by what right can the judgement of this matter be committed , in prima inflantia , at the very first , unto the Magistrat ; or rather wholly and solely unto him ? For thus the Ministers are altogether excluded , when it is said , that the Magistrate can give Instructions in these matters : For the granting of this power unto the Magistrate , will necessarily bring the examination and judgment of Ministers , as to the Acts of the exercise of their function , unto the Civil Court , either wholly , or in the first place at least , contrare to the Orthodox Anti-Erastian Doctrine . I think then , that all , who minded honest and plaine dealing , in this day of tryal , and of witnessing to the truth ; and to that truth , that so neerly conce●ned Christ , as King and Head of the Church , should have consented unto this Assertion , and in plaine termes have told the Councel . That they were to receive no Instructions from the Magistrat , to regulat them in the exercise of their Ministrie . He tels us next , that Some supposed this question was determined , in the Concessions , that were in the Introducto●y part of the paper wherein the Magistrat's power objectively Ecc●esiastical is asserted . Bu● if all those concessions , set down in the Introductory part of the Paper , issued in the clearing of the Magistrates power to be objectively Ecclesiastical , they expressed nothing to weaken the fore-mentioned Clause : For , who will say , that because the Magistrat's power is objectively Ecclesiastical : Therefore he can give Instructions to regulat Ministers , in the exercise of their Ministrie ? It were as good a consequence to say , The Magistrat is keeper of both the Tables of the Law. Ergo he may set down Instructions , Limitations and Rules , shewing when the Law o● God shall oblige as the Law of God , and when not . And to lay , Because he hath the Scriptures for the object of his care : Therefore he may set down Rules how this or that Prophecie , this or that doctrinal Book , or History should be understood and Interpreted . So to say , Because his care reacheth to Doctrine , and he must countenance the preaching of Truth , and discountenance the preaching of Errour . Ergo he may appointe Ministers what to preach , and what not ; and command them to preach of the Seven deadly sinnes , and not of Predestination , as the King said in his Letter to the Archbishop of York And because his power objectively reacheth to the Worship of God : therefore he may do as Ieroboam did . So because Discipline and Government are also the object of his care , therefore he may give Rules and Instructions , how the Chu●ch shall be governed ; that is to say , whether by a Pope , or by Prelates , or by the People , or by Himself and his Under-magistrates . Yea and from this power objectively Ecclesiastical , it may as well be Inferred , that he may regulat Controversies and other debates , handled in Church Assemblies , and prescribe what Arguments pro and what Arguments contra shall be used , what sins shall be so and so Censured , &c. Yea , in a word , we may as well inferre from this objectively Ecclesiastical power , all that is summarily contained , in the Explicatory Act of Supremacy : As that he may give Instructions , to regulat Ministers , in the exercise of their Ministrie . How did this debate issue ? He saith , in end , some made a motion , which , with common consent , so far as could be discerned , was embraced : And what was this ? That the Assertion should be thus qualified , That we would not receive from the Magistrate Instructions , Formally and Intrinsecally Ecclesiastical , to regulat us , &c. Which , in my judgment , was either nothing to the purpose ; or ( which is worse ) was a betraying of the Cause : For either this was understood , in reference to these Rules , which the Councel prescribed in their Act Sept. 2.1672 . or not . If not , what was it to the purpose then in hand ? If it was understood with this reference , then either hereby they meant to justifie and defend their refusing to accept of these Instructions , or to justifie their accepting of them , but not of others . If the former be said , Then ( 1. ) Why was Mr Blair so much condemned , who did but refuse the accepting of these , that had been expressed in the Act , and were then exhibited ? ( 2. ) Why was it not plainly affirmed , that they would not receive these , that the Councel tendered unto them ? ( 3. ) Why was there so much debate in private , about a general Thesis , when the clear assertion of the Hypothesis , would have salved both Credite and Conscience ? If the Assertion was thus qualified , to justifie their accepting of these Rules , then sure , the cause was betrayed : And if they were clear to accept of these Rules , what necessity was there for this general blinde ? If they intended it for a Testimony , was that a fi● season for a Testimonie , when they were resolved to yeeld to all , that was at that time desired , without hinck or scruple ? Further , I suppose it wil be found , that some of these Instructions were indeed formally and intrinsecally Ecclesiastical . And if these were excepted , they should have been particularly mentioned , that all might have been clear ; for in Testimonies we cannot be plaine and clear enough . If they were not clear to embrace these Instructions ; why did they not unanimously agree to tell this in plaine termes ? And if reasons of their refusal had been demanded , ingenuity and plain , dealing had furnished them with reasons sufficient , taken both from the matter of the Rules , the manner of enjoining them , and from the sad consequences of obeying them , beside several other circumstances , not to be despised . When all agreed unto the Assertion thus qualified , and so to the whole Paper that was drawn up , he tels us , there fell out another question , whether that Paper should be made use of , as a Directory , when they should be called to speak , before the Councel , or if it should be subscribed by all , and so given in as their answere , and sense of these Matters ? This was , no doubt , a weighty debate , and such as might have occasioned their breach among themselves : But when the Lord is away , what Light or Counsel can remaine ? Well , what came of this question ? The generality ( he saith ) were indeed for the subscribing of it . Which I confess I would not have been for ; Nor yet for using of it as a Directorie ; for reasons already given . But now the generality being for the subscribing of it , what became of it ? Was it subscribed indeed ? No , saith he ; and thus the Minor part prevailed . But he saith , there were Reasons moving hereunto . And I shall be glade to hear these . The first is , One , who was then withdrawn about some necessary affairs , had declared before , upon reasons ponderous to him , that he was not free in his mind to subscribe any such Paper , at that time . It seemeth strange to me , that the unclearness of one should have proven such an effectual meane to stop the rest , in that , whereabout they had no scruple ; especially when that one did not shew , what his ponderous reasons were . I humbly judge ; the Zeal of God would have determined them another way . But there was good cause for this ; for saith he , They judged it not safe , but prejudicial to the cause , and to unity to break bulk , and Act in a divided way , when all were ready to concurre in the matter , though they differed in the forme and manner : And how inconvenient was it , saith he , that differences about the manner should be seen in publick , when they were one upon the matter ? But what prejudice had come to the cause , if a Testimonie had been given-in to the Councel , unto which all had assented , though it had wanted the subscription of one , who was necessarily absent , when it was subscribed ? Yea , though it had wanted the subscription of one , who was unwilling to subscribe ? In so doing they did not break bulk ; but that one , if ever he had been within the hold , had made the breach , by abandoning his Brethren . Unity and Harmonie is good , I grant ; but I know not , why every man should have a negative voice , in all such matters ; and why nothing should be done by a Company or Society , if but one man dissent . I know no Divine rule for this ; nor will Christian prudence teach it : and I am sure , it is one to an hundered , if ever any thing be done of moment , or hazard , by a company , on these termes . And I much doubt , if , when one onely Person , yea or two are refractory , all the rest of that Society should think themselves exonered in Conscience , to forbear a duty , clearly called for . The forme and manner here was ( I judge ) a material thing ; and who were not clear , as to it , could not be very clear as to the matter . There was another reason of this forbearance , Had they ( saith he 2. ) been free to subscribe Papers , at that time ; yet they could not look on that Paper , as it was hastily and crudely patched up , as beseeming so many Ministers of the Gospel , to give-in to the State ; as their mature and formed thoughts . In thesi I grant , it is good , that no man should subscribe a Paper , with which he is not satisfied ; and I think , it is exception relevant enough against the subscribing of a Paper , called or looking like a Testimony , when it is not plaine nor full enough , even though what is said be otherwise not reproachable . But as to this Paper , I think , this reason of his very strange , when he told us before , that the generality was for subscribing of it , as it was rude , hasty and raw . Whence came this change ? Second thoughts , it seemeth , have taken place . But in soberness , I cannot but think strange , that so many able Ministers of the Gospel could not , after so many dayes debate , give their formed and mature thoughts of a Business , in which every Minister of the Gospel , and Servant of Christ was obliged to be ready alwayes to give , upon less , than a few houres warning , yea at the first demand , an account of his Faith ; especially in this Controversie , wherein all were called to be most clear ; and they especially , who could not but know , that their silence , as to bearing Testimonie to the Truth , at their first receiving the Indulgence , had given such offence : for my part , though I cannot judge of the Paper , having never seen it , and though I see not , how all he saith of it can prove it raw and indigested , considering the account he gave of it before : Yet because of that one clause , he tels me was in it , and universally assented unto , I am as glade it was not subscribed and given-in , as he was ; and upon that account do judge , it was unfit to to be a standing thing ( as he speaketh ) for friends and foes , at home and abroad , to descant upon . Onely I wonder how this Consideration could prevail with them , rather to commit the expressing of the matter unto their chosen Mouth ; seing words spoken are more liable to Mis-constructions , and Mis-representations , and other Mistakes ; than words set down in write ; and it was one to to an hundered if that one Brother , their Mouth , should so happily , in a set discourse , hit upon the very expressions , that were onely accomodat to declare all their mindes ; or if that Brother could have expressed the matter , in more lively , masculine , digested and significant Expressions , why might he not have been at so much paines , as to have set these down in write , and then the Paper , being no more raw and indigested , might have been subscribed and given in ? But the plaine Truth is , litera scripta manet : And it was to be feared , that a written Paper would have provoked the Councel , more than a transient and volant Expression , in a running discourse , buried under an heap of words , and so not fully understood , could have done . Finally , I would tell him , That an honest , well meaning , and plaine Testimonie , though not set off with the paint of Words , and Expressions , having all their amiable cadencies and flowrs of Rhetorick , would go far with honest well meaning Friends , both at home and abroad , and have been very acceptable ; yea and more convincing unto Enemies , whether at home or abroad , whose angrie descanting upon it would have been a further Confirmation of its honesty and validity . There is yet a Third Reason given , which is something long . There being ( saith he ) such a clashing among Ministers and People , some being for an utter refusal of any benfite of the late liberty ; and others being free to make use of it , having given a Testimonie in their Station ; and that Paper relating only to these Instructions , and not to the whole cause , they could not but foresee , that the giving-in of that Paper would have been looked upon , as a Testimonie ; and therefore being so defective , relating only to these Instructions , and not speaking to other cases , it would raise greater debates , and heighten differences ; and this they were confirmed in , when a Brother , coming-in among them , told them expresly , their Testimonie ( as it was called ) was defective , and would do more hurt , than good , except it were fuller : yea certified we were upon good grounds , that if that Paper had been given-in , more tongues and pens would have been awaked , and set on work against it , than now are against the forbearing of it . In which case , albeit I could heartily have wished a full , free general , unanimous Testimonie were given-in ; yet I cannot see , how their prudence can be blamed for forbearing that , which would certainly have ministred fewel to the fire , which is like ( if mercy prevent it no ) to consume this poor Church , and may perhaps burn their fingers , who are so eager to kindle and blow at it . Not to insist nere on enquiring who were those , who were free to make use of that , ( which he calleth Liberty ) having given a Testimony ? And what was that Testimony , and when and in what Station , was it given by such , as were free to make use of it ? Nor on showing how Improbable it was , that such as could not agree on a Paper , relating only to these Instructions , could agree to a more full Paper : I would only say ( 1. ) Matters being so , as he here saith , could they not also foresee , that the Words , uttered by their Mouth , following this Directory , would be also looked upon , as a Testimonie ; and that that Testimonie , relating only to the Instructions , would have been judged defective ; and so occasione new Differences ? ( 2. ) If the Paper was defective ( as very like it was ) why was it not helped ? Why was the matter made worse , by giving-in no Paper at all , but committing the matter to the uncertain Expressions of one of their number ? Could this more prevent the trouble of Tongues and Pens both ? ( 3. ) If he commend their Prudence for not ministering Fewel to the fire , he cannot approve them , for casting in Oyle ; for certainly the Course which they took , did contribute more to the burning fire , than that course could have done , which they did forbear . ( 4. Woe to them , that first kindled that fire , which is like to consume that poor Church ; and to them also , who Administer fewel thereunto ; but let some laboure , as they will , to free themselves of this , It shall , I fear , lye at their doors . But now , when all thoughts of subscribing that Paper were laid aside , what course was taken ? It was resolved ( saith he ) that one should be mouth to the rest , to speak their sense of these Impositions , in case they were to be intimate to them : And that this one was Mr. H. and that he was to hold him to the matter , agreed-on in the Paper . Though I could rather have been satisfied , that a full and faithful Paper , subscribed by all , had been given in , than that this course had been taken ; yet , to wave reports of some circumstances , that then went abroad , I think it was requisite , that they had particularly condescended upon the fit season , when their Mouth should have uttered their mind ; and I cannot be of this Authors mind , who thinketh , that he was not bound to speak in that affaire , until he was called upon by the Councel ; which might have been , for any thing I know , after all and every one of them had been put to speak their own mind , in particular , or say nothing , which the Council could not but take for a compliance . Yet he giveth this reason . That the time not being determined by his Brethren , he was to be ruled by Prudence , which dictated his own being called-upon ( whensoever it might be ) to be Gods opportunity season and call , to speak what he had to say : The thing also it self , and the usual practice in like cases saith , it was the most fit time to speak to the cause , when all had been gone thorow , and then when he had spoken his light in the matter , the Brethren ( as he willed them to do , when they named him ) might adde , diminis● , or alter , as they thought fit . This is a wonderful thing , that one should be appointed to speak the sense of the rest of certaine Impositions , or Injunctions , in case they were intimate ; & yet that prudence should not teach him to speak , when the Intimation was first made : Was not his speech to be in reference to these Impositions ? Was not his speech to be ( at least ) a virtual Protestation , Apologie or Insinuation of Reasons , why they could not in conscience accept of these Impositions ? or an Explication and declaration of the sense , in which they were clear to accept of them ? And if so , doth not Nature & Common sense teach , that the onely season for this had been , when the first offer of these Injunctions was made ; and that it was a manifest loseing of the opportunity , to delay , till after the Instructions had been tendered , & accepted by severals of the Brethren ? did not the accepting of the Paper , containing these Instructions , virtually ( at least ) if not formally say , that they submitted thereunto , and were satisfied therewith ? And then , what could their giving of a sense afterward import ? Neither the thing it self ( as every one knoweth ) nor any ( set be the usual ) practice , in such like cases , saith , that it was the fittest time to speak , when all had been gone thorow . Had he been only to speak his own judgement , in the matter , he might have forborn , until the offer had come to his own door ; but being appointed mouth to the rest , and to speak the sense of all the rest , when these Impositions were offered , his delaying until some , yea till many , had received the Impositions and Rules in write ; was really a crushing of what Testimony was intended by his speaking in their names : And what could the Council judge otherwayes , than that the mouth , that spoke , was not their publick mouth , having been so long silent ; but his own , speaking only when it came to his own turne ? And if what that mouth spoke had been dissatisfying to the Council , and contradictory to their sense and meaning , might they not have judged the silence of such as went before , and had received the Injunctions , a plaine homologating with their Meaning and Intention ? & that their Mouth 's speaking had discovered them not to be all of one minde ? This is concerning what passed among these Brethren , in private , before they compeared , according to the order of the Council . We would know , what was their deportment , when they compeared : And our Info●mer tels us , that when they compeared , the sentence of the Council for not-preaching May 29. was read unto them . After which , we are told , that Mr H. addressing his speech to my L. Chancel . did declare , That his Brethren and he did very cheerfully submit to any out ward prejudice they might sustaine , in following their light , yet humbly desiring that the true state in their case might be remembered by their LL. And that they were brought under that sentence , not upon account of any disloyalty to Authority ; but upon a scruple of conscience , concerning that particular way of expressing it . Of which I shall not now speak ( having spoken to this matter before ) and it doth not concerne our present business : only it is obvious , that more , yea much more , might and should have been said . It is more to our present purpose , to notice what was further said . With all ( saith he ) not knowing , whether these Instructions were to be presented , but rather to obviat them , Mr. H. added another desire , That their LL. would be pleased not to burthen them with Impositions , in the matter of their Ministrie , wherein they were the Servants of Christ , and they being men , who demeaned themselves , as became loyal Subjects . Here is my former remarke confirmed ; for prudence taught , we see , this their Mouth , to speak something to the matter , even though as yet the Impositions were not presented , and offered to them . Moreover , this desire doth import , either that he and the rest were unclear to submit unto Impositions , in the matter of their Ministrie , because of their being the Servants of Christ ; or that , though they looked on these Impositions as burthens , and so wished to be free of the yoke ; yet being imposed they would submit unto them , as to an outward prejudice , which they behooved to sustaine ; as he spoke before in reference to the sentence , read against them . If this later was his meaning , it is past doubt , that the Cause was betrayed , and his mouth stopped from giving that Declaration or Testimonie , in all their names , which he was ordered by them to give . If the former was his meaning , as I am apt to think ; why were the Brethren so offended with what Mr Blair said hereafter ? ( as we shall hear they were ) was it because Mr Blair's words were too too plaine and distinct ? Sure , Christianity will tell us , that Testimonies cannot be plaine enough . Upon this he tels us , they were ( as they thought ) dismissed . But the L Chancel . forthwith called them againe , as they were turning their faces towards the door , and told them , that seing some of their number had said , these Papers viz. the Papers containing the Instructions ) were not given them , the Clerck was to give every one of them a Copie , which accordingly he went about to do . May not every body now think strange , that prudence did not now teach thei● mouth , to express what he had to utter in their names , when all of them were thus spoken to in Common , and particular mention was made of that Paper of Instructions , which before , when no mention was made thereof , he laboured to obviat & prevent the giving of ? When their faces are now againe turned towards the Councel , the Clerk went about to deliver each the paper of Instructions , and we are told that they had been delivered to the one halfe or more of the Brethren , even to all cited out of Clidsdale , Renfrow , and some of Kyll before they came to Mr A. Blair . And our Informer tels us , he beleeveth there were few or none of these behind , that resolved to speak any thing till Mr H. who was not called upon yet , should beginne , ( as they had agreed upon , Mr A. Blair consenting thereto , as well as the rest ) if Mr Blair's speaking had not drawn some of them , who had been spoken to before , and others , as they were called thereto thereafter , to speake somewhat : But all stood still in one body , waiting till it should come to Mr H. who was to be their common Mouth , to speak their mind , and they to homologat , adde , or alter , as they should think fit . This is our Informers relation of the business , and I shall not question the truth thereof , but come and see what he saith of Mr A. Blair and his discourse , which ( as would seem ) broke the intended method and order . As for his Reverend Brother Mr A. Blair's speaking , he saith , as I hope in Charitie , his motive was zeal and forwardness ; so I wish heartily it had been forborn till its season ; for hinc illae Lachrimae ; and the rather I wish he had not first filled the field ; because that lax assertion ( of which before ) of receiving no Instructions from the Magistrate &c. ( albeit it had been limited and qualified by Common consent ; Yet ) he I know not how repeated it to the Chancellour , in terminis , telling , That he would not receive Instructions from them , for regulating him , in the exercise of his Ministrie ; and added this reason , That if he did so be should not be Christs Ambassadour , but theirs . To which I shall only desire to say . That I am of the minde , that as true Zeal and Conscience of duty moved M. A. Blair , to say what he said ; so the same should have moved all of them , to have said the like , or more . And I cannot but think strange , that this Informer thinketh it was not seasonable for Mr Blair to speak , when the trial came to his own door ; and that notwithstanding their Common mouth had been so long silent , and neglected his opportunity : Our Informer told us lately , that it was seasonable for Mr H. to speak , when it came to his turne : and was it not as seasonable for M. B. to speak , when it came to his turne ? As for his calling Mr Blairs Assertion , lax ; I shall passe it , having sufficiently shown above , how consonant it was to truth , and how groundless all the exceptions were , that were taken at it , so far as I could conjecture . And I wish himself had hinted ( at least ) some one ground or other , whereupon he judged it lax . And what difference , I pray , was there upon the matter , betwixt Mr H's requesting , that they might not be burthened with impositions in the matter of their Ministery . And Mr B's saying , that he would not receive Instructions from them , for regulating him in the exercise of his Ministrie . Mr H's expressions wanted the limitation , that they had all agreed upon , to wit , formally and intrinsecally Ecclesiastical , as well as Mr B's ; and no man will say , that the word , Impositions , do more import Instructions formally and intrinsecally Ecclesiastical , than the word , Instructions : Nor is there any such difference betwixt these words , in the exercise of the Ministery , which were Mr B's words ; and these words , in the mattter of the Ministrie , which were Mr H's words , as to make the one discourse Lax , and the other acurate . Nay , I am ready to say , that Mr B's Assertion was both more congruous to the truth and to good sense , than the words of the other . And finally , This Informer is not well satisfied with the Reason , which Mr B. added ; and yet the same was insinuat , in Mr H's discourse , in these words , wherein they were the servants of Christ ; for these words did either containe a reason , why their L L. should not burden them with Impositions ; or they sounded forth nothing but non-sense ; as every understanding Reader will see . Yet this reason is made the ground of a great out-cry , for he addeth , which reason , if it do not al 's strongly militate against Ministers receiving of Instructions and Rules ( for the prescriptions in that Paper go by these names ) from Church-judicatories as well , as from the Civil , and strick equally at the Diatactick power of both , I leave to you to judge ; And then to make all strong , the matter is cast into a Syllogisme , but with this mishap , that it is made up of four termes , contrary to the law of Syllogismes . But this is but trivial . It is more to the purpose to say , that this same absur●ity will follow upon what Mr H. spoke , ( unless he pleaseth rather to let it passe under the notion of Non-sence ) and therefore what ever way he shall think to salve Mr H's credite , wes hall by the same way salve Mr B's . Though this might satisfie : Yet I shall tell him , that it is far worse for him , by his discourse here , to grant unto the Civil Magistrate a Diatactick power , in matters ecclesiastical● , in such an illiminated and unqualified manner , as he doth , when he talks of the Diatactick power of both : for this is a manifest homologating the Supremacy , as lately explained by the Patlia . But for vindication of Mr. B. he would know , that he was speaking only of Instructions coming from Magistrates , acting by their Magistratical and Architectonick power ; and not of all Instructions coming from any what somever beside Christ ; and his reason was against the receiving of Instructions from Magistrates , as such , to regulat him , in the exercise of his Ministerie ; and did not militate against receiving of Instructions from Church judicatories . For clearing of this , and for his instruction , I shall tell him first . What Instructions Ministers or Church-judicatories give , they give them by a Ministerial Power , explaining , applying and authoritativly declaring , what are the Impositions , Rules , and Instructions of Christ ; so that they are but as Heralds and Messengers , Proclaming and declaring , with a Ministerial Authority , the mind of Christ : and therefore the receiving of such is but the receiving of the Instructions and Impositions of Christ , sent and delivered by Christ mediatly by such , as stand in a right line of subordination to Him , as sole Head and King of his Mediatory Kingdom , and act onely as in that relation and subordination . But on the other hand , as Magistrates , as such , are not Ministers of Christ , as Head of his Mediatory Kingdom ; so nor do they act , in giving out Lawes and Instructions , as Christs Heralds and Ministers , ministerially explaining and applying the Rules and Instructions of Christ : Nor do they press these Instructions , as Christ's Instructions , nor in his Name and Authority ; but as in all other things , so here , they act with an Autocratorical and Architecctonick power : So that , when they give Instructions to Ministers , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie , they do it by their Magistraticall and Architectonick power , by which they do all other Magistratical Acts. Hence is it , that such as receive Instructions , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie , from Magistrates , do acknowledge this Magisterial and Architectonick power in Church-matters , to be competent to the Magistrate , as such ; and themselves to be formal Ambassadours and Servants of the Magistrate : for , who receive Instructions from one , acting Magisterially and Architectonically , in Church-matters , do owne themselves as his Servants : which cannot be said of such , as receive Instructions from Church-judicatories , which act but ministerially ; and thereby formally declare , that the Architectonick and Autocratorical power , over Church-matters , agreeth alone to Christ , whose servants they declare themselves to be , in that very act of holding forth these Instructions , as the Instructions of Christ , and that in His name . This is one maine difference . Hence Secondly , Ministers receiving Instructions , for regulating them in the exercise of their Ministrie , from Magistrates , acting like themselves , Magisterially and Architectonically , do ( if not formally , yet at least ) virtually deny Christ to be the only Head and Lawgiver of his Church Acting and Ruling with a supream power : for this Architectonick and Supream power , in the Church , is competent to Christ only ; and he hath substituted none , as his Vicar-general , neither Prince ; not Prelat , Pope nor other : As were easie to evince , if needful : And so there is but one Architectonick Supream Magisterial Power in the Church ; and if this be attributed to the Magistrate , Christ is put from his Right : And so such Ministers , as by receiving Instructions from Magistrates , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie , do attribute this Power to the Magistrate , must of necessity take and have their Commission from Magistrates , and become their Ambassadours , and not Christs ; because by this deed , as they spoile Christ of his Prerogative and Crown , attributing that unto Magistrates , which is proper to Him ; so they acknowledg their Dependance on , and Subordination to Magistrats , and not upon and to Christ. But nothing of this kind can follow upon receiving of Instructions from Church-Judicatories , acting as Christs Servants ; and , in the very way and manner of their Acting , declaring Christ to be the Sole Head and Supream Governour of his Church : For , as the Church-Judicatories act but Ministerially , so the receiver of Instructions from them , can owne no other Power in them ; because they receive these Instructions from them , as authorized of Christ , with power Ministerially to declare his mind and will. And this is a Second Difference , which leadeth me to a Third , which is this , Christ hath never appointed Magistrates , as such , to Act under him , after such a manner , in the regulation of his Church and Mediatory Kingdom ; as he hath appointed Ministers and Church-Judicatories . Now , to receive Instructions from an Usurper , is to acknowledge the power of the Usurper , & a dependance upon him , as his Servant : And therefore , as a King will not owne that man , as his Ambassadour , who taketh his Instructions from an Usurper : So nor can that Man formally look upon himself , as the Kings Ambassadour ; but as the Ambassadour of that Usurper . But when one taketh Instructions from the Councel , acting in subordination to the King , and clearing his mind by vertue of his Commission , impowering them thereunto , he is truely the Kings Ambassadour , though the Council did immediatly give him his Instructions : So a Minister , receiving his Instructions immediatly from Church-Judicatories , is nevertheless the Ambassadour of Christ ; for the Church-Judicatory acteth in subordination to Christ , and only cleareth up his mind , by vertue of his Commission , impowering them thereunto . Thus I have manifested the Invalidity of this Informers Argument ; and withal shown that Mr. B. had good ground to say what he said , and to reject these Instructions , upon that very ground , that if he had accepted of them , he should have acknowledged himself not Christs , but their Ambassadour ; and withal have shown , that the Indulged Ministers , in receiving these Instructions , have declared themselves not to be the Servants & Ambassadours of Christ , but of the Magistrates ; & therefore can be owned as no other . Our informer tels us , in the next place , That there were some speeches , betwixt My L. Chanc. and Mr B● . and that Mr B. did not deny that the Council might confine him , when the Chanc. asked that at him . And this being one of the Rules , our Informer supposeth , that hereby he overturned his own universal negative . Wherein he is no less mistaken , than he was in his last reasoning ; for though it be true , that the Council did confine them to these places , ( which , among other things , as then circumstantiat , might have moved them to have refused that Indulgence , they being thereby declared no more free Subjects , and unworthie of the Common Privilege of all Free Subjects ; and so actually under the Scandal of Disloyal and Censured Persons , which , as it was a Reproach to the Ministrie ; so it could not but expose them to Contempt , and make their Office vile , in the eyes of the World , and their paines fruitless , when their Ministrie was made contemptible : And if there was some further Designe in this obvious , it was so much the more worthie of their Consideration . ) Yet it is as true , that this Confinement was properly and directly of their Persons ; and cannot , in any propriety of speech , be called a regulating of them in the exercise of the Ministrie . The Ministers Body and his Ministrie is not one and the same thing . It is true , by confineing of the Minister to such a particular place , the exercise of the Ministrie is consequently confined : But hence it will no more follow , that the Magistrate may give Injunctions , to regulat Ministers in the exercise of their Ministrie ; than it will follow , that he may depose a Minister from his Ministrie , because , when he condemneth him to death , and accordingly causeth the Sentence to be execute , or keepeth him in closs and perpetual prison , he doth consequentially put him from the exercise of his Ministrie . Yet he cannot but know , that this Consequence is naught , and that a Physical restraint and a Moral Restraint or Limitation much differ . When Mr B. upon this honest Testimonie and Declaration , was committed to a Macer to be carried to prison , the Informer tels us . That the Brethren , being surprized , with his speaking unexpectedly ( besides the Common agreement ) and with the Asser●ion that dropped from him and affected with the Apprehension of the Issue , began to be much Afflicted in their Spirits But why were they not also surprized with Mr H's speaking unexpectedly , besides the Common agreement ; for the Common agreement was not , that he should say any thing in reference to the Instructions , before the Councel had made any motion there about ? And why were they not also surprized with the Assertion that dropped from him , seing , as is shown , it was the same upon the matter , with what Mr. B. said , unless we think he meant it in a most corrupt sense ? After this he tels us , that upon Mr B. his commitment to the Macer one Minister told My L. Chanc. that he beleeved diverse Ministers of that Company were , upon the matter of Mr B's judgment , whereof himself was one : And another declared , that one of these Rules did bring Ministers into direct Subjection to Prelacie , contrary to their Principles . Whereby I see , that the Consternation and Affliction of Spirit , was not so universal , as he did just now hinte : and that all were not of a Contrary judgment to Mr B. and that the agreement to the forementioned limited Clause , was not so unanimous and cordial , as he would have made us beleeve : But passing these smaller matters , let us hear what followed . He addeth , Mr H. also , though his time was not come to speak , yet stepped in with them , to see what he could do to remove mistakes . Whereby I see , that even he was at length forced to transgress the Rules of Prudence , and to anticipate even God's Opportunity , Season and Call ( as this Informer supposeth ; ) and to crosse the Usual Practice in all such like cases , that is , to speak before his own turn came . I suppose , if Mr H. had spoken what he was obliged to speak , in Gods true Season and Opportunity , that is , when the first motion was made of delivering to them these Rules , he had prevented much of this mistake , and also Mr B's suffering . What were these mistakes , that Mr H. stepped now in , before the time , to remove ? Were they betwixt his Brethren ? Or betwixt the Councel and such of his B●ethren , as spoke ? And what were these mistakes ? Whatever and betwixt whomsoever they were , if he stepped-in to remove them , that which he said must be looked upon , as having a tendency to the removing of these mistakes ; and therefore we must suppose , that his Discourse tended either to rectifie Mr B. and such as were of his judgment , or to rectifie the Council , tha● had committed Mr B. to the Macer . If the Former , then in his judgment , Mr. B. and the rest , were not to be owned and approved in what they said , being in a mistake : If the Latter , his discourse should have tended to have vindicated Mr B. and to have shown the iniquity of what the Council had done : But it may be , it was of a mixed Nature , tending partly to Approve , and partly to Condemne both . Let us heare what it was he said . Our Informer tels us , He spoke according to the tenor of the Paper agreed upon , to this purpose , He humbly desired their L L. not to misunderstand his Brother Mr A. B ▪ for as for Rules intrinsecally Ecclesiasticall ( the other terme Formally was forgotten , through occasion of the present jumble , as our Informer supposeth ) For regulating Ministers in the exercise of their Ministrie ; he hoped their L L. Intended not to make and impose any such upon them , who were the Servants of Christ , in these matters . But for the Magistrates Power objectivly Ecclesiastical whereby they might judge of Matters of Religion , in order to their own Act , whether they would approve or discountenance such a way , he knew no Reformed Divine , that did deny it unto them . And judging that was his Brothers ( i. e. Mr Blair's ) sense , in what he spoke , did againe desire , he might not be mistaken . Now if we look on these Words , as they are here set down , we must take them either as an Apologie for , or as a Defence of Mr B. or as Explicatory of his Assertion ; and what way soever we take them , I cannot but observe their uselesness : For when he speaks of Rules Intrinsecally ( let us add Formally , though that was then omitted ) Ecclesiastical &c. he must mean either the Rules , which were then offered to Mr B. and the rest ; or some other : If some other , then he could not desire their L L. not to misunderstand Mr B. for Mr B. meant and spoke of the Rules , which were tendered unto him , and which he neither could in conscience , nor would accept of : Nor could he then be supposed to be speaking any thing in favours of Mr B. whether by way of Apologie , , Defence , or Explication : If he meant the same Rules , that were then tendered , Then ( 1. ) he must grant , that these were Intrinse●ally and Formally Ecclesiastical ; and so such , as the Magistrat might not make , nor impose upon the Servants of Christ , and that because they were the Servants of Christ , in these matters : And so consequentially , his Words confirme Mr B's Argument , which this Informer ( as we heard lately ) judged most absurd . ( 2. ) if he meaned the same Rules , why was the matter expressed in such general and not obviously intelligible Termes ? Every one doth not understand what the Termes Formally and Intrinsecally meane , in this Business , which is abou● Rules , to regulat Ministers , in the Exercise of their Ministrie . And the mentioning of these Termes , Intrinsecally and Formally , here , would say , that there were other Rules Extrinsecally and Materially Ecclesiastick , which the Magistrates might impose , and they might receive , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie : Now I would gladly know , what these are ? Will the Confinement , or Imprisonment of a Ministers Person , go under that Name ? Or will Rules made , concerning the length of time , which a Minister is to spend , in the exercise of this or that Act of his Ministrie , or the like , be accounted such ? The first is wholly Political , and no more Ecclesiastical , than any other thing , which immediatly concerns a Ministers Person , as his Hat , Books and Cloathes , and the like . The Latter , as they partake more of the Nature of Ecclesiastical Rules , being more formally , and more neerly related unto the exercise of the Ministrie , but yet only in so far , as they belong to publick Actions ; so it is a question , if Magistrates may either solely , or in Prima Instantia , prescribe such Rules unto Ministers . However this being , at best , but dubious , and the other so clearly Political ; and it being ( to me at least ) very uncertaine , what Rules these are , which may be called Externally and Materially Ecclesiastical &c. I could have wished , that some Instances hereof had been given ; that so not only , it might have been known , what Rules were not Formally and Intrinsecally Ecclesiastick ; but also it might have been better understood , what Ecclesiastical Rules were Formally and Intrinsecally such . ( 2. ) The other part of the discourse , concerning the Magistrats power objectively Ecclesiastical , is as useless for any thing I can perceive , either for clearing of Mr B. or of his discourse : for . ( 1. ) There was nothing in Mr B's discourse , giving the least hint of his denying that power to the Magistrate , which all Orthodox Anti-Erastian Divines grant ; For the denying to the Magistrate a power of giving Instructions , for regulating of Ministers , in the exercise of their Ministrie , hath no affinitie with this ; as all know , who know any thing of these Controversies . Nor ( 2. ) doth this piece of the discourse , in any manner of way clear , in what sense Magistrates may give Instructions to Ministers , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie , and Ministers may receive them ; and in what sense not . These two questions are so far distinct , that I cannot imagine to what purpose this discourse was brought in ; or what it was that gave the least occasion thereunto . But as to this maine Business , I would further enquire , whether the Brethren do judge , the matter of giving these Instructions , about which the debate did arise , did belong to the first part of the discourse ; and so to be Intrinsecally & Formally Ecclesiastical ; or to the later part ; and so belong to that power of the Magistrate , which is Objectively Ecclesiastical , whereby they judge of the matters of Religion , in order to their own Act , whether they will Approve , or Discountenance such a way ? This question must be judged necessary , unless that whole discourse be accounted Unnecessary and Impertinent . If the former be said , then why was any troubled at Mr B 's refusing to receive these Instructions ? Why were not those condemned , who had received them ? Why did not such as had received them cast them back againe ? How came it that all of them did not unanimously agree in this Testimonie ? Or how came it , that their Common Mouth did not speak what was the Common opinion of all ? Why was it not more distinctly and in fewer words said , That they could not receive these Instructions , as being Rules Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical , regulating them , who were the servants of Christ , in these matters . If the Latter be said , Then was not only Mr B 's both Practice and Discourse condemned ; but the whole cause was basely betrayed ; because under the pretext of the Magistrates power Objectively Ecclesiastical , that which is as Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical , as many other , at least , are , was granted to the Magistrate . Will the Magistrat's power to act as a Man , and not as a Brute , in his Magistratical work , about an Ecclesiastical Object ; that is , his power to judge by the judgment of discretion , which is Common to all the members of the Church , yea , to all men , as Men ; which Papists deny unto Magistrates , allowing them only to see with the Churches eyes , but Protestants grant unto them : Will , I say , this power warrand him , to give Instructions , and set down Rules , for regulating the exercise of the Ministrie ? Yea , or will his Authoritative Judgment , in matters of Religion ; that is , his sentence of Approving or not Approving ; of Tolerating , or not Tolerating in his Dominions ; of Countenancing or not Countenancing by his civil Lawes , such a Way or Profession of Religion , warrand him also to set Rules to the very exercise of the Ministrie ? By what argument shall this consequence be proved ; seing ( 1. ) In the one case , he judgeth of Religion , only in order to his own Act ; but when he prescribeth Instructions , Rules and Orders , he judgeth of Religion , or of that part of Religion , concerning which the Instructions are , in order to it self , and the Intrinsick manner of its Administration ( 2. ) In the one , his judgment is purely Political and Civil , in the other case it is really Ecclesiastical . ( 3 ) In the one case , his judgment is Objectively onely to be called or accounted Ecclesiastical ; but in the other , it is Formally & Elecitely Ecclesiastical . ( 4. ) In the one case , he acteth as a Magistrate , considering the outward Good , Quiet and Advantage of the Commonwealth ; In the other , he acteth as a Church-Officer or Head , considering the Intrinsick Nature , & Spiritual Ends of that part of Religion . ( 5. ) In the one , he acteth in subordination to God , as Supream Governour of the World ; but in the other , he acteth , as in a right line of subordination to Christ , the Supream Head and Governour of his Church , and Institutor of all the Administrations and Ordinances , dispensed in the Church , and sole Appointer of the Qualifications of the Officers , and Rules of Administration : Or rather , if he act as a Magistrate , in this last , he Acts by an Architectonical power , and so as an Usurper , or by a power , which is only proper to Christ ; or if he be said to Act ministerially , than also as an Usurper , because never impowered thereunto by Christ , the Supream King , and Head of the Church . If we look upon this discourse of Mr. H. as a Testimonie , ( and so it may be it was intended ) or as a Declaration of the Judgement of the Ministers , concerning the Magistrat's jus , or Right , to impose Instructions or Rules on Ministers , for regulating them , in the exercise of their Ministrie ; and concerning Ministers their call and warrant to receive or refuse such Instructions ; I cannot but observe ( 1. ) That it is very defective and short of a faire and full Testimonie , against the Practice of such , who were known to have invaded the Rights of the Church ; yea and the Prerogatives of Christ , as sole Head and King of his Church ; and , in prosecution of this designe of invading the same more , to have devised this medium of the Indulgence ( 2. ) That it is not a plaine and full Testimonie against the present Act of Usurpation , whereby a power was assumed to judge in matters Ecclesiastical , Intrinsecally and Formally such ; Yea , and to performe Elicite and Formal Church-Acts , either Ministerially , as Ministers of Christ , clothed with Ministerial Church-power from him , which cannot be Instructed , nor doth it compete to a Magistrat , acting as such ; or rather Magisterially , as Supream Governours in the Church , and Appointers of Qualifications , Rules , and Manner of Administration of Spiritual Institutions . ( 3. ) That it was not a full and plaine Vindication of the Doctrine of the Church of Scotland ; Nor an Assertion thereof , according to former Vowes , Covenants and Solemne Engagments . 4. That it was not candide and ingenuous , nor pertinent to the purpose in hand , as it should have been , by holding forth the Iniquity of such Impositions . ( 5. ) That it was conceived in such General and Scholastick termes , that neither they , to whom it was spoken , could well understand what was the drift thereof ; nor others conceive what was yeelded , or denied , in the then present case ; yea , did not some of the Council say plainly , they did not understand it ? ( 6. ) That it contained desingenuous Insinuations and unfaire Reflections on honest and worthy Mr A. B. and a tacite Condemning ( at least in part ) of his Plaine and Honest Testimony ; as if it had contained something , either as to the matter , or expression , unjustifiable ; or , at least , liable to exceptions . ( 7. ) That it contained ( at least ) as worded , a designe too obvious of humoring and pleasing the Magistrates , while actually stated in , and prosecuting an opposition to Christs Supremacie , and to the Right and Power , granted to the Church-Office-Bearers . ( 8. ) That as it speaketh not home to the point ; so it is not clear in it self ; opposing unto Giving and Imposing of Rules , Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical , a power only Objectively Ecclesiastical , whereby the Magistrate judgeth of the matters of Religion , in order to his own Act of approving or disapproving of such a way ; and nothing else : And so either accounting all things to be Rules Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical , which is not a meer judging in order to the Magistrates own Act ; or , on the other hand , accounting all things , in and about Religion , to belong to that power , which is Objectively only Ecclesiastical , and so to be no less competent to the Magistrate , than is that Judgment of discretion , whereby he judgeth , in reference to his own act of Countenancing or Discountenancing such a way , which are not real prescribing of Rules , Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical : And thus either giving the Magistrate too little , or else too much . He tels us of another , that spoke before it came to Mr H's turn ; and that this Person told , He could not receive Ecclesiastical Canones from their L L. but as for civil significations of their pleasure , under the hazard of civil penalties , he could say nothing to that ; & that another did homologate this speech . But under favoure , this is secundum artem violatilizare densa & densare volatilia ; a pretty whim wham good for nothing . On a serious solid zealous Minister should have been ashamed , to have substitute such Whity Whaties , in the place of a plain Testimony , clearly called for in the case . But these two Persons not onely brake their own Order , and might have occasioned some Consternation to the rest , as well as Mr B 's speaking did , but also spoke indeed nothing to the purpose ; and might as well have been silent , For ( 1. ) By this Distinction ( little better than a mental reservation ) they might have scrupled at nothing , that theMagistrate might attempt to prescribe , in Church-Matters ; no , nor at his giving Rules Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical ; for these might also passe under the Notion of Civil Significations of their pleasure &c. and thus contradict Mr H. their Common Mouth , and the Paper also , to which they had unanimously agreed : For , can they say , that the Magistrate giveth , or can give a Civll Signification of his will , onely when he judgeth in order to his own Act of Approving or Disapproving such a way : and so exerteth that Power of his , which is only Objectivly Ecclesiastical ; and not also in many other Acts , meerly Ecclesiastical , even Formally and Intrinsecally ? Or can they say , that all the Intrinsecalness and Formality , in Matters Ecclesiastical , consisteth in their being done by Church-Officers , acting in a Church-Judicatory ; and that ●here is no Act , which in it self can be called Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastical ; but that the sole ground of that Denomination , is their being performed by Men , in Church-office ; and so the very Act of Preaching and of Administrating of Sacraments , might be done by the Magistrate , as Civil Significations of his pleasure , being not Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastick , but when done by Church-O●ficers : And thus all the Ecclesiastickness of Actions , which are Intrinsecally and Formally such , floweth from , and dependeth upon the Ecclesiasticalness of the Agents . Whence it will follow , that all , which such Ecclesiastical Persons do , must be Intrinsecally and Formally Ecclesiastick ; and so their judging Civil matters , condemning Malefactors &c. ( not to speak of other actions ) should be actions Formally and Intrinsecally Ecclesiastical , Ergo it is competent only to Church-Officers . And on the contrary , this should be a good Argument . This man is an Ecclesiastick Person ; therefore the Action , which he doth , must be Formally and Intrinsecally Ecclesiastick . And , as by this meanes , there should be no Cause , or Action , Formally and Intrinsecally Ecclesiastical , in it self ; so there should be no Cause , or Action , Intrinsecally and Formally Civil in it self , but that onely which is done by the Civil Magistrate : And this consequence were good ; This is done by a Civil Magistrate . Ergo it is Formally and Intrinsecally Civil ; and this should be a bad consequence , This is an action Formally and Intrinsecally Civil Ergo it is to be done by the Civil Magistrate onely ( 2. ) This answere of these two Brethren must either Homologate what Mr H. said ; or be dissonant therefrom : If Dissonant , then they did not keep to the Paper , which they had owned , as Mr H. did Then also Mr H. in his discourse spoke not truth ; for I suppose , these two will think , they spoke right ; and then either the Paper , that was agreed on , was not right , or Mr H. spoke not according to it ; for I also suppose , that these two will say , they spoke nothing disagreeing with their Paper . If their answere did Homologate Mr. H's discourse , then what necessitie was there for it : And why used they other expressions , if they had a mind to speak : And it would seem , that all that Mr H. said , was this and no more : Mr B. and we must be excused , if we look not upon the Council as a Church-Judicatory , making Ecclesiastical Canons ; but only as a Civil Court , emitting Civil significations of their pleasure , under the hazard of Civil penalties . ( 3. ) This answer seemeth to me a more plaine giving up of the Cause , than all which Mr H. said ; for it is no other in effect , than this ; Let the Magistrates enjoine what they please , we need not scruple , upon the account of any encroachment made upon the Prerogatives of Christ , or Privileges of his Church ; for this distinction will salve all ; Let us receive all , not as Ecclesiastical Canons , but as Civil significations of their pleasure &c. and so there is no danger , though they should use both a Dogmatick , Critick and Diatactick power , determine Controversies of faith , Appoint Rules of Ordination , Condemne Hereticks , Debarre from the Sacraments , and Admit thereto by their sentence ; judge of Church-members , or determine who should be admitted , as such , and who not : In a word , do all which Church-Judicatories do . This distinction will make all go down . ( 4. ) By parity of Reason , if these Brethren were before a Church-Judicatory , medling with all Civil affairs , determining Civil pleas , giving-out civil Injunctions , Lawes and Rules &c. they might and ought as willingly submit , and salve all with this distinction , saying . We cannot receive Civil Lawes from you , but as for Ecclesiastical significa●ions of your pleasure , under hazard of Church-censures , we can say nothing to that : And thus they would sweetly comply with all the Invasions made upon and Usurpations of the Civil power , whereof the Popes Conclave , and other Popish and Prelatical Courts , are justly accounted guilty , without scruple . Now at length , it came to Mr H's turn , who , as our Informer saith , received not these Instructions publickly , as having seen them before : Let us hear what he said . He tels us , that he resumed what he had said formerly , concerning a Formal Ecclesiastical Power , which could not be allowed to the Magistrat ; and a Power Objectivly Ecclesiastical , which was allowed to him : Intimating with all , that the Brethren would either observe , or not observe their Directions , according as they judged of them , in their Consciences , upon their peril . On what was here resumed , I have given mine Observations before , and shall onely adde . That this Formal Ecclesiastick Power must pointe forth a Power in it self such , and therefore so called ; and not so denominated meerly because it is exerted by Church-men ; as the two Brethren fore mentioned hinted in their Answer and Distinction ; otherwise his Distinction should have run thus , betwixt a Power Subjectivly Ecclesiastical , and Objectivly Ecclesiastical . But this would confound all Causes and all Power ; and would bring all Civil Causes objectivly under the Power of the Church ; and all Church-Causes objectivly under the Power of the Magistrate : Yea and make all Things and Actions , done by the Civil Magistrate , though otherwise but Objectivly Ecclesiastical , to be Formally Civil ; and on the other hand , make all Actions , done by Church-men , though otherwise but Objectivly Civil , to be Formally Ecclesiastick . As to the Latter Part of this speech , I judge the same might have been said , had been before the Church-Judicatory , receiving the same , or the like Instructions . And was this all ? Was there no more requisite in this case ? Is it all one thing , at whose hands Ministers receive Directions , Rules , Restrictions and Injunctions , or the like , to regulate them , in the exercise of their Ministrie , whether at the hands of the Pope , of a Prelate , of the Magistrate , or of a Church-Judicatorie , providing they be such , as may be observed , or otherwise to take their hazard ? I suppose , our Fore-fathers would have said something else : And , I trow , Civil Magistrates , if called before the Prelates Courts , to receive Injunctions or Rules , to regulate them , in the exercise of their Office , would say some other thing , than that they would observe , or not observe these Directions , according as they judged of them in their Consciences , upon their peril . And if they would have stood to their Rights , as is to be supposed , the greater fault it is for Ministers , to quite the Rights of the Church so easily , wherein the Glory of their Master doth so much consist . Yea moreover , this superadded Insinuation makes me suspect the fore-mentioned Distinction the more : For had that Distinction been honestly proposed and intended , this superadded clause had been utterly needless . Upon this ( as we are told by our Informer ) followed my L. Chanc. Answer , which was this , That the King gave them these Instructions by his Council , and if they did not observe them , the Council would punish them . By which we see , that these Instructions were gi●●● by an Autocratorick power , by the Magistrate , as such ; and consequently being in Church-matters , Intrinsecally and Formally such , by an Usurped power . We see next , that the commanding of the observation of these Instructions , cometh from the Magistrate in prima Instantia , and so are not Civil Sanctions , and Confirmations of Injunctions , ministerially proposed by Church-Officers , upon both which grounds , I conceive Mr H. had a faire occasion to have vindicated both the Prerogatives of Christ , the sole Head of the Church , and the Privileges of the Church , bestowed on her by Christ , her King and Lord : Yet we finde , that all the reply , which he made , was this . That for the matter of Civil punishments , they had never denied the Magistrates right in them : And that he took notice from that Answere , that their L L. acted in a Civil way , onely competent to them , in their dealing with Ministers , which they could not decline ; hoping their L L. designed not to stretch their power beyond their Civil line , Which reply , in my judgment , was neither Pertinent , nor Sufficient : Not Pertinent , because the question was never moved , concerning Magistrates executing civil punishments , but concerning their power of Imposing Injunctions and Rules , to regulate Ministers , in the exercise of their Ministrie , which the L. Chanc. owned and avouched in his Answere , little regarding Mr H's distinction , betwixt a Formally Ecclesiastick power , and power Objectively Ecclesiastical . Not Sufficient ; because the maine business was unhandsomly waved . Nay , moreover , this Reply was an yeelding of the whole cause , and a granting that Magistrates might meddle with any Church power , and enjoyne what they pleased , providing they punished only civilly such ; as transgressed . Hence they might ordaine a Minister , and command him to preach to such a people , that would not call him , and depose another , and discharge him to preach any more , as a Minister or Administer Sacraments , under a Civil penalty . So under a Civil penalty they might prescribe the matter of preachings , decide Controversies of Faith , and appeals in Church-maters , &c. Yea , in a word , meddle with the most Intrinsick and Formal Church-matters . Finally , I do not see what ground my L. Chanc. gave , yea or occasion to make this Reply ; for though his L. said , the Council would punish , yet the said not , the Council would punish civilly onely : No , his expression might comprehend Ecclesiastical Punishments also , conforme to the power granted to them by the Kings Letter . After a great deal of Discourse , spent upon personal reflections ; and vindications , with which the cause is not much concerned , and therefore the less to be noticed by me , our Informer cometh in end to vindicat Mr H's speech , which , as it would appear , had given no small offence , and he tels us , that in it we may perceive , an Assertion of an Ecclesiastical power to make Rules for regulating Ministers , which was not yeelded to the Magistrate ; with a concession of his power Objectively Ecclesiastical : And a declaration of their receiving Papers of them under that notion did not oblige them to observe these directions ; but they were to act therein upon their peril . We heard indeed of Rules Intrinsecally ( and afterward ) Formally Ecclesiastical , for regulating Ministers in the exercise of their Ministrie , which he hoped their L L. did not intend to make or impose upon them , who were the Servants of Christ. But we heard of no Assumption . That such were the Rules , contained in the Paper , tendered unto them : Nor of a Conclusion . That therefore they could not , they might not in conscience , accept of them . We heard of a Concession also of the Magistrats power objectively Ecclesiastical : But we could not understand , to what purpose it was adduced , unless for justifying of the Magistrates , in giving those Injunctions , and themselves in receiving of them . Nay , I perceive here , our Informer asserteth , that which I was but suspecting formerly , and durst not positively affirme , viz. That they looked upon these Instructions , as flowing from the Magistrat's Power Objectively Ecclesiastical ; For nothing else can be Imported in these words , And a declaration of their receiving Papers , under that notion . Now , what can this notion be , under which they received these Papers , but the Magistrat's power Objectively Ecclesiastical ? And what may hence be gathered , we shall hear anone . We heard lately , that Mr H. did intimate , that the Brethren would either observe , or not observe their Directions , according as they judged of them in their Consciences , upon their peril : But that he declared that the receiving of these Papers did not oblige them to observe these Directions , I did not hear till now . However , since this Informer saith , that this was Mr H. declaration , I profess , it seemeth strange to me , that he should have spoken so ; for the publick & Judicial receiving , even at the bar , of such Instructions , was a solemne declaration of their present purpose and willingness to obey these Injunctions , there being no exception made against any of them in particular ; nor no desire expressed of a liberty to be granted , to consider and examine them . And sure , if they had suspected the irrelevancie or unlawfulness of any of them upon the matter , Ingenuity and Conscience would have said , that so much should have been exprest ; and that the Paper , ( if so be they would not refuse to accept of it ) should have been accepted , with that clause of exception ; or rather rejected , until they were assured , it contained nothing but what was lawful upon the matter : For to accept a Paper , containing Instructions ; and to say withal , they would obey , or not obey them , as they thought good , on their perril , was neither to act with an Ingenuity , becoming Christians ; nor with an Zeal , becoming Ministers , nor with that Respect due to Magistrats from them , both as Christians , and as Ministers ; nor with that Care and Circumspection requisite for avoiding of scandal , and especially at such a time , when the eyes of many were upon them , both of friends and of foes . And if any say , That that Declaration was a sufficient Protestation , I crave leave to adde , that it was a Protestation annulled by their deed , Protestatio contraria facto . How much better then had it been , to have forborne that deed , which bad in it , at least , an appearance of evil ; and to have dealt faithfully with the Council ; and told , That they could not obey these Instructions ; and therefore behoved to be excused from receiving of them . But I confess , when that great matter was so lightly passed over , I meane , the Power , making and imposing these Instructions , it is to me little wonder , that this was swallowed down also . Our Informer tels us next , that in all this discourse of Mr H's he cannot see such Heterodoxie and Noveltie , as to give occasion to any to say , That he gave to them all , that the Godly Divines give unto the most Godly and reforming Magistrats on earth ; or that Ministers receiving these Papers , on these termes , should warrand honest people to think , that they gave up the right of the Church , with their own hand , to the Civil Magistrate ; or that any Ministers should highly resent their treacherie . But to answere , Though this Informer cannot see such Heterodoxie , or Novelty , as to give occasion to passe that censure on Mr H's discourse ; yet it may be , others shall see ground for that , and for more too . And I shall willingly grant , that what agreeth to Magistrates , as such , agreeth to all Magistrates , good and bad : Yet it may be maintained , that more may be allowed in such Magistrates , as are really minding Reformation , the Glory of God , the good of the Church and all her Rights and Privileges ; than in such , as are open Enemies thereunto ; and are seeking by all meanes to destroy the Church , to rob her of her Rights , Privileges ; and Power , and to enrich themselves with the spoils of Christs Crown . And therefore when Ministers have to do with such Open and A vowed Enemies , they are called to more strick watchfulness and care , lest they do , or say any thing , which may confirme such in their Usurpations , and encourage them to encroach more . And whether this care was used at this time , I leave to all , who are acquainted with what passed about that time , and with what daily is observable , to judge . For my part , if Mr H. did grant to the Magistrat , by vertue of his Power Objectivly Ecclesiastical , a Right or Power to Make and Impose Rules and Injunctions , to regulate Ministers , in the Exercise of their Ministrie , as our Informer lately himself hinted , I think , he hath not onely given to them all , that the Godly Divines , give to the most Godly and reforming Kings : But much more ; except it be that , which was given to Extraordinary and Immediatly Inspired Magistrates , that were Prophets also , and Men of God , such as David and Salomon : Or in a time of Universal Defection and Deformation , which can no other way be remedied . Neither of which can be applied to our case . And further , I wonder how he thinketh , any can judge otherwise , than that , interpretatively at least , the receiving of these Papers , on these termes , was a giving-up of the Right of the Church , with their own hands ; seing it is so clear and manifest , by what we have said . And seing it is so , himself will , I suppose , grant , that every Minister is called highly to resent this treachery . What saith our Informer for Vindication ; But who so will read , saith he , Our Anti-Erastian Writters , will finde that they yeeld to the Magistrate , as Magistrate , ( and consequently to all Magistrates , be what they will , good or bad , though upon his perril , as he shall answere to God for it , if he shall determine wrong ) a Publick Politick Definitive judgment , concerning Matters of Religion , in reference to his own Act about them ; or ( for they diversifie the phrase ) a Power of judging of his own Act , about Spiritual or Religious things , to be observed , or not observed by their Subjects . And to make out this , he citeth some words out of the CXI . Propositions , Propos. 97. where these Words are , As to each member of the Church respectively , so unto the Magistrate belongeth the judgment of such things , both to apprehend and judge of them : For although the Magistrate be not ordained and preferred of God , that he should be a judge of Matters and Causes Spiritual , of which there is a controversie in the Church ; yet he is questionless judge of his own Civil Act about spiritual things ; namely of defending them , in his own Dominions , and of approving or tollerating the same : And if in this business ▪ he judge and determine , according to the Wisdome of the Flesh , and not according to the Wisdome which is from above , he is to render an account thereof , before the Supream Tribunal . But to what purpose is all this waste of Words ? Doth he , or any man think , that we deny to the Magistrate a judgment of his own Civil Act ; or that we suppose , that Mr H. and others have betrayed the Cause , because they granted to the Magistrate a Power Objectively Ecclesiastical , so far , as to judge thus of his own Civil Act of Tolerating such a way within his Dominions ? No , that is not the ground we go upon . But this we say , that if Mr H. or others , do inferre from this power of judging , in reference to his own Act competent to the Magistrate , that the Magistrate , may Impose Rules and Injunctions , to regulat Ministers in the exercise of their Ministrie ; then they have betrayed the Cause : And either they must inferre this therefrom , or they speak nothing to the purpose : And himself lately told us , as much as all this . Now let him , or any man show me , where any Anti-Erastian Divine reasoneth thus , or draweth such an Inference , from this Power Objectively Ecclesiastical . Yea I much questione , if Vedelius or Maccovius his Collegue , did ever so argue . And sure I am , the Author of the CXI . Propositions Propos. 45. &c. cleareth up that Difference betwixt these two Powers , which is taken from the Object and Matter about which . And Prop. 54. he showeth , that those things , wherein the Ecclesiastical Power is exercised , are preaching of the Word &c. And Prop. 55. That though the Civil Magistrate is occupied about the same things ; yet it is but so far , as concerneth the outward disposing of Divine things , in this or that Dominion . Nay . I must say , that I cannot see , how this will follow , That Magistrates may prescribe such Rules unto Ministers , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie , because of a Power granted to them , to judge of their own Civil Act , about spiritual things ; more than that every Church-Member may do the like ; for in that Prop. as the Words cited do clear , the Author giveth that same Power to every Member of the Church respectively , and how can it be denied to them , or to any rational man ? Nay , let me say more . Have not Ministers , and every private man , this power of judging of his own Act about things Civil ; and in this respect also an Objectivly Civil Power ? Will it therefore follow , that they can prescribe Rules , to regulate Magistrats in the exercise of their functio● ? And if a Magistrat should come to the Prelates , or Pop's Bar , and take a Paper from him , containing such Instructions , and give this onely as his Apologie , that he acknowledged a Power Objectivly Civil , competent unto the Pope or Prelate ? because they had power to judge of their own acts about civil things ; would not others have cause to judge , that that Magistrate had denied the Co-ordination of the Po●ers , & had professed his Subordination as Magistrate to Pope or Prelate ? Now , Verte Tabulas and see how the parallel runneth in our case , and then judge . From the foregoing discourse , and particularly from that cited out of the CXI . Propositions , our Informer , now a Disputer , Inferreth , That he hopeth no man in reason can alledge Mr H's recedeing from the Principles of this Church , in the matter . But for my part , though I will not judge of the Thoughts or Intentions of Mr H. or of any other of his Brethren ; yet considering the work it self , as this Informer hath represented it unto me , in its circumstances , I cannot but say , that in the thing , and as to the Intentio operis , there was a recedeing not onely from the Principles of the Church of Scotland , but also from the Zeal of our former Worthies , who ventured all to transmit the truth , pure from Erastianisme and Caesario-Papal Invasions & Encroachments , And from the strick Obligations , lying on us all , to stand to the Truth , and to the Defence of the Power and Privileges of the Church , against the Usurpation and Encroachments of the Magistrates , seeking alwayes to inhaunce all Church-power into their own hands ; not out of love to promove the Glory of God , and the real good of souls ; but out of a desire to have the Ministrie , and the outward Administrations of grace enslaved unto their wills . Is it not certaine , out of what ground this Indulgence did grow ; and how the Act of Supremacy ( which no Conscientious Minister or Christian can owne or acknowledge , ) as it was occasioned and necessitated by the Indulgence ; so it became the Charter thereof , and gave legal life and being unto all that followed ? And was it not as certaine , that a Designe to procure a Requiem to themselves , in all their Usurpations , and intolerable Invasions of Church-Power , and overturning of ●he whole Work of God ; and withall to make way for the further Enslaving of the Church ▪ and of all Church-Power to their ●usts , did midwife this Bastard-Child into the World ? And could it be uncertaine to rational observing Persons , what was the Designe of King and Councel , in-giving these Instructions , First and Last ? Yea , was not the whole Business so carried on from First to Last , as half an eye might have discovered a wicked Designe therein ? And was not the Explicatory Act of the Supremacie a more than sufficient proof of an Erastian Spirit , that led and acted them , in some things , beyond what the Anti-Christian Spirit could for shame prompt the Pope to arrogate to himself ? And when from these things , and many others such like , yea from the whole Procedour of King Parliament and Council , in their Actings , since this last Revolution began , it is more than sufficiently clear , what they did and do Intend ; will any say , it was not their Duty , while so Providentially called to witness to the Truth , to give a more Plain , Full , Ministerial and Christian Testimony , to the Truth , which our Predecessours maintained , with so much Hazard , Expence of bloud , Loss of Liberty , Tossings , Imprisonments , Confinements , Condemnation to Death and Banishments &c. and which we were so solemnely sworne to stand to ? And will any Ingenuous Christian say , that , all circumstances being considered , the Testimony given was such , as became men standing in the Fields for the Truth of Christ , and engaged in point of Conscience and Christian Valour , Honour and Credi●e , to cover the ground they stood on with their dead Bodies , rather than cede to such a manifest Encroaching and Invading Enemie ? Will any , who readeth the carriage of our valiant and renowned Worthies , in opposing the Encroachments of King Iames , ( who yet never did , nor for shame could arrogate to himself such a transcendently Superlative Supremacie over Church-matters , as now by Act of Parliament is declared to be an Inherent Right of the Crown ) think , that they would have satisfied themselves with such a General , Impertinent , Confused , Indistinct and Defective Testimony to such a Glorious Truth ? Will any , who considereth the Zeal , that ordinarily acted our faithful Progenitours , from the beginning to this late Catastroph , and of our valiant Worthies , who valued this Truth of Christ's Kingship above their lives , think that there was not here a palpable cedeing from that Spirit and Zeal , which moved them to postpone all things , to this chief matter ? And can any say , that this way of vindicating Truth , wherein so much Pusillanimity , Disingenuity , carnal Consultation occasioning Misconceptions and Blindness , appeared , did keep correspondence with our frequently reiterated Vowes and Engagements ? Was it pertinent or seasonable , or could it be satisfying to propose , in such an exigent , a meer Cothurnus ; I meane , that general Assertion of the Magistrates Objectively Ecclesiastical Power , no less ambiguous till fitly explained , than impertinent to the case then in hand ? Nay , let this very Informer tell me , if he think not , that more Plaine , Clear and Full expressions might have been fallen upon , if plaine and home dealing had been Intended ? This I suppose may serve for an Examination of that matter , as this Informer hath declared it unto us . Reasons against the Indulgence . THough by what is said , it may be sufficiently seen , how sinful that Indulgence was upon the Accepters part ( with which we have onely here to do ) as it was conveyed and circumstantiated ; and occasionally we have here and there discovered several particular Evils , wrapped up in it , beside its sinful Rise and destructive Tendencie : All th●t now remaineth to be done , is to draw the several Eviles , comprehended in this complex business , to their own proper Heads , that the Reader may see at one view , what was formerly scattered up and down the foregoing Relation : And , considering what is said , it will not be necessary to insist on particulars ; to touch them in a word will be sufficient . I. How injurious it is to Christ , as Head of the Church . WE shall beginne with this Head of Arguments , and show in how many particulars , injurie was done , by the Indulgence , as accepted , unto our Lord Jesus Christ , the onely Head and King of his Church ; And 1. In that hereby they declared , they did not hold their Ministrie wholly and solely of Jesus Christ : Sure Christ alone , as Head and King of the Church his spiritual Kingdom , did Institute this Office of the Ministrie , and did Impower men unto the exercise thereof : As the Scriptures do prove : And Ministers depend solely upon Him therein , if they renunce not their own place and standing . But we saw above , how the Indulged did plainly and positively refuse to say , that they held their Ministrie of Iesus Christ alone : See what is remarked on Mr H's speech , when the first Ten were Indulged , where ex professo the word alone was left out ; and what is said in Answere to the Informer , who was dissatisfied with Mr Blair . whereby an injurie of a very high Nature was done unto our Lord Jesus , who alone ascended up on high , and led captivity captive , and gave gifts unto men ; even , gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers , Eph. 4 : v. 8 , 11. It was God alone , that set some in the Church , first Apostles , secundarily Prophets , thirdly Teachers , after that Miracles , &c. 1. Cor. 12 : 28. So that as the office of Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , &c. were onely from Christ ; so was the office of Pastours or Teachers . Hence they are said to be made Overseers by the Holy Ghost , Act. 20. v. 28. Whoever therefore will not confess , that Ministers hold their Ministrie alone of Christ , do derogat hugely from His glory , and rob him of his Prerogative ; and set these others ( who ever they be ) of whom they hold their Ministery , in part , or in conjunction with Christ , down upon Christ's Throne , and make Christ no sole King , and Head of his Kingdom ; and consequently no sole Prophet or Priest and Mediator . And what an affront this is unto our Lord , let any judge . And if ( as we know ) the clay-Kings of the Earth will think themselves sufficiently dethroned , and unpardonably injured , if any Subject be made partaker with them of their petty Soveraignity , in whole , or in part ; let any consider , how Christ shall take this injurie done to him by his own professed Servants . But some will possibly say , Though this was their fault and great escape ; yet it was but personal , and accidental , as to the Indulgence ; and so cannot not affect the same : Or make it an incroachment upon Christ , of such an high Nature . I answer ; This being spoken at that occasion , when the King and Council were acknowledged thankfully for the granting of the Indulgence , cannot but have a reference unto the Indulgence it self ; and supposing ( as all reason will allow us to do ) that what was said , was spoken with understanding , it must be granted , that they had their eye upon the Indulgence granted ; and so their discourse was to this purpose in effect . We declare , that we hold not our Ministrie of Christ alone , but of Christ and of the Magistrate ; and therefore do accept of this Indulgence , without scruple , Whence also it is manifest , that they looked upon the Indulgence , as a consequent of their holding of the ministrie partly of the Magistrate . And whether the Magistrate did intend the granting of the Indulgence , as a declaration of their accounting Ministers to hold their Ministrie partly of them , or not ; yet the accepting of the Indulgence thus , was a plaine declaration , on the accepters part , that they held their Ministrie partly of the Magistrate , and not solely of Christ ; And consequently that they owned not Christ , as sole Head of the Kirk . Further , This discourse of theirs , so worded purposely and deliberatly , saith , that if they had not beleeved , that they held their Ministrie not of Christ alone , but of others also , they could not have accepted of the Indulgence . If any should yet say , That though this might be said of the Indulgence , according as it was understood by the Accepters ; yet it will not follow , that the Indulgence it self is chargable with this . I answer yet hereby it is granted , that the Accepters are chargable with high Treason against the King of Kings , our Lord Jesus Christ : And as for the Indulgence it self , we may safely construe of it , according to the sense both of the Granters and of the Receivers : And by what followeth , its nature will be more fully discovered . If it be said , That the most that can be inferred from that expression of the Accepters , at that time , is , that as to the Exercise ( which is distinct from the Office of the Ministrie it self ) they did depend on others , than Christ , I Answere , No mention was made of the Exercise , but of the Ministrie it self . And even as to this , there was no small injurie done to Jesus Christ ; and this leads me to a second thing , here remarkable . 2. By this Indulgence , the Prerogative of Christ , as sole Head of His Church , is further encroached upon , in that the Indulged do hold their Ministrie , as to its Exercise , not of Christ alone , but of the Magistrates , either solely , or in conjunction with Christ. And that this is a wrong to Christ , is manifest , in that it saith , the Office , and the Power to exerce the Office are not from Christ alone . The Office can import nothing , but a ba●e name , if it import not Power to exerce the Office , or do the work peculiar unto such an Office : And if Christ be said to give the Office , but others must give the Power , Authority , and Ius or Right , to exercise the Office , he shall be made a meer Titular King. But he told us some other thing , when he said Matth. 28 ; 18 , 19. All Power is given unto me , in Heaven and in Earth , go ye therefore and Teach all Nations , Baptizing them &c. And when he said Ioh. 20 : 21 , 23. — As my Father hath sent Me , even so send I You — whose soever sins ye remit , they are remitted unto them &c. See Mark. 16 : 15. — go yee into all the World , and preach the Gospel . The Office was in order to the Exercise : And when he gave the Office , he gave the Power to exercise the same . When Paul was made a Minister , he was sent to open eyes Act. 26 : 16 , 11 , The Ministrie , sure , is a Talent , and who ever get it must trade with it , or expect a sad Sentence . If it be said , That this will take away the Power of Chu●ch-Judicatories , who ministerially , under Christ , both conveyeth the Office and the Power to exercise the same . For Answere , I deny that any such thing will follow : And to clear this , I shall shew a third Injurie done to Christ , by this Indulgence . 3. If it should be said , that by the accepting of this Indulgence , from the Magistrat , they no more prejudge Christ of his Right both to give the Office and Power to exerce the same , than when they take the same as conveyed to them by Church-Officers . I Answer , That the Difference is great , and the Encroachment made on Christs Prerogative by the Indulgence clearly assented to : In that another way of Conveyance of the Ministrie , and of the Power to exercise the same , is here closed with , than Christ , the only King , hath appointed . Christ hath instituted Church-Officers for this end , to convey the Office and Power , which he hath appointed , unto particular Persons . The Holy Ghost said unto Prophets and Teachers , that were at Antioch , separate me Barnabas and Saul . for the work whereunto I have called them Act. 13 : 1.2 . Paul and Barnabas ordained Elders in every Church Act. 14 : 23. Titus was ordered to ordaine Elders in every Church Tit. 1 : 5. Timothie was to commit the things , he had heard of Paul , to faithful men , who shall be able to teach others 2 Tim. 2 : v. 2. The gift was given with the laying on of the hands of the Presbyterie 1 Tim , 4 : 14. But here the Office , or the Exercise thereof is conveyed by the hands of Magistrates . whom Christ never did commit that matter unto . And thus another , yea a quite Opposite , Medium is embraced and followed , than what Christ thought good to make choise of , to his great dishonour and disparagment ; as if he had not been Wise enough to appointe the best meanes ; nor had not Authority enough solely to appoint the meanes and wayes , he thought fit . 4. The wrong done to Christ , by the accepting of this Indulgence , will be hence manifest ( which will also clear up the Difference betwixt what is conveyed from Christ , by his owne Ministers , and what is conveyed by Magistrates . ) That the Office or Exercise of the Ministrie is received from them , who in this deed , do not , neither can Act , in a Ministerial Subordination to Christ , as sole Head and Fountaine of all Church-Power ; so that their interveening betwixt Christ , and those , who receive the Office or its Exercise , as a Medium of Conveyance , saith , that Christ is not sole Head of the Church , and Fountaine of Church-Power . The ground of this is , because Magistrates , as such , do not Act in a direct line of Subordination to Christ , as Mediator , as Church-Officers do : And further , what they do as Magistrates , they do not ( in reference to their Subjects ) with a Ministerial Authoritie , as Church-Officers do ; but with a Magisterial , Imperial , Coactive , Autocratorical and Architectonick Power and Authoritie : And as to the Church , this Magisterial Power belongeth to Christ alone : So that the submiting unto any other Magisterial and Supream Autocratorical Power , in Church-affaires , than what is solely in Christ , is an acknowledging of another Head and Supream Governour in the Church , beside Christ ; and this is a plaine dethroning of Christ , who will either be sole King , or no King. 5. The accepting of this Indulgence containeth another wrong done to Christ , in that thereby , there is an acknowledgment made of the Insufficience of all the Rules , Prescriptions and Instructions granted by Him , for the ordering of the exercise of the Ministrie , and for information unto his Ministers , concerning the way , how they should go about the exercise of that Imployment : For in the Indulgence , there were with all first and last Instructions given , how to regulat them , in the exercise of their Ministrie : And so when the Indulgence was embraced , as accompanied with these Instructions , the Power , granting these Instructions , was acknowledged and submitted unto ; and when these Instructions were not holden forth ministerially , as when the like are given by Church Judicatories , but by such , as Act in all things , which they do as Magistrates , by a Magisterial and Autocratorical power , not subordinat unto Christ , as Mediator , in a right line of subordination ; an Autocratorical , Magisterial , and Supream power to make Rules , and to give Instructions to Ministers , to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministerie , is granted to the Magistrate , to the robbing and spoiling of Christ of that sole Supream power , which is due to him , and is a part of his Prerogative Royal. 6. Herein also the Accepters of the Indulgence have done injurie unto Jesus Christ , in that they have taken a new holding of their Ministrie , and of the Exercise thereof ; and so materially have renounced their old holding of Christ immediatly , as King of his Church , and sole Lord of his House ; They have taken a new Commission for the Exercise o● their Ministrie , and a Commission inconsistent with , & not subordinate unto the Commission , they had formerly from Christ. I shall not need to insist on this here , having declared it so fully above , in vindication of M. A Blair's Assertion ; to wit , That if Ministers take Instructions from Magistrats , for regulating them , in the exercise of their Ministrie , they should not be the Ambassadours of Christ. 7. It is a part of the Royal Prerogative of Christ , to appoint the Qualifications of his own Officers : But here the Magistrate doth , by his Magistratical Power , appoint and determine the qualifications , which he will owne as such , in reference , at least , unto the exercise of the Ministrie , and this is not done ministerially ; and consequently in contradiction to the sole power and Prerogative of Christ. The accepters therefore of this Indulgence , granted onely to such , as are so and so qualified , do not onely acknowledge themselves to be so and so qualified ; but do sweetly , in so far , acquiesce unto the Magistrat's Autocratorical determineing of these qualifications ; and unto his assuming a Supreame Nomothetick power , in Church-matters . As for these qualifications , we have seen above , what they are : See our 3. remark upon the Kings Letter . 8. It is also a part of Christ Prerogative Royal , to prescribe and set down the way , how he will have such and such an Officer in Particular , set over such or such a Flock in Particular ; that so the Minister , so fixed to his special work , may have ground to say , that this is the Flock , over which the Holy Ghost hath made me an Overseer . But here in this Indulgence , the matter is so conveyed , as that the Indulged can not with good ground say , the Holy Ghost hath set me over this people , but only , this is the flock over which the King & his Councel have made me the Overseer . But against this it is said , May not the Man , who returneth to his own Congregation , from which he was unjustly thrust away , say this ? And may not he also speak thus , who hath the Cordial Invitation and call of those concerned ? And what shall then be said of them , who preach in the fields ? Answ. 1. If the Minister's returne to his own place were faire and cleanly , and so as the old method and ground were not questioned , or weakened , then he might indeed so speak ; but it is not so here ; for his returning to where he was before , was a meer accidental thing , and his ground is not his former relatione unto that people , but the Order of the Councel , which was of the same nature with the Order given unto others , as we saw above , and so he can only now say ; though this be the flock , over which the Holy Ghost did once make me an Overseer ; yet now I am set over it by the Councils Order . ( 2. ) As for that Cordial Invitation , which some possibly did obtaine , it was no such call , as Christs Law alloweth , it was not the rise & fountaine of those Ministers going to those places ; but a & posteriour meer precatious thing , whereby the Ordinance of Christ was rather prostituted , than followed : It is sufficiently known , that the Councel made the free Election , and not the Parish : And withal , where was the Act of the Presbyterie , giving them Ministerially a Potestative mission ? This belongeth to the Methode , that Christ hath Prescribed ; but here the Council both called , choosed and sent , and so were both the Flocks and the Presbytery . ( 3. ) As for the third Particular , every one may see how impertinent it is ; for this preaching in the Fields , or Houses , is no fixed stated Oversight over a distinct company , as is that of a Minister over a Particular Flock , but a m●er occasional Act , depending upon a Providential call from God , and the cordial entreatie of this Persecuted people ; which is all that is requisite thereunto . 9. There were among these Instructions , given by the Council , several Restrictions and Limitations in and about the administration of Christs Spi●itual Institutions , as of Preaching , of Administration of Baptisme , and of the Lords Supper , as also of Discipline : And these Restrictions and Limitations , not being made by a Ministerial Power , with a Ministerial Authority explaining and applying the General Rules , given by Christ thereanent , as Church Officers , and Church-Judicatories do ; but by the Magistrat , who acteth with a Magistratical Migisterial , and Autocratorical power ; that is , by a power , which in Spiritual matters of the Church ; belongeth to Christ only , who is sole Head and King thereof . The receivers therefore of this Indulgence , thus conveyed , and accompanied with such Limitations & Restrictions in and about the Administration of Christs Ordinances , do contribute their concurrence unto this Invasion . But against this and other Particulars formerly mentioned , taken from the Prescriptions , Rules and Instructions , wherewith this Indulgence was attended , it is said , That in the accepting of this Indulgence there was a simple use making of a favour offered , and no formal engagment unto the prescriptions , which the Magistrat did not expect plainly resting upon the intimation of his own will : For here the Magistrate was not treating and expecting our formal consent or security for performance of what was required ; but did simply appoint and command , as they would be answerable . So that the embracer of the Providential favour giveth no complex consent unto the Prescriptions . I Answere , The favour offered was no favour indeed , as circumstantiated ; nor could there be a simple use making of that supposed favour , which was so attended with imposed Conditions , Instructions and Limitations , without at least a virtual acknowledgment of a Right & Power in the Magistrate , to make and impose such Conditions &c. for howbeit the Council propose the matter by way of Command , as thinking it below them to Act otherwise ; yet both the Nature of the thing , and the concomitant Acts , made of purpose of Restrick , Limite and Qualifie the favour proposed , and to Instruct and Oblige the Receiver , say , that the accepting of the first , is with an engagement to performe the second , both being but one complex thing . Nay the Council ( as we say above ) in their Acts and Proclamations do expressy hold forth the favour to be granted and accepted condition wayes : and Mr A. Blair , for renouncing of the conditions , was deprived of the favour . Who accepteth a favour offered with its burdens , in accepting the one accepteth both , and taketh the favour cum onore , and this cannot be otherwise understood , howbeit the Council did not waite for their express consent unto the Conditions , for their receiving of the favour so offered was sufficient thereunto ; as when a Father granteth such or such a piece of land to his Son , but withal layeth this burden on that favour , that he must pay so much debt , if the Son accept : of the land so clogged , he cannot but take on the debt , though he gave no express consent thereunto before . II. How contrary it is unto Presbyterian Principles . We shall in the next place show , how injurious the accepting of this Indulgence was unto our Presbyterian Principles ; & what wrong was hereby done unto the Church , as to her Privileges , and that Power , which Christ hath granted unto her . 1. It belongeth to the Church , and to Church-Officers , to try and examine the gifts and Qualifications of such , as are to be exercised in the Ministrie , and to declare Ministerially , by explaining and applying of Christ's Rules and Lawes , who are fit and qualified for the work of the Ministrie , and who not : But here the Magistrate declareth what that is , which he looketh upon as a due Qualification , and judgeth who are so qualified , as to be fit for the Ministrie ; and that without the least deference imaginable unto any Church-●udicatorie whatsomever . If it be said , That they Indulged none , but such as were Ministers already , and so were supposed to be sufficiently qualified for that work . I Ans. The Church Officers , or the Presbyterie , are not only to judge of Qualifications , in reference to the Ministrie in general , but also in reference to the Ministrie , in this or that Particular place , where he is to be fixed ; and no Church-Judicatory had this judgment , in the matter of the Indulgence ; but the Council only . And as they Indulged them , so they might have Indulged others , who had not been placed Ministers before , as we see they did Mr Weer , whom they did not account a Minister before , If it be said , That the Qualifications , which were here considered , to wit , peacable and orderly , belong properly to the judgment of the Civil Magistrate , who , as he maketh civil Lawes , so can judge , who observeth or transgresseth the same . I Answ. Not to mentione here the Magistrat's true sense of that peacable and orderly living . I say , though the Magistrate be the proper judge of this peacable and orderly deportment : in order to civil punishment , or exemption therefrom ; yet Church-Judicatories are the only competent judges thereof , in reference to the exercise of the Ministrie : And it was in reference to this exercise of the Ministrie , that these Qualificatio●s were here taken notice of . 2. It belongeth to the Church , or Church-Judicatories , to convey Ministerially the Office and Power unto Persons qualified , and to grant a Potestative Mission , whereby they become authorized to exerce the Ministerial function ; as was seen above . But in the Indulgence , all this was done by the Magistrate immediatly ; the Council sent the Indulged to such and such places , as they thought fit , and they only clothed them with Authority for that effect ; or did all , that Presbyteries do or ought to do , in the like cases . See what was said above upon the Acts of Indulgence granted Iuly 27. 1666. Pag. 21. 3. It is a part of the Power and Privilege of Church-Officers and Church-Judicatories , to loose Ministers relation unto a place , and to Plant and Transplant , to Place Ministers in Particular Charges , and to Transport them to others , as the good of the Church requireth . And this we know was constantly practised by our Presbyteries , Synods and General Assemblies . But here in the Indulgence , all this was practised by the Council , without once consulting any Church-Judicatory whatsomever . They planted and transplanted according to their own pleasure , as we saw above , in several Instances , sending severals from one Church to another , & many from their own Churches unto others . See further our 2 Remark on the Kings Letter . It will not here be said , I suppose , That by the sentence of banishment , their relation to their former Charges was annulled : And though it were said and granted too ( which yet cannot be ) though it would follow that such were not properly transplanted , yet our argument would remaine strong ; for there were others , whom the Councel had Indulged to such and such places , and thereafter transported to other places , as they thought fit . And beside , as to all of them , it was the Council their deed alone , which did constitute them Ministers of such and such places , and so made up that relation : And if they should think , that they are not Formally Ministers of such places ; they could not then say , that they were set as Overseers ove● these places by the Holy Ghost , as possibly they will ; & they should also think themselves free of the burden of that Charge , and of the souls of the people , as not being committed to their Charge ; and the people are not obliged to owne them , as their Ministers ; and then they are called to consider , with what Conscience they can take the Stipend and Benefice , onely allowed by the Law of God to such as take on the cure of souls . And beside , what ever they think ; yet the Council did designe and Formally intend their fixed relation un●o these places , as proper Pastors thereof , for the Patrons were thereunto to be consulted , & their consent to be obtained , which according to the Established Law , is the way of admitting Formally such and such Persons , to be Ministers of such places ; the other Formality of the Bishops Collation being dispensed with , as to its necessity , and only enjoined under a penalty , or they encouraged to seek it , by a farther favour , as to their stipend ; and however , it was ordered , that Intimation should be made to the Bishops and Archbishops , when any Person was Indulged within their Diocies . 4. It is a part of the Power granted unto Church-Judicatories , to make Canons , and prescribe Rules , and to give Injunctions , concerning the Exercise of the Ministery , the Administration of the Ordinances of Christ , and the like ; and this is that Diatactick power , acknowledged by all the Orthodox to belong to the Church-Judicatories ; and we might confirme it here , if it were necessary . But in this Indulgence , we see the Magistrat assuming to himself this Power of making proper Church-Canons , giving Rules to regulat Ministers in the Exercise of their Ministrie , and imposing such like Injunctions , as used to be prescribed and imposed , by the Judicatories of the Church , in former times . Of these Injunctions , we have had often times occasion to speak before , & need not repeat here what hath been said : Nor need we in sist on that againe , which is commonly said , To wit. That their accepting of the Indulgence hath no necessary connexion with their approving of this Power , to make such Canons , and to impose such Injunctions . For , as we have shown , this cannot be evited , and this one thing will abundantly evince it , to wit. If they had received ●his same or the like Indulgence , at the hands of the Prelats , ( & this had been likewise more consonant to the established late Acts , before the Act ofSupremacie was made ) and if the Prelates had clogged the same supposed Favour with the same or the like Injunctions ; had not their accepting of the Indulgence , accompanied with these Injunctions , been a granting of that power unto the Prelates , to make such Canons , and to give out such Injunctions and Restrictions ? And if it had been so , as to the Prelates , why not here also , as to the Council ? 5. Upon the same account , we finde by this Indulgence , that the Council hath assumed Power of exercising real Church Censures , such as Suspension from the exercise of their Ministrie , and total Deposition , or turning out , as they call it . See our first and 7. Remarkes on the Kings Letter . This most be a great invasion on the Power of the Church ; and by the Indulgence , this Power , granted by the King to the Council , is confirmed both in the King and in the Council : And who is not convinced how sad this is , when every one might see what invasions daily were made upon the Power of the Church by the Civil Magistrate ; and therefore all were clearly called aloud to cry against this , and to stand and withstand , and do nothing that might contribute to fortifie them in their Usurpations , or to occasion their further Incroachment , which might have been forborne without sin . And sure I am , if these Brethren had forborn to accept of the Indulgence , as several others did refuse it , the occasion of this and many other Invasions had not been given , and Church Power had not been so formally usurped , as it hath been ; not the Magistrates so fixed in the possession thereof , as they are by such cedings . III. What Affinitie it hath with the Supremacie . OUr third Head of Arguments against this Indulgence , is taken from its relation to , affinitie with , dependance upon , and con●irmation by that woful Act of Supremacie , made by our Parl. 1669. And sure , all , who are tender of the Concernes of Christ's Crown , and of the Privileges of his Church , will have an utter detestation of and abhorrence at any course , which floweth from , is continued and confirmed by , and cannot stand without that Act , which with one dash doth dethrone our Lord , and spoile him of his Royal Prerogative , and his Church of all her Privileges . What occasion or rise the Indulgence gave unto the Act of Supremacie , and what a foundation it laid for m●re of that kind , and what a neer affinity and likeness is betwixt them , we have shown above , and need onely recapitulat things here . 1. Had this Indulgence been utterly refused , we had never yet seen that Act of Supremacie ; for the Council having granted the Indulgence upon the Kings Letter , contrary to many Acts of Parliament , knew no other way to salve themselves , but by framing this Act , which both secured them for times by past , and against all hazard also , in going on in the same course , as they had begun , for the future . The grant of the Indulgence was never lawful , nor the granters-secured by Law , until this Act was made . How shall we then judge well of the Indulgence , that gave the necessary rise unto that prodigious Act ? 2. The Indulgence it self would be still an illegitimat brood , notwithstanding of all that King and Council both did , were it not for the Act of Supremacy ; for by the Act of Supremacie , that is now made a legal deed , which otherwise was directly against Law. What shall we then think of the Indulgence , that must be legitimat by such an Act ? And what a possession that must be , that hath such an Act for its Groundright and Charter , let sober men judge . 3. The Indulged would , notwithstanding of all that is done by both King and Council , be still seditious Persons , in the account of the Law , and lye under hazard of the same , were it not for this Act , which alone secureth them from the lash of all Lawes , made for that end . This Act is their onely Right and Ground of Securitie , whereby they can plead themselves free from all that could be brought against them by foregoing Lawes . So that among other things , wherein the Indulged do now differ from all the Non-conforming Ministers , this is one , that the Indulged are under the Protection of the Supremacie , and lye in saftie under the winges thereof ; whileas others have it not stretched over their heads , and so do not enjoy that chilling warmth , that is to be had thereunder . 4. This is further confirmed by all the Particulars , mentioned under the two foregoing Heads ; for they all belong to this Supremacie , and are parts of the same ; and the Supremacie is but one comprehensive , complicated and compounded Act of Usurpation of the Crown of Christ , as Head and King of his Church , and of the Power and Privileges belonging to the Church , and to the Officers of the House of God. 5. We saw before the same asserted by Worthy Mr Iohn Burnet , in his Testimonie against the Indulgence , whose Argument is worth Consideration , and I shall here repeat it : To Settle , Enact , Emit Constitutions , Acts and Orders , concerning Matters , Meetings and Persons Ecclesiastical , according to Royal Pleasure , is the very Substance and Definition of his Maj. Supremacy , as it is explained by his Estates of Parliament . But the Act of his Maj. Royal Indulgence is only to Settle , Enact and Emit such Constitutions Acts and Orders , concerning Matters , Meetings and Persons Ecclesiastical according to Royal Pleasure . Therefore the Act of his Maj. Indulgence , is the substance and definition of his Maj. Supremacy , &c. 6. Seing by what is said , it is apparent , that not onely is the Usurped Supremacy put in exercise , and confirmed in the hands of the Usurped , by the Indulgence ; but also the formal asserting of the extravagant Supremacy , by a plaine Statute and Act of Parliament , explaining and confirming the same , is looked upon as necessary to support the Indulgence , and to keep it in legal being : It can not be well denied , that such , as have accepted of this Indulgence , have homologated this Supremacie , and contributed , by vertue of that acceptance , all their power to the fixing of this Usurpation ; for more was not required of them for this end ; and if they had refused the Indulgence , this Statutory establishment of the Supremacy had never been accounted necessary ; nor possibly once thought upon . 7. As he who accepteth a benefite from a Person , which that Person cannot bestow but by an usurped Power , and doth formally flow from that Usurped Power , doth homologat by his acceptance that Usurped Power ; So the Accepters of the Indulgence , from the King and Council , which they could not give but by the Usurped Supremacie , and which formally and kindly floweth therefrom , cannot but , in so doing , homologate that Usurped Supremacy . 8. If this Indulgence had been granted by the Prelate of the Diocie , would not the acceptance thereof have homologated Prelates Usurpation , and been an acknowledgment thereof ? Why then shall not the accepting of this Indulgence , when granted by the King and his Council , be an homologating of their Usurpation ? Especially seeing the Usurped Power of the Prelate is but a branch of the Supremacy , and floweth therefrom , Prelates , as such having no Church-Power with us , but what is granted by the King by Vertue of the Supremacie , by the Statute Law of the Land. Wherefore if the accepting of the Indulgence at the hands of the Prelates , would have homologated the Usurpation , that yet flowed from the Supremacy , and consequently the Supremacy it self , though at a step further off ; how is it imaginable , that the accepting of the Indulgence from the King and Council immediatly , shall not be an homologating of the Supremacie , which is the immediat root and ground thereof ? 9. Such as accepted of the Prelates Collation , whether to new places , or to the same places , where they had been , before the restauration of Prelacy , will I suppose be looked upon , as homologating , in that act , the Prelates Power , and consequently the Supremacie , from whence that Power floweth to the Prelat : And what difference is there . I pray , betwixt the Prelates Collation ( which possibly was freer of concomitant Instructions , Rules and Directions , how to regulate them in the Exercise of the Ministrie , than was the Indulgence ) and the Councils Collation , as to the Fountaine , the Kings Supremacie , from whence both do flow ? By vertue of Power descending from the Head to the Left arme , the Prelates , is the Episcopal Collation granted , and by vertue of Power descending from the same Head to the Right arme the Council , is the Council their Collation granted . 10. Who homologate a Supream Authoritie in the King over all Persons , and all Causes Ecclesiastick , by vertue whereof he may Settle , Enact and Emit such Constitutions , Acts and Orders , concerning the Persons imployed in the External Government of the Church , and concerning Meetings and Matters Ecclesiastick , as he in his Royal Wisdom shall think fit ; they homologate the Supremacie : This is certaine ; for this is the Supremacy , as appeareth by the Act explicatory : But so it is , that the Accepters of the Indulgence do homologate this Supream Authoritie in the King. Which I thus prove . Such Ecclesiastick Persons , as are willingly disposed of by the Supream Authoritie in the King over all Persons , and Causes Ecclesiastick , and goe to what places he by his Council appointeth , for the exercise of their Ministrie and of Church-Government , and withall receive Orders , Acts and Constitutions concerning Ecclesiastick Persons , to regulate them in the Exercise of their Ministrie and Government , made by him in Church affairs , according to his Royal Wisdom , by vertue of his Supream Authoritie ; these do homologate the Supremacie . But so it is that the Accepters of the Indulgence have done this . Therefore , &c. The Minor is uncontrovertable , & certaine , from the Councils disposing of them , and ordering of them to such Kirks , as they pleased , and their yeelding thereunto , and accepting of Instructions , Orders , Acts and Constitutions , made by vertue of the Supremacie , to regulate them , in the exercise of their Ministrie : all which hath been cleared above . The Major is manifest from this , That to be willingly dis●osed of by a Power , is to homologate it ; and to receive Instructions , Orders , Acts and Constitutions from a Power , is to homologat it ; By homologating a Power , I understand an acknowledgment of such a Power in such a Person , by a sutable and answerable compliance therewith , and yeelding to it , or Acting under it : And this may be materially , as well as formally done , implicitly as well as explicitly , by the Intention of the deed , as well as by the Intention of the doer : As he who obeyeth an Usurper , and acteth under him , in some place of trust , and receiveth Ins●ructions from him , for to regulate him , doth homologate that Usurped power , by his very deed , though he should hate the Usurper and the Usurpation both , and really wish he were thrust from his Usurpation altogether , and would possibly concurre thereunto himself . It cannot weaken this Argument to say , that the Indulged Persons never did nor will owne the Supremacy , but plainly disown it : For though I am ready to beleeve this to be true ; yet the Argument holdeth ; for I speak not of a Positive , Explicit , Formal , Intentional and Expresse Homologating ; but of a Virtual , Implicit , Material Homologating , and such as is included in the deed ; and work it self , abstracting from the Intention of the Worker , which is but extrinsick and accidental , as to this : And that the accepting of the Indulgence is an homologating , and a virtual acknowledging of this Supremacy , is clear from what is said , though the Indulged should intend no such thing . IV. Hovv it is injurious unto the Povver of the People . A Fourth Ground of our dissatisfaction with the Indulgence , is the wrong , that is ●ereby done unto the People , as to their Power and Privilege of Free Election of their Pastor . In the accepting of the Indulgence , there was the accepting of a Charge of a Particular Flock , without the previous due Call , free Election , and Consent of the People : ( this holdeth , as to such of the Indulged , as were sent to other Churches , than their own . ) The meer Appointment , Order and Designation of the Civil Magistrat , was all the Ground of this Relation , and was the only thing that made them Pastors to such a people , together with the Consent of the Pa●ron . This was a way of entrie unto a Pastoral Charge , that our Principles cannot assort with , wanting either precept or precedent in the pure primitive times . Our Divines have abundantly shown the necessity of the previous Call of the People , unto a Ministers Admission to a Charge . See Mr Gillespy in his Miscel. Questions Quest. 2. Nor need I hold forth the iniquitie of entering by Patrons , whereof our Par. 1649. were fully sensible , when the Church was restored to her Privilege , conforme to our First Book of Discipline , Chap 4. Concerning Ministers , and their lawful Election : And to the Second Book Chap. 12. It will be here said possibly , That they obtained the full and unanimous consent of the people . But I Answere ( 1. ) I doubt if this was either universally sought , or obtained . ( 2. ) Where it was had , it was but a meer b●inde , and , to me , a meer prostituting of ●hat Appointment and Order of Christ , rather than any conscientious Observation thereof . For ( 3. This call of the People ought to be a free Election and Choise , but here was no free Election left unto them ; but whether they did consent or not , the Person designed by the Council was to be set over them . ( 4. ) The free Election of the People should go before the Per●ons Designation to that Charge , and become the Foundation of his Relation to that Flock ; but here it was posteriour unto the Councils De●ignation , and was a meer precarious thing , coming in ex post facto . ( 5. ) This Call and Election of the People was not in the least presupposed , as any way requisite , either in the Kings Letter , or Councils Nomination and Election . ( 6. ) Nor did they make any mention hereof , when before the Council ; nor make exception against the Councils Order or Collation , until this was had . ( 7. ) Nor did they testifie their Dissatisfaction with , or protest against , the unlawful usurped Interest of the Patron , and his necessarily prerequisite Consent . ( 8. ) Did such as wanted this unanimous Call or Consent of the People , give back the Councils Warrand , as weak and insufficient ? 2. I would ask , whether they look upon themselves , as the fixed Pastors of those particular Flocks and Churches , or not ? If they own themselves for fixed Pastors , what is become of their relation to their Former Charges ? They cannot be Pastors of both places , for we owne no Pluralities ; nor can it be said , that the Councils meer Act did loose their Former Relation , and make it null . And whether they protested at their entrie to this new charge , that it was without prejudice to their Former Relation , when the Lord should open a free passage in his good Providence to returne , I know not . If they look not on themselves as fixed Pastors , then are they meer Curates , sent of the Council to those places , to preach and performe the other Acts of the Ministery , till furder Order , or during their pleasure : And then they cannot be offended , if the people look not on them , as their Pastors ; nor carry towards them , as such . V. How Erastianisme is hereby established . ANother Ground of our Dissatisfaction with the Indulgence , and with the accepting thereof , is , that thereby Erastianisme , the professed Enemie unto and perfect destruction of all true Church-power and Church-Jurisdiction , is established and fortified . 1. This is manifest from all the Particulars , mentioned above , under the First , Second and Third Heads , which need not here be repeated ; for these are parts of Erastian Doctrine , which the Orthodox disowne , and our Church hath resisted and opposed from the beginning : and beside . 2. Hereby are the Magistrates confirmed in that Usurpation of being proper judges of Ministers Doctrine , even in the first Instance ; that is , before any Church-Judicatory take cognition thereof , and passe a judgment thereupon . See our 8. Remark . upon the Kings Letter . 3. Hereby they are confirmed in this Usurpation , that Ministers may not preach in publick , or in privat , without Authority and Licence had from the Civil Magistrate . See our 12. and last Remark . upon the Kings Letter . 4. How this was confirmed and yeelded to by the Indulged , we saw above , in our Examination of Mr H's speech before the Council , Anno 1669. and of that Relation of the carriage and speeches of those , who were before the Council Anno 1673. 5. We were not ignorant , how from the very beginning of this Catastroph , and in the very First Session of Parliament Anno 1661. an exorbitant Supremacie in Church-affaires was acknowledged to belong to the King , in that , he was declared to be Supreame Governour over , all Persons , and in all Causes ; beside what was presumptively asserted in other Acts of Parl. thereafter , as in the Act for the National Synod , and for the Restauration of Prelacy , and others : And how by all these , and other things considerable , it was manifest and undeniable , that Erastianisme was in the ascendent , and that the designe of the Rulers was to subject all Church-power unto themselves , and to assume as much thereof into their own hands , as they thought fit , and to have the whole of it subordinate unto them . Now when this designe was open and above board , out very not-withstanding and not-opposing , in our Places and Stations , this Erastian Designe , was a virtual cedeing and yeelding unto these Invasions and Usurpations ; how much more are they chargable herewith , who willingly submitted unto the Magistrat●s Actual Usurpation of Church-Power ; & by accepting of this Indulgence , did put them in Actual Possession of what was but notionally , and in the theorie , arrogat formerly , as to Non-conformists ? 6. It is granted by some , and cannot well be denied by any , That the Magistrats principal designe , in granting the Indulgence , was the establishement of the Erastian Supremacie : And if so , sure , it was the part of those , who accepted of the Indulgence , rather to have withstood this designe , at least by simple refusing of that , the accepting of which ( as every one might have seen ) would contribute unto this Erastian designe , and put them in actual possession thereof . Whether the Magistrate himself doth look upon the Accepters , as hereby acknowledging his Erastian Supremacie , or not , is not much to the purpose ; seeing the acceptance , as circumstantiat , was a virtual and reall enough acknowledgment and confirmation thereof : And , it is like , the Magistrate did designe no more , not regarding whether they should openly & professedly acknowledge such a thing , if he himself were confirmed & secured in the possession of that Erastian Usurped Power . But it will be said , That though it be granted , that the Supremacie is now in its exaltation , and that Erastianisme is the great designe ; and that such , as minded to be faithful , should not cede in the smallest of the Churches Rights , not to the loosing of one pin of the Government : And that this Erastianisme and Supremacy hath acted , outed and overturned , at its pleasure ; and that the Magistrat , in this offer of the Indulgence , doth still act , according to Erastianisme , and owne the same Supremacie , and intend its further establishement : Yet the Indulged did onely accept of a licence , which , when abstracted from its offensive circumstances , is a meer relaxation of the rigour of former Edicts . To which I Answer . ( 1. ) If this Indulgence did respect nothing but the Persons and Estates of Ministers , then it might be looked on as a meer relaxation of the rigiditie of former Edicts , under which they groaned : But it is past all denial , that this Indulgence relateth more , yea and Principally , unto their Office and function , and is designed ( as is confessed ) for the Estabishment of an Usurped power over the Function and Ministrie ; yea , and includeth an acquiescing and submission unto Acts , made and proposed by such , as confessedly act from a Principle of Usurpation , and that for the better Establishment of the same , & confirmation of themselves in the possession thereof ; and therefore the accepting of the Indulgence , cannot but contribute to the iniquous ends , proposed by the Indulgers . ( 2. Whatever that licence ( as it is called ) may be , or be supposed to be , when abstracted from its offensive circumstances ; yet taken complexly with these circumstances , it must be condemned ; and however in our imaginations , we may abstract it from these circumstances , yet we cannot do so in point of practice ; seing it is confessed , that the morality of actions do much ( at least ) depend upon circumstances . 7. This contrivance of Erastianisme being so notour and undeniable , the yeelding unto and accepting of the Indulgence , so conceived , so clogged , and restricted , as it was , cannot but be contributive unto the same ; and a plaine ( though not professed ) helping forward of the designe . Sure , the refusing of the Indulgence had been a sensible defeating of the designe , and would have necessitated the designers , if so be they would still have prosecuted their Intendment ( as is probable they would ) to have taken other measures , and invented other meanes , how to have accomplished their ends ; and this supposable defeat is sufficient to show , how suitable a medium this was unto the projected end . It cannot be said , for obviating of this , That this is but accidental , and a meer probability : for it hath a necessary connexion with the end , as not only experience hath proven ; but the very nature of the thing evinceth , as is abundantly cleared above . VI. How Prejudicial this is unto the good of the Church . THe discovery of this will serve for another head of Arguments against the lawfulness of this Indulgence : for certainely that cannot be a way approven of God , which is not for the Edification of the Body ; much less that , which is for its hurt & prejudice . Now that the Indulgence is of this nature , may hence appear . 1. Church-Historie sheweth , what hurt came to the Church by such a course as this , when Arian Emperours , by their own sole power thrust-out faithful , zealous and Orthodox Ministers , and put-in Arian hereticks in their places ; and now by this Indulgence , the way is paved for the same Course : so that now the Magistrate hath no more to do , to get all the Ministery on his side , and to carry on some corrupt & erroneous designe , but to thrust-out honest faithful men , and put-in brevi manu , whom he will. Who will scruple at this now , after the Indulged men have thus broken the ice ? and who will once question the Magistrates power to do this , seing they have so sweetly submitted , in the beginning : Turpius ejicitur quam non admitiitur hospes , it is better holding-out , than thrusting-out . 2. Our own History sheweth us , how noxious it was to our Church , when K. Iames obtained but so much , as to have an eminent and active hand , or a negative voice , directly or indirectly , in the planting of all the eminent places of the Land , especially of Edinburgh ; though he never had the confidence to seek a liberty to do it brevi manu ; but did it by collusion with the Commission of the Kirk , which was made to his mind : How quickly had he overturned all , if he had assumed the power to have transplanted Ministers , as he pleased ; and if Ministers had complied with him therein , and upon his sole call , or act of Councel , had left their own Charges , and gone to places , whither he sent them ? And what would these worthies , who opposed all his designes , in maintainance of the Established Order of the Church , and of her Power and Privileges , if alive , now say , to see so many Ministers , under so many obligations to maintaine the Liberties of the Church , willingly obeying the Councils Call and Act ? 3. If according to this Method , and the way now laid down , & put in practice , our Magistrates , in all time coming , should follow this course , and put away what Ministers they pleased from one place , and thrust others in where and when they pleased ; and in all this should meet with nothing but sweet submission ; how long should our Church enjoy purity ? And how long should the Gospel be preached in power , in any eminent place in the Land ? How long should Gospel freedom be keeped up , & the Gospel flourish ? And if all this should be , whom have we to thank therefore , but the Indulged ? Would not they have all doing , as they have done ? Are not they a sad preparative ? May not their example prove noxious to the following Generations ? And whither shall we then cause our shame to go ? 4. According to this Example , the Magistrate might quickly banish all purity out of the Kingdom , and turne all the Land over into Popery , by sending all the Orthodox Ministers to the Highlands , or to some one small and inconsiderable corner of the Land ( according as in the late Act of Indulgence so many scores were cantonized to one or two Diocies ) and suffering Papists to preach where they pleased , or fixing Popish Priests , in every Paroch . And if such a thing were intended , hath not the Indulgence broken the ice thereunto ? 5. Nay , we see that in the very Indulgence , some such designe is carried on ; fo● by it , the far greatest part of the Non-conforme Ministers were Cantonized and shut-up in twoes or threes together , in one Corner of the Countrey , and all the rest of the Land was given over to the will of Prelates , Papists , or Quakers : And if all the Ministers named , had followed the example of others , what had become , ere this day , of the greatest part of the Land ? Was then this Indulgence the thing , which the General good of the Church and Kingdom called for ? Were the Indulged put in best capacitie by the Indulgence , to serve their Generation , according to the necessity of the day ? Was this the only duty of the day ? Or did the Lord call for nothing else ? Well is it , that we have such a proof of the contrary , this day , legible upon the face of that Land ; and that the very prisones can declare some other thing . 6. It being beyond all doubt now , that the Assemblies of the Lord's people in Houses , or Fields , to partake of pure Ordinances , with full freedom of Conscience , hath been signally owned and blessed of the Lord ; and hath proven a mean to spread the knowledge of God beyond any thing that appeared , in our best times , whereby the Lord preached from heaven to all , who would hear and understand it , that this way of preaching , even this way , was that wherein the Soul of God took pleasure , and to which he called all , who would be co-workers with him , this day , to help forward the Interest of his Crown and Kingdom . Now , when in despight of this signal appearance of God , and out of enmitie to the good done in these meetings , wayes of cruelty are fallen upon , to suppress utterly all these Randezvouzes of the Lord's Militia ; and these coming short of effectuating the thing , Midianit ish wiles are fallen upon , of which this of the Indulgence was the chiefe , of purpose to keep the Countrey free of these solemne occasions of the Lords Appearances ; can it be thought to be the duty of the day , and that which the Lord is calling to , to contribute our concurrence unto these stratagemes of Satan , & welcome an Indulgence , devised of purpose to destroy the work of God ? I leave the thoughts of this to themselves , when they are thinking of appearing before their judge . 7. I shall not insist on that yoke of bondage , in the matter of stipends , which was hereby begun to be wreathed about the necks of Ministers ; to the inexpressible hurt and prejudice of the Church . See what was remarked in the 4. place on the Kings Letter . 8. It will be more to our purpose , as in it self it is of greater moment , to consider how hereby a Path-way was made , to make all the Ministers of the Land , in all time coming , wholly subject unto the Council , even in all Matters Ecclesiastick , whether concerning Doctrine , Discipline , or Manners ; For hereby they became wholly subject unto the Council , as being accountable only to them ; and were so wholly at their Devotion , that they were to stay in the places , where they were set , only dureing their pleasure ; and so might be couped from Kirk to Kirk ( as some of them were ) no otherwayes , than the Prelates Curates are , at the pleasure of the Prelate : Thus was the yce broken to the bringing of the Ministrie under perpetual Slaverie ; and what should then become of the glorious Liberty of our Church ? 9. Nay , as we saw above attested by open Printed Proclamations of the Council , there was , in this Indulgence , a base and sinful compacting for the same , which , to me , is the basest of Simoneie . A conditional accepting of the supposed favour , and , as it were , a formal barganing for it , by taking the liberty to preach and performe the work of the Ministrie , on sinful Conditions , even such Conditions , as contained a giving up of the Cause to the Supremacy , and the Erastian Designe , as hath been shown above . And what a preparative this was , let any judge . I know , the Indulged themselves will say , they are free of all compacting : And I shall not accuse them further than I know , or have ground : Yet this is certaine , that the Kings Letter mentioned such and such Instructions to be given to all the Indulged ; & it is also certaine , that this Letter was not altogether unknown to them , And when the Instructions ( which the Council , in plain Expressions , calleth , termes on which they granted the Indulgence , & the samine was accepted ) were tendered unto , and put in the hand of each of these in particular , who were called before the Councel Anno 1673. I heard not of their expressing their Dissatisfaction with these Termes , so as to quite the benefite , or , as we say , to cast the bargane thereupon ; And if all the Ministers , that shall ever hereafter be admitted to preach the Gospel , in Scotland , must follow this example , and give but an implicite consent unto these , or the like termes , imposed by the Council , where shall then our Gospel Liberty be ? And what shall then become of the Liberty of our Church ? And how shall the Ministers then be called the Servants of Christ , and not the Servants of Men ? 10. By the very subjecting to the Councils Instructions , to regulat them in the exercise of their Ministrie ; they become thereby as formally subject unto them , in Matters Ecclesiastick , as any inferiour Civil-Officers , such as Sheriffs , Justices of Peace Baylies &c. who yet , it may be , shall as little observe all their Instructions , as the Indulged haue observed theirs this subjecting of the Ministrie , in its exercise , unto the Magistrate , is a manifest enslaving of the same , to the unspeakable prejudice of the Gospel , and hurt of the Church . 11. What prejudice it is to the Church , to want the free and full exercise of Discipline , & that in the lawful Courts of Christ , needeth not here to be told : And yet , in this Indulgence , there was an accepting of the exercise of the Ministrie , without the full exercise of Discipline , save what was to be had in a sinful way , by compliance with Prelacie ; and so a tacite ( at least ) consent given unto this want . It will not be of advantage here to say , that the Field-Preachers or Non-indulged Ministers , have no Discipline , & yet preach : For all their preaching is sub cru●e , not having so much as fr●edome to exerce any part of their Ministrie , and so are allowed of God to do all they can ▪ when they cannot do all they would : and beside , it is alledged without ground ; for with no lesse signal countenance , they exercise some Acts of Discipline , such as receiving of penitents , than they preach , and in both are countenanced as His ●mbassadours . But the indulged are under the lee sheet of the Supremacie , having full peace , countenance and protection , as much , as in our best times , and when our Church was most flourishing ; and yet dispense calmely with the want of Church-Discipline , in Presbyteries and Synods ; and how some of their Sessions guide , and are constitute , is none of our Glory . 12. Nor needeth it be told , what prejudice will inevitably follow upon the want of Ordination , whereby a Succession of the Ministrie is keeped up , and the word committed to faithful men , according to Christs Appointment , who may serve the Lord in the Work of the Gospel , in their Generation : How quickly , upon the want of this , a faithful Ministri● shall of necessitie cease , every one may see : And yet the Indulged have accepted of the exercise of their Ministrie , on such termes , or in such a way , as doth utterly incapacitate them for going about the Necessary Work of Ordination . Their Transgressing their Bounds , and violating the Injunctions upon their peril ( if so be they do so , that they may ordaine some ) in order to the keeping up of this Ordinance , is in so far commendable ; but is not sufficient to expiat the guilt of accepting the Indulgence , which was thus clogged ; as their whole relinquishing of the Indulgence , & betaking themselves to the Fields , with the rest of their Brethren , would prove a commendable after-wit ; but would not say , that there was no evil , in their accepting of the Indulgence , but the contrary rather . VII . How hereby our Cause and Ground of Suffering is vvronged . THE Lords good hand of Providence having so ordered it , that once a considerable Company were willing to endure Hardshipe . Want & Tribulation , for the Truths sake ( and therefore choosed suffering rather than sin ) ; which , howbeit it was upon some accounts sad and afflicting ; yet upon the account , that the Cause of Christ was owned , the Work of Reformation not condemned , but accounted still the Work of the Lord , was no small matter of Joy : Though it might have been expected , that few or none of all the Ministers , that had seen the great Works of the Lord , should have so relinquished the Interest of Christ , and embraced what once they had abjured ; yet we ought to bless the Lord , that so many abode steadfast in the day of Temptation . But how joyful so ever it was to see such a goodly Company , adhering to their Principles , and fully following the Lord ; it cannot but be as sad and afflicting , upon the other hand , to see this goodly Bulk wretchedly broken . and to see men stepping off , and that such Men , and so many such , and that after such a way , as cannot but be accounted a falling off from formerly received Principles , and from the Cause and Ground of our Sufferings . Now that the Embracers of this Indulgence are justly chargable herewith , may appear from these Particulars . 1. It was a part of the Reformation , which through the special goodness of God , our Church at length , after long wrestling , attained to , that the people should be restored to their Right and Privilege of Calling , and making a free Choise of their own Pastors , according to the example of the pure and primitive Church : And it was because they would not renounce this way of entrie , that so many Ministers were thrust out from their Congregations , by the Act of Councel at Glalgow . But in the Indulgence , there was an entering into the Pastoral Charge of a people , upon the Act and Call or Order of Council , without this Free and Full Election of the people . The Nominal Call , that was precariously had thereafter , as to some , was but a mock-call , and no foundation of their Relation unto these places , as hath been seen . And how the Councils Act and Order was exclusive thereof is manifest , and confirmed by the Instance of Mr Weer's Process . Sure , as the Election here was null , there being none to choose upon , and the Call prelimited , because the Councils Order did set such an indulged Man over them , whether they would , or not ; so the making a shew of seeking or of getting a Call from the people , after the Ground of the Relation was already laid , was the exposeing of that Order of Christs to ludibrie . 2. Multitudes of the Non-conforme Ministers were ejected , and cast-out of their Places and Congregations , because they would not acknowledge the Power and Interest of Patrons , nor accept of their Presentations unto Flocks : But in this Indulgence , as we saw above , the Interest of Patrons is reserved entire : Though they should say , That they sought no Presentations from Patrons , nor had they any active hand therein , it will not much avail : For even several of the ejected Ministers might have been free of ejection , if they could in Conscience have yeelded to so much , and acquiesced in this , that the Patron should have signified to the Bishop his presenting of such a Person , and that without his express Consent , or Formal Acceptance thereof : Yea how many had the Presentation willingly and cheerfully offered unto them undesired ? 3. It is the chiefe Corner stone of our Reformation , and the fundamental point , whereupon all the wrestlings , and sufferings of our Church from the beginning have been stated , viz. That Christ is the alone Head of the Church : But by the Indulgence another head is acknowledged beside Him ; when thereby it was declared , that the Indulged held not their Ministrie of Christ alone : as we saw above on the first head , and first particular thereof . 4. So by the rest of the Particulars , mentioned under that head , we see how many wayes , there was , in this Indulgence , a defection from former Principles , and a falling off from our grounds , all which we need not here repeat . 5. We fall from our Principles , and from the cause , upon which our sufferings are stated ; when we cede and yeeld to Adversaries , seeking to overthrow the pillars and grounds of Presbyterian Government : And in how many Particulars Presbyterian Principles are , by this Indulgence , receded from , we have seen above , in the 2 head . 6. It hath been the Lot of the Church of Scotland , from the very beginning , to be put to wrestle against the Powers of the Earth , encroaching upon the Prerogatives of Jesus Christ , and the Privileges of his Church ; and in contending for the same , against all such Usurpation , did the faith●ulness and steadfastness of our worthie & renowned Predecessours appear and shine forth ; and upon the account of their faithful adhering to the Truth , and bearing witness against all Usurpations , made upon the Rights of the Church , and on the Jurisdiction of Christ , sole King of Zion ; and for declining Judicatories acting by usurped Authoritie , were they all alongs put to suffer in their Freedom , Persons , Goods &c. by Tossings , Citations , Letters of Horning , Confinements , Imprisonments , Confiscation of goods , Relegations , Sentences unto death , and Banishments . But now , what a falling off this ground , ceding to Usurpations , Homologating of the Supremacie , & Establishment of Erastianisme is in the Indulgence , is manifest from the Particulars mentioned under the 3. and 5. head . 7. We need not forget , what was one maine ground of the actings of our worthie and valiant Predecessours , in the yeers 1637 and 1638. viz. That Ecclesiastick causes should be determined by Lawful Ecclesiastick Judicatories , and Civil causes by Parliaments and other Civil Judicatories . But to Homologate a Power in the Civil Magistrate , as such , to cognosce upon , and judge in Church affairs , immediatly and formally , is to condemne all these actings , and all the actings of Church and State since , upon that ground ; and a plaine relinquishing of that foundation . And that by the accepting of the Indulgence , such a power is acknowledged to be competent to the Civil Magistrate , as such , hath been manifested above , in several Particulars , Let us here but name that one Instance of the Councils sole judging of the fitness and Qualifications of a Person for such or such a charge , in reference to his setling there , as Pastor of the place ; which is an Ecclesiastick cause , and hath been alwayes so accounted . But it will be said , No man needs question their abilities , some having been Ministers , in the most eminent places of the Kingdom . For answer . I shall not question their abilities , though it may be , the carriage of some of them hath been such , since this defection began , as would make a Conscientious Church-Judicatory not a little averse from admitting of them within their bounds , if the Acts of our General Assemblies , by which they stand censurable , were in any regarde . But however , the Civil Magistrate is here made sole competent judge of this fitness ; and by what right he hath appointed these to go to the places , particulary designed , he may appoint others to go to such places , for which no Church-Judicatory , acting conscientiously , would judge them Qualified : And who can challenge them upon this account , seing they are sole judges , themselves ? 8. In King Iames his dayes , several faithful and honest Ministers were banished from their own Churches , and confined in other places of the Land , and seeing no hope of getting the Civil Sentence taken off , were necessitate to accept of a call to serve the Lord , in the places where they were confined ; but we never finde , that they took the Charge of such or such a Flock , upon the Edict or Act of Council , enjoining them thereunto . 9. Who ever heard before , in our Church , Ministers compeating before the Privie Council , and there receiving Directions , Instructions , Rules and Canons , directing them , how to regulate themselves in the exercise of their Ministerial Function ? And when the Indulged Persons did thus , who can assoile them from a plaine Defection from our Cause and Principles ? Put the case , that some Ministers had done so in the Year 1649. how would they have been looked upon by our General Assembly ? Or if our Parliament and Council Anno 1648. had turned out such as were against the Duk 's Engagment , and thereafter had ordered them ; to go to such and such places of the Land , as they thought fit , giving them withall such Instructions , as here were given to the Indulged , if these Ministers had carried but just , as our Indulged did , I leave to all to judge , whether or not they had been looked upon , as Deserters of our Cause . 10. We know what sufferings those faithful men underwent , when after so long imprisonment they were at length condemned at Linlithgow Anno 1606. for declining of the Privie Council , when about to judge them in the matter of a meeting keeped , or offered rather to be kept , at Aberdeen : But now we finde severals Indulged called before the Privie Council , there to be judged concerning their Baptizing of some Children within the Covenant ; a matter no less unquestionably Ecclesiastick , than was that meeting at Aberdeen ; and in stead of giving-in a Declinature , we heard of nothing , but of a simple excuse , that they had not seen those Orders , plainly showing , that if they had seen them , they had obeyed them : was not this a manifest defection from our Principles and Cause ? 11. I might mention under this Head , the Indulged persons their forsaking and laying aside , at the command or desire of the Council , that useful and commendable piece of our Reformation , I mean , the Lectures , or Explication of the Scriptures ; against which nothing can be supposed to move our Adversaries , but onely that it is a piece of Reformation ; yea the only remaining monument of that blessed work , all which they abhore . 12 We are engaged , as will not be denied , against Prelacy ; and yet the Indulged did virtually engage to support that , which they stand obliged to pull down , by receiving of these Injunctions , which ordered them to do many things , tending to the strengthening of the Prelatical Invasion : Of which more particularly in the following Head. VIII . Hovv the hands of Prelates are hereby strengthened . COnsidering how we stand engaged against Prelates and Prelacie , every sinful course , that hath a tendencie to strengthen their hands , and to fix them in their tyrannical Usurpations over the Church , should be so much more abhorred by us ; Yea , what otherwayes might be lawfully done , in this case , should be wholly forborne . We shall therefore take notice of the Advantages given to Prelacy by this Indulgence . As. 1. Not to mention the open door , that is left unto them , to accept of the Prelates Collation , nor the encouragement they have unto the seeking and obtaining of this from the Bishop , in and by this Indulgence ; we may take notice of this , That hereby they put themselves in prison , and the key of their Prison , door is in the Prelates hands ; for without licence , granted by the Bishop of the Diocie , they may not go without the bounds of their confinment . And , sure , as this is no small disadvantage to themselves , but a manifest exposeing of themselves unto temptation ; so it is a great power and advantage granted to the Prelate over them ; which slaverie and bondage they had been free of , if refusing the Indulgence , they had remained in the same Condition with the rest of their Non-Indu●ged Brethren . 2. There is in the accepting of the Indulgence , a voluntarie with-drawing of an helping hand from the greatest part of the Land , groaning under the Tyranny of Prelacy ; and a leaving of the same unto the will and pleasure of the Prelates and of their Curates ; for hereby they willingly did give up themselves to be inclosed wi●hin their several designed and limited places , and were content their Ministery should be their confined , let the necessity of the Church be what it would , or cou●d be . Thus , as to them , the Prelates , and their Curats were left in the peacable possession of all the rest of the Land , which was no sma●l advantage , seing they were secured as to them , in all time coming , and had no ground to fear , that they should ●●ssen their Kingdom , and beat-up their quarters , with Field & House-Meetings , as others Non-Indulged did , and are doing , to the Glory of God , & to our Comfort . 3. Not to mentione the friendly and brotherly love and correspondence , that some have observed betwixt some of the Indulged , and their neighbour Hirelings , who are under the Prelates the general deadness and slackness as to any zeal against the Prelates and their wicked courses , which is commonly observed , wherever the Indulgence is , is no small proof of the advantage , which Prelates and Prelacie have had by the Indulgence : Prelates themselves will possiblie say , that one field Conventicle hath done them and their cause more prejudice , than many preachings of all the Indulged men : Though I am far from : thinking , that the preachings of the Indulged , have any direct tendencie to strengthen the Course of Prelacie ; yet what I have said being generally observed to be true , themselves are concerned to search , whence and how it cometh to passe , that it is so ; as also , how it is that so many observe a greater keenness in them , against the field preachers , than against the Prelates ; yea and the Supremacy , even in their Sermons . 4. It may have some weight , as to this , to consider , how by their accepting of the Indulgence , which floweth from the Supremacie , the Prelates are ready to look upon themselves as justified , in accepting of Prelacie from that same Supremacie , for , may they think , These men cannot blame us for acquiesceing unto the determination of the King , acting by vertue of his Supremacy in Church-affairs , and over all Church-Persons , and accepting of that Charge and Place , which is given to us , in the Church , from him , who hath full power to dispose of Ecclesiastick Persons , as he will ; seing they themselves have acquiesced unto the determination of the King , acting by vertue of his Supremacie over Church-Persons , and accepted of what charge and place in the Church he thought fit to give them , and took their Instructions , to boot . 5. In accepting of the Instructions , they virtually engaged themselves to several things , which could not but strengthen the hands of the Prelates and their Curates . As ( 1. ) To admit none of the people , who live under Curates , unto their Sermons . ( 2. ) Not to admit them to their Communions , without the allowance of the Curates . ( 3. ) Nor to baptize their Children , without the same allowance . ( 4. ) Not to marry any , living within their bounds , without the said allowance , if the place be not vacant . ( 5. ) They are ordered also to observe Presbyteries and Synods , which are now wholly Prelatical . ( 6. ) Matters of Discipline and Censure , which usually came before Presbyteries and Synods , are ordered to run in the same channel . By all which ( not to mentione their praying of dues to the Clerks of those Episcopal Meetings , which was also injoined ) it is obvious and plaine , how the hand of the Prelates and their Curates were to be strengthened ; and if these Orders had been punctually observed , themselves , I hope , will grant , that hereby the hands of these Adversaries had been strengthened ; and if so , sure I am , their receiving of these Injunctions , and of their licence upon condition of observing them , was a virtual engaging of themselves hereunto . IX . Hovv it is against our Covenants . I Hope , it will be granted , that the obligations of the Covenants , Vowes and Solemne Engagments are upon us ; and that I need do no more here , than show , wherein the accepting of this Indulgence was against our Covenants ; and this is to me manifest from these Particulars . 1. It is a chiefe part of that Religion , and head of that Doctrine , that we are obliged by all our Covenants and Vowes to defend , viz. That Christ is sole King and Head of His Church , which is His House and Kingdome ; and consequently , we are obliged to do nothing , that may wrong His Right , and entrench upon His Royal Prerogatives . But what wrongs the accepting of this Indulgence carrieth alongs with it , against the Royal Prerogatives of Christ , as sole Head and King of His Church , we have seen above , under the first Head , and we need not here repeat them . 2. We are obliged by our Covenants to defend and own Presbyterian Government , as is granted by all : but in how many particulars this Indulgence crosseth the principles of Prebyterian Government , we have seen above , under the Second Head ; and as to all these particulars our Covenants are violated . 3. How we are engaged by our Covenant against P●elacy , the second Article of the Solemne League and Covenant can tell us ; and how many wayes the accepting of this Indulgence , did contribute expresly or virtually , unto the strengthening of Prelacy , we saw above , under the foregoing Eight Head : And it is past all question , that these particulars there mentioned are utterly inconsistent with an Endeavour to extirpat Prelacie . 4. We cannot be ignorant , that in the Solemne Acknowledgment of sins , and Engagment to duties , we vowed and swore to study and endeavoure to preserve Religion in purity , against errour &c. and particularly against Erastianisme , in these words , Because many have of late laboured to supplant the liberties of the Kirk , we shall maintaine and defend the Kirk of Scotland in all her Liberties and Privileges , against all who shall oppose & undermine the same , or encroach thereupon , under any pretext whatsomever . And certaine it is , that Erastianisme was never so regnant in Scotland , as it is , and hath been , since this Catastrophe began , and that the Liberties and Privileges of the Church are not only now opposed , encroached upon , and undermined , but overturned and quite taken away . Now , how became it all , who minded faithfulness and steadfastness in their Covenant , to stand fast in this Particular , and be tender of all the Privileges of the Church , and to guaird against very thing , which might contributee in the least , or be justly interpreted to contribute unto this Invasion , or prove a consent thereunto ? But on the other hand , in how many Particulars , the accepters of the Indulgence stand guilty here , hath been shown above , and may be seen under the Third and First heads . 5. We are expresly bound by our Covenants , not to suffer ourselves Directly , or Indirectly , by whatsoever Combination , Perswasion , Suggestion , Allurment , or Terrour , to be divided or withdrawn from our blessed Union and Conjunction , whether to make defection to the contrary Party , or to give ourselves to à detestable Indifferency or Neutrality . But , now , as to this Indulgence , what a divisive motion it was , is notour enough ; and it was , by the confession of some of the chiefe of the Indulgers themselves , said to be intended for that end ; and beside this , the thing it self speaketh out this with a loud voice . How manifest and great a breach is hereby made among the suffering remnant , is beyond all denial ; and how great , consequently , and manifest the breach of Covenant is , upon this account , is Alas ! too obvious and plaine . X. Hovv hereby the condemne themselves . THis Consideration may also furnish us with another head of Arguments against this Indulgence , That the accepters thereof have thereby , in several Particulars , condemned themselves , as to their former Principles and Practices : And this Consideration may be looked upon , as an Argumentum ad hominum , as it is called : An argument , that may militate against them . Now this self contradiction of theirs appeareth in these Particulars . 1. I shall suppose , that several of them at least ( for I love to judge the best ) were no Enemies to Field and House-Meetings , howbeit condemned by the Law ; and that possiblie some of them did preach sometimes at such meetings ; though the Qualification , required in the Kings Letter , and presumed by the Council to be in them , to wit , of living peacably and orderly , would say some other thing . And if they did approve of these Meetings , and of that way of preaching , for spreading of the Gospel , and doing good to the suffering Church of Scotland ; they could not but , in so far , condemne all courses and wayes taken , or to be taken , of purpose to hinder that good work ; and consequently condemne the Indulgence , which was manifestly contrived for that end . But now in accepting of the Indulgence , they have approved what formerly they condemned , and have condemned what formerly they approved . 2. They all , I suppose , do condemne the Supremacie , as an Usurpation , not to be allowed ; for I never heard of any of them , save one , of another judgment , in that particular . But in accepting of the Indulgence , they accept of that , which purely floweth from the Supremacie , and which had never been , if the Supremacy had not been usurped , and which hath no legal being but by the Supremacie and its explicatory Act , which is all their legal ground of security , as hath been manifested above : And therefore do Homologate , and virtually approve of that , ( as was manifested under the 3. Head , which they have condemned ; and so have acted inconsequentially to their own Principles . 3. I likewise suppose , that they condemne the entry of the Curates , who have entered by the Prelates : And whatever accidental differences may be betwixt their entry , and the entry of the Curats ; yet in this maine and Principal ground , whereupon both are to be condemned , they agree ; to wit. That the entry of both is founded upon the Supremacie : For the Prelates have their power in the Church from the Supremacie : and so doth the Councel act in Church affairs by vertue of power , flowing from the King , as Supream in Churchs-affairs ; and Curats enter immediatly by the Prelates , and the Indulged enter immediatly by the Council ; and both enter mediatly by the Supremacie , but with this difference , that the Conveyance seemeth to be more Ecclesiastical , as to the Curats , Prelats , as such , being supposed at le●st , Ecclesiastick Persons , and so called ; than it is as to the Indulged , the Council neither really , nor nominally being a Church-Judicatory . 4. They formerly refused to stay with their Charges , by vertue of a Presentation of the Patron , who possibly would have granted it undesired ; and yet now they have accepted the same Charges , and some have accepted of other Charges , not without the Consent of the Patrons , according to the standing Law ; and the same is expresly mentioned , as had and obtained by the Council , in order to their Legal Estab●i●hment . In so far therefore , they cannot but have condemned themselves and their former Principles and Practice . 5. We know how many of these same Brethren refused the Accommodation , that was offered by B. Lightoun ; and therefore would not joyn nor concurre with the Prelates , or their Curats , in their Presbyteries and Synods ; and yet with the Indulgence , which they embraced , was this , among other Instructions , given , that they should repaire to these Meetings , and referre Causes , usually referable , thereunto ; and though they did not obey the said Injunctions , yet their receiving of them , at the Councils Bar , was a virtual Approbation yea and a promise of performance ; and that so much the more , that the favour was offered upon these termes , as the Council expresly declared . But further , we may draw a parallel here , whereby it may distinctly appear , that their refusing of the Benefite , offered by the Accommodation , did condemne their accepting of the Benefite , offered by the Indulgence : As ( 1. ) as the exercise of the Ministrie in preaching is a part of the Ministerial Function ; so is the exercise of Discipline . ( 2. ) As the one exercise doth natively and originally flow from the Appointment of Christ , and Power given by Him ; so doth the other . ( 3. ) As it is unlawful to acknowledge and submit to the Usurpation of Prelates , in the exercise of Discipline ; so it is unlawful to acknowledge or submit to the Usurpation of the Council , in the exercise of other parts of the Ministerial Function ▪ ( 4. ) As in following the Indulgence , we may possibly imagine , that we act by vertue of our Ordination , solely and purely ; so in sitting in Presbyteries , we may likewise imagine , that we act by vertue of our first Ordination . ( 5. ) As the Interposition , or Intervention of the Prelats Usurpation altereth the current of the exercise of Discipline ; so doth the Interposition or Intervention of the Magistrats Usurpation alter the current of the Exercise of Preaching &c. ( 6. ) As in the exercise of Discipline , in those Meetings , the Accepter of the Accommodation would have yeelded himself up to be accountable to the Prelat ; so , in the exercise of the Ministrie , the Accepter of the Indulgence yeeldeth himself up to be accountable to the Magistrate , who gave him these Instructions ; in so far as concerneth these ? Yea , in the offer of the Accommodation , there was this advantage , That the Accepter had full Liberty granted to him , at his entry to these Meetings , to declare , that he did not renounce his own private Opinion anent Church-Government ; and to enter his Declaration in what forme he pleased : But the Accepter of the Indulgence had no such Liberty granted to him , though the deed was as manifestly a compliance with Erastianisme , as the other had been with Prelacie . But it will be said , that the maine ground of scrupling at the Accommodation , was , that these Meetings were not true Presbyterial Meetings , these being discharged by Authoritie , and all their warrant in Law removed , and those new meetings being enjoined for establishment of Prelacie , on which they were wholly to depend . I Answere , I am not seeking to weaken any ground of scruple , which these Brethren had against the offered Accommodation ; but am only showing , that what grounds moved them to scruple at the Accommodation , these same should have prevailed with them , to scruple at the Indulgence ; and therefore shall hold forth the Parallel of the two Cases , even as to this ground : So that ( 1. ) As no act of Civil Authority can lawfully depose a Minister from the Ius and Right of preaching ; so neither from the Ius and Right of exercising Discipline . ( 2. ) As Civil Authority can only impede the Actual exercise of the one , in such or such a particular place ; so only can it impede the Actual exercise of the other . ( 3. ) Civil Authority could not take away the Ius of Presbyterial Meetings , but only impede their exercise ; as Civil Authority could not take away the Ius of a Ministers preaching , as Pastor over such a Ch●rge ; but only impede the exercise of that Function . ( 4. ) As notwithstanding of all that the Civil Authority did , Ministers retained a fundamental Right to exerce the Office of a Minister , in their several Congregations ; so , notwithstanding of what the Magistrates did , they retained a fundamental Power and Right to meet in Presbyterial Assemblies for the exercise of Discipline . ( 5. ) I● yet , notwithstanding of this , Presbyterial-meetings are said to be quite overturned ▪ by the Magistrates discharge , and cassing the Lawes made for the establishment thereof ; why may not also the Ministers Relation to such a flock as Pastor thereof , be said to be annulled by the Magistrates Act , discharging him to preach there , and cassing the Law establishing the right way of entry by Free Election of the People , without Presentation of the Patron ? ( 6. ) And if after what hath been done by the Magistrats , in taking away the Old Presbyteries with their legal Ground , any new Meetings that are , being appointed for establishing of Prelacy , be Prelatical Meetings ; why may not also this new Pastoral Charge , being appointed by the Magistrates , for Establishment of Erastianisme , after all that hath been done , in taking away the Old Relation with its legal ground , be an Erastian Relation ; and consequently as much to be scrup●ed at , as these Meetings ? 6. No doubt , these Brethren would have scrupled to have taken the Bishops Collation : And in accepting of the Indulgence , I judge , they have condemned themselves in this : For what ever Reasons could have moved to have scrupled that , the same , or the like should have moved them to have scrupled this ; as will appear by the parallel , in these Particulars , ( 1. ) If the Indulged think that the Indulgence is but a partial Restitution of the Liberty , whereof he was totally deprived ; so the Minister , that accepteth of the Prelats Collation , may judge and say , that it includeth not Ordination , for he was an ordained Minister before ; but is only a granting of Lberty , for the free exercise of the Ministrie . And he may think , that by no reason he can be construed to acknowledge more , as well , as the Indulged Minister may think . ( 2. ) As he , who submitteth to Collation , acknowledgeth and preferreth the Prelate , as a proper Minister of Jesus Christ ; So he , who submitteth to the Indulgence ; acknowledgeth the Magistrate , or the Council to be the proper Subject of Fo●mal Church-Power , which is tantamount to the making of them Ministers of ●e●us Christ , yea , which is worse , he ascribeth unto the Magistrate , that Architectomick Power in Church-Matters , which is proper to Christ , the only Head of His Church . ( 3. ) As in Collation there is a formal acceptance , a direct Submission and Recognizance and as significant a Transaction , as if the Bishop did expresly stipulat , and the other Consent and Promise ; so in the Indulgence , ( as hath been cleared above ) there is a formal Acceptance , and a plaine Submission and Recognizance ; and as Significant a Transaction ( if the Council be to be beleeved ) as if the Council did expresly stipulate , and the other Consent and Promise . ( 4. ) Suppose the Prelate should send to an outted Minister a warrant , licensing him to go to another Church , than his own ( I state the Supposition thus , in case any should think there is a Difference betwixt a Collation , and such a Licence ) would the outted Minister , or any of those , who are now Indulged , accept of the same , and upon that sole Ground , look upon himself as Minister of such a place ? If not , why did they accept of such a Licence from the Council ? XI . Hovv thereby the Meetings of Gods People are prejudged . IF the Indulged Ministers be not real Enemies to , and utterly dissatisfied with the Assemblings of Gods People in Houses , or in the Fields , against which the rage of Rulers hath appeared so much , by terrible Acts and Proclamations , and more terrible Executions , ( as I desire to think they are not ) it will easily be granted , that if their accepting of the Indulgence , be really Prejudicial unto the carrying on of the Work of God , in and by these Meetings , nicknamed Conventicles ; or if it be found , that by the accepting of the Indulgence , they have contributed unto suppressing of these Meetings : and consequently , that interpretativly they may be charged in part with the Severities , exerced against the same , if , I say , this be made probable and likely , we will have , upon this account , a new Head of Arguments against the accepting of this Indulgence , which deserve some Consideration here . What have been the Tossings , Harassings , Afflictions , Vexations and Sufferings , that the Servants and People of God have met with : because of their following of this Necessary and Signally blessed Duty , none of the Inhabitants of the Land can be ignorant of ; and the Jailours can abundantly witness unto this very day , together with the Barbarous Souldiers , who readily did and do put in exec●tion the cruel Commands of their enraged Masters : And it would be too long and too Tragical an Historie to make a full and faithful relation of the same . It would be too tedious also to make mention only of all the Acts , Edicts , Proclamations and other things of that kinde , that have been made and emitted against the sa●ds Meetings , breathing forth nothing but the height of cruelty and rage , imposei●g exorbitant fines upon all Persons found at those Meetings , threatning death to he Ministers ; giving encouragement to Souldiers to apprehend the hearers , by the pomise of their fines and escheats , and to apprehend some certain Ministers by the Promise of two thousand Merks ; and to apprehend all others , preaching at ●uch Meetings by the Promise of one thousand Merks , besides other rewards . It w●uld likewayes prove too long , to give but an acc●unt of the Letters of Inter commu●ing , against multitudes both of Ministers and Professours , simply upon this account , Datted Aug. 6. 1675. Whereby all the Subjects were prohibited to Reset , Supply or Intercommune with any of the Persons therein mentioned , or to haue intelligence with them by Word , Write , or Message ; or furnish them with Meat , Drink , House , Harbour , Victual , or any other thing useful , under the paine of being repute ai●t and part with them , in the Crimes of Rebellion mentioned , and pursued therefore with all rigour . Only , from all these it is manifest , what an eye-sore these Meetings have been , and yet are unto the Rulers , and with what edge and eagerness they have laboured by all meanes possible , to suppress and quite destroy the same . This premised , in order to our Designe here , we desire that these following Particulars may be pondered . 1. It hath been manifest above , both from the Kings Letter and other Particulars , beside the notoriety of the thing it self , that the Indulgence was contrived of purpose , for this special end , among others to bear down and extinguish these Meetings , nicknamed Conventicles . 2. It is certaine , that all such , as have accepted of the Indulgence , have for the most part laid themselves wholly aside from this necessary work of the Lord , this day , and have received a Letter of ease from this troublesome and hazardous imployment of carrying the newes of the Gospel , from mountaine to hill ; ( to which the Lord is calling aloud , this day , and graciously encouraging by his wonderful blessing the laboures of these few , who yet venture ) and have given themselves to rest , under the covering of the Supremacy . 3. It is likewise manifest , that if all the rest of the Ministers , named in the Councils Acts , had done as they have done , and had accepted of that supposed favour , and submitted unto their Order of Indulgence and Confinement , there had been few left to have carried on that great work of the day , which appeareth to be the work , that God is in a special manner calling unto . 4. If all had refused to accept of that Indulgence , and had concurred with one shoulder to carry on that great and necessary work of the Lord , the Rulers had been utterly frustra● in their designe of banishing these Solemne Assemblies , these Royal Rendevouzes of Christs militia , and these solemne occasions of the Lords appearing in the power of his grace , out of the Land : And , on the other hand , the accepting of the Indulgence hath encouraged them in their wicked Purpose , fortified them in their Resolution , and animated them unto a following forth of their Designe , by all their cruel Acts and bloudy Executions . 5. By accepting of the Indulgence , not only have the Accepters laid themselves aside from this necessary and blessed Work ; but likewise all these people , over whom they are set by the Council , are with-held or withdrawn from waiting upon the Lord , at these blessed and wonderfully countenanced Occasions . Whereby the Followers of the Lord are broken , divided , and weakened , and so become a more ready prey unto the Adversary : For 6. If all the outted Ministers had faithfully and diligently gone about this Work , and had , for that end , divided themselves thorrow the Land , the work had been more succesful , the Followers of the Lord had multiplied , and had remained unite in one intire Body ; the Adversaries had been put to a demurre , and had not gote such Advantage , as now they have gote ; and the people of the Lord had had more Freedom to serve him , and had been more secured from Danger : Whileas now , when re●●cted to a few number , their Assemblings are the more laid open unto the persecution , and fiery pursuite of Rulers , and exposed more to hazards and grievous Difficulties , as experience hath proven . 7. Wherefore , seing by accepting of and submitting to this Indulgence , there is a contributing of a concurrence with the Rulers , in their wicked Designe of banishing all these Meetings out of the Land , which manifestly had been defate by a plaine & positive refusal of that supposed favour ; and seing the same is so inconsistent with the keeping up of these Meetings , and infallibly effectuateth a relinquishing of them by many , and a diminishing of their number ; it is undeniable that the Accepters of this Indulgence have , in so far , and upon the matter , condemned all those Meetings ; and consequently approven all the Opprob●ious and false Epithers given unto them , and persecution made against them by the Rulers . 8. Having thus exposed the residue of the faithful of the land , ( who through grace are resolved to follow the Lord with full purpose of heart ) , unto the furie of the Adversaire , They become interpretatively guilty of and accessorie to all the Cruelties and Barbarities , used and exercised upon Ministers and Professours , for adher●ing unto that way . These things might be further enlarged and exaggerated ; but I choose only to mention them , and proceed , XII . How Scandalous and Offensive it is . The reall ground of Offence , that was in the accepting of this Indulgence , and the Scandal that was thereby given to one and other , is valide enough alone to militate against it , and sufficient to condemne it , unto all , who understand the nature of Scandal , and the dreadfulness of the sin of giving scandal by any thing we do , whether as to Matter , or Manner ; and who remember what Christ and His Apostles have said of this Matth. 18 : 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. with the Parallel Places Mark. 9 : 42. and Luk. 17 : 1 , 2. Rom. 14. throughout 1 Cor. 8 , and 9 : and 10. Chapters . And there is no way to evi●e the force of this Argument , but by affirming and proving , That the Action , at which offence is taken , or may be taken , is not onely lawful in it self ; but , as circumstantiat , is expedient and necessary to be done ; as all Orthodox in this matter know , and as may be seen in the Disputes of our Predecessours against the Formalists , especially in the English Popish Ceremonies ; and in the Debates of the Non-conformists in England , this day , with their Adversaries , upon this Head. Wherefore , seing it will be easily granted , that the accepting of the Indulgence , was not a thing in it self necessary , so as it could not be refused without manifest sin against the Lord ; and we have sufficiently , by our foregoing Arguments , proven the same to have been sinful . And seing it will not be sufficient to say , That it was a matter in it self Lawful , or Indifferent , seing what is Lawful in it self may become , by reason of some Circumstances , Inexpedient , and what is Inexpedient , in so far as Inexpedient , is Unlawful ; and by what we have said , we suppose it is apparent , that none can with any shew of Reason affirme , that it was Expedient . Seing I say , the matter standeth thus ; and seing withall it had such a manifest appearance of evil in it , and that upon so many accounts , as hath been cleared , upon all which , it cannot but be conceived , to have been very Scandalous and Offensive . In prosecuting of this Head , I might here make a large recapitulation of the Particulars , wrapped up in that complex Business , considerable in the circumstances thereof , and in their carriage , at the receiving thereof , and at their receiving of their Instructions , and otherwayes ; and show how , by all of these , they gave offence : But to shun prolixity , I shall leave that , knowing that the Judicious Reader will have observed these things , in the perusal of what is said above . All therefore that remaineth here to be done , is to show what appearance of evil , and real matter of scandal there was , in the accepting of this Indulgence : And while I am to do this , I would have no man thinking , that hereby I do in the least weaken my foregoing Arguments , proving it sinful ; for it is a truth , that the open committing of a manifest sin is scandalous ; and no man can say , that the scandal , arising from an action , maketh that action indifferent , and not sinful , in it self , or extra casum scandali . But because we ought all to be tender of the Spiritual welfare of our Brethren , and carefully to guard against the laying of a stumbling block before them , or do any thing that may induce them to sin , or tendeth thereunto , or to retard them in their Spiritual journey &c. Therefore ex superabundante , an argument hence may be convincing . In order therefore to the holding forth of the scandalousness of this action , I shall only mentione the several Persons , unto whom hereby scandal was given , and cleare the same in a word . 1. The accepters of the Indulgence , did hereby give offence unto such of their Brethren , as had the offer , but were not clear , nor convinced of the Lawfulness of the embraceing of such a favour , at such a time ; for by their example these were encouraged and moved to do that , which they judged sinful and unlawful for them to do : And thus was there a stumbling block , and an occasion to fall , put in their Brother's way Rom. 14.13 . And it is evil for any to do such a thing with offence , even though it were in it self , and as abstracted from circumstances , Lawful and Pure Rom. 14 : 20. Nay suppose , that those Brethren had scrupled out of meer weakness ; yet , if the taking of the Indulgence be not said to be a necessary duty , ( as I suppose it will not be said to be ) in this case , it should have been forborne , according to the Doctrine of Paul 1 Cor. 8 : 9.10 , 11. But take heed lest by any meanes , this liberty of yours become a stumbling block to them that are weak : for if any man see thee , which last knowledg ▪ sit at meat in the Idols temple ▪ shall not the Conscience of him , which is weak , be emboldened to eat those things , which are offered to Idols ? And through thy knowledge , shall the weak brother perish , for whom Christ died . 2. They gave offence unto others , who had not this in their offer , yet Judged the accepting thereof unlawful , upon the ground last mentioned ; and t●erefore should have hearkened unto the direction of Paul , in a like case 1 Cor. 10 : 28. But if any man say unto you , This is offered in sacrifice unto Idols , eat not ; for his sake that shewed it , and for Conscience sake — vers 29. Conscience , I say , not thine own ; But of the others . And accordingly have refused that Indulgence , seing there wanted not who told them of the evil , they conceived to lye therein . 3. They gave ground of offence unto the Godly Professours of the Land , who looked upon that course ( as they do to this day ) as homologating the Supremacy and as strengthening the Erastian Invasion , and so gave ground to them to think , that they had departed from their Principles , and to be grieved thereupon : The consideration of which should have prevailed with them , to have refused this pretended favoure , according to the direction of Paul Rom. 14 : 15 , 16. But if thy brother be grieved with thy meat , now walkest thou not charitably . Destroy not him with thy meat for whom Christ died . Let not then your good be evil spoken of . 4. It was a great ground of offence unto the whole suffering Church of Scotland , in them , thus to withdraw from their Brethren , and leave them in the furnace , contrare to their former Engagements ; not to mention the other Particulars , wherein we found their sacred Bondes hereby violated , which necessarily became a ground of great offence unto all : Nor to mention these Particulars , whereby we manifested above , that the accepting of this Indulgence , was injurious unto Christ's Headshipe , unto the Privileges of the Church , & to the Principles of Presbyterian Government , and others ; from all which it is undeniably clear , that a palpable ground of stumbling was laid before , and offence given unto all the honest party . 5. Great offence and matter of griefe was hereby given unto the few , that continued at their Masters work , in preaching in Houses , or in Fields , as occasion offered ; for , hereby their hands were weakened , the number of the bearers of burden waxing smaller , even while the work was growing upon their hand ; and they were made , out of a preposterous tenderness unto them , who had thus stepped off , to forbear preaching in such places , where these were Indulged unto , though formerly they used to meet with some encouragment in those places . 6. Hereby was offence given unto the Prelates , and to their under Curates , when they were hereby confirmed in their Usurpation and Defection : That action is indeed scandalous , that edifieth not ( as the Apostles word is 1 Cor. 8 : 10. ) or emboldeneth , or confirmeth any , in an evil course ; the Particulars hereof were mentioned above , under that Head. 7. There was hereby a stone of stumbling laid before the Rulers , for they were hereby encouraged to proceed in their Encroachments upon Christ's Prerogatives , and on the Privileges of the Church , when they saw their contrivances for that end so sweetly complied with , and heard nothing of a Plaine , Direct , Apposite and Intelligible Testimony given against them , and their proceedings . 8. There is a stone of stumbling hereby laid , before the Posterity , in all time coming ; for if the Rulers shall follow this course , & suffer no Minister to be setled any where , but as they please , & shall plant , & transplants as they please , without any regarde had either unto the free Call of the people , or the Trial or Examination & Ministerial Mission of Church-Judicatories , & prescribe unto them what Rules & Instructions , they think good ; what shall the Posterity do ? Will nor Intrants , in that case , willingly submit , and think themselves obliged to do so , having such a preparative before them ? 9. Will not this be an Afflicting and stumbling Consideration to any , that shall read the History of our Church ; when they shall there see , with what Courage , Faithfulness , and Heroick Resolution , the Faithful & Zealous Ministers of Christ , maintained by Petitions , Declarations , Protestations , Declinatures , and Sufferings of all sorts , the Power and Privileges of the Church , against all Incroachments and Invasions , made thereupon by King and Court ; and now shall see such a company of Ministers , upon such small Temptations , at least , as to hazard , complying with & submitting to more grievous Usurpations , that ever King Iames did attempt ? We no where read , that ever King Iames , notwithstanding of all the Supremacy , in Church affairs , and over Church-Persons and Officers , that was assumed by him , and attribute by Parliament to him , did exerte such a Supremacie over Church . Officers , or Ministers , as to plant them , & transplant them brevi manu , as he pleased . And is it not an heart-breaking thing to think , that now , when this Usurpation hath transcended all imaginable bounds , there should not only be no opposition made thereunto ; but even a peacable compliance with , and quiet submission unto the same , now in its exaltation ? 10. What a stumbling thing is this unto all the Reformed Churches , when they shall hear , that so many Scotish Ministers , who refused to comply with Prelacie , have yet submitted to such an exercise of Erastianisme , as is no where else to be found , through the whole Christian world , for any thing I know ? Where shall we finde the Magistrat , at his own hand Immediatly , planting and transplanting Ministers , as he will , fixing and limiting them , according to his minde ? Nay I doubt , if even in the Pala●inat , where this wof●l weed of Erastianisme did first grow , such an exercise thereof is to be found : or if it be , what a shameful thing is it , that the like should be found in the Church of Scotland , which the Lord hath honoured from the very beginning , to be tried and exercised , upon the point of Christ's Kingly Power , and Headship over his Church , beyond all other Reformed Churches ? Objections Answered . HAving thus shown how sinful the accepting of this Indulgence was , upon many accounts , it remaineth , that we remove out of the way what we conceive can be said , in the defence thereof ; to the end , we may give all Satisfaction possible . Obj. 1. May not the Magistrate , for ends known to himself , discharge Ministers to preach , for a time ; and thereafter permit them to preach ? And seing the Business of the Indulgence was but of this Nature , why might it not be acquiesced unto ? Answ. ( 1. ) That the Indulgence was some far other thing , is manifest from what is said : And beside other Particulars , fully spoken to above , this one may manifest the disparity ; That it is one thing to permit Ministers to exerce their Office without molestation ; and it is a far other thing to Appoint and Order them , to take upon them such or such particular Charges ; and to plant and transplant them , at their pleasure , and subject their Ministrie in its exercise unto themselves , by giving Injunctions , Rules and Prescriptions , to regulat them in the same . ( 2. ) We heard above , how Mr Calderwood and Mr Rutherford did account even that discharge a degree of Suspension , which is a Church-Censure , and consequently is to be inflicted only by those , who have the power of the Keyes . ( 3. ) Worthie and learned Trochreg , in his Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians Chap. 6 : V. 20. Pag. ( mihi ) 1122. proveth solidly , that this Power of discharging Ministers the exercise of their Function , doth neither agree to Heathen Magistrats ; nor yet unto Christian Magistrats , who , by their Christianity , have received no new Power or Right over Christs Servants and Messengers ; nor may discharge them from delivering their Message ; nor depose them , whom they could not ordaine ; nor stop their mouth , whose mouth they ●ould not open ; nor silence them , whom they could not send-forth to preach . ( 4. ) When the Magistrate silenceth , it must either be for a Civil , or for an Ecclesiastick Crime : If for a Civil Crime , he can only do this consequently and indirectly ? as Salomon removed Abiathar from the Priesthood , by banishing and confineing him to Anathoth . But then ( as Mr. Rutherfoord in his Due Right &c. Pag. 434. saith well ) he no more removeth a Minister from his Ministrie , than a Master Fashioner , a Sailer , a Plower , a Souldier , a Father or an Husband , from their Work and Respective Imployments , when he causeth imprison , hang or behead them for some Crime ; nor doth he at all remove him from the Ministrie directly , neither can he do it ; for that is a Church-Censure , and the Keyes are not committed unto him . Nor can he do it for any Ecclesiastick Transgression , wherein he is no competent judge : Nay nor can he indirectly and consequentially , in this case , remove any Minister from the exercise of his Ministery , where the Church is settled in her Power , except only Causatively , by Commanding the Church-Judicatories to do their Work first ; that is , first to iudge ; for in prima Instantia , he may not do it : or Corroborativly , by backing the Sentence of the Church-Judicatory with his Civil Sanction and Authority . Obj. 2. Though the Magistrate hath not Power to silence altogether , yet he hath Power to discharge the Publick Exercise of their Ministrie ; and againe , when he thinketh fit , to grant that Liberty unto them . Ans. ( 1. ) Though this were granted , it will not helpe , in the case of the Indulgence , wherein was some far other thing , than a meer grant of Freedome for the Publick Exercise of the Ministery , as is seen above . ( 2. ) Illud tantum possumus , quod jure possumus : We can be said to have Power to do that only , which we have right to do . Now , I would enquire , how it can be proved , that the Magistrate hath Power granted of God , to discharge the Messengers of Christ the free and publick exercise of their Ministrie , Directly , Formally and Immediatly ? ( 3. ) The Practice of the Apostles tels us , that such Commands are not lawful , nor to be obeyed ; for they preached publickly , where occasion offered , notwithstanding of the prohibition of the Magistrate . ( 4. ) The Magistrates lawful Power reacheth privat places , as well as publick places ; as D. Voetius maintaineth against the Arminians : If he may hinder an Heretick from preaching Heresie publickly ; so may he hinder him from doing it from house to house . And therefore , by the same Argument that he may hinder publick preaching , he may hinder the whole exercise of the Ministrie . Obj. 3. Our Second Book of Discipline Chap , 10. granteth , That Magistrates may place Ministers , when the Kirk is corrupted , and all things are out of Order : And so it is now with us . Answ. Yet it is added in that same place . [ That where the Ministery of the Kirk is once lawfully Constitute , and they that are placed do their Office faithfully , all Godly Princes and Magistrates ought to heer and obey their voice , and reverence the Majestie of the Son of God , speaking in them . ] And though our Divines grant , that when the Church is not Constituted , or is wholly corrupted , Godly Magistrates , after the example of some Godly Kings of Iudah , and diverse Godly Emperours and Kings also , in the Light of the New Testament ( as the words run in the place cited , in the Second Book of Discipline ) may do much more , than at other times : Yet I suppose , none , for shame , can make use of such a Concession now ; seing our Church was a Constituted and well ordered Church , and had all her Rights and Privileges ratified and confirmed by Law ; and all the Magistrates of the Land , from the highest to the lowest , were under Solemne Vowes and Covenants , to maintaine her Constitution and Order : And what could be more desired , in order to the settling of a Church ? Whence then the Confusion , that now is , is come , we all know . And when the Magistrates with their own hand overturne all , shall this Objection be made use of , to countenance their After-practices ? That were indeed to teach Magistrates a way , how to usurpe and take to themselves all Church-Power , Viz. Let them once , by Iniquity and Tyranny , break the Glorious Order of the Church , and bring all into Confusion ; and then forsooth they may warrantably assume to themselves and exercise all Church Power , according to their minde . Obj. 4. Hezekiah did apply his Regal Power to the Reformation of the Levites , and to the purging of the Temple 2 Chron. 29 : v. 5. and did also appointe the Courses of the Priests and Levites , every man , according to his Service 2 Chron. 31. So likewise did Iosia● 2 Chron. 35. Answ. Neither of these Kings did destroy the Order and Beauty of the Church , but reformed what their Predecessours had corrupted . Neither of these did take away the just and legal Power of the Priests , ( as our Rulers have taken away Presbyteries and their Power ) that they might exerce it themselves , as our Rulers do immediatly what Presbyteries should do , in the matter of the Indulgence . Neither of these Kings gave new Instructions , out of their own Heads , unto the Priests and Levites , that they might thereby formally subject the exercise of the Ecclesiastick Power unto themselves ; as our Rulers have done . But beside what hath been said to this before , I shall only subjoine the Answer of Worthie Mr G. Gillespie in his Aarons Rod Blossoming Pag. 138.139 . [ Hezekiah ( saith he ) in exhorting the Levites to sanctifie themselves , and to cleanse the Temple , doth require no other thing , than the Law of God did require Num. 8 : v. 6 , 11 , 15. and 18 : v. 32. Which Hezekiah pointeth at 2 Chron. 29 : 11. And why should nor the Magistrat Command Ministers to do the duties of their Calling , according to the Word of God ? As for his appointing of the Courses of the Priests and Levites , he did nothing therein but what the Lord had commanded by his Prophets 2 Chron. 29 : 25. The like I answere concerning King Iosiah ; for it is recorded that what he did , was according to the writting of David and Salomon 2 Chron. 25 : 4. and according to the Commandement of David and Asaph and Heman and Ieduthun , the Kings Seer Ver. 15 ▪ as it is written in the Book of Moses Vers. 12. ] thus he ; and thus wi●hall we see , how impertinent this is to the present purpose . Obj , 5. But what can be said of such of the Indulged , as were sent to their own Charges ? Several of the Arguments adduced cannot strick against them . Answer , Though some of the Arguments will not militate against them directly , yet the most part will. And further , let these things be considered , ( 1. ) That it was a meer accidental thing that they were sent to their own Charges , viz. because at that time they were vacant ; and so , had they not been vacant , these Ministers had been appointed and ordered either to go elsewhere , or not indulged at all . ( 2. ) They were not barely permitted to go to their own Charges , by rescinding the Act of Glasgow , or taking off the Sentence of banishment , by vertue of which they were put from the Actual Exercise of their Ministrie , in their own Congregations , which might easily have been done , if the Council had intended no actual Invasion of the Power of the Church ; nor had designed the Subjection of the Exercise of the Ministrie unto their own Authority . But ( 3. ) They get the same immediat Right to the exercise of their Ministerial Function , which others gote , who were ordered to other places ; and this Right is nothing but the Councils Order and Appointment . ( 4. ) And thus in a manner , their case is worse , than the case of such , as were sent to new flocks ; for upon the matter they did renounce their old right to the exercise of the Ministery , in those Congregations , where once they had been settled , according to the Order of the Gospel , and took a new Right from the Magistrate , and acted upon his Order . ( 5. ) And why may they not also repaire to the Presbyteries and Synods , upon the Councils Order , as well as to these Congregations , seing they had a right formerly , to exerce the Ministerial Function in the one , as well as in the other ; and the Magistrats discharge can no more invalidate the right to the one , than to the other ? Obj. 6. If it be a ground sufficient to reject the benefite of this Indulgence , because it is supposed to flow from the Supremacy , then much more might we refuse to preach , if the Magistrat should command it expresly by vertue of his Supremacy : And if this be yeelded , then it is manifest , that the Magistrate , if he had a mind to banish all preaching out of his Dominions , needeth use no other medium than onely tell the Ministers , that he commanded them to preach by vertue of his Supremacy . Ans. ( 1. ) We do not condemne the accepting of the Indulgence , upon a meer supposal , that it floweth from the Supremacy , having seen and manifested , what a real relation it hath thereunto , and dependance thereupon . ( 2 , ) Nor is its being a native result and proper effect of that iniquous , and usurped Supremacy , the onely ground whereupon we go , in condemning the acceptance thereof , there being many other Heads of arguments adduced against it , and such as prove it unlawful , as it was circumstantiat , though wholly abstracted from all Consideration of the Supremacy , yea and though granted and enjoined by a Church-Judicatory ; and though the Magistrate , in granting of it had expresly said , that he did not grant it by vertue of the Supremacy . ( 3. Yet I shall say further , That the Command to preach simply , and without Limitations , Restrictions , or sinful Conditions , cannot properly be said to flow from , nor to have such a dependance upon that Usurped Supremacy , as this Indulgence hath : For , to command Ministers to do their duty , in preaching of the Gospel , according to the command of God , belongeth to the power , which God hath granted to the Magistrates ; and so , natively floweth from his Office : But to set down Limitations , Restrictions and Conditions , regulating the exercise of the Ministrie , doth not so flow ; and when ●hey are such , as are opposite to the Rules of Christ , it must of necessity be by vertue of an Usurped and abused power : Whence it is apparent , that this Indulgence , containing such Limitations , Restrictions and Conditions , doth not , neither can natively flow from the Office of a Christian Magistrate , nor is an act of Lawful Magistratical Power ; as all will confess , who are not taught in Erastus's school . Therefore , though in the case of simple preaching , the injunction ushered-in with an express mention of the Supremacy , as its ground and rise , would be but a ridiculous scar-crow ; yet in this other case ( which is the case of the Indulgence ) it would be an open spreading of the net in the sight of the bird , & more than a sufficient warning for wise men to beware ( 4. ) Though a Command to preach , according to the Rules of Christ ; cannot be accounted to flow from this corrupt Supremacy , even though the Magistrate shall say so much , in plaine termes ; Yet a command to preach in this place , and not in another place , and to preach so and so , according to such Limitations , Rules and Prescriptions , and according to no other ( as it is in the case of the Indulgence ) may be said to flow natively from the corrupt Supremacy , even though the Magistrate should say in express termes , that it did not ; because it is done by an Usurped Power , viz. a power of judging Ministers Qualifications , of Ministerially sending them , of Regulating them in the exercise thereof &c. All which belong properly to the power of Church-●udicatories ; not to mention the spoiling of the people of their power of free Election . Therefore preaching , when simply commanded , cannot be condemned , even though the Magistrate should affirme , that the command is given by vertue of his Supremacy ; when the accepting of the Indulgence cannot be justified , though in the granting of it no mention was made of the Supremacy ; much less , if this were expresly prefixed . ( 5. ) The visible ends of Magistrates giving forth of commands , which may be knowne by several Circumstances , may do much to cleare and determine Christians , to obey , or not obey , and so a command , materially the same , may in some cases be obeyed , in some cases not . So that , when the Magistrate , manifesting his Intention to root-out the Gospel , shall command all Ministers by vertue of an Usurped Supremacy , to preach the Gospel , the material command may be obeyed , and yet the Magistrate frustrate of his Intentions : But when he commandeth a few , and onely a few , by vertue of his Supremacy , to preach here or there , as he pleaseth ; and upon such and such termes , as he is pleased to prescribe , and under such and such Limitations and Restrictions , as he is pleased to enjoyn , to the manifest hurt and detriment of the Kingdom of Christ , he is to be disobeyed , and frustrated of his pernicious ends . Whence we see , how different the cases are . ( 6. ) When the thing enjoined , and that expresly by vertue of the Supremacy , is not only Lawful , but Necessary by vertue of a command of God , as is the simple preaching of the Gospel ; the prefixing of the express mention of the Supremacy cannot alter the Nature of the duty , nor be any ground of laying aside the duty so injoyned . But when the thing injoyned is not only not necessary , but , as circumstantiat , is not Expedient nor Lawful , then the expressing of the Supremacy , as the ground of the command , is to be noticed , and may ex super abundante deterre from Obedience : Now this is the case of the Indulgence , as is cleared above . ( 7. ) If that supposed command of preaching the Gospel came forth to Ministers , already setled in their Ministrie , the mention of the Supremacie might be sufficiently delete , by a Protestation or Declaration of their preaching , and purposing to continue in preaching by vertue of Christ's Supremacy ; & silence as to this , I judge , would be dangerous : But if this command were given to such , who had been by violence ejected , and put from their work , and detained therefrom , until they should thus acknowledge the unlawful Supremacy of the Magistrate , I suppose there might be ground here for a demurre . Obj. 7. It seemeth then , you would not be for Ministers returning to their own Charges . if the Magistrat should grant such an Order or Permission ? Ans. ( 1. ) Either this Order or Permission would be granted with an expresse mentioning of the Supremacy , as its ground , or not : If the Supremacy be laid down as the ground , and nothing else in the circumstances be observable , to creat a scruple ; I judge it necessary , that even in that case a plaine and positive Protestation against that Supremacy be given in , that it might appear , they would not so much as seem to homologate that sinful Usurpation . ( 2. ) If no mention were made of the Supremacy , but only a simple permission granted to returne each to their own Charges ; than this liberty would either be granted to all without exception of any , or onely to some : If onely to some , I must needs say , that as matters now stand , I should think it should not be accepted , even though freed of many other clogs ; and that because , the wicked designe of further dividing the honest party , should hereby be made manifest and obvious , contrare to our Covenants ; and hereby , though the Persons themselves should be freed of trouble , and the Particular Congregations might receive some advantage , if withal freed of the Curats ; yet the publick good of the Church , which is preferable to any particular good , should be prejudged ; & the Rulers should be also confirmed in their Usurpations & Encroachments ; which by all meanes should be guarded against . ( 3. ) If this liberty were granted to all , then it would either be granted with a confinement to these bounds , or without it ; if the former were said , then the designe would be obvious , to stop the free course of the Gospel , and to prejudge other places of the Land of the benefite thereof ; ( for ●hough all the outted Ministers , now on life , were restored to their former Charges , many places would remaine void of faithful Pastors ) Now this should be guarded against , & that the more carefully at this time , when by Reason of the prevailing course of Apostasie , so great a part of the Land hath been drowned in Ignorance , and led away with a prejudice against the work of God : For every Minister of the Church of Scotland is bound before God , to do what in him lyeth to remedie this evil . If any should say , what can be more required of a Minister , at any time , than to be faithful in his particular station ; seing he hath no oversight over the whole Church , and he is not to carry , as an Apostle . I Answere , Every Minister hath a p●ior relation to the Church universal , and a neer relation to the particular National Church , whereof he is a Member ; and this Relation is antecedent to his relation to a particular flock , in order of Nature . And as in a Church well ordered and consti●uted , the edification of the whole requireth , that each Minister be particularly fixed , in the ordinary exercise of his Ministrie , to a particular Charge , with a capacitie to officiat elsewhere , as providence calleth : But in a time of general corruption , the edification of the whole body requireth , that Ministers ( when few ) be not restricted or limited to particular places , to the manifest and inevitable prejudice of the whole , or of the major part of the Church . Seing then providence hath n●w loosed these Ministers from the actual exercise of their Ministrie , in their respective paroches ; I think they are called to consider , how and on what termes they b●come fixed againe ; especially to see that their fixing be not to the undeniable prejudice of the Church National , and be not a virtual denying of their relation to the 〈◊〉 . Further , by this confinement they should be out of all capacitie to meet together for the exercise of discipline in Presbyteries and Synods , conforme to our p●inciples ; as also to ordaine a succeeding Ministery , and to provide for other vacan● places , which this time calleth for ; as also they should be out of a capacity to help others at Communions , according to our laudable custome , and to preachto such as are under Soul murderers , and Traitours to Christ and his Interest , in this day of de●ection . ( 4 ) If it be without this Confinement , then it will either be with some one or other of the Prescriptions , Rules , Instructions , and Conditions , with which the present Indulgence is clogged ; or not : If it be , then the same reasons that militat against the present Indulgence , upon that account , will equally militate against this . 5. If it should be free of all these entanglements and grounds of scrupling , I leave it to Christian prudence to consider ; Whether , as matters now stand , the Lord be not rather calling them to preach his name on the mountaines , seeing this way hath been so signally blessed of the Lord , and is daily more countenanced of him , than their labouring in their respective Particular Charges usually hath been ; and seing it is undeniable , that the Adversaries are not as yet really repenting of their opposition to the work of God ; and therefore , that any such permission ( if granted ) could not be supposed to flow from any love to the Prosperous progress of the Gospel ; but rather from the contrary , as is clear in the Indulgence already granted ; and to flow from a purpose to entangle and ensnare , yea and endanger both Soul and Body ; if not from a purpose , or designe to destroy all at once . Obj. 8. The benefite of freedome and liberty of preaching the Gospel , is so great , and the duty is so lawful and necessary , and of so great import to souls , that many things may be warrantably comported with , in order to the obtaining of it . Ans. I willingly grant the lawfulness and necessity of this important duty of preaching the Gospel : But I see not the strength of this Argument ; for the Gospel was never in bondes , except by our timorousness and sinful relinquishing of duty , because of a supposed Lion in the way . The Gospel might still have been preached , with no greater Inconvenience , than it was by the Apostles and others in the primitive times , and possibly with much more success , than it hath been done by the Indulgence . And every one may see , that the Indulgence was granted by such , as did not designe the Gospels advancement , but the imprisoning of the same rather with the preachers there of , both by confineing the Persons Indulged , and by hindering , so far as they could , the remarkable progress of the Gospel , in the blessed Assemblies , in Fields and Houses . This objection then can have no force , seing the Gospel was and might s●ill have been preached , without this Indulgence , though it is true , with less ease , peace , and quietness to the preachers and hearers ; yet , I am sure , with more inward quietness of mind , and acceptance with God , and with more ground of hope of a rich blessing to follow their paines , as experience hath proven : Unless it be said , that the Gospel should not have been preached , without freedom and liberty granted by the Magistrat ; and if this be said , not only shal all those , who have preached at Conventicles ( as they are called ) be condemned ; but even Christ himself and his Apostles , who preached to few Assemblies , but such as might have been called Conventicles , shall be condemned also . Obj. 9. The outed Ministers having hitherto groaned under Edicts , which they no otherwayes acknowledged , than by a submission purely passive , the present licence , abstracted from its offensive circumstances , is such a relaxation , that if onely limited to its rigide measures by casual impossibility , it would not be rejected . Wherefore unless it be proven , that the use-making of this favour doth Homologate with these exorbitancies , the rest is nothing material . Ans. The outted Ministers groaning under , and no otherwayes acknowledging than by submission purely passive such Edicts , as respected their Persons and Estates firstly , and Principally , can say nothing for an active submission unto such Edicts , as more neerly relate to their Office and Function ; or for acknowledgment of such Edicts , as are made and emitted by such , as act from a Principle of Usurpation , and in order to the strengthening of themselves in the same ; seing the difference is vast betwixt an Active and a Passive Submission ; and an acknowledgement herein , by an Active Submission , contributeth to the iniquous ends , proposed by the Supremacy , which is sufficiently confirmed by the Magistrat's projecting , in this offer made and accepted , his further Establishment in the Usurpation . ( 2. ) Hence we see , that this Licence , ( as it is called ) if not abstracted from its offensive circumstances , will be granted to be such a Relaxation , that though limited to its rigide measures , even by a casual impossibility , could hardly be accepted : And though in our imaginations , we may abstract Actions from their offensive circumstances ; yet in point of Practice of moral Actions , such abstractions cannot be made , as will salve Conscience ; seing it is confessed , that the morality of Actions doth much depend upon circumstances . ( 3. ) Though a licence so abstracted , and limited to its rigide measures by a casual impossibility , may be accepted : Yet , a licence , which cannot be abstracted from all its offensive circumstances , ought to be rejected . And though a Relaxation , made rigide by casual Impossibility , may be accepted ; yet that will say nothing in our case , where no casual Impossibility , but a moral transgression , cometh in consideration . A casual impossibility is such a restraint , as may quiet the Conscience , if so be it be not caused or occasioned by our sin ; but such hath no place here . ( 4. ) How the accepting of the Indulgence doth homologate with these exorbitancies , hath been seen above . Obj. 10. The Rulers did not assigne the Ministers to particular Charges by express Deputation , but only appointed them to repaire to the Paroches designed , permitting and allowing them there to preach and exerce the other functions of the Ministrie . Answ. We saw above , that by the Indulgence , there was an express Deputation , and a particular assignment , and a plaine warrant and licence granted . Hereby it would seem that none of these Indulged do look upon themselves , as proper Pastors of those places ; and so can take no Pastoral Charge of them : And if so , they cannot be offended , if the People owne them not as Pastors , but go and hear others , according to conveniency , and look upon them , as such , as are allowed to preach by the Magistrate , without molestation ; but not as having any Pastoral Charge over them ; and yet forsooth they must enjoy the maintainance of a Lawful Pastor : Which things cannot well hang together . Obj. 11. Though to yeeld to the Magistrat , onely appointing as in the Act , would be a sinful compliance , in a setled enjoyment of our Liberty ; yet after the ruineing overthrow , given to all Church her Liberties , the acceptance of something , in effect a Relaxation , however sinful upon the Granters Part ; yet on our part not burdened with sinful Conditions , cannot be condemned ; for the real Opposition of things and determination of events set the periods , according to which , that , which in the beginning of an evil Course , may be duty , in its prevailing and establishment , through change of circumstances , whereon its morality depends , may be impertinent . Answer ( 1. ) Though I yeeld , that a change of events may , in some cases , call us to the use of other meanes , more effectual , as matters then stand , for gaining our point , or for keeping our Rights : Yet to assert in general , that the Determination of events setteth the periods to moral Duties , seemeth to me dangerous , especially in our case , wherein the contest is not for our own Rights , Privileges , or Advantages ; but for the Prerogatives of our Masters Crown , and the just Privileges of our Mother , the Church , wherein we have no liberty to come and go , as in our own Particulars . ( 2. ) It is then confessed , that the Rulers , by this Indulgence , have made an Encroachment upon the Liberties of the Church ; and that to yeeld unto this appointment had been a sinful compliance formerly , when the Church was in possession of her Liberties , even though the Appointment had not been so burdened with sinful Conditions , as now : Hence we also see , that even this Usurpation is inconsistent with the Churches Liberty , and that it is no maintainance of this to yeeld to the Usurpation . ( 3. ) Then it must be said , that all our former Engagements , to maintaine the Prerogatives of Christs Crown , and the Privileges of the Church , are now so far annulled , by the overthrow given to both by the Rulers , that we may freely comply with them in that , which formerly had been a betraying of all : This , I confess , would open a door to a large compliance . When a ruineing overthrow was given to our Civil Rights and Government , by an Invading Enemie , the very acceptance of what in effect might have been accounted a Relaxation , was by men accounted a treasonable Compliance , and accordingly punished , at the Kings return ; and shal we carry thus in sublunary things , which are both alterable in themselves , and under mens Power ; and yet be less Zealous and more Indifferent , in the Matters of Christ , which as Christians we are obliged to owne ; and by the Supervenient Obligation of Vowes , Oaths and Covenants engaged to maintaine , as well against Erastians , as against Papists , Prelates and Malignants ? ( 3. ) This Assertion will condemne the Zeal of our Forefathers , as not being according to knowledge , nor morally good , according to the change of circumstances , and periods , set by the determination of Events . Yea if this be a fixed Rule , that such a change of circumstances will make it impertinent , yea and sinful for us to refuse to do that , which , while matters were entire , had been a sinful compliance ; how much more will it make it impertinent and unlawful for us to endeavoure a change : For if it alloweth a compliance , which in so far confirmeth the Usurper , in his unjust Possession , after the ruineing overthrow given , it will certainely not allow of any Opposition . ( 4. ) I grant , when a Robber hath spoiled us , we may lawfully take part againe , rather than lose all ; or when an Invader overrunneth the land , and spoileth us of all our former Privileges , we may receive some againe , though when matters were entire , it had been a compliance to have done so : But that will not answere our case ; because we have more Power over our own Particulars , than overChrists Matters : we may in some cases voluntarily give all our own away ; but we cannot do so , in the Matters of Christ , and of His Church : And therefore , what at any time would be a sinful compliance , or an unlawful giving away of Christs , and the Churches Rights , cannot be lawful , even after the Enemie hath overthrown all . ( 5. ) I grant likewise , that after an Universal overthrow of the Privileges of the Church ; we may lawfully accept of little , when more cannot be had ; yet that little must be such , as was not unlawful , at any time , to be accepted of ; and we must accept of it , in another manner , than could ever have been accounted a sinful compliance . ( 6. ) Though what is said in the Objection might have some weight , when that thing can be had no other way , than such , as would formerly have been accounted a compliance : Yet it can have no weight , in the case of the Indulgence ; because liberty to preach ( which is here called a Relaxation ) may be had without this appointment of the Rulers , and that with no less countenance , and approbation of God : So that in the Accepting of the Indulgence , there is a needless compliance with the Usurper , and an unnecessary confirming of him in his wicked Usurpations . Obj. 12. That , which in the case of standing Liberty , would be an insufferable Imposition , and its refusal , duty , may , as it is from God , in the case of lost Liberty , be looked upon , as a little reviving in our bondage , and embraced with a sinless Submission ; and he , who thus humbly and sincerely layeth hold on it , may be very assured of the Lords Approbation therein . Answ. When a people have been following their Duty , in defence of their Lands and Liberty , and are in Providence broken by an Enemie ; their Posterity , or even they themselves , may willingly submit to , and lay hold on that , which formerly had been an insufferable Imposition , and might have been justly refused ; but then they must have had no sinful hand , in the loseing of their Liberty , otherwise it shal be but a continued compliance ; and we must suppose , that they are now out of case to owne and contend for their Liberty . Which holdeth not , as to the Indulgence ; for as there was a sinful cedeing at the first , in not resisting unto bloud , striving against these Usurpers , by Protestations , Declarations and other Meanes called for , in the like case , whereby this acceptance becometh but a continued compliance , on the matter , in the same Persons : So the manifold Obligations we are under , binde unto a constant and perpetual contending for the Prerogatives of our Prince , and the Privileges of his Church , against all the Enemies thereof : And no case of lost liberty will warrant us , to submit , or accept of that , which formerly we were bound to have refused , and to have looked upon , as an insufferable Imposition . What may be said of the Posterity , born and brought up under that loss of Liberty , cannot advantage us in this Generation , who , when we can do no more , are obliged to transmit the Controversie of Zion , and the Cause , as in foro contradictorio , to the Posterity ; that they may see the Cause , though not prevalent , yet not quite sold and given up ; and so may serve themselves heirs to our Contendings for the Interest of our Lord. And for this cause , ought we to be tenacious of these Rights , and do nothing that may strengthen our Adversares , and weaken our Cause : and this , I suppose , would yeeld more peace , than the accepting of that , which is called a little reviving , but indeed is a weakning both of the Cause , and of our Party . It is laudable Constancy , in this Case , not to yeeld or grant one hoof : But what pusillanimity , yea and treachery will it be , by cedeing and accepting of such supposed revivings , to put ourselves and our Posterity out of all case to recover our Liberty , and to burie with our own hands the very memorie of the good old Cause , for which our Predecessours , and we sometime , have contended with Zeal and Earnestness ; especially when , we may have the same thing , which is called a reviving in our bondage , another way , with Approbation of God , with less Scandal to others , with more Advantage to the Cause , and less Advantage to the Enemie , though with more trouble and less quiet to our selves ? Obj. 13. Though the Magistrats principal Designe , in this matter , be the Establishment of his own Supremacie : Yet the accepting of this favour cannot be so much as an Interpretative yeelding thereunto , as may be clear by this Supposition , that the Magistrate , without any change of Principle or Designe , had ordered all Ministers to their own Churches . Answ. ( 1. ) This being confessedly the Magistrat's principal Designe , in granting this supposed favour , our acceptance cannot but be accounted by him a reall contributing of all , that is required of us , thereunto ; and as it was circumstantiat , could not but be , on our part , even because of what the Magistrat did rationally account to be unto him , a virtual acknowledgment , and a reall Confirmation thereof . ( 2. ) If the sending of the Ministers to their own Congregations , had been by a Civil annulling of the former Sentence of Banishment , as it could not have flowed from the Supremacy ; so neither could it have contributed unto his Usurpation : But if the sending of them to their own Charges had been every way , after the manner of this Indulgence , it would not have altered the case to me ; for as I said above , his re-entrie to his Former Charge , after this manner , would have been a virtual annulling of the Ground of his Former Call , and Interest in that place , and over that People , and not a returning with full Freedome and Liberty . Obj. 14. The Magistrat proposing this Indulgence by way of Command , not attending my pleasure , my obedience to the Command cannot imply an engagement to the Prescriptions annexed ; nor doth the Magistrat discover the least Intention , to oblige me thereunto by consent ; nor is in this matter treating with us , expecting our formal consent for his security ; and therefore I may accept the favour , without the prescriptions , there being no formal Compact here . Answ. ( 1. ) Though the Indulgence be propounded by way of Command , the Council thinking it below them to Act otherwayes : Yet both the Nature of the thing , and the concomitant Acts , made of purpose , to Limite , Restrict and Qualifie the thing proposed , and to Instruct and Oblige the receiver , saith , that the accepting of the First doth virtually engage to the Second , both making up one complex grant , or one Indulgence so qualified , limited & cautioned . ( 2. ) Though the Councel did not call for any formal and express engagement from them , unto the performance of these Injunctions ; yet their carriage towards Mr. Blair , upon hisPositive renounceing of these Injunctions , sheweth , that they meant these Injunctions for Conditions ; & this also they expresly declared in their after Proclamations & Edicts , as we saw above . ( 3. ) Who accepteth a favour , offered with its burdens , must accept it cum onere , howbeit the offerer , being a Superiour , doth not expresly require an explicite Consent , but resteth satisfied with his own Intimation : As when a Father granteth to one of his Children such a portion of Land , and withall ●ntimateth , that it is his will and pleasure , that he take on him the burden of so much d●●t ; though the Son should not be required to express his consent to the Condition of the Debt ; yet his accepting of the benefite thus burthened , obligeth him to take on the Debt : So here , because Mr. Blair did disowne the Conditions , though his formal Consent was not required , he was denuded of the Benefite ; and therefore the rest took the Benefite with its burden ; and could not , while accepting the favour , account themselves free of the Conditions , or not-obliged to performe them , seing in accepting the one , they accepted the other , both making up one complex business . Wherefore , though this Indulgence be given by Magistrates , who love to act imperiously , and by way of Edict ; yet it being granted as a favour , the accepting of it , both as to the thing it self , and as to the sense and meaning of the Granters , includeth a virtual engagement to the Observation of the Rules and Conditions annexed . Obj. 15. Although the Magistrate had expresly prefaced his Supremacy unto the grant of this licence ; yet a Protestation on the accepters part against the same , would sufficiently have purged their use-making of the favour , of all sinful concurrence . Answ. ( 1. ) Though this were granted ( which yet cannot be ) yet it cannot avail the accepters , who made no Protestation . ( 2. ) Though no mention was made of the Supremacie ; yet the accepting was so foule , upon many other accounts , that no Protestation against the Supremacie , if mentioned , could have salved the matter , as we saw above ; and their after acceptance would but contradict their Protestation . Obj. 16. Though the Magistrat hath carried his Supremacy above the highest , yet he never judged the power of Order worth the assuming ; so that the allowing to preach mentioned in the Act , joined to permitting , and directed to none but to Ministers , antecedently ordained , cannot be a just ground of scruple . If the Magistrat had simply appointed every other Minister to his own Church , allowing him there to preach , to have offended at the word allowing , would have been an excessive niceness . Ans. Though the Magistrat never judged the power of Order ( strictly so called ) worth the assuming ; yet it may be thought , that he judged that power worth the assuming , whereby the Authority of the Ministrie , and the Exercise thereof , should be looked upon as flowing , and as derived from him : And Ministers were , I think , called to be careful and circumspect , lest by doing and accepting of any thing , they might interpretatively and virtually acknowledge and consent to this Power . ( 2. ) Though this allowance was granted to such , as had been ordained Ministers before , yet the same , flowing from the Supremacy , and being more than a meer permission , could not but import their deriving of a power to exercise the function , in such a place , from him ; and so prove a most just and weighty ground of scruple . ( 3. ) Nor will the supposition of his sending every Minister to his Church , wholly take away the scruple ; for his simple annulling of the prior Act at Glasgow , would have been sufficient for that end ; but when , instead of this , he not only did say , he permitted them to preach againe to their former flocks ; but also that he allowed them , and that after he had invaded the Throne of Christ , and assumed to himself the Fountaine of all Church power ; so that both as to the exercise of the Ministrie , and as to the exercise of it in such a place , they should depend on him , I think there should have some ground of scruple remained : For might it not be thought , that by their ready acceptance , without a previous , full , faithful , plaine and publick Declaration and Protestation , they had now derived their power from another Head , than formerly , and stood now upon some other new ground ? And in this case , I should think , that offending at the word , allowing , were the kindly work of a tender Conscience , zealous for the Glory and Interests of Christ , and careful of the credite of the Ministrie ; and no excessive niceness . Obj. 17. The Ministers Indulged do above all things owne their Masters Ordination , as the only proper foundation , whereupon the exercise of their Ministrie , by the permission of this licence , doth subsist . All the regarde they have to the Magistrats allowance , is , that they look upon it , as the removal , de facto , of his unjust restraints , hitherto Invincible . And neither by forme of acceptance , nor by engagement , do they in any sort acknowledge any of the Magistrats wrongs ; but are ready by a plaine declaration to purge themselves , even of the suspicion of a simple acquiescence . Ans. ( 1. ) I shall willingly yeeld , that the Persons concerned do owne their Ordination ; yet we must distinguish the Intention of the work , and the Intention of the worker ; though they may have no Intention of invalidating their prior Ordination ; yet their accepting of the Indulgence may virtually include this ; and so their Practice may contradict their Principles . ( 2. ) Their Masters Mission is onely their proper , sure and solide Foundation , whereupon the exercise of their Ministrie should subsist ; but is it not manifest , that the accepting of the Indulgence doth virtually say , that as to the Ministrie they depend upon the allowance of Men ; yea of those , who assume to themselves an Headshipe over the Church , and a Fountaine-power , from which this Exercise must natively flow , and be derived . ( 3. ) These restraints of preaching the Gospel were not invincible Physically , nor Moraly : Neither were any such restraints , as such , formally removed , nor a pure permission granted . But the Indulgence contained an Authoritative Enjoining and Warranding , as also a Qualifying , Restricting , and Regulating the exercise of the Ministrie ; and all this in prosecution and confirmation of an Usurped Supremacie ; and this was a far other thing , than a removal de facto of a former restraint . Now their Subjection unto this Incroachment , testified by their accepting of the Indulgence , so conveyed , is much more , than the acceptance of the benefite of a bare Permission : And all know , that they might have exercised their Ministerie , without this Indulgence , to the Glory of God , the Edification of the Body , the Confirmation of the Principles of Truth , concerning the Ministrie , the Defeating of the corrupt Erastian Designes of the injuriously incroaching Magistrates , and to the offence and scandal of no Person . ( 4. ) Though they do not expresly and in terminis acknowledge any of these Wrongs ; yet , by their accepting of the Indulgence , so conveyed , as is said , they may virtually and upon the matter acknowledge this : and their plaine Declaration to purge themselves , will be but a contradiction to , and a condemnation of their own deed , because the Imposer can only put a sense and gloss upon his own Injunctions ; and the granter of a warrand and favour , on the same ; and in his sense it is , at least virtually , accepted by all , who accept of it , if plaine dealing be owned ; and I suppose Ministers , while dealing with the Council , should not walk upon fallacies , or mental reserves , or on what is equivalent . Obj. 18. The accepting of the Indulgence did Import no subjecting of the Ministrie to mens arbitrary Disposal , but only a subjecting of the persons , or rather an acknowledgment , that the persons are already in subjection , which by our long silence & sufferings is too apparent : But if we have hitherto thus contentedly acknowledged this , to the restraint of our Ministrie , shall we now be so unhappy , as to wrangle about it , in prejudice of a relaxation ? Ans. ( 1. ) The act of Indulgence did not only mention Ministers repairing to such or such places ; but spoke likewise of the exercise of their Ministrie , which it allowed them , and for which prescribed several Rules and Injunctions , limiting and regulating them , in the same ; & though this did comprehend a subjection of their persons also ; yet it is by vertue of a prior Subjection of their Ministrie , as being made liable to punishment for not-observing the Rules and Injunctions prescribed . ( 2. ) These sufferings indeed declared a subjection of their persons ; but their silence shall be found ( I feare ) to have done more ; And their former sin can be no ground to justifie their prese●t practice , in accepting of this Indulgence , which instead of being a relaxation , is a further wreething of the yoke about our necks . A Vindication of such , as scruple to hear and owne the Indulged . Considering what is said above , both in the Relation , and in the Reasons against the accepting of the Indulgence , whereby the manifold iniquity thereof is manifested , it might seem wholly unnecessary and superfluous to vindicat such , as , beginning to discover the evil thereof , do scruple to look upon those , who are set over them by the Council , as their Ministers , set over them by the Holy Ghost ; seing it may rather seem strange , that any , who adhere to our former Principles , are of another judgement ; and that Conscientious Persons did not from the beginning withdraw from them Yet for satisfaction to all ( so far as is possible ) the grounds of our Vindication of such shall be proposed , in a few questions . Only it would be premitted , in what sense we take the question : And therefore . ( 1. ) I do not make this the question . Whether or not these Indulged Ministers , are true Ministers of the Gospel , or ought , in any case , to be acknowledged , & looked upon as such ; for in order to our Vindication of such , who withdraw from them , it is not necessary to assert this ; for in order to the Vindication of such , as withdraw from the Prelates Curates , as we do not , so we use not to say , That they are not Ministers , knowing that by saying this , we are engaged consequently to say , that all the Children , whom they have baptized , are yet unbaptized ; and that all their Ministerial Acts are null . Nor ( 2. ) Shall I make this the question : Is it not simply unlawful to hear them ? For in order to Vindicat the withdrawers from the Curates , we need not assert this , knowing that much more is required to make an action simply sinful , than to make it inexpedient , or unlawful ; and if it were granted , that the hearing or owning of the Indulged , as matters now stand , were unlawful , or inexpedient , the With-drawers would be sufficiently vindicated . Nor ( 3. ) Do I propose this question , whether or not , they may lawfully be heard , at any time , or in any circumstances ; as for example , if there were no other to be heard , in all Scotland ? For I judge , if no other were to be heard in all Scotland , except the Prelates Curats , many would not scruple to hear such of them , as were not openly flagicious and profane , or notoriously ignorant ; who , as matters now stand , do , and that with Approbation . ( 4. ) I do not think , that such , as are against this withdrawing , will say , that it is necessary , that these Indulged be heard and countenanced , at all times and occasions ; and that never , or in no case , such , as are under them , may go and hear others ; seing this was alwayes allowed and permitted , in our best times . But I shall simply propose the Question thus . Whether may not people lawfully , as the case now standeth , withdraw from those Indulged , whom the Council hath set over them by the Indulgence ; or are they to owne them , and submit unto them , as over them in the Lord , and as set over them , to be their Pastors and Overseers , by the Holy Ghost ; even when there are others , against whom such Exceptions cannot be made , as against them , and whom the Lord doth own and countenance in a remarkable and wonderful manner , to be heard ? Or , whether are such to be condemned , or approven and vindicated , who look upon themselves , as called of God to bear witness against all the sinful Usurpations , manifest in the Indulgence ; and the many evils , in the accepting of it , and in the now acting by vertue thereof , by withdrawing from such , that they may hear and countenance others , who preach upon Christs Call , and not according to Mans Order , but contrary thereto ? This being the Question , one might think it strange , that there should be any necessity to Vindicate such , as now withdraw , considering what is said above : Yet in Order hereunto , I shall but , in a few words , propose these following Questions , to the Consideration of any , who are of another judgment , in this matter , As. 1. Seing by what is said under our First Head of Arguments , it is manifest , that the Indulged , in and by the accepting of the Indulgence , have wronged our Lord Jesus Christ , who is only Head of the Church , and King in Zion ; and that in Nine several Particulars : ( every one of which might be made use of , as a several Argument , to our present purpose . ) How can any blame such , as , out of tenderness to the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ , scruple to owne , and hear them , as formerly ? 2. Seing by the accepting of this Indulgence , the Indulged have receded from our Presbyterian Principles , and wronged the Interest and Privileges of the Church , which Christ , her only King , hath granted to her ; and that in five several Particulars , ( out of which particular Arguments might be framed severally ) as is clear by what is said under our 2 Head of Arguments . How unreasonable is it to condemne such , as , out of a tender care to adhere to their Presbyterian Principles , dat not owne and hear such , as formerly ? 3. Seing in Ten Particulars , mentioned under our 3. Head of Arguments , it is made manifest , that the Indulged , by accepting of the Indulgence , have , upon the matter , homologated the wicked Supreamacy , in Church-affairs , whereby our Lord is virtually dethroned , and His Church utterly robbed of her Spiritual Power and Privileges : How can we condemne such , who , in detestation of that Supreamacy , and Usurped Power , withdraw from them ? 4. Seing by our Principles , the Free Election and Call of the People , giveth ground to the relation , that a Pastor hath to a Flock , as his Charge , and is the way , how the Holy Ghost setteth men over Flocks , in ordinary : How can these be obliged to owne such for their Pastors , whom they never called , nor had freedom freely to Elect and Call ? And this is the case of not a few , yea in reality the case of all , who had others , than such , as had been their Pastors before , set over them ; for as for that image of a call , we have said enough above , and particularly , under our 4. Head of Arguments , to shew that it was of no force , and imported rather a prostituting of that Ordinance and Institution , to be subservient to the corrupt Designes of men , than savoured of true tenderness unto the Ordinance of Christ ; which should have led the way , in an orderly settlement , and not have been trailed at the heels of the Councels Order , with which in all Common Sense , it was incompatible , except by way of acknowledging and homologating the Councils Usurpation . 5. Seing as is clear from the Seven Particulars , mentioned under our 5. Head of Arguments , the Indulged , in their accepting of the Indulgence , have fortified and established Erastianisme , and Erastian Tenets ; how shall we condemne such , as withdraw from them , and rather hear and owne such , as adhere by their practice to former Principles ? 6. When we consider the Twelve Particulars , mentioned under our 6. Head of Arguments , ( several of which might be here made use of , as Distinct Arguments , if we designed not brevity ) whereby it was made manifest , how the Indulged , in accepting of the Indulgence , have acted to the great prejudice of the Church ; how can we imagine , that such are to be condemned , who withdraw from them , and countenance such , as are seeking and promoving its good , in the way , countenanced and approven of God ? 7. If we impartially consider the Twelve Particulars , mentioned under our 7. Head of Arguments , ( several of which also might be adduced here , as distinct Arguments ) whereby it appeared , how these Indulged , in their accepting of the Indulgence , have wronged our Cause , and departed from the grounds , upon which our Church is suffering ; we will see cause of approving such , as withdraw from them , as matters now stand . 8. Seing by what is said , it is manifest , that the Entrie of the Indulged unto their present Places , and Stations , is not consonant , but repugnant to our Former Doctrine , Principles and Practices , owned since the Reformation , and confirmed by our Oathes , Vowes , Covenants and Solemne Engagments ; besides the Testimonies given thereunto by the Sufferings of our Predecessours , and by our own Sufferings ; can we blame and condemne such , who dar not owne them , as lawfully entered into these places ? 9. Seing the Indulged have , by the accepting of the Indulgence , and acting by vertue thereof , in so far , departed from Former Principles and Practices ; and a difference ought to be put betwixt them , and other Ministers , who , through grace , have hithertill been preserved from stepping aside , whether to Prelacy , or to Erastianisme , in their Practices ; who can condemne such , as withdraw from the one , and adhere to the other ? 10. Is there not a great difference betwixt the ground , whereupon the Indulged do presently exercise their Ministerie ; and the ground whereupon formerly , before they embraced the Indulgence , they did , and others to this day do , exercise it ? Or shall we say , that it is all one , whether Ministers have the Ministerial Potestative Mission unto such or such places , over which they are set , from Presbyteries , authorized thereunto by Christ , which sometimes they had ; or have it from the Magistrat , no wayes thereunto authorized by Christ ; as now they have it only ? And if there be a difference , how can any condemne those , who cannot now owne them , as they did formerly ? 11. Seing the difference betwixt these two wayes mentioned , is great , and seing they cannot be compounded in one , nor lawfully made subordinat , the one to the other ; is it not undeniable , that these Indulged , betaking themselves now to the Magistrat's Mission , as they have done , have upon the matter , renounced their former Mission , which they had from Presbyteries , acting Ministerially under Christ ? And if so , can people be condemned , who do not , nor cannot , owne , and countenance them , as formerly they did ? 12. It being apparent from what is said above , on several occasions , that , as the Indulged did deliberatly shun to say , that they had their Ministrie onely of Christ , so they do now Act and Exerce the same , as receiving it not alone from Christ , by the Ministerial Conveyance of the Power and Authority to exerce it , which Christ hath ordained ; but either as receiving it from the Magistrat alone ; ( and if so , they cannot be looked upon as Christ's Servants , but as the Magistrat's Servants ; ) or from Christ and the Magistrat , as Collateral Heads and Fountains of Church-power ; ( but thus to speak were blasphemie ; ) or from the Magistrate , as directly subordinat to Christ ; ( which is the ground of all Arminian-Erastianisme ) How can Men be accounted transgressours , who in Conscience cannot owne them , as formerly they did , when they acted and exercised their Ministrie as receiving it alone from Christ , by the Ministerial conveyance of the Power & Authority thereto , through the hands of his Servants thereunto appointed ? 13. Is there no difference to be put betwixt such , as exercise the Ministrie in subordination unto , and in a dependance upon the Council , as being their Curats , & as accountable to them ; and others , who , as they are subordinat unto , so they owne their dependance onely upon Christ , in the way He hath prescribed , receiving Instructions only from Him , in His appointed way , to regulate them , in the Exercise of their Ministrie , and hold themselves accountable only to Him , in that way ? And seing it is manifest , that there is a very great difference ; Who can condemne such as withdraw from the Indulged , who have their Instructions , to regulate them in the Exercise of the Ministrie , from the Council , ( as was manifested above , ) as accountable only to them , and to such , as they are directly subordinat unto ; that is , the King ; and not from Christ Jesus , as onely Head of the Kirk ? 14. Seing by receiving the Indulgence , with their Instructions &c. the Indulged do , upon the matter , recognosce a Supream Head-Power over the Church , and Church-affairs , in the Magistrates , to the denying of Christ's sole Headshipe , and dethroning of Him ( as hath been , on several occasions , cleared above ; ) how can such be condemned , who scruple to owne them , in that case , or to countenance them , while they act so ? 15. Seing the Indulged , being set over the people , specially designed and appointed them by the Council's order , and not in the way appointed by Christ , can not be said to be set over these people , as their Overseers , by the Holy Ghost ; ( as hath been evidenced above ; ) how can such be blamed , who cannot owne them , as their Overseers , and as made Overseers to them by the Holy Ghost ? 16. Seing we have made it manifest above , that the entrie of the Indulged hath a manifold relation unto the Usurped Supremacie , in Church-affaires ; and that , as it floweth therefrom , is secured thereby , and dependeth in its legal being therupon , as its Charter ; so it contributeth to the strengthening , securing and encouraging of the Usurpation and seing this Supremacy and Sacrilegious Usurpation of the Prerogatives Royal of our Lord Jesus , and Subversion of the Rights and Privileges of the Church , is the Top-point of all our Defection , and the Center , into which all the Lines of our Apostasie concurre and agree ; can any , who would not joyne in this defection , and have a proportionable part of the guilt , charged upon them , give countenance and approbation unto those Indulged , whose entrie is so neer a kin unto that Supremacy ? Or can any , who desire to be free of all compliance with this abominable evil , carry towards those , who are now set over them by vertue of the Supremacie , as formerly ? 17. The Supremacy now regnant , and the grand National sin , being such an evil , as all , that would be keeped free of the plagues , that the same will bring upon the Land , must , in their places and stations , bear witness against the same : And seing Common people have no other way Patent or Practicable for them , to give this plaine and honest Testimony against this hainous Usurpation , in any publick manner , but by withdrawing from such , as are set over them by vertue of this Usurped Power ; can those be condemned , who , out of Conscience of their duty , zeal to Christ's Prerogatives , Care to keep their garments unspotted with publick regnant evils ; and out of a desire to minde their duty , in this day of so general a Defection , do withdraw from the Indulged , in order to the giving of this publick Testimonie , in their Place and Station ? 18. Seing by the Particulars , mentioned under our 8. Head of Argu. it is manifest , that the accepters of this Indulgence have thereby contributed to the strengthening of the hands of Prelates and Prelacie , which all are obliged by their Covenants , to endeavour , in their Places and Stations , to exstirpat ; how can such be condemned , who withdraw from them , while standing thus in a contributing posture ? 19. As upon the one hand , the disowning of the Curats is a disowning of the Prelates and their Power ; and a countenancing of them by hearing them , and submitting to their Ministrie is accounted by all ( as indeed it is ) a countenancing of Prelacy ; is not also , upon the other hand , an owning of the Indulged , and a Submitting to them and their Ministrie , a submitting to the Supremacy ; seing ( as is above cleared and confirmed ) the Curats ( at least such as , were ordained Ministers before the re-establishment of Prelacy , and have submitted thereto ) do no more depend upon Prelacy , as to the present exercise of their Ministrie , than the Indulged do depend upon the Supremacy , or on the Rulers , acting by vertue of the Supremacy ? 20. Seing the Act of Glasgow , banishing Ministers from their own Charges , cannot dissolve the relation , that was betwixt the Ministers , and their Flocks ; how can such , as stand still related unto their former Pastors , ( which is the case of some ) accept of others , set over them by the Council , & not withall homologat the Councils deed , and declare the former relation utterly dissolved ? 21. Seing the Indulged , in accepting of the Indulgence , have in several Particulars violated our Covenant-Obligations ( as was shown in the 9 Head of Argu : ) Can any be blamed for with drawing from those , who have so entered , in this day , when God is about to plead with the Land , for a broken Covenant ? 22. If all be obliged to resist & withstand Erastianisme , by the Solemne Engagment to duties ; what less can be expected of Common People , in their privat Stations , in order to an answerable walking unto this Engagment , than a with-drawing from such , as are set over them by a Power , purely Erastian ? And can such be thought to minde their Engagment in this particular , who willingly comply with the Erastian Command and Injunction , and accept of such , as are set over them by an Erastian-Order ? 23. Seing the Indulged , in accepting of the Indulgence , have receded from our Principles , and wronged our Cause as is undeniable by the Twelve Particulars , mentioned under our 7. Head. of Arg. ) can they be justly condemned , who now withdraw from them ? 24. Seing by accepting of the Indulgence , the Indulged have highly prejudged the good of our Church ( as is manifest from the Twelve Particulars , mentioned under our 6. Head of Arg. ) How can such be condemned , who refuse to countenance them , while thus stated in and by the Indulgence ? 25. Seing , as was cleared above , the Indulgence , was devised of purpose , to annul all Field-and House-meetings ; and seing it cannot be denied , that these Field-and House-meetings , being so eminently countenanced of the Lord , are also to be countenanced of Men ; can any say , that they , over whom the Indulged are set by the Council , are not obliged to withdraw from them ; and not withall say , that they are not obliged to waite upon these blessed Meetings , though thereby the Minister and other people , should be much discouraged ? And would not this be a manifest homologating and concurring with the Council , in carrying-on of this wicked Designe ? And how can such be condemned , who withdraw from them , who have , in accepting of the Indulgence , acted so prejudicially unto these blessed Meetings , as is evidenced in our II. Head of Arguments ? 26. Seing it is undeniable , and daily experience doth confirme it , that an admirably rich blessing attendeth the laboures of such , as preach contrary to Mans Law , upon Christs sole Warrant and Allowance ; what cruelty to Souls were it to say , that they , who have none to preach to them , but such as the Council ( none of the best discerners of Ministerial Gifts , nor endued with Power from Christ for that end , to try the Qualifications of Ministers ) hath set over them , must not withdraw from these , to seek their food , where God is giving it largly , and is thereby encouraging and inviting all to come ? We would , doubtless , think this hard dealing , were we , as to our temporal food , to be kept at a set sober diet , wherein we found little nourishment , and restrained from going to fattening and strengthening feasts . If it be said , That it is the peoples fault , that they grow not more under the preaching of such , as are set over them . I need not contradict it , for strengthening of my Argument ; but only say , if the blessing be withheld at home , though justly , because of sin ; let the people go where they may finde the blessing , of Gods free grace , notwithstanding of their Provocations , as others have found it : Let them go , I say , where free grace may prevent them . Nay , I think the Indulged themselves , upon this very account , if they desire ( as I would hope they do ) the Spiritual Edification of the people , should be●eech and obtest all their People , to go unto these richly blessed Conventiclers ; and desire these Conventicles to come and choise the most convenient place , in all their bounds , for a Field-meeting , that their people might partake of the good thereof ; and this Course ( if it had been taken ) would have , I think , endeared them more unto all , that feared God ; and had ( no doubt ) prevented much of this animosity that is , as I apprehend , betwixt them , and the Field-Preachers ; for it would have defeat the Designe of the Council , and have contributed to the carrying on of the Work of the Lord. 27. Seing all Persons stand obliged by their Covenants , to maintaine the Prerogatives of Christs Crown , the Rights of the Church , and Presbyterial Government ; how can they , who would make conscience of the saids Covenants , owne such , as are set over them , not according to the Principles of Presbyterian Government , nor in compliance with the Prerogatives of Christ , nor so as the Rights of the Church are so much as pretended to be observed , but in a way rather repugnant unto all these ; as hath been manifested above ? 28. Seing many of these Indulged have a relation to their own Flocks , from which they were thrust by violence ; and it will not be said , that what the Rulers did , in that matter , did utterly annul their relation ; How can they be related as Pastors to these Congregations , over which they are set by the Council ? We do not acknowledge or justifie Pluralities . And if they have not the relation of Pastors unto these new Charges , people are not bound to carry , as their flock ; and so may lawfully withdraw , and hear others , as well as them . 29. Seing It is manifest from what is said , that the Indulged , by accepting of the Indulgence , have , upon the matter , condemned all the wrestlings of the Church of Scotland , from the very beginning of our Reformation , against the Erastian Usurpations and Encroachments of King and Court , in the Dayes of King Iames , who yet , in the height of his Usurpations , and arrogate Supremacy , never did what the Council did , in the Matter of the Indulgence ; He never took upon him , to plant and transplant Ministers by himself , or by his Council immediatly , and onely : yea and have condemned all their sufferings to bondes , banishment & bloud , for the Privileges of the Church , and the Crown-Rights of Christ , the only King in Zion ; how can people , be pressed or urged , to look on such , as their lawfully settled Ministers , and be condemned for withdrawing ? Must not the compliers with them in this , be guilty of the same sin of spitting in the faces of all our ancient witnesses ; and saying , their Sufferings were for triffles ? Do not they , who do more , than ever these were tempted to do , and that without the least hesitancy , say , that these suffered as fools ? 30. Seing the entry of the Indulged by the Councils Order is such , as hath not a Parallel , in all the Christian world , for any thing I know ; for , no where shall we finde Ministers planted in Particular Charges , and transplanted from one to another , immediatly by the Magistrate : Yea I doubt , if Ministers were thus placed , in the Palatinate , ( now laid waste and desolat , in the righteous judgment of God , ) where the hemlock of Erastianisme first grew up ; can any blame the reformed Professours of the Church of Scotland , where that weed ha●h been cast over the hedge , with a solemne Vow and Covenant , never to owne it againe , in resenting this manner of Entry , by withdrawing from those , that are set over them , in such a singular and shameful manner ? 31. Do we not make use of this Argument against the Prelates , that they are chosen , named and deputed solely by the King , notwithstanding of that mock-election , made by the Chapter of the See , which must fall upon the person , nominated by the King , or be null ? But where is the strength of it now , when we admit of lesser Bishops , immediatly nominated , deputed , and impowered by the Council , notwithstanding of that mock-call by the people , and Election of the same singular person , which was said somewhere to be had ? 32. How can any blame such , as withdraw from those , who , by entering in at the door of the Indulgence , have made way for the wreathing of an yoke upon the necks of the Ministrie of Scotland , in all time coming , to the utter subversion of all Ministerial liberty , and of the Freedom and Privilege of the Church : For , if hereafter no man shall be setled in a Church but by the King and his Council immediatly , and every Minister shall be wholly at the disposal of the King and Council , to be planted , or transplanted , as they please , where were we ? And where should our Church-liberties then be ? And whom had we to thank for breaking the ice ? 33. If the Parliament , that carried on the Engagment Anno 1648. had thrust out a number of the Ministers , and thereafter their Committee had planted them elsewhere , up and down the Land , as they pleased ; I would ask such as were Ministers , in those dayes , and were against the Engagment , or were Members of the Assembly 1649. how such Ministers , as willingly would have obeyed the Orders of the Committee of Estates , and gone thither , where they were Ordered to remaine , had been looked upon , when the Engagment to duties was drawn up ? And whether or not lesser faults in Ministers , were not punished with simple Deposition ? If then such a fault , as this , had been so abominable then , shall it be so lovely now , that none may discountenance or withdraw from such persons , as have carried so , at this time ? 34. Is it not strange , that people shall not have liberty to withdraw from those , who by their way of entry , and carriage before the Council , have given such open and manifest Scandal unto the Church of God , and unto Strangers , unto Foes and unto Friends , at home and abroad , to the Rulers , to the Prelates and their Curat 's , to Good and Bad ; yea and unto all the Churches of Christ ; and have laid such a stumbling block before all the Posteritie ; as is manifested above , in the 12. Head of Argum. ? 35. When poor people , who have been hitherto in the dark , as to the evils of this Indulgence , both as to its Ground , Rise , Conveyance , Tendency , and designed End , beginne now to get their eyes opened , and to see its connexion with , dependance upon , and confirmation of the fearful Usurpation of the Supremacy ● what a griefe of heart is it to hear persons pleading against their withdrawing from such , when they see where they are , and how they cannot countenance such , and be free of all accession to the sinful strengthening and confirming of the Encroachments already made , and to the encouraging unto a further progress unto the same evil ? 36. When there is such a combination for upholding of this evil of the Indulgence , and several ( as is reported ) banding or covenanting together , to keep the Indulgence , in credite , or at least , not so speak against it ; how can such , as are convinced of the dreadful evil thereof , not think themselves called of God , to do their best against it ? And how can any be urged to hear and countenance them , who are Indulged , when the controversie is thus stated and prosecuted , without being also urged to approve of the Indulgence , contrare to their light : 37. Seing the Indulged , by their accepting of this Indulgence , did fall from their former zeal and steadfastness , in choosing suffering rather than sin , and have , upon the matter , condemned what formerly they approved of , and have approved that , which formerly they condemned , as we saw above , in the Six Particulars , mentioned and explained in our 10. Head of Argum. How can those be now condemned , who cannot owne them , as they did formerly ? 38. Do we not say , that Countenancing and hearing of the Curats is an Homologating and a virtual approving of their sinful way of Entry ? And shall not now , the Countenancing and hearing of the Indulged , be an Homologating and a virtual approving of their sinful way of En●y ? How then can such be condemned , who , out of a desire to be kept free of this sin , dar not countenance or hear them , as formerly ? 39. I would gladly know one Argument , that can be made use of to condemne now , as matters stand , withdrawing from and refusing to hear the Indulged , that either hath not been ; or may not yet be , with equal force , made use of , to prove it unlawful to withdraw from , & to refuse to hear the Established Curats ? And seing now none dar condemne such , as withdraw from the Curats ; why shall these be condemned , who withdraw from the Indulged ? 40. When the question is now so stated , by and among the people , as that countenancing and hearing of the Indulged , is looked upon , as an approving of the Indulgence it self , the people not knowing the use and practice of Metaphysical distinctions ; how can such be urged to hear and countenance them , who , by so doing , must look upon themselves , as approving what otherwise they condemne , contrare to Rom. 14 : 22 , 23 ? Many moe Arguments , may be gathered out of the several Particulars , we mentioned above , under the several Heads of Arguments ; but we shall satisfie our selves with these , at present , leaving the Understanding Reader to make his owne use of the rest , that are not made use of here . For further satisfaction , in this matter , to such , as would have Formal Arguments , I shall only say , That by what Arguments , Principally , we vindicat the People , their withdrawing from the Curates , by the same , mutatis mutandis , by changing or adding such words , as must be changed or added , we shall be able to vindicate the people their withdrawing from the Indulged . I saw lately a Vindication of the persecuted Ministers and Professours in Scotland , written by a faithful Minister of Christ , now in Glory ; and found that the Chiefe of these Arguments , whereof he made use , to vindicate the people their withdrawing from the Curats , were applicable to the question now under debate , concerning the hearing or withdrawing from the Indulged , as I shall make appear by these Instances . His first Argument Pag. 75. was this . They , who have no just Authority , nor Right to officiat fixedly , in this Church , as the proper Pastors of it , ought not to be received , but withdrawn from . But the Prelates and their adherents the Curats ( adde , for our case , the Indulged ) have no just Authority or Right to officiat in this Church , as her proper Pastours . Therefore they ought not to be received , but withdrawn from . All the debate is about the Minor , which he thus maketh good . They , who have entered into , and do officiat fixedly in this Church without her Authority and Consent , have no just Authority or Right so to do . But the Prelats and their Curats ( adde , the Indulged ) have entered into this Church , and do Officiat therein , without her Authority and Consent . Therefore they have no just Authority . The first Proposition ( saith he , and we with him ) is clear , and we suppose , will not be gainesaid by our Antagonists ; seing the power of Mission , of Calling & of Sending of ordinarie fixed Pastours , is only in the Church , and not in any other , as all Divines do assert . The Second is evident from matters of fact ; for there was no Church-Judicatory called , or convocated , for bringing of Prelats in to the Church ; ( adde , nor for setling of the Indulged over their respective charges ) all was done immediatly by the King and Acts of Parliament ( adde , Acts of the Coun●il ) without the Church . A practice wanting a precedent in this , and ( for any thing we know ) in all other Churches . He proposeth an Objection in behalf of the Curats Pag. 78. which I know the Indulged will use for themselves , to wit. They have entered by the Church . And his answer will serve us , which is this . This we deny , the contrare is clear , from confiant Practice ; for the Curats ( adde , the Indulged ) came in upon Congregations , only by the Bishop and Patron ( adde in our case , only by t●e Council and Patron ) who are not the Church , nor have any power from her , for what they do , in this : All their right and power is founded upon , and derived from the Supremacy , and Acts of Parliament , and not from the Church ; in which the Bishop ( adde the Council ) acts as the Kings Delegat and Substitute , only impowered there●o by his Law ( adde Letter ) So that the Curats ( adde , the Indulged ) having and deriving all their power from the Prelates ( adde , the Council ) cannot have the same from the Church ; none gives what he hath not . But. 2. The Prelats ( adde , the Council ) not being the lawful Governing Church , any , that enter Congregations by them , cannot be said to enter by the Church . Read the rest there . His second Argument is proposed Pag. 79.80 . thus . Those that receive and derive their Church power from , and are subordinat , in its exercise ▪ to another Head , then Christ Jesus , should not be received and subjected to , as the Ministers of Christ , in his Church . But the Prelates and their Curats ( adde , the Indulged ) do receive and derive their Church Power from , and are subordinat , in its exercise , to another Head , than Christ Jesus . The●efore they ought not to be received &c. The first Proposition will not be denied : He proveth the second thus . Those Officers in the Church , professing themselves such , that derive their Church-power from , and are subordinate , in its exercise , to a Power truely Architectonick and Supream in the Church , beside Christ , do derive their Power from , and are subordinat , in its exercise , to another Head , than Christ Jesus . But so it is , that Prelats and their Curats ( adde , the Indulged ) do derive their Church-Power from , and are subordinat , in its exercise , to a Power truely Architectonick and Supreme in the Church , beside Christ. Therefore &c. The Major is evident ; for whoever hath a Supream Architectonick Power in and over the Church , must be an Head to the same , and the Fountaine of all Church-power . The Minor is clear from the Act of Restitution ( adde , the Act Explicatory of the Supremacy . ) His third Arg. Pag. 8. is long , I shall cut it short thus , that it may serve our case . If Churches required by Law ( or , Act of Council ) to submit to Prelates , and to their Curats ( or , to the Indulged ) thus thrust in upon them , had their own P●stors set over them , conforme to Gods Word ; then it is no sinful Separation , for Churches , in adhering to their Ministers , not to receive , or submit to the Prelats and their Curats ( or , to the Indulged . ) But the former is true . Therefore &c. The truth of the Major is founded on this , That the obligation betwixt Pastor & People standeth , notwithstanding of the Magistrat's Act. And the Minor is true , ( I suppose ) as to some Churches , over which the Indulged were placed by the Council . His fourth Argument Pag. 90. will serve us ; It is thus . The way of the Curats ( Indulged ) entering into Congregations , puts a bar on our subjection to them , that we dar not owne them , for the lawful Pastors of the Church ; for as their entry is without the Church , and the way that Christ hath setled in his House for that end ; so they have come in on Congregations , in wayes , which we judge corrupt , and without all warrant from the Word of God , & the practice of the Primitive times . In search of Scripture and pure Antiquity , we finde , that Ordination ( adde , and Potestative Mission ) by Ministers , the Election and Call of the people , was the way , by which Ministers entered into Congregations , and not the Institution and Collation of the Bishop ( adde , nor the Warrant and Allowance of the Magistrat ) nor the Presentation of Patrons . He addeth . 1. This way of their entry by the Bishops Institution and Collation ( adde , the Councels Warrant and Order ) doth suppone that their Ordination ( adde , Potestative Mission ) doth not sufficiently impower them to the exercise of the Ministrie , ( adde , in that Particular Charge ) without a further licence ; which is contrare to the end of Ordination , and the Nature of the Ministerial Power , that by vertue of its ends , and the command of Christ , doth binde the Person , invested therewith , to its Exercise &c. 2. The Patrons Presentation , as it takes away the Peoples right of Election , so it suppones Ordination to give no right to the maintainance , or at least suspends it &c. His Fift Arg. is Pag. 91. thus framed , and may serve us , as to some . Many Congregations , into which the Curates ( adde , the Indulged ) are entred , are under a standing Obligation to their former Pastours ; not only on the account of the Pastoral Relation betwixt them , but for the Engagements they came under to such , in their call and reception of them ; which is not dissolved by any thing , we have yet seen ; Sure we are , the Magistrate cannot do it , &c. ( I hope , I need nor , in reference to the Indulged , mention what followeth , in answering of the Objection , taken from Salomons removing of Abiathar . His Sixt Arg. Pag. 94. is this . If Congregations have a just Right and Power of Electing and Calling of their Ministers ; than those , that come in upon them without this , are not to be esteemed their Pastors , nor to be subjected to , as such , by Congregations , but to be withdrawn from . But here it is so , &c. His Seventh Arg. Pag. 95. is this ; Hearing of , submitting to and receiving of Ordinances from the Curats alone ( adde , the Indulged ) and not from others , is enjoined by Law , and required , as the signe of our compliance with and subjecting to the Present Lawes , bringing in and establishing of Prelacy ( adde , Erastianisme and the Supremacie ) and other Corruptions , which we dar not owne . Hearing and receiving Ordinances from such , hath a twofold bar put upon it to us ; an unqualified Instrument or Object ; and the respect that by the Law it is made to have to the corruptions obtruded upon this Church , as the signe of our compliance with and subjection to these . The Command of God about hearing doth constitute the Object and Instrument ( what and whom ) we should hear : As we are not to hear all Doctrines , but these that are sound , so we are not to hear and receive all , that pretend to come in Christs Name , but those of whose Mission we have some rational evidence , at least , against which we have no just exceptions . This , as to to the Curats , ( adde , the Indulged ) is made out by the former Arguments . But beside this . the signe appointed and determined by Law , and required of all in this Church , is , that they not only withdraw from , and do not hear the Ejected and Non-conforme Ministers ; but that they hear and submit to Ministers , that comply with and enter into this Church , by Prelates ( adde , or by the Council ) which to us maketh ●earing , and receiving of Ordinances from them , a practical approbation of , and compliance with Prelacy ( adde , Erastianisme and the Supremacy ) and other corruptions contained in the Law , for such is the connexion betwixt the signe and the thing signified , that he that yeelds to give the signe , doth , in all rational construction , approve the thing signified . These are his Principal Arguments , used in defence of such , as cannot , go to hear and subject to the Curats ; and whether they will not as forcibly conclude against hearing of and subjecting to the Indulged , the Reader is free to judge . Objections Answered . If any should Object , whether in behalfe of the Curats , or in behalf of the Indulged . That they are Ministers of the Gospel , and therefore are to be heard , and Ordinances should be received from them ; for the Ministerial power giveth to the Persons , invested therewith , not only a right to preach the word , and dispense Ordinances , and maketh their Acts valide ; but it bindes them to the doing of those , and all others to submit to them , in the exercise of their Power ; as is apparent in all relations , and the mutual duties , that the Persons under them owe to one another ; So that if Ministers be bound to preach the Gospel , and dispense its Ordinances● , the people must likewise be obliged to hear , and receive Ordinances from them . To this objection he answereth ( and we with him , as to the case now in question ) denying the Consequence : For ( 1. ) The true state of the question is , whether we should receive and submit to them , as the lawfully Called and Appropriat Pastors of this Church ; which for the former Reasons we deny ; for although Intruders upon the Church be Ministers ; yet their Intrusion puts a sufficient bar on Peoples reception of and submission to them : wherefore in so far as hearing , and receiving of Ordinances from Prelatical Ministers ( adde , Indulged ) is , in our case , an acknowledgment of this , we refuse it . ( 2. ) Peoples obligation to submission to Ministers , doth not immediatly flow from the being of the Ministerial Power and Authority , in those clothed therewith , there are beside this , other things that must concurre , to the causing of this Obligation , which , if they be wanting , will make it void , or , at least , suspend it &c. If it be further Objected , in favours of the Indulged , That Eminent and worthie Mr Livingstoun , though he saith much against the Indulgence , in his Letter to his Parishoners ; yet he adviseth them sometime to hear Mr Iohn Scot , who was Indulged . I Ans I shall readily grant , that several were in the dark , at the first , in the matter , either through want of full information concerning many circumstances , which , if known , would have given greater light in the matter ; or through ignorance of the real Designe & Intendment of the Rulers , which afterward came more & more to light ; or through a fear , that Field-meetings should either cease , or be utterly suppressed ; & therefore judged it more safe for people to hear the Indulged , than either to hear none , or none , but the Curats . And though I do not certainly know , which of these grounds moved that Eminent Seer and Servant of Christ , to advise so ; yet , considering that in all that Letter ( to my remembrance ) he doth not speak of their going to the Field Meetings ( which I suppose none , that knew him , will think , that he was an enemie unto , ) I am apt to think , that the Apprehension he had of the ceasing of the Field-Meetings , at least , in that part of the Countrey ( in which , I doubt , there had been any , or many , at least , before his writing of that Letter ) did move him , to advise them sometimes to hear that Indulged Person , as judging that better , than that they should hear none , or none but that wretch , who was obtruded upon them ; and as supposing , he would not pervert them by his Doctrine , but would give free and faithful Testimonies unto the Truth , and aga●●st all publick Corruptions . Further , I suppose , it is well enough known , tha● 〈◊〉 the first , not a few Ministers were in the dark , as to the question of hearing of the Curats , and upon one ground or other , did not perceive , that peop●e were called of God ; to withdraw from the obtruded Hirelings , & so durst-not positi●ely advise thereunto ; who now , I hope , will be as loath to advise people to forsake other occasions , and go hear the Curats , And what wonder if the matter was so , as to the Indulged , Seven or Eight yeers ago ? Obj. 3. But , till of late , that some few inconsiderat Persons , took this in their head , to preach against the Indulgence , and to cry-out against the unlawfulness of hearing of the Indulged , as if that had been the only thing necessary ; for which many even of the Non-Indulged are offended with them , there was not so much as a murter heard , but people heard the Indulged without scruple , and were edified by their Ministrie . Ans. The Curats might alleadge the same , as well as the Indulged ; But , as it would not help them , so I suppose , It can not well help the Indulged . Whether these Persons be considerat or inconsiderat , I am not fit to judge ; to their own Master they stand , or fall ; only I wish , that such , who call them Inconsiderat , would examine their grounds , & remember that , judge not lest ye be judged &c. If this be founded upon some expressions of theirs ( whether true or false , I know not ) I wish that the Expressions of others gave not ground for the same judgment . I know , not a few are offended with them ; but considering what is said above , concerning the sinfulness of the Indulgence , &c. I dar not be offended with them ; ( & I would faine hope , that second thoughts of the matter shall worke a change on these Brethren ) But must rather blesse the Lord on their behalfe , & judge them worthie of praise , who , over the belly of so many discouragments , did set the trumpet to their mouth , to shew Scotland , & the Ministerie , and People thereof , that great sin : and this , I know , is con●istent with their insisting upon the one thing necessary ; which I hope also their practice declareth , and the fruits of their labour proclaime . But as to the long silence , that hath been , I shall say little ; yet it is known , that at the very beginning , people were calling the Indulged the Councils Curats & how it came , that this spark did not break forth into a general flame , I shall not enquire ; acquiescing in this , That the Lord had a further discovery to make : For , had the first Ten , who were Indulged , been thus discountenanced , we had seen no moe accepting of that supposed favour ; yea the first accepters had quickly shaken that onerous favour off their shoulders . It may be also , that some suppressed their judgment , concerning the not-hearing of these Indulged , or did not countenance any such motion , when made , either out of a preposterous affection and tenderness to the Brethren , whom they honoured and much esteemed , and that deservedly , for their eminent Enduements , and sometimes Usefulness unto the Church ; or out of a tender care of keeping up of Union , and guarding against all motions apparently tending to troublesome Distractions & Divisions , or upon some other account , best known to themselves . Neither is it unlike , that many were really in the dark , as to the thing : But however , light is light , whoever they be that bring it to us ; and as God may Imploy whom He will , to this en● , so ; how inconsiderable so ever the Instruments be , who are imployed ; and whether they come sooner or latter , the light , when it is come , should be welcomed , because of Him , that sent it ; yea and embraced with thankfulness , and with humble submission . Obj. 4. All or most of the Non-Indulged , Faithful , and Zealous Ministers in the Land are for hearing of the Indulged ; and only a few , and these of the younger sort , with the ignorant people , are against it . Answ. Though I would hope , few should lay any weight on this Objection : and it were enough to desire such , who did lay any weight thereon , to consider Iob. 7 : v. 47 , 38 , 49. with Mr. Hutcheson's Notes thereupon , specially the 7. and 9. Yet I shall only say , That an Impartial Observer will finde , that for the most part , in all the steps of our trial , since this last overthrow came , God hath made use of the nothings to break the ice to others . Holy is our Soveraigne , who doth what He will. This might be made out by Instances ; but I suppose , the matter is so manifest , that I need not insist thereupon , the matter about hearing of the Curats ▪ being a sufficient evidence of what I have said . Obj. 5. Now when we are in hazard to be over-run with Popery , is it seasonnable , that such questions should be started , to breake the remnant in pieces ; and thereby to make all a prey for the man of sin ? Were it not better that we were all united as one , to withstand that Inundation ? Answ. I grant , the apprehensions of the Man of sins's stretching out his wings , & filling the breadth of Immanuel's land , seemeth to me not altogether groundless ; yea it is much to be feared , that by Popery and Bloud , the Lord shall avenge the quarrel of His Covenant , and the contempt of His Gospel : And therefore I judge , it were our duty this day , to be preparing ourselves to meet the Lord , thus coming to be avenged on a generation of His wrath , with ropes about our necks , giving Him the glory of His Righteousness , and acknowledging ourselves the basest of sinners ; that so we may be in case , to say , in the day , when the small remnant of the glory , that is yet to be seen on the mountains , shall depart out of sight , Blessed be the Glory of the Lord from his place . Our Union , while the accursed thing is among us , will be but a conspiracy , and will really weaken us before the Lord. If we be not tender of Christ's Headship , and of what depends thereupon , and of the least pin of his Tabernacle , pitched among us ; how can we expect His help , when we are to run with the horsemen ? Will they not have most peace in that day , who have been Jealous for the Lord of hosts , and for his Crown Interest - And who knoweth , but they shall finde a shelter and a chamber of Protection in the day , when he overflowing scourge shall come , who are now following the Lord , and his Glory , through Mountains and Valleyes , and are , upon that account , suffering Tossings , Hardships and Harrassings ? How little security , I pray , shall the wings of the Supremacie be able to give , in that day ? our Union in Duty , and upon the old grounds of our received and sworne Principles and Maximes , would prove our strength , But if this shall not be had , as then every one may certainly conclude , that there is a dreadful stroke at the doores , and that this division , upon such an account , is a certaine fore-runner of a dark and dismal Dispensation ; so , it will be every mans du●y , who would have peace , in the day of God's contending against a generation of Backsliders and Revolters , to be mourning for the abominations of the Land and for this of the Indulgence , among the rest , and to be adhereing to the Lord , and unto our Principles ▪ which the Lord hath owned and countenanced , though he should , in a manner , be left al●●e . Will not , I pray , many of these , who have complied with Prelacie , and with the courses , that have been carried on , profess an abhorrence at Popery ? And is this ground sufficient for us to think of uniting with them , notwithstanding of all they have done , that we may be the more fortified to withstand that torrent ? Alas ! this our strength will prove our weakness , Let us remember that Esai . 8 : ver . 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. For the Lord spoke thus to me , with a strong hand , and instructed me , that I should not walk in the way of this people , saying , Say not a confederacy to all them , to whom this people shall say , a confederacy : Neither feare ye their fear , nor be afraid . Sanctifie the Lord of hosts himself ; and let him be your fear ▪ and let him be your dread . And he shall be for a Sanctuary , &c. It were more sutable for us , to be considering that word Amos 4. v. 12.13 . Therefore , thus will I do unto thee ; and because I will do this unto thee , prepare to meet thy God , O Israel : for lo , he that formeth the Mountains , and createth the winde , and declareth unto man what is his thought , that maketh the morning darkness , and ●readeth upon the high places of the earth : The Lord , the God of hosts is his Name : And in order to a Christian compliance therewith , to be separating our selves from every sinful course , mourning for our former miscarriages , and utterly forsaking such wayes , whereby we have provoked the Lord to wrath . I shall close with that Zeph. 2 : vers . 1 , 2 , 3. Gather yourselves together , yea , gather together , O Nation not desired . Before the decree bring forth , before the day passe , as the chaff , before the fierce anger of the Lord come upon you , before the day of the Lord's anger come upon you . Seek ye the Lord , all ye meek of the earth , which have wrought his judgment , seek righteousness , seek meekness ; it may be , ye shall be hid , in the day of the Lord's anger : And let us all pray , Thy Kingdom come , and thy Will be done , AMEN . FINIS . Among the persons Indulged , Mr Anthony Shaw indulged to Loudown o● Newmile , and Mr Anthony Murray Indulged to Carmichall are omitted ; and possibly some others , through want of full Information , or through the neglect of Transcribers . 
A56328	----	The Trojan horse of the Presbyteriall government vnbowelled wherein is contained, I. The power of the Presbyterian government, II. The persons in whom this power is placed, III. The exercise of the Presbyterian power in Scotland, and the lawes there imposed on the peoples necks. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A56328 of text R5914 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P427). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 50 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A56328 Wing P427 ESTC R5914 13087435 ocm 13087435 97312 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56328) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97312) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 747:46) The Trojan horse of the Presbyteriall government vnbowelled wherein is contained, I. The power of the Presbyterian government, II. The persons in whom this power is placed, III. The exercise of the Presbyterian power in Scotland, and the lawes there imposed on the peoples necks. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. [2], 22 p. s.n.], [London : 1646. Attributed to Henry Parker. Cf. DNB, McAlpin Coll. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Presbyterian Church -- Government. A56328 R5914 (Wing P427). civilwar no The Trojan horse of the Presbyteriall government vnbovvelled. Wherein is contained, I. The power of the Presbyterian government. II. The per [no entry] 1646 9078 5 10 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE TROJAN HORSE OF THE Presbyteriall Government VNBOVVELLED . Wherein is contained , I. The power of the Presbyterian Government . II. The persons in whom this power is placed III. The exercise of the Presbyterian power in Scotland , and the Lawes there imposed on the peoples necks . Printed in the Yeere 1646. THE TROJAN HORSE OF THE Presbyteriall Government Unbowelled . OF the Scottish Form of Church-Government , I have observed , That it hath been the studious endeavour of many men to procure the establishment of it amongst us , as appears by the importunity of divers Petitions to that purpose presented to the Parliament ; and that upon pretence , that they are thereto engaged by the Solemne League and Covenant . I note also , That the Parliament hath artificially declined the establishment thereof , by ordaining Commissioners in every County to superintend the proceedings of the Presbyteries , and to receive Appeals from them , and by reserving the Supreme Power of the last sentence , in themselves : and that they have so firmely adhered to this their Ordinance , as that they could not be removed from their resolution by the most potent sollicitations . This great difference of judgement between persons so considerable , hath induced me to use my best diligence to understand the nature of that Government , about which they doe so perniciously disagree . To that end , I have carefully informed my judgement , by considering the Frame of it , an it is set downe in that Modell of Discipline which is contained in their Psalme-Book , and in the two Bookes of Discipline , and the Confession of their Faith : some of which I know , and all of them I beleeve to be now the Muniments of that Church . If they be , I think I have truly collected from them , that their Church-Government is pernicious to Civill Power , grievous to such as must live under it , and apt to disturb the common Peace : and that therefore those that are so earnest for it , ( at the best ) doe but aske they know not what , and that the Parliament have reason to deny their requests . If they be not , they are the more to blame that seek to obtrude that yoke upon us , and inforce it by the obligation of an Oath , which they regard not before hand to acquaint us with , that we may knowingly ( as men and Christians ) resolve what is fit for us to doe . Howsoever , I have determined to put into this Form , my Collections concerning that Government and Discipline , together with the Grounds from whence they are drawne , that they may be to my selfe a testimony , that I have not neglected the meanes of mine own information , & if any others shall happen to see them , that they ( beholding at once the inference and the evidence ) may pronounce as they shall find cause . And I shall observe this order , to consider severally , First , the Power which the Scots challenge as due to their Form of Church-Government , and what Bounds they set betweene it and the Civill Power . Secondly , the persons in whom it is placed . Thirdly , the manner how it is exercised , and the Lawes which it imposeth on the people . Of the Power of the Presbyterian Government . THere are but two wayes to bound it , that it overflow not all . The one , the subordination of the Nationall Assembly to an Oecumenicall ; and though I know nothing to the contrary , but that they acknowledge this subordination , yet no use can be made of it , ( as things now stand ) because in these sad divisions of Christendome , a generall Councell cannot be called : The other , the sobordination thereof to the Civill Power , which being the onely meanes to keep them within their limits , it is necessary to consider what respect the Presbyterians give unto it . They would seem to ascribe much to the Civill Magistrate , for they acknowledge , that the Civill Power is Gods Ordinance , which they that goe about to take away , or confound , are enemies of mankind , and of Gods expresse will , that the Civill Magistrates are to be highly esteemed , that to them chiefly and principally the conservation and purgation of Religion appertaineth : and therefore it is sinfull to resist them . Large Confes. of Faith , Artic. 25. They affirme , That the Ministers and others of the Ecclesiasticall Estate are subject to the Magistrate Civill in externall things : and that the Civill Power may command the Spirituall to doe their office , according to the Word of God . 2. Booke of Discip. Chap. 1. They say , It appertains to the Office of a Christian Magistrate , to make Lawes and Constitutions agreeable to Gods Word for the advancement of the Kirk , and Policy thereof , without usurping the power of the Keyes . 2 Booke of Dis. Chap. 10. Yet if the matter be well examined , it will be found that all these faire words are but like Mercuries piping to bring Argus asleep : For , 1 They challenge a power absolute and independent of the King , to convene in Assemblies at their owne pleasure , and to appoint the time and place themselves . Hear their own words . All the Ecclesiasticall Assemblies have power to convene lawfully together for treating of things concerning the Kirk , and pertaining to their charge . They have power to appoint times and places to that effect , and at one meeting to appoint the diet , time and place for another . 2. Booke of Discipline , Chap. 7. 2 They claime power to themselves to make Constitutions Ecclesiasticall , without the consent of the Christian Magistrate . For this orders cause , they may make certaine Rules and Constitutions , appertaining to the good behaviours of all the Members of the Kirk in their vocation . 2. Book of Discipline , Chap. 7. 3 They claim power to abrogate the Lawes of the Land touching Ecclesiasticall matters if they judge them hurtfull or unprofitable . For so they say , They have power also to abrogate and abolish all Statutes and Ordinances concerning Ecclesiasticall matters , that are found noysome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . 2. Book of Discipline , Chap. 7. 4. They require the Civil Magistrate to be subject to this their Power , To Discipline must all the Estates within this Realme be subject , as well the Rulers as they that are ruled . 1. Booke of Discipline , Head 7. As the Ministers and others of the Ecclesiasticall State are subject to the Magistrate Civill , so ought the person of the Magistrate be subject to the Kirk spiritually , and in Ecclesiasticall Government . 2 Book of Dis. Chap. 1. As Ministers are subject to the judgement and punishment of the Magistrate in externall things , if they offend , so ought the Magistrates to submit themselves to the Discipline of the Kirk , if they transgresse in matters of Conscience , and Religion . Ibidem . The Nationall Assemblies of this Countrey called commonly the Generall Assemblies , ought alwaies to be retained in their own liberty , and have their owne place ; with power to the Kirk , to appoint times and places convenient for the same : and all men , as well Magistrates as Inferiours , to be subject to the judgement of the same in Ecclesiasticall causes , without any reclamation or appellation to any Judge Civill or Ecclesiasticall within the Realme . 2. Booke of Discipline , Chap. 12. The Princes and Magistrates not being exemed , and these that are placed in the Ecclesiasticall Estate rightly ruling and governing , God shall be glorified , &c. 2. Booke of Discipline , Chap. 13. If any man shall wonder how these insolent claimes can stand with their former expressions , in favour of the Civill Magistrate ; let him know , that there be two Texts in their Booke of Discipline , that will open this mystery , and reconcile the contradiction . The first , The Magistrate neither ought to preach , minister the Sacraments , nor execute the Censures of the Kirke ; nor yet prescribe any rule how it should be done , but command the Ministers to observe the rule commanded in the Word , and punish the Transgressors by Civill meanes . The Ministers exerce not the Civill Jurisdiction , but teach the Magistrate how it should be exercised according to the Word . Chap. 1. By this it appeares , that all the power they allow the Civill Magistrate in Church-affaires , is onely to be the Executioner of their Decrees . The second , Although Kings and Princes that be godly , sometimes by their own Authority when the Kirk is corrupted , and all things out of order , place Ministers , and restore the true servants of the Lord , after the example of some godly Kings of Juda , and divers godly Emperours and Kings also in the light of the New Testament : yet where the Ministery of the Kirk is once lawfully constitute , and they that are placed doe their office faithfully , all godly Princes and Magistrates ought to heare and obey their voice , and reverence the Majesty of the Son of God speaking in them . 2. Booke of Dis. Chap. 10. This Text ( I confesse ) is fast and loose . For who shall be Judge whether the Church be corrupted and all things out of order , or whether the Ministery be lawfully constitute , and the Office faithfully discharged ? Shall the King ? Their Practise shewes that they will not allow that . Shall the Ministery be Judge ? Then the power given to Princes in a corrupted Church , is just nothing : For sure , the Ministers will not condemne themselves . If any thing of certainty can be made out of this Oracle , it is this : That the Presbyterian Government must be supposed to be the onely orderly Government , and all the proceedings of it just : and Kings and Princes may claim a power to cast out any other Government and set up that : but when that is once up , they must then bee content with what the Assembly will allow them . 5 To their Doctrine that it is unlawfull to resist the Civill Magistrate , they give these bounds , while he doth his duty , and governeth as he ought . To disobey or resist any that God hath placed in Authority ( whilest they passe not over the bounds of their office ) — we confesse or affirme to be sin , Large Confes. Art. 15. We confesse and avow that such as resist the supreame Power , doing that thing which appertaineth to his charge , doe resist Gods Ordinance , and therefore cannot be guiltlesse . Large Confes. Art. 25. From these premisses I thinke the inference is good , that if the supreame power passe the bounds of his Office , if he doe not that thing which appertaineth to his charge , if he doe the contrary , if he mis-governe , then they hold resistance to be no sinne , nor the Subjects that resist him to be guilty of resisting Gods Ordinance . It may be that the generall disaffection to Regall Power , in these distractions , may render some men lesse apprehensive of the dangerous consequences of this Doctrine , and the former Claimes ; as supposing them to have no other drift , then to clip the wings of Royall Prerogative . But this is a grosse and dangerous mistake : and whosoever shal be envested with that Civill Power which shal be taken from the King , be it the Parliament , or whosoever else , must looke to succeed him in the heavy enmity which this Presbyterian Power will exercise against the Civill Power ( when it doth not comply with them ) in what hands soever it be placed . For , these incroachments of theirs are not upon the King , as distinguished from other Magistrates , but upon the Civill Magistrate in common , whosoever he be , as appeares plainly by the former Testimonies . So that if they have a minde to call a generall Assembly , though the King and Parliament finde it needlesse , or ( in regard of circumstances of time , place , or distempered affections in the Ministers , or People ) inexpedient , or dangerous ; they will over-rule , though to the highest disservice of the State , and must be obeyed . If they agree upon any Ecclesiasticall Constitutions and Canons , though the King and Parliament judge them never so contrary to the Lawes tending to the hurt of the Kingdome , yet must they yeeld to this Presbyterian Power . If the King and Parliament make any Lawes concerning the affaires of the Church , which are not to their liking , they may repeals them . The King and Parliament must be Subject not onely to their generall Assembly , but ( in subordination to that ) to the Dictates of every petty Parochiall Session where their personall residence and abode shall be . Lastly , If the King and Parliament will governe contrary to their will and pleasure , their principles will allow them to incite the people to resist them . After so rank a crop of weeds , pernicious to Civill power , I know not what regard will be had to the gleanings : which ( yet ) would not be lost . 6 Therefore if the Civill Migistrate punish not with death such as in their judgement deserve it , they order that the Church may excommunicate the offender , not onely for his crime , but as suspect to have corrupted the Temporall Judge . If no remedy by them can be found , ( that is by the Magistrates ) then justly may the Church pronounce the offender excommunicate , as one suspect , besides his crime , to have corrupted the Judges , revengers of blood . Order of excommunication in the Psalm Booke . So that if the Civill Judges thinke not fit to proceed against every one whom they hold a capitall offender , not only the reputed offender shall be excomunicate , but in the publication of the Sentence the Judges shall be openly defamed as corrupt , and that upon a suspition thus weakly grounded . 7 They determine that the Temporall Magistrate is bound to punish Adultery with death , by Gods own Law . It is cleerly knowne to us , that N. somtimes baptized in the name of the Father , of the Sonne , and of the Holy Ghost , and so reputed and counted for a Christian , hath fearefully fallen from the society of Christs body , by committing of cruell and wilfull murther , ( or by committing filthy Adultery , &c. ) which crime by the Law of God deserveth death . Order of Excom. in the Psalm Book . Blasphemy , adultery , murder , perjury , and other crimes capital worthy of death , ought not properly to fall under censure of the Kirk : because all such open transgressors of Gods Law ought to be taken away by the Civil Sword . 1. Book of Discip. Head 7. Marriage , once lawfully contracted , may not be dissolved at mans pleasure as our Master CHRIST JESUS doth witnesse , unlesse adultery be committed : which being sufficiently proved , in presence of the Civill Magistrate , the innocent ( if they so require ) ought to be pronounced free , and the offender ought to suffer death , as God hath commanded , 1. Booke of Discip. Head 9. SECT. of Marriage . If this be true , then ( for ought I see ) we are bound to all the Judicialls of Moses as well as to this which is one of them : as namely , to punish theft , not with death , but restitution ; besides many other touching inheritances , purchases and other temporal things ; which would cause infinit changes and confusions in our Temporall Lawes . 8. They hold it unlawfull for the Civill Magistrate to pardon capitall offenders . In the feare of God , we signifie unto your Honours , That whosoever perswades you that ye may pardon where God commandeth death , deceives your soules , and provokes you to offend Gods Majesty . 1 Booke of Discip. Head . 9. This puts such a tye upon Princes , as robs them of the exercise of their noblest vertue , mercy ; inclines offenders to be desperate , and in such distracted times as this , may prove destructive to the Kingdome . 9. They exact it as a duty of a Christian Magistrate , that if need require , hee maintaine the Ministery with his owne Rents . It pertaines to the Office of a Christian Magistrate — to see that sufficient provision be made for the Ministery , the Schooles , and the Poore : and if they have not sufficient to await upon their charges , to supply their indigence , even with their owne Rents if need require . 2. Booke of Discipline , Chap. 10. Compare but this with the power which the Presbyterians claime over the Civill Magistrate , and it will appeare , that their Discipline will allow them to be Judges , whether need require that the Ministery should be maintained out of the Kings Rents : and if they finde that it doe , then to pronounce that it is his office and duty to make the allowance , and to compell him to doe his office by the Churches censures , and warrant his Subjects to take Armes against him , if he shall obstinately refuse . This is a compendious way for them to cut themselves large Cantells out of the Kings Revenues . 10. They distinguish the object of Civill and Ecclesiasticall power , not by the matter it selfe which may be the same in both ; but by the divers ends proposed by the severall powers . The Magistrate commandeth externall things for externall peace and quietnesse amongst the Subjects : the Minister handleth externall things , onely for conscience-cause . 2. Booke of Discip. Chap. 1. Here both the Minister and Magistrate deale with the same externall things , and the difference is onely in the end . So that by their Platform they may deal with all Civil Causes for a Spirituall end , which the Pope usually expresses with this clause , In ordine ad bonum Spirituale , and these men ( to the same effect ) In ordine ad bonum Ecclesiae . But both he and they doe by this distinction , usurp upon the Civill Magistrate . Of the Persons in whom this Power is placed . THis power is ( in the Scottish Platforme ) put into the hands , partly of the Ministers of the Parishes throughout the Kingdom , who admit no Superiority of one over another , but a parity and equality of all , and partly of Lay-Elders , who meddle not with the administration of the Word and Sacraments , but are chosen by the people out of every Parish to joyne with the Ministers in the Government of the Kirk : and all Government and Discipline , is exercised joyntly by them , by plurality of voices : in the severall Parishes by the Ministers and Lay-Elders of the same , who are subordinate to a Classis made up of the Ministers and Elders of the Parishes within the bounds thereof , as the severall Classes are to the Provinciall Assembly , consisting of Ministers and Elders chosen out of every Classis within the Province , and Provinciall Assemblies are in like manner subordinate to the Nationall Assembly consisting of such a number of Ministers and Lay-Elders as the same Assembly shall thinke fit , chosen out of all the Provinces of the Kingdome : and this Nationall Assembly ( since Oecumenicall Councells cannot be hoped for ) acknowledgeth no Superiour upon earth . All these points ( if things so much acknowledged need it ) are proved by these ensuing Authorities . The parity of Ministers , As to Bishops , if the name {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} be properly taken they are all one with the Ministers . 2. Booke of Dis. Chap. 11. The conjunction of Lay-Elders with them in the Government . It is not necessary that all Elders be also Teachers of the Word . 2. Booke of Dis. Chap. 6. Their office is as well severally as conjunctly to watch diligently upon the flock committed to their charge , both publikely and privately , that no corruption of Religion or manners enter therein . Ib. Their principall Office is to hold Assemblies with the Pastors and Doctors ( who are also of their number ) for establishing of good order and execution of Discipline : unto the which Assemblies all persons are subject that remaine within their bounds . Ib. In assembling the people , neither they without the Ministers , nor the Ministers without them , may attempt any thing . Psalm Book Tit. Of the Elders , &c. The Pastors or Ministers chiefe office standeth in preaching the Word of God , and ministring the Sacraments : so that in consultations , judgements , elections and other politicall affairs , his counsell rather then authority taketh place . Ibid. Titl . of the Ministers office and duty . The Elders being elected must be admonished of their office , which is , to assist the Ministers in all publique affaires of the Kirk , to wit , in determining and judging causes , in giving admonition to the licentious liver , in having respect to the manners and conversation of all men , within their charge . — Yea the Seniors ought to take heed to the like manners , diligence , and study of their Ministers : If he be worthy of admonition , they must admonish him ; of correction , they must correct him , &c. 1 Booke of Discip. 8. Head , Of the election of Elders , &c. Their election by the people . Men of best knowledge in Gods Word , and cleanest life , men faithfull , and of most honest conversation , that can be found in the Kirk , must be nominate to be in election , and their names must be publiquely read to the whole Kirk by the Minister , giving them advertisement that from amongst them must be chosen Elders and Deacons . Ibidem . If any man know other of better qualities within the Kirk then these that be nominated , let them be put in election , that the Kirk may have the choice . Ibid. It pertaineth to the people , and to every severall Congregation , to elect their Minister . 1 Booke of Discipline , 4 Head , Of Ministers , &c. And because this order which Gods Word craves , cannot stand with Patronages and presentation to Benefices , used in the Popes Kirk : we desire all them that truely feare God , earnestly to consider , that for as much as the names of Patronages and Benefices , together with the effect thereof , have flowed from the Pope , and corruption of the Canon Law onely , in so far as thereby any person was intrusted or placed over Kirks having Curam animarum : and for as much as that manner of proceeding hath no ground in the Word of God , but is contrary to the same , and to the said liberty of election , they ought not to have place in this light of Reformation . 2. Book of Discip. Chap. 12. The subordination of their Elderships , and Assembli●s , and how they share this power among them . Elderships and Assemblies are commonly constitute of Pastors , Doctors , and such as we commonly call Elders , that labour not in the Word and Doctrine , 2 Book of Dis. Chap. 7. Assemblies are of foure sorts . For , either they are of particular Kirks and Congregations , one or moe ; or of a Province , or of a whole Nation , or of all and divers Nations professing one Jesus Christ . Ibid. The first kind and sort of Assemblies , although they be within particular Congregations , yet they exerce the Power , Authority , and Jurisdiction of the Kirk with mutuall consent , and therefore beare sometime the name of the Kirk . When we speak of the Elders of the particular Congregations , we mean not that every particular Parish-Kirk can or may have their own particular Elderships , specially in Landward ; but we think three , four , more or fewer particular Kirks may have one Eldership common to them all to judge their Ecclesiasticall causes . Yet this is meet that some of the Elders be chosen out of every particular Congregation . Ibid. It pertaines to the Eldership to take heed that the Word of God be purely preached within their bounds , the Sacraments rightly ministred , the Discipline rightly maintained , and the Ecclesiasticall goods uncorruptly distributed . It belongs to this kind of Assembly , to cause the Ordinances made by the Assemblies Provinciall , Nationall , and Generall to be kept and put in execution . To make Constitutions which concerns {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in the Kirk , for the decent order of these particular Kirks where they governe , ( provided that they alter no rules made by Generall or Provinciall Assemblies , and that they make the Provinciall Assemblies fore-seen of these Rules that they shall make ) and abolish them that tend to the hurt of the same . It hath power to excommunicate the obstinate . The power of election of them who beare Ecclesiasticall charges pertaines to this kind of Assembly within their owne bounds , being well erected and constituted of many Pastors and Elders of sufficient ability . By the like reason their deposition also pertains to this kind of Assembly ; as of them that teach erroneous and corrupt Doctrine , that be of slanderous life , &c. Ibidem . Provinciall Assemblies we call lawfull conventions of Pastors , Doctors , and other Elders of a Province gathered for the common affaires of the Kirk thereof . Ibidem . This Assembly hath power to handle , order , and redresse all things committed or done amisse in the particular Assemblies . Ibidem . And generally their Assemblies have the whole power of the particular Elderships whereof they are collected , Ibidem . The Nationall Assembly which is Generall to us , is a lawfull Convention of the whole Kirks of the Realm . Ibidem . None are subject to repair to this Assembly to vote , but Ecclesiasticall persons to such a number as shall be thought good by the same Assembly . Ibidem . This Assembly is institute , that all things either committed or done amisse in the Provinciall Assemblies , may be redressed and handled : and things Generally serving for the weale of the whole body of the Kirk within the Realme , may be fore-seen , intreated , and set forth to Gods glory . Ibidem . Now if the Presbyterian power it selfe be so pernicious as it appears to be by what was said before , surely to put it into such hands as by this Modell are to have it , must needs make all juditious and impartiall men much more averse from it . For first , that it admits of no Superiority of one above another , but requires a parity of those that governe , is like to produce manifold inconveniences . The resolutions both in publique affaires , and private mens causes will be very slow ; because many men , will be of different judgements and affections : and such as are not soon brought to agree in one determination . The difference of Opinions and Interests is like to breed factions and contentions . The decisions are in danger to be often corrupt , because it is harder to find many men of skill and integrity then one . These inconveniences are like to be bred by a parity of many Governours : and those that Episcopacy is accused of , are not likely to be removed by this parity , but augmented rather , for both reason and experience may teach us , that amongst many equals , popularity will make some one the leader of the rest ; and he will offend more boldly then if he were indeed a Bishop , because howsoever he do amisse , yet he can excuse himselfe , and lay the blame upon others . Secondly the mixture of Lay-men and Ministers together in the exercise of this power is of very dangerous consequence . It is like to breed acmulations between the Ministers and the Laity , while each one sides with his own order against the other . Men grossely ignorant in matters of Divinity , must be Judges of Doctrine ; and they that cannot in a small time be taught what heresie is , much lesse how to discern heresie from truth , determine of it , and others be bound to submit to their judgement . Men whose education and imployment is either in the field , or the shop , of whom a wise man once said , That they should not be sought for in publique councell nor sit on the Judges seat , because they understand not the sentence of Judgement ; men who neither know how to doe right if they would , nor would care for it if they knew it , ( for where the minde that should rule is weake , the corrupt passions that should be ruled , breake out into all disorder : ) These must be trusted with the making of Church-Lawes , and Government even of those things that concern the precious souls of men for whom Christ died ; to say nothing of their quiet , their reputation , and their purses , which will be all exposed to those injuries that may be expected from blind malice , revenge , envy , covetousnesse , partiality , and insolence . All these mischiefs are the more to be feared , in regard of the distempers of this sad time , in which this Government is sought to be erected . For those that are slaves to their corrupt affections , and apt to be transported by them , though they be not provoked , will much more violently pursue their bad designs , if power be then put into their hands , when they are chafed to so high a decree of acrimony , This would the rather be thought of , because the entrance into any businesse of concernment as it is good or evill , lightly seasons the subsequent proceedings with the same relish : so that inconveniences brought in at the first setling of a Government , can hardly ever after be rooted out . Thirdly , let it be considered what kind of persons stand fairest to be chosen for Lay-Elders . If wee make our judgement herein , upon observation of those dispositions , which qualifie men for the peoples favour , we shall finde them to be , for the most part , either activenesse or greatnesse . In some Parishes he can do most , who though he hath neither wealth , wit , nor honestly , is yet most active and busie : and if this be the choice , those will be trusted with the Spirituall power that are aptest to bring all to ruine and confusion . But if greatnesse beare the sway , ( as in most places it is like to do ) then shall men of great estates and dealing in the world , great Landlords , Noble-men , and Gentlemen , be Lay-Elders : who will use their power to enthrall their Tenants , Dependents , and Inferiours to them , and bring the Yeomanry and Husbandmen of England to such a slaverie , and vassallage under them , as that sort of men groane under in Scotland . Fourthly , though Appeals may seem to afford some remedy , yet is that of little use , being a matter of so much trouble and charge to go from the Parish-Session to the Classis , and from thence to the Provinciall Assembly , and from thence to the Generall Assembly , before a man can come at the Parliament : so that very few men can make use of it . Wherefore since Appeals leave the most men without remedy , it is a madnesse to make those men Judges in the first instance , that are so like to judge amisse . Fifthly , the constitution of Generall Assemblies for the number of Ministers and Lay-Elders to be sent from the severall Presbyteries , being at the will of the same Assembly , is very uncertaine , and may surprise those that little dream of it , and take away all power from either the Ministers or the Layty before they be aware . For if in some one Generall Assembly practises shall prevaile to over-prise one part with a greater number of the other ; that part that then gets all the power into their hands , will keep the other under irrecoverably : and of this mischife Scotland will affoord an instance . Lastly ; in this forme of Government such a multitude of men have a share , that if they shall be found to abuse their power to the prejudice of the State , it will hardly ever be possible to get it out of their hands again . For example , if Church-Government be put into the hands of the Ministers and Lay-Elders of almost 10000. Parishes , and thereby some inconveniences not yet fore-seen shal arise which shall induce the State to change it for another Forme : how shall they be able to wrest the power out of the hands of a Faction so numerous , who having found the sweet of Rule will bee loath to part with it ? Of the exercise of the Presbyterian Power in Scotland , and the Lawes there imposed on the peoples necks . IT now remaineth that by considering their particular Lawes we shew how grievous the exercise of this Power wil be to all sorts of men that live under it . 1. It hath been shewed already that the Presbyterian Government requireth that all Ministers be appointed by a popular election , and utterly dis-alloweth Patronages of livings that have cure of soules : which will be prejudiciall to the Nobility and Gentry , despoiling them of their inheritance . And if any shall object that either in this or any other matter their practice differs from their rule , let him mark what caution is given in the Preface to the Bookes of Discipline . To distinguish betwixt the Kirks purpose and intention in every particular , and their possibility to performe and practise as circumstances concurred , or were contrary : and he shall find that the practise prevailes onely because they want power to alter it , and that they will never rest satisfied , till they obtain their purpose . 2. They are no better friends to the Ministers , then to the Nobles and Gentry : for their Lawes provide that they shall be kept poore enough , to make both them and their Doctrine servile to the peoples humours . Their Benefices must be changed into stipends . That which is called the Benefice , ought to be nothing else but the stipend of the Ministers that are lawfully called , 2. Book of Discip. Chap. 3. These stipends must be raised out of the rents of the Tithes which are paid to the Deacons by the owners , and out of them must the poore and the Schooles be provided for , as well as the Ministers . We think it a most reasonable thing that every man have the use of his owne Tiends , provided that he answer to the Deacons , and Treasurers of the Kirk , of that which in justice shall be appointed unto him . We require the Deacons and Treasurers rather to receive the Rents then the Ministers themselves ; because that of the Tiends must not onely the Minister be sustained , but also the poore and Schools . 1 Booke of Discip. 6. Head , Of the Rents , &c. Yea the second Book of Discipline , Chap. 12. goeth further , and will have the Kirk Rents divided in foure portions , whereof the Minister must be content with one , the other three to be for the Elders , Deacons , and other Kirk-Officers , Doctors , Schooles , the Poore , reparation of the Kirks , and other extraordinary charges for the Kirk and Common-wealth : The words I omit for brevity . When all these collops are cut out , the Ministers part is partly taxed , and partly left to the curtesie of the Kirk . It is thought good that every Minister shall have at least forty bolls meale , twenty six bolls malt , to find his house bread and drink , & more , so much as the discretion of the Church finds necessary , besides mony for buying of other provision to his house , and other necessaries : the modification whereof is referred to the judgement of the Kirk , to be made every yeare at the chusing of the Elders and Deacons of the Kirk . 1. Book of Discip. 5. Head , Of the provision for the Ministers , &c. Their Glebes if they exceed six Acres , they are content shall be deteined . If any Glebe exceed six Acres of ground , the rest to remaine in the hands of the possessors till order be taken therein . 1. Booke of Discip. the 6. Head . 3 In general this Government insults upon the inslaved people with all sorts of heavy burdens and vexations . When they have brought the Ministery into so poore a condition that few but the lowest of the people will willingly enter into it : then to supply that defect , they have Lawes to compell men to take that function upon them , and Parents to dedicate their children to it , by the censures of the Kirk and the Civill Power . Your Honours with consent of the Church are bound by your Authority to compell such men as have gifts and graces able to edifie the Church of God , that they bestow them where greatest necessity shall be knowne . 1. Booke of Discipline , 4. Head . Of admission . The rich and potent may not be permitted to suffer their children to spend their youth in vaine idlenesse , as heretofore they have done : but they must be exhorted , and by the censure of the Kirk compelled to dedicate their sons by good exercises to the profit of the Kirk and Common-wealth . 1. Book of Discip. 5. Head . SECT. Of the necessity of Schools . And if any be found disobedient , and not willing to communicate the gifts and speciall graces of God with their brethren , after sufficient admonition , Discipline must proceed against them : Provided that the Civil Magistrate concur with the judgement and election of the Kirk . 1. Book of Discip. 9. Head , SECT. For Prophecying . With them it is not enough that the younger sort be catechised before their first admission to the communion , but all persons must be held as children all their life long , and once a yeare at least be examined in the principles of Religion : which examination ( to use the phrase of their own Book ) is like to be sharp enough , to those that know not the wayes of molifying their Examiners . Of necessity we judge that every yeare at the least , publique examination be had by the Ministers and Elders of the knowledge of every person within the Kirk . 1. Book of Discip. 9. Head . Of policy . Those that thought twenty six holy-dayes in a yeare a burthen if this Government be brought in , must have one day in every week taken from them ( besides the Sunday ) and set apart for Sermons , and Prayers , from labour both by Masters and Servants , at least during the time of the publique Exercise . Every week once let the Congregation assemble to hear some place of the Scriptures orderly expounded . Psalm-Book . SECT. Of the interpretation of the Scriptures . In every notable town we require , that one day besides the Sunday be appointed to the Sermon , & Prayers : wch during the time of Sermon must be kept from all exercise of labour , as wel of the master as of the servant . 1. Booke of Dis. 9. Head . Of Policy . Those that complained of the Bishops Courts once in three weeks as an intolerable vexation ; if this Government be set up , must be yoked with a Consistory one day in every week : so that they shall have but foure dayes in seven free , to do their own businesse . It is ordained that every Thursday the Ministers and Elders in their Assembly or Consistory , diligently examine all such faults & suspitions as may be espied , not onely amongst others , but chiefly amongst themselves . Psalme-Booke . SECT. Of the weekly Assembly , &c. If a man be acquitted of Homicide by the Temporall Judge , the Presbytery holding him to be guilty , take upon them to impose satisfactions upon him at their discretion : which is both an affront to the temporal Judge , and a grievous vexation to the party , who perhaps is innocent , and maybe a pretence for them to put their hands in the Subjects purses , if they shal thinke fit , to require a pecuniary mulct for satisfaction . If the offender abide an Assise , and by the same be absolved , then may not the Church pronounce excommunication : bu● justly may exhort the man , by whose hand the blood was shed to e●ter into consideration with himselfe how precious is the life of man before God , and how severely God commandeth blood , howsoever it be shed except it be by the sword of the Migistrate , to be punished : and so may injoyn unto him such satisfactions to be made publike to the Church as may beare testification , of his obedience , and unfained repentance . Psalm-Book . In the order of Excommunication . That this presumption of their putting their hands into mens purses is not groundlesse , may appear by another of their Constitutions , wherein they take upon them to tax damages upon capitall offenders convict before the temporall Judge , and to moderate between the offender and the party offended , in that point . The sentence of excommunication once pronounced , the Church may not suddenly admit the murtherer or convict adulterer to repentance and society of the faithfull , albeit that pradon be purchased of the Magistrate : but first ought inquisition to be taken , if the murtherer have satisfied the party offended , that is , the kin and friends of the man slain : which if he hath not done , neither is understood willingly so to doe , the Church in no wise may heare him . But and if he be willing to satisfie , and the friends exceed measure and the possibilities of him that committed the crime , then ought the Church to put moderation to the unreasonable , in case the Civill Magistrate hath not done so before . Psalm Book . In the order of Excommunication . By their Lawes they make such things punishable , as wil leave no man in safety with whom they have a mind to quarrel . If a man conforme not his words , his gestures , his expences , his diet , his apparell to their liking : nay , it they doe but suspect him to be inordinate in these things , they convent him , and admonish him , and if he obey not their admonitions , they thunder out the sentence of Excommunication against him . Wanton and vaine words , uncomely gestures , negligence in hearing the preaching , or abstaining from the Lords Table when it is publiquely ministred , suspicion of avarice , or of pride , superfluity , or riotousnesse in chear or rayment : these we say and such others that of the world are not regarded , deserve admonition amongst the members of Christs body . — If he continue stubborne , then the third Sunday ought he to be charged publiquely to satisfie the Church for his offence and contempt , under the pain of Excommunication , Psalme-Booke . In the order of publike Repentance . This is an unheard of tyranny , when a man may neither order his estate , nor weare a garment , nor eat , nor spe●ke , nor looke , but at their liking : yet this is not the worst , for these Lords paramount , take upon them to be Judges not only of externall things , but even in mens inward thoughts and affections too , if they be by any means discovered to them . The Magistrate handleth externall things onely , and actions done before men : but the Spirituall Ruler judgeth both inward affections , and externall actions in respect of conscience , by the Word of God . 2. Book of Dis. Chap. 1. The Conclusion . Out of that which hath been said , I conclude , 1 That this Form of Government would prove pernicious both to our King , Parliament , Ministery , and People : and that the relations that have been published of the Presbyterians affronts done to Regall power in Scotland , their contests with Parliaments , the confusions by them caused , and their injustice and tyrannie over the people : are very well consistent with their Principles . 2 That those who are so earnest to set up here that Government and Discipline , are therefore zealous for it because they know it not . For otherwise it is hardly possible that any that will know a thing so unlovely , should be so far in love with it . Especially if we consider , that this which yet appears is but the Lions paw : his whole body is not yet seen , nor easie to be seen , but lies lurking ( a great part of it ) in the Registers of their Assemblies and Sessions never yet published to the world , so that all the judgment we can make of it is , that by the badnesse of that little that we see , we may suspect more of the rest which we see not . For that there is yet much more unseen , let the Preface of the Books of Discipline bear witnesse . Under the name of Discipline is to be understood , not onely the particulars expressed in these two Books , but also the Acts , Constitutions , and Practices agreed upon and recorded in the Registers of the Generall and Provinciall Assemblies , Presbyteries and Kirk-Sessions . 3 That the forwardnesse of the Scots to get it here established proceeds not ( in probability ) from any love they bear to the thing it self for its own sake : we may rather presume that themselves ( except them whose turns are served by it ) are weary of it . Wherefore we have rather cause to suspect that there is something of Vlysses in it : and that they would bring i● in upon us like the Trojan-Horse with the belly full of armed men , to take our Troy-novant : that because they know it cannot here be setled without a War , nor that made without their assistance , they may use the help of our own hands to put their yoke upon our necks , and give Law to our Nation , which they of late so much disdained to receive from us . 10 That the Parliament hath done very prudently in declining so constantly the erection of this Government . I wish that their Decree of Election had been as provident as this of reprobation . For I consider , that in that mixt form of Government which instead of it they have chosen for a time , they have not onely displeased the Presbyterians in that which they have denyed ; but also the Brethren of the Congregationall Assemblies in divers things which they have granted : as namely , in excluding from their voice in the Election of Elders , those that are not satisfied of the lawfulnesse of taking the Covenant and Servants , as if difference of opinion could deprive men of those priviledges whereto they have as good right as others that have no scruples , or as if in Spirituall things there were any difference between bond and free : In forbidding any to be chosen an Elder but where kis dwelling and most residence is , whereas perhaps he cannot consent to be of that Congregation : In making those Judges and Tryers of Elections which are not Members of that Congregation where the election is made : In appointing a Subordination and Subjection of Congregationall Elderships to the Government of Classicall , Provinciall , and Nationall Assemblies , and making them Judges of Appeals from the other : In forbidding one Congregation to admit him that is suspended from another without their Certificate : In authorizing the Civill Power to judge Spirituall Causes , and in leaving the repentance and restoring of suspended Persons wholly to the discretion of the Presbyterian Eldership . So , that this mixt Forme set up by the Parliament , may prove like the Interim of Charls the fifth , which being a middle way of Religion between the Protestants and Papists made to reconcile them , and compose differences till a means of more perfect union might be found out , displeased both sides , and by alienating them both from him , stopped the growing greatnes of that mighty Emperour . And the like effect may this English Interim produce , discontenting both the sides , and provoking them to faile the Parliament when they have most need of them . Wherefore it would be considered , whether to avoid the difficulties , otherwise insuperable , it were not better to be content with that Government , which was before ; which would certainly conciliate one side , and ( if their professions may be believed ) least displease the other two . For , as for the alienation of the Bishops Lands from the Church ; the hope whereof may perhaps make some men resolute to persist in the endeavour to root out that Order : let them but consider how the first Book of the Scots Discipline , 6. Head , requires them to bee retained in the use of the Kirk ; how the second Book 9. Chapter determines , that the alienation thereof to prophane uses , is detestable Sacriledge before God , how their Psalme-Booke appoints it in one of their Formes of publique Prayer to be confessed as a grievous sin , how the Kirk of Scotland in their Declaration made since these times , renew their claime against the possessors : Lastly , what power the Presbyterian-Preachers will have over the consciences & affections of the multitude if that Government go up , and by the multitude against all that are not favoured by them : and they will easily conclude , that they cannot possesse them long in quiet . FINIS . 
A57049	----	The representation, propositions, and protestation of divers ministers, elders and professors, for themselves, and in name of many others, well-affected ministers, elders, and people in Scotland presented by the Lord Wareston, Mr. Andrew Cant, Mr. John Livingston, Mr. Samuel Rutherford and diverse others, to the ministers and elders met at Edinburgh, July 21, 1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A57049 of text R10184 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing R1109). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 41 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A57049 Wing R1109 ESTC R10184 12827042 ocm 12827042 94267 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57049) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94267) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 776:33) The representation, propositions, and protestation of divers ministers, elders and professors, for themselves, and in name of many others, well-affected ministers, elders, and people in Scotland presented by the Lord Wareston, Mr. Andrew Cant, Mr. John Livingston, Mr. Samuel Rutherford and diverse others, to the ministers and elders met at Edinburgh, July 21, 1652. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. 20 p. by Evan Tyler, Printed at Leith [Scotland] : 1652. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Scotland -- History -- 1649-1660. A57049 R10184 (Wing R1109). civilwar no The representation, propositions, and protestation of divers ministers, elders and professors, for themselves, and in name of many others we Church of Scotland. General Assembly 1652 6977 9 0 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-11 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-11 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REPRESENTATION , PROPOSITIONS , AND PROTESTATION Of divers MINISTERS , ELDERS AND PROFESSORS , For themselves , and in name of many others well-affected Ministers , Elders , and People in SCOTLAND . PRESENTED By the Lord WARESTON , Mr. ANDREW CANT , Mr. JOHN LIVINGSTON , Mr. SAMUEL RUTHERFORD , and diverse others ; To the Ministers and Elders met at EDINBURGH July 21. 1652. Printed at Leith by Evan Tyler . 1652. Unto the Reverend the Ministers and Elders met at Edinburgh July 21. 1652. It is represented by the Ministers , Elders , and Professors under subscribing for them selves , and in the name of many others well-affected Ministers , Elders and People . It is matter of unspeakable grief and sorrow , to consider how great Indignation the Lord hath let forth against us , heaping wrath upon wrath , and making one Judgment to follow another ; as the waves of the Sea , and for the most part , the fruits thereof through the Land , have bin no other then further departing from his wayes , and dividing one from another in judgment and affection . Our breach is wide as the Sea , and who can heal it ? Spirituall Judgments especially are multiplied upon us , Temptations abound , and Divine Influences are restrained He hath poured upon us the fury of his anger , and the strength of battell , and it hath set us on fire round about , yet we knew it not , and it burneth us , yet we lay it not to heart . There is no returning to the Lord , his hand is stretched out still ; and is there not great cause to fear , lest the glory of the Lord should depart from amongst us ? It were good for us , if we could ( with Jerusalem ) remember all our desireable things which we had in the dayes of old , and compare them with the days of our misery and affiction . If we look back to that which we have already attained of the Work of Reformation ( notwithstanding our short coming in the power and practice of godlinesse ) what purity was there of worship ? What soundnesse of Doctrine ? Unity of faithfull Pastors ? order and authoritie of Assemblies ? What endeavours for promoving the power of godlinesse ? for purging of the Ministery , Judicatories and Armies ? and for employing such in places of power and trust , as were of constant integritie and good affection to the Cause , and of blamelesse conversation . And again , if we consider how in place of these , within these two years , have succeeded for unity , division , for order , confusion , for purity of worship , outward contempt ; for the power of godlinesse , Atheisme and profanenesse ; for purging of the Ministery , Judicatories and Armies , sinfull mixtures ; for zeal , lukewarmnesse and tolleration . It is too palpable , that we are far gone on in the way of declining , having lost much of that which we had attained , and that which remains being ready to die . If we look before us , it seems now there is a wide door open for conjunction with all parties , in case of straits and necessities . How subtile are the devices of Sathan , to make use of the same bad principle , for contrary ends , and may we not make use of what was said in former times , to the declining children of this Church ? How will posterity blame us that we have not resisted the beginnings of evils ? Shall not their hearts mourn , when they shall behold so fair a Fabrick , so dearly conquest , so firmly grounded , to be so pittifully ruined be their fathers ? If we look inward to our own hearts , whether we have had most of the Lords Spirit with us in the old ways , or the late ; and whether our spirits were then more with the Lord , or now ? It is easie to judge : If we look about us on every hand , what hardening is there of Adversaries of all sorts ? what offence given to the weak , who see changes of parties , and fear change of Principles and Interests , when they perceive conjunction with those against whom the Covenant was made , and deserting of these for whom it was made ; and see mens interests preferred to the Lords ; sinfull mixtures make way for sinfull separations , and the preferring of mans interest to Gods , makes our Adversaries to be exalted over us . Thus he writes our sin upon our judgment ; and because we trusted his Interests to his Adversaries , therefore he gives up our interests to the power of our Adversaries ; and Judgment hath entered by the door , which Policy had locked fastest . It was the complaint of the non-Conformists of old , that Conformitie was preferred to the duties of the first and second Table ; for if a Minister were conform , grosse faults were passed over in silence ; and if he were not conform , though an able , painfull , and gracious Pastor , and blamelesse in his conversation yet he was the object of persecution . This was held by the non-Conformists , a sure sign of defection in the Church : We wish there were nothing like this amongst us , and that insufficient and scandalous Ministers , made not a Sanctuary of the Publick Resolutions . What Acts are made against Expectants , Students , and Profedors , which are not of this judgment , we desire may be remembred ; And we have it to regrate , That too many make it their practice upon this ground , to debar such as would be usefull in the Lords Vineyard . How great influence this hath also had , and may farther have in all Elections , we need not mention . How much precious time have the publick resolutions caused to be spent in debates , and thereby many diversions from most necessary duties , &c. is matter of great stumbling , both to the weak , and to strangers which are amongst us , that grosse ignorance and scandals are not onely to be found in Professours uncensured , but also amongst Elders ; and that many Ministers are not onely carelesse to instruct the ignorant , and to endeavour , that scandals may be censured , but some are openly given to the same themselves , and not onely no course taken to censure them , but some who have been justly censured for prophaneness and malignancie , are readmitted ; and unqualified Expectants in some places , put in the Ministery . The approbation of the publick Resolutions being made a main part of qualification . We hope it will be easily acknowledged on all hands , that there hath been a great backsliding of heart from the Lord ; for the which we are filled with our own wayes ; We trust also that there be few that will deny , that the Lords quarrell against us is for his broken Covenant ; and therefore it is , that he hath threatned against us , as against Israel , not only that we shall not be a Kingdom , but that we shall not be a Nation , nor a Church , but put away by a Bill of divorce . It is high-time for us then , to search and try our wayes , and turn again to the Lord . Let us examine by what way we have departed from him , that by the same steps we may return , wherein the Land hath declined from their sworn Covenant with the Lord , and known principles , before this ruine came upon us ; and wherein they have sithence further departed , by staying upon those that smote them , and forsaking the Lord , the Covenanted God of this Nation . It was unto us no small matter of grief and trouble , that the testimonies given the last ; year against the Publick Resolutions of the Commission of the General ! Assembly 1650 and against the Meeting at S. Andrewes and Dundee , and their proceedings , was looked upon by many ( of whom we desire to judge charitably ) as not proceeding from principles of conscience , but as a Compliance with the Invaders of the Land . Blessed be the Lord our God , who knowing our Innocencie and integritie , hath made that cloud of reproach so clear to evanish , as we trust we are now freed from that calumnie , in the judgments and consciences of all judicious and charitable men . There is another advantage on your path , that you are now free from the temptations ; which reduced many to act and co●cur●e in these Resolutions for necessity was mainly pretended for what was done ; which now , these temptations being removed , can have no place for a ground , to renew and re-act the same proceedings . We may also adde , that time hath fully discovered , and clearly determined , how ●●●●ground there was on our 〈◊〉 to oppose the ●●●●itting of these men , concerning whom the contest was the last year , into places of power and trust over the Work and People of God . An Overture was made to us at our Meeting in Winter last , That we would desist from making use of any power derived from the Generall Assembly 1650. And we conce●ved we had ground to expect on the other hand , that no use should have been made of any power , by vertue of the Meeting at S. Andrews and Dundee . And that in the mean time , endeavour should have been used for agreement , which was assayed by us once , and again ; but the advantages of the time having setled on another quarter then that season wherein the Overture was made , did seem to promise to such who did not well consider principles and parties . It is now fallen out other wise , and by power from them , without any agreement you are now conveened . In the Meeting at S. Andrews , it was earnestly desi●ed , that there might have been an Adjournment , which through the Lords blessing might have prevented much of the division that hath since fallen out , and the differences that were amongst us , might have been more easily removed . The breach is now wider , and only the strong hand of the Lord can help us . If you should now again proceed to assume unto your selves the power , and constitute your selves into a Generall Assembly , we look upon it as a very great obstruction in the way of our agreement , and ( as that which for ought we can yet see ) may highten the difference : The Lord is calling to Holinesse , and to return to the Work of Reformation , and purging the Church according to the Word of God , and approven rules of this Kirk , and not to confirm the last years proceedings , which were the chief ground of our Divisions It is a thing beyond all question in reason , that all doubts and objections proponed , concerning the constitution of an Assembly , ought to proceed the constitution , and not to follow after it . When the question is determined , sad experience may teach us , from former times , what influence an Assembly hath according to its constitution , right or wrong ; for which cause , the Generall Assembly 1639. 〈◊〉 determine the keeping and authorizing corrupt Generall Assemblies , to be one of the chief causes of the many evils which had befallen this Church in time of defection . We do therefore with all tendernesse and due respect , earnestly beseech , That you will ●●●eo●sly consider , how inconvenient and unwarrantable it is for you , to constitute your selves into a Generall Assembly , and to assume the Power and Authority thereof , not only when the Authority by which you are conveened , is so much questioned , and such prelimitations are upon the elections of Commissioners ; but when you also want the concurrence of so many Presbyteries , who are not clear in their consciences to concur with you . And when you want the concurrence of Commissioners from burrows , who by reason of their present in capacity , cannot send Commissioners to sit in any Assembly . And when the far greater part of Commissions from Presbytries , and Universities are questioned and contraverted , by Dissents and Protestations in their meetings for Election ; and some by reason of usurpation of them who are no Presbyteries : So that we know not how few can be admitted unquestioned Members ; and besides we beseech you , consider how great a snare your former actings which were not to Edification , have been to some people to tempt them to the way of separation , and to the shaking of the Government of this Church , from which as we desire to be keeped free as from a course highly displeasing to God , and impedimentall to Reformation : So we desire you may not tempt them further , and lay new snares in the way of any , by your not right using of so precious an Ordinance of Christ , as are the Assemblies of this Church Upon these , and other grounds , we are constrained to make this Application to you , That without assuming any such power unto your selves , you would be pleased to appoint a Conference with us , wherein we may ( with the Lords Assista●ce . ) search out the causes of his wrath against us , and freely and friendly debate concerning our Differences , and propone Overtures , and Remedies for removing both the one and the other : In order thereunto , we offer these Propositions herewith communicated , for the Subject of our Conference ; it being our earnest desire , that an agreement being made , we may through the Lords blessing , have a free , and lawfull well constituted Generall Assembly . And now having laid these our thoughts and desires before you , we do solemnly obtest you by the Meeknesse , and Gentlesse of Christ , by his Consolations , and the comfort of his Love , and by the fellowship of the Spirit : If there be any bowels and mercies , by the affection which you bear to the Word of Truth , to the Peace and Order of this Church , to the Lords precious Ordinances , and to his people in this generation , and to the posterity , that you will take these things into your serious consideration , and hearken to our Request . Who knoweth but the Lord may have compassion on our condition , and bring the blinde by a way they know not , lead them in paths they have not known , make darknesse light before us , and crooked things straight ? Even do all these things unto us , and not forsake us . Propositions offered to the meeting of Ministers , and others , At Edinb. July the 21. 1652. WHereas we , and many of the Godly in the Land , have been really scandalized , and stumbled at the late Acts , and proceedings relating to publick resolutions , conceiving the same in the nature and intention of the Work , to have obstructed and shaken the Work of Reformation ( although we think honourably of divers Godly and learned men , who have been concurring in the same , and dare not judge their intentions to be such as we think their work hath been , and do allow charity to others ) . Therefore for satisfaction of our Consciences , and for the securing the Work of Reformation , for purging the Church , and for promoving the power of Godlinesse , and for removing of these sad differences , and for attaining and preserving a good understanding , We desire , I. That they give evidence , and assurance that they approve of , and will adhere unto , our Covenants , and the solemn Publick Confession of sins , and engagement to Duties , and all the Acts of the uncontraversed Assemblies of this Church , for advancing the work of Reformation , in the Litterall and Genuine sense and meaning thereof : And that in dispensing of the Ordinances , censuring of scandalous persons , receiving of Penitents , trying , admitting , removing , & deposing of Church officers , they walk according to the same . II. That it may be laid seriously to heart before the Lord , how after such a defection , and so sad judgements for it , the Lord may be restored to his Honour , the Land to his Favour , and the like defection prevented in time coming . III. That as we are ready in our station to follow all religious & conscionable means and overtures for securing , and guarding of the Cause and VVork of God , against Errour , Heresie , and Schisme , on the one hand : So they would hold out to us a solide Way for securing the same , against dangers from Malignancie on the other . And , we desire to know what shal be the Characters in time coming by which Malignants may be known , and judged . IV. That a reall and effectuall course be taken , according to the established Rule of this Kirk , for purging out , and holding out all such from being Church Officers as have not the positive qualifications required in the Word of God , and Acts of this Kirk ; particularly , that Ministers deposed by lawfull Assemblies , who have intruded themselves , or have been unwarnantably restored by Synods , and Presbyteries to their charges , contrary to the Form , and Order prescribed in the Acts of Assemblies , be removed , and condign censures inflicted , and that sufficient provision be made for preventing the like in time coming . V. That effectuall means be fallen upon , and followed for censuring of all Scandals , and scandalous persons , and casting out of these who shall be found grosly , and obstinately scandalous , or ignorant , after they are made inexcusable by sufficient means , and pains taken for their instructing , and reclaiming . VI . That some course more effectuall then any hath been fallen upon hitherto , may be condescended upon , for putting in execution the Acts of this Kirk , anent debarring from the Lords Table such persons , who are found not to walk sutable to the Gospel , and have not the knowledge to examine themselves , and to discern the Lords Body . VII . That in the receiving of Penitents , care may be had , that none be admitted to the publick Profession of Repentance , or reconciled to the Church , but these who are found to give such evidence of their Repentance , as is expressed in the Acts of the Assemblies , concerning the receiving of Penitents . VIII . That an effectuall course may be taken for securing of the Work and People of God , from the harme and evill consequences which bath already , and may further ensue from the late pretended Assembly , at St. Andrews , and Dundee , and the Acts thereof , and for preserving the right constitution of free Generall Assemblies for time to come . Subscribed in name of many Ministers , Elders , and Professors throughout the Land , who desire Truth and Peace , by Mr. Andrew Cant. Unto the Reverend , the Ministers and Elders met at Edinburgh July 21. 1652. The Protestation of the Ministers , Elders , and Professors under subscribing for themselves , and in name of many others well-affected Ministers , Elders and People . IT is so wel known to divers of your number , what peaceable endeavours we have used without successe , in order to the removing of the differences that are amongst us , that we shall not trouble you therewith ; nor how we were neglected in the sending timeous advertisements for your last Meeting in this place , where a desire of reconciliation was presented , but peremptorily the electing and sending of Commissioners from Presbyteries , to keep the day indicted by the pretended authority of the Meeting at Dundee , was concluded on as the only mean to heal our breach ; and not so much as some few dayes of delay could be obtained , by these few of our number which were then present , whereby they might give advertisement to others . We have laboured with some in private , and have given a Paper to all in publick , with some Propositions , wherein we have the concurrence of the generality of the Godly in the Land , earnestly entreating a conference , wherein we might have opportunity with the Lords assistance , to have laid before you the Causes of the Lords controversie against the Land , and how we might be united in the Lord ; being ready also to have heard what you should offer to us upon the same subject ; but this ye have denied unto us , and proceeded to assume the power , and constitute your selves into a Generall Assembly . It is a burden upon our spirits , and we have no delight to be contesting with , and opposing any who professe themselves to be maintainers of the Government of this Kirk ; but the truth is ( with grief of heart we desire to speak it ; for we think that it doth much provoke the Lord , and threaten his departure from the Land ) that although with the renewing of the Nationall Covenant , and with the casting out of Prelates , and the corruptions introduced by them , the Lord was graciously pleased to give repentance to not a few , who were involved in that defection ; yet since that time there hath alwayes remained a corrupt party of insufficient , scandalous , and ill-affected Ministers in this Kirk , enemies to the power of Godlinesse , and Obstructers of the Work of Reformation , and purging of the Kirk , whereof many were sworn Vassals to the Prelats ( as we are able to make good by their subscriptions to horrid oaths ) this party complied with the times , and pretended for Reformation , though they were groaning under it as a heavy yoke which they could not endure , as did appear by their carriage and expressions , upon several occasions , when any revolution offered them the opportunity of discovering their mindes , particularly in the time of James Grahams Prevailing , and of the Engagement against England ; and having of lategotten a greater advantage then at any time before , since the beginning of this Reformation , by the publick Resolutions and actings of the Commission for bringing in of the Malignant party , to places of power and trust , and bearing down of such as were opposers of these Resolutions , and had bin faithfull and straight in the Cause , and stirring up the Civill Magistrate against them , subjecting also the liberty of the Word in the mouth of Christs Ambassadors for the reproof of sin , to the immediat judiciall cognisance , restraint and censure of the Civill Magistrate , contrary to the many Acts and practices of our Predecessors grounded on the Word of God , and our Covenants , having the countenance of King , State and Army , and diverse worthy and gracious men ( of whom we shall ever esteem honourable , and love them dearly ) upon consideration of the straits and pressures of the time , concurring also with them in the Publick Resolutions , that Party perceiving , that they were not able to endure tryall in a time of Reformation and purging , began the last year to lift up their heads , and speak the language of their own , being much encouraged by the Constitution , Acts and Censures of the pretended Assembly at S. Andrews and Dundee , they have so strengthened themselves by their practices since in the Judicatories of the Kirk , as they now carry the determinations therof to their own ends . And may we not with sad hearts say , what can be expected from such of whom we have experience , how forward they are to favour wicked men , and every evill course , to persecute such as make conscience to seek the Lord in sincerity of heart , and suppresse the power of godlinesse , and to open the door of the Ministery to such as for insufficiencie , scandals , or dis-affection , have been justly deposed , and to bring in the like . In regard whereof , we wish there were not too great cause to make use of the words of the Prophet , I have seen also in the Prophets of Jerusalem , saith the Lord , a herrid thing , they strengthen the hands of evil doers , that none doth return from his wickednes : therefore thus saith the Lord of hosts concerning the Prophets , Behold , I will feed them with wormwood , and make them drink the water of gall ; for from the Prophets of Jerusalem is prophaneness gone forth into all the land . These things we speak not to reflect upon the Ordinances of Jesus Christ in this Land ; it shall be our stedfast purpose ( as the Lord shall enable us ) to maintain the Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government of this Kirk , and particularly the Nationall Assemblies , which we look upon as a rich priviledge , and speciall blessing from Heaven , for suppressing errour on the one hand , and prophanenesse on the other , so long as they are preserved from corruption in the constitution thereof . And , we trust , all who are acquainted with the principles and practices of our worthy Predecessors , and of the learned and godly non-Conformists in England , wil easily see how far we are from their judgments who follow the wayes of separation . We hold it our duty , firmly to adhere to the Church of Scotland , wherein ( through the Lords goodnes ) we do this day enjoy the purity of Doctrine and Worship , and the Government which Christ hath appointed in his House , though there be corruptions in the Constitution of a pretended Assembly . Whereby we are deprived of the benefit of a free , lawfull , and well constitute Assembly for the present ; where we meet with corruptions , we shall ( the Lord assisting ) disclaime and oppose them . And herein we have the approbation of the first and second Assembly of this Kirk , in the beginning of this last Reformation ; the one annulling and declaring void six severall Assemblies , upon many of the same grounds , for which we do protest against the present corrupt Assemblies . And the other having clearly determined the keeping , and Authorizing corrupt Generall Assemblies , to have been one of the chief causes of the many evills which have befallen this Church . We trust in the Lord our God , that our Actions shall abundantly witnesse for us in this respect , and so we shall not further insist upon it . We have clear grounds in Scripture to warrand us to plead , and testific against Corruption ; and therefore being sensible that there is a course of defection carried on in the Church , we have endeavoured , first to prevent the same , in the beginnings thereof , and afterward to give Testimony against it , as it comes to be discovered to us ; We have since studied in a Christian , and brotherly way , to reclaime the Authors thereof , and these that have concurred with them , and now when still we perceive our labours and endeavours to be without successe , as we professe our adherence to former Testimonies against the late Defection , so we are necessitated to adde this upon the grounds before mentioned ; and for all , or some of the Reasons following . I. This meeting hath dependance upon , and the power and authority to which it can lay claime ; for the indiction thereof is derived from the pretended Assembly which met at St. Andrews , and adjourned to Dundee , which being unfree , unlawfull , and corrupt , cannot derive or communicate to another that which it had not in it self . II. It is constitute after the same manner ( for the most part ) of the Members constituted as the former pretended Assembly , of Persons which were Authors , and Abettors of and have carried on a course of defection in this Church , contrary to the VVord of God , the solemn League and Covenant , the solemn Engagement , and the expresse Acts and Declarations of the Kirk , which Persons being under so great a scandall , are by the Acts of the Kirk incapable to be Members of Generall Assemblies . III. Because of the pre-limitation of Election by the Acts made at Dundee , injoyning Provinciall Synods , and Presbyteries to proceed with the Censures of the Kirk against Ministers , Students , Expectants , & Professors , who altogether opposed the Publick Resolutions , or shall not acquiesce to the Acts made at Dundee ; and so excludes all who are not involved in the course of defection , as incapable of election , which is a corrupt rule for election and constituting Assemblies ; and in pursuance thereof , there were several pre-limitations made since by severall Synods , and Ptesbyteries , in their Acts , Ratifying the Proceedings of the pretended Assembly at Dundee . IV. There are many Presbyteries who have expresly refused to send Commissioners to this meeting as an Assembly and who do concur in Protesting against the same , and where Presbyteries have sent Commissioners , the Elections are generally contraverted , there being Protestations made , or at least dissents entred against most of their Elections upon good grounds conform to the Acts of the Kirk ; also there be wanting Commissioners from Burrows , who in regard of their present incapacity , cannot send Commissioners . The generality of the godly in the Land go along with us , and approve our protesting against this meeting , as an unlawfull and corrupt Assembly . Therefore from the zeal we owe to the glory of God , to this Cause and Truth , the Duty of our Callings , as set for the defence of the Gospel , and according to our Covenant , wherein we are bound to prevent , and reveal all parties and courses contrary thereunto , from the sense of the awful judgements of an angry God , both felt , and feared for these begun , and continued in-defections , that we may according to the example of our forefathers , acquit our selves as guiltlesse of this growing Apostacie to the present age , and transmit to our posterity the right Constitution of free and lawfull Generall Assemblies , and to prevent the Lords giving a Bill of divorce to the Land . We do hereby solemnly Declare and Protest , against the Constitution , Authority , Acts , and Proceedings of this pretended Assembly met at Edinburgh , and particularly against their ratifying or renewing the former defection , in the matter of Publick Resolutions , and against their entering into any the like Confederacie , or association with any party opposite in Principles , and Practices to the Word , Work , Covenant , Cause , and People of God in this Land , against their appointing of Commissions , emitting of Declarations , Warnings , Causes of Humiliation , and against their receiving and discussing of Appeals , References , and Dissents , or doing any thing competent to a free , lawfull Generall Assembly , and that neither the Authority , Acts , or Censures of the meeting at St. Andrews , and Dundee , or of this present Meeting , shall be obligatory to any Synod , Presbytery , Minister , Elder , or Member of this Church . And we do humbly beseech and implore the Lord our God , that he wil not look upon these your proceedings as the deeds of the representative of the Kirk of Scotland , nor impute the same into the Collective Body ; But that he would be pleased in his mercy , freely to pardon all our transgressions . And we do further protest , that the General Assembly 1650 be held and accounted in this Church as the last free and lawfull Generall Assembly ; And that it shall be lawfull to us , and every one of us , to continue in the full and free exercise of our Function , and in our Callings and stations to observe and keep the former good old Principles , Declarations , and Acts of the lawfull and free Generall Assemblies of this Kirk , notwithstanding any Declarations , Warnings , Proceeding , and Censures of the said Meetings at St. Andrews , Dundee , and Edinburgh , or any Commission following therefrom , or any exemption thereof , by any other ; and likewise that it shall be lawfull to conveen in a free Generall Assembly , when the Lord shall give opportunity . And lastly , We do Protest , that it shall be lawfull to us to give in to this Meeting , or publish to the World , or to present to the first free and lawfull Generall Assembly this our Protestation , and to enlarge the same as shall be found most to conduce to the honour of God , the good of his Work , comfort of his People , and for our exoneration . In Testimony thereof , We subscribe thir presents , and do take Instruments . The Names of the Ministers who subscribed the fore-going Protestation . M. Andrew Cant. M. James Ker. M. Samuel Rutherfurd . M. John Scot . M. Robert Trail . M. John Vetche . M. John Sterline . M. William Guthrie . M. John Nevay . M. Ralph Rodgers . M. Matthew Mowat . M. Geo. Nairne . M. John Livingstoun . M. William Oliphant . M. Ja. Guthrie . M. And. Donaldsone . M. Pat. Gillespie . M. Robert Stidman . M. James Symsone . M. Ephraim Melvill . M. Hew Kennedy . M. Iohn Sinclar . M. Iohn Cleland . M. Iohn Gray . M. Gilbert Kennedy . M. Robert Fergusen . M. Al. Living stoun . M. James Ferguson . M. Tho. Ramsey . M. Iohn Crafurd . M. William Wishart . M. Harie Simpil . M. William Iack . M. Robert Rue . M. Iohn Dicksone . M. Io. Macmichan M. Iam. Donaldsone . M. Iohn Mean . M. Francis Aird . M. Iames Rust. M. Robert Keith . M. Samuel Row . M. Iohn Sempil . M. Iohn Durie . M. Iames Wallace . M. will Somervell . M. David Swann . M. Iohn Hamilton . M. Gilbert Hall . M. Iames Nisbet . Mr. Will. Somervell . M. Robert Lockhart . Mr. Adam Kae . M. Daniel Donglas . Mr. Alex. Dunlop . M. Gabriel Maxwel . Mr. George Gladstaines . M. Robert Broun . M. Arthur Mitchel . M. Iohn Lithgow . M. Alex. Turnbull . M. Robert Lockart . M. The . Wyllie . M. Iohn Hamilton . M. Iames Tuedie . M. Will. Ferguson . M. Pat. Macclellan . Sixty Seven . Elders , Professors , and Expectants , many of whom subscribed not onely in their own Names , but in Name of others , from whom they were sent to the Meeting . Lord Kilcudbright . Rob. Iack . Sir Arch. Iohnstoun . William Gordoun . Sir Iohn Cheislie . Robert Cannoun . Sir Andrew Ker. William Gordoun . William Bruce . William Creickton . Alex. Pringle of Whitebank . Iam. Mosman . Sir walter Riddel Iohn Cannoun . Walter Pringle of Greenkno . Iohn Lamb . Colonell Robert Halked . Iohn Thomson , Sir Tho. Nicolsone . William Meik . I. Dundas of Dudinstoun . Iames Selkirk . I. Hepburne of Smeitoun . William Crafurd . Pat. Whartlaw . Iohn Maclinchie . Peter Rollock of Piltoun . t David Coventry . M. Arch. Iohnstoun of Hil oun . Cap. And. Arnot . Francis Galloway . Tho. Bannatyn . Will. Broun of Dolphingtoun . George Pringle . William Laurie of Blakewood . William Douglas . M. Iohn Sprewil . Iames Masson . Alex. Gordoun of Knockgray . David Park . Alex. Forbes Tutor of Pitsligo . M. Wil. Duguid . M : Iohn Inglis of Cramount . Quintin Makadam . Iohn Cranstoun of Glenn . Iohn Stother . Major Robert Stuart . Iohn Dickson . Iames Gray . M. Iohn Douglas . Iames Kirkco . David Mure . M. Arch. Porteous . C Iohn Nairn . Geo. Dickson . M. Tho. Stuart . Rob. Bruce . M. Iohn Pearson . Edward Gordown . And. Adirson . John Myln . Patr. List●●n . Mr. James Stuart . Iames Spittell of K. Alexander Mershall . M. And Ruthurfurd . James Hill . M. Geo Walker . James Morison . Iam. Greirson . Mr. John Justice . Iames Hamilton . William Falconer . Iohn Tait . Mr. Peter Kidd . A. Iohnstoun . Andrew Kirkco . David Matthie . Pat. Anderson . Tho. Douglas . James Melros . Jam. Bruce . Mr. Jo Crooksbank younger . John Gordown . Mr. Alexander Janison . 95. Besides divers others ; some of whose names could not well be read ; others being with-drawen by their necessary affairs , were not present with the rest in time of Subscribing , and the many hundreds of the well-affected throughout the Land , who have by these whom they sent abundantly shown their love to the businesse , and will Subscribe with their own hands when they have opportunity . The Names of the Ministers who presented these Papers . Mr. Andr. Cant. Mr. John Livingston . Mr. Sam. Rutherford . Mr. James Guthry . Mr. Matth. Mowat . Mr. Sam. Row . Mr. Patr. Gillespie . Mr. James Nasmith . Mr. Ephraim Melvil . Mr. Jam. Symson . Mr. Will. Oliphant . Mr. James Ker. Mr. Rob. Trail . Mr. John Dickson . Mr. Rob. Keith . Mr. Thom. Wyllie . Mr. Alex. Livingston .   The Names of the Ruling Elders , and Professors . Lord Kirkudbright . Laird of Blair . Tutor of Pitslago . Whytbank . Sir . And. Ker of Greenheed . Walt. Pringle of Greenknow . Sir Archibad Johnston of Wariston . J. Johnston of Hilton .   John Graham . Sir John Chiesley . Mr. John Spreul . Col. Rob. Halket . Mr. William Ferguson . J. Dundas of Duddiston . Smeatoun Hepburn . Sir Walter Riddell . Alex. Gordoun of Knockgray . Sir William Bruce .   These 35 were nominated and appointed by their meeting , to present the Papers . UPon Thursday , the meeting of Protesters did divide themselves in four severall Committees , to think upon , and confer about Overtures , how to make the matters of their Propositions practicable and effectuall in their own stations , according to their capacities . And the next morning , the minde of the several Committees upon that matter being reported in writ . The several clerks of these Committees were apointed to meet together , and draw up in one Paper , all that was reported , which being done , there was another Committee appointed to meet upon it , and to consult and advise more deliberately thereanent , and to report their diligence upon Munday to the whole Meeting , whereby it appears that they do really , and seriously mind the work themselves , which they prop●●● to others , which will appear the more by their Resolutions , when they come forth after the Overtures are digested , and fully agreed upon . FINIS . 
A57284	----	A continuation of the answer to the Scots Presbyterian eloquence dedicated to the Parliament of Scotland : being a vindication of the acts of that august assembly from the clamours and aspersions of the Scots prelatical clergy in their libels printed in England : with a confutation of Dr. M-'s postscript in answer to the former ... : as also reflections on Sir Geo. Mackenzy's Defence of Charles the Second's government is Scotland ... together with the acts of the Scots General Assembly and present Parliament compared with the acts of Parliament in the two last reigns against the Presbyterians / Will. Laick. Ridpath, George, d. 1726. 1693 Approx. 181 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57284 Wing R1460 ESTC R28103 10409737 ocm 10409737 44963 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57284) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44963) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1389:4) A continuation of the answer to the Scots Presbyterian eloquence dedicated to the Parliament of Scotland : being a vindication of the acts of that august assembly from the clamours and aspersions of the Scots prelatical clergy in their libels printed in England : with a confutation of Dr. M-'s postscript in answer to the former ... : as also reflections on Sir Geo. Mackenzy's Defence of Charles the Second's government is Scotland ... together with the acts of the Scots General Assembly and present Parliament compared with the acts of Parliament in the two last reigns against the Presbyterians / Will. Laick. Ridpath, George, d. 1726. xv, [1], 52 p. [s.n.], London : 1693. Pages cropped with loss of print. Defective Union Theological Seminary Library, New York copy spliced at end. Reproduction of original in the British Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Curate, Jacob. -- Scotch Presbyterian eloquence. Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Scotland. -- Parliament. Presbyterianism. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A CONTINUATION OF THE ANSWER TO THE Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , Dedicated to the Parliament of Scotland . Being a Vindication of the Acts of that August Assembly , from the Clamours and Aspersions of the Scots Prelatical Clergy , in their Libels printed in England . With a Confutation of Dr. M — 's Postscript , in Answer to the former , proving , That it 's not the Church of England's Interest , to countenance the Scots outed Clergy . As also Reflections on Sir Geo. Mackenzy's Defence of Charles the Second's Government in Scotland . And Instances on Record of Sir George's Subornation against Sir Hugh and Sir George Campbel , and the Laird of Blackwood , Presbyterian Gentlemen . Together with the Acts of the Scots General Assembly and present Parliament ; compared with the Acts of Parliament in the two last Reigns against the Presbyterians . By VVILL . LAICK . London , Printed in the Year 1693. TO THE STATES of SCOTLAND in Parliament Assembled . Most Noble Patriots ; I Presume , but with that profound Respect which is due to such an August Assembly , humbly to implore your Protection to this rude and indigested , yet real Effort of true Love to my Country , and to you Worthy Patriots in particular , whom all honest-hearted Scotsmen look upon as the Healers of our Breaches , and Restorers of our Paths to dwell in : And therefore it is not possible for any Man who has a drop of true Scots Blood in his Veins , to hear your Authority impugned , and your Wisdom called in Question , without resenting it to the utmost of his Ability : And if , according to the common Opinion of some of our Neighbours , S●otorum ingenia sint praefervida , an Affront of that Nature is enough to make them boil over . Hence it is , that in a former Endeavour I could not forbear to besprinkle , Scotico aceto , some degenerate Monsters of our Country , who exposed to contempt , as much as in them lay , whatever Scotsmen account dear in things Civil and Sacred . Had it been only a particular Party , or some such pack'd Clubs as disgraced the Name of Parliaments in former Reigns , and enacted such Laws as their present Majesties , with your Advice , have declared to be impious ; had it , I say been thus , the Matter might have been the more easily digested ; but to have a lawful and a freely elected Parliament of Scotland , charged in a Neighbouring Kingdom with a deliberate and malicious Lie , in an Act so unanimously resolv'd on and duly canvas'd , as was that of your Assembly , concerning the Nation 's being first reformed by Presbyters ; and that therefore Presbyterian Government is most sutable to the Inclinations of our People ; I say , to have a Lie of that Nature charged upon you , is a Piece of Impudence that none but the Party culpable could be guilty of . And yet , as if they had a mind to exhaust all the Treasure of the bottomless Pit at once , and to bankrupt the Malice and Falshood of Hell for ever after , they go on to charge you further , with lodging the Government of the Church , in the Hands of such blasphemous ignorant and immoral Beasts , as Asrica never produced the like ; and to aggravate your Guilt , would make our Neighbouring Nation believe , that at the ●ame time you have turn'd out such a Generation of Ministers , as the Primitive Church would have been proud of for their Sanctity , and ador●d for their Learning . Thus those common Incendiaries , in their printed Libels , treat the Parliament of Scotland ; which for the Antiquity of its Standing , and fulness of its Power , gives place to none in Europe . But it is not to be wondred at , most Noble Patriots , that that Party should treat you thus , seeing they hate your being any otherwise than to serve as their Drudges , and devour the best and most industrious Part of the Subjects ; by which both you , and that Ancient Kingdom which you represent , were well-nigh entomb'd in Oblivion and Disgrace . It was that Party who changed a well-limited and regular Monarchy , into an absolute and uncontroulable Tyranny ; that durst arrogate , a Power to cass and annul your firmest Laws , and treat you with Contempt as perfect Slaves a . It was that Party who robbed Christ of his Prerogatives Royal , to be Jewels in the Crowns of their Absolute Monarchs b . It was that Party which robbed the People of their Consciences , to bring them to an absolute dependance on the Prelatical Mitres c : And not only deprived you of the Property of your Houses d , but denied you a safe Retreat into your own Hearts e . It was that Party who rendred K. Iames the Sixth so much a Prelatical Bigot , as to the disturbance both of Church and State , and contrary to his Oath , to obtrude Bishops upon the Nation , and persecute the sincerest Protestants , while at the same time he indulged the Papists ; and in fine , had such an aversion for his Native Country , that instead of seeing it once in three Years , for administring Justice according to his Promise , he never came to it but once after his Succession to the Crown of England ; and instead of favouring his Church of Scotland , which he pretended once so much to admire , he persecuted those who declin'd a Conformity with the Church of England . It was that Party who influenced Charles the First , though a Native of Scotland , to put such an intolerable Affront upon the Nation , as to demand their Crown to be sent to England ; and afterwards to invade us with a formidable Army , designing an absolute Conquest , and in an unnatural manner to subject that Nation to his newly acquired Crown ; which his Ancestors did so much disdain , that they maintain'd 300 Years War upon that Head with no small Glory . And how the Faction prevail'd with Charles the Second , to requite our Nation for making themselves a Field of Blood in Defence of his Title , is so fresh , that it needs not be recapitulated ; and it is yet much more recent , how well K. Iames the Seventh rewarded us for owning his Right of Succession , when England had in a manner spued him out by the Bill of Exclusion ; he , I say , rewarded us , by publishing such despotical Proclamations , as with an unparallel'd audacity , declared us Slaves to the perpetual Infamy of that Generation of Scotsmen , who were so tamely bereft of their Liberty , which our Noble Progenitors maintained against Romans , Picts , Britains , Danes , Saxons , Normans and English , for twenty preceeding Ages . So that I say , considering how the Prelatical Faction in●luenced those four Monarchs to treat our Nation , though they derived their Being and Honour from it ; and were otherwise in many respects , tantorum haud quaquam indigni avorum . The Resolve of your August Assembly , that Prelacy was an insupportable Grievance to that Kingdom , deserves to be engraven in Pillars of Corinthian Brass ; and that all Scotsmen ( as no doubt many thousands will ) should not only whe● their Pens , but their Swords , in defence of it . It is that Party , who in this Reign , impugn your Authority , by procuring Letters from Court to command such things to the Assembly as by Law they are not obliged to comply with ; and if they should have done it , could neither have been answerable to God nor your Honours for it , to pull down with their own Hands , that Hedg which he in his Providence , by your Act , hath set about the Church , in lodging the Government upon themselves , which no doubt the Wisdom of your August Assembly judged to be the best Expedient to secure the Peace of the Church ; and yet for noncompliance , how did they procure the Dissolution and Reproach of that Assembly , to the manifest violation of your Authority ; and that by the Advice of some English Courtiers and Prelats , as if they had a mind to homologate the Ancient Pretensions of that Crown and Church over yours , and in the view of the World declare our Parliament and General Assembly not able to give Advice in our own Affairs , but fit to be over-ruled by a pack'd Club of another Nation : and shall they act thus impune to affront a Parliament , which Malice it self cannot say , as their Party did formerly of the English Parliament , That it is but a superfluous Tumour or Wen : for all who know our History , are sensible of the share which the Scots Parliaments have , from the first Constitution of our Government , been possest of , not only in the Legislative , but the Executive Power : and , if our Historians may be believed , laid the Foundation , and have often-times since regulated and limited the Power of our Monarchy ; and to the eternal Confusion of all those who would insinuate the danger thereof to Kingly Government , have , notwithstanding , preserved our Monarchy in a longer and more uninterrupted Succession than any Nation of Europe . It is not unknown to your August Assembly what Convulsions the Prelatical Party have thrown the Kingdom into , since the first Intrusion of their Prelacy ; and how near the Ruine both of our Religious and Civil Liberties were effected , by their Concurrence with the Tyranny of the late Reigns , represented in your Claim of Right ; and therefore the World cannot but justify your Conduct in depriving them of any share of the Government of the Church , which they only seek , that they may undermine ; and tho they should comply with the Terms required in Law , yet their former Perjuries and contradictory Tests are but too shrew'd Causes to suspect their future Levity , which , together with the Disaffectedness they have generally evidenced to the present Government , demonstrates how dangerous it is to entrust them with the Conduct of Peoples Consciences . And what may justly render them hateful to all honest Scots-men , is the Obloquy and Reproach they have thrown here upon the whole Nation ; and their under-hand dealing with the high-flown Church-of - England-Party , who have a Heart-hatred at our Country and Religion ; and have treated you with so much Contempt , that tho you mov'd for an Union , and his Majesty was graciously pleased to back it , they disdain'd to give him any Answer , as thinking you unworthy of a Politick or Temporal Union ; and yet they would be at forcing you to an Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Union , which if they could effectuate , the World must allow that they ought , in the next place , to beg us for Fools , who could believe that they have a Kindness for our Souls , who have ●one for our Bodies . Yet this is the Party that our Prelatical Country-men do so much court and make Application to , while they slight Scots-men who are authoriz'd to represent our Affairs : So much have they divested themselves of all natural Respect to their Country , that if their Prelacy live , they care not tho the Name and Fame of Scotland die : and that they may effectuate their Designs , there 's no doubt but they will be forming Parties in your August Assembly , and make many fair Pretences of desiring Liberty only to exercise what belongs to their pretended indelible Character of Pastors , and promise to undertake nothing to the Disturbance of the publick Tranquillity : But their worming themselves in by degrees in King Iames the VIth's time under fair Pretences , and then overturning all when they had opportunity , is a sufficient Caveat to beware of them , as inwardly ravening Wolves , tho outwardly they appear in Sheeps Cloathing . Your August Assembly cannot so soon have forgot that the Nation was almost totally ruined , your Counties invaded by savage Highlanders , your Tenants murdered , and Families impoverish'd , your Houses plundered , your Wives , Daughters , and Relations ravish'd , your selves and tender Infants exposed to Wandring , Hunger , Nakedness and Cold , and all the Miseries and Oppressions which you groan'd under in the late Reigns , both as to Soul and Body . I say your Honours cannot certainly have forgot these things , so far as to be prevail'd upon by any Insinuations whatever , again to deliver up your bleeding Church and Country into the Hands of that Faction , lest the latter end be worse than the first . There 's no cause to fear a Rupture with England on that account . The good Church-of - England-Laity , and not a few of their Clergy , have incurred danger enough from their high-flown Tantivies , and have smarted sufficiently under their Doctrine of Passive Obedience , to make them cautious and willing to secure themselves from their Fury , so far will they be from concurring with them against you . The chief Arguments used here for re-admitting the Prelatical Clergy are , That it will contribute to his Majesty's Interest , and please the Church of England , and supply the vacant Congregations . As to the first , How it can promote his Majesty's Interest to disoblige the greatest part of Scotland , and all the Dissenters in England and Ireland , is beyond the reach of Mankind to determine . 2. How it can be supposed that a Party , who have hitherto witnessed so much Rancour against his Majesty's Person , Family and Government , as the Scots Episcopal Clergy have done , is only to be answered by those who can swear contradictory Oaths , as our Curats did in their infamous Tests , &c. As to the second , That it will please the Church of England ; it may easily be answered , that we do not ow● them so much Kindness ; and if we did , we must first know what that Church of England is that we must oblige ; for hitherto she hath been an individuum Vagum , that no body knows where to find , it being as difficult to define her , as to make a Coat for the Moon . Her Doctrinal Articles are own'd by us , and all good Protestants ; but that is not the Characteristick of the Church of England : for in the late Reigns Passive Obedience and Nonresistance were her Shibboleth ; but now she hath renounced those Doctrines , by acting diametrically opposite to them . And for a Character of the Church of England in this Reign , we cannot certainly have it better than from a Vote of the last House of Commons , who resolved on an Address of Thanks to his Majesty for the Care he had taken of the Church of England , in the Alteration which was then made in the Lieutenancy of London ; and that was , because by the ill Advice of a certain Prelate and others , the Military Power of the City was lodg'd in those who had surrendred her Charter , and dipp'd their Hands in the Blood of my Lord Russel , Colonel Sidney , Alderman Cornish , &c. and contributed to the Arbitrary Methods of the late Reigns : And because this is but one half of the Parliament , let 's look into the higher House , and there you will find , that according to the opinion of none of the least Church-of - England-Men , when the Act pass'd for depriving the Nonjurant Bishops , it was look'd upon as a fatal Blow to the Church of England . So that in plain terms , the Jacobite Party is what that Faction means by the Church of England . And as a Commentary upon the Text , let 's but consider the main Engine which they have made use of to quash the Discovery of all Plots against the Government , and we shall find that it was by giving out those Discoveries as the Efforts of Republicans and Dislenters against the Church of England ; and if we look nearer home , and consider how it comes to pass that such Men are advanced to the highest Places in the Scots Government , who were the Contrivers , Enacters , and bloody Executioners of those Laws which your August Assembly hath declared to be impious , we shall find it to be done by the Interest of that Party in the Church of England . If we consider further , whence it is that those who betray'd our Army , murder'd our People , and plotted the Destruction of your Convention , escape unpunish'd , you will fin'd it to be by the Procurement of the aforesaid Party . Now all these things being considered , it will easily appear , whether it be your Interest to oblige this Church or not . Or , if we take her according to the general Acceptation of Bishops and Ceremonies , the Vote of your August Assembly concerning Prelacy , your Act establishing Presbytery as most agreeable to the Word of God , and the Opposition made to the Ceremonies by our Country in Charles the First 's time , will speedily determine the case . And it will yet appear less reasonable to oblige that Church , so taken , if we consider , that those of her own Communion , and the best of them too , look upon both Bishops and Ceremonies to be indifferent , and not of Divine Institution , as may be seen by the Writings of Mr. Hickeringil , Counsellor Stephens , and Stillingfleet's Irenicum . So that in effect , the best of the Church-of - England-Communion are embark'd in the same Bottom with your selves , and the common Enemies of both call them Presbyterians as well as you , and treated them accordingly in the late Reigns : So that from that worthy part of the Church of England , who are Men of good Lives , and keep firm to the Doctrine of their Church , you need fear no Opposition ; for to do them Justice , they are as zealous for the Protestant Religion as any , and never join'd in persecuting their Brethren of a different Opinion . To what they pretend of supplying the vacant Churches , may speedily be replied ; The Assembly hath declared their Willingness to employ such of them as are Godly and Orthodox . And as for others , the good old way of our Church in the Reformation ( when Ministers were scarcer than now ) of appointing Men to preach by turns to those vacant Congregations till they can be otherwise supplied , is the much safer and better Expedient , than to entrust such Men with the Charge of other Peoples Souls , who have discovered so little care of their own , and whom in your Wisdom you objected against as the great and insupportable Grievance of the Nation . Nor have you any such Encouragement from their former Success to imploy them again : and if it shall seem good in your Eyes to go on as you begun , and encourage a Reformation , such of our Country-men as are abroad , will be the sooner prevail'd with to come home ; and others to prosecute their Studies , to adapt them for the Ministry , and fill up the Vacancies ; for it cannot be hid from your Illustrious Assembly , that the intrusting the chief Enemies of the Presbyterians in the Government , is a great Discouragement to all that wish well to our Church or Country● ; and administers but too just cause of Suspicion , that we must either be imbroil'd in a Civil War , or return to our former Bondage , which nothing but your Care , with his Majesty's Assistance and God's Blessing , is able to prevent . Your Honours may perhaps be inclin'd to think , that there is too much Gall in my Pen against our Prelatical Clergy ; but such of your Number as have been lately at London , cannot but know what an Odium they have endeavoured to bring upon the Country in general , and your August Assembly in particular ; insinuating , That you are neither the True nor full Representatives of the Nation , and but a meer surreptitious Faction got together by the Opportunity of tum●ltuous Times ; and that you neither acted from a Principle of Honour nor Conscience , but did only what you thought would be pleasing to the Prince of Orange . And hence they have used their utmost Endeavours to have you Dissolv'd , by the Interest of the high-slown Prelatical English Courtiers , to whom they represent you in the blackest Colours , which their Malice or Wit can invent : And not only so , but they make use of your Name , as the Turkish Slaves do those of their Barbarous Masters from whom they have escaped , to move those of the Church-of - England-Communion to open their Purses , pretending that you have turn'd them out in a barbarous and illegal manner , or that they have had such and such Indignities and Affronts put upon them . And thus they beg from one Clergy-man to another , and spend what they get at Taverns and Ale-houses , or sitting up whole Nights at Cards , particularly at Mills in Westminster , or Hutchinsons in the Hay-Market : and when their Stock is spent , renew the begging Trade , or else troop about the Country , and with their stol'n Sermons , or railing Invectives against the Government of Scotland , both in Church and State , insinuate themselves into the Adorers of Bishops and Ceremonies ; for the latter of which , though they exclaim'd against them at Home , they profess themselves to be mighty Zealots Abroad : and thus they disseminate their Poison in our Neighbouring Nation , by their lying Tongues and blasphemous Pamphlets . So that hence your August Assembly may have a sufficient view , whether it be safe to reintroduce such Men into the Church , who have given up themselves to all manner of Villanies , and are become Devotoes to those unscriptural Ceremonies , which occasion'd the fatal War in Charle●● the First 's Time ; and have moreover evidenced such Levity and Unsted fastness both in imbracing & rejecting them at Home , since the Revolution , that it 's visible they are not acted by Principle , but Interest ; and that their Interest has been always contrary to what your August Assembly hath now espoused , both as to Policy and Religion , is so evident , that whoever casts but an Eye upon the History ever since they were obtruded upon the Nation , may soon be convinc'd of it : Or by a shorter view , if they please but to read the Grievances which you desired to be redressed by their present Majesties , of which the Bishops and Clergy were for the most part Contri●ers , Promoters and Actors . And we may the better be satisfied what those Men who now sollicite for a Share in the Government of the Church , do chiefly aim at , both as to that and the State , if we do but consider that their principal Converse is with the Jacobites in England , and that the chiefest of their Friends are none of the best Williamites in Scotland . It 's not unlike that your Honours may be accosted with this amongst other Arguments , that admitting those Men to a share of Church-Government , will gratify the King to whom you are so much obliged , which of it self is an impeachment of your Wisdom ; for none can so well know the Interest of Scotland as a free chosen Parliament , who are consequently fittest to give the King Advice : And seeing the Interest of all good Kings , and their People , is one and the same , that ought to be most grateful to the King which is so to the People , and what that is you have already declared . It is obvious to those that know our History , that ever since the Reformation , the Church of Scotland hath claim'd a Right of Calling and Adjourning her own Assemblies , pro re nata ; and what dismal Consequences the Invasion of that Privilege hath been attended with , to those Kings and Grandees who have attempted it , is so well known , that it cannot easily be forgot . And whether King Iames the Sixth's Curse hath not taken place upon those of his Successors who invaded the Church , the Revolutions of the Crown have sufficiently witnessed : and if the Hand of God hath not been remarkably seen in punishing those Great Ones who were their Tools , let the Ruin of their Families from time to time declare . Nor hath the Nation escap'd punishment for the Treachery of their Representatives , God having been justly provok'd to give them and their Liberties to be swallowed up by those very Men whom they would needs set upon his Throne , and into whose Hands they betray'd the Liberties of the Church , of which your own Claim of Right is a speaking Monument : and seeing there is no doubt but your August Assembly had valuable Reasons for abolishing the Supremacy , it 's an Affront to your Authority to demand its Restitution : It s being possess'd by the Church , can bring no Damage to the Crown ; for Presbyterians are known to have as good , if not a better Opinion of his present Majesty , than any other of his Subjects ; and all Men of Sense must needs take it for a Proof of it , that they sollicite for such good Laws in his Reign , as may secure them from the danger of others . And seeing our Church-men are subject to the Laws , and never did refuse to assemble at the Call of their Kings , and to give an Account of their Affairs , it 's but equal to leave them in the Possession of that Liberty of calling Assemblies , concerning their own Matters , which the Church was possessed of before ever there was a Christian Magistrate , if the 15th of the Acts be the Word of God. And certainly he who promised that Kings should be Nursing-Fathers , did never intend that they should be Step-Fathers , to rob the Children of what is their due . As for the Calumnies of your Church of - England-Enemies , it is easy to stop their Mouth with Argumentum ad Hominem ; their Carriage to K. Iames the Seventh , proclaims their unshaken Loyalty . And for your own Episcopal Party , all the World knows that they and their Kings together , did so tyrannize over your Bodies and Souls , that you durst scarcely plead a Property in either . And if the Church of England must be pleased , which is the Achillean Argument used by the Party , we can justly answer the peevish Lady , as the young Crab did the old One , I prae Mater & ego sequar . Let 's see how careful she will be to testify her Gratitude to his Majesty , in taking off the Test , and taking in Dissenters to the Church , which will but just make them even with us ; and then , and time enough then , because we are the oldest Nation , we may think which way to make the next Advance : for as we have got the Precedency , it 's but reasonable we should keep it ; for I know so much by my self , that Scotsmen love to go , but neither to be driven nor dragg'd . I cannot but acquaint your Honours , that since the writing of what is above , the Jacobites here are mightily elevated , and big with hopes of seeing you all in Confusion , and the Nation in a Flame , by the Designs which they give out to be on foot amongst you , of lodging the Power of Calling and Dissolving Church-Assemblies in the Magistrate alone , and depriving the People of the Right of chusing Ministers , by which means they are so bold as to say , That they hope not only to see Prelacy gradually reintroduced , but their late Monarch reinthroned : And that they may accomplish these Designs , will insinuate themselves into both Parties ; and are very confident , that the Result will answer their Expectation for a speedy Reestablishment , of Prelacy at least ; these Measures , as they give out , being concerted with English Prelats , who have form'd a Party among you for their Designs . But as they have hitherto reproach'd your Proceedings , there 's no doubt but this is a Calumny from the same Forge , by which they would Ridicule your Authority , and represent you to the World as Men of no Principle nor Solidity , but such as will make your self Transgressors , in building again what you have already destroy'd . But may the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ direct your Counsels , so as to issue in the Comfort of his Church , Peace of the Nation , and Confusion of those your black-mouth'd Enemies , who are engaged in an Interest , not only distinct from , but altogether destructive of yours : Of which there 's no room to doubt , if we consider the following Address of the Representatives of their Church , which they have endeavour'd to perform on all Occasions ; and as they have never yet revok'd it , we need not doubt but that the Party are still of the same mind . The Address of the Archbishops and Bishops of Scotland to the late K. Iames , upon the News of the Prince of Orange's Undertaking , November the 10th , 1688. Vid. Gazette , Numb . 2398. May it please your most Sacred Majesty , WE prostrate our selves to pay our most Devote Thanks and Adoration to the Soveraign Majesty of Heaven and Earth , for preserving Your Sacred Life and Person , so frequently exposed to the greatest Hazards , and as often delivered , and You miraculously prospered with Glory and Victory , in Defence of the Rights and Honour of Your Majesty's August Brother , and of these Kingdoms ; and that by his Merciful Goodness the Ragings of the Sea , and Madness of Vnreasonable M●● have been stilled and calmed : And Your Majesty , as the Darling of Heaven , peaceably seated on the Thrones of your Royal Ancestors , whose Long , Illustrious and U●parallell'd Line , is the greatest Glory of this Your Ancient Kingdom . We pay our most humble Gratitude to Your Majesty for the repeated Assurances of Your Royal Protection to our National Churoh and Religion , as the Laws have established them ; which are very sutable to the Graci●u● Countenance , Encouragement and Protection Your Majesty was pleased to afford to our Church and Order , whilst we were happy in Your Presence amongst us . We magnify the Divine Mercy in blessing Your Majesty with a Son , and us with a Prince , whom we pray Heaven may bl●s● and preserve to sway Your Royal Scepter after You , and that he may inherit with Your Dominions the Illustrious and Heroick Vert●es of his August and most Serene Parents . We are amazed to hear of the danger of an Invasion from Holland , which excites our Prayers for an universal Repentance to all Orders of Men , that God may yet spare his People , preserve Your Royal Person , and prevent the Effusion of Christian Blood , and to give such Succes● to Your Majesty's Arms , that all who invade Your Majesty's just and undoubted Rights , and disturb or interrupt the Peace of Your Rea●●s , may be disappointed and clothed with Shame ; so that on Your Royal Head the Crown may still f●ourish . As , by the Grace of God , ●e shall pres●●ve in our selves a firm and unshaken Loyalty , so we shall be careful and zealous to promote in all Your Subjects an intrepid and stedfast Allegiance to Your Majesty , as an Essential Part of their Religion , and of the Glory of our Holy Profession , not doubting but that God in his great Mercy , who hath so often preserved and delivered Your Majesty , will still preserve and deliver You , by giving You the Hearts of Your Subjects , and the Necks of Your Enemies . So pray we , who , in all Humility , are , May it please Your Most Sacred Majesty , Your Majesty's most Humble , most Faithful , and most Obedient Subjects and Servants . Signed by The Lord Ar Bp of St. Andr●ws . The Lord Archbishop of Glasc●w . The Lord Bishop of Edinburg . The Lord Bishop of Galloway . The Lord Bishop of Aberdeen . The Lord Bishop of Dunkell . The Lord Bishop of Brechen . The Lord Bishop of Orkney . The Lord Bishop of Murray . The Lord Bishop of Ross. The Lord Bishop of Dumblane . The Lord Bishop of the Istes . Edinburg , Nov. 3. 1688. Pardon my Freedom , most Noble Patriots ; God the Searcher of Hearts , knows what Veneration I have for your August Assembly , as Representatives of the ancientest Kingdom upon Earth : I own that your Wisdom and Authority sets you above the reach of Dictates ; nor is any thing here intended as such ; for if the Case would admit it , I am far from the Vanity of thinking my self able to do it , but cannot forbear to contribute my poor Mite towards the Vindication of what you have already done , and to put you in mind how much your Wisdom is vilified , and your Authority impugn'd amongst Strangers , which I have the opportunity of knowing better than many of the Members of your August Assembly . And at the same time to inform your Honours , that the Authors are our Prelatists , a Set of Men whom you voted to be the insupportable Grievance of the Nation ; and certainly not without very good Reason , seeing they had in a great measure obscured the Glory which our Gallant Ancestors had acquired by their noble Defence of the Liberties of their Country from Tyrants at home , and E●emies abroad , and particularly Rome , both Pagan and Popish . May the God of Heaven and Earth pour out his best Blessing● upon you in general , and incline your Hearts , with of that your Heroick Soveraign , to what may be best for the Good of the Nation , and the Glory of his Name . The Badness of the Copy , and the Distance of the Author from the Press , has occasion'd many Errata's , the most considerable of which the Reader is desired to amend , as follows , because they ma● the Sense . PAge 17. line antepenult . dele so . P. 23. l. 7. read asperius . P. 27. l. 32. dele sense . P. 33. l. 33. read to make no s●ruple . Ibid. l. 34. r. and therefore ought not to be believed . P. 34. l. ● . r. anot●er denies it . Ibid. l. 7. r. Friends . Ibid. l. 19. r. and you apply it to all 〈◊〉 gross . Ibid. l. 21. r. warily . P. 35. l. 24. r. Lords of the Iusti●iary . P. 36. l. 3. dele is . Ibid. l. 7. r. and yet owns . Ib. l. 23. r. and I am . P. 38. l. ● . dele your self . Ibid. l. 17. r. inau●picious . P. 40. l. 27. r. would 〈◊〉 allow . P. 41. l. 9. r. disaffected , for dissatisfied . P. 51. l. 25. dele and. The CONTENTS . PAge 1 , 2 , 3. An Apology for the sharpness of the S●ile , and Instances , &c. in my last . Pag. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Arguments to prove that it 's not the Church of England 's Interest to endeavour the Subversion of Presbytery in Scotland ; and that the Scots Presbyterians don 't think themselves obliged to a forcible Extirpation of Prelacy in England by the Covenant . Page 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. The Danger which moderate Church-of-England - Men are in as to their Religious and Civil Liberties from our Scots Prelatists , and their high-flown Tantivies , whom they ought not to countenance in their Designs against the Church of Scotland . Ibid. The Falshood of the Doctor 's Assertion , That the late Governments were obliged to make such severe Laws against us in their own Defence . Page 13 , 14. The moderate Church-of-England - Men to blame in not making a publick Protestation against the Practices of their high-flown Party in the late Reigns , and this . Ibid. Instances of the Disloyalty and ungovernable Passion of D. M — o. Page 15 , 16 , 17. Answers to his Calumnies and Defence of the Severities of Charles ll's Reign against the Presbyterians , and Proofs from his own Concession , that we may justly accuse that Government of Cruelty . Page 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. The Doctor 's Objections from the Cameronians , and his Arguments from our Practices in Charles the First and Second's time , answered and retorted . From Page 25 , to 30. Answers to Sir Geo. Mackenzy's Defence of Charles the second 's Government , with Retortions , and Proofs that either K. William and his Parliament of Scotland , or Sir Geo. Mackenzy and our Scots Prelatists must be Liars ; and the Pr. of Orange's Vndertaking unjust , if Charles ll's Government in Scotland can be defended . From Page 30 , to 38. Further Answers to the Doctor 's Postscript , and his Exceptions against my Instances in the last . From Page 38 , to 45. An Account of Sir Geo. Mackenzy's Subornation and Injustice against Cesno●k , Blackewood , &c. From thence to the end , A Comparison between the Presbyterian Acts of their General Assembly and Parliament against the Episcopalians in this Reign , and theirs against the Presbyterians in the late Reigns . A FURTHER ANSWER TO THE Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , By way of Animadversion on Dr. M. — As Postscript in Answer to the first . BEFORE I take the Doctor to task , I think it necessary to answer the Objections made by Friends against my first Essay ; which are , That the Stile is too Satyrical , the Instances at the latter end too Fulsome ; and that their Book deserved no Answer , as ●arrying its Confutation in its Forehead . I reply , That as to the sharpness of the Stile , none who read , or consider what they wrote , can think they ought to be otherwise treated : So that I shall for once make use of the Tinker's Apology to a Farmer , who quarrelled him for striking his Dog with the sharp End of his Staff , alledging that it had been sufficient to have beat him with the Blunt. Yes , says the Tinker , when your Dog runs at me with his blunt End , I shall use the blunt End of my Stick ; but when he runs at me with his sharp End , give me leave to be as sharp with him . Not that I would justify the rendring of Railing for Railing , which I acknowledg to be contrary to our Saviour's Command , but I submit it to the Judgment of Divines , Whether answering Lies with Truth , and making the real Infamy of him appear , who endeavours , by forg'd Accusations , to take away my good Name , be a Breach of that Divine Precept ? So that while the Matters of Fact wherewith they are charged , hold true , the Reflections upon them , and Epithets given them , can never be justly quarrelled ; and therefore I would entreat my Friends to be sparing of their Censures : for while the Memory of K. Charles the Second , or K. Iames the Seventh endures ; and till Time , the consumer of all things , hath eat up their Parliament-Rolls , it will hold an undeniable Truth , That the Prelatical Party of Scotland are Persecutors ; and that in denying the same , they have made themselves notorious Liars . 2. So long as it appears by the same Acts , that they imposed and took a contradictory Test , so long will it hold that they are perjur'd themselves , and chargeable with the Perjury of others . 3. So long as it remains in the Records of Council , that they ordered Men to be killed , without any Trial or colour of Law ; or so much as with an Exception , Whether they resisted or not resisted ; so long will it hold that they are bloody Murderers . 4. So long as the Records of the last General Assembly of the Church of Scotland remain , it will appear , by their Evasions , Answers , and disingenuous Refusals , to declare their abhorrence of Arminianism , Socinianism and Popery , that they are Fire-brands in the Church , and Incendiaries in the State. 5. So long as any of their villanous Libels , called The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , exist , wherein they charge Holiness with Deformity , God with horrid Decrees , and mock at Seriousness and Piety , so long will it be evident that they they are Blasphemers . 6. So long as that s●urrilous Address of their Bishops against the Prince of Orange ; their opposing him in Parliament ; their refusing to pray for him , or swear to him now he is King , and the legal Procedure against them on the said accounts are on Record , so long will it appear that they are Rebels . 7. So long as their bloody Acts of Parliament , and barbarous Execution of those Acts against us , and our gentle Acts of Parliaments , and moderate Execution of those Acts against them are upon Record , so long it will appear that they are infamous Liars , in asserting , that we treat them more barbarously than they treated us . 8. So long as the West of Scotland ( which was the principal Scene of those bloody Tragedies ) has a Being , so long will it appear that they were barbarous . So that I hope all Men of common Sense , perceive that there 's no denying the Consequence , without denying the Precedent ; which they can never do so long as any Records have a Being in Scotland ; and therefore I refer it to the impartial Reader , whether they do not deserve to be sharply treated . To the fulsomness of the Instances I reply , That indeed such things are not sit to be named amongst Christians as a Subject of Conversation : but seeing they charge our Ministers with Impurity of Life and Doctrine , I hope it may be allowed in such a case to expose their really vitious Practices , in opposition to what they have forged against us ; and seeing the thing is in a manner juridical , and they the first Aggressors , it was but necessary for our own Justification , to display them in their own Colours . However , if any thing either in this Particular , or others , be offensive , let the Blame rest upon me alone ; for I solemnly declare , that I neither had the Commission nor Connivance of my Party to write what I did , only some particular Persons and Laicks like my self , gave me most of the Passages now found fault with . But e're I leave this Subject , let me add , that I humbly conceive my Foundation to be very solid , whatever Blemish there may be in the Superstructure , seeing the present Parliament of Scotland , when a Convention , passed such a Vote , That their Bishops and Clergy were the great and insupportable Grievance of the Nation , for which no better ground can be assigned than their Profanity , Persecution and want of Piety . So that I have only made out by Particulars , what they charged them with in general : and therefore seeing I only spoke the truth , to vindicate those who were falsly accused , and not to gratify the profane Palat of the Age , I hope I may have some grains of Allowance , it never being reckoned a fault in any Evidence , to repeat the Blasphemies of the Atheist , or the Treason of the Traitor : nor can Religion be a Sufferer by the exposing of those Men , any more than it was by stigmatizing of the Scribes and Pharisees as Hypocrites . As to the last Objection , That it deserved no Answer because confuted by it self ; I reply , That in Scotland it 's true , but here we are not known : and being represented as the worst of Men and greatest of Barbarians to those of the Church of England ; that Atheistical Vomit was greedily lick'd up , and by many believed ; so that their Pamphlets spread , and were mightily hugg'd by such as are enraged at our abolishing Prelacy , and by the Jacobites who thence took occasion to re●lect upon his Majesty for setling such a monstrous Church in Scotland , that they might render him odious to the Church of England . I cannot mention it without Concern , that those who are able to defend our Church and Country , are so unwi●●ing to write ; and when they do , that they let the Adversary triumph so long before they reply . If it must be so , I wish that they would oblige some of their Friends here with Hand-Granadoes , to keep tho Enemy in play till they come up with their Mortar-pieces . Before I take the Postscript in hand , I find it needful to make it evident to the World , that Presbytery cannot be over-turn'd in Scotland without the Subversion of our Religious and Civil Liberties ; and consequently that our Scots Episcopalians are Enemies to the present Government , and French Incendiaries , or at least such a Crew as would sacri●ice all that is dear to us , as Men and Christians , to their own private Resentments . 1. It is very well known , and too lately transacted to be forgotten , that the States of Scotland in their Claim of Right did demand the Abolition of Prelacy , as contrary to the Inclination of the Generality of the People ; on which Condition , amongst others , their Majesties accepted that Crown ; and in pursuance of their Promise have by Act of Parliament , abolished Prelacy since , and established Presbytery in Scotland , as most agreeable to the World of God , as well as the Peoples Inclinations . Then if their Majesties should be prevailed upon ( which blessed be God there is no cause to fear ) to act contrary to their solemn Oaths , and the Claim of Right , they must needs see that the People of Scotland would have ground enough to plead a Breach of the Original Contract ; nor could the Church of England for shame condemn them , seeing they made use of the same Plea in their Convention and Parliament against King Iames. And in the next place , let them but consider , that upon the same ground this , or any other King may as well break with them , and invade the Constitution of their Church , which by the Coronation-Oath they have bound him to maintain : And whether Charles the Second , after he was by them perswaded to break his Oath to the Presbyterians in Scotland , made any greater Conscience of maintaining the Civil and Religious Liberties of England , I● appeal to themselves . And therefore seeing by that excessive Power which they gave their Kings in things sacred , meerly to destroy the Presbyterians , they found at last that they had put a Rod in their Hands to whip themselves ; I think they should be cautious how they play that Game over again . I do not write this , as having any suspicion that their Majesties are so weak as to be prevailed upon to alter the Church-Government in Scotland , but meerly to let the World see , that they who sollicite them to it , are their greatest Enemies , and design to shake their Throne ; and that it is not the Church of England's Interest to countenance our Scots Prelatis●● , nor to importune their Majesties on that Head. If what is already said be not enough , I would earnestly intreat all sober Church-of - England-Men to consider what were the Consequences of their meddling in our Affairs , and incensing King Charles the First against the Presbyterians , in favour of our Runnagate Prelates , and their Hirelings . And seeing like Causes may have the like Effects , they would do well to beware . It is not unknown that Scotland is a distinct Nation , and ought to be govern'd by their own Laws and Councils ; and therefore it must needs be an Invasion of the Rights of Scotland , for English Ministers of State , and Prelates to meddle , or give Counsel in Scotish Affairs when not call'd to it . And I cannot but think that all reasonable Men will easily grant , that the Parliament , and General Assembly of the Church of Scotland , are better Judges of what is expedient for that Nation , than a few English Ministers of State , or Prelates ; and that both of them have reason to reject what Directions or Injunctions come from such a Mint . And I would put it to the Consciences of all judicious Church-of - England-Men , how they would take it if the King were in Scotland , that any of the Dissenting Ministers who are really injured , as those who preached at St. Hellin and Hi●ley Chappels in Lancashire , or the whole of them , because denied a Comprehension , should ●ly thither , and by their Interest with Scots Presbyterian Ministers of State and Preachers , importune his Majesty to have the Constitution of the Church of England overturned , and pro●ure Orders to have such and such Ministers planted in Churches , tho they refuse to satisfy the Law. I say , in such a case I appeal to their own Consciences how they would take it , whether they would reckon themselves obliged to obey , or if they would not complain that their Rights were invaded , and demand Satisfaction of such Ministers of State , &c. as Incendiaries and Dis●●●bers of the Harmony between King and Subjects ? I believe verily they would , and that not without good reason , tho I am sure the case is much stronger on our side still : for the Dissenting Ministers of England are all of them Loyal to his Majesty , willing to swear Allegiance , and pray for him ; but so are not our Scots Prelatists . And besides , his Majesty is really the Head and Fountain of all Power in the Church of England , who have not only their Temporal Baronies and Honours from him , but are nominated to their Bishopricks by him : but so it is not in Scotland , where he hath divested himself of the Supremacy , and neither bestows Lands nor Honours upon Church-Men . Then the case being so , the Golden Rule , which commands us to do as we would be done by , should oblige English-Men not to meddle with our Church , no more than they would have us to meddle with theirs ; and if the Parliament of Scotland do pass over what of that Nature is already done , it 's not to be supposed that the Red Rampant Lion is become so much a Calf as not to roar sometime or other , and make the fattest and proudest of the Beasts in the Field to tremble , as ers● of old ; but I hope and pray that God will avert both the Cause and the Effect . The English Bishops did not gain so much by the the last Bellum Episcopale against us , that they need to be fond of another ; and we doubt not to find as much Justice from the Parliament of England now as we found then , and have no reason to doubt but King William would be as ready as Charles the First , to deliver up his Ministers to the Law , if it should be made appear against them that they have been meddling too much in our Affairs . I know that our Scots Prelatists possess the Church of England , that we think our selves obliged to endeavour the Extirpation of their Hierarchy , and upon that account prevail with them to endeavour our Subversion . But I would earnestly beg all moderate Men to weigh the following Answers . 1. That the reason of entring into that solemn League and Covenant , was the Fury which the English Prelates evidenced at that time against the Church of Scotland , having excommunicated the same in all the Churches in England , forced a Service-Book upon us more exceptionable than their own ; and in Conjunction with Papists , enabled Charles the First to raise 30000 Men against us , when the Parliament of England refus'd to concur with him , insomuch that that Expedition was called the Bishops War. But blessed be God his present Majesty is far from any such Attempt , and the English Bishops , the chief of them at least , are Men of more Moderation : So that there is no such cause for us to endeavour the Overthrow of their Hierarchy . 2. That the Scots Presbyterians do not at all think themselves obliged , by that Covenant , to endeavour a forcible extirpation of the English Prelacy , but in Concurrence with the Parliament of England : and therefore so long as they have not their Call to the Work , the English Prelacy is in no Hazard ; and the best way to keep so , is for the Church of England to carry modestly , and neither to meddle with us , nor give their own Parliament occasion to make such a Vote against them , as the Parliament of Scotland made against our Bishops , That they were the great and insupportable Grievance of the Nation : so that they have their Safety in their own Hand . But if they should be so infatuated to proceed as they began , in relation to the late General Assembly of the Church of Scotland ; or if they be such Fools , as to concur to the sti●ling of all Plots against his Majesty as hitherto , because so many of their own Communion are concerned in them , let them blame themselves for what will be the unavoidable Consequences , soon or late : for the Church-of - England Laity are too good Protestants and English-men , to be always led by the Clergy , or continually hood-wink'd , and not discover the Plots carried on against the State , under pretence of Zeal to the Church ; of which me-thinks the Hot-headed Clergy should take warning , seeing they may easily perceive how little Ground their Passive Obedience had gain'd , when the honest Church-of - England Laicks found themselves in hazard by K. Iames , as to their Liberties and Religion . Next I would earnestly beg , that they would consider how the Faction , under a pretence of Zeal for the Church , and against Presbytery , screw'd up the Prerogative to such a height , that Englishmen had very near lost their Liberty and Property . It was this mistaken Zeal that threw out the Bill of Exclusion , surrendred the Charters of Corporations , enabled the King to pack Parliaments , pick Juries , and cut off whomsoever he pleased , under pretence of Law. It was this mistaken Zeal , that brought the late Reign , and all the direful Effects of it , which we have already felt , or are still impending upon us . It was this mistaken Zeal which delay'd his present Majesty's Access to the Throne ; gave the Enemies opportunity to ruin Ireland , raise a Rebellion in Scotland , and Plot , as they do still , in England ; And shall we never be aware of it ? Methinks that if the Church of England compared Things past and present , She might easily perceive that this intemperate Heat against Presbytery , doth naturally issue in Popery and Slavery ; and that she has much more reason to unite , for Defence of the Protestant Interest , and her own Doctrinal Articles , with the Church of Scotland , than by espousing the Cause of a few pro●●igate or traiterous Clergy-men , because Episcopal , run her self into unavoidable Dangers . Is it possible that a Harmony in Discipline should have more Power to unite distinct Interests , than a Harmony in Doctrine and Agreement under one Civil Head , hath to cement those who drive the same Interest ? It cannot be unknown to the Church of England , if she believes either their Majesties Proclamations , or considers the procedure of his Parliament , and other Courts in Scotland , that the Prelatical Party there drive at a Design to restore K. Iames. And with she yet entertain such Vipers in her Bosom as their outed Clergy ; and not only so , but for their sakes entertain Suspicions of his Majesty , and sollicite him against the Church of Scotland ? Can she say that we have ever made any Address to him against the Church of England ? and why should they be more zealous against us than we against them ? Does she not know that Arch-bishop Vsher , and some of the greatest of her Fathers , thought Episcopacy and Presbytery reconcileable , and the other things in Controversy indifferent ? How is it then that she thinks her Differences with King Iames and the Church of Rome more reconcileable , as she must needs do if she fall in with her own high-flown Tantivees and our Scots Prelatists ? But I hope , if no Religious Considerations will prevail , that the danger of their running the same Risk with us may , they seeing both they and we have the same Security , viz. the King 's accepting of the Crown on such and such Conditions , and consenting to Acts of Parliament accordingly : if he should break to one , he may do the same to both ; and though they may think that he will not overthrow their Hierarchy , because the Bishops depending on him , may be use●ul to him in the Parliament-House ; yet at the same time he may , as Charles the Second did , invade their Civil Liberties , and then their Religion , nor nothing else , can ever be secure . I must again beg the Reader not to mistake me● as designing to create any Suspicion of his Majesty following such an unhallowed Pattern , but meerly to set this as a Beacon before the Church of England , that they may beware of being Shipwrack'd twice upon the same Rock ; which will be unavoidable , if they should prevail wi●h any of their Kings to break the Original Contracts , or call in K. Iames , or set up any other Pretender against his present Majesty , and prosper : which , blessed be God , there 's no probability that ever they will , for never was King better beloved by Subjects ; and let them try it when they please , they 'll ●ind he has in Scotland Twenty to One firm in his Interest : And whatever Noise they make ( to blind their own Designs ) of our hazard from a Republican Faction ; if they will assure the Nation of such Governours as are now at Helm , those whom they call Republicans , will as cordially submit to them as any . But I foresee an Objection as to Scots Affairs , That they only sollicit his Majesty to dissolve the present Parliament , and call another , which will restore Episcopacy , and recognize his Title . Answ. 1. His Majesty hath had too many Proofs of the Loyalty of Presbyterians , and the Treachery of Episcopalians , to venture such an Experiment ; or if he should , and they happen to recognize his Title , he can never think that they submit from Affection , but meerly from Interest , when they see they can do no better : And in truth , whatever Pretences of Loyalty they make , it 's demonstrable enough , that as the Country-man , when the London ●Drawers baul'd out , Welcome , Sir , laid his Hand on his Pob , and said , I thank you my Friend ; so may his Majesty , when our Scots Prelatists pretend Loyalty , put his Hand to his Side , and say , I thank you , my Sword ▪ for no longer will they be his Friend , than he is able to cudgel them . Whereas it 's very well known , that the Scots Presbyterians declared for him before Providence had determined their Crown in his Favour , and have beat into the Prelatists whatever Loyalty they pretend to have . Nor is it to be thought , a Prince so Good and Generous as his present Majesty , will ever be so ungrateful to his Friends , or act so much contrary to Reason , and his own Conscience , as to shake the present Title he has to the Crown of Scotland , to buy the Consent of the Scots Prelatists , who could not desend their Darling K. Iames , nor make any other Effort to re-establish him , but by hectoring among the inaccessible Hills , stealing Cows and Sheep , plundring the Country , murdering the People by Treachery and Surprize ; and at last seising the insignificant Rock , called the Bass , where , if they please , they may send for him to govern the Solon Geese , and themselves , the greater of the two● But , 2. They will find themselves mistaken , if his Majesty should gratify them so far as to dissolve this , and call another Parliament ; the Presbyterians have not lost but gain'd Ground since the Revolution , and they have smarted too severely under the Prelates , to suffer themselves either to be hectored or kick'd out of their present Settlement by any more pack'd Clubs ; and knowing that Instruments of Cruelty are in the Habitations of the Prelats , will rather quit themselves like Men , for the Ark and People of their God , than be brought again under the Philistin Slavery . This is only to undeceive our Prelatists , who promise themselves such an easy Conquest : not that we can suspect a Prince of our King's Prudence , Generosity and Conscience , capable of so much Weakness , as to disoblige the Kingdom of Scotland , those who preserved him the Crown of Ireland , and such as are his steady and useful Friends in England , as he must needs do if he gratify the Scots Prelatists . They have not now an effeminate and luxurious Prince to deal with , who , provided he might wallow in impure Pleasures , was content to abandon all Care of his Subjects ; but one who knows his Friends from his Foes ; has been accustomed to Government from his Cradle ; outbrav'd the Hector of France in his Youth ; and therefore is not to be frighted by our Scots Prelatists , and the English Tories , into such mean Compliances , for fear of Prelatical Insurrections and Tantivy Grumblings ; he stis●ed greater Serpents than those in his Cradle , and carries a Sword to cut off the Hydras Heads as fast as they multiply . But now to come to the Postscript , or pretended Answer to my Last . One would have thought that our Prelatists had bankrupt their Treasure of Lies , Malice and Blasphemy , in their late Pamphlet , call'd , The Scots Presbyterian Eloqu●nce : But the Apologist and Post-scribler demonstrate the contrary , and evidence , That their Magazines are still full , and running over ; and I confess there is no cause to wonder at it , when we consider , that the Bottomless Pit , whence they are furnish'd , is an unfathomable Source , and that the Father of Lies is not yet so superannuated , but that he can beget more of the Breed . But to come to our Author ; he tells you , in his very first Page , That he could not read two Lines of Dr. Rule 's Book , without being provok'd unto the Undecencies of Passion ; and therefore it is no marvel that the reading of mine put him stark mad , seeing I treat the Faction with some more roughness than the Doctor did . Pag. 1. After a very super●icial Division of my Book , he gives a sutable Answer ; and that you may know he was blinded with Passion , he begins with downright Nonsense , and a notorious Lie. I suppose there is scarcely any body but knows that the Faction did brag of Charles the Second's peaceable Restoration , as a Miracle and Demonstration that God own'd his Title , ( nay , Sir Geo. Mackenzie , Vindic. p. 5. owns he was restored almost by universal Consent ; ) and yet the Scribler alledges that he , and our subordinate Governors , were forced to make Laws against the Presbyterians of Scotland in their own Defence . Now it is certain that none have any Legislative Power in Scotland but the King and Parliament ; and by subordinate Governours , he must therefore , if he understands himself , mean the latter ; and if so , it is plain that the Presbyterians at that time attack'd neither , but had sufficiently smarted under the Usurper for maintaining the Right of King and Parliament by the Sword , and refusing to abjure Charles Stewart , and the Lords , who are a constituent part of our Parliament ; so that neither of them being attack'd , nor threatned to be attack'd , in Authority nor Person , but on the contrary the Presbyterians being sworn to maintain them , the pretence of a necessity to make Laws in their own Defence is a false excuse . But if our Author would speak Truth , he should say , that Charles the Second having a Mind to break his Oath , which he had taken solemnly , to maintain Presbytery and the Privilege of Parliaments , and being secured , as he thought , in foro divin● , by the Dispensation first of his Popish and then of his Episcopal Priests , he must find some pretence to salve his Credit in foro humano , and so with his pack'd Parliament formed Iniquity into a Law. Whether the said Laws were gentle , as our Author says , I leave it to the Consideration of all thinking Men , who please to peruse them as exhibited in my other Book . It seems indeed that the Prelates thought them too gentle , and not extensive enough for them , when they pressed Conformity in so barbarous a manner beyond the extent of the said Laws , in so much that they were forced to extort Certificates from the People that they had been civilly used , because they knew they had exceeded the Law , and were liable to be called to an account for it . One of the first Laws they made , was an unlimited Oath of Allegiance , which swallowed up the Privileges of the People , took away all the Suffrage of Parliaments as to the Succession of the Crown , and establish'd a Despotical T●ranny , which this Author calls the King's Hereditary Right : so infallibly true is it , that Tyranny and our Scots Prelacy are inseparably connected , and such Brethren in Iniquity , that the one is always productive of the other ; and therefore as soon as he had deprived the People of their Native Rights , he made bold to invade their Consciences , and contrary to his own Oath and the Peoples Inclinations , brought in the abjured Prelates , as knowing very well that Tyranny could not subsist without them ; and so he supported them in their Lording it over the Peoples Consciences : and they to requite their Creator , preach'd up his Divine Right to Tyrannize over their Purses and Persons . And thus did Tyranny and Prelacy , like two scabbed Jades , nab one another , till they were both sent a packing by his present Majesty . Nor can I omit to take notice of the natural Aversion which Prelacy has to a lawful Government , it being visibly seen that not only our Scots Prelates who were his Majesty's personal Enemies , but even the English Prelates , most of whom pretended to be his Friends , were and are jealous that the Destiny of their Hierarchy is at hand ; for every one knows how soll●citous the Pillars of Prelacy were to club at the Devil-Tavern to contrive means for the maintaining their Hierarchy , and how to fetter his Majesty with Oaths not to touch it : and after they had got this Assurance once , they were not satis●ied , but dunn'd his Majesty as if he had been their Debtor , for a Repetition of his Promises , till he took notice of it , and told them he was very willing to lay hold on every opportunity of renewing his Assurance to maintain the Church of England , or words to that Effect . So that it is evident beyond Exception , that Prelacy is afraid when they see Popery touch'd ; and that they are jealous that our Dread Soveraign , whom God has raised to break the Horns of the Antichristian Carpenters , should also prove the Bane of the Pope's Journey-men , the Prelates ; and hence it is that they behold his Majesty's glorious Success with Jealousy , which all the rest of the Protestant World looks upon with Joy. So that their Convocation when assembled , were very loth to give his Majesty Thanks ; and when they did , could hardly be brought to thank him for what he had done for the Protestant Interest in general , but only for playing the Bugbear to frighten away K. Iames , who began to bring in their elder Brethren the Papists to be sharers of the Fat with themselves ; and lest we should doubt what this Church of England is , which they are so mightily tender of , they informed us in an Address of Thanks to the King for the Care he had taken of the Church of England in the Alteration which was then made in the Lieutenancy of London , and that was for putting in some of the Bloody Juries , and those who had betrayed the Charter of the City , and were the Tools to promote Tyranny . Now this being matter of Fact and undeniable , the moderate Church-of - England-Men see what they must expect if that Faction get the Ascendant once more : it 's not their Agreement in Government and Ceremonies that will give them a true Title to be Sons of the Church ; Gibellins they are , and as Gibellins they must die . The Murder of my Lord Russel , Alderman Cornish , and many others , are sad Proofs of what I assert ; and seeing the moderate Church-of - England-Men and the Presbyterians of Scotland were fellow-Sufferers in the late Reigns , now that we have Men advanced to the highest Dignity of the Church , whose Repute for Moderation did not a little contribute towards it , methinks it is but what their Brethren in Scotland might expect , that they should be so far from countenancing our runnagate Episcopal Clergy in their malicious Clamours at Court , that they ought to oppose them , especially considering that they were such Implements as the late Reigns found very subservient to their Designs of bringing Slavery upon us , under which they themselves smarted either in Person or Sympathy . And now that I am upon it , I cannot but take notice with regret , that notwithstanding of the almost indispensable nec●ssity of it , the sober Church-of - England-Men in their Ecclesiastical Capacity , have never given any publick conjunct Testimony against the Tyranny of the last Reigns , nor those of their Communion , who were Abettors of it , and at this day labour to re-introduce it . Let them think what they will , their Silence in this Affair is no small incouragement to the Jacobite Party , who have hitherto baffled the discovery of all their Plots , under a pretence of Zeal for the Church , which together with the ill Example of the Nonjurant Bishops and Clergy , hath been of more use to the French King , than an Army of 60000 Men : From this Source it is that his Majesty's Affairs meet with so many Rubs ; his Friends are so far from being rewarded , that they are endangered and discouraged ; and yet our moderate Ecclesiasticks have never made open and conjunct Protestation against it . It was the Saying of the God of Truth , That the Children of this Generation are wiser than the Children of Light ; and our Times furnish us with many sad Instances of its undeniable Verity . Did not the Pulpits in the late Reigns thunder against all Attempts of recovering our Liberties , either in the Parliament or in the Field ? Did not the Church concur with her Excommunications , to render Dissenters uncapable of so much as chusing or giving Votes for a sober Church-of - England-Man , who would stand by the Liberties of his Country to represent them in Parliament ? Did not some of their Bishops press the Execution of their Penal Laws against Dissenters , to keep them under Hatches for that very reason ? And did not the Clergy spend their consecrated Lungs in bellowing out Presbyterian Plots to drown the Popish ones ? And yet now they don't excommunicate their Jacobites , notwithstanding of their Conventicles and distinct Form of Worship ; their clubbing to chuse Enemies to the Government to represent them in Parliament , even those who were violent Enemies to the Abdication ; as Sir R. S. &c. who was chosen by by the University of C — ge . Nor do the Pulpits now sound with Jacobite Plots in this Reign , as they did with Presbyterian and Whiggish Plots in the late Reigns ; which , together with the tenderness that hath been shewed towards their Nonjurant Bishops and Clergy , and the Opposition they make to abjuring the late K. Iames , are sufficient Evidences that it is his Majesty's Interest to keep up the Presbyterians in Scotland as a Ballance , lest the Scale turn on the side of K. Iames , or his pretended Son : And as for our Scots Episcopalians , their Loyalty was sufficiently discovered after the Defeat of the French by Sea ; for none were so industrious as they to lessen our Victory , when God had given it us . Nor was their Carriage less remarkable for disaffection upon the taking of Namur , the first News from Steenkirk , and when the Intelligence came that Charleroy was besieged ; which so elevated the Spirits of Dr. M — , the Apologist , and Sheelds the Jacobite Parson , ( lately in Newgate for a Conventicle ) that they were overheard to salute one another , in the Park , with no less Titles than that of My Lord Bishop of such and such a Place , so big were they with hopes of the French Conquests . Pag. 86. Our Author not having time enough to recover himself ●rom the Undecencies of his Passion , continues his Nonsense , and tells you very gravely , That if the Presbyterian Delusions did not upon all Turns prompt them to overturn the Government , they might live in Scotland in all Peace , as other Dissenters did . I suppose our Author to be speaking of the Time past ; and if so , then he should have said , might have lived : And whether this Blunder of Grammar , in his own Mother-Tongue , be not as unpardonable in him , as are the Blunders in Latin which he falsly chargeth upon Mr. Rule , let any Man judg ; and that he meant of the Time past , needs no other Demonstration , than to consider that the Presbyterians do and can live at Peace in Scotland now , without being obliged to the Prelatists . But Nonsense is one of our Author's least Indecencies of Passion ; for they who know him , inform me , that in his Heat he cannot forbear Swearing , notwithstanding of his Doctoral Scarf : And it can be proved on him , that when talking to a certain Minister about the Church of Scotland , one of the good-natur'd Doctor 's commendable Expressions were , That if the Episcopal Party had it not , he car'd not if the Devil had it . Well , but to proceed , the Doctor acknowledges , that other Dissenters liv'd peaceably in Scotland . Now other Dissenters we had none , but Quakers and Papists ; and that they liv'd peaceably we very well knew , and used to ask why they persecuted us more than them , seeing their Difference in Principles was much greater , if our Episcopalians had been ( as they pretended to be ) good Protestants . Now I think every one knows the Principles and Practices of the Papists to be dangerous in all Protestant Governments ; and that Quakerism has too great affinity with Popery : so that their kind Treatment , while we were barbarously persecuted , is none of the best Arguments to prove our Episcopalians good Protestants . And pray let our Author in his next , give us an account , Why Popish Recusants ( for denying the King 's Ecclesiaslical Supremacy ) were not dragoon'd to come to Church , plundred , hunted , and hanged , as we were . But seeing I know he will not tell the Truth , I 'le venture to tell it for him , in Bishop Carnerosse's words , The Papists were their necessary Friends : A King of their Religion was dropping ripe to fall into the Throne ; and every one knows , that under Popery , Bishops may grow Cardinals and Popes ; but under Presbytery they cannot exist : and this is the Rope which draws the Inclinations of our Hierarchical Men so much towards Rome , instead of drawing Rome so much to them . If I be mistaken , let the Advances which the Church of Rome made upon us , and the Interest they obtain'd in Court and else-where , under the warm Wings of Prelacy , in the Reigns of both the Charles's , and the last of the Iames's bear witness . Nay , our good-natur'd Doctor was even so kind to Mother-Church , as to impose on his Scholars an Oath in K. Iames's Time , to maintain the blank Christian Religion , and to hinder the publishing of Mr. Iamison's Book against Quakerism ; yet his Rancor against Presbytery was so great , though the Malice of the Court seem'd to be asswaged , that when the Presbyterians desired they might have the Common Hall of the College ( of which he was then Principal ) to meet in , he answered , like a scurrilous and spightful Villain , That his Hall should never be a groping Office. Indeed , Doctor , I am very well satisfied , that if any such things had been practis'd at our Meetings , the Episcopal Clergy would never have been their Enemies ; for very sure I am , that the greatest Swearers , Drunkards and Whoremasters of the Parish , were generally the greatest Friends to the Curats : And Arch-bishop Paterson , whose Champion you are , may for ever stop your Mouth , seeing Megg Patterson , with whom he had been base , own'd it before the Court upon Examination . And your other good Friend , Mr. Hamilton , whom you are so careful to vindicate , would certainly have been a ●requenter of such groping Offices , had there been any , seeing he was not ashamed , upon a certain Occasion to declare , That he hated all words which ended in ism , except Baptism and Priapism . The Doctor having dropt out a feeble and a faint Lie , to justify the making of the Laws against us , Vices acquirit eundo ; and , ibid. tells you boldly , That the Scheme of the Presbyterian Religion , wherein they differ from the Episcopalians , is nothing but ungovernable Humour and Rebellion . Well said , good-natur'd Doctor , who is a Separatist from good Nature and the Christian Church now ? Modest Sir , I must b●g your pardon to say , that you are either an ungovernable passionate Prelate , or the King and Parliament are stark Fools and Knaves to have abolished Episcopacy in Scotland , where , according to you , they must have establish'd nothing but ungovernable Humour and Rebellion . Certainly his Majesty and the Parliament are more concerned to preserve the Soveraignty , than such Fellows as you ; and if they had not been satis●ied that the Presbyterians were better Friends to it than the Prelatists , they would never have establish'd them , and ejected the other . Pray , Sir , if your Eyes be not blinded with Passion , look upon the Harmony of Confessions , and see whether ours or yours ( if you know where to find your own ) be most agreeable to the Reform'd Christian Church ; and then , if you please , look a little further into their Discipline , and if it do not provoke you to Indecency of Passion , read 1 Tim. 4. 14. 2 Tim. 3. Acts 20. 28 , 29. Acts 15. Titus 1. Phil. 1. 1. and see which of us are the greatest Separatists from the Christian Church , and whether those Texts be chargeable with ungovernable Humour and Rebellion ; and so long as those Texts make it evident that Bishop and Presbyter are the same in Name and Office , not so much as Ordinatione excepta , if it be ungovernable Humour and Rebellion to believe so , we will be ungovernable and rebellious still . As for your citing the Hind● l●t loose , Ius Populi , and Naphtali , it 's altogether foreign to the purpose , all of them contain such Arguments for the lawfulness of resisting T●yrannizing Princes , as your Party could never answer ; and for any thing particular in any of them , especially the Hind let loose , which was writ against Presbyterians as well as Prelatists , none but one of your own Kidney can charge them upon the Presbyterians in general . But further , it 's mighty strange that this Principle should be so Criminal in us , and yet Venial in the Church-of - England-Men . Wherefore do not you cite Iulian the Apostate , Mr. Hickeringil , or Dr. Burnet the Bishop of Salisbury's Works , &c. to the same purpose : And pray let us know why the Presbyterians are more chargeable with Ius Populi , &c. than the Church of England are with those ? The Author will not take notice of what has been so often told him and his Party , that the horrid Cruelties exercis'd upon the Presbyterians in the West , as dragging them to hear the Curates per Force ; plundering them of all they had ; ravishing their Wives , Daughters and Maids ; chasing them to the Woods and Mountains in the extremity of Winter ; denying the poor Children left at home , any other subsistance than what was left by the surfeited Dogs ; the tying of Gentlemen Neck and Heels , and rosting them before Fires , without so much as allowing them a draught of Water to quench their insupportable Thirst ; forcing of Bonds from them for such and such Sums ; and extorting Certificates , after all this , under their Hands , that they had been civilly used . I say , the Faction will not hear , when we tell them , that all this was done before they could charge us with any Insurrection ; and yet are so disingenuous as to instance our pos●eriour Efforts for Self-defence , as the Occasion of all severe Laws : Than which nothing can be more unjust ; and by the Doctor 's own confession , Pag. 87. That the King and his Ministers of State , might more plausibly be accused of Cruelty , if they made severe Laws against the Consequences of the Presbyterian Opinions . We have reason to charge the King and his Ministers with Cruelty : for such Laws as were made before 1666 , were directly against the supposed Consequences of our Opinions , or nothing ; for we made no opposition by Arms at that time against Charles the Second . Nay , it is expresly own'd , Pag. 5 , and 6 , by Sir Geo. Mackenzie , That the Laws were made against the Consequences which they pretend to charge upon our Principles . But to return again , P. 86. he alledges , That the Presbyterians declar'd open War against the King in his own Dominions ; preach'd to their Hearers , that they ought to kill his Servants ; that he had no right to the Crown , because he had broken the Covenant : Than which nothing can be more false . It was but a small number of the Presbyterians that appeared in Arms in 1666 ; and they were so far from declaring War against the King , that they only desired a Redress of those Grievances which the Episcopal Souldiers had committed beyond Law. Nor would they have done it in Arms , if it had been possible to have had access to the Council otherwise : For those who appeared at Bothwel-Bridg , they were so far from declaring against the King , that they took his Interest into their Declaration ; and the Party who oppos'd it , were so much di●relish'd , that Multitudes deserted because they were concerned . Nay , Charles the Second was so much convinc'd , that Mr. Iohn Welch , and the majority of the Presbyterians , were so far from disputing his Title , that he granted an Indulgence immediately after the suppressing of that Insurrection ; and to my certain knowledg , offer'd a particular Licence to the said Mr. Welch , to live and preach in any part of his Dominions ; though our Episcopalians had formerly incens'd him so much against him , that Proclamations were issued , offering 500 l. to any that would bring him in dead or alive . So that the Doctor has no Foundation for his Charge but the Practice of a few Cameronians , one of whose Preachers excommunicated the King , and about twenty of the Faction declared War against him at Sanqhuar ; and such a little number did afterwards pretend to dethrone him : which will appear to all Men but such as our Author , to be contrary to Presbyterian Principles , seeing we allow not so much as Excommunication of a private Person without ●udicial Probation , Admonition , Suspension , and the Consent of the Presbytery . And , by the Covenant which they reproach us with as our only Rule , we swear to maintain the Privilege of Parliaments , and the King 's just Powerand Greatness ; to which nothing can be more diametrically opposite , than for a few Persons , without the Consent and Commission of the whole , to take upon them to exauctorate Magistrates . And whatsoever this Libeller may suggest , it 's known that Mr. Castares , sen. Mr. Blare , Mr. Iamison , Mr. Rule , Mr. Riddel , and other grave Presbyterian Ministers , fell under the Obloquy of the Cameronians for protesting publickly against the Principles which they were driven unto by the furious Tyranny of the late Reigns . But if the Doctor be not yet satisfied , I 'll give him Argumentum ad Hominem , thus . The Viscount of Dundee and his Party declared War against King William , and all the Bishops of Scotland oppos'd his Title to the Crown : Ergo , All the Episcopalians in Scotland declared War against him , and that he had no right to the Crown ; and therefore by their own Concession , the present Government would be justified to enact as severe Laws against them , as the late Government did against the Presbyterians . The Premisses being undeniable , the Conclusion cannot be avoided , if our Author's way of arguing hold good . But supposing it true that all the Presbyterians in Scotland had declared King Charles the Second to have ●orfeited his Right to the Crown because he broke the Covenant , it had been no more than what the Church of England have declared against King Iames , because of his breaking the Original Contract : and I would desire our Gentleman to look upon the Claim of Right by both Nations , and he will find that most of the Infractions upon that Contract were made by King Charles ; so that if this be a Crime , Aethiopem albus , Loripidem rectus derideat . But as for that malicious Lie , that any of them preach'd that his Servants ought to be killed , it 's so gross , that none but the Author could invent it , nor any but his Party believe it : for tho some of them did kill A. Bp Sharp , and others who were hunting for their Lives , and took the same advantage of them that they did of others ; it will not so much as follow , that any of their Ministers preach'd this as their Duty , and much less that it was so to kill the King's Servants as such . Well , but this Methodical Doctor , who would sain perswade the World that he and his Party have engrossed all Reason and Logick to themselves , comes with a Hysteron Proteron , and tells you of the Presbyterians Cruelty toward the Episcopalians after the Year 1637 , which ( mark the good-natur'd calm Expression ) he says were unparallell'd in History , as they were diabolical in their Nature . This is Scots Episcopal Veracity . The Doctor thinks he is dictating to his Scholars ; and truly I must tell his Doctorship , that if he ta●ght them no better Philosophy , than he teaches us History , they had but a poor Bargain on 't . But now , good Doctor , did you never read of the Massacres at Paris , in the Valtoline , and the Duke of Alva's Butchery in the Netherlands ? We shall not go so high as the ten Persecutions , or those against the Wicklevites , Waldenses , &c. And tell me if what Cruelties were exercised upon you about 1637 , aggravate them as much as you can do in any measure , come near them ; and if they do , as I am sure they cannot , I would know whether the Modest , Rational and Religious Doctor be not guilty of an Immodest , Irrational and Irreligious Lie ? And in the next place , seeing we must go back to 1637 , pray what did your Party then suffer answerable to the Persecution of the Presbyterians by your High Commission-Court before that time ? Or , did your Sufferings come any thing near the horrid Cruelty which Montross with his Highlanders , and the Irish Rebels , who join'd him after they had massacred the Protestants in Ireland , committed upon the Country in Defence of your Prelacy ? But further , if your Party did suffer any thing at that time , as it was impossible but they should when the exasperated People had taken Arms against their Invasions both of Church and State , and the Quarrel came to be decided by the Sword , who was to blame for it ? They drew it upon themselves , they would not be satisfied that they had obtruded their domineering Prelacy , but they must also impose a new form of Worship , for opposing of which they incensed the King to raise an Army of 30000 Men to force it upon us . So that here was Precedent enough according to the Talion Law , to force the Covenant upon them , which yet we never did in that manner , tho the honest Doctor has the Confidence to assert , that we imposed it with greater Tyranny , Malice and Violence , than the Fathers of the Inquisition ever practised . Good Mr. Doctor , ( for you were very angry that I did not call you so in my last ) Did your Doctorship ever hear that we put the Prelatis●s in Dungeons to be eaten up with Toads and Serpents ? Did we ever put any of them upon the Rack ? Did we ever thrust pieces of Cloth down their Throats to their very Stomachs , and pull them up again ? Did we ever burn them in Habits painted with Devils ? Did we ever twist the Muscles of their Arms and Legs with Cords , which your Fathers of the Inquisition are known to have practised ? Or , did we ever torture them with the Boot , Thummikins , or burning Matches ( as your Brethren of the Prelatical Inquisition did us ) to make them take the Covenant ? I am confident your Conscience , tho pros●ituted to a Prodigy , flies in your Face , and gives you the Lie. Well , but the Doctor has not done yet , he tells you the Covenant was imposed upon the Children at Schools . Truly Mr. Doctor , to do you Justice , I believe it was required of the little Children that offered to take Degrees of Master of Arts : and tho your Doctorship was never nearer Rome than 480 Miles , as you say in your Postscript , you have learn'd the Art of equivocating as well as if you had been there ; for every one knows that Men of thirty Years old may truly enough be called Children , and Universities may as well be called Schools : But if that was unlawful , how came your Party to follow the Example , and even your own Doctorship to offer a blank Oath to your Scholars ? And why does the Church of England impose Oaths upon Children at Schools in Oxford and Cambridg ? Pag. 87. He says there 's nothing in the first part of the Answer to the Scotch Eloquence , but an ill-contriv'd Abstract of the Hind let loose . Good Doctor , I am afraid that the Eyes of your Head , as well as of your Mind , were blinded with Indecencies of Passion , else you would have seen somewhat else , viz. frequent Demonstrations , that you and others of your Party are notorious Liars , in asserting that our Proceedings against you are more barbarous and cruel than yours against us , and that by Authentick Proofs , viz. your own Acts of Parliament . Next the Doctor tells us that the Episcopalians publish'd a Compendium of the Hind let loose , that all Men might see the Principles , Practices and Humours of that Sect whom they oppose● and that there cannot be a better Defence of Charles the Second's Government than the Hind let loose . We have told the Faction often enough that the said Book is against Presbyterians as well as Episcopalians , and was writ in the height of a Schism , and never own'd by the hundredth part of the Presbyterians : but such is the Unreasonableness of our Prelatists , that they will charge it upon us , and would make the World believe that it is conseq●ential to the true Presbyterian Principles , though I have already demonstrated , that the excommunicating and exauctorating the King was contrary to our Discipline and Covenant . But to answer the disingenous Man with Argumentum ad hominem , I argue thus : There can be no better Defence of the Proceedings of the Presbyterians against the Prelatists , than Dundee's Declaration , their refusing to swear Allegiance , and pray for King William and Queen Mary , seeing those who do so , act more consequentially to the Prelatical Principles of Passive Obedience and Nonresistance , than those who comply . Ibid. He tells us , That if the Ministers of State under K. Charles the Second in Scotland , have done nothing but what all wise , great and good Men have done in the like Cases , then the Clamours of this Party are rather an Honour than an Accusation . This is poor Sophistry , Doctor ; we deny your Assumption , and by course your Consequence must fall , which is an Answer sufficient ; but to be plainer with you , If King Charles and his Ministers of State did nothing but what all wise , great and good Men have done in the like cases ; then his present Majesty and the Parliament of Scotland must , by this Argument , be foolish , little and ill Men , to disapprove their Methods : so that we see how superlatively loyal and modest the Doctor is . But yet further : We would have his Doctorship to know that there was never such a Case under Heaven , and therefore the Doctor will be at a loss to find good , great and wise Men for Precedents . Ay , let him turn over all the Histories of Europe , give us a Parallel , that any Protestant Prince should solemnly before God and the People , swear with his Hands lifted up to Heaven , that he would govern according to the Terms on which he received the Crown , viz. The Preservation of the Presbyterian Government , and the Privileges of Parliament ; declaring that he was under no Constraint to take the said Oath , but that he did the same voluntarily and without Mental Reservation ; acknowledging the Sins of his Family , and promising a Redress of Grievances : I say , let him give us an Instance of any Protestant Prince that ever perjur'd himself in such a manner , and requited Subjects as he did us , tho we own'd his Title , defended him against the Usurper who had cut off his Father's Head , and exposed our selves to ruine for his sake : for reward of which , immediately after his Restauration , he overturn'd our Civil and Religious Liberty , cut off the Earl of Argile's Head , who had set the Crown upon his ; and afterwards enacted Laws to make the People own the abjur'd Prelates , and involve them in the same Perjury with himself , and because they could not not in Conscience do it , sent Forces to take free Quarter upon them , drive or drag them to Church , destroy their Substance , and treat their Persons in that barbarous manner as before related , tho many of them advanced , and none of them opposed his Restauration , nor threatned any Disturbance to his Government . But the truth of the Case was , he and his Ministers of State knew well enough that he had forfeited his Right to the Crown , and that the Presbyterians could not but in Heart abhor his Perjury ; and therefore they were resolved to put them out of condition to demand the Forfeiture , if ever they should happen to be so minded : which that poor People were so far from , that not one of those whom mere Necessity had constrained to take Arms at Pentland , or Bothwell-Bridg , denied his Title ; but on the contrary , still own'd him . And for that small inconsiderable number that acted otherwise at Sanqhuar , &c. it 's already demonstrated , that they neither proceeded according to our Principles , nor with our Consent : And therefore , so long as there are any Records in our Nation , King Charles the Second's unparallell'd Perjury , Ingratitude to his Subjects , and Tyrannical Government can never be justified . And as for the Rebellions he charges us with under King Charles the First , let any body peruse Rushworth's Collections , or even Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle ; and tho all the Truth be not written there , it will be easy to perceive that the Innovations made upon the Church of Scotland , and the Invasions on the Liberties of England , were the cause of that Prince's Misfortunes , who was misled by a Popish Wife , and misinformed by Popish and Prelatical Ministers to his Ruine . That unfortunate King put one Affront on our Nation ▪ mentioned by Sir Richard Baker , that was enough of it self to have made them shake off his Government , viz. the demanding of the Crown of Scotland to be brought hither for him to be crowned with , which argued such a Degeneracy of Spirit , and so much of an alienated Mind from his Native Country , that 〈◊〉 a wonder how ever Scots-Men should have own'd him afterwards : the greatest Monarch that ever sat upon the English Throne ; would have gone as far as Scoon , and thank'd us too , to have had the Honour of it ; and for a Scots-Man so far to undervalue his native Country , as to demand the poor , and almost the only remaining Badg of their Honour , Antiquity and Independency , to be brought into another Nation , Quis talia fando temperet a — Ne quid aspersus dicam . Certainly nothing but an exuberant Loyalty and Esteem for their natural Prince , whom doubtless they considered as over-ruled by pernicious Counsel , could ever have made that Kingdom put up the Affront . And therefore when he persisted to oppress and persecute them upon the account of their Consciences , it was no wonder that they re-assum'd the Spirit of their Ancestors ; and let him know that the Kings of Scotland were never allowed an Arbitrary Power , nor did ever any of them usurp it , but it prov'd fatal to them or theirs : Nor never was the Nation so much degenerate but since the Reign of our Protestant Prelacy , who were the Creatures and Supporters of Tyranny ; for in the times of Popery we had more Grandees than we have now , that could tell how to put the Bell about the Cat 's Neck on occasion , as Archbald Douglas , Earl of Angus , did to King Iames the Third ; but since the Union of the Crowns , the fall of our Grandees , and the Combination of the English and Scots Mitres , Scots-Men durst never say their Head was their own but when they had the Sword in their Hand , except it be under this present Government . And therefore the Nation of Scotland is mightily obliged to Prelacy . Ibid. He charges the Presbyterians with Enthusiasm . Our Prelat●sts are of late become as fond of this Expression as is the Cuckow of his known Note ; and I can imagine no other reason why , than because they are so accustomed to swallow their Liquor ; that as the Lecher pleases himself with Baudy Stories , so do they with the very word Enthusiasm , which is but a Greek Term signi●ying pouring in , and in this sense I 'll maintain it , that it 's more proper to be applied to our Drunken Prelatists , than in any manner to us . I always understood Enthusiasts to be a sort of Persons who pretended to other Revelations than the written Word for their Rule , such as our Quakers , and the old German Anabaptists , or absit verbo invidia , our Prelatists , who build more upon the uncertain and superstitious Writings ascribed to some of the Fathers , than on the Writings of the Apostles , who are the Grandfathers ; or on the Rationale of a Durandus , or the Poetical Whims of any Church Devoto for their unscriptural Ceremonies , than on Divi●e Revelation , which orders us to worship God as he commands , and not as we think good in our own Eyes . Then seeing the Presbytérians do plead for a strict Conformity to the Scripture as the Rule of Faith and Manners ; and that our Prelatists admit of By-Rules , for which no Reason can be assigned , but the Capricio of some fanciful Bigot , or corrupted Father ; let the World judg which Party is most chargeable with Enthusiasm . Ibid. He says , That the Acts of our General Assemblies do sufficiently vindicate Charles the Second , and his Ministers of State , from any shadow of Rigour or Cruelty . It were easy to answer the Doctor in his own Coin , that the knavish Address of the Scots Bishops against the Prince of Orange , their opposing him in Parliament , and the Barbarities committed upon the Presbyterians by the Prelatists , as above related , are sufficient to vindicate us from any shadow of Rigour or Cruelty , which must , by all Men who have not forfeited Sense and Reason , be allowed more than a sufficient Answer . But further , the Doctor would have done well to have cited those Acts , and then a more particular Answer could have been given : However , I 'le guess at his meaning , and suppose them to be such as declared against imploying Malignants in Places of Power and Trust ; which was the Opinion of those called Remonstrators : And if so , pray , good Doctor , why is this more culpable than your Church-of - England . Test , which excludes all Dissenters from Places of Power and Trust ; and that also against his Majesty's Desire , in his Speech to the Parliament , wherein he did rationally insinuate , that the taking off of the same , would unite his Subjects in his Service against the Common Enemy ? If the Copy was bad , why does the Church of England follow it ? Or , do you not think that we had as much reason to keep out Prelatists from Places of Power and Trust , as you have to keep out Presbyterians ? Nay , I do verily believe , there is no true English-man , or Protestant , who does not see the Mischief which happens daily by the continuance of this Test , which obliges his Majesty to make use of such as do betray him continually . And whether the Scots Presbyterians were mistaken in their Conjectures , that our Prelatists , when admitted into Trust , would betray our Religion and Liberties , let the late Revolution , and the Causes of it , testify . Or , if there was any such Act made or intended , by any Assembly of the Church of Scotland , as disown'd Charles Stuart , the Head of the Malignants , because of his breach of Covenant , and designs to enslave the Nation ; it must 〈◊〉 be own'd , that they were too clear-sighted , and that the Church of England do the same in relation to K. Iames , who had as good a Right to the Crown , according to the Prelatical Principles , as ever his Brother had ; and , if Passive Obedience be a true Doctrine , ought as little to have been opposed as he . Then supposing it true , that the Remonstrators were against owning of him on the Accounts aforesaid ; yet seeing they were not the majority of the Presbyterians , and were willing to submit to his Legal Administration , swear Allegiance , and live peaceably under his Governm●nt , neither Reason nor Conscience will justify his Proceedings against the Presbyterians in general on that Account ; or the making of Laws on purpose to fret their Consciences , and press the execution of them in such a barbarous manner as must unavoidably procure Insurrections , when they submitted to him without the least Opposition . Sure I am , the Church of England are more moderate to the Jacobites , when they won't so much as admit of an Oath of Abjuration to be imposed on those in Places of Power and Trust. Pag. 88. He refers to Sir Geo. Mackenzie's Defence of Charles the Second's Government , as unanswerable , though the same hath already been confuted , better than he can defend it . But the modest Doctor goes on , and says , The Objections against that Government , are only little Cavils and Exceptions . No doubt , Sir , K. William , and his present Parliament of Scotland , are but little cavilling Fellows ; and the following Grievances complain'd of by the Convention of States , were but small Exceptions , viz. Disarming Protestants , while Papists were employed . Imposing Oaths contrary to Law. Giving Gifts and Grants for exacting Money , without Consent of Parliament , or Convention of Estates . Levying and keeping on foot a standing Army in Time of Peace , and exacting free Quarters without Consent of Parliament . Imploying Officers of the Army as Judges through the Kingdom , &c. even where there were Hereditary Offices and Jurisdictions ; who put many of the Subjects to death without any Form of Law. Imprisoning Persons without expressing the Reason , and delaying to bring them to Trial. Forfeiting several Persons , on stretches of old and obsolete Laws , as the Earl of Argile , to the scandal of the Justice of the Nation . Subverting the Right of Royal Burroughs , imposing Magistrates and whole Town-Councils upon them , contrary to their Charters , without pretence of Sentence , Surrender or Consent . Ordering Judges to desist from determining some Causes , and how to proceed in others . Imposing extraordinary Fines , exacting of exorbitant Bail , and disposing of Fines and Forfeitures before Sentence . Forcing the Subjects to make Oath against themselves in Capital Crimes . Using Torture without Evidence , or in ordinary Crimes . Sending an Army in hostile manner upon several parts of the Kingdom , in time of Peace . Imposing Bonds without Authority of Parliament . Suspending Counsellors from the Bar , for not appearing when such Bonds were offered , contrary to Law. Putting Garisons in private Mens Houses in time of Peace , without Consent of Parliament . Making it Treason for Persons to refuse giving of their Thoughts , in relation to Points of Treason , or other Mens Actions . Imprisoning and prosecuting the Subjects , for petitioning the King and Parliament to grant Remedy by Law. Now whether these be little Cavils and Exceptions : Whether Charles the Second was not guilty of these Male-administrations : and if so , whether he deserved to be called a Wise and Peaceable Monarch , let any Body judg . And that they may do it the more impartially , I would wish them to consider , that there is a Woe denounced against them who call Evil Good , and Good Evil. And I would pray the Doctor to tell me , whether it was modesty in Sir George , or is modesty in himself , to defend these things , which common Sense must needs condemn , the Representatives of the Nation have adjudged as Grievances , and the continuance in them as chiefly conducing to K. Iames's Forfeiture of the Crown ? I confess I do not at all wonder that Sir G. M. should defend a Government which advanc'd and imploy'd him : These barbarous Laws , and inhumane Prosecutions , brought Gri●t to his Mill , and fill'd his Bags ; for it will eternally hold , Dul●is od●r Lucri ex re qualibet , even from Piss it self . And there is yet the less cause of surprisal , when we consider , that he was Iohn White 's ( anglicè Iack Ketch 's ) Journyman , or as he call'd himself , Calumniator publicus , and the common Libeller of the Presbyterians ; so that of necessity he must represent them as Monsters , else he must own himself a bloody Butcher in prosecuting them at such a rate as he did . But further , Sir George's Arguments are all built upon a false Narrative of Matter of Fact ; nor could a truer Relation be expected from a Man of his Kidney , who prostituted his Conscience , not only to different Parties in the Church , but contrary Factions in the State : Let not the Scribler tax me as not generous for saying so , seeing it is true ; for it can be no more a Crime in me to attaque Sir G. after his Death , than for him to attaque Mr. Rutherford and others , who are also in their Graves . His Subornation against Sir Hugh and Sir Geo. Campbel , was charged on him to his Face in open Court , by the Persons whom he had suborned . And in like manner it can be proved , that he suborned others against Halside ; and did actually prosecute Blackwood , for a pretended Crime , whereof he himself was guilty , viz. conversing with Mr. Wilson a Bothwel-Bridg-Man , for which he aim'd at the Gentleman's Life and Estate : so that no Reason will allow the Testimony of one who was so much a Party , and notoriously unjust , no more than we could allow the Calumnies of Bishop Bonner against the Protestants , whose Blood he shed and thirsted after . Nor are the Presbyterian Nurslings , as he calls them , so much gauled by Sir George's Book as he supposes ; and the unwary Doctor himself owns what I asserted , that the Reasonings in the Treatise relate to the Papers publish'd by the Cameronians , which shows how unfairly Sir George argued , to instance Actions of Men rendred mad by a barbarous execution of Cannibal Laws , to defend the making of those very Laws . As for the Honour he alledges I do the Faction , in mentioning some Great Men as Persecutors , much good may it do them : for if , according to the Learned Doctor 's Argument , Quality , Sense and Interest cast the Ballance , then certainly Nero , and Iulian the Apostate , were too heavy for the Apostles and Primitive Christians ; and that great Monster , Lewis XIV . has much the better of his Protestant Subjects . Well , but the Doctor says afterward , They have reason to glory in their Parts , Honour and Integrity ; which is none of my Business to question . But the Instances they are charged with , will come under none of those Heads , and therefore the Doctor 's Panegyrick is foreign to the purpose . But we can easily answer , that their Majesties and present Parliament , have declared the very Laws , which were yet more torelable than their barbarous Execution , Wicked and Impious ; and I hope the modest Doctor will allow , that they have Quality , Sense and Interest enough to cast the Ballance . I shall only add , that Sir Geo. Mackenzie , by a Concession , Pag. 17. destroys his own Hypothesis ; for there he owns that Presbyterian Ministers , who were sent to reclaim these Criminals , and Presbyterian Jurors who were summoned to their Trial , seldom failed of condemning them : so that from his own Mouth he gives himself and the Doctor both the Lie , when they charge those Principles upon the Presbyterians in general , and consequently discover the falshood of that Necessity , which they pretend the Government was under , to make such Laws against us in their own Defence . Pag. 13. Sir George says , That the Heretable Iudges , i. e. Hereditary Sheriffs , refused to put the Laws in execution against Conventicles , by which they became formidable . Which destroys two more of his and the Faction's Assertions , viz. That Presbyterianism : was not popular , and that none but the Rabble were their Friends ; for those Hereditary Sheriffs are the best and most ancient Families generally in every County : So that Sir George wrongs his Cause exceedingly by that Concession , seeing those Hereditary Judges living upon the Place , and being acquainted with the Industry and Honesty of the persecuted Party , would not abandon their Honour and Conscience to become Hangmen to their Neighbours and Tenants . And therefore the Court being resolved to ruin the Country , imployed bloody cut-throat Papists , as the Earl of Airly and Laird of Meldrum , and their barbarous Savages the Popish Highlanders . But according to the natural disingenuity of his Faction , he takes no notice , that those Military Judges pull'd the Hereditary Sheriffs from off their Benches , and would not let them proceed against the Presbyterians according to the Statute-Law , because that was too mild in their Opinion . One remarkable Instance thereof was at Selkirk , where Meldrum pull'd Philiphaugh , who is Hereditary Sheriff of the Forest ( now a Lord of the Session ) out of his Chair , when holding his Court. Another of Sir George's Defences are , the alledged Severity to the Cavaliers in Charles the First 's Time : Which if true , though there 's no reason to take his Word for Proof , he could not but know the truth of that Maxim , Inter Arma silent Leges ; and that this could not justify the Dragooning of People to Church , and taking free Quarter in time of Peace . But Sir George , accordin● to his wonted disingenuity , takes no notice of the Case of that Severity , if any such were , viz. that the Persons so treated , harassed their Native Country with Fire and Sword , in conjunction with those who had cut the Throats of Protestants in Ireland , filled the Kingdom with bloody Murders and barbarous Villanies . I have neither time , nor is it consistent with my present Design , to an●madvert any further upon his pretended unanswerable Book ; but I think any honest Reader will be satisfied that it needs no worse Character , than to be stigmatiz'd as a flat Contradiction to their Majesties and the present Parliament of Scotland , being a sophistical and unfair Relation of Matters of Fact , to make the World believe that all those Grievances have been false , which the Parliament complain'd of , his Majesty declared against , and founded the Justice of his Expedition upon their Redress : So that it will issue in this , either that Sir George Mackenzy is a Liar , or that his Majesty and the Parliament of Scotland are such ; and therefore , good Mr. Doctor , I am not afraid to appeal to the Judgment of all disinterested Persons , whether it be you or I that are most void of Generosity , Honour , Modesty and common Sense , of all which you deprive me in the 89 th Page of your Libel . So that tho the Ass may vapour a while in the Lion's Skin , the Ears of the dull Brute will discover him at last . And thus our Doctor has wounded his Pretences to Loyalty , by defending Sir George's Book . But allowing all to be true that Sir George alledges as the Cause of our Persecution by Charles the Second ; I say still , that the Faction deserves to be more severely treated by this Government upon the very Parallel , viz. thus ; They own Passive Obedience to be true Doctrine , and were as much sworn to that as we were to the Covenant ; so that if they believe that Doctrine , they must needs look upon their present Majesties to have no just Title , and think themselves obliged to rebel . Now Malice it self could never fasten any such Consequence upon the Covenant as to Charles the Second's Title : Ergo , Passive Obedience must be more dangerous to this , than the Covenant was to that Government . But the Doctor turns his back , and takes no notice of this Argument , only magisterially tells you , that if there be no more in the case than Passive Obedience , the Government needs not be afraid : Tho every body but the Faction , ●hose Interest it is to dissemble the Consequences of their Principles , sees the contrary by Demonstration from the Practices of the Nonjurant Bishops , the high Church-of - England Zealots , and the Scots Rebellions . 2. The Episcopal Party disown the Presbyterian Ministers , and won't hear them ; Ergo , by Sir George Mackenzy's Position , they should be dragoon'd to Church , and with much more reason than they dragoon'd us ; for there 's nothing in our way of Worship but what they practis'd themselves ; nor can they object against our Form of Government , for they had it in conjunction with their own Episcopacy . Then seeing we neither do nor desire that they should be persecuted on account of their Dissent , whether are they or we most moderate ? All the difference is , that there are no Laws against their Nonconformity as there were against ours : which I grant to be true ; and hence we can demonstrate Presbyterian Moderation , that the Parliament did not make any Laws against the Consequences of Prelatical and Passive-Obedience-Principles , tho the Prelatists made Laws against ours ; and sure I am , we had much more reason to have made Laws against them , who did actually oppose and rebel against his present Majesty while the Parliament was sitting , and yet no such thing was ●ver moved . As for his Allegation , that our Moderation proceeds from the opposite Biass of the Nobility and Gentry ; it shows his Ingratitude : but all Men of sense must needs be convinced that the Parliament , who settled Presbyteria● Government , and that with so much care as to entrust none but the old Presbyte●ian Ministers , thrown out by the Pr●lates , and such as they should admit , with any sh●re of the Government , were not so much biass'd in ●avour of the Episcopalians , as to restrain from making such Laws on that account , if there were no other reason . Pag. 91. He owns that the Author of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence has perhaps been unwary as to some Stories , which need Confirmation . Well said , Doctor , perhaps unwary , when I have made it evident from his own words that he contradicts himself ; but the Inconsistencies I charge him with , you say you have no Inc●ination to examine ; and truly I believe it , because you know they are true . And whereas you say there is not one good Consequence in my Book : pray let 's hear what you can say in your next to avoid the dint of the Consequences there deduced , and here repeated , to prove your Party in general , Liars , Persecuters , &c. But the good-natur'd Doctor being sorry that he has done us so much fa●our as to grant that his Friend was unwary as to some Stories , retracts immediately , and tells you , there are multitudes of true Stories against us of that nature , and believes that there was no Injury done us in publishing that Book . Well argued , wary Doctor ; you own that your Friend was unwary in publishing Stories which needed Confirmation , tho he delivered them all as positive Proofs , and yet say he did us no Wrong . So that I perceive , according to your Episcopal Conscience , a Breach of the Ninth Commandment is no Injury . But Doctor , seeing you have given your Friend the Lie , e'en box it among you till you box one another's Ears . But in truth , Doctor , he has no reason to be angry with you , seeing you give your self the Lie as well as him : for Pag. 91. you say that you believe the Presbyterians had no Injury done them by publishing that Book . And yet Pag. 93. you say , you do not believe those Stories of Mr. Rule publish'd in that Book ; so that the wary Doctor must either grant himself a Liar , or that to publish Lies against a Man is no Injury , which makes him a Blasphemer . Now , good Doctor , Vtrum mavis elige , take your choice . The Doctor goes on , and proves his Argument thus : The printed Accounts cited from their Books are equal to the unprinted Relations of their Sermons and Prayers : but takes no notice of the perverted Propositions and false Citations , which I have proved upon his Friend from our printed Books , nor of what I said in Mr. Rutherford's Defence , but goes on to revile him , tho his Works praise him , and make his Memory precious . Good Doctor ! remember your own beloved Apology of the Kites , Crows and Jackdaws , and pray take in the Cuckows , solemnizing a Jubilee over the dead Falcon ; and apply the other Fable to your self , that the Ass , amongst other Beasts , kick'd and insulted over the dead Lion. For sure I am , if Mr. Rutherford were alive , he would disdain to enter the Lists with such an Episcopal Hawker as you , but would content himself to say , Etiams●●tu poena ●ueras dignus , tamen ego indignus qui à te poenas sumam , which is in plain Scots , he would scorn to foul his Fingers with you . Well , the Doctor knows not whether to believe , or not believe ; and mark his Civility to Mr. Rule , for you must know he will not allow him the Title of Doctor , that 's too much for a Presbyterian : He tells you he has given you a couple of Instances of greater Ignorance and Nonsense in Mr. Rule 's Book than any that's to be found in the Scotch Eloquence ; and yet in the beginning of the 93 d Page , he tells you he does not believe the Instances in that Book against Mr. Rule ; why , good Doctor , it would seem you think them not Nonsense great enough for Mr. Rule : But should not you believe your Brother , the Author of the Presbyterian Eloquence , as well as you would have him to believe you ? Truly in his next Pamphlet he had e'en best be quit with you , and use your own words , viz. That he will not believe what you say unless he have better Authority . And last of all , Doctor , seeing you own that his Authority is not good ; pray , why are you angry with me for writing against him ? Poor Doctor ! remember that the false Witnesses against Jesus Christ could not agree in their Evidence : and seeing you and your Comrade are at giving one another the Lie , be not angry if I call you both Liars . Ibid. The Doctor tells us , that the most blasphemou● Story in the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence , can be proved by the most undeniable Evidence , particularly those against Mr. Vrqhuart and Mr. Kirton : But he would do well to remember that he himself has already belied one of his Evidence● , and we have no great reason to think that the rest are of any better Credit . But further , I am sufficiently satisfied by those who have lately made an Enquiry into the Affair , that the whole is a malicious Calumny . Well , after a little more Vomit , he tells you , That the absurd ludicrous Sect metamorphose Religion and its solemn Exercises into Theatrical Scenes . Commend me to the wary Doctor ! what , not one Page without contradicting your self , or your Brother the Author of the Presbyterian Eloquence ? He said that our Preachers were whining Fellows that drivell'd at Eyes and Mouth , and now your Doctorship tells us that they are Merry-Andrews . Well , Doctor ▪ who 's the Liar ? he says it 's you , and you say it 's he , and I say it 's both . Pag. 94. The Doctor seems content that he and his Party be reckoned Publicans and Sinners , so he can but perswade the World that we are Scribes and Pharisees . Pray , good Doctor , dignify and distinguish your self and your Party by what Title soever you please , and observe the wise Man's Rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but be charitable to your Neighbours , and before you charge us with acting Comedies , consider how you 'll reconcile your self to your Brother , Author of the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , who chose rather to represent us as personating Tragedies ; and you and he both seem so very well acquainted with the Customs of the Play-house , that you had e'en best petition their Majesties for Mumford's place , and the other ( what do you call 'em ) that 's lately dead , and then we may not only sing but swear , That the Pulpit and Stage have corrupted the Age. But one word more , Doctor , and that 's this ; Take your Brother Foster along with you , for he 'll make a special Bully , and then you may sport your selves in your Theatrical Scenes , I had almost said Obscenities , and act Comedies , Tragi-comedies and Farces altogether ; and take my word for it , you need not doubt of Visits from the same Angels and Ladies who are so kind to you now . Pag. 94. The Doctor breaths out such venomous Reflections , and so remote from Truth , that they must needs be inspired by Hell it self : so that his Doctorship may very well pass for a black Enthusiast . But it is very strange the Presbyterians should be such foolish and Cominal Preachers , as to make all Religion ridiculous , and yet be preferred by King , Parliament and Country , when the Episcopalians are rejected . Pag. 95. He comes to invalidate my Instances of the vitious Lives , and ridiculous Sayings of the Prelatical Clergy ; and truly , Doctor , I agree , that it 's neither decent nor generous to wrestle with a Scavinger , but it 's much less to attempt it and be foild . Well , Doctor , to your first Topick , that this way of Libelling is the true Characteristick of our Party . Good Sir , let 's join Hands then , for really I did not know before that yours and ours were the same ; as they must of necessity be , if Libelling be our Characteristick : for that your Party are Libellers , needs no other proof than the Catalogue in the Frontice-piece of your Apology ; The Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , your Apology it self , and the Postscript , Iam cuncti Gens una sumus ; and pray , seeing it is so , don't disturb the Repose of your Prelatical Friends at Court any more , to patch up an Union by Force or Fraud . But now I think on 't , there are a sort of Literae Mutabiles , which run from one side to another ; and I believe that 's the Reason why Characteristicks cannot be so easily distinguished ; For who can tell where to find a Man that 's sometimes a Protestant , sometimes a Papist ; turns Protestant again ; and from a Cadee , become a Curat ; then Head of a College , and at last leaves his Country for Schism and Disloyalty ? As for your Story about Spotswood , you would have done well to have cited your Author ; for since , as I told you not long ago , you gave your self the Lie , we have no reason to believe you . Moreover , it 's but very natural for a Cadee of Dunbarton's Regiment , which us'd to plunder People of their Goods , and make no scruple to rob Men of their good Names , not to be believed . For your Encomium on Arch-bishop Sharp , it 's no surprizal to me , his Villany was so universally known , that no Man but those of his Gang will defend him ; and that 's no more than Whitney , lately hang'd for Robbe●y , may expect , and without doubt has from his quondam Underlings . As for your charging the Arch-bishop's Murder on the Presbyterian Principles , 't is like your Philosophy : Mr. Shields says it , Ergo it's true . It were a sufficient Answer to tell you , another denies , Ergo it's false . And I tell you , again and again , That the Hind let loose , was never the Standard of our Principles , nor approved by our Party ; and I dare venture to say , Mr. Shields will not now own every thing in it himself : Nor is it his Disgrace , but Honour , to retract what upon second thoughts he finds will not hold . And as for your Allegiance , that there 's nothing worse in the Morals of the Iesuits : You do well to defend your Friend , but I directed you before , where you might find as bad , nay worse , among our Scots Prelatists , who gave publick Commissions to murder Men without Form of Law ; which is more than a sudden intemperate fit of Rage in a few Men , who accidentally rencountring the Prelat , who was actually pursuing them for their Live● by his booted Apostles , did inconsiderately deprive him of his . As for what I say against the Church of England , it's what many of her Sons own to be true : and whether the Passive-Obedience-Men deserve any better treatment , I refer to the incomparable Argument lately published by Mr. Iohnson . So that if there be any Incivility to the Church of England , it 's yours and not mine , for I distinguish whom I mean , and apply it to all in gross . Pag. 101. He charges me with attaquing all our Kings since the Reformation . This is unwarily argued , Doctor ; then I perceive , that according to you , King William is none of our Kings , for sure I am I do not attaque him . But your Doctorship may please to know , that I accused none of your Kings , but what the Parliaments have accused before me , and I think their Copy may be writ after : nor do I know any reason why we should be more sparing of late , than former Kings , if their Male-administrations be alike , and that it may be done with equal safety . All Histories , Sacred and Prophane , abound with the wicked Lives of Kings ; so that this Prelatical Maxim , of burying their publick Faults in Silence , never yet found , nor never will find encouragement from God or Man ; and their contrary practice flows not from Principle , but Interest : nor do they spare Kings more than others , when they thwart that ; witness Heylin's Reflections upon pious K. Edward the Sixth ; and the Carriages of the whole Party toward K. Iames , when he granted the Indulgence ; and to this we may add their continual Invectives and rebellious Practices against their present Majesties . So that they h●ve forgot the somuch wrested Text , which condemns speaking Evil of Dignities , they being the guiltiest of all Men alive in that respect , as may be demonstrated from their Clamours against all but Monarchical Government , though all Powers that be are ordained of God ; and to which according to the Divine Command , we should always chearfully submit , whether to the King as Supream , or other Governours . Magistracy in this respect being also called the Ordinance of Man ; because , though the Genus be determined by God , yet the Species is left to the determination of Men ; else were it altogether unlawful for the Subjects of Republicks to own their Governours , which no Man , sanae mentis , will affirm . And herein God has evidenced his Love to Mankind , that he hath bounded all sorts of Governments with one Commission , which is , to encourage the Good , and punish Evil-doers : So far may they go , and no further . Ibid. He says , That I charge them with such as were deposed for their Immoralities , as Dean Hamilton and Cockburn of St. Bot●ens : whereas I only charge them with having protected those Men from the Punishment due to their Impieties , and baffling their Prosecutors : So that if those Men were depos'd at last , it confirms my Charge of Injustice in the Administration , which punish'd Men for accusing those , whose Guilt at last they themselves were forced to confess . As for your Apology for Arch-bishop Paterson ; It is not much for your Credit to be Patron to a common Stallion , whom all Scotland know to be such ; and Mag Paterson ( a common Strumpet ) did own before the Lords of the Session , but a few Years ago , that she lay both with him and his Brother : and one of the greatest Ladies in Scotlaud , took him in the very Act of Villany with one of the Dutchess of York's Maids of Honour , upon the back-stairs of the Palace . The modest Doctor pretends to be very squeamish , and complains of my Obscenity , alledging , That none but a Devil can repeat , nor none but the Author invent such Instances as are there brought against the Episcopal Cle●gy . Good Sir , to use your own Expression , the paltry eruption of your Passion seems here ungovernable : If he be a Devil that repeats them , what is he that acts them ? But why must he be more a Devil that gives an account of Episcopal Debauches , than he that forges prophane Stories against the Presbyterians ? Let any unblassed Man read the Scots Presbyteri●● Eloquence , and the Answer , and certainly he must own , That if the latter was writ by a Devil , the former must be writ by a Beelzebub . Your magnifying the Arch-bishop's Merit so much , who was imprison'd for Disloyalty , shows your disaffection to the Government . Your Defence of Brown and Cant , are so like a pedantick Doctor , that they deserve no regard ; and what I write of them , are so far from being my Invention , o● , as you most learnedly word it , is the Exhalation of my most infectious Breath , that I can bring you the Authors to avow it to their Faces . Pag. 103. He says , It 's pleasant to see me accuse the Church for the Sayings of the Presbyterians : You own that those who preach'd such ridiculous things , were guilty of Blunderings after they conformed to Episcopacy . Truly , Doctor , if there were any greater Blunderers amongst them than your self , they must have been Blunderers in Folio ; for I cannot think they were guilty of a more palpable Blunder than this , to call Preachers , who comply'd with our Scots Episcopacy , Presbyterians ; for , by that same Argument , we may still call the Doctor a Papist , for such I am informed he sometimes was . As to Dr. Canaries , your Testimony is not of validity enough to clear him of that Accusation which I say still is upon Record : And suppose it true that these Presbyterian Ministers and Judicatories declared , they could make nothing of it , that will not amount to prove it false ; every one knows that Crimes of that Nature are very difficult to prove , especially when all the Parties concern'd are link'd together in Interest , and think it behoves them to retract what they formerly said , as I am very well assured by them , whose Reputation is fairer than the Doctor 's and yours both , that there is unexceptionable Evidence of the Woman's having declared the thing her self : And we have a very pregnant Instance of a Person of no mean Note , whose Accusation most in England are satisfied is true , and yet we see nothing can be made out , neither before the Judges , nor the Lords . As for your Appeal to Mr. Spalding , that he should say , nothing could be made of it , it is absolutely false ; he only said it as to the baptizing part ; which yet , as I have already hinted , is far from proving it a Lie. So that this Topick , that nothing can be made appear of it that may justify the Decrees of a Court after so many Years time , is not sufficient to acquit Dr. Canari●s . But suppose the thing to be altogether false , it argues a very great want of cleanly Men amongst the Episcopalians , th●t they should chuse such a Man for Agent , who lay under a flagrant Scandal . The Apostle's Rule is clear , that a Bishop ought to be blameless . The Doctor 's next Apology is for himself , and very angry he is that I said , [ commonly called Doctor ] which now I hope I have made him amends for . But heark you , Doctor , I had almost forgot to tell you of another Lie you have given your self , and your Brother-Libellers , the Authors of the Scotch Eloquence : for you all said , Nemine contradicent● before , that the Presbyterians were a proud , sowre , unconversible Tribe , and that there was nothing like Justice among them ; and now you own that the Presbyterian Privy-Council , and a Presbyterian Synod , treated Dr. Canaries with special Honour , acquitted him , and reproved his Accusers . Really Doctor , this is somewhat odd : Can any good thing come out of Nazareth ? Is it possible , that notwithstanding of all your Clamours , that you have at last drop'd out a Commendation of their honourable Procedure ? Truly , Doctor , this is not warily done , pray reconcile this with what you advanced before , that we had no Injury done us in the former Book , tho therein we were said to be Enemies to all good Morals ? But , Doctor , I beg your Pardon , perhaps you intend our Civility to Dr. Canaries as a Proof of it ; for truly he was accused for no good Morals . Well , but what did I say of Dr. M — o ? truly that it 's well known he rid in the Pope's Guards , and the Doctor denies it , and says it 's known to none but Presbyterians , who can discover Plots in the Moon . Doctor , I wish it were as sure that there are none in your Prelatical Church . But give me leave , Doctor , this impudent hint of denying the late Prelatical Plots against the Government , shews you have need of a better Purgation from the Charge that you rode in the Pope's Guards than you own : For really , if that were as true , as that there have been and are Plots amongst the Prelatists , it 's true enough . But to satisfy your Doctorship that it 's none of my Invention , I tell you truly that I can bring you twenty who heard it of you before ever your Eloquence or my Answer was publish'd ; and if our Friends make use of Stories now and then which want Confirmation , it 's no more than what you accused your Brethren of just now , then Veniam damus petimusque vicissim . And indeed , Doctor , to be serious with you , I wish that the Falshoods which have been mutually charged on one another , may oblige both to be more tender of publishing Reports upon trust ; but seeing you are the first Aggressors , blame your self for the Consequences ; and I think that your Doctorship particularly ought to have been a little tenderer of justifying such self-Contradictions as the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , seeing I understand that when you were your self Parson in — you were your self accused of Villany with a Woman among the Corn ; truly , or otherwise , is not mine to determine : But seeing you publish'd random Reports against us , we cannot be blamed to answer with what we have heard concerning you ; and truly , Doctor , I am so far from being guilty of Forgery , with which you charge me so often , that were I to speak my last , I can freely declare , that I do not know one Syllable of what I write to be false , tho I know a great deal of it to be true , yet I never avouch'd all those Instances of the Follies and Vices of your Clergy as undeniable Truths , as you and your vapouring Brethren did yours in the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . For I scarce think it possible that at such a distance , so many Stories can be transmitted on such a Subject , and in so great haste , without Mistakes : And yet I think there is no such great odds betwixt riding in the Pope's Guards , and being a Cadee in Dumbarton's Reglment which guarded Popery , and contributed so much to enslave Europe : so that it was but an auspicious Omen of being a good Country-man , much less a pious Protestant Preacher , to be a Volunteer in that Regiment ; not that I would detract from the Honour of their gallant Colonel , who tho he was so unhappy as to be a Papist , yet did truly inherit the Noble Soul of his Family . Nor yet would I derogate from the Valour of that Regiment , but I think these Nations are pretty well satisfied how little we are obliged to them either for our Civil or Religious Liberty : And I make bold to say it , they are as little obliged to their Cadee . The feeble Defence which in the next place you make for Gray , Hendry , Hannan , &c. deserves no Thanks from them , nor Answer from me ; and for your abominable Charge of a prostituted Conscience , lodg your Accusation nearer home ; and tho you have prostituted yours to Churches and Princes who drive distinct Interests , I never did so with mine . And to conclude with your pitiful Reserve to prove me a Liar , because in the Title Page it 's said , Printed by Tho. Anderson near Charing-Cross , 1693. It shews your Cause was sinking , when you lay hold on the first thing comes to hand ; but to satisfy you further , I tell you 't is no Lie , and charge you upon Credit to prove it one , for affirmanti incumbit probatio . You have not scribled so much , but you must know that Booksellers often put the Date of the following Year to Books printed in Michaelmas Term , which was the only apparent Falsity ; and for the rest it surpasses your Skill to prove it a Lie. Instances on Record of the notorious Cruelty and Injustice used in the time of the late Prelatical Administrations in the Courts of Iudicature against the Presbyterians , in the Persons of Sir Hugh and Sir Geo. Campbel , and the La●rd of Blackwood . AS for the Morality and Vertue of the surviving grand Patron of the Faction , and their lately deceased invincible Champion , Sir George Mackenzy , this following Instance will set it in its true Light. Q — ry , tho Douglas by Sirname , yet envying the Marquiss of Douglas , the Chief of the Family , whom he hath a Pique against , for refusing to take the Cross-bar out of his Arms , designed to revenge himself on his chief Chamberlain , or Steward , the Laird of Blackwood , a pious and worthy Gentleman , by whose Care the Marquiss's Estate is frugally managed , and that illustrious Family chiefly enabled to maintain it self in what remains of its ancient Splendor . Q — ry , and Sir George , not knowing which way to reach this Gentleman , did on purpose procu●e an Act to make Converse with such as they were pleased to call Rebels , or Convers● with any that had Converse with them , HIGH TREASON . The Marquiss having good part of his Estate about Douglas in the West , where a great many of his Tenants were concerned in the Insurrection at Bothwell-Bridg ; they thought that Blackwood must unavoidably converse with some of them upon the Marquiss's account , and so of necessity be catch'd ; hereupon they indicted him , and found it a hard matter however to prove any such thing upon him . But getting notice that there was one Mr. Wilson , an Inhabitant of Douglas , a Man of considerable dealing with many of the Noblemens Chamberlains of the West , that had also dealt with Blackwood ; and the said Wilson was reputed a grand Rebel , because one of those who had been forc'd to take Arms by the Tyranny of the then Government . They set a great many of their Implements at work to take him , which was no hard matter to effect , because he frequented most Markets in that part of the Country , and was often at Edinburgh ; so having taken him , they brought him to Sir George Mackenzy , who threatned him terribly , and accused him with abundance of Rebellious Practices , which had rendred him obnoxious to the Law , and liable to Death ; and having , as he thought , allarm'd him sufficiently ; then he begun to ●latter him , that he should not only have a Remission , but also a Reward , if he would give Evidence that he had conversed with Blackwood , whom they had then in Custody , and under Process , which he altogether re●used . However , Intercession being made to Sir George on Mr. Wilson's account ; and some undertaking to perswade him to a Compliance , he admitted him to Bail , to appear such a certain day . Q — ry having notice that Sir George had let Mr. Wilson go , was so enraged at the Disappointment of swallowing Blackwood's Estate , that being then in ● great Power , he swore , that if Sir G●orge did not get Wilson again to hang Blackwood , he should hang for him , because he himself had conversed with Wilson , a Rebel , and let him go . Sir George being thus circumstantiated , sent in quest of Mr. Wilson before his day , but he could not be found . However , they proceed to Trial , and , which was easy for them to effectuate , who were so dexterous at suborning of Witnesses and packing Juries , got Blackwood condemned , which his Advocates ( or Counsel ) particularly Sir George Lockhart , were so angry at , that they offered publickly in Court to prove Sir George to be as guilty as he , viz. in conversing with Mr. Wilson , who not being able to deny , tho fain he would , he confessed it , and told them that he would go to his Majesty and get a Remission : Whereupon all cry'd out Shame upon him ! to prosecute a Gentleman to Death , for that whereof he was guilty himself . And Blackwood's Counsel insisted that he ought to have the Benefit of a Remission also . Notwithstanding , Q — ry and Sir George hurried on toward Execution , nor could they allow the Gentleman time to prepare for Eternity , but call'd for his Accounts of the Marquiss's Estate , which the Noblemen and others appointed to take , finding so just , and seeing the Gentleman so grave and composed , they became Intercessors for a Remission , which was obtain'd , and the Greed and Malice of his Enemies frustrated . However , we see by this Instance the Vertue , Religion and Morality of the grand Pillars of our Scots Prelacy , which our Pamphleteers do so much boast of . But this following Instance will yet add a new Varnish to their illustrious and refulgent Vertues . The barbarous Prelatical Persecution , together with that unheard-of way of proceeding against Blackwood , having alarm'd Sir Hugh and Sir George Campbel of Cesnock , with other Gentlemen who were Presbyterians , or favourers of them , although they knew themselves Innocent , yet thinking it not safe to stay in the Kingdom , where Sir George Mackenzie could stretch the Law , and make it reach the Life and Estate of whomsoever he would , they came for London , with a design to represent their Grievances to K. Charles the Second : But that same Hand which persecuted the Presbyterians in Scotland , falling upon the Dissenters and moderate Church-men in England ; those Gentlemen happened to come hither when the Earl of Essex , my Lord Russel , &c. were committed on pretence of a Plot ; and Scots-men , because oppressed , being generally look'd upon as Disatisfied , the said Sir Hugh and Sir George Campbel , were illegally taken up , without a Warrant ; and having been divers times examined by the King and Council , there could not the least ground of Suspicion be found against them , saving what Atterbury the Messenger did falsly Swear : And being made sensible of his Perjury by the said Gentlemen , he told them , that his Oath could not harm them . Which my Lord Melford and Sir George Mackenzie being aware of , they went to the Duke of York . And my Lord having a Prospect of the Gentlemens Estates , they dealt with the Duke to procure a Warrant from the King to send them for Scotland , where they would do their Business . This was quickly granted ; and then Sir George set about suborning of Witnesses against them ; and the Evidence was managed and instructed by Sir W. Wallace of Craigy , my Lord Melford's Brother-in-Law ; Hugh Wallace of Garits , Chamberlain ( or Steward ) to the said Sir William ; and Hugh Wallace of Ingilston . The Evidence being prepared , Sir Hugh Campbel was brought upon his Trial , before the Earl of Perth then Lord-Justice General , ( or Lord-Chief-Justice ) of Scotland , who was very eager in the Prosecution ; and having pick'd a Jury for the purpose , they proceeded to call the Evidence , viz. Tho. Ingram , Tenant to Hugh Wallace of Borland , Cousin to Sir William Wallace the Suborner ; Daniel Crawford , and one Fergusson . The Earl of Perth having , according to Form , administred the Oath to the Witnesses , which is always done with much Solemnity and Gravity in Scotland , their Consciences began to rebound ; and upon Examination , they solemnly declared that they knew nothing against Sir Hugh Campbel . Which s●ruck Sir Geo. Mackenzie and the Court with Confusion ; and all the Spectator● shouted for Joy , crying out , That it was the Hand of God. Wher●at Sir George Mackenzie being enraged , bellow'd out , That he never heard of such a Protestant Roar , but at the Trial of the Rebel Shaftsbury . However , the Jury being shut up , return'd in a little time , and brought the Prisoner in , Not Guilty . His Council pleaded , That according to Law he might be discharged at the Bar : Which my Lord-Chief-Justice and Sir George Mackenzie refused , the latter being the King's Advocate , or Attorney-General ; and alledging , that he should find both Sir Hugh the Father , and Sir George the Son , guilty of High-Treason in England . Whereupon Sir Hugh was remanded to Prison , and an Indictment exhibited against both Father and Son , to appear before the Parliament ; wherein the Duke of Queensbury was to be Commissioner , who was as zealous for pursuing the Prisoners as any . The next Thing which the Prosecutors took in hand , was , to bring down some of the English Evidence , who pretended to discover the Plot at London ; and accordingly they were sent down in one of the King's Yachts . And by the Artifice of the Prosecutors brought into the Company of the Prisoners , who neither knew them nor their Design . The Evidence being examined before the Secret Council , and not being able to say any thing against the two Gentlemen , they were sent for London again in the Yacht . After this the Duke of Queensbury , Earl of Perth , Sir George Mackenzie , and others of the Faction , tampered with the Prisoners own Counsel , to advise them to cast themselves upon the King's Mercy , using for Argument , That the Parliament would condemn them , though Innocent ; and that they knew there was no Appeal from their Sentence : and therefore if they would cast themselves on the King's Mercy , they would be sure to procure a Remission , and a good part of their Estate . But Sir George Campbel absolutely refused to cast himself on the Mercy of either King or Parliament , because he knew it was sought for only to be an Evidence of a Plot , whereof they were altogether Innocent . After which they separated Sir George from his Father , and shut him up without Pen , Ink , or Paper ; and so kept him in close Prison for ten Days : But finding they could not prevail , they dealt with his Father to perswade him ; and so returned him again to his Father's Room ; where being continually dealt with , by Persons of Quality , who were loth to see the Family ruin'd , and did urge , that he would certainly bring his Father , and himself both , to the Block ; he answered , That he was willing to sacrifice his own Life , so his Father might be preserv'd . And finding that that could not be done , without casting himself on the King's Mercy , he was prevail'd with to do it . And though their Lives were saved , yet most , if not all their Estates were ●eised . I cannot omit one Particular more , viz. That the said Sir G. Ma●kenzie having a mind to ing●atiate himself with the said Gentleman since the Revolution , he did seriously tell him , that he swore the Evidence three times ( on their Knees ) in his Chamber , that they should Swear what they were taught against his Father ; and hop'd God would forgive him . Now I appeal to the Reader , whether ever a Piece of blacker Injustice was transacted , for the Kind , on this side Hell ; and whether our Prelatical Adversaries have reason to boast of those Mens Vertue , Worth , and Piety , who were principally concerned ? And whether any Credit can be deservedly given to Sir George Mackenzie's Relation of Matters of Fact , from which he deduces Arguments to justify the Severity of the late Reigns against us , wherein he himself was the Prosecutor , and so deeply engaged , as appears by his own Confession . Now , I say , whether his Defence of Charles the Second's Government , writ since the Acknowledgment aforesaid ; or the Parliament of Scotland , who in their Claim of Right complain of those things which he defends , ought to be best believ'd , let those who are unbyass'd judg . And seeing those two Instances of his notorious Injustice are Matters of Record , let the Reader bear Witness if I have not fairly disarm'd the Scots Prelatical Party of their best Weapon ; seeing to all which was told them of their barbarity to the Presbyterians , they constantly oppos'd Sir George Mackenzies Defence , as a Buckler that could not be pierced . I have but one word more , and then I have done : I would have any moderate Church-of - England-man , answer from his Conscience , Whether he thinks those of his Communion were faithful to his Majesty , who constantly sollicited him , till he was prevailed with , to imploy some of those principally concern'd in the black Acts of Injustice above-mention'd , in the chief Places of the Government in Scotland ; being moreover of the number of those Evil Counsellors whom he declared against at his first coming over . And seeing his Majesty , who has been but a little while among us , and often called Abroad , must needs in a great measure be a Stranger to Men and Things : May the Great God of Heaven preserve his Person and Government , from such dangerous Enemies as thus impose upon him , out of a pretended Zeal for the Church of England ; and in the mean time they have no reason to be offended at us and our Parliament , if we witness as much true Zeal for the Church of Scotland . Proofs of the Moderation of the Scots Presbyterians towards the Episcopal Party , from the Acts of the General Assembly held in the Year 1690. THat the World may be satisfied of the Moderation of the Presbyterians , and how little reason the Doctor has to charge the Cameronian Principles upon them in general , I thought sit to exhibit in the Words of the General Assembly , held in An. 1690 , what they express concerning the large Paper given into them by Mr. Line●ing , Mr. Shields , and Mr. Boyd , called Cameronian Preachers ; and the Substance of their Acts any way relating to the Episcopal Clergy . As to the first they enacted , That it contained several peremptory and gross Mistakes , unseasonable and impracticable Proposals , uncharitable and injurious Reflections , tending rather to kindle Contentions , than compose Divisions ; and therefore the said Paper was denied reading . And yet what is so heavily charged in that Paper , is far short of those Principles which the disingenuous Doctor will needs fasten upon the Presbyterians in cumul● . And as to the Episcopal Clergy , read what ●ollows . By their Act of Oct. 28. they recommend to the Presbytery , to take notice of all Ministers within their Bounds , the late CONFORMIST Incumbents or OTHERS , who shall not observe Fasts and Thanksgivings , indicted by the Church , or shall be guilty of any other irregular Carriage , &c. So that they are no severer upon the Episcopal Clergy , than their own , for all the Clamours of the malicious Faction . ●●●hat of 29 they enact , That all such who shall be received into Communion with them in Church-Government , be obliged to subscribe the Confession of Faith , ratified in the second Session of the Parliament . There it 's plain that they arrogate no more Power than what is given them by Law ; and it 's obvious , that by this Act , they neither exclude the Prelatists ab officio , nor beneficio : So that the Church-of - England-Men have no reason to complain , that their Brethren are severely treated , for they have made no such steps towards a Comprehension with the English Dissenters , though his Majesty desired it . And yet what a racket do they keep , because the Scots Episcopal Clergy are only denied a share in the Government of the Church , which they designedly seek that they may undermine it , and are not ashamed to own it . In their Letter to his Majesty , Novemb. 13. 1690. at the Close of that Assembly , they acquaint him with the Instructions which they had given to those appointed for Vi●itation , concerning the Conformists , viz. That none of them shall be removed from their Places , but such as are either Insufficient , Scandalous , Erroneous , or supinely negligent ; and that those of them be admitted to Ministerial Communion , who upon due trial shall be found Orthodox , Able , Godly , Peaceable and Loyal ; and that such who shall be found to have received Wrong in any Inferior Judicatory of the Church , should be duly redressed . Yet what Clamour , what Lies , what Obloquy and Reproach have the poor Presbyterians of Scotland been loaded with , in blasphemous and virulent Pamphlets , publish'd in London by Hindmarsh , the late King's Bookseller , and promoted and disseminated by that ungovernable Faction . And what a clutter did the high-●lown Courtiers keep about the Scots General-Assembly ; how industrious to misrepresent them to the King ; and how restless , till they had them dissolved , contrary to the Laws , and at such a time as we were threatned with a Rebellion at Home , and an Invasion from Abroad ; that so his Majesty having disobliged his only Friends in Scotland , might be totally deprived of any Assistance from thence : but , blessed be God , who disappointed their Designs : And I hope , that moderate and truly Religious Church-of - England-Men , will henceforth be more cautious in listening to the Calumnies of our Episcopal Clergy , when they consider the Moderation of the above-mentioned Acts of the Presbyterian General-Assembly ; which they have no reason to think of such dangerous Consequence as our Pamphleteers would have them believe ; and as D — M — ro , in his Papers lately seized by Authority , would have further insinuated . And that they may have yet a further proof of their Moderation , I would pray them to read the seventh Instruction given by the said Assembly , to the Commissioners appointed for Visitation , viz. That they be very cautious of receiving Informations against the late Conformists , and that they proceed in the matter of Censure very deliberately , so as none may have just cause to complain of their Rigidity ; yet so as to omit no means of Information , and that they shall not proceed to Censure , but upon sufficient Probation . And that the World may be farther satisfied in their Impartiality , in the fourth Instruction they declared that the Power of the Visiters shall reach Presbyterians as well as others : and in the second Instruction , they gave them Power to stop the precipitant or unwarrantable Procedure of Presbyteries in Processes . If any Proceedings can be more mild or regular , let the World judg : So that whether Dr. M — ● and his Fellow Libellers , who impudently assert , that there is nothing like Order , Moderation , or Justice among the Presbyterians , be Liars or not , let these Acts determine . And if there were no other thing to stop the Mouths of all Cavillars , the Assembly's Declaration , That they would depose no Incumbents simply for their Iudgment concerning Church-Government , nor yet urge Reordination upon them , were sufficient ; and if there be any Ingenuity in the Church-of - England-Men , it may for ever silence them as to their Complaints against our Administration , seeing those of their Communion have been , and continue still to be so much guilty of a contrary Practice towards Dissenters . And further , this Assembly , whom they branded as void of all Moderation or Humanity , made an Act in favour of Mr. Couper , Curat of Humby , and recommended Mr. Cameron , one of the late Conformists , to the Privy-Council for Charity , which is more than ever was done by any Episcopal Assembly in favour of Presbyterian Ministers . Having proved the Falshood of the Episcopal Calumnies against our Church as void of Moderation , it remains that I do the same as to the State ; and tho it be already sufficiently done in my first Answer , it will not be amiss to insist on it in this : And because contraria juxta se posita magis ●lucescunt , I shall exhibit a short Epitome of their Acts of Parliament against us in the two last Reigns , and of ours against them in this , that the World may see on whose side Justice and Moderation lies . Acts of Parliament by Charles the Second , and James the Seventh , against the Presbyterian Government , and Prebyterians in Scotland . PArl. 1. Session 1. Car. II. They enacted the Oath of Allegiance , asserting the King to be the only Supream Governour over all Persons , and in all Causes ; and obliging the Takers to the utmost of their Power to defend , assist and maintain his Majesty's said Jurisdiction against all Persons whatsoever , and that they should never decline his Power and Jurisdiction . Parl. 1. Sess. 1. Act 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 11. An Acknowledgment of the King 's vast and unlimited-Prerogative was enjoin'd to be subscribed by all in publick Trust over and above the Oath of Allegiance . Octob. 1662. The Council , not Parliament , turn'd out 300 Ministers without Citation or Hearing . Parl. 1. Sess. 1. Act 7. Sess. 2. Act 2. They enacted , That the National Covenant , and Solemn League and Covenant , should have no Obligation ; and ordered them to be burnt by the Hand of the Hangman . Sess. 2. Act 3. They restored Patronages . Sess. 1. Act 4. Enacted , That none be Masters in any University , except they take the Oath of Allegiance , and own Prelacy ; and none should be School-master , Tutor , or Pedagogue to Children without a Prelate's Licence . Sess. 2. Act 5. and Sess. 2. Act 3. Enacted , That all in publick Trust or Office renounce and abjure the Covenant on pain of losing their Places , and Privilege of Trading . Sess. 2. Act 2. Enacted , That all Petitions , Writing , Printing , Remonstrating , Praying or Preaching , shewing any dislike of the King 's absolute Prerogative , and Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastick , or Episcopacy , be punished as seditious : And that no Meetings be kept in private Houses . Sess. 3. Act 2. Enacted , That all Non-conformed Ministers that presume to exercise their Ministry , shall be punish'd as seditious Persons . And that all Persons in acknowledgment of his Majesty's Government Ecclesiastical attend the Sermons of the Curats : Noblemen and Gentlemen refusing , to lose a fourth of their Rents ; Burgesses their Freedom , and a fourth part of their Movables ; and Yeomen the fourth of their Movables , and others 20 ● . a time , leaving the Council at liberty to in●●ict further Punishments , that if there were three above the Family at Preaching or Prayer , it should be esteemed a Conventicle ; and commanding Lords of Mannors , Masters of Families , and Magistrates of Buroughs to cause all under their Charge to come to Church . And for putting these Laws in Execution , a High-Commission-Court was erected by the King , contrary to Act 13. Parl. 10. Iac. 6. with Power to examine upon Oath de super inquirendis . Parl. 2. Act 1. Lauder da●e Commissioner , Enacted , That by virtue of the Supremacy , the ordering of the Government of the Church doth proper●y ●elong to his Majesty and Successors , as an inherent Right to the Crown ; and that he may enact and emit such Constitutions , Acts and Orders concerning Church-Administrations , Persons , Meetings and Matters , as he in his Royal Wisdom shall think fit ; which Acts , &c. are to be obeyed by all Subjects , any Law , Act or Custom to the contrary notwithstanding . Sess. 2. Parl. 2. Enacted , That all who should be required do depone upon Oath their Knowledg of all Meetings , or Persons at them , on pain of Fining , Imprisonment , Banishment or Transportation . Act 5. Enacted , That all outed Ministers found preaching or praying in any House but their own Family , be imprisoned till they ●ind Bond for 5000 Marks , not to do the like again . Every Hearer , toties quoties , 25 ● . if a Tenant , and 12 ● . if a Sub-Tenant . And that all who preach in the Field , or in a House , if any of the People are without Doors , shall be punished with Death ; and those who can seize and secure any such Minister dead or alive , shall have 500 Marks Reward . The Magistrates of Burghs to be sin'd at the Council's Pleasure for any Conventicles held in their Burghs , and they to be reimburs'd from the Landlord of the House : And Men to be ●in'd if their Wives and Children went to Meetings . Act 6. Imposed Fines from 100 ● . to 20 l. Sterling a time , on such as had their Children baptized at such Meetings ; and Servants to be ●ined in half their Wages . Act 11. Sess. 3. The same Fines were imposed upon them who should keep their Children un-baptized for thirty days . And by Act 7. that same Session , they enacted 〈◊〉 Fines on ●uch as absented from Church for three days together . Act 9. Sess. 3. They declared all Ordination since 1661. which had not been by Bishops , to be invalid . In 1678 , a Convention of States held by Lauderdale , laid on a Tax to levy Forces for suppressing Field-Meetings , which was afterwards continued by the Parliaments held by the Dukes of York and Queensberry . In 1681 , the D. of York being Commissioner , without taking the Oaths appointed by Law , and against Acts which rendred Papists incapable , they doubled the Fines for Field-Conventicles ; and ordered Gentlemen to put away their Tenants , and Masters of Families their Servants , or sub-Tenants , without Warning , if they went to Meetings . Act 18. They enacted , That all Jurisdiction doth so reside in his Majesty , that he may by Himself or Commissioners take Cognizance of , and decide any Cases or Causes which he pleased . Act 6 , and 25. They imposed on all a self-contradictory Test , which obliged them to stand by the Confession of Faith recorded in Parl. 1. Iac. 6. which disown'd the Supremacy , and own'd the Lawfulnes● of Defensive Arms , tho the contrary to both were sworn in the Test without so much as a non obstante . Parl. 1. Iac. 7. D. of Queensberry Commissioner , Act 3. allowing Prisoners indicted for High-Treason to be summon'd to make their Defence in 24 hours time . Act 4. That such as being cited for Witnesses in cases of Treason or Conventicles , and refused to depone , should be liable to be puni●hed as guilty of the ●ame Crimes . Act 5. That giving or taking the National , or Solemn League and Covenant , or owning them obligatory , should be High-Treason . Act 7. Making the Concealment of any Supply given to forfeited Persons , tho the nearest Relations , Treason . Act 8. That all who preach at House or Field-Conventicles , or such as hear at Field-Conventicles , should be punished by Death and Confiscation . Act 13. Re-injoining , and further extending the Imposition of the Test. Act 23. Making the refusing the Oath of Abjuration , High-Treason . Act 24. Ordering all Lords of Mannors , &c. to insert a Clause in all Leases to their Tenants , obliging them and their Families to Conformity under exorbitant Penalties . Act 25. Ordering the Cameronians to be pursued , and those who neglected it to be reputed equally guilty . Acts of Parliament by King William and Queen Mary against Episcopacy in Scotland . PArl. 1. W. M. They enacted the Oath of Allegiance thus . I , A. B. do sincerely promise and swear , that I will be faithful , and bear true Allegiance to their Majesties K. William and Q. Mary . Iuly 22 , 1689. Act against Prelacy , as a great and insupportable Grievance to the Nation . Sess. 2. Act 2. For restoring Presbyterian Ministers , ordering them to have immediate Access to their own Churches , if vacant , and to have the whole Year's Stipend ; but if there be an Incumbent in their Churches , he shall have right to the half Year's Stipend . Act 5. Ratifying the Confession of Faith and Presbyterian Government , as most agreeable to the Word of God , and most conducive to the Advancement of Piety and true Godliness , and establishing the Peace of the Realm , being received by the general Consent of the Nation to be the only Government in the 114 Act Iac. 6. Parl. 12. An. 1592. Setling the Government of the Church on Presbyterian Ministers outed since Ian. 1661. and such as they have received or shall receive . Taking notice that many of the Epis●opal Ministers had deserted their Flocks , and others were depriv'd for not reading the Proclamation , and not praying for the King and Queen . I●id . They authorize the Presbyterian Ministers to appoint Visitors , and purge out scandalous and in sufficient Ministers , and order those who are contumacious , and proven guilty , to be suspended and deprived . Act 14. Impowering the Council to tender the Oath of Allegiance to suspected Persons , or to secure them who shall be informed against on probable grounds , and to ●ine such as refuse in a fifth of their Estate , and not to exceed one or two Year's Rent of them who are Landed-Men . Act 17. About visiting Universities , appointing Professors in the Faculties to take the Oath of Allegiance , and submit to the Government of the Church . Act 35. Against such Ministers as being deprived for not praying for their Majesties , do preach and pray elsewhere , and diffuse the Poison of their Disaffection , forbidding them to exercise any part of their Ministerial Function on any pretence whatsoever , until they swear Allegiance , engage to pray for King William and Queen Mary , and disown King Iames ; or to be proceeded against as disaffected . Act 23. Concerning Patronages : The Freeholders and Elders of the Parish , being Protestants , are to have the 〈◊〉 of the Minister : if the Parish disapprove him , their Reasons are to be judged by the Presbytery ; and if the Freeholders and Elders do not apply to the Presbytery for calling and choosing a Minister in six Months , the full Power to be in the Presbytery , tanquam jure devoluto . And the same Act orders a Compensation to the Patrons for their Right of Presentation . Act 38. For securing their Majesties Government , obliging all Persons who in Law are obliged to swear , to own their Majesties as King and Queen de jure , as well as de facto , and defend their Title against King Iames , &c. the Refusers to be reputed disaffected , deprived of their Offices , and be obliged to give Security for their Good-Behaviour , as the Government shall think fit , providing it extend no further than Bond , Caution , or personal Imprisonment , securing of Horse , Arms , or putting Garisons in their Houses . There is also an Act , but what Number or Session I cannot tell , ( being where I cannot get a sight of the Acts ) abolishing the King's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs ; for which we are mightily reproached by our Enemies , who do not consider what has been writ unanswerably by Mr. Gillespy in his Aaron's Rod blossoming , and other Books , against it . I confess my self but a mee● Laick , and not skill'd in Controversies , having never made them my Study , any farther than to satisfy my self , that I did not give blind Obedience . But the Scripture telling us , that Christ is Head of his Church , and that other Foundations can no Man lay , than what is already laid on the Prophets and Apostles : and Common Reason must needs inform me , that for any Man , or Party of Men , to take upon them any other than a Declarative Power in Church-Matters , and that according to the Word of God , must needs be an invading of Christ's Prerogative . And seeing he himself declar'd , that his Kingdom is not of this World , that it should be govern'd by Worldly Monarchs , is humano capiti cervicem jungere equinam . And I cannot but wonder , that the Church of England ●s late Experience should not convince them of the Unreasonableness of this Doctrine : For I believe they were sensible under the late King , that a Popish Head was altogether inconsistent with the Safety of a Protestant Church . And I am confident the Christians in Turky never dream'd that the Grand Signior was the Head of the Christian Church : and this being a Demonstration that it cannot belong to the Chief Magistrate , as such , he can lay claim to it no other way . Especially , if we consider that the Church , as in Acts 15. did meet and declare the Mind of God in Church-Matters , without either the Call or Consent of the Heathen 〈…〉 and we have never yet had any Divine Revelation to recal it . Then as for abolishing Patronages , which occasions a further Clamour : It 's plain that the Parliament have made a very rational Act on that Head ; and it 's but equal that every one who has a Soul , and evidences any real Concern about it , should have a Vote in choosing his Minister , and not wholly rely on the Choice of a Patron , who perhaps is so wicked , that he takes no care of his own , and is very unfit to choose a Minister for the Souls of a whole Parish . And as for the other Acts , they are so plain , that any who will but take care to compare them with those of the late Reigns , if they be not blinded , as our Doctor was , with the Indecencies of Passion , we dare refer to them which are the most moderate ; or , whether the Scots Prelatists be not guilty of an audacious Lie , in asserting , that they are more severely treated than ever we were ? And I would pray the Reader to take this along with him ; That their Laws , tho barbarous to a Prodigy in themselves , were yet more barbarously put in Execution beyond their Extent : and that our Laws , tho moderate in themselves , are yet more moderately put in Execution . Yea , and besides those Acts of Parliament , their Council took upon them a Parliamentary Power , and made Acts more bloody than those of their Parliaments , enabling Souldiers to examine any Man they met , and to kill him without any further Trial , if he did not give them satisfying Answers to their Questions ; of which any that pleases may be fully satisfied in my first Answer . I had almost omitted taking notice of one remarkable thing which past in the Convention of States after the Revolution . They declared themselves a free and lawful Meeting , whatever might be contain'd in the Letter from Iames the VIIth to dissolve them , or impede their Procedure ; in which Archbishop Paterson and six other Bishops , and the Viscount of Dundee concurr'd . Now if this was not a manifest disowning of K. Iames's Authority , let any Man judg ; and yet these Men did afterwards exclaim against the Convention and Parliament as unlawfully called , because wanting K. Iames's Authority , and opposed K. William's coming to the Crown . So that it 's evident , our Scots Episcopalians are Men of the same Kidney with those Jacobite Bishops in England , who join'd in sending for the Prince of Orange , and yet afterwards turn'd his Enemies out of a pretended Loyalty to K. Iames. The Faction have lately drawn up and dispersed amongst their Friends a sort of Manifesto from those of the Episcopal Perswasion in the North of Scotland , full of Invectives against the Government , which , together with other Monuments of their Rebellious Temper , &c. against their present Majesties , may perhaps in a little 〈◊〉 see the Light. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57284-e180 a K. James's Proclamation . b Act of Supremacy . c Act for f●riot Confor●i●y . d By frequent making them Garisons . e Extorting your Thoughts by Torture , and then hanging you for them . 
A57288	----	The Scots episcopal innocence, or, The juggling of that party with the late King, His present Majesty, the Church of England, and the Church of Scotland demonstrated together with a catalogue of the Scots Episcopal clergy turn'd out for their disloyalty ... since the revolution : and a postscript with reflections on a late malicious pamphlet entituled The spirit of malice and slander ... / by Will. Laick. Ridpath, George, d. 1726. 1694 Approx. 182 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57288 Wing R1465 ESTC R28104 10409762 ocm 10409762 44964 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57288) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44964) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1389:5) The Scots episcopal innocence, or, The juggling of that party with the late King, His present Majesty, the Church of England, and the Church of Scotland demonstrated together with a catalogue of the Scots Episcopal clergy turn'd out for their disloyalty ... since the revolution : and a postscript with reflections on a late malicious pamphlet entituled The spirit of malice and slander ... / by Will. Laick. Ridpath, George, d. 1726. ii, 68 p. [s.n.], London : 1694. Attributed to George Ridpath--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? -- Spirit of calumny and slander examin'd. Church of Scotland -- Establishment and disestablishment. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Scots Episcopal Innocence : OR , The Juggling of that Party with the late King , his present Majesty , the Church of England , and the Church of Scotland , demonstrated . Together with a Catalogue of the Scots Episcopal Clergy turn'd out for their Disloyalty , and other Enormities , since the Revolution . And a Postscript , with Reflections on a late malicious Pamphlet , entituled , The Spirit of Malice and Slander . Particularly addressed to Dr. Monroe , and his Journeymen , Mr. Simon Wild , Mr. Andrew Iohnston , &c. near Thieving-lane , Westminster . Rampantur & Ilia Codri . By WILL. LAICK . Impavidum feriunt Ruinae . London , Printed in the Year , 1694. To the Right Honourable and Right Reverend , the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland . Right Honourable , Reverend , and Worthy ; IT is not from any Opinion that the Author has of himself , or what he can do , that he presumes upon such a Dedication ; but only as a true Son of the Church of Scotland , he finds himself oblig'd to espouse her Cause , and obviate the false Calumnies which those of our own Nation do so industriously spread Abroad ; not only to the Disparagement of your Government and Discipline , but even of your Doctrine and Morals : And therefore he begs , that what is well design'd , may not be ill taken , but that you would be pleased to accept of these weak Indeavours , as a Testimony of his Zeal and Affection for his Mother-Church , with that same Benignity that that Great Prince accepted of the poor Man's handful of Water which was offered him , amongst a Crowd of more valuable Presents . He is sensible , that neither the Matter nor the Manner deserve the Patronage of such a grave Assembly , but he hopes that you may thence be convinc'd , of the Necessity there is , that you should take such Measures as your Wisdom shall suggest , to provide Antidotes for those poysonous Libels which fly abroad here against you , in such Numbers , by the United Endeavours of your Enemies . You cannot readily imagine how much you lose by a Neglect herein , and it 's not easy to express the Grief of your Well-wishers , to hear the Church of Scotland made the Song of the Drunkard ; and the Ridiculous blasphemous Stories printed here against Her , to be the common Entertainment of Debauchees , who triumph in all publick Places over your silence . May the great Shepherd of his Church , whose Servants you are , inspire you with such Counsels , that as the Church of Scotland had formerly Nomen inter caeteras Celebre , upon the Account of her singular Unity ; She may also be famous in Time to come , clear as the Sun , fair as the Moon , and terrible like an Army with Banners , to the Conviction of all those who oppose her , upon the Account of the Purity of her Doctrine , and Strictness of her Discipline . And blessed be God , who has not left her without this Testimony , that her greatest and most avow'd Enemies are generally the most Vicious and debauch'd , and visibly embark'd with an Interest altogether destructive to the Protestant Religion , and the common Liberties of Europe . The Scots Episcopal Innocence , &c. PART I. IT being undoubtedly his Majesty's Design , as well as Interest , to manifest a fatherly Concern for the Welfare of all his Subjects in General , it 's unaccountable that there should not be found a sutable Disposition in them to concur with his Royal Intentions , and be ambitious to out-do one another in their returns of Love and Zeal for his generous and impartial Administration ; by which , like the Sun , he dispenses the Rays of his benign Influence towards all Men , whereof his admirable Temperament towards his Church of England , and Dissenting Subjects ; are undeniable Demonstrations ; and do so clearly evince that Justice and Equability have the Ascendent in his Soul , that it can be hid from none but those whose Interest and Passion blind their Eyes : But my Thoughts being at present confin'd to his Government in Scotland , I shall endeavour to keep within my Limits , though I must confess it puts a Violence upon my Inclination when I have so large a Field wherein I could expatiate with delight . From the sense of the Calamities under which that Kingdom hath for a long time groan'd , upon account of their Differences in Church-matters , it might have been reasonably expected that both Parties should have greedily embraced the opportunity of a Comprehension ; which his present Majesty hath done more to accomplish , than he who coveted the Motto of Beati Pacifici , or any other of his Successors , had either Interest or Inclination to do : but to the Amazement of all Good Men , those who petition'd for it , now when it is obtain'd , stand aloof from it ; and as I hope to make it appear , chiefly , if not meerly , because they are obliged to abjure all Interests which are opposite to his Majesty's , who procured it ; which ( as I am confident there is no need of Rhetorick to perswade you ) is a piece of the blackest Ingratitude . But to set this Matter in its true Light , be pleased to read the following Address of the Scots Episcopal Party , and then the Act of Parliament which his Majesty with no small Application hath obtain'd in Answer to their Request , and I doubt not but you will discover that there is a Snake in the Grass . To his Grace their Majesties Commissioner , and the General Assembly met at Edinburgh . We Vnder-subscribers , for our Selves and our Constituents , Ministers of the Gospel in Scotland . Humbly shew , THAT since Episcopacy is abolish'd , and Presbyterian Government establish'd by Act of Parliament , as it was establish'd in 1592 ; and we being desirous to exercise the Holy function wherewith we are invested in our several Stations , for the Glory of God , Advancement of Religion , their Majesties Service , and the Peace of the Nation . Do therefore humbly desire , that all Stops and Impediments may be taken off , so that we may be permitted to Act as Presbyters in Presbyteries , Synods , and General Assemblies , in concurrence with the Presbyterian Ministers in the Government of the Church as now by Law establish'd . The TEST , or Declaration to be Signed by all those who shall be assum'd . I , A. B. do sincerely declare and promise , that I will submit to Presbyterian Government of the Church , as it is now established in this Kingdom by their Majesties King William and Queen Mary , by Presbyteries , Provincial Synods , and General Assemblies ; and that I will , as becomes a Minister of the Gospel , heartily concur with the said Government for suppressing of Sin and Wickedness , promoting Piety , and purging of the Church of all Erroneous and Scandalous Men. And I do further promise ▪ That I will subscribe the Confession of Faith , and larger and shorter Catechism now Confirmed by Act of Parliament , as containing the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion professed in this Kingdom . ACT for setling the Quiet and Peace of the Church . Edinburgh , Iune the 12th , 1693. OUR Soveraign Lord and Lady , the King and Queens Majesties , with Advice and Consent of the Estates of Parliament , Ratify , Approve , and perpetually Confirm the Fifth Act of the Second Session of this current Parliament , Entituled , Act Ratifying the Confession of Faith , and settling Presbyterian Church-Government , in the whole Heads , Articles , and Clauses thereof : And do further Statute and Ordain , That no Person be admitted , or continued for hereafter , to be a Minister or Preacher within this Church , unless that he having first Taken and Subscribed the Oath of Allegiance , and Subscribed the Assurance in manner appointed by another Act of this present Session of Parliament , made thereanent , do also Subscribe the Confession of Faith , Ratified in the foresaid Fifth Act of the Second Session of this Parliament , declaring the same to be the Confession of his Faith ; and that he owns the Doctrine therein contained , to be the true Doctrine which he will constantly adhere to : As likewise , that he owns and acknowledges Presbyterian Church-Government , as setled by the foresaid Fifth Act of the Second Session of this Parliament , to be the only Government of this Church ; and that he will submit thereto , and concur therewith , and never endeavour , directly or indirectly , the Prejudice or Subversion thereof . And their Majesties , with Advice and Consent foresaid , Statute and Ordain , That Uniformity of Worship , and of the Administration of all Publick Ordinances within this Church ; be observed by all the saids Ministers and Preachers , as the famine are at present performed , and allowed therein , or shall be hereafter declared by the Authority of the same ; and that no Minister or Preacher be admitted or continued for hereafter , unless that he subscribe to observe , and do actually observe the foresaid Uniformity . And for the more effectual setling the Quiet and Peace of this Church , the Estates of Parliament do hereby make an humble Address to Their Majesties , That they would be pleased to call a General Assembly , for the ordering the Affairs of the Church : and to the end that all the present Ministers possessing Churches , not yet admitted to the exercise of the foresaid Church-Government , conform to the said Act , and who shall qualify themselves in manner foresaid , and shall apply to the said Assembly , or the other Church-Judicatures competent in an orderly Way , each Man for himself , be received to partake with them in the Government thereof : Certifying such as shall not qualify themselves , and apply to the said Assembly , or other Judicatures , within the space of thirty days after meeting of the said first Assembly in manner foresaid , that they may be deposed by the Sentence of the said Assembly and other Judicatures , tam ab Officio , quam à Beneficio ; and withal declaring , That if any of the saids Ministers who have not been hitherto received into the Government of the Church , shall offer to qualify themselves , and to apply in manner foresaid , they shall have Their Majesties full Protection , ay and while they shall be admitted and received in manner foresaid . Providing always that this Act , and the benefit thereof , shall no ways be extended to such of the said Ministers as are Scandalous , Erroneous , Negligent , or Insufficient , and against whom the same shall be verified within the space of thirty Days after the said Application : but these and all others in like manner guilty , are hereby declared to be liable and subject to the Power and Censure of the Church as accords . And to the effect that the Representation of this Church in its General Assemblies , may be the more equal in all time coming , Recommends it to the first Assembly that shall be called , to appoint Ministers to be sent as Commissioners from every Presbytery , not in equal numbers , which is manifestly unequal where Presbyteries are so ; but in a due proportion to the Churches and Parochines within every Presbytery , as they shall judg convenient . And it is hereby declared , That all School-Masters , and Teachers of Youth in Schools , are , and shall be liable to the Trial , Judgment , and Censure of the Presbyteries of the Bounds for their Sufficiency , Qualifications and Deportments in the said Office. And lastly , Their Majesties with advice and consent foresaid , do hereby Statute and Ordain , That the Lords of Their Majesties Privy-Council , and all other Magistrates . Judges and Officers of Justice , give all due assistance for making the Sentences and Censures of the Church , and Judicatures thereof , to be obeyed , or otherways effectual as accords . Extracted forth of the Records of Parliament , by Tarbat , Cls. Regist. God save King William and Queen Mary . By their Petition it 's easy to perceive , that Presbyterian Government , as now established in Scotland , is none of the Stops and Impediments which they desire to be taken off , seeing they promise a Submission to it , and a Concurrence with it : And therefore the Ratification of this Government , in the Comprehension Act , cannot be that which they scruple , especially seeing it doth not enjoin them to own it , submit to it , and concur with it , as the Government of the Church by Divine Institution , but as the only Government of the Church of Scotland . And if any should object , That this may bear hard upon their Principles , who may reasonably be supposed to think that Episcopacy still remains in Force . I answer , 1. The Petitioners can have no such Objection , for they own in Terminis , that Episcopacy is abolished : So that this can be no Subterfuge , except they have some such Jesuitical Equivocation , or Mental Reservation , couch'd under that Term , as that late Distinction , of a King de Iure and de Facto . 2. If they do not believe the Abolition of Episcopacy de Iure , they must be de Facto very bad Men to offer Submission and Concurrence with it , seeing whatsoever is not of Faith , is Sin ; and he that doubteth , is damned if he eat . 3. If they question the Legality of its Abolition , then it 's plain they must disown the Authority of their Majesties and the Parliament , which makes them justly unworthy of their Protection , and liable to the Lash of the Law. But , 4. and lastly , I am very well assured , that the far greater part of the Scots Episcopal Clergy , did always pretend to believe , That no particular Species of Church-Government , was of Divine Institution , but that it was alterable , according to the Pleasure and Conveniency of the State. And this I have heard asserted by some of the most Learned of their Communion . Then it remains that the subscribing the Confession of Faith as their own , together with the Oaths of Allegiance and Assurance , and their being enjoined to an Uniformity in Worship according to the present Administration , and making Application to the General Assembly , thirty Days after their meeting , to be admitted upon the Conditions aforesaid , must be what they scruple , seeing these are all the other Terms required of them by the Act of Comprehension . Then as to the subscribing of the Confession of Faith , they offer it in their Petition : But how ? Why truly , as containing the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion professed in Scotland . — They have indeed laboured to perswade the World , that the Scots Presbyterians were Fools : And truly they would have had very good Reason for their Assertion , if they should have admitted them into the Church upon such a bare-fac'd Equivocation ; for so the modest Gentlemen may subscribe to the Alceran , as containing the Mahometan Doctrine in Turky ; or the Council of Trent , as containing the Popish Doctrine in the Church of Rome . Then certainly their Majesties and Parliament cannot be blamed , if they have changed the words so far , as to make the Subscriber own it as the Confession of his own Faith ; otherwise a Door had been opened to all Errors and Heresies whatsoever . And seeing the Petitioners own that the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion , as professed in Scotland , is contained in the said Confession , if they refuse to subscribe it as theirs , it 's plain that they entertain some other than that Protestant Doctrine : and if so , it cannot justly be called hard Measure , to exclude them from officiating as Ministers in that , or any other Protestant Church ; seeing the Doctrine of that Confession is own'd by all except Lutherans , and is every way agreeable to the Doctrine contained in the Articles of the Church of England . Then as to the Oath of Allegiance and Assurance , I confess there is reason enough to doubt their Sincerity , if they should comply : for never was there any thing conceived in Terms more express , to abjure the lawfulness of resisting Kings , or those commissionated by them , upon any Pretence whatsoever , than the Scots Declaration and Acknowledgment of the Prerogative . And seeing that Doctrine was so much extoll'd and applauded , and that the Party valued themselves so highly upon it , I cannot conceive how they can , without down-right Perjury , own his present Majesty's Title , except they have changed their Principles . And seeing they have never , by any publick Authentick Act , renounced that Doctrine , nor given us their Reasons why , there is no great Cause to think that they will be any steadier in their Allegiance to King William , than they were to King Iames ; and therefore Swear , or not Swear , there 's no Encouragement to trust them with the Conduct of Peoples Consciences . But however , if they refuse to swear Allegiance , no Body can think the Government obliged to grant them Protection , for that were but to nourish Vipers in their Bosom : And if they should swear Allegiance , and decline the Assurance , it discovers that they act mala Fide with the Government , and only watch for an Opportunity to declare against it : For if they think that their present Majesties have not a Title de Iure , they will never own their Right de Facto any longer than while they are not in a Capacity to rebel . And at the same time , such a Distinction denotes a Man of a very ill inform'd , if not of a debauch'd Conscience : For if their Majesties Title be not lawful , it cannot be lawful for me to own it ; and if their Title be lawful , it must needs be lawful for me to oblige my self to defend them in it , against all Pretenders whatsoever ; So that a declining of the Latter , is an infallible Demonstration of my doubting the Former . And if those who call their Majesties Right in question , be fit to be intrusted as Leaders of the Subjects , let common Sense and Reason determine . Now that the greater part of the Scots Episcopal Clergy disown their Majesties Title , is evident from the Practice of all their Bishops , to whom they have sworn Canonical Obedience ; from the practice of the most part of themselves , seeing some hundreds of them were turn'd out by the Convention on that Head ; and by their Behaviour now , seeing they universally refuse the Assurance , though many of them formerly had sworn Allegiance , which is in plain English , no other than a granting of the Premisses , and a denying the Conclusion : Or according to the Example of a certain Gentleman in England , granting the Abdication , and denying the Vacancy . And in truth their offering to swear Allegiance , and declining the Assurance , is much such another Trick upon the State , as by their Formula they have put upon the Church ; they would subscribe the Confession of Faith , as that of the Nation , but not their own : And so they would also swear that King William and Queen Mary are King and Queen of Scotland , but not theirs . Their Prevarication in this Affair , puts it out of all doubt , that their Design to be admitted into a Share of the Government of the Church , was not according to the specious Pretences in their Petition , but meerly to imbroil both Church and State , and by our Confusion to make way for the late Kings in whom that they still design to keep an Interest , is manifest by their sh●●●●ing with the Government ; as to the swearing Allegiance , which they put off from time to time , with frivolous Pretences , till they see the Success of the late King's Endeavours to reinthrone himself . So last Year they pretended that they would take the Oaths , if they were imposed upon the Presbyterians as well as them : And knowing that that could not be done without an Act of Parliament , they and their Party stav'd off this Session as long as they could : Which in the mean time shews , that it was Humour and not Conscience which kept them from complying . And now that there is an Act enjoining the Presbyterians to take the Oath and Assurance , and that they conform almost universally , to the Confusion of those who reproached them as Enemies to Kingly Government ; yet the Episcopal Clergy keep off still , and not above two of them have subscribed them , because the E. of L — w , and Viscount T — t , &c. advised the contrary ; on this Pretence forsooth , that their Petition was not answered at first , and the Comprehension taken in hand immediately on its being tendered : Which a certain Minister of State did wisely defer till the last , as reasonably imagining that that Affair would create Heats , and disappoint his Majesty's other Affairs which were to be treated of in Parliament . So that before ever the Church-Affairs were meddled with , they sent their Agents to disswade the Northern Clergy from taking the Oaths , because there was no Comprehension ; and tho that Objection be now vacated , yet they persist still in their Obstinacy : So that it 's evident they have Interest at Bottom ; and it 's but rational to conclude that the said Managers intend to make their Court with the late King , by keeping the Clergy from abjuring him , or swearing Allegiance to their present Majesties . But to return to our Petitioners ; They were so disingenuous , and so little sincere in their Application , that when required to attend the Committee of Security , to whom they were referred by the Parliament , they not only declined all Communing with them , but did , in contempt of their Majesties and the Parliament , load the Members of the Committee with Obloquy and Reproach : And , as I am informed from a very good Hand , resolve to continue in their Churches , without qualifying themselves according to the late Act. I shall forbear insisting upon their Ingratitude to their Majesties and the Parliament till afterwards , and go on to consider the other Terms required in the Comprehension , which are their observing an Uniformity of Worship , according to the present Administration , and applying to the General Assembly , or other Church-Judicatures , for admission to a Share of the Government , after having qualified themselves according to the Act. Now as to the Uniformity of Worship , there is nothing in difference betwixt them , but the use of the Doxology , or Gloria Patri , which the Episcopal Party did declare , that they could omit in compliance with a Law , though not to satisfy the Humours of the Presbyterians : So that according to their Concession and Promise that ought to be no Scruple , now seeing there is a Law against it . And as for their making Application to the Generall Assembly for Admission , after having qualified themselves by Law , they cannot decline that from any Scruple of Conscience , seeing in their Petition they promise to submit to , and concur with the Presbyterian Government . It 's true , that the Act doth also require that they shall promise , neither to endeavour , directly nor indirectly , the Prejudice or Subversion of that Government , which by their Promise just now mentioned , it 's evident they can have no well-grounded Objection against ; for certainly if it be lawful to submit unto , and concur with that Government , it cannot be unlawful to promise , That they will not endeavour its Subversion , especially if their above-mentioned Principle of the Indifference of this or that Species of Church-Government , and that there is now a Law enjoining the latter , be considered . Upon the whole it is plain , that if the Terms of their own Petition , and those of the Act of Parliament , be duly weighed , their refusal to comply is an unaccountable piece of Obstinacy and Ingratitude , especially towards his Majesty : Which I think will appear very evident , if we consider , 1. What a great deal of Clemency , beyond any Parallel , he has been graciously pleased to exert in favour of a Party who by their Bishops addressed against him , and wish'd King Iames might have his Neck to trample upon when he undertook our Glorious Deliverance ; a Party that have hitherto generally disown'd his Title , and continued in Rebellion against him till their Strength fall'd ; a Party who , by their Calumnies in Word and Writing , have endeavoured to render the Church of England jealous of him ; and had actually plotted in conjunction with the Irish and French Papists to overturn his Throne , while at the same time they made Application to him for his Favour . 2. If we consider how much he disobliged the Presbyterians , ( the only Party on whom he could rely in Scotland ) to gratify the Prelatists in forbearing to punish those of their Party who had forfeited their Lives , by overturning the Constitution of Government in the late Reigns , and committed barbarous Murders upon their fellow-Subjects , and being actually in Rebellion against himself ; nay , and that which was more , advanced some of them to the highest Places of Power and Trust , while he turn'd out Presbyterians , who had ventured all for him , and were stedfast to him . 3. If we consider that he disobliged the Presbyterians , at a nick of time when he was threatned with a Foreign Invasion and Intestine Rebellion , by ordering the General Assembly to admit the Episcopal Clergy on such Terms as the Parliament have thought fit to refuse , and then by dissolving them for their declining it . And , 4. If we consider the Risk which he ran now , when engaged Abroad with a formidable Enemy , to hazard the Session of a Parliament , so much Presbyterian as is that of Scotland , chiefly to make way for the admission of the Episcopal Clergy into the Church , when he could not be ignorant how tenacious of their Privileges , both Civil and Religious , the Presbyterians are , and what good Reasons they have for an Aversion to any Comprehension of that Party , who when their Turn was uppermost , would never hear of comprehending them any otherwise than in Prison or a Rope . But more especially when this Session might have given an Opportunity to the Parliament of Scotland , of demanding Justice against such English Men , as contrary to our Constitution , meddle in our Affairs , and support the Episcopal Clergy in their disturbing of the Church of Scotland as established by Law ; especially having received such an Affront , as a Commission sent down by their Influence to require such Things of the General Assembly , as the Parliament in their Wisdom thought fit to provide against . I say , all these things being considered , it cannot but seem very strange , that when his Majesty hath obtain'd them a Comprehension , whereunto , as appears by their own Petition , &c. as aforesaid , they can have no valuable Objection , that they should reject it : So that to all unprejudic'd Persons , this can appear no uncharitable Censure , if we think that they have hitherto been bargaining with his Majesty only to gain Time till they see the Success of their late King , and the French King's Efforts , that they might take their Measures accordingly ; seeing it must needs be obvious to any who read their Petition , and consider it duly , together with the whole Tenor of their Practice , that the Bond of Assurance , to stand by his Majesty against all Pretenders whatsoever , is that which choaks them most in the Terms of Comprehension . Their Obstinacy will still appear more , if it be considered , that the Presbyterians , whom they treated so cruelly in the late Reigns , as to make it Death for any of their Ministers to preach ( for not Conforming to that , which , as appears by their Petition , they themselves reckon indifferent ) should have been brought to condescend so far towards an Accommodation with them , as to consent to their being admitted without a formal Renunciation of their Doctrine of Passive Obedience and Episcopacy ; considering that the Abjuration of the Covenant was imposed upon the Presbyterians in the late Reigns , and that their Conformity was expresly required as a Testimony of their owning Episcopacy , and the King's Supremacy , which was diametrically opposite to their Principles : whereas there is nothing in this Comprehension , but what the Episcopal Party have conceded in their Petition . So that there being in effect no more required of the Scots Episcopal Clergy ( that of Submission to Presbytery excepted , which they did voluntarily offer ) than what is required of all the Clergy of the Church of England : We may easily discern whether or not the Countenance given to the Disobedience of te Scots Clergy by some here in England , ought not rather to be ascribed to their Enmity to the Repose of the present Government , than to their Zeal for the Church of England ; and I am certain that if the unanimous Sentiments of all true Williamites may have any Weight , those of them who are the most Zealous Patrons for our Scots Episcopal Clergy , are reckoned Heart-Enemies to King William and Queen Mary : And I wish that there had been no late publick Misfortunes which may have confirm'd them in their Jealousy ; and I am very well assured that the Parliament of Scotland had gone near to have branded some of those who are Tools to the said Englishmen with perpetual Infamy , had it not been out of respect to his Majesty , who hath honoured them with an eminent Character ; and might have proceeded further to have declared such Proceedings as they advis'd to , in relation to the General Assembly , Arbitrary and Illegal : and a demand of Justice against such as advised to those Measures , would have thereupon followed of Course . But notwithstanding of all this favourable Procedure towards our Scots Prelatists , yet their Clamour does not cease , and particularly against those Ministers of State to whom his Majesty intrusted the Management of Affairs ; though it be Evident , that if any Party be abridged by the Act , it is the Presbyterians , who are now obliged by Law to receive the Prelatical Clergy on such and such Terms ; with certification , if they refuse , that the Episcopal Clergy shall have their Majesties Protection . So that if our murmuring Gentlemen will but evidence so much Loyalty to his Majesty , as to abjure all those who pretend a right to his Crown , and promise neither to molest the Government , Civil nor Ecclesiastical , they have it in their own Power to be secured in the execution of their Office , and enjoyment of their Benefices , whether the Presbyterians will or not , if they cannot in thirty Days time prove them either Heterodox or Scandalous . And seeing , as I said before , the Test to prove their Soundness in the Faith , is no other for the Matter than what the Church of England imposes upon her Clergy ; we hope that that Venerable Society will find no cause to complain , that the Terms of our Communion are too Narrow , if they do but consider what our Episcopal Party have conceded : whereby indeed they have abandon'd the Church-of - England-Government and Discipline , which I suppose will gall their Patrons more than if they had disown'd her Doctrine ; which it's plain they must also do , if they refuse to subscribe the Confession of Faith as injoin'd by the Act. This brings me naturally to observe the Unstedfastness and hateful Prevarication of that Party , both with God and Man ; which will appear uncontrovertably true , if we consider their subscribing the Solemn League and Covenant , when that was uppermost , and their abjuring it again after Charles the 2 d's Restoration ; their swearing of the Self-contradictory Test in his Reign , as also to Passive Obedience ; and yet their offer to swear Allegiance to their present Majesties , which now again they retract . Nor is their Shuffling less notorious with their own Church : They were sworn to maintain Episcopacy in the late Reigns , and by their pretended Zeal for it , make their Interest with the Church of England in this , and yet offer'd to submit to , and concur with Presbytery in their Petition , which now again they retract : So that the Church of England have no more reason then we , to put Confidence in these Men , seeing as has been said , its plain , that they have offered to relinquish her Government and Discipline , and by their refusal to sign the Confession of Faith. It 's evident that they have also relinquish'd her Doctrine ; and whether King William have any reason to trust to their Loyalty , who , contrary to their Oaths and pretended Principles , have offered to swear Allegiance to him , when they have , without any Recantation of their former Doctrine , offer'd to abandon King Iames , let the World Judg. But that they are not to be trusted in relation to King William , appears yet more fully by their Shuffling , and refusing to comply with the present Act. And I must ingenuously confess , that of the two , I think the bare-fac'd and stedfast Iacobite , the honester Man ; though I am apt to be of Mr. B — y the blind Parson's Mind , when one told him that Mr. S — the Iacobite Parson , would bring an Odium upon their Party , by his avowed Dissatisfaction to this Government : He answered , that Mr. S — was a Fool , and did act too much above-board ; but that Dr. C — es would , notwithstanding his Compliance with the Government , be much a greater Man with King Iames , than S — , or such as he . Which was a plain Declaration , that let them pretend what they will , as the Motive of their Compliance with the present Government , it 's by virtue of a Dispensation from the late King that they may undermine it . The Scots Episcopal Innocence , &c. PART II. TO let the World see how little Reason our Scots Prelatical Clergy , who are outed of their Benefices , have to complain of the Administration of their Majesties Government in Scotland , in relation to themselves , I have been at the Pains and Expence to procure this following Abstract , from the Records of the Committee of States and Council , which doth exhibit a List of all those turn'd out during the E. of Crawford's being President : And not only vindicates that noble Lord from the malicious Aspersions wherewith his Enemies traduc'd him , and which they continually buzz'd in his Majesty's Ears , till he was pleased to give the said Earl his desired Quietus ; but justifies the Moderation of the Presbyterians in general towards their most implacable Enemies : For here the Reader will clearly see , that their Principles as Episcopalians , was never made the Test ; and that not one was turn'd out , but such as were proven guilty of refusing to comply with the Order of the State , to pray for King William and Queen Mary . And herein also the Council , &c. proceeded , with so strict a regard to Justice , that they acquitted , or , to use their own Term , assoilzed such as could not be proven guilty of Disloyalty by sufficient Evidence : Although at the same time it was proven against them , that they had been Persecutors of the Presbyterians , as ........... number .... , ... And to evince this further , we find divers acquitted , though accused of very heinous Crimes , as at N o. 8 , 58 , 59 , 84 , 93 , 94 , 102 , 103 , 124 , 125 , 126 , 133 , 138 , 164 , 165 , 170 , 177 , because the Proof was not clear . But so great a Number being turn'd out , as appears by the following Catalogue , upon the Account of their Disloyalty , it was no wonder that the Scots Episcopal Party should be concerned to find , not only the Head , but also the Hands and Fingers of their Prelalatical Dagon cut off , for their espousing the Interest of a Popish Prince , whom the Convention of States had laid aside for his Male-administration , according to former Precedents . And therefore for the Credit of their Cause , and to wipe off that horrible Scandal , they open their Throats , and raise the Cry , that they were turn'd out , because of their adherence to the Church-of - England-Discipline ; by which means they procured abundance of Friends in this Nation , and so great Interest at Court , that they , though disowning their Majesties Authority , are given out to be the best of the Subjects , and his Majesty's real Friends brought under Obloquy and Reproach ; whence came those Changes amongst Counsellors and Ministers of State , and those Proceedings against the General Assembly of the Church , which our Prelatical Adversaries endeavoured to destroy in his Majesty's good Opinion . But I hope , that upon perusal of this following List , our Brethren , the moderate Church-of - England-Men , will find how injuriously we have been traduced . And this Catalogue may also serve for a Touch-stone to try those Swarms of begging Scots Iacobites , who impose upon the Clergy and Country , and obtain their Charity , as sufferers for the Church-of - England-Government and Discipline : Whereas there is nothing more false , they being truly seditious Iacobites , and Sufferers for the late King's Interest , which they industriously promote as they have Opportunity : and therefore the Charity of those well-disposed Clergy-men , and others , is actually misplaced , and given to a company of Men who are Heart-Enemies to this present Government , and wait for its Destruction . Whereas it would be more acceptable both to God and Man , to give what is lavish'd out upon these idle Bellies , to such who are made Widows or Fatherless , or reduc'd to other Straits , by their own or their Relations Adherence to this present Government ; which it's impossible during their present Circumstances for their Majesties to provide for . Not that I would be understood to disswade from Charity , to such who may really be brought to Straits for a Conscientious adhering to King Iames , of which the Number will be found very small ; but from being cheated by the false Pretences of our Scots Prelatical Clergy , such as L — son , F — r , G — y , and others , who make a Trade of Begging , and reviling their Majesties Government in Scotland , and spend what they get profusely in Taverns , Ale-houses , &c. in London ; where it 's known that they associate only with Iacobites , though they impose upon well-meaning People in the Country , as if they were true Williamites , and Confessors for the Church of England . A LIST of the Episcopal Ministers deprived by the Committee of Estates , in May 1689 , as follows . May 2. 1689. MR. Iames Wauch , Minister of Leith ; Deprived for not reading the Proclamation enjoined by the States , April 11. 1689. and not obeying the same . Mr. Iohn Somervail , Minister of Cramond , the like . May 3. 89. Mr. Arthur Miller , Minister at Innerask , the like . May 6. 89. Mr. George Barckly , Minister at Mordington , the like . May 8. 89. Mr. Alex. Irwin , Minister at Innerkeithing , the like . Mr. And. Auchenfleck , Minister at Newbottle , the like . Mr. David Lammie , Minister at Carrington , the like . May 10. 89. Mr. George Hendry , Minister at Corstorphin , the like . Mr. Rob. Ramsey , Minister of Prestounpans , the like . May 11. 89. Dr. Rich. Waddel , Arch-dean of S. Andrews , the like . Mr. Iohn Wood , Minister at S. Andrews , the like . Mr. Robert Wright , Minister at Culross , the like . Mr. Allen Young , Minister there , the like . May 14. 89. Mr. Alexander Hamilton , Minister at Stenton ; deprived for not reading the Proclamation , nor praying for the King and Queen ; and for Expressions reflecting upon the Honour of K. William and the States . Mr. Alexander Cumming , Minister at Liberton , deprived for not reading the Proclamation , and not praying for K. William and Q. Mary . May 16. 89. Mr. Iohn Malters , Minister at Seres , the like . May 17. 89. Mr. Iames Scrimger , Minister at Currio , the like . Mr. Iohn Tailor , Minister at Drone , the like . Turned out afterwards by the Council , &c. August 9. 1689. 1. MR. Iohn Lumbsden , Minister at Lauder ; For not reading the Proclamation of the States , and not praying for their Majesties , and for praying for the late King ; and that God would give him the Necks of his Enemies , and Hearts of his Subjects . To prove which , Depositions of the Witnesses were aduced ; and he acknowledged at the Bar , that he had not read the Proclamation , and had only prayed for King and Queen in general Terms . Deprived of his Benefice , his Church declared Vacant ; and he was ordained to remove from his Benefice at Martinmass . August 15. 1689. 2. Mr. Patrick Trant , Minister at Linlithgow ; For not reading and not praying ; and for praying for the late King , and that God would restore the Banished ; being moreover not only scandalous to all well-affected Persons , but a very great Encourager to the disaffected . Absent , and holden as Confest . Whereby Certification was granted against him , and he deprived in manner aforesaid . 3. Mr. Robert Stewart , Minister at Balwhither ; cited to answer several things that may be laid to his Charge , conform to the Information given in to the Council-Board : Absent . Whereupon Certification was granted against him , and he was ordained to be denounced ; and in the mean time deprived of his Benefice , and discharged from Preaching , or exercising any other Part of the Ministerial Function within that Parish . 4. Mr. Iohn Barclay , Minister at Faulkland ; For not reading , and for praying for the late King. Present , and acknowledged that he had not read , nor prayed for their Majesties . Deprived , and discharged from Preaching in that Parish . 5. Mr. David Murray , Minister at Blackford ; For not reading and not praying , and not obeying the Thanksgiving , and for hindering the reading the Proclamation for a Collection for the French and Irish Protestants . Present ; and acknowledged that he did not read nor pray , nor keep the Thanksgiving , nor read the Proclamation . Deprived . August 16. 1689. 6. Mr. David Guilo , Minister of the West-Kirk ; As being imposed on the Paroch by the Bishop ; and for his acting as a Spy , and otherwise as an Intelligencer to the Castle of Edinburgh , then besieged ; exposing himself to the most dangerous Places , without fear ; giving Signs , and occasioning great Shooting ; calling Persons well-affected , Whores and Rogues ; wearing Pistols under his Coat : And was one of the principal Informers against Sir Patrick Nisbet of Dean , who for his frivolous Words against him , was fined in 500 l. Sterling in the late Government . It was sufficiently proven that he called one of his Parishoners a damned Whore : And he acknowledged that he married Persons , and baptized Children in the West-Kirk , several times since the Order of Council , discharging him to preach at that Place . Finds that the Marrying and Baptizing of Persons , being a part of the Ministerial Function , that he has contravened the Order of Council , and therefore was deprived , ut supra . August 22. 1689. 7. Mr. Patrick Midletoun , Minister at Leslie ; For not reading , and not praying for their Majesties , and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged his not reading , and not praying for their Majesties . Deprived . 8. Mr. Samuel Nimmo , Minister at Collingtoun ; For not reading , and not praying ; and for praying for the late King. Witnesses aduced for proving his being constantly hindred by Force ; and proving accordingly , Acquitted . August 23. 1689. 9. Mr. Robert Gordoun , Minister at Abercorn ; For not reading , and not praying ; and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and not praying . Whereupon he was deprived : And upon his desiring that the Libel might be proven , he was , because of his disingenuity , committed to Prison during Pleasure . 10. Mr. Alexander Burnet , Minister of the Cannongate ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King ; and not observing the Thanksgiving , and the Collection for the French and Irish Protestants . To prove which , Depositions of the Witnesses were aduced , and he acknowledged he did not read the said Proclamation , by reason he preached that Day for the Dean by Order , and did not read . So that it was found proven , that he has not read the Proclamation , nor never prayed for their Majesties , except one Sabbath ; and was deprived . August 29. 1689. 11. Mr. Iohn Auchinfleck , Minister at Largo ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King. Present ; acknowledges the not reading and not praying . Deprived . 12. Mr. David Barcly , Minister at Stramiglo ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King. Present ; acknowledges the not reading and not praying . Deprived . 13. Mr. William Galbreith , Minister at Iedburgh ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged . Deprived . 14. Mr. Iohn Barcklay , Minister at Ketle ; For not reading and not praying ; and not only praying for the late King but also that God would confound all his Enemies ; and that he hoped to see the late King in his Throne ; and for his running always out of Church when his Reader read the publick Papers mentioned in the Libel . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading , and not praying . Deprived . 15. Mr. Iohn Melvill , Minister at Enes ; For not reading , and not praying . Present , and acknowledged . Deprived . 16. Mr. Andrew Darling , Minister at Stitchell ; For not reading and not praying , and for not observing the Thanksgiving , and not reading the Proclamation for the Collection . Present , and acknowledged the not reading and not praying . Deprived . 17. Mr. Thomas Somervail , Minister at Cavers ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present , and acknowledged the not praying and reading . Deprived . 18. Mr. Francis Scott , Minister at Hassenden ; For not reading , and praying for the late King. Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 19. Mr. Iohn Hepburn , Minister at Ersletown ; For not reading and praying , and for other Scandalous Misdemeanors libelled . Present , acknowledged his not reading and not praying . Deprived . 20. Mr. Iames Strachan , Minister at Fagan ; For not reading and not praying . Present , acknowledges that he prayed not , expressis Terminis , for their Majesties ; and that the Proclamation was offered him when he was saying the Blessing , and that he did not , nor has not yet read the same . Deprived . 21. Mr. Iames Adamson , Minister at Bederule ; For not reading , and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present , acknowledges the not reading and praying . Deprived . 22. Mr. Andrew Guild , Minister at Northberwick ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present , and alledges that the Proclamation came not to his Hands in due time ; but that upon hearing hereof he did immediately pray for their Majesties , and observed the Thanksgiving ; and being removed and called in , declared , that he had then Scruples , and was not yet free to read the Proclamation . Deprived . 23. Mr. William Hay , Minister at Lintoun ; For not reading and not praying ; and for praying for the late King , and drinking his Health . Absent , holden as Confest . Certification granted against him , and he was deprived . 24 , 25. Mr. Henry Pittcairne , Minister at Logie ; and Mr. David Balfour his helper ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King : Mr. Henry Pittcairne absent , and holden as Confest ; and Mr. David present , who acknowledged the not reading and not praying . Certification granted against Mr. Henry , and he deprived ; and Mr. David , discharged from Preaching , or exercising any part of the Ministerial Function within that Parish . August 29. 1689. 26. Mr. Iohn Cockburne , Minister at Ormistown ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King's Restorátion , and Confusion of his Enemies . Present , acknowledged the not reading and praying . Deprived . 27. Mr. Alexander Kerr , Minister at Easter-weems ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present , and acknowledged it . Deprived . 28 , 29. Mr. Alexander Lundie and Mr. William Wilson , Ministers in Couper of Fife ; For not reading and for not praying , and for praying for the late King ; and not observing the Day of Thanksgiving , and for not reading the Proclamation for the Collection . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Both deprived . 30. Mr. Robert Norie , Minister at Dundee ; For not reading and praying . Present , and acknowledged . Deprived . 31. Mr. Andrew Nauchly , Minister at Stou ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present , and acknowledged that he knew the Proclamation was in the Reader 's Hands the Sabbath-Morning , and that he did not then nor yet read the same , nor prayed in the Terms thereof . Deprived . 32. Mr. Iames Dempster , Minister at Auchter-muchty ; For not reading and not praying ; and for praying for the late King's Restauration , and Confusion to his Enemies ; and for not observing the Thanksgiving , and not reading the Proclamation for the Collection . Present , and acknowledged his not reading and not praying . Deprived . 33. Mr. Thomas Macbean , Minister at Gordoun ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present , and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 34. Mr. Henry Christie , Minister at Kinross ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration , and Confusion of his Enemies ; for not observing the Thanksgiving , nor reading the Proclamation for the Collection . Present , and acknowledged not reading nor praying . Deprived . 35. Mr. Charles Macinarn , alias Mac-Fingus , Minister at Erwall ; For not reading , and for the other things immediately above . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 36. Mr. Iohn Cameron , Minister at Kincardin ; For not reading and not praying , and employing one who prayed for the late King Iames ; and for not observing the Thanksgiving , and for not reading the Proclamation for the Collections ; and for bringing down the Rebels to rob his Parishioners : And , he said , If God would not give him amends ( i. e. Revenge ) of them , he would make the Devil do it . Present ; and acknowledged the not reading and praying . Deprived . 37. Mr. William Layng , Minister at Ligertwood ; For his not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 38. Mr. Androu Dou , Minister at Crighton ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King ; not observing the Thanksgiving nor Collection for the French and Irish Protestants . Present ; acknowledged the not reading and praying . Deprived . 39. Mr. Lewis Gourdon , Minister at Kirkaldie ; For not reading and not praying . Present , and acknowledged . Deprived . 40. Mr. George Scheils , Minister at Prestonhaugh ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King , and not observing the Thanksgiving . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification against him granted , and he deprived . September 3. 1689. 41. Mr. Iames Ross , Minister at Mintzie ; For not reading and not praying . Present ; and acknowledged . Deprived . 42. Mr. Patrick Walker , Minister at Langton ; For not reading nor praying , and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged his not reading or praying . Deprived . 43 , 44. Mr. Adam Berckly and Mr. David Anderson , Ministers at Perth ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King , and for not observing the Day of Thanksgiving . Both present ; and acknowledged their not reading and praying . Deprived . 45. Mr. George Berckly , Minister at Sproustoun ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 46. Mr. Iohn Cook , Minister at Eccles ; For not reading and not praying , and absenting himself the Day appointed . Present , and acknowledged . Deprived . 47. Mr. Iames Wright , Minister at Alloway ; For not reading and not praying , as the Proclamation was tendred him to be read in the Church the same Day . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 48. Mr. William Speed , Minister at Ednem ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 49. Mr. Robert Calder , Minister at Nenthorn ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 50. Mr. William Bullo , Minister at Stobo ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King ; and as a Person imposed upon the Paroch by the Bishop , who would give him no entry at the Church , until he went in at the Window ; and he had no Hearers these two Years ; and as being a Scandalous Person . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and not praying . Deprived . 51. Mr. Iohn Chisholme , Minister at Lisly ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King ; and not observing the Thanksgiving and Collection . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and not praying . Deprived . 52. Mr. Iames Adamson , Minister at Simprin ; For not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 53. Mr. William Gray , Minister at Dunce ; For not reading and praying , and not observing the Thanksgiving-day . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certifications , and deprived . 54. Mr. Iames Gray , Minister at Kelso ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King. Absent ; holden as Confest . Certifications , and deprived . 55. Mr. Iohn Blair , Minister at Scoon ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King ; and for saying , That the Defeat of his Majesties Forces at Gillechrankie , was the best News in the World : And upon the Death of the Viscount of Dundee , That the greatest Bulwark for the Protestant Religion , and against Popery , was gone . Present ; and denying the last two , and declaring that he had prayed for their Majesties King William and Queen Mary ; and that he made search for the Proclamation , but got it not in due Time ; and albeit he were deprived , he would still pray for their Majesties . Acquitted , and ordained to read the Proclamation the next Sabbath . 56. Mr. Iohn Ogilvie , Minister at Collace ; For not reading and not praying . Present ; and acknowledged . Deprived . September 4. 1689. 57. Mr. Paul Gelly , Minister at Avith ; For his not reading and not praying , and for his Treasonable inveying against the Government , and praying for the Restoration of the late King , exhorting his Hearers to pray so in private ; and for saying , That then he expected a blessed Reformation , and that they had only gotten wicked Tyranny and ungodly Rulers to govern them ; and that the People had no Security of Life or Fortune . The Defender present , Probation aduced . Finds the Libel proven , and therefore deprives the Defender . 58. Mr. Iohn Monro , Minister at Sterling ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King. Present ; and declared that he had still prayed for their Majesties , since the Proclamation of Estates , which came not to his Hands in due Time , and that he had made search for the same , and had no Scruple to read . Acquitted . 59 , 60. Mr. Iames Grifin , Minister at Dumfermling , and Mr. Simon Couper , Minister there ; For not reading and not praying , and for saying , that when the News came of the defeat of Gillechrankie , that no less could come of them for rebelling against their lawful King. The Defenders present ; Probation aduced by Witnesses . Finds not the Libel against Mr. Simon proven ; and in regard that Mr. Grifin declared , that the Proclamation came not to his Hand , and that he had no Scruple to read it , both were Acquitted . 61. Mr. Thomas Marishall , Minister at Carnock ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King , and hoped to see him in his Throne before Lammass . Present ; and acknowleded the not reading and praying for their Majesties . Deprived . 62. Mr. David Eairbairne , Minister at Duinning ; For not reading and not praying , and not observing the Day of Thanksgiving , nor suffering any Collection to be made for the French and Irish Protestants . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 63. Mr. Iohn Langlanes , Minister at Hawick ; For not reading and praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 64. Mr. William Milles , Minister at Flisk ; For not reading and praying , nor observing the Day of Thanksgiving , and suffering his Servants to labour thereon . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 65. Mr. Will. Arnot , Minister at Abdie ; For not reading , and praying for the late King , that God would restore him to his Throne ; and for not observing the Days appointed the Thanksgiving , and the Collection . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 66. Mr. William Grant , Minister at Nenburgh ; For his not reading and praying , and praying for the late King , and not observing the Day of Thanksgiving . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 67. Mr. Iames Seaton , Minister at Crench ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King ; and for not observing the Day of Thanksgiving , suffering his Servants to work that Day , and impeding the Contribution for the French and Irish Protestants . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 68. Mr. Thomas Paterson , Minister at Borthwick ; For his not reading , and praying for the late King. Present ; acknowledged his not praying and reading . Deprived . 69. Mr. Robert Bannerman , Minister at Newton ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged . Deprived . 70. Mr. Matth. Erwing , Minister at Houdran ; For not praying and reading , and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 71. Mr. Alexander Grant , Minister at Farce ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged . Deprived . 72. Mr. Walter Stirling , Minister at Badenoch ; For his not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged . Deprived . 73. Mr. Iohn Wenziel , Minister at Dennio ; For his not reading and praying , and praying for the late King and Queen , and for their Restauration , and Shame and Confusion to their Dethroners . Present ; acknowledging his not reading and praying . Deprived . 74. Mr. Robert Arthburnet , Minister at Cranston ; For his not reading and not praying . Present , and acknowledging . Deprived : And in respect he was ordered to be denounced , for resetting in his House John Hay , after he was in the Rebels Army , was ordained to be carried to Prison . 75. Mr. Andrew Florber , Minister at Cameron ; For his not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King Iames. Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 76. Mr. William Nesmith , Minister at Eickfoord ; For his not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration , and Destruction to his Enemies , and that God would take the Usurper out of the Way . Present ; and acknowledging , ut supra . Deprived . 77. Mr. Alexand. Williamson , Minister at Tilliallan ; For not reading and not praying , nor observing the Day of Thanksgiving . Present ; and ackowledging , ut supra . Deprived . 78. Mr. Thomas Rutherfoord , Minister at Sudar ; For his not reading and not praying . Present ; and acknowledging the same . Deprived . 79. Mr. Iames Arthburnet , Minister at Dysert ; For his not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King. Present ; acknowledging his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 80. Mr. George Patersone , Minister at Dersie ; For his not reading and not praying , and for discharging the Presenter to say , God save King William and Queen Mary , when he was ending the reading the Proclamation concerning the Baggage-Horses , and forbidding him to read it till he was out of the Kirk . Present ; acknowledging his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 81. Mr. Iames Weems , Minister at St. Leonards ; For his not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledges his not reading and praying . Deprived . 82. Mr. Alex. Auchenleck , Minister at Dunlogo ; For his not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King 's happy Restauration , and Confusion of his Enemies ; and for not observing the Thanksgiving , nor Contribution . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification granted against him , and he deprived . 83. Mr. Alex. Sutherland , Minister at Larbor and Dunipace ; For his not reading and not praying , and joining the Rebels . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certifications deprived . 84. Mr. Robert Glasford , Minister at Auchterderron ; For his not reading and not praying , and praying , in a disdainful manner , for King William and Queen Mary , as those whom the States had set over us for King and Queen . Present ; declared the Proclamation came not to his Hands ; and if he had got the same by a private Hand , he would have read it without Scruple ; and that he had prayed for King William and Queen Mary ; albeit not in the same Terms at first , yet thereafter he prayed for them in the Terms of the Proclamation . Acquitted . Septemb. 8. 1689. 85. Mr. George Chalmers , Minister at Kenoway ; For not reading and praying , and saying to some of the Presbyterian-Perswasion , That there were three Papers lying in the Parliament-House , which was like to cause the Members of Parliament sheath their Swords in one anothers Sides . Present ; acknowledging his not reading the Proclamation ; and being allowed till to morrow to advise if he would read the same , and being again called , declared , He had not the freedom to read the same . Deprived . 86. Mr. Iohn Falconer , Minister at Carnbee ; For his not reading and praying . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification granted against him , and he deprived . 87. Mr. Alex. Douglass , Minister at Coldingham ; For his not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledging the same . Deprived . 88. Mr. Thomas Auchenleck , Minister at Anstruther-Wester ; For his not reading , and praying for the late King. Present ; acknowledging his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 89. Mr. Iohn Berkley Minister at Cockburnspath ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledging the same . Deprived . 90. Mr. Iohn Lydell , Minister at Opkirk ; For his not reading the Proclamation and praying for their Majesties ; and saying , That he would never pray for them as long as his Blood was warm . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading and praying . Deprived . 91. Mr. Iohn Berkley , Minister at Edean ; For his not reading , and praying for the late King. Present ; and acknowledging his not reading and praying . Deprived . 92. Mr. Alex. Wilson , Minister at Elie ; For his not reading and praying . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 93. Mr. David Baine , Minister at Kinglasse ; For his not reading and praying , and not reading the Proclamation , albeit the same was tendered to him in the Church . Present ; declared that the Proclamation came not to his Hands ; but that he did still , and would continue to pray in the Terms thereof , albeit deprived . Acquitted . 94. Mr. Andrew Bruce , Minister at Pittenwyme ; For his not reading and praying . Present ; and declared that he had still prayed for their Majesties from the beginning ; and that he had intimate from his Pulpit the Tenour of the said Proclamation , after he had seen the same . Acquitted . Septemb. 10. 1689. 95. Mr. Iohn Lamie , Minister at Eccloisgrage ; For his not reading and praying , and praying for the late King , and keeping correspondence with the V. of Dundee , and sending private Persons to acquaint the Rebels of Sir Iohn Laniers being on his march to attaque them . Present ; acknowledging his not reading and praying . Deprived . 96. Mr. Archibald Buchan , Minister at Spell ; For not reading and praying , and for employing disaffected Persons who were deprived , to preach for him , who prayed for the late King. Present ; and acknowledged the not reading and praying . Deprived . 97. Mr. Richard Scolt , Minister at Askirk ; For his not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged the same . Deprived . 98. Mr. Henry Knox , Minister at Bouden ; For not reading and praying , and for saying , That he had rather the Papists should gain the day , than the Presbyterians . Present ; and acknowledged the same . Deprived . 99. Mr. Iames Luntie , Minister at Chirnsyde ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged the same . Deprived . 100. Mr. Iames Gordoun , Minister at Rosneath ; For not reading and praying . Absent ; holden as confest . Certification , and deprived . 101. Mr. Alex. Ramsey , Minister at the old Church of Edinburgh ; For not reading and praying ; and for praying expresly for the late King and Bishops , after they were abolished by Act of Parliament . The Libel found proven by the Depositions of the Witnesses . And he was deprived . 102. Mr. Iohn Midletoun , Minister at Marknich ; For not reading and praying , and for praying for the late King. Found the Libel not proven by the Depositions of the Witnesses aduced . And he was acquitted . 103. Mr. Iohn Park , Minister at Cainden ; For not reading and praying ; for baptizing the Children of scandalous Persons , without demanding Satisfaction therefore ; and praying , That the VValls of the Castle might be as Brass about D. Gordon . Finds the Libel not proven by the Depositions of Witnesses aduced . And he was acquitted . Septemb. 12. 1689. Mr. Iohn Gordoun , Minister at Aberladie ; For his not reading and praying . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification , and deprived . 104. Mr. Iohn Beatoun , Minister at Aytone ; For not reading and praying ; and for praying for the late King , and not observing the Thanksgiving . Present ; acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 105. Mr. David Stirling , Minister at Heymouth ; For his not reading and praying , and not observing the Thanksgiving . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 106. Mr. Iames Gladstains , Minister at Yettam ; For not reading and praying ; and praying for the late King , and not observing the Thanksgiving . The Libels found proven by the Witnesses aduced . Deprived . 107. Mr. Alex. Hay , Minister at Kineucher ; For not reading and praying ; and praying for the late King , and reflecting upon the Estates . Proven by Witnesses . He was deprived . 108. Mr. William Thompson , Minister at Borroustonnesse ; For not reading and praying , and not observing the Thanksgiving . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification , and deprived . Septemb. 17. 1689. 109. Mr. Alex. Leslie , Minister at Craill ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 110. Mr. Andrew Hardie , Minister at Forgondenie ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 111. Mr. David Spence , Minister at Kircurd ; For not reading and praying , and not observing the Thanksgiving , and for not intimating the Proclamation for the French and Irish Protestants ; and declared publickly , It was as lawful to go and hear Mass , as to hear a Sermon in a Meeting-house . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 112. Mr. William Methven , Minister at Fogo ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledging . Deprived . 113. Mr. Iohn Home , Minister at Greenlau ; For not reading and praying , nor observing the Thanksgiving . Present , acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 114. Mr. Iohn Balnaves , Minister at Dumbarny ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledging . Deprived . 115. Mr. Iohn Stewaurt , Minister at Waltoun ; For not reading and praying . Present ; acknowledging . Deprived . 116. Mr. William Gairns , Minister in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh ; For not reading and praying , and absenting himself the Day of the reading the Proclamation ; and prayed only , God have Mercy upon King William and Queen Mary , and the Royal Family ; and for not reading the Proclamation concerning the Fast , which he contemptuously threw down when offered to him . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading the Proclamation of the Estates , nor the Proclamation for the Fast. Deprived . 117. Mr. George Maitland , Minister at Moffit ; For not reading and praying . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification , and deprived . 118. Mr. Iames Chalmers , Minister at Kilpatrick-Fleeming ; For not reading and praying . Absent ; holden as Confest . Sentence . ut supra . 119. Mr. Robert Iunkin , Minister at Abernethie ; Libel , ut supra . Absent , ut supra . Sentence , ut supra . 120. Mr. Iohn Macquhorn , Minister at Dallmelingeloun ; For not reading and praying , and absenting himself from his Church for two Years , without any violence . Absent ; holden , ut supra . Sentence , ut supra . 121. Mr. Iohn VVilkie , Minister at Lintoun in Tivedale ; For not reading and praying . Absent ; holden as confest . Sentence ut supra . 122. Mr. George Macgrather , Minister at Collace ; For not reading and praying , and for praying for the late King 's happy Restauration to the Throne , and Confusion of his Enemies . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 123. Mr. Thomas Strachan , Minister at St. Martins ; For not reading nor praying ▪ nor observing the Thanksgiving , and a Proclamation for a voluntary Contribution to the French and Irish Protestants ; and for praying for the late King and his happy Restauration , and Confusion of his Enemies . Present ; declared he only read the Proclamation , and prayed for their Majesties King William and Queen Mary , Sunday last after the Citation . Deprived . 124. Dr. Iames Kinnaries , Minister at Selkirk ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King , that God would restore him to his wonted Privileges ; and for keeping Correspondence with Papists , and not observing the Fast. Witnesses aduced ; the Libel not found proven , and he was acquitted . 125. Mr. William Alisone , Minister at Lilbucho ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration . Witnesses aduced , and the Libel not found proven . Acquitted . 126. Mr. Iames Murray , Minister at Yarrou ; For not reading and praying , and for delating such of his Parochiners to the Circuit , as withdrew from his Preachings in 1684. Witnesses aduced , found that he had obeyed the Proclamation . Acquitted . September 19. 1689. 127. Mr. Iohn Smith , Minister at Comrie ; For not reading and praying , and for praying for the late King's Restauration ; and for saying , That our Rulers are as Sodom , and Iudges as Gomorrah . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading and praying . Deprived . 128. Mr. William Murray , Minister at Craft ; For his not reading and not praying , and for praying for the late King's Restoration ; and for causing to be read on the Sunday after the Defeat of his Majesties Forces at Gillechrankie , these Notes in the 118 th Psalm , This is the Day God made , in it we will joy Triumphantly . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading and praying . Deprived . 129. Mr. David Young , Minister at Monivaird ; For his not reading nor praying , and praying for the late King ; and not observing the Thanksgiving nor Proclamation for the Collection . Present ; acknowledges that he did not read nor pray in the Terms of the Proclamation till the Sabbath after the Citation was given him . Deprived . 130. Mr. David Hedderweick , Minister at Camebre ; For not reading nor praying , and for entertaining of Skulking Persons , and for saying , in a deriding manner , That the Surrender of the Castle of Edinburgh made a great noise . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification deprived . 131. Mr. Alexander Arthburnet , Minister at Arthburnet ; For not reading the Proclamation of the Estates , nor praying in the Terms thereof , nor observing the Fast , nor Proclamation for the Contribution . Absent ; holden as Confest . Sentenced , ut supra . 132. Mr. Alexander Foulis , Minister at Enderwick ; For not reading , nor praying , nor observing the Fast. Present ; and acknowledging his not reading the Proclamation , but prayed for their Majesties , though not in due time . Deprived . 133. Mr. Iames Adamson , Minister at Etrick ; For is not reading and praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration ; and for not observing the Fast , but suffering his Servants to work that Day ; and harbouring disaffected Persons . Depositions of the Witnesses aduced , the Libel not found proven . Acquitted . September 26. 1689. 134. Mr. Thomas Blair , Minister at Lendell ; For not praying nor reading , nor observing the Thanksgiving , nor the Proclamation for the voluntary Contribution . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 135. Mr. David Drummond , Minister at Killmadock ; For his not reading and praying , nor observing the Fast ; and for keeping Company with disaffected Persons . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 136. Mr. Alexander Burnet , Minister at St. Ninians ; For his not reading nor praying , and for praying for the late King and pretended Prince of Wales . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification , and deprived . 137. Mr. Gideon Brown , Minister at Smelholme ; For not reading and praying , and absenting himself from his Church the Time appointed for the reading the Proclamation of Estates . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 138. Mr. Iohn Keir , Minister at Roxburgh ; For not reading the Proclamation at the end , but only a part thereof , and mincing the same ; and for not praying for their Majesties , and for praying for the late King , that God would confound his Enemies . The Libel not proven by the Witnesses aduced . Acquitted . 139. Mr. Robert Rule , Minister at Dundee ; For not reading nor praying , nor observing the Day of Thanksgiving , nor observing the Proclamation for a voluntary Contribution to the French and Irish Protestants . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . October 10. 1689. 140. Mr. William Mac-Lethny , Minister at Bouill ; For not reading and praying , and for saying , that seeing he had taken an Oath to King James , he would not obey King William's Authority ; and encouraging People to disown the Authority of their present Majesties . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certifications granted against him , and he deprived . 141. Mr. Iohn Lawson , Minister at Elith ; For his not reading the Proclamation of the Estates , nor praying in the Terms thereof . Present ; and acknowledged the same . Deprived . 142. Mr. Alexander Balnaves , Minister at Kinloch ; For not reading and praying , ut supra , nor obeying the Thanksgiving or Fast. Present , and acknowledged his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 143. Mr. Charles Ross , Minister at Cralen ; For not reading nor praying , nor observing the Fast. Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 144. Mr. Gilbert Blair , Minister at Blair ; For his not reading , nor praying in the Terms of the Proclamation of the Estates , nor observing the Fast. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 145. Mr. Iohn Blair , Minister at Fuitrey ; For not reading nor praying , and refusing to do the same , and saying , Let the Whigs pray for King William and Queen Mary , for he would not , for he never got good by them : And for saying , That he would not pray for them , till She got her Father's Blessing ; and God keep him from having such a Daughter . Absent , holden as Confest . Deprived . 146. Mr. Iohn Kier , Minister at Culls ; For not reading , nor praying , nor observing the Thanksgiving nor Collection . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 147. Mr. David Rankin , Minister at Ratry ; For not reading the Proclamation of the Estates , and praying in the Terms thereof ; and for not observing the Day of Thanksgiving . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . October 3. 1689. 148. Mr. Robert Young , Minister at Kippen ; For not reading and not praying , and for many Evidences of his dissatisfaction to the Government , and for his being otherwise Scandalous , and for certain Expressions uttered by him . Present ; denies the Proclamation came to his Hands the 21 th of April , and that he was constantly since Molested ; and that he never preached since , except once in his own House , and then he knew of the Proclamation , and did not read nor pray in the Terms thereof . Deprived . 149. Mr. Patrick Bell , Minister at Port ; For not reading nor praying , nor observing the Thanksgiving . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification , and deprived . 150. Mr. Iames Menzies , Minister at Calender ; For not reading , and not praying . Deprived . 151. Mr. Iohn Edmnigestown , Minister at Gorgounoch ; For not reading and praying , and throwing from him the Proclamation of the Estates when delivered to him to read ; and being a Person violently thrust in on the Paroch without consent ; and for his Immoderate Drinking , and other scandalous Practices . Depositions of the Witnesses aduced , found the Libel sufficiently proven . Deprived . 152. Mr. Alexander Mac-Knizir , Minister at Neutyll ; For his not reading nor praying , nor observing the Fast. Depositions of the Witnesses aduced ; finds the Libel not proven . Acquitted . October 8. 1689. 153. Mr. Patrick Strachan , Minister at Maxtown ; For not reading and not praying . Present , and acknowledged . Deprived . 154. Mr. William Eason , Minister at Auchtergaven ; For not reading , and praying that the Lord would exalt King James 's Horns above his Enemies , and that they and their Designs might be Confounded . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and not praying . Deprived . 155. Mr. Thomas Fouler , Minister at Kinail ; For not reading nor praying , and for praying for the late King's Restoration , and for thanking God for the Viscount of Dundee's Victory against Maj. Gen. Mackay at Gillechrankie , and thereupon drinking the late King and Viscount of Dundees Health . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 156. Mr. Iohn Murray , Minister at Scoon ; For not reading and praying , and for praying for the late King's Restauration ; and sitting down on his Knees , and blessing the Viscount of Dundee in his Undertaking for the late King , and for sending his Brother with the late Viscount ; and for saying to him , God's Curse and my Curse befal you , if you leave the Viscount until he return Victorious . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading , nor praying . Deprived . October 10. 1689. 157. Mr. William Law , Minister at Forres ; For not reading nor praying , nor observing the Proclamation for the Contribution . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 158. Mr. Iohn Drummond , Minister at Mintzie ; For his not reading nor praying , and for praying for the late King , and being otherwise scandalous in his Life . Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 159. Mr. William Falconer , Minister at Dyck ; For not reading nor praying . Present ; and answered , that Dundee was at the Place on the Day appointed for reading , with a great number of Men and Arms at Forres , and staid there two Days before , and a Day after , and threatning all the Ministers of the Presbytery conveened at that time , if they should read the same ; and that there was no other Day appointed for reading thereof ; and that he was content to make Faith , that he had expresly prayed for their Majesties ; and that he was of Opinion that such a Government of the Church , which conduces very much to Piety and suppression of Vice , hath the approbation of God Almighty , and so is Iure Divino ; and that Presbyterian Government with Moderation and Unity may conduce to the aforesaid Ends as much as any other Government in the Church of this Nation . In regard that M. G. Mackay was in the Neighbourhood , and as near the time appointed for reading the Proclamation of the Estates , and during his continuance there , the Defendent persisted in his disobeying , he was deprived . 160. Mr. William Hay , late Bishop of Murray , as Parson of Elgin ; For not reading nor praying , nor observing the Proclamation concerning the Thanksgiving , Contribution and Fast. Absent ; holden as Confest . Certifications , and deprived . 161. Mr. Archbald Gud , Minister at Elgin . Present ; acknowledged not reading nor praying . 162. Mr. Iames Cook , Minister at Langbude ; Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 163. Mr. Iohn Drummond , Minister at Foules ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King , and keeping converse with Rebels . Present ; acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived , and ordered to be committed to Prison , and the Bond granted to Keiller to produce him , ordered to be given to him the said Lord of Keiller . October 16. 1689. 164. Mr. Iames Craig , Minister at Kilren ; For not reading and praying , and saying , That this Prince , King William , had procured great Trouble in his Time ; and wishing he were drowned in the mickle Pot of Great-Nesse , which is the deepest place in Murry-Water ; and for calling King William a Cypher'd King ; and for several other opprobrious Speeches . Witnesses aduced . The Libel not found proven , and he acquitted . October 18. 1689. 165. Mr. Iames Forsythe , Minister at St. Ninians ; For not reading and praying , nor observing the Thanksgiving , and reflecting against the Proceedings of the Estates . Depositions of Witnesses aduced . Libel not proven , and he acquitted . 166. Mr. Iames Aird , Minister at Toryburne ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King , our natural Prince , that God would comfort him in the Day of his Distress ; and praying that God would send back that Tyrant ( meaning King William , who had come to invade these Lands ) with a Hook in his Jaws . Depositions of Witnesses aduced . The Libel found proven , and he deprived . October 22. 1689. 167. Mr. Iohn Hamiltoun , late Bishop of Dunkeld , as Minister at Miglo , and Mr. Iohn Gresin his Helper ; Both for not reading the Proclamation , nor praying in the Terms thereof ; and the said Mr. Iohn , for praying for the late King's Restauration , and that God would give him the Necks of his Enemies ; and for harbouring the Visc. of Dundee . Mr. Iohn Hamiltoun absent , holden as Confest ; and Mr. Gresm present , and acknowledging he read not the said Proclamation , nor prayed in the Terms thereof . Certification granted against Mr. John Hamiltoun ; and both deprived . October 29. 1689. 168. Mr. Alex. Lindsay , Minister at Cortachie ; For not reading and not praying , and praying for the late King , and not observing the Thanksgiving ; and several other things libelled against him , as evidencing his dissatisfaction to the present Government , and keeping Correspondence with the Rebels . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 169. Mr. Iohn Nicolson , Minister at Erroll ; For not reading and praying , and for employing deprived Ministers to preach for him the Day of the Fast , and for praying in general for the King and Queen , and that God would enlighten the King's Eyes , and that no Arms prosper against him , meaning the late King. Present ; and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . Novemb. 7. 1689. 170. Mr. Iohn Ross , Minister at Dornoch ; For not reading the Proclamation of the Estates , nor praying in the Terms thereof . Present ; and the Complainant being cited , and having produced no Witnesses ; and the Defender producing a Certificat , that the Proclamation was not sent to the Sheriff-Deputy of the Shire of Southerland , or the Clerk of the foresaid Shire under their Hands ; and declaring that he had no Scruple to read the same ; and that lie had prayed for their Majesties , King William and Queen Mary . Acquitted . 171. Mr. Iames Fran , Minister at Keith ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration to the Throne . Absent ; holden as Confest . Certification , and deprived . 172. Mr. Arthur Strachan , Minister at Morthick ; For not reading , and praying for the late King's Restauration to the Throne ; and for his conversing with Rebels , and for pressing some of his Parishioners to go into open Rebellion under the Lord Dumfermling . Present ; and acknowledging his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 173. Mr. Iohn Henderson , Minister at Defford ; For his not reading nor praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration to the Throne . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading nor praying . Deprived . 174. Mr. Iohn Hay , Minister at Ruthven . Libelled , ut supra . Present , and acknowledged , ut supra . Deprived . 175. Mr. Patrick Chalmer , Minister at Boyndee ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration ; and for his praying against , and speaking Evil of the present Government , and praying for K. William and Q. Mary scoffingly , saying , as they call them : And for expressing , That seeing the Convention had voted out K. James , he hoped they would vote out the belief of the Trinity also . And for calling the Members of Parliament a pack of Devils and Rebels : And that the Convention had only issued out the Proclamation for the Contribution , on purpose to disgrace King Iames ; and that they were Runnagadoes and Rascals who came from Ireland , and pretended Persecution , Oppression and Force , when they had never lain under any , and therefore would not intimate the Proclamation : And for saying , That all that are for King William , should renounce the Name of Protestants , and take that of Rebels . And for his ordinary conversing with Papists , drinking Drunk ; and being otherwise scandalous in his Life and Conversation . Present ; and acknowledged his not reading and praying . Deprived . 176. Mr. Iohn Innes , Minister at Ganirie ; For not reading the Proclamation , and praying in the Terms thereof ; and for praying for the late King's Restauration to the Throne . Present ; and declaring , as soon he had notice of the Proclamation of the Estates , he prayed for their Majesties , King William and Queen Mary : And that the Proclamation not coming to his Hands in due time , sometime thereafter he read the same , having got it from a neighbouring Minister . Acquitted . 177. Mr. Alex. Ker , Minister at Grange ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King's Restauration to the Throne . There being a Certificate produced , under the Hands of two Physicians , upon Soul and Conscience , That he was not able to travel : And another Declaration under the Hands of his Parishioners , that he had given Obedience , he was acquitted . 178. Mr. Iohn Dempster , Minister at Larg ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King. Absent . Deprived . 179. Mr. Simon Grant , Minister at Duther ; For not reading and praying . Acknowledges . Deprived . 180. Mr. Colme Nicolson , Minister at Kirkmichel ; For not reading and praying . Absent . Deprived . 181. Mr. Iohn Stewart , Minister at Cromdale ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledges . Deprived . 182. Mr. Iames Grant , Minister at Abernethie ; For not reading and praying . Present ; and acknowledges . Deprived . 183. Mr. Walter Rose , Minister at Rogart ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King. Never called in question . Continued till the first Thursday of January , and never called . 184. Mr. Hugh Rose , Minister at Creigh ; For not reading and praying , and praying for the late King. Never called in question . Continued , ut supra , and never called . The Scots Episcopal Innocence , &c. PART III. Being some Reflections on Dr. Monro's malicious Pamphlet , entituled , The Spirit of Calumny , &c. PLVTARCH in his Book de Cohibenda Ira , has a Story of one Magas King of Cyrene , that sent some Bones and a little Bowl to a Poet , who had writ Invectives against him , as thinking that he had done it for want of better Imployment . Certainly we have reason to make the same Judgment of our Scots Prelatists , who being spued out of their own Country by the Convention , as an Insupportable Grievance , have nothing else to do , but invent and publish Calumnies against the Presbyterians , whom the King and Parliament have preferred before them ; and in Truth their Choler hath got the Ascendant so much , that if any good natur'd Physician will present them with a Purge , I 'le chearfully contribute for some Bells and VVhistles , which for any thing I know , may be a Service to the State , and prevent a Voyage to the Baltick for Hemp. But to come to our Authors . Their Pamphlet , entituled , The Spirit of Calumny and Slander , is truly the same with which they themselves are possessed , as undeniably appears from the 3 d Page of their Epistle to the Reader , where they assert , That they know no Sect , Antient or Modern , that ever broke the Peace of the Christian Church , but may be more plausibly defended than the latest Edition of Presbytery in Scotland . By the latest Edition , they must mean as it is now established , since the late Revolution in Doctrine and Discipline . Now for the Doctrine of the Presbyterians , it is establish'd by Act of Parliament , as contained in the Westminster Confession , which is granted by every one to be the same , as to the Matter , with the Doctrinal Articles of the Church of England . Then as for their Discipline , which is establish'd by the same Authority , it is that of their Government by Parochial Consistories , made up of the Minister and Elders ; Presbyteries , which consist of a greater number of Ministers and Elders associated ; Provincial Synods , which are composed of Delegates from the several Presbyteries ; and General Assemblies , which are form'd of Commissioners from all the Presbyteries of the Kingdom . Now any that have perused the Learned Arch-bishop Vsher's Treatise , to reconcile Episcopacy and Presbytery ; or that have ever considered the Concessions made as to the Government of the Church by Charles I. in his Treaties , may easily be convinc'd , whether our Learned Authors were not possessed with the Spirit of Calumny and Slander even in the sense of the Moderate Episcopalians , when they publish'd the Proposition above-mentioned . But this will appear more evident still , if we do but enumerate some of the Antient and Modern Sects who have broke the Peace of the Church . To begin with the Gnosticks , who were so Antient , that Dr. Hammond . Diss. Proem de Antichr . thinks that the Apostles saw the first Authors of their Opinions ; and that St. Paul alludes to them , in 1 Tim. 6.20 . They are charg'd with denying the Godhead of Jesus Christ , maintaining all manner of Impure Lusts , polluting the places where they met accordingly , and foasting barbarously on the Children begotten in such Impurity , after they had pounded them into Mortar , which they esteem'd a most religious Act , as is related by Tertullian , Epiphan , Theodoret , &c. In the next place , we shall name the Arians , who begun about 290 , and infected most of the Christian World : They held Christ to be a Creature , and the Holy Ghost the like , rebaptiz'd the Orthodox , and baptiz'd all their Disciples only from the Navel upwards , as thinking the inferiour Parts unworthy of it . The Donatists flourish'd in the 4 th Age , and held , that the Son was less than the Father , and the Holy Ghost less than the Son. That it was lawful to kill themselves , rather than fall into the Hands of the Magistrates , and to kill others who were not of the Faith. The Armenians in the 6 th Age , who held , that Christ took not a Humane Body from the Virgin ; that his Body was immortal from the Minute of his Conception ; that there was a quaternity of Persons , and that the Divinity suffered . In the 11 th and 12 th , the Bong●milit rejected the Books of Moses , and aledged that God had a Humane Shape . But to make haste , we shall come to the German Anabaptists of the 16 th Century , whose Opinions and Enthusiasms are known to every one : And the Socinians , who deny the Divinity of Jesus Christ , &c. For the Arminians , I know it 's in vain to name them , most of the Party being infected with their Leaven : But if any Man will be at the pains to compare the Doctrine of the Church of England in her Articles , and the Westminster Confession , which agree in the Matter , with the Sects here mentioned , he may quickly be satisfi'd whether those Gentlemen may not justly be charged with a Spirit of Malice and Slander , in saying , That they know no Sect , Antient or Modern , &c. but what are more plausible than Presbytery in the latest Edition ? They have no other Hole to creep out at , but either that they knew not of those Sects , or else that those Hereticks did not break the Peace of the Church ; and then we shall know what Judgment to make of their Learning and Ingenuity . But if they insist upon the Comprehension Act , let them answer what I have already said on that Head. However , we may quickly be satisfied , that those Gentlemens Veracity and Learning , are much of a-piece , if we consider the amiable Character which they bestow upon the Presbyterians in the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence ; viz. That they are void of common Sense , never scruple any Perjury before a Judg , that may seem to advance their Cause . That they think Murder a Vertue , when the Work of the Covenant requires it . That they generally discountenance Morality ; glory in Lying , Cheating , Murder and Rebellion , to fulfil the Ends of the Solemn League . That they look not upon a Man as endued with the Spirit of God , without a loud Voice , whining Tone , broken and smothered Words , and such canting deformity of Holiness . Their Ministers , they say , are a proud , sowre , unconversible Tribe ; looking perfectly like Pharisees , having Faces like their horrid Decrees of Reprobation ; are without Humanity , void of common Civility : Never preach Christ nor Eternity ; are Firebrands , the Scandal of Christianity , and Disgrace of the Nation . Now I would fain , in the first place , ask our Gentlemen , Whether this be not an Arraignment of the King and Parliament ▪ who have lodged the Government of the Church in such Mens Hands , and established Presbytery to please such a sort of People ? And if this Character be true , Whether King William be not the greatest of Tyrants , to have establish'd such a Church by the touch of his Scepter , in contrariety to such a Learned , Holy , and Innocent Party as the Scots Episcopalians ? And if this Character be not true , Whether the Libellers and Bookseller be not obnoxious to the Government , and guilty of seditious Designs , in accusing his Majesty of having concurred to the settling of such a Church ? Or , whether the Ministers of State in Scotland have not cause to demand Justice for this Indignity put upon their King and Parliament ? In the next place , Who deserve most to be charg'd with Falshood , Malice , Slander and Forgery , the Authors of the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , who charge the whole Presbyterian Party of Scotland with those odious Crimes in general ? or the Answerer , who proves the Prelatical Persecution by Acts of their own Parliaments , and their Murders by uncontroulable Instances ? And his Charge in general against their Clergy , by the Vote of this present Parliament , when a Convention , That they were the great and insupportable Grievance of the Nation . To which the Prelatists can oppose nothing , but Sir George Mackenzie's Vindication of Charles II's Government in Scotland , which the Answerer hath made appear to be a malicious Libel , or else the Cause of King William's Undertaking was unjust , and He and his Parliament of Scotland abominable Liars , in declaring those Acts which Sir George defends to be impious . And last of all , I would ask those Gentlemen , Whether they think that any thing which they invent or suggest against the Answerer , can justly deserve any Credit , when they attaque the Reputation of the King , Parliament , and all the Presbyterians of Scotland ? But lest I should weary my Reader , in being too serious with Libellers , that know not how to be serious in any thing but Wickedness , I 'le give him Apollos's Portraiture of Calumny ; the Goddess to which our Scots Prelatists do now offer Incense , though at the same time they have still a hankering mind after Bachus and Venus . This Goddess called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was accompanied by Credulity with great Leathern Ears like Midas , or the silly Tory-fellows about Town , who damn and sink themselves , if all that the Doctor and his Fraternity have writ against the Presbyterians be not true . Credulity stretched out her Hands to Calumny , as those dull Fellows do to the Authors of the Scots Presbyt . Eloquence . On each Hand of Credulity , were Ignorance and Iealousy , i. e. Guthry , Foster , &c. who trot about the Country , to impose upon the Credulous , with their abominable Forgeries against the Presbyterians . The first of them was represented by a blind Woman , that saw as little before her Nose , as does Simon Wild the pretended Author of the Spirit of Malice and Slander : And the second by a Fellow of an ill-natur'd Look , just like Dr. Monroe , expressing his uneasiness , as the Doctor did at my Answers , but yet seeming to be pleased with some secret thing which he had discovered , as he and his scoundrel Journey-men hug and bless themselves at the huge Discoveries which they pretend to have made against Mr. R. in Sir W. Paterson's Letter , accusing him of the terrible Sin of Pope-burning . In the middle of the Picture , facing Credulity , appeared Calumny like a very handsome Woman , well dressed , but having a fierce Look , and her Eyes sparkling with Anger , the lively Representation of the false Accusations forg'd by the Doctor and his Fraternity , against the Church and State of Scotland , and varnish'd over with a counterfeit Zeal for the Church of England . In her left Hand Calumny carried a burning Torch , the flagrant Scandals with which they charge the Presbyterians in general and particular . And in her right Hand she dragg'd a little Infant , who by its cries implor'd the Assistance of Heaven , and so do we to vindicate our Innocence against the Scourge of their false Tongues . She had Envy for her Gentleman-Usher , who look'd like a Meagre and withered Fellow , eat up by his own Choler . Another lively Representation of Dr. Monroe , who changes Posts , and is sometimes Prefacer , sometimes Author , to the scandalous Libels against the Presbyterians ; and being outed of his Place because unworthy , corrodes his own Bowels with his viperous Resentments , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Unfortunate being always enraged with their Misfortunes . Calumny was followed by Imposture and Flattery , such as Iohnston's forg'd Certificates ; and those from the Coopers , Curats , Carters , and old obsolete Iacobite Magistrates , &c. at Edinburgh , of whom afterwards . However these took care of Calumny's Dress , or what else belong'd to her Service ; and so those humble Sneaks are ready to wait on the Doctor , Iurare in Verba Magistri , and condemn a Book which I am sure some of them never saw . At a considerable distance from Calumny , followed Truth . My Answers justified by the Acts of Parliament , and other Records of the Nation . Truth seem'd to march towards the Place where Calumny stood , to beat up the Doctor 's Quarters . And Truth was followed by Repentance in Mourning ; and I wish both of them to the Doctor , for the notorious Lies which he hath uttered against the Presbyterians . This Representation of Calumny did Apelles present to one of Ptolomy's Captains , against another Painter , who had falsly accused Apelles of a Conspiracy . And in like manner I present my Reader with this Portraiture against Dr. Monro , and the rest of the Scots Prelatical Lies-mongers , who have falsly accused the Presbyterians in general , and many of them in particular . Pag. 2. Our Authors undertake to make it appear , before any number of grave Witnesses , That there is not one good Consequence in the Answer to the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . Whereas the Answerer challenged them then , and does again challenge them now , to prove this an ill Consequence ; That if it can be made appear that they enacted severer Laws against us , than we have against them ; or that the Prosecution of those Laws by the then Government , was much more rigid than the Prosecution of our Laws by the present Government : Then it must necessarily be granted , that the Scots Episcopalians are Liars , in saying , That they are more severely persecuted than ever we were . Now if I have not made good the Antecedent in the first part of the Answer to the Presbyterian Eloquence , I appeal to all Men of Sense : And therefore the Consequence must hold good in spite of the Doctor and his Journey-men : And until they answer what is aduced against their Position in that Book , they must be contented to be posted for Liars , in saying what they have asserted ; or Cowards , that dare not defend it . Pag. 2. You bestow the Epithet of the truly Iust , upon Sir Geo. Mackenzie , and endeavour to stave off the Charge of Subordination , and change it into that which our Law calls Precognition , or a previous examination of the Witnesses . But , Doctor , there is a great difference betwixt Precognition and Prescription : Sir George set them their Lesson , and took an Account whether they had conn'd it , that they might swear it briskly in Court : And if it had been otherwise , there was no need of Sir George's begging forgiveness of God upon that Account ; which Sir George Campbel of Cesnock will own to be true , though you have the Impudence to say , that I have no ground for what I asserted in this Matter , but my own Petulance . Then as for your Insinuation , that Sir Geo. Mackenzie needed not that Gentleman's Recommendation to the present Court , if he had been ambitious to have been a Favourite . It shows your incurable Ignorance of what is the Subject in Controversy betwixt us ; for I said , that he had a Mind to ingratiate himself with that Gentleman , without any mention of his Application to the Court ; tho in the mean time it 's well-enough known , that how ambitious soever you or he either might have been of Favour at Court , that the Court car'd for neither of you ; and so you may stand aloof with the Fox , and cry out , sowre Plumbs , when you cannot come at them . And as for your slovenly Reflections , Pag. 3. upon Sir Geo. Campbel , for divulging Sir Geo. Mackenzie's Acknowledgment , it 's a Commendation from such an one as you , who can speak well of no honest Man : Nor has he any reason to resent it , seeing you are as unmannerly to the King and Queen , whose Favour you think not to have been worthy of Sir Geo. Mackenzie's Ambition . As for what you call my Advice and Threatnings to English Ministers of State , I said nothing but what concerns the Honour of our Nation , and what all true Scots-men do and will maintain , that they ought not to meddle in our Affairs . Stafford was as high once , as some others are now : And his Holiness , Archbishop Laud , who took the Title of * Pontifex Maximus , Aeternum Reverendissime Cancellarie , and Sanctitas Vestra , did as much despise the Church and Kingdom of Scotland , as you and your Patrons do at this Day ; yet both of them were broken in pieces by falling on that Stone . And as I said then , I say still , that the Kingdom of Scotland is not so very contemptible , but that its Influence may reach those who put an Affront and Injury upon them now , as well as formerly . As for your false , malicious and impudent Reflection , Pag. 3. That I treat King William no better than other Kings . It 's like the rest of your Sense and Veracity : I only make a Supposition , that if it should be so and so , what we may justly plead and defend by the practice of the Church of England toward King Iames. Whereas I charge your Kings with direct Breach of their Trust , and Subversion of the Original Contract ; but your Eyes were blinded with Indecencies of Passion , or sitting up too late at the Tavern , that you could not , or would not see what I wrote ; yet , like a devout Worshipper of Calumny , you are resolved to reproach , tho without either Sense or Reason , as appears by your delicate Argument to maintain your Position : because , I say , he is prevailed upon to write Letters to the General Assembly , which they are not obliged in Law to comply with ; therefore you argue , that according to my Hypothesis , If he venture upon such Essays of Arbitrary Power , he may in a little time forfeit his Title , since he has none but such as is twisted with the Divine Right of Presbytery Pray , Doctor , look upon this Argument your self once more , and see whether your Conclusion can naturally follow from the Premisses , and compare the Hypothesis which you have laid down as mine , with P. 4. of my Book which you refer to , and see if you have not knavishly perverted it My Assertion is , That their Majesties accepted the Crown upon this Condition , among others , in the Claim of Right , That they should consent to the Abolition of Prelacy , as contrary to the Inclination of the generality of the People : And that they have since abolished it accordingly , ( which is a fulfilling of the Contract ) and established Presbytery in Scotland , as most agreeable to the World of God , as well as the Peoples Inclinations , which are the very Words of the Act of Parliament . Then I suppose , that if their Majesties should be prevailed upon ( which , blessed be God , there is no cause to fear ) to act contrary to their solemn Oath , and the Claim of Right , they must needs see that the People of Scotland would have ground enough to plead a Breach of the Original Contract . Nor could the Church of England for shame condemn them , seeing they have made use of the same Plea , in their Convention and Parliament against King Iames. Now , Doctor , where can you find in these Words , that I say or insinuate , that he hath no Title but what is twisted with the Divine Right of Presbytery ? His Title is indeed twisted with an Obligation to abolish Prelacy , as contrary to the Peoples Inclinations , and to establish such a Government of the Church , as should be found most agreeable to the same . And accordingly after a Twelve-months suspence , which was time enough to examine it , Presbytery was settled , as most agreeable to the People , and , ex super abundanti , as also most agreeable to the Word of God : Which Clause it was in his Majesty's own Power to have consented to , or not ; for there was no such thing twisted with his Title , nor did I ever assert it as you do knavishly alledg , though at the same time I made it appear , that according to the Church of England's Hypothesis , a King may forfeit his Title by breaking the Original Contract , and dispensing with the Laws ; for that was the Clamour of your Party against the late King , though your Universities , Judges and Clergy , had formerly preached up his Dispensing Power . Then for your Argument , to fix your Malicious Reflection upon me , that if he venture upon such Essays of Arbitrary Power , as writing Letters to the General Assembly , which they are not obliged in Law to comply with , he may in a little time Forfeit , &c. It 's so weak , that I am asham'd for Country's-sake , that ever that Man should have been made Vice-Chancellor of an University who argues no better . Will any Man of Sense infer , that because his Majesty , out of his exuberant Clemency to his sworn Enemies , writes to the General Assembly to admit some of them into the Church , which they are impowered to do by the Law if they please , but are not obliged by the Law to do it ; I say , will any Man of Sense , think that this is such an Essay of Arbitrary Power , as may hazard the forfeiture of the Crown ? Indeed , Doctor , according to the late Actings and Arguments of your Party , such a Principle may be fix'd upon a certain sort of Men in the World , who assoon as the King touched the Hem of their Garment , and gave Liberty to Dissenters , did forthwith bandy against him , and expel him . But you may see that all those Kings which the Presbyterians did oppose , were guilty of overturning the very Foundations ; and yet the World must needs own that they were very tender of King Charles I's Title and Person , notwithstanding of all his Male-Administrations . And if your Doctorship please , either to read Rushworth's Collections , Whitlock's Memorials , or the Bishop of Salisbury's Memoirs of the House of Hamilton , you will find how Honourably the Presbyterians of Scotland acted in relation to King Charles I , both in the Treaty , at delivering him up ; complaining of the Breach of that Treaty by the Usurping Faction , and protesting against his Imprisonment and Trial ; though you be pleas'd , to the dishonour of your Native Country , to assert , with as much Impudence , as Ignorance and Malice , That we tied him Hand and Foot , till others out off his Head. Whereas all the World knows that the same Party who cut off his Head , would be satisfied with nothing less than our Hearts Blood for espousing his Cause , and that of his Son and Successor Charles II. when those who were afterwards the greatest Sticklers for your Party , did at the same time abjure him ; as did also General Monk when he was actually bringing him in ; which you may see in the same Author's above-mentioned ; and the Life of both those Kings printed lately by Nathaniel Crouch in the Poultry . In the next place , Doctor , I must find some Weapon-Salve for that dreadful Wound which you have given me , in saying , That her present Majesty is much obliged to me — for alledging that the Scots Prelatists have put the Stuarts from the Throne . Really , Doctor , I do think that the Family of Nassaw is now upon the Throne , and that with so many Advantages as have hardly been seen before ; for all the different Titles of Birth , Marriage , and the Peoples Choice , are centred in his present Majesty ; whom God hath indowed with such Qualifications , that if Alexander the Great had had such a Successor , he would never have said , detur digniori . But , Doctor , I am so much a Scots-Man , that I am no otherwise for the House of Nassaw , than as the Champions whom God hath chosen for the Protestant Interest , and one of the most Illustrious Cyons that ever was engrafted in old Fergus's Stock . Nor is it any Diminution to the Honour of our Country , to have a King from that Family which gave Emperors to Germany . But , Doctor , Hinc illae Lachrymae , proh dolor ! Here 's the thing that grieves your Party . That that very Family which cut the Turkish Bowstring of Passive Obedience , when sent from Spain to choak the Netherlands , should , by the Wheel of Fortune , be tumbled from beyond Sea to do the like for Britain and Ireland , which have been in horrible Convulsions ever since the Apostles of Slavery , * Sibthorp and Manwaring preached in 1626 , That the King might make Laws , and do whatever pleaseth him ; and that the Subjects under pain of Damnation , ought to pay the Loan-Money , demanded by Charles I. and obey the King's Will in all things . Which by the way , Doctor , gives quite another state of the Doctrine of Passive Obedience , then what your Doctorship is pleas'd to exhibite P. .... And if it be not Nefas dictu , I humbly conceive that the Authors of that Doctrine understood it as well as your Doctorship , or any other of their Scholars : But in truth , Doctor , Ignorance and Malice are so very discernable in your Spirit of Calumny , that it 's hard to know which of them has the Ascendant ; for I perceive your Elect Lordship so much upon the Fret , and in such a terrible Rage against the Presbyterians , that you charge them with as little Sense , and as much Malice , as did that Fellow who came home drunk , and not being able to find the Key-hole of his Door , swore , That the Fanaticks had stole it away . Then , Doctor , I would fain know whether it be not against the Logical Axiom ex particulari , because Herriot appointed an Anniversary to be kept by those of his Hospital , for whom he hath provided a constant Maintenance , on condition that they observe his Rules ; of which this is one , To argue thence that the Observation of Anniversaries may be impos'd upon a whole Nation , by Churches or Civil Magistrates . Really , Doctor , I think this to be just such a way of arguing , as that of a foolish Girl , who being a gathering of Berries with her Mother , said , O Mother , here 's abundance of Berries , for I have found one . Or tell me , Doctor , whether it be not a Nonsequitur , that because a particular Man may impose an Anniversary upon those of an Hospital whom he maintains , and who by the Observation of his Rules , whereof this is one , are entituled to all the Benefits of his Munificence ; to argue thence , That the Church , or Civil Magistrate , may impose Anniversaries upon all the Christians in a Nation , seeing they are neither the Founders of their Religion , nor Donors of the Benefits which they reap thereby . Next , I would pray your Doctorship to resolve me , Whether if I affirm such a Man to be a whining Fellow , who drivles at Eyes and Mouth , which in all English Construction must signify Weeping , and another calls that same Man a Ludicrous Fellow in relation to that very Action ; I say , I would pray you to resolve me , Whether we do not contradict one another ? But if the Doctor have such a Faculty , that he can drivle at Eyes and Mouth in Jest , I confess that he not only deserves the Name of Scaramouchi , but to be a Merry-Andrew in the principal Booth in Bartholomew-Fair . But , Doctor , to argue this Point a little further , tell me , Whether there be not a direct Contradiction betwixt your Parties saying , as I cited it , Pag. 37. That there was nothing like Iustice amongst the Presbyterians ; and your owning that the Presbyterian Privy Council , and a Presbyterian Synod treated Dr. Canaries with special Honour , acquitted him , and reproved his Accusers ? Really , Doctor , if this be not a Contradiction , I do not understand one ; but I wish you understood a little more Honesty , to quote your Adversary fairly , and not leave out my Words , on which the stress of the Argument lay , as you did here . You make a great Noise with me , for leaving out the Word Sense ; when you oppose the Quality , Sense and Interest of your Party against ours ; and yet charge me falsly with saying , that Nero and Iulian the Apostate had the advantage of the Primitive Christians , in Quality , Sense and Interest ; whereas I only said in Quality and Interest , which you cannot deny . But , Doctor , I 'le allow you Sense too , and yet the Argument will hold pretty well ; for Nero and Iulian the Apostate , were Men of much better Education and Sense too , if we mean Philosophy , or Natural Wisdom , than any of the Apostles , Paul excepted : And yet the Christian Religion is no loser by it , for St. Paul himself declares , that not many Wise , not many Mighty , nor not many Rich are called ; and here is Quality , Sense and Interest allowed to be on the side of our Enemies by the Apostle ; so that the Presbyterians might yield all three to the Prelatists , and be no losers in their Cause : but , blessed be God , we need not , for we have the King and Parliament on our Side , and I hope there 's Quality , Sense and Interest enough to over ballance you . Then you alledg , that I own your Honour and Integrity ; whereas I only tell you , that it 's none of my Business to question it ; but the Instances they are charged with , come under none of those Heads : which to any Man but the Doctor , would be understood a denial of it ; and therefore your Doctorship must either confute those Instances , or yield your Cause ; for I still say it 's none of my Business to question their Honour and Integrity in Terminis . But , Doctor , to make an end of our Logical Controversy ; look to the last Page of your Postscript , and tell me , Whether those words , he begins his Book with a Lie in the Title Page ; or this Proposition , that such a Book was printed for Thomas Anderson at Charing-Cross , is a Lie , be Affirmative or Negative ? Doctor , I maintain the former , and for this reason , because there is somewhat affirmed of the Subject : And to make it plain to every Capacity that they are Affirmative , let 's try whether they be the same with these Propositions ; He does not begin his Book with a Lie , or that such a Book was printed for Thomas Anderson at Charing-Cross , is not a Lie ; which are undoubtedly Negative . Doctor , I presume that you have not forgot the Logical Canon , Vt propositio sit Negativa , necesse est particulam Negandi , vel toti propositioni praemitti , vel Copulae & verbo adjectivo habenti vim Copulandi immediate addi . Pray , Sir , either show the Particle of Negation in your Proposition , He begins his Book with a Lie in the Title Page , or yield the Cause . But seeing you are pleased to say further , That if you called me a Liar ; though such a Proposition sounded like an Affirmative , yet it was no Affirmative Proposition , but finally resolved into a Negative , and can no otherwise be proved than as a Negative may . I demonstrate the contrary thus . You know that Mentiri , is derived from Contra mentem ire , and therefore you will excuse the Latin ; Omnis qui it contra mentem , mentitur ; At Doctor Monro it contra mentem : Ergo. Now , Doctor , I prove the Minor thus , You said , That Halside denies that ever he was persecuted by Sir George Mackenzie , which you must know to be an Untruth ; for Halside never denied any such thing . And thus , Doctor , I have called you a Liar , and proved it as an Affirmative ; and submit it to the Judgment of all Mankind , whether it be you , or Mr. R. that has discovered their Ignorance of the Difference betwixt a Negative and an Affirmative Proposition ? Doctor , as for the mighty Advantage you imagine to your self , because of the Act of the Assembly enjoining the Covenant to be taken by Students at their first entrance to the College ; you will find it not so great as you believe , for you did equivocate at best , in saying , It was required of Children at Schools : By which one might have thought , that it was imposed upon Children before they could read . And according to your wonted Honesty , you charge words upon me , that I never wrote , viz. That I believed the Covenant was required of little Children that offered to take Degrees of Master of Arts , about the Age of thirty Years ; whereas I mentioned no such thing as thirty Years in that Case : and hereupon , Doctor , I make bold to call you a Liar ; which according to your Logick , is no Affirmative , and therefore I hope you won't be angry . But further , Doctor , although it be the Custom now for Children to go to the Universities at Twelve or Fourteen , which yet is rare , except you mean the Humanity Class ; it was not so usual in 1638 , or the Time of the Covenant , which I believe your Doctorship may have heard , if you don't remember it . But after all , Doctor , I own that I did not remember the Act , nor have not the Acts of the Assembly by me , but yet I was as near the Truth in my Supposition , as you were in your Assertion , if Schools be taken in the lowest sense . But , Doctor , because I do not love to be in your Debt , I 'le answer your Question in Pag. 54. and shew , that you are as ignorant of your own Acts , as I am of our Acts. Your Act of Uniformity obliged all Ecclesiasticks to renounce all Obligation from the Covenant on them , or any other , to endeavour any Alteration of Church-Government . And by the Corporation Act , all Nonconformists were obliged to swear , That they would never endeavour any Alteration of the Church-Government , or else they were not suffered to live within five Miles of a Corporation . And not only so , but all Vestries , Corporations , and Militia , were sworn never to endeavour any Alteration of Government of the Church . So that now I hope your Doctorship has received more than a sufficient Answer to your Demand , to let you know , if ever Clergy-men were turn'd out of their Livings upon their denying to promise , neither directly nor indirectly to alter an Ecclesiastical Government . For here you see it is imposed upon Laicks , and therefore we hope that the Church of England will find no reason to complain , that this is imposed upon our Ecclesiasticks . And whereas you caution me not to run up and down , and make a Noise as if you opposed an Act of Parliament , for you only dispute against the Opinion of blind Zealots , who have no more regard to the Peace of the Nation , than to the Order of Episcopacy : In truth , Doctor , I think it is reckoned Treason in Scotland to impugn an Act of Parliament ; and King and Parliament both , are those blind Zealots against whom you dispute , for they have in the Act , establishing Presbytery , declared it most agreeable to the Word of God. But your Doctorship is wiser than they all , and says , It cannot be reconcil'd to it , no more than to the former Settlement of Presbytery ; and yet the last Act establishing Presbytery , does only ratify the Act of 1592 : But such Contradictions are venial in the Doctor . As to St. Austin's Epistle to St. Ierome , your Doctorship is so much Cock-a-hoop , that it 's but reasonable to chastise your triumphant Ignorance , by citing it : And therefore if you please to read his 19 th to St. Ierome , you will find these words , Quamvis secundum honorum vocabula , quae Ecclesiae usus obtinuit , Episcopatus Presbyterio major est , in multis tamen , &c. Now , Doctor , I think here 's the Antiquity of Presbytery acknowledg'd , and nothing more but a Ius humanum of Episcopacy asserted , which was all that I said ; though , according to your ordinary way , you falsify my words . And whereas you are pleased to argue for Episcopacy , from the Jewish Church-Government , as having a High-Priest above the other Priests ; I wonder you do not also argue for Circumcision to be join'd to the rest of your Jewish Ceremonies ; and perhaps you might , if it were only to be imposed upon Laicks . But I am afraid that your High-Priest Paterson would never consent to it , because , for a time at least , it would mar his and some other of your Clergy-mens Gallantries . But , Doctor , is not there a visible disparity in the Case ? Can you say that the Office of a Bishop , is as distinctly set down as different from a Presbyter in the New Testament , as that of a Priest and High-Priest in the Old ? For though you find the Name of Presbyter given to all above a Deacon in the New Testament , yet you find the Offices of Apostle , Evangelist , and Presbyter , to have their specifical Differences ; but so you can never do as to Bishop and Presbyter , who are the same in Name and Office ; but that you let slip through your Fingers . F. Simon , though a very great Friend to the English Prelatists , concerning whom he says , Que des tous les Sectaires ils approchent le plus de l'Eglise Romaine dans ce qui regarde la Discipline Ecclesiastique . He does not run so high as the Doctor , but says only , That comme dans chaque Synagogue il y avoit un President on Chef de Synagogue , de meme dans les premieres Assemblée des Chrotiens il y avoit un Chef que quelques Peres ont nommé President , & il est appelle dans le Nouveau Testament Eveque & pretro ou ancien . He says further , That la Iurisdiction qu'on nomme aujurdhui Episcopale ne dependoit Point de l'Eveque seul mais de toute l'Assemblée des Pretres conjointement avec l'Eveque , & cola a duré tant qu'il n'y a en dans chaque Ville qu'une Eglise & qu'une Assembleé des pretres jointe a son Eveque Mais Aussitot qu'il fut necessaire d'augmenter le Nombre des Eglises il y ent a craindre que ceux qui les governoient ne S'attribuassent aussi la qualite d'Eveques ce qui fut cause que les Eveques commencerent a s'attribuer quelque autorité sur eux . P. Sim. Supplement , Ch. 4. & Hist. des Revenus Ecclesiastiques . Now , Doctor , I hope you will allow Father Simon to be as well vers'd in Rabbinical Learning as your self : You see that he only insinuates their Imitation of the Jews , but nothing of a Divine Warrant ; and plainly owns , that the Superiority of Bishops over Presbyters , is meerly of humane Original . But I must tell you further , Doctor , that your Argument from the High-Priest of the Jews , will be more conclusive for a Pope : And if this be not argued like a Gentleman of his Guard , it 's however argued like one that wishes him well . For your brag as to St. Ierome , reconcile it to his Commentary on Titus , or your own Opinion with Dr. Holland's K. Iames the 6 th's Professor at Oxford , Arch-bishop Whitgift's , Dr. Fulk's , and others of the Church of England . The first in an Act at Oxford , July 9. 1608. concluded , That it was contrary to the Scriptures , Fathers , Doctrine of the Church of England , and Schoolmen , to say that Episcopatus est ordo distinctus à Presbyteratu , coque superior Iure Divino . And in the next place , Doctor , as a further Answer , consider , That there was no standing Officer appointed in the New-Testament-Church above a Deacon , but a Presbyter . And Clemens , who lived in the first Century , in his Epistle to the Corinthians , telling them , That God in the Jewish Church , appointed a High Priest , Priests and Levites , names no other Orders of Ministry in the Christian Church , but Bishops and Deacons ; His words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And , Pag. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Note , this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because , Pag. 57 & 58 , he shews , that the Controversy was not about the Name , but Dignity of Episcopacy , because they were about deposing their godly Presbyters or Bishops . But , Doctor , my next Attaque shall be upon your Evidence , Sir William Paterson , who is pleased to treat Mr. Ridpath with the genteel Terms of Villain , Rascal , Varlet , &c. though at the same time Mr. Ridpath is content to refer it to any Herald in Scotland , Whether the Family whence he is descended , or Sir William's be the best . It can be very well instructed , that the Family of Ridpath is of the same Original with the Gordons , both by the Heralds Books , their armorial Bearings , and constant Tradition . And I think there 's none will deny , that the Family of Gordon is one of the eldest and greatest Families in Scotland . The History of Douglas does also own , that their Princely Family did not think it below them to espouse the Quarrel of that of Ridpath , the best Families of the Mers , as those of Swinton , Cockburn , &c. will not disown their having been allied to them : And there 's yet a Monument in Cranshaw's Church , at the Head of that which was formerly the Baron of Ridpath's Seat , demonstrating , that one of our Kings did not think it below him to be the Guest of that Family , and to honour them with his Company to Church . This I have much ado to prevail with Mr. Ridpath to let pass , as being of the Opinion , that all such things are but Vanity ; and that sola Virtus nobilitat ; nor would he have indeed suffered it , but that his malicious Enemies think it their Interest to revile and vilify him , because , forsooth , he was a Servant ; though at the same time he was never Servant to any Man , but in a Station becoming a Scholar , and thinks it no disgrace to be so still : And as for being Servant to the two Sons of one Mr. Grey , it 's false ; he had no concern but with one of the Greys , and that was as an Assistant in his Studies ; and that Gentleman did then , and does still treat him as his Companion , nor is he asham'd to own that he serves Mr. Grey now . As for Dr. Cant's having found the Bond of Combination , as he calls it , upon Mr. R. it 's also false ; nor was ever the Original Bond found by any of your Party ; though Mr. Massey , who was his Regent , had a foul Copy of the Bond from Mr. Grey , which must be that , if there be any , that is in the Council Office : And if it be there , he dares refer to it to prove Sir William's Falshood , as to that Clause inviting Prentices , and all others , to join in the Association , for there was never any such in it . But lest Sir William , or any of his Gang , have corrupted it , I shall by and by exhibit an attested Copy to prove what I say : And it is as false that any Ring-leader of the Presbyterians , or any other , were concern'd in framing the Design besides the Students themselves . Nor was it ever design'd as a Prologue to any Rebellion , as Sir William does aver . Neither has Mr. R. any reason to believe that he would have been spared , could the Law have reach'd him , or could they have found a Jury to have condemn'd him ; for the Proceedings against him on that Head , were universally abhor'd by all Protestants in general , those of Sir William and the Doctor 's Kidney excepted . As to the Benefit which Mr. R. had by the D. of York's Clemency , we shall hear anon : And as to the falseness of his Answer to the D. of Rothes , and other great Lords , he defies Sir William to instance in one . But to set this whole Matter in its true Light , take this short but true Narrative of it . Mr. R. having , upon reading the account of the Pope burning at London , moved it first himself to some of his fellow Students ; the Design was so laid afterwards , that it could not well , nor did not miscarry ; though the two Mr. Greys , Mr. Guthry , Mr. R. and others were taken up the Night before the burning of the Pope , on design to prevent it ; and after the Business was done , examined by Sir George Mackenzie , the King's Advocate : but Mr. R. being sufficiently possessed with the Apprehensions of the then raging Tyranny , he refus'd to answer , though threatned with Torture , till he was perswaded thereunto by his Regent , Mr. Massey , who told him in a very Friendly manner by himself , that my Lord Advocate only desir'd to know whether any other than the Students were concerned in the Contrivance ; for if it happened to be so , that it was only a Project of their own , the Council would pass it over as a puerile Business ; whereupon Mr. R. confessed , that he drew the Bond , and after several Questions upon that Head , was discharged , which was a very unpardonable Blunder in that great Lawyer , if the Matter had imported High Treason , as Sir William alledges . But that this was so in Matter of Fact ; Mr. R. appeals to Mr. Massey , who is still a Regent at Edinburgh ; and though no Knight , yet a Person of better Reputation than ever Sir William was . But though Mr. R. was set thus at Liberty , a Storm immediately succeeded the Calm ; some malicious Persons having spread it about , that the Students had threatned to burn the Provosts House , which stood about a Mile from the Town , if he would not release their Comrades from Prison ; the House was in a few Days after burnt by some Papists , as was suppos'd , to bring an Odium upon the Colledg ; but the Students were all of them at Liberty before , so that they had no further Ground of quarrel , and a barrel of Powder with the King 's Ammunition-Mark , which the Students could never have come by , was also found near the place . However the Council issued a Proclamation , charging it upon the Students , and summoning the Regents to appear with such and such of their Scholars to answer it : and Mr. R. being one of those named , his Friends advised him to withdraw , because they knew his Danger , both as a Presbyterian and framer of the Bond , but especially because there was no due legal Course observed in those Days . Yet he was so concern'd for his Reputation , and that of the University which he had engaged in the Affair of the Pope burning , that he would not abscond , but appear'd on the Day of Summons ; and being examin'd on the Head of the Bond , for burning the Pope , refus'd to answer at first , because he was summoned for his alledged Accession to the burning of Priest-field . But the Council declining that , and insisting upon the other , and Mr. R. knowing that he had confessed to Sir George Mackenzie , as above , that he had writ the Bond , did again own it before the Council . And after many other Questions wherein the Bishops were severest upon him , the D. of Rothes was very favourable to him , upon notice of his Relation to Mr. Thomas Ridpath of Fulfordlees . But Mr. R. being ordered to withdraw to a Corner of the Room , while the Council advis'd what to do , Sir W. Paterson , then Clerk to the Council , came to Mr. R. and pretending a deal of Friendship , ask'd him , If he went to Church ? which Mr. R. refusing to answer , this generous Knight went immediately to the Council-board , and mov'd them to ask the Question , which heightned their Resentments , but especially that of the Bishops against him . Mr. R. was hereupon ordered to Prison ; and as the Macer was carring him out at the Council Chamber-door , Mr. R. perceiving that there was abundance of Spectators , and remembring that the whole Colledg was falsly charged with the burning of Sir Iames Dick's House , then Lord Provost , for suffering them to be so much abused , he thought it requisite , seeing he was the only Student committed , to tell the Spectators , in his own Vindication , that it was only for burning the Pope . Sir W. Paterson , who represents these words falsely , being behind Mr. R. when he said so , pull'd him back by the Hair , and revil'd him before the Council , in much the same Language that he uses now in his Letter . And the D. of Rothes , the President , sign'd an Order for Mr. R's close Consinement without Pen , Ink , or Paper , or any Friends having Liberty to come and see him , without his Order . And thus , Doctor , you have an Account how your Evidence , Sir W. Paterson , acted both the part of an Informer and Hangman against Mr. R. and therefore it 's no wonder that he should vilify one whom he had so much abus'd . Mr R. being consin'd , as above , was kept close Prisoner for five Weeks , and removed from Room to Room to prevent his escape or rescue , without any Friends having liberty to speak with him , but in presence of the Keeper , who , from time to time , brought him Word that he was to be tortured , as indeed the Council had threatned him , or some such dismal Message . And at the same time the University was broke up , the Students banish'd the City , and an extraordinary Guard set upon the Prison ; but that ever Mr. R. was laid in Irons , as Sir W. says , is false , though he did very much wonder at the Providence of his escaping the Boot , or a second Examination . However two other snares were laid for him at the same time : the first was , by putting in one Iohn Murray into the same Room with him , who was condemned for an Opinion which some of those poor oppressed People called Cameronians , began then to broach , that Charles II. ought not to be own'd as King , because he had broken the Covenant on which he took the Crown , and that a small number of about 20 or 30 Men had declar'd his Forfeiture at Sanqhair . This Man being much superior to Mr. R. in Years , and very Zealous for his Opinion , they thought he would infect Mr. R. with it , and so they might hang him by clear Law : but a worthy Minister , supposed to be the Reverend and Learned Mr. Iamison , having found means to convey Notice of the Design to Mr. R. it was not only frustrated , but Mr. R. proved an Instrument to save his Fellow-Prisoner , by convincing him of the unreasonableness of his Principles ; and perswading him to petition the Council , which with the Intercession of his Friends procur'd his Pardon , though he was just ready to have been led to Execution . Mr. R. having been 5 Weeks in close Prison , was upon his Petition allowed the Liberty of the House ; and a little after the Council passed a Sentence of Banishment upon him , without calling for him to shew a reason why : And at that same time they laid a 2 d Snare for him by ordering him to sign a Bond , obliging himself to depart the Kingdom in ten Days , and never to return without their Licence , on pain of being holden pro Confesso , as guilty of the Burning of Priestfield abovementioned , and punish'd accordingly . But Mr. R. did utterly reject it , because he perceived the Design , though they thought , that being a young Man , and uneasy under Confinement , it would have gone down glibb , and then they would have had occasion of Calumny at least not only against him , but the whole Colledg , though they never examined him upon that Head when he was before them . Mr. R. petitioning the Duke upon this unreasonable Bond , and desiring only that the Penalty might be altered , it was granted , and Mr. R. was ordered to give Bond , and a Bondsman , for 2000 Mark Forfeiture , if he did not depart the Kingdom in 10 Days , and never return without their Licence ; which was accordingly done March 10 , 1681. This is a true Narrative of that Affair ; and now , Doctor , Mr. R. is not afraid to leave it to any true Protestant to judg , whether his Part in it , or that of your Prelatical Council , and particularly the gallant Knight Sir W. Paterson , was most honourable ; especially if Mr. R's Years , and other Circumstances , be duly considered . For however your Scurrilous Evidence Sir William represents him , he had never then been under the Razor ; though the valourous Knight may be very well satisfied , that it was not from any defect of his Constitution , if he remembers the full handful , which Hangman like , he took of his Hair to pull him in again before the Council . And to let your Doctorship see further what honest Evidence you have to support your Cause , here 's an attested Copy of the Bond , which Sir William gives a false Account of . WE whose Names are here underwritten , in order to the prosecuting of our Design to burn the Pope in Effigie ; ( 1. ) Do faithfully promise mutual Assistance and Concurrence ; but to prevent Scruples which may arise hereanent , We declare that it is not out of contempt of Lawful Authority , or to bring any Person or Persons into a Praemunire , but out of a pure hatred against that Man of Sin , and eldest Child of the Devil . ( 2. ) For the Incouragement of each concern'd in this Affair , we faithfully promise Secrecy , lest any should incur Hazard , either by contriving or carrying it on . ( 3. ) We promise to defend one another , against the Opposers , but yet we look for none . ( 4. ) That we shall not suffer one another to be extruded the Colledg , or imprisoned upon that Account . ( 5. ) That in a special manner we shall keep secret the Names of the principal Actors . To the observing of which Articles , we , every one of us for our selves , oblige , upon the Word of a Gentleman and Promise of a Christian ; and in case of Failzie , the Divulgers or Breakers , besides the incurring the Hatred of the Observers , shall forfeit 30 s. Scots . The Attestation . THAT this above-written is the true Copy of the Bond contracted amongst the Students of Philosophy in the College of Edinburgh , called by the Council the Bond of Combination ; Whereupon they found their Warrant for what they have done against the whole Students in general , and for sentencing to Banishment our Fellow-Student , after nine Weeks Imprisonment in particular : We do by our subscriptions Testify . William Gordon , eldest Son to my Lord Viscount of Kenmure . Iohn Drummond , Son to Alderman or Balzie Drummond , of Edinburgh . William Gordon , 2 d Son to the Laird of Earlston , and now a Captain in the Earl of Leven's Regiment . Iohn Drummond , a Perthshire Gentleman . Da. Arnot , Son to a Worthy Minister . Thomas Wake , a Northumberland-Man . Io. Guthrie , lately Major in my Lord Cardrosses Regiment . Now , Doctor , here 's your Evidence , Sir William Paterson , proven to be a false one , by the Attestation of several Gentlemen of better Quality , and the meanest of them of much better Extract than himself . Whence his Worship may also have a clear Vidimus , that better than he chose Mr. R. whom he does so much vilify for their Companion . And at the same time you may also perceive the Wisdom of your Prelatical Council , in making so much to do , and bringing in their whole Army to oppose about 200 young Lads , who had a mind to divert themselves by burning the Pope , and to secure themselves from the Insults of any rascally Fellows , Papists , and others , with which the Town did then abound ; or from any Collegial Punishment which the Principal and Regents durst never have refus'd , if the Council had desired it , entred into the above-mention'd Bond ; which was so far from being maturely considered , that the Tautologies are sufficient to discover its having been drawn in a Hurry ; and the foolishness of the Penalty shows , that it was altogether Juvenile . But however , the Council of Scotland , and especially Arch-bishop Paterson , and his Brother Sir William , were then so eager to promote a Popish Interest , that they affronted Mr. George Shields ; who is well enough known here in London for his owning the late King , because he did about that time , as I think , preach against Transubstantiation ; and threatned to kick him down Stairs . Well , Doctor , we must now come to the Politicks which you advance , p. 51. by way of Apology for your Bishops , seven of whom concurred with the Convention of States in their Vote , when King Iames's Letter was delivered to them , viz. That they were a free and lawful Meeting notwithstanding of any Order that might be contain'd in that Letter to dissolve them . Whence I concluded , that the said Bishops were inconsistent with their former Principles , and after Practices . The first thing which you advance , is a Concession that it was so , if they intended by that Vote nothing less than what the Presbyterians advanced . Now , Doctor , that the Presbyterians advanced any thing higher against King Iames than his Forfeiture of the Crown for his Male-administration , you cannot pretend : but I humbly conceive there is something more advanced in the concurrence of your Bishops , viz. that King Iames had forfeited without Male-administration ; for we never heard that they complain'd of his Government , nor was it possible according to their Principles , that he could forfeit on any Account whatsoever . Now , Doctor , all that remains in Controversy betwixt us in this Point , is , Whether by this Vote they intended that King Iames had forfeited , or not ? And I dare be bold to aver , that whether it were Intentio operantis , or no , it was certainly Intentio operis : and if your Bishops could not see so far before their Nose as this comes to , who can help it ; for that it was the undoubted Right of King Iames , while he was King , to call and dissolve Parliaments or Conventions , I know no Body that denies : And therefore by clear Consequence , the depriving him of this Power , does certainly divest him of the Soveraignty ; and if your Bishops did this , though they did not intend it , it may perhaps excuse them from being Knaves , but it declares them Fools with a Vengeance . But , Doctor , I am afraid , that if the Business be duly canvass'd , it will prove them both . That this Power of Calling and Dissolving Parliaments , &c. was one of the fairest Jewels of the Crown , and the most discernable Badg of Soveraignty in a limited Monarchy , they could not be ignorant of : And therefore to deprive their King of that Prerogative , when by their former Principles they professed him to be accountable to God only , argues , that they play'd the Knave with God and him too ; and if they thought that their future Practices would either have aton'd for them at the Hands of K. Iames for unkinging him , ipso facto , or recommended them to his present Majesty after such a proof of their Treachery to his Predecessor , it demonstrates them to have been Fools . Well , but the Doctor , who it would seem was of the Cabal , tells us , That they took the Word , A free and lawful Meeting , not to signify any Meeting of the People contrary to the King's Prerogative , Authority and standing Laws , but rather a Meeting to support all the Three . Good Doctor , this may perhaps please Fools , but do you think that K. Iames will take this as a sufficient Excuse for that rascally knavish Act of unkinging him , contrary to your own Principles , or at least Pretences ? Was not the declaring that to be a free and lawful Meeting , though K. Iames in his Letter had ordered you to dissolve , contrary to his Prerogative , who as I have already said , had the Power of calling and dissolving Parliaments , &c. lodged in him , as an Inherent Right of the Crown , according to your Principles ? Or could that be a free Meeting , according to your Tenets , which was call'd against his Mind by a Power directly opposite to him , and which had an Army to support it ? And if that Meeting was not against the standing Laws , what becomes of your Act of Combination , so much insisted on , to prove Mr. R. a Traitor , in combining with others to burn the Pope ? or of these other Acts , which declare it to be Treason to convocate the Lieges without the King's Authority ? as I am sure this Convention was call'd without K. Iames's . But further , Doctor , how could this be a lawful Meeting , in your Sense , to which those who were Out-lawed by your own Laws , and declared Rebels and Traitors , had not only access as Members , but were some of its principal Constituents , and had join'd with the Prince of Orange to procure this Meeting by the Sword ? So that , good Doctor , if these things be duly considered , you will find it hard to perswade the World , that your Bishops believed that the Design of this Meeting was to support K. Iames's Prerogative , Authority and standing Laws . In the next place the Doctor tells us , That they were to sit , notwithstanding of a Prohibition , until such time as they could duly inform the King of their Straits and Difficulties ; that 's , in plain English , they will sit whether the King will or not , till he hear their Case . Really , Doctor , this is strange Doctrine from a Passive-Obedience-Man ▪ sed magna est Veritas , & praevalebit : the Devils themselves were forc'd to confess Christ , though much against their Wills. But , Doctor , how will you reconcile this Doctrine with your Reflection on the Presbyterians , for meeting without the King's Leave , in 1639 , when there was an indispensable Necessity for it , to prevent our being swallowed up with Tumults , occasion'd by illegal Impositions on Church and State ? But I beg your Pardon , Doctor , the Episcopalians have perhaps a Privilege to rebel , which others have not ; and in truth , to give them their due , of all the Rebels which this Age has produc'd , they are the chief . The Doctor tells us further , That they hoped that a Vote might be forgiven , which their Practices would have vindicated from any suspicion of lessening the Royal Authority . A fair confession then , that they had some after-Game to play , to atone for their treasonable Vote . Indeed , if the Viscount of Dundee , with their Concurrence , could have succeeded in the Design which was charged upon him to destroy the Convention , it had been a sufficient Vindication of their Loyalty to K. Iames ; but in the mean time we are obliged to the Doctor for his Ingenuity , this being a plain confession , that his Party can go along with the present Government in things , which all Men of the World would think the most destructive of K. Iames's Interest , because their After-practices will sufficiently vindicate them from any suspicion of lessning his Royal Authority . So that the present Government may hence have a fair prospect of the Fidelity of our Scots Prelatists , who , by the Doctor 's Confession , have such a Dispensation from the late King ; For they were to sit , says he , notwithstanding of a Prohibition : So that it seems K. Iames's Prohibition is only to colour the Matter . So that take him which way you will , the Doctor 's an honest Man , he can go along with the Convention , and unking his Prince at one Blow , and that pleases this Government ; and he can , by after-practices , vindicate his Loyalty to K. Iames , and that 's a sufficient satisfaction to the late Government . Is not this an Ambidexter ? But , Ibid. the Doctor would insinuate , That they were just in the same Condition with a Merchant in a Storm , who will throw all over-board to save his Life . Good Doctor , the P. of Orange's Army murdered no Man ; nor was there any other Life in hazard , than that of your Scots Prelacy : And truly K. Iames is mightily obliged to you , that to preserve it , you would throw him over-board , and sink the Crown , to save the Mitre . And when that would not do , then you pretend Loyalty to K. Iames again , because you could do other ; for K. William , and the Nation of Scotland would not entertain you . And lest your Doctorship should think this to be more than I can prove , I refer you to your Friend Mr. Caddel's Declaration , and the Petition of your Party to this present Government , which demonstrates , beyond all Contradiction , that you would sell K. Iames and Prelacy both , if you can but get Money by the Bargain : Though I must needs say , that you have much more Zeal for the Latter than the Former ; for you take a great deal of pains to vindicate the dissembling hypocritical Practice of your Bishops , in unkinging him , and then declaring for him again ; though at the same time you stab his Prerogative to the Heart ; for which , Doctor , he may perhaps remember your Christmass-Box , or New-Years-Gift ; for I perceive you expect his Return , else it were in vain to excuse your Brethren for their Disloyalty towards him . Your Doctorship is pleas'd to ask your Antagonist , if ever he heard of Merchants throwing their Goods over-board in a Storm ? Yes , Doctor , that he has , and moreover remembers , that he has also heard of Buyers and Sellers being whipp'd out of the Temple ; and so it 's but just that K. Iames should do by his Scots Bishops when he returns , for selling his Scepter to redeem their Shepherds Club. But now when I think on 't , there 's no hazard of that , for the Doctor tells you , Pag. 52. That he knows that they intended no more by the words Free and Lawful Meeting , than what they are capable of in the lowest Sense that they can be taken in . Very well , Doctor , then I perceive you are a Man of Intrigue , for you know it , you say ; and pray , Sir , be pleased in your next , to let others know too what is that lowest Sense , for I never understood those words to have any other sense , than what all English Men put upon them ; that is , Free imports a thing to be free from any Constraint ; and Lawful signifies , that there is no standing Law against it . But , Doctor , I have already made it evident , that in neither of these senses could that be called a Free and Lawful Meeting , according to your Principles of Passive Obedience . Then as for your next Reserve , That some of the Bishops , as Privy-Counsellors , might suspend the Execution of the King's Orders in his Letters , until he should be better informed of the State of Affairs , and until he should reiterate his Commands ; and in that Case , you think , that all who own his Authority , would leave the Convention . Really , Doctor , you are a Lyncean-sighted Gentleman , and a wonderful Politician . Will it follow , that because Privy-Counsellors may suspend the Execution of the King's Orders in his Letters for some time , till he be further informed , in a peaceable State of Affairs , when his Title is not questioned , that therefore they may suspend the Execution of his Orders , when their so doing strikes at the Soveraignty it self , and constructively declares their Concurrence with his Rival in Authority ? Doctor , I am afraid that such a Consequence won't be much neither for the Commendation of your Logick nor Loyalty : But you were resolved to say something , though , in truth , you had much better have said nothing , than have defended your Bishops so sillily , at the Expence of your Master's Prerogative . As for what you say , Pag. 4 & 5 , concerning Arch-bishop Paterson , that he offers 200 l. to any Man that will prove , by Witnesses of known Probity , any one of the Particulars vented against him by my self , or any of my Informers : If I were in Scotland , it might easily be done ; but I don't think it worth my while to go thither on purpose , even though I had an honester Man's Bond than the Bishop's for his 200 l. and that 's more than his Word . But I understand that he is now vomited out of his Country , which was sick of him , and so can neither attend a Trial , nor be responsible for his 200 l. But if this be according to the Plan of his Lordship's Directions , let him consign his Money in the Hands of some Goldsmith at Edinburgh , and give publick intimation of it , and perhaps some or other may embrace his Challenge . But as for his Promise , I know no Man who will regard it , for it 's a long time since Bishops Promises were currant in Scotland . But , Doctor , I will be yet more generous , if the Arch-bishop , or any of his Friends , will but procure a Certificate , under the Hand of three or four of the present Ministers of Edinburgh , and as many of the Elders , that none of these things wherewith I charge the Arch-bishop , were talk'd of , and believed in that City , I 'le fairly insert it . But for the Doctor 's Offer , if such things can be proven , it is a meer empty sound ; for as to the present Case , it 's enough if I can prove , that he lay under the Scandal , and was commonly talk'd of as such a Person , though I be not oblig'd to produce his Pimps for Evidence , or to make such particular Proofs as are judicially required to warrant the Sentence of a Court in such Cases . But , Doctor , having given you such a Latitude as to Certificates , I find my self obliged to caution you , not to set your Journy-men at work to forge any , as your Amanuensis Mr. Andrew Iohnston did that in your last Book , to vindicate — Brown , Curate of Drysdale . And that your Doctorship may be fully satisfied of the Truth of what I assert , take this following Letter , under one of the Gentlemens Hands , whose Name is forg'd to your Certificate . UNderstanding that Mr. Andrew Iohnston hath affixed my Name to a Certificate , in a Pamphlet entituled , The Spirit of Malice and Slander , &c. to vindicate Mr. George Brown , Curate of Drysdale , from the imputation of scandalous Converse with Iohnston of Lockerby , and Sarah Brown , though living in Adultery , and being his own Parishioners ; These are , as I shall answer it at the Great Day , to declare , That I never sign'd any such Certificate , nor gave my Consent to the putting of my Name to it , directly nor indirectly . But the said Mr. Andrew Iohnston being one Day in my Company at Mr. Hopkins Shop in Cornhil , I told him , in jest , That he was of a good Kind , reflecting upon him as the Grandson of the said Iohnston of Lockerby , the Adulterer , who was excommunicated for the same . Whereupon he answered , That none could prove any such thing of his Grandfather . To which I answered , That I could swear it , if need were . And upon his desire , that I would give it him under my Hand , that he might send to enquire of his Friends about it ; I gave it him in these words ; I testify and declare , that Andrew Iohnston of Lockerby was excommunicated for Adultery with Sarah Brown ; and that Mr. George Brown , Curate of Drysdale , after the Excommunication , had frequent Converse with both Parties , intending it as a Taunt to Mr. Andrew , but never as a Certificate to vindicate Mr. Brown ; and therefore he hath knavishly suppressed the latter part , which fully proves what Brown was charg'd with , in the Answer to the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . And as a further Testimony to the Truth of what is there charged upon Brown , I declare , That I my self have found Brown drinking Brandy , by five or six in a Morning , with Iohnston of Lockerby , lying naked in Sarah Brown's Bed , after the Excommunication ; which Brown was only influenc'd to put in Execution against Iohnston , because the Country cried shame upon him for his Converse with such shameless Persons . Tho. Mitchell . Now , Doctor , pray answer , Is not this a shameful and rascally piece of Forgery ? Is not this much for your Credit , to publish such a manifest Counterfeit to the World ? And have we not just reason to reject your other Certificates , in behalf of your Self , Paterson and Cant ? He that is guilty of Forgery in one , may justly be suspected in all . And as for your other Evidence , Guthry and Iohnston , they are known to be beggarly scandalous Fellows , and indeed only sit to be Irish and Scots Prelatical Evidence . But , Doctor , I must come to an Engagement with your self in the next place , and leave your Journey-man , who in due time may perhaps be prosecuted according to his Merit . You offer , that if your Antagonist can prove that ever you spoke with Mr. Shields in St. Iames's Park , you 'l acknowledg all the Libels against you to be true . Doctor , if you can , without indecency of Passion , read the following Certificate , I am apt to think you will find it prov'd home . WE whose Names are here-under written , do testify and declare , That Mr. George Shields , late Parson of Prestonhaugh in Scotland , did in our hearing declare , that he hath often conversed with Dr. Monro in St. Iames's Park . Ia. English. Tho. Shields . Now , Doctor , here 's proof of Mr. Shields having own'd it : And as for your mutual salute , Mr. William Robinson , a substantial House-keeper , and Man of unspotted Reputation , who lives in York-buildings , will take his Oath upon it before any Justice of Peace in England . And further , Doctor , I have been told , by a Person whose Station and Quality forbids me to name him without his Consent , that he hath seen you and Mr. Shields together in the Park several times . Now let any Man judg , Doctor , whether your denying it in such an impudent manner , be not a Lie in all its forms ? And I dare venture Mr. Shields , your Brother , will own it to be so ; and though your Doctorship , as I understand , slights him as a Fool , and not worthy of your Converse , yet by the Account I have had of him , he seems , though not so cunning a Man , yet to be much the honester Man than your self , and truer to his Principles ; which though I do not approve , yet I must needs own to be more commendable than your Doctorship's Practice of dissembling a Respect to this Government , and at the same time entertaining a Correspondence with Arch-bishop Paterson , who was imprisoned for plotting against it ; declaring , That you were pursuing the Plan of his Lordship's Directions . And though it may be that Mr. Shields's Circumstances for some time past have lessen'd him , yet it seems very haughty in Dr. Monro , though a quondam Bishop Elect , so much to despise Mr. Shields , who was thought worthy to be a Tutor to the E. of Lauderdale , as to think him unworthy of his Converse . And , Doctor , because I would make an end with what concerns your self all together , that Story of your being found with a Woman among the Corn , I had from Mr. Sheals , formerly Servant to the Countess of Dundonald , and now here in Town ; which he is ready to own , and will take his Oath that he heard it of you in Scotland ▪ though at the same time he is willing to signify so much to you , that he had a more honourable Imployment than to be your Pimp . Doctor , as for your saying , Pag. 19. that I accuse Sir George Mackenzie of having persecuted Halside , and that he falsly denies all the Malicious Fictions that I have heaped together on that Subject : Really , Doctor , I perceive you are in a sinking Condition , when you lay hold on every Twig ; but if you had acted like an honest Disputant , you ought to have been sure to have repeated my own Words , which p. 27. you will find to be , that he suborned Witnesses against Halside : And truly , Doctor , if I may venture to speak so much Logick before such a terrible Critick , I think , Subornation and Persecution , are not convertible Terms ; for every Subornation is not a Persecution . And as for that matter concerning Halside , my Information runs thus ; That Thomas Watt , Servant to Hamilton of Blanterferm , when examin'd against Halside in Court , did actually declare , that he had 20 Dollars offered him by Laird Sim in Sarahs Ieans Forstairs in Hamilton , to depone against Halside whom he had never seen ; and this Laird Sim was Collegue with Sir Iohn Whitford of Milton , both of them being imployed at that time as Informers , by the Government , against the Presbyterians in the West of Scotland . Now , Doctor , to make it plain how I understand Sir George Mackenzie to be chargeable with this Subornation , take it thus : Sir George Mackenzie having given order to those Informers to bring him in viis & modis , such Evidence as would swear , those Informers did actually offer a Bribe to the Evidence against Halside , as the Evidence himself did declare in Court : And this being true , I hope , Doctor , you will allow the Consequence , that Sir George was chargeable with the Subornation , and so much the more , seeing he imployed the Suborners not only at that time , but afterwards . But further , Doctor , lest you should think to escape by a quibbling Explanation of Sir George's Viis & Modis , I refer to you to the Measures which he took against Sir George Campbell , P. 41. of my Last , every bit of which Sir George himself will own ; and I dare venture to lay his Reputation in the Ballance , against your bully Evidence , Sir William Paterson , or the mistaken Narrative of any Stranger , by what Title soever dignified or distinguish'd : and thus , Doctor , you may see that I had better Foundation for what I wrote on that Head , than my own Petulancy , as you are pleased to word it . I leave it to you and your Journy-man Iohnston to forge Stories , I 'le assure you it 's none of my Practice . But , Doctor , seeing you are so great a Patron of Sir George Mackenzie's Memory , pray send to enquire of your Friends , Whether he did not restore fifty Guinies to Iohn Hamilton of Boggs , Halside's Brother , which that Gentleman had given him to be saved from the Penalty for refusing the Test , for fear that Boggs , who was brought as an Evidence against Mr. Ezechiel Mongomery , one of Sir George's Informers , should have found himself obliged in Conscience to discover it , if the Question should have been ask'd at him , Whether or not Sir George had any of his Money to save him from taking the Test ? And at the same time , Doctor , enquire , Whether Monkland , another Brother of Halside's , was condemned upon the Evidence of Thomas Stevens , Cottar to Hamilton of Woodhall , though it was proven that the said Stevens swore , that he would swear against all the Gentlemen of the Country for 13 d. ½ Penny a piece , and all the Yeomen for ½ a Penny a Piece . I am confident , Doctor , that Halside will deny none of this , though I doubt not but he is so much a Gentleman , as to acknowledg the Kindness which he receiv'd from Sir George , when he was arraign'd for his Life the fifth time , both in saving him from taking the Test , and from Prison , for refusing of it : Though at the same time I have heard so much of Halside's Temper , that I 'le presume so far upon him , as to conjecture , that he bought it dear enough . And so much , Doctor , for your just Lord Advocate . Doctor , I have other Employment , than to answer such rascally and villanous Libels as yours ; and therefore have not confin'd my self to your Method , but took your chief Matters to task , at such spare Minutes as my Hurry would allow , and as they offer'd themselves to my Thoughts , referring the rest to another Opportunity ; only , Doctor , let me advise you , not to be continually Ignarius Elenchi , nor to trifle as you have done hitherto , in attaquing the Out-skirts , and passing over the chief of what I wrote , that does not become the Courage of a Cadee of Dunbarton's Regiment , nor the Learning of an Elect Bishop , &c. And I must beg your Pardon , to acquaint you further , that it 's every whit as unbecoming a Gentleman to treat any Man as you have done Mr. Ridpath , for the meanness of his Circumstances , seeing the greatest of his Enemies cannot say that ever he was extravagant : And tho he finds not himself obliged to satisfy you , whether he be your Antagonist or not , yet he allows me to give you a publick Defiance , and declares , That he understands not what you would covertly suggest , and gives you free liberty to write his Life , which you say you have by you ; only name your Evidence , and don 't forge it as you or your Man Iohnston did Mr. Mitchel's Certificate ; and he doubts not but to find those of very good Reputation in London , who have known him from his Youth , that will and can obviate your malicious Character ; and tho others perhaps would have taken up your Bookseller , yet he despises all that you have writ or can say against him ; so much , that he thinks it his Honour to be reproached by those who belie the Presbyterians of Scotland in general , as before-mentioned , the chief of our Ministry as Prophane , Ignorant and Blasphemous ; the best of our Nobility and Gentry , as void of Sense and good Morality ; the King and Parliament as the greatest of Bigots , and having establish'd ungovernable Humour and Rebellion ; and God himself as the Author of horrid Decrees . Nor is Mr. Ridpath asham'd to own , that it's part of his Business to write News , and give as true an Account of Occurences as he can ; for which he knows your Party bears him a Grudg , because he hath often obviated the malicious Reflections , and seditious News of your Newsmonger General against the present Government : And seeing the State don't think it below them to countenance the printing of News twice a Week by their Authority ; and that Mr. Ridpath's Intelligence is often confirm'd , verbatim , by the Gazette ; he does not see where the huge strength of this Reflection , of his being a News-monger , lies , any further than that it denotes the meanness of his Circumstances ; but I think that a generous Man would remember the Axiom , Nemini Miseria sua objiciatur . Mr. Ridpath , it 's probable , would not have done that , if he had had a better Employment ; but thinks it much more creditable to write News , by which he may not only be kept from begging , as some of your Doctorship's Brother-Curats do , because of their Idleness , but is able to imploy and maintain three or four , who think themselves nothing inferiour to your Doctorship's Journeymen , and would scorn to beg about , or defame their Native Country , and their Majesties Government , with Lies , as you and they do with blasphemous Pamphlets , defamatory Libels , &c. no not for a Share in the Purchase with your new Order of Friars-Mendicants , Lawson , Foster , Guthry , &c. of which your Doctorship may have the Honour to be General if you please ; and then you may be Mentientes , Mendicantes , Manducantes and Murmurantes , altogether ; while , bless'd be God for it , Mr. Ridpath eats none of the Bread of Idleness ; nor does he so much relie on writing News , but that he hath been , and is , engaged in other Business , which would be no disgrace to a Doctoral Scarf . If your Doctorship think you are too sharply treated , consider how you dealt with Mr. Ridpath in your Spirit of Calumny and Slander , and you will find that I have been far from revenging his Quarrel in such opprobrious Terms , as you , and Paterson , and Cant did use towards him in the Libel abovesaid , but leave you in full possession of the Claim , to be Princes of the Billinsgate-Rhetorick , or to use our own Scots Phrase , Captains of the Edinburgh Coal-stealers . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57288-e1760 Libel , ut supra , Deprived . Libel , ut supra . Notes for div A57288-e12150 * Whitlock's Memorials , p. 83. * Whitlock's Memorials , p. 8. 
A57855	----	A defence of The vindication of the Church of Scotland in answer to An apology of the clergy of Scotland. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1694 Approx. 238 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57855 Wing R2219 ESTC R11970 13127058 ocm 13127058 97831 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57855) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97831) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 750:9) A defence of The vindication of the Church of Scotland in answer to An apology of the clergy of Scotland. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 49, [1] p. Printed by George Mosman ..., Edinburgh : 1694. Written by Gilbert Rule. Cf. NUC pre-1956, McAlpin Coll. The vindication of the Church of Scotland is by Gilbert Rule. An apology for the clergy of Scotland is by Alexander Monro. Errata: p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. -- Vindication of the Church of Scotland. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? -- Apology for the clergy of Scotland. Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-08 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2004-10 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2004-11 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2004-11 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DEFENCE OF THE VINDICATION OF THE Church of Scotland , In ANSWER to an APOLOGY OF THE CLERGY of SCOTLAND . EDINBURGH , Printed by GEORGE MOSMAN and are to be Sold at his Shop in the Parliament Closs , in the Year 1694. A Defence of the Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to an Apology for the Clergy of Scotland . I Shall not pretend ( as our Apologist doth ) to have been forced into this Work , by the Authority of some great Man , tho' I may , with as much sincerity , averr , that I have no pleasure in this Eristick Exercise : Especially on a subject that bringeth with it a necessity of a Reflecting , and blaming of others , with whom I had rather live in peace and good correspondence ; whatever different sentiments I may have from theirs , in some things . The necessity that Truth and Innocency shou'd be vindicated , and it not being done by them who could do it to more advantage , is that which prevaileth with me to undertake this unpleasant Task . Notwithstanding , If this Author had not engaged in some Theological debates occasioned by some passages in some of my former Books , it is like his abusive , and unjust Reproaches , against me and others , whom he is pleased to name , should not have brought me into this debate with him . As his squeamishness made my Book ly by him six Months , till he was over powered by commands to take it up and read it ; so did his ly by me for some Months , through the throng of other Affairs , that I look on as of more moment and necessity : The Apologist should have had great advantage against his Antagonist , if all these things with which he chargeth him were manifest from the Book he refuteth , or could be otherwise made appear : And if he himself had shuned these things that he doth , with such contempt , blame in others , but if neither of these can be observed ( as I suppose will appear to the impartial Reader ) he is like to have little credit by this his Essay . § . 2. It is a wonder if this Author believeth all that he writteth of them that he setteth for his mark , and shooteth all the invenomed Arrows against , that his quiver can afford : And If he , mean while , used no Reflection , whereby to discover the very same errours in his own Book , which he so tragically exposeth in that he refuteth ; But it is not rare to spy a Mote in our Brothers Eye ; when there is a Beam in our own . It is an old Observation , ubi invidia & odium in consilio sunt , caecum est ibi Judicium , and the wise Seneca did well observe , plerique sunt diserti in convicium suum , quos si audias in avaritiam , in libidinem &c. Perorantes , indicium sui putesprosessos , ita redundant in ipsos malidictain publicumemissa ; quos non aliter intueri decet , quam medicos , quorum tituli remedia habent , pyxides venenum . If the Vanity , Partiality and Sophistry of this Title page , the Scarrility , ill Nature , Rudeness ; Tergiversation , Lying , uncharitableness , and such like qualities , that he liberally ascribeth to his Adversarie , in many places of his Book , be found with his Antagonist , and not with himself ; he hath whereof to boast ; The Tryal of which will afterwards fall in , when he cometh to prove some of these benign Assertions . He giveth just Grounds to think that the whole Book was written in a passion for P. 1. He telleth us , that ' every line of the Book that he refuteth provoked him to the undecencies of passion , and P. 2. that he did but once peruse it , with purpose not to read it any more . From which one may expect , by a natural consequence , indigested Notions , a partial Refutation , and but of some things here and there that he was most angry at , and where he thought the Attack was easiest , and a parcel of Huffing , Angry Efforts of a commoved mind : Whether this effect do not appear in the strain of his Book , I shall not determine , let the Reader judge . If there be no farther degree of passion in his Lines then what amounteth to Indecency , and if there be nothing worse then idle words , ( of which yet we must give an account ) it will be the better for him . Surely a perpetual passion , or lasting Anger , on which the Sun goeth down , is no good temper for writting of Books . Impedit ira animum ne possit cernere verum . I pretend to no such prodigious parts , as to Answer his Book by Reading it once over , and whatever dislike I may have with not a few things in it , I shall consider them with out passion . § . 3. His first head is , he will examine the general Apology , by which the Vindcator thinks to ward off the blame of the Barbarous Rablings of the Clergy , from his party : But me thinks he should have first made it appear that these Rablings were as Barbarous as his complices had represented them in their Pamphlets , Answered in the Second Vindication . For he knoweth , that some matters of fact by them alledged , are neither denied , nor defended , yet many of them are simply denied , and disproved , others are shewed to have been , tho' not commendable nor innocent Actions , yet far short of what they are aggravated into by these Narraters , but he is resolved to suppose all to be certain and undeniable truth , and only prove that they are imputable to the Presbyterians in General ; and about this is our present debate with him . We maintain that these practices were acted by a very few ; and not approved by either the most , or the best part of the Presbyterians . § . 4. He is pleased to represent the Vindicators defence in this matter , as if he held that the Cameronians were no Presbyterians ; and yet they are Zealous Godly Men : And that the Presbyterians are clear in this , because these things were not acted by Sober Presbyterians , and that it is incumbent on them who blame the Presbyterians , to prove that the Actors in these disorders were Sober and Intelligent Men. A , It is easy to deform the best Face by an ill paint , and the best Cause by misrepresentation : And our Author thinketh it convenient to use this Art to make his Refutation easy which otherwise might have proved hard for him : He should have shewed , where it was said that the Cameronians are no Presbyterians : Or where it was hinted that the Vindicator or his complices , were obliged to prove them to be Sober and Intelligent : All that was said to this purpose was , that the Cameronians had gone out from the rest of the Presbyterians , and had taken up some principles , and used practices , that the rest did not own , nor approve , and therefore if he should prove a thousand times , that the Cameronians are Presbyterians , he saith nothing to the purpose : unless he prove that they are all the Presbyterians , and that there are no Presbyterians , or no Body of Men under that Designation , who are not , in the things now under debate , of their way , which I hope he shall never evince . That I owned , they are Godly Men , is sophistically alledged : I doubt not but there are such among them ; tho' I never thought what they differ in from the rest of the Presbyterians to be any part of their Godliness . But I never called them ( yea nor any other party of Men ) universally Godly . nor thought that all was well done , that is committed among a Body of Men where are many Godly : Yea nor that whatever is done by good Men is Good : Christs Disciples were good Men , yet their forsaking him and flying , was no Good Action . It is probable enough that some bad Men might creep in among these zealots , and might much influence these Disorders as the mixt multitude influenced the Israelits to Murmuring in the Wilderness . § . 5. But he will prove the Cameronians to be Presbyterians : a Conclusion which ( in the sense given we deny not ) let us hear his Arguments . 1. If they be not Presbyterians , to what Communion then do they belong ? A. This is as if we should alledge that the Arminians in the Church of England are the Episcopal Party ; and ask them who deny it , To what Communion do they belong : Surely neither to the Presbyterians nor Independents , &c. Wherefore I answer directly , tho' in most things they agree with the Presbyterians , yet in other things they are a Communion by themselves : And indeed till the Lord was pleased to abate the heat of that division that was among us , they had cast off Communion with the Presbyterian Church , and would hear none of her Ministers , but cleaved to two or three of their own way . His second Argument is , have they any Principles , Discipline , or Government , different from the Presbyterian Church ? A. For Discipline and Government , the Arminians of England have none different from the Episcopal Church , and yet the Apologist and others might Justly blame us if we should not distinguish between Arminians and Episcopalians . For Principles , they had principles both with Respect to the Civil Government , and as to that Submission that is due to Church Governours , which other Presbyterians did never hold . And tho' this had not been ; and if they had been Members of our Congregations , our Dislike of the practice , and having no accession to it , doth clear us from the blame of it , and all that can be inferred against us is , that some Presbyterians have done ill things : And if he can instance in any party of Men , of whom the like cannot be said , we shall yield to his Argument : I hope he will not alledge it of his own party . His third Argument is , were not the leading men lately owned and received by the pretended General Assemblie , without retracting any Articles of Doctrine , or disowning any of their practices that they so zealously recommended to their followers , in the West , A. ( to say nothing of his Discretion in the Epithet Pretended that he bestoweth on the Assemblie , which the King and Parliament indicted and owned , as well as it was the representative of the Church of Scotland ) It is true the three Ministers who had headed that party , were received upon promise of Submission to the Church , and orderly behaviour ; which they have since faithfully performed ; and by that means multitudes of the People that followed them are brought to more sober Courses , and do wait on the ordinances of God dispensed by the Presbyterian Ministers , which before they could not be perswaded to . And was it not wisdom in the Assemblie to so pite these Divisions by lenitie , rather than to exasperate , and continue them , by putting men on formal retractation of what was done , seing the same thing was materially performed . Will any man ( who is not fond of picking Quarrels ) say , that by this Course the Assembly approved of what these men have done , or that all the Presbyterians are of the same sentiments that these men had been of ? especially considering that the Presbyterian Church hath received into Ministerial Communion , and admitted to a share of the Government of the Church , severals of them who had complyed with Episcopacy ( and are ready to do the same by all good and useful men among them who will not endeavour the hurt of the setled Government ) without puting them to express retracting of their former principles or practices , this considered . I hope the Reader will see , to how little , purpose his Simile is , brought from the imagined Apology of the several parties among the Donatists : For if one only of these parties he mentioneth were guilty of these Irregularities he speaketh of , there is no reason to blame the other factions in those things ; whatever blame might be fixed on them all in these things wherein they agreed . § . 6. What he asserteth page , 3. That the most intelligent among them ( the Presbyterians ) did contrive and manage the irregular Heats , and Motions of their own Partizans . ( I suppose he means the Cameronians ) This we deny , and shall consider the proofs of this assertion in its place . But before he cometh to this , he pretendeth to oppose the vanity of this Apology more closely : How he performeth what he promiseth tanto hiatu ; let us now hear ; he saith , that the knoweth no Opinions that Mr. Cameron propagated which were peculiar to himself ; He followed most closely , and ingenuously the Hypotheses of the old and zealous Presbyterians . A. We know that he and they who joyned with him , and they who succeeded to him , held that they owed no alledgeance to the King , because he had broken the Covenant : That they might not lawfully hear any of the Ministers of Scotland , because either they had received Indulgence from the King , or owned such as Ministers who had received it , or did not declare against them Were these the Hypotheses of the Old and zealous Presbyterians ? But whatever were his principles , his practice in making so wide a separation from all the other Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland is a sufficient Apology for their Innocency , who neither were of his way , nor had any hand in the Disorders that we now debate about , which were committed by that party which he had headed , while he was alive . Another effort of his more closs arguing is , Mr. Cameron was not a proper Man to be the founder of a new Sect. As if profound Learning , and deep policy , were alwayes necessary to mislead a few of the less intelligent People , especially when the severity of persecution had imbittered their Minds , both against the Rulers , and the Episcopal Church , it was easy to set them oft from them : And from all that did not make the same Resentments with them , of what was then acted . I am yet unable to find out his close Reasoning , for what followeth is , That the Episcopal party first called that party Cameronians , and by that name mean all Presbyterians whose zeal for their Faction over-drives them beyond all Discretion : and this all along he imputeth to all Presbyterians , and therefore he will allow no difference among Presbyterians , some will call this a loose Declaration rather than close Argumentation , for whatever names he is pleased to give to persons , or things , they who know any thing of our affairs do know , that all Presbyterians did not join with , nor allow the courses of Mr. Cameron , and his followers : It is of the same stampt that cometh next . viz. That the Cameronians had better studied their Principles , and drawn more natural Conclusions from them than others : This is barely and falsely asserted . Also that the Cameronians did assert their principles when others were silent : This is also false , others did always , as they had opportunity , assert their Principles tho' not the same way that they were asserted by the Cameronians . this was done both in Field Meetings , and in other Meetings , such as then could be had . Tho' I confess the Presbyterians made it more their Business to inculcate upon Peoples minds the great truths of the Gospel , on which our Salvation dependeth , than what belongeth to Church Government . § 7. What further goeth with this Author , for his close Reasoning is , to shew that what the Cameronians did was according to Presbyterian Principles : All that I can find for proof of this most absurd assertion , is that the people may ( with their Pastors ) Reform the Church when the Magistrate is slack , or opposit to the designed Reformation , and the Presbyterians hold Presbytry to be Juris Divini , and the removal of the Episcopal Clergy was necessary for this Reformation . A. If he condemn all popular Reformations of the Church ( as he here seemeth to do ) he will not approve of many Reformations , either from Heathenism , or from Popery . But I will not digress to demonstrate this , the soundness of this principle rightly understood is made evident by the Learned Claude , Historic . Defence of the Reformation P. 7 &c. So that it is not to be lookt on as a principle peculiar to Scotch Presbyterians . The principle that they hold is , that every Man in his station , should endeavour the Reformation of the Church ; that people may believe the Truth , and Worship God according to his institution , whether the Magistrat allow it or not : But if he will prove that the Presbyterian Church did ever determine , that private persons , or Ministers , may , by force of Arms , carry on this Reformation , then shall we own the Rablings that he is pleading against : And unless he can make this appear , all his talk is beside the purpose . He boldly , but most falsely , asserteth in the end of P. 4. and P. 5 , that the Rable had the best directions that could be had : And had exact Intelligence , by their Agents , what they might venture on . This was in the Pamphlets formerly refuted , asserted with the same confidence , and was denyed in the second Vindication and is still denyed : But it is below this high pretender to closs Reasoning , to take notice of that : or to bring any shadow of proof for it : But this , the Rablings was not acted by the Parishoners of these Ministers who were Rabled ; Ergo , it was done by vertue of a League and Covenant among the Presbyterians in general , or the chief Men of them . The meanest in our Universities would be ashamed of such Logick ; could not a few who had separated from the Presbyterians , as well as from the Episcopalians , manage such an affair as this , without advice from Men of note , either in the state , or in the Church however this Authors tinctured fancy doth represent the Rabling to him , we see nothing in it which looketh like a Combination of the whole Society , ( viz. Presbyterians ) but rather , like the efforts of Passion , and Revenge : Or at least , an undiscreet zeal of a few Persons . That some of the Gentrie of the West , were scared from opposing these Rablings , is like his other Arguments to prove a Combination of Presbyterians in this matter : Men of less understanding than this Author pretendeth to , may conjecture other Reasons for their forbearance ; they saw the interest they had fallen in with sinking , and they had no heart to appear for it , either by defending their Ministers who had led them upon the Ice , or by being active in the Elections for the Convocation for setling the Nation , that then was in a Convulsion , but were glad to Lurk . His Charitable assertions of the Presbyterians ( without exception or limitation ) I shall not endeavour to refute : pitieing the Author who thus doth expose his Temper while he crieth out against others for their want of that Spirit that becometh the Gospel : They are , that they never forgive any Injury , and they never say the Lords Prayer , because it is so opposite to their Nature : It is impossible to oblidge them by favours , that the People of the West are generally Cunning , Avaritious , and Dissembling beyond measure . Of these and many such like Assertions sprinkled , as the flowers of Rhetorick , throughout his Book , I shall only use his own words ( mutato nomine de te &c p. 27 that such Assertions carrie with them all the marks by which a wilful and deliberate lie may be known from modest and ingenious truth , or our Author had Causam scientiae of the truth or falshood of these things . Let it also be considered , how agreeable these imputations are to that Charity and Gospel Spirit that he elsewhere talketh of . § 8. After he hath reasserted without farther ( that is without any ) proof , that the Maxims of our Moral Theologie do allow the greatest Villanies acted on the Clergy ; he bringeth another Argument of the Rabblings being concerted by the Party , viz. Presbyterians : That some Presbyterians then at London contradicted the Reports that were sent thither concerning them As well they might deny many of them , tho I do not hear any denied all of them : He might know , that many of these stories which are printed , are not only denied , but disproved : And it is not like that the reports sent to London , were more universally true . What is Argumentative in his Paper , I am willing to consider ; but am not concerned to answer what filleth up page sixth , and seventh , which is asserting the 5 th , 6 th , and 7 th time , that what was done by these Rabbles was concerted by the Presbyterians . One good Argument would have convinced us more than such bold and repeated Affirmations . That the Presbyterian States men ( and the Church and People also in their wishes ) preferred Presbytery to union with England ; is not to be wondered at by any , but them who think more of their civil Interests , than of what concerneth Religion . His out-cries against the Covenant and the Transactions of that time I do not regard , what was said more distinctly to that purpose in the Ten questions is answered , and he is not pleased to take farther notice of it , then to declame in the same strain of obloquie . His Marginal note , p. 7. Insinuating that Presbyterians do preach against the use of the Lords Prayer , is Injurious : I have heard many in Sermons asserting the Lawfulness of using it , tho at the same time they deny the necessity of using it ; or that it is commanded to use these words : But I never heard any Preach against the use of it . § 9. He bringeth p 8. an instance of a Presbyterian Rabble Misrepresented by the Vindicator , in which he insulteth , as if he had at one blow , not only routed the poor Vindicator , but the whole Presbyterian Party ( his big words are enough to fright an unwarry Reader ) that the Vindicator doth by this passage Flie in the Face of all Evidence , and contradict the Conviction of all the Inhabitants at Edinburgh : And a little below , from this one single instance his Book is ruined , and his Authority bested , &c. And he telleth us of his Antagonist's shifting and confounding two very different Stories into one , viz. The tumultuous defacing of the Kings Chappel , and the burning of the Pope in Effigy . The former he says , was a horrible Tumult , the Latter an orderly Action . Let us now examine the ground of this his Triumph , he citeth the words of the 2 d. Vindic. p 35. Edinburgh Edition . For the Tumults at Edinburgh ; we know of none , but what was made by the Students of the Colledge , there in burning the Pope in Effigie . But our Apologist is pleased to leave out the words that immediatly follow , viz. And defacing the Chappel of Holy-Rood-House . Where is now this shufting and confounding of two distinct stories ? are they not both expresly mentioned ? and the one distinguished from the other . I hardly think this Author could be so unwise or dishonest as of purpose to omit so material a part of this passage ; which he knew every Reader Would observe , and discover the Cheat ; but rather judge that the indecency of his Passion with which he saith he read the whole Book ( or some other present disorder ) might make him overlook the half of the sentence : Some may be apt to think , that such a slip may more effectually ruine his whole Book , and bafle his Authoritie , than what he now chargeth on the Vindicator . Or may be , as he wrote his Book without the use of other Books ( which he ofther than once will obtrude on us ) for he had not the Book by him which he pretendeth to refute , but had once read it over with Indecent passion , and that same tempe● o● mind prompted him toso many hasting and angry words , little considering whether they would reflect shame on himself , or on his Antagonist . For the Burning of the Pope , he denieth it to be a Tumult● And so We are not concerned about it : But I observe he giveth account but of one attempt of that kind ; another long before this , was quite different , as I learn from them who were then in Edinburgh ( I was then at a great distance from it ) he sayeth that a great many of the Nobility and Gentry were looking on , it was done at the Cross ; the students marched in Rank with the Colledge Mace before them , which could not be done without the Masters permission . This was the last : for the former , I am told , that when it was known to be designed , and the place intended for it to be the Grass Market ( the ordinary place of Execution of Malefactors ) a party of Souldiers under the command of General Daly●l marched in all hast thither ; which the Boyes understanding , they went to a far distant place off the Town , and did their work at the head of Black Frier Wind : That they had the Colledge Mace carried before them . I do not find : that the Masters did permit it , is neither true , nor probable for the Principal ( who may be is not unknown to this Author ) did most furiously rebuke and threaten one of the chief Actors in that scene , and how consistent is it to allow his Holinesse to be thus affronted , and yet shew such zeal against destroying the Monuments and utensiles of Idolatrie , in the Popish Chappel , as this Author doth for the Tumult at Holy-Rood-House To make it the more odious he cometh a very incoherent Story , that the Presbyterians intending it , gave out that the Papists intended a Massacre of the Protestants : and the Presbyterians flew to Arms ; and for that night in the City were the marks of Hell and Confusion , nothing being heard but Screechs , &c. And all this was managed by some of the leading Presbyterians . The true History is , a Company of the Students of the Colledge ( for they were the first even in the tumult at Holy-Rood-House , which he doth so much aggravate ) together with a Rable of Apprentices , and others of the Populace , met together , near to the Abby gate ; on what design we know not , but by guess ; and may be themselves knew not , as it was with the Rabble mentioned , Act. 19.32 . ( For Rabbling , if Antiquity were as good an argument for Church Government as our Adversaries would have it to be , might vie with Episcopacy ) as they approached to the Gate , the Guard , commanded by Mr. Wallace , drew out against them , they having no Arms ( a good Argument that the business was not concerted by men of any common understanding ) would not remove from before the Gate : Upon which some of the Guard fired among them , and killed some on the place ; and wounded others ; who all died of their Wounds except one : Which made many think that all the Bullets were some way Poysonous : Upon this , notice was given to some of the Statesmen , so the Councel met , and sent a Macer to Wallace , commanding him to surrender that post he was in , designing to put another Guard in the place of that , which might not provoke the Rable , nor favour the Popish Interest : This Message he refused : And then Souldiers were sent by Authority , to force him from it ; which was easily effected ; his courage being more against unarmned Boyes , than Armed men● While the Souldiers were thus imployed , the Rubble broke in to the Abby , and defaced the Popist Chapple , and destroyed what they met with that was fit for the Popish Worship , they also defaced th● Popish Colledge , and what belonged to it ; it having been lately erected in defyance of the Law. § 10. Let us now a little examine the account of this matter , given by the Apologist , ●st . Tha● the Presbyterians then designed to make the most numerous and most Terrible shew that they were able 〈◊〉 make : Is false ; because the Actors of this Tragedie were a mixed multitude : whereof the fewest ha● any inclination toward Presbyterie , and hardly any of them had formed principles about that controversie , being a Company of Boyes , also because the Presbyterians could have made a shew of 20 Armed men for every single unarmed Boy was there . And likewise because there was no conce●t about this matter ; of which more anone , 2. The Apprehension of a Massacre , that he talketh ofbred in his own head , or in the Fancy of some of his sort . I do not find that there was any Talk of it . And it is most improbable that it should be from Papists , who ( as himself observeth ) were wholly out of Capacity . If the Presbyterians had feared such m●schief from the Jacobites and high Church-men , then enraged by the Change , ( and which I find not that any did apprehend ) It was strange , that they should raise a Rabble of such as were the likeliest to be the Executioners of what they feared . Also , it were the way to excite men to make a Massacre , as also to give some colour for Justifying it , thus to assault them who were living in peace . 3 That there was a Night spent in such confusions , or that there were such Screeching , and Terrour in the City , on this occasion , I cannot find by the best Information : Only such a fancy is Subservient to our Authors design ; and it seems he can serve himself with truth or untruth , as need requireth . 4. That a report was spread that some were Killed , who were not Killed , is not denied , but that this Report was the contrivance of the Presbyterians to animate the People to rifle the King's House , is one of the grossest of Falsehoods : And that few of the Students of the Colledge were there is not true . 5. That this Tumult was concerted by the Presbyterians , he endeavoureth to prove , Because the Master of F. and several others whose Names he thinketh fit to conceal , were present . I know that many Men of good Note did appear , after the killing of the Boyes , and that by Authority Wallace was ordered to remove with his Guard : The acting of these Men was not concurring with the Rabble , the one acted without Authority , the other with it ; but that any such Persons either appeared with the Rabble , and without Command from Superior Powers , or had any hand in defacing any part of the Abbey , he shall never be able to prove . If he can either by confession of Party , or any probable Evidence , make it appear that G. S. or Mr. M , were the Contrivers of this Tumult ; or that they glory in it ( as he would have us believe ) he shall have the better in this particular ; but if there be no Truth in this ( as indeed there is not ) then the Reader may know who best deserveth to be thus branded , that the spirit of Lies and Vanity runneth through his Book . The Plea of an Advocate at the Tryal of Mr Wallace is a ridiculous Argument to prove what it is brought for ; every Body knoweth , that in their Pleadings , they consider only what may make for the Cause which they are Patrons of . He ( unwa●ily and ominously ) maketh this Essay at Edinburgh but the Preface to what they intended to the Clergy in that place . As insinuating that the Popish Clergy whom the Rabble had spoiled of their Superstitious Trinke●s , and the Episcopal Clergy of Edinburgh , were to be considered alike ; were managing the same designs , and had the same Friends and Foes . If the Ministers at the Trone Church thanked God for a glorious Reformation ; he had many other Causes for so doing then this Rabbling ; and it is evil surmising , to ascribe such a sense to his words , unless he had either named the Rabbling , or by Circumlocution particularized it . § 11. He maketh p. 10. the Vindicators next Plea to be that there was an interregnum when these things were acted . It had been some Candor , if he had pleased to tell his Reader to what end , and how far , this Plea was used . It was never brought to justifie what was done by the Rabble : But on the contrary , it is expresly said 2 d Vindic. p 26. ( where that Plea is mentioned ) that what they did was not allowable : but that it was not to be wondered at , considering what provocations the People had by their former Sufferings ; and saw no way of Legal Redress ▪ How impertinent then are his Reasonings against this Plea , that these Men were not loosed from the Law of God , which should have restrained them . Did his Antagonist ever say so , or did he use words to that effect : And that he is pleased to impute these Rabblings to Saints and to Godly and Zealous Presbyterians , is no sign of that regard to Truth that is fit , nor of that respect to serious Religion , which might be expected from every Christian , much more from a Minister , and Doctor of Divinity . The Peoples being injured and provoked by the Clergy he bringeth as another Plea , used by the Vindicator : And the same is to be observed concerning it which is said of the former Plea ; it was never used to justifie the Actors of these disorders : We think they should have committed their Case to him who judgeth Righteously ; and that in the use of Orderly and Legal means , for redressing their Grievances . Unde● this H●ad our Apologist maketh a saint denyal of matter of Fact : He knoweth not what the Clergy did in the West ( though al Scotland know that many of them did severely persecute their People , and did stir up the Magistrate to ruin them ) But he never knew one that presecuted the Dissenters without great reluctancy ; but many that did them kindnesses Others can ●ell of some in the City where he lived , who delated Meetings , and them who came not to Church with great forwardness and zeal , and multitudes of Instances in most parts of the Country of their persecutions against Dissenters are in Print : That to deny it , deserveth other words then I lift to use ; even such as himself liberally bestoweth on them who affirm what disliketh him . We never did Charge all with this practice , nor did ever deny but that some of them did shew kindness to Dissenters . § 12 Next he defendeth the Clergies prosecuting Dissenters according to Law p. 11. and that with a Ha●angu● pretending to somewhat of Argument ; but cloathed in words becoming this Authors Genius , and of some other Pamphleteers of the Party : But of which I am sure Sober Episcopal Men will be ●shamed : Such as Dark and Enthusiastical Principles , a Career of insolence and Villany : Bou●efeues and incendiaries who were to be lashed with greater Severities : Speaking evil of Dignities took place of the ten Commandments , &c. His first Argument for the persecution by the Clergy is , The Peace of the Nation endangered ; the Government , by frequent shakings , in hazard to relapse into a Civil War , &c. If this Argument have any force it is only for the Clergies discovering such as had risen in Arms , or were acting , or contriving what was of that tendency . But many of our Clergy were instrumental in persecution , long before there had been any Insurrection , or before they were injoyned to delate the People to the Circuit Courts : And they did ●ve● many who never had hand in any of these Risings against the King. And indeed it was the intollerable Oppressions the People suffered , which caused these Tumults and Troubles which might seem to shake the Government ; wherefore , here is non causa pro causa . Another Argument is , the Souls of People were poisoned with dark and Enthusiastick Principles . I wish he had named them : It is true , some wild Principles were taught by some , who separated themselves from the generality of the Presbyterians , as well as from the Episcopal Church : But with what Brow can he impute this to Presbyterians , without exception , and set the Dogs on them all to worry them , because of these mens Principles . And will he dare to say , that none were persecuted but they who taught these wild Principles ? Wherefore it was not Zeal for the Peoples Souls , but a Spirit of Persecution , which prompted them to this Conduct . Yea , I have known , where Minister and People dayly went to hear the Parish Minister ; only after both Sermons the Minister used to exercise in his own Family , and some Neighbours came to joyn with the Family , and for this he was persecuted ; while they could charge him with no thing else , in Doctrine , or in Practice . His 3 d. Argument is , they made Schisms , and therefore they must be persecuted . Who made the Schism , I have made elsewhere appear : And shall now only deny that the Presbyterians made it : They were forced to it ▪ when he shall bring Arguments for his Assertion , they shall be considered . Again , Must all be persecuted to extirpation who divide from the Legal Church , because their Conscience will not allow them to joyn with it , while they otherwise live peaceably ? For Boutefeues and Incendiaries , who labour to raise Sedition in the State , or do unpeaceably dissent from the Church , we plead for no Toleration to them : But were none else persecuted ? Yea , I could make it appear in many Instances that several of the most peaceable Dissenters suffered most Obloquie , and much Persecution . What he c●●eth out of the Learned Bochari , is no more then that Episcopacy is Tolerable ; which was that good Man's Opinion : But our Author concealeth , that he at length pleadeth for Presbytery , as more ancient than Episcopacy ; and to be preferred to it ; and that he blameth Episcopal Usurpation , as intolerable , against which to contend was our Case . Yea , he saith , p 35. Edit . Francfurt : Mutua tollerantia opus est ( speaking of the differences be●wixt Presbyterians and Episcopalians : ) Then certainly they who could not comply with Episcopacy , and so ( In our Authors Dialect ) made a Schism , are not to be prosecuted with that severity that he pleadeth for . § . 13. Another of his Arguments for this persecution by the Clergy is , Were these of the Clergy who never persecuted , more kindly used at the Revolution . A. If any made no distinction in this matter , but served all alike , we do not defend , but blame that Conduct : And I deny not but some of them who carved on the Rabbling work , considered all alike : But I am sure that was not approved , nor practised by the Generality of Presbyterians , nor by the Presbyterian Church . I nauseat his repetitions , p. 11. Sub sinem , he asserteth , that the Clergy , as well as the L●itie , w●re obliged to crush and extripate the beginnings of Rebellion , and the attempts of such as Preached the most pernicious principles . This is above answered : There were cruel Persecutions when none of these things appeared , and against such as were never chargeable with any of these . This Author all along taketh a few Cameronians for the Body of the Presbyterians : And on this Fundation buildeth all his Batterie against us . He saith p. 12. That the Ministers at the Restitution of K. C. Suffered no more then to be turned out , for not obeying the Law , in taking a presentation and Episcopal Collation , and that Bishop Light on made such offers of accommodation , as none could refuse but fallen and desperate incendiaries , nor was any thing required of them but what the most Rigid Presbyterians might comply with , if their ●eal to support their faction had not infatuated them , as much against the vow of Baptism , as against the Peace and safety of their Countrey . These are the modest words that this Author useth , while he talketh so much against others for want of the meek Spirit of the Gospel : It is false that Ministers suffered no more than turning out , tho even that is agravated now ( when it toucheth his party ) with hideous out-dryes , of an unparalelled persecution . How many of them were Inprisoned , Banished , Intercommuned &c. The offers that B. Lighton made , did shew him to be a moderate B. and a man of a truely Gospel Temper , far from that of his Brethren : yet even his offers could not be accepted by Presbyterians , with a good Conference : For none could Preach in his Diocess without owning ( at least in practice ) his Episcopal Authority , by joyning with the Presbytrie , and Synod where he presided as Bishop ; and by taking his warrand to the Presbytrie to admit such a one to Preach in such a place , Experto crede . § . 14. There followeth a further evidence of this Gentlemans Veracity . Candor and Meekness : The Presbyterians in Scotland ( saith he ) are generally blinded with this fatal prejudice an evidence of their incurable Enthusiasm ) they think that no man can Act any thing against the Presbyterians , but he immediat●y acteth against the light of his own Conscience : and a great deal more to that purpose Every assertion is not only false but manifestly so , to all who have ever conversed with us , and who is not Fatally blinded with other prejudices . Tho we be far from judging the Consciences of them who differ : And are convinced , and do on all occasions , declare , that we think many of the Episcopal Clergy , and People , are Conscienciously of ●hat opinion ; Yea , and that some who have Acted against us , thought that they did God service , as Sa●l and other Persecutors have done before . Yet it is not easie to have the the same thoughts of this Author ( and the rest that write and speak in this strain ) considering that he hath lived among Presbyterians and cannot but know that these are not the sentiments of all of them , nor of the most part Yea , I doubt that any one , even of the most Ignorant or most Zealous of them , did ever speak at this Rate . His Declamation , p 13. ( for in this way of writing his talent seemeth to lie , rather than in solid reasoning ; which may move an ignorant Reader , but never satisfie on that is intelligent ) against the Actings of the Presbyterians in K. C. The fi●st's time ; is sufficiently answered , Vindic. 1. q. 8. Wherefore I shall not trouble the Reader with that debate ; seing there is here nothing new , except bitter words , and false imputations ; that Ministers did , and do , endeavour to ruine their Neighbours ( further than by the exercise of Discipline to purge the Church of unqualified Ministers ) that they used Engines to prie into the secrets of Families , that the Ministers said their Cause was like to prosper when they justified one Crime by the commission of another : Or that ever they did so justifie Crimes ▪ That they value Soveraignty above all others , that it is the Idol they bow to , &c. These I say are a heap of notorious falshoods , boldly assererd , but not attempted to be proved : But the mans tongue is his own : Several of these assertions are disproved ( having been brought by his associates ) in the Book that he refuteth , but this he had no mind to consider . The Presbyterians must be the worst of men : that he is resolved on , per fa● ant nesas . § . 15. In the end of p. 13. He ( the Vindic●tor ) insinuateth all along his Book , that most part of the Clergy were wicked men . It had been fair dealing in the Apologist to have mentioned some on● place or other where this was Insinuated , Supposed or asserted : I know no such place . It is like he said so of many of them , but if ever he said they were generally so , or did proportion the number o● them to those Who were of a good Conversation , ( which he never did ) in that case he will 〈◊〉 peccavi , For he professeth that he doth not think it is so . Some of them have been charged with Crimes and these Crimes proved against them , and they censured ac●ordingly : And more of that kind shall be proved when ever he pleaseth . Tho I am far from thinking all is true that is said of them : more then that all is true that he and his friend who wrote the Presbyterian ●loquence have written of the Presbyterians ; I think , what men write they should be able to give evidence for it : But we are not obliged to prove what is the talk of the Town , of any Person . He asketh who made them ( the Presbyterians ) Judges of the Scandalous Clergy . A. 1. Christ hath made his Church judge of them : And we are able to make it appear that the Presbyterian Ministers and Elders are the Church of Scotland Representative . 2. The Law settling Presbyterian Government , hath given its sanction to that judicative Authority that they have from Christ. I approve of what he saith , p. 14. That the Scandalous Ministers are rather to be lamented then insulted over . Yet it does not hinder but that the scandal may be mentioned when a reason is given of the Peoples Aversation from them , or may be charged on them , tried , and censured , by these in Authority . If any be glad ( as he feareth ) when they can discover the trippings of their Adversaries : We look on that as not a Christian Temper , which rejoyceth not in iniquity , but rej●yceth in the truth : I do solemnly profess ( and I hope none of my Brethren will say , otherwise ) that I wish they all were holy and good men . If any ever looked on the immoralities of the Clergy as a sufficient Argument against Episcopacy , and that it should therefore be overturned , tho ( as he supposeth ) it had continued since the dayes of the Apostles : I conclude such a Person to be no good Logician : yet I cannot shun to averre , that if it can be proved , that there are other good grounds for laying it aside , and withal , it do appear , that immorralities have much flourished under its wings , among the People and among the Clergie ; this is a good commulative Argument for its abolishment . If any of the Presbyterians have gathered stories against the Clergie , which they could not prove ; let them bear their Blame : We dislike such practices , as much as he doth . All who have been libelled , have either had their Crimes proved , or they have been acquitted , which is a sufficient vindication of the Church ; and a clearing of them who were so libelled ; and where any by mistake have been Censured by Presbytries , without sufficient ground ( the instances of which are very few ) as the Church took care to prevent it , so she hath done to redress any grievance of this kind that was complained of . We know the People in the North were more pleased with Episcopal Ministers , then they in the West were , but not that , but the Commission of the General Assembly being hindred to sit in the North , was the cause why scandalous Ministers there were not tried and censured . The Apologist had more consulted his own credit as a Christian , if he had forborn such unmannerly mocking at serious Religion , as to insinuate that we look on sniveling as necessary to make a good saint ▪ what a temper of mind this passage , with many others in his Book , doth signifie , I am not willing to name ; but rather to lament it , and wish that he may be convinced of the evil of it . What he mentioneth of Recrimination , we shall not decline , provided they will affirm nothing but truth , and what they can make appear ; by rational evidence . And i● they will delate , and prove what Scandals they can find among us , that they may be censured , w● shall reckon itea good Work , but this is far from that Authors conduct , while he is expresly condemn in imputing Scandals to the Clergy , as a scurilous way of writting , yet with the same breath , he saith , if t●● thing were allowable he could tell that many of the Presbyterian Ministers were very Scandalous ● some them Adulterers , some Fornicat●rs , some Blasphemers , some whole Presbyterian Families 〈…〉 . Here is little either Wit , or Honesty , or of that good Nature , that he chargeth his Antagonist with the want of . What Wisdom is it to say that we question the allowableness of an Act , when we are resolutely , and deliberately , and openly doing it ? Is he not charging some Presbyterian Ministers with the horridest of Crimes , and that in the basest manner without giving occasion to the Church to try them , or them to vindicate themselves , their Names being concealed : he can neither vindicate his Honesty , nor good Nature in this matter , unless he name the Persons , and prove the things , and when he has done that , if they be not duly censured , let him reproach us at his pleasure . If I knew any such Persons among the Presbyterians , I should have little peace in concealing their Faults . If he ( which he asserteth ) know not five of the Clergy of Scotland , who could not undergo the severest Examinations : I hope he will not blame others because their knowledge is more extensive than his . Many more have been orderly convicted of Immoralities , and more are notoriously of a bad Conversation : But I dislike this subject , as much as he pretendeth to do , and therefore leave it . We do not envy or derogate from any good that any of them have done , or designed to do ; nor his Joy and Gloriation that he speaketh of in his Suffering : Only I cannot well reconcile this strain , with the rest of his Book . I am sure if I should be guilty of so many false Imputations , and bitter Speeches , and Reflections against any body of Protestants , as he venteth against the Presbyterians ( without discrimination ) I should have little Peace or Joy. § . 16. Our Author bringeth us another Topick used to vindicate the Presbyterians : That the Clergy pressed the Consciences of the Presbyterians , and that the People could not own them as their Ministers , because they were obtruded on them , and not invited by Popular Elections : And for this he citeth p. 52. and 87. in neither of which places there is one word to that purpose : I have taken some pains to find that passage ( for I believe it is some where in that Book , tho' may be not to the purpose that it is here brought for ) but cannot find it : Not being at leasure to read every Line of the Book for the sake of this Citation . What I hold in this matter is , That it is the Peoples right to chuse their Pastors ; and it is a grievance to have a Pastor set over them by the Bishop or Patron , without their Consent : And that tho' it is their Wisdom , to consent a post facto , if the man be qualified ; yet till they consent explicitly , or implicitly , they are under no tye to own that Man as their Minister : However they may lawfully receive the Ordinances from him . Let us now hear what our Apologist hath to say on this Head. He first bringeth some argumenta ad hominem : As that Popular Elections could not be had for a Presbyterian in the North. A. This is not universally true : But where it is so , the Church will not obtrude a Pastor on that Flock , unless they neglect to chuse a person whom the Presbytry , on tryal , may find to be qualified ; and this neglect continueth for the time appointed by the Law : And then the Election in all reason , as well as by the Law of the Nation , devolveth into the hands of the Presbytry . And when the Presbytry hath set a Man so over a People , such of them as will not own him as their Minister , I see not how he is obliged to own them as his Flock , further than to do what he can to perswade them to good and to restrain them from Sin. Next he tells us of many Remonstrators inducted by Cromwell's Troopers . A. I never thought that a Pastoral Relation could be founded on such induction ; where no consent of the People was , either antecedent , or consequent to it . He 3 dly . mentioneth , That the same was done in the old Colledge of Aberdeen without regular and Collegiate Election , and without Tryal or Examination . A. It is a wise Argument from a Colledge to a Church : The Affairs of the one are to be regulated by the Laws of the Nation ; the other by the Institution of Christ. In that Colledge by a Visitation , in a Legal and Orderly way , the Principal and Sub-Principal , and two of the Regents were deposed : To supply the two Regents places , all who would offer themselves were invited by a Program to dispute ; six or seven appeared ; after several days disputation , two of them were chosen ( as having fairly won these places ) by the Masters of the Colledge , with some who were by Publick Authority to assist them . The Principal and Sub-Principal did notwithstanding Officiate till two years after , by the Authority of Oliver Cromwell ( who then was owned as having the Supreme Authority de facto ) A Visitation was appointed ; and these two Places were found Vacant , and a Minister of Aberdeen was put into the Principal 's place ; and one of the two Regents who had entered as abovesaid , and had taught Philosophy two years , was made Sub-Principal : What is there in all this that can be blamed , further than that it was the general Calamity of the Nation to be under a Forreign Power , by whom all the places of the Nation were then disposed of , I know our Author would not have so impertinently digressed , but that he would have a fling at a Person for whom he seemeth to have no kindness , and whose having a Room in a Colledge is an Eye-sore to him . § 17. Now the Author will no more trisle ( as hitherto he hath indeed done ) let us then hear his solid and serious Reasons . He giveth a long account of the way of Admission in the Episcopal Church , against which I could object several things ; but I shall only take notice of what is to our present purpose , viz. That an Edict is served , and the People allowed to object against the Candidate , whom the Patron hath chosen for them . Even this is often so done that it were as good it were not done ; as when Mr. Mckenzie's Edict to be Minister at Kirklistoun was served at St. Andrews , about twenty six Miles distant . But supposing it were always duly managed , it doth not sufficiently answer the right that the People have to chuse their own Pastors . His Argument from disorders happening upon popular Election is fully answered , Rational defence of Nonconform , Part 5. § . 6. p. 207 , 208. But it is like the Apologist cannot read such Books as that without the Indecency of Passion . Tho' he is pleased to bring a passage out of it , when he fancieth he can expose the Author by it . It is his way , here and elsewhere , to assert strongly , the conclusion , without taking notice of Reasons against it . That this , as all Christs Institutions , managed by sinful Men , may be abused , we deny not . Hath not Prelatical Power often degenerated into Tyranny ; and yet I suppose he would not have it abrogated . It is denied ( which he saith cannot be denied ) That the methods of Election differed , often in divers Ages and Countries , since the first plantation of Christianity : Unless he understand this of the more degenerate Ages of the Church , after the eighth Century : Before that , it was uniform and constant , viz. It was done a clero & populo ; as it is abundantly proved in the Book cited , p. 201. &c. It is also false , That no Christian Church came nearer the Apostolick Method than the Church of Scotland , under the Episcopal Constitution . For it is evident that in the Apostolick , and Primitive Church , there was no Election made by a Patron ▪ The Act of the General Assembly , depriving a disaffected Parish of the Power of E●ection , maketh nothing for his design . For it is without question , that Peoples Rights and Church Priviledges , may for some Causes , be Suspended , by Authority of the Church : His account of the Election of Leith is most false . Mr. Gray had not one of the Legal Eldership for him , nor the Magistrates of Leith , who represent the Heritors ; and a great body of the People did oppose him ; with what Brow then , can our Author say , That this Election was unanimous . For Muslebrugh and Tranent , none hath , to this day , been Elected in a Legal way , that is , by the Heritors and Elders . That Patronages were not taken away in Scotland till 1649 ; proveth no more , then that Presbyterians think it not unlawful to own a Man who is not antecedently Elected by the People ; and this was never denied by us : Only it was pleaded , that when the People had other objections against a Minister , this might fortify their aversion from him , that he had not entered in a due way . Presbyterians did always think Elections by Patrons to be a great Grievance : Yet they bare it ; till it could be removed by Law. The reason of his following discourse I cannot comprehend , viz. How it should come to pass that so many Artifices are needed to promote a Clergy Man , if Popular Election take place : And that it is otherwise , where the Patron chuseth . Nothing is more evidently false , then are both parts of this Assertion . For our way is , when a Parish is Vacant , the Presbytry sendeth two or three , or more , by turns , to preach among them ; if the People desire to hear yet others ; it is granted : And the People chuse whom they like best . Where doth the Artifice lie , that the Candidate can use , except it be to Preach better than another doth ? On the other hand , all do know what Artifices to gain a Presentation from a Patron are commonly used : And how seldom it is seen , that a retired Clergy Man is forced out of his Solitude by the Patron ( which our Author dreameth ) Symoniacal Compact : and other Solistations are far more frequent . § . 18. He blameth the Vindicator ( p. 18 ) for saying that the Clergy pressed the Consciences of their hearers : But he is not pleased to let us know what place of the Book this is to be found in , that it might be tried , whether these words were used , or some other words th●t our Author is pleased to draw to that sense . Also that it might be known on what occasion , and to what purpose , this was said . He saith , nothing was in our worship but the Lords Prayer . Creed and Doxology A It was never said by the Vindicator , that these were sufficient grounds of separation from the Episcopal Church : But it is like he might say that some did sc●uple some of these , and app●ehended that they also had some other Grounds for their not hearing the Ministers that then had the Churches : And as they did run their Scruples too high , on the one hand , so the Ministers did too rigorously prosecute them , on the other hand , For what their Conscience would not suffer them to comply in : And what harm is there in asserting this ? He impu●eth to the Vindicator , as if he had said , that Presbyterians were not against the use of these Forms , but they would not use them as the Prelatists did . Where this was said , I know not : Nor is he pleased to quot the place that it might be examined : Whether by these means , the unitie of the Christian Church is broken , let any judge who is not blinded with Superstition . Also let it be considered how wisely the Apologist compareth joyning in these form : with Subscribing the Confession of Faith ? Surely this Gentleman must either have a low esteem of the Christian Faith contained in that Confession of it ; or a superlative value for the use of Forms : For we have no controversie with him about the matter that is under these forms of words . It is not true , that addressers to the General Assembly did plainly declare that they would Subscribe the Westminster Confession , as it contained the Fundamentals of the Protestant Religion . This is not truly represented nor is there advantage to his design in mentioning it . There was no mention in their Formula ( and they would not when required , add on word for explaining it ) of the fundamentals of the Protestant Religion . And if they had so far condescended , what security could such Subscription befor their Orthodoxic : For the Fundamentals are very few ; and it is a controversie among Divines , what is their number : And sure if these men dislike any Article of the Confession they will alledge it is not fundamental : And indeed by such Subscription they are at liberty to believe , and Preach what they will. On this occasion he declameth ( with many words , but nothing of Argument ) against the Presbyterians ; because they would be secure that they whom they receive , be not Arminians ; as if the Arminian controversies were only abstruse , Metaphysical Notions ; and would have these left as disputable points . But he might have known that the Apostle , by the direction of the unerring Spirit , thought sit to instruct the Church in these points : And is it a Crime in us if we endeavour to explain what he hath taught . And endeavour to secure ●he Church that nothing be taught that is Contrary . I deny not that the Scholastick way of handling these Controversies , is not fit for the Pulpit ; and that the Schoolmen have been very extravagant in this matter : but which of the Presbyterians can he charge with this ? It is not for not teaching the People the School Notions in these matters that we blame some of his Clergy ; but for teaching Errour , and that against the plain and positive Doctrine contained in Scripture , and in the Confession of Faith. § . 19. He proceedeth , p. 9. to another quarrel with his Antagonist : That he laboureth to provoke the present powers against the Episcopal Clergy that they are Enemies to King William and Queen Mary , and that he saith the interest of King William and that of the Presbyterians is imbarked together , and for this he citeth p 24. The former of these is not in that page ; nor any words to that effect : except the latter Assertion ; which is there drawn as an inference from what his Adversary had brought , but whatever he may think of its being ● mean complement to King William , It hath been the observation of Thousands in Scotland . ( I say not it is so elsewhere ) and it is hard to beat it out of the minds of thinking men . He puteth a strange gloss on this Assertion ; Id est . saith he ) if King William doth not observe the original contract , they know well enough what they owe all earthly Kings . This is like the gloss of Orleans . He cha●geth his Margine with this sentence , as what must not be left out . For the Fancy , the Covenant to be the Tenure by which any King may hold his Cro●n : This the Presbyterians disown , and have convinced all men , ( whose malice doth not shut their eyes ) to the contrary , by owning and submitting to Kings who brake the Covenant , disowned it , and made the People abjure it . Such unlimited and unproved affirmations , are more fit to give a Character of the Author of them , than to refute his Antagonist . Another Assertion like this is p. 20. I know no notion that Presbyterians can have of a King , but that he should be Arch-bedle to the Kirk : And that he should imploy his power to execute their Decrees . And for this he citeth Sanquhair Declaration , and a saying of the Provest of Rutherglen : Which Presbyterians never owned . But do abhor such Principles : And therefore all that followeth in his Discourse on this Head falleth to the Ground , viz. That the Clergy in the West having never met with any thing but acts of Hostility , without Law , Tryal , or Justice ( an accusation against the present Government , which giveth a Specimen of the Author ) they ought to continue in opposition to King William , by these Principles . Let them who own these Principles defend them , and consider the consequents of them . I do not remember where the Vindicator foundeth a Libel against the Clergy on account of the Doctrine of Non Resistance : Tho' this he is charged with p 20. and our Apologist is shy of telling his Opinion about it , p. 21. He well knoweth that this Point hath been debated hinc inde , and that not all the Episcopalians do stand for it . I am as backward to enter the Lists on this Subject as he is , but am rather willing to observe that many who pleaded vehemently for it , have changed their Principle : Others have practised quite contrary to that Principle , and yet will maintain their old Opinion in defiance of Sense and Reason , sheltering themselves under some distinctions , and explications , that few Men can understand . Tho' our Author will not tell his Opinion directly ; yet he doth it intelligibly enough : While he not only condemneth some late Insurrections ( about which I will not Controvert with him ) but telleth us of a Supreme Tribunal ( which with us is King and Parliament ) from which there is no Appeal , and which may not be resisted ; by every one whose Caprice is not satisfied ; running to Arms. I applaud his Wit not debating this question till he understand it better , and learn to fix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For I think few sober Men will contradict him in this ; whatever they may think of the body of the Nation joyning with the Primores Regni , resisting the execution of bad Laws , and calling to account the Makers and Executors of them . I will neither debate this , nor determine any thing in it , nor take notice what aspect the late Revolution , and present Settlement hath toward the determination of this question . I shall leave this head , after I have observed a pretty pleasant Argument this high pretender , and despiser of others , bringeth for his Opinion : Do not we see every day , such as opposed the Government any where , Fined , Confined , or Executed . If he had hence inferred , Ergo , no Government is willing to be resisted ; the consequence could not have been denied : But the conclusion must be Ergo , it is unlawful to resist any Supreme Governour . Some will say it is pitiful Logick . § . 20. Because he cannot find sufficient ground to blame his Adversary , he thinketh fit to use some Artifices to reach him . He p. 21. citeth the Vindicator , affirming , That the Authority of the Nation in the Convention , or Parliament , may take away the Legal Right that belongeth to the Clergy . But he leaveth out what might vindicate that Author , viz. That he expresly leaveth the decision of that question to Lawyers ; and giveth no Opinion about it . Here the Apologist maketh a heavy complaint , of the Arbitrary Power acted by the Presbyterian Party , in what the Convention now did , and what the Covenanting Parliaments had done before . I shall here also determine nothing but leave it to Men Learned in the Law , to inform us whether the notion of acting Arbitrarily can agree to the Parliament , where the body of the People with the King are represented ( none doubteth but they may act irrationally and wickedly ) or if it be peculiar to Executors of the Law when they act not by Law , but take their own will for their Rule . He imputeth to the Presbyterians and to the Author of the Vindication p. 22. This Assertion That the kindness that any hath for Episcopacy proceeds from the Episcopal Clergy their Indulging Men in their Sins and Immoralities . And for this he citeth p. 76. and p. 166. In the former of the two places there is not one word to this purpose : In the other , all that is said is , reproving his Antagonist for saying that Presbyterians were dreaded as the plague of Mankind . The Vindicator replyeth , That they are not so looked on by any but a debauched Crew , whom his Faction indulged in their Immoralities ; to which Presbyterian Discipline is a Terrour . Now let the Reader judge whether this Author dealeth fairly ? Is this Assertion so universal as he maketh it ? Is it said , or hinted at , that none have respect to Episcopacy on other accounts , tho' I am perswaded that not a few like it on that account , yet I never thought nor said , that all who are for Episcopacy are of that Stamp ▪ I know some of them , Ministers and others , who hate Immoralities . But let us hear his Refutation of this Assertion . What we first meet with is ; this is Spight and Malice : They are Sons of Strife who say so , it is Impudence , it is a senseless Accusation : Who can stand before such Arguments : The force they have is to shew the Man's Spirit who useth them . I only take notice , that he calleth the Accusation also indefinite : Which is most injurious ; it is limited to the profane Persons among the Episcopal Party . He cometh next to run down this Assertion ; by this tuant Reason . The Episcopal Church hath taught no Doctrine that hath any tendency to breaking any of Gods Commandments . As if no Church could be negligent in the exercise of Discipline , unless it be also her Doctrine , that Discipline should be neglected . He hath Supeciliously insulted over the Vindicator , when nothing so ridiculous or contemptible was said . For another Argument , he falleth with a great deal of scorn and bitterness , on the Discipline exercised in the Presbyterian Church against Whoredom . He hath two quarrels against it ; the former , Bringing Whores to receive a publick Rebuke , causeth the murthering of many Bastards ; the other is , Three Women cannot be named who ever mounted the Publick stool of Repentance but they became Prostitutes , their Publick appearance rendering them Impudent . Can any think that such Stuff needeth an Answer ? That they that sin ( viz. openly and scandalously ) should be rebuked before all , is the express Commandment of Christ , by his Apostle , 1 Tim. 5.20 . id est , palam & in publico caetu , graviter & severe , increpa , saith Estius , and he was no Presbyterian : It is true , he saith , it is likely the Apostle had an eye at the faults of Elders ; but he addeth , Idem tamen faciendum cum aliis . It is a shame for this Author to speak against the strictness of Discipline against publick Scandals , which even Papists allow , when they consider things without the prejudice of the practice of their Church . Yea , Tertullian , Admonebantur criminosi a senioribus astante & audiente plebe , magno cum pondere . If this publick Rebuke be given , we are not fond whether the Person be on the Stool of Repentance or elsewhere , in the Church , tho' we think it ( as our Ancestors did ) a convenient place , where the person may be seen and heard by all ; as the Minister is in the Pulpit . It is strange that this Author should speak against pub●ick Rebuking of Offenders ; for it was ever the practice of the Church of Scotland ; even under Prelacy ; and under the late Prelacy ; tho' it was not so frequently used as there was need for it : But he is now in England , and it seems thinketh himself obliged to rail at all that is not according to the English way . That Womens murthering their Bastards is the effect of this Discipline , is a strange Assertion , and an effort of a confidence not to be reguarded : It may enervate that wild conj●cture , that at the Revolution , seven Women were left in prison in Edinburgh , for that one Crime : Each of them murthering their own Infants : Since which time I have heard of none but one or two : For his other inconvenience , what he asserteth , is a manifest falsehood : Some have given evidence of true Repentance ; not only by publick profession ; but by their after good Conversation : And tho' I will not say , that never any of them turned Prostitutes , yet it is known not to be commonly so ; and I may say , I never heard of any that turned to that way , on that occasion . He is pleased to reproach us for too strict observation of the Lord's Day : When he complaineth , that the People are not allowed to have fresh Water . This is false ; the prohibition at Edinburgh is , that none , on that day , bring Water from the Wells in greater quantity then a Scotch Pint ; which is supposed to be , ordinarily , enough for drinking , or for the necessities of the Sick : In any extraordinary case , they may have what they need : But for other uses in Families it is thought as much may be provided on Saturday night as may serve for the Sabbath . This is especially necessary in Edinburgh , where all that populous City is served by a few Wells , to which great Crowds resort , and often make disturbance , by striving who should be first served , which might occasion much profanation of that Holy Day . His ill words against this Discipline , I overlook , intending only to defend our way against what may look like Argument . After all this , our Author hath the Brow , to wish that the ancient Discipline of the Church were revived . I would gladly learn of him , what that Discipline is , which is not either the same with ours , or is not a great deal more strict and severe . § . 21. Thus our Apologist hath finished his Defence of the Clergy : With what Success , let tho Reader judge : And let it be considered , whither the things that he laboureth to excuse , or justifie , were ever charged upon the Clergy ; but only on the Pamphleteers refuted in that Book which he opposeth : Or on some particular Persons among the Clergy ; and if it be found that no such charge is laid against the Clergy ; let every one judge , whether he hath not hitherto been fighting with a shadow . His next work ( which beginneth p. 26. and filleth up the greatest part of his Book ) is to disparage his Antagonist , and Mr. Rule ; against whom he seemeth to have a particular indignation ( it is not hard to guess at the Cause of it ) which design he manageth by some very unmanly Methods ; to say no worse . Such silly Artifices should be utterly despised , if a matter of more importance were not struck at then the credit of either of them . They are known ( and so is this Author ) in Scotland : And every one will judge ( some as they know , others as they affect ) let him say what he pleaseth : The first thing that he thinketh fit to charge his Adversary with , is Partiality . In his attempt to make this appear , he hath a kind of Apology for what he is about to say ; which I cannot well reconcile with what followeth ; it looketh so like protestatio contraria facto : He will not conclude him habitually such as he representeth him to be , but ascribeth his Book to Paroxisms of Passion . Here is a high pretence to charitable Judging ; some would think that so many acts as must be in composing a Book of so many Sheets , if they did not flow from a previous habit , might at least produce one : But let him call me whether actually , or habitually passionate , as best pleaseth him , if he can make the Paroxisms that he talketh of appear , I shall take with blame : But I hope he will , mean while , allow indifferent Readers a liberty of judging of the temper of that mans mind , in writing a Refutation of a Book who could not read it without being provoked to the indecencies of Passion by every line of it ; as he saith himself p. 1. The expressions that he taxeth as unmannerly , are only so , when they are unduly applyed . I suppose there are none in the World of whom every one of them may be said : If he will prove any of these to be imputed directly , or indirectly to his Party ( as he often layeth heavier charges to the Presbyterians , without exception ) or to any person , or more , without cause ; when he shall point to the place of my Book where it is done , if I cannot shew that he mistaketh , let him censure at his pleasure ; but it is his way ( here and elsewhere ) to pick up some words , here and there , which he thinketh found harshly , and from these to expose his Adversary , without taking notice where , or on what occasion , or against whom , such expressions were used : Wh●ch is an easie way to make any Man black enough ; if it be a fair way , if not , it is enough to make himself so . The absurdity of venting Passion in Personal Reflections , he doth justly blame : But doth pitifully lay it off himself , when he telleth us of his fixing nothing on his ( the Vindicators ) person ; but what naturally followeth from his own words , or deeds , or some ground given by themselves . Such Reflections are then blameworthy when they are either groundless , or needless ; by which let the Reader judge , whether he , or I , be more guilty of venting Passion in personal Reflections . But I have staid too long on this preliminary . § 22. He proveth the Vindicator's Partiality , from his rejecting the Testimony of such as are not of his Party . This is false : His proof is , The Testimony of a Baily in Glasgow is rejected because he was chosen by the Archbishop . It is evident p. 94. ( which he citeth ) that the story it self is disproved as false , whence it will follow that no Witnesses should be believed in asserting of it : And it is but mentioned ex abundanti , that the Baily , and some others there named , were the less to be regarded , because Men who had shewed much ill will against the Presbyterians . If we reject any Episcopal person relating matter of Fact that is probable , and not aliunde found to be false , only because of that persons Opinion about our present differences ; let us then bear the blame of Partiality . The same is answered to what he citeth out of p. 85.100 . & 109 his great and exact Historians Testimony is not rejected ; but his accounts are disproved , and his Vouchers found to be insufficient ; as the best of Men might be when he is found to assert a Falsehood . What he alledgeth concerning the Writer of the first Letter , refuted by the Vindicator ( who he saith is Mr. Morer ) is far remote from truth ; the falsehood of that Authors Histories is asserted , and made evident ; but it is no where said , nor hinted , that he was not to be believed because a Jacobite . I shall not contradict the Apologists account of his Loyalty to King William ( tho' some are such Infidels as not to believe the conclusion , though the premises were true ) but I judged of the Man by his Book : And I know not what any Man , on such a subject , could have said more against King William's interest . That all the accounts be ( the Vindicator ) had from the West , in defence of the Enemies of the Episcopal Clergy , are thus overthrown with one dash of his Pen , Is a wide mistake : For these accounts were not from any of the Rabblers of the Clergy ; but from such as he can make no rational exception against ; either for their Morality in their Conversation , or for their concern in that matter : That they ( the Presbyterians ) are obliged by their Oaths to ruin Episcopacy , would indeed be to his purpose , if he could make it appear , that the Covenant , or any other Oath , doth bind us to tell lies , or use any means , good or bad , toward that end : But if that be false ( as all do know ) let it be considered , what Morality , or Argumentative Skill , the Man is Master of , who doth so boldly affirm this , and maketh such inference from it . § . 23. Another thing whereby he endeavoureth to vilifie his Adversary ( for that is the professed scope of this part of the Apology ) is , he is for the divine right of Presbytry . If he , or any of his party , could disprove this Opinion ( which I have not yet seen , nor expect to see ) yet I think few , except this Author , will think this sufficient to render a man contemptible : Many with whom the Vindicator will not compare , and to whom I think the Apologist is not equal , are of the same Opinion : And have strenuously maintained it ; and if it be so ridiculous to assert the Divine Right of Presbytry , what is it , to write and think so of Episcopacy ? as the Apologist doth p. 23. where he calleth it the Apostolical Government : if it be Apostolical it must be Divine ; for the Apostles were guided by a Divine , and infallible Spirit . If our Authour would have made us ridiculous on this h●ad ; it might have been expected , that he should have refuted this opinion , and answered what is sa●d for it , with such strength and evidence , as was able to captivate the understandings of all men , except they were Idiots , as he seemeth to reckon the Presbyterians ; but that was too hard a task for him ; and therefore he wisely forbeareth to meddle with it . What he bringeth to prove the absurdity of ●his Opinion , is far short of what others of his Party have said , and a very weak bottom to found his confidence upon . The first Presbyterians held Church Policy to be variable ; and for this he citeth the Confession of Faith inserted in the Oath of the Test ( it seems he knoweth the Confession of Faith of the first Scotch Protestants under no other designation ) It is evident to any who readeth that Confession , ●hat there is nothing said in that place of Government , whether Parity , or Prelacy ; but of Policy , and order of Ceremonies ; and Ceremonies here must needs be taken in a large sense , for External Rites common to other publick actions , beside Church Administrations . For they expresly condemn Humane Ceremonies in Gods Worship . If another person had reasoned at this rate , it would have been improved by our Author , as a part of the Character of such a Writer . He taketh it very ill p 25. That the Presbyterian Church will not own themselves as Delegates of the State : As if they acted against the Sentiments of the whole Nation , and against common Sense ; which do determine that they could have no power over the Episcopal Clergy but what they derived from the State : Our Author doth little consider w●om he disobligeth , by his loose talk . Even that part of the Church of England , to please whom , this and most of their Pamphlets are calculated : Tho' he will not read the Books of the Presbyterians , because they stir his Choler ; I wish he would read a late piece about Christian Communion , on behalf of the deprived Bishops ; where it is asserted and strongly pleaded , That the Church in matters purely Spiritual ( and such the Government of the Church ; is by him asserted to be , as much as the Administration of the Sacraments ) is altogether independent on any other Power whatsoever : Wherefore there are other Men , as well as Presbyterians , so ridiculous , in this Writer's Eyes , as to deny Church Assemblies for Government to be Delegates of the State. For the Presbyterian Churches power over Episcopal Men , they have it by their office , over all the Members of the Church of Scotland ; whatever be their opinion about Government : Tho' we own it , as the favour of the State , that we have its countenance in the exercise of this Government : Another of his wise reasons is , Calvin said , Honour and Reverenc● is due to Prelates , etiam hoc nomine , if they embrace the Reformation : Ergo. His Disciples are absurd , in being loath that any other Policy should prevail . Here is no shadow of consequent . Calvi● was as unwilling as we are , that Episcopacy should prevail ; whatever respect he , or we , might have to the person of a Bishop , who embraceth the Truth . That it is in any part of the Vindication said , or insinuated , that they who are not for Presbytry , or the Divine Right of it , are not acquainted with the Spirit of God , is most false ; and injuriously hinted , by our Author : He might have seen in the page that he citeth , it is said of some , on a quite different account . If he can , make it appear that his Antagonist doth thus write at random , let him Characterize him as he pleaseth . § . 24. Another thing whereby he thinketh to make his Antagonist absurd and odious , is , hi● Rudeness and Vanity . p. 25. I hope he looketh on these two qualities as distinct : And is obliged to prove them both ; whereas I find nothing that looketh like an attempt to prove the latter . But it will not be difficult to retort it on himself , by any who considereth the Supercilious strain of his writing , and his contempt of his Adversary : For the former , his proof is , The Vindicator representeth his Adversary as a Liar , and Villain : Tho' he cannot prove that the Author of the History of the General Assembly wrote one Lie : If his Informations were not exact , he is not to blame : But it cannot be proved that any information he got was false . A. He should have shewed where he was represented as a Villain , for I do not remember it , and no place is cited , unless he take a Liar and a Villain for the same . It is a pleasant Vindication from being his Information was not exact : Our Author here would shew his Critical Skill ; but do we not in ordinary Speech call gross Falsehoods , Lies , not considering the knowledge or intent of the Speaker ; And all that was said was , that the things wrote were Lies . Which was abundantly made evident , and is known to most in Scotland : Tho' our Author hath the brow to say , that it cannot be proved . To impute so absurd th●ngs to so publick a meeting , where were so many Witnesses to attest the Falsehoods of them , and to transmit these to Posterity in Writing ; let every one judge by what softer term it could be called : Whether he , or his Informers be the Liars , we are little concerned : But Wise Men will think that neither can be excused , Beside , are there not many things instanced by the Vindicator , as asserted by his Adversary , in which it is hard to think that the Mans Mind did not contradict his Thoughts : As p. 36. They ( the Presbyterians , and no exception or distinction made ) divide from the Catholick Church in all Ages , they pervert and alter the nature of the Gospel , and teach another Gospel than what is to be found in Scripture . And p. 64. If you will take their ( the Presbyterians ) word for it , they are the only true Godly , and who only have a sense of Religion , and the practice of it . I hope he hath not these Assertions by Information ; and therefore must bear the blame himself of such notorious Falsehoods , which it is impossible for any intelligent Man , who hath long conversed in Scotland , not to know to be such . What is said of the Councils leaving the Case of the Clergy to the determination of the Parliament , is strangely improved , viz. That it is the Vindicator's Doctrine , that the Council may stop , and dissolve the Laws . He would think it Vanity indeed , If I should impute the making of such an inference to his Ignorance in the due way of Arguing ; wherefore I leave the Reader to ascribe it to what he thinketh most probable : Only I may adventure to say , it is absurd to infer the approbation of a Fact , or the asserting of a Legal Power for doing that Act , from a bare Narrating that such an Act was done : Which is all that the Vindicator can be Charged with , about that deed of the Council . § . 25. Tho' our Author is pleased to take no notice of the most material passages in the Book that he refuteth , and which most directly promote the design of it : Yet he is very exact in picking up , here and there , a word dropt on the by , tho' of lesser importance , which himself reproacheth in his Antagonist ; and which might more deserve the imputation of a creeping Genius then any thing he taketh notice of p. 55. to fix it on another . When one of the Pamphleteers refuted by the Vindicator , had called out Church Meetings for Discipline , Presbyterian Clubs , in Contempt ; he is told we have us Clubs for drinking : Hence the Apologist wisely inferreth , He insinnateth that the Clergy had Clubs for drinking : Which yet he doth not endeavour to disprove ; There might be proof enough of Clubs for drinking among some of them : It was never said , nor thought by us , that all of them are guilty that way . When a matter of Fa●t is denied , that Dr. Robison and Mr. Malcolm made application to Presbyterian Judicatures , to be received to a share of the Government : He will not affirm the truth of that passage ; but he confidently averreth , as certainly known , that if he ( Dr. Robison ) had so done , he had been rejected ; because he was one of the Ministers of Edinburgh . And he telleth us what I ( nor I think none else ) never knew , That the Party had determined to break through all Obstacles of Justice and Decency rather than suffer any of the Episcopal Clergy , or any who had made any advances of complyance , to continue in Edinburgh : And proveth this by the case of Mr. Willkie . This Diviner ( by a kind of scientia media ) can tell not only what hath been , and what should be , but what will be in futuris contingentibus , & conditionatis : Yea , he taketh upon him to tell of some resolutions taken , that never were so much as moved , or determined , in any Church Assembly . The instance he bringeth doth overturn and falsifie all that he here saith : For Mr. Willkie , who once complyed , is to this day preaching in Edinburgh , hath a publick Church , and a Congregation in it , is received by the Presbyterian Church to a share of the Government ; and sitteth constantly in the Presbytry , and other Meetings . In the very next p. 27 he chargeth the Vindicator with that which hath all the marks of a deliberate and willful Lie , because he misrepresenteth , as is alledged , a matter of Fact , that he might have known . What then must we think of this Author , who not only affirmeth what every one knoweth to be false in matter of Fact , but magisterially determineth contrary to manifest and known Truth , about Mens purposes and inclinations : He would do well to be more sparing of his Censures , lest they recoil on himself . § . 26. He will omit the Clownish buffoonry in the 4 th page ; and it was wisely done : For nothing of that kind can be instanced . But he telleth us p. 26. of Epithets given by the Vindicator , to his Adversary , impudent Slanderers , Villains , ( this he often observeth , but pointeth to no place , nor do I remember it ) Successours of Judas Iscariot , Rabshakes : And mocking is all the observation that he maketh on what he is offended at . If he had pleased to point to the places , I should have considered them ; but I am confident to say , that where the Reader meeteth with any such words , he will find , that they are occasioned by some Story told , or some imputation laid on Presbyterians , that is either openly false , or sufficiently disproved ; and there is no harm in giving things their true names : But if he can shew that ever I g●ve such Names to Episcopal Men , in commune ( as he often doth to the Presbyterians ) I shall bear all the blame that he shall please to load me with . Is it not strange that he speaketh with such Commotion , and Indignation , on occasion of such words used on just grounds ; while this is his own ordinary Dialect : And that against his Adversaries in general . I shall give instances in particular parts of his Book ( which he thought not fit to favour us with ) Vanity , Partiality , Sophistry , are imputed to his Adversary as the Ornaments of the Title Page of this Apology . Enthusiastick pretences , ad page of the Contents . They have made Lies their refuge , p. 1. Truth doth not please their , unless it be dressed up in all the Colours of Falsehood , ibid. Presbyterians never forgive any Injury , p. 5. The body of the people in the West are Cunning , Avaritious , and Dissembling , beyond measure , ibid. In their ( the Presbyterians ) Divinity , things lawful in their nature , yes , things necessary , become unlawful when once commanded by lawful Authority , p. 6. Sullen and desperate Incendiaries , p. 12. They think that they who act against them , act against their own light , ibid. They justifie one Crime by another : And justifie their Tyranny from Success , as the Turks do , p. 13. They date their Conversion from the time they forbear to hear the Curates , p. 15. It is insinuated , that we think Snivelling necessary to make a great Saint : Many of the Ministers are Scandalous : Some Adulterers : Some Fornicators : Some Blasphemers : Whole Families Incestuous , ibid. No sin was preached against but Malignancy ; and the Kings Prerogative Royal was possessed by the Kirk , p. 17. Sub finem , They fancy the Covenant to be the Tenure by which Kings hold their Crowns , p. 19. Margine . They who defended the Convention of Estates are called Vagabond Russians , p. 26. A Presbyterian had rather be accused of Adultery , Sodomy and Incest , then to be thought Ignorant , p. 31 ad finem : The Spirit of Contradiction eats out the Vitals of his Soul ; and ever and ano●● puts him upon silly and extravagant Impertinencies , p. 36. Pedling little Reformers p. 37. It is rare , in the West , to find a Presbyterians Child that can repeat the Creed , or ten Commandements , p. 42 Spite and Ill Nature , is ascribed to his Adversary . These are a few of the Flowers of his Rhetorick . I must transcribe much of his Book if I should mention all that is o● this strain . Now let the Reader judge where the Imputation of Rudeness , Ill Nature , False Accusation , and Lying , may be most justly fixed . § 27 He telleth us , p. 26. ( in despight of the Instances to the contrary , that his Book is bespangled with ) that he had rather prove the Vindicator a Liar than call him so . His proof is , The Vindicator said that the Viscount of Dundee , and others , had gathered together two thousand of the late Kings disbanded Forces at Edinburgh . He will have this to be no less than a willful and deliberate Lye ; according to his usual Modesty , and Charity ▪ He seemeth to suppose that the Vindicator will have them believe that the number was just so many and not one more or fewer : Otherwise his questions who saw them Mustered , and where ? were impertinent ; which were a Crime to surmise of one who looketh down from such a height on other Mortals , as this Soring Author doth . I was not in Edinburgh , nor in the Nation when this was acted , but had information from persons of as good Intelligence , and as much Veracity as any in the Nation : And not only ( what he denieth ) but 50 or 60 in Edinburgh will affirm ; that there were then gathered together at Edinburgh , and about it , a great number of King James's disbanded Forces , which by a modest and rational estimate , might be reckoned to two thousand : And there was as great evidence as the thing was capable of , that Dundee , and others were upon a design to employ them against the Convention , and this was the ground of that prudent Care that was used , to call in some from the West , to guard the Convention : All this our Author laboureth not to disprove only , but to ridicule ( beside the Topicks above mentioned ) by others , as weighty . Is it like ( saith he ) that Dundee , at the head of two thousand , could be forced to retire from Edinburgh . A. He was no other way forced than that his designs were disappointed : And he thought he could effect them better in the Highlands : Whether he straight went ; and gathered a greater Force than these two thousand : Many of whom it is like followed him thither ▪ Again , when he went from Edinburgh he had not above thirty or fourty to attend his person . A. Doth this prove that he had no more in Edinburgh who were Friends to him , and his Designs ? It was not yet time to appear in his full strength . The Vindicator might not give a check to Mr. Morer's confidence of the event of the High-land War , if Dundee had lived ; but the Apologist must have a harangue on this , as if we judged all the Episcopal Men to be Atheists . We disown such a consequence . What he farther chargeth me with , about Dr. Canaries , is fully answered in a Letter to the Doctor , in answer to one that he had written to a Person , whom he supposeth to be the Author of the Vindication . It is there shewed that the Doctor gave advice , that they should apply to the Presbyterian Church ; that it was evident to all , that their Application was on terms that they could not once dream could be satisfying : And this is called Feigned Obedience ; which words are put in Italick Letters , as being a noted Word in Scripture , and contained the substance of what was to be expressed . The Apologist , I perceive , hath seen this answer to the Doctor 's Letter ; and yet is not pleased to answer what was brought to prove , that the whole of this Address was a Sham ; and the obedience that they gave was Feigned Obedience . Some fancy they may triumph over their Adversaries , if they can discourse a little on a word or two of what is said while they leave the substance untouched . § . 28. His Vindication of Mr. McMath , p. 28 , 29. cometh next to be considered : Whom he saith ; the Vindicator injures most atrociously . If it be so , he ought to crave pardon , and will do it : But I see no proof of any wrong done him . 1 st . Saith our Apologist , he chargeth him with drunkenness . All that is said of that is , No sickness was seen on him , but what was the effect of his being drunk over night ; which all that know him affirm was very customary to him . This the Apologist consureth ( according to his solid and concludent way of reasoning ) because two Gentlemen saw him that very night before he came from Edinburgh , without appearance of being drunk . Might not he drink to excess , after he parted with these Gentlemen ? And this is no conjecture , for he was seen drunk , by the way going home , that night . What remains of his discourse about Mr. McMath ; for answer to it , I give the very words of an Information I have from Leswade ; attested by the subscription of one whose Veracity none that knoweth him will question . The Woman ( whom the Apologist saith was hired by the Presbyterians , to say that Mr. McMath made Love to her ) was never hired by the Presbyterians , nor perswaded by any Person , which she wi●l upon Oath declare before any Judge . The Man who ript up his own Belly had never any concern with Mr. McMath ; he was a Man , destitute of Piety , and of a fretful disposition . John Clare , who was killed with the fall of a Tree , never beat Mr McMath , with Musket , nor any other Weapon . Mr. Borthwick , is yet alive and in his right mind , nor was he ever distracted in the least . Mr. Finlanson adhereth to what he said , and saith no greater Injury can be done him then to say that he denieth it . For the Certificate : Tho' the Apologist seemeth to lay such weight on it , as able to silence what hath been , or can be said , against Mr. McMath ; Wise Men will judge that there are many places in which the worst of Men will get as great a number to own him in so large a Parish : And these are all who did own Mr. McMath , of 300 or 400 Adult Persons , of which that Parish consisteth . Other Objections might be made against it ; but enough is said p. 30. he is angry with the Vindicator for saying , That the Episcopal Party made all the Essays they were capable of , to carry the Elections for the Convention . And this he refuteth solidly , after his manner : For in several shires the Episcopal Gentry declined to be Elected , particularly in Ross , where the Presbyterians cannot carry the Elections . If he had read the Book that he refuteth , with a more indisturbed mind , he might have seen , in p. 12. which he citeth , that all this , and more is yielded , viz. That they carried the Elections in some places . Neither do we deny , but that some of the Episcopal Party might shun to be Elected ( as some did shun to sit when Elected ) for the Shire of Ross ; I do not pretend to know it so well as the Apologist doth : But one Instance will not infringe the Assertion , which speaketh only of many , or most part , and doth expresly except some . When he findeth , that the Instances he hath scraped together may prove too weak to prove the Vindicator so horrid and so empty a Person as he would represent him ; he bringeth as strong an Argument , as any yet mentioned , and that is , he saith it positively and boldly : To be short ( saith he ) his Book is every where interspersed with the silliest shuffling and Tergiversation . Yet another Instance of the Vindicators rudeness , and flying in his Adversaries Fa●e , and giving him the Lye , when it were enough to say that he is not acquainted with the Matter of Fact ; Mr. Morer had asserted , that some sat in the Convention who were not infest in their Estates : This he denieth ( these are the Apologists words ) and telleth us , this was a sufficient answer because no Person was named . Is not this a formidable Argument to prove this Assertion ? Who can stand before a Man of such a Talent ? Where is the Rudeness ? Where is the flying in Mr. Morer's Face ? And giving him the Lie ? The Vindicator's Inconsistencies is the Ta●k he next undertakes p. 30 , 31. He finds ( or fancies ) three or four of them in that Book : One is , he hath treated his Adversaries as Brethren ; yet he insinuateth that such Disputes with the Episcopal Party is but struglings between the Seed of the Woman , and the Seed of the Serpent . A. Where is this insinuated ? Here is mention made indeed , of that struggle : But is it any where hinted that he debateth against the Episcopal Party ? Is it not rather evident from the whole strain of the Book , that it is some Writers of that Party , that had filled their Pamphlets with Lies and Railing , that many Sober Men of their own side are ashamed of : And it is shewed , in the same place , that he citeth , § . 6. of the Preface ; how consistent the sharpness that sometimes he useth is with that Brotherly respect that is due to such unfair Dealers : Our Lord did not disown Peter , tho' he called him Satan to reprove his Errour : Yea , we may treat even them as Brethren , who are justly Excommunicated by the Church . Another inconsistency is , He is acquainted with but few of the Matters of Fact : Yet he taketh not things on hear say , or common talk . This is pure trifling : Where one hath a Matter of Fact on the Testimony of two or three Persons of known Veracity ; and , may be , witnessed upon Oath , before a Judge : Is not here a Medium between Personal Knowledge , and Common Talk : Wherefore there is here no Inconsistency , nor Contradiction , which any one can imagine ; except such a one as the Authors of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence ; who objecteth the same . That the Materials of the Vindication are but the Testimonies of them who were the Actors , or Abettors of the Western Villanies ( the civil word that this severe Censurer of Rudeness useth ) is most false . The story about Mr. George Henry was not built on common talk only ; but on the Testimony of one who pretended personal knowledge , and if it were a mistake , it can no way disparage the other Historical Passages , because it tended no way to reflect on Mr. Henry , but rather to vindicate him , and no stres● of any thing in debate did lye on it . Another mighty Inconsistency ; He telleth us they do not look on King William as an Idolater , and yet some Preach that the Church of England is Idolatrous : It is pity to trouble the Reader with such stuff , but some Mens mouths must be stopped . Here is no Inconsistency , unless he could shew that either the Author hath said both these : Or that all Presbyterians hold them both . If farther answer to this were needed , it should be brought . Lastly , He will not allow that the Clergy who addressed the Commission had any wit ( I know not where that is said or hinted ; tho' I am sure they did not act wisely , in that matter ) and yet their Contrivances were founded on deep Consults . I will not impute to this Reveverend Author that ignorance of a Contradiction , that some will gather from this passage . May not some who have much wit , be far from using it , in some cases ? Again , may not Men who have little wit , have what they are to act concerted for them , by them who have more wit ? We know also that all deep Consults are not wise Consults . I hope our Author hath much more Wit , and Learning too then he useth in this and several other passages of his Book : And yet I am far from thinking ( whatever dirt he is pleased to cast on others ) that he is destitute of either . § . 29 Our Authors next work from p. 31. to the end of 37. is to disparage Mr. Rule , whom he treateth with a great deal of insolent Contempt . Some may think this whole discourse impertinent , and wide from the m●●ter in hand . For the Vindication may contain solid Reason , and hard to be refuted ; yea , the Presbyterians may be generally , Men of worth , tho' Mr. Rule were as bad , or as Ridiculous , as our Author can call him , or wish him to be ▪ And if Mr. Rule , have said any thing absurdly in a piece he wrote against Dr. Stillingsleet , what is that to make either the Histories incredible , or the Reasons unvalid , which are contained in the Vindication . This Conduct will readily make some to guess at what moved this Author so to digress : That either he had little to fill his sheets with ( tho' he often brags of plenty ) or that he is glad of any occasion given , or that can be snatched , to meet with a Person whose place he envieth , whatever thoughts he have of his Principles . I shall say nothing in answer to the civil words he frankly bestoweth on him ; such as Proud and Supercilious , p. 33. Nothing so palpably ignorant and foolish , ibid. Resenteth the least contradiction to his Nonsence , with Bitterness and Indignation . Thrasonical boasting , p. 34. Silly and extravagant Impertinencies : A Mormo of a Scholar , p. 36. Arrogant and Presumptuous , p. 37. I neither incline to resent these , nor may safely do it , considering in what a fit of Passion ( above Indecency ) it put him , when a very modest Apology was made against some such Defamations before ; and that not against one Man , but against all the Presbyterians : That ( p. 31. ad finem ) a Presbyterian had rather be accused of Adultery , Sodomy , or Incest , than to be thought Ignorant : If these be the words of Truth or Soberness , the Reader will judge . I shall also say but little of the things that he chargeth my Friend with : Nor will I trouble the Reader with a Vindication of him , or of my self ; farther than the interest of Truth doth acquire . The first thing he quarrelleth ( as also his Friend the Author of the History of the General Assembly had done ) is , That Rational Defence of Nonformity , p. 164. he had expounded a passage of Jerome , contrary to the Sense that commonly it is taken in : And this he insulteth upon , as a sign of the most unparalelled Ignorance . But as wise as he will think ( even supposing it to be a mistake and that it cannot be defended ) that it is consistent with more Learning than ever Mr Rule pretended to , or than our Apologist is Master of . Some Learned men have had odd apprehensions of some things , and which easily might be refuted . Grotius the wonder of his Age for Learning and for Critical Skill in particular , yet will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 12.28 . to be Diocesan Bishops : So also Dr. Hammond , but he giveth a ground for his Opinion ; that is very singular , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) Significat curam rei alicujus gerere : And so also he expoundeth that word Luke 1.54 . which is contrary , or at least without Countenance from , all Lexicographers , Criticks , and other Expositors : If such a great Light may have a Spot , why may not also Dim Tapers ; without being a meer Snuff . Again , if Mr. Rule were answering for himself , it is like he would say , that , Veneration for this Learned Father , did drive him into that untrodden path ; who cannot otherwise be defended from contradicting , by that expression , the whole of that Epistle , in which it is found : For if Ordination of Presbyters be not in the power of Presbyters , but only of the Bishop , as the sentence now in debate doth plainly import if it be expounded in the ordinary way : This destroyeth the Identity of Bishops and Presbyters : Which he had been largely , and of purpose proving : Or we must say ( which is also mentioned in the place cited ) that Jerome wrote sometimes his own Opinion , and sometimes that of others : and that so intermixed , as that it is hard for the Reader to discern them , as himself confesseth in a passage there also cited : And if he use such Liberty in matters of Opinion , why not , in taking the same word in divers significations ? And it is certain , that not only all Lexicographers give the signification of ordinare ; but in the Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is turned , ordino , 1 Cor. 7.17 . And that signification of it is not unknown in Antiquity , Cent. Magd 1 lib. 2. c 4. p. 205. Edit . Basil 1564. Evangelium non tollit politicas ordinationes , per se non impias . I hope this is not meant of ordaining Persons to Office , but ordering and appointing the due management of Affairs . The Reasoning by which he maketh Mr. Rule 's Exposition to be inferred is ridiculous enough : But it is none of his , but the Apologist's own . From what is said , all the instances of the use of that word for potestative mission , appear to be inconcludent ; for they only prove that that is the more usual signification of it : Which none deny : And the Ridiculous Sense that he putteth on this place of Jerome , from the use of the Word elsewhere , is Inconsequential : For the Sense given may , and doth , quadrat here , tho' it do not in some other places . Ye may either take Jerome's word Ordinatio in the more Grammatical , and proper , tho' less usual Sense ; and make the passage Congruous to the whole of his discourse , in which it is : Or in the more frequent , but less proper Sense , and look on this Sentence as none of his own , but what others said , and he had set down in his Adversaria : And so it cannot derogate from his Opinion about Bishops , expressed in that Epistle . The Reader hath his Option ▪ The Cause that Mr. Rule pleadeth , and his Reputation , are safe either way . § . 30. He lasheth the Vindicator , very severely , with all Rods that his Invention , and the help of Latin Authors that he had read , can afford , because when his Adversary complained of the Desolations of Colledges by the late Change , and of the Insufficiency of them who were put in the room of such as were Ejected ; he very modestly denied that they had any thing to brag of ; did appeal to the esteem of Impartial Men ; and to the Indicia of Learning any had given , this is wound up to the high degree of Thrasonical Boasting : As if his Party were Modest and Humble Men , when they Monopolize all Learning to themselves , and would make the World believe that it will dye with them : But Presbyterians are proud if they Mutter ; and do not tamely assent when they are trampled on with the greatest Insolency . I doubt not but the Apostle's Enemies said the same of him , when he maintained his Zeal , and Diligence : nor that Job's angry Friends did the like , when he pleaded for his Wisdom , and Understanding ▪ He should also have considered that there was no Comparison made of any one Man with another , but of one Party with another ; and that he cannot fix Self Commendation on any Man ( so that his Citations to that purpose are wholly impertinent ) but one Man commending those of his way . And I am still confident to say ( let him make what use of it he will ) that tho' the Person he sheweth his great displeasure against , were as insignificant as he imagineth ; yet the rest who enjoy Places in Universities in Scotland need not be ashamed of their Sufficiencies , whether considered with respect to their Work , or with comparison to their immediate Predecessours . His three Instances of Mr. Rule 's speaking false Latine , as himself calleth them Impertinencies p. 36. so do I judge them : If they were all true they are nothing to the determination of the debate between the two Parties of the Church , now in Scotland ; and tho' he doth not think himself above a possibility of such escapes ; and hath heard some who pretend to more Volubility in the Latine , and in the English too , and value themselves upon it , lapse into as sensible blunders ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) yet he doth positively deny that , to his knowledge , or what he hath ever heard from any Person , there is truth in any one of these Instances ; and that this Apology gave him the first notice of them . Beside , it is evident that the Apologist's Eye and Ear Witnesses have misinformed him , as to the first Instance . For he having had Praelections , for some time , de Idololatria ; hath insisted on the Idolatry of the Heathen , of the Jewish Church in her degenerate times , and of the Papists ● but hath not meddled at all , either with the Superstition or Idolatry of the Church of England ▪ Only the Contriver of the Story was pleased thus to circumstantiate it . For the other two Instances , our Apologist sheweth as little Skill in Critical Learning as he thinketh others to have in speaking of Latine : ( tho' he could not forbear the pedantry of trying it , by a sought occasion ) For if he consult his Lexicons he will find that Requiro doth signify to require , or demand : Whatever it signify beside , tho' I deny not , but he who is accused might , and I am perswaded did , express the thing in other terms more common than this . His Criticism on the third Instance is also Childish ; For Statum Regni , signifieth the state and condition of the Nation ; or the present constitution , or settlement of it . And can no ways be put for Ordines Regni : But that our Author , or his Informers , knew the Speaker's mind , that he so intended it , as they would have it : But of this too much . He mentioneth also the same Author asserting a docretum praeteritum & praedamnatum , which I confess , were it truly chargeable upon him , he ought to be ridiculed for Nonsence ; and censured for Blasphemy : But because our Author , fond of this occasion of triumph over his Adversary , insisteth again , and more fully on this p. 51.52 . I shall reserve my answer to this Charge , till I come at that place of his Book . Whether he hath shewed that good nature and Christian Modesty , that he speaketh of p. 37. in hiding and extenuating the weaknesses of others , or the contrary temper , in false accusations , in needless exposing , and aggravating these supposed defects ; and in most bitter lashes of his Pen , on occasion of this his apprehension ; let the Reader judge . § . 31. He charge●h his Adversary most injuriously , p. 37 with apparent Shufflings and Tergiversations : And for proof , bringeth this Instance , That when some of the Clergy were beat on the Head , and Legs , and others made to go through deep Waters , in the midst of Winter ; he looketh on these as no great Injuries . If he had pointed the Reader to the places where these Histories are mentioned ; his own Eyes might have informed him that this is not true : It is neither said , nor insinuated , that these were no great Injuries : Tho' , may be , some of the aggravating Circumstances , with which they are told , are said to be false . Another thing in the same and the next page , he maketh a hideous out-cry about , viz. That Ecclesiastical Judicatories that enquire into Scandal are not obliged to follow the forms of other Courts . This is not fair dealing ( to say no worse ) my Assertion was neither so Universal nor so Positive : The words were ; For the former two , it is questionable whether these things , viz. Telling who was the Accuser and hearing the accused before the Validity of the Libel be sustained ) be required in a Process about Scandal , before an Ecclesiastical Judicatory : But whether it be so or not , I am sure it was otherwise done , for the most part , then he affirmeth . As I then spake doubtingly of this matter , so I am not like to be determined by the force of the Apologist's Arguments : That forms are appointed to prevent Forgeries , and Combinations : That they are the External Fences of Justice and Equity : That this is the most intolerable slavery of the Inquisition . There are indeed some forms which may have such use : But that all the forms of Civil Courts are such , or that these mentioned are of that consideration , he will find it hard to prove : Without which nothing is said to the purpose : If the Crime charged on any person be indeed of weight to infer a Censure ; and if it be sufficiently proved : I see not how Forgery , Combination , or the Slavery of the Inquisition ( where a Man must be his own Accuser , and Witness against himself ) can have place . That this is no singular Opinion of the Vindicator ( he had given opinion about it ) nor of the Scotch Presbyterians , he may see , ●ho will read Synodic in Gall reformat : Discipline : cap. 5. Can. 12. All possible care shall be taken that these Formalities , and terms that are used in Courts of Law , may be avoided in the exercise of Church Discipline . One may often meet with this same Principle in the History of these famous Churches ▪ There are some modes of managing Affairs which are built on Reason , common to all Societies : These , no doubt , the Church also is obliged to observe : Others , tho' Reasons may be alledged for them , yet these are such as respect especially the preservation of Mens Civil Rights ; and of these I understand the above mentioned Canon : And these , many Judge needless , if not unfit , to be used in Church Discipline : Where the design is , to convince the Sinner , and preserve the Purity of the Church . If a strict adherence to Law forms were necessary in Church Discipline ; it were needful that all Ministers and Elders should study a Stile Book and the practick of Civil Courts : Which I think few will averre . Next p. 38. He layeth to the Vindicator's charge , shameful shuffling ( a Metaphor taken from playing at Cards , which he useth ad nauseam ) because he saith p. 50. That they ( the Presbyterians ) expressed , as much as they were capable , their disl●ke of the Toleration granted by King James to the Papists , when mean while their Agents at Court wrote Books for repealing the Penal Statutes against Papists . This were indeed blame worthy , if he could make it appear , that any who wrote such Books were Agents for the Presbyterians ; or had allowance from them for what they did : But the Vindicator and Presbyterians too , are clear , if it appear ( as it is certainly true ) that this was generally disliked by the Presbyterians ▪ What he addeth out of p. 6. of requiring , that they to whom we will allow Toleration can shew as good warrant for their way ; is disingeniously , and lamely represented : For it is not said , we will allow Toleration to none else : And no more was meant but that there are some ways so apparently absurd , and unreasonable , that we think they should not be Tolerated : It was also added , Who use their liberty with the same moderation and peaceableness : On both which accounts we think Papists ought not to be tolerated , to exercise their Idolatries , and teach their Heresie . He concludeth this part of his Book , with the same Charity and Civility that hath often been observed in it , viz. He ( the Vindicator ) is so deeply tinctured with the sullenness of his Faction , that he 'll rather question whether the Body of the Sun be Luminous , than admit the least scruple concerning the Divine Right of Presbytry . I have no answer to such talk , but leave it to the Reader to judge whether this be Disputing or Railing . § . 32. The next thing that the Apologist thinketh fit to take notice of is , the Theological Reasonings that he findeth , here and there , in the Vindication , not insisted on but occasionally touched : And that as occasion was given by the Adversaries . If he had pleased to argue closely and fairly on these heads , I should like better to enter the Lists with him , on such subjects , than on what he hath hitherto led me into . The venemous Squibs that he blameth me for , I should have examined whether they deserve that name ; and have craved pardon for them if they indeed were such : But neither of these I can do ; for he hath neither told us what they are , nor where to be found . The first Controversie that he engageth in , is about the observation of Christmass , p. 39. on which he discourseth to p. 41 ▪ The most difficult part of my task in answering him , is to pick out of his long Harangue , what hath any shew of Argument : For I have seldome read so many words , on a controverted point of Divinity , in which there was less of Argument , and the Reasons that are hinted , are so confusedly interlarded with what is little to the purpose ; and so distinct one from another , and there are so many little digressions , and some of them false History , that it is not easie to follow him : But I shall endeavour to overlook nothing that hath any seeming weight against what we hold . I had denied , that the Court of Heaven celebrated the Anniversary of Christs Nativity . This he ridiculeth : Because the Angels ( Luke 2.23 . ) Celebrated the Nativity of Christ , and the Church , in imitation of them , do yearly Celebrate it . A. The question is not , whether we ought to thank God for the birth of Christ , as the Angels did : But whether a day should be separated from the rest of the days in the year : And made Holy by Men , when God hath made no day Holy but one in a week , which the Angels did not do . Another strong Argument he hath is , Might not the Church take care that this glorious mystery should never be forgotten . A. No doubt but she might , and should : And the Lord hath appointed a way how this should be done ; while the History of this Glorious mystery is written in the Scripture ; which the Lord hath appointed to be read , and explained , and applyed , by his Ministers to the end of the World : But hath not injoyned it to be done by observing a Holy day for it : The question is not about the Commemoration of it , but whether this Commemoration should be by an Ordinance of God , or by an Appointment of Men ? We know that Christ hath appointed his death to be Commemorated ; and therefore we Celebrate his Holy Supper for that end ; because he hath instituted it : But we do not keep Good-Friday in remembrance of Christs death , because he hath not injoyned it . Dies Christo dicatos tollendos existimo . Judicoque ( saith Danaeus ) quotidie nobis , in Evangelii praedicatione , nascitur , circumciditur , moritar , resurgit Christus . Another Argument , or what he pleaseth to call it , is , Could the Christian Church take more effectual methods to preserve the memory of it than by this Anniversary Festival . A. Yes , viz. By reading and hearing the word : For I am of opinion ( and must be so till I see stronger Reasons than any here produced ) that Christs Institutions are more effectual methods toward attaining what they are appointed for , then mens devices can be . His next Argument is from the Antiquity of this usage : And indeed herein lyeth the strength of his Cause , such as it is : And therefore we have this over and over again ; his Pages are full of the Universal Church , the practice of all Nations , &c. I have not met with an Author who useth to hard words ( both for the confidence and for the bitterness of them ) and so soft Arguments ; but seing his Weapons are so blunt , he doth well to put to the more strength . If the Church ( saith he ) did not use it from the days of the Apostles we desire to know when it began ▪ A. This is iniquum postulatum : Nor are we obliged to pitch on the precise time of its beginning : Both because of the obscurity and defectiveness of the History of the first Ages of the Church ; and because most of these Superstitions had no solemn , or observable beginning , to be universally used ; but crept in by degrees : Being first used by some Churches and after by more : And being first an Embrio , and in process of time , lickt into the form that they now have . Again , we can prove , by the silence , both of Scripture , and of other Church History , that this Festivity was not used for three hundred years after Christ , and a notable confirmation of this Argument may be taken from the notice that is taken of Easter in these times ; and not a word of Christmass . The reason was , because many of the Christians were very tenacious of the old Jewish Customs ( one of which the observation of Easter was ) but had not then begun to devise new Holy days of their own . Cent. Madg. 7. ca. 6. p. 136. edit Basil 1564. De festis aliis praeter pascha , pentecosten , & diem Dominicum neque in Asianarum , neque in Africanarum Ecclesiarum Historiis aliud quicquam reperies . Spanhemius Epitom . ●ag . ad Hist. nov . Test. Saec. 2. sect . 4. pag. 30. Citeth Valesius , confessing nec omnes nec ubique Christianos convenire solitos aliis diebus praeter Dominicam . And Saec. 3. sect . 4. p 364. Festi dies ( Inquit ) nondum alii Christiani ex Tertulliano , Origine , & genuinis monumentis , praeter Dominicam , pascha & pentecosten . The first mention which that diligent Searcher into Antiquity findeth of Christmass is , Saec. 4. sect 4. p. 404. Festum ( inquit ) Theophaniae , vel Epiphaniae , id est . Nativitatis Christi , celebratum nunc omnibus ecclesiis orientis ad 6 Januarii tesie Epiphan . in occidentali vero ecclesia ad 25 Decembris , qui mos , circa aetatem Chrysosiomi in oriente quoque obtinere caepi● , ex ejus homilia in die Nativ . to . 5. And it is observable , how saintly Spondanus , the Epitimator of Baronius , speaketh of this observation ; anno Christi 58. Sect. 36. Apostolici viri reliqua festa addiderunt ( viz. besides the Lord's day ) but bringeth no Vouchers for what he saith , but August . and Faustus In whose time we deny not that many of the Holy days were in use : He addeth , Quamvis haec ipsa ab Apostolis instituta & legatur in qualiscunque authoritatis constitutionibus Clementis , & precredate ▪ In Scotland this Festivity was not observed till after Palladius had brought in Bishops . A grave Author informeth us , that it began in King Arthur's time ; about 521 when he wintered at York , they thought fit to put off the Melancholy time of Winter in Feasting and Mirth : Which is the Celebration of Yule that is most observable at this day . And even when the Holy days were observed , the Church bound no man to that observation : As the Magdeb. shews out of Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 5. § . 33. Our Author goeth on in his proofs . And ( saith he ) tho'it had not been from the beginning , the Christian Church may continue the practice of it , on the best Reasons . When we hear these Reasons , we shall consider them ; but instead of them he diverteth into answering an objection . If he can shew good Reason ( much more if he bring the best Reason ) why the Church should either begin or continue this Solemnity , we shall cheerfully yield the Cause . The objection he taketh notice of is : It is asked ( saith he ) if our Saviour was born on the 25 of December . His answer is , This is Childish and Impertinent ; and pleadeth , that it was not needful to determine whether it was the day of Christs Nativity . Against this I argue first ; Was it ever heard of , that the Birth day of any person was kept , but on the day on which the Person was born . Will this Author say , that it is in the power of the Church to appoint any day in the year for this Commemoration , as she may certainly do , if she did appoint December 25 at first ? They who plead for Anniversary Holy days , use to reason with more apparent Cogency ; that the providence of God by chusing such a particular day for some eminent work , such as the Birth of Christ , doth lay a Foundation for the Churches ●etting apart that day for commemorating that work . So Hooker Eccles. Polit. lib. 5. § 69. Christs extraordinary works ( saith he ) have sanctified some times , and advanced them , so that they ought to be , with all Men that honour God , more holy then other times . And afterward , as Christs extraordinary presence sanctifieth some places , so his extraordinary works sanctifie some times . And if so , the Church in chusing another day , doth act without Warrant , and Arbitrarily ; as she doth also absurdly , in neglecting the day that was so signalized . And it is , at least , a probable Argument , that the Lord would not have a recurrent particular day , observed on the account of Christs Birth ; in that he hath concealed from us what day it was , on which Christ was born . He hath instituted , that the day of the Week on which our Lord rose from the dead , should be kept holy ; and therefore hath not left us to guess what day he rose upon ; but expresly told us that he rose the first day of the Week . Another objection he answereth is , the Vindicator thinks that such an Anniversary day is not to be kept by Gods appointment . His answer is , Hath not God appointed us to obey the Apostles , and their Successors , our lawful Ecclesiastical Rulers , to the end of the World ? Here is shuffling with a witness : The Apostles , and they whom he is pleased to call their Successours , are confusedly put together , to hide the nakedness of his Answer . I confess we are commanded to obey the Apostles , because they were infallibly guided : And so their Commands are the Commands of Christ ; but I deny the Apostles instituted the Holy days that he pleadeth for : For their Successours ( real or pretended ) I deny that we are commanded to obey them farther than they bring Divine Warrant , ( either positive , by Institution , or natural ) for what they teach , or injoyn . It is pleasant to observe , that our Learned Apologist is forced to use the same Argument for Christmass , that the Papists use for blind Obedience to all that their Church injoyneth . For farther answer , he asketh , May not they order the publick Solemnities , and Returns of Gods Worship . A. If by ordering , he meaneth determining the Circumstances that are needful to be determined , and are not determined in Scripture ; we grant they may : Such as appointing what hour we should meet for publick Worship : or what day to meet for Fasting , or Thanksgiving , when providence doth , in a special manner , call to that Work : But if he mean , that they may appoint days not appointed by the Lord , to be perpetually recurrent ; we say they may not : Because we see no such power granted to the Church : And this were a Power to make some days so Holy , as they could never be applyed to civil use : Such discrimination of days the Lord hath reserved in his own hand . § . 34. That this Regulation hath a tendency to preserve and propagate the great Truths of the N. T. is neither true ( it is often seen to have the contrary effect ; to propagate Prophaness and Atheism ) nor can it inferr any thing to our purpose : for it is not the natural tendency of a thing , but the Institution of Christ , and his blessing following on that , which can make any thing conducive to Religious ends : We must preserve and propagate Christs truths by his own means ; not by Mens devices . He telleth us , If all Ecclesiastical Constitutions had been written in the Bible they could not have been read in a thousand years : And that either immediate revelations behoved to be continued , or the ordering of publick Solemnities must be left to Reason : A. The distinction above used doth take off the strength of this Argument : Ordering all Circumstances could not be written , they are so various , therefore they are left to Reason ; but perpetual sequestring a day from Civil use , is more than a Circumstance : And surely a short Chapter in the N. T. might have contained all the Holy days that the Popish , or Episcopal Party have thought fit to make universally binding to all Christians ; as the 23 d. chap. of Leviticus containeth all that the Jews were obliged to observe . The Vindicator is severely lashed p. 40. Sub finem , For bringing a Latine Sentence ( tho' out of Augustine ) to excuse from not observing any Holy days , save what are injoyned in Scripture : As if ( saith the Apologist ) Nonsence could change its nature by being put into Latine ▪ It seems we poor Mortals may not meddle with Latine ; himself and some others have the Monopoly of it , and often he bringeth Latin Citations out of Authors less to be regarded than the excellent Augustine : If we cite a Greek Author out of a Latine Translation , that offended him p. 35. And now when Augustine is cited in the Language he wrote in , here is still matter of quarrell . We know not how to please him , and the ordinary effect of such difficulty is , to make one regardless of pleasing them who are so humoursom . If this Sentence be Nonsence . either in it self , or as applyed . Augustine must answer for it : For he useth it to the same purpose ▪ But the Nonsence lieth in this : The question is not ( saith the Apologist ) about Articles of Faith , but concerning the Constitutions of the Universal Church : If it might be said , without provoking him to the Indecencies of Passion , it is Nonsence indeed to apply this Sentence to the Articles of Faith ; which are not the Jussa of Religion ; but the observation of Holy days belongeth to that head if to any thing that can be called Religious . It is not a day being Anniversary ( as he dreameth ) that is the ground of our Scruple : For we do not disallow Anniversary days for any Civil work or Solemnity : But that Men should separate , by their own Authority , one day of the year from the rest , by sequestring it from Civil use ( for which the Lord hath allowed us all the six days of the week ) and dedicating it to Religious imployment , we think this belongeth to God alone . It is a strange fancy that Christmass , and such days , are needful for Educating our Posterity in that Faith which we believe : As if Gods Ordinances were not sufficient for that end , without the addition of Mens devices . It is as wild an apprehension , that it is Enthusiasm to be against such days . I will not vilifie him so much as to question whether he understandeth what is Enthusiasm : ( tho' he is not sparing in shewing such respect to others ) but I hope it may be said , he did not consider what it is , when he put that Epithete on this Opinion ; and on being for the Jus divinum of Presbytry . For we do not pretend to any knowledge in these , but what we build on Scripture , and Reason ; we plead no immediate Revelation . If he can prove our Grounds to be insufficient , he may conclude our Opinions false ; but not that they are Enthusiastick : All the Divines that I have read on that subject take Enthusiasm for a pretension to immediate Revelation , or Inspiration , or Instinct , or Afflatus , of things that they who pretend to it can give no other ground for : And even Plutarch calleth it Instinctus divinus : de defect ; Oracul . c ' 67. If he can either prove that we pretend to this , or that we bring no other grounds for what we affirm , let him brand us with Enthusiasm at his pleasure : That all the subdivisions of Dissenters in England are for Anniversary Holy days , is so well known to be false , that I wonder he should insinuate so much , without blushing ▪ That the Anniversary day for the burning of London , is observed by them all with Fasting and Prayer , is not true , for any thing that I know . And if it were true , will he also say that they have sequestred that day from all Civil Employment , and dedicated it to Religion : If he say not this the Case is not paralell to what we now debate about . § 35. His conclusion of what he had discoursed is , That it is dangerous , if not impious , to separate from the Church , in these excellent Constitutions that are received from the beginning , and in all Countries , where the name of Jesus hath been worshipped : Such Constitutions and Solemnities have been derived from the Apostles , or Apostolick times . Here are big words : If the strength of his forgoing Reasons were but proportioned to the confidence of his Assertion ; our Cause must fall to the ground . But the Reader will judge whether any one word of this Thras●nick triumph be true , or have sufficient foundation , in what he hath proved . He telleth us ( but I know not to what purpose ) that the knowledge of Christ doth not extinguish the light of Reason : Therefore such Constitutions ( as the reason of all Mankind is agreed in ) have nothing in them contrary to the purity of our Religion . It is tedious to refute , or to read such loose Arguings , of which the meanest Logician might be ashamed . We deny not the use of Reason in Religion , viz. For understanding what is revealed , and for drawing Native Consequents from these great truths : But that the use of Reason is to appoint new Ordinances , or Means of Grace , that Christ hath not appointed , we deny . And if our Author do not assert that , he saith nothing for his Holy days : And if he do not prove it , his Argument is insignificant . For Holy days are such means , if we may believe this Author , who speaketh of them as the means of propagating the Christian Faith. That these Constitutions are agreed on by all Mankind , is a supposition as far from Truth , and from Modesty , as any thing can be , He hath not yet done with this subject , but falleth on it afresh , in a discourse two pages long ; which he calleth a short digression : Wherein any thing that looketh like Argumentation hath been , many times , to far greater advantage , proposed by others of his way ; and as often answered by Men of our side : So that I wonder that so high a pretender , is not ashamed so to tris● : Some things indeed he hath that are new , viz. Some Historical passages which are as far remote from Truth , as Darkness is from Light. Let us hear the particulars : He pleadeth p 41. that Anniversary Solemnities may be used in the Worship of God ; tho' they have been abused to the Worship of Idols : A. We have better Arguments against these , and other Human Ceremonies , than from the abuse of them by Papists , and Pagans : But even this wanteth not its weight , only we never used this Argument against the use of things necessary ; and therefore the Author doth unwisely mention the Sun and the Seasons ; the use of which we must not lay aside , whoever abuse them : But of things that are of no necessity ; such as all Human Ceremonies are acknowledged to be , by the most Learned of the Patrons of them . Our Argument hath yet greater strength , if we consider , not only that the Holy day now debated about was kept by the Heathens , in Honour of Julius Caesar ; and hence called Yule in Scotland : And is still abused by many Superstitious Fopperies among the Papists : But is generally , by the far greater part of the Protestant Observers of it , spent in Idleness , Feasting , and Playing ; and by very many , it is horribly profaned by all manner of Excess and Debaucheries . It is a wonderful confidence : Do we not see ( saith he ) all Nations agree in this , that Publick Solemnities and Anniversary Festivities , and Fasts , are necessary to the Being , and Beauty of Religion : So p. 41. and p. 42. we ought to remember that the stated Festivals , and Fasts , of the Church , do preserve , and increase our Mortification , ibid. The stated periods of Fasting oblige the most stubborn , and impenitent to think of his Soul ; and the visible practices of the Church preach Repentance , more effectually , and make more lasting impressions , then the loose and indefinite Homilies of Self conceited Men. And p. 43 he imputeth to the neglect of Fasting among Protestants , the hinderance of the Reformation of the Grecian Churches . And ibid. The publick seasons of Devotions are the Catechism of the People . A few Remarks , to expose these flights of his Fancy . First , What could be more said of the Word and Sacraments , and other Ordinances instituted by Christ ? What greater Elogies are given to them in Scripture ? For indeed he saith as much as Christmass and other Holy dayes , are the power of God to Salvation . 2. This is contary to the Sentiments of all that ever wrote on this subject : Who agree , that these Ceremonies are indifferent things : And yet he will have them necessary , and that not only to the beauty of Religion , but to the being of it . 3. Then it seems there was no Religion in the Apostolick Church ; nor among the Waldenses ; nor in Geneva ; and several other Reformed Churches : I add not the Presbyterian Church of Scotland , in all the Ages of it ; because he will hardly allow any thing of Religion to be among us . This is his Christian Charity , of which he talketh : He doth indeed damn all them to Hell who observe not Christmass . He is the first of this Opinion , and I hope he shall be the last . 4. If all this were true , it were impossible that Irreligion , Impenitency , or Immorality , could be ( at least , be frequent , and abundant ) in a Church where these forms are used : Which I hope none will say , who have lived in England , or in Scotland , or in the Romane Communion . It is but suitable to his Genius to vilisie the Preaching of Presbyterians , as the loose and indefinite Homilies of Self conceited Men : But it had been fit to have told us whether there be any Preaching that can equal these forms , in efficacious working on the Soul ▪ If this be not what the Pharisees are reproved for ; making void Christs Ordinances for Mens Traditions ; I know not what can be so represented . 5. If the neglect of Fasting among Protestants , hinder the Reformation of the Greek Churches ; why doth not the frequent Fasts in the Popish Church ( with which they have more occasion to converse than with Protestants ) contribute to advance that Reformation . 6. Seeing he is pleased to digress from Feasting to Fasting ; he might know , that real Fasting used to be more frequent among the Presbyterians than among the Prelatists ; for their set Fasts of Lent and Good Friday , how few among them do observe them ? § . 36. He telleth us next , of Anniversary Holy days among the Jews , besides these which God appointed ; and yet not reproved p 41. and 42. and he instanceth in the Fasts mentioned . Zech. 7. and the Feast of the Dedication at which Christ was present , Joh. 10.22 . That these Fasts were not reproved , is said without all warrant : God disowneth them ; if he say they were only disowned , on account of the neglect of seriousness in managing them , this must be proved . Again , Christ , and the Prophets , had so many things of greater moment to reprove and insist particularly upon , that they contented themselves to comprehend such things as these , under general reproofs , which were not wanting ; and might , by a thinking Man , be applyed to all such Observations : As when Jeroboam is reproved for devising Holy days that God had not appointed , 1 Kings 12.33 . And Christ condemneth Humane Devices in Worship , Mat. 15 9. And the Prophe●s condemned some Worship that was in it self most abominable , on account that it was not commanded , Jer. 7.31 . Christ's presence at the Feast of Dedication was no more , but his walking in the Temple , while the People were Celebrating that Feast : Which can no ways be strained to signifie either Joyning , or Approbation . He talketh of shaking off all Externals of Religion , p. 42. and calleth it the Errour of Dissenters . That is palpably false : We have the External administration of the Word , and Sacraments among us : But it seems he will not only have his Humane Devices to make a great Figure in External Religion , but to be the ALL of it : Such loose talk is unbecoming a Divine . That which followeth , is an odd fancy : It is certain that nothing preserveth the knowledge of Christian Religion among the body of the People , more than the Festivals of the Church . What ? Not the Word and Sacraments ? Whether this looketh rather like raving , than like disputing , let the Reader judge . He saith also , that we teach the People to despise all Forms : That is false ; we keep the form of Baptizing , and Celebrating the Lords Supper , that we find in the Scripture . It is another horrid Falsehood ( and I know not how it could fall from one who hath regard to the God of Truth ) that it is rare to find a Presbyterians Child in the West of Scotland who can repeat the Commandements , or the Creed , and he complaineth ; that by this means , Atheism is promoted , and that the Clowns laugh when a Curate recommendeth to their Children , the Creed , the Lords Prayer , and the ten Commandements . None are more careful to instruct their Children , in these , and other Principles of Religion , than Presbyterian Parents are ; both in the West , and other places . And it is the constant practice of Ministers when they Catechise the People , to examine them on all these three ; and to require the People to get them by heart ; and to make them understand them . It is also false , that we have no Opinion of a Mans understanding , unless he entertain us with discourses of Gods unsearchable decrees . These are very seldom the subject of our Preaching . But it is beyond all his other reproaches , that he imputeth to Presbyterians , that they Preach Justification before Conversion . I know not a Presbyterian in Scotland that is of that Opinion . If sometimes Ministers instruct their People how the Convictions of Natural Conscience may be distinguished from the Convictions that proceed from the Spirit of God. I think that is not to be exposed to ridicule , nor made a reproach by any who is acquainted with the deceit of the Heart , and the danger of delusion about the truth of Grace in the Soul. What he discourseth p. 43. of the ancient Discipline of the Church , being conducive to Reformation , I heartily close with : But am far from thinking , that that Discipline lay in Festivities or Fasts , appointed by Men , but in censuring of Sin according to the appointment of Christ. § . 37. He beginneth a new head p. 43. near the end which is a large discourse about the Schism that he alledgeth the Presbyterians to be guilty of . And all this he foundeth on a word , occasionally , and transiently , written by the Vindicator ( if our Author cite his words true , which we cannot know , seing he doth not direct us ) viz. That he knoweth no Schism but such as was caused by his Opposites . If I knew on what occasion this was said , I could the better judge whether it was well said , or not : But he hath left us here ( as often elsewhere ) to guess ; as he also citeth Scriptures without Chapter or Verse : And it is not easie to find out one short Sentence , which may be hath no more joyned to it on that subject in a large Book : Before I consider his Refutations of this Assertion , I shall shew , in what sense this may be maintained . 1. In England the Presbyterians are not guilty of Schism , nor do they desert the Church ; but are driven away by Her ; because she Excommunicateth them , unless they wil practise some Ceremonies that they cannot use , with a good Conscience : This hath been proved against Bishop Stillingfleet , Rational Defence of Nonconformity . And if our Author please to debate ●t , his Reasons shall be considered . 2. In Scotland the Presbyterians , who had freedom to hear the Conformists , and yet had Meetings wherein they heard their own Ministers , who were unjustly E●ected , could not be guilty of sinfull Separation : Because they still owned the Episcopal Church of Scotland as a True , tho' Corrupted Church , and did not shun to partake in the Ordinances with Her , but were under no obligation to cast off their own Ministers who were orderly called and settled among them , and not removed from them by any Church Authority ; but only by the Civil Power , which ( however it might forcibly hinder the publick exercise of a Mans Ministry ) could neither make him no Minister , nor not the Minister of that People : And these Presbyterian Ministers and People , were ●ately not only by the Gospel , but by the Law , the Church of Scotland ; and the ceasing of their Legal Right by the change of the Law , could not take away their Gospel Right : And any thing that might look like Separation , was caused by our Opposites , in that they had violently thrust us from our Places . 3. Even they who did so separate from the Episcopal Church of Scotland , as to deny all Communion with her , and to refuse to joyn with Her , in any Ordinances , could be charged with no Separation , but what was caused by our Opposites : For their overturning the settled , and found Church of Scotland , and driving away the Pastors that those Persons could freely hear , did tempt them to this Course : Tho' I do not approve of their Principle of not Hearing ; yet the blame lay not only on them , but on them who had driven them on this precipice . § . 38. Let us now hear with what weighty Arguments he will refute the Assertion , that he levelleth his Discourse against : A great part of his Discourse is not fit to be answered ; such as , That the Universal Church is not to strike Sail to the Novelties of Upstarts , p. 43. This is true , but wholly Impertinent : Unless he can prove that the Scotch Episcopalians are either the Universal Church , or in this maintained the Cause of the Universal Church : And that Presbyterians are Upstarts : Which we maintain have been since the Apostles days : And were in Scotland , since the Reformation from Popery , and before the entrance of Popery : But of this after ; That by our Baptismal Vow we are bound to keep the Unity of the Catholick Church ; we willingly confess : But at the same time , we affirm , that the same Vow obligeth us , not to tempt others to break it . His Arguments to prove the Presbyterians of Scotland Separatists have this general fault ; that they touch not the Conclusion : Nor contradict the Assertion that he would refute : For if I should grant them to be Separatists ; yet this Separation may be culpably caused by our Opposites . They have also another Fault ; that they make no distinction of the Separation ( on whose side soever the Crime of it was ) between one sort of Presbyterians and another : Whereas it is certain , that some did live in the Communion of that Church ( tho' they did not approve of all her ways ) and others did not . His first Argument is p 44. They separate from all Churches Ancient and Modern : Nor is there a Church on Earth , with which they can Communicate , without fear of being polluted . This is false : None of us refused to Communicate with the Churches of Holland , France ( when they had liberty ) Geneva ; and many others : But many of us , did cheerfully Communicate with them . His proof of this his Assertion is , all other Churches have some things we disl●ke . This is not concludent , for we never thought it unlawful to Communicate with a Church which was not as pure as we could wish : What we dislike in any , we abstain from the practice , or approbation of it , but do not for that , deny Communion with the Church , where it is found . He again argueth , p. 44. and 45. That the former Presbyterians did not separate from the publick Worship in the Episcopal Church . A. Neither did all the present Presbyterians ; and they who did were tempted , yea driven , into that Course , by his Parties Apostacy , and overturning the settlement of the Church , by force , without either any Act of Church Authority , or indeavour to satisfie the Consciences of the People . I do not approve , more than he doth , of all that is contained in the Apologetical Relation . That Presbyterian Ministers made use of the Lords Prayer , we deny not ; nor did we ever condemn it . The same we say of using the Creed in Baptism : Nor did we ever separate from the Church on these grounds : For the Doxology , we know it was used , but I know no warrant for the constant use of it , when the several parts of the Songs composed by the Spirit of God , to be Sung in the Church , were more seldom used . It seemeth to be too great deference to humane composure , and therefore we think it is better to lay it aside . For the Apostolick Benediction , we have Scripture Examples for it ; which is sufficient warrant : If he can bring the same for these that he calleth Christian Forms , we shall use them . It is our Authors strain to talk high on slender Grounds , that the use of these Forms is the Spirit and Practice of the Church ; and that tho' th● Canonical and Universal Methods of the Church are tempered with regard to our Infirmities ; yet they ( the Presbyterians ) love to flie in the face of their Mother . We deny the Episcopal or Popish Church to be our Mother , and we deny these forms to be imposed ( at least perpetually and universally ) by the Catholick Church : So as we flie never in the face of our Mother , by disusing them . After he had taken notice of the distinction of occasional and fixed Communion , p. 44. he falleth on it again p. 46. His Argument against it , is Why may not that fixedly be done which may occasionally ; since the common ties of Christianity oblige us ? A. That there are ties on us to Communicate with the Episcopal Congregations , we deny ; and what may be pretended in favour of such obligation , is above answered . The Reason that be asketh , is plain , because I may have other obligations which hinder me to do that constantly , which I may do sometimes : I may lawfully Preach in another Mans Pulpit , when he calleth me to it , but it is not fit I should do it fixedly , and desert mine own . § . 39. His 2 d. Argument , to prove us all Schismaticks is , If they had lived ( saith he ) fifty years before the first Counsel of Nice , they behoved to have separated : For then were practised by the Universal Church , all these things they scruple at ; many things he nameth : Here were a large Field for Disputation , if he had proved what he saith ; but that he confidently asserteth ; and we confidently deny : That the Hierarchy was then in the Church : However some of the Names might be ; the Church Power and Dominion , that now is signified by them , was not then in being . Argument 3 d. is from the Doctrine and Practice of our Predecessors , which he used before , and I did answer before . Arg. 4 th . He requireth us to name any Schismaticks in ancient History , to whom that name is more agreeable , than to Presbyterians : If this can be done he is mistaken ; The strength of this Argument seemeth to be in his Infallibility : Certainly if we be not the worst Men of the World , he is mistaken . The Donatills separated from the Church , because She admitted the lapsed on their Repentance ; and cast off their lawful Pastors , and all Communion with the Church ; we do not cast off all Communion with the Church ; nor reject we our Pastors ; but cleave to them , rather than to Intruders . Arg. 5 th . Cyprian's notion of Schism is , when one separateth from his own Bishop : This the Presbyterians do : Ergo. A. All the strength of this Argument lieth in the sound of words : A Bishop , in Cyprian's time , was not a Diocesan , with sole Power of Jurisdiction and Ordination ; if he prove that , we shall give Cyprian , and him leave to call us Schismaticks . A Bishop then was the Pastor of a Flock , or the Moderator of a Presbytry ; if he can prove that we separate from our Pastors , or from the Presbytry , with their Moderator , under whose inspection we ought to be , let him call us what he will. But we disown the Bishops in Scotland from being our Bishops : We can neither own their Episcopal Authority , nor any Pastoral Relation that they have to us . § . 40. The next Controversie in Divinity that he underdaketh to manage is about Preaching Morality , p. 47. He chargeth the Vindicator with censuring the Clergy for preaching Morality : And citeth his p. 62 and p. 63. And in his Refutation to this Imputation , he is pleased to treat his Adversary with a parcel of harsh words ; such as Spite and Ill Nature p. 48. his hiding places , and little subterfuges p. 49. This waspish Accusation , ibid : This is another stroke of his Good Nature and Civility . All which I let pass : For the Reader will , by comparing what is said by him , and me , ( especially in this place ) easily find , whether of us do best deserve these Epithets What I have to say in answer to this charge is , that there is no truth in what he saith ▪ But on the contrary ; there is a double falsehood in it ▪ One is that this censure is passed on the Clergy : I know some of them Preach the Gospel foundly , and usefully ; what is said is evidently aimed at the Writer of that Pamphlet , and some others who are of his Kidney : In whose Discourses little of the Righteousness of Christ and that strength and influence from Him , by which we must obey His Laws , is to be found . Another falsehood is , that any Man is censured for Preaching Morality . That which is taken notice of is , that some do so preach Morality , as to neglect that which is Divinity : That is , so to Preach the Duties that are required of us , as not to open to People the mystery of Christ , and Salvation by him : In shewing them that we can do nothing that is acceptable to God without an interest in Christ as our Righteousness ; and without the aids of his Spirit . It is our daily work to Preach Morality , and the necessity of Holiness in all manner of Conversation : But we look on this , but as the half of Gospel Preaching : And that , even when we press a Holy Life , and particular Duties , on these excellent Motives taken out of the Scripture , which he , at great length , insisteth on , about which I am far from controverting with him : Only I must tell him , that the Gospel , which we must Preach , and by which we look for Salvation , is not only Morality , even Christian , let be Pagan ; which he describeth to be Evangelical Obedience and Holiness , without which no man shall see God ( tho' that be an essential part of it ) but it comprehendeth also knowledge of , and Faith in Jesus Christ , as our Righteousness and Strength : Of which there is little in the Sermons of some of his Party : And not a word , in his long Discourse on this Head ; tho' it be designed to shew how fully they Preach the Gospel : And I still affirm , that this is not that Divinity , that Christ and his Apostles taught : And I hope the Reader may , by this time see that there is no nicety in distinguishing between his Christian Morality and the Christian Divinity that Ministers should Preach . He saith , p. 48. That there are no Socinians among the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland : In which I do not contradict him : For I know them not ; but if he had said there are no Socinianizing Arminians ; I could have made the contrary appear . He is angry with the Vindicator , p. 50 that he saith , May be we understand what the Pagan Philosophy is as well as our Neighbours : But we shall not quarrel with him , tho' p. 49 he saith , May be we have read Seneca with as much attention as he did , and can give as good account of the defects of the Stoical Philosophy . I do not envy his Learning , and I do not pretend to have any such degree of it , that may provoke others to Envy . He defendeth , p. 50. an Argument used for the Orthodoxy of the Clergy : That they could sign the 59 Articles of the Church of England : And is displeased that it is objected , that some do so , who yet preach against what they have signed . I hope this is no judging of Mens Hearts , as he wisely commenteth on it ; but of the inconsistency of two overt acts : Neither is it a refutation of this , that the Clergy cannot , by hardships , now be brought to comply with the Presbyterians : For some of them are more yielding , and others are more fixt in their way ; which may be imputed to Conscience in some , and in others , to other Motives . § . 41. What he next chargeth on his Adversary , p. 51 is a Censure on the Author whom he is Refuting ; who insinuateth that the Presbyterians talk every day to the People of Gods Decrees and Reprobation ; by denying this to be the practice of Prelatists . And it is answered by the Vindicator , that this is impertinent , if he mean as he expresseth it : For who ( saith the Vindicator ) ever blamed any Man as erroneous , because he insisted not always on such subjects ? The Apologist first representeth this as if it had been expressed , that we do not require that one should always talk of Decrees and Reprobations . I know no design in using such senseless expressions , but to expose his Opposite as Ridiculous : Whereas these silly expressions are his own : The Vindicator's words are these abovementioned . He refuteth also this passage , as what sheweth little Skill in Logick ; because , every day , doth not imply doing nothing else . I answer , neither doth always signifie so much : What was asserted is , that Presbyterians do not only , not preach constantly on these subjects ; but that they do it not frequently ; which he himself alloweth , as the signification of every day . The fault that he next findeth , with the Vindicator , is of more moment , it is that , p. 66. he speaketh of the absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation , both praeteritum & praedamnatum : He●e he tr●umpheth , and trampleth on as Advers●ry ; and he alloweth of praeteritio his rude praedamnatio but not decretum praeteritum & praedamnatum . I confess here he hath more seeming advantage , than any where else : Neither can I blame any thing in this his observation , save his defect in Candor and Charity : For no doubt there is in these expressions , as he observeth , complicated Nonsence and Blasphemy : But the best is , it is purely an Errour of the Press , not of the Author ; which any Man might have observed who readeth the passage without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I do solemnly declare ( and I hope some will believe me , tho' I hardly expect such Charity from this Author , considering what diminutive thoughts he hath elsewhere expressed of my Morality as well as understanding ) that I never thought so , that I never spoke so , that I never wrote so : The words in my Manuscript are Praeterition , and Praedamnation . § . 42. Another Theological debate ( or Historical , about a Theological head ) he beginneth , p. 52. where he leaveth the second Vindication , and picketh occasion of this quarrel with his Antagonist , out of the first . What he insisteth against is , the Vindicator had asserted that the Church of Scotland , before Popery entered into it , and in the first time of its being Christian , was not governed by Bishops ; but by the Pastors of the Church ( then called Culdees ) acting in Parity . This he alloweth to be of some consideration ; not for any Historical Truth that is in it , but because the Learned Blondel made use of it : Yet he calleth it an imaginary Hypothesis : And laboureth to run it down ( after his wont ) with very severe words : As if he would Hector us out of our Principles : What is the strength of his Arguments we shall try . To vilisie Blondel's Authority : He telleth us that he met it in Buchanan , and that that Learned Historian took it from his contemporary Monks , Boetius and others . This is either from our Apologists superficial reading of what he would refute , or not reading it , but taking it on trust , or disingenuity , in ●oncealing what was needful to set the matter before the Reader , in its true light . For Blondel , Apolog. prosententia Hieron p. 314 , 315. Citeth Fordon , Joan. Major & Boet. Wherefore he took it not from Buchanan alone : It is also an odd blunder to say that Boetius and the others that Buchanan had it from , were his contemporary Monks . For Boetius and Major , were not Monks nor were they contemporary with Buchanan : And Fordon was far removed from his time : Nor did any two of these mentioned live at the same time . He doth also deal unfairly , and not as a Disputant , with the Vindicator ; for he taketh no notice of what grounds he brought for what he affirmed , viz. That Palladius was the first Bishop in Scotland ; and yet Christianity was pub●ickly professed in it , above three hundred years before his time : This is proved out of Baronius , Spondanus , Beda , and others : But it was his wisdom to take no notice of this . His first and chief Argument against our Assertion is , there were none that lived near that Age who writeth the History of it , and the Monks who wrote any thing were extreamly ignorant : Wherefore this story of the Culdees ruling the Church , hath no Credibility . This is the substance of what he discourseth at length , p. 52 , 53. In answer to which . 1. This is at one blow to raze the Foundation of the History of our Nation ; and of that of most others : And to make them all to be Fools who have enquired into these Antiquities that concern our Nation , and others : Such as Fordon , Major , Beda , Usher , &c. Yea , Baronius , the Centuriatores of Magdeburgh , and such famous Historians , have spent their time in vain , if this new Judge of Learning may be heard . 2. he might have taken notice , that Prosper was cited , out of Spondanus , by his Antagonist : And he wrote about the year 420. not far from the time that he telleth us Palladius was made the first Bishop of Scotland . It is ridiculous to talk of the Acts of the Assemblies , in that ancient period , p. 53. For we do not assert ( as is expresly said , first Vi●● . p. 4. ) that they had all the same modes of Presbyterian Government which we now have : That they had no Bishops , but that they had equal power in governing the Church , is all that we aim at ; which is not disproved by such silly mocking , as this is . He telleth , ibid. of his Opinion , if he dare interpose it , that the Monks advanced this Fable to gratify the Pope in his design of keeping the Bishops low : And yet with the same Breath ; this is so known , that it needeth neither proof , nor illustration : How to reconcile this timidity , and this confidence , is beyond my Capacity . § . 43. Another thing like Argument is , p. 54. All the known Records of the Christian Church unanimously declare for the Hierarchy in the 2 d. and 3 d. Centuries . A. 1. This is denied , and the contrary hath been proved : It is too much confidence to assert this , till our Author take time to answer all that the Learned Blondel , and many others , have written . 2. Do any of these known Records speak of a Hierarchy in the Christian Church of Scotland ? If they do not ; this Argument mistaketh its conclusion , that it should lead us to : For our present debate is , what Church Government was in Scotland about the 2 d and 3 d Centuries . What followeth is built on the same bottom ; and falleth by the answer already given : Had Scotland ( saith he ) any other Church Government than what was received in the Christian Church when they were Converted ? It is said that no parallel instance can be given He here still supposeth that which he knoweth we debate against the Prelatists ; which is no good way of Argumenting Let him read Blondell from the beginning to the end , and he shall find instances in all the Christian Churches , in Asia , Europe , and Africa . He should have answered all that he such written in his Apology , before he had complained that no instance can be given of a Christian Church without a Hierarchy . It is still to the same purpose , when he asketh , by whom were they ( the Scots ) Converted ? Is it not reasonable to think , that they who Converted them would plant that Church Government among them that they were acquainted with themselves ? A. If he can prove that they were Converted by Prelatists , or Prelats , he gaineth what is now in debate . Spondanus out of Prosper , saith that Palladius was the first Bishop , who came among them : And Baronius sheweth , that they were Converted some Centuries before his time : As was shewed in the very place our Author pretendeth to refute . It is a great mistake in our Author , p. 54. That we appear with our Culdees against the undoubted Records of Fathers , Councils ; &c. For these Records have been examined , and found not to be so undoubtedly on his side ; But this he hath a mind to suppose . Again , we bring not the Culdees , or their Authority , for proving what we say : It is the Testimony of others concerning them . Beside all this , the Fathers , Councils , &c. say nothing of the Church Government of Scotland , in the first Ages of its Christianity ; which is the thing now in debate . His last effort , under this head , is , If he confess there were some Priests in Scotland before Bishops , yet those had their Ordination , and Mission from Bishops in other places , to whom they might give account of their Travels , and Success : And this was ordinary before Nations were Converted , but when they received the Faith , then were Bishops , &c. placed among them . A. This doth no way meet with the case in hand , for it is proved first Vindic. p. 4.5 . That not only some were become Christians , but the Kings of Scotland , and the body of the People had received the Christian Faith , upward of three hundred years before Palladius , their first Bishop came among them : Did they all this time continue not an Organical Church ; and without Church Officers , and Government : I hope his confidence , as high as it flies , will not reach this far . § 44. The Au●hor of the History of the General Assembly had not only spoke without Reverence , but with insolent Contempt , of Mr. Gray's Sermons , which are very savoury to many serious Souls . And the Vindicator made no farther remark on this , but , he sheweth his Skill in the actings of Grace in the Soul : And this our Author calleth running him down : He loveth to speak big words when the sense of them is very small . I hope they who are indeed concerned about their Souls Case , will find more of the Marrow of the Gospel in these Sermons , than in many of the slanting and starcht Discourses that this Author commendeth . This losty Soul is next ( p. 55. ) displeased with the Vindicator's creeping Genius , because he discourseth of the Act of the Assembly against the private administration of Baptism : And calleth this , one of his little Impertinencies . By this means he reproacheth greater Men than that Author ever pretended to be : For that Controversie is not new , nor of his invention : And however little it be , it is none of his Impertinencies ; but of his Adversaries , who reproacheth the General Assembly for it : Is it Impertinency to answer what an Antagonist doth object ; or is it such to call such Conduct by that name ? Let us now see how pertinent his Refutation of this our Principle is . He telleth , very Magisterially , that the Assembly had done better to have left it to the discretion of Ministers in all places But with his permission , we think , that when abuses creep into the Church , about the administration of Christs Ordinances , they should be restrained by the determination of the Church : He will not say , it is from a creeping Genius , that some Men make Church Canons about Church Mens Cloaths , of what fashion they must be , on the Street and in the Pulpit , yea , when they ride abroad ; ( see Canon 74. of the Convocation , 1603 , which standeth in force to this day ) as if it were the work of a Convocation to write a Directory for Taylors : And yet it is too mean for the Church to consider how the Ordinances of the Gospel should be managed . He supposeth that we make it necessary , tha● a Sermon from a Text be Preached at Baptism , and that opening the nature and use of that Sacrament , is not enough . But in this he mistaketh the state of the Controversie ; which is whether Baptism ( when the other Ordinances of the Gospel can be had publickly ) should be administred before the Congregation , or such of them as on due warning to the whole , do give their presence , or may be done in a Corner as People please . If he had said any thing against our Principle in this , it should have been considered . That he chargeth the Presbyterian Ministers and People with want of understanding the Phrase , ex opere operato , we misregard . § . 45. The Vindicator , p. 174. had occasionally said , that we cannot with a good Conscience comply with Humane Ceremonies . And hence he commenceth another Theological Debate , p. 55 , 56 , 57. I shall therefore ( without reflecting on his reproachful and mocking stram , in managing this Controversie ) consider his Arguments : The 1. is p. 56. Solomon adviseth , to look to our feet when we com● into the House of God ; and Moses was enjoyned to put off his Shoes , because the ground was holy : And was not this a significant Ceremonie ? Here is accurate Logick ; and may become the highest seat it an University . We ought to obey what God commandeth : Ergo , We must observe what Man deviseth , and injoyneth in Gods Worship . If putting off the Shoes and looking to the Feet , be designed as that which all must observe when they go to Church , why doth not our Author , and his Party observe it ? And for keeping our Feet , mentioned Eccles. 5.1 . will our Author say that its meant of a● External , significant Ceremonies ? All the Interpreters , that I can meet with , expound it of looking carefully to the frame and actings of our Soul. Drus , ambula circumspecte . Gejerus ; est metaphora ● peregrinantibus in tali via ubi facile est aut errare aut labi . Castalio , gere te prudenter . Piscator . Cave● impingas , id est pocces in obeundo cultu Dei. Mercer : Non puto hic externam intelligi precum mundi tiem sed externis interna notabantur , &c. Mr. Mede maketh it an allusion to the discalceation used to the Eastern Countries , when they came into a Holy place ; which he saith , was common : But how common it was among other Nations I know not : Only I know , it was not used among the Jews in th● Temple , but that now under their Apostacy , I have seen him that officiateth , put off his Shoes on some of their Holy days ; and that only at the reading of the Law. Another Argument of equal strength , he useth , Sackcloath and Ashes did among all Nations signifie Grief and Sorrow ; therefore in their Humiliation these were used to express their Remorse and Convictions . A. As before , why then do not the Prelatists use them● Again , it doth not follow , this Ceremony was used in all Civil Mourning , and from that was used in Religion ; Ergo , We should now use Ceremonies in Religion , which neither are instituted by Divine Authority , nor have Civil Custom to make them Decent . His Sarcastick Reproof that followeth , is out of the way ; for we never Condemned Ceremonies , because they were significant , but think that none should be used that are insignificant . We condemn them because they are appointed by Men , to signifie tha● Grace which the Lord hath not instituted them to represent : and consequently , hath not blessed them to confer , and that in his Worship , which should be ordered in all these things that are peculiar to it , only by his own direction . The Ceremony of lifting up the right hand in swearing an Oath , not only hath warrant from Scripture Example ; but it is the Civil Custom of the Nation : Therefore it is no● pertinent , to bring it as an Example of a Religious significant Ceremony ; if he can shew us as mu●● ground for the Ceremonies he pleadeth for , we shall consider the matter farther ▪ If any intelligen● and unbyassed Reader will say , that his Reasonings that follow do deserve an answer , it shall be given : They are ; We ought to approach to God with all the decent marks of Distance , and Adoration : True Religion obligeth us to comply with the innocent Decencies of Mankind ; and not to affect Singularity : Chri●● eat and drank with Publicans and Sinners : I am so short sighted as that I cannot see how it followe●● from any of these Topicks , or from all of them in Conjunction , That it is lawful to use Religious . Si●nificant Ceremonies , of Humane Institution , in the Worship of God. He addeth , If the Ceremoni●● be used by the Nation among whom we live , if they decently express our Reverence , or Humiliation ; see no reason why they may not be used in the Worship of God. A. If he can prove , that they are so use in Civil , and Solemn Actions , as that they acquire a Civil Decency , then are they not Religious Ceremonies ; id est , peculiar to Religion ; but are Civil Rites , tho' used in Religion : But this is not what we dispute about . I deny not that a Minister may Preach in a Gown , it being made decent , by Civil Custom , in several sort● of publick Actions : But it is not so with a Surpl●ce . The power of Superiours to determine Circumstances , is widely different from a Power to appoint Religious Ceremonies . What he saith against Presbyterians sitting in time of Prayer , hath no weight : They neither injoyn it , nor do always practise it : And they find , that in Scripture , Sitting , Standing , Kneeling , Lying prostrate on the Ground , are all used : And none of them injoyned , nor forbidden : And therefore it is Superstition in any who would tye us to any of these . He calleth us Foolish and Peevish ; because we say , their Ceremonies are parts of Worship : But we prove them to be parts of Worship , ( viz. Superstitious Worship ) because they are appropriated to Religion , and designed to that end , for which Worship is appointed , viz. To give a peculiar Honour to God , which is not given by other Actions ; or even by these parts of Worship , to which he owneth them as Appendages . He blameth the Vindicator , for suggesting a Reason why some of the Clergy do now read the Common Prayer : And giveth , for the true Reason , an open avowing of their Principles , when it was visible to the World , that there was no uniting with the Presbyterians . Is this the Candor , with the want of , which , he here loadeth his Antagonist ? Is there less hope now , than before , of uniting with the Presbyterians : When the General Assembly hath published terms on which they will receive them ; and such as can well be defended to be most rational ; and on which , not a few of them have come in among us ? Why did they not openly a vow these Principl●s when they had Church power in their hand , and could have done it without any Check , and when they saw , by many proofs , that the Presbyterians would rather suffer the greatest hardships than be brought over to their way . If this be not Palliating and Shuffling , I know not what is to be so called . I have had much occasion to consider this Controversie about Ceremonies ; and have read many on his side : But I never met with any of them who manageth it so slightly , nor do I think it fit to insist farther on it , at present then his Reasonings do necessarily require ; if any thing were answered to them . § 46. He falleth next on the Letter appended to the 2 d Vindication ; and blameth the Author of it , for saying that some of the Bishops being Re ordained was a Scandal , not only to this , but to other Reformed Churches . He denieth it to be a Scandal to the Forreign Churches ; or the French Divines : All of them ( saith he ) the greatest Men among them , are Re-ordained when they come to England . Here is strong Reasoning : For first he maketh all the Forreign Churches , and French Divines , to be Equipollent , and Convertible Terms , which some Readers will smile at . 2. He falsely asserteth , that all the French Divines that came to England in this Persecution , were Re-ordained : The contrary is well known : It is true , all who got Places in England were Re-ordained : And it must needs be so ; for none other could be allowed to injoy any Benefice : But many c●me to England who never were Re-ordained . How can it shun to be a Scandal to Forreign Churches , when they see their Ministers reckoned no Ministers , but initiated , the same way , into the Ministry , as they should , if they had never been Ordained : And consequently , all the Baptisms and other Ordinances , administred by them , to be reputed Null and Void , and on the matter , their Churches Unchurched . He instanceth only in Mounsieur Alix , I doubt not but there were not a few others , whom either their straitned Circumstances , or some other Principle did determine that way : For Monsieur Alix , there are other Sentiments of that Learned Man , which make many to judge his Example to be no concludent Argument . That this Re-ordination was never condemned by the Gallican Church . A. It is no wonder it was never formally condemned , for no such question was ever started among them : But that they did , on the matter , condemn it , is evident : For they always held their own Ordination , without a Bishop , to be valid , Which is inconsistent with Re-ordination ; as owning the validity of ones Baptism is with Re-baptization . He would have us think that the Church of England doth not absolutely condemn their Ordination in France : Only she is determined to preserve an unquestionable Succession of Priests within her own bounds . A. Is not this a material , and real condemning of their Ordination ( call it abso●ute , or by what other Epit●ite y● please ) that no man who hath no more than that Ordination , may Administer Holy things , by the allowance of the Church of England ; yea , I could tell him of a Bishop ( and he was not singular in that Sentiment ) in England , who said to a Presbyterian Minister , that he lookt on him as no better than a Mechanick , because he wanted Episcopal Ordination : Wherefore it is but a shift , ●o palliate their shame when they tell us , they do not absolutely deny that Ordination : And I believe few of his Brethren in England will give him thanks for his Concession . He pretendeth to refute a distinction between a Material Canonical Obedience , and a Formal Canonical Obedience : But hath nothing against it that is Argumentative . It is no great sign of Learning , that a Man who hath lived in , or near an University ( as he mocking , saith of Mr. M. whose University Learning none that knoweth him will disparage ) doth not understand this distinction : If any Usurper ( whether in Church or State ) command me to do what is antecedently my duty ; I may do the thing so commanded , because it is my duty ; here is Material Obedience ; while yet I do not own the Power by which such an Usurper doth command me ; nor would do the thing for his command , if it were not otherwise my duty to do it : Here is a refusing of Formal Obedience . § . 47. Our Apologist's last Essay is from p. 58. to let us see the several periods of Episcopacy and Presbytry , in the Church of Scotland since the Reformation : And this he doth out of a Manuscript of a Person of great Honour , and true Learning , Collected out of the ancient Records of Parliament . I hope it will be no derogation from either the great Honour or the true Learning , of that Noble Person ( whom I always have regarded as so qualified ) to examine modestly what is there offered : Nor to say , that this Honourable and Learned Writer hath not shewed all that Impartiality in this Manuscript , that useth to commend a good Historian , While he entertaineth his Reader , not only with some representation of things that may suffer a little Correction ; but with harsh words against the Presbyterians ; calling them ( p 58. ) a company of Arbitrary Presbyters : That on it ( the debate about Parity ) followed much Blood , Confusion , Rapine , and other Mischiefs : And then , and since , every fiery Faction did lay hold on this Schism as a Fond whereon to build all Rebellion and Treason . p. 60. He calleth the General Assembly , a Famous Conventicle , ibid. And he speaketh of the Presbyterians , new Gospel , ibid. Mr. Andrew Melvill , and his fiery complices , p. 62. What fair History can be expected from a Person ( of whatever Honour and Learning he be ) who hath formed to himself , and representeth to others , such a monstruous Idea of the Men whom he designeth to Expose . He beginneth his Discourse with a Remark , ( which it seems either the Author of the Manuscript , or the Apologist , or both , taketh for a concludent Argument against Presbyterians ) that none of our Martyrs spake , or wrote against Bishops : But all who write of them , praise them for dutiful submission to their Bishops , and Superiours . A. 1. They had so many great abominations in the way that they opposed , to insist on , that it is no wonder they over lookt this : We know Luther opposed but few things in Popery , at first ; now if he had been cut off by Martyrdom in the beginning of his Reformation , as these Worthy Men were ; would his silence have been a good Argument for all these points of Popery that afterward fell under debate ? 2. He confesseth the Martyrs spake against Popish Tyranny ( which I hope he will acknowledge was exercised by the Bishops ) I ask then , when they did thus condemn Tyranny in Bishops , did they own any Lawful Authority they had ? Which might have been expected , if they had been of this Writers Opinion . Yea , it can be made appear , that some of them said the Pope hath no more power than another Man ; and if this be said of the Chief Bishop , it may with better reason be said of his Underlings . 3. Where any Historian gave an account of the dutiful submission of these Martyrs to their Bishops I do not find ; except it were while they were still in the Church of Rome , which is not to the purpose in hand . Another Argument he seemeth to bring from Cromwell , who turned off Presbytry at the Barrow-moor , being wearied with its Confusions and Insolencies . This needeth little answer ; I hope this Author will not now own Cromwell's Actings , as Exemplary , and Instructive . Beside , that this Act is invidiously , and unfairly represented ; For the place , nor the Cause of the Act , was not as here said : Cromwell was no Friend to Episcopacy more than to Presbytry . § 48. He saith he will next come to positive Evidences , all which are taken out of Spotswood's History , except a very few from the History that goeth under the name of John Knox , a few Animad-versions on such Passages as seem to question Presbytry being the first Church Government among the Scotch Protestants , is all that I need here to mind . He saith , p. 58 at the end , that five Superintendents were named for the Diocesses where the Bishops were Popish : For there are no Superintendents named for Galloway and Argile , because the Bishops of these Diocesses were Protestants . This is the Author's conjecture ; no such Reason of that Conduct is given by Arch-Bishop Spotswood ; out of whom he taketh his History . And indeed , it is contrary to Reason , as well as without Ground ; for there were more Diocesses than six or seven in Scotland ; and but two of the Bishops were Protestants ( exore túo ) why then did they not place Superintendents in the rest of the Diocesses ; which behoved ( by his own account ) either to be Vacant , or furnished with Popish Bishops ? Further , He , it seems , hath read the Author that he citeth , very carelesly ; for Spotswood saith expresly , that one of the five Superintendents ( viz John Kerswell ) was placed in Argile and the Isles : And yet my Antagonist maketh Argile one of the two Diocesses in which the Bishops were Protestants : There must then be some other Reason for appointing these five Superintendents , and no more ; than that the Bishops of these Diocesses were Popish : And it is evident from this very passage , that the Protestants did not own Episcopal Jurisdiction , in any Man , even though he were Protestant ; seing they set a Superintendent in Argile , where the Bishop was Protestant ; and tho' the Bishop of Argile did then sit in Parliament ( as Spotswood hath it , p. 149. near the end ) yet the Protestants set another over the Church in that Diocess . And it is also clear from this passage , that they did not look on a Superintendent and a Bishop , as the same , nor as having the same Authority in the Church . The material and great differences that are between a Superintendent ( which the Protestant Church in Scotland in that case of necessity , did , for a time , allow at the Reformation ) and a Bishop , may be seen at length , in Calderwood's History , p. 26 , 27. whom ; I hope I may , without blame , quote as well as he doth , that of Arch-bishop Spotswood , If it may be done without giving him offence ( which he seemeth to take at my referring to mine own little Books ) I would tell him , that all the weight that here , and after , he layeth on Superintendents being set over large districts , is taken off by what the Apologist might have read , and should have answered , if he had dealt fairly . 1 st . Vindic. p 10. § 49. The next thing that the Manuscript taketh notice of is p. 59. That a Commission of the Assembly met at Lieth , 1572 , in January , and agreed that vacant Bishopricks should be supplied : That Spiritual Jurisdiction should be exercised by Bishops : And that Ministers should be Ordained by them , or by Superintendents , where there were no Bishops : And that in August after , a General Assembly at Perth approved of all these Articles : And that Mr. Andrew Melvil , because not made a Bishop , stirred up one Mr. Dury , 1575 to impunge the Episcopal Order , and all Imparity ; and that this was the first time that this Debate was tossed in our Church , which divided Church and State , &c. I shall with all due respect to his Lordship examine this History . And 1. I observe , that he bringeth no Vouchers for these passages ; but we must take , on his own single Testimony , things that were beyond the memory or knowledge of his Father ; of much more than a hundred years standing . 2. Arch bishop Spotswood expresly saith , p 260. That these Articles were admitted by the Assembly at Perth only for an interim , till a more perfect Order might be obtained from the King , Or Regent : And what that Order was , time did try ; for not Episcopacy was afterward settled ; but Presbytry . 3. It is a great mistake that they who made these Articles were a Commission of the Assembly , for that Meeting at Lieth was no General Assembly of the Church of Scotland , tho' Spotswood is pleased to call it so : Both Calderwood p 49. and Petrie Cent. 16. p 372 witness , that in the Register it is called a Convention ; which word is always used for extraordinary Meetings , whether of Church or State. That Meeting did indeed Vote it self a General Assembly : For in the second Session , it was concluded that this Meeting should have the force and strength of a General Assembly ; and that all things may be treated , and ended therein , that use to be treated and ended in a General Assembly . Also that the Moderator of the last Assembly shall continue till the next ordinary Assembly in March : And that all present should be there also . So both the Historians last cited . All this sheweth , that this was no Assembly , cloathed with the Authority of the Church of Scotland ; and therefore its Acts were Null , and not binding : Besides , that it is expresly told us , That they who there met were only Commissioners from some Towns and Churches , with the Superintendents , and Commissioners for Visitation . 3 What was there concluded , was not by that Convention of Church men , but seven of them were delegated , who , or any four of them , should meet with such of the Secret Council as the Regent should appoint , and these were they who made this Innovation in the Church , by the Articles above mentioned . I hope none will say , that this was a Church Meeting , or what they did was the deed of the Church . 4. It is certain that this was not lookt on by the Church of Scotland as one of her General Assemblies : Not only because the General Assembly , appointed by the former Assembly , met at St. Andrews , a few Weeks after that Convention at Leith , viz. March 6. but likewise , they took no notice of the Arch. bishop of St. Andrews , tho' he sat among them , but chused Mr. Robert Hamiltoun , Minister of St. Andrews , to be their Moderator : Which they could not have done , had they owned a Prelacy in the Church . 5. It is known that this Act at Lioth was disliked , and witnessed against , by such as were not influenced by the Court , and by some Noble Men , who were making their own Gain by this new Constitution : And that it raised great Division : Patrick Adamson , in a Sermon , distinguished My Lord Bishop , viz. Such as were in the Popish Church . My Lords Bishops , viz. Such as the Lords had now devised , for their own advantage : And The Lord's Bishop , that is every Minister of the Gospel Mr. Knox , having preached in St. Andrews , the Earl of Mortoun being present , refused to inaugurate the new chosen Bishop of St. Andrews , Mr. John Do●glas : And he denounced Anathema to the Giver , and also to the Receiver . On this occasion Beza writ to Mr. Knox ( his Epistle is extant among his Epistles , it is dated April 12. 1572. ) applauding The pure Religion , and good Order that were settled in Scotland ; and beseeching that they would hold fast these two ; and to remember that if the one be lost the other cannot long continue . The following words of that Epistle are remarkable : As Bishops brought in the Papacy ; so false Bishops , the Relicts of Popery , shall bring in Epicurism , to the World. They that desire the Churches good and safety let them take heed of this Pestilence : And seing ye have put that plague to flight timously , I heartily pray you that ye never admit it again ; albeit it seem plausible , with the pretence , or colour of keeping Unity ; which pretence deceived the ancient Fathers : Yea , even many of the best of them . 6. The Bishops that then were set up , had little more than the Title ; and therefore were called Tulchau Bishops : For the Church had the power : The Bishops power being expresly made no greater than that of the Superintendents , and being subject to the Church : And the Noblemen had the better part of the Benefices . 7. At the same time were brought in also Abbots and Priars , as well as Bishops ; and for the same end , viz. That some Great Men , under their shadow , might reap the profits , only the Name , and some small Rent remaining to them : So that this whole contrivance was purely , and evidently a piece of State Policy not any inclination of the Church of Scotland to cast off Presbyterial Government , altho' some Church Men were drawn into it . 8. This Constitution never obtained in the Church of Scotland . For not only the names of Arch-bishops , and Deans were protested against in the Assembly , March 6 , 1572. But never a Bishop was suffered to Moderate in any of the subsequent General Assemblies ; and in several Assemblies Acts were made against Bishops , till at last , the General Assembly at Dundee , which begun July 12 , 1580 , did absolutely condemn the Office of Bishop , as then used ; and commanded all Bishops to forbear the exercise of such Power : And to this effect appointed them to appear before the several Provincial Synods , where they lived . And afterward , Ann. 1592 , Presbyterial Government was fully settled . 9. The Account given of Mr. Melvil is not fair ; not only in that his opposition to Bishops is imputed to his not being preferred . For he was zealously opposite to Episcopacy before ; and when he came to Scotland he refused Preferment at Court , when offered : But also , that the opposition that Mr. Dury , and others , made to Episcopacy is abscribed to his instigation . These Learned , and Worthy Men acted from their own light , and were not Tools to be used by another . A● opposition was made to Episcopacy before Mr. Melvil came to Scotland ; as is clear from what is above said : Wherefore it was not the first starting of that Debate , when Mr. Dury appeared in the Assembly , 1575. § 50. I could not have expected from a Person of Honour and Learning , such an account of the Book of Policy made in the year 1578 : As That it was stuffed with the Spirit of Mr. Andrew Melvil himself ; it was rather a proposal for overthrowing of all Just Authority , than an Establishment of a Religious Government : That it could not ( even in these distracted and furious times ) obtain approbation of any Authority : But was lookt on as a Rapsody of groundless Assertions , and full of mischievous Novelties . This is not to write like an Historian . His Author , Spotswood , speaketh with more modesty of this matter : That the Book of Policy being presented to the States , they had not then leasure to peruse it ; but gave a Commission to some of their number to conferr with the Commissioners of the Church : And if they did agree , to insert the same among the Acts of Parliament . So he p 289. That it was not rejected with such disdain , as his Lordship is pleased to express , is evident ; not only in that nothing of such resentment of it , when proposed , is left on Record , by any Historian ; but is the fierce Zeal of a new set of Episcopalians ; not the temper of the old Protestant Church of Scotland ; but Archbishop Spotswood p. 289. to 302. Setteth down all the Articles of that Book at length , and on his Margine , noteth what was agreed to , what was referred to farther reasoning , and what amendements of it were desired by the other Party . It is also observed by Calderwood , p. 116. That the delay of ratifying the Book of Policy , by the State , was much occasioned by what is contained in the eighth ninth and Tenth Chapters of it , concerning the disposing the Church Rents , otherwise than some great Men desired , and to their disadvantage , as they imagined . A piece of manifestly false History followeth , viz. Ann. 1580. An Assembly met at Dundee , called by Mr. Andrew and his Associates , without a shadow of any permission from the Civil Authority : Where they declared the Office of a Bishop to be without warrant from the Word of God. That they had not the Magistrates allowance is not only said without the Authority of any Historian , and is a pure invention of this Author : But it is certain , that then they had their Assemblies in Course , by the States allowance , and that the succeeding Assembly was appointed at the dissolution of the former . It is also asserted by Calderwood , p. 89. That the King sent two ; the Prior of Pittenweens , and the Laird of Lundie , instructed with power to assist the Assembly with their Presence , and Counsell ; from all which it is also evident to be a mistake , that this Assembly was called by Mr. Melvil and his Associates . The observation of our Author on the Assemblies declaring against Bishops , is the ordinary Gang of his Party ; that it is against plain Scripture , the Doctrine of the Apostles ( how this differeth from the former I know not ) and of the Fathers , and the Canons of all Oecumenical Councils , and the rule of Apostolical and Primitive Practice . If he , or any else , will prove all this , our Cause must needs fall to the ground : But I have often read , and heard such confident Assertions , but never yet saw sufficient proof of them . It offendeth him highly , that in the end of the Act against Bishops , the Assembly referreth to the next Assembly to reason upon the disposing the Patrimony of the Kirks possessed by the Bishops ; as if in this they usurped on the Kings Regale . But here is not one word of considering how They should dispose of this Patrimony ; and I hope it is no Usurpation in Church-men , to advise and reason , in order to give their Opinion , and putting up their Supplication to them to whom it belongeth to dispose of it . § . 51. His History of one Montgomery , who was zealous against Bishops , and yet did afterward Simoniacally bargain for a Bishoprick . I regard not : Not knowing the truth of it ; nor being directed by him where to find it : And if it were true , it signifieth no more , but that once a professed Presbyterian was an Apostate : Which is so insignificant a story , and so little Argumentative in our Debate ; that it is not worthy the writing . He misrepresenteth the procedure of the Church against Montgomery ; as if when they were called to answer for illegal invasions on the Kings Authority , they did boldly protest ; that tho' they compeared in Civility to the King ; yet they did not acknowledge the Kings ●on Councils right in any Ecclesiastical matter . I wish this Author had either read Spotswood's History ( for others it is like he will not regard them ) more carefully ; or represented what account he giveth of this matter more faithfully ▪ Which is ( p. 316. &c. ) that Mr. Robert Montgomery , Minister at Stirling , having made a vile Simoniacal bargain for the Bishoprick of Glasgow , was quarrelled by the Church , for this , and other gross things were also laid to his charge : The King allowed them to proceed against him on any thing they could charge him with in his Life , or Doctrine : But would not permit them to censure him for accepting the Bishoprick : Whereupon he was accused of gross Crimes ; his Libel was sent to the King : The King left him to make his own Answer . After this the Presbytry of Stirling suspended him for disorderly Baptizing , he slighted this Sentence , and exercised his Ministry . Whereupon he was cited to appear before the Synod ; of which the King being informed , warned the Synod to appear before him at Stirling ; and discharged all proceeding against him ; some of them appeared , and protested , that tho' in Obedience ( not Civility , as our Author hath it ) they had compeared , yet they did not acknowledge his Majesty , and the Council , Judges in the matter , it being a Cause Ecclesiasticall : They did not say , as the Manuscript hath it , that they did not acknowledge the King and Councils right in any Ecclesiastical matter . I shall say no more of this purpose ; save that , not only the Presbyterians ; but also not a few Episcopalians ( especially when the Civil Authority acteth against their Interests , and Inclinations ) do controvert , whither the Magistrate can hinder the Church to censure her own Members ; when the matter is purely Ecclesiastical . I wish our Author would shew us what Invasion is made on the Kings Authority , when the Church censureth any person for Immoralities , that are manifest Scandals to the People , and do no way touch the Civil State. § 52. He next , p. 61. maketh an odious representation of the Kings being made Prisoner at Ruthven by some of the Nobility , and the General Assemblies approving of this Fact. It is here , in the first place to be observed ; that this is wide from the design of the Apologist , in transcribing this Manuscript . The tendency of it is indeed to set forth the Presbyterians in as ugly a shape as is possible ; which I confess our Apologist is passionately bent upon ; but it no way contributeth to shew the Vicissitudes of Presbytry and Episcopacy in the Church of Scotland ; for which he bringeth this Manuscript . Next I take notice , that he who wrote this Paper doth not give so fair account of this Affair as his Author , Spotswood , doth , who informeth us , p 320. &c. That some of the Nobility combining themselves , for defence of Religion , and the liberty of the Kingdom ( as they pretended ) did seize the King ; and restrained the Duke of Lennox and the Earl of Arran ( whose Counsels had given great discontent to the Nation ) from the Kings presence : That the King , by a Proclamation , approved of the Act ; discharged rising of Men to rescue him , commanded the Duke and Earl to depart out of the Nation : That the Queen of England advised the King to take in good part what the Lords had done ; because of the danger that the perverse Counsels of the Duke of Lennox and Earl of Arran had brought the Nation into . That the Noblemen desired the General Assembly to approve this deed of theirs ; which the Assembly would not do , till they consulted with the King himself ; and till he desired them to do it : Confessing to them that Religion was in hazard ; and indirect Courses taken to overturn it ; and that his own hazard was joyned with that of Religion : And desiring that they for their own part , would help to remove the same . He sheweth also that this deed of the Lords was fully approved by a Convention of Estates at Edinburgh , called by the King. Let it then be considered , whether it be so monstruous a thing for the Church to shew her Opinion , when required , in concurrence with the King , and Estates of the Nation ; whether the King did really think what he expressed , or what he acted was the effect of his restraint , it was not their part to consider . He quarreleth also with the Ministers appointing a Fast , when the King desired the Magistrates of Edinburgh to Feast the French Ambassadours . These Ambassadours came to overturn what the States of the Nation , called by the King , had concluded , and were odious to the Nation : The King was moved to appoint this Entertainment , by some Merchants , who Traded with France : The Fast was appointed by the Session of Edinburgh , the Presbytry was free of it , as was afterward publickly declared . § . 53. Mr. Andrew Melvil's declining of the King as Judge in prima instantia , of what is preached by Ministers in publick which he bringeth as an accusation against the Presbyterians p 61. ) is as far from the purpose , as what was formerly observed : It doth not shew any step of the prevalency of Presbytry and Episcopacy per vices ; which is pretended to be the design of the Manuscript . For the thing it self I shall not give my Opinion ; but only relate the Grounds all edged by him , on which he built this his practice ; which were not only the word of God ; but Acts of Parliament , and a late Conference betwixt some Lords of the Privy Council , and some Ministers ; and the practice ensuing thereupon ; that when a Minister is delated for any thing spoken in Preaching , or Prayer , he is first to be tryed by his Ordinary , whether Provincial or General Assembly . Also he pleadeth the Priviledge of the University of St. Andrews , lately confirmed by his Majesty ; that when Offences were committed in the University , by Masters or Students , the Rector and his Assistants should be Judges in prima instantia , p. 61.62 . He heapeth together a great multitude of reproaches against Mr. Andrew Melvil , and others of the faithful Servants of God , who could not comply with the actings of the Court , nor designs of some about it , to overturn the Religion setled in the Nation ; but he giveth so indistinct an account of things , and so partially , that there is no other way to answer what he saith , but by a full History of these times ; which it is needless for me to transcribe . The Reader may be satisfied of this Authors unfair dealing ; even out of Spotswood's History , though his account of things might in some things be examined : But more fully out of Calderwood and Petrie . I do not deny , but that in the years 1585 , and some that followed , there were great Animosities in Church and State ; one Party endeavouring to preserve the reformed Religion and the Discipline of the Church , that had been used in Scotland from the Reformation , and was practised in almost all the Reformed Churches : The other Party labouring to overturn the one , and to weaken and undermine the other . And it is like these heats did drive both Parties to some Excesses and undue Practices : But unbyassed Men will see that the Presbyterian Party shewed all respect to Authority , even when they could not comply with its Injunctions ; and what they did , that is by some constructed Unpeaceableness , was from the aw of God obliging them to appear in their Stations for his Ordinances : I except the imperfections , and overlashes that sinful Men are liable to , in managing that Zeal which is for God. I never thought that good Men did always manage a good Cause with that perfection of discretion that is to be wished . He concludeth this Accusation of the Brethren p. 62. with an account of his design , which is to shew the ground of their dislike of Parity : And as before , setteth in opposition to it , Scripture , Apostolick Practice , Fathers , Councils , and all well established Christian Churches , and that there is no imaginable warrant for it from any of these . This is partly answered above : For what he addeth to what he had said before , of well established Churches ; he doth wisely in putting the Emphasis on Well ; and therefore putteth that word in another Character : For if we object most of the Churches of the Reformation , he will deny them to be Well Established , because they want Bishops : Whatever they have beside to commend them . If we should muster up all the miscarriages of the Episcopal Party , and the Immoralities of Ministers and People that hath been among them ; and the Pride , Tyranny , and Oppression of the Bishops ; and the steps by which that interest hath been managed in Scotland ; and should give a just Character of the States-men and Church-men , by whom it hath been carried on : It is like we might give a ground of our dislikes of Episcopacy , not inferiour to what he mentioneth ; and much more weighty with all the true Lovers of serious Religion ; but this way of Arguing is not what we lay much weight on , in debate with our Adversaries : Tho' I doubt not but that there is reason to think that that which is Christs Institution is usually found to be a more effectual mean for advancing true Religion in the Church , than that which is a device of Man. § . 54. Our Author near the end of p. 62. maketh a great Concession ( as he seemeth to imagine ) when he telleth us , that in 1591 , 1591 , and 1602. The King being so often brought into danger and trouble , by the Seditions of Mr. Andrew Melvill , and his fiery Complices , did consent to grant a great deal of Jurisdiction to Presbytries , Synods , and General Assemblies . Here I take notice , 1. That when he cannot get the Truth denied , he endeavoureth to smother it ; for not only a great deal of Jurisdiction was granted to the Presbyterian Church 1592 , but all Church Power that any Presbyteria● did lay claim to , was by Law , settled on the Presbyterian Church Judicatories ; and none at all wi●● either given , or left to Bishops : For what else can be understood by ratifying all immunities and Freedoms whatsoever , given and granted by his Highness , his Regents in his Name , or any of his Predecessours ; and at the same time , ratifying and approving General Assemblies appointed by the sai● Kirk , and Synods , and Presbytries , and particular Sessions ; as the words of the Act of Parliamen● are . Moreover , that Act is conceived in a stile that supposeth Presbytry to be then , and to have been before , the Government established in the Church of Scotland ; while it giveth those Libertie● to the True and Holy Church presently established within this Realm . His pretense , that this was a force on the King , to prevent Seditions , is a groundless assertion : For the King had often shewed dislike of the one way , and the other ; and was for either of them as his interest led him , not being convinced of the Jus Divinum of either way . The story he telleth of Chancellour Maitland's advice , to settle Presbytry , in hope that they would make themselves odious , was but his Opinion ; an● in this he proved no true Prophet . That there was no Act for the abolishing Episcopacy ( as p. 63. ) i● was no wonder ; for it was as needless as when it is appointed a Tree shall be cut up by the Roots another injunction be given that the Tree shall fall : Was not Episcopacy effectually rooted up in Scotland , when all Church Power was put in the hand of Church Judicatories , where all Member● acted in Parity . That a Bishop baptized Prince Henry , is an odd Argument to prove that Episcopacy was the Government of the Church of Scotland . If the King was pleased to chuse a Man who onc● exercised Episcopal Jurisdiction , for that service , especially when Ambassadours were present , some of which lived where Episcopacy was exercised ; it doth not follow that either this Bishop , or any other of his Character , did govern the Church . It is said without all warrant p. 63. That when three Lords were tried , the Ministers would needs order the Process and stirred up the Rabble to back them ; nor would they disband , tho' prohibited by Proclamation from King and Council . The true History is , some Popish Noblemen were known , all the Nation over , to be guilty of dangerous plotting against the Reformed Religion , and designs to ruin the Professors of it : They had Friends at Court , so that they had too much advantage to carry on their designs : All the found Protestants in the Nation observed this , and saw the danger that they , and the true Religion was in ; wherefore a Meeting of Barons , Ministers , and Burgesses ( which when challenged by the King for their meeting , offered to make it appear that it was with sufficient warrant and advice from his Majesty ) did petition the King that those Lords might be brought to Tryal ; which was appointed to be done ; the Protestants resolved to meet before hand to appoint some to prosecute the Criminals , which they did : Neither can it be made appear , that any violence was offered to any Person ; and all that Spotswood saith of it is , p. 399. that great Companies came to Edinburgh ; without mention of Arms or Violence : And indeed the danger was such , as it is no wonder that they who had Zeal for the true Religion were forward to cry for Justice , when they evidently saw that all Methods were used for palliating the matter , land protecting these Criminals , to the manifest hazard of Church and State. The Issue was , the Convention called by the King for trying these Lords , referred the matter to a Commitee , where they allowed some Ministers , whom they named , to be present ; and to propose what they should think fit . Here is nothing of Ministers ordering the Process , nor of a Rabble in Arms. § 55. After all this , our Author doth still maintain , that in the years wherein Presbytry had mo●● the ascendent , yet Bishops did exist by Law , enjoyed their Rents , and Preached in their Churches ; fo● which he produceth many passages out of the Records of Parliament . It is well our debate is come to this issue , if this be all that he would prove , he shall not find us to oppose him . Our question is only , whether the Protestant Church after her Reformation , was governed by Bishops or by Presbyters acting in Parity . I know that long after the Reformation , even Popish Bishops sat in Parliament , enjoyed their Temporalities : And that in 1572 an image of Bishops was restored , and also o● Abbots and Priors ; but even their pretended Power that they then got , was soon taken away : An● that many States-men who reaped most of the profits of these places made a great stickle to hold up that image , yea , and to give them more power in the Church than was due : But that in these times Bishops had ruling Church power ( except in 1572 , as is said ) I utterly deny : Wherefore most of his Citations are wholly beside the purpose . I shall then only examine such of them as seem to make against what I have asserted . He saith p. 64. That the Authority of the Bishops is owned by Act 63. Parl. 5. Jac. 6. Ann. 1575 of which none of our Histories do take any notice : And the Act it self is , anent the visitation of Hospitals ; all that is said of Bishops is , that they , and other Commissioners of Diocesses , shall visit Hospitals . I hope here is no Church power allowed them . In the year 1579 , Act 71 , Parl. 6. Jac. 6. there is no more said , but that young Noblemen or others , who had been out of the Country for their breeding , shall at their return go to the Bishop , or Superintendent , or Commissioner of the Kirk . Neither is this any governing Authority over the Church . The two following Citations are only to shew , that Bishops continued 1581 , so that of 1587 , and several others of his Quotations , design no more , but that Bishops existed by Law , sat in Parliament , some were presented to rich Benefices : All which is wide from the purpose . He saith that 1584 , Act 132 , Parl. 8. Jac. 6. the Bishops Authority is fully owned . It is indeed said in that Act , That Ministers may be deprived by the ordinary Bishop of a Diocess ; or others the Kings Majesties Commissioners , to be constituted in Ecclesiastical Causes : Where it is evident , that Church power is placed in the King rather than in the Bishop : Who can by this Act do nothing but as he is the King's Commissioner , even in censuring of Ministers : If this be a full owning of Episcopal power , let him enjoy it : This making them the King's Bishops not Christ's ; nor is there any thing beside in that Act , which alloweth them any Church power . But we have another Answer to this Quotation : That Parliament ( saith Spotswood p 333 ) was declared Current at that time , for the more speedy dispatch of business ; whereas the former was in October 1581 , and is called in the Records the seventh Parl : and this is called the eighth Parliament ; which is inconsistent with its being Current ; or the former Parliament yet subsisting : But some things were to be done , that could not pass in a full Parliament ; and therefore , as Calderwood hath it , p. 155 , there was no intimation by Proclamation before the meeting of it ; nor reasonable time granted , according to the accustomed order . It was almost ended before it was heard of : The Lords of the Articles were sworn to keep secret the matters to be treated . One of whom , tho' he would not reveal particulars ; wrote to a Minister , that the whole intent of that Parliament was against the Kirk and the Discipline of it . These are the Methods by which Episcopacy and Erastianism behoved to be supported in these times , when they could have no Countenance from the Church , nor from the Nation . § . 56. He next citeth a Conference at Falkland , 1596 where some Articles were agreed on , about some Ministers having Vote in Parliament , and that these were confirmed by an Assembly at Montross 1600 , and there some Bishops Elected for Diocesses . It is not to be denyed , that there was a working toward Prelacy among some Courtiers ; and Ambitious Churchmen , about that time : And one of their Methods was , to get some Ministers to Vote in Parliament ; the tendency of this was seen , and the thing opposed by good Men : And even in Parliament it met with such opposition , that they hardly carried it . Yea , the making the Voter in Parliament for the Church perpetual , and that he should not be chosen yearly , was carried but by three Votes : However this was the beginning of that Apostacy that afterward came to a greater height ; and the design of setting up Bishops did soon appear , however they for a time did labour to cover it . That which I chiefly observe here is , that this stickle that then was made for setting up some Ministers to Vote in Parliament , is an evidence against the whole of this Manuscript , viz. That Bishops did not then , nor always exist in the Reformed Church of Scotland : For if they had , they were the Men who should have sat in Parliament , to represent the Church ; and there needed not such steps for bringing them into the Church . The story of Mr. Dury's Recantation at his Death , and owning Episcopacy . I find not in any of the Historians that I can meet with ; neither hath our Author directed us where to find it : And if it were true , it proveth no more but that all and every one of the Presbyterians were not faithful to the end . For the General Assembly at Brantisland 1601 , which he mentioneth ; I have nothing to observe about it : For he alledgeth nothing there done toward the advancing of Episcopacy . Next he telleth us of an Assembly , at Holyrood House , and of the Kings Clemency to some Ministers : And his proposals for Provisions , both for Bishops and Presbyters ; this was 1602. Here is a great mistake : The King did not mention Bishop in his Proposals , as they are set down by Spotswood , p. 468. The overtures about this were made by the Assembly at the Kings desire . Neither are Bishops there mentioned . The words are , Tha● Prelacies should be disponed to actual Ministers , Churches annexed thereto being provided sufficiently , and the tenth of the Superplus paid to the King , or otherwise that all the great Benefices be dissolved ; th● Prelate enjoying the Principal Church and Temporal Lands ; and the Churches annexed disponed to Ministers : Both they and the Prelate paying a yearly duty to the King. Where I take notice , 1. That Prelate , in the Dialect of that time , did rather signifie an Abbot or Prior , than a Bishop : At least when ever it is used in the History of that time especially , by Spotswood , it comprehendeth all the three . Wherefore , 2. It cannot be gathered from this passage , that Bishops did otherwise exist than Abbots and Priors : That is , that some Church-men had the Titles , and some States men had the Revenues ; but neither of both had Church Authority above ordinary Ministers . And 3. This is clear , that before this , Men had these Prelacies who were not actually Ministers : Which maketh plainly against the existence of Diocesan Bishops with Governing power , at that time . 4. The dissolution of all great Benefices , that is there propounded by way of Alternative doth shew , that it was not the mind of that Assembly that either Bishops , or Abbots , or Priors should continue so much , as to enjoy the Temporalities that formerly they possessed ; so far is it from designing that Bishops should be provided for , and advanced , as such : It only provideth for the Minister of the place , where a Lord Bishop once ruled . § . 57. His Assertion of the activity of hot headed Presbyters in stirring up prejudices against the Church of England : And his high Elogies of that Church , which he insisteth on p. 66. I shall not stand upon ; seing he hath neither mentioned particulars nor given any ground for what he affirmeth . If Presbyters were then active to preserve the Government of the Church then established ; it was a seasonable and necessary duty , that every one was bound to make Conscience of in his station . For then might they rationally fear that the King who had been influenced by some Corrupt Men , to oppose the settling of Presbytry , would now be more bent , and had more advantage , to overturn it , as indeed it fell out . In the business of the Assembly at Aberdeen , which he aggravateth with all his Rhetorick , I shall not interpose my Opinion : I find it diversly represented , by divers Historians . I am sure whatever he make of it , he cannot draw from it this conclusion , that Episcopacy then took place in Scotland , which is the design of his Manuscript . The tale that concludeth the Manuscript about the Chancellour and the Ministers , I find not in History , nor are we directed where it is to be sought for , and therefore I neglect it , being assured that these Men who had appeared so much , and with so much hazard , against Popery , would not be guilty of conniving at it . § 58. The Apologist having transcribed this Manuscript from p. 67. maketh a number of Inferences from it . All which do fall to the ground by the answers already given to the Paper it self , which is the foundation of them : And most of them are particularly obviated in what hath been said . The 1. is answered § . 47. where it is shewed , our Martyrs had no occasion to consider the Government of the Church , being exercised about greater points , that needed Reformation . That the first Reformers submitted to the Episcopal Jurisdiction of Protestant Bishops ; is absolutely false : For he cannot make it appear that any such Jurisdiction was exercised at , or soon after the Reformation . The 2 d. That Episcopacy was never legally abolished , is disproved § 54. That Presbyterians always watched the difficult Circumstances of the King ; which is the third , is not true : They did in all Circumstances endeavour to settle the Discipline and Order of the Church ▪ His fourth ; asserting the Presbyterians pleading exemptions from the Secular Powers , as the Papists , is not only false , but shamelesly affirmed . The 5 th is answered § . 54 ▪ The 6 th . Episcopacy was not quarrelled , as unlawful in it self , in these times . Not only is no way deducible from any thing said in the Manuscript : But is false ; and affirmed against the clearest light that such a matter is capable of : Doth not even the Book of Discipline ( in which all the Presbyterians of these times agreed ) declare Episcopacy to be contrary to the word of God ; while cap. 2 d. it saith , He ( God ) willeth that they should rule with mutual consent as Brethren ; with an quality of Power , every one according to their Function . And there are four ordinary Offices in the Kirk of Christ ; the Office of Pastor , Minister , or Bishop ; the Doctor , the Presbyter , or Elders and the Deacon : And after , no more Offices ought to be received , or suffered in the Church of Christ established according to his word . § . 59. For the Eighth . Whatever he fancy of the Royal Authority being forced to all that was granted to the Presbyterians : Let him answer for this Imputation of Hypocrisie and Dissembling in the King that then was ; It is enough to us , that the Church Power was granted to Presbyterians , by King and Parliament : and that they declared they did it willingly and sincerely . The Tenth ( according to his wonted Charity and Candor ) maketh the Vindicator's Book to be one intire shuffle from top to bottom : And his ground is , the Presbyterians of old did some very ill things : And yet the Vindicator would perswade the World , that Presbyterians are not capable of such Villanies , as the rabbling of the Clergy . I wish he would learn to speak Truth , and to use a little more Reason in his Discourses . The Vindicator hath said nothing of the Capacity of Presbyterians : They are sinful Men , and capable of very bad things , if the Lord leave them : All that was asserted ( and it is made evident against all h●s attempts ) is , that the Presbyterians did not do such things , as he , and others of his Gang , charge them with . For these odious things that he chargeth the Presbyterians of the former age with : Enough hath been said for their Vindication by others ; tho' I had been silent . Let him read Mr. Baillies pieces , and answer them if he can . His impugning of the distinction between Cameronians and Sober Presbyterians , hath been answered before ; but he loveth to repeat , rather than to say nothing . The Eleventh Inference is , That Presbyterians have no principle of Unity ; because the lesser number may remonstrate against the greater , so as to stop the course of Discipline . This last Clause is groundless : For the greater part of a Church meeting may go on in the exercise of Discipline , whatever be remonstrated to the contrary , by the lesser part ; nor doth the Manuscript give any ground to think that Discipline could not be exercised because some did remonstrate against it . For the former part of his Inference , I gladly would know , whether that principle of Unity be owned among his Party ; that none may remonstrate against what the Bishop or the greatest part of the meeting doth . If so then the Consciences of Men like Issachar's Asse , must tamely couch under the burden of whatever is imposed : And if my Lord Bishop , and the plurality of his Clergy , decide all the Controversies between us and Papists on the side of the Romish Synagogue , no man may mutter , or reclaim . It was an ancient Maxim , even in the Canon Law , Cuivis supplicare & protestari licet . To deny this is to banish Conscience , or to bring in that Atheist●cal Principle , that our Actions must be directed not by our own , but by the publick Conscience . The last Inference doth not differ from the former , but to make up the round dozen , he hath put it in other words which labour under the same evil that he there chargeth others with , viz. General words , which at the bottom have no particular signification : For he chargeth us with Tyranny , Disobedience , poisonous Principles , that we slie in the face of Authority , &c. And all this made out by the protestation against the General Assembly , 1651 , which he setteth down at length . We have now ( through the mercy of God ) buried that unhappy difference . And the Revivers of it should reflect on the Builders of Jericho ▪ I shall only say as before , that to condemn all Protestations and Remonstrances against any company of Men who pretend to Church Authority , or against whatever a Lawful Authority doth , is to take from Ministers , and People , the liberty of professing and owning the Truth of God. I have now done with this Apology . The Postscript I meddle not with , it is in answer to a Paper . The Author of which can make a Reply , if he thinketh fit . FINIS . 
A57858	----	A just and modest reproof of a pamphlet called The Scotch Presbyterian eloquence Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1693 Approx. 129 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57858 Wing R2222 ESTC R25107 08762043 ocm 08762043 41752 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57858) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41752) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1268:10) A just and modest reproof of a pamphlet called The Scotch Presbyterian eloquence Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 40 p. Printed by George Mosman, Edinburgh : 1693. Attributed to Gilbert Rule--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Crokatt, Gilbert. -- Scotch Presbyterian eloquence. Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. Presbyterianism -- Apologetic works. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A JUST and MODEST REPROOF OF A Pamphlet , CALLED , The Scotch PRESBYTERIAN Eloquence . EDINBVRGH , Printed by George Mosman , and are to be Sold at his Shop in the Parliament Closs . Anno Dom. M , DC . XCIII TO THE READER . Reader , AFTER I had finished these Sheets , I mett with a Paper in Answer to the same Pamphlet that here I deal with , which at first made me lay aside thoughts of publishing this Piece : Yet I after considered , that few things are coincident in that and this Paper : And that tho' the Pamphlet it self deserveth no such notice : Yet some may either through prejudice , and a byass to the one side , or through unacquaintedness with our Affairs , receive undue impressions of Presbyterians and their way from the confident affirmations of that Author . For , Calumniare audacter , aliquid adhaerebit . Therefore I was willing to suffer it to go Abroad after it , and the Appendix to it , had been ready for the Press , now more than 13 or 14 Months : Several things concurred to occasion this procrastination , which I shall not trouble the Reader with . A Just and Modest Reproof of a Pamphlet called , The Scottish Presbyterian Eloquence . IT is to be lamented , that men who call themselves Ministers of the Gospel ( being laid aside from their work ) imploy their time so ill , as to hatch false and railing Accusations against their Brethren , to render them odious and useless in the Church . And if the Author of this Pamphlet were of another Character , yet it is unsutable to Christianity to use such Artifices : But it is no new thing , but hath alwayes been one of Satans Methods for hindering the progress of the Gospel : The Pamphlet under consideration is an evidence , that Ill men and Seducers use to wax worse and worse . For this man hath out-done all that went before him in this Hellish way of managing his cause , and himself too ; ( if he was one of the former Scriblers of this strain , as is supposed ) in malicious Railing ; in the Characters that he giveth to Presbyterians , ( and that without exception of any among them ) and in the most groundless fictions , in the Historical part of his Book , that ever the Press groaned under . I cannot imagine how such Stories have been framed : For few of them were ever commonly talked of , even among the Mockers of this age , till this worthy book saw the light , which hath furnished profane Wits , with better helps to ridicule all that is serious , or sacred , than the World hath hitherto been acquainted with , and no doubt the Author shall have his reward , for such a singular work , from the Lord , as he deserveth it from Man : If this Collection of Historical Passages , had been this , Authors alone , his Invention must have been singularly fertile , when imployed about this subject ; exposing Preaching and Prayer : But I find , by page 116 , it was the product of many Drunken Meetings , where each Man hath given in his Symbole , out of which our Author hath made up this Bundle of Lyes , as the Creed of these Lone-Companions . He hath in this latter Age engaged in this same work against Presbyterians , ( and through their side , against them who regard the truth , in opposition to Popery , and the practice of Religion , as contrary to Atheism and Prophaness ) which their common Master of old imployed Porphyry and others in against Christianity , and afterward not a few of the Popish Writers , against our Reformers , and Reformation , who endeavoured to make Luther , and Calvin , and other worthy Servants of God , as black , and as Ridiculous as this Man doth the Presbyterian Ministers : Neither hath his own party escaped the Lash of such Pens as his ; and that from such as disliked it , not as Episcopal , but as Protestant , as is to be seen in a piece called Causes of the Contempt of the Clergy , whose Ape this Author seemeth to be : Tho' I doe not know , that so many untruths in matters of Fact , are in that Book , as I am sure there are in this . They who read this Book , and are Strangers in Scotland ( for none else is capable to believe one of many of his Stories ) will think him an unnatural wretch , so to expose his native Countrey : For can any rational Man be perswaded , ( that Scotland , being divided into Presbyterians , and Episcopalians , and whatever may be said of the Lat●er , the former are so considerable a party of all Ran●s , and owned as the Legal Church , by King and Parliament ) that I say all the Latter should be such learned and polite Men , and the former such silly Noddies , and illiterate Fools : Or will they not rather think , that Scots Men are a contemptiable Crew , or that this Man is a foul mouthed Reviler of his Nation , and a degenerat Son , that so bespattereth his Mother . No wise Man will be at pains , to consider every passage in this Pamphlet , nor could once reading it over be excusable ; but that it was needful to know what he saith : His general assertions concerning the Presbyterians , need not another refutation than denying them , and appealing to all that know us , and are capable to judge impartially . Neither his particular Histories ; but by denying the matter of Fact , and leaving it to him to prove them : Together with the improbability of the thing , to all that know the persons whom he so belyeth ; that thousands who had Causam sc●entiae of these passages do disown that they knew them , or heard such words as he alledgeth : if these Topicks may have place , we can make it appear that seldom hath a Book appeared in print , stuffed with more falsehoods and Calumnies , and these manifestly and notourly such : which I hope will reflect that shame on himself , and his Partners in these Inventions , which he thinketh to throw on others . I come now to take some more particular Notice of his Book . What First occureth is , His mock Dedication to the E. of C. where he treateth that Noble and truly Honourable Person with that petulant Contempt , which none but a Man of this Author's Temper and Breeding could be capable of . And he racketh his Wit to say all the ill of his Lordship , that is imputable to any Person , not considering either Truth or Probability of what he writeth ; nor sparing to mock at the Exercise of Religion in that Family , which hath been for many Generations , and continueth to be , Honoured for their Zeal for , and Practice of Religion . His whole Dedication deserveth no other Refutation , but to be marked with a Nigrum Theta , as purely Lies and Railing . His First Section pretendeth , to give us a Character of the Presbyteria● Pastors and People in Scotland : Which he performeth most Unjustly , and without either Truth or Candor . Pag. 1. He asserteth that Presbyterian Preachers labour not to make good Christians , but rigid Presbyterians . This is so remote from Truth , that no Evidence of it can be given : And it is known to all their Hearers , that in their Sermons , Catechising , and other Instructions , and Converse with their People , they insist constantly on such Subjects as tend to Awaken and Humble Sinners , and to let them see their Need of Christ ; and in Directing and Perswading them to come to God by him ; and on the Duties that Men owe to God and their Neighbours : And that it is but rarely , that they insist on the Differences that are among us , about Church Government . And their Consciences bear them Witness , that though they desire that all the People may be Presbyterians , yet that desire beareth small , or no proportion , with the desire they have that Christ may be Formed in the Hearts of their Hearers . Next Pag. 2. He giveth us the Character of the Presbyterian People ( whom he most falsly affirmeth to be The Guides of the Church and that The Ministers must follow them ) and that we assert the Power of Calling and Constituting Ministers is in the Mob that they are Void of Sense and Reason , and are led by Fancy and ●regular Passions . If this had been said of some , this Author might have saved his Credit : For what Party of Men have not among them some unintelligent Persons ? But when it is said of the Presbyterians in general , and no exception made , it is sufficient to derogate from the Truth of all that he affirmeth , and to expose him as a Person who hath no regard to Truth . I Appeal to all who Converse in Scotland , if the Nobility , Gentry , Lawyers , Physicians , Merchants , and even the meaner sort of the People who are Presbyterians , may not Vye in all commendable Accomplishments with them of the same Ranks and Stations , who are of the other Perswasion . He giveth an Instance of their want of Common Sense , that they will tell you , That ye ought to fight the Battels of the Lord , because it is said in Epistle to the Hebrews , Without sheading of Blood there is no Remission . That ever any Man talked at this rate , is more than I know or heard before ; nor am I obliged to believe it , because this Author's Veracity is pledged for it : but that he imputeth it as the Sentiment of the Party in general , and as a part of their Character , is a piece of Effrontery peculiar to this Scribler . He next calleth them Covetous and Deceitful , with the same Truth that hitherto he had used . It is to be lamented that these Vices are so common every where , but the World knoweth that his own Party has a full Share of them ; and that as much of the contrary Vertues are found among the Presbyterians in Scotland , as among any Party of Men on Earth That they are not taught Morality in the Sermons that they hear , is so false as nothing can be more . 'T is true , we Preach not Morality alone , as some do ; but Instruct People in the Mystery of Christ , that they may look after Righteousness in him , and attain Gospel Obedience to the Law of God by dependance on him for Strength to obey : But we Preach the Necessity of Good Works , and that Moral Vertues are not only the great Ornament of practical Religion , but a necessary part of it , without which all Pretences to it , or Appearances of it , are but Hypocrisie . The Debate he saith he had with one of them ( who must not be Named lest the Truth of the Matter of Fact be enquired into ) proveth no more ( if what he saith be true , ) but that there was once an ignorant Presbyterian in the World : And if we cannot find one as Ignorant among his Party , we shall confess that , so far , be hath the better of us . He had very little to say , when he blotted Paper with the Story of George Flint , and the Names he gave to his Dogs : Are we to Answer for every Indiscretion any Plebe●an is guilty of . His next Charge of Perjury , Cheating , Lying , Murther , &c. is of the same stamp with the former , that is , Calumnious Falshoods . The Ignorance that he alledgeth to be found among them is not ( generally speaking ▪ to be compared with that found among his own Party . Neither is it asserted with any Truth or Modesty , That Our People are not taught the Lord's Prayer , the Creed , and the Ten Commandements . His Instance of a Shee-Saint ( which with his mention of the Sighing Fraternity , are some of the Flowers of his Profane Mocking Rhetorick ) is either his own invention , or a single instance of an Ignorant Girle among the Presbyterians , to prove that all the Party is such : Which is a frequent way of Reasoning with this Learned Author . What follows P 5. Of their Conventicles producing many Bastards , and the Blasphemous abusing of Scripture , whereby he saith , They defended it , is a parcel of the most Horrid and Wicked Lies that ever were invented on Earth , or in Hell. Our Souls abhorr such Principles : And for these Practices , though we do not deny that such Scandals have fallen out among Presbyterians , yet through the Mercy of God , it is rare , and is severly Censured when it happeneth : Whereas among his own Party , it is common to a Degree far beyond what has been seen among us : And when they were in Power , such Scandals were but slackly Censured ; so that one thing that maketh the Looser sort of People dislike the Presbyterians , is , That such Immoralities are more strictly Observed and Censured than before . The Odious Story that he ( in his usual Jeering Strain ) telleth of Mr. Williamson , hath been indeed talked of among many Men of this Author's Kidney ; but we Challenge him , or any other ▪ to bring any rational Evidence of the Truth of it , as may easily be done , if the thing be as he saith : But this was never yet attempted by any of them ; which is a sufficient Exculpation of him , even by his Adversaries . If they will attempt it and get not a fair Hearing , or if they will prove it , and do not see Justice done on the Offender , then let them Reflect on Presbyterians : But without this they are to be held as Malicious Calumniatours : This very Story was Answered in another Paper , which this Author pretendeth to Answer : But he taketh no notice of what was there said ; but is resolved it shall be Believed , with , or against Reason . What Impudence is it to say , That Mr. Williamson was admired for this Fact , or that he used Scripture to defend , or excuse it . We are not ashamed of the Gloss on Rom. 7. which he pretendeth to Ridicule ( though never any of us used it to defend Sin ) that the Apostle there speaketh in the person of an Unregenerat Man , is the Gloss of Arminians , contrary to the Sentiments of all other Reformed Divines , as well as Presbyterians . I wish this Author had given us a Specimen of his Learning , to confirm what he alledgeth : But he is shie of that , for some Reasons ; thinking it enough to disparage the Learning of Others , without shewing his own , in Refuting of what they hold . But his Consequence that he draweth from the Opinion that the Apostle speaketh of himself in that place , sheweth no small degree of Ignorance , That this Place is a good Defence for For●●cation : Doth it follow in the Regenerate there are Inclinations to Sin , Ergo , They may Sin , and are to be excused in it . It is as Ignorant and Wide a Consequence , that he inferreth , that the hieght of Carnality ●s consistent with the greatest Grace : For Grace . especially the greatest Grace , is imployed in resisting , and mortifying these inclinations : Whereas the hieght of Carnality lyeth in giving way to and fulfilling them . The two instances that follow of two Women guilty of Uncleanness , and odious Hypocrisy joined with it , look like his own invention : He is sure they cannot be disproved , because no person is named , if he will prove the Fact against any persons , he shall see Presbyterians vindicated from this imputation , by the Censures of the Church duely executed on so vile persons . What he telleth us of Peoples being moved with a loud and a Whineing , tone and being affected with what they understand not , is another of his Calumnies . None preach more intelligibly then Presbyterians ordinarly do : And no People judge of Preaching by the truth and usefulness of the matter , more then the more intelligent Presbyterians : and if any are commoved by what they understand not , ( as sometimes is observed among some of the Ignorant Vulgar ) this is far more frequently found among them who cleaved to the Episcopalians when they had the Churches , than among them who owned the Presbyterians . What he saith of S●uffing and twang of the Nose ( a notion borrowed out of Cleavland , another such profane Mocker as himself ) and being more affected with a Sermon of Railing and Nonsense than with Christs Sermon on the Mount ; is like the rest of his affirmations , pure Railing and falsehoods : The confirmation of this from what he alledgeth Mr. D. D. to have said , is not concludent , for we have but his word for the truth of the Story ( and his Reader by this time know of what value that is ) and that good Man once an eminent Preacher , hath been for many years under Hypochondriack Melancholy , and often speaketh at Random . Nothing can be more false then what is said p. 8. That They take it for a sure evidence on their Death-beds that it is well with them , because they never heard a Curate in their Lifetime If any have said , or thought so , we judge them deluded as he doth But we meet with no such person , nor do we own any such Opinion . His citation out of Review of History of Indulgence , is a full proof against him , that these are not the sentiments of Presbyterians ; but reproved by them , when found among some who had gone out from among the Presbyterians . The Stories about two persons Executed for B●stiality ; I am not obliged to believe , unless I hear them from better hands , which I never did , but supposing the truth of them , they prove no more but that some of the v●lest of Men might , on design , personate Presbyterians : Or that there were some strangely deluded persons that went out from among that party ; as they were who were called the Sweet Singers , some of whom ( as hath been reported ) tore outsome places of the Bible where words were found that displeased them . But it is the height of Malice , to impute these things to Presbyterians , who did always testify their dislike of such principles and practices , more than other men did : And do reckon the whole Bible and all the other parts of it Sacred . He bringeth the rising in Arms at Bothwelb●●dge as a proof of their delusion : But this is not to be imputed to Presbyterians in general , seing it was the deed of a few : And was no formed design ; but was the effect of horrid and unsupportable persecution from the Episcopal Party : The Doctrines Preached at that season , which he mentioneth , may rationally be look't on as his own invention , of what he thought probable : As better Historians than he , do often make speeches and attribute them to Generals of Armies , as spoken by them to animate the Souldiers . That any of the Presbyterians ever thought that all Bishops were Cloven Footed : That they had no Shadow : Is what I never heard before : But I am sure if this Book should obtain belief in the World ( as I hope it shall not , while Men are Rational ) Strangers will look on Scotch Presbyterians as more monstrous than ever any ignorant persons among vs could imagine Bishops to be : And it will be little Credit to his party , that the Learned Writters among them , have as absurd Imaginations of Men , and things , as he can impute ( though falsely ) to the most ignorant among us . The long Story that filleth up Page 11 and 12 : of a Preacher who came to the Merse , and there discoursed most absurdly , on Ezek. 1. And reasoned as Ridiculously with a Minister ; this Tale I say , I never heard before . And though our Author telleth us , it was proved before very many famous Witnesses in Edinburgh ; yet is he neither pleased to name the Preacher , nor what place of the Merse ( which is a large Country ) this happened in , nor the Minister with whom he reasoned , nor these famous Witnesses in Edinburgh : So that we are wholly out of Capacity to enquire into the truth of this Fact. If such a person were known , the Presbyterian Church would soon stop his mouth from Preaching , for they abhorre such Ridiculous Nonsense . His next essay in which he laboureth from Page 12. to 14. Is to give a true Character of the Presbyterian Preachers ; where he spueth out all the Gall against them that he is capable to vent : About which I observe 1. That he feigneth a strange uniformity among them , as if not only the practice and natural temper of them all ; but their very Looks were the same , as Page 12. which is a plain evidence that the man hath as little Judgement to contrive a Fiction well , as he hath veracity to oblidge him to speak nothing but truth . 2. most of his Instances whereby he proveth his strange assertions , are but one or two to prove one part of their Character : And if ye will not believe , sic de ceateris , he will be puzled to convince any one of the truth of what he affirmeth : If we should do so by his party , how black could we make them all : But we abhore such injustice to the Reputations of Men. 3. Most of his instances are taken from some of the Hill Preachers , who then were in a perfect separation from all the rest of the Presbyterians , and spake as much against them , as against those whom they called Curats . 4. His whole Discourse is stuffed with the most notorious falsehoods that can be devised , as will appear as we go along . The Author seemeth to have but one design , to disparage the Presbyterians : And his Impetus this way maketh him not only forget veracity , which may be expected from a Christian ; but that Decorum which becometh a wise Man : And the civility that a Man of breeding would shew to the worst of Men. It seemeth he careth not what he say , if he can but say ill of the Presbyterians : And an impartial Reader will think that the Author hath sufficiently characterized himself ; while he pretendeth to give a Character of the Presbyterian Ministers . 5. When he hath a mind to expose any of our Ministers as absurd , or ridiculous ; he is then pleased ( most disingenuously ) to advance him to be one of the most eminent among us , that so he may make the World believe ( if their credulity be as large as his boldness in asserting ) that we are all such : But this silly artifice will fail of its design among them who are acquainted with us . He first accuseth them ( and that without exception ) as Proud , Soure , unconversible . Here is not one true word : where one is such among us ( and never a party consisted of all its individuals so well tempered as they should be ) many are such among his own party , and yet we are far from being so unmanly as to make this the Character of the party . I leave it to the Reader to judge what Humility or sweetness of mind our Author hath shewed in what he hath said , or in what followeth : That they have faces like their horrid Decree of Reprobation . Where he venteth his spite against the truth of God , as well as against the Men against whom he hath indignation . Do not all the Reformed Divines , except Arminians , own a Decree of Reprobation ? yea doth not the Apostle so too ? Rom. 9. I wonder what a Face he thinketh the Apostle Paul had . He , and Presbyterians need not be ashamed to have their Pictures drawn , and shewed with that of this Momus . If a Presbyterian had spoken so ignorantly , and indistinctly of such a head of Divinity , how would he have accused them of Ignorance ? For who can own Election , but they must at the same time acknowledge a preterition , or Non-election , and that as a positive Act of the Divine will : See Rom. 9. 13. And who can say that some are Damned in time , and yet this Damnation was not foreknown and foreappointed , or decreed by him who worketh all things according to the Counsel of his own will. If this Author will shew his Argumentative Talent , as well as he hath that of Railing , on this head , it would be more easy to Answer him . Their want of Humanity and common Civility and Catholick Charity , are as many calumnies as words : He asserteth : I deny it , and appeal to all that converse commonly among them : But it is evident that what he asserteth of them he abundantly proveth of himself : such Assertions being remote from all these vertues and good qualities . That they dare not converse with them who differ from them , lest the people take it ill , is false . They not only converse with them ( such of them as are Sober ) but have received some of them into a share of the Government of the Church : And do not shun to converse with others of them as occasion requireth . And if any people be displeased at this ( as I am sure the more intelligent are not ) they instruct them of the reasonableness of this practice . His certainty that we have as little Learning as good nature , which is next to none , is a proof this Authors good Nature ; as many other passages of this Book are of his Learning : about the measure I shall not determine ; seing it is easy for any unbyassed Reader to judge . Presbyterians differing from all other Churches , he boldly asserteth . I deny not but there are some circumstantial things in which all the Churches in the World do differ one from another ; and our Church ( may be ) hath , in some of the inferiour things , her peculiar customs : But in her Confession of Faith , in her Government of the Church , and in the worship of God , it is evident that we are , ( for the substance of these ) exactly one with the generality of the Reformed Churches . And for the circumstances , we are far nearer to the Reformed Churches than the Church of E. is , which he gloryeth so much in , and which indeed hath a Government , Discipline , and Worship , widely different from the whole Reformed World , yea on the matter they unchurch all other Churches , by denying the validity of their Ordination ; and re-ordaining all who have not a Bishops hand laid on them . We are far from carrying so toward Her , or any other Church . That which goeth for a proof of this absurd Assertion , I shall now consider . It is that we have banished the Lords Prayer , the Creed , and the ten Commandments , the Doxology , and the publick reading of the Scripture . For the first of these , It is false : for we endeavour to make the people understand it : And tell them the true use of it ; which is to direct them what to Pray for , and also in most other things that concern Prayer . It s true we do not commonly repeat the words of it , but we neither condemn them who do it , nor forbid to do it , Our reason is , There is no command for using these words , nor do we find that the Apostles or the Church in their time did repeat the words . Our reason for the other is , these words are as fit to be used as any other . It is false that the Author of the Answer to the ten Questions , ( which he is pleased to ascribe to Dr. Rule , on what grounds he best knoweth ; for it beareth no name ) used this as a reason against Repeating the Lords Prayer , that it is inconvenient : It is only said Quest : 4 , P. 20. That We are not tyed to what had been injoined , if afterward it be found inconvenient while the discourse was of the use of the Doxology , the Creed at Baptism , and the Lord's Prayer ; now if any of these be inconvenient , that Assertion is pertinent , tho' the rest were not , but were forborn on other grounds . Yea , If none of them were inconvenient , what is said there is enough to free us from nonconformity to the Presbyterian Churches on this head ; with which that Antagonist chargeth us ; The words are plainly Hypothetick , and therefore assert nothing Categorically . Them who use the words of the Lord's Prayer we do not Judge , either as acting against what is lawful , or what is expedient . If Mr. K. said , that he forbore Repeating the Lord's Prayer , because it is a Badge of the Episcopal Worship ; and did mean , it was pressed in Scotland as such distinguishing mark , perhaps it were not so absurd as our Author pretends , though I had rather say , we forbear it because it hath not now of a long time been the practice of the Presbyterian Church in Scotland ; and we know no Command or other Principle that maketh it necessary . What followeth , imputed to Mr. James Urquhart , we reckon horrid Blasphemy : And if any will make it appear that Mr. U. said such words , he ought to be desposed , or to make very solemn profession of his Repentance for this Scandal : But Mr. U. denyeth it , and biddeth defiance to any who will attempt to prove it against him ▪ the other Blasphemies to the same purpose which follow , we abhore as much as he or any other can do . And I affirm that it is the grossest of Falsehoods that it is ordinary to hear our People speak so , for my part I have never heard such words from any , nor have I heard by Report that any did speak them , and I assure the World that if any among us were heard to utter such words they could not escape a severe Censure . He saith the Creed is not mentioned at Baptism . This we deny not , but was it ever forbidden by our Church , or were any ever Censured for using it . We take Parents bound to Educate their Children in the Knowledge of the Chief Truths contained in the Scriptures : And do often mention the Confession of Faith of this Church , as containing a more full and plain System of Scripture Doctrine than the Creed doth ; though not differing in any Point from it . For our National Engagements they are rarely mentioned at Baptism , and but by few : But if they were , I know no Hurt in it , except it be , offending some tender Ears , who love not to hear of the Ties which they have so little regarded , after they had taken them on . What he imputeth to Mr. Rule in denying this , we regard not . I am guilty of the same Dishonesty , in saying what he ( or who ever that Writer is ) saith in the place cited by our Author : For these other honester Presbyterians , whatever be their Honesty we are not of their Opinion . Nor are the Sentiments of Presbyterians to be judged of by what they say , who had lest the Presbyterians , and stood in opposition to them , when the Papers he mentioneth were written . His Imputation on Mr. Dickson ( that He called the Lords Prayer , Creed , and Ten Commandments , rotten Wheel-barrows to carry Souls to Hell ) I am not foreward to believe it , having nothing for it but this Author's Word : But if he said so , it was ill worded at best : And if he meant any more than to express the danger of Peoples resting on having these by Heart , as if that were to be Religious : He deserveth to be Censured : None of us disswade People from Learning them ; but do seriously press it , and labour to make them understand them . That we have abolished Publick Reading of Scripture , is a Calumny : It is true in stead of Reading by a private Person ▪ we have the Scripture Read and Expounded by the Minister ; and that a Chapter or Psalm at once : And if any Read but two or three Verses , it is an Abuse not allowed by us . That the Precenter Readeth a Sermon in stead of Reading Scripture , is two Falsehoods in one Breath , one is that this is done : I have heard indeed that one hath Read a written Sermon while the people were conveening : But that this is either commonly , or alwayes done , I never heard : also that this is in stead of Reading the Scriptures , is false : For as hath been said the Minister Readeth and expoundeth Scripture , in stead of what had wont to be Read without Exposition by a private person , who hath no Authority to teach publickly . The Doxology we use not , because we think Scripture Songs fittest to be sung as the publick Worship of God : And this is not such ; though the matter of it be consonant to Scripture . The Idle Story that he telleth of Maggy twitting a Minister with this , is probable enough to be one of his Inventions : But if it were true , we think the Minister was undiscreet , in calling it a Malignant Song . We confess the matter of it is sung in Heaven : If he will prove that the words are so too , we shall use it : They talk much of the Antiquity of this Hymn which I am not now at leasure to enquire into : One of their Divinity Professors Mr. William Douglas at Aberdeen ( a diligent searcher into Antiquity ) Psalm●d . Eccles. vindicata . Q. 13. P. 69. bringeth testimonies for it out of Tertul : Basil. &c. who speak not of that Formula ; but Glorifying the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost . And he citeth Baronius , asserting it to have been used from the Apostles time : But his Authority in such things hath little weight with Protestants : Pope Damasus in the 4 Century , enjoined it : And it is probable that it was invented as a Testimony against Arianism : But so was the Trina Immersio ; which the Episcopal Church doth not think fit to retain . I Assent to the Author now cited : Who after an heap of Authorities that he had collected , saith , it is no defect of Worship where it is left out : And that none should be offended with these Churches that use it . We constantly do the same thing materially , naming the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost in the Conclusion of our Prayers . Another quarrel he hath with Presbyterian Ministers is , they have no distinguishing Garb from the lay Men , I hope this is no singularity : What Churches except these of Rome and England , do distinguish their Clergy by their Garb : Our Ministers wear a Grave and Decent Habit , and are mainly distinguished from the People , by the Gravity and Edifyingness of their Conversation , which is a better Characteristick , than a close sleeved Gown on a Drunken and Swearing Priest ▪ That they reproved the King's Commissioner for appearing among them in a Scarle● Cloak , is a notorious Falsehoood ; to call it no worse . His saying They did it , seemeth to make it a publick Rebuke in the Assembly ; or that it was done by the consent of all . We do not know that ever any did so much as reprove his Grace privatly for this ; and if any did , they were impertinent in so doing : I never heard that any so much as whispered against it among themselves ; nor do I know a Reason why the Kings Commissioner is obliged to use another Garb than other persons of his Rank . The long Story that he bringeth in about Mr. Lesks call , for the sake of a quible used by my Lord R. to the Presbytry , is a silly piece of impertinency : only I take notice , that he alledgeth , that Mr. Lesk , had for him the Elders ; which is false ; for none , in the sense of the Law of Scotland , are Elders ; but such as are received by the Presbyterians ; so as these men were not and for the Episcopal Church , they own no Ruling Elders ; and the Law that set up that party ( having abolished all Presbyterian Judicatures ) did only allow Ministers to chuse such of the People as they thought fit to assist them : Which can be no true notion of a Ruling Elder : nor did ever such Elders sit ; or vote , in their Syn●ds . His denying us to be Ministers , is an impudent Assertion , which he doth not attempt to prove : and how it consisteth with the Catholick Charity , which he blameth us for the want of , I cannot apprehend . That we are called by the People we think it more sutable to the Gospel way than to be imposed on the People by a Patron : that we are sent by the people , or our fitness judged of and determined by them , is an impudent Falsehood : Our Ministers are tryed and sent , or ordained , by the Presbytry , who hath better warrant for so doing than a Bishop hath : But if I should enlarge on every controverted point which this Pamphletteer starteth in his Rambling Discourse , this Paper should swell to a Volume . He chargeth them P ▪ 16 with Preaching still on the Government , and the times : and that they call their Kirk Government Christ , the Crow● , the Scepter , and Government of Christ. I deny not , but that there was a time when these controverted points were too much the subject of the Sermons of some , and there may be need that they should be more insisted on at one time than at another : but that this is now so practised is most false . I am affraid we are rather defective that way , though I would not have these controversies made either the whole or the main part of Sermons . In comparison , we should know nothing among the People but Christ and him crucified . And I am sure that this is the strain of the Presbytorian Preachings that I have occasion to hear : that they call the Government of the Church , Christ , and that is was not the design of their Sermons , nor ever is like to be , to Preach up Christ and Eternity ( which he asserteth , P. 17. ) is most false and calumnious : He pretendeth to trace them in their Politicks Morals , Mysticks and Metaphysicks ( a distinction of his own coyning ) and he saith , they are selfish , singular , full of nonsensick Rapsod●es , which is a false and wicked Calumnie . He beginneth with their Politicks , he saith no Government could tolerat them . whereas we know that the Government and Governours of Scotland have tolerated and owned them many ages : and there is now as happy a Government as ever Scotland saw , which doth not only tolerat them but hath setled them by Law. To prove his assertion he bringeth an instance of Mr. Donald Cargill , a Hill Preacher whom yet he confesseth to have been disowned by the sober Presbyterians : which maketh this instance wholly impertinent : but somewhat he must have to fill up his Paper . The sober Presbyterians are foully by him misrepresented that they disowned the Hill Men on account of their refusing to thank K. J. for his Tolleration : Whereas it is known that they disowned them on account of their wild Principles , inconsistent with the Government both of the State and of the Church ; and that this they did long before K. J. came to the Crown , or gave Indulgence . It is also false that none but Cameronians suffered any thing : and that all the Sober Presbyterians were setled by the Indulgence . For many of the Soberest were put to hard Sufferings both for Preaching , and for not complying with the way then set up . And when the Indulgence came , which freed some who had suffered before ; it was at first granted but to a few : and when it was enlarged by K. Charles some were permitted to enjoy it but a short time . it is unfair dealing , that when the Review of Hist. of Indulgence ( which he citeth ) doth condemn and refute these Principles , he should yet charge us with them . If Mr. D. did so condemn ( as this Author alledgeth ) paying Cess to the K. ( the truth of which I know not ) his Brethren with whom he now joineth , did never approve of such Doctrine . He telleth us of Acts of Assemblies and Covenants , which prove our unpeaceableness such of them as have been cited in other places by his party , have been Answered : We cannot Answer such general alledgances , but by denying that either the Acts of the Assemblies , or the Covenants , contain any thing that prove what he asserteth . The Book he mentioneth ( which I have not seen ) it is like may have an Answer , if it deserve it . If it assert that Presbyterians renounce Monarchy , and all Power save that of the Kirk : so absurd a position is to be despised , being abundantly refuted by our due subjection to our present Rulers , which Sober Presbyterians payed also to them under whose heavy hand they groaned . For farther proof of this imputation he mentioneth Murthers committed in 3 Rebellions : But he must know that his own party gave the rise to all these , by their horrid cruelty , and injustice which forced people beyond the bounds of that patience that was fit . He blameth their flying to Arms in the time of the late Revolution ; but doth not tell his Reader , that it was by publick Authority , and for defence of the States of the Nation , against them who were ready to destroy them , or hinder their meeting . All this hath been alledged and Answered in other Papers . The men who he alledgeth did last year endeavour to have the Solemn League and Covenant by force renewed and imposed , were none of the Presbyterians : Though they call themselves such ; nor can this be charged on us , more than all the practices of the Anabaptists in Germany can be rationally imputed to the Protestants , which yet his Friends the Papists do , and that from the same Spirit by which this Man is acted . He considereth P. 19 the Learning of the Presbyterians : which he is pleased to confine to two heads , Antiarminian Metaphisick , and practical Divinity , which they pretend to draw from the heads of Election and Reprobation ; whereby they Preach Men out of their Wits , and very often into Despair , and self Murther . Nothing can be more falsely , more disingenuously , nor more Maliciously uttered . The former he barely asserteth . We acknowledge that Scotch Presbyterians are generally Antiarminians ; but that they bring no Arguments against that way but from the Metaphysicks ( which may be useful in the controversies about Predetermination . Free will , and scientia media ) is false , altho' it is a wonder that he will allow so much Learning to be among us . We can , and do , disprove all the Arminian Doctrines from the Scripture , and sound Reason , as Augustine , Bradwardine , and others before us had refuted the Pelagians , their Ancestors . On the other Calumny he insisteth at length , but with weak and Ridiculous proofs . The design of his Discourse seemeth to be to Ridicule all Soul-trouble , and Fears and doubts about ones Souls case , and about Salvation , as Melancboly and Distraction . What Service some Men of his Atheistical temper have done to the Kingdom of Satan , by thus skarring People from serious considering the state and danger of their Souls , is too well known : Our Opinion and practice in this matter I shall briefly declare , and then consider what he bringeth against either . We believe that the Lord hath , of his own Soveraign Pleasure , chosen some from Eternity to obtain Salvation by Jesus Christ in the way of Repentance and believing in Christ , and perseverance in Holy walking ; and we believe also that he hath passed by others and from Eternity Decreed not to give them Grace , and Decreed to Damn them , because of the Sins that he foresaw would follow on this preterition , or on their not getting Grace from him . These deep Mysteries of the Divine Providence we do not often , nor without necessity insist on in Sermons ; though we think we ought not to be wholly silent where the Lord hath spoken in his word : Far less is it our practice to draw consequences from these Decrees , to frighten People , or to lead them to Despair : But on the contrary ( whereas troubled Souls do often abuse these Truths , and Satan assists them in it , to move them to cast of thoughts of Believing in Christ , as a hopeless and bootless thing ) we use to tell them , that though the Election of a particular person may be known by the fruits of Holiness , yet that such a person , in particular , is a Reprobate , cannot be known before their Death by themselves nor by others ( except they be guilty of the Sin against the Holy Ghost , which is rarely known ) and therefore none can rationally say , I am a Reprobate , and therefore need not come to Christ ; We inform them from the Gospel that whoever will come to Christ shall be accepted of him and shall find that they are no Reprobates : We tell them of Christs being able to save to the uttermost , of the Free , Gracious , Cordial , Universal offer of Christ made in the Gospel : of his undertaking in the Covenant of Grace to draw the Soul to him , to give it strength to come , as well as to accept of them who come : And it is evident to all that know us , that none do more encourage Sinners , even the worst of them , to close with the offers of Christ by Faith on the terms of the Gospel , then Presbyterians do . It is true , it is no small part of our work to awaken the Consciences of secure Sinners : and this is that which this Man , and such as he , carp at : But this we do , not by telling them of Reprobation , but by laying before them the sinfulness of their nature , and of their way , their lyableness to the Wrath of God because of Sin : And the Holy Justice of God that pursueth Sinners while they live without Christ : and the impossibility of escaping Wrath without Believing , and of Believing without conviction of sin and Repentance , and turning from Sin unto God : And if this Doctrine were considered it would make awakening of Conscience to be more frequent than it is ; but not that Doctrine , but peoples own obstinacy and unbelief , will drive them into Desperation : Which we deny not may be the effect , though per accidens , of the Preaching of the Gospel , as sometimes Hardning is . These things being considered it is easy to blow away all the obloquy that he casteth on us from this topick . If Mr. Brody called a man , on the brink of Desperation , a Good Man : If Mr. Kir●oun called Soul-trouble for Sin a wholesome Disease . I hope they did not mean that Desperation is such ; but that it is a more hopeful thing to see a Man to have his Conscience frightned with the sense of sin and Soul danger ; than that he should be lying in stupid presumption and delusion , or unconcerned about Salvation ; as a Fever coming upon a Palsy is no desireable Disease of it self , nor without danger ; yet it giveth more hope than if the Palsy should continue and resist all remedies : and as no wise Physician will designedly procure a Feaver to a Paralytick person , but endeavour the cure by more safe and gentle means , so we do not endeavour to beget Desperation ; but to prevent it , by Preaching the Gospel with the Law , yet the Conscience must be awakened , or the Soul is undone for ever . That any of us represent God in this Mans Blasphemous notion , as a Sour , Severe , and Vnmerciful Being ; is a false ▪ and wicked imputation : We proclaim his Mercy through Christ , and offer it in his name , to all that hear us , good and bad , on the terms of the Gospel , indeed we tell people that there is no Mercy in God for them while they live impenitently in sin , and live without Christ , and if this make Men Despair , we Lament it . That Mr. Vetch said of 2000 who were hearing them , 80 would not be saved , I do not believe ; it is unwarrantable boldness so to determine ; neither is it our way to go farther in this head , than to say , there are few that shall be saved , which is our Lords own Doctrine . What he imputeth to Mr. Selkrig is none of our Doctrine we know that God seeth Sin in the Elect before Conversion , and imputeth it to them too , though after Conversion he knoweth that they Sin ▪ and is angry with them because of it , yet their Sin is pardoned on their Repentance and flying to Christ ▪ Their Iniquity sha●l not be their Ruine , Ezek. 18. 30. We mantain that no Sin shall hinder the Conversion of the Elect , nor Damn them who are converted : Yet there is no encouragement to Sin : Because they who go on in Sin to the end , can be none of Gods Elect : Nor can they be in the state of Grace who live in Sin , or allow any sin in themselves . Mr. Rutherfurd's expression which he quarrelleth , is parallel with that of Ezekiel . last cited . For the Story of two Self-murderers in the Parish of Leswade : We know nothing of it , if true , what doth it make against us : Have not many of his own way come to that woful End ; and must that he made an Argument against Episcopacy ? That the Presbyterian Preacher in that Parish discoursed at the rate that this Author mentioneth , we have no ground to belive , nor do we approve such Discourse . That Presbyterians decry solid Learning , and particularly Antiquity , is said with a Brow of brass . That we condemn Morality , is a horrid Calumny : We preach it up : And I wish that he or such as he who talk so much of it , did commend it to the People by their own Example . For the Book called , The whole Duty of Man , we commend it as useful ; and so are Seneca's Writtings : But we desiderate in it the Doctrine of the Righteousness of Christ , and His Vertues and Grace , by which these excellent Duties which that Book layeth on us , must be performed and accepted , and without which the highest Morality , as it is distinguished from supernatural Grace , is not regarded by God. His Characters of our Sermons as Nonsensick Raptures , Canting , impertinent and base Similies , that we value no Works , but what tendeth to propagate Presbytry : That we make Christ and the Gospel to be our Kirk Government : Are a parcel of such absurd Lies as deserve no Answer , no Men do more mistake these things than we . If any do use sometimes some Modes of expressing Things , which are too course and low ; yet these are but few , and they are not approved in that way by others : And there are as many of his own Party who are the same way culpable . That we are for the most part on Believe , and mistake Faith for a meer Recumbency : It is no sign of Understanding in this Author to tax us with it , seing it was the Apostles work to know nothing but Christ and Him Crucified : And seing Faith is called the Work of God and His Commandment , above other things that are enjoined : the ●dd way that some have of acting in the Pulpit is barely asserted : Certainly among no Party all Ministers are uniform in this . If there be any thing in this among us that amounteth to Undecency , we reprove it ; which we rarely have occasion to do , and no doubt we might recriminate if we were so disposed : But we think this Author's way not very imitable . That Mr. Thomas Hog said to one that he could not be Happy till he saw the Devil , and had a personal Converse and Combat with him : Is a pure Invention , and not to be believed of that Wise and Good Man , who is now in Heaven : And I give assurance that it is no Presbyterian Principle . He cometh now Pag 25 to discourse of the Civility of Presbyterians , and setteth them out as Denying the common Civilities due to Mankind , to Persons of the best Rank who differ from them : The contrary of this is known to all them who Converse in Scotland : May be he meaneth of such as scruple to call a Bishop my Lord : which yet many Presbyterians have freedom to do ; but do Presbyterians carry so to the Nobility and Gentrie , That they flee from the Company where a Curat is , as a Pest , and that this is a common sign of Grace , is an Assertion beyond the ordinary size of Impudence : That we applaud and approve the Murtherers of the Arch-bishop of St. Andr●ws ; is of the same Stamp . Now he will give some Instances for proof of these Assertions . The first is , The Commissioners of the General Assembly refused to appoint one to preach a Sermon for the Anniversary Day of the Martyrdom of K. Charles the First , when the Privy Council enjoyned it , and that according to an Act of Parliament : ( which Act is a ●eer Invention of his own ▪ ) Here is an Instance of this Author 's learned way of Reasoning , rather than of the Ru●ticity of the Ministers : Had they given the Council any harsh or unbecoming words in this their Refusal ▪ ●is Instance had been pertinent : If a Presbyterian had so reasoned , he would have called it Nonsense : Were the three Children Rude or Uncivil when they refused to fall down before an Image at the Kings Command ? I suppose he will not say it , though their Answer was not half so smoothly worded as that of the Ministers to the Council : ( I do not compare the things ●njoyned , but only the Carriage in both cases , of them who could not obey ) It is matter of Conscience to us , to observe Anniversary Holy Days without Divine Warrand : If any spake indiscreetly in their Sermons on that Day , themselves are to Answer for it : The Answer that he maketh the Ministers to give to the Council , is purely of his own coyning : If Civility ly in subjecting the Conscience to whatever Men shall please to enjoyn ▪ we willingly yeild to this Man and his Party , in that good Quality . His Second Instance , of what Mr. Areskine said , the Day after the Adjournment of the Assembly , is as little to the purpose : For what ever it may prove of Mr. A — 's dissatisfaction with what had past , it proveth nothing of Ru●ticity , on of our denying to them we converse with , the common Civilities due to Mankind Beside I deny that Mr. Areskine's words are here fairly represented ; and he is not no●● to Answer for himself : But they who heard him deny that he spoke such words His 3d. Instance is a gross Untruth , the Moderator said no such words as he alledgeth , That the Terms of Communion proposed by the King , for taking in the Conformists , was insolently rejected by all the Assembly , except Mr. Orrock ; is another Falsehood : For 1. The Consideration of this Matter never came before the Assembly : It was Referred to a Committee ; and the Committees Determination was never suffered by his Grace my Lord Commissioner ▪ to come before the Assembly . 2. The Committee did not reject these Terms of Communion , but agreed to them , provided they who should be taken in would explain some dubious Expressions in them , which they refused to do . Another thing he falsly asserteth is , That the common Discourse and Preaching of Presbyterians was , That King William designed to Dethrone King JESVS : That any Formula but the Covenant , was of the Devil 's making . I wish he could tell us who said so ; for we know them not . He saith also , That the who●● Assembly Protested against the King's Power to Dissolve the Assembly , wher● as many in the Assembly said nothing ; but were grieved for what others said , i● the manner in which it was spoken : And what was said , did no way amoun● to a Protestation ; but was an Assertion of the Churches intrinsick Power to mee● in her Assemblies . That they went to the Cross of Edinburgh , and took a formal Protestation against the King ; is so notoriously false , that all Edinburgh knoweth the contrary . It was indeed reported ( whether true or false , I know not ) that a certain obscure Person ( who he was , of what Principle , or whence he came , we know not ; or whether he were not set on by this Author , or some of his Gang ) on the Street , near the Cross , did Protest against the Dissolution of the Assembly ; But I hope the Presbyterians are not to Answer for every thing that is done at the Cross of Edinburgh . The several Stories P. 28. and 29. that he hath either Coyned , or pickt up from Men of the same Talent of Invention with himself , we are little concerned in . I am sure Presbyterians generally do Love , Honour , and Pray Cordially for King William , and do hope that as the the Lord hath made him an Instrument of Good for his Church , that so he will do still . He hath another Fling at them for not observing Anniversary Days , which he repeateth , it seems , for the sake of a new Notion that had come into his Head ; That we Preach an Anniversary Sermon on Mr. Heriot , because the Preacher getteth 5 lib. a new Hat , and Bible . I pass in silence his Mistake about the Reward for the Sermon , as not material . The real difference lyeth in this ; that the Days that we have refused to keep are holy Days , or pretended to be such , and separated by Mens Authority from the other Days of the Year : This that he objecteth , is not so ; only a Sermon is that Day Preached to put People in mind of the Works of Charity , in which the Pious Founder of that Hospital had been examplary . The rest of the Day is imployed as other Days are . He chargeth us with Disingenuity , Hypocrisie and Covetousness ( according to his Catholick Charity , which he elsewhere denieth to be in us ) his proof of this is , we are against Pluralities ; and yet Dr. Rule , Mr. John Vetch , Mr. William Vetch , Mr. David Williamson , Mr. John Dickson , are sueing for 5 or 6 Stipends at once : And Mr. Ki●ton in Edinburgh went to Marten where he had been Preacher , and got the Incumbent put out , and a Right to his Stipend , and to that in Edinburgh too . Answ. 1. I have heard indeed that one of these named did Petition the Lords of Council for one or two Vacand Stipends for one Year , to make up some great Losses that he had sustained ; what he obtained I am not certain . But even the motion was disrelished by his Brethren : But this is far from approving Pluralities where one Man taketh up yearly the Revenue of diverse places , by which a Minister in each of these places should be maintained . 2. Some of these whom he nameth are most shamefully abused by him ( for it seemeth he throweth his Darts at random not caring where they hit , if they light but on a Presbyterian ) Mr. David Williamson had no accession to this practice ; nor did Mr , Rule ever seek a Stipend , or receive any , except what fell yearly due , and when it was due , in the place where he laboured . 3. As for Mr. Kirton , the Stipend that became due to him at Marten , most of it he freely gave to the Episcopal Minister that was put out ; the rest to the Poor ; which this Author might have known by a Book , which he in this Pamphlet pretendeth to Answer . Another Story he hath to the same purpose of Mr. Anthony Murray , who is now at rest from his Labour , and whom he grossly belieth ; Mr. Murray having lived ( during his being put from his Charge , at Coulter ) in Dunsire , and Preached there : When he was to return to his own Charge , he got the half of 1689 , in Dunsire , and the other half of it in Coulter : Here is no plurality ; most of which he bestowed on the Poor of these Parishes ; for he was neither Needy nor a Niggard . The Episcopal incumbent in Dunsire , though put out , yet got the half of the Stipend of the Year 1691. The Story of Mr. George Johnston is too famous among us : He grew Rich by the beneficence of good People , who valued him highly for his excellent Gift of Preaching , and his good Conversation in all things else , only he overlooked in his Wife many Covetous Practices , which were a grief of Heart to Presbyterians , when they came to be known . The Passages at the dying Man's Bed-side , that our Author imputeth to Mr. Johnston , is a most wicked Invention : Such horrid Hypocrisy had been enough among Presbyterians to render a Man uncapable to exercise the Ministry . The Story of Mr. Balf●ur we deny not , but lament : He was for it Deposed by the Presbytry ; and for many Lords Days did publickly profess his Repentance at the several Churches where he had occasionally preached . as well as at Eccles , where he was fixed in a Meeting-house ; and yet this Author hath the Impudence to Charge Presbyterians with this blame , and to bring them in , excusing or extenuating it as a Slip of the Saints : I wish Scandals were as duely Censured among his own party . What he telleth us of Injury done to Mr. Heriot in Dalkeith , is abundantly Vindicated in a Paper Printed last year on that Subject ; to which I referr the Reader : He was first Deposed by the Presbytry , not for Dancing about a Bonfire ( tho that was mentioned also in his Lybel ) but for other Immoralities : He Appealed to the General Assembly , who referred his Case to the Synod ; they Examined it , and Ratified the Sentence . He made Application to the Privy Counsel , who desired the following Synod to review their own sentence : Which they did and again confirmed it . He hath taken it on trust ( because he hateth us ) that we are of a Malicious and crabbed Nature : And he strains at assigning the cause of it ; viz. that we never suffered Affliction : Which he largely insisteth on in his mocking stile : That the Godly Sisters supplied them so that they lived better than before : This our party needeth not be ashamed of : this Mocker would have Ridiculed Christ also , to whom Women ( the Godly Sisters that he flouteth ) Ministred of their substance . The Charity of his party is not so commendable by far . The Railing and Mocking that on this occasion he farther venteth , is not to be Answered but to be despised , as the the Froth of a Distempered Mind . It is not to be overlookt that he saith P. 84. that we disown the practices of the wild Men , and yet magnify that persecution that they underwent , as if we had shared in it , which we did not . Here are several Mistakes ( to use the softest words that such Absurdities are capable of ) first that we counted them all Wild Men who had an hand in the insurrections and suffered : We know many of them were Good and Sober Men otherwise , tho' in these practices we do not approve their conduct ; yet pity them , as being forced on these courses by the highest degree of Hardship , that they were put to for their Consciences . 2dly . That none but they who took Arms suffered any thing , how many were Fined in a fourth part of their yearly Rent for hearing one Sermon : How many intercommuned , Imprisoned , forced to flee , for not hearing ? Yea the spite of that party appeared more against the Soberest than against others . 3dly . These whom the Book that he ascribeth to Mr. Rule calleth Wild-Men , were a party which sprung out of them who took Arms , and disowned the Presbyterian Church as well as the Episcopal Men , and State : Of these indeed some suffered for disowning the Kings Authority ; but few in comparison of others . As for Mr. Wisharts Sufferings , we do not approve the severity that was used against him ; but do commend his Moderation and Charity after he was advanced : But I am sure many Presbyterians suffered as much , and shewed as much meekness to their Persecutors . He compareth the Meekness , and Moderation of Episcopal Men when in power , with the ingratitude of Presbyterians , who now are the Instruments of persecuting them that saved them : And he bringeth two instances ; one of a nameless person who informed against Mr. Monro of Stirling ; Another , of one Ronaldson against on Mr. Burnet , Minister at Cranston . I deny not but some few of the Episcopal Ministers had aversion from that horrid Persecution that their Brethren practised , and did some Acts of Kindness to some of the Sufferers ; and I am sure when these persons had to do with Presbyterian Judicatories , they had respect to them for that their Moderation ; but if one or two were not so thankful as was fit to their Benefactors ( which yet is not sufficiently prov'd by this Authors assertion ) the Presbyterians blame such Actions , and are not to be blamed for them . His citation out of Mr. D. D. Sermon , is Answered , as Another of the same persons above . He chargeth us that singly we condemn the proceedings of our party , But in meettings we approve them ; this is a gross Calumny ; if he can charge any individual among us with such disingenuous dealing , and make it appear in any particular Act , we shall blame such practices as much as he can ; but that he hath not attempted . In what remaineth of this Section , tho' there is nothing of truth , yet the Author is secure from a Refutation of his Lies ; because they are a bundle of Calumnies in general terms , without either instances , or any thing that looketh like a proof . That the Presbyterian Ministers do either Preach so fillily as he saith , or are deserted by their Hearers , or even by persons of the best Rank and Understanding , is most false : And I am sure their people are generally of better Morals than they are who leave them . That we condemn making use of Books in composing Sermons ; is false : We disprove Repeating of other Mens Sermons , as it is known some of their most eminent Men have done , and that ordinarily : But there is an other use of Books then Transcribing large parcells of them : If any of ours have done so , let them bear their blame ; I am sure it is not so common with us , as it is with his own party . After all these Falsehoods , he hath the impudence to say that these things are too well known to be denied among us : I appeal to all the Nation if ever they heard of most of his Stories , till his Book brought them to light ; yea it is known among us , that many of them are down right Lies . Our Author in his second Section ( having said so much against Presbyterians without Book in his first ) will now make surer work , and expose them out of their Printed Books , which every one may Read , and Judge whether he dealeth fairly with them or not . But even here his Candor will be found short of that which becometh a Christian ; for he chargeth some things on the Presbyterians , on account of things written by Men who were as opposite to the Sober Presbyterians as to Episcopal Men ; what is in others of their Books he doth often misrepresent . But the thing will appear more clearly in particulars , to be observed as we go along . The first he dealeth with is a Sermon of Mr. William Guthry ; who was an eminent Servant of God ; he hath now been Dead 20 or 30 years . The Sermon be saith is fall of Curse● , and he citeth one passage in it , which I am sure no Presbyterian will approve . He saith that Sermon is mightily applauded in the West . He is not ashamed to Reproach the Living and the Dead . For all that knew Mr. William Guthry , will averr that such horrid and rude expressions are not like to have dropped from his mouth . I have indeed heard of a Sermon that went under Mr. Guthries Name ; which was pretended to have been written from his Mouth , ( but by some ignorant and unskilful person ) and Printed without his Knowledge whether this may not be the Sermon he speaketh of I know not ; that Sermon I have never seen , and therefore cannot tell how faithfully the words are cited by our Author . And surely if the people in the West were so taken with it , we should have heard more of it , I cannot meet with any person who knoweth any thing of it . His next citation we are little concerned in , Mr. Walwood was one of the Hill Preachers who did not much favour the Soberer sort of Presbyterians ; neither do I know the truth of what is alledged , having never seen that Sermon . He cometh next to some of the Sermons that were Preached before the Parliament ( where he unmannerly and calumniously Reflecteth on a person of great worth , and Honour His Majesties high Commissioner the Earl of Melvill : others of them , which were also Printed , he taketh no notice of : He falsely ( as well as in a wickedly scoffing ( strain asserteth that these Sermons were carefully kept from Malignant Hands : For they were exposed to publick Sale , and called in the streets , as other Prints use to be : So that every one who pleased might have them . That these Sermons , Extol Presbyterian Government with Epithites due to the Gospel , as Christs Bride , &c. is impudently asserted : He is challenged to shew where this is done : They commend Christs Bride , Gods House &c. But do never give ground to think that they mean only of Church-Government , but evidence that they mean the Reformation of the Church , in Doctrine Worship , and Discipline ; whereof Presbyterian Government is but a part , and not the chief part : These Preachers spake to a Parliament who had under consideration the Christian Reformed Religion , contained in the Confession of Faith , and therefore had good ground to put them in mind of the great weight of what was before them , though Presbytry had deserved no regard . What he citeth out of Mr. Spaldings Sermon is very applicable to what I have mentioned : Indeed if the Reader will allow all this Mans glosses on these Sermons , and think that they mean whatever he fancieth , they may be lookt on as absurd enough : But let this be observed once for all , that tho' Presbyterians never thought that the whole of the Interest of Religion , nor the chief part of it , lay in the setting up Presbytry ; yet they look on it as Christs Ordinance and therefore the setting it up is one thing that belongeth to building of the House of God : And if he can disprove this Notion of things , let him produce his strong Reasons . He next dealeth with Mr. Rules Sermon : Where first he quarreleth with the Text , and from it observeth that their ( the Presbyterians ) Texts are generally out of the obscurest places of the old Testament , where an intelligent Reader will laugh at his Folly , unless he can make it appear , first that Mr. R. is Presbyterians in general , or either that he always hath such Texts ; or Presbyterians generally do as he did at this time , in chusing their Texts . 2. That Isai. 2. 2. is one of the obscurest places of the Old Testament . He next affirms that Mr. R. taketh it for granted that the Mountain of the Lord , there spoken of , is expresly meant of Scottish Presbytry : How he can make this appear is hard to guess : for no such thing is said , or hinted or implyed , in any part or passage of that Sermon : Yea nor is Presbytry so much as once mentioned , either expresly or by circumlocution in it , but what the Parliament is there exhorted to , is , to settle the true Religion among us , and to establish the Church in Purity : To which we deny not the setting up of Presbytry doth belong . It is then a strange notion that he hath , that to us , the only true Religion is Scotch Presbytry , but he thinketh his Tongue is his own , who is Lord over him . Let any Man read that Sermon , and compare it , with this Authors Marginal , and other Notes he hath on it , and he will find that the Man can find no way to reach it , but by his own Additions to it , not by any thing brought out of the Discourse itself : And it may be observed that in that Sermon the Preacher did purposely shun mentioning our differences ; but pressed in general a Reformation of the Church by Scripture , as may be gathered from the Conclusion of his Sermon in these words , I have not in this Discourse been very particular , in bespeaking your care and zeal for the things controverted among us : Partly because time doth not allow to insist on such Debates : And partly , because I am confident they were Men cordially for the advancement of the Life and power of Religion , they would readily fall in to accord about the things that have been the matter of our differences . These considered all his quibbles against this Sermon will evanish like Smoke . He useth this same quibbling way with Mr. D. Williamson's Sermon : Nothing that is in any degree to purpose he bringeth against it , save on passage . viz. That Presbyterian Government is no light matter it is an ordinance of God the Royal Diadem of Christ ; He was a Martyre on this head , for it was his ditty on the Cross , John. 19. 19. Jesus of Nazereth the King of the Jews . A. It is evident that Mr. W. doth there ( P. 17. ) speak in the general of a Government in the Church : And that Christ was a Martyr for his Kingly Office , one part of the exercise of which , is to appoint a Government in his house : And if we can make appear ( as hath been done by several ) that the Government of the Church by the parity of Presbyters is that Government which Christ insituted ● . And that this parity is observed in Scotland ; then it will follow that Scotch Presbytry ( which he is thus pleased to vilify ) belongeth to ( tho' it be not the whole of ) Christs Royal Diadem ; and that they who would set up another way do usurp upon the prerogative of Christ. The Sermon that he next maketh his Observations on , and that from P. 45. to 49 seems to be done ( if his Citations out of it be just , for I have not seen this Sermon ) by one of too hot a temper : And there are many things in it that the more intelligent and Sober Presbyterians do not own : Wherefore there needs no more be said in Answer to what he asserteth against us from that Discourse ; only on his Margine he taketh notice , that Mr. Rule ( for all along he is pleased to suppose him to be the Author of the Answer to the five Pamphlets ) denieth that it hath been used to take Parents engaged , when their Children are Baptized , to the Covenant . Mr. Rule ( or who ever be the Author of this Book ) saith only , that this is not the common practice in the Presbyterian Church now settled : And I do joyn with him in that assertion . Neither do I know the contrary , as this Author impudently imputeth to Mr. R. The next Book he taketh to task , the Hind let loose , we also disown , as done by one who then headed a party who separated from almost all the Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland : so that I have no more to Answer of his Book till P. 71 where he blameth us , that the Author of the Vindication disowneth that Book , and yet it was never condemned by any publick deed of the Presbyterians , A. Will this Author disown no Book written by an Episcopal Man , unless it hath been condemned by some publick Deed of their Church , I suppose he will not say so . No Church is obliged to condemn every faculty Book in particular : It is a sufficient general Condemnation of every errour , that a Church do approve the truth , and do not teach any errour . Before I pass from his Notes on this Book , I observe one Falsehood twice asserted ; viz. on the Margine of P. 56. and of 58. That the late Assembly refused , at King Williams desire , to admit any of the Episcopal Clergy with them into the Exercise of the Ministry ; and that they refused to receive them into any terms of Peace , and Communion . This I say is false ; For 1. The Assembly were not suffered to bring in the Resolution of their Committee about that Affair , nor to determine any thing in it . 2. Their Committee had concerted terms of Communion with these Men , but they would come into no terms with the Assembly : For they refused to explain any one word in that Formula which they proposed to the Assembly : but of this a little was said before , and more afterwards may be said . P. 71. He beginneth to deal with another Book , which he was pleased to make Mr. Rule the Author of ; though it hath no name prefixed to it ; with this Book he is very Angry , and doth what his witt and Malice ( which are very disproportioned ) can reach , to disparage the Author : That we do not much reckon upon ; for we defend not Men , but Principles . If Mr. Rule were the Author of that Book , and if he had leisure for such work ; it is like this Pamphlet had received a more exact Answer : The Book spoken of is , The second Vindication &c. in Answer to 5 Pamphlets . he giveth it a very slight Refutation , passing over the most material parts of it : And using his Critical skill about some few things which fall in on the By , or that he thought to have more advantage against . He begineth with P. 125 of that Book : where the Author had said , that none of the Ministers were Murdered by the Camer●nians ( for his words are not faithfully here cited ) he affirmeth that the Author knoweth that Instances might be given of Ministers Murdered by them . This is false , for we all know the contrary and it is strange that this Author should be so confident in this , when he knoweth ( if he read the Book that he refuteth any farther than here and there one Line of ten ) that the Author doth in the very next Line challenge his Antagonist to bring any such instance . And this Man saith instances might be brought , but attempteth not to do it . What seemeth to be the proof of this confident assertion is a notable instance of our Authors skill in Logick : It is confest ( postser : of 2d vindication ) that some Men and Women invaded the house of a Minister , tore off his Cloaths , and beat him on the Head and Legs , which looked but too like a design to Murther him . The consequent must be , E. they Murthered him : On this strong Argument he calleth the Authors Answers to what was charged on the Presbyterians , a Ridiculous disguising of what he could not deny : whether it be so or not , I hope Readers will judge , by comparing what is said pro & contra , and not take it on this Mans word : That Mr. P. refused to Answer the Pamphlets , because he found it impossible to speak any thing in their ( Presbyterians ) Vindication but what all Scotland knew to be false : This I say , is a bold assertion : Mr. P. expressed no such Reason for his Refusal : But this pretender can by guess , assign the most secret Reasons of things . He undertaketh to shew that in every page that Book aboundeth with scurrilous Railings , Untruths , Contradictions , and Nonsense : And will charge these on the whole party , because they enjoined the writting of this by him who did write it : This is like our Authors way of Reasoning . I am perswaded that one shall not find so much Nonsense in all that Book as he hath here presented us with : For what Sense is it , the party bid such an one Answer such ●amphlets E. all the faults in the manner of Writting are the blame of the whole party : If our Author would make it appear that the General Assembly enjoined the Answerer to Rail , write Lies , Contradictions , and Nonsense , then indeed he spoke to the purpose : If not , these Faults , if they be , are only chargeable on the Author ; as the halting of the Horse is on his being Lame , not on the Rider : And it is Nonsense to lay the blame on them who are so innocent . The first of these Accusations ( which he insisteth on P. 73 , 74 , 75. is Scurrtlous Railing . This he endeavoureth to make out , because Preface P. 1. he calleth Prelatists the Seed of the Serpent &c. let any one Read that Passage , and see whether either Prelatists be named , or the words can be drawn to signify either all Prelaticts , or that party in general . It is plain that they who are spoken of are a party of Men ( who it is like may be found among the Prelatists ) who had alwayes disquieted the Church of Scotland , and do now bespatter her with all the Calumnies they can invent : The Pamphlets Answered in that Book , and this , now under consideration , are a sufficient proof that such Men there are among them : Tho' we are far from thinking that all Prelatists are such : For some we know who differ from us soberly and maintain their Principles , not with such a Spirit as appeareth in this Pamphlet , but abhor such wayes , and are ashamed that their cause should be so patronized : This considered , all that he collecteth out of the Preface falleth to the ground : Men of his kidney , we say , use the stratagems of Heathens , Papists , yea that they do the Devils work ; and what followeth : if he can disprove this , let him do . What he saith of the Authors of their late Books being charged with some ill things P. 73 if they be not retracted by the Author of that Book , shall be disowned by us all , if they can be made appear to be either false or unnecessary truths , who could shun calling these things Lies , Misrepresentations , &c. which are manifestly such , and made appear to be such : let any impartial Reader compare what is said of these Pamphlets with the passages to which they are applyed , and we are not afraid to endure his Censure . We know Moses could be provocked : The Apostle Paul spake harsh words to one who endeavoured to Pervert the right wayes of God : And our Lord himself called some Men a Generation of Vipers . What he observeth out of P. 21. that it is said , that the Prelatical party is eminent for Spite is a Misrepresentation , like what hath gone before : It is said of his party , that it is a degenerate sort of furious Men ▪ that are a Reproach to either Episcopal , or any other party they own : And truly though i had not been said , this Book is a proof , that such Men may be met with in Scotland The same is Answered to what he objecteth out of P. 25 where Episcopalians are not so much as mentioned . What he citeth out of P. 51 I do not find , if I knew where else to seek after it , I should consider it : But if the Author he dealeth with have spoke so Reproachfully of any worthy Man , whose words are not manifestly such as he calleth them , let him hear his own blame . I wonder where the Contradiction lyeth between P. 146. that our differences are irreconcilable without the yeilding of one party ( these last words he leaveth out ) and P. 1. they own the same Religion with us : May not lesser difference be irreconcilable as well , as greater ? Are not many differences in Philosophie irreconcilable , and yet the persons differing may agree well enough , tho' not about that thing . Out of P. 168 he citeth these words Prelatists spend their short Glass : Whereas the words are his party spend — if this be fair dealing , let the Reader judge . What is said of a Snarling Cur , P. 191 , was but the expression of a just Indignation against a most vile Reproach cast on a person famous in his day in all the Churches , now when he hath many years been in Glory , what he ranteth with ( while he chargeth Ranting on others ) throughout P. 75 is not worthy of an Answer . P. 76 , He falleth on another head of the Faults he findeth with that Book : Whether it be the Falsehoods , or the Contradictions of it , is not easy to discern , he doth so jumble things together , but I shall take things as they come to hand . We disown that principle on which he saith much of that Book is founded , Dods you have been done by he might see ( sed impedit ira Animum ne possit cernere verum ) that that very Book doth blame the Rable who did to others ; but a small part of what they had suffered from them : And if it do at any time excuse them by their sufferings , so far as to say , that they were to be pitied , and that it was but suitable to humane infirmity : I hope this is far from establishing such a Principle as he mentioneth , or from building on it ; neither is their any ( much less a shameful ) Contradiction here , or at every turn . It is rather a shameful Ignorance of the nature of a Contradiction to assert this . If Cameronians be sometimes called Godly , and sometimes Wild and ungovernable : A Contradiction is easily shuned , unless both propositions were universal ; which neither is nor can be alledged : There are of both sorte among them : And we deny not but some degree of Wildness may consist with a degree of Godliness , though it is to be Lamented that they should meet in one person : It is not easy to determine what degree of Sinfulness ( especially that which consisteth in , or floweth from Errour in the understanding ) may consist with the least degree of Grace : Hence we have Charity to some Episcopal Men , who we think have made very foul steps . Another Contradiction he either findeth or maketh , is , Treating the Adversaries as Brethren , and at the same time calling them the seed of the Serpent , Devils , Drunkards , &c. What is more obvious to them who will understand , than that it is the Episcopal Party whom we own as Brethren , and would gladly engage to an Union with us , on good Terms : And yet there is a Party among them ( especially of their late Writers ) who deserve all these Epithites that are alledged to be given them ( only they were never called Devils in that Book ) save that his work of false Accusing is ascribed to them ; and if he pleaseth to draw this Consequence , they are false Accusers , E. Devils , we shall not reclaim . Yea , it is no inconsistency to treat these Adversaries civilly , and yet tell them what they say or do amiss , and that in plain and proper Terms . Another great Contradiction he bringeth , P. 77. I build not on Hear-say or common Fame : And I take many of the Matters of Fact from others : And the veracity of my Informers , not mine , is pledged for them . I wish this Author would study Logick before he would undertake to write Books any more . Where is the Contradiction between not asserting any thing on common Report , and building on a particular Report or Information : A Judge will not pass Sentence on a common Report . I have heard ; and it is reported , and an unnamed person told me so ; which is the strain of the Pamphlets Answered by that Book : And yet he giveth a Decreet on the testimony of particular Witnesses ; tho' he hath no personal knowledge of the matter of Fact. And why may not one who vindicateth others from false Imputations , disown the one way of procedure , and yet make use of the other ? It must likeways be a Contradiction with this Learned Author , That we do not interpose in the Affairs of the Church of England , tho' some of them have medled with ours beyond their Line ; and yet we call them Superstitious , Popish , &c. Hath he so little Witt , as that he cannot distinguish between telling our Opinion of a Way , and medling in the Affairs of them of that Way : the one is matter of Opinion , the other of Practice . We think the Popish Way is wrong , but we manage no Intrigues to pull down the Triple Crown , we leave that to them who are called by God for that work : Some of the Church of England have Consulted , and Contrived with our Enemies in Scotland , how to disquiet and over-turn us : We have done no such thing toward them . His Construction on our asserting , That the Covenant only Bindeth us to concurr with England when called by them , in the Reformation of the Church : is his own , none of ours : And will be despised by impartial Readers . He maketh it also a Contradiction , That King James Abdicated the Government , and that The Nation took away His Royal Authority . It is just such a Contradiction as to say , That a Man deserteth his Wife , and will not dwell with her ; and therefore she obtaineth a Divorce by Course of Law ; but these high Points I unwillingly medle with . That the Book he Refuteth sayeth any where , That we owe no Allegiance to King William , but in so far as he supporteth Presbytry , is denied : I wish he had cited the Page where such words were to be found . This will no way follow from what is cited out of the Acts of the Convention of Estates . For Episcopacy may never he restored , and yet Presbytry not supported . What he is angry with , as reflecting on Heredetary Monarchy , the Estates of the Nation must answer for it , not the Ministers of the Gospel . Another Contradiction he fancieth , P. 79. it is said in that Book P. 36. Parag. 11. Most of the Episcopal Ministers ( the words are , most of them who went out . For very many Episcopal Ministers neither went out , nor were put out ) were put out by their own Consciences ; for they deserted their Charges without threatning , sentence or Compulsion . And yet P. 26. it is owned the Presbyterian Rable did persecute and drive them away . A Child could tell him that there is no incoherency : for some left their charges the one way , and some the other way . But what most angereth him is , that it is said , these things were in an Interegnum . Which he saith is impossible in an heredetary Kingdom , where the King never Dyeth . Whether the Author of the 2d Vindication , spake properly in this , let Lawyers determine : I will not judge in such mat●ers : But I am sure there was then no exercise of Government ; either in the State , or in Church , which could take course with what was amiss ; and if the King cannot Die in Law ; how another could be set up , let the Estates of the Nation inform this bold Asserter , by defending their own Deed in a way suitable to their place : If our Foundations may be thus shaken , Impune , at the pleasure of Private Persons ; and K. ●'s Interest so plainly , and publickly pleaded for , under King W. the Government is in no safe Condition . It is said 2d Vindication , P. 26 , the oppressed people having Potentiam , tho' not Potestatem , it was not to be wondred at , that they relieved themselves : Whence our Author very wisely observeth ; it is no new thing for Presbyterians to think power a sufficient Call to Act Illegally : As if these were Equivalent Terms ; it is not to be wondred at , if such a thing be done : And there is a sufficient Call to do it : The one importeth no more , but that there was Provocation ; which we affirm that the Rable had , The other that they had warrant , and that they did well in what they did : Which was never Asserted in the Book that he Refuteth ; but often , and expresly disowned . He doth indeed make a real Contradiction ( which it seems he behooved to do ; for he could find none ) whereas he alledgeth that P. ●61 . it is said , in Galloway the Incumbents were generally driven away : And yet elsewhere , they deserted without Threatning , or Compulsion . The strength of this Contradiction lyeth in his leaving out half of the Sentence that he citeth ( by the like means he might make the Scripture speak Blasphemy : And so the Devil cited it when he tempted Christ to cast himself Headlong ) the Authors words are in Galloway the Incumbents were generally driven away , or Deserted . We have next P. 80 a horrible Contradiction : it is said P. 34 That the Rable went away from Mr. Skinners House after they had Eaten . and P. 27. they took the Poors Box by force out of the House of Mr. Russel , and yet it is said P , 29 , that they are misrepresented , when it is said that they did Eat and Drink at the Expence of them whom they Rabled : And that all the Reports of them , give account of their not laying their hands on the Prey Est. 2. 15. A. At Mr. Skinners House , they did Eat at the Invitation of the Mr of the Family : Neither did they any violence to that Family ; both which are expressed in the place that our Author citeth : But it was not fit to take notice of these Circumstances , for it would have spoiled the designed Contradiction : If he can instance , where they took Meat or Drink by force , than may be Glory in a Contradiction , at lest a Falsehood . For taking the Poors Box , it was not laying hand on the Prey ; for they offered Security , that the Box , and Money and other Utensils of the Church , should be safely kept , and restored to them who should be concerned in that Church : But this also must be overlookt for the former Reason : If he can make it appear , that they put any of these Goods to any other than the proper use , or disposed of them to themselves , he should say somewhat to the purpose . Yet another Contradiction , P. 80 ▪ it is said 2 Vind , P , 145. it is better that England and Scotland be not united , than that the Institutions of Christ should be thwarted ; And yet it is said , may not two Nations Trade together , and be Governed by the same Laws : And yet bear with one another , as to Church ways ? I confess my shallow wit cannot reach a Contradiction in these two Assertions . The Author is there Answering an Argument brought why Episcopacy should be the Church Government of Scotland , because without it we can not have a National Union with England ; and he bringeth these two Answers ; either of which is sufficient . If he think that the Author of the 2d Vindication meant , that England , and Scotland might be united in Trade , and Civil Government ; and yet not so united : Then certainly , either that Author or this , must be a very Dunse . On this occasion he asketh ; may not the West of Scotland , and the other parts of that Kingdom Trade together , and be Governed by the same Laws , And yet the West not impose their Kirk ways on the rest of the Kingdom : And here he Triumpheth , with a Responde Gilberte . — Some will think this fine Notion no great matter of triumph ; but rather it exposeth the meanness of the Authors understanding . I hope he will accept of a rational Answer , tho' it be from another hand then Mr. Rules , whom he there insulteth over . I say first ; there were no inconsistency , nor would imply both parts of a Contradiction , if Presbytry should be in the West , and Episcopacy in other parts of the Nation : tho' it might breed much breed much Confusion ; and were an irrational setlement , Scotland being one National Church . 2. The Reason why the same Government should be setled all the Nation over , is , because there is but one Government instituted , or warranted in Scripture . If our Rulers had other grounds for this determination , these do not weaken , but strengthen this . 3. It is false that the West imposeth on the rest of the Nation : The Law hath setled the same Church Government through the whole Nation ; and it is not in the West only that that Government is desired by Ministers and People . Amidst his pretended Contradictions he findeth P. 81. some other faults , with this Book , that it saith P , 151 , Presbyterian Government was setled by Christ : And this he doubteth whether it be an Oath , or not : but saith ▪ that it is an Oath is most natural to the words . An intelligent Reader will wonder how such a Construction could be put upon such words by one whose witt is not a wool-gathering : But his wonder shall be increased if he shall Read the whole passage out of the Book it self , which is , we desired to meet for other ends , than setling the Presbyterian Government , we know it was setled long before by Christ as his institution But fain he would disprove the truth of this assertion which he endeavoureth by two Topicks , well suited to the size of his Learning : The former is , he setteth down a most Ridiculous parcel of Arguments against Episcopacy ; which he saith , is our ordinary Cant : Can he produce any Author among us that ever used such a way of a Reasoning ? And this he is obliged to do , seing that which he professeth to be now on , is , to give some expressions out of their Printed Books , as the Title of this his second Section beareth : If the meannest of our party should talk at that Rate , we would sharply Rebuke them : If there be not on our side found stronger Arguments against Episcopacy , we shall yeild the cause . If he cannot tell us where these passages are to be found ( as he hath not done ) I leave to the World to pass a Judgement on his Conscience and Honesty ; I take notice of two things that he observeth , before I come to his other mighty Argument . One is , we never call the Apostle St. Paul ; because he never Swore the Solemn League and Covenant : This is to talk Ridiculously , I will give him better Reasons for this our Practice ( tho' we can bear with them that do otherwayes than we do ) one is we usually give that Glorious Instrument in the work of the Gospel , a more peculiar Title than that of Saint ; the Apostle Paul. Every Good Man is a Saint ; and every one Canonized is called Saint : But every one is not called an Apostle : Again the Title of Saint before the name of any person doth ( in the Popish Church from whence we derive this Custom ) absolutely depend on the Popes Canonizing that person , as that of Sir prefixed to ones name , on the Kings Knighting of him . They do not call a Man Saint only because he lived a Holy Life on Earth , and is now in Heaven : For then Moses , Aaron , David , &c. should have this Title prefixed to their Name , which the Men I now debate with will not allow , nor do they practise it . Farther it may be made appear that the Primitive Church did not thus Saint . Men , but when she also Worshiped them , and their Relicts . As the Learned Mede Comment in Clav Apocal●pt sheweth out of Surios in T : 6. No : 28. That when from Council : Constant : under Comstantin : Iconomach : Some were sent to convince Stephen the Monk , he accused them , that they had banished the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Saint , and would have these Holy Men called only Apostles and Martyrs . And Cedrenus telleth us , That the same Constantine made an universal Law ( which , saith Mede , was no doubt according to the Sentence of the Council ) that none of the Servants of the Lord should be called Saint , but that their Relicts , if found , should be neglected . Hence some will inferr , that the use of this Praenomen began with St. Worship , though afterwards it was confirmed by Canonization , as St. Worship also was by the Pope ; and therefore they ought to be laid aside together . It is true Mr. Mede laboureth to appropriate this Prohibition to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as signifying the honour of Intercession : But I would gladly know what other Epithete , which can betranslated St. they put in the stead of it . Neither do I find ground from any good Author that ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified an Intercessor , But enough of this Digression , which is sufficient to excuse Presbyterians , in this matter . Another thing I note on this first Argument of our Author , that he saith , the Author of the 2d Vind. from these ( viz. the senseless Discourse that he had framed for us ) and such like Arguments : Allows no Church , but the Presbyterian to be of Divine Institution ; and unchurcheth all the Episcopal Churches ; while yet he denyeth not Papists to be lawful Ministers . The absurdity of this Allegation is manifest to any that have Read the Book he mentioneth ; for from the beginning to the end of it , neither any of these Arguments , nor any such Arguments are mentioned , if he can point to the place where they are to be found , I shall bear what blame he pleaseth to affix upon me , on this account . The Conclusion also that he draweth from these , and such like Arguments is falsely , and Disingeniously ascribed to that Author : For no such Conclusion is to be found in his Book , we ever acknowledged Episcopal Churches ▪ to be true Churches , and their Ministers to be true Ministers . His other Argument is , if he can but refure the Learned Dr. Pearsons Defence of Ignatius Epistles , or shew us any authentick record , or received Antient History , that Presbytry was ever the Government of the Church ; than we shall yeild the Cause . If he will not be of our Opinion without this condition , let him even enjoy his own : For all that can be demanded that way having been abundantly done by several of our Perswasion : neither that Author , nor I , think it with our while to essay any thing farther for the sake of such a pitiful Pamphlets as this : But if he will please to Answer what our Men have Written ; it is like what he bringeth may be considered . It had been asserted by some of the Pamphleters Answered in the ●d Vind , that in stead of 14 Bishops , 60 were set up to Rule the Church : And he is pleased to call the Answer to this , Quibbles , but thinketh not fit to give any return to what is said in disproving of that absurd Assertion : And so the whole of it standeth in its intire strength : only he affirmeth that all there said dependeth on this Supposition , that the Parliament is the Church , because that the Parliament put the Government into the hand of those 60. It is strange that this Writter will needs have the Presbyterian Ministers , and Elders in Scotland , when the Government was setled by Parliament to be but 60. Where in the Book he pretendeth to Answer , it was told him that their Representative , the General Assembly , consisted of 116 Ministers , and 47 Ruling Elders ; and nothing said to disprove it : But some will keep to the Conclusion , let the premisses be what they will ; We are far from making the Parliament the Church : The Presbyterians had intrinsick Power to Govern the Church , and what the Parliament did was no more but allowing the Exercise of this Power , and adding their civil Sanction to it . P. 82 P. 83. He is very Angry with an Assertion , that We are for Moderation ; and on the contrary he bringeth a multitude of Accusations against us , partly false , and all of them abundantly answered , as of old ▪ when things were recent , so lately in the 1st and 2d Vind : To which Answers he doth not pretend to Reply any thing , but confidently repeateth the former Imputations . It is in vain to debate with Men of this strain , or to Answer what they say : I have seen some Scolds so insist , in spite of all Reason that could be brought against them : But for Men pretending to Learning to use such a Method , is not usual . He speaketh P. 83. of an Answer given in 2d . Vind : P. 157 about a Protestation given by some Presbyters against the King , and some Acts of Parliament . I have lookt over that Page , and some before and after it , and can find no such Passage : and therefore must leave it till he give us a more distinct Information about it . He findeth ( as he fancieth ) a plain Contradiction ; That it is said ibid : That the fatal Division about Protestation and Remonstrance was not so much as mentioned among us : And yet it was moved that some of the Sentences of the Remonstrators should be taken off What was moved in the Assembly was , That some Brethren had been deposed in the time of our late Differences , and these Sentences were taken off by other Judicatories , that this might be confirmed by the General Assembly , which was done . Is here any reviving of these Differences : If he Childishly lay the Stress on the Word [ mentioning these Differences ] he may know that old Debates are said not to be mentioned , when they are sopite , not contended about , nor do divide the Church into Factions ; though they be discoursed of , as things that once had a Beeing . He quarrelleth P. 84 , with the Constitution of the General Assembly ; but will not be at the pains to Answer what hath been answered to either himself , or some of his Brethren , making the same objection , in their former Pamphlets . It was a General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church , which had the ruling Power by Law , as it always had a Right to it by the Gospel . ●f he had proved that Fasting on the Lord's Day , is making bold with it , he had spoken somewhat to the next purpose he falleth on ; or that he could shew that Feasting is necessary on the Lord's Day , otherwise what he bringeth is not ad rem , What followeth P. 84 , 85. about Purging Work , is a piece of Booff●nry , and a taste of the Mans Spirit and Skill in Reasoning : For what he addeth about Complyers with Episcopacy , professing Repentance ; we do not controvert : Only it is seen since that time , that others have followed the Mans footsteps , of whom , he speaketh . What remains of his Observations on that Book , is , partly about the Witnesses that are brought on both sides , for the matters of Fact in Rabling . It was alledged in the 2●d Vind. that the Witnesses to attest the Rablings were generally the persons Rabled : We not only derogate from their Testimony on this account ; but we disprove what they affirm : On the other side , they are mostly other persons and if he can disprove what they testify , we shall , so far yeild to him . For his Gentry , or Ministers who are not parties in that particular ; we never rejected their Testimony ; except when he telleth us a Gentle Man , or Credible person , said so and so ; but we must not know who he is , nor enquire whether he said it or not . He next hath a long harangue to Ridicule Mr. Rule ; ( whom he will needs have to be the Author of that Book ) as commending himself , and that pretty odly . For his Vindication I recommend it to any who in this would be satisfied , to Read the Book , as to these passages Where he will find half Sentences , or passages dismembered without the antecedentia & consequentia , to give the whole an odious aspect . next that what was said ( whether by himself or another ) was se Defendendo : Or in defence of a Brother , who was ( in these things ) Reproached , and through his side the Cause that he owned was exposed the Apostle Paul is a precedent in that Case si liceat magnis componere parva . If the wrong numbering of the pages be taken notice of , for the Readers better direction , This cannot escape our Authors Critical Eye ; but must be placed among the Faults of the 2d Vindication . When he begun his Censures on this Book he promised ( magno hiatu ) to find , in every page , Scurrilous Railing , Vntruths , Contradictions , and Nonsense : For the ▪ 1st , and 3d , he hath tryed his skill ; but I hope without success : On the 2d head he hath said little ; but for the 4th , tho' that be the Talent they confidently ascribe to all Presbyterians , he hath not so much as attempted any thing . It were well if this would make them more Modest in their Censures of us . Mr. Meldrum is the next person he dealeth with ; whose letter ( annexed to the former Book , containing a vindication of himself from the false aspersions cast on him in the Pamphlets this Author would fain say some thing against : But findeth little matter for his Witt , and Malice to work upon : The 1st thing he quarrelleth is , a Complaint that the Pamphlets which Reproach him are spread in England and hardly to be found in Scotland : Which he excuses , because they have not the Liberty of the Press , nor importing such Books : And that some of them were taken in Berwick . A. These of their Railing Pamphlets which have been imported were never challenged ; none ever came to trouble for them , tho' we well know who brought them into the Country . The Books taken at Berwick were some Copies of a piece against the Civil State ; and striking at the Foundation of the present setlement . It was not Presbyterians that arrested them ; but those in chief Authority under the King , who are not all Presbyterians . Next he blameth Mr. M. for calling the Covenant a Sacred Oath : against which he Raileth , but doth not argue . I hope the want of the Kings Authority could not make the matter of the Oath to be bad , if it be otherwise good . Neither did the Covenant want the Royal Authority : The National Covenant was signed by K. I. and by C. 2. and the League and Covenant also by the Latter . Again it is said by Mr. M. that the submitting of some to Reordination is Scandalous All that he hath in Answer to this is , some of the Reformed French did submit to it , E. It is not Scandalous . If this be a good Argument I could tell him some of the French Protestant Ministers , and those of the most Eminent that came to England refused to submit to it , E. It is Scandalous ; His account of Subscribing a Paper that was said to be the Oath of Canonical Obedience , our Author is pleased to call Shufting and Shifting : And this is all the Refutation he thinketh needful to to that Discourse ; and so it standeth in its intire strength . That he lamented and yet continued in his Canonical obedience . Is an invidious Representation . He Lamented his signing of that Paper : he did nothing but what he thought himself obliged to though he had never signed such a Paper , which was not formal Canonical Obedience ; but performing of these Duties that his office obliged him to , tho' there had been no Bishop in the World. He putteth off all the rest of this Letter and the Book in which it is , by telling us it needed no Answer ; whether it be so or not , let the Readers judge . He now undertaketh another Antagonist , the famous Learned and Holy Mr Samuel Rutherfo●rd , who hath now a long time been , I hope , in Glory : And whose same shall remain in the Learned World , when the name of such an One as this Scribler shall Rot. Among the many excellent ●●rks of that Author , he singleth out his Letters ; which were written on several occasions , in a familiar ( but most Heavenly and affecting Stile ) to private persons , some of them but of ordinary Capacity , tho' of eminent Piety : And without any design of being made more publick then between the Writer and Receiver . These were many years after his Death collected , and printed by a great Honourer of Mr. Rutherfo●rd . In these Letters there are many passages that are expressed in words not very Common but very apt and significant , and many homely similitudes are used ; but these most plain and expressive of the thing designed . But I challenge this Moinus , with all his Critical skill , to shew any thing in them that is unsound , that is derogatory from the Majesty of God , or the Glorious Excellency of our Redeemer , or that tendeth to corrupt the Soul ; and not to engage it to Christ , and to the way of Holiness . There are indeed many passages uninte ligible by two sorts of persons , viz. by English Men , who are not throughly acquainted with our Language : And by Men who are unacquainted with the Exercises of a believing Soul , and its Communion with God in Christ : which I suppose gave the occasion of this Writters Laborious transcribing these passages . There are many who speak Evil of the things they know not . Let them who are acquainted with the Mystery and power of Religion , consider these Letters , and I am perswaded that , so far as they understand the Language they are written in , they will have other thoug●ts of them than this Author hath ▪ In the end of these citations , our Author hath one short observation , which if ye will believe it ( and ye have his word for it ) will make all these Letters most absurd : that is P. 95 all that is meant here by Christ ▪ is Presbyterian Government . If Presbyterians know , nor mind no more of Christ but that , Let them be hissed at and abhorred by all the World ; can the Man who uttered this word have any regard to Conscience , or Credit ? Is he to be lookt on as one who understandeth what he re●deth , or careth what he saith ? And not rather as a prophane Mocker whose Bands shall one day be made strong ? He concludeth this Section with our Principles about Civil Government , which he proveth out of some passages in publick Papers in time of the late War between King and Parliament . These were the effect of the unhappy differences , that then were ; which were man●ged by Statesmen , and these not all Presbyteri●ns : and the Church , that was drawn along with them , did not consist of Presbyterians wholly ( tho' that was then the publick profession ) as did appear when Episcopacy was after set up . What he citeth out of the Hind let loose , and Jus Populi , we will not Answer : For these Books were never owned by all , nor the generality of the more judicious Presbyterians . I now proceed to his third , and last Section , in the former of which he hath made a Collection of Notes of Sermons ; a●d in the latter of passages in Prayer said to be uttered by Presbyterian Ministers . I joyn these Sections together , because they contain things of the same nature , and the Answer to them is the same . To examine all the particular stories here set down ( considering to what distant times and places they relate ) would take much time , much pains , and also no small expence , for intelligence : And when all this were bestowed , the result would not be Operae pretium ; tho' we should find all to be Lies ; for many of them carry their improbability and falsehood in their face , and will be believed by none who is acquainted with Scotland nor by Strangers who have not enslaved their Credulity to a party , whose work it is to disparage their Opposits , and to get esteem to themselves ▪ by Lies and Forgeries , Nor can the impudence of this Author , expressed P. 116. in his asserting the truth of what he hath writen , be able to impose upon judicious and unbyassed persons . I shall not say , that all that he hath here narrated is Lies , and pure Forgeries ; ( tho' I solemnly declare that I know not any one passage among them to be folly true , as he relateth them ; nor can I meet with any person who hath such knowledge of them ) for I know there are among us some who are not : so polished as they should be , who may be guilty of some expressions that are rude , unexact , or too course or bald , and unbesee●ing the gravity and greatness of Gospel Truths . But I gladly would know what party of Men are , or ever were in the World consisting of so many Individuals , among whom some such might not be found . I am sure the Episcopalians cannot pretend to it : if we were disposed , so to imploy our selves ( but we abhore to ●ake in such a Dunghill ▪ we could muster up as long a list of passages , unbecoming the Gospel● and that without Lying or Forgery ; I do not say we could equalize him for vile , and absurd Stories : For I do not believe that it is incident to Men who bear the Christian name , or that ever stept into a Pulpit in Scotland , to speak some of the things he here relateth : and therefore we will not vie with him in the Talent of Writing at this rate . But we could make it appear that his party hath no cause to Glory over ours , in the matter of freedom from indecencies in Preaching and Prayer . Wherefore it is evident that the tendency of this part of his Book is to expose his Nation to the contempt of Strangers ; yea to make the work of Preaching Ridiculous to a profane , Atheistical Generation ▪ who already misregard it The Stories that he ( with the help of a Cabal of the same spirit with himself ) hath collected for P. 116. he mentioneth the Collectors of these Notes are not all alike absurd , some of them being horrid Blasphemies ; others Ridiculous Nonsense ; some false Doctrine : Some scurrilously obscene ; and there are some which have no other evil in them , but that the manner of expression is undecent , and too mean. So what is here narrated is not equal , as to truth or ground and occasion given for such Stories . Sometimes he disguiseth what was truly said , and putteth it in another dress , to make it Ridiculous or absurd : others he maketh up , by tacking 2 or 3 passages together , which might be spoken at diverse times , and diverse occasions , and little harm in them : but when blended into one , they appear odd and become unsavoury . Others again are pure fiction , and no occasion given for such Report ; but the witt of the Caball is both Father and Mother to them , and this Scribler is the Midwife at least . If I give a few instances of this kind , and bid him ( or any else ) defiance to prove them by any credible Testimony , I hope the Reader will think his whole Collections sufficiently discredited , and this part of his Book refuted . I give for instances two Stories of Mr. Kirton , P. 105. another of his P. 107. and of Mr. Kennedy , Ibid. also these of Mr. Artkine , and Mr. Kirton P. 108. and one of him in the top of P : 110 , and the 1st two of him P. 111. that Prayer of Mr. Blair P , 113 , and especially what the Author affirmeth that several in the Meeting-Houses of late have made use of the same expression : That Prayer ascribed to a head of a Colledge , P. 114. and that which followeth , beginning , Good Lord what have ye been doing &c. That Prayer about the Election of Parliament Members at Edinburgh , P , 115. and the 1st of Mr. Areskine , Ibid , that of Mr. Rule Ibid , that Prayer of the Minister at the Dissolution of the Assembly : I might mention abundance more of them , which are as false and groundless Forgeries as ever were uttered by any Tongue : But these may suffice for a taste of the honesty of this Author , and his Collectors . What followeth in the last page sheweth to what an height of Boldness one may come in averring known falsehoods , when he is left of God , to invent and spread them . Hence this Author hath the Brow to say these are but a few of many thousand instances and that these are dayly used in their Preachings and Prayers : Also , that though Strangers will hardly believe these , yet they who are unfortunatly bound to converse with them are sadly sensible that all is true . And that many of the worst expressions are purposely left out : And this forfooth , under pretence of tenderness to offend the Ears and Eyes of Modest Readers , ( O horrid Hypocrisy ) and that thousands in Scotland of the best Rank and Reputation are ready to attest these . Also , that Presbyterians will not deny what they so much Glory in , viz. This extraordinary way of Preaching and Praying , which they think an excellency and perfection , and call it a Holy Familiarity with God ; and a peculiar priviledge of the most refined Saints . Not one word of truth is in all this : The Presbyterians are so far from Glorying in such Praying and Preaching , that they abhore it , and Judge , that they against whom such things can be proved , ought to be severly Rebuked for the least of these : And for others of them , cast out of the Ministry and no more be suffered to profane so Holy a Work , as Preaching is . APPENDIX OUR Adversaries are not satisfied to Reproach us at Home , and in England ; but it seems have made it their Business to misrepresent us all the World over , as far as the publick Intelligence can reach : Therefore have they prevailed upon the Simplicity and Credulity ( if it may not be imputed to a worse Quality ) of the publick News-man , who writeth the Monthly Mercury in his News for April 1692 ; first to belie , and then to rail upon , the Presbyterian Church of Scotland with open Mouth : The former in his Historical Part , the other in his Reflections , P. 147. and 149. If the Writer be ignorant of the unhappy Division , and Difference of Parties , and Sentiments that are now in Scotland , such ignorance rendereth him unqualified for his Undertaking : If he know these things , he must either be strangely byassed to the one side ( and that side they every one knoweth is not generally inclined to the Interest of King William and of the Vnited Netherland , but rather to that of King James and of France ) or he is wonderfully receptive of whatever is told him : None of which are proper Inducements for an Historian ; especially such an one as maketh so bold with all Affairs . Sacred and Civil , as to subject them to his criti●al and decisive Conclusions , and who so Magisterially passeth Sentence about them . If what he writes about Scotch Affairs , in the places above mentioned , be duely considered , and if Men will receive due and imparti●l ●nformation about them , it will be enough to discredit all that he hath written ; unless he make a publick Recantation of the Injury he hath done to a whole Church ( and consequently to the Authority of King and Parliament , who have thought fit to Own that Church , and Establish her by Law ) which hath deservedly been famous among the Churches of the Reformation ; To receive all his Informations from one side , and neither to consider the probability of the matter , nor to hear what the other Party hath to say for themselves , is such a Conduct as is intollerable in one who pretendeth to inform the World of the Truth and Certainty of all Occurrences . I intended farther to expose this Author , but hearing that by his Death we are out of hazard of being Injured by him a second time , I onely shall give a true Account of what he hath misrepresented : And for some other Reasons I shall forbear a more full narrative which once was intended . He saith P. 147. That a Synod of the Presbyterians in Scotland , met ( I suppose he meaneth of the General Assembly , which was indicted by Royal Authority , with consent of the former Assembly , which begun at Edinburgh January 15. 1690 ) that they came to some Heats in that Assembly ; so that the Earl of Lothian , finding their Heats increase , dissolved the Synod . Here are two palpable Falsehoods in one Breath ; One is , That they came to Heats in that Assembly ; and that these Heats increased . Nothing could be affirmed with less semblance of Truth . I believe seldom have so great a body of Men met about so weighty and difficult Affairs , among whom less did appear that could be called Heat . They had no Heat with the Episcopal Men , who made Address to them ; but treated them with all Respect and Civility , ( which they themselves did publickly acknowledge ) tho' they could not yield to what they demanded , for good and weighty Reasons , which they gave for their determination . Neither was there any Heat among themselves , but did Brotherly debate Matters in the Committee , and concluded on what Course should be taken : In the Assembly it self , the Matter was not so much as debated : The Opinion of the Committee not being brought in before they were dissolved . The other Falsehood is . That the Earl of Lothian dissolved the Assembly on account of their Heats . This is so far from Truth , that his Grace never complained of any Heats , nor mentioned any such cause of his dissolving them , but only that they had sat long , and had not brought their Business to a period . There was indeed some confusion at the dissolution of the Assembly , by a Cry that was raised in the House : but that was the effect of the Dissolution ( or rather of the manner of it ) not the moving Cause . The Mercury doth farther Injure the Church of Scotland , in the Remarks that he maketh on his own false History : Calling the Presbyterians A Terrible sort of People , that for the most part we find nothing in their Assemblies but Disunion , Discord , and a Spirit of Persecution . No Answer is fit for such an indefinite Charge against a whole Church , but to deny the truth of it ; and bid defyance to her Adversaries ( whose Tool this Man was ) to prove what they lybel against her : Every one will see that this pitiful Historian hath brought nothing that can bear such a Conclusion . It is also too great Impudence and Petulancy for a Stranger to talk at this rate , against a Church so much honoured by all Learned and Good Men , who have known her , or her Principles and Way ; and that on so slender Ground , as the Information of her sworn Enemies : And when even what Account he hath given ( which is wholly false ) if true , could not amount to what deserveth such a Censure : What if they had unreasonably refused Communion with a sort of Men who had stept out of the way , and who generally had so heavily persecuted them ? Is this the whole of their Actings in their Assemblies ? Make they no good Acts ? Do they nothing for bearing down Sin and advancing of Holiness ? He next compareth them to the Priests of Spain , and saith , They would erect an Inquisition Tribunal if they were not restrained . If the Tongue and ●en be let loose at this ra●e , the best of Men shall be made as black as Hell , by such scandalous Libellers , Can he tell us what is in our way that is like the Inquisition Tribunal ? Whom have we Imprisoned ? Whom have we Burnt , or Fined , or Banished ? What Civil Punishments have we inflicted ? Or have we Censured any person for Truth ? Or forced any to tell the secret Thoughts of their Heart , and then taken their Lives for them ? But why do I take so much notice of his spite against us : It is also spued out against Protestants in general ; and these in other places as well as Scotland . What Religion he was of for his Principles . I know not ; but I am sure in this Narrative , and Censure , he hath not shewed a Christian Spirit . How odiously doth he compare the Presbyterians in Scotland , and them who adher●d to the Synod of D●rt in the Netherlands , with the Bishops and Clergy of France . Did ever either of these endeavour the extirpation of them who differed from them ; and that by so Bloody and Barbarous Means as was the French Dragooning . The Scots Presbyterians and the Reformed in Holland● must also be like the Jesuites , who keep up the War between the Emperour and the Pope . But wherein , I pray you , lyeth this Similitnde , do any of us medle in the Affairs of State , or in the making of Peace or War ? Do also the Ministers of Holland intermix in these Affairs ? The design of all this Clamour is evident to be that the Church , as well as the State , should give a vast Toleration , and that of all kind of Opinions and Church Practices , that the Presbyterians should allow them who are for the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy to Govern the Presbyterian Church ; and suffer Arminians to Teach , and spread their Doctrine in the Congregations which are intrusted to the care of the Presbyterians , and of whose Souls they must give an account : And the Ministers of Holland should allow Arminians to be Ministers and Elders , to Teach and Rule their Flocks . And that it is not enough that they do not trouble them while they seduce their own followers ; but they must incorporate with them , as one Body , both for Teaching and Ruling ▪ And nothing will please this Man but the Magistrates persecuting the Church , unless she will take Vipers into her Bosom . We plead not that Ministers may be suffered to do what they please ; as he invidiously representeth the Matter : If Ministers transgress the Laws , let them be punished : If they oppress their Neighbours , let them be restrained . But it is no good service to the interest of Religion , to stir up the Magistrat to restrain the Church from exercising that Government and Discipline that Christ hath instituted , and the Law doth allow . It may rather be said , That it will not be well with the Reformed World , if one of this Man's Temper be suffered to write what he pleaseth ; and that as the publick Intelligence . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57858-e7540 This was written long before his ●eath . 
A05535	----	A true narration of all the passages of the proceedings in the generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland, holden at Perth the 25. of August, anno Dom. 1618 VVherein is set downe the copy of his Maiesties letters to the said Assembly: together with a iust defence of the Articles therein concluded, against a seditious pamphlet. By Dr. Lyndesay, Bishop of Brechen. Lindsay, David, d. 1641? 1621 Approx. 817 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 223 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05535 STC 15657 ESTC S108553 99844211 99844211 9002 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05535) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 9002) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 806:14) A true narration of all the passages of the proceedings in the generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland, holden at Perth the 25. of August, anno Dom. 1618 VVherein is set downe the copy of his Maiesties letters to the said Assembly: together with a iust defence of the Articles therein concluded, against a seditious pamphlet. By Dr. Lyndesay, Bishop of Brechen. Lindsay, David, d. 1641? Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. Perth assembly. [28], 136, 152, 125, [3] p. Printed by William Stansby for Ralph Rounthwait, dwelling at the signe of the golden Lyon in Pauls Church-yard, London : 1621. A reprinting of and reply to: Calderwood, David. Perth assembly. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. -- Perth assembly -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Church of Scotland. -- Articles of Perth -- Controversial literature. Perth Assembly, Perth, Scotland, 1618 -- Early works to 1800. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-08 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-08 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRVE NARRATION OF ALL THE PASSAGES OF THE PROCEEDINGS IN the generall Assembly of the Church of SCOTLAND , Holden at PERTH the 25. of August , Anno Dom. 1618. Wherein is set downe the Copy of his MAIESTIES Letters to the said ASSEMBLY : Together with a iust defence of the Articles therein concluded , against a seditious Pamphlet . By Dr. LYNDESAY , Bishop of Brechen . PROV . 24.21 . My Sonne , feare thou the Lord , and the King , and meddle not with them that are seditious . IOHN MORRIS . LONDON Printed by William Stansby for Ralph Rounthwait , dwelling at the signe of the golden Lyon in Pauls Church-yard . 1621. TO THE REVEREND AND GODLY BRETHREN , The PASTORS , and MINISTERS of the Church of SCOTLAND . AS in our Church ( blessed be God , ) touching the truth of Doctrine , there is no controuersie , so there is no doubt ( deare brethren ) but in the controuerted points of Policie , wee would soone agree , if wee did consider what is the power of the Church in these matters , the extent of her power , and the obedience that is due thereto : therefore concerning these , I haue thought mee● to vse this short Preface vnto you . Albeit all things necessarie to the worship of God , and mans saluation , bee eyther expressely , or by necessarie consequence , contayned in the written Word , yet the particular circumstances of persons by whom , place where , time when , and of the forme and order how the worship and worke of the Ministrie should be performed , are neither expressely nor by necessarie consequence set downe in the Word : but for determination of these , some generall rules are giuen , according to the which the Church hath power to define whatsoeuer is most expedient to be obserued , and done for the honour of God , and edification . This is a prerogatiue wherein the Christian Church differs from the Iewish Synagogue , as is manifest in euery one of the particulars aboue expressed . First , as touching the persons , in the Iewish Church , they who were imployed in the Ministrie , were particularly designed to bee Leuies Tribe : In the Christians Church neither Family , Nation , nor People , is separated for the worke of the Gospell , but the qualities , graces , and gifts of men meete for the sacred seruice , are onely set downe , and it is in the power of the Church to trie the persons particularly in whom these graces and gifts are , and accordingly to elect them . And albeit the function wherevnto they are called be diuine , yet the bounds within which , and the persons towards whom the same must be exercised , is limited by the Church , which hath diuided national Churches in Prouinces & Dioceses , and Dioceses in Parishes : so as both the election of Ministers , and the limitation of their jurisdiction , is from the power of the Church . This the Apostle calls the measure of the Canon , which God did measure out to him , beyond the which , he did not reach in his Apostleship : and such a rule , and measure should euery Pastor in the Church haue , beyond the which , hee ought not to passe , entering vpon other mens labour . As the Apostles had their measure distributed to them by God , so now euerie Pastor hath his bounds designed by the Church . Secondly , vnder the Law , albeit the Iewish Church had libertie to build Synagogues for their ordinarie meetings on the Sabbath to prayer , and reading of the Law : yet the place , where the chiefe , and solemne worship of God was performed , was first the Tabernacle , and the Temple , both built by Gods owne speciall direction , and hauing the principall parts of his worshippe so appropriated to them , that in another place , the same might not be performed . But as vnder the Gospel men shall neither worship God in this mountaine ( saies our Sauiour ) nor in Ierusalem , but the true worshippers shall worship him in truth and spirit , the Christian Church hath power according to that Apostolicall Rule , Let all things be done decently , and in order , to make choice of a place conuenient , within the bounds of each Parish , for the meeting of the faithfull to performe all the points , and parts of Gods worship : and ●his place being built , and dedicated to the worship of God , may not bee condemned , neglected , nor profan●d , but freq●ented , and kept for religious vses . Not that wee est●●me that there is any more holiness● in it , then in another place or that Gods presence , and so his worship is an●●xed more to that place then to another , but to the end religious Seruice may be performed decently , and in order , this is done . Thirdly , vnder the Law the chiefe parts of Gods worship were astricted to certaine set times , & festiuities , & lawfully could not be performed on other daies : but vnder the Gospel omnis dies Domini est , omnis hora , omne tēpus habile est diuino cultui , as Tertul. in his book de Baptismo witnesseth ; and Esay prophecied in his 66.23 . From one Sabbath to another , and from one New-moon to another shal all flesh appeare before me , saith the Lord. Thus the Apostles ceassed not to teach daily in the Temple , & from house to house , the Doctrine of Christ. S. Paul taught in the Schoole of one Tyrannus for the space of 2. yeres daily , and as one of the Greeke Editions hath it , from the fifth houre to the tenth . On the Iewish Sabbath , which is our Saturday , he taught often in the Iewish Synagogues . And Epiphanius records , that Christians kept their conuentions on Wednesday , Friday , and Sonday , by Apostolical tradition , and example . S. Augustine affirmes , That in his time men receiued the Sacrament euerie day . Our owne Church , besides the Lords day , hath appointed other houres and times for diuine Seruice in great Townes , as houres for Morning and Euening Prayer euery day , for Preaching , and interpretation of Scripture , such other times as they hold to bee conuenient . Thus is it manifest , that the Church hath power to appoint other set times besides the Lords day , for his seruice , as wel by the liberty which God hath giuē to his Church to come , and worship before him euery day , as by the practise of the Apostolicall , and Primitiue Churches . Yea further , the Church hath power to appoint religious exercises , and certaine speciall parts of diuine Seruice to be performed in the times , which shee thinkes most expedient for edification . So hath our Church bin accustomed to appoint particular Scriptures to be interpreted vpon the daies so called of Exercise ; and by the first Booke of Discipline , euery Pastor is ordained to teach in his Congregation on the Sondaies at afternoones certaine heads of the Catechisme : Likewise to minister the Sacrament of the Communion vpon the first Sondaies of March , Iune , Septemb. & December . It was the custom of the Church of Geneua , in the daies of I. Caluin , to celebrate that holy action vpon the day of the Natiuitie , which wee call Yule , and vpon Easter day which we call Pasche . The ground of this power is first , the abolishing of the New-moones , Festiual daies , and Sabbaths by the coming of our Sauiour , in whom the body of all these shadows is : and next , the libertie giuen by God to the Christian Church mentioned by Isaiah , as ye heard before . For as by the first we are freed from the bondage of the Law , and the obseruation of the set times therein prescribed ; so by the second , all times are sanctified to the worship of God , in so farre , that the Christian Church may make choyce of any time in the weeke , any day in the moneth or yeere for their publique meetings to his worship . And as for the Lords Day , which hath succeeded to the Iewish Sabbath , albeit God hath cōmanded to sanctifie it by the publike exercise of religiō , yet neither is the whole publike worship nor any part of it appropriated to that time , but lawfully the same may be performed vpō any other conuenient day of the weeke , of the Moneth , or of the yere , as the Church shall think expedient . Vpon this ground Zanchius affirmed , Ecclesiae Christi liberū esse , quos velit praeter dominic . dies sibi sāctificādos deligere . And by this warrant did the primitiue Church sanctifie these fiue anniuersarie dayes , of Christs Natiuitie , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and the Descent of the Holy Ghost . Where it is obiected , that it is onely proper to God to make holidayes , I answer . That it is onely proper to God , to make times , and places holy , by appropriating to them a diuine worship , which may not bee performed lawfully , but in these places , and on these times ; such as the Tabernacle , and Temple , and the Iewish Festiuities vnder the Law were : for vnto them was appropriated by God a worship , which might not be performed on another day : and so these dayes did not only belong to the worship as meere circumstances , but were proper parts or points thereof , and could not bee omitted , without marring of the whole action . In which respect , these dayes were holier then other dayes , because a part of Gods worship consisted in obseruation of them . Such holy dayes the Church cannot make . But to make times and places holy by consecration of them to an holy vse , the Church hath power : for the dayes that she appoints are obserued only for order , and policie ; and haue no relation to the worship performed on them , as any Rite or religious Ceremonie belonging necessarily to the integritie thereof . The Natiuitie of our Sauiour may bee remembred , and publike thankes giuen to God therefore vpon any other time as well , as vpon the twentie fiue of December ; likewise the Passion , Ascension , and the rest of these benefits : yet wee remember them at certaine set-times , not because the times require such a worship , or the worship such a time to the integritie and lawfulnesse thereof , but to the end the worship may be performed orderly once euery yeare , in euery place vpon one day , that all people , wheresoeuer they be , at home or abroad , may bee instructed , and admonished to prayse and magnifie the grace of God , and goodnesse of their Sauiour . Herein the reformed Churches differ from the Papists , who Iudaize in obseruation of those Festiuities , because they professe to obserue them , not for order only , but esteeme them to be sacratiores & sanctiores alijs diebus , & pars diuini cultus , which we doe not . For the Lords Day , it hath succeeded to the Sabbath , and is holy by diuine Institution , hauing for euidence and confirmation thereof , both a morall Precept , and the exemplarie practice of Christ , and his Apostles in Scripture . In the forth command , after the labour of six dayes , the seuenth is appointed to bee sanctified in memoriall of Gods rest from his six dayes worke ; and the particular day , not being expressed in the command , was notified to the people either by the exemplary practice of Moses , and the Church in the Wildernesse , or by tradition of the Fathers going before , if so it be , that from the Creation that day was obserued . Now after the legall shaddowes are abolished , whereof the Iewish Sabbath was one , if any will demand what day must bee obserued in the Christian Church , wee answere , that questionlesse for the quotient of the number , the day cannot bee altered , which by the Law is appointed . Heauen and Earth shall perish , but one iot of the Law shall not perish . Our Sauiour came not to dissolue the Law , but to fulfill it . In the Law wee heare that God rested the seuenth Day , that he blessed and sanctified it , and there is a libertie giuen to labour six dayes , but the seuenth is commanded to be kept holy : so howbeit the Iewish Sabbath which was the shaddow , be materially abolished as touching the particular Day , yet the Day commanded in the Law , formally must remayne , and euer be the seuenth after six dayes worke . But if yee will aske , seeing the seuenth Day in particular is not expressed in the Law , and that day which the Iewes obserued , is abolished by Christ , as the shaddow by the body , how the particular and materiall Day may bee knowne , that the Christian Church should obserue ? Vnto this we answere , that the particular Day was demonstrated by our Sauiours Resurrection , and his Apparitions made thereon ; by the Apostolicall practice and the perpetuall obseruation of the Church , euer since that time , of the Day which in Scripture is called the Lords Day , as that , which the Iewes obserued was called the Lords Sabbath ; because as the one was appointed by the Lord , for a memoriall of his rest , after the Creation , so the other was instituted by the Lord for a memoriall of his Resurrection after the Redemption . For this wee must hold as a sure ground , whatsoeuer the Catholike Church hath obserued in all Ages , and is found in Scrip●ure expresly to haue beene practised by Christ , and the Apostles ( such as the sanctification of the Lords Day ) the same most certainly was instituted by the Lord to bee obserued , and his practice in that is exemplar , and hath the strength of a particular precept . Hereby it is manifest , that the sanctification of the Lords Day is of diuine Institution , as well by reason of the diuine Precept , commanding the seuenth Day in generall to bee obserued , as of the diuine practice of Christ , and the Apostles their specifying the Day , which hath the force of a particular diuine Precept . In respect whereof , the obseruation of this Day is a point of diuine Worship , and is holy , not by Ecclesiasticall Constitution , but by diuine Institution . Moreouer this Day is holy by appropriation of it to a certaine religious vse , whereunto no other Day can be applyed , namely , to bee a memoriall of the Lords rest after the Creation , and of his Resurrection after the Redemption : As also to be a signe of our sanctification here , and of our glorification hereafter , as is manifest by the words of the holy Ghost , Exod. 31.13 . It shall be a signe betweene me and you , that I the Lord doe sanctifie you : and that of the fourth to the Hebrewes , A rest is left to the people of God , wherein we should studie to enter . For this wee must hold , that whatsoeuer vse vnder the Law , was proper to the Iewes Sabbath , wherein now vnder the Gospell both Iew and Gentile haue interest , remaynes yet proper to the Lords Day that succeeded thereto : And in that respect , this Day differs from all other Dayes being obserued not for policie and order only , but for diuine institution , and the religious vse whereunto it is appropriate , that is , to bee a memoriall , First of the Creation , as hath beene said , because after our sixe dayes worke , we rest on it , being the seuenth , as God did from the workes of the Creation : Secondly , of the Redemption , because on it the Lord arose , and perfected that worke : and thirdly , to be a signe of our sanctification , namely , that God , who hath chosen and sanctified vs to be his people , and whom we worship , is God the Creator , who in sixe dayes created the World , and rested the seuenth ; and God the Redeemer , who rose on this Day , and hauing abolished sinne , and death , did bring in righteousnesse , and life ; and God the holy Ghost , by whose power hee did rise , and by whose power we hope also to be raised againe . Vnto this holy and religious vse , this Day is appropriated , whereunto no other Day besides can bee applyed . That to conclude , the Church hath power to appoint times , for the publike worship of God , and to appoint such a kind of worship , as shee thinketh most expedient to bee vsed on these times for edification ; although shee hath no power to make the obseruation of any time , a point of Gods worship , or to appropriate thereto any part of his worship . Finally , to end this point of the power of the Church , when the people are conuened in the ordinarie place , and at the times appointed , the Scripture hath not set downe , whereat the Pastour should beginne , how hee should proceed , and wherewith hee should close vp this Seruice : as whether hee should beginne with singing of Psalmes , or praying , or reading , or preaching ; and when hee prayes , with what petition he shall beginne , what he shall subioyne next , and so forth : what order he shall obserue in baptizing and celebration of the Supper , in Marriage , in censuring of notorious offenders by Excommunication , in Absolution : and to bee short , in all such other points of Doctrine , Discipline , and Diuine Seruice , there is nothing particularly prescribed . Although the substance of all be in the Word , yet the order , disposition , forme , and manner are left to be determined by the Church . Many of which points , are of farre greater moment , then any of the Articles concluded at Perth . Thus much for the power of the Church . We come now to the extent of this power . It is certaine , that this power cannot reach to any thing essentiall or materiall in the worship of God : but to the decencie , and order only , which is to bee obserued for edification in the circumstances aboue specified ; Let all things bee done decently , and in order , saith the Apostle . The things themselues that are to be done , are partly specified in that same Chapter where this rule is giuen , and in the word else-where , they are fully and particularly expressed , and not left to be prescribed according to the will and iudgement of the Church , but by this Precept a power is giuen only to the Church to prescribe the decent manner , forme , and order how they should be done . And so to determine the circumstances which are in the generall necessary to bee vsed in diuine worship , but not particularly defined in the Word . So by warrant of this Precept , the Church hath no power to forme new Articles of Faith , new Precepts of Obedience , new Petitions of Prayer , new Sacraments , or new Rites , and Ceremonies , such as Salt , Oyle , Spittle , Chrisme , Ashes , holy Water , Lights , and innumerable such other things ; which cannot be reduced to any circumstances , that in the generall are of necessary vse : wherein the Church of Rome abusing her libertie , hath laid vpon the Christian Church a burthen of Rites no lesse intollerable then the Legall Ceremonies , yea , and haue imposed them to bee obserued , not onely as things belonging to policie , and order , but as parts of diuine worship , which we of the reformed Church reiect , esteeming all that to bee will-worship , which men impose to be obserued , as necessarie points of the seruice of God , which himselfe hath ordayned in his Word . Further , because the Ceremonies and circumstances left to the determination of the Church , cannot alwayes be one and the same , by reason of the diuersity of Ages , Times , People , and Nations , touching them no constant Law can bee set downe , as is acknowledged in the one and twentieth Article of the Confession of our Faith confirmed by Parliament ; but altered they may be , and altered they should be , when necessitie requires : In which case Charitie ( sayes Caluine ) can best iudge , what is most expedient , Hanc si moderatricem patiemur , salua erunt omnia . The power of the Church being thus limited , it is without controuersie , that the Canons made by her touching the circumstances that in the generall are necessary for the worship of God , ought to bee obeyed so long as they stand vnchanged or abrogated : not because they contayne in them any substantiall or materiall part of Religion , or that they haue in them any diuine Authoritie , as the Commandements of God , which in conscience bind to obedience ; but because in them an order is established tending to vnitie and peace , whereby confusion , scandall , and Schisme is eschewed : and because the power of the Church , whereby these Lawes are made , is the Ordinance of God , and confirmed by the authoritie of his Word , commanding vs to obey them that are set ouer vs in the Lord , the Canons of the Church must be obeyed , for reuerence of the Ordinance and Commandement of God , which is the onely direct and immediate obiect of our conscience , and the religious band that tyes vs to the obedience of euery humane ordinance for conscience sake . But because many excuse their disobedience with a pretext of conscience , I will shortly set downe the rules of conscience , that by the Word of God we are obliged to follow in our actions . The first is , whatsoeuer is commanded , or forbidden in the Word expresly , or by necessary consequence , ought to be obeyed . The next is , whatsoeuer is commanded or forbidden by the Lawes and Ordinances of our Superiours Ciuill or Ecclesiastique , the same , if it be not contrarie to Gods Word , should be obeyed , by reason of his expresse command ; Obey them that haue the rule ouer you , and submit your selues , Heb. 13. And againe , Submit your selfe to euery ordinance of man , for the Lords sake , 1. Pet. 2.13 . To this appertaynes lawfull customs hauing the force of a Law , where there is no written Law. Thirdly , touching things that are free , and are neither determined by Ciuill nor Ecclesiasticall Constitutions , we haue this rule : Let euery man stand fully perswaded , in his owne minde , that he may doe or omit that which hee intends , without the offence of God or his Neighbour , but hee that doubts is damned , for whatsoeuer is not of Faith , is sinne , Rom. 14. These are the rules of conscience set downe in the Word , concerning which it is to be obserued , that the first rule is absolute , and the second and third subiect to it . The Lawes of men and their opinions must be tryed , and iudged by the Law of God ; for as the Apostle sayes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , We must obey God rather then men . As for the priuate iudgement of euery mans conscience , it is subiect to both the two former rules . That the iudgement of our minde must giue place to Gods Law , no man doubts : And that it ought to giue place vnto Constitutions Ciuill or Ecclesiastical , no man should doubt , that knowes how God by his Word hath ordayned , that euery soule should be subiect to superiour powers . It may be obiected , What if wee doubt , whether the thing commanded in the law of man bee lawfull and expedient , may wee obey thus doubting , seeing the Apostle sayes , that Whatsoeuer is not of Faith is sinne ? Vnto this the answer is easie ; first , touching the lawfulnesse of that which is commanded in a Law , no man ought to doubt , except hee bee able to proue euidently that the Law is vnlawfull by the Law of God ; which if hee doe , hee must follow the first rule , and rather obey God then men . Next , as for expedience , Rom. 14 : The things committed to the iudgement of our conscience , and which according to our faith and perswasion wee ought to doe , or omit , are not things determined or concluded by any diuine or humane Constitution , but such things as are free and indifferent , which a man may freely elect or reiect , doe or leaue vndone , without transgression of any Law Diuine , Ciuill , or Ecclesiasticall . In such things , the Apostle willeth euery man to follow that which hee thinks most expedient for edification , and eschuing of scandall . Where a man hath not a Law , his iudgement is the rule of his conscience ; but where there is a Law , the Law must be the rule . As for example , before that Apostolicall Canon that forbad to eate bloud , or strangled things , euery man might haue done that which in his conscience he thought most expedient , according to the circumstances of times , places , and persons . In presence of the Iewes hee might haue abstayned from these things , if in his heart hee thought it most expedient , for eschuing their offence : Contrariwise , in presence of conuerted Gentiles , he might haue eaten , if hee esteemed , that by his abstinence they would haue taken offence , and doubted of their Christian libertie ; but after the making and publication of the Canon that inioyned abstinence , the same was to rule their consciences . And therefore , after that time , albeit a man had thought in his owne priuate iudgement , that to abstayne from these things was not expedient , because some by his abstinence might haue taken offence as before ; yet in that case he ought not to haue eaten , because now the will of the Law , and not the iudgement of his owne mind , was the rule of his conscience . Neither was hee now to respect the scandall , because it was remoued by the Law : for , by obedience to a lawfull Ordinance no man giues scandall , and if any take offence , both the cause and occasion thereof is the peruersnesse onely of the person offended . Tertullian saith well , Res bona neminem offendit , nisi malam mentem , that is , A good thing ( such as obedience ) can offend no man , but an euill minde ; which must bee reformed by good information , and not by disobedience , which confirmeth errour , and causes rebellion . Caluin in his 363. Epist. written to Oleuian , giues many reasons , wherefore the comfort of the Sacrament ought not to be refused to the sicke in time of extremitie , and declares that in his owne iudgement , he thought it expedient not to refuse the same ; yet he subioynes , Scis , frater , alium esse apud nos morem : fero , quia non est vtile contendere , that is , Yee know , Brother , wee haue another custome : I beare with it , because I thinke not good to make contention . Here Caluin preferreth the custome of Geneua to his owne iudgement , and will leaue that vndone which he thought expedient to be done , rather then by doing it , and infringing the custome of the Church , to make contention . What then , shall wee doe ill , that good may come of it ? for is it not euill to omit that which we thinke expedient to bee done , and that ought not to be refused , to the end good may come of it , namely , peace preserued , and contention eschued ? To this I answer , The euill which the Apostle forbids , is a thing simply vnlawfull in it selfe , and not that which in one respect may be expedient , and in another inexpedient : As to giue the Sacrament to the sicke is expedient for their comfort , but to giue it contrary to the order of the Church , is not expedient . In things of this nature , Ex duobus malis , minus eligendum est , that is , Of two euils the least must be chosen . It is euill to refuse the comfort of the Sacrament to the sicke , but it is worse to giue it against the custome of the Church , and make contention . I must therefore in this case choose the least euill , and not giue the Sacrament , because thereby the greater euill being eschued , the lesse ceasseth to bee euil , and becommeth good . It is doubtlesse an euill thing to cast our goods in the Sea , but it is worse to lose our liues : Here the least euill is to bee chosen , for the eschuing the greater , and in that respect it ceasses to be euill . Thus the rule holds in all things of this quality , when that which is euill is not vnlawfull and vnhonest , but vnexpedient and vnprofitable . And so to returne , Caluine for this cause preferres the custome of Geneua , to his owne iudgement in a matter of expediencie : for it is euer more expedient to obey a Law , and keepe a lawfull Custome , then to doe a thing thought more expedient , if it cannot be done , but by an open breach of the Law : because thereby the Law must be brought in contempt , priuate opinion preferred to publike authoritie , and so confusion , contention and Schisme brought in ; and order , peace , and vnitie shoot to the doore . To conclude , in matters of expediencie , where a Law is set downe , if wee make not the Law the rule of our obedience and conscience , but our owne priuate opinions and conceits , then must we with the Anabaptists disproue and condemne all sorts of Gouernment , and liue like lawlesse Libertines , euery man following his owne conceite ; whereunto it is certaine the peruersenesse of our nature carryes vs , that is alwayes prone to rebellion , and therefore easily drawne thereto with any shew of reason , pretext of conscience and religion : which the Penner of this pestilent Pamphlet considering , intends with Lyes , Calumnies , Falshoods , craftie Cauillations , Threatnings and Terrours of Oathes , Promises , and Subscriptions , to deceiue the simple , stirre vp the Seditious , confirme the Rebellious , & to beare down the Truth , his Maiesties Authority , the Power of the Church , and all that loue Order & follow after peace . To obuiate this his seditious and malicious purpose , it was not onely expedient , but necessary , that this answere should bee made , which by the grace of God , shall giue such satisfaction to all good and vpright hearted men , as they shall preferre the iudgement , determination , and lawfull Constitutions of the Church , to the singularitie of their owne , and other priuate mens opinions ; order to confusion , peace to contention , and vnitie to schisme : aswell for the feare of God , who hath giuen power to his Church to set downe Lawes for order , and decencie , and hath commanded vs to submit our selues thereto ; as for obedience to the sacred will of our most gracious Souereigne , at whose instant and earnest desire these Articles being found lawfull were concluded , and are now commanded to bee practised . When Dauid would haue gone out against Absalon , hee was stayed by the people , who esteemed his life more worth then a thousand of theirs : So should euery good Christian esteeme of the loue and fauour of the Prince towards the Church . Salomon sayes , that the wrath of a King , is the Messenger of Death , and like to the roring of a Lion , which a Wiseman will pacifie , and not prouoke : and that his fauour is as the cloud of the latter raine , and as the dew vpon the grasse . The truth of this is manifest in the Stories of the Church : what comfort the fauour of Constantine the Great did giue to the Christian Church , may be seene by the barbarous and cruell persecutions of the Emperours that went before . The euils , troubles , and calamities that the Church of England endured in the dayes of Queene Marie , declared what benefit they enioyed by King Edward her Predecessor , and Queene Elizabeth her Successor . The beastly crueltie , and massacres vsed in France vnder the Gouernment of the Predecessors of Henrie the Great , hath made manifest to the World , what wracke and misery the discontentment , and offence of Princes ; and how great blessing and felicity their loue , and fauour produces to the Church of God within their Dominions . What need wee to goe further then the Scriptures for examples to this purpose ? therein wee see , that as the Church decayed vnder wicked and idolatrous Gouernours , so did it euer reuiue , and flourish vnder religious and godly Kings . We stand much vpon the offence of people , and esteeme greatly of their fauour , wherein I will not say we doe euill ; but should wee put their fauour and offence in ballance with the fauour , and offence of him whom God hath annointed and appointed to be the nursing Father of this Church ? In whose loue we haue found by experience , and daily findes greater benefite and good for the aduancement of true Religion , then can bee expected from many thousands of our best Professors ; let be at their hands , who in Religion like nothing well but contention , whereby they make their aduantage one way or other , as they are inclined , delighting to fish ( as the Prouerbe is ) in troubled waters . It is often obiected , that the chiefe cause of our yeelding at Perth to the fiue Articles , was the respect we had to the fauour of the Prince , and the feare of his wrath : against my selfe in particular it is falsly obiected by the penner of this Pamphlet , that I confessed , we had neither Reason , Scripture , nor Antiquitie for them , yet to diuert the Kings wrath from the Church , yeelding was best . The truth is , at that time I spake only of kneeling at the receiuing of the Communion , and said no more then I haue set downe in print in that Treatise which I published for kneeling , in the last words of the first Section of the first Chapter , and in the first Section of the second Chapter at the beginning : this was , That neither Scripture , Antiquitie , nor Reason doe enforce any necessitie either for lying , sitting , standing , or kneeling at the Sacrament ; and that all these gestures being indifferent , I held it most expedient to yeeld , and not to striue with our gracious Souereigne for a matter of that nature , repeating this Verse , Cedere maiori virtutis fama secunda est : Illa grauis palma est , quam minor hostis habet . This I said at that time , and so yet I thinke , that to eschue the Prince his offence , and to keep , confirme , and increase his loue and fauour towards the Gospell and the Church , was a respect and cause great enough wherefore we should haue yeelded vnto his Maiesties desire in matters indifferent ; against the lawfulnesse whereof , nothing hath beene , or can bee obiected , which is not , and may not be easily answered . Against the expediencie , the feare of scandall was and is all that could be pretended ; which if wee were peaceably disposed , might haue beene , and yet may be very easily remoued : and therefore such a feare ought neither to haue impedite our yeelding at that time , nor our obedience now . We are exhorted by the holy Ghost to feare God , and obey the King. Where obedience to the Prince may stand with Gods feare , it ought to bee preferred by euery good Christian to all other respects , and especially by the Pastors of the Church , who should as lights goe before others both in doctrine , and example , chiefly , when peace and vnitie may bee procured and preserued in Gods house by our obedience . For vnitie , wee should bee ready to lay downe our liues , as well as for veritie , which Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria writing to Nouatus , affirmed , saying : Oportuerit etiam pati omnia , ne scinderetur Ecclesia Dei , & erat non inferior gloria sustinere martyrium pro eo , ne scindatur Ecclesia , quàm est illa , ne idolis immoletur . Immo secundum meam sententiam , maius hoc put● esse martyrium : ibi enim vnusquisque pro sua tantùm anima , in hoc verò , pro omni Ecclesia martyrium sustinet . That is to say ; It behoued thee to haue suffered all things , that the Church of God should not haue been rent , & it had bin no lesse glorie to haue sustained martyrdome for this , that the Churches vnitie might haue beene preserued , then for refusing to sacrifice vnto Idols . Yea in my minde , this is a greater martyrdome : for in that euerie man suffereth for his owne soule onely , but here , hee suffers martyrdome for the whole Church . This was the iudgement of that holy Father . who esteemed it a glorious martyrdome to suffer for the vnitie of the Church . Contrariwise , the Donatists did glorie in this , that by their sufferings , they entertained Schisme and diuision , confirmed the hearts of the simple ▪ and supe●stitious , in their errours ; acquired to themselues the renowne of Martyrs , and thereby brought vpon the Church the imputation of persecution . To whom S. Augustine answers , That they complained most vniustly , that they were persecuted by the Church , because the Church was more heauily persecuted by them : and thereupon in the eleuenth Tractate vpon S. Iohn sayes , Albeit Ismael was cast out of his Fathers house , for Isackes sake , yet the Apostle calls not Isaack , but Ismael , the Persecutor . In his Booke intituled , De Vnitate Ecclesiae , against Petilian the Donatist , he writeth thus : Grauius persequitur filius patrem male viuendo , quam pater filium castigando : & grauius ancilla Saram persecuta est per iniquam superbiam , quàm eam Sara per debitam disciplinam : & grauius Dominum persequebantur propter quos dictum est , Zelus domus tuae commedit me , quàm ipse eos , cum eorum mensas euertit , & eos flagello de templo expulit : that is to say , The sonne persecutes the father more grieuously by his wicked liuing , then the father doth the sonne by inflicting due chastisement . And Agar the Hand-maid did persecute Sara her mistresse more spitefully , by her vndutifull pride , then Sara did her by vsing due discipline . And they of whom it was said , The zeale of thine house hath eaten mee vp , did persecute the Lord more cruelly , then hee did them while as he ouerthrew their Tables , and droue them out of the Temple with scourges . And a little before in that same place , he affirmes , that they were the persecutors of themselues by the Apostles words : Qui resistit potestati , Dei ordinationi resistit : qui autem resistunt , ipsi sibi iudicium acquirunt , that is , He that resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God , and they that resist draw punishment and iudgement vpon themselues : and often repeateth this sentence , Non poena , sed causa facit martyrem , It is not the punishment , but the cause that maketh martyrdome . To resist a lawfull ordinance , is euill : to suffer contumeliously for disobedience is worse ; but by disobedience and contumelious suffering to confirme People in their errours , and rend the bowels of the Church our cōmon Mother , is worst of all . These things , I shall beseech you Brethren to ponder ; and the Lord giue vs all in meekenesse , and humilitie , to trie what veritie requires ; and holding that fast , to keepe the vnitie of the Spirit in the band of peace . The God of veritie and peace knit vs together in his truth , by the Spirit of his Sonne Iesus Christ our Peace . AMEN . Dauid Brechen . To the Reader . THou hast here , gentle and courteous Reader , a true and simple narration of the proceedings of the last generall Assembly kept at Perth , opposed to the false and lying Discourse made by the Libeller against the same ; with an answer to his Nullities ; the Oath , and Arguments propounded against the fiue Articles there concluded . These paines are chiefly taken for thy information , that thou mayest know the truth and vnderstand both the matter , and manner of proceeding in the said Assembly . Since that time , I heare they haue put the Pamphlet in Latine , and set forth other Libels full of impious and reproachfull lies against the principall men of our Church . These I haue not seene , and if I had , I would not haue deigned them any answer . For , when leauing the matter , they fall a rayling at the persons of men , that are their betters in all respects , they shew the weaknesse of their cause , & deserue nothing of wisemen , but contempt . This manner of doing is better replyed with the Pillorie , then otherwise . Wee know the eares of many are open to admit detractions , and he liues not , that is not hated by some , who will readily beleeue the most false things : yet , Wickednesse hath not so generally preuailed in the world , nor are we so vnknowne in it , as wee neede any of vs to feare their defamations . If thou , notwithstanding , doest think that such Libels require an answer , I aske thee , How shall it be done ? I know no way my selfe , but eyther to vse Apologies or recriminations . And this last were not difficile to doe : for though the Writer goeth namelesse , the Faction to whose pleasure he writes is knowne , and they that sport themselues with such libels , sending them from hand to hand , as matters of some worth . Their persons we could easily pay home , and repone true things vnto them in stead of forged , telling them no other matters , then haue beene tried , confessed , and publiquely acknowledged by those that are hottest in this businesse , of themselues : but these are the weapons of the vulgar , which we disdain to vse , & vltio haec , Christiano homini maxime indecora . As for Apologies , the Wise man saith , That they leaue suspitions in the Readers mind , & plures Sermones prouocant , & plurium : The best Apologie against calumnies , is , conuitiatores factis refellere . Luther , Caluine , Beza , the great lights of the reformed Church , and our owne Knox , had many foule aspersions cast vpon them whilest they liued ; yet did they not faint in their course , nor do they now heare the worse for them , with posteritie . Fame is not at mans disposing : and if any amongst men haue power of it , in nostra manu est , as one speakes , bene vel secus audire . We therefore resting in the goodnesse of our cause and conscience , will keepe silence , and not vnderstand such things , passing little with the Apostle to be iudged of them , or of the day of man. He that iudges is the Lord , who will lighten things that are hidden in darkenesse , and make the counsells of the hearts manifest : And then shall euerie man haue praise of God. To his grace I commend thee for now and euer . AN ANSWER TO THE PREFACE DIRECTED TO THE READER . THE PAMPHLETER . THE externall worship of God , and the gouernment of the Church ( gentle and iudicious Reader ) are like Hippocrates twins ; they are sicke together ; in health together ; they liue together ; they die , and dwine together . ANSWER . The externall worship of God , and the gouernement of the Church , are neuer matched in Scripture as one twin with another : But the gouernment whereby the order , decency , and puritie of the worship is preserued , is sometime compared to a Wall , or an Hedge ; wherein breaches may be made , either by persecution of open enemies without , or by contention of seditious brethren within , and thereby the beautie of the worship defaced : Thus for a time they may bee sicke , and dwine together , but they shall neuer die till the world be done ; all the enemies of God shall perish , but this Kingdome shall endure for euer : In this they differ from Hippocrates twins : and herein standeth the consolation of the Church against her feares without , and troubles within . PP . As long as the gouernment of the Church of Scotland stood in integritie , as it was established by Lawes Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall , according to Gods Word , so long was the worship of God preserued in puritie . ANS . The gouernment of our Church established by Lawes Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall , according to Gods Word , standeth now , praysed be God , in as great integritie , and the worship of God in as great puritie as euer it did . Sed ructare licet cacostomacho , but a windy breast must haue leaue to belch : Non nostri faciunt tua quod tibi tempora sordent , Sed faciunt mores , Caeciliane , tui . PP . Since the former gouernment was altered , and the insolent domination of Prelates hath entered in by vnlawfull meanes amongst vs ; Popish Rites , and superstitious Ceremonies haue followed , and are like to preuaile vniuersally . ANS . The former gouernment is not altered , that is , either corrupted or abolished , as you insinuate , but is perfited by accession of the ancient order , which hath beene euer in the House of God since the Apostolicall times , and was embraced at the reformation , in Anno 1560. and continued in our Church in the persons of Superintendents and Bishops , till the yeare of God 1581. after that time , it was borne downe , till the yeare of God 1598. then it beganne to bee restored , and hath entred in amongst vs by the conclusions of generall Assemblies , and Acts of Parliament , which none but lawlesse Libertines will esteeme vnlawfull meanes ; nor the function thereby established an insolent domination , but the licentious who delight in confusion , and detest order . The Rites and Ceremonies which haue followed , shall be better cleered by the grace of God from Superstition and Popery , then this Pamphlet of your● from Schisme and Heresie . PP . They haue verified in their persons their common tenent , No Ceremony , no Bishop . ANS . The tenent is true , for where there is no Ceremonie , there can be no externall worship of God , more then a bodie can bee without dimensions ; and consequently where there is no Ceremony , there can be no Church , no Bishop , no Pastor . PP . The liberty granted to our Church to indict , and hold generall Assemblies from yeere to yeere , and oftener prore nata , was the chiefe bulwarke of our Discipline ; this bulwarke was broken downe , to the end a more patent way might be made for their exaltation . ANS . So long as this liberty preserued the ancient Discipline , and Gouernment of the Primitiue and Reformed Church in the persons of Super-intendents and Bishops , it was a good bulwarke : but when it was licentiously abused , to ouerthrow that which it had formerly maintayned , and to stop the way whereby it might be lawfully restored againe , the licentious abuse was to be restrayned , and order taken , that it should not impede , but further the worke , for the which it was appointed . PP . When vote in Parliament ( the Needle to draw in the thred of Episcopall authoritie ) was concluded to the great griefe of the sincerer sort , many protestations were made , that no alteration in Discipline or Diuine Seruice was intended . ANS . That the Church , which hath euer represented the third Estate of the Kingdome , was restored in the persons of Bishops , according to the fundamentall Lawes to haue vote in Parliament , could bee a griefe to none sincerely affected , either to the Weale of the Countrey or Church : and as protestations were made , that no alteration tending to corruption , either in Discipline or diuine Seruice was intended , so none hath followed , but such as tendeth to the confirmation and perfection of both . PP . Many cautions and limitations were made to bound the power of the Minister voter in Parliament . ANS . The limitations and cautions which were agreeable to reason , and might stand with the power of the person voter in Parliament according to Law , haue beene inuiolably obserued . PP . They were ordayned to bee countable to the generall Assemblies , for the manner of their entrie , and behauiour in this new Office ; but like Bankrupts , not being able to render account , they laboured that no account should bee made at all : that is , that there should be no ordinary generall Assembly to take account . ANS . No man can bee lawfully ordayned to bee countable to these of his entry and behauiour in his Office , who professe themselues enemies to the Office it selfe : Such were the generall Assemblies , which ye call ordinary , consisting for the greatest part of the sincerer sort , to whose great griefe you say , the power to vote in Parliament was concluded : reason therefore would , that to such a Iudicatory no account should haue beene rendered at all . Not because they were bankrupts , as you calumniously alledge , but for the professed enmity and iniquity of the Iudge ; whereof his Maiesty hauing proofe before , when the ancient Gouernment of Bishops was abolished , did now prudently prouide , that no generall Assembly should be conuocate without his Highnesse speciall licence , lest thereby the restitution of that Gouernment intended by his Maiestie , and happily begun before his Maiesties preferment to the Crowne of England , might in his absence bee crossed and ouerthrowne ; by the which prouidence of his Maiesties wisdome , that plot was preuented , and your purpose disappointed : Hinc illae lachrimae : and this is that causeth you to rage and raile . PP . Some few extraordinary Assemblies haue beene conuocated of late yeares at their pleasures , and for their purposes , and according to their deuice constituted as they thought good : wherein they procured , or rather extorted with terror , and authority a sort of preheminencie aboue their Brethren . ANS . If ye call these extraordinary Assemblies , which by his Maiesties License and Authoritie were conuocated , the Councell of Nice , and the most famous Councels of the Church , must bee counted extraordinary . And in these Assemblies no preheminence was granted to Bishops , but such as Bishops had euer in the Primitiue Church , and such as the Super-intendents , and Bishops had before in our owne reformed Church ; which beeing lawfull in it selfe , needeth neither by authoritie to be procured , nor by terror extorted from godly , prudent , and peaceable Brethren . PP . They were Lords in Parliament , Councell , Session , Exchequer , Lords of Regalities , Lords of temporall Lands , Presenters to Benefices ; Modifiers of Ministers stipends ; grand Commissioners in the high Commission ; was it wonder then if so great Commanders , commanded the Assemblies constituted , as is said , and carued to themselues a spirituall Lorship ? when , &c. ANS . The power , authoritie , and credit , which was expedient for the time to be in the persons of some Bishops , was neither imployed , nor needed to be imployed , to command these Assemblies , which were constituted of the most graue and godly brethren of the Church , who against Law and conscience would not haue beene commanded either by Prince , or Prelate . Neither in these Assemblies did they carue to themselues any spirituall Lordship , for they acknowledge no man to haue spirituall Lordship ouer the Church , but the man the Lord Iesus ; him they preach the Lord , and themselues the Seruants of the Church for him . PP . When their worthy brethren were banished , imprisoned , confined , or detayned at Court , that they might the more easily effectuate their purposes . ANS . Their worthy brethren I may truely say , were banished , imprisoned , confined , and detayned at Court sore against their wils : who wish that good brethren , then had beene , and now were lesse addicted to singularitie of opinion , and more inclined to the peace & vnity of the Church : And that they would put difference , betwixt indifferent things in Discipline , and doctrinall points ; and consider that in the one we must stand for veritie , and in the other for expediencie , which changeth with times , places , and occasions : That the forme of gouernment meete for a Parochiall or Diocesian Church , such as Geneua or Berne , is not fit in all respects for the vniuersall or for a Nationall Church : That at the beginning of the reformation , sundrie circumstantiall Ceremonies were changed , or abolished for Superstition , which now tending to edification , and preseruation of Gods worship from prophanenesse , and to make conformitie and vnitie , both with the Primitiue , and reformed Churches , may be lawfully and profitably receiued : That antiquity in such things , and vniuersall consent not repugnant to veritie , is farre to be preferred to new and recent conceits , and customes of priuate persons , and Churches . These things the Bishops would wish from their hearts had beene , and were better pondered by brethren ; and that for such matters , wilfull contradiction , bitter contention , and disobedience had not brought them vnder the censure of the Lawes , and power of authoritie . PP . They haue broken the caueats made with their owne consent , violated their promises , and haue sought preheminence both in Church and Common-wealth , with the ruine of others , and renting of their mothers belly . ANS . Neither haue yee , nor can yee alledge any promise made by them violated , or caueat broken , that hath not beene abrogated by posterior Acts of lawfull Assemblies , as beeing contrary to the lawfull power of their calling . Neither haue they sought preheminence in Church nor Common-wealth , but that which according to Lawes Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall , belongs to their Function . The restitution whereof , if they had not craued , they had beene Traytors both to the Church and Common-wealth ; against the which some brethren standing out too contentiously , haue inuolued themselues in vnnecessary troubles , and haue pressed with you , to rent the belly of their Mother , the peace and vnitie of the Church with Schisme . PP . We haue notwithstanding beene so silent hitherto , that the World hath iudged our silence , rather slumbring and slouthfulnesse , then true patience . ANS . If you be the man who is pretended to bee the penner of this Pamphlet , your silence hath not beene so great , as is heere alledged , for both by writing and word , yet haue bi● euer vttering your miscontentment with great acerbitie against the persons , and function of your brethren ; and his Maiesties good and godly intentions , wherein yee haue studied more to please the World , then to procure the weale of the Church , with the honour of God , and obedience of your Prince . PP . They are not satisfied with the wrongs alreadie committed , but doe still prouoke vs with new irritant occasions . ANS . Many men of your humour are crabbed without cause , who being in the gall of bitternesse , count right wrong , and good to be euill , and seeke occasions where none are offered to spue out their choler . PP . And specially by obtruding vpon vs superstitious Wil-worships , and polluted inuentions of men . ANS . What was concluded in a lawfull Assembly , was not obtruded ; and by Gods grace in the answere to your Pamphlet , it shall bee manifest , that the Assembly hath condemned all polluted inuentions of men , and all superstitious Wil-worships ; and that your selfe is a very superstitious Dogmatist of Wil-worship . PP . It behooueth vs therefore to set pen to paper , and say somewhat for the surer stay and better information of Professors , tenderly affected to the sinceritie of Religion ; least they bee deluded with the glorious name of a pretended and new Assembly , or seduced with Temporizers , swallowing vp all abominations or corruptions whatsoeuer . ANS . Let the Christian , and gentle Reader consider , what information good and sincere Professours may expect from such a poysonable pen , that beginneth to fill vp the paper with such venemous words , calling the lawfull meeting of the Church , a pretended new Assembly ; his brethren of the Ministery , Seducers , Temporizers , Swallowers vp of all abominations , or corruptions whatsoeuer ; for whom wee answere : Multi sint licet impotentis irae , Pellem rodere qui velint caninam : Nos hac à scabie tenemus vngues . PP . The meanes of printing and publishing are to vs verie difficile . ANS . The Quarter-masters and Collectours of the voluntary Contributions through Fyiffe , Lowthiane , Edinburgh , and other parts of the Land , for setting forth of this worke , say that you haue no cause to complaine . And if in times comming , your paines bee as well recompenced , this trade of penning , printing , and publishing , shall bee more gainfull , then your stipend was for your Ministery . PP . We wish therefore euery good Christian , to take in good part our meane trauels . ANS . Although your trauels had no other fault , but that they were meane , yet your cessation from better businesse cannot be excused : but they being withall seditious and pernicious , no good Christian will take them in good part . PP . And not impute to vs , the want of good will , but of meanes , if they be not serued hereafter continually after this manner . Wee shall bee readie , God willing , for our owne part , as need shall require , and opportunitie will serue , to defend the cause wee maintayne , against any of our Opposites their Answeres , or Replyes whatsoeuer worthy of answere . ANS . I hope no man who readeth this Pamphlet , will impute to you the want of goodwill to doe euill , that is of a wicked will to furnish fewell to the fire of dissention in the Church . And if by your Thrasonicall boasts and brags , you can perswade these , whom for want of sufficient knowledge and faith , yee delude , and seduce with subtile Sophismes , and superstitious feares ; to furnish meanes , that is , money for penning and printing , as they haue done profusely , for setting forth this Rapsodie : there is no doubt , but Answeres shall come forth vpon Answeres , Defences vpon Defences , Replyes vpon Replyes , vntill yee haue wearied the World with your vanities . PP . We haue seene of late some Pamphlets , which haue rather exposed their Authors to laughter and contempt , then deserued any serious confutation . ANS . It is the nature of enuifull arrogance by contemning and laughing at others , to hunt her owne prayse , Sed facilis cuiuis rigidi censura cachinni . PP . In the Epistle before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his Maiestie protesteth vpon his honour , that hee misliketh not generally all Preachers , or others , who like better of the single forme of policie in our Church , then of the many Ceremonies in the Church of England : and are perswaded that their Bishops smell of a Papall Supremacie ; that the Surplice , the Corner-cap , and such like are the outward badges of Popish errors ; and that he doth equally loue and honour the Learned , and graue men of these opinions . ANS . If yee had imitated this most Christian example of your gracious Soueraigne , you would not for errour of wilfull opinion , haue turned your loue into hatred , and your reuerence into contempt of your brethren . PP . His Maiestie vseth this prouision , that where the Law is otherwise , they preasse by patience and wel-grounded reasons , either to perswade all the rest to like of their iudgement ; or where they see better grounds on the other part , not to be ashamed peaceably to incline thereunto , laying aside all preoccupyed opinions . ANS . If yee approue this prouision , as yee seeme after to doe , seeing a Law standeth in our Church neither reduced , nor abrogated against your opinion : why is your patience turned into passion , & your wel-grounded reasons into vnreasonable raylings : And considering at the Assembly in Perth , the grounds whereupon the Law was made , were esteemed by the votes and iudgements of more then double your number , better then any answere , or reason brought on the contrary , why are yee ashamed peaceably to incline thereunto , laying aside all preoccupyed opinions ? PP . Wee are able to prooue , that no Ecclesiasticall Law hath beene made in any free and formall Assembly for the alteration by-past , or presently intended either in Gouernment , or Ceremonies . ANS . What you are able to proue , we know not , but vntill the time the probation be made , and the Church which made the Lawes , being better informed alter or abrogate them , it it is the duty of euery good and peaceable Christian to giue obedience thereunto , except they bee manifestly damned in the Word as impious : for there can be no peace nor vnitie in a Church , where there is not a Conformitie obserued according to Lawes ; for if one shall follow the Law , another his owne opinion contrary to the Law , and the third , some conceit different from both , what can follow but contention and confusion in the Church ? PP . The ratification of ciuill Lawes alreadie made , or to bee made , cannot rectifie the Eccesiasticall , so long as we are able by good reason to impugne their authoritie ; and to euince the vicious constitution , the informall , and vnlawfull proceedings of those Assemblies , where the said Ecclesiastical Lawes are said to haue beene made . ANS , That which is right needeth not to be rectified ; such the Estates of Parliament haue found the Canons of the Church , which they haue ratified : but yet forsooth so long as you are able to impugne their authoritie , euince them to be vicious , informall , vnlawfull : So long neither can the authoritie of the Parliament , nor Church make them to haue force , but all must be suspended vpon your skill and learning to proue , and improue as you list . Whereof this smelleth , whether of plaine sincerity , or of Papall Supremacie , let the Reader consider . PP . Put the case , that no exception might bee made against the Law ; his Maiesties prouision permitteth vs to perswade others with well grounded reasons . ANS . If no exception might bee made against the Law , what well grounded reason can be vsed to perswade the contrary ? His Maiesties prouision , is as farre contrary to the permission here alledged by you , as light to darknes : for although his Maiestie wish these who are contrary minded to preasse by patience , and well grounded reasons to perswade all the rest to like of their iudgement , yet hee permitteth them not to perswade others to resist to the authoritie , to breake the Law of the Countrey to stirre vp Rebellion and Schisme , which you by this Pamphlet doe only intend ; but by the contrary , willeth them in these words ( which you purposely omit ) To content themselues soberly and quietly with their owne opinions ; not resisting to the authoritie , nor breaking the Law of Countrey , neither aboue all , stirring any Rebellion or Schisme , &c. but to possesse their soules in peace . If such licence were granted , as you alledge , was giuen by his Maiesties prouision , there should neuer bee any setled order in Church or Common-wealth , a doore being opened to seditious spirits , to disturbe all with such perswasions , and disswasious as are vsed in this Pamphlet . PP . The verity of our Relations , and validity of our Reasons , we referre to the tryall of euery Iudicious Reader , making conscience of his Oath , Promise , Subscription , and Purity of his Profession . ANS . If the Iudicious Reader , holding the puritie of his Christian Profession , lay aside all other preiudice , and be not moued with these Pannicke terrours of Oathes and Promises , which he neuer made , and of Subscriptions which hee neuer gaue , he shal try and find the greatest part of your Relations to be vttered out of passion , whereby the sincerity of the truth is corrupted ; and in your Reasons such validity , as sophisticall captions and cauillations can afford . A TRVE NARRATION OF THE PROCEEDINGS of the generall Assembly holden at Perth , and begun the 25. day of August 1618. Opposed to the Libeller his Discourse thereof , in the Pamphlet lately Published . TO the end the true causes of this meeting may be vnderstood , wee must draw the occasion thereof somewhat further off , then the Proclamation mentioned by the Libeller . So it is , That his Maiestie at his late beeing in this Kingdome , did propone to the Bishops , and principall Ministers , who were called to meete at S. Andrews for that effect , the tenth of Iuly 1617. the fiue Articles now concluded , desiring they might be receyued in this Church , and an alteration made of the other customes that obtained before in these points . This proposition was made by his Maiestie himselfe in the Chappell of the Castle , where then his Maiestie remained . Vpon the hearing whereof , humble petition was made by the Bishops and Ministers there assembled , that they should bee permitted to conferre amongst themselues , vpon the said proposition , before they gaue any answer . Which being graunted , they went , and met together in the Session house of the Paroch Church , where after mature deliberation , it was concluded , they should put vp one common Supplication , to his Maiestie for libertie of a generall Assembly , to aduise and take conclusion in these poynts . It being signified vnto them at the same time by the Archbishop of S. Andrewes , that his Maiesty would take this for a shift , and not content with the Supplication , vnlesse assurance were giuen , that the same Articles , should be yeelded vnto , in the Assembly ; Answer was made by the whole number , That howsoeuer , they could not preiudge themselues of their free voyces in an Assembly , by graunting the said Articles before-hand , considering they were matters in themselues lawfull , and of a nature indifferent ; as they could not thinke but the whole Church would bee readie to giue his Maiestie satisfaction therein , so for themselues , they would doe what lay in them for passing the same . And this they all desired the said Archbishop in their names to answer . But hee denying to promise any thing in the behalfe of the Ministers , in regard of the seditious protestation , they had , against their promise , at least a number of them penned to be giuen in the next Parliament , Maister Patricke Galloway was by them desired to make the said answere , and concurre with the Bishops in the foresaid supplication for a generall Assembly . Thus , all returning to the saide Chappell , petition was made in humble forme to his Maiestie by the Archbishop in the name of the whole , That they might be permitted to meete in an Assembly , where the said Articles should receiue the answer , which was fit . His Maiestie replying , that hee could not suffer these Articles , which hee counted both lawfull and profitable for the Church , to bee cast in the deliberation of an Assembly , where by reason of the multitude , matters went often doubtfully , except he had assurance , the same should be yeelded vnto ; answer was made , That howeuer they could not that were present , take on them to answere for the whole Church , yet because they did not conceiue any of these Articles to contayne in them , matters vnlawfull , they hoped all good Ministers would shew themselues carefull to giue his Maiestie satisfaction , and should for their owne parts endeuour that the same should be done . This was promised by the Archbishop of Saint - Andrewes in name of all the Bishops , and by Master Patrick-Galloway in name of the Ministers , as was afore-agreed . Hereupon his Maiestie was pleased to condescend vpon the meeting of an Assembly at Saint - Andrewes , in the moneth of Nouember following , where the said Articles , being reasoned vpon at length , it was found by vniuersall consent , That they contayned in them nothing vnlawfull , but in respect the suddaine receiuing of them might giue offence to the weaker Professors , and encouragement to the enemies of Religion , it was thought meete to differ the taking of any conclusion , specially about the keeping of the Festiuall dayes , and kneeling at the Communion , vnto another Assembly ; And all the Ministers commanded , like as they who were present for themselues promised , to informe their people and Congregations , aswell of the lawfulnesse of the things desired , as of the necessitie they had to receiue the same , because of his Maiesties resolution so to haue it ; and by this meanes all offence being remoued , in the next Assembly matters might take an end with vniforme consent ; in the meane time , lest his Maiestie should offend with this delay , his Maiesties Commissioners , and the Bishops were earnestly entreated by the said Assembly to signifie the true reasons of the present cōtinuation , & beseech the same to bee well interpreted , seeing no denyall of the Articles was intended , but a care on their parts to remoue all scruple and offence from amongst the people . This aduertizement being made , his Maiestie tooke the same so hardly , as forth-with he gaue commandement to the Bishops to obserue the dayes of Christmasse , Passion , Resurrection , &c. And to cause all the Ministers of their Dioceses to obserue the like , as also to alter the gesture of sitting at the holy Communion , into that of kneeling , which the Article required . And to sequestrate the stipends of so many as should be found disobedient . It grieued all the honest and true-hearted Ministers to see his Maiesty so offended , and many repented the delay made in the last Assembly : and because there was one meane only left to giue satisfaction , to wit , That a new Assembly might be gathered to put end to the same ; the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes was entreated to intercede with his Maiesty for a mitigation of the rigour intended against the Ministers , and liberty for a new Assembly , to finish that which remayned to be perfected . To this effect he dispatched his Seruant vnto Court with haste , writing in such humble sort as became , and for the purpose aboue-said ; but receiued this Answere , That touching another Assembly his Maiesty would neuer condescend vnto the same , except better assurance were giuen of their reasonable conforming ; therefore commanded him and the rest of the Bishops in their seuerall Synods , to vrge the receiuing of the said Articles , and as they should find them inclining , to aduertise ; and for the sequestration of stipends , his Maiesty would be pleased to remit that rigor for the present , so as the Bishops by themselues in their Sees , with so many others as they could perswade , should put in practice the said Articles according to the Letter , formerly directed vnto them . This Answere being communicated vnto the Ministers of Edinburgh , and a great many others , that were attending at Edinburgh , for the setling of their Churches according to the Commission giuen in Parliament , they all aduised the Bishops to giue obedience in their own persons , and at their Synods , to labour the Ministers of their bounds in the best sort they could , to condescend vnto the Articles proponed . The Bishops resoluing to giue obedience , for his Maiesties better satisfaction , and freeing the Ministers of his conceiued wrath , agreed , after their Synods were ended , to meet at Edinburgh in May next ; and as they should find by report of the Ministers inclination to yeeld to the said Articles , to follow their Supplication about a new Assembly . According to which agreement , they hauing met at Edinburgh , and vnderstood thar in the Synods kept in the April before , the Ministers were disposed to giue obedience and satisfaction to his Maiestie : they by their Letters humbly entreated his Maiesties Licence , for the holding of an new Assembly , and obtayned the same ; which they signified by their Letters to the Moderators of their seuerall exercises in the Countrey , willing them to elect and choose the most wise , learned and peaceable Ministers in their bounds , to be Commissionaries at the said Assembly . But contrary to this aduice and direction , certaine factious and vnruly Ministers , that haue loued alwayes to keepe stirres in the Church , and placed their glory in the opposing of his Maiesties lawfull desires , vsed all the diligence they could , where they had credit , to purchase Commission to themselues , and others that fauoured their opinions , for disturbing the said Assembly ; and came thither at the day appointed in great numbers , & certaine hopes to haue carryed matters otherwise then was intēded ; howbeit to little effect , as the successe of the said meeting manifested . Vpon these occasions the meeting was brought on ; & not abruptly by a Proclamation , being made 20. daies before , as the Libeller would haue it to appear . The said Proclamation being made only to take away all excuse from such as might pretend ignorance of the day . Which being come , according to the custome of a long time obserued , the first meeting was begun with prayer & fasting , whereof the Libeller grants that intimation was made in the Church of Perth the Sonday preceding , but cōplaines that the fast was little regarded , & it may be by himself , & others of that Sect , whose dispositiōs were only to make strife : but he cannot deny , that in the first exercise of the morning , made by the Bishop of Abirdene , exhortation was giuen to all that were present , both to sanctifie themselues , & by prayer to cōmend the successe of the affairs vnto God his blessing . The same was repeated in the second exercise made by the Archbishop of Saint - Andrewes , and nothing omitted on our parts , that was required to bring men to a due regard thereof . But the Libeller excepts against the second Sermon . First , that although the Text was pertinent , the Preacher ranne quickly from it : Next that in his Discourse of Ceremonies , & the fiue Articles proponed , his best Arguments were testimonies cited out of Caluine , Martyr and Beza , all peruerted . How the first can bee made good , I see not , seeing if the Text was pertinent , as he confessed , to the time and matters there to bee entreated , it is as cleere , that in all his Discourse , hee did so strictly keep himself to the purpose , as there was not so much as one digression made from it . And whether hee brought no Arguments for proofe , or peruerted the testimonies of these learned men : Let the Reader iudge , by the Sermon it selfe , which wee haue made here to bee inserted word for word , as the same was then deliuered . The Sermon preached by the Right Reuerend Father in GOD , the Archbishop of Saint ANDREWES , to the generall Assembly , holden at PERTH the 25. of August , 1618. 1. COR. 11.16 . But if any man seeme to bee contentious , wee haue no such custome , neither the Churches of God. MY Lords , and Brethren : the businesse for which we meete heere , is knowne to you all : namely , to take some resolution in these Articles , which we are required to admit in our Church , by that power vnto which wee bee all subiect . Of the indifferency of these Articles , I thinke there is little or no question amongst vs : The conueniencie of them for our Church is doubted of by many , but not without cause ; They are new and vncouth , such things as we haue not beene accustomed with ; and nouations in a Church , euen in the smallest things are dangerous , Etiam quae vtilitate adiuuant , nouitate perturbant . Saint Augustine spake it long since , and wee haue tryed it to bee true this yeare past . I beseech God we feele no more of it hereafter . Had it beene in our power to haue disswaded or declined them , most certainly wee would ; and if any of you thinke otherwise , yee are greatly mistaken : but now being brought to a necessitie ( I am sorry to speake , more sorry to thinke of the * meanes that wrought the same ) either of yeelding , or disobeying him , whom for my selfe , I hold it Religion , to offend ; I must tell you , that the euill of nouations , especially in matters of Rite & Ceremonie , is nothing so great as the euill of disobedience . That which is new this day , with a little vse , will become familiar and old : yee know the prouerbe , A wonder lasts but nine nights in a Towne . But how farre disobedience may goe , what euills it may produce , God knowes . As the Apostle speakes here of Contention , so I say of Disobedience , we haue no such custome , nor the Churches of God. We leaue that to Papists and Anabaptists , that carry no regard to authoritie : Our Religion teaches vs to obey our Superiours , in all things , that are not contrarie to the Word of God. So our Confession speakes , which is printed in the beginning of your Psalme bookes , So haue wee taught the people in former times , and God forbid , wee should now come in the contrarie . Our case , as I thinke , at this time , is not farre different from that of the Corinthians , at the writing of this Epistle : The question was amongst them , of the behauiour of men , and women in holy Assemblies . What was most decent and beseeming , men to be vncouered , women to haue their heads couered , or by the contrarie . Saint Paul , after that hee had shewed his owne minde in the matter , and giuen some reasons for it , as hee doth in the Verses preceding , concludes now with this protestation : If any man seeme to bee contentious , wee haue no such custome , neither the Churches of God. As though hee would say , I haue said so much as may content calme and moderate spirits ; as for contentious men , I trouble not my selfe with them ; They will still be disputing , and say what yee will , they shall still finde a reply , for they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , louers of Victorie , not of Veritie ; men that seeketh not the Churches weale , but their owne wills , and make it their credit to bee alwayes stirring : that is not my custome , saith the Apostle ( he might speake it well , for hee neuer cared for himselfe , or how he was counted of , so as he might be profitable to the Church , and an instrument of sauing soules . ) And as it is not my custome , no more is it the custome of the Churches of God ; for they fauour not contention , but follow the things which concerne peace , wherewith one may edifie , and make better another . Some of the Interpreters refer these words to the question in hand , and thinke that the Apostle is here opposing the custome of the Churches , to these that contended for men couering their heads in publike meetings : but the better sort take this to bee spoken against the studie of contention , and thinke the Apostle his meaning here , is onely to shew , that it is not his fashion , nor the fashion of the Churches of God , to bee contentious for matters of such indifferency as those were of . This is Caluines interpretation amongst others , for he writing vpon this place , after he had said , that contention in a Church , is of all euills the most pernicious , addes by way of admonition these words : Diligenter notemus locum istum , ne abripi nos super vacuis disputationibus sinamus : Let vs carefully obserue this place , saith hee , that wee suffer not our selues to bee carryed away with vnnecessary disputings . Now , these are vnnecessary disputings , which are made , De rebus non magnis , of matters of light moment , Vel de rebus non ambiguis , that is , of matters in themselues cleare and euident . Atqui tales sunt importuni quidam disputatores , qui artis esse putant , omnia in dubium vocare : Some there are that can finde probabilities against the clearest Truth , and are still disputing about the lightest matters : Such are very troublers , and dangerous heads in a Church , of whom wee should be wary . Brethren , to contend is not a fault , if so it bee , for a weightie matter ; but to bee contentious in a light businesse , this is faultie , and reprooued here by the Apostle . Wee ought to contend alwayes for the Faith , and that earnestly , as Saint Iude teacheth , not yeelding to the Aduersarie , in the substance of Religion , one jot : There should our courage and spirituall zeale kindle it selfe ; but for matters of circumstance and ceremonie , to make businesse , and as much adoe , as if some mayne point of Religion were questioned , it is to iniurie the Truth of God. By this meanes , men are brought to misse-regard all Religion , and wee that are the Preachers of the Word , come to bee despised . In the meane time it is not to be denyed , but they are ceremonies , which for the inconuenience they bring , ought to be resisted ; and if wee bee pressed with such , it is our part to expone our dislike of them in modestie , and by the best , wisest meanes we can vse , to decline these which wee esteeme to bee hurtfull : Not ( as our follies haue beene great in this kinde ) to runne before the time , and seeke to amend matters by declinators and protestations , whereby wee haue profited nothing ; onely wee haue incensed authoritie , and hastened vpon our selues the same things which wee laboured to eschue . Well , these things cannot bee made vndone , yet , they should make vs wise for afterwards . And now , Brethren , because the resolution we take at this time touching the Articles propounded , will giue to the world a testimonie what manner of men wee are , whether such as rule their proceedings by iudgement , or are carried head-strong with conceits and opinions ; that wee bee nor misse-led by ignorance ( for that is the fault of many amongst vs , wee inquire not of matters , nor take paynes to vnderstand what hath beene the iudgement of the most wise and learned , but follow vpon trust , the opinions we haue beene bred with , and of such as we affect ) to helpe this , I say , I will , with your patience , spend some time in the question of Ceremonies , see what warrant they haue , and how they should bee appointed : then from the generall descend to speake of our particulars , touching which I shall freely deliuer my owne minde , and so conclude . First , then concerning Ceremonies , howsoeuer some haue imagined them to bee superfluities , which might well bee spared , and that the Church of Rome hath made the very name of them hatefull , aswell because of the multitude of them , wherewith she oppressed Christians , as for the ridiculous choice she made of most of them : are such things , as without which no publike action either Ciuill , or Ecclesiastique can be rightly performed . To this purpose a Politike Writer , hath said well , That as the flesh couereth the hollow deformity of the bones , and beautifieth the bodie with naturall graces , so Ceremonies ( such specially , as ancient custome hath made reuerend ) couer the nakednesse of publike actions , and distinguish them from priuate businesse , that otherwise should not bee so well knowne . The neglect of this in any State , breedes confusion , and with confusion the ruine , and abolishment of the State it selfe ; whereof the examples were easie to be giuen in the Romane Republike , and others , if that were our subiect . But wee are speaking of Church-Ceremonies , concerning which no man will deny this generall truth : That in euery publike dutie , which God craues at our hands , there is besides the matter and forme wherein the substance of the dutie consists , a certaine externall forme required , to the decent administration of the same . As for example : God hath commanded his Word to bee preached , and the holy Sacraments to be ministred , Baptisme by the Element of Water , and in a prescript forme of words , such as you know wee vse ; and the Sacrament of his blessed Body and Bloud , in the Elements of Bread and Wine , with certaine mysticall words added thereunto : heere is the dutie to bee done , and the substance of it ; yet for the ministration of the same in a due and decent manner , there is place , time , and other circumstances moe required . The substance of the dutie God hath giuen vs in the Word , from which we may not goe ; but for these things that belong to the outward administration , Ecclesiasticall wisedome hath to define what is conuenient , what not ; Neque tamen permisit Dominus vagam , effrae namque licentiam ( sayes Caluine ) sed cancellos , vt ita loquar , circūdedit : That is , God hath not giuen his Church an illimited power , to establish what Ceremonies she lists , but hath enrayled her authoritie within borders which she may not passe ; and these are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let all things bee done honestly , and by order : Honestly , that is , after a good fashion in a decent sort , and to the right ends , namely , the aduancement of Gods honour , and the edification of his Church . This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Then they must be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by order ; that is , appointed , with deliberation , and by such as haue the authoritie to ordaine them ; and being once appointed , and concluded by Constitutions , they must bee kept and performed by all that are subiect to the same . This , as one speakes well , is that great Ecclesiasticall Canon , by which all other Canons must bee squared ; this is the true Touch-stone of trying Ceremonies , and the ballance wherein all Church Orders must be weighed . The Ceremonies of the Church must be decent and comely , without vanitie , without all meretricious brauerie , not superfluous , but seruing to edification . They must also be done to Gods honour , and not be idolatrous or superstitious ; Generally in the Church , all things must be done in order , and no confusion be either of persons or proceedings , for order hath proceeded from the Throne of the Almightie . This fabricke of the World that wee see , is vpholden by it , States , and Kingdomes are maintayned by it , and without it nothing can flourish or prosper . And if Order should haue place in all things , sure the Church of God , should not be without Order ; for our God , whom wee serue , is the God of Order , and not of Confusion , as the Apostle speakes . These things will be easily condescended vpon , I meane , that religious duties cannot bee performed without externall Rites : that these Rites should bee qualited , as I haue said , established by Lawes , and after they are established , obeyed by such as are subiect ; Si enim velut in medio positae , singulorum arbitrio relictae fuerint , quoniam nunquam futurum est , vt omnibus idem placeat , breui futura est rerum omnium confusio . This is Caluines saying in the fourth Booke of his Institutions , and tenth Chapter , which Chapter I would earnestly recommend to your reading , for these matters chiefly . In such generals , it may bee wee all agree ; but when wee come to particulars ; Tanta moribus hominum inest diuersitas , tanta in animis varietas , tanta in iudicijs , ingenijsque pugna : Such is the varietie of mens minds and opinions , that scarce shall they euer bee brought to agree vpon any one thing . For the Ceremonie , which to one will seeme decent and comely , will to another appeare not to be so . Now in this case what is to bee done ? Some would haue vs search into the Apostolike times , examine what then was in vse to bee done , and follow that . But this cannot well be the rule , seeing the Apostles haue not deliuered in writing all that they did ; and diuers of the formes vsed by them , which by occasion wee haue recorded , are vnfit for these times , and inconuenient : such as the assembling of people in close and secret meetings , their Christnings in Riuers , the ministring of the Lords Supper after meate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Church-Feasts , the abhorring of leuened Bread , abstayning from Bloud , and that which is strangled , the arbitrary maintenance of Ministers , and other more particulars ; which to bring againe in vse , were to alter and change in a sort the state of Christianitie it selfe . So it being to vs vncertaine , what the formes of the Apostles were in euery thing ; and the dissimilitude of their times and ours being so great , they giue no sure direction that send vs to seeke the resolution of our differences in matters of this nature from them . Reade Beza his eight Epistle written to that Reuerend Bishop Edmond Grindall , then Bishop of London , and you shall finde this to bee his iudgement : His words are , Scio duplicem esse de Ecclesiarum instauratione opinionem : sunt qui Apostolicae ill● simplicitati , nihil adijciendum putant , ac proinde quicquid Apostoli fecerunt , faciendum ; quicquid autem succedens Apostolis Ecclesia , ritibus primis adiecit , semel abolendum existiment . There are some , sayes he , who thinke , that we should adde nothing vnto that first Apostolike simplicity , but doe in euery thing according as they did : And that , whatsoeuer the succeeding Ages added in matters of Rites , should be all abolished . Because his answere and discourse is somewhat long , I will remit you to the place , and giue you the heads of it only ; first , therefore he sayes , that the doctrine of the Apostles , is in it selfe so exact and perfect , as we ought not to derogate , nor adde any thing vnto it : but next for the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church , wee must not thinke so , because the Apostles at the first , could not set downe euery thing that was expedient for the Church , and thereupon they proceeded by little and little ; and in such Rites as they instituted , they had a speciall respect to the time , places and persons , wherof many were afterwards by the Church worthily abolished . Hauing said this , hee concludes , Itaque quicquid ab Apostolis factitatum est , quod ad ritus attinet , nec statim , nec sine aliqua exceptione sequendum existimo . And Caluine whom I often name , for the authority , which he deseruedly carries with all Reformed Churches , in the tenth Chapter of his fourth Booke of Institutions , which place I formerly quoted , hath to the same purpose these words . In his quae cultum Numinis spectant , solus Magister est audiendus ; quia autem in externa disciplina & ceremonijs , non voluit sigillatim praescribere quid sequi debeamus , quòd istud pendêre à temporum conditione praeuideret , neque iudicaret vnam omnibus saeculis formam conuenire , confugere hic oportet , ad generales quas dedit regulas , vt ad eas exigantur , quaecunque ad ordinem & decorum praecipi recessitas Ecclesiae postulabit : And after a few lines : Prout Ecclesiae vtilitas requirit , tam vsitatas mutare & abrogare , quàm nouas institue●e ceremonias , Ecclesiae licitum . His iudgement is , that the power of adding , altering , innouating , and appointing Ceremonies , remaynes with the Church , to doe therein as shee in her wisedome shall thinke meete . And certainly , there is no other way to keepe away differences for matters of Rites and Ceremonies , but this , That euery man keepe the custome of the Church wherein he liues , and obserue that which is determined by the Gouernours thereof . For in things indifferent wee must alwayes esteeme that to bee best , and most seemely , which seemes so in the eye of publike authoritie . Neither is it for priuate men to controll publike iudgement : as they cannot make publike Constitutions , so they may not controll nor disobey them being once made . Indeed authoritie ought to looke carefully vnto this , that it prescribe nothing but rightly ; appoint no Rites nor Orders in the Church , but such as may set forward Godlinesse and Pietie : yet put the case , that some be otherwise established , they must be obeyed by such as are members of that Church , as long as they haue the force of a Constitution , and are not corrected by the authoritie that made them . Except this be , there can bee no order , and all must be filled with strife and contention . But thou wilt say , My conscience suffers mee not to obey , for I am perswaded , that such things are not right , nor well appointed . I answere thee , in matters of this nature and qualitie , the sentence of thy Superiours ought to direct thee , and that is a sufficient ground to thy conscience for obeying . But may not Superiours erre ? May not Councels decree that which is wrong ? This no man denyes , and if they decree any thing against Scripture , it is not to be obeyed ; for there that Sentence holds good , Melius obedire Deo quam hominibus . But if that which is decreed , be not repugnant to the Word , and that thou hast no more but thy owne collections and motions of thy conscience , as thou callest it , how strong soeuer thy perswasions bee , it is presumption in thee to disobey the Ordinance of the Church . And of this wee may bee sure , whosoeuer denyes obedience to Church Ordinances in rebus medijs , the same will not sticke to reiect Gods owne Word , when it crosses his fancie ; Et videant isti , ( sayes Caluine ) qui plus sapere volunt quam oportet , qua ratione morositatem suam Domino opprobent , Nobis enim satisfacere istud Pauli d●bet , nos contendendi morem non habere ▪ neque Eccles●as Dei. With such a sentence I close all that I purposed to say of Ceremonies in generall . Now hauing shewed you , that Rites are necessary in a Church , the qualities they should haue , and obedience that must bee giuen vnto the Constitutions of the Church once being made , I come to the particulars desired of vs to bee receiued : these must bee seuerally considered , because they are not all of the like respect : some of them strike vpon the duties of our calling , enioyning the practice thereof in places , and at times where vsuall solemnitie cannot bee kept ; as to administrate Baptisme in priuate houses in the case of necessitie , and the Communion to these that are sicke , and in dying : Others of them prescribe the obseruation of certayne things not in vse with vs , as the confirming of Children , and the keeping of some Festiuities throughout the yeere . And there is a fift Article that requires our accustomed manner of sitting at the Communion , to be changed in a more religious and reuerend gesture of kneeling : ye shall not expect to heare all that may be said , or is at this time expedient concerning these , neither the time , nor the strength of any one man , I think , will suffice to say all without interruption . I know I speake to men of vnderstanding , and my intent is to say no more of them , then may serue to iustifie the aduise which I minde with Gods helpe to giue vnto you . I begin with the Communion to the Sicke , because this Article passed in the late Assembly , with some limitations which his Maiesty disliked . The mind that is offended hardly interprets any thing well , so fared it in this matter . The delay of our answere to the rest of the Articles , mooued his Maiestie to call our grant of this Article scornfull and ridiculous . I was bold in a priuate Letter to shew there was a mistaking , and iustifie that which was done ; neither should I speake any more of it , but that it hath beene complayned , that some of our Ministerie , beeing earnestly entreated by certaine sicke persons , for the comfort of that Sacrament , since that time haue denyed the same . To iustifie therefore that which then was inacted , I say shortly , that by our calling wee are directly bound to minister vnto men in the last houre all the helpes and comforts wee possibly can : the naturall terrours of death , and fearefull doubts of conscience which at that time commonly perplexe men , require this at our hands ; therefore Visitation of the sicke is earnestly commended to Ministers in their admission , that they bee readie to attend the sicke person , and as his estate craues , minister comfort vnto him , by preaching the promises of grace and mercie to all penitent sinners . Why this Sacrament , that is the seale of Gods promises , and a speciall meane of binding vp our Communion with Christ , should bee denyed to such as desire the same in that time , there can be no reason . Howbeit saluation depends not vpon the Sacrament , and that they vse it superstitiously that giues it for a viaticum to the dying , the end of a man cannot but be the more comfortable , and his death accompanyed with the greater contentment and tranquilitie of minde , when his desire is satisfied in this point . For this is to bee considered , that it is not to all that die , nor to all that are sicke , but to such onely whose recouery is desperate , and vrgently desire the comfort of this Sacrament , that the same is appointed to bee ministred . Of which purpose Caluin deliuers his opinion in his 52. Epistle , in these words : De Coenae administratione censeo , libenter admittendum esse hunc morem , vt apud aegrotos celebretur communio , quum ita res & opportunitas feret ; Nec magnopere repugnandum esse , quin maleficis detur , qui plectendi sunt , si quidem postulent , & ad receptionem satis comparatos esse appareat : hac tamen lege , vt sit vnà communio , hoc est , vt panis in coetu aliquo fidelium frangatur . And in his 361. Epistle , answering some one that had moued him in this matter , he beginnes on this manner : Cur coenam aegrotis negandam esse non arbitror , multae & graues causae me impellunt , as you may see in the place . Bucer , Bullinger , and Zepperus are of the same iudgement ; and the last of these three , putting the case , that none is by this sicke man disposed to communicate , sayes , Quod ne sic quidem priuandus est communione aegrotus . You may see his reasons in the twelft Chapter of his first Booke , De Politia Ecclesiastica . Our owne Church hath practised the same in former times , as was qualified in diuers particulars at the last Assembly . So where the reformed Churches haue approued it , and wee our selues by our owne practice , now to stand against it , when , by a speciall Canon it is appointed to bee done , cannot but bee thought obstinate disobedience . I come to the Article of Baptisme : This craues that in the case of necessitie , when a child without hazard may not bee brought out of doores , it bee lawfull to the Minister to baptise in a priuate house . It was not long since , a custome amongst vs , that no Minister would baptise , except vpon the ordinarie day of teaching ; this same being complayned of in the Assembly that was kept at Holy Rood-house , in the yeare 1602. an Ordinance was made , that whensoeuer a Parent should require baptisme to his child , the Minister should not deny it , without delaying to the ordinarie day of preaching . The question was then of the Time , now it is of the Place : Whereabout , this you all know , that in the institution of Baptisme , the Lord Iesus hath not tyed vs to any place , but his command binds all men to bee baptized : And wee , that are Ministers , by our calling are obliged to baptise , howsoeuer wee doe not thinke Baptisme absolutely necessary vnto saluation , and the child that wants it vpon a necessitie ineuitable , nothing preiudiced that way ; yet if the occasion present , there is no doubt , but the Minister hath a necessitie lying vpon him to baptize , although time , place , and other circumstances required for the due and solemne administration be not concurring . But this , yee will say , fosters the Popish opinion of the necessitie of Baptisme . Let Buce● answer it , To with-hold Baptisme for want of the due solemnities , sayes hee , opens a doore to the Deuill , to bring in the contempt of Christs Ordinance , and our whole redemption by him : We haue a Commandement to baptize , and this to vs is a necessary duety which we may not leaue vndone : As for inconueniences , we must meet them as wisely , as we may , by doctrine and diligent catechizing , but in no sort neglect the Commandement that is giuen . Yee shall haue Caluin his iudgement also in this matter ; being asked : Vbinam baptismus recte administrari possit ? He answers , Fas non est administrare baptismum , nisi in coetu fidelium , non quidem v● templum requiratur , sed vt vbiuis , numerus aliquis fidelium conueniat , qui Ecclesiae corpus efficiat . Yee haue this in his 185. Epistle . And thus much for Baptisme . The third Article is of Confirmation , to be giuen to children , when they are come to the yeares of discretion , and that is one of the most ancient customes of the Christian Church , from the dayes of the Apostles it hath continued , and with them it began . Neither is there any thing more profitable , for it helps children to bee seasoned with the principles of true Religion , layes a good foundation for the better direction of their whole life , preserues the seede of the Church sound , makes children more diligent to learne , and Pastors , and Parents more carefull to instruct them . The neglect of this dutie hath done much harme in the Church , and the restitution of that good custome , which Caluin in the fourth Booke of his Institutions earnestly wishes , could not but bring with it an exceeding great benefit . It was in substance agreed vnto in the Assembly at Abirdene ; but two things his Maiestie found deficient in the Act : One that there was no mention of laying on of hands vpon the child confirmed : Another was , that the performance of it was not restricted to the Bishops care . And for this last , it is cleare by all Antiquitie , that the power of Confirming appertayned euer to Bishops ; Not , that Confirmation is a Sacrament of greater dignitie then Baptisme , as the Papists teach ( these were the thoughts of ignorance : ) but as S. Hierome speakes , The Church thought fit , that seeing Baptisme is giuen by Presbyters , lest children should be ignorant of the spirituall superioritie of Bishops ouer them , they should attend the receiuing of Confirmation by their hands ; so , this was done for the honour of Prelacy , as he speakes . Now , if any man will enuy this honour to Bishops , it is a silly and poore enuy : for it encreases their charge and burthen ; and if the conscience of their dutie make them not carefull of it , in this profane and irreligious age , the honor or credit it can bring them , will neuer worke it : Touching imposition of hands , let Saint Augustine tell vs what it meanes : Hee in his fift Booke , De Baptismo contra Donatistas , cap. 23. sayes , Quid est manuum impositio , nisi oratio super hominem ? that is to say , What is imposition of hands , but a prayer vpon the man , that hands are laid vpon ? In all personall benedictions , from the very beginning of the world , it hath beene vsed : Parents doe yet confer their blessing in this manner to their children , and when spirituall blessings are giuen , there can bee no offence to doe it with the like ceremonie . But I heare that some cannot abide to heare the word of Confirmation ; the thing it selfe gladly they admit , but they would haue examination , or some the like word put for it : Not onely the abuse , but the very name of the thing abused , ( so tender are the hearts of some men ) must be put away . For this shortly , I say , that the Scriptures neuer taught vs to place Religion in wordes . Saint Luke made no scruple , speaking of a street in Athens , to call it the street of Mars : And the ship that Paul sayled in , he names by Castor and Pollux , though both these were the Idols of Pagans . If names were to be stood vpon , we should put our selues to great businesse , & it behoueth to change the names of our Moneths , and Dayes , which some haue pressed vnto , but wise men know this to be folly . Besides , the word of Confirmation was vsed in the Church long before Popery was hatched , as is manifest by Saint Cyprian , Saint Augustine , Tertullian , Eusebius , and others . And thus much of Confirmation . The Festiuities , which are the next , are impugned by this Argument amongst others , That hereby wee conforme our selues to Papists in the keeping of holy dayes : But had this Argument beene of any force , would the reformed Churches haue agreed so vniformely in the obseruation of them ? All of them , so farre as I know , keepe holy the dayes of Christs Natiuitie , Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension , with the Descent of the holy Ghost . The Churches of Bohemie , Vngarie , Polonia , Denmarke , Saxonie , and high Germany : The Heluetian Churches , the Belgique , and those of the low Countreyes ; The French , English , and Geneua it selfe , in the beginning of reformation , obserued them all . The day of Natiuitie they yearely celebrate , if I be rightly informed ; the rest are abrogated , and by what occasion , reade the 115. and 128. Epistles of Caluin , where after he had shewed the occasion of their abolishment , hee addes : Ego neque suasor , neque impulsor fui , atque hoc testatum volo , si mihi delata optio fuisset , quod nunc constitutum est , non fuisse pro sententia dicturum . For the opinions of the rest of our Diuines in this particular , Bucer , Martyr , Bullinger , Zanchius , Aretius , Polanus , Paraeus , and Tilenus , with all that I haue seene , speake manifestly for it . Tilenus his words in his Systema , which came forth the last yeare , are these : Alios dies praeter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad peculiarium quorundam Dei beneficiorum , & Christi gestorum , solennem & anniuersariam in Ecclesia commemorationem celebrari , nulla religio vetat : modò prudens cautio accedat , Ne videlicet vel vllius rei creatae , cultui consecrentur , vel insitae diebus illis sanctitatis opinio foueatur , vel denique ignauo otio , foedisque voluptatibus hac occasione , fenestra aperiatur . I find in a Synod kept at Middleburgh , Anno 1584. a Canon there made , that all holy dayes should be abolished , except the Lords day , and the day of Christs Natiuitie , and Ascension . But if the Magistrates shall require moe to bee kept , then the Ministers shall labour by preaching to turne the peoples idlenesse into godly exercises and businesse . These be the wordes of that Canon , which I haue cited , aswell to shew you , what that Church ascribes to Magistrates , as because our case in this particular is verie like . His Majestie , as you know , hath charged all his Subiects by Proclamation to abstaine from seruile labour in these times , and it should become vs wel as that Act speaks , to turn them from idlenes to godly exercises . For to dispute of the lawfulnes of the prohibitiō , neque huius fori , nor will any Subiect that is in his right wits , presume to doe it . I doe not vrge the testimonies of the Fathers in this poynt , because of them ; you who were at the last Assembly , heard enough : And they who eleuate the consent of antiquitie in this matter , saying , That the mysterie of iniquitie was then begun to worke , will reuerence , as I trust , the iudgement of these reformed Writers , who haue laboured to discouer that Mysterie , and will thinke it no commendation to them , to be dissenting from all the Churches that haue beene , and are in the world . Of the last Article , which requires kneeling , as the most reuerend gesture in partaking the holy Sacrament of the Communion , I haue neede to say much , seeing great stirres are made for this , and as I esteeme without any cause . The Apostle when he professes to deliuer vnto vs that which hee receyued of the Lord , speakes not , either of sitting , or kneeling , or standing ; by which it is euident , That situs , vel positus corporis in coena , as Zepperus speakes , is not of the essence of the Sacrament , but to be numbered amongst these circumstances , which the Church may alter , and change at their pleasure . Where it is said , that wee ought to conforme our selues to Christs action , yee know it is answered , That if so were , it behoued vs to lye along about the Table ; to communicate with men , and not with women : And in the Euening after supper , receiue this Sacrament , which things were ridiculous to affirme . Peter Martyr , an excellent witnesse of Gods truth , In classe secunda Loc●rum communium Cap. 4. speakes otherwise : Nihil interest , saith he , si coenae Dominicae sacramentum stantes , aut sedentes , aut genibus flexis percipiamus , modò institutum Domini conseruetur , & occasio superstitionibus praecidatur . And in his Defence of the doctrine of the Eucharist aduersus Gardinerum , answering the same argument , which Bellarmine brings for reall presence : Although in receyuing the Sacrament , saith he , we adore the Lord by kneeling , we doe not thereby testifie the real● and corporall presence of Christ in the Sacrament : for adoration , the mind not being applied to the elements , but to the things signified , may lawfully bee vsed . Peter Mouline in defence of his Maiesties Apologie against the Frier Copheteau , where the Frier alledges some testimonies out of S. Ambrose , S. Augustine , and S. Chrysostome , to proue the adoration of the consecrated Hoste , answers , That the Fathers say nothing , but that which wee willingly graunt . Is there any amongst vs , saith he , who euer denyed , that we ought to adore the flesh of Iesus Christ ? Who euer doubted , that wee ought to adore him in the Eucharist ? But he that adores Iesus Christ in the Eucharist , does not for all that , adore that which the Priest holds in his hand , but he adores Iesus Christ who is in Heauen . These worthie men scorne ( as yee see ) Bellarmines argument , howbeit wee can take out of an enemies mouth , and make somewhat of nothing , to beare out our owne conceits . Th. Beza did not approue this gesture of kneeling , yet did he neuer esteeme it Idolatrie , as some of our Spirits doe . In his 12. Epistle he writes thus Geniculatio dum symbola accipiuntur speci●m quidem hab●t piae & Christianae v●nerationis , ac proinde olim potuit cum fructis vsur pari , Tam●n quoniam ex hoc fonte orta est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa detestabilis , adhuc in animis multorum haerens , merito sublata esse videtur . Interea tamen , cum ista non si●t per se idololatrica , idem de illis , quod de praecedentibus sentimus . And what was that ? Propterea non esse deserendū ministerium : p●ssunt enim , inquit , & debent multa tolerari in Ecclesia quae recte non praecipiuntur . This was the iudgement of that worthie and reuerend man. But there came out a Pamphlet in the yeare 1608 , written by some peruerse Spirit in the English Church , of this argument , which findes too good entertainement in some of you my Brethren : Worse , and more desperate Blasphemies did neuer any Arriane cast out ; for this directly he saies , That in the receyuing the holy Communion , we ought not vse any right , that may signifie ou● inferioritie vnto Christ , neyther should we abase our selues there , but acknowledge and thinke vs his equalls . I pray God keepe vs from this Diuinitie . Doubtlesse such conceits as these , brought the Church of Pole in that generall Synode , which was kept anno 1578. simply to condemne sitting , as a ceremonie vnhonest , and vnlawfull for so holy an exercise : In the act concerning ceremonies to bee vsed in the administration of the Supper , they haue these words ; Libertati christianae donamus vt stantes , vel genua flectentes pij Sacramentum corporis , & sanguinis Christi sumant : Sessiones ve●ò ad mensam Domini , quia ill● authores huius ritus extiterunt , qui a nobis ad Arrianismum , perfide transfugi facti sunt , hanc propriam ipsis , vt Christum & sacra eius irreuerenter tractantibus , tanquam minus honestam & religiosam , simplicioribusque admodum scandalo sam ceremoniam reijcimus . VVe may not thinke it was any light cause , which made that Church thus peremptorie in their decree : Their troubles were great , and as I heare , yet are , by the Arrians : And beleeue mee , Brethren , such as can away with the speeches of that Pamphlet , are not far frō that side . Wee haue learned otherwayes to honour the Sonne , as wee honour the Father , and he that honours not the Sonne so in euery place , especially in the participation of the holy Supper , should be to vs as a Iew or Pagan . I shall insist no longer in this purpose : It is an excellent passage that of Saint Augustine vpon the 98. Psalme , Nemo carnem illam manducat , nisi prius adorauerit : That is , No man can eate that flesh vnlesse first he haue adored . For my selfe , I thinke sitting in the beginning , was not euilly instituted , and since by ou● Church continued ; for wee may adore while we are sitting , aswell as kneeling : yet the gesture which becommeth adoration best , is that of bowing of the knee , and the irreligion of these times craues , that we should put men more vnto it , then we doe . Thus I haue shewed you the iudgement of the best Reforformed Churches touching these Articles : Thereby you haue seene that there is nothing impious or vnlawfull in them : they who shew a dislike of some of them in the last Assembly , could not say other . And surely , if it cannot bee shewed , that they are repugnant to the written Word , I see not with what conscience wee can refuse them , being vrged as they are , by our Souereigne Lord and King : A King who is not a stranger to Diuinitie , but hath such acquaintance with it , as Rome neuer found in the confessions of all men a more potent Aduersary : a King neither superstitious , nor inclinable that way , but one that seekes to haue God rightly and truly worshipped by all his Subiects . His Person , were he not our Souereigne , giues them sufficient authoritie , being recommended by him ; for hee knowes the nature of things and the consequences of them , what is fit for a Church to haue , and what not , better then we doe all . But I heare some answere , That were it knowne , these things proceeded of himselfe , they would make the lesse question of them : but they are thought to come by the suggestion of some of the English Church , or them of our selues at home . For the first , I will but remember you of his Maiesties owne Declaration in the Chappell of Saint - Andrewes , where with a great attestation more then needed from a Prince to his Subiects , Hee declared that neither the desire he had for conforming his Churches , nor the solicitation of any person , did set him on this worke , but his zeale for God , and a certaine knowledge that hee could not answere it in that great Day , if hee should neglect this dutie . His Maiesties Letter to the last Assembly beares so much also . Now any of vs would take it euill , not to be beleeued after our solemne attestations : and I trust in all your confessions , his Maiestie deserues some greater respect . As to that which is supposed of vs at home , my selfe chiefly , if I shall beleeue the rumours that are going , I will borrow that notable man his speech in a case not vnlike , Mihi hactenus propemodum fatale fuit , putidis his calumnijs quotidie onerari ; ego autem vt sanctè testari possum me inscio , ac ne optante quidem haec proposita , ita ab initio in animum induxi inuidiam potius tacendo leuare , quàm excusationes quaerere minus solicitas . This was my resolution , and I should not change it , but that I will not haue a misconceit of my doings , to leade you into an offence : I therefore in the presence of the Almightie God , and of this honourable Assembly , solemnely protest , that without my knowledge , against my desire , and when I least expected , these Articles were sent vnto mee , not to be proponed to the Church , but to bee inserted amongst the Canons thereof , which then were in gathering : touching which point I humbly excused my selfe , that I could not insert amongst the Canons , that which was not first aduised with the Church , and desired they might bee referred to another consideration . Neither did I heare after that time of them any thing , while that Protestation was formed to bee presented to the States of Parliament : at what time , his Maiestie taking the aduantage of their mis-behauiour , who penned the Protestation and proudly stood to the same , resolued to haue these Articles admitted in our Church , wherin all my care was to saue the Church her authoritie , and labour that they might be referred to an Assembly ; which was obtayned vpon promise , that his Maiesty should receiue satisfaction , and the promise was not made by mee alone , but ratified by your selues , as you remember at Saint - Andrewes . In the Assembly that followed , howsoeuer my aduice took no place , I ioyned after the dissoluing therof with my Lords the Bishops , to excuse the delay that was made at the time : but our Letter being euill accepted , and another returning full of anger and indignation , which diuerse of your selues haue seene , I trauelled at the Ministers their earnest solicitation , by all the wayes I could , to diuert the troubles , which before this time most certainly yee would haue felt . And all that hath proceeded since ye know . So as I spake before , I would , if it had beene in my power , most willingly haue declined the receiuing of these Articles . Not , that I did esteeme them either vnlawfull or inconuenient , for I am so farre perswaded of the contrary , as I can bee of any thing ; but I foresaw the contradiction which would bee made , and the businesse we should fall into . Therefore , let no man deceiue himselfe ; these things proceede from his Maiestie , and are his owne motions , not any others . I heare others say , they could agree with the Articles , but that they take them to be introductions of the rest of the English Ceremonies , wherewith they cannot away . To this I answer , That the ready way to haue the rest imposed , is to offend his Maiestie by our resisting ; and the way to be freed of them , is to approue our selues in the obedience of these . Thereby both yee and wee shall finde a more gracious hearing in any thing that concerneth the Church . Call to mind the eourses of former times , and tell me if our oppositions did euer gayne vs any thing ? If experience will not make vs wise , what can ? But this , others say , is hard to bee done : because our preaching and practice haue both beene to the contrarie , and a yeelding now cannot but s●ayne our credits . I will not reply , that it is no credit to be constant in euill , nor any discredit to change for the better ; for this would sound harshly in the eares of many : onely I shall wish those who stand so much for their credit , to lay before themselues Saint Pauls example , who became all to all , that hee might saue some . Hee had preached against Circumcision ; against the keeping of the Iewish Sabbaths , their new Moones , and other Rites : he had called them yokes , burthens , impotent , and beggarly rudiments ; and reproued Saint Peter for making the Gentiles conforme to the Iewes in these things ; yet after all this he circumcised Timothy , and practised himselfe diuers of their Ceremonies . The reason was , that he saw no other way to redeeme the libertie of his Ministerie , further the Gospell , and increase the Churches : In this hee placed his credit , and so hee did speed in that ; hee stood not much what men reported of him . If the zeale of God leade vs , and the loue of his Church , wee will not looke so much to our selues and to our owne reputation , as to the furthering of the worke of the Gospell . It will be replyed , I know , that not for themselues , but for the offence of the people , they feare to admit these things . For hauing preached against holy dayes , and the rest , and hauing defended the Constitutions of the Church , which now must be altered , there cannot but great offence ensue . I can make no other answer to this , then say , That , I trust , none of our Preachers haue stood against the keeping of dayes simply ; but against the superstitious keeping of them as Papists doe , and against the lasciuiousnesse of people , prophaning those dayes by vnlawfull exercises : Nor haue wee taught at any time , sitting to be of the essence of the Sacrament and a Rite that may not be changed ; for in that case it is necessary for the Truths sake to informe them otherwise , and make it seene that wee loue Truth more then our owne reputation . If our iudgements haue beene misse-led , and that we haue misse-led others , it is good , that we being resolued of the Truth , helpe to resolue others also . But I doe not suppose any such ignorance in my brethren ; I know , people thinke many times wee contradict our selues , when there is nothing lesse ; for they distinguish not well of things , and haue many mistakings . Alwayes , this is sure , the framing of peoples conceits lyes much in our hands . The Dayes required to bee obserued , haue beene kept this last yeare in the chiefe Burghes by his Maiesties command , what offenc● thereof did we find amongst the people ? The Communio● hath beene giuen and receiued in that reuerend forme , Wh● was scandalized ? Some few , perhaps , that would seeme singular for holinesse by the rest , and others because they sa● their Ministers forbeare : but generally such as communic●●ted , who were not a few number , professed that in the●● time they neuer found more comfort and better motion● which their teares and deuout behauiour testified to all th● beholders . But this , they say , takes not away the offence : for Papists will boast , that wee are drawing backe towards them , and the godly cannot but be grieued , that haue a dislike of their Ceremonies . For Papists , first , wee are not to regard them , It is their manner to make aduantage of euery thing : say or doe what wee will , they will still speake euill of the Truth . Are the Churches of England , Germany , and Bohemie in better termes with Papists , then wee ? Yee know not how things goe in the world , if yee thinke so . Papists are not the fooles we take them , to be pleased with shadowes , they haue other more substantiall notes , by which they discerne their friends , then by ceremonies . As for the godly amongst vs , wee are sorry they should bee grieued , but it is their owne fault : for if the things be in themselues lawfull , what is it that should offend them ? They say , these alterations can worke no good . I answer , The alteration is necessary , if it bee necessary for our Church to inioy his Maiesties fauour , and if it be necessary , it must also be profitable . Naem causa necessitatis , & vtilitatis aequiparantur in iure . But if they thinke that we should regard their offence , and offence of other good Christians , let them know that the offence of our gracious Soueraigne is more to vs then theirs , and a thousand moe . Yet were it not better , that his Maiestie should by his authoritie inioyne them , rather then the Church giue any consent , and when the time shall grow better , we may then returne to our old custome ? for these are the motions of some . What they call better times , I know not , but our fathers saw neuer so good times , nor is it to be hoped that our posteritie shall see the like . Continuance detracts from the worth of things , at least in our conceits : wee haue enioyed peace and libertie so long , that we little know how precious they are . But had we beene in the coates of our fathers , or could wee remember the straits our first Reformers stood in , and were brought vnto in the same Citie , when that good Earle Alexander came to their reliefe , wee would thinke it no small blessing to haue our Profession countenanced by Authoritie . As to that which they desire , that his Maiestie should inioyn these things by Authoritie , I leaue it to you to iudge how dangerous the same may proue to the Church . If cōformity be enioyned , be sure it wil not be in these matters only , but in others that yee hate more : But I feare it be the purpose of many to rubbe this way vpon his Maiesty the imputation of tyrannie : for what Christian King did euer determine in Ecclesiasticall matters any thing without aduice of his Clergie ? And to impose Lawes vpon the Church without their consent , were as much as to say , the King imposes things vnlawfull : for if they be lawfull , Why will wee be dissenting ? Brethren , his Maiestie is styled , Defender of the Faith , and hath it by desert , aswell as by inheritance : It were a peruerse course for vs to make it seeme otherwayes . When Iesuites and Papists of all sorts , are by their infamous writings , belying his Maiestie , and traducing his Highnesse fame , onely because he opposes them for the defence of the common Faith ; if wee should furnish them matter of new obloquie by our rebellion , we could neuer be excused of vile ingratitude . Rests but one obiection that I haue heard , which I will not omit : They say , the English Church hath beene seeking of old times to haue vs wonder their gouernment ; and vpon this , some haue called our yeelding vnto a conformitie in these points with them , a betraying of the libertie of our Church and Kingdome . This reason is so euill grounded , that though we should conforme with them in euery outward Rite , obserued not onely by them but by the whole Church of Christ , long before it was so infected with Poperie : it would not inferre the dependance of our Church vpon theirs , but that there is that harmony and conformitie amongst vs , which ought to bee amongst all the reformed Churches both in Doctrine and Discipline . And for our part in maintayning our right , yee may remember not long since , when that Noble man was absolued in England who was excommunicate by vs , wee ceassed not to complaine vntill a new command was giuen , that hee should receiue from vs a new absolution . If matters should come thus to be contested for , which is not to bee expected , wee should not bee found neglectful either of our Church or Country . But what is this we are iealous of ? We liue vnder a King , that loues the kingdomes honour more then we all ; there offers not one occasion , wherein his Maiestie failes to expresse his naturall affection towards his country . Euen now that Mischant , sometimes one of your number , and vnworthy to be named , did vomit forth his spite and vnnatural malice against the whole Nation : And how did his Maiestie resent it ? As I haue beene aduertised , he did solemnely declare , That albeit much had beene said against his Maiesties owne person , and nothing omitted in that kinde , which the Deuill could inuent , yet all that did not so much grieue him , as that Mischants taxing of his Country and Nation : He is not worthy the name , I will not say of a Christian , but of a Scottish man , that will not , if need be , lay downe his life to meet his Maiesties affection . I know yee are ready enough to make your protestations this way , but beleeue me , he shall neuer hazard willingly his life for his Prince , who stands against his pleasure in so iust demands . I will say no more , for I haue wearied both you and my selfe , out of a desire to giue satisfaction to you all . How freely and plainly I haue spoken , ye are my witnesses : with what an affection towards the Churches good , God hee knowes . Brethren , wee haue made too much businesse about these matters . The Kingdome of God consists not in them , but in righteousnesse and peace , and ioy of the holy Ghost . Away with fruitlesse and contentious disputings . Remember the worke wee are sent for , is to build the Church of God , and not to destroy it ; to call men to Faith and Repentance ; to stirre them vp to the works of true pietie and loue , and not to make them thinke they haue Religion enough when they haue talked against Bishops and Ceremonies . If wee shall goe about this carefully , and all of vs striue in our places , by fruitfull preaching , honest liuing , and a wise gouerning , to approue our selues vnto the consciences of our people , wee shall shortly finde matters in a better estate then wee haue seene , and be all of vs an acceptable people to the Lord our God ; which that it may bee , God for his Christs sake grant to vs all . Amen . THe Sermon ended , the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes came to the Table , at which his Maiesties Commissioners , Noble men , and other members of the Assembly , were sitting ; and calling for the ordinarie Clerke of the Assembly , was answered , That Master Thomas Nicholson , who formerly serued the Church in that place , had dimitted his office in fauour of Master Iames Sandelands Aduocate : This he notified to the Assembly , as that which hee had vnderstood before and shewed that the said Master Iames was a man sufficiently qualified for the place , of good report , and one that by his aduocation and pleading might further the particular businesse of Ministers before the Session . He desired the Assembly to consider what was fittest to bee done , and aduise whether they would receiue the said Master Iames in the others place or not : The voyces of his Maiesties Commissioners , the Noble men , Bishops , and diuers of the Ministers being asked , they all without exception agreed to his receiuing . And the said Master Iames being recalled ( for while the voyces were asked , he was remoued ) had an oath ministred vnto him , for his diligent and faithfull discharge of that seruice . The Libeller obserues here , first , That seates being appointed for Noble men , Barons , Burgesses , and Bishops , with the Doctors ; the Ministers were left to stand behinde them as if their part had onely beene to behold ; Then sayes , that the choosing of Master Iames Sandelands to be Clerke , was done without formall voting or lite . But to that , first , although it might bee replyed in a word , that the care of placing seates was onely in the Magistrates hands of the Burghe , where the said Assembly was kept , and that the neglect thereof , if any was , cannot be thought purposely done ▪ yet because no diligence was omitted on the part of the Magistrates , and the seates conueniently enough placed according as the house could beare , wherein the said meeting was kept ; wee must thinke this complaint proceeds of too much pride and sawcinesse . The man cannot abide to heare of degrees in the Church , and places according to degrees ; but he must haue patience . Presbyters must now content to sit and stand behind the Bishops , according to the degrees of the old Christian Councels ; for the time of confusion is expired , and Church men must learne now to liue orderly . That there was not a lite for election of the Clerke , hee must remember that the dimission made by the former , was in fauour of Master Iames onely ; and that the Assembly had not so much adoe to choose a Clerke , as to aduise , if they would accept him , in whose fauour the dimission was made . Concerning which point , the voyces of the most , that could bee obserued to bee present , being asked , enough was done for making good his reception in the place , specially considering the Commissioners to the Assembly were not then knowne , nor a roll made whereby to call them , that had voyce particularly . But this is his curiositie , who gladly would find a fault , euen where none was committed . The said Master Iames Sandelands being admitted , command was giuen to all that had enteresse in the said Assembly , to giue in their commissions to him before the next sitting , and nomination was made of certayne for the Conference , according to the order kept in other Assemblies ; in which besides the Bishops , Noble men , Barons , and Commissioners of Burrowes , the most wise and learned of the Ministrie were named indifferently , without any respect had of their opinions and priuate inclinations . At this time it was moued by one , That the libertie of the Church might bee kept in the choosing of a Moderator ; which the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes repressed , saying to the proponer , That he did not expect him to be a troubler of the Church , and the businesse thereof ; and that the Assembly was met within the bounds of his charge , wherein so long as he serued , he trusted none would vsurpe ; at which he kept silence ; and streight wayes arose another , who asked whether all the Noble men and Barons present should haue voyce , or not , and if the whole Ministers that were met there , should haue voyces also : The Archbishop of Saint Andrews answered , that the order obserued in former Assemblies should here be kept , and no Ministers haue voyce that lacked a commission : But as for Noble men , and Barons who were come thither vpon his Maiesties missiues , he trusted none there would denie them voyce , specially since in the Assembly that proceeded at Saint Andrewes , it was one of the reasons they made for differring the conclusion of matters , That none of the Noble men , or Barons were then present to assist the proceedings of the Church . It was desired also , that the Articles to bee entreated , might bee extended in such forme , as his Maiestie desired them to passe , and that some might be set apart to collect the reasons that should be proponed , for , or against the Articles , that the whole As●embly might haue the cleerer information . To this it was answered , that the conference was to consider of these things , and what might serue best to prepare matters for the whole Assembly . It appeared , that their drift was to perturbe the Assembly with such motions in the beginning , therefore the Archbishop requiring them to keepe silence , commanded his Maiesties letter which was presented by Doctor Young Deane of Winchester , and directed to the Assembly , to be publikely read , the Tenor of which Letter wee haue thought meete here also to insert . His Maiesties Letter to the ASSEMBLY . IAMES Rex , RIght reuerend Fathers in GOD , Right trustie Cousins , and Coumsellors , and others Our trustie , and welbeloued subiects , We greet you well : Wee were once fully resolued , neuer in Our time , to haue called any moe Assemblies there , for ordering things concerning the policie of the Church , by reason of the disgrace offered vnto Vs in that late meeting at S. Andrewes , wherein Our iust and godly desires were not onely neglected , but some of the Articles concluded in that scornfull , and ridiculous forme , as We wish they had beene refused rather with the rest : Although at this time Wee suffered Our selfe to be intreated by you Our Bishops , for a new Conuocation , and haue called you together , who are now conuened for the selfe-same businesse which then was vrged ; hoping assuredly , that you will haue some better regard of Our desires , and not permit the vnruly , and ignorant Multitude , after their wonted custome , to ouersway the better , and more iudicious sort ; An euill which we haue gone about with much paines , to haue amended in these Assemblies , and for which purpose according to God● Ordinance , and the constant practise of all well gouerned Churches in all ages , Wee haue placed you that are Bishops , and ouerseers of the rest in the chiefest roomes . You pleade much , Wee perceiue , to haue matters done by consent of the Ministers , and tell Vs often , that , what concernes the Church in generall , should be concluded , by the aduise of the whole , neither doe Wee altogether dislike your purpose : for the greater consent there is amongst your selues , the greater is Our contentment . But We will not haue you to thinke , that matters proponed by Vs of that nature , whereof these Articles are , may not without such a generall consent be enioyned by Our authoritie : This were a misknowing of your places , and withall a disclayming of that innate power , which We haue by Our calling from God , by the which , We haue place to dispose of things externall in the Church , as We shall thinke them to be conuenient , and profitable for aduauncing true Religion amongst Our Subiects . Therefore let it be your care by all manner of wise , and discreete perswasions to induce them to an obedient yeelding vnto these things , as in dutie both to God , and Vs , they are bound : And doe not thinke , that We will be satisfied with refuses , or delayes , or mitigations ; and We know not what other shifts haue beene proponed ; for Wee will content Our selues with nothing , but with a simple , and direct acceptation of these Articles in the forme by Vs sent vnto you , now a long time past ; considering both the lawfulnesse , and vndeniable conueniencie of them for the better furthering of pietie and religion amongst you . And it should haue rather becommed you , to haue begged the establishment of such things of Vs , then that We should thus neede to be put to vrge the practise of them , vpon you . These matters indeede concerneth you of the Ecclesiasticall charge chiefly . Neyther would Wee haue called Noble-men , Barons , and others of Our good Subiects , to the determining of them , but that We vnderstand , the offence of Our people hath beene so much obiected ; wherein you must beare with Vs to say , That no Kingdome doth breed , or hath at this time , more louing , dutifull ; and obedient Subiects , then We haue in that Our natiue Kingdome of Scotland ; and so if any disposition hath appeared to the contrarie , in any of them , the same We hold to haue proceeded from amongst you . Albeit of all sorts of men , yee are they , that both of duetie were bound , and by particular benefits obliged , to haue continued your selues , and by your sound doctrine and exemplarie life , kept others in a reuerend obedience to Our commaundements . What , and how many abuses were offered Vs by many of the Ministrie there , before Our happie comming to this Crowne , though We can hardly quite forget , yet We little like to remember . Neither thinke We , that any Prince liuing could haue kept himselfe from falling in vtter dislike with the Profession it selfe , considering the many prouocations that were giuen vnto Vs ; But the loue of God , and his truth still vpheld Vs ; And will by his grace so doe vnto the end of Our life : Our patience alwayes in forgetting , and forgiuing many faults of that sort , and constant maintaining of true Religion against the aduersaries ( by whose hatefull practises We liue in greater perill then you all , or any one of you , ) should haue produced better effects amongst you , then continuall resistance of our best purposes . Wee wish We be not further prouoked , and Gods truth , which you professe , of obedience vnto Principalities and Powers , bee no longer neglected , and slandered by such , as vnder the cloake of seeming holinesse , walke vnruly amongst you , shaking hands as it were , and ioyning in this their disobedience vnto Magistracie , with the vpholders of Poperie . Wherefore , Our heartie desire is , that at this time , you make the World see by your proceedings , what a dutiefull respect and obedience you owe to Vs , your Souereigne Prince , and naturall King and Lord ; that as We in loue & care are neuer wanting vnto you , so you in an humble submission vnto Our so iust demands , be not found inferiour to others our Subiects in any of our Kindomes ; and that the care & zeale of the good of God Church , & of the aduancing of Piety , and Truth , doth chiefly incite vs to the following of these matters ; God is our Witnesse : The which , that it may be before your eyes , and that according to your callings you may striue in your particular places , and in this generall meeting to do these things which may best serue to the promouing of the Gospel of Christ , euen our prayers are earnest vnto God for you ; requiring you in this and other things to credit the Bearer hereof , our trustie Seruant and Chaplaine , the Deane of Winchester , whom we haue expresly sent thither , that he may bring vnto vs , a true relation of the particular carriages of all matters , and of the happie euent of your meeting , which by Gods blessing ( who is the God of Order , Peace and Truth ) we doe certainly expect ; vnto whose gracious direction , wee commend you now and for euer . Giuen at Theobalds the 10. Iulij , 1618. THis Letter being once read , and againe , as is the custome in all Letters of importance sent from his Maiestie : The Archbishop resumed the heads of the same , shewing how acceptable their acceptance would bee , and on the otherside , what inconuenients their refuse might bring vpon the Church ; hee declared also vnto them , how they should bee well aduised before they thrust themselues wilfully in danger , because whatsoeuer forwardnesse , some amongst them seemed to haue for suffering in such cases , they should or long fore-thinke the same : and after they had tasted of the troubles of banishment a little , would , as others had done , seeke home againe ▪ and acknowledge their ouersights . Of this he told them , they had examples many , not one before their eyes ; and because the very night before he had receiued a Letter from Master Iohn Shairpe , who was exiled the Kingdome , for keeping that disordered Conuenticle at Abirdene : contayning an earnest request , to intercede with his Maiestie for libertie to returne into his Country , with assurance he would conforme himselfe to all good orders in time comming , hee made particular mention of him , and of the Letter , giuing the young man his due commendation for his good behauiour , and the profit hee had made in his Studies , since the time of his Banishment . Besought them to be wise , and not to commit any thing wherof afterwards they might repent , to the disgrace both of themselues and their Ministerie . This was the effect of his first speech , which the Libeller so depraues , as hee would make you thinke , that hee lackt both iudgement to conceiue , and dexteritie to vtter that which was meete to be spoken in such an audience ; but they are witnesses enow to confute his folly , and falshood in that particular . The like imputation he goes about to lay vpon Doctor Young , the Deane of Winchester , whom in one place he cals a Scottishman by birth , as if he were now degenerated , and had forgotten , or forsaken his Countrey : And in another place scornfully taxeth , for the manner of his speech whereas his affection to this Country and Church , his care for the good of both , and reputation he hath iustly purchased by his worthy parts , in the Church where now hee liues , deserued better , and other acknowledgement . It is true , that by reason of the trust , and credit committed to him , by his Maiesty in this businesse ; the Archbishop of Saint - Andrewes desired him to speake , if so hee had any thing to say for seconding the Letter , whereof he was Messenger , and his words receiued at that time , by one that stood by , were these that followes . MOst Honorable , most Reuerend , right Worshipfull , and dearely beloued : It might well become me , according to the example of Elihu in the Historie of Iob , in the presence of so wise , so graue , so religious , and learned an Assembly , to waite in silence till the more ancient in yeares had spoken : but that I know that the Souereigne Maiestie of our gracious Lord and Master the KING , who hath regarded so much the lowlinesse of his Seruant , as to send me vnto you at this time , to be the Messenger of his will and pleasure , now openly read in your eares , will procure attention vnto a few words , which shall be vttered with the vprightnesse and sinceritie of a heart wholy deuoted , as vnto the glory of God , & honour of our great Master the KING : so to the happy , free , and flourishing Estate of this Church and Kingdome , vnto which I am tyed by so many strong bands ; that Moses the friend of God , and Paul that chosen Vessell of Christ , who are recorded in the holy Scriptures to haue exceeded in their affection to the people of Israel , their deare Countrey men , did not in that owe more vnto them , then that which you all wel know I owe vnto you ; and would to God I were as able to pay so iust a debt as I am , and euer shall be most ready and willing to acknowledge it ; Hic amor meus pondus meum : for from this loue and dutie I owe vnto this place of my first and second birth ( God hee best knowes ) how the sorrowes of my heart , haue bin inlarged , since the time of the last generall Assembly at Saint-Andrewes , to heare such words of indignation , and iust displeasure , so often to proceed out of the mouth of so good , and so gracious a Prince , like MOSES the meekest man vpon the face of the Earth : Sed verendum etiam atque etiam quò exeat patientia tam saepe laesa : Words spoken against those that are called to be Ministers , Embassadors of Peace , and patternes of Pietie , and Obedience ; vttered in the eares of them , who labour indeed as it becommeth , so loyall and louing subiects by their humble and dutifull obedience vnto his sacred Maiestie to out-strip those that went before them ; and albeit they haue the last , yet not to haue the least portion in our DAVIDS loue . But as then with all good and well-affected men , I much grieued , so now I heartily reioyce and praise God , that notwithstanding of all that is passed , I haue liued to see this day a generall Synod once more of the Church of Scotland , called by the authority and expresse command and pleasure of our Souereigne Lord the KING , which is the only true and best meanes indeed , vsed in all Ages for extirpating of all Sects , Errors , & Heresies , & for the planting of truth , and good order in the Church of Christ. And I pray God ▪ that all things at this meeting , may by the direction of Gods good Spirit , & by your wisdomes be so carryed , that you abridge not your selues and posterity , of so great● blessing , and procure that not only these things which are now required : but that other things more difficult bee enioyned and enforced vpon you , vpon strict penaltie by Supreme Authority . And therefore I desire ( as I am sent to that purpose ) with the Apostle Titus 3. to put you in remembrance , that you bee subiect to Principalities and powers , and that you bee obedient and ready to euery good worke : to put you in remembrance , that by the great blessing of Almightie God , you haue to doe with so wise , so potent , so religious , so learned a Prince , the matchlesse Mirror of all Kings , the nursing Father of his Church ; that he whose Wisedome and Authoritie , is in the composing of all differences both Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill , so much required , respected , and admired , not only by his owne people of his other Kingdomes , but by all good Christians of forrein Nations throughout the Christian world may not seeme to be neglected by you his natiue Subiects at home , and you especially of the Ministerie , who ought to be examples and patternes of obedience vnto others ; you whom he hath so infinitely obliged by his so great bountie and constant loue : To put you in remembrance , that as with no small disreputation vnto his Maiestie , and diminution as it were of his Princely authoritie in the iudgement and sight of the World , whose eyes are bent vpon these proceedings , he hath granted you so long time , by your Christian and godly endeuours with your seuerall flockes ( whom you are to leade , & not to be led by them ) to remoue ( as you promised both to his Maiesty being here amongst you , and againe confirmed at your last generall Synod , ) all those scandals which might be taken by the more ignorant and vnaduised sort of your people ( to whom all innouations though to the better , may seeme at the first somewhat strange : ) so that now you would bee carefull , as much as in you lyeth , to take away that more dangerous and open offence , and scandall , which by your delay , and refusall of obedience , you shall cast vpon the sacred person of our Soueraigne Lord the King ; the most constant , and Zealous Protectour and Defender of that Faith and Truth , which wee all professe , and for the which he hath suffered such open gaine-saying of the Aduersaries thereof , the limbes of Antichrist ; as if he● who hath laboured so much to exalt the glorie of thi● Nation farre aboue all his Predecessours in the eyes of the World , now going about most of all to humble vs vnto our God , and in performance of the act of greatest deuotion according to his owne example to bring vs vnt● our Knees , did in so doing any way vrge his Subiects to any thing , which might sauour of Superstition or Idolatrie : To remoue the scandall from those who are in authority amongst you , and are set ouer you in the Lord , who by their dutifull obedience vnto God , and their Soueraigne , haue alreadie both by their Doctrine , and practise , commended those things which now are required of you , to b● both lawfull , and expedient : To take away that scandal and aspersion , which by the seeming reasons of your former refusall , or delay , you haue cast vpon others so glorious reformed Churches , as if the holy Ghost , and Spirit● reformation had beene giuen onely , and solely rested vpon you : To remoue that notorious , and publique scanda● which by the fierie and turbulent spirits of some fe● priuate men , lyeth heauie vpon the feruent and zealou● Professours of the glorious Gospel of Christ , as if the also were disobedient vnto Magistracie , and in this did seeme to ioyne hands with the maine vpholders , and pillars of Poperie . It hath wounded the Spirits of good men to heare it often spoken , Nec dicatur , ( vtinam ampliùs ) Gathi , & in plateis Aschelonis ; Nay to see it in Print , that Herod , and Pilate , were now reconciled againe , if not Contra Christum Dominum , yet contra Christum Domini . Lastly , to preuent that lamentable miserie and calamitie , which God in his iustice might bring vpon this Church , in that you regarded not the blessed time of your visitation , and despised the long suffering and great goodnesse of God , and of so bountifull and gracious a Soueraigne . And so to conclude , ( for to stand now vpon the particulars were but actum agere , and you need no gleanings after so plentifull an haruest , or the light of a Candle being inlightned by the cleare beames of the Sunne , ) with that of Naamans seruants , 2. King. 5. vnto their Lord , and Maister : Father , if the Prophet had commanded thee a greater matter , shouldest thou not haue done it ? &c. So , right reuerend Fathers and Brethren in Christ , if our most gracious Soueraigne Lord , who hath done so much for you , had commanded you greater things , so long as they might stand with the will of God , and in no waies be repugnant vnto the same , ( for in that case indeed , the Apostles rule holds inuiolably true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That we must rather obey God , then men ) should you not haue beene readie your selues , and by your Doctrine , and practise , haue induced others to obedience ? much more then , when he requireth of you , but these few necessarie things , necessary , and expedient for the glorie of God , for the aduancing of pietie amongst you ; for the honour and due satisfaction vnto our Soueraigne Lord the KING ; for the happy establishing of order , peace , vnion , and loue amongst your selues , and in these vnited Kingdomes . Therefore let me beseech you in the bowels of Christ to giue all their due , Quae Caesaris , Caesari , quae Dei , Deo. And as Constantine the Great , ( as Eusebius hath it ) wrote vnto his Churchmen , that troubled his peace and other weightie affaires , with their contentious humours : So let me intreat you in the behalfe of our CONSTANTINE , Qui dum regat , iubet , Date illi dies tranquillos , & noctes curae , & molestiarum expertes , That so he may with much ioy and contentment of heart , yet once more , as hee proposeth , if not often , visit your coasts and those places which his soule so loueth . And that this poore Church , and his natiue Kingdome , may be made euer more and more happie by his comming , and long , peaceable , and prosperous reigne : And GOD and Men say Amen vnto it . Amen , Amen . This Speech hee deliuered most grauely , and with great affection , to the contentment of all good and wise men : And how falsly the Libeller charges him with bringing in the Puritane , and Papist ; like Herode and Pilate , conspiring together , we leaue it to the Reader to iudge . Thus ended the first Session of that Assembly . The second Session of the Assembly was differred to the morrow after , and the Conference warned to meet at three of the clocke in the afternoone . IN the Conference , after Prayer made for a blessing to that meeting , his Maiesties Letter was read againe , to put them in minde that were conuened of the businesse in hand , at what time the Archbishop of Saint - ANDREWES did remember them of the proceedings that had beene kept in these matters since his Maiesties first Proposition of them at Saint-ANDREWES : The promises made at that time to his Maiestie for passing the said Articles : the delay made in the preceding Assembly vpon pretext of satisfying the simple and ignorant sort touching the lawfulnesse of them : Hee told them also of the offence which his Maiestie had taken at that delay : the seuererer course that was intended against the disobedient Mininisters : and the mitigation which was procured by the humble intercession of himselfe and others : and hereupon besought them earnestly to doe , as became wisemen ; for howbeit as he perceiued against the aduice giuen in the particular Synods they were come thither almost all of them , who were disposed to resist the conclusion intended , and that they supposed to carry matters by voyces without regard , what reason would craue of them , they would deceiue themselues in that case , and finde their numbers too weake , if they did not hearken , and submit themselues to reason . And in the end , shewing them the end of their sitting apart was to consider , by what meanes matters might most easily be brought vnto a point , hee said that there appeared but two wayes , one whereof was by disputing the Articles , which was likely to consume a long time , and breed irritation , rather then any contentment else : The other was by a calme and wise consultation to consider how the said Articles might bee receiued in all the Churches with least offence , and conclude the same ; specially since they had promised in the last Assembly to resolue themselues and others , of the equitie of the points required ; and which they like best , he desires them to choose . The greater part esteeming , that such as were contrary minded , would neuer receiue satisfaction , vnlesse matters were first reasoned : and that it should bring a sore imputation vpon the Assembly to conclude any thing , which had not beene first debated by arguments , vrged the disputing of the Articles , which was of the rest condescended vnto . Then it being proponed , if they would take the said Articles in order , or beginne with the most controuerted , they agreed vniformely to treate of kneeling at the receiuing of the holy Sacrament in the first place , hoping that satisfaction being giuen in that Article , the lesse scruple should be made of the rest . So according to the order , two were named to dispute that Arcicle , to wit , Doctor Henrie Philip , and Doctor William Forbes for the one side ; and Master William Scot , and Master Iohn Carmichael for the other : these two last named , after a graue protestation made , of their vnwillingnesse to be heard opposing to any matter , for the which his Maiestie seemed so earnest , excused themselues by the necessity of the Commandement , and their owne resolutions , which they held to bee well grounded , wishing that no offence might be taken at their speeches , which they should be carefull of , and say nothing , but with that reuerence which become them in so honourable an hearing . And then adding , that the contrary order had beene long time kept in this Church with great profit , and the comfort of many good Christians , if now any would preasse to abolish that which had beene in force , and draw in things not yet receiued , they should bee holden to prooue , eyther that the things vrged were necessary and expedient for our Church : or the order hitherto kept , not meet to be retayned . And for this purpose they alleadged a passage of Master Hooker , in his Preface before the Bookes of Ecclesiasticall Policie , wherein hee craues that such as seeke the reformation of Orders Ecclesi●sticall in the Church of England , should content themselues with the Opponents part , and bee subiect to prooue these two things mentioned . It was replyed , that the difference of their case and ours , was great : for there a few priuate men desired the Lawes publikely established to bee inuerted , and it was good reason that such should bee put to their confirmation of what they proponed : but heere the Prince , that by himselfe had power to reforme such things as were amisse in the outward policie , required to haue the change made . And therefore it concerned them to bring reasons , why his Maiesties Propositions ought not to bee granted . This they declined for a great while , still protesting the reuerence they beare to his Maiesties commandements ; and without mentioning that which they would not oppose in Thesi , they wished this question to be reasoned : Whether kneeling , or sitting at the Communion were the fitter gesture . It was answered that the question could bee no otherwayes proponed then thus ; His Maiestie desires our gesture of sitting at the Communion to be changed into kneeling : Why ought not the same to be done ? If it could bee shewed by the Word , or by any necessary consequent deduced out of the same , that his alteration craued , ought not to bee granted , because impious or vnlawfull , that should bee enough humbly to decline the desire ; which wee doubted not his Maiestie would accept well : and if otherwayes , they could bring no argument to the contrary , a necessitie lay vpon vs to obey . An houre , or more was spent in such speeches , they declining still to giue any argument , and offering themselues to answere such reasons , as any man would propone for the alteration desired : whereupon the Archbishop of Saint - Andrewes said , that if none would reason , hee would put the Articles to voyces . Then they proponed that reasoning should bee publike , and in face of the whole Assembly : it was replyed , that nothing should be in conference concluded to the preiudice of the Assembly ; alwayes matters must first be brought to some point in the conference , and thereafter proponed to the whole number , who should be heard to reason of new , if he listed . Hereupon they resolued to fall into the dispute , and first Master Iohn Carmichael brought an Argument from the custome and practice of the Church of Scotland , which had beene long obserued , and ought not to bee altered , except the inconuenience of the present order were shewed , and the desired gesture qualified to bee better . It was answered , that how euer the Argument held good against the motions of priuate men , yet his Maiestie requiring the practice to be changed , matters behoued to admit a new consideration ; and that because it was the Prince his Priuiledge , that had the conseruation and custodie , aswell of the Church , as of the Common-wealth , to call in question Customes and Statutes which he perceiued to breed any inconuenience in the state euen by himselfe , it could not bee denyed that in a Church Assembly , such as that was , his Maiestie might lawfully craue an innouation of any Church Rite , which hee esteemed not to be conuenient for the time . From this Argument , they went to another of Christ and the Disciples sitting at the first institution , in discussing whereof , they were brought to acknowledge the gesture not to bee of the essence of the Sacrament , but alterable at the discretion of the Church . Only they held the custome formerly receiued to be the better . This was the proceeding of the first Conference , wherein because matters could not be brought to any point , continuation was made to the morrow after , and they warned to meete againe at eight of the clocke in the morning . The Libeller affirmes the Propositions made by them touching the order of dispute , and the rest to haue beene reiected by the Moderator , adding , that he determined by himselfe ; and that the fewer Reasons proponed by the Ministers , were cut off by cauilling and quarrelling at mens persons : whereas a number are witnesses , and can well remember , that they were heard with patience , to alledge what they could , and answered in that which they proponed till themselues could say no more , and that nothing was done , but according to the custome kept in such cases in all Assemblies . Wednesday the 26. of August . THe Conference being met as was appointed , after inuocation of the Name of God , the Reasoners were desired to proceed where they had left the night before , and not to trifle time with speeches of small consequence ; which was the effect of all the discourses the Libeller seemes to complaine of . The reasoning continued from eight vnto eleuen of the clocke . And when the whole Reasons proponed , by the two forenamed , were in the iudgement of all men satisfied , others were required , and had place giuen them to propone their Arguments also , which was done in good order , and with such modestie as could be wished . It were needlesse here to repeate the seuerall Arguments and Answers , seeing they are all in the Disputation subsequent at large set downe ; onely where the Libeller sayes , That reasoning was cut off , and the Article of kneeling put to voyces : It is true , that norhing remayning to bee said more in that head then was proponed , the Archbishop desired these of the Conference , ●o giue their iudgement in the matter reasoned . They opponed , that the custome was not to vote in Conference any matter , before it were brought to the full Assembly , but it was proued otherwise by these who had frequented the Assemblies , both of old and in the latter times ; as likewise it was told them , that these Conferences resembled the meeting of the Lords of Articles in Parliament , where matters are accustomed to bee prepared and put in order , before they bee proponed to the whole State. And that the voting in Conference was by way of aduice onely , and not to determine : The power whereof belonged onely to the Assembly . This being acknowledged by the whole number to bee so , they offered that were present , to giue their owne iudgement without preiudging the Assembly ; as accordingly they did : The whole number , some ten or eleuen excepted , declaring that by the Reasons proponed , or any thing else they conceiued , they could not deny , but a change might bee made of the gesture in receiuing the holy Sacrament , and that it seemed to them conuenient for the Church to embrace the Article proponed by his Maiestie about kneeling , in regard of his desire and resolution to haue the same forme here established . The Libeller either forgetting himselfe or misse-informed ( for by the whole Narration he makes , it would seeme , hee was not present himselfe ) casts this in the after-noones Conference , though the same was done in the morning ; but this , any man may well thinke , is but a light errour , yet it may appeare by this , how little the Narration he makes is to be regarded ; for he brings in the Moderator in that afternoone , saying to such as conuened , That the Article of kneeling was concluded by the Conference : and immediately after sayes , That the same was put to voyces ; where it is strange , the Moderator should so forget himselfe , as to say a thing was voted , and incontinent propone the same to bee voted againe , but this we will passe . After the aduice concluded to bee giuen to the Assembly in this point , it was thought meet , that the Article presently reasoned , with the other Articles proponed by his Maiestie , should all of them be formed in the best and most agreeable words that could bee deuised , for remouing all offence that might bee taken at the same , and no aduantage giuen to the Aduersaries of the Truth ; and to this effect were named some graue and wise Brethren , who were desired to haue the same in readinesse at foure of the clocke in the after-noone ; it being thought meet , that the full Assembly should not meet before Thursday againe , at which time all might be prepared . Wednesday at after-noone . ALbeit the meeting of the full Assembly was differred to the next day , yet that after-noone , the whole number thronging in , whether that they were not aduertised of the delay , or that they desired to bee present with the Conference , came thither ; which the Archbishop perceiuing , he tooke occasion to excuse the delay of meeting with them , declaring how farre they had proceeded , and that the Conference had committed the Articles to bee formed , vnto certayne Brethren , who were at that time to present them ; and therefore desired they should haue patience till the morrow , and leaue the Conference for that time by themselues , which they did . How soone they were remoued , these who were appointed to forme the Articles , being inquired what they had done , answered , That they had formed the Article about kneeling , but had no leisure to consider of the rest ; This being read , which they had put in forme , was well liked of , and they required to haue the rest in readinesse at the time of the Assemblies meeting the next day . The Libeller here remembers a word that escaped the Moderator , while as they resisted so importunately the voting of the Articles in Conference , saying , That hee would commit twentie preiudices to please the King : whereas the truth is , that after many answers made to giue them satisfaction , and shew that no preiudice was either intended or done to the Assembly , when as nothing could content them , but still they talked of preiudice , he willed them to be quiet ; for rather then his Maiestie should offend with the Church , and these troubles come vpon it , which were iustly to bee feared , hee would commit twentie such preiudices as these were . The rest of that after-noone was spent in talking , as the Libeller sayes , vpon Simony , &c. but in the deuising some ouerture for the restrayning of that abuse , to bee proponed to the whole Assembly , which the next day after was by vniuersall consent allowed : As likewise , the Commission for the planting of the Church of Edinburgh , and the forming of the booke of Common Prayers , and extracting of the Canons of the Church . And thus ended this Conference . Thursday the 27. of August . THat day being an ordinary day of preaching , a Sermon was made by the reuerend Father in God William late Bishop of Galloway , against which the Libeller excepts three manner of wayes ; First , saying that his Doctrine was farre contrary to that which he had taught before the Estates of Parliament Anno 1606. Secondly , that hee set at nought , the ancient order of our Church , sometime highly commended by himselfe , extolling the new light ; and thirdly , that he presumed to teach them a new kind of Catechisme , vnder whom he himselfe might be yet catechised . To all which seeing he is now at rest , this much may be truely replyed in his behalfe , That howeuer his opinion in these matters of the externall gouerment were sometimes other , his Doctrine was neuer contrarie to that , which at any time he professed , and preached : but these men haue beene so accustomed in feeding the eares of people with matters belonging to order , neglecting the substantiall points of Religion , which are , Faith and Repentance , as they dreame of no other Doctrine but that ; and counts the alteration of iudgement in these points of outward discipline a sort of Apostasie , and falling from the truth . And where he is said to set at nought , the ancient order of our Church , it is a false and impudent lye , for neither he , nor any else , that seeme most earnest for receiuing these Articles , did euer contemne the orders , and rites formerly established , but while as they stood in force , reuerently practised them , and were obedient to the ordinances of the Church made thereabout ; but the circumstances of things now being changed , and these times requiring other fashions and manners , wee thinke without the despising of these , they may be well admitted , and as commendably vsed , as euer the other were : For the third , of presuming to teach them , by whom he might be catechized , because this is spoken in despight , I passe it with this answere , That his Sermons , and workes left behind him , which will continue with the posteritie , will witnesse against all their malice , that hee was inferiour to none of the Opposites in preaching , yea , in many degrees superiout to them all . But to returne to our purpose ; the Assembly being not in full number , to take some conclusion in the businesse , for which they were conuened , after inuocation of the Name of God , it was declared vnto them , that by the labours of the Conference in their priuate meetings , the Articles proponed by his Maiestie , were brought and reduced into that forme , as it rested for the Assembly to consider , whether or not , the same should be receiued in our Church ; and to moue them the rather to condescend , his Maiesties resolution , to haue the Articles receiued , was declared , and how no other answere could satisfie , but granting of the said Articles . They were likewise remembred of their promises made to his Maiesties selfe at Saint Andrewes and in the last generall Assembly , and had the lawfulnesse , and indifferencie of these matters at length of new exponed vnto them : Neither was any of their common pretexts left vnanswered , place being giuen to all , that would reason against any one of the Articles , to doe the same . And while some of them insisted by long speeches to haue a continuation made of matters to another Assembly , and a supplication sent to his Maiestie for some longer delay , his Highnesse Commissioners hauing vrged a present answere , they were desired to cease , and not to trifle time , with vnnecessary speeches , seeing matters should receiue decision before they went forth of doores . And so some few making shew to reason in the contrary , were permitted to speake , till they had no more to say , and had their reasons answered to the full . The Libeller sayes , the libertie was granted to a few , and that the reasons were checkt , and borne downe with authoritie ; but how contrarie this is to the truth , wee leaue it to bee answered by such as were present . And now when they haue set downe in writing ▪ all that then was said , or possibly they can inuent , Let the Reader iudge , if by the answeres giuen , their obiections be not sufficiently confuted . Doctor Lindsay his answere , being posed on conscience to declare his iudgement touching kneeling at the Sacrament , is maliciously mutilated : His declaration was this , as all the Assembly can testifie , in whose presence it was giuen : On my conscience I neither know Scripture , reason , nor antiquitie that enforceth kneeling , sitting , standing , or passing , as necessary , but thinke them all indifferent , and therefore that any of them may bee lawfully vsed , when it is found expedient . And considering nothing to be more expedient for the weale of our Church , then to keepe peace with our gracious Soueraigne , and not to contend for such matters , I iudge , yeelding to his Highnesse desire , to bee the onely best . When all the reasoning was ended , his Maiesties Letter was againe read , to the end the Assembly might see his earnestnesse about the same matters . And because of a Pasquill cast in , in the Pulpit of Edinburghe the Sunday before , which was deliuered to the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes , the penners whereof had warned the Ministers not to yeeld to the Articles , giuing them promises of satisfaction for their stipends , in case they should be taken from them , and to fight in the defence of thē , & that cause : He disswaded them to leane vnto such suggestions , or be moued with them , for that they would proue nought in the end , as the experience of the seuenteene dayes worke might teach them . And added , which he is not ashamed of , nor will denie , That were there no other to take imployment against these Mutiners , and seditious persons , he could wish , that he were honoured therewith . These are the great blasts , and ●errours , which the Libeller mentions ; otherwaies they can take exception at nothing iustly that then was vtttered . As matters were then proponed , to be voted , one of that number gaue in writing some particular reasons , for disswading the grant of the said Articles , which they haue now writ , and imprinted in this Pamphlet ; which beeing suspected , as the Libeller speakes , to be some seditious protestation , the Preferrer thereof was aduertised to take heede to his doing , and giue in no Libels , which hee did not set his hand vnto : This while he offered himselfe to doe , the Archbishop of Saint-Andrewes beeing loath to bring him that way in danger , tooke backe the said Writing , and desired the Clerk of the Assembly to reade the same : And when they were perceiued to containe no matter of moment , or any new thing , which had not beene before talked of , they were cast by , as not deseruing any consideration . Thus the question was made , Whether they would receiue or refuse the Articles . Here the Libeller peruerts the question , and sayes it was this , Whether yee will consent to the Articles , or disobey the King ? which is a question of his own deuising ; And could not agree , neither with the matter , nor with the persons . It was desired by some , That the Articles might be seuerally voted , pretending that many would agree to some of them , who would not accept of all : But that no subterfuge might be left or giuen to those that gladly would hang betweene parties , & striue to please all , it was thought meetest to vote them in Cumulo , because the denying of one , would be to his Maiestie , as the denying of all . The Archbishop of S. Andrewes taking the roll of names in his owne hand , as it was meete , he should doe , though the Libeller thinke otherwise , ( for the office of the Clerke is to marke the voices , where they agree , or disagree , which he cannot easily doe , as any may may judge , if he himselfe reade the Roll ; neyther is that customable in any iudicatorie consisting of so many persons , as did this Assembly ) And called the names as they stood in the roll , where they were found 86. that answered affirmatiue , granting to the said Articles ; and one and fortie onely that denyed , with foure non liquets . The Libeller sayes , That some were called , who wanted Commission , in which he impudently lies , their Commissions being extant in the rolls : And that others hauing Commission of whose Negatiue wee were assured , omitted to be called , whereas not any of the whole , was left vnasked . Maister Iohn Murray , Minister at Dumfermline , excepted , who was past by , for many reasons concerning himselfe , not needfull here to be expressed . As for the order kept in calling of the Roll , it merits no answere : And where it hath been said , That the Noblemen , Barons , and Burgesses , were those that swayed the voices , the most of the Ministrie beeing against it ; by the rolls yet extant it is cleare that the whole Laicks that came to this Assembly were 31. of whom two were negatiues as the Libeller confesses , and one departed from the Assembly before the voting ; which whole number being laid aside , they were ouerswayed by the voyces of the Ecclesiasticks to the number of eighteene at least . And this is the true Narration of all the Proceedings in the said Assembly , by which , let any man judge of the Libellers Discourse , and how little credit is to bee giuen to the same : For things are yet fresh in the memorie of such as were present , and cannot be forgotten . Answers to the Exceptions made against the Assembly of PERTH , whereby the LIBELLER would inferre the nullitie thereof . PP . THe generall Assembly hath vsually met since the reformation of the Religion , according to the indiction of time and place made by the former Assembly ; And if it happened , that any Assembly was to be holden pro re nata , premonition was made in due time by his Maiestie , and the Commissioners of the Church , and the occasions set downe expresly ; to the effect Commissioners might be sent instructed according to the qualitie of the businesse to be intreated . Neuerthelesse , after diuers reports giuen out by such as stand in credit in Church affaires , that his Maiestie was so incensed against the last Assembly holden at S. Andrewes , that there was no hope of any other Assembly . This Assembly beyond expectation was proclaimed to be holden within twentie dayes after the Proclamation made at the Market crosse of Edinburghe , without any aduertisement giuen to the Presbytries about the matters to be handled . ANS . In this Assembly concurred all these things which yee require for the lawfull indiction of an Assembly : first , it was indicted by the supreme Magistrate , who hath sufficient power to conuocate generall Assemblies , and without whose permission no such conuocations can be made . Secondly , it had the consent of the former generall Assembly at S. Andrews , which by a petition to his Maiestie , most humblie required to grant a new Assembly , wherein these matters might be more fully considered , referring the time , and place to his Maiesties pleasure . Thirdly , the premonition was made in due time ; first , because at Easter before in the particular Diocesian Synods , aduertisement was made to the Brethren to haue their Commissioners in readinesse against the time to be designed by his Maiestie . Secondly ▪ the time designed after the Proclamation , was sufficient to haue all the parts of the Countrie aduertised . Thirdly , the Bishops besides the said Proclamation , gaue lawfull aduertisement by their Letters to the Ministers of their Diocesse . Fourthly , the occasion , and matters to be handled , were well enough knowne to all long before . For the occasion was by that petition made by the Assembly at S. Andrewes , wherein the same matters beeing handled , though not fully discussed , it was required , That it would please his Maiestie to accept of a delay , and to indict another Assembly ; to the end , that the Brethren hauing better leisure to consider the Articles proponed , they might bee the better prepared to giue his Maiestie satisfaction . PP . The act of Chapters of old were void , and of none effect , when the meanest member hauing vote , was neglected , contemned , or not lawfully warned : Such like the act of prouinciall Synods , when the meanest Suffragan was not regarded with lawfull citation , according to the rule , Cōtemptus vnius pl●s obest , quàm multorum contradictio . Neuerthelesse , for lacke of lawfull warning , and conuenient space to prouide , and prepare Commissioners , there was absent from that Assembly foure Dioceses , viz. Orknay , Caithnes , Argile , & the Isles ; besides diuers Presbytries , whose interest was as proper and necessarie in the generall Assembly , as of any suffragan in Synod , or particular member in the Chapter . ANS . None was contemned that had enterest to bee there , because due premonition was made to all , as it is cleered by the answere to the former exception , albeit some were absent , it shewes not that they were neglected ; for first , the absence might haue happened for diuers other occasions , some being impeded by sicknesse , some vnwilling to trauell in that Season of the yeare , and some loath to vtter themselues in the matters questioned . Secondly , the absence of these makes not the Assembly null ; for from these farre distant High-land Countreyes , as Orknay , Caithnes , Argile , and the Iles which are heere mentioned , few Commissioners were euer accustomed to come to any Assembly heretofore ; and to many Assemblies none of these Countreyes come at all : yet their absence did not annull the Assemblies . But in this Assembly there were at the least the Bishops of the Dioeeses , who might suffice to answere for the whole ; one only excepted , who was absent , not for lacke of aduertizement , but because of disease . Thirdly , if we looke to ancient generall Councels in the Primitiue Church , we shall find , that the absence of Bishops or their Commissioners , who remayned in Countreyes farre distant from the place where the Councell was holden , did nothing derogate from the lawfulnesse thereof : as for example , in that first famous Councell of Nice , there were present three hundred and eighteen Bishops , yet out of all the Occidentall Countreyes , there are only named in the Catalogue sixteene Bishops , and two Presbyters Commissionaries for the Bishop of Rome ; to wit , out of Spaine , one ; out of Egypt , eleuen ; out of Calabria one ; out of Dalmatia one , out of Carthage one , and out of France one ; so , in the first generall Councell at Constantinople , there were numbred an hundred and fiftie Bishops , whereof only two or three are found to be out of all the Occidentall Nations : In the first Councell of Ephesus , there are numbred two hundred Bishops , and only three out of the Occident . In the Councell of Chalcedone were three hundred Bishops , whereof , of the Occidentall Countreyes only foure , or fiue . In the second generall Councell of Constantinople , an hundred sixtie fiue Bishops , and of these only ten or eleuen out of the Occident . Now albeit in the Occidentall Empire there were many large Kingdomes and Prouinces wherein Christian Religion was professed , yet these Councels ( notwithstanding the absence of such ) ceassed not to be acknowledged as generall : or if this might be esteemed a iust cause to annull a Church Assembly , what a doore should be opened to the Arrians , Macedonians , Nestorians , Eutychians , to reiect the Decrees of these famous Countreyes , by the which their Heresies were condemned ? Lastly , the obedience giuen by the Pastors of these Dioceses , which you alledge to haue beene neglected , testifieth their consent to the Acts , and that they haue ratified them for their owne parts . PP . The generall Assembly , the highest Iudicatorie Ecclesiasticall within this Realme , hath euer after exhortation made by the last Moderator , lited , and lawfully elected a new Moderator according to diuers Acts , continuate Custome and Practice of this Church . The which Presbyters haue beene so regarded , that the conuention holden at Perth by his Maiesties missiue the last of Feb. 1596. although frequented by his Maiesties presence , with a great number of the Nobilitie , Barones , and Burgesses , with the Commissioners from euery Presbytery , was for the defect aforesaid no further acknowledged to bee a lawfull Assembly , then the generall Assembly holden at Dundy the yeare following , 1597. declared the same to be a lawfull extraordinary Assembly . Neuerthelesse no Moderatour was lawfully elected in this Assembly , but the place vsurped by him , who had practised against the matter there proponed , and not as yet determined ; and consequently who ought to haue beene secluded from any authoritie , in respect of the preiudice committed by him . ANS . In this , as in all the rest almost of their exceptions against the Assembly , there is a false rule laid , whereby to try the lawfulnesse thereof : To wit , the Acts and Custome of the Church of Scotland vnder Presbyteriall Gouernment , which must not rule vs now , seeing the true forme of Church-gouernment now restored is much different from the estate of these times . It is true , that when the Church was gouerned by a paritie of Ministers , they choosed a Moderator by suffrage , though without any warrant or example , eyther out of Scripture or Antiquitie , but being compelled thereto of necessitie in regard of that forme of Gouernment , wherein no man had any ordinary prerogatiue aboue , or before others : but now the forme of Gouernment being altered , and each man knowing his owne roome and station , we are not tyed to obserue that custome , but ought rather to follow the Constitutions and practice of the Primitiue Church , which was ruled by the same forme of Episcopall Gouernment that now is established in this Land. And it is manifest , that euer , while the Pope of Rome did tyrannically arrogate vnto himselfe and his Legats Presidencie in all Councels , this course was obserued , that eyther the Christian Prince himselfe , when he was present , was President , as Constantine the Great , in the first Councell of Nice , and Constantine called Pogonatus in the third Councell of Constantinople ; or else by the Prince his permission and appointment , the Bishop Metropolitan , or Patriarch of greatest authoritie in these bounds , where the Councell was holden , who was alwayes acknowledged President , except he himselfe were indited or condemned of Heresie ; then by the Emperours appointment , and not by Election of the Councell a President was appointed , as in the first Councell of Ephesus , Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria was appointed President by Theodosius the Emperour : because both the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Antiochia , who were of chiefe authoritie in these bounds , were fauourers of the Nestorian Heresie , which was there condemned . And if we looke through the whole Ecclesiasticke History , wee shall find this euer to haue beene the order ; yea , in that Apostolike Councell , Act. 15. according to the iudgement of the most learned , both old and new Writers , the Apostle Iames was there President as Bishop of Ierusalem , Euseb●li , 2. cap. 1. Theophil . in Act. 15. Lyranus ibidem , Dionysius Carthusianus , ibid. Whittakerus de Concil . Quaest. 4. And so is it probable out of the Text , because hee pronounced the sentence in the conclusion of the action , which is the speciall dutie of a Moderatour , and according to the words of his sentence are the Synodicall Letters written to other Churches . This exception therefore of not lyting or electing a Moderator , being grounded vpon a Custome or Constitution now abolished , in the place whereof hath succeded , the commendable order alwayes obserued by the Primitiue Church in her purest times , is not to bee respected , and the example yee bring to qualifie this exception out of that Assembly at Perth , Anno 1596. is not only insufficient to proue , but likewise in many points false . First , because in the Acts of the Assembly , there is no mention made of any exception taken against the Election of the Moderator . Secondly , that Assembly was acknowledged to be a lawfull Assembly by an expresse Act in the same Assembly . Thirdly , it was called extraordinary , not for any exception taken against the Election of the Moderatour , but because of the time and place , to wit , that the time and place appointed by the former Assembly , was preuented vpon an extraordinary occasion by his Maiesties missiue . Fourthly , by the Assembly that followed at Dundy , Anno 1597. it is acknowledged to be a lawfull Assembly , without the addition of ( extraordinarie ) as appeares by the Acts thereof , Session 7.14 . Maij. PP . By order established , Acts standing in force and continuall Custome , free of all Controuersie and Quarrell , all and euery one of the ordinary members of a generall Assembly , hauing place and power to vote , or capable of moderation , are , and should bee authorized with lawfull Commissions from inferiour Assemblies viz. Presbyteries , Burgesses , and Vniuersities , according to the Act made Anno 1573. Neuerthelesse the Bishops , a great number of Noblemen , and Barones , and some Ministers hauing no lawful Commission , presumed to carry themselues as lawfull members of the said Assembly . ANS . Because that which heere is summarily said , is at greater length set downe in the Articles following , I referre the Answer to that place . PP . Whereas the proceeding of the Assembly , ought to bee free without preoccupation either with terrours or allurements , this Assembly was preoccupyed with Sermons , Letters , Harrangues , with allurements on the one side , and terrours on the other . ANS . This is repeated in other words in the twelfth exception . For the Libeller making a great muster of Arguments to inferre his nullity , commits many tautologies . PP . No others ought to be chosen members of the priuie conference , but such as are authorized with Commission to be members of the Assembly ; neuerthelesse the pretended Moderator did nominate for the priuie Conference , such as hee pleased , before the Commissions were deliuered , and consequently not duly informed who were the iust mēbers of the Assembly . According to the rule , Totum est maius sua parte : The Assembly is greater then the Cōference , & according to another rule , Turpis pars omnis , toti non congrua . It is an absurd Conference , that disagrees from the whole Assembly . Neuerthelesse in that Assembly some few named by the pretended Moderator not chosen by the Assembly , not only according to the custome of the priuie Conference concurred with the said Moderator , for preparing and digesting of matters to be proponed in due order , but tooke vpon them to reason , vote , and conclude the matters properly belonging to the whole Assembly . ANS . Against the priuie Conference , there are foure exceptions made , first , that others were nominate then these who were lawfull members of an Assemblie . That this is false , shall bee cleered hereafter , when wee speake of the lawfull members of an Assembly . The second , that they were nominate by the Moderatour : to this I answere , hee vsed no other forme in the nomination of them , then hath beene heretofore vsed , in all other Assemblies ; for the priuie Conference was neuer chosen by suffrages , but the Moderatour did nominate such of all parts of the Countrey , as were thought most meete , and so was done heere . In the yeere of God 1579. in an Assembly kept at Edinburgh , and another in Anno 1580. at Dundy , this forme of nomination beeing quarrelled , it was reasoned , voted , and concluded , that the Assessours of the priuy Conference should bee nominate by the Moderatour , and therefore in the next Assembly after the names of the Assessours , it is added , All these were nominate by the Moderatour . Thirdly , it is obiected that they disagreed from the whole Assembly . Answere . The euent prooued otherwise , for that which was thought good by the Conference was concluded by the whole Assembly . Fourthly , that the Conference tooke vpon them to reason , vote , and conclude matters : before they came to the Assembly . Answere . The end wherefore the priuy Conference is institute , is to prepare matters for the Assembly , by cleering the points by reasoning , declaring what in their iudgements and opinion was meetest to bee done , without preiudice of the Assembly it selfe , and so was it done in this priuie Conference . PP . It hath beene the commendable care of godly Emperors , and their honourable Deputies in generall Councells , to prouide , that nothing bee done violently , nor extorted by terrour , but that time and libertie bee granted for reasoning vpon matters proponed ; and that the Booke of God be laid open for finding out the Truth . Agatho writing to the Emperour Constantine , aduised him to grant free power of speaking to euery one , that desires to speake for his faith which he beleeueth and holdeth ; That all men may euidently see , that no man willing or desirous to speake for the Truth , was forbidden , hindred , or reiected by any force-threatnings , terrour , or whatsoeuer else might auert them from so doing . Conforme to this aduice the Emperour answered as followeth : By God Almighty we fauour no partie , but shall keepe our selfe equall to all , no way making necessitie in any point . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , the necessitie of yeelding was inforced vnder no lesse pangs , then the wrath of Authoritie , imprisonment , exile , depriuation of Ministers , and vtter subuersion of the estate and order of this Church ; such as by the prouidence of God had their mouthes opened to reason , were checkt , quarrelled , rebuked , boasted , interrupted ; and for their discouragement , it was plainly professed , That neither the reasoning , nor the number of voters , should carry the matter away . The party defender was forced to pursue . The collecting and putting in order of the Reasons of either side , was refused . ANS . It is obiected here , That necessitie of yeelding was enforced , contrary to the example of Constantine , who protested he would ●auour no party , but keepe himselfe equall to all , no way making necessitie in any point . To this wee answer , first , The cause is different , for the question to be debated in that Councell of Constantinople , was a substantiall point of Doctrine in it selfe , not subiect to his Imperiall power , controuerted betwixt the Greeke and Latine Church , concerning the twofold will in Christ : and because , hee being a Grecian himselfe , it might haue beene thought hee would fauour more the Greeke Church ; therefore he purges himselfe of partialitie , referring the whole matter to the decision of the Councell according to the Scriptures : But here the question is , of no substantiall point of Doctrine , but of matters indifferent , not particularly determined by Scripture , but depending vpon the Prince , and Churches pleasure to haue them practised , or not . In which the Prince might by his owne authoritie impone a necessitie vpon all his Subiects to obey the same , except they could shew euident proofes out of the Scripture , that the same were absolutely vnlawfull . And in case of disobedience , hee might iustly threaten them by his authoritie . Yet all these particular terrours and threatnings ( which yee mention ) with the wrath of Authoritie , imprisonment , exile , depriuation , &c. were directed onely to such , as without reason should bee found obstinate and refractarie , who , by reason ought not onely be threatned , but punished . For if men will not regard authoritie , but doe as their conceit ( which some falsly call conscience ) leades them : if neither the Prince his command , nor acts of Synods , can bind them to obedience ; may not these threatnings , yea , ought they not to bee vsed towards them , as it hath euer beene the practice in all Councels ? And to meet you with your owne example , which yee alledge that same Constantine who protests , he would impose no necessitie in any point ; in that selfe-same Synode , perceiuing the obstinacy of Macarius Bishop of Antiochia , and his followers , Stephanus , Polychronius , Constantius , and others : not onely threatned them bitterly , but likewise in presence of the Synode , presently caused to depriue Macarius of his Bishopricke , by taking his Episcopall cloake from him , and did cast him and his Associates forth of the Councell by the necks , Ceruicibus eijc●entes foras , as the words are . Vide Concil . Constantinop . 3. Act. 8.9 , 15.16 . & Binni Annotat. Then yee say , yee were threatned by the vtter subuersion of the Estate , and order of the Church . And is it not lawfull to lay before your eyes the danger that may follow vpon your disobedience ? for looke all the Letters and harrangues of the godly Emperours , the generall Councells , and such as were speciall persons therein ; yee shall finde them euer lay before the eyes of such as were conuocated , as the speciall motiues , that might serue to induce them to condescend vnto things that were proponed , and serued to the good and peace of the Church . And to insist in the same example brought by your selfe , reade the Letter which Constantine writes to Agatho , and yee shall find the chiefe and onely Argument almost hee vses , to moue him to condescend to an agreement with the Greeke Church , is by laying before him the danger wherein the whole Church lyes by their dissention . Tacere quippe hoc terribile existimamus , vt ne plebs quae vt sanctificetur accedit ad sanctas Dei Ecclesias , contrarijs cogitationibus occupetur , considerans Antistitum ad inuicem dissonantiam . And againe , Propter viles igitur inquisitiones , ne sit infinita contentio ; Ne nobis insultent Pagani & Haeretici , neque in nobis vsque quaque locum accipiant semina aduersarij , &c. Looke likewise that graue Harrangue of Constantine the great , in the Councell of Nice , where hee sayes : Nolite ergo pati , vt denuo perditus Daemon , diuinam Christi disciplinam & Religionem maleuolorum obtrectationibus lacerandam obijciat , quando quidem intestina seditio in Ecclesia Dei conflata , multo plus molestiarum , & acerbitatis , quam quoduis bellum , pugnave videtur mihi , in se complecti , &c. Finally , as to that yee obiect , That the party defendant was forced to pursue ; It was not so , but the party refusing obedience was vrged to obey , or then giue sufficient reasons of their disagreement , which was most iust and equitable . For by one Statute made in the Assembly at Dundie , Anno 1597. 14 Maij , Sess. 7. it is ordayned , That hee that sustaynes the negation with his vote , shall giue rationem negandi . The rest of your Assertions are manifest lyes and calumnies : For all the Contradictors were heard with great patience the space of two dayes , both in the priuy Conference and face of the Assembly , while they had no more to obiect . PP . In free and lawfull Assemblies , priuate reasoning is not sufficient ; but it is requisite , that there bee also free reasoning in publique , for the full information of all , who haue the right of voting : Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , publique reasoning was hardly obtayned , it was not full and free to propone , and pursue with replyes . ANS . Publike reasoning was neuer refused , neither was any man hindered to speake freely , prouiding he spake pertinently , but onely by the Lawes of disputation the President comptrolled those who transgressed the Lawes , when either they reasoned not formally , or not to the purpose , or repeated arguments vnnecessarily , which had beene already sufficiently discussed ; and this is the power of the Moderator by the Assembly at Saint Andrewes , Anno 1571. in March. But the falshood of this exception is cleared sufficiently , by the true Narration of the proceedings of the Assembly . PP . In all free and lawfull Assemblies , humble requests for mature deliberation in matters of great importance hath beene heard and granted , but in this Assembly humble supplication for continuation , till matters were more ripely considered , or till his Maiesties answer were returned to the Petition of the defenders of the established order , was peremptorily refused . ANS . If these matters had neuer beene proponed before , or if we had not knowne his Maiesties will by his Letters hereabout , perchance this exception might haue had some force , but seeing some of these Articles had beene discussed in an Assembly at Abirdene , and all proponed thereafter in an Assembly at Saint Andrewes , at the which time , the same request of continuation was proponed , and an humbly sute sent to his Maiestie , to accept of this delay , to the end euery man might consider the matters more deeply , with promise , that if it would please his Maiestie to grant them leisure to aduise , and instruct their flocks in the lawfulnesse of these Articles , they should doe their best to giue his Maiestie satisfaction , a longer continuation could not be harkened vnto , especially since this Assembly was conuocated , to trie the effects of their promises ; and that it was euident , how a number of them against their promise , were so farre from the instructing of their people in the lawfulnesse of the Articles , that in the contrary , they pressed most sediciously to stirre vp both their owne flocks and others to disobedience . So at this time , that proposition of continuation could not bee granted for three weightie reasons ; first , because the former continuation was abused to the stirring vp of discontentment amongst the popular . Secondly , the Moderator , and the Commissioners , could not graunt it , because of his Maiesties peremptory declaration of his will , in his Highnesse Letter directed to the Assembly . Thirdly , because they perceyued by the disposition of the party , that a further continuance would haue serued for nothing , but to haue augmented the Schisme and diuision begun . PP . Pope Leo excepteth against the second Councell of Ephesus called praedatorie , that Dioscorus who challenged the chiefe place , kept not priestly moderation , and would not suffer the Synodall Letters of the west to be read . In all free , and lawfull Assemblies good aduisements haue been heard , and followed ; but in this Assembly some difficulties presented in writing to be considered , and remoued , before the voting were peremptorily reiected . ANS . That this reiection of these difficulties , is a iust exception against the lawfulnesse of this Assembly , yee proue it by the example of Pope Leo , who excepted against the second Councell of Ephesus called Praedatorie , because Dioscorus who was President there , would not suffer the Synodal Letters of the West to be read in the Councell , I will answere first to your proofe , and then to the matter it selfe . The reason yee vse is captious , for yee reason from a partiall cause to a totall rejection . The Councell of Ephesus was iustly reiected for diuers errours committed both in matter , and forme , yet yee choose onely one of the smallest , and applie it falsly to this Assembly . The errours in matter were , That first , it did approue hereticall doctrine , peruerting the grounds of our Faith. Next , it restored pernicious Heretickes alreadie condemned in a Councel at Constantinople , as Eutyches , and his followers ; and condemned reuerend Fathers , for maintenance of the true doctrine , as Flautanus Archbishop of Constantinople , and others . The errours in the manner of proceeding were first , The Orthodoxe Bishops beaten by the souldiers , ( whom Dioscorus had brought into the Councell ) fustibus , & gladijs , with swordes and staues , whereby some dyed of their wounds receiued , others were bound with chaines , and others presently carried to prison . Secondly ▪ the rest that remained were forced to subscribe a blanke paper , wherein Dioscorus wrote , whatsoeuer pleased him ; these were the causes , why this Councell was called Praedatoria Synodus . It is true , The Pope of Rome alledged some other reasons for the nullitie thereof , wherewith he was more offended , because the same seemed derogatiue to his authoritie , as that the Synode was not conuocate by him , but by the Emperours commaund : His Legats were not admitted Moderators therein : And his Letters contayning his sentence and opinion were not publiquely read , but supprest . Yee , leauing all the rest of the weightier causes , chop onely at this , as if therefore onely , this Councell was reiected : And to make this Assembly at Perth odious , compares it with that hereticall and turbulent conuention , betwixt the which , there is no similitude at all , no not in the poynt which yee chop at : For the Libell ye speak of , was not peremptorily reiected , but a part of it being read , the reading was interrupted for two causes ; first , because it contained no new thing , but that which had beene alreadie heard , and sufficiently answered to . Secondly , because it contained some things , which could not but giue iust offence . The like was practised in that Councell vnder Constantine , and Agatho , which yee alledged before for a patterne of orderly proceeding : In the eleuenth Session therof , we find that certaine Libells of Macarius , who opponed himselfe to the Councell , being presented to bee read publiquely , after they had proceeded a while in reading , they reiected the rest , for that they contayned so absurd doctrine as would haue offended the eares of the hearers : And in the twelfth Session , other Libels presented by him , to the Emperour , and offered by the Emperour to the Synod , after a part thereof was begun to bee read , the Councell finding that they contayned no new reasons , but the same which had beene heard , and discussed before , they caused stay the reading thereof : So , in this Assembly , to reiect a Libell , foolish , and impertinent , could be no fault . PP . In all free , and lawfull Assemblies , publique voting should be free from all terrours , according to the rule , Nihil consensui tam contrarium est , quàm vis , atque metus , quem c●mprobare contra bonos more 's est . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , his Maiesties Letters were read the fourth time , immediately before the publique voting , to moue the Assembly . The pretended Moderator threatned to marke their names , who dissented , and b●eathed out many terrours , and threatnings , and so he made good in publique , that which he professed in priuate , That he would commit twentie preiudices to further his Maiesties purpose . ANS . If all men were alike peaceably disposed towards the weale and peace of the Church , there were no need of these meanes to draw them to their dueties ; but seeing some are wickedly set , seeking nothing but disturbance , others pre-occupied by their owne opinions ; others abused , and seduced by the craftier sort , there is need sometimes to vse terrours , that the vnruly may stand in awe to offend , and the deliberations taken for the good of the Church , may not be hindered . As to the reading of his Maiesties Letter , directed to the Assembly , which the Libeller notes to haue been foure times read , and immediately before the voting of matters , to moue the Assembly , I would aske him , What is the fault ? The Assembly was called by his Maiestie to giue answere to the Articles proponed by himselfe : His Letter contained a Declaration of his pleasure , and therewith diuers reasons , why the Church ought to condescend to his Highnesse desires : Such as opposed them , insisted still for a new continuation , and the delay of a long time . And it was needfull they should heare his Maiesties owne minde by his Letter , who otherwise could not consent vpon the answers twice giuen by his Highnesse Commissioners in that poynt . If the Letter should haue beene read at all the seuerall Sessions of the Assembly , there could be no fault in it , and I am sure the time had beene better spent that way , then in hearing many of their idle discourses . For I thinke in that short Letter , there be more good and solid stuffe , then is in all this long Libell of the Pamphleters ; yet did it cost him many houres , and ( as we heare ) many nights and daies to find out these particulars , at which he might carpe . But I know it is not the consuming of time that troubles him : hee is sorie , That the Assembly did regard the Letter so much , and was moued any way by it , as he speakes . Now we tell him plainly , it was read to moue them to consent , and it wrought that , for which it was done : If any fault be , it is this , Their humours , and purposes , were crossed by the reading of the Letter , for we can see no more in it . Touching the terrours and threatnings breathed out by the Moderator of the Assembly , what they were , hath beene shewed in the Narration of the proceedings ; for the marking of the names of those that should be dissenting , it is most false : They were warned to speake in modestie , and abstaine from intemperate words , such as many of that sort are giuen to , when reason failes them : And if they should transgresse , warned of theit danger . But , that it was threatned to delate the names of the voters , howsoeuer they should giue their voyces , it is most vntrue . Yet is it nothing so vnusuall , as he would make it appeare , in Councels and Synods to threaten and terrifie such as are vnruly . In the first Councell of Chalcedon , Martianus the Emperour forbare not to threaten such as should shew themselues refractary against the Decrees of the Councell , and amongst the instructions giuen to his Commissioner Elpidius , and others , this is one , Si quem videritis conturbationi & tumultui s●udentem , hunc custodiae mancipate , & ad nostram perferte notitiam . Which in effect is , To marke their names , and to delate them to the Emperour . Many the like are to be obserued in the Bookes of the Councels . And if such speeches may furnish any exception for the nullitie of Councels & Assemblies , we shal hardly find a lawful Coūcel or Assembly at all . As to the Sermons , and harrangues , wherewith he said in his first exception , that the Assembly was preoccupied ; I would gladly know what Church Assembly hath there euer beene kept witho●t Sermons and Harrangues ? In the olde Councels they were not neglected . And if these be pre-occupations , how shall yee iustifie any Assembly kept from the beginning of our Church to this day ? We haue heard by some of you at times , strange Discourses , and more strange Sermons made at your Assemblies , contayning bitter Inuectiues against his Maiestie , the whole State , and sometimes against the Ministers themselues . And then was i● your ordinarie custome to set vp in Pulpit , not the wisest , or most learned Preachers , by whom the rest might haue beene instructed : but if there was any bold and impudent fellow that would not forbeare to vtter whatsoeuer was suggested to him in priuate , he was the man. And all that he spoke , was fathered vpon the holy Spirit . These were your formes , in former times , worthie of reproofe . And diuerse of the Assemblies yee count to haue beene free and vncorrupt , if they were well tried , would for this cause be seene most worthy to be reiected . PP . In all free and lawfull Assemblies , the estate of the question to bee voted , ought to bee so formed that it carry with it no danger . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , the matter to be voted was proponed with sensible danger ; agree , or bee reputed disobedient to his Maiestie : that is , either make a Constitution to bind all Ministers and Professors of this reformed Church , to returne to these fiue Articles which they haue vomited , or else yee shall be reputed disobedient . ANS . What the forme of the question was , hath beene shewed in the Narration preceding , and thereby is your malice discouered , which yee haue need to vomit , or it may be shortly , this poyson consume your selfe . Behold , in what reuerence this man hath the religious Rites and Customes of other reformed Churches : Thou art a very Satan , the Lord rebuke thee . PP . As the Acts which are to passe in voting , should be distinguished in number , cleare in order particularly expressed from point to point , because they should contayne directions of certayne actions to be performed , &c. so the matters offered to voting , should be distinctly , clearly , and particularly proponed . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , all was shut vp in a confused caption , A multis interrogatis , and voted at once voting in one Session . Iustly therefore may these Conclusions be called Leges Saturae . ANS . In Saint Andrewes aswell as Perth , the Acts were distinguished , clearly , and orderly set downe to the vnderstanding of all ; they were also seuerally reasoned and discussed : The number , order , and meaning of euery Act made known . Why they were voted in Cumulo , hath beene shewed in the Narration , and they of your minde had therein the aduantage ; for whosoeuer refused any one of them , their voyce was counted negatiue , and none taken to be affirmatiue , but these who consented to them all . PP . In all free Assemblies , such order is obserued , in calling the names of the Voters , that no publike preiudice be committed . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , neither the accustomed order of Prouinces , nor Presbyteries was obserued , but such were called on first , as were knowne to be affirmatiue Voters , to discourage and disperse the negatiues . ANS . The calling of the Roll depends vpon the writing of the Clerke , or the pleasure of him that presides in the Assembly ; and there is no Constitution in our Church for this , vpon the breach whereof yee may inferre your nullitie . PP . Leo sayes , Epist. 25. That some that came to the Councell of Ephesus were reiected , and others were brought in , who at the pleasure of Dioscorus were brought to yeeld captiue hands to their impious subscriptions , for they knew it would be preiudiciall to their estate , vnlesse they did such things as were injoyned them : it is crimen falsi , in gathering of votes , either to passe by them , who haue place and power to vote , or to admit such as are not lawfully authorized . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , not onely were some past by , who were knowne resolued to vote negatiue : but diuers others also disposed to vote affirmatiue , were admitted , or rather brought in without commission . ANS . In the Narration preceding , this is answered . PP . In all free and lawfull Assemblies , not onely Ministers , but all others of whatsoeuer ranke , ought to be authorized with commission , or else they haue not the power of voting . Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , persons of all rankes not authorized with commission , were admitted to vote , as may be seene by the induction following . ANS . The Libeller giues vs a rule here , which his Inductions will not make good : and thinks , that because it was the custome while the Presbyteriall gouernment stood in force , that all Commissioners , at least of the Ministrie , should bee chosen by the seuerall Presbyteries , it should now bee so : But he must remember that sort of gouernment is changed , and now they must haue place in Assemblies , that are authorized by their callings to sit there : aswell as by their Commissions . When the Church was gouerned by Superintendents , these Commissions were not knowne ; onely the Superintendents themselues , because of their place and preheminence , and such of the Ministers as they esteemed worthy to haue voyce in Assemblies , came thither : Now the Bishops on whom lyes the burthen of the Church affaires , haue place by vertue of their callings to sit , and giue voyce in Assemblies ; and Ministers by cōmission from their Countries and Diocesses , because all cannot bee present , nor may the Parishes in the Country bee left destitute of their Preachers at once . This was the forme of the old Synods and Councells in the primitiue Church ; and that first Synode of the Apostles was not otherwise held . If in that , or in any Councell or Synode of the purest times , yee shall find Commissioners appointed to be brought , yee might seeme to say somewhat : But your late orders we regard not , and tell you now againe , that your Presbyteriall and confused gouernement is ceassed . PP . It hath pleased his Maiestie , in former times , to send , but some few Commissioners in his Highnesse absence , to concurre with the Assembly , and to propone his Highnesse desire thereunto , &c. Neuerthelesse , in this Assembly , not only his Maiesties Commissioners , but also their Assessors gaue euery one vote , whereas his Maiesties selfe being present , neuer claymed further then the power of one vote . ANS . Whatsoeuer his Maiestie in former times hath done , remitting of his owne right , for causes knowne to himselfe , should be no preiudice to his Royall priuiledges ; especially amongst these that haue abused , and set themselues obstinately to crosse his Royall and iust designes . The practice of these famous Monarchs and Kings , who were in their times nursing Fathers of the Church , shewes that Princes are not tyed to any number of Commissioners , but as it seemes good to them , or as the businesse in hand requires , so they doe : Thus in the Councell of Chalcedon , where Constantinus Pogonatus ( whom yee alleadged before for example of equitable proceeding ) was present and President , there sate with him other thirteene Iudges and Senators , whose names are there expressed . And it is noted in euery Session almost they sate there , ex iussione Imperatoris , and had definitiue votes : Thereupon yee meet often with these words , Gloriosissimi ed●ount , & gloriosissimi Iudices dixerunt : In that famous Councell also of Chalcedon , called the fourth generall , there were present for Valentinian and Martian , the Emperours eighteene Commissioners , whereof sixe were Iudges , and twelue Senators , who , as it is most euident through the whole Acts , had the chiefe moderation of the Synode , and vote definitiue therein : Neither was this pluralitie of Commissioners receiued onely in generall Councells ; but also in Nationall , as in the second Councell of Orangue , Anno 529. where together with the Bishops , ten Pretors and Counsellors of France sate , and subscribed the Acts , sent thither by the King. Likewise in the eight Nationall Councell of Spaine , holden in Toledo , Anno 653. there late and subscribed sixteene Dukes and Earles . In the twelft Nationall Councell of Toledo , Anno 681. conuocate by Eringius King of Spaine , together with the Bishops did sit the King himselfe , and vniuersi Seniores Palatij , The Ancients or Senators of the Court , fifteene in number ; of whom , in his speech to the Councell , hee sayes ; Quos interesse huic Concilio , delegit nostra sublimitas . In the thirteenth Councell of Toledo , there sate , and subscribed sixe and twentie Dukes and Earles . In the fifteenth Councell thereof , there sate , and subscribed seuenteene Earles . In the sixteenth , there sate , and subscribed sixteene Senators , of whom the King sayes in his speech : Quos huic Concilio nostra sereni●atis praeceptio vel opportuna inesse fecit occasio ▪ I might bring a large Catalogue of examples ; but these are sufficient to proue that which we haue in hand , to wit , that the number of Commissioners sent by his Maiestie , i● warranted by the practice of all good Christian Princes in most ancient Synods : yea , it is certayne , that Monarchs and Princes had euer these priuiledges , vntill that the Popes tyrannie increasing , did bereaue them of their right , and exclude them from all Church assemblies . And looke wee to the custome of our owne Church ; many Counsellours and Noble men haue had vote in Assemblies in name of his Maiestie . In the Assembly holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1563. Decemb. 25. besides the Superintendents , Ministers , and Commissioners of the Churches , and Prouinces , there were present nine Lords of the Counsaile , Earles and Barons ; and because thereafter , the Regent , his Counsaile , and Nobilitie , did not assist the Assemblies so frequently as before , an earnest Petition was made by the whole Assembly conuened in Edinburgh , Anno 1573. March 6. to the Regent his Counsaile , and Nobilitie , to giue their presence and concurrence with the Church in their proceedings , because such had beene the practice in Assemblies from the beginning of the reformation . The truth whereof is manifest by the inscriptions set before the Acts of many assemblies , wherein the Counsaile and Nobilitie are euer distinguished from Bishops , Superintendents , Ministers , and Commissioners of Prouinces and Churches . In the generall Assembly holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1573. August 6. it was appointed , Sess. 1. as followes . Because it is vnderstood that certayne of the Nobilitie of this Realme , and secret Counsaile , are to repayre to this Assembly : Therefore these whole Brethren ordaynes , that the whole Nobilitie and Counsailors , with the Commissioners of Townes , Prouinces , and Churches , hauing power to vote , shall sit within the inner barre of the Tolbuithe , and all others without . In the Assembly holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1567. were present ten Earles , and Lords of Baronies about the number of three and fiftie , besides the ordinarie Commissioners of Townes and Churches . Likewise in the Assemblies holden , Anno 1563. Decemb. 25. Anno 1566. Iun. 25. Anno 1567. Iul. 21. Anno 1567. Decemb. 25. 1568. 1569. 1570. &c. the Earles , Lords , and Barons , are distinguished from Commissioners of Churches , Prouinces , and Townes . And in the Assembly at Edinburgh 1563. Decemb. 25. the Lords of secret Counsaile , with the whole Brethren of the Assembly , appointed Master Iohn Woodlocke , Superintendent of the West , Moderator . So as wee see the practice of our owne Church , hath euer esteemed this free , that his Maiestie at his pleasure , or Regents in his minoritie , should choose what number of Commissioners they liked . PP . At Edinburgh in Iuly 1568. it was ordayned , that Barons should be chosen Commissioners in Synodall Assemblyes . At Dundie in March 1597. after the full establishment of Presbyteries , it was appointed in presence of his Maiestie , that Barons should be chosen Commishioners with consent of Presbyteries ; and that one Baron onely should bee directed out of the bounds of a Presbyterie . Neuerthelesse in this Assembly the Noble men and Barons had neither Commission according to the old act , nor according to the new . In the yeere of God 1568. it was ordayned that Burgesses should be chosen Commissioners by the Counsaile , and Church Session of their Burge coniunctly : And in the yeere 1597. that they should be chosen with consent of the Presbyterie : Item , that euery Burghe haue power to direct but one Commissioner , except Edinburgh , to whom it was permitted to direct two . Neuerthelesse in this Assembly neither of the said Articles were obserued . ANS . The acts alleadged , for choosing Commissioners of the Barons , and Burghes were neuer so precisely kept in our Church as to exclude any of them , that came thither without Commission from Presbyteries . But such regard was euer had to Noble men , and Barons of any note , that if they were present they had their places with the first , were allowed to giue their aduise , and voyce in euery matter proponed , and had thankes giuen them , that vouchsafed their concurrence ; this is euident by all the Registers of our Assembly ; and so well knowne , as none can deny it : It grieues the Lybeller , and the rest of that Sect , to see the Nobles , and Barons so ready at his Maiesties call ; and that , that which sometimes serued them to good purpose in their tumultuous meetings , is turned against themselues to wound them . And by all good order in Church Assemblies none of the L●i●all sort ought to haue place , except they be called by the Prince his letters , or assured by the Bishops to giue authoritie to the acts concluded . Reade in Concilio Turracenens . act . 13. about the yeare 517. and Concil . Tolet. where the order of Councells is set downe , which order is p●efixed to the first Tome of the Councells , yee shall finde this cleare . For that which he sayes of the Commissioners of Burghes , let this bee added , That otherwise then by the Counsell of their owne Burghe they were neuer chosen , which wee referre to the Townes themselues that know it . PP . At Montrosse , 1600. it was statuted and ordayned , that none of them who shall haue vote in Parliament in the name of the Church , shall come as Commissioners to the generall Assembly nor haue any vote in the same , vnlesse they be authorized with Commission from their owne Presbyteries to that effect . This Act was neuer repealed , no not at the pretended Assembly holden at Glasgow ; but by the same Assembly they stand countable to euery generall Assembly for their proceedings . Howbeit the Presbyteries were spoyled of their authority in many things at the said pretended Assembly . Yet of the power of election of Commissioners , they were not spoyled , neyther is there any other order of Election of Commissioners , and Constitution of the members of the Assembly set downe by any Act of our Church , then was established , Anno 1597. Neuerthelesse in this Assembly they not only presented themselues , without Commission , but sate as Lords ouer-ruling it ; they had practised the Ceremonies against the established Laws , before they were proponed to the Assembly , they ought therefore to haue beene secluded , and sharply censured , but they vsurped the place both of Iudge and partie . ANS . This Act of Mōtrosse Assembly , was past when these caueats were deuised to restrayne the immoderate power of Bishops in the Church , and was yeelded vnto , for satisfying the importunity of such as opposed to their restitution , and keeping them quiet in the time : but the Bishops now beeing restored by the Assemblies of the Church , and by Acts of Parliament to the exercise of that lawfull power and Iurisdiction , which euer they had in the Church , that Act nor any other of that nature cannot preiudice them . And that Bishops should haue their Commissions from Presbyters men inferiour to them in degree , it is so absurd , as the like hath not beene heard in any Age. But the Libeller is in a dreame , and thinkes no Act , nor any order established to be of force , that hee himselfe hath not approued . Where hee sayes , that there was neuer another Constitution of the members of the Assembly set downe by any Act of our Church , then that at Dundy , 1597. it is most false , for in Edinburgh , 1568. in Iulij , there is another Constitution , wherein the members of the Assembly are diuided in two sorts , some are appointed to bee ordinary , and perpetuall , as Superintendents , and Commissioners for visitation of Churches ; others mutable , are Commissioners of Churches , Townes , and Prouinces ; The first , needeth no speciall Commission to euery Assembly , but being once admitted to the Office , were euer acknowledged thereafter as ordinary , and speciall members of the Assemblies . The second , were changed from Assembly , and behooued to produce a new Commission , before they were admitted . Yea in the Assembly holden , Anno 1568. at Edingburgh the first of Iulij , it was ordayned , that no Minister should haue voyce in Assemblies generall , nor leaue their Parishes to attend thereat , vnlesse they be choosed by their Superintendents , as men knowne able to reason , and of knowledge to iudge in matters . But for the Bishops themselues , they haue alwayes bin reputed ordinary members of the Assembly , and were euer first called in the Rolles , as is to be seene through the whole Registers . In Anno 1563. Iul. 28. Sess. 4. it is ordayned that euery Superintendent should compeare the first day of the Assembly vnder such a paine , not as idle Spectators , but as hauing speciall interest and power ; the same is euident by another Act at Edingburgh , 1568. Iulij 1. And by a third Act at Edingburgh in March , 1573. And by the admonition sent by the Regēt his grace , wherby the Bishops are specially admonished to be present at all Assemblies , or to be reputed vnworthy of the office . And in the Assēbly at Edinburgh , A. 1575. Aug. 6. albeit there were present sixe Bishops , to wit , Glasgow , Dunkeld , Galloway , Brechin , Dumbline , and the Isles , and two Superintendents , Angouse , and Lowthian ; yet because certaine others were absent , it was thought good , that they should be called , and the absents noted . Yea after , that the Iurisdiction of Bishops beganne to be quarrelled in the Assembly , 1579. Iul. 7. Sess. 9. this Statute was made that followes . ABout the Bishops and Commissioners of Countreyes , who absent themselues from generall Assemblies at the time appointed , the Church hath ordayned the Act made , August 12. 1575. to be executed against them ; and that same Act , to be vnderstood , not onely of Bishops , hauing office of Visitation appointed to them by the Church , but also of such as haue not the said office : Likewise , when some Bishops were prohibited to exercise the power of Visitation , their presence not the lesse was thought necessary in al Assemblies , and they counted ordinary members thereof ; neither was that Statute euer repealed by any Assembly afterwards ; but euen , Anno 1587. after the Prerbyteries were erected , the Bishop of Saint Andrewes was summoned to compeare for his absence from the generall Assembly ; by all which it appeares , that the Bishops had no need of any commission for sitting , and giuing voyce in Assemblies . PP . At Saint - Andrewes , in April 1582. It was thought expedient , that Presbyteries should not be astricted to send their Moderator in Commission , but whom they iudged fittest for the purpose : that constant Moderators should bee constant members of the generall Assembly , is a forged clause , forged in an Act of a pretended Assembly holden at Linlithgow , the yeare of God , 1606. The which Assembly , neyther the Church then did , nor will the Bishops now stand to ; neuerthelesse in this Assembly , some Moderators of Presbyteries voted without Election , and only by vertue of the forged clauses of the Act fore said : if any Presbytery directed their Moderators in Commission vpon ignorance and errour , hauing respect to the fore-said clauses afore-said , their ignorance , and errour is no lawfull consent . It is in the meantime to be remembred , that the present Moderators are not of the qualitie of these constant Moderators , but of a new Edition set out at Glasgow , viz. they are the Bishops Deputies , placed by them in Presbyteries . ANS . This reason will not inferre a nullity : Presbyteries ( ye● say ) were not astricted by the Act of Assembly at Saint - Andrewes , 1582. to send their Moderators in Commission ; Ergo ▪ the Moderators ought not to haue come , notwithstanding of their Commissions from the Presbyteries : there is no consequence heere : for it is , as if I would reason , The Presbytery of Saint - Andrewes was not astricted to haue sent Master Iohn Carmichael to the Assembly . Therefore he ought not to haue had voice therein , notwithstanding of his Commission . Any man sees the inconsequence . But here ye● adde foure things . First , that the Act of Linlythguow , 1606 bearing , that constant Moderatours should bee constant members of the generall Assembly , was forged . Next , that the Bishops will not stand to this Assembly now , more then the Church did at that time . Thirdly , that some Moderatours came to this Assembly without Election , by vertue of the said Act , and the Prebyteries that directed them , 〈◊〉 the same vpon ignorance , and errour , which is not a lawfull consent . Fourthly , that the present Moderatours , are not of the quality of these constant Moderatours ; but of a new Edition set out at Glasgow , viz. the Bishops Deputies in Presbyteries . I answere to the first , that there is no trust to be giuen to you in this businesse , wherin I haue better reason to be beleeued , speaking for worthy and reuerēd men , whose fame was neuer blotted : then such an one as you are , that did not feare to deny the authority of our Souereigne Prince in his owne presence , and immediately after forsweare it to the Brethren . Master Iames Nicolsone now with God , did moderate that Assembly at Linlythguow , a man for his Wisdome , Knowledge , and Holinesse in greater reputation , then that thy calumnies can touch him . All the conclusions thereof were penned by himselfe , at least by his aduice ; and to haue made a greater aduantage , then that conclusion could bring with it , would not haue altered a sillable in any Act , nor forged or foysted in any clause , as thou speakest . The Scribe of that Assembly was Doctour Henry Philip , yet Minister at Arbrothe , whose truth and fidelity , to speake nothing of his Learning Prudence , and other gifts , is as well knowne , as is thy perfidie and presumptuous rebellions , for which now thou liuest in Exile . And if thy sayings , or the speeches of the like of thee , might call such mens honestie in question , it should not goe well . If I seeme more bitter , in this Answere , to the Reader , then I am accustomed , let him consider , that he who neither spares dead , nor liuing , great , nor small , must bee answered sometimes as he deserues . Now where yee say , that the Bishops will not stand to that Assembly now , more then the Church then did , I doe not conceiue , whom ye call the Church : except ye thinke a handfull of mutinous persons , such as your selfe , to be the Church : otherwise the Ministers generally in all the parts of the Countrey did consent and obey the Acts of that Assembly . And what if the conclusions taken therein yet stands , vnrepealed by other Assemblies that haue followed ? the Bishops doe all acknowledge and stand to . For it is the Law of the Church , that rules them in matters of outward policie , and all other peaceable Ministers : yee , and the like of you stand to no Law , but the will of your owne minds . Thirdly , where ye say , that some Moderatours were sent Commissioners by the Presbyteries vpon an ignorant conceit , that they were bound by the Act of Linlythguow so to doe , ye qualifie no part of this by any particulars , and if ye did , it would be replyed , that in euery cōuention , that is permitted for exercise through the Land , the fittest and choysest of a number is appointed to moderate : And that whether the moderation lay vpon them , or not ▪ their Brethren would haue elected them , and no others to haue bin Commissioners to that Assembly . Lastly , where ye tell vs , scoffingly , that the present Moderators are of a new edition , to wit , the deputies of Bishops , yee must know , That your changeable Moderators , were of that new edition yee speake of ; for in no age was it seene euer before this , that indifferently euery man was taken in his course , to rule and preside without consideration had of his gifts and qualities . And these we haue now , are such as the Christian Church euer had , & vsed to keepe order in their meetings , & conuentions . PP . The Assessours to his Maiesties Commissioners , the Nobilitie , Barons , Bishops , Burgesses , and Moderators imposed vpon Presbyteries , with some Ministers voting without warrant , being substracted from the number of the affirmatiue voters , the negatiues will not bee found inferiour in number to the affirmatiues authorised with Commission ; And suppose inferiour in number , yet not in weight : for the negatiue voters adhered to the iudgement of the Church , heard no reasons for the nouelties proponed , were not ouercome with perswasions , or terrours , as was the affirmatiues . ANS . It hath beene sufficiently proued , that there was neyther Nobleman , Baron , Burgesse , nor Bishop , but had as good warrant to vote , as any of the negatiues , & therefore should not be substracted from the number of the affirmatiue voters . This yee perceiue , and flie to another shift , according to your custome . Yee graunt your number were fewer , for so they were by moe then another halfe : but their weight , yee say , was greater : for with them , as ye alledge , there was three great ouer-weights in the ballance . First , they had no feare . Secondly , they were not ouercome with perswasion : And the third , they adhered to the iudgemēt of the Church . It is true indeed , that neither the feare of inconueniencies , and euills which might haue ensued to the great hurt of the Church , and hinderance of the Gospel , did moue them , nor could reason , whereby the change was manifestly proued both lawfull , and expedient perswade them , but to the iudgement of the Church ( as ye call it ) they adhered , with out regard of good or euill , without respect to right or wrong . And this is the Idoll which they still adore . Now let vs consider this iudgement whereunto they adhered . The iudgement of our Church touching ceremonies and circumstances to bee vsed in the worshippe of God , is two-fold . There is one , that is particular : the other is generall . The particular iudgement determineth and defineth what ceremonies in particular the Reformers thought expedient to be receyued , and reiected . The generall declares , what the Church , and euery Christian should esteeme , beleeue , and hold touching the particular order and policie which is set downe for the vse of ceremonies and circumstances to be obserued in the worship of God. The former iudgement is expressed in the first Booke of Discipline , and some few Acts of the generall Assemblies cited afterward by your selfe . This other we haue in the one and twentieth Article of the Confession of Faith , about the end thereof , and in the seuenth Chapter of the second Booke of Discipline ; both which are afterwards cited in the examination of your Discourse , where yee professe your selfe to discusse the oath . And it is that iudgement whereunto the Swearers did oblige themselues by their oath . In this it is declared expresly , That no order , nor policie in ceremonies can be established for all times , ages , and places , but that it is temporall , and may and should be changed , when necessitie requires . This is the generall and constant iudgement of the Church , whereunto the negatiue Voters were bound , by their oath to haue adhered , which they did not . That other , whereunto they adhered ( as yee alledge ) is onely temporall , and subiect to change , according to the opportunities , and occasions of times , places , and persons : For if by occasion of any of these circumstances , the obseruation , which was profitable at one time , become hurtfull at another , and that which serued for reformation , breedes and fosters corruptiō , profanenesse , or superstition ; it is the constant and generall iudgement of the Church , that it should bee changed , and altered , which formerly was obserued . And to apply this to the purpose in hand : It is notoriously knowne , That sitting at the Communion , which at the reformation was iudged most conuenient to abolish the opinion of transubstantiatiō , & bread-worship , makes the Sacrament now to be contemned , and profaned by the common sort of Professours : That the want of diuine exercise on the fiue holy-dayes , hath almost buried in obliuion the inestimable benefits of our redemption ; the superstitious obseruation of these times not the lesse continuing still in our Church : That the withholding of Baptisme from infants in times of necessitie , and the holy Supper from others at the houre of their dying , hath beene the griefe of many good Christians . Lastly , that great ignorance is crept into the Church , by the neglect of the catechising of young children , and for lacke of a particular triall of their profiting in knowledge , at the Visitations of Churches . And vpon these , and the like considerations , who sees not , that alteration in these poynts was expedient ? Adde to this , our conformitie with the greater part of the reformed Churches , which is to be prefered much , to the singularitie of any priuat opinion , or custome of persons , and Churches . Then the shewing of an vnnecessarie , vndutifull , and vnchristian opposition , and contradiction to the most religious Prince on earth , who for the glorie of God , and the edification of his Church , did vrge this alteration . In this , if his Maiestie had beene gain-stand without right , or reason , what euils and inconueniencies might haue ensued , it is not easie to say . Ye afterwards call it a matter vncertaine , and depending vpon Gods prouidence ; but wee are not to prie in these secrets , and ought to follow his reuealed will , who hath commanded vs to feare him , and obey the King. This obedience should euer be performed , where it may stand with the feare of God. These things haue not beene considered by the Negatiue voters : And euidently shew that their pretext of adhering to the particular iudgement of the Church , whereunto in such cases they ought not to haue adhered , is no other , but a faire excuse , and spacious vaile to couer their wilfull opposition to his Maiesties will , and the well of the Church , which in the estimatiō of euery prudent and peaceable Christian must eleuate the authoritie of all their voyces , and make the same of no weight . PP . The affirmatiue voters authorized with Commission , either had their Commissions procured by their Bishoppes , or else were mercenarie Pensioners , or Plat-seruers for augmentation of stipends : or gapers for promotion : or of suspect credit for benefit receiued , or hoped for ; or had subscribed other priuate Articles , in priuate more dangerous then the present Articles : or had beene threatned priuatly by their owne Diocesian Bishops with deposition : or were not well informed in their iudgement for lacke of full and free reasoning : or were circumuented with promises made to them , by their Bishops , that they should not be vrged with the practise , if they would onely consent to make an Act to please the King : or were terrified with the publique threatnings before mentioned . Iudge therefore whether these votes should be pondered , or numbered . ANS . That he may be seene a per●it man in the art of Calumniation , hee heapes tenne calumnies together in one Section , whereunto in the order they are proponed , I answer ; first he sayes , the affirmatiue voters had their Commissions procured by their Bishops . This is so false , as nothing can be more vntruely said : for all the Bishops in their Synods kept before that Assembly , hauing acquainted the Ministers that a supplication would be sent to his Maiestie , for libertie to conuene a generall Assembly , and exponed the necessitie of their admitting the Articles , warned them to chuse the most wise , learned , and peaceable of their number , to bee their Commissioners , if so the libertie craued were obtayned , but left the persons to be named by themselues , in their meetings at their Exercises : vpon which aduertisement , it is true , That certaine of your factious sort employed all their meanes to procure Commission to themselues , and such others , as they knew would be of their minde ; and preuayled so farre , as verie few of the Ministrie possessed with your humor were absent from the Assembly . And to manifest your falshood in this particular : It is notoriously knowne , that at S. Andrewes , one day beeing appoynted for chusing Commissioners of that Exercise , the whole number of Ministers conuened ; albeit neither before that time , these tenne or twelue yeares past , nor since , diuers of them were euer seene , eyther at Exercise , or Synods . Notice whereof being giuen to the Archbishop of S. Andrewes , who was at that time in the Citie , by certaine that feared a trouble might fall out amongst them in the nomination , he comes himselfe to their meeting , and declared , how hee , and all that were present , perceiued they were come that day onely , by pluralitie of voyces , to chuse their Commissioners . And howbeit they might iustly be excluded from bearing Commission , or giuing any voice in the choyce of them that should bee sent , who at other times vouchsafed not their presence to the Brethren , lest it should be said afterwards , that the choyce of their Commissioners were not free , he willed them to name whom they thought meetest . And his owne voyce beeing first desired , he named for two , Maister Iohn Carmichaell , and Maister Alexander Henrysone , whom hee knew to bee set both of them against the Articles , that they might haue place to reason , and giue voyce in the Assembly . So farre hee was from plotting and preparing voyces to beare forth that businesse . And as he vttered in the Assembly , at diuers times vpon occasion since , wee haue heard him solemnely protest , that he did neuer open his mouth to solicite or perswade any to stand for receyuing the Articles ; but left euery man to his owne iudgement , to doe , and say , as hee should finde the force of reason to moue him . And yet had it beene so , that the Bishops had named them , and procured their Commission , there should nothing haue beene done , against the custome of the primitiue Church : for no Presbyters were euer admitted to sit in Councels , except they had been authorised by their Bishops , as we shewed before . And during the space of many yeares after our reformation , while the Superintēdents ruled Church affaires , no Minister might come to the generall Assembly , except they had chosen and named him , as was qualified before out of their owne Assemblies . This is our reply to the first . The second calumnie is , That the affirmatiue Voters were mercenarie Pensioners : If hee had set downe their names , and shewed , whose Pensioners they were , wee should haue easily shewed , that though they were Pensioners , yet they were not mercenarie men . One may safely enioy a benefice conferred vpon him by his Prince , or some noble Personage in regard of his former seruices , yet be no mercenarie . And they may be mercenaries who enioy no pension at all ; for euen the disposition of a man wil make him iustly to be counted such : Neither to my knowledge was there in that Assembly any one that had pension of his Maiestie , Maister Patrick Galloway excepted , whom before yee scoffingly termed a man of many pensions . But ye are not I hope so farre past shame , as to say , that hee enioyes any of his pensions , how few , or many so euer they be , vpon paction , or promise to be yeelding vnto euerie thing , that his Maiestie should be pleased to propone to the Church : yea it is knowne , that in these same matters he alone did more then ye all , to haue diuerted his Maiestie by humble aduise and perswasion from vrging them further : And tooke the boldnesse to propone his reasons in writing , against the Festiuities , and the Article of kneeling : which his Maiestie was graciously pleased to Answer by himselfe for his better satisfaction . These fiue and fortie yeares , or aboue , he hath liued a Minister in the Church of Scotland , and was his Maiesties owne Chaplaine , during the most of that time . And for his labours and continuall trauels taken for the benefit of the Church , deserued better reward , then all the pensions hee enioyes . But when this age is gone , his iust praise in despight of you all shall continue with the posteritie . If I pleased , I could reply , that the chiefe of your Sect hath a pension of his Maiestie , of greater worth then all his put together , and enioyes it with preiudice of many poore Ministers ; and for no merite at all , except it be merite to worke his Maiestie perpetuall vexation , and keepe the Church with his conceits in continuall trouble . And I could tell you in a word , that it is more fitting to be his Maiesties pensioner , then the pensioner of any Burgesses wife , or Ladie in the Countrey , such as many of you are ; and were not your purses filled by this meanes , we should not be troubled with your vnrulinesse . These things you must patiently heare , for they are truths , seeing yee forbeare not to lye of men more worthie , beyond all comparison , then is your selfe . Your third calumnie is , That they were Platseruers for augmentation of stipends : this is an euident vntruth . The Commission for stipends expired in the Moneth of Iuly before that Assembly , and further hope of augmentation they could not haue : where yee shall suffer this to be told you , that the negatiue voters had greater benefit by that Commission , then the affirmatiue : And that according to your manner , you gaue good attendance all that time , and many hopes of good behauiour , till your businesse was effected : Howbeit since , diuers of you haue turned your Cloakes , as wee vse to say ; Albeit the benefit is not lost , for it was not to you done , or for any of you , but to the Churches , at which ye presently serue . Ye say fourthly , That they were gapers for promotion : But how doe you know that ? Who made you a Iudge of your Brethren ? Is this pietie to iudge of mens hearts and affections at your pleasure ? None of you ( forsooth ) like to haue promotions , and I warrant you would flie into deserts to hide your selues , if ye knew your selues to be sought to be placed in high roomes : but what meanes then your continuall resort in the chiefe Townes , with the neglect and contempt of your owne cures at home ? Yee professe not to loue the World , yet none followes it so much . Ye may not endure domination , yet will play the Lords ouer Kings , and the consciences of euery man ; and think while as ye declame against ambition , wealth , and worldly honour , that yee are not perceyued euen then , and by that meane , chiefly to hunt after these things . Ye say fiftly , That they were of suspect credite ; and I beleeue it well , with you , they were so : Nay , yee might say more , ye suspected they were Reprobates ; for it is a thing familiar to your Sect , to pronounce of mens saluation , and condemnation , as they fancie . And yet that Booke , which they say some of you haue made vp , to note therein , the names of the holy Societie , is not the Booke of Life . The credite of that Register is not committed vnto you . Sixtly , They had subscribed , ye say ; other priuate Articles , more dangerous then the present : I conceiue your meaning to be , of the Articles offered vnto them , that enter in the Ministrie : If yee haue not seene them , ye shall know , that these Articles bind such as enter , to the obedience of the present discipline , and of all , and whatsomeuer acts , and constitutions , that shall be lawfully made hereafter by the Church , in matters of outward policie , and order : whereunto I will not say , the falshood , but the inconstancie of some of your number , gaue the occasion , who after they had promised to liue peaceable , and obedient to the Church , within a few dayes , hauing gotten what they sought for , became more turbulent and vnquiet then any . Seuenthly , They had beene threatned , you say , priuately , with deposition by their owne Diocesian Bishops . And wil ye qualifie this of any one person , wee shall grant all your informalities . But this is so vntrue , as yee neuer shall bee able to doe it . Eightly , They were not well informed in their iudgements , for lacke , yee say , of full and free reasoning . Here ye construe other men by your selfe , and some of your side ; who being asked the reason of their negatiue voyce , answered , That they had neuer studied the question well , yet that they followed the example of learned and godly men , with whom they had rather erre ignorantly , then follow the Bishops with some shew of reason . And one of your negatiue Voters professed publiquely in the Assembly , That he saw no euident reason against the lawfulnesse of the Articles , yet he would refuse them , because his deceassed father did mislike them . These were the best informations that the most of your negatiues had ; as to the affirmatiue Voters , when yee , or any man shall aske them , they will giue reason sufficient for their iudgement . Ninthly , they were circumuented with promises , yee say , made to them by their Bishops , that they should not be vrged with the practice , if they would only consent to make an act , to please the King. But you should haue named the Bishops that made such promises , for your saying deserues not that credit . It is true , that when some of you acknowledging the matters to be lawfull in themselues , complayned only of precipitation , and that time was not giuen them to resolue , it was answered by some in priuate , That if they would ceasse from their businesse , and professe so much in publike , which in conference they acknowledged of the lawfulnesse of the Articles , time should bee granted vnto them , before the practice were vrged . But this they obserued not , and did to the contrary what they could ; and this I hope was no circumuention of any man , nor were any of the affirmatiue voters carryed by these promises : for what they voted vnto without any scruple , they haue since that time practised . Your tenth and last calumny , that they were terrified with publike threatnings , hath been answered before . And now when ye desire your Reader to iudge , whether the voices should be pondered , or numbered ; I trust it hath not appeared by any of your alleadged motiues , that there is such cause ; on the other side , if your negatiue voters had equalled the affirmatiue in number , they might haue beene iustly reiected ; first , for the open preiudice they had committed in preaching , and publike condemning the Articles that they knew were to be reasoned , as impious , Papistical , and Idolatrous . I know yee will oppose to this , the preiudice you mentioned before , committed by the affirmatiue voters in the practice of the Ceremonies before they were established . But what they did in this , was by the aduice of the chiefe Ministers in the Kingdome , without condemning the former practice of the Church , and vnder protestation , that if the Church did not find the Articles fit to bee receiued , their practice should not tye them in after-times , seeing they acknowledged the indifferencie of all these matters . Next , the chiefe reasons which your negatiue voters gaue at any time , were , the hazard of their credits amongst their flockes , and of feare to be reputed inconstant , if they should yeeld at the sudden to that , which they had so openly condemned : and what are their reasons being well sifted , but reasons of selfe-loue , and a care to maintaine your popular estimation , which is nothing so much to bee regarded , as is his Maiesties satisfaction ? Therfore to end this purpose , whether ye regard the weight , or the number of voyces , the affirmatiues were superior in both . PP . In omnibus causis pro facto accipitur id in quo quis alium terrefacit , quo minus fiat : In this Assembly the affirmatiue voters confessed , that they assented not simpliciter to the Articles proponed as knowne truths , but onely to auert the wrath of authoritie , standing in their owne iudgement against them , and not for them , in respect of the estate of this Church . Hence it may be cleerly seene , that their votes were only affirmatiue , in respect of their feare , but negatiue , in respect of their iudgement , and dutifull affection to this Church . ANS . None of the affirmatiue voters approued the Articles for knowne verities ; for when wee speake of knowne verities , we vnderstand the verities defined in Scripture , such as are the points of our faith , which no man ought to call in question : but that any man did giue his voice otherwise , then his iudgement led him , yee will hardly perswade vs , much lesse , that any man would openly professe this : for that had beene little better , then the resolution of Medea in the Tragedie : Video meliora , proboque ; deteriora sequor . As to the feare , yee so oft mention , it was a feare not contrarie to the dutifull affection we owe to the Church ; nor repugnant to the iudgement which they had , that were moued therewith : but a feare commendable flowing both from their affection , and iudgement , for they feared no particular hurt to their owne persons , or punishment to haue beene inflicted vpon themselues , but to irritate so gracious a King and a Prince so carefull of the good of the Church ; and to bring the Church into an vnnecessary trouble by the obstinate refusing of lawfull Articles , this wee hope all good men feared , and still feare . And certainly , whosoeuer lackes this feare are not fit to serue in a Church , and more vnfit to determine of Church-matters . PP . Other informalities may be obserued , but these are sufficient to prooue the nullity of this pretended Assembly , whereby the established estate of this Church , is so far preiudged , or rather simple people for their facility indangered , if they vpon the pretended authority of this Assembly , shall aduenture to make defection from their former profession confirmed by so many , and well aduised Assemblies , and blessed by the experience of Gods great loue in his best benefits ; or to violate their solemne Oath and Subscription . The pretender may as safely professe , that hee will alter his profession , or violate his Oath and Subscription , suppose there had beene no Assembly at all . But to detayne simple people in their begunne reuolt , it will be cryed out , and inculcate , that some few persons ( and to make them odious , they will be called Mal-contents , Troublers of the Estate , Seditious persons , and what not ? for the which contumelies and reproches account must be made one day ) that they may not , nor should not iudge vpon the nullity of the Assemblies . It is true by way of Iurisdiction , or Superordination as they call it , no priuate man should presume so to doe , for that iudgement belongs to another free and lawfull Assembly ; but by the iudgement of discretion , euery Christian man ought to iudge , how matters of Religion are imposed vpon him , and by what authoritie . If thou mayest not discerne as a Iudge , thou mayest discerne as a Christian. If yee shall admit indifferently whatsoeuer is concluded vnder the glorious name of an Assembly , then may wee be brought to admit not only the English Ceremonies , but also Lutheranisme and Papistrie . If Ministers giue way to their Parochiners to practise the obtruded Ceremonies at their pleasures : If sworne Professors intangle themselues againe , with the superfluities whereof the Lord hath made them free , let the one and the other take heed , how they defend themselues from the iust challenge of back-sliding , and the rest of the inconueniences that may ensue on their change . ANS . This Libeller being now to conclude the Nullity , which he intended to proue , paines himselfe to mooue the People , Ministers , Professors , and all to disobedience of the Acts concluded : and where the authority of the Assembly , might draw men to condescend , hee labours to shew them , that euen the iudgement of the lawfulnesse of Assemblies in some sort doth belong to euery Christian ; which if it should not , he laies downe certaine inconueniences ; that thereby might grow vpon them all ▪ to which I answere , that this Assembly being conuocated , in the Name of God , assisted in the proceedings thereof by his blessed Spirit , and all the Informalities obiected being now sufficiently cleered , we are perswaded euery true Christian whether he be Minister , or Professor , will submit his iudgement and affections both , to the conclusions taken therein . And if any will still oppose thēselues thereto , we doubt not to cal them troublers of the Estate , seditious Persons , Schismatickes , louers of Diuision , and direct Enemies to the Weale , and peace both of the Church , and Kingdome . That ye would bee called such men , ye might well prophesie , seeing ye be priuy to your owne intentions ; but where ye adiect that account must be made one day of such contumelies and reproches , I would but aske you , whether yee doe thinke to passe free in the Day of that account , and not be brought to your answere , for calling the Seruants of Christ , mercenarie men , and thereby implying his Maiestie , your Souereigne to be another Balak in giuing the wages of iniquitie , to hirelings : for condemning all , that are obedient to the voyce of the Church in these matters , as men periured , and without all conscience , and diuers others your malicious speeches , vttered in this Pamphlet : or if you thinke it no fault to make a rent in the body of Christ , which is his Church ? which it appeares euidently ye are only about ; The answeres following will cleere to all men , that the estate of our Church is no way preiudged by any Act concluded in the Assembly at Perth , and that the obedience thereof , will not inferre a defection from our former profession . But that distinction of two-fold iudgement serues little to this purpose : for howbeit lawfully euery man may inquire of things concluded , and for his owne information seeke out the grounds and warrants thereof , yet whithersoeuer his iudgement incline hee must render himselfe obedient to the Constitutions of the Church in which he liues . And there is a great difference betweene decerning and discerning , though eyther yee or your Printer hath mistaken it ; for it belongeth to the Iudge to decerne , and Christians , as ye say , euen in their priuate callings may discerne , but this their discerning will neuer free them from the subiection of Lawes imposed , especially in matters of this nature , for wee are now vpon order , and policie onely . And except ye could shew some euident place out of the Word , or bring a necessarie demonstration to warrant your contrarie iudgement , your disobedience will euer be faultie . The authoritie of the Church must yeeld to the written Word , but the iudgements of priuate men , to the authoritie of the Church . Otherwise , we should open a doore to all confusion , neyther could there be order in a Church , if euery man should bee permitted to follow his owne conceit , and doe as his priuie iudgment did leade him . This our Church wisely foreseeing , in an Assembly kept at Edinburghe , anno 1583. 10. Octob. statuted , and ordained , That no Act concluded by a generall Assembly , should bee called in question by any particular brother , nay , not in another generall Assembly , except some iust cause might be seene for the change thereof . And if it be not lawfull to call any of the constitutions of the Church in question , much lesse to impugne by writ , and print , the same so maliciously , as you haue done . I omit the vnseemely match which yee make of English ceremonies , and Lutheranisme , with Papistrie : for this is your malice against the English Church , which it becomes you to reuerence , and of whom , if ye did loue the truth of God , ye would haue spoken more honorably . PP . If the Parliament by acts , authorize matters effected with such informalities , and nullities , matters of themselues so contrarious to our profession , their ratification of a vicious thing , cannot be a rule to a christian mans conscience . But it is to be hoped , that the Lord shall so dispose the hearts of Statesmen to the loue of the truth , quietnesse of the Church , and Country , and peace of mens consciences , that no vnreasonable burthen shall be knit vpon the members of Christs Body , by any deed of theirs , vnder the name of a benefit to the Church . Inuito beneficium non datur . ANS . Since the time that Kings and Princes became Christian , it hath alwayes beene the custome that Synodicall Decrees were authorized by their Lawes ; not that the allowance or authoritie of Ciuill Lawes is made a rule to a Christians Conscience , but that the externall man might thereby bee tyed to the obedience of these things , which the Church hath found to be agreeable to the Word of God , that is the only rule of conscience : and it is to bee hoped , that God shall so dispose the hearts of the whole Estate , to the loue of his Truth , and the Peace , and quietnesse of his Church , that refractarie and turbulent persons , such as ye are , shall bee restrayned of your vnbridled licentiousnesse , and kept vnder the obedience of the Church , and the Orders by her lawfully established ; which howsoeuer ye that loue to liue after your owne mindes , call an vnreasonable burthen , all true and peaceable Christians will esteeme a benefite to the Church , and bee thankfull vnto God for the same . PP . Consider three things , first , the Nullity of this Assembly . Secondly , thy owne Oath and Subscription , how it admits or abhorres this change , suppose the Assembly had bin lawfull . Thirdly , if the particulars offered , can be made lawfull or expedient by any Assembly whatsoeuer . ANS . We haue considered all these three as ye desire , and finde the reasons proponed by you for the Nullitie of this Assembly to be Nullities in themselues . Next , that the Oath and Subscription by you mentioned , admits the change concluded , and does not abhorre it , the same change being a part of the Oath which we all gaue , as in discussing of the Oath shall be cleered . Thirdly , that the particulars concluded , are things lawfull , of their owne nature indifferent , and most conuenient for this time : in regard the generall Church , who hath the place and power of determining the expediencie of Rites and Ceremonies , hath interposed their authority to the same , which in the estimation of Wisemen is sufficient to make them bee compted such . An answere to the Articles presented to the Assembly , AVGVST 27 ▪ and quotations added by the Pamphleter for confirmation . PP . FOr so much as we haue beene debarred of accesse , and from hearing the proceedings of the Conference ▪ their Reasonings , Consultations , and Aduisements , about the Articles proponed to this g●nerall Assembly : whereof , all , and euery one of them so neare●● touches vs in our Christian resolution , and offices of our M●nistry ▪ in most humble manner wee present to your consideration the particulars hereafter specified in the feare of God , in●reating your fauourable answere to the same . ANS . Neither he who presen●ed the Articles , nor they who penned them , can affirme truely , that they were absent from the Conference , and none were debarred , who were desirous to be present . The truth is , after long , and modest reasoning , and graue deliberation , when all had beene heard , both in pr●uate at the Conference and in publique before the Assemb●y , and all doub●s and ob●ections had beene proponed , answered and satisfied ▪ these , or the like Art●cles were presen●e● not for resoluti●n of those by whom they were proponed , who were already setled in this resolution , not to be 〈◊〉 ▪ but to per●urbe the mindes of these who were prepare● to vote , and conclude , and so to bring all in question againe , that before had beene discussed ; and therefore were iustly reiected by the Moderator as malicious and crafty delatorie exceptions , as shall bee manifest by the answeres following made to them , not as they were presented to the Assembly , but as they are proponed here , with your Additions , Q●otations , and Confirmations . The first Article . PP . THe Articles proponed , if they be concluded , they doe innouate , and bring vnder the slander of change , the estate of this Church , so aduisedly established by Ecclesiasticall Constitutions , Acts of Parliament , approbation of other Churches , and good liking of the best reformed Christians without and within this Kingdome , and so euidently blessed with happy successe , and sensible experience of Gods greatest benefits , by the space of fiftie eight yeares and aboue ; so that wee may boldly say to the praise of God , That no Church hath enioyed the truth and puritie of Religion in larger libertie . And vpon some such considerations , it pleased his gracious Maiestie to continue the Church of England in her established estate , as may bee seene in the Conference at Hampton Court , and Thomas Sparke his booke written thereupon , Ipsa quippe mutatio , etiam quae adiuuat vtilitate , nouitate perturbat : quapropter quae vtilis non est , perturbatione infructuosa consequenter noxia est , saith Augustine , Epist. 118. that is , Euen a change that is helpefull for vtilitie , perturbeth with the noueltie . Wherefore , consequently , a change that is not profitable , is noysome through fruitlesse pertu●bation . Rather a Church with some fault , then still a change , it is said in the Conference at Hampton Court. Answere to the first Article . IF the estate of our Church did consist in circumstantiall alterable Ceremonies , the change of these might import a ●hange of her estate : But such points and ceremonies as were concluded by the Assembly at Perth , haue the like re●ect to the estate of the Church , that ornaments and ve●●ures haue to the body , seruing onely for commoditie , or●er and decency , to bee kept in the worship of God : And herefore when occasion requireth ▪ as a change should bee made of apparell and may bee made without alteration of ●he constitution and health of the body . So the change of Ceremonies , necessary for the time ▪ doe not innouate and bring vnder slander of change the estate of the Church , as Augustine saith , Epist 86. Vna fides est vniuersae Ecclesiae , ●amersi ipsa fidei vnitas qui●usdam diuersis obseruationibus ce●ebratur quibus ●ullo modo quod ●n ●ide verum est impeditur , ●mnis enim pulchritudo siliae Regis intrinsecus : ●llae autem ob●eruationes quae variae obseruantur ▪ in ●ius veste entelliguntur , vnde illi dicitur in fimbrijs aure●● circumamicta varietate : that 〈◊〉 The Faith of the vniuersall Church is one , albeit the Vni●ie of the Faith it selfe bee celebrate with some diuers obseruations ▪ whereby the Veritie of the Faith is not impedit , for all the beautie of the Kings daughter is within ; but these obseruations , which are variantly obserued , are vnderstood to be in her apparell , therefore it is said of her , That shee is clothed with varietie in vestures of gold ▪ Psal. 45. In this veritie of Faith , whereby the Church standeth , her estate consisteth ▪ this must bee euer kept one and the same , albeit of the obseruations and ceremonies , wherewith it is clothed , ●t may sometime be said , as God said of IOSVA , Take away ●he filthy garments from him I will clothe thee with a change of rayment . Tertull. de Virginibus Velandis . Regula quidem fidei vna omnino est sola immobilis , & irreformabilis , &c. Hac lege fidei manente , caetera iam disciplinae , & conuersationis admittunt nouitatem correctionis , operante scil cet , & proficiente vsque in finem , gratia Dei. The rule of Faith is altogether one , onely vnchangeable , and such as cannot be reformed , &c. This Law of Faith standing firme , the remanent things , that concerne discipline and conuersation , admit the noueltie of correction by the grace of God , which worketh and maketh a profitable progresse , euen to the end . Augustines sentence , which yee cite , is not repugnant to this , for in that place he speaketh not of such a mutation , as proceedeth from the instant , and lawfull desire of a Prince , and after due deliberation , is concluded by the body of the whole Church ; but of such a nouation as is vrged contentiously by some curious spirits , who being strangers to the Church , wherein they presse to make the nouation , would haue the customes thereof changed , according to the formes of their owne Countrey ; or being trauelled abroad , would make a reformation according to that , which they see in their peregrination , Aut quia in sua patria sic ipse consueuit , aut quia ibi vidit vbi peregrinationem suam , quo remotiorem à suis , eo doctiorem factam putat . In such a case , saith Augustine , the nouation helpeth not so much by vtilitie , as it hurteth by noueltie ; such was the alteration that was intended and vrged by some Innouators at Hampton Court. Where notwithstanding some few particulars were explayned in the Liturgie of the Church of England , as is set downe in the third dayes Conference by D. William Barlow , as followeth . 1. Absolution or remission of sinnes in the rubricke of absolution . 2. In priuate Baptisme , that a lawfull Minister bee present . 3. Examination and Confirmation of Children . 4. Iesus said vnto them twice , to bee put in the Dominicall Gospels , in stead of , Iesus said to the Disciples . Thus his Maiesty who had wisely said before in that Con●erence . Rather a Church with some fault , then still a change : declared that where the fault might bee redressed , without change of the estate of the Church ▪ the fault was to be mended and the estate ●reserued . The second Article . PP . The receiuing againe of these Articles so iustly ●eiected ▪ and so carefully and long kept forth of the CHVRCH● grieueth reformed Professours tenderly affected to our reformation , and giueth occasion to our Aduersaries to reproue our separation from them of rashnesse , leuitie and inconstancie ▪ and not only hindereth their conuersion ▪ but strengthneth their hope of our further conformitie with them ▪ quoties non mutarunt suam quisque sententiam , &c. ANS . The receiuing againe of these Articles neuer reiected as vnlawfull , giueth no iust occasion of griefe to any , who are not superstitiously affected to externall Rites and Ceremonies : and such are not to be followed , but should be better informed . And as for the Aduersaries it grieueth them , that by this change their mouthes are stopped , who before took occasion to slander our Church of prophanenesse for fitting at the Sacrament ▪ of impious ingratitude for neglecting the solemne commemoration of the inestimable benefits of our Redemption ▪ of contempt of the Sacraments , and crueltie , for refusing in cases of necessitie Baptisme to Infants , and the Supper of the Lord to these who desire the comfort thereof , 〈◊〉 the time of their death : which things being now restored in our Church , they are afraid that many who before of their ●ect , did not so much abhorre our profession for the substance of doctrine , as for the precise excluding of these religious Rites , may now bee moued to adioyne themselues to our Church . But to be short , what can bee so well done by vs , whereat they will not take occasion to slander vs either of inconstancie , or prophanenesse , and impietie ? Therefore our actions must not depend on their constructions , but we must doe that which is most expedient and best for the estate of our owne Church , and not regard their hopes , conceits , calumnies , and lyes , whereby they maintaine their Kingdome of darknesse . The third Article . PP . They cannot stand in one profession with brotherly kindnes , peace , and loue , which must bee tenderly kept amongst the members of Christs body , as the same consisteth of strōger and more infirme , as may appeare in the Apostolicall Rules following , &c. Things indifferent ( put the case mans inuention were of that nature ) in the case of scandall , ceasse to be indifferent , and are as things morall . Perkins , Gal. 2.3 . ANS . Vnto this Article Augustine answereth in his 118. Epistle to Ianuarius , cap. 2. in these words ; Saepe sensi dolens , & gemens multas infirmorum perturbationes fieri , per quorundam fratrum obstinationem , & superstitiosam timiditatem , qui in rebus huiusmodi , quae neque sacrae Scripturae authoritate , neque vniuersalis Ecclesiae traditione : neque vitae corrigendae vtilitate ad certum possunt terminum peruenire , &c. Tam litigiosas excitant contentiones , vt nisi quod ipsi faciunt nihil rectum existiment : I haue often thought with sorrow and sighing , that the perturbations and offences of many weake ones , come by the contentious stubbornnesse of some Brethren , and by their superstitious feare , who for such matters , as neither by authoritie of the holy Scripture ; nor by the tradition of the vniuersall Church : nor by vtilitie for amendment of life , can be determined and brought to some certaine point , stirre vp contentions that they esteeme nothing right but that which they doe themselues . This is it that breaketh the bonds of kindnesse , peace and loue amongst Brethren . As to things in●ifferent it is true indeed , that they become not only scan●alous , and morally euill , as Perkins sayth , but superstitious , ●nd Rites of wil-worship , when they are vrged as necessary ●o be vsed for parts of Gods worship instituted by himselfe , as ye vrge sitting at the Table in the Sacrament of the Sup●er : or when it is vrged , ●hat they be reiected and excluded ●rom the worship of God , as simply vnlawfull , and which may be vsed ▪ without breach of some diuine Ordinance , as ●ou will haue kneeling : and the commemoration of Gods ●nestimable benefits ●pon the fiue Anniuersary dayes : the ●ebration of ●he Sacraments in cases of necessity in priuate places : and the examination ▪ and blessing of yong Children ●y the Bishop in his Visitation ●he contentious maintenance of such points against the order of the Church can neither stand with Pietie , nor Charitie ▪ nor with the Apo●tolicall Rules . Whatsoeuer is not of faith is sinne . Giue no offence neither to the ●ew ▪ nor to the Grecian : nor to the Church if God ▪ Let all things be done honestly , and in order . The fourth Article . PP . They giue way to humane ●nuentions , and bring the wrong key of mans wit within the house of God , whereby ●oves and ●rifling Ceremonies in number , and force are mul●iplyed as mens wits are variable to inuent : Who requireth those things at your hands ▪ ANS . The determination of the circumstantiall Ceremonies , belonging to the formes times ▪ places ▪ and persons ▪ by whom , where ▪ when ▪ and how God should bee worshipped , concluded by the Assembly at Perth ▪ giue no way to humane inuention nor bring within the house of God any key , but that which God hath giuen to his Church , for pie●y and edification ▪ and for establishing of order , and decencie to be●●ed ●n his worship , which things God requireth at our hands . The fift Article . PP . The admitting of some openeth the doore to the rest , & the multitude of such make vs inferiour to the Iewes in two respects . First , Their Ceremonies were all diuine . Secondly , In number fewer then rituall Christians do obserue betwixt the Pasche and Pentecost . Gerson complayneth , Quod multitudine leuissimarum ceremoniarum vis omnis Spiritus sancti , quem in nobis vigere oportuit , & vera pietas sit extincta : that with the multitude of friuolous Ceremonies , true pietie was extinguished , and the force of the Spirit which ought to bee powerfull in vs. Iewell . Apollog . p. 116. Sed quamuis hoc neque inueniri possit , &c. Aug. Epist. 119. Howbeit it cannot bee found , how they are contrary to the faith ; yet they presse downe Religion it selfe with seruile burthens , so that the estate of the Iewes is more tolerable , who howbeit they did now acknowledge the time of their liberty , are subiect notwithstanding to the burthens of the Law , not to the presumptions of man. Quanto magis accedit cumulo , &c. Confess . Orthodox . cap. 27. that is , The more , that the heape of Rites and Ceremonies in the Church increaseth , the more is derogated , not onely from Christian libertie , but also from Christ , and his faith ; learned & graue men , may like better of the single forme of Policie in our Church , then of the many Ceremonies of the Church of England , Epist. before Basilicon Doron . ANS . Some Ceremonies must bee admitted , otherwise neither order nor decencie can be obserued , in the worship of God : and the admission of such as be lawfull , and profitable , is not ●he cause of introducing vnnecessary burthens : but when ●he Church extendeth her libertie ▪ beyond the bounds assigned thereto , of order and decency ; and moderateth not the ●se of her power ▪ according to the ●●ostolicall Rules of pie●● and charity , 1. Cor. 10. ●1 . Whatsoeuer yee doe , doe all to the ●lory of God 1. Cor. 14.26 . Let all things ●e done to edification , Rom ▪ 14.10 . Let 〈◊〉 ther●ore follow after the things which make ●or peace ▪ and things wherewith one may edifie another , Gal. 5. ● . Stand in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free , and ●e not intangled againe with the 〈◊〉 of bondage . When ●hese rules are no● looked to ▪ and thereby the power of the Church moderated and keened within the limits of circumstantiall things belonging only to the manners , times , and places of diuine worship ▪ w●ereof some of necessitie must be determined and appointed to bee vsed in the worship of God ▪ vnnecessary burdens are laid vpon the Church , as it was in Papistr● . Against this abuse , the complaints of Ger●on and Augustine are directed ▪ which ye shall neuer be able to apply truly against the Ceremonies determined and con●luded at Perth ▪ which are all within the compasse of the Apostolicall Canons , and concerne only circumstantiall ●hings ; and there be farre more learned and graue men , who ●ike better of them , then of our former order , as after shall be cleered in the dispute . The sixt Article . PP . Matters of that nature bring ineuitably with them disputations diuisions contentions ▪ as may be seen in all Churches , where such coales of contention get entrie . The Pascha of the Primitiue Church ▪ &c. ANS . It is not the nature of the matters , but the nature of contentious persons , that for such matters take occasion to make question and strife , The seuenth Article . PP . They hinder edification , for how much time and zeale shall bee spent vpon the in-bringing and establishing of these , as much leisure and oportunity Satan getteth to sow and water the tares of Ath●isme , Schisme , Popery , and Dissention . Consider the sen●●nce following , Let vs proceed by one rule , that we may minde one thing , &c. ANS . This is a prophetical Article easie to bee diuined by these , who had already concluded by their opposition , and contradiction to hinder the peaceable in-bringing therof , & to open a gate of dissention wherby Satan might enter to sow the tares of Schisme , Atheisme , and Popery in the Church ; yet obedient and peaceable Pastors , haue in their Congregations brought in practice , all these things without losse of time , or trauell . And Satan , Schisme , Atheisme , and Popery had bin debarred , and the work had pleasantly and profitably gone forward , had the rest concurred with them , according to the golden sentēces following . First , Let vs proceed by one rule , that we may mind one thing . Secondly , Let vs follow the truth in loue . Thirdly , Giue no place to the Deuill . Fourthly , Let no root of bitternesse spring vp to trouble you . Fiftly , Fulfill my ioy , that yee bee like minded , hauing the same loue , being of one accord and one iudgement , that nothing bee done through contention , or vaine glory , but that in meeknesse of minde euery man esteeme other better then himselfe . Sixtly , Doe all things without murmuring , and reasoning . The eighth Article . PP . They bring a sensible blot , either vpon the happie memory of our godly , and wise Predecessors , in so farre as wee depart from that reformation , so wisely brought in , appointed & established by them : or else vpon our selues , by resuming againe of dangerous superfluities , without reason , reiected by them for weighty and necessary causes . Magnum est hoc Dei munus , &c. Beza Epist. to Master Knox. This is a great benefite of God , that yee brought into Scotland true religion , and good order , the bond that retayneth doctrine at one time ; So I beseech and obtest that yee retayne these two together , so that yee remember , that if the one bee left , the other cannot endure long : and againe he saith , Quam recte illud , quod disciplinam , &c. How well was that done , that yee conioyned doctrine and discipline together ! I beseech you , and obtest , that yee goe forward , lest it happen to you , which is befallen to many that could not make a progresse , hauing stumbled in the very entry . Yea somtime were not willing , which ●s most lamentable ANS . Distingue tempora , & conciliabis Scripturas : What ou● Predecessors did , being agreeable to their times , was well done , and is approued of vs : and by their example in these alterable ceremonies and circumstances , wee should likewise conforme our selues to our times , by reiecting , or receiuing ▪ or of new ordayning what wee find to bee 〈…〉 edification , according to the power giuen by God to the ●ep●●sentatiue Church , both to make Constitutions for the g●od behauiour of all her members in their vocation , as 〈…〉 abrogate and abolish all Statutes and Ordinances co●c●●ning Ecclesiasticall matters , that agree not with the 〈◊〉 &c. as is affirmed in the Booke of the Policy of our Chu●ch , cap. 7. registred amongst the Acts of the generall Assembly , Anno 1581. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or good order of the Church of Scotland , which Beza praiseth as the band whereby doctrine is preserued , and which hee exhorteth to retayne carefully , is the vse of this Ecclesiasticall power in ▪ censuring of manners , called in the 74. Epist. D●scipline , and in the 79. Good order ; which being lost , hee saith , The doctrine cannot bee long preser●ed . This hee proueth : First , by the nature of the thing it selfe , Quis enim leges s●tis recte seruari nisi constitutis earum custodibus , & vindicibus posse sperarit . Who can hope , that Lawes can bee well enough kept , except keepers and auengers of them , bee appointed ? Here hee compareth the doctrine to the Lawes , good order , and discipline to the auengers and keepers of the Lawes . Secondly , hee proueth the same by experience ; Et ipsa saltem stultorum Magistra , experientia , earum gentium exemplo , docet quibus certum est hodie , ob hoc ipsum potissimum erratum , quod corrigi populi non sustinent , Euangelium ad iud●cium potius , quam ad misericordiam promulgari : that is , Experience it selfe , the Schoole master of Fooles , by the example of these Nations teacheth this , wherein it is certayne this day , that chiefly for this errour , namely , That the people will not suffer themselues to bee corrected , that the Euangell is preached amongst them , rather for iudgement , then for mercy . Here it is manifest , that by the good order and discipline , the points in controuersie belong not : But yee , no sooner heare good order or discipline commended ▪ but presently yee imagine , that your table gesture of sitting at the Sacrament ; the abolition of Holy-dayes , and celebration of the Sacrament in priuate places in cases of necessitie , &c. are meant , as if without these Ceremonies and obseruations , the doctrine could not bee preserued ; for how was it preserued in Geneua , where they sit not at table , but stand , or passe at the receiuing of the Sacrament ? where the fiue Holy-dayes are not discharged , but Christmasse , and Pasche solemnely kept , and the Sacrament ministred on them . * Caluine holdeth in cases of necessity , That Baptisme may be ministred in coetis aliquo , in some meeting without a Temple ; That the Communion should bee giuen to the sicke ; and wisheth that the examination of children , with the ancient forme of blessing were restored in the reformed Churches : whereby it is manifest , that the discharge and abolition of these things is not in the iudgement of Caluine and Beza , the band , wherby doctrine is retayned , but the discipline which consisteth in censuring of manners , which you both here , and in discussing of the Oath following , take for the order and policy that consisteth in alterable Ceremonies . And by the ambiguitie of the word , doe purposely deceiue your Reader . The ninth Article . PP . They set loose the filthy mindes and mouthes of fleshly liuers , to triumph against the most sound Professors , and to rejoyce in their rotten opinions , and restored opportunities of sensuall obseruations of guising , gluttony , carelesse , &c. ANS . The sacred exercises of sound doctrine , appointed to be vsed on the fiue Anniuersarie dayes , restoreth not , but most powerfully abolisheth the opportunities of sensuall obseruations , rooteth out rotten opinions , and stoppeth the mouthes of fleshly Libertines , not to triumph against sincere Professors . The tenth Article . PP . They are declared by this Church to bee contrary doctrine , as may bee seene in the first , second , and third Chapters of the first booke of Discipline , in these words : Wee iudge that all doctrine repugnant to the Euangell , should bee vtterly suppressed as damnable to mans saluation , &c. By contrary doctrine , wee vnderstand whatsoeuer men by Lawes , Councells , or Constitutions , haue imposed vpon the consciences of men without the expresse Commandement of Gods Word , as keeping of holy dayes commanded by men , the feast of Christmasse , and other feasts , &c. ANS . The iudgement and declaration of our Church touching this point , is very sound ; For whatsoeuer is imposed by men , or by Ecclesiasticall Constitution vpon the conscience to bee obserued , as parts of diuine worship , that is not expresly or by necessary consequence contayned in the Word , is contrary to the wholsome Doctrine ; as the Papists did the obseruation of Christmasse , and other festiuall dayes ; which the reformed Churches , and the Assembly the present opinions of the Presbyteries , & particular Churches of the Realme : but receiued a free , and voluntary Commission , to vote , as they should bee mooued , and perswaded by the motiues , and reasons proponed at the Assembly ; otherwise , they had met with preiudice . And therefore , what they concluded according to their Commission , was not obtruded vpon the Churches against their will , but according to their wills contayned in the Commission . The twelfth Article . PP . The Commissioners of Presbyteries here assembled , vnderstanding the alienation of them from whom they receiued commission , from these Articles , can by no warrant oblige their vnwilling Presbyteries , and Congregations to their votes . Ecclesiam dissentientem & inuitam obligare , quis potest ? Who can binde a Church dis-assenting , and vnwilling ? ANS . If the Commissioners had come to the Assembly without a free and vnbounded Commission , to reason , vote , and conclude , in their names , they could not by their votes , and conclusions haue bound the Churches , and Presbyteries from whom they come , if they had after dis-assented . But the generall and vnlimited Commission giuen to the Commissioners , to reason , vote , and conclude with this expresse clause , Firme and stable holding , and for to hold whatsoeuer their Coommissioners should conclude in their names , obliged the Presbyteries and Congregations by whom the Commission was giuen . And here I marke a contradiction betwixt this Article , and that which ye affirme in discussing of the Oath , pa. 30. Namely , that the Oath of the Church representatiue giuen An. 1596. did oblige them all who were liuing to the maintenance of the puritie of Religion in Doctrine and Discipline . Heere yee acknowledge , that the Church representatiue hath power to oblige all liuing within the iurisdiction ; therefore yee cannot allow of ●his Article according to your grounds . The thirteenth Article . PP . There stand in force diuers Acts of Parliament in fauours of our present order , Iacob . 6 , Parl. 1 cap. 8. Iames 6. Parl. 8. cap. 68. & cap. 69. Item . in the first Act of Parliament , Anno 1592. ANS . None of the Acts of Parliament here cited is contrary to ●he alteration . The fourteenth Article . PP . The Ministers of this Church , by order of the same printed and inserted before the Psalme Booke , at their admissions respectiue , promise in the presence of God , and of his Congregation assembled , to abhorre , and vterly refuse all Doctrine alledged necessary to saluation , that is not expresly contayned in the olde and new Testament , &c. Item , to submit themselues to all admonitions secretly , or publikely giuen . ANS . Against this promise , nothing was concluded by the Assembly at Perth ; but how this promise is performed by these who disobey the Ordinances thereof , let them aduise with their owne conscience . The fifteenth Article . PP . The Subscribers of the Confession of Faith by their oath , therein contained , promise , and sweare to continue in the obedience of the doctrine & discipline of this Church , & to defend the same according to their vocation and power all the dayes of their liues , &c. And to abhor and detest all contrary religions , but chiefly all kind of Papistry in generall , euen as they are now damned by the Church of Scotland : but in special the Popes fiue bastard Sacraments ; whereof Confirmation is one : with all Rites and Ceremonies , and false doctrines added to the Sacraments without the Word of God : his absolute necessity of Baptisme , &c. which Confession is come to the eyes of the World in print : and solemnly renued in the Couenant celebrated in the generall and prouincial Assemblies , Presbyteries , and Church Sessions in the yeere of God , 1596. and how shal any man be heard to speak against that , whereunto he hath formerly sworne and subscribed ? For the better vnderstanding of this last Article , I will set downe a short discussion of the Oath . ANS . There is nothing that the Subscribers of the Confession of faith did by their oath oblige themselues to obserue and defend , that is contrary to any of the Articles concluded at Perth : and no man should bee heard to speake contrary to that , whereunto hee hath formerly sworne & subscribed . And therefore they who haue sworne & subscribed in the 21. Article of the Confession of faith , confirmed in Parliament , Anno 1567. That no policie and order in Ceremonies can bee appointed for all ages , times , and places , but that they may , & ought to be changed , when necessity requireth ; should not now bee heard affirming the contrary in this Pamphlet , that they may not bee changed ; wherein ye contradict your oath , and perswade others to doe the same . Of the which oath the discussion set downe by you , is a glosse that destroyeth the Text , as shall by Gods grace bee made manifest , by the examination thereof which followeth . The Examination of the Oath discussed . BEfore the Penner of this Pamphlet begins to discusse the oath , he sets downe the articles controuerted : then , fiue seuerall obligations , whereby ( as he alledgeth ) our Church is obliged to exclude , and abhorre the particular actes concluded at Perth : Thirdly , he considers the Oath , which is the chiefe of the fiue obligations . Keeping his order , wee shall seuerally examine his sayings , concerning them . And first touching the articles controuerted , he sayes thus . PP . The Religion , Doctrine , and Discipline , receiued , beleeued , and defended by the Church of Scotland , namely , the publike ministration of Baptisme , and the Lords Supper , sitting at the Table in the act of receiuing the bread , and the wine of that Sacrament : The obseruation of the Lords day , and the examination of Children , for the first time at the ninth yeare of their age , for the second at the twelfth , for the third at the fourteenth ; excluding and abhorring priuate Baptisme , priuate Communion , kneeling in the act of receiuing the Supper , Holy dayes , or Feasts of Christmas , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and sending downe of the Holy Ghost ; were brought in at the reformation of Religion , and enioyed euer since in manner and forme as followeth . Answ. The Libeller hath forgotten to exclude Confirmation , but since it is vnderstood , wee answere to the rest . First , That the solemne ministration of the Sacraments appointed by the Church , especially , the act of the assembly holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1581. which forbiddeth the ministration thereof in priuate houses , excludes not the ministration thereof in priuate places , when as necessitie vrges ; cases of 〈…〉 . PP . 〈◊〉 Obligations whereby wee are bound to exclude the ●onclusions of the Assembly at Perth ▪ and to obey , defend , and maintaine the contrary , are first ▪ The vniforme iudgement of the Church condemning the one , and allowing the 〈◊〉 ▪ Secondly ▪ Ecclesiasticall Canons , publike confessions , and solemne protestations of lawful assemblies . Thirdly , actes of Parliament ratifying the Constitutions of the Church . Fourthly , The prescription of 59. yeares : and fiftly , the Oath and subscriptions of the whole Estates of the Realme . By all these bands , the Church in generall , and euery member thereof in particular , are obliged to sit at the Communion , and to reiect kneeling with the obseruation of the fiue Holy dayes , and other things concluded in the Assembly at Perth . ANS . Yee are not able to produce any warrant for the vniforme iudgement of the Church , nor Canon of Assembly , nor act of Parliament , nor confession of faith , nor publike protestation , which either condemnes the points concluded at Perth , as vnlawfull to bee vsed in the worship of God ; or establisheth the contrary as things necessary , that cannot be altered in no time succeeding . And as for your 59. yeares practise , it cannot change the nature of things indifferent , and make these formes and circumstances , which are of themselues alterable , become necessary and vnchangeable : yea , by the contrary , the prescription of a long time giues iust cause often of alteration , because either the things practised , which at the beginning were profitable , become hurtfull , or that which was conuenient in the time preceding , becommeth inconuenient : or because the same things are abused to superstition and prophanenesse : or because an opinion is bred , by long custome , of necessitie . This I make manifest by the one and twentieth article of the Confession of our faith , confirmed in the first Parliament holden by his Maiesty , anno 1567. Decemb. 15. which ye affi●me your selfe to haue sworne and subscribed . The words of the article are these , about the end thereof . The other end of generall Councels was for good policie , to bee constituted ●nd observed in the Church ▪ whereas in the house of God it becommeth all things to be done d●cently ▪ and in order : not that wee thinke that any policie and order in ceremonies , can be appointed for all ages , times , and places ; for as Ceremonies ( such as men haue deuised ) are but temporall , so may and ought they to bee changed , when they rather foster superstition , then that they edifie the Church vsing the same . Likewise in the seuenth chapter of the second booke of Discipline , registred amongst the acts of the generall Assembly , anno 1581. we haue two conclusions to the same purpose , set downe in these words : The finall end of all Assemblies , is first to keepe the Religion and Doctrine in puritie , without error and corruption : Next , to keepe comlinesse , and good order in the Church . For this orders cause , they may make certaine rules and constitutions , pertaining to the good behauiour of all the members of the Church in their vocation . Secondly , they haue power also to abrogate and abolish all statutes and ordinances , concerning Ecclesiasticall matters that are found noysome , or vnprofitable , or agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . Hereby it is euident ; that seeing the matters controuerted , are but matters of circumstance , forme , and ceremony , as afterwards shall be proued , that neither the Church in generall , nor any member thereof in particular , did , or might lawfully binde themselues by oath , subscription , or any other obligation , not to change or alter their practise and customes touching these things : for all they that subscribe the Confession of faith , and the second booke of Discipline , did sweare , that they thought these things should and might be altered when necessitie required . This answere being made to the first foure Obligations , we come to the Oath , about which yee spend many words , and before yee begin , moue the question following . PP . Quaeritur , if one or moe Preachers , or Professours in the Church of Scotland , standing to the Churches former iudgement , and able to defend the same by good reason , at least , seeing no warrant in the contrary , may dispense with the said Oath , and follow the pluralitie of Preachers and Professors , dispensing with the same in the Assembly ? Or what power may compell the alteration of iudgement , and loose the said Oath , in any case aforesaid ? ANS . The former iudgement of our Church , whereunto wee did binde our selues by our oathes was , that no policie , nor order in ceremonies could be appointed for all ages , times , and places ; and that the same might , and ought to bee changed vpon great causes , and weightie reasons , as is euident by the former answere . To this iudgement of the Church , the Assembly at Perth adhered , and according thereto altered some customes , touching circumstantiall ceremonies formerly vsed in the Church , vpon good and great reasons : neither did that Assembly loose the said Oath , or dispense with it in any sort , but hath confirmed it by their owne practise . Wherefore I answere , That euery Preacher and Professor in our Church , should stand to the former iudgement thereof , whereunto he bound himselfe by his Oath , when he did sweare to the Confession of faith , and that no power can compel the alteration of iudgement , or loose the said Oath in any case . And that he who sware , That he did thinke that no policie , and order in ceremonies can be appointed for all ages , times , and places , but that the same may , and ought to be changed , when necessitie requires ; Did neuer , nor could sweare without breach of this Oath , that the ceremonie of sitting at the receiuing of the Sacrament ( esteemed by our Church , at the reformation , most conuenient , but not necessarie ) could bee appointed for all ages , times , and places ; and that it might not , nor ought to bee altered in any case : by the contrary all who swore to the Confession of faith , did sweare , That the policie , and order of sitting at the Sacrament was such , as could not be appointed for all ages , times , and places , and that it might , and should be changed , when it did not so much edifie the people in pietie , as foster prophanenesse and superstition . And this , sitting fosters in all these that practise it , with a superstitious conceit and opinion , that the same was instituted by our Sauiour as a point of diuine worship , and by his exemplary practise commended to the Church , for an essential or integrant part of the Sacrament , which yee maintaine in this Pamphlet . Now leauing this to bee considered by such as are not partially affected , but loue the truth , and hate contention : I proceed to the Oath , which yee consider first in the persons , takers of the same : Secondly , in the matter whereto they sweare : Thirdly , in the forme and manner , whereby they are bound : And fourthly , by the force and effect of that forme , for making sure mens particular deeds . Touching the persons , yee say this . PP . The Persons , takers of the Oath , are Christians come to perfect yeares , and free persons , who did not only know in generall the doctrine and discipline , whereto they bound themselues by their oath , but in particular the points controuerted , as followeth : First , That in the yeare of God , 1581. it was concluded , that the Sacraments should be solemnely ministred , and not in priuate houses : Secondly , That in the yeare 1560 , it was declared by the Church , that Christ sate with his Disciples at Table , when hee instituted the Supper , and that sitting at Table was the most conuenient gesture to this holy action : Thirdly , That Confirmation was to be abhorred , as one of the Popes fiue bastard Sacraments : Fourthly , That the keeping of Holy dayes , such as the Feast of Christmas , imposed vpon the consciences of men , without warrant of Gods word , was condemned by preaching , and corrected by publique censures of the Church . ANS . I will not answere you , as iustly I might , that the first booke of Discipline , whereby the most of these constitutions are warranted , was neuer knowne to our common Professors , nor acknowledged by our Church , to haue the authoritie of Ecclesiasticall Canons : but I say , The Assembly at Perth hath decreed nothing to the contrary thereof . For first , Touching the administration of the Sacraments , we fully agree to the ordinance made anno 1581 , to wit , That the Sacraments should bee solemnely ministred , and not in priuate houses : The occasion of making this ordinance was a misorder that fell out in the persons of two Ministers , namely , Master Alexander Mure , Minister at Falkland , and Master Alexander Forrester , Minister at Trenent , as is cleare by the narratiue of the act , which is relatiue only to the celebration of Mariage , and the ministration of the Sacraments , extra casum necessitatis , where , without any vrgent necessitie order may be kept . But our question is , whether in extraordinary cases the Sacraments may be ministred extraordinarily in priuate houses , as they were in the Primitiue Church by the Apostles , and in the beginning of the reformation , by the Preachers of the Gospell ? In these and the like cases , there is no act of any Assembly , that determines what should bee done . Therefore put the case , our Church had sworne and subscribed that ordinance , yet hath shee done nothing contrary to her oath , either by making , or obeying the acts concluded at Perth , which doe only respect the cases of necessitie . So , whether to sit at a Table in receiuing the Communion , was most conuenient , according as our Church esteemed at the time of reformation , is not the question : but whether to sit at a Table be necessary , as instituted and left by our Sauiours example to be obserued , and that without breach of the institution , the same may not be altered ? This question was neuer defined by any Canon of our Church : Therefore put the case , that our Church had sworne and subscribed , That to sit at the Communion was most conuenient , according to the iudgement of our first Reformers : yet , we haue done nothing contrarie to that oath , by interchanging sitting with kneeling , because kneeling at this time is found to be the more conuenient gesture : for that which at one time is more conuenient , may bee lesse conuenient at another . As to our Sauiours sitting ( if so be he sate , ●am adhuc sub iudice lis est ) it was not exemplary , or appointed to be followed of vs , as shall be afterwards proued ; and his practise did only declare , that sitting might be lawfully vsed , not , that of necessitie it must be vsed , and cannot bee altered , when the Church findes the change expedient . Thirdly , whether Confirmation , as it was abused in Popery for a Sacrament , should be re-induced , is not the question , for that is condemned in the very narratiue of the act made at Perth . But , whether the Bishop in his Visitation , ought to trie the education of yong children in the grounds of Religion , as in the first booke of Discipline the Superintendent was ordained to doe , whereof yee may reade in the fift head touching the office of Superintendents . Therefore put the case our Church had sworne , and subscribed all the heads and Constitutions of the foresaid booke , yet by the act made at Perth , shee hath not violated her oath , by appointing Bishops in their Visitations to take this triall . For they are now the Superintendents of the Church . Fourthly , Wee contend not , whether the obseruation of Holy dayes , as that of Christmas , should be imposed vpon the conscience , which in the explication of the first head of the foresaid booke of Discipline is condemned , as also in the first words of the act made at Perth , touching the fiue dayes : but the question is , whether the Church may appoint the commemoration of Christs inestimable benefits vpon the said dayes , as all the reformed Churches doe , and our Diuines hold to bee lawfull . Of this our Church neuer defined any thing . Therfore the making & obseruing of the act touching this point , is not against her former oath . And to conclude , The Subscribers and Swearers vnto our Doctrine and Discipline , know no Canon nor constitution of the Church made in former times , that is contrary to the Articles concluded at Perth . Thus much ●ouching the persons who did sweare : The next thing yee consider , is the matter whereunto they did binde themselues by their oath , which yee set downe as followeth . PP . The matter whereunto they binde themselues by oath , is the Religion , Doctrine , and Discipline receiued , beleeued , and defended by the Church of Scotland ; in respect of this matter , the Oath is partly assertorie , and partly promissorie , as yee say . ANS . By that which alreadie hath been said , it is manifest , that albeit our Church had sworne to all the heads and ordinances aboue specified , set downe in the bookes of Discipline : yet there is nothing committed contrarie to this Oath , by the actes made at Perth . But now since yee are come to the matter of the Oath , let vs see if the points in controuersie be any part of that matter . The matter , as yee affirme , is the Religion , Doctrine , and Discipline , receiued , beleeued , and defended by the Church of Scotland . This definition or description of the matter , is not so full and particular , as is set downe in the Oath it selfe : neither haue yee , in reciting the words , been so faithfull , as yee are feruent for the cause yee maintaine . For yee haue pretermitted diuers things belonging to the limitation of the matter , by which all the particulars in question are clearely excluded . The words cited by you are these : We beleeue with our hearts , confesse with our mouthes , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before God and the world , That the Faith and Religion , receiued , beleeued , and defended by the Church of Scotland , the Kings Maiestie , and three Estates of this Realme , &c. is onely the true Christian Faith and Religion pleasing God , and bringing saluation to man. Heere yee omit many things that concerneth the limitation of the matter , which at that time were knowne to such as sware the same , and now must be expounded vnto the Reader , that is to iudge and consider our Controuersie . Therefore I shall set downe heere the words of the Oathe , as it was published in print by Robert Waldgraue , anno 1590. We beleeue with our hearts , &c. That this onely i● the true Christian Faith and Religion pleasing God , and bringing saluation to man , which is now by the mercy of God reuealed to the world , by the preaching of the blessed Euangell , and receiued , beleeued , & defended by many & sundry notable Churches & Realmes , and chiefely by the Church of Scotland , &c. In these words we haue two limitations pretermitted by you : The first is , that the matter of the Oath , is the Doctrine and Discipline reuealed to the world by the Gospell : This limitation excludeth all Ecclesiasticall determinations and constitutions , which are not expresly , or by a necessary consequence contained in the written Word . The next is , That the matter of the Oath is the Doctrine and Discipline , which is receiued , beleeued , and defended by many notable Churches and Realmes , and chiefely by the Church of Scotland . This limitation excludeth all these things , wherein the Church of Scotland hath not the consent of many notable Churches and Realmes , who with her hath receiued , beleeued , and defended the same . By these two , are all the points in controuersie excluded , and cut off from being any part of the matter , whereunto the Swearers by their oath did oblige themselues . And vnto these two , if we adde the third limitation , there can remaine no more any doubt , touching the matter of the Oath . This is , that the Doctrine and Discipline , whereunto they sweare , is particularly expressed in the Confession of Faith , established , and publikely confirmed by sundry actes of Parliament . This Confession is registred in the bookes of Parliament , at the yeare 1567. and is inserted amongst the Confessions of the Reformed Churches in the booke called Syntagma Confessionum . But so it is , that in the Confession of our Faith established by Parliament , there is no mention made of the Articles controuerted : neither hath many notable Churches and Realmes receiued , beleeued , or defended the same , neither are they expresly , or by necessary consequence contained in the Gospell : And therefore they cannot by any point of our Religion , or part of the Doctrine and Discipline , whereunto the Swearers did oblige themselues by their assertory , and promissory Oath . By the Gospell it is not certaine , That our Sauiour and the Apostles did sit at the Supper , and albeit he had sitten , yet sitting is no more commanded to be obserued in that sacred action , then the vpper chamber where he sate , or the night season , when the Supper was celebrated , or the sex , and number of the Communicants , who were twelue men , and no women ; or the qualitie of the element , which was vnleauened bread , or the order finally after Supper . All these , howbeit they be certaine , yet none of them are esteemed exemplary ; far lesse can sitting , which is vncertaine , be esteemed such . And for the rest of the points , Neither kneeling at the Communion , nor the administration of the Sacraments in priuate houses , when necessitie requires , nor the commemoration of Christs inestimable benefits , on certaine set times of the yeare , nor the triall of yong childrens education by the Bishop at his Visitation : none of these , I say , are either expresly or by necessary consequence forbidden in the Gospell , nor are hey condemned by many notable Churches and Realmes , nor abiured in the Confession of our Faith , confirmed by actes of Parliament ; and so cannot be counted the matter of this Oath . But to remooue all scruple that may arise , touching the matter of this Oath : It is true , That in the promissorie Oath , the Swearers thereof binde themselues to continue in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of Scotland , and to defend the same according to their vocation and power all the dayes of their liues , vnder the paines contained in the Law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of the Lords fearefull iudgement . Heere , touching the Doctrine , praised be God , there is no controuersie amongst vs : all the doubt concerneth Discipline , and that is remoued also , if it be taken only for that which is reuealed in the Gospell , or receiued , beleeued and defended by many notable Churches and Realmes , or that which is set downe in the Confession of Faith , as is already declared ▪ But because the Discipline of the Church may be extended beyond these limits , and made to comprehend all Ecclesiasticall constitutions and determinations of generall circumstances , formes and ceremonies belonging to the worship of God , and the decent ordering of his house ; let vs consider this point more particularly . If by the Discipline of the Church in the words of the Oath , that part of Ecclesiasticall policie bee meant , which concernes the censuring of manners : in which sense it is taken , in the order set downe before our Psalme bookes , and in the seuenth h●ad of the first booke of Discipline , intituled ( of Ecclesiasticall Discipline ) and in the second booke , wheresoeuer it is mentioned , and by all Ecclesiasticall writers most frequently : Then it is certaine , that the fiue Articles controuerted , belong nothing to the Discipline , wherein the Swearers binde themselues by their oath , to continue to their liues end . But if therby be meant the whole policie of the Church , in which sense it is sometimes taken , though rarely : then first , it containes all the precepts of policie prescribed in the Word , in which precepts there is no determination concerning these articles , as before we said . Next , it comprehendeth all the ordinances of the Church , touching formes , ceremonies , and order to be obserued in Diuine Seruice , and in the exercise of Ecclesiasticall Censures , according as the circumstances of time , place , and persons . In this part of Discipline , it is true , that all the controuerted points are contained : But as I shewed before , it is manifest by the limitations of the matter of the Oath , that this part of the policie is excluded ; for it is neither expressely , nor by necessary consequence contained in the Word , nor is it receiued , beleeued , and defended by many notable Churches and Realmes ; nor is there any thing concerning it set downe in the Confession of Faith , confirmed by actes of Parliament ; onely this generall wee haue , that no constant order and policie can be set downe in ceremonies , and that constitutions made by men , may and ought to be altered when need requires . Furthermore , in the booke of Policie that was published after the Oath , anno 1581 , and subscribed by sundrie Ministers , there is no mention made of these fiue Articles now in question . In the first booke of Discipline penned anno 1560 , there are some conclusions set downe touching sitting at the Sacrament , the abolition of Holy dayes dedicated to Saints in Popery , and the Feast of Christmas , imposed vpon the consciences of men ; as also the administration of Baptisme vpon ordinary dayes of preaching , for remouing the Papisticall opinion of absolute necessitie ; and if by the discipline mentioned in the Oath , yee vnderstand the conclusions of Policie set downe in that booke , and hold that the Swearers did by their Oath oblige themselues to obey all the conclusions thereof to their liues end : then I demand what is the cause , that yee and your followers do not only refuse to obey , but improue and impugne the most principall point of policie set downe in that booke , namely the office of Bishops , whose prouision , jurisdiction , power and election , are particularly described in the first head of that booke , vnder the name of Superintendents ? But because the booke is rare , and not at euery mans hand , I will draw out of it onely some few things , touching the jurisdiction and power of the Superintendents , that the posterity may see what was the judgement of their Predecessors , the Reformers of Religion , touching the Office-bearers , and gouernment of the Church . And to beginne with the bounds of their jurisdiction , the same is set down with this Title : The names of the places of residence , and seueral Diocesses of the Superintendents . INprimis , the Superintendent of Orknay , his Diocesse shall be the Iles of Orknay , Ca●thnes and Strathneuer : his residence in the Towne of Kirkwall . The Superintendent of Rosse , his Diocesse shall comprehend Rosse , Sutherland , Murray , and the North Iles , called the Skie , and Lewes with their adjacents ▪ his Residence , the Chanonrie of Rosse . The Superintendent of Argyle , his Diocesse shall be Argyle , Kintyre , Lorne , the South Iles , Arrane and Boote , with their adjacents , and Lowhaber : His Residence in Argyle . The Superintendent of Abirdene , his Diocesse betweene Die and Spae , containing the Shirrefdomes of Abirdene and Banff ▪ His Residence in old Abirdene . The Superintendent of Brechin , his Diocesse , the whole Shirrefdomes of Mernis and Angouse , with the Brae of Marre to Die : His Residence in Brechin . The Superintendent of Fife ; his Diocesse , the Shirrefdomes of Fife and Fotthringham to Striuiling , and the whole Shirrefdome of Perth : his Residence in Saint Andrewes . The Superintendent of Edinburgh his Diocesse , the Shirrefdome of Lowthian and Striuiling ▪ on the South-side of Forth , wherto is added by the consent of the whole Church , Merse , Lawderdale and Weddale : his Residence in — The Superintendent of Iedburgh , his Diocesse , Tauiotdale , Liddisdale , Tueddale , with the Forrest of Ettrick : his Residence in — The Superintendent of Glasgow , his Diocesse , Cliddisdale , Renfrow , Monteith , Lennox , and Cunninghame : His Residence in Glasgow . The Superintendent of Dumfreis , his Diocesse , Galloway , Carrick , Niddisdale , Annandale , with the rest of the Westdales : his Residence in Dumfreis . These were the bounds of their Iurisdiction : their Office is described as followeth . The function and power of the Superintendents . THey must not be suffered to liue , as idle Bishops hitherto haue done ; neither must they remaine where gladly they would , but they must be Preachers themselues . Charge and command shall be giuen them , to plant and erect Churches , to sett , order and appoint Ministers , as is prescribed , in their Countries . After they haue remained in their chiefe Towne three or foure monethes at the most , they shall enter in Visitation , in the which they shall not onely Preach , but examine the life , diligence and behauiour of the Ministers ; as also they shall trie the estate of their Churches , and the manners of the People . They must further consider , how the poore are prouided , and the youth instructed : they must admonish , where admonition needs , and redresse such things , as by good counsell they are able to appease , Finally , they must note such crimes as be hainous , that by the censures of the Church the same may bee corrected . After all this , the order of election of Superintendents is set downe , which we haue more largely before the booke of our Psalmes in meeter . This being one of the chiefe points of policie concluded in that booke : how is it , that yee haue dispensed with your oath hereabout ? And by what power is your oath loosed concerning this head ? Shall men bee tyed by the Oath to the ceremonies prescribed in that booke , and not to the substance of the policie ? to alterable circumstances and formes of actions , and not to the power of gouernement , whereby they should be disposed and ordered ? What can be answered to this , by him that vrges the Oath for the controuerted points , consisting in ceremonies , gestures and circumstances , for the indifferent Reader iudge . But because it is true , that one mans fault excuses not another ▪ leauing you to your consciences , we answere for our selues , according to the one and twentieth article of the ●onfession of our Faith : That we thinke no policie , nor order in ceremonies can be established to endure for all ages , times and places ; and that whatsoeuer things are appointed by men ▪ they are all temporall , and may , and ought to be changed , when necessitie requireth . Hereupon we say , That no man 〈◊〉 by the Oath oblige himselfe , to obey and defend that part of Discipline which concerneth these alterable things ▪ all the dayes of his life , but onely that discipline which is vnchangeable , and commanded in the Word . Yea , we further affirme , that euery man who sware to the discipline of the Church in generall , by vertue of that oath standeth obliged ▪ not only to obey and ●e●end the constitutions of the Church ▪ that were in force at the time of making his oath ▪ but also to obey and defend whatsoeuer the Church thereafter hath ordained , or shall ordaine to be obserued for edification , comlinesse , and de●encie , whether thereby the former constitutions bee established or altered ▪ and abrogated ▪ euen as they who sweare to obey the gouernment of a Kingdome or Citie , are by their oath not onely obliged to obey the present Actes and ●awes , but all , which shall afterwards bee made for the Common-wealth , howbeit the former be thereby discharged ▪ as when Lawes are made for exportation and importation of goods , for weights and measures , for fishing , cutting of woods , for peace , for warre , and whatsoeuer constitutions they bee that are made , such as haue giuen their oath of obedience are thereby tyed to reject the former , and obey the later ▪ I conclude this with the doctrine of that learned Diuine , Master CALVINE , Instit. lib. 4. cap. 10. sect . ●0 . God would not ( saith hee ) in externall ceremonies and discipline prescribe particularly what we ought to follow , because he fore●aw that , to depend on the condition of times , neither ●id he iudge ●ne forme agreeable to all ages . Heere then ( saith he ) we must flie to the generall rules which God hath giuen , that according to them may be defined , whatsoeuer the necessitie of the Church requires to be appointed for order and decencie . Finally , seeing God hath set downe nothing of those matters expressely , because they are not necessary to saluation , and are diuersely to bee applyed , to the manners of euery age , and for edification of the Church ; it is lawfull , as the vtilitie of the Church shall require , as wel to change and abrogate these that haue been in vse , as to appoint new ceremonies . I confesse indeed , that we should not runne rashly and vpon light motions , vnto nouation : but what may hurt , and what may edifie , Charity can best iudge , which , if wee admit to bee moderatrix , all shall be in safetie , and goe well . Thus farre Caluine , whereby he doth manifest , that the Church hath power to change and innouate , as necessity requireth , all the particular ordinances shee maketh of things alterable : and they who in generall haue sworne to obey the Discipline of the Church , are all bound by their oath to kneele at the Communion , to obserue the fiue Holy dayes , and to obey all the rest of the Articles concluded at Perth . That which yee afterwards subjoyne , touching the forme and force of the Oath we approue : onely we wish you to consider , seeing it is a part of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , as well to change and abrogate ceremoeies in vse , as to appoint new : That yee by all these forcible formes of the Oath , which cannot be loosed , are obliged to follow the Church in the alterations shee makes , and to defend and obey the Actes and Constitutions that concerne the same ; and that all , who disobey in their owne persons , or by their exemplary practise and perswasions , induce others to disobey and rebell , to the disgrace of their Mother the Church , and the breaking of the bond of peace , whereby the vnitie of the Spirit is conserued , doe assuredly lye tyed vnder the fearefull cords and chaines of periury , except they seriously repent . The Libeller hauing ended his foure Considerations , propounds some defences vsed by them , who submit ●hemselues to the Actes of Perth whom contumesiously 〈◊〉 calleth Temporizers ▪ and to other Defences maketh his owne Replies . First , saith he ▪ they make themselues freed 〈◊〉 the Oath , because the nouation was made by the King , 〈◊〉 the Church their Superiours ▪ vnto this he giueth a 〈◊〉 answere 〈…〉 that this nouation could not bee ●●wfully made by the King , because hee himselfe did ●weare the Confession of Faith : Next , that the Church ●ould not make any such nouation , because all of the Church did sweare the Oath ▪ either personally or really ▪ ●ersonally all who subscribed the Confession of Faith , ●hich he reckons to haue been the generall assemblies of 〈◊〉 Church Synods ▪ Presbyteries ▪ Schollers passing their ●egrees and Burgesses , when they obtained their Liber●●es ▪ Really , Children sweare in the persons of their Pa●ents ▪ and all the particular members of the Church , in ●he Church representatiue . This his Assertion , being du●● examined , will bee found false ▪ ●or the greatest part , ●ouching the persons , whom he alledgeth to haue sworn : ●nd as to their reall obligation , it is friuolous ▪ for no man 〈◊〉 bee really bound by an assertory oath , but onely the ●erson that sweares . But passing by this . I answer ▪ That when the King and Church sweare the Confession of ●aith ▪ by that Oath ▪ they did neither abiure any of the ●rticles concluded at Perth ▪ neither did oblige themselues to maintaine and obey the contrary : for it is mani●est by the limitations set downe in the beginning of the Oath that all these particulars were excluded . And they 〈◊〉 sweare to continue in the Discipline of the Church of ●cotland generally ▪ ●nd to defend the same all the dayes of ●heir life were so farre from tying themselues to con●inue in the obedience of euery particular ordinance tou●hing indifferent and alterable things ; that by the contra●●● , ●he ●ne and twentieth Article of the Confession of ●aith aboue rehearsed , they stood obliged to obey euery alteration , that should be concluded by the Church . The Church representatiue did sweare in that Article , to alter all such constitutions , when it should be needfull : and the particular members of the Church sweare to obey her will and ordinance in the points altered and changed . For to obey the Discipline in generall , is to obey euery thing , that the Church by the power giuen her of God appointeth to bee done , or not done , for order and policie . So , for any nouation that is made , neither hath the King , nor the Church representatiue violated their Oath , nor haue the inferiour members beene loosed and freed from their oathes , but in giuing obedience to the points of Discipline concluded by their Superiours , they made their oathes and promises good , which otherwise by their disobedience they should haue transgressed . As to the Oath which ( as you say ) the Bishop of Ely , now Bishop of Winchester , affirmeth his Maiestie twice to haue giuen , for maintaining that forme and manner of Gods worship established by the Lawes of both Kingdomes , you might easily haue perceiued , that he did not by the forme which he mentioneth , vnderstand these indifferent points of policie , wherein some little disconformity there is , and cannot but be , in regard of the different estate of our Church and theirs ; but by that forme , her vnderstood that same fashion and manner of worshipping God , as is prescribed to vs in his Word , is proponed in the seuerall Confessions of our Faith , which is one , and the same both with them and vs. So you depraue that reuerend Fathers speech , and craftily insinuate his Maiestie to be guiltie of periury , in that by his Highnesse most lawfull and earnest desire , the alteration of these indifferent things hath beene wrought : but yee should know , that these are but things accessory to the essentiall forme of Gods worship , whereunto his Maiesty did sweare at his Coronation , which to this day constantly he hath maintained , and will by the grace of God for many yeares after , yea , euen vntill that temporall ●rowne bee changed with that eternall . Another defence ye alledge is vsed by the Pastors , and ●rofessors that liue obedient to the Laws of the Church : They haue not violated their Oath , they say , because the ●ubstance of Religion is kept , and onely some indifferent ●oints altered . And to this yee make three replyes : First , ●aying , That we sware to keepe the same forme of wor●hip , that was vsed in the Church of Scotland , and specially in the vse of the Sacraments . Secondly ▪ That the Oath was in a matter of Religion , which is not changeable ▪ as are the Statutes of Republiques and Corporations . Thirdly , Put the case , yee say , the points innouated were matters indifferent ; yet seeing they were once abiured for their abuse , they may not be receiued againe , except either we could prooue , that our oath in the beginning was vnlawfull , or that our former formes are become vnlawfull , not expedient for edification of the Church , o●●esse edificatiue , then the ceremonies presently vrged . ● answere to the first ▪ That the forme of worship vsed in the Church of Scotland is not altered ; for still we hold that forme of worship , which is prescribed to vs in the Word , defended & receiued by many notable Churches and Realmes , and particularly contained in the Confession of our Faith. As for the gesture and kneeling , and those other circumstances of times and places , where the Sacraments may be ministred in cases of extremity , there is no man , being in his right wits , that will thinke the forme of Gods worship consisteth in such things , or that they are any part thereof . Your second reply we admit , and affirme according thereto , That the matter of Religion , whereto we sware , is not alterable , nor can it bee changed ▪ And that the points questioned , being of their owne nature indifferent , are excluded from the Oath , and are no part of the matter thereof . To your third reply , I answere , That wee haue not receiued any thing againe in our Church , which euer was damned , and abiured for their abuse : for in the negatiue part of our oath , wherein Papistrie is abiured , there is no mention of kneeling , nor of the commemoration of Christs benefits vpon the fiue anniuersary dayes , nor is any of the other three Articles euer touched . It is true , that Popish dedication of dayes to other Creatures , and the obseruation of them , with an opinion of necessitie , or that they were any part of Gods worship , are abiured in that Confession , ( and that also wee haue condemned in the Acte made at Perth , concerning the obseruation of these times : ) but to make commemoration of the benefits , that our Sauiour by his Birth , Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension hath brought vnto vs , we neuer held it vnlawfull , nor did count it a matter of abuse . Therefore it is not necessary , that either our oath be proued vnlawful , or our former formes ; it sufficeth , that they bee prooued lesse edificatiue , or not so expedient for the time , because they are abused by the people to superstition and prophanenesse , as afterwards we will make cleare in their owne place . Where yee say , That it was confessed in the Assembly , that they were not expedient for our Church , and that the same were yeelded vnto , for holding of some externall inconueniences , a matter now denied , yee say , as importing tyrannie , because you confesse , you haue this only by report ; and it is the nature of all your sort to be too credulous , we passe it . In the meane time wee will not deny , that to some , they appeared very inexpedient , for diuers respects , of the which the chiefe were , the discredit they feared to incurre with their people , that did esteeme the condemning of the abuse of these ceremonies , to haue been an absolute reiecting of them , as ceremonies idolatrous , which neuer was done by any prudent or wise Pastor : another respect was , because simple ones , that had not learned to make distinction betweene circumstances , and the substance of Religion , might take thus abused by people vnto superstition , this is one pregnant reason wherefore the alteration should haue beene made . As to that which they speake of the credite of Pastors , the same ought not to be maintained , by ●ostering an errour in the hearts of people ; namely , that the Ministers taught that which they neuer taught , or at least should not haue taught : As by example , that the obseruation of the fiue Holy dayes , to the commemoration of Christs benefits , is vnlawfull . This I am assured was ne-neuer done by any well aduised Preacher , for it had bin a condemning of the Primitiue Church , and all the Reformed Churches now in the world , Likewise , to haue taught that kneeling in the acte of receiuing the Sacrament is vnlawfull , were to haue contradicted the best , and most learned Diuines we haue . Beza saith of it , Speciem habet piae , ac Christianae venerationis , ac proinde olim potuit cum fructu vsurpari . That is to say , kneeling at the Sacrament hath a shew of holy and Christian worshippe , and therefore of old might haue been fruitfully vsed . Whereby yee see , he condemneth not simply the ceremonie , but witnesseth that there was a time , when the same did edifie and profite . Caluine , before him , called it Cultum legitimum , that is , a Lawfull adoration , being vsed in the action of the Supper , and directed to Christ. Petrus Martyr saith , Multi piè genua flectunt & adorant , that is , Many in receiuing the Sacrament doe bow their knees religiously , and adore Christs flesh . Paraeus speaking of the same gesture , esteemes it an indifferent ceremonie . And that which so great and learned Diuines iudged to bee lawfull , what are we to condemne ? Next , I answere , That the credite of the Pastours should not be maintained with the discredit of the Prince amongst his Subiects : for if they who should be patternes of reuerence and obedience to others , shall in their owne persons withstand the lawfull desires , & godly intention 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 wee become 〈…〉 the contrary . This is an high 〈…〉 we contrauene our oath 〈…〉 ●n the contrary . & ●herafter 〈…〉 ●ath ●s ●uritanisme . If sincere and 〈…〉 ●●albe still ●ursued for their constan●● 〈◊〉 their ●rofession ▪ and the conscience they make of 〈…〉 ●oe we not expone the whole Nation to a wo●ull ●engeance , and perpetuall ignominy ? ANS . Our assertory Oath , touching the Artic●es contro●erted , condemneth those onely in the guilt of periury ▪ who hold , that policy and order in ceremonies may not be altered when necessity requireth , and being altered , ought not to bee obeyed . And indeede it is a profound point of infernall policy , not only by an exemplary practise of disobedience against the lawes of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , to contrauene the Oath in your owne Person , but also vnder pretext of constancy of Profession , and conscience of the Oath , to perswade others for feare of periury , to periure themselues : Whereby yee both expose your selues to the fearefull iudgement of Gods vengeance , and drawe others with you to the same perdition . Your sophisticke cauillations , whereby yee intend seditiously , to proue the vnlawfulnesse of the Articles concluded at Perth , shall now bee answered , and the truth cleared to the satisfaction of all men , who are not contentious . An answere to the arguments brought against kneeling in the act of receiuing of the holy Communion . PP . IT hath been the vniforme , and constant order of this Church since the Reformation , that the Communicants should receiue the Sacramentall elements of Bread and Wine , sitting at the Table . In the second head of the first booke of Discipline , are set downe these words : The Table of the Lord is then rightly ministred ▪ when it approacheth most neere to Christs owne action : But plaine it is , that at that Supper Christ Iesus sate with his Disciples , and therefore we doe iudge , that sitting at that Table is most conuenient to that holy a●tion . In the generall Assembly holden in Decemb. 1562 , it was ordained , That one vniforme order should be obserued in the ministration of the Sacraments , according to the order of Geneua : And in December 1564 , It was ordained ▪ That of time , and confirmed by oathes and subscriptions , as is euident by the former deduction . It is notwithstanding expedient to descend further in opening vp the vnlawfulnesse of kneeling . First , as it is a breach of the Institution . Secondly , as it is a breach of the second Commandement . Thirdly , as it is without the example and practise of the ancient Church . Fourthly , as it disagrees from the practise of the Reformed Churches . ANS . After yee haue laid downe your grounds ; some for sitting ▪ and some against kneeling : yee subioyne the tenor of the acte concluded at Perth , but most corruptly , as we haue noted in the margine ; and then yee forme this argument : That which hath been established by so many lawes Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall , by so long custome , and prescription of time , and confirmed by oathes and subscriptions , we may not lawfully alter : But so it is , that sitting at Table , in the acte of receiuing , hath beene established by lawes , customes , long prescription of time , and confirmed by oathes and subscriptions . A man that had heard the proposition only , would expect some great matter in the assumption , belonging to some article of Faith , or precept of obedience set downe in Gods Word : and all resolues in an indifferent ceremonie of sitting at the Sacrament . But yet to make simple people beleeue , that it were some necessary or substantiall point of Religion , that might not be altered , ye make a great shew of lawes , customes , &c , which being examined , shall vanish as smoake before the winde . And where yee beginne with a strong alleageance , that it was established with so many lawes Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall : I aske you first , by what Ciuill lawes ? Yee say , ( so many ) yet in your deduction , whereby you affirme the assumption to be euident , yee cite not one law , neither can yee , albeit yee are not ashamed to say ( so many ) . For your Ecclesiasticall lawes , yee cite first , the words set downe in the second head of the first booke of Discipline ; the Table of the Lord is then rightly ministred , &c. These words are not a law , for that booke of Discipline was neuer receiued , nor confirmed , either by the Ciuill , or Ecclesiasticall estate ; some of the Nobility subscribed it , but others , who had the chiefe authority , as Master Knox complaines in his History , reiected the same , calling it Deuout imaginations . Next , yee cite the ordinance of the generall Assembly , 1562 , appointing the order of Geneua to be obserued : this Act cannot establish your sitting , for in Geneua , they stand , or passe , as they Receiue , and sit not at Table . The last Acte , which yee cite in anno 1564 , ordaineth Ministers in the ministration of the Sacraments , to vse the order set downe in the Psalme book . In that Act there is no mention of sitting , and by the order set downe in the Psalme bookes , that may be meant , which before was called , the order of Geneua . How soeuer it be , there is no particular law for sitting , no Ciuil law at all : and none Ecclesiasticall ; but this onely one , which is generall . Your second probation is , That sitting is established by so long a custome and prescription of time : Who would not , when he heares ( so long ) looke at least for a three or foure hundred yeares ? and all this length of time yee can alledge to , is since the yeare of God 1560 , not halfe an age : before which time , kneeling was in vse many hundred yeares on the Lords day , and on other dayes in the weeke , euer since the first Institution , as afterwards shall be proued , with better reasons , then any yee can bring for the necessity of sitting ▪ This long custome and prescription for kneeling , yee esteeme to be of no moment , albeit it was a gesture instituted by God : but for sitting , a gesture instituted by man ; yee count eight and fifty yeares a long prescription . So men esteeme their owne Dwarfes to be Giants , Nostrum sic nanum Atlanta vocamus . The last argument wherein yee glory most , is , that sitting is confirmed by oathes and subscriptions : This is a childish and false alledgeance : for there was neuer oath , nor subscription giuen in our Church , that by any consequence can import a confirmation of sitting , or of any other indifferent alterable ceremonie , for all times following . Seeing no man is astricted longer vnto the obseruatiō of it , then the Ecclesiasticall Constitution stands , which being altered by the Church that made it , their oath and subscription bindes them to obserue that , which in stead of the former , is ordained to be receiued . This is manifest by the Constitutions set downe in the seuenteenth chapter of the booke of Discipline , receiued and confirmed in the generall Assembly holden at Glasgow the 24. of Aprill , anno 1581 , the tenor whereof followes : The finall end of all Assemblies , is first to keepe the Religion and Doctrine in purity , without errour or corruption . Next to keepe comlinesse and good order in the Church : for this orders cause , they may make certaine rules and c●nstitutions , pertaining to the good behauiour of all the members of the Church in their owne vocation : They haue power also to abrogate and abolish all statutes and ordinances , concerning Ecclcsiasticall matters , that are found noysome and vnprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . And after a few words , it is subioyned : That it appertaines to the Presbyteries , to cause the Ordinances made by the Assemblies Prouinciall and generall , to be kept and put in execution . Hereby it is manifest , that when the Church alters indifferent thing in policie , that they who are astricted by their oathes to obey the Discipline of the Church , are tyed , both not to practise these things , which the Church hath discharged ; and to obserue these things , which the Church , in stead thereof , hath established to be done . Whereupon I conclude , That so many as haue sworne and subscribed , ( after the forme contained in the Oath ) to continue in the obedience of the Discipline of the Church ; are all obliged by their subscriptions , now not to sit , but to kneele at the Communion : because the Church hath found it meete , that sitting should bee interchanged with kneeling ? Thus I haue answered your reasons , lawes , customes , subscriptions and oathes , which yee bring for sitting . I come to consider the ordinances made , as ye alledge , against kneeling : where first yee alledge an Act made in the Assembly 1591 , that an Article should bee formed , and presented vnto his Maiesty , and the Estates , for order to be taken with them , who giue or receiue the Sacraments after the Papistical manner ; but by Papistical maner is meante , the giuing of the Sacrament by a Masse Priest , and the receiuing the same after the order of the Romane Church : which may be cleared by an Act of the Assembly , anno 1565. Decemb. ●6 . Sess. 2. The ●enor wherof is this ▪ Persons reuolting from the profession of the Gospell , by offering their children to be baptized after the Papisticall maner , or by themselues receiuing the Sacrament of the Altar , after admonition , shall bee excommunicate , if repentance interuene not . This sheweth what is meant by giuing , or receiuing the Sacrament in a Papisticall manner ; for it was neuer our Churches meaning , to censure these that receiued the Sacraments after the manner of the Reformed Churches in France , England , or Germany , where many of our people haue receiued the Sacrament of Christs bodie kneeling : Nor did our Predecessors euer condemne their customes , and esteeme sitting necessary , albeit for the estate of our Church , they held it in the beginning to be most conuenient . Next , yee say , That in the Kings Confession of Faith , &c. are these words contained : We detest the ceremonies of the Romane Antichrist , added to the ministration of the Sacraments ▪ and we detest all his rites , signes , and traditions . This argument were good , if yee did proue kneeling to be a rite or ceremony added to the Sacrament , by the Roman Antichrist . But we know this ceremony to be diuine , and not Antichristian , a ceremony allowed by God to bee vsed in his worship : for he hath said expresly in his Word , Vnto me all knees shall bow : and againe , In the name of Iesus euery knee shall bow . Neither will yee euer be able to proue the vse of this ceremony , in receiuing the Sacrament , to be Antichristian ; or to haue been instituted by the Antichrist of Rome : for albeit Honori●s ordained that the people should kneele at the eleuation , and circumgestation of the Hoste to those who are sicke , yet he made no constitution for kneeling at the receiuing of the Sacrament : and there is as great difference betweene the eleuation in the Masse , and the pompous circumgestation of the Hoste ▪ and the celebration of the Sacrament , as is betwixt an idolatrous , and superstitious inuention of man , and a lawfull act of diuine worship . Therefore to conclude the answere of this Section , vnto the argument propounded by you , I oppone this . Euery indifferent alterable ceremony , the innouation and abrogation whereof , is thought expedient by the Church , may be lawfully altered , notwithstanding of any lawes , customes , oathes , or subscriptions formerly made , for obseruation therof ▪ for a time . But sitting at the Sacrament is an indifferent alterable ceremony , the innouation and abrogation whereof , is thought expedient by the Church . Ergo , Sitting at the Sacrament may be lawfully altered , notwithstanding of any lawes , customes , oathes , or subscriptions formerly made for obseruation thereof , for a time . The Proposition is manifest by these Constitutions , which we haue cited out of the seuenteenth chapter of the booke of Discipline , confirmed in the Assembly , 1581 , and subscribed by many of the Ministry . Yea , the very nature of alterable ceremonies is such , that to the obseruation of them no man is longer astricted , then they stand in their integritie without change ; but if for any corruption and abuse , or for some greater or better respect , they be altered by the Church , the obligation for obseruing of them ceases , and bindes no more . As to kneeling , which the Assembly hath ordained in stead of sitting , as yet we haue seene nothing against it , neither Law Ciuill or Ecclesiasticall ▪ nor custome , &c. And I hope the reasons yee bring hereafter shal be found is friuolous . But keeping your order , I will first consider , ●ow yee qualifie it to be a breach of the institution . PP ▪ p. 35. lin . 25. The first breach of the institution by kneeling , is , the taking away of that commendable gesture of sitting , vsed by Christ and his Apostles , at , and after the Institution . That Christ and his Apostles sate at Table , yee labour to proue it , by the words of the Euangelist , Edenti●us ●llis . whilest they did eate , Matth. 26.26 . Mark. 14.22 . Christ tooke bread , and blessed , &c. If whilest they did eate , say yee , then also whilest they did sit , as these two are conioyned ▪ Mark ▪ 14.18 . The phrase imports , that nothing interuened betwixt the eating , and the celebration of the Sacrament : it was therfore ministred vnto them ●itting . This is your reasoning ▪ pag. 36. lin . 16. & seq . ANS . Your argument is , a captione â fallacia consequentis : For albeit nothing interuened betweene the eating of the Paschall Supper , and the celebration of the Sacrament , yet it followeth not ▪ that the Sacrament was ministred vnto them sitting . For as yee say , their eating of the Paschall Supper and sitting were coniunct ; and that eating of the Paschall Supper ceasing at the beginning of the institution of this Sacrament ; how will it follow , that the gesture of sitting continued , and was not changed ? For although nothing interuened betweene the Paschall Supper and the Sacrament , yet the gesture might haue beene changed , when the action was changed . And as the one action ceased when the other began , so the gesture of sitting might haue ceased with the action , wherewith it was conioyned : and another gesture might haue begun , and been vsed in the celebration of the Sacrament ▪ Moreouer , betwixt their eating of the Paschall Supper , and the administration of the Sacrament to the Disciples , there interuened diuers actes ; as first , the taking of the bread ▪ secondly , the thankesgiuing : thirdly , the breaking : fourthly , the precept , Take yee , eate yee : fiftly , the word whereby the element was made the Sacrament . After this , the Sacrament was giuen by our Sauiour , and receiued by the Disciples , which yee call the ministration of the Sacrament vnto them . Now albeit it were true , that between the time they sate eating of the Paschall Supper , and the time when the Sacrament began to bee celebrated , nothing had interuened : yet betwixt that , and the ministring of the Sacrament to the Disciples , all these fiue acts interuened . In which time , the gesture of sitting might haue beene changed : for if they changed it not at the breaking of the bread by our Sauiour , which was the first act , yet they might haue changed it at the thankesgiuing , which was the second ; or at the breaking , which was the third ; or at Christs pronouncing of the words , whereby the element became a Sacrament . So vpon this ground , that they were sitting , and eating , yee cannot conclude , that they receiued the Sacrament sitting ; seeing betwixt the time of their eating of the Paschall Supper , so many acts interuened , wherein the gesture of sitting might haue beene changed , before they receiued the Sacrament . Thus it is not certaine , that they sate , and receiued the Sacrament , or , as yee say , that the Sacrament was ministred vnto them sitting . If it be replied , that it is not written , that they rose , and altered their gesture : I answere , à non scriptum , ad non factum est , non valet consequentia . It is not written , that they altered their gesture , 〈…〉 cons●●●ence is ●uer good . 〈…〉 is not written ▪ is to ●ee holden and ●el●eued for 〈◊〉 vndoubted truth in the wor●hi● of God. ●ut after the eating of the Paschall Supper ▪ that the Apostles 〈◊〉 will at Table ▪ and a●●ered not their gesture ▪ vntill they ●ad receiued the ●acrament ▪ is a thing that is not written . ●●erefore ▪ after the eating of the Paschall Supper , that the A●ostles sate still ▪ without altering their gesture , vntil they ●ad receiued ●he Sacrament ▪ is not to be beleeued ▪ and ●olden for an vndoubted truth in Gods worship . But ●ee subio●ne 〈…〉 ●u●dem pag. P● . This is so euident ▪ that neuer man doubted of it ▪ 〈…〉 ●eare ▪ euen ●hose who ●ffirme , but against the 〈◊〉 that they ●●ood at the 〈◊〉 seruice ; confesse , that 〈◊〉 sate at the second ▪ and at the celebration of the Sa●rament . 〈◊〉 Master ●ohn Mare , and the Bishop o● 〈◊〉 ▪ &c. ANS . ●hat this is not ●o euident ▪ as yee alledge , is manifest 〈◊〉 that which hath bin said . But the cause , that hath 〈◊〉 ●oubt since the last yeare ▪ is the Paradox ▪ which ●ee and your followers haue vndertaken to defend ▪ since ●he ●ast ●eare ▪ of which ●euer Diuine ▪ either in the anci●nt o● reformed Church ▪ ●reamed of before ▪ namely , ●hat we should beleeue without doubting : First ▪ that the ●postles receiued the Sacrament sitting . Secondly , that ●his gesture of theirs was exemplary . Thirdly , that it was ●nstituted by our Sauiour ▪ to be obserued in all succeeding 〈◊〉 . ●ince ●ee ●fter ●his manner vrge sitting , with an ●pinion o● necessity ▪ ●nd impose it vpon the conscien●es of the weake ▪ with such terrours and feares ▪ that it ●annot be omitted , without a manifest breach of the In●titution ; we can doe no lesse , then trie by the Scriptures ▪ ●hether it be so , or not . The testimony of M. Iohn Mare , or of any mortall man , cannot tye our consciences to beleeue , or practise any thing in Religion , as an Article of Faith , or a necessary point of Gods worship , whereof there is not a cleare and vndoubted warrant in the Word of God. And for the Bishop of Chester , hee declareth his opinion onely , but astricts no man to beleeue it , nor will he haue any man to build thereupon , as yee doe ; that the Apostles sitting was exemplary : against the which , his arguments in the Treatise that yee cite , are such , as might haue stayed you , or any other that reason could satisfie , from taking a pen in hand to the contrary . PP . That sitting was instituted , I proue it by two reasons : first , the gesture , that Christ retained in passing from the conclusion of the Paschall Supper , That hee did institute sitting hee retained , Therefore he did institute sitting . ANS . This is a Demonstration , whereupon the faith and obedience of the worthy Receiuers must be grounded , touching the gesture they must vse at Communion : yet the Libeller perceiuing , that the proposition of this argument may be denyed , and being denied , that it must be proued by this generall ; Whatsoeuer Christ retained , that he did institute : and considering withall , that Christ retained many things , as the place , the quality of the bread , and circūstance of time , which he dare not affirme to haue bin instituted ; hee makes exception of such things , as were retained of necessity , and could not conueniently bee changed . And thereupon subioynes this saying . PP . pag. 36. lin . vlt. But as for the gesture of sitting , he might haue changed it in standing or kneeling , without working any miracle , if it had not been his minde , that we should receiue ●he ●acrament of the Eucharisticall Supper , with the ●ame gesture , that the Iewes receiued the Paschall . ANS , In this argument , hee takes it for granted , that the Disciples s●te at the Sacrament , which yet is in question , 〈◊〉 by ●cripture shall neuer be decide● . And this is a Sophisticke deception ▪ called ●etitio principij . Next the rea●on whereby hee prooues that s●tting was instituted , and ●ot the other circumstances , which were likewise retained ▪ ●s because Christ might haue changed it in standing , or kneeling , without working a miracle . But this reason ▪ ● hope ▪ will not be found demonstratiue : for our Sauiour , without working a miracle , might haue changed the vpper ●hamber , wherin he eat the Passeouer , & taken him●elfe to some other roome . Therefore by your argument ●is minde was , that we should only ●elebrate the Sacrament in an vpper ●hamber . ●ikewise our Sauiour , with●ut working of a miracle , might easily haue called his Mother ▪ and other women to the Sacrament , and so haue ●ltered the sex , and number of the Communicants : ther●ore it was his mind by ●our reason ▪ that twelue men sit●ing at once at Table ▪ and no women , should receiue the ●acrament . Finally ▪ our Sauiour might haue celebrated the Sacrament without his vpper garment , which he did put on ▪ after he had washed his Diciples feete ▪ before he ●elebrated the Sacrament . Therefore Baronius the Cardinall concludes wel by your ground . That it was his mind ●he Priest should put on his Masse-clothes ▪ which are his ●pper garment ▪ before he celebrated the Sacrament . But ●hat ●ll men may see the vanity of this argument ▪ I shall ●learly ●roue by it , ●hat sitting was not instituted : Christ , ●ee sa● might easily ●aue changed the gesture ▪ which he 〈◊〉 at the Paschall Supper ▪ without the working of a miracle ▪ ●n standing , or kneeling , if it had not been his minde , that we should receiue the Sacrament of the Eucharisticall Supper , with the same gesture that the Iewes receiued the Paschall . Now I assume , But the Iewes this night receiued the Paschall Supper , not sitting right vp in chaires or fourmes , as we do , but lying on beds ; although that both the gestures might haue been , and were vsed by them in other nights , as is manifest by the testimonie which you cite your selfe out of SCALIGER , De emendatione temporum , lib. 6. Quòd in omnibus alijs noctibus tam ●dentes , quàm bibentes , vel sedemus , vel discumbimus , in hac autem omnes discumbimus . That is to say , Other nights , eating or drinking , we either sit at table , or lye ; This night we all lye ( yee turne it , we all suppe , that is , sit leaning . ) Thus then I reason vpon the ground of your owne demonstration : The gesture of lying , vsed by our Sauiour at the Paschal Supper , according to the custom of the Iewes , might haue easily and commodiously been changed , without working a miracle , by turning about his face and body to the Table , and setting of himselfe right vpon the beddes , with his feete to the ground , as our custome is to sitte at table . Therefore , according to your owne principle , it was not Christs minde , that we should sitte vpright at table , as wee doe , and all the Iewes in those dayes vsed to doe at other times ; but that wee should lye at table , as the Iewes did at the Supper of the Passeouer . Now let the judicious Reader consider , if this be a sure ground , whereupon to settle a certaine and infallible point of Gods worship . But I conuert the argument . Nothing vsed at the Paschall Supper , and retained at the Sacrament , that is not expressed in the words of the Institution , was instituted . But sitting vsed in the Paschall Supper , retained , as yee alledge , at the Sacrament , is a thing not expressed in the words of the Institution . Therefore sitting vsed at the Paschall Supper , and retained , &c. was not instituted . begins ? seeing in so doing , yee pretend , or shew more reuerence and deuotion , then the Apostles did , who sate : but if yee say , they stood , or kneeled as wee doe ; how know yee , that they sate at the Receiuing , and retained not still the gesture , wherewith they gaue thankes ? PP . Wherefore doth the Apostle propound the custome of the first Churches , 1. Cor. 11.16 . 2. Tim. 3.14 . 1. Cor. 14.33 . if they did not oblige vs to imitation ? ANS . More impertinent testimonies yee could not haue brought , then the last two , and if they be rightly cited , let the Reader iudge : to the first , wherein mention is made of the custome of the Churches , I answere : If the custome of the Church , and the actions and practises of Christ be morall , and of the nature of things commanded generally in the Decalogue , they oblige vs indeed to imitation ; but naturall actions , such as eating , drinking , waking , sleeping , resting , talking , and such like done by them , with the circumstances thereof ; namely , the manner , time , and place , of their eating , drinking , &c. doe not tye vs to the imitation of them , although there bee no cause mouing them thereto , which concernes vs not . Therefore in all things we are not obliged to their imitation . Neither doe the ceremonies and circumstances obserued by them in the exercise of Religion , astrict vs , except they be enioyned by some constant precept in the Gospell : as by example , Iohn baptised at a riuer , and they who were baptised went downe into the water , and came vp out of it againe : in some places the Church vsed a threefold immersion : in the Apostles time , they vsed to salute one another with a holy kisse : they kept their banquets of loue at their meetings , and other moe customes they had , which not being enioyned to vs by a constant command , doe no wise oblige vs : as no more doth the circumstance of place , time , habite , persons , position , and site of body , as standing , sitting or walking . And in a word , in the actions of Christ , his Apostles , or the customes of the Church , there is nothing exemplary , and left to be imitated of vs , but that which either being morall●● generally commanded in the Decalogue , or being ceremoniall and circumstantiall , is particularly commanded by some constant precept in the Gospell . But I 〈◊〉 ●ake you , that would haue euery action of Christs to be imitated by vs ▪ which hath not a speciall exception 〈◊〉 ●ome cause ▪ mouing him , that concernes vs not : what ●s the cause , that at the celebration of the Sacrament , yee blesse not the Bread first , seuerally by it selfe , and the Cup seuerally by it selfe , after the distribution of the Bread ? seeing Christ did so , as it is expresly mentioned , yet hauing no cause to moue him , which concernes vs not . This 〈◊〉 perswaded , if our ground bee sure , is a more euident breach of the institution , then is our not sitting at the Sacrament ▪ for in the words of the institution , there 〈◊〉 mention of sitting , but the giuing of thankes twice is expresly set downe ▪ and there could bee no cause to moue Christ vnto this , which doth not concerne vs. For sitting if it be so , that Christ sate ) there is a manifest ●ause moouing him vnto that ▪ which doth not concerne 〈…〉 the Paschall Supper , 〈◊〉 occasion whereof , he was sitting ●efore . Therefore to conclude , if it bee no ●reach of ●he ●nstitution , once to giue thanks ▪ and blesse ●he bread and cup at once , which Christ Iesus in the Institution is said to haue done at two seuerall times , it is without all reason , to make that necessary , which is not expressed in the Institution ; and call that a breach of the ●nstitution ▪ which neuer was instituted . Thus hauing shewed the ground , whereupon you build your exempla●e actions ▪ to bee a heape of sand , scraped together by your selfe , without warrant of Scripture , Antiquity , or any moderne Writer ; the arguments yee bring afterwards from the sitting of Christ with some of the Disciples after his Resurrection , when he was at Emmaus ; and the sitting of the Apostolike Church , after our Sauiours Ascension , are to no purpose : seeing your rule failes , and cannot proue the sitting of Christ , and his Apostles , at the Sacrament ( if so they sate ) to be exemplary , more then any of the other circumstances of time , place , order , and persons . But that the Reader may see , how vncertaine your testimonies and reasons are , we will consider them particularly . PP . Christ after his Resurrection , when hee was in Emmaus with some of the Disciples , as he sate at meat with them , tooke bread , blessed it , brake it , and gaue it vnto them , as it is said , Luk. 24.30 . This place is interpreted by Augustine , Paulinus , &c. But so it is , they wete sitting when Christ gaue them the bread : whatsoeuer be the interpretation of the Text , yee see , they acknowledge sitting at the Table . ANS . I see not , that they did acknowledge the Disciples to haue sate at Table , when they receiued : for as I said before , there interuened betweene the taking of the bread by Christ , and the receiuing of the same by the Disciples , the act of thankesgiuing , breaking and giuing the bread , in which time , the gesture of sitting might haue beene altered . Thus it is not certaine , that they sate at the Receiuing . If yee reply : it is not written that they did alter the gesture of sitting : to that I answere before , and it is the Papists argument against the giuing of the Cup to the Layickes ; it is not written , say they , that the Cup was giuen , in this place : Therefore , &c. Also yee know , that the time of Christ his sitting heere with his Disciples at Emmaus , was the night season , the place , a priuate Inne : that the breaking and giuing of that bread , was before or after another ordinary supper ; and that onely men were there present ▪ and not women : all which points being certaine , according to your first reason , whereby yee ●●tended to proue sitting to haue been instituted ; it will ●ollow that all these circumstances , and things , were instituted to be obserued as well as sitting , because our Sauiour retained all these things , hauing no necessity at this ●●me to celebrate the Sacrament . Thirdly , I say , if the ●acrament was here ministred ▪ we haue an expresse warrant for priuate Communion , which yee impugne ▪ for Iesus heere ministred vnto two onely , and yee will not ●●ntent 〈◊〉 haue 〈◊〉 ministred to ●hree . Lastly , it is the iudgement of the learned Calume , That there was no ce●ebration of the Sacrament at that time , and that Christ was knowne to these Disciples by an ordinary prayer , which he vsed in blessing of the Table , and not by the celebration of the Sacrament ▪ which opinion , he saith , although it seeme plausible , is no more then a coniecture , which leanes to no probable reason . Then yee see ▪ that 〈◊〉 vncertaine 〈◊〉 Christ gaue this Sacrament at Emmaus ▪ and if he did ▪ that there sitting at the Receiuing 〈◊〉 also vncertaine ▪ And therby your argument is nought , and serueth only to establish priuate Communion . Thus ●aue you gained nothing by this testimony , but lost much . PP . Last of all after his Ascension and glorification in the ●eauens ▪ the Apostolike Church sate at Table . The man●er of ●he partaking of the table of Diuels , was by forma●● sitting at table in the house of the Idoll : Ionathan the Chaldee Paraphrast . Amos● . 8 . interpreteth the garments , whereon the Vsurer sate beside euery Altar , to ●aue been beds prepared in the houses of their gods , to sit 〈◊〉 when they feasted vpon things sacrificed to Idols . The people of Israel sate downe to eate and drink , at the ●dolatrous feast of the golden Calfe The Apostle compare●● the partaking of the Lords Table , and the table of Diuels , 1. Cor. 10.21 . Next , they sate at the Loue feasts : we cannot thinke , that they rose from the Tables to receiue the Sacrament . ANS . To proue that the Apostolike Church sate at Table , you bring the comparison , that the Apostle makes betweene the partaking of the Lords Table , and the table of Diuels : and the partaking of the table of Diuels , you say , was by a formall sitting at table in the house of the Idoll : for which yee alledge Ionathan the Chaldee Paraphrast , vpon the eight verse of the second chapter of Amos ; but neither the Text , nor his interpretation proues the formall sitting yee speake of : for the text saith , they laid themselues downe vpon clothes by euery Altar , and not , that they sate : And the Paraphrast , as Mercerus expounds him , saith , That those clothes were Parapetasma●a , that is , couerings or mattes , whereupon they laid themselues downe , and not sate , by euery Altar , and not in the Idols house . And for the place of the Apostle : Yee cannot be partakers of the Table of the Lord , and of the table of Diuels , there is no materiall or artificiall table vnderstood , either by the one Table or the other ; and by participation , formall sitting is not meant . This is manifest by these words , Yee cannot be partakers : for certaine it is , that they might haue sitten formally at table in the house of the Idoll , and eaten of their sacrifices , and might also haue sitten at the Lords Table formally , and receiued the external elements . But the Apostle saith , That these two Tables , and the participation of them are so opposed , as they could not be partakers of both . Therfore by the table of Diuels in that place we vnderstand the sacrifices offered to Diuels , and by participation , we vnderstand the eating of these sacrifices , with a conscience toward the Idoll , where euer it was done , whether in the Idols Temple , as 1. Cor. 8.10 . or in the priuate houses of Idolaters , as 1. Cor. 10.27.28 . And by the Table of the Lord , we vnderstand the body and blood of our Sauiour in the Sacrament , and by the partaking of the Lords Table , the spirituall eating and drinking of his flesh and bloud in the Sacrament , by a true and liuely faith . These two Tables , and partakings could not stand together . And so by the Table of the Lord , the Apostle meanes not a material table , at which the Communicants sate , but the body of Christ in the Sacrament . According to this Causabone in his Exercitations against Baronius , 16.36 . citing these words , Non potestis mensae Domini participes esse , &c. saith , Hîc mensa Domini , est ipsa Eucharistia , quam exemplo Pauli , Patresita saepè nominant . That is , The Table of the Lord in this place , is the Eucharist it selfe , which the Fathers often call by this name of the table , following Saint Pauls example . Now where yee adde , that the people of Israel sate downe to eate and drinke at the feast of the golden Calfe : I am assured , yee thinke not , that the Israelites had a materiall table , at which they sate in that feast , so as their sitting will make nothing for the formall sitting , which yee would conclude . And for that which yee tell vs of the Loue feasts , that people sate at them , and that yee cannot thinke they rose from the table to receiue the Sacrament ; yee must know , that your thoughts are no probation : and whatsoeuer yee thinke , it is the Apostles expresse minde , that they who discerne not the body of the Lord from that , and all other carnall feasts , are guilty of his body . And if yee thinke these holy mysteries were worthily receiued , if after the same manner , and at the same time and table , they receiued without making discretion between the one feast and the other , yee thinke not according to the truth : Nam hîc coena à mysterijs toto genere diuersa erat : as Causabone speakes in the same booke of his Exercitations , 16.31 . Then to conclude , neither haue yee proued that the Apostles , or Apostolike Church receiued the Sacrament sitting formally at a table ; nor if they sate , that their sitting was exemplary : for Whatsoeuer is exemplary in Christ his actions , or in the Apostles , or in the Apostolike Churches , is either morall , and commanded in the Decalogue generally ; or then it is some action , or circumstantiall ceremony of Religion , enioyned by precept in the Gospell . But sitting at the Sacrament is neither morall , and so commanded in the Decalogue ; or is it an action or circumstantiall ceremony of Religion , enioyned by precept in the Gospell . Therefore sitting at the Sacrament is not exemplary , and left vs to be imitated , by Christ , his Apostles , or the Apostolike Churches . And although yee had demonstrated , which neither by Scripture or antiquity , yee will euer be able to doe , That Christ and his Apostles did sitte at the receiuing of the Sacrament , could it oblige vs to the like , as I cleared before ? PP . It is obiected , that the sitting of Christ and his Apostles was not vpright , but sitting with leaning . If wee imitate the example of Christ , wee should sitte after the same manner . Answere , It was the custome receiued amongst the Iewes before , and in the dayes of Christ , descending from the Romanes , or as others alledge , from the Persians , &c. ANS . The reply yee make to this obiection is long , and needeth not to be repeated ; for the gesture being vncertain , wherewith the Apostles receiued ; and sitting neyther being instituted by Christ , nor exemplary to vs ; as I haue before shewed , whether they sate vpright , or with leaning , none of the formes is necessary to bee vsed . So all your following Discourse is idle , and to no purpose ; specially where yee say , That sitting was a custome brought into the Church by Christ , whose example being seconded with the practise of the Apostles , is equiualent vnto a precept ; and that it is safer for a mans conscience to imitate Christ and his Apostles , then to depart from them , and imitate the custome of Churches which may erre : for yee haue neither proued sitting to be an Apostolike practise , not yet to be exemplary ; and all your reasons brought for that purpose , haue appeared to be of no force . Yet two things I note in this your answere : first yee say , That the Iewes did receiue their forme of sitting from the Romanes and Persians ; and in this yee erre : for it is manifest , by the sixt of Amos , That before they conuersed either with Romanes or Persians , that forme of gesture was vsed amongst them . Next , when yee say , that there is little difference betweene the one fashion of sitting , and the other , that is also false : for it differeth as farre from our forme of sitting , as lying doth : as is cleared by these words of Amos 6.4 . They lye vpon beds of Iuory , and stretch themselues vpon their couches . And by that verse of IVVENAL Sat. 1. Vacuisque thoris tantùm ipse jacebit . Looke what difference there is betweene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or betweene sedere and iacere ; there is as great difference betweene their forme of sitting , and ours : But because both belonged to one vse , the Translators of the Bible for our capacity interpret both by Sitting . PP . That this gesture may very well bee comprehended vnder the expresse precept of Christ , in the Institution , hoc facite , doe this , that is , hoc totum facite , doe all this . ANS . Where , I pray you , shew me , what yee call ( all this ? ) will yee haue ( all ) to comprehend , not the actions only , which are set downe in the Institution , as the taking , the blessing , the breaking , the giuing , &c. but the circumstances likewise , as the time , the place , the order , the persons , the site and position of body , and the habit ? Then ( hoc facite ) must import , doe this in the night season , doe it in an vpper chamber , doe it after supper , do it with an vpper garment vpon you , doe it with faire cleane washen feete , doe it with vnleauened bread , doe it with men , and not with women ; doe it being thirteene persons in number , one Giuer , and twelue Receiuers ; and doe it with this gesture and position of body , which now yee vse . Heere , all being certaine , the gesture only is vncertaine : some question is made of the number of the Receiuers , because some thinke that Iudas went out , after he got the soppe , before the Sacrament : all the rest are expressed in the story ; but whether the Disciples sate , or stood , or kneeled , at the thankesgiuing in the receiuing , no man knowes . We were accustomed , and still are , to kneele at the thankesgiuing , if we did imitate the Apostles herein , they haue also kneeled , and then it is very vncertaine , whether they sate at the Receiuing : But if wee doe not imitate their gesture in the thankesgiuing , it is cleare that we neuer esteemed the imitation of the Apostolike gesture at the thanksgiuing , to be comprised in the precept , hoc facite , which yee interpret , doe all this . PP . Wee must not thinke that nothing belongs to the Institution , but that which is mentioned in Pauls narration , 1. Cor. 11. for then a Table could not belong to the Institution . ANS . Whatsoeuer yee thinke , the faithfull will beleeue , that the Apostle setting downe , as hee doth in that place , the true forme of keeping the Lords Supper , would neuer haue omitted the gesture , if the same had been a part of the Institution , and if he had receiued any thing touching that from the Lord , he had without all question deliuered the same to the Corinthians . As for your instance of a Table , if yee vnderstand thereby a materiall table , appointed for feasters to sitte at , such a table is not necessary , as shal be cleared in the answer to the second breach : but if by a Table yee vnderstand a commodious part , whereon the elements must bee placed , then the table must be reckoned amongst the necessary circumstances , that accompany the action : for when Christ commanded to doe this , the command did insinuate , That they must conuene in some place to doe it , that there must be a Pastor to giue , and some persons to receiue ; that the elements which are giuen and taken , must be placed in some commodious part , on which they may bee consecrated with thankesgiuing , and blessing , where they may bee broken , and where they may be giuen and receiued : such a table is necessary , yet , what the matter , the forme , and quality of this table should be , is no where expressed in the Scripture , but as the time when , and the place where , and the particular persons to whom , and by whom the Sacrament shall bee celebrate : so the particular matter and forme of the Table is not mentioned in the Institution , but omitted with the rest of the necessary circumstances , and left to be determined by the Church , according to the rule of edification and decencie , and is onely insinuated , as a thing necessarily enioyned with the actions prescribed in the command : for when the Apostle saith , doe this , albeit he saith not , doe it at night , or in the morning , or in a priuate or publike place , by such a person and congregation , and such a part or Table , or with such gesture : yet the command imports , that it should bee done at a conuenient time , in a conuenient place , by meete and qualified persons , with a conuenient gesture , and on a conuenient Table , or on somewhat in stead of a Table . Now , what should be conuenient in such things , it could not be defined ; for conueniency changes , according to times , ages and nations : The specification thereof , is left to the wise iudgement of the Church , according to charitie , quam si moderatricem patiemur , saith CALV●N , salua ●runt omnia , that is , Charity being the moderatrix , all shal goe well . PP . No doubt our Sauiour instructed them how to discerne the Lords body , how to eate and drinke , before he commanded them to eate and drinke . But the Euange●lists and Paul writes of the Sacrament , as of a thing knowne to the Church by practise , presupposing a Table , and the Communicants conuened , and sitting at the Table . ANS . Yee appeare in this place , to haue forgotten that which you affirmed in the beginning of your dispute , to wit , That nothing interuened betweene the celebration of the Sacrament , and the eating of the Paschall Supper : for now you say , That our Sauiour , no doubt , instructed them how to eate and drinke , before they were commanded to eate and drinke , that is , in your minde , he taught them to conuene themselues , and set them downe at Table : but I alledge , he taught them to stand or kneele ar the receiuing , which wee know certainly to haue bin the practise of the Churches thereafter : What warrant haue you more for the one , then I haue for the other ? The Papists will say , that hee taught them the doctrine of Transubstantiation , and the Sacrifice of the Masse , and all the ceremonies vsed at that action , which being after knowne to the Churches by practise , are omitted by Saint Paul and the Euangelists , when they wrote of the Sacrament ▪ because , as yee say , they presupposed these things to bee knowne . So farre are yee miscaried with the loue of your darling , Table gesture , that for establishing and authorising the same , yee dare alledge vnwritten verities , whereupon the Church of Rome founds all her heresies . But to conclude , against your false Assertion , I forme you this reason : Whatsoeuer is of necessary vse in the Sacrament , is expressed in the words of the Institution , or then is annexed vnto that which is expressed , as a necessary circumstance belonging thereto . But sitting , is neither expressed in the words of the institution , nor is annexed to that , which is expressed as a necessary circumstance belonging thereto . Therefore sitting is not of necessary vse in the Sacrament . PP . The second breach of the Institution made by kneeling in the act of receiuing , is the taking away the vse of a table . Christ and his Apostles sate at Table , 1. Cor. 10. Luk. 2● . Wherefore serueth the name of a Table , if wee keepe not the proper vse , and employment of it ? The Fathers call it the Lords Table , the heauenly Table , the sacred Table , the mysticall Table , the spirituall Table , the rationall Table . Whereto serue all these commendations , if in the meane time it be not vsed as a Table , but rather as an Altar ? if it be not vsed , as Christ and his Apostles vsed it , that is , by sitting at it , to receiue the dainties set vpon the Table ? And a little after ; The people of God had an Altar for the Sacrifice , and a Table for a Feast . Such like the Ethnickes : so Christians haue an Altar for a Sacrifice , to wit , Christ who is Priest , Altar , and Sacrifice , Heb. 13.10 . And a Table for the Feast , after this Sacrifice once made , to wit , the Sacrament of the Supper . As the Israelites , and the Ethnickes sate at the table of their feasts , so doe we at our sacred Feasts , to distinguish betweene an Altar and a Table , a Sacrifice and a Supper made of the thing sacrificed ; a dresser or cupboord may serue as well for the disposing of the elements , &c. ANS . I must take paines heere for clearing your minde , to draw your arguments together , which are set downe , ●anquam scopae dissolutae , as loose or euill knit beesomes : yee proue that kneeling taketh away the vse of a table , because the proper vse of a table is for sitting . This yee qualifie , because Christ and his Apostles sate at Table : And because the Iewes , and the Ethnickes sate at their feasts made of things sacrificed . And this is your first argument : Your next is , because sitting makes a distinction betweene an Altar and a Table , betweene a Supper and a Sacrifice . For answere to your first argument , I say , it is a meere caption , à fallacia consequentis : for albeit that Christ and his Apostles , the Iewes and the Ethnicks sate at their feasts , it followeth not , that the proper vse of a table is sitting . The proper vse of a table , is to hold and sustaine the meat that is set thereon : beds in these dayes were ordained for sitting , fourmes , chaires , and bonkers in our times : the taking away of sitting , takes away the vse of the beds , fourmes , and seates whereon they sate , but not the vse of the table : this still remaines , if the elements be placed thereon , and consecrate in the celebration of the Sacrament , albeit no man sitte thereat . As to Christ and the Apostles , the Iewes and the Ethnicks , they sate at their feasts , when they did eate their sacrifices , because these feasts were sufficient bodily repasts ; at which they spent long time in eating , drinking , and conference : For the ease of their bodies , sitting , lying , or such like a gesture was necessary ; but our Sacrament , which is wholly finished , by receiuing a morsell of bread , and a very little wine , requires not a long time , nor such an easefull gesture for the body . It is vncertaine , as I shewed before , what kinde of gesture our Sauiour and the Apostles vsed ; and if they sate , it was occasioned by the former Supper , and no wise requisite for the Sacrament , neither for ease of the body , the action being quickly ended ; neither for conference , for there was none vsed thereat : neither for receiuing the dainties , or the elements from the table , by stretching out their hands . As to the bread , Scaliger saith , that the custome was , of the Master of the feast , to breake the bread in so many peeces , as the number of the feasters were : and vnto euery one a peece was giuen , as great as an Oliue : or if yee reiect his authority , whom yee formerly cited in the booke of Discipline , 1560 , which yee make the ground of your order , it is said , the bread was broken by our Sauiour , and deliuered to him who sate next , and that they brake , and deliuered each to his neighbour ▪ Likewise that they diuided the cup amongst them , after our Sauiour had giuen the same ; so they stretched not forth their hands to take the elements from the table ; and their sitting at table for these ends was needlesse . To your second argument I answere : the distinction of the Table from the Altar is not made by sitting , but by the employments proper to them . The Altar was ordained for the sanctifying of the oblations made to God , the Table to hold and sustaine such things as are offered , and giuen to vs , according to Christs Institution . The Priest stood at the Altar when he offered , and the people when they praied : so the Communicants in the Primitiue Church stood at the Table , when they receiued the Sacrament on the Lords day , and this conformity in gesture tooke not away the difference between the Altar and the Table , as no more doth kneeling , or any other gesture . But to come to the ground , whereupon yee build this reason , yee say , the people of God had an Altar for the Sacrifice , and a table for the feast : So Christians haue Christ for the Altar and the Sacrifice , and a Communion Table for the Sacrament , which is their feast . This your comparison hath some shew , but no solidity . There is a correspondence , I grant , betweene the Iewish Altar , and Christ , who was the Altar that did sacrifice himselfe , to be a Sacrifice for the sinnes of the world ; for the Iewish Altar was the type , and Christ the verity . But what correspondence is there , betweene the tables whereon the Iewes did eate their sacrifices , and the Communion Table ? The tables whereon they did eate their sacrifices , were not holy instruments , which appertained to the Tabernacle and Temple , but such as they had in their owne priuate houses ; and therefore were not types , which did eyther signifie our Communion Tables , or whereunto our Communion Tables doe answere , as anti-types ▪ for it is to be obserued , that in Christian Religion there is nothing which hath any necessary correspondence , or relation to the Legall ceremonies , but that which is either the verity of some type , or the antitype of some type . As for example , betweene Christ , and the Leuitical Priest , the Altar , and the Sacrifice , there is relation as betweene the type and the verity : so betweene Circumcision and Baptisme , the Passeouer and the Lords Supper , there is relation , as betweene the type and the antitype ; for our Sacraments haue succeeded these , and are in their stead . But as to the Table , whereon the Passeouer and other sacrifices were eaten , the same not being a sacred instrument , or type appointed by God , as hath been said , there is nothing in Christian Religion answering thereto , either as the verity it selfe , or as an antitype succeeding thereto . As therefore their tables were not necessary for eating of their sacrifices ( for it is certaine , the Iewes were not a stricted by any diuine ordinance to sitte at Table , when they did eate the Passeouer , and their other Sacrifices ) but were only commodious receptacles deuised by themselues , which they might haue altered and interchanged as they thought meet : Euen so , a materiall artificiall table for celebration of this Sacrament , is not an instrument appointed by our Sauiour , as the Altars and Tables of Shew-bread , but the same is appointed by the Church , according to that power which shee hath to determine circumstances for the actions of diuine worship . To the disposing of the elements , some such receptacle and subiect is necessary , as a table , and decency requires it , when , and where the same may be had ; but it is not of such a necessary vse , as the Altar vnder the Law , for without an Altar , a sacrifice could not be offered , but without any such table , the Sacrament hath often been ministred . Euagrius lib. 6. hist. cap. 13. records , That Gregorius Pastor of Antiochia did minister the Sacrament to the Souldiers on the grasse , before the 600. yeare of our Lord : at Ban●ock burne in the dayes of King Robert Bruce , the like was done to the Scottish army on the fields , and so at many other times , when a table commodiously could not be had . Finally , where yee adde , That for disposing of the elements , a dresser or cupboord may serue , these speeches smell of profanity ; as if to hold and sustaine the elements were such a base employment , that the instrument wheron the Church thought meet they should be placed , should neither be a table , nor named a table . And yet all these religious Epithets , which yee alledge the Fathers gaue to the Communion , as when they called it the Lords Table , the heauenly Table , the sacred Table , &c. were giuen to it , not because the Communicants did sitte thereat , or for any other gesture of body vsed by them , but because the Lords body , the bread of heauen , the sacred , mysticall , and spirituall food of our soules , were presented thereon in the holy Sacrament . Causabone Exercit. 16.36 . saith , That by these appellations , the Eucharist it selfe was vnderstood . But heere it is manifest , that the Epithets interiected in your discourse , are not only impertinent , but repugnant to the opinion yee hold : For when yee aske , why is it called a table , if men sit not at it ? they answer you , Because vpon that table , the heauenly , sacred , and spirituall mysteries are set . In respect thereof , it is called a heauenly , spirituall , sacred , and mysticall table . In the dayes of Chrysostome and Theodoret , by whom these Epithets were most frequently giuen to the Sacrament , there was not a table in the Churches , at which men did sitte , but one onely , on which the elements were placed , and consecrate : but yee neuer fall vpon the name of a Table sooner , then yee imagine it was appointed for sitting . And what then thinke yee of the Table of Shew-bread , at which no man did sit ? Shall it not be called a Table , because it lacked your employment of sitting , or table gesture ? In all Reformed Churches of Europe , ( our Church and very few excepted ) the Communion Tables haue no employment , but only to hold , and sustaine the elements : This is to be seen in the Churches of France , Germany , Hungary , Pole , and England . And in the Greeke Church Causabone obserues , that there are two Tables , one whereupon the elements are set before the Consecration , and another wherupon they are Consecrate . Thus haue I sufficiently declared , that the only or chiefe vse at least of the Communion Table , is for the setting and disposing of the elements , and the consecration of them , with the distribution of the same . Now , that by kneeling in the act of receiuing , the vse of the Communion table is not taken away , I proue by this reason . Whatsoeuer gesture taketh not away the comely placing , and decent consecration of the sacramentall elements on the Communion Table , from which they may bee giuen and receiued , that taketh not away the vse of the Communion Table . But kneeling is a gesture , that taketh not away the comely placing , and decent consecration of the sacramentall ●lements on the Communion Table , from which they may be giuen , and receiued . Therefore kneeling taketh not away the vse of the Communion Table . PP . The third breach of the Institution made by kneeling , is the taking away of that mysticall rite representing Christs Passion , to wit , the breaking of the bread , &c. ANS . If your meaning be , that the Pastor breaketh not the bread before he giue it , yee bely vs. Wee know that it is the Pastors part in the action , to represent Christ the breaking of his body on the Crosse , with the sorrowes of death for our sinnes ; therefore we obserue that rite religiously . But if your meaning be , that the people breakes not euery one with another in reuerence and sobrietie , as is prescribed in the second Chapter of the first Booke of Discipline set foorth 1560. that shall be discussed in the answere to the sixth breach . PP . The fourth breach of the Institution made by kneeling , is the change and restraint of the commandement , giuen to many in the plurall number , Eate yee , drinke yee : to one in the singular number , Eate thou , drinke thou . ANS . This is a calumny , we neither change the command , nor so much as a iot contained in the institution : For , first , wee consecrate the Elements , vsing the words of Saint Paul , and the Euangelists , without altering a sillable . Thereafter , when we giue the Elements seuerally to euery person , wee apply the generall command to euery one in particular , which if we did not , euery worthy receiuer ought to apply vnto himselfe , else he cannot communicate in faith ; for he that esteemes not , that command to belong to himselfe in particular , hath no warrant for his taking , eating , and drinking . This application therefore made by the Pastor to euery communicant , is not a breach , but a meane , seruing to the right and precise obseruation of the Institution . PP . The fift breach of the institution made by kneeling is , the altering of the enunciatiue words of Christ , This is my body which is broken for you : This is my bloud which is shed for you , in a prayer , To blesse our body and soule , saying , The body of our Lord Iesus Christ , &c. ANS . This also is a calumny , for these words wee vse not in stead of the sacramentall words , because then there should be no Sacrament at all : for by the sacramentall word , This is my body , the bread is made the Sacrament of Christs body : and by this word , This Cuppe is the New Testament in my bloud , the Cuppe is made the Sacrament of his Bloud ; and without this word , whereby the will of our Sauiour is declared , which makes the Sacrament , all our prayers and wishes should serue to no vse . It is true , after the Sacrament is made by the sacramentall word , these , or the like words are vttered by the Pastor at the deliuery of the Elements , whereby the generall prayer and blessing , wherewith the action beginnes , is applyed particularly to euery Communicant , and they admonished , and instructed to apply it to themselues . This is the dutie both of the Pastor and of the people : for as in the prayer it is our duetie to wish in generall , that all who are to participate the bodie and bloud of Iesus , may be preserued thereby to euerlasting life : so it is our duetie to wish the same to each one seuerally at the instant when he is receiuing . And as it is the Peoples dutie , when the prayer is conceiued for all , to wish that Christs body and bloud may preserue all the receiuers thereof : so , when they receiue seuerally , to wish , that themselues in particular may be preserued thereby : For , if this be one of the principall ends , wherefore they come to receiue , can they receiue worthily without this or the like wish ? No man without blasphemie can call this an idle battologie . PP . The sixth breach of the Institution made by kneeling , is the taking away of the distribution that ought to be amongst the Communicants . When Christ sayd , Take yee , eate yee , he insinuates , that they should take and diuide amongst themselues . [ A little after . ] In the first Booke of Discipline , penned Anno. 1560. it is ordained , that the Minister break the bread , and distribute the same to those that bee next him , commanding the rest , euery one , with reuerence and sobrietie to breake with other , because it is neerest to Christs action : further , we haue a plaine precept , Luke 22.17 . Diuide it amongst you , &c. ANS . If yee stand to that , which yee alleadge out of Scaliger , was the custome of the Iewes , and vsed by our Sauiour in the Institution : yee haue no cause to quarrell the distribution of the bread ; for the Master of the feast vsed to breake the bread in so many peeces as the number of the Feasters were , giuing to euery one a peece : neither did each person measure his owne portion , giuing the rest to his neighbour , according to our custome . But leauing this , if we shall consider by the Institution , what part is proper to the Pastor , and what to the People , wee will finde , that as it is the Pastors part to take bread , to blesse , and giue thanks ; so is it his part , first , to breake the bread , then to giue it with this precept , Take , eate ; and so , that it is the Peoples part not to breake it , but to take it broken : for , as it was the part of Christ , first , to giue his flesh for the life of the World , when he did offer himselfe in a sacrifice for our sinnes , which he will haue represented in the Sacrament by the Pastor in breaking the bread : so it was his part to giue his flesh to the faithfull , not to be broken and sacrificed by them , but to bee eaten , after it was once broken & sacrificed by himselfe . If therefore it be not the part of the people , either to represent the oblation of Christs body , or the donation thereof to vs , but the part of the Pastor properly , who in these actions represents Christ , it cannot be the part of the people to breake the bread , nor to giue the bread one to another . For this cause , in the ancient Church , it was euer giuen , either by the Pastor himselfe , or by his Deacon , who supplied his place , and helped him in the action ; but neuer by any of the people to others . And Clemens Alexandrinus in the place which your selfe quotes , saith not , that the people diuided the bread ; but that it was permitted to euery one of the people to take a part of the Eucharist , after that some ( doubtlesse the Masters of the Church ) had diuided it in peeces , as their custome was . The learned Musculus in his common places , De coena Domini , pag. 444. speaking of this purpose saith ; Fregit & dedit Discipulis suis , fregit ipse manu sua panem , ac fractum à se dedit Discipulis : non dedit integrum , & ab ipsis frangendum , sed à se fractum panem . Non dedit vt ipsi distribuerent , sed vt à se distributum acciperent & ederent . Erant Apostoli in ca coena Domini , non vt dispensatores mysteriorum Dei : sed vt conuinae , vt fideles , vt Discipuli , vt Communicantes : Christus verò vt Conuiuator , vt Dominus , eadem opera instituens , ac suiipsius manibus dispensans gratiae suae sacramentum . That is to say , Christ Iesus brake , and gaue to his Disciples : hee brake the bread with his owne hand , and when it was broken he gaue it to his Disciples : he gaue it not whole vnto them , to be broken by them , but he gaue them that which he had broken : he gaue it not to them to be distributed by them , but that they should take it being distributed by him , and eate it . The Apostles were in that Supper not as dispensers of the mysteries of God , but as Guests , as the faithfull , as Disciples , and as Communicants : but Christ was as the maker of the Feast , as the Master , at one time both instituting and dispensing with his owne hand the Sacrament of his grace . Here you see , that Christ is the breaker , the giuer , the distributer of the Bread , and not the Disciples : And so the Pastor is now the breaker , the giuer , the distributer , and not the people . Let the judicious Reader consider , whether the iudgement of this learned man doth better agree with the Institution , or the opinion of the Pamphlet penner : And whether the Pastor , who according to the Institution breakes the bread , and giues it with his owne hands to the people , or they , who giue the bread to the people in whole schaues to bee broken , and distributed by themselues , comes neerer to Christs appointment . But to come to the Cup : If our Sauiour , in giuing of the same , did imitate the custome of the Iewes , which Scaliger and others wrote to haue beene this ; that the Master of the Feast , after he had blessed the Cup , did first drinke thereof himselfe , and then gaue it to him who sate next ; so as it passed from hand to hand till all had drunken : it seemes , that the Disciples did deliuer the Cup one to another . But there is a great difference betweene the distribution of the Cuppe and the Bread : for the distribution of the Bread is not a diuiding onely of the Bread from hand to hand , but a breaking is conioyned with the distributing : for he that giues to his Neighbour , breakes before he giues . Now in this breaking we know there is a mysterie , which signifies the breaking of the Lords Body ; which is an act , as is before made euident , that onely appertaines to Christ , both in the veritie , when he did offer himselfe on the Crosse and in the mysterie , when he did represent his oblation , or the breaking of his body , by the breaking of the bread : and therefore is such an act , as ought onely to be performed by him , who in the Sacrament acteth the part of Christ , and represents him sacrificing himselfe . In distribution of the Cuppe there is no such mysterie : for the giuing of it from hand to hand signifies not the shedding of our Sauiours bloud , but the taking of the Cup by the Pastor , and the drinking thereof , doth represent that Cup which the Father propined to his Sonne , and the Sonne receiued and dranke , when willingly hee suffered his bloud to bee shed on the Crosse for the remission of the sinnes of many , and for confirmation of the new Testament ; which Cup , Bloud , and Testament , is in the Sacrament deliuered to the People by the Pastor in Christs name , commanding them to take , and drinke all thereof . He in whose Name this command is vttered , is properly the Giuer and propiner , because by his authoritie it is giuen , and by the warrant of his word it is receiued . When the King drinks to any of his Subiects , and sends it by the hand of his seruant , the seruant is not properly the giuer and propiner , but the deliuerer of the gift and propine : and therefore , as in the Sacrament , the Pastor when he takes the Cup , and drinks , acteth the part of Christ , and represents him taking and drinking that most bitter Cuppe of his Passion and death for our sinnes : so , when he giues and commands the people to take , and drinke all thereof , he acteth the part of Christ , applying his bloud , and giuing the New Testament confirmed thereby to euery worthy receiuer , whether the same be deliuered immediately to euery one by his owne hand ; or if it bee sent by the hand of the Deacon , as is was in the Primitiue Church , or if it be deliuered from hand to hand by the Communicants amongst themselues . But without all question , if the Pastor may commodiously by himselfe make the deliuery , it is most agreeable to the person which hee carries in that holy action , who represents our Sauiour , first , willingly vndergoing death for vs , then , most bountifully applying it to vs with his owne hand . O , but in the 22. of Luke , verse 17. our Sauiour sayd , Take this Cuppe , and diuide it amongst you : The word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Part it amongst you . Here you trouble your selfe , and the Reader much with a long discourse , prouing that in this place the Eucharisticke Cuppe , and not the Paschall is meant : Yet let it be so . What then ? they are commanded to part it amongst them , ergo , to reach it from hand to hand . This followes not ; for when euery one takes his owne part of that which is to be parted , they diuide the whole amongst them , although euery one deliuer not with his hand to his neighbour the thing which is to be diuided , or the remanent thereof : as by example ; When the Manna , which was gathered in the Wildernesse , was cast together in heapes , and the families came forth , and parted the same amongst them , euery man taking his Homer , which was his part ; the Families diuided the whole amongst them , without reaching from hand to hand the heape which was diuided : so when the Disciples were commanded to diuide the Cup amongst them , if euery one did drinke no more then his owne portion , & did leaue the rest to his fellow , the cōmand was obeyed : albeit when euery one had drunken , the last had set downe the Cup on the Table , or had deliuered it into his hand , from whom he had receiued it ; or if one or two had beene maymed , and lacked the vse of their hands , so that the Cup behoued to be holden to their heads ; yet if they dranke no more , but their owne part , with respect to their neighbour , who was to drinke after them , they diuided the Cup : for the diuiding is not the giuing of the Cup , but the parting of the wine amongst them , that was in the Cup : So if they did drinke with such moderation , that one , two , or three dranke it not all , but that all did drinke as our Sauiour commanded ; howbeit they did not deliuer it one to another , but receiued it seuerally , euery one from Christs owne hand , as wee doe out of the hand of the Pastor , they neuerthelesse diuided the same amongst them . To conclude , the command giuen to the Apostles , importeth , that Poculum benedictionis , is not Poculum ebrietatis , sed charitatis , that is to say , The Cup of blessing , is not the cup of drunkennesse , but the Cup of charity , which should not be carowsed by one , but should be parted amongst many . And therefore these two phrases , the one vsed by Saint LVKE , Diuide it amongst you : and the other by S. MATTHEVV and S. MARKE , Drinke thereof all , and they dranke of it all , are equiualent . As to the giuing and deliuering of the Cup , whether it should be , by the hand of the Pastor , or by the mutuall deliuering of the people one to another , because it is not defined by the Scripture , it is indifferent , and left to bee determined by the Church . These grounds being sure , let vs consider your syllogisme ▪ Whatsoeuer action or command is inclosed within the Institution , may not lawfully be broken . But that the Cōmunicants should distribute amongst themselues , was both an action at the first Supper , and a precept , as hath been proued ; Therefore kneeling by consequence is discharged . By what consequence I pray you ? Because , say you , that gesture , and this distribution , is no wayes compatible . It is a manifest vntruth ; for he that kneeles , may take as well his portion of the wine , and leaue the rest to his neighbour , as he that sittes ; and if you thinke that one cannot reach , and deliuer the Cup to his neighbour kneeling beside him , you are deceiued : for I haue seene at one daies seruice a thousand persons , who haue reached the Cup one to another kneeling , as they were accustomed to doe sitting at Table before : yet , as hath been said , that was not necessary , for the precept in the Institution is not , Giue this Cup one to another , but diuide it , or part it amongst you , or drinke all thereof . PP . The seuenth breach of the Institution made by kneeling , is an vnnecessary diuiding of the Communicants , making populous congregations to receiue on many dayes , where they may receiue in one . ANS . Where the Congregations are populous , as in Burghes , three , or two dayes at the least , were allowed them . And in those same places where kneeling hath been practised , the seruice hath beene perfected in as short time , as euer it was before , which we know by experience . PP . The eight breach of the Institution made by kneeling , is , the altering of the purpose of the Institution , or nature of this Sacrament . It was instituted to be a Supper , a spirituall Feast , &c. Therefore the Guests inuited thereto , as you conclude , should not kneele . ANS . To make good this your imagined breach , you haue borrowed three arguments from your Master of table gesture . Thereof this is the first , to which I shortly answere , That a common banquet requires a common gesture , such as sitting , and the same is most fitting : but a spirituall banquet requires a spirituall gesture ; your selfe doe acknowledge it to be a spirituall Feast , and the most religious gesture , is the most decent in this action : and that is kneeling . PP . Guests inuited to a banquet , euen to a Princes banquet , kneele not in the act of banquetting . ANS . A Princes banquet , is but a common carnall banquet , and therefore men should not vse thereat a religious gesture , such as kneeling . Besides , the length of time , which must bee spent at the banquet of a Prince , makes such a gesture inconuenient . But if you were to receiue one morsell of bread , or one drinke , from the hand of the Prince himselfe , you would bee thought vnciuill , if you did not receiue it on your knees . And I maruell that you should vse this argument , who say so often , that the customes of Courts are not rules of Theologies . PP . The sacramental Supper should carry the resemblance of a Supper , in the formes and fashions thereof , or else it cannot rightly be called a Supper : for it is not onely the matter , that is , the dainties and food that makes a banquet , but also the ordering of the guests , and kindly entertainment of them . ANS . It is true , that it cannot properly be called a Supper , except it carry the resemblance of a Supper , both in the dainties , and in the formes and fashions of a supper ; but it may be called a supper rightly , as yee speake , although it doe not resemble a supper in all these things . For that which is properly called a supper , hath plenty and varietie of meat and drinke , at least it is a sufficient bodily repast . Secondly , at it so much time is spended , as is proportionable to the entertainment . Thirdly , the Guests doe entertaine one another by caruing , and drinking , and other kindly and familiar communication . Fourthly , The time thereof is the euening or night season . I am assured , that the Sacrament , for any resemblance it hath in any of these things to a supper , cannot properly be called a supper , farre lesse in respect of ordering , and entertaining the Guests . For at ordinary suppers , Guests are ordered according to their qualities , but heere there is no respect of persons : for entertainment , Guests are entreated prolixè , that is , largely and long ; but heere , more then sparingly , for the bodily part , with a morsell of bread , and a little wine . These being laid aside , what are your table and sitting thereat , but idle spectacles ? Yee breake , and giue the bread one to another : that wee haue shewed to be against the Institution ; yee drinke one to another , but we ought not to drinke one to another , as the giuer and propiner drinkes to the receiuer : for our Sauiour onely , who is represented by the Pastor , is the giuer and propiner of the Cuppe externally , and of his owne bloud internally ; and all the people are but receiuers , not giuers or propiners in any wise . And as to our Communion amongst our selues , it standeth not in this , That wee haue any fellowship in dispensation of the sacred mysteries , but it standeth in the participation alonely : not in this , that we take the bread , breake , and giue it to one another : but in this , that we all receiue the same bread , which is broken by the Pastor , and the same flesh which our Sauiour did breake vpon the Crosse : such like not in that we take the Cup , drinke , and giue it one to another ; but in this , that we drinke all of the same Cup , which the Pastor giues after thankesgiuing ; and the same bloud which our Sauiour shed for the sinnes of many ; otherwise , if wee confound the actions of the Pastor and the people , wee breake and violate the Institution , and disturbe the whole action , making the people not only act their owne part , but also take vpon them the part of Christ , and the Pastor . We must not therefore seeke the resemblance of the Supper in these things , that are manifestly repugnant to the Institution , but in such things , as are contained therein Go too then , and let vs take a view of these : first , in the Institution a supper is resembled by a sufficient repast , not in the quantity , but in the nature and quality of the elements , the one being drie , the other wette ; the one meate , the other drinke , in which two kindes a perfect food consists ; to teach vs , that in Christ is all fulnesse : He that comes to me shall neuer hunger , And he that beleeues in me , shall neuer thirst . Secondly , a Supper is resembled in the Sacrament , by the blessing and distribution that is made by the Master of the feast , and by taking , eating and drinking of the Guests , which are the essentiall parts , and properties of a Supper . Thirdly , as a supper is not the repast of some few , but of the whole family and guestes , who are present ; for which cause it was called coena tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was common : So is the Sacrament instituted for all that are present , who may , and will come and present themselues therto . These are the things set downe in the Institution , wherein the resemblance stands . Your table prerogatiues , gestures , formes , fashions , ordering and entertainment of guestes , we find not , and therefore dare not bee so bold , as to affirme them to be necessary . As in extending the sense of Parables , a moderation would be kept , that it be not racked beyond the bounds and scope of the purpose , whereupon the Parable is inferred : so the parabolicke names giuen to these holy mysteries , should not bee extended beyond the resemblance & similitude set downe in Scripture , for which these names are imposed . Therefore when the Sacrament is called a Table , and a Supper , wee must not thinke that euery thing which is competent to an ordinary table , and supper , are to be found and obserued there , but only such as haue cleare warrant in the Institution , either in particular , or by necessary consequence . In particular , the whole substantiall things , actions , and ceremonies are expressed , from the which wee should take nothing , and whereunto we should adde nothing . The circumstances that doe necessarily accompany such things , actions , and ceremonies , as the time when , the place where , the part whereon , the person by whom , and to whom , and the order , doe necessarily follow the action : for some time and place must be , when , and where it must be done ; some persons by whom , and to whom it must be celebrated ; some part there must be , whereon the elements must be set , and from whence they must be giuen and receiued ; some position and site of body must be vsed by the giuers , and receiuers , and some order must be obserued for entring and proceeding in the action and finishing therof : some things would go before , as Sermons or Seruice ; and it is decent , that the celebration be closed with Psalmes and blessings : but none of these circumstantiall things are particularly defined by Scripture , therefore they are left to bee determined by the Church , according to the rules of edification , order , and decencie . PP . The Sacrament of the Passeouer was also a holy Supper , and the people of God vsed it so ; they kneeled not in the act of receiuing it . ANS . The Passeouer was an holy Supper , yet it was also coena recta , that is , a full and perfect repast : The Sacrament is a Supper in resemblance onely , as hath beene declared , not instituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for filling of the flesh , but for feeding of the spirit ; and therefore is not , to be receiued after a common and carnall manner , but with a spirituall and religious carriage . Lastly , where you say , that when the people receiued the Law of the Passeouer , they bowed their heads , and worshipped , Exod. 12.17 . and they did not so in eating of it : That they were more reuerent in hearing the Law of the Passeouer , then in the participation of it . I answere , They bowed not their head , whilest they did heare , but after they had heard ; and this I hope you will not deny : but after the participation of the Passeouer , they gaue thankes with as great reuerence and deuotion , as they vsed after hearing of the Word . Further , at the participation they sate not , but stood all the time , wherin they shew farre greater reuerence , then bowing of the head , which is finished at one instant , could import . And after the first celebration , when the Passeouer was slaine , and sacrificed at the Altar , you cannot say , that the people did not bow : for Micheas testifieth , cap. 6. ver . 6. That when the people brought their oblations , they bowed . As to the eating of it , the same was in priuate houses , and did serue them for an ordinary supper ; therfore was it to be receiued accordingly . Our Sacrament is not such , nor hath no such vse , as hath been said ; therefore our manner of receiuing ought not to be conformed vnto that , which was vsed at the participation of the Paschal Supper . An answere to the second head , wherein kneeling is considered , as a breach of the second Commandement . PP . KNeeling in the act of receiuing the sacramentall elements , is not onely a breach of the Institution in the Gospell , but also of the second Commandement of the Law. The first breach of the Commandement made by kneeling , is the sinne of idolatrie : idolatrie is committed in this act diuers wayes . The Papists kneele in the acte of receiuing , because they beleeue verily that the bread is Transubstantiate into Christs bodie , and vpon this supposition of Transubstantiation and bodily presence , they kneele : this is the grossest idolatrie that euer was in the world . The Lutheran kneeles vpon his supposition of Consubstantiation , and Christs Reall presence by Consubstantiation : This also is idolatry , and a supposition false . A third sort kneele for reuerence of the elements , not giuing to the elements that high kinde of worship , called commonly cultus Latriae , which the Papists giue , but an inferiour kinde of worship , due ( as they thinke ) to consecrate creatures : This also is idolatry . ANS . The penner of this Pamphlet takes it , pro confess● , that our Church , which hee calleth the third sort , kneeles at the Sacrament , for reuerence of the elements ; and to proue it to be idolatry , he makes a long confused , and idle discourse , touching the relatiue worship , which Papists giue to their Idols . I call it confused , because hee makes no distinction therein , betweene the proper , accidentall , and improper honour , which Papists professe to giue to their Images : without the knowledge whereof , the disputation following cannot be vnderstood : Therefore it must be cleared in the owne place . I call it idle , because he takes paines to proue that which is not controuerted ; namely , that it is idolatry to kneele to the elements , or fo● reuerence of the elements , which we deny not ; yet hee confesseth , that a religious honor , which he calleth veneration , should bee giuen to the elements , and thereupon moues , and answeres an obiection touching this point , pag. 47. as followeth . PP . It may be obiected , that holy things ought to bee reuerenced . Answer , True , but not worshipped ; veneration is one thing , adoration another ; adoration belongeth to persons , veneration to things pertaining to persons , and is nothing else , but a religious respect , or reuerent estimation of things pertaining to the vse of Religion ; a preseruation of them , that they be not lost , and a decent vsage of them , according to their kinde : this veneration or reuerence , is a respectiue or relatiue reuerence giuen to them for Gods sake : kneeling for reuerence of senselesse creatures , is to take the proper gesture of relatiue adoration , and apply it to relatiue reuerence : for religious kneeling in all the Scripture , is a gesture of adoration and soueraigne worship , &c. ANS . This all is sound , and touching it , wee agree fully with you , that reuerence which is done to the Sacrament should not bee expressed by kneeling , which you truely call a gesture of adoration , and soueraigne worshippe . Therefore should it neither bee giuen to the booke of the Euangell , nor to the elements of the Sacrament , but to him only , who is the Author , and matter of both . And yet if men fall downe , and worship him at the hearing of the Gospell , or after , at the receiuing of the Sacrament , or after , and before it be receiued , being moued thereto by contemplation of his grace , and glory in the one and other : this religious worship no man wil deny to be lawfully performed , as well by the worthy receiuer of the Sacrament , as by the reuerent hearer of the Word ; for as we bow not to the letters and syllables , and sounds of the words of the Gospell , but to him , whose minde and will is declared therein : So doe wee not bow to the elements of bread and wine in the Sacrament , but to him , whose body and bloud we receiue thereby . But you , to make the world beleeue , that the Churches of Scotland and England kneele to the elements of bread and wine in the Sacrament , at least haue ordained so to be done : you alledge against the Church of England , the Ministers of Lincolne their defence in the third part thereof , referring the Reader to their proofes ; touching which part , I only reply this , that there be sufficient answeres made to these proofes , by learned and reuerend men in that Church , whereto also I remit the Reader . Against our Church , you lay a false imputation , and frame thereupon all your discourse against kneeling , as it is a breach of the second Commandement , which we will now examine . PP . In the late act , wee are ordained to kneele for reuerence of the diuine mysteries . I see not wherein this differs from the Bishop of Rochesters argument , that great and reuerend dreadfull mysteries , must be receiued with great and dreadfull humilitie of soule , and humiliation of body : therfore in the act of receiuing , we must kneele ; if this argument were good , then the Sacraments , and sacrifices of the old Law , should haue been thus worshipped : and if we will measure by the sight , the Sacraments and sacrifices of the old Law , were more dreadfull , then are the Sacraments of the new : for the slaughter of beasts and shedding of blood , was more dreadful , then the powring out of wine . The Ancients held the sight of this Sacrament , not only from Pagans , but also from the Catechumenists : this doing was not commendable , it made the mysterie of this Sacrament both darke and dreadfull . Augustine saith , they may bee honoured as matters religious , but wondered at , as matters of maruell , they cannot . But to returne to the purpose , to kneele for reuerence of the mysteries , is nothing else but to worship the mysteries . ANS . Heere you set your selfe against three parties , the Bishop of Rochester , the Ancients , and the Assembly at Perth . For the Bishop of Rochester , I answere shortly , That he takes the mysteries with Chrysostome , for the body and blood of Christ , represented in the Sacrament by the elements of bread and wine . In which sense , they are truly called great and dreadfull , and ought to bee receiued with great humility of soule , and humiliation of body : Non enim peccatur adorando carnem Christi , sed peccatur non adorando ; We sinne not , saith Saint Augustine , in adoring Christs flesh , but we sinne , if wee adore it not in the Sacrament . That which you blame in the Ancients , of withholding the sight of the Sacraments , not only from Pagans , but also frō the Catechumenists , Chrysostome iustifies with great reason , Hom. 7.1 . Cor. on these words : We speak the wisdome of God , which is hid . Alia videmus , saith he , alia credimus , aliter afficior ego , aliter infidelis . Infidelis , si lauacrum audiat , aquam simpliciter cogitat , &c. ideo fidei arcana , non sunt temerè apud indignos evulgāda : We see one thing , saith Chrysostom , we beleeue another . I who beleeue am otherwise affected , then an Infidel is : if an Infidel heare of washing in Baptisme , he thinkes there is nothing there but water , &c. For this cause the mysteries of our faith ought not rashly to be divulgate to the vnworthy . This iudgment of Chrysostomes is not crossed by S. Augustines testimony , but confirmed rather : for if the Sacraments should be honoured , as matters religious , then as Chrysostom saith , Pretiosa margarita est à contemptu vindicanda , that is , a pretious jewel ought to be preserued from contempt . Where you alledge against the Assembly at Perth , that in the late act therof , we are ordained to kneele , for reuerence of the diuine mysteries , you are guilty of manifest falshood : for in reciting the words of the act , you blot out some , change others , and thereby corrupt purposely the whole sense and meaning of the act . You blot out these words , of God , and in due regard : you change the word mystery , in mysteries , & these you interpret to be the elements , whereas in the act , the word ( mystery ) signifies not the elements , but the receiuing of the blessed body and blood of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ. But that your deceit may be manifested , I will set downe the act , as it is extracted forth of the Register of the Assembly , vnder the hand of the Clerke thereof . Since we are commanded by God himselfe , that when we come to worship him we fall downe , and kneele before the Lord our Maker : and considering withall , that there is no part of diuine worship more heauenly and spirituall , then is the holy receiuing of the blessed body and blood of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ : like as the most humble and reuerent gesture of the body , in our meditation and lifting vp of our hearts , becommeth well so diuine and sacred an action : Therefore notwithstanding , our Church hath vsed since the reformation of Religion heere , to celebrate the holy Communion to the people sitting , by reason of the great abuse vsed in the idolatrous worship of Papists : yet now since all memory of by-past superstition , is blotted out of the hearts of the people praised be God ; in reuerence of God , and in due regard of so diuine a mysterie , and in remembrance of so mysticall an vnion , as wee are made partakers of thereby , the Assembly thinkes good , that , that blessed Sacrament bee celebrated hereafter to the people , humbly and reuerently kneeling vpon their knees . This is the true copie of the act , differing in many things from that which you sette downe . Pag. 34. in the narratiue thereof , the reasons are set downe , wherefore the people should kneele , when they receiue the Sacrament , which are repeated orderly in the conclusion , as the causes of the same . The first reason is , Since we are commanded by God himselfe , that when we come to worship him , wee fall downe , and kneele before the Lord our Maker . Relatiue vnto this , we haue in the conclusion , Therefore in reuerence of God , the Assembly thinkes good , that the Sacrament be giuen to the people kneeling . The second reason in the narratiue is , And considering withall , that there is no part of diuine worship more heauenly and spirituall , then is the holy receiuing of the blessed bodie and blood of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ. Relatiue to this , wee haue these words , And in due regard of so diuine a mysterie . Wee say not in regard of the diuine mysteries , which you interpret the elements , but Mysterie , that is , the holy receiuing of the body and blood of Iesus Christ , mentioned in the narratiue . Our third reason is , the correspondence which ought to be betweene the outward gesture of our body , and the meditation , and lifting vp of our hearts , when we remember and consider the mysticall vnion betweene Christ and vs , and amongst our selues , whereof we are made partakers by receiuing of Christs blessed body and bloud . This is expressed in these words , Like as the most humble and reuerent gesture of the body in our meditation , and lifting vp of our hearts , becomes so diuine and sacred an action . Relatiue to this , in the conclusion , we haue these words ; And in remembrance of so mysticall an vnion , as we are made partakers of thereby : for this remembrance is a part of our meditation . So to conclude , we come to worship at the Sacrament the Lord our Maker , who hath not onely made vs by creation , but who by redemption hath made vs his people , and the sheepe of his pasture , Psal. 95.7 . Psalme 100.3 . that is , God manifested in the flesh ▪ We come to receiue his flesh and bloud , and in reuerence of him wee are commanded by the act to kneele . As yee then inferre vpon your forgery and falshood , that to kneele for reuerence of the mysteries is nothing else , but to worship the mysteries : so I inferre vpon the very words wherein the act is conceiued , That to kneele for reuerence of God , in due regard of the diuine mysterie , that is , the receiuing of Christs body and bloud , in remembrance of the mysticall vnion , whereof thereby we are made partakers , first , with our Head and Sauiour ; and next , through him , with God , and amongst our selues : to kneele , I say , at the Sacrament for the reuerence and respects aforesayd , is to worship God rightly , and that is the due obseruation of his commandement . PP . Wheresoeuer the publike intent of a Church is to worshippe the Sacrament , euery priuate man following that intent , is formally an idolater . If his priuate intent be diuerse from the publike , yet he is still materially and interpretatiuè an Idolater , &c. ANS . Yee begin now to manifest your selfe ; yee peruerted the words of the act , to draw vpon our Church the vile imputation of idolatry , and now yee seeke to diuide the Church , and perswade people to disobedience vnder that colour . But the publike intent of our Church was neuer to worship the Sacrament , but was , and is , to worship the Lord Iesus , of whose flesh and bloud wee are made partakers in the Sacrament . And they who follow the Church in this , are neither formally nor materially idolaters , but true and sincere worshippers of God. PP . Kneeling directed to the bread and wine in the hands of the Minister , is idolatry , howbeit the inward motion of the minde , and affection of the heart , be directed onely to God , or his Sonne Christ , as the onely obiect of adoration . ANS . Still you build vpon the false ground you haue layd , that kneeling is direct to the bread and wine in the hands of the Minister , which is a manifest calumny : for the act doth appoint no such thing . To direct our knees to the signes , and the affection of our heart to the thing signified , is not onely idolatry , but a kinde of hypocrisie , and mixture of worship , which God abhorres . Neither did our Church euer allow it in our doctrine , prayers , and exhortations , which are vsed at the Ministration ; this is condemned , and the very act ordayning , that we should kneele before the Lord our Maker , forbids the same . PP . This immediate conuoy of worship to the principall obiect , is nothing else , but that finer sort of idolatry , and relatiue worship , which Durandus , Holcot , Mirandula , Alphonsus , Petrus Cluniacensis , and others , giue to their Images . ANS . If wee did kneele to the Sacrament , that by it our worship might bee conueyed to God , our kneeling were such a relatiue worship as yee affirme : but we kneele at the Sacrament , and not to the Sacrament , as wee kneele at prayer , and not to the words and oration of the prayer , but to God to whom wee direct our prayer . When God spake , Abraham fell on his face , not to the sound of words , which he heard , but to the Speaker . When the fire came downe at Elias prayer , the people fell on their faces , not to the fire which they saw , but to God , who wrought the myracle . This kneeling and falling on the face before God in the act of prayer , in the act of seeing , in the act of hearing , is a worship done to God immediately ; and so it is in the act of receiuing the Sacrament . PP . They say , Images are not otherwise adored , then that before and about them are exhibited the externall signes of honour . The inward affection is directed onely to the principall obiect : as the seruices done at a Funerall shew to an empty Coffin , as if the corps were present . ANS . To make it appeare that there is no difference betweene our kneeling at the Sacrament , and the kneeling of the Papists to their Idols , the Pamphleter ( such is his malice ) trauels so farre as lyes in him , to extenuate the idolatry of Papists , and to obscure their opinion and doctrine of kneeling to Images , which I will therefore set downe distinctly and shortly out of their owne Writers . The Doctrine of Papists , touching the honour of Images . THe Papists professe , that they giue to their Images two kindes of honour : The one they call Proper , the other Accidentall and improper . The proper , they say , is due to the Image , as it is an holy thing , such as the honour which is giuen to the Euangell , to holy Vessels and Vestures ; and it is proper , because it rests in the Image , as in the proper obiect , and is not conueyed by the Image immediately to the principall and archetype , albeit it be giuen to the Image , for the respect and reuerence which is carryed to the principall , and so by consequence redounds to the principall . This honour they affirme to differ , not in specie , but in degree onely from the honor which is properly due to the principall . Bellar. lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 21. & 25. Before wee proceede to the improper and accidentall adoration of Images , we haue here to consider , that albeit no honour , but contempt , and destruction onely be due to Papisticall Images , because they are not holy things , but detestable abominations : yet therefore we must not thinke , that to such things as are truely holy , and applyed to religious vses , reuerent and religious respect is not due , as to the holy Sacraments , and to the Euangell , which honor rests in them , and is giuen to them in respect of him , whose word and Sacraments they are , and so redounds to him consequently : such an honour I meane as is the hearing of the Word reuerently , and the handling of the Sacraments , with the preseruing , and vsing of them decently . It is true , this honour is not properly a spece of adoration , but a religious reuerence onely , which we must not reiect , because the Papists giue the same , or the like , to their Idols : for they giue to things which are not religious , but superstitious , and execrable , a religious honour : therefore this reason is a meere deception , wherwith ye abuse the simple . Papists giue such honor to their Idols , and in so doing they commit idolatry : therefore sincere Professors in giuing that honor to the Sacraments & the word , commit idolatry . It followes not , for Papists giue the honor which is due to the Word and Sacraments vnto their Idols , to which it no wise belongs : as by example ; Papists vse their Images for signes , meanes , and occasions to stirre them vp to worshippe God , and in this they commit idolatry , because they reuerence , vse , and handle them as holy things , which God hath not allowed to be done : but when a true Christian vseth the Word of God , and the Sacraments for signes , middesse , occasions , and instruments to stirre him vp to worship God , and in that respect honours and reuerences them as holy things , hee doth not commit idolatry , nor breakes not the second Commandement : but by the contrary he obserues that Commandement , in vsing the meanes , which God himselfe hath ordayned to be vsed in his worship : and hee obserues the third Commandement , which bindes all men to sanctifie the Name of God , and such meanes as he hath vouchsafed to manifest himselfe by to vs in his worship . Now I proceede to the accidentall and improper honour , which Papists professe themselues to giue to their Images . This is the point here most controuerted , and therefore most expedient to be knowne . The accidentall honour which they giue to their Images is , an adoration of their Images coniunctly with the principall ; as when the King is honoured , his Robe Royall , and all his Ornaments are honoured coniunctly with his person , and with the same signes of honour that are giuen to his person : Bellarm. ibidem cap 20. & 23. The improper honour is the adoration of the Image in place , and stead of the principall : as , when the Prince his Ambassadour is honored for the Prince himselfe ; or , an empty Coffin or Image , for the person himselfe , whose Image it is ; all the honour due to the Prince , is done in that case to the Ambassadour or Image ; as beckning , kneeling , discouering of the head , prostration of the body , kiss●ng , enbracing , and burning of Incense , &c. Bellarm. ibidem . The improper , and accidentall honour , or adoration , differs from the proper : first , because the proper , as they say , although it be the same in specie , with that which is giuen to the principall , yet it differs from it in degree ; but this improper honour is the same , both in specie and in degree . Next , because the proper , as they say , terminatur , that is , ends and rests in the Image , and redounds not immediately to the principall , but by way of consequence . The improper , and accidentall adoration , although it be done to the Image , non tamen terminatur , yet it ends not , and rests in the Image , but passes , and is immediately conueyed to the principall by the Image , and from the Image . Bellarm. ibid. cap. 21. & 25. This is summarily their doctrine , as may bee seene in their Writings . To apply this to our purpose , yee labour to extenuate this adoration , which they professe themselues to giue vnto their Images accidentally and improperly , saying , that the externall signes of adoration , such as kneeling , bowing , discouering of the head , &c. are onely done before them , and about them . This is too sparingly and rashly spoken : for these externall shewes are not onely done before and about them , but the externall adoration is wholy exhibited to them . Bellarmine lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 23. writeth thus : Aliquando imago sumitur pro ipso exemplari , & ea quae fierent circae ipsum exemplar 〈◊〉 adesset praesens , fiunt circa imaginem , mente tamen defixa in exemplari : sic concionatores alloquuntur imaginem crucifixi , ●ique dicunt , Tu nos redemisti , tu ●os Patri reconciliasti . That is to say ; The Image sometimes is taken for the exemplar it selfe , and these things which would be done about the exemplar it selfe , if it were present , are done vnto the Image , or about the Image , the minde being alwaies fixed vpon the exemplar . So Preachers direct their speech to the Image of the Crucifiex , and say vnto it , Thou redeemedst vs , thou reconciledst vs to the Father . And a little after ▪ in the same place he saith ; Aliquando non accipimus imaginem pro exemplari , nec consideramus solam imaginem , vel solum exemplar , sed confideramus exemplar , vt obiectiue relucet in imagine , & ipsum sic repraesentat●m & guasi vestitum imagine veneramur : tunc autem necessario adoramus imaginem , eodem cultu , quo ipsum exemplar : That is to say , Sometimes the Image is not taken for the exemplar , neither consider we the Image by it selfe alone , nor the exemplar by it selfe alone : but wee consider the exemplar as an obiect shining in the Image , and so we adore the exemplar it selfe represented , and cloathed as it were with the Image : then of necessitie wee adore the Image with the same worship wherewith we adore the principall . In the 25. Session of the Councell of Trent , De inuocatione , & sacris imaginibus , it is enacted as followeth : Imagines porro Christi , Deiparae Virginis , & aliorum Sanctorum in templis praesertim habendas & retinendas , eisque debitum honorem , & veneration●m impertiendum ; non quod credatur inesse eis aliqua diuinitas vel virtus propter quam sunt colendae , &c. S●d quonam honos qui eis exhibetur , refertur ad prototypa , quae illa● repraesentant , ita vt per imagines quas osculamur , & coram quibus caput aperimus , & procumbimus , Christum adoremus . That is to say ; The Councell , moreouer , ordaines , that the Images of Christ , of the Virgin Mary , and of other Saints , should bee kept and retayned chiefely in Churches , and due honour & veneration giuen to them : not because we beleeue , that there is in them any diuinitie or vertue , for the which they ought to bee worshipped , but because the honour which is giuen to them , is referred to the exemplar , which they represent ; so as by the Images which we kisse , and before the which we discouer our heads , and fall downe , we adore Christ. Hence it is manifest , that the signes of honour , which are done before them , and about them , are exhibited to them they kisse them , they speake to them , they kneele , they fall downe , they discouer their heads to them , and all is done about them , that would be done about Christ ; all is done to them , that would bee done to Christ , as if hee were present in person . This is the professed and auouched doctrine of the Papists , which yee , as a deceiuer , go about to extenutae . So , to conclude this point , that by the act at Perth we are ordained to bow our knees to the Elements of bread and wine in the Sacrament , or that any such honour , or signe of adoration is done to the Sacrament by vs , as Papists grant they giue to their Images , is a most impudent lye . PP . When it is said therefore , to varnish the second intent , that the Elements are not obiectum quod , the thing it selfe that is worshipped , nor obiectum in quo ▪ or , per quod , in the which , or by the which ; but obiectum à quo ●●gnificatiuè the obiect or signe mouing vs vpon the sight thereof , to lift vp our hearts to the spirituall obiect of faith ▪ This kinde of relatiue worship will not bee found different from the relatiue worship of Durandus , and the rest . ANS . If we adore the sacramentall Elements , whether wee adore them , as the principall obiect , quod , that is chiefly to be worshipped ; or as the coniunct , or mediate obiect in quo , and per quod , wherein , or whereby we adore the principall ; or if we adore them as the obiect mouing vs a quo to adore the principall : if , in a word they be the passiue obiect of our adoration , whether we adore them coniunctly with Christ , or in his stead , as the Papists do their Images , wee cannot be excused of idolatry : but if they be no manner of way the passiue obiect of our adoration , but the actiue onely of that adoration , which at the Sacrament is giuen to Christ , that is , such an obiect & signe as moues vs vpon the sight , or by the signification therof , to lift vp our hearts , & adore the only obiect of our faith , the Lord Iesus : such as the holy Word of God , his works & benefits are , by meditation & consideration whereof , we are moued and stirred vp to adore him . The worship proceeding from such occasions and motiues ( as the bowing of our knees at the Sacrament to Christ , occasioned by the vse and signification , which the sacramentall Elements haue in that action ) differs as much from the relatiue worship , which Durandus , and the rest giue to their Idols , as the sincere and right worship of God differs from detestable idolatry . PP . Bellarmine and Suarez drawe Durandus and the rest from in illa , & per illam imaginem , in and by the Image , to circum & coram , about , or before the Image . ANS . Yee still continue to extenuate the idolatry of the Papists , and labour to deceiue your Reader . Bellarmine neuer drawes Durandus and the rest from in illa & per illam imaginem : that is , to worship the principall in the Image , and by the Image : for he affirmes , Lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 2● . Quemadmodum in die parasceues cum Crucifixus paulatim de●egitur & ostenditur & adorandus proponitur , illa omnia per imaginem ips● Christo verè exhiberi intelliguntur : that 〈◊〉 , As on Good-friday , when the Image of Christ crucified is a little discouered and shewed , & proponed to bee adored , all these things are vnderstood to bee exhibited to Christ per imaginem , by the Image ; he saith not , coram and circum , before , & about the Image , but per , that is , by the Image : and a little after , in the same Chapter , Aliquando consideramus exemplar , vt obiectiuè relucet in imagine , &c. that is , We sometimes consider the exemplar , as set before our eyes in the Image , & we adore it , as clothed with the Image . Here he saith , the principall is adored in the Image , as the King in his royall Roabe : this is the coniunct adoration , when the principall is adored in the Image , & the Image with the principall coniunctly . The place which I cited out of the Councel of Trent , saith , Per imaginē Christū adoramus , that is , We worship Christ by the Image . Bellar. cap. 21.26 . describes the improper adoration in these words ; Si imago nō est adoranda nisi improprie , quia nimirū corā illa vel in illa , vel per illā adoratur exemplar , &c. that is , If an Image should not be adored but improperly , to wit , because before it , or in it , or by it , the exemplar is adored . And Cap. 20. about the end , Fiunt erga statuā omnia , quae circa corpus fierent . that is , All things are done to the Image , which would haue beene done to the body . So these words , per. in , circa , erga , are vsed by Bellarmine , and the Papisticall Doctors , as corā , & circū . This was to be declared , because afterwards yee alledge , that we kneele before the Sacrament : & to make it appeare , that we match the Papists in their idolatry , ye would haue the Reader beleeue , that the Papists do no more but kneele before their Images ; and that they doe not worship God , or our Sauiour Iesus Christ in , and by their Images . PP . Suarez saith , that the Image is neither the formall , nor the materiall , the totall , nor the partiall obiect of adoration in their opinion : but that onely at the presence of the Images the principall called to remembrance by the Image , is adored ; that the Image is an occasion , a middesse , a signe , stirring vp a man to adore the principall . Their adoration then was also abstract from the obiect , as they pretend theirs to be . ANS . The Papists alledge , yet falsely , that the Image is no waies the obiect of their internal adoration , but the principal only , wherupon their minds are fixed . Yet all of thē in one voice , & the Councell of Trent confesse , that they exhibite to the Images all the externall reuerence & adoration which is due to the principall ; and that they adore the Image , either in liew of Christ , or coniunctly wi●h him , as the robe and vesture wherein hee is clothed , and shines . Their externall adoration therfore is not abstract from their Images , but our externall and internall both are abstract . For we are no more enioyned by the act to bow our knee to the sacramentall Elements , then to fixe our minds vpon them , & worship them in our hearts . Also , when Suarez calleth the Image an occasion , a middesse , a signe , stirring vp a man to adore the principall , he neither saies , nor meanes , that the Image should not be adored externally with that same worship which is due to the principal . To be short , The Papists make their Images obiects of adoration both actiuely & passiuely : actiuely , because they call men to remembrance of the principall , & as signes , middesse , & occasions , they stir vp mē to worship . Passiuely , because the same external worship , whereunto men are stirred vp by the Image , is first exhibited to the Image , & by it conueied to the principal . So whatsoeuer vse the Image hath besides , in their opinion , it is manifest by their doctrine , that it is externally to be adored with the same worship that is due to Christ. PP . The bread and wine , or any other creature whatsoeuer , differs not in this present case : for howsoeuer they were ordained of God to be signes & seales of his graces , yet they are not in statu accōmodato ad adorandū , they haue not such state in the seruice of God , as that by them , or before them , God or his Sonne Christ should bee adored . ANS . I haue shewed , & shall presently shew , by Gods grace , the difference in this case to bee as great , as is betweene idolatry , and the true worship of God. First , It is idolatry to vse any Image in the worship of God , for a signe , an occasion , or a middesse to stir vp a man to worship God ; fo● they are prohibited in the second Comandement , and by the Prophet they are called Teachers of lyes , because by them properly and truly , nothing can be brought to our remembrance , for which we should adore God : but on the other part , it is not possible that either our mindes can be informed to know God , or our affections moued to worsh●ip●e him , except by the contemplation of the creatures , the meditation of the Word , and the consideration of the holy Sacraments : take these occasions , middesse , and signes away , yee abolish Religion , and all the worship of God out of the Word . I hope the Reader by this shall see the difference to bee as great in this case , as is betweene a lawfull meane of Gods worship , commanded by himselfe , and the inuention of man prohibited by God. Next , the Papists will haue these middesse , occasions , & signes not onely obiects of diuine worship actiue , that is , seruing to stir vp , and moue men to worship , which is the first degree of their idolatry : but they will haue them likewise passiue obiects , such as are to be worshipped either in stead of the principall , or coniunctly with him ; & this is a higher degree of idolatry . In this then they differ also from the Word , Sacraments , & creatures , that these being the ordinary obiects & instruments whereby men must be stirred vp to worship God , & so the obiects of diuine adoration actiuely , they neither are , nor should they be esteemed passiue obiects of adoration , that is , such as should be adored , either coniunctly with God , or in his stead . This we condemne & detest , yet must not run on with you to the other extremity , & say , that howsoeuer they were ordained of God to be signes & seales of his graces , yet they are not in statu accōmodato ad adorādū : for although by them , & before thē , that is , ( to make the obcurities which ye affect , plaine ) albeit they should neither be adored in place of God & his Son , or coniunctly wi●h God & his Son , as the Papists professe to adore their Images ▪ yet certaine it is , that there is nothing in nature , or religion fit & apt to stirre men vp to worship God , if the Sacraments be not meet . Shall our corporall food , when it is presented on table before vs , bee in such state , as is proper to stir vs vp to worship God with thanksgiuing & praier ? Shall the consideration of the benefit which we haue by the light of the day , & by our rest & sleepe in the night , be esteemed motiues of such moment , that he who is not thereby moued in the morning when he riseth , and at night when he goeth to bed , to pray , and giue thanks , is esteemed a slothfull and ingratefull Christian ? Shall a seasonable seede time , shall the first and latter raine , and a faire haruest bee pregnant occasions to remember vs both in priuate and publike to giue thanks , and praise God for his goodnesse ? And shall the blessed Sacrament of the body and bloud of Iesus Christ , in the very act , when it is in giuing and receiuing , not be esteemed to be in proper state to moue vs , and stirre vp our hearts to pray , and giue thanks for that inestimable benefite , euen when our Sauiour hath cōmanded that we should do this in remembrance of him ? It is an absurd opinion . Then to conclude ; If yee hold these two points which ye haue propounded , to wit , that the Sacrament , and creatures of God should not be vsed as occasions , middesses , and signes to moue vs by the sight and meditation of them , to lift vp our hearts to the spirituall obiect of our faith , that is , to God in Iesus Christ , because Suarez saith , that their Images haue that vse ; then certainely , you must hold , that God should not bee knowne nor worshipped in the World : for without this vse of the Word , Sacraments , and Creatures , God cannot bee knowne , nor worshipped . So whilst yee flye idolatry , yee fall into Atheisme . Next , if yee hold , that the Sacraments in the very act of the administration , are not in statu accommodato ad adorandum , you must take away the chiefe and principall ende of the Sacrament commended to vs by the Lord himselfe in these words , Doe this in remembrance of me . Saint Paul interprets these words thus ; So often as yee eate this bread , and drinke of this Cuppe , yee shall declare the Lords death , till he come againe : that is , as the Confession of our faith , which yee haue sworne and subscribed , explaines it , Yee shall extoll , magnifie , and prayse his death . Now this is a reall act of adoration , which both the Lord himselfe , and his holy Apostle would haue vs moued vnto by this Sacrament . So by these your positions and assertions , yee mutilate the Sacrament of one of the most principall ends , for the which it was instituted . And generally yee take from the Creatures of God , and the holy Sacraments , the most excellent vse , for which they were appointed : namely , to be meanes and motiues to stirre vs vp vnto the worship of our Creator and Redeemer . PP . If this kinde of relatiue worship were to be allowed , then the holy signes both in the olde and new Testament should haue serued to the same vse ; then they who are farre distant from the Table should kneele : for the Elements are to them obiectum à quo significatiuè : then at the sight of the Sunne , or any beautifull Creature we should kneele , seeing they put vs in minde of Gods incomprehensible beautie : and seeing many of them allow the historicall vse of Images , we may fall downe before the Crucifixe , prouiding , the action of the minde be abstracted from the Image . ANS . We allow no worship , whether it be relatiue , or absolute , that is either giuen to Sacrament or Creature . But it is a grosse error to thinke that the worship which is onely giuen to God immediately , or directly , is relatiue , because it is motioned , and occasioned by the consideration of Gods Creatures , and blessed Sacraments : for so all the worship of God must be relatiue , because it is all occasioned either by the Word , the Sacraments , or the Creatures : whereas , indeede , there is no worship relatiue , but that which is giuen to some mediate thing , for the relation it hath to the principall : and as for vs , wee neyther giue to the Word , the Sacrament , or any Creature , diuine worship , but onely to God , whom by the Word , the Sacrament , and the Creatures wee are taught and admonished to worship . The relatiue worship is onely that which Papists giue to their Idols , for the relation they haue to the principall , which we detest , and condemne as much as your selfe . Where you say , that the signes of the olde and new Testament , and the sacramentall Elements , when they are onely seene , as likewise the Sunne , or any beautifull creature , might then moue vs to adore : I answere , that although they be potentially obiectū à quo , obiects whereby we may bee stirred vp to worship ; yet are they not actually such , except they bee applyed , and accommodate to that vse , either in the ordinary publique ministerie , or in a mans priuate meditation and deuotion : or extraordinarily vpon some present and great occasion ; as when the fire came downe at the prayer of Elias , and consumed the sacrifice . When the Signes , Sacraments , or Works of God , are after that manner propounded and insinuated , they are in statu accommodato ad orandum , and then men ought to adore and worship God : yet it is not necessary that they should , vpon all such occasions , fall downe and kneele , as yee conclude : For when in our priuate meditation and deuotion , or when by some present great occasion , wee are inwardly moued and affected to worship ; our externall gesture of adoration is arbitrarie , and left to our owne priuate election , to doe what is most conuenient & decent for that time : Sometime the discouering of the head is sufficient , sometime the lifting vp of the eyes onely , and sometime no gesture at all is required ; but in the ordinary Ministerie , when the works of God , or his benefites are propounded , and applyed publikely , to stirre vs vp to worship in the assemblies of the Church , then our gesture ceaseth to bee arbitrarie : for it must be such as is prescribed and receiued in the Church , where we worship . So , when by the sight of the Sacraments onely , or by the sight of holy signes , or creatures of God , wee are moued priuately to worshippe , wee may vse , or not vse , what gesture we thinke meetest ; yet when we come to the table our selues , not to be spectators , but to communicate with others , we oug●t to receiue , and worship after the forme and custome of that Church in which we are . If they sit with their heads discouered , so should we : If they stand or passe by , so should we : If they kneele , so should wee for vniformity and peace sake . Saint Augustine in his 118. Epist. Ad quam fortè ecclesiam veneris , eius morem serua , si cuiquam non vis esse scandalo , nec quenquam tibi : that is , Keepe the custome of the Church whereunto thou comest , if thou would be offensiue to no man , and wouldst haue no man offensiue to thee : This Saint Augustine learned of Saint Ambrose , and as he saith , hee did neuer thinke of it , but he esteemed it as an oracle , that he had receiued from heauen . As to those in the Reformed Churches , who allow the historicall vse of Images , they condemne with vs , both the externall and internall adoration of Images : Therefore , by their doctrine , wee may not kneele before the Crucifixe , because it is a sort of externall adoration . PP . All the parts of Gods worship ought to be direct , and not oblique . Perkins saith , It is idolatry to turne , dispose , or direct the worship of God , or any part thereof , to any particular place , or creature , without the appointment of God ; and more specially , to direct our adoration to the bread , or to the place where the bread is , what is it lesse then idolatrie ? ANS . If by the Act of Perth , wee had beene ordained to kneele to the Sacrament , either in stead of Christ , or coniunctly with him , you might call it an oblique worship that were enioyned ; but seeing we are commanded , in receiuing the holy Sacramēt , to bow our knees to God only , and to nothing with him , or in his stead ; our worship is direct , and not oblique : Therefore wee subscribe to the iudgement of Perkins . But I must tell you , that hitherto your disputation hath not only been oblique , but impertinent , for your haue impugned nothing set downe in the Act ; only you haue set your selfe against a position forged by your selfe , in falsifying the Act. Thus while you haue intended that you shall neuer be able to performe , namely , to proue , that by kneeling at the Sacrament , a breach is made of the second Commandement , you haue made a manifest breach of your credit and honesty . PP . Kneeling before the Elements , referred directly to Christ , is either a gesture signifying the humble submission of the minde in generall , whereby wee make obeysance , as if hee were bodily present : or else it signifieth more particularly our humiliation in prayer : This is but a speciall , the former was a generall ; the like reasons serue against both . It is true , wee cannot kneele to God in prayer , but there are many things before vs , a Church , a house , a wall , a tree , a staire , &c. But wee set them not before vs purposely , wee are by no direction tyed vnto them ; they stand only before vs by casuall position , neyther can we choose otherwise to doe . ANS . Your former dispute was founded on falsehood , this runnes all vpon ambiguity of speech . To kneele before the Elements hath two senses , either it signifies to kneele to the Elements , as wee are said to kneele before God , when we kneele vnto him ; and Papists before their Images , when they kneele to them . In this sense , it is a lye to affirme , that we kneele before the Elements . Next , to kneele before any thing , signifieth to kneele , hauing some things before our eyes , or in our sight , or obiect to our senses either by casuall position , as you say , or purposely . To kneele to God before any thing , standing , or set casually before you , you doe not condemne ; but to kneele to God , hauing any thing purposely before vs , as the sacramentall Elements , that yee insinuate to be idolatrie , but I hope you shal neuer proue it : for a Penitentiary kneeles to God purposely before the Congregation , and with a respect to the Congregation ; namely , that they may concurre with him in prayer , he may testifie to them his vnfained repentance , and they being satisfied therewith , may receiue him againe into their fellowship . Heere is a kneeling to God before something purposely , and with respect , which is not idolatrie . When wee come to our common tables , before we eate , either sitting with our heads discouered , or standing , or kneeling , we giue thanks and blesse with a respect to the meat , which is purposely set on table ; yet this is not idolatry . And to draw somewhat nearer to the purpose : The Pastor , when he begins the holy action , hath the bread and the cup set before him purposely vpon the table , and with respect to them hee giues thankes to God , for that it hath pleased him to institute the Sacrament in these Elements , that hee might thereby communicate to vs , the body and the blood of Iesus . And thus hee ought to blesse the Elements , for which the Apostle saith , The Cup of his blessing which wee blesse , is it not the Communion of the blood of Christ ? Heere is a praying , a blessing , a thankesgiuing to God before the Elements , purposely set before vs , and not by casuall position : And it is true , that if any may bee said to kneele before the Elements , it is the Pastor in this part of the action , and not the people . For when they receiue , they do not set the bread before them , as Papists doe the Crucifix , but presently they put it in their mouthes , and whilest they are eating , they continue still kneeling , not before the bread , which is not then before them , but before the Lord Iesus , vnto whom they only kneele . In all this the Pastor doth imitate our Sauiour himselfe , who first tooke the bread , and hauing it purposely before him , or holding it in his hands , Gaue thankes , and after Supper tooke the Cup , which he did blesse also . So to kneele or adore God before the Elements , that is , hauing them in our sight , or obiect to our senses , as ordinary signes , means , & memorials to stirre vs vp to worship God and our Sauiour , directly , immediatly , & onely , and not the Elements , either in his stead , or coniunctly with him ; is no idolatry , but the right and true forme of Gods worship . The cause of all this errour is , you make no distinction betweene the abuse of Idols in the worship of God , and the right vse of his workes , Word , and Sacraments . To pray , or giue thankes to God before an Image , with respect to it , is idolatry : but to pray and giue thankes to God , hauing his creatures , or Sacraments before our eyes and mindes , and being mooued by the respects that we consider in them , is a most lawfull and religious forme of adoration . For we can neither pray to God ▪ nor thank him , nor praise him , but euer there must bee , before the eyes of our minds at least , something of his works , Word , or Sacraments , if not before our externall senses ; and that we must respect , consider , and be mooued thereby . Contrariwise , to set before the eyes of our minds or bodie , any Image , as a meane or motiue of adoration , is idolatrie . For although the worship were abstracted , which is occasioned by the Image , and were not giuen vnto it ( as neuer any hath said , except your selfe , of the externall adoration ) yet it is damned , because no true worship can be properly occasioned by an Image , which is a Doctor of lyes , teaching nothing of God , but falsehood and vanities . But the blessed Sacrament being instituted by Christ , to call to our remembrance his death , and the benefit we haue thereby , giues vs so oft as we receiue it , a most powerfull and pregnant occasion of thankesgiuing and praise ; which if wee should neglect , and not adore , we should bee guilty of the breach of the first Commandement , because we did not adore , when Christ purposely did offer the greatest occasion , that can be presented so to doe . Therefore , when by that occasion , we adore our Sauiour , both on the knees of our soule and body , we are no breakers , but due obseruers , as well of the first , as second Commandement . PP . It is true likewise , that God directed his people vnder the Law , to bend and bow themselues towards the Arke , and the Temple wherein the Arke was , and the mountaine whereon the Temple was situate : partly , lest that rude people should turne their worshippe another way ; partly because of his promise to heare them , when they should pray towards the Temple , or Arke ; partly because of his singular manner of presence in the Arke . He was said to dwell betweene the Cherubins , the Arke is called his foot-stoole , and sometimes the face of God , the glory of God : It is reason , where God is present after an extraordinary manner , as when he spake out of the bush , and the cloud , that adoration be directed to the place of his extraordinary presence : The Altars , the offrings , and other holy things , wanted the like presence and promise , : The Arke , and the Cherubins vpon the Arke were not seene , therefore could not be readily abused to idolatry . ANS . You make heere an exception , and confesse , that it was lawfull to kneele before the Temple , the Arke , and Gods holy Mountaine , because of Gods direction , promise and presence . Likewise yee acknowledge that adoration may bee directed to the place of extraordinarie presence . And hereby it is manifest , that to worship God before a creature , or before the testimonies of his presence , although we haue these things before vs purposely and not occasionally onely , doth not import a communion of his worship with the creatures , or meanes , before the which men may worship : for it is certaine , that if the people vnder the Law , by bending , as you say , and bowing of themselues towards the Temple , Mountaine , and Arke , had communicated any part of Gods worship with the Temple , Mountaine , and Arke , as the Papists doe with their Idols , their worship had beene idolatry , and a breach of the second Commandement , which God would neuer haue appointed , for whatsoeuer respect , eyther of his ordinary , or extraordinary presence . Where yee say , That the Altars , and Offerings and other holy things , wanted the like presence , & that before these , they might not bow in that respect , it is vtterly false : For Salomon first stood , and after kneeled before the Altar , and prayed , 2. Chron. 6.12 . And hee stood before the Altar of the Lord in presence of all the Congregation of Israel , and spread forth his hands , For SALOMON had made a brasen scaffold of fiue cubits long , and fiue cubits broad , and three cubits high , and set it in the middest of the court , and vpon it hee stood , and he kneeled downe vpon his knees before all the Congregation of Israel , and spread forth his hands towards heauen , and said , &c. Likewise it is manifest by the Prophet Micha . 6.6 . That the people bowed when they offered their Oblation : Wherewith shall I come before the Lord , and bow my selfe before the most high God ? Heere we haue Salomon kneeling before the Altar , and the people kneeling , when they offered their oblations . Where you say , that the Arke and Cherubins were not seene , towards which they bowed , 〈◊〉 makes nothing for your purpose , for the Temple was seene , and the Mountaine was seene , towards the which they also bowed : So was the Altar and the Oblations . Therefore this is but a dreame , that you haue fancied to your selfe , to say , it is idolatry to bow our knees to God before his creatures , or holy mysteries , if so we vse them only as meanes , and instruments , and memorials , to stirre vs vp to worship God. PP . The Sacramentall Elements haue neither the like presence , the like promise , nor the like commandement . ANS . If yee doe maintaine this , it is an absurde heresie ; for the holy Sacrament hath farre more euidence , and excellent promises , presence and command , then any type vnder the Law. Our Sauiour before his Ascension , when he commanded his Apostles to teach and baptise , promised , that whilest they taught his people that which hee commanded them , He would be with them to the end of the world . Amongst the obseruations which hee commanded them to teach , this is one of the first and principall , Doe this in remembrance of mee . Is not Christ present then with Pastor and people , according to his promise , in this holy action ? And in another place , he saith , Where two or three are mette together in my name , there am I in the middest of them . Where so many Communicants are met together , is not our Sauiour in the middest of them ? Further , when he saith of the bread , This is my Body , and of the Cup , This is my Blood : doth it not import a coniunction betweene his Body and the Elements , and a spirituall presence of his Body in the Sacrament ? And should not his body and blood be as present to the eyes of thy minde , thy knowledge and vnderstanding , and to the hand of thy heart , thy faith and confidence , as are the Elements to thy externall senses , and bodily hand ? Haue we not taught our people to this day , and yet should teach them , that in this action , there is an internall and externall receiuer , the hand and the heart : that there is an earthly and spiritual gift , the Elements of the Sacrament , and the body and blood of Christ ? And should we not beleeue , that Christ , God , and Man , is as really present in the Sacrament , according to his Diuinity , as we beleeue him to bee bodily present in heauen , giuing and applying the selfe-same bodie which is in heauen , as really to the inward man , as the Pastor is giuing the Elements to the outward ? How dare you then affirme , that the Sacrament hath not such a presence of Chrst , as the Arke , the Propitiatory , and the Cherubins had . O but he said , that he would dwell betweene the Cherubins ; That dwelling was typicall , but Christ hath promised to dwel spiritually and really in the hearts of the worthy receiuers . The bread which we breake , is it not the communion of the body of Christ ? The cup which we blesse , is it not the communion of the blood of Christ ? And saith he not of this communion ? Hee that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , remaineth in me , and I in him . God called the Arke his foot-stoole , but Christ calleth the sacramentall Elements , his body and blood . Sometime hee called the Arke his face , and glory , because it was a type of his face and glory ; but the Sacrament is not a bare type , but a powerfull instrument , whereby Christ is communicate vnto vs , that wee may bee made partakers heere of his grace , and hereafter of his glory . Finally , when we are commanded to doe this in remembrance of him , we are commanded to adore him ; for according to the interpretation , made in the Confession of Faith , confirmed by act of Parliament , which yee professe your selfe to haue sworne , To doe this in remembrance of Christ , is to magnifie , declare , extoll , and praise his death till his comming againe . And this is a reall act of adoration . PP . Worship is tyed no longer to any certaine thing , or or place on earth . ANS . That is true , yet worship stands in certaine actions , which must bee performed in some conuenient place , as Prayers , Supplications , Intercessions , Thankesging and Praises ; whersoeuer these actions are performed , in these places God must bee worshipped : and if the blessed Sacrament bee an action of that kinde , in it God must bee worshipped , and in the place where it is celebrated . PP . Adoration is tyed in the new Testament to the Manhood of Christ , the true Arke , and Propitiatory ; and is carried to that place , in which wee certainly know the said Manhood to exist substantially , saith Perkins ; and therefore it is , that wee lift vp our eyes to the heauens , where hee is , and direct our very externall worship to him . ANS . We doe fully agree with Perkins in all this , for wee neither direct our internall , nor externall adoration to the sacramentall Elements , nor to the place where they are , but to the Manhood of Iesus , which wee acknowledge , and beleeue to be locally only in heauen . Therfore in the ancient Church , when the people came to the Sacrament , the Deacon cried , Sursum corda , Lift vp your hearts , and the people answered , Habemus ad Dominum . Wee haue our hearts lifted vp to the Lord. But what is this to the purpose in hand ? For the question is not , in whom God should bee worshipped , or in what place Christs Manhood is , wherin God should be worshipped ; but the question is , whether at the Sacrament in the act of receiuing the sacramentall Elements externally , and the body and blood of Iesus Christ , internally ; we may bow our knees , and lift vp our hearts , and adore that Manhood , by reason of the personall vnion , that it hath with the Godhead , and the Godhead dwelling in the Manhood corporally . This is the only true relatiue worship acceptable to God , in the Humanitie to worship the Diuinitie , and the Humanitie with the Diuinitie in one Person , the inuisible God in his owne essentiall and incarnate Image , the Lord Iesus : That such worship may , and should bee performed in receiuing the blessed Sacrament , neuer any Diuine , ancient or moderne , hath doubted to this day , except Anabaptists and Arrians , who deny Christs Diuinity , and will neither adore him in the Sacrament , nor any other action of Diuine worship . PP . It is obiected , and said , that we may pray in the act of receiuing . Therefore we may kneele in the act of receiuing . Ans. This Obiection insinuateth , that kneeling is the proper and only commendable gesture of prayer : and therefore the Bishop of Rochester expounds the standing of the Publican , Luk. 18.11.13 . to haue been kneeling , because , saith hee , the Iewish custome was to pray kneeling . But if he had remembred the Lords owne saying , Ier. 15. Though MOSES , and SAMVEL stood before me , &c. he might vnderstood , that they prayed standing , as well as kneeling , &c. ANS . The obiection yee bring concludeth , that wee may kneele , not that we ought to kneele : therefore no man will thinke , that the obiection insinuateth kneeling to be the proper and only commendable gesture of praying , but that it is a very commendable gesture , & such as may be vsed : that which you ayme at in answering this obiection , is to confute the Bishop of Rochester his opinion , that by standing kneeling , Luk. 18.11 13. is meant . But the Bishops opinion is not so absurde , as you would haue men to thinke : for by standing , in the Scripture any diuine seruice is signified . Therefore the Lords Prophets , Priests , and Angels , are said to stand before him , that is , to serue him . In the first of the Kings 8.22 . it is written , that Salomon stood before the Altar of the Lord , and prayed , but in the second of the Chronicles 6.13 . It is said he kneeled downe , and prayed vpon his knees . So standing , in the booke of the Kings , is taken for kneeling . But leauing this , I come to your next words . PP . The prayer meant of , is either some publike prayer vttered by the Minister , or the mentall prayer of the Communicant . ANS ▪ This is a needlesse distinction , for the mentall prayer of the Receiuer should not bee different from the prayer vttered by the Minister at the deliuery of the Elements , and ought only to bee an Amen to the Ministers prayer . The ancient custome of the Church was such ; for in the dayes of Cornelius Bishop of Rome , anno 251. as Eusebius records , l. 2. c. 32. when Nouatus gaue the Sacramēt to his people , he held their hāds , & insteed of the blessing which he should haue vsed at the deliuery of the Elemēts , he cōceiued an oath , & made the people sweare by that which was in their hands , & insteed of Amen , which they should haue answered the blessing with , he made the people say , That they should not returne to CORNELIVS . Whereby it is manifest , that the blessing vsed by the Pastor at the deliuery of the Elements , differed not at that time from the mentall prayer of the Communicant , neither ought it now to differ , but be the same in substance . PP . As for the prayer of the Minister in the act of distribution , it is flat against the Institution , as I haue already said . The Minister is ordained by the Institution , to act the person of Christ , and pronounce the words of promise ; This is my body , and not change the promise into a prayer . Fenner in his Principles of Religion , layeth this downe for a ground , that in the second Commandement we are forbidden the practise and vse of any other rite , or outward means vsed in the worship or seruice of God , then he hath ordained , Ioh. 4.22 . 2. King. 18.4 . And that by the contrary , we are commanded to practise all these parts of his worship , which hee in his word hath commanded , and to acknowledge only the proper vse of euery rite , and outward meanes , which the Lord hath ordained , Deut. 12.32 . 2. King. 17.26 . ANS . It is false that yee say , we change the promise into a prayer : for at the Consecration wee obserue precisely the words of the Institution . In the deliuery of the elements , we vse a prayer that is not contrary , but most agreeable to the Institution , for directing the hearts of the people in the receiuing , that they may worthily communicate . So doe the Pastors in France at the deliuery vse a short speech : and it was the custome of late in our Church , to vse some exhortations before the distribution at euery Table ; wherein neither we nor they did , or doe practise any rite , or vse any means , which God hath not ordained to bee vsed in his worship . For although the particular forme of speech vsed in the French Church , and the exhortations and prayers vsed by vs , bee not expressely set downe ; yet being agreeable to the Word , and the nature of the action in hand , they haue sufficient warrant by these generall precepts : Let all things be done to edification ; Let all things bee done decently and in order . And with these precepts Fenners grounds doe agree : Otherwise , by what warrant is it appointed in the forme set downe before our Psalme bookes , touching the celebration of the Lords Supper , that during the time of the distribution , some place of Scripture should bee read , which doth liuely set forth the death of Christ ; to the intent , that our eyes and senses may not onely be occupied in these outward signes of bread and wine , which are called the visible word , but that our minds and hearts also , may be fully fixed in the contemplation of the Lords death , which is by this holy Sacrament represented . This ordinance is not contained in the Institution : yet I hope yee will not say , that it is flat contrary thereto , but that it hath sufficient warrant by the generall Apostolike precepts before expressed : and so hath the prayer vsed by vs in the acte of distribution . But yee subioyne another reason to prooue the prayer vsed at this time vnlawfull . PP : Further , wee are forbidden by the second Commandement to pray by direction before any creature . ANS . Why do yee then pray at the table , when your meate is set before you , and at the Consecration hauing the sacramentall Elements before you ? And when you visite the Sicke , why direct yee your face and senses towards the person , and the place where he lyes , while yee are praying to God , for him ? PP . This publike prayer is but a pretended cause of kneeling , as the Ministers of Lincolne make manifest in their Abridgement , &c. ANS . To the Abridgement of these Ministers , sufficient answeres are made by the learned Diuines of that Church , and the Canons and Customes thereof , defended against their calumnies . Therefore let vs come to our owne , touching which yee say . PP . As for our Church , no such prayer is ordained to bee vttered by the Minister , Therefore no such prayer can be pretended . In the late Canon it is said , That the most reuerend and humble gesture of the body , in our meditation and lifting vp of our hearts , best becommeth so diuine an action . Meditation is no prayer , and the heart may be lifted vp by the act of faith and contemplation , aswell as the action of prayer . So that neither publike nor mentall prayer is expressed in our Act. ANS . Albeit neither mentall nor publike prayer be expressed in the Act , yet prayer , thankesgiuing , and praise , are all insinuated : for albeit all meditation bee not prayer , yet euery prayer is a meditation : and although in the act of faith and contemplation , the heart may bee lifted vp ; yet , that eleuation of the heart requireth not the most humble , and reuerent gesture of the bodie , as kneeling . In the ancient Church , they were not accustomed to kneele , when they made confession of their faith , but to stand as Christian souldiers . Our act insinuateth such a meditation , and lifting vp of the heart , as is vsed in actions of deuotion , such as prayer and thankesgiuing ; which are practised by all , who giue obedience to the act , or doe worthily communicate . But , put the case , that by the act , no such thing were ordained expresly , yet vpon this antecedent which yee vse ; namely , wee are not ordained by any act of our Church , to pray at the receiuing ; this conclusion will not follow : Therefore we may not p●ay at the receiuing . For wee are not ordained by any act of our Church expressely , to discouer our heads in the act of receiuing ; May wee not therefore discouer our heads ? But any shew of reason is good enough to deceiue simple people . PP . But let the words be interpreted of mentall prayer , euen mentall prayer , is not the principall exercise of the soule , in the act of receiuing the sacramentall Elements ; the minde attending on the audible words , the visible Elements , the mysticall actions , and making present vse of them , men should not be diuerted from their principall worke , and meditation vpon the analogie betweene the signes , and the things signified . ANS . The meditation vpon the analogie betweene the signe , and the thing signified , cannot be the principall worke of the soule , it being nothing else , but the consideration of the similitude , that is betweene the natuall vse of the signes , and the spirituall vse of the thing signified : Namely , that as the Elements se●ue to nourish the outward man : so the body and the bloud of Christ , hath a vertue to nourish the inward man , and by eating and drinking , the Elements are applied to feede the body : So by faith , the body and the blood of Christ are applied to feed the soule . Such a meditation , an Hypocrite and Reprobate may haue at the Table , therefore it cannot be the principall worke of the minde , which distinguisheth the worthie , from the vnworthie Receiuer . When we heare and reade the Word , the principall work of our mind , should not be a meditation vpon the forme of the characters , the sound of the letters , the coniunction of them , their sounds in the syllables , the syllables in the words , or the force and vertue of the words to signifie the matters ; but the chiefe work of our mind should be to conceiue , vnderstand , and consider rightly what is spoken . So when we come to the Sacrament , the chiefe employment of our minde , should not be to consider the proportion that is betweene the naturall vse of the Elements , and the spirituall vse of Christs body and blood , but a meditation and spirituall action correspondent , and analogicke to the externall sacramentall actions . As therefore the principall externall sacramental actions , are to take , eate and drink reuerently the symbolick Elements , the bread and wine ; so the principall worke of the soule , correspondent by analogie thereto , is to remember the sacrifice of Christ , the breaking of his body , and shedding of his blood : to consider the benefit that we haue thereby , to put our confidence therein ; and for all , to praise and magnifie his name with thankfulnesse . This worke and meditation , is proper to the worthy Receiuers , and stirreth vp in the soule , that most reuerent estimation and affection towards our Sauiour , with an humble submission of our minds vnto him , which we call adoration : whereof the outward testimonie and signe , is the humble and reuerent gesture of the body , prescribed in the act , which is also a gesture most conuenient for prayer . So this gesture prescribed in the act , doth not only attend the prayer vttered by the Pastor , and conceiued by the people in the act of receiuing , but is proper to that , which is indeed the chiefe and principal exercise & work of the mind , in al worthy receiuers . PP . The soule may send forth in the meane time some short eiaculations , and darts of prayer to heauen , to strengthen her owne weakenesse , and returne to her principall worke of meditation , and application of the benefits represented . These short eiaculations of the minde , are onely occasionall , as a Christian feeleth his owne present estate ; and are incident to all our actions , both ciuill and religious : in the act of receiuing our earthly food , in going on the way , in hearing the Word . If a man bee moued inwardly , when he heareth that the Word was made flesh , shall he kneele , as they doe in the Romane Church ? If a man should kneele at euery inward motion of the minde , when hee heareth the Word ; what confusion would there be in the Congregation ? ANS . The verball prayer vttered by the Pastor , and the mentall conceiued by the people , in the act of receiuing , is not an eiaculation , but necessary to be vsed in the action by the worthy Receiuers ; for no man can receiue the body and the blood of Christ worthily , without a spirituall hunger and thirst after the righteousnesse and life that is in him : which spirituall appetite and desire , being declared by the Pastor in these or the like words , when he deliuereth the bread : Grant Lord , that by the vertue of thy body , which we receiue , we may haue life eternall , and be raised vp at the last day . And when hee deliuereth the Cup : Grant Lord , that by the vertue of thy blood , which we receiue , we may be purged from our sinnes , and filled with thy Spirit . And the Receiuers conceiuing , and confirming the same , by saying with their mouthes , as the custome was in the ancient Church , or in their hearts , Amen : They send not vp occasional eiaculations , but necessary and ordinary prayers , such as the nature of the action requires . Therefore , as I said before , although occasionall secret prayers may be offered to God , without any externall gesture , or with such as the worshipper thinks meetest for the time ; yet these , which are purposely conceiued in the ordinary and solemne act of diuine worshippe , should be presented to God , with such a gesture , as is conforme to the order prescribed , and receiued in the Church . PP . A man looking occasionally to a Crucifixe , may remember Christ , and send vp some ejaculations , shall hee therefore kneele ? The three children prayed mentally , no doubt , when they were brought before the golden Image , but lawfully , they might not kneele before it . ANS . Here yee affirme againe , that which yee falsely alledged before : namely , that the Sacrament , or any other creature , differs not in the case of adoration from the Papists Images : and therefore , as it is vnlawfull to kneele before the Crucifixe , or Nebuchadnezzars golden Image , albeit wee may pray mentally before them ; so is it vnlawfull to kneele , and pray at the Sacrament , that is , hauing the sacramentall elements before vs , or obiect to our senses . This comparison is odious & false : for there is no worship more lawfull then the prayers & blessings vttered by the Pastor , hauing the Elements disposed on the Table before him at the consecration : for this agrees both with the Institution , & hath our Sauiours example , as we said before . These comparisons serue to no other vse , but to extenuate idolatry , and discredite the Sacrament . PP . Perkins distinguisheth notably betweene publike , priuate , and secret worship : The secret and mentall worship must bee yeelded vnto God , and the signes thereof concealed from the eyes and hearing of men , as Nehemiah , when he prayed in presence of the King , Nehem. 2.4 . In a word , the Institution , and the second Commandement hinder kneeling at this time , suppose mentall praier were the principall exercise of the soule . ANS . Perkins speakes rightly : for if the worship be secret and mentall , it must be concealed from the eyes of men : but if it be mentall , and publike , such as are the prayers of the people in time of diuine Seruice , who mentally follow the prayer publikely vttered by the Pastor , these mentall prayers must be offered with such external signes of adoration , as are vsed in the Congregation . But in the act of receiuing , say yee , that cannot bee , because it is a breach of the second Commandement , and of the Institution : I answere , That reason of yours is the caption called Petitio principij , to take that for granted which is in question , and I may truely say , already confuted . So that there remaines now no more question , but that wee may both pray and kneele in the act of receiuing , without breach of the second Commandement , and most agreeably to the Institution . PP . I heare there is alledged a third sort of prayer , to wit , that the very act of receiuing is of it selfe a reall prayer . Is not this as much , as to say , That crauing , and receiuing is all one ? Bellarmine saith , that prayer of it selfe , and of the owne proper office , doth impetrate ; and that a sacrifice hath the force and power of obtaining and impetrating , because it is quaedam oratio realis , non verbalis , a certaine reall prayer , not a verball . Wee may forgiue him to say this of the sacrifice of the Masse , where there is an offering of a sacrifice to God : but Bellarmine was neuer so absurd , as to call the act of receiuing from God , a reall prayer to God. ANS . No man , I thinke , will alledge , that the act of receiuing is praying , or crauing , although these two may agree well together . But it is true , that the celebration of this Sacrament is a reall thanksgiuing to God for the benefite of our redemption ; and although it be not a propitiatorie , or impetratorie sacrifice , as Bellarmine saith , yet it is eucharisticke , and a commemoration of the propitiatory , and impetratory sacrifice of Christ : And in the very act of receiuing , and by the act of receiuing , wee doe openly acknowledge and confesse before the world , that our confidence of saluation is onely in the sacrifice of the Lord Iesus Christ ; which is , a reall praysing , magnifying , extolling , and preaching of his death vntill his comming againe . Now to conclude , yee haue made many long answeres to a short obiection , and notwithstanding the argument remaines in force . Your obiection proponed was this : Wee may pray in the act of receiuing , therefore wee may kneele . Your first answere to this obiection was , That kneeling is not the onely proper and commendable gesture of prayer , and thereupon concluded , we might not kneele . This , as we haue shewed , is not a good consequence . Next , yee answered , that to pray in the act of deliuery is against the Institution . This we haue confuted . Thirdly , you answered , that wee ought not to pray before a creature : and therefore might not pray in the act of receiuing . The antecedent of this is false , as wee haue shewed : at least , as it is conceiued , and the conclusion holds not . Fourthly , yee sayd , that we are not commanded by the act of Perth to pray ; and therefore that we may not pray . This followes not . Fifthly , because the prayer of the people in the act of receiuing is mentall , yee inferred , that they might not kneele ▪ and this is no good consequence . Lastly , yee sayd , wee may not kneele before the Crucifixe , and before Nebuchadnezzars Image , and therefore we may not kneele in the act of receiuing the Sacrament . And this is most absurd , the Sacrament being a part of Gods worship , instituted by himselfe : but the vse of Idols and Images in his worship he hath expressely forbidden . So all your answeres are meere sophisticall captions and abductions from the purpose : yet yee proceede to answere some others , that yee frame against your selfe . PP Their other obiection , that we may praise God in the act of receiuing , therefore wee may kneele , may bee answered after the same manner . There is no publike thanksgiuing ordained to be made at the deliuery of the Elements : mentall praise therefore must be meant . Mentall praise is no more the principall worke of the soule , then mentall prayer : what was sayd of the ejaculations of the one , let it bee applyed to the short ejaculations of the other . ANS . If yee answere this obiection as yee did the former , then let the reply vsed by me be here repeated . But I say further , that by the words of the Institution , Doe this in remembrance of me , we are ordayned , not onely mentally to giue praise , but also really , and publikely by the very action and celebration of the Sacrament it selfe : in respect whereof the learned Pareus calleth this remembrance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fiduciae & gratitudinis , that is , a remembrance of faith , because by it our faith is confirmed : and a remembrance of thanksgiuing , because by it we should praise and magnifie ( as he saith ) the clemencie of the Father , who gaue the Sonne ; and the benignitie of the Sonne , who offered himselfe a sacrifice for vs. PP . The name of the Eucharist giuen to this Sacrament helpes them nothing , for it is a name giuen by the Ancients , and not by the Scripture . ANS . The Trinitie is a name giuen by the Ancients , and not by the Scripture , to the three Persons subsisting in the vnitie of the diuine nature , yet the truth of that which the word signifies , being found in Scripture , it helpes to conuince Heretikes , that deny the same : so the name of the Eucharist giuen to the Sacrament , to declare the thankfull commemoration of our Sauiours death , which thereby we performe according to the Scripture , helpes vs much against you and your followers , that spoile the Sacrament of the most principal end , for which it was instituted , that is , to the praise and honor of our Sauiour ; in respect whereof , it is called Sacrificium Eucharisticum , a Sacrifice of thankesgiuing . This Sacrifice the Pastor really acts , in taking , blessing , breaking , and giuing of the externall Elements ; for thereby the death of Christ , and the application thereof to the faithfull is represented : and it is acted by the people , in their taking , eating , and drinking , for thereby they declare and testifie the hunger , thirst , and desire of their soules after the righteousnesse and life of Christ , and the ioy they haue in the meditation thereof , with that assured confidence wherwith they rest , and repose themselues therupon . And this representation and application of Christs death , with the testification of our faith therein , and thankfulnesse therefore , by the celebration of the Sacrament , is a reall extolling , preaching , magnifying and praising of the Lords death , from which , mentall praise cannot be separated without hypocrisie ▪ Therefore to praise God in the act of receiuing , is a chiefe part of the principall work of the soule , and not your meditation vpon the analogie betweene the signe , and the thing signified , which is only a catechetick preparation , that should precede the principall worke . If yee had remembred the Confession of Faith , which ye professe you● selfe to haue sworne and subscribed , I am assured yee could not haue denyed this ; for in the 13. Sect. thereof about the end , yee haue these words : The end and cause of Christs Institution , and why the selfe-same should bee vsed , is expressed in these words , Doe this in remembrance of mee , as oft as yee eate of this bread , and drinke of this Cuppe ▪ yee shall shew foorth , that is , extoll , preach , magnifie , and praise the Lords death till he come . If this be the principall end , as yee see our Confession speakes , of Christs Institution , then , not onely may wee praise him in the act of receiuing , but we ought to praise him . In respect of this , the Sacrament is called the Eucharist , and not in respect of the thanksgiuing , wherewith we begin the action , as yee would haue it to be in your words following . PP . Next , as it is called Eucharistia , so it is called Eulogia : for the words , He gaue thanks , and He blessed , are indifferently vsed by the Euangelists . Some parts of this holy celebration stand in thanksgiuing , as the beginning and the end : and therefore is the whole action denominated from a part . Saith Casaubone , Eulogia & Eucharistia , vtraque vox à parte vna totam Domini actionem de●ignat : It followes not , that all the parts of this holy ministration , are actions of thanksgiuing . ANS . Although the name were taken , as Causabone saith , from one part of the action , yet it is giuen to the whole action , not by reason of this part onely , but because it declares the nature and chiefe end of the action : and albeit all the parts of this holy ministration seuerally considered , are not actions of thanksgiuing , yet the whole action , which consists of these parts , being performed Gratitud●nis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Paraeus saith , that is , with a purpose of thankfulnesse to celebrate the death of Christ , is Eucharisticke , or an action of thankesgiuing . The hand or foot being seuerally considered , is not the bodie , yet the whole , which consisteth of all the parts , is the body . So it is true , to take the bread is not an action of thankesgiuing , nor to breake it , nor to giue it , being seuerally considered ; but to take , breake , blesse and giue , with intention by these actions to represent the death of Christ , and the application thereof to the faithfull , for the praise of his glorious grace , is an action of thankesgiuing . Therefore to conclude , as wee come to the Sacrament to bee made partakers of Christs death by faith vnto saluation ▪ so wee come to the Sacrament to celebrate the remembrance of his death to his glory . In respect of the first end , it is , The Communion of his body and bloud , & in respect of the last , it is a reall predication and celebration of his death , till his comming againe ; which should bee often performed , because , as Paraeus speaketh , Mors Domini perpetuis laudibus celebranda est , that is , The death of Christ is to be celebrated with perpetuall praises : these are specially offered at the celebration of the holy Sacrament , and in this respect it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sacrifice of praise and thankesgiuing . PP . Obiect . What we may craue of God vpon our knees , we may receiue on our knees . Answ. It is false , I may pray vpon my knees , Giue vs this day our daily bread , but I may not receiue it on my knees . The people of Israel prayed for food , yet they were not esteemed vnthankful , for not kneeling when they receiued the Manna . ANS . I neuer heard this obiection vsed by any man , but by you in this place , therefore if it bee false , your selfe that forged it , is author of the falsehood . The Bishop of Galloway , who is now at rest , hath this obiection in his Treatise , which is not yet answered , as he alledgeth : Whatsoeuer spirituall benefit I may lawfully aske on my knees ▪ the same I may lawfully receiue vpon my knees with thankesgiuing . But I may lawfully with supplication , aske saluation by Iesus Christ on my knees . Therefore I may lawfully receiue it on my knees . Another argument was propounded in the Assembly at Perth , which neither at that time , nor since hath been answered , and it is this . Whatsoeuer spirituall benefit we should receiue in a solemne act of diuine worship , with thankesgiuing and prayer , that wee may receiue on our knees . The body and blood of Iesus Christ , in the Sacrament , is a spirituall benefit , which in a solemne act of diuine worship , wee ought to receiue with thankesgiuing and prayer . Therefore we may receiue the body and blood of the Lord Iesus Christ , in the Sacrament , vpon our knees . The proposition of this argument , at that time denied , was proued thus : Whatsoeuer benefit we ought to receiue with thankesgiuing and prayer , that we ought receiue with the gesture that is most agreeable to thankesgiuing and prayer . Kneeling is such a gesture , &c. Ergo , &c. In the Assumption it is affirmed , that Christs body and blood in the Sacrament , should be receiued with prayer and thankesgiuing : This we proue by this reason ; Whatsoeuer spirituall benefit we should receiue with a spirituall hunger and thirst , and with a spirituall appetite and desire after the grace and vertue that is therein to saluation : the same we should receiue with prayer , which is nothing else , but such an appetite and desire . But the body and blood of Christ is such a benefit , &c. Next that it should be receiued with thankesgiuing , I proue : Whatsoeuer benefit we should receiue by extolling , and preaching , and magnifying , and praysing the inestimable worth and excellence thereof , the same we ought to receiue with thankesgiuing . But in the Sacrament , we should receiue the body and the blood of Christ , with extolling and preaching , &c. Ergo , &c. The Assumption is confirmed by the words of our Sauiour , Doe this in remembrance of me , and by the words of Saint Paul , So oft as yee eate this bread , and drinke this Cup , yee shall declare , that is , extoll , magnifie , and praise , The Lords death till hee come againe . Because I finde you fighting against your owne shadow , I thought good to set downe the very obiections , which were vsed in the Assembly at Perth , that as yet are not , nor I hope shall euer be answered . PP . It is againe obiected , That in the act of receiuing , we receiue from Christ an inestimable benefite : ought not a Subiect kneele , when he receiueth a benefite from a Prince , to testifie his thankfulnesse ? Answ. This relation from Christ to the Sacrament as betweene the Giuer , and the gift , is common to all the Sacraments both of the old and new Law , ordinarie , and extraordinarie . ANS . The relation betweene the Giuer and the gift , in the old Testament is not so euident , because they wanted a cleare and expresse Word to expound the mysterie : Where haue yee such a Word concerning Circumcision ? This is the putting off of the bodie of sinne , by the vertue of Christs Death and Resurrection , COLOS. 2.11 . or concerning the Passeouer , This is the body of Christ , that is broken for you , this is his blood , that is shed for you ? The Law had but the shaddow , the Gospell hath the expresse Image of good things to come : In the Law they had the shadow of the Giuer , and the gift , but in the Gospell we see him with open face . Now although to the shadow of the Prince men fall not downe , nor doe reuerence , they are to be excused ; but he must bee reputed a contemner , who will not doe homage at the presence of his Prince . Further , as I said before , the externall actions of their Sacrament , could not bee commodiously performed with such a gesture , as is kneeling , but the action of our Sacrament may . PP . Next , we receiue the mysticall pledges , not out of the hands of God himselfe , or his Sonne Christ immediately , but out of the hand of the Minister . The person who receiues the gift from the King , is supposed to receiue it immediately : and suppose mediatly , yet ceremonies of Court , and mediate ciuill worships , are not rules of religious adoration , which should euer be immediate . ANS . Wee kneele not to receiue the mysticall pledges , but to receiue the bodie and blood of Iesus Christ , which the mysticall pledges signifie , and are deliuered immediately , by the hand of the Lord Iesus himselfe PP Thirdly , the manner of deliuery of the gift , and the will of the Giuer , are to be considered . If the Prince call his Nobles to a banquet , it is his will that they sitte at table with him , as Ionathan and Dauid sate at King Sauls table . Christ hath declared by the Institution , after what manner he would haue vs to receiue these mysticall pledges . Kneeling cannot agree with the actions and precepts of the Institution . ANS . If we consider the manner of deliuery of the gift , and the will of the Giuer , it fauoureth kneeling , rather then sitting : for although we be inuited to a banquet , yet it is not a bodily repast , such as Ionathan and Dauid receiued at Sauls table . That required leisure and time , and such a site and position of bodie , as 〈◊〉 most commodious for ease ; but by the Institution 〈◊〉 it manifest , that the banquet whereunto wee are called , is the body and blood of Iesus , giuen externally in a little quantitie of bread , and one Cuppe diuided amongst many , and ministred internally with Christs owne hand . Neyther come wee to this banquet to feede our bodies , but to feede our soules , and to extoll and praise his death , as I haue ofte said before . Whereupon the Apostle inferreth , that wee should receiue worthily , that is , with such a reuerence , both externall and internall , as is worthie the Giuer , and the gift , and is most meete to set foorth the praise of the Giuer , and the worth of the gift . In this respect , kneeling is most agreeable , both to the actions and precepts of the Institution . PP . The second breach of the second Commandement , made by kneeling , is the shew of conformitie with the Papists . The Lord forbade his people to bee like the Gentiles , Leuit. 18.3 . and 19.27 . and Deut. 12. The Christians were forbidden to decore their houses with Bay-leaues and greene boughes , because the Pagans vsed so to doe ; or to rest from their labours vpon the dayes that the Pagans did . If conformitie in things not hauing state in idolatrous seruice , but onely glauncing at the honour of the Idoll bee condemned , farre more is conformitie in the grossest act , wherein the life and soule of their idolatrie standeth . Such is the gesture of kneeling amongst the Papists , this outward conformitie tickleth the Papists , and offendeth the godly . ANS . A shew of conformitie with the Papists in Idolatrie , is a breach of the second Commandement : But to kneele at the Sacrament , our hearts being freed of the opinion of Transubstantiation , and our mouthes confessing and professing , that we doe onely kneele to God , and our Sauiour Iesus Christ ; is no more conformitie with them in idolatrie , then in the action of prayer to kneele , when we direct our prayers to God , and not to Angels or Saints , or other creatures . For example , To kneele , and say the Lords Prayer in honour of the Saints , and to offer it as a libell of request to be presented , and commended by their prayers to God , which Papists professe themselues to doe , ( Costeri Enchiridion de veneratione Sanctorum , ) is idolatrie ; yet to kneele , and offer that prayer to God only , as wee doe , is not idolatrie : although both in the gesture of kneeling , and in the substance of the prayer , there bee a conformitie , our Faith and profession being contrarie to theirs , freeth vs of all shew of conformity with them in superstition and idolatry . But the Lord forbade his people ( yee say ) to be like the Gentiles , yet did he neuer forbid them to knele , and lift vp their hands to him in their prayers , although the Gentiles kneeled , and lifted vp hands vnto their gods when they prayed . The things wherein God forbade his people a conformity , were vncleannesse , idolatry , superstition , witchcraft , &c. and not such ceremonies of diuine worship , as are by himselfe commanded , yet abused by Idolaters . And where yee say , that Christians were prohibited to rest those dayes , on which the Pagans rested , I hope yee will not haue vs to worke on the Lords day , because the Papists rest that day . Finally , when yee say , that the life of Popish idolatrie consisteth in kneeling , yee speake falsely ; for the life of their idolatrie consisteth in a professed adoration of the bread , with opinion of Transubstantiation , and not in the outward gesture of kneeling , which being lawfull , and religious in it selfe , is onely abused by them to idolatrie . And doe not all they who sitte at the Sacrament , keepe an outward conformitie with the Arrians , who will needs sitte , to declare , that they esteeme Christ Iesus to bee onely a meere man ? By your argument , all they are transgressours of the first Commandement , that communicate with them in sitting . Now to that which yee adde in the end , that this outward conformitie tickles the Papist , and offends the godly : yee are greatly mistaken ; it is your contentious opposition against the truth , and disobedience of the lawfull ordinances of the Church , which tickles the Papist , and grieues all good men ▪ and not our conformitie , in a lawfull and religious ceremonie . PP . The third breach of the second Commandement , made by kneeling , is the retaining the monument of vile idolatrie ; all human inuentions polluted with idolatrie , except they be of necessarie vse , ought to bee remoued from Gods seruice . This gesture had a spot of prophanation from the beginning ; being at the first birth in this act dedicated to idolatrie . The brasen Serpent set vp at Gods owne command , was not spared when it was abused : Wee detest the very garment of a theefe , or a whoore , thought it bee innocent : BEZA saith , many things may bee tollerated for the weake , which may not bee restored after they are taken away : he comm●ndeth them , who abolished kneeling , amongst other things , Tanquam aper●as idolomanias . ANS . You make the third breach of the second Commandement by kneeling , the retaining of a monument of vile idolatrie ; and in this yee erre , for kneeling is a religious ceremony appointed by God himselfe to bee vsed in all actions of adoration , and was not of humane inuention ; therefore cannot be a monument of idolatrie in this or any other act . If it be abused to idolatry , although abuse the thereof should bee abhorred , yet the religious gesture it selfe , is not to be detested . Let the theefe bee hanged , and the whoore drowned , yet the religious ceremony must bee restored to the right owner , to whom all knees should bow . The burning of Incense was a part of the ceremoniall worship vnder the Law , and abused to idolatrie , when it was offered to the brazen Serpent ; yet that part of worship was not abolished , but the Idoll it selfe destroyed , and the ceremony restored to God , vnto whom of right it belonged . Neither hath your comparison of the brazen Serpent , and kneeling , any force in it ; for the brazen Serpent , in the time it was abolished , had no vse : that ceased with the vertue of the cure , that the Israelites receiued by looking vpon it ; the act of kneeling continueth alwayes in a necessary vse , for the better expressing of our thankfulnesse to God. And where you say , that kneeling from the first birth in this act , hath been dedicated to idolatrie , I flatly deny it : for albeit Honorius a foure hundreth yeares since , or there about , was the man that decreede kneeling to bee vsed in the eleuation , and circumgestation of the Hoste ; yet it was not he , that brought in that gesture at the time of participation . In the eleuation or circumgestation , the same , I grant , was abused to idolatry , but neither th●se , nor the Hoste in them , were the Sacrament ; for when the bread or cup are not vsed according to the Institution , they cease to be the Sacrament ; ●o kneeling directed to the bread at the eleuation , &c. was not a prophanation of it at the Sacrament , but a prophanation of it in a superstitious , and idolatrous worship . In respect of this , Caluine and some other recent Diuines , haue disliked it ; and yet they say , if kneeling in the action of the Supper , did not rest in the Elements , but were directed to Christ sitting in heauen , the same were a lawfull sort of adoration . This Peter Martyr said , whose words are Neque externa adoratio esset mala , multi enim piè genua flectunt , & adorant , that is to say , Externall adoration in that case , were not euill , for many piously bow their knees , and adore . Beza in his twelfth Epistle , saith , That the bowing of the knee at the receiuing of the Elements , is a sort of holy and Christian reuerence , Ac proindè olim potuit cum fructu vsurpari , that is , of old , it might haue been vsed profitably . That testimony which you cite out of the eight Epistle , according to your custome , yee corrupt , to make it serue your purpose : for Beza commending them that abolished kneeling at the receiuing of the Sacrament , saith not , tanquam apertas idolomanias , but non minus quam apertas idolomanias , and so distinguisheth it from idolatrie : like as a little before in the same Epistle , he saith , That this gesture of kneeling being considered in it selfe , is not impious ; and in his twelfth Epistle speaking of the same matter , he hath these words , Interim tamen cum ista per se non sint idololatrica , idem de illis , quod de proximè praecedentibus sentimus . So we haue Caluine , Martyr and Beza , all of them contradictors to you in this , that kneeling at the Sacrament is a monument of vile idolatry . Where I marke further , that in Beza his iudgement , kneeling was not at the first birth , in this act , dedicated to idolatry , for he saith of it , quòd olim potuit cum fructu vsurpari , that of olde time , it might haue beene vsed profitably , and the words hee subioynes make this yet more manifest , Tamen quia ex hoc fonte orta est artolatria ; If Bread-worship did spring from kneeling according to his minde , then kneeling at the Sacrament , was in vse before Bread-worship , and so was not dedicated , as yee say , to idolatrie in this act from the first birth thereof . But to the end , the weakenesse of your Achillean argument may appeare , let vs put it in forme : Whatsoeuer ceremonie in an act of diuine worship , such a● the Sacrament is , hath been dedicated to idolatrie from the first time it was vsed , in that act , the same is to bee remoued from the act , as a monument of vile idolatrie . To this I answere , that wee must consider the ceremonie it selfe , whether it bee of humane or diuine institution ; if it bee of humane institution , it may be remooued , such as is the crossing of the bread and cuppe in the Sacrament : But if the ceremony bee of diuine institution , such as kneeling is , for the same is commended by God vnto vs in his Word : then wee ought to consider , whether the abuse of that ceremonie hath proceeded from the nature of the action , wherein it was vsed : for if it bee so , it ought to be abolished in that action , because it can neuer bee purged from the spotte which it contracteth by the action ; and in such a case , the action and gesture ought both to bee abolished . But if the abuse proceede not from the nature of the action , but from the opinion of the agent ; then the opinion being remoued , the religious ceremonie may bee vsed without any prophanation of idolatrie : for example , The abuse of kneeling in eleuation , &c. proceeded not onely from the opinion of the agent , but from the nature of the action , which is idolatrous and superstitious : kneeling in this action cannot be purged from the contagion of idolatry , because of the relation it hath to the idolatrous action : and therefore both the action and the gesture ought to bee abolished . But the Sacrament of the Supper being an action instituted by GOD , and kneeling being of the owne nature an holy , and religious ceremony , it can neuer receiue contagion of idolatrie from it , but onely from the opinion of the agent : then remooue the opinion , both the action it selfe may bee rightly vsed , and kneeling therein , as being very agreeable to the nature of the action . For wee cannot deny , that CHRIST in this action is to be adored , and of that wee giue euident testimony , euen when wee sit at Table ; for our sitting bare-hea●ed is a signe of adoration , as well as kneeling ; and is no lesse idolatrous , if it be done for adoration of the bread . That to conclude , if wee remoue no● the euill opinion , the superstition remaines , and po●●t●s the action : but if the opinion be taken away , neither doth the action pollute the gesture , nor the gesture the action , both of them being religious , and of diuine Institution , sorting and agreeing naturally one with another . PP . The fourth breach of the second Commandement made by kneeling ; is the continuall danger , and occasion of idolatry We are forbidden all occasions , and prouocations of Idolatry . There is a naturall pronenesse in all men to idolatry , great ignorance in the common people , and superstition rooted in the hearts of men : Papists daily encrease , the idoll of the breadie god is still in great account in the Romane Churches round about vs , & in priuate corners amongst vs : and yet men are not ashamed to say , that all memory of former superstition is past , and no perill is to be feared againe . The Virgins in Cyprians time , granted they walked with yong men , talked with them , went to b●d with them , but when it came to the act , they abstained . Cyprian answeres , Non est locus dandus Diabolo : nemo diu tutus periculo proximus : Place should not be giuen to the Diuell : no man is long safe , who is neere the point of danger . The Belgick Churches in their Synods permitted not libertie of kneeling , for the same respect of bread worship , as may be seene in the harmonie of their Synods , set forth of late , by FESTVS HOMMIVS , Liberum est stando , sedendo , vel ●undo coenam celebrare , non autem geniculando ob artolatrias periculum : If a lawfull vse could be deuised , yet this danger cannot be eschewed . Information by preaching is a sufficient remedie ; meate doth not nourish so fast , as poyson doth corrupt . The watchmen are sometime ignorant , or negligent , many want doctrine ▪ it is better to fill vp the pit ▪ then to set one beside it , to warne the passengers , that they fall not in : such ceremonies ought to be appointed , which by their goodnesse and edification may helpe the preaching of the Word , and not such as the Word daily must haue need to correct : the strength of many poore Christian soules , should not bee tryed by bringing them to the very brinke of danger . ANS . Your fourth breach is the occasion and danger of idolatry . But kneeling imports no more danger , nor occasion of idolatry , then sitting doth of prophanation and contempt of the Sacrament : and with vs there be many moe prophane Christians , then idolatrous Papists ; and people are farre more ready by sitting to take occasion of despising the Sacrament , their senses leading them to esteeme basely of it , then by kneeling , to thinke the bread and wine to be the body and blood of Christ materially ; the same being against sense and reason , and the doctrine of the Word , which teacheth them the contrary . The Virgins in Cyprians time , by walking and talking , and lying with yong men , did expose themselues to vncleannesse , and as Cyprian saith , gaue place to the Diuell ; but the lawfull vse of a religious ceremony , can neuer be the occasion of idolatrie , nor can the vse of it giue place to the Diuell : Res bonae neminem scandalizant , saith TERTVLLIAN de velandis Virginibus , nisi malam mentem . That is , good things giue offence to none , but an euill minde . The iudgement of the Belgick Churches , we reproue not , because they know best , what serues to the edification of their Churches ; nor will they ( I hope ) reprooue our iudgement concerning kneeling , which is grounded vpon reasons as expedient for our estate , as any can be alledged by them , for their owne : but the liberty which they giue to celebrate the Sacrament with the gesture of sitting , standing , or passing , condemnes ●latly your opinion , of the necessity of sitting , which neuer any Church or Diuine , ancient or moderne did hold , except your selfe ; yet pardon me for reckoning you amongst the Diuines . As to the feare of Bread-worship , it will neuer be caused by the religious vse of kneeling , but by some peruerse disposition of the Receiuer , which nothing can remedie sufficiently , but right information made by sound doctrine . It is true , that to the vncleane , all things are vncleane : a soule that is euill disposed , may like a Spider conuert into poyson the iuyce of the same flower which the Bee turneth into hony : out of the sacramentall Word , This is my body , which is broken for you , the Papist draweth the poyson of Transubstantiation ; but the true Christian , the sweet and spirituall participation of the body of our Lord. The word giues not to the Papist an occasion of his errour , but he takes occasion at the Word , because of the peruerse disposition of his minde ; so kneeling being a religious ceremonie , and commanded by God , when it is lawfully vsed at the receiuing of the Sacrament , can neuer giue occasion of Bread-worship , although superstitious men hauing corrupted their mindes , may make it an occasion of that , and worse . The gesture of sitting is at this day abused by Arrians , and made a signe of their deniall of the God-head of Christ ; and prophane Christians haue taken , and daily take occasion thereby , to fall into the pit of contempt , and prophanation of this Sacrament , from which inconuenience , no ceremonies that can be chosen , will preserue them , except they be warned daily , and directed by the Word how to carry themselues ; and if we neglect this , committing their safetie to the ceremonies of sitting , standing , walking , or kneeling , we shall not only bring them to the brinke of danger , but shall drowne them in the depth , either of prophanenesse , or of superstition and idolatry . Now , if you thinke that there is greater danger of idolatrie to be feared from kneeling , then of prophanenesse from sitting , you are much deceiued : for if wee consider the disposition of our people , amongst whom , some I confesse haue vnderstanding , & yet are inclined to superstition & idolatry ; the greater company are simple ones , that neuer did , nor euer will , as it is to be supposed , take occasion by kneeling , to thinke the bread the bodie of Christ , or yet to adore it for his body . This errour was brought in by the Clergie and Scholastickes , wherof the people could neuer haue dreamed , if it had not been daily inculcate into their eares , and they perswaded so to thinke , by the false interpretation of the words , This is my body . The right exposition of the same hath remoued that error , and must still debarre it , not the gesture of sitting ; for thereby simple ones are ready , by their owne inclination , to take occasion , as wee haue knowne in time past , of contemning the holy Sacrament , and so from superstition to runne into a profanation of the Lords Body : from eyther of these extremities no thing can preserue them , but the trauels of a faithfull Pastor , in Catechizing and Preaching . As to men of vnderstanding they are in lesse danger , and howsoeuer they receiue sitting , standing , or kneeling , they know the Elements in the Sacrament to retaine their former substance , and that they are changed in the vse onely . Neither haue such of them , as are inclined to Papistrie , beene conuerted a jot by sitting , from their former errors ; but to the contrarie , confirmed in their erronious opinions , disdayning our profession for the irreuerent celebration of the holy Sacrament , If at any time , by the doctrine of truth , they shall be conuerted from their errors , this gesture that is required of kneeling , shall bee a meanes to preserue them in a constant profession ; and as I haue sayd , keepe them also from the other extremitie of contempt . PP . The fifth breach of the second Commandement made by kneeling , is , a shew of wisedome in will-worshippe and humilitie , Coloss. 2 . 2● . This their pretended humilitie , is a naturall humilitie , like vnto Peters , when he refused , that Christ should wash his feete . Obedience is better then sacrifice . FENNER , in the doctrine of the Sacraments , hath a notable saying : That the whole honor of the Sacraments is , that they remaine within the Church of GOD in that simplicitie he left them . ANS . The fifth breach yee alledge to be will-worshippe . The Apostle , Coloss. 2. defines will-worshippe to bee wilfull condemning , or thralling of men to the obseruation of such things in Gods worship as necessarie , whereof there is no certaintie in the Word of God , the Authors of the said obseruation being rashly puft vp by the mind of the flesh , ver . 18. Now whether yee , that haue no certaintie in the Word for sitting at the Sacrament , but such reasons onely , as we haue cleerely shewed to be rashly forged out of the minde of the flesh , and yet doe wilfully condemne and thrall mens consciences to the obseruation of that , as necessarie ; or wee , who neyther vrge sitting nor standing , nor kneeling as necessary ; but esteeming all indifferent , leaue the choyce vnto the Church , vpon whose iudgement it becommeth all men to rest in circumstantiall indifferent things : whether ( I say ) yee , or wee be guiltie of wil-worshippe , let the discreete and wise Christian iudge . Your example of Saint Peter makes not for you : for if our Sauiour had declared his will to vs concerning kneeling or sitting , as he did to him touching the washing of his feete , it had beene rebellion inexcusable in vs , to haue opposed thereto , vpon whatsoeuer pretext . No more doth Fenners saying helpe you , to which wee all subscribe . PP . Obict . There is no new worship appointed , but an action alreadie appointed for Gods seruice is applyed to the sayd Supper . Ans. The parts of Gods worshippe may not be applyed to other , when comlinesse , commodiousnesse , institution , and command will not suffer . A man may not kneele in al the time of Sermon : he may not read in the act of receiuing , &c. To be short , A rite sacramentall , deuised by man , pretending humilitie , and shouldering out other rites instituted by GOD , cannot bee but presumptuous will-worshippe . ANS . After ye haue propounded these fiue breaches of the second Commandement excogitate by your selfe , and neuer heard before in any Church , yee obiect , that kneeling is no new worshippe , but an action already appointed for Gods seruice , and applyed to the Supper . And yee answere , That the parts of Gods worship may not bee applyed to other , when comlinesse , commodiousnesse , institution , and command will not suffer . This answere no man will deny ; yet , yee take paynes , as Sophists are wont to doe , to prooue that which is not controuerted . The point we denie is this , that comlinesse , commodiousnes , institution , and command , permitteth not kneeling to bee vsed in the act of receiuing . This yee haue not prooued , nor bring yee any argument now to prooue it : but simple people will not perceiue your cunning and finenesse . In a word , kneeling is not , as yee affirme , a sacramentall rite , but a religious ceremony flowing from the relikes of that naturall pietie , wherein man was created ▪ approued , and committed by God himselfe to be vsed in all such parts of his worship , as edification , order , and decency allowes . To debarre this from the Sacrament , by sitting , a gesture neuer commanded to be vsed in Gods worship , yet vrged by you , with opinion of necessitie , pretending the humilitie of obedience , where yee haue neither precept nor president ; is indeed a subtill catching of the simple conscience in the yarne and net of wil-worship . PP . Obiect . The Eucharist is a part of Gods worshippe , therefore wee ought to kneele in the act of receiuing . Answ. In a large sense euery act whereby God is honoured , may be called the worship of God , as oathes , vowes , and sacrifices , &c But adoration is the worshippe of God in a strict sense . Kneeling is the gesture of adoration , but not of euery part of Gods worshippe . Receiuing , eating , drinking in the Sacrament , are parts of Gods worshippe ; but they are not gestures of adoration . All the Sacraments both of Iewes and Christians , were parts of Gods worshippe , as well as the Eucharist , and yet they kneeled not in the act of participation . ANS . Yee obiect heere , That the Eucharist is a part of Gods worshippe , therefore wee ought to kneele : and yee answere , That kneeling is a gesture of adoration , but not of euery part of Gods worshippe : This answere is true ; but it makes against your selfe : for the Eucharist is an Eucharisticke action , that is , an action of thanksgiuing and prayse , which cannot bee performed without adoration , the gesture whereof yee confesse to bee kneeling . As to the Sacraments of Circumcision and Baptisme , the externall acts of them ( I speake of Baptisme as it was vsed in these times , when men went downe into the water , and were baptized ) could not bee commodiously performed with kneeling : But I thinke it were no sinne , if a man of perfect yeeres , comming to be baptized , should kneele : and contrarywise , it were vndecent for him , not to kneele at the inuocation of the Name of the Father , the Sonne , and the holy Ghost . As to the Passeouer we haue often answered , that it was a full repast , and could not be commodiously celebrated with kneeling : as no gesture is of necessary vse , so none is to bee chosen which is not commodious . PP . Obiect . The Eucharist is a sacrifice , and congeries sacrificiorum , a heape of sacrifices , a commemoratiue sacrifice , a sacrifice of a broken and contrite heart , of prayse , of prayer , of almes : therefore this Sacrament should be receiued with kneeling , saith the Bishoppe of Rochester : and therefore the gesture of kneeling is rightly applyed to such a kinde of worship . Answ. The actions afore sayd are called Sacrifices onely by analogie , and metaphorically . They are not proper sacrifices . The inuisible sacrifice , by the which a man offers himselfe by contrition , inward deuotion , mortification , is the daily sacrifice of a Christian , Rom. 12.1 . We offer our selues to be sacrificed when the Word is preached , Rom. 15. We kneele not when wee giue almes . These improper and metaphoricall sacrifices are not acts of adoration . The Paschall Lambe was slaine in the manner of a reall sacrifice , and yet notwithstanding this immolation , they kneeled nor at the eating of the Paschall Lambe The Sacraments of the old and new Testament were alike in representation , signification , and exhibition . ANS . Howsoeuer the sacrifices aforesaid be metaphoricall , as yee say , and no proper sacrifices , yet they are spirituall sacrifices , which men are accustomed to offer with kneeling . Although wee kneele not when we giue almes , yet we kneele when we pray & praise . The sacrifice of the Passeouer , and other sacrifices vnder the Lawe , although when they were eaten in priuate houses , they did not kneele that eat them , because it could not be done conueniently , for the reasons oft recited : yet it appeares , when they were offered on the Altar , which was the publike act of Gods worship , that they bowed their knees . So Micheas , Cap. 6. vers . 6. and Saint Luke saith in his first , that when Zacharie was offering Incense , all the people continued praying : which they did not without kneeling , or some other externall rite of adoration . Where yee affirme , that the Sacraments of the old and new Testament were alike in representation , signification , and exhibition ; it is true , as touching the matter represented , but the manner was as farre different , as the shaddow is from the expresse and perfect image of the thing it selfe . The sacrifices of the olde Testament were but shaddowes of Christ ▪ our Sacraments , by reason of the Word annexed to them , and the doctrine of the Gospell , whereby they are cleerely expounded , are viue and perfect images of Christ , and of the benefites wee haue by him ; therefore they are to bee celebrated with greater adoration and deuotion , both externall and internall , then the sacrifices vnder the Law , because our deuotion and adoration should be proportioned to the measure of our knowledge and faith . An Answere to the Section , entituled , Kneeling not practised in the ancient Church . PP . THE two former breaches are sufficient of themselues , howbeit kneeling were otherwise warran●ed by the practise of the Church , &c. ANS . I am assured , if kneeling be warranted by practise of the ancient Church , no good Christian will thinke for the friuolous reasons adduced by you , that they committed any of these breaches . But you labour to proue , that the ancient Church did not practise it ▪ for yee say , that when the Arrians denyed Christs true diuinitie , the Orthodoxe Church , who acknowledged his diuinitie , kneeled not in the act of receiuing , which had beene expedient , if the same had beene lawfull : vnto which I answere , That there be many things expedient to be done , which notwithstanding are not done , nor ought to be done ; not because they are vnlawfull in themselues , but for some other respect , as some custome receiued , or some order formerly established , which vpon euery apparant expedience is not to be altered : for example , It was expedient , because of the same heresie , to haue kneeled at all times , when publike prayers were offered to Christ , or to the Father in his name : yet on the Lords day , which was the most solemne time of worship , the ancient Church kneeled not at publike prayer ; not because it was vnlawfull in it selfe to haue kneeled , but because there was an order receiued in the Church , that on the Lords day the people should stand and not kneele . Next , when yee say , that the ancient Church did not kneele at the receiuing of the Sacrament , and will prooue it by this , that it was the custome of the Church to stand in the time of publike prayer all the Lords dayes in the yeere , and on euery day from Easter to Pentecost , because of the ioyfull memory of Christs resurrection : for , say yee , this Sacrament , being a matter of great ioy , far lesse would they k●eele at the celebration of it . To this , I answere , That if the order of the Church could haue permitt●d knee●ing , the nature of the action , although 〈◊〉 bee a matter of great ioy , would haue sorted ●ell enough with this humble gesture . In the 17. of Gen●● 16. God promised to Abraham , that hee would ●●esse Sarah , and giue him a sonne by her , and make her the mother of many Nations , and Kings to come of her the Text saith in the next verse , that Abraham fell vpon his face , and laughed Here yee see a matter of great ioy , which made Abraham to laugh , ioyned with a gesture of greater humilitie then bowing of the knee is . The bowing of the body and the knee , is not as your Master of table gesture and ye here affirme , the gesture onely of an humble Penitentiar ; but it is the gesture also of these that giue thanks . So the Leper gaue thanks , Luke 17.16 . And of these who ioyfully sing prayses to God , Psalm . 1●8 . vers . 2. And of these who pray as our Sauiour , Luk. 22.41 . who kneeled and prayed , though ●e was no Penitentiar . And of these , who offered their gifts to God , Mich. 6.6 . And of these with whom God talked , either immediately , as he did with Abraham , Gen. 17.3 . or mediately , as by Mayses , to the people of Israe● , Exod. 12.27 . And of these that were astonished at the works of God or his Word , 1. King. 18.39 . 1. Cor. 14.25 . To be short , if Abraham , when he did onely receiue the promise of the blessed seede , fell on his face ▪ Gen 17.17 . how much more ought the faithfull bow their knees , when they receiue the performance of this promise , euen the blessed Seede himselfe from the hand of God in this spirituall Banquer ? So it is not the nature of the action that will enforce the gesture of standing to haue been vsed in the Sacrament rather then at prayer , but the custome and order of the Church only ; which if ye were able to produce as well for standing at the Sacrament , as at praying on the Lords day , your argument were strong : but that yee shall neuer doe , except ye grant according to the truth , that the Sacrament is an act of reall adoration . In that case Tertullians testimony , which you cite , would aduance your cause mightily , who sayes , De geniculis adorare nefas ducimus . Two or three testimonies of Eusebius , Chrysostome , and Tertullian , for standing on the Lords day at the Table , or Altar , when the Sacrament was receiued , will not proue a constant and vniuersall practise of that gesture . Neyther is the example of the Abissines , and Muscouites , who stand to this day , able to counterpoyse the practise of the vniuersall Church , for the space of foure or fiue hundred yeeres preceding their dayes , wherein they kneeled at the receiuing . Nor are you able to prooue , that the gesture of kneeling was brought into the Church by the error of Transsubstantiation , as ye confidently affirme in the last line of this Section . For Honorius , as wee sayd before , did not decree kneeling to bee vsed at the receiuing of the Sacrament , but at the eleuation and circumgestation which was a superstitious and idolatrous worshippe inuented by man. And it is euident , at the time when that Decree was made , the people were accustomed to kneele at the receiuing ; and if it had not beene the custome , there is no question , but the same would haue beene straitly enioyned by the same Decree . But it is playne , that before that time , as euer since , this gesture is continued in the Church : for as Saint Augustine vpon the 98. Psalme , testifies , No man doeth worthily receiue , but hee that adores . And in the same places hee saith , Non peccatur adorando carnem Christi , sed peccatur non adorando : that is , Wee sinne not in adoring Christs body in the Sacrament ; but we sinne , if wee adore it not . And Chrysostome in one of his Homilies hath these words , Ergo adora , & communica : that is , Adore then , and communicate , but vnto these , and the rest of the testimonies , yee answere , That it followeth not , because they adored , that therefore they kneeled , because ( say yee ) their testimonies make mention of adoration , not of the Sacrament , but of Christ in the Sacrament ▪ and wee say the same , that at the Sacrament Christ only is to be adored , and not the sacramentall Elements , which are the signes . So in this wee agree ; but because that maketh nothing against kneeling , yee subioyne , that their testimonies are to bee vnderstood of spirituall and internall adoration ; and to confirme it , yee quote in the Margine D. Fulke , vpon the first to the Cor. 11. Sect. 18. But let the Reader peruse the place , he shall finde nothing in it against the gesture of kneeling , or any other religious signe of adoration ; onely hee saith , that adoration , mentioned by the Fathers , is to be vnderstood of the spirituall adoration of Christ , and not of the externall adoration of the Sacrament . And if hee had meant otherwise , Chrysostomes words in the 24. Homilie , vpon the first to the Corinths , Cap. 10. cited by himselfe , would haue controlled his saying : Hoc corpus , etiam iacens in praesepi , reu●riti sunt Magi , &c. that is to say , The wisemen did reuerence to this body ( he meanes the body of Christ , ) lying in the Manger ; and these wicked and barbarous men , leauing their houses and Countrey , hauing finished a long iourney , and comming to the place , they adored with great feare and trembling . Let vs therefore ( sayeth hee ) that are Citizens of heauen imitate these Barbarians . Thus farre Chrysostome . Now to imitate them , is not to come with inward reuerence onely , but to shew it also in outward gesture ; for of them the Scripture saith , That falling downe , they adored CHRIST . And it is manifest by the words following , that Chrysostome meanes not of the inward adoration onely , but also of the outward ; Non solum hoc ipsum corpus vides , sicut illi , &c. Thou doest not onely see the same body as they did , but thou knowest both his power , and dispensation , and thou a●t ignorant of no thing done by him , as being exactly and accurately imitated in all mysteries . Let vs therefore stirre vp our selues with feare , Et longe maiorem quàm illi Barbari ostendamus reuerentiam : that is , Let vs shew foorth much more reuerence then these Barbarians . The word , Ostendamus , manifestly shewes that Chrysostome exhorteth his people not to the inward adoration of Christ onely at the Sacrament , but to the externall also . The practise of all Churches since the dayes of Christ confirmeth the same : for there was neuer any Church , wherein the Sacrament was receiued without some externall signe and gesture of adoration . To stand before the Lord in a solemne act of diuine worshippe , is a gesture of adoration : and as yee obserued before out of Drusius in the 51. Page of this Pamphlet , standing is taken for prayer , because it was the vsuall gesture at prayer . The discouering of the head in our Chu●ch is an externall signe of adoration , otherwise our people , who are wont to sitte at the reading of the Word , singing of Psalmes , and publike prayers , did vse no externall signe at all . And as in these actions , the discouering of the head is a signe of adoration , so is it in the receiuing of the Communion ; and was so euen when wee did sit at the receiuing : for the reuerence of the bare head was not giuen at that time to the externall Minister , nor to the externall Elements , but to 〈…〉 ▪ PP . The proofes already made for standing vpon the Lords day for 1000 yeeres in the Church , doe euince that geniculation had no place in the act of receiuing all that time . It hath therefore followed vpon bodily presence and transsubstantiation . ANS . Your proofes haue euinced nothing , except yee grant , that to receiue the Sacrament is an act of adoration ; for all the testimonies ye bring runne that way . And at most yee haue onely proued , that on the Lords day they stood at the Sacrament : whereupon if yee conclude , that geniculation had no place , yee must vpon the same ground , that sitting had no place : yea , it s●all euince , that sitting had no place in the Church , vnto the yeere 1560. at which time it was receiued in our Church : for after these 1000. yeeres , wherein yee proue that standing was vsed , kneeling succeeded , and hath continued euer since in the Church , vntill the time of reformation . So sitting was neuer in vse by your owne argument . As to the gesture vsed by our Sauiour at the Paschall Supper , which yee affirme was continued at the institution of the Sacrament , it was not sitting at a Table vpon fourmes or chaires , but lying , and leaning vpon beds : and it is vncertain , as I shewed before , whether that gesture was continued or not ; and albeit it had beene continued , there was neuer Church or Diuine , that thought it exemplary ; for if they had done , they would neuer haue vsed standing , or passing , or kneeling in stead of it . If we might bee bold to coniecture , with what gesture the Apostles receiued the Sacrament , as yee are bold to affirme that they sate ; or what gesture Christ would haue vs to obserue ; it were doubtlesse surest to thinke , that the Apostles receiued with that same gesture , which they vsed at the thanksgiuing and blessing , wherewith the Institution begins : and therefore that the gesture , which the Church thinketh most meet to be vsed at the thankesgiuing , is the gesture fittest for the people to receiue ; because the action it selfe is a reall thankesgiuing , and should haue conioyned with it , the thankesgiuing and blessing , wherewith the action beginnes in the minde and affection of the receiuers : and because euer since the first Institution , wee finde the Church to haue vsed the same gesture at the receiuing , that they vsed at the thankesgiuing and prayer . For when for the space of a thousand yeeres , they stood and prayed , as you your selfe affirme , and so doth your namelesse Master of table gesture ; then they stood , and receiued the Sacrament : and after that , when on the Lords day , the Church began , in stead of standing , to vse kneeling at prayer , they began also to receiue the Sacrament kneeling , which forme of receiuing hath continued to our times . But to returne againe to your argument , where yee say , that the proofes made for standing doe euince , that for the space of a thousand yeeres kneeling had no place , I will let you see how futile your argument i● . The Church stood on the Lords day at the Sacrament , for the space of a thousand yeeres : Ergo , say yee , they kneeled not for the space of a thousand yeeres . May you not by the very same reason conclude ? The Church laboured not , nor fasted on the Lords day , for the space of a thousand yeeres : Ergo , they neither fasted nor laboured at al● , for the space of a thousand yeeres . If during all that time , the Sacrament had been onely celebrated on the Lords day , your argument were probab●e : but seeing the Sacrament , as S. Augustine writes , was giuen euery day , and to giue it on the first ▪ fourth , and sixt dayes of the weeke , was held to bee an Apostolike constitution : Therefore , as on the rest of the weeke dayes , except the Lords day , they prayed , f●xis in terram genibus , with their knees close to the ground ; so with that same gesture they receiued the Sacrament , for the Church did euer receiue with the same gesture , which they vsed in prayer , as I haue proued by induction . The Apostles receiued with the same gesture , which they vsed at the thankesgiuing . This yee cannot denie , except yee ouerthrow all the grounds that yee laid , for the example and precept of Christ to bee obserued . The Church on the Lords day , hath euer vsed to stand at the Sacrament , when they stood at prayer , and if you can produce one instance to the contrarie , I shall pray you doe it ; or if not , suffer mee to conclude against you ; that as on the Lords day , when they stood and prayed , they also stood and receiued : so at that same time on the weeke dayes , when they kneeled and prayed , they kneeled and receiued : and this is proued by all these testimonies of the Ancients , wherein the people are exhorted to humble themselues externally at the Sacrament , as by the m●st cleare testimony of Chrysostom I cited before . Hereby it is manifest , that the gesture of kneeling followed not the errour of Transsubstantiation , but was receiued and retained in the Church on the Lords day , at publike prayer and receiuing of the Sacrament , as it had been vsed before on the weeke-dayes , at these religious exercises . Thus following your owne foot-steps , and building on your owne grounds , kneeling is proued to haue been in vse in all ages , and with your owne hands , yee haue thrust sitting to the doore for the space of 1560. yeares . An answere to the last Section , entituled Kneeling , not practised in the Reformed Churches . PP . THe Lutheran Churches do acknowledge reall presence by way of Consubstantiation : it is no wonder therefore , that they approue kneeling . The Reformed Churches , as they damned bodily presence , so haue they reiected the gesture of kneeling in the act of receiuing . The Church of Bohemia hath retained this gesture since the dayes of Iohn Husse . In their Confession exhibited to King Ferdinand , anno 1535. it is thus said , Ministri verò Dominicae coenae verba referentes plebem ipsam ad hanc fidem hortantur , vt corporis Christi praesentiam adess● credant . The Ministers are willed to stirre vp the people to beleeue , that the bodie of Christ is present : the purer sort amongst them , as they haue reiected the errour of reall presence , so depart they from this gesture . In our neghbour Church , some of their defenders of kneeling , will not haue vs inquisitiue of the maner of Christs presence in the Sacrament . And the Bishop of Rochester commends the simplicity of the Ancients , which disputed not , whether Christ was present , con , sub , in , or trans ▪ in this Supper . Sutton in his Appendix to his Meditations on the Lords Supper , condemnes likewise this diligent search of the maner of Christs presence . If the maner of Christs presence be not determined , there can arise no other , but a confused worship , of such a confused and determinate presence . The Papists acknowledge that there ought to be no adoration , but where there is acknowledged a bodily presence in the Sacrament . Hence it is , that they proue mutually the one by the other . It will not follow , that we may change sitting into kneeling , because the ancient Church , and some Reformed Churches , haue changed sitting into standing : because kneeling maketh so many breaches , both in the Institution , and in the second Commandement , and is no wayes a table gesture . By standing , we accommodate our selues to a table , to participate of the dainties set thereon : standing was neuer abused to idolatrie , as kneeling hath been ; we are not bound to imitate other Churches further , then they imitate Christ. Our sitting is not Scottish Geneuating , but a commendable imitation of the Apostolicall Churches , and obedience to Christs Institution . They flee vp at last to the Church Triumphant , and alledge for kneeling , the foure and twenty Elders falling downe before the Lambe : but how conclude they this , that they that are called to the Supper of the Lamb kneele at the Supper of the Lamb ? And seeing the blessed soules shall not be clothed with their bodies before the Resurrection , how can they conclude materiall geniculation of the blessed Saints in heauen ? All creatures in heauen , in earth , or vnder the earth , are said to bow their knee at the name of Iesus , that is , to acknowledge his Soueraigne authority , howbeit the celestial Angels , blessed soules , and infernall spirits , haue not knees to bow with . The euerlasting felicity of the children of God , is the Supper of glory ; Doe they drinke continually of that felicity vpon their knees ? Thousands , thousands stand before him ; many shall come from the East , and from the West , and sitte at the heauenly Table with Abraham , Isaack , and Iacob : may we not then conclude sitting and standing , as well as they do kneeling , if we looke to the letter of parables , visions , allegories and prophecies ? but symbolicall theologie is not argumentatiue . Lastly , how will they prooue euidently , that the falling of the foure and twenty Elders before the Lambe , is to bee interpreted of the Church Triumphant , rather then of the Church Militant ? ANS . To proue that kneeling is not practised in the Reformed Churches , yee cut off in the beginning from their number the Lutherans , because they acknowledge the Reall presence by way of Consubstantiation . This I grant is an error , yet is it not directly fundamentall . They abhorre , as we doe , the Bread-worship , and they worship Christ in the Sacrament , as we should do ; their errour is onely in the manner of his presence , which errour should not debarre them from the Communion of the Reformed Churches : with them yee reckon the Church of Bohemia , because in their Confession exhibited to King Ferdinand , anno 1535. they say , Ministri verò coenae Dominicae , &c. Let the Ministers when they rehearse the words of the Lords Supper , exhort the people to this faith , that they may beleeue the body of Christ to be present there . By this yee conclude , that some of them held the errour of Reall presence in the Sacrament ; and yet their Confession mentioneth neither reall , nor corporall , nor locall presence . And it is no errour to beleeue the presence of Christs body in the Sacrament after some manner ; as to beleeue that it is there obiectiue , that is , as the reall obiect , whereupon we must fixe and fasten our Faith : and to beleeue that it is there virtute , & efficacia , in vertue , and efficacie , to nourish and strengthen vs in newnesse of life heere , and raise vs vp vnto eternall life hereafter : In respect whereof , Christ ●aith , That his flesh is meate indeed , and his blood ●s drinke indeed ; and that he who eateth his flesh , and drinketh his blood , hath life eternall , and that he shall raise him at the last day . Lastly , to beleeue that the body of Christ i● present in the Diuine Person , wherein it subsisteth , albeit locally the same be in heauen , is no errour ▪ for wheresoeuer the person is , there both the Natures are pre●ent coniunctly . The Diuinitie is euer , and euery where clothed with the humanitie , wherein it dwelleth bodily , and ought to be considered so in all actions of diuine worship : and the Humanity is euer , and euery where conioyned with the Diuinitie , albeit the same be not extensiue , or diffuse , as the Vb●quetars hold , through euery place with the Diuinitie : As by example , wheresoeuer a man is personally present , there his head , his body , & all his members are present , albeit the foot or the hand be not in the place where the head is , yet they are coniunctly present with the head , where the person is ; and so as Christ is personally present at the Sacrament , so is his Diuinitie and Humanity coniunctly present in the Person . That to conclude , it is no errour according to the Confession aboue expressed , to beleeue the spirituall , powerfull , and personall presence of Christs bodie at the Sacrament , and in that respect to worship his flesh and blood there : yea , Saint Augustine saith , That it is sinne , not to worship his flesh there . But you must be excused to exclude all from your Communion , that beleeue any such thing , because yee haue denied before , that the Sacrament hath such a promise , and presence of Christ , as the Temple or Arke had vnder the Law , pag. 51. And pag. 50. yee denied , that it was a signe that should moue vs vpon the sight thereof , ●o lift vp our hearts to the spirituall obiect of Faith ( I vse your own words ) or a meanes or occasion to stirre vp men to adore the Principall , that is , Christ : And so yee doe acknowledge , that they are ordered of God to be signes only , and seales of his graces , without any promise , power , vertue , or presence of the bodie of Christ ; that is the opinion of the Anabaptists . If these be they , whom yee call the purer sort amongst the Bohemians , I know not ; this I know , that the Polonian Church esteemes them Arrians , who sitte at the Sacrament , whom I hope yee will not repute to be the purer sort , or reckon amongst the Reformed . Thirdly , if yee debar from the communion of the well reformed Churches , all who are of the Bishop of Rochester and Suttons minde , who commend their simplicitie , that beleeue Christs presence , and are not inquisitiue of the maner , but professe with Durandus , saying , modum nescimus , prasentiam credimus ; then shall yee excommunicate from your societie , all that preferre the peace of the Church , to the loue of contention and curious disputes , that haue disquieted the Church , rent the body therof a sunder , and diuided the same in factions . Where yee say , that if the maner of Christs presence be not determined , there can arise no other but a confused worship of such a confused , and indetermined presence : your allegation is but rash and prophane . Can yee determine the maner of Christs presence in heauen particularly ? or the manner of God the Father his presence in heauen and earth , albeit we beleeue that God is in essence and power euery where , and that Christ is bodily in the heauens ? These determinations are but generall , and confused notions ; yet God forbid wee should say as yee doe , that the presence of the Father and the Sonne in heauen , and in earth , are confused , or that the worship is confused , that is giuen thereto according to Gods Word . As to the Papists , who acknowledge ( as yee say ) that there ought to be no adoration , but where there is a bodily presence acknowledged in the Sacrament , although yee be of the same minde , and thereupon condemne all adoration of Christ in the Sacrament , yet we 〈◊〉 no more ●o that their opinion , then to the rest of their errours ; and therefore affirme with the learned and Diuine Bishop IEVVEL , That i● is without doub● our dutie to adore the body of Christ , in the word of God , in the Sacrament of Baptisme , in the mysteries of the body and blood of Christ , and wheresoeuer any foot-step or signe of it appeare● , 〈◊〉 chiefely in the holy mysteries , in which we haue a liuing expresse Image of all Christs peregrination in the fles● . To conclude , if yee except out of the number of the reformed Churches , all that thinke that Christ is present in the Sacrament , and in the Sacrament to be adored ; I feare yee draw the number of the reformed Churches to a very small count , whom yee call the purer sort , such as Arrians , Anabaptists , and their followers . But if by the reformed Churches , yee vnderstand those , who distinguish betweene the signes and the things signified , giuing to the signes the reuerence due to them , and adoring onely the thing signified , to wit , the body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of these , some , I confesse , do erre in esteeming Christs bodie to bee really and locally present : and yet , seeing they agree with vs in the chiefe and principall grounds of Religion , wee must not excommunicate them from the number of the reformed . But let vs lay aside these , whom yee call Vbiquetars : If yee hold the rest for Reformed Churches , that are in Germanie , Polonia , Bohemia , Hungaria , Denmark , Norway , and great Britaine , with the Church of Ireland ; for one that sitteth at the receiuing of the Sacrament in all these Churches , they are an hundred that kneele . I mention not the Church of France , where they stand , and sit not ; whom yee condemne by your doctrine of breaking the Institution , and transgressing the Precept , and precedent of our Sauiour ; and with them , the ancient Church for the space of a thousand yeeres , that stood and receiued , as also others of the Reformed , who follow their example : for when yee maintaine sitting as necessarie by institution , example , and precept ; yee condemne all that do otherwise . Yet , yee could p●esse heere to excuse them , or rather to mitigate your censure of them , saying first , that by standing , men accommodate themselues to a table , to participate of the dainties set thereon . Next , that standing hath neuer beene abused to idolatry , as kneeling hath bin : but these abuses are friuolous , and nothing worth ; for in the Church of France , where they receiue standing , they doe no more accommodate themselues to a table , then they who kneele ; for neither doe they reach their hand to the table , to take any thing to themselues therefrom , receiuing all from the hand of the Minister ; nor doe they stand socially , as yee will haue sitting to be vsed for society and familiar entertainment ; but first one or two commeth , and hauing receiued , they passe to giue place to others . Secondly , yee forget , or th●n are ignorant , that the Priest standeth , whilest hee saith Masse , and receiueth , adoring the Elements . And th●rfore kneeling was neuer more abused by the people , then standing is by the Priest. So as by these your excuses , the reformed Churches of France , and others , that stand at the receiuing of the Sacrament , are not liberate frō the breach of the Institution , & second Commandement , wherewith yee charge those that kneele . In the end hauing condemned all for Idolaters , who kneele on earth at the Sacrament , yee ascend to heauen , and there yee deny that we are able to conclude , that they who are called to the Supper of the Lambe , vsed by the Saints in adoration , which is attributed to the blessed Spirits in heauen metaphorically ▪ and therefore that on earth there is no gesture more proper to be vsed in adoration , then the reuerend gesture of kneeling . Last of all , by the falling downe of the twentie foure Elders , it is euidently prooued , that thanksgiuing and praise may be offered to God on ou● knees , or in a gesture more humble , whether they bee interpreted to bee the Church militant , or triumphant . Now to conclude : When all your reasons and discourses shall be considered by the iudicious Reader , he shall finde , that they all tend to the contempt of the Sacrament , and to leade men to a prophane estimation thereof : For first , yee maintaine , that it is to be celebrated with no other gesture then a common banquet for bodily repast . Secondly , that it is not in statu accommodato ad adorandum : that is to say , That it is not a signe or middest appointed to stirre vp the receiuers to worshippe their Sauiour . Thirdly , that Christ is eyther not present in the Sacrament at all , or that his body is not to bee esteemed present after any manner . Fourthly , that at the Sacrament neither his person , nor his body and bloud : that is , neither the giuer , nor the gift is to be adored . Finally , that all , who at the Sacrament adore him by bowing of their knees , are Idolaters , breakers of the second Commandement , and violators of the Institution . These are assertions very contrarious to the iudgement of the Primitiue Church , touching the Sacrament , which of all the parts of Gods worshippe , they esteemed the most principall ; as Casaubone obserues out of the Ancients in his 16. Exercit. Sect. 58. which hee concludes with these words ; Ex Augustin● disputatione contra Pa●stum Manich●um , lib. 20. cap. 21. discimus veterem Ecclesiam in illa , 〈…〉 Sentenua Petricou●e●●● Synod● generalis , Anno Dom. 1578. Conclus . 4. sub f●nem . CEremonias libertati Christian● donamus , ac permittimus , vt stantes ▪ vel genua fie●tentes , pij , sacramentum corporis , et sanguinis Christi sumant : sessionis verò ad mensam Domini , quia praeter ritus in omnibus per Europam Eccles●is vulgo consuetos , illi inter nos primi auctores extirerunt , qui omnia temere in Ecclesia mutantes , et sine scientia , Christum quasi imitantes , à nobis ad Arrianismum transfugae facti : quare hanc prop●iam ipsis , vt Christum , et sacra eius irr●uere●ter ●●a●tantibus , tanquam inhonestam & irreligiosam , s●mphe●●●●busque ; admodum scandalosam ceremoniam reijeimus . That is , For Ceremonies we remit them to Christian libert● , and permit the godly to receiue the Sacrament of Ch●ists body and bloud standing or kneeling ▪ but because sitting at the table of the Lord , by , and besides the custome commonly vsed in the Churches of Eu●ope , was first inuented by these that changed all things temerariously in the Church ; who counter●aiting Christ , without knowledge , haue played the fugitiues from vs to Arrianisme : we reiect this ceremony as vnhon●st , irreligious , and e●tremely scandalous to the simpl●r sort , leauing the same to them that handle the sacred things of Christ vnreuere●ly , as they doe himselfe . Wlodislauiensis Synodi generalis , Anno. 1583. Iunij 19. Conclus . 6. QVod attinet ad ceremonias caus Dominicae , sententia iam o●im in Sendomiriensi Synodo agitata , & conclusio in generali Cracouiensi , atque Petricouiensi Synodo facta , ac repetita , in hoc etiam Wlodislauiensis Synodi consessu approbata est : nempe , Ne in vsu sit sessio ad mensam Domini in vllis huius consensus Ecclesijs Poloniae & Lituaniae , &c. Na●● haec ceremonia ( licet cum cateris libera ) Ecclesijs Christianis , & caetibus Euangelicis non est vsitata ; tantúmque●nfidelibus Arrianis cum Domin● pari solio sese collocantibus propria : Hortamur itaque , vt administretur c●na Domini stantibus , vel genua flectentibus , cum protestatione contra artolatriam Papistis consuetam . That is ; Concerning the ceremonies of the Lords Supper , the opinion agitated long agoe in the Synode of Sendomire , with the conclusion taken in the generall Synode of Cracouia , and 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 11. 〈◊〉 2. De fractione pan●● in sacra Euchari●tia . NEqu● 〈…〉 quas quidam , alioqui erudi●●● Theo●ogus , 〈◊〉 : quod si singula nobis im●tand●●●●ent , etiam prius agnum pascha●em no● edere , in mensa sedere , duodenos tantum communicare , in domo , vel palatio , et nocte oportere● . Hasce enim peristaseis non sacramenti propria● , de quibus solis prepositio hec ●omnis Christi act●● est nostra insti●utio ) loquitur , sed accidentarias fuisse , iam modo ostensum est . That is ; this proposition is not improoued by the instances which a Theologue otherwise very learned obiects , saying , If wee should imitate all Christs actions , then it behooued vs first to eate the Paschall Lambe , ●it at a Table , and twelue persons on●●●●mmunicate in a priuate house or Palace , and in the 〈…〉 for these circumstances are not proper to t●e Sac●ament , but accidentary onely , as wee haue shewed . And it is of the proper actions of the Sacrament , that this proposition ( Euery action of Christ is our institution ) speakes . Caluinus Instit. Lib. 4. Cap. 17. Sect. 37. CHristo , inquiunt , hanc venerationem deferimus . Primum , si in coena hoc fieret , dicerem adorationem ●am demum esse legitimam , quae non in signo residet , sed ad Christum in coelo sedentem dirigitur . That is ; Wee giue this worshippe ( say they ) to CHRIST : First , if this were done in the action of the Supper , I would confesse the adoration to bee lawfull , which resteth not in the signe , but is directed to Christ , sitting in heauen . Beza Epist. 12. pag. 100. GEniculatio denique dum symbola accipiuntur , speciem quidem habet piae , ac Christianae venerationis , ac proinde olim potuit cum fructu vsurpari . That is , Kneeling at the receiuing of the Elements hath a shew and forme of holy and Christian adoration ; and therefore of olde might haue beene vsed profitably . Petrus Martyr , Class . 4. locus 10. Sect. 49. & 50. IN Sacramento distinguimus symbola à rebus , & symbolis aliquem honorem deferimus , nimirum vt tractentur decenter , & non abijciantur , sunt enim sacrae res , & Deo semel deputatae : quo verò vel res significatas , ●as promptè , & alacriter adorandas concedimus : inquit enim Augustinus , hoc loco , Non peccatur adorando carnem Christi , sed peccatur non adorando . Adoratio interna potest adhiberi sine periculo , neque externa suá naturá essct An Answere to the reasons vsed by the penner of the Pamphlet , against the Festiuall DAYES . PP . FRom the beginning of the Reformation , to this present yeere of our Lord 1618. the Church of Scotland hath diuers wayes condemned the obseruation of all Holy-dayes , the Lords day onely excepted . In the first Chapter of the first Booke of Discipline penned , Anno 1560. the obseruation of Holy-dayes to Saints , the feast of Christmas , Circumcision , Epiphanie , Purification , and others fond Feasts of our Lady , are ranked amongst the abominations of the Romane Religion , as hauing neither commandement , nor assurance in the Word . It is further affirmed , that the obstinate maintainers , and teachers of such abomination should not escape the punishment of the Ciuill Magistrate . The Booke aforesaid was subscribed by the Lords of secret Counsell . ANS . This Booke was neuer authorised by Act of Counsell , Parliament , or by any Ecclesiasticall Canon ; and Iohn Knox as we said before , complaines of some in chiefe Authoritie , that called the same Deuote imaginations : yet let vs giue vnto it , the Authoritie which yee require , the same will not serue your purpose . For in the explication of that first head , which yee cite , we haue these words , which yee haue omit●●● ▪ In the Bookes of old , and new Testaments , We affirme that 〈…〉 necessarie for instruction of the Church , and to make 〈…〉 of God perfect , are contained , and sufficiently expresses . By the contrarie doctrine wa● vnderstand whatsoeuer men by Lawes , Counce●s , or 〈…〉 imposed vpon the consc●ences of men , 〈…〉 expresse commandement of Gods word , 〈…〉 &c. By which wor●s 〈…〉 the ob●eruation of dayes here cōdemne● , 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 Church , and 〈…〉 as our 〈…〉 ▪ But such 〈…〉 of men , ●s a necessitie point of Diuine 〈◊〉 . This obseruation vrged vpon the peop●e of God , and practised 〈◊〉 opinion of necessitie and 〈◊〉 ▪ was vtterly to be abol●shed . And to banish this opinion , together with the superstitious Idolatrie and prophanenesse , which was otherwise conioyned , of banqueting , drinking , playing , quarre●ling , and such like 〈…〉 was thought expedient , that on these dayes , the people should be 〈…〉 from their ordinarie labours , and that no 〈◊〉 ●eruice should be done , in places where there 〈…〉 a dayly Exercise of Religion ; as well because of the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , to informe people ●ouc●ing the lawfull obserua●●on of dayes , and the eschewing of their Idolatrous , and superstitious abuse , as because it appeared , that extrao●d●narie Exercises on these dayes , would rather foster supers●ition , then edifie people in true godl●nesse . Neither could there better order be taken , as matters then stood ; but our Church did neuer presume to condeme religious Exercises vpon these dayes , which now the Assembly at P●rt● hath appointed ; for that had beene to condemne both the Primitiue Church , and all the Reformed Churches now in the World , who practised the contrarie . And all the exceptions , Acts and complaints made , to Authoritie against Holy-dayes , were rather against dayes dedicated to Saints , or against the prophane and superstitious obseruation of Christmas , which we call Zule ; or serued to maintaine the order taken by the Church for the same , as shall bee made manifest in the particulars alledged by you . PP . In the generall Assembly holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1566. the latter Confession of Heluetia was approoued , but with speciall exception against some Holy-dayes dedicated to Christ : These same very dayes that now are vrged . ANS . By this exception the Assembly did not condemne the iudgement , and practise of the Heluetian Church as vnlawfull , superstitious or prophane : but onely declared , that by their approbation , they did nothing preiudiciall to the order and policie of their owne Church . PP . At the Assembly holden Anno 1575. complaint was made against the Ministers , and Readers beside Abirdene , because they assembled the people to Prayer and Preaching vpon certaine Patrone and Feastiuall dayes . ANS . This complaint was made for the contempt , and breach of the order of the Church , and the offence which people might take thereat ; not for the religious Exercise vsed at the time . PP . Complaint likewise was ordained to be made to the Regent , vpon the Towne of Drumfreis , for vrging and conueying a Reader to the Church with Tabret and Whissell , to reade the Prayers all the Holy-dayes of Zule or Christmas , vpon refusall of their owne Reader . ANS . This was a iust complaint , because the Fact was not onely contrarious to the order of the Church , but superstitious , and prophane also in it selfe . PP . Item , An Article was formed to be presented to the Regent , crauing that all dayes heretofore kept holy in time of Papistrie , beside the Lords day , such as Zule day , Saints dayes , and other like Feasts , might be abolished , and a ciuill penaltie appointed against the obseruers of the said dayes . ANS . In this Article , wee must vnderstand by Dayes , not the Time it selfe materially , for that cannot bee abolished : but the superstitious cessation from labour on these dayes , with an opinion of necessitie , and the profane excesses of banquetting , playing , &c. which the Act of Perth hath also condemned . PP . In the Assembly holden in April , Anno 1577. it was ordayned , That the Visitor with the aduice of the Synodall Assembly , should admonish Ministers preaching , or ministring the Communion at Pasche , Zule , or other like superstitious times , or Readers reading , to desist vnder the paine of depriuation . ANS . This Ordinance was made to withdraw people from the superstitious opinion they had of these times , as is manifest by the wordes , Or other like superstitious times : and this , our Pastors are also ordayned still to rebuke . PP . Dedicating of Dayes was abjured in the Confession of Faith , penned , Anno 1580. an Article was formed in the Assembly 1581. crauing an Act of Parliament to bee made against the obseruation of feast-dayes dedicated to Saints , and setting out of Bone-fires . ANS . The dedicating of dayes abiured in the confession is in these words : We abiure his ( to wit the Popes ) canonization of men , calling vpon Angels , or Saints departed , worshipping of imagery , reliques , and crosse ; dedicating of Churches , Altars , Dayes , Vowes to creatures , &c. What is here ? dayes dedicated by the Pope are ab●ured ; but the fiue dayes concluded by the Church to be kept were not dedicated by the Pope , but obserued long before his vsurped authoritie aboue the Church : Neither are they obserued in the reformed Churches , or ordayned to be obserued in ours , according to the intention of the Papall dedication of dayes , that is , as Bellarmine sayes , tanquam sanctiores , & sacratiores alijs diebus , & tanquam pars diuini cultus , as more holy , and sacred , then other dayes , and a part of diuine worship : but onely as fit circumstances for the worship of God , appointed to be done vpon them , ordinis & politias causa , for order , and policie . Further , by the words of the Confession , and by the Article formed Anno 1581. it is manifest , that the dayes abiured are the dayes dedicated to creatures ; but our dayes are dedicated to Christ , and therefore not abiured . PP . In the Assembly holden in February , Anno 1587. it was humbly moued to his Maiestie , that Pasche , and Zule were superstitiously obserued in Fife , and about Drumfreis . ANS . So would we complaine , if any of these dayes were superstitiously obserued : for by the act of Perth it is ordayned , that Pastors in their Sermons vpon these dayes should rebuke the superstitious obseruation , and licentious profanation thereof . PP . In the Assembly holden 1590. his Maistie in open audience of the Assembly praised God , for that he was borne to bee a King in the syncerest Church in the World : syncerer then our neighbour Church of England , syncerer then Geneua it selfe , for they obserued Pasche and Zule . ANS . His Maiestie from his youth vp hath euer kept these solemne times , and wished the same to be kept by all his Subiects without abuse : So who will beleeue you , that such a speech was v●●ered in that assembly ? for at that time , neither were yee present your selfe , not hauing passed a● that time your degrees in the Schooles ; no● does it appeare by the matters intreate● in that mee●ing , that the occasion of any such speech was offere● . And put the case , such a saying had beene 〈◊〉 by his 〈◊〉 at that time , a young King , and of ●●sse experience in matters ; 〈◊〉 ●ame should not controll the iudgment of an old wise Mon●r●a whom a long time and great experience 〈◊〉 ●aught ●●comparable prudence . You may remember that of the Apostle ▪ When I was a child , I 〈…〉 , and it is a true speec● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lates● cogi●ation● are wisest . PP . In the Parliament holden , Ann● 1592. The act of King Iame● the third about the Saturday , and other vigils to bee kept holy , from Euen-song to Euen-song , was anulled . Item the act made by Queene Regent , granting licence to keepe Zule , and Pasche . ANS . The licence granted by the Queene Regent , did authorise the Papisticall , that is , the superstit●ous obseruation of Zule , and Pasche , therefore it was rightly annulled . But to what purpose alleadge ye the Act of vigils ? PP . In the Assembly holden Anno 1596. when the couenant was renued , superstition , and ido●atrie breaking forth in keeping of festiuall dayes , setting out of Bone-fires , and singing of Carrols are reckoned amongst the corruptions , which were to be amended . The Pulpits haue sounded continually against all festiuall dayes . The censures of the Church haue beene put in execution in all due forme against the obseruers . ANS . Yet the commemoration of the inestimable benefits of our redemption vpon these fiue dayes , was not reckoned amongst the corruptions to be amended . Neither did Pulpits sound , nor were censures put in execution against preaching , prayers , and other holy exercises in these dayes : for , at that time , the Preachers gaue all obedience to the acts of the Church made concerning these things . But doe yee not see , by the regraite made at this Assembly , and by the acts , complaints , and ordinances by your selfe rehearsed , that the abstayning from preaching , and reading at these times , hath not remoued from people their superstitious opinions of the times , nor yet abolished the enormities , and abuses committed in them ? Certainly , nothing is so powerfull to abolish prophanenesse , and roote out superstition of mens hearts , as the exercise of diuine worship in preaching , praying , and thanksgiuing , chiefly then , when the superstitious conceits of merit , and necessitie are most pregnant in the heads of people , as doubtlesse they are , when the set times of these solemnities returne : for then it is meetest to lance the oposteme , when it is ripe . Vpon these and such other reasons , it pleased his Maiestie to require , and our Church to condescend , that commemoration of the benefits purchased to vs by the Natiuitie , Death , Resurrection , and Ascension of our Sauiour , should be made solemnely on these dayes according to the practise of all other reformed Churches . And there is no question , the errours of the multitude , shall hereby , bee farre more easily remoued , then by any prohibition , that can be made to the contrary ; and therewithall the people better instructed in the principall grounds of Religion , then they could by occasionall Doctrine : as also , the honour of God more highly aduanced , for wee know , that ordinary seruices are performed with lesse regard , and more coldly , then these which come more rarely to bee celebrated . Of all these , the hope is the greater , that now ( wee owe it to our King , vnder God ) the Churches are planted with able and sufficient Pastors , meete to discharge these duties . So by the Assembly at Perth there is nothing concluded either contrarious to any former constitution of the Church , or to any sound Doctrine , deliuered from Pulpits in former times . 〈…〉 . The Act about Festiuities . In the 〈◊〉 of this Act , the Assembly professes to abhorre all that was condemned by any Ecclesiasticall Constitution , touching the obseruation of these dayes . It is therefore consonant to former Acts. In the Conclusion , the Pastors are appointed to rebuke all supers●●tious obseruation , and lice●cious prof●●●tion thereof . This agrees with all the sound Doctrine deliuered from Pulpits concerning this point . That which is interlaced in the Canon , Saint Augustine affirmes to bee Apostolique , Epist. 118. ad Ianuarium : Illa autem qua non scripta , sed tradit● custodimus , quae quidem toto terrarum orbe obseruantur , dantur intelligi , vel ab ipsis Apostolis , vel à plenarijs Concilijs , quorum est in Ecclesia saluberrima autoritas , commendata , atque statuta retinere , sicuti quod Domini Passio , & Resurrectio , & Ascensio in coelum , & aduentus de coelo Spiritus Sancti anniuersaria solennitate celebrantur , & si quid aliud tale occurreret , quod seruatur ab vniuersa quacunque se diffundit Ecclesia : that is , Whatsoeuer things are not written , but by Tradition obserued through the whole world , must be thought to haue beene prescribed by the Apostles themselues , or then to haue beene ordayned by generall Councells , whose authoritie hath euer beene great in the Church ; as namely , The anniuersary celebration of the Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension of our Lord , with the descending of the holy Ghost , or any such like thing that is obserued by the whole Church diffused through the world . And in the same Epistle , hee affirmes , that it is most insolent madnesse to doubt , if that should bee obserued , which the Church vniuersally keepes . Similiter etiam si quid horum tota per orbem frequentat Ecclesia ▪ nam hoc quin ita faciendum sit , disputare , insolentissimae insaniae est . This conclusion of the Church his Maiesties pleasure was to ratifie by Act of Councell , and command cessation from labour vpon these fiue dayes , to the end , the holy Exercises appointed to be done thereon might be the better attended . PP . Piscator describes a festiuall day on this manner : Festum propriè loquendo , est publica , & solennis ceremonia , mandata à Deo , vt certo anni tempore cum singulari laetitia obeatur ad gratias agendum Deo , pro certo aliquo beneficio in populum suum collato : A feast in proper speech is a publique and solemne ceremonie , commanded by God to bee celebrated a certayne time of the yeare , with singular gladnesse to giue thankes to God for some certayne benefit bestowed on his people . Hooker intreating this Argument , entitules the subiect , Festiuall dayes . He makes festiuall solemnities to be nothing else , but the due mixture , as it were , of these three elements : Prayses set forth with chearfull alacritie of minde : Delight expressed by charitable largenesse , more then common bountie ; and sequestration from ordinary labours . By these descriptions wee may see , that the Sabbath day is not properly a festiuall day . The ordinary Sabbath is weekely : The festiuall is Anniuersary . Wee may fast vpon the ordinary Sabbath , but wee cannot fast and mourne vpon a festiuall day , &c. Vpon the ordinary Sabbath all the parts of Gods worship may bee performed : Vpon festiuall dayes proper Texts , Epistles , Gospels , Homilies , and Sermons , are framed for the mysterie of that day . So that the ordinary Sabbath is morall , and for the worship of God in generall , the festiuall is mysticall . Essentialia festi ; the essentiall parts of a festiuall day are cessation from worke , hearing of the Word , participation of the Sacraments : commemoration of diuine mysteries may be performed vpon the ordinary Sabbath , but to make vp a festiuall day , Bellarmine requires a determination of day , signification , and representation of the mysteries wrought on such dayes . ANS . The description made by Piscator , is proper onely to the festiuall dayes prescribed in Gods Word . Hookers is more large , and may bee applyed to the Ecclesiasticall Festiuities . The Iewish Sabbath , according to these descriptions , is not properly festiuall , yet the Lords day was esteemed such by the primitiue Church and ancient Diuines , who held it not lawfull for Christians to fast thereon . Proper Texts , Epistles , Gospels , &c. are not to bee framed for the mysterie of the festiuall day , as yee say , but for the benefit and diuine action appointed to be remembred thereon . If by the ordinary Sabbath yee vnderstand the Iewish Sabbath , it was not onely morall , but mysticall , as their festiuall dayes were : and if by festiuall dayes yee vnderstand the dayes obserued in the Christian Orthodoxe Church , we deny them to be mysticall . If by essentialia festi , yee vnderstand the essentiall parts of the worship performed on the festiuall day , wee deny cessation from worke to be an essentiall part of the worship , but only concomitant and consequent thereto , because it cannot be commodiously performed without cessation from other businesse . As to Bellarmines opinion , himselfe professes , that it is contrarie to the iudgement of our Diuines . For they hold , as wee doe , that our Festiuall dayes are not obserued for signification and representation of our mysteries , or memorable workes wrought on these dayes , or as a part of diuine worship ; but for order and policie , as meete and commodious circumstances for commemoration of the workes and benefits of God thereon , Bellar. de cultu Sanctor . l. 3. c. 10. PP . Six dayes shalt thou labour , and doe all that thou hast to doe . These words are either a command to doe the workes of our calling , as many both Iewish and Christian Diuines doe interpret : or else a permission , as others doe interpret : If they contayne a command , no countermand may take it away . If a permission , no humane authority may spoyle men of the libertie , that God hath granted vnto them , as long as they haue any manner of worke to doe , for the sustentation of this life . The Muscouites therefore say very well , that it is for Lords to keepe Feasts , and abstaine from labour . The Citizens and Artificers amongst them vpon the Festiuall dayes , after diuine Seruice to betake themselues to their labor and domestick affaires , as Gaguinus reports . ANS . Whether the words of the command , bee preceptine , or permissiue , I will neither curiously , nor contentiously dispute , but it seemes , they are not preceptiue ; for if wee were commanded to spend the whole sixe dayes in seruile labour , then times could not bee lawfully appointed for publike Prayers in Cities at morne & at euening : nor ordinary times for preaching on the weeke dayes , or for exercise , or for catechizing ; nor times for fasting vpon vrgent occasions without sinne , and breach of the Precept . Next the precept to the order taken by Superiours for publike actions , that by a mutuall harmonie , the weale of the whole bodie both temporall and spirituall may be procured . Otherwise if by this permission the libertie were granted to euery person , which you imagine , to attend his own businesse without respect of order , or subiection to policie , there could be nothing but confusion amongst men . The generall libertie granted to men touching the vse of times , meats , clothing , talking , sleeping , watching , &c. takes not away the power of Ciuil & Ecclesiastick Gouernors , to set down Constitutions & Canons touching the Dispensation of these things for the weale of the Countrey . Neither doe the Lawes and Ordinances touching this Dispensation spoyle men of their libertie , but directs them how to vse it profitably and well . The Act therefore of Councell and Proclamation made thereupon , commanding cessation and abstinence from all handie-worke vpon the fiue dayes , that euery one may the better attend the holy exercises appointed for these times , cannot bee called a spoliation of the libertie which God hath giuen to men for labour ; seeing , as hath beene said , that libertie is not absolute , but subiect vnto order . Moreouer , if we consider the matter it selfe , this which yee say , will appeare to be a manifest calumnie : For , if vnder the Law , God did not spoyle his people of libertie , when hee appointed them to rest two dayes at Pasche , one at Whitsonday , one at the Feast of Trumpets , one at the Feast of Expiation , and two at the Feast of Tabernacles ; how can the Kings Maiestie and the Church be esteemed to spoyle vs of our libertie , that command a cessation from labour vpon three dayes only throughout the whole yeere ? for two of the dayes commanded , to wit , Easter , and Whitsonday , are Sondayes . Last of all , he cannot be said to bee spoyled properly , that makes a profitable interchange without any losse ; but he that changes the exercises of the body , which are little worth , with the exercises of Pietie which is profitable to all things , makes a profitable change without losse : therefore hee who makes this change according to the Proclamation , is not spoyled of his liberty , but maketh vantage by the right vse thereof . Here it shall not bee amisse to recite Zanchius opinion in this purpose , who defending their opinion , that esteeme the words to contayne a command , moues a doubt , and answers it after this manner , Verùm enimuerò videtur cum hac sententia pugnare , &c. That is , But this fights against their opinion , that hold the words to be a command , that it was euer lawfull to Gods people to assemble themselues on other dayes beside the Sabbath , to heare Gods Word , to bee present at Prayers , to offer Sacrifices , and such other things belonging to outward worship , which farre lesse can bee denyed to vs : and therefore beside the Lords Day , other dayes are instituted in the Church , ad feriandum ab operibus seruilibus : to rest from seruile workes , if not for the whole day , yet for the morning time . He answeres , Facilis est horum conciliatio : sicut opera diuini cultus praeponenda sunt operibus seruilibus , ita haec sunt omittenda , quando illis vacandum est , &c. that is , These things may be easily reconciled : as the workes of Gods worship are to bee preferred to seruile workes , so these must be omitted , when those are to bee performed . And a little after , We sinne not against this precept , sayes hee , when wee ceasse from our seruile labour , to waite on Gods worship , quoties ordo Ecclesiae , aut necessitas postulat , so often , as the order of the Church , and necessitie requires . This is Zanchius iudgement vpon the fourth precept of the Law , in the sixe hundred sixty two page of that Worke. And if a precept cannot impede the appointing of solemne times for the worship of God , farre lesse can a permission . The Muscouites saying , that it is for Lords to make Feasts , and abstaine from labour , is true : yet amongst them Festiuall Dayes are obserued . That the Citizens after diuine Seruice on these Dayes , betake themselues to their labour , wee doe not reproue , because it is agreeable to their policie . PP . It may be obiected , that Constantine the Emperour made a Law , that none but the Prince may ferias condere , erect an idle day : The Prince then may enioyne a day of cessation . Answ. The Lawes of the Cod. are not Rules of Theologie ; A Prince may not enioyne cessation from Oeconomicall and Domesticke workes , but for weapon-shewing , exercise of Armes , defence of the Countrey , or other publike workes and affaires . But that is not to enioyne a day of simple cessation , but to enioyne a politicke worke in place of the Oeconomicall . ANS . Though the Lawes of the Cod. bee not Rules of Theologie , yet where they are not contrary to Scripture , they are good Rules of Gouernment to Princes , and of obedience to Subiects . That the Prince may enioyne a day of cessation from seruile worke for the worship of God , is not only not contrary , but most agreeable to Scripture . The Festiuall Dayes of Purim kept by the Iewes , were confirmed by the Decree of Queene Esther , Esth. 9.32 . It is written in the Booke of Ionah , the third Chapter and seuenth verse : That ye the Decree of the King of Niniue , and his Nobles , a Fast was proclamed . The Feast of Dedication , graced with the presence of our Sauiour , was instituted by Indas Machabaeus and the people , 1. Mach. 10. And if the King may command a cessation from Oeconomicall and priuate workes , for workes ciuill and publike , such as the defence of the Crowne , the liberty of the Countrey , &c. What reason haue yee , why hee may not enioyne a day of cessation from all kind of bodily labour , for the honour of God , and exercise of Religion ? Is hee not custos vtriusque tabulae ? If the one may be done , as yee grant , for the weale of the politicall body , much more may , and should the other bee done for the weale of the Mysticall , especially when the order of the Church so requires . PP . ANS . 〈…〉 dayes agrees with P●etie and Charitie ; but to enioyne the ob●eruation of a weekly day besi●es the Sabbath , were against Cha●●tie Eu●●tie . Is this a good Argument● The C●urch may not doe that which is vnlawfull , therefore shee may not enioyne that which is lawfull , or this ▪ The K●●g may neyther banish not put to death an honest and peaceable Subiect , therefore he may not execute a Traytor , or banish a seditious man. This kinde of reasoning is more then childish . PP . I say further , that the poore Crafts-man cannot lawfully bee commanded to lay aside his Tooles , and goe passe his time , no not for an houre , let be for a day . And yet farther , that he ought not to be compelled to leaue his worke to goe to diuine Seruice , except on the day , that the Lord hath sanctified . ANS . This is a strong argument confirmed with the great authoritie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I say further , But what say yee to that which is ordayned in the first Booke of Discipline , out of which yee tooke your first argument in this dispute of daies ? In the ninth Chapter thereof we haue these words : In euerie notable Towne , we require , that one day beside the Sonday be appoynted to Sermon and prayers , which day , during the time of Sermon , must be kept free from all exercise of labour , aswell to the Maister , as to the seruant . When yee discussed the oath , yee cited the ordinances of this Booke , as poynts of Discipline sworne vnto , and subscribed . If it bee not lawfull to commaund , and compell a man to goe to diuine Seruice , except vpon the Lords day , why did yee sweare in the assertorie oath , that it was lawfull ? But yee will say , I sware not that he might be compelled : but if he may be lawfully commanded to cease from his labour , during the time of diuine seruice , he may be as lawfully compelled to obey the cōmand . Necessitie , ye know , excuses the breach of the Sabboth it selfe . But the precepts of this Booke , ye vse , or vse not , as they may serue to your purpose . Such of them as yee allow , must all be obserued vnder the paine of periurie ; others , that are contrarie to your opinion , must be reputed , & reiected as vnlawfull . PP . It is the priuiledge of Gods power to appoynt a day of rest , and to sanctifie it to his honour , as our best Diuines maintaine , &c. If the speciall sanctification of a day to an holy vse , depends vpon Gods commandement and institution , then neither King nor Church representatiue may make a Holy day . ANS . Dayes are sanctified , and made holy , as are places , two manner of wayes : some places were made holy , by annexing to them a peculiar worship instituted by God , which lawfully could not be performed in another place : such were the Tabernacle , and the Temple , which were also holy , by reason of the typicke and mysticall signification wherewith they were clothed by diuine institution . These places did appertaine to the worship , not as mere circumstances onely , but as essentiall parts and properties thereof . The worship which consisted in sacrificing , paying of vowes , obseruation 〈…〉 to serue , a● circ●ms●ances , but by reason also o● their mysti●ke signification , and of the worsh●p appropriated vnto them , which m●ght not a● another t●me be law●ully performed . Other times were onely holy by reason of the vse or d●uine worship performed on them , and not for any mysterie or solemne worsh●p appropriated to them : such as these , which were appointed for solemne humiliation in the day of calamitie . After the first manner our Diuines hold , That it is onely proper t● God to make times , and places holy : but after the second manner , it is a prerogatiue and libertie of the Church , to make places and times holy , by dedication of them to the seruice of God. So the feast of Purim , and Dedication , were made Holy-dayes by Mordecai , Ind●● Ma●chab●us ▪ and by the Church . So times are appoynted by our Church for Morning and Euening Prayers in great Townes ; houres for preaching , on Tuesday , Thursday , &c. Houres for weekely exercises of prophecying , which are holy , in respect of the vse , whereunto they are appoynted . And such are the fiue dayes , which we esteeme not to be holy for any mysticke signification , which they haue either by diuine or ecclesiasticke institution , or for any worship which is appropriated vnto them , that may not be performed at another time , but for the sacred vse , whereunto they are appoynted to be employed as circumstances onely , and not as mysteries . This ye know to be the iudgement and doctrine of our best Diuines , yet yee presse to refute it , in the Section following . PP . The obseruers of dayes will say , they count not their anniuersary dayes holier then other da●es , but , that they keepe them onely for order and policie , that the people may be assembled to religious exercises . Ans. The Papists will confesse , t●at one day is not holier then another in its owne nature , no not the Lords day ; But they affirme , that one day is holier then another in respect of the end and vse : and so doe we : They call them Holy-dayes ; and so doe we : They vse ●●em as 〈◊〉 s●gnes of sacr●d myste●ies wherof t●ey carrie the names , as Natiu●t●e , Passion , Ascention , &c. and so doe wee . ANS . Antiquum ob●in●● : yee keepe still your old cus●ome : for b●fore yee did ●xte●uate the Idolatrie of the Papists in adoring Images , that with some appearance yee might prooue these that kneele at the Sacrament , to be guiltie of the same abomination ; and now , ye trauell to extenuate their superstition in obseruing dayes , that yee may inuolue vs in the same impietie . Yet our act in the beginning sayes , Wee abhorre the superstitious obseruation of the Festiuall dayes of the Papists . Thus we professe our disagreement from them in this poynt , which they also acknowledge . Bellarmine in the tenth Chapter of his third Booke De cultu Sanctorum , rehearses the Doctrine of Luther , and Caluine , ( to which wee adhere ) and reproues the same as erronious in these wordes : Tertiò , docent dies determinatos ad feriandum , non debere haberi caeteris sanctiores , quasi mysterij aliquid , vel piam significationem continerent : sed solum haberi tanquam determinatos , Disciplinae , & ordinis , ac politiae causa , ita , vt cum hac determinatione , etiam consistat , aequalit as dierum , & in hoc nos accusont , quasi habeamus discrimen dierum Iudaico more . He sayes , that we teach the dayes appoynted for holy exercises , not to bee holier then others , or to be esteemed , as if they contayned any mysterie , or diuine signification , but onely as determined for discipline , order , and policie , with which determination , the qualitie of dayes may consist . And hee sayes , that we accuse them , for putting difference amongst dayes after the Iewish manner , which is the doctrine indeed of our best Diuines . Against this Bellarmine ▪ setteth downe this proposition : Festa Christianorum non solùm ratione ordinis , & politiae , sedetiam ratione mysterij celebrantur , suntque dies festi , verè alijs saenctiores , sacratiores , & pars quaedam diuini cultus , that is , The Festiuities of Christians are not onely kept for order , and policie , but also by reason of a mysterie : and the Festiuall dayes are more holy and sacred then other dayes , and a part of diuine worshippe . This is the Papists opinion , which wee with all the reformed Churches abhorre , as superstitious and idolatrous . But yee take part with Bellarmine against the Doctrine of Luther , and Caluine , labouring to prooue , that the reformed Churches obserue these dayes not onely for discipline , order , and policie , but for memoriall signes of sacred mysteries as Papists doe . PP . The presence of the Festiuitie putteth a man in minde of the mysterie , howbeit he haue not occasion to be present in the holy Assembly . ANS . It follows not of this , that we obserue the dayes for signes of sacred mysteries , because they put vs not in minde of Christs birth , passion , &c. as ceremonies significant , or sacramentall signes instituted by God , or the Church for that effect : but as circumstances onely determined for celebration of the religious action , whereby the commemoration of these benefits is made . And there is nothing more vsuall , then by considering the circumstances of times , places , and persons , to remember the actions and businesse whereunto they are destinate . PP . We are commaunded to obserue them in all poynts as the Lords Day , both in publique Assemblies , and after the dissoluing of the same . ANS . This is manifestly false , for the Lords Day is commaunded to be obserued of necessitie for conscience of the diuine Ordinance , as a day sanctified , and blessed by God himselfe : These are commanded to be obserued onely for ecclesiasticall order , and policie , and doe not oblige men in conscience to obedience , but for eschewing scandall , and contempt . Secondly , the Lords Day is to be obserued , as the Sabbath of IEHOVAH , that is , not onely for a day , wherein we are appointed to rest to God , but as a day whereon God himselfe did rest , after the Creation : So it is obserued as a remembrance , and resemblance of Gods rest . Thirdly , the Lords Day is obserued as is the Lords Supper ; this , in remembrance of his death ; that , in remembrance of his resurrection . Fourthly , the Lords Day is obserued as a pledge of that rest , wherein hee that enters , shall rest from his labours , as God hath done from his . And fiftly , we obserue the Lords Day , as a perpetuall signe betweene God and vs , to signifie and declare that the God , who hath sanctified vs to be his people , and whom wee adore , as IEHOVAH the Father , who created the World in sixe dayes , and rested the seuenth : IEHOVAH the Sonne , who redeemed the World , and rising that day to life , abolished sinne and death , and brought life and immortalitie to light ; and IEHOVAH the Holy Ghost , who on that day descended vpon the Twelue Apostles , sanctifying them , and the whole World by them , with the truth of Gods Word . In none of these fiue poynts , doe we obserue the Festiuall dayes as the Lords Day . PP . It is lest free to teach any part of Gods Word on the Lords day : but for solemnitie of the festiuall , solemne Texts must bee chosen , Gospels , Epistles , Collects , Psalmes , must bee framed for the particular seruice of these dayes ; and so the mysticall dayes of mans appointment shall not onely equall , but in solemnities surpasse the morall Sabbath appointed by the Lord. ANS . If by the solemnitie of the Festiuall , yee vnderstand the honour done to the Day ; wee deny , that wee are appointed to choose any Text , or frame our Doctrine and Exhortations thereto : but if by the solemnitie of the Festiuall , yee vnderstand the cōmemoration of the benefits made on these daies , it is true , that euery Minister is ordayned to choose pertinent Texts , and frame his Doctrine and Exhortations thereto . But vpon this , yee will neuer conclude , that these dayes , which yee falsly call mysticall , doe not onely equall , but surpasse the morall Sabbath in solemnitie ; for the whole solemnitie hath onely respect to the benefits , which on these times are remembred , and no respect at all to the Time : The solemnitie not being obserued for the Time , but the Time for the solemne remembrance of these benefits . The Lords Day otherwise is not onely obserued for the diuine seruice that is performed thereon , but the same seruice and publike worship , which may bee omitted on all the sixe dayes , must be performed on the Lords Day , because God hath appointed it to be sanctified with these holy Exercises . PP . If they were instituted onely for order and policie , that the people may assemble to religious exercises ; wherefore is there but one day appointed betwixt the Passion and the Resurrection ? Wherefore fortie dayes betweene the Resurrection and Ascension , and ten betweene the Ascension and the Pentecost ? Why follow we the course of the Moone as the Iewes did , in our moueable feasts , making the Christian Church clothed with the Sunne , to walke vnder the Moone , as Bonauentura alludes ? Wherefore is there not a certayne day of the Moneth kept for Easter , aswell as for the Natiuitie ? Does not Bellarmine giue this reason out of Augustine , that the day of Natiuitie is celebrated onely for memorie , the other both for memorie and for Sacraments ? ANS . Saint Augustines opinion alleadged by Bellarmine , is not receiued by the reformed Churches , as the reason moouing them to obserue these times : for they expresly deny , that they keepe these times for any mysterie or Sacrament that is in them , but onely for order and policie , which directeth all things to bee done to edification , and allowes vs to make choyce of such circumstances , as are most meet to promoue the spirituall businesse , whereunto they are applyed . And this is a kinde of Christian prudence and dexteritie , for who knowes not what moment there is in the opportunity of Times and Places to aduance actions ? Now , because no times can be found more conuenient for a solemne commemoration of the Birth , Passion , &c. then these , which are either he same indeed by reuolution , or in cōmon estimation ; they follow in this the iudgement of the primitiue Church , esteeming it pietie to prefer vnitie with the Catholike church in things indifferent and lawfull , to the singularitie of any priuate mans opinion , or the practice of any particular Church . The allegation of Bonauentura his allusion in such a graue point is ridiculous ; for if the Sunne and the Moone bee taken mystically , as they are in the Reuelation , in this case the Church clothed with the Sunne , that is , with the light of the Gospell , walkes not vnder the Moone , that is , according to the opinions and fashions of the world ; but treading these vnder foote , followes the rules of order and decency for edification . If by the Sunne and Moone , these two Planets be vnderstood , which God created for signes , seasons , dayes , and yeares : So long , as the Church is militant on earth , shee must vse the benefi● of these Creatures in the determ●nation of times for all her actions . PP . If the Anniuersary commemorations were like the weekely preachings , Why is the Husband-man forced to leaue his plough at the one , and not at the other ? Why did not Master Galloway curse the people for absence from the one , aswell as from the other ? ANS . I answere , Although the circumstance of Time , whereon the Anniuersary commemoration is made , differs not in holinesse , or any mysticke signification from the weekly dayes of preaching , yet it differres in frequency and raritie , for the dayes of weekely preaching doe returne ; and to astrict the Husband-man to leaue his plough so often , were against equitie and charitie . ▪ but the times of these commemorations being so rare , to wit , three seruile dayes onely in the yeare , and the exercise so profitable , Reason would , if the Husband-man willingly did not leaue his plough at these times , that by authoritie he should be forced , aswell for his owne benefit , as for eschuing scandall and contempt . And Master Galloway had reason to curse these , who for contempt , and with offence of their Brethren absented themselues from the Sermons of Christs Natiuitie . Lastly , the difference of the seruice on these dayes , from the weekely and ordinary , makes them not to differ in holinesse or mysterie from the weekely dayes , more then the difference in seruice , which is performed on the fift of August , and fift of Nouember , makes these two dayes to bee mysticke , or more holy then other times . PP . To make solemne commemoration of Christs Natiuitie , vpon any other day then vpon the putatiue day of his Natiuitie , would be thought a great absurditie . ANS . If yee haue not fallen into this absurditie , yee must grant , that yee neuer made in your time any solemne commemoration of Christs Natiuitie . And , I verily beleeue , that in this omission yee haue many companions ; by whose negligence God hath beene defrauded of the honour due to him for this benefit , and the people lacked instruction in a principall Article of Faith. This Article is the ground of all the rest : for as Chrysostome sayes , If our Sauiour had not beene borne , he had neither suffered , nor risen againe from the dead ; and thereupon he calls the day of this commemoration , Metropolim omnium Festorum . Euen for this it was expedient , that a certayne time of the yeare should haue beene appointed for this commemoration , which otherwise would haue been neglected , and , as yee say , thought absurd . But to returne to your Argument , The commemoration of Christs Natiuity , is no more astricted to the 25. of December , then to any other time : for although the 25. of December , by ordinance of the Church , bee dedicated to that religious seruice , yet the seruice is not astricted to the time , as the seruice of the Iewish festiuities , which lawfully might not be performed on any other dayes then the festiuall . The commemoration appointed by our Church to bee made on these fiue dayes , may lawfully be performed at other conuenient times , although on these dayes the same must not bee omitted . For the seruice , ar I haue said , is not appointed for the Time , but the Time is appointed for the worship . So it is not absurd to remember Christs Natiuitie so oft as occasion is offered with all conuenient solemnitie , as it may serue to his honour , and the edification of the Church . Thus wee haue seene , that according to the Doctrine of the reformed Churches , Anniuersarie dayes are and may bee obserued , though not for any mysterie or holinesse that is in them , more then in other dayes , but for order and policy onely . Against this , all the Reasons , which Bellarmine or yee haue brought , or can inuent , shall neuer preuaile more , then the barking of a dogge , against the Moone . PP . ANS . The conclusion agreeth not with the premisses : for if it be Gods souereig●tie to make , or ordayne a thing to bee holy , how may the Church make a thing holy by appointing an occasionall feast , or fast , as yee grant shee may doe ? The instinct of nature , and that command out of Ioel , is a generall warrant onely : The particular calamitie or benefit , wherefore a fast , or feast should be proclaymed , is not expressed , neither is the time particularly determined , whereupon the solemne festiuitie , or fast , should be kept , but the one is left to the estimation , and the other , to the determination of the Church . So by that warrant , libertie is giuen to the Church to consider , and define the causes , for the which a fast should bee proclaymed , and to determine the time , when the same should be obserued ; and to separate that time from common businesse , and consecrate the same to the spirituall exercise of preaching , hearing , praying , fasting , &c. as our Church hath vsed to doe very often . Now , if the Church hath power vpon occasionall motiues to appoint occasionall fasts , or festiuities , may not shee for constant , and eternall blessings , which doe infinitely excell all occasionall benefits , appoint ordinary times of commemoration , and thanksgiuing ? Ye say that this hath no warrant , but yee speake without warrant : for there is as great warrant to appoint such dayes , as is for any other point of Ecclesiasticall policie , touching the determination of times , places , formes , and order to be obserued in the worship of God , according to these generall g●ounds , Let all things bee done to the glorie of God. 1. Cor. 10. to edification . 1. Cor. 14. with order , and decencie . 1. Cor. 14.16 . The whole policie of our Church touching the vse of these circumstantiall things is ordered by these rules , and according to these did our Church in the first booke of Discipline which yee cite often , ordayne for the purpose now in hand , That in euery notable Towne a day beside the Sonday should bee appointed weekely for Sermon : that during the time of Sermon the day should be kept free from all exercise of labour , as well by the Master , as by the seruant . That euery day , there be either Sermon , or prayers , with reading of the Scriptures . That Baptisme be orderly ministred , either on the Sonday , or after Sermon , and the dayes of prayer . That at foure seuerall times of the yeere , the Sacrament of the Lords Supper be ministred . viz. on the first Sonday of March , on the first Sonday of Iune , first Sonday of September , and the first Sonday of December . That in euery towne where Schollers are , and learned men repaire , a certaine day euery weeke be appointed for the exercise of Ministers in prophecie . And the said booke affirmes , The dedication of times , and houres for such generall and particular exercises of the Word , and Sacraments , and Prayer , to appertayne to the policie of the Church . If the Church hath power after this manner to appoint times for Doctrine , and diuine Seruice , and Doctrine , and diuine Seruice for times , as the doctrine of the Catechisme on Sonday at afternoone , ( reade the 9. Chapter of the said booke ) it cannot be denyed , but the Church hath also power to appoint a certaine time , day , and houre , for commemoration of Christs Natiuitie , Passion , &c. For what more power had our Church at that time to appoint the Sacrament to be ministred the first Sondaies of March , Iune , &c. then she hath now to appoint a Sermon to be made of Christs resurrection vpon Easter day , and a Sermon of the sending downe of the holy Ghost vpon Whitsunday ? and does not the light of Nature teach vs , that rare and great benefits , should be remembred with more then ordinary thankefulnesse ? Hereby it is cleere , that it is not the Lords soueraignty onely to make or ordayne a thing to be holy , but it is a prerogatiue , that God also hath giuen to the Christian Church . But to the end , this matter may be fully cleered , it is to be obserued , as we said before , that times are made holy , and places two manner of wayes ; so things are made holy , either by some inherent qualitie of holynesse , or by consecration of them to holy vses . After the first manner Angels and men were made holy in the creation , sinners are made holy by regeneration , and sanctification of the holy Ghost ; and of this holynesse , God onely is the author . Next , things are made holy by consecration of them to holy vses , which vses are either mysticall or politicall . The consecration of things to holy mysticall vses , as of water in Baptisme to be a signe of the bloud , and Spirit of Christ ; the elements of Bread and Wine in the Supper to be the Sacrament of his Bodie and Bloud ; the Sabbath to bee vnto the Iewes a memoriall of the Creation , a type of signification , and a badge of their profession ; the Temple , the Altars , the Sacrifices , and Priests , to bee shaddowes of things to come : all these , and such like are made , and ordayned holy by God ; but the consecration of things to holy vses for policie , as for maintayning religion , or for order , and decency to be obserued in the worship of God , is not onely Gods prerogatiue , but a priuiledge , and liberty granted by him to the Church ; for example , to build , and consecrate places to be Temples , houses to bee Hospitals ; to giue rent , lands , money , and goods to the Ministry & poore ; to appoint Vessels , Vestures , & Instruments for the publike worship , as Tables ▪ Table-clothes , Napkins , Basens , Cups , and Lauers for the holy Sacraments , these things and the like are made holy by the dedication and consecration of men . After this last manner , the Church hath power to consecrate the fiue Anniuersary dayes to the commemoration of our Sauiour his benefits , to separate them from all other ordinary workes , and so to make them sacred and holy dayes . It was I grant a part of Idolatry to proclaime a holy day vnto the golden Calfe , or to any Idol , or Creature , as ye affirme ; but it will not follow that it is Idolatry to proclaime a holy day , for the honour and worship of the true God. And as it was one of Ieroboams sins , to despise the Festiuities appointed by God for his worship , and instead of these to ordaine a Feast after the deuise of his owne heart , so if we should despise the Lords Sabbath , and instead thereof appoint some other , as the Machomet hath done , it were a presumptuous sinne . But this wee are farre from , acknowledging the Lords Day to bee holy by his institution , and appointing the rest to bee kept only for his worship . PP . We come from priuiledge to fact , as de iure , none may , so de facto none did appoint holy dayes vnder the Law , but God , and that eyther by himselfe , or by some extraordinary direction . Therefore none can bee allowed vnder the Gospell without the like warrant . Seeing the times vnder the Gospell are not so ceremonious , as the times vnder the Law. ANS . I answered before , that if holy dayes bee taken for times , whereunto God did appropriate the exercise of some particular forme of worship , or for times clothed with some relatiue and respectiue holinesse , as to bee signes , or types of things to come , God only may make dayes holy : but if by holy dayes wee vnderstand times dedicated to Gods worship , and the commemoration of his benefits as meete circumstances for Discipline , Order , and Policie , such as our Diuines hold , the holy dayes vnder the Gospell to bee , I denie that either they might not , or did not lawfully appoint such dayes vnder the Law , or yet may not be appointed vnder the Gospell . The answeres which you make to the dayes of Purim , instituted by Queene Estther and Mordecai , and the Feast of Dedication , instituted by Iudas M●ccha●aeus , are not solid . First , where ye say , that the obseruation was ciuill , because Hospinian sayes , they might haue wrought vpon the dayes of Purim , his opinion in that is not probable ; seeing these dayes were instituted to bee dayes of feasting and ioy , and sending of portions one to another ▪ and gift● to the poore , because on them God had giuen rest to his people fro● their enemies . It is not probable , when ●●ch and 〈◊〉 did feast in remembrance of the rest , that God had 〈◊〉 ●hem from their enemies , that they did not rest , and 〈◊〉 t●e dayes according to the Institution : for the Text sayes expr●sly , Est. 9.17 . That they rested and kept a day of feast●ng and gladnesse , with the which seruile labour sorts not . Nei●h●r will it follow , that these dayes were not kept for holy Festiuities , albeit in them , they might haue wrought some kind of labour : for on the sixe dayes of the Passeouer , and on the sixe dayes of the Feast of Tabernacles , seruile worke was not vtterly prohibited , but on the first and eight only ; yet all these dayes are called Festiuall and holy . Finally , dayes instituted for Documents , and Memorials of holy things , as of their Fasting and Prayers , by which they obtayned deliuerance , such as yee affirme these to haue beene , cannot bee called nor counted Ciuill . And Willet compares them not euill with the fift dayes of August and Nouember ; but hee does not say this as counting them Ciuill , but because they were not diuinae , sed Ecclesiasticae institutionis , non mysterij , sed politi●s : and if ye thinke the fift of August and Nouember to be ciuill dayes in so farre as vpon them Commemoration is made of his Maiesties Deliuerances , with Preaching , Thankesgiuing , and Prayer ; you are in a manifest errour : for a day which is dedicated to diuine Seruice , and the honour of God , not to a ciuill vse , cannot be esteemed ciuill , but sacred , and holy . Againe , where yee say , that these dayes had more then humane warrant , because it is thought that Mordecai was the Penman of the Booke of Esther , and consequently , a Prophet ; and that it appeares that these dayes might not haue beene altered by the Iewish Church , which if they had bin of Ecclesiasticke Constitution , might haue bin done : thoughts , and appearances , are not sure probations to conclude a certaintie as yee doe , of a more then humane warrant . And if they had receiued from God , any particular direction concerning them , the Prophet of God would not haue omitted the same in the Historie . A generall warrant they had , such as the Church must haue for the determination of circumstances in the worship of God , as that of the hundred and fifth Psalme , Giue thankes to the Lord , call on his Name , make knowne his deeds amongst the people . Sing vnto him , sing Psalmes vnto him , talke of all his wondrous workes that he hath done . But to say , that they had any particular warrant , is to be wise aboue that which is written . As to the Feast of Dedication , yee answere first , that if it were Anniuersary in Salomon and Zorobabels time , Iudas Macchabaeus followed the example of these who had Propheticall direction : and if it was not Anniuersary , as first yee leaue it vncertaine , yee thinke the sa●e was an addition of the Pharisies , who inlarged the glory of this Feast , as they did their Phylacteries ; but this is a friuolous coniecture , and the interpretation of Iunius words out of the Talmude is no better , to wit , that the Wisemen who decreed that the eighth dayes of that Feast should bee yeerely dayes of ioy , were the Pharisies , because they are called Sapientes Israelis ; for it behoued these that appointed the Festiuities not onely to bee Wisemen , but men of Authoritie also : And therefore it is more probable , that the Wisemen in the Talmude were the Masters of the great Synagogue , that had power to appoint such Festiuities . But how would our Sauiour , who censured the Pharisies for inlarging their Phylacteries , and corrected the abuses of the Law , brought in by them , haue omitted such a grosse Errour and Superstition , as the Institution and keeping of these holy dayes vnrebuked , if it had beene a Pharisaicall Addition , and not a lawfull Constitution ? Then yee teach your Reader a great cunning to play fast and loose , in answering all the instances brought from the Iewish Church : and that is , whether hee grant , or denie them to bee lawfull , yet to eschew the dint of the Argument ; for if hee grant them to bee lawfull , then he may flye to this refuge , that the Iewes had extraordinarie directions which wee want ; as Prophets who were only Prophets by the Spirit vnto the dayes of Malachie ; Vrim and Thummim vnder the first Temple , and in place thereof vnder the second , a slender voyce sounding from Heauen , called Bathcoll . But if hee denie the same to haue beene lawfull , then to alleadge that they were Pharisaicall Additions , and that wee should not imitate the Pharisies and fond Iewes . I assure my selfe , that no honest-hearted man will either follow the Pharisies in their Superstition , nor you in vsing such sophisticall euasions , of which , none will serue against the instances alledged : for if yee say , that the obseruation of the dayes of Pur●m , or Dedication , were Pharisaicall Additions , the exact diligence of our Sauiour in rebuking and correcting all such abuses and superstitious Nouations , as were brought into the worship of God by the Pharisies , will controll you : And if ye say , that they had extraordinarie directions , yee speake without warrant of Scripture , which is presumption in you to doe . So it remaines for any thing ye haue said , that holy dayes were , and might bee lawfully kept , vnder the Law without any particular warrant from God. But put the case , that the same might not haue beene done vnder the Law , it followes not , that the Christian Church hath not libertie to appoint dayes , and times for religious exercises without particular direction . For vnder the Law , God not only set downe the substance of his worship , but all the circumstances also , as the persons in particular by whom , the place where , and the times when he should be worshipped , so fully , as little , or nothing was left to the abitrement of the Iewish Church ; and as yee say , these times were so ceremonious , that the greatest part of the externall worship consisted in Ceremonies : vnder the Gospell it is not so , for in the Gospell , the substance of these Ceremonies , and of the worship of God is perfectly set downe ; but the circumstantiall Ceremonies of time , place , persons , and formes , which are no part of the worship , but pertinences only , are left to bee determined by the Church according to the generall Rules of Order and Decencie . It is true , because the Iewes had one place only appointed by God , for his worship , to wit , the Temple and Tabernacle , whereunto the people could not resort at all times , therefore to their owne election , was permitted the appointing of other commodious places for their Synagogues . And now vnder the Gospell , there is one onely Day of diuine Institution , to wit , the Lords Day , whereunto to tye the worship of God , is a Iudaicall Pedagogie against the Christian libertie and practice . For the time is now come , that from one new Moone to another , and from one Sabbath to another , all flesh shall come and worship before God , Isa. 66.23 . According to the which Prophesie , the Apostolike and Primitiue Church did not only conuene on the Lords Day to worship God ▪ but on such other times , as they thought commodious to obserue . Saint Paul taught often on the Iewish Sabbath , and at Ephesus daily for the space of two yeares , in the Schoole of one Tyrannus . Saint Augustine testifies , that in some Churches they conuened daily , not onely to preaching , praying , and Lectures , but to the celebration of the Sacrament also . Epiphanius in his Epitomie , or Abridgement of Christian Faith , affirmeth , Apostolos instituisse synaxes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , The Apostles to haue instituted their holy meetings for diuine Seruice on Wednesday , Friday , and the Lords Day . So●rates witnesses , that on these dayes through the whole World , for the greatest par● , the holy mysteries were celebrated . Hereby it is manifest , albeit the Church was tyed to worship God solemnly and publikely on the Lords Day , that yet they were not tyed to that Day only , but that all dayes we●e sanctified by Christ , that the Church might choo●e , and de●ermine of them for the Seruice of God as she pleased . So to conclude , the Church vnder the Gospe●l , hath power without any particular warrant of Go● keeping the general Rules of Pietie , Charit●e , and Decencie , to dedicate times and places , and set downe formes and orders for the worsh●p of God. The Ceremonies in the Iewes C●urch , were not only Circumstantiall , but Mysticall for the greatest part , and a part of diuine worship it selfe : such as the Church vnder the Law , and vnder the Gospell , hath no power to institute ; but the Ceremonies vnder the Gospell are meerely Circumstantiall , for the greater part , not Mysticall , and a part of the worship it selfe , but onely accessorie thereto : these the Christian Church hath power to appoint . And such are the fiue dayes of old obserued by the Primitiue Church , and now restored againe in our Church : and such were the dayes of Purim , and the Feast of Dedication , which were not obserued as a part of religion instituted by God , but only for commemoration of Gods benefits bestowed vpon his people in these times . PP . The obseruation of Anniuersary dayes pertayned to the Ceremoniall Law : but so it is , that the Ceremoniall Law is abolished . Ye confirme the Antecedent , by the reasons following . First , The Anniuersary Dayes were distinguished from the Morall Sabbath : many were the preheminences of the ordinary Sabbath aboue the Anniuersary dayes . Secondly , The Apostle cals them weake , & beggerly rudiments , Gal. 4.9.10 . The elements of the world , Col. 2.20 . Shaddowes of things to come , Col. 2.16 , 17. The Apostle sayes not the obseruation of Iudaicall dayes , but , simpliciter , the obseruation of dayes serued to the people of God for a typicall vse and rudiment of Religion . If the obseruation of some anniuersarie dayes was prescribed to the Iewes , as elements and rudiments for their instruction : it followes , that the obseruation of anniuersarie dayes is of it selfe a rudimentarie instruction : Otherwise , the Apostles reason will not hold . Thirdly , Dayes and Meates are paralelled : therefore , as it is Iudaicall to esteeme some meates cleane , and some vnclean , so to esteeme one day holier then another , is Iudaicall . Fourthly , To substitute other dayes in place of the Iewish , as a Christian Pasche , and Whitsonday for the Iewish , is to substitute rudiments to the Iewish , and not to chase them away . Fiftly , The Iewish anniuersarie dayes were not onely abrogated as shaddowes of things to come , but as memorials of by gone benefits . In euery respect , all their anniuersarie daies are abolished : Therefore in euery respect , they belong to the Ceremoniall Law. ANS . These arguments yee vse , to prooue the obseruation of anniuersarie dayes to be ceremoniall . I answer them one by one . First , where yee say , that anniuersarie dayes in the Law were distinguished from the morall Sabbath , if ye will of this conclude , that the anniuersarie dayes were not morall , but typicall , I will not deny it . But if yee conclude , anniuersarie daies to be therefore simply ceremoniall , I say it followes not , and that your argument is a caption à dicto secundum quid , ad dictum simplicitèr . The obseruation of a weekely day , amongst the Iewes , was not onely morall , but a typicall shadow of things to come : Is the Lords Day then , because it is weekely , not onely morall , but also typicall ? But , perhaps , ye reason thus : Anniuersarie dayes are eyther ceremoniall , or morall ; but so it is , they are not morall , ergo . To this I say , that your diuision is not full nor perfect : for , there be anniuersarie dayes , that are naturall , as the Aequinoctiall , and Solstitiall : Others , that are ciuill , as dayes of Markets , and Weapon-shewings , &c. And there be dayes Ecclesiasticall , which are neyther morall , nor mysticall , but meerely circumstantiall to the worship whereunto they are appoynted . To the second I answer , that anniuersarie dayes are not called by the Apostle , Elements , and Rudiments , otherwise then the New-Moones , which are monethly dayes , and Sabbaths which were weekely dayes : And therefore , if the Apos●le had called dayes , Shadowes , by reason of their yeerely reuolution , he could not haue concluded , that Sabbaths and New-moones were Shaddowes . It is neither the weekly , nor monethly , nor anniuersarie reuolution , that made these dayes ceremoniall ; for then ciuill , and naturall , and all kinde of dayes should be ceremoniall ; but it was the mysticall signification which they had , and the ceremoniall worship appropriated vnto them . That the Apostle forbiddeth the obseruation of these dayes , and not simpliciter of dayes , is manifest , both by that which goeth before , vers . 9. and that which followeth , vers . 21. The dayes whereof hee speakes , were Elements of the Law , from the which , that we might be deliuered , Christ was made vnder the Lawe : And the obseruation of these dayes , was a remayning still vnder the seruile yoake of the Law. But , there was neuer man before you , that did thinke the obseruation prohibited for any naturall respect , such as the yeerely , weekely , or monethly reuolution is ; but onely for some legall consideration , or some heathenish superstition . And seeing for these respects onely , the religious obseruation of dayes is discharged , it is a caption ab accidenti to conclude , that the obseruation of anniuersarie dayes is forbidden . I answer to the third , that to esteeme one day holier , then another , for any inherent holinesse they haue by nature , is superstitious ; and to esteeme one day holier then another , for any sacramentall holinesse , that they haue by diuine institution , is Iudaicall : but , for the vse whereunto the day is applied , as a meete and commodious circumstance , so to esteeme it is no more superstitious and Iudaicall , then to esteeme a Temple holier then a priuate house , and the instruments , vessels , and clothes that are vsed in the ministration of Sacraments , more holy then other common instruments and vessels . These we call holy , onely by reason of their separation from a common vse , to a religious . So this argument is a caption ab homonymia . I answer to the fourth , That one thing is properly said to be substitute to another , when it is applied to the same vse . Our Pasche , and Pentecost , are neyther applied to be memorials of the deliuerance out of Aegypt , nor testimonies of our thankfulnesse for the First-fruits of the earth , nor to be shaddowes of our spirituall deliuerie to come , and of the First-fruits of the Holy Ghost : neyther doe wee offer the Passeouer , nor the First-fruits , nor any legall sacrifice ; and so in no respect are they substitute to these times : but they are dedicated to the commemoration of Christs resurrection , and the comming downe of the Holy Ghost , not as mysticall , and sacramentall ceremonies , and a part of the diuine worshippe , which the Papists esteeme them to be , but as they are fit and meete circumstancess onely for these holy exercises . To the fift and last argument I answer , That the anniuersarie dayes of the Iewes are abolished in euerie respect , for which by them they were obserued , and so are the weekely and monethly daies : but , as the weekly and monthly course was not the respect for which the Sabbath and New-moons are abolished , no more is the anniuersarie reuolution of the feasts , the respect wherefore they were abrogate , but because they were shaddowes of things to come , and remembrances of temporall benefits , as of their deliuerie out of Aegypt , which was also typicall . And because they had a legall worship appropriated vnto them , which was likewise ceremoniall . Now to conclude vpon this , that the obseruation of anniuersarie dayes vnder the Gospell , is abolished , is a caption , à non causa , pro causa : For the anniuersarie daies kept vnder the Gospell , are not obserued as any part of diuine worship , or as shaddowes of things to come , or as memoriall signes and Sacraments of by-past , temporall , and typicall benefits : but they are obserued as commodious circumstances for the worship appointed to be done on them , to wit , the commemoration of the inestimable benefits of our redemption , which are not temporall , and peculiar to any People , or Nation , such as the deliuerance of the Iewes out of Aegypt , and their dwelling in Tents , remembred by their Pasche , and their Feast of Tabernacles ; but eternall , and common to all Nations , and People . Neither is the worship performed on them legall , and ceremoniall , but euangelicall and spirituall . Thus the obseruation is wholly different . The time is appointed to be obserued , not as a shadow , but as a circumstance onely : the w●rship is not the sacrificing of beasts , or oblation of First-fruits , but the Preaching of Christ , who is the body , the veritie , the yea , and amen , and end of the Lawe ; and the Oblation of prayers , thankesgiuing , and praises in his name to the Father : and the benefits which are remembred are not temporall , and typicall , but eternall , and spirituall . PP . The prerogatiue belonging to God in the Old Testament , was transferred to Christ , God and Man , the Law-giuer in the New-Testament , one that was faithfull in all the house of God. But so it is , that Christ neither by his owne commandement , nor by direction of his Spirit , inspiring the Apostles , instituted any other day , but the Lords Day , &c. ANS . The Theologie of your Preface or Proposition I vnderstand not . I learne in the Scripture that the Prerogatiue of the Father is communicated with the Son , and that all power in heauen and in earth is giuen to our Lord Iesus Christ. But I neuer read that God hath made any translation , and denuded himselfe of any prerogatiue in the New Testament , that belonged to him before in the olde . That which ye subioyne , that Christ and his Spirit hath instituted no other day , but the Lords Day , we freely graunt : for if it were euident that the fiue dayes had beene instituted by Christ , then we behoued to obserue and esteeme them as necessary parts of Gods worship , and not circumstances determined by the Church , to the worship of God , for order and policie , which we hold with our best Diuines . And therefore wee say in the verie first wordes of our Act , Wee abhorre the superstitious obseruation of Festiuall dayes . This superstitious obseruation is nothing else but an obseruation of them with opinion of necessitie , that is , as necessarie parts of Gods worshippe instituted by Christ. So in this wee agree , yet I doe not allow of the reasons which yee vse , for probation hereof . Your first argument is , If there had beene any other dayes dedicated to Christ , the Apostle spake vnproperly , and obscurely , when he said , Hee was rauished in the Spirit vpon the Lords Day . For if there had beene a day for his Natiuitie , and another for his Passion , he should haue said , that he was rauished in the Spirit vpon one of the Lords Dayes . This argument is friuolous . Although all the Festiuall dayes vnder the Law were dedicated to God , and were called Sabbaths , yea sometimes Sabbath Sabbathôn , yet none of them is called the Sabbath of IEHOVAH , or the Lords Sabbath ; that is reserued to the seuenth day of the Weeke , and the seuenth Yeere , which resembled Gods rest : And although all the Synagogues were Houses dedicated to God , yet the Temple is not called one of Gods Houses , but the House of God ; euen so , the Day of Christs resurrection 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the excellencie thereof , is called the Lords Day , albeit other times had beene appoynted for his honour . Your next Argument is false : in it , yee affirme , That the Apostle condemnes not onely the obseruation of Iewish dayes , and the Iewish obseruation of the Iewish dayes to a typicall vse : for the conuerted Iewes ( yee say ) did not obserue them as shadowes of things to come , for then they had denyed Christ : but he condemnes the obseruation of dayes as a Pedagogicall and rudimentarie instruction , not beseeming the Christian Church . But howbeit the conuerted Iewes did not obserue the Iewish dayes , as shadowes of things to come , yet they might haue obserued them as memorialls of by-past temporall , and typicall benefits , and for present temporall blessings , as the benefit of their deliuery out of Egypt , and for the Fruits of the earth , which vse was also typicall : Further , they did obserue them with opinion of necessitie , as things instituted by God for his worship , and their saluation , which sort of obseruation was Legall : but this proceeding from infirmitie , and for want of sufficient instruction , was not a denying of Christ , as it had beene , if the same had proceeded from pertinacy , after the knowledge of the Truth receiued . And this was it which the false Apostles vrged vpon the Galatians , and Saint Paul condemnes in that Epistle written to them , and not simply the obseruation of any day ; for , as after shall bee made manifest , euery obseruation of the Iewish dayes is not damned by the Apostle , who did sometime obserue them in his owne person , after a most lawfull manner . Neither can the obseruation of all dayes bee a Iewish custome and rite , and Pedagogicall or rudimentarie instruction , but the obseruation onely of these dayes , which are prescribed in the Law : otherwise the Festiuities appointed by Ieroboam , and the festiuall dayes kept by the Heathen , should all bee Iewish Customes and Pedagogicall instructions , which yee will not say , I hope . PP . Zanchius speaks to this purpose , after this manner : Magis consentaneum est cum prima institutione , & cum scriptis Apostolicis , vt vnus tantum dies in septimana sanctificetur ; It is more agreeable to the first institution , and the writings of the Apostles , that one day of the weeke onely bee sanctified . ANS . It is your custome , I perceiue , to falsifie , mutilate , and corrupt the Acts of Assemblies , and testimonies , both of the ancient and moderne Diuines . Beza his testimony yee adulterated in the dispute of kneeling ; here yee mutilate Zanchius his testimonie , and bring it directly against his owne minde . He writing vpon the fourth Precept of the Law , pag. 671. mooues this question : An plures habere festos debeat Ecclesia Christi , &c. for answere to this question , he setteth downe two Propositions , and confirmes them at length , the first whereof is this : Tametsi magis consentaneum est cum prima institutione , & cum scriptis Apostolicis , vt vnus tantum dies in septimana sanctificetur ; cum Scripturis tamen minime p●gnat , si plures vno sanctificentur , modò omnis absit superstitio , & faciant ad aedificationem , that is , Albeit it be more agreeable to the first institution , and the Apostles writings , that one day onely in the weeke be sanctified ; yet it is not repugnant to the Scripture , if moe then one be sanctified , prouiding that all superstition bee auoyded , and that they serue to edification . Hauing confirmed this by the testimonies of the Ancients , as , Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 4. Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 8. & lib. 2. cap. 19. August . tom . 2. Epist. 118. Epiphan . Tertull. de Idololat . and the practice of the reformed Churches , he concludeth with these wordes ; Dubitari igitur non potest , quin liceat Ecclesiae plures dies festos constituere & sanctificare , that is , It may not be doubted , but the Church may lawfully appoint and sanctifie moe festiuall dayes . His second position makes a full answere to the question : Quanquam Ecclesiae Christi liberu●est , quos velit praeter Dominicum dies sibi sanctificandos deligere , honestius tamen est , laudabilius , atque vtilius eos sanctificare , quos etiam vetus atque Apostolica , puriorque Ecclesia sanctificare solita fuit : that is , Howbeit the Christian Church hath libertie to make choyce of dayes , to sanctifie them , besides the Lords Day : yet it is more honest , commendable , and profitable , to sanctifie these which the ancient , and Apostolique , and most incorrupt Church hath beene in vse to keepe holy . What dayes these were , he shewes in the same place , numbering out the dayes of the Natiuitie , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and Pentecost , as principall dayes : and after their enumeration , subjoynes ; Atque haec sunt Festa , quae sicut à veteribus sanctificabantur , sic si nunc sanctificentur , non solùm improbari non potest , sed etiam laudabile est , honestum , atque vtile , quemadmodum in thesi diximus : that is , These are the festiuals which were kept holy by the Ancients , and if wee should now obserue the same , not onely is it not to bee improued , but also it were commendable , honest , and profitable , as wee said in the Position . Thus Zanchius is directly contrary to your opinion ; for where yee alleadge , that the Apostle condemnes the obseruation of dayes simply , Zanchius affirmes , the obseruation of some dayes , beside the Lords Day , not to bee repugnant to Scripture , as it behoued to be , if the same were condemned by the Apostle for a Iewish rite and Pedagogicall instruction . By this let the Reader iudge , what credit yee deserue in the rest of your reports , where there is no proofe , but your owne affirmation . PP . Against this Argument , it is first alleadged , That the Apostle comporteth with the obseruation of dayes , Rom. 14.5 , 6. Ans. The Apostle beares with the infirmitie of the weake Iewes , who vnderstood not the fulnesse of the Christian libertie . And the Ceremoniall Law was not as yet buried . But the same Apostle reproues the Galatians , who had attayned to this libertie , and had once left off the obseruation of dayes . Next , the Iudaicall dayes had once that honour , as to bee appointed by God himselfe : but the Anniuersarie dayes appointed by men , haue not the like honour . ANS . After yee haue vsed two Arguments , to proue , That there is no day of diuine institution , but the Lords Day , a point not controuerted amongst vs , yee labour to answere fiue obiections , which yee propone against your selfe ; and the summe of your answere to the first is this : That the dayes wherewith the Apostle comported , were not the anniuersarie dayes appointed by men , but the Iudaicall dayes , which had once that honour to bee appointed of God , and therefore were to be tollerated in the weake Iewes , as long as the Ceremoniall Law , wherein they were commanded , was not buried ; the obseruation whereof , notwithstanding , hee condemned and reproued in the Galatians . Out of this answere , I forme this Proposition : All the dayes , whereof the Apostle condemned the obseruation , were Iudaicall dayes , prescribed in the Ceremoniall Law , tolerated by him in weake Christians , and that once had the honour to be appointed by God himselfe . This Proposition is yours , and is very true . I assume , But the fiue anniuersarie dayes , appointed by the Assembly of Perth , are not Iudaicall prescribed in the Ceremoniall Law , tolerated by Saint Paul in weake Christians , and such as had once the honour to be appointed by God himselfe . The Assumption is likewise yours , set downe in the last wordes of your Answere , and is true also . Therefore , I conclude , That the fiue anniuersarie dayes , are not the dayes , whereof the Apostle condemnes the obseruation : Consequently , hee condemnes not the obseruation of dayes simply , as a Iudaicall Rite and Pedagogicall instruction , contrary to your former Assertion . PP . It is secondly obiected , that seeing the Lords Day was instituted in remembrance of Christs resurrection , the other notable acts of Christ ought likewise to be remembred with their seuerall festiuities . Ans. It followes not ; that because Christ did institute the remembrance of one benefit , therefore men may institute for other benefits . Secondly , Christs resurrection was a benefit including the rest of his benefits . Thirdly , The Lords Day was not appointed to celebrate the memory of Christs resurrection onely : for then , the resurrection should bee the proper subiect of Diuine seruice euery Lords Day , and then it were vnlawfull to fast thereupon . Fourthly , It is called the Lords Day , either because the Lord did institute it , as the Communion is called the Lords Supper : or else because it was instituted to the Lords honour , and worship , as the Iewish Sabbath is called the Sabbath of the Lord our God. Fiftly , Although it may be applyed to the remembrance of Christs resurrection , seeing he rose that day , and in some sort to be a signe of the heauenly rest , yet that is , but typus communis , & factus , a common type fitted to resemble such things , not typus destinatus , that is , appointed by God for that end . Finally , it was appointed for remembrance of all Christs actions , and for his worship in generall ; not in a mysticall manner , for the ioyfull remembrance of his resurrection onely . So to diuide Christs actions , and appoint anniuersary & mysticall dayes for their remembrance , is superstitious will-worship , and a Iudaicall addition to Christs institution , in your mind . ANS . Here onely I haue taken vp the summe of your answere which is this : That Chist did not institute the Lords Day for a remembrance of his resurrection in a mysticall manner , and therefore wee haue no warrant to appoint mysticall dayes for remembrance of the Natiuitie , Passion , and the rest of his notable actions . Vnto which I answere , first generally , That it is the iudgement of some recent Diuines , that the Lords Day was onely instituted as Ecclesiasticall dayes are , for order , and policie , and hath no further but a circumstantiall vse in the worship of God. Others following the Ancients , hold , that the Lords Day is not onely appointed for order , and policie , but that it is a memoriall of Christs resurrection , and a signe of our eternall rest in h●auen . Saint August . tom . 5. de ciuit . Dei. lib. 22. cap. 30. Dominicus dies Christi resurrectione sacratus , aeternam non solùm spiritus , sed etiam corporis requiem praefigurat . That is , The Lords Day , which was made holy and sacred by the resurrection of Christ , prefigures not onely the eternall rest of the spirit , but also of the body . Item , tom . 10. de verbis Apostoli . Serm. 15. Domini resurrectio promisit nobis aeternum diem , & consecrauit nobis Dominicum diem , qui Dominicus vocatur , quia eo die Dominus resurrexit . That is , The resurrection of the Lord hath promised vnto vs an eternall day , and hath consecrated the Lords Day vnto vs , which is so called , because the Lord rose vpon that day . Item , Epist. ad Ianuarium , Artic. 119. cap. 13. Dies Domini non Iudaeis , sed Christianis resurrectione Domini declaratus est , & ex illo , habere coepi● festiuitatem suam . Tha● is , The Lords Day was declared , not to the Iewes , but to the Christians by the resurrection of the Lord , and from that time it beganne to be a festiuall day . & ibidem , cap. 19. Vita prima quae de peregrinatione redeuntibus , & primam stolam accipientibus redditur , per vnam Sabbathi , quem diem Dominicum dicimus , figuratur . That is , The first or euerlasting life , which is giuen to them that haue ended their peregrination , and receiued the glorious robe , is figured by the first day of the weeke , which we call the Lords Day . Iust. Martyr , Apol. 2. ad calcem : Conuentus autem hos die Solis facimus , quia hac die primùm Deus depulsis tenebris , formataque materia mundum creauit : Iesus Christus quoque noster seruator eadem die resurrexit a mortuis . That is , We keepe these meetings on the Sonday , because on this day first God dispelled darkenesse , and formed the matter , whereof the world was created our Sauiour Iesus Christ also rose againe from the dead the same day . In the iudgement of these Ancients , the Lords Day was not onely instituted for the worship of God in generall , and in that respect called the Lords Day , but because Christ rose vpon that day , and by his resurrection stamped it to bee a memoriall as well of his resurrection , as of the eternall rest whereunto we shall be raised on the last day . In a word , it was not onely instituted for order , and policie , but also for a mysterie ; and therein differs from Ecclesiasticall dayes , which are onely appointed for a circumstantiall and not for a mysticall vse . These things being premit●ed , I come to answere the particulars . First , where yee say , that albeit Christ did institute a day in remembrance of one benefit , men may not for other benefits : I grant that men ma● not i●●●itute a mysticall day to be obserued as ● part of Gods worship , yet they may appoint a commodious d●y to b●e obs●r●ed , as a fit time for the worship of God and remembrance of his benefits . Next , where yee say , the resurrection incl●d●s the rest of Christs benefits ; it is true in some sense , that is , either as the beginning or originall of some , as the Ascension , and sending downe of the holy Ghost ; or as the perfec●ion , and consummation of others , as of the Natiuitie , and Passion : And so generally , and virtute ( as wee say ) in vertue the Resurrection contaynes the rest , but it contaynes them not distinctly and expresly , as it is necessary we should remember them ; for then we should not need any moe Articles of our Creede , but that one of the Resurrection . As the Articles are particular concerning the Natiuitie , Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension , so they ought to bee distinctly and seuerally remembred , both on the Sabbath , and on other conuenient times , which the Church shall appoint . Thirdly , Although the Lords Day was not onely instituted for a memoriall of the Resurrection , yet , that was one of the principall causes wherefore it was sanctified , rather then any other day of the weeke . Saint Augustine sayes as before , Domini resurrectio consecrauit nobis diem Dominicum , dies Dominicus sacratus est , & declaratus Christi resurrectione , & inde coepit habere festiuitatem suam . And in Tertullian his time , it was indeed esteemed a thing vnlawfull , eyther to fast or kneele vpon the Lords Day , which custome was confirmed in the Councell of Nice , Can. 20. When ye say , that if it were appointed for remembrance of Christs Resurrection , all the diuine Seruice done on the Lords Day , should haue relation only to the Resurrection ; It is no consequent : for albeit God blessed , and sanctified the Iewish Sabbath , because hee rested thereon , there were yet other Scriptures read on their Sabbath , then the storie of Creation , and God his rest from it . Fourthly , where ye alledge , that it was called the Lords Day , because it was instituted by the Lord and for the Lord , we will not contend about this , prouiding it be not denyed , that it is called the Lords Day principally , because the Lord rose thereupon , as Augustine , and other Ancients affirme euery-where . The Communion is called the Lords Supper , because hee appointed it to be kept for a memoriall of his death till his comming againe . The Iewish Sabbath was called the Sabbath of the Lord their God , not only because it was consecrated to his worship : for then the New-moones , and all the other Festiuall Dayes should haue beene so named , which they are not ; but also because it was the signe and memoriall of Gods rest that Day . Therefore in the fourth Command , it is expressed as the reason , why the Lord did blesse and sanctifie the Sabbath , He rested the seuenth Day therefore ( namely , because hee rested on it ) hee blessed and hallowed it : euen so is the Sonday sanctified and blessed by our Sauiour , and called the Lords Day , because it hath imprinted in it by his Institution a perpetuall memoriall of his Resurrection , whereby hee abolished all the Sabbaticall shaddowes of the Law ; as first , the strict and precise bodily rest , by bringing in , the spirituall and eternall : Secondly , the memoriall of their temporall deliuerance out of Egypt , by bringing in the eternall and spirituall deliuery from the tyrannie of Satan , the slauerie of sin , and the feare of death : and thirdly , the signe and marke of distinction which separa●ed the Iew and Gentile , and was a part of the partition wall , in respect whereof , the Iewes were called Sabbatarij ; all these shaddowes Christ by his Resurrection ●th abolished , and by the obseruation of the Lords Day , they are declared to bee abolished ; which the obseruation of no other day of the weeke could haue done , because Christ stamped none of them with the memoriall of his Resurrection , but this Day only whereupon he rose . Against this ye alledge , that it is not typus destinatus , but communis & factus , that is , a Type not instituted by God to be a memoriall of Christs Resurrection , but a common Type fitted to resemble such a thing : the contrary whereof is true . For nothing can bee called a common Type , but that which hath in it selfe by nature , some respect , or qualitie , wherby it is fitted to make the resemblance of such a thing : As in Marriage , in the coniunction of the head and members , there is a fitnesse naturall to resemble our vnion with Christ : So in the Pismire there is a qualitie naturall , to resemble the vertuous man ; and in the Lion and Horse , to resemble the strong and stately : but in this day by nature , there is neither qualitie nor respect more , then in any other to make such a resemblance . Moreouer , common Types are neither memorial & prognosticall signes , but demonstratiue only ; & all memoriall , & prognosticall signes , which are not naturall , are signes destinate either by God or by man. If ye affirme , that the Lords Day was destinate by man , to be a signe of Christs Resurrection , then yee must grant , that it was instituted by man to bee obserued in remembrance of that benefit , and so it shall not be a day of Diuine , but humane Institution . Lastly , all the times which God hath marked with some rare worke or euent , and hath therefore appointed to bee obserued solemnely , haue euer beene destinate by God to be memoratiue signes of these same things . So the seuenth Day marked with Gods rest , and therefore blessed and sanctified , is a memoriall of Gods rest , and is called the Sabbath of Iehouah , and it is also a prognosticall signe of the rest of God to be communicated with the faithfull who resemble that rest by a corporall cessation . This the Apostle witnesseth , Heb. 4.9 . There remaynes therefore a rest to the people of God , for hee that enters into his rest , hee also ceases from his owne workes , as God did from his . In like manner , the fourteenth day of the first Moneth marked with that rare deliuerance from the destroying Angell , and their escape out of Egypt , and therefore appointed to be solemnly obserued to the honour of God : was destinated by God to bee a memoriall of that their deliuerance , and called the Passeouer of the Lord. And euen so the Lords Day being marked with that rare and incomparable benefit of the Resurrection , and consecrated in the iudgement of all the Ancients to the worship of God insteed of the Iewish Sabbath , is a memoriall signe of the Resurrection destinated by the Lord himselfe ; a demonstratiue signe of our spirituall Resurrection from sinne , to newnesse of life ; and a prognosticall signe of our corporeall Resurrection vnto euerlasting life . This Saint Augustine expresseth in the words before cited : Dominicus dies Christi resurrectione sacratus , aeternam non solum spiritus , sed etiam corporis requiem praefigurat . In end where yee conclude , that the Lords Day was not appointed only for a remembrance of his Resurrection after a mysticall manner , but for the remembrance of all his actions and worship in generall , if your meaning bee , that on the Lords Day , all Christs actions may and ought to be orderly remembred , as occasion requires , and not his Resurrection only , it is true that yee say : but if your meaning bee , that the sanctification of the Lords Day was not ordayned to be a memoriall of Christs Resurrection , I deny your assertion , & preferre to your opinion , the iudgement of all the Ancients . Vnto that which yee subioyne , that it is a superstitious wil-worship , and a Iudaicall addition to Christs Institution , to diuide Christs actions , and appoint Anniuersary and Mysticall dayes for their remembrance ; I reply , that it is a superstitious wil-worship indeed , and a Iudaicall addition to Christs Institution , so to tye all the worship of God to the Lords Day , that no other day nor time may bee appointed for preaching , praying or remembring any of Christs benefits : seeing vnder the Gospell , as Tertullian speakes , De Baptismo , omnis dies Domini est , omnis hora , omne tempus habile est baptismo : that is , euery day is the Lords , euery houre , and euery time is fit for Baptisme . If for Baptisme , why not for Doctrine , and Prayer , and Thankesgiuing , and all other parts of Gods Worship ? For albeit the Lords Day be consecrated to the Worship of God , yet the Worship is not tied to it , but from one Sabbath to another , and from one New-Moone to another , all flesh may appeare before the Lord. That which ye speake of diuiding Christs actions , and the appointing of mysticall dayes , is partly foolish , and partly false . Is it not a folly to thinke , that the actions of Christ ought not to bee diuided , and seuerally remembred in Lectures and Sermons , seeing the Spirit of God hath diuided them in this Storie , and that it is impossible at once to remember them all ? And it is false also , because for rememberance of them no day is appointed to bee kept mystically as a part of the worship , but only circumstantially for order , and commoditie : which kinde of obseruation is not a superstitious wil-worship , but a lawfull determination of commodious times for the worship of God , belonging to the power and policie of the Church . PP . It is thirdly obiected , that Paul kept the Feast of Pentecost , Act. 20. 1. Cor. 16. I answere it was the Iewish Pentecost , &c. ANS . If it was the Iewish Pentecost , then Saint Paul did not only obserue an Anniuersary Day , but such also , as was legall , and abrogated by the Gospell , and such as hee discharges the Church to obserue : Yet I hope , yee will not say , that his obseruation was Superstitious or Pedagogicall , because he obserued it not as a necessary part of Gods worship prescribed in the Law , in respect whereof only , it was Pedagogicall ; but as a fit circumstance and opportunitie for the worke of his Ministerie , like as he did often obserue the Iewish Sabbaths , which was not onely lawfull , but in those times verie expedient to be done by him . Hereby it is manifest , that the obseruation of dayes , is not condemned by the Apostle , as a Iewish Rite , because Anniuersarie , Monethly , or Weekly ; but because it was conioyned with opinion of necessitie , and vsed as a Legall worship : therefore although vpon the Iewish Sabbath , or vpon their Pentecost diuine worship was performed , as the Euangell preached , the Sacraments celebrated , Prayers publikely conceiued , &c. If these things were done , without any mysticall relation , or respect had to the day , but only because the time was opportune and happily fit for Gods Worke , the exercise was lawfull and could not bee condemned . So wee finde in some churches , that on eueryday the sacramēt was ministred : that on the Iewish Sabbath , they had an ordinarie Fast , and no well aduised Christian did euer thinke these to be vnlawfull , by reason of the day . For if to the cleane , euery thing be cleane , all dayes are cleane and sanctified to euery lawfull exercise of the man who is himselfe made cleane by the bloud of Christ : Consequently , euery day , whether it be Weekly or Anniuersarie , is cleane , and sanctified by Christ , to the exercise of any part of his Worship , which shall bee thought meete by the Church to be performed to his honour , and the edification of her selfe . The Legall Sabbath and Pentecost , which were abrogated , could not make the Euangelicke Worship , which was performed on them by the Apostles , vnlawfull ; farre lesse can the Lords Day , such as the Christian Pasche , and Whitsonday are , or any other day of the Weeke , Moneth , or Yeare , which were neuer legally obserued , make the Doctrine , Prayers , and Sacraments administred on them , vnlawfull , and superstitious . To conclude , I finde in this Obiection a Solution to all your Arguments , for here I find , that there may be a lawfull obseruation of dayes which are abrogated , let be of dayes which are not discharged , so the obseruation bee not legall , with opinion of necess●tie , or of any mysterie in the time : but Euangelicall , with knowledge of our Christian libertie , and for opportunitie of time onely , which both may bee lawfull and expedient . So Saint Paul keeped many Sabbaths , and the Pentecost , whereon Saint Peter also conuerted three thousand by his first preaching . This is the obseruation , for which only we stand ; against which , ye haue neuer concluded a contradictory , but either against the Legall of the Iewish , or superstitious of the Gentiles . So all your Arguments fall vnder one forme of Caption which wee call ignorantia Elenchi , when a contradiction seemes to bee , where there is none , because the tearmes in the apparant contradiction are not taken in the same s●nse . PP . It is fourthly obiected out of the Epistles of Polycarpus and Polycrates , extant in the Historie of Eusebius , and out of Beda following Eusebius , that the Apostles kept the Feast of Easter . Answ. Beda was but a Fabler , and a follower of fabulous Reports : Eusebius was a little better , &c. ANS . Thus it pleaseth your pride to disdaine these ancient , learned , and holy Writers , because they crosse your Nouelties by the truth of Antiquitie ; not vnlike the Painter of whom Sadeel writes , Qui cum gallum gallinaceum infeliciter pingeret , verum gallum á tabula abigebat : Hauing drawne a Cocke vnskilfully , that his errour should not bee perceiued , he chased away the liuing Cocke that stood by him ; so the Papists forbid the vse of Scriptures , that their Errors should not be discouered , & Nouators cannot sustain the authority of the Ancients . But ye make mention of Polycarpus Epistle extant in Eusebius , and in Eusebius there is no Epistle of Polycarpus ; onely Irenaeus in a Letter that hee sends to Victor , mentions him . The Epistles of Polycrates yee affirme to bee counterfeit , and vpon what reason ? Because , ye say , that it is said in the Epistles , that Saint Iohn bore on his fore-head pontificale petalum , that is , the golden plate , or the High Priests Mitre . Polycrates , ye thinke , would not haue written so , because Scaliger sayes , that no man will grant , that eyther Iohn or Iames did beare it , who vnderstand that none of Christs Apostles was a Priest ; and that it was lawfull to none , but the High Priest to beare the golden plate . It is true , that Polycrates in propertie of speech would not haue written so ; but what is more frequent amongst the Ancients then by such flowers & colours of Rhetorick to describe the Euangelick Ministers , amōgst whom such as Polycarpus , Thrasias , and others by him named , Iohns authoritie was as great , as was the High Priests aboue the inferiour vnder the Law ? Therfore to distinguish him frō them Polycrates attributes to him the name and ornament of the High Priest. So Tertullian de Baptismo , distinguisheth the Bishop from the Elder , and the Deacon calling him the High Priest , Dandi quidem habet ius summus Sacerdos , qui est Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri , & Diaconi . Shall wee esteeme this Treatise of Tertullian counterfeite , because hee calleth the Bishoppe an High Priest ? This is too weake a warrant , whereon to build an improbation against so strong a partie as Eusebius . PP . The Bishop of Elie in his Sermon takes needlesse paines to proue the Antiquitie of Easter , but when he proues it to be Apostolicall , he shoots short : his eldest Antiquitie , is the counterfeit Epistles before alleged . His proofe out of Scripture , Psal. 118.8 . 1. Cor. 7.8 . are very weake ; for the first testimonie is applyed to euery Lords Day , & is not to be restrained to Pasche day . The other testimonie imports not a Celebratiō of Easter Feast , vpō any Anniuersary day , but rather the Apostle teaches vs to celebrate this Feast of the Passeouer all the yeare long . His last proofe is taken from the custome of Baptisme , and the Eucharist ministred vpon Pasche day , as if they had beene ministred only vpon that day . ANS . Ye turne your selfe now against the learned Sermon preached at Whi●e Hall by the Bishop then of Elie , now of Winchester , who prouing the obseruatiō of Easter to haue bin an old custom obserued in the Church since the Apostles daies , yea by the Apostles themselues , hits the marke , whereat he shoots directly ; while as ye will proue these Epistles of Polycrates and Irenaeus counterfeit , ye shoot short indeed . The testimonie of the 118. Psalme , yee say should be applyed to euery Lords Day , but seeing he rose on the first day of them , as yee cannot deny , doubtlesse when that day returnes by course once euery yeare ; vnto it , all the prototype and architype of them all , of euery congruity , saies the Bishop , the Resurrection is to be applyed somwhat more . This by example he makes plain . His Maiesties deliuerance vpon the fift dayes of August , and Nouember being Tuesdayes both , wee keepe for their remembrance a Sermon on Tuesday euery week of the yeare : but when by course of the yeare in their seuerall moneths , the very originall dayes thēselues come about , shal we not , doe wee not celebrate them in much more solemne manner ? what question is there ? weigh them well , ye shal find the case alike ▪ one cannot be , but the other also must bee Apostolike . These are the words of the learned Bishop , which proue his intent so cleerly , that ye are forced to flye to another shift , as your custome is , & say , If the Prophesie should be applyed to any precise day , it should bee applyed to the Lords day . But seeing the words are to be vnderstood aswel of Dauid as of Christ , the day is taken , ye say , for the time indefinitely , wherin Dauid was made King , & the corner stone of Gods people . This is your shift , which cannot auaile you : for if it be taken indefinitely for the day wherin Dauid was made the typick corner Stone , then much more must it bee taken for the definite day , whereon Christ the Veritie was made the true corner Stone of the Church of God. If of Dauids Coronation , it might be said , This is the day which the Lord hath made , Let vs reieyce and bee glad in it : much more is it to be said of that day , whereon CHRIST rose againe from the dead , and was crowned with glory and honour , and set ouer the workes of Gods hands , and had all things put vnder his feet . For this day hath euer beene esteemed since the resurrection of our Lord , a day made by God , not by creation onely , but also by institution . Thus doe yee not escape the Bishops hand , flie where you can . When ye entered into combate with such an Antagonist , y● were not wel aduised . Infoe lix puer atque impar cōgressus Achilli . In the other testimonie , I grant with S. Augustine , that by the Feast , the course of our Christian Life is to bee vnderstood : yet the allusion would import , that a Paschall Feast was kept amongst them , and the Sacraments celebrated . The last proofe that Baptisme and the Eucharist were on this day solemnely ministred , yee cannot denie : And the Bishoppe affirmes not , that they were onely ministred on that day . Tertull. de Baptis . Diem Baptismo solenniorem , Pascha praestat , cum & passio Domini , in qua tingimur adimpleta est , &c. Exinde , Pentecoste ordinandis lauacris laetissimum spacium est : quod & Domini resurrectio inter Discipulos frequentata est , & gratia Spiritus sancti dedicata , & spes aduentus Domini sub●st●nsa , &c. Caeterùm omnis dies Domini est , omnis hora , omn● tempus habil● baptismo : Si de solennitate interest , de gratia nihil refert : that is , Easter is the most solemne Day for Baptisme , seeing the Passion of our Lord , wherein wee are dipped , is thereon fulfilled ; after that , Whitsonday is a most ioyfull time for the lauacre of Regeneration , because on that Day , the resurrection was frequently shewed to the Disciples , the grace of the Holy Ghost dedicated , and the hope of Christs comming againe insinuated . Otherwise , euerie day is the Lords , euerie houre , and euerie time is meete for Baptisme . The solemnitie may be lesse , but the grace is not diminished . So that which ye say , that Baptisme was tied of olde to Pentecost and Easter , is false . But that which the Bishop sayes is true , that on these daies ▪ ; the Sacraments were lwaies solemnely ministred . PP . I will now frame one argument against this conceit of Apostolicall tradition , and obseruation of Pasche . The Apostles were led all their life-time by the infallible direction of the Spirit . If they had accorded on the obseruation of Easter , they had not d●sagreed on the day . But their most ancient Records , the ba●tard-Epis●les aboue mentioned report , that Phil●p and Iohn kept the fourteenth day of the Moone , as the Iewes did ▪ And Peter , the Lords Day following the fourteenth day of the Moone . ANS . In these Epistles there is no mention of Pe●er , and so by these Epistles , ye cannot proue , that Iohn , and Peter disagreed on the day . It is said that Polycarpus and A●ic●tus disagreed on the day , yet they accorded in the obseruation of the Feast , which is directly contrarie to your argument . But ye say , the Apostles who were gouerned by the Spirit , could not disagree on the day . Did not Paul and Barnabas agree in planting of the Gospell ? yet they disagreed in chusing of their Fellow-Labourer . Paul & Peter agreed on this ground , that a man is not iustified by the workes of the Law , but by the Faith of Iesus Christ : yet in the practise of the workes of the Law , they disagreed , Gal. 2. They agreed in the substance , yet in the matter of circumstance , and vse of things in their owne nature indifferent , they disagreed . But for these diuersities of opinion , neither did they cast the substance away , nor broke they the bond of charitie amongst thems●lues , as ye doe , who can brooke no man , but him who will be sworne to your opinions , as if they were Oracles . But to be short , this argument is answered by the learned Bishop in that Sermon so fully , as may giue contentment to any that delights not in contention . His words are these , Pag ▪ 25. Iames Bishop of Ierusalem , and others who ●ucceeded him , the sooner to win their Brethren , the Iewes , condescended to keepe Easter 14. Lunae , the 14. of the Moone , as they did . That which by them was done by way of condescension , was after by some vrged as a matter of necessitie . So we see S. Paul when he came vp to Ierusalem to the Pentecost , was counsailed or not scandalizing the Iewes , to carrie himselfe as one that obserued the Law , and practise some legall ceremonies to that effect : which he did , vsing them not as a part of diuine worship , but as indifferent things , and meanes expedient to win him credite with the Iewes , that hee might edifie them in the truth . So himselfe sayes , He became all things to all men , that he might winne some . The keeping of the 14. day by Iohn and Iames , is not an argument that they disagreed from the rest in iudgement , touching the set day ( if any then was determined ) more then the practise of other ceremonies proues their disagreeing from S. Paul in the poynt of Christian libertie : for this they did onely by way of condescension . So the Apostles in these times might haue kept Easter vpon diuerse daies , by the direction of the Spirit , because the solemne commemoration of our Sauiours resurrection , which we call Easter , is not to be kept at any set time for any mystery , that one day hath more then another by diuine institution . The contentions therefore about the day were iustly blamed by the reformed Churches , who acknowledge no day , except the Christian Sabbath , to haue greater prerogatiue then anothe● . But the greater part of the world keeping the solemnitie of Easter vpon the Lords Day , which followed the 14. of the Moone , the Churches of Asia being a fewer number , did not well to preferre the singularitie of their opinion and custome to vnitie and conformitie with the greater part of Christendome in such a poynt . Againe , Victor Bishop of Rome cannot bee excused , who first did vrge conformitie , & pressed it by violence vpon the Churches that were without his Iurisdiction ; and to excommunicate them , was an insolent tyrannie , seeing they were not subiect to his power . Yet after the Nicene Councell had setled that controuersie , and determined the day , these must iustly be blamed , that contentiously troubled the Christian peace , disobeyed the Canon of the Councell , and were disconforme to the rest of the Churches , not by mistaking the day as some were , but through wilfulnesse and pride , the parents of contention . PP . Las●ly , they reason with Augustine , à posterior● , That seeing the Lords passion ▪ resurrection , ascension , & comming down of the Holy Ghost is celebrated with anniuersary solemnity through all the World , they must needs haue beene ordayned eyther by the Apostles , or by generall Councels : But so it is , that these daies were obserued before there was any generall Councell . It must follow therefore , that the Apostles ordained them . Ans. Augustines distinction is not necessarie : for many customes crept in , and thereafter preuailed vniuersally , which were neither ordained by the Apostles , nor generall Councels . Socrates in his Historie sayes , I am of opini●n , &c. ANS . Socrate● , in the testimonie which yee alledge , lib. 5. cap. 22. for probation of your answere , sayes , that he is of opinion that the Feast of Easter hath preuailed amongst people of a certaine priuate custome , and not by Canon . He confirmes his opinion by this reason , that they who keepe Easter on the 14. day of the Moone , bring Iohn the Apostle for their author . Such as inhabite Rome , and the West parts of the World , alledge Peter and Paul , and yet there is none of them can shew in Writing any testimonie for confirmation of their custome . First here it is to bee marked , that Socrates in this testimonie calls his allegation an opinion onely , that is , a likely and prob●ble conceit : but that is not sufficient to infringe Saint Augustines rule , and the probations that he brings are of no force : for first , it makes nothing against Augustines rule , that the Easterne Churches kept the solemnitie on one day , and the Westerne on another : because Saint Augustine sayes not that the commemoration of these benefits was made vpon one and the selfe-same day : onely hee sayes , Anniuersaria solennitate celebrantur , 〈◊〉 is , They are yearely celebrated after a solemne manner . The diuersitie of the day confuteth not this assertion , but confirmes rather his saying : namely , that the solemnitie was obserued through all the World , seeing in one part it was celebrated for winning of the Iewes , according to the practise of S. Iohn , and in the rest of the World , on Pasche Sonday , whereon our Sauiour rose , according to the tradition of Saint Paul , the Apostle of the Gentiles . So this same solemnitie being kept through the whole Church , although not on the same day , Saint Augustines rule remains good , that the solemne commemoration of Christs resurrection , is Apostolicke . The next probation is no better , to wit , that there is no testimonie in writing for the confirmation of that custome : for by this reason it would follow , that the obseruation of Sonday in stead of the Iewish Sabbath , hath preuayled by a priuate custome only : For in the Apostolique writings , we haue no testimonie for the confirmation of that custome . In Scripture we reade , that our Sauiour rose on that day , that on that day he appeared to his Disciples , that on that day the Apostle appointed collections to be made for the poore , that on that day at Troas the Disciples were assembled to breake bread , and that S. Paul preached : All these actions make aswell for the obseruation of Pasche Sonday , and as the Bishop of Winchester saith , somewhat more , seeing it is after a sort , the same day by reuolution , whereon our Sauiour did rise : yet all these practises , exercises , and meetings on the Lords day had not demonstrate the sanctification of it , if it had not beene perpetually and vniuersally obserued afterwards by the Church . This constant and vniuersall obseruation of the Church , hath declared these practises to be exemplarie , and that our Sauiour did consecrate that day by his resurrection , and apparitions , to be in stead of the Sabbath . Vpon this ground S. August . Epist. ad Ianuar. 118. sayes , Illa quae non scripta , sed tradita custodimus , quae quidem ●oto Terrarum orbe obseruātur , dantur intelligi , vel ab ipsis Apostolis , vel plenarijs Concilijs , quorum est in Ecclesia saluberrima auctoritas , commendata atque statuta retinere : Sicuti quod Domini Passio , & Resurrectio , & Ascensio in coelum , & aduentus de coelo Spiritus Sancti , anniuersaria solennita●e celebrantur : that is , Those things which come to vs by Tradition , and not by Writing , and yet are obserued in the whole world , must bee esteemed to haue beene commended vnto vs , and instituted either by the Apostles themselues , or by generall Councells , whose authoritie hath euer beene wholsome to the Church : as by example , the Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and the descent of the holy Ghost from heauen , which wee solemnely keepe euery yeare . This rule of Saint Augustine , if it bee not demonstratiue , yet it is more probable then Socrates his opinion ; for it is more like a custome receiued by the vniuersall Church , should proce●d from the authoritie of the Apostles , or some generall Councell , rather then from a priuate obseruation , as Socrates thinks . Yet to confirme his opinion , yee say , that Iustine Martyr mentions no Holy day , but the Lords Day . What then ? Hee had not the occasion : yet Tertullian , who flourished but fortie yeares after him , in the second booke directed to his wife , hath these wordes : Quis denique solennibus Paschae abnoctantem seeurus sustinet ? And in his booke , De Praescriptionib . aduers. Haereticos , mentions one Blastus , whom hee calls an Heretike , for maintayning that Pasche should bee kept on the 14. day of the Moone , as the Iewish custome was . Tertullian flourished in the yeare of our Lord 183. and speaking thus of Pasche , not , as of a new Constitution , but as of a custome long before receiued in the Church , does confirme the Bishop of Winchester his iudgement , That in all l●kelihood this obseruation was Apostolique . By Apostolique , I meane not a doctrinall point , which is to bee obserued as a substantiall part of diuine worship , or a condition necessary to saluation , but the imitation onely of an Apostolique practice concerning order and policie : neither doe I meane such a practice as is expresly set downe in Scripture , and vniuersally obserued through the world , such as the Lords Day is , for such a practice hath the strength of a diuine Precept : but I vnderstand such a practice , as albeit it be not recorded in Scripture , to haue beene done by the Apostles themselues , or the Churches in their time , yet the same being vniuersally receiued in the world , and obserued since the Apostles dayes , is most probably presumed to haue beene practised in their times , and allowed by them . And in this , the Lords Day differs from Pasche , and the other three dayes mentioned by Saint Augustine , that the Lords Day hath not onely the vniuersall and perpetuall obseruation of the Church , since the dayes of the Apostles , but also the practice of our Sauiour , his Apostles , and the Church in their times expresly recorded in Scripture : The other haue onely an vniuersall and constant practice of the Church , since the Apostles time , which not the lesse ought to be preferred to any priuate or late particular custome . And to returne to the Act of Perth , it ordaynes none of these dayes to be kept for Diuine and Apostolique , but onely , that on them once in the yeare a solemne commemoration be made of the benefits of our Redemption ; and therefore the Reasons ye bring to proue , that these dayes are not Apostolique , impugne no wayes the lawfullnesse of the act . Where yee say , that the obseruation of the Passion day , hath brought into the church set dayes of fasting , condemned by our Diuines , I aske you , how yee doe proue that affirmation ? It is enough yee haue said it . But to conclude this point , I doe verily thinke , That to fast and pray at some set times , were lesse offensiue to God , then to bee often feasting and surfetting , pratling , and lying , traducing our Brethren , and condemning the good order and policie of Gods Church . PP . If it had beene Gods will , that the seuerall acts of Christ should haue beene celebrated with seuerall solemnities , the holy Ghost would haue made knowne to vs the dayes wheron they were done . Secondly , if the actions of Christ aduance the dayes wherein they were wrought , as Hooker sayes , or consecrate them , as Bellarmine sayes , they ought to be knowne ; otherwise it will fall out , that we shall keepe the dayes holy that were neuer aduanced , nor consecrated by Christs action on institution . But so it is , the day of Christs Natiuitie is hid from mortall men . ANS . It is true , that if it had beene Gods will to haue aduanced and consecrated the dayes of Christs Natiuitie , Passion , &c. by annexing to them some partic●lar exercise of Religion , such as the festiuall dayes of the Iewes had , and clothing them with some mysticall signification , the holy Ghost had made the dayes knowne ; otherwise they could not haue beene obserued . But from the beginning , we haue declared according to the iudgement , not of Bellarmine but of our best reformed Churches and Diuines , that these dayes are not kept for any relation , that the worship hath to them , as if by Christs actions or institution they were to be honoured with some religious exercise ; but for order and policy only , as the most meet and oportune occasions in the iudgement of the primitiue Church , and in our estimation most meet , for testifying our conformitie with her , and with the whole Christian world euer since . The long discourse and dispute , which yee subjoyne to proue the time of Christs Natiuitie to be vncertayne , because it is not contradictori● to the Act made at Perth , and the practice thereof in our Church ; I passe it as superfluous . Onely to your last words of the Section I answere . PP . Nay , let vs vtter the Truth , December Christmasse , is a iust imitation of the December Saturnall of the Ethnicke Romanes , and so vsed , as if Bacchus , and not Christ , were the God of Christians . ANS . This protestation yee might haue made and craued licence , if your custome were to lye : but to the purpose ; If Christmasse hath beene thus abused , I am sure the abuse hath not come by preaching on that day , and the exercise of diuine worship thereon : for that wee haue lacked these 57. yeares by-past in our Church ; yet riot , profanenesse , surfet , and drunkennesse , hath not beene wanting . What hath beene the cause hereof , and by what meanes the abuse may be best remedied , wise men will easily consider . PP . It is commonly obiected , That wee may aswell keepe a day for the Natiuitie , as for the Resurrection of Christ. We haue answered already , That Christs day or the Lords Day , is the day appointed for remembrance of his Natiuitie , and all his actions and benefits , aswell as for the Resurrection . Next , the one is morall and weekely : the other , is mysticall and anniuersarie . The Lords Day it selfe , is no longer to vs mysticall but morall , sayes Willet , and therefore Pasche day is a mysticall Sabbath and anniuersarie , whereas the Lords Day it selfe should be onely morall . ANS . The answere which yee haue already made , is already confuted . The Lords Day is generally appointed for remembrance of all his actions , therefore none of his actions may or should bee remembred at any other set time . This consequence is not necessary : for then we may not remember his actions , in the morning and euening Lectures , wee may not remember them in Sermons & Exercises on weekly dayes , nor may wee remember them in Catechizing the people . Your next answere is , That the day of the Natiuitie is mysticall : This is contrarie to that which yee cited out of Saint Augustine , pag. 68. Ille celebratur ob memoriam solùm , & ideo semper die vigesimo quinto Decembris : at iste celebratur ob memoriam , & Sacramentum . But , I pray you , How proue yee obseruation of the day of Natiuitie to bee mysticall ? because it is anniuersarie , yee say : If this be your Argument ( for I finde no other here ) it is not good : for in the reuolution of time there is no mysterie , but in the signification , and we haue often said before , that we obserue no day for signification , but the Lords Day onely . The rest we obserue as times meet and commodious , for the worship appointed to be done on them . As to Doctor Willets assertion , That the Lords Day is not mysticall to vs , I oppone to it Saint Augustines iudgement , who calls it , as yee heard before , a figure and type of life eternall , which is confirmed by the Apostle in the fourth to the Hebrewes . But Doctor Willet , I hope , takes ( mysticall ) for a darke and obscure shadow of things to come , such as the festiuall dayes vnder the Law were , kept in remembrance , not of spirituall and eternall , but of temporall benefits , which were shadowe● of spirituall and eternall benefits to come : And in this sense , the Lords Day is not mysticall , for it is not kept in remembrance of temporall benefits , which are shadowes of spirituall and eternall , but in remembrance of Christs Resurrection , by whom we are put in present possession of our spirituall rest and life , and in hope of eternall . In respect whereof , as it is a memoriall signe of the Resurrection of our Sauiour , so is is a demonstratiue signe of the benefit which wee enjoy of spirituall rest , and prognosticall of our eternall , and therefore is called a figure and type , by Saint Augustine . Thus taking a mysterie in a large sense for any significant signe in Religion , it may be called mysticall . The Sacraments of the new Testament are called mysteries by the Ancients , not in the sense that the Sacraments of the old Testament were called mysteries , for they were so called , because they were darke and obscure shadowes of things to come ; but our Sacraments are the liuely Images of the things themselues , by reason of the plaine and manifest Word of the Gospell annexed to them . By this distinction Saint Augustine and Doctor Willet may be agreed . PP . It is still obiected , The benefits of God ought to bee remembred , specially Christs notable benefits . Ans. It is one thing to remember , another thing to remember with sol●●●● ●●stiuities . To remember , is a morall dutie and perpetuall : for we ought to keepe , not onely an anniuersarie , but also a weekely and daily remembrance . But to celebrate an Anniuersarie solemnitie , and to keepe a Sabbath of rest in remembrance , it is a pedagogicall ceremonie of the Iewes , &c. ANS . Wee thinke it sufficient to haue made that obiection once , because it hath neuer yet beene answered : but yee propone it often to assay , if yee shall bee able to fall on some solide solution at last ; yet like an euill Archer , the longer yee shoote , yee stray the further from the marke : Yee thinke an Anniuersarie remembrance may be kept , but an Anniuersarie solemnitie should not bee celebrated : yee hide your minde from simple people vnder a mysticall solemnitie of words , but to speake that plainly , which yee call the celebration of an Anniuersarie solemnitie , your meaning must be , if yee contradict the Act , that preaching should not bee made , prayers , thanksgiuing , and prayses should not be offered on certayne set times in the yeare , in remembrance of Christs Natiuitie , Passion , &c. If yee will haue no such exercise to bee vsed , what Anniuersarie remembrance is it that yee would haue obserued ? Is it a priuy meditation in our Chambers , whereunto neither God nor Man is priuie , or some occasionall remembrance in our Lectures and Sermons , as they fall out now and then ? Is this the thankfulnesse that wee are taught by the light of Nature and the Word of God , to render for the inestimable benefits of our redemption , which God hath vniuersally and publikely bestowed vpon all ? Oh , but to keepe a Sabbath of rest in remembrance , say yee , is a pedagogicall ceremonie . To keepe a mysticall rest ▪ such as the rest of the Sabbath was , is pedagogicall : but to keepe a rest for the more commodious and solemne performance of a great and diuine action , such as the commemoration of Christs Birth , Death , &c. is not pedagogicall , but necessary for the commoditie , and celebritie of the worship , which cannot bee well and worthily performed without cessation from other seruile businesse . That this is the vse of the rest commanded in his Maiesties Proclamation , is manifest by the reasons set downe therein , in these words : That euery one may the better attend the holy exercises , which are to bee kept in the Church on these times . Yee are cunning to deceiue the simple with ambiguitie of words . There is a rest that is ciuilly kept , which is a cessation from our ordinary workes for some other ciuill employment , as for marriages , triumphs , weapon-shewings , and such like ; this rest is lawfull , but it is not Sabbaticall . There is a rest kept superstitiously , as when men ceasse from their labou●s , for some foolish feares of ill successe , by reason of the time : this is not called a Sabbath of rest , but a superstitious rest . There is a rest kept idolatrously for the honour of idols , as the Baechanalia , Floralia , and the holy dayes proclaymed by the Israelites , for honour of their golden Calfe : These are damnable rests . Finally , there is a rest that is kept religiously , and this rest is kept either for celebritie and commoditie of the religious action onely , or mystically : for commoditie and celebritie of the religious seruice , a rest is kept in all the solemne times of fasting : a rest is kept in the houres of Prayers , or Preaching , and other diuine Seruice . And such is the rest , that his Maiestie hath appointed to bee obserued . The rest , kept mystically , was a significant rest of some thing by-past , present , or to come ; such was the rest of the Iewish Sabbath , and of the Legall Festiuities , and such Augustine holds , and other many good Diuines , our rest on the Lords Day to be , from the fourth to the Hebrewes . This is called a Sabbath of rest , such a rest his Maiestie hath not commanded ; but a rest for commoditie and celebritie of the diuine Seruice only , which in nothing is like to the Iewes Frontlets , Phylacteries , and such other Legall shadowes . PP . Pope Alexander the third gaue this reason , wherefore the Romane Church kept not a Holy day to the Trinitie , Quoniam Ecclesia Romana in vsu non habet , &c. Because , sayes he , Glorie to the Father , and to the Sonne , and to the holy Ghost , and other such like things , belonging to the praise of the Trinitie , are daily vttered . The Popes reason is grounded vpon this rule , Whatsoeuer is intreated or remembred in the diuine seruice ordinarie , ought not to haue a speciall Holy day , to celebrate the memorie of the same , beside the day alreadie decerned by the Lord. We assume , Christs Natiuitie , Death , Resurrection , &c. are not onely the continuall meditation of a Christian in priuate , but also a remembred , and intreated in the ordinarie and publique seruice . Euery Communion Sonday is a Passion Holy day . Euery Sabbath , that Christs Natiuitie is preached , is a time of remembrance of his Natiuitie . But to ordayne an Anniuersarie day , or houre of rest , for commemoration of his Natiuitie or Passion , and specially vpon a weeke day , is a Iewish rudiment , and a preiudice to Christian libertie . ANS . I answere to the Proposition first , and I grant , that whatsoeuer is remembred in the ordinarie diuine seruice , ordinarily and particularly , such as , Glory bee to the Father , the Sonne , and the holy Ghost , which was said in the diuine seruice ordinarily and particularly , that needes not any particular commemoration vpon some speciall time , sayes Pope Alexander : but the inestimable benefits and actions of our Sauiour , which were not ordinarily and particularly remembred in the daily seruice , but onely in the rehearsall of the Creede , where all the Articles of Religion are remembred ; Pope Alexander thought , that for commemoration . of these , a set time was necessary . So the Proposition , which is your ground , being taken according to the Popes minde , is against you . Next , I answere , your Assumption is false : These benefits are not the continuall meditation of Christians in priuate ; for I am assured , if yee bee a Christian , yee did not meditate on these things Christianly , when yee did meditate this Pamphlet against the honour of Christ his Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and against the power of the Church . Thirdly , where yee say , That they are remembred in the ordinarie and publique seruice , that falleth our sometimes , but not purposely . When it happens , it is by occasion , and generally that they are touched , because they occurre in your Text perhaps . Otherwise , they may lye buried seuen yeares before they be purposely remembred . And when yee say , That euery Communion Sonday is a Passion Holy day , I would demand , whether it were lawfull on the Saterday or Friday before that Communion Sonday , to make a Sermon on the Passion for preparation of the people to the Communion , as I hope , you haue practised sometime your selfe . Now , if this , which your selfe and many others haue done , bee lawfull , is it not lawfull also to doe the like on Friday before Easter , which is a Communion Sonday by the acts of our Church ? And this is all , that they ordayned by the Act of the Assembly at Perth , touching the remembrance of the Passion . Further , to that which yee say , That euery Sabbath whereon the Natiuitie is preached , is a time of remembrance of his Natiuitie : I answere , That it is but occasionall , and so falls out by the Text which the Minister teaches ; but neither doe the people resort purposely to Church to heare the Natiuitie intreated at that time , nor does the Minister intreat of it at large , as the same ought . Finally , yee conclude with that often repeated calumnie , that to ordayne a certayne anniuersary day , or houre of rest , for commemoration of these benefits , is a Iewish rudiment , and a preiudice to Christian libertie . The first is false : For the appointing of houres and times weekely , monethly , or yearely , for preaching any part of the Gospell , is no Iewish rudiment , but a lawfull , good , and wise Christian policie , practised 1500. yeares before yee were borne , throughout the whole Christian world , and allowed by the best Diuines both in the primitiue and reformed Church . So farre is it from being a preiudice to Christian libertie , that herein a principall part of our libertie consists , that we are not astricted in the worship of God to Times , Places , or Persons , and others such circumstances by the Gospell , but haue libertie to choose and appoint such as wee thinke most expedient for the honour of God , and edification of his people : of the which libertie the purpose of your Pamphlet is to spoile vs , in the Sacrament astricting vs to the gesture of sitting onely , and for Gods publique worship , to the Lords Day onely ; as if the Church had no power to appoint preaching , prayers , and diuine seruice to be done at any other time , or the Sacrament to bee receiued in any other fashion . PP . As for the fift day of Nouember , it is not an Holy day ; it is not a day of cessation from worke , which is one of the chiefe elements of an Holy day , &c. Anniuersarie commemoration of a benefit , with a cessation from worke , suppose for a part of a day , is Iewish . ANS . If an Anniuersarie commemoration of a benefit with cessation from worke , suppose for a part of the day , bee Iewish , then the fift of Nouember ( yee forget the fift of August ) must bee Iewish : for on it , there is an Anniuersarie cōmemoration of an exceeding great benefit , and a cessation from worke , during the space of the commemoration , which is a part of the day : Therefore , according to your reason it must be Iewish . Where yee say that cessation from workes is one of the chiefe Elements of a holy day , it is true , if the cessation , and rest be a part of the worship : but if it bee only accessorie to the worship , and a circumstance thereof , it is no Element of a holy day . The rest of the Iewish Sabbath , and Iewish Festiuities was a mysticall part of the worship , but the cessation which is only appointed from cōmoditie , & celebrity of the worship , such as that which is commanded to be kept by the Proclamation on these fiue dayes , and we are in vse to keepe at our weekly preaching , and Prayers , and vpon the fift dayes of August and Nouember , is only accessory , and serues for commoditie , and celebritie of the worship , without which the same could not duly be performed . PP . Grant the keeping of holy dayes to haue beene at the beginning a matter indifferent , and setting aside all the former Reasons , yet ought they to be abolished , because according to the rule of the Fathers commended to vs by Zanchius , Non male igitur fecerunt , qui omnia praeter diem Dominicum aboleuerunt , Things indifferent when they are abused and polluted with Superstition , ought to be abolished . ANS . If all things indifferent which haue beene polluted with Superstition ought to be abolished , then all the Parish Churches in Scotland should be demolished : for to preach or not to preach in them is a thing indifferent . Ringing of Bels in time of Popery was abused superstitiously , kneeling , ( an indifferent Ceremonie which may bee vsed , and not vsed at Prayer ) hath beene most vily abused to Idolatry in praying to Idols ; singing was abused to Superstition , and Idolatry , for Hymnes were sung to the Virgin Mary , yea , to her the hundred and fiftie Psalmes of Dauid were diuerted or peruerted , and sung in a str●nge Language . Shall it therefore follow ▪ that there should be no ringing of Bels , no kneeling at Prayer , no singing , or reading of Psalmes ? This is absurd to say . Albeit Zanchius sayes , non male fecerunt , &c. Hee sayes not simply , that they ought to bee abolished ; nor does hee reprooue them , who retayned the dayes kept by the ancient Apostolike Church , Quanquam Ecclesiae Christi liberum est , sayes he , quos velit praeter Dominicum dies sibi sanctificandos deligere , honestius tam●n & laudabilius , atque vtilius est , eos sanctificare , quos etiam vetus , atque Apostolica , puriorque Ecclesia santificare solita fuit . Now , if ye demand what Zanchius vnderstood by the Apostolike Church , hee answeres it himselfe : Nomine veteris & Apostolicae Ecclesiae , eam intelligo , quae à tempore Apostolorum per annos fere quingentos durauit , vsque ad Gelasium , qui praefuit Romanae Ecclesiae , Anno 495. I maruell how ye can cite Zanchius so confidently for you , as if he had disallowed the obseruation of these dayes . And if ye will stand to his doctrine and iudgement , our controuersie shall soone be at an end . For this hee sayes expresly , that the Church hath power to make choice of the dayes shee likes best , and sanctifie them besides the Lords Day . If ye will haue vs yeelding to Zanchius , when he sayes , non male fecerunt , doe ye also yeeld to him , when hee sayes , Ecclesiae liberum est , quos velit dies sibi sanctificare . But to the end the singularitie and noueltie of your doctrine may bee euident , and our defence may bee seene to agree with the Primitiue Church her practice , and the iudgement of the best Diuines amongst the reformed , wee grant with Zanchius , that they who abolished all dayes did not ill , but well in respect of the time , and estate of their Church : As for example , it was not euill done by our Church , to discharge the obseruation of all Festiuall Dayes , because in the beginning , they could not be lawfully obserued for the raritie of Preachers at least vniuersally ; for in Congregations where Pastours were wanting to inform the people , the obseruation of them should haue entertayned the superstitious conceit , which the Papists formerly had of them . Neither did they euill in Zanchius iudgement , that retayned the dayes obserued by the Primitiue Church ; consequently in appointing on these 5 dayes Sermons to be preached and diuine Seruice done , cannot be euil . Specially , if we shall consider , how notwithstanding of all the Acts , Ciuil , and Ecclesiastick made against the superstitious obseruation , and prophane abuse of Zule day , our people could neuer bee induced to labour on that day , and leaue their idlenesse : and wheresoeuer diuine Seruice was done that day , as in Townes that haue alwayes morning and euening Prayers , they were euer perceiued to resort in greater numbers on that day then any other to the Church : So these dayes being spent prophanely by the greatest sort and superstitiously by many , these euils could not be better remooued , then by Doctrine and diuine Seruice , whereby the time is well spent , and these conceits of the people driuen away , and their opinions confuted in the time , when the same are most pregnant . Saint Paul tooke occasion by inscription of the Altar in Areopage , To the vnknowne God , to preach the true God to the Gentiles : thereby he did not authorize their Superstition , which hee there cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but refuted it with a diuine Sermon : he also kept the Iewish Sabbaths and Pentecost , which both were abolished ; not to confirme the Iewes in the Pedagogie of the Law , but to take the commoditie of the time , and confluence of people in it , for preaching the Gospell , that he might draw them with time from the shaddowes to the substance , and truth in Christ. So wee who haue the like occasion by confluence of our people on that day to Church , haue not done euil to appoint sermons to bee made on the day of the Natiuitie , that the people may thereby be drawne from profanenesse and superstition to the true worship of God , and to the religious exercises vsed in the Primitiue Church on that day ; whereof the Sermons preached by Saint Augustine and many others , yet extant in their Monuments , beare witnesse : as also that in obseruing this , and the remanent dayes , we might keepe a conformitie with them , which Zanchius holds to be honest , laudable , and profitable . Finally , that in so lawful a thing we might giue odience to his Maiestie our Souereign , desiring an vniformity amongst the Churches of his Maiesties Dominions , in things which are neither against pietie nor good manners , and haue beene obserued vniuersally throughout the World in the most pure Ages of the Church . PP . The same Zanchius sayes in the place aforesaid , If any Feasts were celebrate before religiously , and holily , but therafter were contaminate with Superstition and Idolatry , that worthily they were taken away by our Reformers , who imitated herein the example of Ezechias breaking to poulder the brazen Serpent , when it was abused to Idolatry . ANS . Zanchius in these words compares not the Brazen Serpent with the diuine Worship , and Sermons appointed to bee made by our Church vpon the fiue dayes ; for in them there is neither superstition , nor false worship , nor is there any burthen layd vpon the Church , but a profitable policie established : hee onely compares the Brazen Serpent abused to Idolatry , to the abuses , superstitions , false worships , wil-worships , and the intollerable burthens laid on the Church in Popery , by the multiplication of Festiuall Dayes ; which were indeed to bee abolished , because the same did not only equall but surpasse the Legall Ceremonies of the Iewes . PP . Wee pretend that wee place no part of Gods Worship in the obseruation of dayes . But how can wee obserue a day to the honour of Christ , and not worship him , by that obseruation ? ANS . We worshippe not Christ by obseruation of the day , but by the obseruation of an euangelicke and lawfull worshippe done to him vpon the day . With this ambiguitie from the beginning , ye presse to abuse the Reader : for the obseruation of a day is taken ( as wee said before ) two waies ; eyther for a sacramentall and mysticall obseruation , that is , when the day is obserued as a type of some spirituall or eternall benefit to come : This obseruation of a day , is a part of the worship , and we condemne it as yee doe : or it is taken for the obseruation of a fit occasion , and time , to the exercise of religious and diuine Seruice , as we obserue the dayes of fasting , houres of prayers , preaching , and exercise . This manner of obseruation is onely accessorie to the worship , and is no part thereof ; and so we obserue the fiue dayes . The Papists in dedicating dayes to Saints , appointed dayes to be kept mystically , and not circumstantially onely : When we dedicate a day to Christ , we dedicate it not as a mysticall signe , and make it a part of his worship , but as a meete circumstance for the worship to be performed to him . And whosoeuer he bee that holds Christ may not be worshipped on these dayes , and on all dayes and times priuately , and publiquely , is a dogmatist and teacher of will-worship : for if the Apostle call this a Doctrine of will-worship , Touch not , taste not , such and such things as are in themselues indifferent ; certainely by the same reason , he who out of the temeritie of his singular , proud , and wilfull opinion sayes , Teach not on such a purpose ; Heare not such a purpose ; Worship not after such a manner ; Giue not thanks for such a benefit vpon such a day ; not because the doctrine and worship in vnlawfull in it selfe , but by reason of the time , which is an indifferent circumstance , Non est verus Apostoli interpres , sed verè dogmatistes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . PP . That which lawfully hath beene abolished by ciuill and Ecclesiasticall Lawes , and by consent , and vniforme practise in the contrarie without interruption , and beyond the prescription of time allowed to things moueable ( put the case that Holy-daies were things moueable , and indifferent ) and hath beene borne downe by Sermons of all the most reuerend Preachers since the reformation , corrected with censures , and abiured by publique oathes of Preachers , and Professours , cannot lawfully be receiued and put in practise againe . ANS . Your assumption must be this . But to make commemoration of the inestimable benefits of our redemption vpon the fiue anniuersarie daies , hath beene abolished lawfully by ciuill and Ecclesiasticall Lawes , &c. This assumption is false , in all the parts of it ; for first , as we haue shewed , the obseruation ordayned by the Act at Perth was neuer abolished by Ciuill or Ecclesiasticall Lawes , nor yet by consent and vniforme practise of the contrarie : Onely the superstitious obseruation of these dayes with opinion of necessitie , as a part of diuine worship , and the profane abuse thereof , with excessiue banqueting , playing , and carroling was condemned . Secondly , to your prescription of time in things moueable , I answer , that circumstantiall ceremonies belonging to Religion , are alwaies alterable , and neither can bee abolished nor established by prescription : for if prescription had force in such things , then the space of 1200. yeares , during which time these fiue dayes were obserued vniuersally throughout the whole Christian world , sho●ld haue greater force to establish the obseruation of them , then the abrogation of seuen and fiftie yeares in durance onely . Continuance of time does not establish without change such things , but giues occasion to alter them rather , when the alteration makes for the honour of God , the edification of his Church , and auoyding corruption . Thirdly , the Sermons of reuerend Preachers condemned onely , the superstitious and profane obseruation of these dayes , and not the obseruation made by the Primitiue , and by the reformed Churches in our time , which is the obseruation onely commaunded by the Act of Perthe . Fourthly , If any were censured , it was not for any fault in the action it selfe , but for transgression of the Ecclesiasticall order , and the scandall , which might haue followed thereupon ; as the censures which wee now vse against these , that refuse to performe the diuine seruice appoynted to be done on these times , are not inflicted for any fault that is in omission , in regard of the time , but onely in regard of the order and policie of the Church , which being contemned , giues offence to the simple , and breaks peace and vnitie . Fiftly , we neuer abiured with oathes publique or priuate , the obseruation now required ; the dedication of dayes imposed vpon the conscience , with opinion that they are sanctiores , & sacratiores alijs diebus , & pars diuini cultus , we detest , and abiure : for nothing can be imposed vpon the conscience , but by the precept of God onely . The Canons of the Church in matters indifferent , doe not oblige the conscience ratione rei praeceptae quasi pars sit aliqua diuini cultus : sed ordinis & politias causa tantum . So the Canons of the Church made for obseruation of these fiue dayes , bindes not the conscience to the obseruation thereof , as a part of diuine worship , and as the commaundement of God bindes vs to the obseruation of the Lords Day : for it is the will of God , that on the Lords Day , we be religiously exercised , and therefore our obedience in that point , is a part of his worship : but to be exercised in Gods publique worship on another day , is not Gods expresse will , yet it is his will , that we should heare the Church , and obey her ordinances in all things that tend to edification , and serue for good order , whereof God is the Author . To conclude , seeing the obseruation of these fiue daies , as the same is prescribed in the act at Perthe , is neither contrarie to any Law , Ciuill , or Ecclesiastique ; nor condemned by the practice , doctrine , and censures of our Church , nor abiured by oathes : And therefore may lawfully be restored , receiued , and put in practise againe by our Church . PP . Hooker , and Sarauia , vrged for maintenance of their ceremonies , Law , custome , prescription ; and craues that the impietie and vnlawfulnesse of their ceremonies be proued , or else let the Non-conformists , conforme . May we not plead after the same manner for our former order so long established , that they proue it was impious , and vnlawfull , before we make a change ? ANS . Ye may not pleade , because the change is alreadie made in a lawfull Assembly , which had power to abrogate all Statutes of Ecclesiasticall matters , that are found noysome , vnprofitable , disagreeing with the time , and abused by the people : as is set down in the confession of Faith , and seuenth Chapter of the Booke of Discipline , concluded anno 1581. Such were the acts made before concerning Holy-dayes : for first , they were noysome , in that they were not conforme to the practise of the Primitiue Church , or yet of the later reformed , and so in that poynt did break vnitie . Next , vnprofitable , because they fostered prophanenesse and superstition in the hearts of the people , who by want of information of Doctrine , did superstitiously or prophanely obserue these dayes . Thirdly , they agreed not with this time , wherein it was expedient that the religious Commemoration of the benefits of Christ should be restored iur● postliminio : for it is not enough to dispossesse idolatrie and superstition , the violent eiecters and occupiers of the possessions of true Religion ; but she ought to be restored to the old right and priuiledges of times , and places , lawfully and wisely dedicated to her before . Last of all , the discharge of diuine Seruice , on these daies was come into abuse amongst the people , the preciser sort counting it a part of Gods worship , and obedience to his will , not to doe seruice vnto God on these dayes ; and the profane taking thereby occasion to be more licentious : And therefore it was needfull in a manner to restore the obseruation of these times . PP . Our Oath by it selfe bindes more then Law , Custome , and Prescription : farre more when it concurres with them . The assumption is euident , by that which I haue set downe in the beginning . ANS . The assumption is alreadie considered , I answere to the oathe . Lawes , Customes , Prescription , and Oathes in order and policie , touching indifferēt alterable things such as these are , binde a man no longer to the obseruation , then the order remaines vnchanged . Your Oath bound you to the gouernement of Superintendents set downe in the first Book● of Discipline , from which yee esteeme your selfe absolued , because that gouernement was altered by that new Booke of Discipline confirmed in the generall Assembly , anno 1581. a yeare after the Oath was set forth . Now the order set downe in the same first Booke of Discipline touching the abolishing of Holy-dayes , anno 1560. is altered by the late generall Assembly holden at Perthe : and by the same Reason , whereby yee esteeme your selfe absolued from the gouernement of Superintendents , yee should thinke your selfe freed of the act touching the abolishing of Holy-dayes , which yee would doe , if ye were not contentious . PP . If Zanchius approued the abolition of Holy-Dayes in some Churches where they were , because they had been polluted , and grossely abused : much more would he and other Diuines , knowing the truth of our case , thinke it vnlawfull to reinduce them amongst vs. ANS . It is true , that in the Churches of Bearne , Mattins and Euening-Song were abolished for the abuse thereof in Poperie ; and not many yeares since , there was great contention before these Churches could be induced to receiue Morning and Euening Prayers in stead of them . So the Popes cursing was abolished out of the Church of Geneua , and great contradiction made , as Beza testifies in Caluines life , before excommunication could be established in place therof : yet I hope , neither Zanchius , nor your selfe will thinke that the reinducing of these was vnlawfull , although formerly excluded . If Zanchius vnderstood the case of our Church , as I haue set it down a little before , & how , we haue not reinduced the Popish obseruation of dayes , but made choice of these times for special seruices to be performed on them , with a speciall direction to Ministers to rebuke superstition , and licentiousnesse ; both he , and other Diuines would approue the constitution of our Church , and condemne this your seditious Pamphlet , whereby the simple are abused , and the peace and quietnesse of our Church disturbed . The iudgement of the Reformed Churches of Holy-daies . PP . OF the ancient Church I haue spoken before . Some excuse the Ancients with good intention , because to winne the Gentiles , they conuerted their dayes into Christian Holy-daies . Others excuse them with the circumstance of time , that dwelling amongst Pagans , they made profession before their eies of Christs birth , passion , &c. by obseruing such dayes . But the wisdome of their intention hath proued folly , as the seuenth reason maketh manifest . The like circumstance of time is not offered : therefore we may not be excused . ANS . Before the penner of this Pamphlet bring the iudgement of the reformed Churches , some reason he must pretend for his cred●te , why he reiects the doctrine and practise of the reformed Church , which stands wholly in his contrarie . First he sayes , that he hath spoken before of the Ancient Church . But what hath he spoken before ? that they obserued Easter-day by custome , and not by tradition , this is all . What argument hath he brought against their doctrine , against their religious custome and practise of this poynt ? He sayes , some excuse them with their intention : Who be these ? he is ashamed of their names , and so he may be ; for where there is no fault , to make an excuse is a sort of calumnious and secret accusation . But for their intention , who did acquaint him with their intention ? In Tertullian , Chrysostome , Ierome , Ambrose , Augustine , and others , who all make mention of these dayes , there is not so much as any coniecture to bee found for that intention . In the end he concludes , that the intention of the Ancients hath proued folly , and this he sayes , is manifest by the seuenth reason , because the obseruation of these daies hath beene abused to superstition . But so hath the Lords Day beene , so hath the Word , so haue the Sacraments beene abused , and all the other parts of Gods worship : Shall therefore the intention of the Holy-Ghost , and his wisdome in prescribing these meanes to the Church , be esteemed folly ? They who abuse the good intention of God and his Church to their owne damnation , are fooles indeed , but Wisdom● is iustified of her owne children . And although the winning of the Gentiles was one good end , wherefore the Ancients obserued these dayes , yet their principall end was the honour of God , and edification of his Church . These ends doe still remaine , and iustifie the obseruation of these dayes by the reformed Churches , which no man that loues the honour of God , and the weale of his Church , will condemne . PP . It is grosse ignorance to say , that Holy-dayes were so many hundreth yeares before Papistrie : for Papistrie hath been in the Church euer since the daies of the Apostles : yea the mysterie of iniquitie was working in their times . The errours of the Orthodoxe Church were the beginnings of the Papistrie , at length they grew to a great masse . So howbeit , the whole lumpe was not formed , till the Antichrist came to his full strength , yet many particulars were entered before , and like brookes came into the great riuer . As the Antichrist was borne , and did grow in yeares , so did Papistrie . ANS . Here ye insinuate , that the obseruation of the fiue Daies in the Primitiue Church was Papistrie , or else this Discourse is idle . But Papistrie it could not be , before it was receiued , and confirmed by the Pope : so in these dayes it was not Papistrie formally . And if it were not an errour of the Orthodoxe Church , but a lawfull order , as at length we haue proued , it was neyther materially nor formally Papistrie . The obseruation of these dayes , with a superstitious and idolatrous worship , is Papistrie : Such was not the obseruation of the Primitiue Church , and such is not the obseruation of the Reformed . But as the lawfull obseruation vsed in the Primitiue Church was abolished by the introduction of a superstitious and idolatrous worship in Papistrie , so is the superstitious and idolatrous obseruation in Papistrie , abolished in reformed Churches by the restitution of the lawfull and religious obseruation vsed in the Primitiue Church , which of all reformations is the most perfect and profitable . Iehu abolished Idolatrie of the Heathen , but he restored not the true worship of God : therefore his reformation was imperfect . But the reformation made by Ezechias , and Iosias , was perfect , because Idolatrie was not onely abolished , but the true worship of God established in place thereof . This was not so sufficiently prouided for at our reformation in this poynt , for the want of Pastours , and is well supplied by the Act made at Perth . PP . As for the reformed churches , except our neighbor Church , they haue abandoned daies dedicated to Saints . ANS . Now yee come to the iudgement of the reformed Churches . And here I wish the iuducious Reader to obserue whether ye bring either the iudgement of any reformed Church , or of any learned Diuine , that consents with you in opinion ; namely , that the obseruation of the fiue anniuersarie dayes with the lawfull exercise of true Religion , is a Iudaicall Pedagogie , a rudimentarie instruction , and a superstitious wil-worship . And to the end all that ye say may be exposed to the view of the World , I shall set all fully downe which yee bring to this purpose . First , where ye alledge , that all the reformed Churches , haue abandoned the dayes dedicated to Saints : In this , their practise is no way contrarie to the Act made at Perth ; for by it no day is ordained to be kept , which is or was dedicate to any Saint , except vnder the name of Saints yee reprehend him , who is the most holy . Next , the exception ye make of our neighbour Church , is calumnious , and false . It is a calumnie , that they obserue any day dedicated to Saints . All the dayes which they obserue , are dedicated to the honour of God , either for the inestimable benefits that by our Sauiour he hath bestowed vpon the World , or in regard of the blessings that haue come to man , by the Ministrie of his seruants , and Saints . And it is false , that all the reformed Churches , except they , haue refused the obseruation of these dayes : For Bullinger in his Commentary vpon the 14. to the Romans , affirmes , that the Church of Tigurie obserues the Feasts of the blessed Virgin , of S. Iohn the Baptist , of Magdalene , of Stephen , and of the Apostles . PP . Some admit dayes dedicated to Christ , some two , some fiue ; but not with the full consent and liking of the learned , but either forced by the authoritie of the Magistrate or wilfulnesse of the people , or because remaining in the middest of their enemies , they are not permitted otherwise to doe . ANS . They in Geneua who obserue the day of Natiuitie , and Easter , approue the practise and order of the Church of Heluetia , who obserue all the fiue : and there is as great reason , why on the other three dayes , the Passion , Ascension , and sending downe of the holy Ghost , should be remembred as the Natiuitie , and Resurrection . If by the learned ye vnderstand these whom ye doe afterwards name Farellus , Viret , and Caluine : I am perswaded no man will thinke , that either they or any other such Pastors of the Church would haue bin forced to practise that which was vnlawfull in it selfe , and a superstitious will-worship , either by Magistrate , or People . PP . Farellus and Viret remooued all Holy-dayes out of the Church of Geneua , as Caluine testifies . The same decree , which banished Farellus and Caluine out of Geneua , brought in other Holy-dayes . They were all againe abrogate , except the Sabbath day : Howsoeuer after , came in the keeping of Pasche , and the Natiuitie . ANS . The iudgement of Caluine touching the abolition of the Festiuall dayes in Geneua , may be seene in his 118. Epistle , where he professes , that it was done se inscio , ac ne optante quidem . And a little after subioynes , Ex quo sum reuocatus , hoc temperamentum quaesiui , vt Christi Natalis celebraretur vestro more , alijs autem diebus extraordinariae supplicationes tab●rnis mane clausis fierent ; à prandio ad suas operas , & res agendas quisque abiret . And albeit in that place , he confesses , that the abrogation of the Festiuall dayes did not grieue him , yet he protests as followes , Hoc tamen testatum esse volo , si mihi delata optio fuisset , quod nunc constitutū est , non fuisse pro sentētia dicturum . If Caluine had thought as ye doe , that December Christmas is a iust imitation of December Saturnall of the Ethnicke Romanes , and that the obseruation of the rest of the Festiuall dayes , had beene a superstitious kinde of Will-worship , and a Iudaicall Pedagogie he would neuer haue consented to the keeping of that Natiuitie ; and would not only haue abolished the holy dayes by his suffrage , if the same had beene in his option , but also testified to the world his dislike of them by his Pen , and writing . But , that all may see , how different his iudgement is from yours , he concludes with these words : Nec tamen est , cur homines adeo exasperentur , si libertate nostra , vt Ecclesiae aedificatio postulat , vt●mur : quemadmodum nec vicissim praeiudicio esse morem nostrum aequum est : By these words it is manifest , that in Caluines iudgement , the obseruation , and abrogation of these dayes consists in the power and libertie of the Church ; and that the obseruation of them in it selfe , is not vnlawfull , but a thing indifferent , to be vsed , and not vsed , as the edification of the Church requires ; which iudgement wee imbrace and follow . PP . Caluine was so farre from liking of Holy dayes , hee was slandered of intention to abolish the Lords Day . ANS . His Doctrine shewes the last to bee a calumnie : his practise , and iudgement declares , that hee did not mislike the obseruation of the dayes vsed in the Primitiue and other reformed Churches . PP . The Belgike Churches in their Synode holden at Dort , Anno , 1578. wished that only the Lords Day might be celebrated . Luther himselfe in his Booke De bonis Operibus , set forth , Anno , 1520. wished that there were no Feast Dayes amongst Christians , but the Lords Day . And in his Booke to the Nobilitie of Germany , he sayes , Consultum esse , vt omnia festa aboleantur , solo dic Dominico retento . ANS . This wish , Luther , and the Belgike Churches conceiued out of their miscontentment at the number , corruptions , and superstitions of the Festiuall dayes , besides the Lords Day , as ye doe . The late Councell holden at Dort , Anno 1618. did celebrate the Feast of Christs Natiuitie most solemnely for the space of three dayes : so the practise of these Churches and of Luther shewes that they agree in iudgment with vs touching the obseruation of the fiue dayes . PP . Howsoeuer forreine Diuines in their Epistles and Councels speake sometimes sparingly against Holy dayes , when their aduice was sought of Churches newly risen out of Poperie , and greatly distressed : they neuer aduised a Church to resume them , where they were remoued . ANS . If forreine Diuines had esteemed the obseruation of these fiue dayes a Iudaicall Pedagogie , a rudimentary instruction , a superstitious wil-worship , as ye doe , they had spoken no more sparingly thereof , then they do of other like things in the Papisticall Church . Where yee say , that they neuer aduised Churches to resume them , who had once remooued the same , Caluine in his one and fiftieth Epistle aduises the Monbelgardens not to contend against the Prince for not resuming of all Festiuall dayes , but only such as serued not to edification , and were seene to be superstitious , such as the Conception and Assumption of the blessed Virgin : In festis non recipiendis ( sayes hee ) cuperem vos esse constantiores , sic tamen , vt non litigetis de quibuslibet , sed de eis tantum quae nec ad aedificationem quicquam factura sunt , & supertitionem prima ipsa facie prae se ferunt , &c. And in the end of the Epistle , answering one Obiection , which is frequently vsed in our Church , he saies ; Quod autem vos terret offendiculorum periculum , si quam nouam agendi formam receperitis , quae non sit nostris Ecclesiis vsitata , id quidem meritò facitis : Sed quia non eò ventum est perfectionis , quin optemus adhuc progredi , hic timor vos impedire non debet ab ijs ritibus admittendis , quos alioqui non liceat penitus improbare . What these Ceremonies were , whereof he speakes , ye will find in the same Epistle , to wit , the administration of the Communion to the sicke , and to persons who are to suffer ; Baptisme by Mid-wiues , which simply condemnes , Rites in buriall of the dead , and Festiual dayes which they were vrged by the Prince to resume , after they had beene remoued from amongst them . But this and such other peaceable and modest aduices giuen by Caluine , and other Learned Diuines , yee ascribe to want of consideration . PP . They had not leisure to consider narrowly the corruption of euery errour that preuailed in their time , the worke of reformation was so painfull to them ; I wish therefore that the iudicious Reader would ponder their Reasons set down in this Treatise . ANS . The ancient Diuines Saint Chrysostome , Ambrose , Ierome , Augustine , ye haue condemned of folly : now Caluine Zanchius , Chemnitius , and the best Diuines of the reformed Church yee esteeme inconsiderate in this point . But if the Reader shall take leisure to peruse the Learned Dispute of Chemnitius against the Councell of Trent , touching this head ; & the profound Doctrine of Zanchius vpon the fourth Command , he shall find that these Diuines haue considered the Question narrowly enough . Yet ( I must confesse ) that neyther they nor any other Diuines haue found out the errours set downe by you in this Pamphlet , which if hee take paines to ponder as ye wish , he shall find such things therein as no sound Diuine in the Christian World did euer dreame of before you . PP . As for our Neighbour Church standing in the middest betwixt the Romane and reformed Churches , as Bucerus once said , they are more liberall in their Feasts , as in other Ceremon●es , then the other reformed Churches , as Gretserus the Iesuite hath obserued . Caluino-papistae Angli vt in alijs ▪ quae adritus ▪ & Ceremonias pertinent , longe liberaliores sunt , quam Puri●an● in Gallia , Germania , Belgia ; ita & in Festis retinendis longe largiores . ANS . Hitherto ye haue neither alledged the practice of any reformed Church , nor the iudgement of any learned Diuine for your opinion . Now ye beginne vnchristianly to inueigh against the renowned Church of England , and are not ashamed to bring the impure words of a Puritan Papist , wherein , as hee vtters his miscontentment on the one side , so doe yee on the other ; both standing for extremities , while as hee will haue all , and ye will haue none : The Church of England keeping the middle course is condemned of both , for her moderation ; but she regardeth little to be iudged of you , or of mans day . What are yee that iudge another mans Seruant , who stands or fals to his owne Master ? PP . They obserue not only the fiue Holy dayes alreadie mentioned , but other dayes also dedicated to Christ , &c. They keepe also a number of Saints dayes : so that their dayes in number are more , then the Iewes themselues obserued . The Reasons alreadie alledged against dayes dedicated to Christ may serue also against dayes dedicated to Saints and Angels . ANS . If ye haue no stronger reasons to alledge against dayes dedicated to Saints and Angels , then ye haue vsed against the fiue dayes dedicated to Christ , the Papists who obserue these dayes will not regard your enmitie , much lesse the Church of England , which obserueth no dayes , but such as are dedicated to the honour of God only , as we said before . PP . We may look assuredly , that the fiue dayes presently vrged will bring in all the rest , to make vp our conformitie with our Neighbour Church , which to vs is not lawfull . They were neuer remoued from amongst them ; we haue abandoned and abiured them , &c. ANS . This is an inuidous Prophesie , contrarie to the experience we haue had of his Maiestie , who for conformitie with our Neighbour Church , hath neuer pressed vs with any thing vnprofitable for vs to receiue . The obseruation of the fiue dayes restored in our Church , makes vs no more conforme with the Church of England , then with the greatest number of the best reformed Churches in Europe , and with the Primitiue Catholike Church , whilest she yet flourished in greatest puritie of Doctrine and Discipline , in the dayes of Tertullian , Chrysostome , Ambrose , Augustine , Ierome , and such other notable Lights . And as long as it shall please almighty God to blesse vs with the continuance of his Maiesties most happy Gouernment , wee are assured to be preserued from Heresie , Superstition , Idolatry , and such like corruptions . I beseech God , that our ingratitude , murmuring , grudging , suspitions , and misconstructions , doe not prouoke God to stop the breath of our nostrils , and remooue the Lords Annointed , vnder whose shaddow wee haue enioyed peace and quietnesse aboue all the Nations that are about vs. PP . To conclude then , to esteeme one day aboue another , in respect of any mystery , certainly knowne , or commonly reputed to haue beene wrought vpon that day ; to testifie this estimation , by cessation from worke : To deuise a particular seruice to be done vpon it , accounting that forme or part of seruice acceptable to God , because it is performed on that day : is to obserue a day . And in this manner doe wee obserue the Anniuersarie dayes . The same reason may bee applyed to an Anniuersary houre . ANS . The Proposition I admit , the Assumption I deny : for albeit any mysticall or memorable worke were certainly knowne to haue beene wrought vpon such a time , yet to esteeme aboue another , except it were sanctified by diuine Institution , wee count it Superstition . So albeit wee certainly know the memorable workes of his Maiesties deliuerance to haue beene wrought vpon the fift of August , and the fift of Nouember ; yet we doe not esteeme these dayes aboue other dayes , as if the seruice done on them , were more acceptable to God , in respect of the time : but wee doe only esteeme them as meete circumstances for the thankesgiuing appointed to be made on them to God. The same estimation we haue of the fiue dayes , as wee haue oft said before . That our Sauiour was borne vpon the 25. of December , no man ( I thinke ) knowes certainly : the common reputation we hold as vncertaine . Therefore wee doe not thinke , the commemoration of Christs Natiuitie vpon that day , and our thankesgiuing therefore more acceptable to God by reason of the day ; nor doe wee thinke cessation from worke on that day a part of diuine worship , at it was held in time of Papistry , and is yet by many of our common Professours that lacke instruction : but the worship we doe , in vnto God for his honour , not for the day ; and the cessation from work is for the commoditie , and celebritie of the worship . The Act of Perth ordaynes the people to be thus instructed , and the superstitious conceite of the time rebuked . Finally , choice is made of this , and the other dayes , not for any mysterie esteemed to bee in them more then in other dayes , but for conformity with the Primitiue Church , the reuerence of whose authoritie in matters of this nature , must be of great force to draw Churches of diuers iurisdictions that agree in doctrine , to vnity in points of externall policie : which vnity is far to be preferred to the priuate custome of any Church , or the singularity of any mans opinion and fantasie . And therefore ZANCHIVS said well , and wisely in the places cited before , That albeit the reformed Churches haue liberty to sanctifie what dayes they thinke good , yet it is more laudable , honest , and profitable , to sanctifie these which the most pure , Apostolick , and Primitiue Church sanctified . So to conclude , we obserue no day for mystery , or with opinion of necessitie , but only for commodity and policie . And this obseruation is approued by the iudgement of the best Diuines in the reformed Church . The consent of the Reformed Churches and Diuines for keeping the fiue Holy Dayes . Heluetica Confessio de Ferijs , Art. 24. PRaeterea , si Ecclesiae pro Christiana libertate memoriam Dominicae Natiuitatis , Circumcisionis , Passionis , & Resurrectionis , Ascensionis item in Coelum , & missionis sancti Spiritus in Discipulos , religiosè celebrent , maximoperè probamus : That is to say , If the Churches , according to their Christian Libertie doe celebrate religiously the memory of the Lords Natiuitie , Circumcision , Passion , Resurrrection , his Ascension to Heauen , and the sending downe of the holy Ghost , wee doe exceedingly approue it . Beza speaking of this Confession in his first Epistle sayes , Dico Helueticam , & Gallicam Confessionem , cui innumerabiles paenè Ecclesiae subscripserunt , nulla re prorsus differre : that is , The Church of Heluetia , and France differ in nothing , and haue but one Confession , whereunto innumerable Churches haue subscribed . All the reformed Churches did agree in this point of the Confession touching the obseruation of the fiue dayes , our Church only excepted ; which now hauing condescended to a Conformity with the rest , by the Ordinance of the Assembly at Perth : the same will bee allowed of all , that preferre the peace and vnitie of the Reformed Churches to the singularitie of their owne opinions . CALVIN . Col. 2.16 . ATque dicet quispiam , nos adhuc retinere aliquam dierum obseruationem ▪ Respond . Nos dies nequaquam seruare , quasi in ferijs esset aliqua religio , aut quasi fas non sit tunc laborare , sed respectum haberi politiae , & ordinis , non dierum : that is , Some will say that we yet retayne some obseruation of dayes . I answere , We keepe not dayes , as if there were any Religion in the festiuall time , or as , if it were not lawfull to labour on them , but a respect is had of Policie and Order , not of dayes . ZANCHIVS in the Confession which hee made to be published , when he was seuentie yeares of age , in name of himselfe , and his Family . De Ferijs cap. 15. Sect. 30. POst diem Dominicum , non possumus non probare illorum quoque dierum sanctificationem , quibus memoria recurrit , celebrataque in veteri Ecclesia fuit , Natiuitatis Domini nostri Iesu Christi , Circumcisionis , Passionis , Resurrectionis , Ascensionis in Coelum , Missionisque sancti Spiritus in Apostolos : that is , Next vnto the Lords Day we cannot but allow the Sanctification of these dayes , wherein the memory returnes of the Natiuity of our Lord Iesus , his Circumcision , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension into Heauen , and the sending downe of the Holy Ghost vpon the Apostles , which memorie was celebrated in the ancient Church . CHEMNITIVS de diebus Festis in examine Concilij Tridentini . ATque haec sunt , quae in Scriptura noui Testamenti ad festa pertinentia , tradita sunt : iuxta quam normam , vt deuota , & religiosa Festorum celebratio ad augendam pietatem restituatur , nemo improbat , sed omnes pij optant : that is , These are the things which are deliuered in the Scriptures of the new Testament concerning festiuall times : according to which rule , no man dislikes the deuout , and religious celebration of festiuall dayes , but all the godly wish it , because it serues to encrease godlinesse . To this hee subioynes a long Narration of the dayes obserued in the Primitiue Church which he approues . BVLLINGERVS ad Rom. 14. APud Veteres quidem , Eusebium inprimis , & Augustinum , inuenias memorias quasdam , pijs quibusdam institutas fuisse hominibus , sed longè alia ratione , ac modo , nimirum parùm differente à nostro ritu , quo adhuc in Ecclesia nostra Tigurina Natiuitatis , Circumcisionis , Passonis , Resurrectionis , & Ascensionis Domini , Missionisque sancti Spiritus , Deiparae Virginis , Ioannis Baptistae , Magdalenae , Stephani , & Apostolorum Domini Festa celebramus : neminem eorum interim damnantes , qui post Dominicam , aliam nesciunt Festiuitatem : videmus enim veterum monumenta perlustrantes , liberū hoc Ecclesiae semper fuisse , vt quisque quod hisce in rebus minutilis videretur optimum , & ad pietatem commodissimum sequeretur : that is , Ye shall find in the Ancients , specially in Eusebius and Saint Augustine , certaine memorials instituted to some holy persons , but farre different from the Papall forme and manner ; not vnlike the rite which we obserue in our Church of Tigurine in the celebration of the Natiuitie , Circumcision , Passion , Ascension , Resurrection of the Lord , and the sending downe of the Holy Ghost : of the Mother of God the Virgin , of Iohn the Baptist , Magdalene , Stephen , and the Apostles of the Lord. In the mean-time we condemne none of these , that keepe no festiuall day , but the Sabbath . For when we looke ouer the Monuments of the Fathers , wee find this hath euer beene in the liberty of the Church , to doe that which seemed best , and most commodious for the aduancing of Pietie in these matters of little moment . PARAEVS cap. 14. ad Rom. hyp . 4. FEria Dominicalis , Natiuitatis , Resurrectionis , Ascensionis Domini , & Pentècostès , rectè obseruantur à Christianis : that is , The Lords Day , the Feast of the Natiuitie , Resurrection , Ascension of the Lord , and Whitsonday are lawfully keeped by Christians . Ibidem . Vtile institutum primitiuae Ecclesiae ritè obseruatur , tale hoc est : vtile enim est praecipuas Dei paetefactiones , & beneficia in Ecclesiam collata , stato tempore publice repetere , & profiteri aduersus haereticos & infideles , & populo inculcare , vt sint notissima , & in perpetua memoria ; magis enim mouent , & haerent in memoria iuuentutis , & populi , quae solenniter anniuersariè simul ab omnibus , & vno consensu fiunt , quàm quae aliás ab alijs fiunt , & dicuntur : that is , A profitable Statute of the Primitiue Church is rightly obserued , such is this of Holy dayes : for it is profitable to remember , and professe publikely on a set appointed time , the chiefe manifestatiōs of God and his benefits bestowed vpon the Church , against Heretickes and Infidels , beating them in the eares of the people , that they may be familiar vnto them , and keeped in a perpetuall remembrance . For these things moue more , and stick faster in the memorie of youth , and common people , which are solemnely and yeerely done , by all together , and with one consent , then these things , which are done at other times , by diuers persons seuerally . TILENVS Praecep . 4. Th. 17. PRaeter hunc Sabbatismum septimo quoque die recurrentem , alios dies , non ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed ad pec●liarem Dei beneficiorum commemorationem , de communi consensu in Ecclesia Christiana instituere , non arbitramur simpliter esse illicitum : that is , Besides this Sabbath which returneth euery seuenth day , wee iudge it not simply vnlawfull by common consent of the Church to institute other dayes , not for wil-worship , but for a speciall remembrance of the benefites of God. PERKINS on the fourth Chapter to the Galatians . ECclesiasticall obseruation of time , is when set dayes are obserued for orders sake , that men might come together to worship God. These dayes are eyther dayes of thankesgiuing , or dayes of humiliation : take the example of the Iewes , Ester 9.26 . Who obserued yeerely the Feast of Purim , for a memory of their deliuerance . In like manner , they obserued the Feast of Dedication , and it seemes , that Christ was present at Ierusalem as an obseruer of this Feast , Iohn 10.22 . And thus for orders sake to obserue certayne dayes of Solemnity , is not forbidden . WILLET in his six-fold Commentarie vpon the fourteenth to the ROMANS . THe Apostle reproues them for the superstitious obseruing of dayes , such as then the Iewes practised , and now the Papists : but to obserue such Holy dayes as God hath appointed , such as the Sabbath , and others for order and policie , not for Religions sake , is not within the Apostles reprehension . Item , The Apostle speakes of the Iewes Festiuals , wherein they did clogge their consciences , and one iudged another ; not of the Lords Day , which is of Christs appointing , and of other Festiuals for Order and Policie , and not for a part of the Seruice of God , to bind the Conscience . An answere to the dispute , intituled , OF CONFIRMATION , and of Bishopping . Wherein the Pamphlet penner pretends to impugne the third Article , concluded in the Assembly at Perth , touching the triall of young childrens education ; the tenor whereof followes . FOr as much as one of the most speciall meanes for staying the encrease of Popery , and setling of true Religion in the hearts of the people , is , that a speciall care be taken in triall of young children their education , and how they are catechized : which in time of the primitiue Church was most carefully attended , as being most profitable to cause young children , in their tender yeares , drinke in the knowledge of God and his Religion , but is now altogether neglected in respect of the great abuse and errors , which crept into the Popish Church , by making thereof a Sacrament of Confirmation : Therefore , that all superstitions built thereupon may be rescinded , and that the matter it selfe being most necessary for the education of the youth , may be reduced to the primitiue integritie , it is thought good , that the Minister in euery Parish shall catechize all young children of eight yeares of age , and see that they haue the knowledge and bee able to make rehearsall of the Lords prayer , Beliefe , and ten Commandements , with answers to the questions of the small Catechisme vsed in our Church : And that euery Bishop in his Visitation shall censure the Minister , who shall be found remisse therein : And the said Bishops shall cause the said children to be presented before them , and blesse them with prayer for the encrease of their knowledge , and continuance of Gods heauenly graces with euery one of them . In the narratiue of this Act , the Sacrament of Confirmation is counted amongst the abuses , errors , and superstitions , which crept into the Papistical Church in stead of the profita●le catechizing , that the primitiue Church vsed for the t●iall of you●g childrens education : therefore the first part of the dispute , wherein the Pamphleter intends to prooue that Confirmation is not a Sacrament , contayning nothing that is contrary to the Act , shall be passed by . In the second part of the dispute , intituled , Bishopping , he contends that the Sacrament of Confirmation and imposition of hands , is not proper to Bishops , but common to all Presbyters . This contention is idle : for the Sacrament of Confirmation and imposition of hands , being refuted in the former dispute by himselfe , and condemned by the Act , why should hee striue to haue that common , which neither he nor we esteeme to be lawfull ? But to the end , all occasion of debate , about this matter might be preuented , the Assembly at Perth ordayned , that the Bishop after examination should blesse the young children with prayer , and purposely omitted the ceremonie of imposition of hands , as a thing indifferent to bee vsed , or not vsed , as the Bishop should thinke most meet : Albeit in the primitiue Church , this blessing was alwayes giuen with imposition of hands , as Caluine affirmes , Instit. lib. 4. sect . 4. wishing that it were restored to the first integritie in the reformed Churches . Yet the Pamphleter to make simple ones beleeue , that euery thing concluded in that Assembly was erroneous , hee giues out , that the Sacrament , at least the ceremonie of Confirmation was there allowed , and appropriated to Bishops . PP . We haue abjured Episcopall gouernment , and therefore we cannot lawfully admit Episcopall Confirmation ▪ giuing , and not granting their office were lawfull , and that they haue gotten a lawfull calling by the Church to the said office . Thirdly , that we were free of our oath : and fourthly , That Confirmation were to be allowed , whether as a Ceremonie or as a Sacrament , yet it is damnable presumption , to appropriate vnto themselues the dutie that belongs to all Pastors . ANS . If by the Ceremonie or Sacrament of Confirmation , yee vnderstand the miraculous imposition of hands vsed by the Apostles , or yet the bastard Sacrament of Confirmation vsed in Poperie , whereby Bellarmine , whom yee afterwards cite , sayes , That the Lord would honour Episcopalem dignitatem : neither of these are allowed by the Act , nor appropriated to Bishops . Therefore , your whole dispute following being directed onely against these two points , is idle & superfluous . But if by Confirmation ye did vnderstand according to the meaning of the Act , the dutie which Bishops should performe in trying at their Visitation , the diligence of Pastors in catechizing young children , and in causing them bee brought before them to bee examined and blessed : this part of Episcopall gouernment yee haue not abjured , but haue approued by your assertorie oath , and obliged your selfe to maintayne and obey by your promissorie oath ; if so bee , yee did sweare to the Policie set downe in the first booke of Discipline , Anno 1560. as yee haue often professed . For the wordes in that booke touching this point of Bishops dutie , are these : After the Superintendents haue remayned in their chiefe Townes , three or foure moneths at the most , they shall be compelled ( vnlesse by sicknesse onely they be retayned ) to re-enter in their Visitation . In which they shall not onely preach , but also examine the life , diligence , and behauiour of the Ministers , as also the order of their Churches , and manners of their people : They must further consider , how the poore are prouided for , and the youth instructed . By these wordes it is manifest , that it was not a thing common to euery Pastor to visite Churches , and trie the diligence of Ministers , specially concerning their instruction of the youth , but that it was proper to the Superintendent . Now , if yee haue sworne that this is lawfull in the person of the Superintendent , how can yee call it a damnable presumption in the person of a Bishop ? whose function and name is the same , differing onely in the origination of the word , the one being drawne from the Latine , the other from the Greeke : for a Bishop in the Greeke tongue is the same that a Superintendent is in the Latine . And in visiting of Churches , the triall of the education of children , which now is a dutie belonging to the Bishops function , is here set downe as a speciall point of the Superintendents office . As to the blessing which the Bishop is appointed to giue vnto them , Caluine in the place aboue cited , sayes , That it should bee vsed to the end , that graue and sacred action , may haue the greater reuerence and dignitie . This examination of children , in the ancient Church , had ioyned with it , not the blessing onely , but the ceremonie also of imposition of hands ; and thereupon in the fourth Councell of Carthage , Can. 85. It is called , Examinatio impositionis manus , and is appointed to be often vsed towards the Catechumenists before they were baptised . But this blessing and imposition of hands vpon the Catechumenists , and vpon the young children of Christians , was not the principall action , nor a Sacramentall rite , as it was after esteemed ; nor giuen to Bishops for honour of their Episcopall dignitie , but accessorie onely , as Caluine rightly thinks , vnto the examination , which was the Bishops speciall dutie in his Visitation . It is true , the omission of the principall dutie , and the vsing onely of the accessorie , to wit , the imposition of hands , was the first corruption , that crept in : after that came in the crossing , the annointing of the forehead and the buffet giuen to the child in stead of the blessing , and so a Bastard Sacrament was instituted in the place of a most profitable point of the Episcopall function . Further , as it is the dutie of euery Pastor , to catechize the young children in his Parish , and try whether the Parents haue kept their promise made at the Baptisme of their Children , in which tryall , if hee shall finde the childe to haue profited well , hee ought to blesse and pray for them : So is it the Bishops dutie in his Visitation to try if the Pastors haue performed their parts , and after examination , to blesse these same children . And as the examination , and blessing vsed by the Pastor , takes not away the power , that parents haue to examine and blesse their owne children ; so the examination and blessing of Bishops takes not away the power that Pastors haue of triall , and blessing within their owne Parish . Therefore to conclude , the Ordinance set downe in the Act of Perth appropriates nothing to Bishops , that is common to Pastors and Parents , but preserues vnto euery one the prerogatiue of his owne calling : Neither is there any thing ordayned in the Act , but that which Caluine wished earnestly to be restored againe in the Church . In the fourth booke of his Institutions , cap. 29. sect . 4. & 13. De Confirmatione , hee writes as followes . Hic mos olim fuit , vt Christianorum liberi postquam adoleuerant , coram Episcopo sisterentur , vt officium illud implerent quod ab ijs exigebatur , qui se ad Baptismum adulti offerebant : hi enim inter Catechumenos sedebant , donec ritè fidei mysterijs instituti , poterant fidei confessionem coram Episcopo , ac populo edere . Qui ergo Baptismo initiati erant infantes , quia fidei confessione apud Ecclesiam tunc defuncti non erant , sub finem pueritiae , aut ineunte adolescentia , repraesentaba●tur iterum à parentibus , & ab Episcopo examinabantur , secundùm formulam Catechismi , quam tunc habebant certam , & communem ▪ Quo autem haec actio , quae alio qui grauis sanctaque meritò esse debebat , plu● reuerentia haberet , ac dignitatis ceremonia quoque adhibebatur manuum impositiones . Ita puer ille fide sua approbata , cum solenni benedictione dimittebatur , &c. Talem ergo manuum impositionem , quae simpliciter loco benedictionis fiat laudo , & restitutam hodie in purum vsum velim : that is to say , It was the custome of old , that the children of Christians , after they were growne vp to some perfection , were brought vnto the Bishop to performe that dutie which was done by these that were of perfit yeares , before they came to be baptised For these sate amongst the Catechumenists , while they were sufficiently instructed in the mysteries of Religion , and were able to giue a confession of their Faith before the Bishop and the People . But such as were baptised in their infancy , because they had not giuen a confession of their Faith vnto the Church , about the end of their childhood they were presented by their Parents of new , and examined by the Bishop according to a certayne common forme of Catechisme , which they had in these times . And to the end , this action , that was in it selfe graue and holy , might haue the greater reuerence and dignitie , the ceremonie of imposition of hands was also vsed . Thus the child after approbation of his Faith , was dimitted with a blessing , &c. Such an imposition of hands which is vsed for a simple blessing , I commend , doe and wish the sincere vse thereof were restored . Et Sect. 13. Vtinam verò morem retineremus , quem apud Veteres fuisse admonui , priusquam abortiua haec Sacramenti larua nasceretur : non enim esset Confirmatio talis qualem isti fingunt , quae sine Baptismi iniuria nec nominari potest , sed catechesis , qua pueri aut adolescentiae proximi , fidei suae rationem coram Ecclesia exponerent . Esset autem optima catechizandi ratio , si formula in hunc vsum conscripta esset , summam continens , & familiariter explicans omnium fere religionis nostrae capitum , in quae vniuersa fidelium Ecclesia consentire sine controuersia debet . Puer decennis Ecclesia se offerret , ad edendam fidei confessionem : rogaretur de singulis capitibus , ad singula responderet : si quid ignoraret , aut minus intelligeret , doceretur : ita vnicam veram & synceram Fidem , qua vnanimiter Deum vnum colit fidelium populus , test● , & spectante Ecclesia profiteretur . Haec disciplina si hodiè valeret , profectò parentum quorundam ignauia acu●retur , qui liberorum institutionem quasi rem ad se nihil pertinentem , securè negligunt , quam tunc sine publico dedecore omittere non possent : maior esset in populo Christiano fidei consensus , nec tanta multorum inscitia , & ruditas : non adeò temerè quidam nouis & peregrinis dogmatibus abriperentur , omnibus denique esset quaedam velut methodus doctrinae Christianae : that is , Would to God , we did obserue the custome , which I shew , the Ancients vsed : For then ( Confirmation ) should not be such as the Papists fancie , which cannot be once named without the injurie of Baptisme , but it should be a catechizing of children , whereby they should giue account of their Faith before the Church . And the best manner of catechizing were this ; That a forme should be penned for that vse , contayning the summe of all the heads of our Religion , and expounding them familiarly , vnto which Faith and Religion the vniuersall Church of the faithfull should agree : that the child being ten yeares old , should present himselfe to the Church , to giue a confession of his Faith : bee demanded vpon euery Article , and made to answere seuerally to euery one : and if hee were ignorant of any point , or did not well vnderstand the same , he should be instructed . Thus he should in presence of the Church , and vnder the testimonie thereof make profession of that onely true and sincere Faith , wherewith the Congregation of the faithfull worships God. If this discipline were in vigour at this time , the slouth of some Parents should bee corrected that securely neglect the instruction of their children , as a thing not appertayning vnto to them , which then without a publike shame they could not leaue vndone : a greater consent should bee amongst Christian people in Religion , and the ignorance of many should be nothing so great : some would not bee so hastily carried away with new and strange opinions , and in a word , all should haue a methode of Christian Doctrine . This was the minde of the most learned and worthy Diuine that hath liued in this last age , wherewith , let the Reader iudge , if the Ordinance of Perth bee not agreeing . An answer to the last head , intituled , Of the Administration of the Sacraments in priuate places . TO the end the last Controuersie touching the administration of Baptisme , and the Supper of the Lord in priuate houses , may bee the better discussed , wee shall premit some few grounds for cleering the question . First , The publike actions of Christian Religion , are not tyed to any certayne time , or place by diuine Institution , but may bee lawfully performed at any time , and in any place , when necess●ty requires . Secondly , That the publike actions may be lawfully performed , a publike Minister , a lawfull Assembly , and the forme prescribed in the Word , must necessarily be kept . Thirdly , Howbeit some hold , that Baptisme ministred by a priuate person is valide , and effectuall , yet no man can hold truely , that it is lawfully ministred by such a person . Fourthly , Although the Communion Elements bee duly consecrated by a publike Minister in a most solemne and lawfull Assembly , yet if he apply them only to his owne priuate vse , or to so me other particular person , making no distribution according to the Institution , the action is not lawfully performed . Fiftly , The lawfull Assemblies , wherein the publike actions may be performed , are eyther ordinary , or not ordinarie . The ordinary are not defined in the word particularly , but are left to bee determined by the Church , which according to the generall Rules of Christian Policie , hath deuided the Christian people in sundry Congregations called Parishes ; whose meeting in the ordinary times and places appointed , are the ordinary Assemblies , wherein the publike actions of Religion should be performed ordinarily . Sixtly , The Assemblies that are lawfull , but not ordinary , are the meetings of two , or three at least in the Name of Iesus Christ , wherein he hath promised his presence to heare their Prayers , and approue their lawfull actions of piety . In such Assemblies , the Word hath beene preached , and Baptisme ministred , as in the 16. of the Acts , the Master of the Prison , and his Family were baptized by Paul. The Husband , the Wife , and a Seruant make a Family , where there be no more . The Family of Priscilla and Aquila , are called a Church . This Pamphleter affirmes with Saint Augustine , Paulinus , Esychius , Theophylactus , and others , That our Sauiour at Emaus , did celebrate the Sacrament to the two Disciples , with whom he communed in the way . There the whole Assembly were but three : whether the Sacrament was ministred , or not at that time , this is certaine ; as many as hold , that the same was celebrated , must also hold , that three make the bodie of a Church , wherein the Eucharist may be lawfully ministred : and if the Eucharist , much more Baptisme , which was ministred by Philip to the Eunuch , where there was no Christian Assembly conuened . Yet doubtlesse , he was baptised in presence of his Seruants who were witnesses to the action . For Baptisme would be ministred in presence of some witnesses , and the Eucharist cannot be lawfully ministred without some communicants . Although a Temple bee not necessary , at Caluine sayes in the 185. Epistle , yet the Infant should be baptized in coetu aliquo . Si enim infans clam baptizetur , nullis adhibitis testibus , illud neque respondet ordini à Domino posito , neque Apostolorum exemplo : Likewise that there may bee a Communion , conueniat coetus aliquis ex cognatis , familiaribus , & vicinis , saies Caluine . These grounds being warranted by Scripture , and by the Ancients ; first , wee shall set downe the Acts of the Assembly , which yee labour to refute , next your Refutation and Answere thereto . The Acts concluded at Perth , touching priuate Baptisme , and Communion . THe Minister shall often admonish the people , that they deferre not the baptizing of Infants any longer , then the nexts Lords Day after the Childe bee borne , vnlesse vpon a great and reasonable cause declared to the Minister , and by him approued . As also they shall warne them , that without great cause , they procure not their Children to be baptized at home in their houses , but when great need shall compell them to baptise in priuate houses ( in which case , the Minister shall not refuse to doe it vpon the knowledge of the great need , and being timely required thereto ) then Baptisme shall be administred after the same forme , as it should haue beene in the Congregation . And the Minister shall , the next Lords Day after any such priuate Baptisme , declare in the Church ; that the Infant was so baptized , and therefore ought to bee receiued as one of the true Flocke of Christs Fold . Item , If any good Christian visited with long sicknesse , and knowne to the Pastor , by reason of his present infirmity vnable to resort to the Church for receiuing of the holy Communion , or being sick , stall declare to the Pastor vpon his cōscience , that he thinks his sicknes to be deadly , and shall earnestly desire to receiue the same in his house : The Minister shall not deny to him so great a comfort , lawfull warning being giuen to him vpon the night before , and that there be three or foure of good Religion and conuersation , free of lawfull impediments , present with the sicke person to communicate with him , who must also prouide a conuenient place in his house , & all things necessary for the reuerend administration thereof , according to the order prescribed in the Church . PP . In the ninth head of the first Booke of Discipline , it was thought expedient , that Baptisme should be ministred , vpon the ordinary dayes of preaching , not that it is vnlawfull to baptise , whensoeuer the Word is preached : but to remoue a grosse errour , wherewith many are deceiued , thinking that Children bee damned , if they dye without Baptisme , &c. In the order of Baptisme set downe before the Psalmes in metre , it is said , that the Sacraments are not ordayned of God to bee vsed in priuate corners , as Charmes , or Sorceries , &c. And in the Assembly holden , 1581. it was ordayned that the Sacraments , should not bee ministred in priuate houses , &c. This laudable order hitherto obserued was altered , &c. ANS . Cases of necessitie are not subiect to ordinarie rules : Therfore the Acts made at Perth concerning necessary and extraordinarie cases , alters not the laudable order hitherto obserued . As it is an errour , to esteeme Baptisme absolutely necessary , that is , a middest without which there is no saluation : so it is as great an errour not to thinke it necessary , as an ordinary meane , whereby the Grace of God is communicate , and without the which , if it may be had , and be either contemned or neglected , there is no certainty that God will conferre his grace . Therefore to astrict the ministration of Baptisme to a humane order , touching time and place , which by the Word of God may be lawfully vsed at other times , and in other places , is great temeritie , importing to the Childe , no small danger of the losse of grace , and bringing vpon the Parent and Pastor the guilt of his bloud for contemning , at lest neglecting the ordinary meane of saluation . PP . A Sacrament is a publike action , to bee performed publikely , by publike Ministers : Neyther can any necessitie , or sufficient cause be alleadged , wherefore any sacred and publike action should passe in priuate : because Gods Ordinance is to vs a supreme Law and necessitie , which we ought to obey rather , then foster popular ignorance and infirmitie . These are Tilenus words . ANS . These words are not vttered by Tilenus against the administration of Baptisme , at extraordinary times , and in extraordinary places : but only against the administration of Baptisme by women , and priuate persons ; which is the second Controuersie in Baptisme which hee handles , beginning at the twelfth position , with these words , Altera Controuersia de Ministro Baptismi , and ending at the eighteenth These . Where there is not so much as a syllable of the time , and place , when , and where Baptisme may be ministred : all his positions concerning only the persons by whom . So in this yee are like your selfe , peruerting , and abusing the speeches of learned men against their owne minde . And it is to bee obserued heere , that yee peruersly interpret his words : for where he sayes , Nullaque necessitas vel idonea causa afferri potest , cur actio sacra , & publica transeat in priuatam : yee , to make the Reader beleeue that Tilenus speakes of a priuate place , whiles he is speaking of a priuate action , translate it ( passe in priuate ) as if a publike action could not be lawfully performed , when it is done by a publike person , and in presence of such a number , as by the Ordinance of God are sufficient . PP . The Sacraments are testimonies of our pietie , thankfulnesse , profession , and protestations of our saith : therefore they ought to be conspicuous , and publike . ANS . It is most expedient , that they bee both conspicuous and publike , but in cases of necessity , it suffices that they bee publike . PP . We haue no externall fellowship with the whole Church militant , in the publike exercise of Religion , but a mediate Communion with a particular Congregation . This Communion ought not to be violated . ANS . This Communion is not violated , when in cases of necessitie men cannot resort to the Parish Church . If we communicate in these exercises of Religion with two or three conuened in the Name of Christ , where a greater Assembly cannot be had , our Communion with the Church is not violated : for they are a particular Church , and a part of the vniuersall , aswell as the Parishioners , although they be lesse . PP . The Sacraments should be ministred with consent , and in presence of the Church ; seeing they are workes of publike nature , and of publike fruit belonging to all . ANS . Such workes of publike nature , and publike fruit ought ordinarily to be ministred solemnely : but in cases of necessitie , it suffices that they bee lawfully ministred in caetu aliquo fidelium , as Caluine speakes , Epist. 185. PP . The Sacraments ministred in priuate houses , make the Sacraments to be contemned , and neglected . Heretickes take occasion to corrupt the pure administration of them by these priuie practises . The imperiall constitution in Iustinian forbiddeth that holy things be ministred in priuate houses . ANS . The lawfull administration prescribed in the Act preserues them from contempt , neglect , and corruption : And by the contrarie , the omission of the Sacraments in the cases of necessitie , make men to contemne , and neglect them as vnnecessarie . For Heretickes , there is nothing so good , at which they will not take occasion of euill , yet the practise of good things must not therefore be omitted . To Iustinians constitutions , ye were wont to answere , that the Lawes of the Code are not rules of Theologie : O , but this is a constitution of the Nouels : that is true , yet it fauours your nouelties no more then the Code . This constitution forbiddes onely the ordinarie exercises of publique worship , in priuate Oratories , whereby the Temples were deserted , as is manifest by the Preface : but it is so farre from forbidding the celebration of the Sacraments in priuate houses , in cases of necessitie , that it reserueth priuiledge to the Patriarch of Constan●inople , and to the Bishops in the Prouince , to giue licence that ordinarie seruice may be exercised in priuate Oratories , ●ccording to the 31. Canon of the Trulliau Councell . PP . The Sacraments are not tyed to the materiall Churches made of dead stones , but the Church made of liuely stones . If ●herefore the congregation be in a wood , a house , or a caue , 〈◊〉 Sacraments may be ministred in a house , a wood , or a ●aue : but then the Sacraments are not ministred in priuate , ●ut in publique , because they are ministred in the sight of the ●hole Congregation . ANS . Yet here the whole Congregation is not an ordinarie Parishionall Church , but an extraordinarie Conuention , wherein we affirme with you , that the Sacraments may and should be ministred . In this we agree , but in that which followes of the number which may make a Congregation , we disagree . PP . Christ promise to be in the middest of two or three conuened in his name , cannot be extended to the administration of the Sacraments : for then , where two onely are conuened , the Communion might be ministred , and so the priuat Masse defended . Christ reasons onely from the lesse to the more : If he wil heare the prayers , and ratifie the censures of two or three , farre more of the whole Church . ANS . If the lesse be true , namely , that Christ will ratifie the Censures of two or three conuened in his name , then two or three conuened in his name , must make a lawfull Church , that hath power to censure and excommunicate such as are subiect to their iurisdiction ; otherwise Christ would not haue promised to ratifie their censure . As to the Masse , it is not a priuate Masse , where distribution is made , but where the Priest receiues alone : otherwise ye must graunt , that it was a priuate Masse , that Christ celebrated at Emmaus , where two onely did participate and receiue from our Sauiour . In a word , if in Christs promise the number bee not defined , which at the least may make a Church wherein the publique actions of Religion ought to be performed , since it is no where else defined in Scripture , it must be left to the determination of the Church , which hath power to define what the least number is , that may make a lawfull extraordinarie conuention , aswell as to diuide a Nationall Church in Di●●cesses , and Diocesses in Parish Churches . So the Assembl● at Perth hauing defined that three or foure besides the Mi●nister , and the s●cke person , are a sufficient number to ma● a lawfull extraordinarie conuention , wherein the Sacraments may be ministred in cases of necessitie , we ought to stand at their iudgement , and obey the ordinance against the which in the Word of God there is nothing . PP . Baptisme is a ceremonie initiatorie of our entrance into the bosome of some visible Congregation , or ( as Caluine sayes ) It is a sacred and solemne introduction into the Church of God , and is a testimonie of our heauenly Burgesship , in which they are written vp , whom hee adopteth to himselfe . It ought therefore to be publique . ANS . Caluine in the Epistle which ye quote the 185. sayes not , that therefore it ought to be in a Parishionall Church , but that it behoues the Infant , baptizari in coetu aliquo : and expresly , non quidem vt templum requiratur , Sed vt vbiuis numerus aliquis fidelium conuenia● , qui Ecclesiae corpus efficiat . Now if Baptisme may be ministred in any place , where a number of the faithfull doe conueene , then doubtlesse in a priuate house . PP . Baptisme is a signe of Christian Profession before the world , it ought therefore to be publique . ANS . As it is impossible that it can be publike after such a manner as all the World may be witnesses thereto , so it is not absolutely necessarie that it bee before the whole Parish , when the Childe is in such extremitie that he cannot bee brought vnto the Church . PP . The Congregation should make fruit of the Ministration of Baptisme , in remembring their owne Baptisme , &c. ANS . Ordinarily it ought to be publique , in presence of the Parishiones ; the extraordinarie ministration serues for their comfort who are present . But if it were not ministred at all , in time of necessitie , as ye would haue it , then all should bee depriued of that comfort , and the childe of the benefit of the ordinarie meane of Saluation . PP . Not onely the Parents , but the Church presents the Childe before God , and concurs with the Minister in prayer for the saluation of the Infant . ANS . Such as are present , conioyne their prayers with the Pastor : And the presence of some number , makes the action publique , although lesse solemne . PP . Priuate Baptisme hath sprung of the opinion of the necessitie of Baptisme , and doth still foster the same damnable opinion . In the ancient Church , two solemne times were appoynted for Baptisme , &c. ANS . The opinion of absolute necessitie , ratione medij , that is , of a middest , without which the Infant cannot be saued , is not to be allowed , yet the opinion of necessitie , ratione praecepti , that is , of an ordinarie meane commaunded by God , to bee vsed , when and where it may be had , is sound . And in that opinion the people ought to be confirmed , and admonished ( as it is in the act ) Not to deferre the Baptisme of their Infants , nor neglect it : But to perswade the people , that it is not necessarie , as an ordinarie meane , is as great an errour as any yee alledge hath sprung of the opinion of absolute necessitie . These errours ought to be remoued , not by refusing Baptisme when it is required , which is a disobedience , no lesse dangerous then the errours are , but by the wholsome doctrine of the Word , which is the onely powerfull meane to abolish all errours in Religion . PP . In priuate Baptisme , the doctrine of Baptisme is omitted , for haste to saue the soule of the Infant as is thought , and so the Sacrament is not ministred according to the dignity of it : and this hath bred a negligent ministration of Baptisme in publike . The Trullian Synod decreed , that Baptisme Nullatenus in no case be ministred in a priuate Oratorie . If it be done otherwise , let the Clergie-man be deposed , the Laickes excommunicate . If in no case , where was then the case of necessitie ? ANS . The necessarie Doctrine ought not to be omitted , and the act ordaines Baptisme in priuate houses to be ministred after the same forme that in the Congregation . Doctrine at the baptising of Infants , is not vsed for the instruction and comfort of the Infant , but for the instruction and comfort of the Parents and witnesses . Though it be abridged in times of extremitie , it diminishes not the dignitie of Baptisme , but the Sacrament is rather highly aduanced , when it is esteemed to be sufficient by it selfe as the ordinary meane of saluation to the infant . In the generall Councell of Constantinople , holden in the Emperour Constantinus his Palace in a roome called Trullus , two Canons are set downe , of which yee cite the 59. onely : forgetting ▪ according to your custome , the Canon preceding touching Baptisme , the words whereof are these : Clericos , qui in Oratorijs quae sunt intra domos ministrant , v●l baptizant , hoc illius loci Episcopi sententia facere decernimus , qui hoc non sic seruauerit , deponatur . The Canon ordaines these that baptize in priuate Oratories , to doe it by the Bishops appoyntment . And that cited by you is not contradictorie to this , but concerneth the ordinarie administration of Baptisme , whereas vpon extraordinarie considerations of infirmitie , and inhabilitie of persons , the Councell acknowledges , that the same may be done vpon the Bishops speciall licence . So your Nullatenus includes not cases of necessitie . If the Bishop in such cases may permit Baptisme in priuate houses , much more might the Assembly at Perth , where so many Bishops and Pastors were present , set downe an ordinance to that effect . PP . Priuate baptisme hath bred a new kinde of baptisme , that is , a baptisme by supposition : for if the child baptised in priuate , conualesce , they baptise it ouer againe , &c. ANS . Baptisme ministred in a priuate house , by a lawfull Pastor , before a sufficient number of Christian witnesses , is not priuate , and needes not be supplied , by such a conditionall Baptisme . PP . Baptisme was solemne in the Primitiue Church , as wee may reade of I●hn baptized in Iordan , and Christs Disciples baptising , and the new Conuerts in the Acts : Some were not baptized in any Visible Church , because they had not the occasion , as the Eunuch , and the Centurion . No man will denie , but in the infancie of a Church , a priuate Baptisme may be tollerated : but we speake of a Church constituted , &c. The Lord appoynted a precise day of Circumcision , which might not be preuented . It was no wonder , if they had not euer opportunitie of a solemne Conuention , there is no precise day set downe for Baptisme , &c. The Church ought to be assured of the Baptisme of such as are reputed fellow-heires with them , &c. ANS . That the Church may be assured of the Baptisme of the Childe , it is ordained in the Act of Perth , That the Minister shall the next Lords-day after any such priuate Baptisme , declare in the Church , that the Infant was so baptized , and therefore ought to be receyued , as one of the true Flocke of CHRISTS ●olde . In a constituted Church , Baptisme should not be ministred ordinarily , but according to the constitutions of the Church : but extraordinarie cases , cannot be subiect to ordinarie constitutions , more in a constituted Church , then in the Infancie of it . And that which is lawfull to be done , in the Infancie of the Church , is yet lawfull to be done in a constituted Church , ratione reipraeceptae , & diuinae institutionis . And it is vnlawfull onely rati●ne ordinis , in regard of the order appointed by the Church , from which cases of necessitie are alwaies excepted . Also , that which might haue beene tolerated in the infancie of the Church for necessitie , must euer be lawfull , in the like case : for it was not the infancie of the Church that made the toleration lawfull , but the necessitie . Where ye thinke , that the Iewes were more strictly obliged to circumcision , then Christians are to Baptisme , because a certain day was appointed for it , and to Baptisme there is no day prefixed in the Word : Wee know by the Law , that he who is not obliged at a certaine day to pay his debt , may be charged to pay it at all times , and therfore when God layes sicknesse on a child , a charge is giuen by God instantly to the Parent to performe his duetie . PP . The Lords Supper ought to be publique . We haue a spirituall vnion with the whole Church ; but because it is not possible to celebrate a sacramentall communion with the whole Church militant , the Lord hath appointed vs to celebrate a sacramental cōmunion with some particular Church , We that are many are one bread , and one bodie , because wee are partakers of one bread , 1. Cor. 10.17 . We cannot then bee one body sacramētally , except we be pertakers of one bread . Other Feasts may be priuate , in priuate houses , but the Lords Supper ought to be publique , 1. Cor. 11.12 . When yee conuene to eate , tarrie one for another , 1. Cor. 11.33 . Synaxis , a word signifying as much as Synagogue , was one of the names giuen of olde to this Sacrament . ANS . As with the whole Church Militant we haue a spirituall Communion , so haue we an Euangelicall and Sacramentall Communion : for as we are partakers of the same spirit , so are we partakers of the same Word and Sacraments . The Bread is one , which all receiue , and the water one , wherewith all are baptised Sacramentally ; for they are clothed with the same sacred mysterie of signification , exhibition and obsignation of saluation in Christ crucified . When the Apostle sayes , 1. Cor. 10.17 . Because the bread is one , we who are many are one body , for we are all partakers of one bread : he speaks not of our Communion with a particular Church onely , but with the Catholike ; and by one bread he meanes not one bread mate●ially in number , for one bread in number materially , none but one particular person can receiue : The bread which I receiue materially , is not the same that thou receiuest , but the Sacrament is one and the same in number . To bee short , wee haue no more a Sacramentall communion with these in the Parish , with whom wee communicate , then wee haue with the whole militant Church , who are all partakers of the same Sacraments . And thus , as we haue a spirituall , so we haue a sacramentall Communion with them . It is true , that our communion in the Word and Sacraments , is not visible , but with some particular Church , and therefore , as it is lesse or more publike , so is it lesse or more visible : yet we doe euer celebrate a Sacramentall communion with the whole Church , when the action is lawfully performed . The other places which yee cite , 1. Cor. 11.22 . Haue yee not houses to eate and drinke in ; and , Vers. 33. When yee convene to eate , tarry one for another ; of which , yee gather , that other feasts may be in priuate houses , but the Lords Supper should be in publike : These places , I say , are relatiue to the ordinarie meetings of those times , which were often in priuate houses . Caluine in his 363. Epistle to Ole●ian , answers this obiection : Neque verò Paulus dum Corinthios admonet , domum suam cuique esse , in qua comedat , & bibat , coenam excludit à priuatis aedibus : tunc neque fidelibus patebant templa , nec permissum erat noua extruere , sed tantùm à communibus epulis discernit spirituale mysterium , ne cum illis misceatur : that is , When Paul admonishes the Corinthians , that euery one hath his owne house , wherein hee may eate and drinke , he does not exclude the Lords Supper from priuate houses : for in those dayes Temples were not patent to Christians , neither had they libertie to build new Churches : but hee discernes onely the spirituall mysterie from their common feasts , and will not haue it to bee mixed with them . So the mysterie was called Synaxis , because it was euer celebrated in some Conuention , lesse or more , ordinarie or extraordinarie . PP . It is a badge of our publike profession , it ought therefore to be publike . ANS . It should not onely be publike , but most solemne ordinarily : And in cases of necessitie , when the same is ministred by an ordinarie Pastor , to two or three , assembled in Christs name , it ceases not to be publike . PP . The Communion was sent to the sicke in the time , or mediately after the action , in Iustine Martyr his time . It became afterwards to bee reserued for the vse of dying persons , &c. Some put the Eucharist into the mouthes of the dead , lest they should want their voyage victuall . Yet in all Antiquitie we reade not , that the Communion was celebrated at the sick-mans bed-side . ANS . The corruptions that haue flowed of mens erroneous conceit of the Sacraments , should not take away the lawfull vse of them when necessitie requires . As to the sending of the Sacrament to the sicke , it was a custome of the ancient Church , which Beza allowes : and where the Communion was daily , at least weekely , celebrated in the ordinarie Congregation , as that was the custome of those times , it was not necessarie to celebrate the Communion at the sick-mans bed-side . PP . Clinicall Communions haue not onely bred and still doe foster the opinion of absolute necessitie , but also of Opus operatum , of a preposterous confidence in the last voyage victuall , of coldnesse in the publike seruice of God when we are in health , of distrust of our saluation , if wee want it at that time . Caluine sayes , Difficillimum est hic cauere ne alios superstitio , alios ambitio , & vana ostentatio ad petendum sollicitet . ANS . Albeit Caluine thinks , that Superstition , Ambition , and vaine glorie , may follow the practice of giuing the Communion to the sicke , yet hee concludes not as yee doe ; For in the same Epistle , a little before the wordes which yee cite , hee sayes : Cur coenam aegrotis negandam esse non arbitrer , multae , & graues causae me impellunt : that is , Many great and weightie reasons moue mee to thinke , that the Communion ought not to be denyed to the sicke . Hee saw inc●nueniences might follow thereon , therefore hee addes ; Iudicio opus esset , ac delectu , ne quibus daretur nisi in magno vitae discrimine : that is , Prouidence and discretion would bee vsed in this , that it should bee giuen to none but those that are in extreme danger of their life . Where yee alleadge Clinicall Communion , to haue bred the opinion of absolute necessitie , before yee said , that it was bred by misse-constructing of the wordes in Iohn 6. by Saint Augustine : yet wee finde this custome of giuing the Communion to the sicke , to haue beene at least two hundred yeares before Saint Augustines time . How proue yee now that the practice bred the opinion ? yee coniecture it was so . A good and lawfull custome could no more haue bred it , then the truth of Christs words in Saint Iohn 6. The opinion , certaynly , was bred by some misse-construction , as yee say ; and the way to remoue it is neither the deleting the wordes out of the Text , nor the discharging of a lawfull and comfortable practice of Religion , but the right interpretation of the words of our Sauiour , and the clearing of the Churches custome . PP . They say , the sicke should not bee left destitute of comfort : This reason arises of the opinion of necessitie , as if there were no other meanes to comfort the sicke , or as if the comfort of the publike Communion endured onely for the present time , and not for the time to come . ANS . The reason arises not of the opinion of necessitie , but of expediency : for albeit there bee other meanes to comfort the sicke , yet why should hee want this , that is one of the most powerfull , and ought to bee iterated as oft as it is expedient , although the comfort once thereby receiued endureth for euer ? PP . There is a faire occasion offered , Iam. 5. of priuate Communion , and yet there is no mention made of it in that place . ANS . In that place Saint Iames sets downe the meanes , whereby the sicke may bee restored to health , whilest the gift of healing was yet in the Church . The Sacrament was not any of these meanes , therefore of it no mention is made . PP . If the vow and desire of Baptisme may supply the want of Baptisme , then may also the vow and desire of the Eucharist doe the like . ANS . The desire and wish of Baptisme and the Supper , is not sufficient without participation , when and where they may be had . PP . Some Diuines condescend thus far , that the Communion may be sent to the sick in the time of the publike action . But Tilenus sayes , Whatsoeuer necessitie be pretended , scarce any sufficient cause can be rendred , wherfore the publike action should passe in priuate , because the Ordinance of God is of supreme necessitie . The comforts of the infirme ministred out of order , does rather foster the publike infirmitie of the Church , then heale the priuate infirmitie of the sicke . ANS . Beza in his Questions , thinkes that the Sacrament should be sent to the sicke . Caluine holds that it should bee celebrated at the sickmans bed-side , so both agree in this , that it should be giuen to the sicke . And Caluines saying , Epist. 363. may serue for an Answere to that , which yee alledge out of Tilenus : Quamuis nulla sit legitima coena nisi communis , quae tamen aegrotis dabitur , quia priuata non erit ; adulterina non censebitur . Nam certe partem vel appendicem esse constat publicae actionis : that is , Albeit no Supper is lawfull but that which is common , yet that which is giuen to the sicke , because it shal not be priuate , is not to be counted vnlawful , for it is eyther a part , or a pendicle of the publike action . To conclude , to deny a necessarie comfort vnto the sick , which may bee ministred without breach of any diuine order , cures not the publike infirmitie of the Church , but grieues the sicke , and fosters in these who are in health , a base opinion , and contempt of the Sacrament . I will subioyne to all this Caluines iudgement touching these matters . CALVINE Epist. 184. INprimis autem obseruandum est , cùm istud Sacramentum complectatur sacram , & solennem introductionem in Ecclesiam Dei , sitque testimonium coelestis nostri municipatus , in quem adscribuntur illi , quos Dominus adoptat sibi ; fas non esse ministrare Baptismum , nisi in coetu fidelium . Non quidem vt Templum requiratur , sed vt vbiuis , numerus aliquis fideli●m conueniat , qui Ecclesiae corpus efficiat , &c. Oportet igitur infantem baptizari in coetu aliquo &c. Etiamsi , exiguus sit illorum numerus . Oro Deum vt rectum illum zelum ipsis adaugeat , quem iam contulit , vt se , & suos Deo Patri consecrent , & Domino nostro Iesu Christo. EPIST. 51. DE Coenae administratione ita censeo , libenter admittendum esse sentio hunc morem , vt apud ●grotos celebretur Communio , quùm ita res ▪ & oportunitas feret : hac tamen lege vt sit vera Communio , hoc est , vt panis in coetu aliquo fidelium frangatur . EPIST. 361. CVr Coenam agrotis negandam esse non arbitrer , multae , & graues causae me impellunt . Video interea quàm procliuis in multos abusus sit lapsus , quibus prudenter seduloque occurrendum esset . Nisi enim sit Communio , perperam deflectitur à sacra institutione Christi . Conueniat ergo aliquis coetus oportet , ex cognatis , familiaribus , & vicinis , vt fiat distributio ex mandato Christi : Deinde coniuncta sit actio cum mysterij explicatione : Nec quicquam fiat à communi Ecclesiae ratione diuersum . EPIST. 363. ETsi pridem meam de Coena aegrotis administranda sententiam rogasti , optime frater , &c. Scio rem in disceptatione versari , quia non desunt vtrinque rationes . Mihi verò non est propesitum , nunc eas sigillatim excute re , neque tempus suppetit . Ex natura quidem , fine , & vsu mysterij probe mihi colligere videor , non esse tanto bono priuandos , qui vel diuturno morbo laborant , vel de vita periclitantur . Ad fidei confirmationem valet , tesseram accipere quasi ex Christimanu , quacertiores fiamus , nos in eius corpore censeri , carne eius , & sanguine pasci in spem aet●rnae Vitae . Itaque coenae perceptio , nos ad obeundas spirituales pugnas instruit . Iam , si pius quispiam è mundo migrandum sibi videat , quia fieri non potest , quin oppugnetur , & vexetur multis tentationibus , meritò se armari cupiet ad sustinendos conflictus , An eripiendum est singulare adiumentum , quo fretus ad luctam alacrius descendat , & victoriam obtineat ? Iam prohiberi quo minus liceat profiteri , & testatum facere pietatis consensum cum Ecclesia , durum est , ac mali ex ampli , siue quis in lecto diu iaceat , siue morti sit vicinus Atque coena sanctae inter filios Dei vnitatis est Symbolum . Quamuis breuiter rem attigerim , agnoscis tamen , quibus rationibus adductus , aegrotos non esse arbitror à Communione arcendos . Neque tamen ea de causa velim turbas mouere . Scis in hac Ecclesia alium esse morem . Acquiesco , quia vtile non esset contendere , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05535-e180 The power of the Church . The power of the Christian Church in electing Pastors . Numb . cap 3. 1. Tim. 3. 2. Cor. 10. Their power in c●nsecrating places . Act. 15.21 . Deut. 12.4 . 1. Cor. 14.40 . The power of the Church in appointing times to Gods worship . Leuit. 23. Act. 5. Act. 19. Act. 13.14 . Epitom . de fide Catholica . Epist. ad Ianuar. 118. Caluin ▪ 361. Epist. Bellar. de cult● sanctorum , lib. 3. cap. 10. The Church hath power to determine generall circumstances necessary for God● worship . The Lawes that the Church makes in their matters are alterable . The obedience due to the Ordinances of the Church . The rules of Conscience . Act. 5.29 . In matters of expedience where a lawful Ordinance is set downe , the same ought to be the rule of our conscience . Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. cap. 34. Notes for div A05535-e3670 Aug. Epist. 118. * This was the protestation that should haue beene presented to the last Parliament ▪ Psal. Booke , pag. 6. Iude 3. 1 Cor. 1● . Caluine . Notes for div A05535-e6450 Sozom. l. 1. c. 9. Nic. l. 8. c. 14. 3. Tom. Con. 1. p. 6. Notes for div A05535-e9690 * Ep. 184. Ep. ●1 . Ep. ●61 . Ep. 363. In●●itut ●ib . ● . cap. 2● . Sect. 4. & 13. A consideration of the Discipline whereunto the Swearers did oblige themselues : Now Bishop of Couentr● and ●ichfield . Notes for div A05535-e24860 The second Reason . Epist. 119. The third Reason ▪ The fourth Reason . The fift Reason . The sixt Reason , The seuenth Reason . The eighth Reason . 
A57864	----	A vindication of the Church of Scotland being an answer to a paper, intituled, Some questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterial government in Scotland : wherein the latter is vindicated from the arguments and calumnies of that author, and the former is made appear to be a stranger in that nation/ by a minister of the Church of Scotland, as it is now established by law. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1691 Approx. 117 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57864 Wing R2231 ESTC R6234 11893705 ocm 11893705 50503 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57864) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50503) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 509:14) A vindication of the Church of Scotland being an answer to a paper, intituled, Some questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterial government in Scotland : wherein the latter is vindicated from the arguments and calumnies of that author, and the former is made appear to be a stranger in that nation/ by a minister of the Church of Scotland, as it is now established by law. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. [4], 36, [1] p. Printed for Tho. Salusbury ..., London : 1691. Written by Gilbert Rule. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.) Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Cunningham, Alexander. -- Some questions resolved concerning Episcopal and Presbyterian government in Scotland. Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF THE Church of Scotland . BEING AN ANSWER To a PAPER , Intituled , Some Questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterial Government in SCOTLAND . WHEREIN The Latter is Vindicated from the Arguments and Calumnies of that Author ; and the former is made appear to be a Stranger in that NATION . By a Minister of the Church of Scotland , as it is now Established by Law. LONDON , Printed for Tho. Salusbury at the Sign of the Temple near Temple-Bar in Fleetstreet . 1691. THE PREFACE . THat which is determined concerning all them that will live Godly in Christ Jesus , that they must suffer Persecution , is ( and hath long been ) the Lot of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland ; and a Generation of Men have thus exercised her for many Years by Severities hardly parallell'd among Protestants : And now when their Hands are tyed , that they can no more thus afflict her , their Tongues and Pens are let loose to tear her without mercy , by the most virulent Invectives , and the most horrid Lies and Calumnies that their Wit can invent ; there are more ways than one by which the Serpent casteth out of his mouth waters as a Flood , that the Woman may be carried away of it . We hoped in the little reviving that the Lord hath given us from our Bondage , to have had no diversion from feeding the Flocks over which the Holy Ghost hath made us Overseers : But our Adversaries will force us unto a less pleasing Work , which is yet also necessary for the continuence of the Truth and Purity of the Gospel with the People of God. They are the Assailants , and we must act the part of Defendants , without which necessity I should not have troubled the Reader with the following Sheets . It was judged necessary , not by me only , but by them whose Opinion and Authority I do justly reverence ; in obedience to which , it was written five or six Months agoe , but was by several Accidents hitherto kept from coming forth to the Light. We are for Peace ( even with them who have not only differed from us , but dealt hardly with us ; and are willing to receive such of them as are qualified to be Ministers of the Gospel ) but when we speak ( yea , tho' we are silent , and neither speak nor act against any of them but such as the Gospel declares to be unsavoury Salt ) they are for War ; and labour to make us odious to Mankind , but especially to our Rulers . Beside this Pamphlet , several other Prints have been emitted by these Men , containing partly Historical passages full of Lies and Reproaches , and partly false and spightful representations of our Principles and way : To which an Answer , such as they need or deserve , shall e're long be given , if the Lord permit . That this hath not sooner been done , hath been in a great measure caused by the multitude of matters of Fact narrated in them , said to be done in divers places of the Nation , far remote one from another , to all which it was necessary to send for getting a true Account of these things , and there being but one Copy of each of these Books that we could find in all Scotland , the several passages for the divers parts of the Country behoved to be transcribed and dispersed , before Information about them could be bad , which could not shun to require a long time ; and when these Informations were obtained , some other things fell in , which did yet longer retard the Answer , which is now intended to be hastened as soon as may be . In this matter our Adversaries have used a piece of Cunning , which is , that these Books were spread in England only , where the things contained in them could not be known nor examined : But in Scotland ( where most Readers could have discovered the falshood of their Allegations ) there never was one of them to be found in a Book seller's Shop : But veritas non quaerit Angulos . I shall not anticipate what is to be said in answer to the Books mentioned , as also to a Letter of the same strain , very lately come from the Press ; only it may be thought strange , that the Men with whom we have to do , should make such Tragical Outcries about their Sufferings , when it may be made appear that in the late Times , when Presbyterians suffered from their hand , any one of many who may be instanced , suffered more Hardship and barbarous Cruelty , than all of them have endured . It is also unaccountable that they should on this occasion so reproach the Church as they do , while very few ( not above a dozen , if I mistake not ) have suffered by the Sentence of any Church Iudicatory , and these for Scandals that no man will have the brow to plead for : And if two or three of them have been censured on slender grounds , as is alledged ; not only our Church did give express warning to Presbyteries against this Practice : But the late General Assembly hath Committed it to some of the gravest and most experienced of their number to review such Processes ( where Appeal or Complaint hath been made ) and to relieve them who are injured . And it is evident to all who know our practices , and can judge of them without partiality , that the Presbyterian Church in Scotland hath at this juncture used all due means to make her Moderation known to all Men , believing that the Lord is at hand , who will judge between us and them who shew such spight against us ; to whose Iudgment , and to the Censure of unbyassed Men , when they have heard both Parties , and understood our matters , we refer our Cause . A VINDICATION of the Church of Scotland ; Being an Answer to a Paper , Intituled , Some Questions concerning Episcopal and Presbyterial Government in Scotland ; wherein the latter is vindicated from the Arguments and Calumnies of that Author ; and the former is made appear to be a stranger in that Nation . SO apparently weak and inconsequential are the Reasonings of this Pamphleter , that nothing could make it reasonable for a Man who hath few spare hours from more necessary work , to undertake an Answer , except the Advice that the Wise man giveth Prov. 26. 5. for we find it to be the Genius of some of his Party , when they find that Scripture and Reason cannot , and Authority will not , support their tottering Cause , to betake themselves to clamorous lies and railing , and charging others , ( as sometimes Children do ) with the same thing in which themselves are most culpable ; as in a late Piece , intituled , An Account of the present Perscutions of the Church in Scotland by the Presbyterians . And to write ( with or without reason , seemeth to be much the same with them ) something that may prevail with their easie and biassed Disciples ; for some men are more ashamed to say nothing , then to say nothing to purpose . § 2. He beginneth in his Title page with some Testimonies of King James VI. against the Presbyterians . To which two things may be said : 1. That King James , in an after Edition of his Basilicon Doron , did declare he meant none but such as Anabaptists and Familists . 2. We set in opposition to this Assertion , another saying of the same Royal Author , mentioned a little below . § 3. His Preface taketh notice of two opposite Narratives concerning Episcopacy ; the one to the Act restoring it 1662. the other to the Act by which it was abolished 1689. whether of these contain most Truth and Sincerity , is not to be judged of , but by entring on the Merits of the Cause ; and his Pamphlet , with this Answer to it , may contribute some light to it . But that he supposeth Episcopacy to be best fitted to keep out Heresie , is gratis dictum : and the falshood of it is manifest , if we accompt Popery to be Heresie ; the Abominations of which arose , and grew up under that Government of the Church in this Nation ; what might be its effects in other Churches , we do not now consider . And our Experience may inform us what steps have been made , not only toward the Superstitions , but even the Doctrines of Popery under its Wings , since its restauration . And how Arminianism hath been warmed , and got life by its influence in Scotland , is too well known . He cannot be ignorant of what K. James VI. ( whose Authority in matters of Truth , he often brings as an Argument ) used to say of Presbytery , as managed in Scotland , That no Error could get footing there while Kirk-Sessions , Presbyteries , Synods , and General Assemblies stood in their force . What evil speaking and reviling there is in the Brief and True Account of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland , occasioned by the Episcopalians since the Year 1660. I know not , not having seen that Book : But I am sure his Party is in mala fide to challenge it , their stile being such to the Life , not in this Pamphlet only , but especially in those before mentioned . § 4. The first of his Questions is , Whether Presbytery ( as contrary to the Episcopacy restored in Scotland 1662. ) was settled by Law , when the Protestant Religion came to have the Legal Establishment in that Kingdom ? Which Question may be two ways understood , and neither of them much to his purpose : either , whether the Protestant Religion , when it was setled by Law , found Presbytery already established ; which is a foolish Question ; for who ever heard of Presbytery under regnant Popery ; we deny not Episcopacy to be as old as Popery : or , whether Protestanism and Presbytery were by Law established at the same instant : neither is this Question to the present purpose ; for it is enough to shew the Opinion of the Church of Scotland ( as soon as reformed ) about Church Government , if our Adversaries cannot make it appear that she chused to be governed by Bishops : And if we can shew that Presbytery was the Government practised in her from the beginning of the Reformation ; and that it was by Law established , as soon as any fixed Government could be settled . And good Reasons may be given why it was not done at the very first . First , The Errors and Idolatry of that way were so gross , and of such immediate hazard to the Souls of People , that it is no wonder that our Reformers minded these first and mainly , and thought it a great step to get these removed , so that they took some more time to consult about the reforming of the Government of the Church . Secondly , It was possible at first , when the Nation was scarcely crept out of Popery , to get a competent number of Ministers and Elders , who might manage the Government of the Church ; but this behoved to be a work of time : But what they did in this , and what was their Sentiments about Church Order , we shall after have occasion to discourse . § 5. Toward the Resolution of his first Question , he tells us , in several particulars , wherein all the dispute is , that is intrinsick to the Notion of a Church Government ; which his Question he stateth with no great shew of understanding in these Controversies . But that I insist not on , that which is here chiefly to be observed is , that he overlooketh that which is the chief ( yea the only ) Question , on which our Controversie with the Prelatists doth turn ; viz. Whether the Government of the Church should be in the hands of a single Person , or of a Community ? whether the Rulers of the Church ought to manage that Work in parity , or one should manage it as Supreme , and the rest in Subordination to him . The distorted notion of a Moderator in Church Meetings that he hath taken up , seemeth to mislead him in this matter ; for we will not yield that the Moderator , qua talis , is a Church Governour , nor that he hath any Jurisdiction over his Brethren ; his power is meerly ordinative , not decisive ; to be the Mouth of the Meeting , not to be their Will or commanding Faculty ; to keep order in the manner and managing what cometh before them ; not to determine what is debated among them . The Author talketh at random , not knowing what he saith , nor whereof he affirmeth , when he speaketh of our election of a Moderator , as done by the Clergy ( as he speaketh ) Lay-Elders and Deacons : For where was it ever heard of that Deacons had a Vote in Presbyteries or Synods , among Scotch Presbyterians ; we count them ( though they are Officers of Divine appointment , yet ) the Servants of the Church , not her Rulers ; they are employed about her Goods , not in the Government . § 6. He asserteth that the Protestant Religion was by Law established in Anno 1567. and the Constitution of Bishops remained as the Legal establishment , and that Presbytery was not legally settled till 1592. His proofs for this , and Objections that he obviateth against it , I shall consider , after I have given a true Historical Accompt of the being and establishment of Presbytery in this Nation . Two things we maintain as to this ; the former is , That not Episcopacy , but a Government managed by the Teachers of the Church acting in commune , and in parity , had place in the Church of Scotland with its first Christianity , and some Ages after . The other is , That not Episcopacy , but Presbytery , was the Government of the Church of Scotland as soon as it was reformed from Popery . For the former , Though we assert not that the first Christians in Scotland had Presbytery in all the Modes of it , as we have ; neither can we attain the distinct Knowledge of the Actings of these Times by any Records that are left us ; yet that there was a Parity , and no Prelacy among the Church Rulers in Scotland : For all agree that Donald ( who entered upon the Government in the Year 199. ) was the first Christian King in Scotland , though it is rationally thought , by the best Historians , that Christianity was embraced by many of the people before that : And Baronius affirmeth , That the Scots received the Christian Faith from Pope Victor ; ( had he said in his time , we should have assented fully , but what he saith is enough to our purpose ) who was Bishop of Rome from 194. to 203. And it is clear from Baronius , and the current of Historians , that Palladius was the first Bishop of the Scots : ( Spondan : exit Annal. Baron . ad Annum Christi 431. p. ( mihi ) 592. hath these words ; Sanctus Prosper missum ait Palladium ordinatum primum Episcopum ad Scotos . ) He was sent thither by Pope Celestine , who ascended that Chair Anno 424. So that the Scotch Christians lived without Bishops for about 320 years , until Popery and its Appendices did overspread the World. What is alledged by some , that Palladius was sent to convert the Scots , is contrary to Beda , who tells us lib. 1. cap. 13. that he was sent ad Scotos in Christum credentes . And what others alledge , that he was sent to the Irish in Ireland , who then were called Scots , is without ground . For 1. Beda Hist. lib. 1. c. 12. sheweth whom he meaneth by Scots , to wit , those that were separated from the Britains by the two Seas , which he sheweth to be Clyde and Forth . 2. Patrick was sent to them at the same time ; viz. Palladius was sent to Scotland Anno 431. and Celestine died in the beginning of 132. who yet sent Patrick to Ireland ; and there is sufficient ground for this from Balaeus ( cited by Sir G. Mekenzie against St. Asaph ) where it is said that Palladius was sent to Scotland ; that Claruit Anno 434. and therefore could not dye to make room for Patrick in Ireland , 431. and that he died at Fordon in the Mernes in Scotland . Also Tertullian , who lived in the beginning of the Third Century , speaketh of the Scots as then Christians ; & Britannorum Romanis inaccessa loca Christo vero subdita , which Baronius applieth to the Scots ; and to no other in that Ifle it can be applied . Spanhem . Epit. Isag. ad Hist. N. T. Saecul . 3. Sect. 2. distichon hoc dicit esse Vulgatum . Christi transactis tribus Annis atque ducentis Scotia Catholicam coepit habere fidem . Besides this , it is clear from Beda Hist. lib. 3. c. 25. & lib. 5. c. 16. & 22. how averse the Scots were from the practises of the Romish Church in the Observation of Easter and the Tonsure . And that Venerable Author taxeth them as ignorant of the Canons ; and that they knew nothing but the Writings of the Apostles : Which may give good ground to think , that it was long before that Church-Domination , Prelacy , which at last they were forced to submit to , got place among them . § . 7. That Bishops were setled in Scotland with the beginning of Christianity , Arch-Bishop Spotswood doth boldly assert , but doth not bring any Vouchers for what he affirmeth : Neither doth he name any one of these Bishops till Amphibalus , who ( he saith ) sat first Bishop in the Isle Iona , or Icolmkill : But this was long after Christianity came into Scotland ; to wit , all the time was now lapsed that the Culdees remained in the Isle of Man , where Crathelinth ( little less than a hundred Years after Donald , and the entrance of Christianity ) built a Church for them , called Fanum Sodorense ; so that they were at least above a Hundred Years without a Bishop . Again , Spotswood is alone in this , all other Historians making Palladius the first Bishop . Neither is there any ground to think that Amphibalus was in any degree of Jurisdiction above other Culdees , but that he was a Famous Man , and the first of them that is expressed by Name in History . This Author telleth also of other Bishops , but giveth no ground to believe any more of them , than that there were Men so named , who were Famous among the Scotch Christians , and it is like were their Preachers . We conclude then that the Christian Church of Scotland was governed by the Culdees , who are sometimes called Priests , sometimes Monks , sometimes Bishops . Neither is there any ground to think that this Name was appropriated to any of them , secluding the rest , till Palladius came to Scotland ; far less that any of them had Jurisdiction over the rest : What may be met with concerning any Famous Man that was Head over the Society at Icolmkill , or elsewhere , maketh nothing for Episcopacy , for he was there the Head of a School , where Students were bred for the Ministry ; but that he had Jurisdiction over the Culdees , who either there , or through the Country , preached the Gospel to the People , hath no semblance of truth . Yea , we further assert , that however a Prelacy ( together with other Romish Innovations ) was brought into the Scotch Church with Palladius ; yet Episcopacy , as our Pamphleteer pleadeth for it , and as it was lately in Scotland , was not known in this Church for a long time after . For Constantine the Second , King of Scots , in the Ninth Century , made a Law against Church-men's medling with Secular Business ; so that they could not sit in Parliament : And it was Malcolme Canmore , in the Eleventh Century , who , as he brought in new Titles of Honour into the Civil State , so he changed the Discipline of the Church , and brought Episcopacy to its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 8. The second thing that we above have asserted , is , That when the Reformed Religion was brought into Scotland , and Popery cast out of it , this Protestant Church was not setled under Episcopal Government , but under Presbytery , and did so continue for many years ; till by the secret practices , and at last by open force of ambitious men , the Government was changed , to the great disquiet of the Nation . Although the knowledge of the Truth did begin privately to creep into Scotland , and spread among the People more early , even in the Reign of K. James the Fifth , and made greater advances under his Daughter Queen Mary ; yet the first publick step of the Reformation that is found in History , was in 1540. when , in a Parliament , the rigour of Acts against them who have English Bibles , was taken off , and liberty was granted to read the Bible in their Mother-Tongue ; also to read other Treatises : this was 1543. After this , for divers Years , many of the Nobility , Gentry , and Commons , owned the true Religion , tho' the publick Profession was still Popish : Yea , by many of the Nobility and Gentry a Bond was solemnly entred into , for the defence of the Truth , and adherence to it , Anno 1557. In the same Year the Queen granted Liberty for Publick Administration of the Word and Sacraments , as was desired by a Petition of the Protestants . Anno 1559. the Protestant Ministers and People held a General Assembly at St. Johnstown , saith Knox , Hist. lib. 2. 137. at which I. Knox was present . All this while there was no Episcopal Authority owned or submitted to among the Protestants ; however Bishops still retained their places in the Romish Church , and in the State. In the Year 1560. July 17. in a Parliament held at Edenburgh , the Confession of Faith , containing the Heads of the Protestant Religion , was by Law established ; August 24. an Act past against saying of Mass. The same Year the Pope's Authority in Scotland was abolished by Act of Parliament . Anno 1561. the first Book of Discipline was presented to the Convention of Estates , but delayed and not approved nor condemned at that time ; yet soon after it was approved by the Authority of the Council , and in it Presbyterian Government approved ; for it owneth no fixed Officers in the Church , but Pastors , Teachers , Elders , and Deacons , ( what is to be thought of the Superintendents therein mentioned , is after to be considered ) this Discipline , and the Book containing it , was subscribed to in January 1561. ( 1560. stilo vetere ) by a great part of the Nobility . December 1560. a General Assembly was held , where sat no Church-men but Ministers . Another General Assembly was held Decemb. 25. 1562. where Bishops are so far from Church-Domination , that they and other Ministers , who had not entred by the Order in the Book of Discipline , are inhibited till further Tryal . 1563. A General Assembly at Perth about the end of June , gave the same Power , or Commission , for planting Kirks , suspending , depriving , transplanting Ministers , &c. to some Ministers , that had been given to Superintendents : And it is noticed by the Historian , that Presbyteries were not yet constituted because of the scarcity of Ministers . What is there in all this that looketh like Episcopal Government ? Another General Assembly met June 1565. also Decemb. 25. of the same Year ; where the Power of Superintendents was a little clipt ; also about the end of June 1567. At a Parliament held at Edenburgh , Decemb. 15. 1567. several Acts were made about Church Affairs , where not only mention is made of Synods and General Assemblies , but Appeals allowed to the latter , and from it Appeals are forbidden ; and a Commission appointed to enquire into what Points should belong to the Jurisdiction of the Church , and all Church-Jurisdiction forbidden but what is , or shall presently be established . Another General Assembly Decemb. 25. 1567. also July 1568. in both which Superintendents were censured ; and a Bishop ( to wit , who had been such ) deposed from the Ministry . In the last Assembly it is appointed who shall Vote in Assemblies , and not one word of Bishops . Another Assembly July 1569. Another March 1st . 1570. where Order is set down about chusing the Moderator , there was no Prelate to pretend to that Priviledge . Another in the beginning of July 1570. Another in the beginning of March 1571. where again Superintendents are limited . In January 1572. a Convention of Church men met at Leith , who were too much influenced by the Court : The Council also with the Regent appointed Articles to be drawn for the Policy of the Kirk , and after approved them : By them was restored the Image of Prelacy , ( yet the real Exercise of Presbytery , in all its Meetings , lesser and greater , continued and was allowed ) for these called Tulchan Bishops were set up ; who had the name of Bishops while Noblemen and others had the Revenue , and the Church had the Power . This cannot be pretended to be a restoring of Prelacy , more than of Popish Abbacies and Priories , which were then the same way brought in . This Constitution was never allowed by the General Assembly , and it lasted but three or four years , and as a Corruption was protested against by the General Assembly 6th . of August 1572. In an Assembly at Edenburgh March 6. 1573. David Ferguson was Moderator , tho' neither Bishop nor Superintendent . Another Assembly August 6. Mr. Alexander Arbuthnot , Principal of the old Colledge of Aberdeen , was Moderator . Assemb . 1574. concluded that the power of Bishops should be no more than that of Superintendents . In many of these Assemblies the Policy of the Church was revised and still carrying on toward perfection . After this , in other Assemblies pains was taken to perfect the Policy of the Church , which at last came forth in the Second Book of Policy , agreed on in the General Assembly Octob. 25. 1577. Also 1578. at several Assemblies Acts were made against Bishops , the revising of the Book of Policy was delayed in a Parliament at Sterling Castle 1578. called the Imprisoned Parliament . General Assembly July 13. at Dundie 1580. condemned the Office of Bishops as unlawful : Another at Edenburgh Octob. 20. appointed a platform to be drawn for Presbyteries . 1581. The second Confession of Faith was subscribed by the King and his Houshold : Where Episcopacy is condemned under the Name of the Hierarchy , it being declared that no other Church policy was to be allowed save that which then was used , which every one knoweth was Presbytery . The same Year the Assembly caused Registrate the Book of Policy among their Acts. In May 1584. some Acts of Parliament were made , derogating from the Liberties of the Church , but so little weight was laid on them , that by the King's Command some Ministers were appointed to make Animadversions on them , to which the King answered , explaining and smoothing most of these grievous Acts. In the Assembly 1586. Commissions for Visitations were taken from Bishops , Superintendents , and others , and the Church in several Meetings declared against Prelacy . Much Contention there was between the Church in her lesser and greater Assemblies , and a Court-Faction , about Prelacy , which yet was never re-established ; but at last in the Parliament begun 29 of March 1592. it was utterly abolished , and Presbyterial Government fully settled ; which Arch-Bishop Spotswood in his History , tho'he cannot deny , yet doth most disingenuously labour to obscure . § . 9. Let us now consider what grounds the Pamphleter lays for his Conclusion , and what is the Conclusion he buildeth on them ; the latter of these I first consider . In it I observe first , he is out in his Arithmetick ; for between 1567 and 1592. are not 35 but 25 Years . Another thing to be observed is , that it can make nothing for his Design , that Presbyterian Government was not presently established by Law with the Protestant Religion , because then the Nation having so lately been wholly Popish , and but few of the Clergy , or other Learned Men , converted to the True Religion , there could not be a competent number of Ministers got , who were tolerably qualified , either to rule the Church or to administer other Ordinances : and the space of 25 years was not long for growing up of such an increase of useful Plants as might furnish Churches and constitute Presbyteries every where in the Nation ; especially if we consider what opposition was made to this settlement by the Court and its dependents ; and how some unfaithful preachers complied with the Court , in hope of preferment from the year 1584. it was rather to be wondered at , that this work was so speedily brought to such issue , and through such opposition . Let him make what advantage of his conclusion he can : it is evident from what hath been said , that Episcopacy never took place in the Protestant Church after the Reformation , till Presbytery was fully setled : also that the Inclinations of the protestant people of Scotland ( to speak in the dialect of our time ) were always for Presbytery , and strongly against Prelacy : and that whatever the State did to retard this work , the Authority of the Church was always on the side of Presbytery . It is also evident , that Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Protestants was condemned by Law in that same Parliament , 1567. wherein the Protestant Religion was established : for it is there statute and ordain'd , that no other Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical be acknowledged within this Realm than that which is , and shall be within this same Kirk established presently , or which floweth therefrom , concerning preaching the Word , correction of Manners , administration of Sacraments . Now I hope none will affirm , that prelatical Jurisdiction then was , or was soon after established in the protestant Church of Scotland . § . 10. The Foundations on which he buildeth his Conclusion make as little against what we hold : he saith , the Constitution of Bishops , having then the Publick Authority , ( the Popish Bishops sitting in this Parliament which setled the Reformation ) must in the Construction of the Law be confest to remain firm from 1567 , to 1592. Ans. It is not denied , that the Constitution of Bishops , in regard of their Temporalties , ( such as sitting in Parliament , &c. ) remained after 1567. yea , neither do we say that , that Law took from them the Authority they had over the Popish Church , ( so far as then 't was in being ) for this Law did not pretend to unbishop them , or make them no Priests ; nor did it touch their pretended Indelible Character . But it is manifest , that after this Law they had no legal Title to rule the Protestant Church : and that by this , nor any other Law , no other Bishops were put in their room for the ruling of the Church . To what he saith of the Popish Bishops sitting in a reforming Parliament , I oppose what Leslie , Bishop of Rosse a Papist , hath , De gest . Scotorum , lib. 10. pag. 536. that concilium à sectae nobilibus cum Regina habitum nullo ecclesiastico admisso , ubi sancitum , ne quis quod ad religionem attinet , quicquam novi , moliretur ; ex hac lege ( inquit ) omne sive haereseos , sive inimicitiarum , sive seditionis malum tanquam ex fonte fluxit . Another thing he alledgeth ( or rather insinuateth ) viz. in the 1st Book of Policy , a Superintendency , ( which is another Model of Episcopacy ) was set up . Ans. It is true , the Protestant Church of Scotland in its infancy ( it was neither by an Act of Parliament that it was brought in , nor that it was after cast out ) did set up Superintendents , but this was truly ( and was so declared to be ) from the force of necessity , and designed only for that present exigency of the Church . Neither was it ever intended to be the lasting way of managing the Affairs of that Church . At that time it was hard , in a Province , to find two or three men qualified for any more work toward the edifying of the Church , than reading the Scripture to the people , and therefore they found it needful to appoint one qualified man in a Province , ( and at first fewer , only five in all Scotland ) who had Commission from the Church to go up and down and preach , to visit Churches , to plant and erect Churches : they acted only as Delegates from the Church , and were accountable to every General Assembly ; where they were frequently censured : and ordinarily the first work in the Assemblies was to try their Administrations : as the number of Ministers grew , their power was lessened , and at last wholly taken away : their Commission was renewed often : other Commissioners also beside them were sometimes appointed with the same power . They were never designed to be instead of Bishops ; for they did not keep to the old division of the popish Diocesses . They might not stay above 20 days , in one place , in their Visitations : they must preach thrice a Week at least . In their particular Charge they must not remain above three or four Months , but go abroad to Visitation again ; they must be subject to the Censure of the Church , in her provincial and general Assemblies . All this considered , let any one judge with what candor our Author calleth a Superintendency , a New Model of Episcopacy . It is evident from our Church Histories , that the Protetestant Church of Scotland was so far from that sentiment , that they had a strict eye over Superintendents , lest their power should have degenerated into a lordly Prelacy : and that they laid aside the use of Commissions to Churchmen , and giving them such power , as soon as the Church could be provided with such number of Ministers as was needful . QUESTION II. HAving brought his first Question to so wise a conclusion , he advanceth to a second , which is , Whither ever Presbytery was setled in the Church of Scotland , without constraint from tumultuous times ? What advantage to the Cause of Prelacy , or detriment to Presbytery is designed by this Question and the Answer of it , is not easie to divine . Is every thing bad that hath been done in tumultuous times ? Doth not the Lord say Daniel 9. 25. That he will build his House in troublous times ? Will this man therefore condemn the Reformation from Popery in Scotland for this , That it was setled against the will of the Queen , and the popish Grandees , and some pretended , but unfaithful , Protestants , in a very tumultuous time ? It may be he will ; and his Citation pag. 4. out of Basil. Dor. Lib. 2. seemeth to import no less : But if he thence conclude , That Popery is the Truth and Protestantism an Error , we shall then know where to find him : And if he do not , all that he here saith is extra oleas vagari . But it may be the strength of his ratiocination lieth in this , That Presbytery was setled by constraint ; And these by whose authority it was done , were by the tumults of the people forced to it . Let us a little examine this . First , Is every thing bad that men are forced to ? Ill men do few good things willingly , and of their own proper motion : By his way of reasoning , the will and inclination of great men must be the standard of good and evil . 2ly , Presbytery had a twofold Settlement in Scotland : One by Church-authority : After searching the Scripture , the General Assemblies of this Church did find Prelacy unwarranted there ; And that it was contrary to that Form of Government that the Apostles setled in the hands of the ordinary Office bearers of the House of God : And this they declared authoritatively in the Name of Jesus Christ : I hope he will not say , that this was done by constraint . Another Settlement it had by the Authority of King and Parliament , giving their civil Sanction to it : Neither can he alledge , That the Parliament was any way constrained to this ; Or that any force was put on them : Nothing appeareth but that the Parliament 1592. [ which made this Settlement ] was as free in the Election of its Members , in their Consultations and Votings , as any that have been since : And some will say , more-free than these Parliaments which since have undone what they did . It resteth then , That he must mean , That the King was some way violented in that he assented to this Act contrary to his own sentiments and inclinations . But this resteth to be proved : beside , that it is a greater reflection upon the Conscientiousness and Uprightness of that Great and Wise Prince , than is decent for a dutiful Subject to be guilty of . § 2. Let us now hear how he will prove , first , That King James , Anno 1592 ; Then , that King Charles , Anno 1639 , Assented to Presbyterial Government unwillingly and by constraint . His proofs are , first , King James in Basil. Dor. L. 2. p. 28. speaketh with great bitterness against the Presbyterians , and their Way . Ans. This doth indeed prove , that he had changed his thoughts of that Way : Not that he was never of another mind . It were not hard to cite words of his , as much to the commendation of Presbytery , as these in Basil. Dor. are against it . But that Way , and its opposite , standeth or falleth , by the sentence of a higher Authority than that of men . 2ly , He thinketh it against Reason and Charity , to think , That this being his thought of Presbytery , he would settle it in the Church without some kind of compulsion . Ans. It is little more charity to think , That a man of any degree of Conscience or Religion , would have so eminent a hand in plaguing the Church with that which he looked on as so pernicious , as the words cited by our Author do express : Yea , the fear of God would restain one from such an act , even under the highest kind of compulsion . 3ly , He next objecteth the Preamble to the Act for Restoring of Episcopacy , Anno 1606. Ans. Who can doubt , that when men had a mind to set up that Government , they would say all the good of it that they could devise , and speak to the disadvantage of the contrary what could be thought upon ; but this signifieth no more , than that they were changed from what once they were ; and they who do so say and unsay , are unfit to give decisive Testimony about any point of Truth . 4ly , He ascribeth K. James's assent to Presbytery to his Youth . Ans. He was no Child in 1592 , having been married to Queen Ann three years before , viz. in 1589. He was at least 30 years of age . 5ly , He pleadeth from the unsetled condition of his Affairs : but doth not shew wherein they were unsetled . It 's true , the King then had some trouble with the Earl of Bothwell , but it is well known that Bothwell was no Presbyterian ; and setling of Presbytery could not tend to quiet him : But I am weary of such silly Arguments which deserve no answer . What he maketh the King alledge , That the Presbyterians were always ready to joyn with any Faction in the State : is as groundless as any thing can be spoken : They never owned any but such as owned the interest of Christ , and his Truth . Their appearing against his Grand mother and Mother , was only in defence of Christ's Truth , which these two Queens did labour to extirpate . And what is said of inordinate and popular Tumults , reflecteth upon Procestantism , rather than on Presbytery . It 's a strange Insinuation that he hath in the end of the paragraph , pag. 4. That that young King was forced to settle Presbytery in the Church , that thereby he might bring off Presbyterians from joyning with the Acts of their Kirk to unsettle his Throne . Here is Malice twisted with incoherent Imaginations : For nothing but Malice can make any think that Presbytery is an Enemy to Monarchy : but what dirt he casteth on us , of this kind , afterward shall , in its place , be wiped off . It 's also a strange fancy , that if K. James lookt on Presbytery as capable by the Acts of their Kirk to unsettle his Throne , that he should put it in that capacity , by setling it by Law , with a design to secure the Throne : It is as if a man should let in the Thief at the door , that he might sleep the more securely in his house . § 3. What King Charles says for Prelacy [ to which all know that he ever was a constant friend ] is much more modest than what we heard before : And we deny not , but what countenance he gave to Presbytery , was in condescendency to his People : Yet from the transactions of these times , we may confidently infer , That the Nation , both in its diffusive and its representative Body , the Parliament , was for Presbytery : And what our Author says of the Tumults of these times , [ which were sad , and lamented by all good men ] layeth more load on Prelacy : The Tyranny and Innovations of the Church-Rulers of which way did force the people either to see first the purity of Gospel Ordinances taken from them , and then their Religion destroyed by a popish Faction [ as of later years appeared more convincingly , when the designs of these men were more ripened ] or stand in their own defence . So that what our Author gaineth by this passage is , that Episcopacy raised a Tumult , which ended in its own ruine . QUEST . III. THE Scope of his Third Question , and of the Resolution of it , can be no other but to render Presbyterians odious ; not to disprove their Cause , nor to refute their Principles : It is , Whither the Principles of Scottish Presbytery grant any Toleration to Dissenters ? Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione loquentes ? His party are , above all men , except Papists , in mala fide to blame others in this matter : Among what party of men hath uniformity , and conformity to all the Canons of their Church , and that in things confessed by them to be indifferent [ that is needless ] been pressed with more severity , imposed by more unmerciful Laws , and urged by more inhumane and cruel execution of them ? That there hath been excesses among Presbyterians in this , we deny not ; but lament it : humanum est Labi : Moderation is not an easie Lesson , nor so often practised , as it should be when men forget that the Lord is at hand : as the best are apt to do , when they are at ease . But all unbyassed men , who know , and have observed the way of the one , and of the other party , while they alternatively had the ascendant , will say , that the little finger of the meanest Prelate , and his Underlings , was heavier than the loyns of the greatest Assembly of the Presbyterian Church ; As an impartial and true Account of the Sufferings in both Cases will evince : Which on our part , I hope may be given in due time ; But on theirs , an Account is given as remote from truth and candor , as any thing that ever came from the Press : which it is like e're long may be made evident . But we desire not to recriminate , though necessity is laid on us by their false History of things : far less intend we to retalliate , though it should be in the power of our hand : But we leave our Cause to him that judgeth righteously . § 2. It is well that our Adversary is so favourable to that Institution of Christ , The Government of his House by Presbyters without a Bishop ; That we own , in that he doth not blame it generally , or in its most extensive notion ; Not Presbytery as such , but as Scottish . Let the Ordinance of Christ escape his lash , and we are the less solicitous what he says against the Scots in their management of the Government of Christ's House : He knows that Scotland is but one , and a small part of the Reformed Church , in which that Government hath been , and is practised . If there be any blame then in the practices of former times , when Presbytery was ascendent , let it be imputed rather to the praeservidum Scotorum ingenium , ( in which they of the other party have far outgone ours ) than to the Ordinance of Christ , I mean that Government of his House that we own . But even Scottish Presbytery , or that Government as exercised in that National Church , will be able to stand before his Arguments : Though it be hard for any thing , though never so good , to bear up against Lies and Reproaches . § 3. He should have considered , That there may be other Dissenters living among Presbyterians than Episcopal men ; whereas all that he saith on this Head doth only relate to them : There may be a peculiar reason for their not bearing with them who own Prelacy : viz. Because their Church-Government doth necessarily overtop , bring into subjection , and root out that Government of the Church which we own as Christ's Institution : It is against their principle , to suffer Ministers and Elders to live beside them , who will adventure to govern any part of the Church without subordination to the Bishops : And whatever Indulgence hath been , in by past years , given to Presbyterians , as we know it was designed for no advantage to us , [ without judging the secrets of any bodies heart ; ] so we know , that not only it was not the act of our Church-men ; but nothing was more grievous to them , and nothing they did more actively oppose . Notwithstanding , it is the principle and purpose of Presbyterians , not to exclude any of them from their religious Assemblies , nor from any of the Ordinances of God in them , for their principle about Church-Government , wherein they differ from us . And for Ministers among them , we are ready to give the right hand of fellowship , and to admit to all the parts of the exercise of their Function among us , such of them as shall not be made appear to be insufficient , scandalous , or erroneous , or to be void of that holiness of life that becometh a Minister , and who shall be found willing to secure the Government of the Church that we own , and to prosecute the ends of it ; and not to exclude any simply for his opinion about Church-Government ; though the mean while , we are not willing , that all who will profess to own our Church-way , should have a share in managing it with us ; because many such might be a scandal to it , others might betray it ; neither can we allow , that any of them should exercise a prelacy over us , or over the people of our charge . Further , Never any Church , or State , gave Toleration to Dissenters from the established Church-way , but as it might rationally be thought a necessary relief to tender consciences : But this reason for suffering Episcopal men to practise their way among us , at this time , cannot , without the greatest impudence and hypocrisie be pretended . For refusing to receive the Ordinances from Presbyterians , because they want Episcopal Ordination : this cannot be from conscience , seeing it was their constant practice , when Prelats ruled this Church : they never required any of them to be re-ordained who had been ordained by Presbyters , and after complied with Episcopacy . Neither can they pretend conscience for having a Worship different from ours ( I mean the English Liturgy ) for when it was in their power to use it , they never did . Wherefore there can be no pretence on which they can plead for tolleration in these things ; but humor , and design : and I hope it will not ( by impartial beholders ) be judged rigidity , if the State deny a liberty to such persons to make such Innovations as never yet could get place in this Church , especially when it is too apparent that they who are most forward for such a liberty , give ground to think , that a design against the present civil Government is at the bottom , they being such as have no liking to the present Establishment . § 4. But this Author hath a mind to represent us in other colours : And for a Foundation of this his Essay , he saith , That the Solemn League and Covenant is the Canon , and the Acts of the General Assemblies , the Comment of the Principles of Scottish Presbyteries . This is false ; the Rule that we Judge by in the Matter of Church Government , as well as in other things , is the Word of God ; and we use no other Comments for our help to understand that Rule , but such as are founded on the Word it self , and which we give sufficient Warrant for . I hope the Reader will look on this loose talk , as Railing , not Arguing . He may know , that Presbytery was long in Scotland before that Covenant had a being . And for Acts of General Assemblies , they are no further our Rule , than they are agreeable to the Supreme Rule , The Word of God ; and to the Principles of Right Reason : Neither do we look on them as Infallible , [ as he foolishly feigneth , pag. 6. ] What he , or any other can make appear in them to be unwarranted , we are ready to disown : And we know they may be changed by the same power that made them ; when any thing in them shall be found to be amiss , or inconvenient for the present state of the Church . § 5. He quarrelleth with three Articles of the Covenant , viz. The 1st about preserving the Government and Discipline of the Church . The 2d , that is against Episcopacy and its Dependents . The 3d , for defending one another in their adherence to this Bond. Let any judge what is here consistent with a moderate and duly limited Toleration of Dissenters : Is there no Toleration of men who hold Prelacy to be lawful without allowing of Prelacy it self , and submitting to its domination . Next he will prove his point from some Acts of General Assemblies ; but this he prefaceth first with the peaceableness of the Prelatick Clergy in and after 1639. when their Church-Goverment was destroyed , in that they neither raised Tumults , nor wrote Books . It is true , they raised no Tumults ; but they did what they could to raise War for continuing on the necks of the people , that Yoak that they had wreathed on them : And did effectually draw on a bloody War , which had very sad effects , and issued in the ruine of them and Presbyterians too for a time , and shewed well enough to raise Church-Tumults , by their protesting and disobedience to the Sentence of the Church : for their not writing Books , who hindred them ? Unbyassed men will impute it to somewhat else , rather than to their peaceableness . Another part of his Preface , That they were not suffered to continue in their Cures : This is indeed true of the Bishops as such : They were not permitted to exercise a Prelacy over their Brethren ; for that was inconsistent with the Government then established : Yet as Ministers of the Church , none of them were deprived who were willing to preach under Presbytery . And for the rest of the Clergy , none of them were cast out for complyance with Prelacy , but they generally retained their places ; wherefore this is a most untrue Allegation . A Third thing he saith is , That the Presbyterians at the Revolution 1662. were not so dealt with , that is , were continued in their places : Impudence it self could affirm nothing more false . Were not above the third part of all the Ministers of Scotland [ and so in England ] thrown out by one Act of Parliament ? ( For two thirds complyed , and by that means kept their places ) and the few ( in Scotland ) that could not be reached by that Act , were laid aside by the Bishops and the Council , by more slow steps . § . 6. The Acts of Assemblies that he citeth are , Act Aug. 17. 1639. Appointing all in Office in Church , and Schools , and all Members of this Kirk to subscribe the National Covenant . And an Act 1642. for intimating the abovesaid Act , and proceeding to Church-censure against them that refuse such Subscription . And an Act 1644. appointing strict enquiry and censure against disaffected persons to the Covenant : And some other Severities he mentioneth ( truly or falsely I know not , for he doth not direct where such Acts may be found ) which may be acknowledged as no Pattern for after-ages to go by . It is like if that Oath of God had been less universally , and less severely imposed , it had been better kept by many . What he alledgeth , That the Assemblies , Aug. 1642. do order the persons of them who are Excommunicated , to be imprisoned , and their Goods to be confiscated , is most false ; never any Assembly in this Church did make Laws for Civil punishments . All that I find to this purpose ( for he is not pleased to be distinct in his Citations ) is , that August 3. 1642. the Assembly Petitioned the Council to put the Laws in execution against Excommunicated Papists . All this considered , I hope the Impartial Reader will not be imposed on , by what this man hath said , to think that the Principles of Presbyterians are inconsistent with what Toleration is due to Dissenters : Nor will blame them , that they are not for a vast and boundless Toleration , nor because they cannot bear them who are evil , but do try them who say they are Apostles , and are not , and find them lyars , Rev. 22. QUEST . IV. Whether from the Year 1662 , to the Year 1689 , Presbyterian Separatists were guilty of sinful Separation ? AWise Question indeed : He supposeth them Separatists ( which by no Author was ever accounted vox media , or taken in a good sense ) and yet Querieth , whether they sinned in separating . But to let this pass ; he telleth us of Doctrine taught in our larger Catechism , from which may be demonstrated , how necessary it is to Salvation , that every Person keep Communion with the particular Church established by the Laws of the State that he liveth in , unless she either enjoyn in her Canons any sinful term of Communion , or propose in her Confession any Heretical Article , or prescribe in her Directory for Worship any Idolatrous Impurity . To this I repone a few things . First , according to his loose and indistinct way of Writing , he neither telleth us what these Doctrines are , nor in what place of the Catechism they are to be found ; we must take his Word for all this , and we utterly deny what he saith to be true . All that that Catechism saith , that could be imagined to have that tendency , is , That the visible Church hath the Priviledge of being under God's special Care and Government , of being protected and preserved in all Ages , notwithstanding the Opposition of Enemies , and of enjoying the Communion of Saints , the ordinary means of Salvation , the offers of Grace by Christ to all the Members of it in the Ministry of the Gospel , testifying , that whosoever believeth in him shall be saved , and excluding none that will come unto him . Now it is evident , that all this is said of the Universal Church , not of any Particular Church ; far less can this passage be understood of a particular Church as established by the Laws of the State wherein it is : No Scripture ever made such Laws essential to the Notion of a true Church , from which none may separate : Neither did ever any Divine talk at this rate , except Episcopalians , and among them I remember of none , that so express themselves , but this Man , and Dr. Stillingfleet . He doth indeed express three Cases , that excuse from sin in separating from a true Church , but how these can be drawn from the Larger Catechism I understand not . § . 2. How far we allow a Separation from the late Episcopal Church of Scotland , and maintain it not to be sinful in us , but sinfully caused by them , I shall declare : We affirm it to be no Schism , but a necessary Duty , that the Presbyterian Ministers did not own Episcopal Government , nor either directly or indirectly countenance the Authority of Bishops above Presbyters : He telleth us of a Letter for Union , March 1689. wherein it is said ( and not answered ) that never any Confession of Faith in our Reformed Church avowed a Divine Right for a parity among all Church-Officers . This Letter I never heard of before , but it seemeth the Author of it , and the Writer of this Pamphlet , have Talents equal for Controversal Scribling : For whoever said that there is a Divine Right for Parity among all Church Officers ? We know that by Divine Right Ruling Elders , also Deacons , are not equal in Church power with Preaching Presbyters . And for the parity of Ministers , if it be not found in any Confession of Faith , it 's enough that it 's found in the Scriptures . But we affirm that the Divine Right of it is also found in the Confession of Faith , sworn to by the King and his Houshold , and by the Nation , wherein they abjure the Hierarchy , or distinction of Degrees among Ministers . He saith , the Solemn League did not abjure the President Bishop . Answ. We know no such Bishop , the President or Moderator hath no Jurisdiction over his Brethren . And he will not say , that the Bishops restored 1662. to whom we could not yield subjection , was no more but a President Bishop ; if he do , all the Nation will cry shame on him , and his own Tongue will condemn him . Page 1 , 2. of his Book , What some in England Petitioned for , we are not concerned ; if he had told us what concessions the body or generality of Presbyterians in that Nation had made , also let us know where we might find such Concessions , an Answer might in that case have been expected from us . But what he presumeth about the Repentance of Scots Presbyterians for not submitting to Episcopacy as established in Scotland , is without ground , and absolutely false . § . 3. What we further declare concerning the Separation that he speaketh of , is ; that Presbyterians generally did not think it unlawful to hear these Ministers that had complyed with Episcopacy ; and often did occasionally hear them ( whatever was the practice of some among us ) yet the best of the Ministers in Scotland , and to so great a number , and to whom the people were under a relation as their Pastors , being thrust from their Charges for their faithfulness in that time of Tryal , and others being obtruded on them , many of whom were very unqualified for the Ministry , and they entring without the peoples call or consent , they would not own them for their Pastors , nor thought themselves obliged to wait on their Ministry ; but thought it their Duty rather to hear their own faithful Pastors ( or others who walked in their steps ) who were not unministred by any Church-Act , but only restrained by the force of a Civil Law , which could neither derogate from their Ministerial Authority , nor loose the relation that the people had to them . I deny not but some went beyond the limits of this Moderation ; but that is not to be imputed to all the Presbyterians , being neither the conclusion of any Church-meeting among them , nor the sentiment of all . § . 4. This being considered , taketh off the edge of all that he enlargeth on about the Episcopal party agreeing with us in the Confession of Faith , Directory for Worship , and Administration of Sacraments : For it is on none of these accounts that we withdraw from them ; but partly because they suffer none to be Ministers among them , but such as comply with Episcopal Jurisdiction ; partly because they deprived us of the Ministers that we stand in relation to , and ought to own ; partly because the Ministers obtruded on us are none of our choice ( as they ought to be by the priviledge that Christ hath given to his Church : ) And indeed ( many of them ) unfit to be chosen ; and partly because this change is made not by any Church-Authority that we can own , but by the State , and by an unlawful Church-power . It seemeth his Arguments are run low , when he chargeth us with Nonconformity even to the Presbyterian Church , in that we use not the Doxology , nor the words of the Lord's Prayer , nor the Belief at Baptism : For when or where were these injoyned by the Presbyterian Church ? And if they had been , we cannot by such Injunctions be bound to what is after found to be inconvenient : That we are tyed to the use of the Doxology by the Covenant , he doth most ridiculously affirm : For whoever esteemed that a part of the Reformation then engaged to ? Using the Lord's Prayer we never condemned ; but that Christ hath enjoyned the using of these express words , or that that Prayer was given as a form of words rather than as a Directory for the matter of Prayer , we deny : Neither do we condemn the use of the Creed ; but we think that they who have their Children baptized , should profess their Faith so as may more clearly distinguish them from Popish and other Hereticks than that Confession of Faith can do . QUEST . V. In this Question he advanceth a Paradox . The Question is , Whether the Penal Laws against Scotch Presbyterians , had any thing of Persecution in them ? THis Question he concludeth Negatively , with the same brow that Maimburg , and other French Popish Writers do affirm , That all the Protestants who lately in France turned Papists , did turn voluntarily , without any compulsion ; and that no Rigour nor Persecution hath been used to move them to this change : This is a degree of effrontedness , of bidding Defiance to Truth , and the God of it ; of bold imposing on the Reason , yea , and the common Sense of Mankind ; that the World doth purely owe to this Age , and to Jesuitical obfirmation of mind . But let us hear how he will prove this his strange assertion : As these Laws have beat out the Brains of many good Christians , that could not comply with them , so this Man thinketh by his Arguings to beat out of the brains of such as remain all Sense and Reason , whereby they may judge of what they hear , see , and feel . In clearing the state of his Question , he confesseth , There may be too severe Laws , under which men may suffer for Conscience-sake ; ( this will increase the wonder of intelligent , unbyassed men who know our Affairs , that such Laws are possible , and yet ours are innocent ) but maketh the Question to be , Whether our Laws were not necessary for preserving true Religion and publick Peace , or whether they were the uncharitable effects of a peevish Resentment , inconsistent with good Nature and Christianity . Tho' even that cloak of smooth words will not hide the nakedness of the Bloody Laws that he pleadeth for ; nor could warrant a man that believeth Heaven or Hell , to plead for such cruel Execution of them as was among us : Yet this state of the Question is not the same with what in the Title is proposed : For there have been few Persecutions in the World for which Necessity hath not been pretended , and that were given forth to be for preserving a false Religion , or for hindring publick Peace ; or that the Actors in them would call peevish and inconsistent with good Nature and Christianity , or Moral Goodness . And it is certain , that where publick Peace may be preserved without such severe Laws , the enacting of them is Persecution ; which was our case : for nothing caused the sad breaches of the Peace that were in this Nation in 1666. and 1679. but the unsupportable Hardships ( tending to make wise men mad ) that they who feared God lay under by the severity of these Laws , and the Barbarity used in executing them . § . 2. To vindicate the Laws from all blame of Persecution , he giveth a lame , unjust , and disingenuous account of them . Wo to Posterity if they be abused with such false History ; it is little Honesty to transmit such things to after-ages ; but it is the height of Impudence to publish them among such as were Eye-witnesses of them , and among whom the sad effects of them remain with grief and smarting to this day . I shall first examine the account that he giveth of these Laws , and then shew how defective it is , by supplying what he hath omitted . He telleth a story of the endeavours of the Synod of Edenburgh to have Presbytery established ; and who can blame them , especially seeing their Attempt was only an Application to a Person of Interest with His Majesty . He telleth us likewise of their sending a Clergy-man ( whom he will not name ) to the same Great Man ( who is also nameless ) with a threatning Message , That if they would not settle Presbytery they should have the people let loose upon them . This story I never heard before , nor know I how to examine the truth of it ; neither can I meet with any Person that hath heard of it ; and so have more than probable grounds to let it pass as a Forgery : And if it had been true , was this private surmise a sufficient ground for a Parliament to make such Bloody Laws against so great a Body of People as the Dissenters ? Men will think it a weak Cause that must be supported by such silly shifts . I take no notice of the Act annulling so many preceding Parliaments and their Acts ( tho' this were hard enough ) nor of their Act of Restitution of Bishops ; it is not the right or wrong of the Acts that we are now considering , but whether they were Moderate or Persecuting . But it is not far from ridiculous that he addeth , That this Imperious Address from the Ministers ( a private Transaction between two Men , if it hath any truth in it ) should so far influence a Parliament , as to make them impute all the Evils that he fancieth had fallen out , to the Invasion made on Episcopal Government . § . 3. He next giveth us account of the effect of setling Episcopacy : And first , in the non-complyance of some of the Ministers , and their being therefore deprived of their Churches and Benefices . And is this no Persecution ? How then is it that the World is filled with such outcries in one Print after another , as if the Prelatick Clergy in Scotland were under Sufferings beyond the French Dragooning , because some of them ( and but a few of many that are guilty ) are deprived by the State for refusing to own the Civil Government under which they live : A Crime never till this day thought consistent with the Being , much less with the Peace of any Government . But these Men have not learned Christ's Precept , To do to others as they would be done by themselves . But this Act was not so much Persecution against the Ministers that were laid aside ( they suffered the loss of their Livelyhood ) as of the Church , and the People whose Souls smarted under a sad loss , considering how many Eminent and Holy Men were among them that were so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from their Flocks . And what a set of Men were put in their room . If these Servants of God endured no Persecution from the State , I am sure they do from this Man 's virulent Pen , who saith , They forsook their Ministry either because of disappointment of their hope of Preferment , or from love of Ease , and weariness of their Work , or from impatience to be subordinate . The Lord will refute this malicious passage , when he shall come with ten thousands of his Saints , to execute judgment upon all , and to convince all that are ungodly among them , of all their ungodly deeds which they have ungodlily committed , and of all the hard speeches which ungodly sinners have spoken against him , Jude v. 14 , 15. This Man cannot be ignorant of what is known all Scotland over , without question or contradiction , that some of these Ministers had preferment in their offer , yea , the highest preferment in that Church , and refused it : that they did not consult their ease , but did most laboriously Preach under the greatest hardships and hazards ; which is to this day seen in its effects , on the crazy bodies of not a few of them : and if any did otherwise , it was very ill lookt on by the rest ; and it is known they were never backward to be subject to Christ's appointments ; tho' they cannot ( for Conscience-sake ) stoop to these of Men , in the Matters of God. § 4. Then he telleth us of the compliance of other Ministers ; but it is unaccountable which he maketh the motive of some of them , that the Episcopacy then setled , was not abjured in the Solemn League . Nothing but Ignorance of that Oath , or Impudence to say what one will , could make them say so : it is known , that this was not pleaded by them , but either that that Oath was not binding , or that they had not taken it , and were not bound by the Nations taking of it : and if this were true , what should have stirred the zeal of that party so against that Oath , as to get it abjured , and burnt , in contempt , by the common Hangman . He telleth us next , how the people did comply , till 1663. It is true , hearing the conform Clergy was commune at first ▪ ( other compliance was never given ; but an entire dislike of Episcopacy was as extensive as any respect to Presbyterian Government was ) but after a short tryal , many serious people , who minded the edification of their Souls , found what a sad change they had made , and what want there was of the godly , learned and grave Men , that he speaketh of , to supply vacant places : which moved the people to look after better means of edification : I deny not but some run to an excess : but there was sufficient reason for leaving these Intruders when others could be had . And both Ministers and People behoved to take some time to consider what was duty , after they had been for a time stunned with the sad stroak that came upon them . He next giveth account of one of his Innocent Laws ; It is Car. 2. Part 1. Sess. 3. Act 2. Ann. 1663. All who come not to hear their Ordinary , are to pay a fourth part of their yearly Rent : others that had no Land , a fourth part of their moveable Goods : a Burgess , the fourth part of his Moveables , and the priviledge of his Burgiship is forfeited . Is here no persecution ? to force people thus against the light of their conscience , to sit under the Ministry of them they had no pastoral relation to : and to desert them to whom they were so tied ; to hear constantly some that taught Arminianism ; some that railed against serious Religion : besides the horrid Immoralities of some of them , which made the Ordinances of Christ contemptible to the people : for this Law extended to hearing of such , as well as others . And was it no persecution to enact so severe Fines for such a crime , so as a few Sermons might reduce a rich man to absolute poverty ? And did it savour of no persecution , in the Preface to this Act , to declare such abstinence from hearing , to be seditious , when they that were so charged , were as quiet and peaceable as any in the Land ? He would excuse the severity of this Act from the Sermons and Books of some , written to justifie the Murther of Charles the First , and the Banishment of Charles the Second , and the Necessity of taking up Arms against the King , and laying out the sinfulness of compliance with the Legal Settlement of Church and State. Answ. If some , whose Spirits were imbittered by what they suffered , especially who being banished into foreign Countreys , took more liberty than was fit , and spake or wrote ( on some of those Heads ) such things : is it reasonable , or can it be freed from spiteful persecution , to charge the whole party with these things , and treat them accordingly ; when it could not be , nor was unknown to them , that most of these things were quite contrary to the sentiments and practices of the best , and far greatest part of Presbyterians ? And we may with good ground affirm , That the spreading of such principles among the people , above what was at first , was caused by the severities that they suffered : and that these severities had not their rise from them . As for the Murther of King Charles the First , it is well known , that the Presbyterians in Scotland did declare against it , both in their religious and civil capacity . § . 5. What he next bringeth , of the open Rebellion of the Western parts , 1666. ( known by the name of Pentland-hills ) was purely the fruit of the horrid Barbarities that that people suffered from Military force , sacking their Houses , and destroying their Livelihood , treating their persons with the greatest Inhumanity , under which they groaned for several years , and had no shelter but in Mountains and in Caves , nor were safe but in such companies as could make resistance : and yet what then was done , was the act but of a few Presbyterians , and therefore could not warrant further severity , nor could be chargeable on all : and on this or some other consideration it was , that they had an Indulgence granted for a time ; but it was so contrived as could not answer the necessities of the people , the Ministers being all confined to one corner , and the rest of the Nation left destitute ; which made it reasonable for some to use that liberty , that they might serve the Church ; and others to refuse it , that they might be useful in other places where it was not allowed . What is alledged , of assaulting Ministers , robbing their Houses , wounding them , &c. much of it was found to be meer forgery , to make that party odious , and to give a colour for further severities ; and what was done ( if any thing ) was without the knowledge , and with the greatest dislike of the Presbyterians in general : for , indeed , the severities of that time did provoke some to run into these principles and practices that ever since hath been uneasie to the State , and grievous to sober Presbyterians ; some of whom have been as much in hazard from them , as the prelatick Clergy have been ; it is therefore strange , that such things should be pretended to justifie the bloody Laws that followed , and which reach even them that were quiet in the Land. § 6. He next cometh to the Act 1670 , wherein the Preface brandeth Meetings ( tho' they were only for Praying and Preaching ) as Seminaries of Rebellion ( tho' it is well known that Loyalty hath been many times preached in them , and no Sedition nor Rebellion was ever taught , except by the persons above marked ) and for a House-Conventicle , the Minister is Imprisoned , till he pay 175 l. sterling : and must engage to preach no more , or give Bond to leave the Nation , without returning , unless by the King's leave ; others were to pay , an Inheritour of Lands the fourth part of his Rent ; a Servant the fourth part of a Year's Wage ; a Farmer 40 s. sterling ; a Cottar 20 s. If the Meeting were in the Fields , ( where yet Christ and his Disciples often preached , and that contrary to the Laws of Men ) the Minister was punishable by Death and confiscation of Goods ; and every Hearer , the double of what is above mention'd . If here be nothing of Persecution , that hearing a Sermon from one that Christ by his Church hath sent to preach , should be bought at such a rate ; and that a few peaceable People , meeting in a corner of a Wilderness , for no other intent , and about no other work , but to hear the Gospel , should take away the Preacher's Life , and the Hearer's Livelihood ; if this , I say , be no Persecution , let the World judge . There might have been some shadow for such severity against meeting with Arms , ( tho' even that was in some cases necessary ) but that was always disallowed by the soberest and wisest ) but when nothing appeared in mens words or behaviour , but that in peace and quietness they were seeking after the food of their Souls , such severity must either be called Persecution , or we have lost the very names of things , and must call Vice , Virtue , and Virtue , Vice. § 7. What he hath owned is sufficient to ruin his Conclusion that he would prove by these Topicks ; to wit , That the Penal Laws against Scotch Presbyterians had no persecution in them . But it doth further appear how absurd it is , if we consider what he hath wisely suppressed , as ashamed to speak out all the truth . Three things he suppresseth , 1. Some severe Laws . 2. Some Acts of Council or Orders given forth by it , which exceeded all the Severity of the Laws . 3. Execution of these Laws and Orders , beyond what either of them could warrant . For the 1st . in the Act of Parliament , Aug. 13. 1670. it is declared , that if a Minister Preach , Expound Scripture , or Pray in a House where there be more persons than the House contains , ( it is not said , than the House can contain ) so as some be without doors , ( which might happen without the Ministers or Peoples knowledge , after the work is begun , or by the Malice of some who might stand without doors on purpose to ensnare those within ) it is declared to be a Field-Conventicle : and consequently the Minister is liable to death , when he doth his best , so far to conform to the Law as to shun that hazard , and the People are liable to forfeit the double of what in reason they could expect . By the same Act , the Lives of them that so meet are exposed to the mercy of their most malicious Enemies : for not only a Reward is proposed to any who will ( tho' without Warrant or Order of Law ) seize and secure any at such a Meeting , but they are indemnified for any slaughter that they shall commit in the apprehending and securing of them . Nothing but the restraining power of God hath preserved the Lives of many thousands , who were so ( by this Man 's Innocent Laws ) exposed to the will of an ungodly , and merciless Crew . Afterward an Act was made , declaring , that not only Field , but House-Conventicles , should infer the pain of Death to the Minister , and that a Field-Conventicle should be death to all present , Minister and Hearers , 1685. May 8. It is by another Act , 1672. declared , that where-ever a Minister , not allowed by a Bishop , or licensed by the Council , doth preach and expound Scripture , or pray in his own House , where more persons are present than four , beside the Family , or in any Family that is not his own , tho' none should be present but the Family , that it is a Conventicle . And comparing this with the above-mention'd Act , a Minister loseth his Life by Law , if he pray in a Family where he happeneth to lodge a night out of his own House . Likewise , Anno 1685. Act 4. any who refuse to witness ( that is , to be an accuser of the Brethren , the Devil's work ) about House or Field-Conventicles , or Church-Disorders , are to suffer as guilty of these Crimes themselves ; that is , to suffer death : and thus the Wife or Child , must either contribute to take away the Life of her Husband or Father , or lay down their own Life . Also Act 8. of the same Year , it is declared Treason to own the Covenant as Lawful , or Obligatory , though we had sworn it , and many being questioned about the Obligation of it , behoved either to Perjure themselves , or suffer death from the hands of Bloody Men. And Act 6. Husbands who complyed with the Laws ( unless they were also judged by the Council to be Loyal ( which no Man could expect unless he were throughly Episcopal , to say no worse ) must be fined for their Wives non-complyance , which put Men on this sore Dilemma , either unnaturally to put force on his Wives Conscience ( which may be he could not Command ) or be undone . Beside this ( which is the second thing above-mentioned ) it cannot be denyed that the Privy-Council gave Order not only to Officers of the Army , but to every private Souldier , empowering them when they met any Person on the High-way , to examine them whether they were coming from or going to a Conventicle : And if they would not by Oath clear themselves , they were allowed to take from them their upper Garment . Yea , afterward the Officers ( I know not whether the Souldiers had that Power ) were warranted to kill whomever they met with , who should refuse to give them satisfaction about abjuring the Sanquhair Declaration . It is true , sober Men did not refuse to take that Abjuration ; but it was an unparallel'd Act , to commit the lives of Men to Souldiers , to kill at their pleasure Men living in Peace , and going about their Lawful Employments , without proof of a Crime , or due course of Law. August 3. 1682. Major White in many Counties , and the Laird of Meldrum , a Captain of Horse , in other Counties , are empowered to act as Sheriffs ( tho' the ordinary Sheriffs and their Deputies were executing the Laws ) and to keep Justice Courts ; so that the Lives and Fortunes of People were at the mercy of these two Souldiers . Sept. 9. the Laird of Claverhouse ( a Souldier ) is empowred to put the Laws in Execution against withdrawers from the Church . A Commission for judging and executing the Laws , even to death , is given to Crawford of Ardmillan , Novemb. 9 and 16 days the like to the E. of Linlithgow . I conclude with what is wisely observed by the Prince of Orange ( now our Gracious Soveraign ) in his Declaration for Scotland , about Imprisonments without cause alledged , forcing many to swear against themselves , imposing Arbitrary Fines , intercommunings on the slenderest pretences , making Men incur the danger of Life and Fortune for most innocent converse with their Relations outlawed , of which the Counsellers themselves were guilty , and behoved to procure Pardons . By empowring Souldiers to act the greatest Barbarity on Persons living in quiet , hanging , drowning , or shooting , without any course of Law. The Third thing is , That the Execution did exceed both the Laws and Orders of Council , Multitudes of Instances may ( and I hope ere long will ) be given of Men pistolled , or hanged in cold Blood , by the High-way , on the Fields about their Work , or drag'd out of their own Houses , because they refused to declare their Opinion of the Murther of the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews : Of the Insurrection at Pentland and Bothwell-Bridge , or of the Covenant . It is true , it doth not reflect on the Laws , but it sheweth what spirit they were of who made them , in that they employed such Men , and did not punish them for such Facts , but rather countenanced them . § . 8. He cometh now to his Conclusion , to clear the Laws from Persecution : And here he addeth some Considerations that he taketh for Argumentative : As that three Rebellions were raised in the space of 23 Years . But if these Rebellions were the Effects , rather than the Causes of that Severity ( as indeed they were ) then his Argument is inconcludent . That it was so with the former two I have observed before ; for the third , it may be he is not ignorant how it was influenced by that unparallel'd and ridiculous ( but that it was on a mournful Subject ) Libel wyer-drawn against that Noble Earl that was the Head of that Insurrection , making him guilty of Leesing-making , and lyable to Death for what unbyassed Men , and even some of his Enemies , judged to be below the least of Crimes . He saith , none ever suffered for mere Separation , but in Purse : But is it not Persecution to be turned out of a Man's Livelyhood , and made a Beggar for worshipping God ? He saith likewise , That none suffered that way but such as came to Church to save their Money , notwithstanding of pretended scruple of Conscience . This is spoken at random ; many suffered sadly for Conventicles , who did not so comply : And I am bold to say , he knoweth the contrary of what he here affirmeth . He will have his Conclusion to stand , Unless we will derogate from the Authority of King and Parliament . That is a mistake : We question the Justice of their Laws , not their Authority to make Laws . We may say , Nero and Domitian were Persecutors , without questioning whether they were Lawful Emperors . QUEST . VI. IT may be observed from this Author's Conduct in his Pamphlet , what it is to be fleshed in bold averring of what all the World knoweth to be manifest untruths : Some by boldness and frequency in telling Lies , have come at last to believe them as Truths ; what else could make him propose this Question , and answer it Negatively ? Whether the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland from the Year 1662. to the Year 1686. shewed any thing of the Spirit of Persecution against Presbyterians ? We affirm that they did : He denyeth it . To prove what we assert , we might bring a Volume of Historical instances , which now to adduce , should swell this Paper to an undue bigness , and would anticipate what it is like will be amply performed in the History of the late Times : A few things I hope will not be denyed by any Impartial Person that knoweth Scotch Affairs ; and will be sufficient to evince what we hold in this : One is , the Bishops of this Church sat in Parliament when the above-mentioned Laws were made ; did any of them either Reason or Vote against any one of them ? Yea , it is known that they were active Promoters of them ; yea , our Author denyeth not their consenting and advising to them , tho' he will not own their being the first Movers of them . The former is enough to our purpose , and the latter is rationally suspected , both from the active influence that some of them had in the Government , and from the spight that on all occasions they shewed against Men of our way . Another Evidence of this is , the Church-men in their Publick Sermons did frequently inflame both the Magistrates and Souldiers to execute the Laws against Dissenters ; and helped them by Direction , Intelligence , and all the ways that they could , as thousands of Instances might make appear . A Note of a Sermon was much talked of , wherein the Judges of Assize , or Circuit-Court , ( before whom it was preached ) were advised to dye their Scarlet Robes yet more red in the Blood of these Men. Again , it is known that the Ministers were the Informers against such as did not comply with the Laws . It is true , this was enjoyned them by the Rulers : But conscientious Men would not have persecuted them that feared the Lord , at the Command of Men : whereas most of them gave ready , chearful , and forward Obedience to these Injunctions . He speaketh of some of them who did not , but were chid by the Iudges : And we confess , they were not all Persecutors , but many , yea , the far greatest part were . § . 2. Now what hath he to say for vindicating the Clergy from this Imputation ? He telleth us , The Clergy never Addressed the King for punishing the Presbyterians . A goodly Apology ! as if there were no other way of compassing such a malicious Design save this one . Next , The inferiour Clergy did not obey the Order for Informing . This is answered : Most did , and but a few refused . He talketh of Bishops shewing Acts of Charity , in relieving the Necessities of Presbyterians , and mitigating the Penalties of the Law when it was in their power , and that the particulars of this might swell his Paper to a great bulk . Answ. These Acts it seems were very secretly done ; neither the man 's own left Hand , nor the Observation of others could discern them . If some acts of Charity were done to some in distress , it is no more than what some Oppressors have done , first made People poor , by taking a pound from them , and then relieved them by giving a penny : notwithstanding any who have given a Cup of cold Water to Sufferers , shall not want their Reward from the Lord , nor their Commendation from us , That private and publick witnessing against Schism was all that the inferiour Clergy did against Dissenters , is so false an Assertion , as nothing can be more false . QUEST . VII . Whether the Episcopal Church of Scotland were compliers with the Designs for taking away the Penal Law against the Papists . HE will here vindicate his own Church from this blame , and in the next Question , throw it on the Presbyterians ; both of them with a like truth and candor . We are far from charging all the Episcopal Party in this matter , especially the Church diffusive , which he saith was represented in Parliament . We know these Patriots did worthily in opposing that ill and dangerous Design ; but we will not own , that all that sat in that honourable Assembly were Episcopal ; however , they went a further length in complying with it than some have freedom to do . Not a few of them , we hope , will now shew , and have shewed , that that way was not their choice : for the Bishops , he seemeth not to deny , that two of the fourteen were for it ; and it is well known how far these two ( and they were the two Heads , the Archbishops ) appeared for it , both in Council , and Parliament : and that two were deprived , yea , and appeared against this design , we deny not : but can he say , that the rest appeared against it in Parliament , when they had the fairest opportunity , and were in a special manner called to it . For the inferior Clergy , he will have them all innocent in this matter , because they preached against the Doctrins of Popery ; that they prayed for the Protestants in France : and other appearances they made against Popery . None of these things we deny ; nor do we envy them their due praise on this account , yet two things are to be considered ; one is , That it was but the practice of some . It is well known how many were sinfully and shamefully silent ; and others , who were bold to speak , were checkt by their Bishops for it . The other is , That it is very consistent to be against the Doctrins of Popery , and yet to be for a Toleration to them , and against their being under the hazard of Penal Laws for their Religion : Whence I infer , That his Conclusion doth no way follow from his Premisses . § 2. The Zeal that some of the Prelatists shew'd for continuance of the Penal Laws , might be considered , either with respect to Papists , or to Protestant Dissenters , who might have ease by the removal of these Laws : the former part of their Zeal was laudable ; not the latter : which of them did preponderate , we are left to guess : and may be helped in this guess , by a commune principle , that many of them ( I say not all ) have expressed ; That they had far rather that Popery should prevail than Presbytery : and the actings of the chief men , and of the most part of them , do correspond with this principle at this day . What are the sentiments of the Prelatists in Scotland , about taking off the Penal Laws against Papists , may be manifestly gathered ( unless we will abandon all argumentation and the rational inference of one thing from another ) if we consider what our prelatical Parliaments have declared ; what the Archbishops and Bishops in their Letter to K. James , Nov. 3. 1688. have with much flattery said ; and what the University of St. Andrews , in their Address to that same King have published , partly of their adherence to him , while the subversion of our Laws and Religion was not secretly , but visibly carrying on ; partly of that absolute , irresistable and despotick Power that they ascribe to him ; for if he have such power to do what he will , and if he was for taking off the the force of these Laws , ( as they cannot once question ) how is it consistent with that unlimited obedience that they owe to such a Monarch , that they should not be also for removing them ? QUEST . VIII . Whether the Scotch Presbyterians were complyers with the Designs for taking away the penal Laws against Papists ? HE affirmeth it : We deny it : But in this , that Scripture is fulfilled , Psal. 55. 3. They cast iniquity upon me , and in wrath they hate me . Nothing in this Book hath less semblance of truth , and more evidence of spite than this . And in nothing the unfaithfulness of his Party , and the integrity of the Presbyterians , did more appear , than in the stir that was about taking off these Penal Laws : for his party had no inducement to be for removing them , except to please the King , and to advance Popery : but the Presbyterians ( especially the Ministers ) were under the strongest temptations imaginable to shew themselves so inclined , not only to gain the favour of the Court , the want of which had been so heavy to them : but also because they were to share in the ease from heavy persecution , which these Laws had brought on them , and on them only ; ( for these Laws were severely executed against them , but not against the Papists ) and above all this , every Presbyterian Minister in Scotland was liable to death by these Laws : none had observed them , and they might rationally expect , that the Court , being provoked by their appearing for their continuance , might cause them to be executed with rigour upon them ; notwithstanding of all this , they took their lives in their hands , and as they had occasion shewed themselves against taking off the Penal Laws against Papists , meerly out of conscience , and out of zeal against Popery : whereas the other Party were not so faithful , as was above shewed . Their Reasonings against it on all occasions , and their dealing about it with Members of Parliament , are well known , besides more publick witnessing against it , as they had occasion . Neither can it be made appear ( for any thing that I could ever learn ) that any one Minister of our way was of another sentiment : and for others , two or three , or a very few instances of many thousands , is all that can be given . § 2. To prove his Conclusion , viz. That the Presbyterians were for taking away the Penal Laws against Papists , he bringeth two Arguments , which a man pretending to reason , might be ashamed to use : The first is , They accepted , and gave thanks for the Indulgence , notwithstanding that they knew that all the designs of Court were for advancing of Popery . Answ. They accepted an Indulgence for themselves , and gave thanks for that alone : which was their due by Christ's grant , and which had injuriously been withheld from them : but that to the Papists , they were no further concern'd in , than to lament it ; which they did : and witnessed against it as they had occasion : For the designs of the Court , it was not their part to consider them , further than to endeavour to disappoint them ; which they did to the uttermost of their power , both by warning and principling the people a-against Popery : and also by doing what they could to keep the Laws standing in force against Papists . It had been a strange thing , if they should have been backward to preach and hear the Gospel , when a door was opened for it , because some men had a design against the Gospel in their opening of it . Surely their silence and peevish refusing on that occasion had been much to the hurt of the Gospel , for then Papists ( who would not fail to use the liberty , for their part ) should have had the fairest occasion imaginable to mislead the people , without any to oppose them ; on the contrary , their using of the liberty was the great mean by which ( with the blessing of the Lord ) so very few , during that time of liberty , were perverted to Popery in this Nation : and they that were so drawn away , were none of our party . We have cause to think , that if we had refused to use this liberty , this Man , and his Party , would have lashed us with their tongues for so doing , as they now do for the contrary : for they did so by some , who in former years refused to use a liberty granted ; which we all know was designed for the same end . But we expect not that we shall be able to please them , whatever course we take . § 3. His second Argument is notoriously false , in all the parts and circumstances of it ; and I affirm , that a man that knoweth our affairs shall not find one word of truth in all his long Paragraph that he hath p. 24. That they were silent against Popery in K. James ' s time , is grosly and notoriously false ; it is true , some of them thought the best Antidote against liberty for Popery ( and other sinful Ways ) to be a sound work of grace in the Soul , and ingaging people to be seriously religious , and therefore insisted mainly on such subjects : yet did not neglect to instruct people in the controverted points of our Religion , nor to hold forth the evil and danger of Popery in particular . For what he saith of the Reverend and Worthy Dr. Hardy , who preached faithfully against Popery , that his Brethren either blamed him , or disowned him , is most false ; they did often visit him in the Prison , which I had from his own mouth ; that Episcopal Advocates and Judges pleaded for him and acquitted him , was no more but what the one ought to do for their Hire , and the other were bound to by their Places : they acquitted an innocent man when no crime was proved against him . QUEST . IX . Whether Scottish Presbytery in the Church , be consistent with the Legal Monarchy in that Kingdom ? IF this Author knew us ; he would not move this Question , and if he did not hate us , and not resolved to say all manner of evil against us , right or wrong , he would not ( as he doth ) resolve it in the Negative . We have no other proofs of the falshood of what he asserteth , but 1. Experience ; which sheweth that in many Ages ( in which Presbytery hath had place in this Kingdom , as hath been shewed above ) it did well consist with the legal Monarchy of it . And 2. that he ( nor none else ) cannot shew what principle of Presbyterian Government , nor what practice of Presbyterians ( that is commune to them all , or generally ) is inconsistent with Monarchical Government , as it hath been by Law owned in this Nation . We deny not but there have been some things acted by men of our Principles , in their Zeal for Religion , which we do resolve not to imitate ; and tho' we can clear them from that degree of blame that the malice of their enemies casteth on them , and particularly from being no friends to Monarchy , and unfaithful to their Kings ; yet we hope the excesses that have been in former Ages , while both parties were overheated in their contendings , will be a mean to teach more moderation to this and following Generations . Let us then hear what he hath to say for this his most absurd , malicious , and false Position . After I have told the Reader , that the only thing that can with any shew give rise to such an apprehension , is , that Presbyterians , being generally the more conscientious part of the Nation , could not comply with the lusts of some of their Rulers , nor subject the interest of Religion to their will , while others were ready to abandon Law , Religion , and Reason , to please Men : who , in recompence of this , did exalt them above their Brethren . § 2. What he asserteth he offereth to prove , from the opposition of the Covenant to Acts of Parliament , the latter giving to the King what the former taketh from him . The first thing that he bringeth as an instance of this is , That Par. 1. ch . 2. Act 2. it is the King's prerogative to chuse Officers of State , Counsellors , Iudges ; but the Covenant maketh this the prerogative of the Kirk , in that Art. 4. we swear to discover evil instruments , that they may be brought to tryal ; and confirmeth it , that Anno 1648. it is asserted by the Church , that Duties between King and Subjects are the subject of Ministerial Doctrine , ( for what he saith , that the Kirk must be as infallible in this as at Rome ; I pass it as the froth of a malicious mind , void of reason ) . A. 1. These passages were 20 or some fewer years before the Act of Parliament cited : how then can they be charged as taking from the King what he had not by those Acts for so many years after ? But this is but a small escape in this learned Writer . 2. Will any man of sense say , that the power of chusing Officers is taken from the King , because Subjects are obliged to discover and complain of ill men , or because Churchmen may tell Kings and Subjects their duties ? such reasonings are to be hissed at , not answered : Hath a man lost the priviledge of chusing his own servant , because his son may tell him he hath hired a very bad man ? Another Argument he bringeth is yet more ridiculous : It is the King's prerogative to call Parliaments ; but Scotch Presbyterians hold , that the power of calling Assemblies , doth not flow immediately from the King , but from Christ. Answ. Baculus est in angulo ergo petrus stat ; is just as concludent : What affinity is there between the King's power of calling Parliaments , and the Churches having no power to call Assemblies for Religious Matters ? We deny not power to the King even to call Church-Assemblies ; neither will we call any in contempt of the Magistrate ; but we maintain , that the Church hath from Christ an intrinsick power to convene about his Matters , tho' the Magistrate should neglect to call them : but we confidently deny that the Church of Scotland ever did ( or thought it fit to be done ) call an Assembly without the authority of their King , where he was a friend to true Religion . Let him shew us what Magistrate called the Council that is mentioned Acts 15. Another Argument he taketh from the King's power of dissolving Parliaments , inconsistent with which , he saith , is the 2d Article of the Covenant , ( he should have said the 3d Article ) where we bind to maintain the priviledges of Parliament ; one of which is , the General Assembly , 1648. declareth against the Negative Vote in Parliament . Answ. Could any other-man have made such an inference , unless Presbyterians had declared that it is not in the King's power to dissolve a Parliament , but they may sit as long as they will : which never was said , nor imagined ; for the General Assembly , 1648. denying to the King a Negative Vote in Parliament : this doth not concern the sitting of the Parliament , but the validity of their decisions while they sit ; also they say very little to this purpose , only in their Declaration , July 31. they say , that they see not how the priviledges of Parliaments , and the King 's Negative Vote can consist ; I wish this had been left to the cognition of Politicians . But what the Assembly there says , was not their sentiment only , but of the Parliaments both of England and Scotland at that time ; so that his inference is no better against Scotch Presbytery , than if he had asserted the inconsistency of Parliaments in both Nations with the Legal Monarchy . That was a time when Debates about Prerogative and Priviledge had issued in a bloody War ; the result of which was the ruin of both : Whereas now the King's Prerogative and the the Priviledges of Parliament being setled and acknowledged , and the King 's Negative Vote owned by all , none do more chearfully submit to the Legal Establishment in these things than the Presbyterians do . § . 3. He saith , The Covenant depriveth the King of the power of making Laws , because Covenanters swear to continue in the Covenant all their days against all opposition . A goodly Consequence indeed : We swear not to obey sinful Laws ; ergo , the King and Parliament may make no Laws at all . What he alledgeth in further proof , That the Assembly July 28. 1648. declared against an Act of Parliament & Committee of Estates , dated in June the same Year , and in general against all others made in the Common Cause without consent of the Church , is as little to the purpose : For it is not the same thing to declare the Laws of Christ condemning the sinful Laws of Men , and to affirm , that Men may make no Laws without the Churches consent ; neither will we plead for every thing that hath been acted . Notwithstanding I hope Presbyterians will learn to give all due deference to the Publick Acts of the State , even when they cannot comply nor give obedience to them . He further Argueth , That they deny to the King the Prerogative of making Leagues and Conventions of the Subjects , because the Covenant was taken without the King. This was no Act of Presbyterian Government , but an Act of the Estates of Scotland , of all Ranks ; and this they thought to be necessary for securing of their Religion from Popish Adversaries , who designed to overturn it , as afterward appeared , when the Design was more ripe , and it was fit to bring it more above board . He proveth also that Scotch Presbyterians are against this Prerogative of the King , because June 3. 1648. The Assembly declareth against the Bond subscribed by the Scotch Lords at Oxford , and inflicteth the highest Ecclesiastical Censures against them , and such as had a hand in it . Answ. Sure he could not obtrude this on the belief of any , unless he had been confident that what he saith would never be examined : For in that Act of the Assembly there is nothing like condemning the King's calling his Subjects together ; but their condemning of a wicked Act that some of them ( being but in a private capacity ) did when they were together . For this Bond was not framed nor signed by any Parliament , or other Representative of the Nation , called by the King , but by a few Lords sojourning out of the Nation , who met and condemned what was done at home by the Representatives of the whole Nation . This Bond was sent to the Assembly by the Convention of Estates of the Nation , as the Act it self saith , that the Assembly might give their Opinion about it ; and they declared the wickedness of it , and appointed Church-censures against the guilty : What is there in all this that is derogatory from the King's Prerogative of Convening his Subjects ? § . 4. His last Effort to prove the inconsistency of Monarchy and Presbytery is , That the Presbyterians deny the King's Prerogative of making Peace and War : Which he proveth , because the Assembly 1645. Feb. 12. declare them guilty of sin , and censurable , who did not contribute to carry on the War. Answ. All that the Church did in this was , That in a solemn warning to all the People of all Ranks , for convincing them of sin , and pointing out their Duty to them , among other Duties , such as Repentance , Reformation , &c. they held it forth as a Duty for People to obey the Orders of the Estates of Parliament , toward their own Defence when a bloody Army of barbarous Irish-men was in their Bowels . If this his Argument can cast any blame on Presbyterians , 't is this , that there are cases in which they allow the States and Body of the Nation to resist the King so far , as to hinder him to root out the Religion that is by Law established among them : And one should think that he might have been by this time convinced that this is not peculiar to Presbyterians , but that all the Protestants in Britain are engaged in the same thing . Nor can Papists reproach Protestants with it , for their Principles runneth yet higher . QUEST . X. HE hath said so much to little purpose , he is now come to his last Effort , which doth evidently shew a fainting Cause , but strong and growing Confidence : For he Querieth , Whether Scottish Presbytery be agreeable to the general Inclinations of that People ? This he denyeth ; we affirm it , and wish the matter could be put to the Poll among them that are sober , and that do any way concern themselves in Religion : We do not grudge them a multitude of debauched Persons , who hate Presbytery , as the Curb of their Lusts , and love the other way , under which they might be as bad as they would , without a check ; tho' others could not be so good as they should without Persecution , or being discountenanced : tho' there want not a great many even of such that never liked Prelacy , tho' they could comply with it . Let us also set aside a sort of Men , who had their dependence on the Court , or on the Prelates , and could advance their Interests that way . Let us seclude also from this reckoning , the Popishly affected , who were but Protestants in Masquerade ; and tho' we deny not , that there may be found both among the Ministers and People some sober and religious Persons , who are conscientiously for Prelacy , yet these are so few in Scotland ( and were much fewer before 1662. since which time some have been bred to it ) that not one of many hundreds or thousands is to be found ; and it hath been in all Ages ( out of Popery ) seen , that so strong and universal is the inclination of People against Prelacy , that it never was brought in but by force and fraud , and never had long peaceable possession in this Nation : So that it is well known , that not a few wise Men in the Parliament , who have no Zeal for Presbytery it self , yet are for its being setled here , as knowing that no other Church-Government can suit the Genius of this People . § . 2. The Proofs that our Author bringeth for his Assertion are strangely inconsequential ; he will not say , That the inclinations of the Nation Representative is for Prelacy , lest he be found guilty of Leesing-making , a Crime that he often talketh of , and it seems hath well studied , and may be sometime strained his Wit about ; but he will prove it of the body diffusive of the people ; and first , of the Nobility , because Presbytery is against Monarchy , and they own it . This is answered . 2. Because they have taken the Test and Declaration . Answ. He confesseth some Peers took neither ; and they that did take them , did not by that shew their inclination so much , as what they thought fit to comply with , rather than suffer ; how many of these , now when there is no force on them , show that it was not choice , but necessity , that led them that way ; and many who seem to make Conscience of these Bonds , yet shew no inclination to the thing that they are bound to , except by the constraint that they have brought themselves under . The Gentry he will also have to be inclined to Prelacy , because they have taken the Test ; which is answered : and because many of them , when liberty was granted , went not to Meeting-houses . A silly Argument , for many did go , and most other clave to the former way , because the Law stood for it , and the Meetings seemed to be of uncertain continuance , but how few of them now refuse to hear the Presbyterians ? The Test is still the Argument , the Burgesses must be Episcopal , because many of them took it . Also , because of the rivers of tears shed at the Farewel-Sermons of their Episcopal Ministers . O horrid Impudence ! Scotland knoweth that where one was grieved , multitudes rejoyced , others carried indifferently , at the removal of the few of the men who as yet have been laid aside ; for the Clergy , we yield him all the gang , except a few , and those of the more sober of them , who declare , that they never liked Prelacy as it was established , tho' they thought it Lawful to Preach under it . The ability and worth of the Presbyterian Ministers he laboureth to ridicule , but from such Topicks as are fitter to be despised than answered . Our three Commissioners sent to London , Anno 1689. ( the former three he thinketh not worthy of his notice ) he maketh to be the Standard of Presbyterian abilities : they are able to abide his censure , and to compete with most of his party ; but he might know , that among us many are infirm thro' Age and long Hardships , who are of eminent Abilities ; others are fixed in such Charges , where their labour could not be wanted for so long a time : and what he objecteth against them who were sent is of no weight ; the first , that he once complyed , is most false : he resisted great Temptations to such complyance , and bare faithful Testimony against it . The second suffered for his Principles in the time of a sad Division in this Church . The third is no obscure Person , tho' unknown to this Pamphleter , from whom , when things went as he wished , good Men hid themselves , as from a Persecutor . We can also yield to him the Universities and Colledge of Justice , as lately stated ; seeing none had access to such places but they who were Episcopal : For the Physicians , there are not a few worthy Men of that Faculty , who are far from inclinations toward Prelacy . It is a new Topick , not often used before , That such a way of Religion is the best , because most of the Physicians and Lawyers are of it : This his Discourse will equally prove that Popery is preferrable to Protestantism ; for in France , Italy , Spain , &c. not the multitude only , but all the Church-men , the Universities , the Physicians and Lawyers are of that way . I conclude this our Debate about the Inclinations of the people of this Nation to Presbytery , with an Observation made by the late King James , when Duke of York , and in Scotland ; hearing of divers persons of Quality , who on their Death-bed called for the Assistance of Presbyterian Ministers , and refused others , though they had in their life been either regardless of such Ministers , or persecutors of them , he said , That the Scots , in whatever Religion they lived , yet generally they died Presbyterians . FINIS . ☞ The History of the Affairs and late Revolution of Scotland : With an Account of the Extraordinary Occurrences which happened thereupon , and the setling of the Church-Government there . Printed for Tho. Salusbury in Fleet-street . ERRATA . PAge 4. line 14. dele exit , read Epit. P. 16. l. 29. dele consistent , read inconsistent l. 40. dele well , read will. P. 32. l. 21. or against Popery , read against a Liberty for Popery . l. 42 for and not resolved , read for and were not resolved . Books lately Printed , and Sold by Tho. Salusbury , at the Sign of the Temple , near Temple-Bar in Fleet-street . THE History of the Great Revolution in England and Scotland , with the Causes and Means by which it was Accomplished . Together with a particular Account of the Extraordinary Occurrences which happened thereupon . As likewise the Settlement of both the Kingdoms under their most Serene Majesties King William and Queen Mary . Octavo . Price 5 s. The Safety of France : To Monsieur the Dauphine : Or , the Secret History of the French King. Proving to his Son , That there is no other way to secure France from the approaching Ruine , but by Deposing his Father for a Tyrant and Destroyer of his People . Twelves . Price 1 s. Pythagoras's Mystick Philosophy revived , or the Mistery of Dreams . Unfolded by Tho. Tryon , Student in Physick . Octavo . Price 2 s. A Collection of many wonderful Prophesies , relating to the English Nation ; plainly foretelling the late Great Revolution , and Happy Settlement of this Kingdom ; His present Majesties Successes in Ireland , and particularly his Victory at the Boyne ; with other very remarkable Things not yet come to pass . Quarto . Price 6 d. Miscellany Poems , viz. 1. Remarks on the Death of King Charles the Second . 2. On the Succession of King James the Second . 3. Upon Faith. 4. Upon Patience . 5. Upon Ambition . 6. To the University of Oxford . 7. The Soul to a Good Conscience . 8. The Soul to a Bad Conscience . Quarto . Price 6 d. The Declaration and Manifesto of the Protestants of the Vallies of Piedmont , called the Vaudois , to all Christian Princes and States , of the Reasons of their Taking up Arms Just now , against the Duke of Savoy ; and why they have put themselves under the Protection of William , King of Great Britain , and of the Evangelical Cantons of Suitzerland . 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A57865	----	A vindication of the Church of Scotland being an answer to five pamphlets, the titles of which are set down after the preface / by the author of the former vindication in answer to ten questions. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1691 Approx. 225 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57865 Wing R2232 ESTC R22719 12490561 ocm 12490561 62359 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57865) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62359) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 947:17) A vindication of the Church of Scotland being an answer to five pamphlets, the titles of which are set down after the preface / by the author of the former vindication in answer to ten questions. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. [12], 72 p. For Tho. Parkhurst ..., Printed at Edinburgh ; and Reprinted at London : 1691. Written by Gilbert Rule. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-08 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2004-08 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF THE Church of SCOTLAND BEING AN ANSWER TO Five Pamphlets , The Titles of which are set down after the Preface . By the Author of the former Vindication in Answer to the Ten QUESTIONS . Licensed and Entered according to Order Psal. 31 : 18. Let the lying Lips be put to Silence , which speak grievous things , proudly and contemptuosly ! against the Righteous . Psal. 55.3 . They cast Iniquity upon me , and in wrath they hate me . Psal. 63.11 . But the mouth of them that speak Lies shall be stopped . Gregor . Lib. 18. Moral . Nonnunquam pejus est mendacium meditari quam loqui ; Nam loqui plerumque precipitationis est , meditari vero Studiosae pravitarie . Augustin , contra Parmen : L. 4. Quisquis vel quod porest corrigit ; vel quod non potest Corrigere , salvo pacis vinculo excludit ; vel quod salvo pacis vinculo excludere non potest , equitate improbat , is pacificus est . Printed at Edingburgh , and Reprinted at London , for Tho. Parkhurst at the Bible and three Crowns near Mercers-Chappel in Cheap-side , 1691. The PREFACE . THe Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland have been manifold , and of long continuance : Jacob and Esau have been long strugling in her womb ; many Changes have gone over her ; sometimes the one Party prevailing , and sometimes the other : If there were no more at bottom of this strife then is pretended ; there might be some hope of Peace ! If not by Oneness in Opinion and practice , yet by yeilding so far as Conscience can allow , and mutual forbearance in that wherein we cannot unite . But the Enmity between the Seed of the Woman and the Seed of the Serpent , as it began with the World it self , so it is like to have no more early Exit . I am sure , Lying , Railing , and malicious Reproaches , instead of Argumentive Confutations , are not conducive to peace . This Conduct cannot convince them that are otherwise minded , nor can it render that way Lovely , for the sake of which it is used , to one who is influenced either by Religion or Reason , But it tendeth to render the Cause that is so managed , Suspicious ; yea to disparage and Blacken a good Cause , in the Eyes of the Sober and rational part of Mankind . It is a bad Cause that must be so supported ; and a worse Soul that will use such a weapon : Yea , men of a good temper will not listen to such Discourses , but abhor them , Nor will they auribus aliquem calumniari , as Simonides speaketh . It hath been an old stratagem of Satan , to disparage Truth , or the right wayes of God ; either by misrepresenting , or disguising the Opinions of them who own them ; or drawing strange and absurd Consequences from what they hold : Or imputing that to them that they never said nor thought : Or by raising and venting Calumnies against the Persons and Actions of them whom they would expose : Thus did the Heathens against the Jews , and against the the Christians : For the former , enough to this purpose may be seen in Joseph contra Apion . lib. 1.2 . And the Antient Histories of the Church are full of the Latter : And the Apologies of Tertullian , and others , were occasioned by them . It was also the way of Papists against Protestants : Yea our Lord , in days of his flesh , suffered the same ; and the very footsteps of these Enemies of Truth , do these Authors tread , with whom I have now to do : As will appear in our progress . It is a woeful work for men to employ their Wit in , and their time about . The Devil hath his Name from this practice , not only in Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but also in the Syriack N. T , — one that feedeth on Calumnies . It is strange that Veracity is become as much a stranger among Protestants as among Jesuits ; Heathens would be ashamed of such Intemperance of the Tongue as some Divines use ; and that in Debates about Religious things : It is Unmanly as well as UnChristian to tell a Lye , tho' for never so good a Cause , or on never so good a design : Plutarch : de Liber , Educand . Mentirienim servile est : Et dignum apud omnes Homines odio ; ac ne mediocribus quidem servis ignoscendum . Is it any wonder that we hesitate about some things related by Antient Historians , when so much false History is , with such effronted Boldness , written about the things that we all know and about which we could be proper Witnesses , and could Swear them to be Lyes , before a Judge ? Or that we can have little perswasion of what we Read , or hear about remote Nations : When things acted among our selves are so falsly represented ? Woe to Posterity , if the Lying Stories that some have Printed , and with bold Impudence avouched , pass with them for Authentick Histories . Not only the Writings of Jesuits , but these of some discontented Prelatists , are able to turn the succeeding Ages into absolute Scepticisme about all the Transactions of former times . Sect. 2. Our Opposities , in the Debate that I now manage , have not only loaded as with reproach , without just cause given for their obloquie and clamours : But they have shewed their aversion from Peace with us : And that by the methods unbecoming men of Candor and Integrity ; as well as Lovers of Peace . We are not ignorant of the measures that were the result of deep consults , both in this Nation , and at London , when open Spire and Malice was not able to effect what they designed ; that the several Parishes should address the King for their Ministers to be continued with them ; even while it was evident that many of them regarded not the Civil Authority of the Nation now setled ; and others by the Leudness of Conversation made themselves unworthy to be in the Holy Function of the Ministry ; and when this attempt did not succeed , it was concerted at London , and advice about it written by Dr. Canaries to Mr. Lesk , to be communicated to the rest of the Party ; That they should yeild seigned Obedience to the Presbyterians at present , because their other Methods could not take at that time . In pursuance of this addvice , two adresses were prepared for the Commission of the General Assembly , in which as little Wit as Candor appeared : It was evident by them , that the Addressers did not intend , nor desire , to be received into a share of the Government with Presbyterians . And these Papers were so ill contrived that it was visible to all , that no blame could reflect on the Presbyterians , by refusiing to admit them on the terms that they proposed : For their Lesson was conned for them . One of them was offered to the Commission of the Assembly that was for the South part of Scotland , by Mr. Alexander Less the 17. day of July 1691. In his own Name , and of several others in the North. He was told by the Commission , That they could not receive nor consider his Address ; because he , and they in whose Name he made application to the Commission , lived in the North ; and that the Commission had no Power from the Assembly to meddle with any Affairs in that part of the Countrey ; but that another Commission was appointed for the North ; to which he might apply if he pleased . He took Instruments in the Clerks Hand that he had offered his Paper to the Commission ; which was allowed . The other Address was , at the same time presented by Mr. William Denune and Mr. Thomas Wood : which was received , and Read : Of which I here give you a true and exact Copy . To the Reverend the Ministers and Elders by Law impowered to Establish the Judicatories of the Church of Scotland , The humble Petition of the Ministers of the Episcopal Perswasion , sheweth : That whereas Episcopacy is by Law abolished in this Kingdom . We , who have in the most dangerous times , manifested our Zeal against Popery , are now ready to give all the assurances that are , or can be , by Law , required of us , of our Aversion to Popery : of our firmness to the Protestant Religion : And of our Duty and Fidelity to to their Majesties , King William and Queen Mary . We are farther ready and willing , in Our respective Charges and Stations to do every thing that is incumbent on us , as Ministers of the Gospel , for advancing the power of Religion , for the repressing of Scandal and Vice , and for sesecureing the peace and quiet of their Majesties Government ; and to Act in Church Judicatories for carrying on of these ends , without any regard to the differences of perswasion in matters that are not fundamental . We do therefore humbly and earnestly desire , that in order to these ends , we may be suffered to Act as Prebyters , in the Church , in our several Stations and precincts . Sic subcribitur , David Urquhart Minister at Clackmannan , William Denune Minister at Pentcaitland , Keneth Mekenize Minister at Fearne , T. Wood Minister at Dunbar ; Ad. Peacock Minister at Morbotle , M. Howell Minister at Ploworth , John Swintoun Minister at Cranshawes , T. Edward Minister at Tyningham , Rob. Smith Minister at Lonformagus , Jo. Broun Minister at Ellon , George Dunbar Minister at Hadingtoun , Mr. Alex. Ireland Minister at , Mr. James Foreman Minister at Hadingtoun , Ber. Makenzie Minister of the Gospel , now at Iranent . Sect. 3. The presenters of this Pettiion refused to satisfie the Commission about some things in their Petition , which seemed to bear a dubious Sense ; alledging that they had no warrant to explain any thing for such as had sent them : And when they were asked whether they would explain any thing in it , for themselves ; their answer was that they could not explain any thing for themselves , because it was a joynt Interest , and they would Act nothing without the rest . After the Deliberation of a few dayes , the Commission gave the following answer to their Petition , Edinburgh , July , 22. 1691 ; Which was read to them by the Clerk , and they desiring to have an extract of it , the Clerk was appointed to give it . A true and exact Copy of it , followeth The Commission for Visitation , &c. Having considered the Petition presented to them by Mr. Thomas VVood and Mr. VVilliam Denune signed by them and other twelve Ministers , who call themselves of the Episcopal perswasion , do find that some of these Petitioners are deposed , and some suspended : both of them for gross Immoralities : Others of them are in process referred by the General Assembly to this Commission : And some declared contumacious by the Presbyteries of the bounds where they have their residence ; and some without the bounds committed to the inspection of this Commission : They do also find , that not only these Petitioners do not look on this Commission as a Judicatory of this Church ; but also do mistake their work , by ascribing to them , a power to establish the Judicatories of this Church , which is committed to them by the Assembly : and tho' the Commission be satisfied , to hear the zeal against Popery , fidelity to their Majesties ; Yet they find , that seeing the Petitioners have not offered to own and subscribe the Confession of Faith , which by Law is made the Standard of the Doctrine of this Church ! they have no security a-against other errours ; nor do they offer to submit , nor to concur with , the present established Government of this Church , according to the instructions of the General Assembly ; much less to acknowledge it , as is required by his Majesties Gracious Letter ; and whereas , in the Petitory part , the Petitioners seem to desire an allowance for setting up a Government separate from , and independant upon that which is established by Law ; and have refused ( when desired by the Commission ) to explain either for their Constituents , or for themselves , this , or any other expression , that seemed dark and doubtful to the Commission , declaring , also expresly , that they had no further to say than what was contained in their Petition , and that they could do nothing separately by themselves , without their Constituents . Therefore , udon these grounds , the Commission cannot grant this petition as it stands in terminis : However willing they be to receive such of them as personally compearing , shall be found duly qualified , according to the instructions of the Assembly , and his Majesties gracious Letter . It is to be noted that Mr. Ireland is deposed , ( they indeed pretended ; that his name was blotted out , as soon as to they knew so much ; but i was shewed them that not his Subscription , but the name of the place where he had been Minister , was blotted out ) Mr. Urquhart was declared contumacious by the Presbytery : Mr. Peacock was suspended Mr. Wood is under process before the Commission : Mr. Kenneth Mokenzie liveth in the North , and so is not under the inspection of this Commission . Sect. 4. It is manifest from their petition that they Act as a party combined against the Church as now settled by Law : Seeing they speak of a joynt interest , out of which none of them would so much as answer any question that was put to them ; also because this is owned as a petition of the Episcopal Clergy , not of some of them ; which stateth them as one party , and the Presbyterian Church as another . It may be also rationally inferred from it , that they could not expect that the Commission could receive them , on the terms that they propose , for they do not offer Satisfaction to any one of the conditions required by the Assembly , of such as we should admit to rule the Church with us ; we could not conclude their Orthodoxy from their being opposite to Popery , for so are Socinians . Arminians , Pelagians , Antinomians , Quakers , &c. Not had we ground to believe that they be Faithful to the Government of the Church ; but had reason to think the contrary ; because they take to themselves the designation of being of the Episcopal perswasion ; which can bear no other sense , than that either they think Episcopacy to be of Divine Right , or at least that it is the best Government of the Church , and nearest to what is injoyned in the Scripture : for they who are for the indifferency of the species of the Church Government are not Episcopal more than they are Presbyterian . Now such cannot give security that they will endeavour to preserve Presbyterian Government , for it were to act against the Light of their own mind : and he who promiseth so to act , deserveth , no credit . This is yet more convincing , if we consider , that they must mean , that they are for Episcopacy as it was lately in Scotland : Now what that is not easie to know : For they had no Canons by which it might be circumscribed , and so it was a Boundless and Arbitrary Power . And in the Act of Parliament 1662. By which it was Setled , it was restored To all the accustomed Priviledges and Jurisdictions ; Which is as much Power as the Laws had ever given them : And it Impowereth them to manage the Affairs of the Church with Advice of such of the Clergy as they shall find to be of known Loyalty and Prudence ; And that in their Administrations they are to be accountable to the King : It is further evident , that Presbytery could not be safe under their management ; seeing they will own no Church Power in the Commission ; but look on them as a Company of Ministers and Elders who derive their Power from the Law : Also because they look-on the Judicatories of this Church as what is to be setled ; and that they are the Creatures of the State by looking on this Commission , as the Delegates of the State. It is further to be observed , That while they speak of Securing the Peace of Their Majesties Government ; They have no hint or any design to secure the Government of the Church ; either as to its Peace or to its Safety . They tell us also of their design To act in Church Judicatories but whether they mean the Judicatories wherein Parity of Ministers is observed , or these wherein Episcopal Power over toppeth that of the Presbyters , we can neither know from their words , nor will they inform us what is their meaning . They tell us of their purpose To act in these Judicatories without any regard to differences of Perswasions in things that are not fundamental . We are here again left in the dark what things they will regard in their Management of the Affairs of the Church : For it is a Controversy among Divines , what points of Truth are fundamental , and what not : Some in our dayes have reduced fundamental points to a very narrow compass : Men of Latitude have so widened Heavens Gates , that even Heathens who know not Christ , may enter in : And how far these Petitioners Principles may stretch in judging what is , and what is not fundamental , we must not know for they will explain none of their words . But we think that many Truths of the Gospel are to be regarded by them who are Guides of Mens Consciences , and who are to censure Men for Errours , as well as for immoral practices ; about which we will not stifly contend with them who do think fit to call them Fundamentals . Again they may know , that there are somt things Fundamental to Salvation : Others that are only so with respect to the Government of the Church ; That is , without which the Government setled in any Church cannot stand . I know no Church ; whether ruled by Parity of Presbyters , or otherwise , but they have respect to these ; and refuse to commit the Ruling of the Church to them who have no regard to such things as are necessary to the standing of her Government : If we would rightly manage the Government of the Church , we must not regard the former onely ; but also the latter , We are not to admit to a share of Presbyterian Government , such as tho' they be sound in the Faith , will Vote against the Parity of Power in the Ministers of the Gospel : Nor who will be for setting Bishops over us again ; nor who will not secure us against endeavouring the overturning , tho' it were by degrees , what is now , by the Mercy of God , established among us . One remark more I make on their Petition ; which is ; that they desire To be suffered to Act as Presbyters in this Church in their several Stations and Precincts . It is not only ambiguously worded , but they refused to tell us what they meant by it . For it may be understood either that they should concur with us in our Judicatories ; which they cannot do for the reasons above adduced ; or that they might Act in meetings by themselves , and without dependence on the Government of the Church now established by Law ( as in many places they do practise , without leave asked or given ) this is a most absurd desire : For it is , that Presbyterian Government being now established by Law , as it was before countenanced by the Gospel ; the Presbyterians themselves should allow a contrary way to be set up , in opposition to it ; and for perpetuating a Schism in this National Church : and that Presbyterians should , by this means , put themselves out of Capacity to purge the Church from Erroneous , Scandalous , and insufficient Ministers . If they have a third meaning , that they might be allowed to exercise their Ministery within their own Parishes ; their Petition is wholly impertinent : For that is already granted them , and none of them is hindered from this , except such as the Church findeth to be Insufficient , Erroneous , Scandalous , or sapinely Negligent : If they plead for a toleration to such , neither Reason nor Religion will allow the granting of such a request . All this considered , let all the world judge whether these men design peace and union with the Church , on Rational Grounds . Sect. 5. While we have made such rational proposals for Burying former differences ; and yet they can neither satisfie nor quiet a Spiteful and Clamorous sort of Men ; We must defend our selves , as well as we can , against Reproaches ; and as we have ( in this matter ) a good Conscience towards God ; so we must vindicate our way before Men. This Vindication hath been long expected : The cause why it cometh out so late , is not , that much time was taken to make it accurate , either as to the Stile , or other management of it ; neither the Authors capacity , nor inclination , nor the subject matter , do admit of that , it was written festinante calamo ; though I hope , not any material escapes will be found in it ; much less was it from the difficulty of the Work : Neither deep thinking , nor much Reading , was needful 10 answer the Reasons brought against us ; The Argumentative part of these Pamphlets is of very small bulk , as well as of little Strength . But the true Causes of this delay were . 1. It was at first committed to another hand , who , after many moneths , returned the Papers to be Answered without any reply to them , next , the Person on whom it was laid , and who now hath done it , was sent a long Journey , about the Affairs of the Church , so that it was four months before he could do any thing toward it . 3. He hath so much necessary Work to attend , and that daily , that very seldom he could get an hour for this Business : which he looked on as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of what was his daily imployment . 4. Informations from many corners of the Nation about matters of fact , contained in the Pamphlets that I Answer , were to be expected , and they came in very slowly ; many of them after this Work was almost finished . For which blanks behoved to be left in several places of the Book : and some of them not come to this day . But the Reader must judge of the veracity and candor of some of the things charged on us by what he may observe in the rest of them . Sect. 6. I have treated the Adversaries I deal with as Brethren ( desiring rather to exceed , then come short in Civility , and fair dealing with them ) though they use us as Enemies ; I hope , calling things by their true Names , will not be reckoned inconsistent with that moderation and calmness that becometh a Disputant , I have called nothing Lies nor Calumnies , nor Spite ; but what is manifestly such ; and is made appear to be such : If any sharpness of Stile be used , how could it be shunned : Even the Disciples of Zeno would forget their Apathia , when lashed with such virulent pens , as my Adversaries use ; but I hope there is nothing in the strain of this writing , that is beyond the bounds of the Apostles injunction , Tit. 1.13 . of reproving sharply , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to argue the case cuttingly : As the strength of Argument should wound a bad cause so a Petulant and Effronted Adversary is not to be handled with that softness of stile , that is fit for such as are more modest . The truth of matters of fact asserted in this Treatise , is not to be taken from me ; but from them who are my Informers : Few of them I pretend to personal knowledge of , therefore not my veracity is pledged for them , but that of others : If I have here asserted any thing that I cannot bring credible Witnesses for , let me be blamed : But if they have deceived , or been deceived ( which I hope shall not be found ) I am not to answer for that . Neither do I build on hearsay , or common talk ; which is the best Foundation of many of the Assertions of my Adversaries : But for many things I name the witnesses of what I affirm : In some of them I bring the Testimonies of them who had sworn these things before a Judge ; and where the names of Witnesses are for Brevities sake omitted , it is in matters of lesser moment ; and sufficient Testimony shall be given of things , when it shall be required . I hope the Reader will find by this Examination of the Railing Accusations brought against us , that the Church of Scotland hath given no just cause of Clamour to her Enemies , nor of dislike to our Rulers , during the time in which our Observers do fix blame upon us : which is to the end of the General Assembly , 1690. What the King and Parliament , and Council ( and before them , the Convention of Estates ) did that hath displeased this Party that I deal with , I have also Vindicated from unjustice and oppression , and breach of promise , that this pretended Loyal Party charge them with . For what was Acted by the injured and enraged Rabble , who in their own Persons , or in their Relations , had suffered intolerable and Barbarous favorities from these men ; I am far from approving , or excusing : Only I affirm that many of the things they are charged with , are Lies and Calumnies : Others of them Truths so disguised , as none can own them for truths . I also shew that the Actings of the Rabble , were not to be compared in Cruelty and Savage Barbarity , with what they suffered from that Party whom they attempted to rid themselves of , when they got opportunity . And what was done by the Episcopal party , was done under colour of Law , or connived at by them in Power ; and was at the instigation of Church-men : What was done by the Rabble was their deed alone : Neither Rulers nor Ministers , nor the sobere sort of the People , did either approve it , or was partaker in their Deeds . Sect. 7. I have , in a former paper , pleaded for the Presbyterian Church of Scotland , against an Adversary much of the same Temper with these I now deal with ; whose ten questions , and answers to them , I have examined ; I now examine five other Pamphlets : The first two were injoyned me to answer ; the rest , being of the same strain , and coming to hand while I was busie with these , and some Persons of the best quality for rank , and for Religion , desiring it of me , I thought fit to give my help ( such as it is ) to this labouring Church , in opposing all these efforts of enraged Malice : If truth , and the ordinances of God , be thereby Vindicated , and weaker ones helped to stand against the shock of impudent Calumnies ; and if any who gave too ready an ear to misrepresentations of our Affairs , be better informed , I have my design . When I first read and considered these Pamphlets , I hoped such a work would be needless ; for among our selves , most of their Assertions are known to be Lies ; yea some of their own party have regretted that such Lies should be spread ; and it was hoped that strangers would not suffer themselves to be imposed upon by such vile stories , while the Propagators of them had not the wit to personate Historians , but did openly vent such spite and inveterate Malice , as the condiment of what they set before the Readers , that might ruine all pretences they could make to Veracity , with them who wisely consider what they hear or read . But we see the world is so stated , that silent innocency may soon be run down by bold Calumnies : And therefore this Vindication was , on after thoughts , judged to be needful . I do not pretend to vindicate Presbyterians from all blame : I know they are subject to like passions as other men ; they are Sinners and have need of a Saviour : And their publick Actings , as well as personal Conversation , are short of perfection . There are many things among us that may be mended , or better done . And we are endeavouring to bring things into better order , and do not think that thus it must be , because thus it hath been . Yet we are not afraid to compare our Church order with that which our Opposites are so fond of : Nor that they can charge us with such mis-managements as we can charge them with ; or as can infer any notable detriment to the great design of the Gospel , and advancing of Truth and Holiness . I meet , in these Papers with Variety of purposes , and frequent Co-incidencies : To have enlarged in Discourse upon all these subjects would have swelled this work unduely . Wherefore I behoved , in many places , to give short answers ; which yet may be understood by an attentive Reader : Especially if he compare the passages that are replyed to ( which I could not alwayes fully Transcribe ) with what is said in answer to it . If any thing be not touched , it is either not material or is before met with , or it is so plainly false and absurd , that every one may see it . I have not willingly overlookt any thing that might reflect any blame on the cause that I plead for . The Pamphlets here Answered are , I. An Account of the present Pe●●●●utions of the Church of Scotland , in several Letters . II. The Case of the afflicted Clergy in Scotland truly represented . III. A late Letter concerning the Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland . IV. A Memorial for his Highness the Prince of Orange , in relation to the Affairs of Scotland , &c. V. An Historical Relation of the late General Assembly , held at Edinburgh , from October 16 to Novemb. 13. Anno 1690. A VINDICATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND , &c. PART I. THough it be no pleasant Task , to draw the Saw of Debate in Mattes wherein Religion is concerned ; especially , with such as own the same Religion with us , and who , with us , should be engaged against the common Enemy of the Reformation : Yet it is some Satisfaction , when we are attacked only with the force of Argument , with plain Scripture , or rational Deductions from it ; but to be exposed to the dint of Malice , Lies , and Railing , and the foulest and falsest Mis-representations that the minds of Man can suggest to them , when they are enraged by being deprived of the occasion they once had to Persecute their Neighbours , and being denuded of these Lucrative Places that they improved to such Ends ; this I say is , and must be grievous to an ingenuous Soul : Now this is our Lot , Self-defence , yea the Defence of the Institutions of Christ , which should be more precious to us , than any thing that we can call ours , maketh it necessary thus to enter the Lists , in confident hope of his assistance whose Cause we Plead . I am far from either widening , or keeping up the Difference , that hath been between us , who own Presbyterian Government , and the Episcopal Party in Scotland : Our Church ( now established by Law , through the Mercy of God , and the Zeal of Their Majesties , and of the worthy Patriots assembled in Parliament ) hath declared ( and doth practise accordingly ) that none of those Men shall be removed from their Office or Benefice , but such as are found , on sufficient Trial , in an orderly way , to be Insufficient , Scandalous , Erroneous , or supinely Negligent ; and that we will receive into a share of the Church-Government with us , such of them , as beside their freedom from the Evils mentioned , will own the Doctrine of this Church contained in the Confession of Faith , and will submit to , and concur with , and will be faithful to , the Government of the Church now Established . And we challenge our Adversaries to shew that any stretches have been made in expounding of these Qualifications , or that any thing hath been imputed to any of them as Scandal , Errour , &c. But what is commonly judged Scandal by Mankind , and Errour by most of the Reformed Churches ; or that we have censured any for their Opinion about Church-Government , or for their complyance with Episcopacy , when it was here set up ; or that we have refused to admit any to Ministerial Communion with us , who made application for that Favour , and was qualified as above exprest . § . 2. Notwithstanding of this Moderation ( a course diametrically opposite to the dealing that we met with from them , when their Way was uppermost ) we have two things to complain of against them who make such Outcries against us : One is , That even the Soberest and best of them , are so far from endeavouring Peace and Union , that they stand aloof from the most easie Terms abovementioned , and think little of so great Condescendence made on our part : For let any unbyassed Man judge what we could do more for Peace , unless we should have been so cruel to the Souls of People , as to have intrusted the Conduct of them to such as could not but ruine them , or that we should put the Government of the Church into the Hands of such as had been its declared Enemies , and would give no rational Security that they should not overturn it for the future . This their Aversion from coming among us hath this Evidence for it , that now when the Government hath been settled by Law near a year ( and long before that they might have been Received if they had pleased ) only three of them , in all the Nation , hath hitherto made Application to the Judicatories of the Church , expressing their Desire to join with us ; One of which is Received , and the other two were but delayed for want of time then to consider their Case . Is it not strange then , that such Outcries are made , that they are excluded from that part of the exercise of their Ministry , while none but themselves are to blame for it . The other thing that we have to complain of , is , That the greatest number of that Party do not only stand off from us ; and with all possible Industry , hinder such as would comply with the established Government , but do vent the greatest Malice against us , and spread the most horrid Lies and Reproaches of us , that they are capable to utter , and do what in them lies to make us odious to the World , and to bring us under dislike with our Rulers : And that where there is no Cause given on our part . The Books that I have now under Consideration are a full proof of this , as also are the lying Reports that the Ears of People at Home , ( and yet more Abroad ) are filled with ; which I hope will appear in the following Examination of them . § . 3. I do not here undertake to Vindicate all Presbyterians from all blame in their Carriage toward them that differ from them : We never thought that all of our way are so Good , and so Wise , and so Sober as they should be ; but I am confident to say , that the Excesses , that any among us can be charged with , are not to be compared with the Barbarous Severities that they of late suffered , when they who now complain were in the Ascendent . That which I now undertake , is , to clear the Presbyterians from these Calumnies that are cast on them in general : And especially to vindicate the Actings of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland , from what her Haters do brand her with , either in her Principles , or in her Practice . Five Pamphlets stuffed with such Reproaches I have seen , to answer two of them I was injoined , to wit. The two first mentioned in the Title Page , the three which lately came to hand , I shall cast in as an Auctarium . I shall consider them separately , yet joining them when coincidencies occur , to avoid repetition . It is easie for an unbyassed Reader to observe the scope of these Pieces to be , not so much the refutation of our Opinion about Church-Government , and the asserting of their own ; ( for little that looketh like Argument to that purpose , is to be found in them ) or to set Matters of Fact in their true Light ; for the Candor requisite to that is evidently wanting : As it is , partly to make all Presbyterians as hateful to others , as they are hated by them : And partly to beg Alms of the Church of England ; which to be their Intention they do not conceal : While , Account of Persecution , &c. Preface , the Reader is thus Addressed to , I have but one thing to request from thee , and that is no more than what thy Profession will oblige and command thee : I mean to put on Bowels of Mercy and Compassion to the poor Afflicted , Distressed ; to help them as much as thou art able with thy Substance , and to extend that Charity which is already gone over the Alps , and hath assisted the Protestants in France , Hungary , and Peidmont , to thy neighbouring Brethren , and of thy Communion in Scotland : And if thy Circumstances are too mean to assist them with thy Purse , be sure to let them have thy Charity for their Sufferings in thy hearty Prayers ( it is well that Prayer hath some place , tho' but the second , and in want of Money ) in their desires . As also , Case of the afflicted Clergy . Preface , the design of that Writing is said to be , Especially , that the most Charitable-Church of England may see the sad effects of Rampant Presbytery , pitie their Brethren that have so severely smarted under it . — Of a piece with these Expressions are their setting up Conventicles here ( so much decried by them before ) and in them using the English Service , in all its Formalities , and their other Expressions of high esteem of , and Zeal for that way , which were never heard of before , while they were under no restraint , either for Pleading for it , or endeavouring its being set up by Authority . Let the World judge what Meanness of Spirit is thus manifested , and what Mercenary Souls they must have , who imploy themselves in such mendicant Writings and Practices , in the Matters of Religion . But thus it appeareth , How wise they are in their own Generation : Who consider , What to do when they are put out of their Stewardship . It is indeed a wiser way for them , then to have complyed with the present Eshablishment of the Church ; from which not a few would , it is like , have been excluded , either for their Immoralities , or Errours ; or their manifest abhorrence of the Civil Government . I observe but one thing more , common to these Books , That they complain much more of the Government of the State , than of that of the Church . And indeed the Council ( yea the King and Parliament ) and the Rable , were the Actors of most of the things that they make such Tragical Out-cries against , and not the Church . § . 4. I proceed now to consider the first of these Pamphlets . The Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters . In the Preface to which , I have but few things to observe , beside what is already noted ; what is calumniously asserted , without attempt toward any proof , I let pass as Railing : Such as , Out-doing our specious Pretences by our Actions ; Our being of the same Principles with Hobs , whose Doctrines , none do more abhor then we . Our Principles being exceeded and basted by our Practice . That which is added ( and may be designed as the ground of these Imputations ) is as destitute of all resemblance of Truth , as any thing can be , viz. That They who lately Addressed for Liberty of Conscience , do now Usurp and Tyrannize over others , and deprive them of Liberty in Religion , of their Possessions , and of their Lives , for adhereing to the Doctrine once delivered to the Saints , and often established by Law in that Kingdom . This Author had consulted his own Credit in the matter of Ingenuity and Veracity , if 1. He had made it appear , that we Addressed for Liberty of Conscience , in that general Notion wherein he expresseth it : None do more ( and ever have done so ) oppose an unbounded Liberty to speak , and own , what Men please in Religion , and particularly we , even when the Liberty that he aimeth at was granted , did ( as much as we were capable ) express our dislike of the Tolleration given to the Papists for their Heresies and Idolatries : We thanked the King for allowing us to Worship God in his own way , and taking off the Yoak of Church-domination that sore pressed our Consciences , and ruined us in the World , if we would not ruine our Souls . And what we then were willing to accept , we do not grudge to others , who can shew as good Warrant for their way , and use their Liberty with the same Moderation and Peaceableness . 2. If he had told us wherein this Usurpation and Tyranny was Exercised . These words use to signifie the assuming an unlawful Authority , or the oppressive abuse of that which is Lawful . Let him bring proof for his imputing either of these to us , and we shall Answer him . 3. If he had told us what freedom of Religion they have been deprived of : Who of them have been Persecuted for Worshiping God , as we were by them ; Except that some Ministers have been restrained from Preaching , for their Unworthiness of that Office ; or from Preaching in places where they had no Legal Rights : What Possessions have any been deprived of , unless for Crimes against the State ; and even that hath been very rare . Ministers Stipends are not their rightful Possessions , when either they are justly Deposed from their Office , or are found to be unjust Possessors of this , or that particular Charge . For taking their Lives on account of their Religious Principles , it hath never been heard of since the late Revolution ; and it is the highest Impudence to alledge it . 4. If he had told us what the Holy Doctrine is that they have under such Sufferings adhered to : Divines use to distinguish betwixt Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline ; I confess there are Controversies about all these : But that the Debates about Church-Government ( which is the only thing that they can pretend to have suffered for ) belongs to the first of these Heads , I think none will say : But let us own Episcopacy as a Doctrine , that it is a holy Doctrine , or that it was once delivered to the Saints ; he will find it hard to prove . But that which is most absurd , is that he should insinuate that they have suffered in their Freedom , their Possessions , or their Lives , for the Doctrine of Episcopacy , or their Opinion about it , is so false , as Impudence it self may blush to assert it . § . 5. A just Refutation of what followeth would require a full History of the Persecutions against Dissenters in England : not only that practised by the Justices of Peace ( in the Execution of the most severe Penal Laws ) but even by Church-Courts , in their Citations and Excommunications , and what followed upon both ; to the ruine of the Estates and Liberty of many , and the Lives of not a few , by the Hardships they endured : But that is too long to be here inserted . I could fill many Sheets with what I know to be true in this matter . Was ever any such thing done by the Kirk ( as he alledgeth ? ) Let him tell us , if he can , that ever the Church of Scotland did either Fine , or Imprison , any Person ; or whom they have ( since the late Establishment of Presbytery ) Excommunicated . What he talketh of Clubs and Battons , and insinuateth to be the deed of the Kirk , is beyond the common size of Slanderous Malice ; these might be the Weapons of a Rabble , but not of any Judicatory of the Church . But what of this kind he imputeth even to the Multitude , is after to be examined . We are not afraid to have that English Persecution , and that which he calleth a Scots Persecution , impartially compared . But when he saith , It hath come near to , if not outdone the French Dragooning , is such an effort of the Rhetorick of Men of his Stamp , as is seldom parallelled by Men who know , or care what they say . We do , no less than he , apprehend the evil of the Riots committed by a heady Rabble , and detest conniving at , or countenancing such Practices ; but we deny , that ever that was done among us ; and what he can say to prove what he insinuateth , is in its due place to be considered . What he addeth of the resolute Christians of his Party , who dare suffer for the Truths that they have taught , maketh nothing against our Cause , nor for his : Causa facit Martyrem . If they suffer for well doing , they will have Peace in it ; but when they have suffered as hard things , and as long , as they made others to suffer , then they may boast of their Sufferings . § . 6. Having now dispatched his Preface , I come to the first of the four Letters , of which this Book is made up . It is ( or pretendeth to be ) written by an English Chaplain to a Regiment ; that of Sir John Laneer , as is supposed : In which I meet with nothing but false History , and an unfair Representation of things : Which might happen through prejudice , and mistakes , if the Author were indeed a stranger ; but cannot be excused from downright lyes , if he be one among our selves , and acquainted with our Affairs . But whoever he be , that is evident , that the scope of his Letter is not barely to baffle Presbyterian Government of the Church ; but to overturn the present Establishment of the State ; to nullifie the Convention of Estates , the Parliament , and all that they have done , to advance the Reputation of the Viscount of Dundee , and his Faction ; so that the Gentleman doth indeed suppose that the Interest of King William , and that of Presbytery in Scotland , are embarked in the same Bottom ; which many thinking Men take to be no unjust Idea of our Affairs . In his first Paragraph , he hath a heap of Assertions , some palpably false , others as really false ; being general Assertions , built on , may be , a particular Instance or two , yet none named : Of which after . And except that it is said , Episcopacy is abolished , there is not a true word from the beginning to the end of it . In that which followeth , he layeth the blame of all the Disasters , as he calleth them , on the Cameronian Party , and Characterizeth them at his pleasure . Here I take notice of a few gross Mistakes , to call them no worse ; That the prevailing strength of the Cameronian Party was the occasion of all that here he complaineth of ; even the Abolishing of Episcopacy . All the Presbyterians in Scotland did contribute their Endeavours to this , as also did many who formerly had gone along with the Courses that the Episcopalians promoted : Now to call all the Presbyterians , or most of them Cameronians , is as remote from Truth as any thing can be . 2. He saith the Cameronians are Fifth-Monarchy-men , which is most false : I deny not that they have had Principles about Government , that Sober Presbyterians could not go along with them in ; but that they were of the same Principles with these called Fifth-Monarchy-men , we deny : And he should have brought some Proof for his Assertion . 3. It is also false , That these Men care neither for King William , nor King James , but as these Kings happen to please them . They have given such proof of their Loyalty to King William , as their Enemies do envy , but are not able to obscure . Their Action at Dunkell , known over all Britain ; and their chearful going at his Command , to venture their Lives for him in Foreign Nations , are sufficient Refutation of this impudent Assertion . 4. He accuseth some designing Heads in the Council and Parliament , for raising Tumults among the Cameronians ; and then by these Disorders representing abroad the Inclinations of the People . This is the heighth of Dis-ingenuity ; for these Disorders ( as he calleth them ) were before either the Convention or the Parliament sat . The Convention began March , 1689. and before that time , the Ministers in the West were put out by the People ; ( I suppose this he meaneth by Disorders . ) Again , That any in the Council or Parliament had a hand in these Tumults , or abetted them , is spoken with much Malice , but no Truth : The Men of most Note and Zeal for Presbytery , did what in them lay to allay that Forwardness of the People , that the Church might be reformed in a more legal Way . § . 7. That there was no Redress after Complaints of injured Persons , is also false ; for all the Ministers put out by Violence , without a Legal Procedure , after the 13th of April , 1689. were by the Parliament restored to their Places ; such as were put out before that time , the Wisdom of the Nation thought it not fit to Repone ; because what was done in that , was done in an Inter-regnum , when we had no Government : And it was procured by themselves who suffered , the People having been provoked by them beyond what can be easily expressed , ( of which afterward ; ) and there was no other way to settle the Nation in Peace , but to Indemnifie them who had avenged their own unparallelled Sufferings , on the Authors of them ; while these that so suffered , were also put to suffer no greater Punishment for the Barbarities committed , by their means , on that poor People . What he addeth , That the Government became a Party against them , that they suffered by a Form of Law , is such Language as under any Government , but the present , might hazard his Neck . But we have here a Specimen of these Gentlemen's Loyalty , and their Modesty , and Respect to Authority . It is evident , that they cannot oppose Presbytery , without setting themselves against the Civil Government now Setled by Law. Another Falshood immediately followeth , That the Church-Party ( as he calleth them ) is predominant in Scotland , both for Number and Quality . That it is not so , is evident from the Constitution of our Parliament : And I have made it appear in my Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to the 10 th Question . And every one knoweth , that if the Party which hath appeared in Arms against the Civil Government , and they who do palpably Favour them , be set aside , his Church-Party will be found to be very few in this Nation ; especially among the Gentry , and the Inferior People ; and a great part of the Nobility also are not fond of that way . One Proof of what he now alledgeth , he bringeth from the Inclinations of the North : I confess , there is the greatest strength of that Party ; but there Papists also abound more than elsewere in this Nation , and there is the strength of the Highland-Army : Yet in the Counties of Sutherland and Strathnaver , in Ross and Murray , there might be , and have been a Force raised , to defend the Settlement of State and Church , which was a Terrour to its Enemies : And many there are in other Counties of the North , who are of contrary Inclinations to his Church . Yea , it is found , that many of the Northern Ministers who had gone along with Episcopacy , and these the Men of best Parts , and most Soberness among them , are willing to joyn with the Presbyterians ; who , on their part , are ready to receive them that are so qualified . Another Proof of his Assertion , I cannot forbear to smile at , being an Instance of the Vanity of his Mind : He had preached to the Satisfaction of the Auditors ( it seems others have been wanting to praise his Gifts , and therefore he must even do it himself ) and read Service , and the Gentry caressed him , and the People shewed him Respect when they met him : They did not abhor him , nor his way of Religion . His Conclusion falleth short of the thing that was to be proved ; for there are many Men ( and may be not a few in Scotland ) who have little Abhorrence of any false way in Religion , and as little Zeal for the right way . I doubt not that many Protestants did lately carry civilly toward Popish Priests : Must they therefore like that way ? Neither can what he alledgeth infer his Conclusion ; for in our Country , the Gentry are Men of Breeding , and use a great deal of Civility to Strangers , even when they do not like all their Principles and Practices . If Men of our way thought fit to use this Topick , they could prove most of England to be Presbyterians ; where they have often preached , and had a greater Following than ever he had in Scotland ; and have been civilly treated among the Gentry , who yet were not of their Principles , in the matter of Church-Government . But such silly stuff is not fit to blot Paper with . The History that he addeth about the Magistrates of Perth , proveth no more , but that they are Enemies both to the Civil State , and the Church , which every one knoweth : Yet they did soon after receive a Presbyterian Minister ( no Cameronian ) into their Pulpit . § . 8. A most gross Mis-representation followeth , viz. That at Edinburgh the Faction ( he meaneth the Presbyterians ) was so weak , that they were forced to send privately into the West for Assistance . The truth of this matter is , About the time that the Convention of Estates was to sit down , a Design was discovered ( framed by the Viscount of Dundee and others ) to surprize and seize the Convention ; and for this End had secretly got together , of King James's disbanded Souldiers , and others , about 2000 Strangers in Edinburgh ; which occasioned those in the West , to gather as many into Edinburgh to oppose them , and secure the Convention . It is true the Colledge of Justice ( many of them , but not all ) did Arm ; and it is no wonder , for they were King James's Creatures , and their Places depended on him : But they were soon made to lay down their Arms ; which is no argument of the weakness of the opposite Party . He giveth also a false Account of Glasgow , when he saith , That the most Considerable , and of best Quality are well Affected ( i.e. in his Dialect ) Episcopal . Some such there are , from whose Quality we will not derogate ; but in the Town they are very few ; and in the Country about , much fewer , most of the Gentry being such as he will call ill Affected Persons . § . 9. He objecteth to himself , that if the Presbyterians were so weak , how came they to prevail so much in the Parliament , the cause of this he maketh to be , that the Episcopal Party having deep impressions of their Allegiance to King James , did not appear in the Election of Members of the Convention and Parliament . Ans. 1. Here is some Ingenuity with a Confession that their opposition to the present Establishment of the State , and the Church go together . 2. If their concern for King James were so great , and they so strong , why did they not concern themselves in the Elections for his defence . It seems they love him and the Bishops , but will venture little for either . 3. It is well known that they made all the Essays they were capable of , about the Elections , and carried them in some few places ; but were overborn by the number of Voters in far the most Counties , and Burghs . But this Gentleman will say , what he thinketh doth make for him , whether true or false . He doth in what followeth , most unjustly reproach the Convention of Estates . That they chused a Committee for Elections where no Episcopal Man could carry it , tho the number of Electors were never so unequal , nothing can be more unjustly averred ; and it is the highest of Impudence and Sauciness , for a stranger thus to reproach the Representative of a Nation , where he was so civilly treated , as himself confesseth . Another of his reproaches is , that many were allowed to sit in the Convention contrary to Law ; and particularly some who were not in●eft in their Estates . If he had given instance , it could have been the more easily answered , but se●ing he thought not fit to do so , our denial is a sufficient answer to his Affirmation . I never heard that any such sat in the Convention , unless he mean of one or two , who had been most unjustly forfeited in the late Reign , and the Convention thought is not fit to debarre any Man of his just Right , that had been unjustly taken from him . On this he saith , most of the Nobility withdrew from the Convention and Parliament . Ans. It is false that most withdrew , though some did , and they who did so withdraw , were found to be on the Plot which was after discovered for over-turning the Government . So that it is evident , that this Gentleman all along his discourse pleadeth more for over-turning the Throne , than the present Government of the Church . This is confirmed by what followeth . viz. That if Dundee had lived , no doubt but that he had changed the whole State of Affairs in this Nation . Hac Ithacus velit , & magno mercentur Atridae , nothing but overturning of the State and Church will please him , and his Complices . And it is reckoned by them a cross Providence , that he was taken out of the way , who was like to be the chief Actor in that Scene . But for all this confidence it might have fallen out , that Dundee might have lived , and yet the present Establishment continued , our confidence is built on a better foundation than such as Dundee was . § . 10. Having mentioned the Viscount of Dundee , he telleth us ( in the Vindication of his Rebellion ) an ill made Story ; it is , that there was a design on foot to assassinate him , of which he complained to the Convention , and no notice was taken of it ; though he repeated his Complaints , and offered to prove the Attempt : And being thus in hazard , and not protected , he went to the Highlands , and took Arms against his Country . This is purely a Forgerie , and mis-representation , Dundee did indeed pretend hazard and made complaint , but they were so far from taking no notice of his Complaint , that they examined such as he accused , but nothing could be found against them ; but on the contrary it was evident , that his design was to have them who from the West were come to Town to oppose his Party , and Guard the Convention , sent away , on presence of his being unsafe among them , that so he may compass his Design above-mentioned against the Convention . What remaineth of this Letter , I shall not much insist upon , it being mainly a Declaration against the State , and the present Parliament , which this Gentleman ( according to his wonted Modesty ) wisheth to be dissolved , and another called , from which he promiseth a Redress of all these things that he thinketh to be Grievances : And indeed if we consider the strain of his Letter , we may conclude , that from it he expecteth an utter over-turning of the present settlement both of the Church , and of the State , and all this he proposeth to an English Lord ( to whom his Letter is directed ) hop●●ng that thence may come that which he counteth a Deliverance . Others hope that the Lord will preserve what he hath wrought for the Nation , and for the Church in it , either by this Parliament , or by another , or by what means he seeth fit . He mentions a great many things that he and his Party wonder at ; which are no wonder to thinking Men in the Nation , but there is a sort of Men who wonder at all things ; one of these Wonders is , how the King can be fond of this Parliament , which denied him a Soveraign interest in what is debateable in Parliament , which is an eminent Branch of his Prerogative . I pretend to no Skill in State Affairs , as this Military Chaplain doth : but wise Men among us look on the constitution of the Lords of the Articles ( which is no doubt what he here aimeth at ) as an innovation ( I mean , considering that Committee with the power that it was lately scrued up to ) as a destroying all liberty of Parliaments . And the King ( who best knoweth his own Prerogative ) with the Parliament , have happily composed this difference ; which some managed as a device to break them . § . 11. His next wonder is , that the Parliament hath given the King no Money , notwithstanding of the great necessity of his Affairs . What was done when this Gentleman was pleased in his Letter to Criticise on our Affairs , which lay out of his way , I know not : but it is well known , that the Scotish Parliaments hath been as liberal in assisting the King with Money , as the Nation was able to bear . His next wonder is , How Presbytery can sute Monarchy in the State , and that One Ruler should give Encouragement to the setting up of many . Ignorance is the cause of wondring . We know how well these two Governments of Church and State have suted one another many Ages , since this Nation was Protestant , and before it was Popish , as I elsewhere made it appear ; and surely , if the Argument have any weight , it will prove that Monarchy ( and consequently Popery ) must be in all the●e Churches where a King ruleth the Nation , which , I hope Protestants will not yield , whatever may be the Sentiments of this Gentleman , and his high flown Church-men . I ask him , are not Bishops Rulers , and many Rulers in the Church ? Let him then answer his own doubt : How is Episcopacy consistent with one Ruler in the State. And indeed this Argument striketh at the Root of Church-Government , of whatever Form it be , and brings in pure Erastianism . It is no rare thing to see contrary Inferences drawn from a false Position . Is it any wonder that many Rulers in the Church should well sute with one Supreme Ruler in the State , while these Governments have such different Originals ? The one is from God , as King of the World ; the other from Christ as King of his Church : They are about most different Objects , the one about the Affairs of the World , the other about the concerns of Mens Souls : They are exercised in different ways ; the one by Officers of Man's devising , the other by Officers of Christ's Institution . The one Inflicting Corporal or Worldly Punishments , the other Spiritual Censures only ; especially while the Church Rulers are far from pleading exemption from the Jurisdiction of the Civil Magistrate , which is our Profession and Practice . This Gentleman might , with the same pretext of reason , have said , That he wondereth how Christ could pretend to have a Kingdom , and yet say , That his Kingdom is not of this World. Another of his wonders is a groundless mistake , it is , How Men should be turned out for not Praying for King William and Queen Mary by Name ; when the Intruders ( so he is pleased to call the Presbyterians ) refused to do it : This is a gross Calumny , for Presbyterians generally did it : And if one or two in the Nation did it not , let him shew that they were complained of , and yet escaped Censure : And if at any time they did not Name the King and Queen , they used such Circumlocutions as were sufficiently Intelligible : Whereas the other Party rather gave ground to think that they meant King James and his Queen : His next wonder doth indeed fill us with wonder , that he should think strange of it : It is , That they who in this complied , yet were put out on some other Libel . As if Praying for the King and Queen could attone all the Crimes of a Minister , tho' he were a Drunkard , Swearer , &c. If any be put out on Insufficient Libels , and their Grievances not Redressed , let them challenge us , but that some are put out on other Libels , even tho' they can comply with the Times , is not to be wondered at . § . 12. It is non causa pro-causa , that he alledgeth , the reason why they had to that time made no Address to the King , was , because their Enemies had his Majesties Ear : I hope the Presbyterians have not lost that Favour with His Majesty ; tho' now these Gentlemen have made , yea multiplied , their Addresses : But it is evident , that such Addresses were never thought on , till the Success of His Majesties Arms in Ireland , and in the Highlands of Scotland , did a little damp their Hopes from King James . He hath not yet done with wondering : It is wondered , That the Church of England doth not Interpose for them , since the violent Party in Scotland will influence the Discontented in England . For they are Sworn by then Covenant to Reform England upon their Model . He needed not wonder at this , for some of the Church of England have medled far beyond their Line in our Affairs : Though we be far from interposing in any of theirs . What we are bound to by the Covenant , is not to reform them , but to concur with them , when lawfully called , to advance Reformation ; and it is far from our Thoughts to go beyond that Boundary , in being concerned in their Affairs : We wish their Reformation , but leave the managing of it to themselves . What followeth concerning the Clergy , we are little concerned in : We wish they were better than they are , we never thought them all scandalous , but we know many are ; and none shall suffer by us on that Head , but they who are made appear to be manifestly and grosly such . I shall observe but one thing more in this Letter , and dismiss it . It is a palpable and most soul Untruth , viz. That where but one single Dissenter is in a Parish , though all the rest of the Parish be for the Minister , it is a sufficient Reason to eject him : And he giveth-Instances in the Parishes of Mousgard ( a place not known here ) Colingtoun , Kirkne●●toun and Kirklistoun . Never any Allegation was more injurious and false ; yea , the contrary is daily practised , that Men are continued where the far greatest part of the Parish are Dissenters . It is true , some , in that Case , have accepted of a Call to another place , where they might do more Good , and have more Peace ; but never any was deprived on that Account . For Kirklistoun , I know the Falshood of what he asserteth : Not above Sixteen in that great Parish did ever hear Mr. Mackenzie , the Minister there ; and he had seldom preached in that Church ; and his Admission to that Church was most irregular , even according to the Episcopal way : And on these Grounds the Assembly did not depose him , only declared him not to be Minister in that place ; but left him in a Capacity to be called to any other Church . Answer to the Second Letter . THis Letter is mostly Historical ; but such a parcel of false and disingenious History it containeth , as is not easily parallelled elsewhere . We desire nothing more than what he would have us expect , An Account of the State of things among us , which may set things in their true Light : For then we are persuaded the World will be convinced that our Representations are neither unjust , nor calumnious , nor partial . He giveth , pag. 1. a most unjust Account of the Unity that , he saith , was between Presbyterians and the Episcopal Party ; while he saith , That all Scots-men were generally of one Communion , and that the Presbyterians ( except the Cameronians ) had returned to the Episcopal Church , and were become Hearers , and many Communicaters with her : That there was no separate Meetings kept , at least publickly , but very rarely . This , I say , is most false : For though never any of the Presbyterians would , directly nor undirectly , own Episcopal Government , yet many of the more sober and intelligent among them did not think it unlawful to hear them occasionally , who had complied with Episcopacy ; yet they chused rather to hear their own lawful Pastors , though driven into Corners , than these unfaithful Men : And not only so , but there were many Thousands , beside Cameronians , who would never hear them : And that many ( who when they had occasion to hear others , made use of that Opportunity ) did go to hear these Men , when their Liberty of hearing others was taken away , it is no wonder . Yet this Practice was far less general than he saith , and Meetings of Nonconformists were not so rare ( for all the horrid Persecution that they were under ) as he would make us believe : Many , who were no Cameronians , kept up their Meetings ; though I confess it was no wonder that their Meetings were not publick , when they were by such barbarous Persecutions driven into Corners ; and if some , under the Heat of Persecution , stretched their Consciences to comply , it is nothing but that which hath been common among Men of Infirmities . § . 2. Another Falshood is , that the Party which was then treated severely , was only the Cameronians : Whereas , though they had their share of the Persecution , yet other Presbyterians were most cruelly dealt with ; and it was observed , that , indeed , the Spite of his Party appeared most against the most sober of the Presbyterians , as being the Persons most capable to do them hurt . It is also false , that it was the Severity used against them only , that ma● complained of in the Prince of Orange's Declaration , and in the S●o●●h Inquisition : One of which Papers ( but which of them no Man can know by his Words ; and may be such Ambiguity hath been designed ) he calleth a most scurrilous Pamphlet . It is also most false and calumnibus , that all Presbyterians in Scotland were of one Principle , only the Cameronians were more ingenuous : For the sober Presbyterians did always condemn many , both Principles and Practices , of that Party ▪ Such as that Magistrates and Ministers fall , ipso facto , from their Authority , respective , and Stations , when they are guilty of Mis-managements ▪ and that private Persons may treat them as such , without a ●●●●enee of State or Church . That the rest of the Presbyterians condemned the Cameronians for keeping up their Meetings , is also an Untruth , for they also kept up Meetings ; but they condemned them for the manner of their Meeting , with such Contempt of , and bidding Defiance to the Authority of the Magistrate . He giveth a general Account of Argyle's Invasion ; But the Ground of the Presbyterians not joyning with him , he misrepresenteth : It was not they , but an irritated Party among them , who had been provoked by the most desperate Hardships , and pinching Necessities , who had smarted for other Enterprizes of that nature . The general and dark Account he giveth of the Concert made at London , by some of the State , and some Bishops , about taking off the Penal Laws , we can make no Judgment of , till that fuller Account be given of it , that he giveth us hope of : But this we know , that the Result of it was , these Men did what they could for taking away the Penal Laws that were against Papists , though that Attempt succeeded not in the Episcopal Parliaments ; neither did we ever think that all , especially of the Gentry , and other Members of Parliament , who went along with Episcopacy while it had Law for it , were inclined to Poper●y . § . 3. He doth most injuriously charge the Dissenters with making a Schism , after that above-mentioned Imaginary Union that he had talked of ; and that by first Refusing , and then Accepting of the Toleration granted by King James , which was founded on the Dispensing Power . And after a great deal of pains to fix some Guilt on them in that matter ; he concludeth , that both the Declarations , that came out about that Indulgence , being materially , the same , in pursuance of the same Design , and both owning the King 's Absolute , Dispensing Power , they were as guilty in using their Liberty on the last Declaration , as if they had done that on the first . For Answer ; 1. Let his Friends reconcile him to himself , in saying the two Declarations were , materially the same ; and yet that the one required an Oath of them who had Liberty of it , and the other not so . 2. It is well known that the Presbyterians would never meddle with that Liberty , till it was so contrived , as might neither engage them to own the Dispensing Power , nor to any other unlawful Act : For such a Power being asserted in the Declaration , doth no way infer their owning of that Power , by their using the Liberty granted them , after it had been unjustly with-held from them , and which was their Due by a Grant from Christ in the Gospel . What could prompt this Author to affirm , that the Presbyterians were moved at last to use the Liberty granted , because they could no longer be disobedient to the Divine Providence ? And that , according to their Divinity , Providential Occurrences make a considerable part of the Rule of Faith and Manners ? I leave it to others to guess ; for none are more remote from such Principles , than Presbyterians . He next undertaketh to prove , that Presbyterians did not separate from them ( he meaneth , make use of the Liberty granted them ) on any Principle of Conscience . If this be well proved , it will give a deep Wound to our Interest , from their continuing in Communion with the Episcopalians some Years before their Liberty , and many some Months after . Answ. His Arguments , 1 st are , This Communion was nothing else but Hearing them when they could get none else to ●●ar ; which many , yea , most Presbyterians never scrupled . But let him tell us , if all that time they ever owned these Men for their lawful Pastors ; or thought it Duty to forsake them whom they had owned as such , to cleave to these ; or that they ever countenanced the Government or Discipline of the Church , which was exercised under Bishops , and by their Authority . If they had done so , it had not consisted with Conscience to separate from them on occasion of a Liberty granted : But if otherwise , it doth clearly consist with Leaving them for Conscience sake ; because their Scruple was not simply about hearing , but about forsaking their lawful Pastors , and owning those others as their Pastors , and their Church-Government as Christ's Discipline . Arg. 2. While they continued with us , they acknowledged that their Consciences allowed them . Answ. And well they might , on the Grounds already given : But the fundamental Mistake , on which all his Reasonings are built , is , that he takes such occasional hearing of a Minister to be the Exercise of that Church-Communion that fixed Members of a Congregation have with that Church . Arg. 3. Many thanked God that they were reconciled to us , and frequently protested , all the World should never again engage them in the Schism . Answ. He wisely concealeth their Names ( though he saith he can tell them ) lest they should contradict him . But that which enervateth his Argument , is , that he inferreth the Practice of Presbyterians ( which must be meant of all , or most ) from that of many ; and he is not pleased to tell us how many they were : Two or three to do so , were many , and too many ; and I confess , such as said so , and yet did otherwise , did not act Conscienciously : But I am persuaded , not one of a Thousand of them that were , from a Principle , Presbyterians , were guilty of such jugling ; whatever some might do , who ( from other Motives than Conscience ) owned that way ; in whose Actions we are no ways concerned . What he calleth Schism , we say , they are not engaged in who went to the Meetings , but they who had departed from the good old ways of the Gospel-Church , and the Church of Scotland ; a Deviation from whose Courses Presbyterians could not own . Arg. 4. Some of the ablest Preachers , a few Weeks before , said , they would never embrace that Toleration , and that they resolved never to preach more . Answ. I have the Charity to think that this is a Falshood that is too gross to be uttered by a Christian ; but the Author might have consulted his Credit , by informing us who these able Men were : If any such were , I doubt they were neither able nor honest ; and I am sure , if they were known , they would be abhorred by Presbyterians . Arg. 5. Some , even after the 2d . Edition of the Toleration , continued in their Resolution not to engage in it , and it cost their Brethren much pains to prevail with them . Answ. They who have considered his above-mentioned Assertions , may easily know how to believe this : For my part , I believe not one word of it , save that there were some Men so unreasonable as to be shy of accepting any Liberty granted by the Magistrate ; which was far from the general Sentiment of Presbyterians . A 6th Argument he useth , There could be no Conscience in this Matter , seeing we had no sinful Condition in our Communion ; we agree with them in Doctrine , the Administration of Sacraments , and have Ordination which is valid ; and our main Difference is about the Doxology , Lord's Prayer , and the Belief , rehearsed at Baptism . Answ. For the first of these , We deny it , for it is sinful to subject to Episcopal Government ; and without this , no Man could be of their Communion ; that is , subject to all the Ordinances among them . Again , though none of these were , removing our faithful Pastors , and setling Intruders over us , did warrant us to wait on the Ministry of the former , and not on that of the latter . That any separated merely on Account of the Doxology , Lord's Prayer , and Belief , I know not ; though many would not use them as his Church did . § . 4. He tells us next of the wonderful Increase of Meetings , and of Meeting-houses ; which was very true , but not well consistent with the Account he had but now given of the Disposition of the Nonconformists to comply with the Episcopal Way . It is not usual for a Nation to be born in one Day ; but it sufficiently sheweth how the Generality of the Nation , who do much concern themselves in Religion , are inclined : That many in the West went to the Meetings , we deny not ; but that few went elsewhere , should not be insinuated . His Branding them with Fanaticism , is expressive of the Spite against them that his Party is eminent for , but hath neither Truth nor Charity to warrant it ; for the Men of that Way will vie with any in the Nation , for Sobriety and Soundness in the Faith , and for Ability to give a rational Account of what they hold . But what followeth of the Cause he assigneth for this Concourse to the Meetings , is false ( to say no worse of it ) in all the parts of it : Never were Men farther from Compulsion , than they were in this matter : Yea , it can be made appear ( which he doth not so much as pretend to for what he affirmeth ) that many were restrained from the Meetings , by the power of ill-affected Noblemen and Gentlemen . But it is not fit to rake into this matter , but to forget what caused Differences , that we may now unite in one good Way . He seemeth , p. 12. to ridicule the Presbyterians Grateful Address to King James , and Profession of Loyalty to him , on occasion of the Liberty that he granted them ; but I gladly would know by what Topick either of these can be condemned : They gave Thanks for restoring them to their just Right , which had been unjustly taken from them ; they professed and practised Loyalty towards their Lawful Sovereign , though of a different Religion from them , and though they had Jealousies of Designs on foot to ruin their Religion and them : While his Royal Authority was not taken away by the Nation , they , as private Men , ought not to question it . That nothing was spolen in Meeting-houses against Popery , is most false : The Preachers there , I confess , neither then did , nor now do make Controversies the constant Subject of their Sermons ; yet are at pains , both in Sermons and Catechising , to clear the Truth , against all the Errors of Popery : But their main Word is to deal with the Souls of the People , about those things that do most nearly concern their Eternal Interest ; to make them know themselves , and God in Christ , and Salvation through him : For they consider , that the surest way to preserve from Error , is not only to make them know the difference between it and Truth , but to get them to be truly concerned about their Souls , and seriously Religious . To the Falshood of what he affirmeth , he addeth Spite , in enumerating the Causes to which he is pleased to impute their supposed Silence against Popery . Not one of them all hath Truth or Reality in them : Their Respect to Papists , their Influence from the Court , are Reflections which I will not brand with their due Name : Their Ignorance of these Controversies is an Allegation so impudent , that no Man that is not blinded with Rage and Malice could be guilty of . The Can● ( that is the Word when such Men as he would ridicule whatever looketh like serious Religion ) which he saith they use against Prelacy and Malignancy , and about King Jesus , and the Gospel being banished , is asserted , not because it is so , but because it is a fine Device to defame . Nothing is more rare in our Pulpits , than medling with the late Controversies , which now we would have to be buried ; and when they fall in , they are discoursed Argumentatively ; and if any , at any time , do otherwise , that is not to be charged on all . There is no Party , among whom some Indiscretion doth not appear in the Conduct of some Men. § . 5. His next effort is , a Satyre against the Prince of Orange's Declaration for Scotland ; and he fixeth the Original of their Persecutions that he complaineth of , on it : He Characterizeth it as Downe right Presbyterian . He taxeth the Presbyterian Nobility and Gentry's going to London to wait on his Highness : And confesseth them to be the chief Persons , who ( upon his Majesties retirement , ) so he termeth that which the Parliament called K. James's Abdicating the Government ) did confer the Government of this Kingdom on the Prince . This Paragraph is a sufficient evidence of the Temper of this Author , and of those for whom he pleadeth : And yet they have now the Brow to make Addresses to King William , full of the highest Assertions of their Loyalty both past and present . But they who knew their way , don't believe any such Professions ; and they who read this Book will , I hope , be as far from giving Credit to them . He now ( page 14● ) beginneth to tell us of their Sufferings . And what horrid Barbarities were used against them : And is so kind to his Countrey , as to be spareing in this Relation , left he should thereby breed a disgust at his native Countrey . This is shameful Hypocrisie , twisted with Malice ; For I hope it will be found , as we proceed , that his big Expressions about their Sufferings will dwindle into Fleabits , in comparison of the Bloody Lashes that others suffered , not long before , from Men of his Tribe . Which I mention not here to excuse , nor extenuate , any irregular Course that some took , nor to plead for retribution to his Party : We had rather suffer ten Wrongs , than do one . It will be found that his Party did indeed expose the Nation to the Reproach of Barbarity , and Persecuting their Brethren : So he doth what in him lieth to bring the same upon the Nation , by his horrid Lies , aggravating of things , and Misrepresentations . Before he came to his particular Stories of that which he calleth , The Persecution of the Clergy , he Prefaceth three things , to render these Passages more odious . The first is , The opportunity that was given for it by King James ' s Forces , being at that time called into England , to oppose the Prince of Orange , who sometime before that , had landed in England : And the Council at that time dissolved of it self , so that , saith he , in effect , the Nation was without Government . Whatever improvement he may make of this Remark , it may be of some use to us : For it is hence evident ( as it is in it self well known ) That it was by Force , and not the Submission , or Affection , the Call or Approbation of the People , who should have been their Charge , that his Party enjoyed their Ministry , or any Exercise of it : And indeed , an Army was , for many years , kept up in time of Peace , to force People to come to hear them . Another thing that I here infer is , That King James's Interest , and that of the Prelatick Clergy , were Embarked together , as are King William's and that of Presbyterians . A third Inference is , That it being an Interregnum , when there was no Government , Tumults and Disorders , though never to be approved , yet are not so much to be wondered at : And indeed , considering our Circumstances ( after to be noted ) it is a wonder that they had no sadder Effects . There are Men in the World , who being so provoked as that People was , and without restraint from Government , would have avenged themselves on their bloody Persecuters at another rate . But , as we are sorry that there were such tumultuous Actings , so we bless the Lord , that they had no worse Effects . The 2d thing that he premiseth is , The Story of a Massacre , by an Irish Army said to be landed at Kirkcubright , which he Fancieth to be a device of the Presbyterians ; and industriously spread by them to be a Colour for disarming the rest of the Country . How that Story arose we are yet in the Dark , I hope his imagination is not sufficient to fix it on the Presbyterians : We know in such a time of Hurry , Fear and Confusion , with which the Minds of all sorts were then filled , such reports as to rise without design or grounds : If any did devise such a Tale , they deserve severe punishment . His three Remarks is on the day that the rabbling of Ministers was set on Foot , which he saith , was concerted to be on Christmas-day ; on which many Parties , in several Corners , got together about that Work : And this Circumstance he tragically appeareth ; It being a day which brought joy to all People , which was once celebrated by the Court of Heaven ; which the Christan Church ever since hath solemnized ; and let us remark a few a few things on this fine Notion , ( on which this Author seemeth to value himself not a little ) 1. I doubt of the Matter of Fact , in this Circumstance , it is like we should have heard of it , if it had been so . 2. That the day was chosen , or concerted , I as much doubt . 3ly , That the day was so celebrated , as he saith , is ridiculous to assert , did the Court of Heaven keep the anniversary Day ? That the Church in all Ages keep it , is said without Book ; tho' that Institution is very ancient . I know the Birth of Christ was celebrated by the Heavenly Host , and we celebrate it in our thankful Acknowledgments of it , as the greatest Mercies : But that either Christ was born on December 25. or the Heavenly Host did that day bring the glad Tidings of it to the Shepherds , or that any Anniversary day is to be kept by God's appointment , on that account , Quia Scriptum non Legimus , ideo Jussum non Credimus . § . 6. He cometh now , page , 16. To his particular Historical account of these horrid Persecutions which are above reported to be unparallelled , That even the French Dragooning cannot equal them : Before I consider them particularly , I observe a few things concerning them in general ; which if impartially weighed , may sufficiently stop the mouth of all the Clamour , and let the World see the temper of these Men ; and what Unmanly , as well as Unchristian shifts they use to buoy up their sinking Cause , 1. What is here said to be done , is not imputable to the Presbyterians : More than the Drunkenness , Swearing , Whoredoms , Persecutions , that we charge many of that Party with , are to be lookt on as the Crimes of all the Episcopalians : they were done by a few , not Ministers , but of the meanest of the People ; they never were , nor are approved , but rather disliked and lamented , by the Body of the Presbyterians , who are as far from disorderly and violent Courses , as any Men are , and who think that a good Cause needeth not the help of unwarrantable means , and that every Man should keep within the bounds of his Station : And that not the People , but the Magistrate and Church-Authority in their several Ways , should rid the Church of bad and unfit Ministers , whatever Reflections we have of the event , viz. Freeing the Congregations from evil Ministers , yet we are far from applauding this manner of doing it . 2. The People who did these things were under the highest Provocations imaginable , to do what they did ; yea to have proceeded to farther Severities , which we rejoyce that they were with-held from ( we hope , by some measure of the awe of God upon them ) for the Ministers had been not only intruded on the People , without their Choice and Consent , and were the mean of depriving them of such Gospel Administrations as they highly valued ; but they were the chief Instruments of most horrid Persecutions and Barbarities , that that poor People and their Relations , who lost their Lives by that Persecution , had long and heavily groaned under : as will appear in the following Discourses , and as I hope shall be shewed in a more full account of these matters . Oppression maketh a wise Man mad . It is no wonder then , that it causes them rush into some Practices which cannot be defended , who are neither so wise , nor so good as they should be . 3. These things were acted in an Interregnum ; When we had no Civil , nor Church-Government . When one King was removed , and another not yet set up ; and this poor opprest and enraged People were chased in their Minds : they had now power ( I mean Potentiam , non potestatem ) to shake off their unsupportable Yoak , there was no orderly course for bringing that about , which either was then practicable , or that they could , in those circumstances , have the prospect of : and therefore , tho' it was not allowable , yet it was not to be wondered at , that they relieved themselves , when they saw none else who would or could do it . 4. The Histories that he here bringeth are partly Lies , partly unjust and unfair Representations of truth : and if all were true , can no way amount to such a horrid and general Persecution , as he speaketh of : So that indeed the whole of his account is Clamour and Obloquies , without any cause proportioned to such Complaints . § . 7. Let us now examine the Matters of Fact , which he adduceth to make out the Persecution that he chargeth the Presbyterians with , The 1. Of them is concerning Mr. Gabriel Russel Minister at Govan , whom some of his own Parish assailed ( to several of whom he had done Kindnesses ) Beat his Wife and Daughter and himself , so inhumanely , that it had almost cost him his life ; carried off the Poors Box , and other Utencils of the Church , and threatned him with worse Treatment , if he should preach any more there . To this I oppose the truth of this Story , as it is attested by the Subscriptions of nine Persons who were present . That there being great Confusion like to be in the Country , they feared the Church Goods might be carried away : They went peacably , and demanded them , offering sufficient security that they should be safely kept and restored to them who should be concerned . This Mr. Russel and his Wife ( who both were Drunk , as they used often to be ) not only refused , but gave the Men very opprobrious and provoking Language : They essaying to lift the Box in which the Poors Money was kept , Mr. Russel setting his foot on it , and his Wife sitting down on it , they with all tenderness lifted her up , and carried away the Box ; but before they went out of the house , they got the Key , and secured what was in the Box. Mr. Russel roared , and beat them with hands and feet : but they utterly deny that any of them did beat either him or his Wife : yea , are they parted from his house , they asked if any thing was wanting , and they could be charged with nothing . This is attested by the Subscriptions of John Murdoch , William Cowan , Zacharias Maxwel , John Keith , John Hill , Robert Burnside , Andrew Shiels , John James Hill. The next History concerneth Mr. Finnie Minister at Cathcart ; whose Wife and four or five small Children , they thrust out of Doors at Midnight , tho it was a most vehement Frost . Threw out all his Furniture , and by much intreaty , suffered his Wife and Children to have lodging in the Stable , without a fire ; the Children fell sick thereafter . The truth of this matter ( as attested by Robert Jamison , David Park , William Gouts . All living near to Mr. Finnie's House ) is , There being that Night an Alarm , as if the French and Irish had landed at Greenock , all the Country got together in Arms. When the Alarm was found to be false , the Parish of Cathcart ( though the Gentlemen had desired them to go home , and be in readiness if there should be need ) hearing the Prince of Orange's Manifesto was to be proclaimed at Glasgow , went thither , and assisted at the Solemnity ; and returning with Joy , made Bone-fires in several parts of the Parish ; and at Mr. Finnie's House ( he being abroad ) made a Bone-fire before the Barn-door , of his Coals : Some of them , who had been greatly injured by Mr. Finnie , went into the House , offered Violence to no Person , only desired his Wife to withdraw ; which she did till they were gone , which was about Eight or Nine-o-Clock at Night ; when she returned to her House , and stayed in it for a considerable time , and left it of her own accord , without Compulsion . I hope the Reader , by comparing these two Accounts of the matter , may see how a Story may be altered , by the right or wrong telling of it : Yet I am far from approving what they did ; but I am sure it is not like the French Dragooning . § . 8. The third Story is of Mr. Boyd , at Carmanock ; whose Family , he saith , was as rudely treated . And the like was done in many other places . This General we cannot answer , he not being pleased to mention Particulars ; but ●hat this Gentleman should give these for Instances of incredible Barbarities ( as here he is pleased to call them ) may help us to understand his Words , and to put a softer Sense on them than they bear ; for it is evident that in this Cause his Words are full of monstrous Hyperbolics , if not of plain Forgeries . The Parish of Carmanock had their own former Pastor among them ; Mr. Boyd had been a cruel Persecutor of some of them , by causing some to be imprisoned , forcing others to flee , and wander for several Months ; they peaceably desired his Family to remove , which they did , leaving only some Lumber in the House , they expected several Months till that also should be taken away ; which not being done , and finding that the Parliament had made an Act for the Old Presbyterian Ministers , who had been cast out , to return to their Charges , they took out what remained in the Minister's House , and committed it to the keeping of some of Mr. Boyd's Friends , till he should send for it ; and this , that they might repair their House for their own Minister . All this is attested , May 12 , 1690. by Francis Park , James Parker , Archibald Park , John Smith , Matthew Park , William Baird . Mr. Robert Bell , Minister at Kilmarnock , is the next Instance of the Persecutions complained of ; Whom they kept bare-headed four or five Hours in a Frosty Day , caused his own Sexton tear his Gown in pieces from his Shoulders , burnt the English Liturgy which they found in his Pocket , and that with much Ceremony , at the Market-Cross . This same Story we have at great length in the 2d Book that I have to answer , called The Case of the present afflicted Clergy ; which I shall here consider to prevent Repetition . We are told of Abuses done to Mr. Bell , by a Party of the Presbyterians , now in Arms in Scotland : How they took him going to Riccartoun , made him put off his Hat , called him Rogue and Rascal , said they did these things by the Rule and Law of the Solemn League and Covenant ; and other such Speeches they used : That they carried him Prisoner to Kilmarnock ; that the Laird of Bridge-house , by the way , reproved them for their illegal Acting , willed them to leave these Men to the Parliament , now to be assembled by the Prince of Orange . That they answered , they would not adhere to the Prince of Orange , nor the Law of the Kingdom , farther than the Solemn League and Covenant was fullfilled and prosecuted by both . That when they came near the Town , they made the Minister pluck off his Hat , threatned to throw him into the Rivir : That they met the Body of their Party , who at the Market-Cross had discharged the Minister to preach any more : That they reproached the Church of England carried him to his House , where they got from him a Common-Prayer-Book ; then carried him to the Market-place , where , after some opprobcious Speeches against him , and the Churches of England and Scotland , they burnt the Book , holding it upon the point of a Pike while it was burning : They asked if he were an Episcopal Prelate's Man , and of the Communion of the Church of England and Scotland ; which he owned : Then they tore his Gown , required him not to preach any more ; which he would not promise . This is all that is material in that long Narration , and his signed at Glasgow , January 8. 1689. Robert Bell. In Answer to all this , I shall give the Reader a Breviate , which is attested by many Persons in that Parish , of Worth and Credit , whose Names shall be subjoyned . They observe his flattering Insinuations on the Church of England , and his most dis-ingenious Imputations , as if these things had been done by the Presbyterians ; whereas his own Conscience hath extorted from him , in private Discourse , a Clearing of that Party from such Principles or Practices . They take notice of his small Proficiancy at the College of Glasgow , witnessed by his Master , and several Students : That being some time at Oxford , at his Return he was suspected at London , and elsewhere , by all good Protestants , who shunned his Converse : Yet , by the means of the Archbishop of Glasgow , he was planted at Kilwining , where he preached but one Lord's Day ; then got into Kilmarnock by Si●●●iacal Dealings with the Patron , his Father giving a Bond for Two Thousand Marks , and he making Exchange of the Glebe : During his being Minister there he preached seldom , residing mostly at Glasgow , sixteen Miles distant , spending his Time in Whistling , Singing , Carding , Drinking , and the like . About this time , a Liberty being granted to Presbyterians , the Parish had recalled their old Minister , Mr. James Rowat , and called to his Assistance Mr. James Osburn , and built a Meeting-house , where the whole Parish frequented : So that never above Twelve of that Parish ( consisting of Two Thousand Five Hundred Persons , of Age to be Catechised ) did hear Mr. Bell. They shew farther , that among that whole Party who so treated Mr. Bell , there was not one Person that belonged to the Parish of Kilmarnock , save one poor young Man ; but that some of the Parish , who never owned Mr. Bell as their Minister , yet did deal earnestly with the Party that molested him , to desist from their Course ; but they were in no Case to hinder them by force , both because they were surprized by this Tumult , and because they had been frequently disarmed through the Jealousies of the former Government , and the Party consisted of Two Hundred well armed and resolute Men. They affirm farther , that the armed Party were as much Enemies to the Presbyterian Ministers in the Meeting-houses , as to the Episcopalians ; calling them Apostates , and Preachers of the Duke of York's Gospel ; with many other unsavoury Expressions : And that they had divers Consultations about the doing the same Indignities to them , that they did to the Episcopal Clergy ; and that particularly they did threaten Mr. Osburn , if he did not depart thence . At the same time they fixed a Paper on the Meeting-house at Irwin , threatning to burn it . Farther : Though they cannot evince the Falshhood of all that is here alledged , yet they can prove some things ( where they were Ear and Eye-witnesses ) that they are false ; from which , the Credibility of what they saw not , nor heard , may be guessed at . As that the Service-Book was lifted up on the end of a Pike ; there was not a Pike among all that Rabble : That it was done with Shouts and Acclamations , is also false : As also , it is false that any such Words were spoken as Down with the Idolatry of the Church of England and Scotland . And that he was questioned about the Church-Government , is false ; nothing was asked , but if he owned Prelacy ? To which he faintly replied , Yes . What is said of the Laird of Bridgehouse is incredible , for he never hath shewed such Respect to the Prince of Orange , nor to our Sovereign King William ; but often drinketh King James's Health , and hath often Caballed with Mr. Bell , especially when his Cousin Mr. John Bell , and his Brothers Colin Bell and Patrick Bell , were preparing for their Dublin Voyage ; in which they were taken going with Supplies for the Irish Rebels there . These things are Attested by the Subscriptions of John Crawford of Crawford-land , Hugh Hunter , Robert Wright , John Paterson , John Boyd , Alexander Muir , John Adam , Joseph Waugh , Robert Bankhead , John Miller , James Campbel , Andrew Taylor , John Tunahill , Matthew Duncan , John Tunahill , John Armour , William , Robert Paterson . I leave the Reader to make his own Judgment on these Stories , the one avouched by the Person concerned , the other by so many unconcerned Persons , and of known Integrity . And to consider whether from this Tale such Barbarity as is alledged , be imputable to the Presbyterians . § . 9. I now return to the first Book : The Authors next instance is , Mr. Simpson Minister at Galston , whom they caused to go bareheaded to the publickest place of the Village , and caused him put on his Morning Gown , ( the Canonical Gown not being found ) which they tore off him , and caused him wade through a River at one of the deepest places , and commanded him not to return . The truth of the matter , is , Mr. Robert Simpson had violently Persecuted several of the Parish ; particularly he had caused George Lambe , a very old Man , Janet Lambe , the Wife of James Mill , who was very Infirm , and brought forth a Child ten days after , and James Lambe ; to be carried on Carts ( not being able to go ) to Kilmarnock by Lieutenant Collonel Buchan's Souldiers , and that for not coming to hear ; some of their Friends in Resentment of this , did in January , or February 1689. take Mr. Sympson out of his House , and discoursed with him about an hour , he being Uncovered , and put him through the Water of Irwin out of the Parish , but they neither rent his Gown , nor did other Injury to him . These Persons were strangers , except some few of the Parish . This is attested by Hugh Hutcheson Notar , Thomas Morton , John Adam . Next cometh on the stage Mr. Mill Minister at Caudor : he being absent they rent his Gown , Harangued and Prayed before , and concluded with a Volly of Shot . Concerning this I have received no Information , but from what is said , have cause to dis-believe it : Next we have Mr. White Minister of Ballingtrea , whom a Pedler beat on the Face with a Musquet , for speaking to him with his hat on his head ; thrust at him with a Sword to the piercing of his Cloaths and Skin , but it went no deeper , a throng being in the Room , and the Actor of it at a distance . To this is answered , that the Parish had no hand in this , tho' he had beat some of them of good note , and had been injurious to severals of them in his Dealings . This is attested by Henry Mackbreath , James Mowat , Hugh Kennedy , Gilbert Maciltire , John Macqualter : all who have their Testimony from their Minister , that they are credible and famous Witnesses . This is witnessed by the same Persons ; that whereas he accused the Presbyterians for beating his Wife , that they never knew any to beat his Wife , except himself , which they have often heard and seen . Our next instance is Mr. Brown Minister at Kells in Galloway residing at Newtoun , whom in a Storm of Frost and Snow , they carried to the Market-place about four a Clock in the Morning , tyed him to a Cart , set his face to the Weather , where he had died , if a poor Woman had not cast Cloaths about him . The Truth of this Story is , that Mr. Brown being beastly Drunk at night , after a little sleep , went to his House at a distance from that Town , and returning in the Morning betimes , was by the Guard taken for a Spie , who were informed that six or seven Men had a little before gone through the River , supposed to be the Earl of Melford ; and that they had inquired , if my Lord was at home : And were said to come by Mr. Brown's House : On these grounds , the Prison not being firm , they bound him : This is Attested by Gilbert Gordon , and Lieutenant Kennedy . It is hard to justifie this usage of any Man : But it is yet harder to impute this indiscretion of Souldiers to the Presbyterians . Next we have Mr. Ross at Renfrew , whose Wife with her Infant they threw out the third day after she was brought to Bed. Ans. This Narration is so false , that neither Mr. Ross nor his Wife will own it : Mrs. Ross was brought to bed 17 days before these Men came to the House ; they caused the Goods to be removed without any damage to them : And at the entreaty of some of the Town , suffered the Goods to be put into the House again , and Mr. Ross's Family lived peaceably in that House 16 Months after that time . But which is mainly to our purpose , the Presbyterian Minister at Renfrew , hearing of such Disorders elsewhere , had warned his Hearers against them ; So that none of them had a hand in this Fact : But they who did it were Strangers , and such as joined with no Presbyterian Meeting . All this is Attested by William Scot Bailly , William Scot Elder , William Armour Elder , John Reidman , Patrick Scot , John Jackson . § . 10. Next he bringeth on the Stage Mr. Gutherie , Minister at Kier , whose Family , in a rainy day , they turned out , tho' three of his Children were sick ; one of a Fever , and two of the Small-Pox , and two of them died upon that Treatment . To this the Persons after mentioned do Answer two things . 1. That he did extremely disoblige and provoke the Parish , not only by his Intrusion against the Will , both of the Gentry and the rest of the Parish ; but also by informing against the People : Who by his means were severely fined : He had a hand in sending out Dragoons who killed four Men , and hanged them on a Tree for 18 days , at the Church of Iron gray : He beat Bessie Smith ( he being on horse back , and she on foot ) to the great effusion of Blood , and till she fell dead ; and after returned to her and beat her , saying , it would heal her . 2. The People being so exasperate , threatned to cast him out of his House , he often promised to remove , but did it not : At last they cast out his Family , without doing hurt to any Person , his Wife through peevishness would not go into another House , tho' earnestly invited by several Persons , particularly the Mistress of Waterside , John Osburn's Wife , and John Hudstons Wife ; there was but one of her Children sick at that time , who is still alive . The other two did not fall sick for eight Weeks after that time . This is Attested by Charles Maxwell , John Hudleston , Thomas Hudleston , William Hastings , William Halliday , John Maxwel , John Osburn , John Waugh , John Hudleston , Thomas Mitchelson , John Pagan , John Grant , John Smith , William Waouh , W. D. James M'gie . His last instance is of Mr. Skinner at Daly , They frighted his Daughter , aged about 20 , into a Fever , returning after 5 or 6 days , they turned her out of her Bed , pretending to search for Arms , so that she died raving . This is most false ; there came indeed , some Persons to Mr. Skinner's house , knocked at the door , which was opened to them by those within , Mr. Skinner ask'd them , what they were come for ? Was it to fright him and his Family ? They answered , they came only to search for Arms ; and that they would do no harm to him , nor to his Family : He told them , he had no Arms , and he commanded his Daughter , Katherine Skinner , to set Meat before them : After they had eaten , they went away without doing prejudice to any in the Family : After five or six days , they returned , and forbade Mr. Skinner to Preach any more at the Church of Daly : Mr. Skinner's Daughter , Katherine , was them sick : One of them look'd into the Bed where she lay , and said , who lieth here : A Woman who attended the sick Person , answered , it is Mr. Skinner's Daughter , who is sick ; upon which they all removed , without saying or doing any more . All this is Attested upon Oath , before the Baron Court of Kilbochen , held at Halhil , June 30 1690. The Witnesses were Janet Dalrymple , the Wife of James Mackneben , Anna Abercrombey , the Wife of Andrew Neilson , Gilbert Mackennie Servant to Mr. Skinner . § . 11. The Author , as lifted up in his own conceit , with such full proof of his point , ( as he fancieth ) by these Stories that he hath told ( tho' most disingenuously and falsly , ) doth now page 18. Harangue upon the Disorders , That they contrived and raised at Glasgow , and at Edinburgh ; Citations in Name of the Rable , to remove from Churches and Manses ; and thinketh it enough to his purpose , to tell the Person that he writeth to , that these were their common Methods , and that by such means in a short time , more then 200 were thrust from their Churches and Dwellings , and all this can be Attested with the greatest Evidence . It is not easie to Answer such loose Declamations ; it is often observed , that some Mens confident Expressions run highest , when Truth and Reason is with them at the lowest : Yet some Observations I shall make on this Passage , which may make him ashamed of his Confidence . 1. That they raised , and much more that they contrived Tumults , is an Impudent Calumny ; for the Tumult at Glasgow , it was raised by his own Party , who were the Aggressors ; and the Presbyterians did nothing but in their own Defence . But of it I shall here add no more , but refer the consideration of it till we come to Answer , The Case of the Afflicted Clergy , &c. Where our Author doth more particularly give Account of it . 2. For the Tumults at Edinburgh , we know of none , but what was made by the Students at the Colledge there , in burning the Pope in Effigie , and defacing the Popish Chappel at the Abbey of Holyroodhouse : Few of these Actors were Presbyterians , tho' they were all Protestants ; most of them were Episcopally inclined , and bred under Masters who were of that Profession● and that any Presbyterians who then , or since , had Authority in the State , or Church , did assist in contrivance or management of this matter , we do sitterly deny . 3. If their were Citations in the name of the Rable ( which we know not and wish he had attempted to prove it ) It was done by the Rable , whose Actions we disclaim , and who were not of our Communion . 4. What he saith , that these were the Presbyterians common Methods , is as false as any thing he hath yet said ; or as any thing that can be spoken ; and if it be enough that he telleth his friend so , he hath found an easie way of perswading to the belief of whatever he pleaseth . How many were put out by the Rable we know not , but this we know , that most of them who went out , were put out by their own Consciences : For they deserted their Charges without either Sentence , Threatning , or Compulsion . 5. That all this can be attested , we deny ; and bid him defiance , to bring half the Evidence for it that he vainly talketh of . § . 12. He doth now , with all the little Rhetorical Artifices he is Master of , labour to make these things credible to his Reader , by taking away what might be any Ground of Doubt about them : Wherefore he undertaketh to shew , That Application was made to Magistrates , and no Redress : That they were not pure Rabble who acted these things : That these Actors were easily controllable by Authority : That Nobles , Gentry , Ministers had a hand in these things : That they who suffered these things were Men that deserved better Treatment . Let us now attend to his Proof of all these : He saith , p. 19. That Applications were made to Peers who were Privy Counsellors , not gone to London ; but he is not pleased to tell us who they were , that the Truth might be enquired into ; neither do we know that any Peer , to whom they made Address , was furnished either with Authority or Strength sufficient to repress such Disorders in that Inter-regnum , and time of Confusion : Every Peer hath not Authority over the whole Nation . That these Peers were Privy Counsellors is false , for there were none such at that time in the Nation , the Council having dissolved themselves , and another not as yet constituted . He next tells us of their sending private Accounts to London , but without success , because their Enemies ( the Presbyterians ) had many ways defamed them , and called all their Letters Lyes and Forg●ries . Here is Non causa pro causa : The true Reason why they then had no Relief was , None at London had the power to do what they designed , more than they had who were at home : That the Presbyterians did mis-represent them , is false . Let us see what was charged on any of them , but what can be made appear . And if our Party would have attempted such a thing , they had many of their own Party who were ready to believe what they wrote , and to improve it to their own Advantage . That any Matters of Fact ( Rabbles or Tumults ) that were acted then in Scotland , were industriously concealed or denied at London by the Presbyterians , he doth affirm with as little Truth as Honesty : Fain would he retort on us these lying Methods , that he and his Complices have followed ; but we are beyond such Reproaches in the Consciences of all that know us , and do not hate us . § . 13. He beginneth , pag. 20. to give Account of the Prince of Orange ' s Declaration for keeping the Peace , and how it was mis-regarded by the Presbyterians . And he telleth us of Dr. Scot's Message and Instructions from the Deputies of seven Presbyteries ( where it is pleasant to see what pains he is at to apologize to the Church of England for that odious Name ) and how the good Party ( so he calleth us Ironice ) contradicted all the Accounts that they gave of things . ( If the Doctor 's History of things was of the same strain with what this Author giveth us , I hope the Reader will not wonder that he met with Contradiction . ) On this Application the Prince's Declaration came out , though not so full as the Doctor would have had it . That he procured the Declaration , the Author dreameth : The necessity of the thing required it . That two contending Parties should be restrained from mutual Injuries , in an Inter-regnum , and time of Confusion , was very suitable to that great Prince's Wisdom and Justice : As also that Dr. Scot and his Party got not all their Will , was but Reason . The Presbyterians Disobedience to the Prince's Declaration , he proveth by three Instances : The first is , The Tumult at Glasgow ; the true Account of which I have already referred to another place . The Second is , Mr. Little , of Trailslat , about to repossess his Pulpit , was assaulted by Women , who tore his Coat and Shirt off him ; and had done so with his Breeches , but that he pleaded with them from their Modesty . I have often said , that we can no ways be accountable for what was done by the Rabble ; they were none of ours , and little less unfriendly to us , than to his Party ; which is particularly attested concerning them who did so use Mr. Little , of Tinal , or Trailslat . His Third Instance : He quoteth some Men and Women , calling the Prince's Declaration a Sham , and that they knew His Highness's Resolutions . If he had pleased to tell us who said so , we could have enquired into the Truth of what he alledgeth , and have judged by the Quality of the Persons , what weight is to be laid on their Words : If we should be at the pains to print all that the Scum of his Party saith , we might write Volumes of Matter that would make them black enough ; but withal , it might make us ridiculous to the World. But that this Author should lay such stress on the Talk of Women , whom no body knoweth who they were , as thence to fancy that they now have a Discovery of the Intrigue of Presbyterians , is no great Argument of his deep Judgment . He next telleth of an Intrigue in the Prince's Declaration ( for even His Highness , nor now when he is our Sovereign , cannot escape the Lash of these Mens Tongues and Pens ) in commanding all to lay down Arms , save the Garrisons , and the Town Company of Edinburgh . It seems it grieves this Man that King James's Forces must be disbanded ; for I suppose he will not quarrel with disarming any of the Presbyterians . But surely here was no Intrigue , but a plain Design that the two striving Parties should not fall on each other in a War commenced by Authority : But that which piqueth him is ; that by this means the College of Justice were forced to lay down their Arms , which he will have to be taken up by the Authority of the Magistrates of Edinburgh , and in defence of the Ministers of that City , on whom he alledgeth that the People resolved to fall . In answer to all this , I shall not derogate from the praises of that Honourable Society of Lawyers , and Men about the Law , which he is pleased to give them . But , 1. It was not the Colledge of Justice , but some of them , who took Arms , some of the chief of them gave no countenance to that Action . 2. It is known that the members of that Society as then constituted were greatly opposite to the Revolution in the Civil state that then was in fieri , and therefore the disbanding of them seemed to be necessary for the peaceable conclusion of that matter . 3. Whether the Arming of the Colledge of Justice was by Authority of the Magistrates of ' Edinburgh , I shall not determine : But the Magistrates as then Constituted were all opposite to the Prince of Orange ; and therefore it was no wonder that any Force raised by them should be by him disbanded . 4. That there was a design to fall on the Ministers of Edinburgh , or that the Colledge of Justice armed in their defence , is affirmed on no ground , and without any truth . It was rather on the same design on which the Viscount of Dundee had gathered Forces into the Town ( of which above ) and it was for opposing of them , and not assaulting the Ministers of Edinburgh , that the Western Rabble ( as he is pleased to call them ) came to Edinburgh , viz. To defend the Convention of Estates , against the Force that might have hindred their sitting and Acting . That the Colledge of Justice were quarrelled ( tho' yet no punishment , nor other effect followed on it ) for their taking Arms without Law was no wonder : That the Western Rabble ( as he calleth them ) were not quarrelled , is as little wonder : For the one was a party of men that should have known the Law better than the other : the one did continue in Arms till they were forced to disband . Which the other did not . § . 14. Our Authors next Essay , p. 23 , is ( according to his strain and temper ) to nullifie the Convention of Estates , as being unduly constituted , and consequentially that all that they did is of no force , Which is at one Blow to dethrone Their present Majesties , and to unsettle the present Establishment . To what other purpose can his remarks tend , of the absence of so many of the Nobility , the scruples of the best and most Judicious of the Gentry of the Nation had about it , how thin the meetings of the smaller Burghs in many Shires were at the Election ; How Industrious the Presbyterians were to get all Elected of their own gang , what methods were taken to impose on the simpler Members , what partiality was used about controverted Elections . I have seen a time when talking at this rate , and by so doing striking at the root of the Government , would have cost one a more severe Reprimand , then is a Paper refutation ; but we have the advantage by this passage , that the Clamours against Presbyterians have the same Authors , and Grounds , with these against the Government of the State , which I hope will make them to be otherwise understood , then if they had taken the Presbyterian Church alone for their Party . After some Historical remarks on the Convention ( which I insist not on ) he saith that the Rabble which had thrust out the Ministers were thanked by the Convention , tho' not under that reduplication . Tho' this is no effort of his spite against the Church , but against the State , yet I cannot but observe his Malice in it , for we deny that they were the Men that put out the Ministers : and the thanks they had was for their zeal in defending the Convention from that opposite rabble , I mean the 2000 men that the Viscount of Dundee , and others , had gathered together at Edinburgh , to have surprised the Convention , as was above shewed . When the hazard was over , they were , with the thanks of three Estates , dismissed to return to their several homes , and this was all the pay that they got , or were willing to receive , for their service . But he telleth us , that this was done when the Bishops , many of the Nobility , and not a few of the Barrons , had deserted the House . These big words have no more truth in them , but that all the Bishops , and some others of the Convention , who were Enemies to King William , went away , and would not assent to his being called to the Throne : These were the Clergies Friends , being of the same Inclinations with themselves . § . 15. He now , pag. 24. quarreleth with the Act of the Convention , April 13 , 1689 , In which all were required to pray for King William , and Queen Mary . And to read that Proclamation in their Churches ; and that the Refusers should be deprived of their Churches and Benefices : And that they who obeyed should be protected . From this he taketh occasion to digress very extravagantly , by recapitulating the proofs he had mentioned , that the Rabble were Acted by great Men : Which I have answered : and by telling us some stories that he had heard ( may be from some of his twatling Gossips ) what the Viscount of Stairs did , and what the Earl of Crawford said , which he bringeth no shaddow of Evidence for ; and therefore is to be slighted . For what he alledgeth of the Earl of Crawford's writing Letters to the Rabble to go on , even after April 13. And of the Duke of Hamilton's producing one of these Letters in Council . Answ. This is a false Representation , and injurious to that Noble Earl , who did more for Suppressing the Disorders of the Rabble than others did , or could do ; and who acted with Justice and Moderation towards the Party , whose ways he did not approve . The Truth of this Story is , The Minister of Logie was put out of his Church , he had made Complaint to the Council , who had his Case under Consideration , in order to do him Justice ; mean while , Lieutenant Collonel Ramsay went from Stirling to Logie with a Party to Repossess the Minister by force of Arms , and that without any Warrant from Authority . The Earl hearing of this , and meeting occasionally with Lieutenant Collonel Buchan , told him how Irregular it was for Ramsay to interpose in a matter that was depending before the Council , and that nothing could excuse it , but that Ramsay was a Stranger , and understood not our Law , which doth not permit the Military Power to meddle in matters of Controversy between Parties , except when they were imployed by Authority to assist in the Execution of the Law. This Buchan wrote to Ramsay ; and Buchan's Letter was produced before the Council , where the Earl defended what he had said . That his Lord wrote to the Rabble , or to any person else , in this matter , is false . The man had little to write when he blotteth Paper with what he ascribed to Sir John Monro of Foulis , if all the Sarcasms thrown out against either Party should be Printed , we would do little else but make such Collections . It is one of this Authors doughty Arguments , to prove the Sufferings of the Clergy : Such a Man Jeared an Episcopal Minister as he passed by on the Street , Ergo , the Suffering of the Clergy from the Presbyterians , are worse than the French Dragooning . He objecteth , that not one Presbyterian Minister hath been heard to condemn the Disorders of the Rabble from the Pulpit . Answ. The Falsehood of this I can testify , ex certa scientia , Often we have condemned Peoples going out of their Line , and Prosecuting good ends by unwarrantable means , and commended Moderation , &c. And prevailed with them that are our Hearers : Tho' they whom he mainly chargeth , will take little notice of what we say . What he saith , that the Rabbling has been approved in the Pulpits of Edinburgh , is more then I know , or can believe , unless ( if any be which I know not ) one or two imprudent Men , casually imployed in these Pulpits , hath done so , as I know they have spoken sometimes to the Offence of their Brethren . For what was spoken in the High Church of Edinburgh . Which he , according to his wonted respect to the established Law saith , Is De Jure , the Bishops Cathedral , but De Facto , a Presbyterian Meeting-House : That such shakings were the shakings of God , and without them the Church used not to be settll'd . I hope no intelligent Person will reckon these words an Approbation of the Rabble : Nor will think that they import any more , than , that the Lord is pleased often to bring lovely Order out of Confusion , which in it self is very undesirable : as he sendeth Divisions , and maketh a good use of them , so doth he with Rabbling . Next he complaineth , that no Proclamation hath been issued out against them ; but because he cannot but know the contrary , therefore he chargeth the State , that they have not put their Proclamation in the Form and Words that pleas● him . This I observe only to put a note on this Authors seeking occasions of complaint , and his Sawsiness , if not satisfied . But he telleth us , on the contrary , of Two or Three Cameronian Regiments ( whereas we never heard of any such , save one , and of that the Officers and many of the Souldiers were men of Sober and Sound Principles , but the Regiment had the fate to be so called ) who were Quartered in Perthshire , and in Angus , where should they be quartered but in these Shires , where many of the Inhabitants were Enemies to the State , and daily renewing to the Highland Army , ) That they were sent to persecute the Clergy , is most false : Or that they did molest them , more then is ordinary for Souldiers to do to them who are not of their way . And but very few instances , and in very few of these Souldiers , can be given . He designeth to ridicule them ( but exposeth his own Folly , Malice , and ●lly Credulity ) by a story that he hath heard of their refusing obedience to their Officers in exercising , if they use often the the same Words , because they are against set Forms . Such a silly Forgery I should not have Noted ( it being known no Regiment is better Disciplined , nor hath done better Service ) if it were not to give the Reader occasion to observe the Spirit of our Adversaries , who lay hold on every Tattle they hear , to Reproach us , when they can find no better Arguments to disprove our way . § . 16. He further raileth at the Proclamation , April 13. saying , That by it all the Deeds of the Rabble are justified , and permission , and encouragement given to them to go on . One would think this needeth clear proof , instead of which we have a full Evidence to the contrary , in that very passage of the Proclamation which he citeth , which is , The Estates do prohibite and discharge any injury to be offered , by any person whatsoever , to any Minister of the Gospel , either in Church or Meeting-House , who are presently in the Possession and Exercise of their Ministry . Whereby , saith he , all who were formerly thrust from their Churches are intirely excluded from the Protection of the Government . Let any unbyassed person judge whether what he affirmeth , or the contradictory of it , be proved by this passage of the Declaration : It is evident that the very Design and Strain of it , was to protect these in Churches ( who were the Episcopalians ) from further progress of that disturbance from some hot and irregular Persons , which some of their Brethren had met with : And it was but reasonable that the Presbyterians ( who then had the Meeting-Houses ) should share in the same Favour . That they who were put out by the Rabble in the Interregnum ( which did now terminate ) were not by this Proclamation restored , can in no sense , be construed either to justify what was done , or encourage to do the like : Other men have learned Logick that teacheth them to infer the contrary , viz. A tacite blaming of what was done , and express forbidding the like in time to come . That the Presbyterians Preaching in Meetings , was directly contrary to Law , is false : They had the Authority of King and Council : And , while the Act of Supremacy was in force ( as it then was ) the Parliament had given the King Power to do in the external Policy of the Kirk , what he thought fit : And therefore he had Power by the Act of Parliament , to give Liberty to Dissenters . And it is contrary to the avowed Principles of his Party , who not only promoted this Act , that screwed up the Supremacy to the height , but pleaded always , till it crossed their Interest , for the King 's absolute and dispensing Power . In confirmation of this , he citeth another Proclamation , August 6. 1689. Restoring such Conformists as had been thrust out by violence , after April 13. Can any Man hence infer , that the former Proclamation gave Liberty to put out Ministers by Violence : And not rather that it condemneth what had been done that way : And yet the man hath the Brow to value himself upon this as a full and concludent proof . Are ye satisfied now ? saith he ; No , Sir , and I think none else can be satisfied with this Inference , whose Wit is not a Wool-gathering . But ' ex super abundante , we shall yet have more proof ; It is from a passage in an Address to the King , of the greatest part of the Members of Parliament , complaining of the want of Ministers in the West , where most had been put out by the Rabble . I shall not trouble the Reader with observing the silly Quibbles that he strains at , upon some passages of this Address : But to shew how unconsequential this proof is . 1. This Address was no deed of the Parliament , or of the Presbyterian Party , but of a few . 2. There is nothing in that Address , that either approveth of the disorderly way of putting out of those men , or incourageth to go on in so doing : What he citeth is meerly matter of Fact related , that the West was desolate , that is , in great want of Ministers ; can any rational man think that it thence followeth , that they who said so , do approve of the manner of putting them out , what ever thoughts they may have of the inconvenience of restoring them ; of which in its due place . We must take farther notice of the Superfoetation of this Authors invention , to prove his point : The Council on Christmas Eve , 1689. ( Our Author is a great Observer of days , which , it is like , the Council had no respect to ) discharged all Inferiour Judicatories within the Kingdom to give Decreets for the Stipend , 1689 , to these Ministers who were out of Possession on April 13. reserving the Determination of that Case to the Parliament . Who but our Author , could thence infer , that they approved of the Summer way of putting out those Ministers , nothing doth thence follow , but that the Parliament might judge of the conveniency of reponing them . On this occasion he dilateth on the Misery of those Suffering Ministers , and putteth the question , Can any History shew a President for their Case ? Was ever Christian Minister so treated in a Christian Kingdom ? To these his questions , I answer Affirmative , viz. The Presbyterian Ministers , anno 1662 , were worse treated , when upwards of 300 of them were put out , and no allowance given them at all . And yet worse , when afterward it was enacted that none of them should live within six Miles of his former Parish , not within six Miles of a Corporation : So that it was hard for not a few of them to find a Habitation , where they Lawfully might be in the Nation ; But all of them were driven , with their poor Families , from their Habitations , from among their Friends and Acquaintances , who might shew them Mercy in their Distress , to seek shelter among Strangers : And this was done in the beginning of Winter , when it was hard to remove a Family . But comparing their Sufferings , that they make such outcry about , with ours , which we bare patiently ; we may observe , that some are so tender of their Worldly Accommodations , and ease : that they will complain more of the scratch of a Pin , than others will do of a deep Wound by a Sword. § . 17. We have , page 30. An evidence how resolute this Gentleman is to be unsatisfied with whatever is , or shall be done , either by the State , or by the Church , as they are now established ; For when the Act of the Estates dischargeth any Injury to be offered to any Minister now in Possession of his Church ; he quarrelled at this Restriction , and putteth a N. B. to it , They behaving themselves as becometh , under the present Government . Did ever any Government allow protection to any on other terms : Yea , it is not usual , under any Government , to give a Pass to any to travel on the Road without Let , or Molestation , without this express restriction . But what followeth is one of the highest efforts of Malice , blinding the mind , and depraving the apprehension of things . Which is , that giving them protection on their good behaviour , is to enjoyn the Rabble to fall on them if they should not read the Proclamation , and pray for King William and Queen Mary . And the Man hath the brow to say , That no Man without doing Violence to his own Sense , could put a better Construction upon it , but I perswade my self , that unbyassed Men will judge , that no Man without doing Violence both to his Reason and Conscience , can put such a Sense on it as our Author doth . For the Council did what in them lay to hinder all disorders of the Rabble . The State , more than the Church or Ministers , the King , the Council , and Parliament , are still Adversaries that this Hero will cope with . The Council required the Ministers of Edinburgh to read , and obey the Proclamation on April . 14. Being the Lords day , after the forenoons Sermon : Which required praying for King William and Queen Mary , by Name : And all the Ministers besouth Tay to do the same on April 21. and these be North Tay to do it on April 28. where as it was enacted on the 13 about twelve a Clock , and came to the hands of the Ministers at Edinburgh late on Saturday , or on Sabbath morning : Some ( as he was told ) and we know many things were told him which were not true ) not till they were in the Pulpit . This he thinketh absurd , because , the Bishops in England would not enjoyn their Clergy to read Proclamations Fide implicita , and because the Parliament of England gave the Clergy there sever'dl Months to consider the like Case . He might know that tho' the English Bishops be admired , for advantage , by him and his Party , yet their practice need not be a Standard to the Scoth Council . And that the Parliament of England thought they had reason for what they did : And the Council of Scotland thought the same of what they did : The case , tho' of moment was plain enough , neither was it a Surprize to any of those Men , for the thing was long in Deliberation , and known to be so , before it was enacted : Few in the Nation , if any there were , who were not then at a point , whether they would own King William , or adhere to King James . Except such as were resolved to do either , as it might more serve their Ends. What is said of the Peoples going out of the New Church when the Clerk read the Proclamation after the Blessing ; is not to be wondered at , for after the Blessing People use not to stay . And it is like it was design'd to be read to the Walls , by uttering the Blessing before reading of it . The Ministers example in not reading it himself , it is like , did influence such as used to hear Men of his stamp . And of such was that Congregation then made up . § . 18. We now enter upon the Execution that was done by this Proclamation , which this Epistle doth lay heavy load on the Council for . Far less reproaching of the Justice of the Nation would have cost a Man his Neck in the former Reign . The first instance he bringeth is of Doctor Strachan , late Professour of Divinity in the Colledge of Edinburgh , who when accused for not Reading and Praying as enjoyned , pleaded , that in the Claim of Right it was found , that none can be King , or Queen , of Scotland , till they take the Coronation Oath : And that K. James had forfeited his right to the Crown by Acting as King without it . That the State had only named William , and Mary , but neither the Crown was yet offered to them , nor they accepted it , nor had they taken ehe Coronation Oath , and he wish others were deprived , who used the same defence , and added that they were willing to pray for King William and Queen Mary , as soon as they had accepted , and had taken the Oath . An answer to this might more be expected from some Statesman , who knoweth the reason that the Council were determined by in this matter . It is known that the exercise of the Government had been long before tendered to the Prince , and that his Highness had accepted and exercised it . That the Estates sat by his Authority , that the Nations Representative had then owned him as their King , and therefore it was a contempt of the Authority of the Nation for any Man to refuse to own him , when called to do so . Further , it is a material mistake of the words of the Claim of Right : Which doth not say , None can be King or Queen , but that none can Exercise the Legal Power , till thay have taken the Coronation Oath . It is certain , that on the Death of a King , his Rightful Successor is King ; and may be Prayed for as such ; and such Praying may be injoyned , even before taking of the Oath : The same may be said of One chosen , and proclaimed by the Supreme Authority of the Nation : which is the Case now in hand . That these Men promised to Pray for K. William afterward , is false , and the Committee deprived none who were willing so to engage . The petulant liberty that he taketh to disparage the Council that was nominated by the King after he had accepted of the Government , I remark , but insist not on . He now , in the end of pag , 32 Returneth to the Rabble , his misrepresentation of things in General I stay not on , he is secure he cannot be refuted but by denying the truth of them : But his particular accounts of these things , I shall examine . The first Instance that he giveth is , of Mr. Mc Math Minister of Leswade : On whom one night as he was going from Edinburgh to his own House , 4 Fellows fell : Pierced him with Bodkins and Auls , so that he had ten or twelve Wounds in his Belly ; filled his Mouth , till they had almost Choaked , him with Horse-Dung ; and left him in that sad condition . If one should consider the Ineredibility of this Story it might save the labour of a Refutation , or evincing the falshood of it . He hath not told us who these four Fellows were , nor whisher they were Presbyterians , or not ; must all the Robberies and Assassinations that are committed on the high way , by unknown Persons , be charged on the Presbyterians : Such Insinuations will better evince the Spiteful humour of our Adversaries , then the disorderliness of Men of our way . Next , is it probable , that a Man should have 10 or 12 wounds in the Belly with Auls or Bodkins , and none of them Pierce the Peritoneum , which would readily prove mortal ? And yet Mr. Mc Math neither was sick , nor died , nor was any Indisposition visible on him next day , but what was the effect of his being Drunk overnight , which all that knew him do Affirm was very Customary to him . I wish our Author had told us who ever saw these Wounds , or the Scars of them . It is attested by his Neighbours as followeth : We under subscribers , declare , that we came of purpose to see Mr. Mc Math's pretended Wounds : The Gate being shut , we went to the House of Mr. Robert Trotter , his Precentor , who going to him , returned with this answer , that , he freed the whole Parish , and knew not who they were that injured him . At Lasweed December 6. 1690. James Currie , Adam Alexander , Gawin Hunter , James Simson . I declare that I saw Mr. John Mc Math , betwixt six and seven a Clock in the Morning , following that Night wherein he pretendeth that injury was done to him , at his own Gate , as he used to be , witness my Subscription at Lasweed , December , 6. 1690. Andrew Finlawson . For this Andrew Finlawson , was challenged by Mr. Mc Math : Which he also testifyeth under his hand . Also James Simson declareth under his hand , that he saw Mr. Mc Math on the Street , 2 or 3 Days after he was said to be Wounded : And that People going on the Road from Edinburgh told him that they saw Mr. Mc Math Drunk that Night , as he came from Edinburgh , Likewise we have it under the Hand of John Young Merchand in Fisherraw , that at the time when it was said that Mr. Mc Math was Wounded , he went to see him ( being his Cousin ) and saw no appearance of Sickness or Wounds , and that when he went out of Mr. Mc Maths House , Mr. Richard Hyslop , shewed him the place where Mr. Mc Math fell , and got his Face dawbed with Dirt : And that when Mr. Young said , That he had heard that Mr. Mc Math had this done to him by some Persons , Mr. Hyslop ( his Neighbour and Friend ) said , there was no such thing . It is also to be observed that not a few Persons who came to see him in his Wounds , were not admitted . Besides all this , we have Proofs well attested , to evince the horrid immoralities of Mr. Mc Math , such as Lascivious carriage towards several Women , Drunkenness , Imbezelling the Collections for the Poor , taking another Man-Horse and Saddle from his Servant , by the way , and giving out afterward that he found the Horse , which he restored , but kept the Saddle 40 days , denying it , till it was like to come to a publick hearing , and then restored it . I hope the Reader by this time , can see what weight is to be laid on the Histories brought by this Author ; and what sort of Men they are whose quarrel he espouseth : Though we are far from approving Irregularities and Injuries , whether done against good or bad Men. § . 19. Some other he nameth , who were Rabbled , but giveth no particular account of what was done to them ; such as Mr. Burgess at Temple , Mr. Mackenzie at Kirklistoun , Mr. Hamiltoun at Kirk-newtoun , Mr. Nimmo at Collingtoun , Mr. Donaldson at Dumbarton , ( some of whom we shall afterward meet with , ) &c. And a whole Presbytery in Galloway . I hope a particular answer is not expected to these . And for the General Assertion , the Reader must be strangely byassed , if before he have thus far proceeded , he doth not understand this Authors Dialect ; that is , if he hath not learned to disbelieve every thing that he affirmeth , unless it be sufficiently vouched : That is the least punishment due to one , who hath so often , and so soully , prevaricated in his Assertions ; wherefore we may justly reject all these as Forgeries ; as two of them I can sufficiently disprove . Mr. Mackenzie was never Rabbled , only at the time he was at Kirkliston very few of the People heard him : And for Mr. Hamiltoun he never was Minister at Kirknowtoun : If the People have at any time refused to hear him , when he was to Preach transiently there , this is no Rabbling : He is a Man for whom we have due respect , and he is now received into Ministerial Communion by the Presbyterians . The rest I know nothing of , but three Instances he giveth us more distinctly , which obligeth us to a more distinct and particular Answer . The 1 st . is , Mr. Macgil of Kilsyth , tho' he had obeyed the Proclamation , The Rabble hindered him to enter the Church ; my Lord Kilsyth's Factor raised a Force to defend him : in the strife , one of the Rabble was killed : The Factor went to Edinburgh , and told the Com●●rce of Estates what had happened : The Lord Rosse being Preses of the Committee , thinking the Person Killed to be one of the other side ; said , it would be hard to get that Murther punished : But at last , understanding that it was one of the Rabble , changed his Note , and aggravated the Business . The next day the Rabble fell upon Mr. Macgil ' s House , destroyed his Furniture , Books , and Papers , plunged his Hat and Peruke in the Churn , among Milk , emptied out his Meal , and a Chamber Box among it . So that he suffered loss to the value of 150 pound Sterling , and to this day hath got meet her Reparation nor Protection . The truth of this story is , some Souldiers had hindered Mr. Macgil to Preach , they being gone , he on the Lords day , intended to reassume his Pulpit : some of the inferior People gathered together , and refused to let him enter ; but used no other Violence : My Lord Kilsyth's Factor caused beat of Drum , and gathered a great many Men in Arms , and assaulted the People that were in and about the Church door , and killed one of them : This matter was tryed before the Lords of the Justiciary , who found both Parties guilty of a Riot , but the Factor to be more guilty , as having with Arms fallen upon them who had no Arms , and killed one of them : He was fined , and declared incapable of any publick Imployment . For the Stories about my Lord Ross , and the Peoples so abusing Mr. Macgil's House and Goods , we must receive them on the Credit of this Author , ( id est ) Look on them as his own Invention , or that some Body had told him : For I can find no ground to believe one word of what , in these , he affirmeth . His other two Tales , of Mr. Craig , and Mr. Buchannan , I find no ground to believe . But on the contrary that they ( at least Mr. Craig ) were put from their charges by a Sentence of the Presbytery , and that for gross Scandals , and obstinate refusing to submit to the Discipline of the Church ; as can be made appear by their Processes yet on Record . The account that he giveth of those two Ministers ( being also Heretors , who have Vote in Election of Members of Parliament ) their appearing for King William ; by Voting for such as Voted him into the Throne : This , I say , is a foul Misrepresentation ; for these two Ministers ( especially Mr. Craig ) entered a Protestation , at the Meeting for Election , that whoever should be chosen , should fall from their Commission , if they transgressed the limits set to them by the Electors : And that they should do nothing in prejudice of King James , nor Prelacy , nor the Test. It is true they Voted for the Laird of Houston , who in the Convention , Voted for King William , and for Presbytery : But it is known , that these two persons have often said , that the Laird of Houston is a perjured person , for they had his Engagement to Vote for Episcopacy . And when there was a vacancy by the death of one of their Commissioners , at a second Election , these two Gentlemen Voted for a known Jacobite , who had a little before , been actually in Arms against King William , but now was freed by the Indemnity . It is also known , that since it was Enacted , that the Oath of Allegiance to the present King and Queen , should be imposed on all Electors , neither of these two Ministers have appeared . § . 20. Our Author catcheth hold on all the occasions he can find ( whether offered , or not ) to reproach us : Wherefore he taxeth our Address to the Parliament , given in , in July 1690 , which he taketh to have had its rise from the Councils delay to deprive non complying Ministers , being very unpleasant to Presbyterian Preachers : This is a strange mistake ( to call it no worse ) for in that Address there is not one word of complaint of such delay : Nor of Petitioning that the Council would deprive any of these Men. But on this Address he giveth us the best Specimen he can , of his Critical Skill ; with what Success let us consider . He passeth the Preface of it with his mocking at our owning the Prince of Orange for the Instrument of our great Deliverance , and as our King : This we are not ashamed of : Let him and his Complices gnash their Teeth at it . He saith , We Miscall the Bishops , which is false : We gave them no Names of Reproach , but relate the Hurt that they have done in this Church ; which we are able to make appear . The first thing that he reproveth in the Petitionary part of the Address is , Our desire that this poor Oppressed Church may be freed from such Oppressours and Oppressions : And what harm is in this ? do not they complain of Oppression ; which yet it may ( and I hope shall ) be made appear , that their Sufferings were not once to be compared to ours . We press no mans Consciences as they did , nor force them to compliance , by Prisons , Finings , Banishment , and yet greater Severities . He next Narrateth our desire of Setling the Church in the Hands of Presbyterians ; his Note is , This is nothing like Prelacy . Why doth he wonder at that : Had it been a wise observation , for shewing the absurdity of their Attempts , for Setling Prelacy : This is nothing like Presbytery . But yet a greater Absurdity he observeth in our Address , viz. That we Petition , That the Church established , may be allowed to purge out insufficient , negligent , scandalous , and erroneous Ministers . His strong Argument against this is in a Parenthesis : And what Apostle ( saith he ) if ye give them a Presbyterian Jury , shall not come within the compass of one of these four . Such ignorant Malice is not to be answered , but despised . We esteem all the Apostles ( except his Predecessor Judas Iscariot ) as much as he or his party can do : And we know , that not only the Apostles , but some who have complyed with Episcopacy , may , and have escaped all these four , even by a Presbyterian Judicature . But I am weary of such trisling . He afterwards falleth more heavily on these four Qualifications of Ministers , in p. 44. where we shall attend him , being obliged to follow this his interrupted Method . § . 21. He now , page 36. Re-entreth the Lists with the Council , as the great Persecuters of the Clergy . He complaineth of the undue transmitting of the Proclamations to the Ministers who were to give Obedience to it ; alledging , That there came but six Copies of it to Fife . His Voucher for this is , he is credibly told it . But we have already found that he hath been told a great many Lies , and that credibly enough too , for a Man of his large Credulity ; which is as receptive , when ill is spoken of Presbyterians , as that of any Papists , with respect to the Legends . If these Proclamations were not so dispersed as was fit , it was not to be wondered at : For many of the Servants of the late Government were still in place , with whom the Ministers concerned might have correspondence : That they might not see such Papers in time . But this can best be answered when we come to particulars . Then he narrates the Councils proceeding in the Indictments , and Interrogatories , putting all in the most odious and ridiculous dress that he can devise ; which yet he can fix no blame upon : Only his uncivil Reflection on the Earl of Crawford , is like the spirit of this Author . That Noble Earl is Master of so much Sense and Reason , as that he could not ask whether they mentioned in Prayer the Sirname of the King and Queen . Tho' I know such an Expression might have inadvertently dropt from a person no ways contemptible , as that which is a word of course . That they were Censured for neglecting thus to Pray ; what wonder is it , seeing the Law expresly required it . And is it to be thought strange , that the Law should require this , when it was notour how disaffected most of these Men were , and how openly they owned King James's Interest ? Was it ever heard of , that any Government allowed Persons to hold Publick Places , who would not own the Government under which they lived ? The former Government took the Lives of such as shewed the least scruple in this matter , so far was it from allowing publick Places , or Benefices to any such . Next he complaineth that they were put out for not Reading and Praying as enjoyned , If either the Proclamation was sent to them , or it came to their Hand , or if they had knowledge of it : And here we have an Instance of Mr. Guild , Minister at Northberwick , who had Prayed but not Read ; and he telleth us of half a dozen more such Instances , but we must not know them , lest we examine them . What to think of his hidden Instances , I know not ; but Mr. Guild was not deprived simply for not Reading at the time appointed ; but because he declared before the Council , that he was not free to Read it afterward : This is Attested by the Records of the Council . He bringeth Instances of them who had Read and Prayed , but not on the Precise day , who were deprived . Mr. Hay , Minister at Kinneucher , ( our Author or the Printer mistaketh the Name of the place ) Mr. Hunter at Sterling , Mr. Young at Monyvaird , Mr. Aird at Torryburn . This is strange prevarication , Mr. Hay was deprived for not Reading and Praying , and for Praying for the late King James , and for Reflecting upon the Estates : witness the Records of Council ; which say that all this was fully proved : Mr. Young confessed before the Council , he did not Pray in the Terms of the Proclamation , till the Sabbath after he was cited to appear before the Council . Mr. Aird was deprived for Praying for King James as our Natural Prince , and Praying that God would send back , with a Hook in his Jaws , that Tyrant that had come to Invade these Lands ; meaning King William ; all this proved , ( and that of Mr. Young ) and Recorded in the Books of Council . For Mr. Hunter I find nothing of him in the Records , but the Reader will easily judge , by what is already said , how far our Authors Assertion is to be believed in such a matter . That it was not asked them whether they would obey for time to come , is not strange : in Civil Courts amendment useth not to a●tone Crimes committed . Therefore his story of the Magistrates of Perth desiring of my Lord Crawford that their Minister might be reponed , is wholly Impertinent : Beside the Authors most uncivil . Treatment of that Noble Earl , saying he turned Hussie , which is far from both the Natural Temper , and Civil deportment towards all , that his Lordship is Commended for , by all who know him , and do not hate him ; as this man seemeth to do , by taking all occasions ( and seeking them ) to quarrel with his Lordships actings . What he after imputeth to my Lord , that he said to a Minister , it was enough to deprive him , that he Prayed not for the King , as is directed , 1 Tim. 2.1 , 2. Was no Derogation ( if it was exprest as is Alledged ) from the Authority of that Scripture : for when the Apostle requireth us to Pray for Kings , and the Law requires us to Pray for this King , and not for his Competitor : The one of these do not hinder the other , for Subordinata non pugnant : nor doth it derogate from the sufficiency of Scripture as our Rule , to say , that some more may be required , in some exigents , to particularize what the Scripture doth in general hold forth . Even the zeal of the Noble Lord that he is pleased to set as the Butt of his Malice , this Author reproacheth ; when it appeareth either for the service of his Prince , or for purging the Church of such as were a reproach to her ; while he doth expose my Lords care to get the Council to meet at its appointed times . But I give too much to his impertinencies by thus notioing them . § . 22. He will now , pag. 38 Return to his thread ( which he had broken off to reach the Earl of Crawford ) and he blameth the Council for allowing the People to Cite the Ministers who had not Read and Prayed , before the Council . What harm was in this ? May not any of the Kings Subjects make complaint of breaking of his Law ? This is not to be compared with what his Party did , when in Power , who made Souldiers Judges and Executioners of some of the Laws against Nonconformists : Yea , committed the power of Life and Death to many of them . He telleth , that immoralities were libelled , tho' the Council Judged nothing but not reading and Praying , yet the Lybels were kept in retentis . Ans. The Council Acted Rationally , and with Moderation in this . They could not reject Libels which they had called for by their Proclamations ; and if any thing was in them that was not ejus fori , they passed that without Notice . Is it not ordinary to all Courts to pass Sentence on one Substantial part of a Libel , sufficiently proved , tho' other parts of it be neither relevant , nor proved . What he surmiseth of Church Judicatories sustaining these Libels as sufficiently proved already , is refuted by the Event ; no such thing hath been done . And it might have been silenced by the known Principle and way of Presbyterians , who are against such Illegal Actings : But we must be made black by his evil surmisings , when he can find no other way to do it . Every thing Acted by the Government is evil in this Gentlemans Eyes : Wherefore a third Proclamation falleth under his Lash , whereby Heretors in a Parish , ( tho not living in it , ) Sheriffs , and their Deputies , Magistrates of Burghs , Members of Parliament , in their respective Bounds , might Cite Ministers who had not Read and Prayed . What harm in all this ? May not such call for Justice against Offenders ? The Council were still Judges whether any offence were committed or not . But now that he is in a quarrelling strain , even the Nations humbling themselves before God for Sin , and Fasting and Praying to implore his Mercy , stirreth the Choller of this Momus . His 1. Imputation to it is , It was designed for a Choaking Morsel . Who made him the Judge of Hearts and Designs ? It was designed for humbling the Nation , and Imploring Mercies from the God of Heaven : And that it was not designed as a Tryal of Mens Compliance , is evident from this : That he cannot Instance in any Person that ever suffered for not Observing it . But our being thus reproached , is but what better then we have before met with from such as he is , Psal. 69.10 . When I wept and Chastened my Soul with Fasting , this was to my reproach . Next he blameth this Fast , That it was on the Sabbath Day : We deny not but that another day of the Week is better for Fasting : But we know no Law of God that is broken by Fasting that Day ; whatever he , or any other think in the contrary . When he shall please to bring his strong Reasons for his Opinion , they shall , I hope , be considered . The Reason why that Day was pitched upon was , it was Harvest , and a very bad and dangerous Season , and it was not fit to take People off their Work on a Week day , when the loss of a day might have hazarded their Corn : And People would have been under Temptation to neglect the Solemn Duties of the day . Further , he chargeth the Proclamation for the Fast , with bad Grammar , and a good stock of Nonsense , and for Unministring and Unchristning the whole Regular Clergy . This is the Title that the Episcopal Ministers use to Dignify themselves with , ( tho' now they walk not by the Rule of the Law , as formerly they did deviate from that of the Scripture ) and them who owned them . If he had pleased to tell us what Words or Expressions , in the Proclamation , are thus faulty , we should have treated him as a Disputant , but seeing he thought not that fit , we must entertain his Discourse , as Hezekiah commanded the Jews to do , by that of his Patron Rabshakeh , such Language is not to be answered . We find nothing in that Paper but what is good Grammar , and good Sense . It may be some parts of it contain such Spiritual matter , and in which the inward Exercises of the Soul is so concerned , as a Man who is alien from the Life of God , doth not understand , and therefore may count it Non-sence . I suppose he will reckon this to be cant : But it is not mine , but the Apostles , Eph. 4.18 . That it complaineth of the withholding of the Spirit in the work of Conversion , is not meant of Episcopal times only , tho' then it was observable : But he , and Men of his Temper , use not to trouble themselves with such thoughts , and therefore they think strange that others do . That two Ministers of Edinburgh were deprived for it , that is only for not keeping the Fast , is absolutely false . The story of the Laird of Brodie , acting as Accuser and also as Judge , is like the rest of his Forgeries , or Hear-sayes . § . 23. This Epistler now telleth us , pag. 41. That he hath done with his History , what he next falleth upon is a Recapitulation of what he had said , and determining what shall be for the future , viz. That none of the Episcopal Clergy shall be spared , but all who entered by Presentation from a Patron or a Collation from a Bishop must be turned out . This his Prediction he Establisheth on several Grounds , such as they are : One is , a nameless Counsellor said to his Cusing a Minister , ( who also must not be named ) that he was glad that their Minister had not complied , for the Resolution was that none of the Episcopal Clergy should be spared . The strength of this Argument lieth on this , that none can find out the truth or falshood of the Anticedent , viz. Whether such a thing was said or not ; Yet I am sure it is easie to deny the consequence : for all Counsellers are not Infallible , nor know the mind of all the rest , where never any conclusion about the matter was made at the Board , as in this case is certain . His other Argument is , some Argyle Ministers were put out for not Reading and Praying , and on after-complyance , they have the offer of other Churches , but must not Re-enter to their former charge . Ans. There was reason enough for this , from the Credit of the Councils Authority ; which should have been Baffled by putting those Men into the same Charges ; the sentence being that they should Preach no more in these places ; which was shunned by admitting them to other places ; especially considering that it was not the Council , but the Church that was to admit them . A 3 d. ground is , He is told the Statesmen are clear for this Resolution : An usual Argument with this Learned Author , on which he useth to build very weighty conclusions : But other wise Men think it fitter for Fools and Children . He hath yet a 4 th Ground . Dr. Robertson , and Mr. Malcom , Ministers of Edinburgh , have made great complyances , and sent to the Presbyterian Clubs , that they might be admitted to sit in their Presbyteries ; and yet this could not be granted . Ans. 1. It is an impudent falshood to affirm that either of these two Ministers sent such a Message , or made application to any Presbyterian Judicatory : For their Clubs we have none for Drinking ; and any who casually meet for conference , have no Power to receive , or answer , such addresses : Neither was it ever heard among us , that either of them spoke , or sent , about that matter , either to any one Minister , or to more than one met together . 2. Suppose that they or any other in their circumstances , had made such complyances , and such application ; we have declared that we will receive none to Rule the Church with us , but such as are qualified for the Ministry , have been diligent in that work ( if they have been before imployed in it ) are free of Scandal and Errour , and who will submit to , concur with , and be faithful to the Presbyterian Church Government : Wherefore he must not wonder if we reject some Complyers , for we know that the worst of men are often readiest to comply with what they hate , and have violently opposed . But for men so qualified , as is above exprest , who shall make application to us , Our Assembly hath declared that we will reject none of them . And we have acted accordingly , in receiving most of such as have applyed . For the two Persons that he mentioneth , one of them is now removed by Death , and was never molested by us : The other is deposed , for declining the Authority of the Commission of the General Assembly , when he was cited to answer to what Immoralities he was charged with . § . 24. His next undertaking is , to Vindicate the Scots Episcopal Clergy from the account that hath been given of their Lives and Abilities . Two Accusers of these Brethren he taketh to Task , p. 43. The Prince of Orange ( he saith ) in his Declaration declared them Generally Scandalous , and Ignorant . This is to belye that Illustrious Prince , who is now our Gracious Soveraign : when he is thus Treated , what may others expect ? The demerite of which Crime I leave to the Law to determine . That Declaration speaketh of many , not of all , nor the Generality . The other sort of Accusers he maketh the good Party ( it is his Ironical , and Sarcastick Designation of the Presbyterians ) If any of us have Printed or Published false Stories of them ( Odd Stories , which he chargeth us with , may be true Stories ) let us know them , and the Author of them , and what is asserted shall either be proved , or our fault in so saying acknowledged . We never charged them all as such : we know there are Sober and Learned Men among them . We know also that such general Assertions , and indefinite Accusations of Men cannot be proved : And it is unfair dealing on all hands : Neither do we deny that there may be found among us , some unconsiderate Persons , Men or Women , who have been too General in their rash discourses to this purpose : but who can answer for all that is said by every individual , with whom they live in Communion : I am sure he , nor his Party , cannot : Nay , nor can they make good what is commonly in Print , and by their Chief Men , usually charged upon us , as if we were all Ignorant . Nor can this Author make good what we have met with , and what he after saith of us , neither can he prove the General , and indefinite Assertions that he useth concerning the Learning and Piety of his Party . I am unwilling to enter into such a debate , where so little can be proved , or disproved : Tho' in matters of principle , the more General the conclusions be they are the more Scientifick ; yet it is quite contrary in matters of Fact , such as this is . But we must follow as he leadeth . I shall observe some few things in his Discourse in the Praise of his Party . He saith , page 43. Since the Reformation , the Church of Scotland was never generally so well provided with Pastors , as at the beginning of the present Persecution . This he confesseth cannot be demonstrated ; which is truer then most of what he writeth beside ; but other Men will as confidently , and with more truth , Affirm , that she was far better furnished at the beginning of another Persecution , viz. 1661 , and 1662. Neither Assertion can be proved without going through all the individuals , and considering , and making Faith concerning all their qualities , which is a work not to be undertaken . Wherefore we must leave it to the Sentence of him to whom both Parties must give an account , and to the Sentiments of the World of unbyassed Persons , who have known this Nation , and the Affairs of it . He will now vindicate his Clergy . 1. From Ignorance , and that by the Tryals they must go through before they be admitted to the Ministry . Ans. Tho' we do not charge all of them with Ignorance , yet this Argument cannot vindicate any one of them . For , 1. Ad hominem ; That would prove all the Presbyterians to be Learned , whom yet he reproacheth as Ignorant . For they all pass through exactly the same steps of Tryal . 2. Ad rem , it is not the kind of Tryal , or the multitude of the parts of it , which sheweth a mans ability : But the Accuracy that is used in management of it ; and the Faithfulness of the Judges who must determine upon what is observed in the Tryal . This he hath not asserted . And if he should , we have but his word for it : Of the veracity of which this Book hath given but small proof . Another Argument for their Abilities , is their Education , which he far preferreth to that of the Presbyterians : They being consined to the Dutch Divinity , and making the Common-place-Men the Standard . Whereas the Episcopal men , after the way of England ( If this Insinuation had been left out , it might have spoiled much of the design of the Book , and lessened the Favour and Beneficence of our great Patrons ) take the Scriptures for their rule : and the Ancients , and right Reason for guides , for finding the Genuine sence of that rule . Whereby they come to have their thoughts better digested . Ans. I wish he had told us more plainly what he meaneth by the Dutch Divinity , for there is Divinity taught in Holland , ( I mean Arminianisme ) which his Party do generally fall in with , and ours as generally do dislike . But for the Divinity publickly Authorized and Taught in Holland , and which was agreed to by the Synod of ●or● , where were Brittish Divines , and therefore might be called Brittish Divinity : We own it as Scripture Divinity , the Divinity of the Ancients , and the Divinity that right Reason doth Countenance , above any thing that is contrary to it . For the Common-place-Men ( whom he so despiseth ) we value them as Men eminently Learned , and have not yet seen the Works of any of his Party , wherein the Form of Sound Words is more clearly and fully held forth , nor more Learnedly Defended against the Assaults of all sorts of Adversaries . Yet we never made them our Standard , nor did consine our Studies to them . Let us know what Books ( that are of value ) they Read , which we neglect . What parts of Learning ( that are truly such ) they can pretend to , which be not found among us . ( the Reader I hope will not misconstruct this confidence in boasting : It is from the same provocations and necessity , that moved the Apostle in the like case : Neither do I speak thus of my self , but of the many worthy Men who own the way that I profess ) It is a most injurious Insinuation , as if we did not also take Scripture for our Rule ( no men contend more for it then we do ; and if his Party did so indeed , as they pretend , and in all the Controversies of Divinity , as they do in some , we should have fewer debates with them ) and that we do not make use of right reason , and of the Writings of the Ancients , as helps to understand the rule , is false . We both profess and practice this : Tho' at the same time , we do not pretend to make Reason the rule of judging of Truth , or of the sence of Scripture , as some Socinianizing Divines among them do : Neither do we make the Fathers the Rule of judging of truth , as many of them , with the Papists , do ; we study their Writings , and make use of them ; and give all that Authority to them that is due to humane works ; yea , all that they require should be given them , or that they gave to them who were their Fathers , and went before them : but we reserve a Liberty of Dissent , when any thing occurreth in them which is inconsistent with plain Scripture , found Reason , or the Analogy of Faith : Considering , that the Fathers ( particularly Augustine , that great Light of the Latine Church ) do often advise to receive their word no further than it is consonant to Scripture , and do always call People to judge by the Scriptures alone , and to refuse to be determined meerly by the Authority of men , tho' never so Learned or Holy. It were easie to multiply Citations to this purpose , if it were not to digress . Aug. Ep. 19. Ad Hier. denieth to be concluded by the Authority brought by Jerome against him out of some Greek Fathers , and pleadeth that Jerome was of the same mind . And Aug. lib. 11. Contra Faust. Quod genus literarum non cum credendi necessitate , sed cum judicandi libertate legendum est . We use them in our Studies , tho' we think it not fit to intersperse our Sermons , so much as some others , with Greek and Latine Citations out of them : We think Scripture Authority is most Convincing , and Affecting . He will now prove the great abilities of Episcopal Men. Because of them who had been Presbyterians , and conformed 1662. They were generally of Presbyterian Education , and the ablest among them ; and yet if they were examined with them who after had Episcopal Education , he will lay an even Wager , yea three to one , that Impartial Judges would determine in favour of the latter sort . Ans. 1. Tho' I deny not that some of them who Conformed were of good Abilities : Yet that either the best of them were beyond such as did not Conform , or that generally there were such , is absolutely , and notoriously false . 2. That they who arose after them , in the Episcopal Church , went beyond them , in Abilities , whether ye compare the generality , or the best on both sides , is so false , that no Man will affirm it , but he who can say what he will. And it is known that they were generally the Men who got the chief places , both in the Church , and Schools . I instance Mr. Sharp , Mr. Fairful , Mr. Scougal in the Church , Mr. Cant , Mr. Charters in the Universities . 3. His Learned Argument , laying of Wagers I will not meddle with , I leave it to Women and Children . His conclusion from all this is , That the Episcopal Party understand the Christian Philosophy better , and that Philosophy was never understood nor Preached better in Scotland , then under Episcopacy . Ans. I thought the Commendation of a Minister had been rather to understand Christian Divinity , then Christian Philosophy : But we must not wonder that Men so strongly inclined to Socinianism , speak in the Socinian Dialect , with whom Philosophy , That is , the Improvement of Reason , overtopeth Divinity , that is Divine Revelation , for indeed that which goeth for Religion among some Men , is nothing but Platonick Philosophy , put into a Christian Dress , by expressing it in words borrowed ( some of them ) from the Bible : And the Preaching of some Men is such Morality as Seneca and other Heathens taught , only Christianised with some words . I confess this Philosophy was never much Preached by Presbyterians : Yea the Apostle disowneth it as not his Work in Preaching . He ( and we endeavour to imitate him ) Preached Christ Crucified , 1. Cor. 1.23 . Not the Wisdom of this World , but the Wisdom of God in a Mystery , which even the Princes of Philosophers ( as Plato , Aristotle , &c. ) understood not . It is true we Preach Obedience to the Laws of Christ ; That is , Holiness in all manner of Conversation : But with that respect to the Righteousness and Strength that we look for from the Lord Jesus , That maketh it another thing than the Philosophy that he ignorantly talketh of . And if that Preaching of Philosophy that he valueth himself , and his Party upon , be the Excellency of a Minister , we are not Ambitious of the Victory in that point : Tho' may be , we understand even that , as well as our Neighbours do . § . 25. He acknowledgeth page 46. the Immorality of the time of Episcopacy in Scotland : But layeth the blame of it upon the Presbyterians ; but from so absurd and Ridiculous Topicks , that I am almost ashamed that they should have been mentioned by a Man pretending to Learning . The 1 st . is , Presbyterians made Rebellion and Presbytery Jure Divino , and baffled Peoples Credulity , and hindered the Success of the Gospel . Ans. 1. Presbyterians always abhorred Rebellion , so far were they from asserting a Divine Right of it . What Disorders were in the Nation , that could be called Rebellion , was the Fruit of Episcopal Fury , more than of Presbyterians Disloyalty . Some ( whom Presbyterians pitied for their Sufferings , but did not approve their Actings ) made stirs because of that Oppression from such as he is , which maketh a Wise Man mad . The Jus divinum of Presbytery we own : But understand not ( till we be illuminated with this Learned Authors singular Speculations ) how this can baffle any Mans Credulity , or be the cause of Profaneness . Neither can we easily guess what he means by Baffling Peoples Credulity : Nor are we curious to enquire into the abstruse Sense of the Phrase , if it have any Sense at all . 2. I hope the Immorality was not among them who owned the Divine Right of Presbytery ● If no more Drunkenness , Whoredom , Swearing , &c. had been found among others then among them , there had not been Ground for his Complaint , as indeed there was A 2 d. Proof he bringeth : The Schisme made by Presbyterians caused Immoralities . Ans. That Schisms cause Immoralities , and are a great let to the success of the Gospel , I deny not ? But the Schisme that hath been among us was made , and is fomented , to this day , by his Party , not by us : We hold to the good way that this Church was settled in ; they treacherously set up ( by the help of the Civil Power ) an opposite way : And not only so , but they imposed Complyance with it on the highest Penalties , and with the out-most Severity : The Consciences of some could not yield to this Barbarous Treatment ; such therefore must be reckoned Schismaticks ; with the same reason on which Papists impute Schism to Protestants , who cleave to the Ancient Scripture Christianity , and cannot receive their Additions to it , nor depravations of it . Hence that he citeth out of Irenaus , belongeth to himself , not to us . But that he hath the Brow to ascribe the meek Calm Spirit of the Gospel , to his own Party , and the contrary to ours , is beyond comprehension , to any who knoweth the Bloody Laws that the Bishops assisted the making of , and the inferiour Clergy assisted and instigated the Execution of : Which all Scotland knoweth , and most of the Nation cryed shame upon . The contempt of the Ministry he imputeth to pleading Gods Authority to all their unaccountable Freaks : Whereas indeed it came from the Atheisme , and Debauches of the Clergy , that he his defending : If any intituled bad ways to Divine Authority , it was not Ministers , but some weak Christians , who had been horribly oppressed , and were driven beyond the Bounds of Reason and Soberness by the usage that they met with . His last thing on this head is , He challengeth an equal number of Presbyterians and Episcopalians , to a dispute , for Trial of their Learning : Which we shall not decline , if he will find a way to make it practicable . § . 26. He will next ( page , 47 ) purge the Clergy from Immorality , and that 1 st . By recrimination . There is one Man among us , Mr. Williamson who hath played Tricks beyond what can be shewed in any Episcopal Man , and yet he is not Challenged , but in esteem . Ans. Suppose this were true , The Faults of one doth not blacken a whole Party of Men , so much as those of Scores , or Hundreds , which yet were born with under Episcopacy . 2. What these Tricks were , he doth not tell us , and therefore what he saith , is to be look'd on as Slander ; Mr. Williamson is deservedly esteemed among us , as a Man of a good Conversation , and while it is so , we Love and Honour him ; if he or any other can make what he alledgeth to appear ; he shall see Justice done . Another Topick is , An Edict is served in the Congregation , inviting every one to object what they can with Truth , against a Minister before he enter . Ans. This is not always done : The Edict of Mr. Mackenzy who was placed at Kirkliston , was served , not there , but at S r. Andrews , 30 Miles distant : Nor were ever the People of Kirkliston put in a Capacity to object . Again , we know many People will not object against a bad Man ; but Love such as will Patronize their wickedness . His third Topick is , They are Deposed if a Crime be proved against them . Ans. I deny not , but this hath been sometimes done ; but so rarely , as was next to nothing . All this then is an Insufficient exculpation of his Clergy : Especially it is so notorious that there are many gross Immoralities among them , that few of his own Party can deny it . Another Topick is , The pains that was taken in the Diocess of Glasgow , by Bishop Lighton and Doctor Burnet , and yet they could find none but one to be Deposed , and that not without some Suspicion of Injustice . Ans. What Truth is in what is here asserted , I know not : This Authors word goeth not far with them who have read his Book : Or how impartial the Judges , and others were who had the Management of that Affair , we know not , but all who have lived in that Country , even they who are no Presbyterians , do know , that much more guiltiness was to be found . Negligence is the third thing that he undertaketh to clear the Clergy from : Which he doth by saying , There are no Pluralities , nor Non-residencies in Scotland , and they generally Preach twice every Lords-Day . Ans. May not a Minister be counted Negligent who doth not visit Families in the Parish , nor the Sick , or otherwise distressed ; or who doth not Catechize the People ? So we reckon in Scotland , whatever they do in England ; to satisfie whom alone this Book is Calculated . He is as slight in clearing the Clergy from Errour , viz. Because they could sign the 39 Articles of the Church of England . So can many do who every day Preach against the Doctrine contained in these Articles : We know that Socinians , Arminians , and some Papists sign , and Swear , Assent and Consent , for a Livelyhood , who yet are unsound in the Faith. He confesseth , There are many among them who are not inclined to be every day talking to the People , of Gods Decrees , and absolute Reprobation , and Justification by Faith alone , in the Presbyterian Sense , and think their Hearers may be more edifyed by other Doctrines which he nameth . Ans. If he mean no more then what he expresseth , his Discourse is Impertinent , for who ever blamed any as Erroneous because they insisted not always on such Subjects : We do but rarely , yet sometimes , instruct the People , about the Decrees of Election and Reprobation : Imitating the Apostle in both . But if he mean ( as he must if he speak to the purpose ) that the absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation ; both praeteritum , as an Act of Soveraignty , and Praedamnatum as an Act of Justice , are not to be held forth , or taught to the People , we abhor this as unsound Doctrine , and look on him as a pitiful Advocate for the Orthodoxy of the Clergy : Yea he is unjust to them , for I know not a few of them who served under Bishops in Scotland , are far from these Arminian Tenets , tho' many of them incline that way . For Justification by Faith alone ( what he meaneth by the Presbyterian Sense of it I know not ) we hold nothing is our Righteousness but the Satisfaction , and Merits of Christ , and that neither Faith , nor Works can stand in that stead to us ; and that his Righteousness is made ours , not by Works , but by Faith : Tho' we say , that this Faith can never be without the Works of Holiness . If he deny Justification by Faith alone in this sense , we judge him erroneous , and as many of his Clergy likewise as are of the same Sentiment : But I am far from thinking that all the Clergy are of his Opinion in this . § . 27. His next flash is to free the Clergy from Persecution : Which he manageth with a confidence , in asserting falshoods , and denying known truths , beyond any degree that any sort of Men ( except Jesuits ) have arrived at . He is bold to affirm the Persecutions under Presbyterie in former times , and now , to be beyond what was under Episcopacie . Let him tell us who hath been imprisoned , fined , to the impoverishing of such as were Rich , banishing for not Preaching against the light of their Consciences , or for hearing the Word Preached . Who hath been pistoled by the high way , and while about their Lawful imployments , for refusing to declare their Opinion in matters controverted ; and yet this was frequent under Episcopacy : And it was not for rising in Arms alone ( tho' that was from the force of necessity caused by Persecution ) that men suffered : So that it is the highest of affrontedness , to ask , dare any men say than Presbyterians suffered any thing for Conscience sake these 27 Years ? That the Clergy did as little toward the Execution of these Laws as they could , and did no more but inform what the Law obliged them too , is most false . The Bishops concurred in making these persecuting Laws ; And many ( not all ) of the Inferior Clergy did officiously , and maliciously , instigate Magistrates , and Souldiers , and did assist them in the Persecution . The instance of Sir John Riddle of Riddel's carriage towards Mr. Chisholm , is false : Sir John neither said any such th●ng to Mr. Chisholm , nor had ground to make such acknowledgement of favour received from Mr. Chisholm : Which I have good ground to aver . pag. 50. He maketh a ridiculous Recapitulation of his former defences for the Clergy , and asketh some impertinent Questions , which could be answered if they could be understood , and pag. 51. He is at his predictions again . That the Church will not be so well planted , nor the Gospel so well Preached : That the State shall not be in peace , nor our King sit securley ( which King he meaneth , we are less to guess ) on His Throne , nor have his due ; That the Church of England shall not want a Thorn in her Side , that there shall never be Peace , nor Union , while there Dagon ( Presbyterie ) standeth in the Temple , and all this he foretelleth on no less hazard then his being deceived by experience , and mistaking of his measures : What security the Reader hath by these Pledges , he may judge : He concludeth his Letter that he hath omitted a hundred things proper to have been inserted : And I conclude my Observations upon his Letter , affirming , that he hath inserted several hundreds of things which might have been spared , without derogating from the Honesty and Veracity of the Letter . Third Letter . THis Letter is from the same hand with the former ; for he beginneth with supplying the things that he said were omitted , and might have been inserted , in the former Letter . 1. Several Ministers who were Injuriously dealt with by the Council . His first instance is Mr. Pitcairn of Logie , who was deprived , tho' he had eight or ten years been disabled from the Pulpit through Age and Infirmity , and hat been obliged to maintain an Assistant . Ans. It was reasonable that he should be put out of Capacity to keep a man in that Charge , who did defy the Government ; for the man whom he imployed , Mr. David Balfour , refused to Read or Pray . Another instance is Mr. Johnkine , at Abernethie , who came that day , tho' he appeared not at the hour appointed . Of this man I find nothing in the Records of Council , and therefore Judge that the Epistler doth mistake in this : But if it were true , the Council cannot be blamed , seeing their Citations are to a peremptory time , which ought to be observed : It could not be expected that they should wait his time , which they were uncertain of . Mr. Falconar at Dyck in Murray , is his next Instance . Who read not the Proclamation on the day appointed , because the Viscount of Dundie , with his Forces , were his Hearers that day . Ans. He continued in his disobedience , even tho' protected by Macky's Forces , in the vicinity : And Dundie was removed , and seeing he had so long been disobedient , The Council thought it not fit to try his Obedience any further : For Mr. Moncrieft at Heriot ( his next Instance ) he doth not say that he was deprived by the Council , but his Church is planted by a Presbyterian Minister ; may be it is by the former Incumbent ; who hath right to it by the late Act of Parliament . If the Author had given a more distinct account of the case , he might have expected a more positive Answer . He telleth us likewise of turning Ministers out of their Houses , as Mr. Galbraith at Jedburgh , Mr. Millar at Musleburgh , and many others . Answ. When they are for Disobedience to the Law , turned out of their Churches , it is but reason that they should be removed from the Houses that should be occupied by them who succeed them : These Houses belonging properly to the Ministers of the Parishes . Neither was this done suddenly : They had sufficient time allowed to provide other Habitations , and to remove . For the many others , I judge if he had ground to alledge that many others were so turned out , he would not have spared to tell us of them : Tho' it had been but upon report , or his being told so : But this he loveth , to make as fair an appearance , as he can , with what he hath a mind to charge us with , with or without ground for it , is much at one with him , He affirmeth also , that the Rabbling work is begun again in the West ; and that they will not suffer them who were thrust out a year ago , to live in that Country . If he could we think he would have given Instances of this : We hear nothing of it from other hands , and therefore judge his imagination tinctured with ill will against us , hath thus represented things to him . What followeth is absurd above measure . He telleth us of a design ( and that on his usual ground of Assurance , he was told it ) to Banish all that live in Drumfries , and in Glasgow ; this design no man knoweth but himself : And now his Book hath been out more than a year , and yet no such thing put in Execution : Which I hope will help the Reader , how to judge of this mans Veracity . § . 2. His Invention is very fertile of Arguments against Presbytery : One of them page 53 , is , the Magistrates of Edinburgh , being Presbyterians , called for the Utencils of some of the Churches from the Church Treasurer , who had the keeping of them , and the Lords of Session suspended their proceeding against him . What is this to the cause : did never Episcopal Magistrates mistake in one step , or if they did , will this ruin Episcopacy ? But there are several Misrepresentations in this Narrative , as that the Church Treasurer is chosen by the Sessions : He is chosen by the Magistrates ; and therefore they might call him to an account of what was entrusted to him . Next , it is false that the Magistrates are no more concerned in them than in a private Mans Furniture ; For some of them were bought out of the publick Stock ; and tho' others of them were Dedicated by private Persons ; yet it was to a publick use , and therefore are under the Magistrates Care , as the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Church . Again , that Sir John Hall consulted the Earl of Crawford in this matter ; What moved him to affirm ! But he is resolved that that Noble Lord shall bear the blame of all that he thinketh to be evil . But why do I imitate him in blotting Paper with such stuff ? When he hath no more to say , he must , ad pompam , conclude the History of the Troubles of the Clergy ( which exceed the French Dragooning , on which he hitherto hath infilted ) with telling of Innumerable things that he hath to say , but we are no wiser for this , while not one of them is told us . Instead of these he accuseth us of Printing and Publishing Pamphlets at London ( not known here ) full of lying Aspersions against the Clergy : And addeth , that Lying hath ever been one of our chief Artifices for carrying on of our Purposes . What these Pamphlets should be I know not : I never heard of any such either here , or while at London , since the late Revolution . But his imputing Habitual Lying to Presbyterians , is an Allegation so impudent and false , that we challenge him , and all his Party , to give the least evidence for what he saith . I shall not , I need not recriminate , the way of his Party is so well known among us , even in that particular : I need go no further for Instance than this his Book , out of which I have observed so many gross untruths already , and it is like , may meet with more . One Presbyterian lye he is pleased to insist upon , p. 55. Concerning the Excommunication of A. B. Spoteswood of St. Andrews , 1638. It is like he thought the Falshood of this Story could not , after so long time be traced : But the Reader may know , that the slander is built on no better ground than this , He had it from Persons of great Integrity ( but none shall know who they are , left some Body ask them about it ) and they had it from an ear Witness ; so that a story at Second hand , from nameless Persons , must be enough to defame Presbyterians . But I can on better grounds disprove his History as a Forgery : viz. From the Acts of the Assembly at Glasgow , where the Sentence of Excommunication against that Ar. B. is set down , as it was pronounced by the Moderator ; and not one word of any of the Crimes that he mentioneth , nor any other , save Usurpation over the Church , and declining the Authority of the Assembly : And he with others , are charged with refusing to underly the tryal of Scandals lybelled against them . Let any now judge whether he or Presbyterians be more chargeable with telling Lies . The contradicting of the Accounts of his Party sent to London of the Persecution of the Western Clergy , I have above Vindicated ; the Malicious aggravations of this which he letteth his Pen loose unto , I do not notice , further , than to observe that very temper in himself , which he would fain charge others with . What followeth about the false news that have been spread , could not be observed with such concern by any Person , but one of his Temper ; while spite prompteth him to say , all the evil that can be devised against Presbyterians . Was there ever a time when all the News in Coffee-Houses , and elsewhere , were true ; can he make it appear that the news that fly about are invented by the Presbyterians ? Yea , it is more then probable , that many of them were the Inventions of his own Party to make the Intelligence that seemed to make for us , Ridiculous , and Incredible . What he further addeth , of our forging of Lies , if turned upon him and his Complices , would have a more certain and compleat verification : Mutato nomine de te . If the Author of this Letter be the Person whom I guess , I could convince the Reader of his most absurd and habitual lying : known to most in the Nation , even to a Proverb . These Presbyterian Lyes he attempteth further to prove by a strange Argument , viz. That the Council deprived the best , and spared the worst of the Clergy . And a large Comment on this he giveth us , as his conjecture of the design of it . This last we may justly neglect , as that which no reason , but purely his design to defame the Council , could suggest to him . The former ( if true ) hath a plain reason for it : The Council considered no Ministerial qualifications in such as came before them ; only whether they Read and Prayed : And it may be some of the best might scruple this , and some of the worst might comply with it ; yet I know that some very Immoral men were put out by the Council : And it is like ( if we also may make conjecture ) that they thought this the more creditable way of being turned out , then to be deposed for Scandal , which they might justly expect from Church Judicatories . § . 3. That which in the next place ( page ●7● he is pleased to propose , as the subject of the debate , is the Inclination of the People . That expression being put in the Claim of Right , as one of the grounds of putting away Prelacy , because the Inclinations of the People were against it . On this head he screweth his wit to its outmost extent , to disprove this . And I shall premise to what I have to answer to what he saith : That Presbyterians wished , and endeavoured that that Phrase might not have been used as it was ; not that we call in question the truth of it : But because we know People to be changeable , and often most Inclinable to what is bad : And we think the Government of the Church is Christs appointment , as in General , so in the particular Species of it : And therefore ought to have been setled on a more firm Basis ; yet it satisfieth us , that the States mentioning that foundation of it , did not derogate from what is more Divine , and unalterable . He excuseth his not speaking on this Subject in his former Letter , because he was not willing to fall foul on the State. If it had been indeed so , his modesty were to be commended , but it is so far from that , that the Strain of his Letter ( as was before observed ) was most petulantly to expose the actings of the State , both in the Convention , and in the Council : But it seemeth this pretended modesty is now to be laid aside , and he wil fall as foul on them as his Power , Parts , and Malice can reach . 1. Then he telleth us , this is an Inconsequential Argument . Episcopacy must be abolished , and Presbytery established , because the generality of the People are for the last and against the first . And this his Repartee he manageth with a great deal of insolent scorn of the Estates ( whom he calleth the Scots Laiks ) who do thus argue , while the English Divines ( as if no other Divines but the Church of England had managed that point against the Papists ) thought universality no Argument for the Church of Rome . All this Discourse ( except the violent and insolent style , which deserveth an answer of another nature ) may receive an easie answer . In that Honourable Convention ( and in the Parliament also , who with His Majesty , who gave His Royal Assent to the Act establishing Presbytery , where the same consideration is used ) there were some who lookt on both Governments as Lawful , and some of these thought Presbytery to come nearer to the Word of God , tho' not absolutely , and unalterably enjoyned there : others thought it to be Christs Institution , and Episcopacy to be a corruption of , and sinful deviation from what our Lord had appointed . The first sort might well make use of the Inclinations of the People , as that which might determine them in a case , either otherwise equal , or inclining to the same side with the desires of the Nation . This is most foolishly compared with being determined in the controversies between us and the Papists , ( where we can shew Scripture Arguments against their way ) by the Inclinations , or Universality of the People on that side . It is one thing to determine a Controversie in Divinity , in which all do acknowledge Truth and Errour , by the Sentiments of the multitude , and another , to satisfy the People of a Nation in a matter which they are zealously for , as that which is commanded of God , and to the contrary of which their Consciences cannot submit : While they who are thus to satisfy them see nothing in that way contrary to the Law of God. The other sort might rationally make use of this consideration , as that which might strengthen them in doing that which otherwise they know to be their duty . § . 4. His next effort against this determination of the States , cannot be better exposed , and the Man Characterized by it , than by giving it in his own words ; which are , Why then , to tell you in a word , Sir , ( If I may say it without giving the Lye to the Convention ) There is not a falser proposition in the World , than that the Inclinations of the generality of the People of Scotland are against Episcopacy , or that they look upon it as a great and insupportable Grievance to the Nation , I hope the Reader now hath a Specimen of this Gentlemans Temper , and of that of them whose cause he undertaketh ; and will be confirmed in what I have formerly observed , viz. That the Friends of the present Government of the Church , and of that of the State are the same ; a very few excepted . Of this Subject I have said enough in my former Vindication ; in answer to the 10 th . Question . Wherefore I shall here only consider that which goeth for his proofs , of what he doth here so boldly , and so indecently assert : He affirmeth that of the Rude , Illiterate Vulgar , not the third Man of these of the better Quality and Education , not the thirteenth Man is Presbyterian . Here I observe a few things ; he mistaketh the question , for many groaned under the Oppressions and Usurpations of the Bishops , and their Clergy , who had no fixed Principle on either side , in the Controversy about Church Government ; and that either because of their Ignorance , or because of their Indifferency about such matters . 2. There are many thousands in Scotland , who belong to neither Member of his Division , they are not of them whom he calleth of the better Quality ; but among the lowest of the People , for worldly Advantages , and neither are they Rude nor Illiterate : But tho' they want Philosophy and such humane Learning , they are knowing and serious Christians , and can give a Scriptural and Rational account of what they hold in the matters that belong to their Faith , and their Duty . 3. It is most irrational , in a Controversy of this kind , when the debate is about the number of them who are on this , and of them who are on that side , in a Religious Controversy . To consider them who are Neutrals , and on neither side ; as are all they who are unconcerned about Religion , both in the greater and in the lesser Truths of it ; and we know that many ten Thousands are of this Stamp , and are for whatever side is uppermost . Beside , there are not a few who are of opinion , that Church Government , as to the Species of it , is indifferent : These ( tho' they may be Persons Religious and Learned ) are on neither side ; and not to be brought into the reckoning . 4. There are not a few whose Light and Conscience doth no ways incline them to Episcopacy , who yet are zealous for it , and against Presbytery , because under the one they are not Censured for their Immoralities , as under the other . One would think that Episcopacy hath little Credit by by such Bigots for it , and that Rulers have little cause to consider the Inclinations of such , when they would settle that Government in the Church that may most conduce to the Nations Peace , and well being . 5. There are many who seem to be zealous for Episcopacy , who are with all , Implacable Enemies to the King and the Civil Government of the Nation , as it is now Setled by Law ; and it is unreasonable to think that such a Government could be Setled in the Church as liketh them , and might give them advantage to overturn the State : When no other Obligation lyeth on them to Settle it . Now let all these be call out of the reckoning , and I affirm that they who are inclined to Episcopacy ( tho' some there be ) are not one of a thousand in Scotland . § . 5. I now come to consider his Arguments for what he hath so boldly asserted : His talk of putting the matter to the Pole , I neglect as an impracticable fancy . Then he telleth , How little Phanaticism hath prevailed be worth Tay. Ans. 1. It is not Phanaticism , but Presbytery that we plead for , that is , not for wild unscriptural Fancies ; but for Sober Scriptural and Rational Principles , which we are ready to make appear to be such in defyance of what he can Object against them . 2. If there be many in the Northern parts , who are not for Presbytery , there are as few who are for the present Settlement of the State. 3. We affirm , and can make it appear , not only that there are many in the North who appeared zealous for Presbytery , as was evident by the Members of Parliament who came from these parts ; very few of them were otherwise inclined , and they made a great Figure in the Parliament , for setling both the State and the Church : But also there are very many Ministers in the North ( and People that own them ) who tho' they served under Episcopacy , are willing to joyn with the Presbyterians , and whom the Presbyterians are ready to receive , when occasion shall be given : And those of the best qualified that are among them . That there were so few Meeting-houses in the North ( tho' yet they far exceeded the number mentioned by him ) was caused by the opposition some great Men made to it , and not through want of inclination in the People to it . He sayeth , even he saith Tay , the third Man was not concerned in the Schisme . Ans. We know no Schisme but what was made by his Party . But that the plurality did not suffer under the horrid Porsecution raised by the Bishops , doth not prove , that they were not inclined to Presbytery : But either that many Presbyterians had freedom to hear Episcopal Ministers , or that all were not resol●●● enough to ●offe● for their Principle : so that this is no rational way of judging of the Peoples inclinations . His next Argument is , that Phanaticism ( thus he is pleased to use reproaches instead of Arguments ) tho' it prevail most in Towns , yet in many Towns , the Plurality are against Presbytery : And he bringeth instances in Perth , &c. Ans. 1 st . That Presbyterianism , or serious Religion either , prevaileth most in Towns in Scotland , is no well grounded Observation ; The contrary is often seen , and it is no wonder if we consider what sort of Magistrates and Ministers have been set up in Towns under the late Reigns , when Magistrates were forced in on the People , and they chused Ministers of their own Stamp . Religion is more ordinary among our Gentry and Commonality in the Country , then in many of our Corporations , tho' ( through the Mercy of God ) it is not wanting in them . For the instances that he giveth of Towns inclined to Episcopacy , Perth is known to be almost generally addicted to King James , and gave proof of it when they had occasion , by the Highland Army being in their Vicinity . What he saith of Couper and of St. Andrews , both are certainly false . Tho' we deny not but that the late Constitution of the University , in the latter , had much alienated many from the best things . Sterling is little better then Perth ; tho' not wholly so bad : Bruntisland is hot of that Temper that he ascribeth to it . Musleburgh hath many Presbyterians , tho' may be , some more be for the way that alloweth them more Liberty for their Lusts. Dumfermling hath very Sober Ministers who Conformed , which made many cleave to them ; Dysert hath a Meeting-house well frequented ; of Weems he is in a great Mistake , the whole Parish goeth to hear the Presbyterian Minister , after the example of the Noble and Religious Countess and her Family ; it is so also with Leith , Kelso , and Jeaburgh have many Jacobites ; yet the former did unanimously call an eminent Presbyterian Minister , tho' they did not obtain him , and the latter did the like , and after missing one , they called another , whom they now enjoy . Nothing can be further from Truth then what he saith of Edinburgh : For tho' one Church there while it was possessed by an Episcopal Minister , was as throng as some of the Presbyterian Meetings ; yet the other two were far from being so ; and one of them was shamefully unfrequent , while the Meeting-house in that Parish was Crowded ; and the daily Collection in the Meeting-house was five or six times greater then that in the Church : Neither is it to be wondered at , that in so populous a City , and where the worst as well as the best , of all places in the Nation do resort , one Church should be throng with Persons of that way . That the greater number of Citizens of Glasgow of the best Quality are of Episcopal Principles , is so false as nothing can be more so , and yet this he is told . From all this we may infer , what horrid Lies some do either Invent , or are willing to receive , and propagate , when they may serve their Design . § . 6. He will have us believe in the next place , that the Peoples Inclinations toward Presbytery is diminished from what it was a Year or two agoe , by a third part , and that People now observe their Principles and Practices , are inconsistent with the common Rules of Nature and of Christianity . This is a bold Assertion , and a heavy charge : Of which , full , clear , and uncontrolable proofs might be expected : Instead of which we have only these two . The one is , that an Ingenuous Gentleman told him , at second hand from another Gentleman of good Quality , and good Abilities , that he had heard the Presbyterian Preachers ( I observe he will never own them as Ministers , I suppose because they want Episcopal Ordination ) and he censureth them that he never heard one Criticism with the explication of a Text , nor a Citation out of a Father , Poet , or Philosopher ; or of Civil Church or History : And but little sense : And mockingly calleth all their Preaching , pure Scripture , and clean Gospel . Answ. If the inartificial Argument of the Testimony of Ingenuous Gentlemen , and Gentlemen of Quality and Ability , might carry the cause , especially when the report passeth through so many hands , and heads , who may practise upon what is talked , to improve it ; and if we could abandon Conscience , and say what ever might contribute to our design , right or wrong , we could tell as many tales , and more of them with truth , of the manner of Preaching on their side , but we affect not such Recriminations : I wish both they and we might Preach more edifying than we do . For his ●s● Gentleman , being Ingenious , he might invent or heighten what is said ; and the other seemeth to have been a prophane mocker ; as many are who are persons of Quality and Abilities : But it is evident to any who know the Presbyterians ; and can speak truth of them , that they preach good Sense and useful Doctrine . 2. That our Sermons are not bespangled with Latin and Greek Sentences , out of Fathers and History ( for Poets and Philosophers , we think that however their sayings might be Argumenta ad Hominum , against Heathens . The Gospel , and the Salvation of men are little concerned in their Sentiments ) It is not because we cannot , but because we think it not fit , to use such means to convince the Consciences of Sinners . We know the Gospel revealed in the Scripture is the power of God to Salvation . But that either writings of Fathers , or History , deserve that Character we are not convinced : We read these , and take their help in our studies . And if any thing occurre in them that hath some peculiar Emphasis or usefulness , we use that in Sermons : But the use of them we neither affect , nor make our dayly Practice . 3. His Gentleman of Quality is either a stranger to our preaching , or some what that is worse , if he say , that we use no Criticisms in explaining the Text : tho' we think some others exceed in seeking after them where they do not occur , and are more curious than edifying in the use of them . 4. To mock at preaching Pure Scripture and Clean Gospel , is able to give such a Character of this Author , and of his two Gentlemen ; as I am not willing to name : Had he heard the Apostle Paul , who determined to know nothing among the People , but Christ and him Crucified , The same Sarcasm had been thrown at his head . Another Argument to prove his point is , a Statesman who had a hand in the late revolution , did affirm that he thought the Episcopal party the greater , and the better part of the Nation . Ans. 1. We are not obliged to believe this on the bare affirmation of a Person who hath written so many falshoods , in so few sheets ; And we cannot enquire into the truth of what he sayeth , unless he had told the Statemans Name , which he hath more prudently then honestly concealed . 2. It is not unlikely that there might be Statesmen , one or more , who might have a hand in the late Revolution , without any regard to Religion ; who being disappointed in their Designs , might change their thoughts about the constitution of State , and shew spight enough against the Church ▪ However it is but the Opinion of one man ; whose Person and the Credibility of what he sayeth , and his capacity to judge , we are ignorant of . § . 7. He frameth and answereth an Objection : Why then was this Article put in the Claim of Right , concerning the inclinations of the People : This he imputeth to the bad constitution of the Convention : through the negligence of the Episcopal Party , and the vigilance of the Presbyterians : To the Members ( many of them ) deserting the Convention ; and such like . All which was answered before . I cannot shun to take notice , that he designeth his party , The Loyal and Episcopal Party : No man will doubt but he meaneth Loyalty to King James ; which confirmeth what I have often said , that the present constitution of the State and that of the Church must stand or fall together . He concludeth his Letter with the greatest and most comprehensive Lie that is in it all : Viz. That there is nothing but Truth in it . Of which I hope the Reader is , by this time , capable to judge . To his Letter he addeth two Postscripts . In the first of them he telleth us that The Presbyterians cast many Reflections on the Church of England , But names but one of them , That her Clergy have deserted their former Principles of Passive Obedience and Non-resistance . I wish the English cast no more groundless Reflections on us : Truly it seemeth so to us , and tho' some have endeavoured to clear them in this ; I am one of these who are not cleared by any thing they have said on that head ; however , tho' we talk of these things , we leave our Brethren of England to stand or fall to their own Master , and do not meddle in their Affairs ; as we think they should not concern themselves with ours . He saith , It is our Common talk , that King William loveth Episcopacy as ill in England , as in Scotland ; We cannot answer for all that is talked ; but wise men among us do not meddle with judging the hearts of other men , far less of Kings , which are deep . The Act of Council , December 24 , 1689. Which he setteth down at length , can answer for it self : And giveth good reason for what it appointeth . His second Postscript containeth a Story which he seemeth to be very fond of : he could not let it pass , after he had finished his Sheet . It is , That a Presbyterian Minister in Edinburgh , confessed to a Gentleman , that within half a year last past , the Presbyterian Party had lost 40000 : And that they were not inclined that Patronages should be taken away , in that Session of Parliament , least by Popular Elections all Ministers should be chosen either Cameronians , or Episcopal . Answ. This also we have on his single Testimony : And his concealing the Ministers and Gentlemens Names , is not , I presume , out of tenderness to any of us , but that we might not enquire into it . I converse with all the Ministers of Edinburgh , and I never heard any thing of that kind from any of them . But and if one man had such a Melancholy apprehension ; his mistake is not probative . For hindering the taking away of Patronages at that time , it was so far from that , that the Presbyterians laid-out themselves to the outmost to get it done , and obtained it , and I never met with one man among them who was against its being then done . What he saith , that there is as little Religion in the Western shires of Scotland as in any part of Christendom , is so notoriously false , as I did not think the worst of Scots men had been capable of this Assertion , Except them who know not what Religion is , or who hate any thing that hath the appearance of it . Fourth Letter . IN this Letter , I find a Repetition of many things said in the former Letters , and already refuted , which I shall pass over in silence . It is not Inferiour to any of the rest in abominable Lies , and Reproaches : Such as , That no History can parallel the Tragical Disasters the Clergy hath met with : That their Judges plainly and openly avow , that they do not intend their Obedience , but their ruine . The most bitter Invectives can be invented fill up his few pages : Such as , That the Protestant Religion is now no more than every mans Fantastick humour , new Models of Governments , and a Liberty to pull down the things that are most Ancient , and most Sacred . These things are not to be refuted , more than the words of a mad man , or of one raving in a Feaver . He saith , Some were deprived meerly for not reading the Proclamation for the Fast : Which is an abominable falshood : Tho' such disobedience to the State deserved a check . It is as false , that any such Reflection as he mentioneth , was cast on the Episcopal Clergy , by the Narrative of the Proclamation , as any who readeth it may see . And the Nonsense imputed to it , is most falsely , and most wickedly asserted ; and yet without cunning malice : For it doth not tell what it was . In a word , this Letter holdeth all in general ; and so is unexaminable ( except one passage , of which anon ) and is full of virulent Reproaches , and so void of any thing that is Argumentative , that it is impossible for any man to answer it ; except his Talent for Railing , and his Conscience to say what he will , true or false , be equal to that of this Gentlemans . Wherefore , I shall pass it with a few Remarks . I might refute all that he saith , as it deserveth to be treated , by writing on the Margine of every Page Lies and Calumnies , He telleth us page 65. That the Presbyterian Party are not considerable : And will prove it by daring the West Country people to reduce the Highlanders . He may know what one Regiment of them did toward it at Dunkell : And many wish that they were Authorized to attempt it . He talketh idly when he speaketh of The Supremacy of the Kirk : They never pretended to any Power but what God hath given them , to Govern their own Members , in things that belong to the Soul , and by means that reach the Conscience , not the Bodies , or Purses of Men. His further ●ailing on this Head I pass , finding nothing that hath so much as the shaddow of Truth , or Argument . He calumniateth , us when he saith , that we have hired Scriblers to defame them : The Pamphlet he speaketh of , called Plain Dealing , I never saw , nor heard of before ; and therefore can say nothing of it . His Defence of the Clergies Morallty , I have above-answered , in the former Letter . That the Council received Libels against them , containing Immoralities ; is no blame . They must hear the Complaints of all the Leiges : That they did not try them , is as little blame , for their work was only to judge whether they Read and Prayed , as was enjoyned them . He in the midst of this Discourse , telleth us of the Persecution of the Clergy as unparalelled : But one instance must be suffieicnt to vouch for this full mouthed Calumny . It is of Mr. Mowbray Minister of Strathbrock , Tho' he complyed to the full , yet he was Rabbled , his Gown Torn , his Life Threaned , his Daughter beaten , his Wife frightned to Death , and His Church door shut against him , by my Lord Cardross . The falshood and disingenuity of this Story is manifest to all who know our Affairs ; for several things are here eyed together , that were acted at different times , and had very differencing Circumstances . My Lord Cardross had been out of Scotland for many years ; being persecuted for his Conscience : Nor had his Lordship been in the Parish of Strathbrock till several Months after the time when Mr. Mowbray was put out by the Rabble : But Mr. Mowbray being one of them who were excluded from re-entring their Churches , having been outed before April 23. 1689. Yet in August , or September 1689. did re-enter his Church : Whereupon my Lord , being both Patron , and Heretor of the Parish ▪ seeing to him desiring him to forbear , seeing he had no Legal Title . And his re-entry could give him no Title . When he would not be prevailed with , my Lord caused shut the Doors , desiring Mr. Mowbray to apply to them who had Power in that matter , which he never did ; but signed a Dimission ; and after that lived peaceably with the Presbyterian Minister , who was setled in that place . For what is said of the Actings of the Rabble against him , it was before my Lord came to that place , and deserveth no Credit ; considering what disingenuity appeareth in the general Narration . He saith , That all that was acted against Mr. Mowbray , was only because he had Episcopal Ordination . This is false , for he was Ordained by a Presbytery , when there was no Bishop in Scotland : For he was Minister at Strathbrock in the year 58 , or 59. His Defence of the Clergies Learning I have examined in the former Letter . Only a new Topick I cannot let pass : They are favoured by the College of Justice : And these are all Learned men . Ans. Non sequitur . His Calumnies about the Education of young Men for the Ministry among Presbyterians , are not worthy to be noticed ; they are so manifestly false . He telleth a ridiculous Story , of one of them which I never heard of , nor have ground to believe : But the Truth of it cannot be examined , because we know neither the Person , nor any Circumstances to guide us in enquiry about it . I conclude my Remarks on the first of the Pamphlets , with an Appeal to the Judicious and Unbyassed Reader , whether the noise they make about their Persecutions be proportioned to what they have suffered ? Whether the Presbyterians in general be chargeable with what hath been done against any of them . Whether such a strain of Writing do tend to Union , and Peace in the Church ? Whither they shew a Christian Spirit in dealing thus with others , when they take it so ill , when they imagine themselves to be injured in Word 〈◊〉 Deed ? FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57865-e1470 This was written in March , 1691. 
A59964	----	The history of Scotch-presbytery being an epitome of The hind let loose / by Mr. Shields ; with a preface by a presbyter of the Church of Scotland. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. 1692 Approx. 191 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59964 Wing S3432 ESTC R3536 12311209 ocm 12311209 59361 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59964) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59361) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 823:14) The history of Scotch-presbytery being an epitome of The hind let loose / by Mr. Shields ; with a preface by a presbyter of the Church of Scotland. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. Hind let loose. [8], 55, [2] p. Printed for J. Hindmarsh ..., London : 1692. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Caption title: "The Kings letter to the Presbyterians in his ancient kingdom of Scotland": p. 51-55. Advertisement: p. [1] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HISTORY OF SCOTCH-PRESBYTERY : BEING AN EPITOME OF The Hind let Loose , By Mr. SHIELDS . With a Preface by a Presbyter of the Church of Scotland . Juven . — Vitia ultima fictos Contemnunt scauros & Castigata remordent . LONDON , Printed for I. Hindmarsh , at the Golden-Ball in Cornhill . MDCXCII . The PREFACE . THE following Treatise ( being but a short Compend of a larger Book ) appears at this time to give the World a just Account of the Principles , Practices , and Behaviour of the Scotch ●resbyterians ; it was written some Years ago by ●ne of that Fraternity . It is sad to consider , how ●uch the Spirits of Men are soured and imbit●ered by Faction and Interest , it shuts their Eyes ●gainst the clearest light . The Dictates of Huma●ity , and the Genius of the Christian Religion ●eeten our Passions , but when we are enflamed ●y the Interests of a Party , we forget the ex●ress Laws of God , and if they look us broad in 〈◊〉 Face ( when we offer violence to our Convi●ions ) we bow and bend them by metaphysical ●ricks and Evasions to serve our Design , contra●y to their original Bias and Sanctity ; and this ●as never so visible , as in that turbulent and fiery ●●ct that frequently disturbed , and now at last ●ath almost over-●un the Church of Scotland , in 〈◊〉 they have Ruined and Oppressed a Learned , ●rave , and Orthodox Clergy , especially in the ●outhern Shires . They have a Systeme of Opini●ns peculiar to themselves , which they call Their ●rinciples ; for though a thing in it self is just and ●easonable , yet if it be not agreeable to Their ●rinciples ( that 's to say , the Opinions that are ●ore immediately , properly , and originally Cal●ulated to serve the Designs of their Society ) they ●eject it with Indignation and Disdain , they pity ●ll Mankind that have not the same Thoughts that ●hey have , and they continue by the Authority of their Guides , under the slavery of implicite Faith ●ore than any other Sett of Men in the World The Christian Religion above all things design●d to alienate our Thoughts and Affections from ●he Pageantry and Vain-glories of the World , ●nd to moderate our Passions , that they might not ●rove troublesome to Society , nor extravagant in ●heir Violence , nor precipitate in their Actings ; ●he Spirit of Faction opposes the Gospel in these great Ends , for it covets nothing so much as outward Glory and Empire , and it prosecutes these Desires with restless and implacable Ardours , and ●ll under the Visor of Religion . When our perverse Inclinations ( which God commanded to be ●ortified ) are made more head-strong by the ●otions we have of Religion , then our Appetites ●ecome as wild as they are unreasonable . We find this clearly exemplified in the Phari●ees of old . Our Saviour came that he might de●troy the Works of the Devil , and enliven the World by a reasonable Religion , to turn Men from Darkness to Light , and from the Power of Satan to the living God , to inspire Mankind with the Principles of the best and wisest Philosophy , most useful in all the Changes and Vicissitudes of this Life , and that which did certainly prepare them for a better , he taught his Disciples to be most assiduous in those Duties of Religion that made no Noise abroad , and fell not easily under the Observation of Men ; that advanced solid and substantial Piety , to love God and our Neighbour , to approve our selves unto him that seeth in secret , to despise the Censures and Applause of a perverse Generation , and to live upon the invisible Supports of a good Conscience , to exercise Patience , and Fortitude , and Magnanimity ; because by our Religion we were engaged to Combat with the World , and with all its cross Accidents , under the Banner of a crucified Saviour . Yet when we read the History of the New Testament , we find that the most zealous Sect of the Pharisees , opposed this blessed Design of our Saviour in all its principal Branches . They took great care to be seen by the People , in all their odd and extraordinary Performances ; they were mighty forward to propagate their own Traditions ; the private Doctrines of their Schools were much dearer to them than the Commandments of God , Mark 7. 3. As for Simplicity of Intention , Innocence , and the Love of God ; they thought such Vertues not so convenient for them who were in the Government , and thought it necessary to have the People blindly to obey their Dictates : That Religion that penetrates to the Center of our Spirits , and changes the whole Bias of our Souls , crosses the Desires of our degenerate Nature , and leads every Thought captive to the Obedience of Christ , and is supported by the Faith of distant and invisible Rewards ; they thought such a Religion yielded no nourishment for Vain-glory , and therefore they despised it , and ordered the matter ●o that amidst all their long Prayers , disfigured Faces , and theatrical Fasts , they might leave their insatiable Passions of Pride , Vain-glory , Covetousness , Malice and Revenge , untouched , and unsubdued . Hence it is , that they were very careful in little things , Mat. 23 , 24 what●ever drew after it the applause of the People , who always admired the most empty and the most transient things . Their Bat●ologies were mistaken for Zeal and Devotion , and their outward Austerities , for true Mortific●tion . They did all things to be seen of Men , Mat. 23. 5. and if the Law of God did expresly contradict their beloved Scheme ; the Law it self must needs bow to their Principle . There is nothing in Humane Nature that we feel more tenderly , nor is there any thing more deeply engraven on our Souls , than the Gratitude we owe to our Parents , when their Infirmities and Disasters require our Assistance ; yet by their Do●●rine of the Corban , they evacuated this Fundamental Piety ; Justice , Compassion , and Natural Affection were in their Eyes but mean and despicable things , they only understood the abstruse Mysteries of Religion , and nothing provoked their indignation so much , as to be thought ignorant ; wherefore they so huffingly tell the poor Man restored to his sight by our Saviour , dost thou teach us , Ioh. 9. 34. tho by the most evident Arguments , he had just before exposed both their shameful Ignorance and Vanity ; and when St. Paul himself was tinctur'd with this leaven ; his brisk and generous Spirit was sadly employed in persecuting the Church . There is nothing more opposite to the pure and undefiled Religion , than Pharisaical Pride and Hypocrisy ; nor no kind of Pharisees persecute with greater Violence and Spite , than that sullen and demure Tribe that affect Domination and Tyranny , by a counterfeit and disguised Humility . The sad Effects of such an insolent Humor , are too sadly felt by the Clergy of Scotland . The Presbyterian Courts and Judicatories are as void of the common Forms of Justice , as of Tenderness and Humanity , the late Erection of it being in its Frame more properly Calculated to advance Tyranny , and tho their Agents propagate many Stories to lessen and extenuate , and sometimes to excuse their unaccountable Proceedings ; yet as long as they confess the shameful rabbling of the Clergy , they acknowledge more Barbarity and Cruelty , more Reproach to our Nation than can easily be named : Certainly it cannot be imagined that the Episcopal Clergy left their Houses , their Livings , and some of them their Relations , and their Countrey , for no other Design than to tell Stories of the Presbyterian Persecution ; any Man that believes this , needs not refuse the most monstrous Improbabilities : Men are not so fond of Crosses and Afflictions , the Bias of Humane Nature is on the other side , they generally prefer the Law of Self-preservation to the Law of Self-denial , and the Doctrine of the Cross has but few to follow it if they can avoid it . There is no Weapon so proper against the Assaults of a restless and ungovernable Party , as Christian Patience : This is the Time of our Sufferings , God in his Anger ▪ hath let loose our Enemies to chastise us ; and when we are duly humbled , he will again mercifully visit us , and employ us in the Attendance and Service of the Sanctuary . If we have preached unto others Fortitude and Christian Magnanimity , under the sa●● dest Calamities , from the Pulpl● , why should no● we do it by our Courage and Constancy ? Th● Providence of God , that superintends the mea●●est Creatures , will not desert them that are ma●● after his own Image . It was to let us feel th● Mutability of all Earthly Conditions , that we are surrounded thus with Difficulties , on the Right and on the Left Hand . When I read the He●roick Flights of a Pagan Soul ; * and how little the Glory of the Roman Empire appeared to him that sat upon the Throne , in the midst of Guards Divertisements , and Flatterers , I cannot but acknowledge how shameful it is for the Disciples 〈◊〉 Christianity to be so soon and so easily shake● with Changes and Disasters : If the Contempla●tion of Philosophy and Natural Religion raise his Spirit so far above ordinary Thoughts , wha● may not be expected from us , who have bee● taught the most infallible Proofs , the Doctrine 〈◊〉 Immortality , and the Glories of the World 〈◊〉 come ? Seneca tells us , that a good Man wrestling with Disasters , and not yielding to 〈◊〉 Meannesses of Vice , is a Spectacle worthy o● Iupiter himself . The Ears of God are always open 〈◊〉 the Prayers of the Oppressed ; their Petition● proceed from Feeling , more than from Art●Form , or Custom . Let us look into the Error● of our Lives ▪ and judge our selves , ●●st 〈◊〉 shoul● be judged more severely by our God , whom w● have offended . Let us wash out our Blemishe● by true Contrition , and return unto our Father who does not willingly grieve the Children 〈◊〉 Men ; but for great and wise Ends suffers , for ● while , the Rod of the Wicked to l●e on the Lo●● of the Righteous , that his Children may be pre●pared for that Glory which is to be revealed ▪ The Graces that are most essential to the Chri●stian Religion , cannot be exercised but under th● Cross : All things work together for good , to the● that love God. We are told by our Saviour , tha● an House built upon a Rock stands 〈◊〉 against a● the Violence of Rains , Storms and Tempests . The Party with whom good Men struggle at pre●sent in Scotland , have neither Unity amongst them●selves , nor any true Christian Princi●●● to buil● upon : And When I say thus , I do ●ot compr●●hend all that may go under the name of Presby●terians , but such as give up themselves , witho●● Reserve , to follow their pernicious Ten●rs , a●● such as have all their Paces ; for God judges 〈◊〉 according to our new and factious Discrimin●●tions . It is not by our Names , but by our N●●ture , that we are separated at the Day of Jud●●ment ; and therefore let no man mista●e me , ● if I thought this or the other Denomination , th●● Church or Society , could secure a Man from hazard : I mean no such thing . But it 's undeniable , that the Faction that lately pulled down the Beauty and Order of our Church , spend their Zeal in lesser things , of very bad , or of no Consequence at all ; and their new and upstart Government eats out the Life and Primi●ive Innocence of Religion , and promotes Pride and Singularity , and those other Vices that are most opposite to the pure and spiritual Tendency of the Gospel . They are the Men I intend the Ring leaders of that waspish Gang , who by their Principles are obliged to trample upon all ●arthly Powers , unless they truckle under the Edicts of Presbytery , and recommend no other Doctrines with Affection and Zeal , but such Opinions as enslave the Consciences of Men to their Tyranny and Government , and many of the poor People are so infatuated , that they calmly bow under the heaviest Burdens , if they are laid on by their Spiritual Task-masters . It is very sad to consider the present Decays of true Christianity : What 's become of that un●ffecte● Simplicity , that Truth and Purity , Heavenly mindedness and Charity , that adorns the Profession of the Gospel ? What 's become of that ●teady and regular Devotion , that taught Men frequently to lift up holy Hands , without Wrath or ●oubting , unto Heaven ; by which they were made to love God above all things , and their ●rethren for God's sake , to relieve their Neces●ities , to assist them in their Troubles , to rejoyce with them that do rejoyce , and to weep with them ●hat weep ▪ nay , to endeavour the Good of all Mankind , as far as is possible ? If Men were affe●tionately zealous to propagate this Religion , ●hen it would appear like it self in all its beauti●ul Colours , pure , peaceable , gentle , and easie to be ●●treate● , full of Mercy and good Fruits , without ●artiality , and without Hypocrisie , Jam. 3. 17. But ●here Envying and Strife is , there is Consusion ●nd every evil Work. Shall they who proudly ●●all themselves the special Ambassfdors of Christ , ●●ve so much in Animosities and Contentions , and ●ot tremble before the Searcher of all Hearts , ●ho sees into the first Motives and Springs of all ●ur Actions ? If the Purity of Religion be in●●nded , why so much Noise and Clamour , so ma●y Arts and mean Tricks , so many insidious Ac●●sations , so many bold and impudent Lies , so ●any pragmatick and restless Methods to over●●row their Antagonists ? Can the Gospel of Peace 〈◊〉 propagated by the Stratagems of War ? Or ●●ve they such mean Opinions of their Opposites , that they will suffer their People to be deluded with Giddiness and Enthusiasm ▪ and themselv●s so tamely beat off the Stage ? 'T is true , many of our Ministers are now made uncapable to serve the Publick ; yet by their sacred Character , they are still obliged to serve the People , and to recover the Souls , for whom Christ died , from the Enchantment and Enthusiasm of Seducers : I hope they will defend the Gospel without fear , upon all Occasions , in Season , and out of Season . It is not a Question of Discipline , or Ecclesiastical Government only , ( though that be of great Consequence in it self , ) that is now debated : But the Question is , Whether such Methods must be followed , as expose Christian Religion ? Whether the People shall be taught from the Pulpit to burlesque the holy Scriptures , to lampoon Revelation , and to ridicule the most grave and serious things ? Mankind , indeed , is liable to many Vanities and Follies , and yet no Follies debase Humane Nature so much as those that put on the Garb of Religion . 'T is lamentable when Men avouch the Authority of God for their own Dreams , and plead a Divine Right for all their new and fancied Opinions . The first Presbyterians thought it enough to say , that their Model was allowable ; and therefore they levelled their Arguments to prove such a Scheme of Government was not altogether forbidden ; and it was never heard , that the Foreign Presbyterians would have refused the Communion of the Church , because the ancient Government of Episcopacy was retained in it : So we see all the French Protestants , who have fled to Germany or England , serve in either Church as Ministers , according to the Rites and Ecclesiastical Canons of the place where they live : It is only the Covenanted Presbyteriaus ( for any thing I know ) plead a Divine Right for their new Model , and their latter Disciples are forward and daring on this Head. Their Government must be founded on the express Institution of our Saviour , and therefore the Exercise of their Discipline must be nothing less than the Administrations of his Kingdom and Royal Scep●re : To contradict or despise them , is an Affront to God himself ; and to be sure , the Baggage of their Lay-Elders , and Commissioners from Burghs , are all of them by Divine Right . And yet all this is not so bold or ridiculous , as when they endeavour to prove their Scheme by particular Texts of Scripture . There is one that calls himself the Vindicator of their Ki●k , he wrote a Book some Years ago , to prove that Presbytery was the only Government instituted by our Saviour ; and all he brings for it , over all his Book , which I had the patience to read over ) is , Mat. 20. 25. compared with Luk. 22. 25 He tells us in another Book , of himself , that his Way is Argumentative ; that is to say he writes nothing but pure Reason and Demonstration . Now let us calmly examine what Foundation there is for Presbytery in the Texts lately mentioned , for our Saviour supposes Degrees of Sub●ordination amongst his Disciples , as well as in all other Societies ; and therefore he directs such as would climb to the highest Places , to take other Methods than those that are most usual in Worldly Preferments ; 〈◊〉 he that deserved Preferment in the Church , was to be the Servant of all ; and ●e that would be great among his Brethren , should in the first place appear full of Humility , Condescention and Charity ; And this T●xt refers to the Method of their Promotion , not to the Extirpation of their Iu isdiction . He supposes one would be great among them ; and the true way to attain ●hat Greatness , was not to aspire to it ambitiously , by Force and Violence , as the Lords of the Gentiles did ; but by all the Acts of Modesty , Humility and Self-denial . But let me ask whether the Apostles understood this Precept of our Saviour , in the Sense of the Presbyterians , or not ? If they did , how came they to exercise Jurisdiction over all inferior Ecclesiasticks , during all their Life-time , in all the Churches they had planted ? Did they ( who could not but understand his meaning ) go quite cross to the Institution of our Saviour ? The plain Truth is , there is no Text in the Scripture can be alledged more absurdly for the Presbyterian Parity , than this Text , since our Saviour tells them , He did that himself amongst them , which they were to do to one another ; and therefore the doing of it towards one another , could not infer Parity amongst them , unless they blasphemously infer , that Christ and his Apostles are equal ; for our Saviour recommends what he enjoyns from his own Practice , that he who was their Lord , was their Servant ; and therefore the greatest among them were to be modest , calm , and humble towards all their subordinate Brethren ; and this qualified them for Ecclesiastical Promotions . Is it not very unlucky , that a Man shall write a Book to prove the Divine Right of Presbytery , and yet bring no other Proof for it than this Text , which ( if understood in the Presbyterian Sense ) degrades our blessed Saviour to the Degree of one of his Disciples ; for what he commanded the Apostles , he practised among them himself : And this is the strong Motive to engage their Obedience , that they should not exercise their Jurisdiction as the Lords of the Gentiles , by a Spirit of Pride ▪ Van●ty and Domination ● but by the more amiable a●d enraging Behaviour of Modesty , Meekness , Charity and Humility ● for he that was to be the greatest among them , was to be their Servant : And certainly the Bishops of the Church , by their Character , Dignity and Station , by their publick Cares , Fears and daily Labour , feel that they are more Servants than Masters . When one was promoted among the Iews , to higher Dignities , there was another appointed to tell him , that upon that Day he began to serve . And did not St. Paul think so of himself , though in nothing behind the chiefest Apostles , when the Care of all the Churches lay upon him ? And all the Fathers of the Church , from the first Plantations of Christianity , had this Notion of their Dignity , that they were the Servants of all . Now when this one Text is answered , I think his Book is answered , nor had this part of that Pamphlet been touched here , if it had not been commonly insisted on by others as well as by ●his Author . Now if I should yield that there was any foundation for Ecclesiastical Parity in this Text , it cannot be stretched so far , as to prove the National and Classical Presbytery , it rather favours the Congregrational Model , which always appeared to me much more innocent and allowable , than this new and unaccountable Platform of Presbytery . If this Author would be entreated to single out of all his Scriblings , an ●rgument one or two that he himself judges most proper to advance Presbytery , we would thank him , and return ou● Answer very easily and speedily , and this Overture is so much the more reasonable , in that 〈◊〉 may be done in a sheet or two ; but to go throug● all his Shufflings , and childish Tergiversation● and unmanly Calumnies with 〈◊〉 his defamato●ry Libels are stuffed , is as unpleasant as it is un●●difying , and the Publick is not at all concerned 〈◊〉 read such particular Stories ; yet something mu●● hereafter be said to convince him of his id●ene●● were it no more than to let him see his Books de●serve no particular Answer . I have no more to trouble the Reader with but to give him a short account of the followin● Epitome . It is the true Compend of Mr ▪ Ale●●ander Shields Book , entituled , The Hind 〈…〉 He is the most accurate and diligent of al● the● Writers , there is none among them 〈…〉 understands the Genius of Presbytery 〈…〉 none more consequential to their Principles , an● must acknowledge , that none writes for Presb●●tery with greater Zeal and Vigour ; and 〈…〉 Principles are inconsistent with Civil Gover●●ment and Christianity , yet his Superstructure builds upon them is consequential ; and the●●●fore I heartily invite all Men ( who at any time think of the things of this Nature ) to read the following Abridgment of his Book , and next let me ●ntreat them to use their Reason exactly and impartially , and then tell me whether a Civil Government of what ever Form or Denomination ●an subsist , where such Principles are heartily entertained by a considerable number of the Sub●ects ; and whether the Severity of Laws against ●uch Enthusiasts , ●e not the most Christian com●assion towards the State rather than Cruelty , Tyranny , or Oppression , with which those restless Incendiaries did asperse the Government of ●h . 2. Our Nobility who understood the Government and Constitution of our Nation , did ●a●ely demonstrate , that our Scotch Presbytery ●ad nothing to match it all over the World ; whether you consider the Novelty of their Pre●ences , their restless Clashings with the Civil Au●hority , or their shameful Confusions and Divi●●ons among themselves , and this needs no other ●roof , than to read their own Books , The Acts of ●heir Assemblies , and their most Authentick Papers , we know what Morals they are taught by their Guides , when we remember their tumultuous ●●bbling of the Clergy in the West of Scotland ●rom their Houses , Livings and Preferments , we ●eed not rake into that Puddle any more . In ●he beginning of the late Revolution , those Furies ●●oke loose upon the House of God , and barba●ously drove from it the immediate Servants of ●he Sanctuary . It is not the Guildings and Pallia●●ons of their Vindicators can wash off the blem●●sh of this shameful Tragedy ; if the Foundations be destroyed , What can the Righteous do ? ●et in the following Epitome , such violent Proceedings are justified ; nay , the Murther of the Archbishop of St Andrews , and such like religious ●eats of their Zeal . Therefore let me once again ●ntreat the Reader to read over this little Book ●arefully , since Mr. Shields was at the pains to ga●her together and justifie in one Book the Histo●y of his Party , their Strugglings against Autho●●ty , their Declarations and Testimonies against ●he State , and all their Commotions from their ●●rst beginning in Scotland till the Year 1687. And ●●cause the Book it self is not easily got . Two Objections I foresee will be managed by 〈◊〉 Agents against this Book , the first is that ● is not owned by the whole Party , but written 〈◊〉 a single Minister . To this , I answer , that Mr. 〈◊〉 Book is rather the History of their pro●●edings , than a private Systeme of his own O●nions ; and since it is supported by their publick 〈◊〉 , Declarations and Testimonies of their Society , ● is rather the common Apology than the Senti●ents of one of their Number : And therefore I challenge any Man to let me see any one Article , wherein he is inconsequential either to himself , or to the received Doctrine of the Party ; for as long as the Solemn League and Covenant , is the original Standard of their Sect , the Dictates of Natural Reason , and Texts of Scripture , must be interpreted , as they may best promote the ends of the Covenant ; and therefore unless you let me see something in the Book not allowed by the Covenant , it is very impertinent to say ▪ that it contains not the Presbyterians Doctrine , for I know nothing distinguishes the Presbyterians of Scotland from other Dissenters ; but the bloody Principles of the Covenant by which they over-turned the ancient Monarchy , Sacrificed the best of Kings , and changed a prosperous Nation into a field of Blood. The next thing I foresee their Agents will propagate is , that tho they were guilty of many extravagant Tricks formerly , yet now ( that they are re-established ) they will act with great Modesty for the future : But can the Aethiopian change his Skin , or the Leopard his Spots ? Must not they assert their Classical Authority and Discipline ? Will they so shamefully desert their Colours ? Must they not give their Testimony as their Predecessours have done ? Don't we see that they have Male-versed more in three Years time , than can well be repaired for twenty ? Will their Agents oblige their Meetings and Assemblies to declare against this Systeme solemnly and judicially ? No , they 'll keep those Opinions , and practice them upon all Occasions ; for they are obliged to do all they can to support the Covenant when they may co●veniently : Nay , I durst say , that the late pretended Assembly would justifie the Murder of the Arch Bishop of St. Andrews without ten contradicting Votes ; nor is there any thing asserted in this Book , that is peculiar to Mr. Shields . read The Apologetical relation of the Church of Scotland , Naphthali , jus popu●i vindicatum , The Cup of cold Water , The Banders disbanded , and several other little Pamphlets , whose Titles I have forgot ; and you shall find that this is the common Strain by which they are distinguished from the Presbyterians abroad , as well as from all other Christian Churches . If Episcopacy had been a grievance to the Nation , as was tumultuously alledged , it had been enough to remove those venerable Persons from the Hel●n of Ecclesiastical Government , and then the Affairs of the Church ( by the acknowledged Principles of Presbytery ) should be managed Communi Presbyterorum consilio . All the Presbyters by their Delegates from all Corners of the Nation had an equal Right in this Government : But instead of this we have a new Model set up and the ●cclestastic Government is lodged in the hands of a few Peevish and Tyrannical Persons , who never sleep quietly until all the Clergy be extirpate , who do not hold their Mission from the Conventicle . When this is objected as an extraordinary Solecism in Justice as well as in Government , they answer , That tho every Presbyter has a right to govern which he cannot part with yet pro praesenti ecclesiae statu , the Government should be thus modell'd ; and this in plain Scotch is no more , than that the Heads of the Faction judged it convenient , that none should be allowed any share in the Government , but the sworn I●nizaries of the Covenant ▪ and therefore tho the Presbyters all over the National Church had an equal right to govern , yet they should be restrained from the Exercise of Government , until the Faction got intirely uppermost . But let me ask peaceably and calmly , By whom are they are restrained ? Either by the remainders of the Presbyterian Preachers , or by the Secular Power : If the first , how can threescore Suspend a thousand Ministers from the Exercise of Government ? Before whom are they cited ? By what Authority is this done ? Is this done by the acknowledged Principles of Presbytery ? But if this be done by the Secular Power , then it seems the Presbyterians now think and teach that the Secular Power can intrust some few Ministers with the Ecclesiastical Government , when others are restrained , and which is still more absurd . they allow them in the Exercise of the more Spiritual part of their Ministry , the Administration of Sacraments and Preaching of the Gospel ; but they must not meddle with the Discipline of the Church : As if the one had not been originally intended to shelter and defend the other . However , it is easie to observe , that the Presbyterians love Government ( by which they secure the Interest of this World ) much better than Preaching of the Gospel , which more immediately prepares Men for another . But if they think Presbyters may be thus restrained from the Exercise of Ecclesiastical Discipline , why might not the former Government restrain Presbyterians , as well as the present Powers restrain the Episcopal Clergy from that part of their Ministry ? It is very ●ad that Men are driven to such Shifts as cannot be maintained , neither by the Principles of true Reason , nor by the peculiar Hypothesis of the Party . They have one Answer to all this , that the Episcopal Clergy would endeavour the Overthrow of Presbytery : But what they might do as to that , I know not , I believe there are but few of them that are very zealous to cont●●nue the present Scheme ; and perhaps the Contrivances of Presbyterians to exclude them from the Government , is as proper a Mean to overturn Presbytery , as the Admission of them int● the full Exercise of their Function might hav● been . For my part , I do not see how such ▪ Syncritism betwixt these contending Parties ca● be obtained , after all the political Daublings about it . The Clergy should stand their Ground and let the World see that they value their Integrity and Principles , at least , as much as they do their Conveniencies ; for nothing less tha● the Essentials of Morality and Christianity are a●stake . The following Treatise cannot but be chearfully received of both Parties , because it con●tains the distinguishing Doctrines , Principles and Practices of the Presbyterians ; for I assure you it is most faithfully copied by a Friend of mine in the Author 's own Words , from the Origina● Book . 'T is true , he did not transcribe th● whole Treatise , for that is Voluminous , and con●tains so many Steps of their Rebellion , that 〈◊〉 you desire a particular Account of them , you must have recourse to the Book it self , rather than to this Epitome ; but he hath , in a fe● Sheets , contained the Strength of the Author●Reasonings , and all his Flourishes : So that yo● have a just Notion , as well as a true Account of the special Tenets of Scotch Presbyterian● with all the natural Consequences that they yield : And if Strangers will not believe the E●piscopal Clergy , let them read their Opinions 〈◊〉 their own Books . If one would know the Do●ctrines of Epicurus , he must go to Lucretius ; 〈◊〉 that of Socrates , he must read Plato ; if the Mo●rals of the Stoicks , he must read Marcus Aure●lies , and Seneca : So it were very unjust to say that Mr. Shields did not give a true Account 〈◊〉 the Doctrines of the Scotch Presbyterians , bein● not only a Leading Man of the Kirk , as now e●stablished , but also a Man of good Parts , inde●fatigable Zeal , and great Industry ; and this 〈◊〉 the Reason why his Book is compendized , because he drove their Principles to their ju●● Consequences ; and though I have no Kindnes● for his Opinions , yet I cannot but love his I●●genuity and Skill ; and if any Man tell me 〈◊〉 mistook the Doctrines of Presbytery , I mus● ask him Pardon to think otherwise , and th●● none of them dare tell him so when he is pre●sent . I ●id you heartily farewe● An Account of the true Scottish Presbytery , from the Year 1570. to the Year 1687. by Mr. Alexander Sheilds , a Presbyterian Minister of the Kirk of Scotland , as it is now Established by Law. FROM the year 1570 and downward , the Testimony is stated and gradually prosecuted , for the Rights , Priviledges , and Prerogatives of Christ's Kingly Office , which hath been the peculiar Glory of the Church of Scotland , above all the Churches in the Earth , that this hath been given to her as the word of her Testimony ; and not only consequentially and reductively , as all other Churches may challenge a part of this dignity , but formally and explicitely to contend for this very head , The Headship and Kingship of Iesus Christ , the Prince of the Kings of the Earth , and his mediatory Supremacy over his own Kingdom of Grace , both visible and invisible . This is Christ's Supremacy , a special radiant Jewel of his Imperial Crown : which , as it hath been as explicitely incroached upon in Scotland , by his insolent Enemies , as ever by any that entered in opposition to him , so it hath been more explicitely witnessed and wrestled for , by his Suffering Servants in that Land , than in any place of the World. This was in a particular manner , the Testimony of that Period , during the Reign of King Iames the Sixth ; as it hath been in a great measure in our day , since the Year 1660. Which , as it is the most important Cause , of the greatest Consequence that Mortals can contend for ; so it hath this Peculiar Glory in it , that it is not only for a Truth of Christ , of greater value than the standing of Heaven and Earth , but also it is the very Truth for which Christ himself Dyed , considered as a Martyr ; And which concerns him to vindicate and maintain as a Monarch . The Witnesses of that day made such an high account of it , that they encouraged one another to suffer for it , as the greatest Concern ; Being a Witness for Christ's Glorious and free Monarchy , which as it is the end of the other two Offices , so the Testimony is more Glorious to God , more Honourable to his Son , and more Comfortable to them , than the Testimony either for his Prophetical Office , or for his Priest-hood , because his Kingdom was specially impugned at the time ; as Mr. Forbess and Mr. Welsh writ in a Letter to the Ministers at Court. The Corruptions and Usurpations wronging this Truth , that they contended against , were Prelacy and the King's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Matters : Which will be useful to hint a little , how they prosecuted the Conflict . When Sathan by several Instruments and Means , both by force and frauds did endeavour to put a stop to the Reformation , by re-introducing the Antichristian Hierarchy of Pre●●y , when he could not reestablish the Antichristian Doctrine of Popery ; he left no means unessayed to effectuate it . And first he began to bring the name of Bishop in request , that was now growing obsolete and odious . And indeed his first Essay reached little further than the bare Name , for they were to be Subject to , and tried by Assemblies , and hardly had so much power as Superintendents before . But it was a fine Court-juggle for Noblemen to get the Church Revenues into their hand , by restoring the Ecclesiastical Titles , and obtaining from the Titulars either Temporal Lands , or Pensions to their Dependers . The faithful Servants of Christ did zealously oppose it . Mr. Knox denounced Anathema to the Giver , and Anathema to the Receiver . And the following Assembly condemned the Office it self , as having no sure Warrant , Authority , nor Ground in the Book of God ; and ordained all that brooked the Office , to demit Simpliciter , and to desist and cease from Preaching , while they received de novo admission from the General Assembly , under the Pain of Excommunication . In pursuance whereof , the Assemblies from that time until the Year 1681. did with much painfulness and faithfulness attend the work ; until by perfecting of the second Book of Discipline , they compleated their work , in the exact Model of Presbyterial Government . Which was confirmed , and covenanted to be kept inviolate , in the National Covenant , Subscribed that Year by the King , his Court , and Council ; and afterwards by all Ranks of People in the Land. Whence it may be doubted , whether the Impudence of the succeeding Prelates that denyed this , or their Perjury in breaking of it , be greater . This was but the first brush : A brisker Assault follows . Wherein , for the better establishment of Prelacy , and not only Diocesan but also Erastian Prelacy might be set up , the Earl of Arran , and his wicked Complices , move the King , contrary both to the Word and Oath of God , to usurp the Prerogative of Jesus Christ , and assume to himself , a Blasphemous Monster of Supremacy , over all Persons , and in all Causes , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil . But this also the Faithful Servants of God did worthily and valiantly resist : And at the very first appearance of it , gave in a Grievance to the King , Anno 1582. That he had taken upon him a Spiritual Power , which properly belongs to Christ , as only King and Head of the Church ; the Ministry and Execution whereof , is only given to such as bear Office in the Ecclesiastical Government in the same : So that in the King's Person , some Men press to erect a new Popedome , as though he would not be full King of this Common-wealth , unless as well the Spiritual as Temporal Sword be put in his hand , unless Christ be rest of his Authority , and the two Iurisdictions confounded , which God hath divided , which directly tendeth to the Wrack of all true Religion . Which being presented by the Commissioners of the General Assembly ; the Earl of Arran asked , with a Frowning Countenance , who dare Subscribe these Treasonable Articles ? Mr. Andrew Melvil answered , we dare , and will Subscribe , and render our Lives in the Cause . And afterward , that same Assembly presented Articles , shewing , that seeing the Spiritual Iurisdiction of the Church is granted by Christ , and given only to them , that by Preaching , Teaching , and Overseeing , bear Office within the same , to be exercised , not by the Injunctions of Men , but by the only Rule of God's Word , hereafter , no other of whatsoever degree , or under whatsoever pretence , have any colour to ascribe , or to take upon them any part thereof , either in placing or displacing of Ministers , without the Churches admission , or in stopping the Mouths of Preachers , or putting them to silence , or take upon them the Iudgement of Tryal of Doctrine , &c. But in contempt and Contradiction to this , and to Prosecute and Exert this new usurped Power , Mr. Andrew Melvil was sommoned before the Secret Council , for a Sermon of his , applying his Doctrine to the Times Corruptions : Whereupon he gave in his Declinature against them as incompetent Judges ; and told them They were too bold , in a Constitute Christian Church , to pass by the Pastors , Prophets , and Doctors , and to take upon them to judge the Doctrine , and to controul the Ambassadours of a greater than was there , which they neither ought nor can do . There are ( saith he , loosing a little Hebrew Bible from his Girdle ) my Instructions and Warrant ; see if any of you can controul me , that I have past my Injunctions . For this he was decerned to be warded in the Castle of Edinburgh : But he conveyed himself secretly out of the Countrey . When as also a Convention in Faulkand was consulting to call home the Papist Lords ; Mr. Andrew Melvil went thither uncalled ; and when found fault with by the King for his Boldness , he answered , Sir , I have a Call to come here from Christ and his Church , who have special Interest in this Turn , and against whom this Convention is Assembled directly : I charge you , and your Estates , in the Name of Christ and his Church , that ye favour not his Enemies , whom he hateth , nor go about to call home nor make Citizens of these , &c. And further challenged them of Treason against Christ , his Church and Countrey , in that purpose they were about . About the same time in a private Conference with the King , he called the King , Gods silly Vassal ; and taking him by the Sleeve , told him ; Sir , I must tell you , there are two Kings , and two Kingdoms ; There is Christ , and his Kingdom whose Subject King James the 6th is , and of whose Kingdom he is not a King , nor a Head , nor a Lord , but a Member ; And they whom Christ hath called to Watch over and Govern his Church , have sufficient Authority , and Power from him , which no Christian King should controul , but assist ; otherwise they are not Faithful Subjects to Christ. Sir , when you were in your Swadling-Clouts , Christ Reigned freely in this Land , in spight of all his Enemies ; but now the Wisdom of your Council , is Devilish and Pernicious , &c. To the like effect , Mr. Robert Bruce , in a Sermon upon Psal. 51. gives faithful warning of the Danger of the Times . It is not we ( sayes he ) that are Partie in this Cause ; no , the Quarrel is betwixt a greater Prince and them . What are we , but silly Men ? Yet it has pleased him to set us in this Office , that we should oppone to the manifest Vsurpations that is made upon his Spiritual Kingdom . Is there a more forcible means to draw down the Wrath of God , than to let Barrabas that nobilitate Malefactour pass free , and to begin the War against Christ and his Ministry ? It putteth on the Copestone , that so many of our Brethren should not be so faithful , as their calling and this Cause craveth . Fie upon false Brethren , to see them dumb , so faint hearted , when it comes to the Chock : not only are they as ashamed to speak the thing they think which is a shame in a Pastor , but speak directly against their former Doctrine . They will speak the Truth a while , till they be put at , but incontinent they will turn and make their Gifts Weapons to fight against Christ , &c. Hereafter when the Parliament 1584. had Enacted this Supremacy , and Submission to Prelacy , to be Subscribed by all Ministers ; the faithful first directed Mr. David Lindsay to the King , desiring that nothing be done in Parliament prejudicial to the Churches Liberty : Who got the Prison of Blackness for his pains . And then when they could not get access for shut doors to Protest before the Parliament ; yet , when the Acts were Proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh , they took publick Documents , in name of the Church of Scotland , ( tho' they were but two ) that they protested against the said Acts : And fled to England , leaving behind them Reasons that moved them to do so . And Mr Iames Melvil , wrote against the Subscribers at that time , proving , That they had not only set up a new Pope , and so become Traitours to Christ , and condescended to that chief Error of Papistry , whereupon all the rest depend ; but further , in so doing they had granted more to the King , than ever the Popes of Rome peaceably obtained , &c. After this it is known what bickerings the faithful Witnesses of Christ had , in their Conflicts with this Supremacy upon the account of Mr. David Blacks Declinature , which they both advised him to , and approved when he gave it in , against the King and Council , as Judges of his Doctrine . And the Commissioners of the General Assembly ordained all , to deal mightily with the power of the Word , against the Councils Excroachments : For which they were charged to depart forth of Edinburgh . After which he added a second Declinature : Declaring , There are two Iurisdictions in this Realm , the one Spiritual , the other Civil ; the one respecting the Conscience , the other Externals : Therefore , in so far as he was one of the Spiritual Office-bearers , and had discharged his Spiritual calling in some measure of Grace and Sincerity , should not nor could not be Lawfully judged , for Preaching and applying the Word , by any Civil Power ; he being an Ambassadour and Messenger of the Lord Iesus , having his Commission from the King of Kings , and all his Instructions set down and limited in the Book of God , that cannot be extended , abridged , or altered by any mortal Wight , King or Emperor ; And seeing he was sent to all sorts , his Commission and Discharge of it should not nor cannot be Lawfully judged , by them to whom he was sent ; they being Sheep and not Pastours , to be judged by the Word , and not to be judges thereof in a judicial way . The Interloquutor being past against him for this ; the Brethren thought it Duty , that the Doctrine of the Preachers should be directed against the said Interloquutor , as against a strong hold set up against the Lord Jesus , and the freedom of the Gospel ; and Praised God for the Force and Unity of the Spirit , that was among themselves . And being charged to depart out of Town , they leave a faithful Declaration at large ; shewing , how the Liberties of the Church were invaded and robbed : And when the Ministers were troubled upon Mr. Blacks business , and there was an intention to pull them out of their Pulpits , the General Assembly advised them to stand to the Discharge of their Calling , if their Flocks would save them from Violence ; and yet this Violence was expected from the King and his Emissaries . And when Mr. Black had a Remission offered to him , refus'd it altogether , lest so doing he should condemn himself and approve the Courts Proceedings : And the Brethren conferring with the Counsellors , craving that some penalty should be condescended unto for satisfying his Majesty in his Honour , would not condescend to any how light soever ; lest thereby they should seem to approve the Judicatory and their proceeding . The imprisoned Ministers , for declining the Council , had it in their offer , that if they would without any confession of offence only submit themselves to his Majesty , pro scandalo accepto , non dato , they should be restored to their places : But they could not do it without betraying the Cause of Christ. The Ministers of Edinburgh were committed to Ward , for refusing to pray for the Queen , before her Execution in Fothringam Castle 1586. they refused not simply to pray for her , but for the Preservation of her Life , as if she had been innocent of the Crimes laid to her charge , which had imported a Condemnation of the Proceedings against her . Afterwards in the Year 1600. the Ministers of Edinburgh would not Praise God for the Delivery of the King , from a Conspiracy of the Earl of Gowrie at that time , of which they had no Credit , nor assurance ; and would not crave Pardon for it neither . For this Mr. Robert Bruce , was deprived of the Exercise of his Ministry , and never obtained it again at Edinburgh . But all this was nothing , in Comparison of their wrestlings for the Royalties of their Princely Master , and Priviledges of his Kingdome , against that Tyrants Insolencies , after he obtained the Crown of England . For then he would not suffer the Church to indict her own Assemblies . And when the faithful thought themselves obliged to counteract his Encroachments , and therefore convened in an Assembly at Aberdeen , Anno 1605. they were forced to dissolve : And thereafter the most eminent of the Ministers there Assembled , were Transported Prisoners to Blackness . Whence being cited before the Council , they decline their Judicatory . And one of their Brethren , Mr. Robert Youngson , who had formerly succumbed , being mov'd in Conscience , returned : And , when the rest were standing before the Council , desired to be heard ; and acknowledged his Fault , and Subscribed the Declinature with the rest . And for this they were Arraigned , and Condemned , as Guilty of Treason , and Banished . Before the Execution of which Sentence , Mr. Welsh wrote to the Lady Fleeming , to this effect ; What am I , that he should first have called me , and then Constituted me a Minister of glad things , of the Gospel of Salvation , these fifteen Years already , and now last of all to be a sufferer for his Cause and Kingdom ? To witness that good Confession , that Iesus Christ is the King of Saints , and that his Church is a most free Kingdom , yea as free as any Kingdom under Heaven , not only to Convocate , Hold , and keep her Meetings , Conventions and Assemblies : But also to judge of all her Affairs in all her Meetings and Conventions , among his Members and Subjects . These two points , ( 1 ) That Christ is the Head of his Church , ( 2 ) That she is free in her Government from all other Iurisdiction , except Christ's , are the special Cause of our Imprisonment , being now convict as Traytors , for maintaining thereof . We have now been waiting with joyfulness to give the last Testimony of our Blood in Confirmation thereof . If it would please our God to be so favourable , as to Honour us with that Dignity . After this , the King resolving by Parliament to advance the Estate of Bishops again , as in the time of Popery , without Cautions , as before ; and further to establish not only that Antichristian Hierarchy , but an Erastian Supremacy ; The faithful Ministers of Christ , thought themselves bound in Conscience to protest . And accordingly they offered a faithful Protestation to the Parliament Iuly 1606. obtesting , That they would reserve into the Lords own hands , that Glory which he will communicate neither with Man nor Angel ; to wit , to prescribe from his Holy Mountain a lively Pattern , according to which his own Tabernacle should be formed : Remembring always , that there is no absolute and undoubted Authority in this World , except the Soveraign Authority of Christ the King ; to whom it belongeth as properly to rule the Church , according to the good Pleasure of his own Will , as it belongeth to save his Church by the Merit of his own Sufferings : All other Authority is so entrenched within the Marches of Divine Command , that the least overpassing of the Bounds set by God himself , bring Men under the fearful expectation of Temporal and Eternal Iudgements , &c. Yet notwithstanding of all opposition , Prelacy was again restored in Parliament . And , to bring all to a complyance with the same , Presbyteries and Synods universally charged , under highest pains , to admit a Constant Moderator without change : which many refused resolutely , as being the first step of Prelacy . Upon this followed a great Persecution of the faithful , for their Nonconformity , managed by that Mongrel and Monstrous kind of Court , made up of Clergy-men , and States-men , called the High Commission Court , erected anno 1570. whereby many honest Men were put violently from their Charges and Habitations ; the Generality were involved in a great and fearful Defection . But the Copestone of the wickedness of that Period , was the Ratification of the five Articles of Perth ; kneeling at the Communion , private Communion to be given to the Sick , private Baptism , and Confirmation of Children by the Bishop , and Observation of Festival Days . Which were much opposed and testified against by the faithful , from their first hatching Anno 1618. to the Year 1621. when they were ratified in Parliament . And against this the Testimony of the faithful continued , till the Revolution Anno 1638. The following Period , from the Year 1638 to 1660 ▪ continues and advances the Testimony , to the greatest heighth of purity and power , that either this Church , or any other did ever arrive unto . We shall give a short deduction of the rise , progress , and end of the Contendings of that Period . In the midst of the forementioned Miseries and Mischiefs , that the Pride of Prelacy and Tyrannical Supremacy had multiplied beyond measure upon this Church and Nation , and at the heighth of all their haughtiness , when they were setting up their Dagon , and erecting Altars for him , imposing the Service Book , and Book of Cannons , &c. The Lords People were surprized with a sudden unexpected Deliverance , by very despicable means ; even the opposition of a few weak Women ; which afterwards was followed out with more Masculine fervor , accosting King and Council with Pititions , Remonstrances , Protestations , and Testimonies against the Innovations , and resolving upon a mutual Conjunction , to defend Religion , Lives , and Liberties , against all that would innovate or invade them . To fortifie which , all the Friends to the Liberty of the Nation , did solemnly renew the National Covenant ; which though in it self obligeing to the Condemnation of Prelatical Hierarchy , and clearly enough confirming Presbyterial Government , yet they engaged unto it with an enlargement to suspend the Practice of Novations already introduced , and the approbation of the Corruptions of the present Government , with the late places and Power of Church Men , till they be tryed in a free General Assembly . Which was obtained that same Year , and indicted at Glasgow : And there , notwithstanding all the opposition that the King's Commissioner could make , by Protestations and Proclamations to dissolve it , the six preceding Assemblies establishing Prelacy were annulled , the Service Book , and High Commission were condemned ; all the Bishops were deposed , and their Government declared to be abjured in that National Covenant ; tho' many had , through the Commissioners perswasions , subscribed it in another Sense without that application : As also the five Articles of Perth were there discovered to have been inconsistent with that Covenant and Confession , and the Civil places and power of Church Men were disproved and rejected : On the other hand , Presbyterial Government was justified and approved , and an Act was passed , for keeping Yearly General Assemblies . This was a bold beginning ; out-braving all difficulties . Which in the following Year were much encreased , by the Prelates and their partakers , Rendezvouzing their Forces under the Kings personal Standard , and menacing nothing but Misery to the zealous Covenanters : Yet when they found them prepared to resist , were forced to yield to a Ratification , concluding that an Assembly and Parliament should be held for healing all Grievances of Church and State. In which Assembly at Edinburgh , the Covenant is ratified and subscribed by the Earl of Traquaire Commissioner , and enjoyned to be subscribed by the Body of the whole Land , with an explication expresly concerning the five Articles of Perth , the Government of Bishops , the Civil places and power of Church Men. But the Year following , King and Prelates , with their Abettors , go to Arms again ; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new Pacification , whereby all Civil and Religious Rights were ratified . And in the following Year 1641 , by Laws , Oaths , Promises , Subscriptions of King and Parliament , fully confirmed ; the King , Charles the First , being present , and consenting to all . But the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus being thus advanced , the Glory of the Lord did shine upon us with such Splendor , that it awaked England , and animated the Lords People there to aspire to the like Reformation . For advice in which , because , tho' all agreed to cast off Prelacy , yet sundry Forms of Church Government were projected to be set up in the room thereof , chiefly the Independent Order : Therefore the Brethren in England wrote to the Assembly then sitting at Edinburgh , who gave them answer in behalf of the Presbyterial Government . So from henceforth the Assembly did incessantly urge Vniformity in Reformation , with their Brethren in England , as the chiefest of their Desires , Prayers and Cares . And in the Year 1643 prevailed so far , that the English Parliament did first desire that the two Nations might be strictly united for their mutual defence against the Prelatical Faction and their Adherents in both Kingdoms ; and not to lay down Arms , till these implacable Enemies should be brought in Subjection ; and did instantly urge for help and assistance from Scotland . Which being sent , did return with an Olive-branch of Peace , and not without some beginning of a Reformation in England . And afterwards a Bloody War beginning between the King and Parliament , with great success on the Kings side , Commissioners were sent from both Houses to Scotland , earnestly inviting to a nearer Union of the Kingdoms , and desiring assistance from this Nation to their Brethren in that their great distress . And this produced the Solemn League and Covenant of the three Kingdoms , first drawn up in Scotland , and approved in the Assembly at Edinburgh , and afterward embraced in England . This is that Covenant comprehending the purpose of all Prior , and the Pattern of all Posterior Covenants ; which the Representative of Church and State in the three Nations did solemnly Subscribe and Swear , for themselves and Posterity ; and of which the Obligation cannot be Disannull'd , Disabled , or Dispensed , by any Power on Earth . And this Covenant was rigorously imposed upon all Recusants ; who were wicked Enemies to God , and Church , and Nation , and for their Malignancy were then to be Prosecuted , not for their Scrupling at a Covenant , but for their contumacious contempt of a Law. This was no violence done to their Conscience ; for as they had none , and could not pretend to any , so they were never troubled for that , but for their opposition and conspiracy against the common Cause . However it went through at that time . And that the Covenanted Reformation , in a nearer Conjunction betwixt the united Churches , might be promoted , the Parliament of England called an Assembly of Divines at Westminster : And desired the Assembly of Scotland to send thither their Commissioners ; and they accordingly nominated and elected , Mr. Alexander Henderson , Mr. Robert Douglas , Mr. Samuel Rutherford , Mr. Robert Baille , Mr. George Gillespie Ministers ; and Iohn Earl of Capils , Iohn Lord Maitland , and Sir Archbald Iohnstone of Warristown , Ruling Elder● ; to Propone , Consult , Treat , and Conclude in all such things as might conduce to the extirpation of Prelacy , &c. and for the settling of the so much desired Union of the whole Island , in one Form of Church Government , one Confession of Faith , one common Catechism , and one Directory for the Worship of God. Forces were also sent to assist the Parliament of England : Which were favoured with great success in their Enterprizes , till that War was ended by the total overthrow of the King , and all his upholders . But that Prelatical and Malignant Faction being brought much under in England , attempted to try the Fortune of War in Scotland , under the Conduct of Montrose : Who , tho' he prevailed for a time , yet at length was defeat at Philliphaugh , in the Year 1645. yet certain it is that they had Commission and Warrant from the King ; as the Assembly that Year , Feb. 13. remonstrates it to himself : Warning him in the Name of their Master , the Lord Iesus Christ , that the Guilt which cleaved to his Throne was such , as if not timely repented , could not but involve himself , and his Posterity , under the Wrath of the Everliving God , for his being Guilty of the shedding of the Blood of many Thousands of his best Subjects , &c. At the same time also the Assembly did zealously incite the Parliament to a speedy Course of Justice against these Incendiaries and Murderers , as the only mean of cleansing the Land from that deluge of Blood then Current , and of appeasing the Wrath of God : And solemnly and seasonably warned all Ranks to search to understand the Language of that Dispensation ; wherein many publick Sins and Breaches of Covenant are pointed at ; and the Covenant it self is there very Encomiastically vindicated : We are so far from repenting of it ( say they ) that we cannot mention it without great joy ; for no sooner was the Covenant begun to be taken in England , but sensibly the condition of affairs there was changed to the better ; and our Forces sent into that Kingdom , in pursuance of that Covenant , have been so manifestly and mercifully assisted from Heaven , that we have what to answer the Enemy that reproacheth us concerning that business . These following Acts were made , thus , Feb. 14. 1645. Sess. 18. Vnless Men will blot out of their Hearts the fear of Religion and Cause of God , they must now or never appear actively , each one stretching himself to , yea beyond his power . It is no time to dally , or to go about the business by halves , nor be almost but altogether zealous : Cursed is he that doth the work of the Lord negligently . If we have been forward to assist our Neighbour Kingdoms , shall we neglect to defend our own ? Or shall the Enemies of God be more active against his Cause , than his People for it ? God forbid . ( And among the Enormities and Corruptions of the Ministry in their Callings , this is one , § . 4. 5. Silence in the publick Cause ; some accounting it a point of Wisdom to speak ambiguously , whereof the remedy is , § . 15. That beside all other scandals , silence and ambiguous speaking , in the publick Cause , be seasonably Censured . Gen. Ass. Edin . June , 13. 1646. ) Act for Censuring the Complyers with the publick Enemies of this Church and Kingdom , Gen. Ass. Edin . Jun. 17. 1646. Sess. 4. Where they judge it a great and scandalous Provocation , and grievous defection from the publick Cause , to comply with these Malignants , in any degree , even to procure Protections from them , or to have invited them to their Houses , or to be Guilty of any such Gross degrees of Complyance ; Censured to be suspended from the Communion , and while they acknowledge their Offence . And Gen. Ass. Aug. 24. 1647. Sess. 19. Ministers are charged , us they have occasion from the Text of Scripture , to reprove the Sins and Errors , and press the Duties of the Time , and in all these to observe the Rules prescribed by the Acts of Assembly , wherein if they be negligent , they are to be Censured . And July ult . 1648. Sess. 2. in their Declaration concerning the unlawful Engagement , they say : Suppose the Ends of that Engagement be good ( as they are not ) yet the means and ways of Prosecution are unlawful ; because there is not an equal avoiding of Rocks on both hands , but a joyning with Malignants to suppress Sectaries , a joining hands with a black Devil to beat a white Devil . And Aug. 3. 1648. All Ministers that do not apply their Doctrine to the Corruptions of the Time , which is the Pastoral Gift , and that are cold or wanting of Spiritual zeal , Dissembling of Publick Sins , are appointed to be Censured even to Deprivation ; for forbearing or passing in silence the Errors and Exorbitances of Sectaries in England , or the Defections current at home , the Plots and Practices of Malignants , the Principles and Tenets of Erastianism ; And if they be found too sparing , General or Ambiguous in their Applications or Reproofs , they are to be deposed , for being pleasers of Men rather than servers of Christ , for giving themselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in the Cause of God , for defrauding the South of People , yea for being Gu●lty of the Blood of Souls , in not giving them warning . See also their seasonable and necessary Warning Iuly . 27. 1649. Thus did these famous Fathers give us a perfect Pattern of purity and strictness , in opposition to all degrees of Co●formity and Complyance with the Corruptions of the Time. In the mean while , the Malignants in England being crushed in all their Projects , the King renders himself to the Scots in Newcastle : By whom ( because by Covenant they were not obliged to defend him , but only in defence of Religion and Liberty , which he had been destroying , and they defending ; because in this War he did directly oppose and oppugn these Conditions , under which they were only to defend him , and therefore they had all along carried towards him as an Enemy , as he to them ; And because by the same Covenant they were obliged to discover , and render to condign Punishment all Malignants of whom he was the chief , and to assist mutually all entred into that Covenant ) he was delivered up unto the English , and kept under restraint in the Isle of Wight , until he was Condemned and Executed , Ian , 30 , 164●● . Which Fact , tho' it was protested against both before and after by the Assembly of the Church of Scotland , out of zeal against the Sectarians , the Executioners of that extraordinary Act of Justice ; yet it was more for the Manner , than for the matter , and more for the Motives and Ends of it , than for the Grounds of it , that they opposed themselves to it , and resented it . For they acknowledged and remonstrated to himself , the Truth of all these things upon which that Sentence and Execution of Justice was founded . And when the unlawful Engagement was on foot to Rescue him , they opposed it with all their might : Shewing , in their Answers to the Estates that Year , 1648 , and Declarations and Remonstrances , the sinfulness and destructiveness of that Engagement ; that it was a breach of the Commandments of God , and of all the Articles of the Covenant : Declaring with all ( Iuly ult . ) they would never consent to the King's Restitution to the exercise of his Power , till security should be had , By Solemn Oath under his Hand and Seal , that he shall for himself and Successors , give his assent to all Acts and Bills for enjoyning Presbyterial Government , and never make opposition to it , nor endeavour any change thereof . July ult . 1648. Sess. 21. By which it appears , they were not so stupidly loyal , as some would make them . Yet there was too much of this Plague of the Kings-evil even among good Men : For after the Death of Charles the First , in the Year 1649. they began to think of joyning once more with the Malignants , and taking into their Bosoms these Serpents which had formerly stung them to Death . There was indeed at that time a Party faithful for God , who considering the many Breaches of the Solemn League and Covenant , and particularly by the late Engagement against England , did so Travel , that they procured the Covenant to be renewed , with the Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins , and Engagement to Duties , which was universally Subscribed and sworn through all the Land ; wherein also they regret this tampering with Malignants . Whereupon they subdued their Adversaries at Sterling , and in the North they did also give Warning concerning the Young King , that notwithstanding of the Lords Hand against his Father , yet he hearkens to the Councils of those , who were Authors of these Miseries to his Father ; by which it hath co●e to pass , that he hath hitherto refused to grant the just and necessary desires of the Church and Kingdom , for securing of Religion and Liberty : And it is much to be feared , that these wicked Counsellors , may so far prevail upon him , as to engage him in a War , for overturning the Work of God , and bearing down all those in the three Kingdoms that adhere thereto . Which if he shall do , cannot but bring great Wrath from the Lord upon himself and Th●one , and must be the cause of many new and great Miseries and Calamities to these Lands . And , whereas many would have admitted his Majesty to the Exercise of his Royal Power , upon any Terms whatsoever , the Assembly declares , That in the League and Covenant the duty of defending and preserving the King is subordinate to the duty of preserving Religion and Liberty : And therefore , he standing in opposition to the publick desires of the People for their security , it were a manifest breach of Covenant , and a preferring the Kings Interest to the Interest of Iesus Christ , to bring him to the Exercise of his Power . And therefore , if his Majesty , or any having or pretending Power and Commission from him , shall invade this Kingdom , upon pretext of establishing him in the Exercise of his Royal Power ; as it will be an high Provocation against God , to be accessary or assisting thereto , so it will be a necessary Duty to resist and oppose the same . July 27. 1649. Sess. 27. And when the bringing home of the King came to be voted in the Assembly , there was one faithful Witness , Mr. Adam Kae Minister , in Gallaway , protested against it . But notwithstanding of these Convictions , Warning , yea and Discoveries of the Kings Malignancy ; They sent Commissioners , and concluded a Treaty with him at Breda . During which Treaty , the Commissions which he had sent to Montrose , and his Complices , were brought to the Committee of Estates , discovering what sort of King they were treating with . Whereupon the Estates concluded to break off the Treaty , and recal their Commissioners . To which intent , they sent an Express with Letters to Breda ; which falling into the hands of Libbertone , was by him , without the knowledge of the other Commissioners , delivered unto the King : Who then sound it his interest to dissemble . And so sending for the Commissioners , he made ● flattering Speech to them , shewing that now after serious deliberation he was resolved to comply with all their Proposals . Whereupon the Commissioners dispatch the Post back with Letters , full of praise and joy , for the satisfaction they had received . The Estates , being over-swayed more with respect to their own Credit ( which they thought should be impeached , if they should retract their own Plenipotentiary Instructions , to conclude the Treaty upon the Kings assent to their Conditions ) than to their reclamant Consciences , they resolved to bring home the King. Yet they thought to mend the matter , by binding him with all Cords , and putting him to all most explicite Engagements , before he should receive the Imperial Crown . Well , upon these Terms home he comes : And before he set his Foot on British Ground , he takes the Covenant . And the Commission of the General Assembly precluded his Admittance to the Crown , if he should refuse the then required satisfaction , before his Coronation , by their Act at the West-Kirk , Aug. 13. 1650. Which is this , The Commission of the General Assembly , considering that there may be just Ground of stumbling , from the Kings Majesties refusing to subscribe and excite the Declaration offered to him by the Committee of Estates , and the Commission of the General Assembly concerning his former Carriage and Resolutions for the future , in Reference to the Cause of God , and the Enemies and Friends thereof ; doth therefore declare , That this Kirk and Kingdom doth not own or espouse any Malignant Party , or Quarrel , or Interest , but that they fight meerly upon their former Grounds and Principles , and in the defence of the Cause of God , and of the Kingdom , as they have done these twelve Years past : And therefore , as they disclaim all the Sin and Guilt of the King and of his House , so they will not own him not his Interest , otherwise than with a Subordination to God , and so far as he owns and Prosecutes the Cause of God , and disclaims his and his Fathers Opposition to the Work of God , and to the Covenant , and likewise all the Enemies thereof● And that they will with convenient speed take into Consideration the Papers lately sent unto them by Oliver Cromwell , and vindicate themselves from all the falshoods contained therein ; especially in these things wherein the quarrel betwixt us and that Party is mis-stated , as if we owned the late Kings Proceedings , and were resolved to Prosecute and Maintain His Present Majesties Interest , before and without acknowledging of the Sin of his House and former ways , and satisfaction to Gods People in both Kingdoms . A. Ker. And that same day , The Committee of Estates , having seen and considered a Declaration of the Commission of the General Assembly , anent the stating the Quarrel wherein the Army is to fight , do approve the same , and heartily concur therein . Tho. Henderson . Whereupon thereafter , he encites that Declaration at Drumfermling , Wherein , Professing and appearing in the full perswasion and Love of the Truth , he repenteth ( as having to do with and in the sight of God ) his Fathers opposition to the Covenant and Work of God , and his own Reluctances against the same , hoping for Mercy through the Blood of Iesus Christ , and obtesting the Prayers of the Faithful to God , for his stedfastness ; and then Protesting his Truth and Sincerity in entring into the Oath of God , resolving to prosecute the Ends of the Covenant to his utmost , and to have with it the same common Friends and Enemies , exhorting all to lay down their Enmity against the Cause of God , and not to prefer Mans Interest to Gods , which will prove an Idol of Iealousie to Provoke the Lord , and he himself accounteth to be but selfish Flatteries . Then at his Coronation , the Action commenceth with his most solemn renewing of the National and Solemn League and Covenant . Thereafter in the Year 1651. followed the Ratification of all these preceding Treaties , Transactions , and Engagements , concluded and enacted by the King , and the Parliament ; whereby the same did Pass into a Perpetual Law. And this Covenant , which from the beginning was and is the most sure and indispensible Oath of God , became at length the very Fundamental Law of the Kingdom , whereon all the Rights or Priviledges , either of King or People , are principally bottomed and secured . After this it came to pass , that zeal for the cause rightly stated was suddenly contracted to a few ; whereby a plain defection was violently carried on by the Publick Resolutioners , who relapsing into that most Sinful Conjunction with the Malignants , did bring them into places of Power and Trust , in Judicatories and Armies , in a more Politick than Pious way , requiring of them a constrained and dissembled Repentance , which Reflection did cause the first Division of that kind , and most permanent of any that ever was in the Church of Scotland ; by reason of the surcease of General Assemblies , stopped and hindered by the Yoke of the Sectarian Usurpers : And it has been the spring and source of all our Reflections since . Upon this our Land was invaded by Oliver Cromwell , who defeated our Army at Dunbar . Next , an Army being raised , according to these unhallowed Resolutions , was totally routed at Worcester ; And the King forced to hide himself in the Oak , and thence to transport himself beyond Sea , where he continued in Exile , till the Year 1660. Yet there was still a faithful Remnant of Ministers and Professors , zealous for the Cause , keeping their Integrity ; who in their Remonstrances and Testimonies witnessed against both their Malignant Enemies , and their backsliding Brethren the Resolutioners : And also against the Sectarians their Invaders ; whose vast Toleration and Liberty of Conscience , which they brought in to invade our Religion as they invaded our Land , and infect it with their Multifarious Errors , was particularly by the Synod of Fife , and other Brethren in the Ministry that joyned themselves to them , testified against , and demonstrated to be wicked and intollerable . But in the mean time , the Sectarian Army here prevailed , till after the Usurper Cromwell his Death ; Monk then General , with a Combination of Malignants and publick Resolutioners , did bring home the King to England from his Banishment . Now comes the last Catastrophe of the Deformation of the Church of Scotland ; which in a retrograde motion hath gradually been growing these 27 Years , going back through all the steps by which the Reformation ascended , till now she is reduced to the very Border of that Babilon , from whence she took her departure . Through all which steps notwithstanding , to this day , Scotland hath never wanted a Witness for Christ , against all the various steps of the Enemies advancings , and of professed Friends declinings . Though the Testimony hath had some Singularities , in that it hath been attended with more disadvantages , by reason of the Enemies greater prevalency , and Friends deficiency , and greater want of significant Assertors , than any formerly , in that it hath been intangled in more multifarious Intricacies of questions and debates , and Divisions among the Assertors themselves : In that it hath been intended and extended to a greater measure , both as to matter and manner of contendings against the Adversaries , and stated upon nicer points , more earnestly Prosecuted and tenaciously maintain'd , than any formerly ; to that it hath had more opposition and contradiction , and less Countenance from professed Friends to the Reformation , either at home or abroad , than any formerly . And yet it hath been both Active and Passive , both against Enemies and Friends ; and in Cumulo stated against Atheism , Popery , Prelacy , and Erastian Supremacy , and extended in a particular manner against Tyranny . And not only against the substance and essence of these in the Abstract , but against Substance and Circumstance , Abstract and Concrete , Root and Branch , Head and Tail of them , and all complying with them , conforming to them , or countenancing of them , or any thing conductive for them , or deduced from them , any manner of way , directly or indirectly , formally or interpretatively . This is that extensive and very comprehensive Testimony , which in all its parts , points , and particles is most directly relative , and dilucidly reducible , to a complex Witness for the Declarative Glory of Christs Kingship and Headship over All , as he is God , and as he is Mediator . The management of this Testimony was thus . King Charles the Second upon his Return directed a Letter to the Presbytery of Edinburgh , declaring he was resolved to protect and preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland , as it is settled by Law , without Violation . Wherein it was observed he spake never 8 word of the Covenant , our Magna Charta of Religion and Righteousness , but only of Law ; by which he meant the Prelatical Church , as it was settled by the Law of his Father , since which time he reckoned there was no Law , but Rebellion . This was a piece and prelude of our base Defection , that we were so far from withstanding , that we did not so much as witness against the Readmission and Restauration of the Head and Tail of Malignants , but let them come in peaceably to the Throne , without any Security to the Covenanted Cause , and by piece-meal , at their own ease , leisure , and pleasure , to overturn all the Work of God , and reintroduce the Old Antichristian Yoke of abjured Prelacy , and Blasphemous Sacrilegious Supremacy , and absolute Arbitrary Tyranny , with all their abominations : Which he , and with him the Generality of our Nobility , Gentry , Clergy , and Commonality , did promote and propagate , untill the Nation was involved in the greatest Revolt from , and Rebellion against God , that ever could be recorded in any Age or Generation : Nay , attended with greater and grosser Aggravations , than ever any could be capable of before us , who have had the greatest Priviledges that ever any Church had , since the National Church of the Iews , the greatest light , the greatest effects of matchless magnified Love , the greatest Convictions of Sin , the greatest Resolutions and Solemn Engagements against it , and the greatest Reformation from it , that ever any had to abuse and affront : O Heavens ! Be Astonished at this , and Horribly afraid ! For Scotland hath changed her Glory , and the Crown hath faln from off her Head , by an unparallelled Apostacy , a free and voluntary , wilful and deliberate Apostacy , an avowed and declared and authorized Apostacy , a most universal and every way unprecedented Apostacy . These Enemies of God , having once got footing again , with the favour and fawnings of the Foolish Nation , went on fervently to further and promote their foolish Design : And meeting with no opposition at first did encourage themselves to begin boldly . Wherefore , hearing of some Ministers peaceably Assembled , to draw up a Monitory Letter to the King , minding him of his Covenant , Engagements and Promises ( which was tho' weak , yet the first Witness and Warning against that Heaven-daring Wickedness then begun ) they Cruelly incarcerate them ; Having hereby much daunted the Ministry from their Duty in that day , for fear of the like unusual and outragious usage . The Parliament convenes Ian. 1. 1661. without so much as a Protestation for Religion and Liberty given in to them . And there , in the first place , they frame and take the Oath of Supremacy , Examtorating Christ , and investing his usurping Enemy with the spoils of his robbed Prerogative , acknowledging the King only Supreme Governour over all Persons and in all Causes , and that his Power and Iurisdiction must not be declined . Whereby under all Persons and Causes , all Church-concerns of Christ , are comprehended : And if the King shall take upon him to judge their Doctrine , Worship , Discipline or Government , he must not be declined as an Incompetent Judge . Which laid the Foundation for all this Bable they have built since , and of all this War that hath been waged against the Son of God , and did introduce all this Tyranny and absolute Power which hath been since carried to its Complement , and made the Kings Throne the Foundation of all the succeeding Perjury and Apostacy . Yet , tho' then our Synods and Presbyteries were not discharged , but might have had access in some Concurrence to witness against this horrid Invasion upon Christs Prerogative and the Churches Priviledge , no join● Testimony was given against it , except that some were found Witnessing against it in their Singular Capacity by themselves . As faithful Mr. Iames Gushire , who had been Honoured of God to be zealous and singularly faithful in carrying on the Work of Reformation , and for declining this usurped Authority in prejudice of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , and asserting the Kingly Authority of Christ in opposition to the Erastian Supremacy encroaching thereupon , suffered Death , and got the Martyrs Crown upon his Head ; which being placed upon one of the Ports of Edinburgh , Preacheth , not only against the Enemies Rebellion against God , but against the defection of many Ministers since , who have Practically denyed that great Truth for which he suffered , viz. His Testimony against the Supremacy , and for declining the usurped Authority of him who Arrogated it . And some others , for refusing that Oath Arbi●rarily imposed , were Banished or Confin'd . At the same time , there was a Proclamation , which they caused to be Read at all the Church-Doors , discharging Ministers to speak against them or their Proceedings , whereby Prophane and Malicious Persons were encouraged to witness against their Ministers . By which means ( tho' many were in no hazard , thinking it commendable Prudence , commended indeed by the World , but hateful Unfaithfulness before God , to be silent at such a time ) some faithful Ministers giving faithful and free warning and Protesting against the present Defection , were condemned of Treason , and Banished out of the three Dominions . Others were Sentenced with Banishment , and furder were compelled to Subscribe a Bond , under pain of Death , to remove out of all the Dominions betwixt that and such a day . This was the Lot , and also the Blot of these Famous and Faithful Ministers , Mr. Iohn Eivingstoun , M● . Robert Machward , Mr. Iohn Brown , &c. who spent the rest of their days in Holland . When they had gained this Bulwark of Christs Kingdom , then they waxed more insolent , and set up their Ensigns for Signs , and broke down the Carved Work of Reformation with Axes and Hammers . In this Parliament 1661. they pass'd an Act Rescissory , whereby they annulled and declared void the National Covenant , the Solemn League and Covenant , Presbyterial Government , and all Laws made in favour of the work of Reformation , since the Year 1638. O horrid Wickedness ! To condemn and rescind what God did so signally Seal as his own Work , to the Conviction of the World. But O Holy and Astonishing Justice , thus to Recompence our way upon our own Head ! to suffer this work and cause to be ruined under our unhappy hands , who suffered this Destroyer to come in before it was so effectually secured , as it should not have been in the power of his hand ( whatever had been in his Heart , swelled with enmity against Christ ) to have raised and ruined that work as now he most wickedly did , and drew so many in to the Guilt of the same deed , that almost the whole Land not only consented unto it , but Applauded it ; by approving and countenancing another wicked Act framed at the same time , by that same per●idious Parliament , for an Anniversary Thanksgiving , commemorating every 29 th of May , that Blasphemy against the Spirit and Work of God ; and celebrating tha● unhappy Restauration of the Rescinder of the Reformation , which had not only the Concurrence of the Universality of the Nation , but ( alas for shame that it should be told in Gath , &c. ) even of some Ministers , who afterwards accepted the Indulgence ( one of which , a Pillar among them , was seen scandalously dancing about the Bonfires . ) And others , who should have allarmed the whole Nation Quasi pro Aris & Focis , to rise for Religion and Liberty , to resist such Wickedness , did wink at it . Yet albeit , neither in this day , when the Covenant was not only broken , but Cassed and declared of no Obligation , nor afterward when it was Burnt ( for which Turks and Pagans would have been ashamed , and afraid at such a terrible sight , and for which the Lords Anger is burning against these bold Burners , and against them who suffered it , and did not witness against it ) was there any publick Testimony by Protestation , or Remonstrance , or any publick Witness ? Tho' the Lord had some then , and some who came out afterwards with the Trumpet at their Mouth , whose Heart then sorrowed at the sight : And some suffered for the Sense they shewed of that Anniversary Abomination , for not keeping which they lost both Church and Liberty . It 's true , the ordinary Meetings of Presbyteries and Synods were about that time discharged , to make way for the Exercise of the new power conferred on the four Prelates who were at Court. But this could not give a discharge from a necessary Testimony , then called from faithful Watchmen . However the Reformation being thus rescinded and razed , and the House of the Lord pulled down , then they begin to build their Bable . In the Parliament Anno 1662. by their first Act they restore and re-establish Prelacy , upon such a Foundation as they might by the same Law bring in Popery ; and setled its Harbinger , Diocesan and Erastian Prelacy , by fuller enlargement of the Supremacy , The very Act beginning thus : Forasmuch as the ordering and disposal of the external Government of the Church , doth properly belong to his Majesty as an inherent Right of the Crown , by Virtue of his Royal Prerogative and Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastick , whatever shall be determined by his Majesty with advice of the Archbishops , and such of the Clergy as he shall nominate , in the External Government of the Church ( the same consisting with the standing Laws of the Kingdom ) shall be valid and effectual . And in the same Act all Laws are rescinded , by which the sole Power and Jurisdiction within the Church doth stand in the Church-Assemblies , and all which may be interpreted , to have given any Church-power , Jurisdiction or Government to the Office-Bearers of the Church , other than that which acknowledgeth a dependence upon , and Subordination to the Soveraign Power of the King as Supream . By which Prelates are redintegrated ●o all their Priviledges and Preheminences that they possessed Anno 1687. And all their Church-Power ( robbed from the Officers of Christ ) is made to be derived from , to depend upon , and to be Subordinate to ●he Crown-Prerogative of the King : Whereby the King is made the only Fountain of Church-Power , and that exclusive even of Christ , of whom there is no mentioned Exception : And his Vassals the Bishops , as his Clerks in Ecclesiasticks , are accountable to him for all their Administrations ; a greater Usurpation upon the Kingdom of Christ , than ever the Papacy it self aspired unto . Yet , albeit here was another display of a Banner of defiance against Christ , in altering the Church-Government of Christs Institution into the humane Invention of Lordly Prelacy , there was no publick , Ministerial , at least united Testimony against this neither . Therefore the Lord punished this sinful and shameful silence of Ministers ; when by another wicked Act of the Council at Glasgow , above 300 Ministers were put from their Charges ; and afterwards for their Non-conformity in not countenancing their Diocesan Meeting , and not keeping the Anniversary Day , May 29. the rest were violen●ly thrust from their Labours in the Lords Vineyard , and Banished from their Parishes , and adjudged unto a strange and nice Confinement , twenty Miles from their own Parishes , six Miles from a Cathedral Church , as they called it , and three Miles from a Burgh . Yet in this fatal Convulsion of the Church , generally all were struck with Blindness and Baseness , that a Paper-Proclamation made them all run from their Posts , and obey the Kings Orders for their ejection . Thus were they given up , because of their forbearing to sound an Allarm , charging the People of God , in point of Loyalty to Christ , and under the pain of the Curse of the Covenant , to awake and acquit themselves like Men , and not to suffer the Enemy to rob them of that Treasure of Reformation , which they were put in possession of , by the Tears , Prayers , and Blood of such as went before them ; instead of those prudential fumblings , and fistlings then and since so much followed . Wherefore the Lord in his Holy Righteousness , left that Enemy to cast them out of the House of the Lord , and dissolve their Assemblies , and deprive them of their Priviledges , because of their not being so valiant for the Truth , as that a full and faithful Testimony against that Encroachment might be found upon Record . Nevertheless some were found faithful in that Hour and Power of Darkness , who kept the Word of the Lords Patience , and who therefore were kept in and from Tentation ( which carried away many into sad and shameful Defections ) tho' not from suffering hard things from the hands of Men ; and only these who felt most of their violence , found Grace helping them to acquit themselves suitably to that days Testimony , being thereby prevented from an active yeilding to their impositions , when they were made passively to suffer force . However that season of a publick Testimony was lost , and as to the most part never recovered to this day . The Prelates being setled , and readmitted to voice in Parliament , they procure an Act , Dogmatically condemning several Material parts and points of our Covenanted Reformation , to wit , these Positions , That it was Lawful for Subjects , for Reformation or necessary self-defence , to enter into Leagues , or take up Arms against the King : And particularly declaring that the National Covenant , as explained in the Year 1688. and the solemn League and Covenant , were and are in themselves unlawful Oaths , and were taken by , and imposed upon the Subjects of this Kingdom , against the Fundamental Laws and Liberties thereof ; That all such Gatherings and Petitions , that were used in the beginning of the late Troubles , were unlawful and seditious : And whereas People were then led into these things , by having disseminated among them such Principles as these , That it was lawful for People to come with Petitions and Representations to the King , That it was lawful for People to restrict their Allegiance under such and such Limitations , and suspend it until he should give security for Religion , &c. It was therefore enacted , that all such Positions and Practices founded thereupon , were Treasonable — And furder did enact , that no Person , by Writing , Praying , Preaching , or malicious or advised speaking , express or publish any Words or Sentences , to stir up the People to the dislike of the Kings Prerogative and Supremacy , or of the Government of the Church by Bishops , or justifie any of the Deeds , Actings or things declared against by that Act. Yet notwithstanding of all this Subversion of Religion and Liberty , and restraint of asserting these Truths here trampled upon , either before Men by Testimony , or before God in Mourning over these Indignities done unto him , in everting these , and all the parts of Reformation , even when it came to Daniel's Case of conf●ssion , Preaching and Praying Truths interdicted by Law , few had their Eyes open ( let be their Windows in an open avouching them ) to see the duty of the day calling for a Testimony . Tho' afterwards the Lord spirited some to assert and demonstrate the Glory of these Truths and Duties to the World. As that judicious Author of the Apologetical Relation . But this is not all : For these Men , having now , as they thought , subverted the Work of God , they provided also against the fears of its revival ; making Acts , declaring , that if outed Ministers dare to continue to Preach , and presume to exercise their Ministry , they should be punished as Seditious Persons ; requiring of all a due acknowledgment of , and hearty complyance with the King's Government , Ecclesiastical and Civil ; and that whosoever shall ordinarily and wilfully withdraw and absent from the ordinary Meetings for Divine Worship in their own Churches , on the Lord's Day , shall incur the Penalties there inserted . And thus none are allowed by Law to administer the Ordinances , but either Apostate Curates , who by their Perjury and Apostatize forfaulted their Ministry , or other Hir●lings , and Prelates Journey-men , who ran without a Mission , except from them who had none to give , ac●ording to Christ's Institution , the Seal of whose Ministry could never yet be shewn in the Conversion of any Sinner to Christ ; but if the Tree may be known by its Fruits , we may know whose Ministers they are ; by their Conversions of Reformation into Deformation ; of the Work and Cause of God , into the similitude of the Roman Beast ; of Ministers into ●●i●elings ; of the Power of Godliness into Formality ; of Preaching Christ , into Orations of Morality ; of the Purity of Christ's Ordinances , into the vanity of Men's Inventions ; of the Beautiful Government of the House of God for Edification , to a Lordly Preeminence and Domination over Consciences : In a word , of Church and State , Constitutions for Religion and Liberty , all upside down into Wickedness and Slavery . But now this astonishing Blow to the Gospel of the Kingdom , introducing such a swarm of Locusts into the Church , and in forcing a compliance of the People with this defection , and that so violently and rigorously , as even simple withdrawing was so severely punished by severe Edicts of Fining , and other Arbitrary Punishments at first ( for at first they did not Imprison any for simple absenting themselves from the Curates , and only imprisoned those who at any time shewed more than ordinary Zeal against the Curate's Intrusion ) what did it produce ? The generality of Ministers and Professors both went and Conformed so far as to hear the Curates , contrary to many Points of the Reformation formerly attained , contrary to their Covenant-Engagements , and contrary to their own Principles and Practices at that same time ; scrupling and refusing to keep the Bishops Visitations , and to countenance their Discipline and Power of Iurisdiction , because it was required as a Testification of their acknowledgment of , and Compliance with the present Government ; and yet not scrupling to Countenance their Doctrine , and usurped Power of Order , required also by the same Law , as the same Test of the same compliance and submission . Other Ministers lay altogether by in their retired recesses , waiting to see what things would turn to ; others were hopeless , turned Farmers , and Doctors ; others wylie staid at home , and Preached quietly in Ladies Chambers . But the Faithful found themselves under an indispensable necessity to Preach the Gospel , and witness for the freedom of their Ministry , and make full proof of it , in Preaching in Season , and out of Season ; and thereupon as occasion offered , Preached to all such as were willing to hear ; but at first , only in private Houses , and that for the most part , at such times when Sermons in publick surceased ( a Superplus of Caution . ) But afterwards , finding so great Difficulties and Persecutions for their House-Meetings , where they were so easily at●rapped , were constrained at last to keep their Meetings in the Fields : Where testifying both practically , and particularly against these Usurpations on their Master's Prerogatives , and witnessing for their Mi●isterial freedom , contrary to all Law-Interdictions , without any Licenses or Indulgence from the Usurper , but holding their Ministry from Jesus Christ alone , both as to the Office and Exercise thereof ; they had so much of their Master's Countenance , and success in their Labours , that they valued neither hazards or hardships , neither the contempt of pretended Friends , nor the Laws nor threatnings of Enemies , adjudging the Penalty of Death it self to Preachers at Field-Conventicles , a● they called them . Now having thus overturned the Church-Government , by introducing P●elacy , to advance ane absolute Supremacy , the King proceeds in his Design , to pervert and evert the well modelled and moderated Constitution of the State-Government also , by introducing and advancing ane A●bitrary Tyranny . For effectuating which , he first procures a lasting Imposition of intollerable Subsidies and Taxations ; next a further recognisance of his Prerogative , in a Subjection of Persons , Fortunes , and whole strength of the Kingdom to his absolute Arbitriment , in a Levy of Militia of 20000 Footmen , and 2000 Horsemen , sufficiently armed , with Forty days Provision , to be ready upon the King 's call to march to any part of his Dominions , for opposing whatsoever Invasion , or Insurrection , or for any other Service . The first sproutings of Tyranny were cherished , by the cheerful and stupid Submission generally yeilded to these Exorbitancies ; so that generally People did not so much as scruple sending out , or going out as Militia-men . After the fundamental Constitutions of both Church and State are thus razed and rooted up , he contrived to frame all Inferior Magistrates according to his Mould : And for this end appointed , that all Persons in any Publick Trust or Office whatsoever , should subscribe a Declaration , renouncing and abjuring the Covenant . But finding this not yet sufficient security for this unsettled Settlement ; because he well understood , the People stood no ways obliged to acknowledge him , but only according to the Solemn Covenants , being the fundamental Conditions whereupon their Allegiance was founded ; and well knowing , that he and his Associates , by violating these Conditions , had loosed the People from all Subjection to him , or deriving any Power from him , whereby the People might justly plead , That since he had kept no Condition , they were not now obliged to him ; he therefore contriv'd a new Oath of Allegiance to be impos'd upon all in publick Trust , both in Church and State. Strange ! can Presbyterians swear that Allegiance , which is substitute in the place of the broken and burnt Covenant ? Or could they swear it to such a Person , who having buried the Covenant , that he might have another Right and another Allegiance than that of the Covenant , had then remitted to us all Allegiance founded upon the Covenant ? However , having prepared and furnished himself with Tools so qualified for his purpose , in Church and State , he prosecutes his Persecution with such fervor and fury , that at length , in the Year 1666 , a small Party were compelled to go to defensive Arms ; which was occasioned thus . Sir Iames Turner pursuing his Cruel Orders in Galloway , sent some Souldiers to apprehend a poor old Man ; whom his Neighbours Compassionating , intreated the Souldiers to loose him as he lay bound ; but were answered with drawn Swords , and necessitated to their own defence : In which they relieve the Man , and disarm the Souldiers ; and further attacked some others oppressing that Country , disarming Ten or Twelve more , and killing one that made resistance . Whereupon the Country being allarm'd , and fearing Sir Iames would certainly avenge this Affront upon the whole Country , without distinction of Free and Unfree , they gather about Fifty four Horsemen , march to Dumfre●● , take Sir Iames Turner Prisoner , and disarm the Souldiers , without any more violence . Being thus by Providence engag'd , without any hope of retreat , and getting some Concurrence of their Brethren in the same condition , they come to Lanerk , where they renew the Covenant ; and thence to Pentland-Hills , where , by the Holy disposal of God , they were routed , many killed , and 130 taken Prisoners , of which 35 were afterwards hanged , who had much of the Lords Presence at their deaths , and assurance of his Love , strengthening them to Seal a noble Testimony . After this conflict many were forefaulted of their Estates , and Intercommuned ; Souldiers are permitted to take free Quarter in the Country ; to Examine Men by Tortures ; to strip them who did so much as resist the Fugitives , and thrust them into Prisons , &c. Hence we may see the Righteousness of God , how justly at that time he left us in such a damp , that like Asses we couched under all Burdens , and few came out to the help of the Lord against the Mighty , drawing on them Meroz's Curse , and the Blood of their butchered Brethren . But the King having now brought his only opposites , the few Faithful Witnesses of Christ , to a low pass , he went on by Craft as well as Cruelty , to advance his own in promoting Antichrist's Interest . And therefore having gotten the Supremacy devolved upon him by Law , he would now exert that usurped Power , and work by insnaring Policy to effe●tuate the End which he could not do by other means . Therefore seeing he was not able to suppress the Meetings of the Lord's People for Gospel-Ordinances , in Houses and Fields , but that the more he laboured by violent courses , the greater and more frequent they grew ; h● fell upon a more crafty Device , not only to overthrow the Gospel , and suppress the Meetings , but to break the Faithful , and to divide between the Mad-cap and the Moderate Fanaticks ( as they phrased it ) that he might the more easily destroy both , to confirm the Usurpation , and to settle People in a sinful silence , and stupid submission to all the Incroachments made on Christ's Prerogatives , and more effectually to overturn what remained of the work of God. And knowing that nothing could more fortifie the Supremacy than Ministers their homologating and acknowledging it : Therefore he offered the first Indulgence Anno 1669 , signifying in a Letter , dated that Year Iune 7. His gracious Pleasure was , To appoint so many of the outed Ministers , as have lived peaceably and orderly , to return to Preach and exercise other Functions of the Ministry , in the Parish-Churches where they formerly served ( provided they be vacant ) to allow Patrons to present to other vacant Churches , such others of them as the Council should approve : That all who are so indulged , be enjoyned to keep Presbyteries , and the Refusers to be confined within the bounds of their Parishes ; and that they be enjoyned not to admit any of their neighbour Parishes unto their Communions , nor Baptize their Children , nor marry any of them , without the allowance of the Minister of the Parish ; and if they Countenance the People deserting their own Parishes , they are to be silenced for shorter and longer time , or altogether turned out , as the Council shall see cause● And upon complaint made and verified , of any Seditious Discourse , or Expressions in the Pulpit , uttered by any of the Ministers , they are immediately to be turned out , and further punished according to Law : And seeing by these Orders , all pretences for Conventicles were taken away ; if any should be found hereafter to preach without Authority , or keep Conventicles , His Pleasure is , to proceed with all severity against them , as Seditious Persons , and Contemners of Auhtority . To salve this in point of Law , and to make the Kings Letter the Supreme Law afterwards , and a valid ground in Law , whereupon the Council might proceed , and enact , and execute what the King pleased in matters Ecclesiastick ; He therefore caused frame a formal Statutory Act of Supremacy of this Tenor , That his Majesty hath the Supreme Authority and Supremacy over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastick , within his Dominions ; and that by vertue thereof , the ordering and disposal of the External Government of the Church did properly belong to him and his Successors , as an inherent right to the Crown ; and that he may Settle , Enact , and Emit such Constitutions , Acts and Orders , concerning the Administrating thereof , and Persons employed in the same , and concerning all Ecclesiastical Meetings and Matters , to be proposed and determined therein , as He in His Royal Wisdom shall think fit ; which Acts , Orders , and Constitutions , are to be observed and obeyed by all His Majesties Subjects , any Law , Act , or Custom to the Contrary notwithstanding . Whereupon , accordingly the Council , in their Act Iuly 27. 1669 , do nominate several Ministers , and appoint them to Preach , and exercise the other Functions of the Ministry , at their respective Churches there specified , with consent of the Patrons . The same day also , they Conclude and Enact the forementioned Restrictions , conform to the King's Letter , and ordain them to be intimate to every person , who is by Authority foresaid allowed the exercise of the Ministry . These indulged Ministers having that Indulgence given only upon these terms , that they should accept these Injunctions , and having received it up these terms also ( as ane Essential part of the Bargain and Condition , on which the Indulgence was granted and accepted , as many following Proclamations did expresly declare ) do appoint Mr. Hutcheson one of the number , to declare so much ; In acknowledging His Majesties Favour and Cleme●cy , in granting that Liberty , after so long a restraint ; and howev●● they had received their Ministry from Iesus Christ , with full Pre●●●● from him for regulating them therein , yet nothing could be more ref●eshing on Earth to them , th●● to have free liberty for the exercise of their M●nistry , under the Protection of Lawful Authority . In the mean time , tho cruel Acts and Edicts were made against the meeting of the Lord's People , in Houses and the Fields , after all these Midianitish Wiles to suppress them ; such was the Presence of the Lord in these Meetings , and so powerful was his Countenance and Concurrence with the Labours of a few , who laid out themselves to hold up the Standard of Christ , that the number of Converts multiplied daily , to the great encouragement of the few Hands that wrestled in that work , through all humane discouragement . Therefore King and Council was put to a new shift , which they supposed would prove more effectual ; to wit , Because there was a great number of Nonconformed Ministers not yet Indulged , who either did or might hereafter hold Conventicles , therefore , to remede or prevent this in time coming , they appoint and ordain them to such places where Indulged Ministers were settled , there to be confined with Allowance , to Preach as the Indulged should employ them ; thinking by this means to incapacitate many to hold Meetings there or elsewhere : And to these also they give Injunctions and Restrictions to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministry . And to the end that all the outed Ministers might be brought under restraint , and the Word of God be kept under Bonds , by another Act of Council they Command , that all other Ministers ( not disposed of as is said ) were either to repair to the Parish-Church where they were , or to some other Parishes , where they may be ordinary hearers , and to declare and condescend upon the Parishes , where they intend to have their Residence . After this they assumed a Power , to dispose of these their Curates as they pleased , and transport them from place to place ; whereof the only ground was a simple Act of Council , the Instructions always going along with them , as the constant companion of the Indulgence : By all which it is apparent , whatever these Ministers Alledge , viz. That it was but the removal of the Civil Restraint , and that they entred into their places by the Call of the People ( a meer mock-pretence for a prelimited Imposition , whereby that Ordinance of Christ was basely prostituted and abused ) and that their Testimony and Protestation was a Salvo for their Consciences ( a meer Utopian fancy , that the Indulgers with whom they bargained , never heard of , otherwise , as they did with some who were faithful in notifying against their Encroachments , they would soon have given them a Bill of ease . ) It cannot be denied , that that doleful Indulgence , both in its Rise , Contrivance , Conveyance , Grant and Acceptance , End and Effects , was a grievous Encroachment upon the Princely Prer●gative of Jesus Christ , the only Head of the Church ; whereby the Usurpers Supremacy was Homologated , bowed to , complyed with , strengthened the Cause and Kingdom of Christ betrayed , his Churches Privileges Surrendred , his Enemies hardened , his Friends stumbled , and the Remnant rent and ruined . And yet a great part of the Ministers took that Indulgence ; and another part , did , instead of Remonstrating the Wickedness of that deed , Palliate , and Plaister , and Patronize it , in keeping up the Credit of the King and Councils Cur●tes . Yet the Lord had some Witnesses , who pretty early did give significations of their Resentment of this dishonour done to Christ ; as Mr. William W●er , who having got the Legal Call of the People , and discharging his Duty honestly , was turned out : And Mr. Iohn Burnet , who wrote a Testimony directed to the Council , shewing why he could not submit to that Indulgence , inserted at large in the History of Indulgence ; where also we have the Testimony of other Ten Ministers , who drew up their Reasons of Non-complyance with such a Snare : And Mr. Alex . Blaire , who , upon occasion of Citation before the Council for not observing the 29 th of May , told the Council , That he could receive no Instructions from them in the Exercise of his Ministry , otherwise he should not be Christ's ▪ Ambassador , but theirs . But afterwards the Lord raised up some more explicit Witnesses against that defection . While the King thought he had by that Device utterly suppressed the Gospel in House and Field-Meetings , he was so far disappointed , that these very Means and Machins , by which he thought to bury it , did chiefly contribute to its revival : For , when by Persecution , many Ministers had been chased away by illegal Law-Sentences , many had been banished away , and by their ensnaring Indulgences many had been drawn away from their Duty , and others were now Sentenced with Confinements and Restraints , if they should not choose and fix their Residence where they could not keep their Christ and Conscience both ; they were forced to wander and disperse through the Country ; by whose Endeavours the Word of God grew exceedingly , and went at least through the Southern Borders of the Kingdom , like Lightning . O! who can remember the Glory of that day , without a melting Heart ? A day of such Power , that it made the People willing to come out and venture upon the greatest of hardships , and the greatest of hazards , in pursuing after the Gospel ; even when they could not have a probable expectation of escaping the Sword of the Wilderness , and the barbarous fury of bloody Burrio's raging for their Prey , sent out with Orders to take and kill them , it being now made Criminal by Law , especially to the Preachers and Convocaters of these Meetings . I will make bold to say , I doubt if ever there were greater days of the Son of Man upon the Earth since the Apostolick times , than we enjoyed for the space of Seven Years at that time . Now when Christ is gaining ground by the Preached Gospel in Plenty , Purity and Power , the Usurpers Supremacy was like to stagger , and Prelacy came under contempt . Hence , to secure what he had possessed himself of by Law , and to prevent a dangerous Paroxism which he thought would ensue upon these Commotions , the King returned to exert his innate Tyranny , and to emit terrible Orders , and more terrible Executioners , and bloody Emissaries against all Field-Meetings ; which after long Patience , the People at length could not endure ; but being first chased to the Fields , where they would have been content to have the Gospel , with all the Inconveniencies of it ; and also expelled from the Fields , being resolute to maintain the Gospel , they resolved to defend it and themselves by Arms : To which , unavoidable necessity in unsupportable extremity did constrain them , as the only remaining Remedy . It is known , for several Years they met without any Arms , where frequently they were disturbed and dispersed with Souldiers ; some killed , others wounded , which they patiently endured withou Resistance : At length , the Ministers that were most in hazard , having a Price set upon their Heads to be brought in dead or alive , with some attending them in their wandrings , understanding they were thus appointed for death , judged it their duty to provide for the necessary defence of their Lives , from the Violence of their armed Assaulters . And as Meetings encreased , divers others came under the same hazard , which enforced them to endeavour the same Remedy , without the least intention of of prejudice to any . Thus the number of Sufferers increasing , as they joyned in the Ordinances at these persecuted Meetings , found themselves in some probable capacity to defend themselves , and these much endeared Gospel-Priviledges , and to preserve the Memory of the Lord 's great Work in the Land , which to transmit to Posterity was their great design . Wherefore in these Circumstances , being redacted to that strait , either to be deprived of the Gospel , or to defend themselves in their Meetings for it ; and thinking their turning their Backs upon it for hazard , was a cowardly deserting duty , and palpable breach of Covenant-Engagements , abandoning their greatest Interest , they thought it expedient , yea , necessary , to carry defensive Arms with them ; it being an indissoluble obligation in their Covenants , to maintain and defend the true Religion and one another in promoting the same . And hereunto they were encouraged by the constant experience of the Lord 's countenancing their Endeavours in that posture , which always proved successful for several Years , their Enemies either turning their backs without disturbance when they observed them resolve Defence , or in their Assaultings repulsed ; so that there was never a Meeting , which stood to their Defence , got any considerable harm thereby . Thus the Lord was with us while we were with him ; but when we forsook him , he forsook us , and left us in the hands of our Enemies . However , while Meetings for Gospel-Ordinances did continue , the Wicked Rulers did not cease from time to time to encrease their numerous Bands of Barbarous Souldiers , for suppressing the Gospel in these Field-meetings . But all this is nothing to what followed ; when , thinking these Blood-Hounds were too favourable , they brought down from the wild Highlands a Host of Salvages upon the Western Shires , more terrible than Turks , or Tartars ; Men who feared not God , nor regarded Man ; to wast and destroy a plentiful Country , which they resolved before they left it , to make as bare as their own . This Hellish Crew was adduced to work a Reformation , like the French Conversions , to press a Bond of Conformity , wherein every one Subscribed , was bound for himself , and all under him , Wife , Children , Servants , Tenants , to frequent their Parish Churches , and never to go to these Meetings , nor reset nor entertain any that went , but to Inform against , Pursue , and Deliver up all vagrant Preachers , as they called them , to Tryal , and Judgment . Then for the maintenance of the Souldiers , there were imposed new , wicked , and arbitrary Cesses and Taxations , professedly required for suppressing Religion and Liberty , banishing the Gospel out of the Land , and preserving and promoting the King's Absoluteness over all Matters and Persons Sacred and Civil ; which , under that tentation of great Sufferings threatned to Refusers , and under the disadvantage of the silence and unfaithfulness of many Ministers , who either did not condemn it , or pleaded for the peaceable payment of it ; many did comply with it then , and far more since . Yet at that time there were far more Recusants in some places ( especially in the Western shires ) than Complyers : And there were many of the Ministers that did faithfully declare to the People the Sin of it ; not only from the illegality of its Imposition , by a Convention of over-awed and prelimited States ; but from the nature of that imposed Compliance , that it was a sinful Transaction with Christ's declared Enemies ; a strengthning the hands of the wicked , an obedience to a wicked Law , a consenting to Christ's expulsion out of the Land ; and not only that , but ( far worse than the Sin of the Gadarens ) a formal Concurrence to assist his Expellers , by maintaining their force , a hiring our Oppressors to destroy Religion and Liberty ; and from the declared end of it , expressed in the very Narrative of the Act , viz. To Levy and Maintain Forces for suppressing and dispersing Meetings of the Lord's People , and to shew unanimous affections for maintaining the King's Supremacy , as now Established by Law ▪ Yet all this time Ministers and Professors were unite , and with one Soul and Shoulder followed the work of the Lord , 'till the Indulged being dissatisfied with the Meetings in the Fields , whose Glory was like to over-cloud and obscure their Beds of ease ; and especially , being offended at the freedom and faithfulness of some , who set the Trumpet to their Mouth , and shewed Iacob his Sins , and Israel his Transgressions , impartially , without Cloak , or Cover , they began to make a Faction among the Ministers , and to devise how to quench the fervour of their Zeal , who were faithful for God. But the more they sought to extinguish it , the more it brake out , and blazed into a flame . For several of Christ's Ambassadours , touched and affected with the affronts done to their Princely Master by the Supremacy , and the Indulgence of its Bastard-Brood and Brat , began after long silence to discover its iniquity , and to acquaint the People how the Usurper had invaded the Mediator's Chair , in taking upon him to Depose , Suspend , Silence , Plant , and Transplant his Ministers , where , and when , and how he pleased , &c. Yet others , and the greater number of Dissenting Ministers , were not only deficient herein , but defended them , joyned with them , and ( pretending Prudence , and prevention of Schism ) in effect homologated that deed , and the Practice of these Priests , Ezek 22. 26. teaching and advising the People to hear them , both by Precept , and going along with them in their Erastian Course : And not only so , but Condemned and Censured such who Preached against the sinfulness thereof ; especially in the first place , worthy Mr. Walwood , who was among the first Witnesses against that Defection , and Mr. Kid , Mr. King , Mr. Cameron , Mr. Donald Cargil , &c. who Sealed their Testimony afterwards by their blood ; yet then , even by their Brethren , were loaden with the reproachful Nick-names of Schismaticks , Blind Zealots , Jesuites , &c. But it was always observed , as long as Ministers were faithful in following the Lord in the way of their Duty , Professors were fervent , and under all their Conflicts with Persecutors , the Courage and Zeal of the Lovers of Christ was blazing , and never outbraved by all the Enemies boastings , to undertake brisk Exploits , which from time to time they were now and then essaying , 'till defection destroyed , and division diverted their Zeal against the Enemies of God , who before were always the Object against which they whetted the edge of their jus● indignation . Especially the Arch-Prelate Sharp was judged intollerable by ingenuous Spirits . Therefore in Iuly , 1668. Mr Iames Mitchel thought it his duty to save himself , deliver his Brethren , and attempted to cut him off ; which failing , he then escaped , but afterwards was Apprehended , Tortured , Condemned , and Executed . But Justice would not suffer the Arch-Prelate to escape Remarkable Punishment ; the severity whereof did sufficiently compensate sate its delay , after Ten Years respite . For upon the 3 d of May , 167 ) . several worthy Gentlemen , with some other Men of Courage and Zeal for the Cause of God , executed Righteous Judgment upon him in Magus Moore , near St. Andrews . And that same Month , on the Anniversary Day , May 29th . the Testimony at Rutherglen was Published against that Abomination , Celebrating an Anniversary-Day , kept every year for giving thanks for the setting up an Vsurped Power , destroying the interest of Christ in the Land , and against all sinful and unlawful Acts , emitted and executed , published , and prosecuted against our Covenanted Reformation . Where also they burn● the Acts of Supremacy , the Declaration , the Act Recissory , &c. in way of retalition for the burning of the Covenants . On the Sabbath following , Iune 1. A Field-Meeting near to Lowden-Hill , was assaulted by Claverhouse , and with him three Troops of Horse and Dragoons , who had that Morning taken an honest Minster , and about 14 Countrymen out of their Beds , and carried them along with them ; but they were repulsed at Drumclogg , and put to flight , the Prisoners relieved , about 30 of the Souldiers killed on the place , and three of the Meeting , and several wounded on both sides . Thereafter the People retreating from the pursuit , they judged it most safe in that extremity for some time not to separate . Which resolution coming abroad to the Ears of others of their Brethren , determined them incontinently to come to their assistance , considering their own liableness to the same common danger , upon the account of their endeavours of that nature to defend themselves , b●ing of the same judgment for maintaining of the same Cause , to which they were bound by the same Covenants . This was the Rise and Occasion of that appearance at Bothwel-Bridge , which the Lord did in his Holy Soveraignty confound , for former Defections by the means of Division , which broke that little Army among themselves , before they were broken by the Enemy . They continued together in amiable and amicable Peace , for the space of 8 or 9 days , while they endeavoured to put out and keep out every wicked thing from amongst them , and adhered to the Rutherglen Testimony , and that short Declaration at Glascow confirming it ; Representing their present Purposes and Endeavours were only in vindication and defence of the Reformed Religion , as they stood obliged thereto by the National and Solemn League and Covenant , and the Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins , and Engagement to Duties , declaring against Popery , Prelacy , Erastianism , and all things depending thereupon . Intending hereby to comprehend the Defection of the Indulgence , to witness against which all unanimously agreed : Until the Army encreasing , the Defenders and Daubers of that Defection , some Ministers and others came in , who broke all . The occasion of the Breach , was first , when an Overture was offered , to set times apart for Humiliation for the Publick Sins of the Land ; and accordingly the complying with abjured Erastianism , by the acceptance of the ensnaring Indulgence , was condescended upon among the rest of the grounds of Fasting and Humiliation : The Sticklers for the Indulgence refused the Overture , upon Politick Considerations , for fear of offending the Indulged Ministers and Gentlemen , and provoking them to withdraw their Assistance . And next ; whereas the Cause was stated before , according to the Covenants , in the Rutherglen Testimony , and Glascow Declaration , wherein the King's Interest was waved ; These Dividers drew up another large Paper ( called the Hamiltown Declaration ) wherein they assert the Kings Interest , according to the Third Article of the Solemn League and Covenant . Against which , the best affected contended , and protested they could not in Conscience put in his interest into the state of the quarrel , being now in stated opposition to Christ's Interests , and inconsistent with the meaning of the Covenant , and the Practices of the Covenanters , and their own Testimonies ; while now he could not be declared for , as being in the defence of Religion and Liberty , when he had so palpably overturned and ruined the work of Reformation , and oppressed such as adhered thereunto , and had burnt the Covenant , &c. Whereby he had loosed the People from all obligation to him from it . Yet that contrary Faction prevailed , so far as to get it published in the name of all , whereby the Cause was perverted , and betrayed . And so in the Holy All-over-ruling Providence of God , that poor handful was signally discountenanced of God , deprived of all Conduct , divested of all Protection , and laid open to the Raging Sword , the just punishment of all such tamperings with the Enemies of God , and espousing their Interest . About 300 were killed in the Fields , and 1000 and upwards taken Prisoners , stripped , and carried to Edinburgh , and there sentenced with Banishment , and sent away for America , and by the way ( a few excepted ) perished in Shipwreck ; and two faithful and painful Ministers and Witnesses of Christ , Mr. Iohn Kidd , and Mr. Iohn King , received the Crown of Martyrdom , sealing their Testimony with their Blood , and many others after them for the same Cause . After this fearful and fatal stroak at Bothwell , the Universality of the Children of the Church of Scotland , which before espoused her Testimony , was partly drawn by Craft , and partly by Cruelty , from a Conjunction with their Brethren in prosecuting the same , either into an open defection to the contrary side , or into a detestable indifferency and neutrality in the Cause of God. For first of all , the Duke of Monmouth procured the emission of a pretended Indemnity , attended with a Bond of Peace for its Companion ; wherein that Insurrection was acknowledged to be Rebellion , and ane Obligation never to rise in Arms against the King , or any Commissionate by him , and to live peaceably , &c. Which were dreadful Snars fairded over with curious words and cozening names of living peaceably , &c. This course of defection carried away many at that time : And from that time , since the taking that Bond of peaceable living , there hath been an Universal preferring of Peace to Truth , and Ease to Duty . And the Generality have been left to swallow all Oaths and Bonds imposed since ; many Ministers refusing to give their advice when required and requested thereunto , and some not being ashamed to perswade the People to take them . But then they not only raised more Forces to exhaust the strength and substance of the already wasted Country , and laid on and continued from one Term to another that wicked Exaction and cruel Oppression of the Cess , for the same declared ends of suppressing and banishing what remained of the Gospel , and imposed Localites for maintaining the Souldiers imployed in those Designs ; for refusing which many Families were Pillaged , Plundered , and quite Impoverished , besides the beating and abusing them : But also they went on unweariedly with pressing the Bonds of Peace , and dragging them like Dogs to the Prisons that would not subscribe them , and for taking up in their Porteous Rolls the Names of all that were suspected to have been at Bothwell Insurrection ; which they gathered by the Informations of Sycophants , and reputed them Convict , if being summoned they did not appear , and forced others to Swear Super Inquirendis , and delate upon Oath whom they did either see or heard that they were in Arms , or went to Meetings ; and such as refused suffered Bonds of Banishment . Yea , having made it Criminal to reset , harbour , correspond or converse with those whom they declared Rebels , they thereupon imprisoned , fined , and ruined vast numbers , for having seen or spoken with some of them , or because they did not discover or apprehend them when they fancied they might , for which many Gentlemen and others were Indicted and imprisoned , and some Arraigned and Condemned to Death . For these Causes , the Country was Harrassed and destroyed by four extraordinary Circuit Courts , successively going about with their numerous Train , whereby many were grievously oppressed , and with their Oppressions tempted with many Impositions of Conscience-debauching Oaths , and Bonds to compear when called , and to keep the Church , and to refrain from going to Meetings , &c. and by these tentations involved in Complyances and Defections . And not only were they Condemned to Death , for being actually in Arms , or any overt Act of Transgressing their wicked Laws , but even for their extorted Opinion of things , or because they would not Condemn these necessitated risings in Arms to be Rebellion and a Sin against God , which they were forced to declare by terrible menacings of Death ; making their Arbitrary Laws to reach the Heart , Thoughts , and inward Sentiments of the Mind , as well as outward Actions . Whereupon this became a Criminal Question robbing many of their Lives , Was the rising at Bothwell-bridge Rebellion and a Sin against God ? And this , Was the killing of the Bishop of St Andrews horrid Murther ? Which if any answered negatively , or did not answer affirmatively , they were cruelly Condemned to Death . The Ministry then also were generally insnared with that Bonded Indulgence , the pretended benefit of that forementioned Indemnity . For , when a Proclamation was emitted , inveighing bitterly against Field-Meetings , and absolutely introducing all such for the future under highest pain , but granting Liberty to Preach in Houses upon the Terms of a Cautionany Bond given for their living peaceably : Yet excluding all these Ministers who were suspected to have been at the late Rebellion , and all those who shall afterwards be admitted by Non-Conform Ministers : And certifying , that if ever they shall be at any Field-Conventicle , the said Indemnity shall not be useful to such Transgressours any manner of way : And requiring security that none under the colour of this favour continue to Preach Rebellion . Though there seems to be enough in the Proclamation it self to have scared them from this scandalous snare ; Yet a Meeting of Ministers at Edinburgh made up of Indulged , avowed Applauders of the Indulgence , or underhand Approvers and favourers of the same , and some of them old Publick Resolutioners , assuming to themselves the name of a General Assembly , voted for the acceptance of it . And so formerly transacted and bargained upon base , dishonest and dishonourable Terms with the Usurper , by consenting and compacting with the People to give that Bond , wherein the People upon an humble Petition to the Counsel , obtaining their Indulged Minister , do bind and oblige that he shall live peaceably . And in order thereto to present him before his Majesty's Privy Council , when they shall be called so to do ; And in case of failure in not presenting him , to be liable to the Sum of 6000 Merks . Whereby they Condemned themselves of former unpeaceableness . Many embraced this new Bastard Indulgence that had not the benefit of the former Brat , of the same Mother the Supremacy , and far more consented to it without a Witness , and most of all did some way homolegate it , in Preaching under the Sconce of it : Declining the many reiterated and urgent Calls of the zealous Lovers of Christ , to come out and maintain the Testimony of the Gospel in the open Fields , for the honour of their Master and the freedom of their Ministry . Whereupon , as many poor People were tumbled and jumbled into many confusions , so that they were so bewildered and bemisted in doubts and debates , that they knew not what to do , and were tempted to question the Cause formerly so fervently contended for against all opposition , than so simply abandoned , by those that seemed sometimes valiant for it , when they saw them consulting more their onw ease than the Concerns of their Masters Glory , or the necessity of the poor People Hungering for the Gospel ; so the more zealous and faithful , after several Addresses , Calls and Invitations to Ministers , finding themselves deserted by them , judged themselves under a necessity to discountenance many of them , whom formerly they followed with pleasure ; and to resolve upon a persuit and prosecution of Duty of the Day without them , and to provide themselves with faithful Ministers , who would not shun for all hazards , to declare the whole Counsel of God. And accordingly , the Lord sent them first Mr. Richard Cameron , with whom after serious solicitation his Brethren denied their Concurrence , and then Mr. Donald Cargill , who , with a zeal and boldness becoming Christs Ambassadours , maintained and prosecuted the Testimony , against all the Indignities done to their Master and wrongs to the Cause , both by the encroachments of Adversaries , and Defections of their declining Brethren . And now the Lords Inheritance was again revived . But as Christ was then displaying his Beauty to his poor despised and persecuted People ; the Duke of York came to Scotland , who did receive him in great Pomp and Pride . Against which , the forementioned faithful Witnesses of Christ did find themselves obliged to testifie their just resentment , and to protest against his succeeding to the Crown , in their Declaration published at Sanquhair , Iune 22. 1680. Wherein also they disown Charles Stuart , as having any Right , Title , or Interest in the Crown of Scotland or Government thereof , because of his breath of Covenant , and Vsurpation on Christs Prerogatives , &c. And declare a War with him , and all the Men of these Practices , homologating the Testimony at Rutherglen , and disclaiming that Declaration at Hamiltown . This Action was generally Condemned by the Body of lurking Ministers ; both for the matter of it , and the unseasonableness of it , and its apparent unfeasiblness , being done by a handful so inconsiderable , for number , strength , or significancy . But tho' it is not the prudence of the management , but the justness of the Action , that I would have vindicated from Obloquies ; yet it wanted nothing but success to justifie both , in the Conviction of many that made much outcry against it . In these dangerous Circumstances their difficulties and discouragements dayly encreased , by their Enemies vigilancy , their enviers Treachery , and their own inadvertency , some of their number falling into the hands of them that sought their lives . For two of the most eminent and faithful Witnesses of Christ , Mr. Donald Cargill , and Henry Hall , were surprized at Queens Ferrie . Mr. Cargill escaped at that time , but the other endeavouring to resist the Enemies , was Murdered by them . And with him they got a draught of a Covenant , declaring their present purposes and future Resolutions . The Tenor whereof was an Engagement , To free the Church of God of the Corruption of Prelacy on the one hand , and the Thraldom of Erastianism on the other : To persevere in the Doctrin of the Reformed Churches , especially that of Scotland , and in the Presbyterian Government , exercised in Sessions , Presbyteries , Synods and General Assemblies , as a distinct Government from the Civil , and distinctly to be exercised , not after a Carnal manner , by plurality of Votes , or Authority of a single Person , but according to the word of God making and carrying the sentence : To execute Righteous Iudgement impartially , according to the Word , and degree of Offence , upon the Committers of these things , especially , to wit , Blasphemy , &c. Oppression and Malignancy , &c. To reject the present Rulers ; as the only speedy way of relaxation from the Wrath of God lying on the Land : Therefore easily solving the Objectious ( 1. ) of our Ancestors obliging the Nation to this Race and Line ; that they did not buy their Liberty with our Thraldom , nor could they bind their Children to any thing so much to their prejudice : They could only bind to that Government which they esteemed the best for common good , which reason ceasing , we are free to chuse another , if we find it more conducible for that end . ( 2 ) Of the Covenant binding to defend the King : That that Obligation is only in his maintenance of the true Covenanted Religion ; which Homage they cannot now require upon the account of the Covenant , which they have renounced and disclaimed ; and upon no other ground we are bound to them , the Crown not being an Inheritance , that passeth from Father to Son , without the consent of Tenants . ( 3 ) Of the hope of returning from these Courses : That suppose they should dissemble a repentance , yet the Land cannot be cleansed from their Guiltness , but by executing Gods Righteous Iudgments upon them . Vpon these accounts they reject that King , and those associate with him in the Government , and declare them henceforth no lawful Rulers , as they had declared them to be no lawful Subjects , they having destroyed the established Religion , taken away Christs Church Government , &c. And declare they shall , God giving power , set up Government and Governours according to the word of God , and the qualifications required , Exod. 18. v. 20. And shall not commit the Government to any single Person , or lineal succession . And moreover , that these Men set over them shall be engaged to govern Principally , by that Civil and judicial Law ( not that which is any way typical ) given by God to his People of Israel , especially in matters of Life and Death , and other things , so far as they reach , and are consistent with Christian Liberty , exempting Divorce and Poligamy . And seeing that the greatest part of Ministers , not only were defective in Preaching against the Acts of the Rulers for overthrowing Religion , &c. they declare they neither can nor will hear them . They are for a standing Gospel-Ministry , rightly chosen and rightly ordained , and that no● shall take upon them the Preaching of the Word , &c. unless called and ordained thereunto . And whereas separation might be imputed to them , they refell both the Malice , and the Ignorance of the Calumny : For if there be a Separation , it must be where the change is ; and that was not to be found in them , who were not separating from the Communion of the true Church , not setting up a new Ministry , but cleaving to the same Ministers and Ordinances , that formerly they followed , when others have fled to new ways , and a new Authority , which is like the new piece in the Old Garment . And that they shall defend themselves in their Civil , Natural and Divine Rights and Liberties ; And if any assault them , they shall took on it as a declaring a War , and take all advantages that one Enemy does of another , but trouble and injure none but those that injure them . This is the Compend of that Paper which the Enemies seized and published , while it was only in a rude Draught , and not polished , digested , nor consulted by the rest of the Community . That poor Party continued together in a posture of defence , without the Concurrence or countenance of their Covenanted Brethren , until the 22 th of Iuly , 1680. Upon the which day they were attacqued at Airsemoss , by a strong party of about 120 Horse well armed , while they were but 23 Horse and 40 foot at most : And so fighting valiantly , were at length routed . Several of Sions precious Mourners , and faithful Witnesses of Christ , were killed ; and among the rest , that faithful Minister of Christ , Mr. Richard Cameron sealed and fulfilled his Testimony with his Blood. And with others , the valiant and much Honoured Gentleman , David Hackston of Rathillet , was after many received Wounds apprehended , brought in to Edinburgh , and there , resolutely adhering to the Testimony , and disowning the Authority of King and Council , and all their Tyrannical Judicatories , head and tail , and for being accessory to executing judgment upon the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews , was tortured alive , with the cutting off of his hands , and then Hanged , and before he was Dead , Ripped up his Heart , taken our , carried about upon the point of a Knife , and thrown into a F●re , and afterwards his Body Quartered . Then , not only such as were with that little handful at Airsemoss were Cruelly Murdered , but others against whom they could charge no matter of Fact , were questioned if they owned the Kings Authority ; which if any did not answer affirmatively and positively , he was to look for nothing but exquisite Torments and Death . And if any declared their judgment , that they could not in Conscience own such Authority as was then exercised ; or if they declined to give their thoughts of it , as judging thoughts to be under no humane Jurisdiction ; or if they answered with such innocent Specifications as these , that they owned all Authority in the Lord , or for the Lord , or according to the word of God , or all just and lawful Authority , these underwent and suffered the Capital Punishment of Treason . And yet both declining and declaring their extorted Answers about this , they were Condemned as unsufferable . Maintainers of Principles inconsistent with Government . But chiefly they laboured to Murder the Soul , defile the Conscience , and only consult to cast a Man down from his excellency , which is his integrity ; either by Hectoring or Flattering from the Testimony : which they endeavoured by proposing many offers , with many threatnings in subtile Terms ; And pretending a great deal of tenderness , protesting they would be as tender of their Blood as of their own Soul , and purging themselves as Pilate did , and charging it upon their own Head. They would be very easie in their Accomodations , where they found the poor Man beginning to faint , and hearken to their overtures , wherein they would grant him his life , yeilding to him , as cunning Anglers do with Fishes : And to perswade him to some length in complying , they would offer Conference sometimes , or reasoning upon the Point , to satisfie and inform his Conscience , as they pretended , but really to catch him with their busked Hook. If they had any hope of prevailing , they would change a Mans Prison , and take him out from among the more strict and fervent in the Cause , that might sharpen and strengthen his Zeal , and put him among the more cool and remiss . Sometimes they would stage several together , whereof they knew some would Comply , to tantalize the rest with the sight of the others Liberty , and make them bite the more eagerly at their Bait , to catch the Conscience . But when they had done all they could , Christ had many Witnesses , who did retain the Crown of their Testimony in the smallest points , till they obtained the Crown of Martyrdom . But here , as in Egypt , the more they were afflicted , the more they grew : So that many were reclaimed from their Courses of Complyance , and others were daily more and more confirmed in the ways of the Lord , and so strengthned that they chose rather to endure all Torture , and embrace Death in its most terrible aspect , than to give the Tyrant and his Complices any acknowledgment : Yea , not so much as to say , God save the King , which was offered at the price of their Life ; but they would not accept Deliverance on these Terms . Now remained Mr. Donald Cargil , deprived of his faithful Collegue , destitute of his Brethrens Concurrence ; who prosecuted the Testimony against the Universal Apostasie of the Church and Nation , Tyranny of Enemies , Backsliding of Friends , and all the wrongs done to his Master on all hands : And considering , in the Zeal of God , and Sense of his holy Jealousie provoked , and threatning Wrath against the Land , for the Sins , especially of Rulers ; that notwithstanding of all their Testimonies given against them , by publick Preachings , Protestations and Declarations , remonstrating their Tyranny , and disowning their Authority ; yet not only did they persist in their Sins and Scandals , but were owned also by Professours , not only as Magistrates , but as Members of the Christian and Protestant Church ; and that however both the Defensive Arms of Men had been used against them , and the Christian Arms of Prayers , and the Ministerial Weapon of Preaching , yet that of Ecclesiastical Censure had not been Authoritatively exerted against them : Therefore that no Weapon which Christ allows his Servants under his Standard to manage against his Enemies might be wanting , tho' he could not obtain the Concurrence of his Brethren to strengthen the Solemnity and Formality of the Action ; yet he did not judge that Defect , in this broken Case of the Church , could disable his Authority , nor demur the Duty , but that he might and ought to proceed to Excommunication . And accordingly in Sept. 1680. at the Torwood , he Excommunicated some of the most scandalous and principal Promoters and Abettors of this Conspiracy against Christ , as formally as the present Case could admit : After Sermon upon Ezek 21. 25 , 26 , 27. And thou profane wicked Prince of Israel , whose Day is come , &c. The Persons Excommunicated , and the Sentence against them , was given forth as follows . I being a Minister of Iesus Christ , and having Authority and Power from him , do , in his Name and by his Spirit , Excommunicate , cast out of the Church , and deliver up to Satan , Charles the Second , King &c. The Sentence was founded on these Grounds ; For 〈◊〉 great Perjury in breaking and burning the Covenant ; for his rescinding all Laws ; for establishing the Reformation , end enacting Laws contrary thereunto ; For commanding of Arms to destroy the Lords People ; For his granting Remissions and Pardons for Murderers , which is in the power of no King to do , &c. Next by the same Authority , and in the same Name , he Excommunicated James Duke of York , for his Idolatry , and setting up in Scotland to defile the Land , and enticing and encouraging others to do 〈◊〉 With several other rotten Malignant Enemies . But about this time , when some in zeal for the Cause were endeavouring to keep up the Testimony of the day , in an abstraction from Complying Ministers ; others were left to fall into fearful extravagancies and delirious and damnable Delusions , being overdriven with ignorant and blind Zeal into untroden Paths , which led them into a Labyrinth of Darkness : When as they were stumbled at many Ministers their unfaithfulness , so they came to be offended at Mr Cargill his Faithfulness , who spared neither left-hand Declensions , nor-right hand Extreams , and left him and all the Ministers , not only disowning all Communion with those that were not of their way , but Execrating and Cursing them ; and kept themselves in desart places from all Company , where they persisted prodigiously in Fastings , and singing Psalms , pretending to wonderful Raptures and Enthusiasms : And in fine , Iohn Gib with 4 more of them came to that height of Blasphemy , that they burnt the Bible and Confession of Faith. These were the Sweet Singers , as they were called , led away into these Delusions by that Impostor and Sorcerer , Iohn Gib , of which destructive way the approached Remnant , adhering to the foresaid Testimony , had always an Abhorrence of . Wherefore that ignorant and impudent Calumny , of their Consortship with Gibs Followers , is only the vent of viperous Envy : For they were the first that discovered them , and reclaimed them , and were always so far from partaking with them , that to this day these that have come off from that way , and have offered the Confession of their Scandal , do still complain of their over-rigid Severity , in not admitting them to their select Fellowships . Shortly after this , Mr. Donald Cargill finished his Testimony , being apprehended with other two faithful and zealous Witnesses of Christ , Mr. William Smith , and Mr. Iames Beeg , who with two more were altogether at Edinburgh 27 , Iuly 1681. Crowned with the Glory of Martyrdom . Then came the Day of the Remnants vexation ; the Persecution vaxing on the one hand , and a violent Spirit of defection carrying down the most part of Ministers and Professours before it , driving them to Courses of sinful and scandalous Conformings with the Times Corruptions , Compearings before their Courts , Complyings with their Commands , paying of their Cesses and other Exactions , taking of their Oaths and Bonds , and countenancing their Prelatical Church-Services , which they were ashamed to do before : And thereupon on the other hand the Divisions and Confusions were augmented , and poor People that desired to cleave to the Testimony , were more and more offended and troubled at the Ministers , who either left the Land , or lurked in their own retirements . But the remaining Contenders fell upon the expedient of corresponding in General Meetings , to consult , inform and confirm one another , about common Duties in common Dangers ; Laying down this General Conclusion for a foundation of Order to be observed among them in incident doubtful Cases , and emergent Controversies , that nothing relative to the publick , and which concerns the whole of their Community , be done by any of them , without harmonious consent sought after , and rationally waited for , and sufficient deliberation about the best means and manner . In the mean time , the Duke of York , as Commissioner from his Brother , held a Parliament , in which he is declared legal and lineal Successour ; and a Test is framed for a Pest to Consciences , which turned out of all Places of Trust any that had any remaining measure of common Honesty . And to all the Cruel Acts then and before made against the People of God , there was one superadded , regulating the Execution of all the rest , whereby at one dash all Civil and Criminal Justice was overthrown , That the Right of Iurisdiction both in Civil and Criminal Matters is so inherent in the Crown , that his Majesty may judge all Causes by himself , or any other he thinks fit to Commissionate . Here was a Law for Commissionating Souldiers to take away the Lives of Innocents , as was frequently exemplified afterwards . Against which encroachments on Religion and Liberty , the faithful thought themselves obliged to emit a Testimony . And therefore published a Declaration at Lanerk , Ian. 12. 1682. Confirming the proceeding at Sanquhair , and adding reasons of their Revolt from the Government of Charles the Second : For his arrogantly arrogated Supremacy in all Causes Civil and Ecclesiastick , and oppressing the Godly for Conscience and Duty ; for installing a Successour , such an one ( if not worse ) as himself , and framing the Test ; &c. And in end offer to prove , they have only endeavoured in this to extricate themselves from under a Tyrannous Yoke , and to reduce Church and State to what they were in the Years 1648 and 1649. After which Declaration they were more Condemned by them that were at ease , than ever . For which Cause , in the next General Meeting , they resolved to delegate some of their number to Forreign Churches , on purpose to vindicate themselves from these Calumnies ; And withal to provide for a Succession of Witnesses . Therefore by that means having obtained access for the instruction of some young Men , at an University in the united Provinces , in process of time , Mr. Iames Renwick , received Ordination there , and came home to take up the Standard of his Master , upon the ground where it was left . Which undertaking , notwithstanding all the Rage of Enemies , and all the Scourge of Tongues of incensed Professours , he Prosecuted by many weary wandrings , Night and Day , Preaching , Conferring and Catechising , until , not only was the faithful Witnessing Remnant that joyned in the Testimony , further cleared , confirmed and encouraged , and their number much encreased by the coming in and joyning of many others to the Fellowship of their setled Societies ; but also many others , in other places of the Country were induced to the contracting themselves in the like , to the setling such Fellowships in most of the Southern Shires . But then the fury of Persecutors began to flame more flagrantly than ever ; not only in sending out Cruel Souldiers , Foot , Horse and Dragoons , to pursue after them , in the wildest and remotest recesses in the Wilderness ; but emitting Edicts allowing them to kill , slay , hang , drown , and destroy such as they could apprehend of them pro libitu ; and commanding the Country to assist them , &c. For which Cause , to preserve themselves from , and put a stop to that deluge of Blood , and demur and deter the Insolency of Intelligencers and Informers , they were necessitate to publish the Apologetick Declaration , and affix it upon several Mercat-Crosses , and Parish-Church Doors , Nov. 8. 1684. Wherein they declare their firm Resolution of constant adherence to their Covenants and Engagements , and to the Declarations disowning the Authority of Charles Stewart , and to testifie to the World , that they purpose not to injure or offend any whomsoever , but to pursue the ends of their Covenants , in standing to the defence of the Work of Reformation , and of their own Lives ; yet if any shall stretch forth their hand against them , by shedding their Blood actually , either by Authoritative commanding , or obeying such Commands , to search for them and deliver them up to the spilling of their Blood , to inform against them , to raise the Hue and Cry after them , and delate them before their Courts : All these shall be reputed by them Enemies to God and the Covenanted Reformation , and punished as such , according to their Power , and the degree of their offence , if they shall continue so malitiously to proceed against them : And declare , they abhor and condemn any personal attempts , upon any pretext whatsoever , without previous Deliberation , common or competent consent , without certain probation by sufficient Witnesses , the guilty Persons Confession , or the notoriousness of the deeds themselves : And in the end warn the bloody Doegs and flattering Ziphites informing against them , to be expect to be dealt with as they deal with them . This Declaration occasioned greater Tryals to them and trouble to the Country , by the pressing an Oath abjuring the same universaly up on all , as well Women as Men , and suffering none to Travel without a Pass , declaring they had taken that Oath ; and giving power to all Hostlers and Inn-keepers to impose Oaths upon all Passengers , Travellers , Gentlemen or Country-men , who were to Swear that their Passes were not forged . And Prisoners that would not take the Oath , were according to the foresaid Act , Condemned , and Executed . And after that , they gave Orders and Commands to the Souldiers to pursue the Chase after these Wanderers more violently , and shoot , or otherwise put them to Death wherever they could apprehend them . Hence followed such a slaughter and seizure of them , that common People usually date their common Occurrences since , from that beginning of killing time , as they call it . Yet that Declaration was so far effectual , as to scare many from their former diligence in informing against them , and to draw out some to joyn with the Wanderers more publickly , even when the danger was greatest of owning any respect to them . In the beginning of this killing time , the first Author and Authorizer of all these Mischiefs , Charles II. was removed by Death . And the Duke of York succeeding , immediately upon his mounting the Throne , the Executions and Acts prosecuting the Prosecution of the poor Wanderers , were more Cruel than ever . Now the Earl of Argyle having been Arraig●ed and Condemned for his Explanation of the Test , but escaped out of the Castle of Edinburgh ; and after him several Gentlemen being arbitrarily oppressed and troubled , upon the Act of Intercommuning with Rebels , and for a pretended Plot against the Government ( as they called it ; ) and many other Gentlemen having lost either their Lives or Fortunes , many did resort to the United Provinces . From whence , as soon as they had provided themselves with Arms , after the ascending of Iames Duke of York , they returned to Scotland , under the conduct of the Earl of Argyle , their chosen Captain . And Argyle's Party perceiving that their Enemies were above ten times their number , dispersed , every Man shifting for himself . The Enemies searching the Country , gleaned up the Earl of Argyle himself , Col. Rumbold , an English Man , Mr. Thomas Archer Minister , Gawin Russel , and David Law , who were all Condemned and Executed at Edinburgh ; and many others who were Banished to America : And about some 20 in the Highlands , who were Hanged at Ineravie . In the mean time , the Wanderers , tho' they did not associate with this Expedition , upon the account of the too promiscuous admittance of Persons to trust in that party , who were then , and since have discovered themselves to be Enemies to the Cause , and because they could not espouse their Declaration as the State of their Quarrel , being not concerted according to the constant plea of the Scots Covenanters : Yet against this Usurpation of a Papist , they published another Declaration at Sanquhair , May 28. 1685. Wherein , approving and adhering unto all their former Declarations , and considering that James Duke of York , a profest and Excommunicate Papist , was proclaimed ; to testifie their Resentment of that deed , and to make it appear unto the World , that they were free thereof , by Concurrence or Connivance ; they protest against the foresaid Proclamation of James Duke of York as King : In regard that is contrary to the Declaration of the General Assembly , July 27 , 1649. And they protest against the Validity and Constitution of that Parliament , approving and ratifying the foresaid Proclamation , &c. This was their Testimony against Popery in the Season thereof ? Which tho' it was not so much Condemned as any former Declarations , yet neither in this had they the Concurrence of any Ministers or Professours ; who as they had been silent , and omitted a seasonable Testimony against Prelacy and the Supremacy , when these were introduced , so now also they were left to let slip this opportunity of a Testimony against Popery , to the reproach of the declining and far degenerate Church of Scotland . Yea to their shame , the very Rabble of ignorant People may be brought as a Witness against the Body of Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland , in that they testified their detestation of the first Erection of the Idolatrous Mass , and some of the Souldiery , and such as had no Profession of Religion , suffered unto Death for speaking against Popery , and the designs of the King , while the Ministers were silent . And some of the Curats , and Members of the late Parliament , 1686. made some stickling against the taking away of the Penal Statutes against Papists ; while Presbyterians , from whom might have been expected greater opposition , were sleeping in a profound Submission . I cannot without confusion of Spirit touch these obvious and dolorous Reflections , and yet in Candour cannot forbear them . However the Persecution against the Wanderers went on ; there were more Butchered and Slaughtered in the Fields , than in all the former Tyrants Reign ; there have been more Banished to Forreign Plantations in this Mans time , than in the others ; and there have been more cruel Acts of Parliament enacted in this Tyrants time , than the former made all his Reign . For not only was there an Act making it Treason to refuse the Oath of Abjuration , confirming all their procedure hereupon before ; but an Act making it Criminal to own the Covenant , and another Act making it Criminal for any to be present at a Field-Meeting , which was only so to Preachers before . But a relenting abatement of severity was pretended against other Dissenters . At length what could not be obtained by Law at the late Parliament for taking off the Statutes against Papists , was effectuated by Prerogative , in a Proclamation dated Feb. 12 , 1687. But this was so gross , and grievously griping in its restrictions , as to Persons , as to the place , as to the matter allowed the Presbyterians in Preaching , that it was disdained of all ; and therefore he behoved to busk it better , and mend the matter , in a Letter to the Council , bearing date March 31. 1687. Of this Tenor , Whereas we did recommend to you to take care , that any of the Presbyterians should not be allowed to Preach , but such only as should have your allowance for the same , and that they at the receiving the Indulgence should take the Oath contained in the Proclamation ; these are therefore to let you know , that thereby we meant such of them as did not solemnly take the Test. But if nevertheless the Presbyterian Preachers do scruple to take the said Oath , or any other Oath what soever , and that you shall find it reasonable or fit to grant them or any of them our said Indulgence , so as they desire it upon these terms ; It is now our Will and Pleasure to grant them the said Indulgence ( during our Pleasure only ) or so long as you shall find they behave themselves regularly and peaceably , without giving any cause of offence to us , or any in Authority or Trust under us in our Government . But at length to take of all difformity and disparity of the Proclamation for the Toleration in Scotland , and the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England ; he added a third eke to the Liberty , in another Proclamation dated Iune 28 , 1687. And this is the Royal Charter for ●●curity of the Protestant Religion in lieu of all the Laws , Constitutions , and Oaths wherewith it was formerly confirmed . This is the only Patent which the Royal Dalilees , the Moderate Presbyterians have now received to ensure their enjoyment of it durante beneplacito . But as for the poor Wanderers , while others are rejoycing under the Bramble-shadow of it , they think it a cause of weeping and matter of mourning , not because they do not share of the benefit of it , but because they are afraid to share of the Curse of it . For which Cause , they do look upon it as a seasonable Testimony for the Cause of Christ , and the Interest of the Protestant Religion , and the Laws and Liberties of the Country , all overturned and subverted by this Toleration , to keep their Meetings as in former times ; thinking it sinful , scandalous and inconvenient to seem to homologate this Toleration , the wickedness whereof they are convinced of , from these Reasons ( besides those for which they rejected the former Indulgencies , Indemnities and Tolerations , and those which regard the Granter , as to his Principles and Religion . For considering the Fountain whence it flows , they cannot defile themselves with it , it being refounded on Absolute Power , proclaiming by sound of Trumpet a Power Paramount to all Law ; a Power to tolerate or restrain the Protestant Religion , according to his Royal Will or Pleasure . Now the acceptance of this Grant , would imply the recognizance of this power that the Granter claims in Granting it : Which utterly dissolves all Government , and all security for Religion and Liberty . ) Considering also the Channel in which it is conveyed , they cannot comply with it . Because it comes through such a Conveyance as Casses , annulls , stops , suspends and disables all Penal Laws against Papists , and thereby eve●ts all the Securities and legal Bulwarks that Protestants can have for the establishment of their Religion ; yea , in effect leaves no Laws in force against any that shall attempt the utter subversion of it ; but ratifies and leaves in full rigour all wicked Laws and Acts of Parliament , against such as would most avowedly assert it . Hence as he hath formerly by Absolute Power suspended all Laws made for the Protection of our Religion , so he may when he will dispense with all the Laws made for its establishment ; and those who approve the one by such an Acceptance , cannot disallow the other , but must recognosce a Power in the King to subvert all Laws , Rights and Liberties . Considering the Ends of its contrivance , they dare not have any accession to accomplish such wicked Projects , to which this Acceptance would be so natively subservient . Which Project was discovered in the English Declaration , viz. That he heartily wishes that all the People of these Dominions were Members of the Catholick Church . Considering the Effects already produced thereby , they cannot but abhor it . Seeing the Papists are thereby encouraged , all places filled with Priests and Jesuits ; yea , the executive Power of the Government put into the hands of the Romanists : And on the other hand a T●stimony against Antichrist is abandoned and laid aside as unseasonable , the edge of Zeal for the Interest of Christ is blunted , they that should stand in the Gap and upon the Watch-Tower are laid aside from all opposition to the invasions of the Enemy , and lulled asleep by this bewitching Charm and intoxicating Opium ; Ministers and Professours are generally settling on their Lees and languishing in a fatal security . Considering the Extent of it , they cannot class themselves among the number of them that are Indulged thereby . Whereby the Professours of Christ come in as Partners in the same Bargain with Antichrists Vassals ; and the Lords Ark hath a place with Dagon , and its Priests and Followers consent to it , and the Builders of Babel and Ierusalem are made to build together , under the same Protection ; and a Sluce is opened to let the Enemy come in like a Flood , which to oppose , the Accepters cannot stand in a Gap , nor lift up a Standard against them . All which is contrary to the Confession of Faith Ch. 20. § . 4. And therefore to accept of this Toleration is inconsistent with the Principles of the Church of Scotland , with the National and Solemn League and Covenant , and Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins , and Engagement to Duties ; in all which we are bound to extirpate Popery . With the whole Tract of Contendings between the years 1638 and 1660. and particularly by the Testimony of the Synod of Fife , and other Brethren in the Ministry , against Cromwels vast Toleration and Liberty of Conscience , above related . For it is plain , if it be not to be suffered , then it is not to be accepted . Considering the Terms wherein it is offered , they cannot make such a shameful bargain . For by it the Matter of Preaching is so restricted and limited , that nothing must be Preached or Taught , which may any way tend to alienate the Hearts of the People from him or his Government . Here is a Price at which they are to purchase their Freedom , which yet hardly can be so exactly paid , but he may find a pretence for retrenching it when he pleases : For if a Minister shall Preach against the Kings Religion as Idolatry , and the Church of Rome as Babylon , &c. This shall be interpreted to be an alienation of the Peoples Hearts from the King and his Government . But who can be faithful , and Preach in Season and out of Season now , but he must think it his Duty to endeavour thus to alienate the Hearts of the People ? Sure if any Preach the whole Counsel of God , he must Preach against Popery . And if he think that this Indulgence , granted and accepted on these Terms , can supersede him from this Faithfulness , then he is no more the Servant of Christ , but a pleaser of Men. Considering the Scandal of it , they dare not so offend the Generation of the Righteous by the Acceptance , and dishonour God , disgrace the Protestant Profession , wrong the Interest thereof , and betray their Native-Country , as thus to comply with the design of Antichrist . And it cannot but be very stumbling to see the Ministers of Scotland , whose Testimony used to be terrible to the Popish , and renowned through all the Protestant-Churches , purchasing a Liberty to themselves at the rate of burying and betraying the Cause into Bondage and restraint , and thus to be laid by from all active and open opposition to Antichrists Designs , in such a Season . The World will be tempted to think , they are not governed by Principles , but their own Interest in this Juncture , seeking their own things more than the things of Christ ; And that it was not the late Usurpation upon , and overturning of Religion and Liberty that offended them , so much as the Persecution they sustained thereby ; but that if Arbitrary Power had been exerted in their favours , tho' with the same prejudice of the Cause of Christ , they would have complyed with it , as they do now . Alas ! Sad and dolorous have been the Scandals given and taken , by and from the Declining Ministers of Scotland heretofore , but none so stumbling as this . Lastly , considering the Addresses made thereupon , with such a strain of fulsom and Blasphemous Flatteries , to the dishonour of God , the reproach of the Cause , the betraying of the Church , and detriment o● the Nation , and exposing themselves to the Contempt of all , the poor Persecuted Party dare not so much as seem to incorporate with them ▪ I shall set down the first of their Addresses , and let the Reader judge whether there be not Cause of standing also off from every appearance of being of their number . It is Dated at Edinburgh , Iuly 21 , 1687. Of this Tenor. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty , The Humble Address of the Presyterian Ministers of his Majesties Kingdom of Scotland . WE Your Majesties most Loyal Subjects , the Ministers of the Presbyterian Perswasion in your Ancient Kingdom of Scotland , from the due Sense we have of Your Majesties Gracious and surprising favour , in not only putting a stop to our long sad Sufferings for Non-Conformity , but granting the Liberty of the Publick and Peaceable Exercise of our Ministerial Function without any hazard : As we bless the Great God , who hath put this in your Royal Heart , we do withal find our selves bound in Duty to offer our most Humble and Hearty thanks to Your Sacred Majesty , the Favour bestowed being to us , and all the People of our Perswasion , valuable above all our Earthly comfort ; especially since we have ground from Your Majesty to believe that our Loyalty is not to be questioned upon the account of our being Presbyterians , who as we have amidst all former tentations endeavoured , so we are firmly resolved still to preserve an entire Loyalty in our Doctrin and Practice ( consonant to our known Principles , which according to the Holy Scriptures are contained in the Confession of Faith , generally owned by Presbyterians in all Your Majesties Dominions ) and by the help of God so to demean our selves , as Your Majesty may find Cause rather to enlarge than diminish your Favours towards us ; throughly perswading our selves from Your Majesties Iustice and Goodness , that if we shall at any time be otherwise represented , Your Majesty will not give credit to such Information , until you have due cognition thereof : And Humbly beseeching , that those who promote any Disloyal Principles and Practices ( as we disown them ) may be looked upon as none of ours , whatsoever name they assume to themselves . May it please Your most Excellent Majesty Gracio●sly to accept of this ou● most Humble Address , as proceeding from the plainness and sincerity of Loyal and Thankful Hearts , much engaged by Your Royal Favour ▪ to continue our Fervent Prayers to the King of King's , for Divine Illumination and Conduct , with all other Blessings Spiritual and Temporal , ever to attend Your Royal Person and Government , which is the greatest Duty can be rendred to Your Majesty by Your Majesties most Humble , most Faithful , and most Obedient Subjects . Subscribed in our Names , and in the Name of the rest of our Brethren of our Perswasion , at thei● Desire . The King's Letter to the Presbyterians in his Ancient Kingdom of Scotland . WE Love you well , and we heartily thank you for your Address : We resolve to protect you in your Liberty , Religion and Properties , all our Life : And we shall lay down such Methods as shall not be in the Power of any to alter hereafter . And in the mean time we desire you to pray for our Person and Government . To which may be added that kind Complement of the Chancellours . Gentlemen , My Master hath commanded me to tell you , that I am to serve you in all things within the compass of my Power . These Gentlemen needed not to have been sollicitous , that those who avouch an Adherence to the Covenanted Reformation , and avow an opposition to Antichristian Usurpers ( which they call promoting Disloyal Principles and Practices ) might not be looked upon as of their Confederacy : For all that abide in the Principles and Practices of the Church of Scotland ( which they have deserted ) would count it a Sin and Scandal , to be reckoned of their Association who have thus betrayed the Cause and the Country . These mutual Complements between the professed Servants of Christ and the Vassals of Antichrist , if they be Cordial , would seem to import that they are in a fair way of compounding their differences , and to accomodate their oppositions at length : But if they be only adulatory and flattering Complements , importing only a Conjunction of Tails , like Samsons Foxes , with a Disjunction of Heads and Hearts , tending towards distinct and opposite interests ; then , as they would suit far better the Dissimulations of Politicians , than the Simplicity of Gospel-Ministers , and do put upon them the Brand of being Men-pleasers rather than Servants of Christ , so for their Dissemblings with Dissemblers , who know their Complements , to be and take them for such , they may look to be paid home in good Measure , heaped up and running over , when such Methods shall be laid down as shall not be in the Power of any to alter , when such designs shall be obtained by this Liberty and these Addresses , that the afterbought Wit of the Addressers shall not be able to disappoint . However the Address is such , as makes the thing addressed for to be odious , and the Addressers to forfeit the respects and merit the indignation of all that are Friends to the Protestant and Presbyterian Cause ; as may appear from these obvious Reflections . 1. It was needful indeed they should have assumed the Name of Presbyterians , and call it the humble Address of Presbyterians Ministers : For otherwise it would never have been known to come from Men of the Presbyterian Perswasion ; seeing the Contents of this Address are so clearly contrary to their known Principles . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , to congratulate an Antichristian Usurper for undermining Religion , and overturning Laws and Liberties . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , to justifie the abrogation of the National-Covenant , in giving thanks for a Liberty whereby all the Laws are ●assed and disabled , therein confirmed . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , to thank the King for opening a door to bring in Popery , which they are engaged to ex●irpate in the Solemn League and Covenant . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles to allow or accept of such a vast Toleration for Idolaters and Hereticks , as is evident above . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles to consent to any Restrictions , Limitations , and Conditions , binding them up in the Exercise of the Ministerial function , whereby this Liberty is loaded and clogged : So that they cannot enjoy it without great hazard of Sin , and incurring the Guilt of the Blood of Souls , for not declaring the whole Council of God , which Addressers cannot declare , if they Preserve an en●ire Loyalty in their Doctrin , as here they promise . 2. There is nothing sounds here like the Old Presbyterian strain ; neither was there ever an Address of this stile seen before from Presbyterian Hands . It would have looked far more Presbyterian like , in stead of this Address , to have sent a Protestation against the new openly designed introduction of Popery , and subversion of all Laws and Liberties which they are Covenanted to maintain ; or at least to have given an Address in the usual Language of Presbyterians , who used always to speak of the Covenants , and Work of Reformation : But here never a word of these , but of Loyalty to his Excellent , to his Gracious , and to his Sacred Majesty , of Loyalty not to be questioned , an Entire Loyalty in Doctrin , a resolved Loyalty in Practice , and a fervent Loyalty in Prayers : And all that they are Sollicitous about , is not lest the Prerogatives of their Master be encroached upon , and the Liberties of the Church be supplanted , and Religion wronged ; but lest their Loyalty be question●d , and they be otherwise represented : And all that they beseech for is , not that the Cause of Christ be not wronged , nor Antichristian Idolatry introduced by this Liberty ; but that these who promove any disloyal Principles and Practices may be looked upon as none of theirs , wherein all their encouragement is , that they perswade themselves from his Majestys Iustice and Goodness , that he will not give Credit to any other information until he take due cognition thereof . Here is a Lawless unrestricted Loyalty to a Tyrant , claiming an Absolute Power to be obeyed without reserve , not only professed , but solicitously sought to be the Principle of Presbyterians ; whereas it is rather the Principle of Atheistical Hobbs exploded with indignation by all Rational Men. This is not the Presbyterian Loyalty to the King , in the defence of Christ his Evangel , Liberties of the Country , Ministration of Iustice , and punishment of iniquity , according to the National-Covenant ; and in the preservation and defence of the true Religion , and Liberties of the Kingdoms , according to the Solemn-League and Covenant : But an Erastian Loyalty to a Tyrant in his overturning Religion , Laws and Liberties . This Loyalty in Doctrin , will be found Disloyalty to Christ , in a sinful and shameful silence at the wrongs done to him , and not declaring against the Invasions of his open Enemies . This Loyalty in Practice is a plain betraying of Religion and Liberty , in lying by from all opposition to the open Destroyer of both . And this Loyalty in Prayers , for all Blessings ever to attend his Person and Government , will be neither conformed to Presbyterian Prayers in reference to Popish Tyrants , nor consistent with the Zeal of Christians , nor founded upon any Scripture Promises , to pray for Blessings to a Papists Tyranny , which cannot be of Faith , and therefore must be Sin. 3. This Address is so stuffed with sheaking Flatteries , that it would more become Sycophants and Court-Parasites , than Ministers of the Gospel ; and were more suitable to that Popish , Prelatical , and Malignant Faction to congratulate and rejoyce in their professed Patron and Head , and fill the Gazetts with their Adulatory Addresses , which heretofore used to be deservedly inveighed against by all Dissenters ; than for Presbyterians to take a Copy from them , and espouse the Practice which they had condemned before , and which was never commended in any good Government , nor never known in these British Nations , before Oliver's Usurpation ; Flattery being always counted base among ingenuous Men. But here is a Rhapsodie of Flatteries , from the deep Sense they have of his Majesties Gracious and surprizing favour ; finding themselves bound in Duty to offer their most humble and hearty thanks to his Sacred Majesty , the favour bestowed being to them valuable above all Earthly comforts . One would think it behoved to be a very great favour , from a very great Friend , for very gracious ends : But what is it ? In not only putting a stop to their long sad Sufferings ; which were some ground indeed , if the way were Honest : But this not only supposes an also ; what is that ? But also granting us the Liberty ; which is either a needless Tautology ( for if all Sufferings were stopped , then Liberty must needs follow , ) or it must respect the Qualifications of the Liberty ; flowing from such a Fountain , Absolute Power ; through such a conveyance , stopping all Penal Laws against Papists ; in such a Form as a Toleration ; for such Ends , as overturning the Reformation and introducing Popery . This is the Favour for which they offer most humble and hearty Thanks , more valuable to them than all Earthly Comforts . Sure , if they thank him for the Liberty , they must thank him for the Proclamation whereby he grants it , and justifie all his claim there to Absoluteness , being that upon which it is superstructed , and from which it emergeth ; and so become a listed Faction to abet and own him in all his attemptings , engaged now to demean themselves as that he may find Cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours , which can be no other way but in assisting him to destroy Religion and Liberty , at least in suffering him to do what he will without controll . O what an indeliberate reproach is this for Ministers , who pretend to be yet for the defence of the Gospel , thus to be found betraying Religion , through justifying and magnifying a Tyrant , for his suspension of so many Laws , whereby it was established and supported ! 4. It were more tolerable if they went no farther than Flatteries ; but I fear they come near the Border of Blasphemy , when they say , that the Great God hath put this in his Royal Heart ; which can bear no other Construction but this , that the Holy Lord hath put it in his Heart to assume to himself a Blasphemous and Absolute Power , whereby he stops and suspends all Penal Laws against Idolaters , and gives a Toleration for all Errors : If it be capable of any other Sense , it must be like that as the Lord is said to have moved David to number the People , or that Rev. 17. 17. God hath put it in their Hearts to fulfill his Will , and to agree and give their Kingdom to the Beast . But to bless God , and thank the Tyrant for this wicked Project , as deliberate and purposed by Men , I say is near unto Blasphemy . And again where they say , they are firmly resolved by the help of God so to demean themselves as his Majesty may find Cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours ; this in effect is as great Blasphemy , as if they had said , They resolved by the help of God to be as unfaithful Time-serving and silent Ministers as ever plagued the Church of God ; for no otherwise can they demean themselves so as he may find cause to enlarge his Favours towards them , it being no way supposable that his enlarging his Favours can consist with their faithfulness ; but if they discover any measure of Zeal against Antichrist , he will quickly diminish them . Thus far I have compendiously deduced the Account of the progress and Prosecution of the Testimony of this Church to the present State thereof . FINIS . A Catalogue of some Books Printed for Io. Hindmarsh at the Golden-Ball over against the Royal-Exchange in Cornhill . THE Antiquity of the Royal Line of Scotland farther Cleared and Defended , against the Exceptions lately offer'd by Dr. Stillingfleet , in his Vindication of the Bishop of St. Asaph . ●y Sir George Mackenzie , His Majesty's Advocate for the Kingdom of Scotland . The Moral History of Frugality with its opposite Vices , Covetousness , Niggardliness , Prodigality , and Luxury . Written by the Honourable Sir George Mackenzie , late Lord Advocate of Scotland . A Memorial for His Highness the Prince of Orange , in Relation to the Affairs of Scotland : Together with the Address of the Presbyterian-Party in that Kingdom to His Highness ; And some Observations on that Address . By two Persons of Quality . An Account of the Present Persecut●on of the Church in Scotland , in several Letters . The Case of the Present Afflicted Clergy in Scotland truly represented . To which is added for Probation , the attestation of many unexceptionable Witnesses to every Particular ; and all the Publick Acts and Proclamations of the Convention and Parliament relating to the Clergy . By a Lover of the Church and his Country . An Historical Relation o● the late Presbyterian Genera● Assembly , held at Edinburgh , from October 16 to November 13. In the Year 1690. In ● Letter from a Person in Edinburgh to his Friend in London . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59964-e130 * M. A●rel . A●●tonin . ●ull . de Oct●e . ● . 1. 〈◊〉 si sibi ipse con●ntrat & non in ●erdum natura bo●itate vincatur ●t ut neque ami●itiam c●lem pos●t , nee justitian , ●es liberalitatem . Read the Preface to Dr. Hooker's Polity . Pretended Answer to the Ir●nicum . I cannot el●e the Page , having no Books by me . 
A59965	----	A short memorial of the sufferings and grievances past and present of the Presbyterians in Scotland particularly of them called by nick-name Cameronians. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. 1690 Approx. 161 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59965 Wing S3434 ESTC R25753 09102270 ocm 09102270 42451 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59965) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42451) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1295:3) A short memorial of the sufferings and grievances past and present of the Presbyterians in Scotland particularly of them called by nick-name Cameronians. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. [4], 56 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1690. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History. Covenanters. Scotland -- History -- 1660-1688. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SHORT MEMORIAL OF THE Sufferings AND Grievances , PAST and PRESENT OF THE PRESBYTERIANS IN SCOTLAND : Particularly of those of them called by Nick-name Cameronians . Printed in the Year , 1690. TO THE READER . IT is not needful in the entry to give a Deduction , either of the Excellent Establishments of Religion and Civil Liberties , and Provisions made for security of both , that our Fathers obtained and Enjoyed , by the Mercy of GOD , under the Patrociny of Righteous Rulers ; Or of the deplorable Demolishments of these Invaluable Intersts , since the unhappy Re-introduction of Prelacy and Tyranny , which brought Poperie to the very Birth in this Land , had it not pleased the Most High GOD , by the interposition of the present King , as an Instrument , to make it abortive . But it is very useful and pleasant , to remember that the Reformation of the Church of Scotland , was sometimes as far Celebrated among all the Churches , as now it is Depreciated incontempt and Obscurity : Among other peculiar Eminencies of it above many other Churches , she had this very early for the subject of her Gloriation , through Grace ; that at once and from the Beginning , both , Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government were Reformed , according to the Pattern of the Institutions of Christ , to that degree of Purity , that our very first Reformers could assert , to the praise of Grace , that no Corruption was left in this Church , that ever flowed from the Man of Sin. Which , through the Blessing of GOD upon the Faithful and earnest Labours and Wrestling of His Servants in the Ministry , made such progress in a short time ; that not only the Doctrine was perfectly purged of the Leaven of Popery , Arminianisme , Socinianisme &c. and all other Heresies ; the Worship , of all Idolatry and Superstition : but the Discipline was impartially exercised , and the Government Reformed from Diocesan Prelacy , Sectarian Confusions , and Erastian Supremacy of the Civil Powers , and framed in the nearest Conformity to the Primitive Apostolick Pattern , according to the Word of GOD , and example of the best Reformed Churches , in the Presbyterial Order , of Congregational , Classical , Synodical , and National Assemblies . In the Preservation and Observation of which Beautiful Order , making our Church Beautiful as Tirzah , Comely as Jerufalem , Terrible as an Army with Banners . This was also her Priviledge and Praise , which is the Fruit of this Government wheresoever it hath Place , that she was Once and for a long time , as much admired for Union , as of late for Divisions since these Corruptions made a Breach upon Vs : Her Name was once called Philadelphia among all the Reformed Churches ; and t was long since attested at that unhappy Convention at Perth , which attempted the Introduction of some Popish Novations , in the Year 1618. That from that backward , to the Year 1558. there had been neither Schisme nor Heresie in this Church ; as also from thence forward , the same might have been said , excepting the Contentions which the Prelates and Malignants occasioned , until the fatal Catastrophe . No Church on Earth had more Purity , Order , or Vnity , and was freer of Corruption , Defection and Division , that this Church . This our Renowned Reformation in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , as it was Founded on the Law and the Testimony of the GOD of Heaven ; so it was Confirmed by all the Sanctions , Ratifications and Securities , that any Right can be capable of among Men : Not only by many Laws , penal , and Statutory , Established as Bulworks , for Preserving and Defending it against all the forementioned Adversaries ; by many Constitutions and Acts of General Assemblies , ratified by Parliaments : But by many , again and again Renewed National and Solemn Covenants , sworn to the most High GOD by all Ranks , from the King to the Beggar , in all Capacities and Conditions . This Testimony , for this Covenanted Reformation , so Confirmed and Established ; as it hath been Transmitted to Vs , through a long continued Tract of many Wrestling and Sufferings , from our worthy Ancestors , and sealed by much Precious Blood and the Bonds and Bondage of many Faithful Martyrs and Confessors of Christ , adhering to the same in our day ; so , as it was then and now Stated and Sealed , hath been and is thought by all the Asserters of our Reformation , to have such a near and clear Connexion with the great Concern of the Crown-Prerogatives , and Imperial Dignities of the Prince of the Kings of the Earth , as Head of His visible Kingdom , whose incommunicable Glory it is , without Competitoor Co-partner , either Coordinate or Subordinate , to Institute his own Government , prescribe His own Laws , appoint his own Ordinances ( which He will have observed without addition , dimunition or alteration , until His second coming ) and to constitute His own Officers , Cloathed only with His Authority , and to be regulated only by His Instructions in their Ministerial Function without any Dependence on , Subordination to , or Indulgence from any Man or Angel , in the exercise thereof , under their Master Christ alone ; to whom it belongs as properly to Rule the Church his own free Kingdom , according to the good pleasure of His own Will , as it belongs to Him to save his Church by the Merit of his own Sufferings ; that our Famous Fathers , and such of their Children as have been faithful in following their footsteps , have judged it a Testimony worthy to Sacrifice all their Interests upon , in opposing and contending against all the Invasions and Vsurpations made upon these Prerogatives of Christ , and Priviledges of His Church , by Poperie Prelacy , and Erastian Supremacy , all condemned in the Law of GOD , diseharged by the Laws of the Land , and Abjured in our Covenants National and Solemn League ; As being highly derogatorie to the Glory of Christ , contradictory to His revealed will , offensive to His People , obstructive to the Power , and destructive to the peace , purity and Liberty of His precious Gospel . Now for adbering to this complex Testimony , what have been the Sufferings and Grievances of Presbyterians in general , and ours in particular since Anno 1660 : from the Popish ; Prelatical and Malignant Party , is more fully demonstrated , ( with the Principles and Testimonie contended for by us , vindicated ) in Naphtali , Jus populi , the Hind let loose , our Informatory Vindication , & the Testimony against the Toleration , given in by that faithful & zealous Minister of Christ , Mr. James Renwick ; and here summarly Remonstrated . We had once a Resolution , at the first appearance of the Prince of Orange ; who , under GOD , was the Honoured Instrument of our begun enlargement from them , To have Addressed his Highness with this same Memorial : But that failing , after this long suspence in expectation of some Redress of Grievances , whereof we and many others have been in a great measure disappointed ; We have been induced to publish it in this Iuncture , with an Appendix of our present complaints of somethings that we understand to be wrong in the Church , State , Army and Country , at the time of the writing thereof ; which was in the time , and upon occasion of the many Adjournments of Parliament : Wherein perhaps something will occur , which may seem obliquely to reflect upon the Government , when we complain of the ill Administrations of many Malignants in power : But as they are sad Truths which cannot be denyed , and tho we may be charged with Imprudence in speaking so freely what many Thousands , and those of the surest Friends the Government hath , do think : So , however we be neither Politicians nor Flatterers , we think Conscience and Loyalty both , doth oblige us to speak what concerns the King and Country both to hear . We do not blame the King for delaying the satisfaction that his People have long waited for , further than for permitting some into Trust , who have abused him with misinformations of what they waited for , and with counsels to delay their satisfaction . Nor are we jealous of his Majesties sincere intentions to perform what he hath promised , and the Estates Demanded , as necessary for settling the Church , securing Laws , restoring Liberties , and Redressing Grievances ; Albeit many here complained of , have laboured to suggest grounds of such Iealousie . We have got already so much Advantage by the success of his Heroick Expedition ; And so many repeated Assurances of his Royal Resolutions to fulfill his Declaration and Promises to our satisfaction ; none of which we can charge him with the breach of tho many of them are not yet accomplished ; that we should be very unworthy to Iealouse his Integrity . We consider his Majestie , stated in very Difficult and Dangerous Circumstances , since he interposed himself in our Gap , between an angry God and a sinful Provocking People ; Wherein he hath to do with a potent Enemy without , and many undermyning Enemies about his Hand , seeking to ensnare him in sin and expose him to ruine ; and hath in his two Kingdoms of Britain People of different Interests and Inclination , whom to Govern will require great deliberation , and consequently occasion delayes : But we lay the blame where it should lye , on the Malignants at Court , Council and Parliament , who are seeking to betray him and us both . If some of these be exposed , and their old pranks discovered , and the Grievous effects of their being so much in Power hinted at ; We hope the Candid Reader will think it no ill service either to King or Country . ERRATA Reader before thou peruse these Sheets be pleased to help these Escapes of the PRESS ( omitting these of less Note ) Page 15. Line 34. Read encouraged . P. 17. 19. R. superadded by L. 25. R. equaling P. 34. Col. 1. 9. R. 21 Men and 5 Women . P. 35 Col. 2. L. 11. for Douglas R. Dundass . P. 36. Col. 1. L 5 for Mouat R. Mewae . Col. 2. L. 20 R. Dundass , and L. 26. R. Dundass . P. 39. L. 36. for Orders R. Order P. 48. L. 18. R. flowing . A SHORT MEMORIAL OF THE GRIEVANCES and SUFFERINGS Of the PRESBYTERIANS in SCOTLAND , Since the Year 1660. Particularly of those of them called CAMERONIANS . AFTER King Charles returned from his Exile , the first Device , which the Malignants then advanced to the highest places of Trust fell upon , for overturning our Religion , Laws , and Liberties , was to prevent and obstruct all access either to Justice or Mercy for such as they had a mind to destroy , and preclude all Applications for a Redress of Grievances . Hence , when some faithful Ministers were drawing up a Monitory Supplication to the King , congratulating his Return , and minding him of his Covenant Engagements and promises to promote and preserve the work of Reformation ; the Committee of States then siting , caused apprehend , and without hearing incarcerate them , for no other cause but that Supplication : against which at that time there was no Law ; and which all Law and Reason of the World will justifie , as the most innocent expedient of getting their just complaints heard and redressed , and the common priviledge of all men , which slavery it self cannot take away . Yet as all Men , and they themselves , could not but , see this a manifest subverting of the Subjects Liberty : So , in procureing a Law to approve it afterwards , they made it worse and more illegal , in declaring Petitions to be unlawful and seditious , Carol. 2. Parl. 2. Sess. 2. Act 2. Hence no Petition or Remostrance of publick Grievances , Oppressing , and enslaving Church or Nation , either durst be offered , or could find Access or Acceptance , being interdicted and also punished very severely ; as in the instance of the Grievances given in against Lauderdale . Nor durst Prisoners tender the most innocent Supplication , even for release or a more easie Confinement , in any terms that seemed either to reflect on their severity , or represent the illegality of their prosecutions , or in the least to vindicate the cause they were suffering for ; which caused many afterwards to decline all petitioning , and choose rather to ly under the most unsupportable bondage , for fear of having it made more miserable . The next succeeding Devices , to undermine and overturn our Religion and Liberty , were the Mischiefs framed into Law by the first Session of the first Parl : Charles 2. held by the Earl of Middletoun 1661. Wherein by the very first Act thereof , all the Members were involved in a Conscience Ensnaring and Enslaving Oath of Absolute and Implieite Allegiance and Supremacy , ( without the former usual Limitations then standing unrepealed ) not only wronging Parliaments in their Priviledges , and the Church in her Liberties , but the Lord Jesus Christ in his Prerogative of Supremacy , and Headship over the Church ; making the King a Pope , and not only a Church Member ( as a Magistrate ) or Church Officer , but the Supreme Architectonick Head of the Church . For refusing this afterwards , many Ministers and others were banished ; several of them made to subscribe a Bond to remove out of all his Majesties Dominions within a moneth , not to return under the pain of Death ; And many kept in prison by the Arbittary Power of the Council , beside the tenor and extent of their own wicked Act thereupon . In the following Acts of that same Session of Parliament , they advanced the Kings Prerogative to the highest pitch of Absoluteness : and the acknowledgement of this vast and unlimited prerogative , in all particulars , was formed and imposed , Charl : 2 : Parl : 1. Sess. 1. Act 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 11. This was the foundation of all the succeeding Tyranny , and source of the Nations slavery ; and in it self a head of sufferings to several Gentlemen and others , who could not in Conscience subscribe or make that acknowledgement of such a prerogative ; which would manifestly have imported an approving of the first audacious and presumptuous effect and attempt of its power , exerted in rescinding and annulling at one blow all the Righteous and Legal Establishments of the Covenanted Reformation , and all the Acts made in favours thereof in all the Parliaments and Conventions of Estates from the year 1640. to 1650. even those that the then King Charles 1. approved , owned , and called . They rested not here , in a general or gradual unhinging of Legal Constitutions , made for security of our Religion and Liberty ; but then took advantage of the universal silent Submission of the Nation , to break down at once the carved work of the whole Fabrick of the Reformation as with Axes and Hammers , in that insolent effrontry and indignity against Heaven , in making void the National and Solemn League and Covenants : which the Church and State both in their Representatives and Members , did most solemnly Swear and Subscrive , for themselves and Posterity : which , for the matter of them perpetually obliging , for the manner so Religiously engaged into , and for their ends so Glorious , no power on Earth can dispense with , disannull , or disable : which not only the Lord from Heaven did ratify , by the Conversion of many Thousands , and vouchsafing his presence gracious in Ordinances and propitious in Providences at the subscriving of them ; But in this Land , at the Inauguration of the King Charles 2. ( being the condition upon which he was admitted to the Government ) the latter of these Covenants was Ratified and Established , as the great fundamental Law of the Kingdom , whereon all the Rights and Priviledges either of King or People are principally bottomed and secured , and as the very Magna Charta of our Reformation . Yet this not only they did break in Heaven-daring boldness ; but to flatter the King in making way for Prelacy , Tyranny , and Popery , and to indulge the licentiousness of some debauched Nobles , who could not endure the Yoke of Christs Government according to his Institutions there Covenanted to be preserved ; they enacted and declared , it should have no Obligation or binding Force any farther ; and that none should henceforth require the renewing of it Carol. 2. Parl. 1. Sess. 1. Act. 7. And afterwards , that the National Covenant and Solemn League and Covenant were in themselves Unlawful Oaths : and therefore annulled all Acts and Constitutions Ecclesiastical or Civil approving them , Parl. 1. Sess. 2. Act. 2. And not only so but in contempt of Heaven , they caused burn them by the hand of the Hangman . For adhering unto these Sacred , Inviolable , and Indispensible Engagements , the sufferings of Presbyterians have in a great measure been stated since that time . The next wicked project was , to remove out of the way all who were eminent Instruments , in promoting that work of Reformation now about to be razed , and whom they feared would obstruct their Antichristian and Tyrannical designs , both in the State and in the Church . Accordingly the Noble Marquess of Argyle was beheaded for no other alledged cause but for his complyance with the English , when they had made a Conquest of our Land , Wherein also the Judges that condemned him were Socii Criminis . And afterwards , the Lord Wariston upon the same pretence : And for the same pretended cause , many other Gentlemen , above 800 were Arbitrarly and Exorbitantly fined ; some under divers stiles twice over . Such of the Ministry also as had been most faithful & servent for the interests of their Master and of his Church were cruelly and most illegally removed ; some by Death , as famous Mr. Guthrie , for asserting the Kingly Prerogative of Christ in opposition to the Erastian Supremacy encroaching thereupon ; others by Banishment , for giving faithful warning , and protesting against the defection of that time , thereby only contraveening a wicked Proclamation discharging them to speak against the Proceedings of the State ; others Indicta causa , without access to give in their defences , or to get so much as an extract of their sentence . After they had thus prepared their way , by the very first Act of the second Sess of the first Parl. anno 1662. They reestablished and redintegrated their Dagon of Episcopal Prelacy , with all its inseparably concomitant retinue of Pride , Perjury , Simony , Sacriledge , and intollerable Usurpations and Corruptions ; And wreathed again about our Neck that Yoke which neither our Fathers , who wrestled much against it , nor we were nor ever shall be able to bear : which as it is insupportable to , and hated of all the Godly ( and desirable to none , but dissolute & debauched Persons , who cannot endure Christs discipline impartially exercised , and do find incouragement under the wings of Prelacy ) being in its original both the Mother and Daughter , Root and Off-spring , Cause and Effect of Popery ; a device which advanced the Man of Sin to his hight in the World , and the only remaining support of his hopes of recovering these Kingdoms , by Christs conquest rescued from his Tyranny ; in its nature , evidently eversive of the very nature of Gospel Church Government ; in its ends only adapted to bring the Church into a slavish dependence on & subordination to an usurped Supremacy of the Magistrate , which is a change only of the Pope not of the Popedom ; And in its effects , alwayes found to be most deplorably destructive to the purity and power of Religion , and peace of its sincere profession , and that which hath introduced and encouraged Impiety , Error , Schism , and Persecution in these Lands : So by all the sober and judicious that have known the Case of this Church and Kingdom it hath been acknowledged to be the source and spring of all our Sorrows and Grievances , under which we have groaned these 28 Years . This abjured Prelacy , as it was introduced by manifest Perjury and Persidy , so it was at first erected and hitherto advanced and supported on such a Foundation , as might bear out and justify the Contrivers and Promoters of it , as well in all attemprs to set up Popery it self : the Act establishing it Declaring , the disposal of the Government of the Church doth properly belong to his Majesty as an inherent Right of the Crown , by vertue of his Royal Prerogative and Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastick ; An usurpation upon the Kingdom of Christ equivalent to any that ever the Papacy it self durst aspire unto over the Government of the Church . The first effect whereof was by another Act 1 Sess. 2 Parl. Carol. 2. the restoring the old exploded bondage of Parronages ; another old Relict of Popish Slavery , depriving the Church of the freedom of Calling and Choosing their own Pastors : And dispossessing all the Ministers , who entered since the Year 1640. of their Churches and Benefices , possessed without the presentations of Patrons After which , by the instigation of the Prelates , the Council passed an Act October 1662 , whereby above 300 Ministers were violently put out of their Charges , and their Congregations laid desolate , without all Legal Procedure , without either Accusation or Citation , Conviction or Sentence , or a hearing allowed to them . And therefore for simple Nonconformity , and refusing subjection to and taking Collations from the Prelates , the rest of the Ministers , in great numbers , were , with cruelty more beseeming Turks , thrust from their Labours and banished , with a nice and strange confinement ; 20. Miles from their own Parish Church , Six Miles from a Cathedral , and three Miles from a Burgh . In whose room succeded , a swarm of Ignorant and Scandalous Apostates , the Prelates and their Mercenary Substitutes the Curats : against whom such Charges might alwayes have been adduced , and to this day such Accusations are in readiness to be produced , to any competent ludicatories , that shall be called to cognosce upon them , of the pernicious Errors of Popery , Socinianisme , and Arminianisme maintained by many of them , Abominable Adulteries committed by others of them , the Profanity , Sensuality , and Debauchery , Oppression and Persecution of Godliness and good Men chargeable on the generallity of them , and Perjury in breach of Covenant , and Schismatical intrusion without consent of the Church owned of all of them , and Ungodliness by them transfused over all the Land ; as could not but make them detested of all , as the greatest stain to be suffered in a Reformed Church . Upon the back of this , by the instigation of the Prelates , who scorned to be and one , no not by Iulian the Apostate , in surpressing Religion , they proceeded to poyson all the Seminaries of Learning : Ordaining , in Act. 9. Sess. 2. Parl. 1. Carol. 2. That none be Masters in any University , except they both take the Oath of Supremacy , and submit to and own Prelacy ; or be so much as a Pedagogue to Children , without the Prelates Licence . By which course Honest and Learned Men were brought to considerable Straits and Sufferings ; and Ungodly and Unsound Masters had access and encouragement , to corrupt the Youth with perverse and Malignant Principles , to the great and observable Detriment and Decrement of Religion , Learning , Sobriety , and Morality in the Nation . The next Contrivance was , to corrupt all the Fountains of Judicature . And for this End it was enacted , Act 5. Sess. 2. Parl. 1. Carol. 2. That all Persons , in any publick Trust or Office whatsoever , should subscribe the Declaration , renouncing and abjuring the Covenants ; And that not only under the Certified penalty of Forefaulting the Priviledges of Magistrates ; But also of all the Priviledges of Merchandizing , Trading , and others , belonging to a Burgess , Act 3. Sess. 3. Parl 1. Carol. 2. Whereby Perjury was made the chief and indispensable Qualification , and Conditio sine qua non of all that were capable of Exercising any power in Church or State ; contrate to known Laws yet unrepealed , which make them that are guilty of Perjury , incapable of being intrusted with any publick Administration in the Kingdom . The Parliaments thus corrupted , and instigated by the Bishops and Curates , Establish wicked Laws pressing Conformity . And in the very first of them , made such a streach , beyond all bounds of Charity , Justice , Reason , or Humanity , that they made all Addresses to God or Man , remonstrating such Grievances and reflecting on such proceedings to be Criminal ; Declaring Petitions to be Seditious , And discharging all Writing , Printing , Remonstrating , Praying , or Preaching , shewing any dislike of the Kings Absolute Prerogative and Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastick , or of the Government of the Church by Bishops , Act 2. Sess. 2. Par. 1. Carol. 2. And Act 4 ibid. They not only prohibited any to Preach in publick , or so much as in Families without the Prelates Licences but Discharged all Private Meetings in Houses for Religious Exercise , of such as could not in Conscience give their Countenance to the Curats Service in Churches . Then in the 3 Sess. Act. 2. They Declare , that all Non conformed Ministers , that shall presume to Exercise their Ministry , shall be punished as Seditious Persons : And Require of all , in acknowledgement of and Complyance with his Majesties Government Ecclesiastical , that they give their concurrence and countenance to the Curates , and attend their Meetings for Worship : Ordaining , that whosoever shall withdraw , shall incur , each Nobleman , Gentleman , or Heretor , the loss of a fourth part of their Years rent , every Yeoman the loss of a fourth or under of his Moveables , each Burgess the loss of his Burge-ship , with the fourth of his Moveables , with a reference to the Council , for farther punishment , and more effectual Execution : Which the Council very vigorously Prosecuted , in emitting most rigorous Proclamations after that : Some requiring all to keep their Parioch Churches under the pain of 20. shil . toties quoties ; Some discharging all Preaching , Praying , or Hearing in Families , where three or some more then the Domesticks were found , as unlawful Conventicles ; Others Certifying , that all such Meetings , not Authorised , shall be punished by Pecunial and Corporal pains , at the Arbittement of the Council ; Other Commanding all Masters of Families , Heretors , Landlords , and Magistrates of Burghs , ro cause their Servants , Dependents , Tennents , Taxmen , Cottars , and all under their Charge , to submit and conform to the Curates their Ministry . For putting these Laws in Execution , the King erected a High Commission Court ; consisting of some Prelates , Noblemen , Magistrates of Burghs , and some Souldiers , impowered , by vertue of his Prerogative Royal and Supremacy , to suspend , deprive , and Excommunicat , As also to punish by Fining , Confining , and Incarcerating , all keepers of Conventicles , and all Non Conformists : A Hotch-potch mongrel Monster of a Judicatory , Authorized by the Prerogative against the Laws of GOD and Man , meddling with Causes and Censures Ecclesiastick and Civil , most Illegal and Arbitrary , both for its Constitution and Procedure : Whereby persons brought before them were made to answer super inquirendis , contrare to express standing Law Ioc. 6. Parl. 10. Act. 13. Anno. 1585. without either Libel or Accuser , or admitting Legal Defences except they take the Oaths ; and sentenced with Stigmatizing , Scourging , Banishment , Deportation and Slaverie to Barbados , &c. By orders from this Court , especially from the Prelates , whose country sides were in a great measure Depopulate for Non-conformity , by Souldiers ; Sometimes besetting the Churches , where honest Ministers were not yet ejected , and forcing all within to pay fines ; Sometimes going to the Curates Churches , and Amerciating all the Absents in such fines as they pleased ; Sometimes by force driving all to Church , beating , wounding , and binding the Reousants ; Sometimes exacting exorbitant fines by Plunder , to the Harassing and making Havock of whole Country sides ; sparing sometimes Complyers no more then Recusants ; And punishing Husbands for their Wives , Parents for their Children ; Yea doubling and tripling the same exactions after payment ; yet compelling them sometimes , to subscribe an acknowledgement that the Captain had used them civilly and discreetly ; Then after all , Apprehending , Imprisoning , Scourging some , Stigmatizing others , and sending them to Forreign parts , that would not for all this conform . Hereupon , being outwearied with intollerable oppressions , a small party of Dissenters were partly compelled , and party by a surprise of Providence engaged , to run together for their own defence , at Pentland Anno 1666. Where , after the defeat , The Prisoners that were taken upon Quarter and solemn parol to have their life spared , were treacherously given up to be Condemned , the very manner of their Execution being first determined and described before Arraigment , and cruelly hanged ; their Heads being set up at Edinburgh , Glasgow , Air , Dumsreis , and at Hamiltoun ; Turks would have blushed to have seen the like . Among the rest one eminent Minister , Mr. Hugh Mckail , for having but a Sword tho not present at the Fight , was first cruelly tortured with the Iron boots , and afterwards execute to the death . At their Executions Drums were beat that they might not be heard ; a Barbarity never known in Scotland before ; and rarely heard of except in the Duke d' Alvas murdering the Protestants in the Netherlands ; But frequently used almost at all the Executions since of our Martyred Brethren in this Land. Immediatly hereafter Souldiers were sent out on free Quarter , to examine men by Tortures , threatning to kill or rost alive all that would not delate all they knew Accessary to that rising : Who accordingly , by fire Matches and other tortures , forced Women to discover their Husbands and other Relations , although they knew not it they were there ; stripped them who Reset the Fugitives , and thrusted them in crouds to Prisons in cold and nakedness ; And some they murdered without Process , that would not , because they could not , discover those persecuted people ; Yea and drove away the Goods of the Country , without respect to Guilt or Innocency . In the mean time , such as were in Armes , and some that were not , were Intercommuned , and interdicted of all Reset , Harbour , Hiding , Corresponding , or Comfort , under pain of Rebellion and of being counted guilty of the same Crimes , wherewith the Intercommuned were charged . And many Gentlemen , Ministers , and others , were Forfeited of their whole Estates very illegally : Yea some that were not present at that Appearance in Armes , nor Legally Convict , nor cited to answer according to Law , were yet Forfaulted before the Act of Parl. 2. Act 11. Carol. 2. contrate to express standing Statutes . And further all Dissenters , and such as did not joyn in suppressing that Expedition , were by order from the Council robbed of their Armes and Horses fit for service ; their guilty Consciences puting them in Fears , and dictating their desert of greater opposition . After all these Cruelties , murdering the Persons and oppressing the Estates of poor Dissenters ; what they could not do by Law , nor Force , nor Futy , they contrived to effectuate by Craft , under the notion of Clemency ; but such a Clemency , as was a greater Cruelty then any former Persecution . The poor People that had nothing left them but a good Conscience , must have that robbed from them likewise : Therefore these wicked Councellers and Prelates , still stirred up by the Curates , having none or a seared Conscience of their own , contrived to take away from People all Remainders of Conscience , or to make them pliable to comply with every corruption they should introduce , by imposing Conscience-debauching and ensnaring Oaths and Bands most Deceitfully and Ambiguously framed , most Illegally imposed , and Insolently pressed ▪ and more numerous since that time than ever was heard of in any Nation in one Age : there being scarce one year since that time , wherein several of these Oaths and Bonds have not been vented and imposed , contradictory to one another , contrary to our sworn Covenants and work of Reformation , impossible to keep , and unlawful to take . Yet finding they could not yet suppress the persecuted Meetings for Gospel Ordinances , but that the more violence was used the greater and more frequent they grew ; They fell upon a more crafty device , to divide and destroy the Remnant , to overturn what remained of the Churches Priviledges undestroyed , and to settle Ministers and People into a silent and stupid Submission to all the Kings Usurpations upon the same , by giving an Indulgence , Anno 1669. to some outed Ministers , with Restrictions and Instructions , clearly homologatory of the Supremacy whence it flowed , establishing the height of Erastianism , prejudicial to the freedom of the Ministry , injurious to the Priviledges of the Church , contrary to Presbyterian Principles , and contradictory to the Covenants : The Grant and Acceptance whereof hath been the bane of the Church of Scotland , and a Bone of Contention rending and ruining the Remnant of Ministers and People Unite before . The end of it was to advance the Supremacy ; as upon this occasion they enlarged and explained it : And because it was against Law , therefore , that the Kings Letter might be made the Supreme Law afterwards , at least Law enough for the Council to proceed , enact , and execute what the King pleased in matters Ecclesiastick , The Parl. 2. Act 1. Carol. 2. held by Lauderdale , Asserts and Declares , That , by vertue of the Supremacy , the ordering of the Government of the Church doth properly belong to his Majesty and Successors , as an Inherent Right to the Crown ; and that he may enact and emitt such Constitutions , Acts , and Orders , concerning Church Administrations , Persons , Meetings , Matters , as he in his Royal Wisdom shall think fit , Which Acts , Orders , &c. Are to be observed and obeyed by all Subjects , any Law , Act or Custom , to the contrary notwithstanding . But now as before , faithful Ministers that were not thus Indulged , sensible of the indispensable necessity of Preaching the Gospel , and of the Peoples great necessity calling them to it from several quarters , after they had undergone and endured many hazards and hardships of Villany and Violence , Imprisonment and Banishment , for meeting in the Houses , where they were easily Intraped , Interrupted , and Insulted over , were forced to go to the Fields , and Preach in places most convenient , secret and safe ; whither the People , being tyred of their cold and dead Curates , and wanting long the Ministry of their old Pastors , resorted in great numbers , on the greatest of hazards : the Council then , at the instigation of the Bishops and Curates , raised Troops of Horse and Dragoons to pursue them as Traitors and Rebells , for their following that Necessary and Signally blessed Duty ; Impowred and Encouraged to apprehend , and bring Dead or Alive , some Ministers , with prices put upon their Heads , and to incarcerate all they could find , either at the Meetings , or suspected to be coming to or from them . Hence Prisons were filled ; some were sent to the Bass ; some Banished ; and many hundreds driven from their Dwellings , Outlawed , and Intercommuned . For Legalizing such Mischiess , the second Sess. of the second Parliament , Anno 1670. held by Lauderdale , made many wicked Laws , causes of many Grievances following . As Act 2. Ordaining all of every quality or sex , called to depone upon Oath their knowledge of such Meetings and Persons therein , to declare the same in all particulars interrogate , under the pains of Fining , Imprisonment , or Banishment , and Deportaion to the Indies , as the Council shall think fit : oblidging People thereby to betray their own Neighbours . Act 5. Declaring all outed Ministers , found Preaching or Praying , in any House except in and to their own Family , shall be Imprisoned , till they find Caution under the pain of 5000 Marks , not to do the like again ; and every Hearer shall be toties quoties fined , each Tennant in 25 Pounds Scots , each Cottar in 12 Pounds , &c. And that all that Preach in the Fields , or in any House where any of the People are without Doors , shall be punished with DEATH ; and any that shall seise and secure any of them , dead or alive , shall have 500 Marks reward . Act 6. Imposing most I yrannically exorbitant and grievous . Fines , upon any that shall offer their Children to be Baptized by any but Curats and Indulged Ministers ; which were afterwards , by Act 11. Sess. 3. Parl. 2. laid upon all who shall keep their Children Unbaptized , for Thirty dayes together . Act 9. Imposing intolerable Fines on all that shall three Sabbath dayes together withdraw themselves from their own Paroch Churches . Act 9. Sess ▪ 3. Declaring all Ordinations of Ministers , since the Year 1661. which have not been by Bishops , to be Null and Invalid ; and that they are no Ministers that are otherwise Ordained : encroaching hereby on the most Intrinsick and formally Ecclesiastick Powers of the Officers of Christs Kingdom . These wicked Acts were followed with cruel Executions , whereby many were made to endure such Havock , as harder could not be found in the Reign of Caligula or Nero , both in their own Houses , in Prisons , and at Sea in Deportations . Hereafter , thinking the ordinary Forces not cruel enough in executing these enacted Mischiefs , they brought from the wild Highlands a Host of 10 or 11000 Barbarous Savages , and poured them in upon the Westeren Shires ( all peaceable at the time , none so much as moving a Finger against them ) on design , as would seem , utterly to lay them desolate : with Orders to press a Bond of Conformity , wherein every Subscriber was bound , for himself and all under him , to frequent the Paroch Church , and never go to House or Field Meetings , nor reset any that went to them , but to informe against , pursue , and deliver up all outed Preachers to Judgement . Many Houses and Families were then left desolate . the Inhabitants being made to flee in the Winter Season : many left their Cattel , and in seeking to recover them lost their Lives . Yet the Innocent Country was made to pay for all this Service , and hire them to do more , by paying the imposed Cess , enacted and exacted professedly , by the Act of the Convention of Estates holden by Lauderdale , anno 1678. to raise and maintain more Forces , and to maintain the Supremacy as now Asserted and Established , and to suppress Field Meetings called Rendezvouses of Rebelion And , for the same Causes , and to suppress the Propagation of the Principles then suffered for , continued by Act 3. Parl. 3. held by the DUKE of York Commissioner . And by Act 12. Parl. 1. Iac. 7. holden by Queensberry , continued and prorogued , during all the Terms of his Lifetime : which , because of the Illegality of its imposition , the nature of its Exaction , being an Obedience to a wicked Law , a help to the Ungodly to make Havock of the Church , a hire to the Souldiers to destroy what remained of Religion and Liberty , and because of its ends so expresly Declared in the Narratives of the Acts , to suppress the persecuted Gospel and destroy its Followers , many Presbyterians durst not justify by Obedience , in paying the required Moyetie ; but chose rather to suffer joyfully the spoyling of their Goods , and all the force and fury they could exert against them . Whereby many tho' poor yet honest and honestly provided Families , were laid waste , and exposed to the Miseries of uncertain Wanderings . At length , upon occasion of Graham of Claverhouse , his assaulting a meeting near Loudoun-hill , carrying about with him a Minister and several Countrey men bound as Beasts , and getting a repulse in the rancounter with the meeting ; Another Insurrection , for our Lives , Liberties , and Religion , was undertaken , and discomfited at Bothwel-bridge , anno 1679 : and at the defeat several hundreds were killed on the Field , and 10. or 1100. were taken Prisoners , stript , and carried to Edinburgh , where , after two of our Ministers were martyred for that Appearance , Mr. Iohn King and Mr. Iohn Kid : And after the rest of the Prisoners were kept several weeks in a Church yard without a covert either from cold or heat in the open Air ; a bond was tendered , seeming to offer Life and Liberty , on terms that clearly condemned the cause , never to rise in Arms against the King , on any pretence whatsoever , &c. Which many took , and the rest of us that refused , and even many that did take it , were sent away in a Ship bound for America , between 2 and 300 in all : who were all murdered in the Ship , being shut up under the hatches , when it split upon a Rock in the North of Scotland , excepting 50 : some of which are yet alive to give this account . After this , the grand Design of subverting and utter everting our Reformation , tho' from the beginning of this Fatal Catastrophe projected , and by all the forementioned Methods prosecuted hitherto , was more and more discovered , and beyond all denial demonstrated , that nothing less was intended then the gradual introduction of Popery and Slavery , and that by all the ordinat Iesuitical Rules , observed in the seduction of Churches into the Roman Tyrannie : The chiefest of which have alwayes been to foment all Quarrels among Protestants , and to strengthen the Party readiest to comply , to make and execme rigorous Laws against the most tenacious , and to load the Protestant Opinions that are more obnoxious with all odious constructions . Accordingly in the first place , to propagate Defection and promote Division , a Proclamation was emitted anno 1679 inveighing against and resolutely interdicting all Field-meetings ; and granting Liberty to Preach in Houses upon terms of a cautionary Bond , binding and oblieging the People for their Ministers living peaceably , and in Order thereto to present him before his Majesties Privy Council , when they should be called so to do ; And in caise of falizie in not presenting him , to be lyable to the sum of 6000 merks . Yet excluding all these Ministers , who were suspect to have been at that insurrection of Bothwel ; And all those who should afterwards be admitted by Non conformed Ministers : Whereby those that durst not comply were exceedingly divided , and more easily destroyed . For their Courts of cruel Inquisition went by Circuit through the Country , pressing the Bond of Peace , denying the Principle and renouncing the Priviledge of Defensive Arms ; And taking up Portuous Rolls of all that were suspect to have been at Bothwel insurrection ; whereof they reputed all to be convict , who being summoned did not appear , or were delated by Oath super inquirendis to have been seen or heard to be in Armes , or did not go to the Kings Camp , about that time . Whereby , not only upon the account of that Appearance were many executed to the Death , by packing bloody Juries and Assises , as might conduce and be for their murdering ends , besides more than can be reckoned that were kept to perish in Prisons , or Deportations to Banishment ; But many Gentlemen and others were Indyted , Imprisoned , and some condemned to Death , others Forefaulted or Fyned above the value of their Estates , for having seen or spoken with some of those called Rebels ; or because they did not discover or apprehend them , even when they did not and could not know whether they were called or counted Rebels or not . And some poor People , when they could not be reached any way for this insurrection at Bothwell , nor any other overt Act or Transgression against even their wicked Laws , were condemned for their simple declared Opinion of it : Which the Council , and Court of Justiciarie , particularly Sir George Mackenzie Advocate , did extort from them by terrible menacings of Death and Torture . For , being interrogate , Whether the rysing at Bothwel-bridge was Rebellion , and a sin against GOD : Many , for saying it was not , yea , for not saying it was , and waving the Question , as reckoning themselves not oblieged to Answer , were cruelly condemned and executed , tho they declared and were known to be as free as the Child unborn of these Actions they were examined upon . In Fine , After our Patience had been long outwearied with insupportable Slavery , and under such intollerable Oppressions in our Consciences , Persons and Estates ; so universaly extended , that in the present circumstances we had more reason to hope , that past miseries , present Pressures , and future Dangers of greater Encroachments , then foreseen by all men that did not willingly shut their Eyes , should have incited and invited all , that had any regard to the great Interests of Religion and Liberty , to concur in an Essay to emancipate themselves and posterity from that Yoke of grassant & growing Tyrannie , Than to fear the condemnation of any under these Oppressions , or the clamour and out cry of those that were at ease against the Informality , Illegalily , Unseasonableness , or Unfealableness of such Revolt : We were Enduced and Enforced at length , when we could do no more to preserve what remained of these Interests , or save our Consciences innocent from all participation of the sin of the destroyer of them ; To declare for our parts a Revolt from , and disown Alleagiance to King Charles the Second , as being no longer to be accounted our Supreme Magistrate , but ipso jure devested of that Office and Trust , Reposed and Devolved on him by express Compact and Covenant : When he broke all these conditions , whereupon his Authority and our Alleagiance were founded ; in his utter violating and making void the Covenant and Coronation Oath , whereby our Subjection to him , limited to those provisions , was explicitely disingaged and remitted ; when he did unhinge and insringe all the Legal Establishments of our Religion ; and subverted all our Religious Liberties , by usurping a Blasphemous Sacrilegious Supremacy over Ecclesiastical Ordinances instituted by Christ ; And when now he had overturned all Fundamental constitutions of the State as well as the Church , subverting the Peoples Rights , Liberties , Laws , and all securities of our Life and Enjoyments whatsoever , by claiming and taking an Absolute Tyrannical Civil Prerogative , paramount to all Law , inconsistent either with the Freedom or Safety of the People : Whereby no shadow of Government was left , but Arbitrary Absoluteness , making the Kings Letter the Supreme Law of Scotland ; while Innocent and Honest People for Conscience were grievously oppressed , and Perjuries , Adulteries , Idolatries , and all Impieries , were not only Indemnified and past without punishment , but encouraged as Badges of Loyalty . For which causes , we openly proclaimed our Revolt from the Government as it was then Administrate . And in the same Declaration , we reckoned our selves oblieged to protest against the Reception of the Duke of York in Scotland ; And against his succeeding to the Crown , who was then declared incapable of Succession of the Government , by a Vote of the two Honourable Houses of the Parliament of England . For For owning , and not daring to disown , which Revolt , it is impossible to enumerate our Kinds and Degrees of Sufferings : for this we had our Ministers and Brethren Murdered , both in the Fields , and Scaffolds , and Prisons , and Seas ; Besides those that were slain at Airds-moss , where Bruce of Earleshall attacked us , and slew Mr. Richard Cameron a Faithful and Zealous Minister with many of our Brethren . After this it was generally imposed on Prisoners , even such as could not be charged with any Accession to the forementioned Declaration , to give an account of their Thoughts and Consciences about the Lawfulness of the Kings Authority : which if they could not own , or declined to declare their Thoughts , as judging it the common Interest of Mankind to plead for the Freedom of Thoughts from all humane Jurisdiction , or if any answered with such innocent Qualifications , as that they owned all Lawful Authority In the Lord , or , According to the Word of God ; then they were punished as Traitors , executed to the Death , and some at their first apprehending Tormented with Fire-matches , then laid in Irons , afterwards Tortured with the Boots or Thumbkins , and after all executed in a most Barbarous manner without suffering them to speak their dying Words for beating of Drums . Thus a great number of innocent People have been destroyed , without respect to Age or Sexe ; some meer Boyes have been for this hanged ; some stouping for Age ; some Women also hanged , and some Drowned , because they could not satisfy the Council , Justitiary Court , and the Souldiers , with their thoughts about the Goverment . In the Year 1681. the Duke of York , as Commissioner from his Brother , held a Parliament , ( Auspicated with the Blood of Mr. Donald Cargil a Godly and Faithful Minister , which was shed at the Cross of EDINBURGH , the day before the sitting down of the Parliament ) wherein he not only presided against all our Righteous Laws , that Make a Papist incapable of such a Trust , and against their own Laws , without taking the Oaths of Administration , but procured an Act to be made recognizing his Succession to the Crown notwithstanding all standing unrepealed Laws against papists : wherein also many Acts were contrived that have been great causes of the desolation and depopulation of the Country that ensued : As Act 4. dowbling the Fines imposed by former Laws for Fieid Conventicles ; And ordering Heretors and Masters to put away their Tennants , Cottars , or Servants , at any time of the Year without any warning or process of removing , notwithstanding of any Tacks or Terms to run ; And to retain their goods , &c. Act 18. Declaring , that all Jurisdiction doth so reside in his Majestie , that his Majesty may , by himself or any Commissionated by him , take Cognizance and Decision of any cases or causes he pleases . Hereby a foundation was laid for overturning all Civil and Criminal Justice , and for erecting the Tyranny of the Popish Inquisition , whensoever matters were ripe for it , and for commissionating Souldiers to take away the lives of Innocents , without all Process of Law , as was frequently exemplified afterward And Act 6. and 25. Framing and Imposing on all in Trust a detestable and self contradictory Test , which turned out of all places of Trust any that retained any measure of common Honesty . For explaining which , the late Earl of Argyle was arfaigned and condemned ; and escaping prison , forced to flee to forraign Lands : As many others , both Gentlemen and Commons were constrained to leave the Land ; where for multiplied , illegal , and ensnaring impositions , they could neither live like Men nor like Christians , but as Asses couching under all burdens . These and the like Acts , with many others Arbitrarly superadded Proclamations ( which have been multiplied every year beyond all reckoning , and stretching the designs of the Court beyond all Measures , no only of Legality , but of Humanity , expecting at the next Parliament to have them either justified or Indemnified and pardoned ) were with Tyrannous Rigor executed by Circuit Courts of Inquisition ( some way equally if not exceeding the Spanish , for illegality and inhumanity ) pressing Conformity , submission to Prelacy , Impossing , enslaving and ensnaring Oaths and Bonds , contradictory to Reason , and contrary to Religion ; and Oppressing of all Ranks , Qualities , and Vocations , with such Arbitrary Acts of Intercommunings , Finings , and other intollerable Impossitions , that they seemed to drive at no less than the overturning what remained undestroyed of Religion , Liberty , Law ; or Conscience in the Nation . For not only the Poorer sort were many wayes Oppressed , Plundered , Pillaged , Impoverished , and Destroyed ; but Gentlemen also were extremely vexed , for alledged converse with Intercommuned Sufferers , being Fore faulted , Fined , and incarcerate , till they should pay Summs , which neither they were obliged nor able to pay . And not only were the formerly persecuted Ministers , lurking in the Land , forced to leave it ; or Cited and Compeared at their Courts were Imprisoned : But even the Indulged Ministers , who by the Kings Supremacy were Authorized to Preach in Churches alloted to them , were as Arbitrarly Discharged , Summoned to their Circuits , and Imprisoned . Especially we , who durst not comply in less or more with any of their Impositions , nor own their Usurpations and Tyranny , whom therefore they represented in all their Edicts , as Enemies to all Government and Humane Society , were exposed to , and made to endure the utmost of their rage . Our Families were harassed , pillaged and laid waste , our Persons were intercommuned , driven out of our own and all other habitarions into the Wilderness , being interdicted of all Harbour , Supply , Comfort or Converse , by barbarous Edicts ; and incestantly pursued by numerous Forces , Horse , Foot , and Dragons powered into all parts of the Country , Impowered and Commissioned to plunder and pillage all houses where they heard we were seen ; And not only to search , hunt , & chase us through all Towns , Villages , Cottages , Woods , Moors , Mosses , and Mountains , forcing us us to flee to the remotest Recesses in the wildest Deserts ; But to Shoot , Hang , Drown , Murder , and make Havock of us , where ever they could apprehend us , without Tryal or Sentence . Proclamations one after another were Emitted , commanding all to raise the Hue and Cry after us , and not only to advertise the Souldiers , but to concur with them in pursuing us , and to seek us out of all our Dens and Caves in the most retired places of the Mountains , which we digged under ground , when we could not find a hiding place above the face of the Earth : Whence we were redacted to many incredible hardships and hazards , being exposed to the cold blasts of Winter , and the pinching straits of Hunger , when we could neither have Sustenance with us , nor durst we go abroad to seek it but in the peril of our Lives , and being forced to hide from Country People as well as Souldiers : Whence many of us could not escape falling into their bloody hands , who , in obedience to their murdering Mandates killed many instantly in the Fields ; And such as obtained the favour of being spared for execution upon Scaffolds , tho without any colourable shadow of a formal procedure , or were imprisoned , Tortured , or Banished to be Slaves , were thought to have been very mercifully dealt with . Whereupon , being driven to such a paraxisme of Danger and Despair , that neither , were we able to endure the extremities of inexpressible miseries then lying and growing upon us , nor had hope to escape in Humane probability the utter destruction intended , enacted , declared , and indefatigably pursued against us by our Enemies , the Popish , Prelatieal and Malignant faction ; When so many of us were daily taken and murdered , and the rest of us could neither escape by flight out of the Land , ( Orders being given to stop all passages by Sea and Land , and catch us wheresoever we could be deprehended making any such Essay ) nor by lurking and hiding in the Land , through the Vigilance and Diligence of Intelligencers , who were suborned and encouraged to use all endeavours to intrap and inform of us , wheresoever we could be heard of ; No other expedient was left under our Deliberation to try for preventing our utter extermination , than to publish , by affixing on the Church-doors in the night season , an Apologetick Declaration , avowing our Adherence to former Principles and Testimonies , and warning our Enemies to surcease from their wickedness and severity against us , under certifications that it should be revenged : Designing hereby mainly to restrain and deter these insolent Intelligencers . Hereupon followed a most violent Proclamation , Ordaining all that owned or refused to disown the Declaration , and the principles therein specified , should be execute to the Death ; Commanding all the Subjects to concur in the pursute of us ; And for their encouragement , offering 500 Merks for each of us ; Requiring also , that none presume to offer to travel in the Country without Testificates of their Loyalty , by taking the Oath of Abjuration , otherwise they should be holden as concurrers with us , and therefore that none shall be lodged without these Certificates . Hence the Trade and Commerce of the Countrey was much interrupted and prejudged , by prohibiting all to travel without a Pass in time of Peace . And to the reproach of all Order and Government : Hostlers and common Inn-keepers were made Judges impowered to impose Oaths upon all Passengers & Travellers , that their Passes were not forged and seigned . This Oath of Abjuration was pressed universally , on pain of Death , ( in some places from house to house ) upon Men and Women , Young and Old ; who were pressed upon the penalty of Death , without time to advise upon it , to give their judgement of the said Declaration , and of the Kings Authority ; which contributed very much to make it more and more questioned by many , and rediculous to all . Hence many of us that stood out and aloof from this complyance , were shot in the Fields ; some brought in Prisoners , Sentenced , and Executed all in one day ; and some early in the morning , that People might not be affected with the pitiful sight of such bloody severities ; Yea , sometimes the Spectators were commanded by Captain Graham in Edinburgh , to give their judgement , and declare their Opinion , whether they were justly put to Death or not . In process of time , the late King dying , and the Duke of York ascending the Throne ; It would have been thought , that such Revolutions then occurring would have required and produced some Cessation , Relaxation , or Relentment of our persecution : being in our selves , and in our persecutors esteem , persons of so mean a Figure in the World , scarce worthy to be the Object of the indignation of a new installed Prince ; And his late Proclamations would make the World believe , that the beginning of his Government had put an end to all these troubles upon the account of Conscience . But on the contrare , the Acts and Executions against us in a manner did then but begin to be cruel ; And all the power of the Forces was imployed to destroy us , so much already destroyed . For then , more cruelly than ever , not only the standing Forces , but another Host of savage Highlanders , inured to Rapine and Murder , brought from the North , were ordered and impowered to Act against us the greatest Barbarities , in butchering and slaughtering us in the Fields where ever we could be found , without all colour of Justice , only for not satisfying them in their impertinent as well as wicked impositions on the Conscience , or form of Law , even the worst of their own Laws . Accordingly some of us at Labour , same traveling in the Road , were cut off without pity ; Some surprised in Caves , and Murdered there ; without time given to Pray to God for Mercy ; some were taken first to Prison , then surprised with execution , without a Triall or definite sentence , not knowing when or if at all they should be execute ; Some had their Ears cutt , & then sentenced to be transported to Iamaica , and yet some of these were kept , and again sentenced with Death , and Executed : others were sent to an old ruinous Castle Denotter , and kept in Vaults , in such crouds and Numbers , that they had no room either to sit or lie , and so cruelly treated , as would make Savages blush to hear of it , and then banished to America , and in the Voyage about 60 died . But as those cruelties were Monstrnous for Illegality and Inhumanity ; so the ensuing Laws made in the first Parliament , Iames 7th . 1685. held by Queensberry Commissioner , Approving and Ratifying the same , do far exceed all former for unparalelled Attrociousness : As Act 3. Allowing Pannals already in prison , and indicted for Treason , to be cited on 24 houres . Act 4. Statuting , That such as being cited to be witnesses as in cases of Treason , Field or House Conventicles , do refuse to depone , they shall be lyable to be punished as guilty of these Crimes respectively , in which they refuse to be witnesses . Act 5. Declaring , That the giving or taking the National Covenant or the Solemn League and Covenant , or writing in Defence thereof , or owning of them as Lawful , or Obligatory on themselves or others , shall infer the crime and pains of Treason . Act 6. Declaring the usual procedure of Fyning Husbands for their Wives withdrawing from the Church , to have been Legal . Act 7. Statuting , That the concealing and not revealing of any supply given to such , as are Forefaulted for Treason ( to wit , the most innocent contending for the Covenants and Work of Reformation , against Popery , Prelacy , or Tyranny , and tho the supply should be given to their nearest Relations so foresaulted ) is Treason , and to be judged accordingly . Act 8 Statuting , That all that shall hereafter Preach at House or Field Conventicles , and all Hearers also at Field Conventicles shall be punished by Death and Confiscation . Act 13. Reinjoyning , and further extending the Imposition of the Self-contradictory Test. Act 17. Ratifying , Confirming , and Approving what hath been done by the Privy Council , Justiciary , or those commissionated by them , in Banishing , Imprisoning , and Fyning such as refused to take the Oath of Allegiance , ( which includes the blasphemous Supremacy ) with asserting the Prerogatives ; And under the same pains , Ordaining all Subjects so to take the said Oath when required . Act 23. Ratifying and Approving the Opinion of the Lords of Council and Session , adjudging it Treason to refuse the Oath of Abjuration , confirming all the illegality of procedure thereupon . Act 24. Statuting , That all Masters , Heretors , Liferenters , &c. shall insert in all Tacks to be set by them to their Tennants , in Burgh or Landwart , an express clause , oblieging the Tennant for his Wife and Family to Conformity , under exorbitant penalties . Act 25. Ratifying a Proclamation against us , as bearing the effect of an Act of Parliament ; Requiring all the Subjects , upon knowledge or information of any one or two or moe of us in any place , to give information thereof to the Chancellour , and to the nearest Commanders of the Forces , within the space of an hour at most for every three Miles distance , and all Sheriffs , &c. To call the Subjects to search and apprehend us ; And on our flight , to acquaint the Magistrates of the next Shire , and so from Shire of Shire , till we be apprehended , or expelled from the Realm ; with Certification , that whosoever fails in pursuing us whether Magistrats or Subjects , or in not giving timeous Information within the space forsaid , shall be held as Art and Part , and undergo the same Punishment with us . In which Act and Proclamation , we are called only 80 Runnagats , Traitors and Fugitives , tho` in pursuance of this cruel Edict , they have Multiplied that Number many times over and over , in imprisoning , banishing , and butchering our Dear Brethren ; And yet all the Prisons they could fill , and Shipt they could fraught with us , and Gibbets they could hang us on , could never either exhaust or lesson our Number : For the more we were afflicted the more we grew ; And the design to destroy us , by the mercy of our GOD counteracting it , proved alwayes a burdensome Stone to the Destroyers , and an help to the Destroyed . Yet tho they pretended to have us expelled out of the Realm , they shut up all possible access to attempting to depart out of it : For , as Forces were lying on each side the Borders to catch us if we should escape by Land , so they prevented all probability of going by Sea , by Act 27. of this same Parliament , Forbidding and Prohibiting all Masters of Ships to export any Passenger till he be brought before the next Magistrates : which none of us durst venture upon for fear of our Lives . This was an unhappy Specimen of the Kings Commenced Government , and a very unprecedented Policy of his Counselors , to reconcile male contented Subjects to a Loving and Consienciously Loyal Subjection to him , being in effect the same with the Advice of the Young men to Rehoboam , and productive of the same effect with that : When practically in their Acts and Actings it was declared to us , that whereas the former King had made our Yoke heavy ; This would add thereto : The former had chastised us with Whips , but he would chastise us with Scorpions : Whereof having felt the smart so sharply , we could not be easily induced to a kindly acknowledgment of Allegiance out of Conscience unto him , who came not in as a Father to rule us , but as a Lyon to devour us . Wherefore , tho much pressed by all the Tyrannical force , that could be exercised to enslave us under that Yoke , or destroy us for refusing , we could not in Conscience own or acknowledge his Lawful Authority . And in pressing it they gained little , after all the blood they shed on Scaffolds and Fields upon this account , but to ridicule the Government , and make it more contemptible , when they required every poor Lad & Lass in the Country to give their Opinion of the Government , a Question very unusual to be proposed to private Subjects . Men really invested with Authority do think , their Laws and Power to execute them on Offenders may well enough secure the Peoples subjection , and will disdain such a suspicion of the questionablenss of their Authority , as to make it a Question to the Subjects : The more it was made a Question to us , the more it became questioned and suspected : And the more we were made to enquire into it , the further we were from deprehending or recognoscing in him either the Characters or Constitution of a Magistrate to be owned . We considered the many righteous Laws , established by our worthy Ancestors , for the preservation of the True Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom , insert in the National Covenant ( which every Soul in the Kingdom under the Bond of that Covenant , is bound , to maintain according to their Capacities ; ) As Act 8 Parl. 1. King Ia : 6 : repeated and ratified in many Acts afterwards , expresly providing and ordaining , that all Kings and Princes , at their Coronation and Reception of their Princely Authority , shall make their faithful promise by Oath , and that they shall profess and maintain the Protestant Religion , and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion contrary the same , and shall rule according to Law , &c. Which Oath of Coronation he did not take , would not take , could not take , while a Papist ; and therefore we could not look on him as our King by Law. We considered likewise , that in our Covenants the Allegiance that we must own to the King is expresly limited and qualified thus , In the preservation and defence of the True Rellgion , Liberties , and Laws of the Kingdom : Of which Qualification , Allegiance to him , a destroyer of Religion and Liberty , is nor capable . We remembred the Principles and Sentiments of our Fathers upon the Admission of King Charles 2. to the exercise of his Royal Power , Declared in their seasonable and necessary Warning , Gen : Assem . Iuly 27 : Sess : 27 : 1649. Wherein they tell us , That a boundless and illimited Power is to be acknowledged in no King nor Magistrate ; that there is a mutual Stipulation and Obligation between the King and the People , as both of them are tyed to GOD , so each of them are tyed to one another : Accordingly Kings are to take the Oath of Coronation , to abolish Popery and maintain the Protestant Religion : As long therefore as the King refuses to Engage and Obliege himself for security of Religion , and safety ; of his People it is consonant to Scripture and Reason and Laws of the Kingdom , that he should be refused : And that in the Covenant , the Duty of owning the King is subordinate to the Duty of preserving Religion and Liberty . And therefore , without security of these , it were a manifest breach of Govenant , and a preferring the Kings Interest to the Interest of Christ , to bring him to the exercise of his power . And consequently , for us to give such a consent to it , as such an owning of him as required would amount to . Accordingly also the Commission of the General Assembly in their Act of the West-Kirk , Declared , They would not own the King nor his Interest , otherwise than with a subordination to GOD , and so far as he should own and prosecute the Cause of GOD , and disclaim his and his Fathers opposition to the Work of GOD and the Covenant . We called to mind likewise , what our Renowned Reformers gave out , as the case of their Revolt from the Government of Mary Qu : Dowager , anno 1559. her persecuting the Professors of the True Religion , and oppressing the Liberties of the True Lieges , her intruding of Magistrates against all Order of Election , her Adultering and Subverting the Old Laws of the Realm , &c. Which all Men know were as applicable to King Iames 7th : as to her : And therefore we had their Reason to obliege us , and their example to encourage us to say with them ; We own and promise to our Lawful Soveraign all due Obedience , provided we may have our Religion and Liberty secured , without which we firmely purpose never to be subject to Mortal Man. For which and many other Reasons , we reckoned our selves under Obligations to decline the imposed owning of his Authority ; and took the opportunity in the time of the Expedition of the Earl of Argyle against him , to Publish in a Declaration our Reasons why we could not acknowledge it . In the mean time , the late Earl of Argyle , with some other Noblemen and Gentlemen , Associating with the Duke of Munmouth , to essay some Diversion and Opposition to the Kings designs , of advancing and establing Tyrannie and Popery : All the Forces , Militia Troups and Companies , and the whole Army of Heretors were powred in upon those Places of the Kingdom , where most of us were sojourning . Who , besides all the blood shed upon the account of that Expedition , the Blood of the Earle himself , and others of both Nations engaged with him , and many of his Wassalls in the Highlands cruely put to Death by the Marq. of Athol , had in Commission , and put in execution the Bloodiest Orders we think readily Men could ever receive or obey . The greatest employment , that that great Army had in hand and in heart , was to wreck and exert all their fury and force upon the poor Mountain-Men as they called us : Which they did by ranging and spreading themselves many miles in breadth , every one within sight of another , and searching for us through all the Rocks , Woods , Mountains , and Mosses of the Country , where we were hiding , with such Vigore , Violence , and dilligence , as if they had been hunting for Hares or Foxes . And the greatest ambition and emulation of their Leaders and Champions , Graham of Claver-house , & Liev. Gen. Douglas Brother to the Duke of Queensberry , Col. Buchan , with others of their inferiour Officers , Maj. Balfour , Liev. Creightoun , and Liev. Livingstoun , &c. was , who should be most skilful and succesfull in destroying us . And all this , for no other Cause , then because we could not Answer to their satisfaction the Questions they proposed , without any warrant of Law , and against the Common Interest of Mankind , which frees all Men from being obliged to discover their secret thoughts ; Namely because we could not obtain of our Consciences to declare that we would own and acknowledge that Authority which enacted , and by which they acted , all these mischiefs . Yet , to the commendation of GODS Clemency , and condemnation of Mens cruelty , we may say , when they had shot all their bolts , after they had hanged , shot , tortured , or banished for slaves , all they could catch of us , they were further from their purpose than when they began ; our Numbers and Mettings for Gospel ordinances , Administrated in Purity and power , encreased more and more . But at length , tho' our Persecution continued , the King was pleased to change his Methods with other Dissenters . He multiplied many Favours to such of them as he called Moderate : And , by these means intending to advance the Mysterie of iniquity , by stoping the mouths , and binding up the hands of all from whom he might expect Control or Contradiction , and laying them by from all open opposition to the introduction of Poperie and advancement of Slaverie , he purposed and proposed the repealing of the Penal Statutes against Papists , at the Parliament held by the Earl of Murray : Against which , when afterwards some of the Common sort of people , and of the Souldiers , spoke some what freely , and for shewing their dislike of setting up the Idolatrous Mass , and for speaking against Poperie , and the designs of the King , they were put to Death in a most Despotical and Arbitrary manner . The Persecution the mean while still continuing against us , and growing more dangerous , and worse to bear that we had all the brunt of it to sustain ; while the Forces had few other to Persecute but us : which they did in great fury , murdering in Fields and Scaffolds , such as they could catch of us . At length , what could not be obtained by Law , at the formentioned Parliament for taking off the Penal Statutes , was effectuate by Prerogative , in a Proclamation , Feb : 12 : 1687. Granting , by the Kings Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , and Absolute Power , which Subjects are to obey without Reserve ; a Toleration , under certain conditions , Restrictions , and Limitations , to all sorts of Perswasions , excepting us who are left to the full vigor and utmost rigor of the Laws made against us : Suspending , Stoping and Disabling all Laws , or Acts of Parliament , customs or constitutions against any Roman Catholick Subjects ; giving them freedom in all respects , as much as any Prtoestant Subjects , whatsoever , not only to Exercise their Religion , but to enjoy all Offices , Benefices , &c. which he shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming . Hence Papists were put into places of highest Trust , both Civil and Military : And Popish Magistrates without any Election established in Burghs , &c. contrare to the known Laws of the Kingdom , admitting none to be Magistrates , or so much as a Procutator , Notar , or member of Court , who professes not the Protestant Religion , Act 9. Parl : 1. Iames 6. Declaring all Papists infamous , and unable to sit or stand in Judgment , pursue , bear Office , or to be admitted as proves , Witness , or Assisors against Protestants . Act 45 : Parl : 3 : Iames 6 : which is extended to all and whatsomever Office , without any Exception or Restriction in all time coming . Act 5 : Parl : 20 : Iames 6 : Hence also the Idolatrous Mass was set up in the most publick places of the Kingdom ; and Popish Seminary Priests suffered and encouraged to preach , and set up Schools , to seduce the People , especially the Youth : contrate to many express standing Laws , Act 3 : Parl : 1 : Iames 6 : and Act 5 : ibid : Ordaining all layers or hearers of Mass to be punished , with imprisonment for the first fault , banishment for the second , and justifying to the Death for the third fault . Act 122 : Iarl : 12 : K : Iames 6 : Decerning , That , in all time coming , the saying of Mass , resetting of Jesuites , Seminary Priests , Traffiquing Papists , shall be just cause to infer the pain and crime of Treason . Act 196 : Parl : 14 : Iames 6 : Ordaining in all time coming , all wilfull hearers of Mass , and concealers of the same , be execute to the Death : Ratified in the 1 Act. Parl. 19. Iac. 6. And in 5. Act. Parl : 20 : Iac : 6. Hence Papists have erected Schools , and made , sold , and dispersed their Heretical Books , tending to seduce the People from the true Religion : contrary to express Laws , Act. 106. Parl : 7 : Iac : 6 : Act 24 , and 25 : Parl : 11 : I : 6. This Popish Toleration , was neither extended to us ; all the three Proclamations thereof expresly providing , that Field Conventicles , & all Preachers and Hearers thereat , be prosecuted according to the utmost Severity and Rigor of the Lawes made against them , left in their full Force and Vigor , with a Command to all Judges , Magistrates and Officers of ●orces , to pursue us with all Violence ; Nor could we in Conscience and Duty , directly or indirectly , suffer our selves to be involved , by any participation therewith or acceptance thereof , in the sin of it against the Laws of GOD and Man : Since it appeared evidently to flow from a Blasphemous fountain of Absolute Power ; through a Treasonable Channel of stoping , Suspending , and disabling the Penal Statutes made against the Enemies of GOD , and of the Kingdom ; and to be designed for the wicked ends of subverting the Protestant Religion , and the peaceable introduction of Popish Idolatrie and Heresie ; And to offer , not the establishment of our Religion , but the Tolerating of it , under the scandalous notion of a thing to be suffered for a while ; and with such shameful securities , as robbed the Church of all her Legal Charters of Laws and Covenants establishing her Reformation , leaving her nothing in lieu thereof but a blind precarious promise of One , whose principles oblieged him to keen no Faith with those to whom he promised it . But against all these indignities done to Christ , and injuries to the Church , intended and effected by this Toleration , our Ministers thought themselves oblieged to bear witness and Testimony : And with respect both to necessity and duty , to continue to keep their Meetings in the open Fields , whether the Tyranny of the times had driven them : Since they durst neither seem to Homologate the Toleration , by coming under the sconce of such a protection ; Nor durst they give such advantage to such as were insatiably thirsting after their Blood , and were impowered to shed it , as they were seeking and would have found , if they had shut up themselves within houses , that could neither hold their Friends , nor be hid from their Enemies . This we looked upon as a Testimony , for the interest of the Protestant Religion , for our Covenanted Reformation , for the Laws & Liberties of our Country , all undermined and sought to be subverted by that Toleration . In the prosecution of this Device , when others were killed with Popish kindnesses , we were left to feell the sweet effects of Popish Crueltie . Some of our Bretheren were Murdered in Fields and Scaffolds , since that pretended Toleration ; Many both Men and Women have been banished and Sold for Slaves in Barbados : Other severe Proclamations were issued against our Ministers , Intercommuning , & seting a pryce upon their Heads , to encourage all to apprehend them Dead or alive : One of them , Mr. Iames Renwick a painful Minister being Feb. 1688. was Executed to the Death in Edinburgh , the Drums beating all the time of his Praying and speaking upon the Scaffold . And after this , not only was the Country oppressed with Souldiers , free quarterings , and frighted with their searches , and Insolences in their ryding up and down the Country , challenging peaceable Travellers upon the Road , about their Opinions of the Kings Authority , and if this and that was Rebellion ; and threatning present Death to such as did not satisfie them : But the City of Edinburgh vexed with universal searches , and the impositions of these impertinences , whereby many were taken and examined by Claver-house , who required them to renounce the Covenant , imprisoned the Recusants ; Whereby the Prisons were crouded : And yet , notwithstanding of an Indemnity , October 2 : 1688 alledged as ample as Absolute Power could make it , tho not expresly excluded , they were detained Prisoners until the Report of his Highness the Prince of Orange , now King of Brittain his prevailing , and fear of his Victorious Arms did move them not to keep any longer any that might be evidences and Witnesses of their Arbitrary cruelty . As the same reason also it seems did constrain them , to take down and bury the heads of those they murdered , for fear lest these monuments of their cruelty standing , might occasion the Question to be moved , by whom and for what they were set up ? Than which nothing shall be more confounding to them , when inquisition shall be made for blood . Thus these Enemies of the Country , the encroaching Privy Council , and the Prelates in special , now universally contemned since the Toleration , were going on in their Designs to enslave the Nation , and to prevent and suppress all Essayes to retrive or revive any hopes of recovering any Liberty ; Multiplying their searches , not only for us , but for any that were suspected to favour their present Majesties Cause , and undertaking , so soon as it began to be surmised here ; and laying up in irons and closs prison some Gentlemen , upon suspicion of their being privy to it . And , as soon as they had certain intelligence of King William his great and generous Resolutions , in order to the Restauration and Preservation of Religion , Laws , and Liberties , in these three Kingdoms , They made such vigorous preparations for opposition , and issued out such virulent Proclamations inveighing against his Highness , under such severities of certifications , requiring all from 60 : to 16 : to concur under their displayed Banner for Arbitrary Government , as if they had feared an Invasion from Turks or Tartars . Yet in the mean time , tho there were suspicions then , and discoveries since , of an intended Popish Massacre , they disarmed the Western Shires , and sent Orders to the Officers of Forces , especially imploying such as were professedly Popish , to go through the Country , and take all their Armes , leaving them nothing to defend themselves withal , and causing the People to swear that they had no other Armes than such as they got . And in their march , meeting with some of our number , they threatned to shoot them presently if they would not own King Iames , pray for him , and for confusion to all his Enemies : which they refusing at first were appointed to be shot , and had their faces covered with Napkins , and with great difficulty escaped by complying . By the former Summary and abridged Abstract and compendious Deduction of our many and manifold Grievances ( the Truth whereof can be evidenced by many demonstrative Evidences ) it may appear what have been our sufferiugs since that fatal Revolution , anno 1660 : from the Popish , Prelatical , and Malignant Party ; and what have been their Attempts , Machins , and Methods to overturn our Religion , Laws , and Liberties , and subject us to meer Arbitrary and Absolute Tyrannie ; At least what have been their capital Devices , whereby they have ruined and sought to raze us ; And what have been the principal causes and kinds of our Sufferings , in their prosecuting the same : The particular Relation of which , so far as can be collected , is intended ( GOD willing ) afterwards in due season to be published . Only here it may not be inconvenient to subjoyn , by way of specimen , a short Recapitulation in bulk of some instances of our several kinds of Sufferings , with a touch at some of the most principal Instruments thereof in the five Western Shires First , For Fines , and other Exorbitant and Illegal Exactions of Money , the particular summs cannot be here enumerated ; but their vastness , when together calculate , may be easily collected by the scraps already gathered , of some poor Families of Farmers , Cottars , Servants , &c. and many of these omitted , or not known , which would very considerably augment the summ ) in some few Shires ; viz. Clidsdale , Renfrew , Air , Galloway , Nithsdale , and Annandale , only for but a few years , to wit , since Bothwel bridge insurrection , amounting to above 288000. pounds Scots Money . Besides the many honest Families , which have been casten out of their houses , harassed and spoiled of their All : Some of their houses being thrown down , some Burnt , some shut up , their goods and moveables seized upon , their Crop and Cattel also disposed of , at the will of their Persecuters , in the forementioned Shires amounting to above 200 : of all which we have a particular account in readiness to instruct . The immediate Authors , Actors , and Instruments of these oppressions , were principally the Curates instigating the Privy Council , which impowered the Forces , and Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Country , to prey upon the poor People . All cannot be here expressed , but some of the most noted in the Western Shires shall be named , who were the greatest Persecuters and Oppressors by Finings and other Exactions . Of Officers of the Forces . Col. Dowglas , now Liev : Gen. Dowglas , Brother to the Duke of Queensberry , exacted above 2000 Pounds Scots Money , in Galloway , Nithsdale , Shire of Aire , and other Places . Liev. Gen. Drumond , besides the Forefaultries of Gentlemen , did also exact moneys of the poor in the Shire of Air. The Earl of Lithgow , and his Souldiers , spoiled much in Galloway . The Earl of Airly , and his Troup , in the same Shire The Lord Balearras , a great Oppressor in Galloway , besides all the Robberies he committed in Fife . — Graham of Claverhouse , afterwards Viscount of Dundee , with his Brother , and subaltern Officers in Galloway , Nithsdale , and Anandale , exacted by Fines and otherwise , above 13500 : pounds Scots money . Col : Buchan , a most violent persecuter , in Galloway and Shire of Air , by Robberies took from the People upwards of 4000 : pounds Scots . Major Cockburn , a great oppressor in Galloway . Major White , in Clidsdale and shire of Air , exacted by Fines and otherwise , above 2500. p : Scots . Major Balfour , now called Liev : Col ; Balfour , a great persecuter and Oppressor in Clidsdale . Captain Strauchan , with his Troup , oppressed and spoiled much in Galloway , & other places . Captain Inglis with his Troup , did dispossess many Families , and got much spoil in Galloway , shire of Air , and Clidsdale . Captain Dowglas , in Galloway , committed much outrage and spoil . Captain Dalzel , harassed much in Anandale . Captain Bruce in Nithsdale . — Meldrum in Clidsdale , in several Inroads uplifted from poor Families upwards of 2300 Pounds ; besides the vast summes he exacted in Mers and Tiviotdale ; with the Earle of Hume , Ker of Gradown , Laird of Hayning , and Blindlee ; and in Tweddale , with the Laird of Possa , all great Persecuters . Liv. Winram , in Galloway , a very vigilant Persecuter and Spoyler . Liev. Barns also , in the same Shire took much Spoyl . Liev. Iohn Living stoun , a most violent Persecuter and Exacter . Liev. Lauder , in the Shire of Air , a most outragious Persecuter and Oppressor . — Bonshaw , a Borderer , a High-way Man , afterwards an Officer of Dragoons , robbed much from the poor People in Clidsdale . Duncan Grant , a Creple with a Tree Leg , a very outragious Persecuter , exacted in Clidsdale from poor People , above 1500 pounds . Of Noblemen , Gentlemen , and Others , in the above-mentioned Shires , the greatest Oppressors and Persecuters of the people , were ; In Clidsdale . — Sommervail , of Spittel Sheriff de . pute . who , besides his other wayes of Persecution wherein he was most Active , drew from the poorest People above 1200 pounds . The Laird of Halyards , who uplifted more then 8500 pounds . The Laird of Lachop , a great Persecuter and Oppressor . The Laird of Bonnytown , and Laird Symme , both violent Persecuters and Exactors . In the City of Glasgow , Provest Iohnston , Prov. Barns , Bail. Iohn Anderson , Bail : Yuil , Bail. Graham , William Sterling Baron Baylif , great Persecuters , exacted above 20000 pounds . In Renfrew . The Earl of Glencairn , by Fines and dispossessing of Families , exacted , partly there , and partly in Clidsdale and Nidsdale , above 2400 pounds . Lord Semple a Papist , a persecuter . Alexander Hume in Eglshome , a most violent and vigilant Persecuter and Exactor , with many others . Mr. Ezechiel Montgomery a great Fine-Monger . In the Shire of Air The Earle of Drumfries , exacted above 1000 : pounds . The Lord Craigy , a great persecuter and oppressor . William Creighton Sheriff depute very violent and active . Crawford of Ardmillan , a wicked persecuter and spoiler . Mr. William Crawford , Montgomery of Bozland , Laird of Broyche , Clark Ogilbie , all great persecuters , who sought to make themselves up with the spoils of the poor people . In Galloway . The Laird of Lag Grierson , a most wicked persecuter there , and in Nithisdale , exacted above 1200 : pounds . The Laird of Elie , Lidderdale , and Canon of Merdrogat , all diligent persecuters and Intelligencers , together with the then Collectors . In Nithsdale . The Duke of Queensberry and his Sons oppressed much . Iohn Alison Chamberlain to the Duke of Queensberry , who when dying , said , He had damned his Soul for the Duke his Master . And George Charters , another of the Dukes Factors , who vaunted , he had made 26 : journeys in one year in pursuite of the Whiggs . Iohn Dowglas of Sten-house , a Papist , exacted above 5000 : p : The Laird of Closburn , above 700 : pounds . Sir Robert Dalzel , upward of 400 : p : of a few poor Families . Sir Robert Lawrie of Maxweltoun , an oppressor and persecuter . In Anandale . The Lord Anandale , dispossessed and harassed many Families , and persecuted much in Galloway . The Laird of Westerhall , a great Per : exacted upwards of 1000 : p : Sir Patrick Maxwel of Sprinkell a very active and violent persecuter and oppressor . The Lairds of Powdeen , Castlemilk , Robert Caruthers of Ramaskells , Thomas Kennedy of Heybeiths , most violent persecuters of poor People . The Summes here charged upon these Gentlemen , are collected from the Minutes the Writer had by him , which he is certain are computed within the extent of the several Summes . The rest here named did also extort Considerable Summes , to their own gain and the poor Peoples loss ; but because the forsaid Minuts do not give a Particular account of the Quotas therefore they are not supplied . Next for the Forefaulted Gentlemen and Heretors , we shall not meddle with them : Hoping they shall give a good account of themselves . And as for the number of such as have been forced to a Voluntary Exile to Forreign Countries , we think it Impossible to come to any reckoning of them : Nor of these that have been Imprisoned these 30. Years for Nonconformity , of whom it cannot be told how many have died in Prison , or contracted their Death in Prison , which spedily did follow upon their Liberation . Nor of the many extorted vast Sums , and Robberies of prisoners by Iaylors . Of the Banished , deported into other Countries , for the Cause of Adhering to the Covenant and Work of Reformation , it may suffice to give this account Besides the 6. or 7. Ministers that were banished , and went to Holland : and 7. or 8. Country People to France ; Several others to Barbados , before Pentland . Since the Year 1678. there have been banished and sent away Slaves , of Men and Women , for the same Cause , 700. viz. anno . 1678. To Virginia , 60. whereof 3. or 4. were Ministers , who were all by the Mercy of God delivered at London . Anno. 1679. Of the Prisoners taken at Bothwel , were banished to America , 250 : who were taken away by Paterson Merchant in Leith , that transacted for them with Provost Milns , Laird of Barntown ; the Man that first did burn the Covenant ; whereof 200 : were drowned by Shipwrack , being shut up within the hatches , 50 escaped . Afterwards were banished to Flanders , 7. men . Thereafter were taken away in Banishment , by one Robert Maloch , 14. men . Then by Walter Gibson , Late Provest in Glasgow , to Corolina 30. Anno. 1685. in the time of Queensberries Parliament of Men and Women were sent to Iamaica 200. That same Year , of the Prisoners in Dinotter with others were taken away by Pitlochie , to Newgersie 100. whereof 24. were Women . That same Year , 13. more were sent to Barbados . Anno. 1687. after the Toleration 21. Men and Women were sent to Barbados . As for the Number of the slain at the several Skirmages at Pentland Bothuel , Airdsmoss , &c. They amount too about 400. and some odds . The Number of such as have been executed to Death on Scaffolds , under collour of Law , from Mr. Iames Gutherie the first , to Mr. Iames Renwick , is about 140 , whereof some were Women . The list of those that were killed in cold Blood , without Tryal , Conviction , or any colour of Law , by the persons under written , followeth . Omitting the account of Finlay , murdered by General Dalzels orders at Air , because he could not discover who was at the appearance at Pentland , in the year 1666 ; And of Iames Davie in Bathgate paroch , and several others , at several times , in several places , whose blood was mingled with their sacrifice at Sermons in the Fields , before Bothwel-bridge ; And of Thomas Ker of Heyhope , brother to the Laird of Cherrie trees , who was forced to flee for shelter into the English Borders , and there killed by Col : Struthers , anno 1678 ; And of Henry Hall of Haughead , apprehended at Queensferrie by Midletoun Governour of Blackness , and after several wounds , at length knocked on the head by Tho : George Waiter at Queensferrie . A short hint of those that have been Murdered since the Year 1682. may suffce . Iohn Graham of Claver house , Viscount of Dundee , in the Year 1682. with a party of his Troup , pursued William Graham in the parish of in Galloway , making his escape from his Mothers house , and overtaking him , instantly shot him dead . Item , The said Claver house , together with the Earl of Dumbarton , and Liev : Gen : Dowglas , caused Peter Gillis , Iohn Bryce , Thomas Young , ( who was taken by the Laird of Lee , ) William Fiddison , and Iohn Buiening , to be put to Death upon a Gibbet , without Legal Tryal or Sentence , suffering them neither to have a Bible , nor to pray before they died , at Mauchlin , anno 1685. Item , The said Claverhouse coming to Galloway , in answer to the Viscount of Kenmures Letter , with a small party surprised Robert Stuart , Iohn Grier , Robert Ferguson , and another , and instantly shot them dead , at the water of Dee , in Gallaway , December 1684. Their Corps being buried , were at his command raised again . Item , The said Claverhouse in May , 1685 : apprehended Iohn Broun in priest-hill , in the parish of Moorkirk , in the Shire of Air , being at his work , about his own house , and shot him dead before his own door , in presence of his Wife . Item . the said Claverhouse Authorised his Troop to kill Matthew Mckel wrath , without any Examination , in the Paroch of Camonel in Carrick , Anno 1685. Col. Iames Douglass , now Liev. General , Brother to the Duke of Queensberry , together with Liev : Iohn Livingston , and a Party with them , surprised 5 : men in a Cave at Inglestoun , in the parish of Glencarn , being betrayed by Andrew Watson now prisoner in Drumfreis ; their names were Iohn Gibson , Robert Grierson , Robert Mitchel , Iames Bennoch , and Iohn Edgar , all which were at the command of the said Col : Dowglas brought forth & immediately shot dead , without giving them so much time as to recommend their Souls unto GOD. One Iohn Ferguson , sometimes a profest Friend , thrust one of them through ; supposing he was not dead : This was done in the Year , 1685. Item , the said Col : Iames Douglas and his party , shot to Death Iohn Hunter for no alledged Cause , but running out from the house at Corchead , the same year , 1685. Item , The said Col : or Liev : Gen : Iames Dowglas , with Liev : Livingston , and Coronet Iames Dowglas , surprised six Men at Prayer at the Calduns , in the parish of Minigaf ; viz : Iames Dun , Robert Dun , Andrew Mickale , Thomas Stevenson , Iohn Macklude and Iohn Stevenson , in Ianuary 1685. Item , The said Col : or Liev : Gen : Iames Dowglas caused take Adam Macquhan out of his bed , sick of a Fever , and carry him to Newtoun of Galloway , and the next day shot him dead , the foresaid year , 1685. Item , The said Col : or Liev : Gen : Dowglas commanded Thomas Richard , an old Man of 70 : years , to be shot in the time of prayer ; ( he was betrayed and taken by Peter Ingles ) anno 1685. at Cumnock in Kyle . Item , The said Col : or Liev : Gen : Iames Dowglas , together with the Laird of Lag , and Capt : Winram , most illegally condemned , and most inhumanely drowned at Stakes within the Sea-mark , two Women at Wigtoun ; viz : Margaret Lauchlan , upward of 60 : years and Margaret Wilson , about 20 : years of age , the foresaid fatal year , 1685. Captain Dowglas finding one Mowat , a Taylor , meerly because he had some pieces of lead belonging to his Trade , took him , and without any further trial shot him dead , between Fleet and Dee in Galloway . Item , The said Captain Dowglas and his Men finding one Auchenleck , a deaf man , for not making answer , through defect of his hearing , instantly shot him dead off Horseback , near Carlinwark , anno 1685. Sir Robert Dalzel and Liev : Stratoun , having apprehended Daniel Mackmichel , and detained him 24 hours Prisoner , took him out and shot him at Dalveen , in the parish of Durisdeer in Nithsdale , Ian : 1685 : Item , The said Captain Dalzel , and Liev : Stratoun , with their men , found William Adam hiding in a Bush , and instantly killed him , at the Walwood in Kyle , Feb : 1685. Captain Bruce , Capt : of Dragoons apprehended Iames Kirko , at the intelligence of one Iames Wright , carried him to Drumfreis , detained him prisoner one night , next day brought him forth to the watersands , and without any process , shot him dead . The dying Man desired a little time to make his peace with GOD ; The Captain answered , oftner than once or twice , Devil a peace ye get more made up . Some Gentlewomen coming to beg his Life , were hindred by one Iohn Craik of Stewartoun ; the foresaid Dalzells 2d . son was one of them that shot him , tho without command , Iune 1685. Item , The said Captain Bruce surprised in the Fields , and instantly shot three Men in the parish of Kirk-patrick in Galloway , viz. Iohn Wallace , Edgar , and another , Feb. 1685. Item . The said Captain Bruce and his Men , took out of his bed Thomas Mckhaffie , sick of a Feaver and shot him instantly , in the Paroch of Strat●un in Carrick , Ian. 1686. Iames Dowglass Coronet of Dragoons , commanded to shot Iohn Semple , Eslaying to escape out of his Window , in the Paroch of Dellie , Anno 1685. Kilkerron shot him . Item . The said Coronet Douglass Apprehended Edward Mckcen , and by search finding a Flint stone upon him , presently shot him , without any further Tryal , Feb : 1685. Liev. Gen. Drummond commanded without any Process or Tryal Iohn Murchie , and Daniel Mckilwrick , to be immediatly shot , after they were taken , in the Paroch of Camonel in Carrick , Anno , 1685. At the same time , his Souldiers did shoot dead Alex. Lin. Captain Inglis , and his Dragoons pursued and killed Iames Smith , at the Burn of Ann in Kyle , 1684. Peter Inglis his Son , killed one Iohn Smith in Cunningham , 1685. Item . The said Peter or Patrick Inglis killed one Iames White , struck off his head with an Ax , brought it to Newmills , and plaid at the Foot ball with it , he killed him at Little-black wood , the foresaid year , 1685. Item . The said Peter Inglis shot Iohn Barrie , with his Pass in his hand , in Evandale , April , 1685. Major Balfour , together with Captain Maitland and their Party , Apprehended at their Work , Robert Tam , Iohn Vrie , and Tho : Cook , and instantly shot them . at Pomadee , near Glasgow , May , 1685. Col. Buchan , with the Laird of Lee , and their men shot Iohn Smith , in the Paroch of Lesmahago , Feb : 1685. Liev : Lauder shot to death William Shillilaw , at the Wood head in the Water of Air , Anno , 1685. Liev : Nisbet and his Party shot to death Iohn Ferguson , George Whiteburn , and Patrick Gemmil in the parish of Finnick , in the said year , 1685. Liev. Murray , now Prisoner in Edin . with his party , Shot one Iohn Broun , after quarters given at Blackwood in Clidsdale , Mar. 1685 , Liev. Crichton , now prisoner in Edinburgh , did most barbarously after Quarters , shoot David Steel , in the parish of Lesmahego , Decem : 1686. The Laird of Stenhouse , Sir Kobert Laurie of Maxueltoun and Iohn Craik of Stewartoun , did instigate and urge Coronet Bailie his party of Dragoons to shot William Smith in Hill , after he had been prisoner one night ( it was the day of Maxueltouns daughters Marriage , ) who also refused to let him be buried in the Church-yeard . Sir Iames Iohnstoun of Westerhall , caused apprehend Andrew Hislop in the parish of Hutton in Anandale delivered him up to Claverhouse , and never rested untill he got him shot by Claverhouse his Troupers ; Claverhouse would have delayed it , but Westerhall was so urgent , that Claverhouse was heard say , This Mans blood shall be upon Westerhall , May 1685. Sir Robert Grierson of Lag , having the command of a part of Claverhouses Troop & Strauchans Dragoons , surprised Io. Bell of Whiteside , David Haliday portioner of Mayfield , Andrew Macrabeit , Iames Clement , and Robert Lennox of Irlintoun , and barbarously killed them after Quarters , without time allowed to pray ; when Iohn Bell of Whiteside begged a little time to pray , Lag answered , What Devil have you been doing ? Have you not prayed enough these many years in the hills ? and so shot him presently in the parish of Tongland in Galloway , Febr. 1685. Item , The said Laird of Lag having Alexander Mellubie and Iohn Gordon Prisoners , at the Miltoun of Orr , without any Assiise or Tryal , caused them to be hanged on a tree at the Kirk of Irongray , and there left them hanging . Item the said Laird of Lagg , with the Earle of Anandale , having Command of some Troups of Heretors , pursued another David Halyday and George Short , and apprehended and shot them , under the cloud of Night , in the Paroch of Wynhame in Galloway , Anno , 1685. The Laird of Culyean , for that time Captain of a Troup of Militiae and Heretors , killed William Mckergur at Blairquhan Milne , Anno , 1685. Item the Laird of Culyean , with the Laird of Ballochmilne , shott Gilbert Mcadam , in the Paroch of Kirkmichel , Iuly , 1685. A party of Highlanders killed Ioseph Wilson , David Dun , Simeon Paterson , and other two , near the Water of Kill , in a Moss in Kile , Anno 1685. The Laird of Ironkeple commanding a party of Highlandmen , killed Robert Lochart and Gabriel Thomson , about that time also . Likewise , William Paterson was shot ot Strevin , uncertain by whom , 1685. Also Iohn Mclorgan was killed at Drummellians House in the night time not known by whom . Iohn Reid belonging sometimes to Craigies Troup , who was this last Summer in Rebellion in the Highlands , did under Cloud of Night , kill by a Shot , one George Wood , about 16 Years old , without asking one Question at him , at Tinkhorn hill in Kyle , Iune 1688. In summ their Number amounts to 78. The chief Contrivers and Authors of all these Slaughters and Mischiefs were , they that enacted and Subscribed the Edicts for them in Council , principally the E. of Perth Chancellour . Duke of Queensberry , Marq. of Athol , and particularly the Viscount of Tarbat , who invented this Murdering Device , wherein yet he carried so Cunningly , that he procured the dispatch of the Act to the King , with such suddenness , that he found a way to shift his own Subscribing of it . Having thus , in a Compendious and Cursory Glance , given this short Memorial of our Grievances and Sufferings under the former Governments , with a particular Specimen of some Instances , discovering some , and but a few of the Actors and Instruments of these Evils ; whom we have specially mentioned , selected out of the Copious store of many others of that Character that might be specified , not out of a Principle of Revenge , or humor of Reproach , but from a Principle of Zeal for Justice , the Honour of the King , and Happiness of the Kingdom ; We desire ( in the sense of the Necessity , and in the Hope that the King and Parliament will see the Expediency of removing the former Tools of Tyranny from Power and Trust under this Government , and from a Capacity of driving their old Trade ) that among others a Remark may be put upon the abovementioned Persons . We shall in the next place Condesend upon some of our present Grievances , which , instead of the Redress of the former , we are of new made to Groan under ; whereby our Expectation have been in a great Measure disappointed , and the Comforts of our present Quiet and reviving in our Bondage ( which yet we desire to be Thankful to God for , and to the King as his Honoured Instrument ) are much Imbittered . We are but a poor People , and therefore our Grievances are the less regarded : Nor were they indeed to be so much respected , if they were peculiar to us , but being of Common Extent , and Grievous to the greatest Body of the Nation ( tho' a great part are so accustomed , Issachar-like to Couch under all Burdens , in silent and stupid Submission , that their Grievances are heavier than their Groaning ; and others through frequent disappointments are become so heartless in their hopes of Redress , that they have given over Complaining , except in their private Murmurings , or secret Mournings before the Lord of Heaven and Earth ) we have the more Confidence to speak out what others think , and Choose rather ( if it shall come to that ) to suffer Once for speaking than to Continue Languishing under growing Grievances for not speaking . For our former Grievances we do not plead merit to obtain a Redress : Yet we take the Confidence to say , that as our former Sufferings , under the former Governments , should have Conciliated Compassion ; so what we have endeavoured to do in evidencing our Zeal for this ; might have had some Consideration . We are represented by the Viperous Curates , and other Malignants , who alwayes sought our Ruine , as Antipods to all Mankind , Enemies to Government , and incapable of Orders : But as their Order and Cause is toto Diametro opposite unto the Institutions and Cause of Christ , and it were the Interest of all in this Hemisphere to have such a Generation of Viperous Reproachers ; and their lying Lybells Banished to the Antipods ; so they must have little witt , and less Honesty , who will entertain their Reproaches , who are as great Rebells to this Government , as we avowed our selves to be to the former . Our Sufferings for declining the Yoke of Malignant Tyranny and Popish Usurpation are before hinted and generally known ; and all that will be pleased to know , and consider our Carriage since the King did first appear in his Heroick Undertaking , to Redeem these Nations from , Popery add Slavery , will be forced to acknowledge we have given as good Evidence of our being willing to be Subjects to King William , as we gave proof before of our being unwilling to be Slaves to King Iames. For upon the first Report of the Prince of Orange's Expedition we owned his H. Quarrel , when as the Prelatick Faction were in Armes to Oppose his Coming to Help Us. We Prayed openly for the Success of his Armes , when in all the Churches the Prayers were for his Ruine . We Associated our selves to Contribute what we could to the promoting of his Interest ; and were with the first that Declared a desire to Engage for him , and under him at our Renewing the Covenants , when they were Associating with and for his Enemies . Accordingly for that effect , after we had gone to Armes , upon the noise of Kircudbrights Burning , we modelled our selves in Companies ; whereby we were in Readiness to offer , and had the honour to be admitted to guard and defend the Honourable Meeting of Estates , against all Attempts of the D. of Gordoun , Vicount of Dundee , or other Enemies . And thereafter understanding the Government required the raising of Forces , for the defence thereof against the intestine Insurrections , and Forreign Invasions of the Late King Iames , his Complices within or without the Land : Upon the first occasion , we were the first that offered to furnish a Regiment for his Majesties Service , and accordingly made up the E. of Angus's Regiment , all in one day , without beat of Drum , or expence of Levy money ; having first concerted with the Liev : Colonel Clevland such Conditions and Provisions , as we thought necessary for securing and clearing our Conscience , Liberty and Safety ; That all the Officers of the Regiment should be such , as in Conscience and Prudence , might with cordial confidence be submitted unto & followed ; Such as had not served the Enemy in destroying , nor engaged by Oaths and Tests , to destroy the cause , now to be sought for and defended ; But that they should be well affected , of approven Fidelity , and of a sober conversation . Having also declared , That the cause they were called to appear for , was the service of the Kings Majesty , in the defence of the Nation , Recoverie and preservation of the Protestant Religion , and in particular , the work of Reformation in Scotland , in opposition to Popery , Prelacy and Arbitrary Power , in all its Branches and Steps , until the Government of Church and State , be brought to their Lustre and Integrity established in the best and purest times . Upon these terms , we offered to compleat two or three more Regiments , if it had been accepted . But , before we offered to be Souldiers , we had first made an offer to be Subjects ; And because we did not look upon our selves as Subjects to the Late King , who treated us as Enemies , We made therefore a voluntary Tender of our Subjection , in a peculiar Petition by our selves ▪ which we purposed to have given in to the Meeting of Estates at their first sitting down . We shewed it to several Honourable Members , but by their Advice it was delayed , until the Meeting prevented the purpose of it , by Proclaiming the King and Queen . The Tenor whereof here Follows . TO THE MEETING of ESTATES Of the Kingdom of SCOTLAND . THE NOBLEMEN , BARONS and BVRGESSES , Lawfully Called and Chosen , now Assembled at Edinburgh , for Establishing the Government , Restoring and Securing the True Religion , Laws and Liberties of the said Kingdom . The Humble PETITION of the poor People who have Suffered Grievous Persecution , for their Revolt from , and disowning the Authority of James the VII , Pleading for the devolving the Government upon the Prince of Orange , now King of England . SHEWETH , THat the sad effects of the Late Arbitrary and Tyrannical Course of Government , which these Nations , and we in a special manner have been groaning under these years past ; From which to Relieve them , the Most Serene and Illustrious Prince of Orange was induced by the Propitious Conduct of a very Glorious Providence , to Undertake this Noble and Heroick Enterprise , And for Redressing which , This Honourable Convention is Called and Conveened : Together with the revived hopes , since His Highness Auspicious Arrival , that all honnest men have begun to conceive and entertain , of getting their Grievances freely Represented and Redressed ; The denyal whereof , these several years , hath been to us , and many others , a Grievance very grievous : Have necessitate , incited , invited and encouraged us among others ( tho of the meanest Figure , and lowest Interest in this great Affair ; Yet , as persons pressed to declare , and oppressed for declaring their Consciences , Sentiments and Resentments of the Late abused Government ) to take the Boldness , now to open our hearts to this Great and Honourable Meeting ; And with all humility , as becomes , to Represent to Your Honours , That , as we conceive , we wanted not Right and Reason upon Consciencious Grounds , to decline the Illegally extorted , and Arbitrarly imposed acknowledgement of our Allegiance unto Iames the VII . Whose Authority we could never own , because of his Illegal Investiture , without taking , or being in Capacity to take the Oath of Coronation ( while addicted to Poperie ) contrare to the Laws of God and Man , because of his Advancing the Prerogative , unto an Illimited and most Despotical Absolutness , which all were required to obey without Reserve ; And because of his Arbitrary abusing it , to the undermining and overturning our Religion , Laws and Liberties , and intended Introduction of Poperie and Slaverie , at the opened gap of the Prelatical Hierarchy , Erastian Supremacy , and the Late vastly extended Toleration . And because we could not own it , our Sufferings have been very great , known to this and other Nations , and we are confident will not now be condemned by any that have espoused the Cause , and have been honoured to concur in the Enterprise of Rescuing these Nations from the Unsupportable Yoke of the Late Popish Domination , upon the same , or equivalent grounds on which we durst not own it : So we prostrate ourselves , yet sorrowing under the smart of our still bleeding wounds , at your Honours Feet , who have a Call , a Capacity , and we hope a good mind to cure them ; And offer this our Petition , enforced by all the formerly felt , presently seen , and for the future feared Effects and Efforts of this Throne of Iniquity , and the mischief thereby framed into Law , and practised or projected against all Law , by the Cry of the Blood of our murdered Brethren , by the slavery of the banished free born Subjects of this Realm , by all the miseries that many forefeited , disinhereted , harassed and wasted honest Families have been redacted to ( their Estates and Lives being at the mercy of incensed Souldiers ) for adhering unto the Ancient Covenanted Establishments of Religion and Liberty ; And by all the Arguments of Justice , Necessity and Mercy , that ever could conciliate Commiseration among Men of Wisdom , Piety and Vertue ; humbly Beseeching , Requesting and Craving of your H : Now when GOD hath given you this opportunity to Act for His Glory , the good of the Church and Nation , your own Honour , and the Happiness of Posterity , Now when this Kingdom , the Neighbouring , and all other Nations of Europe , have their Eyes upon you , expecting you will acquit your selves like the Representatives of a free Nation , in redeeming it from Slaverie , otherwise ineluctable , following the Noble footsteps of your Renowned Ancestors , and the present Precedent and Pattern of this Honourable Convention and Parliament now sitting in England ; That you will proceed , without any farther Procrastinations ( alwayes , especially now Dangerous , when Papists , and other Malignant Enemies are openly attempting to raise a Rebellion against the State ) to declare the late Iniquous Government dissolved , the Crown Vacant , and Iames VII , whom we never have , and resolve with many Thousands , never again to owne , to have really Forfeited , and rightly to be deprived of all Right and Title , he could ever pretend thereunto : And to provide , that it may never be in the Power of any succeeding Governour , for the time to come , to aspire unto or arrive at such a Capacity of Tyrannizing . Moreover since Anarchy and Tyranny are equally to be detested , and the Nation cannot subsist without a Righteous Governour , and none can have a nearer Right , nor fitter Qualifications , than his Illustrious Highness , whom the Most High hath signally Owned and Honoured to be our deliveror from Popery end Slavery ; We Cry and Crave that King William , now of England , may be Chosen and Proclaimed King of Scotland , and that the Regal Authority be devolved upon him , with such necessary Provisions , Limitations and Conditions of Compact ; as may give Iust and Legal Securities of the Peace and Purity of our Religion , Stability of our Laws , priviledges of Parliaments , and Subjects Liberties Civil and Ecclesiastick , and make our Subjection both a clear Duty , and a comfortable Happiness . And because Kings are but Men mortal , mutable , and fallible ; particularly , We crave , that he be bound in his Royal Oath ; not only to Govern according to the Will and Command of GOD , and Ancient , Laudible and Righteous Laws , in the Ministration of Justice , punishment of Iniquities , Redressing of just Grievances , and preservation of true Liberties : But above all , that he and his Sucessors , profess persevere in , Protect and maintain the true Protestant Religion , abolish Poperie and all false Religion , Heresie ; Idolatrie and Superstition , revive the Penal Lawes against the same , re-establish and Redintegrate the Ancient Covenanted Work of Reformation of this Church , in Doctrine , worship , discipline and Government , according to the Word of GOD , Confession of Faith ; Covenants National and Solemn League ; upon its old foundations , as Established from the Year 1638. and downward to 1650 ; And that he restore and Confirme , by his Princely Sanction , the due Priviledges of the Church , granted to her by ▪ JESUS CHRIST , her only Head and Supreme , and never assume to himself an Erastian Supremacy over the Church in Causes Ecclessiastick , or Unbounded Prerogative , in Civils , above Law ; but , as the Keeper of both Tables of the Law of God , in a way Competent to Civil Authority , interpose his Power , for the Ejecting out of the Church , the Prelats , the main Instruments of the Church and Nations Miseries . And from all Administration of the Power and Trust in the State , such Malignant Enemies as have promoted the Ruine thereof : Upon these or the like Termes , We tender our Allegiance to King William , and hope to give more pregnant Proof of our Loyalty to his Majesty , in Adverse , as well as Prosperous Providences , than they have done or can do , who profess Implicite Subjection to Absolute Authority , so long only as Providence preserves its Grandure . MAY IT THEREFORE PLEASE YOUR HON. To take the Premises into Your serious Consideration , and put a Favourable Construction on this our Humble and Earnest Request , which sense of Duty , in desire to Exoner our Conseiences , and in Complyance with , and at the Solicitation of the Cries of many Thousands in the Nation , moved and craved , We take the Confidence to present to Your HON. In the Hope , that Zeal for GOD and his Church , regard to Iustice and Mercy , Care of Your own , as well as the Countries Interest , dutiful Love , Loyalty and Gratitude to King William , and even Pity to us , will prevail with Your Wisdom to grant in with all convenient Expedition . And Your Supplicants shall ever Pray &c. FROM what is above hinted , it may appear , that We are not Enemies to Government ; but , that as we have had Occasion , We have given more Evidences of true Loyalty , than any of our Traducers , and of true Zeal to have this Government fixed , on such a Foundation , as may make it Secure and Stable , and Subjection thereunto to be not only a Duty , but a Comfort . And with the same inviolable Zeal , Affection and Fidelity , since others will not , We cannot forbear to Remonstrare those Grievances , that are as well hateful to GOD , and hurtful to the Government , as Grievous to Us. First , As to the Church , tho' all Honest Subjects have been impatiently expecting the settlement thereof , from the Kings Declaration , his Promises at the Acceptance of the Crown , and his Instructions to D. Hamiltoun ; Yet , to this Day , it is neither Settled , nor Purged , nor Planted , but kept in uncertain suspense what to fear , or what to hope . Popery indeed is much suppressed , in a way , wherein much of GOD , and little of Man is to be acknowledged and admired ; yet the Ancient Laudable Laws against Papists , Seminary Priests , Sayers and Hearers of Mass are not Revived , Reinforced , nor put in Execution , while many of these Idolaters , and Intycers to Idolatry , are connived at , past without punishment , and favourably Intreated , when some of us have apprehend them , and delivered them into Custody . Whence they are much encouraged where they Cohabite in great Numbers ; especially in the Sea Coast of Galloway , where they may open a Door and free Ingress to the Irish , whenever they have a mind to Invade ; whereby the Country about , is contiunally Tormented with fears of their Massacres and Murdering Attempts . We can never be freed from the hazard of the Return of Popery , so long as Papists are so much Tolerated , and are bragging of their hopes of getting a Toleraration established , Suspending and Dispensing with the Penal Statutes against them ; which will defile the Land with Idolatry , and expose us to the Judgement of GOD. We desire also to be thankful , that Poperies eldest Daughter , the Episcopal Hierarehy , or Prelacy , hath got such a knock on the head , that it is abolished by Law , & its return so far Legally precluded , that the removal thereof , being one of the Stipulations & Artieles of Compact with his Majesty , at the Disposal and Acceptance of the Crown , it cannot be restored without asignal Violation of the Regal Covenant ; the native Consequences whereof , may beforeseen to be so dangerous , that we hope , the Kings Wisdom and Justice , will be proof , against all the Insinuations and Perswasions of the Church of England , to hazard it ; yet it is a very burdensome Grievance , that the settlement of the Church Government , is so long suspended , and the Nation kept in Suspense , not knowing what shall be settled in stead of Prelacy abolished ; whereby the Land is left to settle in nothing , but to rest and rott in old Crying sins , and new provocations are daylie Multiplied without control ; Scandals and Disorders , to the dishonour of GOD , reproach of Religion , stumbling the weak , hardening the perverse , and offending all are not restrained , but much encouraged , and different factions much fomented ; while Church Government and Discipline ( the only Preservative and restaurative Medicine for such Distempers ) is neither established , nor any rule determined , by which it shall be Established , except the Inclinations of the People ; which are in themselves very variable , and must be ruled by , and not a Rule unto the Institutions of IESVS CHRIST : And as they are variable , so they are as Various and diverse , as there are Numbers of Persons or Parties , that prefer their own Humours and Interests to the Supreme Law , the revealed will of Christ : Some are for Erastianisme ; Some for a constant Moderatorship ; some for a Superintendency ; some perhaps for Independency ; some for a Toleration of all ; some are for a continuance of the Curates ; either without any Accommodation with them , and secluding them from a share of the Government , but suffering them still to Exercise their Ministry ; Or by an Accommodation and Coalition with them in the Government also ; some again are for the continuance of Patronages , how ever it be . We and many Thousands are against all these things , as being contrary to the Word of GOD , abjured frequently in our COVENANTS NATIONAL and SOLEMN LEAGVE ; condemned in the confession of this , and all other best Reformed Churches ; And in the doleful experience of former times , known to be inlets to many wicked inventions , innovations and corruptions in the Church ; And in process of time productive of Prelacy again : Which , in the Lords strength , We , and many Thousands , do intend never to submit to , tho for our Recusancy , we should suffer the greatest persecution from Men. We are for the Restauration and Re-establishment of this Churches Ancient Covenanted Reformation , in its Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government ( according to the Word of God , Confession of Faith , Catechisms Larger and Shorter , National and Solemn Covenants and Acts of General Assemblies ) in all its Legall Immunities , Securities and Sanctions , as before the Year 1650. These Different Inclinations , cannot be a Rule of Government and order , but of Ataxie and Confusion ; Nor can they be determined by a Lesbian rule , unconstant and uncertain ; But somewhat , to which all must vail and and submit , and which must claim the last Appeal . Tho we might , with as great Confidence as others , Venture the success of our Plea for Presbyterie , upon the decision of a Poll and Plurality of Votes , providing ( which could not be denied ) none be admitted to Vote , but such as are well affected to the Government of King William and Queen Marry . Yet we cannot subject the determination of that Plea , to any other Rule , than he Institution of CHRIST ; considering , that either the Lord IESVS , who is anointed only King and Head of his Church , and is faithful in all his House , must not have appointed any Government or order thereof at all ( which would exceedingly Reflect upon His Wisdom and Faithfullness and the Perfection of his Law ) or this Government which he hath appointed , must not be Arbitrary and Ambulatory , indifferently determinable ▪ by the will and inclinations of Men , no more than others of His Institutions can be . We plead for no Government , and for nothing in this of Presbyterie , but what we have the Lawes of CHRIST in his Word , the Ancient Lawes of the Nation , the Constitutions of the Church , never yet repealed , by any subsequent Authority Ecclesiastick , and the Covenant Eengagements of all ranks in the Land , of Indespensible obligation , for : Nor do we plead for any exercise , or extent of this order , further then is necessary for the purging of the Church , of every Antichristian , or Erastian Corruption and Invention , Defection or Schism , Error or Scandal in Officers or Members impartially ; And for the Planting of the Church with Godly , able and Faithful Ministers , for the Instruction , conviction conversion , Edification and Consolation of the Members thereof . But now , not only is this Government not established , but even that of Prelacy is not effectually , nor can be abolished , while the many iniquous Laws against Presbytery , and pressing submission to Prelacy are not rescinded ; And while our National and Solemn League Cevenants for Preserving and Promoting Reformation , are so far forgotten and trampled upon , that the Acts Antiquating and Discharging them to be owned , are not only not Abrogated , but so far yet observed , that it is hardly allowed they should be publickly mentioned : While also , the Ecclesiastical Supremacy , a feather likewise of Antichrists wing , and a Blasphemous and Sacrilegious Encroachment upon Christs Prerogatives , and His Kingdoms Priviledges , is not revocked , nor declared void , whereby it stands declared by wicked Laws , to be the inherent Right of the Magistrate , to Order , Dispose , Alter or Innovate the external Government of the Church , and to plant , or transplant Ministers , and give them Instructions , to Regulate them in the Exercise of their Function ; which , if not Abolished , will not only optn a Door to the Introdnction of Prelacy or Popery again : But if the Protestant Religion be never so well Established , this will in process of time , unhinge all possible Settlements thereof . There is nothing more the Interest of the Church , than to seek that this Mountain in the way of its Reformation , be removed ; and all Acts confirming the same repealed ; and Indulgences following therefrom , be declared to be Usurpations . Another Pillar of Prelacy , the constant support of it , and stop to Reformation , does yet continue , while the burdensome Bondage of Patronages is not removed ; whereby the Church is Robbed of the Liberty of choosing her own Guides intrusted with her greatest concerns , & the Great-men have open access Implicity to impose , and Prey upon , and Pester the Church with Corrupt Teachers : But if all these things were Rectified , it is impossible the Church can ever be settled , or purged , or planted , as long as the Episcopal Curats , intruded by the Prelats Collation and Patrons Presentation , contrare to the Institutions of Christ , and the Constitutions of this Reformed Church , without the Call , and contrare to the Inclinations of the People in many places , but every where the Bane of the Nation , the Scandal of the Church and the cause of all our Confusions , are continued in the Churches . How can the Church be settled , when those that unsettled it continue in the same Capacity to oppose all Righteous Settlements of Reformation ? How can the Church be purged , when the greatest Corrupters , and the most corrupted Members , remain in Power ? Either they must be looked upon , and Subject themselves as Members of the Presbyterian Church , and then Discipline cannot but strike against them , in such a measure of Severity , as may be some way proportioned to the greatness of their Scandal , their Obstinacy , Impenitency , and Continuance in it as long as they could , and the hazard of their Leavening the whole Lump ; or they must be looked upon as Pure and Perfect Schismaticks , seting up a distinct Church , and seperate Communion , within a well Constitute National Church , and as such they ought to be Censured and Restrained . How can the Church be planted , when those Plants that the LORD never planted , fill so much of His Vineyard , and continue in so many Paroches , either to sterve them with the hungry Husks of Ethick Homilies and Harangues of Moral Vertues , instead of Gospel Holiness ( not knowing to Preach the Mystery of the Covenant of Grace , or declare the Counsel of GOD , to the Conversion of Sinners unto CHRIST or so poyson them with points of Popery , Arminianisme , Socinianisme : Yet many of them do yet Peaceably possess the places they were intruded into ; and others dispossessed , are reponed by Force , contrare to the inclinations of the Paroch , and notwithstanding their opposition in some places , as for instance in Colintown and in Peebles , where great Insolences were committed , affronting the Magistrates , and disturbing the Presbyterian Meeting , which have been overlooked ; but the least Accession to any Opposition that was made , hath been severely punished , one Francis Beatie upon this account being for these many weeks kept in prison , and his Petitions for Liberty ejected . This hath discouraged many , and opened their mouths to reflect ; That tho this Government be as much admited for Acts of Mercy to Rebells , as the former was for Cruelty , yet wherever any Presbyterian can be apprehended in any fault , he must expect the rigour of Severity . We do not justifie illegal Tumults , nor do we approve that people should transgress their Line and Station in endeavours of Reformation , when there is a Magistrate to be applied unto : But as Magistrates ought to interpose their Power for extruding , and easing the people of Intruders ; so when they abuse it , to the re inforcing of these intrusions , honnest and zealous people can as hardly be restrained from resisting such Invasions and Impositions against the Laws of GOD and Man , as they can be kept from withstanding a violent Invader of their Property , or Intruder on their Heritage . For our part , as we thought it a seasonable duty , to take the opportunity of the Interregnum , before the settlement of a Government that we could subject our selves to , for cleansing the Western Shiers of these Creatures ( which was done with all the discretion that the confusions of that time , and the feared shortness of that opportunity could admitt . And whatever clamour they make of their Persecutions , in their Late Printed Account and Information to the Church of England , stuft with Lies , we defy them to give an instance of any hurt done by us to any of their Persons or Families , or to charge us with one Six-pence worth of their Goods : If any have , let it be proven and punished ) which , if others in other places had imitated , in that season , with the like discretion , the Nation might have been much eased , and the Government prevented of a great deal of trouble : So , tho we are not for Persecuting them who were our greatest Persecuters , nor rendering them any evil for their evil , farther than to restrain them from coming back again to Persecute us , and from Intruding , where they have no Right ; Yet we are resolved , through Gods Assistance , to endeavour by all approven means , to hold them out now when they are out ; And sooner to die , and venture the loss of all things temporal , than to suffer any of them to repossess themselves of the Churches , whence they are thrown out ; or any other within our reach , untill after sufficient Evidences of their remorse they shall come in at the door of CHRISTS Appointment . If in this we Offend the Malignants in the Parliament or Council , we cannot help it , it is not the first time , nor perhaps the last : But for the Noble & Honoured Patriots among them , who are well affected to the Cause of Reformation the Nations good , and his Majesties Honour and Happiness , we are confident they will construct of our ingenuity in good part ; as flowing from conscience and Candor . And we are hopeful his Majestie will Compassionat us in this matter ; and consider the Case , that it is more for his Honour and Interest ; to have respect to the Consciences of so many People , than to the humor and haughtiness of a few debauched Lords and Gentlemen , who delight in these vexations , and who by Custom , as it were , have it for their Element to impose upon poor Peoples Consciences . And we hope his Majesty will think upon the Redressing of this Grievance , of the Continuance of these Episcopal Curates , who took notice of this , as one of the Grievances , in his Declaration , that he came to relieve the Nation from . In the netxt place , as to the State , tho we desire to be more abstract from these Administrations that are above our reach ; yet it is obvious and Grievous to all that desire the Establishment thereof in Righteousness and Peace , that the settlement of Church and State both is Retarded and Obstructed , by the frequent Adjournments of Parliaments , in so Critical a Season when the Government is not well settled , the Enemies thereof are prevailing , the Friends thereof are sore discouraged and devided , and the Forces have no Maintenance . If ever there 〈◊〉 of Parliaments , now it must be when the greatest Interests , 〈◊〉 King and People , are in so eminent Hazard : And yet it is more Grievous , that when they Conveen , and have opportunity to Act for the good of the Nation , the settlement of the Church Government , and the Redress of Grievances , the Disputes of divided Factions , about things of lesser Moment , do hinder their Establishing of those things , that all agree are Absolutely necessary . Time might be afterwards spared for many of these Debates , with which the present precious opportunity is wasted , and they might with more Advantage and Facility be Adjusted and Composed afterwards , if once the Establishment of the Church , and the Security of the Nation were provided for , and these things , for which they have his Majesties Instructions , were Settled and Enacted : But we fear these Differences are much Fomented by Self-seeking Malignant Incendiaries , who love to Fish in troubled Waters , and to pursue their selfish and sinistrous ends of Undermining the Church , supplanting the King's Interest , and betraying the Countries Liberties , from whom these Disorders and Grievances have proceeded , which are now desired to be Rectified and Redressed , and from whose Influence all these Retardments and Disapointments do flow , which the Nation so much complains of . For as the open and avowed Enemies of the King and Country , owning the late King Iames his Interest ( all consisting either of the Popish or Prelatical and Malignant Faction , not so much as one Presbyterian being among them ) are very many , Insolent and Prevalent ; not only in the Highlands , but in all the hires of the Kingdom ; and no doubt have their Active Agents , Correspondents and Abetters in the Parliament , Council and all the Supreme Judicatories of the Kingdom ; so there are far moe secret undermining Enemies , who for the time are not appearing in opposition to the Government , that are as great Enemies to the King and Country , and all Righteous Interests , as any that do most appear , who are now desiring Places , and ingyring themselves into publick Trust , not to serve King William , whose Advancement to the Throne they opposed , with all the Power and Policy they had ; nor simply to satisfy their Insatiable Ambition , but to put themselves in better Capacity to serve King Iames , in Retarding all Righteous Establishments , Rending the Parliaments , and Ruining Us all : Yea , however some may account it Policy , it is not only a Grievance , but a Sin dishonouring God , and destructive to the Nation , and a dangerous Politick , threatning hazard to Religion and Liberty and the Government , that many wicked Malignants , Enemies to Reformation , are admitted & imployed in the publick Administrations , as Officers of State , Members of Council & Parliament , and other Judicatories and places of Trust ; who not only were our cruel Persecuters , and Murderers of our Bretheren , whose Blood cries for Vengence against them ; but were the professed and sworn Tools of the late Tyranny , and Instruments of the Nations Slavery , Ministring to King Iames , and cooperating with him in all his Encroachments upon our Religion , Laws and Liberties , as absolute Vassals of his Despotical Will , under Oaths and Pensionary Obligations to obey without reserve , and to this day , are either evil Counsellours to perswade the King to some degrees of Arbitrariness , or very disaffected to the Government , Counsellers to , Encouragers of , or Connivers at Rebellion against it . It had been worthy Service to the Nation , to have at first exposed these Men in their own Colours , and represented the danger of trusting them , to the King ; who being much a Stranger to Men , at his first coming over , might be easily deceived in the choose of such as were to be Imployed ; and then it had been easier to keep out , then now to put out of Places : But it is never too late to seek to be Rid of these that were , and are like to be Instruments of our Ruine ; whose Exclusion from Trust and Power to play their old Tricks , is necessary for the King's Interest as well as the Kingdoms , which are inseperable . And since the King declared against these evil Counsellours ; and on their Crimes and Mal-administrations , founded the Righteousness and Necessity of his Expedition , neither King nor Parliament can justly offend at ; or refuse the Nations Demands , to be eased of them , nor find it convenient , that the Betrayers of our Laws , and Robbers of our Priviledges under the last Government , be excluded from all share of Administration in this . We have experience of their Conduct and Administration already , wherein we found nothing but Tyranny , Rapine and Violence , and such Justice and Law as is discovered above ; and therefore can never beleive while only Interest hath made them change their way , that ever they shall Administer Righteous Judgement . And whatever Confidence others may have , we cannot be without fears , while we are under the power of our old Persecuters . But above all ; it is most offensive to God and all Good men , that Murderers of innocent People , without and against all Law , particularly several of these above Named , should not only be Connived at , and past without punishment , but Encouraged and Intertained in Favour and Trust ; some of them Discovered and Apprehended as Traitors to the present Government , are notwithstanding over looked and suffered to escape Justice , and Liberate upon Bale , as Major or Lieu. Col. Balfour , and Lieu. Nisbet ; others of them are Members of Parliament , as the Commissioners for the Shire of Nithsdale and Stewartry of Anandale , Sir Ia. Iohnstoun of Westerhal , and Iohnstoun of Corehead , who is notourly known to have of late several times in Caballs with Iacobines drunk the late King's Health . Blood is a crying Sin , defiling the Land , which cannot be cleansed but by the Blood of them that shed it . We thirst for the Blood of none , nor crave the sheding of any , but of these who are so guilty of Blood , that they are Condemned to the punishment of Murderers , by the Law of God and all Nations , having shed the Blood of War in Peace , without all shaddow of Law. But as for those that Murdered our Bretheren , without all Process , Accusation , Trial , Conviction , Assise or Sentence , as is observed in his Majesties Declaration for Scotland , We should not be free of the Guilt of their Impunity , if we did not seek Justice against them . Yet we wonder the less at this , that such Criminalls as were Authorized under the former Government , by Arbitrary orders , tho without Law , to perpetrate their Crimes , are not Punished , when open avowed Traitors , Speakers of Treason , and Rebells against the Present Government , taken in ovett Acts of Lese-Majestie , discovered in Plots and Projects , and Apprehended in Armes against his Majestie , are Indemnified , Connived at , let out of Prisons and Tolerated , and thereby Encouraged and Tempted to go on in their Conspiracies , and return to the same Crimes , when ever they find Opportunity ; for they will not ascribe this to his Majesties Clemency , but to the weakness of the Government , that dare not draw its Sword of Justice . In the former Government , there was nothing but Severity against those that in the least Discented from it : In this there is nothing but Mercy to Rebels ; both these are Extremes . In the Third place we cannot but have sad Reflections upon the bad success of the War : Which we think is not so much to be imputed to the bad Conduct of those to whom it is intrusted , as to the Wickedness and Malignancy of the Army , laying them and the Land open to the danger of the wrath of GOD ; while the Abominations of Swearing , Cursing , Profaning the Sabbath , Whoredom , Drunkenness , and all debaucheries ( which are severely interdicted by Military Lawes , if they were put in execution ) and are so abounding among Officers and Souldiers , that the honest hearted among them , whom only Conscience did prompt to engage in the service , are exceedingly discouraged , & all the fearers of GOD affrighted , to whom the abounding of , and continuance in these sins is a greater terror , than all the Numbers of Enemies . This is the more to be adverted , that all that acknowledge GOD , are astonished with His signall and stupendous stroks , so observably wasting many Thousands of the English Army in Ireland , within these few Moneths past for these same Abominations . But not only are our Armies filled with the Profane end Profligate Skum of Mankind ; But to the great Reproach of the Cause , wherein Religion is so nearly concerned , to the dishonour of GOD and offence of all the Godly , many Malignant Enemies to Reformation , avowed Adversaries and Persecuters of Truth and Godliness , are encouraged , imployed and intrusted for the defence of the Interest , which , within this short time , they professedly opposed , and by many Dreadful Oaths were engaged to Suppress . For the old Dragoons , the Late Kings Lieveguard and others , after by Executing their old Masters cruell and Arbitrary Orders , they had enriched themselves with the spoylls of the oppressed Country , and imbrewed their hands in the Blood of innocent and Righteous People , when they saw the Prince of Orange like to prevail , forsook their King and crouded into his Highness Armies : Not for love to his Cause , which with the greatest keenness they contended against , as long as they could ; But to prevent the just Vengance of his Victorious Armes , then threatened . Hence they are yet intertained among the Forces , and there tho they have not occasion to exert their fury , as formerly ; Yet they cease not to express their Malice against us , in boasting that they hope yet to Persecute us as much as ever ; And bragging they are , and shall be for Prelacy as long as they Live , not fearing to impugn the Act of Parliament against it . It is certainly a Land-sin to be witnessed against , as well as a Grievance , that such Enemies of Truth and Godliness , should be admitted unto , or continued in Power and Trust in the Army , or imployed and intertained therein . It is dangerous that the Royal Standart should be a Sanctuary to them , whom Divine Justice will pursue ; And absurd , that the Army should be polluted , and in danger to be infected with the Contagion of such an unhappy conjunction and unholy Association . It were more profitable and promising like , that the Tears and Cries of the many Widows and Orphans , whom their bloody Sword have beraved of their Husbands and Parents , might prevail with the Justice of the Government , to find them out and give them their reward . It were no loss , but a great advantage to the King and Countrey both , that the Army were throughly purged of those who betray the Interest in stead of serving it , and whose carriage declares they are in the interest of the Enemy , and were filled up with such as have another principle prompting them to serve , than the prospect of Pay , which will make them venture their dearest Blood in the Cause , with Resolution and Confidence , when those that are pursued with a guilty Conscience are afraid to look Death and Hell in the face . Hereby , as his Majesty would be far from all fears of the like Treasons and Treacheries , in some discovered already ; so all Honest Men having no other Interest or End , but the Glory of God , the Peace and Prosperity of their Country , and the Honour and Happiness of the King , would be exceedingly Encouraged and Engaged to be Zealous and Resolute in the Service , when they should know they have none to Associate with , but such as are of Aproven Fidelity and good Affection to the Cause . It is yet the more Grievous , that not only so many wicked and Treacherous Men are intertained in the Army ; but Men of Principle and Conscience , who are willing and Zealous to serve in the Warrs with the utmost Fidelity , can find little Encouragement ; and some are put out of Trust and Employment in the Army , who had given Good proof of their Zeal , fidelity and courage , by the Malignants procurement , to the end they might be rid of the fears and Iealousies they had of their opposing their sinistrous designs : Some there are we acknowledge in several Regiments and Troups , that are Men of principle , Conscience , Courage and Honour ; but these labour under very many Discouragements , being very much Maligned by the rest . Particularly , we cannot but complain of the Treatment of the E. of Angues's Regiment , which was sent to Dunkeld ( as would seem ) on design by some to be betrayed and destroyed ; For , being there posted alone in the mouth of the Highlands , the whole body of Canons Army marched towards them , the very day they came thither , and within three days gave them a general assault : where that Regiment was left in the chock , denuded of the success that my Lord Cardross brought them , who were recalled ; and denyed the assistance they sought from Col. Ramsey lying at Perth ▪ After which , getting the honor of that Victory , by the goodness of GOD , they were more then ever envyed , by the remaining malice of their old enemies ; who , when they durst do no more to destroy them openly ; & their Arts failed them to get them destroyed by the common enemy , sought by all means to break them , or to blast their Reputation . Finally , The Country is much languishing in their jealousies , thinking their sufferings cannot be over , as long as not only the instruments , of their oppression , their Persecuters are in so much power : but the Laws and Acts of Parliament , &c. impowering them , & condemning the grounds of former sufferings , are yet standing unrepealed . Yea , they complain their sufferings still continue , while Forefaultries & Fines are not redressed ; while many are impoverished by loss of Law suits , and Decreets past against them , through their Non-appearance in their own defence , in times of hazard ▪ to their persons ; while many Widows and Orphans of those that lost their Lives in Fields and Scaffolds , and of those that died in banishments , are in great distress , having none to provide for them ; and while many are yet in servitude in forraign Plantations , whither they were banished & sold as Slaves , who are not yet partakers of this reviving , we have got in our bondage . Moreover , As the unrestrained debaucherie and dissoluteness of Country People is very grievous , occasioned by the want of Church Government and Discipline ; So the insolence of many Gentlemen , professedly Jacobins , owning the Authority of K ▪ James , drinking his health , and forcing others to it where they are numerous , impugning the present Authority , and openly speaking Treason , is an intollerable Affront to the Government : For the Honour of which , Zeal for our GOD , Loyalty to the King , and Love to our Country ; observing the deficiency of others that could do it better , we could not forbear to suggest these complaints ; In the hope that such as are not sensible of them , may open their eyes and see their distempers and dangers ; And those that are sensible of them , may be moved to represent them to those that are in Authority , to redress and remove them . But whether Men will hear , or not hear ; we are confident there is a GOD that ruleth in Jacob , to the ends of the Earth , who will hear the cry of the Humble , in His own time . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59965-e1000 Grievance 1. Grievance 2. Grievance 3. Grievance 4. Grievance 5. Grievance 6. Grievance 7. Grievance 8. Grievance 9. Grieance 10. Grievance 11. Grievance 12. Grievance 13. Grievance 14. Grievance 15. Grievance 16. Grievance 17. Grievance 18. Grievance 19. Grievance 20. Grievance 21. Grievance 22. Grievance 22. Grievance 23. Grievance 24. Grievance . 25. Grievance 26. Grievance 27. Grievance 28. Grievance 29. Grievance 30. Grievance 31. Grievance 32. Grievance 33. 
A59468	----	The principles of the Cyprianic age with regard to episcopal power and jurisdiction asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of St. Cyprian himself and his contemporaries : by which it is made evident that the vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland is obligated by his own concession to acknowledge that he and his associates are schismaticks : in a letter to a friend / by J.S. Sage, John, 1652-1711. 1695 Approx. 280 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59468 Wing S289 ESTC R16579 13620371 ocm 13620371 100833 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59468) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100833) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 801:5) The principles of the Cyprianic age with regard to episcopal power and jurisdiction asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of St. Cyprian himself and his contemporaries : by which it is made evident that the vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland is obligated by his own concession to acknowledge that he and his associates are schismaticks : in a letter to a friend / by J.S. Sage, John, 1652-1711. [4], 94, [1] p. Printed for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1695. Written by John Sage. Cf. DNB. Advertisement on p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Cyprian, -- Saint, Bishop of Carthage. Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. -- Defence of The vindication of the Church of Scotland. Church of Scotland -- History. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PRINCIPLES OF THE Cyprianic Age , With Regard to Episcopal Power and Iurisdiction : Asserted and Recommended from the Genuine Writings of St. Cyprian himself , and his Contemporaries . By which it is made evident , That the Vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland is obliged by his own Concessions to acknowledge , that he and his Associates are Schismaticks . In a Letter to a FRIEND . BY I. S. LONDON , Printed for Walter Kettilby at the Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Church-yard . MDCXCV . SAnctissimae Matri Ecclesiae SCOTICANAE , Sub pondere pressae , Sed & adhuc malis non cedenti , Fidem Catholicam , Unitatem Apostolicam , Pietatem primaevam Fortiter propugnanti : Adversus Blasphemias , Calumnias , Sacrilegia , & Ruinas , Invicto ( quia verè Christiano ) animo Strenuè decertanti : Cultu , Fide , & Justitiâ , In Deum , Regem , & proximos Conspicuae : Haereses omnes , tam antiquas quam novas , Armis Evangelicis , & perpetuâ Ecclesiae traditione Profliganti : Undique Lachrymis suffusae , Victrice tamen Cruce triumphanti ; ( Tam Archiepiscopis , Episeopis , Presbyteris , & Diaconis , Quam universo Fidelium Coetui , Veris suis Pastoribus vinculo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primigeniae , Adhaerescenti ) Solâ spe Coelestis praemii , inter clades miseras & maximas , Suffultae ; Hanc dissertationem Epistolarem ( raptim & sermone Vernaculo conscriptam ) de Episcoporum aevi Cyprianici Eminentiâ & Praerogativis , Eâ quâ par est animi modestiâ & reverentiâ , Clientelae & Censurae ergò D. D. D. THE PRINCIPLES OF THE Cyprianic Age , &c. SIR , I Acknowledge you have performed your Promise . The Author of the Defence of the Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to an Apology OF ( he should have said FOR ) the Clergy of Scotland , has indeed said so as you affirmed : And I ask your Pardon for putting you to the trouble of sending me his Book and Pointing to Sect. 39. Page 34. where he has said so . But now , after all , what thô he has said so ? And said so , so boldly ? Do you think his bare saying so is enough to determine our Question ? Don't mistake it . That which made me so backward to believe he had said so , was not any dreadful Apprehension I had of either his Reason or Authority ; but a Perswasion that none of his Party would have been so rash , as to have put their being or not being Schismaticks upon such a desperate Issue . And that you may not apprehend my Perswasion was unreasonable , I shall first take to Task what he hath said ; and then , perchance , add something concerning our main Argument . His Words are these . Arg. 5. Cyprian's Notion of Schism is , when one separateth from his own Bishop . This the Presbyterians do : Ergo. A. All the strength of this Argument lieth in the sound of Words . A Bishop , in Cyprian's time , was not a Diocesan , with sole Power of Jurisdiction and Ordination . If he prove that , we shall Give Cyprian and him leave to call us Schismaticks . A Bishop , then , was the Pastor of a Flock , or the Moderator of a Presbytery . If he can prove , that we separate from our Pastors , or from the Presbytery , with their Moderator , under whose Inspection we ought to be , let him call us what he will : But we disown the Bishops in Scotland from being our Bishops ; we can neither own their Episcopal Authority , nor any Pastoral Relation that they have to us . Thus he . Now , Sir , if one had a mind to catch at Words , what a Field might he have here ? For Instance ; Suppose the Word Diocess was not in use in St. Cyprian's time , as applied to a particular Bishop's District ; Doth it follow , that the Thing now signified by it , was not then to be found ? Again ; What could move him to insinuate , that we assign the sole Power of Iurisdiction and Ordination to our Diocesan Bishop ? When did our Bishops claim that sole Power ? When was it ascribed to them by the Constitution ? When did any of our Bishops attempt to Exercise it ? When did a Scotish Bishop offer , e. g. to Ordain or Depose a Presbyter , without the Concurrence of other Presbyters ? When was such a sole Power deem'd Necessary for Raising a Bishop to all the due Elevations of the Episcopal Authority ? How easie is it to distinguish between a Sole and a Chief Power ? Between a Power Superiour to all other Powers , and a Power Exclusive of all other Powers ? Between a Power , without , or against which , no other Powers can Act ; thô they may , in Conjunction with it , or Subordination to it : And a Power , destroying all other Powers , or disabling them from Acting ? Once more , How loose and Ambiguous is that part of his Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , in which he calls him , The Pastor of a Flock ? May not a Bishop , and his Diocess , be called a Pastor and a Flock , in as great propriety of Speech , as a Presbyterian Minister and his Parish ? Sure I am , St. Cyprian and his Contemporaries thought so , as you may learn hereafter . How easie were it , I say , for one to insist on such Escapes , if he had a mind for it ? But I love not Jangle ; and I must avoid Prolixity : And therefore considering the State of the Controversie between our Author and the Apologist , and supposing he intended ( however he expressed it ) to speak home to the Apologist's Argument ; the Force and Purpose of his Answer , as I take it , must be this . That an Argument drawn from such as were called Bishops in St. Cyprian's time , to such as are now so called in Scotland , is not good . That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was nothing like one of our modern Scotish Bishops ; i. e. a Church Governour superiour to , and having a Prelatick Power over , all other Church-Governours within such a District as we commonly call a Diocess . That a Bishop then was no more than a Single Presbyter , or Pastor of a single Flock , ( such a Flock as could conveniently meet together in one Assembly , for the Publick Offices of Religion ; such a Flock as the People of one single Parish are , in the modern Presbyterian Notion of a Parish , ) acting in Parity with other single Pastors of other single Flocks or Parishes . Or , at most , That he was but the Moderator of a Presbytery , taking both Terms in the modern current Presbyterian Sense ; i. e. as Moderator signfies One , who , as such , is no Church Governour , nor hath any Iurisdiction over his Brethren : One , whose Power is meerly Ordinative , not Decisive ; To be the Mouth of the Meeting , not to be their Will or Commanding Faculty : To keep Order in the Manner and Managing of what cometh before them ; Not to Determine what is Debated amongst them . And as Presbytery signifies such a Number of Teaching and Ruling Presbyters living and having their Cures within such a District ; meeting together upon Occasion , and acting in Parity in the Administration of the Government , and Discipline of the Church . That therefore our Scotish Presbyterians cannot be called Schismaticks in St. Cyprian's Notion of Schism , unless it can be proved , That they Separate from their Pastor , or Teaching Presbyter , who has such a Parish assigned to him for his Charge : Or , ( not from the Moderator of the Presbytery , who is not ; but ) from the Presbytery ( which is the Principle of Unity ) with their Moderator . This , I say , I take to be the Purpose of our Author's Answer to the Apologist's Argument ; on the Force whereof he ventures his Parties being , or not being , Schismatick● . If I have mistaken his Meaning , I protest I have not done it wilfully . I am pretty sure , I have not , in the Definition of a Moderator ; for I have Transcribed it , Word for Word , from one whom I take to be a dear Friend of his , intirely of the same Principles and Sentiments with him ; and whose Definitions , I am apt to think , he will not readily Reject . I mean , the Author of The Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to the Ten Questions a . And doth not our Author himself , in this same 39th Section , ( part whereof I am now considering , ) affirm , That Fifty Years before the first Council of Nice , ( i. e. some 17 or 18 Years after St. Cyprian's Martyrdom , ) the Hierarchy was not in the Church ? And that however some of the Names might have been , yet the Church-Power and Dominion , signified by them , was not then in Being ? Plainly importing , that the Church then was Governed by Pastors acting in Parity , after the Presbyterian Model . In short , what our Author hath said , when duly considered , will be found to be no Answer at all to the Apologist's Argument , if it is not to be understood in the Sense I have represented . Taking it for granted , therefore , that I have hit his Meaning , I hope you will not deny , that , If I shall prove that a Bishop , in Cyprian's time , was more than a Pastor of a Flock , or the Moderator of a Presbytery , in the Presbyterian Sense of the Terms : If I shall prove , that a Bishop then had really that which cannot be denied to have been true , Genuine Episcopal or Prelaiick Power : If I can prove , that he acted in a Real Superiority over , not in Parity with other Church-Governours , even Pastors : If I shall prove these Things , I say , I hope you 'l grant , our Author is fairly bound by his Word to acknowledge , that he and his Brethren Presbyterians are Schismaticks . Let us try it then : And now , Sir , Before I come to my main Proofs , consider if it may not be deemed a shrewd Presumption against our Author in this matter , That generally the great Champions for Presbytery , such as Cham●er , Blondel , Salmasius , the Provincial Assembly of London , &c. do ingenuously acknowledge , That , long before St. Cyprian's time , Episcopacy was in the Church ; even Spanhemius himself grants , That , in the Third Century , Bishops had a manifest Preheminence above Presbyters and Deaco●s , and a Right of Presiding , Convocati●g , Ordaining b , &c. By the way : I have cited this Writer particularly , because our Author not only builds much on his Authority c , but honours him with the great Character of being That diligent Searcher into Antiqui●y . How deservedly , let others judge ; for my part , I cannot think he has been so very diligent a Searcher : For in that same very Section , in which he acknowledges the Episcopal Preheminence in the Third Century , he says expresly , That , in that Age , there were no Door-Keepers , Acoly●ths , nor Exorc●ss d . And yet I not only find express mention of Exorcism in the Venerable Council of Cartbage , in which St. Cyprian was Praeses e ; But both Cyprian and Firmilian expresly mention Exarcists f . And as for Acolyths , how often do we find them mentioned in Cyprian's Epistles ? E. g. We have Narious an Ac●lyth , Ep. 7. Eavorinus , Ep. 34. Nicephorus , Ep. 45. Saturnus , and Felicianus , Ep. 59. Lucanus , Maximus , and Amantius , Ep. 77. And doth not Corneius Bishop of Rome , in his famous Epistle to Fabius Bishop of Antioch , Recorded by Eusebius g , positively affirm , That there were then in the Church of Rome 42 Acolyths , and 52 Exorcists , Lectors , and Door-keepers ? But this , as I said , only by the way . That which I am concerned about at present , is , That when these great Patrons of Presbytery , these truly Learned Men , whom I named , have all so frankly yielded , that there was real Prelacy in the Church in , and before , St. Cyprian's time ; yet our Author should affirm , so boldly , that there was no such Thing : That there was no Hierarchy in the Church then , nor for many Years after . Has our Author been a more diligent Searcher into Antiquity , than those great Antiquaries were , that he was thus able to contradict their Discoveries ? I am not apt to believe it . However , as I said , let this pass only for a Presumption against him . I proceed to other Arguments . And , 1. I observe , that , in St. Cyprian's time , every Church all the World over , at least , every Church , Constituted and Organized , according to the Principles which then prevailed , had a Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons , by whom she was Ruled . Thus , for Example , we find express Mention of the Bishop , Presbyters , and Deacons , of the Church of Adrymetum h ; for Cyprian tells Corneius , That when He and Liberalis came to that City , Polycarpus the Bishop was absent , and the Presbyters and Deacons were ignorant of what had been Resolved on by the Body of the African Bishops , about writing to the Church of Rome , till the Controversie between Cornelius and Novatianus should be more fully understood . Thus Cyprian was Bishop of Carthage , and at the same time there were , in that City , 8 Presbyters at sewest : For we read of three , Rogatianus , Britius , and Numidicus , who adhered to him i . And five who took part with Felicissimus against him , when that Deacon made his Schism k . I hope I need not be at pains to prove , that there were Deacons then in that famous Church . Thus Cornelius , in the afore-mentioned Epistle to Fabius , tells him , That while himself was Bishop of Rome , there were in that City no fewer than 46 Pre●byters , and 7 Deacons , &c. A most flourishing Clergy , as St. Cyprian calls it l . Whoso pleases , may see the like Account of the Church of Alexandria , in the same Times , in Eusebius m , Indeed , If we may believe St. Cyprian , there was no Church then without a Bishop : For from this Supposition , as an uncontroverted Matter of Fact , he Reasons against Novatianus n . His Argument is , That there is but One Church , and One Episcopacy , all the World over ; and that Catholick and Orthodox Bishops were regularly planted in every Province and City , and therefore Novatianus could not but be a Schismatick , who , contrary to Divine Institution , and the Fundamental Laws of Unity , laboured to super-induce false Bishops into these Cities , where True and Orthodox Bishops were already planted . And he Reasons again upon the same Supposition , in the beginning of his 63d Epistle directed to Caecilius , concerning the Cup in the Eucharist o . From this Supposition , I say , as from an uncontested Matter of Fact , he Reasons , in both Cases , which is a Demonstration , not only of the Credibility of his Testimony , but that the Matter of Fact was then so Notorious , as to be undeniable . He Reason'd from it , as from an acknowledged Postulate . 2. I observe , that the Presbyters , who , in these Times , were contra-distinguished from the Bishop and Deacons , were Priests , in the Language which was then current ; Pastors , in the present Presbyterian Dialect , i. e. not Ruling Elders , but such as laboured in the Word and Sacraments . They were such as were honoured with the Divine Priesth●od ; such as were Constituted in the Clerical Ministery ; such as whose Work it was to attend the Altar and the Sacrifices , and offer up the Publick Pray●rs , &c. as we find in the Instance of Geminius Faustinus p . Such as God , in his merciful Providence , was pleased to raise to the Glorious Station of the Priesthood ; as in the Case of Numidicus q . Such as in the time of Persecution went to the Prisons , and gave the Holy Eucharist to the Confessors r . Such as at Carthage ( as St. Cyprian complains to Cornelius ) presumed to curtail the Pennances of the Lapsers , and gave them the Holy Sacrament while their Idolatry was so very recent , that , as it were , their Hands and Mouths were still a smoaking with the warm Nidors of the Sacrifices that had been offered upon the Devils Altars s . Such as , contrary to all Rule and Order , absolved the Lapsers , and gave them the Communion , without the Bishops Licence t . Such as were joyned with the Bishop in the Sacerdotal Honour u . In a word , They were such Presbyters as St. Cyprian describes to Stephen Bishop of Rome ; such as sometimes raised Altar against Altar , and ( out of the Communion with the Church ) offered False and Sacrilegious Sacrifices : Such as were to be Deposed when they did so ; such as , thô they should return to the Communion of the Church , were only to be admited to LAY-COMMUNION , and not to be allowed , thereafter , to act as Men in Holy Orders ; seeing it became the PRIESTS and Ministers of God , those who attend the Altar and Sacrifices , to be Men of Integrity , and Blameless v . Such Presbyters they were , I say , who were then , contra-distinguished from the Bishop : For , as for your Lay-Elders , your Ruling , contra-distinct from Teaching , Presbyters , now so much in vogue ; there is as profound a Silence of them in St. Cyprian's Works and Time , as there is of the Solemn League and Covenant , or The Sanquhar Declaration : And yet , considering how much he has left upon Record about the Governours , the Government , and the Discipline of the Church , if there had been such Presbyters , then , it is next to a Miracle that he should not , so much as once , have mentioned them . 3. I observe , that the Bishops Power , his Authority , his Pastoral Relation , ( call it as you will , ) extended to all the Christians within his District . E. g. Cornelius was immediately and directly Superiour to all the Christians in Rome , and they were his Subjects . So it was also with Fabius , and the Christians of Antioch ; Dionysius , and the Christians of Alexandria ; Cyprian , and the Christians of Carthage , &c. The Bishops prelation , whatever it was , related not solely to the Clergy , or solely to the Laity , but to both , equally and formally . How fully might this Point be proved , if it were needful ? Indeed , St. Cyprian defines a Church to be A People united to their Priest , and A Flock adhering to their Pastor . And that by the Terms Priest and Pasto● , he meant the Bishop , is plain from what immediately follows ; for he tells Florentius Pupianus there , That from that common and received Notion of a Church , he ought to have learned , That the Bishop is in the Church , and the Church in the Bishop ; and that whoso is not with the Bishop , is not in the Church vv . And in that same Epistle , chastising the same Florentius for calling his Title to his Bishoprick in question , and speaking bitter Things against him , he Reasons thus : What Swelling of Pride ? What Arrogance of Spirit ? What Haughtiness is this ? That thou shouldest arraign Bishops before thy Tribunal ? And unless we be Purged by thee , and Absolved by thy Sentence , Lo ! these Six Years , The BROTHERHOOD has had no BISHOP ; The PEOPLE no RULER ; The FLOCK no PASTOR ; The CHURCH no GOVERNOUR ; CHRIST no PRELATE ; And GOD no PRIEST x ? In short , He that bore the high Character of Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was called the Ruler of the Church by way of Eminence y . The Church was compared to a Ship , and the Bishop was the Master z . He was the Father , and all the Christians within his District were his Children a . He was the Governour b , the Rector c , the Captain d , the Head e , the Iudge f , of all within his Diocess . He was the chief Pastor ; and thô Presbyters ; were also sometimes called Pastors , yet it was but seldom ; and , at best , they were but such in Subordination , Indeed , the Presbyters of the Church of Rome , during the Vacancy between Fabianus his Death and Cornelius his Promotion , look'd only on themselves as Vice-Pastors , saying , That , in such a juncture , they kept the Flock in STEAD of the Pastor , the Bishop g . I could give you even a Surfeit of Evidence , I say , for the Truth of this Proposition , if it were needful . Whoso reads St. Cyprian's Epistles , may find it in almost every Page . And I shall have occasion hereafter to insist on many Arguments in the Probation of other Things , which may further clear this also . Indeed , there is no more in all this , than Ignatius said frequently , near 150 Years before St. Cyprian h . And now , Sir , thô the Monuments of the Cyprianic Age could afford us no more than these three Things which I have proved from them , they would be of sufficient force to overthrow our Author's Definition of a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , as to both Parts of it ; and demonstrate to every thinking Man's conviction , That he was neither The Pastor of the Fl●ck , nor The Moderator of a Presbytery , in our Author's sense of the Terms . 1. Not the Pastor of a Flock , i. e. a single Presbyter , having the Charge of a single Parish , after the Presbyterian Model : For , a Bishop , in those Times , had many such Presbyters under him . Cyprian himself : ( whatever he had more ) had no sewer than Eight under him in the City of Carthage , besides the adjacent Villages . Cornelius was over Forty six in the City of Rome . I know not how many Dionysius was over at Alexandria , or Polycarpus at 〈◊〉 but it is certain , they were in the Pl●ral Number . So it was all the Christian World over , as I have proved . A Bishop then , in St. Cyprian's time , was a Pastor indeed , but it was of a Diocess ; i. e : all the Christians within such a District were his Flock ; and he had a direct , formal , and immediate Pastoral Relation to them all , thô at the same time , within the same District , there were many inferior Pastors who were subordinate and subject to him . 2. He was as little a meer Moderator of a Presbytery , in our Author's sense of the Terms . A Presbyterian Moderator , 〈◊〉 such , is no Church Governour at all : A Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , as such , was Chief Pastor , Iudge , Head , Master , Rector , Governour , of all the Christians within his District . A Presbyterian Mod●rator , as such , has no direct , immediate , formal Relation to the People , but only to the Presbytery . He is the Mouth , and keeps Order in the manner and managing of the Affairs of the Presbytery , not of the Church , or rather Churches , within the Bounds of that Presbytery . But a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was quite another thing : His Prelacy , whatever it was , related to the Laity , as well as to the Clergy . St. Cyprian's , e. g. to as many Christians as required the subordinate Labours of , at least , Eight Presbyters : Cornelius's to as many as required the subordinate Labours of Forty Six : To a Body of Christians , in which , besides Forty six Presbyters , Seven Deacons , Seven Sub-Deacons , Forty two Acolyths , Fifty two Exorcists , Lectors and Door-keepers , there were more than Fifteen hundred Widows and poor People who subsisted by Charity : And , besides all these , a mighty and innumerable Laity , as himself words it i . These Things , I say , might be sufficient in all Reason to confute our Author's Notion . But then , this is not all , for let us consider , II. How a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was Promoted to his Chair , to that sublime Top of the Priesthood ( as he calls it ) k . And we shall easily collect another Demonstration against our Author's Notion . For , by the Principles of those Times , it was plains , I. That there could be no Lawful nor Allowable Promotion of One to a Bishoprick which had been Possessed before , unless there was a Clear , Canonical , and Unquestionable Vacancy . It was a received Maxim then , That there could be but one Bishop at once in a Church . When a See was once Canonically filled , whosoever else pretended to be Bishop of that See , was not a second Bishop , but none at all , in St. Cyprian's Judgment l . Nay , he was so far from reckoning of him as another Bishop , that he deemed him not a Christian m . Innumerable are his Testimonies to this purpose n . But I shall Transcribe only One from Ep. 69. because he fully reasons the Case in it . There was a Controversie between Cornelius and Novatianus , whether was Bishop of Rome . Now , consider how St. Cyprian decides it . The Church is one ( says he ) ; and this one Chuch cannot be both within and without : If , therefore , the True Church is with Novatianus , She was not with Cornelius . But if She was with Cornelius , who succeeded to Bishop Fabianus by lawful Ordination , and whom God honoured with Martyrdom , as well as with the Episcopal Dignity , Novatianus is not in the Church ; nor can he be acknowledged as a Bishop , who , contemning the Evangelical and Apostolical Tradition , and succeeding to none , hath sprung from himself , He can by no means either have or hold a Church , who is not Ordained in the Church ; for the Church cannot be without Herself , nor divided against Herself , &c. And a little after , Our Lord recommending to us the Unity which is of Divine Institution , saith , I and my Father are One ; and again , Obliging the Church to keep this Unity , he saith , There shall be One Flock , and One Pastor : But if the Flock is One , How can he be reputed to be of the Flock , who is not numbred with the Flock ? Or how can be he deem'd a Pastor , who ( while the True Pastor lives and rules the Flock by a succedaneous Ordination ) succeeds to none , but begins from himself ? Such an one is an Alien , is Profane , is an Enemy to Christian Peace and Unity . He dwells not in the House of God , i. e. in the Church of God : None can dwell there but the Sons of Concord and Unanimity o . Neither was this Principle peculiar to St. Cyprian : Cornelius , in his so often mentioned Epistle to Fabius , insists on it also , and in a manner Ridicules Novatianus , if not for his Ignorance of it , at least for entertaining the vain Conceit , that it was in his Power to counter-act it p . And when Maximus , Urbanus , Sidonius , Macarius , &c. deserted Novatianus , and returned to Cornelius his Communion , they made a Solemn Confession , That , upon the score of that same common Maxim , they ought to have look'd upon Novatianus as a False and Schismatical Bishop . We know , say they , that Cornelius was chosen Bishop of the most Holy Catholick Church by the Omnipotent God , and our Lord Iesus Christ. We co●fess our Error ; we were imposed upon ; we were circumvented by Perfidy and Ensnaring Sophistry — For we are not ignorant , That there is One God ; One Christ our Lord , whom we have confessed ; One Holy-Ghost ; And that there ought to be but One Bishop in a Catholick Church q . Indeed , two Bishops at once , of one Church or City , were then thought as great an Absurdity as two Fathers of one Child , or two Husbands of one Wife , or two Heads of one Body , or whatever else you can call Monstrous in either Nature or Morality . 2. There was no Canonical Vacancy ; no Place for a new Bishop , but where the One Bishop , whose the Chair had been , was Dead , or had Ceded , or was Canonically Deposed by the rest of the Members of the Episcopal College . Vacancy by Death hath no Difficulties . I don't remember to have observed any Instances of Cession in St. Cyprian's time ; ( thô there were some before , and many after ; ) Unless it was in the Case of Basilides , who , after he had forfeited his Title to that Sacred Dignity by being guilty of the dreadful Crimes of Idolatry and Blasphemy , is said to have Laid it down , and to have confessed , That he should be favourably dealt by , if thereafter he should be admitted to the Communion of Laicks r . We have Instances of Deposition in the same Basilides and Martialis s , in Marcianus t , Privatus Lambesitanus u , Evaristus v , Fortunatianus vv , and perhaps some more . However , these Three , I say , were the only Causes in which there could be a Lawful Vacancy . 3. When a See was thus Canonically vacant , it was filled after this manner : The Bishops of the Province , in which the Vacancy was , met , choosed and ordained One in the presence of the People whom he was to Govern. This St. Cyprian , with other 36 Bishops , tells us , was of Divine Institution , and Apostolical Observation ; And that it was the common Form , not only in Africa , but almost in every Province all the World over x . I know , 't is controverted whether a Bishop , in those Times , was Chosen by the People , or only in the presence of the People ? But my present purpose doth not engage me in that Controversie . 4. But Election was not enough : Thô the Person elected was already a Presbyter , and in Priestly Order ; yet when he was to be Promoted to a Bishoprick , he was to receive a new Imposition of Hands , a new Ordination . His former Orders were not sufficient for that Supreme Office. Thus , e. g. St. Cyprian was first a Presbyter , and then Ordained Bishop of Carthage , if we may believe his Deacon Pontius , Eu●ebius , and St. Ierome y . Thus our Holy Martyr tells us , That Cornelius had made his Advances , gradually , through all the inferior Stations , and so , no doubt , had been a Presbyter , before he was a Bishop z . And yet we find , when he was Promoted to the See of Rome , he was Ordained by 16 Bis●●ps a . Thus we find also , in the Promotion of Sabinus to the Bishoprick from which Basilides had fallen , that he was Ordained by the Imposition of the Hands of the Bishops who were then present at his Election b . Thus Fortunatus , Achimnius , Optatus , Privationus , Donatulus , and F●ix , 6 Bishops , Ordained a Bishop at Capsis c . Thus Heraclus was first a Presbyter under Demetrius , in the Church of Alexandria , and then succeeded to him in the Episcopal Chair d . Dionysius was first a Presbyter under Heraclas , and then succeeded to him e . And Maximus , who had been a Presbyter under him , succeeded , to Dionysius f . And before all these , some 70 Years before St. Cyprian's time , Irenaeus was first a Presbyter under Photinus , and afterwards his Successor in the Bishoprick of Lions g . Nor is it to be doubted , that each of these was Raised to the Episcopal Dignity by a new Ordinatio● . The first of the Canons , commonly called Apostolical , which requires , That a Bishop be Ordained by two or three Bishops , was , doubtless , all along observed h . Nay , this Necessity of a new Ordination for Raising One to the Episcopal Power , was so Notorious and Received then , that the Schismaticks themselves believed it indispensible . And therefore Novatianus , thô formerly a Presbyter , ( as Cornelius tells expresly in that so often cited Epistle to Fabius , ) when he Rival'd it with Cornelius for the Chair of Rome , that he might have the shew , at least , of a Canonical Ordination , he got three simple inconsiderate Bishops to come to the City , upon pretence of Consulting with other Bishops about setling the Commotions of the Church : And having them once in his Clutches , he shut them up under Lock and Key , till they were put in a scandalous Disorder , and then forced them to give him the Episcopal Mission , by an imaginary and vain Imposition of Hands , as Cornelius words it i . Thus also , when Fortunatus , One of the Five Presbyters who joyned with the Schismatical Felicissumus against St. Cyprian , t●●ned bold to set up as an Anti-Bishop at Carthage ; He was Ordained by Five false Bishops k . And now , Sir , by this Accoun● , I think we have our Author's Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , fairly routed a second time : For , How could the Maxim of but One Bishop , at once , in a Church hold , if that Bishop was nothing but a single Presbyter ? The Church of Rome was but One Church ; so was the Church of Carthage : And yet , in each of these Churches , there were many single Presbyters . Again , If a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was no more than a single Presbyter , in the Presbyterian Sense , what needed so much work about him ? Why , e. g. convene all the Presbyters of a Province , such as Africa or Numidia was , for the Election and Ordination of a single Presbyter in Carthage , where there were Presbyters more than enough to have performed all the Business ? What needed the Church of Rome to make such work about supplying such a Vacancy as was there , before Cornelius was Promoted ? Why a Convention of Sixteen Neighbouring Bishops to give him Holy Orders ? Might not the Forty Six , who lived in Rome , have served the turn ? Might not these Forty Six , I say , have filled Fabianus his Room with far greater Ease and Expedition ? If they made such work , and had such Difficulties , ( as we find they had about a Bishop , ) in setling One single Brother Presbyter , when , according to our Author's Principles , they had the full Power of doing it , what had become of them , if Thirty , nay Twenty , nay Ten of the Forty six , had all died in one Year ? Sure , they had never got so many Vacancies filled . And then , Were not Cornelius and Novatianus Presbyters of Rome , before the former was the Tr●e , and the latter the False Bishop of that City ? If so , what need of a new Election , and a new Ordination for making them Presbyters of a Church , of which they were Presbyters already ? Had it not been pretty pleasant , in such a grave , serious , persecuted State of the Church , to have seen two eminent Men , already Presbyters of Rome , making so much work about being made Presbyters of Rome ? And all the Clergy and Christians of Rome , nay sooner or later , of all the Christian World , engaged in the Quarrel ? What had this been other than the very Mystery of Ridiculousness ? But this is not all . The Premisses will as little allow him to have been a Presbyterian Moderator : For , to what purpose so much ado about the Establishment of a meer Moderator of a Presbytery ? Why , so much stress laid upon only one Moderator in a City ? Why no Canonical Vacancy of his Moderatorial Chair , unless in the case of Death , Cession , or Forfeiture ? Sure , if they had then understood all the Exigencies and Analogies of Parity , they would not have been so much in love with a constant Moderator ; no , they would have judged him highly inconvenient , and by all means to be shunned : If he had been imposed on the Meeting , it had been an Encroachment on their Intrinsick Power ; and so , absolutely unlawful , and Prelacy : And thò Chosen by themselves , fatal ; as having a violent Tendency to Lordly Prelacy : And therefore they could never have yielded to have One with a Good Conscience l . Again , How often did the Presbytery of Rome meet , in the Interval between Fabianus his Death , and Cornelius his Promotion ? How many excellent Epistles did they write to the Neighbouring Bishops and Churches , and these , about the most weighty and important Matters during that Vacancy ? They wrote that which is the Eighth in Number , amongst St. Cyprian's Epistles to the Carthaginian Clergy , and , at the same time , One to St. Cyprian , then in his Retirement , which is lost , They wrote that notable Epistle , which is the Thirtieth in Number , in which they not only mention other of their Epistles which they had wrote to St. Cyprian , and which are not now extant ; but also Epistles , one or more , which they had sent to Sicily . They wrote also that considerable Epistle , which is in Number the Thirty sixth . It is not to be doubted that they wrote many more . How many Meetings and Consultations had they , during these Sixteen Months , about the Affairs of the Church , and particularly , the Case of the Lapsi , which was then so much agitated ? Is it probable , that they wanted a Moderator ; a Mouth of their Meeting ; One to keep Order in the manner and managing of the Affairs were brought before them all that time , and in all those Meetings ? How could they , without one , handle Matters with Order and Decency ? And what was there to hinder them from having one , if they had a mind for him ? Might they not have chosen one as safely as they met ? Might they not have chosen one at every Meeting , according to the Principles of Parity ? Farther : What need of so much Parade about the Election of a Moderator of a Presbytery , as was then about the Election of a Bishop ? Why the People chose him , according to the Principles of those , who think that St. Cyprian was for Popular Elections ? What was the People's Interest ? How was it their Concern , who was Moderator of the Presbytery ? What was his Influence , De jure , at least , in the Government of the Church , more than the Influence of any other Member of the Presbytery ? Nay , is it not confessed , that , as Moderator , he was no Church-Governour at all ? That he had no Iurisdiction over his Brethren ? That his Power was only Ordinative , not Decisive ? To be the Mouth of the Meeting , not to be their Will , or Commanding Faculty ? To keep Order in the Manner and Managing of what came before them , not to determine what was Debated amongst them ? Why then were the People so much concern'd about him ? What Benefits , or what Harm , could redound to them by ones being Moderator of the Presbytery , whatever he was ? Besides , as I have shewed before , as Moderator of the Presbytery , he had relation only to the Presbytery : At least , he had none directly , immediately , and formally to the People . What pretence , then , could the People have to Interest themselves in his Election ? Nay , say , ( as I am apt to think it ought to be said , I am sure the contrary cannot be made appear from St. Cyprian , ) that he was not chosen by the People , but only in their Presence ; and the same Argument will take place , as is obvious to any body . Farther yet . What need of Convocating so many from the Neighbourhood for managing the Election of a Moderator , E. g. for the Presbytery of Rome ? If a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was nothing but a Presbyterian Moderator , then the Bishops convocated for managing the Election of a Moderator , were Moderators too : And so , by consequence , Sixteen Moderators of other Presbyteries met at Rome to constitute a Moderator for the Roman Presbytery . And might not the Presbytery of Rome have chosen their own Moderator without the Trouble or the Inspection of so many Moderators of other Presbyteries ? Once more . What Necessity , nay , what Congruity , of a new Imposition of Hands , of a new Ordination , a new Mission for constituting One a Moderator of a Presbytery ? And this too , to be performed by none but Moderators of other Presbyteries ? Thus , e. g. it behoved Six Moderators to meet at Capsis , to Ordain a Moderator for the Presbytery of Capsis ; and Sixteen at Rome , to Ordain a Moderator for the Presbytery of Rome : And , after he was Ordained , it behoved Novatianus to be at so much pains to get together Three Moderators , to Ordain himself an Anti-Moderator . Who can think on these Things without smiling ? But perhaps you may think , I have insisted on this Argument more than enough ; and therefore I shall leave it , and proceed to other Considerations . To go on , then . A Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , thus Elected , Ordained , and Possessed of his Chair , did bear a double Relation , One to the particular Church over which he was set , and another to the Church ▪ Catholick , an integrant part whereof , the particular Church , was , of which he was Bishop . The consideration of each of these Relations will furnish us with fresh Arguments against our Author's Hypothesis . I shall begin with the Relation he bore to his own particular Church . And , FIRST : The first Thing I observe about him , in that regard , shall be , That he was the Principle of Unity to Her. Whosoever adhered to him , and lived in his Communion , was in the Church a Catholick Christian. Whosoever separated from him , was out of the Church , and a Schismatick . He was the Head of all the Christians living within his District ; and they were One Body , One Society , One Church , by depending upon him , by being subject to him , by keeping to his Communion . He was the Sun , and they were the Beams ; he was the Root , and they were the Branches ; he was the Fountain , and they were the Streams ; As St. Cyprian explains the Matter a . This is a Point of great Consequence , especially considering that it is the Foundation of the Apologist's Argument , our Author's Answer to which I am examining : and therefore , give me leave to handle it somewhat fully . And I proceed by these Steps . I. There was nothing St. Cyprian and the Catholick Bishops , his Contemporaries , valued more , reckoned of higher Importance , or laid greater Stress upon , than the Unity of the Church : And there was no Sin they represented at more Heinous , or more Criminal , than the Sin of Schism . In their reckoning , Unity was the great Badge of Christianity ; God heard the Prayers that were put up in Unity b , but not those that were performed in Schism . Christian Peace , Brotherly Concord , and the Unity of People in the true Faith and Worship of God , was accounted of greater value by them , than all other imaginable Sacrifices c . Nothing afforded greater Pleasure to the Angels in Heaven , than Harmony amongst Christians on Earth d . It were easie to collect a thousand such Testimonies concerning the Excellency of Unity . But as for Schism , and Schismaticks , how may it make Men's Hearts to tremble , when they hear what hard Names , and what horrid Notions , these Primitive Worthies gave them , and had of them ? Schism , to them , was the Devil's Device for subverting the Faith , corrupting the Truth , and cutting Unity e . Christ instituted the Church , and the Devil Heresie f , or Schism ; for both , then , went commonly under one Name . Schism was reckoned a greater Crime than Idolatry it self : And St. Cyprian proves it by several Arguments g . Firmilian affirms it also h . So doth Dionysius of Alexandria , in his notable Epistle to Novatianus . He tells him , He ought to have suffered the greatest Miseries , rather than divide the Church of God : That Martyrdom , for the Preservation of Unity , was as Glorious , as Martyrdom for not Sacrificing to Idols : Nay , more , Because he who Suffers rather than he will Sacrifice , Suffers only for saving his own Soul ; But he that Suffers for Unity , Suffers for the whole Church i . Schismaticks had not the Spirit k ; Were forsaken of the Spirit l ; Held not the Faith m , Had neither Father , Son , nor Holy-Ghost n . They were Renegadoes o ; Apostates p ; Malignants q ; Parricides r ; Anti-Christs s ; False Christs t ; Christ's Enemies u ; Blasphemers v ; The Devil's Priests vv ; Retainers to Corah x ; Retainers to Iudas y ; Villainous and Perfidious z ; Aliens , Profane , Enemies a ; Were without Hope b ; Had no Right to the Promises c ; Could not be saved d ; Were Infidels e ; Worse than Heathens f ; Self-Condemned g ; were no more Christians than the Devil h ; Could but belong to Christ i ; Could not go to Heaven k ; The hottest part of Hell their Portion l ; Their Society , the Synagogue of Satan m ; Their Conventicles , Dens of Thieves n ; They were Destroyers of Souls o ; Their Preaching was poysonous p ; Their Baptism pestiferous q , and profane r ; Their Sacrifices abominable s ; They could not be Martyrs t ; Their Company was to be avoided u : Whoso befriended them , were Persecutors of the Truth v ; Were Betrayers of Christ's Spouse to Adulterers vv ; Were Betrayers of Unity x ; Were involved in the some Guilt with them y . In short , Schismaticks , by being such , were , Ipso facto , Persecutors of the Church z , Enemies of Mercy a , Infatuated Salt b , and Cursed of God c . Such , I say , were the Notions the Holy Fathers , in those early Times of the Church , had of Schismaticks ; and such were the Names they gave them . And certainly whoso seriously considers how much Schism is condemned in Holy Writ ; what an Enemy it is to the Peace , the Power , and the Propagation of Christianity ; and how much it stands in opposition to the Holy , Humble , Peaceable , Patient , Meek , and Charitable Spirit of the Gospel : Whoso considers , that our Blessed Savious's great Errand into the World , was to Unite all his Disciples here into one Body , and one Communion , that they might Eternally be Blessed in the full Enjoyment of one Communion with the Father , Son , and Holy-Ghost , in Heaven hereafter : Whoso , I say , considers these Things , cannot but confess , that Schism and Schismaticks deserve all these hard Names , and answer all these terrible Notions . Now 2. That , for the Preservation of Unity , and the Preventing of Schism , in every particular Church , all were bound by the Principles of St. Cyprian's Age to live in the Bishops Communion ; and to own and look upon him as the Principle of Unity to that Church of which he was Head and Ruler , might be made appear from a vast Train of Testimonies . But I shall content myself with a few . Thus , for Example , when some of the Lapsed presumed to write to St. Cyprian , and design themselves , without a Bishop , by the Name of a Church ; How did the Holy Man resent it ? Consider how he begins his Answer to them . Our Lord , ( says he ) whose Precepts we ought to Honour and Obey , Instituting the Honour of a Bishop , and the Contexture of a Church , saith thus to Peter in the Gospel ; I say unto thee , thou art Peter , and upon this Rock will I build my Church , and the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it : And I will give unto thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , &c. From thence by the Vicissitudes of Times and Successions , the Ordination of Bishops , and the Frame of the Church , are transmitted so , as that the Church is built upon the Bishops , and all her Affairs are ordered by them as the chief Rulers : And therefore , seeing this is God's appointment , I cannot but admire the bold Temerity of some , who , writing to me , call themselves a Church ; when a Church is only to be found in the Bishop , the Clergy , and the faithful Christians . God forbid , that a number of Lapsed should be called a Church , &c. Consider how he Reasons . By Divine Institution , there cannot be a Church without a Bishop : The Church is founded on the Bishop : The Bishop , as Chief Ruler , orders all the Affairs of the Church : Therefore , those Lapsed ought not to have called themselves a Church , seeing they had no Bishop , no Principle of Unity d . We have another notable Reasoning , as well as Testimony of his , in his 43d Epistle , written to his People of Carthage upon the breaking out of Felicissimus his Schism . God is One , ( says he ) and Christ is One , and the Church is One , and the Chair is One , be our Lord 's own Voice , founded on St. Peter . Another Altar cannot be reared , another Priesthood cannot be erected , besides the One Altar , and the One Priesthood . Whoso gathereth elsewhere , scattereth . Whatever Human Fury institutes , against God's Appointment , is Adulterous , is Impious , is Sacrilegious . And a little after : O Brethren ! Let no Man make you wander from the Ways of the Lord : O Christians ! Let no Man rend you from the Gospel of Christ : Let no Man tear the Sons of the Church from the Church : Let them perish alone , who will needs perish : Let them abide alone out of the Church , who have departed from the Church : Let them , alone , not be with the Bishops , who have Rebelled against the Bishops e , &c. And , as I observed before , in his Epistle to Florentinus Pupianus , he defines a Church to be a People united to their Priest , and a Flock adhering to their Pastor , &c. and from thence tells Pupianus , That he ought to consider , that the Bishop is in the Church , and the Church in the Bishop : So that if any are not with the Bishop , they are not in the Church f . And how concernedly doth he Reason the Case in his Book of the Unity of the Church ? Can he seem to himself , says he , to be with Christ , who is against Christ's Priests ? Who separates himself from the Society of Christ's Clergy and People ? That Man bears Arms against the Church : He fights against God's Ordinance : He is an Enemy of the Altar : A Rebel against Christ's Sacrifice . He is Perfidious , and not Faithful ; Sacrilegious , and not Religious . He is an Undutiful Servant , and Impious Son , an Hostile Brother , who can contemn God's Bishops , and forsake his Priests , and dares to set up another Altar , and offer up unlawful Prayers g , &c. Indeed , in that same Book he calls the Bishop , The Glue that cements Christians into the solid Unity of the Church h . And hence it is , 3. That St. Cyprian , every where , makes the Contempt of the one Bishop , or Undutifulness to him , the Origine of Schisms and Heresies . Thus , Epist. 3. he makes this Observation upon the Undutifulness of a certain Deacon to Rogatianus , his Bishop ; That such are the first Efforts of Hereticks , and the Out-breaking and Presumptions of ill●advised Schismaticks : They follow their own Fancies , and , in the Pride of their Hearts , contemn their Superiours . So Men separate from the Church : So they Erect profane Altars without the Church : So they Rebel against Christian Peace , and Divine Order and Unity i . And , Ep. 59. he tells Cornelius , That Heresies and Schisms spring from this only Fountain , That God's Priest ( the Bishop ) is not obeyed ; And Men don't consider , that , at the same time , there ought to be only One Bishop , only One Iudge , as Christ's Vicar , in a Church k . And Ep. 66. to Florentius Pupianus , That from hence Heresies and Schisms have hitherto sprung , and do daily spring ; That the Bishop , who is One , and is set over the Church , is contemned by the proud Presumption of some : And he that is honoured of God , is dishonoured by Men l . And a little after , he tells him , ( alluding clearly to the Monarchical Power of Bishops ) That Bees have a King ; and Beasts have a Captain ; and Robbers , with all humility , obey their Commander : And from thence he concludes , how unreasonable it must be for Christians not to pay suitable Regards to their Bishops m . And in another place , Then is the Bond of our Lord's Peace broken ; then is Brotherly Charity violated ; then is the Truth adulterated , and Unity divided ; then Men leap out into Heresies and Schisms : When ? When the Priests are controlled ; when the Bishops are envied ; when one grudges that himself was not rather preferred ; or disdains to bear with a Superiour n . Indeed , 4. By the Principles of those Times , the Bishop was so much the Principle of Unity to the Church which he Governed ; the whole Society had such a Dependance on him , was so Vircuaily in him , and represented by him ; that what he did , as Bishop , was reputed the Deed of the whole Church which he Ruled . If he was Oxthodox and Catholick , so was the Body united to him reckoned to be . If Heretical or Schismatical , it went under the same Denomination . If he denied the Faith , whoso adhered to him , after that , were reputed to have denied it . If he confessed the Faith , the whole Church was reckoned to have confessed it in him Thus , We find , when Martialis and Basilides , two Spanish Bishops , committed Idolatry , and so forfeited their Bishopricks , and yet some of their People inclined to continue in their Communion ; St. Cyprian , with other 36 Bishops , tells those People , That it behoved them not to flatter themselves , by thinking , that they could continue to Communicate with Polluted Bishops , and withal , themselves continue Pure and Unpolluted : For all that communicated with them , would be Partakers of their Guilt : And therefore , ( as they go on , ) a People obeying and fearing God ought to separate from Criminal Bishops , and be careful not to mix with them in their Sacrilegious Sacrifices o . And again , in that same Synodical Epistle , they say , that it was a neglecting of Divine Discipline , and an Unaccountable Rashness to Communicate with Martialis and Basilides : For whosoever joyne● with them in their Unlawful Communions , were Polluted by the Contagion of their Guilt : And whosoever were Partakers with them in the Crime , would not be separated from them in the Punishment p . Indeed , this is the great Purpose of that 67th Epistle ; as also of the 68th concerning Marcianus , who , by Communicating with Novatianus , had rendred his own Communion Infectious and Abominable q . On the other hand , when Cornelius Bishop of Rome confessed the Faith before the Heathen Persecutors , St. Cyprian says , the whole Roman Church confessed r . And when Cyprian himself , having confessed , received the Sentence of Death ; being then at Utica , he wrote to his Presbyters , Deacons , and People , at Carthage , telling them how earnest he was to Suffer at Carthage ; Because , as he Reasons , it was most Congruous and Becoming , That a Bishop should confess Christ , in that City , in which he Ruled Christ's Church ; That , by confessing in their Presence , they might be all Ennobled : For whatever , says he , in the moment of Confession , the Confessing Bishop speaks , GOD assisting him , he speaks with the MOUTH OF ALL. And he goes on , telling them , How the Honour of their Glorious Church of Carthage should be mutilated , ( as he words it . ) if he should Suffer at Utica ; especially , considering how earnest and frequent he had been in his Prayers and Wishes , that he might , both for HIMSELF and THEM , Confess in their Presence at Carthage s . And upon the same Principle it was , that he so frequently call'd his People , His Bowels , His Body , The Members of his Body : And that he affirm'd , that their Griefs were his Griefs ; Their Wounds , his Wounds ; Their Distresses , his Distresses t , &c. Upon the same Principle it was also , that Pontius his Deacon , having accounted how our Holy Martyr was executed , in presence of the People , falls out into this Rapture : O blessed People of the Church of Carthage , that Suffered together with such a Bishop , with their Eyes and Senses , and , which is more , with open Voice , and was Crowned with him ! For thô all could not Suffer in real Effect , according to their common Wishes , nor really be Partakers of that Glory ; yet whosoever were sincerely willing to Suffer , in the sight of Christ who was looking on , and in the Hearing of their Bishop , did , in a manner , send an Embassy to Heaven , by One who was a competent Witness of their Wishes u . 5. Neither was this of the Bishop's being the Principle of Unity to the Church which he govern'd a Novel Notion , newly Minted in the Cyprianic Age : For , besides that Episcopacy was generally believed , then , to be of Divine Institution ; besides , that St. Cyprian still Argues upon the Supposition of a Divine Institution , as particularly , in the same very Case of the Bishops being the Principle of Unity , as may be seen in his Reasoning against the Lapsed , which I have already cited from Ep. 33. and might be more fully made appear , if it were needful . Besides these Things , I say , we have the same thing frequently insisted on by the Holy Ignatius , who was Contemporary with the Apostles , in his Genuine Epistles . Thus , for Instance , in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna , he tells them , That that is only a firm and solid Communion which is under the Bishop , or allowed by him ; and , That the Multitude ought still to be with the Bishop v . Plainly importing this much at least , That there can be no True Christian Communion , unless it be in the Unity of the Church ; and there can be no Communion in the Unity of the Church , in opposition to the Bishop . And , in his Epistle to the Philadelphians , These who belong to God , and Iesus Christ , are with the Bishops ; and these are God's that they may live by Iesus Christ , who , forsaking their Sins , come into the Unity of the Church vv . And again , in that same Epistle , God doth not dwell where there is Division and Wrath : God only Pardons those , who , Repenting , joyn in the Unity of God , and in Society with the Bishops x . And he has also that same very Notion , of the Bishops being so much the Principle of Unity , that , as it were , the whole Church is represented in him . Thus he tells the Ephesians , that he received their whole Body , in their Bishop Onesimus y . And in his Epistle to the Trallians , he tells them , that in Polybius their Bishop , who came to him at Smyrna , he beheld their whole Society z . 6. Indeed , this Principle , of the Bishop's being the Center of Unity to his Church , was most reasonable and accountable in it self . Every particular Church is an Organiz'd Political Body ; and there can be no Unity in an Organical Body , whether Natural or Political , without a Principle of Unity , on which all the Members must hang , and from which , being separated , they must cease to be Members : And who so fit for being this Principle fo Unity to a Church , as he who was Pastor , Ruler , Governour , Captain , Head , Iudge , Christ's Vicar , &c. in relation to that Church ? This was the True Foundation of that other Maxim which I insisted on before , viz. That there could be but One Bishop , at once , in a Church ? Why so ? Why ? Because it was Monstrous for One Body to have Two Head , for One Society to have Two Principles of Unity . If what I have said does not satisfie you , ( thô , in all conscience , it ought , it being scarcely possible to prove any thing of this Nature more demonstratively , ) then be pleased only to consider the necessary Connexion that is betwixt this Principle , and that which I am next to prove ; and that is , SECONDLY , That by the Principles of those Times , a Bishop , Cononically Promoted , was Supreme in his Church ; immediately subject to Iesus Christ ; independent on any , unaccountable to any Earthly Ecclesiastical Superiour . There was no Universal Bishop , then , under Iesus Christ , who might be the Supreme visible Head of the Catholick visi●le Church . There was , indeed , an Universal Bishoprick ; but it was not holden by any One single Person . There was an Unus Episcopatus ; One Episcopacy , One Episcopal Office , One Bishoprick ; but it was divided into many Parts ; and every Bishop had his sh●re of it assigned him , to Rule and Govern with the Plenitude of the Episcopal Authority a . There was One Church all the World over , divided into many Members ; and there was One Episcopacy d●ffused in proportion to that One Church , by the Harmonious Numer●sity of many Bishops b . Or , if you would have it in other words , the One Catholick Church was divided into many Precincts , Districts , or Diocesses ; call them as you will : Each of those District● had its singular Bishop ; and that Bishop , within that District , had the Supreme Power . He was subordinate to none but the Great Bishop of Souls , Iesus Christ , the only Universal Bishop of the Universal Church . He was independent on , and stood collateral with all other Bishops . There 's nothing more fully , or more plainly , or more frequently insisted on by St. Cyprian , than this Great Principle . I shall only give you a short view of it from him and his Contemporaries . And , I. He lays the Foundation of it in the Parity which our Lord instituted amongst his Apostles . Christ , says he , gave Equal Power to all his Apostles when he said , As my Father hath sent me , even so I send you , Receive ye the Holy-Ghost c , &c. And again , The rest of the Apostles were the same that St. Peter was , endued with an Equality of Power and Honour d . Now St. Cyprian , on all occasions , makes Bishops Successors to the Apostles , as perchance I may prove fully hereafter . Thus , I say , he founds the Equality of Bishops , and , by consequence , every Bishop's Supremacy within his own Diocess . And agreeably , he Reasons most frequently . I shall only give you a few Instances . 2. Then , in that excellent Epistle to Antonianus , discoursing concerning the Case of the Lapsed , and shewing how , upon former Occasions , different Bishops had taken different Measures about restoring Penitents to the Peace of the Church , he concludes with this General Rule , That every Bishop , so long as he maintains the Bond of Concord , and preserves Catholick Unity , has Power to order the Affairs of his own Church , as he shall be accountable to God e . Plainly importing , that no Bishop can give Laws to another , or call him to an Account for his Management . To the same purpose is the conclusion of his Epistle to Iubaianus , about the Baptism of Hereticks and Schismaticks . These Things , most dear Brother , says he , I have written to you , as I was able , neither prescribing to , nor imposing on any Man , seeing every Bishop hath full Power to do as he judges most fitting f , &c. The same way he concludes his Epistle to Magnus , concerning that same Case of Baptism performed by Hereticks g . To the same purpose is the whole Strain of his Epistle to Florentius Pupianus h . And what can be more clear , or full , than his excellent Discourse at the opening of the Council of Carthage , Anno 256 ? More than Eighty Bishops met , to determine concerning that same matter of Baptism administred by Hereticks or Schismaticks . St. Cyprian was Praeses ; and having briefly represented to them the Occasion of their Meeting , he spoke to them thus : it remains now , that each of us speak his sense freely , judging no Man , refusing our Communion to no Man , thô he should dissent from us : For none of us costitutes himself Bishop of Bishops , nor forces his Collegues upon a necessity of Obeying by a Tyrannical Terror ; seeing every Bishop is intirely Master of his own Resolutions , and can no more he judged by others , than he can judge others : But we all expect the Judgment of our Lord Iesus Christ , who alone hath Power of making us Governours of his Church , and calling us to an Account for our Administrations i . 3. Neither did the Principle hold only in respect of this or the other Bishop ; but all without Exception , even the Bishop of Rome , stood upon a Level ▪ And for this , we have as pregnant Proof as possibly can be desired : For when the Schismatical Party at Carthage set up Fortunatus as an Anti-Bishop , and thereupon sent some of their Partisans to Rome toi inform Cornelius of their Proceedings , and justifie them to him ; Cyprian wrote to him also , and thus Reasoned the Case with him . To what Purpose was it for them to go to Rome to tell you , that they had set up a false Bishop against the Bishops ? Either they continue in their Wickedness , and are pleased with what they have done ; or they are Penitent , land willing to return to the Churches Unity : If the latter , they know whither they may return : For seeing it is determined by us all , and withal , 't is just and reasonable in it self , That every one's Cause should be examined where the Crime was committed ; and seeing there is a Portion of Flock ( the Catholick Church ) assigned to every Bishop to be Governed by him , as he shall be accountable to God , our Subjects ought not to run about from Bishop to Bishop , nor break the Harmonious Concord which is amonst Bishops by their subtle and fallacious Temerity ▪ But every Man's Cause ought there to be discussed , where he may have Accusers and Witnesses of his Crime k , &c. In which Reasoning , we have these Things plain : 1. That , by St. Cyprian's Principles , evey Bishop was judge of his own Subjects ; of all the Christians who lived within his District . 2. That no Bishop , no not the Bishop of Rome , was Superior to another Bishop ; nor could receive Appeals from his Sentences . And , 3. That this Independency of Bishops , this Unaccountableness of one Bishop to another , as to his Superiour , was founded on every Bishop's having his Portion of the Flock assigned to him , to be Ruled and Governed by him , as he should answer to God ; i. e. upon his visible Supremacy in his own Church ; his being immediately Subordinate to God only . To the same purpose he writes to Stephen Bishop of Rome also : For having told him his Mind freely concerning those who should return from a State of Schism , to the Unity of the Church ; how they ought to be Treated , and how Recceived , &c. he concludes thus : We know that some are tenacious , and unwilling to alter what they have once determined , and that they will needs retain some Methods peculiar to themselves ; but still with the Safety of Peace , and Concord with their Collegues : In which case , we offer Violence , we proscribe Laws to no Man , seeing every Bishop has full liberty in the Administration of the Affairs of his Church , as he will answwer to God l . And how do both St. Cyprian and Firmilian resent Stephen's Extravagance , in threatning to refuse his Communion to those who had not the same Sentiments with himself about the Baptism of Hereticks ? Let any Man read St. Cyprian's Epistle to Pompeius , and Firmilian's to St. Cyprian m , and he may have enough to this purpsoe . Would you have yet more ? Then take a most memorable Acknowledgment from the Presbyters and Deacons of Rome . St. Cyprian had written to them , while the Bishop's Chair was vacant , and given them an account of his Resolutions about the Lapsed ; those who had Sacrificed to the Heathen Idols in time of Persecution . Now , consider how they begin their answer to him . Altho , say they , a Mind that 's without Checks of Conscience , that 's supported by the Vigour of Evangelical Discipline , and bears witness to it self , that it has squared its Actions by the Divine Commandments , useth to content it self with God , as its only Iudge ; and neither seeks other Men's Approbations , nor fears their Accusations ; yet they are worthy of doubled Praises , who , while they know their Conscience is subject to God only as its Iudge , do yet desire that their Administrations should have their Brethrens Comprobations n . So clearly acknowledging St. Cyprian's ( and by consequence , every Bishop's ) Supremacy within his own District ; and his Independency , or Non-Subordination , to any other Bishop ; that even Rigaltius himself , in his Annotations on St. Cyprian , thô a Papist , confesses it . And no wonder ; For , 4. By the Principles of those Times , every Bishop was Christ's Vicar within his own District o ; Had a Primacy in his own Church p ; Managed the Ballance of her Government q ; Was , by his being Bishop , elevated to the sublime Top of the Priesthood r ; Had the Episcopal Authority in its Vigour s ; the Prelatick Power in its Plenitude t ; A Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church u . And none could be called Bishop of Bishops v . Every Bishop was Head of his own Church vv ; and she was built upon him in her Politick Capacity x . He , and he only , was her visible Iudge y ; and he did not stand Subordinate to any visible Superiour . In short , The Constitution of every particular Church , in those Times , was a Well-tempered Monarchy : The Bishop was the Monarch , and the Presbytery was in Senate ; all the Christians within his District depended on him for Government and Discipline , and he depended on no Man : So that I may fairly conclude this Point with that famous Testimony of St. Ierom's in his Epistle to Evagrius : Wherever a Bishop is , whether at Rome or Eugubium , Constantinople or Rhegium , Alexandria or Tani , he is of the same Merit , and the same Priesthood . Neither the Power of Riches , nor the Humility of Poverty , maketh a Bishop higher or lower ; but they are all Successors of the Apostles z . 'T is true indeed , St. Ierom lived after the Cyprianic Age : But , I suppose , our Author will pretend to own his Authority as soon as any Father 's in the point of Church-Government . Let me represent to you only one Principle more , which prevailed in the Days of St. Cyprian : And that is , THIRDLY , That whatever the High-Priest , among the Jews , was to the other Priests and Levites , &c. The Christian Bishop was the same to the Presbyters and Deacons , &c. and the same Honour and Obedience was due to him . This was a Principle which St. Cyprian frequently insisted on , and Reasoned from . Thus in his Third Epistle , directed to Rogatianu , he tells him , That he had Divine Law and Warrant for Punishing his Rebellious and Undutiful Deacon . And then cites that Text , Deut. 17. 12. And the man that will do presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the Priest , or unto the Iudge , even that man shall die : And all the people shall bear and fear , and do no more presumptuously . And confirms it farther , by shewing how God punished Gorah , Datham , and Abiram , for Rebelling against Aaro● , Numb . 16. 1. And when the Israelites , weary of Samuel's Government , asked a King to judge them , The Lord said to Samuel , Hearken unto the voice of the People in all that they say unto thee ; for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them : 1. Sam. 8. 7. Therefore , he gave them Saul for a Punishment , &c. And when St. Paul was challenged for reviling God's High Priest , he excused himself , saying , He wist not that he was the High Priest : Had he known him to have been so , he would not have Treated him so , for it is written , Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of they People : Act. 23. 4 , 5. And. ( as he goes further on ) Our Lord Iesus Christ , Our God , King , and Iudge , to the very hour of his Passion paid suitable Honour to the Priests , thô they neither feared God , nor acknowledged Christ : For when he had cleansed the L●per , he bade him go shew himself to the Priest , and offer his Gift : Matth. 8. 4. And at the very instant of his Passion , when he was beaten , as if he had answered irreverently to the High Priest , he uttered no Reproachful Thing against the Person of the Priest , but rather defended his own Innocence , saying , If I have spoken Evil , bear witness of the Evil ; but if well , why smitest thou me ? John 18. 22 , 23. All which Things were done humbly and patiently lby him , that we might have a Patern of Patience and Humility proposed to us ; for he taught us to give all dutiful Honour to true Priests , by behaving so towards false Priests a . Thus St. Cyprian Reason'd , and these were his Arguments for obliging all Men , Clergy as well as Laity , to Honour and Obey their Bishops . To the same purpose he wrote in his Fourth Epistle to Pomponius , concerning some Virgins and Deacons that lived Scandalously . Let them not think they can be saved , says he , if they will not obey the Bishops , seeing God says in Deuteronomy , and then he cites Deut. 17. 12 b . He insists on the same Arguments in his 59th Epistle directed to Cornelius , when he is giving him an account of the Rebellion , and Schismatical Practices of Fortunatus and Felicissimus , the one a Presbyter , and the other a Deacon c . He insists on them over again , in his 66th Epistle to Florentius Papianus d . He insists largely on the Argument drawn from the Punishment inflicted on Corah and his Complices for Rebelling against Aaron ; and makes it the same very Sin in Schismaticks , who separate from their lawful Bishop , in his 69th Epistle directed to Magnus e ; and in his 73d Epistle , directed to Iubaianus f . And Firmilian also , St. Cyprian's Contemporary , insists on the same Argument g . Indeed , the Names , Priest , Priesthood , Altar , Sacrifice , &c. so much used those Times , are a pregnant Argument of the Notions Christians had then , of the Christian Hierarchy's being Copied from the Iewish . Neither was it a Notion newly started up in St. Cyprian's time , for we find it in express Terms in that notable Epistle written to the Corinthians by St. Clement Bishop of Rome , who was not only contemporary with the Apostles , but is by Name mentioned by St. Paul , as one of his Fellow-Labourers , whose Names are in the Book of LIfe , Philip. 4. 3. For he perswading those Corinthians to lay aside all Animosities and Schismatical Dispositions , and to pursue and maintain Unity and Peace , above all things ; proposes to them as a proper Expedient for this , that every Man should keep his Order and Station ; and then enumerates the several Subordinations under the Old Testament , which sufficiently proves , That the Hierarchy was still preserved in the New. His Method of Reasoning , and the Design he had in hand to compose the Schisms that arose amongst the Corinthians , make this evident beyond all Contradiction , That a Bishop in the Christian Church was no less than the High Priest among the Iews , else he had not argued from the Precedents of the Temple to perswade them to Unity in the Church . The High Priest ( saith he ) has his proper Office , and the Priests have their proper Place or Station ; and the Levites are tied to their proper Ministeries ; and the Layman is bound to his Laick Performances h . Having thus demonstrated , that these were three current and received Principles in St. Cyprian's time , viz. That a Bishop was the Principle of Unity to his Church , to all the Christians within his District ; That he was Supreme in his Church , and had no Earthly Ecclesiastical Superiour ; and , That he was the same amongst Christians , which the High Priest was amongst the Iews : Let me try a little , if our Author's Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , can consist with them . I am afraid , it can consist with none of them singly , much less with all these together . I. Not with the first ; for , if a Bishop , then , was the Principle of Unity to a Church , in which there were many Presbyters ; as Cyprian , e. g. was to the Church of Carthage , and Cornelius to the Church of Rome , and Fabius to the Church of Antioch , and Dionysius to the Church of Alexandria , &c. If thus it was , I say , then , to be sure , a Bishop was another thing than a meer single Presbyter of a single Parish in the Presbyterian sense : For , if a single Presbyter could have been the Principle of Unity to a Church in which there were , e. g. 46 single Presbyters , he must have been it as a single Presbyter , or as something else : Not as a single Presbyter , for then there should have been as many Principles of Unity in a Church , as there were single Presbyters ; for Instance , There should have been 46 Principles of Unity in the Church of Rome : Which , besides that 't is plainly Contradictory to the Notion of One Bishop , at once , in a Church ; what is it else , than to make a Church such a Monster as may have 46 Heads ? Than by so multiplying the Principles of Unity , to leave no Unity at all ? Than , in stead of One Principle of Unity to an Organized Body , to set up 46 Principles of Division ? Indeed , what is it else than the very Extract of Nonsense , and Cream of Contradiction ? A single Presbyter then , if he could have been the Principle of Unity to such a Church , mut have been it , as something else than a meer single Presbyter . But what could that Something else have been ? A Presbyterian Moderator ? Not so neither ; for by what Propriety of Speech can a Moderator of a Presbytery , as such , be called the Principle of Unity to a Church ? How can he be called the Principle of Unity to a Church , who , as such , is neither Pastor , Head , nor Governour of a Church ? Who , as such , has no direct , immediate , or formal Relation to a Church ? Who , as such , is only the Chair-man , the Master-Speaker , not of the Church , but of the Presbytery ? Nay , who may be such , and yet no Christian ? For however inexpedient or indecent it may be , that an Heathen should , on occasion , be the Moderator , i. e. the Master-Speaker of a Presbytery ; yet it implies no Repugnancy to any Principle of Christianity . But however this is , 't is certain , that , according to the Presbyterian Principles , ( not the Moderator , but ) the Presbytery is the Principle of Unity to the Church , or rather Churches , within the Bounds of that Presbytery . And , to do our Author Justice , he seems to have been sensible of this , as a I observed already : And therefore , he said not , If he ( the Apologist ) can prove , that we separate from our Pastors , or from the Moderator of the Presbytery ; but , from our Pastors , or from the Presbytery with their Moderator . Neither , 2. Can our Author's Definition consist with the second Principle , viz. That every Bishop was Supreme in his Church , Independent , and not Subordinate , to any Ecclesiastical Superiour on Earth . To have such a Supremacy , such an Independency , such an Unaccountableness , is notoriously inconsistent with the Idea of either a single Presbyter , or a Presbyterian Moderator . How can it be consistent with the Idea of a single Presbyter acting in Parity with his Brethren Presbyters , that of 46 , for Example , One should have a Primacy , a Supremacy , a Plenitude of Power , the Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church , an Unaccountable and Eminent Power , as St. Ierom himself calls it i . And all the rest should be Accountable , and Subordinate to him ? What is this but reconciling Contradictions ? Besides , the Independency of single Presbyters is notoriously inconsistent with the Presbyterian Scheme . 'T is Independency , not Presbytery . And as for the Presbyterian Moderator , In what sense can he be called Supreme , or Independent , or Unaccountable ? In what sense can he be said to be raised to the Sublime Top of the Priesthood ? Or to have an Exors Potestas , an Unaccountable Power ? Or to be Accountable to God only ? Or to have the Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church ? Is he , as such , raised to the Sublime Top of the Preisthood , who , as such , may be no Priest at all ? For why may not a Ruling Elder be a Moderator ? How can he be said to have 〈◊〉 Unaccountable Power , who can be Voted out of his Chair with the same Breath with which he was Voted into it ? How can he be said to be Accountable to God only , who is Accountable to the Presbytery ? How can he be said to have the Sublime and Divine Power of Governing the Church , who , as such , is no Church Governour ? Has he a Supreme Power in a Society , who , as such , has no imaginable Iurisdiction over any one Member of that Society ? 3. But what shall I say to the Consistency of our Author's Definition with the third Principle I named ? Even no more than that I have proved it to have been one of St. Cyprian's , and one that was generally received in his time ; and that I can refer it to our Author himself to Determine , Whether the High Priest of the Iews bore no higher Character than that of a single Presbyter , or a Presbyterian Moderator ? And so I proceed to another Head of Arguments , which shall be , FOURTHLY , To give you , in a more particular Detail , some of the Branches of the Episcopal Prerogative in St. Cyprian's time . And I think I shall do enough for my purpose , if I shall prove these three Things : I. That there were several considerable Acts of Power relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , which belonged solely to the Bishop's several Powers lodged in his Person , which he could manage by himself , and without the Concurrence of any other Church-Governour . II. That in every Thing relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , he had a Negative over all the other Church-Governours within his District . And , III. That all the other Clergy-men within his District , Presbyters as well as others , were subject to his Authority , and obnoxious to his Discipline and Jurisdiction . I. I say , there were several considerable Acts of Power relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , which belonged solely to the Bishop ; several Powers lodged in his Person , which he could manage by himself , and without the Concurrence of any other Church-Governour . Take these for a Sample . And , First , He had the sole Power of Confirmation ; of imposing Hands on Christians , for the Reception of the Holy-Ghost , after Baptism . For this , we have St. Cyprian's most express Testimony in his Epistle to Iubaianus , where he tells , It was the Custom to offer such as were Baptized to the Bishops , that , by their Prayers , and the laying on of their Hands , they might receive the Holy-Ghost , and be Consummated by the Sign of our Lord , i. e. by the Sign of the Cross , as I take it : And he expresly founds this Practice on the Paterm of St. Pater and St. Iohn , mentiond Acts 8. 14. &c. k Firmilian is as express in his Epistle to Cyprian , saying in plain Lanugage , That the Bishops , who Govern the Church , possess the Power of Baptism , Confirmation , and Ordination l . 'T is true , he calls them Majores Natu , Elder : But that he meant Bishops , as distinguished from Presbyters , cannot be called into Question by any Man , who reads the whole Epistle , and considers his Stile all along ; and withal , considers what a peculiar Interest , by the Principles of these Times , the Bishop had in these three Acts he names . But whatever groundless Altercations there may be about his Testimony , as there can be none about St. Cprian's , so neither can there by any shadow of Pretext for any about Cornelius's , who , in his Epistle to Fabius , ( so often mentioned before , ) makes it an Argument of Novatianus his Incapacity of being a Bishop ; that thô he was Baptized , yet he was not Confirmed by the Bishop m . Secondly , He had the sole Power of Ordination , and that of whatsoever Clergy-men within his District . Ordinations could not be performed without him ; but he could perform them Regularly , without the Concurrence of any other Church-Officer . This has been so frequently and so fully proved by Learned Men , that I need not insist much on it . Forbearing therefore to adduce the Testimonies of such as lived after St. Cyprian's time , such as Ambrose , Ierom , Chrysostom , &c. I shall confine my self to St. Cyprian , and his Contemporaries . Toi begin with St. Cyprian . 'T is true , so humble and condescending he was , That when he was made Bishop , he resolved with himself to do nothing by himself , concerning the Publick Affairs of the Church , without consulting not only his Clergy , but his People n . I call this his own free and voluntary Condescention : It wa a thing he was not bound to do by any Divine Prescript , or any Apostolical Tradition , or any Ecclesiastical Constitution . His very Words import so much , which you may see on the Margin . And yet , for all that , we find him not only in extraordinary Junctures , Ordaining without asking the Consent of his Clergy or People ; but still insisting on it as the Right of all Bishops , and particularly his own , to Promote and Ordain Clergy-men , of whatsoever Rank , by himself , and without any Concurrence . Thus , In his 38th Epistle , having Ordained Aurelius a Lector , he acquaints his Presbyters and Deacons with it , from the Place of his Retirement : Now consider how he begins his Letter . In all Clerical Ordinations , most dear Brethren , says he , I used to Consult you beforehand , and to examine the Manners and Merits of every one with common Advice o . And then he proceeds to tell them , How , that notwithstanding that was his ordinary Method , a Rule he had observed for the most part ; yet , for good Reasons he had not observed it in that Instance . In which Testimony , we have these Things evident : 1. That his Power was the same , as to all Ordinations , whether of Presbyters or others : For he speaks of them all indefinitely ; In Clericis Ordinationibus . 2. That he used only to ask the Counsel and Advice of his Clergy , about the Manners and Merits of the Person he was to Ordain , but not their Concurrence in the Act of Ordination ; not one word of that : On the contrary , That they used not to Concurr , fairly imported in the very Instance of Aurelius . 3. That it was intirely of his own Easiness and Condescension , that he Consulted them in the Matter : He USED to do it , but needed not have done it : He did it not in that very same Case . Which is a demonstration of the Truth of what I said before , viz. That his Resolutio● , which he had made when he entred to his Bishoprick , was from his own Choice , and absolutely Free and Voluntary . We have another remarkable Testimony to the same purpose in his 41st Epistle , where he tells , that , Because of his Absence from Carthage , he had given a Deputation to ●aldnius and Herculanus , two Bishops ; and to R●gatian●s and Numidicus , two of his Presbyters , to examine the Ages , Qualifications , and M●its , of some in Carthage , that he , whose Province it was to promote Men to Ecclesiastical Offices , might be well informed about them , and Promote none but such as were Meek , Humble , and Worthy p This , I say , is a most remarkable Testimony for our present Purpose ; for he not only speaks indefinitely of all Ranks or Orders , without making Exceptions ; but he speaks of himself in the Singular Number , as having the Power of Promoting them ; and he founds that Power , and appropriates it to himself , upon his having the Care of the Church and her Government committed to him . We have a third Testimony as pregnant as any of the former , in his 72d Epistle written to Stephen Bishop of Rome . For , representing to him what the Resolution of the African Bishops were concerning such Presbyters and Deacons as should return from a State of Schism , to the Communion of the Church , he discourses thus . By common Consent and A●thority , Dear Brother , we tell you further , That if any Presbyters or Deacons , who have either been Ordained before in the Catholick Church , and have afterwards turned Perfsidious and Rebellious against the Church ; or , have been Promoted by a Profane Ordination , in a State of Schism , by FALSE BISHOPS and Anti-Christs , against our Lord's Institution — that such , if they shall return , shall only be admitted to Lay-Communion , &c. q By which Testimony , you may clearly see , 1. That all Ordinations of Presbyters , as well as Deacons , were performed by Bishops ; by True Bisho●● in the Catholick Church ; and by False Bishops in a State of Schism . 2. That to Ordain Presbyters and Deacons , was so much , and so acknowledged by , the Bishop's Work , and peculiar to him , that , herein , even Schismaticks themselves oberved the Common Rule . They found their Ordinations were indispensibly to be performed by Bishops , that they might not be Obnoxious to the Charge of Invalidity . So clear and full is St. Cyprian on this Head : And not only he , but Firmilian , as I have cited him already . Nay , further yet , Our Martyr's Practice was always suitable and correspondent to these Principles . He not only Ordained Aurelius a Lector , as I have shewed , without either the Consent or Concurrence of his Clergy ; but also Saturus a Lector , and Optatus a Sub-Deacon , Epst. 29. and Celerinus a Lector , Ep. 39. In which we have also a most considerable Evidence of the Bishops Power in Ordinations , in St. Cyprian's Discourse concerning Aurelius and Celerinus : For there he tells his Presbyters , Deacons , and all his People , and tell them in an Authoritative Stile , in the Stile , by which Superiours used to signifie their Will and Pleasure to their Subjects , with a Be it known to you ; He tells them , I say , That tho he had only Ordained these two , Lectors , for the time , because they were but young ; yet he had designed them for the Presbyterate , and to sit with him , as soon as their Years would allow of it r . And what can be more pat to this purpose , than that uncontrolable Account we have of Novatianus his Promotion to the Presbyterate , which we have in that so often mentioned Epistle written by Cornelius to Fabius of A●tioch ? There he tells , how Novatianus was Ordained a Presbyter , meerly by the Favour of the then Bishop of Rome . That all the Clergy , and many of the People , opposed it , as being Unlawful , considering that he had been Baptized while on the Bed of Sickness . And that , after much work , the Bishop prevailed , and Ordained him , promising that he would not make a Precedent of it . I refer you to the Testimony which I have transcribed faithfully on the Margin . Consider it , and tell me if any thing can be more clear , than that the Bishop , then , had the sole Power of Ordination s . Neither do we read in all St. Cyprian's Works , or in any Monuments of those Times , of any Concurrence of Presbyters with Bishops , in any Ordinations , and far less , that ever Presbyters Ordain'd without a Bishop . 'T is true , we read in St. Cyprian's 52d Epistle , that Novatus made Felicissimus a Deacon : And I read , that several Learned Men understand it so , as if he had Ordained him t . And Blo●del particularly , because Novatus was nothing but a Presbyter , con●ludes , that this was a notable Instance of the Power of Presbyters in Ordinations . But when one reads the whole Passage , as St. Cyprian hath it , and ponders all Things duly , he cannot but think it strange , that ever that Fancy should have been entertained : For all that St. Cyprian says , amounts to no more than this , That Novatus turn'd a Schismatick in the time of Persecution , and thereby became another P●rsecution to the Church ; and that having thus given himself up to the Spirit of Schism , he , by his Faction and Ambition , got Felicissimus made a Deacon , without either St. Cyprian ' s knowledge or Allowance u . St Cyprian's Words , I say , do not import , that Novatus Ordain'd Felicissimus : They import no more , than that Novatus his Ambition and Faction prevailed to get Felicissimus Ordain'd a Deacon , thô himself did not Ordain him . ( 'T is probable he was Ordained by some Neighbouring Bishop , St. Cyprian being then in his Secession . ) And 't is as evident as any thing can be made , from what immediately follows , that St. Cyprian designed them for no more . For he goes on , and tells , in that same Breath , That Novatus having done so and so at Carthage , went next to Rome , and attempted just the like things there ; only with this difference , That as Rome , by it●s Greatness , had the Pre●edency of Carthage , so he attempted greater Wickedness , at Rome than at Carthage : For he ( says Cyprian ) who had made a Deacon at Carthage against the Church , made a Bishop at Rome , meaning Novatianus v . Now 't is certain that not Novatus , but Three Bishops , Ordained Novatianus ; and , by consequence , that St. Cyprian never meant that Novatus Ordain'd Felicissi●us . This is irre●ragable . But then , suppose the worst ; Suppose Novatus had really Ordained Felicissimus , what stress is to be laid on the Example of a Schismatick ? Especially when what he did was done Schismatically ? Antonianus asked of St. Cyprian , what was Novatianus his Heresie ? And Cyprian answered , It was no matter what he taught , seeing he taught in Schism vv And may we not say with the same Reason , That it matters not what Novatus did , seeing what he did was done in Schism ? One Thing indeed we learn from this Matter , and that is another Argument of the Bishop's peculiar Interest in the matter of Ordination ; For St. Cyprian most plainly imputes it to Schism , that , without his Allowance , Novatus should have presumed to have got Felicissimus Ordained a Deacon . One Word more : The Bishops being thus possessed of the sole Power of Ordination in St. Cyprian's time , and his Practising suitably , was exactly agreeable to the Second of the Canons commonly called of the Apostles ; which is , Let a Presbyter be Ordained by One Bishop , as likewise a Deacon and the rest of the Clergy x . A Canon , without doubt , universally received then , as Beveregius has fully proved ; and a Canon highly agreeable with the then current Principles , which I have insisted on already , viz. That a Bishop was the Principle of Unity , and Supreme Ecclesiastical Magistrate within his District . For what can be more suitable to , or rather , more necessary by all the Fundamental Rules of Society , than that it should belong to the Supreme Power , wherever it is lodged , to promote and give Commissions to all Inferiour Officers ? 'T is one of the Rights of Majesty , and one as intrinsick and unal●enable , or incommunicable , as any . 'T is true , a good many Years after St. Cyprian's time , it was appointed by the 〈◊〉 , That Presbyters should concurr with the Bishop in the Ordination of Presbyters : But then , I say , it was many Years after St. Cyprian's time ; and it was for new emergent Reasons ; That Ordinations might be performed more deliberately , or with the greater Solemnity , or so ; but 't is evident , that nothing of the substantial Validity of the Orders were to depend upon it . And so much , at present , for the Bishop's Power of Ordination . But this is not all . For , Thirdly , He had full Power , without asking the Consent or Concurrence of either Clergy or People , to settle Presbyters within his District . Of this , we have a most remarkable Instance of St. Cyprian's planting Namidicus a Presbyter of the City of Carthage : Our Martyr wrote to his Presbyters , Deacons , and People , to receive him as such , ( probably he had been Ordained before , ) and there was no more of it : It was instantly done y . As we learn from the very next Epistle z , where we find the same Namidicus , as a Presbyter of Carthage , receiving a Commission for a Deputation to oversee such and such Things in St. Cyprian's absence . So negligent , shall I say ? Or so ignorant was St. Cyprian of Christ's Testament , at least of his Leaving , in it , to his People , by way of Legacy , a Right , a Grant , a Priviledge , of Cho●sing their own Ministers ! What a Stranger has he been to all the Analogies and Principles of Presbyterian Government ! But I proceed . Fourthly , In St. Cyprian's time , the Bishop had the disposal of all the Revenues of the Church . All the Churches Incomes , then , were Oblations , and Charitable Contributions . The Civil Magistrate was Heathen , and treated her commonly with Persecutions , never with Encouragements . Now , the Bishop , I say , had the full Power of disposing of these Contributions and Oblations . In the first place , he had his own Quantitas Propria , His proper Portion ; and t was , no doubt , a considerable One. 'T is commonly reckoned to have been the Third . The other Two belonged to the Clergy and the Poor ; but so , as to be dispensed by the Bishop . That he had his own Portion , and that a Liberal One , is evident from his 7th Epistle ; For there he tells how , before he retired , he gave the Trust of it to Rogatianus , one of his Presbyters , ordering that if there were any necessitous Strangers at Carthage , they should have Maintenance out of it . a . And it is observable , that when St. Cyprian gives an account of Fortunatianus , who had been Bishop of Assurae , but had forfeited by Sacrificing in time of Persecu●ion , and yet was earnest for all that to retain his Bishoprick ; he says expresly , that it was upon the account of the Perquisites , and not from any Love to Religion b . And it is not to be doubted , that the same Reason moved Basilides to be so much concerned for the recovery of his Bishoprick , after he had forfeited it also c Indeed , the Bishop's proper Portion was setled on him by the 40th of the Apostolic Canons . And that he had the disposal of the rest , particularly that which belonged to the Clergy , is as plain . For , in his 41st Epistle , he makes it an aggravation of Felicissimus's Guilt , that , contrary to the Duty which he owed to his Bishop , he should have made such a Clutter , about the Division of the Contributions . And on the other hand he praises the Dutifulness of others , who would not follow F●licissimus his bad Example , but continued in the Unity of the Church , and were satisfied to take their Shares , as the Bishop should please to dispense them d . And it is a most remarkable Instance of this his Power , which we have in the aforementioned Case of Aurelius and Celerinus ; for thô he promoted them only to the Degree of Lectors , yet he Entituled them to the Maintenance of Presbyters . e . And as for that part that belonged to the Poor , his Power in the Distribution of it is so evident from his Fifth and Forty first Epistles , that I need not insist upon it . Indeed , this Power was expresly asserted to them by the Thirty eighth and Forty fi●st of the Apostolick Canons f . And we find Bishops in Possession of it long before St. Cyprian's time ; as is evident from Iustin Martyr's second Apology , not far from the end . Not now to mention that it seems fairly to be founded on express Scripture g . Indeed , Fifthly , He seems to have had a Power of imposing Charitable Contributions on all the Christians within his District , for the Relief of Distressed Strangers , whether Captives , Prisoners , or condemn'd to the Mines or Galleys , &c. Of this Power , we have famous Instances in his 62d and 78th Epistles . You may Consult them at your Leasure . And long before St. Cyprian's time , Soter Bishop of Rome , as the Venerable Dionysius Bishop of Corinth , ( cited for it by Eusebius , ) tells us , Managed this Power to excellent purpose , as his Predecessors , from the Apostles times had done before him . Take his own Words , for he was a very ancient Father , having flourished about an Hundred Years before St. Cyprian . They are in an Epistle of his to the Church of Rome , in which he thus bespeaks them . This has been your Custom from the beginning , ( i. e. ever since the Church of Rome was planted , ) to do manifold good Offices to the Brethren , and send Supplies to most Churches in most Cities , for sweetning their Poverty , and refreshing those that are Condemned to the Mines . You , Romans , observe the Custom of the Romans handed down to you by your Fathers ; which Custom , your blessed Bishop Soter has not only observed , but improved , &c. h What can be more clear than it is from these Words , That Soter , as Bishop of Rome , had the chief Management of the Charitable Contributions , imposing them , and disposing of them for the Relief of the Afflicted Christians of whatsoever Church ? And now that I have gone higher than St. Cyprian's time , ( thô it was not necessary for my main Argument ; and to make use of it , might swell this Letter to too great a Bulk ; ) Let me mention another Power , which Tertu●lian ( who lived before St. Cyprian also ) in plain Terms appropriates to the Bish●p . A considerable Power , a Power that is a considerable Argument of the Episcopal Sovereignty . And it is , Sixthly , The Power of Indicting Solemn Fasts , as occasion required , to all the Christians within his District . You have his Words , plain and home , upon the Margin i Sev●nthly , A Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , ( for now I return to it , ) as such , had the sole Power of Convocating his Presbyters and Deacons ; all those of his Clergy and People , who either sat with him , or standing gave their Suffrages , as they were ask'd , about any thing relating to the Church . All Learned Men ( even Spanhemius himself , our Author 's diligent Searcher into Antiquity , ) confesses this . Indeed , this was a Point on which the Unity of the Church did so much depend , that it could not but be a necessary Branch of his Prerogative , who was the Principle of Unity to , and was intrusted with , the Supreme Government of the Church . And , agreeably , we find Cornelius accounting about it in an Epistle to Cyprian . For there he tells , how the Presbyter and Confessors , who had sided with Novatianus , turning sensible of their Error , came ( not streight to himself , for it seems they had not the confidence to do that , or rather , they would not have been allowed that freedom so suddenly ; but ) to his Presbyters , acknowledging their Offences , and humbly supplicating that they might be Pardoned , and their Escapes forgotten : How , when all this was narrated to him , He was pleased to Convocate the Presbytery : How Maximus , Urbanus , Sidonius , and Macarius , being allowed to appear , made their Acknowledgments and humble Addresses ; and then , how after they were received in the Presbytery , the whole matter was Communicated to the People ; and they again renewed their Acknowledgments before the People , confessing as I shewed before , viz. That they were convinced , that Cornelius was chosen by the Omnipotent God , and our Lord Iesus Christ to be Bishop of the most Holy Catholick Church ; and that they were not ignorant , that , as there was but One God , One Christ our Saviour , and One Holy-●host ; so there ought to be only One Bishop in a Catholick Church k . Here , I say , was a Noble Instance of a Bishop's Power in Convocating his Presbyters at pleasure , and managing the Affairs of the Church like a Chief Governour . The whole Epistle is well worth perusing . But I shall only desire you to take notice of one Thing by the way , it is , That Cornalius sought not the People's Consent for their Reception ; no , he first received them again into the Communion of the Church , and then acquainted the People with it . I observe this , because it is another Demonstration , That what St. Cyprian determined from the beginning of his Episcopacy , was meerly the effect of his own Choice , and Arbitrary Condescension , viz. To do nothing without his Peoples Consent : This , I say , was not a Thing he was bound to do by the Rules of his Episcopacy , for then Cornelius had been as much bound as he . After these Persons were so solemnly Reconciled to the Church , they themselves , by a Letter , gave an Account of it to St. Cyprian ; an Account , I say , which might bring more Light to the whole Matter , if it needed any . We are certain , say they , most dear Brother , that you will rejoyce with us , when you know , that all Mistakes are forgotten , and we are Reconciled to Cornelius OUR BISHOP , and to all the Clergy ; to the Great Contentment and Good Liking of the whole Church l . But you may say , Did not the Roman Presbytery Conveen , during the Vac●●cy , after the Death of Fabianus ? And did not the Presbytery of Carthage meet frequently , during the time of St. Cyprian's Secession ? How then can it be said , That the Bishop had the sole Power of Convocating Presbyters ? I answer , 'T is true , it was so in both Cases : But how ? To begin with the latter ; There was no Meeting of the Clergy at Carthage , during St. Cyprian's Secession , without his Authority : And therefore we find , when he retired , he left a Delegated Power with his Presbyters and Deacons , or an Allowance , call it as you will , to meet and manage the Affairs of the Church , as occasion should require ; but still , so as that they could do nothing of Moment without first Consulting him ; and nothing , but what was of ordinary Incidence , is Regulated by the Canons . This we learn from many of his Epistles : Thus , in his Fifth Epistle directed to his Presbyters and Deacons , Because he could not be present himself , he required them Faithfully and Religiously to discharge both his Office and their own m . Which not only imports , that they had distinct Offices from his , but also , in express Terms , settles a Delegation on them . He bespeaks them after the same manner in his 12th Epistle n . And more Authoritatively yet , Ep. 14. where he not only Exhorts , but Commands them to perform the Office of Vicars to him o . But then , how warmly he re●ented it , when some of them ventured beyond the Limits of the Allowance he had given them ; when they began to encroach on his Prerogatives ; when they presumed to meddle in Matters for which they had no Allowance , and which were not in the common Road , nor Regulated by the Canons , you shall hear to purpose by and by . And from what I have already said , the other Case , That of the Presbytery's Meeting in the time of a Vacancy , may be easily cleared also ; for thô they might meet , yet all they could do , was to provide all they could for the Peace and Safety of the Church , by determining in Ruled Cases ; just as may be done by inferiour Magistrates in all other Corporations , or Societies , in the time of an Inter-Reign ; but they could make no new Rules : And there were several other Things they could not do ; as I shall also shew fully within a little . In the mean time , having mentioned how St. Cyprian , in his Absence , gave a Delegation to his Clergy , and Constituted them his Vicars ; let me give you one Example of it , which may well deserve to pass for another Instance of Acts that were peculiar to himself : And that is , Eighthly , His Delegating , not his Presbyters in common , but two of them only , viz. Rogatianus and N●midicus , with two Bishops , Caldonius and Herculanus , not only to consider the State of the Poor , and of the Clergy at Carthage ; but to pronounce his Sentence of Excommunication against Felicissimus and Augendus , and all that should joyn themselves to that Faction and Conspiracy p . Which Delegation was accordingly accepted of , and the Sentence put in Execution , as we learn by the Return , which these four Delegates , together with another Bishop called Victor , made to our Holy Martyr q . I might have easily collected more Instances of Powers and Faculties which were peculiar to a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , and which could not be pretended to by Presbyters : But these may be sufficient for a Sample , especially considering that more , perhaps , may be discovered in the Prosecution of the next Thing I promised to make appear , which was , II. That in every thing relating to the Government and Discipline of the Church , the Bishop had a Negative over all the other Church-Governours within his District . He had the Supreme Power of the Keys . No Man could be admitted into the Church ; no Man could be thrust out of the Church ; none Excommunicated could be admitted to Penance , nor Absolved nor Restored to the Communion of the Church ; no Ecclesiastical Law could be made , nor Rescinded , nor Dispensed with , without him . In short , all Ecclesiastical Discipline depends upon the Sacraments , and neither Sacrament could be Administrated without his Allowance . If this Point , well proved , does not evince , That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was a real Prelate , and stood in a real Superiority above all other Church Officers , I must despair of ever proving any thing . And I must despair of ever proving any thing , if I prove not this Point . 1. To begin with Baptism , the Sacrament by which Persons are admitted into the Church : That no Man could be Baptized without the Bishop's Consent , has as much Evidence as can be well required for any Matter of Fact. For , First , St. Cyprian could not have expressed any thing more fully , or more plainly , than he has done this . To omit that Testimony which he gives in his Exhortation to Mar●yrdom , where he says , Bishops , by our Lord's Allowance , give the first Baptism to Believers r . Let us turn over to Ep. 73. in which he insists directly to this purpose . The Question was , Whether Baptism performed by Hereticks , or Schismaticks , was Valid ? St. Cyprian affirmed it was not . His Conclusion was such , as required some other Argument to support it , than his own Authority . It was therefore needful , that he should attempt to prove it ; and that from received and acknowledged Principles . Now consider his Argument , I shall give it in his own Words as near as I can Translate them . 'T is manifest , says he , where , and by whom , the Remission of Sins can be given , which is given in Baptism . For , our Lord gave , first , to Peter ( on whom he built his Church , thereby instituting and demonstrating the Original of Unity , ) that Power , That whatsoever he should loose on Earth , should be loosed in Heaven : And then , after his Resurrection , he gave it to all his Apostles , when he said , As my Father hath sent me , &c. ( Joh. 20. v. 21 , 22 , 23. ) Whence we learn , that none can Baptize Authoritatively , and give Remission of Sins , but the BISHOPS , and those who are FOUNDED in the Evangelical Law , and our Lord's Institution : And , that nothing can be Bound or Loosed out of the Church , seeing there 's none , there , who has the Power of Binding or Loosing . Further ; Dearest Brother , we want not Divine Warrant for it , when we say , That God hath disposed all Things by a certain Law , and a proper Ordinance ; and that none can USURP any thing against the BISHOPS , all being subject to them : For Corah , Dathan , and Abiram , attempted to assume to themselves a Priviledge of Sacrificing against Moses and Aaron the Priest , and they were Punished for it , because it was unla●ful s . Thus St. Cyprian argued ; and the force of his Argument lies visibly in this , That Baptism performed by Hereticks or Schismaticks cannot be Valid , because not performed by the Bishop , nor with his Allowance . Now whatever comes of his Inference , sure , it had been Ridiculous in him to have so Reasoned , if his Antecedent had not been a received Principle . Neither was St. Cyprian singular in this , for Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia is as plain , saying , ( as I have cited him before ) That the Bishops , who Govern the Church , possess the Power of Baptism , Confirmation , and Ordination . And Fortunatus Bishop of Thuraboris , another of St. Cyprian's Contemporaries , in his Suffrage at the Council of Carthage , is as plain as either Cyprian or Firmilian . Iesus Christ , says he , our Lord and God , the Son of God the Father and Creator , built his Church upon a Rock , and not upon Heresie , and gave the Power of Baptizing to Bishops , and not to Hereticks , &c. t Indeed , before St. Cyprian's time , we have Tertullian , who spent most of his Days in the Second Century , and who , in his Book about Baptism , against Quintilla , to the Question , Who may Baptize ? answers positively , The High-Priest , who is the Bishop , hath the Power of Baptizing ; and after him , or in Subordination to him , Presbyters and Deacons , but not without the BISHOP's AUTHORITY u . And before him , we have the Apostolical Ignatius , who spent almost all his Days in the First Century , and who says in express Terms , That it is not lawful to Baptize without the Bishop v . 2. A Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , had as much Power about the Holy Eucharist : No Presbyter within his District could Administer it without his Leave , or against his Interdict . St. Cyprian's Testimonies to this purpose are innumerable . Let me give you only One or Two , for Instance ; Thus in his 16th Epistle written to his Presbyters and Deacons , he resents it highly , that some of his Presbyters should have dared to admit the Lapsed to the Sacrament without his Allowance . Such , says he , deny me the Honour of which by Divine Right I am possessed , &c. Indeed , the 15th , 16th , and 17th Epistles , are to this purpose vv . And in his 59th Epistle , having cited Mal. 2. v. 1 , 2. he Reasons thus against all such Presbyters as presumed to Celebrate the Eucharist without the Bishop's allowance . Is Glory given to God , when his Majesty and Discipline is so contemned , that , when He says , He is Angry and full of Wrath against such as Sacrifice to Idols , and when He threatens them with everlasting Pains and Punishments , Sacrilegious Persons should presume to say , Think not on the Wrath of God : Fear not the Divine Iudgments : Knock not at the Church of Christ : That they should cut off Repentance , and the Confession of Sins ; and PRESBYTERS CONTEMNING and TRAMPLING ON THEIR BISHOPS , should preach Peace with Deceiving Words , and give the Communion , &c. x And , 't is a Passage very remarkable to this purpose , which we read in an Epistle of Dionysi●s of Alexandria to Fabius of Antioch , ( both St. Cyprian's Contemporaries ) in which he tells , how one Serapion , an aged Man , after a long Per●everance in the Christian Faith , had first fallen from it in time of Persecution , and then into a deadly Sickness : How , after he had been dumb and senseless for some Days , recovering some use of his Tongue , he called quickly for one of the Presbyters of Alexandria , ( for he lived in that City ) that he might be Absolved , and have the Sacrament , being perswaded he should not die till he should be Reconciled to the Church : And how the Presbyter being sick also , sent the Sacrament to him : But by what Right or Authority ? By Dionysius the Bishop . For , says he , I had COMMAND that any Lapsed , if in danger of Death , especially if he was an humble Supplicant for it , should be Absolved , that he might go out of this World full of good Hopes , &c. y He being Bishop of that City , had given a COMMAND for it , otherwise it could not have been done . And all this was nothing more than Ignatius had told the World long before , viz. That that is only to be deemed a firm and valid Eucharist , which is Celebrated by the Bishop , or by his Authority . Let me only add one Testimony more from St. Cyprian concerning both Sacraments ; but such an one as ought not to be neglected . It is in his 69th Epistle written to Magnus . The great Purpose he pursues in it , is to represent the Atrocious Guilt of Schism , and the forlorn Condition of Schismaticks ; that they cannot have Valid Sacraments , and that all their Acts are Nullities , &c. Amongst many Arguments to this effect , he insists on that famous one ; Corah , Dathan , and Abiram , were of that same Religion that Moses and Aaron were of , and served the same God whom Moses and Aaron served : But because they transgressed the Limits of their own Stations , and Usurp'd a Power of Sacrificing to themselves , in opposition to Aaron the Priest , who was only legally Invested with the Priesthood by God's Vouchsafement and Appointment : They were forthwith punished in a miraculous manner ; neither could their Sacrifices be Valid or Profitable , being offered Unlawfully and Irreligiously , and against the Divine Ordinance . — And yet these Men had made no Schism : They had not departed from the Tabernacle , nor raised another Altar , &c. which now the Schismaticks do , ( meaning the Novatians , ) who dividing the Church , and rebelling against Christ's Peace and Unity , are bold to Constitute an [ Episcopal ] Chair , and assume to themselves a Primacy , an Episcopal Authority , and a POWER OF BAPTIZING and OFFERING , that is , Celebrating the Holy Eucharist . What can be more plain than 't is here , That no Sacraments could be Administred but in dependance on the Bishop a ? Indeed , 3. Considering that , as I have fully proved , a Bishop was , then , the Principle of Unity to the Church ; that he was Chief Governour of the Church ; and that , by consequence , the Supreme Power of the Keys could not but belong to him : Considering that the Church was a Visible Society ; that he was the Visible Head of that Visible Society ; and , by consequence , that it belonged to him as such , to take care that Society might suffer no Detriment : Considering these Things , I say , it was highly reasonable , that he should have the Chief Power of Dispensing the Sacraments : Such a Power , as that neither might be dispensed without him . What can be more Detrimental to a Society , especially such a Society as a Christian Church , than admitting Unworthy Persons to the Priviledges of it ? Or allowing them to continue in it ? Or restoring them to their Membership in the Society , after they have been justly thrust from it , without considering whether they have given any Evidences of a serious Reformation ? And who so proper to judge of these Matters , as the Chief Governour of the Society ? And now , Having thus made it evident , that a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , had a Negative over all other Church-Officers within his District , in the grand Concern of Dispensing both Sacraments ; and that neither could be Administred without him , or against his Authority , I might fairly supersede the trouble of making either a Minute or a laborious Demonstration of his Sovereign Interest in the Acts of Excommunication , or injoyning Penances , or reconciling Penitents , or making , or rescinding , or dispensing with Ecclesiastical Laws or Canons ; in a word , in every thing relating to the Government or Discipline of the Church . All these Acts depend upon the Sacraments . His Negative therefore , about the Dispensation of the Sacraments , had been in vain , and to no purpose , if he had not had a Negative likewise about all these Acts. Besides , you will not readily say , I think , that he could have had a Greater Trust by having a Negative , in any other Matter than in the Dispensing of the Sacraments . Having that , therefore , he might well be intrusted with a Negative in all other Things , either of equal ( if any such can be imagined ) or lesser Importance on which , the Order , the Subsistence , the Unity , the Peace , the Purity , the Prosperity , or whatsoever Interest of the Church could any way depend . Yet that I may give you all possible satisfaction , I shall proceed a little further , and give you , by way of Historical Deduction , such an account of Powers lodged , e. g. in St. Cyprian's Person , as you may fairly judge thereby , concerning the Preheminences of Bishops in his Time. The most current Account we have about him , is , that he was not Converted to Christianity , at least , not Baptized , till the Year 246. That he was Ordain'd a Presbyter , Anno 247 ; and Bishop of Carthage , Anno 248. Chronologists do generally agree in this last Step of his Preferment . Now , as we learn both from himself , and from Pontius his Deacon , some of the Carthaginian Clergy were mighty Enemies to his Promotion a . Belike , they took it ill , that he , so lately converted to the Faith , so lately made a Presbyter , should have been preferred to themselves . However it was , certain it is , as I said , that they appeared against him with all their might and main . But the People were so Generally and so Zealously for him , to have him their Bishop , that these his Enemies were overpowered . Made Bishop he was ; and he was a Person so well Qualified , so Eminent in every Virtue , and withal so Strict and Cautious in his Life and Government , after he was made Bishop , that it was not easie for the Mutineers to wreck their Malice on him : But this was so far from softening them , and bringing them to a better temper , that , on the contrary , it imbittered them the more , and made them the more watchful of all Opportunities to breed him Troubles , and disturb his Government . At last , they catch'd hold of one , and that a very dangerous one , in the time of the Decian Persecution . This Persecution beginning towards the end of the Year 249 , and lasting for a full Year ; coming on the Church , after a lo●g Peace , with a surprizing Violence , had very sad Effects . Vast numbers turned Apostates , Renouncing the Holy Faith , and Sacrificing to the Heathen Idols : And Cyprian himself , commanded by God , had retired from Carthage till there should be some Relentment of the Fury of the Persecution . Here , I say , his subtle Enemies found their so long wished Opportunity : For , the Lapsed , so soon as the Hazard was over , resumed their Christian Profession , and turned mighty forward , if not furious , to be restored to the Communion of the Church . ' Thô they knew full well , that they were bound by the Canons to have continued , for a long time , in the state of Penitents ; yet they thought their Numbers , and perhaps their Qualities , might overpower the Canons , and claim Indulgences and Dispensations . With them struck in those Clergy-men , who had still retained the old Grudges against St. Cyprian's Promotion , encouraging their Presumptions . They knew , he was a Man of Principles , and had a mighty Zeal for the real Interests of Christianity ; and , by consequence , that he would stand Resolutely by the Canons of the Church , and be clear , that the Lapsed should perfect their Terms of Penance : They saw the Eagerness of the Lapsed to be sooner reconciled , than the Canons allowed : They resolved therefore to fall in with them , thinking that thereby they should effectually put a Thorn in his Foot ; they should enflame the Lapsed , and their Relations , perchance , the great Body of the People against him . But this was not all . It was not enough for them themselves to encourage the Lapsed in their Petulancies : The Bishops Prelation over Presbyters was then so Notorious , that , as malicious as they were , they had not Impudence enough to set up theirs in opposition to his Authority , and Reconcile the Lapsed to the Church , meerly upon the score of their own Credit , against his Will and Orders ; and therefore , they fell upon another Project . If it was possible for any other to stand up against the Bishops Authority , it was that of the Martyrs and Confessors . These , for their Faith and Patience ; their fervent Zeal , and fragrant Graces ; their glorious Courage , and good Example ; that they might Persevere themselves , and others might be encouraged to follow their Patern ; were held in mighty Reputation . They were reputed as dearer to God , and in a closer Communion with him , and nearer Approximation to him , than Christians of the common size : And their Intercessions had been in use of being much regarded in former Persecutions . These , therefore , as the only Persons whose Credit could be feasibly put in the Ballance with the Bishops Authority , the Holy Man's Supplanters instigated to espouse the Quarrel of the Lapsed ; to become their Patrons , for having themselves Absolved against the Bishop's Resolutions . And truly , some of them were so far wrought upon , as to turn Zealous for it : And , armed with their Authority , these discontented Presbyters adventured to Absolve and Lapsed , and receive them to the Sacrament , without the Bishop's Allowance . Now consider what followed , and speak your Conscience , and tell me , if St. Cyprian was not more than either Single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator . Thô he was one of the mildest and most humble Men that ever lived ; yet , so soon as this was told him , where he was , in his Retirement , he was not a little alarm'd : The Practice was surprizing , and the Presumption , new , as well as bold : The like had never been done before in any Christian Church : And such preposterous Methods clearly tended to shake all the Foundations of Order and good Discipline : And therefore he thought it high time for him , if he could , to give the Check to such irregular and unexampled Methods . In short , he drew his Pen , and wrote Three notable Epistles ; one to the Martyrs and Confessors ; Another to his Clergy ; and a third to his Peopl● : Insisting , in each of them , upon the Novelty and Unwarrantableness of the Course was taken ; the Dishonours and Indignities were done himself by it ; and the great Mischiefs and fatal Consequences might , nay would , unavoidably follow upon it , if it were not forborn . More particularly , In that to the Martyrs and Confessors , he told them , That his Episcopal Care , and the Fear of God , compelled him to Admonish them , That , as they had devoutly and couragiously kept the Faith , so they ought , suitably , to be observant of Christ's Holy Laws and Discipline : That , as it became all Christ's Soldiers to obey their General 's Commands ; so it was their Duty , in a special manner , to be Examples to others : That he had thought , the Presbyters and Deacons , who were with them , might have taught them so much : But that now , to his extream Grief , he understood , they had been so far from doing that ; that , on the contrary , some of them , especially some Presbyters , neither minding the Fear of God , nor the Honour of their Bishop , had industriously misled them . He complain'd mightily of the Presumption of such Presbyters , that against all Law and Reason , they should have dared to Reconcile the Lapsed without his Consent . That herein they were more Criminal than the Lapsers themselves : That it was somewhat Excusable in the Lapsed to be earnest for an Absolution ; considering the uncomfortable State they were in , so long as they were denied the Communion of the Church : But it was the Duty of Office-bearers in the Church to do nothing rashly , lest , in stead of Pastors , they should prove Worriers of the Flock , &c. And then he told these Martyrs and Confessors , how far their Priviledges reached : All they could do , was , by way of humble Supplication , to Petition the Bishop for a Relaxation of the Rules of Discipline : But they had neither Power to Command him , nor Grant Indulgences without him b . Indeed , this he told them frequently , and that they went beyond their Line if they ventured any further c . In that to his Presbyters and Deacons , he wrote in a yet more resenting Strain . He told them , He had long kept his Patience , and held his Peace ; but their immoderate Presumption and Temerity would suffer him no longer to be silent . For what a dreadful Prospect , says he , must we have of the Divine Veng●●nce , when some Presbyters , neither mindful of the Gospel , nor their own Stations , nor regarding the future Iudgments of God , nor the Bishop , who , for the time , is set over them ; dare attempt what was never attempted before , under any of my Predecessors , namely , so to Affront and Contem●● their Bishop , as to assume all to themselves ? And then he proceeds to tell them , how he could overlook and bear with the Indignity done to his Episcopal Authority , if there were no more in it : But the course they followed was so wicked ; they were so injurious to the Lapsed whom they presumed to Reconcile so Uncaononically ; their Pride and Popularity were so apparent in their Method ; it was such a Crime , so to Expose the Martyrs to Envy , and set them at Variance with their Bishop , &c. that he could ●tifle it no longer . In short , all over the Epistle he wrote like a Bishop , and concluded it with a Peremptory Threatning of a present Suspension from the Exercise of their Office , and then an Infliction of further Censures when he should return from his Retirement , if they should Persevere in such a Lawless Course d . In that to his People , he proceeded on the ●ame Principles ; condemned these Presbyters , who had acted so disorderly , not reserving to the Bishop the Honour of his Chair and Priesthood : Told them , That those Presbyters ought to have taught the People otherwise ; Laid to their Charge the Affectation of Popularity ; and required such of the People as had not fallen , to take Pains upon the Lapsed ; to try to bring them to a better Temper ; to perswade them to hearken to his Counsel , and wait his Return , &c. e Here were three Epistles written , I think , in plain Prelatick Stile ; sure , neither in the Stile of Single Presbyter , nor Presbyterian Moderator : Especially if we consider the very next , written to his Presbyters and Deacons upon the same Principles , still . He had written to them several times before from the Place of his Retirement , but had received no Answer from them . Now consider how he Resents this , and , Resenting it , asserts his own Episcopal Authority ; his own Sovereign Power in Ecclesiastick Matters : For thus he begins ; I wonder , dear Brethren , that you have returned no Answers to the many Letters I have sent you ; especially considering , that now , in my Retirement , you ought to inform me of every thing that happens ; that so I may , advisedly and deliberately , give Orders concerning the Affairs of the Church f . Let any Man lay these four Letters together , and weigh them impartially , and then let him judge if St. Cyprian wrote in the Stile of Parity , if he claim'd not a Sovereign Power , a Negative , to himself , over all the Christians , Presbyters as well as others , living within his District . But did not Cyprian shew too much Zeal in this Cause ? Possibly , he attempted to stretch his Power a little too far ; as afterwards many did : He was a Holy and Meek Man , but such may be a little too High. So I read , indeed , in a late Book g . But it seems , the Author has found himself very sore put to it when he said so : For how can one not be fore put to it , when he cannot escape but by seeking for Refuge in a Reconciliation between Pride and Patience , Superciliousness and Self-denial , Huffyness and Humility , Carnal Height and Christian Holiness ? But to let this pass , Had that Author any solid Ground for saying so ? Or rather , had it been possible for him to have said so , had he had but an ordinary Acquaintance with St. Cyprian , or his Epistles ? Charge Pride on the Humble Cyprian ! Cyprian , who was so very Humble , that from the Conscience of his own Nothingness , he has still been looked upon as a Patern of Humility ! Cyprian , whose Humility would not allow him almost to speak in the Stile of Authority , even to Female Laicks h ! Cyprian , who was perswaded , that God would hear none but the Humble and Quiet i ! Cyprian , who believed , that none could be a Christian , and withal , be Proud and Haughty k ! Who insisted on his own Humility in that very Epistle , for which that Author charges him with Pride l ! Who , if in any thing , Gloried most in his Humble and Bashful Modesty m ! Who , when accused of Pride , could Appeal not only to all Christians , but even to the Heathen Infidels , as Witnesses of his Innocence n ! Cyprian , who had this Great Testimony from some of his Contemporaries , That he was the Greatest Preacher , the Most Eloquent Orator , the Wisest in Counsel , the Simplest in Patience , the Most Charitable in Alms , the Holiest in Abstinence , the Humblest in Obligingness , and the Most Innocent in every Good Action o ! And from others , That he had a Candid and a Blessed Breast ! &c. P In a word , Cyprian , whose Humility was such , that , if we may believe his Deacon Pontius , He fled and lurk'd when they were going to make him a Bishop q ! Such , that when St. Augustine , many years after , was pressed with his Authority , he came off with this , The Authority of Cyprian doth not fright me , because the Humility of Cyprian encourages me r ! Such a Person was Cyprian ; And yet to Proud was he , forsooth , for doing his Duty ; for asserting his Episcopal Authority , when most undutifully trampled on by his presuming Presbyters . What I have said , methinks , might be enough in all conscience , for defeating for ever that Uncharitable , shall I say , or Ignorant Suggestion , That it was Pride , perhaps , that prompted Cyprian to write so Magisterially to the Carthaginian Presbyters ; yet , because a farther Discussion of it may contribute not a little for clearing up the Bishop's Negative , in St. Cyprian's time , I shall not grudge to give it you . St. Cyprian had three sorts of People to deal with in that Controversie , which bred him so much Trouble . He had the Lapsed themselves ; the Martyrs and Confessors ; and these Presbyters and Deacons , who had encroached so much on his Episcopal Authority . I am apt to think , the Author himself , with whom I have now to do , will not be shy to grant , That St. Cyprian , without incurring the Reputation of either Proud or Presumptuous , might have chided the Lapsed , as we find he did : They had Cowardly renounced their Christianity , to save their Lives and Fortunes ; and the Canons subjected them to a strict and a long Penance for it : And I think , without the imputation of either Height or Humour , one in St. Cyprian's Station might have put them in mind of the Respect they owed to the Canons of the Church , and the Governours of it . Indeed , all the Lapsed were not engaged in the disorderly Course . There were some of them who were sensible of their Duty , and subjected themselves to their Bishop , resolving to wait his time , and intirely to depend upon him for their Absolution , as we learn from his 33d Epistle . His Difficulty was greater with the Martyrs and Confessors , who appeared as Patrons to the Prejudicating Lapsed ; but neither need I insist on that , nor how he conquered them in point of Right and Argument : For , this Author told Dr. Stilling fleet , He was wholly out of the way in medling with that Matter , seeing none ever imagined that every Martyr had Church Power . Thô I must tell you , Sir , That whoso reads St. Cyprian's Works , and particularly observes the State and Management of this whole Controversie about the Lapsed , cannot but be convinced , that the Reputation and Authority of Martyrs and Confessors , made a far greater Figure in it , than the Reputation or Authority of Presbyters . To come therefore to that which is the main Point with this Author , Let us try , if St. Cyprian stretch'd his Power too far in his Treatment of the Presbyters , who appeared against him in this Controversie . Consider the following Steps , and then judge . I. Consider that St. Cyprian doth not fall a buffing or hectoring , or running them down by Noise or Clamour . No , He Reasons the Case with them , and Reasons all along from known and received Principles . He tells them plainly indeed . That in Presuming as they had done , they had forgotten both the Gospel , and their own Station : That he was their Superiour : That they did not pay him the Honour that was due to his Chair and Character : That the like had never been attempted before by Presbyters , under any of his Predecessor-Bishops : That it was a Factious , Selfish Temper , and too great Love of Popularity that prompted them to Measures so in no wise Presidented : That he knew the Secret of the Matter , and that it was the old Grudge against his being preferred to the Bishoprick that byass'd them to their Insolencies : That is belonged to him as having the Chief Power of the Keys , as being Bishop , i. e. as having the visible Sovereignty in Church Matters , to straiten or slacken the Sinews of Discipline ; to prolong or shorten the Courses of Penance ; to grant Absolutions , and reconcile Penitents , &c. That such Presumptions were Encroachments upon the very Foundations of the Church , to the Subversion whereof , their pretending to any Power , in opposition to the Bishops , tended : In short , That such Practices were against Christ's Institution , and the Analogies of Government , and all the Laws of Order , Peace and Unity : And they deserved the sharpest Censures for them . These , I say , are a Sample of the Arguments St. Cyprian insisted on against those Presbyters ; and most of them were founded on Matter of Fact : And now , suppose St. Cyprian had had considerable Doses of Pride , yet if you will but allow him , withall , to have had some Grains of Common Sense or Honesty , can you so much as imagine he could have used such Arguments , if they had wanted Foundation ? Would he not have been ashamed to have used them , if he , and not his Presbyters , had been guilty of the Usurpations he was Condemning ? But what needs more ? Have I not fully proved already , That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was the Principle of Unity to all the Christians , Presbyters as well as others , within his District ? And that he was a Sovereign and Peerless Governour of the Church which he Ruled . And were not all his Reas●nings founded on these Principles ? But this is not all ; for , 2. Consider that they were not all the Presbyters of Carthage , who were engaged in the Quarrel . No : R●gatianus , Britius , Numidicus , and , perhaps , many more , whose Names are not trasmited to us , would never joyn with those of the Faction ; but still continued in their Duty to St. Cyprian . And can we think , they would not have joyned with their Brethren for the Maintenance of their own Rights and Priviledges , if Cyprian had been the Usurper ? If he had been Claiming a Sovereign Power , without any Pretence of Right to it ? If he had been driving at a Prelacy , when the Government of the Church belonged to Presbyters acting in Parity ? We learn from St. Cyprian ▪ himself , That , in those Times , it was a mighty Wickedness for Men to part tamely with their Rights and Powers in Divine Matters . s And can we think , that Rogatianus , B●itius , and Numidicus , were ignorant of this ? Or , supposing that should have had small Weight with them , is Power such a gustless Thing , that Men will easily part with it without any Reason ? But to go on . 3. Even those very Presbyters and Deacons of the Faction came once to something like a Dutiful Submission in the Matter . They lower'd their Sails , and began to wave Apologies , and knit Excuses for what they had done . They endeavoured to put a fair Face upon the foul Steps they had made : They wrote to Cyprian , That they had done what they could to bridle the Heats of the Lapsed , and oblige them to continue in their Penances , till his Return from his Retirement ; but that they were so Ungovernable and Stiff , and urged a present Absolution so eagerly and irresistibly , that they were forced , in a manner , to comply with their Humours : But now seeing they found , that he , their Bishop , was so much displeased with what they had done , they asked a FORM from him , i. e. his Will and Pleasure in the Matter . t And now , let any Man consider , whether St. Cyprian or these Presbyters had been in the Wrong before ? Whether He or They had acted beyond their Lines ? But I have more to tell you : For , 4. These Presbyters , who had thus transgressed the Bounds of their Station , were generally Condemn'd for it , by their Brethren Presbyters , all the World over : At least , we have a most remarkable Instance in the Presbyters of Rom● . Take it thus . St. Cyprian being a Wise and Watchful , as well as an Holy and Humble Prelate ; one , who had still before his Eyes th● Conservation of the Order , the Peace , and the Unity of the Church Catholick ; and perceiving that the Controversie concerning the Restitution of the Lapsed , might be of bad Influence on those great Interests , if not prudently determined ; thought fit to acquaint his Brethren of the Episcopal Colledge with it , and ask their Sentiments about it : And because there was no Bishop then at Rome , he wrote to the Presbyters and Deacons , the Roman Presbytery . The Epistle is the 20th in Number . In which he deduced the whole Matter to them , and told them particularly , how he had Exerted his Episcopal Authority , in its Vigour , against such of his Presbyters as , without his Leave , had boldly and presumptuously Absolved the Lapsed , and given them the Sacrament . u Now consider their Return to him : You have it in the 30th Epistle . They begin with the Acknowledgment of his Supream and Unaccountable Power within his own District , which I observed before v : They impute it to his Modesty and Caution , ( not to his Pride and Fetulancy , ) that he had been pleased to communicate his Measures to them : They approve the Course he had taken with the Lapsed : They compare him to the Master of a Ship , sitting at the Helm , who , if he steers not right , and keeps not a steddy Course , especially in a Storm , endangers the Ship , and runs her upon Rocks or Shelves : And I think , the Master of a Ship doth not act in Parity with the rest of the Mariners . And further , They compare those who , at that time , endeavoured to interrupt the Course of his Discipline , Presbyters as well as others , to the Tumbling Waves , striving to shake the Master from the Helm , and expose all to the Hazards of Shipwrack . In plain Terms , they condemn the Course of Reconciling the Lapsed , so Undutifully and Rebelliously . As for themselves , they tell him , ( and pray take notice of it , ) That , wanting a Bishop , they could define nothing in the Matter : They tell him , I say , That since the Death of Fabianus of most Noble Memory , through the Difficulties of the Times , and the Encumbrances of their Affairs , they had not got a Bishop Constituted ; who only could define in these Matters , and determine in the Case of the Lapsed with AUTHORITY and Counsel vv But withal , they tell him , That , for their parts , they were extreamly well pleased with the Course he had taken ; namely , That he had resolved to do nothing rashly , to take no sudden Resolutions in a Matter of such Consequence ; but to wait till God should grant him opportunity of Treating about it with others , and determining with common Advice in such a ticklish Case x : Where observe by the way , That they do not found the Wisdom of this his Resolution on any thing like the Incompetency of his Power , for having determined by himself concerning the Lapsed , within his own District : No , the Reason they give for it , supposes his Power to have been fully Adequate and Competent for that Effect ; and , that if he had given the final Stroke , no body could have Quarrel'd it : For they insist only on the Rules of Prudence , which , if I mistake not , are quite , different from the Rules of Power . They tell him , it might prove Invidious and Burdensom for one Bishop to Determine by himself , in a Case in which all Bishops were concerned ; and that it was Providently done of him to d●●ire the Confent of his Colleagues , that his Decrees might be Approved and Confirmed ; That they might not be made void through the want of the Brotherly Ratification . These are the Reasons , I say , for which they justifie his Caution ; and these Reasons suppose he had Power to have done otherwise thô not so wisely , nor so warily . And then they tell him over again , That they had met frequently , and canvassed the Matter seriously ; They had tossed it , not only amongst themselves , but with sev●ral Bishops , far and near , as they had occasion to be in the City ; and that still the Conclusion was , That they should attempt no Innovations till a Bishop should be settled : All they had Resolved was , That th●se of the Lapsed , whose Health might allow , should continue in the State of the Penitents , till God should grant them a Bishop y Neither was this a meer Complement to our Holy Martyr : Indeed , in all this , they gave him a true Account of their Real Sentiments and Principles , as we learn from another Epistle of theirs , wherein they had neither Occasion nor Temptation to Complement Bishops . The Epistle is that which is the Eigh●h , amongst St. Cyprian's . An Epistle written by them to the Presbyters and Deacons of Carthage ; to Persons of their own Rank and Quality : By consequence , an Epistle , in which , had they understood it , had the Principles of those Times allowed it , they might have spoken their Minds very freely concerning the Power of Presbyters . Never had Presbyters , I am sure , more Freedom , or better Opportunity , to have asserted their own Power , and Vindicated Parity , and Condem'd Prelatical Usurpations , in an Epistle , than they had on that Occasion ; for Fabianus Bishop of Rome was dead , and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage was retired ; and so it was written by Presbyters who had no Bishop , to Presbyters in the absence of their Bishop : And yet , in that Epistle , they were so far from having any such Notions , that they said expresly , That both Themselves who wanted One , and those of Carthage who wanted the Presence of One , were only seemingly the Governours of those respective Churches ; and only kept the Flocks , in stead of the respective Pastors , the Bishops z . And ●urther , telling what Pains they had been at to keep People from Apostatizing in the Day of Trial , they account how they Treated those who had fallen , particularly , that they did separate them from the Flock indeed , but so , as not to be wanting in their Duty and Assistance to them : They did what was proper for their Station : They exhorted them to continue patiently in their Penances , as being the most plausible Method for obtaining Indulgences from him who could give them a That is , without Controversie , from the Bishop when he should be settled . For so I read in an Epistle , written at that same time by Celerin●s a Roman , to Lucianus a Carthaginian , and the 2Ist in Number among St. Cyprian's , that when the Cause of Numeria and Candida , two Female Lapsers , was brought before the Presbytery of Rome , the Presbytery commanded them to continue as they were , i. e. in the State of Penitents , till a Bishop should be Inthroned b And now , let any Man judge , whether , according to the Principles and Sentiments of the Presbyters of Rome , St. Cyprian or his presuming Presbyters had taken too much upon them at Carthage . But neither is this all yet ; for , ● . These Carthaginian Presbyters were also Condemned by the Roman Martyrs and Confessors , who , th● they were in Prison , had learned the State of the Controversie , from the Accounts St. Cyprian had sent to Rome , two of them , Moyses and Maximus , being also Presbyters . These Martyrs and Confessors wrote also to St. Cyprian , and to the same purpose the Roman Clergy had done : Their Epistle is the 3Ist in number : In which , they not only beg with a peculiar Earnestness , That he , being so Glorious a Bishop , would pray for them ; They not only lay a singular stress upon his Prayers beyond the Prayers of others , by reason of the Opinion they had of his Holy Virtues , which , I am apt to think , such Men as they would not probably have done , had they believed him to have been a Proud aspiring Pr●late , that is , indeed , a Limb of Antichrist , as this Author would ●ain give him out to have been : But also they heartily Congratulate his discharging , so Laudibly , his Episcopal Office ; and that even in his Retirement , he had made it so much his Care to acquit himself , that he had halted in no part of his Duty ; and particularly , That he had suitably Censured and R●buked , not only the Lapsed , who , little regarding the Greatness of their Guilt , had , in his Absence , extorted the Churches Peace from his Presbyters ; but even these Presbyters for their profane Facility , in giving that which was Holy to Dogs , and casting Pearls before Swine , without any Regard to the Gospel . In short , They Approve his whole Proceeding , as having done nothing Unsuitable to his Character , nothing Unbecoming either an Holy or an Humble Bishop c . Further yet . 6. These same Carthaginian Presbyters resuming their former Boldness , and Topping it over again with their Bishop , were Excommunicated by him , and his Sentence was Approved and Ratified by all Catholick Bish●ps in all Catholick Churches all the World over , as shall be shewn you fully by and by . And then , 7. And lasty , That in all this Matter St. Cyprian did nothing either Proudly or Presumptuously , is evident from this , That in his Time , and long before his Time , even from the Apostles Times , it was not Lawful for Presbyters to Attempt any thing relating to the Church without the Bishop . 〈◊〉 Presbyters and Deacons attempt nothing without the Bishop's Allowance ; for 't is he to whom the Lord's People are committed , and 't is he that must Account for their Souls d , is the 39th of the Canons called Apostolical . And no doubt it was in force in St. Cyprian's time . And this was no greater Power than was assigned him by the Apostolical Ignatius , I cannot tell how many times . Take these Testimonies for a Sample . Let no Man do any thing that belongs to the Church without the Bishop e . He that h●noureth the Bishop , is honoured of God ; but he that doth any thing in opposition to the Bishop , serveth the Devil f . If any Man pretend to be wiser than the Bishop , ( i. e. will have Things done against the Bishop's Will , ) he is Corrupted g . Let us be careful not to resist the Bishop , as we would be subject to God h . The Spirit hath spoken , Do ye nothing without the Bishop hh . 'T is necessary that you continue to do nothing without the Bishop i . And now , let any of Common Sense determine , Whether there was Ground , or shadow of Ground , for insinuating that St. Cyprian shewed too much Zeal in this Cause , or attempted to stretch his Power a little too far , ( indeed , it had not been a little , but very much , nay monstrously too far , had those of Parity been then the current Principles , ) or was a little too high in this Matter ? But if there was no Ground to say so , if it was contrary to all the then current Principles , and to the common Sentiments of all Catholick Christians , nay , even to the Convictions of all Honest , Orderly , Dutiful , and Conscientious Presbyters , who then lived , to say so : If thus it was , I say , and 't is hard to prove any Matter of Fact more evidently than I have proved that it was thus ; then , I think , it follows by good Consequence , not only that this Author was a little in the wrong to St. Cyprian , when he said so ; but also , that , in St. Cyprian's time , a Bishop had fairly a Negative over his Presbyters , which was the Thing to be demonstrated . And so I proceed to the next Thing proposed , namely , III. That all the other Church-Governours within his District , Presbyters as well as others , were , in St. Cyprian's time , subject to the Bishop's Authority , and obnoxious to his Discipline ; I do'nt think you very sharp sighted , if you have not seen this already . Yet that I may give you all reasonable Satisfaction , I shall insist a little further on it . And , I. This might appear sufficiently from this one Consideration , ( th● no more could be produced for it , ) That , still in the Stile and Language of those Times , the Bishop was called the Praepositus , the Ruler , the Governour , the Superiour , of all the Christians within his District , Clergy as well as Laity : And they , without Distinction or Exception , were called His People , his Flock , his Subjects , &c. This may be seen almost in every one of his Epistles . Thus , Ep. 3. he says , That Deacons ought to remember that our Lord chose his Apostles , that is , Bishops and Governours : But the Apostles chose Deacons to be the Bishop's and the Churches Ministers : And therefore a Deacon ought with all Humility to give Satisfaction to the Bishop , his Superiour k And Ep. 9. He praises the Roman Clergy for having the Memory of Fabianus , who had been their Superiour , in so great Honour l . And Ep. 13. writing to Rogatianus his Presbyter , and the rest of the Confessors , and praising God for their Faith and Patience , he says , That , as all Christians were bound to Rejoyce when Christ's Flock was illuminated by the Examples of Confessors ; so he hims●lf , in a special manner , as being the Bishop , seeing the Churches Glory was the Ruler's Glory m . And in that famous Passage which I have cited already from Ep. 16. he complains of it as an unexampled Petulancy , that Presbyters should so contemn the Bishop , their S●periour n . And in another place , We Bishops , who have the Chief Power in the Church o . And Ep. 62. I , who , by the Divine Mercy , Govern the Church , have sent to you [ Januarius , Maximus , Proculus , ] &c. 100000 Sesterc●s , as the Charitable Contribution of my Clergy and People . p And Ep. 66. Hence spring Heresies and Schisms , &c. That the Bishop who is one , and is set over the Church , is Contemned , &c. q Such was the Dialect of those Times , I say , and thus Bishops were called Rulers , Governours , Superiours , &c. and that in regard of all within their Districts , making no Discrimination betwixt Clergy-men and Laicks ; and not only so , but more particularly , 2. It was as comon in that Dialect , to call the Clergy The BISHOP'S CLERGY . Thus for Example , Ep. 14. It was my Wish , that I might have saluted all my Cl●●gy safe and sound , &c. r My Presbyters and Deacons ought to have taught you , &c. s Because I cannot send Letters but by Clergy-men , and I know that many of mine are absent . t Numidicus was preserved alive by God , that he might joyn him my Clergy — u Urbanus and Sidonius came to my Presbyters — v If any of my Presbyters or Deacons shall turn precipitant — vv I have sent you Copies of the Letters which I wrote to my Clergy and People concerning Felicissimus and his Presbytery — x And , as I observed before , when Maxim●s a Presbyter , and Urbanus , &c. returned from the Novatian Schism to Cornelius's Communion , We are Reconciled ( say they to Cyprian ) to Cornelius OUR BISHOP , and to all the Clergy . y Such was the Language of those Times . Now , I say , by what Propriety of Speech could a Bishop have been called Praepositus , Superiour to his Clergy ? Could they have been called HIS Clergy ? Could he have been said to have been Their Bishop ? Their Ruler ? Their Governour ? By what Rule of either Grammar or Rhetorick , Logick or Politick , could he have been said to have been set over them , or they to have been his Subjects or Inferiours , if he had no Power nor Iurisdiction over them ? If they were not Subjected to his Authority , nor Obnoxious to his Discipline ? But let all this pass for meer Prolusion if you will. I am not pinch'd for want of Arguments . For , 3. The three great Principles which I proved so fully before , viz. That a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , was the Principle of Unity to the Church which he Govern'd ; that he had a Supreme Power in it ; and that by the Principles which then prevailed , he was the same in the Christian Church , which the High Priest was in the Iewish ; and the last Thing I proved also , viz. That he had a Negative over his Presbyters ; Each of these is demonstration for the present Conclusion , and you need not Artificial ; Natural Logick is enough to let you see the Consequences . Indeed , 4. We find Cyprian all along both Reasoning and Practising to this purpose . Thus , he told Bishop Rogatianus , Ep. 3. That the Case was plain between him and his Deacon : H● might punish him , forthwith , by his Episcopal Power , and his C●thedral Authority : z He might make him sensible of his Episcop● Honour : a He might Exert the Power of his Honour against him either by Deposing , or by Excommunicating him : b Nay , He migh● Excommunicate all such as should Rebel against him : c For all these Censures , his Sovereign Authority was competent . d Thus he praises Pomponius , another Bishop , for Excommunicating another Scandalous Deacon , Ep. 4. p. 9. And did not he himself Suspend Philumenus and Fortunatus , two Subdeacons , and Favorinus an Acolyth , from their Livings ? As we learn from his 34th Epistle . But you may say , These Instances extend no further than to Deacons , or more inferiour Clergy-men ; but , What is this to Presbyters ? Why ? Sir , indeed , the Instances are pat and home ; and you must acknowledge so much , if you consider , that , by the Principles of those Times , there was no Disparity between Prebyters and Inferiour Orders in this respect : But the Bishop's Power extended equally to all ; just as a King can censure his Chancellor , as well as a Sub-Collector of his Customs ; a Justice-General , as well as a Justice of Peace : Nothing clearer from the above-mentioned Principles . But that I may leave you no imaginable Scruple , I shall even account to you about Prebyters also . 5. Then , I have told you already , how some of the Carthaginian Presbyters conspired against St. Cyprian , and used their utmost Arts to hinder his Pre●erment to the Bishoprick . Now , if we may believe either himself , or Pontius in his Life , whatever it was they did on that Occasion , he might have punish'd them for it ; punish'd them not only with Deposition , but with Excommunication , had he pleased . Take first his own Account in Ep. 43. there he tells his People , That through the Malignity and Perfidiousness of some of his Presbyters , he durst not adventure to return to Carthage so soon as he would : And he describes those Presbyters thus ; That being mindful of their Conspiracy , and retaining their old Grudges against his Promotion , they reinforced their ancient Machinations , and renewed their Attempts for Undermining him , by siding with Feliciss●mus in his Schism : And then he proceeds thus ; I neither willed nor wished their Punishment for their Opposition to my Promotion ; yea , I Pardon'd them , and kept my Peace : And yet , now , they have suffered Condign Punishment : Thô I did not Excommunicate them then , their own Guilty Consciences have done it now : They have Excommunicated themselves , &c. e Take it next from Pontius his Deacon , Thô I am unwilling , says he , yet I must speak it out : Some resisted his Promotion , but how Gently , how Patiently , how Generously , how Mercifully , did he forgive them ? Did he not thereafter admit them to his most intimate Friendship and Familiarity , to the Astonishment of many ? Indeed , he therein shewed a Miracle of Clemency f . Lay these two Accounts together , and then tell me , if these Presbyters were not Obnoxious to his Discipline ? If his Power over them might not have extended to their very Excommunication , for their old Tricks against him , had he been willing to have put it in Execution ? But this is not all . For , Have I not accounted already , How , when they first Engaged in the Controversie concerning the Lapsed , he threaten'd them , that if they should continue to Absolve and Reconcile any more of them without his Allowance , he would Suspend them from their Office , and inflict severer Censures on them when he should return to Carthage ? And have I not justified him in this , and made it manifest to a Demonstration , that herein he did not stretch his Power too far ? That he took not too much on him ? Further yet . When they resumed their Impudence , and , after a little Interruption , would needs be Absolving the Lapsed , thô he was then in his Retirement , and by consequence , had few or none of his Clergy to Consult with ; yet he gave out this plain and peremptory Order , That if any of his Presbyters or Deacons ●●ould prove ●o Lawless , or Precipitant , as to Communicate with the Lapsed before his Determination in the Matter , and , by consequence , without his Leave , that they should be forthwith Suspended from the Communion , and should be more fully ●ried and Censured when he should return . g And then , Lastly , When they proceeded so far as to Commence the Schism with Felicissimus ; mark it well , He not only gave a Delegation to Caldonius and Herculanus , two Bishops ; and Rogatianus and Numidicus , two of his own Presbyters , to Judge and Excommunicate Fe●icissim●s and his Partisans , as I have shewed already ; but he likewise Excommunicated the five Presbyters who joyned with him , and all who should adhere to them . h And he gave an Account of his Proceedings to all Catholick Bishops , particularly to Cornelius Bishop of Rome ; i and his Sentence was not only ratified by Cornelius and Felicissimus , and all his Party refused his Communion , but they met with the same Treatment ; St. Cyprian's Sentence was Approved , and Confirmed by all Catholick Churches all the World over k . I might easily have proved this more fully , but , I think , I have said enough . And now , Sir , lay these three Things together , viz. That there were several considerable Acts of Church Power peculiar to a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , and which those in the Order of Single Presbyters could not meddle with : That a Bishop , as such , had a Negative over all the Presbyters within his District : And , That they were all Subordinate to him , and Obnoxious to his Dis●ipline : And then I can refer it to your self to determine , Whether a Bishop , then , was not quite another thing than either Single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator . Thus , I think , I have sufficiently defeated our Author's Definition of a Bishop , in St. Cyprian's time , by giving a fair and just Account of him ▪ as he stood related to his own particular Church which he Govern'd . I come now to consider him as he stood related to the Church Catholick . And here also I am very much mistaken , if I shall not find Matter enough for another Demonstration against him . I shall endeavour to dispatch this Point with all possible Brevity . I. Then , by the Principles of the Cyprianic Age , all Bishops were Collegues , and made up One College . St. Cyprian calls them so , and speaks of the Episcopal or Sacerdotal College so frequently , ( no fewer than 6 or 7 times in one Epistle , and 4 or 5 times in another l ) that I need not adduce Testimonies . Indeed , being all Men of the same Character , the same Order , the same Dignity ; being all of them equally Supreme , and First in their own Churches ; and all standing Collateral to one another ; they were most properly called Collegues , and their Society , a College , if we may rely on A. Gellius his Skill in the Latin Tongue , or rather Messala's cited by him m . And it is observable to this purpose , That St. Cyprian no where calls Presbyters his Collegues . He calls none so , but Bishops . And the Notion of the Episcopal College had such an Impression on him , it was so Common and Received in those Times , that speaking even of Schismatical Bishops , who run one course , he calls them a College a●so , 〈◊〉 quite different from the True College of Catholick and Orthodox Bishops n . Now , 2. As the One Bishop was the Principle of Unity to a particular Church , so this College of Bishops was the Principle of Unity to the Catholick Church : And Iesus Christ was the Principle of Unity to the College of Bishops . I hope , not being a Romanist , you will not require that I should prove the Highest Step of this Gradation . All that remains then , is to Explain how the College of Bishops , by the Principles of those Times , was the Principle of Unity to the Church Catholick ; or , the One great Aggregated Body , consisting of all the particular Churches all the World over , whereof , their particular Bishops were the particular Principles of Unity . Neither needs this be a Laborious Task . For all that 's necessary for it , is , To shew how they were so United into One College , as to make them capable of being justly denominated One Principle of Unity . Now , they were thus United by the Great and Fundamental Laws of One Faith , and One Communion . That the One Holy Catholick Faith is Essential in the Constitution of the One Holy Catholick Church , is , even to this day , a received Principle , I think , amongst all sober Christians . But then , I say , That the Christians , in St. Cyprian's time , reckoned of the Laws of One Communion as every whit as forcible and indispensible to the Being of One Church , as the Laws of One Faith. It was a prime , a fundamental Article of their Faith , That there was but One Church ; and they could not understand how there could be but One Church , if there was more than One Communion . By their Principles and Reasonings , a Multiplication of Communions made , unavoidably , a Multiplication of Churches : And by consequence , seeing there could be but One True Catholick Church , there could be likewise but One True Catholick Communion . All other Churches or Communions were False , i. e. not at all Christian Churches or Communions . These Principles , and suitable Reasonings from them , are so frequently and so fully insisted on in St. Cyprian's Writings , that to Transcribe his Testimonies to this purpose , were almost to Transcribe his Works . Now from these Principles , it follows clearly , 3. That the Grand Concern of the Episcopal College was , to Preserve and Maintain this One Communion : To Guard against all such Doctrines as destroyed , or tended to destroy , the the One Holy Catholick Faith ; and all Schisms and Schismati●al Methods which destroyed , or tended to destroy , the Unity of the One Church . These being the Great and Fundamental Interests of the One Church ; and they being her Supreme Governours , they could not but be chiefly bound by the most Fundamental Laws of their Office to be Conscientious Conservators of these Great and Fundamental Interests . And indeed , so they believed themselves to be , as will evidently appear from the following Considerations . And , I. They look'd upon themselves as bound indispensibly to maintain the Peace , the Unity , the Concord , the Unanimity , the Honour , ( they are all St. Cyprian's Words ) of the College it self . Every Error , every Defect , every Thing Disjoy●ted , or out of Tune in it , tended naturally to endanger the great Interests , for the Conservation and Procuration of which it was instituted . For this End , 2. Because every Man , by being Promoted to the Episcopal Dignity , was , Eo ipso , a Principle of Unity to a particular Church , and so a Member of the Episcopal College ; all possible Care was taken , that a fit Person should be promoted , and that the Promotion should be Unquestionable . Therefore , he was not to be Promoted , as I have proved , but where there was an Unquestionable ▪ Vacancy . Therefore , he was not to be Promoted , if there was any thing Uncanonical or Challengeable in his Baptism , or his Confirmation , or his Pr●motion to any former Order , as I have ●hewn also in the Case of Novationus . Therefore he was Solemnly Elected in the Presence of the People , That either his Crimes might be detected , or his Merits published ; because the People was best acquainted with every Man's Life and Conversation . o Therefore he was to be Solemnly Ordained in the Presence of the People also . p And that by two or three Bishops at fewest ; ( thô an Ordination perform'd by One Bishop was truly Valid : ) Commonly there were more ; all the Bishops of the Province . 3. Being thus Canonically Promoted , his first ▪ Work ▪ was to send his Communicatory Letters to all other Bishops , to give them thereby an Account of his Canonical Promotion , his Orthodoxy in the Faith , his Fraternal Disposition , &c. Thus , Cornelius was no sooner Ordained Bishop of Rome , than he instantly dispatched his Communicatory Letters to St. Cyprian q And no doubt , as the Custom was , to all other Bishops ; at least , to all Metropolitans , by them to be Communicated to the Bishops within their Provinces : I say , to Metropolitans , for nothing can be clearer than that there were Metropolitans in St. Cyprian's time . He was undoubtedly One himself r and Agrippi●●s , his Predecessor Bishop of Carthage , was One long before him . Spanhemius himself , our Author's Diligem Searcher into Antiquity , acknowledges it s . But to return from this Digression . Novatianus also , thô Illegally and Schismatically Ordained , found it necessary to send his Communicatory Letters to St. Cyptian ; as if he had been Ordain'd Canonically , and in the Unity of the Church t . So also Fortunatus , when made a Schismatical Bishop at Carthage , sent his Communicatory Letters to Cornelius Bishop of Rome u . Indeed , this was never omitted . 4. If there was no Competition , no Controversie in the Ca●e ; the Matter was at an end . The Promoted Bishop's Communicatory Letters were sufficient , and he was forthwith faithfully joyned with all his Collegues , as St. Cyprian words it v . But if there was any Competitor , any Debate , then the rest of the College , before they received him as a Collegue , made further Enquiries . Sometimes they sent some from the Neighbourhood to examine the Matter : Sometimes the Ordainers were obliged to Account for the Person Ordained , and the whole Procedure of the Ordination : Sometimes both Methods were practised . We have a famous Instance of both Methods in one Case ; the Case of Cornelius and Novationus . Cornelius , as I have said , upon his Promotion wrote to St. Cyprian : So did Novatianus . Here was a Competition . Cyprian therefore , with his African Collegues , sent Caldonius and Fortunatus , two Bishops , to Rome , that upon the Place it self , where they might have the surest Information , they might enqu●re into the Merits of the Cause , and try the Competition w . And on the other hand , the Sixteen Bishops , who Ordain'd Cornelius , wrote to St. Cyprian , and the rest of the Bishops of Africa , and satisfied them upon the whole Qvestion , demonstrating Cornelius's Title , and Condemning Novatianus x Such Care was taken , that none should be admitted Unworthily or Uncanonically into the Episcopal College . But then , 5. There was equal Care taken to purge him out of the College again , if he turned either Heretical or Schismatical : If he kept not close to the Laws of One Faith , and One Communion . If he swerv'd from these , he was forthwith refused the Communion of the whole College . Therefore , ( says St. Cyprian to Stephen Bishop of Rome , in the Case of Marcianus Bishop of Arles , who had joyned with Novatianus , ) The Corporation of Priests , ( the Episcopal College ) is Copious , being cemented by the Glue of Mutual Concord , and the Bond of Unity , that if any of the College shall turn Heretick , or attempt to divide or waste the Flock of Christ , the rest may interpose , and , as profitable and merciful Shepherds , collect our Lord's Sheep , and restore them to the Flock y . And this they were bound to do by the Fundamental Laws of One Church , and one Communion ; for , as our Martyr subjoyns , Thô they were many Pastors , yet they all fed but one Flock . z . And therefore all the Bishops in the World were bound to give the desolate Christians of Churches , whereof the Bishops had turned Heretical or Schismatical , the Comfort of their Aid and Assistance a 'T is true , no Bishop was Superiour to another Bishop in point of Power or Iurisdiction , but all stood Collateral , as I have proved , and so no Bishop as Superiour to another , in a streight Lin● , could pass Sentence on him , as they might have done to Presbyters . Yet all being United into One College , which College was the Principle of Unity to the Church Catholick , it was necessary , as well as natural , that that College should be impower'd to take care of its own Preservation , and by consequence , they could do the Equivalent of a formal and authoritative Deposition ; they could refuse the Heretical or Schismatical Bishop their Communion , and thereby exclude him from the Episcopal College : And they could oblige all the Christians within his District to abandon his Communion , and choose another Bishop , as they valued the invaluable Priviledges of the One Church , and the One Communion . But then , 6. So long as a Bishop , worthily , and legally Promoted , kept the Faith and the Unity of the Church , he was Treated , he was Encouraged , he was Consulted , he was Corresponded with ; in a word , Every way used as became the Head of a particular Church , and a Fellow-Member of the College . All the rest of the Members were bound , by the Fundamental Laws of the College , to Ratifie all his Canonical , nay , Equitable Acts of Priesthood , Government , and Discipline . Whosoever was Baptized by himself , or by his Clergy , with his Allowance was to be owned as a Baptized Christian , a True Denison of the Church , and to have the Priviledges of such all the World over . Every Bishop of the Christian Church , living at how great a distance soever , was bound to Communicate his Dutiful Subjects , duly attested by him ; and to Excommunicate his Excommunicates . Thus , for Instance , Cornelius Bishop of Rome rejected Felicissimus , and all his Retainers ; and Fortunatus , and all his ; and would not grant them his Communion , because Excommunicated by St. Cyprian . b And Cyprian rejected Novatianus and all his Party , because not in Communion with Cornelius . c In short , By the Laws of the College , he that was Injurious , Undutiful , or Disobedient to his Bishop , was such to all the Bishops on Earth : He that set up an Altar against his Bishop's Altar , set up his Altar against all the Altars of the whole College : If a Bishop Deposed or Excommunicated any of his Presbyters or Deacons , it was not lawful for any other Bishop to Receive him , nor to Absolve him : He was still to be reserved for that , to his own Bishop , so long as he lived . He that was Reconciled to his Bishop , ( whether he was of the Clergy or Laity , ) and Restored by him to the Peace of the Church , was thereby Restored to the Peace of all other Churches , and by consequence , of the Church Catholick . And of this we have a remarkable Instance in St. Cyprian's time . Therapius Bishop of Bulla , in the Proconsular Province of Africa , Absolved Victor , who had been a Presbyter , but had fallen , in time of Persecution , Prematurely and Uncanonically : And yet , by a Synod of Sixty six Bishops , whereof Cyprian was One , the Absolution was Ratified , and Victor was allowed their Communion ; as we learn from their Synodical Epistle . d . So Eminent and Considerable was a Bishop then , as he stood related to the Catholick Church . Let me only add one Thing more in pursuance of his Dignity , as to this Relation ; and that is , 7. That so long as Bishop continued a sound Member of the College , all Informatory , Consultatory , Recommendatory , Communicatory , Congratulatory , Apologetick , Testimonial ; in a word , all Letters concerning the Peace , the Unity , the Government , the Discipline of the Church ; or the Concord , the Correspondence , the Harmony , the Honour , the Hazards , or any other considerable Interest of the College , were directed to him , or received from him , as having the Supreme Power of the Church which he Gov●rn'd . All the great Concerns of both the Catholick Church , and the Episcopal College , were , in th●se Times , transacted by Letters . There was no possibility of General Councils then : All that could be done , was either to meet in Provincial Synods , upon great Emergencies ; or , if that could not be neither , to transact Matters , and bring them to a General Determination , by particular Letters from Bishop to Bishop . Provincial Synods were ordinarily kept twice a Year ; and by them , in the ordinary Course , all Matters of Moment were Determined ; and so by the Reciprocation of Synodical Letters , Matters came sometimes to such a General Agreement and Determination , as , in the Result , was fully Equivalent to the Definition of a General Council . We have several Instances of such Transactions by Provincial Synods . Thus in the Grand Case of the Lapsed , in the time of the Decian Persecusion , the Matter was so managed by Provincial Synods in Africa , Rome , Alexandria , Anti●ch , &c. that at last , as St. Cyprian tells us , it was brought to this General Conclusion , That the Lapsed should complete their Terms of Penance , and should not be restored to the Peace of the Church before the Time appointed by the Canons , unless it was in the case of Deadly Sickness . e Thus , without doubt , also that considerable Canon mentioned by St. Cyprian in the Synodical Epistle , which is the 67th in Number , amongst his Epistles , viz. That the Lapsed , however they might be restor'd to the Communion of the Church , should never be received into Holy Orders . f And that other Canon mentioned by him also , That no Clergy-man should be Tutor to Minors . g Thus also , long before St. Cyprian , the great Controversie concerning the Observation of Easter , was managed in many Synods , as Eusebius tells us . h And a few Years after his Martyrdom , the Case of Paulus Samosatenus . i These Instances are only for a Sample . When Provincial Synods could not be kept , or emergent Matters of Consequence could not be conveniently determin'd in them , then Recourse was had to the only remaining Method , viz. particular Letters from Bishop to Bishop . And to make this Method both sure and effectual , all possible Pains was taken . It was necessary that each Bishop should sign his Letter , and send it , not by every common Carrier , but by a Clergy-man . k In short , They had such Marks , that it was not easie , if possible , to Counterfeit them . And the Bishop who received it was bound by the Laws of the College to transmit it , for his Share , to the rest of the Members . And so it went through , and the whole College was acquainted with the Accident , the Case , the Controversie , whatever it was that had Emerged , we have many Instances and Evidences of this Method and Diligence in St. Cyprian's Writings . Thus , e. g. When Caldonius writes to Cyprian concerning some Lapsed within his District , Cyprian returns him an Answer , telling him , He had written his Mind to that purpose already , and so sends him Copies of five Epistles concerning the Case , requiring him to transmit them to as many Bishops as he could ; adding this as the Reason , That One Course , One Resolution , might be kept by all the College . i And so we find , that the Letters written by him about that Controversie were trasmitted from hand to hand , till they were dispersed all the World over m Thus , I say , sometimes the greatest Affairs of the Church were managed : And , 't is plain , this Method ▪ was every was Equivalent , if not Preferable , to a General Council : So that the Christian Church might have still subsisted , and its Unity been provided for , and preserved in all Ages , without such Councils , as it was , effectually , during the First Three Centuries . Now , that which I am principally concern'd for in all this Matter , is , That all these Circular Letters , of whatsoever Nature , relating either , to the great Interests of the Catholick Church , or of the Episcopal College , were regularly directed only to the Bishops , as being the Heads , and Principles of Unity to their respective Churches , as well as written and sent by those of the same Order . And we have a notable Account of this in St. Cyprian's 48th Epistle directed to Cornelius ; for there we learn , That the Presbyters and Deacons of the Church of Adrumetum , having received Cornelius's Communicatory Letters , directed to Polycarpus their Bishop ; and , seeing their Bishop was absent , finding it necessary that they should return an Answer , in his Name , as having his presumed Allowance for it , they wrote to Cornelius in the common Form , acknowledging him as Bishop of Rome , and subjoyning Polycarpus his Name to the Letter : A clear Evidence , That where there was a Bishop , it behoved all the Letters that concerned the publick State of the Church to be subscribed by him , no other Name but his could give them Force , and make them Current . Well! but there was one Thing amiss : St. Cyprian , and the rest of the African Bishops having Intelligence of the Competition that was at Rome between Cornelius and Novatianus , and being unwilling to do any thing rashly , had determined to continue to write only to the Roman Presbyters and Deacons , as before , during the Vacancy ; till Cornelius his Title should be fully cleared to them . This the Clergy of Adrum●tum were ignorant of when they wrote the above-mentioned Letter . And being afterwards told it by Cyprian and Liberalis , they directed their next Letter not for Cornelius , but for the Roman Presbyters and Deacons . Hereat Cornelius was not a little stumbled , and , according to the then current Principles , interpreting it to be a disowning of him as Bishop of Rome , he wrote a Letter of Complaint to Cyprian about it , who was then Metropolitan of that Province . In Answer to which , our Holy Martyr wrote a full Apology to him , shewing him what was true Matter of Fact : Upon what Reasons the Bishops of Africa had taken the aforesaid Resolution : How it was in consequence of that Resolution , that the Clergy of Adrumetum had changed their Direction : And how , by the whole Method , no●●●ng was less intended than to disown him as Bishop of Rome , or Invalidate his Title . And was there not here as clear an Evidence , that Regularly , and in the current Form , all Letters were directed to the Bishop ? Shall I give you another History to clear this Matter further ? When Maximus and Nicostratus retaining to Novatianus , and so separating from Cornelius , did thereby cut themselves off from the Communion of the Church ; Cyprian wrote to them , as well he might , considering that his Design was to Reconcile them to their True Bishop Cornelius . But how did he write ? Why ? so , as that his Letter should not be delivered till Cornelius should see it , and judge whether it was proper to deliver it n Such a special regard was then paid to the Bishop of a Church , as being Supreme in it , and the Principle of Unity to it . If all this doth not satisfie you , then listen a little further , and resist this Evidence if ye can : Because , by the Fundamental Principles of One Faith , and One Communion , every Heretical and Schismatical Bishop was , ipso facto , out of the Church ; and all who retain'd or adhered to him , whether Bishops , Clergy , or Laicks , did run the same Risque with him : Therefore , so soon as any Bishop turned Heretick or Schismatick , the Catholick Bishops of the Province , especially the Metropolitans , formed Lists of all the True , Orthodox , and Catholick Bishops , within their respective Provinces , and sent them to other Metropolitans : And so they were transmitted all the World over . That their Communicatory Letters , and theirs only ▪ might be received , and their Communion , and theirs only , might be allowed ; and that all Heretical or Schismatical , or Retainers to Heretical or Schismatical Bishops , might be rejected , and their Communion refused . And for this we have two notable Testimonies from St. Cyprian , the one is in his 59th Epistle directed to Cornelius , where he tells him , That upon Fortunatus his starting out of the Church , and pretending to be Bishop of Carthage , He had sent him the Names of all the Bishops in Africa , who Govern'd their Churches in Soundness and Integrity , and that it was done by common Advice : But to what purpose ? That you and all my Collegues may readily know to whom you may send , and from whom you may receive Communicatory Lett●s . o The other Testimony is in Ep. 68. where Cyprian having given his Senti●ents fully concerning Marcianus ; that he had forfeited his Dignity ; and that it was necessary , that another should be substituted in his room , & c. requires Stephen Bishop of Rome to give himself , and the rest of the Bishops of Africa , a distinct Account of the Person that should be Surrogated in Marcianus his Place , That we may know , says he , to whom we may direct our Brethren , and write our Letters . p I have only given you a Taste of the Methods and Expedients which were put in Practice in those Times , for preserving the Unity , the One Communion of the One Catholick Church ; and how nicely and accurately it was provided for , by the Incorporation of all Bishops into Ou● College ; of all particular Principles of Unity of particular Churches , into one Aggregated Principle of Unity , proportioned to the Extent of all those Churches in their Aggregation : And by the mutual Support of all Bishops one towards another . It had been easie to have collected more Particulars , as well as to have insisted more largely on these I have collected : But from the small Collection I have made , I think I have laid Foundation enough for another Demonstration against our Author's Notion of a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time . For , How could either Single Presbyter , or Presbyterian Moderator , taking the Terms in the Presbyterian Sense , have born such a Part , in relation to the Unity of the Catholick Church , and the Preservation of One Communion ? Besides , that the College of Bishops , in those Times , is still considered and insisted on , as consisting of Church Governours notoriously distinguished from Presbyters : Besides , that in all St. Cyprian's Writings , or in any Monument of those Times , you shall never , so much as once , find a Bishop calling a Presbyter his Collegue : Besides , that we have not the least Vestige of any such stated , ordinary current Office , in any Record of those Times , as that of a meer Presbyterian Moderator : Besides these Things , I say , How had it been consistent with the Principles or Analogies , the Scheme or Plot of Presbyterian Parity , to have committed to any Single Presbyter , Moderator , or other , the bearing of such a Part , as that He , and He alone , of God knows how many , should have been Constituted a Member of a College , which College , and which alone , had the Supreme Power of Preserving the Faith , and the Unity , and managing all the Affairs of the Church Catholick ? As that all his Admissions into the Church ; his Exclusions from the Church ; his Extrusions out of the Church ; his Suspensions , his Abstentions , his Excommunications , his Injunctions of Penances , his Absolutions , his Ordinations , his Degradations , his Depositio●● ; in a word , all his Acts of Government and Discipline , within his own District , and his alone , should have had Authority , and been deemed Valid , and merited a Ratification all the World over ? As that whosoever , Presbyter or other , within such a District , in which there might have been many Decads of Presbyters , was Disobedient to him , or Top't it with him , or Rebelled against him , should have been reputed Disobedient to , and Rebellious against , the whole College of the Supreme Governours of the Church Catholick ? As that raising an Altar against his Altar , and his only , should have been deem'd Raising an Altar against all Catholick Christian Altars ? As that from him , and from him only , in the regular Course , all Communicatory , Informatory , Con●olatory ; in short , all Letters concerning the Publick Affairs of the Catholick Church , or the Sacred College that Ruled the Catholick Church , should have been R●ceived ? As that to him , and to him alone , all such Letters have been directed ? As that by the Circulation and Reciprocation of Letters betwixt him and his Collegues , and their General Agreement upon any Thing , by that Circulation and R●ciprocation , Laws should have been given to the whole Catholick Church , Canons , as Binding and Obligatory as the Supreme Ecclesiastical Power on Earth could make them ? How could one raised to such a Post , I say , have been no other than a Single Presbyter , or a Presbyterian Moderator ? Doth not his very bearing such a Part , his having such a Trust , his being Cloath'd with such an Eminence , argue him Demonstratively to have been something other , something Greater , something Higher and more Honourable than either ? Thus I have considered a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time , as he stood related to his own Particular , and to the Church Catholick ; and , in both respects , have discovered a vast Discrepance betwixt him , as he was really , and our Author's Notion or Definition of him . Let me only add one Consideration more ; and that is , What Character he bore , what Figure he made , in the Eye of those who were without ; of the Heathen World , especially the Roman Emperours and Magistrates . And here I need not be at much Pains ; the Thing is Obvious : The Christian Bishops , as being the Chief Rulers , the Supreme Governours , the Heads of their respective Churches , were the Chief Butts of all the Heathen Rage and Malice . Take these few of many Evidences . After St. Cyprian had retired from Carthage , in the time of the Decian Persecution , he wrote to his Presbyters and Deacons , and told them how earnest he was to return to the City , but Prudence would not let him . When he considered the Publick Peace of the Church , and how much he , as Bishop , was concerned to Provide for it , and for the Quiet and Safety of the Brethren , he found it necessary for him , thô with mighty Grief , to forbear returning for a time , lest HIS PRESENCE should provoke the Rage and Fury of the Gentiles . So he wrote , I say , in his 7th Epistle . q And in the 12th , directed also to his Presbyters and Deacons , I wish , says he , that my Station and Character , would allow me to be present with you . r In his 20th Epistle directed for the Roman Presbyters and Deacons , he Apologizes for his Retirement after this manner . In compliance with our Lord's Commands , ( pointing , no doubt , at Matth. 10. 23. ) so soon as the Persecution began , and the Rabble , with mighty Clamour , pursued me , I retired for a time , not so much to save my self , as for the publick Quiet of the Church ; and that the Tumult which was already kindled , might not be the more inflam'd by MY OBSTINATE PRESENCE . s And to the same purpose , he Apologizes to his own People for his so long Absence , Ep. 43. Thô he had been long away , yet he durst not return , because of the Threats and Snares of these perfidious Men , ( Felicissimus , and his Fellow-Schismaticks , ) Lest , says he , upon MY COMING , there should be a greater Uproar , and , while as a Bishop ought , in all Things , to provide for Peace and Tranquillity , I should seem to have added Fewel to the Sedition , and to have imbittered the Persecution . t Here , I think , is clear Demonstration of the Episcopal Eminence in the Eye of the Heathen Persecutors : It was a Grief , a Burden , a Torment , a very Crucifixion to St. Cyprian's Soul , to be separated from his Flock , as himself words it . u But he was bound by the Laws of his EPSICOPAL PROVIDENCE , by all means , to study the Peace , the Quiet , the Tranquillity of the Church , and his LOCUS and GRADUS , his Station and Dignity , were so Conspicuous and Eminent , that HIS PRESENCE would have provoked the Gentiles , and increased the Persecution , and therefore he durst not return . And yet this is not all . Consider if what follows is not yet clearer . In his 14th Epistle written to his Presbyters and Deacons , he tells them , That tho he had strong and pressing Reasons to hasten his return , yet he found it more expedient and useful for the publick Peace to continue longer in his Lurking Places ; and Tertullus , one whom they knew , and could not but value , had seriously advised him to be Calm and Cautious , and not to commit himself rashly to the publick View , especially of that Place where he had been so often lain in wait , and made search for ; and therefore he Exhorts and Commands them , ( his Presbyters and Deacons , ) That THEY , whose PRESENCE was n●ither so INVIDIOUS , nor by far so DANGEROUS , might perform the part of Vicars to him . v Here , I think , we have a full Evidence of a fair Discrimination was made betwixt him and his Presbyters by the Heathen Persecutors . And not only so ; but. He tells Cornelius Bishop of Rome , Ep. 59. That he was Proscribed in the Days of the Decian Persecution , and that by Name , as Bishop of the Christians in Carthage , and that he was destin'd for the Lions , & c w And again , Ep. 66. he tells Florentius Pupianus , That his Proscription ran in this Form : If any Man holds or possesses any of the Goods of CAECILIUS CYPRIANUS BISHOP OF THE CHRISTIANS , &c. And thereby makes an Argument , that it was Unaccountable in Florentius not to own him as a Bishop . x And Pontiu● his Deacon tells us , That , when he at last commenced Martyr in t●e Valerian Persecution , in the very Sentence that was given out against him , he was called SECTAE SIGNIFER , the Ring-leader , the Head , the Chiftain of the Sect of the Christians in Carthage . y Would you have yet more ? Then , Take it , not about St. Cyprian's Person , for I think we have enough of him already , but in St. Cyprian's Words : You have them Ep. 55. there he tells Antonianus , That the Emperous Dec●us ( from a Sense , no doubt , that , as Heads of their respective Churches , they were , under God , the great Supporters and Promoters of our Most Holy Faith , ) had such a Spite , such a Pique , at the Christian Bishops , that for Example , He could have heard with greater Patience and Composure , 〈◊〉 another ●mulous Prince should have Rival'd it with him for the Roman Empire , than that a Bishop should have been settled in the City of Rome . z And doth not Eusebius tell us , That the Emperour Maximinus , in that Persecution of which he was the Author , some 22 or 23 Years before St. Cyprian's Martyrdom , Ordered , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief Governours of the Christian Churches , should only be put to Death , as being the Authors of the Propagation of the Gospel ? a So Eminent , in those Times , was the Episcopal Character ; such a Sense had the very Heathens of their being Bishops indeed ; so much , as Bishops , were they Obnoxious to the Fury and Malice of Persecutors ; and so much Reason had St. Cyprian to say , That it mattered not , whence ( whether from Heathens without , or Schismaticks within , if they may be called any way within , ) Terrors or Perils threatned a Bishop , seeing , as such , he was still obnoxious to Terrors or Perils . b Meaning , that , in those Times , Bishops , as Bishops , were still exposed to the first burnt of all Persecutions . As , on the other hand , when the Human Galien●s , who succeeded to Valerianus , stop'd the Persecution which his Predecessor had begun , he began his Imperial R●script , thus , The Emperour Publius Lic●nius Galie●●s , &c. To Dionysius , Pinnas , Demetrius , and the rest of the BISHOPS , &c. and so went on , telling them , How he had ordered his Edict of Grace and Clemency to be Published all the World over ; allowing them to rely upon it , as full Security against all Molestation for the future . c Thus , I say , that Heathen Emperour stopping the Current of a fierce Persecution , and designing Favour and Security to Christians , directed his Letters to the Christian Bishops , as the Persons who were Heads of the Christian Churches , and in all Persecutions had wont to be exposed to the greatest Hazards . Thus , Sir , I have examined our Author's Definition of a Bishop in St. Cyprian's time ; and , if I mistake not , have demonstrated by many solid Arguments , that he was neither Single Presbyter , nor Presbyterian Moderator , in the Presbyterian Sense of the Terms ; but a True Prelate in the strictest propriety of Speech . Consider my Arguments thoroughly , and weigh them only in the Ballance of Iustice , without Prejudice , and without Partiality , and try whether Each of them singly , and much more , all together do not Conclude irrefragably against him . And if they shall be found to be Concludent , I leave it next to you to Determine , whether our Author is not both fairly and formally bound by his Word to confess himself a Schismatick . When I first put Pen to Paper , I had in my Project to have proceeded further , and made it appear as evidently , as what I have now dispatched , That the Episcopal Preheminence which was so notoriously and unquestionably Prelatical in St. Cyprian's time , was no Novel Usurpation , no Late Invention , not at all the Production of the Cyprianic Age , nor any Age later than the Apostles : That St. Cyprian , and all his Contemporaries , firmly believed it to be of Divine Institution ; That they had not Entertained it , having so little Temporal Encouragement , nay , so great and many Temporal Discouragements to Entertain it , if they had not so believed : That they had great Reason for this their Belief ; as fairly founded on our Saviour's own Ordinance ; and fully handed down to them in the constant Practice of the Universal Church from the First Plantation of Christian Churches : That it pass'd amongst them as a common Principle , That Bishops , as I have represented them , Bishops , as they were then , that is , clearly contradistinct from Presbyters and Superiour to them , Bishops as the Heads of , and Principles of Unity to , their respective Churches , were the Rightful , True , and Genuine Successors of the Apostles , in the Supreme visible Ecclesiastical Power of Governing the Churches , whereof they were Bishops . These Things , I say , I had once in my Prospect ; but this Letter has swell'd to such a Bulk already , as , perhaps , may fright you from Reading it : And you may Command me to Prosecute what is lest undone , when you will : And what I have written , as I said , seems to me sufficient , in Point of Argument , for bringing your Author to a Sense of his State , as well as a Candid Confession of it , when 't is thus plainly represented to him : And therefore I Conclude with my Best Christian Wishes to you and him , and all Men. March 28. 1695. FINISH . Advertisement . THere is now in the Press , and will be Published by Michaelmas next , [ An Enquiry into the New Opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland . By A. M. D. D. ] Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59468-e630 a Ad Quest. 1. Sect. 5. b Episcoporum manifesta ubique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se● jure praesidendi , Convocandi , Ordinandi &c. Epit. Isag. ad Hist , Eccles. Nov. Test. Saec. 3. Sect. 6. pag. mi●i , 117. c Sect. 32. p. 28. d Sed nec hujus aevi Ordines Minores , quales Ostiariorum , Copiatarum , Acolythorum , Exorcistarum . p. 119. e Suffrag . 1 , 8 , 31 , 37. f Ep. 23. p. 49. Ep. 69. p. 187. Ep. 75. p. 223. g Hist. Ecd. lib. 6. cap. 43. h Presbyteri & Diaconi in Adrum●tina Consistentes , Polycarpo Co-●piscopo nostro absente , ignorabant quid nobis in Commune placuissit , &c. Ep. 49. p. 91. i Ep. 43. k Ep. 59. l Ep. 59. p. 139. m H. E. lib. 7. cap. 11. n Cum sit , a Christo , una Ecclesia , per totum Mundum , in multa Membra divisa , item Episcopatus unus Episcoporum multorum Concordi Numerositate Diff●sus ; ille , post Dei traditionem , post connexam & ubique conjunctam Catholicae Eccl●siae Unitatu●m , humanam conetur Ecclesiam facere , & per plurimas Civitates , noves Apo●tolos suos mittat , ut quaedam r●c●ntia institutionis suae fundam●nta constituat ; cumque jampridem per OMNES PROVINCIAS & per URBES SINGULAS , Ordinati s●nt Episcopi , in aetate ; antiqui , in ●ide integri , in pr●ssura probati , in persecutione proscripti , ille super eos 〈◊〉 : alios pseudo-episcopos aud●at . Ep. 55. p. 112. o Quanquam sciam , Frater Charissime , Episcopos plurimos Ecclestis Dominicis in TOTO MUNDO divina dignatione praep●sitos , &c. Ep. 63. ab init . - p Divino Sacerdotio honorati , & in Claricis Ministeriis constituti non nist Altari & Sa●rificii● de fervir● , & precibus atque Orationibus vacare debeant . Ep. 1. P. 1. q Ut eum Clero nostro Dominus adjungeret , & desolatam per lapsum quorundam , Presbyterii nostri copiâ Gloriosis Sacerdotibus adornar●t . Ep. 40. p. 79. r Ep. 5. p. 11. s Ep. 59. p. 134. & De Lapsis , p. 128. t Ep. 15 , 16 , 17. sus● , u Ep. 61. p. 144 v 〈◊〉 plane & ad 〈◊〉 , Frater cariss●me , 〈◊〉 & Autho●itate communi , ●t etiam s● qui Presbyteri — Contr● Altare unum atque divi●um , Sacrifici● , foris , falsa & Sacril●g● offerre conati sin● , cos quoque ●ac conditione suscipi , cum revertunt●● , at COMMUNICENT LAICI — Nec debere cos r●vertentes , e● , apud nos , Ordinationis & Honoris arma retinere , quibus contra nos Rebellaverunt : Oport●t enim SACERDOTES — qui Altari & Sacrificiis deserviunt , int●gros atque immaculat●s ess● , &c. Ep. 72. p. 197. vv Christo sunt Ecclesia , plebs Sac●rdoti adunata , & pastori suo Grex adhaerens . Unde scire d●bes Episcopum in Ecclesi●m esse , & Ecclesia in Episcopo , & si qui cum Episcopo non sint , in Ecclesia non esse . Ep. 66. p. 168. x Quis namqu● hic est superbiae tumor ? Quae arrogantia animi ? Quae mentis inflatio ? Ad cognitionem suam , praep●sitos & Sacerdotes vocare ? Ac nis● apud te purgati fucrimus & sententia tua absoluti , ecce jam , sex annis , nec fraternitas habuit Episcopum , nec pl●bs praepositum , nec Grex pastorem , nec Ecclesia Gubernator●m , nec Christus Antistitem , nec Deus Sacerdotem ? Ibid. p. 167. y Praepositus , passim . z Christi adversarius , & Ecclesiae ejus immicus . ad hoc Ecclesiae praep●situm sua infestatione prosequitur , ut Gubernat●r● sublato , atrocius atque violentius circa Ecclesiae Naufragia Grassetur . Ep. 59. p. 130. Vide etiam Ep. 30. p. 56. a Ep. 41. p. 79. b Gubernator , passim , c Rector . Ep. 59. p. 133. d Dux . Ep. 60. p. 141. e Caput . Ep. 45. p. 86. f Iudex . Ep. 59. p. 129. g Et cum incumbat n●bis qui videmur praepositi esse , & VICE PASTORIS custodire Gregem , &c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. ad Smyrn . Edit . Lon● . 1680. p. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Episcopo , nempe , Presbyteris & Diaconis , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Trall . p. 48. & passon . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apud Eusib. H. E. Lib. 6. cap. 43. k Sacerdotii sublime fastigium . Ep. 55. p. 103. l Et cum post primum secundus esse non possit , quisquis post unum , qui solus esse debeat , factus est , non 〈◊〉 ille secundus , sed nullus est . Ep. 55. p. 104. m Quisquis ille est & qualiscunque est , Christianus non est . Ep. 55. p. 112. fuse . n Ep. 44. p. 86. Ep. 45. p. 86. Ep. 46. p. 89. Ep. 59. p. 130. Ep. 61. p. 144. Ep. 68. p. 177. Ep. 69. p. 184. Un. Eccl. p. 110. o Ecclesia enim una est , quae una & intus esse & foris , non potest . Si e●xim apud Novatianum est , apud Cornelium non suit . Si vera apud Cornelium suit , qui Fabiano Episcopo , Legitima Ordinatione successit , & qu●m , praete● Sacerdotii honorem , Martyrio quoque Dominus Glorificavit , Novatianus in Ecclesia non est , nec Episcopus computari potest , qui , Evangelica & Apostolica Traditione contempta , nemini succedens , a seip●o Ortus est : Habere namque aut tenere Ecclesiam nullo modo potest qui Ordinatus in Ecclesia non est : Foris enim non esse Ecclesiam , nec scindi adversum se , &c. Et paulo post , Idcirco Dominus insinuans nobis Unitatem de Divina Auctorstate veni●ntem , ponit & Dicit . Ego & Pater unum sumus : Ad quam unitatem redigens Ecclesiam suam , denuo dicit , Et erit Unus Grex , & Unus Pastor : Si autem Grex unus est , quomodo potest Gregi annumerari qui in numero Gregis non ●st ? Aut Pastor quomodo haberi potest qui ( manente vero pastore , & in Ecclesia D●i Ordinatione succidanea praesidente ) nomini succedens , & a seipso incipi●ns , Alienus sit & profaxus , Dominicae pacis at Divine Unitatis inimicus ; non habitans in do●● Dei , i. e. in Ecclesia Dei , in qua non nist Concordes & Unanimes habitant ? Ep. 69. p. 181 , 182. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eus ▪ b. H. E. Lib. 6. cap. 43. q Nos Cornelium Episcopum Sancti●●i●ae Catholice Ecclesiae Eleclum a Deo Omn●potente , & Christo Domino nostro sci●us . Nos error●m nostsrum 〈◊〉 ; nos imposturam pass● sumus ; circumventi sumus perfidia & Loquacitate captiosa : Non enim ignoramus Unum D●um 〈◊〉 ; Unum Christ●●●●sse Dominum , quem Confess● sumus ; 〈◊〉 Spiritum Sanctum ; Unum Epi●●opum in Catholica Eccl●sia esse d●bere . Ep. 49. p. 93. r Ep. 67. s Ibid. t Ep. 68. u Ep. 36. v Ep. 50 , & 52. vv Ep. 65. x Propter quo●diligenter de Traditiove Divina & Apostolica Observatione s●r●andum & tenendum est , quod apud nos quoque & fere per Provincias Un●versas tenetur , ut ad Ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad ●am Plebem cut praepositus ordinatur , Episcopi ●jusdem Provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & Episcopus deligatur , Plebe praesente , &c : Ep. 67. p. 172. Praecter illud quod in hac eadem Epistola , De Sabino , Legere est , h●jus ritus , tanquam jam tum triti , in Succ●ssore , Narcisso Hierosolymitani . , Substituendo exemplum luculentum habes apud Euseb. l. 6. c. 10. y Pontius in vita Cypr. Euseb. Chron. Hieron . C●tal . z Per omnia Ecclesiastica Offici● promotus — Ad Sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis gradibus ascendit . Ep. 55. p. 103. a Ep. 55. p. 112. b Ep. 67. p. 172. c Ep. 56. p. 115. d Euseb. H. E. lib. 6. c. 19 , 20. e Ibid. f Lib. 7. c. 11 , 22 , 28. g Euseb. H. E. l. 5. c. 4 , 5. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Canon . Apost . 1. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 E●seb . l. 6. c. 43. k Ep. 59. p. 113. l Vide , True Representation of Presb. Gov. Prop. 15. a Unit. Eccl. p. 108. b Unit. Eccl. p. 112. c Sacrificium Deo majus est Pax nostra , & fraterna concordia , & de unitate Patris & Spiritus Sancti plebs adunata . Cyp. de Orat. Dom. p. 149. d Firmil . Ep. inter Cyprianicas 75. p. 217. e Cyp. Un. Eccl. p. 105. f Conc Carth. Suff. 60. g Un. Eccl. p. 117. h Firmil . Ep. inter● Cypr. 75. p. 227. i Euseb. H. E. l. 6. c. 45. k Cyp. Ep. 69. p. 185. l Ibid. Ep. 59. p. 138. m Un. Eccl. p. 108 , 109. n Conc. Carth. Suff. 10. o Cyp. Ep. 51. p. 95. p Ep. 55. p. 103. q Ibid. p. 105. r Ep. 57. p. 117. s Conc. Carth Suff. 1 , 11 , 64 , 87. Ep. 69. p. 180. t Conc. Carth. Suff. 5. u Ib. Suff. 7 , & 21. v Suff. 1 , 31. vv Suff. 1. x Un. Eccl. p. 116. y Cyp. de Orat. Dom. p. 150. z Un. Eccl. p. 116. a Ibid. p. 109. b Cyp. Ep. 69. p. 182. c Un. Eccl. p. 109. d Cyp. Ep. 4. p. 9. e Conc. Carth. Suff. 1. f Suff. 37. g Ep 59. p. 140. h Un. Eccl. p. 114. Con. Carth. Suff. 24. Ep. 55. p. 112. i Un. Eccl. p. 114. k Ibid. l Ep. 69. p. 18● . m Con. Carth. Suff. 60. n Ep. 73. p. 207. o Ep. 72. p. 197. p Un. Eccl. p. 111. Con. Carth. Suff. 29. Ep. 43. p. 83. q Un. Eccl. p. 112. r Ep. 69. p. 180. s Un. Eccl. p. 113. t P. 114 , 117. in Ep. passim . u Un. Eccl. p. 115. Ep. 59. p. 140. v Con. Carth. Suff. 38. vv Ibid. Suff. 49 , 58 , 61. x Ep. 73. p. 203. y Ep. 69. p. 184. z Ep. 43. p. 82 , 85. a Ep. 60. p. 142. b Con. Carth. Suff. 7. c Ibid. Suff. 1. d Dominus noster , cujus praecepta metuere & observare deb●mus , Episcopi honorem , & Ecclesiae suae Rationem disponens in Evangelio , Loquitur & dicit Petro ; Ego dico tibi , quia tu es Petrus , & super istam Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , & portae inferorum non vincent eam ; Et tibi dabo claves regni Caelorum , &c. — Inde per temporum & successionum vices . Episcoporum Ordinatio , & Ecclesi● ratio decurrit , ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur : Et omnes actus Ecclesiae p●r eosdem praepositos Gubernetur . Cum hoc itaque Divina lege fund imeutum sit , miror quosdam audaci ●emeritate sic mihi scribere voluisse , ut Ecclesiae ●omine literas facerent : Quando Ecclesia in Ep●scopo & Clero , & in omn●bu● stantibus sit constituta : Absit enim , ne Domini misericordia & potestas ejus invidiam patiatur , ut Ecclesia esse dicatur Lapsorum numerus . Ep. 33. p. 66. e Deus unus est , & Christus unus , & una Ecclesia , & Cathedra una super Petrum Domini voce fundata . Aliud Altare constitui , aut Sacerdotium novum fieri , praeter unum Altare , & unum Sacerdotium , non potest . Quisquis alibi collegerit , spargit . Adulterum est , impium est , sacrilegum est , quod●unque humano furore instituitur , ut dispositio Divina violetur — Nemo vos , fratres , errare a Domini viis faciat : Nemo vos Christianos ab Evangelio Christi rapiat : Nemo filios Ecclesiae de Ecclesia tollat : Pereant sibi soli , qui perire voluerunt . Extra Ecclesiam soli remaneant , qui de Ecclesia recesserunt . Soli cum Episcopis non sint , qui contra Episcopos Rebellarunt . Ep. 43. p. 83 , 84. f Vide supra , pag. 8. g An ess sibi cum Christo videtur , qui adversus Sacerdotes Christi facit ? Qui s●● Cleri ejus & plebis Societate sec●rnit ? Arma ille contra Ecclesiam portat . Contra Dei dispositionem pugnat . Hostis Altaris ; adversus Sacrificium Christi Rebellis ; pro Fide , Perfidus ; pro Religione , Sacrilegus ; inobsequens servus ; Filius impius ; Frater inimicus ; contemptis Episcopis & Dei Sacerdot●bus derelictis . Constituere audet aliud Altare , precem alteram , illicitis vocibus facere , &c. De Unit. Eccl. p. 116. h Deus unus est , & Christus unus , & una Ecclesia ejus , & Fldes una , & Plebs in solidam Corporis unitatem , Concordiae glutino copulata . Ibid. p. 119. i Haec sunt enim initia Haereticorum , & Ortus atque Conatus Schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , & Praepositum superbo tumore contemnant . Sic de Ecclesia receditur ; sic Altare profanum , foris , collocatur ; sic contra pac●m Christi , & Ordinationem atque Unitat●m Dei Rebellatur . Ep. 3. p. 6. k Neque enim aliunde Haereses obortae sunt , aut nata sunt Schismata quam inde , quod Sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur : Nec unus in Ecclesia , ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad t●mpus Iudex , vice Christi cogitatur . Ep. 59. p. 129. l Inde enim Schismata & Haereses Obortae sunt & Oriuntur , dum Episcopus qui unus est , & Ecclesiae praeest . superba quorundam Praesumptione contemnitur ; & homo Dignitate Dei honoratus , indignus ab hominibus judicatur . Ep. 66. p. 167. m Apes habent Regem , & ducem Pecudes , & fidem servant Latrones ; Mancipi obsequio pleno humilitatis ob●emperant . Quanto simpliciores & meliores vobis sunt brutae pecudes , & muta animalia , & cru●nti licet ac furentes inter Gladios , a●que inter arma praedones ? Praepositus illic agnoscitur & cru●nt licet ac furentes inter Gladios , a●que inter arma praedones ? Praepositus illic agnosciture & timetur , quem non S●ntentia Divina constituit , sed in qu●m factio perdita , & noc●ns Caterva consentit . Ibid. n Hinc Dominicae pacis vinculum rumpitur ; hinc Charitatis fraterna violatur ; hinc adulteratur veritas ; unitas scinditur ; ad Haereses & Schismata Prosilitur : Dum obtrectatur Sac●rdotibus ; dum Episcopis invidetur ; cum quis aut quaeritur non s● potius Ordinatum , aut dedignatur alterum ferre praepositum . De Zelo & Livore , p. 223. o Ne● sibi Plebs blandiatur , quasi immunis esse a Contagio delict● possit , ●um Sacerdo●e peccatore Communicans , & ad injustum & illicitum praepositi sui Episcopat um , consensum suum commoda●s ; qu●●do per O●ee Prophetm ( Hos. 9. 4. ) comminetur & dicat Cens●ra Divina — Docens Scil. & Ostende●s , omnes omnino ad peccatum constringi , qui fuerint profani & injusti S●cerdotis Sacrificio contaminati — Propter quod plebs obsequens praceptis Dominicis , & Deum met●ens a 〈◊〉 praeposit● se debet , nec se ●d Sacrilegi Sacerdotis sacrificia miscere . Ep. 67. p. 171. p Quare et●● aliq●i de Collegis nostris — Deificam Disciplinam negligend●m putant , & cum Basilide & Martiale ●emere communicant — Tamen , qui malis & peccatoribus — 〈◊〉 Communione 〈◊〉 , nocenti●● lactibus 〈◊〉 ; & 〈◊〉 junguntur in culp● , sic nec in p●na separantur . Ibid. p. 175. q Ep. 68. r Virtus ill●c Episcopi praec●de●tis , public● comprobata ●st ; ad●natio sequen●is fraternitatis Oste●s● nitatis Ostensa est ; dum apud vos , unus animus & 〈◊〉 vox est , Eccl●sia omnis Romana Confessa est . Ep. 61. p. 141. s Eo quod congruat Episcopum in ea Civitate in qua Ecclesiae Dominicae prae●st , illic Dominum confiteri , & Plebem universam , praepositi praes●ntis Confessione clarificari . Qu●dcunque enim sub illo conf● ssionis momento , Co●f●ssor Episcopus l●quitur , aspirante D●o , ORE OMNINM loquitur , caeterum mutabilitur Honor Ecclesiae nostrae tam Gloriosae , s● ego Episcopus alterius Ecclesiae praepositus , acceptâ , apud Uticam , super confession● 〈◊〉 , exinde Martyr ad Dominum proficiscar ; quandoquidem Ego & pro ME & pro VOBIS apud VOS confiteri , & exinde ad Dominum proficisci , Orationibus continuis D●precer , &c. Ep. 81. p. 238 , 239. t Vide Ep. 17. p. 39. & De Lapsis , p. 122 , 123. fuse . u O beatum Ecclesiae populum , qui Episcopo suo tali , & Oculis pariter & sensibus , & quod amplius est , publicata voce compassus est , & sicut ipso tractante s●mper audierat , Deo jud ●e Coronatus est ▪ Quamvis enim non potuerit evenire , quod optabant vota communia , ut consortio pacis Gloriae simul pl●bs tota pat●retur ; quicunque sub Christi spectantis Oculis , & sub auribus Sac●rdotis ex animo pa●i voluit , p●r idoneum voti sui testem , Legationis quodam modo literas ad Deum misit . Pontius in vita Cyp. p. 10. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Edit . Lond. 1680. p. 6. vv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 40. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 43. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 17. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 47. a Ep●scopatus unus est , cujus a singul●s in solidum pars tenetur . Cyp. de Un. Eccl. p. 108. b Et cum sit a Christo una Ecclesia , per to●u● Mundum in multa Membra 〈◊〉 ; item , Episcopa●us unus Episcoporum multorum Concordi numerositate diffusus , &c. Ep. 55. p. 112. c Et quamvi● Apostolis omnibus PAREM potestatem tribuat & dicat , &c. Un. Eccl. p. 107. d Hoc ●rant utique caet●ri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus ; PARI CONSORTIO praediti & honoris & potestatis . Ibid. e Man●nte concordiae vinculo , & p●rseverante catholicae Ecclesiae individuo Sacramento , actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquisque Episcopus , rationem prop●siti sui Domino redditurus . Ep. 55. p. 110. f Haec tibi breviter , pro nostra Mediocritate , rescripsimus , Frater carissime , nemini praescribentes aut praejudicantes quo minus unusquisque Episcoporum , quod putant , faciat , hab●ns arbitrii sui liberam potestatem . Ep. 73. P. 210. g Ep. 62. p. 188. h Ep. 66. i Superest ut de hac ipsa re , singuli , quid sentiamu , proferamus ; neminem judicantes , aut a jure Communionis , aliquem , si diversum senserit , ameventes . Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episcopum se Episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem Collegas suos adigit ; quando habeat omnis Episcopus , pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suae , arbitrium proprium ; tamque ab alio judicari non possit , quam nec ipse poterit judicare : Sed expectemus universi judicium Domini nostri Iesus Christi , qui unus & solus habet potestatem & praeponendi nos in Ecclesiae suae Gubernatione & de act● 〈◊〉 nostro judicandi . Opp. Cyp. Tom. 1. p. 229. k Quae autem causa veniendi & Pseudo-Episcopum contra Episcopos factumnuntiandi ? Aut ●●im placet illis quod fecerunt & in s●to scelere perseverant ; aut si displicet & recedunt , sciunt quo revertant●r . Nam cum st●tutum sit omnibus nobis , & aequum sit pariter ac justum , at uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur , ubi est Crimen admissum , & portio Gregis singulis pastoribus sit adscripta , quam regat U●usquisque & Gubernet , rationem sui actus Domino redditurus , oportet utique eos quibus praesumus , no● circumcurfare , nec Episcoporum concordiam cohaerentem sua subdola & fallaci temeritate collidere , sed agere illic causam saum ubi & accusatores habere , & testes sui Criminis possint . Ep. 59. P. 36. l Caeterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint , nolle deponere ; nec propositum suum facile mutate ; sed salvo , inter Collegas , pacis ac Concordiae vinculo , quaedam propria , quae apud se semel sint usurpata retinere . Qua in re , nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus ; cum habeat , in Ecclesiae administratione , voluntatis liberum , unusquisque praepositus , rationem sui actus Domino redditurus . Ep. 72. p. 198. m Vide Ep. 74 , & 75. n Quanquam bene sibi conscius animus ; & Evangelicae Disciplinae vigore subnixus ; & verus sibi , in Decretis Caelestibus , testis effectus , soleat , solo Deo judice , esse contentus ; nec alterius aut Laudes petere , aut Accusationes pertimescere ; Tam●n geminata sunt laude Condigni , qui , cum Conscientiam sciant Deo soli deb●re se judici , actus tamen suos desiderant etiam ab ipsis suis fratribus comprobari , &c. Ep. inter Cyprianicas 30. p. 56. o — Iudex vice Christi cogitatur . Ep. 59. p. 129. p Cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum ass●mere , &c. Ep. 69. p. 184. q Gubernandae Ecclesiae Libram tenentes — Ep. 68. p. 177. r Sacerdotii sublime fastigium , 55. p. 103. s Cum pro Episcopatus vigore , & Cathedrae authoritate , haberes potestatem ; &c. Ep. 3. p. 5. — Si it● res est , — Actum est de Episcopatus vigore . Ep. 59. p. 126. t In Solidum . Un. Eccl. p. 108. u — Actum est de Ecclesiae gubernam●ae sublimi ac Divina potestate . Cyp. ad Cornel. Ep. 59. p. 126. v Neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se Episcoporum constituit . Cyp. in Conc. Carth. p. 129. Nam nec Petrus quem primum Dominus elegit , & super quem aedificavit Ecclesiam suam , cum secum Paulus de circumcisione post modum Disc●ptaret , vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter , aut arroganter assumpsit , ut diceret se Primatum tenere — Ep. 71. p. 194 , 195. vv Vide supra . x Passim . y Vide supra . z Ubicunque fuerit Episcopus , sive Romae , sive Eugubii , sive Constantinopoli , sive Rhegii , sive Alexandriae , sive Tanis , ejusdem Meriti est , & ejusdem Sacerdotii , potetia divitiarum & Paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit . Caeterum omnes Apostolorum Successores sunt . Hieron . ad Evagrium . a Ep. 3. p. 5. b Ep. 4. p. 9. c Ep. 59. p. 128. d Ep. 66. p. 166. e Ep. 69. p. 183. f Ep. 73. p. 201. g Ep. 75. p. 225. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Epist. ad cor . p. mihi , 53. i Ex●rs quaedam & ab omnibus emi●●●●● potestas . k — Et. iccirco quia legitimum & Ecclesiasticum Baptisma consecuti fuerant ( quos Philippus tinxerat ) Baptizari cos ultra non oportebat ; sed tantummodo quod deerat id a Petro & Joanne factum est ; ut Oratione pro iis habita , & manu imposita , invocaretur & infundaretur super eos Spiritus Sanctus : Quod nunc quoque apud nos Geritur , ut qui in Ecclesia Baptizan ur , Praepositis Ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram Orationem ac manus impositionem , Spiritum Sanctum consequantur , & signaculo Dominico Consummentur . Ep. 73. p. 202. l Omnis potestas & Gratia in Ecclesia est , ubi Praesident Majores Natu , qui & Baptizandi & Manum imponendi & Ordinandi possident potestatem . Ep. 75. p. 221. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Apud Euseb. H. E. lib. 6. cap. 43. n — Solus rescribere nihil potui , quand● a primordio Episcopatus m●i , STATUERIM nihil sine consilio v●siro , & sine consensu plebis , mea privatim sententia gerere . Ep. 14. p. 33. o In Ordinationibus Clericis SOLEMUS vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita singulorum Communi Consilio ponderare . Ep. 38 p. 74. p — Cumque 〈◊〉 vos pro 〈◊〉 Vicaris miserim , — Ut aetates c●rum , & Conditiones , & Merit a discerneret●s ; ut jam EGO CUI CURA INCUMBIT , omnes ●ptime nossem , & dignos atque humiles & mites , ad Ecclesiasticae Administrationis ●fficia promoverem , Ep. 41. P. 79. q Addimus plane & conjungimus , fracer c●rissime , ●onsensu & Auctoritate communi , ut etiam si qui Presbyteri ●ut Diaconi ; qui vel in Ecclesia Catholica prius Ordinati fu●int , & postmod●m perfidi & R●bell●s coontra Ecclesiam ●teterins ; vel apud Hereticos a PSEUDO-EPISCOPIS & Anti-Christ●s contra Christi disposition●m , profan● Ordinatione promoti sint , & contra Altare unum atque Divinum , Sacrificia foris falsa ac Sa●ilega ●fferre conati sint ; cos quoque l●●c Conditione suscipi , cum revertuntur , ut Communic●nt Laici , &c. Ep. 72. P. 197. r Caeterum Presbytcrii henorem designasse nos illis jam SCIATIS — S●●●uris nobiscum , provectis & corr●boratis annis suis. Ep. 39. P. 78. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eus●b . Hi●t . Eccl l. 6. c. 43. t Vide Annal. Cyp. ad Ann. 250. Sect. 21. u Id●m est Novatus qui quosdam istic ex fratribus ab Episcopo Segregavit , qui in ipsa persecutione ad evertendas fratrum ●eu●es , alia quaedam persecutio nostris ●uit . Ipse est qui Felicissi●um satelli●●●● suum , Dia●●nu● , nec permittente me , nec scient● , sua factione & ambitione constituit . Ep. 52. P. 97. v Et cum su● tempestate Romam quoque Navigans ad evertendam Ecclesiam ; similia illic & paria molitus est , a Clero porti●nem Pl●bis avellens , Fraternitatis bene sibi cohaerent is & se invicem diligentis Concordiam scindens , plane , quoniam pro magnitudine sua debeat Carthaginem Roma praeced●re , illic major●● & gra●ior● commisit : Qui istic adversus Ecclesiam , Diaconum secerat , illic Episcopum fecit , &c. Ep. 52. P. 97. vv Qu●d vero ad N●vatiani personam pertinet : F. C. de quo desiderasti tibi seribi , quam haeresin introd●xisset , scias nos prim● in l●co , nce curiosos ●sse debere quid ille doceat , cum f●ris doceat . Ep. 55. P. 112. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 y Ep. 40. z Ep. 41 , & 43. a Sed & Per●●grinis , si qui indigentes fuerint , suggeratis , de Quantitate mea propria , quam apud Rogatianum Compresbyterum nostrum dimisi — Ep. 7. P. 14. b Stipes & Oblationes & Lucra desiderant , quibu● prius insatiabiles in●ubabant , & coenis atque ●pulis etiam nunc inhiant , quarum crapulam ●●per sup●rstite indics Cruditate r●ctabant ; nunc manif●stissime Comprobantes , 〈◊〉 ●●te se Religioni , sed ventri potius , & quaestai , profan●● Cupiditate serviss● . Ep. 65. P. 163. c Vide Ep 67. P. 173. d Cumque post haec ●mnia , nec Loci mei honore motus — In quo quid●m gratulor pluri●●●s Fratres ab hac audacia r●cessisse , & vobis acqu●escere maluiss● , ●t cum Ecclesia matre reman●rent , & stipendia ●jus , EPISCOPO DISPENSANTE perciperent . Ep. 41. P 80. e Caeterum Presbyteri● honorem designasse nos illis jam sciatis ut & sportu●is iisd m cum Presbyteris hon●r●ntur , & divisiones mensur●as equatis quantitatibus particu●ur . Ep. 38. P. 78. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Vid● Clariss . Dodwel . Differt . Cyp. 1. Sect. 9. h Eus●b . H. E. I. 4. c. 23. i Bene autem & quod Episcopi Universae Plebi j●junia mandare ●ssolent : Non dice de industria stipium Conferend 〈◊〉 at vestra captura est , s●d interdum ex aliqua solicitudinis Eccle●iasticae causa . Te●t De Jejun . cap. p 3. k — Omni igitur actu ad M E perlato , placuit contrahi Pr●sbyt●rium — His it● 〈◊〉 in Pr●sbyteri●m venerant — Summis precibus desiderantes ut ea quae ante fu●rant Gesta in Oblivion●m cederent — Quod erat c●ns qu●ns , ●mnis his actus populo fuer at insinu●ndus , ut & ipsos vid●rent , in Eccl●sia constitutos — Magn●s frat●rnitatis concursus factus est . — Una ●r at v●x 〈◊〉 grati●s 〈◊〉 ●gentium — Et ut ips●rum propria verba design● , nos inqui●nt Cornelium Episcop●● sanctissimae Ecclesiae , &c. Ep. 49. P. 92 , 93. l Certi famus , Frater carissime , t● quoque nobiscum pari v●to conga●dere , nos habito C●nfili● , utilitati●us Ecclesiae & paci magis Cons●●l●●tes , ●mnibus rebus pratermissis , & j●dicio Dei reservatis , cum Corneli● EPISCOPO NOSTRO Parit●r & cum Universo cl●ro pac●n fecisse cum Gaudio 〈◊〉 Universae Ecclesiae , pr●na etiam omnium Caritate . Ep. 53. P. 98. m Et quoniam mihi inter●sse nunc non permittit Loci conditio , Peto vos pro fide & Religione vestra , fungamini illic & vestris partibus & mcis. Ep. 5. p. 10. n Atque utinam Loci & Gradus mei conditio permitteret ut IPSE nunc praesons esse possem — Sed Officium MEUM vestr● diligentia Representet . Ep. 12. p. 27. o Hort●r & Mando — Vice mea fungamini . Ep 14 P. 31. p Cum ego vos pro me Vicarios miserim . — Felicissimus — accipiat senteatiam quam prior d●xit , ut Abstentum se a nobis sciat : — Sed & Augendus s●nt●ntiam ferat — Et quisquis se conspirationi & factioni ejus adjunxerit , sciat se in Ecclesia nobiscum non esse Communicaturum . Ep. 41. P. 79. q Caldonius cum Herculano & Victore Collegis ( i. e. Episcopis ) item cum Rogatiano & Numidico Presbyteris , Cypriano salutem . Abstinuimus communicatione Felicissimum & Augendum , &c. Ep. 42. P. 81. r Nos tantum qui D●mino permittente primum Baptisma credentibus damus . P. 168. s Manif●stum est , aut ubi & per quos Remissa peccatorum da●i potest , quae in Baptismo scilicet dat●r ; nam Petro primum Dominus , ●●per quem ●dificavit Ecclesiam , & unde unitatis Originem instituit & ostendit , potestatem ●●tem dedit ut id solveritur in Caelis quod ille solvisset in Terris . Et post R●surrectionem quoque ●d Apostolos loquitur , dicens , Sicut misit me Pater , &c. — Unde intelligimus non ni●i in Ecclesia praepositis , & in Evangelica lege ac Dominica Ordinatione fundatis , licere Baptizare , & Remissum peccat●rum dare : Foris autem nec lig●ri aliquid posse nec solvi , ubi non sit q●i aut ligari possit , aut solvere . Nec hoc F. C. sine Scripturae divine Auctoritate proponimus , ut dicamus certa lege cuncta esse disposita nec posse quenquam contra Episcopos & Sacerd●tes Usurp●re sibi aliquid , quod non sit sui juris & potestatis ; nam & Chore , & Dathan & Abyron , contra Moysen & Aaron Sacerdotem sacrifi●andi sibi Licentiam Usurpare conati sunt : N●c 〈◊〉 quod illicite ausi sunt , impune s●cerunt . Ep. 73. P. 201. t Iesus Christus Dominus noster & Deus , Dei Patris & Creatoris Filius , super Petram aedificavit Ecclesiam suam , non super Haeresin ; & Potestatem Baptizandi Episcopis dedit , non Haereticis : Quare qui extra Ecclesiam sunt , & contra Christum stantes , oves ●jus & Gregem spargunt , Baptizari non possunt . Conc. Carth. Suff. 17. u Dandi quidem jus habet summus Sacerdos qui est Episcopus ; dehinc Presbyter● & Diaconi , won tamen sine Episcopi Auctoritate . Cap. 17. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ad Smyrn . p. 6. vv Hi sublat● honore qu●m n●bis beati Martyres — Servant , contempt●● Domini lege — quam iidem Martyres — tenendam manda●t — ante reditum nostrum Commumunicent cum lapsis , & offerant , & Eucharistiam trad●nt . Ep. 16. P. 38. x Honor ergo datur Deo , quando sic Dei Maj●stas & Censura contemnitur ut cum se ille indignari & irasci Sacrificantibus dicat , & ne ira cogitetur Dei ; ne timeatur judicium Domini ; ne puls●tur ad Ecclesiam Christi : Sed sublata paenitentia , nec ulla e● homologesi Criminis facta , Despectis Episcopis atque Calcatis , Pax a Presbyteris verbis fallacibus praedicetur & Communicatio a non Communicantibus offeratur . Ep. 59. P. 135. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. H. E. lib. 6. c●p . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ign. ad Smyrn p. 6. a Nam &c Core , & Dathan , & Abyron , cum Sacerdote Aaron & Moyse , eundem Deum noverant , pari leg● & Religio●● viventes , ●um & verum Deum qui 〈◊〉 atque invoc●ndus fuer●s , inv●●abant . Taman qu●● Loci sui Ministerium transgressi contra Aaron Sacerdotem , qui Sacerdotlum legitim●m Dignatione Dei atque Ordinatione percep●rat , Sacrificandi sibi Licentiam vindicar●nt , Divinitus percussi — Nec 〈◊〉 rata ess● & proficere Sacrificia , irreligiose & illicite contra jus Divinae dispositionis oblata . — Et tamen illi Schisma non fecerant ; n●c for as egressi — Quod nunc hi Ecclesiam scindentes , & contra pa●em & unitatem Christi rebelles , Cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum assumere , & Baptizandi atque Offerendi licentiam vindi●are conantur . Ep. 69. P. 184. a Vi●e ●p . 43. & vit . 〈◊〉 po●●ea 〈◊〉 . b Sollicitudo Loci nostri , & timor Domini compellit , fortissimi & ●eatissimi Martyres , admonere vos literis ●ostris , ut a quibus tam devote & fortiter servatur fides Domino , ab iisdem Lex quoque & Disciplina Domini reservetur . Nam cum omnes milites Christi custodire oporteat praecepta imperatoris sui , tum vos magis praeceptis ejus obtemperare plus convenit , qui exemplum caeteris facti estis & virtutis & tim●ris Dei. Et credideram quidem Presbyteros & Diaconos qui illic praesentes sunt , monere vos & instruere plenissime circa Evangelii legem , sicut in praeteritum s●mper sub Antecessoribus nosiris factum est — Sed ●unc cum maximo a●●imi dolore cognosco , non tantum illic vo●is non suggeri Divina Praecept●● , sed adhuc potius impediri , ut ea — a quibusdam Presbyteris r●solvantur , qui nec timorem Dei , nec Episcopi honorem cogitantes — Contra Evangelii legem — ante actam paenitentiam , ante exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab Episcopo & clero in paenitentiam impositam , offerre pro illis , & Eucharistiam dare , i. e. sanctum Domini Corpus profanare audeant . — Et Lapsis quidem potest in hoc venia concedi : Quis enim no●● mortuus vivificari properet ? Quis non ad salutem suam venire festinet ? Sed praeposit●●rum est praecept●●m tenere , & vel properantes , vel ignorantes instrucre , ne qui ovium Pastores esse debe●●● . Lanii fiant . — Petitiones & desideria vestra Episcopo servent , &c. Ep. 15. P. 33 , 34. c Vide De Lapsis , P. 129 , 131 , 138. Ep. 16. P. 37. EP. 17. P. 39. Ep. 36. P. 70. d Di● patientiam m●am tenui . F. C. quasi verccundum silentium n●strum pr●ficeret ad quiet●m . S●d cum qu●r●ndam immeder●ta & abrupta praesumptio , temeritate sua , & honorem Martyrum , & Confessorum pudorem , & Pl●bi● 〈◊〉 tranqui●●ia●em turbare conetur , tacere ultra non oportet . — Quid enim non periculum metuere deb●●us de offensa Domini ; quando aliqui de Presbyteris , nec Evangelii , n●c Loci sui memores ; sed n●que futurum Dom●ni judicium , neque n●nc sibi Praepositum Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam ●mnin● sub antecessoribus factum est , cum Contumeli● & C●ntemptu Praepositi totum sibi vindicnt ? Cont●●umeliam Episcopatus nostri dissimulare & ferre possem , sicut dissimulavi semper & pertuli , sed dissimulandi nunc L●cus non est , quand● decipia●ur fratcrnitas nostra , a quibusdam vestrum ; qui du● si●e rati●ne restituendae salutis plausibil●s esse cupiunt , magis Lapsis obsunt — Exponunt deinde invidiae Beatos Martyres , & Glorios●s s●rvos Dei cum Dei Sacerdot● committunt . — Interim Temerarii & Incauti & Tumid● quidam inter vos , qui hominem non cogitent , vel Deum timeant ; scientes quoniam si ●ltra in iisdi● pers●veraverint , utar ea admonitione , qua me uti Dominus jubet , ut interim prohibeantu● offerre ; Acturi & apud nos & apud Conf●ssores ipsos , & apud Plebem universam , causam suam , cum , D●m●na permittence , in 〈◊〉 matris Ecclesiae Colligi caeperimus . Ep. 16. P. 36 , 37 , 38. imo l●ge totam Epist. e Audio tamen quosdam de Presbyteris ne● Evangelii memores — Nec Episcopo honorem Sacerdotii sui & Cathedrae r●servantes , jans cum Lapsis communicare caepisse — Vos quid●m Nostri Presbyteri & Diaconi 〈…〉 as sibi Oves fov●rent . — Eg● Plebis nostrae & quietem 〈◊〉 pariter & tim●rem , qui in satisfactione Dei & deprecatione vigilar●nt , nisi illos quidem de Presbyteris GRATIFICANTES dec●pissent . Vel vos itaque ' singulos regite , & Consilio ac M●deratione v●stra , & secundum divina praec●pta Lapsorum anim●s temperate , &c. Ep. 17. P. 39. f Miror v●s , F. C. ad multas Epistolas meas qua● ad vos frequenter , misi , nunqua●t mihi rescripsisse , cum fraternitatis n●strae vel utilitas vel necessitas sic utique guber●●tur , s●● vobis instructi , rerum gerendarum Consilium limare po●●mus . Ep. 18. P. 40. g Rational Defence of Non-Conformity , P. 179. h Ad has l●quimur , has ad hortamur ●ffectione potius quam potestate : Non quod extremi & minimi & humilitatis nostrae admodum conscii , aliquid adCensuram licentiae vindicemus , &c. De Hab. Virg. p. 94. i Si nos Dominus humiles & quietos — Conspexerit , tutos ab inimici infestationibus exhibebit . Ep. 11. P. 26. k Et quisquam per ipsum ( Christum ) nunc , atque in ipso vivens ext●llere se audet & superbire ? Ep. 13. P. 30. l Vide Superius Citata , ex Ep. 16. m Nec nos putes , F. C. nostra & human●● conscribere , at ultronea voluntate hoc nobis audacter assumere , cum Mediocritatem nostram semper humili & verecunda m●deratione ten●amus . Ep. 63. P. 148. n Humilitatem meam & Fratres omnes , & Gentiles quoque optime norunt & diligunt . Ep. 66. P. 166. o Et enim omnibus in Tractatu major , in Sermone facundior , in Consilio sapientior , in patientia simplicior , in Operibus largior , in Abstinentia sanctio● , in Obsequio humilior , & in actu bon● innocentior . Ep. 77. P. 234. P Pectus illud tuum Candidum ac Beatum — Ep. 78. P. 235. — De Animi 〈◊〉 — Ep. 79. P. 236. q Pontius in vi● a Cyp. P. 3. r Non me terret Auctoritas Cypriani , quiae reficit humilitas Cypriani . August . l. 2. De Baptism● . s Quam periculosum sit ●ut●m in Divinis rebus ut quis cedat jure 〈◊〉 & po●estate , &c. Ep. 73. p. 209. t L●gi literas vestras , F. C. quibus scripsist is salubre Consilium vestrum non deesse fratribus nostris , ut temeraria festi●atione deposita● , Religios●m patientiam Deo praebeant , ut cum in unum per ejus mis●ricordiam venerimus , de omnibus speciebus secundu●m Ecclesiasticam Disciplinam tractare possimus . — Quoniam tamen significastis quosdam immoderatos ●sse & Communicationem accipiendam festinanter urgere ; Et. desiderastis in hac re FORMAM ● me vabis dari , &c. Ep. 19. p. 41. u Item Presbyteris & Diaconibus non defui● Sacerdotii vigor , ut quidam D●sciplinae minus m●mores , & t●meraria festinatione praecipites qui tam lapsis communicare jam caeperant compri●mer●●tur . Ep. 20. p. 43. v Page vv Quanqua● nobi● diff●r●ndae h●jus rei necess●tas major incumbat , quibus , post excessum nobilissimae memoriae viri Fabiani , nendum est Episcopus propter re●●●n & te●porum difficultates constitutus , qui ●mnia ist●● mod●r●tur , & eorum qui Lapsi sunt possi● cum AUCTORITATE & Consilio habere Rationem . Ep. 30. p. 59. x Q●anquam nobis in tam ingenti negotio place at quod & tu ipse tractasti , prius Ecclesiae pa●●m sustinendum , deinde , sic collatione Cons●lior●m cum Episcopis , Presbyteris , Diaconis , Confessor●bus p●●riter ac st●ntibus lai●is facta , Laps●ram tractar● rationem . Perquam ●nim nobis & invidiosum & On●rosum vid●●●r , non per mult●s Examinare , quod per ●ultos Comm●ssum videatur fuisse ; & 〈◊〉 sententiam dicere cum tam grande Crimen per mul●os diffusum not●tur exisse ; quoniam nec●firmum d●cr●●●um pot●●● esse●quod non plurimorum v●debitur habuisse consensum . Ibid. y Cujus temperam●nti Moderamen nos hic tenere quaerentes , diu , & quide● m●lti , & quidem cum quibusdam Episc●pi● 〈◊〉 nobis & appropinquantibus & quos ex aliis provinciis longe p●sit is Persecutionis i●tius ardor ej●●●rat , antc Constitu●ionem Episcopi nih●l i●●ovandum put avimus , sed L●psorum curam Medi●criter temperandam esse Credidimus , ut , in●erim , dum Episcopus dari a Deo nobis sustinetur , in suspenso ●orum qui Moras possunt dilationis sustin●r● , caus●● t●neatur . Ibid. p. 60. z Et cum incumbit nobis qui VIDEMUR praep●siti esse , & VICE PASTORIS custod●re Gregem . Ep. 8. p. 16. a Sed ipsos cohortati s●●us & hortamur ager● p●●nitentiam 〈◊〉 qu●m●do indulgentiam p●terunt recipere ab ●O QUI POTEST PRAESTARE . Ibid. p. 17. b Quarum jam ●ausa audita , praeceperunt 〈◊〉 Praep●siti tantisper sic esse , donec Episcopus Constituatur . Ep. 2● p. 46. c Pete ergo Cypriane carissim● ut nos gr●tia su● Dominus — armet & illustret — Cui ●nim magis haec ut pro nobis p●tat , mandare debemus , quam tam Glorioso Episcopo ? — Ecce aliud gaudium nostrum quod in Officio Episcopatus tui , licet interim , a fratribus pro temporis conditione distractus es , tamen non defu●sti — Animadvertimus enim te congruente censura & eos digne ●bj●rgass● , qui immemores ●elictorum su●rum , pac●m a Presbyteris , p●r absentiam tuam , f●stinata & praecipiti cupiditate extorsissent , & ILLOS qui ●ine respectu Evangelii , Sanctum Dom●ni Ganibus , & Margari●●● por●is , profan● facilitate donassent . Ep. 31. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Can. Ap. 39. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignat. Epist. p. 6. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 7. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 13. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 20. hh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 43. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. 47 k Meminisse autem Diaconi debent , quoniam Apostolos , i. e. Episcop●s & Praepositos Dominus elegit : Diaconos autem post ascensum Domini in Caelos Apostoli sibi constituerunt Episcopatus 〈◊〉 & Ecclesiae Ministros — Et ideo op●rtet Diaconum de quo scribis ag●re ●udaciae suae paenit●ntiam & honorem Sac●rdotis agnoscere , & Episcopo PRAEPOSITO su● pl●na humilitate satisfacere . Ep. 3. p. 6. l In quo vobis quoque plurimum gratulor quod ●jus m●moriam tam celebri & illustri testimonio pros●quamini , ut per vos innotescat nobis quod & vobis ess●t ●●rca PRAEPOSITI memoriam Gloriosum , & nobis qu●que fidei a● virtutis praeberet Exemplum . Ep. 9. p. 19. m Nam cum gaudere in hoc omnes fratres opor●et , tum in gaudio communi major est Episcopi portio : Eccle●iae enim Gloria , PRAEPOSITI Gloria ●st . Ep. 13. n Vide supra , 〈◊〉 o Quam unitatem firmiter ten●re & vindicare d●bemus , maxime Episcopi qui in Ecclesia PRAESIDEMUS . De Unit. Eccl. p. 108. p Misimus aut●m ●sest●rtium c●nt●m millia nummum , quae istic in Ecclesia cui Domini indulgentia PRAESUMUS , Cleri & Plebis apud nos consistentis collatione collecta sunt . Ep. 62. p. 147. q Inde enim Schismata & Haereses obortae sunt & Oriuntur , d●●m Episcopus qui unus est & Ecclesiae PRAEEST , superba quorundam praesumptione cont●mnitar — Ep. 66. p. 167. r Optaveram quidem F. C. ut Universum clerum NOSTRUM integrum & incolumem meis literis salu●arem . Ep. 14. p. 31. s Vos quidem n●stri Presbyteri & Diaconi , monere debuerant — Ep. 17. p. 39. t Et quoniam oportuit me per Cler●cos scribere , sci● autem NOSTROS plurimos abesse — Ep. 29. P. 55. u Ut ●um cler● NOSTRO Dominus adjunger●t , & desolatam per Lapsum quorundam PRESBYTERII NOSTRI copiam Gloriosis Sacordotibus adornaret . Ep. 40. p. 79. v Urbanus & Sidonius Confessores ad Presbyters NOSTROS venerunt . Ep. 49. p. 92. vv Interea●●●●si quis imm●deratus & praeceps , ●ive de NOSTRIS Presbyteris vel Diaconis — Ep. 34. p. 68. x Ad te , Exempl●● literarum — miseram , quae de ●odem Felicissimo & de Presbyterio 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 istic NOSTRUM — scripseram . Ep. 45. p. 8● . y — Cum Cornelio Episc●p● NOSTRO pariter & cum universo cler● pacem fecisse — Ep. 53. p. 98. z Et tu quid●m ●●●orifice circa nos , & pro soli●a tua humili●at● facisti , ut malles de co Conqueri cum pro Episcopatus vigore & Cathedrae Auctorita●● haberes potestatem , qua posses de illo statim vindicari . Ep. 3. p. 5. a Oportet Diaconum , agere audaciae suae paenitentiam , & honorem Sucerdotis agnoscere — b Qu●d si ultr● te Contumeliis suis exacerbav●rit & pr●vocaveri● , fungeris ciroa cum 〈◊〉 state honoris 〈◊〉 ut ●um vel DEPONAS vel ABSTINEAS . c Et si qui alii tales extiterint , & contra Sacerdotem Dei fecerint , vel COERCERE poteris , v●l ABSTINERE . d — SACERDOTALI LICENTIA — Ibid. p. 6 , 7. e Hoc enim quorundam Presbyterorum malignitas & perfidia perfecit , ne ad vos ante diem Paschae venire licuisset : Dum Conjurationis suae memores , & antiqua illa contra Episcopatum meum — ven●na retin●ntes , instaurant veterem contra nos impugnationem suam , & Sacrilegas Machinationes insidiis solitis denuo revocant . Et quidem de Dei providentia nobis hoc nec volentibus , nec optantibus , imo & ignoscentibus , & tacentibus , p●●nas quas meruerant rependerunt , ut a nobis non ●jecti , ultro se ej●cerent ; ipsi in se , pro Conscientia sua , s●ntentiam darent ; — Conjurati & Scelesti de Ecclesia sponte se pell●rent . Ep. 43. p. 81 , 82. f Invitus dico , s●d dicam necesse est : Quidam illi restiterunt , etiam ut vinceret . Quibus tamen quanta l●nitate , quam patienter , quam b●nevolenter indulsit , quam Clementer ignovit , amicissimos cos postmodum & inter nec●ssarios computans , mirantibus multis ? Cui enim possit non esse Miraculo , tam memoriosae mentis oblivio ? P●nt . in Vita Cyp. p. 3 , 4. g Int●rea si quis immoderatus 〈◊〉 praeceps sive de nostris Presbyteris v●l Diaconibus , ●ive de P●regrinis , ausus fuerit ante SENTENTIAM NOSTRAM Communicare cum Lapsis , a Communicatione nostra acceatur ; apud omines 〈◊〉 n●s c●us●m 〈…〉 Permittente Domino , conve●●●●●nus . Ep. 34. p. 68. h Si quis autem paenitentiam agere , & D●o satisfacere detrectans , ad Felicissimi & satellitum ejus partes concesserit , & se haereticae factioni c●●junx●rit ; sciat se postea ad Ecclestam redire & 〈◊〉 Episcopis & Plebe Christi C●mmunicare non posse . Ep. 43. p. 85. i Vide Ep. 45. p. 98. k Legi literas tuas , F. C. — quibus significasti , Felicissimum host●m Christi — abstentum & non tantum me● , sed plurimor●m Co-episcoporum sententia condemnat●m 〈…〉 illic ●sse rejectum , &c. Ep. 59. P. 126. l Ep. 55 , & 68 m Lib. 13. c. 14. n Privatus Lambesitanus — Fortunatum sibi Pseudo-Episcopum dignum COLLEGIO SUO fe●it . Ep. 59. P. 132. o — Ut Plebe pr●●sente vel detegantur malorum Crimina vel bonorum merita praedicentur — Episcopus deligatur Plebe praesente quae singulorum vit●m plenissime 〈◊〉 vit , &c. Ep. 67. P. 172. p Ibid. q Ep. 45. P. 87. r De Cypri●no Metropolitano , Vide Ep. 43. p. 82. Ep. 44. p. 85. Ep. 45. p. 87. Ep. 48. p. 91. Ep. 55. p. 110. Ep. 56. p. 116. Vide etiam Conc. Carthag , De Agrippino , Ep. 71. p. 196. Ep. 73. p. 199. s Metropolitanor●m , seu Episcoporum in Urbe Matrice , vel prima sede , sua fuerunt , hac ●tate , supra reliquos ejusdem Provinciae jura . Spanhem . Epit. I say . ad H. E. N. T. Saec. 3. Sect. 6. p. 117. t Ep. 44. p. 83. u Ep. 59. p. 135. v Collegis omnibus fidelit●r junctu . Ep. 59. p. 130. w Ep. 45. x Et factus est Episcopus a plurimis Collegis nostris qui tun● in Urbe Roma aderant , qui ad n●s lit●ras h●m●rificas & laudabiles , & testimonio su● praedicationis illustres , de ejus Ordinatione miserunt , Ep. 55. p. 104. y Iccirco enim , F. C. copiosum corpu● est Saccrdotum concordiae mutuae glutino , atque unitatis vinculo copulatum , ut si quis ex Collegio nostro baer●sin facere , & Gregem Christi lacerare & vastare t●ntavr●t , subveniant caet●ri , & quasi Pastores utiles & m●sericord●s , oves Dominic●s in Gregem colligant . Ep. 68. p. 178. z Nam etsi Pastores multi sumus , unum tam●n Gr●g●m pascimus . Ibid. a — S●latium nostrae ●pitul●tionis — Ibid. p. 177. b Ep. 59. p. 126. c Ep. 44 d — Librato apud nos , diu , Consilio , satis fuit Objurgare Therapium Collegam nostrum , quod tem●re h●c fecerit — pacem t●men quomodocunqu● a Sacerdote Dei s●mel d●tam , non p●tavimus aufere●dam , ac per hoc Victori communicatione● sibi concessam usurpare permisimus . Ep. 64. p. 158. e Ep 55. p. 102 , 103. f Ep. 67. P. 174. g Ep. I. p. I. h Vide Euseb. H. E. l. 5. a c. 23. ad c. 28. i Euseb. l. 7. c. 30. k Et quoniam oportuit me per Clericos scribere — Ep. 29. p. 55. i Librum tibi cum Epistolis numero quinque mist — Quae Epist●l● jam plurimis Collegis nostris missae placu●runt , & rescripserunt se quoque nobiscum in ●●dem Consili● secundum Catholicam fidem stare ; quod ipsum et●am-tu ad Coll●gas nostros , quos p●tueris transmitte ; ut apud omnes unus Actus , & una Consentio secundum Domini praecepta t●neatur . Ep. 25. p. 50. m Ep. 55. p. 102. n Ep. 47. o — Et miserim tibi proxime nomina Episcoporum istic constitutorum qui integri & sani in Ecclesia Catholica fratribus praesunt . Quod utique ideo de omnium nostrorum C●nf●lio placuit scribere ; ●t ●rroris diluendi — c●mpendium fieret , & sciru ●u & College n●strl , quibus scribere , & literas mutuo a quibus vos accipere op●rteret . Ep. 59. p. 132. p Significa plane nobis quis in locum Marciani Arelate fuerit substitutus , ut sciam●s 〈◊〉 quem fratres nostros dirigere , & cui scribere debeamus . Ep. 68. p. 179. q Oportet n●s t●men pac● c●mmuni consu●re , & in●erdum deesse vobis , ne PRAESENTIA NOSTRI INVIDIAM ET VIOLENTIAM GENTILIUM PROVOCET . Ep. 7. p. 14. r Atque utinam LOCI & GRADUS mei cond●●●o permitt●r●t , ut IPSE PRAESENS esse possem , Ep. 12. p. 27. s Nam sic●t Domini mandata instruunt , ort● statim turbationis impetu primo , cum ME cl●more violento frequenter popul●s flagitasset , non tam mean salutem quam quietem fratrum p●blicam cogi●ans , interim s●cessi ne per INVERECUNDAM PRAESENTIAM NOSTRAM , seditio quae caeperat , plus pr●vocaretur . Ep. 20. p. 42. t Acc●ssi●●uic tabescenti animo nostro Dolor major , qu●d in tanta sollicitud●ne , ac necessitat● , excurrere ad vos IPSE non possum ; dum per minas & per insidias perfid●rum Cavemus , ●e . ADVENIENTIBUS NOBIS Tumultus illic major oriatur ; & cum paci & tranquillitati EPISCOPUS Providere in omnibus debeat , IPSE materiam Seditioni dedisse , & Persecutionem exacerbasse videatur . Ep. 43. p. 83. u Ep. 43. p. 83. v — a. Tertullo — qui etiam ●uj●s C●●silii auctor suit , ut cautus & m●leratus ●x●ster●m , ne me in conspectum publicum , & maxime ejus loci ubi toties flagitat●● & quasitus fuissem , temere commiiterem . Fretns ergo Dilectione & Religion● vestra , quam satis novi , his literis & Hor●●r & Mondo ut VOS quor●m minime illic INVIDIOSA , & non ●deo ▪ PERICULOSA PRAESENTIA est , VIGEMEA 〈◊〉 , &c. Ep. 14. p. 31. w — in tempestate pros●riptus , applicito & adjuncto EPISCOPATUS SUI NOMINE , tot●es ad Leonem petitus , &c. Ep. 59. p. 130. x Si quis tenet vel possidet de bouis Caecil● i Cypriani Episcopi Christianorum : Ut ●●iam qui non credebant Deo Episcopum constitu●nti , vel Diabol● crede●●nt Episcopum pr●scribenti . Ep. 66. p. 166. y Vide Pont. in vita Cyp. p. 9 , 10. z Cum mult● patientius atque tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se aemulum principem , quam constitui Romae Dei Sacerdotem . Ep. 55. p. 104. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. H. E. l. 6. c. 24. b Nec interest unde Episcopo aut terror aut periculum veniat , qui terroribus & periculis vivit obnoxius . Ep. 59. p. 126. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Euseb , l. 7. c. 13. 
A65355	----	A sermon preached in the high church of Edinburgh at the election of the magistrates of the city, on the 2d of Octob. 1694 / by James Webster. Webster, James, 1658?-1720. 1694 Approx. 28 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65355 Wing W1208 ESTC R26310 09427448 ocm 09427448 43046 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65355) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43046) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1319:21) A sermon preached in the high church of Edinburgh at the election of the magistrates of the city, on the 2d of Octob. 1694 / by James Webster. Webster, James, 1658?-1720. 15, [1] p. Printed by George Mosman, Edinburgh : 1694. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Sermons. Justice, Administration of -- Moral and ethical aspects. Scotland -- Politics and government -- 1689-1745. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-11 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-12 Apex CoVantage Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-01 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-01 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON Preached in the High Church OF EDINBURGH , At The ELECTION Of the MAGISTRATES of the CITY . On the 2d of Octob. 1694. By JAMES WEBSTER , Minister of the GOSPEL . EDINBURGH . Printed by George Mosman , and are to be Sold at his Shope in the Parliament Closs . 1694. Psal 101 , verse 1. 2. I will sing of Mercy and Judgement — O when wilt thou come unto me ? THE best , and most perfect model of Government ever obtain'd in the World , the Jews enjoy'd under their Judges ; It being indeed a pure Theocracy ; God himself was their political Head and King , and ( as it were ) their Supreme Magistrate , both Sacred and prophane History , bear witness to this : In Him were Lodg'd all the Prerogatives Royal , all the Rights of Majesty ; He gave them their Laws immediatly from Heaven , went forth before their Armies , fought their Battels , appointed their Rulers , Deputies under him , and exacted from them Tribute . Briefly after a narrative of his Glorious Appearances , and mighty Works for them , and of their deep Obligations to him ; He Offers , and they accept of him to be their King , And by a mutual Covenant they bind themselves one to another . But His stupid People , ignorant of their true interest , and weary of their Happiness , shake off the yoke of God , and exchange it for mans , call to Samuel to give them a King ; And by no means would be diverted from their Rebellion and Treason ; Having ( 't is likely ) a design at once to change their God and their King , to throw off their Religion and their Allegiance together . However , in Anger they have their desire , They get a King who lived Wicked and died Miserable . To him doth our Psalmist succeed , according to a promise the Lord had given him ; And betwixt the promise and its accomplishment , ( as some think ) or immediatly afte the accomplishment ( as others ) he composes this Psalm , where he comes under solemn Engagements and Vows , not to abuse his power as Saul had done ; but to employ and manage it for God I 'le sing &c. The Psalm is one contiuued chain of David's Resolutions to Govern for the Lord ; And in our Text , he promises to have a particular regard to Righteousness and Mercy , the two Great Vertues of a Ruler , and the two Great Pillars of a Government : This Mercy is a Generous Compassion , inclining Rulers , to Observe , Countenance , Hearken to , Judge and Reward , the Good , the Innocent , and the Oppressed : He binds and obliges himself to this so necessary a Work. The melancholy scene , and the great variety of Miseries people groan under , should invite the Rulers Pity , Draw out his Bowels , and open his Eyes , his Heart and Hand to their Relief : This is his proper Province ; This is the Original Design of Government . Mercy is not ( as the Disciples of Zeno thought ) a weakness of Soul , a litleness and meanness of Spirit , and a down-right Vice : No , Our Psalmist puts a just value on it , and Vows it shall have a fixed residence , and constant Lodging in his Royal and Religious Breast . But least this compassion ( to which ( as is well observed by some ) wee are by nature swayed , and by the very make and constitution of our Body prompted and inclin'd ) should by carrying us too far , degenerat , and bound into a vice , he in great wisdom and discretion , Resolves to temper it with a mixture of Justice , by discountenancing , punishing , and being terrible to Evil doers . I 'le sing of Judgement . Magistrates at all times ( especially now when Wickedness takes strength from Forbearance and Indemnity , enboldens offenders , and the Government is in danger of sinking under its own Mildness ) should be Sons of Thunder , and imitat him whose Ministers they are , who both gave his Laws , and Executes them in all circumstances of Terrour : Some difference is to be made betwixt Moses Rod and Aaron's ; This ( to speak so ) is silently Fruitful , without all noise and observation , sends forth its Buds , Blossoms and Fruit : But that turns unto a Serpent , Hisses , and stings unto Death . No sooner did Constantin ( once an Inhabitant of this Island ) mount the Imperial Throne , then he sung of Mercy to the Harass'd and perlecuted Christians , and of Justice to the Pagan Idolaters , to them he speaks in Lightning and Thunder , and is so severe and terrible unto them , that its Prophecy Rev 6. is easily mistaken for a description of the last Judgement . David , to demonstrat the natural Delight , himself , and all Rulers should have in a well temper'd Goverment , sings his obligations and engagements to it , with a Joyfull emotion of Spirit , Voweth , when God shall come to him ( as the words may be read ) i. e. ( as Interpreters say ) when he shall be King , To sway , and weild his Scepter for the glory of God , and the good of his People . And whereas he Promises , Then to execut justice and Mercy , it is not to be understood as if he had neglected the same in his privat station ; But that when in power he will be in a more publick and better capacitie to do it . There is one textual difficulty to be removed , e're I go farther : Why doth his coming to the Throne goe under the phrase of God's coming to him ? wee must remember , he had God's promise of the Kingdom ; and in Scripture , God is said to come unto Men ; when he accomplisheth his promise , and bestows any singulat blessing on them . But more particulary to persons invested with civil power , God's word of commission comes Psal. 82. 6. I have said , ye are Gods , He speaks to them , and with this Creating Word , confers upon them Power : The Serpent flattered us with a Promise that we should be Gods , but the Lord doth really make some Men Gods The word of God mentioned John 10. 34. according to the best Interpreters , is the divine warrand and commission to be Magistrates ; For the office and power is from God though handed down and conveyed by Men , and upon that score called by the Apostle Peter an humane Ordinance . Farther as soon as Men are cloathed with Authority , God comes to them , and gives them another Heart and a large measure of necessary and sutable gifts , by a plentiful effusion of his Spirit , breaths into them noble Dispositions ; which , together with a Call from Men , are Heaven's credential Letters , that prepare their Reception , and command obedience and submission from the people . And in fine by phrasing it thus , the Psalmist , condemns all unjust practising to get into power , for though having been anointed by the Lords express Command , he had an undoubted Title to the Succession , he has not the Ambition to shuffle his Anointed Head under the Crown , till God by the vote of such as had right to give it , comes and puts it on , which he knows , will make it to sit the surer , and shine the brighter . The proposition that lyes before us , and is the scope of the words , is , Persons in Authority should manage their Government with an equal mixture of Mercy and Justice . A Government well temper'd with them two , should be the Magistrates delight Job 29 from 14 to 18. I put on Righteousness , and it cloathed me : my Judgement was a Rob and a Diadem . I was eyes to the Blind , and feet was I to the Lame . I was a Father to the poor : and the cause which I knew not , I searcbed out . And I brake the Jaws of the wicked , and pluckt the spoil out of his teeth . It appears from the History , Job was not only a Good Man , and a Good Citizen , but a good Magistrat , and he answers this Character , by his sincere Love to Justice and Mercy , like a Good Ruler , he makes the Impartial Administration of Justice his chief Business and delight , his Ornament and Glory , 't is better in his account , than a Diadem and Robs , and indeed , one single Act of Justice , is of far greater value than those ; which without it , are meer pageantry : A good Ruler puts on Righteousness in the Morning , wears it all the day ; and on the bench wraps it so closely about him , that no Temptation can blow it aside . From the forcited place , 't is evident , that Job has no less regard to the Exercise of Mercy , I was eyes to the blind &c. Micah 6. God reckons the Exercise of Justice and Mercy , the whole of our obedience , and prefers it before Ten thousand Rivers of Oyl and Rom. 13 , 4. the two very different setts of Men , There , make the Exercise of Mercy and Justice equally necessary , For he is the Minister of God to thee for good : But if thou do that which is evil , be afraid for he beareth not the Sword in vain : For he is the Minister of God , a Revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil . I shall follow forth this Head , First by taking a separate view of Mercy and Justice , the two essential parts of a well manag'd Government . 2. Consider them in Conjunction , as giving mutual help and support one to another . 3. Demonstrat , that in all publick Administrations , Magistrats should have a particular regard to them . 4. Bring home all to practice . As to the first , I shall begin with Mercy , not only because our Psalmist does so , but because this sweet and gentle method , all Magistrates should observe : Drawing the Sword is the last remedy , and never to be used , save in Extremity , when all other ways prove uneffectual , and nothing else can serve the turn . God himself Reckons Justice his Strange Work , a forreign part of his Providence , and which he never works till constrained , and ev'n then with some aversion : Mercy is God's Darling and triumphant Attribute , the immediat off-spring of his nature , but for this divine affection , the World long since had fallen about our ears : Mercy challengeth the present scene as its own ; And the conclusion of time is almost All that is reserved for Justice ? The Mercy of Rulers ought to be a copy of that wondrous Compassion God shewed to a destroyed World , and as far as possible , an exact Transcript of that Grand exemplar , and consisteth 1 , In their protecting and defending the Innocent from all unjust violence and oppression . They are by sacred Writters stiled Gods , and by both sacred and prophane Fathers , for the great tenderness they should Exercise towards their people that are their Children and creatures ; A Cruel Father , is an Unnatural , and a Cruel God is a Monstrous thing . Magistrats are appointed to be Cities of Refuge , where the oppressed may take Sanctuary , and therefore should be all Eye to spy out the peoples Burdens , all Ear to hear their Complaints , and all Hands to relieve them , and avenge them of their Adversaries . The Unjust Judge in the Gospel , is not branded with any wrongful Sentence or Act of Unjustice , but with want of a Merciful Disposition , he had not Bowels enough towards the injured Widow , who makes many a vain Journey to his Lodgings . This mercy , in the second place , is much concerned in regulating the Execution of the Laws on Offenders ; Magistrates may not go to the utmost rigour against them , some considerration would be had of the disadvantageous circumstances mankind labours under : Humane Frailties and Infirmities , Surprises and ignorance , plead strong for some abatement and moderation ; else the best and wisest Law givers can't so frame their Laws , as that a strict and rigourous Execution of them , shall not be an unsupportable severity ; for the highest act of Justice , is a kind of unjustice ; and it were hard to urge the letter of the Law too farre , when neither the intention of the Law-giver , nor common Equity ( the standard of all Laws ) are violated : and where the cause is doubtfull they should incline to mercy as the safer side ; for better spare ten Guilty , then destroy one Innocent ; of the injury done the latter , no reparation can be made , the fault can not be mended ; but though the other may for some time flie from the hand of justice , Vengeance will not suffer them always to escape . 'T is somewhat strange what is storied of a sentence of the Areopagi , the great court of Athens , before whom a Lady was arraign'd , and accused for killing her Husband and Son , because they had kill'd a Son of hers by another Husband : the Judges ordered her and her Accuser to appear before them , some hundred of years after , declaring thereby , they would not absolve , and could not condemne her , but leave the determination of the cause to the gods . I come now to the Second , the Exercise of justice , the Magistrats weareth not God's Sword in vain , but to Manage and weild it as God himselfe Would , were he on the earth . A Godly Ruler Proposeth to himselfe the best and most Excellent Laws , by which he is to Govern , and takes up a fixt resolution , never to swerve from , nor do any thing that 's contrary or disagreable to them , Yea , in the smallest circumstances , and on all Ocasions to exercise Justice , without being diverted from the same , by any temptation , of promises or threats , or nearness of relation ; Iustice is Blind , and has no regard to these forreigne considerations , but only to the merit of the cause . Rulers are under the greatest obligation to this , whither wee consider their relation to God , or to the Law , or to the People : As to the first , They are the Ministers of a righteous God who loveth , and delighteth in Righteousness : to do Judgement , is more to him , than all Sacrifices and whole Burnt-Offerings : These , without That , are unprofitable , unacceptable and an abomination , Isa. 1 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 17. These Solemn and August Ordinances , though Commanded and Rewarded by the Lord , yet when divorced and separated from Justice , are but bright Sins in his account : He puts upon them a Slight , as solemn as their Institution , Who required those things at your hands ? The practice of Rulers should have a conformity to the eternal Law of Righteousness ; For the Power , the Bench , the Judgement , are the Lord's , and must not be made Tools and Weapons of Unrighteousness , this were to profane the most sacred Things , They are likewise appointed to be the Guardians of the Laws , trusted with the keeping and execution of them : They should be a living Law : The best Laws without Execution are a dead Letter , they want edge : The Law must take special hold of Persons guilty of gross Immoralities and Disorders , unsupportable to any Government , such Disturbers of human Society , have need to be mortified ; For they are a Scandal to Christianity , a Reproach of Mankind , and draw down Judgements on themselves and others : Compassion to the Innocent makes the Punishment of others sometimes necessary ; and the Perverseness of some Men accents the Song of Judgement against them . Lastly , Their relation to the People ( who have lodged in them all exercise of Power ) is a strong Bond : They have trusted them with all their most precious Things , their Estates , their Liberties , their Lives , and , which is to them dearest of all , their Religion : Now , to betray under Trust , those unvalueable Priviledges , were an unpardonable Treachery . We come now to the Second Thing proposed , the consideration of the Two , in conjunction , and First , They make the Magistrat the lively Image of God , who is both Merciful and Just , those Two Divine Attributes have their different Actings on their proper Objects , without doing prejudice one to another , and in the Proclamation God makes of himself to Moses , Mercy is the first , and Justice the last part of his Name . Besides , his two eternal Decrees concerning Man's final state , are commonly thought Acts of the highest Mercy and Justice , Rom. 9 18. And farther his glorious Providences , shine bright with a wise mixture of them : In every Dispensation , Mercy and Justice kiss each one other . Such an Administration , is also an Enblem of the Great and General Judgement , which God has design'd for the Manifestation of his Mercy and Justice . Secondly , The double Title of Father and Ruler , of God and Judge , the Magistrate wears , is to be considered ; The one Designation , is as full of Pity , as the other is of Terrour . Thirdly , They are a counterpart of , and fitly answer the two essential Peeces of Sanctification , Love to Good , and hatred of Evil. Fourthly , By a Government so qualified , God doth in a manner , make streight that which seem'd crooked : What is wanting in immediat Providence , with respect to the Evil and the Good , is here supplied : so that the Atheist has no reason to talk so much of prosperous Wickedness , and oppressed Innocence . In the Third place , I come to shew , That 't is very necessary and reasonable , that Persons in Authority should in all their publick Administrations , mingle Mercy and Justice together , and here I shall confine my self to one main Topick , as most proper for the Day , namely , The mighty and universal Influence such a Government has on the publick Happiness and Prosperity of human Society , Prov. 14. 34. Righteousness exalteth a Nation : Two things prove this , 1. The Justice of the Divine Providence . Indeed as to particular Persons , the Providences of God are many times promiscuously administred in this World ; so that no Man can certainly conclude God's Love or Hatred to any person , by any thing that befalls him in this Life . But God do's not deal thus with Nations ; because Publick Bodies and Communities of Men , as such , can only be rewarded and punished in this World : For in the next , all those publick Societies and Combinations , wherein Men are now link'd together , under several Governments , shall be dissolved . God will not then reward or punish Nations , as Nations . And a litle after In the usual Course of his Providence , he recompenseth Religious and Vertuous Nations , with temporal Blessings and Prosperity . For which Reason Austin tells us , That the mighty Success and long prosperity of the Romans , was a Reward given them by God for their eminent Justice . — This the Scripture declares to be the setled Course of God's Providence ; That a Righteous Nation shall be Happy , The work of Righteousness shall be Peace , and the effects of Righteousness , Quietness and Assurance for ever . Thus far the Learned Primate . 2. Their joint exercise , doth in its own nature conduce to the publick interest . When Rulers do checker their Administrations with Mercy and Justice , this tends to make men live together in Peace ; and like a Cement to the Common Wealth , unites and holds all fast together . There cannot be a more certain presage of a declining State , than dissolution of manners , through the neglect of Mercy and Justice . But to come a little nearer , an equal mixture of Mercy and Justice , does by ballancing the procedure of Rulers , prevent all the evil consequences of bad Administration , For , as on the one hand , an effeminat Pity and undiscreet Compassion makes both the Laws and Authority to be trampled on ; so , on the other hand , unmix'd wrath turns men desperate , and we can't tell what men driven to extremitie may do . But let us yet take a nearer view & prospect of the matter , and we shall observe how admirably the two are adjusted to the two great governing passions of man , Hope and fear , that are as the helme of Societies ; a well temper'd Government , by taking hold of Them , constrains men to Good , and restrains from evil . Some Petsons are of a Good and Generous disposition ; such are a proper province for Mercy to gain ; they must be drawn with Cords of a man , and bands of Love ; Others have a more ackward temper , and tempt the Ruler to instruct them , as Gideon did the men of Succoth with Briers and Thorns . In fine , the great variety of Peoples conditions and manners , and their different circumstances , call for different treatment to some , the Melancholy tune of Justice must be Sung , Others must be comforted with the calm and still voice of Mercy . I come now in the last place , to make some improvement of what is said , by bringing it home to the business of the Day . And I beg liberty to address my selt to those Honourable Persons , who had the Government of the City this last year , and are now to lay down the Staff , and commit their power to Others . I trust that ye with respect to your publick management , have the approbation of Heaven and the Testimony of your own Consciences , and honour from men , and , to use our Psalmists Phrase , since God came to you , he has been ever with you , and ye have walk'd with him , and been Just ruling in the fear of God , and as the light of the Morning , when the Sun riseth , as a morning without Clouds , as the tender Grass springing out of the Earth , by clear shining after Ram , ye are under the deepest Obligations , to preserve the power in its proper subject , by handing it down to Faithful men ; for ye are the Image of God , as ye are men , as Christians , as Magistrats , and as Ministers of Mercy and Justice to the People , look therefore that the Persons ye Elect this day , have the Qualifications required in a good Ruler , Exod , 18 , 21. Moreover thou shalt provide out of all the People , able men , such as fear God , men of Truth hating Covetousness , and place such over them to be Rulers , &c. Let this Text serve as an Authentick Directory to your present Work , for , without a due observance of it in your Election , there will be an utter neglect of Mercy and Justice . Ye are to chuse Men of great abilities of mind , Persons of good Judgment and prudence . Magistrates should be wise as an Angel of God , of a discerning Spirit , and vast comprehension ; they are likewise to be such as fear God ; Religion in a Magistrate , ( as one well sayeth ) strengthens his Authority , because it procures veneration , and gains reputation to it , and in all the Affairs of the World , so much reputation is really , so much power . The Magistrat must have the Greatness of God , and the deformity of vice , and the condition , of the People full in his Eye , which he cannot have , If his heart be not possessed with awful impressions , and a lively sense of the Divine Majesty . This Holy and Religious fear , serves as a powerful restraint on mens Natures , and makes them invincible , though assaulted with the great temptations that accompany their Office. They are also to countenance and encourage Religion by their good example , The lewd practice of a Ruler ( as one sayeth ) is very infectious , makes a thousand fall at his side , and ten thousand at his right hand . The best of men are in danger to turn a little worse by promotion , and how much Religion soever they carry to the Bench , it will be sound little enough when it comes there . Ye must likewise look out for men that are lovers of truth , Judges ought to make a Critical Search , an exact and diligent inquiry after Truth , The Cause I knew not , says Job , I searched out ; They should copy after our Lord , who judged not by the appearance of the eye . They must not be imposed upon , nor abus'd by an artful representation , and cunning disguise of matters , and guilding of falshood with a fair shew of Truth . And to compleat the Character of men fit to be chosen , they must be haters of Covetousness . i. e. Not only innocent of , but full of aversion to that base Vice ; it was the Emperout Hadrian's common proverb , I am to inrich the People , nor my self and a saying of Ptolmeus , the Riches of my subjects are my plenty . It s fit that Magistrars have a flourishing and plentiful fortune , that in dispensing of justice , they may have a single regard to the publick interest , and no mercenary respect to their own . And above all , they are to have a perfect indignation at that gross perverter of all Justice , Bribery , Judges were wont to be pictur'd without hands . To shut up this exhortation , see ye manage your Election with all possible sincerity , consider ye are a Congregation of Gods , and the supreme God is among you , observing and recording all your ways , and weighing your Designs , and penetrating into the most inward and hidden Springs of your Actions ; In the mid'st of you , ●iff●sing his influences as the Centre of your happiness . In the second place , I have a word to you , to whom God shall come this day , Take on David's vows , to sing of Mercy and Judgement ; This hath been God's way with you , let it be your way with the people . Know , that though you be Gods on Earth , ye are Subjects of Heaven , and accountable to Him that is Higher than the Highest . Suffer me to give you a few Directions 1. Exercise Mercy and Justice with Christian Courage , In the Lords cause be bold as a Lyon ; let difficulties only serve to whett your Resolutions , kindle your Zeal , and be a Spur to your endeavours . Solomons Throne of Judgement was supported by Lyons , an embleme of Courage . The Cowardice of sorry Peasants is altogether unworthy of your Character . He deserves not to wear God's Sword that has not a Heart to draw it , put an intire confidence in the divine protection , and fear nothing . Know , that Providence Exerciseth a peculiar care over Magistrates in the practise and obedience of their Duty ? He is with you in Judgement : Ye are fenc'd and rail'd about with his Infinit wisdom , Almighty Power , and unchangeable Faithfulness ; Trust God for once , and be Jealous for him ; Breath Life into the laguishing Laws , by Executing them on Notorious Offenders ; say to the mighty , list not up the Horn , rise up for God against evil doers . Many disorders abound in the City , make it your business to drain that deluge of Impiety , that has over run it ; Sin unpunish'd , blows up a Government ; `t is therefore your Wisdom , Interest and Duty , by the due execution of Justice to prevent it . 2. Ye must do it speedily , this seems to be the Dictat of Nature , Ezra . 7. 26. Slow pac'd Justice , is the next degree to Unjustice : And unnecessary Delay in giving of Judgement is a great Grievance . 3. Yet ye would act with great deliberation , which serves as a Check upon the former . Hasty and rash Judgement is a most dangerous thing . An Omniscient God will not punish a Sodom . though their Wickedness was notoriously known , till he first bring them to a Trial The Ruler is to have two Ears to hear both Parties It was an ingenious Check Machetas gave Philip of Macedon , for giving rash Judgement against him , the King having slumbred all the while the Case was a pleading : Machetas , at the giving of the Sentence , with a loud Voice , call'd out , I Appeal , at which Philip being surprized , demanded , To whom , To yourself Sir , said he , when you are well awake . I conclude all with a serious Advice to the Magistrates and the People , to Read , and Consider well that 13 Romans , where we have the true Measures of the People Submission , and the Rulers Power . FINIS . At this time were Elected Magistrates , THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROBERT CHEISLY , Lord Provost , John Robertson , George Hume , Archibald Rule , Adam Broun . Baillies . Hugh Blair , Dean of Gild. Patrick Thomson , Thesaurer . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A65355-e170 Dr. Tillit Serm. 
A68712	----	His Majesties proclamation in Scotland: with an explanation of the meaning of the Oath and Covenant. By the Lord Marquesse, his Majesties high commissioner. Set forth by the Kings speciall licence Proclamations. 1638-12-08 Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1639 Approx. 31 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68712 STC 22001.5 ESTC S100073 99835925 99835925 158 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68712) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 158) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1025:10, 1291:10) His Majesties proclamation in Scotland: with an explanation of the meaning of the Oath and Covenant. By the Lord Marquesse, his Majesties high commissioner. Set forth by the Kings speciall licence Proclamations. 1638-12-08 Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 1606-1649. Explanation of the meaning of the Oath and the Covenant. aut [2], 14; [2], 17, [1] p. printed by Robert Young, His Majesties printer for Scotland. 1639. Are sold at the Starre on Bread-street hill [by R. Young], London : [1639] Against acknowledging the Glasgow Assembly. Dated on b4v: Given .. the eighth day of December .. 1638. "An explanation of the meaning of the Oath and Covenant. .. London, printed by His Majesties printer for Scotland, anno Dom. 1639" by James Hamilton, Duke of Hamilton, has separate title page and pagination; register is continuous. The title page verso has the Duke's arms. Variant: lacking the arms. A variant of the edition with "sold at the Gun in Ivie-lane" in imprint; bookseller's name from STC. Identified as STC 22001 on UMI microfilm reel 1291; the "Explanation" separately identified as STC 12727 on reel 1025. Reproductions of the originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery ("Early English books, 1475-1640"), and the British Library ("Early English newspapers"). Appears at reel 1025 (part 2 only) and at reel 1291 (same copy filmed twice). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History -- Early works to 1800. Episcopacy -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXPLANATION OF THE MEANING OF THE OATH AND COVENANT . PUBLISHED BY THE L. MARQUES , his Majesties High Commissioner in SCOTLAND , By the KINGS speciall command . printer's device of Robert Young R Y יהוה IVSTVS VIVET FIDE DEVS PROVIDERIT LONDON , Printed by His Majesties Printer for Scotland , Anno Dom. 1639. coat of arms of the Duke of Hamilton HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE THROVGHE WHereas some have given out , that by the Act of Councell , which explaineth the Confession of Faith lately commanded to be sworne by his Majesty , to be understood of the Confession of faith , as it was then professed and received , when it was made , and that in that Confession , defence both of the doctrine & discipline then established is sworn , at which time episcopall government being ( as they say ) abolished , it must needs follow , that the same government is by this late oath abjured . And understanding that even amongst those who continue together still at Glasgow , under the name of a generall Assembly , though but a pretended and unlawfull one , this objection is held to be of some moment , and used by them to the great disturbance of the peace of this church and kingdome , and to the great disquieting of the mindes of such his Majesties good subjects as have taken the said oath , and yet never meaned nor do mean to abjure episcopall government ; And to perswade others , that if they shall take the same oath thus explained by the said Act of Councell , by so doing they must likewaies abjure the said government : We James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , his Majesties high Commissioner , wondring that any such scrupulous misconstruction should be made of his Majesties gracious and pious intentions , and being desirous to remove all doubts from the minds of his Majesties good subjects , and to keep them from being poysoned by such as by forced and forged inferences would make them beleeve , that they had actually by taking that oath sworn that which neither virtually nor verely they have sworn , or ever intended to swear , or was required by authority to be sworn by them , either directly or indirectly : Considering that all oathes must be taken according to the minde , intention , and commandement of that authority , which exacteth the oath ; and that we , by speciall commandement from his sacred Maiestie , commanded the said oath to be administred , we do hereby freely and ingenuously professe and declare our mind and meaning herein , as we have constantly heretofore done since our coming into this kingdome about this imployment ; viz. That by any such words or act of councell we never meaned or intended that episcopall government should be abiured , nor any thing else which was established by acts of parliament , or acts of the church of this kingdome , which are now in force , and were so at the time of the taking of the said oath . Nor indeed could we have any other intention or meaning , being clearly warranted and expresly commanded by his Maiesties instructions , to exact the said oath , and take order that it should be sworn throughout the kingdome in that faire and lawfull sense , and none other . Neither in this point did we deliver our own words , or his Maiesties minde ambiguously or doubtfully , so as any other sense , to our thinking , could be picked or wrung out of either the one or the other ; for we do attest the Lords of the Councell , whether we did not to many , or all of them upon severall occasions in conference with them ever since our coming into this kingdom , constantly declare unto them , that his Maiesties resolution was not to suffer episcopall government to be abolished : We attest all the Lords of Session , whether before our tendering of that oath to them , or their Lordships taking of it , we did not fully and freely declare to them , that his Maiesties minde in commanding us to see this oath taken , and our own minde in requiring them to take it , was onely to settle and secure the religion and faith professed in this kingdome , but was not to be extended to the abiuring of episcopall government , or any other thing now in force by the laws of this church and state at the time of administring this oath , which their Lordships , being the reverend and learned Judges of the lawes , knew well could not be abiured ; after which perspicuous predeclaration of our minde , their Lordships undoubtedly in that same sense and none other took the said oath . And now , good Reader , having heard his Maiesties minde and intention , and in pursuance of them , the mind of his Maiesties high Commissioner concerning this oath , though reasons to repell the former obiection seem to be needlesse ( the known minde of the supreme Magistrate who urgeth an oath , being to be taken for the undoubted sense of it ) yet forasmuch as that obiection hath of late bin mainly urged for alienating the mindes of many of his Maiesties good subiects , and well affected to that government , from adhering unto it , be pleased to know , that the former obiection hath neither show nor force of reason in it , and that by the said oath and that explanation set down in the act of councell , episcopall government neither was nor possibly could be abiured , and that for many reasons , but especially these five , which we having seen and approved , have caused to be here inserted , and leave them to thine impartiall consideration . First , God forbid it should be imagined that his Majesty should command his subjects to take an oath which in it self is absolutely unlawfull : But for a man to swear against a thing which is established by the laws of the church and kingdome in which he liveth ( unlesse that thing be repugnant to the law of God ) is absolutely unlawfull , untill such time as that kingdome and church do first repeal these laws : And therefore episcopall government not being repugnant to the law of God , nay being consonant unto it , as being of apostolicall institution ( which shall be demonstrated if any man please to argue it ) and standing fully established , both by acts of parliament , and acts of generall assembly at the time when this oath was administred ; to abjure it before these acts be repealed , is absolutely unlawfull , and against the word of God : and it is to be hoped no man will conceive that his Majestie meaned to command a thing absolutely unlawfull . And if it should be said , as it is said by some , ( who not being able to avoid the force of reason , do betake themselves to pitifull shifts and evasions ) that these acts of parliament and assembly establishing episcopall government , were unlawfully and unduely obtained : certainly if they have any reasons for this their bold assertion , which is of a more dangerous consequence then that it ought to be endured in any well setled church or common-wealth ; these reasons may be presented lawfully to these judicatories to entreat them to reduce the saids acts , if there shall be strength and validity found in them . But to hold , that untill such time as these judicatories shall repeal the saids laws , they either ought to be , or can possibly be abjured , is a wicked position , and destructive of the very foundation of justice both in church and common-wealth . Secondly , it cannot be imagined that this oathshould oblige the now takers of it farther then it did oblige the takers of it at first : for doctrine and points of faith it did oblige them then , and so doth it us now , perpetually , because these points in themselves are perpetuall , immutable and eternall : But for points of discipline and government , and policie of the Church , that oath could binde the first takers of it no longer then that discipline and government should stand in force by the laws of this Church and Kingdome , which our Church in her positive confession of faith printed amongst the acts of Parliament , artic . 20.21 . declareth to be alterable at the will of the Church it self , and so repealable by succeeding acts , if the Church shall see cause . When a king at his coronation taketh an oath to rule according to the laws of his kingdome , or a judge at his admission sweareth to give judgement according to these laws , the meaning of their oaths cannot be that they shall rule or judge according to them longer then they continue to be laws : But if any of them shall come afterwards to be lawfully repealed , both king and judge are free from ruling and judging according to such of them as are thus lawfully repealed , notwithstanding their originall oath . Since therfore if the first takers of that oath were now alive , they could not be said to have abjured episcopall government , which hath been since established by the lawes of this church and kingdome , especially considering that this church in her confession holdeth church government to be alterable at the will of the church : certainly we repeating but their oath , cannot be said to abiure that government now , more then they could be said to do it if they were now alive and repeating the same oath . Thirdly , how can it be thought that the very act of his Maiesties commanding this oath should make episcopall government to be abiured by it , more then the covenanters requiring it of their associats , in both covenants the words and syllables of the confession of faith being the same ? Now it is wel known that many were brought in to subscribe their covenant , by the solemn protestations of the contrivers & urgers of it , that they might subscribe it without abiuring of episcopacie , and other such things as were established by law , since the time that this oath was first invented and made ; and the three Ministers in their first answers to the Aberdene Quaeres have fully and clearly expressed themselves to that sense , holding these things for the present not to be abiured , but only referred to the triall of a free generall Assembly : and likewaies the adherers to the last protestation against his Majesties proclamation , bearing date the 9. of September , in their ninth reason against the subscription urged by his Maiesty , do plainly averre , that this oath urged by his Maiesty doth oblige the takers of it , to maintain Perth articles , and to maintain episcopacy . Why therefore some men swearing the same words & syllables should have their words taken to another sense , & be thought to abiure episcopall government , more then others who have taken the same oath in the same words , must needs passe the capacity of an ordinary understanding . Fourthly , it is a received maxime , and it cannot bedenied , but that oaths ministred unto us must either be refused , or else taken according to the known mind , professed intention , and expresse command of authority urging the same : A proposition , not onely received in all schools , but positively set down by the adherers to the said protestation totidem verbis in the place above cited . But it is notoriously known even unto those who subscribed the confession of faith by his Majesties commandment , that his Majestie not only in his kingdomes of England and Ireland , is a maintainer and upholder of episcopall government according to the laws of the said Churches and Kingdomes , but that likewaies he is a defender , and intends to continue a defender of the same government in his kingdome of Scotland , both before the time , and at the time when he urged this oath , as is evident by that which is in my Lord Commissioner his preface , both concerning his Majesties instructions to his Grace , and his Graces expressing his Majesties mind , both to the Lords of Councell , and to the Lords of Session ; and the same likewaies is plainly expressed and acknowledged by the adherers to the said protestation in the place above cited : their words being these ; And it is most manifest that his Majesties mind , intention , and commandment , is no other but that the confession be sworn , for the maintenance of religion as it is already or presently professed ( these two being co-incident altogether one and the same , not only in our common form of speaking , but in all his Majesties proclamations ) and thus as it includeth , and continueth within the compasse thereof , the foresaids novations and episcopacie , which under that name were also ratified , in the first parliament holden by his Majesty . From whence it is plaine , that episcopacie not being taken away or suspended by any of his Majesties declarations , as these other things were which they call novations , it must needs both in deed , and in the judgment of the said protesters no waies be intended by his Majestie to be abjured by the said oath . Now both the major and that part of the minor which concerneth episcopall government in the Church of Scotland , being cleerly acknowledged by the protesters , and the other part of the minor concerning that government in his other two kingdomes being notoriously known , not only to them , but to all others who know his Majesty , how it can be imagined that his Majesty by that oath should command episcopacy to be abjured , or how any one to whom his Majesties mind concerning episcopall government was known , could honestly or safely abjure it , let it be left to the whole world to judge , especially considering that the protesters themselves in that place above cited , by a dilemma , which we leave to themselves to answer , have averred , that when that act of councell should come out , yet that it could not be inferred from thence that any such thing was abjured . Fifthly and lastly , if the explanation in that act of councell be taken in that not only rigid but unreasonable and senselesse sense which they urge , yet they can never make it appear , that episcopall government at the first time of the administring of that oath was abolished : The very words of that confession of faith , immediately after the beginning of it , being these , Received , beleeved , defended by many and sundry notable kirks and Realms , but chiefly by the kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majestie and three Estates of this realme , as Gods eternall truth & only ground of our salvation , &c. By which it is evident , that the subscription to this confession of faith is to be urged in no other sense then as it was then beleeved and received by the Kings Majestie , and the three Estates of this realme at that time in being ; and it is well known , that at that time Bishops , Abbots and Priors made up a third estate of this realm , which gave approbation to this confession of faith : and therefore it is not to be conceived , that this third estate did then abjure episcopacie , or that episcopacie was at the first swearing of that confession abolished . But say that at that time it was abolished by acts of generall Assembly , yet was it not so by any act of Parliament , nay by many acts of Parliament it was in force , because none of them was repealed ; some whereof are annexed in the sheet immediatly after these reasons , which we pray the reader carefully to peruse and ponder : and at the very time of the taking of this oath and after , bishops , whose names are well known , were in being . Now it is to be hoped that in a Monarchy or any other well constituted republick , that damnable Jesuiticall position shall never take place , That what is once enacted by a Monarch & his three estates in Parliament , shall ever be held repealed or repealable by any ecclesiasticall nationall Synod . By all which it is evident , that the explanation of that act of councell so groundlesly urged , can induce no man to imagine that by the confession of faith lately sworn by his Majesties commandment , episcopall government , which then did , and yet doth stand established by acts of this Church and Kingdome , either was , or possibly could be abjured . And having now ( good Reader ) heard his Majesties minde in his instructions to us , our minde in requiring in his Majesties name this oath to be taken , and these few reasons of many which do evidently evince the inconsequence of that sense which without any show of inference is put upon it by those , who would go on in making men still beleeve , that all which they do or say is grounded upon authority , though they themselvs do well know the contrary ; we suppose that all they who have taken this oath will rest satisfied that they have not abjured episcopal government , and that they who shall take it , will take it in no other sense . Which timely warning of ours , we are the more willing to give , because we are given to understand , that even they who were wont to call the takers of this oath ( notwithstanding of that explanation by act of councell ) perjured and damned persons , and in their pulpits called the urging of it the depth of Sathan , do now mean to take it themselves , and urge others to take it in that sense which they make men beleeve ( though wrongfully ) that act of councell makes advantageous to their ends . But we do in his Majesties name require that none presume to take the said oath , unlesse they be required so to do by such as shall have lawfull authority from his Majestie to administer it unto them : being confident , that none either will or can take the said oath or any other oath in any sense , which may not consist with episcopall government , having his Majesties sense , and so the sense of all lawfull authority fully explained to them . THat episcopall jurisdiction was in force by acts of parliament , and no wayes abolished nor suppressed in the year 1580. nor at the time of reformation of religion within the realm of Scotland , doth evidently appeare by the acts of parliament after mentioned . First by the parliament 1567. cap. 2. whereby at the time of reformation the Popes authority was abolished , it is enacted by the said act , That no bishop , nor other prelate in this realm , use any jurisdiction in time coming by the bishop of Romes authority . And by the third act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , That all acts not agreeing with Gods word , and contrary to the confession of faith approved by the estates in that parliament , to have no effect nor strength in time to come . Whereby it is evident , that it was not the reformers intention to suppresse episcopacie , but that bishops should not use any jurisdiction by the bishop of Rome his authority ; and seeing they did allow episcopacie to continue in the church , that they did not esteeme the same contrary to Gods word and confession foresaid : as appeares more clearly by the sixth act of the said parliament , which is ratified in the parliament 1579. cap. 68. whereby it is declared , That the ministers of the blessed Evangel of Jesus Christ , whom God of his mercie hath now raised up amongst us , or hereafter shall raise , agreeing with them that now live in doctrine or administration of the sacraments , and the people of this realme that professe Christ as he is now offered in his Evangel , and do communicate with the holy sacraments , as in the reformed kirks of this realme they are publickly administrate , according to the confession of the faith , to be the only true and holy kirk of Jesus Christ within this realme ; without any exception by reason of policy and discipline , declaring only such as either gain-say the word of the Evangel according to the heads of the said confession , or refuse the participation of the holy sacraments as they are now ministrate , to be no members of the said kirk so long as they keep themselves so divided from the society of Christs body . Whereby it is manifest , that it was not the said reformers minde to exclude any from that society by reason of discipline , and that they did not at that time innovate or change any thing in that policy they found in the said kirk before the reformation . This is likewaies evident by the oath to be ministred to the king at his coronation , by the eighth act of the said parliament , wherby he is to swear to maintain the true religion of Jesus Christ , the preaching of his holy word , and due and right ministration of the sacraments now received and preached within this realm , and shall abolish and gain-stand all false religion contrary to the same ; without swearing to any innovation of policie and discipline of the kirk . Secondly , it doth evidently appear by these subsequent acts of parliament , that by the municipall law of this realm archbishops and bishops was not only allowed in the kirk , but also had jurisdiction and authority to govern the same . First , by the 24 act of the said parliament , whereby all civill priviledges granted by our soveraigne Lords predecessors to the spirituall estate of this realm , are ratified in all points after the form and tenor thereof . And by the 35. act of the parliament 1571. whereby all and whatsoever acts and statutes made of before by our soveraigne Lord and his predecessors anent the freedome and liberty of the true kirk of God , are ratified and approved . By the 46. act of the parliament 1572. whereby it is declared , that Archbishops and bishops have the authority , and are ordained to conveen and deprive all inferiour persons being ministers , who shal not subscribe the articles of religion , and give their oath for acknowledging and recognoscing of our soveraigne Lord and his authority , & bring a testimoniall in writing thereupon within a moneth after their admission . By the 48. act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , that archbishops and bishops have authority at their visitations to designe ministers gleibes . By the 54. act of the said parliament , whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to nominate and appoint at their visitations , persons in every parochin for making and setting of the taxation , for upholding and repairing of kirks and kirk-yards , and to conveene , try , and censure all persons that shall be found to have applied to their own use the stones , timber , or any thing else pertaining to kirks demolished . By the 55. act of the parliament 1573. whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to admonish persons married , in case of desertion , to adhere , and in case of disobedience , to direct charges to the minister of the parochin to proceed to the sentence of excommunication . By the 63. act of the parliament 1578. whereby bishops , & where no bishops are provided , the Commissioner of diocesses , have authority to try the rents of hospitals , and call for the foundations thereof . By the 69 act of the parliament 1579. whereby the jurisdiction of the kirk is declared to stand in preaching the word of Jesus Christ , correction of manners , and administration of the holy sacraments ; and yet no other authority nor office-bearer allowed and appointed by act of parliament , nor is allowed by the former acts ; but archbishops and bishops intended to continue in their authority , as is clear by these acts following . First , by the 71. act of the same parliament , whereby persons returning from their travels are ordained , within the space of twenty dayes after their return , to passe to the bishop , superintendent , commissioner of the kirks where they arrive and reside , and there offer to make and give a confession of their faith , or then within fourtie daies to remove themselves forth of the realme . By the 99. act of the parliament 1581. whereby the foresaids acts are ratified and approved . By the 130. act of the parliament 1584. whereby it is ordained , that none of his Maiesties lieges and subiects presume or take upon hand to impugne the dignity and authoritie of the three estates of this kingdome , whereby the honour and authority of the kings Maiesties supreme court of parliament , past all memorie of man , hath been continued , or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of the power and authoritie of the same three estates , or any of them in time coming under the pain of treason . By the 131. act of the same parliament , whereby all iudgments and iurisdictions as well in spirituall as temporall causes , in practice and custome during these twenty four years by-past not approved by his highnesse and three estates in parliament , are discharged : and whereby it is defended , That none of his highnesse subiects of whatsoever qualitie , estate , or function they be of , spirituall or temporall presume , or take upon hand to convocate , conveen , or assemble themselves together for holding of councels , conventions , or assemblies , to treat , consult , or determinate in any matter of estate , civill or ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinary iudgements ) without his Maiesties speciall commandement ; or expresse licence had and obtained to that effect . By the 132. act of the said parliament , authorizing bishops to try and iudge ministers guilty of crimes meriting deprivation . By the 133. act of the same parliament , ordaining Ministers exercing any office beside their calling to be tried and adiudged culpable by their ordinaries . By the 23. act of the parliament 1587. whereby all acts made by his highnesse , or his most noble progenitors anent the kirk of God , and religion presently professed , are ratified . By the 231. act of the parliament 1597. bearing , That our soveraigne Lord and his highnesse estates in parliament , having speciall consideration of the great priviledges and immunities granted by his highnesse predecessors to the holy kirk within this realme , and to the speciall persons exercing the offices , titles , and dignities of the prelates within the same : Which persons have ever represented one of the estates of this realm in all conventions of the saids estates ; and that the saids priviledges and freedomes have been from time to time renewed and conserved in the same integritie wherein they were at any time before . So that his Maiestie acknowledging the same to be fallen now under his Maiesties most favourable protection , therefore his Maiesty with consent of the estates declares , that the kirk within this realme , wherein the true religion is professed , is the true and holy kirk : And that such ministers as his Maiestie at any time shall please to provide to the office , place , title , and dignitie of a bishop , &c. shall have vote in parliament , sicklike and al 's freely as any other ecclesiasticall prelate had at any time by-gone . And also declares , that all bishopricks vaicking , or that shall vaick , shall be only disponed to actuall preachers and ministers in the kirk , or such as shall take upon them to exerce the said function . By the second act of the parliament 1606. whereby the ancient and fundamentall policie , consisting in the maintenance of the three estates of parliament , being of late greatly impaired and almost subverted , especially by the indirect abolishing of the estate of bishops by the act of annexation : Albeit it was never meaned by his Maiestie , nor by his estates , that the said estate of bishops , being a necessary estate of the parliament , should any wayes be suppressed ; yet by dismembring and abstracting from them of their livings being brought in contempt and poverty , the said estate of bishops is restored , and redintegrate to their ancient and accustomed honour , dignities , prerogatives , priviledges , lands , teindes , rents , as the same was in the reformed kirk , most amply and free at any time before the act of annexation ; rescinding and annulling all acts of parliament made in preiudice of the saids bishops in the premisses , or any of them , with all that hath followed , or may follow thereupon , to the effect they may peaceably enioy the honours , dignities , priviledges , and prerogatives competent to them or their estate since the reformation of religion . By the 6. act of the 20. parliament , declaring that archbishops and bishops are redintegrate to their former authority , dignity , prerogative , priviledges and iurisdictions lawfully pertaining and shall be known to pertain to them , &c. By the 1. act of the parliament 1617. ordaining archbishops and bishops to be elected by their Chapters , and no other wayes , and consecrate by the rites and order accustomed . FINIS . 
A69047	----	A dialogue betwixt Cosmophilus and Theophilus anent the urging of new ceremonies upon the kirke of Scotland 1620 Approx. 71 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69047 STC 4355 ESTC S114406 99849631 99849631 14790 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69047) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14790) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 984:19, 1267:02) A dialogue betwixt Cosmophilus and Theophilus anent the urging of new ceremonies upon the kirke of Scotland Calderwood, David, 1575-1650, attributed name. Murray, John, 1575?-1632, attributed name. [4], 43, [1] p. G. Thorp], [Amsterdam : MDCXX. [1620] Attributed to David Calderwood or John Murray. End of text dated 1 January 1621. Formerly also STC 5286. Identified as STC 4355a on UMI microfilm reel 1267, and as STC 5286 on UMI microfilm reel 984. Place of publication and printer from STC. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Appears at reel 1267 #2 (Bodleian Library copy, identified as STC 4355a), and at reel 984 # 19 (British Library copy, identified as STC 5826. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Customs and practices -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DIALOGVE BETWIXT COSMOPHILUS AND THEOPHILUS ANENT THE Urging of new ceremonies upon the Kirke of SCOTLAND . 1 Ioh. 1. 15. Love not the World , neither the things that are in the World : If any man love the World , the love of the Father is not in him . MDCXX . To the Christian Reader . I Have penned this conference anent ceremonies ; short , that thine eyes should not be wearied with the reading of it : plaine , that thy wits should not be troubled with the understanding of it : generall , because they are particularly in sundry treatises already handled . My purpose onely is , the information of the simple and unlearned , to guard their minds , that they bee not drawn or stollen away from the truth , by these common and deceaving arguments , which are much in the mouthes of those who mind earthly things . The speechmen in it are , Cosmophilus , that is , a lover of the World : and Theophilus , that is , a lover of God. The love of the one of their two opposite objects , either to God or to the World , leads the opposite armies , whether of preachers , or of professors in these decaying dayes . The true badge of the lover of God , is , zealously to plead for God and his cause : although it should be to his worldly disadvantage . The true badge of the lover of the World , is to plead for the World , and the belly-advantage : howsoever under a fair ( although a fectlesse ) profession . That proverb proves now over true , The belly is busie , and witty : and it wants eares . Yee may perceive many in this age among us , who draw their wits from their belly , and their wealth to it . So that ; although a lowd plain speaking truth do meet these bellywitted-men in the teeth : yet they heare not , they are deafe ; for they have no eares where their wits are . But the day will dawe , when they shall be forced to heare on the deafest side of their head . O then , how careful should we be , knowing the terrour of that day , to perswade men to the love of the truth : & to persevere in it our selves , preassing to approve our selves both unto God , and unto the consciences of men : that so we may receive that crowne of glory , that fadeth not away , when the chief Sheephard shall appeare . Worlds-love the soule insnares in many woes , Gods-love the soule repairs with many Ioes . A DIALOGUE BETWIXT Cosmophilus and Theophilus anent the Ceremonies . Cosmoghilus . GOOD morrow precise Theophile . Theoph. As much to you politick Cosmophile . Cosm. Yee look very pale upon it How ? Hath not your tender stomake as yet digested the ceremoniall piluls , for the purging of your Puritan humors ? Theoph. Well Cosmophile , yee make but a mock of the matter of my mourning ; yet I will answer you in your own termes : surely they will never digest with me . Cosm. And why so I pray you Theophile ? Theoph. Because they are so full of Antichristian ingredients , my stomake loathes them , and all such Romish Drogs and Dregs . Cosm. No Theophile , yee must not say so . The particulars in these articles , the practise whereof is presently urged ( except it be kneeling in the act of receiving the sacrament ) were in use in the primtive Church , before the Antichrist occupied the Roman Chaire . Theoph. I see Cosmophile , yee except kneeling in the act , and that iustly : seeing it hath neither father , nor mother , but the Antichrist in his full growth : and I am sory it should find so many protestant patrons . As to the rest , how ancient soever some of them may seeme to be , yet all were but humane inventions , beginning and rising with the Antichrist , whatsoever the intention was . As for their use , it ended in abuse : their devotion in superstition : as it ordinarily befalles to all human devices in matter of divine duties . And the Antichrist having setled himselfe in his throne , called them in , and many other also of that quality , to his coyn-house , and stamped them all with his Idolatrous image , that henceforth they might bee known for the proper and peculiar coyn of his kingdome , where-ever they were fouud current in the world . Cosm. O but they are now purged from all these abuses , and superstitions . Theoph. Indeed Cosmophile , it is no small paines would purge them . For although they be like wax in receiving ; yet are they like brasse in reteining the stampe of superstition : they are like the Leopard , that cannot change his spots . I would think them then rightly purged , if the kirk were altogether purged of them . They should be purged as the fire purgeth the stubble ; seeing they defile the puritie , and deface the beautie of Gods worship . Cosm. You must not think Theophile , that it is a good reason to reiect any thing , because it hath been , or is in the Roman Church . Theoph. The reason is good enough Cosmophile , and holds well in these things , without the which Christs Kirk may be , and abide in good case , accomplished with all her orders and ornaments , wherewith the Evangell hath adorned her : in these things , which ( being indifferent as yee say ) have been abused and defiled with idolatry : in these things , which , for the most part , are badges of the Romish beast , and baits to superstition : if the brasen serpent , Gods own ordinance being afterward abused to idolatry , was broken and abolished ; much more their base and bruckle ceremonies , mans invention , should be . Cosm. O but some of these remaines Theophile , even in reformed Churches , and are not much disallowed by sundry learned Protestant Theologues . Theoph. True , they remain Cosmophile , but as a black spot in a faire face , which many of of the godly-wise would be glad were wiped away . As to mens not disallowance , or silence it makes not lawfulnesse . I could give as learned Theologues , two for one , disallowing . Cosm. It is your ministers Theophile , who misinforme and marre you , they might easily close up all question and controversie about these matters , if it pleased them . Theoph. How so Cosmoph . what would you have them doe ? Cosm I would have them to propone and prove to the people , these three notable poynts . 1. the indifferencie or lawfulnesse of the things urged . 2. The strong and lawfull authority of the urger , both King , and Kirke . 3. The great hurt will come to the partie urged , in case of disobedience . Theoph Ye presume too high Cosmophile , to prescrive poynts of preaching to Past●rs , whose place , and grace is above your reach : and indeed it were more easie to propone these poynts , then to prove them . But tell me , I pray you , with what conscience and countenance they could preasse to prove the lawfulnesse of these things , wherein sup●rstition and profanitie have such place , as is clearly proved in these treatises , wherein they are particularly handled . I will onely in generall give you some few strong impediments that prohibite this proofe . Cosm. What are these strong impediments yee pretend , Theophile ? Theoph. I will give you these three Cosmophile . 1. The bands of their fideli●y . 2. The credit of their ministerie . 3. The dutie they ought in reverence and charity , to their worthy predecessors in this our Kirk . Cosm. What call ye the bands of their fidelity ? Theoph. Their oath and their subscription to that confession of faith , which two do bind us also which are professors . Cosm. O but these bonds may be loosed . Theoph. I confesse they may be violently broken , but lawfully loosed they cannot be . For an oath is the strongest bond that the tongue can make : and subscription is the strongest bond that the hand can make . If ye breake these bonds , tell me , what shall bind a man ? Cosm I tell you Theoph. our superiours , King and Church may loose them . Theoph. No Cosmophile , that may they not . For both consented , yea and by their authority presented this confession , and urged these bonds on all : binding first themselves , then others , to hold fast their profession , according to that confession , during all the dayes of their life . So the bands of the grave must bind al , before we can be loosed frō these bonds . Indeed Cosmophile there is harder , and faster knots in them , then ye consider of ; namely in the band of the oath . Cosm. What be these I pray you Theophile ? Theoph. In that band there is a double , and indissoluble knot . The one , the perswasion of the truth . The other : the promise for the truth . In the former , the takers of the oath solemnly professed their perswasion wrought in their hearts by Gods spirit , through his word , of the undoubted truth of that religion , doctrine , and discipline professed in the Kirke of Scotland at that time : and after to be continued therein : and by the contrary , the detestation of all false religion , Papistry , and all the particular poynts thereof , as they were then condemned by our kirk . In the latter , they solemnly promised to maintaine , defend , prof●sse , and practise that true religion , in all the poynts thereof : and to abhorre and detest the contrary . Cosm. It is true Theophile , that band and the knots thereof , holds fast upon the substantialll poynts of religion , doctrine , and discipline , which a●e unchangeable ; but not so upon the changeable rites and ceremonies about them . Theoph. Surely Cosmophile , the matter of the oath , and all the particulars thereof , are like a holy Taber●acle , so joyntly and soundly compacted , and knit together , that the loosing of one pin , bring●th perrill to shake all loose . So albeit some might seem to be indifferent in themselves severally and apart considered : yet ye must not thinke it 〈◊〉 thing indifferent , to single , and pick out the small pinnes of it ( as yee account them ) at your pleasure , lest all ( as is like this day ) fall downe about your eares . Cosm. But will you consider Theophile , that your formes , and ceremonies for the which ; and ours against the which yee stand , have not entred in that oath , being but things indifferent . Theoph. Yes but they have Cosmophile : for in it ours in generall termes are included , and yours excluded , and abjured . Farther , this oath is relative , and hath respect to the former confession , bookes of discipline , and acts of assemblies . By the which particularly , and expresly our formes were received , ratified , and passed under practise , as agreeable to Christs ordinance : and yours rejected , and debarred out of our Kirk , as Antichristian rites . Cosm. That oath Theophile , so farre as it concerned these outward , and alterable formes , or the like , was but indefinite , and conditionall : that is , such formes as it should please the Church for the time to appoynt , continue , or change , according to that power and libertie she did professe herselfe , in sundry acts of assemblies , to have over such indifferent things . Theoph. It was both determinate and absolute Cosmophile , even in these formes , and such was the mind of our Kirk at that time , which ( as I sayd in the former answer ) received ours , and rejected yours . So that her Profession of her power , in the change of things indifferent , extends not to their formes , which are so particularly and by name excepted : and the great seale of that solemne promise set upon the continuance in reteining of the one , and in outholding and withstanding of the other . Cosm. I think Theophile , that was an unadvised Oath , in respect of these indifferent formes , which should not be made the subject of an Oath : seeing they are so subject to changes . Theoph. I think Cosmophile , ye are evill advised to condemne so wise , and worthy a Kirk , consisting both of preachers and professors of all estates , in an errand of so great importance , as if they had not known nor keeped these inseparable conditions of a lawfull oath , which the Lord himselfe expressed , Ierem. 4. 2. That an oath should bee in Truth , and so not false : in Iudgement , or discrerion , and so not rash : In Justice , and so not unrighteous , or unequitable . The first and last respect chiefly the matter of a lawfull oath ; and the mid , the manner . Now that this oath was given in truth , and to the truth , it is cleare , because they swore their resolution and perswasion of the truth of these heades contained therein . That it was given in judgement , not rashly or unadvisedly ( as yee say ) it is cleare by the words of the confession , where it is sayd , that after long and due examination of their conscience , being throughly resolved in the trueth by the word and Spirit of God , they gave it . That it was given in justice , it is cleare , because all the particulars they swore too , were , and are agreeable to GODS word , serving for the edification of the Kirke , and overthrow of the kingdome of Sathan , and of his eldest sonne the Antichrist : and that their formes , which yee call indifferent , were not such in the judgement of our Kirke , when they appoynted the one , and discharged the other , is evident by the religious and grave reasons given for their so doing . As that ours were according to Christs institution , agreeable to the simplicitie of the Evangell , profitable for the preservation of the purity of Gods holy worship , and eschewing of the occasions , and countenance of superstition , and conformity with Rome : but yours by the contrary . Cosm. I see then Theophile , yee are loath to grant these formes to be indifferent . Theoph. That I am Cosm. and although I should , yee would be little neerer your purpose . For it is neither the unadvisednesse of the maner ; nor the the indifferencie of the matter of an oath , will loose the band thereof once layd on , as long as the indifferent matter is not turned to a sinfull use , or abuse . Although such cases might possibly hinder the making of it : it is onely the unlawfulnesse looses all . The oath which Iosua and the Princes of Israel gave to the Gibeonites , Ios. 9. 14. 15. was unadvisedly made : for they consulted not ( sayes the text ) with the mouth of the Lord : yet it was advisedly keeped , for the religious reverence to the great and glorious name of God. If yee be able to prove , that our formerly established formes are turned unlawfull , unprofitable , inequitable , profane , or superstitious , goe to , try your wits . Your Bishops and Doctors publickly professed they would not , they could not . Cosm. Yea but for all that Theophile , your former formes must to the doore . Theoph. Sure then Cosm. yours must fly in at the window : For ye have no lawfull warrant to bring them in , in the roome of so old and kindly possessors , who have all your lyfrent takes , sworne , and subscribed to them , to stand sure , under the penaltie of that dreadful damnation , in the great day of the Lord. Beside in so doing , shall yee not undergoe the guiltinesse of double perjurie by the violent ejection of the one , which were sworn to : and the fraudulent and forcible intrusion of the other , which were sworn against . Cosm. Ye aggreage the matter strangely Theoph. in making it both sinfull and hurtfull . Theoph. I will add the third also Cosm. shameful . Consider that worthy example of good Abraham , and yee shall see that , and more , Gen. 14. 22. 23. When the king of Sodom offred to him the goods which he brought back , after battell against the Kings , he refused to receive them , and why ? I have lift up my hand , sayes Abraham , to the Lord , the most high God , the possessor of heaven , that I should so doe : and wherefore that ? lest the King of Sodom should say , I have made Abraham rich ? Abraham thought , that had been to him a great discredit , and shamefull slander . Now have we not all lift up our hand to this LORD , the most high GOD , possessor of heaven and earth , that we shall continue in the maintenance and obedience of these comely and customable formes of our Kirk , and not to borrow , beg , or bring back again these formes abhorred , and abjured : lest , beside both sinne and skaith , to our great disgrace and shame , it should also be sayd : The Antichristian King of spirituall Sodom , hath enriched , or rather bewitched us . Cosm. I will leave now the purpose of the oath Theoph. and come to the persons whō it concerns . Howsoever , it would seem that these who have personally taken it , cannot be freed from the bonds of it : yet ye know , such as were not come to perfect yeares at that time : who have never personally taken it : as also the succeding posterity , are not bound by it . Theoph. Indeed Cosm. ( to passe by the professors , whose case is alike with preachers ) there are few either among our Ministers , or among your Bishops , who are not personally bound , both when they passed their course in the Colledges of Philosophy , and when they entred in the office of the Ministery , beside the renewing of these bands sundry times since in particular synods , and Assemblies . As to these forenamed , who have not personally taken it , or in time comming shall not , they are bound really . Because this bond of their parents and predecessors ( who at that time represented the whole body , and all sorts of the members of our reformed Kirk ) as upon their parts it was personall : so also it was reall , passing to their children , being about a matter which concerned their good and welfare ; as well as theirs , who took the oath . Now to cleare this poynt Cosm If that oath of Israel to the Gibeonites , bound old , and yong , parents and posterity , in a matter more private , and of lesse importance ( albeit the oath was obtained by craft , and ignorance ) much more doth this oath binde , in a matter so publick , so profitable , and with such knowledge , conscience , d●liberation , resolution , and perswasion made unto God. Cosm. That oath of Israel Theoph. concerned this present life : but this oath concernes our religion ; and the life to come : so they are not alike . Theoph. It is true Cosm. the two lives are not alike . But as for the oath , if the band of it hold fast an●nt the one , and the matters belonging thereto : tell me , by what reason it should not far more hold in things concerning the other ? If even common civil bands , or worldly contracts without an oath , binds parents and predecessors , who make it : and children and post●rity , who made it not : much more should this religious contract , and holy covenant , sealed both with oath and subscription , binde both to the constant profession , and practise of that truth , which is according to godlinesse . Did not that religious vow which Iosua made , chap. 24. 14. I and my fathers house ( sayes he ) will serve the Lord , bind not onely those who were present , but even his posteritie through their generations ? Did not that stone which Iosua set up as a witnesse of the covenant , which the people did make to for sake all strange Gods , and to serve the Lord , vers . 26. continue a witnesse of the transgression of children and posterity , who ( after Iosua and all the Elders that out-lived him , were dead ) brake that covenant , and served Baalim , Iud. 2. 12. Did not likewise that solemne oath and covenant made by Asa King of Iuda , and his people , that they would seek and serve God , 2. Chron. 15. bind all , old and yong , parents , and posterity , among whom , whosoever afterward fell away , were even guilty of the breach of this particular oath and covenant , as well , as of the generall covenant to be Gods people . Here are in the like case , like examples . Cosm. I grant Theoph. your reasons move me almost to be of your minde . Theoph. I would wish Cosm. your almost , were altogether . And now in end I intreat you , seeing an oath should be the end of all controversie , Heb. 6. that ye would once end all cōtroversie about this oath ▪ and as ever yee would dwell in the mountaine of God , learn to make greater conscience in keeping the great oath of God. Beware of dangerous and damnable jugglery , to play fast and loose , with this so holy and religious a band . Remember , and consider that fearfull example of Ezekiah king of Iudah , 2. Chron. 36. 13. who breaking that oath which hee made by God to the King of Babel , but a man , but an Ethnick man , received such an hard and heavy challenge , and threatning from the Lord , by his Prophet Ezekiel , cap. 17. 18. 19. As I live , sayth the Lord , I will surely bring my oath , that he hath despised , and my covenant that he hath brok●n , upon his own head . O! may not they look for the like challenge one day , or a heavier , who doe wittingly and willingly break that covenant , and ●espise that oath , made by God himself , to God himselfe . Cosm. Now come to your second impediment Theoph. which you call the credit of their ministry : What ? will you have them to stand upon the poynts of their reputation ? Theoph. Surely Cosm. as Men I say nothing : but as Ministers I say they should . For if they lose the credit of their calling , they lose also the fruit of their labours in it . If they in publick preaching shall turn their tongues , and allow those , as lawfull , and religious rites , which before they condemned as Romish reliques : may it not be justly sayd , that their preaching is not yea and Amen : but yea and nay , 2. Cor. 18. 20. Will not the simple people say , what shall we beleeve now , when one and the selfe same tongue speakes contraries from the chaire of truth ? Will not the Papists rejoycing , say ? Take up your Ministers now , yee may see , if their talking be worthy of trusting , who whiles affirmes , wh●les denies : whiles disallowes , whiles allowes , the selfe same things . Surely a pulpit contradiction drawes with it a selfe conviction , and a just imputation of levity and inconstancie in preaching , farre worse then if it were in practise : and that which is worst of all , a comfortles desertion of the spirit of power and grace . Cosm. But they have been too rash Theophile , in their Sermons , speaking against these things : So they must not be ashamed to recant , and confesse their oversight . Theoph. Yee are but rash in so saying . They had the warrant of Gods word ; and the warrant of the Acts , both of Kirk and kingdom for them , to speak against such superfluous , and superstitious ceremonies . So recantation h●re , were but the incantation of some transporting passion , as feare , favour , avarice , ambition : and confession of an oversight , were a great oversight in the not constant professing of the formerly avowed truth . I have seen the day Cosm. when even your principall pillars have spoken zealously against them also . But this late indifferencie of theirs , with the following commodity , hath cooled and quenched their former fervencie . Cosm. Now to come to your third impediment Theoph. let me see what undutifulness the receiving back , and practising of these ceremonies can import upon your ministers part , to their predecessors in this Church . Theoph. By so doing Cosm. they should ( so farre as in them lyeth ) discredit all their former care , knowledge , and conscience of so many grave , godly and learned men , who in so many lawfully called , and well constitute Assemblies , by constitutions wisely and advisedly enacted , according to God● word , did establish in our kirk these forms of ours , so long possessed to the great good , and edification thereof : and did banish yours back to Rome , whence they came : yea for-faulted them , never to be reduced , or restored . Cosm. Yet Theoph ▪ for all yee have sayd , if these things be in themselves in different , or lawfully , why may they not be received ? Theoph. Yee would bee an evil Musitian Cosmophile , yee sing ever one song , and strike ever upon one string . But give me licence to question you a little ; Why confound ye indifferencie and lawfulnesse ? Seeing ( to speake properly and strictly ) indifferencie is in respect of the nature of a thing : and lawfulnesse in respect of the use of it . It is true , we have a liberty in things indifferent , to doe , or not to doe : but when wee come to the particular and determinate act or use of them , if they be found expedient and profitable , then properly are they counted and called lawful . But this is your custome Cosmophile , under the generalitie , ambiguitie , and plausible sound of words ( passing by the proper signification of them ) to colour all your purposes , which you propone : that yee may steale away a conclusion by appearance , where there is no logical or lawful consequence . Cosmoph . I wil answer to your first question Theophile , I call them things indifferent in themselves , which are neither commanded nor forbidden by Gods word : and so neither good nor evil in themselves . Theoph. Then if so be Cosmoph . are ye not forbidden by Gods word , and told , that it is not good to plead and persecute so hotly for them , as ye● doe ? And is this a good argument of yours , Those things are indifferent in themselves , that is , neither commanded , nor forbidden , neither good nor ill : Therefore we vvil have them reduced , and repossessed in our Church . Indeed Cosmophile , ye have need to learn better Logicke from your Doctors . For it is not the indifferencie of a thing , that will vvarrant the admission , farre lesse the readmission of it againe into a Church . Yee must come to the use , wherein a thing is neither evil nor good , lawful nor unlawful , expedient nor inexpedient . And if yee can prove , that your formes in their use are expedient and profitable , and ours not at all , or lesse then yours , I shal approve . Cosmoph . Thinke yee then Theophile , that there is such such difficultie , or rather impossibilitie in that probation ? Theoph. I think it certainly Cosm. that even your Philosophers stone , that yee so brag and boast of , shal not be able to turn this lead into gold . Cosm. And why so Theophile ? Theoph. Will ye Cosm. put them to the triall of that true touch stone , of these Apostolicall rules , order , comelinesse , edification , peace , charity , Rom. 14. 1. Cor , 14. ye shall easily perceive , what yee and they both prove . Let wofull experience this day be judge , and give out sentence . The Papist , and Protestant are so confounded in the use of your formes , that hardly in outward shew can they be discerned ; answeres that to order ? The obscuring and defiling vaile of Antichristian ceremonies , drawen upon the comely putitie , and simplicitie of the Evangell , agreeth that with comelines ? The weak ones offended , & distracted with doubting , what hand to turne to : the Papists heartned and hardned in their superstition : the stronger , and wel resolved grieved to see things go so ; makes this for edification ? By dissention and division , the bowels of a motherly Kirke rented ; stands this with peace and charity ? So these rules clearly reveale how perillous and pernicious your formes are ▪ put case in themselves they were never so indifferent . Cosm. Will yee look Theoph. to the example of our neighbour Kirke , so wise and learned , which useth and maketh so much of these formes . Theoph. Wee will keep us within the boundrod Cosm. and say nothing , or little , of our neighbours , among whom many both worthy preachers and professors , have ever , and yet doe , stand out against them . Onely this farre for the form and state of their Kirk : their case and ours is very farre different . They are free ( although not of every conscientious band ) yet of the bands , which , beside these , bindeth us strictly . As 1. the band of Oath . 2. Subscription . 3. ●o long peaceable possession . 4. publick profession . 5. uniforme practise ; all standing and pleading for our formes : and against yours . They have continued and kept them still , which our Kirk did so advisedly cast out , and so long hath holden out , as pestilential clouts of that Romish infective superstition . So if ye would leave your unlike examples , and your jangling in generals , wherein ye take roome to reele , and ●unne to many starting holes : and if ye would consider particularly what is the singular case of our Kirk in this respect , ye would be forced to confesse , that it is not a thing lawfull , nor indifferent , to reduce them . And albeit in the judgement of some Theologues , where some of them are in a Kirk , and cannot without the disturbance of the peace thereof , be removed , they may be tollerate : yet all in one minde affirme , that being once removed , their reduction is not tollerable . The consideration of this poynt Cosm. I hope shall close your minde , if not your mouth . Cosm. What Theoph. is not pest-clou●s , and cloathes oft-times cleansed , and so applyed to good use ? Will not carefull preaching cleanse all ? Theoph. Seeing yee urge preaching Cosm. go to shall not this be a particular poynt of it , that a● the monuments and remainders of Idolatry , and all the occasions and entisements to it , be removed . What wil become then of your ceremonies ? The truth is Cosm. as long as that man of sin hath place upon the face of the earth , they wil never be cleansed . And as for preaching , it is appoynted by God , not to cleanse them , but to consume them , and him both . 2. Thess. 2. Indeed Cosm. ye may be the Popes Pensioner , for the paines ye take to vent , and advance his wares . Cosm. Yet seeing other things Theoph. which have been abused to superstition , are purged , and retained : as for example , our Temples , and Churches , wherein the true God is now truely worshipped : tell me , why may not these things in like manner be purged and retained ? Theoph. I desired you before Cosm. to hold off your unlike examples , but yee doe not : therefore by answer either to content you , or convict you , I say 1. Temples , or Kirkes have a needfull use , both natural and civil , in the commodious , and comely containing of people , for the publick practise of Gods worship . So the abuse may be purged , and they retained . But the best use of your ceremonies is but abuse ▪ which being removed , they fall , as idle , and fectlesse things , to the ground . 2. Albeit a Kirk be the place , wherein God is publickly worshipped : yet it hath no place or state in the exercise of that worship , as any part , poynt , or ceremony thereof : as your formes have . 3. Sometimes some needful circumstances may require , even the Temples to be removed , and razed : as the Temples of Idols were in the dayes of Constantine , and Theodosius , two godly Emperours . Cosm. Would your Ministers Theoph. in their doctrine , tell the people , that these ceremonies should be , and are used , without any Papistical superstition and opinion of merit , of inherent holines , and efficacie , or of necessity , as if they were essential parts of Gods worship , this would purge all . Theoph. If they should so doe Cosmophile , how would you purge them of the slander of inconstancie , who before in their doctrine have told the people so oft , that such ceremonies should not be used at all , because superstitious . And albeit they should tell , and tell again , as ye prescrive , what assurance have ye , that therby the hearts and minds of simple people should be purged of that naturall inclination they have to superstition : so long as the objects & occasions of it stand in their eyes . And so much the rather , when they see such things so violently enforced , as if they were matters of greatest efficacie and necessity in Gods worship . I must say Cosm. little wit makes meekle travell . Were it not better to fill up the pit , and so to take away all danger of falling in it : then to spend time unnecessarily to warn folks to go by it , who notwithstāding , possibly through forgetfulnes , carelesnes , or want of light , might fal into it ? Preachers & preaching may be better imployed , then to be made slaves to your ceremonies , by giving continuall warning to saif from their ill , when no sound warrant can be given for their good . Cosm. Now say to the second poynt Theoph. may not the authority of King , and Kirk , lawfully reduce and impose these formes ? Theoph. They may not Cosm. in respect their hands are already bound by these former bands : they must come from some new found land , or go to it , who make this thing . Cosm. But answer me Theoph. is there not lawfulnesse , and strength in their authority to do it ? Theoph. I have answered that already in effect , Cosm. But I will adde this further : It is true , God hath given authority to both , but with this restriction , and direction , ( sayes the Apostle Paul 2. Cor. 13. 10. ) not for the destruction , but for the edification of his Kirk . For the power of authoritie is the power of equity , and not of injury . Now by urging to re-edifie that , which was justly destroyed : and to destroy that , which was lawfully built ; what humane authority can free the doers from transgression , Gal. 2. or themselves from guiltinesse . Cosm. That holds onely Theoph. in matters of substance , according to the Apostles meaning , and not in matters of ceremonies . Theoph. It holds both in substance and ceremony , Cosm. where the edification of a Christian soule may bee hurt , or the course of the Gospell hindered . Cosm. Ye curbe the power and authority of the King , and Church strangely Theoph. that denieth it to them even in things indifferent . Cosm. I have told you Cosm. that there is nothing indifferent , that breakes these Apostolicall rules . Mans authority is not absolute in things indifferent ; but i● is tied to these former scriptures : from the which , if it vary , it wants the warrant of divine authority . Cosm. But Theoph. this twofold Christian authority , takes away all perril of offence , and prejudice against these rules . Theoph. One thing sayd , and another thing seen , Cosm. We see sensibly , it rather continues and increases offence . For the hearts of the lovers of the truth , of King , and Kirk , are exceedingly grieved , when they see humane authority enforcing , what divine authority hath forbidden : And the hearts of the enemies to all , wonderfully comforted , when they see authority so favour and further their formes . For then there is no perill of offence , when the expediencie and utilitie of the use of things indifferent , is evident : but if that be not , the injunction of authority is very inexpedient , unprofitable , and doubleth the danger . Cosm. The Papists Theoph. have but smal cause of comfort hereby . For ye see how farre we differ from them in poynts of doctrine . Theoph. But if ye wil call to mind Cosm. how they place almost the life of their religion in their ceremonies , and that by them the very power and purity of true religion , have been peece and peece weakned , and worn out ; ye shal easily perceive , that they cannot but conceive a great hope , that we shal with time , by following and affecting so fervently their formes , fall in likewise upon their faith . Cosm. Ye perceive not Theoph. the wise intent of authority , to draw the Papists to us , by conforming in some measure in outward shewes , or ceremonies to them . Theo. Wel Cosm. that intent had never yet a good event . For it is the express precept of God in scripture , both of old & new testament , that we should be in every thing● ( so farr as possibly can be ) unlike to Idolaters . We are cōmanded to come out of Babel , both in conscience and countenance , in inward affection , & outward fashion : in substance and ceremony . We are commanded to beware of Idols : to hate and cast away their garments , coverings , & ornaments : and to eschew every appearance of their evil . It proves never well to bee wise above that which is written . Before yee had yeelded to their ceremonies , ye should have seen them in some measure , yeild to your substance . Ye have been over sudden Cosm. in going awayward to Rome , to meet them : but who sees , that they have any mind to meet you mid-way . Ye think to draw them to you : but ye have chosen the wrong cords , their own ceremonies , by the which they will draw you neerer to their Babel : then ye shal do them to your Ierusalem . And if they seem to draw neere to you by such means , ye had need to beware of Iudas kiss , that is , treachery & cruelty under the cloke of hypocrisie . Cosm. Ye are too much afraid for so few , honest & innocent ceremonies ; the peaceable receving wherof , wil make you quit of the cumber of any moe . Theoph. It is not your word or vote will cleanse them , they have been so oft convict & condemned ; and to receive one ceremonie , is to receive all . For they are not loose , bnt linked , as in a chain , so inseparably , that draw one , draw all . It is but your policie to let some few , that look most smoothly , appeare , & to hide the rest , which wil follow hard on . Cosm. Let alone Theoph. trouble not your selfe , your shallow wit cannot conceive the draught of so deep wisedome . Theoph. It may wel be a deep wit , but it seems to be no divine wisedom , to trouble the peace of so vvell a constitute Kirk , by intruding such idle ceremonies ; as if there were worth in them , to countervaile the meanest point of that peace . Surely even an approved politick wit , would be loath to make such an interchange : seeing any one of the least points of the peace of Christs Kirk , is worth all your gracelesse and peacelesse ceremonies . Cos. Now I desire to have your particular answer severally : first for the authority of our Kirk . Have not the conclusions of that late assembly , holden at Perth , credit to take away all scruples : and to satisfie your conscience anent the receiving and practising of these formes . Theoph. Certainly they have not Cosm. for it is Scripture , and not Kirk-conclusions , which settles , and satisfies the conscience . As for that Assembly , the unlawfull constitution , the violent and posted proceeding , and the crafty closing of it , wel enough known to all , declares those conclusions to have been , rather collusions , and delusions . Cosm. What meanes the man ? Doth the credit of that reverend Assembly weigh so light in the ballance of your braine ? Theoph. I am not speaking fantasie Cosm. but verity . I wil put in bellance with that unlawful assembly which was so divided in judgement , and consent , all the former worthy , and well constitute Assemblies , for the space of moe then a Iubile of yeares , consenting in one minde and mouth . Then let a constant and conscientious hand hold it , and ye shal sensibly perceive , how light and little worth your one is in reducing these superstitious formes , in respect of the weight and worth of all those , in removing them . Cosm. Wel Theoph. ye should not reason against the Acts of an Assembly : nor set your selfe as a Iudge , to censure them , and your superiours . Theoph. Ye see Cosm. it is not I , but many godly , and grave Assemblies reason against one pretended assembly , and doe justly chalenge it of levity , and perjurie for restoring those so deservedly forefalted Romish rites . Farther , ye know , that how sever the Lords injunctiōs are to be receved without questioning ; yet the ordinances of the Kirk , are presented to us , not with the necessity of beleeving , but with the liberty of judging . For albeit the judgment of jurisdiction , to censure , belongs not to me : yet I should have the judgement of discretion to satisfie my conscience , by the warrant of the word , in all poynts of obedience to my superiours . Cosm. Say what you please Theoph. against that Assembly , it wil stand , and the decrees of it wil have place , ay and while they be reduced . Theoph. Stand as it wil Cosm. to the formalist , it shal not stand in my conscience : neither shal the decrees thereof have place in my practise : neither should it , or the decrees thereof , stand to others , seeing both it , and they , stand against all good order , and the wholsome doctrine of the word . The good people perceive this : and therfore they skar , and skunner with the iniquity , and vanity of the conclusions therof . Where before they did ever willingly subiect themselves to the constitutions of our ancient Assemblies , because they evidently saw the equity and the utility of the conclusions , and lawful manner of their proceedings . Cos , It seemes then Theoph. ye mind to play the schismatike , and make a separation : seeing ye● mean not to stand to the judgement of our Kirk . Theoph. Your kirk Cosm. what doe you call your selves a kirk ? are ye comparing a kirk scarse cropen out of the cradle , and a cripple halting kirk , with a kirk so ancient , so honorable , and indued with such vvisedome and prudence , by long and manifold experience ; which studied carefully to walke ever uprightly according to the truth of the Gospel ? As for schisme or separation , it seems ye vvot not vvhat they meane For in the unitie both of judgement and practise , we yet stand with the kirk wherein we were baptised , and brought up : and vvhereunto we gaue our right hand of fellowship , and band of fidelitie : which being broken by you , ye may justlie bee called schismatikes , both from this Kirk , and from your selves also : seeing ye have broken down the beautiful walles of our Ierusalem , and have re-edified the cursed walles of Iericho . Ye have built a Kirk to your self , standing upon thritten rotten pillars , but painted with ceremonial colours , all of the workmanship of Rome . Cosm. Now let me heare Theoph. what ye can say particularlie to the kings authoritie : may he not lawfullie enjoyn these things ? Theo. Not Cosm. seeing ( beside that which hath been sayd alreadie ) they want the warrant of the word ▪ and ye know , that the book of the law of God , should lye ever open before his eyes , to lead him in every point and appointment of any thing ( within the bounds of his authoritie ) that concerns the work of God , and his holie vvorship . Coms . See ye not Theoph. the credit of his royall authoritie engaged to the advancement of these errands ? Theoph. I see it not Cos. for it was the credit and commendations of the good and godly Kings of Iuda , to root out , and remove Idolatry , and all the monuments thereof , from among Gods people : and by the contrary , a discredit , and dispraise to those , who either planted , permitted , or reduced them . Cosm. But is he not a Prince , wise , learned , and religious , without a peere this day living upon the face of the earth , who would bee loath to doe any thing , but that which is lawful . Theoph. I acknowledge he is , and so was David , a most worthy Prince and Prophet too : yet he needed a Nathan , both to draw him to repentance , and to direct him in things concerning the house of God. Cosm. There is not a minister Theoph. within his dominions ( yea joyn them all together ) that knoweth so well what belongs to the house of God , as he doth . Theoph. It may be so Cosm. but I know it should not be so . Every one should bee best skild in his own craft . And I am sure a spirituall office-bearer in the house of God , sanctified & set a part by him to that service , both should and wil know best the wil of his maister , anent the poynts , and discharge of his own calling : and likewise , what concernes the weil , good order , and diet of the family , and domestickes thereof . Surely it may seeme strange , and must spring either from a high presumption of selfe conceit : or from a high contempt of the holy ministry , that credit shall be given to every one in their own calling ( yea go even down to the basest mechanicks ) but it shal be denied to Ministers in their calling ; they and it both being subject to the rash censures of every raving spirit , rushing in upon them . Cosm. Is he not our native and gracious King , Theoph. and should we not in these things pleasure him , and give to him his own due : else it is a token vve lack true love and loyaltie to him . Theoph. He is Cosm. the Lord preserve and blesse him . We would most vvillingly ( God is our vvitnesse ) pleasure him in all things , vvherein our king of kings is not displeased , and our conscience damnified . We vvill most gladly give to our most Christian Caesar , vvhat belongs to him : and to give farther , is not fidelitie , but flatterie , and spreading of a net to his feet : not loyal love to his weil , but selfe love to the world , and our own privat commoditie . Cosm. I see Conscience is a great doer with you Theoph. in every thing ye pretend conscience , conscience . Theoph. And I intend it also Cosm. It shall God vvilling , bee a doer with me , as long as I dwell in this tabernacle of clay . If ye count more of a great conquest then a good conscience , sometime ye will smart for it . Cosm. Wel Theoph. if ye care not for his pleasure , yet I think ye vvill respect his displeasure , and feare his Majesties offence , vvhich will draw vvith it so many fearful evils upon the Church , if these things be not yeilded to . Theoph. We protest Cosm. next unto the displeasure of the Almightie God , vve most feare , and would fainest flee his displeasure . As for his Majesties offence , ye make it to be the offence of anger , not of ignorance . For of ignorance it cannot be , in respect of his so great a measure of light and knowledge : and of anger , it will not be , in respect he is indued with so peerlesse vvisedom and clemencie . So neither can he stumble through lack of light ; neither vvil he tumble over his anger , as ye say , upon his loyal subjects . So I affirme Cosm. ye deserve neither Bishoprick , nor pension , at his Ma. hand , for such uncharitable prognostications . Cosm. It appeares Theoph. protest as yee please , that the great reason , why ye wil not yeeld , is , because the King vvill have it . So it seems , ye delight to be opposite to the King in every thing . Theoph. I say ye delight to calumniate Cos. we reverence his vvill : but vve must rest upon the vvil & word , both of his and our king . Yea and your great Donns , and Doctors professed , that reason , Scripture , and antiquity are against these things : and ye have nothing for you , but his Majestis vvill , and the feare of his offence . But it seems ye favour most your own cōmodity , seing ye look these light ceremonies shal bring with them some solid substance to you : and so ye receive them as typicall . Cosm. But what needs all this obstinate standing Theo. against matters of ceremony ? I confesse , if any alteration be urged in matters of faith , wee should give our lives before we yeelded . Theoph. And what needs all this violent urging of matters of c●remony , as if they were metamorphosed in matters of faith . For there is not such danger for commission against Gods ordinance , as for omission of mans . And make what ye will of them , it is too neere marching . For they have made an innovation and alteration of the confession of faith , sworn and subscrived by us : so that a new one is thrust into the room therof . Moreover , whatsoever is a matter of conscience , cannot be denied , but in so far , it is also a matter of faith . Now will you , or dare you say , that there is no conscience to be kept in the using of such things as may defile Gods holy and pure worship . But I will come neere you , and try your faith a little Cosm , He who sweareth , and for his worldly hinderance changeth , doth he not cast a great impediment in his own way to the mountain of God ? But he , who sweareth for his spirituall furtherance , and yet changeth , casteth a farre greater , if mercie and repentance remove it not . Beleeve ye this Cos. it is Gods word , Psalm . 15. Beleeve ye that all the poynts of Gods worship , both inward & outward , should be directed by his word ? Beleeve yee that there should be no communion betwixt Christ and Belial . These are matters of faith , founded on Gods word . Look to your selfe : for if this word rule not your faith , your fancie will misrule all . Cosm. Ye must not say that these things urged , are matters of faith . Theoph. If ye mean of your faith Cosm. it may be it hold ; the wings whereof seem to be so sore clipped , that ye cannot fly , nor see farther then the fire side . But I must tell you , take faith in what sense yee will , whether for the doctrine of faith : or for that divine holy habit of the soule ; they belong to the one , as a part of the subject : or to the other , as a part of the object , that is , ye must beleeve , that they are either with , or against the word . Cosm. Now last , will ye consider , how commendable a thing it were , that the Churches of all his Majesties kingdoms were uniform & conform : as in substance , so also in ceremonies of religion . Theoph. If so it should be Cos. then it were needful that your ceremonies , to the which you would have us to conform , were first freed of superstition , which shall never be . Therefore ye must turn you , and consider where the best formes , the reformed formes are , according to the holy patterne : and let conformity be there , and so uniformity : else it may be justly counted but a deformity . Cosm. Some things ye have sayd I confesse , to the first two poynts . Now let us come to the third and last , which , I hope , will put you to your peremptories , concerning the inconveniences wil seize upon the parties urged , in case of disobedience . Theoph. What are those inconveniences Cosm. and on whom in that case will they light ? Cosm. They will be Theoph. according to the condition and qualitie of the persons . It professors in private estate , they will be fined : and it may be also the communion will be denied to them . If Professors in publick state , they will also loose his Majesties favour , or their place . If preachers , then deprivation from their ministerie , and privation , either of bodily , or country libertie will follow , by warding confining , or banishment . Theoph. O inconvenient ceremonies , which drawe after them such inconveniences ! I see it is a just complaint , which many worthy divines take up against them , affirming that these indifferent ceremonies ( as yee call them ) have bred greater difference , and division in the kirk , and yet do , then the doctrine it selfe . They have ever been ( as the story of the Kirk in all ages reports ) that apple of contention cast in by that old and subtile Serpent , which hath vexed the Paradise of God. Therefore would to God ( say they ) that the Kirk were once rid , and freed of them . Cosm. Tush Theoph. they will be , and will abide in the Kirk when ye and I both are dead & rotten . Theoph. I hope yee shall prove a false Prophet Cosm. and if so be , what shall I say ? offences must come , but woe unto them by whom they come . Heresies , schismes , and troubles must be , that they vvho are approved of God , may be known . 1. cor . 11 ▪ Cosm. But answer to the poynt Theoph. I perceive yee would fain shift it . Theoph. I confesse I vvould faine shift your ill , if I could : but not an answer to you . I vvould understand , by vvhat reason yee can enforce obedience to these things ? And if not , by what equitie , ye can bind their punishments upon their backe● in case of non-obedience ? Cosmoph . It is sufficient that king and kirk will have it so . Theoph. It is not will Cosmoph . but reason that I crave . Gods vvill , I know , must aud should go for reason : but mans vvill vvants that priviledge . I have answered before sufficiently to that onely wil-argument , or violent reason of yours . Cosm. Think ye it not very equitable Theop. that the benefits of the Church be denied to those , who deny obedience to the Church : and that they may be justly fined in their purses , vvho will not obey in their persons , the command of the King and Kirk ; and last , that they are unworthy of his Maj●sties favour , or of a place of state in his kingdome , vvho will not follow his practise , and obey his precept ? Theoph. Not surely Cosm. For vvhat equity is it , to deny the benefits of the Kirk to those , vvho are both in , and of the Kirk ; or to punish either in purse , of person , for obeying rather God then man. As to vvorldly favour and places : it is better to keep Gods favour , then coilye mens : better keepe peace in conscience , then place in earthly kingdomes . Cosm. Now I will leave the Professors , and come to the Preachers . It will go very hardly with them , if they obey not . For the Church will take their calling from them , and close their mouth : and the king their living , and their liberty . Theo. That is a hard saying , indeed , & drawes with it a great hinderance to the free course of Christs Evangell : and a furtherance to the Antichristian course . Yet if so shal be , the comfort of faithfull Preachers is , that no creature is able to take a good conscience , the love of God , and the liberty of the Spirit from them . But I will aske , what kirk is this of yours , that will close up the mouthes of the faithfull servants of Christ. The good people it cannot be : for they heavily regrate such iniquity . The faithfull Pastors it cannot bee : for in none of their meetings , generall , provinciall , or presbyteriall , have they allowed such work . So it rests , that your Bishops must bee this crabbed Kirk , who being once so solemnly banished out of our Kirk , as belonging to that Antichristian crew , hath cropen back againe upon us , and minds after this manner , to revenge the old quarrel . Alas Cosm. if they proceed after that fort , how shall the rooms of honest Preachers be supplied ? Cosm. Ye may be sure Theoph. they wil get anew to fill their rooms . Theoph. There may be anew Cosm. and yet little worth , who will rather defile their roomes , then fill them ; who will love the fleece better then the flock : who will study more to be Patrons of Episcopacie , & ceremonies , to please the Bishops : then paternes of pietie , charitie , and sobriety , to profite the people . Cosm. But ye must consider more deeply of this matter , Theoph. ye must not think that your Ministers should leave their calling , and forsake their flock , for such things : that wil be an ill and ungodly doing . Theoph. Ye mistake the matter very farr , Cosmop . for they are not leavers of their calling , but your Bishops are reavers of their calling from them . They are not forsakers of their flockes , but your Bishops are wilfull and violent ruggers of them from their flock . They are patients & not agents : sufferers of violence , and not actors in that wickednesse : who would rather leave , and forsake their lives , if it lay in their hands . Your Bishops indeed Cosm. for their worldly ease , profit , and preferment , in effect willingly have left their former calling , or pastorall charge , and violently thrust honest men out of their places : because they will not allow their evill course . Cosm. Nay but they should not suffer themselves to be deprived of their ministery , and loose the exercise therof , for matters of this indifferent nature . Theoph. Ye must confesse then Cos. that farr lesse should your Bishops , whose words these are , d●prive them from their ministery , for matters of that indifferent nature : and if they doe , they are damned of them own selves , Tit. 3. 11. They avow and argue them to be matters indifferent : but they urge them as matters of necessity , and lay upon their omission , the pain of deprivation . Therefore our faithfull Pastors , who count them not indifferent , may lawfully suffer themselves , rather to be deprived from their calling , then deprive themselves of a good conscience , by doing any thing against it . Cosm. Let alone Theoph. I tell you over again , it is better for them to yield to these things , then to loose their ministery , or the exercise of it . Theoph. They loose no ministery Cosm. who keep a good conscience , and give testimony by suffering to Christs cause : that is a speciall poynt of their ministery , when they are called to it . They stand in the reputation of GOD , faithfull ministers , let men account of them as they will. As to the closing up of the exercise thereof , ye may perceive how the contrary will fall out . For the liberty taken from them in their own parishes by mens malice , is given to them in prison , or banishment , by Gods providence . Albeit they be cast in bands , or under banishment , yet Gods word is not bound , nor banished . C. Beside the former , wil ye consider Theo. their inconveniences also ▪ they will loose their worldly moyen and maintenance ▪ and this yland will not keep them . Theoph. Will yee consider Cosm. that the earth , and the fulnesse therof , is the Lords , and that this Iland is but a silly angle of it . If it cast them out , and close the doore upon them , their provident and gracious Lord , who hath called them , will care for them , and open in forrain nations to them a wide doore for the entry of the Evangel , as experience declares . They wil never want maintenance , who have care to maintaine , and entertaine a good conscience : which is a continual feast . Alas Cosmo. it is a lamentable thing to see , how some learned men , sometime well thought of , have turned now both their tongue , and their penne , to the wrong hand , for worlds gain : and do direct the darts of their variable wits , unsetled judgements , and salerife learning , against the truth , and sincere patrons and professors thereof , their friends : where before they wont to throw them against their Romish enemies . Your golden , or godlesse hammer , breakes all , and makes much halting , as also writing with the left hand . Cosm. Yet wil ye think Theop. what account your ministers should make of their precious ministery , and of that worthy worke . Theoph. There is nothing in your mouth , but a Ministery , a Ministery . But I must tell you , a Ministery , and take a good conscience from it , is but a misery . What is the price of it , when the power of it is gone ? and the worth of it , when the vertue is away ? Is not grace , and a good conscience the life of it ? if they be gone , it is but a dead ministery , and so farre better to burie it , then to beare the dead burthen of it . Cosm. Ye care not Theoph. for making of emptie pulpits , silent ministers , and so a destitute and desolate people . Theo. The Lord knowes the contrary : albeit I confesse , that pulpits are then most empty , when those who occupy them , are empty of holy humility , heavenly wisedome , and Christian courage for Christs cause . Silent sufferings of faithfull ministers for the truth , prove oft-times as profitable to Gods people , to confirme them in it : as eloquent Sermons of the truth to informe them of it . That people is most desolate , whose Pastors are most dissolute , either in doctrine , or life . God can and will provide for his people , the means and instruments of their comfort , as pleases him best . Cos. I am of that judgment , that a minister should not suffer the losse of his calling for any thing , but for that he should suffer the losse of his life . Theoph. And ye will not say , that any Christian magistrate wil or should for such omission take his life : and if any would , then the case is altered ( although the practise of such ceremonies were indifferent ) and turnd in the case of confession , & necessity , for the which one might lawfully suffer . Your judgement is not sound Cosm. touching this matter : for there is great difference between doing & suffering . We may suffer the gratest evill of punishment , rather then do the least evil of sinn . We may commit no evill of sin , how small soever , that good of any sort may come of it . Now , to practise these superstitious ceremonies , is many wayes scandalous , and to give a scandal , is sin , or moral transgression expresly forbidden in the law . C. Now I have kept my great Gun last , a Moonce which will blow up all your answers in the aire . Theo. Go to Cos. mount your Moonce : It may be your Gun mis-give : or your bullet be but a windy bladder . Cosm. Have at you then Theoph. when these two divine duties , to wit , The preaching of the Gospell : and The not practising of inconvenient ceremonies ( as yee call them ) cannot both the performed together by your Pastors : but of the necessity , if they stand to the one , they must fall from the other : then the greatest and weightiest dutie , which is the preaching of the Gospel , should prevaile : the liberty wherof in that case , they should redeem even by the practise of these ceremonies : and so let fall the lesser dutie , which is the not practising of them . Theop. Your great Gun Cosm. hath raised a great smoke but hath done no skaith to the cause . For ye divide between these two divine duties , by supposed necessity , which is both wrong & weak . Wrong , because it is no divine dividing necessity , by any ordinance of Gods word , which ( by the contrary ) couples these two duties together : but it is an humane dividing necessity , by violence of mans enforcing authority . Weake , because experience , our school-mistresse , may tell you , that the Lord oft-times keepes together in the persons of faithful preachers these two duties in their performance . Experience proves this in the persons of sundry , who are violently thrust out from their particular charges . Thus divine providence stands out against your humane violence . Againe , for farther answer , I will let you see the inequality , or different quality of these these two duties : To preach the word , is an affirmative dutie and respects the doing of good : Not to practise inconvenient Ceremonies , is a negative dutie , and respects the not doing of evil . Now the affirmative may be without sin in some cases , and somtimes and places omitted : as when one can neither keepe , nor redeeme the liberty of preaching , unlesse he enter his conscience captive to some one sinne , or other . But the negative cannot in respect of any circumstance , bee omitted , without sinne . Because to omit the dutie negative of The not practising of these ceremonies , is to practise them , and so to commit a sin : seeing superstition and scandall are the two inseparable companions thereof . So albeit the former duty seeme weightiest in the quality , or kind thereof : yet in the knot , or band , it is not so strait , and absolute , as the other . Cosm. Well then Theoph. I see there is no remedy , but your Ministers must goe for Virginia , and so play the Evangelists . Theoph. I count that better Cosm. then to play the Anguillists here , slipping , and sliding to and fro , by the wimples and windings of their wits , and wayes , so that , no gripe can be had , or holden of them . Better to preach the Gospell of Christ in Virginia , then to practise the ceremonies of Antichrist in Scotland . Oh how is the sometimes faithfull nation going on to become an harlot ! Go out of Babel my people , and bide out of Babel : to returne to Rome , is but to draw on our ruine . Cosm. Now Theoph. ye have given an answer to all my three poynts , but not answerable to my minde . These former inconveniences , which I have alledged , I see , must light upon your Ministers . Theoph. No wonder Cosm. because your mind is in the Swines trough , not on the throne of grace . If these ills of yours light upon our Pastors , they will be but the light and easie yoke of Christ upon them . But the impious imposers of them , shall be one day countable to the Prince of Pastors for it . Now to close with you at this time , Cosmophil● . seeing I am not able to convert you , nor ye able to pervert me , ( I thanke God ) you and I must part company : I know , yee will retire your selfe to your sworne , and mensworne companions , Dem●● and Diotrephes . FINIS . Januar. 1. 1621. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69047-e80 venter est ingeniosus ▪ venter non habet aures . 
A69202	----	Generall demands concerning the late covenant propounded by the ministers and professors of divinitie in Aberdene, to some reverend brethren, who came thither to recommend the late covenant to them, and to those who are committed to their charge. Together with the answers of those reverend brethren to the said demands. As also the replyes of the foresaid ministers and professors to their answers. 1638 Approx. 84 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69202 STC 66 ESTC S100396 99836238 99836238 496 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69202) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 496) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1475-1640 ; 1402:01, 644:16) Generall demands concerning the late covenant propounded by the ministers and professors of divinitie in Aberdene, to some reverend brethren, who came thither to recommend the late covenant to them, and to those who are committed to their charge. Together with the answers of those reverend brethren to the said demands. As also the replyes of the foresaid ministers and professors to their answers. Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. Forbes, John, 1593-1648. Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 1606-1649. [18], 37, [1] p. Printed by Robert Young, His Majesties printer for Scotland, [London] : Anno 1638. The answers are signed by Alexander Henderson, David Dickson, and Andrew Cant. The replies are signed by John Forbes and five others. P.[1]: "Imprinted by His Majesties printer for Scotland. Anno 1638." This is followed by the title page, and a vindication by James Hamilton, Duke of Hamilton, beginning "It will, no doubt, seem strange to see my name in print..". Folger Shakespeare Library copy identified as STC 66a in reel guide. Reproduction of the originals in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library of the Folger Shakespeare Library. Appears at reel 1402 (Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library copy and at reel 644 (Folger Shakespeare Library copy). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Covenanters -- Scotland -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Aberdeen (Scotland) -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GENERALL DEMANDS CONCERNING THE LATE COVENANT : Propounded by the Ministers and Professors of Divinity in Aberdene , to some Reverend Brethren , who came thither to recommend the late Covenant to them , and to those who are committed to their charge . TOGETHER WITH The ANSWERS of those Reverend Brethren to the said DEMANDS . AS ALSO The REPLYES of the foresaid Ministers and Professors to their ANSWERS . 1 Pet. 3.15 , 16. Sanctifie the Lord God in your hearts , and be ready alwayes to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you , with meeknesse and fear : Having a good conscience , that whereas they speak evil of you , as of evil doers , they may be ashamed that falsly accuse your good conversation in Christ. Printed by ROBERT YOUNG , His Majesties Printer for Scotland . Anno 1638. IT will , no doubt , seeme strange to see my name in print , standing so neare these men who are Interlocutors in the succeeding pages , their profession and mine being of such different natures ; But I shall entreat the ingenuous reader to take notice of the necessitie of this my doing . I am by the three Answerers to these Demands wronged , and that by an injurie of an high nature , challenged in writing to have done that , which God doth know never entred into my thoughts ; and for any thing the answerers did or doe know , never came into my minde . And though by the law of challenges , they having challenged me , I may choose the weapons ( which certainely should have beene in another kinde , had the challengers beene of another profession ) yet being men of so holy a function , I have thought good to make choyce of their own weapons ; and by my pen to doe out that blot , which they by their pen have laid upon me . And I have thought it fit to doe it in a scedule annexed to this booke ( which for that cause only I have caused to be here reprinted ) that where mens mindes perhaps may be poysoned by swallowing an untruth in their answers , so deeply wounding my honour and loyaltie ; this antidote might be ready at hand to cure them , before they should be fully tainted with it : As likewise supposing that if they should be printed severally , many might meet with their answers alone , which might leave in them a bad impression of me ; if they should not be attended with this just and true expression of mine . The injuries wherewith I am violated by the three answerers , are of two sorts : One of them strikes me alone , as his sacred MAJESTIES high Commissioner ; The other wounds me as his MAJESTIES Counsellour ; and with me all of that honourable boord . The former is this , They deliver affirmatively , That the declaration which they tendered mee of their late Covenant , was such as I accepted , and was well pleased with . And this they set down twice for failing ; In their answer to the first demand towards the end , and in their answer to the third demand a little before the middle of it ; and that with such confidence , as truly I cannot with any justice blame the reader for beleeving of it , when it fell from the pens of these men , whose profession is the teaching of truth . But I shall desire the readers to suffer themselves ( notwithstanding the prejudice of these mens persons ) to be undeceived by a plaine averment of truth . I am confident none of these three answerers ever heard me say so , nor will they say they did . If they but heard it from others ( which I do verily beleeve they did not , and shall do so still , till they avouch their authors ) sure no man can choose but misse in them that civill prudence , which will not allow any discreet man to affirme that of any other ; much lesse of a person of my qualitie , and at this time of my place ; the foundation whereof shall be so frail and slipperie , as report , which is alwaies uncertaine , and most times false . For clearing the truth , I doe averre upon mine Honour that I never said so , I never thought so . And though that that Declaration was much bettered by the industrie of some well affected ( from what was first intended ) yet it gave me not satisfaction : and I dare boldly affirme , I never said it would give my Master the KINGS MAJESTY any . My justifiers in this , shall be these Noblemen , Gentlemen , and others to whom I ever spoke , either publickly , or in private . I was indeed content to catch at any thing I could , when I could not obtaine what I would ; as being willing to doe my countrey-men that respect , as to the utmost of my power to recommend to my gracious Master , with all favourable construction , even that which I then thought , and did know fell short of just and home satisfaction . † And here , I doe confesse , I cannot charge it for a faultie mistake upon the readers of these asseverations of the three answerers , if they should , before this my declaration , conceive that his MAJESTIE were in all probabilitie like to rest satisfied with that declaration of the Covenant ; having it delivered to them from men whom they have in all this businesse beleeved as much as themselves , that his MAJESTIES Commissioner , who in all likelihood did know his MAJESTIES minde best , did rest satisfied with it . But his MAJESTY hath just reason to charge me , if these asseverations were true ; as I have good reason to vindicate my selfe , they being not true . The truth is , if these asseverations be true , I doe professe to the whole world , that his MAJESTY hath a most just cause to discharge himselfe of mee , and my service , and to discharge mee of all trust in this , or any other negotiation For I professe , that I knowing his MAJESTIES constant mislike of the said Covenant , it must bewray in me , either breach of trust , or want of judgement ; if I should goe about to make either my self , or the world beleeve , that my Master could receive satisfaction by such an explanation . And here I cannot dissemble , but must ask leave to vent my self thus far . Had these wrongs beene put upon me by the pens of other men , and not of these whose professions I am forward and willing to beleeve ( because I would have it so ) will not suffer them to embrace wilfull and malicious designes : I should justly have doubted , that there had been some men in this kingdome , who being afraid of a setling and peaceable conclusion of this businesse , had gone about to raise in my royall and gracious Master a jelousie of my slacknesse in my King and Countries service , that so I might be called back , re infecta . If any such enemies there be to the peace of this miserable distracted Church and State , I beseech God in time to discover them , and that all may end , in covering them with shame and confusion . The summe of all I will say of this personall wrong offered to my self , is this ; If these reverend and learned Gentlemen , the Answerers , in these untrue aspersions intended any harme to me , I shall only now requite them with a cast of their own calling ; I pray God forgive them . If they intended me no harm , then I do expect that they will give my self and the world satisfaction , in clearing me that I gave them no ground for these their asseverations . And so being confident of his MAJESTIES goodnesse to all his ministers ; amongst the rest , to the meanest of them , my self , especially in this particular , that he will never be shaken in the opinion of my loyall and constant service , upon such slight , light , and groundlesse reports : I will say no more of that first point . For that which concerneth my selfe as a Counsellour , and the rest of that honourable Boord , averred by the three answerers , in their answers to the third and fourteenth demand ; I do here protest before Almighty God , that none of the allegations alledged by the three answerers , nor any petition given me by the supplicants , moved me to give way , that the order of the Councell table should not passe into an act : for I did then , and doe now avow , that I then was , and now am fully satisfied with his MAJESTIES most gracious declaration ; and that in my opinion all ought to have thought themselves sufficiently freed from fears of innovations . But the true reason was this , I was so tenderly affectioned towards the peace of my Country , that I gave way to that , which many of honourable qualitie assured me , if it were not done , a present rupture might follow , and so consequently the ruine of this Kingdome ; which I was resolved to keep off so long as possibly I could , retaining my fidelitie to my Master . VVhich care of mine I finde but slenderly required , when it is made an argument to perswade his MAJESTIES good subjects to do that which is so displeasing to him , and so unsafe for them . And yet even in this passage , it would have beene expected from men of that profession , that nothing should have passed but undoubted truth . In which point too they have failed , either as I hope by a mistaking , or a mis-informing . For the Missive once thought fit to be sent to his MAJESTY was never rent , but remaineth yet as it was : and wee did not send it , because wee did not thinke , thanks to his MAJESTY would be seasonable in the name of the whole Kingdome , when we knew his MAJESTIE , by the last proceedings of many , and protestations made against his royall declaration ( pretended in the name of the whole country ) could not receive satisfaction . To conclude , notwithstanding this personall wrong offered to me his MAJESTIES high Commissioner , I will carefully ; cheerfully , and constantly go on with this great businesse , wherewith he hath intrusted me . VVhich as I pray God that it may prosper under my hands ; so I praise God that he hath given me so cheerfull and willing a heart to go on in it ; that if my life could procure the peace of this torn Church and Kingdome , to the contentment of my royall Master , and comfort of his distracted subjects ; he who knoweth all things , knoweth likewise this truth ; It is the sacrifice of the world , in which I would most glorie , and which I would most sincerely offer up to God , my King and Countrey . HAMMILTON . GENERALL DEMANDS CONCERNING THE LATE COVENANT : Propounded by the Ministers and Professors of Divinity in Aberdene , to some Reverend Brethren , who came thither to recommend the late Covenant to them , and to those who are committed to their charge . TOGETHER WITH The ANSWERS of those Reverend Brethren to the said DEMANDS . AS ALSO The REPLYES of the foresaid Ministers and Professors to their ANSWERS . 1 Pet. 3.15 , 16. Sanctifie the Lord God in your hearts , and be ready alwayes to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you , with meeknesse and fear : Having a good conscience , that whereas they speak evil of you , as of evil doers , they may be ashamed that falsly accuse your good conversation in Christ. Printed by ROBERT YOUNG , His Majesties Printer for Scotland . Anno 1638. GENERALL DEMANDS CONCERNING THE LATE COVENANT ; Together with Answers to them , and Replies to those Answers . THE FIRST DEMAND . BY what power , or warrant , these our Reverend Bretheren can sute of us , or of our people , subscription to this late Covenant ; not being sent by his Majestie , or by the Lords of Councell , nor by any Nationall Synod of this Kingdome , nor by any Judicatorie established in it ? And , How they can enforce upon us , or upon our people , who are no wayes subject unto them , their interpretation of the articles of the negative confession ? In respect whereof , as also in respect of that band of mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever , this late Covenant is substantially different from that which was subscribed by the King and his subjects , Anno 1580. and 1581. ANSWER . WE are not come hither to usurpe the authoritie of any civill or spirituall judicatorie , or to enforce upon our reverend Brethren , and the people committed to their charge , the subscription of the late Covenant , or the interpretation of the Articles of that Confession which is called negative , or whatsoever else of that kinde : but are sent to represent unto them , in all humilitie , the present case and condition of this kirk and kingdome ; crying for help at their hands also : and , in brotherly love , to exhort and intreat , that they will be pleased to contribute their best endevours , for extinguishing the common combustion , which by joyning with almost the whole kirk and kingdome in the late Covenant , we trust they may lawfully do , without prejudice to the Kings Majestie , or to any lawfull judicatorie , or to that Confession of faith above mentioned : Since the sound interpretation and application thereof , to the errours of our times , can make no substantiall change , and the band of mutuall defence , wherein wee oblige our selves , To defend the true religion , and the Kings Majesties person , and authoritie , against all persons whatsoever , is joyned , at first , with the Confession of faith . Like as his Majesties Commissioner objecting , That our Covenant was suspect to be an unlawfull combination against Authoritie , and to be the main hinderance of obtaining our desires , hath accepted , and was well pleased with our Declaration ; bearing , That we have solemnly sworn , to the uttermost of our power , with our means and lives , to stand to the defence of the Kings majestie as of Gods Vicegerent , set over us , for the maintenance of Religion , and ministration of Justice . REPLY . WE have , Reverend Brethren , sufficiently considered and examined your answers to our Demands , by which we expected full satisfaction to all our scruples and doubts concerning the late Covenant : But truly , in modesty and brotherly love , we tell you , that your answers ( whatsoever you think of them your selves ) have not given us that satisfaction which we expected . We know that some who rashly condemne every thing which is said or written contrarie to the cause which they maintain , will boldly say of us , that we have closed our eyes against a clear and ingyring light : But first , we say with JOB , Our witnesse is in heaven , and our record is on high . That Lord who only seeth the secrets of hearts , knoweth , that we love his truth , and are ready , so soon as it shall be shown unto us , to embrace and professe it before the world . Next , we appeal to the consciences of all impartiall readers , who shall have occasion to weigh and consider maturely the weight of our arguments , and of these answeres which it hath pleased you to give us : wishing them , yea , most humbly and earnestly intreating them , to judge both of your writings and ours without prejudice , or any partiall respect . Yea , we are confident , that ye also , of whose love to the truth of GOD we are perswaded , will after better advisement , and more mature consideration of the matters debated , acknowledge that we are not against the truth , but for it . The Lord open your eyes , that you may clearly see that truth for which we stand . WE objected to you , Reverend Brethren , that you had not a calling to urge us to the subscription of the late Covenant , from any acknowledged authoritie , or lawfull Judicatorie established in this Church or Kingdome : to which objection ye answere not here particularly , as we expected . And whereas you say , That you are come to exhort us , and our people , in all humility , to joyn with you ; How is it , that without our consent , and against our will , not having lawfull authority , which you seem here not to acclaime to your selves , you have publickly preached to our people , within our Congregation ? which is a thing repugnant to those places of Scripture , in the which the Spirit of God recommendeth to Elders , or Pastors , the care of those flocks , over which the holy Ghost hath made them over-seers , Acts 20.28 . 1 Pet. 5.2 . as also telleth us , That the Pastors whom the flock must know , and to whom they must submit themselves , do watch over the souls of that flock , and must give account for them , 1. Thessal . 5.12 . Hebr. 13.17 . It is also contrarie to the laws of the Christian Church in all ages . For by the ancient Canons , Pastors are commanded to containe themselves within the limits of their own charge ; and not to presume to exercise Pastorall office in another Pastors Diocesse , or Parioch , without leave : As also , they forbid Pastors to receive to divine service any man of another Parioch , that commeth in contempt of his own Pastor . Concil . Nicen. 1. Oecum . 1. Can. 16 Concil . 2. Oecum . Constantinop . Can. 2. Concil . Carthag . 2 Can. 11. Concil . Carthag . 3. Can. 20. Concil . Chalced. Oecum . 4. Can. 13. Concil . Nicen. 2. Can. 10. Concil . Tribur . Can. 28. Concil . Nannet . Cap. 1. & 2. ¶ 2. We did not without reason say , That you , and others of your confederation , enforce your interpretation of the Negative confession upon others ; seeing we hear , that some Pastors and Prelates are forced to flee to forraigne countreys , for fear of their lives , because they have refused the said interpretation ; and those who have stayed in the countrey , dare scarcely appear in the high wayes , or streets ; and are threatned , That their stipends shall not be payed unto them , untill they subscribe your Covenant . ¶ 3. Whereas you do in brotherly love exhort , and entreat us to contribute our best endeavours , for extinguishing the common combustion ; we praising God for your pious zeal , and for the lovingnesse and modesty of your speeches , ( wherein by Gods help we shall labour to keep correspondence with you ; that both we and you may shew our selves to have learned of Christ , Meeknesse , and lowlinesse of heart ) we most willingly promise to do so , by all means which our consciences will permit us to use ; as also to joyn our most humble and hearty prayers with yours , That it may please God in this dangerous exigent , To do good in his good pleasure to our Sion , and to build up the wals of our Ierusalem . ¶ 4. We may justly say , That this new Covenant is substantially different from the old , which was made Anno 1581. in respect it not only containeth that old covenant , or confession , which was allowed by two generall assemblies , but also your interpretation of it , which , as yet , hath no such authority , or approbation . ¶ 5. No band of mutuall defence , against all persons whatsoever , is expressed in the Covenant made 1581. And although it were , yet the case is very unlike : For subjects may make such a Covenant of mutuall defence by armes , with the consent of the King , who only under God , hath the power of armes , or of the sword , in this kingdome . But they who made this late Covenant , had not his consent , as that former or old Covenant had : which is a thing so evident , that no man can call it in question . ¶ 6. As for that which you affirm here , That my Lord Commissioner his Grace was well satisfied with your declaration ; it becommeth not us to pry narrowly into his Graces doings : but truly we have more than reason to pry most narrowly into the words of a Covenant , which is offered unto us , to be sworn , and subscribed , left we abuse , and prophane the sacred name of God , and tye our selves to the doing of any thing which is displeasing unto him . Last of all ; whereas ye desire us to joyn our selves to you , and to the rest of your confederacie , who are ( as you affirm ) almost the whole Church and Kingdome : Truly we cannot but reverence such a multitude of our reverend brethren ▪ and dear countrey-men , and are ready to be followers of them , in so far as they are followers of Christ : But neither can we do any thing against the truth , neither can we attribute so much authoritie to their multitude , as otherwise we would , in respect there hath been so much dealing for subscriptions , in all quarters of this Kingdome , and so many have been threatned , to give their consent , as we are most credibly informed . THE II. DEMAND . WHether or no we ought to subscribe the foresaid covenant , seeing all covenants of mutuall defence , by force of armes , made amongst subjects of any degree , upon whatsoever colour or pretence , without the Kings Majestie or his Successours privitie and consent , are expresly forbidden by King JAMES of blessed memorie , and the three Estates of this Kingdome , in the parliament holden at Linlithgow , Anno. 1585 ? ANSVVER . THe act of Parliament forbiddeth in the first part , leagues and bands of maintenance privily made , such as are called bands of Manrent , as the act in Queen Maries time , to which it hath relation , doth bear . And in the second part , only such , as tend to the publick disturbance of the peace of the Realme by moving sedition . But no act of Parliament doth discharge , nor can any just law forbid , Conventions , or Covenants in the generall ; or such Covenants in speciall as are made with God , and amongst our selves ; not for any mans particular , but for the common benefit of all ; not to move sedition , but to perserve peace , & to prevent trouble : which by all probability had been to many , before this time , too sensible , if this course had not been taken . Conventions and Covenants ( in the judgement of Jurisconsults ) are to be esteemed and judged of , according to their diverse ends , good or bad : which made King James of happie memorie to take it for an undoubted maxime , That pro aris & focis , & pro patre patriae , the whole body of the Common-wealth should stirre at once : not any more as divided members , but as one consolidate lump . REPLY . IN that second part of that act of Parliament , holden at Linlithgow , Anno 1585. are forbidden , All leagues or bands of mutuall defence , which are made without the privitie and consent of the King , under the pain to be holden and execute as movers of sedition and unquietnesse , &c. Wherefore we can no wayes think , that any bands or leagues of mutuall defence , by force of armes , are there permitted , ( that is , not forbidden ) seeing first the words of the act are so generall : for in it are discharged All bands made amongst subjects of any degree , upon any colour whatsoever , without his Highn●sse , or his Successours privitie and consent had and obtained thereunto . Next , all such bands are declared to be seditious , and perturbative of the publick peace of the Realme : or , which is all one , are appointed to bee esteemed so . And therefore , we cannot see how any bands of that kinde can be excepted , as if they were not seditious . 2. We doubt not , but the late Covenant , being considered according to the main intention of those pious and generous Gentlemen , Barons , and others our dear countreymen , who made it , especially our reverend brethren of the holy ministery , is a Covenant made with God , and proceeding from a zealous respect to Gods glory , and to the preservation of the puritie of the Gospel in this Church and Kingdome : But we cannot finde a warrant in our consciences to grant , That such Covenants , in so farre as they import mutuall defence , against all persons whatsever , none being excepted , no , not the King , ( as it seemeth unto us , by the words of your Covenant , but far more by the words of your late Protestation , the 28 of Iune ; wherein you promise mutuall defence against all externall or internall invasion , menaced in his Majesties last Proclamation ) are not forbidden by any band , nor justly yet can be forbidden . For first , we have alreadie shown , That they are forbidden in the foresaid act of Parliament , Anno 1585. 2. No warfare ; and consequently , no covenant , importing warfare , is lawfull , without just Authoritie ; which , we are perswaded , is onely in the supreme Magistrate , and in those who have power and imployment from him , to take armes : yea , so farre as we know , all moderate men , who duely respect Authority , will say , That it is so in all Kingdomes , and Monarchies , properly so called : ( of which nature is this his Majesties most ancient Kingdome ) And , that it is altogether unlawfull to subjects in such Kingdomes , to take armes against their Prince . For which cause , that famous and most learned Doctour Rivetus , in a late Treatise called Iesuita vapulans , speaking of the judgment of Buchanan , and others , who taught , That subjects might take armes against their Prince , in extraordinary cases , and extreme dangers of the Religion , and Common-wealth ; professeth first , That he , and all other Protestants , condemne such doctrine . Secondly , That this errour did proceed from a mistaking of the government of the Scotish Kingdome , as if it were not truely and properly Monarchicall . Thirdly , That the rashnesse of those writers , is to be ascribed partly to the hard and perilous times of persecution , wherein they lived , and partly , Scotorum praefervido ingenis , & ad audendum prompto . Thus he writeth in the 13. Chap. of the said book , Pag. 274. and 275. answering to the Recrimination of a Iesuit , who had affirmed , That Buchanan , Knox , and Goodman , had written as boldly for the rebellion of Subjects against Princes , as any of their order at any time had done . A thing much to be noted by us at this time , lest we any more give that advantage to Iesuites , to make Apologie for their rebellious doctrines and practises . 3. Not only making of Covenants , but also all other actions , are to be esteemed and judged of , first , by the equitie of the subject , and matter ; then , by the end : for if the matter pactioned ( that is , which the parties mutually do promise ) be justly forbidden , by a lawfull Authoritie , and consequently be unlawfull in it self ; then the goodnesse of the end , or project , cannot make the paction , or Covenant , to be good , or lawfull . THE III. DEMAND . IF it be alledged , That in extreme and most dangerous cases , such acts of Parliament may be contraveened ; Quaeritur , Whether there be now such extreme case , seeing we have his Majestie , in his former Proclamations , avowing , protesting , declaring , and in this last Proclamation taking God to witnesse , that he never intended any innovation of Religion ; and also seeing he hath removed alreadie all that which made men fear novations , to wit , Service book , book of Canons , and the alledged exorbitancie of the new high Commission . ANSVVER . IF the removing of the Service book , book of Canons , and the limitation of the vast power of the high Commission , containing so much superstition , and tyranny of Prelates , be a benefit to this Kirk and Kingdome , we ought , under God , to ascribe the same to the peaceable meetings , humble supplications , and religious covenanting of the subjects ; which have given information to his Majestie , and have procured from his justice and goodnesse so great favour , as is thankfully acknowledged in the last Protestation : which doth also expresse the many particulars , wherein his Majesties late Proclamation is not satisfactorie . And therefore the Lords of his Majesties privie Councel , upon the supplication and complaint of his Lieges , were moved to rescind the act of the Approbation of the foresaid Proclamation , and to rend the subscribed Missive , which was to be sent therewith to his Majestie . We are confident , that the Declaration wherewith his Majesties Commissioner was so well pleased , will also give satisfaction to our reverend brethren ; and that they will not think it convenient for them to give further approbation to the Proclamation , than the Councel hath done , although all of us ought , with thankfulnesse , to acknowledge his Majesties benignitie . REPLY . WE will not here dispute what hath been the maine or principall cause moving his sacred Majesty to discharge the Service booke , and other things which occasioned the present perturbation of our Church ; nor yet whether or not his Majesties proclamation may give full satisfaction to all the feares and doubts of his subjects . For our selves , we professe , that upon his Majesties declaration , and gracious promise contained in his Majesties last proclamation , we beleeve , first , That his Majesty never intended innovation in religion : Secondly , That he will maintain the true Protestant religion , all the dayes of his life : which we pray God to continue long . Thirdly , That all acts made in favours of the Service boook , &c. are discharged . Fourthly , That he will never urge the receiving of the Service book , Book of Canons , &c. nor any other thing of that nature , but by such a fair and legall way , as shall satisfie all his subjects . And thence we do collect , that which we affirmed before , to wit , That there is no such extraordinary or extreme case , as might give occasion to subjects to make such a band , as is directly forbidden by the foresaid act of parliament , and to contraveen it in such a manner , as may seeme to import a resisting of Authority by force of armes . THE IIII. DEMAND . COncerning that interpretation of the negative confession , which is urged upon us , and wherein the articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie , are declared to be abjured , as well as all the points of Poperie , which are therein expresly and distinctly mentioned ; Quaeritur , Who are the interpreters of that confession ? that is , Whether all the subscribers , or only those Ministers conveened in Edinburgh , in the end of February , who set it down ? If all the subscribers ; then what reason have we to receive an interpretation of that confession from la●cks , ignorant people , and children ? If only those Ministers conveened then in Edinburgh ; then seeing no man should take an honour to himself , but he who is called of God , as Aaron , Heb. 5.4 . what power and authority had they over their brethren , to give out a judiciall interpretation of these articles of faith , and to inforce their interpretation of these articles upon them ? ANSWER . THe subscribers are here mis-interpreted in two points , very materiall : One is , that they presume upon power , or authority , which they have to give out a judicial interpretation of the articles of the confession , and to enforce the same upon others : whereas they only intended to make known their own meaning , according to the minde of our Reformers ; and in charity to propound and recommend the same to others , who might be made willing to embrace it : Although it be true also , that very great numbers of Ministers were conveened , and testified their consent as that time : And although the private judgment of those who are called laicks , ought not to be mis-regarded . For it is confessed , That an interpretation , which is private ratione personae , may be more than private , ratione medii . The other , which being observed , will answer diverse of the following demands , That the articles of Pearth , and of Episcopall government , are declared to be abjured , as points of Poperie , or as Popish novations : where as the words of the Covenant put a difference betwixt two sorts of novations : one is of such as are already introduced in the worship of God , and concerning those , whatsoever be the judgement of the subscribers , which to every one is left free , by the words of the Covenant , they are onely bound to forbear the practise of them , by reason of the present exigence of the Kirk , till they be tried , and allowed in a free Generall assembly . The other sort is of such novations , as are particularly supplicated against , and complained upon ; as the Service book , and Canons , &c. which are abjured , as containing points of Poperie . And this we avouch , from our certain knowledge , to be the true meaning of the controverted words of the Covenant . And therefore humbly intreat , That no man any more , upon this scruple , with-hold his testimony . REPLY . AS for the first of these two mistakings : If you have not given out that interpretation of the negative confession judicially , but only have made known your own meaning , according to the minde of the Reformers , as you alledge ; then , first , your interpretation hath no obligatory power over others ; and consequently you ought not to obtrude your interpretation upon us , more then we doe our interpretation thereof upon you . Neither ought any man to be molested , or threatned , for not receiving your interpretation ; chiefly seeing all who are of your confederation have so solemnly vowed , and promised , to be good examples to others of all godlinesse , sobernesse , and righteousnesse , and of every duety which you owe to God and man. Secondly , As for the minde or judgement of our Reformers , we know no evidence of it , having publick authority to oblige the subjects of this Kingdome , except that which is expressed in our nationall confession of faith , ratified in Parliament twenty years before the negative confession was penned : wherein we finde no warrant or ground of such interpretation as you bring . Thirdly , The interpretation of the negative confession , set down in your covenant , as it is not publick , ratione personae , so also not ratione medii : for it hath no warrant , for ought we could ever perceive , either from the word of God , or from the testimony of the ancient Church , or from the consent of other reformed Churches , or from our nationall confession , registrated in Parliament . As for the second mistaking , or mis-interpretation of the words of the late covenant , first , we marvell , that a generall Covenant appointed to be subscribed by all , learned and unlearned , should have been set down by you in such ambiguous termes . For , truly , all men here , even the most judicious , do so take your words , as if the articles of Pearth were in them abjured . 2. We have again more attentively examined the words of the late Covenant , and do evidently perceive by them , That in the said Covenant , the articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie , are condemned , and abjured , as erroneous , and damnable corruptions . For where you professe , and before God , and his angels , and the world , solemnly declare , That you shall labour , by all means lawfull , to recover the libertie , and puritie of the Gospel , as it was established and professed before the foresaid novations : We ask you , what is that period of time , to which your words have reference , when you promise to labour , to recover the puritie and libertie of the Gospel , as it was professed and established before the foresaid novatitions ? If you mean that period of time , when the Service book , and Book of Canons were urged upon you ; to wit , the last year by-past in Summer ; then you acknowledge , That all that time you enjoyed the puritie and libertie of the Gospel ; and consequently , That you yet enjoy it ; for no new thing hath since that time been publickly received , and practised in this Church . If you mean ( as undoubtedly we think you do ) the time praeceding the bringing in of Episcopacie , and the acts of Pearth ; then you comprehend both Episcopacie and the acts of Pearth under these novations : for the removing whereof , you promise to labour , according to your power : and consequently do dis-allow and condemne them , even before they be tried in a free assembly , and before they be heard who maintain and approve them as lawfull . 3. We may evidently demonstrate this , argumento ad hominem , as we say in the schools : For , those rites and ceremonies , which are abjured in the negative confession , are also abjured in your late Covenant ; which , as you say , is all one with the negative confession , or with the Covenant made 1581. But the rites and ceremonies which were concluded in Pearth assembly , are abjured , as you say , in the Covenant made 1581. and therefore they are also abjured in this your late Covenant . The first proposition is evident : For in your late Covenant , speaking of the oath contained in that old Covenant , which was made Anno 1581. you professe , That the present and succeeding generations in this land , are bound to keep the foresaid nationall oath , as you call it , and subscription , unviolable . The second proposition also cannot be denied by you : For , these twenty years by-past , you have accused those who conformed themselves to the ordinances of Pearth , of perjurie ; and that because they had violated the oath made Anno 1581. in the which those articles ( as you alledge ) were abjured . But perhaps you will say to us , That we think those things not to be abjured in that oath made Anno 1581. and therefore we may swear , and subscribe your late Covenant ; and , notwithstanding of our oath and subscription , be tied only to the forbearance of the practice of Pearth articles for a time . We answer , first ; The words of an oath should be clear , and plain : or , if they be any wayes ambiguous , the true sense of them should be so declared , and manifested , that all may know it . 2 An oath is to be given , according to the minde and judgement of him that requireth it . And therefore , seeing you who require this oath of us , think the rites or ceremonies concluded at Pearth to be abjured in that oath made Anno 1581. how can we swear and subscribe your Covenant , which reneweth the foresaid oath , and bindeth us to it ? 3 If we should swear , and subscribe the negative confession , as it is included in your covenant ; then ye , who think the articles of Pearth to be abjured , and condemned in the negative confession , will think us tied , by our own personall oath , to condemn the articles of Pearth . 4 Seeing this covenant was penned by you , who have hitherto not conformed your selves to Pearth assembly , and have opposed Episcopacie , and seeing you all condemn Episcopacie , as if it were that popish , or wicked Hierarchie , mentioned in the negative confession ; as also esteem the things concluded in Pearth assembly , to be idolatrous , or superstitious ; how can we think , that you in your solemn vow made to God , for reformation of this Church , and resisting , in times to come , the novations and corruptions of it , have passed by these things , which are the only novations already introduced by authority , and from which , as you affirm , the Church hath so great need to be purged : chiefly , seeing ye think them as popish , superstitious , and idolatrous , as ye do these other novations , which are not as yet introduced . 5 If in all your supplications , plaints , and protestations , ye have only sought the removing and discharging of the Service book . Book of canons , and the new high commission , not complaining of any other novations ; and seeing his Majestie hath discharged the first two , and hath promised to rectifie the third , or last of them ; Then , what reason have ye to think , that his Majestie hath not satisfied your supplications ? For , all the novations , upon which you complained , are removed by his Majestie , and ye have his princely promise , That no further shall be urged upon us , but by such a fair and legall way , as may satisfie all his subjects . 6 As for that which your Covenant , by your own confession , requireth of us , to wit , The forbearance , and abstinence , for a time , from the practising the articles of Pearth ; We professe sincerely , and in the sight of God , That our c●nscience will not suffer us to subscribe that part of your Covenant ; and that because laws being standing for them , and our lawfull superiours requiring obedience from us , by practising them , to swear forbearance of the practise of them , is to swear disobedience , and , to wrong their authority . 7 How can we , with a good Conscience , abstaine presently from private baptisme , and private communion , being required thereunto by sick persons , and those parents whose children cannot be carried to the Church commodiously with their lives ; seeing we think it a thing very unlawfull , in such cases , to refuse to administrate those Sacraments in private houses ? Not that we think , that God hath tyed himself , or his grace , to the Sacraments ; but because he hath tyed us unto them , by his precept : and , not to use the means appointed by God , when our people , or their children stand in need of them , is a contempt of the means , and a tempting of God. THE V. DEMAND . WHether or no we can sincerely , and with a good conscience , subscribe the negative confession , as it is expounded and interpreted by the contrivers or authors of the late Covenant , seeing it maketh a perpetuall law concerning the externall rites of the Church , which God hath not made , as if these rites were unchangeable ? And how they who both swear the positive confession , and the negative , thus interpreted , can eschew contradiction , seeing the positive confession , Chap. 21. evidently declareth , That these rites are changeable , according to the exigencie of time ; and consequently , that no perpetuall law may or ought to be made concerning them ? Likewise we would know how it can stand with truth to abjure all these rites , as Popish , which are used in the Church , without divine institution , expressed in Gods word ; seeing even these who urge the Covenant , practise some ceremonies which are not mentioned in Gods word ; as the celebration of marriage before the Church , in the beginning , or at the end of divine service , with all the particulars of it , and the stipulation of Fathers and God-fathers , for the childe in baptisme , which are not meer circumstances , as they use to distinguish , but also ceremonies , properly so called ? ANSWER . THe late Covenant maketh not a perpetuall law concerning the externall rites of the kirke , as if they were unchangeable : but , as we have said before , onely bindeth us , for a time , to forbear the practise of innovations already introduced , and doth not determine whether they ought to be changed , or not . 2. According to this true interpretation , all appearance of contradiction betwixt the confession of faith insert in the act of Parliament , and the latter confession , is removed , beside that the article 21. of the confession of faith , giveth power to the Kirke , in matters of externall policie , and order of the worship of God , is expounded in the first booke of Discipline , distinguishing between things necessary to be observed in every Kirke , and things variable in particular congregations . 3. We declare again , That the Covenant doth not abjure Pearth articles , as Popish , and thinketh not time now to dispute of significant ceremonies , or other holy rites , and whether the two particulars named be ceremonies , or not : since the confession condescended upon on both sides , abjureth rites which are added without the word of God. REPLY . FIrst , VVe have already told you , That we cannot subscribe your oath of forbearance of the practise of the articles already introduced , without violation of authority , and of wronging our own consciences , who think private baptisme and communion , not to be indifferent , but also necessary , in some cases ; not indeed , necessitate medii , as if Gods grace were tyed to the externall means , but , as we say in the schools , necessitate praecepti , because we are commanded to use these means . 2. This late Covenant leadeth and bindeth us to the old Covenant , made 1581. and that old Covenant bindeth us perpetually to that discipline which was then ; that is , ( as ye alledge ) to the whole policie of the Church , comprehending all the externall rites of it : and so , à primo ad ultimum , this late Covenant bindeth us to the whole policie of the Church , which was then ; and consequently maketh a perpetuall law , concerning externall rites of the Church , as if they were unchangeable . All parts of this argument are sure : For by your late Covenant , you professe your selves bound , to keep the foresaid nationall oath ( as you call it ) inviolable : And that oath , or Covenant , bindeth us , to continue in the obedience not onely of the doctrine , but also of the discipline of this Kirke . Where by the discipline of the Kirke , ye understand ( as ye have in all your writings professed , especially of late , in your booke entituled , A dispute against the English Popish ceremonies . Part 4. Chap. 8. Sect. 6. ) the whole externall policie of the Church , as it was at that time ; to wit , Anno 1581. Yea , you confesse , That no other thing can be understood by the discipline of the Kirke , but that which we have said already ; and consequently we shall be tyed by that oath which you require of us , to admit and practise no other rites and ceremonies , but such as were then received in our Church . We can no wayes passe by this , seeing ever since the assembly of Pearth , in your publick sermons , and printed books , ye have most vehemently accused us of perjurie , as violating the oath , or covenant , made Anno 1581. and that in respect we have admitted into the Church , some rites , or ceremonies , which were not in it the foresaid year of God. Is not this to make a perpetuall law , concerning the externall rites of the Church , as if they were unchangeable , and to abjure the practice of all rites introduced in the Church since that time ; and consequently the practise of the articles of Pearth , and that not for a time onely , but for ever ? 3. Seeing the negative confession , according to your minde , and conception of it , maketh the whole externall policie of the Church , as it was Anno 1581. to be unchangeable : and on the contrary , the confession insert into the acts of Parliament , declareth , That the rites belonging to the externall policie of the Church , are changeable ; how can you escape a contradiction , if ye receive both these confessions ? 4. Whereas by that distinction mentioned in your answer , of things necessary to be observed , and of things variable in particular congregations , ye insinuate that by the keeping of the discipline of the Kirke as it was then , to which we are bound in the old Covenant , ye understand the observation of those things which are necessary to be observed in every kirke , and not of things variable in particular congregations : We ask , Into which of the members of this distinction ye refer Episcopacie , and the articles of Pearth ? That is , Whether they must necessarily be omitted in all Churches , and at all times , or not ? If ye say , that they must be necessarily omitted , and that the negative confession , confirmed with an oath , doth tye us to the omission of them ; then both ye would make us to swear , and subscribe against our consciences , ( for we are perswaded , That these things are lawfull ) as also ye would make us to abjure Episcopacie , and the articles of Pearth , in perpetuum ; which is flatly contrary to your declaration in your answers , 1.5 . &c. If you say on the other part , That we are not tyed by the negative confession , to the omission of these things ; then , why have ye , in all your writings against us , exprobrate to us , perjurie , in violating of the oath contained in the negative confession ? 5. We would gladly have known your minde , concerning the lawfulnesse of such rites as are not of divine institution , expressed in Gods word . For we ingenously professe , That none of your answers ( which hitherto we have seen ) to the instances , or examples brought by us in our fift Demand of rites used by your selves , in your Churches , as lawfull , without divine institution , ( to which we could adde many moe ) do give us any satisfaction : nor yet , as we think , can give satisfaction to any indifferent man. As for example ; Is blessing of marriages a meer circumstance ? Who can be so impudent , as to say so ? Or , if it be a ceremonie , what precept or practise have ye of it in Gods whole word ? if it be alledged . That we have a warrant from that blessing pronounced , Gen 1.28 . upon m●n and woman , after their creation ; we ask , By what consequence can that solemnity of blessing of marriages used in our Churches , with all the ceremonies of it , be drawn from that effectuall and operative blessing of our first parents , or rather of whole mankinde ? Is there here an institution of a perpetuall observance , or rite , to be used in the Church , more than in the 22. verse of the same chapter , when God blessed the fowls , and fishes , and said , Be fruitfull , and multiple , and fill the waters in the seas ? &c. If again it be answered , That pastorall benediction , is mentioned in Scripture ▪ first , VVhat is that to blessing of marriages ? And secondly , VVhy are not all other pactions ▪ as well as marriages , blessed in the Church ; chiefly , seeing matrimoniall blessing hath been , and is , abused in the Romane Church , which holdeth , That marriage is a sacrament ; and consequently , matrimoniall benediction ought , as it would seem , to be secluded from the Church , rather than other blessings ? THE VI. DEMAND . WHether or no it be fit to subscribe such an interpretation , as in matters of lawfulnesse , and unlawfulnesse ; and consequently in matters of faith , contradicteth the judgement of so many Divines , most famous , of the reformed Church , both ancient and modern , ( who did , and do hold , that these rites and ordinances brought into this Church by the assembly of Pearth , are in their own nature lawfull , and such as ought not to make a stir in the Church of God ) and also condemneth the venerable practise of the ancient Church , and the most eminent lights of it , even in those purest times , unto which we appeal against the Papists , in our disputes . ANSWER . WE trust , That no sound Divine , ancient or modern , would in this case deny the expedience of the forbearance of the practise of Pearth articles . And further than this , nothing at this time is required . REPLY . YOur silence , in not answering that which we affirmed , concerning the judgement of Divines , ancient and moderne , of the reformed Church , anent the lawfulnesse of the rites and ordinances , which were received in our Church , by the ordinance of the assembly of Pearth ; as also concerning the judgement and practise of the ancient Church ; doth make us think , that ye acknowledge the truth of that which we affirmed there . 2. VVe have already shown , That the oath which ye require of us , importeth more than the forbearance of the practice of Pearth articles , for a time . 3. The forbearance of some of them , seemeth to us , to be meerly unlawfull , and contrary to that pastorall duty we owe to our flock . 4. The forbearance of any of them , considered with a relation to the authority enjoyning them , in our judgement , is plain disobedience . THE VII . DEMAND . WHether it be agreeable to charity or piety , to require us to abjure these rites , as Popish ; which in the sincerity of our hearts , following the light of our conscience , ( whereof we take God to witnesse ) we have hitherto practised , as lawfull , and laudably following the same light , do yet practise them ? But suppose this might be required of us by any ; Quaeritur , Whether or no it becometh them so peremptorily , and upon such a suddenty , to urge us to this , who these by-gone twenty years , have desired earnestly to enjoy the freedome of their consciences in their Ministerie , even in denying obedience to these things , and standing laws for them ; and when they were urged to obedience did so often protest , and earnestly request , That they might have a time , to be well enformed , and maturely advised of the matter , which to the most part of them was most graciously granted ? Let them ▪ therefore , look to that naturall Maxime , Quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris : and to our Saviours precept of the same sense , and almost of the same words , Mat. 7. vers . 12. ANSWER . WE hope , that such a forbearance of the practise , will prejudge the liberty of no mans conscience . REPLY . IT would much prejudge our consciences , to swear and subscribe the negative confession , taking it according to your conception and meaning , who require our oath . 2 How can we swear , to labour , by all means lawfull ( as ye require in your covenant ) to expell those things , whereof we hold some to be necessary , and all the rest , to be lawfull , and laudable ? THE VIII . DEMAND . WHether it be fitting to swear to defend the Kings Person and Authoritie , with this limitation , In the defence and preservation of the true Religion , laws , and liberties of this Kingdome ? As if their persons ought not to be defended against all enemies , although as yet they embraced not the truth : or having before embraced it , yet have fallen from it : or as if their royall Authority were not to be acknowledged , although commanding things unlawfull ; and as if we were not subject thereto , in yeelding to suffer under them , when we give not active obedience to them ? ANSWER . 1. THe answer of the first Demand , may give satisfaction here . 2. The Specification of the defending the Kings Person and Authority , in the defence of the true religion , laws , and liberties of the Kingdome , is warranted by the Confession ratified in Parliament , by other acts of Parliament , by the other Confession , and by the generall band joyned with it . 3 No man will with-hold his Subscription from the Covenant , because it doth not , as it intendeth not to expresse every duty we owe to the Kings Majestie , as if the not naming , were a denying of the duty . REPLY . WHat ye have replyed in your Answer to our first Demand , we have examined , in our confutation of your Answer . 2. If ye consider well all the circumstances of the making of your Covenant , ye will finde that it had not been amisse , at this time , to have expressed more fully the loyaltie of your intentions , to maintain the Kings person , and honour . Next , it is necessary to expresse it yet more fully , for our cause , whom ye require to swear and subscribe your Covenant ; lest we do any thing , in this matter , with a doubting conscience , ( which is a grievous sin ) that is , Doubting whether or no we are tyed by our oath to maintain the Kings authority , only in so far , as it is employed in the defence of the foresaid true Religion : or , at least , as it is not employed against it . For it seemeth to us unlawfull , to swear the maintenance of the Kings authoritie , with this limitation precisely . And if ye be of a contrary minde , we are most willing to confer with you of this point . THE IX . DEMAND . WHether or no we can sincerely swear to maintain the Authoritie , truely and properly monarchicall of the King ; and withall swear also disobedience to these articles , which are authorized by his standing laws , and to maintain the meanest of his subjects against him , in their disobedience of his laws , as yet standing in vigour concerning these things . ANSWER . 1. THe answer to the first Demand , is usefull here also . 2. Forbearance of practise , for a time , in such a case , is rather obedience , than disobedience : for example , Kneeling was thought convenient , because all memorie of superstition was past ; should it not therefore be forborn , because superstition , is now revived , and flagrant ? They who practise , keep the letter of the law : but they who forbear , keep the life and reason thereof . REPLY . YOur Covenant requireth more of us , than the forbearance of the practise of Pearth articles , as we have often times declared . 2 We have also shown , That the forbearance of obedience to standing laws , without license of Superiours , and contrary to their commandment , especially if it be done by deliberation , and if men tye themselves , by an oath , to do so , is manifest disobedience . 3 The article of Pearth , anent kneeling , was not grounded only , nor yet principally , upon that narrative which ye mention ; but rather upon the conveniencie and decencie of the gesture of kneeling , in the receiving of the holy Sacrament : which reason doth yet continue ; as also the other reason which ye mention , holdeth yet : for the body of the people of this Church were never papists ; and consequently , have no memorie of popish superstition , as those who lived in time of reformation . 4 We cannot see nor conceive , how a vow and band of maintaining the meanest subject of this Kingdome , against all persons whatsoever ; and consequently , against the King himself , as we have shown in our second Reply , in disobedience of his laws , can consist with that love , reverence , and subjection , which we owe to our King. Neither have ye brought any thing in your Answer , to satisfie us in this point . And , because ye alledge , as we hear , that ye are mistaken in this point , and do vindicate your selves , by those words of the Covenant , wherein ye promise to maintain the Kings authoritie ; we pray you to expresse your minde more fully , concerning it ; and to show us , 1 What ye mean by maintaining the Kings authoritie , in that part of your Covenant , wherein ye expresse your loyall intention , To maintain the Kings person , and authoritie ; and in speciall , Whether or no the maintaining of the Kings authoritie , be taken by you , as it excludeth all resisting of his Authoritie , by force of arms , even although he should command things unlawfull , and contrarie to the truth ? For so we think it should be taken : and that it should be so taken , we are readie to demonstrate . Neither can we swear it in any other sense . 2 Whether your promise of mutuall defence , In the same cause of maintaining the true Religion , and his Majesties authoritie , &c. ought to be understood , of the maintaining the Kings authoritie absolutely : that is , Whether he maintain the true Religion , or no ? Or , on the contrarie ; If it ought to be understood of the maintaining the Kings authoritie conditionally , in so far as he maintaineth the true Religion , and not any other wayes ? If you say , that it is to be understood the first way , we assent to that part of your Covenant , and have no more scruple anent it , except that one which we mentioned in our Reply to your second Answer : to wit , That the words of your Protestation seem to import more ; and , that your Paction , or Covenant , is made without the Kings privitie , and consent . If ye say , that it is to be understood the second way ; then we continue urging our foresaid Demand : to wit , How a man can maintain the Kings authoritie , and withall maintain the meanest of his subjects in resisting his Authoritie ? And how we can be said , to stand for the Kings honour , when we vow and promise , do to that which he himself professeth to be against his Honour ; and which , in the common judgement of men , is thought to be so ? The determination of this point , is more than necessarie , at this time : and therefore , let us in sinceritie and brotherly love , confer of it ; that the consciences of others who doubt of this , may receive satisfaction . THE X. DEMAND . WHether or no we ought to swear to such a Covenant , which taketh away from us all hope of a free assembly , or Parliament , to judge of the matter presently debated ? For how can these vote freely of any matter propounded to the decision and deliberation of the Church and Estate , who have already sworn to adhere to one part of the question ? and how can those who dissent from them , submit themselves to their judgement , chiefly seeing they are possessours , and have laws Civill and Ecclesiastick , standing as yet for them ? ANSWER . WE perceive , that this tenth Demand , is made of the articles of Pearth ; therefore we answer as before ; That we promise only forbearance , which can prejudge no mans liberty in a generall assembly . REPLY . WE have shown , That your Covenant , and Oath , importeth a manifest abjuration of the articles of Pearth : and therefore , the swearing of it doth manifestly prejudge the liberty of voting in a nationall assembly : For , how can they freely either reason in an assembly , concerning Episcopacie , and the articles of Pearth ; or else , give their judgement , without prejudice , concerning them who have alreadie promised , sworn , and vowed , first , To adhere to the discipline of the Kirke : that is , ( according to your interpretation ) to the whole externall policie of the Church , as it was 1581. 2 To labour , by all means lawfull , to remove , and expell , all those rites and ordinances , which have come into the Church since the foresaid year of God ; that the Church may be restored to the liberty , and purity , which it then had . Whereby ye declare , That the foresaid articles , and Episcopacie , are contrary to the liberty , and purity of the Church ; and consequently , ye are tied by your oath , to vote against them , if ye be called to the intended assembly . THE XI . DEMAND . WHether our subscribing , together with our people , to the confession of this nation , which is ratified and registrated in Parliament , Anno 1567. may give full satisfaction to all who doubt of the sincerity of our profession , if so be they have no farther ayme , but only to know and see our willingnesse , and constant resolution , to adhere to the religion presently professed , and to oppose all errours contrary to it , to our lives end ? Now seeing we are willing to do this , as we take God to witnesse , we are ; how are we hated , maligned , and traduced as enemies of the truth , only because our consciences do not suffer us to subscribe to that interpretation of the negative confession insert in the Covenant , ( concerning which we can see no warrant of the truth of it , nor lawfull authority binding us to it ) and to the politick , or rather military part of that Covenant , which is a thing without the compasse of our calling , and not belonging to that contending for the faith once delivered to the saints , of which S. Iude speaketh in his epistle . ANSWER . SInce no other mean could be found so effectuall , for holding out of Poperie , and forbearing of dangerous novations in religion , such as the Service book , and Canons , which as yet are only discharged , till in a fair and legall way they may be introduced ; and are by no word of the late Proclamation disallowed : although the Service book , by the Proclamation , February 19. be highly praised , as serving to edification , and to beat out all superstition : and nothing in this application is abjured , but what was abjured in the former ; why shall we forbear to use a mean so just , and so powerfull , for the preservation of the purity of religion ? REPLY . HEre ye do not particularly answer to our Demand , and seem unwilling to give that testimonie of us , your brethren , concerning our sincerity in professing of the Truth , which , all who know and judge unpartially of us , do think to be due to us . It is sufficiently known , what pains we take in disputing and writing against Papists , in confuting their errours in our pulpits , in leading processe against them , according to the order of the Church , and in doing all things against Romish errours , which can be expected from the most zealous Professours of the Truth . If ye , or any other of our reverent brethren , doubt of the sinceritie of our profession , then pose us concerning any Article controverted , and we shall be most ready to declare our minde concerning it before all men , and give a sufficient proof to the world , that we have pried as narrowly into the mysteries of Romish errours , for refutation of them , as any of those who impiously , and uncharitably traduce us , as favourers of Poperie . 2. We have other means more effectuall , and lawfull , ( whereas we think this your mean to be unlawfull ) for holding out of Poperie : and in which we ought to confide more , than in all the promises and vows of men ; yea , also , more than in all the united forces of all the subjects of this land : to wit , Diligent preaching , and teaching of the word , frequent prayer to God , humbling of our selves before him , amendement of our lives and conversations , and arming our selves against our adversaries , by diligent searching of the Scriptures , and using all other means , whereby we may increase in the knowledge of the truth , and in ability , to defend it against the enemies of it . 3. The subjects of this Kingdome , at least a great part of them , either by their own inclination , or by the perswasion of others , have such a hard conceit of the Service book , and Canons , that if his Majesty use a faire and legall way of bringing them into this Church , especially such a way as may give satisfaction to all his subjects , in all appearance , we need not to fear the in bringing of them . THE XII . DEMAND . WHereas we heare of diverse disorders , and violent miscarriages of those who have subscribed the Covenant , against our brethren of the holy Ministerie , who continue in their obedience to the laws of the Church and Kingdome ; which miscarriages being done without all forme of justice , or legall proceeding , are an exercising of revenge , by private authoritie , and consequently are forbidden in the sixt commandment : which is one of the reasons which moveth us , not to joyn our selves unto their society . We would gladly therefore know of our reverent brethren , who have come hither to recommend the late Covenant unto us ; First , Whether or no they do allow these disorders ? 2. If they allow them , what reason have they so to do ? And if they allow them not , how is it , that these disorders and miscarriages , are not publickly by them , and other Pastours of their confederacy , condemned , and sharply rebuked in their pulpits ? Why are the actours of them not tryed and censured ? And why do they delay to give out some publick declaration , either in print or writ , to this effect , being long since exhorted to do so ? ANSVVER . 1. HArdly can a zealous people assembled in a Kirk for the worship of God , be kept from tumult , when books , and a worship which they either know , or conceive to be popish , are suddenly , and imperiously obtruded upon them by the Leaders : & how far the keeping of the materiall kirks from the pollution of worship , belongeth to the people , and community of the faithful , should be considered . 2. Violence done in other places , and upon other occasions , we no more allow , than we doe approve the aspersions of perjurie , rebellion , &c. which some men do put upon us . REPLY . IT belongeth not to the people , or communitie of the faithfull , to contemne Authoritie , and the Lords Service , done in his owne House , on his own day , so farre as to put violent hands on Prelates and Pastours , in time of Divine worship , while they are practising those things which are enjoyned by the King , and his Councell . Such disorders , and contemptuous carriages , doe not beseeme those whom Christ inviteth to come to him , and to learn of him , meeknesse , and lowlinesse of heart ; chiefly , seeing there are many other wayes , whereby people may testifie their aversation of those books , and worship , which they conceive to be Popish . If it be a sinne in parents to provoke their children to wrath ; much more is it a sinne in children to provoke their parents ; especially Patrem Patriae , the common father of the countrey , so to wrath . 2. The keeping of Gods house from the pollution of worship , belongeth to those who are cloathed with lawfull authority . 3. We not onely asked of you , Whether or no ye did allow the miscarriages towards our brethren of the holy Ministerie , mentioned in our Demand ? but also supposing that ye do not allow them , we asked , How is it that those disorders and miscarriages , are not publickly by you condemned , and rebuked ? Why are the actours of them not tryed , and censured ? And why do ye not give some publick document to the world of your aversation of such miscarriages ? chiefly , seeing they are , as we have shown , a manifest transgression of the sixt Commandement . We cannot sufficiently marvell , that ye have kept up your mindes in this matter , and not answered to so important , and necessary a Demand . As for your complaint of perjurie and rebellion , &c. if ye mean the warning late written to the subjects in Scotland , ye shall know , that the Author thereof himself is much displeased with any offensive asperitie , which hath been found in some written Copies thereof ; and hath already done that , for removing of that offence : which , we hope , shall give full satisfaction to all men . THE XIII . DEMAND . HOw can we subscribe that Covenant , without incurring many grievous scandals ; as first , the scandall of dissenting from other Reformed Churches , and famous Divines , the chief instruments of the Reformation of the Church in Europe , who did hold these rites which are abjured in this late Covenant , as meerly unlawfull , popish , and idolatrous , to be in their own nature , lawfull . Secondly , the scandall of dissenting from antiquitie , and vilipending it altogether in matters of the externall policie of the Church ; which we know , and have found by frequent experience , to be a thing that maketh many Papists more averse from our profession , than other wayes they would be . Thirdly , the scandall of perjurie , which some of us cannot escape , who did swear obedience to the articles of Pearth , and to our Ordinarie , at our admission to the Ministerie . ANSWER . THat threefold scandall causeth upon the right interpretation of the clause of the forbearance of the novations already introduced . REPLY . WE have shown your interpretation of the clause of forbearance , not to be right , and have refuted it , we think , by the very words of your Covenant ; so that none of these three scandals can be eschewed by us , if we subscribe to your foresaid Covenant . 2. Suppose the other two might be eschewed by that interpretation of the clause of forbearance , yet the third cannot be eschewed , seeing at our admission we have sworn obedience to the articles of Pearth , and to our Ordinarie : Wherefore , ye must either prove the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie , to be unlawfull , or else , we cannot , without violation of our oath , made at our admission , forbear the practise of the foresaid Articles , against the will of our Ordinary , and other our lawfull Superiours . THE XIIII . DEMAND . LAst of all ; We pray these reverend and worthy brethren , to consider impartially , and charitably , seeing we have all these scruples in our minds concerning their Covenant , as also seeing we are yet most confident , and assured of the lawfulnesse of the articles of Pearth , together with the lawfulnesse and venerable antiquity of Episcopall government , how we can , with a safe conscience , give our consent that they should preach in our pulpits , who come professedly to withdraw our people from that which we in the inmost thoughts of our souls do embrace as lawfull ; and from that obedience which they do owe to their gracious and pious Soveraigne therein ; whose last Proclamation hath given full satisfaction to us all , and much rejoyced our hearts , in respect he hath there in most solemnly , and by his oath declared , not only his sincerity in professing the truth , but also his pious resolution , to continue therein , and maintain it constantly to his lives end , most graciously and wisely removing these things which have occasioned the late perturbation of our Church . We wish them likewise , to consider , how they can require this of us , seeing they would not ( we appeal to their own consciences ) be content that they should be so dealt with themselves ; we mean , that any should go up to their pulpits , and condemn their doctrine , and practice , and withdraw their people from that which hath been before recommended unto them as truth . We conclude : Exhorting earnestly , entreating lovingly , and charging modestly , these , and all others , our reverend brethren , before God , and the Lord Iesus Christ , who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing in his kingdome , if there be any consolation in Christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the Spirit , if any bowels of mercies , to look narrowly to their own consciences , in these weighty matters ; remembring that of Ieremy , The heart is deceitfull above all things , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? To judge charitably of us their brethren ; remembring that of our Saviour , Iudge not , that ye be not judged : To deal with us in love and meeknesse , ( if so be they think us to have gone astray from the truth ; which , God knoweth , we no wayes do perceive ) remembring that of S. Paul , If a man be overtaken in a fault , ye that are spirituall , restore such an one with the spirit of meeknesse : as also that of S. Iames , The wisdome that is from above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated ; full of mercy , and good fruits , &c. And last of all , To seek peace , and so to follow after it ; that this our dear native countrey be not exposed to a dangerous warfare , and to all the wofull consequents thereof ; of which our hearts cannot think , without trembling and horrour . ANSWER . 1 NOthing in the interpretation of the Covenant , against the lawfulnesse of Pearth articles , and of Episcopall government . 2 We never intended to draw the meanest of the subjects , from that loyalty of obedience , which they owe to their Soveraigne , and ours . 3 The Counsell hath rescinded the approbation of that Proclamation . 4 His Majesties religious and righteous disposition , hath been to us a ground , and chief argument of our hope of the hearing of all our petitions . 5 We have no desire to wrong our reverend and worthy brethren : but rather to passe in silence , the wrongs which we have sustained by them : And would approve our selves unto our God , and prove faithfull in the imployments put upon us : earnestly desiring , That every eye may perceive the wonderfull work of God in this land : lest any of us be found fighting against God ; and that all of us may joyn heart and hand , for the purity and peace of the Kirk of our Lord Iesus Christ , blessed for ever . M r. ALEXANDER HENDERSON , Minister at Leuchars . M r. DAVID DICKSON , Minister at Irwing . M r. ANDREW CANT , Minister at Petsligo . Iuly 21. 1638. REPLY . THere is too much , as we think , in your Covenant against the lawfulnesse of Pearth Articles . 2 Your band of mutuall defence , against all persons whatsoever , may draw subjects , perhaps , to take arms against their King , ( which God avert ) and consequently from that loyalty of obedience , which they owe to their Soveraigne , and ours ; except ye declare , and explain your selves better , than ye have hitherto done . 3 What the most honourable Lords of his Majesties privie Councell have done concerning the Kings Majesties last Proclamation , is not sufficiently known to us , and far lesse upon what grounds and motives they have ( as you say ) rescinded their approbation of the late Proclamation . 4 His Majesties religious and righteous disposition , hath been to us , and is a main ground wherefore we rest and rely upon his gracious Proclamation , perswading our selves , that he intendeth not , nor ever intended , any innovation in religion . 5 We shall labour , by all means , to eschew every thing , which in the least degree may wrong you , our reverend and worthy brethren . As for the wrongs already done by us to you , ( as ye pretend ) whensoever it shall please you to specifie them , we hope to give you full satisfaction , and to clear our selves of that imputation . 6 The work of God towards any nation , how strange and wonderfull soever it seem to be , is never contrary to his word : And therefore we fear not to be found fighting against Gods work , so long as we fight not against his truth , revealed in his word . That all-seeing Lord knoweth , that we maintain his truth according to the light of our consciences , and are ready to joyn heart and hand with you , for the purity and peace of this Church , in every lawfull way and course , as sincere lovers of truth and peace . And now , brethren , before we conclude , again we entreat you , and all others our dear country men , especially our reverend brethren of the holy Ministery , to judge charitably of us , and of our proceedings at this time ; and in particular , of these our Demands , and Replyes ; which , God is our witnesse , neither hatred of any mans person , nor love of contention , nor any worldly respect ; but only the conscience of our calling hath drawn from us . And as for our arguments for not subscribing , which are taken from our due subjection and obedience to our Soveraigne , and his laws , We protest and declare , That they ought not to be so interpreted , as if we intended to accuse you , or others , our dear countrey men , of disloyalty towards our most gracious King ; or as if our purpose were to lay any such imputation upon you : For they are only used by us , to show what the words of the Covenant seem to us to import , and how we conceive of them ; as also , what maketh us so to conceive of them . We doubt not , reverend brethren , but ye know , that as we owe to you , and to your proceedings , the favourable judgement of charitie ; so we ought to judge of those things , which we are to swear , and subscribe , with the strict and inquisitive judgement of veritie ; and consequently , we ought to ponder duly , and to propound particularly and fully to others , ( especially to those who require our oath and subscription , and undertake to satisfie our consciences thereanent ) all the doubts and reasons which make us unwilling or afraid to give our subscription thereunto . JOHN FORBES of Corse , Doctor and Professor of Divinity in Aberdene . ALEXANDER SCROGIE , Minister at old Aberdene , D. D. WILLIAM LESLEY , D. D. and Principall of the Kings Colledge , in Aberdene . ROBERT BARON , Doctor and Professor of Divinity , and Minister at Aberdene . JA. SIBBALD , Doctor of Divinity , and Minister at Aberdene . ALEXANDER ROSS , Doctor of Divinity , and Minister at Aberdene . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69202-e90 † Nor is there any ground for their opinion of my acceptation of that declaration , unlesse they call receiving , accepting ; and that was not in my power to refuse , it being conceived in formall words of a supplication , and so tendered to me , who by my royall Master his instructions was commanded to receive the petitions of all his good and loyall subjects . 
A74891	----	William Stewart to the Church of Scotland. Sonnet. Stewart, William. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74891 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E69_22a). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74891 Thomason E69_22a 50290036 ocm 50290036 157277 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74891) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157277) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 12:E69[22a]) William Stewart to the Church of Scotland. Sonnet. Stewart, William. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [S.l. : 1643?] Not found in Wing. Date of publication conjectured from Thomason. Found on film preceding "A proclamation concerning a cessation of armes." (E.69[22]) Reproduction of original in: British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Great Britain -- 17th century. A74891 (Thomason E69_22a). civilwar no William Stewart to the Church of Scotland.: Sonnet. Stewart, William 1643 139 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WILLIAM STEWART TO THE CHVRCH OF SCOTLAND . Sonnet . THou little Church , to whom Christ hath restor'd The cleare lost light of his Evangell pure : Thy God doth with all diligence procure , That with his word , thou maist be still decor'd . Though thou have long his wholesome truth abhor'd , Yet his great mercies did thy blindnesse cure , Submitting thee , unto the carefull cure , Of such pastours , as truely teach his word . Out of whose hands ( what great thanks ) now receive , All Davids Psalmes , set forth in pleasant verse : Agreater gift of them thou couldst not crave , Whose endlesse fruit , my pen cannot rehearse : For here thou hast , for every accident That may occurre , a doctrine pertinent . 
A69048	----	The speach of the Kirk of Scotland to her beloved children Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. 1620 Approx. 125 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69048 STC 4365 ESTC S107176 99842878 99842878 7573 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69048) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7573) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1197:10, 1584:10) The speach of the Kirk of Scotland to her beloved children Calderwood, David, 1575-1650. [2], 125 p. Imprinted [by Giles Thorp], [Amsterdam] : in the yere 1620. By David Calderwood. Printer's name and place of publication from STC. British Library copy identified as STC 22040 on UMI microfilm. Reproduction of the originals in the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library and the British Library. Appears at reel 1197 (Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library copy) and at reel 1584 (British Library copy). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-05 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE SPEACH OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND TO HER BELOVED CHILDREN . HEu , heu Domine Deus , quia ipsi sunt in persecutione tuâ primi , qui videntur in Ecclesia tua primatum diligere , gerere principatum ; impedire salutem est persequi Saluatorem . Bernard . Alace Alace ô Lord God , for they are cheesest in thy persecution , who love the first and chief places and to bear rule : to stay the course of salvation is to persecute the Saviour . Bernard . SImplicitas amentia , malitia sapientia nomen habet , virique boni usque adeo irridentur , ut fere nullus qui irrideri possit , appareat . Petrarch . Simplicitie now carieth the name of madnes , malice the name of wisdome , and good men are so derided , that almost no man can be found to be derided . Petrarch . Imprinted in the yere 1620. THE KIRK OF CHRIST IN SCOTLAND TO HER DEARLY beloved Children , wisheth purity and peace . AS I your loving mother fearing to be finally deserted of my glorious Spouse the Lord Iesus , and to be childles hereafter , haue weeped sore in the night this time bypast my teares are on my cheekes ; Among all my lovers few to comfort mee , my friendes haue dealt treacherously with me , they are become my enemies , Lament . 1. 2. So would ye my dear children dolefully cry out : The joy of our heart is ceased , our daunce is turned into mourning , the crown is fallen from our heads , woe unto us that we haue sinned , Lament . 5. 15. 16. If ye were touched with the sense and feeling of your present estate , and could by the thick shaddowes of this evening be brought to consider the comfortles desolation of that approaching night of darknes , after so bright a day of visitation . But so much the more dangerous is defection , and the mysterie of iniquitie the more pernicious , that it proceeds from so subtile beginnings as to your simplicitie ar almost insensible . It is not time then for me your dolorous mother to keepe silence . But love and feare presse me to put you in minde , that it hath been in all ages the holy disposition & happy practise of all Gods people wayting for the appearing of Iesus their Lord , tēdring the weal of his spouse , and taking to hart the aeternall salvation of their own soules ; to set continually before their eyes . 1. His inaestimable goodnes towardes his Kirk . 2. Her case and condition , while she is militant here on earth . And 3. in consideration of the one and the other , the duetie required and expected at their handes , wherthrough in the goodnes of God they have beene safe from that dreadfull ruine , that hath overtaken the wicked . And which I wish you my beloved children to escape by calling to minde in like manner at this tyme of your danger and my distresse . First how wonderfull the Lordes mercies have been towards me his Kirk in this nation . Secōdlie my present case crying with the complaints of a mother for help at your hands . And thirdly what is due from your affection , places , and callings to me , in whose wombe ye were conceived , and by whose care ye are brought up to that which ye now are . That whatsoever is commanded by the God of heaven , it may be diligently done for the house of the God of heaven . For why should he be wroth against the realme of the King and his sonnes , Ezra 7. 23. And that Christ may say to me yet once againe : Thou art beautifull my love as Tirzah , comelie as Ierusalem , terrible as an army with banners . Cant. 6. 3. Words and motions of this sort as they have been , so they will be but oyle to feede the fire of the furie of such incēdiaries , as make their own earthlie particulars their highest projects ; for the wicked shall doe wickedlie and none of them shall understand ; yet by the grace of God manie shal be purified and tryed & the wise shall understand . The greatest wisdome of the greatest of you in other matters ; and your gracious countenance towards me , and the meanest of your brethren at other tymes , suffereth me not to doubt of your audience of any message or motiō from heaven ; but especiallie be my mouth , which may either dis cover , or prevent anie spirituall or temporall danger . Now the spirit of wisdome and knowledge give unto yow all wise hearts , that in the sight of God ye trying thinges that differ may approve things excellent ( which is above the reach of the naturall man ) that ye may be sincere & without offence till that day of Christ your Lord & mine . THe riches of the unsearchable favours of my spouse towardes me have beene so greate , he hath made his glorie to dwell so sensiblie in this land , that I may bouldlie say , Mercie and truth righteousnes and peace had never since Christs comming in the flesh a more glorious meeting , & amiable embracing on earth , then ye have seene amongst your selves in the roughe end of this northern Yland : which therfore hath justlie obteined ( to my no small comfort ) a great name among the cheefe Kirkes and Kingdomes in the World. A people that sat in darknes hath seene a great light , and to them who sat in the region of death light is sprung up . To what nation under heaven ( when now the sunne of righteousnes hath shined upon the most part of the world ) hath the Lord communicated the Gospell for so large a time , with such puritie , fulnes , prosperitie , power , libertie and peace . The hottest persecutions had never greater puritie , and power ; the most halcyon hereticall tymes had never more prosperitie and peace ; the best reformed Kirks in other places can hardlie parallel your fulnes and libertie . And all these with such continuance , that not onlie hath he made the truth to stay with you , as he did the sunne in the daies of Iosuah ; but when the cloud of your iniquities did hasten it to goe downe , in his mercie hath he brought back the glorious sunne by manie degrees as in the tymes of Ezekiah . Oh that ye had known the long pleasant day of your visitation , and in this your day the things belonging unto your peace . Christ hath not onely beene one , & his name one , in respect of his propheticall office for your information , of his priesthood for the expiation of your sinnes , and intercession for you : but also hath displayed his banners ; and hath shewed himself ( few can say the like ) a soveraigne King in our Land , to governe you with his owne scepter erected in his Worde , to cutt off with his sword all monuments of Idolatry , and superfluitie of pompous ceremonies ; & to restore all the meanes of his worship in Word , Sacraments and discipline to the holy simplicitie and integritie of the first paterne shewed in the mount ; frō the which , by that wisdome of man which is ever foolishnes with God , they had fearfully and shamefully swerved . The sincerer sort of the bordering nations about you , haue been so ravished with that beautie of the Lord upon your Sion , with that crowne of glorie and rich diademe by the hand of our God set upon your heades , that they have made you the meath of ther religious wishes : they haue with vehement desires longed to see the things that ye have seene . And have not spared to profess , that in your case , they would rather suffer themselves to be dissolved , then that one pinne of that holy Tabernacle so divinelie compacted should be loosed . Within and amongst your selves that puritie of profession received universallie with so full consent , that Prince and Peeres , Pastors and people were all for Christ , one heart & one soule of these who beleeved , with such evidences of Gods favour that the windowes & gates of heaven seemed to be opened , to raine downe upon this Land spirituall gifts to save you , as sometime they had beene readie to powre downe raine to destroy the world , every hand almost received some gift , and every head crowned with some grace , with such successe that it brought a rare unitie , prosperitie , & peace upon Kirk & cōmon wealth . With such power and presence of the spirit of God in converting , comforting & confirming his people that Satan was seene fall like lightening from heaven , the infidel and unbeleever casting himselfe downe on his face , and confessing that undoubtedlie God was amōgst yow , and in the middest of your meetings , as the soules of his own secret ones can best beare witnesse , who have beene most submitted to that holie and happie simplicitie , the effectes whereof yet remayning in the harts of many , all worldly power be it never so violent sall not be able to remove it . And with such terrour from God and the Kings Lawes , that ye wanted not your Theodosians publikly humbling themselves . The hardest hearted and haughtiest were made to stoup . The Atheist either changed in heart , or in countenance , and forced to play the hypocrite , the proudest papist , eyther made like you , or made to leave you . Heresie never hatched within your walles , and the Babylonish brood of schisme in the infancie till this tyme was dashed against the stōes . Ye sought not then ( my dere children ) with Iohn and Iames like great Princes one to sitt on the right hand , another on the left ; nor to be busked with earthly glorie and Persian pompe , better beseeming the kings of the world , then the kingdome of Christ. The Carbuncles , the Saphyres , the Emeraulds , the Chrysolites ; the gold , the precious stones , wherewith my foundation , walles , windowes , gates were set and adorned , were out of the Lords own thesaurie . Your ambition was then set upon spirituall glorie , the cōquest of syn and Satan by the powerfull puritie of the Word , Sacraments , and discipline . The joy of your soules was to see Christ reigning in the middest of his enemies , his sword dividing the father from the sonne , and the sonne from the father : yea & a man frō himself , parting the soule and the spirit , the joynts and the marrow , and ending in glorie to God , and peace upon earth . Then were the tabernacles of God amiable ; then provoked ye one another with cheerefulnes to go up to the mountaine of the Lord , to the house of the God of Iacob : ye were sure there to learne his wayes , and how to walke in his pathes . Then found ye the Lord his glorie filling his Sanctuarie , and one of the largest springs of the blood of Christ from Eden watring the citie of God , and glaiding your soules wearied with sinne . This was my beautie so truelie glorious in the sight of God and his Angels that all the glorie of this lyfe is unworthie to enter in comparison with it . Better to you to have this glorie under a crowne of thornes with our Saviour , in a chaine with Paul , in the Lyons den with Daniel , then all the splendor of Tiberius , of Nero , of Darius , wherewith the weak eyes of the world are dazled , and pitifullie ( to my great griefe ) bewitched . And surely your forgetfull ingratitude were inexpiable , if with the mater ye remembered not the finger of God wonderfully working in the meanes of that glorious reformation . We have to regrate that the Atheisme of these dreggs of tymes and manners is become so gross , that all events now are sacrilegiously ascribed to second causes . If Naaman his cure , or Anna her fruitfulnes , or the Egyptiā or Babylonian libertie had fallen out in these godles tymes , it had beene counted foolishnes and simplicitie of men over religious , upon the ignorance of alterations wroght by nature , or policie , to attribute them to God. Yet God is the Lord ; Of him and through him and for him are all things . Ezrah , Nehemiah , and the godly of that time acknowledge no less the wonderfull working of God in their redemption from the bondage of Babylon , then their fathers did their deliverance out of Egypt , Although the power of God was not so miraculous in the one , as in the other . Consider a little , and mark the constitution of the tyme before this reformation was wrought , the grandeur , pride , & insolencies of my office bearers thē ; the averse disposition & induration of the personages both at home & abroade , upon whom in mans eyes it did depend ; the heathenish darknes of idolatrie and palpable blindnes of superstition , wherin the multitude was wrapped , and ye shal be forced to say , that he who would have intended a change of religiō , might have received that desparing answer , which a man of great spirit and place , an enemie of Romish pride , and a desirer of reformation gave concerning Luthers purpose . Brother , brother goe to your cloyster and say have mercy on me ô God. All seene second causes were posting on in a contrarie course ; or if any possibilitie of alteration could haue beene imagined , what hope could there have beene therof , except it had beene wrought with the edge of the sword bathed in blood : as Grostead the “ hammer of Rome said a little before his death . Yet ( to the endles praise and wonderfull goodnes and wisdome of our God be it remembred ) the great worke was so singularly brought about and perfected , that almost without blood , except the blood of a few martyres , ( wherein through the same wisdome and goodnes , for commending and ratifying the truth , the mouth of the sword of persecutors was dipped , ) the whole bodie and shadow , substance and ceremonies , roote and branches of Romish Idolatrie were at once cut off . Thus by reason of the wonderfull manner of Gods working , of my own feeling , and yours of the wonders wrought amongst you , and of the testimonie of others both friends and foes about us , may not ye with one voice say and sing with the Kirk , Psal. 126. When the Lord turned againe the captivitie of Sion , we were like them that dreamed , then was our mouth filled with laughter and our tongue with singing ; Then sayd they among the heathen the Lord hath done great things for them , the Lord hath done great things for us wherof we are glad . And would God as your deliverāce was in many things like that of Israel ; so your infidelitie and unthankfulnes were not like theirs ; there arose an other generation which knew not the Lord , nor yet the work which he had done for Israel . A generation not onely unthankfull , but contumelious against that glorious work of God & worthie instruments therof , and therefore ready to bless that which the Lord hath cursed , and to build that which he hath destroyed . For is there not start up of late within my skirts a new sect of shameless mishapen formalists ( my indignation cannot bear such monsters ) who blush not to joyne with my enemies the papists in breathing out reproachful obloquies against your reverend fathers and brethren , Calvin , Beza , Knox etc. as though their zeale against Romish idolatrie ( the deformities whereof by new colours are now beginning to seeme beauties ) had been excessive ; and by disparaging their credite to bring the truth preached by them in suspition , and that glorious work of reformatiō , wherin they were so worthy instruments into question . He that is the keeper of Israell vindicat his owne cause from the blasphemous mouth , and uncouth stratageme of this generation of vipers . Finally that the Lord might shew ▪ that he left nothing undone ; haue ye not experienced the blessing of Abraham ; hath he not blessed them who blessed you , and cursed them who cursed you ; he hath been not onely our sunne , but our shield . What instrument framed against you hath prospered ? What tongue arysing against you hath not the Lord cōdemned ? that all the world might know , that God was your saviour , and the strong God of Iacob your avenger . Your forraigne enemies haue bene made the objects of your pitie , and so many as haue rent my bowels within , have perished tragically in their own divices . No sooner began they , till now , to reedifie the cursed walls of Iericho , but they have beene buried under the ruines of them . All which hath proceded of his own good pleasure . If ye should say that the cause were any worthynes in your selves above other nations , not onely my spouse Christ , and his faithfull servant Moses would cry out against you , but all the world that knowes what ye are in other respects would laugh you to scorne . The Lord who shewes mercie on whom he will shew mercie , hath done it . It is wonderfull in my eyes , and should have moved the most obdured , and stonie hearts amongst you to melt , & answerably to spend themselves to his honour in the duties of holines and righteousnes , which alas ye have not done , as now shall appeare by the sequel of your iniquities , casting me your poore mother into so great a doole & desolation , which is the second point of your Christian consideration propounded in the beginning . Would God it might please him to blesse your senslesse soules with a holy remembrance of that which ye once were , and from whence ye are fallen . Ye would surely finde , that as in manners and conversatiō from small beginnings by degrees ye are now come to great abominations ; so both in the lyfe of your profession , and in the outward worship of God , ye are further fallen from that which of late ye were , then now your case is distant from that which ye feare . To let pass the desperate profaness of many crying sins even beyond the cry of Sodome ( considering all the circumstances of the mercie of God , of the meanes and space graunted to you to repent ) by continuall importunitie deaving the eares of divine justice , that had not the Lord had respect to some of his secret ones ; who kneele before him day and night to continue his gracious favour with you , misregarded of the world , but my chariots and horsmen : had he not a purpose to prevent the insolencies of my enemies , I have sayd I would scatter them abroad , I would make their remembrance to cease frō amongst men , save that I feared the furie of the enemie , lest their adversaries should waxe proud . And which is principall , did not the Lord for his own names sake , and the praise of his mercy spare me , we had long since beene consumed and the enemy had entered within my gates . To let passe that lukewarmenes & careles mediocritie in the matters of God , that neutrall adiaphorisme in my affaires , which hath in it a native and proper power to hasten at the hand of God the removall of my candlestick , and to bring in the famine of the word . For how can the Lord without indignatiō suffer men to esteeme basely of the least circumstance , which he willeth to be observed . And not to insist in that fall from your first love , decay of your wonted zeale , secret indevotion even in true christians : where is that wonted power and demonstratiō of the spirit in preaching ? that cheerfulnes in holy exercises ? that circumspect walking before God in all your wayes ? that preparation to divine dueties ? that spirit of deprecations ? that spiritual profite of hearing , communicating , meditation , and conference ? that consciencious diligence in winning of others , & working upon your acquaintāce to bring them within the bosome of my love ? that jealousie over your hearts ? that indignation against errours , idols , Apostates ? Is not the life of religion condemned under the names of hypocrisie , singularitie , melancholie , simplicitie , puritanisme etc. And the light thereof either smothered under the ashes of this errant tyme● , or put in a theefes bowet ; so that the godly now born down with a bastard modestie , and spirituall pusillanimitie , dissemble and conceale the grace of God for eschewing the shame & offence of the world , which the wicked not long since , did simulat , and counterfeyt for currying of credite with me and my follovvers . But leaving all these , I come to complaine of the alteration made upon my outvvard face and goverment . May not I novv , as once the vvorld becomming Arrian , poure out my sighes , and vvonder hovv so suddenly I am changed from that vvhich I vvas , and become that vvhich novv I am . All the rites of Rome are not more odious to many novv , then my present ceremonial cōstitutiō vvas to them of late . The formes and fruites of preaching fearfully changed , the crystalline fountaines of holy Scripture troubled with the mudd of mans putide learning , the ministration of the Sacraments brought in under a new guise of mans shaping , the painfull ministerie turned into a busie Lordship , and these who are set over soules , & should warre unto God are become seculars , intangling themselves with the affaires of this life ; nothing but a pompous shadow for Gods simple service . Demas & Diotrephes are become the paterns of wisdome and praeeminence ; Chrysostome is thrust out and Arsatius placed in his rowme , beloved Liberius is set a syde and lightlied , Foelix is set to feede the flock ; pratling tymeservers are become preachers , & powerfull pastors put to silence ; plaine and frequent preaching reproved , a redd liturgie commended ; Alevite for a Preist , and lesse then a levite for mouth and messenger to Gods people ; Non residents with their flattering varlots sit in the chaires of dignitic , fed with pluralitie of benefices , and painfull promoovers of the Kingdome of Christ , and subverters of Antichrist with ignorance the mother of devotion , borne down and despised , Labourers vexed with angvish of Spirit , & loyterers live in wealth & ease , In the tyme of confusion , wicked men attayne to honours , and that seat of dignitie wherof in a peaceable common wealth they dispared , in the tyme of trouble they hope to procure . Commandes are cancelled . Canons are made commandes . And as Gerson complained in his tyme , a Monke more severely punished for going without his cowle , then for comitting adulierie or sacrilege . Or as Chaucer , the Fryer more bound to his habit then a man to his wife . The duties of Ministers , and edification of Christians tyed to the sens●es practise of trifling ceremonies . And hence we see it is , that old hypocrites are become professed Atheists ; Philadelphian professors are come to a Laodicean temper , Papists wax insolent and obstinate , the faithfull pastors either put frō the building of the Sanctuarie , or forced to build with the one hand , and with Nehemiah to beare off these corruptions with the other ; the people through publick contradictions and present practises contrary to late preachings , know not what way to incline . But as usually it falleth out in multitudes when they are shaken with contrarie doctrines , and tossed betwixt errour and trueth , from being doubtfull in questions moved about religion , their hearts in end are opened , and themselves made naked to receive everie corruption & vanitie . As the contentions about Eutyches opinion thrust out Christ and brought in Mahomet . Yea except the Lord restreyne and stay , they rush into Atheisme in opiniō , and Epicureisme in conversation , where through the lyfe of religion is utterly extinguished . The case of religion herein not being unlike unto that of the miserable woman in Plutarch , whō her suters divided amongst themselves in members , because that every one could not have her whole . Thus she perished and they were disappointed . What may be the finall event , your synnes may make you justly to feare , what it shall be , the alpowerfull God , who rules all events , knowes well . This ye may see at least , that pulpits and schooles , taverns and alehouses , towne and village , Gath & Askelon , are all busied with these broyles . Which make me the daughter of Sion to complaine and in doole to deplore that in so distressed a case , there is no compassion in my sonnes . That of so many whome I have brought forth and brought up , there be so few to cōfort me , almost none to guide me or take me by the hand . Yea after tryall I finde that my own ministers and domestickes , beholding the invention of their own heades , & concupisence of their own hearts , without respect to God or his word are the prime authors of my calamitie & actors of this my mischief , according to the bitter complaint of the godly learned of old , searching the causes of all the abuses , wherwith the glorie of the christian Kirks my sisters in the tyme of their peace hath beene blemished or defaced . I will content me with two witnesses , who speaking of their own tymes , directly point at ours , & taxing the enormities of the Kirks then , paint out in lively colours our present corruptions , that we may see the coincidence of the course of synne and may feare the similitude of judgements . The one is learned Gerson about the yeare 1420. who observed two principall causes of the sicknesses & soares of the Kirk in his tyme. One was the neglecting of the lawes of God and direction of Scriptures , and the multitude of mans inventions . No tongue ( sayth he ) is able sufficiently to expresse , what evill , what daunger , what confusion , the contempt of holy Scriptures ( which doubtlesse is sufficient for the government of the Kirk , for otherwayes Christ had beene an unperfect Lawgiver ) and the following of humane inventions hath brought into the Kirk . For proof hereof he addeth , let us consider the state of the cleargie , to which heavenly wisdome should have beene espoused . But they have committed whordome with that filthie harlot , earthly , carnall , and divelish wisdome ; so that the estate of the Kirk is become meerely brutish & monstrous , heaven is below , and earth is above , the spirit obeyeth , and the flesh commaundeth , the principall is esteemed as accessorie , and the accessorie as principall . Yet some shame not to say , that the Kirk is better governed by humane inventiōs , then by the divine law , and the law of the gospell of Christ , which assertiōis most blasphemous . For the Euangelicall doctrine by the professors of it did inlarge the bounds of the Kirk , and lifted her up to heaven , which these sonnes of Hagar seeking out that wisdome which is from the Earth , haue cast down to the dunghill . And that it is not wholly fallen , and utterly overthrowne and extinct , it is the great mercy of our God and Saviour . The other cause of the Kirks ruine he observed to be , the ambition , pride and covetousnes of Bishops , and their Hierarchy . He ●pareth not to say , that in imitation of Lucifer they will be adored and worshiped as God. Neither doe they think themselves subiect to any , but are as sonnes of Belial that have cast off the yoke , not enduring whatsoever they doe , that any should ask them , why they doe so , they neither feare God , nor reverence men . Hence was it , that not onely hee , but innumerable others of the wise men , & holyest of the Kirk , longed and looked for a reformation , a long time before Luther was borne ; wishing that all things were brought back to that estate , they were in the tyme of the Apostles . And what wonder , that perceiving among our selues , the same causes and many the like effects , we tremble for feare of a more dangerous ●ecidivation . The other witnes is Nicolas Orem a man learned & pithic , who in a sermon before Pope Vrban the fyft in the yere 1364 , noteth among many moe , these causes of the approaching miserie of the Kirk . The profanitie of the Kirk beyond the synagogue , we know ( sayth he ) how Christ rebuketh the Pharises , the cleargie of the Iewes for covetousnes 1. for that they suffered doves to be sould in the temple of God 2. for that they honoured God with their lipps and not with their heart , and because they sayd , but did not . 3. for that they were hypocrites . To the first then let us see whether it be worse to sell both Kirk and sacraments , then to suffer doves to be sould in the temple . To the second , there be some who neither honour God with their heart nor with their lipps , who neither doe well , nor say well , neither doe they preach any word at all , but be dumbe doggs not able to barke , impudent doggs that never have ynough . And truely there be also some , whose intollerable pride & malice is so manifesty and notoriously kindled up like a fyre , that no cloke nor shadow of hypocrisie can cover it . But are so past all shame that it may be well verified of them , which the Prophet speaketh , Thou hast gotten the face of an harlote , thou wouldest not blush . An other cause is the unaequal proportion seen in the Kirk , where one is hungrie and starved , an other drunk , by reason wherof it cannot be , that the state of the Kirk can long endure . As he cleareth by the comparison of the proportions in Musik in common wealths , and in the bodie of man , wherupon he inferreth . If in the bodie of the wealth Ecclesiasticall some who be the heads be so enormously overgone in riches and dignity that the weak mēbers of the body be scant able to beare them up , there is a great token of dissolution and ruine shortly . A third cause is the pride of Prelates declared in their great horses , troupes of horsemen , the superfluous pomp of their waiting men and great families . To them the Lord speaketh by the Prophet Amos , ch . 4. Hear you fatted kine of Samaria , ye that doe poore men wrong & oppresse the needy , the day shall come upon you &c. Besides these he allegeth the tyranny of Prelates , which as it is a violent thing , so it cannot long indure , the promoting of the unworthie , and neglecting of the worthie , the tribulations of outward policie & cōmotions of people , the refusing of correction in the Princes and Rulers of the Kirk , the backsliding from righteousnes , lack of discreet and learned preachers , promoting of children unto Kirk offices , and such other like . This sermon changing the name & time , might seem to haue bene studied for our present estate . And happy were we , if we were not miscaried with the perillous opinions , which he ascribes to the Prelates of that time . One opinion is of them who thinke the Prelates to bee the Kirk , which the Lord will alwayes keep , and never forsake . An other who deferred time , thinking that the causes & tokens before rehearsed , have been in the Kirk at other times no lesse then now . The third of such as say , Let come what will come , let us conforme our selves to this world , and take our time with temporizers . And the last is of such as being unfaithful , beleeve not that any such thing shall come . But so long as men are drunken with one or moe of those errors , what hope is there of happinesse of recovery ? We might heare Henricus de Hassia in the yeare 1371. speaking that of our times which he said of his own , That the Ecclesiasticall governours in the primitive Kirk were compared to the Sunne shining in the day time , and the politicall to the Moon shining in the night . But the spiritual men which now are , doe neither shine in the day nor in the night . But rather with the darknesse of impiety , ignorance , and licentious living , doe obscure both the day and the night . The renowned Bishop of Spalato , as holy Bernard before him , complaines more bitterly of that damned couple of crying sins , Avarice and Ambition , two monstrous beasts , and ravenous Harpies , which have seized upon the harts of Kirkmen in the time of peace ; then of the crueltie of persecution and craft of heresies , which seeme to you to be the most desperate and onely evils . Then ( saith hee ) speaking in the person of the Kirk , was I at my highest , and at my best esteeme , whiles I went in a thin coat , such as I was cloathed with , when my spouse Christ Iesus betrothed himselfe to me , &c. And afterward ; They have thrust upon the world their owne inventions , and established their own ordinances , not drawn out of that testament , which my spouse left to me and them , namely the holy Scriptures , but craftily hammered out of their own capricious projects , and tending to the prejudice of your poore soules my deere children . So true it is , that wealth is a viperine brood of devotion . Riches heaped together for reverence of so great a function , almost have removed the cause of reverence . And lest my calamity should seeme common , or my present miseries to be lesse , then the greatnesse of my by-past felicities , may not every feeling soule rightly affected towards unity & verity , mournfully deplore this my estate in the words of Nazianzen , describing the case of the Kirk in his time to this meaning . My mind ( sayes he ) leads me , seeing there is no other remedy , to flee and convoy my selfe unto some corner out of sight , where I may escape frō the cloudy tempest of maliciousnesse , whereby all parts are entred into deadly warre amongst themselves ; and that little remnāt of love which was , is now consumed to nothing . The onely godlines we glory in , is to find out somewhat whereby we may iudge others to be ungodly . One of us observes the faults of another , as matters of upbraiding , and not of mourning . By these meanes we are growne hatefull , even in the eyes of the heathen themselves ; and ( which woundeth us the more deeply ) we cannot deny but we have deserved their hatred ; with the better sort of our own our credit and name is quite lost : the lesse wee are to marvell , if they iudge vily of us , who although wee did well , would hardly commend us . On our backes they also build , that are leaud , and what we object one against another , the same they use to the utter scorne and disgrace of us all . But I come now my beloved brethren , to the conscience of your duty in this case ( which was the third and principal purpose ) the religion whereof will bind so many as think seriously of the exceeding bountifulnesse of God to mee his Kirk , and upon my manifold crosses here on earth . One common dutie of all is , that seeing they be all under the guiltines of ingratitude , and are become a sinfull nation , loaden now with iniquities , as ye have been with mercies before , which doe provoke the Lord to remove his kingdome altogether from you , and to give it to others that would bring forth the fruits thereof ( according to the constant course of the severity of his Iustice , both with his own people the Iewes , and with many other famous Kirkes in the East and West , given over to beleeve that great lye , because they received not the love of the truth , and rendred not to the great King , the fruits of his kingdome in due season ) that now before the fiercenesse of his wrath come on , all of you , from the house of David to the house of Levi , look with melting hearts , and mourning eyes upon him , whom you have pierced with your iniquities . Oh that yee had lights to search your hearts , and hearts to repent for your sins in the evening of this your day , that ye could turne unto the Lord with one heart before yee bee overwhelmed with darknesse . At least , if in these godlesse and devotionless dayes , wherein all your wonted fasting is turned into feasting , a general humiliation cannot be obtained , ye that are the Lords owne , and delight in his tents , yee that love the beauty of Sion , and have accesse to the face of God , contend with him by the spirit of deprecation , fill your chalmers with strong cries , fill heaven and earth with the grones of his owne spirit , poure out teares day and night , take hold of the king of glory , wrastle with him as becomes Israel , pray againe and againe with Abraham ; let him not depart out of your hearts , nor from his owne tabernacles in this land ; your God lookes to be intreated , loves to be importuned , he is loth to leave you altogether . No sudden eclipse comes upon you , but like that of old when the glory of the Lord departed by degrees : first , from the Cherub to the doore of the house , Ezek. 10. 4. then to the entry of the gate of the Lords house , v. 19. then from the midst of the citie to the mountain towards the East side of the citie , chap. 11. 23. Better keepe his presence now , then seeke him through the streetes when hee is gone . Choose rather to mourn in Sion for preuenting comfortles Babel , then sitting desolate by the rivers of Babel , to burst out in bitter teares in remembrance of sweet Sion . The triall begins upon Pastors , but ye know not upon whom it shall stay . The large time of so faire occasion in the schoole of Christ , requires two things now at your hands . One is , that yee bee able to try the spirit , and to know with certainty what to follow . The way to establish your selves , is not with the Romans to rest upon a blinde faith , receiving for truth whatsoever carries my name or authority ; nor with the rich man in the Gospell , to wish that one may rise from the dead for your satisfaction . Neither as it was in the time of Eliah , to seek for a miracle from heaven , nor yet to run to any on earth for decision of all questions ; for within and amongst your selves all are divided , and without Papists are your enemies ; Protestants are strangers to your secrets , and unacquainted with your covenants and oathes : your comfort may be that your father died not intestate . Let his testament bee read with attentiue reverence . Search his latter will which he hath left for a plain and perfect direction to his comming againe . Consider what is most agreeable to his wisedome , what makes most for his honour , for the edification of your owne soules , for the restraint of the liberty of the flesh , and for the comfort of a distressed conscience , without respect to the appearances of wisedome and humility among men , or to that which seems most to serve to your worldly credit , that wooes your flesh , or courts your carnall senses : for this will bee a meager consolation , when the horrors of God are upon your soules ready to be presented before his Iustice . Continue in the things yee have learned and are perswaded of , knowing of whom yee have learned them . Have yee attained by a conscientious use of prayer , hearing , meditation , conference , unto a perswasion of that which is now in debate ; have ye an inward witnes testifying to your soules , that your teachers by their fidelity , & the effectual blessing of God upon their labours , have caried with thē the seale of their ministery ? Then cōtinue & bee not caried about with every wind of doctrine to the hellish disturbance of the heavenly peace of your soules . In the time of tentation ponder with your hearts what better warrants yee have for some practises of religion more substantiall in mens estimation , and whether the motives of the one alteration may not as wel inforce the other . As ye should be able to try your selves , whether ye are in the faith or not , which Paul requireth of the whole Kirk of Corinth , so should ye have skill to try the spirits , whether they be of God or not . For such are perverted , as are ever learning , & never come to the knowledge of the truth . And as in respect of the time yee ought to be teachers , and to be able to edifie every one another in the most holy faith , so are yee charged by the Apostle Peter to be ready to give an account , even to your enemies of that hope which is in you . He that hath faith can try himselfe , can try the spirits , and teach others , and give a reason both of his hope and practise before the adversary . The other is , that once having gained a godly resolution of the truth , you suffer nothing earthly to divert you from the profession & maintenance of the same . It is now high time for you who have been hearing of Christ so many yeares , to be put to your trial , how yee have learned Christ , & to give proof of your passive obedience , when the Lord calles you , no lesse then of your active . Offences , schismes , troubles , persecutions , have been in all times , & in every period of the Kirk hath opened a back doore for a worldling to slip forth at . Others before us have had their own trials , & these in the dispensation of God are now made ours . Hee hath never been a Christian in action , that hath not been a martyr in affection . And ( let the world still sit in the chaire of the scorners ) that professor that will not bee a ceremoniall confessor , would refuse to bee a substantiall martyr . The smallest threed of the seamlesse coat of thy Saviour , the lowest hem of his garment , the least pin or latchet of that heavenly tabernacle may be a matter of a glorious and comfortable suffering to thee . And the lesse the cause be , it being Christs cause , the more rare & acceptable is thy testimony . The heart may be sound , and voyd of Idolatrie , and yet the outward action of adoration may prove Idolatrous . Knowledge is greater , and Christ now more glorious , by confessions , martyrdomes , prescription of time , and profession of all nations , then in the primitive times . He that now counteth it no religion to renounce a Christian rite , and receive an Antichristian in place therof , would not have spared of old , to set Antichrist himself in the throne of Christs kingdome . We are unthristie bankerupts , wasting that thesaurie unworthily , every penny whereof was painfully and narrowly gathered together . The worthy martyrs of preceding times , and glorious instruments of reformation , if they were alive in these decaying dayes , how would they bee ashamed of so degenerated children ? How ready would they be in your places to suffer for the name of Christ ? Or if yee had lived in their troublesome times , spoyled of your goods , hated of the world , pinched in prison , sequestrate from wife , house , and children , looking every houre for death : consider what would have been your thoughts of infidelity , your words of blasphemy , your deeds of defection . If it please my glorious head to call you to suffer for his name , let your care bee ( as Peter hath taught you ) 1. to sanctifie him in your hearts , and not to feare the feare of men . 2. to bee ready with your mouthes to make apologie to every one that craveth a reason of your hope : and 3. to have a good conversation in Christ , that they who speak evill of you may be ashamed . And let your comfort be , 1. a good cōscience , arising upō two grounds ; One , that ye suffer for wel doing , the other , that the will of God bee so : For howsoever all Christians be called to suffer , yet every one is not called to every suffering . 2. your conformitie with Christ. And 3. the assurance of an happy out-gate by his power , who was put to death in the flesh , but was quickned in the spirit , and now stands on the right hand of the father to maintaine his owne , and to revenge himself upon his enemies . Deceive not your selves with worldly policie , under the name of that heavenly vertue of Christian prudence , which doth nothing , intendeth nothing , admitteth nothing , in deed , in word , or in shew , neither by dissimulation nor simulation against the honour of God , in prejudice of the least truth against the love of your brethren , or the duties of your own vocation . Prudence never doth the least evill for procuring the greatest good , for avoyding the greatest evill . Shee is carefull of her own duty , and commits the care of the event to God , to whom it pertaines . She is never so perplexed betwixt two evils , but her eye seeth an out-gate without falling into a third evill of sin . She teacheth her followers either with Cyprian in a matter so holy , as is the casting of a little incense into the fire of an idoll not to enter in deliberation ; or else after deliberation with that worthy Prince of Conde to make the right choyce , never to choose sin : to remit punishment to the pleasure of superiours , and the successe to the providence of the most high . Beside that common necessitie layd upon you all in generall , there is a speciall dutie at this time required of my Pastors and leaders . The schooles of divinity , which of late were a pleasant Lebanon fortimbe● to my buildings , are become dennes of ignorance and impiety , sinkes of schisme and sedition for my subversion . The sonnes of the Prophets are made enemies to prophesie ; in stead of convictions of heresie , hearing nothing almost , but the censures of sincerity : in place of the harmony of Christs Evangel deaued with dyted contentions about Antichristian geniculation . Among their schoole Doctors sonnes of Ismael descended of Hagar , † Mismah Duma and Massa , our toung-tied teachers ‡ all men of profound and hid learning , the greatest Rabbi ( but that hee hath no hebrew at all ) whom God hath marked many wayes in his speeches , preachings , and practises , bitterly condemneth them for heretickes , who stand constant against that , which of late he himselfe condemned of superstition & idolatry both by word and by writ , yet extant among his scollers in his patched and plagiarie collections written by many of their hands . Thus alas my glory is become my shame , my foūtaine a puddle , my Na●oth , my beauty , is become my loathing , my deformity . Hence forsooth shall bee furnished that plentie of excellent labourers cracked of , to fill the places of my faithfull watchmen , for their fidelity silenced and deprived . Had my worthy Pastors but the favour of papists now , or popish monkes of old , casten forth of their places , but not out of their livings , our young divines fore-runners ( if ever any ) of religions ruine , would neither , like the lyons whelps , make so great haste by their pricking pawes to get out of the matrix , and in into their roomes , nor yet make their mother so pregnant and parturient . I may hope for some of Luthers spirit forth of these Cloysters ; and I beseech my God to give them the spirit of discerning . But for the most part they were never taught to speak against papists for the truth , to deale with the soules of people , nor to live as Christians , and yet must lay their hands upon the Lords Arke , temerating my sacred mysteries , entring unreverēly with shooes , and all into my Temple , and making that holy ministery a meane of temporall life unto themselves , more then a power of spirituall life to others . The discharge of their calling is conforme to their education and entry , and answerable to the wishes of the wicked people , and wiles of the worldly patrones . In conversation they and others before them so lewd , that now it is esteemed puritanisme in a Pastor not to be prophane . Every man and minister carefull to walk before God , studious of Scripture , and given to any abstinence in his diet , as of old hee was set down by Ithacius in his Kalendar of suspected Priscillians : so now by men of Ithacius spirit , in the roll of Puritanes , who cannot better to their iudgement approve the soundnesse of faith , then by a more licentious and loose behaviour . The authority of many preachers is so farre from procuring credit to their doctrine , that to my great griefe , and discredit of the Gospell , that is thought by many in earnest , which by a learned man was uttered in jesting , of a profane preacher , that hee would not willingly heare him say the Creed , lest hee should take it for a lye , comming foorth of his mouth . This is it which carieth with it a secret cause of the conformity of the most part . For how shal he that makes no conscience of morall duties in his conversation , count it religious to stand against ceremonies in his vocation ? Or how can he be a director of thee in rites , who is a neglecter of himselfe in substance . The sonnes of Eli made the people to abhorre the offering of the Lord , and they were slaine . When Nadab and Abihu were consumed with fire from the Lord for failing in the outward duty of the ministry , in a matter as might seeme of smal moment , Moses told Aaron his brother , that the Lord would bee sanctified of them that came neere unto him . Few of the best sort can plead innocent of the matter in hand . If people had been more painfully instructed in times past , they had been better prepared for the present difficulties . Had ye cleared your selves by your Apologetickes to your friends in forraine parts , I had not been despised in the world : neither had your reprochful defection been proclaimed among your adversaries . Had you made your meane to your gracious soveraigne , and layd before his mercifull eyes the pittifull cause of his own deere people , lamentably scandalized , and ready to make shipwrack of their souls upon these dangerous , sands , and uncouth rockes of novelties ●et in their way , his maiesties clemency had not suffered matters to come to this desperate passe . If yee , who are the remembrancers of the Lord , had not kept silence , had ye blowen the silver trumpet in the middest of the congregation in the dayes of the holy assemblies , had ye instantly denounced curses against the re-edifiers of Iericho , had ye informed judicious professors in private and publicke of their owne interest and my danger , had ye withdrawn your presence , your countenance & concurrence from the ring-leaders of that course , had every watchman been watchfull in his own watch-tower , defection had not gone on so farre : at least your uncessant proclaimes , and continuall protests would both have witnessed to the world , and to the posterity after you , that defection was not universall , and also would have given your selves some hope to bee repossessed in your former liberty , not betrayed of you by your wilfull silence , but extorted from you by wicked violence . Were this cloud past , and I restored to the sunne-shine of the lightsome countenāce of my God , ye would all be ashamed and blush at your present mis-behaviour . In the time of peace yee would seeme lyons , but when battell comes , you prove but Harts . Could ye have looked that at the first so many of Gideons armies would haue fled home . But if the remnant were faithfull and forward , their noyse and light would yet make Madian to flee . They who have yeelded under colour of care for their congregations , but indeed cōstraint for feare of worldly losses , have brought the rest of their brethren in suspition , that either they will follow at last , or else that they deale more obstinately then conscientiously . It were good therfore that yee cleared your selves to the consciences of others by the evidence of reason , and sine lift up your voyce as a trumpet , that the deafest and deadest may heare : that yee were instant in season and out of season , to shew Israel their transgressions , lest yee bee guiltie of their bloud . Why should yee bee ashamed to cry that in the eares of others openly , which ye think with your hearts , & speak among your selves secretlie ? Who shal stand for Christ , & suffer for his crowne , if yee fall away and betray his honor ? If ye hold your peace , Christ will tell you , that the stones will cry out , although whole multitudes of you bee silent . Suppose all Ierusalem should be offended at you , yet it becomes you to crie , Thou sonne of David have mercy on us . And , blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord. Let schismatickes load you , according to their malicious custome , with carts full of reproches of schisme & sedition , yet ye must follow the example of those glorious ministers of God , who before peace upon earth , did sing glory to God in the highest heavens . Ye must first be pure , then peaceable . It is a cursed silence of the mouth , that makes the conscience within to cry . Remember the example of Aphraades ; remember the modest virgins behaviour , when shee saw her fathers house on fire ; remember the cryes of the dumbe child of Craesus at his fathers danger . The woe is terrible , that belongs to you , in case ye crie not . The Athenian Cynegirus detained the Persian Gallie with his right hand , & when that was cut off , with his left ; and being mutilate of both , hee spared not his teeth . No meane should bee left unassayed with God , and with men , to maintain the least parcel of truth for his sake , whose truth it is , and who hath concredit you with the bloud of his own sonne . As the Libellatici wer odious of old , for redeeming from the Gentiles their peace with money : so may ye be suspected of defection , and deniall of the truth , if yee shall redeeme either your peace or places with promise of silence . Away with halting , with luke-warmnesse , with shaming , to utter the words of Christ in the midst of an adulterous and sinful generation , lest he be ashamed of such , when ●ee commeth in the glory of his father ▪ with his holy Angels . Promise of silence is a secret collusion , and indirect approbation of the contrary course ▪ a hardning of the adversaries in their wickednesse , and a deserting of your brethren in the cause of God. The occasion of the preaching of the Gospell procured by dealing of this sort , is not unlike to Pilates subtilitie , who thought meet to scourge Christ , for saving of his life . Moses Exod. 10. 25. Daniel chap : 6. 11. Iohn Baptist , Mark. 6 ▪ 18. had no such wisedome . Albeit all thy speaking were but as the washing of a blackmore , yet bee not mis-led with the cunning and craftie offers of your adversaries . Their intention is to cast you loose of your own order , to draw you on by degrees , to make the number behind the smaller , the common clamor and complaint the lesse , their owne travels in cutting off the rest , the more easie and plausible . And in the end , when ye have satisfied their desires , they shall bee hardened in their course , and ye condemned as unfavorie salt , censured by them as old hypocrites , condemned by your owne consciences as betrayers of the truth , and complained upon by Gods people , who haue heard his truth from your lips . But then might I have good hope to be freed from this deluge of defection , and that all my lower vallies would at last appeare , if the tops of my mountaines were once discovered . If these who i● the providence of my God are of greatest estate , and have the first places in the kingdome , and high and honorable meetings thereof , would go as farre before others in zeale , as they are above them in preferment . Men will mock me ( as the servant of Strato the Syrian was mocked at the election of a king ) for looking to the West for the sight of the sunne rising . Yet as it was then first seene by that wise servant upon the tops of the Westerne mountaines : so my hope is in this night of desolation , to see the beames of my wonted light first upon you of greatest place , and then upon the lower ground , by obtaining at your hands a few reasonable petitions , which I will then propone , when I have by your patience a little dis-burthened my heavie minde , by demanding a few things at the Prelates , once my ministers , † Who are ashamed to heare what they have done , but have no shame In doing of that which they blush to heare . Where need , i● they are voyd of feare : and where there i● no need , there they feare : Charging and attesting them , as they will answere to the Iudge of all the world ▪ to ponder my demands unpartially , and in the presence of God to answere them secretly , in the cabinets of their soules . 1. First , how they could so farre forget themselves in so short time , as to come to this measure of defection ▪ of pride and persecution ? Would they not have answered , and did they not say in the beginning of this their course , with Hazael , Are we dogges , that we should doe this mischiefe ? And consequently what inexpected extremity they may yet fall into , if they wilfullie goe on in this their wickednesse , the end whereof they cannot see ? 2. Vpon what warrant they can receive or urge the five Articles , which may not as well inforce the whole ceremonies of England , yea the whole Romulean rites of Antichrist , as being of one kinde and qualitie , onely differing in degrees . And thus if they can think it tollerable to change my comely Christian countenance into the painted Antichristian complexion of that Whoore of Babel ? 3. Whether the Episcopacie which they esteeme the principall office in the house of my God , hath any paterne in the mount : and if it hath , whether their forme of ministration bee answerable to that institution , or to the practise of any orthodox Kirk in the world , or to the caveats sworne unto by their owne mouthes ? 4. Whether in the sight of God they thinke the maintainers of the reformed religion , or the late formalists more faithfull in their callings , and cons●ientious in their conversation ? And therefore if it be not Pharisaisme to pronounce of the fidelity of my pastors by their conforming to ceremonies : and extreme malice to think that men in all other things studying to approve themselves to God and the King , durst be bold to resist in these without conscience , for respect to any popular opinion . 5 Whether that meeting of Perth be one of my lawfull Assemblies , justificable in the sight of my Lord and Saviour , and the constitutions thereof concluded for Canons , to bee urged upon pain of deprivation : whereupon Ministers are removed from their charges , and many soules famished , for whom he gave his life , for not conforming to a platforme blank as yet , and scarcely drawen in the Idea of their own imaginations ? 6 What warrant from Christ my King , and me , can be pretended for bringing my ministery , and me , under this new bondage in the persons of intrants forced at their admission to sweare , and subscribe . 1. That they shall not onely maintaine his Maiesties prerogative in causes ecclesiasticall ; which , what it is , or what is the extent thereof , they doe not well understand ; but also the present governement of the Kirk , and jurisdiction Episcopall , in all places where they shall have opportunity , either of privat conference , or publick preaching : and that they shall bee carefull by reading to informe themselves , to the end they may be the more able to withstand all adversaries opposite to the same . 2. That they shall bee obedient to their Ordinary , and all other superiours in the Kirk , speak of them reverently , and in all their prayers privat and publick , commend to Gods protection , their estate not allowed by me . 3. That they shal subject thēselves to the present orders pretended to bee the ordinances of the Kirk , and to the orders , which shall be established by consent of the sayd Kirk , meaning assemblies framed and over ruled by Prelates , and to procure due reverence to the same at the hands of others , by all the means , which they cā use . 4. That if they cōtravene any of these poynts , they shall be content without making any contradiction , to bee deprived of their ministery , and to be reputed perjured and infamous persons for ever . And by these oathes and subscriptions , that they would consider , what mischiefes may bee wrought in the after ages , when they are dead and gone . 7 Whether it were more pertinent to deale with their brethren by reason or authority ? Ye are made shepheards , and not strikers . This is a new and uncouth sort of preaching , which will inforce faith by strokes . Pride effectuates one thing , and discipline another . Favour should be more used then severitie , exhortations more then threatnings , love more then law . But by such forms it is easie to disoern , who are they that seeke their owne , and who the things of Iesus Christ , sayth the Canon law their owne paterne . 8 By what conscience , reason or law , they have deserted their flocks and pastorall charges , entred into civil place and pompe , breaking the caveats , and contrary to their alledged commission for keeping of ministers in quietnesse and peace , and vindicating the Kirk from poverty and contempt , have they taken upon them the power of both swords against the whole subjects of the kingdome , and summarily to confine , ward , imprison , discharge , silence , suspend , deprive , autorize and exauctor at my ministers at their pleasure ? If the Lord should cause a terrible finger to come forth , and write these , and a thousand other their presumptuous dittaes upon the wall over against them , where they use to sit Balthazar-like in their sacrilegious pompe , abusing the furniture of his house ; their brightnes would change , their thoughts would trouble them ; so that the joynts of their loynes would loose , and their knees would smite one a-another . I have borne them , but to my griefe and shame . They have given me cause to pronounce the curses of Iob upon the day of their birth . For they neither care to bee esteemed bastards themselves , nor to brand me with the marke of an harlot . They prove Loammi , and would have me to prove Apostaticall . Had these my forlorne hopes , but one sparkle of true love to my spouse or me , they would resolve with Nazianzen , to undergo Ionas punishment for stilling of this tempest , and to preferre my peace to their own preferment . What can I doe but mourne , intreat , protest , rebuke , expostulate . I call therefore heaven and earth , their owne soules , the testimonies of al who have been acquaint with them , and their proceedings , to beare witnesse against them . Beseeking & exhorting them by the salvation of their own souls , by the tender mercies of Christ , by the precious drops of his blood , by that excellent price of their redemption : if there be any consolation in Christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any love to his glory , to his blood , to his Gospell : and if there be any pitty in their hearts to the breasts which they have sucked , to this sinfull land , and their owne native kingdome , to returne to God , to repent them of their course , to leave off to allow , to defend , to urge that , yea and persecute for that , which of late they were wont to condemne , and even now almost could hardly have tollerated . Let them forbeare any longer ( as it is to be feared , they have peevishly been doing ) to fight against God , to kick against the pricke , to vaunt themselves proudly in the glory of their munition . Their craft is knowen ; can they dance naked in a net , and think not to be seen ? The seams of their black policies are sewed with white threed . If they shall persist to stop their eares against all admonitions , to harden themselves in rebellion against God , still to proceed in their truculent breathings , Thrasonicall boasts , and tyrannous executions , and shall for their backes and bellies , and the making up of their houses , make havock of the puritie of Gods truth , and the liberty of the kingdom of his sonne : As the Lord lives that sees them , he shal yet harden their hearts more , and at last shall tread them in the wine-presse of his wrath , and there shal be none to deliver them . Now my petitiō , backed with the authority of a mother , to your honors is , that for the glory of Christs kingdom in this land , the adorning of his majesties crowne , & quietnes of his loyal subjects , the endles praise of your selves , and flourishing of your honorable estate , and the particular comfort of the Ministers and congregations within this realme in this time of distresse felt and feared . I may by your timous intercession at his gracious majesties hands , and uttermost endevours debtfull to God from your place , obtaine how ▪ soone occasion may be offered . 1 A sufficient and ready execution of former actes of Parliament made against the fearful blasphemy of Gods name , profaning of the Lords day , and contempt of his sanctuarie , and service , so universally overflowing this land , not onely in the persons of poore ignorants , in a manner tyed to these horrible crimes by a cursed custome , & beggerly necessitie : but even in the more honourable sort , whose damnable example encourages their followers to sinne without feare : with such additions as may represse and restraine these crying abhominations in all , without respect of persons . 2 A safe liberty to enjoy the profession of our religion , as it is reformed in doctrine , sacraments and discipline , and hath been openly professed by Prince , Pastors , and people of all rankes , your predecessors of worthy memory , your selves & us , all yet living , these threescore yeares by gone , and above . 3 A full deliverance from , and a sufficient defence against all novations and novelties in doctrine , sacraments , and discipline , and specially such , as by constitutions of the Kirk , confessions of faith , louable lawes of the countrey , and long continued practise hath been condemned , and casten out as idle rites , and Romish formalities , under what soever pretence they plead for re-entry . 4 That no act passe in derogation , or prejudice of the actes already granted in favour of Reformation , liberty of Assemblies , convenient execution of Discipline , &c. or for corroboration of new opinions against the same : concerning whether Episcopacie , or ceremonies the shadow thereof , which for the peace of the Kirk by heavenly wisedome should bee rejected before they be ratified . 5 That all ministers provided to Prelacies , and admitted to vote in Parliament , be urged to observe the Act granted in their favours to that place ; especially the provision expressed therein . 6 The happinesse to live under his Majesty , and his highnesse ordinary Iudges , and Rulers established by lawes and custome , and that our cause he lawfully cognoseed , according to order and justice , before any sentence passe against our persons , places , & estates . In the name of Iesus Christ intreating and commanding , all worldly and personall respects set apart : yee look with a single eye upon the matter controverted , not suffering your faith in Iesus Christ to bee blamed with partiality : ye try all with the touchstone of the Temple , and ballance of the Sanctuarie . Consider the example of Moses , when hee saw the Israelite & Egyptian fight . He spent no time in rebuking them for the strife , but drew his sword , and slew the Egyptian ; But perceiving a debate betwixt two Israelites , he sayd . Ye are brethren , why strive yee ? If the intended novelties be Israelites , then may yee say , Why strive yee ; but if they be of that Egypt , from the bondage wherof , the Lord your God miraculously hath set you free , then may they not be reconciled to the truth : but being slaine by the sword of the Spirit , must also bee proscribed by your authoritie . Vse the triall of Elias against Baals Priests , ( albeit without the miracle of Eliah ) take my bullockes and theirs , that is , the urged novelties , and the possessed liberties , or alas the liberties that I once possessed , ( for now whether I possesse them , or not , it is uncertaine , ) lay their peeces on the altars , and on which God sends the holy fire of zeale in the powerfull preaching of the word , and consuming of sinne , let that bee received . When no man was able to discerne betwixt Alexander the sonne of Herod before put to death , and a certaine craftsman like unto him , who gave himselfe out for Alexander , as though hee had escaped by favour of the executioner : the noble and wise Augustus by griping his hand , tried him to be an Artificer , and punished him for his falshood . Would it please your honours , whilst so many learned and wise are deceaved with the counterfeit face of these novelties , but to gripe their hand a little , and to try what hath beene their frootes , where they have been admitted from the beginning : ye shal incontinent finde that they have been voyd of the sap of grace , and that their best workes evidently declare , that they never were begotten , nor blessed by the father of peace . Their own maintainers confesse that the controversie about them , hath brought confusion , breach of the second command of love , rent my body into divers parts , divided my people into divers sects , and the sheep to despise their Pastors , and estranged them from the love of their flockes . It hath confirmed the prophane in their impieties , and given way to the common enemies , distracted the mindes of the multitude , and shaken their faith who for the most part knew no other difference betwixt Christ and Antichrist , but that which consists in externall shewes and formalities . It hath brought the ruine of Christs kingdome , and increase of Satans , partly in superstition , and partly in impiety . And in a word , generally hath put out the life of true religion , and brought in Atheisme . Bee not satisfied with a fashionable and superficiall triall , but examine them from the very root , and from the ground rip them up . As wise Nehemiah tried who had right to the Priesthood , by searching their lineall descent from Aaron . It was not sufficient for them to cleare their genealogie by writ from Levi , and Coath : for so the childrē of Habaiah and Barzillai had been admitted , & had brought the wrath of God with them . Men may alledge , and perhaps prove by writ , some such customs as they urge , for some hundreth years in my neighbour kirks , but except it can bee cleared , that they have their pedigree frō Christ , or his holy Apostles , they ought to be esteemed uncleane , and should not be receiued , as belonging to me , or my ministers . All these , and many moe , have vexed me before , and being mans inventions in the matter of Gods worship , waxed old , and weak , ( As it fareth with every errour contrary to the course of verity which groweth ever greener and stronger ) and at last dying , were cast out of my habitations , as vile and stinking carrion , that now the opening of their grave raiseth a noysome fleur in every spirituall and exercised sense , and if they bee taken up againe , shall make many poore soules of weake constitution to perish through their pestilent contagion . It cannot be denied , but they have been defended by some , and digested by others by way of Interim , till opportunity of further reformation in the Kirks and countries , where they had place . But before this time , we dare be bold to say , never any kirk , countrey , or cōscientious Christian did so much as enter in deliberation : whether they should have been repossessed , where they have been displaced . Let the two renowmed maisters of English ceremonies , profound Hooker , and fordward Saravia , be heard in this poynt . The one sayes , In as much , as they goe about to destroy a thing , which is in force , and to draw in that , which hath not as yet been received , and to impose that which we think not our selves bound unto , and to overthrow things , whereof we are possessed : that therefore they are to take them to the opponents part , which must consist in one of two things : the one that our orders condemned by them , we ought to abolish : the other , that theirs wee are bound to accept in stead thereof . And the other , † he that would bring in the use of the surplice into the reformed Kirkes , where i● hath no place , cannot be excused from schisme , and superstition , whatsoever hee alledge for his excuse . As he speakes of one , so hee speakes of all . The drierie lamentations , & heavie complaints of the unsupportable burthen of the ceremonial yoke , powred out in all ages by the holy men of God , may provoke the compassion of the hardest hearts . Augustine in his time complained , that the Kirke was pressed contrarie to Christs mercifull institution , with such a servile burthen of ceremonies , that the state of the Iewes under the law , was more tollerable , then the condition of Christians : seeing they were subject onely to Gods ordinances , & not to humane presumptions , as Christians are . How would hee at this time have mourned for the case of other Kirks , and for the perill that I am in ! Erasmus , Polidorus Virgilius , &c. ●ing the same ditta . It is a certaine truth , many ceremonies , little faith . Look how much is added to the midding of rites , as much is withdrawen , not onely from Christian liberty , but from Christ himself , and his faith ; while the multitude seeketh for that in rites , which they should seek in the onely sonne of God Iesus Christ. The greater bulk of bodily ceremonies , the lesse spirit of true devotion . The true worshippers under the Gospel shall not say , The Ark of the Lord ▪ they shall forget all those outward ceremonies , and never revive them . Moses his vaile , farre more all other things , that neither were nor are frō God , is removed , and now may we with open face behold the glory of God. Then the sea about the altar was of brasse , and could not be pierced with the sharpest sight : but now our sea about the throne is glasse , clearly convoying the knowledge of God unto our minds . The Amphiscij can tell , that the more shadow the lesse light . The shadow alwayes accompanies the body , sometimes it followes behinde , but sometimes also it comes before . Ye may be sure the dark body of error is not farre off , when the shadowes of ceremonies are at hand ; and iustly may feare , that they are the harbingers sent before by Satan ( whatsoever be mans intention ) to make place for their owne substance . Oh , if the Lord would open your eyes to see the subtill working of that mystery of iniquity . The web may be divided in mens intentions , who possibly mind no more for time to come , then they urge for the present . But in the iustice of God , punishing the world for the contempt of the truth , and in respect of Satans malice , bringing in his lye , it is all of one threed . And that which is begun by one , may be wrought out by another , entring upon the preceeding labours . Ye see not this weed growing ; but it will be perceived to have growen . The seeds of Popery were secretly sowen in the Primitive Kirke , and by degenerating ages grew up to that monstrous height , which now the world wonders at . But alas all our countrey wit is M●tanoia , after wit. My people are like the Athenians , who ( as Demades objected to them ) never intreated for peace , but in mourning gowns ; that is , after they had suffered great calamitie in battell . When afterward ye are poysoned with errour , and over laden with crosses , ye and your children after you shall be forced to cry out upon your owne madnesse and folly , that would not see and resist the beginnings of so great evils . The remanent sparkles of natures light , looking upon the common providence of God , may let your Honours see , that it serves most for the prosperity of Kirkes and Kingdomes , that ilk constitution and order in a societie should sort with the nature , disposition , and condition of the people . My people have from the liberal hand of their God , externall abundance for the honest sustentation of their bodies , with a substantial , sound , and simple religion for the salvation of their soules . Yet farre from the artificial fulnes , whereby the Tyrian spirits of the world do disquiet their neighbour nations , striving to subject all to their formes , that they may reigne over all , as Queenes ; against the protestations made in all the confessions of faith of other Kirkes . A single forme of policie is more fit for a plain people , and mean provisions , then the gorgeous shew of a pompous port , necessarily requiring rents , complements , and carriage , that neither this land may beare , neither wee nor our fathers have learned . Rites must have rents : their service is both cumbersome & costly : they scorne the assignations of our plotted povertie ; they strive with Statesmen , Earles and Lords for place & precedencie ; they loath the preaching of the Gospell , and like better the chief places of estate . The restitution of the Kirk to her wonted possessions , & to her worldly dignities , must goe on together with equall speed . Neither can so long experience be denied , but that ordinarily the estate of the common wealth accompanies the constitution of the kirk , as the morning starre goes with the Sunne , which Constantine acknowledged in his grant to the Kirkes of Africa , thus beginning his Epistle , Considering that the due observation of things pertaining to true religion , and the worship of God , brings great happinesse to the whole estate and common wealth of the Empire of Rome : and Charles the 8. of France lamentably experienced . For when he had faire occasions to reforme the Kirke of Rome at his pleasure , and to help the Kirk of God , he neglected both : wherefore shortly after striken with a sudden sicknesse , he died , according to the forewarning of Savanarola ; who told him plainly , that he should have great successe in his voyage to Italy , for reforming the corrupt state of the Kirk , which if hee did not , he should returne with dishonour , and God would reserve the honour of that work unto some other . All the policie of Achitophel , and wisdome of Salomon , cannot establish a kingdome , wherein the kingdome of Christ is misregarded . His true worship is the pillar and wall of policies . If the Lord remove his truth from you , hee will deprive you also of your civill liberties , and give you over into the hands of mercilesse enemies . If he spare not his own strength , and glory , but give over the one to captivity , and the other to the hands of his enemies , he shall respect you no more thē the mire in the street . The nation and kingdome that will not serve the Lord shal perish , and these nations shall be utterly destroyed . My faithfull ministers , and obedient children to the meanest are all Gods people , and his majesties loyal subjects and faithfull servants . The testimonies of his love belong to them all for their comfort in this world , and safe conduct to the world to come . As they feare God , they honour his highnesse , they pray for him and his children , and all that are in authoritie , that they may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godlines and honesty . For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God their Saviour , who will have all to be safe , and come to the knowledge of the truth . They wish from the desires that lodge within their breasts , long life unto his Majesty , a secure reigne , a safe house , valiant armies , a faithful counsel , good people , a quiet world , Et quaecunque hominis & Caesaris sunt vota . They stand by that reformation , that hath been so profitable and comfortable these threescore yeares by past : giving more reasons for it , then hath been , or can be clearly answered . How can it stand then with the grounds , either of good policie , or Christian equity , for removing dissentions , to yeeld respect , countenance , support , and authority to the other party , neither having nor giving evidence of reason for their pretended novations against the received truth . Although the inferior law were inacted , ( as God forbid ) yet in all Christian Prudence it ought to give place to the royall law of love , and unity , as being of a more noble descent . But since unity forbids , and peace declares her miscontentment in the beginning , how shall this ever contentious and unruly Hagar be heard to contest with Sarah . Were not this a way to bring a further rent and desolation upon the house of Abraham . Vpon this ground , what great tollerations have been granted by Christian Emperours , and Kings , all men know , who know any thing in History . It is better somtime to give connivence , then by untimous cures to waken diseases . And as one sayd to Augustus , It is a speciall poynt of wisedome not to suffer new names , or ought else , wherefra discord may arise . The cause wherein they stand , and for the constant defence wherof they are traduced under the odious names of Puritanes , precisians , schismatickes , Anabaptists , and the like , is an article of your honours owne worthy profession and confessiō of faith , wherof the adversaries themselves were preachers , and practisers of late , and have never yet made any publicke repentance for their former heresies . Augustine could say . albeit in a different case , Let them exercise crueltie against you , who never were deceived with the like error , wherewith they see you deceived : but as for me , I am not the man that can be cruell against you , whom I must beare with now , as I did comport with my selfe then . But they have forgotten what they were , and make my ministers to find the truth of that which is in the French proverb : Quison chien veult tuer , larage luyme● sus . He that is disposed to have his dogge killed , will first have him thought to be madd . As I will have them for their part to resolve with Daniel , to sustaine the wrong of such Assyrian nick-names , and by the grace of the God of Daniel , wil have them both to abstaine from these impurities , and to professe the detestation of the least shew of them : So I would wish your honours upon the other part , not to judge of them according to mens calumnies , but to the truth of God. And consider upon your beds , who they are that yeeld , & what are they that stand , and upon what inducements . Ye can hardly poynt at any one of my ministers , but hee is in some good measure fitted for the work of the ministery . And howsoever according to the diverse roomes in my habitation , lesse or greater , all have not the same measure of light : some torches for more publick places , and others smaller lights for their own cottages : yet every one makes conscience of residence to shine in his own roome , both in the purity of doctrine , and life , to my great joy and your benefit , by the blessing of God upon their labours ▪ hardly any one of the other side , but hee is either , &c. They have large rents , if not great wealth : the others portion is but meane . The one is encouraged with outward assistance , the other enfeebled with cries , crosses , and ensuing dangers ; the one richly rewarded for proud practises , the other are boasted for painfull labours to clear and defend a just cause : the one , men of glorious state , and great pompe in the world , the other trode upon as unworthy of the countenance of the world . The one take leasure from their charge to invent and publish their pleasure : the other have no time frō the charge of their flockes , to cleare the truth . To the one , the presses are open and free : to the other it is neither safe no● possible almost to print a few words of this sort ; fa●r lesse labours of greater moment , and better use . The one gets money for their hungry pamphlets : the other counts charges & hazard gaine . The one are both parties and judges of the cause : the other dare scarcely make provocation in publick to the Lord Iesus . The one finally by their defection rise , and become Princes of the world : the other for their constancy are thrust downe , and tyed fast to the crosse . Wherby ye cānot but see , whether the love of the world , or the zeale of God , be the spirit that blowes in the sailes of their affections . Know yee not , that howsoever they bee counted few , silly , and of base resolution , yet if they esteemed not more of a good conscience , then they who make a covenant with death and hell , and put the evill day farr from them , they might speed as well as others in worldly projects . Can it bee denied , but they preferre the peace of their soules , and purity of their profession , to the pleasures of the world , wherewith others are pampered ? Were it proclaimed by the Emperour , Let us take from them these hurtfull riches : for that were a work of charity , the zealots of this course would grow key cold . Suffer not then poverty , paucity , pusillanimity , prisonings , wardings , difficulties of writing , printing , uttering and countenancing Gods cause , and thousands of such disadvantages , be a prejudice to that truth , whereof ye are convinced in your mindes . Be not deceived with this new , fond , and false glosse of indifferencie : look to God , to his word , to the parties , to your owne soules , and to that great day of the revelation of Christ Iesus . As the pretext of conformity . the visor of unity , the null-authority of a pseudo-synod , wanting formality , fulnesse , and liberty , should not bee a Gorgons head to terrifie them : so should it neither by serpētine slight deceive you . In conformity there is to bee respected , 1. The substantiall truth of God , wherein all true Conformitants must agree . 2. The sincere ministery , and sorts of ministers appoynted by the sonne of God for our edification in the truth . 3. Christs incommunicable prerogative in appoynting of the Sabboth , and solemne ministration of the word , sacraments , and discipline . 4. The edificative use of these ministrations in the several ages , Kirks , & kingdomes of the world . ● . A clear distinction between divine and ecclesiasticall rites , the indifferencie in nature , the expedience of use , the diversitie in practise of ecclesiastical : according to the saying . It is not possible to take up all the diverse rites of all Kirkes in all countries . No religion observeth the same rites , albeit it embrace the same doctrine of rites . The attempt of the contrary , will still prove , as from the beginning , a malady a thousand fold worse then the moraine of ceremonies . And without these conditions , a conforming with men , is but a contesting with God. As for the conclusions of men , Tout proposition humaine a autant d'authorite quel'autre si la raison n'on fait la difference , Even so are the sentences of all Kirkes equall , except the authority of the word make the difference . Belongs not the judgement of discretion to all Christians ? Shall my children with weathercockes , be caried with every uncertaine winde of mens mouthes , like fooles runne with the cry , & suffer themselves like beasts without reason to follow the dreave . This were to make every constitutution like Nebuehadnezzar his Image , and Roman-like to make the name of the Ki●k the rule of all religion . Can that one null-assembly , the nakednesse whereof is now layd open to the eyes of the world , beare down all the formall , full , and free councels of this nation before , and all the determinations and constitutions of your worthy forefathers of blessed memory . Who can enter in fellowship with them , who defend not their own conclusions ? My ministers have clearly testified by their admonitions presented to the Parliament holden at Perth in the yeare 1606. in generall assemblies , and at other occasions before and since , their detestation of all novelties and novations of that sort thrust upon mee . Many a one that hath consented thereto in shew , and for worldly respects , resting yet unperswaded in their own minds , and unable to perswade others of the contrary judgement , if they saw the day of their liberty , & were free from the stroke of worldly inconveniences , would cry with the Bishops of Asia , Not by our owne wils , but by necessity , have we been moved to subscribe : we consented with our words , not with our hearts . And to declare , that that act was unlawfully begotten , the fathers of it would deny that they begat it with that face , & force , that it hath brought with it into the world . Your honours may remember also , your owne religious provision expressed in that act , whereby ministers are permitted to vote in Parliament . The particulars of their place and office are remitted to be treated by his Majesty , and generall assembly ; but prejudice alwayes of my jurisdiction , and discipline , established by actes of Parliament made in any time preceeding , and permitted by the sayd acts , to all generall and provinciall assemblies , and others whatsoever my presbyteries and Sessions . Men may muse at the matter , alledging that my children make mountaines of mots , tragedies of trifles , and raise a noyse about things indifferent , circumstantiall , accidental , and that with their brethren . But first it can be no prejudice to them , or the cause they maintaine , that they stand in it against their brethren : seeing they are defenders of themselves ; and not persuers of their brethren . The promise , Rev. 14. 13. Blessed are they who in the last time suffer against the beast , as well as they who in the first times were persecuted by the heathen , belongeth to them . For if the Lord measured sufferings by the inequality of his enemies , and not by the equity of the cause , there would bee great disparagement betwixt the Martyrs put to death by the Pope , and the persecuting Emperours . Neither is there any suffering here , but for that which is papall . It is no shame for them to suffer that of their brethren , which Christ suffered : neither is it honour to their enemies to doe that , which Iudas did . The Spirit of God Revel . 2. speakes more comfortably to the kirk of Smyrna , a figure of the Christian Kirk under Constantine troubled with intestine enemies : then to Ephesus representing the primitive Kirk invaded by the heathen . I know thy workes , and tribulation , and poverty , but thou art rich : and I know the blasphemy of them which say they are Iewes , and are not . Feare none of these things , &c. Let him therefore that is righteous , be yet more righteous , and he shall have a crown in the end . Next , let them be considered 1. in the urgers intention . Whatsoever they be in valuation , they are not of so small moment . For albeit they bee concluded by way of counsell , and not of command ; albeit that conclusion want a sanction ; albeit no punishment bee determined by law ; and albeit that Synod be knowen to be null , yet they lay upon the transgressors , and for their cause , upon their innocent families and congregations , the heaviest of all punishments , except death : and to some equall with death , if not more bitter , and intollerable ; heavier then for non-residence , idlenesse , error , wickednesse , scandall . In deliberation they are talked of as indifferent , but in execution they are inforced as most necessary . A necessary conclusion inferred upon indifferent premisses . Anticeremoniall Christians more rigorously used then Antichristian practisers of ceremonies . Papists without prejudice to their lives , livings , and liberties , enjoy the comfort of the countrey . To his Majesties loyall and religious subjects , is denied favour to sigh at home in the cause of publick and privat grievances , and to go with the armies of Israel against the ●●ilistims of Rome . Let a man bee Paules presbyter in every , poynt , yet a more of ceremonies shall marre him . Let him be a Demas , or Demetrius , a formalizing ceremony shall accomplish him . Is not this to neglect the greater things of the law ? Is not this to make the precepts of God of no force for mens traditions ? To love themselves above God , and to bee wedded more to their owne wits , then to his divine wisdome . 2 In their bitter effects of changes brought upon the preaching of the word , ministration of the sacraments , discipline , cōfession of faith , and the whole worship of God in so short time . 3 In respect of the practise of religion so frequently , and ordinarily to be performed of all : that no man can either bee ignorant or carelesse of any poynt , but must bee setled and throughly resolved in all , except he would hold his soule on a perpetuall rack , and make his whole devotion and service doubtsome , and comfortlesse . 4 According to the confession of both parties , tending to the honour or dishonor of Christ , serving either to beautifie or deface his spouse , and to the edification or destruction of weak Christians . 5 In the estimation of some holy martyrs : who , howsoever in their prosperity they cōtended for them : yet neere the time of their martyrdome , when their minds were most unpartiall , condemned them for foolish and abominable . And in the judgement of many worthy men , suffering bitter persecutions for the like : as for officium Ambrosianum , the service of Ambrose against the lame Liturgie of Gregory , and refusing to practise in matters of farre lesse importance . If yee looke to the fountaine , yee sustaine a common cause with all the Saints , who in any age have opponed themselves to the current corruptions of the Kirk & Kirkmen in their time : such as Basil , Ierome , &c. The Albigenses contemptuously stiled Apostolickes , the Waldenses called Puritans , &c. 6 In consideration of the change brought upon me , and of the course of my declining from my former perfection , my errors now may bee smaller : and yet my case is worse , then in my growing dayes , when I was wrastling against greater infirmities . My lukewarmnesse then was a way to , and a degree of heate , but now after my zeale , I am become Laodicean , waxing colder frō day to day : And increase ( with Vincentius ) I love ; but defections & changes I loath . Our bodies ( sayth he ) albeit in processe of time they grow , yet they change not . The same members , the same joynts are in children , which are in men , though in the one stronger and greater , in the other smaller and weaker . But if the shape bee turned into another kinde , or any thing be added to the number of the members , or taken from them , then either the body perisheth , or becometh monstrous , or at the least becomes weak . It is right so in religion , if we begin to make chāges , wherof the kirk of Christ should be a diligent keeper , changing nothing , diminishing nothing , adding nothing . I admit no alteration for indifferent that tends to Apostasie , and not to accretion . 7 Considered in themselves , & not in relation to other things more necessary . A leg or an arm is necessary for a mans body , yet not in that degree , that it is necessary for the life , as the soule . I may live , & be the kirk of God , so long as Christ by his spirit breathes faith into my soule . Yet wanting the least thing which God hath ordained , and receiving supply of a leg of wood from mens artifice , I can never bee beautifull in Gods fight , nor cheerfull in performing my own actiōs ; but pines & dwines away , til at last nothing be left , but a stinking carkasse , unfit both for the habitation & celebration of the majesty of my God. 8 Whatsoever they be in thēselves , and in their own nature , yet falling under our use and practise , they become to us either good or evill , and consequently , either sin or acceptable service , wherin Scandall beares so great sway , that for avoyding of offence arising upō weaknes or ignorance , all actions , albeit never so lawfull and profitable , which are not necessary to salvation , are either to bee left off , or kept up , or at least to bee put off till another time . Woe bee to them not onely who give offences , but by whom offences come . 9 The Fathers in the primitive times , partly preferring the Vernish of the Iewes religion , and the pompe of Paganisme to Christian simplicitie . And partly with greater zeale then knowledge , desirous to enlarge the boundes of Christs kingdome , by drawing both Iewes and Gentiles unto their profession , did change sacraments into sacrififices , Pastors into Priests , Tables into Altars , Prayers into Liturgies , Saturnals into Christmasse , &c. And pestered the Kirk then , with heapes of their ceremonies . Quod consilium specie prudens , re anceps , eventu infelix , hodieque lugendum & luendum est Ecclesiae sayth Tilenus , whatsoever some talke now of his Palinod in particulars . It was not lawfull for the heathen Poets to borrow matter from traditions of Scripture , and in their allegorizing veine to persue them for their purposes of profanity . Lesse tollerable for the spouse of Christ to begg ornaments from enemies , whether at Ierusalem , or Athens . But farrest from indifferencie , and most intollerable in you , who ought to bee wise by the dolefull experience of others , to walk again upon the same snares , after yee have escaped twice , to make shipwrack , to lick up your own vomit , and to make your sins once of a simple die , now to bee of a scarlet colour . 10 By reason of the warrant , which they seek without the boūds of the law and testimony . Yee have no other Ephod , no other Vrim and Thūmim but the light of scripture . Herein as in the breast of your high Priest , may yee see and read the will of God for your direction in all your actions , as they are actions of a Christian , even your naturall and civill actions , farre more your religious duties . So that albeit yee can neither conclude affirmatively , nor negatively frō the words of mē ; yet were your knowledge as ample as the Scriptures , and could your faith adequat the largenes of the revelation therof , ye might inferre a conclusion both wayes from them . In all these considerations they can bee no indifferent judges , that call them indifferent . When it was objected by Mauritius the Emperour to Gregorie , that he busied the Kirke with a needlesse contention , when the question was about the name of universall Bishop : hee answered , That some things are frivovolous , and not hurtfull , other things frivolous and hurtfull : albeit indeed there be nothing frivolous in the matters of God. Carnall men have coinzed with their wit , a new Category of indifferent things : and have made the Genus summum their own wil. The prophetical & princely office of Christ is no lesse perfect ▪ then his priesthood . And he that either addeth to his word or discipline , or yeeldes not obedience to them in every poynt , can have no comfortable hope of full redemption by his sacrifice . It is a fearfull judgement , and a wide doore to finall excecation & hardnes of heart , first to revolt , and peevishly to rebell against the light once received , and now to be guiltie of affected ignorance , closing your eyes against ingyring knowledge . Albeit Pastors who are to teach others , in respect of their office and place , be bound to know many things , which others of another condition and vocation are not , yet considering the occasions and means offring things to your particular consideration , even secular persons , and privat men are bound to know & beleeve that , whereof Pastors themselves not observing it , may bee safely ignorant . Refuse not , resist not the least truth of God for pleasing of your selves , or others . Albeit any of my ministers might with Ambrose , speaking to Theodosius & Valentinian , say , touching his majesty , that it is neither imperial to refuse the liberty of speking , nor pastorall not to speak that which he thinks . In Gods cause whō shal ye heare , if yee heare not Gods minister , by whose greater danger sin is comitted . Who dare be bold to speak the truth unto you , if the minister be not bold ? Yet far be in frō them to utter any thing , that may exulcerat his meeknes , or provoke their dread soveraigne to wrath . As Emperours know ( saith Tertullian , ) who gave them the Empire , they know that it was even the same God who gaue unto them to bee men , and to have humane soules , they will perceive that hee onely is God , in whose onely power they are so with him . My children acknowledge , that after God , Kings are in order the second : and among all the first . It becommeth them to feare God , and honour the King , who should be as an Angel of God , a defender of the faith , a nurse father of the Kirk , and a comfortable refuge unto the poore , and simple , in time of need . It is no small part of the hope of my happines , that his majesty hath declared , that by the grace of God he is set & disposed , equally to love and honor the learned and grave men of either of these opinions , avowing his sinceritie in that religion , which hee ever constantly professed . And confessing , that if his conscience had not resolved him , that all the religion professed by him and his kingdome , were not grounded upon the plaine word of the scripture ( without which , all poynts of religion were superfluous , as any thing contrary to the same is abomination ) he had never outwardly avowed it for awe of any flesh . He calleth it the religion wherin he was brought up , and ever made profession of , wishing his sonne ever to continue in the same , as the onely true forme of Gods worship . He purgeth the good men of the ministery that like better of the single forme of policie in our Kirk , then of the many ceremonies of the Kirk of Englād . That are perswaded that their Bishops smel of a papallsupremacie , and that the surplice , the corner cap , &c. are the outward badges of Popish errors . And praises God , that there is a sufficient number of good men in this kingdome , and yet they are all knowen to be against the forme of the English Kirk . And shall yee think now , that his Majestie will either cease to love , and maintaine his owne loyall subjects for slow pronouncing a sentence in so old a controversie : or will impaire the liberties of the kingdom of Christ , who hath added so largely to his dominions ? But rather as hee is the Lords Lievtenant , bearing the sword to punish transgressors ; so as defender of the faith he wil procure and protect the liberty of his subjects , wherwith Christ hath made them free , and save them that they be not intangled again into the yoke of bondage . It is a work worthier of his majesties gift , and place , to begin to reforme , where his worthy predecessors left , then to end where they began . To set my sister of England at libertie , which she hath long desired , then to bring mee , who have been so long free , to servitude , which I never deserved . The speech of Gregory brought by Beda , is very good . It pleaseth mee ; sayes he , that whether in the Roman ; French , or any other Kirk , yee have found anything , that may more please the Almighty God , that yee carefully make choyce of that . And in the English Kirke , which yet is but new in the faith , whatsoever yee may collect of many Kirkes , by speciall institution , yee establish : for things are not to be loved for places , but places for things . His highnesse will never in the most indifferent matters upon his meere pleasure enjoyne any thing that may destroy these poore and tender soules for whom Christ died , which were to fall in the greatest breach of the law of Charitie . Prelates would have his Majesty to think , that his royall authority is supported by the shadow of ceremonies , and would have the subjects to think , that there is no support of ceremonies , but royall authoritie ▪ Forbearing in practise , onely in love to the salvation of other brethren , without contempt , will bee esteemed of his majesties wise heart , to be better service , and obedience then their lies , and temporizing conformity : who bring the blood of multitudes of soules upon the whole body of the countrey , a sinne in Gods sight worse then rebellion . How could his Majestie trust my ministers in any thing , if hee knew not ( as Theodosius sayd to Ruffinus of Ambrose ) that they wil not transgresse the law of God for any respect to imperiall power . Constantius accepted of them as most loyall subjects to him , who were most faithfull and precise servants of God. I wil never doubt , but his highnesse will thinke them honester men , that give him that which is due , then that which hee will not take . Albeit Courtlie parasites alledge through want of better reason , that ceremonies are not so much stood upon as obedience , even as God tried Adam with one apple : yet his Majesty can tel them , that humane lawes do bind the conscience , not because of the meere will of the law-giver , but by reason of the utilitie & equitie of the law . Non ex voluntate legislatoris , sed ex ipsa legum utilitate , & ratione . And that it becommeth Christian subjects to professe disobedience in things evill , and against God , passive obedience in things injurious , and unprofitable , and active obedience in things lawful , profitable , expedient ; wherin by Gods grace , my ministers shall be found most cheerfull and ready . That their scandall in this is not humorous , or Pharisaicall , may be easily tried by their obedience to Caesar in all matters , even of greatest difficulties , being ready , as becomes them , to spend their goods , lands , libertie , and lives , for his preservation , and counting nothing sufficient to redeeme his happinesse . The Lord reprove them who slander his loyall subiects , and let the judge of all the world determine , whether of the parties doth better establish lawfull authoritie . As hee was reputed sacrilegious in the time of Antoninus Pius , who set not up his Statue in his house : so let him be Anathema , who carries not his Majesties name and glorious estate upon his heart to God , and prayes not for his royall person , hopefull progenie , and happy successe to the Lord ; with whom is wisedome and strength , who looses the bands of Kings , and girds their loynes with a girdle ; who leadeth Princes away spoyled , and overthrowes the mightie . In his hand is the heart of the King , as the rivers of waters . Albeit in the judgement of men longing for the finall subversion of the truth , and defacing of the Kirk , my most faithfull Pastors bee ready to slip with their feet , and to fall from his Majesties favour , yet will hee , maugre the malice of men , scatter all the clouds of their feare , and in the end , with Ioseph , powre out the bowels of his compassion upon them . Neither wisedome nor authoritie can root out affection . He will rather with Antoninus Pius save one true subject , then slay many enemies . Kings ought as rarely put in use their supreame prerogative , as God doth his power of working miracles . Remember , O King , that my glorious Spouse is the Prince of the Kings of the earth , and will bee supreme in his owne kirk . Remember when Theodo●ius , otherwayes a religious Emperour , was desired to take order with the tyranny of Flavianus , spirituall tyrants in the Kirk being no lesse unsufferable then the civil in the common wealth . And when hee had answered , that hee had taken upon him the defence of Flavianus , that Flavianus cause was his cause , that the things objected against Flavianus , were objected against him . That it was sayd of him , that he had grieved them , whō he should have made to rejoyce , & had made thē rejoyce , whom he should have grieved . Many speeches , as lots , are offered to your Princely consideration , but the disposition is of the Lord , whom we pray to grant , that the best cause may have the first lot . And who knowes , but your Honors are advanced at this time to intercede for me , that his highnesse may blesse and reward you for hindering hard courses against his harmlesse ministers , and most dutifull subjects , sincere professors of the Gospell . Dorotheus and Gorgonius , men of great authoritie and place , and of the Emperours privie chamber , when they beheld the punishment of one Peter with them , spared not to say , Wherfore O Emperour , why doe yee punish in Peter that opinion , which is in us all ? Why is that in him counted an offence , which wee all confesse ; wee are of that faith and religion which he is off . The truly noble Terentius for all other su●es , which the Emperour desired him to make , craved onely liberty for Christians , and beeing refused of that , gathered up the peeces of his riven supplication , and could not be induced to seek any thing else . The Lord requires not onely profession , but confession at your hands in this case . Whe● can yee better make your affection knowen , then when the Lord Iesus in the persons of his spouse , and your owne mother , becomes a petitioner unto you . As yee would wish to see his face in mercy in that day of his second comming : make not by your unkindnesse his countenance to fall down upon you now , send him not away with a repulse . He hath run many times like the Roe , or the yong Hart , over the highest mountaines of difficulties , to succour you in your distresse , when ye have called upon him . Let no pretended impediment be an hinderance unto you to help his cause most instantly suing for support at your hands . If there bee any iniquity in my children , let them suffer for it , spare them not . But if they be innocent , smite them not . Open your mouth for the dumbe . Iudge righteously the afflicted and poore . Deliver the oppressed , that they may offer sacrifice and pray for the life of the king and his sonne . If hard courses be taken against faithfull ministers and people , let not your honours wash your hands of that harme . It is all one to doe them evill , and not to helpe them against wrong done by others . The hoast of Israel spake in great courage for the life of Ionathan , and Ionathan for David to the danger of his life . Ebedmelech spake a good word for Ieremie , and was saved when his master Zedekias was slaine . But curse yee Meroz , curse the inhabitants thereof , because they came not to the helpe of the Lord against the mightie , although they had no hand against them . God that hath given you grace and credit with his highnesse , requireth that ye bestow it upon his matters ; and that yee reserve it not for your own . Remember the example of that worthy Courtier Nehemiah , who esteemed a libertie to build up the walles of the Citie of God , a sufficient reward for all his faithfull service . As your solicitude is great to leave the common wealth , and your own honorable houses in good case : so dilapidat not my libertie . Leave me not , of whom ye have both your first & second birth in worse estate , to your own incredible griefe , and the desolation of your posterity . Invenistis marmoreane ne relinquit● lateritiam . Vpon the wall that yee have found rather build a palace of silver , Cant. 8. 9. It was that name of Iehovah , and holinesse to the Lord put upon the head of the high Priest , that was the greatest beautie , and crowned all the other inferiour ornaments . The truth of religion , and the purity of your profession , as it hath been , so let it still bee your glory , and the luster of all those inferiour gifts , wherewith the Lord hath inriched you . As this is the first great triall of your hearts , Love to Christ and me : so it may be your last occasion . It is not long , since the places , which ye possesse , were filled with your ancestors of worthy memory , ( whose constancy in defending the liberty of Gods worship , is frequently observed in your owne history ) who now are passed to their eternity ; and ere be long , according to the succession of generations one after another , others shal have their time of your present dignities , both in degree and continuance . Bend your wits and credit to do good , while ye haue time . Hazard not the happinesse of your eternity . Do not that , which at the least , while yee live , will be a bleeding wound in your soules . Set your eyes upon him , that is invisible , and that recompence of reward : so shall yee esteeme the reproach of Christ greater riches then the treasures of AEgypt . And shall choose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season . The Lord who searcheth the reignes , sees you , and the secrets of your deliberation , and conclusions , and could make them to found again outwardly in your eares , and to the hearing of others . All your thoughts are legible to that piercing eye , from which nothing is hid . Look not what ye may say for your excuse , or what one partie may say against another , whether in private conference , or publick velltation by print , or dispute . But in the sight of God cōsider upon your beds , by the light of his spirit , whether of the two courses from the beginning ye find to be of , through and for God. And we have no great feare , but ye shal be moved to break down that wall of ceremonies , hurtfull to all , and profitable to the souls of none : that both the houses may be one , as the Lord himselfe abolished the Iewish ceremonies , and put none in their place . I have many children , some aged , some poore , some consumed with godly griefe , not so much for their own trouble , as for the decay of purity , and my desolation . They would doe all things for pleasing all parties , wherin God is not displeased , and their consciences not disquieted . But the honour of God , and peace of their soules , they dare not but regard . And albeit obedience to the word should destroy their own & all other mens worldly estate , yet they must still and uncessantly urge it . If in times past your honors have been pleased to hearesome of them in pulpit , and in privat , in the matters of religion : and have not despised their speeches , when there was greater probabilitie for suspition : there is greater reason now , when they are in hazard of suffring , to beleeve , and take to heart , that which they say , and require . Wherof as they must be coūtable to the eternall Iudge of all the world , so shall yee be for your hearing ; and shall not escape his hand , if yee harken not , for disobedience to the truth . The world may well dally for a time , and make men so drunke with the wine of wickednes , that through security they may thinke thēselves safe . But be assured , when the Lord shall search Ierusalem with lights , and enter to the fiery ●●yall , every abomination shall kythe in the own colours . If ye hold your ▪ peace , God will provide for his owne children . But behold hee commeth shortly , and his reward is with him , to give to every man according as his workes shall bee . Albeit my messengers may now cry with the prophet , Who beleeves our report ; yet that dreadfull sentence shall make the soule once brought within the sight of death , to tremble and quiver . God wil not be mocked . If the righteous scarcely be saved , and God spares not his Angels , where shall they appeare , who make marchandise of his truth ; albeit at the highest rate of honour and wealth ? The whole word of God , his law , promises , and threatnings , his practises , and the works of providence cannot prevaile with the sencelesse soules of men . But death ( so violent are his perswasions , and his might so unresistable ) at his first approch , shall make every heart to beleeve and feele , that all the workes under the Sunne are but vanity . The conscience and happy remembrance of one word uttered or suffered for Christ , his crowne , his truth , or his needy members , shall at that strait fill the soule with greater joy , then all the crowns and kingdoms under heaven . And what is then left to the godlesse , craftie , and merciles wretch , that laugheth at my death , and daunceth at my funerals : when men afflicted cry unto the Lord , and he heareth them : But thou hast proved in the end victorious , O Iesus of Galilee . I conclude with that of my beloved Bernard , I owe my selfe unto God for my creation , what shall I give for my restauration , especially being restored after such a manner : neither was ● so easily restored as created . In his first work hee gave me unto my selfe : in his second , he gave himself unto me , & by giving himselfe , he hath restored me unto my selfe . Being therfore given & restored , I ow my selfe for my selfe , and so ow my selfe unto God by a double right . But what shall I render unto God for giving himself unto me . For though I should give my selfe a thousand times for recompence , what am I in comparison of him . And I add , that seeing all my well-doing can be no recompence unto him . I wish the increase of his glory by a second restitution of me unto my selfe , by giving himselfe now the second time unto me ; and am content to be put to a greater perplexity , not knowing what to render , that his mercies yet may be the greater . O that it would please him yet again to pitty me . At least , let all the blessed of the Lord keep themselves from troubling the preachers of peace , and bringers of blessings : let them be stout , stedfast , and play the men , that they may all run out their course with joy , and report that excellent price conquesed by the blood & bitter sufferings of Iesus Christ my spouse , now at the right hand of the father ; for whose revelation I am waiting daily , that my marriage may bee perfected , and I with all the Saints may enter into the ioyes conquesed by his bitter suffering . To him with the Father & holy Ghost be all glory , praise and honor for ever . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69048-e200 A three fold consideratiō of every Christian , ap plyed to the present purpose and tyme. First of the great goodnes of God to the Kirk of Scotland . In making the Gospel to shine here beyond the light of other nations . Testified by their confessions ' and wishes . His goodnes in the manner of the working of her reformation . Frater frater abi in cell●m et dic miserere mei Deus more gladij cruentādi . “ Malleus Romanorum His strong hand against all her enemies forraine and domestick . The present distress and doleful face of the K●rk . Crying sinns of the godles multitude , and lukewarmnes of the best preachers and professors . The glory of the Kirk turned into shame . In turbis pravus etiam sortitur b●norem et quam dignitatis sedem quieta rep . desperat eam perturbata se consequi posse arbitratur . The causers of her calamitie , the same that have beene in other Kirks heretofore . Some of thē drawen out of Gerson a● the neglect of Scripture and multiplying of traditions . The ●vari●● and ambitiō of Bishops ▪ Causes out of Nicolas Orem : as the profanity of kirkmen . Want of proportion in the Kirk . Pride of Prelates . Divers other causes . Causes brought by the Bishop of Spalato . Cō●estae passim opes in tanti officij reverentiam , pene causam reverentiae ●x●inxerunt . Conclusion from Nazianzen . III. The dutie required of us in respect of the two former consideratiōs And first a common duty of humiliation urged upon all . Two things required evē of ordinary professors . First , skill to ▪ try the Spirits . Secōdly , readines to suffer for the least poynt of the 〈◊〉 truth . Your care and your comfort in suffering . Speciall du●… of Pastors . † R●conditae prorsum & occuitae eruditionis viri . ‡ Audi , vide , tace . In pace leones , in praelio Cervi . Quibus audendi quae fecerunt pudor est , nullus faciendi quae audire ●rubescunt . Illic ubi opus est , nihil verentur , hic ubi nihil opus est , ibi verentur . Some demands proponed to the Prelates . Pastores facti estis , non percussores , nova atque inauditae est ista praedicatio , quae verberibus ●xigit fidem . Aliud est quod agitur typho superbiae , aliud zelo disciplinae : Plus erga corrigendos a●at benevolentia quam severitas , plus cohortatio quam comminatio , plus charitas quam potestas . Sed hi qui , quae sua sunt , quaerunt , non quae Iosa Christs , facile ab hac lege discernuntur & q●um domi●ri magis quam consulere subditis quaerunt . Places honor , inflat superbi● & quod provisum ad concordiam , ●endit ad noxam . Petition in ● humility t● the Nobility and Estate● to deale with his Ma●esty . Triall to bee made by the word . By true zeale . By the fruits , and not by pretext of antiquity , or outward appearance . Perih ●…y wants a paterne . Hooker and Saravia ●hēselves against the ●re● entry of R●●es . † A mult●●unt reform●●● ecclesiae q●ae ●ineam ● lam veste● non admittunt , & pereorina●ū ecclesiarum ministri & insularum Iersae & Iern●ae , quae An●lcan● ecclesiae annumerentur . Resp ●um , qui in illis ecclesijs usum hujus vestis vellet introducere , a schismste non posse excusa●i , sicut nec a superstitione quicquid contra ad suam excusationent posset allegare . The moane of the Kirk of ●●d under the burd● of ceremonies . Quanto maegis accedit cumulo rituum in Ecclesia tanto maegis d●trahitur non tantum libertati Christianae , sed & Christo , & eiu● fide● : dum vulgus ea quae●●t in ritibus quae quae eret in solo Dei filio Jesu Christo per fidem . Li●h● of nature , true policie , and cōmon equity against English formalities in our Kirk . Interdū con●●ve●●●menus est ▪ q●am rem●d●j● d●licta incendere . Judgmēts to be given not according to the b●senesse of the defenders , but according to the truth . R●spuite AEne●● suscipite p●um . Illi in vos saeviant qui nullo ●asi ●●r●re dec●p●i sunt , quali vos deceptos vident , ego ●utem saevire in vot omni●● non possū , quos sicut ●eipsum illo ●empore , ita ●unc ▪ debeo sustinere . auferamus illis nocentes divitias : ho● enim facere est opus charitatis . Cōditions of conformity . Impossibile fuerit omnes ecclsiarū qu● per civitate● sunt & regiones ritus cōscribere . Nulla religio cosdem ritus custodit , etiamsi eande● de illis doctrinam amplectitur . Quis ferat co qui a●●ā q●āpiam syn●dum praepo●●nt N●●inae . At quis non potius oderit eos q●i rejiciunt pa●ū decreta , & praeponunt recētio●a nuper A●●mini , contentione , & vi expressa . Qu●● cum illis hominibus societatē ini●e velit , qui ne quidē sua ipsi ●u●ntu● . Nos non nostra voluntate , sed necessita●e adducti subscripsimus : non animo sed verbis duntaxa● consensimus . The poynts controverted are material . propter scandalum , quod vel 〈◊〉 imbecillita●e vel ex ignorantia nascitur , declinandum , omnes quantum cumque rectae aut utiles actiones quae ad animi salutem non sunt necessariae praetermittendae vel occultandae aut saltem in in aliud tempus differendae sunt . Thom. 2a . 2●q . 43. artic . Quaedam frivola & innoxia , quaedam frivol● & noxia . Hope of h●● Ma. gracious favour . Quod neque imperiale si● libertatē dicendi negare , neque sacerdotale quod sentiat non dicere . ●is causa vero Dei quem audies si sacerdotem non audies : cuius maiori peccatur periculo : quis tibi verum audebi● dicere , si sacerdos non audeat . Sed mihi placet sive in Romana . sive in Galliarū , seu in qualibet ecclesia aliud invenisti quod plus omnipotenti Deo possie place●e , sollicite e●●g as . Et in Anglorum ecclesiā qu● ad fidem n●● v● est , institutione , praecipua quae de multie ecclesijs colligere potui●ti , in●undas . Non enim pro loc●● res , sed pro bonis rebus loca amanda sunt . Ex singulis ergo quibusque ecclesijs quae pia , quae religiosa , quae rect● sunt , elige : & haec quasi in fasciculum collecta apud Anglorum mentes in consuetudinem depon● . Neque Philosophia , neque imperiū , ●olli● affectus Supplication to the Nobility and Estates urged for that end . Vici●●i tandem Galilae 
A79213	----	His Majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of Edinburgh and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk. Received the third of September, 1660. Scotland. Sovereign (1649-1685 : Charles II) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79213 of text R231317 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C3017). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79213 Wing C3017 ESTC R231317 99897020 99897020 136981 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79213) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 136981) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:15) His Majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of Edinburgh and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk. Received the third of September, 1660. Scotland. Sovereign (1649-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. Lauderdale, John Maitland, Duke of, 1616-1682. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Christopher Higgins, in [Harts] Close, over against the Trone Church, Edinburgh : 1660. Signed "Lauderdail" (i.e. John Maitland, Duke of Lauderdale) and dated at end: Whitehall, the 10. of August, 1660. Arms 223; Steele notation: this from farewell. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C. eng Church of Scotland -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- England -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- London A79213 R231317 (Wing C3017). civilwar no His Majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of Edinburgh, and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of th Scotland. Sovereign 1660 691 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms HIS MAJESTIES GRACIOUS LETTER , DIRECTED TO THE PRESBYTERY OF EDINBURGH . And by them to be communicated to the rest of the PRESBYTERIES of this KIRK . Received the third of September , 1660. CHARLES R. TRusty and well beloved , VVe greet you well : By the Letter you sent to Us , with this bearer , Mr. James Sharp , and by the account he gave of the State of Our Church there , VVe have received full Information of your sense of Our Sufferings , and of your constant Affection and Loyalty to Our Person and Authority . And therefore We will detain him here no longer , ( of whose good services We are very sensible ) nor will We delay to let you know by him Our gracious acceptance of your Address , and how well We are satisfied with your carriages , and with the generality of the Ministers of Scotland , in this time of triall , whilest some , under specious pretences , swerved from that Duty and Allegiance they owe to Us . And because such , who , by the countenance of Usurpers , have disturbed the Peace of that Our Church , may also labour to create Jealousies in the mindes of well meaning people ; VVe have thought fit by This , to assure you , that , by the grace of God , VVe do resolve to discountenance Profanity , and all Contemners and Opposers of the Ordinances of the GOSPEL . VVe do also resolve to Protect and Preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland , as it is settled by Law , without violation ; and to countenance , in the due exercise of their Functions , all such Ministers who shall behave themselves dutifully and peaceably , as becomes men of their Calling . VVe will also take care , that the Authority and Acts of the Generall Assembly at St. Andrews and Dundee , in the year , 1651. be owned and stand in force , untill VVe shall call another Generall Assembly ( which VVe purpose to do assoon as Our Affairs will permit ) And VVe do intend to send for Mr. Robert Dowglasse , and some other Ministers , that VVe may speak with them in what may further concern the Affairs of that Church . And as VVe are very well satisfied with your resolution not to meddle without your Sphere ; So VVe do expect , that Church-judicatories in Scotland , and Ministers there , will keep within the compasse of their Station , meddling only with matters Ecclesiastick , and promoting Our Authority and Interest with Our Subjects against all Opposers ; And that they will take speciall notice of all such , who , by preaching 〈◊〉 private Conventicles , or any other way , transgresse the limits of their Calling , by endeavouring to corrupt the people , or sow seeds of disaffection to Us , or Our Government . This you shall make known to the severall Presbyteries within that Our Kingdom : And as We do give assurance of Our favour and encouragment ●o you , and to all honest deserving Ministers there ; So We earnestly recommend it to you all , that you be earnes in your Prayers , publick and privat , to Almighty God , who is Our Rock and Our Deliverer , both for Us and for Our Government , That We may have fresh and constant supplies of his Grace , and the right improvement of all his Mercies and Deliverances , To the honour of his great Name , and the peace , safety and benefit of all Our Kingdoms . And so We bid you heartily farewell . Given at Our Court at Whitehall , the 10. of August , 1660. and of Our Reign the Twelfth year . By His Majesties Command , LAVDERDAIL . Edinburgh , Printed by Christopher Higgins , in 〈◊〉 Close , over against the Trone Church , 1660. 
A79214	----	His Majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of Edinburgh, and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk. Received the third of September, 1660. Scotland. Sovereign (1649-1685 : Charles II) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79214 of text R210822 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.26[24]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79214 Wing C3019 Thomason 669.f.26[24] ESTC R210822 99869579 99869579 163906 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79214) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163906) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f26[24]) His Majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of Edinburgh, and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk. Received the third of September, 1660. Scotland. Sovereign (1649-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. Lauderdale, John Maitland, Duke of, 1616-1682. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed at Edinburgh, and reprinted for George Calvert, at the sign of the Half-Moon, near the little north door in St. Pauls Church-Yard, [London] : 1660. Signed "Lauderdail" (i.e. John Maitland, Duke of Lauderdale) and dated at end: Whitehall, the 10. of August, 1660. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Government -- Early works to 1800. A79214 R210822 (Thomason 669.f.26[24]). civilwar no His Majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of Edinburgh, and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of th Scotland. Sovereign 1660 705 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms HIS MAJESTIES GRACIOUS LETTER , DIRECTED TO THE PRESBYTERY OF EDINBURGH , And by them to be Communicated to the rest of the PRESBYTERIES of this KIRK . Received the Third of September , 1660. CHARLES R. TRusty and well beloved , We greet you well : By the Letter you sent to Us , with this bearer , Mr. James Sharp , and by the account he gave of the State of Our Church there , We have received full Information of your sense of our Sufferings , and of your constant Affection and Loyalty to Our Person and Authority . And therefore We will detain him here no longer , ( of whose good services We are very sensible ) nor will We delay to let you know by him Our gracious acceptance of your Address , and how well We are satissfied with your carriages , and with the generality of the Ministers of Scotland , in this time of trial , whilst some , under specious pretences , swerved from that Duty and Allegiance they owe to Us . And because such , who , by the countenance of Usurpers , have disturbed the Peace of that Our Church , may also labour to create Jealousies in the mindes of well meaning people ; We have thought fit by This , to assure you , that , by the grace of God , VVe do resolve to discountenance Profanity , and all Contemners and Opposers of the Ordinances of the GOSPEL . VVe do also resolve to Protect and Preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland , as it is setled by Law , without violation ; and to countenance , in the due exercise of their Functions , all such Ministers who shall behave themselves dutifully and peaceably , as becomes men of their Calling . VVe will also take care , that the Authority and Acts of the General Assembly at St. Andrews and Dundee , in the year , 1651. be owned and stand in force , untill VVe shall call another General Assembly ( which We purpose to do assoon as Our Affairs will permit ) And VVe do intend to send for Mr. Robert Dowglasse , and some other Ministers , that We may speak with them in what may further concern the Affairs of that Church . And as We are very well satisfied with your resolution not to meddle without your Sphere ; So We do expect , that Church-judicatories in Scotland , and Ministers there , will keep within the compass of their Station , meddling only with matters Ecclesiastick , and promoting Our Authority and lnterest with Our Subjects against all Opposers ; And that they will take special notice of all such , who , by preaching , or private Conventicles , or any other way , transgress the limits of their Calling , by endeavoring to corrupt the people , or sow seeds of disaffection to Us , or Our Government . This you shall make known to the several Presbyteries within that Our Kingdom : And as We do give assurance of Our favor and encouragement to you , and to all honest deserving Ministers there ; So We earnestly recommend it to you all , that you be earnest in your Prayers , publick and private , to Almighty God who is Our Rock and Our Deliverer , both for Us and for Our Government , That We may have fresh and constant supplies of his Grace , and the right improvement of all his Mercies and Deliverances , To the honour of his great Name , and the peace , safety and benefit of all Our Kingdoms : And so We bid you heartily farewell . Given at our Court at Whitehall , the 10. of August , 1660. and of Our Reign the Twelfth year . By His Majesties Command . LAVDERDAIL . Printed at Edinburgh , and Reprinted for George Calvert , at the sign of the Half-Moon , near the little North door in St. Pauls Church-Yard , 1660. 
A79703	----	Causes of a publike fast, and solemne humiliation to be kept throughout the Church of Scotland upon the last Sabbath of this instant month of July, being the 25. day thereof 1647. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79703 of text R210582 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[53]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79703 Wing C4201B Thomason 669.f.11[53] ESTC R210582 99869367 99869367 162702 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79703) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162702) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[53]) Causes of a publike fast, and solemne humiliation to be kept throughout the Church of Scotland upon the last Sabbath of this instant month of July, being the 25. day thereof 1647. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Ker, A. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Evan Tyler, printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Printed at Edinburgh : 1647. Signed at end: A. Ker. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aug: 1st". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- History -- Early works to 1800. Fasts and feasts -- Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Public worship -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. A79703 R210582 (Thomason 669.f.11[53]). civilwar no Causes of a publike fast, and solemne humiliation to be kept throughout the Church of Scotland upon the last Sabbath of this instant month o Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1647 647 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Causes of a publike Fast , and solemne Humiliation to be kept throughout the Church of Scotland upon the last Sabbath of this instant month of July , being the 25. day thereof 1647. THat notwithstanding of our solemne ingagement , in the Covenant , our Obligations from great and singular mercies , and our many warnings from judgments of all sorts ; Yet not only doe we come farre short of that sobriety , righteousnesse and holinesse that becometh the Gospell of Jesus Christ , but ungodlinesse and worldly lusts abound every where throughout the Land , unto the grieving of the Lords Spirit , and provoking the eyes of his glory to make him increase his plagues upon us , and to punish us seaven times more , because we continue to walke contrary unto him . Secondly , That the Lords hand is still stretch'd out against us , in the judgment of the Pestilence , which spreadeth not only in severall places of the Country , but continueth and increaseth in many of the most eminent Cities in the Kingdome . Thirdly , The great dangers that threaten Religion , and the worke of Reformation , In these Kingdomes from the number , Policy and power of the Sectaries in England , which are like not only to interrupt the progresse of uniformity , and the establishing of the Ordinances of God in their bewty and perfection , but to overturne the foundation already layd , and all that hath beene built thereupon , with the expences of much bloud and paines . First , And therefore we are earnestly to pray the Lord that the solemne League and Covenant may bee kept fast and inviolable , notwithstanding of all the purpofes and endeavours of open enemies and secret underminers to the contrary . Secondly , We are to entreate the Lord on the behalfe of the Kings Majesty , that he may be reconciled to God , and that he may be now furnished with Wisdom and Councell from above , that hee bee not involved in new snares , to the endangering of himselfe and these Kingdomes , but that his heart may encline to such resolution , as will contribute for setling of Religion and Righteousnesse . Thirdly , We are also to entreat the Lord on the behalfe of the Parliament of England of the Synod of Divines , and of all such in that Land as doe unfainedly minde the work of God , that they may not be discouraged or swarve in the day of temptation , but that each of them in their stations , and according to their places and callings may bee furnished with light and strength from heaven for doing of their duty with faithfulnesse and zeale . Fourthly , We are to supplicate for direction to our Committee of Estates , that they may discerne the times , and know what is fitting to be done , for securing our selves and incouraging our Brethren . Fifthly , We are to pray for a spirit of light and of law unto our Assembly , that they may be instrumentall in preserving the truth , and advancing holinesse amongst our selves , and for carrying on the work of God amongst our Neighbours . Finally , That the Lord would power out upon all sorts of persons in these Kingdomes a spirit of grace and supplication , that it may repent us of all our iniquities , and that we may be reconciled to the Lord ; that so all the threatens of his wrath may bee removed from amongst us , and he may blesse us with the sweet fruits of truth and peace . A. KER . Printed at Edinburgh by Evan Tyler , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE 1647. 
A79704	----	Causes of a solemne fast, appointed by the commissioners of the Generall Assembly, to be kept in all the congregations of this kirk, upon the last Thursday of April, 1646 Church of Scotland. General Assembly. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79704 of text R212292 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[59]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79704 Wing C4201D Thomason 669.f.9[59] ESTC R212292 99870930 99870930 161157 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79704) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161157) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[59]) Causes of a solemne fast, appointed by the commissioners of the Generall Assembly, to be kept in all the congregations of this kirk, upon the last Thursday of April, 1646 Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Ker, A. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Evan Tyler, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty, Printed at Edinburgh : 1646. Signed at end: A. Ker. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Fasts and feasts -- Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79704 R212292 (Thomason 669.f.9[59]). civilwar no Causes of a solemne fast, appointed by the commissioners of the Generall Assembly, to be kept in all the congregations of this kirk, upon th Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1646 562 1 0 0 0 0 0 18 C The rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Causes of a solemne FAST , appointed by the Commissioners of the Generall Assembly , to be kept in all the Congregations of this Kirk , upon the last Thursday of April , 1646. I. BEsides the diverse causes of our former solemne Humiliations , both for the evill of Sin and of Punishment , lying still in a great measure upon the whole Land , wee should lay to heart the late shamefull backsliding and compliance of many with the Enemies , in the houre of temptation . II. It is to be lamented , though the Lord our God hath taken pains to purge us by his Judgments of Sword and Pestilence , yet there is no reformation of our lives , our scumme remains in us , many returning with the dog to their former profanenesse , neglect of Gods worship in Families , uncleannesse , drunkennesse , and other great provocations , as if they had been delivered to do all these abominations : Have we not just cause to mourn and be afraid that the Lord kindle the fire again , heap on more wood , and cause his fury to rest upon us ? III. It is high time when the whole Land is threatned with a new breach from the North , to acknowledge our great and senselesse ingratitude , who have no wayes rendred to the Lord according to the benefits received , though the Lord hath begun to draw back his hand in a sensible and unexpected delivery from the raging Pestilence , and hath given us a little breathing from the cruell insulting Enemie , yet all our promises and vows uttered in the day of our trouble , have proven to be as the early dew and morning cloud ; neither have we brought forth the fruits of righteousnesse , and amendment of our wayes , while the Lord looked for them , after so gracious a Delivery : so that it is just with our God to disappoint us of our expectation , when we look for healing to send new troubles , and to raise up in his wrath some , who have banded themselves together in the North , contrary to our solemne Covenants . IV. Seeing our God hears Prayer , it is our duty to run to him in this day of trouble , and to wrestle with tears and su●plications , that our God in he might of his power would crush this Cockatrice Egge , that it break not forth into a fierie flying Serpent ; that the insolent pride of the contrivers of this divisive and seditious Bond , may be rebuked by the Lord ; that the simple who have been mis-led , may be convinced and drawn out of the snare , that these who stand , may be stablished by grace in their stedfastnes , and strengthened with the spirit of Unity and Courage to oppose that divisive motion : Lastly , that the Work of Uniformity in Church-government may be finished , our Armies blessed and compassed with Gods favour , and a firme and well-grounded Peace settled betwixt the Kings Majesty and Parliaments of both Kingdomes . A. Ker. Printed at Edinburgh by Evan Tyler , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1646. 
A79705	----	Causes of a solemn national fast and humiliation, agreed upon by the Commissioners of the late General Assembly, met at Edinburgh the 4. of June 1696 and presented to the Lords of His Majesties most honourable Privy Council, to be read by the ministers, in all the churches at the intimation of the said fast. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1696 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A79705 Wing C4201E ESTC R231841 99900072 99900072 137250 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79705) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 137250) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2509:17) Causes of a solemn national fast and humiliation, agreed upon by the Commissioners of the late General Assembly, met at Edinburgh the 4. of June 1696 and presented to the Lords of His Majesties most honourable Privy Council, to be read by the ministers, in all the churches at the intimation of the said fast. Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [Edinburgh : 1696] Imprint from Wing CD-ROM, 1996. Reproduction of original in the John Carter Brown Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Customs and practices -- Early works to 1800. Fasting -- Early works to 1800. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CAUSES Of a Solemn National Fastand Humiliation , agreed upon by the Commissioners of the late General Assembly , met at Edinburgh the 4. of June 1696 : And presented to the Lords of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council , To be read by the Ministers , in all the Churches at the Intimation of the said Fast . THE KING'S MAJESTY , being gone Abroad , and Engaged in a Dangerous War , and His ROYAL PERSON exposed to Danger , on whose Safety and Success under GOD , the Welfare of these Nations , and of the Churches of GOD , both at Home and Abroad ▪ much depends : It is Our Judgement , that there is great need of pouring out fervent Prayer , and Supplications to GOD , for the Preservation of His MAJESTIE' 's PERSON , and for Directing His Councils , and Blessing the Forces of His MAJESTY , and His ALLYES by Sea and Land with Success ; and in Order to Our Acceptance with GOD , It is Our Duty to join Fasting and Humiliation and Reformation , with Our Prayers , and to be Humbled , and Lament bitterly before the LORD , That tho' there have been for some Years past , divers solemn National Fasts , and in some of them , a Particular Enumeration of the Nations Sins , yet few have been duly Humbled for these Sins , and few have joined suteable Reformation , with their profest Humiliation ; and that notwithstanding of all the Great Things , GOD hath wrought for Us , and the shaking of his terrible Judgements of the Sword of a cruel Enemy , and Arrow of Famine , Yet few have turned from the Evil of their Ways unto GOD , or sought him with all their Heart , We have been unthankful for Our Deliverance ▪ many have been angry at , or murmure under it , the Gospel hath little success , yea by many is much contemned , Iniquity aboundeth in City and Country , and in the Army , and while some are in great Straits , others abuse their Plenty to Excess and Riot and Lasciviousness , and by frequent Murders Blood toucheth Blood , Animosities and Divisions continue , and these contrary to the many Obligations We ly under from GOD , and have taken on Us to GOD , and under all this Sin and Danger , there is a woful Security among Us. For these and other Sins this Nation hath Cause , By Solemn Fasting , to humble Themselves before the LORD , And to Repent and Reform , And to pour out Fervent Prayers to GOD , That He would give Repentance to all Ranks of Persons , and Forgive Our Sins , and Avert Deserved Wrath , And would Bless the Gospel with Success , Remove Iniquity from among Us , And Advance the Life and Power of Godliness , Heal Our Breach●s , Unite Us more to GOD , and one another in Him , That GOD , would Preserve , and Bless the KING , and Cover his Head in Danger , and go out with his Forces , and these of his ALLYES , And Bless them with Success , against the Common-Enemy , And in due time give a Comfortable well Grounded Peace . We ought likewayes with Cordial Symphathy to pray for all the Reformed Churches of CHRIST , and in a special manner for our afflicted Brethren of the French and other Churches , whom the French King hath grievously persecuted and Scattered . We ought also to pray That GOD would Pity and provide for the Poor in this present Dearth , and that he would alwise Bless the Land with seasonable weather , that there may be a plentiful Crop , and joyful Harvest , that the Poor may be satisfied with Bread. And the saids Commissioners do ▪ Beseech and Exhort all both Pastors and People to be Sincere and Serious in this Great Work , and who can tell , but the LORD will be Gracious , and avert deserved Wrath , and turn his Hand against Our Enemies , and yet delight to dwell among us , and do us Good. Extracted By Me JO. MONCREIF Cls. Commiss . 
A79708	----	Perth Decemb. 14. 1650. The commission of the Generall Assembly considering how greivous a sin against God and scandall to religion it were for any of this Kirke and kingdome to joine or comply with any of the sectarian enemy, ... Church of Scotland. General Assembly. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79708 of text R212065 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[68]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79708 Wing C4202 Thomason 669.f.15[68] ESTC R212065 99870717 99870717 163141 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79708) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163141) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[68]) Perth Decemb. 14. 1650. The commission of the Generall Assembly considering how greivous a sin against God and scandall to religion it were for any of this Kirke and kingdome to joine or comply with any of the sectarian enemy, ... Church of Scotland. General Assembly. Ker, A. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [S.l. : 1650] Signed at end: A. Ker. Title from heading and first lines of text. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Psalme 92. & 8. in latine as it was sent to Ald: John ffowkes: [illegible]". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A79708 R212065 (Thomason 669.f.15[68]). civilwar no Perth Decemb. 14. 1650. The commission of the Generall Assembly considering how greivous a sin against God and scandall to religion it were Church of Scotland. General Assembly. 1650 281 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Perth Decemb. 14. 1650. THe Commission of the Generall Assembly considering how greivous a sin against God and scandall to Religion it were for any of this Kirke and Kingdom to joine or comply with any of the Sectarian Enemy , who having most injustly invaded this Kingdom , hath shed so much of the blood of Gods people , is destroying the Land , are so wicked Enemies to the Truth of God , & worke of Reformation . And having heard , that some already have fallen into those sins : Therfore the Commission , for removeing so greivous Scandall , ordaines , that all such , as have , or shall joine in Armes or Councell with the afore said Enemy , upon the cleare notice & evidence therof , shall be excommunicate ; And all such as shall be found to have procured protections from the fore said Enemy execute any orders from them , or given them Intelligence , or have spoken favourably of them to the advantage of their Cause : And all such as shall be found in any other way to comply with them , shall be censured according to the degrees of their compliance , as others have bin censured , who have complyed with other Enemies of the Covenant and Cause of God , and the peace of this Kirke and Kingdom : And to the effect that all persons may be made to guard & keepe themselves from being misled or carried away with any Inticement or Tentation unto such courses , it is appointed that this Act be read in all Congregations of this Kirke . A. KER . 
A79710	----	The confession of faith of the Kirk of Scotland; with the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome. Scottish Confession of Faith (1580) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79710 of text R205450 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.4[2]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79710 Wing C4202C Thomason 669.f.4[2] ESTC R205450 99864827 99864827 160624 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79710) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160624) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f4[2]) The confession of faith of the Kirk of Scotland; with the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome. Scottish Confession of Faith (1580) Church of Scotland. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], London[ : Printed in the yeare 1641. The Confession of 1581. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Creeds -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- Scotland -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A79710 R205450 (Thomason 669.f.4[2]). civilwar no The confession of faith of the Kirk of Scotland; vvith the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome. Church of Scotland. 1641 2808 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Confession of Faith of the Kirk of Scotland ; with the Bond or Covenant subscribed unto by the whole Kingdome . THe Confession of Faith , subscribed at first by the Kings Majesty , and his houshold , in the yeare of God 1580. Thereafter , by persons of all ranks , in the yeare 1581 , by ordinance of the Lords of the Secret Councell , and Acts of the generall Assembly . Subscribed againe by all sorts of persons , in the yeare 1590 , by a new ordinance of Councell , at the desire of the generall Assembly : with a generall Bond for maintainance of the true religion , and the Kings person : And now subscribed in the yeare 1638 by us , Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons under subscribing , together with our resolution and promises for the causes after specified , to maintaine the said true religion , and the Kings Majesty , according to the Confession aforesaid , and Acts of Parliament : the tenor wherof here followeth . WE all , and every one of us underwritten , protest that after long and due examination of our own consciences in matters of true , and false religion , are now throughly resolved of the truth by the word & Spirit of God ; & therfore we beleeve with our hearts , confesse with our mouths , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before God , and the whole world : that this only is the true Christian Faith , and Religion , pleasing God , and bringing salvation to man , which now is by the mercy of God revealed to the world , by the preaching of the blessed Evangel : And received , beleived , and defended by many and sundry notable Kirks and Realmes ; but chiefely by the Kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majesty , and our Estates of this Realme , as Gods eternall truth , and only ground of our salvation ; as more particularly is expressed in the Confession of our faith , stablished and confirmed by many Acts of Paliaments , and now of a long time hath been openly professed by the Kings Majesty , and whole body of this Realm , both in Burgh and Land . To the which Confession and forme of religion we willingly agree in our consciences , in all points as unto Gods undoubted truth and verity , grounded only upon his written word : and therefore we abhorre and detest all contrary religion and doctrine : but chiefely all kinde of Papistry , in generall and particular heads , even as they are now damned and confuted by the word of God , and Kirk of Scotland : but in especiall , we detest and refuse the usurped authority of that Romane Antichrist , upon the Scriptures of God , upon the Kirk , the civill Magistrate , and consciences of men , all his tyrannous lawes made upon indifferent things against our Christian liberty ; his erroneous doctrine against the sufficiency of the written word , and the perfection of the Law , the office of Christ & his blessed Evangel . His corrupted doctrine concerning originall sinne , our naturall inability and rebellion to Gods law , our justification by faith only , our imperfect sanctification and obedience to the Law , the nature , number , and use of the holy Sacraments . His five baftard Sacraments , with all his rites , ceremonies , and false doctrine added to the ministration of the true Sacraments , without the word of God . His cruell judgement against Infants departing without the Sacrament , his absolute necessity of Baptisme , his blasphemous opinion of Transubstantiation , or reall presence of Christs body in the elements , and receiving of the same by the wicked , or bodies of men ; his dispensations with solemne Oathes , perjuries , and degrees of marriage forbidden in the word , his cruelty against the innocent divorced , his devellish Masse , his blasphemous priesthood , his prophane Sacrifices for the sinnes of the dead & the quick , his Canonization of men calling upon Angels or Saints departed worshipping of imagerie relicts , and crosses , dedicating of kirkes , Altars , dayes , vowes to creatures , his purgatory , prayers for the dead , praying , or speaking in a strange language , with his processions , and blasphemous lettany , and multitude of advocates , or mediatours , his manifold orders , auricular confession , his desperate and uncertaine repentance , his generall , and doubtsome faith , his satisfaction of men for their sinnes , his justifications by works , opus operatum , workes of supererogation , merits , pardons , peregrinations and stations , his holy water baptizing of bells , conjuring of spirits , crossing , saning , anointing , conjuring , hallowing of Gods good creatures , with the superstitious opinion , joyned there with his wordly Monarchy , and wicked Hierarchy , his three solemne vowes , with all his shavelings of sundry sorts , his erronious and bloody decrees made at Trent , with all the subscribers , and approvers of that cruell and bloody band conjured against the Kirk of God : and finally we detest all his vaine allegories , rites , signes , and traditions , brought in the Kirk , without or against the word of God , and doctrine of this true reformed Kirk ; to the which we joyne our selves willingly in doctrine , faith , religion , discipline and use of the Holy Sacraments , as lively members of the same in Christ our Head , promising and swearing by the great name of God our Lord , That we shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk , and shall defend the same according to our vocation , and power , all the dayes of our lives , under the paines contained in the law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of Gods fearefull Iudgements . And seeing that many are stirred up by Sathan , and that Roman Antichrist , to promise , sweare , subscribe and for a time use the holy Sacraments in the Kirk , deceitfully against their owne consciences , minding thereby , first under the Externall cloak of religion , to corrupt and subvert secretly Gods true religion , within the Kirk ; and afterward when time may serve to become open enimies and persecutours of the same , under vain hope of the Popes dispensation , devised against the word of God to his greater confusion , and their double condemnation in the day of the Lord Iesus Christ . We therefore willing to take away all suspition of hypocrisie , and of such double dealing with God and his Kirk , protest , and call the scearcher of all hearts for witnesse , that our mindes and hearts do fully agree with this our Confession , Promise , Oath , and Subscription ; so that we are not moved for any worldly respect ; but are perswaded only in our consciences through the knowledge and love of Gods true Religion printed in our hearts by the holy Spirit , as we shall answer to him , in the day when the secrets of all hearts shall bee disclosed : and because we perceive that the quietnesse and stability of our Religion and Kirk , doth depend upon the safety and good behaviour of the Kings Majesty , as upon a comfortable instrument of Gods mercy granted to this Countrey , for the maintaining of his Kirk , and ministration of justice amongst us ; we protest and promise with our hearts under the same oath , handwrit , and paines , that we shall defend his royall person and authority , with our goods , bodies , and lives , in the defence of Christ his Evangel , Liberties of our Countrey , ministration of justice , and punishment of iniquity , against all enimies within this Realme or without , as we desire our God to be a strong and mercifull defender to us in the day of our death , and comming of our Lord Jesus Christ , to whom with the Father and the holy Spirit be all honour and glory eternally . IN obedience to the Commandement of God , conforme to the practice of the godly in former times , and according to the laudable example of our worthy and religious Progenitors , and of many yet living amongst us , which was warranted also by Act of Councell , commanding a generall Bond to be made and subscribed , by his Majestis Subjects of all ranks , for two causes ; one was for defending the true religion as it was then reformed , and is expressed in the confession of faith above written , and a former large Confession established by sundry Acts of lawfull generall Assemblies , and of Parliaments , unto which it hath relation , set downe in publick Chatechismes , and which had been for many years , with a blessing from heaven , preached and professed in this Kirk and Kingdome , as Gods undoubted truth , grounded only upon this written word : the other cause was , for maintaining the Kings Majesties person and Estate ; the true worship of God , and the Kings authority being so straightly joyned , as that they had the same friends and common enimies , and did stand , and fall together : and finally being convinced in our mindes , and confessing with our mouthes , that the present and succeeding generations in this land , are bound to keep the aforesaid nationall Oath and subscription inviolable . Wee Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons under subscribing , considering divers times before , and especially at this time the danger of the true reformed religion , of the Kings honour , and of the publick peace of the Kingdome by the manifold innovations and evills generally conteined and particularly mentioned in our late supplications , complaints , and protestations , doe hereby professe , and before God , his Angels , and the world , solemnly declare , that with our whole hearts we agree and resolve , all the dayes of our life constantly to adhere unto , and to defend the aforesaid true religion , and forbearing the practice of all novations , already introduced in the matters of the worship of God , or approbation of the corruptions of the publick government of the Kirk , or civill places and power of Kirk-men , till they be tryed and allowed in free Assemblies , and in Parliaments , to labour by all meanes lawfull to recover the purity and liberty of the Gospel , as it was established and professed before the aforesaid novations : and because after due examination we plainly perceive , and undoubtedly beleive that the innovations and evils conteined in our supplications , complaints , and protestations have no warrant of the word of God , are contrary to the Articles of the aforesaid Confessions , to the intention and meaning of the blessed reformers of religion in this land , to the above written Acts of Parliament , and doe sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the Popish religion and tyranny , and to the subversion and ruine of the true reformed religion , and of our liberties , lawes , and estates . We also declare that the aforesaid Confessions are to be interpreted , and ought to be understood of the aforesaid novations and evils , no lesse than if every one of them had beene expressed in the aforesaid Confessions , and that we are obliged to detest and abhorre them , amongst other particular heads of Papistry abjured therein ; and therefore from the knowledge and conscience of our duty to God , to our King and Countrey , without any worldly respect or inducement , so farre as humane infirmity will suffer , wishing a further measure of the grace of God for this effect ; We promise & sweare by the great name of the Lord our God , to continue in the profession and obedience of the aforesaid religion : that we shall defend the same , & resist all these contrary errours and corruptions , according to our vocation , and to the uttermost of that power that God hath put in our hands , all the dayes of our life : and in like manner with the same heart we declare before God and men , that we have no intention nor desire to attempt any thing , that may turne to the dishonour of God , or to the diminution of the Kings greatnesse and authority : but on the contrary , we promise and sweare that we shall to the uttermost of our power , with our meanes and lives , stand to the defence of our dread Soveraigne , the Kings Majesties person and authority , in the defence and preservation of the aforesaid true religion , liberties and lawes of the kingdome : as also to the mutuall defence and assistance every one of us of another , in the same cause of maintaining the true religion , and his Majesties authority with our best counsell , our bodies , meanes , and whole power against all sorts of persons whatsoever ; so that whatsoever shall be done to the least of us for that cause shall be taken as done to us all in generall , and to every one of us in particular : and that wee shall neither directly nor indirectly suffer our selves to be divided or with-drawne , by whatsoever suggestion or allurement , or terror from this blessed and loyall conjunction , nor shall cast in any let or impediment , that may stay or hinder any such resolution , as by common consent shall be found to conduce for so good ends : but on the contrary , shall by all lawfull meanes labour to further and promote the same ; and if any such dangerous and divisive motion bee made to us by word , or writ ; we and every one of us shall either suppresse it , or if need be , shall incontinent make the same knowne , that it may be timously obviated : neither doe we feare the foule aspersions of rebellion , combination , or what else our adversaries from their craft and malice would put upon us , seeing what we doe is so well warranted , and ariseth from an unfeigned desire to maintaine the true worship of God , the Majesty of our King , and peace of the Kingdome , for the common happinesse of our selves , and the posterity . And because we cannot look for a blessing from God upon our proceedings , except with our profession and subscription we joyne such a life and conversation , as beseemeth Christians , who have renewed their Covenant with God ; we therefore faithfully promise for our selves , our followers , and all others under us , both in publick in our particular families , and personall carriage to endeavour to keep our selves within the bounds of Christian liberties , and to be good examples to others of all godlinesse , sobernesse and righteousnesse , and of every duty we owe to God and man . And that this our union and conjunction may be observed without violation , we call the living God the searcher of our hearts to witnesse , who knoweth this to be our sincere desire and unfeigned resolution , as we shall answer to Jesus Christ in the great day , and under the paine of Gods everlasting wrath , and of infamy and losse of all honour and respect in this world , most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by his holy Spirit for this end , and to blesse our desires and proceedings with a happy successe , that religion and righteousnesse may flourish in the land , to the glory of God , and honour of the King , and the peace and comfort of us all , in witnesse whereof we have subscribed with our hands all the premises , &c. LONDON , Printed in the yeare 1641. 
A89224	----	Advertisement by Dr. Monro Presbyter of the Church of Scotland. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? 1693 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A89224 Wing M2436A ESTC R180791 45789362 ocm 45789362 172673 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A89224) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172673) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2645:5) Advertisement by Dr. Monro Presbyter of the Church of Scotland. Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? Johnston, Andrew. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [Edinburgh : 1693] "Declaration by Mr. Andrew Johnston, December 2d. 1693."--Middle of page. Place of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in: Dr. Williams's Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ridpath, George, d. 1726. -- Scots episcopal innocence, or, The juggling of that party with the late King, His present Majesty, the Church of England, and the Church of Scotland demonstrated. Church of Scotland -- Establishment and disestablishment. Scots episcopal innocence, or, The juggling of that party with the late King, His present Majesty, the Church of England, and the Church of Scotland demonstrated. Libel and slander -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Advertisement by Dr. Monro Presbyter of the Church of Scotland . I Find my Name Abused in a Late Pamphlet ( I suppose written by one Mr. George Ridpath ) as if I had sent , or Commissioned , or Ordered Mr. Andrew Johnston to counterfit the name of one Mitchell , to a Certificate without his consent . What past between Mr. Johnston and Mr. Mitchell I only know by Relation ; Mr. Mitchell and Mr. Johnston may reason this affair betwixt themselves as they see convenient . Let my Country men Read the following Declaration and then determine by the rules of honour and equitie , how far I am concerned in this Calumny . Declaration by Mr. Andrew Johnston , December , 2d . 1693. WHEREAS it is said in a Scandalous Pamphlet , Entituled the Scots Episcopal Innocence , That I forged the hand of Thomas Mitchell lately , in Cornhill , and affixed it to a Certificate , bearing that Johnston of Lockerby was Excommunicated for Adultery , which Certificate was inserted in a Book , Entituled , the Spirit of Calumny and Slander . The said Mr. Andrew Johnston declaire that I am ready to take my solemn Oath before any of the Judges in England , that Tho. Mitchell signed freely at my desire the said Certificate as I offered it , and as it was Inserted in the said Book : And that I know no other Certificate different f●om the former signed by him . AND Whereas it is most Villanously said of me in the Pamphlet , Entituled the Scots Episcopal Innocence , That I was put upon this pretended Forgery by some of the Scots Clergy ; I do declare before God , and by my hopes of Heaven , that never any one of the Scots Clergy directed or advised me to procure any Certificate , but what might be freely had ; particularly that Dr. Monro , neither directly nor indirectly by any Order of his , or the least Insinuation prompted me to do any thing as is Scandalously Reported , and this I do again repeat , as I Hope for any Benefit by the merits of our Blessed Saviour . Sic Subscribitur Andrew Johnston . Signed at Mr. Watson's Coffee-House , at the lower end of the Hay-Market , in presence of Alex. Mccutosh , Clerk. Pat. Dujon , Student in Divinity . John Murdoch , Clerk. James Cunningham , Student in Divinity . James White , Student in Physick 
A92699	----	A proclamation for restoring the Church of Scotland to its ancient government by bishops: at Edinburgh the sixth day of September, one thousand six hundred and sixty one years. Laws, etc. Scotland. 1661 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A92699 Wing S1904 ESTC R225540 45578441 ocm 45578441 172357 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A92699) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172357) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2627:11) A proclamation for restoring the Church of Scotland to its ancient government by bishops: at Edinburgh the sixth day of September, one thousand six hundred and sixty one years. Laws, etc. Scotland. Scotland. Privy Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed at Edinburgh, and re-printed at London by VV.G. for Richard Thrale, [London : 1661] Signed: Pet. Wedderburne, Cl. Sci. Concilii. Imprint suggested by Wing. Imperfect: cropped with loss of imprint. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. Scotland -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROCLAMATION For Restoring the CHURCH of SCOTLAND to Its ANCIENT Government By BISHOPS : At Edinburgh the sixth day of September , One thousand six hundred and sixty one years . C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE THe Lords of His Majesties Privy Council , having considered His Majesties Letter of the date at Whitehall the fourteen●h day of August last , bearing , that whereas His Majesty , by His Letter to the Presb●tery of Edinbu●gh , in the moneth of August , One thousand six hundred and sixty years , Declared His Ro●al purpose , to mainta●n the Government of the Church of Scotland setled by Law : And the Estates of Parliam●nt of this Kingdom , having since that time , not onely rescinded all the Acts since the Troubles began , rela●ing to that Government , bu● also Declared all those Parliaments null and voyd , leaving to His Majesty , the Setling of Church Government : Therefore , in compliance with that Act Rescissory , and in pu●suance of His Majesties Proclamation of the tenth of June last , and in contemplation of the Inconveniencies that accompanyed and issued from the Church Government , as it hath been exercised these twenty three years past , and of the unsuteableness thereof to His Majesties Monarchical Estate , and of the sadly experienced confusions , which during these late Troubles have been caused by the violences done to His Majesties Royal Prerogative , and to the Government Civil and Ecclesiastical , established by unquestionable Authority : His Majesty having respect to the Glory of GOD , and the good and interest of the Protestant Religion ; and being zealous of the Order , Vnity , Peace and Stability of the Church within this Kingdom , and of its better harmony with the Government of the Churches of England and Ireland ; hath been pleased , after mature deliberation , to Declare unto His Council , His firm resolution to interpose His Royal Authority , for restoring of this Church to its right Government by Bishops , as it was by Law before the late Troubles , during the Reigns of His Majesties Royal Father and Grand-father of blessed memory , and as it now stands setled by Law ; and that the Rents belonging to the several Bishopricks and Deanries , be restored and made useful to the Church , according to Iustice and the standing Law ; Have therefore in obedience of , and conform to , His Majesties Royal pleasure aforesaid , Ordained , and by these presents Ordains the Lyon King at Arms , and his brethren Heraulds , Pursevants and Messengers of Arms , to pass to the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh and other Royal Burroughs of the Kingdom , and there by open Proclamation , to make publication of this His Majesties Royal pleasure , for restoring the Church of this Kingdom to its right Government by Bishops ; and in His Majesties Name , to require all His good Subjects to compose themselves to a chearful acquiescence and obedience to the same , and to His Majesties Soveraign Authority now exercised within this Kingdom . And that none of them presume upon any pretence whatsomever , by Discoursing , Preaching , Reviling , or any irregular and unlawful way , the endevouring to alienate the affections of His Majesties good Subjects , or dispose them to an evil opinion of His Majesty or His Government , or to the disturbance of the peace of the Kingdom , and to inhibit and discharge the assembling of Ministers in their several Synodical Meetings , until His Majesties further pleasure therein be known ; Commanding hereby , all Sheriffs , Baylies of Bayleries , Stewarts of Stewartries and their Deputes ; all Iustices of Peace , and Magistrates and Council of Burroughs , and all other publick Ministers , to be careful within their several bounds and jurisdictions , to see this Act punctually obeyed : And if they shall find any person or persons , upon any pretexts whatsomever , by Discoursing , Preaching Reviling , or otherways as aforesaid , failzying in their due obedience hereunto , or doing any thing in the contrary thereof , that they forthwith commit them to prison , till His Majesties Privy Council , after information of the offence , give further order therein . And hereof the Sheriffs , and others afore-mentioned , are to have a special care , as they will answer upon their Duty and Alleagiance to His Majesty . And further , the Lords of His Majesties Privy Council do hereby inhibit and discharge all persons lyable in payment of any of the Rents formerly belonging to the Bishopricks and Deanries , from paying of the Rents of this present year , one thousand six hundred and sixty one years , or in time coming , or any part thereof , to any person whatsomever , until they receive new order thereanent from His Majesty or His Council . And Ordains these presents to be printed and published as said is , that none may pretend ignorance of the same . Extract . per me Pet. Wedderburne , Cl. S ● . Concilii . GOD SAVE THE KING . 
B05620	----	A proclamation for adjourning the General Assembly of this church, to the seventeenth of December next, 1695. Scotland. Privy Council. 1695 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05620 Wing S1808 ESTC R183485 52529287 ocm 52529287 179054 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05620) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179054) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:43) A proclamation for adjourning the General Assembly of this church, to the seventeenth of December next, 1695. Scotland. Privy Council. Scotland. Sovereign (1694-1702 : William II) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson, Printer to the Kings most excellent Majesty, Edinburgh : 1695. Caption title. Royal arms at head of text; initial letter. Dated: Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh, the seventh day of February, and of Our Reign the seventh year. Signed: Gilb. Eliot, Cls. Sti. Concilii. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. -- General Assembly -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms A PROCLAMATION For Adjourning the General Assembly of this Church , to the Seventeenth of December next , 1695. WILLIAM by the Grace of God , King of great Britain , France , and Ireland . Defender of the Faith , to our Lyon King at Arms and , his Brethren Heraulds , Macers of Our Privy Council , Pursevants , Messengers at Arms , Our Sheriffs in that part , Conjunctly and Severally , Specially Constitute , Greeting ; Forasmuch as , We by our Proclamation of the Date the Ninth Day of July last by past , did Adjourn the present Current Assemblie of this Church to the Twentieth Day of November instant , but not having time at present to prepare what were necessarie for the said Assemblie : We have thought fit to delay the Meeting thereof for some time , and that the Members may not be put to unncessrie trouble , We with Advice of the Lords of Our Privy Council , do hereby Adjourn the present Current General Assemblie of this Church , from the said Twentieth Day of November instant , to the Seventeenth Day of December next Ensuing ; Appointing the same to meet at Edinburgh on that Day , and Requiring all the Members thereof to attend the Meeting accordinglie . OUR WILL IS HEREFORE , and We Charge you strictly , and Command , that Incontinent , these Our Letters seen , ye past to the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh , and whole other Mercat Crosses of the Head-Burghs of the several Shires within this Kingdom ; And there in Our Name and Athoritie make Publication hereof , that none may pretend Ignorance ; And Ordains these Presents to be Printed . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh , the Seventh day of November , and of Our Reign the Seventh Year . Per Actum Dominorum Secreti Concilii . GILB . ELIOT , Cls. sti . Concilii . GOD Save the KING : Edinburgh , Printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson , Printer to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty , 1695. 
A65879	----	The principal controversies between the litteral presbyters of the Kirk of Scotland, and the illuminated members of the Church of Christ, called Quakers· Truly collected, stated and opened, in a particular reply (herein specified) for general information and undeceiving the deceived. By an earnest contender for the most holy faith, which was once delivered to the saints. G. W. Whitehead, George, 1636?-1723. 1672 Approx. 233 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65879 Wing W1947 ESTC R217169 99828869 99828869 33302 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65879) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33302) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1962:8) The principal controversies between the litteral presbyters of the Kirk of Scotland, and the illuminated members of the Church of Christ, called Quakers· Truly collected, stated and opened, in a particular reply (herein specified) for general information and undeceiving the deceived. By an earnest contender for the most holy faith, which was once delivered to the saints. G. W. Whitehead, George, 1636?-1723. 83 [i.e. 91], [1] p. s.n.], [London : Printed in the year, 1672. G.W. = George Whitehead. Place of publication from Wing. Caption title on p. 7 reads: The principal controversies bewteen the litteral professors of the Kirk of Scotland, and the illuminated members of the Church of Christ, called Quakers, &c. Running title reads: The priests principles, answered. "The doctrines, contradictions, inconsistencies, and variations of the Presbiterian priests of Scotland .." has caption title on p. 75; register and pagination are continuous. Errata on recto of final leaf. Page 91 is misnumbered 83. In copy catalogued, leaf M2 (pages 89-90) are torn with some loss of print. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Society of Friends -- Early works to 1800. Quakers -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Principal Controversies BETWEEN The Litteral Presbyters of the Kirk of Scotland , and the Illuminated Members of the Church of Christ , CALLED QUAKERS . Truly Collected , Stated and Opened , in a particular Reply ( herein specified ) for general Information and undeceiving the deceived . By an earnest Contender for the most Holy Faith , which was once delivered to the Saints . G. W. 1 Tim. 6.20 . Avoiding prophane and vain babling and oppositions of science , falsly so called . 2 Pet. 2.12 . But these as natural bruit Beasts , — speak evil of the things they understand not , &c. Vers. 13. Sporting themselves with their own deceivings . Vers. 14. Having Eyes full of Adultery , and that cannot cease from sin . — Printed in the Year , 1672. A Brief Introduction . Reader , HErein is asserted the real sufficiency of Divine Illumination and Inspiration , together with the Doctrine of the Saints Perfection in Christ , and his Universal Light and Grace to Mankind ; and thereby the real Use and End of the Holy Scriptures made known , and the pretious Truths therein Owned and Vindicated , from the gross Errours , Perversions , Absurdities , Reproaches , manifest Confusions and Contradictions of some Rigid Presbyters of Scotland , to whom this Tract containes a brief Reply ( in many short Paragraphs ) which was thus occasioned . Viz. Some of the Presbyterian Priests or Teachers in Scotland , having some years ago writ a great bundle against us , the People of God , called Quakers , in a way of slighting and deriding some things of Truth , which above ten years ago I wrote , in Answer to a Paper ( containing a pretended Answer to 26 Queries of Geo. Fox's , Junior ) with some Queries written by one Edw. Jamison , in whose Name , ( with two more ) the said bundle , against us , was conveyed in Manuscript to divers hands ( as a pretended Answer to mine ) which providentially after a long time was brought to my hands about four years ago , which then I perused , and collected the principal Heads and Passages in it , both of Doctrine , seeming Argumentation , and their Objections , which I have here inserted , in their own very words ( as I have their Book in Manuscript to evince ) and I wrote a Reply to each particular , for the clearing the Truth , and to manifest his and their abuse thereof ; and their gross perversion of the holy Scriptures , together with their self Contradictions , which are very apparent and easie to be seen by any unbyassed : And not only their weakness and defection appears , but their enmity , against the Doctrine of Perfection ( both as it relates to the truly Sanctified , and to their Faith and graces , which these Presbyters accuse , not only with Imperfection , but with Sin ) Their darkness against the Light of Christ within ; Their cruel partiallity against the free extent of Saving Grace ; their sinful unbelief against the Sufficiency of the Holy Spirits teaching ; their gross ignorance and scorn against Divine Inspiration , and Immediate Teaching in these dayes ; their carnal mindedness ( for their Traditional Ordinances of men ) against the Spiritual Dispensation of the Gospel , and New Covenant ( wherein the Antitype of all , even the enduring substance , and heavenly things themselves are enjoyed by the clear sighted Children of the day , beyond and above all Types , Shadows , and outward Representations or Memento's whatsoever . ) These and the like things are spoken to in my following Reply ; A Coppy whereof was sent into Scotland , for those concerned , soon after it was written ; whereof ( as I am informed ) Edw. Jamison had a Coppy ; but since I had no further Answer nor Reply from him . And now , since some of our Friends in Scotland considering that there would be a service in making the following Reply more Publick , and knowing that the said Edw. Jamison with divers more of his Brethren are of contentious and boasting spirits , and yet seem not ready or willing to take notice of such things as pinch them , while not made Publick ( as in this Case ) divers of our Friends in Scotland have hereupon desired the Printing and Publishing of this my Reply ; And , in Answer to their Requests , I have given them my first Copy thereof to divulge , desiring that all who Read it , may weigh the things therein contained , and that they eye and have regard to that Light of the Son of God in their Consciences , which manifests those things that are reprovable , and is able to endue the Creature with a Right Judgment , between those things that are of God , and those things that differ ; and so to try all things , and hold fast that which is Good. London , the 22th day of the 6th . Mon. 1672. From a Real Friend to all who desire to know the Way of Life and Peace . George Whitehead . THE PRINCIPAL CONTROVERSIES BETWEEN The Litteral Professors of the Kirk of Scotland , and the Illuminated Members of the Church of Christ , called Quakers , &c. Here are the Doctrines and Principles of some of the Presbyterian Priests of Scotland ; Collected out of a great Bundle in Manuscript ; Subscribed , Edw. Jamison , with other two Names on the outside , viz. Oswald Harland , Edward Orde ; Together with the Heads of many of his corrupt Reasons and perverse Arguments against the Truth and Scriptures , which are here detected , and the People of God , called Quakers , vindicated from his and their Aspersions , Calumnies and false Accusations therein . The Priest. YOV Have renounced Learning as Antichristian . Answer . That 's false . For , not Learning in it self simply considered , do we renounce , but the absurd and corrupt Idolatrous Use of it , by men of corrupt mindes , who have not Learned of Christ , but in their Antichristian Spirit deny his Immediate Teachings . Priest , Absurd arguings against clear and abundant Scripture-Proofes , which have been held forth by far more able than I am . Therefore , that my Answers have not Converted you , is not to me either Strange or a Disappointment . Answer . False again ; I argue not against clear Scripture , &c. but against thy abusing and perverting of it , as will yet further appear ; and much unprofitable labour thou mightest have spared and forborn ; whilst thy end was not to convert us , what was it for , to insult and boast over us ? And yet art far short of some that have dealt with us , if we were conquered and confuted before , hadst thou a mind to shew thy vallor over us , thou hast missed of this end also . Priest , I have born witness to the Truth against your way . Answ. Thou hast born witness to his work who is the Father of Lies , against the Truth , as will further appear to the shame of thee and thy confederates . Priest , There can hardly be brought any absurdity grosser for defence of your Cause , then it self , &c. Answ. Then it was gross and absurd in thee to make , raise and forge , so many absurdityes upon our Cause as thou hast done ; though they be very groundless , light , frothy and frivilous , as in this sequel will appear ; and become more obvious to the impartial spectators . Priest , The Light , the Spirit , Kingdom within , are taken in a dangerous unsound sence ( by Quakers ) in an enthusiastick sence as communicate without Scripture . Answ. It s both dangerous and unsound in thee and thy fellows , to oppose the Light and Spirits imediate teachings , and Kingdom within ; which both teacheth sufficiently and opens the Scriptures , and leads into all Truth ; and to Scoff at the true sence-hereof , though under the term Enthusiastick , or Enthusiasm ( however ironically and reproachfully rendred by you ) which if that be dangerous and unfound , then is divinely inspired unsound . Is this good Doctrine ? For , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in quo Deus est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Deus divine , inspired ; Enthusiasmus , an Inspiration , it is the inspiration of the Almighty that gives understanding . Is this dangerous ? No ; unless to the Priests to discover their ignorance . And is not the Light , Spirit , Kingdom within , communicated before the Scriptures are truly understood and opened ? What darkness and error hast thou here implyed and signified ? And doth not the Light and Spirit , bring to the right use and end of the Scriptures which was given by inspiration ? Priest , There is no man free from sin in this life , &c. Christ doth not totally subdue it in this life . For that place , 1 Joh. 3 of Christs being manifest to destroy the works of the devil ; if ye take it so , may as well prove that Sathan shall not tempt a Child of God. A●sw . This plainly enough shews thy confusion , and ignorance of Christs manifestation and work ; and of his Vertue and Blood ; which destroyes the devils works , cleanseth from all sin , thorowly purgeth them that believe and follow him . Secondly , Thy Inference is gross and absurd : To charge all with sin whom Sathan Tempts ; or to make his Tempting Gods Children , a reason of their not having ●n totally subdued ; for Christ was Tempted , yet sinned not ; for the P●ince of darkness found nothing in him . And , he that abids in him , sins not . And we being made free from sin , and become the Servants of God , we have our fruit unto holiness . Was not this the good end of Christs coming ? What sayes Antichrist , Satan and his Agents and Sophisters to it ? Priest , Neither doth these Scriptures ( 1 Joh. 3.6 . Whoever is born of God sinneth not . Or that ver . 9. He that abids in him commits not sin , and chap. 5.18 . The evill one toucheth him not ) prove any thing , &c. Do they not prove any thing ? Sad Doctrine . Is this divulg'd in the Kirk of Scotland ? Thus to oppose , not onely Christs work , but the words of plain Scripture , and say they do not prove any thing ; when as they ( Viz. 1 Joh. 3.6 , 9. chap. 5.18 . ) prove that , Whoever is born of God sinneth not . He that abids in Christ sins not . The evil one toucheth him not . Doth this prove nothing ? Doth not this equally reflect upon Christs Apostles as well as us ? And implicitly say , they should have been silent , and not so have pleaded Christs manifestation , and the state of him that 's born of God , against Sin , Antichrist , and Decievers ; whereas they John wrot to were plainly cautioned , not to be decieved ; For he that doth righteousness is righteous , even as he is righteous . Priest , It 's not the words of Scripture pickt out which explain the sence , &c. This is nothing but a silly and gross cavilling , to insist upon bare words contrary to their sence . Answ. Must we then go to the Priests for their sence , contrary to plain Scripture , where t is neither parable nor allegory , who pick out , and reject plain Scripture according to their own private imaginations and conceptions ; and yet other whiles in contradiction to themselves , tell us the Scripture is the Rule ; Life is to be had in it , and not communicated without it ; but yet such Scriptures as apparently contradict their gross and Antichristian Principles , they can throw by and reject as proving nothing , as this corrupt minded man hath . Priest , By this way a man may prove the grossest blasphemies , as the Polythrites saying , there are many Gods from , 1 Cor. 8.5 . yet in the next verse , there is but one God , &c. Answ. First , Not by our use of the Scriptures , both fro ma● right mind and for a good end , namely , against sin . Secondly , And if in the next verse after , He that is born of God sinneth not , thou hadst proved that he doth Sin in that he is Tempted ; thou hadst said som●hing to thy business of accusing all Gods Children with Sin term of life , but herein the Scriptures own thee not . Priest , That 1 Joh. 3.6 , 9. is to be understood in a limitted sence , namely ; that they do not continue in Sin wilfully and with delight , without repentance . Answ. That 's not Johns sence but thine , which is as much as to say , his was not true ; for do they continue in Sin , and yet Sin not ? This is a contradiction , or do t●ey continue in it and still repent of it ? Where 's then the fruits and effects of true repentance ? Or is there not a time of confessing , repenting , and time of forsaking Sin ? And casting off every weight and burthen , and of being cleansed from all unrighteousness . Priest , They do not commit Sin with full consent , without controuling of the motions : The evil one toucheth them not to entangle them in such a way of sinning , &c. Answ. As much as to say , they do commit Sin , and the evil one doth touch them , but th●y Sin not with full consent ; which is all one as to say , John did not say true , when he said , Whoever is born of God sinneth not . The wicked one toucheth him not , &c. he commits not Sin ; but we have ground to believe him before Sathans Messengers , who thus have contended and disputed for his work . Priest , He is an Advocate for our Sins , is meant of the Sins present and to come . Answ. Not that Sin should allwayes remain in beli●vers , but that they should be called and delivered out of it , and become Gods Righteousness in him . Priest , His saying , ( if we Sin ) implyeth as much as ( when we Sin. ) Answ. Is this thy Learning thou hast boasted of ? Thus to pervert Scripture , and the very plain sence of words , as to make [ if we Sin ] as positive or absolute as , [ when we Sin ] so [ if ] in other cases may as well be taken for [ when ] as if we say , we have not sined , we make him a liar , is as much as when we say , we have not sinned , &c. what an absurdity would this imply against the Apostles , according to thy sence of him ; who but one impudent would not be ashamed thus grosly to abuse the Scriptures ? Which else where thou seemest to lay such great stress upon . Priest , We know in part , is an imperfect degree of knowledge , and so sinful . Answ. As this intends the Apostle , it s a false and erronious conclusion , it s ne●ther true morrally nor spiritually , degrees vary not the property of the thing , their knowledge they had by degrees was Gods gift to them , and was spiritual from above , an effect of Life and Truth ; which to say is sinful , so accuseth the cause of it which is blasphemous ; and if the Apostles knowledg was sinful because in part , then what were their Epistles , Pr●achings , Testimonies , &c. which proceeded from ( or were effects of ) their knowledge they had of God : Were they sinful ? If not , the cause and ground thereof could not be sinful , therefore away with such sinful stuff and false conclusions upon the Apostles as thou hast uttered . For the Wisdom which is from above , is pure , but yours is from beneath which is corrupt and sinful . Priest , It s false absurdity put upon our Doctrine , that we by it strengthen the hands of wickedness . For , Answ. Your bad fruits and those that follow you , who have learned from your corrupt Doctrines to plead and contend for Sin , both from the Pulpits to the Alehouses , Taverns and Play-houses , do manifest you guilty herein ; and we not to have wronged you in saying , you have strengthened the hands of wickedness by your sinful Doctrine , and many of you by your corrupt Lives also . Priest , For we teach that believers should be dayly ( by the strength of the Spirit ) fighting against the flesh . Answ. That 's but a cover , what incouragment give you them to fight against it , when you deny they shall ever over-come and be freed here . Priest , Paul and Barnabas sinned , either both or one of them , in that sharp contention . Answ. Not all their Life time , that contention held not so long as thy ( and your ) pleading for sin . Priest , Who strengtheneth then the hands of wickedness ? Whether you , who teach a believer may not onely Sin , but fall away from Truth , Grace , &c. Or we who teach that we do sin ; but that we cannot thereby fall wholly from Faith , from Grace , from God , &c. Answ. Not we but you : We exhort to diligence and watchfulness , to keep the Faith , to make their Calling and Election sure , that they may never fall , as the Apostles did ; and warn such as are not come to that growth , least they fall and draw back to perdition , which tends to beget into more fear , watchfulness and circumspection , and not into a false security , ease and liberty , as your Doctrine doth , which is for Sin term of Life ; and yet tell people they shall not ther●by fall away from Grace , &c. Priest , Dare any of you say , there is never any vain thoughts , &c. in Prayer , or anger against those that injure you ? If you dare say so , your Light within is but meer darkness , &c. Answ. The Controversy is not about our attainment , and for us to affirm what we have in that case would not decide it ; but we do affirm , that state is attainable , through Faith in the power of God which purifies the heart ; and our Light is not darkness , and the thoughts of the just are right ; and you that are in your vain thoughts and having anger when you Pray ; How do you fullfil Gods Command , and the Apostles Doctrine ? To hold up holy hands without wrath and doubting , Do not you offer up a Cains sacrifice herein ? And is not your Light ( or that which you put for Light ) darkness ? Priest , There is need even for a David to say , cleanse me from my secret sins . Answ. Not all his Life time , for then he received not an answer to his ●rayer , but h● testifies otherwise ; That God heard his Prayer , and granted his requests ; and c●mmended the state of the undefiled in the way , who do no iniquity , &c. but to argue that because he prayed to be cleansed from his secret sins , and therefore was not clean so long as he lived ( is all one to say ) therefore God heard him not ; which is gross and absurd . Priest , The Commands of God are of use to a believer , that cannot fulfil them in his Graces ; namely to convince him of sin , that he may be driven to lay hold on Christ for imputed Righteousness , for further supply of his Grace , &c. Answ. The intent of Gods Commands , were that they might be obeyed and fulfill●d , through that grace and ability God gives for that end , and not to be broken and transgressed ; for unbeleivers ( yea the world ) many times are convinced of Sin by the Spirit ; so thou hast grosly wronged the beleivers , in representing their state here but as a convinced state , which many who are unconverted are come to ; whereas they to whom God imputeth Righteousness ( and not Sin ) their Sin is covered , and in their Spirits is no gui●e , Psal. 32.1 , 2. see thy error and confusion . Priest , For Perfect Righteousness [ Inherent ] there is no promises to this sence , in all the Scriptures to any beleiver . Answ. The work of God and his Righteousness ( or Image which man was made in ) is Perfect , and this Christ comes to restore into again , and God hath promised and made known him for this end . And I will wash them from all their filthiness , saith the Lord , &c. The word Inherent is not mine , but obtruded upon me from a false intent . Priest , There are promises of a growth unto Believers , and of a fullness ; but this is to be meant of such as is consistent with some defects and a body of Sin. Answ. A growth and a fullness , and yet denies Pe●fection , and so the Apostles Doctrine , Eph. 4. A g●owth and a fullness consistent with a body of Sin : Is this the Principle and Faith of the Kirk of Scotland ? Surely here 's darkn●ss to be felt , Who can raise an absurdiy and confusion from this , grosser then it self ? Do●h not this growth and fullness consist by Christ and in him ? If so ; By whom consists Sin and its body ? Do they consist together ? Or is not the body of Sin put off , where the Circumcision of Christ is experienced ? Priest , Zecharias , his walking in all the Commands and Ordinances of God blameless : This Perfection was consisting with misbelief , Luke . 1.6 , 20. Answ. ( A gross errour again ) his blamelesness was in his walking in all the Commands of God , but his mis-belief was after , and was reproved or blamed by the Angel ; for he was smitten for it : But thy Doctrine tells us quite contrary , as much as mis-belief is blameless , because blamlesness consists with it as thou implyest ; But this is like much more . Priest , David , Job , Daniel , their failings are noted , which I might cite if I did not study brevity . Answ. So are their deliverances noted , and if thou wert not partial , and of a wrong Spirit thou wouldest note them . How hast thou studied brevity , to stuff up near 10 sheets of paper with quarrelling and cavilling against us , in reply to so little as was writ to thee ? Priest , How shall they believe without a Preacher ; Gods ordinary appointed Way for begeting Faith is by Preaching , and not by immediate teaching alone without Preaching . Answ. Gods appointed Way for begeting Faith is the Word of Faith , whcih is nigh in the heart , which the Apostles Preached ; and the inward teaching of the Spirit , without which there is no true and effectual Preaching , which directs and brings to the Word : Christ the Word , is the Author of Faith , whom God hath appointed for Salvation ; and he teaches both immediatly and instrumentally ; both inwardly and through Preaching openly , he is not limitted , yet no Preaching is truely effectual without him who is the chief Teacher . For , Priest , It might have been answered by one of your oppinion ; 2. Paul , your question is idle and vain , for most men believe without a Preacher ; they shall believe the Light within teaching them . Answ. If they cannot Preach except they be sent , then who must send them and give them power for that work but Christ ? Secondly , Neither do we so accuse Pauls question with being idle , nor say that most men believe without a Preacher ; especially if they believe the Light within teaching them ; for that is Christs Light who is the true Teacher , which brings to the substance of true Preaching and Teaching , which proceeds from the Light within . Priest , The Scriptures Preached , or the things contained in them is the ordinary way of begeting Faith. Answ. The things contained in them , seems a little to mend thy matter ; which things contained , were before the Scriptures or Writings were , and extend farther ; for some had and performed the things contained in the Law , which had not the Law ( Viz. outward ) and many in this day can testify , that the Spirit and Light within , hath manifested within , many things contained in Scripture before they read them outwardly there . Priest , The whole council of God Paul sheweth forth , Act. 20.27 . yet no other things then those which Moses and the Prophets did say ( the Scriptures ) Act. 26.22 . Answ. All Pauls Preaching or his whole council from God , is no● Recorded there , but little in comparison of what he P●eached Recorded ; he continued his Speech or Preaching till midnight , ver . 7. and talked even till break of day : Where is this Sermon Recorded ? Many Scriptu●es and Books were writ by the holy men , which we have not in the Bible ; were it not grose and false therefore to exclude them as no part of the councel of God ? Priest , Is not that another Gospel , that all the world over are taught Christ and his Gospel ? Answ. It is not our Gospel , therefore unjustly charged against us ; for not all the world over are taught , or are learned Christ and his Gospel , though all have a Light from him sufficient to teach . Priest , In the use of Scriptures we are to expect he will beget Faith , by his inward Teachings and Workings on the heart . Answ. the matter is somwhat mended , in confessing to his inward Teaching and Working on the heart , but in that it seems to be tyed up or limited to the use of the Scriptures , this d●nyes the sufficiency and extent of the Spirits inward Teaching , which many have who cannot read nor use Scriptures ; and those who having not the Law , were a Law to themselves , and shewed the works of the Law written in their hearts , &c. though the Scriptures of Truth , in their place we must needs own , in that Spirit that gave them forth ; but whereas other-whiles Preaching is made the cause but now the Scriptures ; this is to make the Scriptures and Preaching all one , and ●hen people may spare their mony they give to Priests for Preaching , and giving their Interpretations to the Scriptures , and onely read them with expectation of Christs inward teaching and working on the heart ; which indeed ought to be inwardly and Spiritually expected and waited for . Priest , He bid them search the Scriptures , for in them they thought to have eternal life ; and they testified of him , Joh. 5.39 . this thought could not be a delusion . Ans If this thought of their having Eternal Life in the Scriptures was not a delusion , then they had Eternal L●fe according to their thought ; but Christ testifies the contrary against ●hem in the following words saying , Ye will not come unto me , that ye might have life ; so to affirm they had it in the Scriptures , is to affirm they had Christ in the Scriptures , and that their searching them was their coming to Christ , which is both contrary to their state and opposite to Christs own words of them ; that they would not come unto him that they might have Life : And this contradicts thy former , and much of thy stuff about Scriptures . Priest , ●f the searching and believing the Testimony of Christ given by the Scriptures , be not really to find Eternal Life but an error , &c. ( such a thought as we blind Priests have ) then Christ would have told them of that error , and bid them look for Life by following the Light within . Answ. Believing the Testimony of Christ and searching the Scriptures , are to things , and the belief of which Testimony , comes not barely by s●a●ching them , for if it did ; then all that searched them had that belief , and so Life , &c. which is contrary to the truth of what is apparent concerning many , and to Christs own words of them , they thought to have Eternal Life in the Scriptures , and yet had neither heard the voyce of God at any time , nor seen his shape , they not believing him whom he sent ; nor would come to Christ that they might have Life . Priest , The Fathers , before the Scriptures were written , had the things contained in them by Revelations , audable Voices , Visions , Dreames , &c. not by the Light within , your Enthusiastick Fancy . Answ. Yes , It was by the Light within that they had the knowledge of those , and had Revelations , Prophecies , &c. For the Word of Prophecy was a Light to them ; and the inspiration of the Almighty gave them understanding , when God spoke in a dream or vision of the night , &c. and God hath promised , to pour down his Spirit upon all flesh , that sons and daughters may prophecy , young men may see visions , &c. Joel 2. was this a fancy ? Or to be mockt at as thou hast done ? ( Your Enthusiastick Fancy thou say●st ) what grose error and ignorance hast thou herein shewed . Priest , That Christ will now beget Faith , without the Scriptures Preached or known , it were as good an inference to say ; because , that by faith in Jesus Christ to come in the flesh , the Fathers under the old Testament were saved , therefore though one should not believe that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh , yea , though he should deny he is come he may be sav●d if he believe he is to come . Answ. An unequal parallel , and false inference ( and abuse against us ) to compare the Scriptures with Christs coming in the flesh , or to bring them in competition therewith ; and how did the Fathers know he was to come , but by the Light or Spi●it of Prophecy within ? And how did the Saints truly and effectually know he was come , but by the understanding and Eternal Life he had given them ? From whence Scriptures were given , and from whence they spoke and wrot . Priest , 1. You deny the main end of Scriptures , which is , that we by believing what is written of Christ. 2. In them may have Eternal Life , Joh. 20. 3. That we may find Eternal Life by searching , they testify of him . Answ. Nay , the main end of Scriptures we cannot deny , whilst we own and testifie to that Spirit which gave them forth ; and to him whom they testify of , to wit Christ , by whom they are to be fulfilled unto the true believer , that reads them in a right mind and Spirit . Secondly , But where having Life in them ( Viz. in the Scriptures ) is laid down as following believing ? This is an error depending upon the former , and a contradiction to the Scripture that saith , That believing ye might have Life through his name ; he doth not say , in the Scriptures , nor by searching them , but through his name of whom they testify , and those to whom these things were written , that they might beleive that Jesus is the Christ , &c. and have Life through his name . They were in some measure prepared ( by the Spirit or Light of Christ allready manifested ) to receive those things which tend●d to the furtherance of their Faith , and confirmation of their Belief concerning Christ , that they might have life through his name . Pr , Whoso holdeth this , denieth them really and interpretatively . Answ. Is this thy proof of thy false accusation against us of denying the Scriptures , that we deny them interpretatively ; so then our denying the Priests Interpretations upon Scripture which are not Scripture , must be deemed a denial of Scriptures , as if they were either the same or of equall authority with Scripture ; or when they tell us of finding Life in the Scriptures , we must take it for gran●ed , that they mean in their Interpretations upon them , whereby in many things they contradict plain Scripture as hath been proved any times ; so however , when they bid People search the Scriptures for Life Eternal ( in them ) they intend they should take their meanings along with them , and believe as they say , and so people must run into an implicite Faith , if they take things on their Authority and Credit ; for by their meanings and Interpretations , they can sit as Judges over Scriptures ( and tell people they must give the sence , and reconcile them ) and over the Lig●t and Spirit within , and tell them its but an Enthusiastick Fancy ; but who are not so Ign●ble as to receive a Belief or Faith from them on such a dark , implicite and slender account as this of Priests ? But wait in the Light of Christ within , for a right understanding of things that are Spiritual , relating to Faith and Salvation : Such find they have cause from the certain demonstration and testimony of the Spirit of Truth within , to believe Christs Light and Spirit rather then the Priests meanings , and private Interpretations , wrestings and perverting of Scriptures . Priest , It is not about the expression of the Word of God that debate should be kept up , if in a sound sence granted , that they are called the Words of God. Answ. So , Then the Scriptures are granted to be words of God , why then holdst thou debate against us , but to shew thy cavilling Spirit ? For the Word was that , from whence words and Scriptures proc●eded ; and came to the Prophets and Messengers of God before they spoke the words to Write them . Priest , Ye deny that Faith cometh by hearing of the Scriptures which is the Word of God ; for that we receiving them by Faith are saved ; which is plainly asserted , Joh. 5.39 . Answ. We deny that Faith comes barely by hearing the Scriptures , for if it did so come , then all that hear or read Scriptures must have Faith , and hear the Word , but we see the contrary ; and Christ told the Jewes they could not understand what he said because they could not hear his words , and yet they could hear Scriptures , and him speak outwardly to them : But this is a mistery hid from such as thou art ; and there were those whom the Word Preached did not profit , b●cause it was not mixt with Faith in them . Priest , Your selves acknowledg that they are the words of God , then this or that perticular saying is the Word of God ; seeing there is a singular where there is a plural . Answ. But Singular and Plural differs , and though there be a Singular included where there is a Plural , is it therefore good Logick to say that Singular includes Plural , or they are both one ? Or to sa● , that because there are Words of God in the Scriptures , and where there are words in the Plural , there must needs be a word in the Singular ; therefore these words are the Word and so are the Scriptures ? Is this thy L●arning and Logick ? Surely thou art so far from knowing the Word which lives for ever , and was before either the Scriptures or words in it were given out , that thou art yet as one senceless and confounded in thy expressions , and cavilling against ●ruth . Priest , The Scriptures in the Bible are called the Word of God , Mark. 7.13 . Answ. This is a very general expression of the Scriptures in the Bible being the Word of God , when they do not say so of themselves , whereas all the Scriptures in the Bible are so far from terming themselves the Word of God , in such an eminent expression , that they cannot all be truely termed his Words , there being in many places Recorded both words of Wicked men and Devils ; though the Historical part that relates these things be true , as to the narration of them : And they , Mark. 7.13 . that made the word of God of none effect by their Tradition , and rejected his Commandment , did really act contrary to the Word within , which Moses preached , and against the Law of God without , so that 's no proof of the Scriptures in the Bible being called the Word . Priest , That which maketh wise to Salvation , or maketh the man of God perfect , &c. is inspired of God , that is the Word of God which maketh wise , profiteth , 2 Tim. 3.15 . Answ. Here again hast thou fallen short of proof of thy matter , for where it is said , All Scripture is given by Inspiration of God , &c. [ Is ] is added : So it 's , All Scripture given by inspiration : But if that must be called the Word of God in thy sence , then it may be read , All the Word of God is given by Inspiration of God : How will that sound and signify ? Or , All the Word of God given by inspiration of God , &c. See thy ignorance and impertinency ▪ for though we grant that all Scripture given by Divine Inspiration is profitable to the man of God ; for the making Wise to Salvation , but it is through Faith , which words [ through Faith ] I find the● to have taken little notice of [ if any ] or of his being the man of God first , that knows the profit of the Scriptures which are given by Inspiration , that he may be Perfect , which the Priests deny in denying Perfection , and that he may be thorowly furnished : And many things were written , and directed to the Saints and not to the world , &c. But what thou concludest from hence doth not follow . Priest , Is there any Prophesie almost , or Book of the Scripture , but it calleth the things contained in them the Word of God. Thus saith the Lord , &c. Answ. For , as was hinted , there are many things written in the Scripture , that can neither properly be called the Word , nor are they words of God , as what the Serpent said to Eve , Pharaoh to Moses , false Priests and Prophets , in the true Prophets dayes , many things , and accusations which the Jewes said to Christ , Were these the Word of God ? Mayest thou not here see thy error and confusion ? Priest , There is nothing so much commendeth the necessity of the knowledge of Scriptures and Learning , as the horrid detestable absurdityes which men unlearned , &c. wresting Scriptures to their own perdition ; however they revile Study of Scriptures and Learning . Answ. There is nothing more discommendeth things , and the Priests Way of Learning and Studying the Scriptures , as your perverting and abusing them for your own ends and turns , and the P●iest making a Trade of them by their Learning ; and must people depend upon the fruits of your Study and Learning to know the Scriptures ? And yet other whiles they must expect to find Eternal Life in the Scriptures , to be made Wise unto Salvation by them ; What contradiction's here ? But if the Scripture given by Divine Inspiration , be profitable to the man of God , and by the same Inspiration be understood , and make Wise to Salvation through Fai●h ; and that the Spirit of Truth lead into all Truth , then wee 'l not be beholding to thee and such as thou art , for your Learning and Study , who deny the immediate Teaching of the Spirit , and so are but still unlearnd as to the things of God : And why doest thou villify us as unlearned , and make a flourish as if thou art some Eminent Learned man ? This shews thy Shallowness , Pride and Conceitedness , And were not Peter and John unlearned men , and so accounted by the Learned among the Jewes ? Yet were full of the holy Ghost and learned by it : Wouldst thou and thy Companions limmit the Gift of God , or a right understanding of Scriptures , to your natural drossy Learning and imaginary Study ? O! The Lord hath raised up and brought to light that Life and Spirit , which has brought many to see thorow you and your corrupt Learning , and Babylonish stuff . And whereas thou dost villify and jeer upon these words , Viz. That the word which the Bereans received with all readiness of mind , and the Scriptures which they searched are two things , and sayest , I purposely pass by that which follows Viz. Whether these things were so ? Answ. Are they not mentioned distinctly as two ? The Word they received , &c. the Scriptures they searched to see whether these things were so . Now there was more in Preaching then bare words or Scripture , For their gospel came not in word onely ; but in Spirit and in Power , which when that had touched their hearts , and they had received a sence of the Spirit and Life which the Apostles were Ministers of ; this prepared them for a further understanding , of things and matters relateing to the Testimony of Truth and of the Scriptures , when they searched them in that weak state wherein they were at first receit of Truth , for a further or additional confirmation of their understanding of things declared upon Scripture account touching Christ ; but if according to thy sence , the Word which they r●ceived with all readiness of mind , and the Scriptures ▪ which they searched , to see whether these things were so , were but one thing ; then , Is it good Doctrine to say , that when they received the Word with all readiness of mind , they searched the Word to see if those things in it were true , or to try the truth of them ? How then was it received with all readiness of mind ? Or was it the Scripture which they received with all readiness of mind , and th●n when they so received them , searched them to see whether those things where so ? ( Is this thy excellent Logick ? ) If so , then thy Doctrine runs thus ; They received the Scriptrues with all readiness of mind , and they searched the Scriptures to see whether the Scriptures were so , or for proof that the Scriptures were true , they must search the Scriptures to prove them true by themselves ; Will this be admitted of as excellent Logick in your Schoo●es , to prove an assertion by the same assertion , and to beg the question in controversie ? If so , then in all points asserted and disputed of , it is so because it is so , will serve for proof . Priest , The Word you say is one , How can it be called those things ? Answ. If the Word which I say is one , cannot be called those things , th●n it proves what I said bef●re , that the Word and Scriptures are two things , and that their receiving the Word with all readiness of mind was inward , but the Scriptures are outward , which they searched after they received the Word . Priest , Are the things written in the Scriptures , and the Scriptures two things ? What excellent Logick is this ? Answ. If they be not two things , and yet the Word ( which is but one ) and those things contained in them be two things , How are the Scriptures the Word , seeing the Word and those things are two ? Yet here again thou sh●west very little Learning as professed by thee ; for the Writing and the things written of , are two things as well as Scriptures , and the things contained in them , for there is the thing containing , and the things contained , according to the distinction of ( them and ) some of your selves . Priest , Or ye must take the Scriptures in the abstract , for the writen Characters as distinguisht from the things that are writ , so nothing can be either searched or found in a number of Characters . Answ. I know of none that appear so ridiculous as to search them meerly as a number of Characters , so abstract to prove things or matters , but to search them for those things or declarations contained in them which appear to the eye of the understanding , and not to the outward eye in the bare Characters ; and yet ( Scriptures ) signify ( Writings ) Priest , Whereas ye ask whether I think none hath Faith , so none shall be saved but those that hear the Scriptures by the outward ear or can read them ? What God may do , or doth in an extraordinary is not the question ; for his absolute Soveranity in his dispensations of Grace is not tied , &c , Answ. Then God and his dispensations of Grace are not limitted or tied as many other times thou , and others of you seem to tye up all now to Scripture for Life Eternal , for Faith , &c. other whiles to your Interpretations , Learning and the fruits of your study ; but the way to God and Salvation is Christ , And no man comes un●o the Father but by him ; nor none comes to the Son , but by the Fathers drawings , which are known in the Spirit and Light , by which we have access to God. Priest , The Scriptures search the thoughts as an Instrument , and Christ is the principal searcher . Answ. That 's Christ or the Word of God which is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart , that searches the heart ; And it s the Lord God of hosts that telleth unto man what his thoughts are , and searcheth the heart , who both can and doth sp●ak what he pleaseth , both of things declared in Scriptures and without them , as he sees meet to the perticular states of men and persons ; and so to lay so much upon Scriptures which belongs to God and Christ , and is properly their Work is unsound : And Wh●re provest thou the Scriptures search the thoughts ? And wher● say they so of themselves , when they do not speak and direct to any perticular Person and shew him his thoughts and actions perticularly , which the Light doth ? And the Spirit of Truth reproves and convinceth of the several evils whereof persons are guilty . It s the Lord that sets their sins in order before them . Priest , It is false , That any have a sincere supernatural Faith of the Scriptures that are ignorant of Christ , &c. They testify of him . Answ. So then they must have some knowledg of Christ , and from thence have a supernatural Faith of the Scriptures : But how doth this agree with much more of thy work , about searching the Scriptures for Life Eternal in them for begetting Faith &c. Priest , The foundation of the Saints and houshold of God , are the Phrophets and Apostles , Jesus Christ being the cheif corner-stone , Eph. 2.20 . Answ. Were not the Prophets and Apostles of that houshold of God ? If they were , then they were their own foundation according thy to assertion here , but thou hast wronged the Scripture ; for it was the foundation of the Prophe●s and Apostles ( mark of the Prophets and Apostles ) they were built upon Christ Jesus the cheif corner stone . Priest , By the Prophets and Apostles that are the foundation is meant their Doctrine , contained in the Scriptures , not the persons . Answ. Their Foundation was before their Doctrine or Scriptures : Another foudation can no man lay , then that which is already laid , which is Christ : But sure the Prophets and Apostles and Scriptures were not he . Priest , The Scripture makes known inward sins , of thoughts and lusts , Rom 7.7 . Is able to mak● the man of God perfect ; if they did not search into the thoughts of the heart , discovering who are blind and carnal , How can they make Wise unto Salvation ? Doth not the Scriptures make us Wise unto Salvation ? Therefore Are they not able to save us ? Christ as the principle cause of our Salvation , is said alone to save us . Answ. Thou meanest Christ as the principle searcher or the Spirit , but the Scriptures as the instrument ; and then thou shouldest have said , Christ makes known inward sins , the Spirit searcheth all things , And God Judgeth the secrets of men by Christ , according to the Gospel ; without the knowledg of Christ , there 's no supernatural faith of the Scriptures ; nor can any be made Wise unto Salvation , but through that Faith : And that Christ and the Spirit makes use of ( speaks and opens ) things contained in the Scripture many times , Who denies that ? For then he speaks ( and opens ) those things immediately ; and thus the Law was made convincing to Paul , not before it came thus ; and if on that account they be the instrumental cause , then its Christ , or the Spirit ( by h●s own speaking or teaching and openings ) that is the searcher and saviour : And then it were most proper to lay the stress upon him as the searcher and Saviour ; and not thus often tell of the Scriptures being the searcher of the thoughts , and of having in them Life Eternal ; lest also that ignorant persons go Idolatrously ( according to the tendency of much of thy matter ) to put them in the place of Christ , or seek to make them the Saviour , seeing that Christ ( the principle cause of our Salvation ) ( as thou confessest ) is said alone to save us , and if he alone save , its sufficient , people be directed to him for that end ; for in him all sufficiency is , who can now immediately speak matters contained in the Scriptures , as well as when they were first given by inspiration ; And it is the inspiration of the Allmighty that giveth the true understanding , without which the right use and end of the Scripture is not known . Priest , The Scriptures of Truth ( not I ) make four Saviours , Viz. The ingrafted Word , Faith , Scriptures , Timothy , &c. Answ. To us there is but one God , one Christ , one absolute Saviour , one Faith , &c. Priest , There is a Faith of the Scriptures that is historical , this is not sufficient , but this Faith may be of Christ as well , and yet they not be saved ; but who has saving , unfeigned , Supernatural Faith of Scriptures , cannot wa●t it of Christ. Answ. Well Then this saving Supernatural Faith of Scripture and of Chr●st , must come f●om a Supernatural Light , or Christ who is th● Light and Author of Faith. Priest , How shall they believe without a Preacher sent , Joh. 20. verse last , They must have the Scriptures who have the knowledge of Christ ; for without this they cannot be kept from hell . Answ. Who must send them if there be no immediate Teaching or Revelation now ? How provest thou thy Call from Scripture , and that thou art Comissionated by Christ to Preach ? Thou shouldest rather have said , they must have Christ who truely know the Scriptures , and without him they cannot be kept from hell . Priest , In th●se Commandments written is our Life , Deut. 30.15 , 16. Answ. The Word and Commandment was nigh them in their hearts , that they might obey it , and walk in the Commandments and live , see Verses 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. how herein thou hast diminished and wrested Scripture ; and that Word which was nigh in the heart the Apostles preached : It doth not say , in the Commandments written is your Life . Priest , But that all Nations have the knowledg of Christ ; It s in an Enthusiastical Bible ; &c These places , He enlightens every man that cometh into the world ; and , hath no resp●ct of Persons , are far wide from this conclusion , therefore all have the knowledg of Christ ; all the Turks , Jewes , Pagans , &c. Oh! What monstrous horrid Doctrine , &c. Answ. It is not our Assertion nor Conclusion , that all Nations or People have the knowledg of Christ ( herein hast thou abused us and our Principle ; ) for though he enlightens all , they all do not walk in the Light , nor believe in it : But all Nations and People that come ever to know Christ and be saved , must walk in his Light , Who is the Way , the Truth , and the Life . Priest , Christ as he is God , equal with the Father hath planted some Light of a natural conscience in every man of the world . Answ. In him was life , and the life was the light of men ; And he was that light , which enlighteth every man that comes into the world ; who is not natural , nor his Light that shines from him in the Conscience : And God is Light , who enlightens the World , and gave his good Spirit in the dayes of old to the Rebellious ; and sent his Son a Light into the World , That whosoever believes on him , might not perish but have eternal life : And here is the power and sufficiency both for Believing and Salvation . Priest , All men have a Light of a natural Conscience from him , which tells that there is a God , and somewhat of the nature of God , that he is Eternal ; which they may read in the creatures , Rom. 1.19 , 20. and of the morral Law , which yet is but very dark , &c. Answ. Where do the Scriptures call it a Light of a natural Conscience ? What great Ignorance is here , seeing Christ is the true Light that enlightens every man , &c. And that which might be known of God was manifested in them , which gave the knowledg of the Eternal Power and God-head from the creatures ; and of the Law of God in the heart , and that Light , or that which might be known of God which gave this knowledg , was not natural of a natural Conscience , as blindly is conceived and asserted ; for the natural man with his natural knowledg , perceives not those Spiritual or Invisible things , nor can he know them ; but he that 's turned to a Spiritual Light and Principle within , where that which may be known of God is manifested . Priest , But of Christ in his nature , and the nature of Faith , they cannot without the Scriptures , so far as it is Gods appointed Way . Answ. Christ is Gods appointed Way , &c. This high and general opinion of the Scriptures , depends upon the former conceit , of finding Eternal Life in them , by searching of them ; but that 's answered and contradicted by this our Antagonist himself , over and over : Supernatural knowledge and Faith of Scriptures , being not had without the knowledg of Christ ; but there are many search and read Scriptures , that are both out of this knowledg and Faith , so that t is evident , that the bare reading Scriptures doth not attract supernatural Faith , Knowledg , Light , Spirit , &c. but it is the supernatural Light and Spirit , that brings to the serious reading and supernatural knowledg of Scriptures : And it s also confessed in contradiction to much more ( however ) that the Light in all men teaches them of the morral Law ; and , Is not that Scripture or things contained in it ? Priest , The Light wherewith Christ enlightens all , all Nations had before Christ came in the flesh , as well as now ; and yet , Who will say that they all knew Christ ? Answ. It is not our saying nor assertion , that they all knew Christ , though some by his Spirit or Light then , had a fore-sight of his coming before he so came , though since he has given a more full demonstration and discovery of his Light. Priest , If all men are taught to know Christ by the Light within them , Why sent he Apostles to all Nations , to make them disciples ? Mat. 28.20 . Answ. All men are not taught that knowledg by the Light , because all obey it not , but many love darkness rather : The Apostles were sent to turn them from darkness to the Light , that therein they might know their Doctrine fulfilled , and be Christs disciples . Priest , Why did he give gifts to Apostels , Pastors , Teachers , which should continue till we all come to that unity of the Faith ; and fulness of the Stature of Christ ? Was that Light within dim in those times , that it needed the help of outward Light ? How was it a mystery hid from Ages ? Answ. The dimness was in the Persons that were to be turned , and directed to the Light , not in the Light it self ; and the Apostles went by virtue of the Light and Gifts in them , for the help of people and not the Light , for their sufficiency and help was in it , and from it , which was not outward nor natural ; and having confessed Gifts , Teachers , &c. to continue till we all come to the unity of the Faith , and fulness of the stature of Christ. How obviously hast thou herein contradicted thy former Doctrine , for imperfection and sin till death ? &c. Priest , You have made the visible Church very large , who have taken all the men of the world that ever hath been into it . If the Lord has given Grace and Knowledg equally to all men , Wherein stands the freedom of his Grace towards them that are saved ? Answ. These are both forged and false accusations , depending upon the former against us , for neither did we ever make the visible Church of that largness , nor is it our Principle , that Grace and Knowledge is given equally to all men ; that 's but thy false inference against us , whereupon thou hast grounded much of thy caviling against us ; like one that loves to fight with thy own shadow , or a man of straw of thy own makeing , to make and forge lies against us , and then go to confute them . Unprofitable and vain . Priest , Never did the greatest Enemy of free Grace , so tye up and limmit God in the dispensations of Grace as you , that with good words and fair speeches ( would ) deceive the Soules of the simple . Answ. Nay , Thou and such like , go about to tye up and limmit God in the dispensations of Grace , who would tye it up onely to a few , and deny its universal extent to all , and as those Priests of Scotland , that formerly curst all them that held Grace is free ; and that with good words and fair speeches , we would deceive the hearts of the simple , is a slander against us , and against our end and intentions , and contrary to the tendency of our words and speeches . Priest , Judas got as much from God as ▪ Peter did , but he rejected it , but Peter made better use of it . Your free Grace , that all men have received alike , doth not exclude boasting ; but say , Well was it with us that made better use of that , which others in hell got as well as we . Thanks to our deligence , and good intentions and tractableness , in harkning to the Light within , which all the damned got as bright shining , as well as we ; but for Christ , we have no cause to thank him more then the damned have . This is the Language your Doctrine of free Grace teacheth men to say in their thanks-giving . Answ. Here-upon several of thy false conclusions and inferences against us , thou hast thus uanted and made a false Language of our Doctrine , contrary to the very nature and tendency of it ; Who but men in hardness and impudent boldness , would go to confute , and raise absurdityes on our Principles when they do not know them , but are yet to learn as thou art with thy companions ? For it is not our Principle , nor the Language of our Doctrine that all have the knowledg of Christ [ equally ] and that Judas got as much from God as Peter , nor that free Grace all have received alike , nor that the damned got the Light within as bright shining as we ; but that God is no respecter of persons , in that he gives liberally to all , so much of his Grace to every one as is sufficient ; yet , not that all have received alike , or the same degree of Grace and Knowledg , &c. for all receive not ( or accept not ) that measure of Grace given to them to obey it . But whereas we are sco●● at for saying , the cause of som●s condemnation is their rejecting the Light , and their disobedience stubborness , &c. this is according to the Scripture Language as might be proved ar large : For the fault is not to be laid upon God , but upon man for his disobedience , when he is consumed because of iniquity , which is stubborness , rebellion , &c. For God willeth not the death of sinners , but rather their return that they may live ; and , O man thy destruction is of thy self ; But thy help is of me saith the Lord : so as God is clear when he judges . Now we can thank God without boasting , that he hath shewn such Love , Mercy , and Good will in Christ unto us ; and Christ that he hath shewn us Power , Life , and sufficiency in himself , both to believe , obey , and give diligence ; and the name of God we may praise , for all his Mercies and Blessings he attends us withal , in the way whereunto he hath called us , and indeed all Nations are called to praise the Lord , which if all do not , the fault is not Gods , nor to be charged upon him , or his free Grace , but theirs that reject it ; And have treasured up unto themselves , wrath against the day of wrath ; and on the other hand , they that count God a hard Master , and they that blaspheme against him in their Torment and Anguish , are but the slothful servants , and such as have not recieved the truth in the love of it ; but have had pleasure in their unrighteousness : And thereby have incurred displeasure from the righteous God , whose severity follows on them that reject his Love and Good-will : So these have not the Light as bright shining as we ; These being condemned from the presence of the Lord , and from the Glory of his Power . Priest , How comes it that there is none among all these persons throughout the Nations ( where the Scriptures have never been heard ) that have Written in the defence of the Christian Faith , and against the Paganish worship , & c. ? Travellers should have given some account of it , &c. Answ. As if the Scriptures were not onely the cause of Life , Faith , and Salvation ( according to thy former stuff ) but of all Writing in defence of the true Faith , &c. Then what was the cause and ground of Sciptures ? However , it appears thou art no great Traveller , nor hast had much acquaintance with such Travelers as we know have given account of more Christianity among divers of the heathen that have not Scripture , then is among many in England and Scotland , professing Christianity ; besides we find in divers of the heathens ( so called ) their Writings many things both Morral and Divine , both favouring of Christianity and of some spiritual sence , several of them had of the Nature and Life of Christianity which in it self is against all Idolatry of Pagans and others , though not in your borrowed terms and expressions of Religion and Christianity : And further , why should the Apostle make use of some of the heathens expressions , and Gentils experiences for proof , if they had no tendence to Christianity . Pr. But the best of those Nations and wisest , were the greatest Enemies to the Gospel . Answ. How provest thou that ( for we deny it ) and the ground of this thy peremptory censure and judgm●nt , against all them that had not Scripture ? Many of whom we believe were better then thy self ; and hast thou known the best and wisest of them , that thou art thus positive against them ? Pr. You have no warrant to say , that deaf persons to whom the Scriptures have no way been known , shall be saved . Answ. As much as to say , They that know not the Scriptures , know not Salvation , or shall not be saved ; thou shouldest have said . They that know not Christ , or come not to him fall short of Salvation , the coming to whom , is through the Fathers drawings , who drawes by his own Spirit ; and darest thou say , that deaf and blind persons shall not be saved , because they cannot hear and read Scripture . Pr. Before the Scriptures he taught by audible Voices , Revelations , &c. but now you make all to be the Light within . Answ. No Revelation is truely known without the Light within , for what may be known of God is manifest within . Pr. We deny that the Power of God is immediate ( Viz. in his people ) Ans. You may as well deny its being in his people , and their inward Communion with it , and therein you deny the very tenuor of the new Covenant , and hereby limmit that power to m●diate teaching , Scriptures , &c. what in you lies , which tends to eclipse and detract from that Glory , Sufficiency , and Prerogative that is in Gods Power ; this is very gross and ignorant . Pr , We grant it is true which the Metaphysitians and Divines say of God , that he concurreth in all works of creatures , immediatione vertutis & suppositi , but this ye know not what it meaneth . Answ. This makes against your selves if rightly considered , and falsly thou hast said of us ( or of me ) for I do know what that phrase means , both as to words and matter ; but , and if we did not know what is meant , why didest thou use thy Latine phrases and Scholastick terms , to such as thou deemest so illiterate ? Hast thou not herein shewed thy self a Bravado . Pr. He told us , he will exercise his power for us , and in us . Answ. He will exercise his power in us , and yet not immediate ; What contradiction's here ? Pr. Why the Grace of hope should be Christs more then the Grace of faith , &c. Answ. Ch●ist is the Grace of all our Graces , and our all , a mystery hid from thee and those of thy spirit . Pr. Faith is a habit and an imperfect creature , for all habits are in the category of quallity , which is an accident and so an imperfect creature . Answ. What Scripture have you Priests of Scotland for that ? Of Faith being a habit , an imperfect creature , or accident ; and , Is accident and habit all one ? Where learned'st this Phylosophy to define Faith ? True Faith is not natural , nor a natural habit however , for thou hast granted a supernatural saving Faith , but t is but a habit , an imperfect creature , whereas Faith is a fruit of the Spirit which is pure and perfect , and the mystery of it is held in the pure conscience ; but if thou meanest imperfect creature as to the kind or quallity , its false Doctrine , and its being received by degrees doth not prove it ; for it s as truly and purely Faith and that of God , and supernatural in the least degree ( yea if but as a grain of mustard-seed ) as in the greatest measure of it . Pr. It is as impossible it should be otherwise , as it is that a man abiding a man should essentially be a beast . Ans. Is it as impossible Faith should be otherwise then an imperfect creature as for a man to be essentially a beast ? Sad Doctrine ! This is worse and worse : Faith ov●rcomes the world purifies the heart , justifies , the mystery of it is held in a pure conscience , yet not possible for it to be otherwise then an imperfect creature : Darkn●ss , Confusion , and Contradiction to Truth . Pr. The Grace of hope is imperfect , Christ is the hope of glory . Answ. These are one opposite to another , but Christ is perfect , who is the Grace and Life of all the Saints Graces . Pr. Christs Word was his audible Voice speaking his mind . Answ. Other whiles his Word is the Scriptures ( with thee ) as if the Scriptures and his audible Voice were both one , which if this be true , all that read them hear Christs audible Voice ; Is this Authentick Doctrine ? But Christs own words shall stand against it , for , Joh. 8.43 . Why do ye not understand my speech , even because ye cannot hear my word , and we know , that who hear the Son heareth the Father also : But this is a mistery hid from the Carnal minded who Idolatrously pervert the Scriptures . Pr. Though Christ and the Spirit be one , yet he is not Christs Word , for Christ is not his own word . Ans. They that hear Christs Word and receive it , receive of his own Virtue and Life in , and the words he spake unto his are Spirit and Life , thou hast here but cavilled , which thou mightest as well have done against several Scriptures and against Johns saying , In the beginning was the Word , and the Word was with God , and the Word was God , &c , Pr. I call the Scriptures the Word of God , and the Gospel the Word of Reconcilliation : The Word of God is distinguished from the Word of Reconcilliation . Answ. Other-whiles the Scripture is the Gospel ( and the Word of God with thee ) now they are distinct , the Word of God distinguished from the Word of Reconcilliation ; What confusion's here ? Is not the Word of Reconcilliation Gods ? God was in Christ reconciling the world to himself . Pr. The Gospel are a part of the Scriptures , and may be called one with them ; the Gospel is contained in the Scripture . Answ. The Gospel is the power of God to salvation to every one that believes , it was preached to Abraham , and was before the Scriptures , and is everlasting ; but thou hast spoken blindly here as before ; for , Is the power of God contained in the Scriptures ? Then all that have the Scriptures have that power in them ( or from them ) which is not true . Pr. Rom. 16.26 . The Preaching of Jesus Christ according to the Revelation of the Mistery which was kept secret since the world began , and by the Scriptures of the Gospel , according to the Commandment of the Everlasting God , made known to all Nations , for the obedience of Faith. Answ. But thou and such do not so preach Christ , nor are so commissionated to preach , at the Commandment of the Everlasting God , who deny Revelation , and his imediate Teaching now , and this contradicts much of thy dark stuff ; for here the Revelation of the Mistery is prefered before the Scriptures , and the Preaching according to them , was from that Revelation of the Mistery which the Apostles had in them , but , were the Scriptures that Revelation , and kept secret since the world began ? The Revelation of Christ was the Mistery , Christ within , the hope of glory , a mistery hid from Ages , &c. How was it by the Scriptures made known to all Nations for the obedience of Faith , if in many Nations there be nei●her the knowledg of Christ nor Scripture , according to thy former ? And of that Rom. 16.26 . which thou sayest is the Scriptures of the Gospel ; thou hast wronged the Scriptures herein ; for it is the Scriptures of the Prophets , &c. Pr. The Gospel and Mistery of Christ , is made manifest by the Scriptures of the Prophets preached to all Nations ; not by a Light within : If it were not in the Scriptures , How could it be manifest and made known by the Scriptures ? Answ. If not by the Light within , How by the Scripture without it ? Have all that hear Scripture read or preached , the knowledg of the Mistery of Christ without the Light within ? How then doth the Apostles speak of the Revelation as before ? Did nor he preach from the Light within , or Revelation of the Son in him ? Gal. 1.16 . How ignorant hast thou shewed thy self in this matter ? Again , the Mistery was not made manifest by the Scriptures alone , or barely , for both Revelation and Preaching is mentioned before ; and to tell of the Gospel and Mistery being in the Scriptures , is as much as to say , the power of God or Christ is in the Scriptures . Pr. Doth not Mark. chap. 1.2 . call what he wrot , the Gospel ? Where he saith , The beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , &c. Have you a forehead that cannot blush , that tells us that the Gospel is not Scripture ? What a feared conscience and shameless boldness have ye attained to ? Answ. It is not from any feared conscience , nor shameless boldness for me to assert the Gospel was before the Scripture ; and if Mark intended his Writing ( or what he writ ) to be the beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , then it follows , that the Gospel of Jesus Christ did not begin before Mark wrot that ReveRevlation , and then how doth he mention what was written in the Prophets , and tell of the Gospel of Jesus Christ ? And did not Jesus Christ shew forth his power and preach the Gospel , before that of Mark was writ ? But seeing thou hast taken the liberty , both to give thy meanings to Scriptures , and pretends to compare one Scripture with another , I may have liberty to tell the other Scriptures in this case , as in , Luke . 1.1 . he saith , Forasmuch as many have taken in hand to set forth in order a declaration of those things , which are most truely believed amongst us , and ver . 3. It seemed good unto me also , &c. And , Act. 1.1 . The former Treatise have I made O Theophilus : So what they writ , it was a Treatise or Declaration of things spoken , done , and believed , and much of which relates to the historical part of things and matters ; but if the written Declaration , Treatise of things , or Scripture without , be the Gospel , then hireling Priests may be silent , and let people read them , without spending their mony of them for their various meanings , traditional Interpretations , &c. for the Gospel ought not to be added to , nor another preached ; how-be-it there is a difference between true Preaching , proceeding from the immediate Spirit and Power of God ; which Paul was a Minister of , and the Scriptures or Writings outward , without the Spirit or Life ; for Paul was not a Minister of the Letter , but of the Spirit , and New Testament . And is not a living Ministry and Voice , especially where it lives by vertue of the Power of God , from whence it immediatly comes of more force and authority then the Letter , or Writings , which Scriptures signify ? Yea I do further affirm , that the same Words or D●clarations , as immediatly proceeding from the Power or Spirit of God , is of more force and effect then the same words would be as spoken onely from Scripture without . Deny it you Priests if you can , I can in the Name of the Lord , largely demonstrate it against you . Pr. The Scripture is Everlasting , Viz. what is contained in them . Answ. Confusion , Are they both one ? This is like much more . Pr. Is not the Gospel written by the Prophets , the Scriptures written by them . A●sw . Th●n Marks Writing was not the beginning of it , here 's contradiction and error : again the Apostle calls them the Scriptures of the Prophets , but speaks of the Gospel , Revelation and Mistery before , see , Rom. 16.25 , 26. where its very plain he makes a distinction between them and the Scripture . Pr. I deny any immediate Teaching by God. Answ. Then thou deniest God to Teach his people himself , when he dwells in them , wherein thou hast denied the truth of the Gospel and New Covenant . Pr. Christs Immediate Teaching will no way follow , for his opening the understanding to know the Scriptures ; for he doth by the same supernatural influence shine on the understanding , and Scriptures , Luk. 24.32 . Answ. Doth Christ by a Supernatural Influence shine on the understanding , and yet deniest thou his immediate Teaching , What a Labyrinth of Confusion and Distraction art thou fallen into ! And it appears , without this Supernatural Influence shining on the understanding , the Scriptures are not truely known nor opened . Pr. That Christ was first known himself , or he gave the knowledg of the Scriptures . The Apostle Paul , Rom. 16 , 26. denies your consequence . Answ. Have any a Supernatural knowledg or faith of the Scriptures , who have not a knowledg of Christ ? It seemes thou hast forgotten thy former words ; and the Apostle doth not deny my consequence ; for he had a knowledg of Christ before he Preached him , or writ Epistles concerning him , and his knowledg of the Son of God , was by his Revlation in him , besides the very Order , Tenour , and Matter of the Apostles words cited by thee , makes for me against thy self , see , Rom. 16.25 , 26. for they run thus , Now to him that is of power to stablish you , according to my Gospel , and the preaching of Jesus Christ , according to the Revelation of the mistery , which was kept secret since the world began : But now is made manifest , and by the Scriptures of the Prophets , according to the commandment of the everlasting God , made known to all nations for the obedience of faith , &c. this thou mayest peruse again to thy owne contradiction . Pr. The Cause indeed must be before the Effect , and yet not allwayes in order of time , but of nature , &c. If there be a Pryority , or Posteriority of Christ in the Soul , certainly the Scriptures hath it in the order of nature ; though the Lord in the communicating the knowledg of them , he is in his being first ; because , the Cause must be before the Effect ; so the giver of knowledg before the knowledge given . Answ. This being rightly considered , we find both contradiction and Ignorance in them ; for , Is the Cause before the Effect allway●s in order of nature , not of time , and yet , have the Scriptures the priority in the order of Nature ? Where learnedest thou this distinction ? not from the Scriptures nor from Christ ; Surely Christ hath the Priority in order of time , for he is in his being first , and if the Cause must be before the Effect , alwayes in order of nature ; then he hath it in both ; for he was the cause both of Scripture , and communicating the knowledg thereof , as thou confessest ; as also , that the Cause must be before the Effect , so the giver of knowledg before the knowledg given : And indeed , He was before all things , and by him all things consists , and in all things he is to have the preheminence , and priority : Who is the First and the Last , the Foundation , the Beginning and the End. But thy saying if there be a Priority , or Posteriority of Christ in the soul , certainly the Scriptures hath it in the order of nature ; in this thou comest off but very saintly and dubiously , and bringest the controversy to no result nor clearness , but art confused ; for if there be a Priority of Christ in the ●oul , then it is not of the Scriptures , it b●ing a Priority of Christ , who also doth by a Supernatural Influence shine on the understanding , &c. But in these matters much might be said , which time would fail thorowly to treat of . Pr. The Juditious will think you a pittifull object , who expose your self to shame and ludibrie , &c. Answ. Thy censure an● scorn herein I vallue not , it will fall upon thy own head , and theirs that have taken thy part herein . Pr. Without the Sanctifying knowledge of Christ , one may understand the Scriptures without error and ●angling . Answ. This is both erronious , and contradicts much that thou hast said before and after , which I need not very often repeat . Pr. Most men , have both preached the Truths in the Scriptures , and maintained them by Writing , who never had any Sanctifying Knowledg of Christ. Answ. This is like the former , and that [ most men have preach●d Truths in Scriptures ] is too large a word , and contrary to what thou saidst before of other Nations ; but what do these things tend to , but to set up unsanctified persons , to be Preachers or Priests : But too many there are of such already , for of them and their pollutions many are grown sick , and the earth will vomit them out , and all that seek to maintain them against Christ and his Kingdom , which he is setting up . Pr. For Judas , he preached the Truths , &c. The Scribes and Pharisees that sat in Moses seat preached Truths ; whereas Christ bad hear them , Mat. 23.2 , 3 , 4. Answ. But doth this prove that Judas had no sanctifying knowledg of Christ ? Herein hast thou erred ; for Judas had part of the Ministery , from which by transgression he fell , Act. 1.17 , 25. So transgression was the ca●●e of his fall from the Ministery , and that Scipture , Mat. 23.2 , 3 , 4. proves not that Christ bad them hear the Scribes and Pharisees , nor that they were true Ministers of Christ ; though wherein they sat in Moses seat , and read or preached his Precepts ( when in force ) they were to be obeyed , but Christ reprehends them in many places for corruptions got in amongst them , contrary to the Law , and for their vain Traditions and Prec●pts of men ; and therein they were not true Ministers of the Law , much less of Christ. Pr. Some preached Ch●ist out of envy and strife , and not out of love , &c. yet preached Christ and the Scriptures without errors , Phi. 1.15 , 16 , 17. Shall we say they had the Sanctifying Knowledg of Christ who had not love to him , who hath not good will to him ? Answ. Thou hast not proved that they preached Christ and the Scriptures without Errors who were in Envy and Strife ; for they were guilty of Error in the ground ( Viz. Envy and St●ife ) and where that is , ther 's confusion and every evil work ; in that Christ was preached and his Name published in those dayes , the Apostles rejoyced ; but not in the Envy and Error , of such as preached him out of Envy , who were not sanctified for such a work . Pr. Your reason that w●thout Christ we can do nothing , is to be meant in a Supernatural way . Answ. Is not that in a Supernatural way , which is without Error and Jangling , and good and acceptable to God ? Pr. If they believe them to b● true , do they not know them . Answ. No , All that believe them to be true , do not know them ; for thou hast granted an historical Faith of Scripture . Pr. He that hath heard , and learned of the Father , cometh to him , Joh. 6.44 . Answ. But all that have read and heard Scripture , have not heard nor learnd of the Father ; nor come to Christ. Pr. None can know the Truths of the Scriptures without the Sanctifying Knowledg of Christ. Answ. This is according to what I say , and overth●ows very much of thy matter according as hath been largely proved before . Pr. He will lead believers into all Truths , this is the meaning ; That is , he will keep them from a total and final defection from Truths necessary to Salvation ; and lead them into Truths , which are thus necessary , &c. Answ. This acknowledges in part to the truth of what I have said , also , to the Spirits leading into all Truth ; yea , into all Truths necessary to Salvation : And then the Spirit of Truth is sufficient for us to depend upon , for this leading and preservation . Pr , The Disciples , all of them ( except Judas ) had received the Sanctifying Spirit . Answ How hast thou excepted Judas from the Sanctifying Spirit , when he had part of the Ministery , which his transgression was the cause of his falling from ? Pr. They were all ignorant of the Resurrection , and mistook the nature of Christs Kingdom ; as if it had been of this world , Luk. 24.21 . Act. 1.6 . The Galatians who had received the Spirit , yet were they led into Error . Answ. If they that had received the Spirit might erre in these matters , much more they that had no Sanctifying Knowledg , which contradicts thy former ; of their preaching of Truths without Errors . Pr. He did not tell them ye erre not having the Spirit , but not knowing the Scriptures . Answ. The Scriptures they could not truely know without some Sanctifying Knowledg of Christ , as before confest , or of the power of God to salvation ; so their ignorance of the Scriptures in a Supernatural sence , was from their ignorance of the power of God , which unvails the heart to read and understand them . Pr. For what ye say we plead for sin , it doth more duely fall on the Doctrine that saith , believers may totally fall , as you say Peter by his denial did , and David likewise by , &c. Answ. Nay , To say there are believers that may fall from Grace ( who are not yet come to an established and grown state in the Truth and Power of God ) is no pleading for sin , as your Doctrine contending and disputing for sin in all , term of Life , especially , whiles we exhort all to watch and look dilligently to Grace received , and withal warn them , &c. that such a falling away may be prevented ; for it was no pleading for sin in the Apostles , to warn the Churches by the example of some that fell , or of such as made shipwrack of faith and a good conscience ; or of such as drew back to perdition , denied the Lord that bought them , and such whose latter end was worse then their beginning . But to charge us with saying , that Peter and David fell totally ; this is a slander and forgery against us , as there are many more in thy bundle . Pr. If our peace stood in our inherent Righteousness , &c. in our good works , &c. Answ. [ Inherent Righteousness ] are thy own words obtruded upon us , in thy own sence ( as imperfect ) and so in that sence not Gods nor Christs ; for in Gods Righteousness , received in Christ by faith , our peace stands , and of this , the true believers are pertakers in them , they being in that living Faith , the Righteousness whereof is not devided from it . Pr. Davids Peace stood not in the freedom from all sin , but in that God did pardon his sin ; and did not impute the same , Rom. 4.6 , 7 , 8. Secondly , If none ever had , or shall have Peace here on earth , but such as are in this Life free from all sin ; then you alone may boast of it , &c. Answ. He whose Transgression is forgiven , The man unto whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity , in his spirit there is no guile Psa. 32.1 , 2. And David bid , Mark the perfect man , and behold the upright ; for the end of that man is peace . And blessed are the undefiled in the way ; they also do no iniquity , &c. And in this state stood Davids Peace , contrary to what thou hast Erroniously spoke of him here . Secondly , And what thou hast said of our being free from all sin , that we alone might boast of it ; this thou dost not believe of us , and therefore hast ironically Scoffed and Jeered , contrary to thy own thoughts and intentions : And in implying none on earth free from all sin , hast again erred , and art herein sufficiently confuted allr●ady , thou having herein implyed , none here ever born of God , none here to abide in Christ , or come to perfect Holyness ; or to be washed from all sin by the Blood of Christ : So thy Doctrine is contrary to the Apostles . Pr. For none either of the Prophets , Apostles , or Saints , that we find in Scriptures , ever were thus quallified for Peace . Answ. This seems to be a large and general charge against the Prophets and Apostles , who generally contrary to this Doctrine testifyed unto the Peace of God , which is perfect , which attends the Righteousness ( or heavenly Image ) of God , which is also perfect , and known in the new Covenant , whereby he takes away sin , and establisheth his people in Righteousness , and the Prophets could testify that the Lord was their Righteousness , who wrought all their works in them , and to the true Apostles , Christ was made wisdom , righteousness sanctification ; so thou & you have shewn your selves ignorant of the Scriptures , and of the Prophets and Apostles states and quallifications ; and what sin or sins they all had , which they ( or any of them ) were not freed from before death , is not yet proved by any of you , who are found in the work of the old accuser of the Brethren . Pr. Sin is remaining in part in all the faculties of Gods Children , &c. except ye had made appear , that Pauls Will , and Affections , and Mind , were perfectly against sin : Some stain and inclination to sin , by the contrary corruption still remained in some degrees in his Will , Mind , and Affections , &c. Answ. This is a sad accusation against all Gods Children againe , and what is this but a pleading for sin , and tending to strengthen the hands of evil doers ? What , all the faculties of Gods Children , having sin and corruption in them ? The Priests were wont to tell of a Regenerate part ; What part is it ? No faculty clean , sad newes ! Thus to accuse Pauls Will , Mind , and Affections , as having corruption remaining still in them ; whereas his Will was to the good , his Mind and Affections , were on things above ( when converted , and victory obtained ) and the vi●e affections and desires mortified , which they that are Christs have crucified ; and his saying , With my mind I serve the law of God , but with my members the law of sin ; related to the state of his Warfare , and shewes an opposition in his mind against serving sin : But thy Doctrine signifyes thus much , as if he had said ; with my Mind I serve sin , and with my Members I serve sin , yea ; with my Mind , Will , and Affections I serve sin , and the Law of God both ; this were a serving two Masters : And then where 's the contrar●e●y and opposition thou speakst of afterward . Pr. I said , There was Flesh and Spirit in him , so that neither the operations of the Flesh or Spirit were compleat and perfect , because of the opposition they have one to the other , the Flesh and Spirit are contrary one to another . Ans. Thy making the opposition between the Fl●sh and the Spirit , and their contrariety one to the other , thy reason to prove that neither the operations of the Flesh or the Spirit were compleat and perfect , it proves the quite contrary ; for the Spirits opposition to the Flesh , and its contrary operation , proves that the Spirits operation is pure and compleat against that which lusts against it ; and so against the fruits and works of the Flesh , which are ( absolu●ly ) also opposite to the fruits of the Spirit , yet they through the Spirit , came to mortify those deeds and works of the Flesh which were corrupt . Pr. Ye cannot do those things that ye would ; because he could not Will them perfectly . Ans. It s God that works in the believer , both to will and to do , and his Work is perfect ; and to whose Will , mans Will ought to be subject . Pr. If all the imperative faculties of the Will and Mind , and ( inferiour ) of the affections , be fully and strongly joyned for any action , the members of the body cannot but be obedientially , &c. Ans. Then such as have the mind of Christ , whose Wills and Minds are subject unto his , as theirs whom he calls his Brethren , and whose affections also are set upon things above , such have unity with Christ and in their faculties ( as thou callest them ) and therefore their members must needs be obedientially subject , as theirs who are sanctified throughout , in Body , Soul and Spirit . Pr. What part of him did sin dwell in , if neither in his Mind , Conscience Affections , &c. Ans. He said , In his flesh dwelt no good thing , but it was not all his life time of continuance . Pr. If you can find out any other faculty of the Soul , which can be a seat for sin to dwell in , then these three ; the Schooles will be beholding to you for your new Philosophy . Ans. We may therefore see what Schooles and Discipline you have , that would be beholding to us , to find out some other faculty of the Soul for sin to dwell in ; but me-thinks thou shouldst intend better then thy words import , and have said : You would be bebeholding to us , to shew you another , which is no seat for sin , and that you should not seek for more room for sin , for it hath as much room amongst you as you can afford it , in all the facultys , both superior and inferior , both in the Wills , Minds and Affections : But so it had not in the Children of the Light. Pr. The pure Protestant Religion , which is held out from Scriptures . Answ. Is that your pure Protestant Religion , that pleads for sin in all the facultyes of the Soul ? An impure Religion and Doctrine of the Ministers of sin , pure Religion where it is , there 's a keeping unspotted of the world . Pr. There is a Righteousness of Christs Sufferings and Merit imputed , &c. which begets Peace , which may consist with sin in a believer , though thereby no Condemnation to him . Answ. Christs Righteousness is known to be pure and perfect , and not to consist with sin , for they are inconsistant , and the believer that 's come to a fellowship of Christs sufferings , and a conformity to his death , to know his Righteous Will by faith imputed ; he walks after the spirit , not after the flesh , and to such there 's no condemnation , Rom. 1.8 . Pr. Cleanse thou me from my secret sins . Answ. Then let not secret sin remain in me all my Life time , let not sin and corruption remain in all the faculties of my Soul so long as I live , Pr. There is a Righteousness which is the same with Sanctification which is not perfect and compleat , therefore no man by this inherent Righteousness is Justified . Answ. What Righteousness ( and whose ) is it , which is the same with Sanctification , which is not perfect ? Is it Christs yea or nay ? And , Is Sanctification imperfect in this Life ? And , Is this that thou callest inherent Righteousness ? In this thou hast but acted the part of Sathans m●ssengers , as hore-tofore , and contradicted the Apostles Doctrine , who preached to present men perfect in Christ , and exhorted to purge themselves , from all filthiness both of flesh and spirit ( and so ) to a perfecting of holiness in the fear of God : And , Was not Christ made unto them , Righteousness , Sanctification , and Redemption ? And is he devided or imperfect in what he is to the Saints ? What grose and fa●se stuff hast thou implyed and vented ? And it was they that were washed and sanctified ; that were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus , and by the spirit of our God. See , 1 Cor. 6.11 . Pr. You do not admit of this Doctrine . Your new Light you pretend , is nothing but old damnable Popery . Ans. Our new Light ( as thou callest it ) is the Light of Christ , the same the Apostles preached and bears witness to their Doctrine against thine and the Priests who oppose it : And its Blasphemous and Damnable in thee , to deem this our Light , nothing but old damnable Popery ; it will appear that thou art nearer Popery then we , in thy contending for sin term of Life , but onely thou tellest us not of a Purgatory . Pr , Paul had victory begun but not compleated , except from the the Condemning Power of Sin , but the Reigning Power and Defiling , was not subdued totally , &c. Ans. Confusion : And contrary to Pauls Doctrine and state , to tell of victory , and yet the Reigning Power and Defiling not subdued totally ; as much as to say , his Enemy was conquered and yet Reigned still ; whereas he said , He had fought the good fight of faith , and had kept the faith ; he was more then a conquerer through Christ that loved him . And they to whom there was no condemnation were in Christ , and walked not after the flesh , but after the spirit . And was there not such as were compleat in Christ to whom Paul wrote ; and dost not believe that he had attained to as high a growth as any of them to whom he writ or preached ; consider it . Pr. In the present time , I am sold under sin , That good that I would do , I do not ; if he had spoken to their capacity as weak , he would have told them , he had been under such a condition , but he was delivered from it : When Paul speaks of a condition wherein he was , he does not say , I am , &c. Ans. Paul did speak unto the Romans after the manner of men because of the infirmity of their flesh , Rom. 6. He did also signify the several states which he had passed thorow , as how it was with him before the Law came , and how when it came , and his warfare , as also his deliverance ; so that I say again and still affirm , that Paul could not be in all those states he mentions , or represents to the Romans at one and the same time ( when he so writ , as in the present time ) as thou very blindly hast asserted , argued from hence , and caviled against the truth of what I said , and the most stress of what thou sayest for reason , or proof against me , is as much as a Child might say that has learned his Accidence , Viz. that the present Tense is not the preterperfect Tense ; whereas if it must be taken for granted from thy feeble reason , that Paul was in all those states at one and the same time , then he was both carnal sold under sin and yet spiritual , a faithful Apostle that could preach in the fullness of the Gospel ; as if carnal sold under sin , and spiritual , made free from the Law of sin and death , by the Law of the Spirit of Life were both one , but , to be carnal sold under sin was miserable bondage , not consistent with his Saintship and Spirituallity : And when he said , With me to will is present , but how to perform that which is good , I know not ; if that was his present condition , then ( as thou arguest ) because spoke as in the present Tense ; Then what did Paul at that time in writing that Epistle ? Did he perform that which is good , yea or nay ? If he did , Then knew he what he did ? Or , did he do he knew not what in it ? Surely thy Doctrine doth strangly misrepresent and wrong Paul , that Servant of Christ , and the Lords-Freeman , who knew the Mysteries of Christ , though sometimes , he became as weak to the weak , &c. But if it should be objected , as some vainly have done , that there was an unregenerate part in Paul , of which he speaks in those cases ; then this would make much of his Epistles to proced from an unregenerate or carnal part , which were gross and contrary to their own Doctrine . And to that saying , if he had spoke to them as weak ; he would have told them he had bin under such a state , but he was delivered from it ; to the very same purpose he did speak to them , Rom. 7.5 . For when we were in the flesh , the motions of the sins which were by the Law did work in our members , to bring forth fruit unto death ; but now we are delivered from the law , that being dead wherein we were held , that we should serve in newness of spirit and not in the oldness of the letter . So that its plain , he told them both of his captivity and of his deliverance , speaking in the fore-part of the chapter plainly in several things , with relation to what he was in the flesh in the time past , and also how he was delivered ; and so , both the body of sin and death , and the law of sin , he came to be delivered from by the law of the spirit of life in Christ ; through whom also he was more then a Conqueror . Pr. How bold are you , charging the present time for the by-past , for which you have neither passage in that , nor any other Scriptures , the sence of the words being all along in the present time , &c. Answ. This is but like the former , from ignorance both of the Scriptures and the Apostles states , concluding them in all those sta●es wherein they personated themselves , either to represent what they had gone thorow , or the condition of others to whom they wrot or spoke ; but from this mans Argument , where Paul said , Christ came into the world to save sinners of whom [ I am chiefest ] and the Apostle James ; with the same tongue bless we God , curse we men , these things ought not to be ; this being spoken in the present time when they writ ; from this mans Argument , Paul was then the chiefest or greatest of sinners ; How was he then counted faithful and put into the Ministery ? Or was he the greatest or chiefest of sinners when faithful ? Then who are the least of sinners if the faithful , such as are saved by Christ be the chief ; And was the Apostle James one that did curse men , when he exhorted against it , or what he said , had relation to them ( or some of them ) to whom he writ ? And Pauls being the chiefest of sinners , to his being injurious and a persecutor before converted , or if the chiefest of sinners after conversion , and counted faithful ; What was he before conversion ? Or if it was before ; Then did he not amend and become better when he came to be converted , to receive Grace and Apostleship ? Pr. As for that by gone state before he was begotten ; Was he groaning under a body of death ? Was he giving thanks for victory through Jesus Christ ? Yet all these are knit together . Secondly , If ye say it was a state after he was begotten of God , ye grant all that we affirm ; that a Believer ever after he is begotten of God , is not free from Sin. Answ. This still depends on thy former errors and absurdities against Paul , for groaning under a body of death for deliverance or victory , and giving thanks for victory through Jesus Christ , are two differing states , and not knit together as if they were one and the same condition ; How blindly and sottishly hast thou reasoned herein ? Secondly , If we say it was a state after he was begotten , Viz. that he was groaning for deliverance , we do not grant therefore that a Believer ever after is not free from Sin , as falsly and absurdly thou infe●rest upon us ; as if a Believer had no growth nor encrease in faith and victory after begotten of God , which if it be thy belief , according as thy words imply , it is not ours ; for we know and believe a growing from strength to strength , and a revelation of Gods Righteousness from Faith to Faith in the true Beleivers , and that by Faith victory is obtained by degrees , with such as are begotten and born of God , whom the wicked one cannot touch ; and through Faith in the Power of God , Everlasting Salvation comes to be attained to by them ; such as keep the Faith , and hold fast the profession of it without wavering . Pr. They do not so perfectly mortify , as that there are no lusts in them ; otherwise it were to no purpose for Peter to exhort the believing Hebrews to abstain from their lusts . Answ. Nay , Herein thou hast erred and perverted , and wronged Peters end and intention , which is clearly against such as thou art , who plead for continuance of sin and lusts in them , which if they alwayes be to continue here , and cannot be abstained from as thou intimatest , then to what purpose was it for Peter to exhort them to abstain from them , especially if he had been of thy faith that they could not , or had not power to abstain from lust , &c. But herein thou hast sufficiently discovered whose servant thou art . Pr. When they are Believers and begotten , they are so freed that the evil one cannot touch them . Answ. Much less lead them into Sin , or keeps up the reigning power of it in them so long as they live : This contradicts all thy corrupt Pleas and Arguments for Sin. Pr. They do not fulfil its Lusts , as to continue in Sin wilfully and deliberately without repentance ; yet they are not freed from Sin wholly . Answ. Yes wholly , when the wicked one hath not power to touch them . But thy saying they do not fulfil its Lusts , as to continue in Sin wilfully without repentance ; now may not this be taken that they do continue in Sin , Lusts , but not wilfully without repentance ; But do they Sin wilfully with repentance ? Hast thou cleared Gods Children herein ? Whereas , such as walk after the spirit , shall not fulfil the lust of the flesh ; but are in that which mortifyes the vile affections and desires , and subjects the whole man to the will of God , Viz. to Righteousness and Holyness . Pr. In many things we offend all . Answ. But not in Christ the one thing ; for , he that abides in him sinneth not . Pr. To be unblamable ; Is that Grace ? Is universal in all parts of the renewed man , though not absolute , &c. to be unblameable and unreproveable , may stand with Sins of infirmity . Answ. To be unblameable , is to Live as the Grace teacheth ; namely , To deny ungodliness and worldly lusts , and to live godly and soberly in this present world : For Sin and Ungodliness is blameable and reproveable wherever it is , it being contrary to the Grace and its teaching , which is absolute as well as universal in the renewed man , and is not consistent with Sin , nor imperfect as you Priests of Scotland have rendered Grace , Faith , &c. as they among you formerly , that cursed every one that saith , Faith is without Sin , and would have all the people to say Amen to it ; wherein your blind zeal out-runs your understandings , and made you discover your folly and madness , to set people on cursing ; yea , to curse such as held the Truth , contrary to that Doctrine , bless and curse not . Pr. In the Book of Common Prayer , there is a promise , To forsake the Devil and all his Works , the vain Pomp and Glory of the world , and Sinful Lusts of the flesh , and be led by Gods Spirit to keep his Commandments : Many of those who promise may do this , and keep it in the sence the Scripture holds , that is ; that they shall disallow , purpose and endeavour against those ills . Answ. So , Here thou hast justified these promises , and many of those who promise as keeping it , that is ( sayest thou ) they shall disallow , purpose and endeavour against those ills , as if that purpose were a forsaking the Devil and all his Works , &c. the Sinful Lusts of the flesh , a keeping Gods Commandments , &c. when as thou hast denyed that any may attaine to such a state , but they must purpose and endeavour after it ; when as the promise is absolute , to forsake all sin , Viz. all the Works of the Devil , and to walk in the Commandments of God all their life . What a medly hast thou made here , like the time-serving Priests ; that vindicate the Common prayer and Episcopacy , after they have denyed it , and many of them covenanted against it : We thought that the Priests and Kirk of Scotland , had been more zealous and sincere in their way against the Episcopal Traditions , then thou hast here appeared : Will the rest of thy Brethren of the Kirk of Scotland own thee in this matter ? Or art thou their mouth ; that thou takest upon thee , to be such a contender for the pure Protestant Religion ( as thou callest it ? ) But is that any part of your Religion to tell of God-fathers and God-mothers ? And to cause t●em to promise and vow in the Infants name , and for the I●fa●t ( as its surety ) to forsake the Devil and all his Wor●s , &c. all ●he Sinful Lusts and desires of the flesh , and to keep G●ds holy Will and Commandments , when you do not believe it possible so to do in this Life . Pr. As many who are commended for keeping his Commands , their Sins and Failings are not-with-standing recorded . Answ. Sins and Failings are not consistent with keeping Gods Commandments , Sin being a transgression of the Law ; which , when transgressed and failed of keeping , it is not kept then , nor the blameless state stood in . Pr. You with gross subtilty bear out this sence ; That he who at his death is made holy , is made holy somtimes before his death . Ans. He is sometime a dying before dead , if at their death , be upon their death or dying ( as thou sayest ) yea , some are many houres , having the symptomes and pangs of death upon them , before they are dead , and in this sence I supposed thou intendest , by saying at their death they are freed , &c. that it was upon their dying , when the throws or pangs of death are upon them ; or , when we commonly say a person is a dying , when he breathes very weakly , faintly , and sometimes with short breathings , a little before breath is quite gone , and then there must needs be a little space in this Life , before the person is quite dead . Pr. You might as well infer , if one should say , that at his death his Soul aod Body are separate ; that he said , they are separate sometime before his death ; at his death is meant immediatly upon his dying . Ans. A false inference put upon my words , which doth not at all follow ; for when the Soul and Body are separate , or the Soul is gone out of the Body , this is after death , now upon dying is not after death ; for when the Body is without the Spirit it is dead ; so , if thou wilt have it , that when the Soul and Body are separate , the Beleiver is then free from sin ; t is not in this Life , and then ; Where 's the Popes Purgatory ? And who is now guilty of damnable Popery ? Is this your pure Protestant Religion ? Pr. I never found but that they ( Viz. our Brethren ) said , Beleivers Souls either at their death ( which is immediately upon their death ) or after death , are made perfectly holy and received into glory . Answ. Upon dying , and after death are two things , so it appears still you are devided somewhat in this point ; s●me of you saying , upon their dying , Beleivers are made perfectly holy , others say , after death ; however by this we may observe that your Doctrine tends to make people serve the Devil ( by living in sin ) so long as they have any time and str●ngth , to do any service for him ; that is , till they can serve him no longer . Pr. They may mean and understand , that the perfect holiness of both Soul and Body is not to be till the Resurrestion ; which is nothing differing from that which I say ; I do not say that the Body in the grave is capable of holiness till it be raised . Answ. If this doth nothing differ from what thou sayest , it s very strange , didest not say a little before [ upon his dying ? ] What 's done upon his dying ? Is he made wholy free from Sin yea or nay ? If thou meanest onely the Soul , that that 's onely freed from Sin at death or upon dying , and not the Body till it be raised ( as thou sayest ) Then what becomes of the Sins and impurity of the Body in the mean time , or the defilments and pollutions thereof ? Doth it dye with the Body ( seeing the Soul is pure when it ascends to God ? ) Or if the Body be not capable of Sin in the grave ; Then where is the being of unholiness and corruption to be done away , so long after death as is imagined ? Or to say that perfect holyness of both Soul and Body , is not till the Resurrection ; ( how long after death you know not ) Doth not this make for the Papists imagination of a Purgatory ? For if the being throughly purged from all unholiness be not till after death , it must be some where ; but this your Doctrine is cont●ary to the Apostles , who said ; How can we that are dead unto sin , live any longer therein ? And being made free from sin , &c. He hath washed us from our sins in his own blood , &c. Pr. From Pro. 24 ▪ 16 It cannot be so properly said , The godly fall seven times into trouble and ri●e again . Answ. Yes , The godly falls into many troubles and afflictions ; but God delivereth them , out of them all . And he is with them in six troubles , and in seven he will not forsake them . And its plain from that of Pro. 24.15 , 16. that the just mans falling sev●n times and rising again , is of another nature then the wickeds falling into mischief ; for in verse . 15 , 16. its said , Lay not wait ( O wicked man ) against the dwelling of the righteous : spoyl not his resting place : For a just man falleth seven times and riseth up again : but the wicked fall into mischief . It is not said ( as many of you have wronged the Scripture ) that the Righteous man sins seven times a day ; yea , some of the Priests and Professors , have not onely said so , but have also said ; that the most Righteous man that is ( or ever was ) sins seven times a day , which is a deceit and corruption put upon Scripture . Pr. As for my saying a day , it was a mistake of the citation of the place , though it s not contrary to sence ; for Christ saith to Peter that he should forgive his Brother seventy times seven times , which implyeth that a Brother may offend in the day time . A. If he who is a Brother may offend in the day time ; Doth it therefore follow that all the godly or brethren do fall into sin seven times a day ? And wilt thou ( to serve thy perverse and corrupt end ) say , in that a Brother may offend seventy times seven , therefore he Sinneth seven times every day all his time ? Surely thy implicite consequence , is a mistake and error ( and thou hast wronged the Scriptures ) as well as thy citation of the place mentioned . But we see thou wilt stand by the Devils Cause , though thou comest never so feebly off ; yea , and fall with it . Pr. I grant that the Child of God cannot Sin totally and finally and whoso doth it , is of the Devil . Answ. Herein again thou hast wrested and added to the Scripture , as often before , Totally and Finally are thy own words , and not the words of John , who affirmed , That he that 's born of God sinneth not ; neither can he : To say he that commits Sin Totally and Finally is of the Devil ; Is this all the distinction of the Devils Servants and Children , from the Children of God ? How miserably hast thou pleaded Gods Childrens cause ? Surely they have no Reason to be beholding to th●e , but may justly exclude thee for wronging of them . Pr. In the sence ye imply it , that he who Sinneth at all , or in whom their 's any defect ; thus none living then ever knew or saw him : Those who are commended for knowing him , Sinned . Secondly , Job cursed his day , David , what sad falls he had is known , Jeremiah , the Apostles ; all of them . Answ. That [ he ] that Sinneth and is of the Devil , and that [ he ] that Sinneth not who is of God are two contrary births ( and that which is born of the spirit is spirit , as that which is born of the flesh is flesh ) which if thou knewest the difference of , and were seperated from the evil and joyned to the good , thou wouldest not go about to confound them , nor grosly to pervert the Scriptures and to accuse Gods Birth , or Child as thou hast done . Secondly , And why doest thou not tell us of their deliverances as well as their falls , and of their conquest which ( by d●grees ) they obtained in their Life time ? But this would make against thee and thy ill cause for Sin and Sathan , whose work thou art in . Pr , You say a Believer is free from all Sin , which we suppose you meant of a Believer from the very instant that he begins to be a Believer ; as ye said , that the Spirit cannot be united unto Sin. Answ. Nay , It is not our Principle that a Believer , from the very instant that he begins to be a Believer , is free from all Sin ; thy supposition herein and much of thy matter grounded upon it is false , thou hast gone about to overthrow our Principles , when thou art yet to learn what we hold in this matter : For a man is a Believer whilst in the faith he is war●ing against Sin , and waiting to obtaine victory over it , and to come into the glorious liberty of the Sons of God : The victory is not obtained at the very first beginning of Gods work in a Soul , but by degrees through Faith , which purifies the hearts of them that believe , and receive power in the Light of Christ and Spirit of Life , to become the Children of God and of the Light , which hath no unity with Sin ; nor can have with persons , but as they forsake Sin and come out of it . Pr. As you contradict your self , so you do the Truth ; For can Sin be in any man , and the actions flowing , and the man not be Sinful ? If Sin be in a man , doth it not defile him ? Answ. If the actions of Sin be flowing from a man he is sinful , but there is a time when the Beleiver warreth against Sin , and can say as Paul did , It s not I that Sins ; but Sin that dwelleth in me . And there 's a time wherein there be Sins that do easily beset ; and when Sin is presented in the Temptation , when it is not yeilded unto but withstood , and by degrees overcome by Faith , in the power of Christ : But this is hid from all blind contenders for Sin. Pr. Neither doth that passage which ye abuse ( it s not I but Sin that dwelleth in me ) imply any thing of that kind that he doth not Sin. Answ. What is this less then to say , Paul said not true , when he said , It s not I that sin but sin that dwelleth in me ? But to distinguish between the two S●eds and two Births , that which did not Sin , and that which did Sin , it appeares thou knowest not , but art very ignorant , and blindly cavillest in many things . Pr. God judgeth of his Children that are thus devided , according to the better and sounder part , as is that of the Spirit which is most prevailing with them , and unto which they do adhere ; and not according to the Flesh which they renounce , and unto which they resist ; and which by little and little they overcome . A The Spirit most prevailing in Gods Children , they adhere to it , and resist and renounce the Flesh , and yet the Flesh have the better ; What Doctrine is this , and what contradiction ? And how doth this oppose the Spirits sufficiency , and the end of their adhereing to it ; which is , that they may be thorowly sanctified both in Body , Soul , and Spirit . Pr. Indeed you make your self a Patron of Sin , in saying , that the Children of God when they come short of the good they would , and when they do the evil they would not , they do not Sin : Now whether you , or th●se you rail against , deserve to be accused as defenders of Sin : You say that a Believer , when he doth the evil he would not , he Sinneth not : No more vile defence of Sin imaginable , then to say , that Peters denyal of Christ with a curse , was no Sin ; and Davids adultery : Whether he that acknowledgeth Sin is in the godly , or he that sayeth the foulest Sins are not Sins ; because forsooth they may be warring against them ? Answ. Herein hast thou abused me , and sought to render me odious for that which is none of my saying , touching the Children of God ; neither did I ever say , that doing evil is not Sin , nor yet grant thy universal Charge against Gods Children , of coming short of good and doing evil ; nor that all that Paul writes of himself in that kind ; Was then his present condition : Herein hast thou but begged the question , and belied me in several things grounded upon thy misrepresenting our Principles before ; and so the Patron and vile defender of Sin thou art , and not I ; who to defend it , hast in general accused all God Children with Sin term of Life . Neither did I ever say , Peters denial of Christ , and Davids adultery , are no Sins ; as here I am belied and slandered , by one in impudency , and the spirit of lyes : And as for Peter and David ; Where ever did they commit those Sins after they had repented of them ? Surely this instance is no proof that Gods Children must have Sin ( or dare Sin ) all th●ir life time : How-be-it Paul was no defender of Sin in saying , It s not I that Sin , but Sin that dwelleth in me [ by all which Sin is still acknowledged to be Sin ] and when they knew the warring against Sin , and the travel in order to obtain victory , and coming into the state of the perfect Birth ( that 's brought forth in the Image of God ) they knew the difference between the two Seeds in them , and a going on in the work of faith , till the old man with his deeds were put off , and the new man put on . Pr. Neither that of 1 John. 2. I write unto you that you may not sin , prove that they were free of Sin so as they did not Sin ; for then why doth he subjoyn ( but if we sin , we have an advocate with the Father ) thus you have wickedly separated what God hath joyned , Christ was given for an advocate for the Sins of those whom John calleth little Children , and his own , which therefore were to be . An. Johns writing unto them not to Sin , surely was contrary to thy pleading for Sin , for the very tenour of thy doctrine is contrary to his in this case . And what is it God hath joyned that ( thou sayest ) we have wickedly s●parated ? Is it Believers and Sin , or the advocate and Sin ? This were blasphemous to suppose or assert ; how grosly hast thou shewed thy selfe in this matter : And surely thou hast drawn but a bad consequence from Johns saying , If any man sin we have an advocate , that therefore Johns and the little Childrens Sins were to be , or that the Devils work in part , remaines un-subdued in the Children of God ; for John doth not say little Children you have an advocate , and therefore your Sins are to be , or the Devils work must remain in you unsubdued all your life time , but I write unto you that you sin not , and if any man sin ( which is not every man is to Sin ) we have an advocate with the Father ; this is he that was to call and help them out of Sin , and whose blood did cleanse from all Sin , for John proposed a way and a remedy for them , to bring them out of all sin , but thou hast proposed a way tending to keep all people in Sin all their days , who thus hast contended for the Devils work , made such a sad consequence both of Johns words , and of Christs being an advocate , that therefore Sins are to be . A monstrous inference . Pr. That the Devils work in part remains un-subdued in the Children of God , appears by that Paul saith to the Romans , The God of peace shall tread down Satan under your feet shortly , Rom. 16.20 . An. That the God of peace should tread down Satan under their feet shortly , is a proof against thy s●lf , and contradicts thy Doctrine for the Devils work remaining in the Child of God ; for where Satan is troden down und●r foot , dominion is obtained over him and his work . Pr. We have peace , our peace stands in our justification , yet there are remains of Sin within us which we are to mourn for . An. The Saints peace stands in Righteousness , which is not consistent with Sin , which is the cause of mourning where it is not done away ; but thou hast confounded the state of peace , and the state of mourning , like one ignorant both of true peace , and of the effect of true sorrow and mourning . Pr. We are all compassed about with infirmities and subject to passions as was Elias , who had the Spirit of God and peace to , and yet had matter of groaning even in those passions . An. The Apostles instance of Elias being subject to like passions , was in the case of praying for the sick , to shew how prevailing the effectual fervent prayer of a Righteous man is , Jam. 5.15 , 16. which proves quite against thee , whilst thou accountest passions in the general as being Sins , for passions are sufferings which may be of divers sorts , as that of sickness and others ; as also it is not true that Elias was subject to that the Priests are , whilest thou takest passions for Sins , neither was he so passionate in that kind as to pl●ad and contend for Sin as you do : More-over where it s said , that Paul and Barnabas said unto them ( that would have done sacrifice to them ) We are men of like passions with you , Act. 14. they could not intend by passions , that they were men of like Sins and Transgressions with those heathens , as being such Idolaters , or subject to cry up and worship men as Gods , or to sacrifice unto them as they did to Paul and Barnabas , whom they termed Mercurius and Jupiter ; so in this thy error is sufficiently detected , who upon such a false ground ( rath●r then be silent ) hast pl●aded for the work of the Devil . Pr. Here is another Arminian and Popish error , that Believers fall away from Grace totally . An. Thou mightest as well have charged the Apostles with an Arminian and Popish error , who held the same that we 〈◊〉 touching , falling away from Grace , which many have been 〈…〉 ( though not all Believers ) and therefore both Peter and Paul and others , did warn them in their Epistles to the same purpose as we do , and both Paul to the Corinthians , and Peter in his second Epistle , Chap. 2. as also that Epistle to the Hebrews , do largely prove our Doctrine in this matter . Pr. Evil Works come not from Faith in the Believer . An. If evil Works come not from Faith , then Peter and David stood not in the Faith wh●n they fell ; and this proves what I said of them , which thou hast reviled me for . Pr. Christ said to Peter , when thou art converted , where you say , that Peter was never converted before his repentance , but onely convinced , which contradicts that you said he erred from the Faith : It s against Christs prayer , saying , I have prayed for thee that thy faith may not fail : if he had not Faith when Christ spake these words to him , When thou art converted strengthen thy Brethren ; onely do signify when he should be fully recovered . An. Here thou fightest with thy own shadow , for it doth not follow that Peter had no Faith , when he was convinced before fully converted , and the words , When thou art converted strengthen thy Brethren , are Christs own words to Peter , about which thou hast thus wrangled against me , which plain enough imply that there was somthing which was not of Faith , that Peter was to be converted from ; and Faith is given in measure in the convinc●ment in order to a through conversion , as also thou grants that these words , When thou art converted , do signify when he should be fully recovered from the sad breach his fall made on his Soul ; what a full recovery and yet the Devils work remaining all his time ; what confusion's this ? And is the full recovery called conversion as thou sayst ? Then you that contend for sins remaining all your Life time , remain all your time in the unconverted state ; and that the Desciples had som Faith b●fore they we●e thus fully converted , is the thing which I have confessed , which still makes for what I say ; that there is a possibility of falling from the Faith , before this work of conversion is fully wrought , and therefore the more need of being watchful and exercising that little Faith recieved ; so that I do not maintain Satans work , or say that he overthrew Peters Faith ●s falsly I am accused . Pr. It is not sad Doctrine ( as you say ) but comfortable , that a Believer may fall , as David and Peter , whereas he doth not fall wholly away . An. Is this Doctrine counted Authentick or Orthodox in the Kirk of Scotland , that it is not sad Doctrine but comfortable , that a Believer may fall , as David and Peter did ? And do you propose this to your Auditors as matter of comfort ? Surely if you do , you are misserable comforters ; for to be comforted with telling them they may fall , as David and Peter did , is to be comforted with denying Christ , and commiting adultery , as it may be probable , too to many of your Kirk take comfort in such things ; which whilst they do , your Stool of Repentance will not obsolve them , nor prove them to be in the Faith , how-be-it a few line● before , in contradiction to thy self , thou confessest that Peters fall did weaken his Graces and cloud his comforts very much , and surely it was matter of Sorrow , and bitter Lamentation to him , as also was Davids fall to him ; for which he suffered the Terrors of the Lord , and great Sorrow and Tribulation , as at large in his complaints and prayers may be proved . Pr. What a brave Patron of your Cause are you , when in defence of this , that a Believer may not Sin ; ye say he may fall wholly away from Grace . An. Here thou hast grosly perverted and wronged my words , for that some Believers may fall , is not my defence to prove that they may be fully restored and perfected , so as not to sin ; but that there is a state in which t is possible for some to fall away from G●ace , wh●ch is before they come to that perfection and safety that answers the end of their Faith and Praying , &c. This cuts off much of thy cavilling frothy false accusation . Pr. Ye ask if I can instance in Peter or David any thing ( Viz. Sin ) before their death ( which they were not freed from before their decease ) Answ. Though I could not instance gross falls of such a foul nature , yet they have their failings ; Esiah an old Prophet , subject to like passions that we are ; Peter walked not with a streight foot , David saith , if thou enter into Judgement , &c. An. Here thou hast gone about to accuse David , and Elias , and Peter with failings till their death , but in proving thy charge com●s very faintly off , for that of passions is answered before ; and what thou sayest of Peters not walking with a streight foot ; Was that till death ? Or did he so walk all his Life time ? Surely thou hast herein greatly wronged Peter and the rest of them , and though there be a time and a state wherein , if God enter into Judgment who can be justified , yet there is a state wherein his people are Redeemed through Judgment , and purged , by the spirit of judgement and burning . Pr. You maintain that a Believer from the first Sinneth not . An. Thy accusing of me with maintaining that a Believer is freed from all Sin , from the first time he is a Believer , is a falshood and an abuse put upon me ; for he is a Believer before he obtain victory , and is taught to believe in the Light , that he may be a Child of the Light , and so become born of God. Pr. You do symbolize with the Papists , saying Believers are freed from all Sin ; which yet they do not hold of all Believers , but of some of their Perfectionaries . Ye say ye do not hold Merit or Purgatory . An. Nay , Thou hast symbolized with the Papists , who hast pleaded for sin till death , and said also that perfect holiness both of Soul and Body , is not to be till the Resurrection , when that shall be thou knowest not , which ( as before was answered thee ) makes for their imagination of a Purgatory ; but if the Papists hold that some Believers are free from all Sin and perfected in this Life , therein they outstrip thee and the Priests , who would exclude all Believers from perfection and freedom in this Life . Pr. Ye say that all men have a like Light and Grace , some do attain to salvation , others not , which proceedeth not from any difference of Grace given by God , but that others have better improven the Light given to all , which improvement must indeed come from free will. Ye hold Merit . You are not so ingenious as Papists . An. Concerning Grace being given alike to all , if thou intendest in measure or quantity , thou hast vainly made repetitions without ground against us ; but as for the improvement of the Grace it comes not from free will , as falsly thou hast said , but from the capacity the creature is put into by the Grace it self ; for mans will is not made free of it selfe , but by the Grace or Power of God , which worketh in man to will and to do : But and if somes not attaining of salvation , is because it s either from a difference of the Grace given by God , or for want of sufficient Grace given by him ; according to thy Doctrine , then this charges the fault upon God as being partial , and the occasion of some mens destruction , contrary to that saying of the Prophet , He willeth not the death of a sinner , but rather his return , &c. Pr. That the Light that Christ enlighteneth all men with , is sufficient for the knowledg of the mysteries of the Kingdom , is contrary to Scriptures . An. Nay , It is not contra●y to the Scriptures , that the Light of Christ in men , is sufficient for the knowledg of mysteries of the Kingdom savingly , in that t is sufficient for believing , leading out of darkness and to receive the Light of Life . And they from whom God hath hid those mysteries , are such as disobey the Light , and shut their eyes against it , as Christ said , Their eyes have they closed , &c. least they should see , and be converted and I should heal them . All which doth evidence the defect and fault not to be in the Light of Christ , but in them that disobey it . Pr. The natural man cannot know the things that are of God , he hath no sufficient Light to know that which he cannot know . An. That therefore he hath no sufficient Light , is no true consequence ; for then by this , none have Light sufficient whilst in the natural state , which all are in before they are made spiritual ; thy consequence had onely held to prove the Light insufficient , if thou couldest have proved that they that are in the fallen and natural state cannot be changed , nor restored into a spiritual state [ but this were gross to affirm ] for as man is natural he cannot know the things of the Spirit , bu● the spiritual man doth . Pr. The Jewes that had the outward meanes shut their eyes against it , neither doth it mean of the Light of Christ within , except onely the Light of nature . An. The Jews had not onely an outward meanes , but also an inward Light , the good Spirit of God given to them though they Rebelled , and the Word nigh them , in their hea●ts , &c. which was not a Light of nature ; Herein thou hast greatly erred ; And would Christ have reproved any for shutting their eyes against that which is natural and insufficient , and made that the cause of their not being converted and healed ? See Mat. 13 15. Thine and the Priests darkness and ignorance in this matter ; How great is it ! Pr. The Kingdom of God being Righteousness , Peace , Joy in the Holy Ghost , no man that hath not the Sanctifying Spirit , hath it or had it within him ; no peace nor joy in the wicked . An. The Kingdom of heaven was in the Pharisees or Jews as Christ said , The kingdom of heaven is within you , Luk. 17.21 . when they were unsanctifyed ▪ though they were not come into it , nor to attain to the righteousness and peace of it , for that 's attained to by such as are translated out of darkness into the Light , for all that have a true Light and Seed in them are not in it . Pr. The Light of the Scriptures is a Light shining in a dark place , 2 Pet. 1. An. The Light that Peter directed them to , was the more sure Word of prophecy , 2 Pet. 1. And was that the Scriptures of the Prophets ? Or did that Light come from them ( or from Christ ? ) If so ; then , Why were they not directed to the Scriptures of the Apostles ? Or , Were the Scriptures of the Prophets more sure then the Apostles writings ? Surely the Light which leads to the day star arising in the heart , thou art exceeding ignorant of , and thy darkness may be felt . Pr. How gross Pelagionisme is that , the same Light which was Sanctifying to others that obeyed , was Condemning to Judas and Cain : Is Gods revealing of those things and hiding of them , the same Sanctifying Light and Illumination ? An. God who reveals those things to the obedient that he hides from the disobedient ; this plainly contradicts thee and thy former words , for God is still the same Light , and it is the Spirit of Truth that Sanctifyes and Justifyes the Righteous or Obedient , that reproves the world of sin , &c. And this is the condemnation , that light is come into the world and men love darkness rather then light , &c. Joh. 3. So in this matter thou hast shewed thy self ignorant of the Scriptures . Pr. Where there are many Words of God , being taken together they are called the Word of God. An. Thou mightest as well say , that many words and one word are both one ; Where provest thou thy assertion ? For in contradiction to this presently after , the Scriptures call Christ the Word of God in some places , and sure the Scriptures and Christ are distinguished ; they are not Christ. Pr. K. 8.46 . That there is no man liveth and sinneth not . It doth not say , there is no man liveth and hath not sinned . An. He that abideth in Christ the second Covenant sinneth not but is redeemed out of that state in which there is no man that sinneth not , and John said , If we say we have not sinned we make him a liar , &c. 1 Joh. 1.10 . Pr. Their begetting is in order of nature before their faith . An. Whe●e provest that ? Is begetting in the unbelief then , and not in the Faith whereas the Word which begetteth is the Word of Faith and profits not where t is not mixed with Faith within . Pr. Those of your way have held out to the world , that to have Hebrew Greek and Latine , is a mark of Antichrist . An. Thou hast often wronged those of our way , as thou hast in this , wherein thou art answered at first . Pr. Those who tell us of a faith in Christ without the Scriptures , have no Light in them . Secondly , There are many things which we think and desire against the Law , which the Light within would never have discovered if there had not been the knowledg of the Law contained in the Scriptures . An. Are all unbelievers then , and have no Light in them but who have the Scriptures ? Thy blindness in this is detected before : And , What contradiction is it to tell of some having no Light in them , when before thou hast confessed all men to have a natural Light , or the Light of a natural Conscience in them ? Secondly , And was it the Scriptures or the Law as it is in the Letter that discovered to Paul his sins and desires , or the Law inward ? For he had the Law outward , before he knew or was turned to the Law in his mind , or was cl●arly convinced in hims●lf . Pr. Did ever the Prophets or Apostles try the Doctrines of persons deluded by Satan , with the Spirit without the Scripture , Deut. 13. An. The Prophets and Apostles had the Spirit , and knew its sufficiency before they gave forth Scriptures , and these were not deluded by Satan as falsly thou hast accused us to be . An. Have not some of your way been so blasphemous as to aver Jesus Christ to be a type , as to call themselves the Messiah to whom Hosanna should be said . An. I know none in our way , that either calls themselves the Messiah or that own such a thing , but co●fess to Jesus Christ as b●ing the substance , and the end of types shadows and figures ; but as for those whom thou hints of , about their saying Hosanna , they were not in our way but testified against , and some of themselves came after to see , confess and repent of their error , so to upbraid us with any one 's failings or miscarriage , espetially when t is both disowned and testifyed against by us , this is both unequal and unjust ; and wouldest thou be so dealt by if I should go to reckon up how many drunken and whoreing Priests th●re be , and should charge all of you and your whole Kirk with their wickedness ; Wouldest thou take it well ? Which indeed I might better do , whilest such are owned and upheld as teachers of others among you , th●n thou mights accuse us with persons and actions , that are cast out from amongst us . Pr. What is the Rule whereby the motions of the Spirit are to be tryed whether they be such , or the motions of Satan and our deceitful hearts ? Ye answer the Spirit is the Rule , but this cannot be ; for the Spirit hath given the Scriptures . Secondly , Neither is that place which ye cite to the purpose , ( Viz. The Anoynting teacheth all things ) for though he teach it is by this Rule . An. Yes , The Spirit of God is sufficient , a Rule sufficient both to try the motions of Satan , and your deceitful hearts , it searcheth all things ; The Lord searcheth the hearts and tryeth the reines , telleth unto man his thoughts . And if the Anoynting within teacheth of all things ; Must the Scriptures be a Rule to the Anoynting , that thou seemest to tye it to the Scriptures ? Or , Is not the teaching of the Anoynting Scripture , as well as it was in them that spoke Scripture from it ? Or , Must not people believe the Anoynting , till they have searched the Scriptures to try it by them ? If so , then when the Anoynting would tell and shew them their perticular states , and thoughts , and motions , which the Scriptures do not tell them , nor perticularly charge upon them , then they are not at all in such cases to believe , nor follow the Anoynting according to thy Doctrine ; and what is this but to set up the Scriptures above the Anoynting , and the Letter above the Spirit , which is a gross error , and bespeaks great ignorance . Pr. In the Synod at Jerusalem , Act. 15. the Apostles searched the Scriptures for what they determined , before they said , it seemed good to the holy ghost and us . An. Where provest thou that they searched the Scriptures for what they determined , before they said , it seemed good to the holy ghost and us ? Doth not this plainly confute thee , that what they said was from the holy ghost ? And , Was not its teaching their Rule then ? And , What Scripture had they then to forbid Circumcision as they did ? Nay , Had they not Scripture ra●her for it ? If then they had not Scripture to forbid it , they should not have d●nied or forbid it , nor have believed the holy ghost in this case ; by thy Doctrine , what silly work hast thou made on 't ; and , How hast thou broken the neck of thy own cause ? Pr. The gift of discerning of Spirits was a peculiar gift given but to some , but this was not for tryal of Doctrine : None who had that gift of discerning of Spirits did try any Truths or Doctrine , or practice , but by the Scripture . An. This is a strange Doctrine , that they must onely try Spirits by the gift or Spirit of Truth , and not any Truths or Doctrine ; Whether is greater , the tryal of Spirits or of Doctrines ? Wh●reas the Spirit search●th all things , and is a Spirit of true Judgment , that giveth true understanding ; but according to thy false Doctrine that none who had discerning of Spirits did try any Truths or Doctrine , or practice , but by the Scriptures : Then by this , when the Apostles in their Epistles writ divers things that were not before in the Scriptures , they were not to be believed by them in the Churches that had the gift of discerning , and when the Spirit of Truth shall lead to speak or prophesie concerning a perticular Place , People or Nation , that which they have no Scripture for , this therefore is not to be believed for want of Scripture to prove it by . Thy ignorant and sottish stuff which also excludes all those Books and Prophesies of the holy men of God spoken of , which are not record●d in the Bible . And those of our Friends , which foretold of the late calamities befallen the City of London , both that of the ●lague , and that of the Fire , which were both fore-seen and fore-told , yet they had no Scripture to prove it ; but alass , such as thou are silly and shallow in these matters , being but as those Seers and Watchmen that are blind , who would insinuate into people , that both Prophesying , Visions and Revelations are ceas●d , and lay all upon the Scriptures ; and then how know you the Doctrine contained in them to be true without the Spirit . Pr. Ye say ; Must the Scriptures be the Rule to discern or try false Spirits when they speak Scripture ? Ans. When the Devil spake Scripture to Christ , he confuted him by Scripture , which shewed he had perverted them ; and so he confounded the Scribes and Pharisees alwayes . An. But could not Christ discerne the Devils spirit without the Scriptures ? What gross error and ignorance is implyed and couched in this thy impertinent answer ! Thou tellest us Christ confuted him by the Scripture , which was when the Devil brought Scripture words to back his Temptations withal , which is not an answer ; besides the Devils tempting Christ in these words , Command that these stones be made bread ; and , Cast thy self down , &c. were not Scripture , but he falsly went about to have backed them with Scriptures , contrary to the end and intent of the Scriptures . Pr. You answer blasphemously , that they thought to have Eternal Life in the Scriptures , as if our Lord Jesus Christ was fomenting them in a deceit of their own hearts , in bidding them search the Scriptures , for to find him in them , and so Eternal Life . An. Thy charge against my answer is false , and I vallue it not , that Christ should bid them search the Scriptures to find him in them ; this is a strange Doctrine and worse then the former , to lay that upon Christ which he never intended nor spake ; his words were not that they might find Christ in the Scriptures , nor Eternal Life , but in them ye think to have eternal life , whereas they would not come to him that they might have Life ; and so , Doest thou think that Christ that dyed at Jerusalem , was to be found in the Scriptures ? Pr. That Christ has paid a ransome for those that wilfully trample under foot the blood of the Son of God , those places are understood by you , of every individual person in the world , that he tasted death for them is false , contrary to the Scriptures , and maketh the death of Christ to be vain , and exalteth free will. An. what we understand of those places of Scripture , is neither false nor contrary to the Scriptures , as falsly and erroniously thou hast accused us ; for that Christ died for all that were dead in sins , tasted dea●h for every man , gave hims●lf a Ransom for all , is the propitiation not for our sins onely , but for the sins of the whole world , is plain in the Scriptures , which ignorantly thou quarrels against . Pr. If Christ did pay a Ransom for the Soul of Judas , he hath Redeemed him ; those for whom he hath given himself , he Redeemed from all iniquity , but the damned and reprobates are not Redeemed : Those for whom Christ came , he is a Saviour unto , and saveth them from their sins : How are they lost if he came to save them ? But this argueth either defect of wisdom , that he did not foresee such an intention of his death would prove frustrations , or else want of power to effectuate his intention of saving them . An. Christs absolute intention and will is not made voyd , nor wants he power to effect it , but such an intention we did not lay upon his death to save all : And as for the death of Christ and his intention of saving , being made vain and frustrations , either from defect of wisdom or want of power , these are both false ; for his intention therein , consists with his good will and freeness towards all , for I did not say that his intention was absolute to save all , but I do say , it was an intention of good to all , according to the good will of God towards all , who willeth not the death of sinners but rather that they may return and live . But Christ in his suffering and death was passive , and the putting forth of his power to save such as are saved , stood not barely therein , though his good will therein appeared , but we are saved by his life . But are the damned and reprobates such , because ordained of God so to be , or because Christ , died not for them ( according to thy Doctrine ? ) And so ; Must the cause of their destruction be laid upon God and Christ , or upon them for rej●cting free Grace , resisting the councel of the Lord , not liking to retain God in their knowledg , and trampling under foot the blood of the Son of God ( as thou hast confessed before ) to thy own contradiction , who so much hast cavilled against us , for confessing to the free Grace of God , and Christs dying for all ( or every man ? ) But this is like your pitiful narrow , and partial Presbiterian Spirit and Principle ; that would so limmit God in the dispensation of his Grace , and tye it up in such a nar●ow compass ; and , What was the cause of Judas his fall ? And , Who was the Authour of his Transgression ? Was God or he to be blamed therein ? And , Had not he Grace given him before , seeing that by Transgression he fell ? Will thy telling us so often of Judas clear thee or confute us ? How silly a●d weak hast thou shewed thy self in this matter ? Pr. Those [ all ] for whom he dyed cannot be meant of every individual person , for they live to him , and not to themselves ; but the wicked that perish live not to Christ. Secondly , Neither would Christ ev●r give himself , his blood a Ransom for them , for whom he would not pray ; but he saith , he prayeth not for the world , Joh. 17. An. Thou hast herein wronged the Scripture , and erred ; for it is not all for whom Christ died that live to him , for , 2 Cor. 5. chap. & ver . 14 , 15. If one died for all , then were all dead , and that he died for all , that they which live should not henceforth live unto themselves , but unto him which died for them , and rose again . Now they which live unto him , are not those ( all ) for whom he died . And Christ praying not for the world at that time , 2. John 17. is no argument that he did not give himself a Ransom for all ; for though at that time he prayed not for the world , but for the disciples or such as were chosen out of the world ( who were in the world before they were chosen out of it ) yet at other times he did pray for his persecutors , and such as were of the world ; as also exhorted his to pray for their enemies and persecutors , &c. Pr. Judas never got saving Grace , nor that same Grace that Peter got , and therefore could not reject it . An. Judas had part of the Ministry that the other Apostles had ; and , Did not that proceed from saving Grace ? Or , What Grace ? ( How blind art thou ! ) And wherefore was Judas condemned then ; Was it because God refused to give him saving Grace , or for his own transgression ? Pr. The Scriptures import that Christ is a propitiation for all the Elect which are called all the world . An. John said , He is the propitiation for our sins ( and were not they the Elect ) and not for ours onely , but for the sins of the whole world . Must we believe thy meaning contrary to the very words of Scripture , or were the whole world all the Elect ? How hast thou wrested plain Scripture herein ? Pr. Who is it , that hath put the difference betwixt Peters believing , from Judas mis-believing ? Whether it be Gods Grace to Peter denied to Judas ? An. Where provest thou it was denied to Judas , or that Judas had no part of the same Grace ? For before thou sayest wicked men have the common work of the Spirit ( but in contradiction sayest ) which is not supernatural , from Rom. 2.14 . Were th●y then wicked men spoken of there , Which did by nature those things contained in the law , and shewed the work , or effect of the law written in their hearts ? What then are they that Rebel against the law , if they that obey it be wicked ? Whereas the Apostle saith , before , That the doers shall be justified . See how thou hast brought forth one error and falshood upon another . Pr. Is not the Father distinct from the Son and the Spirit , in the personal subsistance ? An. Where learnedst thou these words ( the Father distinct from the Son and Spirit in the personal subsistance ) these are not the words of Scripture , or the words of Scripture clearly conferred together , as thou sayest after , but in contradiction after , thou sayest , although the Scripture doth not in so many words make mention of three Persons , who are one God , and three distinct Persons , and that these cannot be three , if they be not distinct ; for where there is no distinction , there is perfect oneness , &c. What 's the consequence of this , but that therefore there is not perfect oneness in the Deity or God-head ; because , three distinct Persons ( or three distinct one from another in personal subsistance ? ) Is this good Doctrine ? Is not that oneness between the Father and the Son perfect ? And , Did not Christ say , I and my Father are one , and prayed that his might be perfect in one , as he and his Father were one ? And though thou hast said , you disalow all Traditions , or any written rule which is not Scripture , and yet thou wilt use words and distinctions , which are not Scripture according to thy own confession ; ( What confusion art thou ●n ! ) For whereas I answered thee , that we own what the Scriptures of truth assert of the God-head , Viz. That there are three that bear record in heaven , the Father , the Word , and the Spirit , and these three are one , &c. ( and thou thy self in the next Page sayest , that both the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost , are a Spirit ) howbeit , my honest answer in Scripture words would not satisfy thee , but thou hast villifyed and abused me in this matter , in several reproaches and slanders , as with shameless rayling and deriding , &c. with grose evasion , with not being able to answer thee , with not owning what the Scriptures assert , and with blaspheamous fancyes , blaspheaming Jesus Christ , &c. All which accusations I utterly deny as thy malitious lies and slanders against me ( and thy bundle is stuffed with many more of like nature ) and if thou didst not propound any of those quarrels as not knowing the answer of them , as thou sayest , &c. then , Didest thou propound them to cavil , and get some advantages to carp at ? For thou hast shewed thy self in prejudice against us , and hast reckoned me ( or us ) as wanting Learning , &c how-be-it thou hast shewed such Learning as thou hast to confute me , with broken School phrases and words , with some few fragments , and traditional distinctions patched up together , which we can have no Scripture for , but thy consequences , which much might be said to shew the weakness and shallowness thereof . Pr. Those who had Christ the living bread , yet were partakers of the outward bread , as the disciples were ; Were not the Corinthians Saints ? &c. An. That the disciples had outward bread ; Who denies ? But that it was to continue alwayes of necessity , as an Ordinance after Christ , the Living Bread and Life was received in them , ( which is the substance ) that 's not yet proved , that the disciples were to shew forth the Lords death till he come in the observation of the Bread and Cup ( or supper ) I grant : Now what , and when that coming was , is the matter in controversie . Christ came after , when he was arisen , was apparent ; he also spiritualy came , and was more fully revealed within the Saints , and was their Living Bread and Life ( as thou grantest ) now when he was with the disciples at supper ( before he was Crucified ) he intended by his coming , a third coming , till which they were to do it , which coming not being in their dayes , nor is yet ( by your Doctrine ) this is no where proved in Scripture as we know . Pr. Were not the Corinthians Saints , called in Christ ? And yet the Apostle , 1 Cor. 11. he gave them the Bread and Cup which Christ gave to his disciples , the night he was betrayed . Secondly , And whereas ye say , that Christs coming again was when he rose again ; how false is this and absurd , &c. An. That 's very strange Doctrine , that the Apostles gave the Corinthians , the Bread and Cup which Christ gave to his disciples the night he was betrayed ; Where was it kept in the mean time , that they both should have the same Bread and Cup , the one so many years after the other ? Where hast thou learned this , amongst the Popish Traditions and Reliques ? But t is probable thou meanest other-wise then thy words import . Secondly , And Is it false and absurd to say , that Christs coming again was when he rose again ? Did he not come again after he rose ? And must that be reckoned for no coming ? And a third coming which is not yet ; and , Was that an outward coming till which the disciples and Corinthians were to continue the Bread and the Cup , whereas that coming is not yet according to thy Doctrine ? The Apostle to the Corinthians told them what Christ did and spoke to the disciples in the case , but we read not that he imposed it upon them , to continue it all their time , or till a supposed coming of Christ , which is not yet come , for he said to them , The cup of blessing which we bless , is it not the communion of the blood of Christ , the bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of Christ , And , Was not this the substance ? Where then remained the necessity of the shadow , or outward Representations ( or Mementoes as some calls them ? ) And , When was the Church to shew forth the Life of Christ , and by what , if all their time they must needs ( and people still ) shew forth or represent his death , and him as suffered ( as thou sayest ) by Bread and Wine ? Doth not the substance end the shadows ? And , Where have you any example in Scripture , for the manner of your administring Bread and Wine at certain times a year , and calling it a Sacrament , The Lords Supper ? &c. Pr. The Apostle telleth that the Corinthians were to shew forth his death till he came again , so it behoved to be such a coming again as was yet future , and unaccomplished in the Corinthians time : the Bread and Cup spoken of to the Corinthians , behoved to be outward Bread as shewing forth his death . Secondly , Because it was the same that Christ took and devided , and gave to his disciples . An. What confusion's here ! Were they to use the outwa●d Bread and Cup after they were dead then ? If they were to observe it to a coming unaccomplished in their tim● . And if it was the same that Christ devided and gave to his disciples ; Was that the outward bread so given to both ? Or , Was there not more in Christs words then the outward observation ? What was his Body and his Blood , and the Cup of the New Testament in his Blood , and the f●uit of the vine in the kingdom ; Was it not spiriritual , a mystery , which the outward Bread , Cup and Passover were but as signs or shadowes of ? Pr. There is no such passage written , that Christ appointed it to be taken away by his suffering . An. As oft as they did it , it was to shew the Lords death till he came ; What coming , and when was it , or is it to be he intended ? Wa' st a first , or a second , or a third ? And was it inward or outward ? Pr , Neither is the Bread and Wine a shadow . Secondly , For he being present , and it representing him ( as suffered , it cannot be called a shadow as of things to come ) An. Is the Bread and Wine the substance Then ? this is popish , thus to deny the ●read and Wine to be a shadow , and worse then the Episcopals that tell us of their Sacraments being outward and visible signes , of an inward and Spiritual Grace . Secondly , If Christs being present makes Bread and Wine no shadow , or not figurative , then by the same reason the Passover which the disciples prepared ( to answer that part of the Law ) was not a shadow , nor Circumcission , Offerings , &c. when done either for Christ or in his presence , which to affirm and make that the reason , were grose and absurd , whereas the mystery , substance , or end , was not so fully manifest , when Christ was outwardly present ( before his being offered up ) as after when they were indued with power from on high , received the promise of the Comforter , came to eat his flesh and drink his blood , which saying , the disciples for a time ( when he was with them ) were troubled at , and counted hard . Pr. It concerneth all who own the Doctrine contained in the Scriptures , though they be for baptizing with sprinkling , to propound a query to men that do with sacrilegious boldness , take away the Ordinances instituted by Christ unto believers . An. Is it not then sacrilegious boldness for thee and the Priests to teach ( or impo●e ) sprinkling Infants , which is neither a Doctrine contained in Scriptures , nor a baptizing believers , howbeit , such a great stress hath been laid on the Scriptures before as being the rule and means for Faith , and Salvation , revealing the Mystery , for receiving Life E●ernal in them , Christ in them , &c. yet we find not sprinkling I●fants in the Scriptures neither by command nor practice , though so much pleaded for by one here that tels us , Pag. 35. they disallow all Traditions or any unwritten rule which is not Scripture ; but sprinkling Infants is not Scripture but onely a Tradition of men : And one main plea for it is , that Infants baptisme was approved and practised in the Orthodox Church of Christ , &c. which is just like the Papists and Jesuits plea , to believe as the Church believes ( taking it for granted that the Church is pure ( as he saith ) Orthodox in all her Traditions ) whether they be Scripture yea or nay ; whereas before , all Traditions or any unwritten rule which is not Scripture are disallowed , but instead of Scripture for proof in this matter , we have mention made of the Teachers and Guides of the Church ( as he calls them ) as Tertullian , Cyprian , who lived about 247. after Christ , and Lactanctius that lived about the year , 317. As also the latter sound Fathers ( as he calls them ) as Augustin , Jerom , Bassil , ( Viz. their being for Infants baptisme ) but what proves all this from Scripture ( if it be as he sayes they did ) Must we take it up upon an implicite faith , because such and such approved of it ? And yet at other times , lay such a stress on the Scriptures as the perfect rule of obedience of faith , &c. How hath E. I. undervallued the Scriptures in this matter , and spoyled his own cause touching them ? And , Do not the Papists plead for their Traditions and Ceremonys against Protestants and others , in like manner as he hath done in this cause ? And , Would he be willing to accept their Arguments against Protestants , when they are of the same nature , and bear the same face with his in this point ? Pr. That the Covenant Abraham and his Seed was under , was the same in substance , with that which believers now and their Seed are under ; and therefore the Children of believers should be under the Initial Seal of the Covenant as Abrahams were . An. Where provest thou by Scriptures , that sprinkling Infants is the Initial Seal of the Covenant ? ( Or that ti 's so called ) thou herein doest but beg the question , and takest it for granted that it is the Initial Seal of the Covenant of Grace , ( which I deny ) and then from thence fallatiously drawes thy inference and conclusions , for its being to Believers Seed as Abrahams Children ( to wit the males were Circumcised ) and that the Covenant Abraham and his Seed was under , was the same in substance with that which believers now , and their Seed are under : But what of this ; if it be granted , it was Gods Covenant or Promise ; Must they therefore be under mans tradition ? which sprinkling Infants is , ( To plead for it from believers being baptized , is to ground it upon that , you ( Priests ) are out of the practice of ) so as to that it 's not pertinent to dispute with such about it , who own it not in practice , but onely talk of it for a cover to a popish tradition , and thereby shew their hypocrisie the more ; and , Must now sprinckling Infants stand for the substance , or antitype instead of Circumcision ? Or , Was Circumcision the type of Infants Baptizme ( so called ? ) Whereas sprinckling Infants hath neither the true form nor matter of Baptisme [ outward ] in it , for in the next page it 's confessed , that the word in the first Language signifying Baptisme is rendered washing , Mar. 7.4 , 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , afterwards it 's said , that being washed all over , best signifies our inward renovation and burial with Christ , and thus contradictions and confusions are heaped up in many places . And to my saying , that it s not commanded under the New Covenant to Baptize Infants , thou replyest the Apostle Peter , Act. 2.38 , 39. sayes , That those to whom that promise that God would be their God , and the God of their Seed , should be baptized , but to Believers and their Seed , he saith that promise belongeth , &c. Now let the Reader but peruse that Scripture mentioned by thee , and compare thy fallacious arguing from it ; for Peter said , Ver. 38. Repent and be baptized every one of you , &c. Were they Infants such as the Priests sprinkle , that he bid repent ? How grosly hast thou perverted Scripture ! And Ver. 39. The promise is to you and your Children , and to all that are a far off , even as many as the Lord our God shall call . Now , What can be inferred from hence for sprinkling Infants ? Were all they whom God should call Infants when called ? Or , Did Peter intend they should all have their Children sprinkled before they were called ? But in contradiction afterward thou sayest , though there be no express command , yet it s of divine institution and warrant , if it be drawn from good consequence from the Scripture , indeed I have seldom met with any that have appeared so Impertinent and Ridiculous in their consequences , as thou hast done in this matter , though thou countest thy consequence of Divine Authority , as well as express commands ; But they bear no such Authority with us , who see thy perverting and abusing Scriptures to maintain , and patch up a popish tradition and humane invention , which thou hast no express command for ; and then thou hast in this doubly confuted thy self , for is there some command of Divine Authority now which is not Scripture , when before thou laid such a great stress upon Scripture and deniedst Revelation Immediate teaching , &c. from the Light within and hast dirided it under the name of Enthusiasme , when now thou pleads for something being of Divine Authority which is not Scripture viz your sprinkling Infants , which in Page 37. thou sayest brought to the Church , is the ordinary way of putting on Christ , and ordinary means for Salvation ; and sayest we are Baptized into Jesus Christ and his death , from , Rom. 6. and 3. whereas before , the Scriptures were cryed up as the ordinary way and meanes , &c. But now , that which no where the Scriptures repuires , and that of , Rom. 6 and 3. So many of us as where baptized into Jesus Christ , were baptized into his death ; how impertinent is this for thy turn , as if sprinkling did Baptize Infants into the death of Christ , or as if the Apostles and Believers then were so baptized , when Infants ( as thou pleadest ) which is absurd to imagine , and I should think thou canst not really intend such a thing in this proof as sprinkling Infants , which thou wouldest also make us believe is a standing Ordinance of Christ to continue till the end of the world from , Mat. 28. and , Mar. 16.16 . where they are commanded , To teach all Nations baptizing them . And , He that believes and is baptized shall be saved . But did th●y go to teach Infants of a week old ? Or , Were such the Believers that were Baptized ? How blind , sottish , and ridiculous hast thou appeared in this matter , as also in counting it one while the ordinary meanes for Salvation , or that which Baptizeth into the death of Christ ; another while as in the thirty eight Page that which signifies our putting on Christ , inward washing , &c. so here it doth but signify inward washing , and therefore is not the putting on Christ ; not that which brings into the Church , neither doth it really signify inward washing , for thou speakest , as that being washed all over best signifies our inward Renovation ; and one while , pleads for this thy pretended great Ordinance , as belonging to the Seed of Believers , and of such as have received the Spirit ; another while the Children of which are prophane , and drunkards that profess the Gospel , whom thou sayest are in this sence accounted Believers , and thirty ninth Page reckons it not needful for Ministers to be perswaded that they are Righteous , so it appeares such Ministers as thou art will be easily satisfied for their own ends , and upon slender grounds receive men as Believers , if they do but profess the Gospel though they be drunkards and prophane and thus the Parish Priests of the Presbyterian gang have deceitfully daubed their h●arers , and acted like hypocrites towards those whom they knew to be drunkards , prophane , and so really unbelivers , unholy unrighteous , &c. yet if they will from their teeth outward , say they believe and profess the Gospel , though they be known to the contrary , the Priest will not deny them their Seal of the Covenant to their Children [ though they deem them unholy also ] which other whiles they deem as such a sacred thing , as onely belongs to the Seed of Believers , and such as are within the Covenant . And another sorry shift and come off , in the thirty eight Page is concerning the Jewes that fell into gross sins , who all drank of the Rock , which was Christ , from hence thou sayest , that to profess Christ is called a drinking of Christ , and where provest thou that Doctrine , that to profess Christ is a drinking of Christ , this is a very easie way thou hast prescribed for drinking of Christ if to profess him be it , and then all that profess him drink of him by this Doctrine , the falshood whereof we need not say much to . But whereas thou sayest concerning those Israelites , That ate the same spiritual bread , and drank the same spiritual drink , that drank of the Rock which was Christ , how-be-it thou confessest they fell into gross sins , as is cleared from the History of the Books of Exod. Levit. Numb . Deuteronomy , and 1 Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. and that many of them were Idolaters , lusters after evill , committed fornication , tempters of God , murtherers ( as thou sayest ) by all which thou hast sufficiently confuted thy self , and given a deadly blow to thy own Cause , and proved a falling away from Grace , which before was an Arminian and Popish Doctrine with thee , or Damnable Popery ; for , Was not that spiritual meat , and spiritual drink ; and that Rock spoken of , saving Grace ? And thy saying for Infants Baptisme , that it is the Seal of the Covenant , and to be given to those that are within the Covenant ; but , Are Drunkards , prophane Persons and their Seed , and whole Parishes within the Covenant ? Compare thy matter together : Yet thou hast confessed the Spirit is the inward Seal , but sayest Baptisme is the outward Seal , and then instead of proof , askest why may not the Covenant now have outward Seales joyned with the inward Seal of the Spirit ; How faintly comest thou off here ? And , Where provest thou sprinkling Infants a Seal of the New Covenant , or that the Covenant hath two such Seales as thou implyest , and how knowest thou that its joyned with the inward Seal of the Spirit upon the Children of drunkards and prophane persons , or on such as turn drunkards , swearers , &c. who come under this thy Seal , which hath no impression of Scripture or Divine Authority in it ; but now seeing that to gloss over thy groundless Tradition and Confusion uttered in mantaining it , thou hast often made use of divers Scriptures , which the Baptists were wont to bring for Baptizing or Plunging such as repent or believe ; I have not entered here into controversy with rhee about that point , it being not thy own , but onely thou wouldest make it serve for a cover ; yet when thou turnest Baptist , and intendest to be real in pleading for Plunging believers , thou mayest let me or us know , and that point probably may be treated of , as whether or no it be of necessity to Salvation , and so of continuance to the true Church : But however , under the sence of the Baptisme of the Spirit which baptizeth into one body , we do know present sattisfaction , and do acquiess in our Spirits above the Traditions of men and Rudiments of the world . E. J. Thy Book came but to my hands this summer , it seems it was delayed in the hands of some , otherwise , I had answered it long ago . G. W. The DOCTRINES , CONTRADICTIONS , INCONSISTENCIES , and VARIATIONS of the Presbiterian Priests of Scotland , as they were collected ( in their own words ) out of the said bundle , subscribed by Edward Jameson , &c. together with brief Observations and Notes upon them ; evidently shewing the confused body of their perverse work and babylonish structure , to the discredit and overthrow of their own corrupt cause , by their many and apparent Incosistencies and self Confutations which are here made obvious . THere is no man free of sin in this life . Christ is manifest to destroy the works of the Devil . Then is Christ manifest to destroy sin and free from it , which they that plead for , know not his manifestation . Christ doth not subdue sin totally in this life . Whosoever is born of God sinneth not , he that abides in him commits not sin . Then he that 's born of God , and abideth in Christ knowes him to subdue sin totally in this life . That Christ is manifest to destroy the work of the devil , if you take it so , may as well prove that Satan shall not tempt a Child of God. The evil one toucheth him not 1 Joh. 3. ch . 5. ( but this doth not prove any thing ) the evil one toucheth them not . To say these do not prove any thing is false and against plain Scripture , and they whom the evil one cannot touch , his tempting them hath not power to lead them into his work , for all are not evil doers whom Satan tempts . This saying [ if we sin ] implies as much as [ when we sin . ] We teach that Believers should be daily ( by the strength of the Spirit ) fighting against the flesh . The strength of the Spirit of God is greater then the devil or sin either , and they who truly war by it , overcome ; and Johns words were not ( when we sin ) but ( if we sin ) which implies not the same . We know in part , is an imperfect degree of knowledg and so sinful . There are promises of a growth unto Believers , and of a fulness . Which fulness is neither imperfect , nor is any degree of true knowledg sinful . David , Job , Daniel , their failings are noted , which I must cite . David said , cleanse me from my secret sins . And surely then Davids prayers were heard , and his requests granted , and David , Job , Daniel , and others , their deliverances are noted as well as their failings , and that in their life time . For perfect Righteousness , there is no promise in all the Scriptures to any Believer . There are promises unto Believers of a fulness . Gods everlasting Righteousness is promised which is perfect , and the fulness of Christ , Eph. 4.13 . wherein is neither want nor imperfection . Christ bad them search the Scriptures , for in them they thought to have eternal life . This thought could not be a delusion . Preaching is Gods ordinary appointed way for begetting Faith , not by immediate inward teaching alone , without peaching . See the confusion of these Priests , one while ( with them ) the Scriptures are the ordinary way ; another while Preaching ; another while , all immediate teaching by God is denyed ; but another while , it s not by immediate inward teaching alone ; another while , a supernatural influence shining on the understanding is owned . We may find Eternal Life by searching the Scriptures . You deny Learning , study of Scriptures , and deny them interpretatively . Now the Priests interpretations are set for ( and over ) Scripture , which come not from the true and spiritual learning and study , but from Babel . They must have the Scriptures , who have the knowledge of Christ , for without this , they cannot be kept from Hell. Gods absolute Soveranity in his dispensations of Grace is not to be tyed . Then neither to be tyed to the Scriptures , nor the Priests preaching , nor yet to their confused meanings or uncertain interpretations . The Light within is your Enthusiastick fancy . Christ enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world has planted some Light in every man of the world . It s no less then blasphemy to count Christs Light a fancy ; for his life is the light of men , which we bear witness of . I deny any immediate teaching by God. Begetting faith , is not by immediate inward teaching alone without preaching . Then if immediate teaching be of use in part , it is not all to be denied . The Scripture maketh known inward sins , thoughts , maketh us wise to Salvation , able to save us . Christ is said alone to save us , none have a sincere Supernatural Faith of the Scripture that are ignorant of Christ , there is a faith of the Scriptures that is hystorical , which is not sufficient . And surely the Scriptures are not Christ , without whose knowledg , and Supernatural Faith in him , the Scriptures are not rightly known and believed , but hystorically . Without this ( Viz the Scriptures ) they cannot be kept from Hell. Christ as the principal cause of Salvation , is said alone to save us . And surely he that alone saves , can alone keep man from Hell. But the best of these nations and wisest , were the greatest enemies to the Gospel . All men have a Light of a natural conscience f●om him , which tells that there is a God , and somewhat of the nature of God , that he is Eternal , and of the morral Law. The Light of Christ in all men is not natural but spiritual , and those in all Nations that were led by it , were not enemies to the Gospel . We deny that the power of God is immediate ( Viz. in his people ) He told us he will exercise his power ; for , and in us . Then his power is immediate in us , and works immediatly in us many times , to our strengthening , comfort and refreshments , when we hear no man speak or preach to us . Faith is a Habit , and an imperfect Creature , and it s as impossible it should be otherwise , as that a man abiding a man should essentially be a beast . Saving , Supernatural , Enlightning and Sanctifying Faith is the Gift of God. What then , Are men Saved , Englightned , and Sanctifyed by that which is imperfect ? What gross Ignorance and Contradiction is this ! The Grace of Hope is Imperfect . Christ is the Hope of Glory . The Grace of Christ is perfect , and he is the Grace of all our Graces . I call the Scriptures the Word of God , and the Gospel the Word of Reconciliation , which are distinguished . The Gospel is the Scriptures written by the Prophets ; what Mark wrote is the Gospel , the beginning of the Gospel ; the Gospel is a part of the Scriptures one with them , conteined in them . If the Scriptures and Gospel be one ; How are they distinguished ? And , if the Gospel and Mynistry of Christ be one , How is the Scripture it ? And if Marks declaration was the beginning of the Gospel , How are the Prophets writings the Gospel ? Is not manifest confusion , variation , and inconsistencies in these passages ? That Christ was first known himself ere he gave the knowledg of the Scriptures ; the Apostle Paul denies your consequence . It s false , that any have a sincere Supernatural Fai●h of the Scriptures that are ignorant of Christ , &c. Then t is not false that there must ( in some degree ) be a Supernatural Knowledg and Faith of Christ , before the Scriptu●es be truely known or believed . I deny any immediate teaching by God , Christs immediate teaching will no wayes follow . Christs opening the understanding to know the Scriptures ; for he doth by the same Supernatural Influence shine on the understanding and Scriptures , Luke . 24.22 . Christs opening and shining by a Supernatural Influence , plainly proves immediate teaching , as we called Quakers do hold ; and against the Priests of Scotlands denying it , who thus confute themselves . If there be any Pryority , or Posteriority of Christ in the Soul , the Scriptures hath it in the order of nature . The Lord in the comunicating of the knowledg of them , he is in his being first ; the cause must be before the effect , so the giver of knowledg before the knowledg given . So that he that is the first , and cause of true knowledg , hath the Priority and Preheminence in all things , without whom the Scriptures are not known ; and if it be a Priority of Christ ( as is said ) then Christ hath it . Without the Sanctifying knowledg of Christ , one may understand the Scriptures without error and jangling . None can know the Truths of the Scriptures , without the Sanctifying Knowledg of Christ. So then , without that Sanctifying Knowledg , none can understand them without error . We may find Eternal Life by searching Scriptures , they thought to have Eternal Life in the Scriptures , this thought could not be a delusion . He that hath heard and learned of the Father , cometh to him ( Viz. to Christ ) he ( to wit the Spirit of Truth ) shall lead believers into all Truth . So then the Father is to be heard and learned of , that the Son may be come to , and the Spirit to be followed to lead into all Truth , and this way was before the Scriptures . Sin is remaining in part , in all the faculties of Gods Children ( Viz. in the Will , Mind , and Affections ) Cleanse thou me , from my secret sins ; Peter exhorted the believing Hebrewes to abstain from their lusts . Then let not sin nor sinful lusts , allwayes remain in believers . If you find out any other faculty of the Soul which can be a seat for sin to dwell in , then the Schooles will be beholding to you for your new Phylosophie . When they are believers and begotten , they are so freed that the evill one cannot touch them ; many are commended for keeping his Commandments . If the evil one cannot touch them , much less hath he power to lead them into sin all their time , or to uphold sin in all their faculties ; and the Schools that would have more place for sin , allow Christ no place . Believers are not freed from sin wholy till death . To be unblamable , is that Grace which is universal in all parts of the renewed man. Unblameable is inconsistant with sin , for sin is blameable where ever it is . A believer ever after he is begotten of God is not free of sin , they do not perfectly mortify lusts in them . In the Book of Common Prayer , there is a promise to forsake the Devil and all his Works , the vain Pompe and Glory of the world , and sinful lusts of the flesh , and be led by Gods Spirit to keep his Commands ; many of those who promise may do this and keep it . What greater promise can there be of freedom from sin , then to forsake the Devil and all his works , to be led by Gods Spirit to keep his Commands ? Your new Light you pretend , is nothing but old Damnable Popery . The Spirit of truth will lead believers into all truth . He that hath heard and learned of the Father cometh to him . Viz. to Christ. Our Light is the Light of the Spirit of Truth , which cometh from Christ , and guides both to hear and learn of the Father ; and this Light was before the Scriptures were , and its blasphemy to call it Damnable Popery . In the present time , I am sold under sin , that good I would do , I do not . Groaning under a body of death : It was not a by-gone state Paul speakes of , in the present time [ I am ] Paul was giving thanks for victory through Jesus Christ ( yet all these are knit together ) Victory , and being sold under sin , are two differing states , as warring , and being more then a Conqueror are : Paul spake to the Romans after the manner of men , because of the infirmity of their flesh , and therein condescended to their capacities , below his own present state and injoyment . Perfect holiness , of both Soul and Body , is not to be till the Resurrection , Viz. after death . Believers at their death , which is upon their dying , are made perfectly holy . Perfect holiness ought not to be put off , neither so long after death , nor till death , for what time do you allow Christ to reign in man , and to serve him , if all your life time sin must remain , and so long the Devil be served ? The Godly falleth into sin seven times a day ; Christ saith to Peter , that he should forgive his brother seventy times seven , which implyeth , that a brother may offend often in the day time . As for my saying a day , it was a mistake of the citation of the place . That of the Spirit is most prevailing with Gods Children , as unto which they do adhere ; the flesh they renounce and resist , and which by little and little they overcome . It had been well thou hadst confest thy mistakes as ingenuously in other things , the controversie had been the less ; but , Do the Brethren sin all their dayes ? When then do they overcome ? What gross confusion art thou in ! While we live , we must put on the armour of God and war against sin , which is not to be ended till we lay down this Tabernacle . We are cleansed from all sin by the Blood of Christ , in Justification when we do believe . If believers be cleansed from all sin when they do believe ; How have they it to war against , till they lay down this Tabernacle ? Surely they believe before . Our peace stands in our Justification by Faith , and yet there are remains of sin in us , which we are to mourn for . There is a perfect cleansing from the guilt of sin . What , a cleansing from the guilt of sin , and not from the sin it self ; this is quite contrary to Scriptures . Christ was given for an advocate , for the sins of those whom John calls little Children and his own , which therefore were to be . That of 1 Joh. 1.12 . I write unto you that you may not sin . Page . 30. Christ Redeemeth from all iniquity , is a Saviour and saveth them from their sins . Math. 1.21 . Luke . 19.10 . Christ being thus a Redeemer , a Saviour , an Advocate , therefore sins are not to be ; and there was young Men and Fathers as well as little Children . The Devils work remains unsubdued in the Child of God , appeares by that Paul saith to the Romans , The God of peace , &c. The God of peace shall tread down Satan under your feet shortly , Rom. 16 20. And sure , when Satan is thus trodden down under foot , his work cannot remain unsubdued ; for both his power and possession is taken from him by a greater then he . We have peace with God , but are all compassed about with infirmities and subject to passions as was Elias . We are cleansed from all sin by the Blood of Christ. A●l passions are not sinful passions ; for passions are sufferings for it could not be that Paul and Barnabas were subjects to the like sins with those Idollaters , Act. 14.13 , 14 , 15. when subject to like passion with them . Here is another Arminion and Popish error , that believers may fall from Grace . A believer may fall , Peter and David sinned foully . Surely their sinning so foully was not in the Faith , but when they were turned from it , which required their repentance . That Peter and David fell from Faith , is an Arminion , and Popish error . Evil works come not from Faith. Then the evil works they did , were out of , and against the Faith ; and had they stood in the Faith , they had been kept from those evil works . Peter and David had their failings , Viz. ( till dea●h ) Eliah an old Prophet , subject to like passion as we are , &c. Christ said to Peter , I have prayed for thee that thy Faith fail not : When thou art converted strengthen thy brethren . Doth signify when he should be fully recovered . And surely Peter was so converted or fully recovered , as to strengthen his Brethren before his decease ; and like passions were like sufferings , which may relate to sickness , Ja● . ● . 13 , 14. or other afflictions , for Paul and Barnabas were not subject to the like Sins or Idollatry with those heathens Act. 14.15 . It is not sad Doctrine as you say , but comfortable , that as believers may fall as Peter and David , whereas he doth not fall wholly away , but hath still the Seed of Grace remaining in him p. 24. The sad breach that Peters fall made on his Soul , did weaken his Grace and cloud his comforts very much . There are remains of sin within us which we are to mourn for . If sin did very much cloud his comforts , and be the cause of mournings as it was both to David and Peter ; then for you to plead for sin term of life cannot be a comfortable Doctrine , unless to such as be hardened in sin , and take pleasure in it . Which improvment of the Light within , must indeed come from free will , and consequently ye hold Merit . We must put on the whole armour of God , and war against sin . pa. 23. Do not they improve the Light who war against sin ; and this is not of , or from mans will in the Fall , but from the power that converts , and works in him to will and to do . There are remains of sin within us while we live here , which we are to mourn for . The kingdom of God is Righteousness , Peace , Joy in the holy ghost . Twenty sixth Page . Therefore sin which is the cause of sorrow , hath no place in the kingdom of God , which the Saints attain to here . Faith is an habit , and an imperfect creature . Saving Faith is given of God , and is a saving enlightning of the Soul , to know Christ , Faith , is a Sanctifying Light. What strange Doctrine is this , that an imperfect creature is a Saviour , an Enlightener , a Sanctifier ; and doth the Kirk of Scotland receive this for Orthodox : The Gift of God is perfect , and every good and perfect Gift comes from God. Those who tell us of a Faith in Christ without Scriptures , have no Light in them . pa. 28. Twenty sixth Pag. The Jewes wilfully rejected the Light , and shut their eyes against it ; wicked men , who rebel against the Light , have the Light of a natural Conscience , and the common work of the Spirit . Then they had the Light , and the work of the Spirit is not natural , but no Light in them excludes natural Light , as well as spiritual from being in them , whereas in that , Isa. 8.20 . it should be no morning in stead of no Light. Jesus Christ , bid them search the Scriptures , for to find him in them . They might have Life by the true spiritual knowledg of Faith , these who believed and had Life did own the Light within , and who denieth that is Christ , sheweth by the Spirit of Revelation and Wisdom within . Now Supernatural Knowledg , Light within , Spirit of Revelation and Wisdom within is confessed ; but another while imediate teaching , power &c. is denied by those who think to find Christ in the Scriptures ; but , Is that Christ that suffered at Jerusalem to be found in the Scriptures ? How blind are you Priests of Scotland . The Child of God cannot sin Totally and Finally : There is no man liveth and sineth not . Those for whom Christ hath given himself he Redeemeth from all iniquity . How , from all iniquity , and yet sin so much contended for by you . These all for whom Christ died , cannot be meant of each individual person of the world how are they lost if he came to save them ; this argueth defect of wisdom to foresee want of power to effect his intention pa. 31. He died for all , some have wilfully rejected the Grace given , that wilfully trample under foot , the blood of the Son of God. There is neither defect of wisdom nor want of power in Christ , but wilfulness and rebellion in man that lets ; he died for all his Grace is freely tendered that they may believe and be saved : But this is not by absolute compulsion and force , as if therefore he were absolutely intended to save all ; but Love and Good Will is shewed towards all , many wilfully reject and trample upon it ( as is confest ) Motions of Satan and our deceitful hearts are to be tried , it is comfortable Doctrine , that a believer may fall as David and Peter . Those that got a new heart from God , and his fear put in them , they do not depart nor revolt . It is the deceitful hearts that are comforted with such Doctrine , that is for falling as David and Peter did , and not the new heart in which Gods fear is put . The Scriptures do reveal the Mysteries . pa. 27. Jesus Christ sheweth by the Spirit of Revelation and Wisdom within . pa. 30. The Scriptures testifie of the Mysteries , but then Christ by that Spirit within Reveales them . The Scriptures ( being many words of God taken together ) they are called the Word of God. pa. 25. The Scriptures calleth Christ the Word of God in some places . Christ the Word was before the Scriptures , or the Words , besides , one word is not many words , nor many words properly to be taken for one word . Is not the Father distinct from the Son and the Spirit in the personal Subsistance . pa. 31. Both the Father and the Son , and the Holy Ghost are a Spirit . pa. 33. Both ( ●or all ) a Spirit , and yet distinct in personal Subsistance ; Where learned you this Doctrine ? Not from the Scriptures . Ye do not own what the Scriptures assert , but your own blasphemous fancies ( Viz. ) about the Deity ; three Persons distinct in the personal Subsistance . pa. 32. Ye say ye own what the Scriptures of Truth assert of the God-head ; That there are three that bear record in heaven , the Father , the word and the spirit , and those three are one . Then we own what the Scriptures assert of the Deity o● the Father , Word and the Spirit which are one ; this is no blasphemy no fancies as malitiously we are accused . Except ye call all the words of Scriptures clearly confered together a cavilling , Viz. touching three distinct ▪ Persons in the Deity , &c. Although the Scriptures do not in so many words make mention of the three Persons , &c. who are one God ; we disalow all Traditions , or any unwritten Rule which is not Scripture . Then three dictinct Persons in the Deity , distinct in the personal Subsistance , are not the words of the Scriptures but a Tradition , and why do you then alow of that which is not Scripture , but that There are three that bear record in heaven , and these three are one is Scripture . The Apostles telleth that the Corinthians were to shew forth Christs death till he came again : The Bread spoken of to them , behoved to be this of outward Bread , &c. It behoved to be such a coming againe as was yet future and unaccomplished in the Corinthians time . Were the Corinthians then to eat and drink outwardly after their time , or so long after their deceases ? What absurdity and grosness is here ! Infants Baptism was approved by the Orthodox Church , and the Renouned Teachers and Guides thereof , and sound Father , as Tertullian , Ciprian , Lactant , Augustine , Jerom , Basil , &c. It s derived from the Church when pure . We disallow all Traditions , or any un-written Rule which is not Scripture , whether they be under pretence of Revelation , which Enthusiasts hold ; or Traditions as Papists in this agree . Then Infants Baptisme not being Scripture ( but a popish Tradition ) is therefore to be disalowed of . Children of believers should be under the Initial Seal of the Covenant as Abrahams were . Circumcision was the Seal of the old Covenant , and it was administered on Males onely , page , 35. Circumcision of the Males onely , was in its time Commanded of God , which is no proof of sprinkling Infants both Males and Females , which was never cammanded of God. pa. 38. The Fathers or Isralites , who fell into gross sins , professed the same Doctrine of Salvation ; to profess Christ is called a drinking of Chr●st . &c Abraham and his Seed under the old Covenant , had the same Mediator which is Jesus Christ , he was the same yester-day to them , that he is to day to believers . Their having the same Media●or Jesus Christ the same , &c. And drinking of Christ was more then to profess him , or the Doctrine of Salvation . And , Did such fall into gross sins ? What fell they from if not from Grace Ye say thereis no express command for sprinkling of the Infants of believers . pa. 36 , But we disalow all Traditions or any unwritten Rule which is not Scripture . pa. 35. You ' have confest what I said , that there is no express command for sprinkling Infants , therefore in alowing of it you contradict your selves . Though there be no express command , yet it s of Divine Institution and Warrant ( if it be drawn by good consequence ) from the Scriptures . Truths and Doctrines is to be tried by the Scriptures , so far as can be found in the Scriptures , page , 29. Christ bid search the Scriptures , they reveal the [ Misteries , page ▪ 27. I deny any immediate teaching by God , page . 14. Although a great stress and necessity is laid upon the Scriptures , and immediate teaching so confidently denied , yet no Sprinkling Infants to be found , or required in Scripture ( and whilst any imediate teaching is denied ) How is it of Divine Institution ? Surely Edward Jamisons consequence herein is not Divine , who denies any immediate teaching . pa. 37. If I had said it Viz. Infants Baptism brought them to the Church , those places and many others do hold it , as , Gal. 3.27 . it s the ordinary way of putting on Christ &c. I said not that it did bring them into the Church , but that it is a Seal of our entry into the Church , page . 26. sprinkling of water is enough to signify inward washing . If it doth not bring into the Church , it is but a signe of inward washing , it s not a putting on Christ ; neither can the Scripture prove it when there is no Scripture for it , and were the Scriptures deemed the ordinary way and means , but now sprinkling Infants ; What ignorant and gross contradictions are these ! Ye say Baptisme doth not bring them into the Church , it s a bold Sacrilegious usurpation , in detracting from the words of the Book of God , which shall be punished with all the curses of that Book . Though there be no express command ( for sprin●ling Infants ) yet it s of Divine Institution if it be drawn by good consequence , pa. 36. See what Curses these Priests have laid upon them that deny the Infants Baptisme ( their Scripturles Tradition ) to bring into the Church , and are not they herein evidently Guilty of Sacrilegious usurpation , and adding to the words of the Book of God by their false consequence . Baptizing of Children or others , a standing Ordinance of Christ , which he hath appointed to continue to the end of the world , Mat. 28. and ordinary means for Salvation , Ma● . 16.16 . There be no express commands for sprinkling Infants , Act. 2.38 . repent and be baptized . Mark. 16.16 . He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved . They to whom Repentance and Faith was preached , were not Infants ( such as the Priests sprinkle of a few dayes old ) which is not the Baptisme that saveth , but that of the Spirit , or the answer of a good conscience is saving . Page . 37. That many Ministers baptize the Children of those who are prophane and drunkards , and so not believers . They that profess the Gospel , though they be not sincere believers , yet they are in this sence accounted belivers . Page . 85. The Children of believers , should be under the Initial Seal of the Covenant , to believers and their Seed that promise belongeth ; those to whom that promise , That God would be their God and the God of their Seed ; should be baptized , Viz. Infants who are in the Covenant with God. Page . 36. It seems these Priests can make believers at an easie rate , whilst they can take the prophane drunkards for believers , upon their professing the Gospel ; but surely God is not the God of the prophane and drunkards , nor are they in Gods Covenant ( as true believers are ) but under Satans power , and their taking it for granted that the sprinkling Infants is the Initial Seal of the Covenant is false , and but a beging the question . Those who are under the profession of the Gospel , are to be reputed as in Covenant . pa. 39. Unbelievers who have a profession , and yet have not sincere faith , &c. are not Righteous nor Holy , &c. Then it is not the profession of the Gospel that makes them believers or in Covenant with God. An Arminion and Popish Doctrine , that believers may fall from Grace . The Fathers , many of them fell into gross sins as is cleared from the Histories of the Books of , Exod. Lev. Num. and Deut. and , 1 Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. They cat the same spiritual bread , and drank the same spiritual drink , drank of the Rock which was Christ , yet many of them were Idolaters , lusters after evil thoughts , committed Fornication , Tempters of God , Murderers , &c. See how fully these Priest have proved the falling away from Grace , for which they have so much accused us with Popery and Arminianisme ( what a Babel are they in ) and , Was not that spiritual Bread and Drink , and Rock , which they did eat and drink of saving Grace ? Baptizm ( Viz of Infants ) brought them to the Church is , an ordinary means for Salvation , pag. 37. We are baptized into Jesus Christ and his death , Rom. 6.3 . and it s Instituted for the remission of sins , Act. 2.38 . It s that which signifies our putting on Christ , our renewing by the Spirit , our washing by remission of Sins , our being buried with Christ , &c. Then it s not the Sign nor Shadow , but the Substance that brings into the true Church that saveth , that Baptizeth into Jesus Christ and his death , and this is that one Baptisme of the Spirit . Infants Baptisme or Sprinkling , approved its the Initial Seal of the Covenant , which the Children of believers ought to be under . The Apostle Peter sayes , Act. 2.38 39. That those to whom the promise is , should be Baptized , and vers 38 repent and be baptized , Mat 28. Go teach all Nations Baptizing them , Mark. 16.16 . He that , believeth and is baptized shall be saved . And , Rom. 6.3 . We are baptized into Jesus Christ and his death , pag. 37. Those that are capable of such teachings ( repenting believing ) are not Infants of a week old ; and teach baptizing into the Name of the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , was by the Power and Spirit that went along with their Teaching and Mynistring . pag. 28. They have no Light in them , who speak not according to the Law and the Testimony , and tell us of a faith in Christ without the Scriptures . pag. 31. Wicked men who rebel against the Light , have the Light of a natural conscience spoken of , Rom , 2.14 . and the common work of the Spirit . The Work of the Spirit of God in the hearts of wicked men , convicting them , is not natural nor from a natural Light , for it is the Spirit that so worketh in them , ( which you call common ) but your confessing a natural Light in them , contradicts your saying they have no Light in them ; but the Law is Light , and the Testimony of Jesus the Spirit of Prophecie , which the true Prophets spake from , and they that spake not according to this Light , there is 〈◊〉 morning to them , but they are in the dark , where the Light 〈◊〉 before it shine out of darkness . Some Queries of Alexander Skein , sometime Baily of Aberdeen , upon his forsaking the publick Worship there , and joining with the People of God in scorn called Quakers . Query I WHether or not should any Act of Gods Worship be gone about without the motions , leadings and actings of the Holy Spirit . Query II If the motions of the Spirit be necessary to every particular duty , Whether should he be waited upon , that our whole acts and words may be according as he gives utterance and assistance . Query III If every one that bears the name of a Christian or professes to be Protestants , hath such a uninterupted measure thereof , that at any time they may without waiting , go immediately about the duty . Query IV If there be an indisposition and an unfitness at some times for such exercises , at least as to the spiritual and lively performance thereof ; Whether the duty ought to be performed in that case , or at that time ? Query V If any duty be gon about under pretence that it is in obedience to the external command , without the spiritual life and motion necessary ; Whether such a duty thus performed , can in faith be expected to be accepted of God , and not rather reckoned , as bringing strange fire before the Lord , seeing it is performed ( at b●st ) by the strength of natural and acquired parts , and not by the strength and assistance of the holy ghost , which was typified by 〈◊〉 Fire that came down from heaven , which alone behoved to 〈◊〉 the Sacrifice and no other ? Query VI If duties gone about in the mere strength of natural 〈…〉 parts , whether in publick or in private , be not all really 〈…〉 matter an Image of mans invention as the popish worship , ( though it be not so gross in the outward appearance ) and therefore as real superstition to countenance any worship which is of that nature , as it is to countenance popish worship , though there be a difference in the degree . Query VII Whether it be ground of offence , or just scandal to countenance the worship of those , whose professed Principle is neither to speak for edification , nor to pray , but as the holy ghost shall be pleased to assist them , in some measure less or more , without which , they will rather chuse to be silent , then to speak without his Influences ? ERRATA Pag. 10. lin . 8. for Polythrites , read Polytheites pag. 16. lin . 21. for : to : read two : pag. 18. lin . 30. for , to write read , or writ . pag. 31. lin . 9 : for , Christs , read Christ pag. 32. lin . 12. read in it , for spake , read speaks pag. 33. lin . last , for Revelation , read relation . pag. 41. lin . 20 : for imperative , read Superiour . pag. 53. lin . 14. read subjoyne . pag 56. lin . 37. for Answer , read . reply . from pages . 56. and. 66. the pages are misfigured . pag. 62. lin . 33. read Pr. An. pag. 64. lin . last , read Pr. An. pag. 72. lin . 27. not , read nor l. in . .32 for which . read , such as . p. 80. l. 9. del . which p. 81. l. 33. r. a perfect cleansing p. 82. l. 5. r. work in part . p. 83. l. 1. f. that as . r. that a. p. 84. l. 5. f. is r. Iesus . l. 33. r. your deceitful . p. 85. l. 31. del . 31. l. 30. r. p. 35. l. 37. r. and cup. p. 87. l. 5. r. such a great . l. 7. f. any r. all l. 19. r. we are not . 29. r. theire infants p. 88. l. 8. f. 85. r. 35. l. 17. f. the r. theire . 24. f. the. r. theire . 39. del . the. FINIS 
B05703	----	A proclamation for the security of ministers. At Edinburgh, the thirteenth day of June, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven. Scotland. Sovereign (1649-1685 : Charles II) 1667 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05703 Wing S1937A ESTC R183561 52612443 ocm 52612443 179638 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05703) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179638) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2794:32) A proclamation for the security of ministers. At Edinburgh, the thirteenth day of June, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven. Scotland. Sovereign (1649-1685 : Charles II) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Evan Tyler, Printer to the King's most excellent Majesty, Edinburgh : Anno. Caption title. Royal arms at head of text; initial letter. Printed in black letter. Intentional blank spaces in text. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Clergy -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-10 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROCLAMATION , For the Security of MINISTERS . At Edinburgh , the thirteenth day of June , one thousand six hundred and sixty seven . CHARLES , By the Grace of GOD , King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith : To Our Lovits , _____ Messengers , Our Sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute , Greeting . Forasmuch as We , by divers Acts of Parliaments and Proclamations , have expressed and declared Our Royal care and resolution , to protect the Orthodox and well-affected Clergy and Ministers : And to that effect and purpose , a Proclamation was issued by Us upon the fifth of March last , commanding all Heretors and Parochioners within the Western Shires therein mentioned , to protect and defend the persons , families and goods of their respective Ministers within their several Paroches , from all affronts and injuries to be committed by insolent and dis-affected persons to the present Government , in manner , with , and under the certifications and pains therein contained . And nevertheless , the malice and rage of such persons is so implacable against loyal Ministers , upon no other account , but that they are faithful and obedient to Our Laws and Authority , that of late , since the said Proclamation , divers outrages have been committed within the saids western and other Shires , by invading and wounding the persons of several Ministers , assaulting them in their houses , and plundering and robbing their goods , to the great scandal of Religion , contempt of Our Authority , and discouragement of the Preachers of the Gospel , and is a great incouragement to such sacraligious and wicked persons , that within the Paroches where such insolencies are committed and done to Ministers , there is no wanting persons of the same temper and principles , who do secretly favour and comply with them ; and they do presume , that the Actors with-drawing , the Parochioners will not be questioned , and that they will not think themselves concerned to prevent or repair the wrongs done to the Ministers . Therefore We , with advice of the Lords of Our Privy Council , command and charge all Heretors , Life-renters and others , having any real interest and rent within the several Paroches of the Kingdom , whither they reside within the same or not , their Bailies , Chamberlains and others having trust under them , and all other Parochioners , to protect , defend , and secure the persons , families and goods of their Ministers , not only in the exercise of their Ministerial Function , but in their dwelling-houses , or being elsewhere within the Paroch , from all injuries , affronts and prejudices which they may incur in their persons and goods , from the violence and invasion of any phanatick or dis-affected person : and that upon the notice of any attempt of such , they immediately repair to any place where they shall beat such injuries are offered , and seize upon the persons of the committers ; and in case that they flye out of the saids bounds , that they give notice to the Sheriff or any Garrison or Forces that shall be nearest to these places , that they may pursue them till they be apprehended and brought to tryal : With certification , that if any such outrages shall be committed , the Actors , and all persons who shall have any accession to the same , and shall aid , assist , or any way comply with , or shall willingly resset and conceal the delinquents , shall be proceeded against and punished with all severity , as equally guilty with the invadors . And farther , if they be not apprehended and brought to tryal by the means and diligence of the Parochioners , Letters shall be directed at the instance of Our Advocat , to cite the Parochioners to appear before the Lords of Our Privy Council , at the least to send three or four of their number specially authorized for that effect , to hear and see the Parochioners decerned to pay to the Minister for reparation , damage and interest , such a sum and fine as Our Council shall think fit to determine , ( special consideration being alwayes had of well-affected Heretors and Parochioners , who constantly attend the publick Ordinances , and as they are required by the Ministers , concur with them in the exercise of Church-discipline , who are to be relieved of the half of the fine to be imposed , which is to be payed by the dis-affected , who are to be tryed to be such by the Justices of Peace , or other Judge-ordinar ) and a citation of Parochioners in general , at the Mercat-cross of the Shire , being intimate at the Paroch-church upon a Sunday before-noon after divine Service , We declare to be sufficient ; and the said sum so to be modified , shall be divided amongst the Heretors and Life-renters and others , according to their respective Valuations , and is to be advanced and payed by them to the Sheriffs , Stewarts , or Bailies of Regalities and Baileries , who are hereby ordained by themselves or their Deputes , to uplift the same for the use of the Minister , and to use all lawful execution for that effect : And for relief of the saids Heretors , Life-renters and others foresaids , their several Tennents are hereby ordained to pay the third part of the several proportions payable by their Masters ; and where any person has more Tennents then one , the third part payable for relief of their Master is to be divided and proportioned betwixt their Tennents proportionally , and according to the duty they pay respective : And if any question arise thereanent , either amongst the Tennents themselves , or the Tennents and their Masters , the same is to be determined by the Iustices of Peace or Sheriff of the Shires , or other Iudges Ordinar in whose jurisdiction they reside , in the option of the complainers . And ordains these presents to be printed , and published at the Mercat-cross of the head Burghs of this Kingdom , and read at all Paroch-churches upon a Sunday before-noon , after divine Service , that none pretend ignorance . Edinburgh , Printed by Evan Tyler , Printer to the King 's most Excellent Majesty , 1667. 
B05710	----	A proclamation indicting a General Assembly. Scotland. Privy Council. 1693 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05710 Wing S1946 ESTC R183567 52529317 ocm 52529317 179105 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05710) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179105) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:94) A proclamation indicting a General Assembly. Scotland. Privy Council. Scotland. Sovereign (1689-1694 : William and Mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by the heir of Andrew Anderson, Printer to his their excellent Majesties, Edinburgh : Anno Dom. 1693. Caption title. Royal arms at head of text; initial letter. Dated: Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh, the twenty seventh day of September, and of Our Reign the fifth year, 1693. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. -- General Assembly -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion monogram of 'W' (William) superimposed on' M' (Mary) DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QUI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms A PROCLAMATION , Indicting a General Assembly . WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of GOD , King and Queen of Great-Britain , France and Ireland , Defenders of the Faith ; To Our Lyon King at Arms , and his Brethren Heraulds Macers of Our Privy Council , Pursevants , Messengers at Arms , Our Sheriffs in that part , Conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , Greeting : Forasmuchas , the real Good of Our People , both in their Religious and Civil Concerns , is , and ever shall be very dear unto Us ; And that We are hopeful the Meeting of a General Assembly of the Church , of this Our Antient Kingdom may contribute thereto : Therefore We with Advice of Our Privy Council , do Appoint and Ordain , a General Assembly of the Church of this Our Antient Kingdom , to meet and conveen at Edinburgh , the sixth Day of December next to come ; And Require and Command , all Elections usual and necessar for the said General Assembly , to be duely and timeously made , and all Persons concerned to attend the said Meeting , Day and Place foresaid , as they will be Answerable . OUR WILL IS HEREFORE , and We Charge you strictly and Command , that incontinent these our Letters seen , ye pass to the Mercat-Cross of Edinburgh , and whole remanent Mercat-Crosses of the Head-burghs of the several Shires and Stewartries within this Our Realm , and there by open Proclamation , make Publication of the Premisses , that none may pretend Ignorance ; And Ordains thir Presents to be Printed . Given under our Signet at Edinburgh , the twenty seventh day of September , and of Our Reign the Fifth Year , 1693. Per Actum Dominorum Secreti Concilii . In Supplementum Signeti . D A. MONCRIEFF . Cls. Sti. Concilii . GOD Save King William and Queen Mary . Edinburgh , Printed by the Heir of Andrew Anderson , Printer to Their Most Excellent Majesties , Anno DOM. 1693. 
A61705	----	Some remarks upon a late pamphlet, entituled, An answer to the Scots Presbyterian eloquence wherein the innocency of the Episcopal clergy is vindicated, and the constitution and government of our Church of Scotland defended, against the lies and calumnies of the Presbyterian pamphleters. Strachan, William. 1694 Approx. 260 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61705 Wing S5776 ESTC R1954 12306553 ocm 12306553 59278 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61705) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59278) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 926:21) Some remarks upon a late pamphlet, entituled, An answer to the Scots Presbyterian eloquence wherein the innocency of the Episcopal clergy is vindicated, and the constitution and government of our Church of Scotland defended, against the lies and calumnies of the Presbyterian pamphleters. Strachan, William. Ridpath, George, d. 1726. Answer to the Scots Presbyterian eloquence. [18], 88 p. Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh ..., London : 1694. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Attributed to William Strachan. cf. NUC pre-1956. Table of contents: p. [15]-[18] Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Episcopal Church in Scotland. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SOME REMARKS Upon a late Pamphlet , Entituled , AN ANSWER TO THE Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . WHEREIN The Innocency of the Episcopal Clergy is Vindicated , and the Constitution and Government of out Church of Scotland Defended , against the Lies and Calumnies of the Presbyterian Pamphleters . Deut. XXXIII . 29. Thine Enemies shall be found Liars unto thee , and thou shalt tread upon their High Places . Psal. V. 9. For there is no Faithfulness in their Mouth , their Inward Part is very Wickedness . IMPRIMATUR , Dec. 20. 1693. Guil. Lancaster . LONDON , Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh , at the Golden-Ball over-against the Royal-Exchange in Cornhil . 1694. TO THE Most Reverend Father in God , JOHN Lord Arch-Bishop of Glasgow May it please Your Grace , HOW soon I entertained any thoughts Publishing a Discourse of this Natur in Vindication of our Church and Cle gy , I was easily determined to send abroad under Your Lordships Protection . You ha●… been such an Eminent Sufferer and Confessor those woful Calamities of our Church and Nation , have been Persecuted to such a height , both in Person and Reputation ; meerly for the Defence of our common Principles , that you may justly challenge the Patronage of such a Treatise as your due . Your Merit having justly Advanced you to such a Dignity in the Church , as to be a Father of the Clergy ; I therefore presume you will not decline to Espouse any thing that is Writ in a just Defence of their Innocency . The most of those Persons , whose Vindication I have here undertaken , have sometimes lived in Your Graces Diocese , are personally known to you , and you have had frequent occasions to search into the whole course of their Life and Conversation , so that I dare the more boldly Appeal to your Lordships Impartial Judgment , if what I have said here in their Vindication be any more than is Just and Reasonable ; and what the severest Judge will readily acknowledge to be their due . While the Enemies of the Church are at Work to Calumniate and Accuse the Clergy ; your Grace being placed in such an Eminent Station , could not well expect to escape the Censure of their Malice . The Office you bear in the Church , and the Sacred Character you have stamped upon you , expose you more Remarkably to the Malice of such Vermin as despise Religion ▪ and trample upon all that 's Sacred . But your Lordships Character and Merit is so Universally known , that whatever Malicious Reports are Raised upon you by the Enemies of our Church and Religion , deserve no●… a particular Confutation . However , your Grace has been pleased to gr●…tisie your Enemies so far , as to take some Notice of their Calumnies and has Annexed to this Treatise such an irre●…ragable Assertion of your own Innocency , as cannot fail henceforward to s●…op the Mouths of your most inverterate Enemies . My Lord , I don't question but you are alway●… ready under your Troubles , to practise that Christian Doctrine of Patience , you have so often Recommended to others , and I hope God , in his own good time , will pu●… an end to these Nationa●… Judgments , and recal your Lordship srom you●… Exile , to be again an Ornament to our Church , and to assist in the Rebuilding of the Second Temple , and making it more Glorious and Beautisul than the former ; that to the Excellent Constitution of our Church-Discipline , we may have added a set Form of Prayer and Devotion , and then our Church shall again Flourish as a Palm-Tree , and forever after be immoveable as a Rock . So begging your Lordships Paternal Benediction , I am with all Duty , MY LORD , Your Graces most Obsequious and Faithful Servant . W. S. TO THE READER . THE most effectual way of Undermining Religion , is to bring those who propagate it into disgrace and contempt ▪ If once we Receive bad Impressions concerning the Lives and Morals of our Teachers , we will not readily hearken to their Exhortations of Piety and Morality . The Authority of our Spiritual Guides is at an End , if we fancy them to be addicted to those very Sins and Vices , which they so vehemently Preach and Exclaim against , and denounce woful Judgmen●…s against all that practise them ; we easily believe that they are not in earnest with what they profess ; and we are Tempted from hence to conclude Religion to be a meer Cheat and Imposture . This Method of subverting Religion has been always thought so successful , that if we look back into the History of former Ages , we shall find , that since the first Plantation of Christianity , it has been the constant practice of all its Enemies to Slander and Revile those that did promulgate it , to accus●… them of the grossest Immoralities they could imagine ; thinking by this m●…ans to give such a fatal stroke to the Christian Religion , as to prevent its Conquest over Judaism and the Pagan Worship . Was not the Author of our R●…ligion hims●…lf , the Holy and Blessed Jesus , Reproached with the Title of a Glutton and a Wine-bibber ? Were not all his Followers , ev●…n in the first and purest Ages of Christianity , charg●…d with Atheism , for contemning the Worship of the Heathen Idols ; with incestuous Mixtures , and with eating Childrens Flesh in their Holy and Sacred Mysteries ? This Heath●…nish and Abominable Practice of calumniating our Adversaries , seems to have been copied by most of the Sectaries of the Christian Religion ; but I think , by none more exactly than our Presbyterian Dissenters , who have never failed to lay out all their Indust●…y and Wit , in contriving Forgerie●… and Calumnies against both Clergy and Laity of the Orthodox Communion . In our late Civil Wars , when the Presbyterian Schism prevailed over this whole Island , when the Churches both of Scotland and England were quite overturned , and the Clergy Persecuted and Exposed to the greatest Hardships of Poverty and Want ; their Persecutors , to justifie this their Cruel and Barbarous Usage of them , did industriously represent them to the credulous ▪ people , as ignorant of their Profession , and highly scandalous in their Lives ; loading them with the most Villanous and Immoral Crim●…s they could think of . Thus were the whole Body of the English Clergy at that time maliciously assaulted , and accused of all the Crimes their Enemies could invent against them , as appears from the Centuries of S●…andalous Ministers complained of to the Parliament , Anno 1646. So lik●…wise in their present Persecution against the Church of Scotland , they revived their Old practice of Slandering those whom they had most unjustly Persecuted . When they had Rabbl●…d th●… Clergy from their Churches , and Acted such Villanies and Indignities upon their Persons and Families , as the most Savage Barbarians would have been ashamed of ; the Noise of this Persecution spreading abroad , they found it convenient to Publish and Divulg●… all the Lies and Calumnies they could invent against our Clergy , lest they should seem to have 〈◊〉 them without any ground ; and thinking likewise by this Stratagem , to exasperate and rais●… the Indignation of all good Christians against them , upon account of those heinous Villani●…s with which they maliciously charged them . Such Usage as this could not fail to Exercis●… the 〈◊〉 of the Clergy , to see themselves so ●…njuriously P●…rsecuted and Reviled . But they had thi●… for th●…ir comfort , that they received no worse Usag●… than their Master had done befor●… th●…m ; It is enough for the Disciple , that he be as his Master , and the Servant as his Lord ; if they have called the Master of the Hous●… Beelzebub , how much more shall they call them of his Houshold ? But thanks be to God , th●… Lives and Conversations of the far greatest ●…art of our Clergy are so apparently Pious and Exemplary , so exactly conform to the Character they bear of b●…ing Spiritual Guides , Bu●…ning and Shining Lights , that as the Calumni●…s of their Adversaries , cannot much injure their Reputation in this World , so far less will th●…y be able to diminish that Eternal Reward laid up fo●… them in the Life to come . However , when the Clergy are thus maliciously and unjustly Slandered and Reviled , Religion does often suffer thereby ; and therefore in thi●… Case , I think it is the Duty of every Christian , to Espouse the Interest of Religion , and to Vindicate the Clergy from those Aspersions their Enemies load th●…m withal . There is not a more certain fore-runner of Atheism and Irreligion in a Nation , than a contempt of the Clergy ; and it may justly provoke God to remove his Candlestick quite from us , if we suffer his Ministers and Ambassadors to be Treated with such Reproach and Cont●…mpt ; it is a shrewd Sign we have no great Respect for a Prince , if we affront his Ambassador . Although I am not in Holy Orders my s●…lf , yet I have such a Veneration and Esteem for that Sacred Function , that it raises my Indignation to a great height , to see Ingenious and deserving Men Buffoon'd and Ridiculed , meerly for their having devoted thems●…lves to the Holy Ministry , for having Received the Title of being Christs Ambassadors to his Saints here on Earth . Were they of any other Profession , their Parts and Piety would make them to be much Regarded by all Men ; but because they have entred into the Office of the Holy Ministry , that Office which our Saviour did not disdain to take upon himself , and his Holy Apostles Gloried in , they must therefore suff●…r all Indigniti●…s and Affronts , ●…nd be Treated with greater Contempt and Ig●…ominy than the meanest Artizan . Is not this to Crucifie afresh the Lord of Life ●…nd Glory , to put him again to op●…n shame , to Mock him , and to Spit upon him , as the Jews ●…id b●…fore his Crucifixion ? For whatever Indig●…ity we offer to his Ministers here on Earth , he ●…akes it as done to his own Person ; He that depiseth them , despiseth him that sent them . It was t●…is Respect alon●… which I have for the Ministe●…al Function , that moved me to Write these few Remarks upon a late Scurrilous Libel against our Clergy , Publish●…d by an obscure Anonymous Author , who se●…ms to be more influenced by t●…e Spirit of Malice and Envy , than of th●… Christian R●…ligion . I was not a little concern●…d ●…o see so many Eminent and Deserving Men thus injured in 〈◊〉 Fame and Reputation , and tha●… among Strangers to whom they were wholly unknown . Were these Stories Published only in th●…ir own Country , where the whole course of th●…ir Life is sufficiently known , they might bid defianc●… to ●…he utmost Malice of their Enemies ; and to An●…er any such malicious Libels against them th●…re , would be altog●…ther superfluous . Bu●… when th●…se R●…ports are propagate amongst Strang●…rs , who have no personal knowledge of the M●…n who ar●… thus abused , it is n●…cessary to Write som●…thing in their Vindication , and to prevent Peopl●…'s being farther impos●…d upon by such Li●…s and Calumnies . This Author hath Writ a s●…cond Part of the Treatis●… which is her●… 〈◊〉 , but that b●…ing already tak●…n to Task by another Hand , I take no Notice of it . My busin●…ss is only with his first Pamphlet , wherein I have suffici●…ntly shewn his Gross Pr●…varications and Falshoods , and confuted all the Shadows of Reasoning t●…at ly●… scattered in his Book . My present Circumstances would not allow me to make an exact inquiry conc●…rning all the particular Persons whom h●… h●…re Accuses of Immoralities , I being at too great a distance from the Places where they do resid●… . But I have pick'd out the most considerable instances ; thos●… Persons whom he charg●…s with the most Atrocious Crimes , and in his Accusations against them , I have evid●…ntly prov●…d him guilty of the highest Malice and Injustic●… ; which I think , is sufficient to Ruin the Cr●…dit of his Book in the r●…st of the Instances among all Sober and Judicious M●…n . THE CONTENTS . Introduction . THE Uncharitableness and Inhumanity of this Author's Design . Pag. 1 This method of Writing inconsistent with the Principles of our Religion , and the Laws of Humane Society . 3 The occasion of publishing the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . 5 Chap. I. THis Author's Reflections upon the Church of England , and so●… of ●…he Ministers of State , considered . Pag. 9 Episcopacy established in Scotland , not by the force and tyranny of our Rulers , but by the consent and approbation of the whole Nation . 10 The Bishops in Scotland invest●…d with full Authority belonging to Bishops . 11 A short account of some of our Church Judicatories , Kirk-Sessions , Presbyteries , and Synods . Ibid. These Judicatories shewn to be no Encroachment on the Episcopal Power . 12 Our Author's disingenuity in his slanderous Reflections upon the Clergy . 13 Some few of the Episcopal Clergy offering to joyn with the Presbyterians , can be no sufficient Vindication of the Lives and Morals of the Presbyterian Party . 14 T●…e Episcopal Cl●…rgy have charged the Presbyterians with nothing relating to their barbarous Persecution , but what they have been ablc to prove from irrefragable Authorities . 15 Episcopacy the first Government of the Church of Scotland after the Reformation , and never there by Law abolished , till the unhappy Civil Wars ●…nder the R●…ign of K. Charles the First broke out . 16 〈◊〉 occasion of settling Superin●…endents in the Church of Scotland upon the Reform●… . 17 The Superintendents inves●…ed with the whole Episcopal Authority and Jurisdiction over the Clergy of their Diocesses . Pag. 18 The Mission of the Superintendent 's plainly different from that of other Ministers ▪ Ibid. T●…e Superintendents no ways Temporary as to their Office , but only as to the Nam●… . 19 The Superintendents giving an account to a National Synod of their Diligence in their Functions , no Argument against their being Bishops . 20 T●… Enacting of these P●…nal Laws against th●… Presbyterians , which this Author has scraped together , occasioned meerly by the frequen●… Rebellio●…s of that Party . 21 T●… Nation had sufficient ground to Enact these Laws against the Presbyterians , from their Treasonable Practices under the former R●…igns of K. James the Sixth , and K. Charles the First . 22 ●…at this was the true occasion of Enacting these Penal Laws , appears from our Author 's o●…n Concessions . 23 〈◊〉 ●…s been the constant practice of the Presbyterians to ▪ shelter their Treasonable Designs under the Name of Religion . 24 The Sufferings of the Presbyterians no ways promoted by the Episcopal Clergy . 25 The Ministers of State ●…nder K. Charles's Government sufficiently Vindicated from our Author's aspersions of C●…uelty . 26 A short Narrati●… of the Proceedings of the Council against son●… ▪ Ministers turned out in 1662. 27 Chap. II. THE Presbyterians have justified the Murder of the Archbishop of S●… . Andrews in the face ●…f Authority upon several occasions . Pag. 29 Mitchel's Execution justified . 30 The making the Inclinations of the People the Standart of the Church-Government , is of very fatal consequence to the i●…terest of Religion . Ibid. T●… Presbyterians having made more Insurrections in the Kingdom , in be●…alf of their Church-Government , than t●…e Eiscopal Church have thought fi●… to do ▪ is no argument that Presbytery is more popular in Scotland than Episcopacy . 32 This last Convention having abolished Episcopacy , and established Presbytery ▪ is no good argument , that the Presbyterians ●…ave the majority of the Nation on their side . 33 The Methods used by the Episcopal ●…lergy for reclaiming the Diss●…nters sh●…wn to be very effectual , since at the time of K. James's Indulgence there were f●…w or no Presbyterians but what joyned in Communion with the Episcopal Church ▪ 3●… The Pr●…terian Practice in vilifying our Saviour's Prayer , altogether in ▪ excusable . Pag. 35 The malicious Characters this Author gives of the English and Scots Gentry , as well as Glergy . 36 The ●…etling or abrogating matters of Religion in complian●…e with the humours of the Populace , stands directly in opposition to the propagating of the Christian Religion . 37 The disingen●…ity of this Author and his Party in calling the English Common-Prayer-Book Popery . 39 The lawfulness of observing Anniversary Days of Human●… Institution asserted . Ibid. The Murder of K. Charles ●…he First justly chargeable upon the Presbyterians in both Kingdoms , and not upon the Nation in general . 42 The beh●…viour of the Scots Presbyterians ' towards K. Charles the Second upon his advancement to the Throne . 46 That the English Convocation acted upon far better Grounds in refusing an Union with the 〈◊〉 , than the Scots Assembly in rejecting the Addresses of those few Episcopal Clergy who addressed them , proved by several Reasons . 47 It is from the Civil Magistrate the Church derives all her Temporal Priviledges , b●…t ●…e is in no w●…ys the Fountain of Spiritual Power . 50 〈◊〉 account of the King's Supremacy in Scotland , as it is there Established by t●… Laws of the Kingdom . 52 The Church has the sole Power in Matters purely Spiritual , but the Clergy are equally subject to the Civil Authority , and liable to the same Punishments with the Laity . 53 The Papists ▪ and Presbyterians extend the Church's Authority beyond its true Bounds , in claiming an Exemption to the Clergy from Secular Punishme●…ts till they be first condemned by the Church . 54 The Church of England guilty of no breach of Promise , in ref●…sing an Union with the Dissenters upon the Terms proposed . 56 The Presbyteria●… Mi●…isters ●…ave often assumed to th●…selves a Power of making Peace and War. Ibid. The Presbyterians not without some ground stigmatized with the Reproachful Term of New Gospellers . 57 Chap. III ▪ IT is not strange to see Persons , after they have murdered , robbed , or any way injured their Adversaries , to endeavour likewise to blacken them i●… their ●…me and Reputation , the better to palliate their own wicked Actions against them . Pag. 58 The Innocency of our Clergy sufficiently Vindicated from this 〈◊〉 Aspersions , since in this present Persecution against them by the Presbyterians they cannot instance in four of their Number , against whom they could find th●… l●…ast pr●…tence to deprive them for Immoralities . Pag. 59 Many of our Cl●…rgy sufficiently Vindicated from this Libeller's accusations by the Author of an Appendix to a late Treatise , Entituled , An Apology for the Clergy of Scotland . 60 Dr. Canaries fully Vindicated from the Calumnies brought against him by this Accuser , and the Accuser's malice and disingenuity fully detected . Ib. An account of Dean Hamilton's Process , and his being absolved t●…from by the Privy-Council , and the Criminal-Court . 62 Our Author 's great mistake concerning Mr. Boyd . 63 A full Relation of the Process concerning Mr. Hugh Blair , a●…d of the indirect ways and means us●…d by the Presbyterian Party to stain his Reputation . Ibid. The Story of Mr. ●…hisholm truly r●…lated , and he cle●…red from this Calumny . 68 This Affair of Mr. Chisholm's , a singular Insta●…e of the Villanous Arts and Practices of the Presby●…erians to bring Contempt on the Episcopal Clergy 71 Mr. Waugh a Presbyterian Minister vindicated from the aspersions of this Li●…eller . Ibid. Another Mist●…ke of our Author's , concerning Mr. Gregory's being Minister at Torboulton . 72 The notorious Falshood of the R●…lation about Mr. Pearson . Ibid. A Vindication of Mr. Lawson Minister at Yrongray . 72 A Testimony of Archbishop Cairncross in favour of Mr. Lawson . 75 Another Testimony in his favour by the Presbytery of Dum●…reis . 76 Archbishop Paterson his Letter , Vindicating himself from the Asp●…rsions of this Libeller . 〈◊〉 ▪ 77 , 78 A Vindication of Archbishop Cai●…oss . 83 Declaration of Mr. Richard Scot , and Mr. Henry Knox. 85 T●… Conclusion . 87 SOME REMARKS Upon the ANSVVER TO THE Scots Presbyterian Eloquence . In Vindication of the Clergy of Scotland , from the Calumnies thrown upon them by the Author of that Pamphlet . WHEN I ●…irst Read the Answer to the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , I con●…ess I was perfectly amazed to think , that any sort of Men could be so Wicked as to shake off all ties of Humanity and Religion , and Write in this Scurrilous and most unchristian manner . This is such a m●…thod of Answering Books , as I believe was never yet heard of . The very Heathens and Infidels would blush at such Practices ; and what an Age must this needs be in which our Lot is cast , that Christians , who profess to own that Pure and Holy Religion , should openly and avowedly Act such thing ▪ as the most Barbarous Nations would b●… ashamed to commit . To Ra●…e ●…ogether a parcel ofWicked and Prophane Stories , and to charge them upon Men , ( most of whom are known to be of an untainted Fame and Reputatlon ) and this without so much as one Witness to avouch for the Credit of what he says ; this is such a piece of Impudence and Villany , as is not easily to be parallel'd . Does our Author think , that his bare Authority in aslerting these Lies and Aspersions without any other proof , is sufficient to blemish the Reputation of any Man of Worth and Credit ? Or can he possibly imagine , that any Men of Sense and Reason are so easily imposed upon , as to believe these Calumnies to be true , unless he had been more particular in the circumstances of time and place when most of these matters of Fact are said to be done , and had produced the Testimony of some Famous and unexceptionable Witnesses to evince the Truth of what he says ? In the very beginning of his Pamphlet he declares himself an inveterate Enemy to the Church of England , and to the whole Episcopal ●…hurch of Scotland ; and yet a●…ter he has thus Proclaimed an open Hostility , can he be so inconsiderate as to think , that any judicious or unbyassed Reader will give the least Credit to what he says against the most obnoxious Member of their Society , unless he brings very clear and undeniable Evidence for his Assertions ? It cannot be denied but that ●…ome two or three of those Men whom our Author thus Libels in his 〈◊〉 , were obnoxious to cen●…re in their Lives and Conversations ; but it is very unreasonable that the Vices of these particular Members should be thrown upon the whole Society , since the Church did take all imaginable care to purge her self of these Vicious and Corrupt Members , and did actually 〈◊〉 and depose ●…or Scandals and Immoralities some of those Clergy-men whom this Libeller here accuses , but whether for those Crimes he 〈◊〉 them with , I cannot positively aver . This I am sure of , that the mo●… 〈◊〉 of them , who were thu●… censured by the Church , could never be g●…ilty of some of those things alledged against them in this Pamphlet . Our A●…thor in several of his instances has quite outdone his Malice , and has been so inconsiderate in the inventing of some of his 〈◊〉 , tha●… the bare Relation of the circumstances of the Story is a su●…icient Con●…utation of the whole matter of fact . ●…or although a Man may be so Wicked , as to be guilty of that unnatural Act of Sodomy , yet unless he be in a Fit of madness to the highest Degree , 't is hard to be imagined that he could either be so publick , or so indiscreet in his Commission of it , as to be convicted by 88 Witnesses , as this Libeller would have us believe , Pag. 64. So imprudent is he , in contriving some of his Forgeries . For this is such an Act of Folly and Imprudence , that I can hard●…y think any reasonable Creature could be guilty of it ; since not only the ●…hame of his Crime , but likewise the danger of being capitally punished for it , would be sufficient Motives , if not to terrisie him from the sin , ye●… at least to engage him to privacy in his Wickedness . But as 't is true , that some of the Clergy here Accused by our Author , have been guilty of some immoralities that cannot be excused ; yet his other instances where he attempts to slander the Rep●…tion of some innocent and worthy persons are as notoriously false , as you shall see ●…y a●…d by when I come to consider the several instances more pa●…ticularly . However , I think these innocent Gentlemen are not in great hazard of susfering much in their Reputation by the malice of t●…is Author ; for his Pamphlet is all over stuffed so with the spirit of Gall and Bitterness , that his Testimony cannot be of any great weight among serious and sober Men. He is not satisfied to bel●… out all his Vomit against the Clergy of both Nations ; but he likewise 〈◊〉 upon all the Laity of the Episcopal perswasion both in England and Scotland , and represents them as Men void of all manner of Religion , who instead of frequenting the Religious Assemblies , do haunt Bawdy-Houses , and are Drunk in 〈◊〉 and Ale - Houses . And here I cannot ●…orbear taking Notice of this Barbarous and Inhumane way of Writing , how destructive it is to all humane Society , and how inconsistent with the principles of that innocent and harmless Religion we all profess to maintain . It teaches us to be quite of another spirit , ' 'To render no Man Evil for Evil , but to bless them that ●…urse ' ' us , and to pray for them that despitefully use us , and persecute ●…s . The Spirit of the Gospel is so far from countenancing such Wicked practices of Slandering and Reviling one another , that it requires us , when we know our Brother to be taken in an Offence , to endeavour to reclaim him in the spirit of meekness , by private and brotherly Admonitions . But alas ! this New method of converting Sinners , which our New Gospellers have taken up , is such , that instead of reclaiming , it rather hardens and emboldens the Wicked in their Impieties . I do seriously wish the Authors of such Libels would but consider a little the general interest of Religion , and bethink themselves what advantage the●… affo●…d the Enemies thereof by such unch●…ian practic●… ; f●…r 〈◊〉 a scandal must it needs prove both to Jews and 〈◊〉 , against our mo●… Holy Religion , when they see those who profess to 〈◊〉 it , accusing one another of such gross immoralities as could ha●…dly be acted among any who firmly believe the Existence of a D●…y . Th●…y must n●…ds be Tempted from such practices to conclude , th●…t all our 〈◊〉 i●… a meer Cheat , and that we outwardly profess wh●…t we do not inwardly believe ; since our behaviour towards one another is such , as if we did not really believe there is a God in ●…eaven to reward the Good , or punish the Wicked Doer . Our Primitive ●…ors used this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 of their Religion against the Heathens , that it was Pure and Holy , harmless and innocent , and that its Doctrine was more effectual in reclaiming Sinners from their Wicked Courses , than the Principles and Dictates of all the Heathen Moralists . This they insist much upon in their Apologies ; and it was certainly one of the most successful Argu●…ents in making Converts to their Religion ; for we find that by this Argumen●… many Heathens were perswaded to leave their Superstitious Rites and Customs , and to embrace the Ch●…istian Religion as the most Pure and Holy , and that which advanced the Princlples of Humane Natu●…e to the highest pitch . But can we ever expect at this rate to make any Converts to our Religion , when its Enemies do see us daily accusing one another of such Crimes as the most Barbarous Nations do abhor . Nay , so far are we from gaining any New Proselytes thereby , that I 'm confident this Practice of Libelling our brethren does tempt such of our Religion as are not firmly perswaded of the Truth thereof , to desert and ridicule it . We may easily foresee of what pernicious consequence this Practice will at last prove , if we but consider how greatly Atheism and Irr●…igion does already prevail among us Is it not the general Humour of but too many in these Nations to Laugh at all manner of Revelation as a meer Art of Priests to captivate and delude silly people ? They look upon Religion as a thing mean and despicable , and far below the concern of such great Masters of Reason , as they pretend to be . Nay , we are come to such an indifferency in matters of Religion , that many of our Laity do look upon it as a piece of Grandeur and Bravery , to trample upon all that 's Sacred and stamp'd with a Divine Character . Don't we see them daily endeavouring to expose the Clergy to Ignominy and Reproach , to retrench and diminish their Revenues , to represent them as Abject and Vile Persons , as the refuse of all the people , and even to Rob them of those Spiritual Priviledges with which our Saviour has invested them , and of which no Mortal can just●…y deprive them ? And it is no small encouragement that our New Libellers afford these open Prophaners of Religion to persist in their Wicked courses , of exposing the Clergy and consequently Religion it self to Scorn and Derision ; for unless the Clergy be had in that Esteem and Respect by the Laity which their Sacred Function does r●…quire , 't is imposs●…ble that ever Religion can flourish among us ; they will never hearken to their Precepts , that have not a due Reverence for their persons . So that , if we have any concern for Religion , we ought above all things to be tender in blemishing the Reputation of Clergy men ; since it tends so much to the detriment of Religion , and renders their Ministry altogether ineffectual among the people ▪ But this Method of Slandering and Reviling our Brethren is not only 〈◊〉 to Religion , but is likewise destructive of all Humane Society . For where such practices are permitted , it must needs beget Rancour and Malice , Envy and Revenge among the people , and this will at last end in Blood a●…d Confusion . The most innocent person can have no Fence for his Reputation against such Wicked practices as these ; for suppose any prophane R●…n should have the Malice to Accuse any of us of being Guilty of gros●… Immoralities in private , and offer no 〈◊〉 to avo●…ch for the Truth of his Accusations ; what method can we propose in this Case to purge our selves from these Aspe●…sions ? For my pa●…t , I know no other way but to Appeal for our Innocency to the Testimony of those who are most acquainted with the whole Course of our Life and Actions ▪ I wish the Author of this Pamphlet may Reflect a little upon the mischievous consequences of such Practices , and consid●…r what mischief he does to Religion meer●…y to grati●…e a little Humour . I know he endeavours to excuse hims●… by pretending that the Episcopal Party were the Aggressors , and that they were 〈◊〉 to use these Weapons only in their own defence . As for th●… f●…w Reflexions on particular persons which are contained in that 〈◊〉 our Author pretends to Answer ; I consess I never did approve them ; but when I consider the occasion of Publishing this Treatise , I cannot deny but they had great provoc●…tion to what they did . When the Presbyterians were car●…ying on their Persecution against the Clergy of 〈◊〉 , it w●… their constant practice to summon them before their Courts of Judicature , and there produce Libels against them , containing all the false Accusations their Malice 〈◊〉 possibly invent ▪ of th●… being 〈◊〉 , Ignorant , and 〈◊〉 in their Pri●…s , the O●…d Cant that was used ag●…inst our Clergy , by the Presbyterians in their ●…mer 〈◊〉 in both these Nations These Libels were Read pub●…ickly in their Courts in the presence of a great many 〈◊〉 , and this on purpose to expose the Clergy to the g●…ter Contempt among the Vulgar . The P●… thus Accused very patiently h●…d their Li●…ls ▪ and desired Witnesses might be adduce●…●…o prove the least 〈◊〉 of Fact the●…e Libelled against them ; and when they complained of this Barbarous way of proc●…ing , that a Court of Ju●…ice shou'd suffer Libels to be Read 〈◊〉 them without any Accuser to own , or any Witnesses to prove them ; and only begged of their Judges that they might be allowed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reputation , and to purge themselves from these Calumnies , by the Te●…timony of a few of their Neighbours of the best Fame and 〈◊〉 ; that so these 〈◊〉 Lies might not be kept 〈◊〉 Record as an Eternal Reproach to their Memory . This small 〈◊〉 was denied them , and th●… Judges very civilly told them , they were not concerned to inquire into the Libels produced against them , ( notwithstanding of which they caused them to be Read publickly in their Courts , that the Vulgar might have thereby Oppo●…tunity to mock and ridicule the Clergy ; a most horrid Act of iniquity ! ) but only whether they had complied with the Civil Government , and given Obedience to the Acts of the Conventi●…n 〈◊〉 Lstates . And yet after they had declined to search into these Libels , th●…y Ordered them to be inserted into the Registers of their Cou●…ts , as being one of the Grounds of the Deprivation of the Clergy , though not so much as ever Attempted to be proved ; where they are still ●…pt on Record , as a Publick Monument of Infamy and Disgrace to our Clergy ; and the Author of this Pamphlet has the impudence to qu●…te these Records as an Evidence against them . Now this is such a horrid and ba●…barous Act of Injustice , as I am confident , was never heard of among the most Ba●…barous Nations ; and yet it is so certain●… True , that I my self was Eye Witness to several instances of it , and dare Challenge the most impudent of their Party to disprove this matter of I'act as here Related . The 〈◊〉 did not rest satisfied with th●…r Attempts to render the Episcopal Clergy odious in Scotland , by their Unchristian Pra●…s of inventing malicious Libels against them ; but likewise at the same time they were Persecuting them at home , they industriously Printed and Dispersed Papers here in England , representing them as Men vicio●…s in their Lives , and ignorant in their Profession . So that after all this Barbarous and Cruel Treatment which our Clergy suffered from the 〈◊〉 , it was no wonder that some of their Friends should be Tempted to 〈◊〉 their Quarrel , and to expose their Adversaries in their 〈◊〉 and Natural Colours . But these kind of Practices where they are 〈◊〉 with Spite and evil Designs , I must needs own , ought to be 〈◊〉 of in neither P●…ty : since the only Essect they have ▪ is to propagate our Animosities and Divisions , and to enlarge our 〈◊〉 so as to make it altogether incurable . However this may su●…●…o let you see the Presbyterians were the first Aggressors , and if they still p●…st to Write at this Scurrilous and Obscene Rate , 't is to be feared they may provoke some Writers for the Episcopal Party to ●…ight them at their own Weapons , and then perchance they may have g●…od Reason to be weary of such Practic●…s . The Design of this Treatise , which our Author pretends to have given him just occasion for writing in this obscene and calumniating manner , was not to blemish the Reputation of any particular Person , by reflecting on 〈◊〉 Morals , or ripping up the Sores and ●…ailings which any one may have chanced to be guilty of through the Infirmity of Humane Nature . No , this had been a most Unjustifiable and Unchristian Thing , since the Precepts of our Religion teach us to cover and conceal the 〈◊〉 of our Brethren . And it were very unjust to Upbraid one that i●… a good Man now , with the Escapes to which the Frailty and Weakness of his Youth did expose him : We ought rather to rejoyce and glory in his Conversion , that through the Assistance of the Divine Grace he has been enabled at last to ov●…rcome all the Temptations of the Devil , the World , and the Flesh , and to rescue himself from the Paws of that Roaring Lion , which goeth about seeking whom he may devour . We are all of us , alas ! but too much exposed to the Frailties and Infirmities of our Nature , and so have no great cause to Insult too much over the Fallings of our Brethren ; especially when they are so far from persisting in their wicked Courses , that they heartily repent of the Wickedness they have committed , and endeavour now to do that which is lawful and right , that they may save their Souls alive . And all the Instances in this Book , containing Personal Reflexions upon the Life or Morals of any , do not amount to above two or three , which I have ground to believe were slipt into the Book without the consent or privity of the Author . But the true design of this Discourse was , to inform the World what great Damage did accrue to Religion , by the ridiculous manner in which our Presbyterians are wont to handle all Matters that are Sacred ; how they infuse into the Minds of the People sordid and mean Notions of the Great and Eternal God ; how they often fright many into an unreasonable Despair of God's Mercy , by the horrid and extravagant Notions which they entertain of the great Mystery of our Redemption , and how by their ridiculous and nauseous Stuff which they vent in their Prayers and Sermons , they expose the Sacred M●…ies of our Religion to Scorn and Derision . And I think the doing of this is so far from being a Crime , that it is rather a Duty incumbent on us , to forewarn People of the fatal Consequences that such Methods must needs have among us ; that all good Men , who have any real concern for Religion , being informed of these things , may contribute their Endeavours for preventing that Deluge of Atheism and Impiety , which has already begun to overflow these Nations , and may justly be imputed to the Principles and Practices which these kind of pretending Gospellers have propagated among us ; and that being made sensible of the great Danger to which Religion by such Practices is exposed , may for the future discountenance all such Men as without any Commission from God do usurp the Authority of his Ambassadors , and by their Drollery and Ridicule prophane all that 's Sacred . Yea , I doubt not but Charity , even to the Pres●…yterian Preachers themselves , partly moved ●…he Author to expose those extravagant Expressions in their Sermons and Books ; acco●…ding to that of St. Augustin , Haec 〈◊〉 misericorditer irride , ut iis r●…denda ac fugienda commendes ; Do thou mercifully deride these Errors in Men , that thou mayest move themselves to de●…ide and shun them . This , methinks , is a pious and commendable Design enough ; and if the Author of this pretended Answer had but followed this method , and offered to prove against the Episcopal Clergy , what some of their Writers have done to a Demonstration against the Presbyterian Sect , that in stead of Preaching the pure and sincere Wo●…d of God , they filled-their Sermons and Instructions with nothing but nauseous Stusf and Nonsense ; I say , could he have proved these Things against them , and had he abstained f●…om his Calumniating Aspe●…sions , his Vindication of his own Party would not have been so generally condemned . But being sensible of his Weakness on that side , and that any Assertions of that nature in Prejudice of our Clergy could be easily con●…uted , he was ●…esolved to attack them in a more Revengeful manner , and to alledge Things against them , which ▪ though most of ●…hem are as notoriously false as the other , yet he knew could not be so easily disproved . For in this case , as I said before , when a Man is accused of being guilty of some Scandals and Immoralities in his ●…ife , and not the least Evidence brought to prove these Accusations ; the only way left him to purge himself , is to appeal for his Innocency to the Testimony of those that have been most acquainted with the whole series and course of his Life . But had he offered to urge any thing against them relating to the Matter of their Doctrine and Sermons , he very well knew that was a thing too Publick and too Notorious to Falsifie in , and that they could bring a Cloud of Witnesses against him to declare , that they Prea●…h nothing but the Pure and Sincere Gospel of Christ , and Administer hi●… Sacraments with that Gravity and Sincerity that becomes the Infinite and Eternal Being , whom they represent here on Earth as his Ambassadors , and whose Covenants they seal in his Name , that they never approach the Throne of God but with the greatest Reverence and Devotion , d●…claring by the outward Prostration of their Body , what great and noble Thoughts they entertain of their Almighty Creator , and of ●…he Sacred Offices they are about . CHAP. I. HAving thus given you my Thoughts very freely of the General Design of this Pamphlet , I shall in the next place trouble you with a few Remarks on the Particulars contained therein . As for our Author's Dedication , which , I suppose , he designs for a piece of Wit , I can discern nothing in it but what is mean and silly . His malicious Reflexions upon that Prelate , whom he so scurrilously Treats in his Dedication , and elsewhere , are nothing but a meer Brutum fulmen , and cannot in the least wound the Reputation of so great a Man , he being a Person endued with such excellent Parts , and his Merit having advanced him to such a Character in the Church , that it puts him far beyond the reach of the greatest Malice of any such Scribler . In his Preface , he very civilly Compliments those Members of the Church of England , who promoted the Design of the Comprehension with the Dissenters , and tells them , that in his many Reflexions on the Church of England , he does not intend them , but understands only that Faction which opposed His Majesties desire of Uniting his Subjects , and goes under the Title of Ceremony-Mongers . It were to no purpose to relate here the many venomous and ill-natured Reflexions on the Church of England , which are scattered in all the Pages of this Pamphlet . But by what he says in his Preface , we may plainly see , that he declares War against the most considerable part of the Church , as being Enemies to all Religion , and betrayers both of our Religious and Civil Rights . And although he 's pleased to call them a Faction only of the Church , yet he must own them to be such a Faction as are the greatest part , and consequently the fullest Representative of the Society , since by their Interest in the House of Convocation they opposed the Alterations that were then designed to be made in our Offices . In the same Paragraph he inveighs bitterly against the Chief Ministers of State here in England , who , upon the Application of some of the Episcopal Clergy to this Government , were pleased , out of a Compassionate sense of their Miseries and Oppression , to espouse their Interest , and endeavour to procure them a Redress of their Grievances . These Men he represents , as having been formerly Instruments to bring us under Popery and Slavery ; and whether this be not such a Reflexion on the present Government , as does concern it to Punish severely , I leave my Reader to judge , since to accuse the Chief Ministers of State under any Government of such odious Crimes as Enslaving their Country , is a direct Insinuation against the Government it self , as if it , by employing such kind of Instruments , did really design those Mischiefs against the Nation , with which they upbraid their Chief Ministers of State. And here I cannot enough admire the Impudence of this Author , to quarrel with the English Peers for medling in the Affairs ▪ of the Church of Scotland , when he very well knows , that the greatest Encouragement and Support the Presbyterian Party in that Kingdom have , is from the in●…luence of some foreign Presbyterians . And I would gladly know why an English Nobleman has not as good Right to concern himself in the Affairs of our Church as any Dutch Presbyterian . But to take off all Church of England men from having any Pity or Compassion upon the Distressed State of our Church , he endeavours to perswade them , that the Constitution of Episcopacy in Scotland is so very sar disferent from that of England , that although our Clergy are Sufferers sor the Primitive and Apostolical Government of Episcopacy by Law established in that Nation , yet they cannot be said ●…o suffer for the Government and Discipline of the Church of England , and so not deserve that Fellow-feeling and Countenance which some worthy Members of her Communion are pleased to shew them . His first Instance , to shew the d●…erence betwixt the two Const●…tutions , is this , That ours in Scotland was 〈◊〉 upon us by the Tyr●…nny of our 〈◊〉 . Now suppose his Asse●…tion were t●…ue , yet , methinks , 't is a very odd consequence , that two Constitutions must needs be disferent in their Nature , because disferent means were used to set●…le them in a Nation . Could not the Tyranny of our Rulers have forced upon us the same Constitution with that of England , as easily as one that is disferent . But his Assertion is as notoriously false , as the Consequence he endeavours to draw from it ; for in the Insancy of the Reformation our Church was governed by Bishops and Sup●…rintendents , and that form of Government was app●…oved of by the Un●…nimous Consent of the whole Nation , both Clergy and Lai●…y* . And as to these later Times , our publick Records of Parliament can yet testifie , that the Episcopal Government was so far from being sorced upon the Nation against their Will and Consent , that it has been established and confirmed by Twenty seven successive Legal Pa●…liaments . It 's known that at the Restoration of the Royal Family , the whole Nation having long groaned und●… the Yoke of 〈◊〉 , they were very desirous to have their Primitive and Ancient Government of Episcopacy restored , that they might be rescued f●…om the Tyranny and Confusion of the Presbyterian Anarchy , under which t●…y had so severely smarted during their Usurpation ; and a great many of the Clergy , I am sure the whole Diocese of Aberdeen almost to a Man , add●…essed Hi●… Majesty upon this account . His next Instance is , That Presbytery being ▪ Engraf●…ed with our Reformation , Prelacy could never attain to a kindly nor plenary Possession : And to prove this , he instances in our retaining of Kirk-Sessi●…ns , Presbyteries , and Synods , even under Bishops . That the Presbyterian Government had no Settlement in our Church for many Years a●…ter the Reformation , I shall hereafter prove , to the conviction of the most Obstinate . But that Presbyters had a great Hand in Reforming us from the Errors and Superstitions of the Romish Church , both in Scotland and other Nations where the Reformation happily prevailed , is what we do not deny . But does it hence follow , that because Presbyters were more instrumental than Bishops in Promoting that great Work of the Re●…ormation , that therefo●…e the Presbyterian Government ought to be Established wherever the Reformation obtains , and that of Episcopacy overturn'd ? Or because Presbyters had the Happiness to be concerned in so good a Work , does that therefore Authorize them to Usurp the Sacred O●…fice of a Bi●…hop , without b●…ing duly Called and Ordained thereto , by those whom our Saviour has appointed to convey that Authority ? Although some Bishops may chance to be backward and negligent in doing their Duty , as those Popish Bishops ●…ho opposed the Reformation , yet 't is altogether unreasonable that the whole Order should suffer for the Crimes of some particular Members of their Fra●…ernity . What our Author means , by saying , Episcopacy never attained to a Plenary Possession among us , I do not well apprehend ; ●…or ' ●…is plain the Constitution of our Episcopacy is such , that th●… Bi●…hop is ●…nvested with the sole Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction within his own particular District ; the whole Presbyters of his Diocese are subject to his Authority , and own him for their Chief Governor in Matters purely Spiritual ; there is no Act of Discipline put in execution by the Inferior Clergy , but by the Allowance and Approbation of their Dioc●…san ; and I think this is such a full and plena●…y Possession as may justly entitle them even to a through Set●…lement . As ●…or his Instances of our Kirk-Sessions , Presbyteri●… , Synods Pr●…vincial and National , because this is a part of our Constitution not so very well known here in England , I shall trouble my Reader wi●… this short account of them . That which he calls the Kirk - 〈◊〉 , i●… a Court of Judicature established in every Parish , consisting of the Minis●…er and some few Laicks of good Reputation that a●…e his Parishioners , whom he associates to himself for giving him in●…ormation of the Manners and Conversation of his People , that so he ●…eceiving from these Men exact Information of the state of ●…is Parish , all scandalou●… and vicious Persons may be brought to condign Punishm●…nt . The Presbyteries are a sort of Judicatory under the Episcopal Constitution , consisting meerly of the Clergy ; ●…or every Diocese is divided into several Presbyteries , each of which consist of about 12 Ministers or thereby , some of them being more numerous than others . This Judicatory meets at least once a Month , and their chief business is , to consult and advise about Affairs relating to their several Churchès , and to examine the Qualifications of those that design to enter upon the Holy Ministry , the Bishop never admiting any to Holy Orders , but such as have their Approbation after several Exercises done before them . If there happen any Matter of great Consequence and Importance in any Parish , which the Minister is not willing to meddle in without the Advice of his Brethren , he b●…ings it before this Judicatory , and laying open the whole matter to them , desires their Counsel and Direction how to proceed in such a weighty Affair , of Punishing an obstinate Offiender who refuses to submit to the Censures of the Church . This kind of Judicatory was not indeed known in our Church till near 26 Years after the Reformation . The Synod is a Convocation of the whole Clergy of a Diocese , with their Bishop , who meet twice every Year to consult about Matters relating to their own particular Province . National Synods , commonly called General Ass●…mblies , ( consisting of all the Bishops and their Deans , together with the Moderators of the several Presbyteries in their respective Dioceses , and one Commissioner from each Presbytery joyned with the Moderator , ) are called by the King Pro re natâ , to Deliberate concerning the Affairs of the whole National Church ▪ In the Provincial Synods , the Bishop takes care to examine , i●… the several Presbyteries be diligent in their Duty of Punishing Offenders ; and if ●…ny of the Clergy be obnoxious to Censure , h●…e they are Prosecuted ●…or their Misdemeanors . Now ●…ese Judicatories are so far ●…rom being prejudicial to the Bi●…hops Pow●…r , that they are rather a great Assistance to them for promoting ●…he Discipline of the Church , and upon that account we●…e ●…irst Erected with the Consent and Allowance of the Bishops ●…hemselves , they judging it very proper and convenient not to do any thing of great consequence to Religion , without asking the Advice of their Clergy how they should behave themselves in a Matter of so great Importance . And these Courts could not be look'd upon as any Encroachment upon the Episcopal Power , since they so entirely depended on the Bishops Authority , that without his Consent no Act of theirs could be valid . But I think truly the Discipline of our Church is none of the things most to be blamed ; for we have some remains of the Primitive Discipline as yet among us , which are to be found but in few National Churches at this day , as appears from the Vestige we have of that Ancient custom of Communicatory Letters among the Bishops of the Primitive Church . And as there is some Resemblance of it amongst our Bishops , by dimissory Letters ; so it was still in force among the Inferior Clergy , who were obliged to receive none into their Congregations , till they first brought ●…ertificates from the Minister in whose Parish they formerly Lived , testifying , that during their residence among his Flock , they had behaved themselves Christianly and Soberly , and that ●…e knew nothing against them , why they might not be admitted into any Christian Congregation ; without this they were never allowed to have the benefit of the Sacraments . Had not ●…he Presbyterians by their Tumults and Commotions envied us the happiness of having the English Liturgy settled among us , the Con●…titution and Discipline of our Church was such , as made us inferiour to few National Churches ▪ And here I cannot but wonder at the Impudence of that Party , that although they refused to joyn in Communion upon any Terms with the Episcopal Church , as by Law Established ; yet they would take upon them to hinder them from settling among the Members of their own Comm●…nion , such a Form of Worship ▪ as they thought most agreeable to the Word of God , and consonant to the practice of the Primitive Church . Our Authors transient Reflexions upon the Clergy are dressed up in such Scurrilous and Obscene Language , as must needs make any Man of a Vir●…uous Education blush to Read them ; and therefore lest I should offend the Ears of the modest Reader by Repeating them , I shall pass them over in ▪ silence , till ▪ I ▪ come to consider his Third Part , and a●… present only take Notice of those things in the Book which relate either to matter of Argument or matter of Fact. And here I cannot omit his great protestations of his Ingenu●…us and fair D●…aling in this Work , whereby he thinks the more easily to captivate unthinking Readers into a belief of his Li●…s and Calumnies . He pretends ●…o have inserted nothing but what he has Received from Credible Hands , but he thinks it not fit to gratifie his Reader with an Account of the Names of those C●…edible Persons whose Authority he avouches for the Truth of his Aspersions . Had he given us the Names of the persons , with attested Declarations under their hands , asserting the Truth of these things alledged against some of our Clergy , we could have then known of what Credit and Authority the Testimony of those Persons ought to be had , and it had been an easie matter to convince the World of the Falsehood and Forgery of his Calumnies , and to purge those innocent persons from the Slanders cast upon them , out of meer Malice and Envy . But as ●…or our Authors Ingenuity in his Collection , he has scraped together a great many Sto●…ies , many of which are most notoriously False , and have not the least shadow of Truth in them , as I shall a●…terwards make appear ; and for the proof of some of them , he Appeals to Records , where no such thing is extant or to be seen , as I have had particular occasion to enquire . Some of his Accusations ●…re against such of the Clergy , as were either Suspended , or Deposed by the Church for their Immoralities , and yet this Author imputes the Faults of these Men to the whole Society , and is so disingenuous as not to acquaint his Reader with the Censures passed upon them by the Church . Others again are Passages related of some Clergy-men , who ●…ived under the Presbyterian Government , du●…ing the times of its last Usurpation in that Kingdom , which this Author is pleased to charge upon the present Episcopal Church , and whether this be Fair and Ingenuous ▪ Dealing , I appeal to any unbyassed Reader . This Author insists much upon the Address presented to their General Assembly , by some of the Episcopal Clergy , desiring to be admitted into a share of their Church Government . This he urges as a sufficient Vindication of the Lives and Morals of the Presbyterians , or at least as an Argument that these Episcopal Addressers were no Honest Men themselves , who desired to be associated with such Knaves as they 〈◊〉 the Presbyt●…rians out for . This Address was op●…osed by a great part of the Church of Scotland , most of them looking upon it as unlawful and altogether inconsistent with the Prinples of Christian Communion , to joyn any ways in Communion with thos●… whom they owned to be notorious Schismaticks , as long as they persisted in their Schism ; so that it was but a few of the Clergy that were concerned therein , and this they urge in their own Defence . That notwithstanding the Nation was in a distracted ●…tate and Condition , yet it concerned every individual Christian , especially Clergy-men , to lend their Assistance for the punishing of ●…candalous and Vicious Persons , and therefore , that although the Presbyterians had Usurped the Government of the Church ; yet the Episcopal Clergy , who still retained possession of their Churches , might , consistently enough with their Principles , joyn ●…ith them in ●…he pu●…ishing of contumacious Offenders ; ●…specially , since they were not obliged by this Act of Union , to concur with them in their Presbyterian Ordinations , or to own their Authority in matters purely Spiritual ; but only to Unite with them as a Company of Laicks impowered by the State to Inflict censures upon obstinate Sinners . These were the Terms proposed to them by the Civil Government for carrying on this Union , and this they think they might have law●…ully done , without owning so much as the validity of their Ministry ; and I am sure , much more without being obliged either to approve of , or to enquire into their Lives and Conversations ; since in matters of Religion the bad ●…ives of Christians is never a sufficient Ground for separating from their Communion , if it be in all other Respects lawful . The design of the first part of this Pamphlet is to shew , That the Episcopal Party bear an invetera●…e M●…lice against the Presbyterians , and there●…ore their Testimony ought not to be of any Authority in these Accusations whi●…h they bring against them . But our Author , if his Spirit of Revenge had not been too predominant , might have saved himself all this trouble , since the Episcopal Party do not o●…er to urge any thing against th●…m upon their own bare Authority , but what they can evidently prove from Authentick Reco●…ds , and from the A●…testations of Men of ●…nspotted Fame and Credit , who were Eye-Witnesses to m●…ny of the Villanies and Injuries done to our 〈◊〉 And this I am certain , they have already done beyond th●… possibility of a Con●…utation in the Case ●…f ●…he Afflic●…ed Clergy , ●…nd som●… other Discourses which they have Published relating to their lat●… Barbarous Persecution . Late I ought not to call it , since it Rages almost as much now as ever . It 's tru●… , the Clergy are not so much exposed to the Rage and ●…ury of the Rabble , as they were ( by whose instigation is very well know●… ) not very long ago . But their Miseries are far f●…m b●…ing at an end ▪ they sti●…l rem●…in in Exile from their Churches and Houses , are exposed to all th●… Miseries of Poverty and Want , have not the least 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 wher●…by they may gain Bread to 〈◊〉 their crying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 Mis●…rie ▪ do daily increase upon them , and whi●…h is most discouraging , they have no prospect of Deliverance . ●… pray ●…od may enable th●…m p●…tiently to undergo this Fiery Try●…l , to withstand all the Temptations of Interest and World●…y Po●…iticks , and to remain firm and stedfast in asserting those Prin●…iples of our Re●…igion , for which they at presen●… suffer ; that so having no other aim before their Eyes , but to keep a Conscience void of Offence , both towards God and Man , th●…y m●…y have a well grounded hop●… of Receiving at la●… , as a Reward of their Sufferings , that Eternal Crown of Glory which Christ hath purchased to all those that suffer for well doing . But let us pursue our Authors Thread of Discourse , and see what the Grounds are whereon he Accuses the Episcopal Party , with inveterate Malice against the Presbyterians . And the first instance we meet with of this kind , is , That they were the First Aggressors , and impugned the Governm●…nt of the Church of Scotland by Presbytery , which was the first it had after the Reformation . It is not a little surprizing to see what pains the Presbyterians take to delude the ignorant people into a belief , That our sirst Reformers Condemned and Exploded the Ancient Government of the Church ; and that it was no less Odious to them than the Romish Superstitions . When there is nothing more plain ●…rom History , than that at the beginning of the Reformation , there was not the least Controversie about the Church Government , and the Bishops who did not oppose the Reformation , were lest in full possession , not only of all their Temporal Dignities , but likewise of their Spiritual Authority and Jurisdiction . Suc●… of the Bishops as persisted in the Romish Errors and Corrupti●…ns , were not allowed to Exercise their Spiritual Authority over the Clergy , but some of the Reformed Communion , under the Name of Superintendants , were placed over their Dioceses , and invested with the whole Episcopal Jurisdiction and Authority over the Clergy of these Provinces , who were obliged ( as appears from the Acts of our National Synods * ) to pay to their Superintendents , all the Canonical Obedience that is due to other Bishops . And by a Commission of the Assembly met at Leith in January 1572 , the Government of the Church was declared to be in the Arch-bishops and Bishops , and their Elections to be made by the Dean and Chapter ; which Declaration was ratified by Act of Parliament the s●…me year , and likewise by a General Assembly held at Perth in ●…gust thereafter . Till the year 1575 , about fifteen years after the ●…gal settlement of our Reformation , there was not the least disturbance in the Kingdom about the Government of the Church , that Mr. And. M●…lvil returning ifrom G●…eva , where he had been bred up with the Presbyterian Parity , began to raise Commotions in the Church , by attempting to have the Geneva Model Established in 〈◊〉 . But a fu●…ler Account of the Government of our Church after the Reformation , you may see in a Treatise Published by Arch-bishop Spo●…swood upon this Subject , and Entituled Refutatio Libelli de Regimine Eccl●…siae Sco●…icanae ; and likewise in a late Discourse , * where the same Argument is at Large considered , and in which it is undeniably proved from the Records of Parliament , that Episcopacy was not only the first Government Established in our Church , immediately upon the Reformation , but wha●… is more , that although the Episcopal Authority was frequently Weakned and Interrupted by the popular Insurrections of the Presbyterian Party ; yet it was never by Law Abolished in that Kingdom , till the unhappy Civil Wars broke out under the Reign of King Charles I. In the year 1592 , when they pretend their great Idol of Parity was Erected , there was indeed a greater Jurisdiction and Authority allowed by Act of Parliament to Presbyteries and Synods , than what was Granted them before , which the King was forced to yield to , to put a stop to the many Seditions and Commotions raised by Melvil and his Accomplices . But yet notwithstanding this , the Bishops did still continue to exist by Law , and in all Parliaments they did Sit and Vote as the first of the three Estates , as appears from the Records of these Parliaments . And in the year 1596. L●…slie Bishop 〈◊〉 Ross dying at Brussels . Mr. David Lindsay was presented by the King to the Bishoprick the very next year ; which is a plain demonstration that at that time Episcopacy was look'd upon as existent by Law ; all which is made out very plainly and evidently in this Apology , But our Author will by no means allow th●… Superintendency Established in the Church by our first Reformers , to be a Species of Prelacy . And his Reasons are ; first , That those Superintendents had the very same Form of Ordination with other Minister●… . Before I proceed to consider the force of this Objection , it will be needful to premise something concerning the occasion of this Institution . At the beginning of the Reformation it was not thought safe , that the Popish Bishops , who still adhered to their Errors and Superstitions , should be allowed to exercise their Spiritual Jurisdiction in the Church , and therefore they were excluded therefrom , and others of the Reformed Communion , being Vested with Episcopal Authority , were surrogated in their stead , and called by the Name of Superintendents ; the Sees of the Popish Bishops not being Esteemed void , but supplied by Protestant Superintendents , who did not enjoy any of the Temporal Priviledges and Honours annexed to the Bishopricks . For although the Popish Bishops were restrained from the exercise of their Spiritual Power , yet such respect was had to them ; that they were allowed during their Lives to possess all the Revenues of their Bishopri●…ks , and to Sit and Vote in Parliament as Peers of the Realm . But such of the Bishops as went along with the Reformation , were allowed , not only to enjoy all their Temporal Priviledges , but likewise to exercise their Spiritual Authority in the Church , and no Superintendants Named for their Diocefes , as was for those of the Popish Bishops . Now , although we should grant our Author , that their Form o●… Ordination was not di●…ferent ; yet it cannot be denied , that they were invested with the whole Episcopal Authority and Jurisdiction over the Clergy of their several Dioceses , which is the only Bugbear in Episcopacy , with which the Presbyterians pretend to Quarrel , because they Usurp Lordship and D●…minion over their Brethren , They were cloathed with full Power of Ordaining Presbyters , of Suspending and Deposing them from their Sacred Function , of censuring and punishing the Clergy , according to their several Crimes ; and all this they were Authorized to do * without asking the ▪ Advice , or Consent of the rest of the Clergy , which is more than our Bishops at present do . ‖ All Appeals from Presbyters and the Inferiour Clergy , were to be made to the Sup●…rintendents ; they were to decide all Controversies in the Discipline of the Church , to preside in Synods , and to direct the Church Censures inslicted by the rest of the Clergy . All the Presbyters within their Dioceses were required , under the pain of Deposition to be subject to their Government and Authority ; and were not allowed without the consent and approbation of the Superintendents , to transact any thing of moment in the Church . So that they were invested with the whole Power and Jurisdiction that belongs to Bishops ; and this , methinks , should be enough to stop the Mouths of the Presbyterian Party , who ( as I have already said ) exclaim against nothing in this Sacred Order , but the Authority which Bishops are allowed to have over the rest of the Cle●…gy . And as for their Ordina●…ion , it seems at lest , that it was different from that of other Minist●…rs , since those who were Nominated to be Superintendants ; were chose out of the Number of such , as had already received the Orders of a Presbyter , and yet upon their Election to a Superin●…endency , they were again solemnly set apart by Prayer for ●…hat O●…ice . Now it cannot be imagined , that they should again receive the same Orders of a Presbyter , which had been already conferred upon them ; and therefore this second Mission , mentioned upon their being chose Superintendents , can be meant of nothing else but Episcopal Consecration , or something in the sense of the Church at that time , equivalent to it . They ●…ad long before received the Ordination of Presbyters ; and now when they were Elected Superintendents , they were set apart for that Office , by certain solemn Rites and Ceremonies , which is a plain Demonstration , that they were in a manner Consecrated anew to that Sacred Function . Besides , it is not to be conceived , how they above other Presbyters , could be invested with this Power of conferring Orders , and ▪ exercising other Acts of Jurisdiction which belong only to Bishops , unless it ▪ were by having this Episcopal Authority conferred upon them , by the hands of other Bishops , and this they could without any difficulty obtain , from the hands of those Bishops in Scotland , who had imbraced the Reformed Communion . However , it is not peremptorily said here ; that the Ordination of Superintendents to the Episcopal Of●…ice , was altogether ●…anonical : It is enough for our purpose , that they being of new , solemnly set apart for a more eminent O●…ice in the Church , The Clergy and Lai●…y had such a regard for the ●…piscopal Order , That they considered the Superintendents as such ; and payed the same deference to them , that formerly was due to the Bishops ▪ so that , tho their distinct Ordinations would not b●… mad●… evident from Hi●…tory to be Canonical ; yet their Power was undoubtedly Episcopal . There is nothing more notoriously false , than what this Author urges in the second place against the Superintendents , That their Office was Temporary during the Exigence ▪ of the Church . For in the Form of Church Policy , which the Protestant Clergy offered to the Parliament in the year ▪ 1561 , one of its Heads is concerning Superin●…endents , and it is there appointed , that the Election of Superintendants in after times , should be stricter than the present circumstances would allow ; and the last Head of that Policy prescribes some conditions to be kept in future Elections of 〈◊〉 ; which is an evident proof , that our first Reformers did not look upon the Office of Superintendents only as a Temporary thing . The Name I grant indeed to have been temporary , and to have la●…ted no longer in the Church , than during the Natural Lives of the Popish Bishops . For while they were alive , their Bishopricks with respect to their Temporalities , were not esteemed vacant ; and the Protestants who were set over their Dioceses , were called by the Name of Superintendents ; they not being invested with the Temporal Priviledges of a Bishop , but only with the spiritual Authority and Jurisdiction belonging to that Office ; but upon the Death of the Popish Bishops , we find , that whosoever was presented to any of these Dioceses now falling void ▪ by their Death , they were not presented under the Name of Superintendents , as th●…y had been formerly , while the Popish Bishops were alive ; but had now the Title of Bishops given them , and were invested with all the temporalties , annexed to the Bishopricks . Thus it is we sind in the Infancy of the Reformation , both Bishops and Superintendants contemporary in the Church ; but in a few years after , we have no mention of Superintendents , and all the Governours of the Church go under the Name of Bishops . And this , I should think , were enough to convince any unbyassed Reader , that in those days the Office of Episcopacy and Superintendency were both the same . The Third Argument which he brings against the Superintendents , is , That they were accountable to the Presbyters , which is altogether inconsistent with Episcopacy . Although Bishops at their first Institution , were invested with an Absolute Power over their Flocks , independent of any Authority , but that of Jesus Christ their Head , and were accountable to none for their right Administration of their Office but to him alone . Yet in after Ages , by a mutual compact among themselves , they did agree , that for the better preserving the Unity and Discipline of the Church ; each Bishop should be accountable for his Administration to the whole Colledge of Bishops . And therefore although the Bishops should yield up some of their Right , and for the entertaining the better correspondence with the Clergy of their Dioceses , condescend to give them an Account of their diligence in the Offices of their Function , yet this could not be supposed to degrade them of their Office , or make them to be no Bishops . We grant , that the Superintendents did yearly give an Account of their Diligence in their Functions to a National Synod ; but this Synod consisted of none but the Superintendents , and Bishops of the other Dioce●…es , and of the most Eminent of the Presbyters , who were allowed by the Superintendants , to sit in that Meeting . There was no Minister permitted to be a Member of that Synod , till he was first approved of , by the Superintendants , as a person sitly qualified to judge of such matters as were brought be●…ore that Assembly . And I would willingly know of this Author , whether the Superintendants were any more a●…countable to this National Synod , than the Bishops who went along with the Reformation , and notwithstanding of this their being accountable , were still looked upon as Bishops , and left in full possession of all their Temporal and Spiritual Rights , which they enjoyed before the Reformation ? And if those Men , who were acknowledged on all hands to be Bishops , were as much accountable as the Superintend●…nts ; then it is no Argument that the latter were no Bishops . The next instance which this Author brings of the Episcopal Party , their bearing an inveterate Malice against the Presbyterians , is a long Enumeration of the Laws and Statutes made by King Charles II. and his Parliaments , for suppressing the many Seditions and Rebellions raised against his Government by the Presbyterian Faction . He sums up all the Acts of Parliament made against that Rebellious Crew ; and these he highly aggravates , as the greatest instances of Cruelty in any Government . But as to this point , the Learned and Worthy Sir George Mackenzie has quite stopt the Mouths of this clamouring Party , by his excellent Treatise , wrote in defence of the proceedings of the Government of K. Charles II. against the Presbyterian Dissenters . He has there given us a summary account of the mild and calm Methods used by the Government to reclaim this obstinate Party , who were even hardned in their Rebellious Principles . He shews , that the enacting of these Penal ●…aws against them ( which this Author has scraped together ) was nothing but what the Governours of any Nation would have been , out of absolute necessity , forced to do for its safety and security . He has collected the most considerable of the pretended instances of Cruelty against particular persons , which the Presbyterians do now most grievously complain of , and do mostly insist upon in their Railings and Belchings against the Government . To all these instances he has given such a full and satisfactory Answer ; that every impartial Reader must needs own and acknowledge , that these persons met with no severity , but what their Rebellious and Treasonable Actings against the Government did justly deserve ; that the punishments inslicted upon them , for their op●…n and avowed designs of subverting the Monarchy , were conform to the Laws of the Nation , and the proceedings in their Tryals very fair and legal ; and that the Methods of proceeding in our Criminal Courts of Scotland , ( which this Author so grosly belies pag. 30. 31. ) are the fairest and justest , and the Panna●…s indulged the greatest advantages for their own defence , of any Nation in Europe . All which he has clearly demonstrated to the conviction of every disi●…teressed person ; who upon Reading the History of these times will be apt to say , that the mildness and clemency of that Government towards the Rebellious Sectaries was its greatest Cruelty . So that it is but Labour in vain , for this Author to be so sull and copious , in relating these sufferings of his Party , unless he can disprove what Sir George Mackenzie , and others have demonstrated against them , of their being guilty of such srequent Seditions and Rebellions against the State , as would have provoked the mildest Government on Earth , to have quite extirpated them . But all the Attempts which either this Author , or another , who pretends to Answer the Vindication of K. Charles II. Governm●…nt , makes that way , are only some weak esforts upon Sir George's personal ●…ame and Reputation , which are sounded upon such a Rock , as the greatest Malice of this party is not able to undermine . His admirable qualities of Learning , Loyalty and Religion , have so justly recommended him to the Favour and Esteem of all Virtuou●… and Ingenious Men , that for these Scriblers to Attempt the blemishing of his ●…ame ; is to as little purpose , as the Dogs barking at th●… Moon . What this Author alledges against Sir George's ingenuous dealing in his Vindication , of Printing some Fanatical Covenants and Declarations , published by the Presbyterians , and the urging these as ●… ground ●…or enac●…ing those severe Laws against them ; although the Laws wer●… made long before the publishing of th●…se Declarations ; I say , what he alledges on this score is most notoriously false . For these Covenants and Declarations , were only annexed to Sir G●…orge's Vindication of the Government by the Publisher , and that with design to let the World see , with what impudence this Party did accuse the Government of severity , when it appears from their own Authentick Declarations , that they were still pe●…sisting obstinately in their Wicked and Rebellious Practices against the State. There was no necessity of recurring to these Posteriour Declarations of Rebellion , to justifie the making of these Laws against the Presbyterians ; since their former Trea●…onable Actings , under the Reigns of K. James VI. and K. Charles I. were sufficient grounds to direct the Wisdom of the Nation , to enact such Laws as might tend most ●…o suppress the sedition of Rebels , and secure the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom ▪ Their srequent Insurrections against K. Jam●…s VI. in laying violent hands on his person , at the Castle of Ruthven in the year 1582 , and keeping him Prisoner th●…re , for several Months together ; in raising an Army against him in the year 1585 , in the South parts of the Kingdom , and advancing therewith streight towards St●…rlin where the King then was ; and in tumultuously getting to Arms at Edinburgh , and there Besieging the Session-House , where the King and his Counsellors were met together ; and by that Insurrection had like to have done considerable mischief , had not their Rage been stopt by the Loyalty of some Citizens , who instantly Assembled together in Defence of the King's Person ; and the many other Commotions they raised against his Government by their Seditious Libels and Sermons ; besides that the whole Reign of King Charles the First , that mo●…t just and clement Prince , was nothing else but a perpetual Succession of Rebellions raised against him by these Presbyterian Votaries . I say , all these Instances of their Treasonable and Rebellious Practices in former Times are su●…ficient Grounds to justifie the Nation , in Enacting such ●…aws as might best prevent these Disturbances for the future , withou●… having any recourse to these After-Monuments of their R●…bellion to justi●…ie the Proceedings of the Government against them . However the Reader may easily judge from these Covenants and Declarations , whether any Government or Society can possibly subsist where such pernicious Principles and Practices are tolerated . But that it was meerly the frequent Rebellions of this Party against the State , which occasioned the Enacting of these Laws against them , does partly appear from this Author 's own Concessions . For , Pag. 1●… . he owns , That their Field meetings , which they had under pretence of Religion , were called by the Parliament , Rendevouzes of Rebellion : And Pag. 14. he grants , That after the Deseat they received at their Insurrection of Bo●…hwel-bridge , the Prisoners were all set at Liberty upon this only Condition , of giving Bond never to rise in Arms agains●… the King on any pretence whatsoev●…r ; and yet a great many of them were still so harden'd in their Rebellion , as to refuse their Liberty upon such easie Terms . And yet , methinks ▪ these were no very hard Conditions s●…om such a persecutiug Government as they are pleased to represent it ; but from hence we may easily perceive , that the whole Design of the Government and its Ministers in Enacting these Laws , was only to secure the Peace and Quiet of the Nation , and by all the calm Methods imaginable to reclaim these deluded Creatures from their Seditious and Treasonable Practices against the State. And after Argil●…'s Rebellion in the Year 1685 , which threatned nothing less than the utter ruine of the Monarchy , a●…d in which the whole Presbyterian Party were engaged , when Argile himself was made Captive , his whole Forces dispersed , and many of them taken Prisoners , and so lying at the Mercy of the Government ; yet such was its Clemency towards them , that besides those who were killed in the Skirmishes betwixt the two Armies , I 'm confident there were not four in the whole Nation that suffered Death upon that account . So mercifully were they then dealt with , although now they complain of the greatest Oppression ! Again , Pag. 15. our Author confesses , That a Party of the Presbyterians did declare King Charles the Second to have forfeited his Right to the Crown , and to be no more King , and at the same time , because of his Vicious Life , they Excommunicated him ; which this Author expresly justifies them in , by saying , They had more Honesty than Policy in d●…ing so . And whether the Tolerating such kind of Practices as these be not altogether inconsistent with the safety of any Government , I leave my Reader to judge . Can the mildest Government on Earth wink at such open and avowed Designs of subverting the Monarchy ? Can it suffer a number of deluded People to range up and down the Country like as many wild Bears , threatning Destruction to the State and all its Ministers , declaring it Lawful to Murder all such as had any Hand in the Government of the Nation , and putting these Threatnings in Execution against some of the ●…oyal Subjects ? Can it be imagined , that any Government should Tolerate such pernicious Courses , and so destructiv●… of its own Security , without endeavouring to bring the Ringleaders and Incendiaries of this Rebellion to condign Punishment ? And after this account of the occasion of the Presbyterians Sufferings , I ●…hink I may very confidently appeal to any disinteressed Person , whether the Episcopal Party had not very good reason to complain of their present Persecution in Scotland , as being more Grievous than any Treatment the Presbyterians ever met with ; since what they susfered , ( and are pleased to call by the Name of Persecution , ) was always for their Rebellion and Treasonable Conspiracies against the Government . But what the Episcopal Party do now suffer , or have suffered since this Revolution at the Presbyterians hands , is meerly for Maintaining and Asserting the Principles of our Religion , and Adhering to the Communion of the Catholick Church , without which they can pretend no just Title to the Priviledges of the Gospel . Although there is nothing more clear and evident than that what the Presbyterians suffered under the late Reigns was meerly for their Rebellion ; yet this Author has the confidence to perswade us , Pag. 13. That all their Sufferings were upon the account of Religion , and at the Instigation of the Episcopal Cl●…rgy . If the Presbyterians will needs cover their Treasonable Designs against the State always with the Name of Religion , and when they are punished for Rebellion , pretend that they suffer for Conscience-sake , who can help it ? But it is evident from the Laws enacted against them , and the Punishments inflicted upon some of their Party , that whatever Pretences they might make to Religion , yet the State took notice o●…ly of their Rebellion . If they , under a pretence of judging it unlawful to hear the Episcopal Ministers preach , shall abstain from Church , and meet together ( sometimes all of them in Arms ) in their House and Field-Conventicles , the better to carry on their Designs against the State , and there Preach nothing but Treason and Rebellion ; and if the Government upon this account shall strictly prohibit all such seditious Meetings , and punish those who frequent them ; can this , I beseech you , be called Susfering for Religion ? And yet this is the very case of our Presbyterians ; for their Meetings were Prohibited by Act of Parliament , chiefly upon account of the Sedition and Rebellion vented in them . But this is no new thing in our Presbyterians ; it has been not only their constant Practice , but likewise of all other Seditious and Ambitious Persons , in subverting the Government of a Kingdom , in overturning States and Nations always to cover their wicked Designs of Rebellion with the specious pretext of R●…ligion . To amuse and delude the vulgar sort of People , they publi●…h in their Declarations , That they design nothing by their Attempts , but the good and safety of Religion , when in the mean time any thinking or considering Man may clearly perceive , that they have no other Design or Aim before their Eyes , but to promote their own wicked and ambitious Ends. Now to deal with Religion in this dissembling and hypocritical manner , to shelter their villanous Designs under the Patronage of the Just and Holy GOD , is su●…h a conte●…pt of Religion and all that 's Sacred , such an Act of Wickedness and Villany , as the Divine Justice cannot easily Pardon . Upon what Ground our Author alledges , That their Sufferings were at the Instigation of the Episcopal Clergy , I cannot r●…adily conjecture . I am sure many Instances may be brought to prove the contrary , where the Clergy have interceeded with th●… Government in behalf of many of these Rebels who were most obnoxious to Punishment , and by their importunate Intercessions have saved their Lives , thinking by these calm and mild Methods to rec●…aim them from their Errors and strong Delusions . Indeed the Event proved far otherwise , for in our late Distractions , these Men , who had been so mercifully dealt with , were the most furious and violent in carrying on the Commotions ●…gainst the State , and the Persecution again●…t the Clergy . Nay , their Ingratitude was such , that they alone occasioned the rabbling of those very Clergy-men , who had formerly been so instrumental in rescuing them from the Gallows ▪ But I would willingly ask our A●…thor here , Whether he can charg●… any of our Clergy with Petitioning the Government for the Execution of any of these Rebels , as the custom was in former times when Presbytery had Usurped the Government both of Church and State. Many Instances of this kind might be here produced to shew the Cruelty of the Presbyterian Party , how their Teachers during the late Civil Wars did often Petition the Committee of Estates for a speedy Execution of the Pris●…ners , when they were all of them Men of extraordinary Wo●…th and Integrity , and had no Crime alledged against them but Loyalty to th●…ir Prince , as was done by the Commission of the Kirk 〈◊〉 a●… P●…rth in the Year 1645 ; and how they have perswaded the Generals of their Armies to put those Prisoners to the 〈◊〉 of the Sword , who had surrendred themselves upon Quarters asked and given , as they did after the Defeat of Mon●…rose by David L●…sly at Philiphaugh in the same Year 1645. For the Foot in Montrose's Army surrendred themselves upon Quarters , which the General readily granted ; but the Presbyterian Ministers , who were then in the Army , were highly enraged that Quarters should be given to such Wretches as they , and declared it to be an act of most sinful Impiety to spare them , and so by their Importunity they prevailed with D. L●…sly to suffer the Army to be let loose upon them , and cut them all in pieces . Many such Instances of their Cruelty might be here produced from the History of these Times , but I purposely forbear to mention any more of them . This , I think , is all that is needful to be said here in Answer to our Author's First Part , since Sir George Mackenzie in the above-named Treatise has already demonstrated to the satisfaction of all disinteressed Persons , that what the Presbyterians suffered under the former Reigns was occasioned meerly by their own Rebellion , and could not in any justice be imputed to the severity of the Government . And the same Reasons that justifie the Government in Enacting these Laws against the Presbyterians , wi●…l likewise Vindicate those Noble Persons who were employed either in the State or Army und●…r that Government , from the Aspersions of Cruelty thrown upon them by thi●… Scribler . If the Government be endangered by the Tumults and Insurrections of a Party , must the Ministers thereof overlook such dangerous Practices , and not put the Laws in execution against the Incendiaries of these Commotions ? Though I am certain it was done with the greatest Tenderness and Lenity imaginable by those Gentlemen whom this Author in his Pamphlet accuses of the greatest Cruelty . Most of the Persons concerned in the Administration of Affair●… under that Government , especially those whom he chiefly vents his Malice against , Pag. 26. are known to be Men of such Worth and Merit , that our Author does his Party no small prejudice , by letting the World know , that their Practices have been such , as to provoke Men of that Honour and Quality to be their Enemies . But before I put an end to this Chapter , I must consider one Particular more which this Author urges as an Instance of the severity of that Government , and where the Parties that did Susfer cannot be so 〈◊〉 said to have susfered for Rebellion , though they may justly enough be charged with an obstinate and peevish Cont●…pt of the lawful Commands of their Superiors . It is Pag. 6. w●…ere he says , That by the Instigation of the Prelates , the Council by th●…ir Act , Octob. 1662. turned out 300 Ministers out of th●…ir Churches , without ●…ither Accusation , Citation , Conviction or Sentence , or a Heaving allowed them . To answer this Objection , there needs no more but a true Narrative of the Matter of Fact , which I shall here set down as briefly as I can , and then leave it to the Judgment of my Reader , whether this Matter , when truly represented , can be with any reason urged as an Instance of the Severity of that Government . In the Year 1649. when there was no King in our 〈◊〉 , and the Presbyterians at liberty to act as they liste●… , the Right of Patronages was abolished by Act of Parliament ; and after the Restoration of the Royal Family , there was an Act of Parli●…ment in the Year 1662 , restoring this Right to the Patrons , and requiring all the ●…lergy to take Presentations from them , under thē pain of ●…orfeiting their Churches . But that the present Incumbents , who had entered to their Churches without a P●…esentation from the Patron , might not sustain any Damage by this Act , it was th●…reby provid●…d , That the Patrons should give Presentations to none but to those Persons who were in actual possession of the Churches , and had entred thereto by the Call of the People . There were sever●…l P●…esbyterian Ministers who refused to give any Compli●…nce with this Act of 〈◊〉 , and would take no Presentation from the Patron ; and therefore the Privy-Council issued out a Proclamation , requiring all the Clergy comply with this Act of Parliament , and declaring the Plac●…s of those void who refused to yield Obedience thereto . Upon which the Non-Compliers of their own accord ( so that there was no need 〈◊〉 of Accusation or Sentence against them ) abstained , after the Time limited by the Act , from the Exercise of th●…ir Ministry , and t●…e Patrons took care to present others to the vacant Churches . But I cannot see the least shadow of reason , why this Act should b●… urged a●… an Inst●…uce of so great severity in the Government , since there was not the least harm thereby intended to the Clergy ; the design of the Act was only to secure the Rights of particular Persons which had been i●…croached upon in the Presbyterian Usurpations ; for the Ministers that had been in possession of their Churches before the Year 1649 , and had received Presentations from the right Patrons , were not included in this Act , but remained in their Settlements as before ; and such as were now willing to own the Right of their Pat●…ons , by taking Presentations from them , were allowed to keep their Churches , and the Patrons obliged to give Presentations to them , and to none else if they were willing to accept of them . So that whatever may be objected against the Uncanonicalness of the Proceedings against them , ( though even that may be justified , since all the Bishops concurred with what was done by the Council in that matter , ) that their Sentence of Deprivation ought to have been pronounced by a Spiritual rather than a Lay-Court , and that th●… Bishops were more competent Judges to deprive them of the Exercise of their Mi●…istry than the Privy-Council ; yet I am sure there is not the least ground to urge it as an act of Severity in the Government , since these Ministers were permitted to keep their Churches upon such easie Terms , and the mildness of the Government towards them was such , that many of them , notwithstanding they absolutely refused to comply with this Act of Parliament , or own the Authority of their Bishops , were indulged by the favour of the Bishops to keep peaceable Possession of their Churches , although this Author maliciously insinuates , that all their Sufferings were occasioned by the Instig●…ion of ●…he Pr●…lates . But a ●…uller Account of this you have in a late Discourse ▪ Entituled , An Account of the late Establishment of 〈◊〉 Government by the Parliament of Scotland , Anno 1690. Pag. 14. CHAP. II. OUR Author in his Second Part con●…ines himself to a particular Consutation of the Treatise , Entituled , The Scots Presbyterian El●…quence ; but before he b●…gins to take it to task , he 's very high in his Pan●…gyricks upon the Lord●… , 〈◊〉 and M●…lvil . I don't incline to make any particular Re●…lexions either upon the Parts or Integ●…ity of these two Lords , the Tree may be easily known by its Fruits : but this I must beg our Author's leave to say , That as for their share in this ba●…barous Pe●…secution of our Clergy , let them use all the means imaginable to conceal it from the Eyes of Strangers , let them deny it never so impudently , yet their own Consciences , and the starving O●…phans of many of our poor Cle●…gy , will appear as dreadful Witnesses against them , in that Great an●… Te●…rible Day , when they are call●…d to give an Account of all their Actions , whether good or bad . And all the harm I wish them is , that they may at last seriously reflect upon the great Injustice and Barbarity of thei●… Proceedings towards our Clergy , that so by their unfeigned Repentance they may Atone for these Crimes , and save their Souls in the Day of the Lo●…d . In the next place , he accuses the Author of the Presbyterian Eloqu●…nce , for asserting a great many Untruths in his Book ; and ▪ p. 36. he instances in that , of charging the Presbyterians with the Murder of the A. B P. of St. 〈◊〉 ; ●…or ( says he ) the Presbyterians were so far from approving it , that th●…y refused the 〈◊〉 to those con●…erned in it , particularly at the Sco●…s 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . What Abhorrence the Presbyterians in Holland had of this barba●…ous Murder , I cannot well say ; but this I 'm sure of , that our Presbyterians in Scotland were so far from detesting it , that they generally approved of it as a most Noble and Glorious Action ; and I dare boldly affirm , that never one of the Party there refused to admit the Murderers to their Sacraments , or ever offered to inflict any other Censure upon them for this heinous Villany . On the contrary , it is notorious how most of the Presbyterians that suffered for their Rebellion in Scotland did justifie this Murder in the face of Authority , and commended it as an act of good Service done to God and his Church in delivering them from such an Oppressor . This our Author's impudence ca●… hardly serve him to deny boldly enough , and therefore he 's satisfied rather to recriminate the Matter upon the Episcopal Party , by charging the Privy-Council of Sc●…tland with Hanging five Men in Magus-Moor as the 〈◊〉 Murderers , though never one of them ●…ad seen a Bishop . These Men were punished by a lawful Authority , and conform to the Laws of the Land ; for though they were not the Murderers of the Archbishop of St. Andrews , yet they were notoriously guilty of Treason and Rebellion against the Government ; and these Crimes being sufficiently proved against them , and they justifying and approving of the Archbishop's murder , I think it was no breach , either of the Laws of God or Man , to make them a publick ●…xample for the ter●…ifying other wicked Offenders , and securing the Peace of the Society for the future . He says likewise , That the Council hanged Mr. Mitchel for shooting at the said Archbishop , though he missed ●…im . But although this Villain happened to miss of his Design against the Archbishop of St. Andrews , yet the Bishop of Orkney being then in Coach with the Archbishop , was unfortunately wounded with the same Shot , which occasioned his Death , tho not very shortly after . Now I can hardly think , that any good Man would ever offer to condemn the punishing of such a Villany ; and r●…ally I very much wonder , that this Author regards so little the Credit and Reputation of his own Party , as to o●…er so publickly to countenance or excuse such Villainous Practices , as have justly rendred that Party odious to the whole World. What he alledges about the Earl of Rothes and the Council their promising Mitchel his Life upon Confession , is nothing but a meer Fiction : For I am credibly informe●… , that they solemnly declared before the Justice Court , That they never made him any such Promise ; and certainly if they had , they were all of them Men of more Honour and Integrity than to have retracted it . This Author is at a great deal of pains to prove , that Presbytery is mo●…e popular in Scotland than Episcopa●…y , which has ever been much insisted upon by the Presbyterians as a great Argument for the Lawfulness of their Government , as if any Principle or Doctrine were the True●… , because agreeable to the Inclinations of the People . If this be the Standard of Truth , why was not Christianity exploded , and Heathenism still continued , as being more suitable to the Humours of the People ? This is such a Foundation for the Truths of our Religion , as will go near to subvert all its Doctrines ; since many of them are so far from being popular , that they are downright Enemies to Fle●…h and Blood , and oblige us to abstain from all those Worldly Pleasures which we so greedily pursue . 'T is but a bad sign of the weakness of a Cause , when they flee for shelter to the fickle and unconstant Humours of the Vulgar ; when they betake themselves to such weak and frivolous Arguments in defence of their Government , 't is a shrewd indication they are at a loss for better to produce . This new Method we have taken up to promote Religion , by establishing nothing that is contrary to the Inclinations of a People , may chance to have more fatal Consequences than we at present seem to be aware of . The settling the Government of the Church upon such a slippery Foundation , disposes People to look upon it as a thing altogether indifferent and ambulatory , so that each Nation may set up what form of Church-Government they please . But if we consider a little the Nature and Constitution of the Christian Religion , we 'll soon find that the Government of the Church is not of such an ambulatory Nature , and that it is a very essential part of the Constitution , yea so essential , that it is not in the power of Man to alter it . For God having established his Church as a Society , and invested it with peculiar Priviledges belonging thereto ; he must be allowed to have settled and established a distinct Order of Persons for the governing it , and for admitting Members to a right to all those Priviledges which he has appropriated to the Members of the Society . And if he has separated a certain Order of Persons for this Office , and impowered them , and them alone , to seal his Covenants in his Name , it must needs be Sacriledge in the highest degree for any to usurp that Office , without a due and legal Call from those whom God has appointed to conveigh his Authority . And God can never be obliged by the acts of those Persons whom he never authorized to represent him , no more than a King can be said to be under any obligation to rati●…ie the acts of any one that usurps his Authority , and falsly pretends to be his Ambassador . So that to alter the Government of the Church from what it was at first constituted by our Saviour , is nothing less than to undermin●… the whole ground of our Salvation , since we can have no Title to the Benefits of the Gospel , but as we are Members of Christ's Church here on Earth ; and we cannot pretend to be Members , unless we b●… admitted into the Society by those Persons whom God has delegated to that Office , and intrusted with that Power . But notwithstanding the impertinence and weakness of this Argument in Vindication of the Church-Government , yet since our Author insults so mightily upon it , I shall comply with him so f●…r as to consider the grounds of his Assertion ; only I would caution the Reader never to lay stress on such kind of Arguments , as are altogether incompetent , and of no force to prove the Truth of any Principle of Religion . For there is no Doctrine which is in it self false , that can be justified by never so general a reception of it ; and therefore , it can be no Argument of the lawfulness of any form of Church Government , that it is the most agreeable to the Inclinations of the People . All his Evidences to prove , that Presbytery is more popular in Scotland than Episcopacy , amount to no more than this , that the Presbyterians have made more Insurrections in behalf of their Government , than the Episcopal Church ever thought fit to do . And that this is not sufficient evidence enough to prove their point , will easily appear from hence . The Principles of our Presbyterians with respect to Monarchy , are of a very large extent ; they make the Supreme Power of the Nation accountable to his Subjects , and allow he may be resisted and Dethroned for his Male-Administration . So that , if the Sovereign shall at any time think sit to m●…ke such Alterations , either in Church or State , as do not exactly quadrate with the Wild Humours and Fancies of that Party ; then they instantly betake themselves to Arms , and resolve to involve the Nation into Blood and Confusion , rather than fail of having their unaccountable Humours gratified . But the Episcopal Church of that Kingdom have greater restraints upon them ; they own , in Consormity to the Laws of the Rea●… , and to the Laws of God in his ●…irst Institution of Government ; that the Supreme Power is irresistable , and cannot for any Male Administration be Dethroned by his Subjects ; that if he be guilty of any Illegal or Unjustifiable Actions in his Government , he is accountable to none for them , but to God alone . And therefore , although the Sovereign should chance to ●…stablish such Constitutions , either in Church or State , as are contrary both to the Laws of God , and the particular Laws of the Realm ; yet by reason of their strict Obligations to absolute submission , they are not at Liberty to Rise in Arms , and assert their Rights that are thus encroached upon . They may indeed ve●…y lawfully refuse their actual concurrence and compliance with these sinful Constitutions ; but to resist or Dethrone their Sovereign upon that Account , is what they are not able to Justifie , either by the Laws of God , or the Laws of the Nation . This is , and has been the constant Principle and Doctrine of our Church ; and if any of its Members have Acted contrary thereto , they have in so far deserted the Principles of their Church , and slighted their Sacred Vows and Obligations , and therefore ought in Conscience speedily to return to their Duty . The Reason why the Episcopal Church Act more submissively to the Lawful Powers than the Presbyterians , is not , that there lie stricter Obligations to Obedience upon the one Party than the other ; no , they are both subject to the same Laws , are obliged to own the same Prince ; and are under the same Obligations and Ties of Conscience to submit and adhere to him . But the difference lies here , that the Episcopal Church make some Conscience of performing their Duty , and of Walking answerably ●…o their Vows and Obligations ; and resolve , in Conformity to their ●…imitive Ancestors ; rather to suffer Pe●…secution than be guilty of Rebellion . On the contrary , the Presbyterians sacrific●… a●…l Duties to the Interest of their Party ; and where that is concerned , make light of all Obligations : So that , whoever considers the different Principles of both these Parties , will never conclude from hence , that Presbytery is more popular in Scotland than Episcopacy , meerly , because there have been more popular Insurrections for it , than for the other ; since the Presbyterians think it lawful to Rebel upon that account , and the Episcopal Church look upon it as altogether unjusti●…iable to resist the lawful Powers upon any account , even of Religion it self . As for what our Author urges concerning the great Party that appeared for the Presbyterian Government in this last Convention , which Abolished Episcopacy , and Established Presbytery ; I shall plainly make it appear , that this can be no Argument , that they have the Majority of the Nation on their side . At the time when this Convention was called in Scotland , the Affairs of our Nation were in such a distracted condition , as made the Event altogether uncertain ; and upon this account many of the Episcopal Gentlemen who were wont formerly to be Members of Parliament , thought it safer to keep out of publick business , and therefore refused to be Elected by those Shires and Burroughs whom they used always to represent in Parliament . Nay , some of them were so averse from being Elected themselves , that they would not so much as be present to Vote at the Election of oth●…rs , thinking it to be a direct breach of their Ties and Oaths to the Government , and particularly that of the Test , to meet or consult about the A●…airs of the Nation without the consent of the King. So that at many of the Elections one third part of the Members concerned therein refused to be present , and the Episcopal Gentlemen declining to be Elected , there was no opposition made to any that would stand ; and this was certainly the Reason why more Presbyterian Members ●…rept into this Convention , than ever durst appear in the like Assembly b●…fore . But notwithstanding this great advantage the Presbyterians had in these Elections ; yet even in the Convention , had not the Episcopal party been divided among themselves about the Civil Government , their Adversaries could never have gained any ground upon them , in altering the State of our Church . For many of the Episcopal Nobility and Gentry being dissatisfied about the lawfulness of the State Revolution , withdrew from the Convention of Estates before the Affairs of the Church were considered ; and this you must needs suppose , was no small diminution of the interest of the Episcopal Church in that Convention , and enabled the Presbyterians to do there as they pleased . And so I think this short Account of the State of our Nation at that time is sufficient to convince the Reader ; that although Presbytery was Established by that Convention ; yet it by no means follows , that the Majority of ou●… Nation inclines to that Government . 'T is known to any who are the least conversant in the Affairs of our Country , that the persons who are mostly drawn away with the strong delusions of that party , are but of the meaner and vulgar sort , and those only in the Western parts of the Kingdom ; but the greatest part of our Nobility and Gentry ▪ are Men of more Judgment and Reason , of a freer and more Noble Education , than to be so infatuated , or deluded by vain and imaginary Dreams . And therefore to clear them from this imputation of Meanness thrown upon them by this Author , and in his own Phrase , to cut the Throat of this Objection once for all , that we may not be hereafter any more stunn'd with the Noise hereof ; I could have subjoyned hereunto a LIST of all our Nobility that are not Popish , and have Ranked them according as they are affected , either to the Episcopal , or Presbyterian Government ; but being at such a distance , cannot have it exact . And if it were not a thing of unsufferable Toil , and of little or no moment , to make an exact List of the Gentry of the Nation , I could shew a far greater Disparity among them , with Respect to this Affair , than could even here appear in the List of the Nobility , and yet it might be evident from it , how vastly considerable the Episcopal Interest is among them , beyond that of the Presbyterian . Another of the untruths with which this Author charges his Adversary , is , for asserting , That the Episcopal Rulers and Ministers used all Christian and discreet Me●…hods to gain Dissenters . And why our Author should have so much Malice as to deny this known Truth , I cannot well imagine , for 't is certain , that the behaviour of the Episcopal Clergy towards the Presbyterian Dissenters , was truly Christian and Brotherly ; they used all fair and discreet Methods to reclaim them from their Errors and Delusions , and their endeavours that way were , by the blessing of God so successful , that at the time when K. James Granted his Indulgence to his Subjects , there were scarcely any Presbyterians in the whole Nation ( ●…xcept a few Wild Camer●…ans , who betook themselves to the Hills ) that did not actually joyn in Communion with the Episcopal Church ▪ their very Teachers came punctually to Church , and attended upon the Ministry of the Episcopal Clergy ; they were constant Hearers of their Sermons , and frequently Received the Sacraments from their Hands . Now I would gladly know of our Adversaries , what plausible Reason they can give for deserting our Communion , after the Promulgation of this Indu●…gence , when they thought it lawful to joyn with us before . What excuse can they pretend for ●…o groundless a Separation , to separate from a Communion , which they themselves owned to be lawful , by their joyning therein ? Our Constitution still remained the same ; there was no Alteration in it , that could afford them the least pretext for leaving our Communion ; and Episcopacy can never be urged in their Defence , since by their former practice , they declared it lawful to Communicate with Bishops . Methinks , that if they had any true Notio●…s of Schism , they might soon perceive how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it lies against them upon this score , and it concerns them highly to Vindicate themselves in this point , and to shew that , by separating from a lawful Established Communion , which th●…y themselves by ●…oyning with it , owned to be lawful , 〈◊〉 in which there were no 〈◊〉 Terms required , they were no ways guilty of Schism . Pag. 43. He accuses his Adversary of downright Lying , because he asserts , That the Presbyterians ●…ve justled out , and 〈◊〉 the Lord'●… Prayer , and Abolished the Reading ●…f the Scriptur●…s in Church●…s ; and yet with the same Breath , he confesses the Assertion to be true , and endeavours to Vindicate their practice therein . He alledges the frequent Use of the Lord's Prayer , is a meer prophaning of it , and upon this Account , he thinks the Presbyterians may totally abstain from the use thereof ; which is such an instance of Veneration to Sacred things , as is not often to be met with ; that because a Sacred thing may sometimes chance to be abused to Superstition , therefore we must altogether slight and contemn it . May not we upon the same ground likewise abstain from Worshipping God , since the Divine Worship has been prophan●…d by the Heathenish Superstitions , in paying that Adoration to inanimate Creatures , which is due only to the Eternal and Infinite Being ? But the Presbyterian practice in this contempt of our Saviours Prayer , is so very ridiculous , and many of their party have uttered such Blasphemous Expressions concerning it , that they deserve no small Rebuke . And I don't see how they can well Vindicate themselves from what is charged upon them by the Author of the Presbyterian Eloquence , that when a Presbyterian Minister was Staged before one of their own Judicatories for this Blasphemous Expression , That if ever our Saviour was Drunk , it was when he composed his Prayer , they would not so much as enquire into the Truth of this Accusation , notwithstanding it was brought before them , by a person of known Honour and Integrity , who had been one of the Judges of the Nation , and offered to prove the Truth of his Accusation , by the Testimony of such Witnesses as could not be well rejected . Now methinks , that although their concern for punishing such Blasphemous Expressions had not influenced them , yet at least the deference they owed to a Man of his Character and Quality , ought to have engaged them to take this matter into their cognizance , and make some enquiry into it ; and what excuse they can pretend for this Neglect I cannot apprehend , the matter of Fact being so Notorious , that there was no denying it ? Their Abolishing the Reading of the Scriptures in Churches is likewise so generally known , that our Author does not offer to deny it . It is customary in the Church of Sc●…tland , that always at the beginning of Divine Service , the Clerk is appointed to Read two or three Chapters , in the Old or New Testament , for the Instruction of those who come sooner to Church than others ; that their thoughts being taken up with hearing the Holy Scriptures Read , they may have no occasion to spend that time in gazing about them in the Church , or entertaining one another with trivial Discourses ; and this the Clerk continues to do , till the usual time that the Congregation be fully met . This practice the Presbyterians have quite Abolished , and instead of the Scriptures , have set up their more Sacred Oracles , the confused Farce of some of their Sermons , which they Order to be Read , for the Edification of their Auditors , till the usual time that their Sermon begins . * Our Author Pag. 47. Quarrels his Adversary , for saying , That the Author of the Brief and True Account of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland ; bestows the Characters of Godless Miscreants , infamous Parricides , Sorcerers , and incestuous Apostates upon the Scots Gentry , as well as Clergy . And although he will not allow the truth of this in that Author whom he endeavours to vindicate , yet he himself is so very civil as to Treat them at the same scurrilous rate in many places of his Book . As for the Clergy , he spares none of their Rank or Order , but represents them all as the worst of Men , and belches out his Vomit against them in such obscene and scurrilous Language , as any modest Man would have been ashamed to utter . The Episcopal Gentry both of England and Scotland he represents as Robbers and Murderers ; as generally Prophane and Debauched ; as Men void of all manner of Religion , who , in stead of freq●…enting the Religious Assemblies , do haunt Bawdy-houses , and are drunk in Taverns and Ale-houses . But it is no wonder he should Tre●…t our Clergy and Gentry at this rate , when he has not the least respect to the Sacred Persons of our Princes ; them he repres●…nts as wa●…owing in their Sins and Uncleanness , and avowing their Adulteries as Sodom . And what Treatment the Author of such Villanous Re●…lexions does deserve , I leave the Reader to judge . To Treat the Sacred Persons of Princes and Prelates , the Anointed of the Lord , in such a scurrilous manner , to wound the Reputation of Men of known Honour and Integrity at this rate , is such a piece of ●…illany as can hardly receive a sufficient Punishment . Can any Man that is not totally void of Religion write in this Inhumane and Unchristian manner ? To represent all that differ in Principles from them as worse than Infidels ; this is such an act of Malice as I believe was never practiced among Heathens or Barbarians , and it is no small 〈◊〉 to our Religion , that any who call themselves by the name of Christ shou●…d be guilty of such barbarous Practices . This Scribler endeavours , Pag. 52. to answer an Objection which his Adversary brings against their new and unheard-of Practice , of settling and abrogating Matters of Religion , even those that are most essential , according as they are either agreeable or contrary to the inconstant Humours of the Vulgar . His Argument runs thus ; That upon the same Grounds our Presbyterians in Scotland declared Episcopacy to be Anti-humane , Christianity must be Anti-humane in Turky , and Protestantism in France and Spain ; and therefore ought in all Equity to be rejected by them , they being contrary to this new Standard , the Inclinations of the People . This Argument a ●…ri is so very conclusive , and presseth our Author so hard , that in stead of Confuting , he is forced to yield to it ; and he very fairly gran●…s , that if Christianity or Protestantism be contrary to the Inclinations of the People in these Parts , they may reje●…t it as Anti-humane , and it ought no ways to be imposed upon them . I wish this Author would but consider a little , whither this Principle of his carries him , what absurd and pernicious Consequences he is forced to grant , and what great disservice he does to the Interest of Religion meerly through a blind and mistaken Zeal for his own Cause . It seems strange to see Men so hurri●…d away with the Spirit of Contradiction , as not to discern such plain and obvious Consequences . Is it possible at this rate ev●…r to mak●… any Conv●…rts to the Christian or Reformed Religion , except where it alr●…ady g●…nerally prevails ? And how the Christian Religion could at first be propagated through the World according to this new Principle , is a thing impossible to conceive . I would gladly know of this A●…or , what Arguments he can pos●…bly bring to convert these Heathen Nations to the Christian , or to p●…rswade th●… Popish Countri●…s to ●…mbrace the Reformed Religion ? They can 〈◊〉 retort upon him his own Argument , That the Christian R●…ligion being contrary to the Inclinations of th●… P●…ople in thes●… Parts , they ought to declare it to be 〈◊〉 , and no ways to 〈◊〉 it , and how our Author can well ev●…de the forc●… of this Argum●…nt I do not appr●…hend . If the Inclinations of the People must needs be the Standard of Truth , I 'm sure we can have no hopes of their Conversion , since they a●… by this Principle obliged to persist in their Idolatri●…s and Corruptions , and the Popish Countries must still adhere to their Errors and Superstitions . If any of them desert their Errors , and ●…mbrace the true Religion , then , according to our Author's Hypothesis , they embrace what is Anti-humane , and what they ought to r●…ject as being contrary to the Inclinations of the People . The only thing our Author comforts himself with in this matter , is , that he 's con●…ident the P●…ople of these Countri●…s can never declare the Christian or Protestant R●…ligion to be contrary to their Inclinations . But upon what Evidence he grounds his Confidence , I cannot easily imagine . Does he fancy , that the generality of the People in Turky , and these oth●…r barbarous Nations , are more inclinable to the Christian Religion than to their own Idolatrous Corruptions ? Do they not declare against our Religion as a downright Cheat and Imposture ? And do not those of the Romish Communion look upon our Reformation as a meer Innovation ? And what Encouragement this Author affords these Enemi●…s of our Religion to continue in their Errors and Superstitions , I leave a●…y serious Reader to consider ; he has taught them a new Principle , by which they may easily evade the force of all the Arguments we can bring for their Conversion . I find our Author her●… tak●…s notic●… of on●… of his Adversaries Observations , wher●… he says , That the new Gospellers call the Common-Prayer Boo●… Popery ; and this he is so far from denying , that he endeavours to justifie the Charge . Now to s●…e Men pretend to the Spirit of Moderation towards Adversaries , and y●…t in the m●…n ti●… be guilty of such an Overt Act of Malice and Disingenuity is not a little amazing . I dare appeal to this Author 's own Conscience , that he knows a sensible and a vast difference betwixt the English Liturgy and the Romish Mass-Book , and yet he 's so disingenuous as to perswade the silly and ignorant People , that they are both the same . I 'm confident he knows our Liturgy contains no Prayers either to Saint or Angel , and that all our Prayers ●…re directed to the true and sole Object of Divine Worship , the 〈◊〉 and Et●…rnal God. We have no Prayers of Intercession or Mediation but which ar●… addressed to the Lamb of God , who sits at the right hand of the Father to ●…ake Intercession for us ; all our Forms of Prayer are composed of such emphatical and comprehensive Sentences , are framed with such a tendency to raise and el●…vate the D●…votions of the People , that it is beyond the Art of Man to bett●…r them . But this has been the constant practice of the Presbyterian Party , to represent every thing as Popery that is not in all Points agreeable to their Enthusiastical Dreams ; they endeavour to infuse into the Minds of the People dismal and frightning Notions of Popery , and then the better to expose their Adversaries that di●…er ●…rom them to the rage and fury of the Rabble , they brand them with the odious Name of Papists ; which is such a piece of Malice and Di●…ngenuity as I believe is peculiar to the Party . In the same Page we have a Vindication of the Presbyterians for not observing the Anniversary of King Ch●…rles I. his Murder . And the reason of their so doing , our Author says , proceeds from a Principle , that no Human●… Power can oblige them to violate the Fourth Commandment , which says positively , Six days shalt th●… work . This is indeed a new Comment upon the Fourth Commandment , and such as few of our Expositors have been so happy as to light upon . GOD out of his Et●…rnal Wisdom thought ●…it indeed to separate a seventh part of our Time for his own Worship and Service , and to establish the Sabbatical ●…estivity in Comm●…oration of that Great and Omnipotent Work of the Creation , when he rested from framing the Glorious Fabrick of this Universe ; and out of his great Bounty towards the Work of his own Hands , he allowed us the other Six days of the Week for carrying on our Worldly and Temporal Concerns . But was it ever be●…ore dreamed , that this Indulgence of Time for our private Labours was such a strict and positive Precept , requiring us to spend these Six days so entirely in working , as if we were not at liberty to set apart any portion thereof to worship God either for publick or private Mercies upon any occasion vouchsafed unto us . We ought not indeed to spend this Time in idleness and vanity , and when we ar●… not taken up about the Service of God , we ought to be diligent in following our private Labours and Callings . But if we employ any portion of this Time either in publick or private Exercis●…s of Devotion , in glorifying God for some Personal or Nation●…l Blessings conferred upon us , or in deprecating his Wrath for our crying Sins and Abominations ; this is so far from being a breach of God's Commands , that it is what he repuires and expects at our hands ▪ and has been the constant practice almost of all Nations in the World. Do we not find that the Jews , besides the Festivals appointed them by their Lawgiver , observed a great many uncommanded Feasts and Fasts , which ●…hey themselves had instituted as Anniversary Commemorations of some signal Deliverances ? The ●…east of Purim was instituted by Mordecai in remembrance of the delivery of the Jews from ●…aman , who maliciously sought the Destruction of them . And the Feast of Dedication was instituted in remembrance of that great Mercy which God shewed unto his People , in delivering them f●…om the Tyranny of Antiochus , and the Idolatry which he had forced upon them , setting up the Idol of Jupiter in the Temple of God , and abolishing the true Worship of God. It was appointed by Judas Maccabaeus as a Yearly Festival , to be observed from Year to Year for the space of eight days . Besides these , they had several other Feasts of Humane Institution , of which we ●…ind frequent mention in Scripture . We see likewise , that the Romans had their Feriae , and their Festi Dies ; the Feriae , which were instituted to the Honour of their Gods , they observed so Sacredly , that it was a heinous Crime to do any manner of Work on them ; on these Days it was unlawful for them Terram ferro tangere , as Servius tells us . These Feriae were either Stativae , unmoveable Feasts , and appointed always to be kept on a certain Day ; or Imperativae , which were Arbitrary , and solemnized upon such Days and on such Occasions as the Magistrates and Priests thought most expedient . And the Practi●…e of the Christian Church in this matter is so notorious , that , besides their frequent occasional Festivities , the greatest Mysteries of our Religion have been Celebrated in 〈◊〉 Anniversary Solemnities ●…hrough all the Ages of the Church ; which is a most effectual way to prevent these Articles of our Faith from being subverted by Hereticks . And thus we see , that this practic●… of observing Anniversary Days has been constant●…y received not only in the Christian and Jewish Churches , but likewise among the H●…athens ; it being as it were a Principle engrafted in ●…umane Natu●… ▪ to return a suitable Tribute of Praise and Thanks to the Supream Governour of the World , for disposing and ordering the Events ther●…of in such a manner as tends most to his own Glory , and the Welfare of his peculiar People . So unhappy are o●…r Pr●…sbyterians in their Schism from the Catholick Church , that in many Doctrin●…s and Customs wherein they di●…fer from us , they run in a di●…ect opposition to the Practice and Judgment , not only of the Catholick Church , but likewise of all Mankind ; so fond are th●…y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 own singular Opinions . What this Author urges in contradiction to this Universal Prac●… of observing Anniversary Days , is of no consequence ▪ fo●… although there may be none of the Six on which some remarka●…le 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not happened , as he alledges ; yet it does by no means follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should have no time left at all for Work. 'T is not to be suppo●…d , that God requires such constant Exercises of Devotion from u●… , as to impede the necessary Works of Humane Life ; 't is true indeed , there is no Dispensation of the Divine Providence , but what is accompanied with such Wisdom and Prudence as deserves to be admired and adored by all Rational Creatures , but yet there are some Acts thereof so signal and so remarkable in their Events , that they require a more solemn acknowledgment at our hands , and deserve to be more frequently Commemorated by us . And the appointing of s●…t Times for Commemorating these more signal Dispensations of Divine 〈◊〉 must be left to the prudence and discretion of the Governo●… of the Church , who are the most proper Judges of w●…at concerns the publick Worship ; and we are not to suppose them so 〈◊〉 in the conduct of Affairs , as to separate such an unequal share of 〈◊〉 Time for the publick Worship , as would render Devotion bu●…som to the People , and altogether inconsistent with the 〈◊〉 ▪ of Humane Life . And if any private Person can , by entailing 〈◊〉 Charity upon us , engage us to observe an Anniversary Day for the commemorating of his Charity , as this Author grants he may , I 〈◊〉 no reason why our Superiors either in Church or State may not with far greater Authority oblige us Yearly to Commemorate some signal dispensations of the Divine Providence , that have been designed by God , either as a punishment or a Blessing to us . But our Author being somewhat jealous , lest this negl●…ct of the Presbyterians to observe the Anniversary of K ▪ Charl●…s I. his Murder , should prompt the World to believe , that they app●…ove and 〈◊〉 the same ; he therefore endeavours to perswade us , that neither the Scots n●…r English Presbyterians had any h●…nd in bringing him to his Death . But their Rebellious and Inhumane practices towards that most clement Prince , are too Notorious for the Party now to think to conceal them ; how many Insurrections they Raised , both against him and his Father is but too well known ; and when they forced him to Grant Concessions , which were no small encroachments upon his Prerogative and Honour , yet nothing would satisfie their capricious Humours , but the overturning both of Church and State. If we but look back a little into the History of these Tragical times , we shall find , that the Presbyterians in both Nations were the chief Instruments of obstructing the peaceable and quiet Reign of that Religious Monarch , and of bringing at last , that fatal stroak upon him . Was it not they , who sowed the first Seeds of all thes●… Wars and Confusions , and having Treasonably associated themselves together , Rose in Arms against his Majesty , under a Wicked pretence of Reformation ? And having reduced ●…im to such Extremities , that he was forced to throw himself at their Me●…cy ; ●…ow basely did they Treat him ? For when the King escaping from the Siege of O●…ford , committed himself to their Army at Newark ; the ●…irst thing th●…y for●…d him to do , was to command his Governour of N●…wark to deliver up the City , and M●…itrose , Huntly and Mackdon●…ld , and all others that were in Arms for him in Scotland , to dis●…and . ●…ad not the King been advised to these Courses , he might have happily prevented all these fatal consequences that followed thereupon ; but His Majesty was now redu●…d to such circ●…mstances , that it behoved him to Grant whatever they pleased to demand . And afterwards , in the Parliament of Scotland , which met at Edinburgh in 〈◊〉 1646 - when the Question came to be debated , whether they should own the King , or recall their Army from England , and leave him to the English ; the Presbyterians opposed the King's Affairs with no little Fervour and Zeal . The King's party in Parliament was at first so considerable , that had the que●…ion been proposed at the downsitting thereof , the business had been carried for the King , by at l●…ast Thirty Voices , as some of the ●…ing's Friends did then compute , by trying the Pulse of the Commissioners . but for f●…ar matters should go for the King , the Presbyterians were very busie and industrious , in drawing away many that adhered still to the King's Interest ; and for this end Pub●…ished a Declaration , tending to keep in with the English Parliament , and not to own the King. And by their Interest in this Parliament they got it Enacted , that their Army should withdraw out of England , and leave the King to the English , without any Conditions for his Interest . Now the Guilt of this Act cannot in Reason be imputed to any but the Presbyterian Party , and no ways to the generality of the Nation ; because , as to the Nobility , the Third part of them was not present at that Sederunt ; many having been excluded for their known Affection to the King , and others upon other pretexts ▪ And some withdrew from the Parliament of their own accord , being on the one part resolved not to comply , and on the other loath by their dissent to offend the prevailing Faction , lest they should in●…roach upon their Fortunes . And as for the Gentry and Commonalty throughout the Nation ( F●…fe and the W●…stern shires being ex●…pted ) there were a hundred to one th●…t abhorred it , and would never have instructed th●…ir Commissioners that way , but were so overawed , that they durst not challenge them . But the opposition of this Party to the King's Affairs will further appear , if we consider their Behaviour , with Relation to the ●…n gagement in Scotland , for Rescuing the King's Person . In Apr●… 1648 , the Parliament of Scotland being informed of the Rude and Barbarous Treatment which the King received from the English Parliament and Army ; and hearing that they had made him Prisoner in the Isle of Wight ; they Voted , That they s●…ould demand the King to be brought from his Prison to London , or thereabout in Honour , Freedom and Safety . And having for this ●…ffect dispatch●…d Lieutenant Collonel Marsh●…l to the Parliament of Engl●…nd , with a Remonstrance of their Breaches ; they concluded and ●…oted a Levy of 30●…0 Foot and 60●…0 Horse , of which D●…e 〈◊〉 was made General . But the Presbyte●…ians expressed very gr●…t dislike of , and solemn●…y protested against all ●…hat was resolved ▪ ●…nd sent strict Orders to all their Disciples , that they should on ●…he last Sabbath of May keep a Publi●…k Fast ▪ 〈◊〉 i●…st t●…at Co●…rse ▪ 〈◊〉 them withal , not to comply in any so●…t ●…or 〈◊〉 this ●…evy , under pain of the Highest Censure ; and their Ministers did in the mean time , Thunder ▪ Curses ▪ against all who should joyn in this ●…ngagement . And when the Noblemen and others in Command over the Army , were hasting to bring ●…orth 〈◊〉 R●…giments , that they might Mar●… into England ; a great Number of Western people Assembled in Arms against them at Mauchlin , under the Command of some Presbyterian Ministers , Viz. Mr. Will. Adair , Mr. Wil●… ▪ Guthry , M r. Gabri●…l M●…wel , and Mr. John Nevoy . Middleton being sent against them with some Troops of Horse , these Ministers parlied with him , but were so violent , that they would needs Fight it ; but the ●…ight lasted not long , for Middleton in an instant put th●…m all to the Rout ; and yet dealt so mercifully with them , that such as he took Prisoners , he dimitted without any suffering . The Army under the Command of Duke Hamil●…on being Marched into England , the Gen. Ass. met at Edinburgh Jnly 12 ▪ and Published a Declaration against the Army , proving the sinfulness and unlawfulness of the Eng●…gement . And upon Notice , that this Army was Defeated by Cromwel at Preston in Lancashire ; the West Country upon the first Notice of this Defeat , got instantly to Arms , with a design to cut off the remainder of this Army , and upon the Head of this Rebellious Multitude , were Mr. David Dick , and the rest of the Presbyterian Ministers in those parts . Thus did they Treat that ●…oyal Army which had Assembled themselves together , to Rescue his Majesties Sacred Person from the hands of his Cruel and Blood-thirsty Murderers . Here we have a clear view of the Behaviour of the Presbyterian Party towards the Royal Martyr K. 〈◊〉 I. how they acted against his Majesties Interest , in a direct op●…sition to the wh●…le ●…ody of the Nation . When the whole ●…ingdom ▪ 〈◊〉 t●…ose who had formerly been deluded by the rest of the 〈◊〉 , with the ●…alse and Hypocritical pretences of Reformation , did unanimously embrace the King's ▪ Interest ; the Presbyte●…ians were so far from being s●…nsible of their Sin and Folly , that they ●…ted a●…ainst him with the utmost Rigour of Malice and En●… . And ye●… t●…ese Men ●…ave now the Considence to protest , They 〈◊〉 no hand 〈◊〉 ●…inging him to his Death , as if the History of these ●…es were qui●… 〈◊〉 , and no publick Monuments of their Trea●…nable and Reb●…llious Actings against that Prince remaining to 〈◊〉 ●…ternal 〈◊〉 and Reproach . But this is not all the countenance and encouragement these Barbarous Par●…icides Received from our Presbyterians . For when the ●…ws came to Scotland of a Treaty , begun betwixt the King and Parliament of England ; Mr. Rob. Blair and Sir John Cheesly were ●…sently dispatched away , by Order of the Presbyterian Ministers to joyn with Cromwel , in obstructing the Treaty . And upon their Arrival there wi●…h two other Commissioners , Viz. The Earl of Lothian , and Will. Glendinning , fro●… the Committee of Estates , Cromwel began to shew himself for crushing the Treaty ; he drew up his Army towards London , and sent in a Remonstrance to the Parliament , shewing his disallowance of the Treaty , and craved Justice ( as he call'd it ) to be done on the King. Now these Presbyterian Commissioners not only concurred with Cromwel in this Remonstrance against the King , but likewise remained at London , during the whole time of the King's Tryal and Execution , and never offered to Remonstrate against the Unjust and Unnatural proceedings against his Majesty . They did indeed send down to Scotlan●… , for Instructions relating to the King's Tryal ; and they were Ordered to endeavour the procuring a delay ; but in the m●…an tim●… to be cautious not to offend the prevailing Party in ●…gland . I know the Presbyterians will here pretend , that the Guilt of this Act cannot be charged upon them solely , since their 〈◊〉 from the Kirk Acted nothing in reference hereto , but in conjunction with the Commissioners from the Committee of Estates . But here we must consider , that the Committee of Estates did now wholly consist of the Presbyterian Party ; the rest of the Members not daring to appear , by Reason of their known Affection and Loyal●…y to their Prince . For when the Scots Army was Defeated by Cro●… at Preston ▪ many of our Noblemen and Gentlemen were 〈◊〉 killed in the Action ; others to a great Number taken Prisoners , and such as had the Fortune to make their escape , were ●…orced either to abscond or 〈◊〉 the Country , to avoid the severities with which the Presbyterian Pa●…ty , who now had Usurped the Government of the Nation , did persecute all such as were concer●…d in this Engagem●…nt for the Defence of the King's Person . And by this means the Presbyterians got the whole management of the affairs of the Kingdom into t●…eir 〈◊〉 ▪ and acted there as they Listed ; so that , although the Committ●… of ●…states as well as Commission of the Kirk , sent Commissione●… to concur with the Kings Murderers in England , yet the Guilt and shame of this Act , cannot in any Reason be imputed to the generality of the Nation , but only to the Presbyterian Crew , whose actings have always tended to bring their Country into Disgrace and Contempt . From hence , I think it clearly appears , that the Horrid Murder of this Royal Martyr , is justly chargeable upon none of our Nation but the Presbyterian Sectaries ; and the like may be made evident , in Relation to the Kingdom of England , that the Presbyterians and other Sectaries of that Nation , were the only Actors of that dismal Tragedy , and did most cruelly Persecute the Church of England and its M●…mbers , for persevering in their Allegiance and Duty to their Sovereign . But let us in the next place see what the behaviour of this Party was towards K ▪ Charles II. upon his advancement to the Throne ; for our Author tells us , That what they suffered on his Account every body almost know●… . That our Presbyterians did consent to the pro ●…laiming of Charles II. King upon the News of his Fathers Murder is true , but their Loyalty in this point , was clogg'd with such Rest●…ictions and Limitations , as was not ●…asie for the King to comply with They for●…'d him , before his Admission to the Crown , to Sign a D●…laration , signifying his Penitency for the Sins of his Forefat●…rs , in opposing the Work of God , and his own in so long foll●…wing th●…ir ●…ootsteps , with a Resolution to accomplish and 〈◊〉 the Covenant , in all its ends and purposes , which also for the more 〈◊〉 , they caused him to take and Swear . And because his Majesty did at 〈◊〉 refuse to Sign this Declaration ; the 〈◊〉 of the Kirk did on the 1●… of August 1650 Publish a 〈◊〉 commonly called the Act of the Westkirk , wherein they 〈◊〉 they will not Espouse any Malignant Party or Quarrel , and that they will not own the King nor his Interests , otherwise than ●…ith ●… Subordination to God , and so far as he owns and prosecutes the ●…ause of ●…od , and disclaims his and his Fathers opposition to the Work of God , and to the Covenant , and likewise disowns all the ●…nemies thereof . And in prosecution of this Declaration , when the Kingdom had resolved to call home K. Charles II. and for that End had admitted to favour , those who formerly were banished the Court and Nation as Malignants ; this gave the Zealous and bigotted Covenanters so great Offence , that they protested a●…ainst all the present proceedings , and declared that they had , 〈◊〉 to the solemn ●…eague and its ends , admitted to the Throne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who was an Enemy and Opposer of the quiet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ●…irk . And this Rigid Party having drawn to a 〈◊〉 in the West , in the year 1650 , Oct. 17. they Penned and 〈◊〉 a Paper , which they called a Remonstrance of the Gentlemen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Ministers att●…ending the Forces in the West , which they delivered into the Committee of Estates , and from which afterwards they got the Name of Remonstrants . Hence we see how this Merciful Prince was Treated by them in the very infancy of his Reign ; and what further disquiet and disturbance they afterward ▪ occasioned him , is but too Notorious , from the many Insurrections they raised against his Government , and which occasioned the Enacting of those Laws , the severity of which they now so grievously complain of . What these Su●…ferings were which this Author alledges the Presbyterians met with for adhering to K. Charles II. I must confess I am altogether ignorant of , unless he means , that some of the more moderate of their Party were willing to own the King after he had taken the Covenant , and therefore upon that account suffered in the common Calamity with the rest of the Nation , when Cromwel with the English Army invaded our Kingdom , defeated our Forces , and oppressed all that stood in any sort suspected of the Crime of Loyalty . But it is evident from the History of these Times , that the generality of the Presbyterians were so far from being forward in owning the King's Interest , that at the same time when Cromwel was so successful in the South of Sc●…tland , as to have all besouth Forth under his Dominion , great numb●…rs of them were assembled in Arms in the West , and remonstrated against the Nation for owning the King's Interest . And this much of the Loyalty of our Presbyterians . This Author , Pag. 53. to justifie the Proc●…dings of their late General Assembly , in refusing to admit some of the Episcopal Clergy into a share of their Government upon the Terms desired by K. William , urges , That they did no●…hing but what the Church of England Convoc●…tion had done 〈◊〉 them , who 〈◊〉 to admit th●… 〈◊〉 on the same King's d●…sire . It were no small presumption in me to offer any Vindication of the Proceedings of those learned and worthy Meembers of the Convocation in England , who at that time opposed the designed Comprehension of the Dissenters ; but I think I may be allow●…d to say , that they w●…nt upon far better Grounds than our pretended General Assembly , who refused to receive such of the Episcopal Clergy as condescended to address them upon that account . I am not concerned here to enquire into the ●…awfulness of what these ●…piscopal Addressers did , in desiring to be united with the Pr●…sbyterians in the Government of the Church , I shall not here so much as enter upon that Question . My business at present is , only to shew , that the 〈◊〉 of Scotland are ●…ar more inexcusable in denying the Request of these Episcopal Ministers that addressed them , than those of the English Convocation who obstructed the Union with the Dissenters upon the Terms that were then proposed ; and my Reasons are these . First , The Dissenters in England never offered any Address to the Convocotion , declaring their Willingness to return to the Churches Communion , upon her laying aside the use of these innocent Ceremonies which they pretend they cannot in Conscience comply with . Had the Presbyterians given but the least intimation of their readiness to abandon their Schism upon the making of these Alterations , the Clergy perhaps , to further so desirable a Work , might have easily been induced to grant them some Ease as to their unreasonable Scruples about those harmless Rites used in our Worship , which tho' indisferent in their Nature , yet are very signi●…icant in their Use. But it is to no purpose ever to expect to reclaim the Presbyterians from their Schism upon such Terms , since they declare against the whole Body of the Common-Prayer , and the Order of Episcopacy , as unlawful ; and therefore to make Alterations in the manner of our Wo●…hip , which could have no other esfect but to create more Enemies to our Communion , was no ways consistent with the Prudence that is required in Ecclesiastical Governours . Now this is what the Sc●…ts Assembly cannot urge in their Defence , since those of the Lpiscopal Clergy , who had the freedom to joyn with them in the Government of the Church , Petitioned them upon that account , and declared their readiness to concur with them in maintaining the Discipline of the Church , and punishing scandalous and contumacious Offenders , which were all the Acts of Government they de●…ired to share with them in . As for their Presbyterian Ordinations , they did indeed declare positively against them , and refused to joyn with them in any such Acts as they thought to be direct Encroachments upon the Episcopal Power . But , Secondly , There is another Reason which may have influenced the ●…nglish Convocation to oppose the Alterations in the form of our Worship , which K. William did then desire them to make , and that is , T●…e Preservation and Saf●…ty of the whole Liturgy . They were ●…t that time sensible of the fatal overthrow of their Neighbouring Church of Sc●…tland , how the Order and Constitution of its Governm●…nt was ●…uite overturned by the Presbyterians , and not only the Bi●…hops turned out both of their Spiritual and Temporal Rights , but 〈◊〉 the greatest part of the Clergy most barbarously Treated , ●…nd driven from their Houses and Churches . This cruel Treatment which their Brethren in 〈◊〉 received from that Dissenting Party , might ju●…tly a●…arm the English Clergy to expect the same Usage from the P●…esbyterians here , as soon as they could thrust themselves into 〈◊〉 power of doing th●…m any mischief . And therefore considering the great Interest the Presbyterians had in that ●…irst Parliament a●…ter the Revolution , it was no ways safe for the Convocation to consent to the Dissolving of the present Act of Uniformity , lest they should meet with such Obstacles in establishing another , as they were hardly able at that time to grapple with . The Presbyterian Members of that Parliament were so numerous , that had the present Act of Uniformity been once dissolved , they would have th●…own in so many Stops and Hinderances against a new Establishment of the ●…urgy by Act of Parliament , they would have started so many new Scruples of Conscience to be solved about it , and by this means occasioned such infinite de●…ys therein , as would have made the Re-settlement of our Liturgy , a t●…ing almost impossible . If the Parliament had offered to ratisie the Service-Book with the Alterations the Convocation should think fit to make therein , before they Dissolved this present Act of Uniformity , I cannot tell but many Members of that Convocation might have been prevailed with to Consent to some Alterations in those indisferent Ceremonies the Presbyterians so groundlesly exclaim against ; that for the future they might not have the least pretence for continuing in their notorious and wretched Schism . But for the Convocation to consent to the Dissolving the present Establishment , without having any security for another , is what none could expect from any prudent or reasonable Society . Thirdly , The Convocation in England might perhaps be the more remiss in promoting an Union with the Di●…senters upon the Terms proposed , because they saw no probability of preserving thereby the Unity of the Church , as long as the Presbyterians profess to own no common Principles of Unity with us , that may still oblige them to remain in the Communion of the Church . Unless they acknowledge our Bi●…hops to be the Principles of Unity , and that it is necessary for every one that intends to continue a Member of the Catholick Church to be united in their Communion ; I say , unless they own these Catholick Painciples of Unity in common with us , we can have no security that they will remain ours any longer than their Interest , shews them their Duty . And therefore an Union with them upon any other Terms , in stead of preserving the Unity of the Church , would be a ready way to enable them to make a greater rent and breach in our Communion , whenever they should see it their Interest again to erect Altar against Altar . But our Scots Assembly could have no such Pretence against those few Episcopal Clergy that ●…esired to be United to them in a share of the Government . They were willing , I suppose , to own the same common Principles of Unity with the Presbyterians , in reference to the Discipline of the Church , that is , to be governed by the major part of all their Assemblies , and to submit always to what is carried by a Plurality of Voices in their Meetings ; though sometimes they themselves , when they see it for their Interest , destroy this Principle of Unity , so fundamentally nece●…ary to all Democratical Societies , and allow the lesser Number to preponderate the greater , as in the Case which happened in the Synod of St. Andrews , an . 1591 , about settling a Minister at Leuchars . And this methinks is enough to shew , that the Church of England had far more reasonable Grounds to oppose the Comprehension with the Dissenters , than the Scots Presbyterians had to reject the desire of the Episcopal Addressers . But this Author will needs have the Disadvantage appear wholly on the Church of England's ●…ide , and therefore we must consider a little the Reasons he brings for his Assertion . His first Reason is , Because the King is really the Fountain of all their Church Power , as ●…aving the making of the Bishops , and does still remain Head of th●…ir Church ; whereas he hath actually renounced Name and Thing in Scotland , where the whole Ecolesiastical Jurisdiction is by Law settled in the Church . The King is indeed owned by the Church of England to be in his own Dominions Supream over all Persons , and in all Causes Civil and Ecclesiastical ; but that he is the Fountain of all their Church Power , is what I believe the most Erastian Principled among them never dreamed . Their 37th Article asserts the contrary in as plain words as can be desired , where it is said , ' ' That they give not to their Princes the Ministring either of God's Word , or of the Sacraments , but that only Prerogative which they see to have been always given to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself ; that is , That they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their Charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal , and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil Doers . From whence 't is plain , that the Church of England in her Articles allows the Civil Magistrate no Power or Jurisdiction in Matters purely Spiritual ; he cannot Administer the Sacraments , nor Consecrate either Bishops or Priests , neither can he inflict any Spiritual Censures upon obstinate Offenders . The Civil Power may for strengthening the Hands of the Church , and making her Discipline the more dreaded and regarded , inforce her Spiritual Censures with Secular Punishments , but can lay no claim to the Power of the Keys as his own Right . It is from him the Church derives that Power of having Civil Penalties inflicted on such as contemn and despise th●… Ecclesiastical Censures ; as in the case of Excommunication , which renders the Party excommunicated obnoxious to Temporal Imprisonment , and incapacitates him from carrying on any Suit or Action in the Civil Courts . The Church cannot by her own Authority use the Civil Sword to punish the stubborn and evil Doers ; and therefore in so far as the Civil Magistrate extends the Churches Jurisdiction to some Secular Matters , and impowers her to inflict Civil Penalties for the better preserving of her Ecclesiastical Discipline , the Clergy must own the King to be the Fountain from whence they derive this Power . But as for their Spiritual Authority and Jurisdiction , which only can be called properly the Church Power , they derive it from a higher Original , from God himself , who is the true ●…ead of our Church , and it cannot be conveyed to us by the Hands of any Lay-Person . God has instituted a distinct Order of Men in our Church , whom he has authorized to transmit this Spiritual Power down through all the Ages of Posterity , that there might still be a constant Succession of Pastors and Governors in the Church to administer his Wor●… and Sacraments to his People . And it is from this Sacred Order of the Divine Appointment that our Clergy derive their Spiritual Power ; it is from their hands they receive Holy Orders , and a Power of Ministring in Holy Things , and none but they alone can Divest them of this Authority . Our Author's Expression , of the King 's having the making of the Bishops , is somewhat ambiguous . If he means , that the King is allowed by the Church of England a Power to Consecrate and Separate the Bishops for their Sacred Function , it is such a notorious Falshood as needs no Confutation , the practice of the Church to the contrary being so visible . But if his meaning is , That the King has Power to Nominate any Clergy-man to a vacant Bishoprick , it is no more than what they themselves allow to the Laity in their popular Elections . And if the Laity in these Elections may be allowed to Nominate their own Pastor and Spiritual Guide , I see no reason why the Church should be blamed for allowing the King to Nominate and Recommend to them a Person ●…itly Quali●…ied for the Sacred Office of a Bishop , especially since 't is to his Bounty they owe all the Temporal Priviledges and Honours which are annexed to the Episcopal Sees . The same Power in the external ordering of Spiritual Matters , with which the ●…ing is Invested by the Constitutions of this Church and Nation , does likewise belong to him by the Laws of Scotland . ●…e has the Power of Nominating the Bishops , and 't is by his Authority the Clergy of that Kingdom are allowed to meddle in Secular Matters , and to in●…lict any Civil Penalties upon such as d●…spise their Spiritual 〈◊〉 . What this Author alledges about the Res●…inding of the whole Supremacy in Sc●…tland by Act of Parliament since this Revolution , is a gross mistake ▪ as may easily appear f●…om this short Narrative thereos . By the 129th Act , Parl. 8. ●… . Jam●…s VI. the King 's Royal Prerogative of Supremacy over all Estates , as well Spiritual as Temporal ▪ is acknowledged and rati●…ied ; and it i●… d●…clared , That none shall d●…cline the ●…ing's Power in 〈◊〉 Premisses under the pain of Treason . Thereafter by the ●… . A●… , 2. Parl. K ▪ Charl●…s II. there is an Exp●…ication of this Act and Prerogative , whereby it is declared , That whatever Constitution the King s●…all make concerning the ord●…ing and disposing of the external Government of the Church shall be obeyed as Law. This last Act was thought to give ●…he King too much Power , since he might thereby have aboli●…hed the Government of the Church by his own immediate Authority , and so there was some pretext for Rescinding this last Act , and it is Rescind●…d by the first Act of the second Session of Parliament of ●… . W●…lliam ; but the ●…irst Act is not Rescinded , and there was an 〈◊〉 Order to the Commissioner not to consent to any Act in prej●…dice the●…eof . So that the King then , by virtue of the first Act , continues to have a Supremacy over all Es●…ates Ecclesiastical as well Civil , and over all Pe●…sons and Causes thereto relating , and th●… Clergy of S●…otland ar●… as much bound to own this Supremacy as those of 〈◊〉 . ●…ere I cannot but observe how visibly the Disloyalty and 〈◊〉 of this Pa●…ty to all Civil Government does appear . Th●…y endeavour , under pretence of lodging all Ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 in t●… Church , to divest the King of that Power in the extern●…l ord●…ing of Church Matters , which does duly belong to him as being the supreme Governor within his o●…n Dominions ; and yet they a●…e so sar from settling the whole Ecclesias●…ical Jurisdiction in t●…e hands of Spiritual Persons , as they pretend , that they have not so much as one Judicatory but what does consist of at least 〈◊〉 as many Laicks as those who pretend to be Ecclesiasticks . They 〈◊〉 not allow the King so much Power as to Convocate the Clergy so●… the 〈◊〉 of Matters about Religion when he thinks fit , or to ●…ommand them faithfully to discharge their Duties and Functions , which he may lawfully do by virtue of his Civil Power over their Persons as his Subjects , and yet they allow the Lay-Elders in their General Assemblies to share with them in the Authority of in●…licting Spiritual Censures , which properly belongs to none but Spiritual Persons ; and their indulging the Laity this Power in spiritual matters , is more than what they can well account ●…or , according to the first Institution of th●… Ministry . In their General Assemblies there is no Minister d●…prived of hi●… function , no Sentence of ●…xcommunication passed , no ●…eretick condemned , nor any thing of moment transacted , but what th●…ir Lay-Elders share in as much as their Teachers ; and yet is the King should 〈◊〉 any such Power in their Meeti●…gs , they would be apt to ●…ly in his Face as an Oppressor and Persecutor of the Cause of God ; but methinks they might at least indulge him the 〈◊〉 of being one of their Ruling Elders . That the Church has Power of calling her Assemblies , and exercising ●…er Discipline in some extraordinary Cases , even contrary to the Command of the Civil Magistrate , is what we do not deny , as this Author is pleas●…d to alledge . The Apostles and Primitive Christians did in a direct opposition to the Roman Emperours and Jewish Sanhedrim , frequently meet together to perform the Religious Exercises of Devotion , and determine such Controversies as then happened to arise among their B●…ethren , and this they did without thinking , that they encroached in the least upon the just Rights of the lawful Powers then in being . And what was lawful for them to do , is still lawful for the pr●…sent Ch●…rch in the same Circumstances ; for the Magistrates being now Christian , can Intitle him to no gr●…ter Power in Church 〈◊〉 , by Virtue of his Civil Authority , than what did b●…ong to the Heathen Magistrates . The Church may indeed upon prudent Mo●…ives , indulge the Christian Magi●…trate a greater Power of 〈◊〉 in Ecclesiastical matters , than wh●…t had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ●…afe ▪ to intrust the Heathen Emperours wi●…h ; but this Power which the Church Grants to the Magistrate , does no ways belong to him by 〈◊〉 of ●…is Civil Authority ; it is only Indulged ●…im by the Church , in prospect of his Temporal Protection ; and there●…ore , 〈◊〉 he instead of a Nursing Fa●…her to her , shall turn an oppressing 〈◊〉 , or when the Church shall see it any way necessary sor the well being and safety of Religion , she may recal it again at her pleasure . But as we allow the Church to have the sole Power and Authority in matters purely Spiritual ; so we deny , that any such 〈◊〉 Jurisdiction belongs to her , as to ex●…mpt the Bodies of the Cl●…gy , from Subjection to the Civil Powers . They owe their Sovereign the same Duty and Obedience with the rest of his Subjects , are as much under the Jurisdiction of his Civil Courts , as liable to the Temporal punishments which he inflicts , as the persons of the Lai●…y ; sor otherwise the Civil Magistrate could have no security for hi●… Government . We do not allow the Clergy to be Judges of every thing done by themselves in the first instance , which is the height of the Popish Usurpation and Supremacy , and makes Church-men no Subjects . And herein it is , that we differ from the Presbyterians in asserting the Jurisdiction of the Church ; they together with the Papists carry it to such a height , as to claim an exemption for the Clergy of their not being answerable to the Civil Courts of the Nation , but only cognizable by themselves ; they deny the secular Magistrate any Power to punish the persons of the Clergy , for Rebellion and Treason preached openly from their Pulpits , or any other Crime , till they once be Convicted of the Crime and Condemned therefore , by a sentence of an Ecclesiastick Judicatory . That this is , or at least was always wont to be , the constant Principle of the Presbyterian Party is so Notorious , that I admire this Author should ever attempt to conceal it . Was it not their proceeding to practice upon these principles , which gave the first Rise to that Act of Parliament in K. James VI's Reign , ratifying the King's Supremacy ? For one Mr. And. Melvil a Presbyterian Minister , having declaimed ●…requently against the King , for which being called before the Council , he boldly declined the King and Council as Judges in prima instantia of what is Preach'd in the Pulpit , even tho' it were High Treason , and so he fled into England . Whereupon the Nation Assembled in Parliament in the year 1584 , in a just Resentment of th●…se Seditious Doctrines and Practices , did pass the abovementioned Act of Supremacy ; and it was by Vertue of that very Act that Mr , Ja. Guthrie a Presbyterian Minister , was anno 1661 hanged for declining the King's Authority . The Presbyterian Ministers declaimed against and reproached this Act of Parliament , and in opposition thereto , one of their Number Mr. Dav. Black , having Railed against K. James and Queen Elizabeth from the Pulpit as Enemies to God , being called before the King's Council , he not ●…nly declined the King's Power of judging him , until he was first Condemned by his Brethren , but United most of the Ministers of S●…tland most tumultuously in his Defence ; and some of them who were then residing at Edinburgh , stirred up the multitude to such a Rage and Fury upon this occasion , that they presently leap●… to Arms , and came to the Street in great Numbers crying , The Sword of the Lord and of Gideon , it shall either be theirs or ours . And taking their March streight to the Session-House , where the King and his Counsellors were then met , would in all probability have forced the Doors ( which upon the Noise of the Tumult were shut ) and done no small mischief , were it not that , by the Providence of God , a Loyal party drawn together by the Deacon Conveener of the Trades kept them back for a while , till their Fury cooled a little ; and in the mean time the Earl of Marr called from the Castle , a Company of Musqueteers to Guard the King's Person ; upon the Notice whereof the multitude chose to disband , and went away as confusedly as they met . And whether such practices as these be not directly to invade the Temporal Sword , and Usurp the Power of the Civil Magistrate , I shall leave the Reader to Judge . And if the Popish Bishops be guilty of the like practices with the Presbyterians , in encroaching upon the Rights of the secular Magistrate , it ought not in Reason to reflect upon the Bishops of the Reformed Communion , since it is what we can be no more accountable for , than for the Barbarous and inhumane practices of the Presbyterian party , because they pretend to be our fellow Christians . It is to these unjustifiable principles and practices of the Papists and Presbyterians , that we owe all the encroachments that have been made upon the spiritual Power in these later days ; for the Popish Clergy together with the Presbyterians , not being satisfied to assert only the independent Authority of the Church in matters purely Spiritual , have endeavoured to extend its Jurisdiction so far , as plainly to encroach upon the Rights of the secular Magistrate , and to subject the State to the Church , not only in Spi●…ituals , but likewise in Temporals . And this on the other Hand has Tempted many of the Lai●…y in these later Ages , ( when Men are degenerated into such an indifferency and lukewarmness about matters of Religion , that they look upon the Temporal concerns of this World , to be of fa●… greater Value and Concern , than the Eternal Interest of our Souls ) upon all occasions to grasp at the Rights of the Church , and to Rob her of that Spiritual Power and Au●…hority ●…ith which our Saviour has invested her independently of any humane Authority , and which to Usurp from her is Sacriledge to the highest degree . The second Reason our Author bring●… to prove the Church of England to be in the blame , for refusing an Union with the Dissenters , is , That they believe most of the things in Controversie to be indiff●…rent , whereas the Presbyterians look upon them as unlawful ; and that the Church of England were under promise to King James to have done it . That the Church of Engl●…nd had reasonable grounds to oppose an Union with the Dissenters upon the Terms then proposed , I think I have sufficiently evinced already . And that they are guilty of any breach of promise which they made concerning it , while King James was here , is what cannot well be alledged , since they were always willing to receive them into the bosom of their Church , and to Grant them all imaginable ease , as to their unreasonable Scruples which might be consistent with the safety of their Church and Communion . But to abolish the use of those Innocent and instructing Rites in our Worship , meerly to satisfie the groundless scruples of the Presbyterians , when they do not so much as offer to return to our Communion upon these Terms , is what no reasonable man can well expect . Our Author in this Paragraph seems to T●…x the Episcopal Clergy with being addicted to Arminianism and Socinianism . As for the latter , I 'm confident there are few of them ●…ainted with these sort of principles ; they entertain the true Notions of the Son of God , of his Divinity , his Incarnation and Passion , according as they are revealed unto us in the Holy Scriptures . And as to the controverted Doctrines about Election , Reprobation , &c. They are careful to observe St. Paul's Rule , not to be followers of Arminius in these things , any further than he is a follower of the Doctrine of our Saviour and his Apostles . That the Presbyterian Ministers have often assumed to themselves a power of making Peace and War , and have declared Engagements to defend the King's Person , Honour and Prerogative , which were made by the Parliament without their consent , to be unlawful , is so well known , that I think there needs no great Rhetorick to convince us of the Truth thereof , although this Author very confidently avers the contrary , Pag. 56. If we but Read the History of the late Civil Wars under King Charles I. we shall find , that in all these proceedings , the Parliament or Committee of Estates appointed thereby to Govern the Nation , never acted any thing in Relation either to Peace or War , but in conjunction with the General A●…sembly or Commission of the Kirk ; or if they chanced to pass any A●…ts without their consent , they were instantly declared ●…o be unl●…wful and of no Obligation . And to prove the Truth of this we need no more but consult their proceedings , in opposing ●…he King's Affairs in the year 1648. for when the Parliament of Sco●…l●…nd had resolved on an Engagement for delivering the King's person from his Imprisonment in England , did not the Presbyterian Ministers prescribe some Articles to the Parliament , for carrying on this War against England , and because the Parliament did not comply with their desires herein , they solemnly protested against all they had resolved on , and thundered Cur●…es and Damnation against all who did not oppose this Engagement . Pag. 59. This Author is highly displeased with his Antagonist , for throwing upon the Presbyterian party the reproachful Term of New Gospellers ; and he cannot apprehend what can be found in the Presbyterian Writings to ground this Accusation upon . But I think ●…ruly , when we con●…der the Nature of most of their Difcourses upon Religion , the whole Tenour of their Sermons and Preachings , it is not without some ground , that they are Reproached with this distinguishing Character . I do not say , that they main●…ain wholly a New and a Singular Gospel , but I am sure they have so disguised the Gospel of our Saviour , from its Ancient Purity and Simplicity , that what they Preach , is vastly different from the Doctrine of the Purer and Primitive Ages of Christianity . They have corrupted most of its Doctrines , with their Rude and Indigested Notions ; they have transformed the Meek and Calm Spirit of the Gospel , into a Spirit of Bitterness and Revenge , instead of converting their Swords into pruning Hooks and plow shares ; they , to propagate their excentrick Notions of Religion , maintain it lawful to res●…st the Supreme Powers , and rather than fail of their designs , to imbroil Nations into perpetual War and Bloodshed . And this me●…hinks is quite another Gospel from what our Saviour has taught us in his Holy Scriptures , where we have not the least encouragement to propagate Religion by force of Arms , or any such indirect means . There we find nothing more frequently inculcated to the Christian Converts , than a Spirit of Meekness and Humility , of Brotherly Love and Charity , and to live peaceably with all Men as much as in us lieth . We are not taught from thence , to prosecute with the utmost Rigour of Malice and Revenge , all such as differ ●…rom us in the l●…ast matters about Religion , but we are rather exhorted to reclaim them from their Errors , in the Spirit of Meekness and Charity . CHAP. III. I Come now to our Author's Third and Last Part , where he has heaped together a parcel of such Villainous and Prophane Stories , of such manifest Lies and Forgeries , as do plainly shew the Author to have abandoned all sense of Morality and Religion , and ●…o have prostituted his Conscience meerly to gratisie his Malice and Revenge . After he has in ●…he ●…ormer parts of his Book , almost in every Page , reviled the whole Body of the Episcopal Clergy and Gentry both in E●…gland and Scotland at a most ignominious rate , representing them all as Drunkards and Whoremongers , as wallowing in all Sins of Uncleanness and Impurity , he now 〈◊〉 the Persons of some particular Clergy-men in Scotland , whom he endeavours now to wound in th●…ir Reputation and Honour , as his Party have already done in their ●…ives and ●…ortunes . It is no ways strange to see Persons when they have either murdered , robbed , or any way injured a Man , to endeavour to blacken him in his Fame and Reputation , to represent him as the vilest Monster , that so they may the better palliate and excuse their own wicked and hellish Practices against him . Could we ever expect that the Pre●…byterians , after they had once attempted , frequently threatned , and at last accompli●…hed in a most barbarous manner , the murder of tha●… great Primate Bishop Sharp , that they should , after this unparallel'd Villany of theirs , allow him the Character he dese●…vedly bears of a Religious , Prudent , and Godly Prelate ? Could we imagine they would deal more tenderly with his Reputation than they had done with his Life ? On the contrary , we had good reason to expect that they would charge him with all the notorious Villanies their Malice could invent , as this Libeller very civilly Treats him , Pag. 64. So that we have no great reason ●…o wonder at this insatiable Malice of our Presby●…erians , that after ●…hey had raised a most furious Persecution against our Clergy , thrust ●…hem from their Spiritual Cures and Preferments , robbed them of ●…heir Temporal Fortunes and Estates , and cruelly treated their Persons , by murdering of some , and wounding of others ; that their Malice should not stop here , but likewise extend it self to their Fame and Reputation , the most precious Jewel we possess ; I say , we need not much wonde●… a●…●…his , since i●… is no more ●…han what was necessary to crown their glorious Work of Reformation , that they might not only the●…eby the more expose the Persons of our Clergy to further Igno●…niny and Contempt , but likewise might have some shew or pretence to colour their own barbarous Practices against ●…hem . It is a sufficient Vindication of the Clergy , whose Lives and Conversa●…ions this Author so maliciously attacks , at least of all those who are yet alive , that in this present Persecution against them , raised and carried on by the Presbyterians with all the fury and malice that was possible , there were few or none of them deprived for their Immoral Lives and Actions . Their Adversaries not only persecuted them in their Persons , but likewise endeavoured to blacken them in their Reputation by all the hellish Arts they could contrive ; they framed Libels against them , stuffed with all the groundless ●…tories they could possibly scrape together , and with all the Lies and Forgeries their Malice could invent ; and yet after all these indirect m●…ans used by them to stain the Reputation of our Clergy , I verily believe , they cannot instance in four Persons against whom they could ●…ind the least pretence to deprive them ●…or their Immoralities . And this methinks , were enough to detect the falshood of this Villain 's Forgeries , and to vindicate those of the Clergy whom he here assaults from the foul Aspersions he so invidiously throws upon them . I●… these of the Clergy had been in the least obnoxious in their Lives , could they have possibly escaped so critical a Censure of their Enemies , when they sifted all their Acquaintances for Stories against them , and ripped up their Lives to their ve●…y infancy , and when nothing else could be found blameable in the whole course of their Lives , they charged some of them with their Juvenilia , and even those they represented under a great number of aggravating Circumstances which never had the least shadow of Truth . Had I the good fortune of being acquainted with all the Clergy , who are here libelled by our Author , or a convenient opportunity of corresponding with these places where they resided , I could fairly undertake to disprove this Accuser in most of the particulars of his Forgeries . But since I am at present deprived of the Advantages of such a general Correspondence as this requires , I must in this Vindication con●…ine my self to such of the Clergy as I have either the happiness of knowing , or have had occasion more particularly to enquire into the History of their Lives . And from what I shall discover as touching this Libeller's disingenuous and unfair Dealing with respect to these Clergy , the Reader may easily guess how fairly and candidly he treats their Brethren , and what credit is to be given to his Calumni●…s and Aspersions upon them . What I designed upon this Subject , is in a great part anticipated ▪ by a late Treatise concerning our Scots Asfairs , entituled , An Apology for the Clergy of Scotland , where the worthy Author in an Appendix to his Book has vindicated many of our Clergy from the Libels brought against them by this petty Scribler , and has given such true and just Characters of them as all that know them will readily acknowledge to be their due . To this Appendix therefore I shall refer my Reader for an Answer to a great deal of what concerns the third Part of this scurrilous Libel , not being willing to repeat here what is so excellently said by th●…t Author in vindication of our Clergy . I shall only here subjoyn such further Matter for their Vindication from this Libeller's Aspersions , as the Author of the Appendix had not then the opportunity of knowing ▪ and has since come to my ha●…ds . And first , As for Dr. Canaries , against whom the bent of this Accuser's ma●…ice seems to be chiefly levelled , although I never gave the least cr●…dit to this abominable Story charged upon him in this Pamphlet , as knowing him to be a Man of a vi●…tuous and exemplary Life ; yet because the Libeller so confidently appeals for the truth of his Story to the Registers of 〈◊〉 , I had the curiosity to send ●…hither to a wo●…thy Friend of mine for an Extract out of the Regist●…rs conce●…ning this matter , not doubting but our Author had consulted the R●…cords himself be●…ore he made so publick an Appeal to them . Th●… Answer I received was to this purpose : That as for Dr. 〈◊〉 's Affair , after all the Researches could be made into the Records of the Kirk-Sessions and Presbytery of Dundee , there was no mention of it to be ●…ound there , and the Ministers assured him never any thing of it was Recorded , so that he could not send me any Extract of it as I desired . And he says , That it is great Impudence in the Author of this Pamph●…et to appeal to these to gain credit to that abominable Story ; as it is likewise most notoriously false what this Author alledges , That the Doctor was constrained to flee ; for he averrs it as a certain truth , That there never was any Sentence pronounced against him , and this ( he says ) all the Ministers of the Presbytery can attest . He likewise says , That his very Accusers there do utterly deny that there was any such thing as a Form of Baptism used , which is so considently asserted by this Villain . He tells me , he was credibly informed , That the Fanaticks in that place had been at pains to sift these Accusers of the Doctor , and that Mr. Spalding the Presbyterian-Intruder there had sent some of his Followers to examine them concerning this matter , and after all they were brought to Mr. S●…alding himself , but never would acknowledge any such thing as the Pamphleter records . He concludes his Letter thus ; That he must do Dr. Canaries the justice to testifie , that he was as ●…ittle tainted with Intemperance as any he knew of his age . And this Testimony ought to be of the greater weight with us , that it comes from one who was intimately acquainted with the Doctor , and had all the advantages of knowing exactly the whole Series and History of his younger Years When that Passage of the Doctor was Examined before the Presbytery of Dundee , the Doctor received an Acquittance from the Presbytery , clearing him from having any accession to that Scandal given by these two young Gentlemen who were in his company , and accosted the Women in the Fields . And notwithstanding th●… malice of the Presbyterians hath aggravated that Story into a heinous Villany , yet the true and real Ground of it was no more than this , That these two young Gentlemen being in company with the Doctor , run from him to some Women in the Fields , and undecently thrust their Hands under their Clothes . When this Answer to the Presbyterian 〈◊〉 was published , Mr. Castairs a Presbyterian Minister to●…d Dr. 〈◊〉 , that he was in●…ormed by Mr. Spalding the Presbyterian Preacher at Dundee , ( the place where this Story had its rise , ) That there was no ground for this malicious Calumny against the Do●…tor ; and that if the Doctor pleased , he would write to Mr. Spalding for an account of it , which he thought would be such a Vindication of the Docto●…s Innocency , as the most malicious of his Enemies cou●…d not well withstand . Mr. Castairs having wrote to Mr. Spal●…ing , who s●…nt him up some account of it to London ; he sent a Letter to the Do●…tor , acquain●…ing him , That such an account was come f●…om Mr. Spalding to London , ( though not as yet to his hands ) wherein the Doctor 's Innocency was sufficiently cleared from this malicious Slander . This Letter from Mr. Castairs I suppose the Doctor hath in his possession ; but Mr. Castairs sent not afterwards to the Doctor Mr. Spalding's Letter , for what reason I shall not here enquire . Hence we may see how fairly and candidly the Docto●… has been treated by this malicious Scribler , and for no other reason that I can conceive , but his being employed by a part of the Clergy of Scotland to Negotiate their Affairs with the present Government , and the vigorous opposition he always made to the Designs carried on by the Presbyterian Party for overturning and subverting our Church ▪ I shall not here resume what the Author of the Appendix above cited brings in further Vindication of the Doctor 's Innocency , as that he underwent two fiery Tryals before the Presbyterian Judicatories in Scotland , one before the Privy ▪ Council at Edinburgh , which consisted then wholly of Presbyterians , who are still by far the majority at the Council-Board ; the other before a Meeting of Presbyterian Teachers at Selkirk ; by both which he was acquitted , and not one instance of Immorality laid to his charge . On the contrary , the Presbyterian Ministers offered cordially to receive him into their Society , if he would but renounce his Principles of Episcopacy . I think there needs no more be said in the Doctor 's Vindication ; if he but appeal for his Innocency to the Testimony of those who have known the whole course of his Life and Conversation , he may fairly bid a defiance to the most inveterate malice of his Enemies . Page 64. He charges Dean Hamilton with Sodomy , and says , He was convicted of it by 88 Witnesses ; and again , Pag. 73. he accuses him of buggering a Mare , lying wi●…h several Men's Wives in Hamilton , and several other Immoralities , among which is his profering Bestiality ( I suppose our Author would have said Sodomy ) to a young Man in London of this Author 's own Acquaintance . These Crimes , he says , were proved against him before the Criminal Court at Edinburgh , but he having bribed the Judges , the Tryal was put off . As for these last Crimes , Buggery , Adultery , &c. the Dean was never so much as accused of them , so far were they from being proved against him , as this Libeller falsly alledges ; and it is the height of Impudence in him to arraign the whole Justice of the Nation at this rate , for conniving at such gross and scandalous Immoralities as the most barbarous Nations detest and abhor . Is it possible for any man of sense to believe , that the whole Judges of a Nation can be so degenerated in their Morals , as to be bribed or corrupted by such a vile Wretch as this Dean Hamilton must needs have been , had our Author's Calumnies against him been tr●…e ? The Dean was indeed accused of the Crime of Sodomy , and upon that account was cited first before the Privy-C●…uncil , and afterwards before the Justice-Court at Edinburgh ; and all Witnesses that could be had were examined against him , but they not proving any thing of the Crime upon him , he was fully absolved from it by both those honourable Courts . And my Informer assures me , that he has seen the Sentences of Absolution passed upon this Affair by both those Courts ; the one signed by Duke Hamilton as President of the Council , and the Clerk to the PrivyCoun●…il ; the other signed by the Justice General , and the Clerk to the Justice-Court ; and these Sentences of Absolution are to be seen at this day in the several Registers of those Courts . Now , after the Dean was so publickly absolved from the Guilt of this Crime , it must needs argue a great stock of Impudence , and nothing less of Malice in this Author , to averr so confidently , That he was convicted of it by ●…ighty eight Wi●…nesses . Whether he was really guilty or not of such a Villany , God and his own Conscience can best tell ; it has been the misfortune of several pious and innocent Persons to be ●…alsely accused ; but however , since he did so openly Vindicate himself from the Guilt of this Crime , the Laws of Christian Charity oblige us to look upon him as Innocent , till we have better Evidence to the contrary , than the Aspersions and Calumny of a malicious and virulent Scribler , who has declared himself an Enemy to all those that have ever been vested with the Authority of Christ's Ambassadors . In the following Page * he mentions one Mr. B●…yd a West-Country Parson , whom he affirms to have got his M●…id with Child , and , to have been taken in the Act by some of his Parishioners , and thereupon to have deserted his Wife , and run with the Wh●…re ●…o England . In this our Author is so f●…r mistaken , that I am credibly informed , there never was an Episcopal Minister of that Name in the West of Scotland since ▪ the Year 1662 , except one Mr. Robert Boyd Minister at Carmunoch , who although upon some other accounts he was once Libell'd in Bishop Leighton's time and absolved , nothing of the Libel being proved , yet never any thing like Adultery was laid to his charge , and at present he lives in 〈◊〉 with his Wife under a virtuous and commendable Character . In the same Page our Libeller assaults the Reputation of Mr. Hugh Blair Minister at Rutherglen , concerning whom he has these Words ; That he w●…s a c●…mmon Drunkard and Swearer , and at last got his Maid with child , ●…or which he was suspended about a month by the Bishop ; but having bribed one Macfarland to marry the Whore , and say the Child was his , he was restored again to his Office , though the thing was proved before the Bishop by many Witnesses who had seen them lying together ; and it was also proved , that the Woman owned it in her Labour , and that her Husband had confessed it . I have chose the rather to set down our Author's Words at large , because they contain a complication of as many Lies as Words . That Mr. Blair is either a Drunkard or Swearer , was not so much as alledged against him in all his Process , which notwithstanding was ca●…ried on with the height of Malice and Envy . That he got his Maid with child , is a most notorious Lie , as I shall convince you by and by , as it is likewise false that the Bishop ever suspended him on that or any other account . That Mr. Blair bri●…ed one Macfarl●…nd to marry the Whore , contains no less than two ma●…ifest Falshoods ; for First , There was never one M●…cfarland mentioned in the whole Process ; and Secondly , The Whore lives still unmarried to this day . That the thing was proved before the Bishop by many Witnesses that were examined about it , is likewise a noto●…ious ●…ntruth , ●…or of above an hundred Witnesses that were examined about it , not one of them deposed that they saw him as much as speak to her after he put her out of his Service , far less to ha●…e the least scand●…lous carriage towa●…ds her . That ●…he W●…man ●…ned it ●…n her childbed , and that her H●…sband conf●…ssed it , are of the same strain with the rest of these Calumnies , and have no greater shadow of Truth ; for when the Hussie was in Childbed , she declared one Don●…ld Ferg●…n to be the Father of the Child , who owned ●…t as his , and maintained it as long as the Child lived . As to the Husband 's confessing that he was bribed to own the Child , I have already told you , that the Woman was never known to have a Husband , and that she lives unmarried at this day . But that you may be the better able to understand the whole of this A●…fair concerning Mr. Blair , take the History of it as ●…ollows ▪ Mr. Hugh Bl●…ir being indebted for some money to one James Macfarland of Ki●…k-town , his own Cousin-German , and Mr. 〈◊〉 having occasion to wri●…e to him frequently about it ▪ s●…t a Se●…vant of his called Donald F●…rguson with the Letters ; and thi●… 〈◊〉 stay●…ng some times all night at Mr. Blair's House , had occasion to ●…ebauch M●…rgaret Drew one of his Maid-servants , and got her with Child , ●…hich so soon as Mr. Blair was informed of , he put the Hussi●… out of his ●…ervice . Then Commissary Fleeming his Lady living in Mr. Blai●…'s Parish , and having had a former Grudge against him , laid hold on this occasion , and dealt with the Whore to father the Child on Mr. Blair . And for that end , she and the Fanatick Party in Glasgow gave her a sum of money to own it ; ( which can yet be proved by the Hussie's own confession , and by other Witnesses that were privy to it ; ) ●…pon which she goes to a Minister in the Presbytery of Glasgow , and affirmed Mr. Blair to be the Father of her Child . The rumour of this coming to the Archbishop of Glasgow his ears , he forthwith appointed a Visitation of the Church of Rut●…eglen , where Mr. Blair was Minister , to be in April 1663 , and caused the Woman 〈◊〉 Dr●…w to be summoned thereto . She appearing before ●…he Pre●…bytery ▪ declared , That Donald Ferguso●… was the Father o●… her Child . Where●…pon Mr. George Milne Minister at Campsie , in whose Pari●…h this Ferguson lived , was ordered to summon him to the next Presbytery Meeting ; who compearing freely , owned himself to be the Father of the Child , and did satisfie the Discipline of th●… Church at Gavan for the said Scandal , where both of them confessed the Child was begotten . When the Child was presented to Baptism , this Ferguson did the duty of the Father , and did likewis●… maintain it as long as the Child lived ▪ Commissary Fleeming's ●…ady being disappointed of this her design against Mr. Blair , set a●…other on foot of Libelling him ; and p●…ocured from the Archbishop a second Visitation to be kept at his Church of Ruthe●…glen by the Presbytery ; where all hi●… Pa●…hioners that had any thing to say agai●…st his Life and Conversation , were invited to come freel●… and declare it : Yet even then his whole 〈◊〉 cleared him of all Imputations both of Doctrine and Conversation . ●…ut our Presbyterian Lady's malice rest●…d not so , for she procured a third 〈◊〉 , against which time she had provided one Willia●… Robison , a Smith to his Trade , and a prosligate vicious Fellow in his Morals , to give in a Libel against Mr. Bl●…ir , and accuse him of several Immoralities . This Fellow had been a Serjeant at the Insurrection of 〈◊〉 - bridge ; before which time Mr. 〈◊〉 and his Kirk-S●…ssion had frequently censured him for 〈◊〉 , Swearing , Breach of the Sabbath , 〈◊〉 , and Whoredom ; so that the Archbishop and Presbytery could not admit him as an Accus●… . And this necessitated the Lady to set up one John Widderspon●… a Taylor to subscribe the Libel against hi●… , who was a Bastard-relation of her own , at that time her servant , a young man not one and twenty Years of Age , having no Family , and not worth a Groat ; yet notwithstanding all these just Exceptions against him , to give the Lady satisfaction , he was sustained . But after more than two years Process before Synods , Sub-Synods , Presbyteries , and t●…e Examination of above an hundred Witnesses , there was not one Titl●… of the Libel proved agains●… him ; even although no Witnesses were rejected , but all admitted , even Informers themselves , and one John Stev●…n , whom Mr. Blair proved to be a Mad-man , was ●…dmitted Cum Not●… , as the whole Synod and Presbytery of Glasgow and their Registers can t●…stifie . But all this failing them , the Lady again set on the Whore , and gave her more money to retract her former judicial Confession , and to ●…her the Child on Mr. Blair De novo . Many Witnesses were procured ▪ by her , to prove that Mr. Blair bribed the Hussie with money . But all Proof failing , and she having thereby m●…de her self In●…amous , the Archbishop , together with the whole Diocese , after three years Process , finding nothing of the Libel proved , nor any ground to trouble him further , did absolve him from the whole Libel and P●…ocess ; all which the Registers to this day do bear , and all the M●…nisters of the Diocese yet living can attest . In this Process Co●…sary Fleeming and his Lady , their Oaths being taken , did confess that they had set out both William Robison and John Widderspone to accuse Mr. Blair , and given them money for that end ; and this is contained in their Original Depositions upon Oath , subscribed with their own Hands . The Commissary's own Original Deposition sign'd by himself , owns that he was instrumental in perswading William Robison to accuse Mr. Blair to the Presbytery , but denies that he knew any thing of Widderspone's doing it till a●…ter he had begun it . I have thought ●…it to trouble the Reader with an exact Copy of Commissary Fl●…eming's Deposition upon Oath 〈◊〉 this matter , because it contains a further confirmation of what I have already said in Vindication of Mr. Blair's I●…ocence , and is a full discovery of the malicious and indirect means that were used by the Presbyterian Party to stain his Reputation . Here follows the Deposition . Glasgow , May 1. 1684. SIR William Fleeming Commissary of Glasgow being called , compeared , and his Oath being taken , did acknowledge he 〈◊〉 William Robison to go in and inform the Presbytery against Mr. Hugh Blair , but that by the Oath he had made he knew nothing of Widderspone's doing any thing of that kind until he had entred on it . For Provest Bowman , he never called ●…r him ●…nt Mr. Hugh Blairs business so far as he remembers . He called ●…r Prov●…st ●…arvey , and ●…nquired at him what he kn●…w anent Mr. ●…ugh Blair , and he having told me what he knew , I answered , Why t●…n you must be ready to depo●…e according to your knowledge when 〈◊〉 . And in the very like fashion he sent for Baily Fleeming , according 〈◊〉 his m●…mory he thinks : he called for James Cuming , and took Inquisition of wh●… he know anent Mr. Hugh Blair , and asked , Whether he would be a Witness ●…r I●…former , or ●…ither , and that ●…e found satisfaction in neither , and that according to his memory all this was after the Visitation , but cannot be 〈◊〉 . He remembers nothing anent William Scot Weaver positively , and that by the Oath he had made he said , That William Robison should be at no loss by any Expences he should be at , but that he never off●… money to Wi●…nesses that he can remember , and that he never threatened any Witnesses to come in against Mr. Hugh Blair . He sent for Thomas Wilkie , and asked him what he could say ? And when he told him , he had him be ready , as he should answer to GOD ▪ to tell the Presbytery . And d●…clares as to the Insor●…tive part , and as to the getting of an A●…cuser , he does not judge himself bound 〈◊〉 Law to give an account of his private Methods and Transactions 〈◊〉 , especially seeing the Presbytery required all the Hèr●…tors and others to inform what they could against Mr. Hugh Blair , but Ex superabundanti , for the Committee's satisfaction he had declared Ut supra sic subscribitur . W. Flyming . The Commissary in the end of his Deposition says , That having interrogated Thomas Wilkie what he could say against Mr. Blair , perswaded him to be a Witness against him , implying as if this Wilkie could have discovered some material thing concerning Mr. Blair ▪ whereas Thomas Wilkie's Deposition upon Oath is rather a Vindication than an Accusation of Mr. Blair's Innocence . He not only denies that he ever knew Mr. Blair guilty of any undecent thing with this Huss●…e ; but swears positively that he heard Mr. Blair affirm , That if this Woman were with Child , he should take all imaginable care that she might appear and satisfie the Discipline of the Church for the Scandal . His Examination upon Oath signed by himself take as follows . Glasgow , Dec. 26. 1683. THE whilk day Thomas Wilkie being admitted Witness and Interrogate , if he did see Mr. Hugh Blair riding before Margaret Drew on an Horse towards Edinburgh ? Deponed thereto Negatively . 2. Being Interrogate , if he did see them sup together in James Borland's at Blackburn ? Deponed thereto Negatively . 3. Being Interrogate , if he heard Mr. Hugh Blair say , if Margaret Drew were with Child , he should secure her Fees 〈◊〉 his hand for her Compeirance ? To which he deponed Affirmative . Sic subscribitur Thomas Wilkie . I think I need say nothing further in Mr. Blairs Vindication ; whoever cosiders what is already said on that point , will be fully convinced of his Innocence as to all these Calumnies brought against him by this Libeller , he is not the first whose Fate it hath been to be maliciously and innocently slandered . I have not the happiness of being of Mr. Blairs acquaintance , but the Character under which I have heard him always represented by his Brethren and Neighbours , s●…ews him to be a Man of a Virtuous Life , and of such Learning and Parts , as no Cause needs be ashamed to own him for one of their Confessors . The next instance of which I shall take Notice , is Mr. John Chisholm Parson of Lisly in Teviotdale , whom this Libeller Accuses in these Words ; That he having got his Maid with Child●… , bribed a Mason to Marry her , and own it , but the Woman afterward going to a Field Meeting in the Neighbourhood out of Curiosity , was so stung in C●…nscience , on hearing the Famous Mr. John Welch Preach against such Immoralities , that she cried out to the disturbance of the Worship , that she was undone Eternally , and voluntarily confessed her Crime ; for which she was pursued by the Episcopal Clergy , and imprisoned a long time , th●… ' she still owned the Guilt ; and the same was also Attested by her Brother , who had been privy to his Villany . This instance does furnish us with such a Notable Discovery of this Author's sincerity , and the Spirit of his party , that I very much wonder he had not the sense to pass it over , it re●…ecting such Scandal and Disgrace upon the whole Faction ; and really it is hard to determine , whether the Impudence , Malice , or Folly of this Author be most discernible in it . For this whole Affair having Ministred matter of so much Talk to the whole adjacent Neighbourhood where it happened , upon the singular discovery of this calumnious Cheat of the Presbyterians , it could not possibly escape the knowledge , either of this Author , or his Informer ; and yet so blind is the Spirit of Rage and Malice , that ou●… Author would needs publish this instance , as one of the Scandals of the Episcopal Clergy , when he very well knows , that all the Scandal of it returned with a Witness upon their own Heads . But it ●…ems the contriving this sham had cost them so great pains , that they were unwilling to lose the Fruit of so much Labour , even tho' the Mystery was now unfolded ; hoping by such aspersions at least to impose upon Strangers , as before they had done for some time on the Neighbourhood , till that overruling Providence , which most ●…requently exerts it self in the Vindication of oppressed Innocence , brought to light that hidden Work of Darkness . The Story in 〈◊〉 ●…s thus . Mr. Chisholm had a Servant Maid in his House who happened to be with Child ; she being conveened before the Kirk-Session declared who was the Father of her Child , the person on whom she Father'd the Child owned it to be his , and both she and the said Father did Pennance for this Scandal , according to the usual Custom as was enjoy●…ed , and thereupon Received the Churches Absolution . Mr. Chisholm upon his Maids falling into this Scand●…l removed her from his Service , and afterwards the Lady Cherrietr●…es ( a Zealous Presbyte●…ian , and who would not let slip any occasion , of bringing Reproach on the Clergy , and rendring that Sacred Profession odious to the World ) being , as appears ●…rom the sequel of the History , put upon it by the pa●…ty , hires this Woman to be her Servant ; and by some Arts or other prevails with her to say , that Mr. Chisholm her late Master was the Father of her Child . And to make the thing more clamorous , they perswade her to go to a Conventicle where Mr. John Welch P●…eached , and there by all the hypocritical sorrow she could counterseit , to pretend her self to be under an intollerable Remorse of Conscience for concealing the Sin of her Master . The Noise of this no soonēr went abroad , than the Neighbouring Clergy took notice of it , and appointed the Woman to be Summoned to the Meeting of their Presbytery , whom , when she appeared , they interrogated , whether she owned what was commonly Reported she had said concerning Mr. Chisholm's being the Father of her Child ? She answered she had said so , and that she now adhered to it , and that it was a Truth , that Mr. Chisholm had committed Fornication with her . This her bold Accu●…ation did not a little amaze all those who had any familiar acquaintance with Mr. Chisholm , whom they had always Esteemed a Man of an inoffensive Life , having been of an unblameable and exemplary Conversation . His Brethren however in the mean time , because of the Scandal , did suspend him from the exercise of his Ministry ▪ and used their utmost endeavours with him , to bring him to a Confession of his Guilt , and to perswade h●…m to dimit his Office , his Ministry being , upon the Account of the Scandal he had fallen under , rendered altogether useless . But after the Process had been long depending , and he still continuing under the Suspension of the Exercise of his Ministry , did notwithstanding unalterably persist in his Pleading not Guilty , and did by such serious Protestations Remonstrate his Innocence to his Brethren , that they firmly believed him to be very much injured in this Affair . He told them , i●… was not to save his pre●…erment that he stood so much to the Vindication of his Innocence , but that his personal Reputation being highly wronged in this matter , and especially , there being so much Scandal and Reproach cast upon the Sacred Office of the Ministry upon his Account , he thought himself bound in Conscience to endeavou●… all he could , to have this Affair throughly Canvassed , that ●…e might clear not only his own Reputation , but likewise the Ministerial Function of this great Scandal so maliciously thrown upon them . After this , some of Mr. 〈◊〉 's Friends being throughly perswaded of his Innocence , thought sit to make Application to the Civil Power to take the matter under their cognizance ; and spoke to the Sheriff of the place , that he might take some effectual course for having the Mystery of this whole Affair unfolded . The Sheriff sends for the Woman , and tells her , he had very good ground to suspect that what ●…he Reported of Mr. Chisholms , being the Father of her ●…hild was a ●…eer Calumny and Forgery , she having at first declared another Man to be the Father of the Child , and this Man having owned the Child to be his , and they both having done Pennance for the Scandal accordingly . She still persisting to say Mr. Chisholm was the Father of her Child , the Sheriff told her , there was no other way to clear this matter , but by her Oath , and therefore required her to hold up her Hand , ( the way of Administring an Oath in Scotland ) and solemnly to declare , whether Mr. Chish●…lm was the Father of that Child or not ? The Hussie holds up her Hand , but finding that the Sheriff seemed to be in earnest to tender her the Oath , she presently pulls back her Hand , and resuses to Depose . The Sheriff , having from this her behoviour good ground to believe there was some Cheat in the business ; proceeds to threaten her with the Torture , if she did not instantly disclose to him the whole Mystery of t●…is Affair . Upon this the Hussie presently conse●…es , that Mr. Chisholm was not the Father of the Child , but that the Lady 〈◊〉 ( a Zealous Bigot for Presbytery ) having taken her into her Service , prevailed with her to Father it upon Mr. Chish●…lm , and that the thing might b●… the more publick , to do Pennance for it in a ●…ield Conventi●…le . The Sheriff sends forthwith ●…or the Lady 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ●…er , and after having throughly Examined the matter , an●… 〈◊〉 her Guilty , he Fines her in the sum of above an hundred and 〈◊〉 pounds Sterling ▪ In this we have an excellent proof of our Authors Fair and Candid D●…ling , of which he so faithfully 〈◊〉 his Reader in the close of his Preface ; and it likewise affords us a singular instance of the disingenuou●… Arts and Villanous practices of that Party , who never stick at any thing , nay , not the most Hellish and indirect means they can conceive , to stain the Reputation of their Adversaries , and to bring them into Contempt . As for the Truth of the story as I have here related it ; I had it from a very Grave and Worthy person , who then lived near to the place where it happened , and was Eye-Witness to a great part of the Tryal , and so had all the advantages of knowing the Truth of this Affair . But this whole Story is so notorious and so very well known in that place of the Country , that I 'm confident , our Adversaries can never have the Face to deny it . B●…sides , there was a very remarkable accident ; some may perchance call it a Judgment from God , that happened in a short time after the discovery of this noto●…ious Cheat , which made the whole story the more taken Notice of . It was concerning the Lady Cherrietrees , who had been the Author and occasion of all this trouble to Mr. Chisholm , and had pe●…swaded his Maid to Father her Child upon him . For one of her own Confessors , a Presbyterian Minister , ( his Name is but too well known ) coming upon some occasion to lodge at her House , during the short time he stayed there , he committed Uncleanness with one of her nearest Relations and got her with Child ; and both he and the young Gentlewoman did Pennance for this their Sin of Fornication in a Field Conventicle , held upon the same Hill , where the Lady Cherrietrees had obliged Mr. Chisholms Serv●…nt Maid to publish him as Father of her Child in their Presbyterian Congregation , and that it might b●…ing the greater Scandal upon the Episcopal Clergy , to do publick Pennancè for it there . You m●…y be sure such a remarkable 〈◊〉 , as this would not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without a critical Censure from all the Country ●…ound a●…out . Pag. 79. Our Libeller mi●…s a little of his Aim , for instead of an ●…piscopal Clergyman , ●…e fails soul upon one of his own party , a 〈◊〉 Minister ; however I think I 'm in justice bound to s●…t down what Information I have of that Assair ; and to Vindicate the injured Memory , even of a Pre●…byterian Minister , from the Calumnies and Aspersions of those of his own Faction . His Name is Mr. Waugh Curate of Borrost 〈◊〉 , whom thi●… Author a●…irms to have Rav●…shed his Wifes Ne●…e . ●…m told indeed , that he was slandered with Adulte●…y , and that a Woman Father'd a Child upon him , but she was neither a Married Woman , nor his Wives Neece ; however , of this Accusation he purged himself by Oath , before the Presbytery of 〈◊〉 , as is to be seen in the Registers of that place . In the next P●…ragraph he mentions one Mr. Gregory Curate o●… Torboltoun , who , he says , was taken in the Act of Uncleanness on a Dunghil . Whereas I 'm inform'd , there was none of the Name of Gr●…gory , Minister at that place . Mr. James Gill●…spie was Minister at Torb●…ltoun , and Mr. Alexander Gregory Parson of Air. But they are both Men of an untainted Reputation , and were never so much as slandered with such a Crime , and far less convicted of it . The next whom he Attacks , is Mr. Pearson , Curate of Pasley , who he says , was seen in his own Garden committing Indecencies with his Wife . Whereas Mr. Pearson was three years Minister at Pasley , during all which time his Wife was never in Pasley , nor nearer to it than Burn●…island in Fyfe , which is about fifty miles distance ; and this all the Presbytery and Parish of Pasley can attest . The next I shall take Notice of , is Mr. Lawson Minister at Yrongray ▪ whom this Libeller Accuses for procuring Souldi●…rs to be Quar●…ered on his Parishioners , till they were quite eaten-up , and f●…r informing against his Par●…shioners , and causing sev●…ral of them to be Hanged . The Falshood of this Accusation is so manifest , that Mr. Lawson challenges his Accusers to Name any one of his Parish ▪ that were hanged , during the twenty years of his Ministry at Yrongray , except one Gordon , who suffered for his Notorious Rebellion . And he was so far from procuring Souldiers to be Quartered on his Parishioners , that by his Intercessions with the Government in their behalf ; he actually saved many of them from Fines , Imprisonments , and other Legal punishments to which they were obnoxious , for their frequent Rebellions against the State. For the Truth of this he Appeals to the Testimony of James Jewine of Crockmare , Tho. Smith of Drumclaye , James Grier in Dalwhaine , and others in the Parish of Yrongray , whom he protected from being Fined , and of John Welch of Cornlee , for whom , when he was Condemned to die for his Rebellion , Mr. Lawson , by his Interest with the then Archbishop of Glasgow , obtained first a Reprieve , and afterwards a Pardon . In the ●…ext place he Accuses the said Mr. Lawson of b●…ing Drunk at Dumfreis , and in ●…is return ●…omewards quarrelling with some Drunken Country people ▪ who beat him and made him Bleed , and that upon this Account , he caused five young Men to be Hanged , as being the Persons that did assassina●…e him . Now , the Villany as well as Falshood of this Calumny , will clearly appear from the short Narrative I shall give you of this Transaction . Some of Mr. Lawsons Parishioners being cited to appear before the Commissioner of that County to take the Test , ( ●…o which they had a great Aversion ) the said Mr. Lawson , at their intreaty , went to the Church of Traquair , the place where they were appointed to meet , to request the said Commissioner to Grant them a delay . Here he stayed , from Ten a Clock in the Morning till about five at Night , and prevailed with him to shew all possible kindness to his Parishoners , and to set the Imprisoned at Liberty . After which Mr. Guthry Minister at Keir , and Mr. Lawson went to Yrongray together , not fearing any hurt . They met with none to quarrel with by the way , ( as this Scribler impudently avers ) but came peaceably to Mr. Lawson's Stable Door . Mr. Guthry did sit on Horseback till Mr. Lawson should send forth his Servant to take in their Horses ; but he being about to enter his own Gate , was ●…ncountred by two Men , one of which Wounded him in the Head twice , calling him Papist Dog. Mr. Lawson intreated them to Reason the matter with him , rather than to shed innoce●…t Blood ; to which they at last yielded , and entering his House with him , seemed to be grieved for what they had done , and after a short stay , they went away peaceably . Six of Mr. Lawson's Neighbours hearing of the Cruelty done him , came instantly to see him ; and about half an hour after , these blood thirsty Villains returned , ( after some converse had with Rob. Currer in Dalwharne and Agnes Ferguson ) and entering Mr , Lawson's House , dragg'd him sorth without his Gate , and shut the Doors after them , keeping his Wife and Children , with his Servants and Six Neiḡhbours within . They Guarded the Doors with charged Carabines , threatning Death to any that should offer to come forth ; while in the mean time , they were Murthering him without Doors . Peter Stranger , ( alias Hutcheson ) the principal Actor in this Tragedy , hearing Mr. Lawson call upon God to be merciful to his Soul , Rebuked him , saying , O Blasphem●…us Dog ! What have you , or any of your Godless Party to d●… with God ? In fine , having broken one Sword upon his Skull , he borrowed another from his Neighbour ; with which two Swords , he gave him twenty eight stroaks ; and supposing him to be Dead , lest him weltering in his Blood with seventeen Wounds , the Marks whereof are to be seen in his Body at this day . The Names of those who were Witnesses to this Tragical Action , are Tho. Ferguson of Hallbil , John Rabson of Newark , John Grier in Brae , Robert Findlay in Undy-hill , Jam●…s Edgar in Gateside , James Grier in Burns . And notwithstanding these Witnesses did see Mr. Lawson dragg'd out of his ●…ouse , and a●…terwards wallowing in his Blood ; yet this Author does most impudently aver , that no Man came near to Mr. Lawson's ●…ouse , and that neither his Wise nor Servants saw any Man come thither that Night ▪ This is a proo●… of our Author's Ingenuity , of which he so o●…ten boasts throughout his Pamphlet , pretending to abhor the Method of inventing Lies , and to have inserted nothing but what he received from cred●…ble hands ! It is likewise a most Notorious Falshood , That five young Men wer●… brought to Mr. Lawson , and that he Swore these were the Men that Wounded him , and did thereupon demand Justice . The ground of ●…his story is thus . After the Murther of the Archbishop of St. 〈◊〉 , and feveral Violences done to the rest of the Clergy and other ●…oyal Subjects ; the King with Advice of his Privy Co●…ncil , com●…anded his Forces to apprehend the Rebels whereever they could 〈◊〉 them , or to kill them if they made any Resistance . Next day ●…ter the Wounding of Mr. Lawson , there was a narrow search made ●…hroughout the Country for such Rogues , and the Souldiers falling ●…on a Party of them that made Resistance , four of them were ●…illed upon the spot , and two apprehended and Hanged near the Ch●…rch of Yrongray . But those were none of them that were a●… Mr. Lawson's Wounding , and therefore it is the height of inju●…ice , as well as impudence , to impute any thing of this to Mr. Law●…on , he having no hand in it , and they suffering justly for dist●…rbing the Peace of the Kingdom . Mr. Lawson was so far from ●…hirsting a●…ter the Blood of his Persecutors ; that when Peter Stran●…er the principal Actor of this Tragedy was apprehended in Dum●…reis , and Mr. Lawson being called for by my Lord Dunmore , to ●…eclare whether that was the Man that Wounded him or not ; he ●…urning to the said Peter Stranger ; said , if you be the Person that W●…unded me , the Lord sorgive you , and I forgive you . Whereupon , although he was Imprisoned for his Rebellion , yet he was never pursu●…d by Mr. Lawson ; and is yet alive , and in some place of publi●…k Trust in that Kingdom . Again Mr. Lawson is accused of Covetousness , and of having exa●…ted 500 l. of his Parishioners ; which is an equal Falshood to the 〈◊〉 . ●…or upon account of the Cruelties done by the Presbyterian Party , to the Clergy in the West Country ; there was an Act made in K. Charles the II. his Reign ; that if any Clergyman was injure●… in his Body or Goods , the Parishioners should be obliged to ●…ay 5●…0 Marks Scots . This was Enacted fo●… preventing the Cruelti●…s and Outrages of the Presbyterian party . The King's Advocate h●…aring of the Barbarous Usage of Mr. Lawson ; caused the Freeholders of the said Parish , to be cited before the Privy 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 of the said Fine ▪ Mr. Lawson was so concerned hereat , that not being able to Write himself , because of his Wounds ▪ he caused a Letter to be Writ to his Grace the then Archbishop of Glasgow , requesting for the mitigation of the ordinary Fine in such Cases . And this his desire was Granted , and the Parish only Fined in a 100 l. the fifth part only of the Sum alledged by the Libeller . For the Truth of this Mr. Lawson Appeals to all the Freeholders ▪ i●… Yrongray , being near thirty in Nu●…ber . Now I would ask our Author , if in all this carriage of Mr. Lawson's , there be any thing that savours the least of Blood Thirstiness or Cruelty , wherewith he so maliciously charges him ? But I don't much Wonder to see Mr. Lawson thus Calumniated by them ; for they had committed such Acts of Cruelty upon his person , as they could not but be ashamed of ; so that the better to slur over their Cruelties against him , they found it necessary to represent him to the World , as the greatest Monster of Cruelty and Immorality , and therefore , they not only accuse him of Thirsting after the Blood of some of his Parishioners ; but likewise of being Drunk and Kissing his Wives Maid . Mr. Lawson now Aged about 55 years was ●…ever charged ; Nay , not in his younger days , with any thing of that Nature . But sor his ●…urther Vindication from all th●…se and other such Aspersions , as this Libeller has maliciously slandered him with ; I shall subjoyn two Testimonies in his Favours sent me , with this Information . The first is of Archbishop Cairncross , who was for the space of 17 years his Fellow Presbyter , and afterwards his Diocesan . It is as followeth ▪ London , August 28. 1692. I Alex. Archbishop of Glasgow do hereby Testisie , that Mr. James Lawson Minister of Yrongrey in the County of Galloway , and Diocess of Glasgow in Scotland , is ●… very Orthodox and Zealous Prot●…stant , and of good Esteem in the Church for his Pastoral Gifts , and Pious and Exemplary Life in his Ministry . And as he was forced away from his Church and Family , by the Bar●…arous Cruelty of a set of Presbyterians in that Nation ; so I do heartily recommend him to the tender Favour of all good and well affected Persons ; especially to the Reverend and Pious Clergy of the Church of England , as a Person qualified to do Service in that Caurch , as God in his Providence shall afford him occasion . Given under our Hand and Seal the time and place aforesaid . Alex. Glasguen ▪ The other Testimony is that of his Neighbouring Clergymen , the Reverend Brethren of that Presbytery , whereof he was a Member . At Dumfreis June 17. 1690. WE Undersubscribers Ministers within the Presbytery of Dumfreis iu Scotland , , do Testifie and Declare , that the Bearer hereof Mr. James Lawson Minister at Yrongray within the said Presbytery , hath lived within the Precinct thereof , twenty five years and an half , and his behaviour hath been such as became the Gospel , and his Doctrine such as became a Godly Minister , decrying Romish Doctrines and Practices , when in greatest Vigour in this Place ; and that for his Zealous , Faithful and plain Dealing , in the Service of his Master ; he was Wounded and left for Dead , by some Ruffians , at his own House , upon the Eighteenth of February 1685. Wherefore we earnestly desire , that he may have just Encouragement in such places as he shall happen to com●… to , and be permitted to Pass and Repass about his lawful Affairs , without Molestation ; since nothing moves him to Travel abroad , but the Confusions Raised by an insolent Rabble in this place . That the Premisses are of certain Truth is Attested , Day and Place above Written by . James Glendinning Minister at Traquair . Ja. Litle Minister at Tinwald . Jo. Malcolm Minister at Holywood . A. Kincaid Minister at Terregles . Mr. Alex. Meldrum Minister at Dunscore . Mr. Rob. Gardner Minister at Rerick . Since this malicious Libeller hath , in this his Scurrilous Pamphlet , Published so many Base Calumnies , and Diabolical Lies , against that most Reverend and Worthy Prelate , Dr. Patterson Archbishop of Glasgow , I have taken occasion here to insert his Grace's Letter , ( containing a Full and Pathetick Vindication of himself , ) which was sent to me by a Reverend and Worthy Friend of mine , enclosed in this following Line . London , October 17. 1693. SIR , I Hear that you are to Publish the Animadversions that you made upon one of the Libels printed against the Scots Clergy . The Methods lately taken to ruin that Order of Men in Scotland , are as Unjust as they are Diabolical . It is a good while ago since I knew who was the Author of that Scurrilous Book , and this made me think that the Archbishop of Glasgow needed no Apology against the Attempts of such a despicable Wretch ; yet it 's possible , that what is once made Publick may fall into the hands of several Persons who are very apt to be abused , and therefore I have sent here enclofed the Letter that the Archbishop wrote to me upon occasion of that In●…amous Pamphlet . I let it go abroad the rather , that I am so seriously appealed to in the Letter it self . I give you my hearty Thanks for your solid Confutatio●… of several malicious and obscene Lies propagated by that Calumniator . I continue in all Sincerity and Affection , Your Real Friend and Servant . For my worthy Friend Mr. — Edinburgh-Castle , Jan. 21. 1693. Reverend Brother , WE may say with Hezekiah , This is a Day of Trouble , and of Rebuke , and of Blasphemy . Just now ( when I am ordered to remove out of these Three Kingdoms , and so to part from my numerous Family , and ten Motherless Children , when they most need my Care , ) I am surprised to find in an obscene and virulent Pamphlet ; ( written undoubtedly by one of the First-born of the Father of Lies , who dares not own his Villany , Entituled , An Answer to the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence : ) Some Paragraphs and Passages impudently painting me , as one of the most impure and 〈◊〉 Wretches that ever was cloathed in Human Flesh ; which , if true , should justly expose my Name to Infamy , and my Life to Justice , as the most vi●…e , prophane , and sacrilegious Monster , that ever bore a sacred Character : Which I no sooner read than I fell on my Knees , and , as the same good King ●…ezekiah did with Senacherib's blasphemous Letter , I spread it before the Lord in Prayer , and in the innocence of my Heart , and integrity of my Life , I appealed to him ●…or a just Vindication ; not that I needed it amongst them to whom my Life and Manners are known , but only amongst such as are Strangers to me , and to this Kingdom ; upon whom this impud●…nt Son of 〈◊〉 designs to impose . Not only the sense of Religion and Purity , but even my Native Modesty , ( sor attesting of which , I do appeal to all the Men and Women in the World with whom I ever conversed , whom I earnestly obtest ingenuously to declare , if ever they heard one single obscene Word drop from my Tongue , or ever perceived any immodest Insinuation either directly or indirectly in my Actings or Practice ▪ ) made me read these obscene Passages with great aversion and horror ; most of which , I declare in the Presence of GOD , I never heard , nor read to be said , or done by , or charged upon any Mortal , till I found them there asserted as things notoriously known of my self , by this infamous Monster of Prophaneness , as well as of villanous and impudent Lying . Modesty will not allow me to repeat them , since they de●…ile the Air , and needs must pollute the Eyes of Readers , and Ears of Hearers , and therefore to convel and 〈◊〉 them , I shall only say this ; That if the wicked Author will be so just to himself , and to his Party , as to come out from behind the Curtain , pull off his Mask , and prove any of these infamous Articles or Passages he asserts against me by two , nay by any one single Witness or Person of known Virtue and Probity , and of irreproachable Fame , I shall not only offer my Name to Infamy , but my Life to Justice ; and to encourage him so to do , I hereby promise him as a Reward ; and shall find him good Surety for it , ( tho my Circumstances are now very low ) of Two hundred Pounds Sterling , ( and perhaps the silly Author needs such a charming Bait ) if he shall prove any single Article or Instance of those infamous and diabolical Aspersions and Calumnies . Now , if after this open Appeal and Challenge , and offer of this Reward , he shall not appear and avow himself the Author , nor make at least any one Article of his many Instances against me appear to be true , I shall then leave it to all mankind , to judge if he is not the most wicked , impudent , lying Villain , that ever put Pen to Paper , or if I need any further Vindication ; especially considering , that he asserts so many Persons to be privy to those impure and obscene Passages , so that he cannot be straitned for want of Evidence and Witnesses , and is very sure that the present Judges ( for I shall decline none ) will not prov●… Partial upon my side . I render devoutly Thanks to GOD , who hath continued my Life thus long , and granted me this opportunity thus to appeal and charge this wicked Author , that so I may satisfie the World of my Innocence , and that this may remain as a solid Witness sor me and my good Name after my Death against a Spirit of Lying and Calumny , which ( as formerly against our pious and worthy Predecessors ) is now like to go sorth , enraged and rampant , against those of my Perswasion , Order and Character , from such who have long made Lies their Refuge . Dear Brother , You know I have lived long in this Church and Kingdom , and have born a greater and more eminent Character , both in Church and State , than my weakness and imperfection did deserve ; you know also I did not want many , and some of great ●…uality and Power , who sometimes have been Enemies to me , so that had ●… been such an abominable , wicked , and notour Monster , as this infamous Scribler endeavours to paint me , I had been as certainly as justly thrust out from the Counci●… Table , and the Sacred Episcopal Office , with disgrace and infamy ; for nothing could have supported such a villanous Wretch from feeling the Justice of this Church and Nation . You have long conversed with me , and I appeal to you , and to all my Reverend Brethren , Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , to whom I am known , nay to all mankind with whom I ever conversed , and I conjure you and all them to declare to all men , when occasion offers , as in the fight of our great and omniscient Judge , if ever you or they heard or perceived any manner of impure , or so much as an immodest Word or Insinuation to flow from me , and I am ready to stand or fall at that Bar accordingly . There is a Party of Men in the World who Treat us , as some Persecuting Heathens did the pure Primitive Christians , whom they sowed up in Skins of Wolves , Bears , and other Savage Beasts , and then hounded out their bloody Dogs to devour and tear them in pieces ; is it not enough that our Sacred Order is abolished , our selves turned out of our Livings and Benefices , ( so that many of us ( alas ) are reduced , with our numerous Families , to a state of starving , ) that our Persons are assaulted , and beaten in the open Streets of our Capital City ; our Houses rifled , our Families ●…abled out ? Nay , after all this the Malice of some is not satiated , till Hell and Calumny are called up against us ; and our Reputation must be blacken'd , and our good Names torn , by the most impudent Falshoods and Calumnies which Satan can invent , and his true Offspring publish and propagate , ; but , Thanks to our GOD , there will be a Resurrection of blacken'd and murder'd Names , as well as of martyr'd Bodies . You know I have drawn much of the Odium and Spite of a Party upon me , by opposing their Errors , their Schisms , their Rebellious and Treasonable Principles and Practices , with all the Reason and Interest I was Master of ; though in stead of endeavouring to take away any of their Lives , ( which this Libeller also lays to my Charge ) I have been at pains to save many of them , and have actually prevailed for saving of the Lives of several deluded Creatures of that Party , which can still be attested by themselves . I grudge not my Lot , in having my Name thus assaulted and torn by such little ridiculous Scriblers and Calumniators ; it were an intolerable Pride in me to look for better Treatment than our dearest Saviour , the Holy Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , and noble Army of Martyrs had before me ; or than the Primitive holy Patriarchs , Archbishops , and Bishops encounter'd , of whom the World was not worthy ; such as St. Athanasius , St. Chrysostome , Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem , and others , great and blessed Souls ; whose sacred Names , and innocent Lives , have been attack'd and blacken'd by the foul Mouths and lying Tongues of Hereticks , Schismaticks , and impudent Calumniators ; and some of them after the same manner , and with the same fulsom Lies as I am ; the Disciple is too proud , who looks to be better Treated than his Master ; and that Servant is too saw●…y , who would needs be better used than his Lord ; who by the then Scribes 〈◊〉 Pharisees , was said to be in Covenant with 〈◊〉 : I can com●…ortably say with the holy calumniated Ancient , Quisquis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●…ddit m●…rcedi 〈◊〉 . I doubt not the sober Presbyterians will be as angry at , and dissatissied with , this infamous and anonymus Sc●…ibler and Calumniator , as we are ; as knowing there can be no more ready nor effectual Method advanced to promote Atheism , and to ruine all Religion , than by Lies and Calumnies to invade and black●…n the Honour and Reputation of the Clergy and Pastors of the Church ; and whoever , and of whatsoever Perswasion he is that dares follow it , can have nothing of Veracity , nor of the meek Spirit of the blessed JESUS , nor regard to the Honour of our 〈◊〉 R●…ligion in him . As for me , I shall bring no railing Accusation agai●…st thi●… impi●…us and obscene Calumniator , nor against any of his Party ; but shall only say , as Micha●…l the Archangel did to this Scrible●…'s Master , th●…t Father of Lies , when he contended and disputed with him about the Body of Moses — The Lord r●…buke thee . I thank GOD I have learned to Pray with the Church , That G●…d ●…ay forgive all my Enemies , 〈◊〉 , and Slanderers ; and particularly to grant Repentance and Mercy to this sad pitiful Wretch , who is so palpably abandon'd of GOD , and given up to a 〈◊〉 course of Lying . When he reads and pond●…rs Psalm 52. v. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. and Psalm 120. throughout , he may by a serious and recollected Meditation , through the Divine Grace and Blessing ▪ be brought to Repent ; as he would avoid the heavy Wrath and Judgments there threatned against him , and his way . Dear Brother , I writ this in haste , being crowded with many Thoughts and Affairs here in Prison ere I part for Holland ; and can have leasure to say no more at present , but to beseech you to cause Print and insert this Letter ( which ( I being to go to Sea ) may prove the last I shall write to you , ) in the Answer that is to come abroad , for the Vindication of those concerned in that infamous Defamatory Libel . GOD ever keep you in his Truth and Fear , and under his most holy Care. I am , Reverend Brother , Your most Affectionate Brother , and Servant , Sic Subscribitur ▪ Jo. Glasgow . As for what this Author Libels against Bishop Cairncross late Archbishop of Glasgow , I need say nothing further in answer to it , but insert the Vindication which he himself wrote of his Innocence , and caused to be printed at Edinburgh , for it contains such a full and satisfactory Answer to all the Particulars Libelled against him in this Pamphlet , as plainly discovers the malice and wickedness of the Author . It is as follows . A Vindication of Dr. Alexander Cairncross , late Archbishop of Glasgow : Written by himself . WHen at first I found my self Reproached , ( in a late Pamphlet , Entituled , An Answer to the Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , ) I neglected and contemned it , not only because I was conscious to my self of mine own Innocency , and that it is no small pain to any man of an ingenuous mind to be raking among Calumnies , and penning Apologies or Vindications of himself : But likewise because the Author of these infamous Aspersions on the Episcopal Clergy hath discovered all along such a strain of imbitter'd Malice , that I presumed they would obtain little credit or belief in the World. For it is notour to all , that because the Author of a late Pamphlet , Entituled , The Scots Presbyterian Eloquence , alledged some Presbyterian Ministers guilty of undecent Sayings or Expressions from their Pulpits ; therefore this Auth●…r in his Answers resolving both to recriminate and surpass him , hath both studied and acted his utmost Revenge , in representing some of the Episcopal Clergy as not only guilty of undecent Sayings and Expresfions , but also guilty of vitious Lives and Practices ; and whether true or false he values not , if his Malice be but satisfied , and they so reported of in this World. But now considering that a good Name is a tender and choice Blessing which every man in justice to himself should defend and preserve , and that there is too great an aptitude in most People's minds to entertain and believe evil Reports of others , I have thought ●…it by these few Lines to make my just Apology , as in the sight of GOD , against the Calumnies cast upon me in that Pamphlet . Now the whole Paragraph relating to me in that Pamphlet is this : [ Mr. Alexander Cairncross Curate in Dumfreis had a lusty Maid-servant named Grier , who was got with Child in his service , and in her Travail refused to tell who was the Father of it , but sent to her Master to tell her what she should say ; who thereupon sent his Servant , a young Boy called Tait , that owned the Child , and hath kept him in his Service ●…ver since ; and that he b●…ing Moderator of the Presbytery , received a Letter from Mr. Menzies th●…n Curate of Carlaverock , renouncing his Conformity to Episcopacy , and among other Reasons mentioned , that it was so much adap●…d ●…o bring in Popery , of which ●…he Familiari●…y be●…wixt Curat●…s and Papists was a demonstration : At which 〈◊〉 s●…id Mr. Cairncross was so much surpris●…d , tha●… in a Fury he started up , and said , Wh●… . ●…he Devil , will we all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Mr. Menzies is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ! sor his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the matter . What is that , said the rest ? Are ye stupi●…d 〈◊〉 , answered he , ●…hat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this very ●…ck of time that the 〈◊〉 are our necessary 〈◊〉 ; bu●… sinc●… it is so , l●…t him be gone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r●…st in th●… M●…untains , which h●… must do wh●…n ●…he Bond com●…s , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and seeing he is such a Fool , I had r●…ther 〈◊〉 were ●…nged 〈◊〉 I should ●…nger any P●…pist anent 〈◊〉 ●…f Controversie ab●…ut our Opini●…s . ●…e w●…s 〈◊〉 made Archbishop of Glasgow , and ●…urned out by King James , being esteemed the best of Scots 〈◊〉 , and it seems could not go the full length his necessary Friends would have had him . ] ●…ere are two plain matters of Fact , and both base Lies and Calumnies ; sor as to the sirst , That I having a lusty maid named Grier 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S●…vice , wh●… 〈◊〉 ●…o tell ●…he Father of her Child 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ &c. I answer , Fi●…st , Immediately after I heard that Woma●… 〈◊〉 was suspected of being with Child , I discharged h●…r bo●…h f●…om my ●…ouse and Service ; and ●…rom my just Resentment against her , I p●…ocured f●…om the Magistrates her Imprisonment for some weeks , in t●…e which P●…ison , and when s●…e was brought be●…ore ●…he 〈◊〉 - 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 pu●…ickly con●…essed , That 〈◊〉 Sharp , Commissar - 〈◊〉 in the Town , ●…ad committed 〈◊〉 with her , and wa●… 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 C●…ild ; and the said 〈◊〉 Sh●…rp being summoned , compear●…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t●…e S●…ssion , and confessed himself guilty wi●…h her , and own●…d 〈◊〉 Child ; and bo●…h of them m●…de publick Sati●…ction on the publick Place of Repentanc●…●…hree 〈◊〉 Days in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●…nd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 : All which is Record●…d in 〈◊〉 Regis●…er of ●…he said Session . And , Secondly , For t●…e Boy Tait , [ 〈◊〉 i●… is all●…dged I sent ●…o her in ●…er Travailing , ] he c●…me not to my S●…rvice till eight Years thereaster ; she having satissied and brought ●…orth her Child in the Year 1671 , and he entering to ●…y S●…vice in 1679 , before which time I did never see him in the 〈◊〉 to my knowledge . As to the second , That he being Moderator of the Presbytery of Dumfreis , received a Letter from Mr. Menzies then Curate of Carlaverock , r●…nouncing his Conformi●…y to Episcopacy ; at which he was so surprised , ●…hat in a fury he started up , 〈◊〉 the Devil , will we all go mad , &c. This is likewise a b●…se and horrid Unt●…uth : For first , Mr. M●…nzies sent me no Letter , but being pre●…ent in the Presbytery , exhibited to th●… publick Meeting that hi●… Paper of Renunciation ; and a●…ter Reading and closs Re●…soning upon it , he pressed to have it insert in the Presbytery Register , which all the B●…ethren out of a Tenderness to him refused , p●…esuming that he had been imposed upon by others , and that in a litt●…e time he m●…ght alter both his Cou●…se and Opinion ; which accordingly thereafter ●…ell out , ●…or in an . 16●…6 , he pubickly acknowledged his Failzior for his sormer Renunciation , and returned to the Exercise of his Ministry ●…nder Episcopal Government , I being then his Bishop . Secondly , In that Paper which he then exhibit●… and is yet to be seen , Mr. Menzies al●…dged , That he had heard that Exp●…ession before ( of Papis●…s being ●…ur n●…ssary Fri●…nds ) ●…rom one of the ●…piscopal Clergy , but where , or by whom , or whether true or fa●…se , God know●… . But as for the Oath and Expressions here alledged uttered by me ▪ I appeal to the Consciences and Declarations of Mr. Menzi●…s himself , and of all the Brethren then prese●…t , Whether they heard me utter that Oath , and these Expre●…ions here Libell'd and Alledged ? And though many of the said Ministers be yet alive , viz. Mr. Ri●…rd Sc●… then Minis●…er of Kirkbe●…m , Mr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Minister of 〈◊〉 . Mr. ●…ohn 〈◊〉 Mini ▪ s●…er of 〈◊〉 , Mr H●…nry Knox Minister of 〈◊〉 , Mr. 〈◊〉 Ly●… M●…nister of 〈◊〉 , Mr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Minister of Kilp●…rick ▪ Mr. Willia●… 〈◊〉 Minister of N●…w 〈◊〉 , and several others , whom I may presume were pres●…nt at that time , to whose Testimony I do appea●… ; yet they being all absent at this time from this place of 〈◊〉 , except Mr. Riqhard Scot and Mr. Henry Knox here present ▪ these two have given in the following Declaration subscribed under their Hands . WE Mr. Richard Scot late Minister of Kirkbean , and Mr. Henry Knox late Minister of Terreagles , being formerly Members of the Presbytery of Dumfreis , and being personally present at that Meeting of Presbytery , wherein Mr. John Menzies then Minister of Carlaverock did publickly exhibit to that Meeting his Paper of Renunciation of his Conformity with Episcopacy ; Do hereby Testifie and Declare , That we did not hear Dr. Alexander Cairncross late Arc●…bishop of Glasgow , and then Moderator of the said Presbytery , utter the Oath or Expressions here Libelled and Alledged . Sic Subscribitur , Mr. Richard Scot late Minister of Kirkbean . Mr. Henry Knox late Minister of Terreagles . And if any thing more were requisite , I am ready to Depone upon my solemn Oath , That I am altogether free and innocent of all these former Calumnies and Reproaches . How much then the Author of this Pamphlet hath kept his Promise and F●…ith given to the Publick in its Preface , ( that he would in●…t nothing relating to the Lives of the Episcopal Clergy but what he had from credible Hands , and his abhorring the method of inventing of ●…ies , ) let the World judge : Only I wish the Author seriously to consider , how Inhumane and Unchristian it is to Perse●…ute some of the Episcopal Cle●…gy with new Cruelties , seeing their present and past Sufferings might sufficiently satisfie , yea satiate the Malice of their bitterest Enemies . And because ye cannot Extirpate them from off the Earth , ye labour to make them Unsavory upon it : Remembe●… there is an infinitely Wise and Just GOD above , who will exactly and impartially Judge all our Words and Actions ; and I heartily pray , That GOD may never be provoked to turn back your Reproaches upon you , as Neh. c. 4. v. 4. As also , I would have you to consider how much Re●…igion it self is exposed , and Prophanity and Atheism encouraged , by representing Men of Sacred Offices as Vicious and Scandalous in their Lives : For thus J●…lian the Apostate resolving to extirpate Christianity , ●…ighted the methods of Persecutions and Cruelties used by some form●…●…then Emperors against the Christians , but caused Reproach , and accuse the Ministers and Profes●…ors of that Holy Religion as g●…ty of all the Vices and Lewdnesses that might render them and t●…ir S●…cred 〈◊〉 odious to the World. And therefore it was a P●…ous Saying of King Ch●…rles I. to one asking Liberty from him to Write and P●…blish the Weakness and Failziors of some Ministers th●…n in opposition to His Majesties Inter●…st ; No , said the King , for in s●… doing , R●…ligion it self ●…ill suffer . And however your Calumnies and De●…amations may be credited among the Credulous or Prejudicate Vulgar , yet I presume by this way you will not gain many Proselytes among those that are Good and Wise : ●…or who , that are endued with the common Principles of Justice and Charity , will believe men guilty of gro●…s Crimes upon your bare and naked Narration , wi●…hout adducing the Attestation of any Witnesses , or yet a●…y seeming or just Proof ? Or who , that is endued with the sense of Re●…igion and Godliness , can approve of the methods of ●…itter Malice , Revenge , and Unchristian Calumnies , so contrair to all the Ru●…es of Humanity and Christ●…anity , fo●…●…upporting and promoting of any Party or Inter●…st whatsoever ? And as equal Tenderness is to be had to a man's Reputation as to his Life , I allow you to search and examine my Conversation and Life hitherto , and Treat me but by the Rules of common Justice , and I am Proof against your Malice . What we have already observed concerning our Author's malice and disingenuity in these Inst●…nces we have taken notice of , may s●…rve , I think , as a sufficient Caution to all ingenuous and imp●…ial Readers , not to lay too great stress upon the Calumnies and Aspersions of this Author , nor to entertain any the harder Thoughts of our Clergy for being bespattered by the Pen of this virulent Scribler . For the candid Treatm●…nt which these Persons I have mentioned have met with in this P●…mphlet , may in a great me●…sure enable us to judge what Credit and Authority the re●…t of this Author's Aspersions on our Clergy ought to have , since he deals so basely and difing●…nuously in all these Instances . He invents Stories which he cannot sind the least shadow of Truth to justisi●… , for the Truth of some of his matters of 〈◊〉 he appeals to Records , where there is not the le●…st mention of th●…m to be found ; n●…y , he sticks at nothing so he but can serv●… hi●… main End and Design , which is to b●…acken the Fame and Reputation of our Clergy , and to render their Sacred Function odious to all Mankind . I pray GOD to give this Author a d●…ep se●…se of the Villany of this his Design , that h●… may Repent in time , and s●…ve his Soul before it is too late . It is a Scandal and a Reproach to our Religion , that such Hellish and Diabolical Practices , as this Author uses , should be so much as heard of in any of those places where the Name of Christ is invocated ; such kind of Practices are so Inhumane , and so contrary to the Spirit of Christianity , that they must needs make the Authors and Abe●…tors of them stink in the Nostrils of all Good and Religious Men. All that I have ●…urther to add now , is only to beg my Reader 's Pardon , for detaining him so long in searching into the Rubbish of a parcel of Prophane and Lewd Stories . I must needs own it is no very pleasing Task to me , to be raking into such a Dunghil ; but finding the Reputation of some of our Clergy very much injured among Strangers , by reason of the Calumnies and Aspersions of this obscure Writer ; I thought my self ob●…iged , from the Duty I owe to my Country , and from th●… Respect we all ought to have for the Sacred Charact●…r of Christ's Ambassadors and Ministers , to contribute my small Endeavours for asserting and vindicating the Oppressed Innocence of our ●…lergy , and for detecting the Malice and Falshood of this Libeller's Asper●…ions . In which I hope I have been so successful with this small ●…say , that after perusal thereof , every Disinteressed Pe●…son will readily acknowledge , That the Author of this Virulent Libel against our ●…lergy has been totally acted by the Spirit of Malice and Envy , and has dealt so basely and disingenuously in all his Relations which I have had occasion to search into , that his bare Accusation can be of no Authority against the most obnoxious Member of any Nation or Society . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61705-e1940 The unch●… ritabl●…ness and inhuma nity of th Authors d●… sign . Pag. 1●… . This Meth●…d of Writing 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 R●…ligion , and th●… La●… of Humane Soci●…ty . The occ●…sion of publis●… t●…e S●…ots Presby●…an Eloquence . This Author Reflexions upon the Church of England , and some of the Minist●… of State , co●● sidered . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ●…otland , ●…t by 〈◊〉 ●…rce and ●…ranny of 〈◊〉 Rulers , ●…t by the 〈◊〉 and ●…robation the whole 〈◊〉 Anno 1572. ●…rl . 3 Jac. 6. 〈◊〉 . 45 , 46 , ●…c . 〈◊〉 Perth ●…ss ▪ in Aug 〈◊〉 . The 〈◊〉 in Scotland 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th●… s●…l Authori●…y 〈◊〉 ●…o B●…shops . The●…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sh●…wn to b●… n●… 〈◊〉 ●…n the 〈◊〉 Power . O●…r Aut●…ors disingenuity in his 〈◊〉 ▪ ●…ous ▪ R●…lexions upon the Clergy ▪ ●…ome few of ●…he Episcopal 〈◊〉 off●…ring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 Vindication of 〈◊〉 Lives an●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…e 〈◊〉 Par●…y . Th●… Ep●…scopal Cl●…rgy have charge●… th●… Presbyterians w●…th n●…thing r●…lating to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but what 〈◊〉 hav●… be●…n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A●…ko ▪ 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first Gov●…rnment of th●… Church of Scotland after ●…he 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abolis●…ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…nhappy Civ●…l W●…rs under the R●…ign of K. Cha●…les brok●… 〈◊〉 . * Spotsw . Refut . Libel . de Reg. Eccl. Sco●… . p. 21. Ibi●… . p. 26. * ▪ The occasion of settling S●…perintendants in the Church of Scotland upon the R●…formation . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the whole Ep●…copal Auth●…rity and Jurisdict●…on 〈◊〉 the Cl●…rgy of their D●…ceses . * Spotsw . Resut . p. ●… . 21. † Ass. at St. Johnsto●…n Sess. 2. July 26. 1563. . Hi , in Ministrorum ordinem ante coapta●…i , ad hoc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus solennibus auspiciis de stinabantur , destina●…i eligebantur , electi su●…ctionem inibant . Spotsw . Res. Libel . p. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ways temporary as to their Offic●… , but only as to the Name . Spotsw . ●…ist . ●… . 150 ▪ 160. The Super●…ntendants giving an Account to a National Sy●…od of their diligence in their Functions , no Argument against their being Bishops . Spotsw . Refut . p. 22. The Enacting of these Penal Laws against the Presbyterians which this Author has scraped together , occasioned meerly b●… the frequent Rebellions of that Party . * Vindication of the Government in Scotland , during the Reign of K. Charles II. The Nation had sufficient ground to ena●…t 〈◊〉 Laws against the Presbyterians , from th●…ir tr●…asonable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th●… 〈◊〉 R●…gns of K Ja. 6. 〈◊〉 ●… . Ch. I. That this was the tr●…e occasion of Enacting these P●…nal Law●… , appears from our A●…thors own Concessions . It 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…he con●…ant practic●… of the 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 un●…r th●… name of R●…ligion . T●… Suff●…rings of th●… Pr●…sbyterians no ways pr●…moted by th●… Episcopa●… Cl●…rgy . Vid. Spirit of Calumny . The Min●…sters ●…f State und●…r King Charles's Gov●…rnment , sufficiently vindicated f●…om our Author's Asp●…rsions of Cru●…lty . A short Narrative of the 〈◊〉 of the Counc●…l against some 〈◊〉 ●…rned ou●… in 166●… . Vid. 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 hav●… justisied t●…e Murder of the Archbishop of S. Andrews in the face of 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 o●…cusions . Page 37. Mitchel's Execution justified . Page 39. The making the Inclinations of the People the Standard of Church Governm●…nt , is of very fatal consquences to the 〈◊〉 of Relig●…on . The ●…Presbyterians having made more Insurrections in the Kingdom , in behalf of their Church Government , than the Episcopal Church have thought fit to do , is no Argum●…t t●…at 〈◊〉 is more 〈◊〉 in Scotland , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This l●…st Conv●…ntion having abolis●… d Episcopacy , and establish●…d Presbyt●…ry , is no good Argum●…nt , that the Presbyterians have the majority of the Nation on their side . Pag. 42. The Methods 〈◊〉 by the Ep●…scopal 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 ●…he 〈◊〉 s●…ewn to be v●…ry 〈◊〉 sin●…●…t the 〈◊〉 of K. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 w●…re ●…w or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b●…t what ●…yned in Communion with the 〈◊〉 C●…urch . T●… 〈◊〉 practice in ●…Wird●… o●…r 〈◊〉 P●…yer alto●…ther 〈◊〉 . * The Malicious Charactersthis Author gives of the English and Scots Gentry as well as Cler●…y . Page 23. Page 38. Page 13. The settling or 〈◊〉 Matters of Religion in com●…liance with th●… Hum●…urs of th●… 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The disingenuity of this Author and his Party in calling the English Common-Pray●…r Book Popery . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 - day of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Godwyn ' s Moses and Aaron , Pag. 138. Esther , ●… . 9. Serv. in Virg. p. 86. Macrob. Saturn . l. 1. c. 16. The Murder of K. Ch. I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the 〈◊〉 in both Kingdoms , and not upon th●… Nation in 〈◊〉 . ●…r . Burnets M●…moirs of the D●…kes of Ham●…lton Pag. 284. Bishop G●…thries History of the Civil Wars i●… Scotland , MS. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dr. Burne●… ●…bid . p. 353. 〈◊〉 Guthries Hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The 〈◊〉 ●…f 〈◊〉 Scot●… 〈◊〉 tow●…rd : K. Charles II. ●…pen hi●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That the English C●…vocation ac●…ed upon f●…r b●…tter Grounds in r●…susing an Union with the 〈◊〉 , than 〈◊〉 Scots Ass●…mbly in rejecting 〈◊〉 Addresses of those fe●… Episcop . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them , prove●… by 〈◊〉 R●…sons ▪ . An acco●… of the King'●… 〈◊〉 in Scotland , as it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 T●…e Church 〈◊〉 th●… sole Pow●…r in 〈◊〉 purely Spiritual , but the Clergy ar●…●…qually subj●…ct t●… the Civil Au ▪ 〈◊〉 , an●… liable to the same 〈◊〉 w●…th the 〈◊〉 . . Spotsw . Ref. lib. p. 65. Bishop ●…uthries H●…st ▪ The Church of England the guilty of no breach of promis●… , in r●…susing an Union with th●… 〈◊〉 up●…n 〈◊〉 ●…rms propo●…i . T●…e 〈◊〉 Min●…sters have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 a Pow●…r of making 〈◊〉 ●…nd War. Burnets M●…moirs of the Dukes of Hamilt . p. 337 , 339 ▪ The P●…esbyteria s not with u s●…me ground stigmatized wi●…h the r●…p oachful Term of New Gosp●…llers . 〈◊〉 is not strange to see Persons , after they have murdered , robbed , or any way injur●…d ●…heir 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 endeavo●…r 〈◊〉 to black●…n th●…m in th●…ir 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 b●…tter to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 own wick●…d Actions 〈◊〉 th●…m . The 〈◊〉 of o●…r Clergy sufficien●…ly vindic●…ed srom this Libll●…r's aspersions , since in th●… present 〈◊〉 aga●…nst th●…m by the 〈◊〉 , t●…y cannot Instance in 〈◊〉 of their number , against whom they could find the 〈◊〉 pret●…nce to deprive th●…m for Immoralities . Many of our Clergy suf●…iciently vindicated from this Libeller's accusations , by the Author of an Appendix to a late Treatise , entituled , An Apology for the Clergy of Sco●…laud . Dr. Canaries fully vindicated from the Calumny brought ag●…inst h●…m by this Accuser , and the Accuser's Malice and 〈◊〉 fully 〈◊〉 . An ●…ccount of D●…an Hamilton's Process , and his being absolv'd therefrom by the Privy-Council an●… 〈◊〉 Criminal ●…ourt . * Page 6●… . Our Author 's great mistake concerning Mr. Boyd . A full Rel●…tion of the Proc●…ss conc●…rning Mr. Hugh Blair , and of th●… indirect ways and means used by the Prosbyterian Party to stain his Reputation ▪ The ●…tory of Mr. Chis●…olm truly related , and ●…e cleared from this Calum●…y . This Affair of Mr. Chisholm's , a singula●… instance of the Villanous Arts and Practices of the Presbyterians to bring cont●…mpt on the Episcopal Clergy . Mr. Waugh a 〈◊〉 Minist●…r , Vindicated from the Aspersions of this Li●…ller . Another mistake of our Authors conc●…rning Mr. Gregories b●…ing 〈◊〉 at Torbolton . The notorious 〈◊〉 of the R●…lation a●…out Mr. Pearson . A ●…indication of Mr. Lawson Mi●…ster of Yrongray . Vindication of Archbishop Cairncross . The Conclusion . 
A86000	----	A form for Church government and ordination of ministers, contained in CXI propositions, propounded to the late Generall Assembly at Edinburgh, 1647. Together with an Act concerning Erastianisme, independencie, and liberty of conscience. Published by authority. CXI propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the Church. Gillespie, George, 1613-1648. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86000 of text R202292 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E418_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 101 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86000 Wing G749 Thomason E418_3 ESTC R202292 99862632 99862632 114797 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86000) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114797) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 66:E418[3]) A form for Church government and ordination of ministers, contained in CXI propositions, propounded to the late Generall Assembly at Edinburgh, 1647. Together with an Act concerning Erastianisme, independencie, and liberty of conscience. Published by authority. CXI propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the Church. Gillespie, George, 1613-1648. [6], 45, [1] p. Printed for Robert Bostock, at the King's Head in Pauls Church-yard, London : MDCXLVII. [1647] Attributed to George Gillespie. Originally published in Edinburgh as: CXI propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the Church. Imperfect: staining and bleed-through. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nou: 30". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of Scotland -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church of Scotland -- Clergy -- Early works to 1800. Ordination -- Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Liberty of conscience -- Early works to 1800. A86000 R202292 (Thomason E418_3). civilwar no A form for Church government and ordination of ministers,: contained in CXI propositions, propounded to the late Generall Assembly at Edinb Gillespie, George 1647 17328 10 20 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A FORM FOR Church Government AND ORDINATION OF MINISTERS , Contained in CXI Propositions , propounded to the late GENERALL ASSEMBLY at Edinburgh , 1647. Together With an ACT concerning Erastianisme , Independencie , and Liberty of Conscience . Published by Authority . LONDON , Printed for ROBERT BOSTOCK , at the King's Head in Pauls Church-yard . MDCXLVII . Act approving VIII generall Heads of Doctrine against the Tenents of Erastianisme , Independencie , and Liberty of Conscience , asserted in the CXI Propositions , which are to be examined against the next ASSEMBLY . BEing tender of so great an ingagement by solemn Covenant , sincerely , really , & constantly to endeavour in our Places & Callings , the preservation of the Reformed Religion in this Kirk of Scotland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government , the Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , in Doctrine Worship , Discipline and Government , according to the Word of God , and the example of the best Reformed Kirks , and to endeavour the neerest Conjunction and Uniformity in all these , together with the extirpation of Heresie , Schisme , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound Doctrine : And considering withall that one of the special means which it becometh us in our Places and Callings to use in pursuance of these ends , is in zeal for the true Reformed Religion , to give our publick testimony against the dangerous tenents of Erastianisme , Independency , and which is falsly called Liberty of Conscience , which are not onely contrary to sound Doctrine , but more speciall lets and hinderances as well to the preservation of our own received Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , as to the Work of Reformation and Uniformity in England and Ireland . The Generall Assembly upon these considerations , having heard publickly read the CXI following Propositions exhibited and tendered by some Brethren who were appointed to prepare Articles or Propositions for the vindication of the Truth in these particulars , Doth unanimously approve and agree unto these eight generall Heads of Doctrine therein contained and asserted . viz. 1. That the Ministery of the Word , and the Administration of the Sacraments of the New Testament , Baptisme and the Lords Supper , are standing Ordinances instituted by God himself , to continue in the Church to the end of the world . 2. That such as administer the Word and Sacraments ▪ ought to be duely called and ordained thereunto . 3. That some Ecclesiasticall censures are proper and peculiar to be inflicted onely upon such as bear Office in the Kirk ; Other censures are common , and may be inflicted both on Ministers , and other Members of the Kirk . 4. That the censure of Suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , inflicted because of grosse ignorance , or because of a scandalous life and conversation ; As likewise the censure of Excommunication , or casting out of the Kirk flagitious or contumacious offenders , both the one censure and the other is warrantable by and grounded upon the Word of God , and is necessary ( in respect of Divine institution ) to be in the Kirk . 5. That as the Rights , Power and Authority of the Civill Magistrate are to be maintained according to the Word of God , and the Confessions of the Faith of the Reformed Kirks , So it is no lesse true and certain that Jesus Christ , the onely Head and onely King of the Kirk , hath instituted and appointted a Kirk Government distinct from the Civill Government or Magistracy . 6. That the Ecclesiasticall Government is committed and intrusted by Christ to the Assemblies of the Kirk , made up of the Ministers of the Word and Ruling Elders . 7. That the lesser and inferiour Ecclesiasticall Assemblies ought to be subordinate and subject unto the greater and superiour Assemblies . 8. That notwithstanding hereof , the Civill Magistrate may and ought to suppresse by corporall or civill punishments , such as by spreading Errour or Heresie , or by fomenting Schisme , greatly dishonour God , dangerously hurt Religion , and disturb the Peace of the Kirk , Which Heads of Doctrine ( howsoever opposed by the authours and fomenters of the foresaid Errours respectively ) the Generall Assembly doth firmly beleeve , own , maintain , and commend unto others as solid , true , orthodox , grounded upon the Word of God , consonant to the judgement both of the ancient , and the best Reformed Kirks . And because this Assembly ( through the multitude of other necessary and pressing businesse ) cannot now have so much leasure as to examine and consider particularly the foresaid CXI Propositions : Therefore a more particular examination thereof is committed and referred to the Theologicall Faculties of the four Universities of this Kingdom , and the judgement of each of these Faculties concerning the same , is appointed to be reported to the next Generall Assembly . In the mean while , these Propositions shall be printed , both that Copies thereof may be sent to Presbyteries , and that it may be free for any that pleaseth to peruse them , and to make known or send their judgement concerning the same to the said next Assembly . A. Ker. CXI PROPOSITIONS Concerning THE MINISTERIE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH . 1. AS our Lord Jesus Christ doth invisibly teach and govern his Church by the Holy Spirit : So in gathering , preserving , instructing , building and saving thereof , he useth Ministers as his instruments , and hath appointed an order of some to Teach , and others to Learne in the Church , and that some should be the Flock , and others the Pastours . 2. For , beside these first Founders of the Church of Christ extraordinarily sent , and furnished with the gift of Miracles , whereby they might confirme the Doctrine of the Gospel , hee appointed also ordinary Pastours and Teachers , for the executing of the Ministery , even untill his coming again unto Judgement , Ephes. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. Wherefore , also as many as are of the number of God's People , or will be accounted Christians , ought to receive and obey the ordinary Ministers of God's Word and Sacraments , ( lawfully , though mediately called ) as the Stewards and Ambassadours of Christ himself . 3. It is not lawfull for any man , how fit soever , and how much soever enriched or beautified with excellent gifts , to undertake the Administration either of the Word or Sacraments by the Will of private persons , or others who have not power and right to Call ; much lesse is it lawfull by their own judgement or arbitrement to assume and arrogate the same to themselves : But before it be lawfull to undergoe that sacred Ministery in Churches constituted , a speciall Calling ; yea beside , a lawfull Election ( which alone is not sufficient ) a Mission , or sending , or ( as commonly it is termed ) Ordination , is necessarily required , and that both for the avoyding of confusion , and to bar out , or shut the door ( so far as in us lieth ) upon Impostors ; as also by reason of divine Institution delivered to us in the holy Scripture , Rom. 10. 15. Heb. 5. 4. Tit. 1 5. 1 Tim. 1. 14. 4. The Church ought to be governed by no other persons then Ministers and Stewards preferred and placed by Christ , and after no other manner then according to the Lawes made by him ; and therefore there is no power on earth which may challenge to it self Authority or Dominion over the Church : But whosoever they are that would have the things of Christ to be administred not according to the Ordinance and will of Christ revealed in his Word , but as it liketh them , and according to their own will and prescript , what other thing go they about to do , then by horrible Sacriledge to throw down Christ from his own Throne . 5. For our onely Law-giver and Interpreter of his Fathers will , Jesus Christ hath prescribed and fore-appointed the rule according to which he would have his Worship and the Government of his own House to be ordered . To wrest this rule of Christ laid open in his holy Word , to the Counsels , Wills , Manners , Devices or Lawes of Men , is most hight impiety ; But contrarily , the Law of Faith commandeth the counsell and purposes of men to be framed and conformed to this rule , and overturneth all the reasonings of worldly wisdome , and bringeth into captivity the thoughts of the proud swelling minde to the obedience of Christ : Neither ought the voice of any to take place or bee rested upon in the Church , but the voice of Christ alone . 6. The same Lord and our Saviour Jesus Christ , the onely Head of the church hath ordained in the New Testament , not only the Preaching of the Word and Administration of Baptisme and the Lords Supper , but also Ecclesiasticall Government , distinct and differing from the Civill Government , and it is his will that there be such a Government distinct from the Civill in all his Churches everywhere , as well those which live under Christian , as those under indfiell Magistrates , even untill the end of the World . Heb. 13. 7. 17. 1 Tim. 5. 17 , 19. Rom. 12. 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. 1 Thes. 5. 12 , Acts 1. 20 , 28. Luke 12. 42. 1 Tim. 6. 14. Apoc. 2. 25. 7. This Ecclesiasticall Government distinct from the Civill , is from God committed , not to the whole body of the Church or Congregation of the faithfull , or to be Exercised both by Officers and People , but to the Ministers of Gods Word , together with the Elders which are joyned with them for the care and Government of the Church , 1 Tim. 5. 17. To these therefore who are over the Church in the Lord , belongeth the Authority and Power , and it lyeth upon them by their office , according to the rule of Gods Word to discerne and judge betwixt the Holy and Prophane , to give diligence for amendment of delinquents , and to purge the Church ( as much as is in them ) from scandalls , and that not onely by enquiring , inspection , warning , reproving , and more sharply expostulating , but also by acting in the further and more severe parts of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , or exercising Ecclesiastick jurisdiction , even unto the greatest and weightiest censures , where need is . 8. None that is within the Church ought to be without the reach of Church Law , and exempt from Ecclesiastick Censu●es ; but Discipline is to be exercised on all the Members of the Church , without respect or consideration of those adhering qualities which use to commend a man to other men ; such as Power , Nobility , illustrious Descent , and the like : for the judgement cannot be right , where men are led and moved with these considerations . Wherefore , let respect of Persons be farre from all Judges , chiefly the Ecclesiasticall : And if any in the Church doe so swell in pride , that he refuse to be under this Discipline , and would have himself to be free and exempt from all trial and Ecclesiastick judgement , this mans disposition is more like the haughtinesse of the Roman Pope , then the meeknesse and submissivenesse of Christs Sheep . 9. Ecclesiasticall Censure moreover is either proper to be inflicted upon the Ministers and Office-bearers onely , or with them common to other Members of the Church ; the former consisteth in Suspension or Deposition of Ministers from their Office ( which in the ancient Canons is called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) The latter consisteth in the greater and lesser Excommunication , ( as they speak . ) Whatsoever in another Brother deserveth Excommunication , the same much more in a Minister deserveth Excommunication : But justly sometimes a Minister is to be put from his Office , and deprived of that Power which by Ordination was given him , against whom neverthelesse to draw the sword of Excommunication , no reason doth compell . 10. Sometime also it happeneth that a Minister having fallen into Heresie or Apostasie , or other grievous crimes , if hee shew tokens of true repentance , may be justly received into the communion of the Church ; Whom notwithstanding , 〈◊〉 is no way expedient to restore into his former place or charge ; yea , perhaps it will not be found fit to restore such a one to the Ministery in another Congregation , as soone as he is received into the bosome of the Church ; Which surely is most agreeable as well as to the Word of God , 2 King. 23 9. Ezech. 44. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. as to that Ecclesiasticall Discipline , which in some ages after the times of the Apostles was in use . So true is it that the Ministers of the Church , are lyable as well to peculiar as to common censures ; Or that a Minister of the Church is censured one way , and one of the people another way . 11. Ecclesiasticall censure , which is not proper to Ministers , but common to them with other Members of the Church , is either suspension from the Lords Supper , ( which by others is called the Publicanes Excommunication , ) or the cutting off of a Member , which is commonly called Excommunication . The distinction of this twofold censure ( commonly , though not so properly passing under the name of the lesser and greater Excommunication ) is not onely much approved by the Church of Scotland , and the Synode now assembled at Westminster , but also by the Reformed Churches of France , the Low-countreys , and of Pole-land , as is to be seen in the book of the Ecclesiastick Discipline of the Reformed Churches in France . Chap. 5. Art. 9. In the harmonie of the Belgicke Synodes . Chap. 14. Art. 8. 9. In the Canons of the generall Synode of Torne , held in the yeare 1597. 12 That the distinction of that twofold Church censure was allowed also by antiquity , it may be sufficiently clear to him who will consult the sixtie one Canon of the sixth generall Synode , with the Annotations of Zonaras and Balsomon ; also the thirteenth Canon of the eighth Synode ( which is termed the first and second ) with the Notes of Zonaras ; Yea besides , even the penitents also themselves of the fourth degree , or {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that is , which were in the consistency , were suspended from the Lords Supper , though as to other things of the same condition with the faithfull ; For to the communion also of Prayers , and so to all priviledges of Ecclesiasticall society , the Eucharist alone excepted , they were thought to have right : So sacred a thing was the Eucharist esteemed . See also beside others , Cyprian 1. Book . Epist. 11. That Dyonisius the Author of tha Ecclesiastick Hierarchie . Chap. 3. Part. 3. Basil . Epist. to Amphilochius . Can. 4. Ambros. lib. 2. De officiis , Chap. 27. Augustine in his book against the Donatists , after the conference , Chap. 4. Chrysostom Homil. 83. in Matth. Gregor. the great Epist. lib. 2. Chap 65. and 66. Walafridus Strabo of Ecclesiasticall matters . Chap. 17. 13. That first and lesser censure by Christs ordinance , is to be inflicted on such as have received Baptisme , and pretend to be true Members of the church , yet are found unfit and unworthy to communicate in the signes of the grace of Christ with the church , whether for their grosse ignorance of divine things , the Law namely and Gospell , or by reason of scandall either of false Doctrine or wicked life . For these causes therefore , or for some one of them , they are to be kept back from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ( a lawfull judiciall tryall going before ) according to the interdiction of Christ , forbidding that that which is Holy be given to dogs , or Pearles bee cast before swine , Matth 7. 6. and this censure of suspension is to continue , till the offenders bring forth fruits worthy of repentance . 14. For the asserting and defending of this suspension , there is no small accession of strength from the nature of the Sacrament it self , and the institution and end thereof . The Word of God indeed is to be Preached , as well to the ungodly and impenitent that they may be converted , as to the Godly and repenting , that they may be confirmed : But the Sacrament of the Lords Supper is by God instituted , not for beginning the Work of Grace , but for nourishing and increasing Grace , and therefore none is to be admitted to the Lords Supper , who by his life testifieth that he is impenitent , and not as yet converted . 15. Indeed if the Lord had instituted this Sacrament , that not onely it should nourish and cherish faith , and seal the promises of the Gospell , but also should begin the work of Grace in sinners , and give regeneration it self , as the instrumentall cause thereof , verily even the most wicked , most uncleane and most unworthy were to be admitted . But the Reformed Churches do otherwise judge of the nature of this Sacrament , which shall be abundantly manifest by the gleaning of these following Testimonies . 16. The Scottosh Confession , Art. 23. But we confesse that the Lords Supper belongs onely to those of the houshold of faith , who can try and examine themselves , as well in faith , as in the duties of faith towards their neighbours . Whoso abide without faith , and in variance with their brethren , doe at that holy Table eate and drinke unworthily . Hence it is that the Pastors in our Church doe enter on a publike and particular examination , both of the knowledge , conversation and life of those who are to be admitted to the Lords Table . The Belgick Confession . Art. 35. We beleevs also and confesse that our Lord Jesus Christ hath ordained the holy Sacrament of his Supper , that in it he may nourish and uphold them whom he hath already regenerated . 17. The Saxon Confession . Art. 15. of the Lords Supper . The Lord willeth that every receiver be particularly confirmed by this testimony , so that he may be certified that the benefits of the Gospel doe appertaine to himself , seeing the Preaching is common , and by this testimony , by this receiving , he sheweth that thou art one of his members , and washed with his blood . And by and by . Thus therefore we instruct the Church , that it behooveth them that come to the supper , to bring with them repentance or conversion , and ( faith being now kindled in the meditation of the death and resurrection , and the benefits of the Son of God ) to seek here the confirmation of this faith . The very same things are set downe , and that in the very same words in the consent of the Churches of Pole-land in the Sendominian Synode , Anno 1570. Art. of the Lords Supper , 18. The Bohemian Confession . Art. 11. Next our Divines teach that the Sacraments of themselves , or as some say , ex opere operato , doe not confer Grace to those , who are not first endued with good motions , and inwardly quickened by the Holy Spirit , neither doe they bestow justifying faith , which maketh the soule of man in all things obsequious , trusting and obedient to God ; for faith must goe before ( wee speake of them of ripe yeares ) which quickeneth a man by the work of the Holy Spirit , and putting good motions into the heart . And after : But if any come unworthily to the Sacraments , he is not made by them worthy or cleane , but doth only bring greater sinne and damnation on himself . 19. Seeing then in the holy Supper , that is in the receiving the Sacramentall Elements ( which is here distinguished from the Prayers and Exhortations accompanying that action ) the benefits of the Gospell are not first received , but for them being received are thanks given ; neither by partaking thereof doth God bestow the very spirituall life , but doth preserve , cherish and perfect that life ; and seeing the Word of God is accounted in the manner of letters patents , but Sacraments like seals , ( as rightly the Helvetian Confession faith , Chap. 19 ) it plainely followeth that those are to be kept back from the Lords Supper , which by their fruits and manners doe prove themselves to be ungodly orimpenitent , and strangers or alients from all communion with Christ ; Nor are the promises of Grace sealed to any other then to those to whom these promises doe belong , for otherwise the seal annexed should contradict and gainsay the letters patents ; and by the visible Word those should be loosed anst remitted , which by the audible Word are bound and condemned : But this is such an absurdity , as that if any would , yet hee cannot smooth or heal it with any plaister . 20. But as known , impious , and unregenerate persons have no right to the holy Table : So also ungodly persons , by reason of grievous scandall are justly for a time deprived of it ; for it is not lawfull or allowable that the comforts and promises which belong onely to such as beleeve and repent , should be sealed unto known unclean persons , and those who walk inordinatly , whether such as are not yet regenerate , or such as are regenerate , but fallen and not yet restored or risen from their fall . The same Discipline was plainly shaddowed forth under the Old Testament ; for none of Gods People during their legall pollution , was permitted to enter into the Tabernable , or to have accesse to the solomne Sacrifices and society of the Church : and much more were wicked and notorious offenders debarred from the Temple ever untill by an offering for sinne , together with a solemne confession thereof , being cleansed , they were reconciled unto God . Num. 5 6 , 7 , 8. Lev. 5. to the 7. vers Lev. 6. to vers. 8. 21. Yea that those who were polluted with sins and crimes , were reckoned among the unclean in the Law , Maimonides in more Nevo●him , Part. 3 Chap 47. proveth out of Lev. 20. 3. Lev. 18 24. Num. 35. 33. 34. Therefore seeing the shedding of mans blood was rightly esteemed the greatest pollution of all ; Hence it was , that as the society of the leprous was shunned by the cleare , so the company of murtherers by good men was most religiously avoided . Lament. 4. 13 , 14 , 15. The same thing is witnessed by Ananias the high Preist , 〈◊〉 Josephus of the Jewish warre . 4. Book , Chap. 5. where hee saith that those false Zelots of that time , bloody men , ought to have been restrained from accesse to the Temple , by reason of the pollution of murther ; Yea as Philo the Jew witnesseth in his book of the Officers of Sacrifices ; Whosoever were found unworthy and wicked , were by edict forbidden to approach the holy thresholds . 22. Neither must that be past by which was noted by Zonaras , Book 4. of his Annals , ( whereof see also Scaliger agreeing with him , in Elench . Triberes . Nicferrar . Cap. 28 ) namely that the Essenes were forbidden the holy Place as being hainous and piacular transgressors , and such as held other opinions , and did otherwise teach concerning Sacrifices then according to the Law , and observed not the ordinances of Moses , whence it proceeded that they Sacrificed privately ; Yea and also the Essenes them selves did thrust away from their Congregations those that were wicked . Whereof see Drusius of the three sects of Jews , Lib. 4. cap. 22. 23. God verily would not have his Temple to be made open to unworthy and uncleane worshippers , nor was it free for such men to enter into the Temple . See Nazianzen , Orat. 21. The same thing is witnessed and declared by divers late writers , such as have been and are more acquainted with the Jewish antiquities . Consult the Anotations of Vatablus and of Ainsworth an English writer upon Psal. 118. 19 , 20. also Constantius L'empereur Annotat. in Cod. Middoth , Cap. 2. Pag. 44 , 45. Cornelius Bertramus , of the Common-wealth of the Hebrews . Cap. 7. Henrie Vorstius , Animadvers. in Pirk . Rab. Eliezer . Pag. 169. The same may be proved out of Ezech. 33. 38 29. Jer. 7. 9 10 , 11 , 12. whence also it was that the solemne and publike Society in the Temple , had the name of the Assembly of the Righteous , and Congregation of Saints . Psal. 89. 5 , 7. Psal. 111. 1. Psal. 147. 1. Hence also is that , Psal. 118. 19 , 20. of the gates of righteousnesse by which the righteous enter . 24. That which is now driven at , is not that all wicked and unclean persons should be utterly excluded from our Ecclesiasticall Societies , and so from all hearing of Gods Word ; Yea there is nothing lesse intended : for the Word of God is the instrument as well of conversion as of confirmation , and therefore is to be Preached as well to the not converted as to the converted , as well to the repenting , as the unrepenting : The Temple indeed of Jerusalem had speciall promises , as it were pointing out with the finger a Communion with God through Christ , 1 King. 8. 30 , 48. Dan. 6. 10. 2 Chron. 6. 16. and 7. 15 , 16. But 't is far otherwise with our Temples , or places of Church Assemblies , because our Temples contain nothing Sacramentall in them , such as the Tabernacle and Temple contained ; as the most learned Professors of Leyden said rightly in Synops . Pur. Theologiae Disput. 48. Thes. 47. 25. Wherefore the point to be here considered as that which is now aimed at , is this , that howsoever even under the New Testament , the uncleannesse of those to whom the Word of God is preached be tolerated ; yet all such , of what estate or condition soever in the Church , as are defiled with manifest and grievous scandals , and doe thereby witnesse themselves to be without the inward and spirituall Commnnion with Christ and the faithfull , may and are to be altogether discharged from the Communion of the Lords Supper , untill they repent and change their manners . 26. Besides , even those to whom it was not permitted to goe into the holy Courts of Israel , and to ingyre themselves into Ecclesiasticall Communion , and who did stand between the Court of Israel and the utter wall , were not therefore to be kept back from hearing the word ; for in Solomons Porch , and so in the intermurale or Court of the Gentiles the Gospel was preached both by Christ , John 10. 23. and also by the Apostles , Acts 3. 11. and 5. 12. and that of purpose because of the reason brought by Pineda , of the things of Solomon , Book 5. Chap. 19. because a more frequent multitude was there , and somewhat larger opportunity of sowing the Gospel : Wherefore to any whomsoever , even heathen people meeting there , the Lord would have the Word to be preached , who notwithstanding , purging the Temple , did not onely overthrow the tables of Money-changers , and chairs of those that sold Doves , but also , cast forth the buyers and sellers themselves , Matth. 21. 12. for he could not endure either such things , or such persons in the Temple . 27. Although then the Gospel is to be preached to every creature , the Lord in expresse words commanding the same , Mark 16. 15. yet not to every one is set open an accesse to the holy Supper . 'T is granted that Hypocrites do lurk in the Church , who hardly can be convicted and discovered , much lesse repelled from the Lords Supper . Such therefore are to be suffered , till by the fan of judgement the grain be separate from the chaffe : But those whose wicked deeds or words are known and made manifest , are altogether to be debarred from partaking those symboles of the Covenant of the Gospel , left that the Name of God be greatly disgraced , whilest sins are permitted to spread abroad in the Church unpunished ; or lest the Stewards of Christ by imparting the signes of the Grace of God to such as are continuing in the state of impurity and scandall , be partakers of their sins . Hitherto of Suspension . 28. Excommunication ought not to be procceded unto except when extreme necessity constraineth : But whensoever the soul of the sinner cannot otherwise be healed , and that the safety of the Church requireth the cutting off of this or that Member , it behoveth to use this last remedy . In the Church of Rome indeed Excommunication hath been turned into greatest injustice and tyranny ( as the Pharisees abused the casting out of the Synagogues , which was their Excommunication ) to the fulfilling of the lust of their own mindes ; Yet the Ordinance of Christ is not therefore by any of the Reformed Religion to be utterly thrust away and wholly rejected . What Protestant knows not that the vassals of Antichrist have drawn the Lords Supper into the worst and most pernicious abuses , as also the Ordination of Ministers , and other Ordinances of the Gospel ? Yet who will say that things necessary ( whether the necessity be that of command , or that of the 〈◊〉 or end ) are to be taken away because of the abuse ? 29. They therefore who with an high hand do persevere in their wickednesse , after foregoing admonitions stubbornly despised or carelesly neglected , are justly by Excommunication in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ cut off and cast out from the society of the faithfull , and are pronounced to be cast out from the Church , untill being filled with shame , and cast downe , they shall return again to a more sound minde , and by confession of their sinne and amendment of their lives , they shall shew tokens of their repentance , Matth. 18. 16 , 17 , 18. 1 Cor. 5. 13. which places are also alledged in the Confession of Bohemia , Art. 8. to prove that the Excommunication of the impenitent and stubborn , whose wickednesse is known , is commanded of the Lord : But if stubborn Hereticks , or unclean persons be not removed or cast out from the Church , therein doe the Governours of the Church sinne , and are found guilty , Rev. 2. 14 , 20. 30. But that all abuse and corruption in Ecclesiasticall Government may be either prevented and avoided , or taken away ; or lest the power of the Church either by the ignorance or unskilfulnesse of some Ministers here and there , or also by too much heat and fervour of minde , should run out beyond measure or bounds , or contrariwise being shut up within straiter limits then is fitting , should be made unprofitable , feeble , or of none effect : Christ the most wise Law-giver of his Church hath foreseen , and made provision to prevent all such evils which he did foresee were to arise , and hath prepared and prescribed for them intrinsecall and Ecclesiasticall remedies , and those also in their kinde ( if lawfully and rightly applyed ) both sufficient and effectuall : Some whereof he hath most expresly propounded in his Word , and some he hath left to be drawn from thence by necessary consequence . 31. Therefore by reason of the danger of that which is called Clavis erra●● , or a wrong Key ; and that it may not be permitted to particular Churches to erre or sin licentiously , and lest any mans cause be overthrown and perish , who in a particular Church had perhaps the same men both his adversaries and his judges ; Also that common businesses which doe belong to many Churches , together with the more weighty and difficult controversies ( the deciding whereof in the Consistories of particular Churches is not safe to be adventured upon ) may be handled and determined by a common councell of Presbyteries . Finally , that the Governours of particular Churches , may impart help mutually one to another against the cunning and subtill enemies of the truth , and may joyne their strength together ( such as it is ) by an holy combination , and that the Church may be as a camp of an Army well ordered ; lest while every one striveth singly , all of them be subdued and overcome ; or lest by reason of the scarcity of prudent and godly counsellours ( in the multitude of whom is safety ) the Affairs of the Church be undone : For all those considerations particular Churches must be subordinate to Classicall Presbyteries and Synods . 32. Wherefore 't is not lawfull to particular Churches , or ( as commonly they are called ) Parochiall , either to decline the authority of Classes or Synods , where they are lawfully setled , or may be had ( much lesse to withdraw themselves from that authority , if they have once acknowledged it ) or to refuse such lawfull Ordinances or Decrees of the Classes or Synodes , as being agreeable to the Word of God , are with authority imposed upon them . Acts 15. 2 , 6 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 28 , 29. and 16. 4. 33. Although Synods assemble more seldome , Classes and Consistories of particular Churches more frequently ; Yet that Synods both Provinciall and Nationall assemble at set and ordinary times , as well as Classes and Parochiall consistories is very expedient , and for the due preservation of Church Policie and Discipline , necessary . Sometime indeed it is expedient they be assembled occasionally , that the urgent necessity of the Church may be the more speedily provided for , namely , when such a businesse happeneth , which without great danger cannot be put off till the appointed time of the Synod . 34. But that besides occasionall Synods , ordinary Synods be kept at set times , is most profitable , not onely that they may discusse and determine the more difficult Ecclesiasticall causes coming before them , whether by the appeal of some person agrieved , or by the hesitation or doubting of inferiour Assemblies ( for such businesses very often fall out ; ) but also that the state of the Churches whereof they have the care , being more certainly and frequently searched and known , if there be any thing wanting or amisse in their Doctrine , Discipline or Manners , or any thing worthy of punishment , the slothful Labourers in the Vineyard of the Lord may be made to shake off the spirit of slumber and slothfulnesse , and be stirred up to the attending and fulfilling more diligently their calling , and not suffered any longer to sleep and snort in their Office ; the straglers and wanderers may be reduced to the way ; the untoward and stiffe-necked , which scarce or very hardly suffer the yoak of Discipline , as also unquiet persons , which devise new and hurtfull things may be reduced to order . Finally , whatsoever doth hinder the more quick and efficacious course of the Gospel , may be discovered and removed . 35. It is too too manifest ( alas for it ) that there are , which with unwearied diligence doe most carefully labour that they may oppresse the liberties and rights of Synods , and may take away from them all liberty of consulting of things and matters Ecclesiasticall , at least of determining thereof , ( for they well know how much the union and harmony of Churches may make against their designes . ) But so much the more it concerneth the orthodox Churches to know , defend and preserve this excellent liberty granted to them by divine right , and so to use it , that imminent dangers , approaching evils , urging grievances , scandals growing up , schismes rising , heresies creeping in , errours spreading , and strifes waxing hot , may be corrected and taken away , to the glory of God , the edification and peace of the Church . 36. Beside Provinciall and Nationall Synodes , an Occumenicall ( so called from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that is from the habitable World ) or more truely a Generall , or if you will , an Universall Synode , if so be it be free and rightly constituted , and no other Commissioners but orthodox Churches bee admitted ( for what communion is there of light with darknesse , of righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse , or of the Temple of God with idols ) Such a Synode is of speciall utility , peradventure also such a Synode is to be hoped for , surely t is to be wished , that for defending the orthodox Faith , both against Popery and other Heresies , as also for propagating it to those who are without , especially the Jews , a more strait and more firme consociation may be entred into . For the unanimity of all the Churches as in evill t is of all things most hurtfull , so on the contrary side , in good it is most pleasant , most profitable and most effe●●uall . 37. Unto the Universall Synode also ( when it may be had ) is to be referred the judgement of controversies , not of all , but of those which are controversia juris , controversies of right , neither yet of all those , but of the chief and most weighty controversies of the orthodox faith , or of the most hard and unusuall cases of Conscience . Of the controversies of fact there is another and different consideration to be had ; for besides that it would be a great inconvenience that plaintifes , persons accused , and witnesses be drawne from the most remote Churches , to the generall or universall Counsell ; the visible communion it selfe of all the Churches ( on which the universal Counsel is built , and whereupon as on a foundation it leaneth ) is not so much of company , fellowship , or conversation , as of Religion and Doctrine . All true Churches of the World doe indeed professe the same true Religion and faith ; but there is beside this a certaine commixture and conjunction of the Churches of the same Nation , as to a more near fellowship , and some acquaintance , converting and companying together , which cannot be said of all the Churches thorowout the habitable world . 38. And for this cause , as in Doctrinall Controversies which are handled by Theologues and Casuists , and in those which belong to the common state of the orthodox Churches , the Nationall Synod is subordinate and subjected to the Universall lawfully constituted Synod , and from the Nationall to the Occumenicall Synod ( when there is a just and weighty cause ) an appeal is open : So there is no need that the Appeals of them who complain of injury done to them through the exercise of Discipline in this or that Church , should goe beyond the bounds of the Nationall Synod : But 't is most agreeable to reason that they should rest and acquiesce within those bounds and borders ; and that the ultimate judgement of such matters be in the Nationall Synod , unlesse the thing it self be so hard , and of so great moment , that the knot be justly thought worthy of a greater decider : In which case the controversie which is carried to the Universall Synod is rather of an abstract general Theologicall Proposition , then of the particular or individuall Case . 39. Furthermore , the Administration of the Ecclesiastick power in Consistories , Classes and Synods , doth not at all tend to weaken in any wise , hurt or minish the authority of the Civill Magistrate , much lesse to take it away or destroy it ; yea rather , by it a most profitable help cometh to the Magistrate , forasmuch as by the bond of Religion mens consciences are more straitly tyed unto him . There have been indeed phantasticall men who under pretence and cloak of Christian liberty would abolish and cast out Lawes and Judgements , Orders also , Degrees and Honours out of the Common-wealth , and have been bold to reckon the function of the Magistrate armed with the Sword , among evill things and unlawfull : But the Reformed Churches doe renounce and detest those dreams , and do most harmoniously and most willingly confesse and acknowledge it to be Gods will that the World be governed by Lawes and Plicy , and that hee himself hath appointed the Civill Magistrate , and hath delivered to him the sword , to the protection and praise of good men , but for punishment and revenge on the evill , that by this bridle mens vices and faults may be restrained , whether committed against the first or against the second Table . 40. The Reformed Churches believe also and openly confesse the power and authority of Emperours over their Empires , of Kings over their Kingdoms , of Princes and Dukes over their Dominions , and of other Magistrates or States over their Common-wealths and Cities , to be the ordinances of God himself , appointed as well to the manifestation of his owne glory , as to the singular profit of mankinde : and withall , that by reason of the will of God himself revealed in his Word , wee must not onely suffer and be content that those doe rule which are set over their own Territories , whether by hereditary , or by elective right ; but also to love them , fear them , and with all reverence and honour embrace them as the Ambassadours and Ministers of the most high and good God , being in his stead , and preferred for the good of their Subjects ; to powre out Prayers for them , to pay tributes to them , and in all businesses of the Common-wealth which are not against the Word of God , to obey their Laws and Edicts . 41. The Orthodox Churches believe also , and do willingly acknowledge , that every lawfull Magistrate , being by God himself constituted the keeper and defender of both Tables of the Law , may and ought first and chiefly to take care of Gods glory , and ( according to his place , or in his manner and way ) to preserve Religion when pure , and to restore it when cecayed and corrupted : And also to provide a learned and Godly Ministry , Schools also and Synods , as likewise to restrain and punish as well Atheists , Blasphemers , Hereticks and Schismaticks , as the violaters of Justice and Civill Peace . 42. Wherefore the opinion of those Sectaries of this Age is altogether to be disallowed , who though otherwise insinuating themselves craftily into the Magistrates favour , doe denie unto him the authority and right of restraining Hereticks and Schismaticks , and doe hold and maintain that such persons , how much soever hurtfull and pernicious enemies to true Religion and to the Church , yet are to be tolerated by the Magistrate , if so be hee conceive them to be such as no way violate the Lawes of the Commonwealth , and in no wise disturb the civill Peace . 43. Yet the civill Power and the ecclesiasticall ought not by any means to be confounded or mixed together : Both Powers are indeed from God , and ordained for his glory , and both to be guided by his word , and both are comprehended under that precept , Honour thy Father and thy Mother : So that men ought to obey both civill Magistrates and ecclesiasticall governours in the Lord ; To both powers their proper dignity and authority is to be maintained and preserved in force : To both also is some way entrusted the keeping of both Tables of the Law ; also both the one and the other doth exercise some jurisdiction , and giveth sentence of Judgement in an externall court or judicatory : But these , and other things of like sort , in which they agree notwithstanding ; yet by marvellous vaste differences are they distinguished the one from the other , and the rights of both remain distinct , and that eight manner of wayes , which it shall not be amisse here to adde , that unto each of these Administrations its own set bounds may be the better maintained . 44. First of all therefore they are differenced the one from the other in respect of the very foundation and the institution : For the politicall or civill Power is grounded upon the Law of Nature it selfe , and for that cause it is common to Infidels with Christians : the Power ecclesiasticall dependeth immediatly upon the positive Law of Christ alone , that belongeth to the Universall Dominion of God the creator over all Nations ; but this unto the speciall and Occonomicall Kingdom of Christ the Mediator , which he exerciseth in the church alone , and which is not of this World . 45. The second difference is in the object , or matter about which : The power politick or civill is occupied about the outward man , and civill or earthly things , about Warre , Peace , conservation of Justice , and good order in the Common-wealth ; also about the outward businesse or externall things of the Church , which are indeed necessary to the church , or profitable , as touching the outward man , yet not properly and purely spirituall , for they doe not reach unto the soule , but onely to the externall state and condition of the Ministers and Members of the Church . 46. For the better understanding whereof , t is to be observed that so farre as the Ministers and Members of the Church are Citizens , Subjects , or Members of the Common-wealth , it is in the power of the Magistrate , to judge , determine and give sentence concerning the disposing of their bodies or goods ; As also concerning the maintenance of the poore , sick , the banished , and of others in the church which are afflicted ; To regulate ( so far as concerneth the civill order ) Marriages , Burials , and other circumstances which are common both to holy , and also to honest civill societies ; to afford places fit for holy Assemblies and other externall helps by which the sacred matters of the Lord may be more safely , commodiously , and more easily in the church performed : To remove the externall impediments of divine worship or of Ecclesiasticall Peace , and to represse those which exalt themselves against the true Church and her Ministers , and doe raise up trouble against them . 47 The matter may further be thus illustrated : There is almost the like respect and confideration of the Magistrate as he is occupied about the outward things of the church , and of the Ecclesiastick Ministery as it is occupied about the inward or spirituall part of civill Government , that is about those things which in the government of the common-wealth belong to the conscience . It is one thing to governe the common-wealth , and to make politicall and civill Lawes ; another thing to interpret the Word of God , and out of it to shew to the Magistrate his duty , to wit , how he ought to govern the common-wealth , and in what manner he ought to use the sword . The former is prop●r and peculiar to the Magistrate ( neither doth the Ministery intermeddle or intangle it self into such businesses , ) But the latter is contained within the office of the Ministers . 48. For to that end also is the holy Scripture profitable , to shew which is the best manner of governing a common-wealth , and that the Magistrate as being Gods Minister may by this guiding Starre bee so directed , as that he may execute the parts of his office according to the will of God , and may perfectly be instituted to every good work ; yet the Minister is not said properly to treat of civill businesses , but of the scandalls which arise about them , or of the cases of conscience which occurre in the Administration of the common-wealth : So also the Magistrate is not properly said to be exercised about the spirituall things of the church , but rather about those externall things which adhere unto and accompany the spirituall things . 49. And in such externall matters of the church , although all Magistrates will not , yet all , yea even heathen Magistrates may and ought to aide and help the Church ; Whence it is that by the command of God , Prayers are to be made also for an heathen Magistrate , that the faithfull under them may live a quiet life with all godlinesse and honesty . 1 Tim. 2. 1 2. 50. Unto the externall things of the Church belongeth ▪ not onely the correction of Hereticlis and other troublers of the Church , but also that civill order and way of convocating and calling together Synods which is proper to the Magistrate ; for the Magistrate ought by his authority and power both to establish the Rights and Liberties of Synods assembling together , at times appointed by the known and received Law , and to indict and gather together Synods occasionally , as often as the necessity of the Church shall require the same ; Not that all or any power to consult or determine of Ecclesiastick or spirituall matters doth flow or spring from the Magistrate as Head of the Church under Christ ; but because in those things pertaining to the outward man , the Church needeth the Magistrates aid and support . 51. So that the Magistrate calleth together Synods , not as touching those things which are proper to Synods ; but in respect of the things which are common to Synods with other meetings and civill publick Assemblies ; that is , not as they are Assemblies in the name of Christ , to treat of matters spirituall , but as they are publick Assemblies within his Territories ; for to the end that publick conventions may be kept in any Territorie , the licence of the Lord of that place ought to be desired . In Synods therefore a respect of order , as well civill as ecclesiasticall is to be had ; And because of this Civill order , outward defence , better Accommodation , together with safe accesse and recesse , the consent and commandement of him who is appointed to cake care of and defend humane order , doth intervene . 52. Moreover when the Church is rent asunder by unhappy and lamentable Shcismes , while they who have raised the troubles , and have given cause of solemne gathering a Synode ( whether by their Heresie , or Schisme , or Tyranny , or any other fault of others ) use to place the great strength and safeguard of their cause in declining and fleeing the tryall and sentence of a free Synode , as being formidable to them : Who seeth not that they cannot be drawn to a publick and judiciall tryall , nor other disobedient persons be compelled to obedience without the Magistrates publick mandate and help ? 53. The object of Ecclesiasticall Power is not the same with the object of the civill Power , but much differing from it ; for the ecclesiasticall Power doth determine and appoinr nothing concerning mens bodies , goods , dignities , civill rights , but is imployed onely about the inward man , or the soul ; not that it can search the hearts , or judge of the secrets of the conscience , which is in the power of God alone : Yet notwithstanding it hath for its proper object those externalls which are purely spirituall , and doe belong properly and most neerly to the spirituall good of the soul ; Which also are termed {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the inward things of the Church . 54. Those things then wherein the ecclesiasticall Power is exercised , are the preaching of the Word , the Administration of Sacraments , publick Prayer and Thanksgiving , the catechising and instructing of children and ignorant persons , the examination of those who are to come the holy Communion , the ecclesiasticall Discipline , the Ordination of Ministers , and the abdication , deposing , and degrading of them ( if they become like unsavoury salt ) , the deciding and determining of controversies of Faith , and cases of conscience , canonicall constitutions concerning the treasurie of the Church , and collections of the Faithfull , as also concerning ecclesiasticall Rites , or indifferent things , which pertaine to the keeping of decencie and Order in the Church according to the generall rules of Christian love and prudence contained in the Word of God . 55. 'T is true , that about the same things the civill Power is occupied , as touching the outward man , or the outward disposing of divine things in this or that Dominion , as was said ; not as they are Spirituall and Evangelicall Ordinances piercing into the conscience it selfe ; but the object of the Power ecclesiasticall is a thing meerly and purely spirituall ; and in so far as it is spirituall ( for even that jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall which is exercised in an outward court or judicatory , and which inflict●● publike censures , forbidden from the use of the holy Supper , and excludeth from the society of the church ) doth properly concerne the inward man , or the repentance and salvation of the soul . 56. Surely the Faithfull and Godly Ministers , although they could doe it unchallenged and uncontrolled , and were therein allowed by the Magistrate ( as in the prelaticall times it was ) yet would not usurpe the power of life and death , or judge and determine concerning mens honours , goods , inheritance , division of Families , or other civill businesses ; seeing they well know these things to bee heterogeneous to their office : But as they ought not to entangle themselves with the judgeing of civill causes , so if they should bee negligent and slothfull in their owne office , they shall in that bee no lesse culpable . 57. To the object also of Ecclesiasticall power belongeth the assembling of Synodes , so far as they are spirituall Assemblies proper to the church , and assembled in the holy Ghost ; for being so considered , the governours of churches after the example of the Apostles and Presbyters , Acts 15. in a manifest danger of the church , ought to use their owne right of meeting together and conveening , that the churches endangered may be relieved and supported . 58. Thirdly , Those powers are differences in respect of their formes , and that three wayes : For first the civill Power , although in respect of God it bee Ministeriall , yet in respect of the Subjects it is Lordly and Magisteriall . Ecclesiasticall power is indeed furnished with authority , yet that authority is liker the Fatherly then the Kingly authority ; Yea also t is purely Ministeriall , much lesse can it be lawfull to Ministers of the Church to bear dominion over the flock . 59. Emperors , Kings and other Magistrats are indeed appointed fathers of they countrey , but the are withall Lords of their People and Subjects ; Not as if it were permitted to them to bear rule and command at their owne will and as they list ( for they are the Ministers of God for the good and profit of the Subjects ) yet it belongs to their power truely and properly to exercise dominion , to hold principality , to proceed imperiously . It is indeed the duety of Ministers and Rulers of the Church to oversee , to feed as shepherds , to correct and rectifie , to bear the keyes , to be Stewards in the house of Christ , but in no wise to be Lords over the house , or to governe as Lords , or Lordlike to rule ; yea in brief , this is the difference between the civill Magistrate and the Ecclesiasticall Ministery , in respect of those that are committed to their trust , that the lot of the former is to be served or ministred unto , the lot of the latter to minister or serve . 60. Now we have one onely Lord which governes our souls , neither is it competent to man , but to God alone to have power and authority over consciences . But the Lord hath appointed his owne Stewards over his owne Family , that according to his commandment they may give to every one their allowance or portion , and to dispense his mysteries faithfully ; and to them hee hath delivered the keyes , or power of letting in into his house , or excluding out of his house those whom he himself will have let in or shut out . Matth. 16. 19. and 18. 18. Luk. 12. 42. 1 Cor. 4. 1. Tit. 1. 7. 61. Next , the civill power is indued with authority of compelling ; But it belongs not to the Ministery to compell the disobedient ; if any compulsion be in or about Eclesissticall matters , t is adventitious from without , to wit , from the help and assistance of the Magistrate , not from the nature of Ecclesiasticall power , from which it is very heterogenous ; and therefore if any Suspended or Excommunicate persons should be found , who shall be so stiffe-necked , and so impudent that at once he cast off all shame , and make no account at all of those censures , but scorn or contemn the same , or peradventure shall insolently or proudly engyre and obtrude himself upon the Sacrament , or being also filled with divelish malice , do more and more contradict and blaspheme ; the ecclesiasticall Ministry in such cases hath nothing more to do by way of jurisdiction : But the Magistrate hath in readinesse a compelling jurisdiction and externall force , whereby such stubborn , rebellious and undaunted pride may be externally repressed . 62. Last of all , the power of the Magistrate worketh onely politically or civilly , according to the nature of the Scepter or Sword , maketh and guardeth civill Lawes , which sometimes also hee changeth or repealeth , and other things of that kinde hee eff●cteth with a secular power : But the ecclesiasticall power dealeth spiritually , and onely in the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ , and by authority entrusted or received from him alone : neither is it exercised without prayer or calling on the Name of God : nor lastly , doth it use any other then spirituall weapons . 63. The same sinne therefore in the same man may be punished one way by the civill , another way by the ecclesiasticall Power ; By the civill Power under the formality of a crime , with corporall or pecuniary punishment : By the ecclesiasticall Power , under the notion or nature of scandall , with a spirituall censure ; even as also the same civill question is one way deliberate upon and handled by the Magistrate in the Senate or place of Judgement ; another way by the Minister of the Church , in the Presbytery or Synod : By the Magistrate , so farre as it pertaineth to the Government of the Common-wealth ; by the Minister , so far as it respects the conscience ; for the ecclesiastiall Ministery also is exercised about civil things spiritually , in so far as it teacheth and admonisheth the Magistrate out of the Word of God what is best and most acceptable unto God ; or as it reproveth freely unjust judgements , unjust wars , and the like , and out of the Scripture threatneth the wrath of God to be revealed against all unrighteousness of men : So also is the Magistrate said to be occupied civilly about spiritual things . 64. Therefore all the actions of the civill Magistrate , even when he is imployed about Ecclesiasticall matters , are of their own nature , and essentially , civill . He punisheth externally Idolaters , Blasphemers , Sacrilegious persons , Hereticks , Prophaners of holy things , and according to the nature and measure of the sin , he condemneth to death or banishment , forfeiture of goods , or imprisonment : he guardeth and underproppeth Ecclesiasticall Canons with civill authority , giveth a place of habitation to the Church in his territory , restraineth or expelleth the insolent and untamed disturbers of the Church . 65. He taketh care also for maintaining the Ministers and Schools , and supplyeth the temporall necessities of Gods Servants , by his command assembleth Synods , when there is need of them : and summoneth , calleth out , and draws to tryall the unwilling , which without the Magistrates strength and authority cannot be done , as hath bin already said : he maketh Synods also safe and secure , and in a civil way presideth or moderateth in them ( if it so seem good to him ) either by himself , or by a substitute Commissioner . In all which the power of the Magistrate , though occupied about spirituall things , is not , for all that , spiritual but civill . 66. Fourthly , they differ in the end : The immediate , nearest end of civil power , is , that the good of the Common-wealth may be provided for and procured , whether it be in time of Peace , according to the rules of Law and counsel of Judges ; or in time of War , according to the rules of Military prudence : and so the temporall safety of the Subjects may be procured , and that external Peace and civil Liberty may be preserved , and being lost , may be again restored . 67. But the chiefest and last end of civill Government is , the glory of God the Creator , namely , that those which do evil , being by a superior power restrained or punished , and those which do good , getting praise of the same , the subjects so much the more may shun impiety and injustice : and that Vertue , Justice and the Morall Law of God ( as touching those eternal duties of both Tables , unto which all the posterity of Adam are obliged ) may remain in strength , and flourish , 68. But whereas the Christian Magistrate doth wholly devote himself to the promoting of the Gospel and Kingdom of Christ , and doth direct and bend all the might and strength of his authority to that end : This proceedeth not from the nature of his office and function , which is common to him with an Infidell Magistrate ; but from the influence of his common Christian calling into his particular vocation . 69. For every member of the Church ( and so also the faithful and godly Magistrate ) ought to referr and order his particular vocation , faculty , ability , power and honour to this end , that the Kingdom of Christ may be propagated and promoted , and the true Religion be cherished and defended : So that the advancement of the Gospell , and of all the Ordinances of the Gospell , is indeed the end of the godly Magistrate : not of a Magistrate simply ; or ( if ye will rather ) t is not the end of the office it self , but of him who doth execute the same piously . 70. But the end of Ecclesiastical power , yea the end as well of the Ministry it self , as of the godly Minister , is , that the Kingdom of Christ may be set forward , that the pathes of the Lord be made straight , that his holy mysteries may be kept pure , that stumbling-blocks may be removed out of the Church , least a little leaven leaven the whole lump ; or least one sick or scabbed sheep infect the whole flock ; that the faithfull may so walk as it becometh the Gospell of Christ , and that the wandring sheep of Christ may be converted and brought back to the sheep-Fold : 71. And seeing this power is given of the Lord , not to destruction but to edification ; Therefore this same scope is propounded in Excommunication , ( which is the greatest and last of Ecclesiastical censures ) namely , that the soul of an offending brother may be gained to Christ , and that being stricken with fear , and the stubborn sinner filled with shame , may by the grace of God be humbled , and may ( as a brand plucked out of the fire ) be snatched out of the snare of the Devill , and may repent unto salvation ; at least , the rest may turn away from those which are branded with such a censure , least the soul infection do creep and spread further . 72. Fiftly , they are distinguished by the effect . The effect of civil power is either proper or by way of redundance : The proper effect is the safety temporal of the Common-wealth , externall tranquillity , the fruition of civil Liberty , and of all things which are necessary to the civil Society of men . The effect , by way of redundance , is the good of the Church , to wit , in so far as by execution of Justice and good Laws , some impediments that usually hinder and disturb the course of the Gospel , are avoided or taken away . 73. For by how much the more faithfully the Magistrate executeth his office in punishing the wicked , and cherishing and encouraging good men , taking away those things which withstand the Gospell , and punishing or driving away the troublers and subverters of the Church ; so much the more the orthodox Faith and Godlyness are reverenced and had in estimation , sins are hated and feared : Finally , and all the subjects contained ( as much as concerneth the outward man ) within the lists of Gods Law : Whence also by consequence in happeneth , by Gods blessing , that the Church is desiled with fewer scandalls , and doth obtain the more freedom and Peace . 74. But the proper effect of the Ecclesiasticall power , or keys of the Kingdom of Heaven is wholly spirituall ; for the act of binding and loosing , of retaining and remitting sins , doth reach to the soul and conscience it self ( which cannot be said of the act of the civill power : ) And as unjust Excommunication is void , so Ecclesiasticall censure being inflicted by the Ministers of Christ , and his Stewards , according to his will , is ratified in Heaven , Mat. 18. 18. and therefore ought to be esteemed and acknowledged in like manner as inflicted by Christ himself . 75. Sixthly , they are also differenced in respect of the Subject : The politick power is committed sometimes to one , sometimes to more , sometime by right of election , sometime by right of succession : But the Ecclesiasticall power is competent to none under the New Testament by the right of succession , but he who hath it , must be called , by God and the Church , to it ; neither was it given by Christ to one , either Pastor or Elder , much less to a Prelate , but to the Church , that is , to the consistory of Presbyters . 'T is confessed indeed , and who can be ignorant of it , that the power ( as they call it ) of order , doth belong to particular Ministers , and is by each of them apart lawfully exercised ? but that power which is commonly called of jurisdiction , is committed not to one , but to the unity , that is , to a consistory ; therefore Ecclesiasticall censure ought not to be inflicted , but by many . 2 Cor. 2. 6. 76. Seventhly , they differ as touching the correlative : God hath commanded , that unto the civil power , every soul , or all Members of the Common-wealth , of what condition and estate soever , be subiect ; for what have we to do with the Papists , who wil have them , whom they call the Clergy or Ecclesiasticall persons , to be free from the yoke of the civill Magistrate ? The Ecclesiasticall power extends it self to none other subiects , then unto those which are called Brethren , or Members of the Church . 77. Eightly , there remaineth another difference in respect of the distinct and divided exercise of authority . For either power ceasing from its duty , or remitting punishment , that doth not ( surely it ought not ) prejudice the exercise of the other power ; namely , if the Magistrate cease to do his duty , or do neglect to punish with secular punishment , those malefactors which by profession are Church Members : Nevertheless , it is in the power of the Governors of the Church , by the bridle of Ecclesiastical Discipline , to curb such men ; yea also , by vertue of their office they are bound to do it ; and on the other part , the Magistrate may , and ought to punish in life and limb , honours or goods , notwithstanding the offenders repentance , or reconciliation with the Church . 78. Therefore the one sword being put up in the scabbard , it is free , and often necessary to draw the other . Neither power is bound to cast out , or receive him , whom the other doth cast forth or receive : The reason whereof is , because the Ecclesiastical Ministry doth chiefly respect the repentance to salvation , and gaining of the sinners soul ; wherefore it also imbraceth all kind of wicked men repenting , and receiveth them into the bosome of the Church . The Magistrate proposeth to himself another , and much differing scope ; for even repenting offenders are by him punished , both that Justice and the Laws may be satisfied , as also to terrifie others ; hence it is , that absolution from Ecclesiastick censure , freeth not at all the Delinquent , from civill Judgment , and that external sword . 79. Seeing then there are so many and so great differences of both Offices , and seeing also , that the function of Ministers and Elders of the Church , is not at all contained in the office of the Magistrate ; neither on the other part , this is comprehended within that ; Magistrates shal no less sin in usurping Ecclesiastical power , ministring holy things , ordaining Ministers , or exercising Discipline Ecclesiasticall , then Ministers should sin in rushing into the borders of the Magistrate , and in thrusting themselves into his calling . 80. Neither are those powers more mingled one with other , or less distinguished , where the Magistrate is a Christian , then where he is an Infidell ; For , as in a believing Father and in an Infidel Father , the rights of a Father are the same , so in a Christian Magistrate , and in an Infidell Magistrate , the rights of Magistrates are the same : So that to the Magistrate converted to the Christian Faith , there is no accession of new right , or increase of civil power , although being indued with true Faith and Piety , he is made more fit and willing to the undergoing of his office and the doing of his duty . 81. So then the Word of God and the Law of Christ , which by so evident difference , separateth and distinguisheth Ecclesiastical Government from the Civill , forbiddeth the Christian Magistrate to enter upon , or usurp the Ministry of the Word and Sacraments , or the juridicall dispensing of the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , to invade the Church-Government , or to challenge to himself the right of both swords , spirituall and corporal : But if any Magistrate ( which God forbid ) should dare to arrogate to himself so much , and to enlarge his skirts so far , the Church shal then straight way be constrained to complain justly , and cry out , that though the Pope is changed , yet Popedom remaineth still . 82. It is unlawfull moreover to a Christian Magistrate , to withstand the practise and execution of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , ( whether it be that which belongs to a particular Church , or the matter be carryed to a Class or Synode : ) Now the Magistrate withstandeth the Ecclesiastick Discipline , either by prohibitions and uniust Laws , or by his evil example , stirring up , and inciting others to the contempt thereof , or to the trampling it under foot . 83. Surely the Christian Magistrate ( if any time he give any grievous scandall to the Church , ) seeing he also is a member of the Church , ought no ways disdain to submit himself to the power of the keys ; Neither is this to be marvelled at : for even as the office of the Minister of the Church is no ways subordinate and subjected to the civil power , but the person of the Minister , as he is a member of the Common-wealth , is subject thereto : So the civil power it self , or the Magistrate , as a Magistrate , is not subjected to Ecclesiastick power ; yet that man who is a Magistrate ought ( as he is a member of the Church ) to be under the Churches censure of his manners , after the example of the Emperour Theodosius , unless he wil despise and set at nought Ecclesiastick Discipline , and indulge the swelling pride of the flesh . 84. If any man should again object that the Magistrate is not indeed to resist Ecclesiasticall Government , yet that the abuses thereof are to be corrected and taken away by him : The answer is ready , in the worst and troublesome times , or in the decayed and troubled estate of things , when the ordinance of God in the Church , is violently turned into tyranny , to the treading down of true Religion , and to the oppressing of the Professors thereof , and when nothing almost is sound or whole , divers things are yielded to be lawfull to godly Magistrates , which are not ordinarily lawfull for them , that so to extraordinary diseases , extraordinary remedies may be applyed . So also the Magistrate abusing his power unto tyranny , and making havock of all , t is lawfull to resist him by some extraordinary ways and means , which are not ordinarily to be allowed . 85. Yet ordinarily and by common or known Law and Right in settled Churches , if any man have recourse to the Magistrate to complain , that through abuse of Ecclesiastick Discipline , injury is done to him , or if any sentence of the Pastors and Elders of the Church , whether concerning Faith or Discipline , do displease or seem uniust unto the Magistrate himself ; it is not for that cause lawfull to draw those Ecclesiasticall causes to a civil tribunal , or to bring in a kind of political or civil Popedom . 86. What then ? Shall it be lawful ordinarily for Ministers and Elders to do what they list , or shall the Governors in the Churches , glorying in the Law , by their transgression dishonour God ? God forbid . For first , if they shall trespass in any thing against the Magistrate or municipal Laws , whether by intermedling in judging of civil causes , or otherwise disturbing the peace and order of the Common-wealth , they are liable to civil tryal and judgments , as it is in the power of the Magistrate to restrain and punish them . 87. Again it hath been before shewed , that to Ecclesiastical evils Ecclesiastical remedies are appointed and fitted , for the Church is no less then the Common-wealth , through the grace of God , sufficient to it self in reference unto her own end : and as in the Common-wealth , so in the Church , the errour of inferior judgments and Assemblies , or their evil Government , is to be corrected by superior judgments and Assemblies , and so still by them of the same order , lest one order be confounded with another , or one Government be intermingled with another Government . What shall now the adversaries of Ecclesiastical power object here , which those who admit not the yoke of the Magistrate may not be ready in like manner to transfer against the civil Judicatories and Government of the Common-wealth ? Seeing it happeneth sometimes that the Common-wealth is no less ill Governed then the Church . 88. If any man shall prosecute the argument , and say , that yet no remedy is here shewed , which may be applyed to the injustice or error of a National Synod : surely he stumbleth against the same stone , seeing he weigheth not the matter with an equal ballance ; for the same may in like sort fall back and be cast upon Parliaments , or any supream Senate of a Common-wealth : for who seeth not the judgment of the supream civill Senate to be nothing more infallible , yea also in matters of Faith and Ecclesiasticall Discipline , more apt and prone to Error ( as being less accustomed to sacred Studies ) then the judgment of the Nationall Synod ? what medicines then , or what soveraign plaisters shal be had , which may be fit for the curing and healing of the Errors and miscariages of the supream Magistrate and Senate ? The very like , and beside all this , other and more effectuall medicines , by which the Errors of Nationall Synods may be healed , are possible to be had . 89. There wanteth not a Divine Medicine , and Soveraign Balm in Gilead ; for although the Popish opinion of the infallibility of Counsels , be worthily rejected and exploded ; yet t is not in vain that Christ hath promised , he shal be present with an Assembly , which in deed and in truth , meeteth together in his Name ; with such an Assembly , verily he useth to be present by a spirituall aide and assistance of his own Spirit , to uphold the falling , or to raise up the fallen . Whence it is , that divers times the Errors of former Synods are discovered and amended by the latter : sometimes also the second , or after thoughts of one and the same Synod are the wiser and the better . 90. Furthermore , the line of Ecclesiasticall Subordination is longer and further stretched , then the line of civill Subordination ; for a Nationall Synod must be subordinate and subject to an Universall Synod , in the manner aforesaid , whereas yet there is no Occumenicall Parliament , or generall civill Court acknowledged , unto which the supream civill Senate , in this or that Nation , should be subject . Finally , neither is the Church altogether destitute of nearer remedies , whether an universall counsell may be had or not . 91. For the Nationall Synod ought to declare , and that with greatest reverence , to the Magistrate , the grounds of their sentence , and the reasons of their proceedings , when he demandeth or enquireth into the same , and desireth to be satisfied : but if the Magistrate nevertheless do dissent , or cannot by contrary reasons ( which may be brought , if he please ) move the Synod to alter their judgment , yet may he require , and procure , that the matter be again debated and canvassed in another National Synod ; and so the reasons on both sides being throughly weighed , may be lawfully determined in an Ecclesiastical way . 92. But as there is much indeed to be given to the demand of the Magistrate ; so is there here a two-fold caution to be used : For first , notwithstanding of a future revision , it is necessary that the former sentence of the Synod , whether concerning the administration of Ecclesiastick Discipline , or against any Heresie , be forthwith put in execution ; least by lingering and making of delays , the evil of the Church take deeper root , and the gangreen spread and creep further : and least violence be done to the Consciences of Ministers , if they be constrained to impart the signs and seals of the Covenant of Grace to dogs and swine , that is , to unclean persons , wallowing in the mire of ungodliness ; and least subtile men abuse such interims or intervals , so as that Ecclesiasticall Discipline altogether decay , and the very decrees of Synods be accounted as cobwebs , which none feareth to break down . 93. Next it may be granted , that the matter may be put under a further examination , yet upon condition , that when it is come to the revision of the former sentence , regard may be had of the weaker which are found willing to be taught , though they doubt , but that unto the wicked and contentious tempters , which do mainly strive to oppress our liberty which we have in Christ , and to bring us into bondage , we do not for a moment give place by subjecting our selves : For what else seek they or wait for , then that under the pretence of a revising and of new debate , they cast in lets and impediments ever and anon , and that by cunning lyings in wait , they may betray the liberty of the Church , and in process of time may by open violence , more forceably break in upon it , or at least , constrain the Ministers of the Church to weave Penelop's web , which they can never bring to an end . 94. Moreover , the Christian Magistrate hath then only discharged his office in reference to Ecclesiasticall Discipline , when not only he withdraweth nothing from it , and maketh no impedient to it , but also affordeth speciall furtherance and help to it , according to the Prophecy , Esai . 49. 23. And Kings shal be thy nursing fathers , and Queens thy nursing mothers . 95. For Christian Magistrates and Princes embracing Christ , and sincerely giving their names to him , do not only serve him as men , but also use their office to his glory , and the good of the Church : they defend , stand for , and take care to propagate the true Faith and Godliness , they affoord places of habitation to the Church , and furnish necessary helps and supports , turn away injuries done to it , restrain false Religion , and cherish , underprop , and defend the Rights and Liberties of the Church : so far they are from diminishing , changing or restraining those Rights , for so the condition of the Church were in that respect worse , and the Liberty thereof more cut short , under the Christian Magistrate , then under the infidell or heathen . 96. Wherefore seeing these nursing fathers , favourers and defenders , can do nothing against the Truth , but for the Truth , nor have any right against the Gospel , but for the Gospel ; and their power in respect of the Church , whereof they bear the care , being not privative or destructive , but cumulative and auxiliary , thereby it is sufficiently clear , that they ought to cherish , and by their authority , ought to establish the Ecclesiasticall Discipline ; but yet not with implicite Faith , or blind obedience : For the Reformed Churches do not deny to any of the faithfull , much less to the Magistrate , the judgment of Christian prudence and discretion , concerning those things which are decreed or determined by the Church . 97. Therefore , as to each Member of the Church respectively , so unto the Magistrate belongeth the judgment of such things , both to apprehend and to judg of them ; for although the Magistrate is not ordained and preferred of God , that he should be a judg of matters and causes spirituall , of which there is controversie in the Church : Yet is he questionless judg of his own civill act , about spirituall things ; namely , of defending them in his own Dominions , and of approving or tolerating the same ; and if in this business he judg and determine according to the wisdom of the flesh , and not according to the wisdom which is from above , he is to render an account thereof before the supream Tribunall . 98. However the Ecclesiasticall Discipline , according as it is ordained by Christ , whether it be established and ratified by civill authority , or not , ought to be retained and exercised in the Society of the faithfull ( as long as it is free and safe for them to come together in holy Assemblies ) for the want of civil authority is unto the Church like a ceasing gain , but not like Damage or loss ensuing ; as it superaddeth nothing more , so it takes nothing away . 99. If it further happen ( which God forbid ) that the Magistrate do so far abuse his authority , that he doth straitly forbid what Christ hath ordained ; yet the constant and faithful servants of Christ , will resolve and determine with themselves , that any extremities are rather to be undergone , then that they should obey such things , and that we ought to obey God rather then men ; yea they will not leave off to perform all the parts of their office , being ready , in the mean time , to render a reason of their practice to every one that demandeth it , but specially unto the Magistrate , ( as was said before . ) 100. These things are not to that end and purpose proposed , that these functions should be opposed one against another , in a hostile posture , or in terms of enmity , then which nothing is more hurtful to the Church and Common-wealth , nothing more execrable to them who are truly and sincerely zealous for the house of God ( for they have not so learned Christ : ) but the aim is , First and above all , that unto the King of Kings and Lord of Lords , Jesus Christ the only Monarch of the Church , his own prerogative Royal ( of which also himself in the World was accused , and for his witnessing a good confession thereof before Pontius Pilate , was unjustly condemned to death ) may be fully maintained and defended . 101. Next , this debate also tendeth to this end , that the power as well of Ecclesiasticall censure as of the civil sword being in force , the licentiousness of carnal men , which desire that there be too slack Ecclesiastical Discipline or none at all , may be bridled , and so men may sin less , and may live more agreeably to the Gospel . Another thing here intended is , that errours on both sides being overthrown , ( as well the errour of those who under a fair pretence of maintaining and defending the rights of Magistracy , do leave to the Church either no power , or that which is too weak ; as the errour of others , who under the vail of a certain suppositious and imaginary Christian Liberty , do turn off the yoke of the Magistrate ) both powers may enjoy their own Priviledges ; add hereto that both powers being circumscribed with their distinct borders and bounds , and also the one underpropped and strengthned by the help of the other , a holy concord between them may be nourished , and they may mutually and friendly imbrace one another . 102. Last of all , seeing there are not wanting some unhappy men , who cease not to pervert the right ways of the Lord , and with all diligence go about to shake off the yoke of the Ecclesiastical Discipline , where now t is about to be introduced , yea also where it hath been long ago established , and as yet happily remaineth in force , it was necessary to obviate their most wicked purposes ; Which things being so , let all which hath been said , passe with the good leave and liking of those orthodox Churches in which the Discipline of Excommunication is not as yet in use : neither can any offence easily arise to them from hence ; yea ( if the best conjecture do not deceive ) they cannot but rejoyce and congratulate at the defence and vindication of this Discipline . 103. For those Churches do not deny but acknowledg and teach , that the Discipline of Excommunication is most agreeable to the Word of God , as also that it ought to be restored and exercised ; Which also heretofore the most learned Zachary Vrsi●● , in the declaration of his judgment concerning Excommunication , exhibited to Prince Frederick the third , Count Elector Palatine , the title whereof is , Judicium de Disciplina Ecclesiastica & Excommunicatione , &c. 104. For thus he , In other Churches , where either no Excommunication is in use , or t is not lawfully administred , and neverthelesse without all controversie , it is confessed and openly taught , that it ought justly to be received and be of force in the Church : and a little after , Lest also your Hignesse by this new opinion do sever your self and your Churches from all other Churches , as well those which have not Excommunication , as those which have it : Forasmuch as all of them do unanimously confesse , and alwayes confessed , that there is reason why it ought to be in use . 105. To the same purpose it tendeth which the highly esteemed Philip Melancthon in his Common places , chap. of civil Magistrates , doth affirm : Before ( saith he ) I warned that civil Places and Powers are to be distinguished from the adhering confusions which arise from other causes , partly from the malice of the devil , partly from the malice of men , partly from the common infirmity of men , as it cometh to passe in other kinds of life and Government ordained of God . No man doubteth , that Ecclesiastical Government is ordained of God , and yet how many and great disorders grow in it from other causes . Where he mentioneth a Church Government distinct from the civil , and that jure divino , as a thing uncontroverted . 106. Neither were the wishes of the chief Divines of Zurick and Berne wanting , for the recalling and restoring of the discipline of Excommunication . So Bullinger upon 1 Cor. 5. And hitherto ( saith he ) of the Ecclesiastical chastising of wickedness , but here I would have the brethren diligently warned , that they watch , and with all diligence take care that this wholesom medicine , thrown out of the true Church by occasion of the Popes avarice , may be reduced , that is , that scandalous sins be punished : for this is the very end of Excommunication , that mens manners may be well ordered , and the Saints flourish , the prophane being restrained , lest wicked men by their impudency and impiety increase and undo all . It is our part , ô brethren , with greatest diligence to take care of these things ; for we see that Paul in this place doth stir up those that were negligent in this business . 107. Aretius agreeth hereunto . Problem . Theolog. loc , 33. Magistrates do not admit the yoke , they are afraid for their honours , they love licentiousnesse , &c. The common people is too dissolute , the greatest part is most corrupt , &c. In the mean while I willingly confesse , that we are not to despair , but the age following will peradventure yeeld more tractable spirits , more mild hearts , then our times have . See also Lavater agreeing in this , Homil. 52. on Nehem. Because the Popes of Rome have abused Excommunication for the establishing of their own tyranny , it cometh to pass , that almost no just Discipline can be any more settled in the Church , but unlesse the wicked be restrained , all things must of necessity run into the worst condition , See besides , the opinion of Fabritius , upon Psal. 149. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. of spirituall corrections , which he groundeth upon that Text compared with Matth. 16. 19. and 18. 18. Iohn 20. 23. 108. It can hardly be doubted or called in question , but besides these , other learned and Godly Divines of those Churches were and are of the same mind herein , with those now cited ; and indeed the very Confession of Faith of the Churches of Helvetia , Chap. 18. may be an evidence hereof . But there ought to be in the mean time a just Discipline amongst Ministers , for the doctrine and life of Ministers is diligently to be enquired of in Synods : Those that sin are to be rebuked of the Elders , and to be brought again into the way , if they be curable ; or to be deposed , and like wolves driven away from the floek of the Lord , if they be incurable . That this manner of Synodical censure , namely of deposing Ministers from their office for some great scandal , is used in the republike of Zurick , Lavater is witness , in his book of the Rites and Ordinances of the Church of Zurick , Chap. 23. Surely they could not be of that mind , that Ecclesiastical Discipline ought to be exercised upon Delinquent Ministers only , and not also upon other rotten Members of the Church . 109 Yea the Helvetian Confession in the place now cited , doth so tax the inordinate zeal of the Donatists and Anabaptists ( which are so bent upon the rooting out of the tares out of the Lords field , that they take not heed of the danger of plucking up the wheat ) that withall it doth not obscurely commend the Ecclesiastical Forensical Discipline , as distinct from the civil Power , and seeing ( say they ) ttis altogether necessary that there be in the Church a Discipline ; and among the Ancients in times past Excommunication hath been usual , and Ecclesiastical Courts have been among the People of God , among whom this Discipline was exercised by prudent and goods men ; It belongeth also to Ministers according to the case of the times , the publick estate and necessity , to moderate this Discipline ; Where this rule is ever to be held , that all ought to be done to edification , decently , honestly , without tyranny and sedition ; The Apostle also witnesseth , 2 Cor. 13. that to himself , was given of God a Power unto edification , and not unto destruction . 110. And now what resteth , but that God be intreated with continual and ardent Prayers , both that he would put into the hearts of all Magistrates , zeal and care to cherish , defend , and guard the Ecclesiastick Discipline , together with the rest of Christs Ordinances , and to stop their eares against the importunate suits of whatsoever claw-backs , which would stir them up against the Church ; and that also all Governours and Rulers of Churches , being every where furnished and helped with the strength of the holy Spirit , may diligently and faithfully execute this part also of their function , as it becommeth the trusty servants of Christ , which study to please their own Lord and Master , more then men . 111. Finally , all those who are more averse from Ecclesiastick Discipline , or ill affected against it , are to be admonished and intreated through our Lord Jesus Christ , that they be no longer entangled and enveagled with carnall prejudice , to give place in this thing to humane affections , and to measure by their own corrupt reason spirituall Discipline , but that they do seriously think with themselves , and consider in their minds , how much better it were , that the lusts of the flesh were as with a bridle tamed , and that the repentance , amendment , and gaining of vicious men unto salvation may be sought , then that sinners be left to their own disposition , and be permitted to follow their own lusts without controulment , and by their evil example to draw others headlong into ruin with themselves : and seeing either the keys of Discipline must take no rust , or the manners of Christians will certainly contract much rust : what is here to be chosen , and what is to be shunned , let the Wise and Godly , who alone take to heart the safety of the Church , judg . FINIS . 
A67694	----	Causes of the Lords wrath against Scotland manifested in his sad late dispensations. Whereunto is added a paper, particularly holding forth the sins of the ministery. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. 1653 Approx. 202 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A67694 Wing W983 ESTC R204011 99825308 99825308 29688 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67694) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 29688) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1961:11) Causes of the Lords wrath against Scotland manifested in his sad late dispensations. Whereunto is added a paper, particularly holding forth the sins of the ministery. Warriston, Archibald Johnston, Lord, 1611-1663. 88 p. Printed [by the heirs of Geo. Anderson], [Edinburgh] : in the year 1653. By Archibald Johnson, Lord Warriston. Place of publication and identification of printer from Wing. "A humble acknowledgment of the sins of the ministery of Scotland" has separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. Reproduction of the original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Oxford) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CAUSES Of the LORDS WRATH against SCOTLAND , Manifested in his sad late dispensations . Whereunto is added a PAPER , particularly holding forth the Sins of the MINISTERY . Printed in the year 1653. Some General Heads of the Causes why the LORD contends with the Land , agreed upon ( after seeking of the LORD ) by the Commission of the GENERALL ASSEMBLY 1650. with the advice of diverse Ministers from severall parts of the Kingdom , met at Edinburgh , October 1651. so far as for the present they could attain light therein , which they offer and advise to be made use of by all the LORDS People in the Land , leaving place to adde , as the Lord shall make further discoveries hereafter of the guiltinesse of the Land , and intending more fully and particularly to enlarge this Paper . 1. Article . THe grosse Atheisme and ignorance of God and of his Word and Works , that is in a great part of the Inhabitants of the Land , which is such , that neither Law nor Gospel , nor the most common and necessary points of truth are understood or known by many thousands . 2. Article . Horrible loosnesse and prophanity of Conversation in all sorts , against the Commandments , both of the first and second table , which hath so abounded and encreased , that scarce hath any of the Nations exceeded us therein . 3. Article . The despising and slighting of JESUS CHRIST offered in the Gospel ( which we look on as the chief and mother sin of this Nation ) and the not valuing and improving the Gospel and precious Ordinances of CHRIST , unto the establishing and building up of our selves in the lively faith of CHRIST and power of godlinesse , but either neglecting and despising these things altogether , or else resting upon and idolizing outward and bare forms , without studying to know in our selves , or to promove in others the Kingdom of God , which is righteousnesse and peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost : whereby it hath come to passe , that persons not rightly qualified , have been admitted unto , and continued in the Work of the Ministery and Elderships , and that publick repentance and Kirk-censures have been gros●ely slighted , and the Sacrament of the Lords Supper fearfully polluted by the promiscuous admitting of many ignorant and scandalous persons thereto , and many wilfully ignorant , and openly and continuedly prophane , have been keeped in the fellowship of this Kirk , contrary to the Word of GOD , and Constitutions of this Kirk , and that many other sad and fearfull consequences have followed unto the prophaning of all the Ordinances of GOD , and rendering them for the most part barren and fruitlesse to us : 4 Art. Not only the exercise of godlines in families much slighted , great men being unwilling and ashamed to call on the name of the LORD in their Family ( which guilt is exceedingly heightned by the continuing of many of these in the same after solemn Publick confessing thereof , and engaging to the contrary duty in the year 1648. ) and others much neglecting the same ; But also the loathing and hating of the power and life of Religion and godlinesse , and bearing down such as make conscience thereof , or aime at any perfection therein , which hath come to such an height , that the Godly are every-where reproached , reviled , oppressed and persecuted throughout the Land by sundry of all ranks : yea , by sundry Magistrates and Ministers ; and the ungodly and prophane countenanced , encouraged and imployed . 5. Article . The base love of the world , and Covetousnesse , which hath made not onely the Body of the People , but many Ministers , more to minde their own things , then the things of JESUS CHRIST ; and many Masters , Rulers , Magistrates , Officers and Souldiers in Armies , exceedingly to abuse their power unto the exercising of intollerable oppression of all kindes on the poor , to the grinding of their faces , and making their lives bitter to them : Which fountain of Covetousnesse did also produce the great insolencies and oppressions in our Armies in England and Ireland , and the fearfull perjuries in the Land in the matter of valuation and Excise . 6. Article . The abusing and prostituting the Publick Faith of the Kingdom in the way of borrowing of Money and otherwise ; unto the dishonouring of GOD , mocking of Men , and reproach of the Nation . 7. Article . In pursuing of necessary Duties of renewing the Nationall Covenant , and entring into and renewing the solemn League and Covenant , the way of many mens taking these Covenants was without the knowledge of the necessary things contained therein , and without reality and sincerity of heart , in order to the performance thereof ; some being induced thereto by example , some by fear , and not a few by principles of policy , following their own carnall and corrupt ends . 8. Article . The Following the work of God , and pursuing the ends of the Covenant not in a Spirituall holy way , setting the LORD alwayes before our eyes , and acknowledging him in all our paths but in a carnall politick way , abusing GODS Interest for our own interest and ends , as if it had been the Work of men , and not the Work of GOD , which made us walk more in the counsels of our own hearts then in the Counsel of GOD , and to trust more in the arm of flesh , then in the Arm of the Lord. 9. Article . Backslyding and defection from the Covenant , and from our solemn Vows and Engagements ; the guilt whereof is exceedingly heightned by the aggravating circumstances of our renewed Oaths , and of the LORDS Mercies and Engagements , and of our frequent relapses into the same sins , whereof we once seemed to have repented , and which we condemned in others : Of this Defection there be these speciall heads and Steps . 1. Step. A soul falling from that honesty of heart , and purity of conversation , and from the singlenesse and integrity of heart , and from the fervency & zeal for GOD that appeared to be in many at the first entry to the Covenant ; and declining into loose walking , and self interest , and neutrality and indifferency , from which haue issued many sad consequences , especially the great scandall and stumbling of many godly in the Land , at us and the Work of God in our hand . 2 Step. The sitting up of many Professors in the Land under the Gospel , and becoming formall and remisse , not entertaining tenderness , spirituall life and soberness of minde , which as it hath been amongst the provoking Causes of the LORDS wrath , and hath rendered some obnoxious to snares on both hands , so may it ( if it be not mourned for and amended ) draw on more wrath , and expose to the hazard of errour and disaffection to the Work of GOD. 3. Step. The secret falling off of some , and open falling away of many unto the opposite party , after their entering in Covenant , especially that defection carried on by Iames Graham & his party , and that which was afterward carried on by the Authors and Abettors of the unlawfull Engagement 1648. 4. Step. The neglecting , obstructing , and condemning , the purging of the Judicatories and Army , 1649. and afterward , from scandalous and disaffected men ; and of the constituting the same of men of known integrity and affection to the Cause , and of a blameless and Christian C●nversation , notwithstanding of the solemn publick Confession of these sins , and Engaging unto these duties a little before that time . 5. Step. The Authorizing of Commissioners to close a Treaty with the King , for the investing him with the Government , upon his subscribing such Demands as were sent to him , after he had given many clear evidences of his disaffection and enmity to the work and people of God , and was continuing in the same : And the admitting of him to the full exercise of his power , and Crowning him , notwithstanding of new discoveries of his adhering to his former principles and way , and of many warnings to the contrary . 6. Step. The Rejecting of Discoveries of guiltiness and causes of the Lords contending with us , and of our duty in reference therto ; such as the cause of humiliation offered by the Commission of the General Assembly , to the Committee of Estates at Leith , before the defeat at Dumbar : The causes of humiliation condescended on at Sterlin immediately after the defeat at Dumbar : The Remonstrance of the Gentlemen , Ministers and Forces in the West , and many other testimonies of Presbyteries and Synods together ; neglecting the means tending to peace , and to the preventing the effusion of more blood ; from pride and bitterness of spirit against those who had — invaded us . 7. Step. The Publick Resolutions of Kirk and State , for bringing in the Malignant party , first to the Army , and then to the Judicatories , and to the actual intrusting of them with the power of the Kingdom , both Military and Civil , whereby the state of our cause is not only turned up side down , by subordinating the interest of God to the interest of men ; but the work and people of God have been entrusted to the enemies thereof . 8. Step. The joyning of many engaged in the Covenant and Cause of God , in Arms with the Forces of the Kingdom , after that by the Publick Resolutions , there was a prevailing party of Malignants brought into the Army , who had the sway of Counsels and Actings therein , and were carrying on a malignant interest . 9. Step. The pre-limiting and corrupting of the Gen. Assembly , in regard of the free , lawful and right constitution thereof , excluding such as were faithful and constant in the Cause , and making it up , for the most part , of those who had been active and instrumental in carrying on a course of Defection , or were consenting thereto ; whereby it came to pass that that Meeting did ratifie and approve the Defection it self , and did not only censure sundry for protesting against them , but also laid a foundation for censuring all such Ministers , and for keeping all such out of the Ministry who did not approve of their Constitution and Acts , and did issue Warnings and Declarations reflecting exceedingly upon , and contradicting and condemning former pious and warrantable proceedings , and the instruments thereof . 10. Article . Deep security , impenitency , obstinacy and incorrigibleness under all these , and under all the dreadful stroaks of God , and tokens of his indignation against us , because of the same , so that whilest he continues to smite , we are so far from humbling our selves , and turning to Him , that we wax worse and worse and sin more and more . Having at our last Meeting intended and promised to enlarge more fully and particularly these Generall Heads of the LORDS Controversie with the Land , then condescended on ; We shall now prosecute and perform the same , so far as we conceive is needfull , and may be helpfull to others , for the better understanding thereof . IT were superfluous to speak any thing to the 1. Article , which relates to the grosse ignorance of many thousands in the Land ; the truth of the thing being unquestionably acknowledged and bemoaned by all the faithfull and godly Ministers in the Land , and that a great many come to age , are grosly ignorant of the first Principles of Christian Religion ; which sin of ignorance , although it be extenuated and slightly looked on by many , yet it is holden forth by the Holy Ghost in the Scriptures , as the fountain of the estrangement of souls from the life of God. Ephes. 4. 18. through the blindnes that is in them , having the understanding darkned , being alienated from the life of God , through the ignorance that is in them , because of the blindnes of their heart ; of all their disobedience , and living in their lusts , 1. Pet. 1. 14. as obedient children , not fashioning your selves according to the former lusts in your ignorance ; And as that which makes them lyable to the wrath of God in the day of Christs appearance , 2. Thess. 1. 8. When the Lord Iesus shall be revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire , taking vengeance on them who know not God , and obey not the Gospel of our Lord-Iesus Christ. The guilt of this sin is much aggravated by these Circumstances ; 1. It is willfull under the light of the Gospel , and the means of knowledge . 2. In regard of long continuing therein , many have lived under it for so many years together , even till their old age . 3. From the grossnesse of it , being such in many , as they know almost nothing of the very Letter of the Scriptures , either of their sin and misery , or of the mercy and remedy that is holden forth through Jesus Christ , or of the dutie which they owe to God and their Neighbour ; nothing almost either of Law or Gospel , of the Covenant of Grace , or of the Covenant of Works , of Commandments , Threatnings or Promises , except in such a generall and confused way as is altogether uselesse unto them , and fruitless in them . 4. In regard of the multitudes of these who lye under it , which is very great in all the corners of the Land , especially in the Highlands . 5. In regard of the quality of persons who are not onely servants and Commons , but Masters of Families , and persons of some note in Burghs and in the Countrey ; yea , not a few who have the place of Magistrates and Elders . The Article doth also mention ignorance of the Works of God , by which is meant not only the Works of Creation wherein the Eternall Power and Godhead are clearly seen , Rom. ● . 20. For the invisible things of him from the Creation of the World , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternall Power and Godhead ; but also the ignorance of the Works of Providence , which are great and marvellous , Rev. 15. 3. And they sing the song of Moses the servant of God , and the song of the Lamb , saying , Great and marvellous are thy works Lord God Almighty , just and true are thy wayes thou King of Saints . And albeit these should be sought out of all these that take pleasure therein , Psal. 111. 2. and the right understanding and observation of them , hath a large promise made thereunto , Psal. 107. 43. Who is wise and will observe these things , even they shall understand the loving kindnes off the Lord. Yet doth the ignorance thereof exceedingly abound amongst many , especially the ignorance and not observing , but forgetting the works of mercy and judgment , which GOD hath wrought amongst our selves ; which sin as it proved an In-let to many other provocations , from the 7 verse of that Psalm throughout , so hath it great threatnings pronounced against it , and sore judgments inflicted on it , Psal. 28. 5. Because they regard not the works of the Lord , nor the operation of his hands , he shal destroy them , and not build them up . Isa. 5. 11 , 12. Wo to them that rise up early in the morning , that they may follow strong drink , and continue till night , till wine inflame them , and the wine and the pipe , the viol , the tabret and the harp are in their feasts , but they regard not the work of the Lord , nor consider the operation of his hands . Psal. 106. 7. 13. 21 , 22. Our fathers understood not thy wonders in Egypt , they remembred not the multitude of thy mercies , but provoked him at the sea , they soon forgot his works , they waited not for his counsell . Thy forg●t God their Saviour , who had done great things in Egypt , wondrous works in the land of Ham , and terrible things by the redsea . In this Article also , Atheisme is joyned with Ignorance , which as it is the root and fountain of all other sin , Psal. 14. 1. The fool hath said in his heart , there is no God , they are corrupt , they have done abominable works , there is none that doth good . So it is also the root and fountain of all misery , Eph. 2. 12. At that time ye were without Christ , being strangers from the Commonwealth of Israel , and strangers from the Covenant of promise , having no hope , and being without God in the world . And yet this doth possesse many , there being multitudes of that wicked sort . Psal. 10. 4. Who through the pride of their heart , will not seek God , God is not in all their thoughts . These are far from acknowledging him in all their wayes , and aiming at his glory in all their actions , according to these divine rules , Proverb . 3. 6. In all thy wayes acknowledge him , and he shall direct thy paths . 1 Cor. 10. 31. Whether therefore ye eat or ye drink , or what soever ye do , in word or deed , do all in the name of the Lord Iesus Christ , giving thanks to the Father through him . But they do live as if there were no God , or as if he had forsaken the earth , and did not see . Ezek. 9. 9. Then said he unto me , The iniquity of the house of Israel and Iuda is exceeding great , and the Land is full of blood , and the City full of perversnesse , for they say , The Lord hath forsaken the earth , and the Lord seeth not ; Or as if the Lord would not do good or evill , like these who are threatned , Zeph. 1. 12. I will search Ierusalem with candles , and punish the men that are setled on their lees , that say in their heart , the Lord will not do good , neither will be do evill . The Second Article . THe second Article concerning loosnesse and prophanity , is no lesse true and evident then the first , it being undenyable that a floud of prophanity hath overflowed the whole Land , and that the most part of the Inhabitants thereof have corrupted theirway before him , unto the dishonouring of his Name , reproach of our profession , and provoking the eyes of his Glory , Isa. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. 5. Hear O heavens , and give ear O earth for the Lord hath spoken , I have nourished and brought up children , and they have rebelled against me ; the ox hath known his owner , and the asse his masters crib , but Israel doth not know , my people doth not consider : Ah , sinfull Nation , a people loaden with iniquity , a seed of evill doers , children that are corrupters , they have forsaken the Lord , they have provoked the holy one of Israel to Anger , they have gone away backward ; why should ye be stricken any more , ye will revolt more and more , the whole head is sick , and the whole heart is faint . Ezek. 36. 21 , 22 , 23. But I had pity for my holy names sake , which the house of Israel hath prophaned amongst the Heathen whether they went : Therefore say to the house of Israel , thus saith the Lord God , I do not this for your sake , O house of Israel , but for my holy Names sake , which ye have prophaned amongst the Heathen whither ye went , and I will sanctifie my great name which was prophaned among the Heathen which ye have prophaned in the midst of them , and the Heathen shall know that I am the Lord , saith the Lord God , when I shall be sanctified in you , before their eyes , Malach. 2. 11 , 12 , 13. Iudah hath dealt trea●herously , and an abomination is committed in Israel and Ierusalem , for Iudah hath prophaned the holinesse of the Lord which he loved , and hath married the daughter of a strange god , the Lord will cut off the man that doth this , the master and the schollar out of the Tabernacles of Iacob , and him that offereth an offering unto the Lord of hosts ; and this have ye done again , covering the Altar of the Lord with tears , with weeping and with crying out , in so much that he regardeth not the offering any more , or receiveth it with good will at your hands . Isa. 3. 8. For Ierusalem is ruined and Iudah is fallen ; because their tongue and their doings are against the Lord , to provoke the eyes of his glory . The guilt of this abounding loosnesse and prophanity is so much the more heightned by these circumstances that do attend it : First , that it is under the clear light of the Gospel , of the Word preached now for many years throughout the Land , in purity and plenty . Secondly , that it is contrary to many solemn Vows , Engagements , Oaths and Covenants taken on us before God , Angels and men to the contrary . Thirdly , that it is under many blessings , mercies and deliverances from the Lord. Fourthly that it is under many chastisements , rods and judgements , especially the sword and pestilence , by which two , many thousands in the Land have been taken away within these few years . Fifthly , that it is common and universall , and hath reached over all sorts of persons , Noblemen , Gentlemen , Barons , Burgesses , Ministers and Commons . Sixthly , from the greatnesse of it , shamelesnes of it , avowedness and grossness of it , which is such that many declare their sin as Sodome , and commit all sorts of wickednesse with greedlnesse . Seventhly , from the kinds of it , some of the chief and most common of which , especially these who are not named in some other Article of the former Paper ; we shal here touch : 1. Impatiencie , murmuring and freting against God and his works , which-hath made many to weary of the charges and expence they have been put to , for the Gospel , and to wish there had been no such thing as the entering into the Nationall Covenant , and the renewing and entering into the solemn League and Covenant , not to an few to curse and blaspheme the Covenants , and to look on them as the rise and originall of all the evils where with the Land hath been afflicted and it is an great provocation before God , as it appears from these and the like Scriptures , Numb . 14 , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 10 , 11 , 12. And all the Congregations lifted up their voice and weeped and cryed , and the people weeped that night , and all the children of Israel murmured against Moses , and against Aaron , and the whole Congregation said to them , would to God we had died in the land of Egypt , or would to God we had died in the wildernesse ; and wherefore hath the Lord brought us to this land to fall by the sword , that our wives , and our children should be a prey , were it not better for us to return to Egypt ? And they said one to another , let us mak● a Captain , let us return to Egypt ; then Moses and Aaron fell on their faces before the Assemblies of all the Congregation of the children of Israel but all the Congregation bade stone them with stones , and the glory of the Lord appeared in the Tabernacle of the Congregation before all the Children of Israel : And the Lord said unto Moses . How long will this People provoke me ? and how long will it be ere this People beleeve me , for all the signs I have shewed amongst them ? I will smite them with pestilence , and disinherit them , and will make of thee a Nation , mighter and greater then they . Numbers 2. 1. 5 , 6. And they journied from Mount Hor , by the way of the Red Sea , to compasse the Land of Edom ; and the soul of the People was much discouraged because of the way ; and the People spake against GOD , and against Moses , Wherfore have ye brought us up out of the Land to die in the wilderness ? for there is no bread , neither is there any water ; for our soul loatheth this light bread : and the Lord sent fiery serpents among the people , and much people of Israel died . 1 Cor. 11. 10. Neither be ye murmurers , as some of them also murmured , and were destroyed of the destroyer . 2. Using not only of charmes , though it be condemned in the Scriptures , Deut. 18. 11. A Charmer , or a consulter with familiar spirits , or a Wizard , or a Necromancer , shall not be found amongst you ; for all that do these things are an abomination to the Lord : yet is very frequent among the Commons : But also Sorcery and Witchcraft , which is an abomination Exod. 22. 18. Thou shalt not suffer a Witch to live . Deut. 18. 10. There shall not be found amongst you any that useth Divination , or any Iuchanter , or any Witch ; especially amongst these who have been baptized in the Name of the Lord Jesus , and yet doth ( by the great discoveries thereof which hath been of late ) appear to be very frequent in the Land. 3. Ordinary swearing by them that are no Gods , Ier. 5. 7. How shall I pardon thee for this ? thy Children have forsaken Me , and sworn by them who are no Gods , when I have fed them to the full Zeph. 1. 4 , 5. I will also stretch out my hand against Judah , and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem ; and I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place , and the name of the Chemarims , with the Priests : and them that worship the host of heaven upon the house tops , and them that worship , and that swear by the Name of the LORD , and that swear by Malcham : such as Faith , Truth , Soul , Conscience , and by the holy and blessed Name of GOD Himself , and by His Blood and Wounds , and fearful Execrations and Cursings , which though they be condemned , forbidden and threatned in the Scriptures , Exod. 2● . 7. Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain . Levit . 19. 12. Thou shalt not swear by my Name fasly , neither shalt thou prophane the Name of thy God : I am the Lord. Matth. 5. 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37. Again , ye have heard it said by them of old time , Thou shalt not forswear thy self , but shalt perform to the Lord thy God thy Oathes . But I say unto you . Swear not at all , neither by Heaven , for it is Gods Throne : neither by the Earth , for it is His Footstool : neither by Jerusalem , for it is the City of the great King : neither shalt thou swear by thy Head , for thou cannot make one hair white or black . But let your communication be , Yea , yea ; Nay , nay : for whatsoever is more then these , cometh of evil . Jer. 23. 10. For the Land is full of Adulteries ; because of Swearing the Land mourneth , and the pleasant places in the wildernesse are dried up , because their course is evil , and their force is not right . Zech. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Then I looked , and lift up mi●e eyes , and behold , a flying Roll : the length thereof is twenty cubits , and the breadth thereof ten cubits . Then said he unto me , This is the curse that goeth over the face of the whole Earth : for every one that stealeth , shall be cut off as on this side , according to it : and every one that sweareth , shall be cut off on that side , according to it . I will bring it forth , saith the Lord of hosts , and it shall enter into the house of the Thief , and into the house of him that sweareth falsly by my Name : and it shall remain in the midst of his house , and shall consume the timber and stones thereof . Yet these are so frequent and habitual amongst us , that in many parts of the Land it is a rare thing to find a man or a woman , that in their ordinary speech is not addicted to some one of these . 4. Ordinary and gross prophanation of the Lords Day ; not only by slighting of , and absenting from the Publick Worship with the Congregation , which is a fault whereof many are guilty ; and not attending to the Word , or joyning in Prayer and singing of Psalms , when they are present , but also by travelling , trysting , working , speaking our own words and otherwise : The danger and hainousness of this sin appears , from Exod. 20. 8. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy . Nehem. 13. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. In those dayes , saw I in Judah , some treading Wine-presses on the Sabbath , and bringing in Sheaves , and loading Asses , and also Wine-Grapes , and Figs , and all manner of burdens which they brought to Jerusalem on the Sabbath Day : and I testified against them in the day wherein they sold victuals . There dwelt men of Tyre also therein , which bought fish and all manner of ware , which they sold to the children of Juda and Jerusalem on the Sabbath : then I contended with the Nobles of Juda , and said unto them , What evill thing is this which ye do , and prophane the Sabbath day , did not your fathers thus , and did not our God bring all this evill on us , and on this city ? yet ye bring more wrath on Israel , by prophaning the Sabbath , Isai 58. 13 , 14. If thou turn away thy foot from the Sabbath , from doing thy own pleasure on my holy day , and call the Sabbath a delight , and the holy of the Lord. honourable , and shalt honour him , not doing thine own wayes , nor finding thine own pleasures , nor speaking thine own words , then shalt thou delight thy self in the Lord , and thou shalt ride on the high places of the earth , and I will feed thee with the heritage of Jacob thy father , for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it . 5. Not giving obedience to authority to their just and lawfull commands for conscience sake , Rom 13. 5. Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake . And on the other hand , an implicite and willing following of their unlawfull commands , obeying men rather then God , Hos. 5. 11. Ephraim is oppressed and broken in judgment , because he willingly walked after the commandement , Act. 4. 19. Whether it be right in the fight of God to hearken to you rather then to God , judge ye . The grosse neglect of many parents in the instructing and breeding of their Children in knowledge , vertue and piety , Eph. 6. 4 Ye fathers , provoke not your children to wrath , but bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. And the untowardnesse and ingratitude of many Children to their Parents , Eph. 6. 1. 2 , 3. Children , obey your parents in the Lord , for this is right . Honour thy father and mother ( which is the first commandement with promise ) that it may be well with thee , and that thou may live long on the earth . 6. Self murder , unnaturall murder of Children , enimity , malice , strife , contention , especially at Law suits , revenge , and blood , which as they are ancient sins of this Nation , and did much appear in the banding of Clans one against another , and have been little mourned for , or repented of to this day , so do they still continue whilst we professe the unity of the Faith in Christ , and are joyned in Covenants of love and peace one with another , Iam. 3. 14. 15 , 16. But if ye have bitter envying and strife in your hearts , glory not , and lie not against the truth . This wisdome descendeth not from above , but is earthly , sensuall , devilish For where envying and strife is , there is confusion and every evil work , 1 Cor. 5. 8. Therefore let us keep the feast not with old Leaven , neither with the leaven of malice and wickednesse , but with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth . Tit. 3. 3. For we our selves were sometime disobedient , foolish , deceived , serving diverse lusts and pleasures , living in malice and envy , hatefull , and hating one another . Levit. 19. 18. Thou shalt not avenge nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people ; but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self , I am the LORD . Prov. 1. 16. For their feet run to evill , and they make haste to shed bloud . Gal. 5. 15. For if ye bite and devour one another , take heed that ye be not consumed one of another . 7. Intemperance , gluttony and drunkennesse ; the last of which is become so common , that it hath over-run almost the whole Nation , so that it is hard to find many who are not tiplers , or common drunkards , or will drink drunk on occasion and with company . With this sin we may joyn the immoderate and excessive use of Tobacco , which is such , that much money and precious time is needlesly and superflously spent that way , by persons of all sorts . Isa. 5. 11 , 12 , 22. Wo to them that rise up early in the morning to drink strong drink , and continue till night , till Wine i● flame them ; and the harp , and the viol , and tabret , and the pipe , and wine are in their feasts . Wo to them that are mighty to drink wine , and men of might to mingle strong drink Prov. 23. 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. Who hath wo ? Who hath sorrow ? Who hath contentions ? Who hath bablings ? Who hath wounds without cause ? Who hath redness of eyes ? They that tarry long at the wine , they that go to seek 〈◊〉 wine . Look not thou on the wine when it is red , when it gives its colour in the cup , when it moveth it self aright ; at last it byteth like a serpent , and stingeth like an adder . Eph. 5. 18. Be not drunk with wine , wherein is excess . 8. Vanity and excess in apparel , and in houshold stuff , far above that which becometh the sobriety of the Gospel , or that the condition of such a people can reach unto . Isa. 3. from the 16. verse . Because the daughters of Zion are haughtie , and walk with stretched out necks , and wanton eyes , and mincing as they go , and making a tinkling with their fees , therefore the LORD will smite with a scab the crown of the head of the daughters of Zion , and the LORD will discover their secret parts . And in that day the Lord wil take away the bravery of their tinkling ornaments about their feet , and their cauls , and their round tyres like the Moon , the chains , and the bracelets , and the musslers , & the bonnets , & the ornaments of the legs , and the head-bands , and the tablets , and the ear-rings , and the nose-jewells , the changeable suits of apparell , the mantles and the wimples , the crisping pins , the glasses and the fine linen , and the hoods , and the vails ; and it shall come to pass that in stead of a sweet smell there shall be stink , and in stead of a girdle a rent , and in stead of well set hair , baldness , and in stead of a stomacher , a girding of sackcloath , and burning in stead of beauty , thy men shall fall by the sword , and thy mighty men in the war , and her gates shall lament and mourn , and she being desolate shall sit on the ground . 1 Pet. 3. 3. Whose adorning let it not be outward adorning of plaiting the hair , and of wearing of gold , and putting on of apparell . Zeph. 1. 8. And it shall come to passe in the day of the LORDS sacrifice that I will punish the Princes ; and the Kings children and all such as are cloathed with strange apparell . 9. Uncleanesse and filthinesse of all sorts , rotten speeches , filthy communication , chambering and wantonnesse , & fornication , adultery , incest , in some places beastiality , and sodomie , espeacially fornications and adulteries which abound in many places ; the first whereof , viz. fornication is by many accounted no sin . For discovering the greatnesse of these sins , consider , Exod. 20. 14. Thou shalt not commit adultery , 1 Cor. 6 13. Now the body is not for fornication , but for the Lord , and the Lord , for the body , 1 Cor. 5. 1. It is reported commonly , that there is fornication amongst you , and such fornication as is not so much as named among the Gentiles , that one should have his fathers wife . Rom. 13. 13. Let us walk honestly as in the day , not in chambering and wantonnesse . Eph. 5. 3. But fornication and all uncleannesse , let it not once be named among you . 4. ver . Neither filthinesse , nor foolish talking , nor jesting , which are not convenient . 10. Prodigality , oppression , extortions , usury , bribery , theft , robbery , false weights and measures , injustice and unfaithfulnesse in Contracts and Bargaines , with fraudulent dealing and deceiving one another ; Artificial dearthing of victuals and other things , the livelyhood and maintenance of the People . Exod. 20. 15. Thou shalt not steal . Ezek. 22. 12. In thee have they taken gifts to shed blood , thou hast taken usury and increase , thou hast greedily gained of thy neighbour by extortion . Amos. 5. 12. They afflict the just , they have taken abribe , they turn aside the poor from his right . Micah . 6. 10 , 11. Are there yet treasures of wickednesse in the house of the wicked , and the scant measure that is abominable ? Shall I count them pure with the wicked ballances , and with the bag of deceitfull weights ? 1 Thess 4. 6. That no man go beyond and defraud his brother in any matter , for the Lord is the avenger of all such . 11. Lying , slandering , backbiting , detracting , riviling , tale-bearing , rash censuring , and defaming and speaking ill one of another , with false witnessing and perjury , breach of Oaths , Covenants , promises . Exodus 20. 16. Thou shalt not bear false witnesse against thy neighbour . Psal. 50. 19 , 20. Thou givest thy mouth to evil , and thy tongue frameth deceit : thou sittest and speakest against thy brother ; thou slanderest thine own mothers son . 2 Cor. 12. 20. Left there be debates , envyings , wrath , strife , backbiting , whisperings , swellings and tumults . Matth. 7. 1. Iudge not , that ye be not judged . Rom. 1. 31. without understanding , Covenant-breakers , without natural affection , implacable , unmercifull . 2 Tim 3. 1 , 2. This know also , that in the last dayes , perillous times shal come , for men shal be lovers of themselves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unholy . Before we close this Article of prophanity , we cannot but in a speciall way take notice of the carriage of many beggars in the Land , amongst whom for a long time past , abominations of all sorts hath abounded ; which sin lyes so much heavier on the Land , because though it hath been generally known and acknowledged by all , yet hath no effectuall course been taken to this day for the helping thereof . 3. Article . THe third Article which relates to JESUS CHRIST and the Gospel , is in a great measure spoken to in the Causes of Humiliation , concerning the contempt of the Gospel , condescended on by the Commission of the Generall Assembly at Perth , Dec. 22. 1650. yet some particulars there be in the Article , which we shall now speak unto : 1. The resting on out ward and bare forms , without studying to known in our selves , or to promove in others , the Kingdom of GOD , which is righteousnesse , and peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost . The Work of Reformation in the outward part of it , or externall means , that do relate to Worship and Ordinances of GOD and the purity thereof , is certainly a thing excellent and desirable , which all the lovers of pure Religion and undefiled , ought to endeavour to attain to and preserve , Ezra 7. 27. Blessed be the Lord God of our fathers , who hath put such a thing as this in the Kings heart ; to beautifie the house of the Lord at Ierusalem . Exod. 39. 42. According to all that the Lord commanded Moses . so the Children of Israel made all the work , 43. v. And Moses did look on all the work , and behold they had done it , as the Lord commanded , even so had they done , and Moses blessed them . Ezek. 42. 11. And the way before them was like the appearing of the Chambers that were toward the North , as long as they , and as broad as they , and all their goings out were both according to their fashions , and according to their doores . Heb. 3. 2. Who was faithful to him that appointed him , as also Moses was faithful in all his house . Heb. 8. 5. Who serve unto the example and shadow of heavenly things , as Moses was admonished of God , when he was about to make the tabernacle ; for , see ( saith he ) that thou make all things according to the pattern shewed thee in the mount . But when these things are rested upon and idolized , they do through our corruption become snares to us , to keep us from seeking in to more excellent and better things , to wit , communion and fellowship with GOD , and the power and life of godliness , which are the kernell , whereof these things are but the shell and the scrooff , and being rested upon , do provoke the Lord either to make them barren and fruitlesse to us , or else to loath us in the following of them , or to remove them wholly away from us . Isai 1. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Hear the word of the Lord ye rulers of Sodom , give ear to the Law of our God ye people of Gomorrah ; To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices to me , saith the Lord ? I am full of the burnt-offerings of rams , and the fat of fed beasts : I delight not in the blood of bullocks , or of lambs , or of he-goats When ye come to appear before me , who hath required this at your hands , to tread my Courts ? Bring no more vain oblation , incense is an abomination to me , the new moons and the Sabbaths , and the calling of the assembly , I cannot away with , it is an iniquity , even the solemn meeting : your new moons and appointed feasts my soul hateth , they are a trouble to me , I am weary to bear them : And when ye spread forth your hands , I will hide mine eyes from you ; yea when ye make many prayers , I will not hear : your hands are full of blood . Isai. 66. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Thus saith the Lord , The heavens is my throne , and the earth is my footstool , where is the house ye will build me , and where is the place of my rest ? for all these things hath mine hand made , and all these things have been saith the Lord But to this man will I look , even to him that is of a poor and contrite spirit , and trembleth at my word . He that killeth an ox is as if he slew a man : he that sacrificeth a lamb , as if he cut off a dogsneck : he that offereth an oblation , as he that offereth swines blood ; he that burneth incense , as he that blesseth an idol . Yea , they have chosen their own wayes , and their soul delighteth in their abominations ; I also will choose their delusions , and bring their fears on them , because when I called , none did answer ; and when I spake , they did not hear , but did evill before mine eyes , and chose that in which I delighted not . Jer. 7. 4 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Trust ye not in lying words , saying , The temple of the Lord , the temple of the Lord , are these . Behold , ye trust in lying words that cannot profit . Will ye steal , murder , commit adultery , and swear falsely , and burn incense to Baal , and walk after other gods whom ye know not , and come and stand before me in this house , which is called by my name , and say , we are delivered to do all these abominations ? Is this house which is called by my Name become a den of robbers in your eyes ? Behold , even I have seen it , saith the Lord : but go ye to my place which was in Shiloh , where I set my Name at the first , and see what I did to it , for the wickednesse of my people Israel . And now because ye have done all these works , saith the Lord , and I spake to you , rising up early , and speaking , but ye heard not ; and I called you , but ye answered not : Therefore will I do unto this house which is called by my Name , wherein ye trust , and to the place which I gave to your fathers , as I have done to Shiloh . Ezek. 7. 20 , 21 , 22. As for the beauty of his ornament , he set it in Majesty : but they made the Images of their abominations , and of their derestable things therein : therefore have I set it far from them . And I will give it to the hands of the strangers for a prey , and to the wicked of the earth for a spoil , and they shall pollute it ; my face also will I turn from them , and they shall pollute my secret place , for the robbers s●al enter into it and desile it . Zeph. 3. 13. The remnant of Israel shal not do iniquity , nor speak lies , neither shal a deceitful tongue be sound in their mouth , for they shal feed and ly down , and none shal make them afraid . And this hath been undoubtedly in a great measure the fault of many in this Land , the height of whose zeal and endeavours hath been for the most part to attain the purity of Ordinances , not labouring for the power thereof , whence hath issued a great deal of boasting and confidence in a Covenant and pure Ordinances , and a well reformed Kirk , when in the mean while most men be strangers to that grace that bringeth salvation , and teacheth to deny ungodlinesse and worldly lusts , and to live soberly , righteously and godly in this present world . Titus 2 , 11 , 12. For the grace of God that bringeth salvation , hath appeared to all men , teaching us , that denying vngodlinesse and worldly lusts , we should live godly , righteously and soberly in this presene world . The second is the sad Consequents that hath followed on this , whereof there be four speciall in the Article . The First whereof is , The admitting of persons not rightly qualified to the work of the Ministry , and Elderships in Congregations , and the continuing of such in these places . For understanding of which , ye would consider , that the Word of God , and Acts and Constitutions of our Kirk , do require of Ministers , not only that they be men of knowledge , understanding and conscience , for ruling in the house of God , and of a blameless conversation ; but that they be sanctified and holy , and spiritual , and have their sences exercised in spiritual things : A Bishop ( saith Paul , Tit. 1. 8. ) must be a lover of goodmen , sober , just , holy , temperate . And the same Apostle : 1 Tim. 3. 6. tels us , he must not be a novice , or one newly come in to the faith . He would not only have him in the faith , that he may speak because he beleeves , and be able to comfort others with the consolations wherewith he hath been himself comforted of God , 2 Cor. 1. 3 , 4. Blessed be God , even the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , even the Father of mercies , and God of all comfort , who comforteth us in all our tribulation , that we may be able to comfort others who are in trouble , with the comfort wherewith we our selves have been comforted of God. In the Acts of the Assembly at Edinburgh 1596 , March 26. it is provided , That the trial of the persons to be admitted to the Ministry hereafter , consist not only in their learning and ablity to preach , but also in conscience and feeling , and spiritual wisdom ; and in the same Act it is provided , that such as shall not be found given to sanctification and prayer , that study not to be powerful and spiritual , but be cold , and wanting spiritual Zeal , that all such persons be censured , and continuing therein , be deprived : Which Act was revived in the Gen. Assembly 1638. likewise in the Gen. Assembly 1646. The putting in , and holding in of insufficient and suspected men , who savour the things of this life ; and the keeping the door straiter on these whom God hath sealed , then on these who have less evidence of Grace and holiness , is reckoned amongst the enormities and corruptions of the Ministry in their callings ; and amongst the remedies of these corruptions , it is provided , That all Presbyteries make great conscience to have all vacant places , within their several bounds setled with godly and able men , wherever they be found . These Scriptures and Acts , with sundry others of the like kind , require , not only that a Minister be negatively holy , that is , one who is not scandalous in his life and conversation , but that he be positively holy , acquainted with God and spiritual things , and a partaker of the grace of the Gospel in himself , which he preacheth to others ; and religious reason doth require the same : How shall he be a Christian Minister , who is not a Christian ? how shall he preach to others , who doth not himself beleeve ? how shall he know to speak a word in season , to whom the Lord hath not given the tongue of the Learned ? to comfort others with the consolations of God , who was never comforted therewith himself ? How shall he pray for others , who cannot pray for himself ? How shall he reveale Christ , who never knew him ? How shall he naturally care for souls , who hath not the love of Christ dwelling in him ? The Scriptures do also require of ruling Elders , not only that they be men of understanding , knowledg , and wisdom , and such as are able to discern and rule , but also that they be blameless and holy , as is evident in the Epistles of Paul to Timothy and Titus . And the Discipline of our Kirk requires , That besides abilities to govern , consult , admonish , and order all things appertaining to the state of the Congregation , that they be men of a good life and holy conversation , without blame , and all suspition , careful for the Flock , wise ; and above all things fearing God : notwithstanding hereof , many litteral and formal men , who are strangers to the mysterie of godliness , & work of the Spirit of life , which is in Jesus Christ , are admitted unto , and continued in the Ministry and Elderships ( nay , in some places , especially in Elderships , men that are ignorant and scandalous ) by which things it comes to pass that there is a lifeless , dead , and careless Ministry , and unprofitable Elderships in many Congregations , and that the growth of the Gospel and godliness , is exceedingly obstructed and hindered . The second Consequent which is mentioned , is , The gross slighting and mocking of Kirk Censures , and of Publick Repentance ; whereof it would be considered , That the Word of God , Acts and Constitutions of this Kirk , do require of these who are to make Publick Profession of their Repentance for scandalous offences , not only a naked and bare profession of Repentance , but such a profession of Repentance , as doth hold forth a real conviction and sorrow for sin ; and not only the ceasing from the sin for the time , but the bringing forth of the contrary good fruits of sobriety , righteousness and holiness . Numb . 5. 6 , 7 , 8. Speak unto the Children of Israel , when a man or a woman shall commit any sin that men commit , to do a trespass against the Lord , and that person be guilty ; then they shall confess their sin which they have done ; and he shal recompence his trespass with the principal thereof , and add unto it the fifth part thereof , and give it unto him against whom he hath trespassed . But if the man have no kinsman to recompence the trespass unto , let the trespass be recompenced unto the Lord. even unto the Priest : beside the Ram of atonement , whereby an atonement shal be made for him . It is appointed that offenders who have wronged others , and were to be admitted to the trespass , offering , should not only make confession of their sins , but also make satisfaction to the party to whom the wrong was done , which satisfaction is a fruit of righteousnesse ; to which agrees that of Iesus Christ. Mat. 5. 23. If thou bring thy gift to the Altar , and there remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee , vers . 24. leave there thy gift before the Altar , and go thy way , and first be reconciled to thy brother , and then come and offer thy gift . In that publick penitentiall confession that is mentioned , Ezra . 10 10 , 11. Ye have transgressed and taken strange wives , and increased the trespass of Israel : now therefore make confession to the LORD GOD of your fathers , and do his pleasure , and separate your selves from the people of the land , and from the strange wives . There it not only a confession of the sin , but a doing of the LORDS pleasure , and a separating of themselves from the people of the land , and from the strange wives . Psal. 51. which was penned to be a testimony of Davids Publick Repentance , for the scandalous sins of murder and adultery committed by him ; and was therefore committed to the chief Musician , to be Published in the Sanctuary and Temple , doth contain many not able Evidences of Repentance and Reformation : And we see the Apostle Paul 2 Cor. 2. 7. doth not give charge to the Corinthians for the receiving the Incestuous person , until he is in some appearance of hazard to be swallowed up with too much sorrow . 7. verse Ye ought to forgive him and comfort him , least perhaps such an one be swallowed up with over m●ch sorrow ; which doth argue that the Apostle thought a great measure of reall conviction and sorrow requisite in such an one , before he ought to be received : According to these Scriptures , the first book of Discipline , in the 7 , head thereof requires , that before scandalous persons be admitted to the Publick confession of their Repentance , that there appear in them signes of unfeignedrepentance ; and the form and order of Publick repentance appointed by the Generall Assembly of the Ministers and Elders , in the which they ought sharply to be examined what fear and terrour they have of Gods judgements , and what hatred for sin , and dolor for the same , and what sense and feeling they have of Gods mercies ; in the which if they be ignorant , they ought diligently to be instructed : For it is but a mocking to present such to Publick Repentance as neither know what sin is , what Repentance is , what Grace is , nor by whom Gods mercy and favour is purchased , thereafter the offender shall be instructed in the Assembly , so that he have some taste of Gods Judgements , but chiefly of Gods Mercies through Jesus Christ , he may be presented before the Publick Kirk ; And the Act of the Generall Assembly at Edinburgh 1596. March. 26. That none falling in Publick scandall be received in the fellowship of the Kirk , except his Minister have some appearance and warrand in his Conscience , that he hath both a feeling of sin , and an apprehension of mercy ; and for this effect , that the Minister travail with him in Doctrine , and private instruction , to bring him thereto ; especially in the Doctrine of Publick Repentance , which being neglected , the Publick place of Repentance is turned to a mocking . And the Acts of the Generall Assembly at Edinburgh 1649. provids that because many heretofore have made a shew and profession of Repentance , who were not convinced of their guiltinesse , nor humbled for the same , but did therafter return like the dog to the vomite , and with the sow to the puddle , unto the mocking of God , the exceeding great reproach and detriment of his Cause ; Therefore for the better discerning the truth & sincerity of the Repentance of these who desire to be admitted to the Covenant and Communion , it is appointed and ordained that none of the persons who are debarred from the Covenant and Communion , shall be received and admitted thereunto , but such as after tryal shall be found for some competent time either before or after the offer of their Repentance , according to the discretion of the respective Judicatories , to have in their ordinary conversation given reall testimony of their dislike of the late unlawfull Engagement , and of all the courses and ways of Malignants , and of their sorrow for their accession to the same , and to live godly , righteously , & soberly &c. And reason also proves the same point , for whether we take Publick Repentance in reference to the removing of scandal and offence given to the Kirk , or in reference to the absolution of the party from the guilt of the same intimated to him by the Minister as the servant of Christ , and in the Name of Christ , on his Repentance ; it must alwayes be understood of such a profession of Repentance , as doth evidence the reality and humility thereof in outward fruits ; for a real scandal cannot be removed by a bare and verbal profession without fruits ; neither can a minister with any perswasion of conscience make any intimation of mercy and pardon to him of the reality and sincerity of whose profession he hath no testimony in his carriage and conversation . Yet notwithstanding of these things many scandalous persons of all sorts , especially these who were prophane Malignants disaffected to the Work of GOD and his people this last year , have been admitted to Publick Repentance , on bare convictions of Repentance and sorrow , without any reall evidence and fruit thereof in their carriage and conversation ; nay , in many of them there was presumptions in the contrary ; which as it hath proven a snare to their souls , so hath it exceedingly provoked God , and stumbled the godly , and rendered Kirk Censures and Publick Repentance base and contemptible . The third consequence is , That the Sacrament of the LORDS Supper hath been fearfully polluted and prophaned , by the promiseuous admitting of many scandalous and ignorant persons thereto : The truth whereof in the matter of fact , as it hath been the constant burden and complaint of all the godly Ministers and people in Scotland these many years past ; so it hath been oft confessed in the Causes of solemn Fasts , and publick Humiliation and particularly in that publick Acknowledgement of Sin that was made by the Kirk of Scotland , in the year 1648. that it may be the better understood and taken up ; ye would consider first what persons by the Word of GOD , and doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland , are to be debarred from , or admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; how the rule of the Word and constitutions of the Kirk are keeped in this particular . For the first , it is clear from the Word of God , and the Doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland , that all scandalous and ignorant persons ought to be debarred from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , and that none ought to be received and admitted thereunto , but such who do not only know and make profession of the Gospel , but walke sutable thereunto . The Apostle Paul in the 1 Cor. 11. 28. appoints that a man must first examine himself , and so eat . And he also saith , That he who comes to that Sacrament , must be one who discernes the Lords Body ; otherwise , that he eats and drinks damnation to himself ; and he further adds , That this must be done in remembrance of JESUS CHRIST , to shew forth his death till he come again ; and therefore such as by reason of their ignorance cannot examine themselves , nor discern the Lords Body , nor knowes not what it is to shew forth the Lords death , ought not to come . This same duty of examination , discerning the Lords Body , which the Apostle calls for , doth also debar scandalous persons , and admit of none but such who walk orderly according to the Gospel , because the examination here required , must be according to the nature of the Ordinance of the Lords Supper , to wit , whether they be worthy or not , that is , whether they have repentance or not ; For he that comes without it , is unclean , and so pollutes the Ordinance ; as also whether he hath faith or not , without which , there can be no discerning of the Lords Body , nor shewing forth his death ; and whether they have love or no , without which , there can be no Communion with CHRIST and his Members in that Ordinance . The Confession of Faith of the Kirk of Scotland , Intituled , To whom Sacraments appertain , speaks thus : But the Supper of the Lord ( we confesse ) to appertain to such only as be of the houshold of Faith , and can try and examine themselves , aswell in their faith as in their duty to their neighbour ; but if such persons ought not to come , and if the Sacraments do not appertain to them , there can be no question , but if they presume to come , they ought to be debatred , it being a trust committed to the Officers of the Kirk , both in the Old and New Testament to keep the charge of the holy things , and to take heed that his Ordinances be not polluted and prophaned , and to separate the precious from the vile . Levit. 10. 10. That ye may put a difference betwixt the holy and unholy , betwixt the clean and unclean . 2 Chron. 23. 19. And he set the porters at the gates of the house of the Lord , that none who was unclean , in any thing , should enter in , Ezek. 22. 26. They have put no difference betwixt the holy and prophane , neither have they shewed difference betwixt the clean and the unclean . Ezek. 44. 7. In that ye have brought into my sanctuary strangers uncircumcised in heart , and uncircumcised in flesh , to be in my sanctuary to pollute it , even my house , when ye offer my bread , the fat and the bloud , and they have broken my Covenant , because of all your abominations , and ye have not keeped the charge of my holy things , but ye have set keepers of my charge in my sanctuary for your selves . Mat. 7. 6. Give not that which is holy unto dogs , neither cast ye your pearls before swine , lest they trample them under their feet , and turn again and rent you . 1 Cor. 5. 13. But them that are without God judgeth ; therefore put away from amongst your selves that wicked person . Tit. 3. 10. A man that is an heretick , after the first and second admonition , reject . Rev. 2. 20. Neverthelesse I have a few things against thee , because thou sufferest that woman Iezebel , which calleth herself a prophetess , to teach & seduce my servants to commit fornication , and to eat things sacrificed to idols . Jer. 15. 19. If thou take forth the precious from the vile , thou shalt be as my mouth : let them return unto thee , but return not thou unto them . The Direction for the Publick Worship of God throughout the three Kingdomes , in the Head concerning the Celebration of the Lords Supper , asserts , that the ignorant & scandalous are not to receive the Sacrament . And the Large Catechism asserts , That such as are found to be ignorant & scandalous , notwithstanding their profession of saith and desire to come to the Lords Supper , may & ought to be keeped from that Sacrament , by the power which Christ hath left in his Kirk , untill they receive instruction , and manifest their reformation : And the Confession of Faith condescended on by the Assembly of Divines , and approven by the Kirk of Scotland , in the Chapter of the Lords Supper , saith , That all scandalous and ignorant persons , as they are unfit to enjoy Communion with CHRIST , so are they unworthy of the Lords Table , and so cannot without great sin against CHRIST ( whilst they remain such ) partake of the holy Mysteries , or be admitted thereto . And for proof thereof , citeth these Scriptures , 1 Cor. 11. 27 , 28 , 29. Wherefore whosoever shall eat this bread , and drink this cup of the Lord unworthily , shall be guilty of the body and bloud of the Lord : But let a man examin himself , and so let him eat of that bread , and drink of that cup : For he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself , not discerning the Lords body . 2 Cor. 5. 14 , 15 , 16. For the love of Christ constrainceth us , because we thus judge , That if one died for all , then were all dead ; and that he died for all , that they which live , should not henceforth live to themselves , but to him that died for them , and rose again . Wherefore henceforth know we no man after the flesh ; yea , though we have known Christ after the flesh , yet we henceforth know him no more . 1 Cor. 5. 6 , 7. Know ye not , that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump ? Purge out therefore the old leaven , that ye may be a new lump , as ye are unleavened . For even Christ our passover is sacrificed for us . v. 13. But them that are without , God judgeth : Therefore put away from among your selves that wicked person . 2 Thess. 3. 6 , 14 , 15. Now we command you , brethren , in the Name of our Lord Iesus Christ , That ye withdraw your selves from every brother that walketh disorderly , and not after the tradition which he received of us . And if any man obey not our word by this Epistle , note that man , and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed . Yet count him not as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother . Mat. 7. 6. Give not that which is holy unto dogs , neither cast ye your pearls before swine , lest they trample them under their feet , and turn again and rent you . As to the other , how the Rule of the Word , and Constitutions of this Kirk are keept in this particular it needs nor much be spoken , the transgression being so palpable & common that they who runs may read , these particular faults may be taken notice of in order to this point : 1. To say nothing , that in some places , few or none at all are excluded for ignorance , but that persons being once come to such an age , are admitted , and being once admitted , are never again excluded : There is in many Congregations little or no care to examine , or take any notice of the knowledge of all persons indifferently , something being done in reference to servants , and these of the poorer sort , but masters of families and those of the richer sort for the most part neglected , taking it for granted ( as it were ) that they have knowledge , when indeed many of them are grosly ignorant , and ought because of their ignorance to be debarred . 2. That the bare repeating of the Lords Prayer , the Belief , or ten Commandements , or answering a Question or two of the Catechisme by rot-rime ( as we say ) when nothing of the meaning is understood , is by many taken for knowledge sufficient . 3. There is not sufficient care to take notice of all scandals and scandalous persons , in which respect there is a twofold gross neglect : 1 That the scandal of omission of Duty is not taken notice of , as well as the scandal of commission of sin , notwithstanding that the Acts and Constitutions of the Kirk make express provision for the one aswel as for the other , as may be seen in their Acts against these who absent themselves on the Lords day from the Publick Worship of God , and against masters of families who neglect to pray in their family , and others of that nature . 2. The many scandals of commission are also neglected , it being a custom in many Congregations to take notice only of Fornicators and Adulterers , and workers on the Lords day , and such as these ; but do neglect Tiplers , Drunkards , Swearets , Lyars , Deceivers of their Neighbors , Fighters , Oppressors , Extortioners , Covetous persons , and many others who walk contrary to the Gospel ; whereas it is expresly provided by the Discipline of this Kirk , in the year 1587. that if the Eldership perceive any thing in the Congregation either evil in the example , or scandalous in manners , and not beseeming their profession , whatsoever it be that may spot the Christian Congregation , yea rather whatsoever is not to edification , ought not to escape admonition or punishment , or higher degree of Kirk-Censure , as 2 Cor. 2. 6. Sufficient to such a man is this punishment which was inflicted of many . 3. That many such as have been judicially convicted of scandalous faults , are pressed and received into a publick profession of Repentance , when as indeed there is no real evidences of Repentance , yet by a profession therof are put in a capacity to come to the Lords Table : By these waies it comes to pass that many ignorant and scandalous persons are admitted who ought to be excluded ; which certainly is a fearful sin , as may appear in these and many other respects : 1. It hinders many poor souls from searching after knowledge , and from departing from iniquity , and hardens them in their ignorance and lewdness . 2. It causeth them to prohane the precious bloud of the Covenant , and to eat and drink damnation to themselves . 3. It makes the ignorant and scandalous promiscuously partakers of the seals of the Covenant of Grace with the truly godly . 4. It provokes the Lord to depart from his Ordinances , and forsake his Temple , because of such dishonour to his Name . 5. It brings on the judgment of God on particular persons and the whol Land. Lastly , it grieves and stumbles the godly amongst our selves , and exposes our selves and the Ordinances of Christ therein , to contempt and reproach amongst others . The Fourth Consequent which is named to follow on the resting upon outward and bare forms , is the keeping in of many continually & openly profane in the fellowship of this Kirk , by which is meant the neglect of casting out such from the fellowship of the kirk by the sentence of excomunication ; for certainly these who do wilfully continue in their ignorance from year to year , slighting the means of knowledge , and refusing to be instructed , or to learn the way of the Lord : And these who do continue in an open course of prophanity , making a profession of repentance , and still persisting in their wicked way after sufficient pains taken on them , and their slighting other inferior Kirk Censures , ought to be casten out as dry and withered , corrupt and rotten branches , and not to be looked as Members of the Kirk of GOD. Num. 15. 30. But the soul that doth ought presumptuously , whether he be born in the Land , or a stranger ; the same reproacheth the Lord , and that soul shall be cut off from amongst his People . Psal. 50. 16 , 17. But to the wicked God saith , What hast thou to do to declare my Statutes , or that thou shouldest take my Covenant in thy mouth , seeing thou hatest instruction and casteth my Words behinds thee ? Mat. 18. 18. Verily I say unto you , Whatsoever you shall bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven . And therfore it is provided in the old Acts of the Assembly of this Kirk , that who will stubbornly remain ignorant in the principal points of Salvation , shall be Excommunicated : And that every Master of Family shall be commanded , either to instruct his Children and Servants , or cause them be instructed ; and if they will not , the Kirk shall proceed against them . The Gen. Assembly at Edinburgh in the year 1648. in the Overtures for the remedy of Grievances and common Sins of the Land , provided , That persons often guilty of gross scandals , be Excommunicated more summarily then ordinary Process , except there be more then ordinary signs & an eminent measure of repentance , made known to the Sessions and Presbyterie . Besides these four , the Article also mentions many other sad and fearful consequents unto the prophaning of all the Ordinances of God , and rendring them bare , barren and fruitless to us . And there is no question , but that formality in profession , and resting upon , and idolizing outward and bare forms , brings out many sad consequents besides these ; such as the slighting by many , and mocking by some , the work of the Spirit , not seeking after communion and fellowship with God in Ordinances , not studying to know , and be humbled for the iniquity of our Holy things , not seeing a need , and imploying of JESUS CHRIST for strength , and acceptance in all our performances ; and turning the living God to a dumb Idol : and many others that are mentioned and spoken to , in that Paper published by the Commssion , concerning the contempt of the Gospel . The Fourth Article . The fourth Artcle hath two parts ; the first whereof relates to the neglect of Family-worship : which though it be a grievous sin , which provokes the Lord to pour out his wrath on a People , Ier. 10. 25. Pour out thy fury on the Heathen that know thee not , and on the families that call not on thy Name . Yet there be many Masters of Families amongst all ranks of persons , Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Commons , and even some Ministers who lie under the guilt ; nay , there be but few in which the plurality will not be found to neglect , or never to have practised the Duty : Instance is given in the Article of Great men , ( Nobles , Barons , Gentlemen and Burgesses of special note ) because very few are to be found amongst these who make conscience to call on the Lords Name in their Families , some of them turning over the Duty wholly on a Chaplain , or some other person in the Family ; and others of them having no such Duty in their Families performed at all , either by themselves , or by any other , they being either unable , or ashamed and unwilling to do it ; whereas great and eminent persons have accounted it their duty and glory , and have followed it with much conscience and care , as may be instanced in Abraham , Gen. 18. 19. For I know him , that he will command his children , and his houshold after him , and they shal keep the way of the Lord , to do justice and judgement , that the Lord may bring on Abraham that which he hath spoken of . And in Ioshua , 24. 15. And if it seem evill unto you to serve the LORD , choose you this day whom ye will serve whether the gods that your fathers served who were on the other side of the floud , or the gods of the Amorites in whose Land ye dwel : but as for me , and my house we will serve the LORD . And in David , 2 Sam. 6. 20. Then David returned to bless his houshold . This woful neglect of so necessary and profitable a duty , especially in the Families of great Ones , usually attended with the neglect of catechising and instructing of Children and Servants , in the way of the Lord , and pressing and exercising them unto Prayer and other religious Duties , as it is a great sin before God , the height where of is encreased by their continuing therein , after solemn publick confession thereof , and engaging to the contrary , in the year 1648. and is expresly to be seen in the solemn , publick confession of sins , and engagement to duties ; so it is the cause of much ignorance of God , Atheism and loosness , prophanity , disorder and discontent that is in Families : and not only proves a binderance to the spreading of piety amongst others who walks after their example , but also stops the course of the Lords blessings on themselves and on their Families , and brings down upon them many judgments and curses from the Lord. The other part of the Article relates to the loathing and hating of godliness , and the reproaching , reviling , oppressing and persecuting the godly : A sin , as it is great in it self , Gen. 21. 9. And Sarah saw the son of Hagar the Egytian which she had born unto Abraham mocking . Gal. 4. 28. Now we , brethren , as Isaac was , are the children of promise : But as then he who was born after the flesh , persecuted him who was born after the Spirit , even so it is now . Ps. 14. 6. Ye have s●amed the counsel of the poor ; because the Lord is his refuge . Isa. 8. 18. Behold , I and the children whom the Lord hath given me , are for signs , and for wonders in Israel , from the Lord of Hosts who dwelleth in Mount Sion . Act. 9. 4 And he fell to the earth , and heard a voice saying to him , Saul , Saul , why persecutest thou me ? And drawes down a recompense of tribulation from the Lord. 2 Thess. 1 6 Seeing it is a righteous thing with the Lord to recompense tribulation to them which trouble you : so it seems to be a monstruous sin amongst a People , making profession of Reformation , and who are so often covenanted to God in so solemn a way , and yet hath it prevailed and abounded exceedingly this year by gone , in Court , in Country , in Cities , in Judicatories , in the Army , and every where throughout the Land : A man was made an offender for a word , and he that departed from iniquity , made himself a prey . It was quarrel enough , not to have run with others to the same excess of riot : They who would not be disaffected and disolute , behooved to be esteemed enemies to their Country : they who studied to make conscience of holy Duties , and keep their integrity , were slandered as Sectaries , and complyers with Sectaries , and were not only exposed to the scourge of tongues , but also to the violence and oppression of malignant , graceless and prophane men : Neither were Magistrates and Ministers free of this sin , but even sundry of these who ought to have protected , encouraged and countenanced the godly , were as pricks in their eyes , and thorns in their sides ; not only by withdrawing their countenance from them , giving way to others , to revile , oppress and persecute them , but by imploying their own gifts and power in Judicatories , and Pulpits , and otherwaies , for keeping them down , and making them hateful and odious to others amongst whom they liue . And whilest we are speaking of these things , We cannot but mention the great prejudice and enmity which many Ministers had against the exercises of godliness and duties of mutual edification , together with the great blot brought upon piety , and the great blow given to the exercise of godliness by the Act of the Assembly at Aberdeen , not repented of by the Kirk of Scotland , nor repealed to this day : and the great neglect of the duties of mutual edification amongst the Lords Ministers and People , after there was allowance given for the same by the following Assemblies , and the suffering of many giftless and unprofitable Ministers not gifted of God to edifie his People , to continue in the Ministry ; whereby it comes to pass that many gracious People were necessitated either to want edification in the Publick Ordinances , or to fall under the censure of such Acts made against such as did usually withdrawe from the Ordinances and Ministry of their own Parish Churches . This sin of hating and bearing down the power of godliness , and persecuting the godly , was accompanied with another , which is mentioned also in the Article , to wit , The countenancing and employing the ungodly and prophane , a thing that the godly mans soul abhorred , Psa. 26. 1 , 2. 3 , 4. Iudge me , O Lord , for I have walked in mine integrity , I have trusted also in the Lord , therefore I shall not slide . Examin me , O Lord , and prove me , try my heart and my veins ; For thy loving kindnesse is before mine eyes , and I have walked in thy truth . I have not sit with vain persons , neither will I go with dissemblers , &c. And so throughout the Psalm . Psalm 101. 4 , 5. A froward hear : shall depart from me , I will not know a wicked person . Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour , him will I cut off : Him that hath a proud heart , and an high look will I not suffer . Psalm . 139. 21 , 22. Do not I hate them , O Lord , that hate thee ? And am not I grieved with these that rise up against thee ? I hate them with perfect hatred : I count them mine enemies . 23. v. Search me , O Lord , and know my heart : try me , and know my thoughts . And yet , hath it not gotten great footing amongst us , and made wicked men get up the head , and wickednesse to grow and abound every-where ? The wicked walk on every side , when the vilest men are exalted , Psalm 12. last verse . 5. Article . THe fifth Article speaks of Covetousnesse and Oppression , the one as the root , the other , as the fruit and effect thereof . We need not to insist to shew what a sin the love of the World and Covetousnesse is , the Scriptures hold it forth as Idolatry , Col. 3. 5. Mortifie therefore your members which are on the earth , fornication , uncleannesse , inordinate affection , evil concupiscence , and covetousnesse which is Idolatry , as the root of all evill . 1 Tim. 6. 10. For the love of money is the root of all evil , which while some men have coveted after , they have erred from the faith , and pierced themselves through with many sorrows : As that which is inconsistent with the love of God. 1 Ioh. 2. 15. Love not the World , neither the things that are in the world . If any man love the World , the love of the Father is not in him . As that which makes the Lord wroth with men . Isai. 57. 17. For the iniquity of his covetousnes was I wroth , and smote him : I ●id my self and was wroth , and he went on frowardly in the way of his heart . And to abhor them , Psalm 10. 3. The wicked boasteth of his hearts desire , and blesseth the covetous whom the Lord abhorreth . As that which brings the curse of God on them and on their families , Hab. 2. 9 , 10 , 11. Wo to him that coveteth an evil covetousnesse to his house , that he may set his nest on high , that he may be delivered from the power of evil . Thou hast consulted shame to thine house , by cutting off many people , and hast sinned against thy soul. For the stones shall cry out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber shall answer it . And though it have in it all these and many other mischiefs and evils , yet hath it taken hold on , and doth cleave closely to many of all ranks in the Land in their carriage and actings : Do not the Body of the People spend their time in seeking after the things of a present world ; and according as they prosper , or are crossed in these things , accordingly do they think themselves happy or miserable . And there be Ministers not a few , that as they entered , so do they follow the work of the Ministery for the things of a present world , and are more for caring for these things , then for the souls committed to their charge , and more eager in pursuing an encrease and augmentation in these things , then in pursuing the things that concern the beating down of Satans Kingdom , and the promoving of the Kingdom of the Lord JESUS CHRIST . And hence also it is as from a main cause that Ministers not a few , prove unfaithfull in their duty , and unsutable in a day of temptation , rather choosing to forbear to reprove and censure the faults of these who may bring prejudice to them in things worldly , rather then to offend them , and rather choosing to become neutrall and indifferent , or comply with evill courses , then to hazard the losse of their stipends , but especially the sad and wofull fruit of this wofull evill appears in Masters to their servants , Landlords to their Tenents , Magistrats and Rulers to these over whom they bear rule , Judges to these who come before them , Advocats and Procurators to their Clients ; Clerks , Commissars and Collectors to these with whom they have to do ; Officers and Souldiers in the Countrey where they bear charge , yea and amongst the Commons themselves , where they have any power one over another ; The Lord hath forbidden to oppresse an hired servant , and hath commanded at his day to give him his hire : Deut. 24. 14 , 15. Thou shalt not oppresse an hired servant that is poor and needy , whether he be of thy brethren , or of thy strangers that are in the land within thy gates , at his day thou shalt give him his hire , neither shall the sun go down upon it : for he is poor and needy , and setteth his heart upon it , lest he cry unto the Lord against thee , and it be sin unto thee . Yet behold , the hire of the labourer is by many Masters keeped back violently & fraudulently , and this cryeth unto Heaven , and is entred into the eares of the Lord of hosts . Jam. 5. 4. Behold , the hire of the labourer which have reaped down your fields , which is of you kept back by fraud , cryeth ; and the cryes of them which have reaped , have entred into the ears of the Lord of sabbath . The oppression of Landlords to their Tenents , are so many and so exorbitant , that they cannot easily be reckoned , the Lands for the most part set by them at a dearer rate then the Tenents can pay the Duty , and live in any tollerable condition themselves ; and therefore are they forced with their wives and children to drudge continually in the earth from morning till evening ; by which it comes to passe , that their lives is but a kind of lasting bondage and slavery , and that they have neither time nor encouragement for serving and seeking GOD themselves in their Families , or for breeding their children in knowledge , vertue and piety . Secondly , Beside the Rent of the Land condescended on , they also lay on them many burdens and taxations in an arbitrary way by their Bailiffs and Courts , and otherwayes at their pleasure , such as services of all sorts beyond paction and agreement , and quarterings ; and beside the putting out of the Foot , and the burden thereof , sometime the burden of putting out the Horse , and the bearing of a great part , or the whole Monethly Maintenance and Sesse . Thirdly , The giving of short Laces of Lands , and removing them therefrom , and taking away what they have when they grow poor , and are not able to pay , or else if they thrive , by heightening and augmenting their Farms and Rent , by which means it hath in the righteous judgment of GOD , occasioned that Tenents in many places prove undutifull to their Masters , and deny to them these things which in conscience and reason they are obliged to perform . And for the Rulers , albeit we be far from joining issue with these who from dis-affection to the Work of GOD and the Instruments thereof , did traduce and speak evill of those whom GOD set over us in their charge , and even in the imposing of the most necessary burdens , and in the most moderate and equall way , yet we cannot but acknowledge and bemoan the great reproach that hath been brought on the chief Judicatories of the Land , and on the Work of GOD , by the felfshness and particularity of some persons of note therein , who not only contrary to the practice of good Nehemiah , who would not eat the bread of the Governour , took large allowance for their attendance on Publick Affairs : and notwithstanding that they had sufficient estates of their own , but also abused their power and moyen for exacting and imploying summes of Money for themselves , and for their friends and followers , while in the mean time small regard was had to the condition of these from whom these summes were exacted , or to the equall supplying of the condition of others , to whom as much and possibly more in desert and justice was due , as to these to whom those Moneyes were given . We shall not insist on the bribery that hath been amongst Judges , the cunning , cozenage , and exorbitant pilferings and taking that hath been amongst Advocats , Procurators , Commissars , Clerks and Collectors : many of them have made haste to be rich , and have by the Bench , by the Purse , by the tongue and by the Pen , heaped up much treasure , and made conquest of Lands and Estates , but with an evill conscience , because it hath been the gain of bribery and injustice and lying and deceit , violence and oppression ; but amongst no sort of persons hath these sins of covetousnesse and oppression more appeared and prevailed then amongst many of the chief Officers and Souldiers in our Armies , insomuch that many of these who were raised for the Lands protection and defence , have been their intollerable burden and plague , and have by their most exorbitant● violent , tyrannicall and insatiable exactions , made the lives of the Inhabitants bitter , and a burden to them : What interverting of Levies , what false Musters , what exorbitant exactions above the Law for men and horse and Arms ; what Quarterings and covetous subtile oppressing devices of many sorts for getting of Money have been amongst Officers , and what plundering of Goods , destroying of Corns , taking and robbing of Moneyes , railing upon , and beating and wounding the poor people : what excessive eating and drinking , and unplacablenesse in their diet , not satisfying themselves with such fare as people could afford to them , but killing their Kine and Sheep , and what ever came in their way : and how many other things of that kind hath been amongst Souldiers , and what exorbitancies and oppressions , whereof the negligence and over-sight of some great ones and officers in our Armies , was not the least cause ; for they not being able to shake their hands of dishonest gain themselves , did oftentimes wink at , nay sometimes obstruct the purging out , and punishing of others ; Amongst other effects of Covetousnesse , instance is given in the close of the Article of the great Insolencies and oppression of many in our Armies in England and Ireland , and the fearfull perjuries of the Land in the matter of Valuation and Excise , both of which were dreadfull and horrible provocations : The first of them as it was a grievous burden to our Brethren in England and Ireland , and did exceedingly stumble them at this Nation and the Work of GOD in their hands ; so we make no question but it is one of the sins that GOD is pointing at now in a speciall manner in the rods wherewith he now chastiseth us . The other of them though little adverted to , or laid to heart , or acknowledged to this day , yet is a fearfull guilt which many in the Land ly under : How many in the matter of Valuations , that Lands might be valued at a low rate , did swear falsely ? And how many were there who were Instrumentall to cause others to swear falsely ? And some Judges for their own advantage and interest , did connive thereat : And many likewise did swear falsely in exciseable goods . Before we close what relates to this Article , we desire that these Scriptures may be considered , in reference to the sins mentioned there , as the fruits of the love of the World and Covetousnesse . Job . 35. 9. By reason of the multitude of oppressions they make the oppressed to cry , they cry out because of the arm of the mighty , but none saito , where is God ? &c. Psal. 62. 10. Trust not in oppression , become not vain in robbery : If riches encrease , set not your hearts on them . Psal 82. 2. How long will ye judge unjustly , and accept the person of the wicked ? Proverb . 14. 31. He that oppresseth the poor , reproacheth his maker ; but he that honoureth him , hath mercy on the poor . Proverb . 15. 27. He that is greedy of gain , he troubleth his own house ; but he who hateth gifts , shall hve . Prov. 22. 16. He that oppresseth the poor , to encrease his riches , and he that giveth to the rich , shal surely come to want . Prov. 28. 3. A poor man that oppresseth the poor , is like a sweeping rain that leaveth no food . Verse 8. He who by usury and unjust gain encreaseth his substance , he shall gather it for him that shal pity the poor . 20. Verse . A faithfull man shal abound with blessings ; but he who maketh haste to be rich , shall not be innocent Eccles. 7. 7. Surely oppression maketh a wise man mad , and a gift destroyeth the heart . Isai. 1. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. How is the faithful city become an harlot ? It was full of judgement , and righteousnesse lodged in it ; but now murderers : Thy siluer is become drosse , thy wine mixt with water . Thy princes are rebellions , and companions of theeves : every one loveth gifts , and followeth after rewards : they judge not the fatherlesse , neither doth the cause of the widow come unto them . Therefore saith the Lord , the Lord of hosts , the mighty one of Israel , Ab , I will ease me of mine adversaries , and avenge me of mine enemies . Isai. 3. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. As for my people , children are their oppressors , and women rule over them . O my people , they which lead thee , cause thee to erre , and destroy the way of thy paths . The Lord standeth up to plead , and standeth to judge the people . The Lord will enter into judgment with the ancients of his people , and the Princes thereof : For ye have eaten up the vineyard , the spoil of the poor is in your houses . What mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces , and grind the faces of the poor , saith the Lord God of hosts . Isai. 5. 7. And he looked for judgment , but behold oppression ; and for righteousnesse , but behold a cry . 9. Verse . Of a truth saith the Lord of Hosts , many houses shall be desolate , even great avd fair without Inhabitant . v. 23. Which justifie the wicked for reward , & take away the righteousnes of the righteous from him . Isa. 10. 1 , 3. Wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees , and that write grievousness which they have prescribed : To turn aside the needy from judgment , and to take away the right from the poor of my People , that widows may be their prey , and that they may rob the fatherless . And what wil ye do in the day of visitation , and in the desolation which shal come from far ? To whom wil ye flee for help ? and where wil you leave your glory ? Without me they shal bow down under the prisoners , and they shal fall under the stain : for all this his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still . Isa. 33. 15. He that despiseth the gain of oppression , that shaketh his hands from holding of bribes , that stoppeth his ears from hearing of bloud , and shutteth his eyes from seeing evil , He shal dwell on high : his place of defence shal be the munitions of rocks . Jer. 6. 6 , 7. For thus hath the Lord of Hosts said , Hew ye down trees , and cast a mount against Jerusalem : this is the City to be visited : she is wholly oppression in the midst of her . As a fountain casteth out her waters , so she casteth out her wickedness : Violence and spoil is heard in her : before me continually is grief and wounds . Jer. 5. 26. For amongst my People are found wicked men , they lay wait as he that setteth snares , they set a trap they catch men . Vers● 27. As a cage is full of birds , so are their houses ful of deceit : therefore are they become great , and waxen rich . Vers. 28. They are waxen fat , they shine ; yea , they overpass the deeds of the wicked , they judge not the cause of the fatherless , yet they prosper ; and the right of the needy do they not judge . Verl . 29. Shall I not visie for these things , saith the Lord ? shal not my soul be avenged on such a Nation as this ? Jer. 22. 13. Wo to him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness , and his chambers by wrong : that useth his neighbours service without wages , and gives him not for his work . Vers. 14. That saith , I will build me a wide house , and large chambers , and cutteth him out windows , and it is cieled with cedar , and painted with vermilion . Vers. 15. Shalt thou reign because thou closest thy self in cedar ? did not thy father eat and drink , and do judgment and justice , and then it was well with him ? Vers 16. He judged the cause of the poor and needy , then it was well with him : was not this to know me , saith the Lord ? V. 17. But thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy covetousnes , and for to shed innocent bloud , and for oppression , and for violence to do it . Ezek. 22. 13. Behold therefore I have smitten mine hand at thy dishonest gain which thou hast made , and at the bloud which hath been in the midst of thee . Vers. 29. The People of the Land have used oppression , and exercised robbery , and have vexed the poor and needy : yea , they have oppressed the stranger wrongfully . Hos. 7. 1. When I would have healed Israel , then the iniquity of Ephralm was discovered , and the wickedness of Samaria : for they commit falshood , and the thief cometh in , and the troups of robbers spoil without . Amos 3. 10. For they know not to do right , saith the Lord , who store up robbery and violence in their palaces . ver . 11. Therefore thus saith the Lord God. An adversary there shal be , even round about the Land , and he shal bring down thy strength , from thee and thy palaces shal be spoiled . ver . 15. And I will smite the winter house , with the summer house , and the houses of I very shall perish , and the great houses shall have an end , saith the Lord. Mic. 3. 11. The Heads thereof judge for reward , and the Priests thereof , teach for hire , and the Prophets thereof divine for money ; yet will they lean on the Lord and say , Is not the Lord amongst us , none evil can come upon us ? ver . 12. Therefore shall Sion for their sakes be plowed like a field , and Jerusalem shal become heaps , and the Mountain of the House as the high places of the Forrest Zeph. 3. 1 , Wo to her that is filthy and polluted , to the oppressing City . ver . 3. Her Princes within her are roaring Lions , her Iudges are ravenous Wolves , they gnaw not the bones til the morrow . vers . 8. Therefore wait ye upon nie , saith the Lord , til I rise up to for the prey , my determination is to gather the Nations , that I may assemble the Kingdoms , that I may pour out on them mine indignation , even al my fierce anger : for all the Earth shal be devoured with the fire of my jealousie . Zeph. 1. 9. In the same day will I punish all them who leap on the threshold , who fill their masters houses with violence and deceit . Exod. 2 2. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Ye shal neither vex a stranger , nor oppress him : for ye were strangers in the Land of Egypt . Thou shalt not afflict any widow , or fatherless child ; if thou afflict them in any wayes , and they cry ●t al unto me , I will surely hear their cry , and my wrath shall wax hot ; I will kill you with the sword , and your wives shall be widows , and your children fatherless . The Sixth Article . The sixth Article relates to the abusing and prostituting the Publick Faith of the Kingdom , in the way of borrowing of Monies and otherwise : which no question is not one of the least provoking Publick sins in the Land. As private men ought so far to have their faith and credit in estimation , for the love of righteousness and truth , as not to engage the same but when they do sincerely intend , and really endeavor to perform what they promise : so much more ought publick persons , and the Judicatories of a Land have such regard to the Publick Faith of a Nation , as not to engage the same , but when there be some real purposes , and honest endeavors to fulfil it : Because the prostituting and breach of Publick-Faith , as it is an high provocation before God , so it is a great deal more pernitious , reproachful , slanderous , and injurious , and of a worse example amongst men , especially when it becomes common and is used as a state engine , to draw in mens propriety from them , under a vail and shadow of righteousness , and is attended with a kind of conslraint upon men , to take the Publick Faith for security , as it was in this Land. Job 15. 4. Yea , thou castest off fear , and restrainest prayer before God. Psalm 37. 21. The wicked borroweth and payeth not again : but the righteous sheweth mercy and giveth . Isa. 59. 12 , 13 , 14. For our transgressions are multiplied before thee , and our sins testifie against us : for our transgressiont are with us , and as for our iniquities we know them . In transgressing and lying against the Lord , and in departing away from our God ; speaking oppression and revolt , conceiving and uttering from the heart words of falshood . And judgment is turned away backward , and justice standeth a faa off : for truth is fallen in the street , and equity cannot enter . Yea , truth faileth , and he that departeth from evil maketh himself a prey . Aud the Lord saw it , and it displeased him that there was no judgment . The Seventh Article . The seventh Article mentions two sins that many of this Land are guilty of , in their first taking of the National Covenant , and solemn League and Covenant , and renewing thereof . The first whereof is , The ignorance that was in many , or the want of the necessary knowledge of the things contained in the Covenants . The Lord requires of al those that take an oath , That they do it in judgment , Jer. 4. 2. And th●u shalt swear , The Lord liveth in truth , in righteousness , and in judgment , and the Nations shall bless themselves in him . That is , That they take it with such a measure of discretion , judgment and understanding , as is needful for men in their station , in order to the Duty which by their Oath they tie themselves to . But it is beyond question that many in the Land do swear these Covenants without the knowledge and understanding of the heads thereof , so far as was needful for them in their station ; who when they were catechised on the particulars , do know little or nothing thereof : Which , no doubt is one cause why they have so little minded and followed , and do so little mind and follow the duties contained therein . Jer. 5. 4. And I said , Surely these are poor , they are foolish ; for they know not the way of the Lord , nor the judgment of their God. The other is , The taking of these Covenants without reality and sincerity , in order to the performance thereof : Which was to swear not in truth , as the Lord requireth . Jer. 4. 2. And thou shalt swear , The Lord liveth , &c. not falsly . Hos. 10. 4. They have spoken words , swearing falsly , making a Covenant : thus judgment springeth up as hemlock in the furrows of the field . And with an heart that was not right , & therfore have they not been stedfast in the Covenant . Psal 78. 36 , 37. Nevertheless , th●y did flutter him with their mouth , and did lye to him with their tongues : for their heart was not right with him , neither were they stedfast in his Covenant . The judgments therefore mentioned to have been , in some , example ; in others , fear ; and in not a few , principles of policy , for attaining their own ends . Other bad principles certainly there were in sundry persons , be side these , but these are mentioned as the most common , and which ha●●●way with most of these who were guilty either of ignorance , or of hypocrisie in the entering into these Covenants . Many did take the National Covenant , in example of others , it being counted praise-worthy and commendable , after such a defection as was then in the Land , to engage in such a duty , and to be reckoned amongst the repairers of the breach : Many did take the solemn League and Covenant , for fear ; because the refusing to take it was attended both with Ecclesiastical and Civil Censures , and therefore did they rather choose to hazard on the OATH of GOD , then to run these hazards amongst Men ; which doth not yet condemn the injoyning the taking of these Covenants upon a good and warrantable principle . It is lawfull for the Judicatories of a Kirk and State to injoyn to men cohabitation with their wives ; and to children , obedience to their Parents ; to subjects , obedience to their Magistrates , and suchlike under such respective relations : Yet as these persons sin against God if they give obedience only from a principle of carnal fear ; neither doth the influence that these relations have on them make the commanding of these things under those relations to be a sin , because they are in themselves duties which are commanded of God , the neglect whereof may in regard of scandall be censured by the Kirk , and in regard of the prejudice that redounds to the honour of God , and good of our neighbour , be punished by the civil Magistrate . In taking of both Covenants though there were many whom a principle of the fear and love of God did move , yet there were not a few , whom after-discoveries have made manifest , who were acted thereto by carnall wisedome and policie , for attaining their own base and corrupt ends , such as riches , places of preferment , and lively hood , and ease ; and hence mainly hath issued that sin which followes in the next Article . The eighth Article . The following of the Work of God , pursuing the ends of the Covenant not in a holy and spirituall way , setting the Lord alwayes before our eyes , and acknowledging him in all our paths according to the direction given us of God , which hath the promise of the Blessing , Psalm 37. 5. Commit thy way to the Lord ; trust also in him , and he shall bring it to passe . Prov. 3. 5 , 6. Trust in the Lord with all thine heart ; and lean not to thy own understanding , in all thy wayes acknowledge him and he shal direct thy paths . But in a carnall politick way abusing Gods Interest for our own interest and ends , is a fearfull transgression , howsoever it is often palliated with specious pretences , as Iehu his zeal against the house of Ahab 2 Kings 10. 16. Come with me , and see my zeal for the LORD ; so they made him ride in his chariot . Yet the Lord doth not suffer it to go unpunished , Hos. 1. 4. And the LORD said unto him , Call his Name Iesreel , for yet a little while and I will avenge the bloud of Jesreel on the house of Jehu , and will cause to cease the Kingdom of the hous of Israel . v. 5. And it shall come to passe in that day that I will break the bow of Israel in the valley of Jesreel . 1. Consequent . Two Consequents of this carnal way are mentioned , the one is the walking in the way of our own hearts , more then in the Counsel of God : For when mens hearts are not single and streight in reference to the glory of God , they love not to walk according to the simplicity of the Word of God , but turns aside to their crooked ways , to chuse such carnal midses as seem most plausible to their carnal hearts , for compassing their corrupt ends : a siu that was confessed in the publick solemn Confession of sins , in the year 1648. And yet never have these crooked paths been more troden in , and these counsels of flesh and blood been more hearkened to , then since that time ; which is one of the causes , why the sword doth abide in our cities , and consume our branches and devours : For this the Prophet threatens against Israel , because of their own counsels . The other , Trusting more in the arm of flesh , then in the arm of the Lord ; which hath been a constant and continued sin in this Nation these years past ; in doting on multitudes , skill , and abilities of men , and numbers , and strength of horses ; whence have issued the corrupt mixtures in our Armies and the imploying of all ranks of persons , how malignant and prophane soever : what wonder then though our Armies have not prospered ? but have oftentimes met with a curse in stead of a blessing . Jer. 17. 5 , 6. Thus saith the Lord , Cursed be the man that trusteth in man , and maketh flesh his arm , and whose heart departeth from the Lord , for he shall be like the heath in the desart , and shall not see when good cometh , but shall inhabit the parched places in the wilderness in a salt Land , and not inhabited . From this same fountain hath proceeded needless alienation of mind , and estrangedness of heart , on the least difference in judgment amongst Brethren , often attended with passion and spleen . Which makes our affection rather to favour our own image then the Image of Christ in others : and our zeal against malignancie and error did divers times break : forth into bitterness and reproach against the persons that did turn aside , whereas it ought to have been accompanied with Christian meekness and compassion . The Ninth Article . The Ninth Article specifies one of the greatest and most comprehensive and provoking sins in this Land , viz. Backsliding and defection from the Covenants , and our solemn Vows and Engagements . For attaining a right impression thereof , We desire , that these and other seruples of that kind , may be seriously and impartially thought on and applied . Prou. 14. 14v . The back sider in ●eare sh●ll be filled with his own wayes : and a good man shall be satisfied from himself . Ier. 3. 20. Surely ●as a wife treacherously departeth from her husband . 〈…〉 you 〈◊〉 treacherously with me , O house of Israel , saith the Lord. Ier. ● . ● . Moreover thou shalt say 〈◊〉 them , thus saith the Lord , Shal they fall , and not arise ? shal be turn away , and not return ? v. 5. Why then is this People of 〈◊〉 alo●● slidenback , by a perpetual back sliding ? they hold f●st deceit , they refuse to return . v. 6. I hearkened and heard , but they spake not aright : no man repented him of his wickedness , saying , What haue I done : everyone turneth to his course , as the 〈…〉 with into the battel . v. 7. Yea , the stork in the Heavens knoweth her appointd times , and the turtle , and the crane , and the swallow observe the times of their coming : but my People know not the Iudgment of the Lord. v. 8 , How do ye say , We are wise , and the Law of the Lord is with us : 〈◊〉 certainly in vain made he it , the pen of the Scribe is in vain . v. 9. The wise men are ashamed , they are dismaied and taken ; lo , they have rejected the Word of the Lord , and what wisdom is in them ? Hos. 11. 7. My People are bent to backsliding from me ; though they called them to the most high , none at all would exal● him . Ier. 5. 6. Wherefore a Lion out of the forrest shall slay them , and a Wolf of the evening shall spoil them : a Leopard shall watch over their Cities : every one that goeth out thence , shall be torn in pieces : because their transgressions are many , and their back slidings are encreased . Levit. 26. 15. And if ye shall despise my Statutes ; or if your soul abhor my judgements , so that ye will not do all my Commandements , but that ye break my Covenant : v. 16. I also will do this unto you , I will even appoint over you terrour , consumption , and the burning-ague , that shall consume the eyes , and cause sorrow of heart : and ye shall sow your seed in vain , for your enemies shall eat it . v. 17. And I will set my face against you , and ye shall be slain before your enemies : and they that hate you , shall reign over you , and ye shall flee when none pursueth you . v. 35. As long as it lieth desolate , it shal rest ; because it did not rest in your sabbaths , when ye dwelt upon it . Deut. 29. 23 , 24 , 25. And that the whol Land thereof is briniston , and salt , and burning , that it is not sowen , nor beareth , nor any grass groweth thereon , like the overthrow of Sodom & Gomorrah , Admah , & Ze●oim , which the Lord overthrew in his anger & in his wrath : Even all Nations shall say , Wherefore hath the Lord done this to this Land ? what meaneth the heat of this great anger ? Then men shall say , Because they have for saken the Covenant of the Lord God of their fathers , which he made with them when he brought them forth out of the Land of Egypt . 1 King. 11. 11. Wherefore the Lord said to Solomon , Forasmuch as this is done of thee , and thou hast not kept my Covenant and my Statutes , which I have commanded thee . I will surely rent the Kingdom from thee , and will give it to thy servant . 2 King. 17. 15. And they rejected his Statutes and his Covenant which he made with their fathers , and his Testimonies which he testified against them , and they followed vanity , and became vain , and went after the heathen that were round about them , concerning whom the Lord had charged them , that they should not do like them . Psal. 78 9. The children of Ephraim being armed and carrying Bows , turned back in the day of battel . v. 10. They kept not the Covenant of God , and refused to walk in his Law : v. 11. and forgat his works , and his wonders that he had shewed them . v. 36. Nevertheless , they did flatter him with their mouthes , and lyed to him with their tongues , for their heart was not right with him , neither were they stedfast in his Covenant . Isa. 24. 5. The earth also is defiled under the inhabitants thereof , because they have transgressed the Laws , changed the Ordinances , and broken the everlasting Covenant . v. 6. Therefore hath the c●●se devoured the earth , and they that da el therein are desolate : therefore the inhabitants of the earth are burned , and few men left . Psalm 44. 17. All this is come upon us ; yet have we not forgotten thee , neither have we dealt falsly in thy Covenant . v. 18. Our heart is not turned back from thee ; neither have our steps declined from thy way . v. 19. Though thou hast sore broken us in the place of Dragons , and covered us with the soadow of death . v. 20. If we haven forgotten the Name of our God , or stretched our hands to a strange god ; Shall not God sea●●● this out ? for he knoweth the secrets of our hearts . Psalm 50. 16. But to the wicked , saith God , What hast thou to do to declare my Statutes , or that thou shouldest take my Covenant in thy mouth ? Seeing thou hatest instruction , and castest my words behind thee . Jer. 11. 9. And the Lord said to me , A conspiracy is found among the men of Iudah , and amongst the inhabitants of Ierusalem . v. 10. They are turned back to the iniquities of their forefathers , which refused to hear my words ; and thy went after other gods to serve them : the house of Israel and the house of Iudah have broken my Covenant which I made with their fathers . Ier. 22. 8. And many Nations shall pass by this City , and they shall say every man to his neighbor , Wherefore hath the Lord done this to this great City ? v. 9. Then they shall answer , Because they have forsaken the Covenant of the Lord their God , and worshiped other gods and served them . For thus faith the Lord God , I will even deal with thee as thou hast done , which hast despised the Oath , in breaking the Covenant . Hos. 6. 7. But they like men have transgressed the Covenant , they have dealt treacherously against me . Hos. 8. 1. Set the Trumpet to thy mouth : he shal come as an Eagle against the house of the Lord : because they have transgressed against my Covenant , and trespassed against my Law. Hos. 10. 4. They have spoken words , swearing falsly in making a Covenant : thus Iudgement springeth up as Hemlock in the furrows of the field Rev. 2. 5. Remember therfor from whence thou art fallen , and repent , and do the first works , or else I will come to thee quickly , and remove thy Candlestick out of his place , except thou repent . This sin is aggravated by several circumstances mentioned in the Article , which are clear in themselves , and need not to be insisted on : therefore passing these , we come to speak of the special Heads and Steps that are condescended on in the Paper . 1. Step. The first is , declining from that purity of conversation , that integrity of heart , that zeal of God that seemed to be in many at their first entry to the Covenant , and a falling off into loose walking , self-interest and indifferency . About the time of the first renewing of the Covenant ; there was an sensible change to the better in mens carriage and conversation ; most of all these who joyned in opposing the defection ; not onely reforming themselves from common and grosse sins , such as drunkennesse , uncleannesse , swearing , prophaning the LORDS Day , flighting of the Ordinances , self-seeking , covetousnesse and oppression , &c. but giving themselves to the Duties of Religion and Righteousnesse , such as sobriety , Edifying Discourse , Chaste behaviour , hallowing of the LORDS Day , diligent seeking of the LORD in secret and in their Families , attending on the preaching of the Word as often as opportunity is offered , liberality , love , charity one towards another , a Publick spirit and zeal for GOD ; but all these things are now decayed in many , and they are again growen as ill if not worse then before , which as it is an evidence of great unsoundnesse of heart , so hath it brought many sad reproaches on the Work of GOD in our hands , and hath proven a great stumbling block to many in the neighbour Land , to make them averse therefrom , and hath given them no small advantage to speak both against us and it , though these , who do reject and speak ill of any part of the precious truth of God be not to be justified in so doing , yet certainly they are much to be condemned who by their untender and loose walking minister occasion thereto : Wo to these by whom offences come . 2. Step. The second Step is the sitting up of many Professors in the Land under the Gospel , and becomming formal and remisse , not entertaining tendernesse and sobernesse of minde , a sin that relates especially to the Godly in the Land , not a few of which have much decayed in former tendernesse , and zeal , and diligent seeking of God , and sober and exact walking , studying to root themselves in the solid knowledge and love of the truth , and invaluing and improving the Gospel & the means of grace unto a loathing and denying of themselves , and a growing into and loving and imploying of the Lord Jesus Christ. By which , deadnesse of spirit hath seized on some , and lazinesse of spirit on others ; whereby it hath come to pass , that they have been tempted to step out of the way , and some to turn aside to the left hand , to imbrace Malignant courses , and some to the right hand to imbrace errour , whose sin is so much the greater then the sin of others , by how much their knowledge and the LORDS loving kindness to them hath been greater then to others ; and this declining of Professors , and falling off from their first love , if it be not deeply mourned for , and if they do not timeoussy lament after the Lord , as it may prove a snare to many more then yet it hath done , so it is like to be amongst the chief causes that may provok the Lord to remove his Candlestick from us , Rev. 2 4. Neverthelesse I have somewhat against thee , because thou hast left thy first love : v. 5. Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen , and repent and do the first works , or else I will come to thee quickly and remove thy Candlestick out of his place , except thou repent . 3. Step. The third is , the secret falling off of some , and open falling off of many to the opposite party , after their entering to the Covenant ; especially the defection carried on by Iames Graham , and his party , and that of the year , 1648. by the authors and abettors of the unlawfull Engagement , which particulars are so well known , that we shall not need to stay upon them . Onely we desire that it may be remembered , that as they were early begun and long in ripning , that of Iames Graham , having begun in the year 1639. and ripned till the year 1645. and that some of the chief Authors of the unlawfull Engagement having begun in the year , 1644. and ripned till the year 1648. and did take hold upon , and infect very many of all ranks throughout the Land , so have they been really and unfeinedly repented of by very few to this day : which we doubt not is one of the reasons why so many of these who had hand in these bloudy and backsliding courses have fallen by the sword , and are gone into captivity . 4. Step. The fourth Step , is , The neglecting and condemning the purging of Judicatories , and the Army , in the year 1649. and afterward , from scandalous and disaffected men , and of constituting the same of men of known integrity and affection to the Cause , and of a blameless and Christian conversation : That it was a duty so to have constituted and purged the Judicatories and Armies , ought in reason to be questioned by none : it being a duty holden forth in the Word of God. That the Rulers of thousands , Rulers of hundreds , Rulers of fifties , and Rulers oftens ( amongst the People of God ) should not only be able men , but such also as fear God , men of truth , hating covetousness . Exod. 18 , 21. Moreover , thou shalt provide out of all the People able men , such as fear God , men of truth , hating Covetousness ; and place such over them to be Rulers of thousands , Rulers of hundreds , Rulers of fifties , and Rulers of tens . And let them judge the People at all seasons . Deut. 1. 15. So I took the chief of your Tribes , wise men , and known , and made them heads over you , Captains over thousands , Captains over hundreds , Captains , over fifties , and Captains over tens , and Officers among your Tribes . v. 16. And I charged your Iudges at that time , saying , Hear the causes between your brethren , and judge righteously betwixt every man and his brother , and the stranger , that is with him . v. 17. Ye shall not respect persons in Iudgment , but you shall hear the smal aswel as the great ; you shall not be afraid of the face of man , for the judgment is Gods : 2 Sam. 23. 3. 4. The God of Israel said , The Rock of Israel spake to me : He that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of God ; and he shall be as the light in the morning , when the Sun riseth , even a morning without clouds ; as the tender grasse springeth out of the earth by clear shining after ram . 2 Chr. 19. 6 , 7 , 8. And he said to the Iudges , Take heed what ye do , for ye judge not for man ; but for the Lord , who is with you in the judgment ; wherefore now , let the fear of the Lord be upon you ; take heed and do it , for there is no iniquity with the Lord our God , nor respect of persons , nor taking of gifts . v. 9. And he charged them , saying , Thus shall ye do in the fear of the Lord , faithfully , and with a perfect heart ; and Deut. 23. 9. When the host goeth forth against thyn enemies then keep thee from every wicked thing . Therfore were they unclean by Leprosie , by an Issue , and by the Dead , to be put out of the Camp. Num. 5. 2. Command the children , of Israel , that they put out of the Camp every Leper , and every one that hath an Issue , and whosoever is defiled by the dead . Deut. 22. 10. Thou shalt not plow with an Oxe and an Asse together . v. 11. Thou shalt not wear a garment of diver : sorts , as of woollen and linnen together ; because the Lord their God did walk in the midest of the Camp of his People , to deliver them , and to give up his enemies before them ; therefore was the Camp to be holy , that he might see no unclean thing in them , & turn away from them . Deut. 23. 14. For the Lord thy God walketh in the midst of thy Camp , to deliver thee , and give up thine enemies before thee : therefore shall thy Camp be holy , that be may see no unclean thing in thee , and turn away from thee . And because this Nation had exceedingly neglected the purging of Judicatories and Armies , and constituting the same of persons rightly qualified , which was the cause of many evils of sin and punishment ; therefore was this neglect publickly and solemnly confessed to GOD , and the contrary duty engaged unto , at the renewing of the Covenant toward the end of the year 1648. as is to be seen in the solemn Publick Confession of sins , and engagement to duties . For rendering of the which effectual , the Commission of the Generall Assembly did present many Petitions , Remonstrances and Warnings from time to time to the Committee of Estates , and to the Parliament , who did make sundry Lawes both for the purging of the Judicatories and Armies which then were , and for keeping them pure for the time to come , as is to be seen in their Registers and Acts , Anno 1649. and 1650. And accordingly somewhat was done in that great and necessary duty by themselves and others , to whom they did commit the trust , but not withstanding of all these things , it did appear very soon after the Confessing of that sin , and engaging to that duty , that many did neither mind repentance of the one , or performance of the other . Therefore as the Commission of the Generall Assembly were necessitated to renew their desires in that particular very often , and from moneth to moneth , so were not these Lawes and Committees having power to execute the same , established without some wrestling and difficultie : not a few labouring to obstruct and retard the same , and when it came to the execution , with what neglect and slowness , and partiality , did they proceed therein ? And what impediments did they ( who were not diligent ) cast in the way of others who were more diligent and faithful , and zealous in following of the duty ? By which it came to passe , that little could be gotten done in that matter , and what was done was not onely loadned with imputations and reproaches , but also was for most part made ineffectuall : The persons appointed to be removed , being either keeped still , or shortly thereafter being brought again to their own or some other place , or else as evill being put in their place . Nay , after the defeat at Dumbar , these duties came not only to be neglected , but what formerly had been gotten done therein , was looked and cryed out upon , as the cause of the ruine of the Army ; and therefore not only these who had been formerly purged , but all others how malignant and loose soever , were brought to the Judicatories and Army , and what had formerly been confessed a sin , was then followed and commended as a duty . 5. Step. The fifth is , The authorizing of Commissioners to close a Treaty with the King , for the investing him with the Government , upon his subscribing such demands as were sent to him , after he had given many clear evidences of his dis-affection and enmity to the Work and people of GOD , and was continuing in the same ; and the admitting of him to the full exercise of his power , and Crowning him notwithstanding of new discoveries of his adhering to his former Principles and way , and of many warnings to the contrary . For the better understanding and more full and clear discovery of this sin , we would consider these things which are set down by the Generall Assembly of this Kirk , in their Declaration of the date Iuly 27 , 1649. to wit , that as Magistrats and their power are ordained of GOD , so are they in the exercise thereof , not to walk according to their own will , but according to the Law of equity and righteousnesse , as being the Ministers of GOD for the safety of his people , &c. Secondly , That there is a continuall obligation and stipulation betwixt the King and the People , as both of them are tyed to GOD , so each of them are tyed each to other , for the performance of mutuall and reciprocall duties , according to which it is statute and ordained in the 8. Act of the Parliament of King Iames the Sixt , That all Kings , Princes and Magistrats whatsomever , holding their place , which hereafter shall happen at any time to reign and bear rule over this Realm , at the time of their Coronation , the receipt of their Princely Authority , make their faithfull Promise by Oath , in the presence of the Eternall GOD , That during the whole course of their lives , they shall serve the same Eternall GOD to the utmost of their power , according as he hath required in his Holy Word , contained in the Old and New Testament , and according to the same Word shall maintain the true Religion of JESUS CHRIST , the Preaching of his most holy Word , and due and right Administration of the Sacraments now received and preachd within this Realm , and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion contrary to the same , and shall rule the People of GOD committed to their charge , according to the will and command of GOD revealed in his Word , and according to the laudable Lawes and Constitutions received within this Realm , &c. Thirdly , That in the League and Covenant that had been so solemnly and publickly sworn and renewed by this Kingdom , the duty of defending and preserving the Kings Majesties Person and Authority , is joyned with , and subordinate to the duty of preserving and desending the true Religion and Liberty of the Kingdoms . Fourthly . That an arbitrary Government and an illimited Power was the fountain of most , if not of all the corruptions both of Kirk and State : And that it was for restraint of this , and for their own just defence against tyranny and unjust violence ( which ordinarily is the fruit and effect of such a power ) that the Lords People did joyn in Covenant , and have been at the expences of so much blood , travels and pains these years past . Fifthly , That the King being averse from the Work of Reformation , and the Instruments thereof , and compassed about with Malignant and dis-affected men whom he hearkens to as his most faithfull Counsellours , and looks upon as his most loyall and faithfull Subjects , being admitted to the exercise of his power before satisfaction given , would by these counsels , endeavour an over-turning of these things which the Lord hath wrought amongst us , and labour to draw Publick Administrations concerning Religion and the Liberty of the Subject into that course and Channel , in which they did run under Prelacie , & before the Work of Reformation : Which we had the more cause to fear , because his Royall Father did often declare , That he conceived himself bound to imploy all the power that God had put in his hands to the utmost , for these ends , and that he adhered to his Fathers principles , and walked in his way , and had made a peace with the Irish Rebels , by which is granted to them the full liberty of Popery . From these Principles the Generall Assembly did then infer , That it would be the wisedome of every one who dwells in this Land , to take heed to such a temptation and snare , that they be not accessory to any such designes and endeavours of bringing or admitting the King to the exercise of his Power , without satisfaction given concerning the security of Religion , and Liberty of the Subjects , as they would not bring upon themselves , and on their Families , the guilt of all the detriment that would undoubtedly follow thereupon to Religion and the Covenant , and of all the miseries and calamities that it would bring on his Majesties Person and Throne , and on these Kingdoms . Such a thing ( say they ) would in all appearance be the under-minding and shaking off , if not the over-throwing and destroying the Work of Reformation , and that therefore whosoever attempts the same , do oppose themselves to the Cause of GOD , and will at last dash against the rock of the Lords Power , which hath broken in pieces many high and losty ones since the beginning of this Work in these Kingdomes : From all which it dotli appear upon good grounds , that it was an high provocation , to admit the King to the exercise of his Power , or to intrust him with the Cause and People of GOD , whilst he was continuing in his former disaffection to , and eninity against the same ; with which sin the Lord hath been so displeased , that he Hath in a great measure verified the same things on the Land which are holden forth by the Generall Assembly , and which would be the consequents thereof . We know that it will be objected by many , That the King did desist from , and abandon that course of enmity against the Work and People of God , before the close of the Treaty , and that he did give satisfaction concerning the security of Religion , and Liberty of the Subjects , by condescending to , and subscribing these demands , which were sent to him from the Parliament of this Kingdom , and the Commission of the Generall Assembly . To which we reply , First , that these demands were desicient , at least not so plain and positive , and expresse in the main and necessary thing , to wit , a reall abandoning of former malignant courses and principles , and a reall and cordiall cleaving to the Work and people of God , without which there could not be a reall security ; it was not a shadow of security for Religion and Liberty , or a paper and verball security onely , but a reall security which we were bound before the Lord to have evdeavoured and obtained before the close of a Treaty with the King , for intrusting him with the Government , and to authorize Commissioners to settle with him upon such paper-securities , and accordingly to intrust him , was but to mock God , and to deceive the World , and to betray and destroy our selves , by giving up all the precious Interests of Religion and Liberty into the hands of one who was in a course of enmity to these . Secondly , it is certain , ( if men will not deny clear and evident truths ) that the King had not only ( before the authorizing of these Commissioners to close a Treaty with him upon his condescending to these Demands ) given evidence of his emnity to the Work and people of God , but also was continuing in the same , during the time of the Treaty , and that he had not abandoned these Principles and courses at the close of the Treaty ; And when he did swear and subscribe the Nationall Covenant , and the Solemn League and Covenant ; Nay , the whole tenour of his carriage , did then , and afterward convincingly enough ( to intelligent men ) demonstrate him to be the same he was before . We shall not need bring many instances , therefore passing over these things which he did , before this Kingdome began to treat with him , such as the Declaration emitted by him when he was Prince , against the Cause and People of God , and his Printed Declaration at Iersey , as King , against all who had been in opposition to his Father in these troubles : We shall mention only a few particulars that fell out thereafter , to wit , these : first , he did not only countenance and entertain the most Capital and known Enemies of this Kingdom , such as Iames Grahame , and others , who had shed much of the bloud thereof , but also did give Commission to the said Iames Grahame to make war upon , and invade the Inhabitants thereof , as Traitors and Rebels . Secondly , in the whole progres●e of the Treaty , as he did communicate and take counsell with known dis-affected and malignant men in all things relating to the same , and not moving a step , but according to their advice , so did he procrastinat and delay to grant what was desired , untill all other means of help had failed , and his own estate and condition was now become desperat , and what he did grant , was not all at once , and cheerfully , as if it had been a duty , but by little and little , and by a kind of coaction and merchandise , as if it had been a bargain of buying and selling . Thirdly , after the Treaty was brought to some close , he did before his coming to Sea , receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper from one of the Prelatical Chaplains , and according to the Servi●e-Book notwithstanding the Commissioners of the Kirk did represent the evill thereof to him , and did earnestly deal with him to the contrary . Fourthly , he brought to Sea , and into Scotland with him almost the whole Train of Malignant and dis-affected men , who had followed him in his former evill courses , and fled from the Justice of both Kingdoms , and these he did more familiarly & intirely converse with , then with others . Fi●thly , he was nea● the coast of Scotland before he would condescend to the subscribing of these Demand which were sent from the Parliament , upon the report of the close of the Treaty , as it was first closed in Holland , and the Commissioners were so far out of hopes of obtaining their desire , that even when they were come near the shore , they were preparing Papers of exoneration ; and when in an instant on the suggestion of some Malignants , he did condescend to subscribe the Demands , and take the Covenant ; it was with a reserve of a Declaration to be printed therewith , which he did not pass from untill the Commissioners of the Church did refuse to admit thereof . Sixthly , Within a few dayes of his coming to Scotland , when removing Malignants from his Family and Court was earnestly pressed by the Commissioners both of Kirk and State , at Falkland , he shewed himself very averse from the same , and did not only at that place , but at all places and times afterwards countenance and entertain men of that stamp , who were in his Family and Court , and came to the same . Seventhly , He did for a long time refuse to subscribe the Declaration which was tendered to him , for the acknowledging of his own , and his Parents guiltiness for the time past , and according to his duty for the time to come ; and after that he had , with a great deal of reluctancy , subscribed the same , he did oftentimes express , That he did not think his Father guilty of bloud , and that not withstanding he had so declared , he had his own meaning thereof . Eighthly , As he did first by Letters authorize sundry of the Malignant party to rise in Arms without the knowledge of the Committee of Estates , and contrary to the standing Laws of this Kingdom ; so did he himself within a short time thereafter , desert the Publick Councels of the Kingdom , and joyn with the Malignants . Ninthly , During the whole time of the Treaty , and after the close thereof , he had correspondence with all the Malignants of the three Nations , to sundry of which he gave Commissions . These Instances do clearly ●nough prove what was said concerning the Kings continuing in a course of enmity to the Work and People of God , which made it a sin in us , whilest he was in that condition , to entrust him with the Interests of both : neither was our carriage here more faulty in the matter , then it was rash and precipitant in regard of the manner . The news of the late Kings death , brought to Edinburgh on the Lords day at night , the Parliament did the next day before twelve of the clock , proclaim this King with all publick solemnitie , without setting any time apart to seek the Lord for Counsel and direction therein ; which , as both Reason and Religion might have taught us , to have used more deliberation amongst ourselves , and more supplication to God , before he ( whose Father and himself had been engaged so much in opposition to the Work and People of God ) had been proclaimed King , and within a short time thereafter , solemn Address was made to him for offering him the Crown and Kingdom upon some verbal and paper security , without any previous Address for informing his conscience , or taking notice whether he did adhere to his former principles and way ; and when the Lord was pleased to render these Applications ineffectual , and to bring back the Commissioners to this Kingdom and Kirk , without any satisfaction to their desires ; we did again no less precipitantly then before , rush on a second Address , which was at one and the same day concluded and proponed in Parliament , not only without any previous Consultation or Debate had there anent amongst these who had been tender and faithful to the Work of God from the begining , but without their knowledge , and contrary to their expectation ; and afterwards , in regard of the close and dispatch of Commissioners , which was so passionatly and violently driven on , that many were impatient , even of the most necessary delaies , and of the most reasonable contradiction in any thing that related thereto : and it is not to be past without observation , that whilest we were treading these slippery and sinful steps , the Lord suffered not us to want warning . We shall not insist on the sad apprehensions that were in the hearts of many of the godly in the Land in reference thereto : So albeit they durst not altogether deny duty to be in making Application to the King , yet did the sence of the Lords controversie with him and his house , together with his walking in his former way , lie heavy on their spirits and made them rather fear a curse , then expect a blessing thereupon . Nor shall we speak of the passionat inclination , desires and endeavors of the Malignant party , and of their rejoycing herein , and of their heightning of their hopes thereby . But we desire it may be remembred , That whilest the second Address was in preparing , not only did the Lord give us warning of presumptions , first of the King his authorizing of Iames Graham to invade this Kingdom , and of his encouraging him by Letters to go on in that Invasion , even whilst he was in terms of a Treaty with Us ; but also by Iames Graham his actual invasion a little thereafter by the Kings Commission , and by bringing to our hands the authentick Commission it self , and sundry Letters under the Kings own hand , testifying his adherence to his former principles , & his affection to that great Enemy of this Cause and Kingdom . And what were all these instances which we have formerly spoken of in the Kings carriage , but warnings from the Lord to have taught us wisdom in this thing ? We know that some may think it unsutable for us to meddle in these things which seems to have been otherwise determined by the General Assembly of this Kirk 1650. and that others may wonder that that Assembly should have so determined . We shall not now stand to debate how far that Assembly did approve of these things which concern the Treaty with the King , anent the security of Religion : but the Lord having declared so much from Heaven against the whole Land , it concerns us and all others impartially to search into , and to discover the causes thereof , so far as he is pleased to convince and give light therein ; and we do in charity , and not without ground , presume , That of all the passages of procedor of the Kings carriage in the Treaty , and from the beginning in order to this Kingdom , and the enemies thereof , had been impartially and freely discovered and made known to the Assembly as they have been since ; they had nor gone the length which they went. 6. Step. For understanding of the sixth Step , which relateth unto the rejecting the discovery of guiltiness and causes of the LORDS contending with us ; It will be needfull to speak some what for clearing of the matter of fact in the instances which are given in the Article : The first instance is in the causes of humiliation , condescended on by the Commission of the Generall Assembly at Leith , and offered to the Committe of Estates , by whom they were rejected ; the story whereof as to the matter of fact was thus : The next day after the English forces came in view of our Army , which was then intrenched betwixt Leith and Edinburgh : Some generall persons in our Army ( whether from any desire to approve themselves to the King , who the night before was come to Leith from Sterlin , or from any other principle , we know not ) did draw forth a great many of the Horse to skirmish with the Enhlish , by whom they were with some losse , and much shame beaten back again to the trenches , which bred such a disheartning and astonishment in the whole body of the Army , that had the English then stormed the Trenches , they had belike gained them , and routed our Army . Upon this occasion , the Commission of the Generall Assembly gave themselves to search after the causes of this stroake and spirit of confusion and astonishment from the LORD , and after some pains taken therein , found that there had been a malignant design for bringing in again the malignant party of a long time , hatching and carrying on by sundry in the Judicatories and in the Army , and that it was far promoted and advanced : And for the more conviction herein , they did condescend on severall Instances and Particulars of moment and consequence : This they offered to the Committee of Estates as grounds of humiliation to be keeped by them and the Army ; but the Committee , as they did refuse to take with any such guiltiness , so did they refuse to joyn in any humiliation to be keeped for the same Upon the which the Commission did leave it before them with a Declaration , That they had exonered themselves , and with a desire to the Committee of Estates to do therein , as they would be answerable to GOD , who was contending for these things . The second is the causes of humiliation , condescended on at Sterlin immediatly after the defeat at Dumbar : these causes which were first condescended on by the Presbytery with the Army , and afterwards approven by the Commission of the Generall Assembly did specifie somewhat of the crooked courses which had been taken in carrying on the Treaty with the King , and of the obstructing the purging of the Army , and of the Judicatories , and of the Kings Family , and of the not differencing of Instruments imployed in Publick trust , and severall other things relating to the carriage of these in Publick trust in Judicatories and Armies , which though reall truths in themselves , and just matter of humiliation before GOD , yet were rejected and not so much as read or intimated by many Ministers in their Congregations , and were refused to be taken with , or acknowledged by sundry Statesmen and Officers of the Army , and others , who were guilty of them . The third Instance is the Remonstrance of the Gentlemen , Ministers and Forces in the West , which though it was a testimony given in reference to sin and Duty by a company of men who had been straight from the beginning in the Work of GOD , in the simplicity of their hearts , and did contain in it many sad truthes , yet was not onely rejected , but condemned by the plurality of the Committee of Estates , and Commission of the General Assembly , notwithstanding that many of the Members of both these Judicatories did dissent from , and protest against these voices , and as if it had not been enough , was again resumed by the Parliament and a most harsh censure put upon it , and all such as did not disclame it before such a day , appointed to be proceeded against with Censures of an high nature ; other testimonies of Presbyteries and Synods beside these are also mentioned , for diverse such there was , as the Letters from the Presbyteries of Sterlin , Aberdeen . Glasgow , Pasley , and severall other Presbyteries and Synods , which were writen to the Commission as testimonies of their dis-satisfaction with the Publick Resolutions concerning the Leavy , and were rejected , and sundry of the authors thereof sharply rebuked : nay , some of them discharged to speak their Consciences , and confined in places far distant from their charge for doing thereof . In the close of this Article there is mention of the neglecting of means tending to peace , and the preventing the effusion of more bloud , from pride and biternesse of spirit , against these who had invaded us . We know that before this Kingdom was invaded by these who hath now brought it low , there was a Letter writen by the Parliament to the present power in England , and duplicates thereof to the Generall , Liutenant Generall , and Generall Major of their Army , upon the 22. of Iune 1650. wherein they did shew that as in their Letter of the 6. of March 1649. they did acknowledge their obligation , and declare their resolution , to observe the rule of Remonstrating ; first the breaches of Peace for craving just reparation , of using all fair means of giving a preceding warning of three moneths , before any Engagement of these Kingdoms in war , so they do again renew the same , and accordingly renewed the Acts of Posture and Leavy for putting this Kingd●m in readinesse in case of invasion , which were made the former year when they wrote the foresaid Letter of the 6. of March , all which they do professe solemnly to be done by them in the sincerity of their hearts ; not out of any policy to catch advantages , nor for any other end or design whatsoever , but meerly for their own defence , which they do account abundantly sufficient to remove all grounds of jealousies , and misreports of their intentions , and to take away all pretence of necessity of the marching of forces for defence of the borders of England ; and on the other part being informed of a resolution in England to send an Army to Invade this Kingdom , they desired to know whether these who have the present power in England do acknowledge themselves oblieged , or by their answer will obliege themselves and declare their Resolutios to observe the foresaid way and order upon their part to us , and plainly and clearly to declare , whether their Forces do march for offence or defence , whether with intention for keeping onely within the borders of England or comming within ours , which way of procedour for clearing each others , and dealing plainly , is not onely agreable to particular Treaties , and to the many Tyes , Bonds and Declarations past betwixt these Kingdomes , but also to the Law of God , and practise of his People in his Word , and to the common law and practice , even of heathen Nations , much more of Christian Covenanted Kingdoms , and may prevent many evils & dangerous consequences , which may fall out , even beyond and contrary to the intentions of the Nations , by their Armies lying near others upon their borders , although meerly upon intended defence : This did indeed savour of a spirit of peace ; but since the comming of these men into the Land there hath been such pride and bitternesse of spirit , that not onely were all essayes of peace neglected , but every motion tending thereto , whether made by any amongst our selves , or hinted at by any amongst them , were slighted and some time entertained with disdain , reproach and contempt ; and albeit the invasion was unjust , yet certainly it was our duty to have followed and endeavoured peace so far as was possible , Rom. 12. 18. If it be possible , as much as lieth in you , live peaceably with all men . Heb. 12. 14. Follow peace with all men , and holinesse , without which no man shall see God. Psalm 120. 7. I am for peace , but when I speak they are for war. 7. Step. The seventh is , the Publick Resolutions of Kirk and State , for bringing in the Malignant Party first to the Army , and then to the Judicatories , and the actuall intrusting of them with the power of the Kingdom both Military and Civill ; We conceive that these Publick Resolutions in the complex of them do ( besides other sins which may be mentioned ) include those : First , a conjunction with the Enemies of God and his Cause , which is condemned by many clear Scriptures , 2 Chron. 19. 1 , 2. And Iehoshaphat the King of Iudah returned to his house in peace to Ierusalem , and Iehu the son of Hanan● the seer , went out to meet him , and said to King Iehoshaphat , Shouldst thou help the ungodly , and love them that hate the LORD ? therefore is wrath on thee from before the Lord. Isa. 30. 1 , 2 , 3. Wo to the rebellious children , saith the LORD , that take councel but not of me ; and that cover with a covering , but not of my spirit , that they made adde sin to sin : That walk to go down to Egypt ( and have not asked at my mouth ) to strengthen themselves in the strength of Pharaoh , and to trust in the shadow of Egypt ; Therefore shall the strength of Pharaoh be your shame , and the trust in the shadow of Egypt your confusion : Isa. 31. 1 , 2 , 3. Wo to them that go down to Egypt for help , and stay on horses , and trust in chariots , because they are many , and in horsmen , because they are very strong , but they look not to the holy one of Israel , neither seek the LORD ; Yet he also is wise , and will bring evill , and will not call back his words : But will arise against the house of the evill doers , and against the help of them that work iniquity : Now the Egyptians are men and not GOD , and their horses flesh and not spirit ; when the LORD snall stretch out his hand , both he that helpeth shall fall , and he that is holpen shall fall down , and they all shall fall together . Jer. 2. 18. And now what hast thou to do in the way of Egypt , to drink the waters of Sihor ? or what hast thou to do in the way of Assyria , to drink the waters of the river ? Jer. 13. 21. What wilt thou say when he shall punish thee ? ( for thou hast taught them to be captains , and as chief over thee ) shall not sorrows take thee as a woman in travail ? 2. The laying of a foundation of , or the establishing of a rule for imploying and intrusting men with the interest of the Cause of GOD and of the Kingdom , who ought not to be imployed nor instrusted , if respect be had to the qualifications required in the Word , viz. That they be men fearing GOD , hating covetousnesse and dealing truly , who are appointed to be rulers over thousands , hundreds , fifties and tens , Exod. 18. 21. Moreover thou shalt provide out of all the people , able men , such as fear GOD , men of truth , hating covetousnesse ; and place such over them ; to be rulers of thousands , and rulers of hundreds , rulers of fifties and rulers of tens ; and that they be just , ruling in the fear of God who rules over men . 2 Sam. 23. 3. The GOD of Israel said , the Rock of Israel spake to me , He that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of God. 3. That there was therein a breach and violation of the fourth Article of the Covenant , which obligeth that we be so far from giving trust to Malignants , that they should endeavor to bring them to condign punishment . 4. That there was therein a manifest receding from the solemn publick confession of sins , and engagement to duties , and from the constant tenor of our Declarations , Warnings , and Remonstrances and causes of humiliation these years past . Ier. 2. 35 , 36 , 37. Yet thou sajest , Because I am innocent , surely his anger shal turn from me : Behold I will plead with thee , because thou sayest I have not sinned . Why gaddest thou about so much to change thy way : thou also shalt be ashamed of Egypt , as thou wast ashamed of Assyria ; yea , thou shalt go forth from him , and thine hands upon thine head : for the Lord hath rejected thy confidences , and thou shalt not prosper in them . 5. That there was a great deal of diffidence , and distrust in the Arm of the LORD , and a seeking of help from , and a resting on the arm of flesh ; Ier. 17. 5 , 6. Thus saith the Lord , Cursed be the man that trusteth in man , and maketh flesh his arm , and whose heart departeth from the LORD : for he shall be like the heat● in the desert , and shall not see when good commeth , but shall inhabite the parched places in the wildernesse , in a salt land and not inhabited . 6. That there was therein a great deal of prevarication and deceitfull dealing by many , Ier. 5. 2. 3. And though they say The Lord liveth , surely they swear falsely . O Lord , are not thine eyes upon the truth ? thou hast stricken them , but they have not grieved , thou hast consumed them , but they have refused to receive correction , they have made their faces harder then a rock , they have refused to return : Because albeit the arguments that were used , were taken from necessity and other things of that kind , yet the great wheel that moved in that businesse , was a design to bring in that party into places of power and trust into the Army , who had been formerly put out for their malignant and disaffected carriage , and thereafter , albeit in the beginning of this businesse so great haste was pretended , that they could not wait for a very few dayes , till the Commission might conveen , but made use of a unfrequent and occasionall meeting , when not onely many of the Members were absent , but also not advertised ; yet when that which was aimed at concerning the Modelling of the Army was obtained they did move but very slowly , and Acted nothing at all for many months thereafter ; nay , not till long after the Army was compleatly Leavied , and until they had gotten the Act of Classis also resemded , and that Party brought to the Parliament aswell as to the Army , and untill the Generall Assembly did sit down , that they might have their approbation of these proceeding so far as was fit for them to meddle with . 7. There was in it a reall stumbling and offence to the most part of the godly in the Land , whose hearts were much grieved , and their hands exceedingly weakened thereby , together with the making glad and strengthening the ungodly , and disaffected and prophane in the Land , Ier. 23. 14. I have seen also in the Prophets of Ierusalem an horrible thing , they commit adultery and walk in lies ; they strengthen also the hands of evill doers , that none doth return from his wickednesse ; they are all to me as Sodom , and the inhabitants thereof as Gommorrah Ezek. 13. 22. Because with lies ye have made the hearts of the righteous sad , whom have not made sad and strengthened the hands of the wicked , that he should not return from his wicked works by promising him life . Lastly , the state of our Cause was thereby upon the matter turned upside-down by intrusting the Work and people of God to the enemies thereof , it being known and made manifest that these men did retain the same principles , and did drive on the same designs which could not but prove destructive to Religion & the People of God. 8. Step. The next Step , is , The joyning of many of the People ( who are engaged with God by Covenant to the contrary , no lesse then the Rulers ) with the Forces of the Kingdom ; after that by the Resolutions there was a prevailing party of malignants brought to the Army , who had the strength of Counsels and Actings therein , and were carrying on a malignant interest ; what ever question there may be of the associating of subjects in war with the wicked enemies of God , on the command of the Magistrate in a lawful cause , which seems to us to be condemned in the People of God , Isa. 8. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. For the Lord spake thus to me with a strong hand , and instructed me , that I should not walk in the way of this people , saying , Say ye not a Confederacy to all these to whom this People shall say , a Confederacy ; neither fear ye their fear , nor be afraid . Sanctifie the Lord of Hosts Himself , and let Him be your fear , and let him be your dread . And he shall be for a sanctuary ; but for a stone of stumbling , and for a rock of offence to both the houses of Israel , for a gin , and for a snare to the inhabitants of Ierusalem , and many among them shal stumble and fall , and be broken , and be snared , and be taken . Bind up the Testimony , seal the Law among my Disciples . And I will wait upon the Lord that hideth his face from the house of Iacob , and I will look for him . Behold , I and the children whom the Lord hath given me , are for signs , and for wonders in Israel , from the Lord of hosts which dwelleth in Mount Sion . Aswel as in the Magistrates ; the ground of the prohibition , to wit , learning of their works , and the ensnaring of the People , having a more immediate connexion with the Peoples joyning , then with the Magistrates commanding them to joyn ; yet as the thing is laid down in the Paper we think there will be no question about it , because it includes these Particulars . 1. The joyning of a People who with the consent and approbation , nay by the commandement and authority of their Magistrates had covenanted with the LORD , not to joyn with his Enemies . 2. That it was when the rule of constituting the Army was corrupt , to wit , the Publick Resolutions , which made the case desperat and left no place or remedy for purging of the Army . 3. That it was when a party of Malignants who had the sway of Counsels and Actings were brought to the Army , which being added to the former , not only made the purging of the Army in an ordinary way impossible , but also carried the stream and current of all their Resolutions and Actings into a malignant Channell ; that they were the prevailing Party , is more manifest , then that time needs to be spent in verifying thereof . 4. That they were carrying on a Malignant Interest , to wit , the establishing the King in the exercise of his Power in Scotland , and the re-investing him with the Government in England , when he had not yet abandoned his former enmity to the Work and people of God ; and the securing of Power in their own hands under him : And though none of these four had concurred ( all which we believe will be acknowledged by un-byassed men ) yet there was a sin in the Peoples joyning , because few or none of these who did joyn , did give any testimony against the Magistrats employing of the Malignant Party , but went willingly after the commandment , Hosea 5. 11. Ephraim is oppressed and broken in judgment , because he willingly obeyed and want after the commandment . It is acknowledged to have been the Peoples duty , even by these who justifie their joyning with them upon the command of the Magistrate , to have bemoaned it before the Lord , and in their stations to have testified against it before men . 9. Step. The ninth Step is , the prelimiting and corrupting of the Generall Assembly , in regard of the free and right constitution thereof . Generall Assemblies rightly constitute in their liberties and freedom , as they are one of the most precious Ordinances of JESUS CHRIST , so have they been most wholsome and profitable means in this Kirk , for the purging and preserving all the Ordinances of CHRIST in the Land ; and therefore as it hath been the care of all the faithfull servants of God in the Land , to vindicat and preserve their right constitution and due liberty and freedom ; so in the promoting of any course of defection hath Satan alwayes studied to intrench thereupon , and to corrupt the same . That the Generall Assembly was prelimited this year , is evident by the Letter written by the Commission of the Generall Assembly to the Presbyteries , with an Act sent therewith , appointing , that all these who remain unsatisfied in the Publick Resolutions , after Conference , and did continue to oppose the same , should be cited to the Generall Assembly ; Which Letter and Act had such influence on many Presbyteries , that though there were in them many able and faithfull men who were unsatisfied with the Publick Resolutions , yet very few of these were chosen to be Commissioners ; and where any such persons were elected , there was for the most part either Protestations against it , or else another election of other persons ; by which it came to pass , that almost all these were incapacitated to sit in the Assembly , and the Meeting was almost wholly made uponly of these who had been instrumentall in carrying on the former defection , or were consenting thereto , and were approving thereof . A more grosse prelimitation then this could not readily be that men intrusted by the Generall Assembly with the Publick Affairs , and to preserve the liberty thereof , should first ( contrary to their trust ) open a door for bringing in the Malignant Party , and then shut the door against the sitting of all these in the Assembly , where their proceedings were to be tryed , who did not before their comming there , approve of their opening the door to the Malignants ; which was not onely to make defection themselves , but to involve others therein , and to take away the remedy thereof . Beside this grosse prelimitation , there was also diverse other particulars of importance that fell out in the Meeting it self , in the constituent Members in the liberty & freedom of voicing , which were set down at length in the Protestation made at St. Andrews against that Meeting , and the Reasons afterwards penned for strengthening thereof , and therefore we shall not need in this place to repeat these things , but recommends the reading of them to such as desire more fully to be informed in these particulars . It were tedious to fall on the Acts of that Assembly , and Warnings issued by them . These things we now leave , as a subject requiring a more large and distinct consideration ; desiring onely this one thing to be pondered and considered . That besides their ratifying and approving the Proceedings of the former Commission ( which were in many things the great grief of all the godly in the Land ) in such ample manner , as even ( in way of expression ) is not free of some flattery and vanity ; and besides the censuring of some honest men for no other thing but only protesting against them ; and besides , the emitting of Warnings reflecting exceedingly on former pious and warrantable proceedings , they have laid a foundation for censuring all Ministers and Professors , and for keeping such out of the Ministery , who do not approve of all these proceedings , which have this last year so much vexed and grieved the godly , and so much rejoyced and made glad the Malignant Party and wicked of the Land : And if these things shall be accordingly executed and take effect , what persecution shall there be of many godly Ministers , Elders , Expectants and Professors ; and what a Ministery , and what a Church shall we have in a few years ? 10. Article . The last Head of the Lords controversie that is mentioned , is deep security and obstinacie , im enitencie and incorrigiblnesse under all these , and under all the dreadfull stroaks of God , and tokens of his indignation against us , because of the same , so that whilst he continues to smite , we are so far from humbling our selves , that we grow worse and worse , and sin more and more : that it is so with us , will not ( we suppose ) be denied by any godly man amongst us , who knowes and observes the Lands condition , and the present temper and carriage of the Inhabitants ; every man crying out almost for his affliction , but none almost mourning for his sin ; We think it may be truly said , That sin and iniquity of all kinds , and amongst all ranks of persons hath been more multiplied and encreased in Scotland since the defeat at Dumbar , then in many years before , and that this Nation was not so dull , hard hearted , and impenitent under any of the former rods wherewith the Lord did smite us these years past , as under these rods wherewith he now smites us ; and that this doth much highten our iniquity , and speak sad things to come , if not repented of , is evident from Isay. 1 5. Why should ye be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more the whole head is sick , and the whole heart is faint . Isa. 9. 13. For the People turneth not unto him that smitteth them , neither do they seek the Lord of hosts . v. 14. Therefore the Lord will cut off from Israel head and tail , root & branch in one day . v. 15. The Ancient and Honorable , he is the head ; and the Prophet that teacheth lyes , he is the tail . v. 16. For the Leaders of this People cause them to erre , and they that are led of them , are destroyed . Ier. 5. 3. O Lord , are not thine eyes upon the truth ? thou hast stricken them , but they have not grieved ; thou hast consumed them , but they have refused to receive correction : they have made their faces harder then a rock , they have refused to return . Ier. 8. 4. Moreover , thou shalt say unto them , Thus saith the Lord , Shall they fall , and not arise ? shall he turn away and not return ? v. 5. Why then is this People of Ierusalem sliden back by a perpetual back sliding ? they hold fast deceit , they refuse to return . v. 6. I hearkened and heard , but they spake not aright ; no man repented him of his wickedness , saying , What have I done ? every one turneth to his course as the horse rusheth into the battel . v. 7. Yea , the Stork in the Heaven knoweth her appointed times , and the Turtle , and the Crane , and the Swallow observe the time of their coming ; but my People know not the judgement of the Lord. Isa. 42. 23. Who among you wil give ear to this ? who wil hearken and hear for the time to come ? v. 24. Who gave Iacob for a spoil and Israel to the robbers ? did not the Lord , He , against whom we have sinned ? for they would not walk in his ways , neither were they obedient to his Law v. 25. Therfore he hath poured upon him the fury of his anger , and the strength of battel ; and it hath set him on fire round about , yet he knew not ; and it burned him yet he laid it not to heart . Lev. 26. 14. But if you wil not hearken to me , and wil not do all these Commandements ; v. 15. And if ye shal despise my Statutes , or if your soul abhor my Iudgments , so that ye will not do all my Commandements , but that ye break my Covenant : v. 16. I also wil do this unto you , I will even appoint over you terror , consumption , and the burning-ague ; that shall consume the eyes , & cause sorrow of heart ; and ye shall sow your seed in vain , for your enemies shal eat it . v. 17. And I will set my face against you , and ye shall be slain before your enemies : they that hate you shall reign over you , and ye shall flee when none pursueth you . v. 18. And if you will not yet for all this hearken unto me , then I wil punish you seven times more for your sins . v. 19. And I wil break the pride of your power ; and I will make your Heaven as Iron and your Earth as Brasse : v. 20. And your strength shall be spent in vain ; for your Land shall not yeeld her increase , neither shall the Trees of the Land yeeld their fruits . v. 21. And if ye walk contrary unto me , and will not hearken unto me , I will bring seven times more plagues upon you , according to your sins . v. 22. I will also send wilde beasts among you , which shall rob you of your children , and destroy your cattel , and make you few in number , and your high waies shall be desolate . v. 23. And if you will not be reformed by these things , but will walk contrary unto me : v. 24. Then will I also walk contrary unto you , and will punish you yet seven times for your sins . v. 25. And I will bring a sword upon you , that shall avenge the quarrel of my Covenant : and when you are gathered together within your Cities , I will send the pestilence among you ; and ye shall be delivered into the hand of the enemy . v. 26. And when I have broken the staff of your bread , ten women shall bake your bread in one oven , and they shall deliver you your bread again by weight ; and ye shall eat and not be satisfied . v. 27. And if you will not for all this hearken unto me , but walk contrary unto me : v. 28. Then I will walk contrary unto you also in fury ; and I , even I , will chastise you seven times for your sins . v. 29. And ye shall eat the flesh of your sons , and the flesh of your daughters shall ye eat . v. 30. And I will destroy your high places , and cut down your Images , and cast your carcases upon the carcases of your Idols , and my soul shall abbor you . v. 31. And I will make your Cities wast , and bring your Sanctuaries unto desolation , and I will not smell the savour of your sweet Odours . v. 32. And I will bring the Land into desolation ; and your enemies which dwell therein shall be astonished at it . v. 33. And I will scatter you among the Heathen , and will draw out a sword after you ; and your Land shall be desolate , and your Cities waste . v. 34. Then shall the Land enjoy her Sabbaths as long as it lieth desolate , and ye be in your enemies Land ; even then shall the Land rest , and enjoy her Sabbaths . v. 35. As long as it lieth desolate , it shall rest ; because it did not rest in your Sabbaths when ye dwelt upon it . v. 36. And upon them that are left alive of you , I will send a faintnesse into their hearts in the Lands of their enemies ; and the sound of a shaken leaf shall chase them ; and they shall flee , as fleeing from a sword , and they shall fall when none pursueth them . v. 37. And they shall fall one upon another as it were before a sword , when none pursueth ; and ye shall have no power to stand before your enemies . v. 38. And ye shall perish among the Heathen , and the Land of your enemies shall eat you up . v. 39. And they that are left of you , shall pine away in their iniquitie in your enemies Lands , and also in the iniquities of their fathers shall they pine away with them . FINIS . A Humble ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE SINS OF THE MINISTERY OF SCOTLAND . Printed in the year 1653. THE PREFACE . ALthough we are not ignorant , that mockers of all sorts may take occasion by this Acknowledgment of the Sins of Ministers , to strengthen themselves in their prejudices at our persons and Callings , and turn this unto our reproach , and that some may misconstrue our meaning therein , as if we did thereby intend to render the Ministery of this Church base and contemptible , which is far from our thoughts , We knowing and being perswaded in our selves , that there are many able , godly and faithful Ministers in the Land ; yet being convinced that we are called to humble our selves , and to justifie the Lord in all the contempt that he hath poured upon us : That they who shall know our sins , may not stumble at our judgments : We have thought it our duty to publish this following Discovery and Acknowledgment of the corruptions and sins of Ministers , That it may appear how deep our hand is in the Transgression , and that the Ministers of Scotland have no small accession to the drawing on of these judgments that are upon the Land. Only in this following Acknowledgment we desire it may be considered , That there are here enumerated some sins , whereof there be but some few Ministers guilty , and others whereof m●● are guilty , and not a few , which are the sins of these whom the Lord hath keeped from the more grosse corruptions herein mentioned ; And that it is not to be wondered at , if the Ministery of Scotland be yet in a great measure unpurged , Considering that there was so wide a door opened for the entering of corrupt persons into the Ministery , for the space of above thirty years under the tyranny of Prelat● , and that also there hath been so many diversions from , and interruptions of endeavours to have a purged Ministery in this Land. THE SINS OF THE MINISTERY . First , such as are before their entry to the Ministery . 1. LIghteness and prophanity in conversation , unsuitable to that holy Calling which they did intend , not throughly repented of . 2. Corrupt education of some in the Prelaticall and Arminian way , whereby their corruptions and errors were drunken in , and abilities improven , for strengthening and promoving the same , not repented of . 3. Not studying to be in CHRIST , before they be in the Ministery ; nor to have the practicall knowledge and experience of the Mystery of the Gospel in themselves , before they preach it to others . 4. Neglecting to sit themselves for the Work of the Ministerie in not improving prayer and fellowship with God , education at Schools and opportunities of a lively Ministery , and other means , and not mourning for these neglects . 5. Not studying self-denyall , nor resolving to take up the Crosse of CHRIST . 6. Negligence to entertain sight and sense of sin and misery , not wrestling against corruption , nor studying of mortification and subduednesse of spirit . Secondly , in entering . 1. CArnall , corrupt and crooked wayes for entering to the Ministery , such as bribing in the time of Prelacie , soliciation of friends and the like ; whereby many have not entered by the door , but did climb up another way . 2. Entering to the Ministery by an implicite , execrable , Canonicall Oath and subscription given to the Prelats for acknowledging them , and advancing their corruptions introduced and to be introduced . 3. Entering to the Ministery without tryals , and receiving ordination either from the Prelat , or by a recommendation from him to the Presbyterie , and sometimes without or against the minde of the Presbyterie . 4. Entering either only by Presentations , or by purchased Supplications from the plurality of the Parochiners , without or against the consent of the godly in the Parioch . 5. Entering to the Ministery without respect to a Commission from Jesus Christ , by which it hath come to passe , that many have run unsent . 6. Entering to the Ministery not from the love of Christ , nor from a desire to honour God in gaining of souls , but for by-ends , for a name , and for livelyhood in the World , notwithstanding solemne declaration to the contrary at admission . 7. Some offering themselves to tryall without abilities , and studying to conceal and hide their weaknesse , by making use of the help and pains of some friend and acquaintance , or other mens Papers , in severall parts of the tryall ; and some authorized to preach , and others admitted to the Ministery , who have little or no ability for performing the duties thereof . 8. Too much weighed with inclination to be called to the Ministery in a place where we have carnall relation . Thirdly , After entering , which is first in their private condition and conversation . 1. IGnorance of God , want of nearnesse with him , and taking up little of God in reading , meditating , and speaking of him . 2. Exceeding great selfishnesse in all that we do , acting from our selves , for our selves . 3. Not caring how unfaithfull and negligent others were , so being it might contribute a testimony to our faithfulnesse and diligence : but being rather content , if not rejoycing at their fault . 4. Least delight in these things wherein lyeth our nearest communion with God , great inconstancie in our walk with God , and neglect of acknowledging of him in all our wayes . 5. In going about duties , least carefull of these which are most remote from the eyes of men . 6. Seldome in secret prayer with God , except to sit for Publick performances , and even that much neglected , or gone about very superficially . 7. Glad to find excuses for the neglect of duties . 8. Neglecting the reading of Scriptures in secret , for edifying our selves as Christians , only reading them in so far as may sit us for our duty as Ministers , and oft-times neglecting that . 9. Not given to reflect upon our own wayes , nor suffering conviction to have a through work upon us , deceiving our selves by resting upon abstinence from , and abhorrencie of evils , from the light of a naturall conscience , and looking upon the same as an evidence of a reall change . 10. Evill guarding of , and watching over the heart , and carelesnesse in self-searching , which makes much unacquaintednesse with our selves , and estrangednesse from God. 11. Not guarding nor wrestling against seen and known ills , especially our predominants . 12. A facilite to be drawn away with the temptations of the time , and other particular temptations , according to our inclinations and fellowship . 13. Instability and wavering in the wayes of God through the fears of persecution , hazard , or loss of esteem , and declining duties , because of the fear of jealousies and reproaches . 14. Not esteeming the Crosse of Christ and sufferings for his Name honourable , but rather shifting sufferings from self-love . 15. Deadnesse of spirit after all the sore stroaks of God upon the Land. 16. Little conscience made of secret humiliation and fasting by our selves apart , and in our Families ; that we might mourn for our own and the Lands guiltinesse and great back-slidings , and little applying the Causes of publick humiliation to our own hearts . 17. Finding of our own pleasures , when the Lord cals for humiliation . 18. Not laying to heart the sad and heavy sufferings of the people of God abroad , and the not thriving of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the power of godliness among them . 19. Refined hypocrisie , desiring to appear what indeed we are not . 20. Studying more to learn the language of Gods people nor their exercise . 21. Artificiall confessing of sin without repentance , professing to declare iniquity , and not resolving to be sory for sin . 22. Confession in secret much slighted , even of these things whereof we are convinced . 23. No Reformation after solemn acknowledgments and private Vows , thinking our selves exonered after Confession . 24. Readier to search out and censure faults in others , then to see or take with them in our selves . 25. Accounting of our estate and way according to the estimation that others have of us . 26. Estimation of men as they agree with or disagree from us . 27. Not fearing to meet with tryals , but presuming in our own strength to go through them unshaken . 28. Not learning to fear by the falls of gracious men , nor mourning and Praying for them . 29. Not observing particular deliverances and rods , nor improving of them for the honor of God , and edification of our selves and others . 30. Little or no mourning for the corruption of our nature , and less groaning under , and longing to be delivered from that body of death , the bitter root of all our other evils . Secondly , in our Conversation and Walk with and before these of our Flocks and others . 1. FRuitless conversing ordinarily with others for the worse rather then for the better . 2. Foolish jesting away time with impertinent and useles discourse , very unseeming the Ministers of the Gospel . 3. Spirituall purposes often dying in our hands , when they are begun by others . 4. Carnal familiarity with naturall wicked and Malignant men ; whereby they are hardened , the People of God stumbled , and we our selves blunted . 5. Slighting fellowship with these by whom we might profit . 6. Desiring more to converse with these that might better us by their parts , then such as might edifie us by their graces . 7. Not studying opportunities of doing good to others . 8. Shifting of prayer and other duties when called thereto , choosing rather to omit the same , then we should be put to them our selves . 9. Abusing of time in frequent recreation and pastimes , and loving our pleasures more then God. 10. Taking little or no time to Christian Discourse with young men trained up for the Ministery . 11. Common and ordinary discourse on the Lords Day . 12. Slighting Christian Admonition from any of our Flocks , or others as being below us , and ashamed to take light and warning from private Christians . 13. Dislike of , or bitternesse against such as deal freely with us by admonition or reproof , and not dealing faithfully with others who would welcome it off our hands . 14. Not making conscience to take pains on the ignorant and prophane for their good . 15. Our not mourning for the ignorance , unbelief , and miscarriages of the Flocks committed unto us . 16. Impatient bearing of the infirmities of others , rashly breaking out against their persons , more then studying to gain them from their sins . 17. Not using freedom with these of our charge , and for most part spending our time with them in common discourses , not tending to Edification . 18. Neglecting Admonition to friends and others in an evil course . 19. Reservednesse in laying out our condition to others . 20. Not praying for men of a contrary judgment , but using reservednesse and distance from them , being more ready to speak of them then to them , or to God for them . 21. Not weighed with the fallings and miscarriages of others , but rather taking advantage thereof for justifying our selves . 22. Talking of , and sporting at the faults of others , rather then compassionating of them . 23. No pains taken in religious ordering of our families , nor studying to be Paterns to other Families in the governement of ours . 24. Hasty anger and passion in our Families and conversation with others . 25. Covetousnesse , worldly mindednesse , and an inordinate desire after the things of this life , upon which followeth a neglect of the Duties of our Calling , and our being taken up for the most part with the things of the World. 26. Want of Hospitality and Charity to the Members of Christ. 27. Not cherishing Godlinesse in the People , and some being afraid of it , and hating the people of God for Piety , and studying to bear down and quench the work of the spirit amongst them . Thirdly in the discharge of Ministerial Duties . Which is first in regard of labouring in the Word and Doctrine . 1. NOt entertaining that edge of spirit in Ministeriall Duties , which we found at the first entry to the Ministery . 2. Great neglect of reading and other preparation , or preparation meerly Literal and bookish , making an idoll of a book , which hindereth Communion with God , or presuming on bygone assistance , and praying little . 3. Trusting to gifts , parts and pains taken for preparation , whereby God is provoked , to blaste good matter well ordered and worded . 4. Carelesse in imploying CHRIST , and drawing vertue out of him for inabling us to preach in the Spirit and in power . 5. In prayer for assistance , we pray more for assistence to the Messenger then to the Message which we carry , not caring what become of the Word , if we be with some measure of assistance carried on in the Duty . 6. The matter we bring forth is not seriously recommended to God by Prayer to be quickened to his People . 7. Neglect of Prayer after the Word is Preached , that it may receive the first and latter rain ; and that the Lord would put in the hearts of his People what we speak to them in his Name . 8. Neglect to warn in Preaching of snares and sin in Publick affairs by some , and too much frequent and unnecessary speaking by thers of Publick businesse and Transactions . 9. Exceeding great neglect and unskilfulnesse to set forth the excellencies and usefulness of Jesus Christ , and the New Covenant which ought to be the great subject of a Ministers Study and Preaching . 10. Speaking of CHRIST more by hear-say then from knowkedge and experience , or any reall impression of him upon the heart . 11. The way of most Ministers Preaching too Legall . 12. Want of sobriety in Preaching the Gospel , not ●avouring any thing but what is new , so that the Substantials of Religion bear but little bulk . 13. Not Preaching Christ in the simplicity of the Gospel , nor our selves the Peoples servants for Christ sake . 14. Preaching of Christ not that the People may know Him , but that they may think we know much of him . 15. Preaching anent Christs leaving the Land without brokennesse of heart , or up stirring of our selves to take hold of him . 16. Not Preaching with bowels of compassion to them who are in hazard to perish . 17. Preaching against Publick sins , neither in such a way nor for such an end as we ought for the gaining of souls , and drawing men out of their sins , but rather because it is of our concernment to say something of these evils . 18. Bitternesse in stead of zeal , in speaking against Malignants , Sectaries , and other scandalous persons , and unfaithfulnesse therein . 19. Not studying to know the particular condition of the souls of the people , that we may speak to them accordingly , nor keeping a particular record thereof , though convinced of the usefulnesse of this . 20. Not wealing what may be most profitable and Edifying , and want of wisedome in application to the severall conditions of souls , not so carefull to bring home the point by application as to finde out the Doctrine , nor speaking the same with that reverence which becomes his Word and Message . 21. Choosing texts whereon we have something to say rather then suting to the condition of souls and times , and frequent preaching of the same things that we may not be put to the pains of new studie . 22. Such a way of Reading , Preaching and Prayer as puts us in these Duties further from GOD. 23. Too soon satisfied in the discharge of Duties , and holding off challenges with excuses . 24. Indulging the bodie , and wasting much time idlely . 25. Too much eying our own credite and applause , and being taken with it , when we get it , and unsatisfied when it is wanting . 26. Timorousnesse in delivering Gods Message , letting people dye in reigning sins without warning . 27. Voguinesse and pride of heart because the Lord fulfilled our word in the year 1648. 28. Rash speaking in the Name of the Lord in reference to the successe of our Armies of late . 29. Studying the discharge of Duties , rather to free our selves from censure , then to approve our selves to God. 30. Shifting to preach in places where we were for the time for fear of displeasing , in this time of Publick backsliding and triall . 31. Not making all the Counsell of God known to his People , and particularly not giving testimony in times of defection . 32. Not studying to profite by our own doctrine , nor the doctrine of others . 33. For most part preaching , as we our selves were not concerned in the Message we carry to the People . 34. Not rejoycing at the conversion of sinners , but content with the unthriving of the Lords Work amongst his people as su●eing best with our minds , fearing if they sholuld thrive better , we should be more put to it , and less esteemed of by them . 35. Many in Preaching and practice , bearing down the power of godliness . 36. Unfaithfull discharge of Ministeriall Duties in attending the Armies . 37. We Preach not as before God , but as to men , as doth appear by the different pains in our preparation to speak to our ordinary heares , and to others to whom we would approve our selves . 38. Not making the Ministery a work in earnest as a thing to be accounted for in every duty , which makes much laziness and unfruitfulness , doing duties ex officio , not ex conscientia offici● , rather to discharge our Calling nor our conscience . Secondly , In the Administration of Sacraments . 1. In Baptisme . LIttle minding in our selves , or stirring up of others to minde the obligation that lyes on us and them , by the Covenant made with God in Baptisme . 2. Not instructing Parents in their duty , not charging them with their promise given at the Baptizing of their Children , nor trying what pains they have taken to perform the same . 3. Being very superficiall and formall in the administration of this Ordinance . Thirdly , In the Administration of the Lords Supper . ADmitting of mixt multitudes to the Lords Table , not separating betwixt the pretious and the vile . 2. Unequall dealing with poor and rich , in admitting to , or suspending and debarring from the Lords Table . 3. Great neglect to prepare for that action , preparing for it more as Ministers , then as Christians . 4. Carnall and unworthy carriage of Ministers at the Communion , being more desirous to have that action by our hands , with credit to our selves , then with profit to the people . 5. Thinking when that action is by-hand , that we have a vacancie from other Ministeriall duties for a time . 6. Little wrestling with God to have the People prepared for it , or the guilt of prophaning of it by our selves and others taken away . Fourthly , in Visiting . NEgligent , lazie and partiall visiting the sick ; if they be poor , we go once , and only when sent for ; If they be rich and of better note , we go oftner , and unsent for . 2. Not knowing how to speak with the tongue of the Learned a word in season to the weary and exercised in conscience , nor to such as are under the losse of husband , wife , children , friends or goods , for the improving of these tryals to their spiritiall advantage , nor to dying persons . 3. In visiting , wearying , or shunning to go to such as we esteem gracelesse . 4. Not visiting the People from house to house , nor praying with them at fit opportunities . 4. In Catechising . 1. LAzie and negligent in Catechising . 2. Not preparing our hearts before , nor wrestling with God for a blessing to it , because of the ordinariness , and apprehended easiness of it ; whereby the Lords Name is much taken in vain , and the People little profited . 3. Looking on that Exercise as a work below us , and not condescending to study a right and profitabl way of instructing the Lords People . 4. Partial in Catechising , passing by these that are rich and of better quality , though many of such stand ordinarly in great need of instruction . 5. Not waiting upon and following the ignorant , but passionatly upbraiding of them often . 5. In Ruling and Discipline . 1. NOt making use of this Ordinance of Church-Censures for gaining of souls , but turning it in a meer Civil punishement ; and in the administration thereof becoming either coldrife , or without a spirit of meekness , and using a way either merely rational by wordly wisdom , or meerly authoritative , more then by motives drawn from the love of Christ ; and by our carriage in Judicatories putting a humane shape upon the Ordinances of Jesus Christ , carrying our selves in too stately a way , like the men of this world . 2. Partiality in administration of Censures with respect of persons , not using the like faithfull freedom towards high and low , sib and fr●md . 3. Rash taking on us to open and shut Christs door . 4. By our practice , teaching ( as it were ) formality in Repentance to offenders , hardening them in their sins , by accepting bare forms without any evidence of Repentance , and loosing when we were perswaded Christ did not loose : and of late turning profession of Repentance into a State engine for men to step unto preferment and publick employments . 5. Following scandalous persons with the highest Censures of the Kirk , with little or no care to hold them up to God. 6. Want of compassion to these on whom Discipline is exercised , not laboring to convince them of sin , but imperiously and with passion instead of zeal threatning them , thinking it sufficient if we be obeyed , though they be not gained to Christ. 7. Superficial , sinful , and slight censuring one another , at times appointed for that end in Presbyteries and Synods , and neglect of faithful freedom and love in performing that duty . 8. Admitting of men to the Ministry who were not qualified with Grace aswel as Gifts , not withstanding the Word of God and Constitutions of this Kirk do require the one , aswel as the other ; which hath been the fountain of many evils . 9. Great unfaithfulness in bringing in , and holding in , unworthy persons in the Ministry , and keeping Censures off unfaithful men . 10. Unfaithfulness in giving Testimonials and Recommendations , and receiving persons upon Testimonials meerly negative , especially Expectants and Students of Divinity . 11. Constituting Elderships of such men as are known to be ignorant prophane and disaffected to the Work of God , and being careless to have them consisting of the most able and godly men within the Congregation , a great cause of much ignorance , prophane and scandalous carriage among the People . 12. Neglecting to remove from the Elderships such as are ignorant and scandalous . 13. Neglecting to hold out the necessary qualifications and duties of Ruling Elders , and to stir them up to their duty . 14. Not carrying our selves in Judicatories and other wayes toward Ruling Elders as towards Brethren , and joynt Overseers in the work of the Lord. 15. Not making conscience of keeping Kirk Judicatories , but wearying of the expences and attendance , whereby diverse things hath been hastert and miscaried therein : willing deserting of them , and shunning to give testimony in them , for fear of inconveniences . 16. Not stouping to a gaining way in Debates , nor making application to God for knowledge of his mind in things debated , before they pass in a conclusion . 17. Wearying to hear men fully who represent their doubts , and to weigh all the Arguments that can be represented for the negative , before the affirmative be concluded . 18. Too great animosities in Judicatories , even about matters of small weight . 19. Pride , impatience and peremptoriness of spirit , not staying on others clearness in our debates and conclusions , through which it comes to pass that we judge rashly of precious men ; and alienatition of affections steals in and is entertained . 20. Hasty concluding of Acts & pressing obedience thereto without convincing grounds holden forth from Scripture for satisfying the consciences of the Lords People . 21. Silence in Assemblies when unsatisfied , being carried by the authority of men , and too much following other mens light and suppressing their own . 22. Making Votes subservient to the humors of men and humane interests . 23. Some altogether neglecting wholsome Acts and Constitutions of Assemblies , and others , receiving their Acts too implicity . 24. Too bitter expressions against Adversaries in Publick Papers and Sermons , for eshewing reproaches , whereof there is no fruit but irritation . 25. Abusing transportations by making them too frequent , and almost the ordinary way of Planting places of any eminency ; sometimes enacting them when there is no pressing necessity , and without tender endeavouring the satisfaction of the People interested and without care of providing them thereafter . In relation to the Publick . 1. NOt studying the controversies of the time , that we might be enabled to hold forth light , and convince gain sayers of the truth . 2. Not fearing to meddle in matters too high for us , and desiring to be taken notice of , more then to be stedable in the Publick . 3. Following of Publick bussiness , with too much neglect of our Flocks . 4. Following of Publick bussiness with much pride and passion , and loftiness of spirit upon carnel principles and desire to be esteemed of , rather then true zeal to Jesus Christ and his matters , and with little or no prayer . 5. Superficial admitting of all to the Covenants , and solemn Acknowledgment , without taking sufficient pains to instruct and inform them in the knowledge of the things contained therein . 6. Being too instrumental for bringing disaffect persons to trust . 7. Unequal zeal against enemies , cooling in our zeal against one enemy as it is increast against another . 8. Much repining at the judgments of God upon the Land from carnal respects , and transferring the causes of the wrath off our selves upon others . 9. Too easie satisfied in such things as might tend to the prejudice of Christs int●aest , weighing the consequences of great Revolutions more by respect to our selves , then to his honor . 10. Agreeing to receive the King to the Covenant bracly upon writing , without any apparent evidences of a real change of Principles . 11. Not using freedom in shewing what we were convinced , was sinful in reference to the late Treaty with the King , but going on therein when we were nor satisfied in our consciences for fear of reproach and of being mistaken . 12. Silence in Publick , and not giving Testimony after a discovery of the Kings Commission given to Iames Graham ; for invading the Kingdom . 13. Pressing the King to make a Declaration to the world , whilest we knew by clear evidences that he had no real conviction of the things contained therein . 14. Too much desiring to lurk upon by ends , when called to give a Testimony . 15. Not bearing Testimony against Publick Defections in a right and spiritual way . 16. Unfaithfulness in bearing burden with them , whom the Lord raised up to be his witnesses against the publick backslidings , omitting to bear Testimony our selves upon carnal respects and lukewarmness in adhering to publick Testimonies formerly given . A Postscript . Which could not be gotten printed . THe foregoing causes of Gods wrath being on severall dayes of solemne Humiliation laid out & confessed before the Lord , we thought fit to subjoine here some other causes of our late Humiliation ; as 1. The late declining of the Land by consenting & engaging unto the publick actings of the present Powers , so contrary to the Covenants , & so much prejudicial to Religion & liberties . 2. The defection of diverse , who are accounted religious , from their former principles , unto Separation , & other Errours of the time . 3. The Usurpation & Carriage of the present pretended Assembly . 4. The English their great Encroachments upon the Liberties of this Church . 5. That the promised Conversion of His Ancient people of the Jewes may be hastened . 6. That the Lord may make our present resolutions for reforming our selves , our Elderships & people effectual , and may bless our Endeavours to this purpose . FINIS . 
A01760	----	A dispute against the English-popish ceremonies, obtruded vpon the Church of Scotland Wherein not only our ovvne argumemts [sic] against the same are strongly confirmed, but likewise the ansvveres and defences of our opposites, such as Hooker, Mortoune ... Forbesse, &c. particularly confuted. Gillespie, George, 1613-1648. 1637 Approx. 1156 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 187 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01760 STC 11896 ESTC S103123 99838880 99838880 3270 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01760) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3270) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1237:10) A dispute against the English-popish ceremonies, obtruded vpon the Church of Scotland Wherein not only our ovvne argumemts [sic] against the same are strongly confirmed, but likewise the ansvveres and defences of our opposites, such as Hooker, Mortoune ... Forbesse, &c. particularly confuted. Gillespie, George, 1613-1648. [22], 36, 54, 202, [2], 47, [1] p. Printed [by W. Christiaens], [Leiden] : in the yeare of our Lord 1637. By George Gillespie. Place of publication and printer's name from STC. Each part has separate pagination. Quires 3K-3N, 3P, and 3R may be by a different printer or compositor. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISPVTE AGAINST THE ENGLISH-POPISH CEREMONIES , O●●RVDED VPON THE CHVRCH OF SCOTLAND . WHEREIN Not only our owne ●…RG●…MEMTS against the same are strongly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 likewise the ANSVVERES and DEFENC●● of our Opposites , SVCH AS HOOKER , MORTOVNE , BVRGES , SPRINT , PAYBODY , ANDREWES , SARAVIA , TILEN , SPOTSWOOD , LINDSEY , FORBESSE , &c. particularly confuted . JEREM. Chap. 9. vers . 12. 13. 14. VERS . 12. Who is the wise man that hee may understand this , and who is hee to whom the mouth of the LORD hath spoken , that hee may declare it , for what the Land perisheth . 13. And the LORD saith ; Because they have forsaken my Law , which I set before them , and have not obeyed my voyce , neither walked therein . 14. But have walked after the Imagination of their owne heart , and after Idolls . Printed in the yeare of our Lord 1637. TO ALL AND EVERY ONE IN THE REFORMED CHVRCHES OF SCOTLAND , ENGLAND , AND IRELAND , vvho love the LORD IESVS , and meane to adhere unto the Reformation of Religion : Grace , Mercy , and Peace , from GOD our Father , and from the Lord. IESVS CHRIST . AS Sathans malice , and mans wickednesse , cease not to molest the thrice happy estate of the Church of CHRIST , so hath the eternall councell of the only wise GOD , predetermined the comming of Offences , Persecutions , Heresies , Schismes , and Divisions , that Professors may be proved before a they be as approved , & made manifest . And hence , b it must needs be that offences come : neither hath the Church ever enjoyed both purity and peace any long time togither . But whiles the Church of God thus disquieted , as well with dangerous alterations , as with dolefull altercations , is presented in the Theatre of this World , and crieth out to beholders , c Have yee no regard , all yee that passe by ? A pitty it is to see the crooked and sinistrous courses of the greattest part , every man moving his period within the enormous confines of his owne exorbitant desires . The Atheisticall Nullifidian , nothing regardeth the assoyling of Ecclesiasticall controversies : he is of d Gallio's humour , and cares for none of those things . The sensuall Epicurean and riotous Russian , ( goe Church matters as they will ) eates and drinkes , and takes him pleasure . The Cynicall Critick spe●…eth out bitter aspersions , gybeth , and justleth at every thing that can be said or done in the cause of Religion . The Scenicall Iester playeth fast and loose , and can utter anything in sport , but nothing in earnest . The a varitious worldling hath no tune but Give , Give , and no antheme pleaseth him but Have , Have . The aspyring Diotrephes puffeth downe every course which can not puffe up . The lofly Favourite taketh the patterne of his religion from the Court ●…chnographie , and if the Court swimme , he cares not though the Church sinke . The subdolous Machiavellian accounteth the shew of religion profitable , but the substance of it troublesome : he studieth not the Oracles of God , but the Principles of Satanicall guile , which he learneth so well , that he may goe to the Divell to be Bishopped . The turne-coa●… Temporizer wagges with every winde , and ( like Diogenes turning about the mouth of his voluble hoggeshead , after the course of the sunne , ) wheresoever the bright beames of corruscant Authority doe shine and cherish , thither followeth and flitteth he . The gnathonick Parasite sweareth to all that this benefactor holdeth . The mercenary Pensioner will bowe before he breake . He , who only studieth to have the praise of some witty invention can not stricke upon another anwile . The silly Idiote , ( with e Absolons two hundreth ) goeth in the simplicity of his heart , after his perverse leaders . The lapped Nicodemite , holdes it enough to yeeld some secret assent to the trueth , though neither his profession nor his practise testify so much . He , whose minde is possessed with praejudicate opinions against the truth , when convincing light is holden forth to him , looketh asquint , and therefore goeth aw●…y . The Pragmaticall A diaphorist with his spanne-broad faith , and elve-broad conscience , doth no small harme : the poore pandect of his plagiary profession , in matters of faith , reckoneth litle for all , and in matters of practise all for litle . Shortly , if an expurgatory Index were compiled of those , and all other sortes of men , who either through their carelesse and newtrall on looking , make no help to the troubled and disquieted Church of Christ , or through their nocent accession , and overthwart intermedling , worke out her greater harme ! alas . How few feeling members were there to be found behind , who truly lay to heart her estate and condition ? Neverthelesse in the worst times , either of raging persecution , or prevailing defection , as God Almighty hath ever hitherto , so both now and to the end he will reserve to himself a remnant according to the election of Grace , who cleave to his blessed Trueth , & to the purity of his holy worship , and are grieved for the affliction of Ioseph , as beeing themselves also in the body . In confidence whereof , I take Boldnesse to stirre you up at this time , by putting you in remembrance . If you would be rightly informed of the present estate of the reformed Churches , you must not acquiesce , in the parge ting verdict of those who are wealthy and well at ease , and mounted aloft upon the uncogged wheeles of prosperous fortune ( as they call it . ) Those whom the love of the world hath not inhaunced to the serving of the time , can give you the soundest Iudgment . It is f noted of Dionysius Halicarnasseus ( who was never advanced to magistracie in the Romane Republike , ) that he hath written farre more truly of the Romans , then Fabius , Salustius , or Cato , who flourished among them with riches and honours . After that it pleased God , by the light of his glorious Gospell to dispell the more then Cimmerian darknesse of Antichristianisme , and by the antidote of Reformation , to avoide the poyson of Poperie ; for as much as in England and Ireland , every noysome weed which Gods hand had never planted , was not pulled up , therefore we now see the faces of those Churches overgrowne with the repullulating twigges and sprigges of Popish superstition . g Mr. Sprint aknowledgeth the Reformation of England to have beene defective , and saith , It is easie to imagine of what difficulty it was , to reforme all things at the first , where the most part of the privy Councell , of the Nobility , Bishops , Iudges , Gentry , and People , were open or close Papists : where few or none of any countenance stood for Religion at the first , but the Protector and Cranmer . The Church of Scotland was blessed with a more glorious and perfect Reformation , then any of our nighbour Churches . The Doctrine , Discipline , Regiment , and Policie established here by Ecclesiasticall and Civill Lawes , and sworne and subscribed unto by the Kings Majesty , the severall Presbetries , and Parish Churches of the Land ; as it had the applause of forraine Divines , so was it in all points agreeable unto the Word ; neither could the most rigid Aristarchus of these times , challenge any irregularity in the same . But now alas , even this Church , which was once so great a praise in the earth , is deeply corrupted , and hath h turned aside quickely out of the way . So that this is the Lords controversie against Scotland : i I had planted thee a noble vine , wholly a right seed : How then art thou turned into the degenerat plant of a strange vine unto mee ? It is not this day feared but felt , that the rotten dregges of Poperie , which were never purged away from England and Ireland , and having once beene spewed out with detestation , are licked up againe in Scotland ; prove to be the unhappy occasions of a woefull recidivation . Neither is there need of Lyncean eyes , for if we be not pore-blind , it can not be hid from us , what dolefull and disasterous mutation ( to be bewailed with teares of blood ) hath happened to the Church and Spouse of Christ in these Dominions ? Her comely countenance is miscoloured with the farding lustre of the mother of Harlotes . Her shamefaste forehead hath received the marke of the Beast . Her lovely-lockes are frizled with the crisping pins of Antichristian fashions . Her chaste Eares are made to listen to the friends of the great Whoore , who bring the bewitching Doctrine of enchaunting Traditions . Her doves Eyes looke pleasantly upon the well attired Harlot . Her sweet Voice is mumming and muttering some missall and magicall Liturgies . Her faire Necke beareth the halter-like tokens of her former captivity , even a burden some chaine of superfluous and superstitious Ceremonies . Her undefiled Garments are stained with the meretricious braverie of Babylonish ornaments , and with the symbolizing badges of conformity with Rome . Her harmelesse Hands reach bricke and mortare to the building of Babel . Her beautifull Feet with shooes , are all besmeared , whiles they returne apace in the way of Egypt , and wade the ingruent brookes of Popery . Oh transformed Virgine ! whether is thy beauty gon from thee ? Oh forlorne Princes Daughter ! how art thou not ashamed to looke thy Lord in the face ? Oh thou best beloved among Women what hast thou to doe with the inveagling appurtenances and abilement of Babylon the Whoore ? — But among such things as have beene the accursed meanes of the Churches desolation , those which peradventure might seeme to some of you to have least harme or evill in them , are the Ceremonies of kneeling in the act of receiving the Lords Supper , Crosse in Baptisme , Bishopping , Holy-dayes , &c. which are pressed under the name of things indifferent . Yet if you survey the sundry inconveniences and grievous consequences of the same , you will thinke farre otherwise . The vame shewes and shaddowes of these Ceremonies have ●…id and obscured the substance of Religion . The true life of godlinesse is smoared downe and suppressed by the burthen of these human inventions . For their sakes , many , who are both faithfull Servants to Christ , and loyall Subjects to the King , are evill spoken of , mocked , reproached , menaced , molested . For their sakes , Christian brethren are offended , and the weake are greatly scandalized . For their sakes , the most powerfull & painfull Ministers in the Land , are either thrust out , or threatned to be thrust out from their callings . For their sakes , the best qualified and most hopefull Exspectants are debarred from entering into the Ministery . For their sakes , the Seminaries of Learning are so corrupted , that few or no good plants ▪ can come forth from thence . For their sakes , many are admitted into the sacred Ministery , who are either Pop shand Arminianized , who minister to the flocke poyson in stead of food ; or silly ignorants , who can dispense no whollesome food to the hungry ; or else vitious in their lives , who draw many with them into the dangerous p●…ecipies of Soule-perd●…ion ; or lastly , ●…o ●…rthly minded , that they savour only the things of this earth , not the things of the Spirit of God , who feed them selves , but not the flock , & to whom the great Sheepheard of the Sheepe will say . k The deseased have ye not strengthened , neither have ye healed that which was sicke , neither have ye bound up that which was broken , neither have ye brought againe that which was driven away , neither have ye sought that which was lost . Simple ones , who have some taste and relish of Popish superstition , ( for many such there be in the Land ) doe sucke from the intoxicate dugs of Conformity , the foster-milke which makes them grow in Error . And who can be ignorant , what a large spread , Poperie , Arminianisme , and reconciliation with Rome , have taken among the Arch-urgers of the Ceremonies ? What marvell , that Papists clap their hands ? for they see the day comming which they wish for . W●…e to thee O Land , which beares professed Papists and avouched A heists , but can not beare them who desire to l abstaine from all appearance of evill : For m ●…ruth and equity are fallen in thee , and he that departeth from evill maketh himself a prey . These are the best wares which the bigge hulke of Conformity , favoured with the prosperous gale of mighty Auctority , hath imported amongst us . And whiles our Opposites so quiverly goe about to spread the bad wares of these encombring inconveniences , is it time for us luskishiy to ●…it still , and to be silent ? n Woe unto us , for the day goeth away , for the shaddowes of the evening are stretched out . Moreover , besides the prevailing inconveniency of the controverted Ceremonies , the unlawfulnesse of them is also plainly evinced in this ensuing Dispute , by such convincing Arguments , as beeing duely pondered in the equall ballance of an attentive mind , shall by Gods grace afforde satisfaction to so many as purpose to buy the Trueth , and not to sell it . Wherefore referring to the Dispute the points themselves which are questioned , I am in this place to beseech you all by the mercies of God , that remembring the word of the Lord ; o Them that honour me I will honour , and they that 〈◊〉 me shall be lightly esteemed : remembring also the p curse and condemnation of Meroz , which came not to help the Lord against the mighty : q of the nobles of Tekoa , who put not their necks to the worke o●… the Lord : and shortly , of all such as r have no courage for the Truteh , but s seeke their owne things , not the things which are Iesus Christs : and finally , taking to heart how the Lord Iesus , when he commeth in the Glory of his Father with his holy Angels , t will be ashamed of every one who hath beene ashamed of him and his words , in the midst of a sinfull and crooked generation ; you would with a holy zeale & invincible courage , against all contrary error , superstition , and abuse whatsoever , set your selves both to speake and doe , and likewise ( having a calling ) to suffer for the True●…h of Christ , and for the purity of his worship , w beeing in nothing terrified by your Adversaries . Which that ye may the better perform , I commend to your thoughts these wholesome Admonirions which follow . I. When you see so much diversity both of opinion and practise in things pertaining to Religion , the rather you ought to give all diligence , x for trying the things which are different . If you Iudge us before you heare us , then y doe you contrary to the very Law of Nature and Nations . Neither will it help you at your reckoning , to say , we believed our spirituall Guides , our Prelates and Preachers whom God had set over us . Nay : What if your Guides be blind ? Then they doe not only fall in the ditch themselves , but z you with them . a Our Master would not have the Iewes to rest upon the Testimony of Iohn Baptist himselfe , but would have them to search the Scriptures : by which touch-stone b the Bereans tryed the Apostles owne Doctrine , and are commended for so doing . But as we wish you not to condemne our cause , without examining the same by the Word , so neither doe we desire you blindly to follow us in adhereing unto it . For what if your seeing Guides be taken from you ? How then shall you see to keep out of the ditch ? We would neither have you to fight for us , nor against us , like the blind swordeplayers Andabatae , a people who were said to fight with their eyes closed . c Consider therefore what we say , and the Lord give you understanding in all things . II. Since the God of Heaven is the greatest King , who is to rule and raigne over you by his Word , which he hath published to the world , and tunc vere , &c. Then is God truly said to raigne in us when no wordly thing is harboured and haunted in our soules , saith d Theophylactus : since al●…o e the wisedome of the flesh is enimi●…y against God , f who hath made foolish the wisedome of this world : Therefore never shall you rightly deprehend the truth of God , not submit your selves to be guided by the same , unlesse laying aside all the high soaring fancies and presumptuous conceits of naturall and worldly wisdome , you come in a unfained humility and babe-like simplicity , to be edifyed by the Word of righteousnesse . And farre lesse shall you ever take up your crosse and follow Christ , ( as you are required , ) g except first of all you labour & learne to deni●… your selves , that is , to make no reckoning what come of your selves and of all that you have in the world , so that God have glory , and your selves a good conscience , in your doings or sufferings . III. If you would not be drawen away after the error of the wicked , neither fall from your owne stedfastnesse , h the Apostle Peter teacheth you , that ye must grow both in Grace and in Knowledge . For if either your minds be darkened through want of Knowledge , or your affections frozen through want of the love of God , then are you naked and not guarded against the tentations of the time . Wherefore , as the perverters of the Truth and simplicity of Religion , doe dayly multiply errors , so must you ( shunning those shelfes and quicke-sands of deceiving errors , which witty , make-bates designe for you , ) labour dayly for increase of Knowledge . And as they to their errors in opinion doe adde the overplus of a licentious practise and lewd conversation , so must you ( having so much the more adoe to flee from their impietie ) labour still for a greater measure of the lively worke of sanctifying Grace . In which respects i Augustine saith well , that the Adversaries of the Trueth doe this good to the true members of the Church , that the fall of those makes these to take better hold upon God. IV. Be not deceived , to thinke that they who so eagerly presse this course of Conformity , have any such end as Gods glory , or the good of his Church and profit of Religion . When a violent urger of the Ceremonies pretendeth religious respects for his proceedings , It may be well answered in k Hilaries words ; Subrepis nomine blandienti , occidis specie religionis : thou privily creeps in with an entising title , thou kills with the pretense of religion . For , 1. It is most evidently true of these Ceremonies , which l our Divines say of the gestures and Rites used in the Masse : They are all frivolous and hypocritical , stealing away true dovotion from the heart , and making men to rest in the outward gestures of the body . There is more sound religion among them who refuse , then among them who receive the same , even our enemies themselves beeing Iudges . The reason whereof let me give in the words of m one of our Opposites : Supervacua haec occupatio circa traditiones humanas , gignit semper ignorantiam & contemptum praeceptorum divinorum . This needlesse businesse about humaine traditions , doth ever beget the ignorance and contempt of divine commandements . 2. Where read we that the servants of God have at any time sought to advance Religion , by such hideous courses of sterne violence , as are intended and assayed against us by those who presse the Ceremonies upon us ? The girking and gnibling of their unformall huggermugger , commeth nearer to Sycophaucy then to Sincerity , and is sibber to appeaching Hostility , then fraternall Charity . For just so they deale with us , as the Arrians did with the Catholikes of old . n Sin●…ros , &c. The sincere teachers of the Churches they delated and accused before Magistrates , as if they alone did continually perturbe the Churches peace and tranquillity , and did only labour that the divided Churches might never againe piously grow togither : and by this calumny they persuaded politick and civill men ( who did not well enough understand thu busines ) that the godly teachers of the Churches should be cast forth into exile , and the Arrian wolfes should be sent into the sheepfolds of Christ. Now , forasmuch as God hath said , o they shall not burt nor destroy in all my holy montaine , And will not have his flocke to be ruled p with force and with cruelty : Nec potest ( saith q Lactantius ) aut veritas cum vi , aut Iustitia cum crudelitate conjungi : Neither can either trueth be conjoyned with violence , or righteousnesse with cruelty : Therefore , if our Opposites would make it evident , that they are in very deed ledde by religious aimes , let them refile from their violent proceedings , and deale with us in the spirit of meeknesse , shewing us from Gods Word and good reason , the equity of their cause , & iniquity of ours . Wherein we require no other thing of them , then that which ( r ) Lactantius required of the Adversaries of his profession , even that they would debate the matter verbis potius quam verberibus : by words rather then by whippes . Distringant aciem ingeniorem suorum : si ratio eorum vera est , asseratur : parati sumus audire , si doceant . Let them draw out the sharpenesse of their ingines : If their reason be true let it be averred : we are ready to heare , if they teach us . 3. If their aimes were truly for the advancement of Religion , how comes it to passe , that whiles they make so much adoe , and move every stone against us for our modest refusing of obedience to certaine ordinances of men , which in our consciences we are perswaded to be unlawfull , they manumisse & set free the Simony , Lying , Swearing , prophanation of the Sabbath , Drunkennesse , Who ordome , with other grosse and scandalous vices , of some of their owne side , by which Gods owne Commandements are most fearfully violated ? This just recrimination we may well use for our owne most lawfull defence . Neither doe we hereby intend any mans shame ( God knowes ) but his reformation rather . We wish from our hearts we had no reason to challenge our Opposites of that superstition taxed in the Pharisees , quod argnebant , &c. that they accused the Disciples of litle things , and themselves were guilty in great things ; saith s Nicolaus Gorranus . V. Doe not account Ceremonies to be matters of so small importance , that we need not stand much upon them , for as t Hooker observeth , a Ceremony , through custome worketh very much with people . w Dr. Burgesse alledgeth for his writing about Ceremonies , that the matter is important , for the consequence of it . x Camero thinketh so much of Ceremonies , that he holdeth our simplicity to notifie , that we have the true Religion , and that the Religion of Papists is superstitious , because of their Ceremonies . To say the truth , a Church is in so farre true or hypocriticall , as it mixeth or not mixeth humane inventions with Gods holy worship . And hence , y the Magdeburgians professe , that they write of the Ceremonies , for making a difference betwixt a true and a hypocriticall Church . Vera enim Ecclesia , &c. For a true Church as it retaines pure Doctrine , so also it keeps simplicity of Ceremonies , &c. but a hypocriticall Church , as it departs from pure Doctrine , so for the most part , it changeth and augmenteth the Ceremonies instituted of God , and multiplieth its owne Traditions , &c. And as touching our controverted Ceremonies in particular , if you consider what we have written against them , you shall easily perceive that they are matters of no small , but very great consequence . Howbeit these be but the beginnings of evills , and there is a worse galamafrie gobbet-wise prepared . It hath beene z observed of the warring Turkes that often they used this notable deceit , to send a lying rumour and a vaine tumult of warre to one place , but in the meane while to addresse their true forces to another place , that so they might surprize those who have beene unwarrily ledde by pernicious credulity . So have we manifest ( alas too too manifest ) reasons , to make us conceive , that whiles the chief urgers of the course of Conformity , are skirmishing with us about the triffeling Ceremonies ( as some men count them , ) they are but labouring to hold our thoughts so bent and intent upon those smaller quarrells , that we may forget to distinguish betwixt evills immanent and evills imminent , and that we be not too much awake to espie their secre●…t slight in compassing further aimes . VI. Neither let the pretence of Peace and Vnity coole your fervour , or make you spare to oppose your selves unto those idle and idolized Ceremonies , against which we dispute . For whiles our Opposites make a vaine shew and pretence of Peace , they doe like the a Romans , who built the Temple of Concord just in the place where the seditious outrages of the two Gracchi Tiberius and Cajus had beene acted : b which Temple , in the subsequent times , did not restraine , but by the contrary , give further scope unto more bloudie seditions . So that they should have built Discord a Temple in that place rather then Concord , as Augustine pleasantly tickleth them . Doe our Opposites thinke that the bane of Peace , is never in yeelding to the course of the time , but ever in refuising to yeeld ? or will they not rather aknowledge , that as a man c is said to be made drunke by drinking the water of Lyncestus a river of Macedonia , no lesse then if he had filled himself with the strongest wine , so one may be inebriat with a contentious humour , in standing stifly for yeelding , as well as in standing stedfastly for refuising ? Peace is violated by the Oppugners of the Trueth , but established by the Professors of the same . For ( as was rightly said d by Georgius Scholarius in the Councell of Florence ) the Churches Peace can neither stay among men , the trueth beeing unknowen ; neither can it but needs returne , the trueth beeing knowen . Nec veritate ignorata manere inter homines potest , nec illa agnita necessario non redire . We must therefore be mortaised togither , not by the subscudines of Error , but by the bands of Trueth and unity of Faith. And we goe the true way to regaine Peace , whiles we sue for the removall of those Popish Ceremonies , which have both occasioned and nourished the Discord : We only refuse that Peace ( falsely so called ) which will not permit us to brooke Purity : and that because ( as e Ioseph Hall noteth ) f S. Iames describeth the wisdome which is from above , to be first pure , then peaceable . Whence it commeth that g there can be no concord betwixt Christ and Antichrist , nor any communion betwixt the Temple of God and Idolls . Atque ut Caelum , &c. And though Heaven and Earth should happen to be mingled togither , yet the sincere worship of God and his sacred Trueth , wherein eternall Salvation is laid up for us , should irorthily be unto us of more estimation then a hundreth worlds , saith h Calvine . i Iohn Foxe judgeth it better , to contend against those who preferre their owne Traditions to the Commandements of God , then to be at peace with them . True it is , — Pax optima rerum , Quas homini novisse datum est . — Yet I trust , we may use the words of that great Adiap●…orist k Georgius Cassander . Ea demum vera , &c. That alone ( saith he ) is true and solid Christian Peace , which is conjoyned with the glory of God , and the obedience of his will , and is sejoyned from all depravation of the Heavenly Doctrine and divine worship . VII . Beware also you be not deceived with the pretence of the Churches consent , and of uniformity as well with the auncient Church , as with the now-reformed Churches , in the formes and customes of both . For , 1. our Opposites can not shew that the signe of the Crosse was received and used in the Church before Tertullian , except they alleadge either the Montanists or the Valentinian Heretickes for it . Neither yet can they shew , that apparrell proper for Divine Service , and distinguished from the common , is more auncient then the dayes of Pope Caelestinus . Nor lastly , that kneeling in the act of receiving the Communion was ever used before the time of Pope Honorius the 3. They can not prove any one of the controverted Ceremonies to have beene in the Church the first two hundreth years after Christ , except the feast of Easter ( which yet can neither be proven to have beene observed in the Apostels owne age , nor yet to have beene established in the after age by any Law , but only to have crept in by a certaine privat custome ) and for some of them they can not find any cleare Testimony for a long time thereafter : Now , in the 3. Centurie , l Histeriographers observe , that Paulatim Ceremoniae auctae sunt , hominum superstitiosorum opinionibus : Vnde in Baptismo unctionem Olei , Crucis Signaculum , & Osculum addiderunt . Ceremonies were by litle and litle augmented , by the opinions of superstitious men : whence it was that they added the unction of Oyle , the signe of the Crosse , and a Kisse in Baptisme . And in the Fourth Centurie m they say , Subinde magis magisque , Traditiones humanae cumulatae sunt . Forth with humane Traditions were more and more augmented . And so from that time forward , vaine and idle Ceremonies were still added to the worship of God , till the same was under Poperie wholy corrupted with superstitious Rites . Yea and n Mr. Sprint hath told us even of the first two hundereth years after Christ , that the Divell in those dayes beganne to sow his tares ( as the watchmen beganne to sleep ) both of false Doctrine and corrupt Ceremonies . And now , though some of the controverted Ceremonies have beene kept and reserved in many ( not all ) the reformed Churches , yet they are not therefore to be the better liked of . For the reason of the reservation , was , because some reverend Divines who dealt and laboured in the reformation of those Churches , perceaving the occurring lets and oppositions which were caused by most dangerous Shismes and Seditions , and by the raging of bloudy warres , scarcely exspected to effectuat so much as the purging of the Church from fundamentall errors and grosse Idolatry : which wrought them to be content , that lesser abuses in Discipline and Church policie should be then tollerated , because they saw not how to overtake them all at that time . In the meane while they were so farre from desiring any of the Churches to retaine these Popish Ceremonies , which might have convenient occasion of ejecting them , ( farre lesse to recall them beeing once ejected , ) that they testifyed plainly their dislike of the same , and wished , that those Churches wherein they lived , might have some blessed opportunity to be rid of all such rotten Relicks , riven Ragges , and rotten Remainders of Poperie . All which , since they were once purged away from the Church of Scotland , and cast forth as things accursed into the Iakes of eternall detestation , how vile and abominable may we now call the resuming of them ? Or what a piacular prevarication is it , to borrow from any other Church which was lesse reformed , a patterne of policie for this Church which was more reformed . But , 2. though there could be more alledged for the Ceremonies , then truly there can be , either from the customes of the Auncient , or Reformed Churches , yet doe our o Opposites themselves professe , that they will not Iustify all the Ceremonies either of the Auncient or Reformed Churches . And inded who dare take this for a sure rule , that we ought to follow every auncient and universaly receaved custome ? For as Casaubone p sheweth , though the Churches consent ought not to be contemned , yet we are not alwayes to hold it for a Law or a right rule . And doe not our q Divines teach , that nihil faciendum est ad aliorum exemplum , sed juxta Verbum , Nothing is to be done according to the example of others , but according to the Word Vt autem , &c. As the multitude of them who erre ( saith r Osiander , ) so long prescription of time purchaseth no patrociny to error . VIII . Moreover , because the foredecke and hindecke of all our Opposites probations , doe resolve and rest finally into the Auctority of a Law , and Auctority they use as a sharpe knife to cut every Gordian knot which they can not unloose , and as a dreadfull pale to sound so loud in all ears , that reason can not be heard : therefore we certiorat you with s Calvine , that Si acquievistis imperio , pessimo laqueo vos induistis . If you have acquiesced in Auctority , you have wrapped your selves in a very evill snare . As touching any ordinance of the Church , we say with t Whittakers , Obediendum Ecclesiae est , sed jubenti ac docenti recta . We are to obey the Church , but commmanding and teaching right things . Surely , if we have not proven the controverted Ceremonies , to be such things as are not right to be done , we shall straight obey all the Ceremoniall Lawes made thereanent . And as for the Civill Magistrates parte , is it not holden , ( w ) that he may not injoyne us to doe that , whereof we have not good ground to doo it of faith ? And that , although all thy externall condition is in the power of the Magistrate , yet internall things , as the keeping of faith and obedience and a good conscience , are not in his power . For x every one of us shall give account of himself to God. But untill you heare more in the Dispute of the power which either the Church or the Magistrate hath to enact Lawes anent things belonging to the worship of God , and of the binding power of the same , let me adde here touching humane Lawes in generall , that where we have no other reason , to warrand unto us , the doing of that which a humane Law prescribeth , beside the bare will and auctority of the Law-maker , in this case a humane Law can not bind us to obedience . y Aquinas holdeth with Isidore , that a humane Law ( among other conditions of it ) must both be necessary for removing of some evill , and likewise profitable for guiding us to some good . z Gregorius Sayrus following them herein , saith , debet lex homines a malo retrahere , & ideo dicitur necessaria : debet etiam promovere in bonum , & ideo dicitur utilis . A Law ought to draw back men from evill , and therefore is called necessary : it ought also te promove them unto good , and therefore is called profitable . Humane Lawes ( in a Mr. Hookers judgment ) must teach what is good , and be made for the benefite of men . b Demosthenes describeth a Law , to be such a thing cui convenit omnibus parere , which it is convenient for every one to obey . c Camero not only alloweth us to seeke a reason of the Churches Lawes ( non enim ( saith he ) verae Ecclesiae libet leges ferre quarum non reddat rationem . It pleaseth not the true Church to make and publish Lawes whereof shee giveth not a reason : ) but d he will likewise have us , in such things as concerne the glory and honour of God , not to obey the Lawes of any Magistrate , blindly and without a reason . There was one saith e the Bishop of Winchester , that would have his will stand for reason . And was there none such among the people of God ? Yes : we find 1. Sam. 2. one of whom it was said , Thus it must be , for Hophni will not have it so , but thus . His reason is , for he will not . And God graunt none such be found among Christians . From Scripture we learne that f neither hath the Magistrate any power , but for our good only , g nor yet hath the Church any power , but for our edification only . Law-makers therefore may not injoyne quod-libet , that which liketh them , nay nor allwayes quod licet , that which is in it self lawfull , but only quod expedit , that which is expedient and good for edifying . And to them we may well say with h Tertullian , Iniquam exercetis dominationem si ideo negatis licere , quia vultis , non quia debuit non licere . You exercise unjust dominion , if therefore you denie any thing to be free , because you will so , not because it ought not to be free . Besides all this , there is nothing which any way pertaineth to the worship of God left to the determination of humane Lawes , beside the mere circumstances , which neither have any holinesse in them , forasmuch as they have no other use and praise in Sacred , then they have in Civill things ; nor yet were particularly determinable in Scripture , because they are infinite . But sacred significant Ceremonies such as Crosse , Kneeling , Surplice , Holy dayes , Bishopping , &c. which have no use and praise except in Religion only , and which also were most easily determinable ( yet not determined ) within those bounds which the wisedome of God did set to his written Worde , are such things as God never left to the determination of any humane Law. Neither have men any power to burthen us with those or such like ordinances : For i saith not our Lord himselfe to the Churches , I will put upon you none other burden : but that which ye have allready hold fast till I come . Wherefore pro hac , &c. k For this liberty we ought stoutly to fight against false Teachers . Finally , it is to be noted . that though in some things we may and doe commendably refuse obedience to the Lawes of those whom God hath set over us , yet are we ever obliged ( and accordingly intend ) still to subject our selves unto them . For to be subject , doth signify ( as l Zanchius sheweth ) to be placed under , to be subordinat , and so to give honour and reverence to him who is above , which may well stand without obedience to every one of his Lawes . Yea and m Dr. Field also tells us , that subjection is generally and absolutely required , where obedience is not . IX . Forasmuch as some ignorant ones are of opinion , that when they practise the Ceremonies neither perceiving any unlawfulnesse in them , ( but by the contrary beeing perswaded in their consciences of the Lawfullnesse of the same ) nor yet having any evill meaning ( but intending Gods glory and the peace of the Church ) therefore they practise them with a good conscience . Be not ye also deceived , but rather advert unto this , that a peaceable conscience allowing that which a man doth , is not ever a good conscience , but often times an Erring , Bolde , Presuming , Secure , yea perhaps a Seared conscience . A good Conscience , the testimony whereof giveth a man true peace in his doings , is , and is only such a one , as is rightly informed out of the Word of God. Neither doth a good meaning excuse any evill action , or else they who killed the Apostles were to be excused , because in so doing m they thought they did God good service . It is the observation even of n Papists , that men may commit many a soule-ruinating scandall , though they intend no such thing as the ruine of soules . X. If once you yeeld to these English Ceremonies , think not that thereaf●…er you can keep yourselves backe from any greater evills or grosser corruptions which they draw after them . For as it is just with God o to give such men over to strong delusions , as have not receaved the love of the Trueth , nor taken pleasure in the sincerity of his worship : so there is not a more deceitfull and dangerous tentation then in yeelding to the beginnings of evill . He that is unjust in the least , is unjust also in much p sai●…h he who could not lye . When Vrijah the Priest had once pleased King Ahaz , in making an Altar like unto that of Damascus , he was afterward ledde on to please him in a greatter matter , even in forsaking the Altar of the Lord , and in offering all the Sacrifices upon the Altar of Damascus . All your winning or losing of a good conscience , is in your first buying : for such is the deceitfullnesse of sinne , and the cunning convoyance of that old Serpent , that if his head be once entering in , his whole body will easily follow after , and if he make you handsomely to swallow gnats at first , he will make you swallow Camells ere all be done . O happy they , r who dash the litle ones of Babylon against the stones ! XI . Doe not reckon it enough to beare within the inclosure of your secret thoughts , a certaine dislike of the Ceremonies and other abuses now set afoot , except both by profession and action you evidence the same , and so shew your faith by your fact . We are constrained to say to some among you , with Elijah , ( How long halt ye between two opinions ? and to call unto you with Moses , t Who is on the Lords side ? Who ? ( w ) Be not deceived : God is not mocked . And x No man can serve two masters . Howsoever y he that is not against us , protanto , is with us , that is , in so farre , as he is not against us , in as farre he so obligeth himself unto us that he can not lightly speake evill of our cause , and z we therein rejoyce , & will rejoyce ; yet simpliciter , a he that is not with us is against us , that is , he who by Profession and Practise sheweth not himself to be on our side , is accounted before God to be our enemy . XII . Think not the wounds which the Church hath received by the meanes of these nocent Ceremonies to be so deadly and desperate , as if there were no balme in Gilead . Neither suffer your minds so farre to miscarry , as to thinke that ye wish well to the Church and are heartily sorry that matters frame with her as they doe , whiles in the meane time you assay no meanes , you take no paines and travell for her help . b When King Ahasswerus had given forth a decree for the utter extirpation of the Iewes , Mordecay feared not to tell Esther that if shee should then hold her peace , enlargement and deliverance should arise unto the Iewes from another place , but shee and her fathers house should be destroyed . Whereupon shee , after three dayes humiliation and Prayer to God , put her very life in hazard by going in to supplicat the King , which was not according to the Law. But now ( alas ) there are too many Professours who detract themselves from undergoing lesser hazards for the Churches liberty , yea , from using those very defences which are according to the Lawes of the Kingdome . Yet most certaine it is , that without giving diligence in the use of the meanes , you shall neither convince your Adversaries , nor yet exoner your owne consciences , nor lastly have such comfort in the day of your suffering as otherwise you should . I know that principally and above all we are c to offer up to God , Prayers and Supplications with strong crying and teares , which are the weapons of our spirituall warrefare : but as this ought to be done , so the atchieving of other secundary meanes , ought not to be left undone . If you misregard these things whereof in the name of God I have admonished you , and draw back your helping hands from the reproached and afflicted cause of Christ , for which we plead , then doe not put evill farre from you , for wrath is determined against you . And as for you , my deare brethren , and Country men of Scotland , as d it is long , since first Christianity was preached and professed in this Land : as also it was blessed with a most glorious and much renounned Reformation : and further , as the Gospell hath beene longer continued in purity and peace with us then with any Church in Europe : Moreover , as the Church of Scotland hath treacherously broken her bonds of oath and subscription , wherewith other Churches about us were not so tied : and finally , as Almighty God , though he hath almost consumed other Churches by his dreadfull Iudgments , yet hath shewed farre greater longsuffering-kindnesse toward us , to reclaime us to repentance , though ( notwithstanding of all this , ) we goe on in a most dolefull security , induration , blindnesse , and backsliding . So now in the most ordinary course of Gods Iustice , we are certainly to exspect , that after so many mercies , so great long-suffering , and such a long day of grace , all despised , hee is to send upon us such Iudgements as should not be believed though they were tolde . O Scotland ! understand and turne againe , or else as GOD lives , most terrible Iudgements are abiding thee . But if you lay these things to heart , if you be humbled before God for the provocation of your defection , and turne back from the same , if with all your hearts , and according to all your power , you bestow your best endeavours for making help to the wounded Church of Christ , and for vindicating the cause of pure Religion , yea though it were w●…th the losse of all that you have in the world e ( augetur enim Religio Dei , quo magis premitur , Gods true Religion is enlarged , the more it is pressed downe ; ) then shall you not only escape the evills which shall come upon this generation , but likewise , be recompensed a hundreth folde with the sweet consolations of Gods Spirit here , and with the immortall Crowne of never fading glory hence . Now , our Lord Iesus Christ himself , and God even our Father , which hath loved us , and hath given us everlasting consolation , and good hope through grace , stablish you and keep you from evill , that ye may be presented before his Throne . The Grace of our Lord IESUS CHRIST be with you all . AMEN . A Dispute against The English-Popish Ceremonies , OBTRVDED Vpon the CHVRCH of SCOTLAND , Consisting of foure Partes . THE PROLOGVE . HOW good reason those Wisemen had for them , who did not allowe of the English-Popish Ceremonies , at the first introducing of these novations into the Church of Scotland , foreseeing the bad effects and dangerous evils which might ensue thereupon ; and how greatly the other sort were mistaken , who did then yeeld to the same , apprehending no danger in them ; it is this day too too apparent to us , whose thoughts concerning the event of this course , can not beholden in suspense betwixt the apprehensions of feare , and exspectations of hope , because dolefull experience hath made us feele , that which the wiser sort before did feare . Since then this Church which was once a praise in the earth , is now brought to a most deplorable and dayly increassing desolation by the meanes of these Ceremonies , which have been both the sparkles to kindle , & the bellowes to blow up the consuming fire of intestine dissentions among us ; it concerneth all her children , not only to cry out Ah , and Alas ! and to a bewaile with the weeping of Iazer , but also to bethink themselves most seriously , how to sucoour their deare ( though distressed ) Mother in such a calamitous case . Our best indeavours which we are to employ for this end , next unto b praying earnestly for the peace of Ierusalem , are these , 1. c So farre as we have attained to walke by the same rule , to mind the same thing , and to labour as much as is possible that the course of the Gospell , the Doctrine of godlinesse , the practise of piety lye not behinde , because of our differing one from another about the Ceremonies , lest otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grow to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. In such things whereabout we agree not , to make diligent search and enquiry for the Trueth . For to have our Iudgements in our heels , and so blindly to followe every opinion which is broached , and squarely to conforme unto every custome which is set afoot , becommeth not men who are endued with reason for discerning of things beseeming from things not beseeming ; farre lesse Christians , d who should have their sences exercised to discerne both good and evill , and who have received a commandement e to prove all things , before they hold fast any thing ; and least of all doth it become us who live in these most dangerous dayes , wherein error & defection so much abound . 3. When we have attained to the aknowledging of the Trueth , then to give a Testimony unto the same , according to our vocation , contending for the Trueth of God against the errors of men , for the purity , of Christ against the corruptions of Antichrist . For to understand the Trueth , and yet not contend for it , argueth Cowardlinesse , not Courage ; Fainting , not Fervour ; Lukewarmenesse , not Love ; Weaknesse , not Valour . Wherefore since we can not impetrate from the troublers of our Israēl that true peace which derogateth not from the Trueth , we may not , we dare not leave off to debate with them . Among the Lawes of Solon , f there was one which pronounced him defamed and unhonest who in a civill uproare among the Citizens sitteth still a looker on and a Newter : much more deserve they to be so accounted of , who shunne to meddle with any controversy which disquieteth the Church , whereas they should labour to winne the Adversaries of the Trueth , and if they proove obstinate , to defend and propugne the Trueth against them . In things of this life ( as g Calvine noteth ) we may remit so much of the right , as the love of peace requireth , but as for the regiment of the Church which is spirituall , and wherein every thing ought to be ordered according to the Word of God , it is not in the power of any mortall man , quidquam hic aliis dare , aut in illorum gratiam def●…ectere . These considerations have induced me to bestowe some time , and to take some paines in the study of the Controversies which are agitated in this Church about the Ceremonies , and ( after due examination and discussion of the writings of such as have played the Proctors for them ) to compile this ensuing Dispute against them , both for exonering my self , and for provocking of others to contend yet more h for the Truth , and for Zions sake not to hold their peace , nor be at rest , untill the amiable light of long wished for peace , breake forth out of all these confusions : which , O Prince of Peace , hasten , who wilt ordaine peace for us : for thou also hast wrought all our works in us . THE ORDER . BEcause Polemicke and Eristicke discourses must followe the Adversaries at the heeles , withersoever they goe , finding them out in all the lurking places of their elaborate subterfugies , and conflicting with them wheresoever they pitch , untill not only all their blowes be awarded , but themselves also all derouted : Therefore perceiving the informality of the Formalists to be such , that some times they plead for the controverted Ceremonies as necessary , some times as expedient , sometimes as lawfull , and sometimes as indifferent ; I resolve to followe the trace , and to evince by force of reason that there is none of all those respects to Iustifie either the urging or the using of them . And albeit k the Archbishop of Spalato commeth forth like an Olympicke Champion ; stoutly brandishing and bravading , and making his account , that no Antagonist can match him except a Prelate : Albeit likewise the l Bishop of Edinbrugh would have us to thinke that we are not well advised to enter into combate with such Achillean strength as they have on their side : Yet must our Opposites know , that we have more daring minds , then to be dashed with the vaine flourish of their great words . Wherefore in all these foure wayes wherein I am to draw the line of my Dispute , I will not shunne to encounter and handle strokes with the most valjant Champions of that faction , knowing , that — Trophaeum ferre me à forti viro , pulchrum est : Sin autem & vincar , vinci à tali nullum est probrum . But what ? shall I speake doubtfully of the victory , or feare the foyle ? Nay , I consider that there is none of them so strong as he was who m said , we can doe nothing against the Trueth , but for the Trueth , I will therefore boldly adventure to combate with them , even where they seeme to be strongest , and to discusse their best Arguments , Allegations , Answeres , Assertions , and Distinctons . And my Dispute shall consist of foure parts , according to those foure pretences which are given out for the Ceremonies : which beeing so different one from another , must be seaverally examined . The lawfullnesse of a thing , is , in that it may be done : the indifferency of it in that it may either be done or left undone : the expediency of it , in that it is done profitably : and the necessity of it , in that it may not be left undon . I will beginne with the last respect first , as that which is the weightiest . The first parte Against the necessity of the Ceremonies . CHAP. I. That our Opposites doe urge the Ceremonies as things necessary . THis I prove , 1. from their practise . 2. from their Sect. I pleading . In their practise , who seeth not , that they would tie the people of God , to a necessity of submitting their necks , to this heavy yoke of humane Ceremonies ? which are with more vehemency , forwardnes , and stricknes urged , then the weighty matters of the Law of God , and the refusing whereof is farre more inhibited , menaced , espied , delated , aggravated , censured , and punished , then Idolatry , Popery , Blasphemy , Swearing , prophanation of the Sabbath , Murder , Adultery , &c. Both Preachers and People , have beene , and are , Fyned , Confyned , Imprisoned , Banished , Censured , and Punished so sevearly , that we may well say of them , that which our Divines say of the Papists , a Haec sua inventa Deealago anteponunt , & gravius eos multarent , qui ea violarent , quam qui divina praecepta transgrederentur . Wherefore seeing they make not only as much , but more adoe , about the controverted Ceremonies , then about the most necessary things in Religion , their practise herein makes it too too apparent , what necessity they annexe to them . And if we will hearken to their pleading , it tells no lesse ; for howbeit Sect. II they plead for the Ceremonies as things indifferent in their owne nature , yet when the Ceremonies are considered as the ordinances of the Church , they pleade for them , as things necessary . M. G. Powell in the consideration of the Arguments directed to the high Court of Parliament , in behalfe of the Ministers suspended and deprived , b hath these words : yea these particulars , Subscription , Ceremonies , &c. being imposed by the Church , and commanded by the Magistrate are necessary to be observed under the paine of sinne . The Bishop of Edinburgh resolves usconcerning the necessity of giving obedience to the Lawes of the Church , enacted anent the Ceremonies , thus c Where a man hath not a Law , his judgment is the rule of his conscience , but where there is a Law , the Law must be the rule . As for example , before that Apostolicall Canon that forbade to eate blood or strangled things , every man might have done that which in his conscience he thought most expedient , &c. but after the making and the publication of the Canon that enjoyned abstinence , the same was to rule their consciences . And therefore after that time , albeit a man had thought in his owne private judgement , that to abstaine from these things was not expedient , &c. yet in that case he ought not to have eaten , because now the will of the Law and not the judgment of his owne mind , was the rule of his conscience . The Archbishop of Sainctandrews to the same purpose sayeth , In things indifferent , we must alwayes esteeme that to be best and most seemly , which seemeth so in the eye of publike Authority , neither is it for private men to controle publike judgment , as they can not make publicke Constitutions , so they may not controle nor dissobey them , being once made , indeed Authority ought to looke well to this , that it prescribe nothing but rightly , appoynt no Rites nor Orders in the Church , but such as may set forward godlinesse and pietie , yet put the case that some be otherwise established , They must be obeyed by such as are members of that Church , as long as they have the force of a Constitution , &c. But thou wilt say , my conscience suffers me not to obey , for I am persuaded that such things are not right , nor well appoynted . I answere thee , in matters of this nature and quality the sentence of thy Superiors ought to direct thee , and that is a sufficient ground to thy conscience for obeying . Thus we see that they urge the Ceremonies , not only with a necessity of practise , upon the outward man , but also with a necessity of opinion , upon the conscience , and that meerly because of the Churches determination and appoyntment . Yea Dr. Mortoune maketh kneeling in the act of receiving the Communion , to be in some sort necessary in it self , for he e maintaineth , that though it be not essentially necessary as food , yet it is accidentally necessary as Physick . Nay , some of them are yet more absurde f who plainly call the Ceremomonies necessary in themselves beside the constitution of the Church . g Others of them who confesse the Ceremonies to be not only unnecessary , but also inconvenient , doe notwithstanding plead for them as things necessary . h Doctor Burges tells us , that some of his side think that Ceremonies are inconvenient , but withall , he discovers to us a strange mistery brought out of the unsearchable deepnesse of his pearcing conception , holding i that such things as not only are not at all necessary in themselves , but are inconvenient too , may yet be urged as necessary . The urging of these Ceremonies as necessary , if there were no Sect. III more , is a sufficient reason for our refusing them . To the precepts of God k saith Balduine , nothing is to be added , Deut 12. now God hath commanded these things which are necessary ; the Rites of the Church are not necessary , whefore if the abrogation , or usurpation of any Rite be urged as necessary , then is an addition made to the commandement of God , which is forbidden in the Word , and by consequence it can not oblige me , neither should any thing herein be yeelded unto . Who can purge these Ceremonies in controversie amongst us of grosse superstition , since they are urged as things necessary ? But of this superstition we shall heare afterward in its proper place . CHAP. II. The reason taken out of Act. 15. to prove the necessity of the Ceremonies , because of the Churches appointment , confuted . THE Bishop of Edinbrugh , to prove that of necessity our consciences must be ruled by the will of the Law , and that it is necessary that we give obedience to the same , albeit our consciences gainesay , alledgeth that Apostolicall Canon Act. 15. for an example , just as Bellarmine m maintaineth , festorum observationem ex se indifferentem esse , sed posita lege fieri necessariam . Hospinian answering him , will acknowledge no necessity of the observation of Feasts , except Divine Law could be shewed for it . So say we , that the Ceremonies , which are aknowledged by Formalists , to be indifferent in themselves , can not be made necessary by the Law of the Church , neither doth that example of the Apostolicall Canon make any thing against us , for according to o Mr. Sprints confession , it was not the force or authority of the Canon , but the reason and ground whereupon the Canon was made , which caused the necessity of abstaining , and to abstaine p was necessary for eshewing of Scandall , whether the Apostles and Elders had enjoyned abstinence , or not . The reason then why the things prescribed in that Canon , are called necessary Vers. 28. is not because beeing indifferent before the making and publication of the Canon : they became necessary by vertue of the Canon after it was made , as the Bishop teacheth , but quia tunc charitas exigebat , ut illa sua libertate qui ex Gentibus conversi erant , propter proximi edificationem inter judeos non uterentur , sed ab ea abstinerent , q saith . Chemnitius . This law r saith Tilen , was propter charitatem & vitandi offendiculi necessitatem ad tempus sancita . So that these things were necessary before the Canon was made . Necessaria fuerunt s saith Ames , antequam Apostoli quidquam de is statuerant , non absolute , sed quatenus in iis charitas jubebat morem gerere infirmis , ut Cajetanus not●…t . Quamobrem t saith Tilen , cum charitas semper sit colenda , semper vitanda scand●…la . Charity is necessary u saith Beza , even in things which are in themselves indifferent . What they can alleadge for the necessity of the Ceremonies , from the authority and obligatory power of Ecclesiasticall Lawes , shall be answered by and by . CHAP. III. That the Ceremonies thus imposed and urged as things necessary , doe bereave us of our Christian libertie , first , because our practise is adstricted . WHo can blame us for standing to the defence of our Christian liberty , which we ought to defend and pretend in rebus quibusvis Sect. I x saith Bucer ? shall we beare the name of Christians , and yet make no great account of the liberty which hath beene bought to us , by the dearest drops of the precious bloud of the Sonne of God ? Sumus empti y saith Pareus : non igitur nostri juris ut nos mancipem●… hominum servitio : id enim manifesta cum injuria redemptoris Christi fieret : sumus liberti Christi . Magistratui autem z saith Tilen , & Ecclesia praepositis , non nisi usque ad aras obtemperandum , neque ullum certamen aut periculum pro libertatis per Christum nobis partae defensione defugiendum , siquidem mortem ipsius irritam fieri , Paulus asserit , si spiritualis servitutis jugo , nos implicari patiamur . a Let us stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free , and not be entangled againe with the yoke of bondage . But that the urging of the Ceremonies as necessary , doth take away our Christian liberty , I will make it evident in foure points . First , they are imposed with a necessity of practise . B. Spotswood Sect. II ( b ) tells us , that publike constitutions must be obeyed , and that privat men may not dissobey them , and thus is our practise adstricted in the use of things which are not at all necessary , and aknowledged gratis by the urgers to be indifferent , adstricted ( I say ) to the one part without liberty to the other , and that by the mere authority of a human constitution , whereas Christian liberty gives us freedome , both for the omission , and for the observation of a thing indifferent , except some other reason doe adstrict & restraine it , then a bare humane constitution . Chrysostome speaking of such as are subject to Bishops , c saith , In potestate positum est obedire vel non . Liberty in things indifferent d saith Amandus Pol●…s , est per quam Christiani sunt libe●…i in usu vel abstinentia rerum adiaphorarum . Calvine speaking of our liberty in things indifferent , e saith , We may ●…as nunc usurpare nunt omittere indifferenter , and places this f liberty , tam in abstinendo quam in utendo . It is marked of the Rites of the auncient Church g that liberae fuerunt horum Rituum observationes in Ecclesia . And what meaneth the Apostle whiles he saith , h If yee be dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world , why as though living in the world , are yee subject to ordinances , ( touch not , taste not , handle not , which all are to perish with the using ) after the commandements and Doctrines of men ? Sure he condemneth not only i humana decreta de Ritibus , but also subjection and obedience to such ordinances of men , as takes from us liberty of practise in the use of things indifferent , obedience ( I say ) for conscience of their ordinances merely . What meaneth also that place , 1. Cor. 7. 23. Be not ye the servants of men ? It forbids us k saith Paybody to be the servants of men , that is in wicked or superstitious actions according to their perverse commandements or desires . If he meane of actions that are wicked or superstitious in themselves , then it followeth that to be subject unto those ordinances , touch not , taste not , handle not , is not to be the servants of men , because these actions are not wicked and superstitious in themselves . Not touching , not tasting , not handling are in themselves indifferent . But if he meane of actions which are wicked and superstitious in respect of circumstances , then is his restrictive glosse senselesse , for we can never be the servants of men , but in such wicked and superstitious actions , if there were no more but giving obedience to such ordinances , as are imposed with a necessity upon us , and that merely for conscience of the ordinance , it is enouch to infect the actions with superstition . Sunt hominum servi saith l Bullinger , qui aliquid in gratiam hominum faciunt . This is nearer the trueth , for to tie our selves to the doing of any thing for the will or pleasure of men , when our conscience can find no other reason for the doing of it , were indeed to make our selves the servants of men . Farre be it then from us , to submit our necks to such a heavy yoke of humane precepts , as would overloaden and undoe us . Nay , we will stedfastly resist such unchristian Tyranny , as goeth about to spoile us of Christian Liberty , taking that for certaine , which we find in Cyprian . m periculosum est in divinis rebus , ut quis cedat jure suo . Two things are here replied , 1. That there is reason for adstricting Sect. III of our practise , in these things , n because we are commanded to obey them that have the rule over us , and to submit our selves , Hebr. 13. 17. And to submit our selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake , 1 Pet , 2. 16. and o that except publick constitutions must needs be obeyed , there can be no order , but all shall be filled with strife and contention . Ans. 1. As touching obedience to these that are set over us , if they meane not to p Tyrannize over the Lords Inheritance , and to q make the Commandements of God of no effect by their Traditions , they must give us leave to trie their precepts by the sure rule of Gods Word , and when we finde that they require of us any thing in the worship of God , which is either against or beside his written Worde , then modesty to refuse obedience , which is the only way for order , and shunning of strife and contention . It will be said againe , that except we prove the things commanded by these who are set over us , to be unlawfull in themselves , we can not be allowed to refuse obedience to their ordinances . Ans. This unlawfulnesse of the Ceremonies in themselves , hath beene proved by us already , & shall yet againe be proved in this Dispute . But put the case they were lawfull in themselves , yet have we good reason for refusing them . David thought the feeding of his body was cause sufficient to breake the Law of the shewbread . Christ thought the satisfying of the Disciples hunger ; to be cause sufficient to breake the Ceremony of the Sabbath : He thought also , that the healing of the leapers bodies was a just excuse to breake the Law that forbade the touching of them Much more then may we think now in our estimation , that the feeding of other mens soules , the satisfying of our owne consciences , togither with the consciences of other men & the healing of mens superstition & spiritual leprosie are causes sufficient to breake the Law of the Ceremonies & of the Crosse , which are not Gods but mens r , saith Parker 2. As touching submission or subjection we say wi●…h Dr. Field s that subjection is generally & absolutly required where obedience is not , and even when our consciences suffer us not to obey , yet still we submit and subject our selves , and neither doe nor shall ( I trust ) shew any the least contempt of Auctority . Secondly , it is replied , that our Christian liberty is not taken Sect. IV away when practise is restrained , because conscience is still left free . The Christian Liberty t saith Paybody , is not taken away by the necessity of doing a thing indifferent , or not doing , but only by that necessity which takes away the opinion or persuasion of its indifferency . So u saith Dr. Burgesse , that the Ceremonies in question are ordained to be used necessarily , though the judgment concerning them , & immediate conscience to God , be left free . Ans. 1. Who doubts of this that liberty of practise may be restrained in the use of things which are in themselves indifferent ? but yet if the bare auctority of an Ecclesiasticall Law , without any other reason , then the will and pleasure of men , be made to restraine practise , then is Christian Liberty taken away . x Iunius , saith that externum optis ligatur from the use of things indifferent , when the conscience is not bound ; but in that same place he sheweth , that the outward action is bound & restrained , only quo usque circumstantiae ob quas necessitas imperata est , se extendunt . So that it is not the auctority of an Ecclesiasticall Law , but the occasion and ground of it , which adstricts the practise , when the conscience is left free . 2. When the auctority of the Churches constitution is obtruded to bind and restraine the practise of Christians in the use of things indifferent , they are bereaved of their Liberty as well as if an opinion of necessity were borne in upon their consciences . Therefore we see when the Apostle , 1. Cor. 7. gives Liberty of Mariage , he doeth not only leave the conscience free in its Iudgment of the lawfullnesse of Mariage , but also give liberty of practise , to marry or not to marry . And Coll 2. 21. When he giveth instances of such human ordinances as take away Christian Liberty , he saith not , you must think that you may not touch , &c. but , touch not , &c. telling us , that when the practise is restrained from touching , tasting , handling , by the ordinances of men , then is Christian liberty spoyled , though the conscience be left free . Camero speaking of the servitude which is opposed to Christian liberty y saith , that it is either animi servitus , or corporis servitus . Then if the outward man be brought in bondage , this makes up spirituall thraldome , though there be no more . But , 3. The Ceremonies are imposed with an opinion of necessity upon the conscience it self , for proof whereof , I proceed to the next point . CHAP. IV. That the Ceremonies take away our Christian liberty , proved by a secound reason , namely , because conscience it self is bound and adstricted . BIshop Lindsey hath told us z that the will of the Law must be Sect. I the rule of our conscience , to that conscience may not Iudge otherwayes then the Law determines . B. Spotswood a will have the sentence of Superiours to direct the conscience , and will have us to esteeme that to be best and most seemly , which seemeth so to them . B. Andrewes b speaking of Ceremonies , not only will have every person inviolably to observe the Rites and Customes of his owne Church , but also will have the ordinances about those Rites , to be urged under the paine of Anathema . I know not what the binding of the conscience is , if this be not it . c Apostolus gemendi partes relinquit , non cogendi auctoritatem tribuit Ministris quibus plebs non auscultat . And shall they who call themselves the Apostles Successors , compell , constraine , and inthrale the consciences of the people of God ? Charles the 5. as popish as he was , d did promise to the Protestants , Nullam vim ipsorum conscientiis illatum iri And shall a Popish Prince speake more reasonably then protestant Prelats ? But to make it yet more and plentifully appeare , how miserably our Opposites would inthrale our consciences , I will here shew , 1. What the binding of the conscience is , 2. How the Lawes of the Church may be said to bind . 3. What is the judgment of Formalists touching the binding power of Ecclesiasticall Lawes . Concerning the first of these we will heare what Dr. Field e saith , Sect. II To bind the conscience saith he , is to bind the soule and spirit of man , with the feare of such punishments ( to be inflicted by him that so bindeth ) as the conscience feareth , that is , as men feare , though none but God and themselves be privie to their doings , now these are only such as God alone inflicteth , &c. This description is too imperfect , and deserves to be corrected . To bind the conscience is illam auctoritatem habere , ut conscientia illi subjicer●… sese debeat , it a ut peccatum sit , si contra illam quidquam fiat f sai●…h Ames . The binder g saith Perkines , is that thing whatsoever , which hath power and auctority over conscience to order it . To bind , is to urge , cause , and constraine it in every action , either to accuse for sinne , or to excuse for well doing , or to say , this may be done , or it may not be done . To bind the conscience h saith Alsted , est illam urgere & adigere ut vel excuset & accuset , vel indicet quid fieri aut non fieri possit . Vpon these descriptions which have more trueth and reason in them , I inferre , that whatsoever urges , or forces conscience to assent to a thing as lawfull , or a thing that ought to be done , or disassent from a thing as unlawfull , or a thing which ought not to be done , that is a binder of conscience , though it did not bind the spirit of a man with the feare of such punishments as God alone inflicteth . For secluding all respect of punishment , and not considering what will follow the very obliging of the conscience for the time i ad assensum is a binding of it . Touching the 2. it is certaine , that humane Lawes , as they come Sect. III from men , and in respect of any force or auctority which men can give them , have no power to bind the conscience . Neque enim cum hominibus sed cum uno Deo negotium est conscientiis nostris , k saith Calvine . Over our soules and consciences , nemini quicquam juris nisi Deo l saith Tilen . From Hieromes distinction , that a King praeest nolentibus , but a Bishop volentibus , Marcus Antonius de Dominis well concludeth m Volentibus gregi praeesse , excludit omnem jurisdictionem & potestatem imperativam ac coactivam , & solam significat directivam ubi viz. in libertate subditi est & parere & non parere , ita ut qui praeest nihil habeat quo nolentem parere adigat ad parendum . This point he proveth in that Chapter at length , where he disputteth both against temporall and spirituall coactive Iurisdiction in the Church . If it be demanded , to what purpose serveth then the enacting of Ecclesiasticall Lawes , since they have not in them any power to bind the conscience ? I Answere . The use and end for which Ecclesiasticall Lawes doe serve , is . 1. For the plaine discovery of such things as the Law of God or Nature doe require of us , so that Law which of it self hath power to binde , commeth from the Priests and Ministers of the Lord , neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but declarativè , Mal. 2. 7. 2. For declaring to us what is fittest in such things as are in their owne nature indifferent , and neither inforced by the Law of God nor Nature , & which parte should be followed in these things , as most convenient . The Lawes of the Church then are appointed to let us see the necessity of the first kinde of things , & what is expedient in the other kinde of things , and therefore they are more propperly called Directions , Instructions , Admonitions , then Lawes . For I speake of Ecclesiasticall Lawes qua tales , that is , as they are the constitutions of men who are set over us , thus considered , they have only n vim dirigendi & monendi . It is said of the Apostles , that they were constitute o doctrinae Christi testes , non novae doctrinae legislatores . And the same may be said of all the Ministers of the Gospell , when Discipline is taken in with Doctrine . He is no Non-conformist , who p holdeth Ecclefiam in terris agere partes oratoris , seu legati obsecrantis & suadentis . And we may hitherto apply that which Gerson , the Chancelour of Paris saith , q The wisest and best among the guides of Gods Church had not so ill a meaning , as to have all their Constitutions and Ordinances taken for Lawes properly so named , much lesse strictly binding the conscience , but for Threatnings , Admonitions , Counsels , and Directions only , and when there groweth a generall neglect , they seeme to consent to the abolishing of them againe , for seeing , lex instituitur , cum promulgatur , vigorem habet , cum moribus ut entium approbatur . But as we have seene in what respect the Lawes of the Church doe Sect. IV not bind , let us now see how they may be said to binde . That which bindeth is not the Auctority of the Church , nor any force which the Church can give to her Lawes . It must be then somewhat else which maketh them able to bind , when they bind at all , and that is , Ratio Legis , the Reason of the Law , without which the Law it self can not bind , and which hath the chiefest and most principall power of binding . An Ecclesiasticall Law r saith Iunius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive depositio , non vere lex est , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut Canon , ac proinde dirigit quidem ut Canon agentem voluntarie : non autem necessitate cogit , ut Lex , etiam involuntarium quod si forte ante accedit coactio , ea non est de natura Canonis sed aliunde pervenit . An Ecclesiasticall Canon s saith Tilen , ducit volentem , non trahit nolentem : quod si accedat coactio , ea Ecclesiastici Canonis natura est prorsus aliena . Calvines Iudgment is , t that an Ecclesisticall Canon binds , when manifestam utilitatem prae se fert , and when either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or charitatis ratio doth require , that we impose a necessity on our liberty . It binds not then by its owne auctority in his mind . And what saith the Canon Law it self ? u Sed sciendum est quod Ecclesiasticae prohibi tiones proprias habent causas , quibus cessantibus , cessant & ipsae . Hence Iunius x saith , t●…at the Law binds not per se , but only propter ordinem , charitatem , & cautionem scandali . Hence Ames , y quamvis ad justas leges humanas , justo modo observandas , obligentur homines in conscientiis suis à Deo ; ipsae tamen leges humanae , qua sunt leges hominum , non obligant conscientiam . Hence Alsted : z Lawes made by men of things indifferent , whither they be civill or Ecclesiasticall , doe bind the conscience in so farre as they agree with Gods worde , serve for the publike good , maintaine order , and finally , take not away liberty of conscience . Hence the Professors o●… Leiden say , a that Lawes bind not primo & per se , sed secundario & per accidens , that is b quatenus in illis lex aliqua Dei violatur . Hence I may compare the constitutions of the Church with responsa juris consultorum among the Romans , which obliged no man , nisi ex aequo & bono saith c Danaeus . Hence it may be said , that the Lawes of the Church doe only bind Scandali & contemptus ratione , as d Hospinian , and in case libertas fiat cum scandalo , as e Paraeus : for it were scandall , not to give obedience to the Lawes of the Church , when they prescribe things necessary or expedient for the eshewing of scandall , and it were contempt to refuse obedience to them , when we are not certainly perswaded of the unlawfullnesse or inexpediency of the things prescribed . But out of the case of scandall or contempt , Divines teach , that conscience Sect. V is not bound by the Canon of the Church made about order and policie . Extra casum scandali & destinatae rebellionis , propter commune bonum , non peccat qui contra constitutiones istas fecerit , saith f Iunius . If a Law g saith Perkins concerning some externall Rite or thing indifferent , be at some time , or upon some occasion omitted , no offence given , nor contempt shewed to Ecclesiastical Auctority , there is no breach made in the conscience . Alsted his rule is ( h ) Leges humanae non obligant quando omitti possunt sine impedimento finis ob quem feruntur sine scandalo aliorum , & sine contemptu Legislatoris . And Tilen teacheth us , that when the Church hath determined the mutable circumstances , in the worship of God , for publike edification , i Privatorum conscientiis liberum est quandoque ista omittere , modo offendicula vitentur , nihilque ex contemptu Ecclesiae ac Ministerii publici petulanti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facere videantur . We deny not then that the Churches Canons about Rites which Sect. VI serve for publike order and edification , doe bind : We say only , that it is not the Auctority of the Church framing the Canon that binds , but the matter of the Canon chiefly , warranted by Gods Word . k Scimus enim quaecunque ad decorum & ordinem pertinent , non habenda esse pro humanis placitis , quia divinitus approbantur . Therefore we thinke concerning such Canons , that they l are necessary to be observed so farre forth only ; as the keeping of them maintaineth decent order , and preventeth open offence . If any say , that I derogate much from the Auctority of the Sect. VII Church , when I doe nothing which shee prescribeth , except I see it lawfull and expedient ; because I should doe this much for the exhortation and admonition of a Brother . Ans. 1. I give farre more reverence to the direction of the Church , then to the admonition of a Brother , because that is Ministeriall , this fraternall : that comes from Auctority , this only from Charity : that is Publike , this Privat : that is given by many , this by one : And finally , the Church hath a calling to direct me in some things , wherein a brother hath not . 2. If it be still instanced , that in the point of obedience , I doe no more for the Church then for any brother , because I am bound to doe that which is made evident to be lawfull and expedient , though a privat Christian doe but exhort me to it , or , whether I be exhorted to it or not . For answere to this , I say , that I will obey the directions of the Church in many things , rather then the directions of a brother ; for in two things which are in themselves indifferent , and none of them inexpedient , I will doe that which the Church requireth , though my brother should exhort me to the contrary . But allwayes I hold me at this sure ground , that I am never bound in conscience to obey the ordinances of the Church , except they be evidently lawfull & expedient . This is that , fine quo non obligant , and also that which doeth chiefly binde , though it be not the only thing which bindeth . Now for making the matter more plaine , we must consider , that the constitutions of the Church , are either lawfull , or unlawfull : if unlawfull , they bind not at all : if lawfull , they are either concerning things necessary as Act. 15. 28. and then the necessity of the things doeth tind , whether the Church ordaine them or not ; or else concerning things indifferent , as when the Church ordaineth , that in great Townes there shall be Sermon on such a day of the weeke , & publike prayers every day at such an houre , here it is not the bare Auctority of the Church that bindeth , without respect to the lawfullnesse or expediency of the thing it selfe which is ordained , ( else we were bound to doe every thing which the Church ordaines , were it never so unlawfull , for quod competit alicui qua tali , competit omni tali . We behold the Auctority of the Church making lawes , as well in unlawfull ordinances as in lawfull : ) not yet is it the lawfullnesse or expediency of the thing it self , without respect to the ordinance of the Church , ( for possibly other times and diets were as lawfull , and expedient too , for such exercises , as those ordained by the Church : ) but it is the Auctority of the Church prescribing a thing lawfull or expedient . In such a case then neither doeth the Auctority of the Curch binde , except the thing be lawfull and expedient , not doeth the lawfulnesse & expediency of the thing binde , except the Church ordaine it , but both these joyntly doe binde . I come now to examine what is the judgment of Formalists , touching Sect. VIII the binding of the conscience by Ecclesiasticall Lawes . Dr. Field , ( h ) saith , that the question should not be proposed , whether humane lawes doe binde the conscience , but , Whether binding the outward man to the performance of outward things , by force and feare of outward punishment to be inflicted by men , the not performance of such things , or the not performance of them with such affections as were fit , be not a sinne againest God , of which the conscience will accuse us , &c. Vnto this question thus proposed , and understood of humane Lawes , and where no more is considered , as giving them power to binde , but only the Auctority of those who make them ; some Formalists doe give ( as I will shew , ) and all of them ( being well advised ) must give an affirmative answeare . And I pray what did i Bellarmine say more , when expressing how conscience is subject to humane Auctority , he taught , that conscience belongeth ad humanum forum , quatenus homo ex praecepto ita obligatur ad opus externum faciendum , ut si non faciat , judicat ipse in conscientia sua se male facere , & hoc sufficit ad conscientiam obligandam ? but to proceede particularly . I beginne with Field himselfe , whose resolution of the question proposed , Sect. IX is , k that we are bound only to give obedience to such humane Lawes as prescribe things profitable , not for that humane lawes have power to binde the conscience , but because the things they command are of that nature , that not to performe them , is contrary to Iustice or Charity . Whereupon he concludeth out of Stapleton , that we are bound to the performance of things prescribed by humane Lawes , in such sort , that the not performance of them is sinne , not ex sola legislatori●… voluntate , sed ex ipsa legum utilitate . Let all such as be of this mans mind , not blame us , for denying of obedience to the constitutions about the Ceremonies , since we find ( for certaine ) no utility , but by the contrary much inconveniency in them . If they say , that we must thinke those lawes to be profitable or convenient , which they , who are set over us , thinke to be so , then they know not what they say : for , exeeming conscience from being bound by humane lawes in one thing , they would have it bound by them in another thing . If conscience must needs judge that to be profitable , which seemeth so to these that are set over us , then ( sure ) is power given to them for binding the conscience so straitly , that it may not judge otherwise then they judge , and force is placed in their bare Auctority , for necessitating and constraining the assenting judgement of conscience . Some man perhaps will say , that we are bound to obey the lawes Sect. X made about the Ceremonies , though not for the sole will of the Law-makers , nor yet for any utility of the lawes themselves , yet for this reason , that scandall and contempt would follow in case we doe otherwise . Ans. We know that humane Lawes doe bind in the case of scandall or contempt . But that Non-conformity is neither scandall nor contempt , Parker m hath made it most evident . For as touching contempt , he sheweth out of Fathers , Councells , Canon law , Schoolmen , and moderne Divines , that non ob●…dire is not contempt , but nolle ob●…dire , or sup●…biendo repugnare . Yea , out of Formalists themselves , he sheweth the difference betwixt subjection and obedience . Thereafter he pleadeth thus , and we with him : What signes see men in us of pride and comtempt ? What be our cetera opera that bewray such an humour ? let it be named vvherein vvie goe not tvvo myle , vvhen vvee are commanded to goe but one , yea wherein wee goe not as many myles , as any shooe of the preparation of the Gospell will beare us ? What payment , what paine , what labour , what taxation made us ever to murmure ? Survey our charges where we have laboured , if they be not found to be of the faithfullest subjects that be in the Land , we deserve no favour . Nay , there is , wherein we stretch our consciences to the uttermost to conforme , & to obey in diverse matters . Are we refractary in other things as Balaams asse said to his Master ? have I used to serve thee so at other tymes ? And as touching scandall , he sheweth first , that by our not conforming , we doe not scandalize Superiours , but edify them ; although it may be we displease them , of which we are sorry , even as Ioab displeased David , when he contested against the numbring of the people , yet did he not scandalize David , but edify him . And secoundly , whereas it might be alledged , that Non-conformity doeth scandalize the people , before whom it soundeth as it were an allarum of disobedience , we replie with him ? Daniel will not omit the Ceremony of looking out at the Window towards Ierusalem . Mordecai omitteth the Ceremony of bowing the knee to Haman ; Christ will not use the Ceremony of washing hands , though a tradition of the Elders and Governours of the Church then being . The auctority of the Magistrate was violated by these , and an incitement to disobedience was in their Ceremoniall breach , as much as there is now in ours . But some of our Opposites goe about to derive the obligatory Sect. XI power of the Churches Lawes , not so much from the utility of the Lwaes themselves , or from any scandall which should follow upon the not obeying of them , as from the Churches owne Auctority , which maketh them . n Camero speaketh of two sorts of Ecclesiasticall Lawes , 1. Such as prescribe things frivolous or unjust , meaning such things as ( though they neither detract any thing from the glory of God , nor cause any damnage to our nighbour , yet ) bring some detriment to our selves . 2. Such as prescribe things belonging to order and shunning of scandall . Touching the former , he teacheth rightly , that conscience is never bound to the obedience of such Lawes , except only in the case of scandall and contempt , and that if at any time such Lawes may be neglected and not observed , without scandall given , or contempt shewed , no mans conscience is holden with them . But touching the other sorte of the Churches lawes , he saith , that they bind the conscience indirectly , not only respectu materiae praecepti ( which doeth not at all obliege , except in respect of the end whereunto it is referred , namely , the conserving of order , and the not giving of scandall ; ) but also respectu praecipientis , because God will not have those who are set over us in the Church to be contemned . He foresawe ( belike , ) that whereas it is pretended in behalfe of those Ecclesiasticall Lawes which injoyne the controverted Ceremonies , that the things which they prescribe pertaine to order and to the shunning of scandall , and so bind the conscience indirectly in respect of the end : one might answeare ; I am persuaded upon evident grounds , that those prescribed Ceremonies pertaine not to order , and to the shunning of scandall , but to misorder , and to the giving of scandall . Therefore he laboured to binde such a ones conscience with another tie , which is the Auctority of the Law-makers . And this Auctority he would have one to take , as ground enough to believe , that that which the Church prescribeth , doeth belong to order and the shunning of scandall , and in that perswasion to doe it . But , 1. How doth this Doctrine differ from that which o himselfe setteth downe as the opinion of Papists , posse cos qui praesunt Ecclesiae , cogere fideles ut id credant vel faciant , quod ipsi judicaverint ? 2. It is well observed by our p Writers , that the Apostles never made things indifferent to be necessary , except onely in respect of scandall , and that out of the case of scandall , they still left the consciences of men free , which Observation they gather from Act. 15. & 1 Cor. 10. q Camero himselfe noteth , that though the Church prescribed abstinence from things sacrificed to Idols , yet the Apostle would not have the Faithfull to abstaine for conscience sake , why then holdeth he , that beside the end of shunning scandall and keeping order , conscience is bound even by the Churches owne Auctority ? 3. As for the reason whereby he would prove that the Churches Lawes doe binde , even respectu praecipientis , his forme of speaking is very bad : Deus ( saith he ) non vult contemni praepositos Ecclesia ▪ nisi justa & necessaria de causa . Where falsely he supposeth , not onely that there may occurre a just and necessary cause of contemning those whom God hath set over us in the Church , but also , that the not obeying of them inferreth the contemning of them . Now , the not obeying of their Lawes , inferreth not the contemning of themselves , ( which were not allowable ) but onely the contemning of their Lawes , And as r Hierome speaketh of Daniel , Et nunc Daniel Regis jussa contemnens , &c. So wee say of all Superiours in generall , that we may sometimes have just reasons for contemning their commandements , yet are we not to contemne , but to honour themselves . But , 4. Let us take Cameros meaning to be , that God will not have us to refuse obedience , unto those who are set over us in the Church : none of our Opposites dare say , that God will have us to obey those who are set over us in the Church , in any other things , then such as may bee done both lawfully and conveniently for the shunning of scandall ; and if so , then the Churches precept can not binde , except as it is grounded upon such or such reasons . B. Spotswood , and B. Lindsey , in those words which I have heretofore Sect. XII alledged out of them , are likewise of opinion , that the sole Will and Auctority of the Church , doeth binde the conscience to obedience . Spotswood will have us without more adoe , to esteeme that to be best and most seemly , which seemeth so in the eye of publike Auctority . Is not this to binde the Conscience by the Churches bare Will and Auctority , when I must needs constraine the judgement of my conscience , to bee conforme to the Churches judgement , having no other reason to move me hereunto , but the sole Will and Auctority of the Church ? Further , he will have us to obey even such things as Authority prescribeth not rightly , ( that is such Rites as doe not set forwarde Godlines ) and that because they have the force of a Constitution . He saith , that we should be directed by the sentence of Superiours , & take it as a sufficient ground to our Consciences for obeying . s Bellarmine speaketh more reasonably : leges humanae non obligant sub paena mortis aeternae , nisi quatenus violatione legis humanae offenditur Deus . Lindsey thinketh , that tho will of the Law must be the Rule of our consciences ; he saith not , the Reason of the Law , but the Will of the Law. And when we talke with the chiefe of our Opposites , they would binde us by sole Auctority , because they can not doe it by any reason . But wee answer out of t Pareus , that the particular Lawes of the Church binde not ●…r se , or propter ipsum speciale mandatum Ecclesiae . Ratio : quia Ecclesia res adiaphoras non jubet facere vel omittere propter suum mandatum , sed tantum propter justas mandandi causas , ut sunt conservatio ordinis , vitatio scandali : quae quamdiu non violantur , conscientias liberas relinquit . Thus we have found , what power they give to their Canons about Sect. XIII the Ceremonies , for binding of our consciences , & that a necessity , not of practice onely upon the outward man , but of opinion also upon the conscience , is imposed by the sole will of the Lawmakers . Wherefore , we pray God to open their eyes , that they may see their Ceremoniall Lawes , to be substantiall Tyrannies over the Consciences of Gods people . And for our selves , we stand to the judgement of founder Divines , and wee holde with Luther , that u unum Dominum habemus qui animas nostras gubernat . With Hemmingius , that we are free ab omnibus humanis Ritibus , quantum quidem ad conscientiam attinet . With the Professors of Leiden , that this is a part of the Liberty of all the Faithfull , that in things pertaining to Gods Worship , ab omni traditionum humanarum jugo liberas habeant conscientias , cum solius Dei sit , res ad Religionem pertinentes praescribere . CHAP. V. That the Ceremonies take away Christian Liberty , proved by a third reason , viz. because they are urged upon such , as in their consciences doe condemne them . IF Christian Liberty bee taken away , by adstricting conscience in any , much more by adstricting it in them who Sect. I are fully perswaded of the unlawfulnesse of the things injoyned ; yet thus are wee dealt with . B. Lindsey gives us to understand , that after the making and publication of an Ecclesiasticall Canon , about things of this nature , albeit a man in his owne private judgement thinke another thing more expedient then that which the Canon prescribeth , yet in that case his conscience must be ruled by the will of the Law , and not by his owne judgement . And B. Spotswood , to such as object , that their conscience will not suffer them to obey , because they are perswaded that such things are not right , answereth ; That the sentence of their Superiours ought to direct them , and make their conscience yeeld to obedience . Their words I have before transcribed . By which it doeth manifestly appeare , that they would beare dominion over our consciences , not as Lords onely , by requiring the willing and readie assent of our consciences , to those things which are urged upon us by their sole Will and Auctority , but even as Tyrants , not caring if they get so much as constrained obedience , and if by their Auctority they can compell conscience , to that which is contrary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and full persuasion which it hath conceived . It will be said , that our consciences are in an error , and therefore ought to be corrected by the sentence of Superiours , whose Auctority Sect. II and will doeth binde us to receive and imbrace the Ceremonies , though our Consciences doe condemne them . Ans. Giving and not granting that our consciences doe erre in condemning the Ceremonies , yet so long as they can not be otherwise perswaded , the Ceremonies ought not to be urged upon us , for if we be made to doe that which our consciences doe condemne , wee are made to sinne . Rom. 14. 23. It is an audacious contempt in z Calvines judgement , to doe any thing repugnante conscientia . The learned Casuists teach us , that an erring conscience , though non obligat , yet ligat ; though we be not obliged to doe that which it prescribeth , yet are we bound not to doe that which it condemneth . Quicquid fit repugnante & reclamante conscientia , peccatum est , etiamsi repugnantia ista gravem errorem includat , saith a Alsted . Conscientia erronea obligat , sic intelligendo , quod faciens contra peccet b saith Hemmingius . This holds ever true of an erring conscience about matters of fact , and especially about things indifferent . If any say , that hereby a necessity of sinning is laid on them , whose Consciences are in an error , I answer , that so long as a man keeps an erroneous conscience , a necessity of sinning lies on him , and that through his owne fault . This necessity ariseth from this supposition , that he retaine his erring conscience , and so is not absolute , because he should informe his conscience rightly , so that he may both doe that which he ought to doe , & doe it so from the approbation of his conscience . If it be said again , what should be done to them , who have not laid downe the error of conscience , but doe still retaine the same ? I answer , c eligatur id quod tutius & melius est . If therefore the error of conscience be about weighty and necessary matters , then it is better to urge men to the doing of a necessary duty in the service of God , then to permit them to neglect the same , because their erring conscience disapproveth it : for example ; It is better to urge a prophane man to come and heare Gods Word , then to suffer him to neglect the hearing of the same , because his conscience alloweth him not to heare . But if the error of conscience be about unnecessary things , or such as are in themselves indifferent , then it is pars tutior , the surest and safest part not to urge men , to doe that which in their consciences they condemne . Wherefore , since the Ceremonies are not among the number of such necessary things , as may not be omitted without the perill of Salvation ; the invincible disallowance of our consciences , should make our Opposites not presse them upon us , because by practising them we could not but sinne , in that our consciences judge them unlawfull . If any of our weake Bretheren thinke , that he must and should abstaine from the eating of flesh upon some certaine day , though this thing bee in it selfe indifferent and not necessary , yet d saith Balduin , he who is thus perswaded in his conscience , if he should doe the contrarie sinneth . Conscience then though erring , doeth ever binde in such sorte , that he who doeth against his conscience , sinneth against God. Which Sect. III is also the Doctrine of e Thomas . But without any more adoe , it is sufficiently confirmed from Scripture . For , was not their conscience in an error , who thought they might not lawfully eate all sorts of meat ? yet the Apostle sheweth , that their conscience , as erring as it was , did so binde , that they were damned if they should eat such meate as they judged to be unclean . Rom. 14. 14. 23. The reason wherefore an erring conscience bindeth in this kinde is , f quoniam agens &c. Because he who doeth any thing against his conscience , doeth it against the Will of God , though not materially and truely , yet formally and by way of interpretation , for somuch as that which conscience counselleth or prescribeth , it counselleth it under the respect and account of the Will of God He who reproacheth some private man , taking him to be the King , is thought to have hurt not the private man , but the King himselfe . So he that contemneth his conscience , contemneth God himselfe , because that which conscience counselleth or adviseth , is taken to be Gods will. If I goe with certaine men upon such a course , as I judge and esteeme to be a treasonable conspiracy against the King , ( though it be not so indeed ) would not his Majesty ( if he knew so much ) and might he not justly condemne me , as a wicked Traitour ? But how much more will the King of Kings condemne me , if I practise the Ceremonies , which I judge in my conscience to be contrary to the Will of God , and to robbe him of his royall prerogative ? CHAP. VI. That the Ceremonies take away Christian Liberty , proved by a fourth reason , viz. because they are pressed upon us by naked Will and Authority , without giving any reason to satisfy our consciences . WHen the g Apostle forbiddeth us to be the servants of men , Sect. I is it not his meaning , that wee should doe nothing upon the mere will and pleasure of men , or propter hominem & non propter Deum ? as ( h ) Becane the Iesuite expoundeth it , illustrating that w●…ich he saith , by another place , Eph. 6. 6. 7. i Christian servants thought it an unworthy thing , to serve wicked men , neither yet tooke they well with the serving of godly men , for that they were all Brethren in Christ. The Apostle answereth them , that they did not the will of man , because it was the will of man , but because it was the Will of God , and so they served God rather then man : importing , that it were indeed a grievous Yoke for any Christian , to doe the will of man , if he were not sure that it is according to the Will of God. Should any Synode of the Church take more upon them , then the Synod of the Apostles did , who injoyned nothing at their owne pleasure , but k onely what they shew to be necessary , because of the Law of Charity ? Or should Christians , who l ought not to be children , carried about with every wind , who m should be able to discerne both good and evill , n in whom the Word of God ought to dwell plentifully , who are o commanded to beware of men , p not to believe every spirit , q to prove all things , and to r judge of all that is said to them , should they ( I say ) be used as stocks and stones , not capable of reason , and therefore to be borne downe by naked Will and Auctority ? yet thus it fareth with us . s B. Lindsey will have the will of the Law to rule our consciences , which is by interpretation , Sic volo , sic jubeo , sit pro ratione voluntas . He gives us not the reason or equity of the Law , but onely the will of it , to be our rule . t B. Spotswood will have us to be so directed by the sentence of our Superiours , that we take their sentence as a sufficient ground to our consciences for obeying . Which is so much as to say , you should not examine the reason and utility of the Law , the sentence of it is enough for you : try no more when you heare the sentence of Superiours : rest your consciences upon this as a sufficient ground : seek no other , for their sentence must be obeyed . And who among us knoweth not , how in the Assembly of Perth , free reasoning was shut to the doore , and all eares were filled with the dreadfull pale of Auctority ? There is this much chronicled in u two Relations of the proceedings of the same , howbeit otherwise very different , They who did sue for a Reformation of Church Discipline in England , complained , x that they receaved no other answer but this , there is a law , it must bee obeyed , and after the same manner are we used , yet is this too hard dealing , in the judgement of y a Formalist , who saith , that the Church doeth not so deale with them whom Christ hath redeemed , ac si non possint capere quid sit religiosum , quid minus , itaque quae ab Ecclesia proficiscuntur , admonitiones potius & hortationes dici debent , quam leges . And after he sayes of Ecclesiasticall Auctority , tenetur reddere praescripti rationem . I graunt z saith Paybody , it is unlawfull to doe in Gods Worship any thing , upon the meere pleasure of man. Chemnitius a taketh the Tridentine Fathers , for not expounding rationes decreti . b Iunius observeth , that in the Councell of the Apostles , mention was made of the reason of their decree . And c a learned Historician , observeth of the auncient Councels , that there were in them reasonings , colloquies , discussions , disputes , yea , that whatsoever was done or spoken , was called the acts of the Councell , and all was given unto all . Caeterum saith d Danaeus , quoniam ut ait Tertullianus in Apologetico , iniqua lex est quae se examinari non patitur ; non tam vi cogere homines ad obsequium quam ratione persuadere debent caeleges , quae scribuntur à pio nomotheta . Ergo fere sunt duae cujusvis legis partes , quemadmodum etiam Plato . lib. 4. de legibus scribit , nimirum praefatio & lex ipsa . i. e. jussio lege comprehensa . Praefatio causum affert , cur homiuum negotiis sic prospiciatur . Ecclesiasticall Auctority should prescribe what it thinks fit , magis docendo , quam jubendo ; magis monendo ; quam minando , as e Augustin speaketh . Non oportet vi vel necessitate constringere , sed ratione & vitae exemplis suadere , f saith Gregory Nazianzen , speaking of Ecclesiasticall Regiment . They therefore who give their Will for a Law , and their Auctority for a Reason , and answer all the Arguments of opponents , by bearing them downe with the force of a publike Constitution , and the Iudgement of Superiours , to which theirs must be conformed , doe g rule the Lords flocke with force and with crueltie , h as Lords over Gods heritage . Alwayes , since men give us no leave to trie their decrees and constitutions , Sect. II that we may holde fast no more then is good ; God bee thanked , that we have i a warrant to doe it ( without their leave ) from his owne Word . Non numeranda suffragia , sed appendenda k saith Augustine . Our Divines hold , that l all things which are proposed by the Ministers of the Church , m yea by Oecumenicall Councels , should bee proved and examined ; and that when the Guides of the Church doe institute any Ceremonies as necessary for edification , yet n Ecclesia liberum habet judicium approbandi aut rebrobandi eas . Nay , the o Canon law probiting to departe or suerve from the rules and discipline of the Roman Church , yet excepteth discretionem justitiae , and so permitteth to doe otherwise then the Church prescribeth , if it be done cum discretione justitiae . The Schoolmen also give liberty to a private man , of proving the statutes of the Church , and neglecting the same , if he see cause for doing so , p Si causa fit evidens , per se ipsum licite potest homo , statuti observantiam praeterire . If any be not able to examine & trie all such things , debebant omnes posse , Dei jussu : deficiunt ergo sua culpa , saith Pareus Si recte probandi facultate destitui nos sentimus , ab eodem spiritu qui per prophetas suos loquitur petenda est , r saith Calvine . We will not then call any man Rabbi , nor jurare in verba magistri , nor yet be Pythagorean disciples to the Church herself , but we will believe her , and obey her , in so farre only , as she is the pillar and ground of trueth . CHAP. VII . That festivall dayes take away our liberty which God hath given us , proved : and first out of the Law. THat which hath beene said against all the controverted Ceremonies Sect. I in generall , I will now instance of Festivall dayes in particular ; and prove both out of the Law and Gospell , that they take away our liberty which God hath given us , & which no humane power can take from us . Out of the Law , we frame this Argument : If the Law of God permit us to worke all the sixe dayes of the week , the law of man can not inhibite us . But the Law of God doth permit us to worke all the sixe dayes of the week . Ergo. Our Opposites deny not the assumption , which is plaine from the fourth commandemen●… , Sixt dayes shalt thou labour , &c. But they would have somewhat to say against the proposition , which we will heare . s Hooker tells us , that those things that the Law of God leaves arbitrary and at liberty , are subject to the positive ordinances of men . This ( I must say ) is strange divinity , for if this were true , then might the Lawes of men prohibite Mariage , because it is left arbitrary , 1 Cor. 7. 36. Then might they also have discharged the Apostle Paul to take wages , because herein he was at liberty , 1. Cor. 9. 11. 12. 13. Tilen lendeth the cause another lift , and t answeareth , ●…hat no sober Sect. II man will say , permissionem Dei , principibus suum circa res medias jus imminuere , num enim ob permissum hominibus dominium in volucres caeli , in pisces maris , & bestias agri , impiae fuerint leges principum , quibus aucupii , piscationis , & venationis libertatem , subditis aliis indulgent , aliis adimunt . Ans. That case and this are very different . For every particular man hath not dominion and power over all Foules , Fishes , & Beasts , ( else , beside that Princes should have no priviledge of inhibiting the use of those things , there should be no propriety of heritage , and possession among subjects : ) but power over all these is given to mankinde . u Pareus observeth , hominem collective intelligi in that place , Gen. 1. 26. and x Innius observeth , nomen Adam de specie esse in telligendum . But each particular man , & not mankynd alone , is permitted to labour sixe dayes . Wherefore it is plaine , that mans liberty is not abridged in the other case , as in this , because mankynde hath dominion over these Creatures , when some men only doe exerce the same , as well as if all men did exerce it . B. Lindsey his answeare is no better , Viz. y That this liberty Sect. III which God hath given unto men for labour , is not absolute but subject unto order , For. 1 : what tyrannie is there so great , spoyling men wholly of their liberty , but this pretence agreeth to it ? for by order , he understandeth the constitutions of our Governours , as is cleare from his preceeding words , so that this may be alleadged for a just excuse of any tyrannie of Governours , ( that men must be subject unto order , ) no lesse then for taking away from us the liberty of labouring sixe dayes . 2. This answeare is nothing else but a begging of that which is in question , for the present question is , whether or not the constitutions of our Gouvernours , may inhibite us to labour all the sixe dayes of the week , and yet he saith no more , but that this liberty of labour must be subject to order , i. e. to the constitutions of Governous . 3. Albeit we should most humbly subject our selves to our Governours , yet we may not submit our liberty to them , which God hath graciously given us , because , z we are forbidden to be the servants of men , or a to be intangled with the yoke of bondage . Yet we must heare what the Bishop can say against our proposition . Sect. IV b If under the Law ( saith he ) God did not spoyle his people of liberty , when he appoynted them to rest two dayes at Pasche , one at Whitsonday , &c. how can the Kings Majesty and the Church , be esteemed to spoyle us of our liberty , that command a cessation from labour on three dayes , &c. O horrible blasphemy ! O double deceitfulnesse ! Blasph my : because so much power is a scribed to the King and the Church over us , as God had over his people of old . God did justly command his people under the Law to rest from laboure on other dayes beside the Sabbath , without wronging them , therefore the King and the Church may as justly , and with doing as litle wrong , command us to rest likewise : because God by a Ceremoniall Law , did hinder his people from the use of so much liberty , as the Morall Law did give them ; T●…erefore the King and the Church may doe so also . Deceitfulnesse , in that he saith , God did not spoyle his people of liberty , &c. We know , that by appointing them to rest on those dayes , God did not take away liberty from his people , simply and absolutely , because they had no more liberty then he did allow to them by his lawes , which he gave by the hand of Moses , yet he did take away that liberty , which one part of his lawes did permit to them , Viz. The fourth Commandement of the Morall Law , which permitted them to labour sixe dayes . The B. knew , that this question in hand , hath not to doe with liberty in the generall notion of it , but with liberty which the Morall Law doth permit . We say then , that God tooke away from his people Israell , some of the liberty , which his morall Law permitted to them , because he was the Law giver , and Lord of the Law , and that the King and the Church can not doe the like with us , because they are no more Lords over Gods Law , then the people who are set under them . But he hath yet more to say against us . If the King ( saith he , ) may command a cessation from oeconomicall and privat workes , for workes Sect. V civill and publike , such as the defence of the Crowne , the liberty of the Country , &c. What reason have ye , why he may not injoyne a day of cessation from all kinde of bodily labour , for the honour of God and exercise of Religion , &c. Ans. this kinde of reasoning is most vitious , for three respects , 1. It supposeth , that he who may command a cessation from one kind of labour , upon one of the sixe dayes , may also command a cessation from all kind of labour , but there is a difference : for the Law of God hath allowed us to labour sixe dayes of every week , which liberty no human power can take from us . But we can not say , that the law of God alloweth us sixe dayes of every week , to Oeconomicall and private workes , ( for then we should never be bound to put our hands to a publike worke . ) Whence it commeth , that the Magistrate hath power left him to command a necessa●…ion from some labour , but not from all . 2. The Bishop reasoneth from a cessation from ordinary labour for extraordinary labour , to a cessation from ordinary labour for no labour : for they who use their weapons for the defence of the Crowne or liberty of the Country , doe not cease from labour , but only change ordinary labour into extraordinary , and private labour into publike : Whereas our Opposites pleade for a cessation from all labour upon their holy dayes . 3. He skippeth de genere in genus : because the King may command a cessation for civill workes , therefore he may command a holy rest for the exercise of Religion , as if he had so great power in Sacred as in Civill things . The B hath yet a thrid dart to throw at us . If the Church c saith Sect. VI he , hath power upon occasionall motives to appoint occasionall Fasts or Festivities , may not shee for constant and eternall blessings , which doe infinitly excell all occasionall benefites , appoint ordinary times of commemoration or thanksgiving . Ans. There are two reasons , for which the Church may and should appoint Fasts or Festivities upon occasionall motives , and neither of them agreeth with ordinary Festivities . 1. Extraordinary Fasts either for obtaining some great blessing , or averting some great judgement , are necessary meanes to be used in such cases : likewise , extraordinary Festivities are necessary testifications of our thankfulnesse for the benefits which we have impetrate by our extraordinary Fasts ; but ordinary Festivities for constant , & eternall blessings , have no necessary use . The celebration of set Anniversary dayes , is no necessary meane for conserving the commemoration of the benefits of redemption , Because we have occasion , not only every Sabbath day , but every other day , to call to minde these benefites , either in hearing , or reading , or meditating upon Gods Word . Dies Christo dicatos tollendos existimo judicoque saith d Danaeus : quotidienobis in Evangelii praedicatione nascitur , circumciditur , moritur , resurgit Christus , 2. God hath given his Church a generall precept for extraordinary Fasts , Ioel , 1. 14. and. 2. 15. as likewise for Extraordinary Festivities , to praise God , and to give him thanks in the publike assembly of his people , upon the occasionall motive of some great benefite which by the meanes of our fasting and praying , we have obtained , Zechar. 8. 19. with . 7. 3. If it be said , that there is a generall command for set Festivities , because there is a command for Preaching and hearing the Word , and for praising God for his benefites ; and that there is no precept for particular Fasts , more then for particulare Festivities ? I ans . albeit there is a command for preaching & hearing the Word , and for praising God for his benefites , yet is there no commnad ( no not in the most generall generality , ) for annexing these exercises of religion to set anniversary dayes , more then to other dayes : whereas it is plaine , that there is a generall command for fasting and humiliation , at some times , more then at other times . And as for particularities , all the particular causes , occasions , and times of fasting , could not be determined in Scripture , because they are infinite , as e Camero saith , But all the particular causes of set festivities , and the number of the same , might have been easily determined in Scripture , since they are not , nor may not be infinite : for the f Bishop himselfe acknowledgeth , that to appoint a festivall day for every week ; can not stand with Charity , the inseparable companion of piety . And albeit so many were allowable , yet who seeth not , how easily the Scripture might have comprehended them , because they are set , constant , and anniversary times , observed for permanent and continuing causes , and not moveable or mutable , as Fasts which are appointed for ocurring causes , and therefore may be infinit . I conclude , that since Gods Word hath given us a generall command for occasionall Fasts , and likewise particularly determined sundry things , anent the causes , occasions , nature , and maner of Fasting : we may well say with g Cartwright , that dayes of fasting are appointed at such times and upon such occasions , as the Scripture doeth set forth : wherein because the Church commandeth nothing , but that which God commandeth , the Religious observation of them , falleth unto the obedience of the fourth Commandement , as well as of the seventh day it selfe . The h Bishop presseth us with a fourth Argument , taken from Sect. VII the calling of people in great Townes , from their ordinary labours to Divine service . Which Argument i Tilen also beateth upon . Ans. There is huge difference betwixt the rest which is injoyned upon anniversary Festivities , and the rest which is required , during the time of the weekly meetings for Divine Worship . For , 1. Vpon Festivall dayes , rest from labour is required all the day over , whereas upon the dayes of ordinary and weekly meetings , rest is required , onely during the time of publike Worship . 2. Cessation from labour for Prayers or Preaching on those appointed dayes of the week , at some occasions may be omitted , but the rest , and commemoration appointed by the Church to be precisely observed upon the anniversary Festivall dayes , must not be omitted , in the k Bishops judgment . 3. Men are straitly commanded & compelled to rest from labour upon Holydayes , but to leave worke to come to the ordinary weekly meetings , they are only exhorted . And here I marke how the Bishop contradicteth himselfe : for in one place where his Antagonist maintaineth truly , that the Craftsman can not be lawfully commanded nor compelled to leave his worke , and to goe to publike Divine Service , except on the day that the Lord hath sanctified : l He replieth , if he may be lawfully commanded to cease from his labour , during the time of divine service , he may be as lawfully compelled to obey the command . Who can give these words any sence , or see any thing in them said against his Antagonists position , except he be taken to say , that the Craftman may be both commanded and compelled to leave his worke , & goe to Divine Service , on the week dayes appointed for the same ? Nay , he laboureth to prove thus much out of the 9. head of the first booke of Discipline , which saith : In great Townes , we think expedient that every day there be either Sermon or common Prayers , &c. Where there is nothing of compulsion , or a forcing command , only there is an exhortation . But ere the Bishop have said much , he forgetteth himselfe , m and tells us , that it were against Equity & Charity , to adstrict the husband-man to leave his plough , so oft as the dayes of weekly preaching doe returne , but that on the Festivall dayes , reason would , that if he did not leave his plough willingly , by Auctority he should be forced . Which place confirmeth this difference , which we give betwixt rest on the holydayes , and rest at the times of weekly meeting . CHAP. VIII . That Festivall dayes take away our Christian Liberty , proved out of the Gospell . MY seconde Argument , whereby I prove , that the imposing of the observation of Holy dayes , doth bereave us of Sect. I our Liberty , I take out of two places of the Apostle : the one , Gal. 4. 10. Where he finds fault with the Galatians , for observing of dayes , and giveth them two reasons against them : the one , vers . 3. They were a yoke of bondage which neither they nor their Fathers were able to beare : another vers 9. They were weake and beggarly rudiments , not beseeming the Christian Church , which is liberate from the Pedagogicall instruction of the Ceremoniall Law. The other place is , Col. 2. 16. Where the Apostle will have the Colossians , not to suffer themselves to be iudged by any man in respect of an Holy day , i. e. to be condemned for not observing a Holy-day , for , n judicare hic significat culpae reum facere ; and o the meaning is : suffer not your selves to be condemned by those false Apostles , or by any mortall man , in the cause of meate , that is , for meate or drinke taken , or for any Holy-day , or any part of an Holy-day neglected . Two other reasons the Apostle giveth in this place , against Festivall dayes ; one , vers . 17. What should we doe with the shadow , when we have the body ? another , vers . 20. Why should we be subject to humane ordinances , since through Christ we are dead to them , and have nothing adoe with them ? Now , by the same reasons are our Holy-dayes to be condemned , as taking away Christian Liberty ; and so that which the Apostle saith , doeth militate as well against them , as against any other Holy-dayes : for whereas it might bee thought , that the Apostle doeth not condemne all Holy-dayes , because both he permitteth others to observe dayes , Rom. 14. 5. And he himselfe also did observe one of the Iewish Feasts , Act. 18. 21. It is easily answered , that our Holy-dayes have no warrant from these places , except our Opposites will say , that they esteeme their Festivall dayes holier then other dayes , and that they observe the Iewish Festivities . Neither of which they doe aknowledge ; and if they did , yet they must consider , that that which the Apostle either said or did hereanent , is to be expounded and understood of bearing with the weake Iewes , whom he permitted to esteeme one day above another , and for whose cause he did in his owne practise , thus farre applie himselfe to their infirmity at 〈◊〉 time , when they could not possibly be , as yet , fully and throughly instructed , concerning Christian Liberty , and the abrogation of the Ceremoniall Law , because the Gospell was as yet not fully propagated : and when the Mosaicall Rites were like a dead man not yet buried , as Augustines simile runnes . So that all this can make nothing for Holy-dayes , after the full promulgation of the Gospell , and after that the Iewish Ceremonies are not onely dead , but also buried , and so , deadly to be used by us . Hence it is , that the Apostle will not beare with the observation dayes in Christian Churches , who have knowne God as he speakes . The defenders of Holy-dayes , answer to these places which we alledge Sect. II against them , that the Apostle condemneth the observation of Iudaicall dayes , not of Ecclesiasticall dayes , which the Church instituteth for order and policy : which evasion p B. Lindsey followeth so hard , that he sticketh not to hold , that all the dayes whereof the Apostle condemneth the observation , were Iudaicall dayes prescribed in the Ceremoniall Law , &c. And this he is not contented to maintaine himselfe , but he will needs father it upon his Antagonist , by such logick forsooth , as can inferre quidlibet ex quolibet . The Apostle comports with the observation of dayes in the weake Iewes , who understood not the fullnesse of the Christian Liberty , especially , since those dayes having had the honour to be once appointed by God himselfe , were to be honorably buried : but the same Apostle reproves the Galathians , who had attained to this liberty , and had once left off the observation of dayes . What ground of consequence can warrant such an illation from these premisses , as this which the Bishop formeth , namely , that all the dayes whereof the Apostle condemned the observation , were judaicall dayes ? &c. Now for confutation of this forged exposition of those places of Sect. III the Apostle , we say , 1. If all the dayes whereof the Apostle condemned the observation , were judaicall dayes prescribed in the Ceremoniall Law , then doe our Divines falsely interpret the Apostles words against Popish Holy-dayes , and the Papists doe truly alledge , that their Holy-dayes are not condemned by the Apostle . The Rhemists affirme , q that the Apostle condemneth onely Iewish dayes , but not Christian dayes , and r that we doe falsely interpret his words against their Holy-dayes . s Carthwright answereth them , that if Paul condemned the observing of Feasts which God himselfe instituted , then much more doth he condemne the observation of Feasts of mans devising . So t Bellarmine alledgeth , loqui ibi Apostolum de judaeorum tantum festis . u Hospinian answering him , will have the Apostles words to condemne the Christian Feasts , more then the judaicall . x Conradus Vorstius rejecteth this position , Apostolus non nisi Iudaicum discrimen dierum in N. T. sublatum esse docet , as an Popish error . 2. If the Apostle meane onely of judaicall dayes , either he condemneth the observing of their dayes materialiter or formaliter , i. e. either he condemneth the observation of the same Feasts which the Iewes observed , or the observing of them with such a meaning , after such a manner , and for such an end , as the Iewes did . The former , our Opposites dare not hold , for then they should grant that he condemneth their owne Easter and Pentecost , because these two Feasts were observed by the Iewes . Nor yet can they hold them at the latter , for he condemneth that observation of dayes which had crept into the Church of Galatia , which was not Iewish nor Typicall , seeing the Galatians , believing that Christ was already come , could not keep them as figures of his comming , as the Iewes did , but rather as memorialls that he was already come , saith y Cartwright . 1. If the Apostles reasons wherewith he impugnes the observation of dayes , hold good against our Holy-dayes , so well as against the Iewish or Popish dayes , then doeth he condemne those , no lesse then these . But the Apostles reasons agree to our Holy dayes . For , 1. according to that reason , Gal 4. 3. they bring us under a Yoke of bondage . z Augustine complaining of some Ceremonies , wherewith the Church in his time was burthened , thought it altogither best that they should be cut off , etiamfi fidei non videantur adversari ; quia religionem quam Christus liberam esse voluit , servilibus oneribus premunt . Yea , he thought this Yoke of servitude greater bondage , and lesse tollerable , then the servility of the Iewes , because they were subject to the burthenes of the Law of God , and not to the presumptions of men . The Yoke and Bondage of Christians in respect of Feasts , is heavier , then the Yoke of the Iewes , not onely for the multitude of them , but because Christianorum Festa ▪ ab hominibus tantum , judaeorum vero a Deo fuerint instituta , saith a Hospinian . Have not we then reason to exclaime against our Holy-dayes , as a Yoke of bondage , heavier then that of the Iewes , for that our Holy dayes are mens inventions , and so were not theirs ? The other reason , Gal. 4. 9. holdeth as good against our Holy dayes . They are Rudimentall & Pedagogicall Elements , which beseeme not the Christian Church , for as touching that which b Tilen objecteth , that many in the Church of the New Testament , are still babes to be fed with milke , it maketh as much against the Apostle , as against us , for by this reason , he may as well throw backe the Apostles ground of condemning Holy dayes among the Galatians , and say , because many of the Galatians were babes , therefore they had the more neede of those Elements and Rudiments . The Apostle , Gal. 4. 3. compareth the Church of the old Testament , to an infant , and insinuateth , that in the dayes of the New Testament , the infancy of the Church hath taken an end . And whereas it might be objected , that in the Church of the New Testament there are many babes , and that the Apostle himselfe speaketh of the Corinthians & Hebrewes as babes . It is answered by c Pareus . Non de paucis personis , sed de statu totius Ecclesiae intelligendum est quod hic dicitur . There were also some in the Church of the olde Testament adulti fide heroes : but in respect of the state of the whole Church , d he who is least in the Kingdome of God , is greater then Iohn Baptist. Lex saith e Beza , vocatur elementa , quia illis velut rudimentis , Deus Ecclesiam suam erudivit , postea pleno cornu effudit Spiritum Sanctum tempore Evangelij . 3 That reason also taken from the opposition of the shadow and the body , Col 2. 17. doth militate against our Holy-dayes : for the Apostle there speaketh in the present time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : whereas the Iudaicall Rites were abolished , whereupon f Zanchius noteth , that the Apostle doth not so much speake of things by past , as of the very nature of all Rites . Definiens ergo ipsos ritus in sese , dixit eos nil aliud esse quam umbram . If all Rites , then our Holy-dayes among the rest , serve onely to adumbrate and shadow foorth something , and by consequence , are unprofitable and idle , when the substance it selfe is clearly set before us . 4. That reason , Col 2. 20. doth no lesse irresistably infringe the Ordinances about our Holy-dayes , then about the Iewish ; for , if mens Ordinances about things once appointed by God himselfe , ought not to be obeyed , how much lesse should the precepts of men be receaved about such things in Religion , as never had this honour to be Gods ordinances , when their mere Auctority doth limit or adstrict us , in things which God hath made lawfull or free to us . Thus we see , how the Apostles reasons hold good against our Sect. IV Holy-dayes : let us see next , what respects of difference the B. can imagine to evidence , wherefore the judaicall dayes may be thought condemned by the Apostle , and not ours . He deviseth a double respect : and first g he tels us , that the Iewish observation of dayes , was to a typicall use , and whereas it is objected by us , that the converted Iewes did not observe them as shadowes of things to come , because then they had denied Christ : he answereth thus . Howbeit the converted Iewes did not observe the Iewish dayes , as shadowes of things to come , yet they might have observed them , as memorials of bypast temporall and typicall benefites , and for present temporall blessings , as the benefite of their delivery out of Egypt , and for the fruits of the earth , which use was also typicall . Ans. 1. This is his owne conjecture onely , therefore he himselfe propoundeth it doubtfully , for he dare not say , they did observe them as memorials , &c. but , they might have observed : to which guessing , if I reply , they might also not haue observed them as memorials of those bypast or present benefites , we say as much against him , and as truly , as he hath said against us . 2. His forme of reasoning is very ●…ncouth , for to prove , that the observation of dayes by the converted Iewes was to a typicall use , he alleadgeth , that they might have observed , &c. Thus proving a position by a supposition . o brave ! 3. There is no sence in his conjecture , for he yeelds , that they did not observe those dayes , as shadowes of things to come , and yet he saith , they might have observed them as memorials of by past typicall benefites : now they could not observe those dayes as memorials of types , except they observed them also , as shadowing forth the antitypes . Pentecoste saith h Davenant , & illa legis datae celebratio , Spiritus Sancti missionem , & legis in tabulis cordium per cundem Spiritum inscriptionem , adumbravit . Scenopegiae festum peregrinationem hominis pij per hoc mundi desertum ad caelestem patriam delineabat , &c. So that the Feast of Pentecost , if it had been observed , as a memoriall of the promulgation of the Law , could not but shadowe forth the sending of the holy Spirit into our hearts , to write the Law in them . And the Feast of Tabernacles , if it had been observed as a memoriall of the benefits , which Cod bestowed on his people in the wildernesse , could not but shadowe out Gods conducting of his children , through the cours of their pilgrimage in this world , to the heavenly Canaan . 4. If Feasts which were memorials of temporall benefites , were for this reason misticall , then he must graunt against himselfe , that much more are our Feasts misticall , which are memorialls of Spirituall benefites , and consecrated to be holy signes & symbols , for making us call to minde the misteries of our Redemption . 5. Before this Dispute take an end , we shall see out of the best learned among our Opposites , i that they observe the Holy dayes as misticall , and more misticall , then the B. here describeth the Iewish dayes to have been , and so we shall see the falshood of that pretence , that they are observed onely for order and policy , and not for mistery . 6. If we would knowe the true reason , which made the converted Iewes to observe those dayes , it was not any misticall use , but that which made them thinke themselves obliged to other Mosaicall Rites ; even propter auctoritatem legis , saith k Iunius : for albeit they could not be ignorant , that these Rites were shadowes of things to come , and that the body was of Christ , in whom , and in the vertue of whose death , they did stablish their Faith , yet they did not at first understand , how such things as were once appointed by God himselfe , and given to his people , as ordinances to be keeped by them throughout their generations , could be altogither abolished , and for this cause , though they did condescend to a change of the use and signification of those Ceremonies , as being no more typicall of the Kingdome of Christ , which they believed to be already come : yet still they held themselves bound to the use of the things themselves , as things commanded by God. Thus much may be collected from Act. 15. 21. Where Iames gives a reason , wherefore it was expedient , that the Gentiles should observe some of the Iewish Rites for a time , as l Calvine , m Beza , and n Iunius expound the place : His reason is , because the Iewes , being so long accustomed with the hearing of the Law of Moses , and such as did preach the same , could not be made at first to understand , how the ordinances which God gave to his people by the hand of Moses , might be cast off and not regarded : which importeth as much as I say , namely , that the reason wherefore the converted Iewes were so apt to be scandalized by such as cared not for the Ceremoniall Law , and held themselves obliged to observe the same , was , because they saw not how they could be exeemed from the ordinances and statutes of the Law of Moses with which they had been educated and accustomed . Rests the seconde respect of difference given by the B. Further , Sect. V o saith he , they did observe them with opinion of necessity , as things instituted by God for his worship and their salvation , which sort of observation was legall . Ans. 1. Be it so : he can not hereupon inferre , that the Apostle doth onely condemne the observation of Iudaicall dayes , for he seeth nothing of observing dayes with opinion of necessity , but simply and absolutely he condemneth the observing of dayes , and his reasons reflexe on our Holy-dayes , as well as the Iewish . 2. Their opinion of necessity , he either refers to the institution , which these dayes once had from God , or else to the use which at that time they had for Gods Worship and their Salvation . That they observed them with opinion of necessity , as things which had been instituted by God , it is most likely : but that they observed them with opinion of necessity , as things necessary for Gods Worship and their Salvation , is more then can be made good ; it is more probable , that they observed them merely and simply , for that they had the honour to be instituted by God in his Law. For to say , that they observed them to the same use and end , for which God did institute them , is false ; because then they had observed them as types and shadowes of the comming of Christ , and so had denied Christ. 3. If the Apostle condemne the observing of dayes instituted by God , with opinion of necessity , much more doeth he condemne the observing of dayes instituted by men , with such an opinion . And such is the observation of dayes urged upon us . Though the B. pretend , that the observing of our Holy-dayes is not imposed with opinion of necessity , shall we therefore thinke it is so ? Nay , Papists doe also pretend , p that the observation of their Ceremonies is not necessary , nor the neglecting of them a mortall sinne . I have proved heretofore out of our Opposites their owne wordes , that the Ceremonies in question , ( and by consequence Holy-dayes among the rest ) are urged upon us with opinion of necessity , and as their words , so their workes bewray them , for they urge the Ceremonies with so exorbitant vehemency , and punish refusers with so excessive severity , as if they were the weightiest matters of the Law of God. Yet they would have us believe , that they have but sober and meane thoughts of these matters , as of circumstances determined for order and policy onely : Iust like q a man who casts firebrands and arrowes , and yet saith , Am not I in sporte ? They will tell us , that they urge not the Ceremonies as necessary in themselves , but onely as necessary in respect of the Churches determination , and because of the necessity of obeying those , who are set over us . But I pray , is not this as much as the r Rhemists say , who place the necessity of their Rites and observances , not in the nature of the things themselves , but in the Churches precept ? CHAP. IX . Shewing the weaknesse of some pretences which our Opposites use for Holy-dayes . SInce it hath beene evinced by unanswearable reasons , that Sect. I Holy-dayes , as now urged upon us , take away our Christian liberty , I will now pull off them , the coat of some figge leaves wherewith they are trimmed up . And first , I hope it will appeare , to how small purpose s Dr Davenant would conciliate his readers minde to allow of the Churches ordinances about Holy-dayes , ( peradventure because he saw all that he had said of that purpose to be too invalide proofe , ) by sixe Cautions , whereby all superstition and abuse , which may ensue upon them , may be shunned . For , whatsoever doth manifestly indanger mens soules , being a thing not necessary in it selfe , at which they take occsiaon of superstitious abuse , should rather be removed altogither out of the way , then be set about with a weak and easily penetrable hedge of some quidditative Cautions , which the ruder sort doe alwayes , and the learned doe too oft , either not understand or not remember . Now t B. Lindsey confesseth and puts it out of all doubt , that when the set times of these Solemnities returne , superstitious conceats are most pregnant in the heads of people ; therefore it must be the safest course to banish those dayes out of the Church , since there is so great hazard and no necessity of retaining them . What they can alleadge for holy-dayes , from our duty to remember the inestimable benefits of our redemption , and to praise God for the same , u hath been already answeared . And as touching any expediency which they imagine in Holy-dayes , we shall see to that x afterward . The act of Perth A ssembly , alleadgeth the practise of the auncient Sect. II Church for warrant of Holy-dayes , y and Tilen alledgeth the judgement of antiquity to the same purpose . Ans. The Festivities of the Auncient Church can not warrant ours , for , 1. In the purest times of the Church here was no Law to tie men to the observation of Holy-dayes . Observandum est z say the divines of Maldeburge , Apostolos & apostolicos viros , neque de pashate neque de aliis quibuscunque festivatibus legem aliquam constituisse . Socrates a reporteth , that men did Celebrat the Feast of Easter , and other Festivall dayes , Sicuti voluerunt , ex consuetudine quadam . Nicephorus b saith , that men did celebrat Festivities , sicuti cuique visum erat , in regionibus passim ex consuetudine quadam per traditionem accepta adducti . In which place , as the reader will plainly perceave , he opposeth tradition to an Evangelicall or Apostolicall ordinance . c Sozomen tells us , that men were left to their owne judgement about the keeping of Easter , d Hierome saith of the Feasts , which the Church in his time observed , that they were pro varietate regionum diversa . e The first who established a Law about any Festivall day , is thought to have beene Pius 1. Bishop of Rome , yet it is marked , that the Asiatican Doctors , did not care much for this constitution of Pius . I conclude with f Cartwright , that those Feasts of the Primitive Church came by custome , and not by commandement , by the free choice of men , and not by constraint . So that from these , no commendation ariseth to our Feasts ▪ which are not only established by Lawes , but also imposed with such necessity and constraint , as spoyleth us of our liberty ; 2. The festivall dayes observed by the Auncient Church , were not accounted more excellent then other dayes : for faith g Hierome , non quod celebrior sit dies illa qua convenimus , &c. But our festivall dayes are made aliis diebus celebriores , yea are taken to be holyer then other dayes , as I wil h afterwards prove . Moreover , the Proctors for holy-dayes among us , thinke to make Sect. III advantage of the practise of other reformed Churches , and the judgement of Moderne Divines . But we are to consider , 1. As they have the example of some Churches for them , so we have the example of other Churches for us for the Church of Genevah in Savoy , and the Church of Strasburge in Germany did abolish Festivall dayes , as i Calvine writteth . Yea , In hac tota provincia aboliti fuerunt dies Festi , saith he . The Church of Zurich in Helvetia did also banish them all away , as i Bullinger writeth to Calvine . 2. The practise of the greatest part of the reformed Churches in observing Holy-dayes can not commend them in the Church of Scotland . 1. Because she did spue them out with so great detestation , that she is more bound to abhorre them , then other Churches which did not the like , and I may well apply to them that which k Calvine saith of the Ceremonies of the Interim , to Valentinus Pacaeut . Vt concedam faetidas illas sordes quibus ●…purgatae fuerunt vestrae Ecclesiae , in rebus mediis posse censeri : earum tamen restitutio eritne res media ? 2. The Church of Scotland is tied yet with another bond , to hate Holy-dayes , of which other Churches are free ; for by a solemne oath sworne to the God of Heaven , she hath abjured all Antichristian and Popish Rites , and dedicating of dayes particularly . When ( i ) Tilen would make answeare to this Argument , he saith , that mens consciences should not be snared with rash oaths , and superstitious vowes , and if that such bonds be laid on , they should be broken and shaken of . What ? calls he this a superstitious vowe , which abjured all superstition and superstitious Rites ? or calls he this a rash oath , which upon so sage and due deliberation , so serious advisment , so pious intention , so decert preparation , so great humiliation , was religiously , publikly , solemnely sworne throughout this Land , & that at the strait command of Auctority ? who is ignorant of these things , except he be a stranger in our Israell ? But say the oath had been rashe and temerarious , shall it not therefore oblige ? his Iudgement is , it doth not . And so thinks the m B. of Winchester , who teacheth us , that if the oath be made rashly , paenitenda promissio non perficienda praesumptio ; he had said better thus paenitenda praesumptio , perficienda promissio . For was not that a very rash oath which the Princes of Israel did sweare to the Gibeonites , not asking Counsell at the mouth of the Lord ? Ios. 9. 14. 15. 16. yet it bound both them , Ios. 9. 19. and their posterity some hundreth yeares after , 2 Sam. 21. 1. if the matter then be lawfull , the oath binds , were it sworne never so rashly . As touching the judgement of Divines , we say , 1. many Divines Sect. IV dissalowe of Festivall dayes , and wish the Church were free of them . For the Belgike Churches in their Synod anno 1578. Wished , that the sixedayes might be wrought upon , and that the Lords day alone might be celebrated . And Luther in his book de bonis operibus wished , that there were no Feast dayes among Christians but the Lords day . This wish of theirs declareth plainly , that they allowed of no Holy day except the Lords day ; yet B Lindsey must make a fashion of saying something for an answear . This wish n ( saith he ) Luther & the Belgike Churches conceived , out of their miscontentment at the number , corruptions , & superstitions , of the Festivall dayes beside the Lords day , as ye doe . Aus . 1. Their wish importeth a simple and absolute misliking of all Festiyall dayes besides the Lords day , and not of their number , and corruptions onely . 2. It is well , that he acknowledgeth both them and us to have reason of miscontentment at Holy-dayes , from their corruptions and superstitions . The old Waldenses also o ( whose Doctrine was restored and propagated by Iohn Husse , and Hierome of Prauge after Wikliffe , and that with the congratulation of the Church of Constantinople ) p held , that they were to rest from labour upon no day , but upon the Lords day . Whereby it appeareth , that Holy-dayes have had adversaries before us . I finde , that they pervert some places which they alleadge against us out of Calvine . q Tilen alleadgeth Calvin . Inst. l. 2. c. 8. § . 32. aknowledging alios quoque dies festos praeter Dominicum , &c. I marvell , how a judicious Reader could imagine such a thing to be in that place , for both in that and the subsequent section , he is speaking of the Lords day against the Anabaptists , and if any man will thinke , that § . 32. he is speaking of holy assemblies of Christians in the generall , yet he can see nothing there of any Festivall dayes beside the Lords day dedicated to holy meetings . There is an other place of Calvine abused by r Bishop Spotswood , and s B. Lindsey , taken out of one of his epistles to Hallerus : which I finde in the volume before quoted , pag. 136. 137. that which they gripe to in this Epistle , is , that Calvine , speaking of the abrogation of Festivall dayes in Geneva , saith , hoc tamen testatum esse volo , si mihi delata optio fuisset , quod nunc constitutum est , non fuisse pro sententia dicturum . Ans. That which made Calvine say so , was not any liking which he had to Festivall dayes , for he t cals the abolishing of them ordo bene compositus . But as himselfe sheweth in the following Epistle which beareth this title . Cal. Ministro Burensi , S. D. The reason , why he durst scarcely have so determined , if his judgement had been required , was , because he saw neither end nor remedy for the prevailing tumult of contention raised about Festivall dayes , and likely to impede the course of Reformation , therefore fovendae pacis studio , he professeth , that he durst not make mention of the abrogation of those Holy-dayes . Because he would have tolerated Holy-dayes , because he durst not at that time , and as the case then stood , have spoken of the abolishing them , can it be hereupon concluded , that he allowed of them ? No sure . But it is observable , how both these Prelates pervert Calvins words . B. Spotswood alledgeth his words anent the abolishing of these Festivall dayes , thus : Ego neque suasor neque impulsor fui , atque hoc testatum volo , si mihi delata optio , &c. Whereas the words in that Epistle lie thus , ego tametsi neque suasor neque impulfor fui , sic tamen accidisse non moleste fero . Quod si statum nostrae Ecclesiae aeque compertum haberes , non dubitares meo judicio subscribere . Hoc tamen testatum esse volo , si mihi delata optio , &c. The B. would have made his hearers believe , that Calvine was not content with the abolishing of the festivall dayes , whereas his words testify the very contrary . B. Lindsey is as grosse in perverting the end of that Epistle . Nec tamen est cur homines adeo exasperentur , si libertate nostra ut Ecclesiae edificatio postulat utimur , &c. from which words he concludes , that in Calvines judgement the observation and abrogation of those dayes , is in the power and liberty of the Church . But the reader will perceave , that Calvine there speaketh only of the Churches liberty to abrogate Holy dayes , and no thing of her power to observe them , for he is shewing that howbeit he durst not have given advise to abolish them , if the decision had been referred to him , yet they had no reason for them who were offended at the abolishing of them in Geneva , because that Church had done no more then she had power and liberty to doe for edification , 3. Other Testimonies they produce , which can not help them much . That which u B. Lindsey alledgeth out of Zanchius his confession , maketh him but small advantage , for though Zanchius there alloweth of the sanctification of some Festivall dayes , yet writing on the fourth Commandement , he aknowledgeth that it is more agreeable to the first institution , and to the writings of the Apostles , that one day of the week only be sanctified . What meant the x B. to say , that this place is falsified & mutilated by his Antagonist ? who quotes it not to prove that Zanchius dissallowed of Festivall dayes , but to prove that in Zanchius his judgement , the sanctification of the Sabbath only , & no other day in the week , agreeth best with Divine and Apostolicall institution : was there any need to alledge more of Zanchius his words then concerned the point which he had to prove ? y the B. alledgeth also a Testimony out of Perkins on Gal. 4. 10. which makes him but very litle help : For albeit Perkins thought good , in some sort to excuse the observing of dayes , in his owne mother Church of England , yet I find in that place , 1. He complaineth that the greatest part respects those Holy-dayes more then they should . 2. He alloweth only the observing of dayes for orders sake , that men may come to the Church to heare Gods Word : which respect will not be enough to the B. if there be not a solemnizing & celebrating of the memory of some of Gods inestimable benefites , and a dedicating of the day to this end & purpose . 3. He saith , that it is the priviledge of God to appoint an extraordinary day of rest : so that he permitteth not power to the Church , for appointing a set , constant , and anniversary day of rest , for such a day becommeth an ordinary day of rest . 4. He preferreth the practise of those Churches of the Protestants , who doe not observe Holy-dayes , because ( saith he , ) the Church in the Apostles dayes , had no Holy-day beside the Lords day , and the fourth Commandement injoynes the labour of sixe dayes . The B. meeteth with another answeare in his Antagonist , which Sect. V crosseth his Testimonies , namely , that howsoever forrain Divines in their Epistles and Councells , spake some times sparingly against Holy-dayes , when their advise was sought of Churches newly risen out of Popery and greatly distressed , yet they never advised a Church to resume them , where they were removed . The z B. objecteth against this answeare , that Calvine Epist. 51. adviseth the Monbelgardens not to contend against the Prince for not resuming ( he should have said , for not receiving , if he had translated Calvines words faithfully ) of all Festivall dayes , but only such as served not to edification , and were seen to be superstitious . Ans. 1. Albeit he spake sparingly against Holy dayes , when he gave advice to that distressed and lately reformed Church , iest the worke of Reformation should habe been letted , yet he did not allow Holy-dayes among them . Fot in a another Epistle written to them , he saith , De pulsu campanarum & diebus festis ita sentimus , ferendas-potius esse vobis has ineptias , quam stationem in qua estis a domino collocati descrendam , modo ne approbetis ; modo etiam liberum vobis sit reprehendere , quae inde sequentur superstitiones ; And this he setteth downe for one of these superstitions , quod dies a die discernitur ; where also he dondemneth both the observing of dayes to the honour of men as superstitious , and the observing of them for the honour of God as judaicall . If holy dayes in Calvines judgement be foolries ; If he gave advyce not to approve them ; If he thought them occasions of superstition ; If he held it superstition to distinguish one day from another , or to esteeme one above another ; If he call them Iudaicall , though kept to the honour of God ; judge then what allowance they had from him . 2. If the B. stand to Calvines judgement in that place which he quotteth , he must allow us to refuse some Festivall dayes though injoyned by the Prince . In festis non recipiendis cuperem vos esse constantiores , sic tamen ut non litigetis de quibuslibet . Then he allowed them to contend against some Holy-dayes , though the Prince imposed them . 3. The Church of Scotland did remove Festivall dayes in another manner , and bound her selfe never to receave them , by another bond then ever the Monbelgardens did ; so that having other bonds lying upon us , then other Churches have , we are so much the more straitly obliged , neither to receave Holy-dayes , nor any other Antichristian and Popish Ceremony . The seconde part , Against the expediency of the Ceremonies . CHAP. I. Against some of our Opposites , who aknovvledge the inconveniency of the Ceremonies , and yet vvould have us yeeld to them . THE Archbishop of Sainctandrewes , now Lord Chancellour Sect. I forsooth , speaking of the fyve Articles concluded at the pretended Assembly of Perth , a saith , The conveniency of them for our Church is doubted of by many , but not without cause , &c. novations in a Church even in the smallest things are dangerous , &c. had it been in our power to have disswaded or declined them , most certainly we would , &c but now being brought to a necessity , either of yeelding , or disobeying him whom for my selfe , I hold it religion to offend , &c. Dr. Burgesse b confesseth , that some of his side think & beleeve , that the Ceremonies are inconvenient , and yet to be observed for peace and the Gospels sake ; And how many Formalists let us heare their hearty wishes , that the Ceremonies had never beene brought into our Church , because they have troubled our peace , & occasioned great stryf●… ? When they are demanded why doe they yeeld to them , since they aknowledge great inconveniency in them ? They answeare ; left by their refusall , they should cast their coall to the fire , to entertaine and increase discord , & lest shunning one inconveniency , they should draw on a greater . Mr. Sprint saith , ( c ) It may be granted , that offence and hinderance to edification , doe arise from those our Ceremonies . d He confesseth also , That the best Divines wished them to be abolished , as beeing many wayes inconvenient . Notwithstanding , he hath written a whole Treatise , of the necessity of conformity in case of deprivation . But let us understand , how he proveth , e that sometimes it is Sect. II expedient and necessary to conforme unto such burthensome and beggarly Ceremonies , as are many wayes inconvenient , and occasions of sundry evill effects . His principall reason is , f That the Apostles by direction of the Holy Ghost , and upon reasons of common and perpetuall equity , did practise themselves , and caused others to practice , yea advised and injoyned ( as matters good and necessary to be done ) Ceremonies so inconvenient and evill in many maine and materiall respects , as the Ceremonies injoyned and prescribed in the Church of England are supposed to be ; whence he would have it to followe , that to suffer deprivation for refusing to conforme to the Ceremonies of the Church of England , , is contrary to the doctrine and practise of the Apostles . Ans. These Iewish Ceremonies in the use and practise of the Apostles , were no way evill and inconvenient , as himselfe every where confesseth ; whereas therefore g he tels us , that those Ceremonies were abused to superstition , were of misticall signification , imposed and observed as parts of Gods worship , swerving from the generall rules of Gods word , not profitable for order , decencie , and edification , offensive many wayes , and infringing Christian liberty ; he runnes at random all the while : for these things agree not to the Iewish Ceremonies , as they were rightly used by the Apostles themselves , and by others at their advise , but onely as they were superstitiously used with opinion of necessity by the obstinate Iewes , and by the false teachers , who impugned Christian liberty . So that all that can followe upon Mr. Sprints Argument , is this , That notwithstanding of the evils and inconveniences which follow upon certaine Ceremonies in the superstitious abuse of them by others , yet if in our practise they have a necessary or expedient use , then ( after the example of the Apostles ) we may well conforme unto them . Now all this commeth not neere the point , which Mr. Sprint undertaketh to prove , namely , That graunting the controverted Ceremonies to be in out use and practise of the same , many wayes evill and inconvenient , yet to suffer deprivation for refusing to conforme to the same , is contrary to the doctrine and practise of the Apostles . And as touching the comparison instituted betwixt our controverted Ceremonies , and these antiquated Ceremonies of the Iewes , practised and prescribed by the Apostles , after the ascension of Christ , and before the full promulgation of the Gospell , many evils there be in ours which could not be found in theirs . For , 1. Ours , have no necessary use and might well be spared : Theirs , had a necessary use for avoiding of scandall , Acts 15. 28. 2. Ours , produce manifold inconveniences ( whereof we are to speake hereafter ) in our use and practise of the same , which is prescribed : Theirs , in the use and practise of the same , which was injoyned by the Apostles , were most expedient , for winning of the obstinate Iewes , 1 Cor. 9. 20. & for keeping of the weake , 1 Cor. 9. 22. And for teaching the right use of Christian liberty , to such as were strong in the faith , both among the beleeving Iewes , and converted Gentiles , Rom. 4. &c. 1. Cor. 8. & 10. 3. Ours , are proven to be in their nature unlawfull : Theirs , were ( during the foresaid space ) in their nature indifferent , Rom. 14. 6. Gal. 6. 15. 4. Ours , are imposed and observed as parts of Gods Worship ( which we will prove h afterward : ) Theirs , not so , for where reade we , that ( during the foresaid space ) any holinesse was placed in them by the Apostles ? 5. Ours , have certaine misticall significations . Theirs , not so : for it is no where to be read , that the Apostles either practised or prescribed them as significative resemblances of any mistery of the Kingdome of God. 6. Ours , make us ( though unnecessarily ) like unto Idolaters in their Idolatrous actions : Theirs , not so . 7. Ours , are imposed with a necessity both of practise and opinion , even out of the case of scandall : Theirs , not so . 8. Ours , are pressed by naked will and Auctority : Theirs , by such speciall grounds of momentaneous reason , as made the practise of the same necessary for a certaine time , whither the Apostles had injoyned it or not . 9. Ours , are urged even upon such , as in their consciences judge them to be unlawfull : Theirs , not so . 10. Ours , have no better originall then humane and Antichristian invention . Theirs , had their originall from Gods owne institution . 11. Ours , are the accursed monuments of Popish Idolatrie , to be ejected with detestation : Theirs , were the memorials of Mosaicall policy , to be buried with honour . 12. Ours , are pressed by such pretended reasons , as make them ever and every where necessary : Theirs , by such reasons , as did onely conclude a necessity of using them at sometimes , and in some places . 13. Ours , are urged after the full promulgation of the Gospell , and aknowledgement of Christian liberty : Theirs , before the same . 14. Ours , are urged with the carelesse neglect of pressing more necessary duties : Theirs not so . These and other differences , betwixt the controverted , and Iewish Ceremonies , doe so breake the backe of Mr. Sprints Argument , that there is no healing of it againe . His seconde reason , whereby he goeth about to prove , the necessity Sect. III of conforming to inconvenient Ceremonies in the case of deprivation , i he taketh from this ground : That when two duties commanded of God , doe meet in one practise , so as we can not doe them both , in this case we must performe the greatter duty , and neglect the lesser . Now , whereas he saith , when two duties doe meet , &c. he means not , that both may be duties at once , for then a man shall be so straitned , that he must needs commit a sinne , in that he must needs omit one of the duties . But ( as he explaineth himselfe ) he calleth them duties , being considered apart : as , to heare a Sermon at the Church on the Sabbath , and to tend a sicke person ready to die at home at the same time , both are duties being considered apart , but meeting togither in our practise at one time , there is but one duty , because the lesser worke binds not for that present . Now he assumes , that the doctrine and practise of suffering deprivation for refusing to conforme to inconvenient Ceremonies , doeth cause men to neglect greater duties , to performe the lesser . For proofe whereof , he enlargeth a needlesse discourse , tending to prove , that preaching is a greater duty and of higher bond , then the duty of labouring unto fit Ceremonies , or of refusing inconvenient Ceremonies ; which can not helpe his cause . That which he had to prove , was , that not to suffer deprivation for refusing of inconvenient Ceremonies , is a greater duty , then the refusing of inconvenient Ceremonies . But it will be said , that to suffer deprivation for refusing of inconvenient Ceremonies , doeth cause men to neglect the preaching of the Word , and that is a greater duty , then the refusing of inconvenient Ceremonies . Ans. 1. Mr. Sprint him selfe layeth downe one ground , which proveth the refusing of inconvenient Ceremonies to be a greater duty , then the preaching of the Word : for k he holdeth , that the substantials of the seconde Table doe overrule the Ceremonials of the first Table , according to that which God saith , I will have mercy and not sacrifice , Math. 12. 7. And l elsewhere he teacheth ; that to tend a sicke person ready to die , is a greater duty , then the hearing of the Word . Now to practise inconvenient and scandalous Ceremonies , is to commit Soule-murther , and so to breake one of the most substantiall duties of the second Table . Therefore according to Mr. Sprints owne ground , the refusing of inconvenient and scandalous Ceremonies , is a greater duty , then the preaching of the Word , which is but a Ceremoniall of the first Table , and if the neglect of tending a sicke persons body , be a greater sinne , then to omit the hearing of many Sermons , much more to murther the soules of men by practising inconvenient and scandalous Ceremonies , is a greater sinne then to omit the preaching of many Sermons , which is all the omission ( if there be any ) of those who suffer deprivation for refuising to conforme unto inconvenient Ceremonies . But , 2. We denie , that the suffering of deprivation for refusing to conforme unto inconvenient Ceremonies , causeth men to neglect , or omit the duty of preaching . Neither hath Mr. Sprint alledged any thing for proofe hereof , except that this duty of preaching can not be done with us ordinarily , as things doe stand , if Ministers doe not conforme : for by order they are to be deprived of their Ministry . Now what of all this ? for though by the oppressing power of proud Prelats many are hindered from continuing in preaching , because of their refusing inconvenient Ceremonies , yet they themselves , who suffer deprivation for this cause , can not be said to neglect or omit the duty of Preaching : most gladly would they preach , but are not permitted ; And how can a man be said to omit or neglect that , which he would faine doe , but it lieth not in his power to get it done ? All the strentgh of Mr. Sprints Argument lieth in this ; That forasmuch as Ministers are hindred from preaching , if they doe not conforme , therefore their suffring of deprivation for refusing conformity , doeth cause them neglect the duty of preaching . Which Argument , that I may destroy it with his owne weapons , let us note , m that he alloweth a man ( though not to suffer deprivation yet ) to suffer any civill penalty or externall losse , for refusing of inconvenient Ceremonies commanded and injoyned by the Magistrate . Now , put the case , that for refusing inconvenient Ceremonies , I be so fined , spoiled , and oppressed , that I can not have sufficient wordly meanes for my selfe and them of my houshold ; hence I argue thus , ( if Mr. Sprints Argument hold good ) that forasmuch as I am by strong violence hindered from providing for my selfe , and them of my houshould , if I doe not conforme , therefore my suffering of those losses for refusing of conformity , doeth cause me to neglect the duty of providing for my selfe , and for them of my family , which neglect should make me worse then an infidell . Mr. Sprint now addeth a third , proving , that to suffer deprivation Sect. IV for refusing to conforme to the prescribed Ceremonies , ( howbeit many wayes inconvenient , is contrary to the royall law of love : which he laboureth to evidence three wayes . First , he saith , that to suffer deprivation for refusing to conforme , doeth by abstaining from a thing in nature in different ( such as our Ceremonies ( saith he ) are proved to be ) needelesly deprive men of the ordinary meanes of their salvation , which is the preaching ministery of the Word , &c. Ans. 1. That the controverted Ceremonies are in nature indifferent , neither he , nor any of his side hath yet proven : they suppone , that they are indifferent , but they prove it not . 2. We denie , that the suffering of deprivation for refusing to conforme to the prescribed Ceremonies , doth deprive men of the preaching of the Word . Neither saith Mr. Sprint ought for proofe hereof , but that which we have already confuted , viz. that as things doe stand , all such as doe not conforme are to be deprived : whence it followeth onely , that the injury and violence of Prelats , ( not the suffering of deprivation for refusing to conforme ) depriveth men of the preaching of the Word . Secondly , he saith , o that the doctrine and practise of suffering deprivation for inconvenient Ceremonies , condemneth both the Apostolicall Churches , and all Churches since their times , because there hath been no Church , which hath not practised inconvenient Ceremonies . Ans. It is most false which he saith of the Apostolicall Churches , for those Iewish Ceremonies practised by them , were most convenient , as we have said before . And as for other Churches in after ages , so many of them as have practised inconvenient Ceremonies , are not herein to be followed by us . Better goe right with a few then erre with a multitude . Thirdly , p he saith , That the suffering of deprivation for refusing to conforme , breedeth and produceth sundry scandals . First saith he , It is the occasion of fraternall discord . O egregious impudency ! who seeth not that the Ceremonies are the incendiary sparkles , from which the fire of contention hath its beeing and burning ? so that conforming , ( not refusing ) is the furnishing of fewell , and casting of faggets to the fire . Secondly hee alledgeth , that the suffering of deprivation for refusing to conforme , twofold more scandalizeth the Papist then conformity , for he doeth farre more insult to see a godly Minister thrust out , and with him all the truth of God pressed , then to see him weare a Surplice , &c. Thirdly he saith , it twofolde more scandalizeth the Atheist , Libertine and Epicure , who by the painfull Ministers deprivall , will triumph to see a doore opened for him without resistance , to live in Drunkennesse , Whooredome , Swearing , &c. Now , for answer to his seconde and third pretenses , we say : 1. Mr. Sprint implieth indirectly , that when non-conforming Ministers are thrust out , Papists , Atheists , Libertines , and Epicures , exspect but small Opposition from those conforming Ministers who come in their rowmes . Our Opposites have a skilfull Procter ( forsooth ) of Mr. Sprint . And indeed if Papists and Atheists were so affrayed of Conformists , as of Non conformists , they would not thus insult . 2. We must distinguish betwixt deprivation and the suffering of deprivation . Papists insult indeed , that their assured frinds the Prelates , are so powerfull , as to thrust out from the publike Ministery , the greatest enemies of Popery . But as for the Ministers , their suffering of themselves to be thrust out , and deprived for refusing of Conformity , it is so farre from giving to Papists any matter of insulting , that it will rather grieve them & gall them to the heart , to understād , that sundry powerfull , painefull , and learned Ministers , are so averse from Popery , that before they conforme to any Ceremony of the same , they will suffer for refusall : and that their constancy and courage in suffering for such a cause , will confirme many Professors , in the perswasion of the trueth of their Doctrine , which they taught against conforming unto Popish Ceremonies . But to goe on ; Fourthly ( saith he ) it twofolde more scandalizeth such a one ; as doth truly feare the name of God , who could be more contented , to injoy the meanes of his Faith and Salvation with a small inconveniency of some Ceremonies , which he grieveth at , then to loose his Pastor , the Gospell , and the ordinary meanes of his Faith and Salvation . Ans. 1. Mr. Sprint supposeth , that such a one , as for no respect whatsoever , would be contended with the practise of some inconvenient Ceremonies , doth not truly feare the name of God. And who is the Puritane now ? Is not Mr. Sprint , who standeth in such a huge distance from all who are of our mind , and so farre preferreth himselfe and his followers to us , as if we did no truly feare the name of God ? Secondly , he supposeth , that when Non-conforming Ministers are thrust out , the ordinary meanes of Faith and Salvation are not dispensed ( to the comfort and contentment of such as truly feare the name of God ) by those conforming Ministers , who are surrogate in their stead . Which , how his fellowes will take with , let them looke to it . 3. Forasmuch as the feare of God is to depart from evill , therefore such a one as doth truly feare the name of God , in so farre , as he doth feare the name of God , and quatenus , he is such a one , will never take well with the practise of inconvenient Ceremonies , which is not a parting from , but a cleaving unto evill . 4. They , who truly feare the name of God , are indeed scandalized by the Prelates their depriving of Ministers for refusing to conforme : but by the Ministers , their suffering of deprivation for this cause , they are not scandalized , but edified . But fiftly saith Mr. Sprint , it offendeth the Magistrate , by provoking him ( perswaded and resolved as he is ) to disgrace these otherwise well deserving Ministers , and to strike them with the Sword of Auctority . Ans. Our refusall to conforme to inconvenient Ceremonies , beeing a necessary duty , if the Magistrate be provoked therewith , we are blamelesse : neither can it any otherwise provoke him to disgrace those well deserving Ministers , then Moses his seeking of liberty for Israell to goe and serve God according to his will , provoked Pharaoh the more to oppresse them ; or then Christs preaching of the truth , and his abstaining from the superstitious Ceremonies of the Pharisees , provoked them to disgrace him , and plot his hurt . Howbeit we are not ignorant , that the Magistrate is not provoked by our refusing to conforme , except as it is misreported , misdeemed , and misconstructed to him by the false Calumnies of our Adversaries : which beeing so , he is not incited by our deed , but by theirs . Now sixtly saith Mr. Sprint , it unjustly condemneth the Harmony Sect. V of all true Churches that ever were Primitive , and Reformed , and all sound Teachers of all times and places , whose universall Doctrine it hath been , that conformity to inconvenient Ceremonies is necessary , in case of deprivation . Ans. That the Ceremonies practised by the Apostles and Apostolike Churches were not inconvenient , it hath been already shewed . That since their times , sundry Churches both auncient and reformed have practised inconvenient Ceremonies , we denie not : yet ( q ) Mr. Sprint himselfe will not defend all the practises of those Churches , whose practise he alledgeth against us . But that all sound Teachers , of all times and places , have taught the necessity of conformity to inconvenient Ceremonies , in case of deprivation , hee neither doeth , neither can make good . It is but a bare and a bolde affirmation to deceive the minds of the simple . r Did not the good olde Waldenses , notwithstanding of all the hot persecutions raised against them , constantly refuse to conforme unto any of those Ceremonies of the Church of Rome , which they perceaved to have no necessary use in Religion , and to occasion superstition , rather then to serve for edification ? And we verily rejoyce to be ranked with those Waldenses , of whom s a Popish Histeriographer speaketh thus : Aliis in libris Cathari dicuntur , quibus respondent qui hodie in Anglia puriorem doctrinam prae se ferunt . Moreover , it can not be unknowne , to such as are acquainted with the History of the Reformation , how that not Flacius Illiricus onely , but t many others , among whom was u Calvine , and x the Magdeburgian Doctours , and y all the Churches of nether Saxonie subject to Maurice , opposed themselves to those inconvenient & hurtfull Ceremonies of the Interim , urged by the Adiaphorists . And howsoever they perceaved many great & grievous dangers , ensuing upon their refuising to conforme to the same , yet they constantly refuised : and z many Ministers suffered deprivation for their refusall . Besides , doe not our Divines require , that the Churches Canons , even in maters of Rite , a be profitable to the edification of the Church ; and b that the observation of the same , must carry before it a manifest utility ; c that in Rites and Ceremonies the Church hath no power to destruction , but only to edification ? Doe they not d put this clause in the very definition of Ecclesiasticall Rites , that they be profitably ordained ; considering , that otherwise they are but intollerable misorders and abuses ? Doe they not teach , e that no idle Ceremony , which serveth not unto edifying , is to be suffered in the Church ; and f that Godly bretheren are not holden to subject themselves unto such things , as they perceave neither to be right nor profitable ? g That whatsoever either would scandalize our brother , or not be profitable to him for his edification , Christians for no respect must dare to meddle with it ? Doe they not stande so much upon expediency , that this tenent is received with them ? That the negative precepts of the Law , doe binde , not only at all times , but likewise to all times , ( whereupon it followeth , that we may never doe that which is inconvenient or scandalous , ) And that the affirmative precepts though they bind at all times yet not to all times , but only quando expedit ; ( Whereupon it followeth , that we are never bound to the practise of any duty commanded in the Law of God , except only when it is expedient to be done ? ) But h Mr. Sprint excepteth against this rule , that it is not generally true ; for evidence whereof , he alledgeth many things , partly false , partly impertinent , upon which I holde it not needfull , here to insist . As for such examples objected by him , as carry some shewe of making against this rule , which he dare not admit , I will make some answeare thereto . He saith , that some times even negative precepts have beene lawfully violated : for these precepts were negative ; none but Priests must eate shew-bread , yet David did lawfully violate it : Thou shall doe no worke upon the Sabbath ; yet the Priests brake this , and are blamelesse : let nothing of Gods good creatures be lost ; yet Paul and his company did lawfully cast away their goods in the ship , to save their lives , &c. Ans. Mr. Sprint might easily have understood , that when Divines say , the affirmative precepts bind at all times , but not to all times , the negative precepts both at all times ; and to all times , they ever meane , specie actionis manente eadem : so long as a action forbidden in a negative precept , ceaseth not to be evill , as long the negative precept bindeth to all times : whereas even whiles an action commanded in an affirmative precept , ceaseth not to be good , yet the affirmative precept bindeth not to all times . So that the rule is not crossed by the alledged examples ; for Davids eating of the shewbread ; the Priests labour upon the Sabbath ; and Pauls casting of the goods into the sea ; were not evill , but good actions ( the kind of the action beeing changed by the circumstances . ) In the meane time , the foresaid rule still crosseth Mr. Sprints tenet . For he holdeth , that even whiles certaine Ceremonies remaine evill in their use , and cease not to be scandalous and inconvenient , yet we are not ever bound to abstaine from them , but may in the case of deprivation practise them . Which directly contradicteth the rule . The position therefore which we mantaine against Mr. Sprint , and Sect. VI from which we will not departe the breadth of one naile , is this , that we can never lawfully conforme ( no not in the case of deprivation ) unto any Ceremony which is scandalous and inconvenient in the use of it . For further confirmation whereof , we say , 1. Every negative precept of the Law of God bindeth to all times , in such sort , that the action which it forbiddeth , ( so long as it remaineth evill , & the kinde of it is not changed , ) can never lawfully be done . Therefore , forasmuch as to abstaine from things scandalous and inconvenient , is one of the negative precepts of the Law of God ; and the Ceremonies whereunto Mr. Sprint would have us to conforme in the case of deprivation are , and remaine scandalous and inconvenient in our practise and use of them , according to his owne presupposall ; It followeth , that the use and practise of the same is altogither unlawfull unto us . 2. That which is lawfull in the nature of it , is never lawfull in the use of it , except only when it is expedient for edification , as teacheth the Apost . 1. Cor. 6. 12. & 10. 23. The Corinthians objected that all indifferent things were lawfull i The Apostle addeth a limitation , esse licita quatenus conducunt , they are lawfull to be used in so farre as they are expedient . 3. It is the Apostles commandement , k let all things be done unto edifying : Therefore whatsoever is not done unto edifying , ought not to be done . 4. l The Apostle saith , if meate make my brother to offend , I will eat no flesh while the world standeth . Now put the case the Apostle had been hindred from preaching the Gospell , for his precise abstaining from those meats , whereat his brother would be offended , would he in that case have eaten ? Nay , he saith peremptor●…y , that whiles the world standeth he would not eat . 5. Say not m our Writers , that we must flee and abstaine from every thing which is not expedient for the edification of our brother ? And doth not the Bishop of n Winchester teach , that in our going out , & comming in , and in all our actions , we must looke to the rule of expediency ? And saith not Bishop o Spotswood , it is not to be denied , but they are Ceremonies , which for the inconveniency they bring , ought to be resisted ? 6. Dare Mr. Sprint deny that which Ames p saith he heard once defended in Cambridge , viz. that quicquid non expedit , quatenus non expedit , non licet ? whatsoever is not expedient , in so farre as it is not expedient , it is not lawfull . Doeth not q Pareus likewise shewe out of Augustine , that such things as are not expedient , but scandulous , and doe not edify , but hurt our brother , fiunt ex accidenti illiceta & peccata , proinde vitanda ? 7. To conforme unto inconvenient and scandalous Ceremonies , in the case of deprivation , is at the best , to doe evill that good may come of it : which was the pretence of those Councellours , of Pope Pius the 5. r who advised him to suffer stewes at Rome , for preventing a greater evill of abusing chast women and honest matrons . So the Pseudo - Nicodemites alledge for their abstaining from flesh upon the dayes forbidden by the Church , that this they doe for shunning a greater evill , which is the scandall of Papists . s Our Divines answeare them , that evill ought not to be done that good may come of it . But saith t Mr Sprint , this rule u of the Apostle must be limited , and in some cases holdeth not : for a man may for doing of good , doe that which is evill in use , circumstance , and by accident , so it be not simply and in nature evill . Ans. 1. he begges the thing in question : for that rule is alledged against him to prove , that nothing which is evill in the use of it , may be done for any good whatsoever . 2. The difference betwixt that which is simply evill , and that which is evill in use and by accident , is in that the one may never be done , the other is unlawfull only pro tempore : but in this they agree , that both are unlawfull ; for x that which is evill by accident , whiles it is such , is unlawfull to be done , no lesse then that which is in nature evill . 3. Divines hold y absolutely , that inter duo vel plura mal●… culpae ( such as things scandalous & inconvenient ) nullum est eligendum z That though in evills of punishment , we may chuse a lesser , to shunne a greater , yet in evills of fault , election hath no place , neither may we doe a lesser fault to shunne a greater , nec ullum admittendum malum , ut eveniat aliquod bonum , siv●… per se sive per accidens ; But let us heare what Mr. Sprint can say to the contrary . He alledgeth , the Priests their breaking of the Sabbath , David his eating of the shewbread , and the Apostles their practising of very hurtfull Ceremonies ; all which things beeing unlawfull , were done lawfully to further greater duties . We have answeared already , that the Priests their killing of the sacrifices on the Sabbath , and Davids eating of the shewbread , were not unlawfull , because the Circumstances changed the kinde of the actions . Also , that the Iewish Ceremonies used by the Apostles , were in their practise , no way hurtfull , but very profitable . Mr. Sprint alledgeth another example out of . 2. Chron. 30. 18. 19. 20. 21. To performe Gods worship not as it was written , was a sinne ( saith he , ) yet to further Gods substantiall worships , which was a good thing , was not regarded of God. Ans. One can not guesse from his words , how he thought here to frame an Argument , which might conclude the lawfulnesse of doing some evill , that some good may come of it . Howsoever , that we may have some light in this matter , let us distinguish betwixt these two things , 1. The peoples legall uncleannesse , when they came to eat the Passeover . 2. Their adventuring to eate it , notwithstanding their uncleannesse . That they were at that time uncleane , it was a sinne . But whiles they prepared their hearts truly to seek God , and repented of their uncleannesse , that in this case they adventured to eat the Passeover , was no sinne : because ●…it is the will of God , that such as prepare their hearts unfainedly to seeke him , lament their wants , and repent for that they are not so prepared and sanctified for his worship as they ought , ( there being no other thing to hold them bake , beside some defect of sanctity in themselves ) notwithstanding of any defect which is in them , draw near to him in the use of his holy ordinances . As touching the former , no man will say that they choosed to be uncleane , that they might further Gods worship . But as for the latter , repenting of their uncleannes , they choosed to keep the Passeover , this they did to further Gods worship , and this was no sinne , especially if we observe with Tremellius , that it is said vers . 20. The Lord healed the people , that is , by the vertue of his Spirit purified & cleansed them , so that , that which was lame , was not turned out of the way , but rather made straight and healed . And now we leave Mr. Sprint , who hath not only conformed to Sect. VII the controverted Ceremonies , even upon presupposall of their Inconveniency , but a hath also made it very questionable , whether in the case of deprivation he ought to conforme to sundry other Popish Ceremonies , such as shaven Crowne , holy water , creame , spitle , salt , and I kow not how many more , which he comprehendeth under &c. all his pretenses of greater inconveniencies following upon not conforming , then doe upon conforming , we have hitherto examined . Yet what saith k B. Spotswood to the cause ? He also alledgeth there is a great inconveniency in the refuising of the Ceremonies , namely , the offending of the King. But for answeare unto this , looke what is the largest extent of the Princes power and priviledge in matters belonging unto Gods worship , which either Gods Word , or the judgment of sound Divines doth allow to him , none shall be found more willingly obsequious to his commandements then we . But as touching these Ceremonies in question , we are upon evident grounds perswaded in our consciences , that they are both unlawfull , and inexpedient for our Church : and though they were lawfull in themselves , yet we may answeare as the l oppugners of the Interim replied to those who urged yeelding to the Ceremonies of the same , Surplice , Holy dayes , Tapers , &c. because of the Emperours commandement . That the question is not about things indifferent , but about a maine Article of Faith , namely Christian Liberty , which admitteth not any yoke to be imposed upon the conscience , no not in things indifferent . Our gracious Prince who now by the blessing of God happily raignes over us , will not ( we assure our selves ) be offended at us , for having regard to our consciences , Gods owne deputies placed in our soules , so farre , that for all the world we dare not hazarde their peace and quiet , by doing any thing with their repugnance and aversation ; Wherefore , we are more then confident , that his M. will graciously accept from us , such a reasonable Apology , as m they of Straesburge used to Charles the 5. Quantum omnino fieri potest , parati sumus tibi gratificari , non solum Civilibus , verum etiam in rebus Sacris . Veruntamen oramus invicem , ut cogites , quoniam sui facti rationem opportet unumquemque Deo reddere , merito nos de salute nostra solicito●… esse , & providere nequid contra conscientiam à nobis fiat . And n as the estates of Germany to Ferdinand , when they besought him only not to grive nor burthen their Consciences . Te quidem sumum & à Deo nobis datum Magistratum agnoscimus , & libentissime quidem , ac nihil est omnium rerum , quod non possis aut debeas à nobis expectare , sed in hac una re propiti●…m te nobis esse flagitamus . If these hoped that Popish Princes would accept such answeares from them , shall not we ? O shall we not be perswaded ! that the defender of the faith , will not refuise to take them from us ? especially seeing his M. shall ever find , that he hath none more Loyall and true Subjects , who will more gladly imploy and bestow , their Lives , Lands , Houses , Holdes , Goods , Gear , Rents , Revenues , Places , Priviledges , Meanes , Moities , and all , in his Highnes service , and mantainance of his Royall Crowne ; and moreover , have so deeply conceived a strong and full persuasion of his Majesties Princely vertues , and much renouned propension to Piety , and Equity , that they will urge their consciences , by all good and lawfull meanes , to assent unto every thing which he injoynes , as right and convenient , and when the just aversation of Conscience upon evident reasons is invincible , will notwithstanding be more willing to all other duties of subjection , and more averse from the least shew of contempt . CHAP. II. Against those of our Opposites , who plead for the Ceremonies , as things expedient . AS for those who alledge some conveniency in the Ceremonies , Sect. I they say more then can abide the proofe of reason , which the induction of some particulars shall demonstrate . o Dr. Mortone alledgeth for the Surplice , that the difference of outward garments can not but he held convenient , for the distinguishing of Ministers from Laicks , in the discharge of their function . Ans. This conveniency is as well seen to , without the Surplice . If a man having a blacke gowne upon him , be seene exercising the function of a Minister , it is very strange , if any man thinke him not sufficiently distinguished from Laicks . The act of Perth , anent Confirmation and Bishoping of Children , would make it appeare , that this Ceremony is most profitable , to cause young Children in their tender years , drinke in the knowledge of God and his Religion ; Ans. 1. If this Rite be so profitable for the instruction of Children , then why doe Prelats appropriat it to themselves , who use to be imployed in higher affaires , that permit them not to have leasure for exact Catechising of Children ? Or , 2. Though they might attend the discharging of this duty ; why should it be made their peculiar ? Is not the pa●…ish Minister able to Catechise them ? Or , 3. If it must depend upon Prelats , and wait upon their leasure ; what hath imposition of hands adoe with Catechising ? 4. How comes it , that Children who are not Bishopped , are as well Catechised , as they who are Bishopped . Tilen p setteth out the expediency of Holy-dayes , for imprinting Sect. II in the minds of people , the sence and knowledge of the benefits of Redemption . Ans. 1. There is no meane so good for this purpose , as Catechising and Preaching , out of season & in season . 2. What could he say unto them , who have attained his end without his meane ? I find people better instructed , and made more sensible of those benefites , where the Feasts are not kept , then where they are . 3. Thinke they their people sufficiently instructed in the grounds of Religion , when they heare of the Nativity , Passion , &c. What course will they take for instructing them in other principles of faith ? Why doe they not keepe one way , and institute a Holy-day for every particular head of Catechise ? But B. Lindsey thinks yet to let us see a greater expediency for observing Holy-dayes . Certainely q saith he , nothing is so powerfull to abolish prophanenesse , and to roote out superstition of mens hearts , as the exercise of Divine Worship , in Preaching , Praying and Thanksgiving , chiefly then when the superstitious conceits of merite and necessity , are most pregnant in the heads of people ; as doubtlesse they are , when the set times of Solemnities returne ; for then it is meete to lance the oposteme , when it is ripe . Ans. This is a very bad cure ; and is not onely to heale the wound of the people slightly , but to make it the more inve●…rate & festered . I might object , that litle or nothing , is preached or spoken by him and his companions at the revolution of those festivities , against the superstitious keeping of them ; but though they should speake as much as can be against this superstition , their lancing being in word onely , and not indeed , the recidivation will prove worse then the disease . The best lancing of the oposterne were , not to observe them at all , or to preach against them , which are tried to worke this effect more powerfully , then the Bishops cure hath done : for all know , that there is none so free of this superstition , as those who observe not the Holy-dayes . The same r Prelate pleadeth for the expediency of giving the Sect. III Communion to the sicke in private houses , because he thinkes they should not want this meane of comfort : As if the wanting of the Sacramentall Signes , not procured by a mans owne negligence or contempt , could stop or stay the comforts of the holy Spirit . Nay , it is not so : we have seene some who receaved not the Communion in time of their sicknesse , end more gloriously and comfortably , then ever we heard of any , who receaved the Sacrament for their viaticum , when they were a dying . s Paybody thinks kneeling in the act of receaving the Communion , to be expedient for the reverend using and handling of that holy Sacrament , and that much reverence ariseth to the Sacrament from it . Ans. I verily believe , that more reverence ariseth to the Sacrament from kneeling , then is due to it ; But I am sure , there is no lesse true reverence of that holy Sacrament , among such as kneele not in the receaving of it , then among such as doe kneele . I hope it is not unknowen , how humbly and reverently many sincere Christians , with feare and trembling , doe addresse themselves to that most holy Sacrament , who yet for all the world , would not kneel in receaving it . Thus we see , that these expediencies pretended for the Ceremonies , are attained unto as well and better without them , then by them . But I will goe forward , to shew some particular inconveniences found in them . CHAP. III. That the Ceremonies are inexpedient , because they are preparatives for greater evils . FIrst then , the Ceremonies are inexpedient , because our most holy Faith , for which we should earnestly contend , receaveth no small harme and prejudice , and is like to receave still more and more by their meanes . Our case is not much different from the estate of the Churches in Germanie , when Charles the 5. caused the booke called Interim to be published , t expediency then was pretended , of setling the peace of Germanie by this as the best way : but it produced a very great inconveniency , and in stead of effectuating peace , it brought forth a hotter contention , as well between the Protestants themselves , as between them and Papists . Expediency is now no lesse pretended for the Ceremonies , yet no more truly . But before the bad effects of the Interim were seene , the wiser sort of Protestants u wrote against it , and warned men , ut ab eo tanquam a praesentissima peste sibi caverent . Notwithstanding that the Emperour had straitely inhibite all impugning of it . And Sl●…idane tels us , the reason which made them so mislike it , was , x because they thought such as were upon that course , were opening a way to the Popish Religion , peradiaphora seu res medias , and y because they wished to retaine the saving Doctrine puram & salvam a technis illorum , qui nunc dum Ceremonias restaurare videri volunt , colluviem totam doctrinae Pontificiae rursus introducunt . The like reason have we to mislike Conformity with Antichrist , in these Ceremonies which are obtruded upon our Church ; for may we not justly feare , that hereby we shall be drawne on , to conforme with him also in dogmaticall and fundamentall points of Faith ? Nay , what talke I of feare ? we have already seen this bad consequence in a great parte , for it is well enough knowen , how many Heterodoxe Doctrines , are maintained by Formalists , who are most zealous for the Ceremonies : an●…nt Vniversall Grace , Free-Will , Perseverance , Iustification , Images , Antichrist , the Church of Rome , Penance , Christ his Passion & descending into Hell , necessity of the Sacraments , Apocrypha bookes , Christs presence in the Eucharist , assurance of Salvation , &c. Their errors about those heads we will demonstrate , if need be , to such as doubt of their minde . In the meane time it hath been preached from Pulpits among our selves ; That Christ died for all alike ; That the Faithfull may fall away from Grace ; That Iustification is a successive action ; That none can be assured of Salvation in this life ; That Images in Churches are not to be condemned ; That Christ descended locally unto the place of the damned ; That the Pope is not Antichrist ; That Rome is not Babylon the Whoore ; That the Government and Discipline of the Church must alter like the Frensh fashion , at the will of Superiours ; That we should not runne so faire away from Papists , but come as neare to them as wee can ; That abstinence and Almes , are satisfactions or compensations for sinne . These and sundry such like tenets , have not been spoken in a corner . How farre Conformity to the Ceremonies of the Church of Sect. II Rome , hath drawn Conformists of greatest note , to conforme to her Faith also , I may give instance in the Archbishop of Spalato , z He holds , that many Rites of the Romane Church are auncient and approveable , that others , though neither , auncient nor universall , yet because of Custome should bee tollerated ; and that few onely are either to be abolished , or by some prudent and easy way purged and refined . Now , will we know how farre this unity in Ceremonies , drew him to a unity in substance , then let us heare , what is his verdict of Protestants , as well as of Papists , who suffer for their Religion . a Certepotius martyres mundi , quam Dei sunt , qui ex utraque parte sub titulo conscientiae sanguinem frustra fundunt : quasi vero fides & Religio Romana , & Fides ac Religio protestantium sunt duae Fides & duae Religiones , &c. b He tels us moreover , that if the Protestants will not have peace with those whom they call Papists , & communicate with them , then are they Schishmatikes , and are not in the true Church . And in the declaration of the motives , whereupon he undertooke his departure out of the territory of Venice , he expresseth his judgement of such bookes as are framed against the Doctrine of the Church of Rome , that he held them above measure detestable . Neither doth he stand alone in this pitch , for among the sect of Formalists , is swarming a sect of Reconcilers , who preach and professe unity with the Church of Rome in matters of Faith. For example , c they●… say , that that which the learned Papists holde concerning Iustification , is Orthodoxe , and therefore they will not contend against them , except it be for their contending with us , who doe agree with them . These Reconcilers are too farre on in the way to Popery already . Sect. III But if they will be fully reconciled with Papists , they must transporte themselves altogither into their tents , because Papists will not come forth to meet them midway . The Interim of Germany tēded to Recociliation , yet the Papists wrote against it . Cassander sought this Reconciliation , but e Bellarmine confuteth his opinion . The Archb. of Spalato was upon the same course of Reconciliation , but his bookes were condēned as Hereticall , in the decree given at Rome , an . 1616. by the congregation of Cardinals deputed by Pope Paul●… the 5. for the making and renewing of the Index , of prohibited bookes . f The Rhemists tell us , that they will avoide not onely our opinions , but our very words which we use : our adversaries professe , that they reject some expositions of certaine places of Scripture , against which they have no other reason , but because they are our expositions . Are their mindes so aliened from us ? and must we be altogither drawne overstayes to them ? Are they so unwilling to be recōciled to the prejudice of their errors ? And shall we be so willing to be reconciled with them to the prejudice of the trueth ? O strange and monstrous invention ! That would reconcile Christ with Antichrist ; agree the temple of God and Idols ; mixe light and darkenesse togither . g Hee had good reason for him who objected to the Archbishop of Spalato , that qui ubique est , nusquam est . For in stead of reconciling Protestants and Papists , they make themselves a third partie , and raise more controversy . O bellua multorum capitum ! Thus we perceave , what prejudice hath arisen , and yet ariseth , to Sect. IV the true and saving Doctrine , by the meanes of symbolizing with the Church of Rome in these Ceremonis . But because some Formalists approve not of this course of Reconciliation , they ( I knowe ) would purge the Ceremonies of the blame of it ; I will therefore shew , that Reconcilers are set forward in their course of Reconciliation , by meanes of the Romane Rites remaining in Reformed Churches . G. Gassander in his booke de officio pijviri , relates unto us , how hee was entered into this course , and conceived this purpose of Reconciliation : and tels , that from his youthood hee was most observant of Ecclesiasticall Ceremonies , yet so , that he abhorred all superstition . And when he had read the Writers of that age , who promised some Reformation and Repurgation of superstitious worships and absurd opinions , he saith , mire illorum institutum placuit : qui tamen ita superstitiones & abusiones , quae nonnullis Ceremoniis Ecclesiasticis admixtae erant , exos as haberem ut ipsam Ecclesiasticam politiam , quae his Ceremoniis fere constat , non sublatam & eversam , sed repurgatam & emendatam esse vellem . Wee see the first thing which induced him to a Reconciliation , was his liking which hee had to Popish Ceremonies , and their remaining in Protestant Churches . And as this course hath been attempted , so is it also advanced by the Ceremonies : for thereby h people are induced to say , as they said once , when Popish Ceremonies did reenter in Germany . We perceave now , that the Pope is not so blacke as Luther made him . And as for the Reconcilers themselves , may they not conceave strong hopes to compasse their end ? may they not confidently imbarke in this businesse ? may they not with great exspectation of prosperous successe atchieve their project ? when once they have footing upon our union with Rome in Ceremonies and Church policy ; they can not but hereupon conceive no small animosity to worke out their intended purpose . Doe I talke of a Chimaera , & imagine now that which is not ? Nay , I will really examplify that which I say , in that Proteus and Versipelles the Archbishop of Spalato . For in the narration of the passages which were betwixt his Majesty and him , collected by the Bishop of Durham , we finde , i that he thought the procuring of concorde betwixt the Church of England , and the Church of Rome , to be easie . And his reasons were , because k he was verily perswaded , that the Pope would approve the English Liturgie , and the publike use of it , as he professed in his colloquy with the Bishops of London , and Durham , and the Deane of Winchester . And further , l he told he was of opinion , that the Churches of Rome and of England , excluding Puritans , were radically one Church . This made him say ; m I doe finde here , why to commend this Church , as a Church abhorring from Puritanisme , reformed with moderation , and worthy to be received into the Communion of the Catholike Church . In the following words he tels , that he could carry something out of the Church of England , which should comfort all them who hate Puritane strictnesse , and desire the peace of the Church , ( meaning them who desired the same Reconciliation with himselfe . ) What is more cleare , then that the English Ceremonies , were that which made him prosequute , and gave him hope to effectuate , a Reconciliation betwixt the Church of England , and that of Rome ? But put the case , that as yet we had seene no greater evils following Sect. V upon the Ceremonies , yet must they be aknowledged to be inconvenient , because they are dangerous preparatives for many worse things then wee are aware of , and may drawe after them sundry evill consequences which are not feared . We have heard before from Spotswood , that novations in a Church , even in the smallest things , are dangerous . Who can then blame us to shunne a danger , and fearing the worst , to resist evill beginnings ? to give no place to the Divell ; to crush the Viper while it is in the shell ; to abstaine from all appearance of evill , 1 Thessal 5. 22. And to take the little ones of Babylon ; whiles they are young , and dash their heads against the stones ? It skils not , that many will judge us too precise for doing so . What ? doe they think this precisenesse any other , then that which the Law of God requireth even n observing of the Commandement of God , without adding to it , or diminishing from it , and o keeping the straight path , without declining to the right hand or the left ? or doe they thinke us more precise then Mordecai , p who would doe no reverence to Haman , because he was an Amalekite , and so not q to be countenanced nor honoured by an Israelite ? Are we more precise then Daniel , r who would not close his windowe when hee was praying , no not for the Kings Edict , knowing , that because he had used to doe so aforetime , his doing otherwise had been both a denying of his former profession , and a insnaring of himselfe by yeelding in small things , to yeeld in greater , & after an inch to take an elle ? Are we more precise then the Apostle Paul s who gave no place to the Adversaries of Christian liberty , no not for an houre ▪ Are we more precise then David , t who would not doe so much as take up the names of Idols into his lips , left from speaking of them he should be ledde to a liking of them : or may not the sad and dolefull examples , of so many and so great abuses and corruptions , which have crept into the Church , from so small and scarcely observable originals , make us loath at our hearts , to admit a change in the Policy and Discipline , of a well constitute Church , and rightly ordered before the change , and especially in such things as are not at all necessary ? O! from how small beginnings did the Mistery of iniquity advance it's progression ? How litle moates have accresced to Mountains ? Wherefore u simplicitatem Christi nos oportet coler●… , à qua ubi primum ●…xtulit pedem vanitas , vanitatem sequitur superstitio , superstitionem error , errorem presumptio , presumptionem impietas Idololatrica . We have cause to feare , that if with Israel z we come to the sacrifices of Idols , and eate of Idolothyts , and bow downe or use any of superstitious and Idolotrous Rites ; thereafter we be made to joyne our selves to these Idols , and so the fierce anger of the Lord be kindled against us , as it was against them . CHAP. IV. That the Ceremonies are inexpedient , because they hinder edification . THat the Ceremonies are a great hinderance to edification , Sect. I appeareth ; First , in that they obscure the substance of Religion , and weaken the life of Godlinesse , by outward glory and splendor , which drawes away the minds of people so after it , that they forget the substance of the service which they are about . The Heathnish Priests y laboured , per varietatem Ceremoniarum , rem in pretio retinere . The use for which Papists appoint their Ceremonies , z is , ut externam quandam Majestatem sensibus obijciant : And so are the Ceremonies urged upon us , a thought to conciliate reverence & due regard to Divine Worship , and to stirre up devotion . In the meane while it is not considered , that b mentes humanae mirifice capiuntur & fascinantur , Ceremoniarum splendore & Pompa . Videmus siquidem saith Bucer , c vulgus delectari actionibus scanicis , & multis uti signis . d Chemnitius markes of the cumulating of Ceremonies in the auncient Church , that it drew to this , ut tandem in theatricum ferme apparatum Ceremonia illa abierint . e Musculus reprehends Bishops , for departing from the Apostolicall and most auncient simplicity , and for adding Ceremonies unto Ceremonies in a worldly splendor and spectability , whereas the worship of God ought to be pure and simple . The Policy then which is most simple and single , and lest lustered with the pompe & bravery of Ceremonies , can not but be most expedient for edification . f The Kings daughter is most like her selfe , when shee is all glorious within , not without , and g the Kingdome of God appeareth best what it is , when it commeth not with observation : But superstition ( saith h Camero , the mother of Ceremonies , is lavish and prodigall ; Spirituall Whooredome as it is , it hath this common with the bodily ; both of them must have their paintings , their trinkets , their invenglements . Secondly , the Ceremonies are impediments to the inward and spirituall worship , because they are fleshly and externall . i In the second Sect. II commandement are forbidden omnes Ritus , qui a spirituali Dei cultu discrepant . The Kingdome of God is within you , k saith Christ. Now if the Apostle , 1. Tim. 4. 8. say , that bodily exercise such as fasting , watching , &c. which are requisite as helpes and furtherances to the humiliation of the soule , doe but profit a litle , then may we say of our unnecessary and unprofitable Ceremonies , that they are exceedingly nocent and harmefull to true and spirituall worship . The Apostle is not speaking of playes and pastimes , as Bellarmine would have us to thinke . Who can believe that Timothie was so much addicted to play , that the Apostle had need to admonish him , that such exercise profiteth litle ? He is speaking then of such bodily exercises , as in those primitive times were used religiously , as fasting , watching , lying on the ground , and such like ; and he would have Timothy , rather to exercise himselfe to the life and power of Godlinesse , & to substantiall worship , then to any of these outward things . Neither doth the Apostle , condemne only the superstitious use of those exercieses , as l Calvine well observeth : alioqui in totum damnaret : Whereas he doth only extenuate & derogate from them , saying , that they profit litle . Ergo ( saith he ) ut maxime integer sit animus , & rectue finis , tamen in externis actionibus nihill reperit Paulus quod magnifaciat . Valde necessaria admonitio , nam semper propendet mundus in illam partem , uti Deum externis obsequiis velit colere ; But what , will some say ? Doe we allowe of no externall Rites and Ceremonies in Divine worship ? m Saravia , tells us , that dum vitia vitant stulti , in contraria ruunt , and that he is no lesse in the fault , qui nullas in externo Dei cultu Ceremonias admittit , quae tantum decori serviunt , hominesque sui admoneant officii , quam qui quasvis citra delectum recipunt , &c. Wherefore , because a transition from idolatry and Superstition , is more easie to Atheisme & the prophanation of holy things , then to the golden mediocrity , he saith , he could have wished , that Beza had not generally condemned all Ceremonies without making any difference . Ans. Neither Beza , nor any other , who mislike the English Ceremonies , condemneth such Rites and circumstances in the externall worship of God , a●… serve only for decency , but those sacred & significant Ceremonies , which admonish men of their duty , are not of this sort . What shall we say then , of such a conjunction as this , que tantum decori serviunt , hominesque sui admoneant officii ? Why would not Saravia write a Chronologie , I say not Magnarum ( as others ) , but mirandarum conjunctionum , and record , that at such a time he found out the conjunction and compatibility of two things , which were ever thought incompatible in former ages , namely , Rites serving only for decency , and holy significant Ceremonies admonishing men of their duty in Gods worship ? Had there been no Moralist ( trowe we ) then to note , that decency and things serving only for decency have place in civility & all morall actions , in which notwithstanding there is no significant nor admonitory sacred signes of mens duty in Gods worship ? And thus should these two things be seavered , which he hath conjoyned and confounded . To conclude , we condemne the English controverted Ceremonies which are regarded as holy and significant , as most in expedient , because they derogate from the true inward and spirituall worship ; for mans nature saith n Camero , is delighted in that which is fleshly and outward , neglecting that which is spirituall and inward . And this is the reason , why least spirituall , lively , and holy disposition hath followed upon the addition of unnecessary Ceremonies ; and why there was never so much zeall , life , and power of Religion inwardly , in the Church of Christ , as then , when shee was freest of Ceremonies . This much o a Formalist of great note , is forced to a knowledge . Let us consider saith he , the Primitive Church , flourishing more in times of the Apostles , then ever it did afterwards : Who will not admire her great simplicity in all poynts , and especially in Ceremonies ? for excepting the celebration of Baptisme by washing of water ; and of the holy Supper , according to the Lords institution , in taking the Bread and Wine , & distributing them after thanksgiving : excepting also the imposition of hands upon those who extraordinarily received the holy Ghost , whether it were in a generall calling , or a particular , to a charge in the Church , and availing for a miraculous effect , of healing the sicke ; I say , these excepted , there will not be found any other Ceremony in those primitive times , so admirable was their simplicity . Thirdly , the Ceremonies are a great hinderance to edification , Sect. III because they make much time and paines to be spent about them , which might be , and ( if they were removed ) should be spent more profitably for godly edifying . That which is said of the Ceremonies which crept into the auncient Church , agreeth well to them . p Ista Ceremoniarum accumulatio tum ipsos doctores tum etiam ipsos auditores , a studio docendi atque discendi verbum Dei abstraxit , atque impedivit necessarias & utiles divini eloquii institutiones . Pulpits sound oftentimes with declamations for the Ceremonies , when there is need of pressing the power of Godlinesse upon the consciences of people , and when there are many more necessary thinges to be urged . The Presse also sends forth idle discourses and defences of the Ceremonies , which might be employed more profitably . And moreover , faithfull men whose labours might be very profitable to the Church , in the Holy Ministery , have neither a doore of enterance , nor a doore of utterance licentiated to them , and that because they will not consent , nor yeeld themselves to be the unhappy instruments of imposing this yoke of Ceremoniall bondage upon the necks of Gods people . Others who have entered , & have been both faithfull & painefull Labourers in the Lords Vineyard , are thrust from their charges , for no other quarrell , but that of Non-conformity . O unhappy Ceremonies ! Woe unto you ; you mischeivous lets and prejudices to the edification of the Church ! CHAP. V. That the Ceremonies are inexpedient , because they are occasions of injury and cruelty . THe Ceremonies serve to be instruments of cruelty against Sect. I the sincere servants of Christ : they are used , as Absolons sacrifice , to be clokes of wicked malice , they occasion the fyning , confyning , depriving , imprisoning , and banishing of very worthy and good men . q Such instruments of cruelty , brought into the habitation ; not of the sonnes of Iacob , but of the God of Iacob , are to be accursed by all who love the peace of Ierusalem , or beare the bowels of Christian compassion within them , because they are not of Christ the meek lambe of God , who did not crie , nor lift up , nor cause his voice to be heard in the street , who did not breake the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flaxe , but they are of Antichrist : s to whom it is given to make warre with the Saincts . Surely , those bowels of mercies , kyndnesse , meeknesse , and forbearance , which t the Apostle requireth , as they should be in every Christian , so chiefly in iu qui praesunt , as u Melanchton noteth ; in them , towards all , but chiefly towards these who are both good Christians , and good subjects ; towards these in all things , but chiefly in matters of Ceremony and indifferency . In such matters allwayes but chiefly when there is no contempt nor refractary disposition , but only a modest and Christian desire , to conserve the peace of a pure conscience , by forbearing to doe that which it is perswaded is not right . Let Magistrates remember well . Parcere subjectis & debellare superbos . If there were no more , but such a dolefull and woefull effect , as Sect. II the cruell dealing with the faithfull ministers of Iesus Christ , occasioned by the Ceremonies ; this is too much for evincing the inconveniency of them . Dr. Burgesse in a Sermon preached before King Iames , related a speach of the Emperour Augustus , who commanded , that all the glasses should be broken , that no man might incurre such a fright as one Pollio was put into , for breaking one of his masters glasses . Whereby ( as x he expounds himselfe ) he meant to intimate unto that wise King , that it were better to take away the Ceremonies then to throw out the Ministers for them . Yet it is the verdict y of some , that the blame lyeth not upon the Ceremonies , but upon Ministers themselves , who leave their places , and drawe all this evill upon themselves . This is even as z Naball blamed David for breaking away from his master , when he was chased away against his will ; And as a Iulian , when he had impoverished the Christians , laughed them to scorne , as if they had impoverished themselves , to get that blessing which Christ had promised to the poore . The Canon Law speaketh for the Lords Bishops , which are persecuted from citty to citty . b Nec ipsi in hoc peccant , quoniam non sponte sed coacte hoc agunt : sed illi qui eos persecuuntur : nec ipsis Episcopis hoc imputari potest , sed illis qui eos hoc agere cogunt . How is it that they are not ashamed , who say that ministers leave their owne places & callings , when they would faine abyde in them , and with heavie hearts are thrust from them . Neither is this all the injury which is occasioned by the Ceremonies : Sect. III they make godly and zealous Christians to be mocked & nick-named Puritans , except they can swallow the Camell of Conformity . Our consciences beare us witnesse , how without all reason we are branded with the name of those auncient Heretikes , c from whose opinions and maners , O! how farre are we ? And as for our selves , notwithstanding all this , we shrinke not to be reproched for the cause of Christ , we know the old Waldenses before us , d were also named by their adversaries , Cathares or Puritanes : and that without cause hath this name been given both to them & us . But we are most sorry , that such as are walking humbly with their God , seeking eagerly after the meanes of grace and salvation , and making good conscience of all their wayes , should be made odious , and that Piety , Humility , Repentance , Zeale , Conscience , &c. should be mocked , and all by occasion of the Ceremonies . CHAP. VI. That the Ceremonies are inexpedient , because they harden and confirme the Papists . THe Papists make advantage of the Ceremonies , and thereby Sect. I confirme themselves in Popery . First , in that they use them as the bellowes to blow up the fire of contention among us , remembring the old rule , divide & impera . They set us by the eares among our selves , that they may be in peace , and that intestine discord may make us forget the common adversary . e Calvine wrote to the Earle of Summerset , fieri non posse quin Papistae superbius insolescerent , nisi mature compositum esset dissidium de Ceremoniis ; f Dr. White saith , that our strife about Ceremonies is kindled and nourished by Papists . If we were liberate from the Ceremonies , then might we doe more against the Papists , and they should not insult as they doe . But they have yet more advantage from our Formalists : for they like very well the course of Conformity , as the way of returning to Sect. II Popery , and some of them tell us in broad tearmes , that they hope we are comming fast home to them . They perceave us receaving & retaining their Roman Rites and Popish policy , which makes them resolve to stay where they are , promising , that themselves are in the surest hold , and looking for our returning backe to them . This was ere now , both foreseene and foretold by the wiser sort . g Zanchius told , that he seemed to himselfe , to heare the Monkes & Iesuites saving among themselves , Ipsa quoque Regina Angllae doctissima & prudētissima , paulatim incipit ad Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae redire Religionem ; resumptis jam Sanctissimis & Sacratissimis Clericorum vestibus : sperandum est fore ut reliqua etiam omnia , &c. Papists count all to be Calvino-Papistae , i. e. halfe Papists , who are not Puritans , and dayly invite them to an association with them against the Puritans , as h Parker sheweth out of a Treatise intitled , Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia contra Calvino Papistas & Puritanos . And we may perceave out of i Franciscus a Sancta clara , that they dispare of any agreement with Puritans , yet hoping that Formalists will agree with them . In these hopes they are still more and more confirmed , whiles they observe this conformity in Ceremonies to be yet prevailing and proceeding , and not like to take a stand . Whereupon they ( poore soules ) delight to stay still in Babylon , finding us so fast turning backe thither , as if we repented we come out from thence . Some would here defend the Ceremonies , as being most expedient Sect. III to gaine the Papists , who otherwise should be the more aliened from us . O! what a fiction ? as if forsooth , hardening of them in Popery , were to winne them , and fostering of them in the same , were to weane them from it . Woefull proofe hath taught us , that they are but more and more hardened , and resolutely confirmed in Popery by these Romane remainders among us ; neither will they , whiles they exspect that wee are turning backe to them , doe so much as meet us midway : but k they flee from us quam longissime : their overpassing and overreaching Pharisaicall zeale , makes them hold fast the least point of their Religion , and adhere to the whole entire fabrike of the Romane both Doctrine and Discipline . Of the gaining of the Adversaries , l Augustine speaketh better , for if you demand , unde vincantur pagani , unde illuminentur , unde ad salutem vocentur ? He maketh this answer , deserite omnes solennitates es ipsorum , deserite nugas eorum : & si non consentiunt veritati nostrae , saltem pud●…at paucitatis suae . Nulla est concedenda gratia adversariis ( say the Divines of Germany , ) in mutatione Ceremoniarum , nisi prius nobiscum consentiant in fundamento , hoc est , in vera doctrina & usu Sacramentorum . They that yeeld to the Adversaries in matters of Rite , eos hoc ipso in impietate sua confirmant ; and the Adversaries cessione ista non parum adjuvantur saith n Balduin . Bellarmine rejecteth o Cassander his reconciliation , for this reason among others , because according to the judgement of the Fathers , we should not change nor innovate the smallest matters , for gratifying of Heretikes . The best way then which we can use , for winning of the Papists , is p to shine as lights in the world , holding forth the word of life by a pure and plaine profession : to be blamelesse and harmelesse , the sonnes of God without rebuke in the midst of a crooked and perverse nation , q that so the name of God and his Doctrine bee not blasphemed . If thus we hold fast the profession of the trueth , and walke in all honest conversation according to the trueth so many as are ordained to eternall life shall be converted , and r made to glorify God in the day of visitation . If it be said , that the Apostle observed some Iewish Ceremonies Sect. IV for winning of the Iewes , as we read , Act. 18. 21. & 20. 16. & 21. 26. and that it appeareth , wee may by the same reason yeeld to some Popish . Ceremonies , for winning of the Papists . Ans. 1. There is not alike reason of the weake Iewes , who then could not have been fully instructed concerning Christian liberty ; and obstinate Papists who might have been , and yet may be instructed , but will not . Nor 2. is the same to be done in the bright shining meridian light of the Gospell , which was done before the full promulgation of the same . s Nor 3. Is so much honour to be given , and so great respect to bee had to Popish and Antichristian Rites , as to the Ceremonies which were ordained by God himselfe . These were to be suffered a while , that they might be honourably buried : to those we are to say with detestation Get you hence , Nor 4. can the same things be done at Antioch , which are done at Ierusalem ; At Antioch Peter sinned by using Iewish Rites ; because there the greatest part were Gentiles , who had both heard his preaching and seene his practise against the Ceremonies of the Iewes . But at Ierusalem Paul had to doe with the weake Iewes , who had heard litle or no preaching against those Ceremonies , and had seen as litle practise contrary unto them ; Now Scotland must not be likened to Ierufalem : no not to Antioch ; for Scotland hath been filled both with preaching and practise contrary to the Ceremonies of the Papists , yea hath moreover spewed them out openly & solemnely , with a religious and strict oath never to licke them up againe . CHAP. VII . That the Ceremonies are inexpedient , because they disturbe the peace of the Church . THe great evils which have befallen to many famous Churches Sect. I through the meanes of intestine dissentions , should teach us not to admit the occasions of the like inconveniencies among our selves , for as by concord minima crescunt , so by discord maxima dilabuntur . Now , the Ceremonies are the bane of our Churches peace , & the unhappy instruments of lamentable discord among bretheren who should dwell togiter in unity . I know , that the refusers of the Ceremonies are blamed , as if they were the troublers of the peace of the Church , & the tumultuating contentious spirits , who make so much adoe about matters of Rite and Ceremony . But I know also , that none have beene more ordinarily and commonly blamed for troubling the peace of the Church , then they who least deserved to be blamed for it . So was t Elijah himselfe thought to be he that troubled Israell , when he contended against the corruptions of the Church in his time . I will therefore observe foure markes where by it may be knowen , when contentions are in a Church , which side is reprehensible , and also who are to be blamed 〈◊〉 the troublers of our Israell . In contentions raised in the Church , we are to consider the motive , Sect. II the measure , the matter , the manner . And 1. touching the motive ; They who contend in a Church reprehensibly , are moved and induced to the course which they followe , by some worldly respect . Act. 19. 25. 1. Tim. 6. 5. Now , as for those in our Church , who contend for the Ceremonies , many of them are ledde by such argumenta inartificialia , as , wealth , preferment , &c. and if conscience be at all looked to by them , yet they only throw and extort an assent and allowance from it , when worldly respects have made them to propend and incline to an anterior liking of the Ceremonies . We doe not judge them , when we say so , but by their fruits we know them . As u Pope Innocent the 7. whiles he was yet a Cardinall , used to reprehend the negligence and timidity of the former Popes , who had not removed the schisme & trouble of the Church of Rome , yet when himselfe was advanced to the Popedome , he followed the footsteps of his Predecessors , governing all thinges tumultuously , & making the schisme worse : so among our Opposites , not a few have been overcome with ease , pleasure , riches , favour , preeminence , &c. to like well of the Ceremonies , which never had their first love ; When they had both spoken and disputed against them ; What drew them overstayes to contend for them , except ( I say not the seeking of ( lest I be thought uncharitable ) but ) their beeing sought by some worldly benefite ? And how could such a one excuse himselfe , but by Paris his Apology , Ingentibiis ardent , judicium domis sollicitare meum . And what marvell that x Balaks promotion , and Sauls y fields and vineyards , prevaile with such as z love this present world . The Popish oyle and Chrisme were defended by Islebius and Sidonius , a ut ipsi nimirum discederent unctiores . How like to them have we knowen many Formalists ? The best respect which b B. Lindsey nameth for kneeling at the Communion , is , the eshewing the Prince his offence ; But as for us , let it be told who hath ever of a Conformist become a Non-conformist , for any worldly benefire which he might exspect by his non-confirmity ? What worldly respect have we to move us to refuse the Ceremonies ? What wealth ? What preferment ? What ease ? What pleasure ? What favour ? Doe we not expose our selves to the hazard of all these things ? Only our consciences suffer us not to consent to such things as we see to be unlawfull and hurtfull for the Church . 2. Let it be considered , which side exceeds in contending , they Sect. III are in the fault , 1 Tim. 6. 4. Now our Opposites doe farre overmatch us and overstride us in contention . For , 1. They harbour a inveterate dislike of every course and custome which we like well off ; and they carpe at many deeds , words , writings , opinions , fashions , &c. in us , which they let passe in others of their owne minde . Whereas we ( God knowes ) are glad to allowe in them , any thing which wee allow in others , and are so farre from nitimur in vetitum semper cupimusque negata , that most heartily we condescend to apply our selves by all possible meanes to observe them , please them , and entertaine peace with them , who impose and urge upon us , a unconscionable observation of certaine Ceremonies , and to doe as much for them as any ground of conscience or reason can warrant . a So farre as we have attained , we walke by the same rule with them , and so exceed not in the measure . 2. It may be seen , that they exceed in contending with us , if we be compaired with the Papists : against them they contend more remissely , against us more intensively . b Saravia professeth , that he thinketh worse of us , then of Papists . He hath reason c who complaineth of Formalists their desire not to sturre and contend against the Papists , and their fiercenesse against their owne bretheren . This ( saith he ) is ill provided for , and can have no excuse ; that some not to contend with Papists should contend with their bretheren , and displease the sonnes of their owne mother , to please the enimies of their Father , and beate not the dogge before the Lyon , but the Lyon for favour of the dogge , and make the naturall childe to weepe , while the sonne of the bondwoman doeth triumph . 3. That they exceed , appeareth from the effects of their contending : hurt & damnage is a maine effect of contention . Calvine , Perkines , & Pareus observe upon Gal. 5. 15. that contentions breed hurtfull & pernitious effects , which tend to consumption and destruction . Now wherein doe we injure or harme our Opposites , in their persons , callings , places , & c ? yet in all these and many other things doe they wrong us , by defamation , deprivation , spoliation , incarceration , &c. How much better were it , to remove the Babylonian baggage of Antichristian Ceremonies , which are the mischievous meanes , both of the strife and of all the evill which ariseth out of it ? Put away the Ceremonies , cast out this Ionus , and beholde , the storme will cease . A wise Pilot , will in a urgent storme , cast out even some pretious wares ; that the rest may be safe . And shall vve then saith d Park●… , cast out the Pilots of the ship themselves , and all to spare the wa●… of Ro●… which are no lavvfull trafficque ? 3. Let the matter be looked to , for which each side contendeth ; Sect. IV Bretheren saith the e Archb. of Sainctandrews , to contend is not a fault , if so it be for a weighty matter , but to be contentious in a light busines this is faultie . Now I wish it may please him to understand , that when we contend about the removall of the Ceremonies , we contend for a very waighty matter , for we prove the removall of them , to bee necessary in respect of their inconveniency , and unlawfullnesse . They who urge the Ceremonies , contend for things which are not necessary , and we who refuse them , contend for things which are most necessary , even for the Doctrine and Discipline warranted by Gods Word , against all corruptions of Idolatrie and Superstition . That the Ceremonies can neither be purged of Superstition nor Idolatry , I have proved in the 3. part of this Dispute . 4. If the manner of contending be observed , our Opposites will Sect. V be found reproveable ; not we : we contend by the grounds of truth and reason : but they use to answer all objections , and resolve all questions , by the sentence of Superiours , and the will of the Law , we contend from Gods Word and good reason , they from mans will and no reason . This was clearely seene at the first conclusion of the five Articles at Perth Assembly . B. Lindsey him selfe relating the proceedings of the same , f tels us , that Mr. Iohn C●…icholl and Mr. William Sco●…e alledged , that if any would prese to abolish the order which had been long keeped in this Church , and draw in things not receaved yet , they should be holden to prove , either that the things urged , were necessary and expedient for our Church , or the order hitherto kept , not meet to be retained . This was denied , upon this ground ; that is was the Prince ( who by himselfe had power to reforme such things as were amisse in the outward policy of the Church ) that required to have the change made : Well , since they must needs take the opponents part , they desired this question to be reasoned : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 at the Communion were the fitter gesture ? This also was refused , and the question was propounded thus . His Majestydesires our gesture of sitting at the Communion to be changed into kneeling : why ought not the s●…me to be do●… ? At lentgh when Mr. Iohn Carmichall brought an Argument from the custome and practise of the Church of Scotland , g it was answered that albeit the Argument held good against the motions of private men , yet his Majesty requiring the practise to be changed ▪ matters behoved to admit a new consideration , and that because it was the Prince his priviledge , &c. I must say , the B. was not well advised to insert this passage , which ( if there were no more ) lets the world see , that free reasoning was denied . For his Majesties Auctority , did both exeeme the affirmers from the paines of probation , ( contrary to the lawes of disputation ) and state the question , and also answeare Arguments . And moreover , when the Articles were put in voting , the Archbishop in calling on the names did inculcate these and the like words : have the King in your minde : 〈◊〉 on the King : looke to the King. This , B. Lindsey passeth over in deepe silence , though it be challenged by his Antagonist . h Plinius proveth , that animalia infecta doe sometimes sleepe , because sometimes when light is holden neere them , yet they sturre not . And may not we conclude , that the B. was sleeping , when tho both in this , and diverse other places , such convincing light was holden out before him , yet hath he said nothing nor sturred himselfe at all for the matter ? Yet further , we finde that B. Spotswood in his Sermon at that pretended Assembly , answeareth all such as can not yeeld to the Ceremonies with the peace of their consciences ; That without any more adoe , they may not controule publike judgement , but must alwayes esteeme that to be best and most seemly , which seemeth so in the eye of publike auctority ; That even such Rites and orders as are not rightly established ; must be obeyed so long as they have the force of a constitution ; That the sentence of Superiours ought to direct us and be a sufficient ground to our conscience for obeying . This is the best of their reasoning , and before all faile . i The B. of Winchester reasoneth from bare custome . Have we not cause to renew the complaint which k Ioh. Lascus made in behalfe of the Protestants in Germanie : nulla cognitione causa per colloquium aut a●…icam suffragiorum collationem habita , sed prajudicio tantum ipsorum sententiam damnari . CHAP. VIII . That the inexpediency of the Ceremonies , in respect of the Scandall of the weake , may be plainely perceived , 12 propositions touching Scandall are premitted . THere remaineth yet another inconveniency found in the Ceremonies , which is Scandall ; They hinder our spirituall Sect. I edification , and groweth in Faith and Plerophory , & make us stumble in stead of going forwarde . l The best members of the body should be cut off , when they offend , much more the superfluous humours , such as the Popish Ceremonies must be reckoned to bee . And what if some wide consciences thinke the Ceremonies no stumbling blockes ? Nay , what if some pretend , that they edify ? m Ferulae asinis gratissime sunt in pabulo , ●…teris vere jumentis praesentanto vtneno . It is enough to evince the inconveniency of the Ceremonies , that some are scandalized , yea many tender consciences are made to stumble by their meanes . We learne from our Master , n that the Scandall of one is to be cared for , much more the Scandall of many , especially if those many , be of the number of the litle ones which believe in him . But for our clearer proceeding in this Argument , I will premit these propositions , of which we are to make use . I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Scandall or offence is not the Sect. II grieving or displeasing of my brother ; for peradventure when I grieve him or displease him , I doe edify him ; now Edification and Scandall are not compatible . But Scandall , is a word or deed proceeding from me , which is or may be the occasion of another mans halting , or falling into , or swerving from the straight way of righteousnesse . Scandulum ( saith o 〈◊〉 ) nos offendiculum , vel ruinam & impactionem pedis possumus dicere : quando ergo legimus , quicunque de minimis istis scandalizaverit quempiam : hoc intelligimus : quicunque dicto factove occasionem ruina cuiquam dederit . Scandalum saith p Almandus Polanus , est dictum vel factum , quo alius deterior redditur . II. This occasion of halting , stumbling , or swerving , which we call Scandall , is sometimes onely given on the part of the offender , sometimes onely taken on the part of the offended , sometimes both given on the one part , and taken on the other . The first sort is , Scandall given , and not taken ; The second is , Scandall taken , and not given ; The third is , Scandall both taken and given . III. All these three kindes of Scandall are sinfull . The first is the sinne of the offender ; for it is a fault to give my brother occasion of stumbling , though he stumble not . The second is the sinne of the offended , who should not take offence where he hath no cause . The third is a sinne on both sides ; for as it is a fault to lay an occasion of falling before another , so it is a fault in him to fall , though hee have occasion . IV. A Scandall given or active , is not onely such a word or deed , whereby we intend the fall of our Brother , but q also , such a word Sect. III or deed , quod de sui ration●… habet , quod sit inductivum ad peccandum , puta cum aliquis publice facit peccatum , vel quod habet similitudinem peccati . Ioh. 16. 2. Put the case a man stay away from the Christian Assemblies , and publike worship of God , intending to employ his studies all this time , for the good of the Church by writing ; such a man doth not onely not intend the fall of others , but by the contrary he intendeth edification ; yet doth he scandalize them , because ratio & conditio operis is scandalous and inductive to sinne . V. An active Scandall is given ( and so is faulty ) many wayes . If it be in a thing lawfull , then it makes our brother condemne our lawfull deed , yea animates him by our example , to that which in his conscience he condemneth , both which are sinne . If it be in a thing unlawfull , then is the Scandall given and peccant , if either our brother be made to fall into the outward act of sinne ; or 2. If he bee made to stumble in his conscience , and to call in question the way of trueth ; or 3. If it doe so much as to make him halt , or weaken his plerephory or full assurance ; or 4. If it hinder his growth and going forward , and make him , though neither to fall , nor to stumble , nor to halt , yet to have a smaler progresse . Or 5. If none of these evils be produced in our brother , yet when either through our intention , and the condition of the deed togither , or through the condition of the deed alone , occasion is given him of sinning any one of these wayes . Opu●… nostrum ( r ) saith a great Proctor for Popish Ceremonies , quot●…s sive natura sua , sive superaddito accidente alicujus circumstantiae , est inductivum proximi ad peccatum , sive causativum magni mali , sive turbativum boni spiritualis ; sive impeditivum fidei &c. quamvis etiam effectus non s●…queretur , malum est & peccatum . VI. A passive Scandall , which is taken and not given , is not onely faulty , when it proceedeth of malice , but also , when it proceedeth Sect. IV of ignorance and infirmity : and Scandalum pusillorum , may be Scandalum acceptum , on the part of the offended faulty , as well as Scandalum Pharis●…orum . When weake ones are offended at me for the use of a lawfull thing , before I know of their weakenesse , and their taking of offence , the Scandall is onely passive , and so we see , that weake ones may take offence where none is given , as well as the malitious . Now , their taking of offence , though it proceed of weaknesse , yet is sinfull , for their weaknesse and ignorance is a fault , and doth not excuse them . VII . A Scandall may be at first onely passive , & yet afterward become active . For example , Gedeons Ephod , and the brasen Serpent , were monuments of Gods mercies , and were neither evill , nor appearances of evill , so that when people were first scandalized by them , the Scandall was merely passive , but the keeping and retaining of them , after that Scandall rose out of them , made the Scandall to become active also , because the reserving of them after that time , was not without appearance of evill . VIII . The occasion of an Scandall which is onely passive should be removed , if it be not some necessary thing , & we are not onely to Sect. V shunne that which giveth Scandall , but also that whereupon followeth a Scandall taken , whatsoever it be , if it be not necessary . This is so evident , that Papists themselves subscribe to it , for s both Cardinall Cajetan , and Dominicus Bannes say , that we should abstaine even 〈◊〉 spiritualibus non necessariis when Scandall riseth out of them . IX . Neither can the indifferency or lawfullnes of the thing done , nor the ordinance of Auctority commanding the use of it , make the Scandall following upon it , to bee onely passive , which otherwise , i. e. in case the thing were neither lawfull , nor ordained by Auctority , should be active . Not the former ; for t our Divines teach , that Scandalum datum riseth sometimes , ex facto-in se adiaphoro when it is done intempessive , contra charitatis regulam . Not the latter ; for no humane Auctority can take away the condition of Scandall , from that which otherwise should be Scandall , because u nullu●… homo potist vel charitati , vel conscientiis nostris imperare , vel periculum scandali d●…ti prestar●… , saith a learned Casuist . X. A Scandall is passive and taken by the scandalized , without the fault of the doer , onely in this case , x cum factum unius est alteri occasio peccandi , prater intentionem facientis , & conditionem facti so that to the making of the doer blamelesse , is not onely required , that he intend not his brothers fall , but also that the deed be neither evill in it selfe , nor yet done inordinately , and with apperance of evill . XI . The Scandall not to be cared for , is onely in necessary things , Sect. VI such as the hearing of the Word , Prayer , &c. from which we may not abstaine , though all the world should be offended at us : In these I say , and these onely , Scandalum quod oritur ex rebus per s●… bonis & necessariis , non licet evitare , &c. at rerum legittimarum sed non necessariarum disparest ratio , &c. y saith a great Formalist . XII . We ought for the Scandall of the malitious , to abstaine from all things from which we ought to abstaine for the Scandall of the weake ; for we ought not to abstaine from necessary things for the Scandall of the weake , no more then for the Scandall of the malitious , and from things that are not necessary , we ought to abstaine for the Scandall of the malitious , as well as for the Scandall of the weake . So that weaknesse and malice in the offended non variant speci●…m scandali , but onely gradum ejusdem speciei . Both his fault who is offended through malice is greater , then his fault who is offended through weaknesse , and likewise his fault who offends the weake in the Faith , is greater then his fault who offends those who are malitious against the Faith , because as we ought to doe good to all men , so chiefly to those of the houshold of Faith. Neverthelesse , the kind of Scandall remaines the same , whether we have to doe with the malitious or the weake . They are therefore greatly mistaken , who conclude from Paul his not circumcising of Titus , Gal. 2. 4. 5. that he cared not for the Scandall of the malitious . The Argument were good if those false bretheren had been scandalized by his not circumcising of Titus ; but they were onely displeased hereby , not scandalized . The Apostle saw , that they were to be scandalized by his circumcising of Titus , therefore of very purpose he circumcised him not ; Because he foresaw statim for●… ut illi traherent in calumniam saith z Calvine : Ne eo circumciso gloriarentur Evangelieam libertatem quam Paulus praedicabat sublatam saith a Bullinger . If they had compe●…led him to circumcise Titus , falsis fratribus parata erat calumniandi ansa adversus Paulum , saith b Par●…us , who also inferreth well from this place , that we are taught to beware of two extreames , to wit , the Scandall of the weake on the one part , and the pervicacie of false bretheren on the other part : si enim ( saith he ) us●… rerum mediarum videmus , vel illos offendi , hoc est in fide labefactari , vel istos in fals●… opinione obfirmari , omittende potius sunt , quia . ●…nc per accidens fiunt illicita . Whereupon I throw back the Argument , & proves from this place , that Paul cared to shunne the Scandall of the malitious , which should have followed upon his circumcising of Titus , as well as he cared to shunne the offence of the weake , which should have followed upon his not circumcising of Timothee . And that Paul cared for the Scandall of the malitious , is further confirmed by his not taking wages at Corinth ; they who would have been offended at his taking wages there , were malitious , and did but seeke occasion against him , 2 Cor. 11. v. 12. yet his taking wages there , not being necessary ( as appeareth from , 2 Cor. 11. 9. ) he abstained . Christ his not caring for the Scandall of the Pharisees , is also objected to prove , that if the thing bee lawfull or indifferent , wee are not to care for the offence of the malitious . But c Parker answereth well . The Scandall there not cared for , is , when the Pharisees are offended at his abstaining from their washings , and his preaching of true Doctrine : both of which were necessary duties for him to doe . And d when he defendeth his healing on Sabbaths ; and his Disciples plucking cares , upon this reason , they are duties of necessity , and charity , he plainely insinuateth , there is no defence for deeds unnecessary when the malitious are scandalized . When the thing was indifferent , doth he not forgoe his liberty for to please them , as f when he payed Tribute lest he should offend them , although he know they were malitious . Thus have I evinced a maine point , namely , that when Scandall is knowne to follow upon any thing , if it be not necessary , there is no respect whatsoever which can justify it . CHAP. IX . All the defences of the Ceremonies , used to justify them against the Scandall imputed to them , are confuted . FRom that which hath been said , it followeth inevitably , Sect. I that since Scandall riseth out of the controverted Ceremonies and since they are not things necessary , they are to bee condemned and removed as most inconvenient . But that the inconveniency of them , in respect of the Scandall which they cause , may be particularly and plainely evinced , I come to discusse all the defences which our Opposites use against our Argument of Scandall . These Formalists who aknowledge the inconveniency of the Ceremonies in respect of Scandall , and yet conforme themselves to the same , are brought in by g Hooker making their Apology on this wise . Touching the offence of the weake , we must adventure it , if they perish , they perish &c. our Pastorall charge is Gods absolute commandement , rather then that shall be taken from us , &c. The opinion of such , beside that it will be hatefull and accursed to every one who considereth it , I have h said enough against it heretofore . Wherefore I will here medle onely with such , as goe about to Sect. II purge the Ceremonies from the inconveniency of Scandall . And first , they commonly answer us , that the Scandall which followeth upon the Ceremonies , is passive and taken onely , not active and given : which answer I find both impertinent and false . It is impertinent , because put the case the Scandall were onely passive and taken , yet the occasion of it should be removed out of the way , when it is not a thing necessary , according to my 8. 11. and 12 Propositions ; and if any of our Opposites will denie this , let them blush for shame . i A Iesuite shall correct them , and teach them from Math. 17. 27. That Christ shunned a Scandall , which would have been merely passive , and therefore that this is not to be taken for a sure and perpetuall rule , Scandalum datum , non acceptum esse vitandum . k One of our owne Writers upon this same place noteth , that this Scandall which Christ eshewed , had been a Scandall taken onely , because the exactors of the tribute money , ought not to have been ignorant of Christ his immunity and dignity , yet because they were ignorant of the same , lest he should seeme to give a Scandall ; cedere potius sua libertate voluit . Ideo non tantum dicit : ne scandalizentur : sed ne scandalizemus cos , hoc est , ne scandali materiam eis demus . Their answeare is also false ; 1. There is no scandall taken , but ( if Sect. III it be knowen to be taken , and the thing at which it is taken be not necessary , ) it is also given . The Scandall of the weake in the Apostles times , who were offended with the liberty of eating all sorts of meats , was passive and taken , as l Zanchius observeth , yet was that Scandall given and peccant , upon their part who used their liberty of eating all sorts of meats , & so cared not for the offence of the weake . Think they then that our taking of offence can excuse their giving of offence ? Nay , since the things whereby they offend us , are no necessary things , they are greatly to be blamed . That the Ceremonies are not necessary in themselves our Opposites a knowledge ; and that they are not necessary in respect of the Churches determination , I have proven in the first part of my Dispute . Wherefore having no necessity in them , they ought to be abolished , when scandall is knowen to arise out of them . 2. Giving and not graunting , that the Scandall of them who were first offended at the Ceremonies , was only passive , yet the using of them after Scandall is knowen to rise out of them , must be an active Scandall , because the keeping of a thing which is not necessary , after scandall riseth out of it , is an active Scandall , though the Scandall which at first rose out of it , had beene only passive , as I shew in my seventh Proposition . 3. The trueth is , that both first and last , the Scandall of the Ceremonies is active and given ; for an active Scandall is dictum vel factum vere malum , aut mali speciem habens , quo auctor aliis peccandi occasionem praebet , say m our Divines . An active Scandall is ever a sinne in him who offendeth , quia vel ipsum opus quod facit est peccatum , vel etiam si habeat speciem peccati , &c. Say the n Schoolmen . A scandall given and faulty , id opus aut ex se malum , aut apparenter , say o Formalists themselves . Now to say the least that can be said , the Ceremonies have a very Sect. IV great appearance of evill , and so the Scandall which followeth them shall be proven to be active . p The Divines of Magdeburge inferre from 1. Thess. 5. 22. speciem mali etiam scandala conficere . q Iunius teacheth that Scandall is given sive exemplo malo , sive speciem habente mali . r M. Ant. de dominis maketh the scandall sinne , ubi quis opere suo aliquo , vel de se malo , vel indifferenti , aut bono , sed cum specie apparentis mali , proximum inducit ad peccandum , etiamsi intentio ipsius ad hoc non feratur . But to discover the appearance of evill which is in the Ceremonies , let us consider with s Zanchius , that the appearance of evill , from which the Apostle exhorteth to abstaine , may be expounded two wayes . First , it may be referred to the preceeding words , and so meant of Prophecie and trying the Doctrine of Prophets or Preachers , for we should be ware in this matter , of all which hath any appearance of evill , that is , from all things , quae ab Haereticis in suam sententiam , malamque consequentiam trahi possunt . For example saith Zanchius , Nestorius said that we are saved by the blood , not of the Sonne of God , but of the sonne of man. Now if any suppressing that negative , should say , we are saved by the blood of the sonne of man , though this might receave a right explication , yet it hath an appearance of evill , because from it Nestorius might confirme his heresie . Appearance of evill thus expounded , will be found in the Ceremonies in question . If a Phrase or forme of speaking , from which Heretikes may draw bad consequences , & confirme their errors , though not truly , yet in shew , be an appearance of evill ; then much more are visible Ceremonies and receaved Customes , from which Heretikes get occasion to confirme their hereticall errors and damnable superstitions , very plaine and undeniable appearances of much evill . Now Papists confirme many of their superstitions by the English Ceremonies . t Parker giveth too many cleare instances , namely , that by the English Crosse , Martiall justifyeth the Popish Crosse ; And Saunders , the Popish Images ; That the English Service booke , is drawen by Parsons and Bristowe , to a countenancing of their Masse-booke : That Rainold draweth privat Baptisme , to a proofe of the necessity which they put in that Sacrament : That the Rhemists drawe the Absolution of the sicke , prescribed in the Communion-booke , to an approbation of their Absolution , Auricular Confession , and Sacrament of Pennance . To these Instances I adde , that u the Rhemists confirme their Feast of the assumption of Mary , from the other Feasts which the Church of England observeth . And so doth , x I. Hart. It will be said , that Papists have no ground nor reason to confirme Sect. V any of their superstitions by the English Ceremonies . But I answere : 1. If it were so , yet for asmuch , as Papists draw them to a confirmation of their superstitions , we should abstaine from them as appearances of evill . Eating ( at a privat banquet ) of that which was sacrificed to Idols , did confirme ane Idolater and Infidell in his religion , as y Pareus noteth : yet from this , the Idolater had no reason to confirme himselfe in his Idolatry ; but because the Idolater seeing it , might draw it to a confirmation ; the Apostle will have it for that respect foreborne . When the Arrians abused Trin immersion in Baptisme , to signify three natures of the three persons , z Pope Gregory and a the fourth Councell of Toledo ordained , that in Spaine , thrise washing should no longer be used in Baptisme , but once only . The Arrians had no just reason to draw such a signification from the Ceremony of Trin-immersion : yet was it abolished when those Heretikes did so abuse it . If any say , that we are saved by the blood of the sonne of man , the phrase is orthodoxe , because of the communication or rather communion of properties , and the Nestorians can not with good reason by it confirme their Heresie , yet are we to abstaine from this forme of speach , in Zanchius his judgment , when it is drawen to the confirmation of that error . I conclude with that which b Parker alledgeth out of the Harmony of Confessions . Cum adiaphora rapiuntur ad confessionem , libera esse desinunt . Marke rapiuntur . 2. The Ceremonies doe indeed greatly countenance those superstitions of Papists : because c Communio rituum est quasi symbolum communionis in Religione : So that Papists get occasion from the Ceremonies , of confirming , not only those Popish Rites which we have not yet received , but also the whole Popish Religion , especially since they see Conformists so siding with them against Non-Conformists , & making both their opinions and their practises to be better , then we reckon them to be . d Saravia perceaving how much the Popish Sacrament of Confirmation , is countenanced & confirmed by our Bishoping , thinkes it best to put the fairest face he can , upon the Papists judgment of that bastard Sacrament . He would have us believe , that the Papists doe not extoll the dignity of the Sacrament of Confirmation above Baptisme . But he should have considered that which e Cartwright marketh out of the first Tome of the Councells , that in the Epistle which is ascribed to Eusebius & Melciades Bishops of Rome , it is plainly affirmed , that the Sacrament of Confirmation is more to be reverenced then the Sacrament of Baptisme . Zanchius hath another exposition of the appearance of evill , which doth also agree to the Ceremonies . The appearance of evill which Sect. VI maketh Scandall , and from which the Apostle would have us to abstaine , may be taken generally of all sorts of sinne , & all evill things whatsoever : for so we should abstaine from all that which hath any appearance of evill ; nullam praebentes occasionem proximo nostro aliquid mali de nobis suspicandi . He instanceth for example , the ea●…ing of Idolothytes in Pauls time , 1. Cor. 10. now if the eating of Idolothyte Meats , was an appearance of evill , and so scandalous , because it gave the weake occasion to suspect some evill of such as did eat them ; much more Idolothyte Rites which have not only beene dedicated and consecrated to the honour of Idolls , but also publikely and commonly used and imployed in Idolatrous ●…ship ; surely whosoever useth such Idolothytes , gives great occ●…on to his brother to suspect some evill of him , because of such evill favoured appearances . And thus we see , how great appearance of evill , is more then manifest in the Ceremonies , which maketh the Scandall active , if there were no more . But afterwards we shall see the Ceremonies to be evill and unlawfull in themselves , and so to be in the worst kinde of active Scandall . Two things are objected here by our Adversaries , to make it appeare Sect. VII that the Scandall of Conformity , is not active nor fautly upon their part . 1. They say , they are blamelesse , because they render a reason of that which they doe , so that we may know the lawfullnesse of it . To this , sufficient answere hath beene made allready , by one whose answeres I may well produce to provoke Conformists therewith , because no reply hath ever beene made to them . This saith f he , if it be true , then see we an end of all the duty of bearing with the weake : of forbearing our owne liberty , power , and auctority in things indifferent , for their supportance : yea an end of all the care to prevent their offence , by giving them occasion g aut condemnandi factum nostrum , aut illud imitandi contra conscientiam , which we have h so often , so seriously , with so many reasons , obtestations , yea woes and threatnings commanded to us throughout the Word What needed Paul to write so much against the scandall of meates , and against the scandall of Idolothious meats ? This one precept might have sufficed , let the strong give a reason for his eating , &c. Though be hath given many reasons to them of Corinth for the lawfullnesse of taking wages : though he hath given divers reasons for the lawfullnesse of all sorts of meats to them of Rome ; yet neither will he take wages himselfe , nor suffer others to eat all sorts of meats , when others are offended . And what is that which he writeth Rom. 14 Take and receave the weak for their supportance , and not for contraversy and disputation ? &c. It will be said , that they are to be thought obstinate , who after a reason given , are still scandalized . But the answere is in readinesse , i Fieri potest ut quidam nondum sint capaces rationis redditae , qui idcirco quamvis ratio sit illis reddita , habendi sunt adhuc pro pusillis . They are rather to be thought obstinate in scandalizing , who perceiving the scandall to remaine notwithstanding of their reason given , yet for all that , take not away the occasion of the scandall . But say k some , whoever ought to be esteemed weake , or not capable of reason , Ministers must not be so thought of . Whereunto I answere with Didoclavius ; Infirmitatem in doctiores cadere posse , neminem negaturum puto , & superiorum temporum historia de dimicatione inter doctores Ecclesiae , ob Ceremonias , idipsum probat . Parati etiam sunt coram Deo testari se non posse acquiescere in Formalistarum foliis ficulneis . The reason which they give us commonly , is Will and Auctority ; or if at any time they give another reason , it is such a one as can not cleare nor resolve our consciences . But let their reasons be so good as any can be , shall we be thought obstinate for being offended not with standing of their reason ? Dare they say that those who contended so much of old about the Celebration of Easter , and about the Fast of the Sabbath , were not weake , but obstinate & malicious , after a reason was given ? Why consider they not , m that men may for their science be profitable ministers , and yet faile of that measure of prudency whereby to judge of a particular use of indifferent things . 2. They say , they give no Scandall by the Ceremonies , because Sect. VIII they have no such intent as to drawe any into sinne by them . Ans. A scandalous and inordinat quality , or condition of an action any way inductive to sinne , maketh an active Scandall , though the doer have no intention to draw into sinne . This I made good in my 4. Proposition ; and it is further confirmed by that great Scandall whereby Peter compelled the Gentiles to judaize Gal. 2. 14. He constrained them saith n Perkins , by the auctority of his example , whereby he caused them to thinke that the observation of the Ceremoniall Law was necessary . It was then the quality of his action which made the Scandall active , because that which he did was inductive to sinne , but we are not to think that Peter had an intention to drawe the Gentiles to sinne . o Cardinall Baronius laboureth to make Peter blamelesse , & his fact free of all fault ; quia praeter ipsius spem id acciderat , and it fell forth only ex accidenti & inopinato , ac praeter intentionem ipsius . p M. Ant. de dominis consuteth him well : Est scandalum & cum peccato , quando quis licet non intendat peccatum alterius , facit tamen opus aut ex se malum aut apparenter , ex quo scit , aut scire debet , consequuturum alterius peccatum , aut quodcunque malum : nam etiam dicitur illud volentarium interpretative . I will yet descend more particularly to confute our Opposites their severall answeares and defences , which they have used against Sect. IX our Argument of Scandall . And I beginne with our Lord Chancellour ; As for the Godly amongst us q saith he , we are sorry they should be grieved , but it is their owne fault : for if the things be in themselves lawfull , what is it that should offend them ? Ans. 1. He does not well expresse Scandall ( whereof he is there speaking ) by griefe , for I may be grieved , yet not scandalized , and scandalized , yet not grieved , according to my first proposition touching Scandall . 2. To what purpose tells he , it is their owne fault ? Thinkes he that there are any offended without their owne fault ? * To be offended is ever a fault , as I shew in my 3. and 6. Propositions ; so that if a Scandall be not removed , where it is mens owne fault that they are offended , then no Scandall shall ever be removed ; because all who are scandalized , commit a fault in being Scandalized . Nihil potest esse hominicausa sufficiens peccati , quod est spiritualis ruina , nisi propria voluntas , & ideo dicta vel facta alterius hominis possunt esse solum causa imperfecta aliqualiter inducens ad ruinam , saith r Aquinas ; giving a reason why in the definition of Scandall , he saith not , that it giveth cause , but that it giveth occasion of ruine . 3. Why thinkes he , that if the things be in themselves lawfull , they are purged of Scandall ? s what if they edify not ? what if hey be not expedient ? are they not therefore scandalous , because in themselves lawfull ? this shift is destroyed by my 9. Proposition . And I pray , were not all meats lawfull for the Gentiles in the Apostles times ? yet this could not excuse their eating all sorts of meats , when the Iewes were thereby offended . 4. Whereas he demandeth , if the thinges be in themselves lawfull ; what is it that should offend them ? I demand againe ; though adultery , murder &c. be in themselves unlawfull , what is it that should offend us ? should we offend or be scandalized for any thing ? hay , then we should sinne , for to be offended is a sinne . 5. He had said to better purpose ; what is it that may offend them , or doth offend them , that it may be voided ? whereunto I answere , that there is a twofold Scandall which may be and hath beene given by thinges lawfull in themselves , ( as I touched in my . 5. Proposition ) Viz. the giving of occasion to the weake to condemne our lawful deeds , & the animating of them to followe our example against their owne consciences : both wayes we make them to sinne . The Apostle 1. Cor. 10. 29. where he is speaking of a certaine kind of Idolothyts which are in themselves lawfull , and only evill in the case of Scandall , sheweth , that if the weake in a privat banquet , see the stronge eating such meates as have beene offered to Idolls , notwith standing of warning given , then is the weake one scandalized ; because would the Apole say , t velipse etiam edet tuo exemplo , vacillante conscientia , vel tacite factum tuum damnabit . Behold what Scandall may arise , even out of thinges which are in themselves lawfull , which also ariseth out of the Ceremonies , ( let them be as lawfull as can be . ) 1. We are provoked to dissallow of lawfull thinges , and to condemne the doers , as superstitious and popishly affected . 2. We are animated by the example of Formalists to practise Conformity , which in our consciences we condemne , and by consequence doe sinne , because he that doubteth is damned , and whatsoever is not of faith , is sinne . Let us see next how the Bishop of Edinburgh can helpe the cause . Sect. X He will have us not to respect Scandall , because it is removed by the Law. For u saith he , by obedience to a lawfull ordinance , no man gives Scandall . And if any take offence , both the cause and occasion thereof is the perversnesse only of the person offended . Tertullian saith well , res bona neminem offendit nisi malam mentem . Ans. 1. I shew in my 9. Proposition , that the ordinance of Superiours can not make that to be no scandall which otherwise should be Scandall . If this be not taken well from us , let x one of our Opposites speake for us ; who aknowledgeth , that human power can not make us doe that which we can not doe without giving of Scandall , and that in this case , the pretext of obedience to Superiours shall not excuse us at the hands of the Supreme judge . 2. I would learne of him what makes a lawfull ordinance about matters of fact or thinges to be done ? Not the will of Superiours ; else there shall be no unlawfull ordinances ; ( for every ordinance hath the will of the ordainer : ) Not the lawfullnesse of the thing in it selfe which is ordained neither ; for then every ordinance , which prescribeth a thing lawfull in it selfe , were it never so inexpedient in respect of supervenient circum stances , should be lawfull . To a lawfull ordinance then required , not only that the thing ordained be lawfull in it selfe , is also that it be not inexpedient . So that a thing may be lawfull in itselfe , yet not lawfully ordained , because the ordinance commandeth the doing of it , whereas there are many thinges lawfull which ought not to be done , because they are not expedient , 1. Cor. 6. 12. 3. Since it can not be a lawfull ordinance which ordaineth a thing inexpedient , it can not be a lawfull obedience which is yeelded to such an ordinance . 4. If by a lawfull ordinance he meane ( as it seems he doth ) an ordinance prescribing , that which is lawfull in it selfe , then his answere is false . What if an ordinance of Superiours , had ordained the Corinthians to eate freely of all meates which were in themselves cleane ? Durst the Bishop say , that this ordinance of Superiours had beene of greater waight and superiour reason , then the Law of Charity which is Gods Law ? Had no man given scandall by obedience to this ordinance ? And would not the Apostle , for all that , have forbidden as he did the using of this liberty with the offence of others ? 5. When any man is offended at a thing lawfull prescribed by an ordinance , the cause thereof is indeed in himselfe ( yet it is not alwayes his perversnesse , but oftimes weaknesse : ) but the occasion of it , is the thing at which he offendeth , which occasion should ever be removed when it is not a thing necessary , as I shew already . 6. As for that sentence of Tertullian , it must admit the exception of a reverend Divine . He signifieth ( saith y Paraeus ) scandall not to be properly committed , save in thinges evill in themselves , or else indifferent : quanquam interdum circa bonas intempestive factas etiam committi possit . In the third place we will looke what weapons of warre Dr. z Forbesse Sect. XI produceth in his Irenicum , falsly so called . And first , he will not heare us touching Scandall , except we first a knowledge the Ceremonies not to be evill in themselves : otherwise he thinks we debate in vaine about Scandall , since we have a more convenient way to exterminat the Ceremonies by proving them to be evill in themselves , and also because when we are pressed with the weight of Arguments , we will still runne back to this point , that nothing which in it selfe is unlawfull , can be done without Scandall . Ans. 1. The Argument of Scandall is not vainly or idly debated , for though we prove the Ceremonies to be evill in themselves , yet fitly we argument also from the Scandall of them , because this maketh yet more . 1. ad rem ; For the Scandall of a thing is more then the unlawfullnesse of it : every unlawfull thing is not scandalous , but that only which is done to the knowledge of another . 2. ad hominem ; For that we may either content or convince our Opposites , we argument ex ipsorum concessis , to this purpose ; that since they yeeld the Ceremonies to be in themselves indifferent , therefore they must a knowledge that they are to be foreborne , because scandall followeth upon them , & they should abstaine from thinges indifferent , in the case of scandall . 2. Whereas he thinkes we will still turne back to the unlawfullnesse of the Ceremonies in themselves , albeit we may justly make use of this answear , when they goe about to purge the Ceremonies from Scandall by the lawfullnesse of them in themselves , ( because the Argument of Scandall doeth not presuppose our concession of the lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies , but theirs ; ) yet he deceives himselfe in thinking that we can not handle this Argument without it , for were they never so lawfull in themselves , we a evince the Scandall of them from the appearance of evill which is in them , so that without respecting the unlawfullnesse of the Ceremonies in themselves , we can and doe make good our Argument of Scandall , so farre as concerneth the Ceremonies considered by themselves . But when our Opposites object , that many are scandalized by us who refuse the Ceremonies , we here compare the Scandall of Non-conformity , if there be any such ( for though some be displeased at it , I see not how they are scandalized by it , ) with the Scandall of Conformity , and shew them that the Scandall of Non-conformity is not to be cared for , because it is necessary , and that by reason of the unlawfullnesse of the Ceremonies . I will make all this plaine by a simile . A Pastor dealing with a Fornicator , layeth before him both his sinne and the Scandall of it too . Now as touching the Scandall , the Fornicator careth not for it , because he is in the opinion that Fornication is indifferent . Whereupon the Pastor thus proceedeth . If it were indifferent , as you say , yet because Scandall riseth out of it , you should abstaine . And so amongst many Arguments against Fornication , the Pastor useth this Argument taken from the Scandall of it , both for aggravating the sinne in it selfe , and for convincing the sinner , and this Argument of Scandall , the Pastor can make good against the Fornicator , out of his owne ultroneous and unrequired concession of the indifferency of Fornication ( because things indifferent and in the case of Scandall , and when they are done with the appearance of evill , should be forborne ) without ever mentioning the unlawfulnesse of it . But if in an froward tergiversation , the Fornicator beginne to reply , that he also is scandalized and provoked to goe on in his Fornication obstinately , by the Pastors rebuking him for so light a matter , and that the Pastors reproofe to him hath appearance of evill , as much as his Fornication hath to the Pastor : Albeit here it may be answered , that the Pastors reproofe is not done inordinatè , neither hath any appearance of evill , except in the Fornicators perverse interpretation , yet for stopping the Fornicators mouth as well more forcibly as more quickly , the Pastor rejoyndeth , that if any scandall followe upon his reproofe , it is not to be regarded , because the thing is necessary and that because Fornication beeing a great sinne , he may not but reprove it . So , albeit our Argument of Scandall holdeth out against the Ceremonies considered by themselves , without making mention of the unlawfulnesse of them in themselves : albeit also when the Scandall of Non-conformity ( if there bee any such ) is compared with the Scandall of Conformity , we say truly , that this hath appearance of evill in its own condition , and that hath none , except in the false interpretation of those who glory in gainsaying . Yet for further convincing of our Opposites , & darting through their most subtile subterfuges , with a mortall stroke , we send them away with this finall answer ; you should abstaine from the Ceremonies when Scandall riseth out of them , because you confesse them to be in themselves indifferent . But we doe avouch and prove them to be unlawfull , wherefore it is necessary for us to abstaine , though all the world should be offended . The b Dr. proceedeth to throw backe the Argument of Scandall upon our own heads , and to charge us with scandalizing both the Sect. XII Church and common wealth , by our refusing the Ceremonies . But what ? should a Doctor be a Dictator ? or a Proctor , a Prater ? why then doeth he ventilate words for reason ? That some are displeased at our Non-conformity , we understand to our great griefe : but that thereby any are scandalized , we understand not , and if we did , yet that which is necessary , such as Non-conformity is , can be taken away by no Scandall . But c the Dr. goeth forward , denying that there is in the Ceremonies so much as any appearance of evill , to make them Scandalous . Where I observe , that he dare not adventure to describe how a thing is said to have appearance of evill , and consequently a scandalous condition . The man is cautelous , and perceiveth peradventure , that the appearance of evill can be made to appeare no other thing , then that which doeth more then appeare in the Ceremonies . And this I have heretofore evinced out of Zanchius . The d Dr. holdeth him upon kneeling in receiving the Sacramentall Elements , and denieth that it is scandalous , or any way inductive to spirituall ruine . But ( if he will ) he may consider , that the ruder sort who can not distinguish betwixt worshipping the Bread , and worshipping before the Bread , nor discerne how to make Christ the passive object of that worship , and the Bread the active , and how to worship Christ in the Bread , and make the worship relative from the Bread to Christ ; are by his example induced to Bread-worship , when they perceive bowing downe before the consecrated Bread , in the very same forme and fashion , wherein Papists are seen to worship it , but can not conceive the nice distinctions which he and his companions use to purge their kneeling in that act from Idolatry . As for others who have more knowledge , they are also induced to ruine , being animated by his example to doe that which their consciences doe condemne . There occurreth next an objection taken from Paul his not taking wages at Corinth , ( though he might lawfully ) for shunning the offence both of the malitious and the weake : In the solution whereof f the Dr. spendeth some words . The substance of his answer is this : that Paul taught it was lawfull to take wages , and that they should not be offended at it , and if we doe as he did , we must teach that the Ceremonies are lawfull in themselves , yet not using our power for the time , lest the weake be offended , or lest the malitious glory : but for all that , not denying our right and liberty , nor suffering a yoke of bondage to be imposed upon us by contumacious men . And besides , that the Apostle was commanded by no Ecclesiasticall decree to take wages from the Corinthians , as we are commanded by the decree of Perth to receive the five Articles : so that Paul might without contempt of Ecclesiasticall Auctority , abstaine from taking of wages , but we can not without contempt of the Church , reject the Articles . Ans. 1. This importeth , that if the question were not de jure , and if we misliked the Ceremonies , and were offended at them , for some other reason then their unlawfulnesse , for this offence they would abstaine . It may be his reverend Fathers returne him small thankes for this device . For let some men be brought forth , acknowledging the Ceremonies to bee in themselves indifferent , yet offended at them for their inexpediency , whether they be weake or malitious , the Dr. thinkes he should abstaine for their cause . 2. How knowes he , that they who were offended at Paul his taking of wages at Corinth , thought not his taking of wages there unlawfull , even as we thinke the Ceremonies unlawfull ? 3. Why judgeth he that we are not scandalized through weaknesse , but through malice and contumacy ? So he giveth it forth both in this place , and g else where . Who art thou that judgeth another mans servant ? But 4. If we were malitious in offending at the Ceremonies as things unlawfull , and in urging of Non-conformity as necessary , should they therefore contemne our beeing scandalized ? Those that would have Titus circumcised , were they not malitious ? Did they not urge Circumcision as necessary ? Held they it not unlawfull , not to circumcise Titus ? yet did the Apostle abstaine , because they were to be scandalized , that is , made worse and more wicked calumniators , by the circumcising of Titus , as h I have shewed ; so that albeit wee are not to care for the displeasing of men , that malitiously and contumaciously , urge ( as necessary ) abstaining from that which is lawfull to be done ; yet must we care for scandalizing them and making them worse : rather ere that be , we ought to abstaine from the use of our liberty . 5. If an Ecclesiasticall decree had commanded Paul at that time to take wages at Corinth , the Dr. thinkes hee had contemned Ecclesiasticall Auctority in not taking wages , though some should be offended at his taking wages . What ? could an Ecclesiasticall decree command Paul to take wages in the case of Scandall ? or could hee have obeyed such a decree in the case of Scandall ? We have seen before , that no humane Auctority , can make that no Scandall , which otherwise were Scandall : so that Paul had not contemned Ecclesiasticall Auctority , by not obeying their command , in this case of Scandall which had followed by his obeying : for he had not been bound to obey , nay hee had been bound not to obey in such a case , yea further , albeit Scandall had not been to follow by his taking wages , yet he had no more contemned the Church by not obeying a command to take wages , then he had done by living unmarried , if the Church had commanded him to marry . The bare Auctority of the Church could neither restraine his liberty nor ours in things in different , when there is no more to binde but the Auctority of an ordinance . 6. Why holds he us contemners of the Church , for not receiving the five Articles of Perth ? we can not be called contemners for not obeying , but for not subjecting our selves , wherewith we can not be charged . Could he not distinguish betwixt subjection and obedience ? Art thou a Doctor in Israell , and knowest not these things ? Nay , art thou a Conformist , and knowest not what thy i fellow Conformists doe hold ? One point more resteth , at which k the Dr. holdeth him in this Argument , namely , that for the offence of the weake , necessary Sect. XIII things are not to be omitted , such as is obedience to Superiours , but their mindes are to be better informed . Ans. 1. Obedience to Superiours can not purge that from Scandall which otherwise were Scandall , as l we have seen before . 2. That information and giving of a reason , can not excuse the doing of that out of which Scandall riseth , m we have also proven already . 3. That the Ordinance of Superiours can not make the Ceremonies necessary , I have proven in the first part of this Dispute . This n is given for one of the chiefe markes of the man of sinne , That which is indifferent , he by his lawes and prohibitions maketh to be sinne , and shall they who professe to take part with Christ against Antichrist , doe no lesse then this ? It will be replyed , that the Ceremonies are not thought necessary in themselves , nor Non-conformity , unlawfull in it selfe , but onely in respect of the Churches ordinance . Iust so o the Papists professe , that the omission of their Rites and observances , is not a sinne in it selfe , but onely in respect of contemning the Churches Customes and Commandements . How comes it then , that they are not ashamed to pretend such a necessity for the stumbling blockes of those offending Ceremonies among us , as Papists pretend for the like among them ? But the English Formalists have here somewhat to say , which we will heare . p Mr. Hooker tell us , that Ceremonies are scandalous Sect. XIV either in their very nature , or else through the agreement of men to rise them unto evill ; and that Ceremonies of this kind , are either devised at first unto evill , or else having had a profitable use , they are afterwards interpreted and wrested to the contrary . As for the English Ceremonies , he saith , that they are neither scandalous in their owne nature ; nor because they were devised unto evill ; nor yet because they of the Church of England abuse them unto evill . Ans. 1. Though all this were true , yet forasmuch as they have been abused by the Papists unto Idolatry and superstition , and are monuments of Popery , the trophees of Antichrist , and the reliques of Romes whoorish bravery : they must be graunted , at least for this respect , to be more then manifest appearances of evill , and so scandalous . But 2. It is falle which he saith , for kneeling in receiving the Communion , is in its owne nature evill and Idolatrous , because religious Adoration , before a mere creature , which purposly wee set before us in the act of adoring , to have state in the worship , especially if it be an actuall Image in that act representing Christ to us , ( such as the Bread in the act of receiving , ) draweth us within the compasse of coadoration or relative worship , as shall be copiously proven afterwards . Other of the Ceremonies that are not evill in their owne nature , yet were devised to evill , for example , the Surplice . The q replier to Dr. Mourtons Particular defence , observeth , that this superstition about apparell in Divine worship , beganne first among the Frensh Bishops , unto whom Caelestinus writeth thus . Discernendi , &c. We are to be distinguished from the common people and others , by Doctrine , not by Garment , by Conversation , not by Habite , by the Purity of minde , not by Attire : for if wee study to innovation , we tread underfoot the order which hath been delivered unto us by our Fathers , to make place to idle superstitions ; wherefore we ought not leade the mindes of the Faithfull into such things : for they are rather to be instructed then played withall : neither are we to blinde and beguile their eyes , but to infuse instructions into their mindes . In which words Caelestinus reprehends this apparell , as a novelty which ●…nded to superstition , and made way to the mocking and deceiving of the faithfull . Lastly , whereas he saith , the Ceremonies are not abused by them in England I instance the contrary in Holy-dayes . r Perkins saith , that the Feast of Christs Nativity , so cōmonly called , is not spent in praising the name of God , but in riffling , dycing , carding , masking , mumming , and in all licentious liberty , for the most part , as though it were some Heathen Feast of Ceres or Bacchu●… . And s elsewhere he complaineth of the great abuse of Holy-dayes among them . As touching the rule which is alledged against the Ceremonies out of Pauls Doctrine , namely , that in those things from which Sect. XV we may lawfully abstaine , we should frame the usage of our liberty with regard to the weaknesse of our bretheren . Hooker answeareth to it . 1. That the weake bretheren among them , were not as the Iewes , who were knowne to be generally weake , whereas saith he , the imbecillity of ours is not common to so many , but onely here and there some such a one is found . 2. He tels us , that these scandalous meats , from which the Gentiles were exhorted to abstaine for feare of offending the Iewes , can not represent the Ceremonies ; for their using of meats , was a matter of private action in common life , where every man was free to order that which himselfe did ; but the Ceremonies are publike constitutions for ordering the Church , and wee are not to looke that the Church is to change her publike lawes and ordinances , made according to that which is judged ordinarily and commonly fittest for the whole , although it chaunce that for some particular men , the same be found inconvenient , especially when there may be other remedies also against the sores of particular inconveniences . Let them bee better instructed . Ans. 1. This is bad divinity , that would make us not regard the scandalizing of a few particular men ; Christs t woe stricketh not onely upon them who offend many , but even upon them who offend so much as one of his litls ones . 2. That which he saith of the few in England , and not many , who are scandalized by the Ceremonies , hath been answered by a u Countryman of his owne . And as for us , we find most certainly , that not a few but many , even the greatest part of Scotland one way or other are scandalized by the Ceremonies : some are ledde by them to drinke in superstition , and to fall into sundry grosse abuses in Religion ; others are made to use them doubtingly and so dammably . And how many who refuse them , are animated to use them against their consciences , and so to bee damned ? who is not made to stumble ? and what way doe they not impede the Edification of the Church ? 3. What if there had been a publike constitution , commanding the Gentiles to eat all meates freely , and that this had been judged ordinarily and commonly fittest for the whole , even to signifie the liberty of the Church of the New Testament ? should not the Gentiles notwithstanding of this constitution , have abstained because of the Scandall of the Iewes ? How comes it then that that which the Apostle writeth against the Scandall of meates , & the reasons which he giveth , are found to hold ever good , whether there be a constitution or not ? 4. As for his remedy against the Scandall of particular men , which is to instruct them better , it hath beene answeared x before . Now if I reck on Paybody to be no body , perhaps some body will Sect. XVI : not take it well . I will therefore examine how he handleth this Argument . Four things are answered y by him to those places , Rom. 14. and 15. 1 Cor. 8. and 10. Muth . 18. 6. which are alledged against the use of things indifferent , when wee can not use them without Scandall . First , he saith , that all those Scriptures which are quotted as condemning the scandalizing of others in things indifferent , speake onely of scandalizing them who are weake . Ans. 1. be it so : thought he that they are all malitious , and none weake , who are offended by the Ceremonies ? He himselfe describeth the weak whom we are forbidden to scandalize , to be such as are weake in knowledge and certainty of the truth . Now there are many who are in this respect weake , scandalized by the Ceremonies . But I say moreover , that his description is imperfect , for there are some who know the truth , and that certainly , who are notwithstanding to be accounted weak , in regard of the defect of that prudence which should guide , & that stability which should accompany all their actions , in the particular usage of such things as they knowe certainely in their generall kinde to bee agreeable to trueth and righteousnesse . Such Christians are impeded by the Ceremonies from going on in their Christian course , so fast as otherwise they would , if not also made to waver or stumble . And thus are they properly scandalized according to my fifth Proposition . Si quis nostra culpa vel impingit , vel abducitur a recto curs●… , vel tardatur , cum dicimur offendere saith z Calvine . Porro scandalum est dictum vel factum quo impeditur Evangelij cursus , cujus ampliationem & propagationem , totius vitae nostrae scopum esse oportet saith a Martyr . 2. It is a fault to give offence even to the strong , or else b Peter was not to be blamed for giving offence to Christ. Yea it is a fault to offend the very malitious by-things that are not necessary , as I have proven in my 12 Proposition . Secondly saith he , all those Scriptures condemne onely the Scandall of the weake , which is made at that time , when we know they Sect. XVII will be scandalized . Ans. 1. If he speake of certaine and infallible knowledge , none but God knoweth whether a man shall be scandalized or not , by that which we are to doe : He must meane therefore of such knowledge as we can have of the event of our actions : and so his answere bringeth great damnage to his owne cause . Formalists knowe , that their weake bretheren have been of a long time scandalized by the Ceremonies , and they heare them professing that they are yet scandalized , and how then can they but knowe that Scandall will still follow upon that which they doe ? 2. Albeit they know not that their bretheren will be scandalized by the Ceremonies , yea albeit their bretheren should not be scandalized thereby , yet because the Ceremonies are appearances of evill ; inductive to sinne ; and occasions of ruine ; Scandall is given by them , whether it be taken by their bretheren or not , according to my 4 and 5 Propositions . Thirdly saith Paybody , all those Scriptures condemne onely that Sect. XVIII offence of another in things indifferent , which is made by him who is at liberty and not bound : they speake not of using or refusing those things , as men are tied by the commandement of Auctority . Where he laboureth to prove , that obedience to the Magistrate in a thing indifferent , is a better duty then the pleasing of a private person in such a thing . Ans. 1. I have proven heretofore , that the commandement of Auctority , can not make the use of a thing indifferent to bee no Scandall , which otherwise were Scandall . 2. I have also proven in the first part of this Dispute , that an Ecclesiasticall constitution can not bind us nor take away our liberty in the using or not using of a thing indifferent in it selfe , except some other reason bee shewed us then the bare Auctority of the Church . As touching the civill Magistrate , his place and power , to judge and determine in things pertaining to the worship of God , we shall see it afterwards , and so shall we knowe how farre his decisions and ordinances in this kinde of things , have force to binde us to obedience . 3. He should have proven , that obedience to the Magistrate in a thing indifferent , is a better duty then abstaining from that which scandalizeth many Christians : he should not have opposed pleasing and scandalizing ( for perhaps a man is most scandalized when he is most pleased ; ) but edifying and scandalizing , according to my first Proposition . Now will any body , except Paybody , say , that obedience to the Magistrate in a thing indifferent , out of which Scandall riseth , is a better duty then forbearing for the edification of many Christian soules , and for shunning to scandalize them . This wee must take to bee his meaning , or else he saith nothing to the purpose . His fourth answere is , that all those Scriptures condemning scandall , Sect. XIX must needs especially condemne that which is greatest . Peter and his companions comming to Antioch , were in danger of a double scandall ; either of the Iewes by eating with the Gentiles , which was the lesse , or of the Gentiles in refuising their company , as if they had not beene bretheren , which was farre the greater : Now Paul blamed Peter very much , that for the avoiding the lesser scandall he & and his companions fell into the greater . Ans. 1. He is greatly mistaken , whiles he thinkes that a man can be so straited betwixt two scandalls , that he can not choose but give the one of them ; c For Nulla datur talis perplexitas , ut necessarium sit pio homini sive hoc sive illud faciat , scandalum alicui dare . 2. That sentence of choosing the least of two evills , must be understood of evills of punishment , not of evills of sinne , as I shew d before , so that he is in a foule error , whiles he would have us to choose the least of two scandalls . 3. As for the example which he alledgeth , he deceiveth himselfe to thinke that Peter had given scandall to the Iewes , by his eating with the Gentiles . Cum Gentibus cibum capiens , recte utebatur libertate Christiana , say e the Magdeburgians : but when certaine Iewes came from Iames he withdrew himselfe , fearing the Iewes , and so quod ante de libertate Christiana edificarat , rursus destruebat : By eating then with the Gentiles he gave no scandall , but by the contrary he did edify . And further I say , that his eating with the Gentiles was a thing necessary , and that for shunning of two great scandalls ; the one , of the Gentiles , by compelling them to judaize ; the other , of the Iewes , by confirming them in judaisme , both vvhich followed upon his withdrawvving from the Gentiles ; so that by his eating vvith the Gentiles no scandall could be given , and if any had beene taken , it was not to be carred for . Wherefore there was but one scandall , which Peter and his companions were in danger of , which also they did give , & for which Paul reprehended them , namely , their withdrawing of themselves from the Gentiles , & keeping company only with the Iewes ; whereby both the Iewes and the Gentiles were scandalized , because both were made to think , ( at least occasion was given to both for thinking ) the observation of the Ceremoniall law necessary . That which deceiveth Paybody , is the confounding of scandalizing and displeasing . Peter by eating with the Gentiles perhapes had displeased the Iewes , but he had thereby edifyed them though : The scandall which he gave them was by judaizing ; Iudaizabat olim Petrus per dissimulationem saith f Gerson : by this judaizing through such dissimulation and double dealing , as was his eating with the Gentiles first , & then withdrawing of himselfe , when certaine Iewes came ; for keeping company with them only , he scandalized the Iewes and confirmed them in judaisme , as g Paraeus noteth . How then can it be said , that he had scandalized them by his eating with the Gentiles : for here upon it should followe that there was a necessity of doing evill laid upon Peter , so that he behooved to offend the Iewes , either by his eating with the Gentiles , or by his not eating with the Gentiles , for he could not both eat with them and not eat with them . This is therefore plaine , that if he scandalized the Iewes by his not eating with the Gentiles , as I have shewed , then had he not scandalized them , but edifyed them by his eating with the Gentiles . 4. I perceive he would say , that the scandall of Non-conformity is a greater scandall , then the scandall of Conformity ; and so he would make us gaine litle by our Argument of scandall . h He is bold to object , where one is offended with our practise of kneeling , twentie ; I may say ten thousand are offended with your refusall . O Adventurous Arithmetique ! O huge Hyperbole ! O desultorious Declamation ! O roving Rethorike ! O prodigall Paradoxe ! Yet I reply , 1. Though sundry ( yet not ten thousand for one ) are displeased by our refusall , who can shew us , that any are thereby scandalized , that is , made worse , and induced to ruine ? This man is bold to say well to it ; but we have solidly proven , that scandall riseth out of kneeling , and the rest of the Ceremonies , let it be measured to us , with the same measure wherewith we mette . 2. Put the case that ten thousand were scandalized by our refusall , will it thereupon follow , that our refusall is a greater scandall then their practising ? Nay then , let it be said that the Crosse of Christ is a greater scandall , then a privat mans Fornication , because both i Iewes and Greeks were offended at that , whereas perhaps a small Congregation only is offended at this . 3. Our refusall is necessary , because of the unlawfulnesse of the Ceremonies which we refuise , so that we may not receive them , but must refuse them , notwithstanding of any scandall which can follow upon our refusall . If he had ought to say against this answere , why is he silent ? he might have found it at home . Our forbearance of Conformity saith k Parker , is a necessary duty , there is therein no fault of any scandall in us . 4. Our Opposites should doe well to assoyle our Argument of scandall , before they propound another Argument against us , for ●…o long as they make it not evident , that the scandall of the Ceremonies , which we object , is no active or faulty scandall ; as long they can not object the scandall of Non-conformity to us ; because if the scandall ( which is to be avoided ) be in their practising of the Ceremonies , it can not be in our refusing of them . 5. We know many are grieved and displeased with our Non-conformity , yet that every one who is grieved is not by and by scandalized , the Bishop of Winchester teacheth as well as wee . Many times l saith he , men are grieved with that which is for their good , and earnestly set on that which is not expedient for them . But in good earnest , what doe they meane , vvho say they are scandalized , or made vvorse by our Non-conformity ? for neither doe we make them condemne our lavvfull deed as unlavvfull , nor yet doe vve animate them by our example to doe that vvhich in their consciences they judge unlavvfull . They themselves aknovvledge , that sitting is as lavvfull as kneeling ; that the not observing of the fyve Holy-dayes is as lavvfull , as the observing of them ; that the not Bishoping of children is as lavvfull as the Bishopping of them . Doe they not aknovvledge the indifferency of the thinges themselves ? Doe they not permit many of their people either to kneel , or to sit at the communion ? Have not many of themselves taken the Communion sitting in some places ? Have not our Conformists in Scotland hitherto commonly omitted Bishopping of Children , and the ministration of the Sacraments in private places ? As for our selves , we make our meaning plaine , when we object the scandall of Conformity , for many ignorant and superstitious persons are by the Ceremonies confirmed ( expertus loquor ) in their error and superstition : so that now they even settle themselves upon the old dregges of Popish superstition & formality , from which they were not well purged . Others are made to practise the Ceremonies , with a doubting and dissalowing conscience , and to say with Naaman , in this the Lord be mercifull unto us , if we●… erre : with my owne eares have I heard some say so . And even those who have not practised the Ceremonies , for that they can not see the lawfullnesse of them , yet are animated by the example of practising Conformists , to doe these things which in their consciences they condemne as unalwfull ( which were to sinne damnably : ) and if they doe them not , then is there no small doubting and disquietnesse , trouble and trepidation , harboured in their consciences . And thus one way or other , some weakening or deterioration commeth to us by the means of the Ceremonies . And if any of our Opposites date thinke , that none of us can be so weake as to stumble or take any harme in this kinde , because of the Ceremonies ; we take God himselfe to witnesse who shall make manifest the counsells of the heart , that wee speake the trueth , and lie not . Finally , let that be considered , which Divines m observe to be the perpetuall condition of the Church ; namely , that as in any other family , there are found some great , some small , some strong , some weake , some wholesome , some sickely ; so still is there found such an inequality in the house of God , which is the Church ; and that because some are sooner , some are later called ; some indued with moe gifts of God , and some with fewer . The third Parte , Against the lavvfulnesse of the Ceremonies . CHAP. 1. That the Ceremonies are vnlawfull , because superstitious , which is particularly instanced in holy dayes , & ministring the Sacraments in private places . THE strongest tower of refuge to which our Opposites Sect. 1 make their maine recourse , is the pretended lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies , which now we are to batter downe and demolish , and so make it appeare how weake they are even where they thinke themselves strongest . My first argument against the lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies , I drawe from the superstition of them . I cannot marvell enough how Dr. Mourtoun and Dr. Burges could thinke to rub the superstition vpon non-conformists , whom they set forth as fancying their abstinence from the Ceremonies to be a singular peece of service done to God , placing Religion in the not vsing of them , & teaching men to abstaine from them for conscience sake . a Dr. Ames hath given a sufficient answ●…r , namely , that abstaining from sinne is one act of common obedience , belonging as well to things forbidden in the second table , as to those forbidden in the first , and that we doe not abstaine from those Ceremonies , but as from other vnlawfull corruptions , even out of the compasse of worship . We abstaine from the Ceremonies even as from lying , cursing , stealing , &c. Shall we be houlden superstitious for abstaining from things vnlawfull ? The superstition therefore is not on our side , but on theirs . For first , superstition is the opposite vice to Religion , in the excesse Sect. 2 as our Divines describe it , for it exhibites more in the worship of God then he requires in his worship . Porro saith b Zanchius in cultum ipsum excessu peccatur , si quid illi quem Christus instituit , jam addas , aut ab aliis additum sequaris : ut si Sacramentis à Christo institutis , alia addas Sacramenta : si Sacrificiis , alia sacrificia : si Ceremoniis cujusvis Sacramenti , alios add . is Ritus : qui merito omnes superstitionis nomine appellantur . We see he accounteth superstition to be in the addition of Ceremonies , not instituded by Christ , as well as in the addition of more substantiall matters . Superstitio , ( as some derive the word ) is that which is done supra statutum ; and thus are the controverted Ceremonies superstitious , as being vsed in Gods worship , vpon no other ground then the appointment of men . 2. Superstition is that which exhibites divine worship , vel cui non Sect. 3 debet , vel non co modo quo debet , saith the c Schoolmen ; Now our Ceremonies , though they exhibite worship to God , yet this is done inordinately , and they make the worship to be otherwise performed then it should be ; for example , though God be worshipped by the administration of the Sacraments in private places , yet not so as he should be worshipped . The d Professors of Leyden condemne private Baptisme as inordinate , because Baptisme as publici ministerij , non privatae exhortationis est appendix . It e is marked in the fourth centurie both out of Councels & Fathers , that it was not then permitted , to communicate in private places , but this custome was thought inordinate and vnbeseeming . If it be said , that the communion was given to the sicke privately , in the auncient Church . I answer : sometimes this was permitted , but for such speciall reasons as doe not concerne us ; for as we may see plainly by the 14 Canon of the first counsell of Nice ( as those Canons are collected by Ruffinus ; ) the 69 Canon of the Councell of Eliberis ; and the 6 Canon of the Counsell of Ancyra , the communion was onely permitted to be given in private houses to the Paenitentes , who were abstenti and debarred from the Sacrament , some for three years , some for fyve , some for seven , some for ten , some for thirteen , some longer ; and who should happily be overtaken with some dangerous and deadly sicknesse , before the set time of abstention were expired . As for the judgment of our owne Divines , Calviniani saith f Balduine , morem illum quo Eucharistia ad aegrotos tanquam viaticum defertur , improbant , tamque non nisi in caetibus publicis usurpandam censent . For this he alledgeth Beza , Aretius , & Musculus . It was a better ordinance then that of Perth , which said g non oportet in domibus oblationes ab Episcopis sive Presbyteris fieri : but to returne . 3. The Ceremonies are proven to be superstitious , by this reason , Sect. 4 if there were no more they have no necessary nor profitable use in the Church ( as hath been proved ) which kinde of things , cannot be used without superstition . It was according to this rule , that the h Waldenses and Albingenses taught , that the Exorcismes , Breathings , Crossings , Salt , Spittle , Vnction , Chrisme , &c. Vsed by the Church of Rome in Baptisme , being neither necessarie nor requisite in the administration of the same , did occasion error and superstition , rather then edification to Salvation . 4. They are yet more superstitious , for that they are not onely used in Gods worship vnnecessarely and vnprofitably , but likewise they hinder other necessary duties . They , who though they serve the true God , yet with needlesse offices , and defraud him of duties necessary , are superstitious in i Hookers Iudgment . I wish he had said as well to him , as from him . What offices more vnnecessary , then those Romane Ritualls ? yet what more necessary duties , then to worship God in a spirituall and lively manner , to presse the power of Godlinesse vpon the consciences of Professors , to maintaine and keepe faithfull and well qualified Ministers in the Church , to beare the bowels of mercy and meeknesse , not to offend the weake , not to confirme Papists in Popery , to have all things in Gods worship , disposed according to the word , and not according to the will of man , not to exercise Lordship over the consciences of those whom Christ hath made free , to abolish the monuments of by-past , and badges of present Idolatry : yet are those and other necessarie duties shut quite out off doores by our needlesse Ceremoniall service . 5. The Ceremonies are not free of superstition , in as much as Sect. 5 they give to God an externall service , and grace-defacing worship , which he careth not for , and make fleshly observations to step into the roume of Gods most spirituall worship . Augustine k alledgeth that which is said Luc. 17. The Kingdome of God is within you , against superstitious persons , who exterioribus principalem curam impendunt . The Christian worship ought to be in spirit , without the carnall Ceremonies and rites , saith l one of our Divines , yea the Kingdome of God commeth not cum apparatu aut Pompa mundana , ita ut observari possit tempus vel locus , saith m a Papist . Carnall worship therefore , and Ceremoniall observations are ( to say the least ) superfluous in Religion , and by consequence superstitious . 6. Worship is placed in the Ceremonies , therefore they are most superstitious . To make good what I say , Holinesse and necessity are placed in the Ceremonies , ergo , worship . And 1. Holinesse is placed in them . n Hooker thinkes festivall dayes clothed with outward robes of holinesse ; nay he saith o plainly , No doubt as Gods extraordinary presence hath hallowed and sanctified certaine places , so they are his extraordinary workes that have truly and worthily advanced certaine times , for which cause they ought to be with all men that honour God , more holy then other dayes . p He callerh also the Crosse an holy signe . q Dr. Burgesse defendeth , that the Ceremonies are , and may be called worship of God , not onely ratione modi , as belonging to the reverend vsage of Gods prescribed worship , but also ratione medij , though nor medij pe●…se , of and by it selfe , yet per aliud , by vertue of sommewhat else . Now doe not Papists place worship in their Crosse and Crucifixe ? yet doe they place no holinesse in it per se , but onely per aliud , in respect of Christ Crucified thereby represented , and they tell vs , r that creaturae insensibilinon debetur honòr vel reverentia , nisi ratione rationalis naturae ; and that they give no religious respect vnto the tree whereon Christ was crucified , the nailes , garments , speare , mang●…r , &c. but onely quantum ad rationem contactus membrorum Christi . Saith Dr. Burgesse any lesse of the Ceremonies ? Nay he placeth every way as much holinesse , and worship in them , in the forequotted place . And s elswhere he teacheth , that after a sort the Ceremonies are worship in themselves , even such a worship as was that of the freewill offerings vnder the Law , t and such a worship as was the building and vse of Altars here and there , ( before God had chosen out the standing place for his Altar ) though to the same end for which the Lords instituted Altar served . Thus we see , that they offer the Ceremonies , as worship to God : yet put the case they did not , the w Schoole saith ▪ that a thing belongeth to the worship of God , vel quo ad offerendum , vel quo ad assumendum . Where-vpon it followeth , that superstition is not onely to be layed to their charge , who offer to God for worship , that which he hath not commanded , but theirs also who assume in Gods worship , the helpe of any thing as sacred or holy , which himselfe hath not ordained . 2. They place as great a necessity in the Ceremonies , as Papists place in theirs , whereby it shall also appeare , how superstitiously they place worship in them , for quaecunque obseruatio quasi necessaria commendatur , continuo censetur ad cultum Dei pertinere , saith x Calvine . y The Rhemists thinke , that meates of themselves , or of their owne nature , doe not defile , but so farre as by accident they make a man to sinne : as the disobedience of Gods commandement , or of our Superiours , who forbid some meates for certaine times and causes , is a sinne . And they adde ; that neither flesh nor fish of it selfe doth defile , but the breach of the Churches praecept defileth . z Aquinas defendeth that trin-immersion is not de necessitate baptismi , onely he thinkes it a sinne to baptise otherwise , because this rite is Instituted and vsed by the Church . Doe not formalists place the same necessity in the Ceremonies , while-as they say they vrge them not as necessary in themselves , but onely as necessary in respect of the determination of the Church , and the ordinance of those , who are set over vs ? Nay Papists place not so great necessity in many ordinances of their Church , as Formalists place in the Ceremonies . If the cause be doubtfull a Aquinas sends a man to seek a dispensation from the Superiour . But sicausa sit evidens , per se ipsum licite potest homo statuti observantiam praeterire . What formalist dare yeeld vs such liberty , as by our selves , and without seeking a dispensation from Superiours , to neglect the observation of their statutes , when wee see evident cause for so doing ? they thinke that wee have no power at our owne hand to Iudge , that we have an evident cause of not obeying those who are set over vs , yet thus much is allowed by this Papist , who also b elsewhere acknowledgeth that there is nothing necessary in baptisme , but the forme , the minister , & the washing of water , and that all the other Ceremonies which the Church of Rome vseth in baptisme , are onely for solemnity . c Bellarmine saith , that the neglecting and not observing the Ceremonies of the Church , with them is not a mortall sinne , except it proceed excontemptu . And d that he who entering into a Church doth not asperge himselfe with holy water , sinneth not , if so be he doe it citra contemptum . Now to be free of contempt , will not satisfie our formalists , except wee obey and doe that same very thing which we are commanded to doe . e Cornelius Iansenius commenting vpon these words ; In vaine doe they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandements of men , saith that the commandements of men there , forbidden & condemned , are those which command nothing divine , but things merely hamane . And therefore he pleadeth for the constitutions of the Church about feasts , choyce of meats , festivities , &c. and for obedience to the same vpon no other ground then this , because pius quisque facile videt quam habeant ex scripturis originem & quomodo eis consonant , eo quod faciant , ad carnis castigationem & temperantiam , aut ad fidelium unionem & aedificationem . I knowe it to be false which this Papist affirmeth : yet in that he thus pleadeth for those constitutions of the Church , from scripture and reason , forsaking the ground of humane Auctority , he is a great deale more modest and lesse superstitious , then those our opposites , who avouch the Ceremonies as necessary , and will have vs bound to the practise of them , vpon no other ground , then the bare will and auctority of Superiours , who have injoyned them , as hath been shewed in the first parte of this Dispute . Yea some of them place a certaine and constant necessity in the Ceremonies themselves , even beside and without the Churches constitution ( which is more then Papists have said of their Ceremonies . ) f Dr. Forbesse calleth the Articles of Perth , pauca necessaria , &c. a few things necessary for Gods glory , and the promoving of pietie in our Church , for order , peace , unity , and charity , and particularily he teacheth , that a minister may not lawfully omit to administer the sacraments in privat places , and without the presence of the congregation , to such as through sickn esse can not come to the publicke assemblies ; which he calleth eis necessaria ministrare . To say the trueth , the ministration of the Sacraments in privat places , importeth a necessity in the matter it self , for which cause , the g Divines of Geneva resolved that in Ecclesiis publice institutis , baptisme might not be administrat in private places , but only publikely in the congregation of the faithfull ▪ partim ne sacramenta , &c. partly say they , lest the Sacraments being separat from the preaching of the word , should be againe transformed in certaine magicall ceremonies , as in Popery it was ; partly that that grosse superstition of the absolute necessity of external Baptisme , may be rooted out of the mindes of men . Sure , the defenders of privat baptisme place too great necessity in that Sacrament . h Hooker plainly insinuateth the absolute necessity of outward baptisme , at least in wish or desire , whch is the distinction of the Schoolmen , and followed by the moderne Papists , to cloake their superstition . But whatsoever shew it hath , it was rightly impugned in the Councell of i Trent by Marinarus , who alledged against it that the Angell said to Cornelius , his prayers were acceptable to God , before ever he knewe of the sacrament of baptisme , so that having no knowledge of it , he could not be said to haue received it , no not in vow or wish : and that many holy Martyrs were converted in the heat of persecution , by seeing the constancy of others , and presently taken and put to death , of whom one can not say , but by divination , that they knewe the Sacraments and made a vow . 7. I will now apply this Argument taken from superstition , particulary to holy dayes . Superstitiosum esse docemus saith k Beza , arbitrari Sect. 7 unum aliquem diem altero sanctiorem . Now I will shew that for malists observe holy dayes , as misticall and holyer then other dayes : howbeit l B. Lindsey thinks good to dissemble and denie it . Times saith he , are appointed by our Church for morning and evening prayers in great townes , houres for preaching on tuesday , thursday , &c. houres for weekly exercises of prophecying , which are holy in respect of the vse whereunto they are appointed ; and such are the fyve dayes , which we esteeme not to be holy for any mistick signification , which they have , either by Divine , or Ecclesiasticall institution , or for any worship which is appropriated vnto them , that may not be performed at an other time , but for the sacred vse wherevnto they are appointed to be employed as circumstances onely , and not as misteries . Answ. this is but falsly pretended , for as m Didoclavius observeth aliud est deputare , aliud dedicare , aliud sanctificare . designation or deputation is when a man appoints a thing for such an use , still reserving power and right to put it to an other vse , if he please , so the Church appointeth times and houres for preaching vpon the weeke dayes , yet reserving power to employ those times other wise , when shee shall thinke fit . Dedication is when a man so devotes a thing to some pious or civill vse , that he denudes himselfe of all right and title , which thereafter he might claime vnto it : as when a man dedicates a somme of money for the building of an Exchange , a Iudgment-hall , &c. or a parcell of ground for a Church , a Churchyarde , a Glebe , a Schoole , a Hospitall ; he can claime no longer right to the dedicated thing . Sanctification is the setting apart of a thinge for a holy or religious vse , in such sort , that thereafter it may be put to no other vse , Prov. 20. 25. Now , whereas times set apart for ordinary and weekly preaching , are onely designed by the Church for this end and purpose , so that they are not holy , but onely for the present they are applied to an holy vse ; neither is the worship appointed as convenient or beseeming for those times , but the times are appointed as convenient for the worship : festivall dayes are holy both by dedication and consecration of them . And this much the n B. himselfe forbeareth not to say , onely he laboureth to plaister over his Superstition with the vntēpered morter of this quidditative distinction ; o that some thinges are holy by consecration of them to holy misticall vses , as water inbapt isme , &c. but other things are made holy by consecration of them , to holy politicall vses . This way ( saith he ) the Church hath power to make a thing holy , as to build and consecrate places to be Temples , howses to be Hospitalls , to give rent , lands , money , and goods to the ministery , and to the poore , to appoint Veshells , and vestures , and Instruments for the publike worship , as Table , Tablecothes , &c. Ans. 1. The B. ( I see ) taketh vpon him to coyne new distinctions at his owne pleasure , yet they will not ( I trust ) passe current among the Iudicious : to make things holy by consecration of them to holy uses for policie , is an vncouth speculation , and I dare say , the Bishop himselfe comprehendeth it not . Gods designation of a thing to any vse which serves for his owne glory , is called the sanctification of that thing or the making of it holy : and so the word is taken Isa. 13. 3. & Ier. 1. 5. as G. Sanctius noteth in his commentaries vpon these places , and Calvine commenting vpon the same places expoundeth them so likewise . But the Churches appointing or designing of a thing to an holy vse , can not be called the making of it holy . It must be consecrated at the command of God , and by vertue of the Word and Prayer : thus are breade and wine consecrated in the holy supper . Res Sacrae saith p Fennerus , sunt quae Dei verbo in praedictum usum sanctificatae & dicatae sunt . q Polanus speaking of the Sacramentall elements , saith , sanctificatio rei terrenae est actio ministri , qua destinat rem teurenam ad sanctum usum , ex mandato Dei , &c. The r Professors of Leiden call onely such things persons , times , and places holy , as are consecrated & dedicated to God and his worship , and that divina praescriptione . If our ordinary meate and drinke can not bee sanctificed to vs , so that we may lawfully and with a good conscience vse those common things , but by s the word of God and praier ; how then shall any thing be made holy for Gods worship , but by the same meanes ? and I pray , which is the Word , and which be the Prayers , that make holy those things , which the Bishop avoucheth for things consecrated and made holy by the Church , namely , the ground wherevpon the Church is built , the stones and timber of an hospitall , the rents , lands , moneys or goods , given to the Ministery , and the poore , the veshels , vestures , tables , napkines , basens , &c. appointed for the publike worship ? 2. Times , places , and things which the Church designeth for Sect. 8 the worship of God if they be made holy by consecration of them to holy Politicalluses , then either they are made holy , by the holy uses to which they are to be applied , or else by the Churches dedicating of them to those vses . They can not be called holy by vertue of their application to holy uses , for then ( as t Ames argueth ) the aire is sacred , because it is applied to the Minister his speech whiles he is preaching , then is the light sacred which is applied to his eye in reading , then are his spectacles sacred which are used by him reading his text , &c. But neither yet are they holy , by vertue of the Churches dedicating of them to those uses for which she appointeth them : for the Church hath no such power as by her dedication to make them holy . u P. Martyr condemneth the dedication or consecration ( for those words he vseth promiscuously , whereby the Papists hallowe Churches , and he declareth against it the Iudgment of our Divines to be this , licere imo jure pietatis requiri , ut in prima cujusque rei usurpatione , gratias Deo agamus , ejusque bonitatem celebremus , &c. Collati boni religiosum ac sanctum usum poscamus . This he opposeth to the Popish dedication of Temples & Bels , as appeareth by these words quanto sanius rectiusque decernimus . He implieth therefore that these things are onely consecrated , as every other thing is consecrated to vs. Of this kind of consecration he hath given examples . In libro Nehemiae dedicatio maenium civitatis commemoratur , quae nil aliud fuit nisi quod muris urbis instauratis , populus una cum Levitis & Sacerdotibus , nec non principibus , co se contulit , ibique gratias Deo egerunt de maenibus reaedificatis , & justam civitatis usuram postularunt , qua item ratione prius quam sumamus cibum , nos etiam illum consecramus . As the walls of Ierusalem then , and as our ordinary meate are consecrated , so are Churches consecrated , and no otherwise can they be said to be dedicated , except one would vse the word dedication , in that sense wherein it is taken , Deut. 20. 5. Where Calvine turnes the word dedicavit . Arias Montanus , initiavit . Tremellius , caepit ●…i . Of this sort of dedication Gaspar Sanctius writeth thus , Alia dedicatio est , non solum inter prophanos , sed etiam inter Haebreos usitata , quae nihil habet Sacrum , sed tantum est auspicatio aut initium operis , ad quod destinatur locus aut res , cujus tunc primum libatur usus . Sic Nero Claudius dedicasse dicitur domum suam cum primum illam habitare coepit . Ita Suetonius in Nerone . Sic Pompejus dedicavit theatrum suum , cum primum illud public is ludis & communibus usibus aperuit ; de quo Cicero lib. 2. Epist. 1. Any other sort of dedicating Churches , we holde to be superstitious . Peter Valdo , of whom the Waldenses were named . is y reported to have taught , that the dedication of Temples was but an invention of the Divell . And though Churches be dedicated by preaching and praying , and by no superstition of sprinkling them with holy water , or vsing such magicall rites , yet even these dedications saith z the Magdeburgians , ex judaismo natae videntur sine ullo Dei praecepto . There is indeed no warrant for such dedication of Churches , as is thought to make them holy . Bellatmine would warrant it by Moses his consecrating of the Tabernacle , the Altar , and the Veshells of the same , but a Hospinian answereth him , Mosis factum expressum habuit Dei mandatum : de consecrandis autem templis Christianorum , nullum uspiam in verbo Dei praeceptum extat , ipso quoque Bellarmino teste . Wherevpon he concludeth , that this Ceremonie of consecrating or dedicating the Churches of Christians , is not to be used after the Example of Moses , who in building and dedicating of the Tabernacle , did follow nothing without Gods expresse commandement . What I have said against the dedication of Churches , holds good also against the dedication of Altars ; The Table wherevpon the Elements of the body and blood of Christ are set , is not to bee called holy : neither can they be commended who devised Altars in the Church , to be the seat of the Lords body and blood , as if any Table , though not so consecrated , could not as well serve the turne . And what though Altars were used in the auncient Church ? yet this custome à Iudaica , in Ecclesiam Christi permanavit ac postea superstitioni materiam praebuit , say b the Magdeburgians . Altars savour of nothing but Iudaisme , and the borrowing of Altars from the Iewes , hath made Christians both to follow their Priesthood , and their sacrifices . Haec enim tria , scilicet Sacerdos , Altare , & Sacrificium , sunt correlativa , ut ubi unum est , caetera duo adesse necesse sit , saith c Cornelius a Lapide . 3. If sometimes , places , and things , be made holy by the Churches Sect. 9 dedication or consecration of them to holy uses , then it followeth that othertimes , places , and things , which are not so dedicated and consecrated by the Church , howbeit they be applied to the same holy uses , yet are more prophane , and lesse apt to Divine worship , then those which are dedicated by the Church . I need not insist to strengthen the inference of this conclusion from the principles of our Opposites ; for the most learned among them , will not refuse to subscribe to it . d Hooker teacheth us , that the service of God , in places not sanctified as Churches are , hath not in it selfe ( marke in it selfe ) such perfection of grace and comlinesse , as when the dignitie of the place which it wisheth for , doth concurre ; and that the very Majesty and holinesse of the place where God is worshipped , bettereth even our holiest and best actions . How much more soundly doe we hold with e I. Rainoldes , that unto us Christians , no land is strange , no ground unholy ; every coast is Iewry : every towne Ierusalem : and every house Sion : and every faithfull company , yea every faithfull body , a Temple to serve God in ? The contrarie opinion f Hospinian rejecteth as savouring Iudaisme , alligat enim religionem ad certa loca . Whereas the presence of Christ among two or three gathered together in his name , maketh any place a Church , even as the presence of a King with his attendants maketh any place a Court. As of places , so of times our opposites thinks most superstitiously . For of holy dayes g Hooker saith thus . No doubt as Gods extraordinarie presence hath hallowed and sanctified certaine places , so they are his extraordinary workes , that have truly and worthily advanced certaine times , for which cause they ought to be with all men , that honour God , more holy then other dayes . What is this but Popish superstition ? for just so the h Rhemists thinke that the times , and places of Christs Nativity , Passion , Buriall , Resurrection , and Ascension , were made holy : & just so i Bellarmine holdeth , that Christ did consecrate the dayes of his Nativity , Passion , and Resurrection , eo quod nascens consecrarit praesepe , moriens crucem , resurgens sepulchrum . Hooker hath bene of opinion , that the holy dayes were so advanced above other dayes by Gods great and extraordinary workes done upon them , that they should have bene holyer then other dayes , even albeit the Church had not appointed them te be keeped holy . Yet B. Lindsey would have us believe , that they thinke them holy , onely because of the Churches consecration of them to holy Politicall uses . But that now at last , I may make it appeare to all that have common sense , how falsely ( though frequently ) it is given forth by the Bishop , that holy dayes are kept by them onely for order and policie , and that they are not so superstitious , as to appropriate the worship to those dayes , or to observe them for mistery and as holier then other dayes . First , I require the B. to shew us a difference betwixt the keeping Sect. 10 of holy dayes by formalists , & their keeping of the Lords day : for upon holy dayes they injoyne a cessation from worke , and a dedicating of the day to Divine worship , even as upon the Lords day . The k Bishop alledgeth five respects of difference , but they are not true . First , he saith , that the Lords day is commanded to be observed of necessity , for conscience of the Divine ordinance , as a day sanctified and blessed by God himselfe . Answ. 1. so have we heard from Hooker , that holy dayes are sanctified by Gods extraordinary workes , but because the B ▪ dare not say so much , therefore I say . 2. This difference can not shew us , that they observe holy dayes onely for order and policy , and that they place no worship in the observing of them , as in the observing of the Lords day , ( which is the point that we require ) for worship is placed in the observing of humane , as well as of Divine ordinances ; otherwise worship hath never bene placed in the keeping of Pharisaicall and Popish traditions . This way is worship placed in the keeping of holy dayes , when for conscience of an humane ordinance , they are both kept as holy , and thought necessary to be so kept . 3. The B. contradicteth himselfe , for l elswhere he defendeth , that the Church hath power to change the Lords day . Secondly , he giveth us this difference , that the Lords day is observed , as the Sabbath of Iehovah , and as a day whereon God himselfe did rest after the creation . Ans. 1. This is false of the Lords day , for after the creation , God rested vpon the seventh day , not upon the first . 2. Dr Douname saith m , that festivall dayes also are to be consecrated as Sabbaths to the Lord. Thirdly , the B. tells us , that the Lords day is observed in memory of the Lords Resurrection . Ans. 1. He shall never make this good , for , we observe the Lords day in memory of the whole worke of Redemption . 2. If it were so , this could make no difference , for just so Christmasse is observed in memory of the Lords Nativity , Good-friday , in memory of his Passion , &c. His fourth & fifth respects of difference , are certaine misteries in the Lords day , But we shall see by and by , how his fellow Formalists who are more ingenuous then himselfe , shew us misteries in the Festivall dayes also . Lastly , albeit the B. have told us that there is no worship appropriated unto the Festivall dayes , which may not be performed at any other time , yet this can not with him make a difference betwixt them and the Lords day : for in his Epistle which I have quotted , he declareth his judgment to be the same of the Lords day , and teacheth us , that the worship performed on it , is not so appropriated to that time , but lawfully the same may be performed at any other convenient time , as the Church shall thinke fit . Now as the worship performed on the Lords day , is appropriated ( in his judgment ) to that time , so long as the Church altereth it not , and no longer , just as much thinks he , of the appropriating to Festivall dayes , the worship performed on the same . 2. If the holy dayes be observed by Formalists only for order and Sect. 11 policy , then they must say the Church hath power to change them . But this power they take from the Church , by saying that they are dedicated and consecrated to those holy uses , to which they are applied . Semel Deo dicatum non est ad usus humanos ulterius transferendum , saith one of the n Popes . And by the dedication of Churches , the founders surrender that right , which otherwise they might have in them , saith one of the o Formalists themselves . If then the Church hath dedicated holy dayes to the worship of God , then hath shee denuded her self of all power to change them , or put them to another use : which were otherwise , if holy dayes were appointed to be kept , onely for order and policy . Yea further , times and places which are applied to the worship of God , as circumstances onely for outward order and policy , may be by a private Christian applied to an civill use , for in so doing he breaketh not the ordinance of the Church : for example , Materiall Churches are appointed to be the receptacles of Christian assemblies , and that only for such common commodity and decency , which hath place as well in civill as in holy meetings , and not for any holinesse conceived , to be in them , more then in other houses . Now if I be standing in a Church-yard when it raineth , may not I go into the Church that I may be defended from the injury of the weather ? If I must meet w●…th certain men , for putting order to some of my wordly affaires , and it fall out that wee can not conveniently meet in any parte but in the Church , may wee not there keepe our tryst ? A materiall Church then , may serve for a civill use , the same way that it serveth to a holy use . And so for times appointed for ordinary preaching upon weeke dayes in great townes , may not I apply those times to a civill use , when I can not conveniently apply them to the vse for which the Church appointeth them ? I trust our Prelates shall say , I may , because they use to be otherwise employed thē in Divine worship , during the times of weekly preaching . Now if holy dayes were commanded to be kept only for order and policy , they might be applied to another use , as wel as those ordinary times of weekly meetings in great townes : whereas we are required of necessity to keep them holy . 3. If the holy dayes be kept only for order and policie , why doe Sect. 12 they esteeme of some of them above others ? doth not p B. Andrewes call the feast of Easter , the highest and greatest of our religion ? And doth not q B. Lindsey himselfe with Chrysoftome call the festivall of Christs Nativity , metropolim omnium festorum ? By this reason doth r Bellarmine prove , that the feasts of Christians are Celebrated , non solum ratione ordinis & politiae , sed etiam misterij , because otherwise they should be all equall in celebrity , whereas Leo calls Easter festum festorum , and Nazianzene , celebritatem celebritatum . 4. If the holy dayes be kept only for order and policy , then the sanctification , of them should be placed , s in ipso actuali externi cultus Sect. 13 exercitio . But Hooker hath told us before , that they are made holy , and worthily advanced above other dayes , by Gods extraordinary workes wrought upon them . Where upon it followeth , that as t Deus diem septimum sanctificavit vacatione sancta , & ordinatione ad usum sanctum ; so hath he made festivall dayes no lesse holy in themselves , and that as the Sabbath was holy from the beginning , because of Gods resting upon it , and his ordaining of it for a holy use , howbeit it had never beene applied by men to the exercises of Gods worship : even so festivall dayes are holy , being advanced truly and worthily , by the extraordinary workes of God , and for this cause commended to all men that honour God , to be holier with them then other dayes , albeit it should happen that by us they were never applied to an holy use . If B. Lindsey thinke that all this toucheth not him , he may be pleased to remember , that u he himself hath confessed , that the very presence of the festivity , puts a man in minde of the mistery , howbeit he have not occasion to be present in the holy assembly . What order or policy is here , when a man being quiet in his Parlour or Cabinet , is made to remember of such a mistery on such a day ? What hath externall order and policy to doe with the internall thoughts of a mans heart , to put in order the same ? 5. By their fruits shall we knowe them ; looke whether they give Sect. 14 so much liberty to others , and take so much to themselves , vpon their holy dayes , for staying from the publike worship , and attending wordly businesse , as they doe at the diets of weekly and ordinary preaching : yet they wold make the simple beleeve , that their holy dayes are onely appointed to be kept , as those ordinary times set apart for Divine service on the weeke-dayes . Nay , moreover let it bee observed , whether or not they keep the Festivall dayes more carefully , and vrge the keeping of them more earnestly , then the Lords owne day . Those Prelates that will not abase themselves to preach upon ordinary Sabbaths , think the high holy dayes worthy of their Sermons . They have beene also often seene to travell upon the Lords day , whereas they hold it religion to travell vpon a holy day . And whereas they can digest the common prophanation of the Lords day , and not challenge it , they can not away with the not observing of their festivities . 6. By their words shall we Iudge them . Saith not x B. Lindsey , Sect. 15 that the five anniversary dayes are consecrate to the commemoration of our Saviour his benefites beeing separate from all other ordinary workes , and so made sacred and holy dayes ? Will he say this much of ordinary times appointed for weekly preaching ? I trow not . y Dr. Douname holdeth , that we are commanded in the fourth commandement , te keep the feasts of Christs Nativity , Passion , Resurrection , Ascension , and Pentecost , and that these feasts are to be consecrated as Sabbaths to the Lord. B. Andrewes , a man of the greatest note amongst our opposites , affoordeth us here plenty of testimonies for proofe of the point in hand , namely , that the anniversary Festivall dayes are kept for mistery and as holier then other dayes . Serm. on Psal. 85. 10. 11. he saith of Christmasse , that mercy and trueth , righteousnesse and peace , of all the dayes of the yeare , meet most kindly on this day . Serm. on Psal. 2. 7. he saith of the same day , that of all other hodie's , we should not let slip the hodie of this day , whereon as the law is most kindly preached , so it will bee most kindly practised of all others . Serm. on Hebr 12. 2. he saith of Good-fryday , let us now turne to him , and beseech him by the sight of this day . Serm. on 1 Cor. 5. 7. 8. he saith of the keeping of the Christian Passeover vpon Easter , that then it is best for us to doe it , It is most kindly to doe it , most like to please Christ , and to prosper with us . And indeed if at any time we will doe it , quando Pascha nisi in Pascha , &c. so that without any more adoe , the season pleadeth for this effectually , &c. Serm. on Coll. 3. 1. he saith , that there is no day in the yeare so fit for a Christian to rise with Christ , and seeke the things above , as Easter day . Serm. on Ioh. 2. 19. he saith , that the act of receiving Christs body is at no tyme so proper , so in season , as this very day . Serm. on 1 Cor. 11. 16. he tells us out of Leo , This is a peculiar that Easter day hath , that on it all the whole Church obtaineth remission of their sinnes . Serm. on Act. 2. 1. 2. 3. he saith of ●…he Feast of Pentecost , that of all dayes we shall not goe away from the holy Ghost empty on this day ; it is dies donorum : his giving day . Serm. on Ephes. 4. 30. he saith , this is the holy Ghosts day , and not for that originaly so it was : but for that it is to be intended , ever he will doe his owne chiefe worke upon his owne chiefe Feast , and opus diei , the dayes worke upon the day it self . Sermon . on Psal. 68. 18. he saith , that love will be best and soonest wrought , by the Sacrament of love , vpon Pentecost , the Feast of love . Serm. on Act. 10. 34. 35. he saith , that the receiving of the holy Ghost in a more ample measure is opus diei , the proper of this day . Serm. on Ia. 1. 16. 17. he calles the gift of the holy Ghost , the gift of the day of Pentecost , and tells us that the holy Ghost the most perfect gift of all , this day was , and any day may be , but chiefly this day will be given , to any that will desire . Serm. on Luk 4. 18. he saith of the same Feast , that because of the benefite that fell on this time , the time it selfe it fell on , is and can not be but acceptable , even eo nomine , that at such a time such a benefite happened to us . Much more of this stuffe I might produce out of a this Prelates holy dayes sermons , which I supersede as more tedious then necessary ; Neither yet will I stay here to confute the errors of those and such like sentences of his ; for my purpose is onely to prove against B Lindsey , that the Festivall dayes , whereabout we dispute , are not observed as circumstances of worship , for order and policy ; but that as the chiefe parts of Gods worship are placed in the celebration and keeping of the same , so are they kept and celebrate most superstitiously , as having certaine sacred and misticall significationes , and as holier in themselves then other dayes , because they were sanctified aboue other dayes by the extraordinary workes and great benefites of God , which happened vpon them : So that the worship performed on them , is even appropriated to them : all which is more then evident from those testimonies which I have in this place collected . And finally , the b Author of the nullity of Perth assembly proveth Sect. 16 this point forcibly : Doth not Hooker say , that the dayes of publike memorials should be cloathed with the outward robes of holinesse . They alledge for the warrant of anniversarij festivities , the Auncients , who call them Sacred and mysticall dayes . If they were instituted onely for order and policy , that the people might assemble to religious exercises , wherefore is there but one day appointed betwixt the Passion and the Resurrection ? fortie dayes betwixt the Resurrection and Ascension ? ten betwixt the Ascension and Pentecost ? wherefore followe we the course of the Moone , as the Iewes did ; in our moveable Feasts ? &c. Wherefore is there not a certain day of the moneth kept for Easter , as well as for the Nativity ? &c. That which is here alledged out of Hooker and ●…he Auncients , B. Lindsey passeth quite over , and neither inserts nor answeres it . As touching those demands which tie him as so many gordian knots , because he can not vnloose them , he goeth about to break them , c telling us , that they order these things so for vnity with the Catholike Church . This is even as some naturall Philosophers , who take upon them to give a reason and cause for all things in nature , when they can finde no other , they flee to Sympathia Phisica . When it is asked , wherefore the loadstone doth attract yron rather then other mettall ? they answere , that the cause thereof is sympathia phisica inter magnetem , & ferrum . With such kind of etimology doth the B. here serve us , yet peradventure hee might have given us another cause . If so , my retractation is , that if he be excused one way , hee must be accused an other way , and if he be blamelesse of Ignorance , he is blameworthy for dissimulation . The true causes why those things are so ordered , we may find in B. Andrews his Sermons , which I have made use of in handling this argument . For example , d the reason why there is but one day betwixt the Passion and the Resurrection , is , because that Ionas was but one day in the Whales belly , and Christ but one day in the bosome of the earth , for in their going thither , he sets out Good-fryday : in their being there Easter-eve : in their comming thence Easter day . As for the 50 dayes betwixt Easter and Pentecost , e he saith , fiftie is the number of the Iubilee ; which number agreeth well with this feast , the Feast of Pentecost . VVhat the one in yeares , the other in dayes . So that this is the Iubilee as it were of the yeare , or the yearly memory of the yeare of Iubilee : that , the Pentecost of yeares : this , the Iubilee of dayes . In the end of the same Sermon he tells us the reason , why there are ten dayes appoynted betwixt the Ascension , and Pentecost . The feast of Iubilee saith he , beganne ever after the high Priest had offered his Sacrifice , and had beene in the Sancta Sanctorum , as this Iubilee of Christ also tooke place from his entering into the holy places , made without hands , after his propitiatory sacrifice , offered up for the quick and the dead , and for all yet unborne , at Easter . And it was the tenth day , that : and this now is the tenth day since . He hath told us also f . why there is not a certaine day of the moneth appointed for Easter , as there is for the Nativity , namely , because the fast of Lent must end with that high feast , according to the Prophecy of Zachary . Wherefore I conclude , aliquid misterii alunt , and so aliquid monstri too . CHAP. II. That the Ceremonies are unlawfull , because they are monuments of by-past idolatry , which not being necessary to be retained , should be utterly abolished , because of their idolatrous abuse : all which is particularly made good of kneeling . I Have proven the Ceremonies to be superstitious ; now I will prove them to be Idolatrous . These are different arguments , Sect. for every Idolatry is superstition , but every superstition is not Idolatry , as is rightly by g some distinguished . As for the Idolatry of the controverted Ceremonies , I will prove that they are thrice Idolatrous . 1. reductivè , because they are monuments of by-past Idolatry . 2 participativè , because they are badges of present Idolatry . 3. formaliter , because they are Idols themselves . First then , they are Idolatrous , because having beene notoriously abused to Idolatry heretofore , they are the detestable and accursed monuments , which give no small honour to the memory of that by-past Idolatry , which should lie buried in hell . h Dr. Burgesse reckons for Idolatrous , all Ceremonies devised and used , in and to the honouring of an Idoll , whether properly or by interpretation such . Of which sort saith he , were all the Ceremonies of the Pagans , and not a few of the Papists . If an opposite writting against us be forced to aknowledge this much , one may easily conjecture , what inforcing reason wee have to double out our point . The Argument in hand I frame thus : All things and rites , which have beene notriously abused to idolatry , if they be not such , as either God or nature hath made to be of a necessary use , should be utterly abolished and purged away from Divine worship , in such sort that they may not be accounted nor used by us , as sacred things , or rites pertaining to the same . But the Crosse , Surplice , kneeling in the act of receiving the Commuion , &c. are things and rites , &c. and are not such as either God or nature , &c. Ergo , they should be utterlie abolished , &c. As for the proposition I shall first explaine it , and then prove it ; I say , all things and rites , for they are alike forbidden as I shall shew . Sect. 2 I say , which have beene notoriously abused to idolatry , because if the abuse be not knowne we are blamelesse for retaining the things and rites which have beene abused . I say , if they be not such as either God or nature hath made to be of a necessary use , because if they be of a necessary use , either through Gods institution , as the Sacraments , or through natures law , as the opening of our mouths to speake ( for when I am to preach or pray publikly , nature makes it necessary , that I open my mouth to speake audibly and articularly , ) then the abuse can not take away the use . I say , they may not be used by us , as sacred things and rites pertaining to Divine worship , because without the compasse of worship , they may be used to a naturall or civill purpose . If I could get no other meat to eate , then the consecrated hoste which Papists Idolatrize in the circumgestation of it , I might lawfully eat it , and if I could get no other cloaths to put on , then the holy garments wherein a Priest hath said Masse , I might lawfully weare them . Things abused to Idolatry , are only then unlawfull , when they are used no otherwise then religiously , and as things sacred . The proposition thus explained , is confirmed by these five proofes , 1. Gods owne praecept , Isa. 30. 22. Ye shall defile also the Sect. 3 covering of thy graven images of silver , and the ornament of thy molten images of gold : thou shalt cast them away as a menstrous cloath , thou shall say unto it , get thee hence . The covering of the Idoll here spoken of , i Gaspar Sanctus rightly understandeth to be that , quo aut induebantur simulacra Gentilico ritu , aut bracteas quibus ligneae imagines integuntur , aut quo homines Idolis sacrificaturi amiciebantur . So that the lea●…t appurtenances of Idolls are to be avoided . When the Apostle k Iude would have us to heate the garment spotted with the flesh , his meaning is , detestandam esse vel superficiem ipsam mali five peccati , quam tunicae appellatione subinnuere videtur , as our owne l Rolloke hath observed . If the very covering of an Idoll be forbidden , what shall be thought of other things which are not only spotted , but irrecoverably polluted with idolls ? many such praecepts were given to Israëll , as Exod. 34. 13. Yee shall destroy their altars , breake their images , and cut downe their groves . Deut. 7. 25. 26. The grauen images of their Gods shall ye burne with fire : thou shalt not desire the silver and gold that is on them , nor take it unto thee , lest thou be snared therein : for it is an abomination to the Lord thy God. Reade to the same purpose Numb . 33. 52. Deut. 7. 5. and 12. 2. 3. Secondly , God hath not only by his praecepts commanded us to abolish all the reliques of Idolatrie , but by his promises also manifested unto us , how acceptable service this should be to him . There is a command Num. 33. 52. that the Israëlites should destroy the Canaanites , evertantque res omnes idololatricas ipsorum : cui mandato saith m Iunius , subjicitur sua promissio , namely , that the Lord wold give them the promised land , and they should dispossesse the inhabitants thereof , Vers. 53. yea there is a promise of remission and reconciliation to this worke . Isa. 27. 9. By this shall the iniquity of Iacob be purged , and this is all the fruit to take away his sinne : when he maketh all the stones of the Altar as chalke stones , that are beaten asunder , the groves and images shall not stand up . Thirdly , the Churches of Pergamos and Theatyra are reproved for suffering the use of Idolothyts , Apoc. 2. 14. 20. Where the eating Sect. 4 of things sacrificed to Idolls is condemned as Idolatry and spirituall adultery , as n Perkins noteth . Paybody therefore is greatly mistaken , when he thinkes , that meates sacrificed to Idolls , beeing the good Creatures of God , were allowed by the Lord , out of the case of scandall , notwithstanding of Idolatrous pollution , for Apoc. 2. the eating of things sacrificed to Idolls , is reproved as Idolatry , and 1. Cor. 10. 20. the cating of such thinges , is condemned as a fellowship with Divells . Now Idolatry and fellowship with divells , I suppose are unlawfull , though no scandall should followe upon them . And whereas he thinkes meates sacrificed to Idolls , to be lawfull enough out of the case of scandall , for this reason , because they are the good Creatures of God , he should have considered better the Apostles mind concerning such Idolothyts . Which o Zanchius setteth downe thus , Verum est , per so haec nihil sunt , sed respectu eorum quibus immolantur aliquid sunt : quia per haec , illis quibus immolantur , nos consociamur . Qui isti ? Daemones . For our better understanding of this matter , we must distinguish two sorts of Idolothyts , both which we finde 1 Cor. 10. Of the one , the Apostle speakes from the 14 Verse of that Chapter , to the 23. Of the other , from the 23. verse to the end ; This is Beza his distinction in his Annotations on that Chapter . Of the first sort , he delivers the Apostles minde thus ; that as Christians have their holy banquets , which are badges of their communion both with Christ and among themselves , and as the Israëlites by their sacrifices did seale their copulation in the same religion , so also Idolaters cum suis idolis aut potius daemonibus , solemnibus illis epulis copulantur . So that this sort of p Idolothyts were eaten in Temples , and publike solemne banquets , which were dedicated to the honour of idolls . q Cartwright sheweth , that the Apostle is comparing the Table of the Lord , with the Table of Idolaters : whereupon it followeth , that as wee use the Lords Table religiously , so that Table of Idolaters of which the Apostle speaketh , had state in the idolatrous worship , like that feast Num. 25. 3. quod in honorem falsorum Deorum celebrabatur , saith r Calvine . This first sort of Idolathyts , s Pareus calls the sacrifices of Idolls , and from such he saith , the Apostle dissuadeth by this argument , Participare e●…pulis Idolorum , est idololatria . Of the second sort of Idolothyts , the Apostle begins to speake Vers. 23. The Corinthians moved a question , whether they might lawfully eat things sacrificed to Idolls ? In privatis conviviis , saith t Pareus . The Apostle resolves them that domi in privato convictu they might eate them , except it were in the case of scandall , thus u Beza . The first sort of Idolothyts are meant of Apoc. 2. as Beza there noteth , and of this sort must we understand x Augustine to meane , whiles he saith , that it were better mori fame , quam Idolothytis vesci . These sortes are simply & in themselves unlawfull . And if meates sacrificed to Idols be so unlawfull , then much more such things and rites as have not only beene sacrificed and destinated to the honour of Idolls , ( for this is but one kinde of Idolatrous abuse , ) but also of a long time , publikly and solemnely employed in the worshipping of Idolls , and deeply defiled with Idolatry , much more I say , are they unlawfull to be applied to Gods most pure and holy worship , and therein used by us publikely and solemnely , so that the world may see us conforming , and joyning our selves unto Idolaters . Fourthly , I fortify my proposition by approven examples : and first , we find that Iacob , Genes . 35. 4. did not only abolish out of his Sect. 5 house , the Idolls , but their eare-rings also , because they were superstitionis insignia , as Calvine ; res ad idololatriam pertinentes , as Iunius ; monilia idolis consecrata , as Pareus calleth them ; all writting upon that place . We have also the example of Elijah , 1. Kings 18. 30. he would by no meanes offer upon Baals Altar , but would needs repaire the Lords Altar , though this should hold the people the longer in exspectation . This he did in P. Martyrs Iudgment , because he thought it a great indignity , to offer sacrifice to the Lord , upon the Altar of Baal . Whereupon , y Martyr reprehendeth those who in administring the true Supper of the Lord , uti velint Papisticis vestibus & instrumentis . Further we have the example of Iehu , who is commanded for the destroying of Baal out of Israëll , with his image , his house , and his very vestments . Read , 2. Kings , 10. from the 22. Verse to the 28. And what example more considerable , then that of Hezekiah , who not only abolished such monuments of Idolatry , as at their first institution were but mens inventions , but brake downe also the Brazen serpent ( though originally set up at Gods owne command , ) when once he saw it abused to Idolatry ? 2 Kings 18. 4. This deed of Hezekiah , Pope z Steven doth greatly praise , and professeth that it is set before us for our imitation , that when our predecessors have wrought some things , which might have beene without fault in their time , and afterward they are converted into error and superstition , they may be quickly destroyed by us who come after them . a Farellus saith , that Princes & Magistrates should learne by this example of Hezekiah , what they should doe with those significant rites of mens devising which have turned to superstition . Yea , the b B. of Wincester aknowledgeth , that whatsoever is taken up at the injunction of men , when it is drawne to superstition , commeth under the compasse of the Brazen serpent , and is to be abolished . And he excepteth nothing from this example , but only things of Gods owne prescribing , Moreover , we have the example of good Iosiah , 2 Kings 23. for he did not only destroy the houses and the high-places of Baal , vers . 19. but his vessels also , vers . 4. and his grove , vers 6. 14. and his Altars , vers . 12. yea the horses and charrets , which had beene given to the Sun , vers . 11. The example also of penitent Manasseh , who not only overthrewe the strange Gods , but their Altars too 2 Chron. 33. 15. And of Moses the man of God , who was not content to execute vengeance on the Idolatrous Israelites , except he should also utterly destroy the monument of their Idolatry , Exod. 32. 27. 20. Lastly , we have the example of Daniel , who would not defile himself with the portion of the Kings meate , Dan. 1. 8 , because saith c Iunius , it was converted in usum idololatricum , for at the banquets of the Babylonians and other Gentiles , erant praemessa sive praemissa , quae dijs praemittebantur . They used to consecrate their meate and drinke to Idolls , and to invocate the names of their Idolls upon the same , so that their meate and drinke fell under the prohibition of Idolothyts . This is the reason , which is given by the most part of the Interpreters , for Daniels fearing to pollute himself , with the kings meate , and wine : and it hath also the approbation of d a Papist . Fiftly , our proposition is backed with a twofold reason , for things which have beene notoriously abused to Idolatry , should be Sect. 6 abolished , 1. quia monent , 2. quia movent : first then , they are monitory , & preserve the memory of Idolls , monumentum in good things , is both monimentum & munimentum , but monumentum in evill things , ( such as Idolatry , ) is only monimentum , which monet mentem to remember upon such things as ought not to be once named amōg Saincts , but should lye buried in the eternall darknesse of silent oblivion . Those reliques therefore of Idolatry , quibus quasi monumentis posterit as admoneatur ( as e Wolphius rightly saith , ) are to be quite defaced and destroyed , because they serve to honour the memory of cursed Idolls . God f would not have , so much as the name of an Idoll , to be remembered among his people , but commanded to destroy their names , as well as themselves . Whereby we are admonished , as g Calvine saith , how detestable Idolatry is before God , cujus memoriam vult penitus deleri , ne posthac ullum ejus vesligium appareat , h yea he requireth , eorum omnium memoriam deleri , quae semel dicata sunt idolis . If i Mordecay would not give his countenance , nor doe any reverence to a living monument of that nation , whose name God had ordained k to be blotted out from under heaven ; much lesse should we give connivence , and farre lesse countenance , but least of all reverence to the dead and dumbe monuments of those Idolls which God hath devoted to utter destruction , with all their naughty appurtenances , so that he will not have their names to be once mentioned or remembered againe . But secoundly , movent too : such Idolothyous remainders move us to turne back to Idolatry . For usu compertum habemus , superstitiones etiam postquam explosae essent , si qua relicta fuissent earum monumenta , cum memoriam sui ipsarum apud homines , tum id tandem ut revocarentur obtinuisse , saith l Wolphius . Who here upon thinks it behovefull , to destroy funditus such vestigies of superstition , for this cause , if there were no more ; ut & ▪ aspirantibus ad revocandam idololatriam spes frangatur , & res novas molientibus ansa pariter ac materia praecipiatur . God would have Israell to overthrow all idolotrous monuments , lest thereby they should be snared , Deut. 7. 25. and 12. 30. And if the m law command to cover a pit , lest an oxe or an asse should fall therein : shall we suffer a pit to be open , wherein the pretious soules of men and women , which all the world can not ransone , are likely to fall ? Did God command n to make a battlement for the roofe of a house , and that for the safety of mens bodies ? And shall we not only not put up a battlement , or object some barre for the safety of mens soules , but also leave the way sl●…pty and full of snares ? Reade we not that the Lord , who knewe what was in man , & saw how propense he was to Idolatry , did not only remove out of his peoples way , all such things as might any way allure or induce them to Idolatry , ( even to the cutting of the names of the Idolls out of the land , Zecbar . 13. 2. ) but also hedge up their way with thornes , that they might not find their paths , nor overtake their Idol-Gods , when they should seeke after them , Hos. 2. 6. 7 ? And shall we by the very contrary course , not only not hedge up the way of Idolatry with thornes , which may stop and stay such as have an inclination aiming forward , but also lay before them , the inciting and entising occasions , which adde to their owne propension , such delectation as spurreth forward with a swift facility ? Thus having both explained and confirmed the proposition Sect. 7 of our present argument , I will make me next for the confutation of the answeres , which our opposites devise to elude it . And first , they tell us , that it is needlesse to abolish utterly , things and Rites which the Papists have abused to Idolatry and superstition , and that it is enough to purge them from the abuse ; and to restore them again to their right use . Hence b Saravia will not have pium crucis usum to be abolished cum abusu , but holds it enough that the abuse and superstition be taken away . c Dr Forbesse his answere is , that not only things instituted by God , are not to be taken away for the abuse of them , but further , neque res mediae ab hominibus prudenter introductae , propter sequentem abusum semper tollendae sunt . Abusi sunt Papistae Templis , & Oratoriis , & Cathedris , & sacris Vasis , & Campanis , & benedictione Matrimoniali : nec tamen res istas , censuerunt prudentes reformatores abjiciendas . Ans. 1. d Calvine answering that which Cassander alledged out of an Italian writer , abusu non tolli bonum usum ; he admits it only to be true , in things which are institute by God himself : not so in things ordained by men : for the very use of such things , or rites , as have no necessary use in Gods worship , and which men have devised , only at their owne pleasure , is taken away by Idolatrous abuse . Pars tutior here , is to put them wholly away , and there is by a great deale more danger in retaining ; then in removing them . 2. The proofs which I have produced for the proposition , about which now we debate , doe not only inferre that things and Rites , which have beene notoriously abused to Idolatry , should be abolished , in case they be not restored to a right use , but simply and absolutely that in any wise they are to be abolished . e God commanded to say to the coverings , and the ornaments of Idolls get you hence . It is not enough they be purged from the abuse , but simpliciter , they themselves must pack them , and be gone . How did Iacob with the eare rings of the Idolls ; Elijah with Baals Altar ; Iehu with his vestments ; Iosiah with his houses ; Manasseh with his Altars ; Moses with the golden Calfe ; Iosua with the Temples of Canaan ; Hezekiah with the Brazen Serpent ? did they retaine the things themselves , and only purge them from the abuse ? belike if these our Opposites had beene their counsellers , they had advised them to be contented with such a moderation : yet we see they were better counselled , when they destroyed utterly the things themselves : whereby we know , that they were of the same mind with us , and thought that things abused to Idolatry , if they have no necessary use , are farre better away then aplace . Did Daniel refuse Bels meate , because it was not restored to the right use ? Nay , if that had beene all , it might have beene quickly helped , and the meate sanctified by the word of God and prayer . Finally , were the Churches of Pergamos and Theatyra , reprooved , because they did not restore things sacrificed to Idolls , to their right use ? or , were they not rather reprooved for having any thing at all a doe with the things themselves ? 3. As for that which Dr. Forbesse objecteth to us , we answere , that Sect. 8 Temples , places of Prayer , Chaires , Veshells , and Bells , are of a necessary use , by the light and guidance of nature it selfe , and Matrimoniall benediction is necessary by Gods institution , Gen. 1. 28. So that all those examples doe except themselves from the argument in hand . But f the Dr. intendeth to bring those things within the category of things indifferent , and to this purpose he alledgeth , that it is indifferent to use this , or that place , for a Temple , or a place of prayer : also to use these Veshells , and Bells , or others ; And of Matrimoniall benediction to be performed by a Pastor , he saith , there is nothing commanded in scripture . Ans. Though it be indifferent to choose this place , or that place , &c. also to use these Veshells , or other Veshells , &c. yet the D r ( I trust ) will not denie that Temples , houses of prayer , Veshels , and Bells are of a necessary use , ( which exeemeth them from the touch of our present argument : ) whereas beside , that it is not necessary to kneele in the communion in this place , more then in that place , neither to keep the feasts of Christs Nativity , Passion , &c. upon these dayes more then upon other dayes , &c. the things themselves are not necessary in their kinde , and it is not necessary to keep any festuall day , nor to kneel at all in the act of receiving the communion . There is also another respect which hindereth Temples , Veshells , &c. from comming within the compasse of this our argument : but neither doth it agree to the controverted Ceremonies . Temples , houses of Prayer , Veshells for the ministration of the Sacraments , and Bells , are not used by us in Divine worship , as things Sacred ; or as holier then other houses , Veshells , and Bells ; But we use them only for naturall necessity , partly for that common decency , which hath no lesse place in the actions of Civill , then of sacred assemblies : yea in some cases , they may be applied to Civill uses , as g hath been said . Whereas the controverted Ceremonies are respected & used , as sacred Rites , and as holier then any circumstance , which is alike common to civill and sacred actions , neither are they used at all , out of the case of worship . We see now a double respect , wherefore our argument inferreth not the necessity of abolishing and destroying such Temples , Veshells and Bells , as have been abused to Idolatry , viz. because it can neither be said , that they are not things necessary , nor yet that they are things sacred . Neverthelesse ( to add this by the way ) howbeit for those reasons , Sect. 9 the retaining and using of Temples which have been polluted with Idolls , be not in it selfe unlawfull , yet the retaining of every such Temple is not ever necessary , but sometimes it is expedient for further extirpation of superstition , to demolish and destroy some such Temples , as have been horribly abused to Idolatry , as h Calvine also and i Zanchius doe plainly insinuate . Whereby I meane to defend ( though not as in it selfe necessary , yet as expedient pro tunc , that which the Reformators of the Church of Scotland did in casting downe some of those Churches , which had been consecrate to Popish Idolls , and of a long time polluted with Idolatrous worship . As on the one part the Reformators ( not without great probability ) feared , that so long as these Churches were not made even with the ground , the memory of that superstition , whereunto they had been employed and accustomed , should have been in them preserved , and with some sort of respect , recognized : so on the other parte they saw it expedient to demolish them , for strengthening the hands of such as adhered to the Reformation , for putting Papists out of all hope of the reentry of Popery , and for hedging up the way with thornes , that the Idolatrously minded , might not find their pathes . And since the pulling downe of those Churches wanted neither this pious intent , nor happy event , I must say , that the bitter invectives given forth against it , by some who carry a favourable eye to the pompous bravery of the Romish whoore , and have deformed to much of that which was by them reformed , are to be detested by all such , as wish the eternall exile of Idolatrous monuments , out of the Lords land : yet let these Momus-like spirits understand , that their censorius verdicts doe also reflexe upon those auncient Christians k of whom we read , that with their owne hands they destroyed the Temples of Idolls . And upon Chrysostome , who stirred up some Monkes , and sent them into Phaenicia , togither with workmen , and sustained them on the expences and charges of certaine godly women , that they might destroy the Temples of Idolls , as the l Magdeburgians have marked out of Theodoret : Likewise upon them of the Religion in France , of whom Thuanus recordeth , that templa confractis ac disjectis statuis & altaribus , expilaverant . Lastly , upon m fortaine Divines , who teach , that not onely Idola , but Idolia also , and omnia Idololatriae instrumenta should be abolished . Moreover , what was it else , but reasons light which made Cambyses to feare , that the superstition of Egypt could not be well rooted out , if the Temples wherein it was seated were not taken away ; so that offensus superstitionibus Aegyptiorum , Apis caeterorumque Deorum aedes dirui jubet : ad Ammonis quoque nobilissimum templum expugnandum , exercitum mittit , saith n Iustinus . And is not the danger of retaining Idolatrous Churches , thus pointed at by P. Martyr . Curavit &c. Iehu ( saith o he ) tooke care to have the Temples of Baall overthrowne , lest they should returne any more to their wonted use Wherefore it appears , that many doe not rightly , who having imbraced the Gospell of the Sonne of God , yet notwithstanding keep still the instruments of Popery . And they have farre better looked to piety who have taken care , to have Popish Images , statues , and ornaments , utterly cut off , for as we read in the Ecclesiasticall Histories , Constantine the great , after he had given his name to Christ , by an edict provided and tooke order , that the Temples of the Idolls might be closed and shut up . But because they did still remaine , Iulian the Apostate did easily open and unlock them , and thereafter did prostitute the Idolls of old superstition to be worshipped in them : which Theodosius the best and commended Prince , animadverting , commanded to pull them downe , lest they should againe any more be restored . But because I suppose no sober spirit will denie that sometimes and in some cases , it may be expedient to rase and pull downe some Temples polluted with Idolls , where other Temples may be had to serve sufficiently the assemblies of Christian congregations , ( which is all I plead for : ) Therefore I leave this purpose , and returne to D. Forbesse . As touching matrimoniall benediction , it also is exeemed out of Sect. 10 the compasse of our present argument , because through Divine institution , it hath a necessary use , as we have said . And though the Dr to make it appeare , that a Pastors performing of the same is a thing indifferent , alledgeth , that in Scripture there is nothing commanded thereanent . Yet plaine it is from Scripture it selfe , that Matrimoniall benediction ought to be given by a Pastor , for p God hath commanded his Ministers , to blesse his people , which by just Analogy belongeth to the Ministers of the Gospell ; neither is there any ground for making herein a difference , betwixt them and the Ministers of the Law , but we must conceive the commandement , to t●…e both alike to the blessing of Gods People . Vnto which Ministeriall duty of blessing , because no such limits can be set , as may exclude Matrimoniall blessing ; therefore they are bound to the performance of it also . And if further we consider q that the duty of blessing was performed by the Minister of the Lord , even before the law of Moses , we are yet more confirmed , to thinke that the blessing of the people , was not commanded in the Law as a thing peculiar and proper to the Leviticall Priesthood , but as a Morall & perpetuall duty , belonging to the Lords Ministers for ever . Wherefore notwithstanding of any abuse of Matrimoniall benediction among Papists , yet forasmuch as it hath a necessary use in the Church , and may not ( as the controverted Ceremonies may ) be wel spared ; It is manifest , that it commeth not under the respect and account of those things , whereof our Argument speaketh . Lastly , whereas the Dr. would beare his Reader in hand , that in the Sect. 11 Iudgment of wise Reformators , even such things as have been brought in use by men only , without Gods institution , are not to be ever taken away , for the abuse which followeth upon them : let r Reformators speake for themselves . Nos quoque priscos ritus , quibus indifferenter uti licet , quia verbo Dei consentanei sunt non reijcimus , modo ne superstitio & pravus abusus cos abolere cogat . This was the judgment of the wisest Reformators ; that Rites which were both auncient , and lawfull , & agreeable to Gods Word , were notwithstanding of necessity to be abolished , because of their superstition and wicked abuse . Secondly , our Opposites answer us , that beside the purging of things and Rites abused by Idolators , from their Idolatrous pollution , and the restoring of them to a right use , preaching and teaching against the superstition , and abuse which hath followed upon them , is another means to avoid that harme , which we feare to ensue upon the retaining of them . Ans. 1. This is upon as good ground pretended for the keeping of images in Churches . At inquiunt statim docemus has imagines non esse adorandas . Quasi vero saith s Zanchius , non idem olim fecerit diligentius Deus , per Mosen & Prophetas , quam nos faciamus . Cur igitur etiam volebat tolli imagines omnes ? quia non satis est verbo docere non esse faciendum malum : sed tollenda etiam sunt malorum offendicula , irritamenta , causae , occasiones . It is not enough with the Scribes and Pharises to teach out of Moses Chaire , what the people should doe , but all occasions , yea appearances of evill , are to be taken out of their sight . Efficacius enim & plus movent , quae in oculos quam quae in aures incidunt . Potuerat & Hezekias populum monere , ne Serpentem adorarent , sed maluit confringere & penitus è conspectu auferre , & rectius fecit faith t one well to this purpose . 2. Experience hath taught , to how little purpose such admonitions doe serve . u Calvine writing to the Lord Protector of England , of some Popish Ceremonies which did still remaine in that Church , after th●… Reformation of the same , desireth , that they may be abolished , because of their former abuse , in time of Popery . Quid enim ( saith h ) illae Ceremoniae aliud fuerunt , quam totidem lenocinia quae miseras animas ad malum perducerent , &c. But because he saw , that some might answer , that which our Formalists answer now to us , and say , it were enough to warne and teach men that they abuse not these Ceremonies , and that the abolishing of the Ceremonies themselves were not necessary . Therefore immediately he subjoyneth these words . Iam si decautione agitur , monebuntur homines scilicet , ne ad illas nunc impingant , &c. Quis tamen non videt obdurari ipsos nihilominus , nihil ut infaelici illa cautione obtineri possit . Whereupon he concludes , that if such Ceremonies were suffered to remaine , this should be a meane to nourish a greater hardnesse and obfirmation in evill , and a vaile drawne , so that the sincere doctrine which is propounded , should not be admitted as it ought to be . x In-another Epistle to Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury , he complaineth , that externall superstitions were so corrected in the Church of England , ut residui maneant innumeri surculi , qui assidue pollulent . And what good then was done by their admonitions , whereby they did in some sort snedde the reviving twigs of old superstition , since forasmuch as they were not wholly eradicat , they did still shoot forth againe . If a man should digge a pitt by the way side , for some commodity of his owne , and then admonish the travellers to take heed to themselves , if they goe that way in the darknesse of the night , who would hold him excusable ? How then shall they be excused , who digge a most dangerous pit , which is like to ruine many soules , and yet will have us to thinke that they are blamelesse , for that they warne men to beware of it ? Thirdly , we are told , that if these answers which our Opposites Sect. 13 give , get no place , then shall we use nothing at all which hath been abused by Idolaters , and by consequence , neither Baptisme nor the Lords Supper . But let y Zanchius answer for us , that these things are by themselves necessary , so that it is enough they be purged from the abuse . And z elsewhere he resolveth , that things which are by themselves both good and necessary , may not for any abuse bee put away . Si vero res sint adiaphorae sua natura & per legem Dei , eoque tales quae citra jacturam salutis omitti possunt , etiamsi ad bonos usus initio fuerunt institutae : si tamen postea videamus illas in abusus pernitiosos esse conversas : pietas in Deum , & charitas erga proximum , postulant ut tollantur , &c. He addes for proofe of that which he saith , the example of Hezekiah in breaking downe that Brazen Serpent , which example doth indeed most pregnantly enforce the abolishing of all things or rites , notouriously abused to Idolatry , when they are not of any necessary use , but it warranteth not the abolishing of any thing which hath a necessary use , because the Brazen Serpent is not contained in the number of those things quibus carere non possumus , saith a Wolphius , answering to the same objection , which presently I have in hand . Now that the Ceremonies have not in themselves , nor by the Law of God any necessary use , and that without hazarde of Salvation , they may be omitted , is aknowledged by Formalists themselves , wherefore I need not stay to prove it . Beside these answeres which are common in our adversaries Sect. 14 mouthes , some of them have other particular subterfugies , which now I am to search . We must consider saith r B. Lindsey , the Ceremony it self ( dedicated to , and polluted with Idolatry ) , ( whether it be of humane , or Divine institution ; If it be of humane institution , it may be removed , &c. but if the Ceremony be of Divine institution , such as kneeling is ; for the same is commended by God unto us in his word ; then we ought to consider whether the abuse of that Ceremony , hath proceeded from the nature of the action wherein it was used : for if it be so , it ought to be abolished , &c but if the abuse proceed not from the nature of the action , but from the opinion of the agent ; then the opinion being removed , the religious Ceremony may be used without any prophanation of Idolatry . For example , the abuse of kneeling in elevation , &c. proceeded not only from the opinion of the agent , but from the nature of the action which is idolatrous and superstitious , &c. and therefore both the action , and gesture ought to be abolished . But the Sacrament of the Supper , being an action instituted by God , and kneeling beeing of the owne nature an holy and religious Ceremony , it can never receive contagion of idolatry from it , but only from the opinion of the agent : then remove the opinion , both the action it selfe may be rightly used , and kneeling therein , &c. Ans. 1. since he graunteth that a Ceremony dedicated to , and polluted with Idolatry ; may ( he answereth not the argument which there he propoundeth , except he say must ) be abolished , if it be of humane Institution : he must graunt from this ground , if there were no more , that the Crosse , Surplice , kneeling at the communion , &c. having been so notoriously abused to Idolatry , must be abolished , because they have no institution except from men only . But , 2. Why saith he , that kneeling is a Ceremony of Divine institution ? Which he pronounceth not of kneeling , as it is actuated by some individuall case , or clothed with certaine perticular circumstances , ( for he maketh this kneeling whereof he speaketh , to be found in two most different actions , the one Idolatrous , the other holy , ) but of kneeling in the generall , per se , and praecise ab omnibus circumstantijs . Let him now tell , where kneeling thus considered is commended unto us in Gods word . He would possibly alledge that place . Psal 95 , 6. O come , let us worship and bowe downe : let us kneel before the Lord our maker . Which is cited in the Canon of Perth about kneeling . But I answer ; whether one expound that place with sCalvin , in this sence , ut scilicet ante arcam faederis populus se prosternat , quia sermo de legali cultu habetur : Whereupon 〈◊〉 should follow , that it commendeth kneeling , only to the Iewes in that particular case : or whether it be taken more generally , to commend kneeling , ( though not as necessary , yet as laudable and beseeming , ) in the solemne acts of Gods immediat worship , such as that , praise and thanksgiving , whereof the beginning of the Psalme speaketh , whether I say it be taken in this , or that sence , yet it commendeth not kneeling , except in a certaine kinde of worship only . And as for kneeling in the generall nature of it , it is not of Divine institution , but in it self indifferent , even as sitting , standing , &c. all which gestures are then only made good , or evill , when in actu exercito they are actuated and individualized by particular circumstances . 3. If so be , the Ceremony be abused to Idolatry , it skills not how , for as I have shewed before , the reasons and proofs which I have produced for the proposition of our present Argument , hold good against the retaining of any thing which hath beene knowne to be abused to Idolatry , and only such things as have a necessary use are to be excepted . 4. The nature of an action , wherein a Ceremony is used , can not be the cause of the abuse of that Ceremony , neither can the abuse of a Ceremony proceed from the nature of the action wherein it is used , as one effect from the cause , for d nihil potest esse homini causa sufficiens peccati , except only propria voluntas . 5. The abuse of kneeling in the Idolatrous action of elevation , proceedeth not from the nature of the action , but from the opinion of the agent , or rather from his will , ( for principium actionum humanarum , is not opinion , but will chosing that which opinion conceiteth to be chosen , or voluntas praeeunte luce intellectus . ) It is the will of the agent only , which both maketh the action of elevation to be Idolatrous , and likewise kneeling in this action to receive the contagion of Idolatry . For the elevation of the bread materialiter , is not Idolatrous , ( more then the lifting up of the bread among us by Elders or Deacons , when in taking it off the table , or setting it on , they lift it above the heads of the communicants ; ) but formaliter only , as it is elevated with a will and intention to place it in state of worship . So likewise kneeling to the bread , materialiter , is not Idolatry , ( else a man were a Idolater , who should be against his will thrust downe , and holden by violence kneeling on his knees , when the bread is elevated , ) but formaliter , as it proceedeth from a will and intention in men , to give to the bread elevated , a state in that worship , and out of that respect to kneel before it . 6. What can he gaine by this device , that the abuse of kneeling in the Lords Supper proceeded not from the nature of the action , but from the will of the agent ? Can he hereupon inferre , that kneeling in that action is to be retained , notwithstanding of any contagion of Idolatry , which it hath receaved ? Nay then , let him say , that Hezekiah did not rightly , in breaking downe the Brazen Serpent , which was set up at Gods command , and the abuse whereof proceeded not from the thing it self , which had a most lawfull , profitable , and holy use , but only from the perverse opinion and will of them who abused it to Idolatry . But the comparing of kneeling to the Brazen Serpent , is very Sect. 15 unsavory to the B. And wherefore ? The Brazen Serpent saith he , in the time it was abolished , had no use : that ceased with the vertue of the cure , that the Israelites received by looking upon it ; the act of kneeling continueth allwise in a necessary use , for the better expressing of our thankfulnesse to God. Ans. 1. Both kneeling , and all the rest of the Popish Ceremonies , may well be compared to the Brazen Serpent . And Divines doe commonly alledge this example , as most pregnant , to prove that things or rites polluted with I dolls , and abused to Idolatry , may not be retained , if they have no necessary use , and I have cited before the B. of Winchester , aknowledging that this argument holdeth good against all things which are taken up , not at Gods prescription , but at mens injunction . e I. Rainoldes argumenteth , from Hezekiah his breaking downe of the Brazen Serpent , to the plucking downe of the signe of the Crosse. 2. Why saith he , that the Brasen Serpent in the time it was abolished had no use ? the use of it ceased not with the cure , but it was still kept for a most pious and profitable use , even to be a monument of that mercy , which the Israelites received in the wildernesse , and it served for the better expressing of their thankefulnesse to God , which the B. here calleth a necessary use . 3. When he saith that kneeling continueth alwayes in a necessary use , we must understand him to speake of kneeling in the act of receiving the Communion , else he runnes at randone , for it is not kneeling in the generall , but kneeling in this particular case vvhich is compared to the Brazen Serpent . Now to say , that this gesture in this action is necessary , for our better expressing of our thankefulnesse to God , importeth that the Church of Scotland , and many famous Churches in Europe , for so many yeares , have omitted that vvhich vvas necessary , for the better expressing of their thankfulnesse to God , and that they have not vvell enough expressed it . And moreover , if kneeling be necessary in the Lords Supper , for our better expressing of our thankfulnesse to God , then is it also necessary at our owne common tables . Though we be bound to be more thankfull at the Lords Table , and that because vve receive a benefit of infinit more vvorth . Yet we are bound to be tam grati , as vvell thankfull , at our owne tables , albeit not tanta gratitudine . If then the same kind of thankfulnesse be required of us at our owne Tables , ( for intentio & remissio graduum secundum magis & minus , non variant speciem rei ; ) that vvhich is necessary for expressing of our thankfulnesse , at the Lords Table , must be necessary also for the expressing of it , at our ovvne . When I see the B. sitting at his Table , I shall tell him , that he omitteth that gesture vvhich is necessary , for the expressing of his thankfulnesse to God. 4. Did not the Apostles receiving this Sacrament from Christ himself , vvell enough expresse their thankfulnesse to God ? yet they kneeled not , but sate , as is evident , and shall be aftervvards prooven against them vvho contradict every thing vvhich crosseth them . 5. God vvill never take a Ceremony of mens devising , for a better expressing of our thankfulnesse , then a gesture vvhich is commended to us by the example of his ovvne Sonne and his Apostles , together vvith the Celebration of this Sacrament in all points according to his institution . 6. Hovv shall vve knovv vvhere vve have the B. and his fellovves ? it seemes they know not where they have themselvs : for sometimes they tell us , that it is indifferent to take the Communion sitting , or standing , or passing , or kneeling , yet here the B. tells , that kneeling is necessary . 7. I see the B. perceiveth , that no answere can take kneeling at the Communion , out of the compasse of the Brazen Serpent , except to say , it hath a necessary use , this is the dead lift , which yet helpeth not , as I have shewed . All things then which are not necessary , ( where of kneeling is one , ) being notoriously abused to Idolatry , fall under the Brazen Serpen●… . Paybody also will here talke with us , therefore we will talke with Sect. 16 him too . He f saith , that God did not absolutely condemne things abused to Idolatry , and tells us of three conditions on which it was lawfull to spare Idolatrous appurtenances : 1. If there were a needfull use of them in Gods worship : 2 In case they were so altered and disposed , as that they tended not to the honour of the Idoll , and his damnable worship , 3. If they were without certaine danger , of insnaring people into Idolatry . Ans. 1. Either he requires all these conditiones , in every Idolothyte and Idolatrous appurtenance which may be retained , or else he thinkes , that any one of them sufficeth : If he require all these , the last two are superfluous ; for that which hath a needfull use in Gods worship , can neither tend to the honour of the Idoll , nor yet can have in it any danger of insnaring people into Idolatry : If he thinke any one of those conditions enough , then let us goe through them . The first I admit , but it will not helpe his cause , for while the world standeth , they shall never prove that kneeling in the act of receiving the Communion , & the other controverted Ceremonies , have either a needfull , or a profitable , or a lawfull use in Gods worship . As for his secound condition , it is all one with that which g I have already confuted : namely , that things abused to Idolatry may be kept , if they be purged from their abuse , and restored to the right use . But he alledgeth for it a passage of Parker , of the Crosse , cap. 1. sect . 7. pag. 10. Where he sheweth out of Augustine , that an Idolothyte may not be kept for privat use , except 1. Omnis honor Idoli , cum apertissima destructione subvertatur . 2 That not only his honour be despoysed , but also all shew thereof . How doth this place ( now would I know , ) make any thing for Paybody ? Doe they keepe kneeling for privat use ? Doe they destroy most openly all honour of the Idoll , to which kneeling was dedicated ? Hath their kneeling not so much as any shew of the breaden-Gods honour ? who will say so ? and if any will say it , who will believe it ? who knoweth not that kneeling is kept for a publike , and not for a private use , and that the breaden Idoll receiveth very great shew of honour from it ? He was scarce of warrants , when he had no better , then Parker could affoorde him . His third condition rests , and touching it I aske , what if those Idolatrous appurtenances , be not without apparent danger of insnaring people into Idolatry ? are we not commanded to abstaine from all appearance of evill ? Will he correct the Apostle , and teach us , that we need not care for apparent , but for certain dangers ? What more apparent danger of insnaring people into Idolatry , then unnecessarie Ceremonies , which have been dedicated to , and polluted with Idolls , and which being retained , doe both admonish us to remember upon old Idolatry , and move us to returne to the same , as I have h before made evident ? Now as for the assumption of our present Argument , it can not Sect. 17 be but evident , to any who will not harden their mindes against the light of the truth , that the Ceremonies in question , have been most notoriously abused to Idolatry and superstition , and withall , that they have no necessary use to make us retaine them . I say , they have been notoriously abused to Idolatry . 1. Because they have been dedicated and consecrated to the service of Idolls . 2. Because they have been deeply polluted , and commonly employed in Idolatrous worship . For both these reasons doth i Zanchius condemne the Surplice , and such like Popish Ceremonies , left in England , because the Whoore of Rome hath abused , and doth yet abuse them , ad alliciendos homines ad scortandum . Sunt enim pompae istae omnes , & Ceremoniae Papisticae , nihil aliud quam fuci Meretricij , ad hoc excogitati , ut homines ad spiritualem scortationem alliciantur . O golden sentence , and vvorthy to be engraven with a pen of Yron , and the point of a Diamond ! For most needfull it is to consider , that those Ceremonies , are the very meretricious bravery , and inveagling trinkets , wherewith the Romish Whoore doth faird and paint her self , whiles she propineth to the world the cup of her fornications . This makes k Zanchius , to call those Ceremonies , the Reliques & Symboles of Popish Idolatry and Superstition . When Queene Mary set up Popery in England , and restored all of it , which King Henry had overthrowne , she considered , that Popery could not stand well favouredly , without the Ceremonies . Whereupon l she ordained , ut dies omnes festi celebrentur , superioris aetatis Ceremoniae restituantur , pueri adultiores ante baptisati , ab Episcopis confirmentur . So that not in remote regions , but in his Majesties dominions , not in a time past memory , but about fourscore yeares agoe , not by peoples practise onely , but by the lawes and edicts of the Supreme Magistrate ; the Ceremonies have beene abused , to the reinducing and upholding of Popery and Idolatry . Both farre and neere then , both long since and lately , it is more then notorious , how grossely and grievously the Ceremonies have been polluted with Idolatry and Superstition . I can not choose but marvell much , how m Paybody was not ashamed Sect. 18 to deny , that kneeling hath been abused by the Papists . Blush ô paper , which art blotted with such a notable lie ! What will not desperate impudency dare to averre ? But n B. Lindsey seemeth also to hold , that kneeling hath been abused by the Papists , onely in the elevation and circumgestation of the Hoste , but not in the participation ; and that Honorius , did not command kneeling in the participation ; but onely in the elevation and circumgestation . Ans. 1. Saltem mendacem oportet esse memorem . Saith not the o B. himselfe elsewhere of the Papists , In the Sacrament they kneel to the signe , whereby he would prove a disconformity between their kneeling and ours : for vve kneel , saith he , by the Sacrament to the thing signified . Now if the Papists in the Sacrament kneel to the signe , then they have Idolatrously abused kneeling , even in the participation , for the B. dare not say , that in the elevation , or circumgestation , there is either Sacrament or signe . 2. Why doe our Divines controvert with the Papists , de adoratione Eucharistiae , if Papists adore it not in the participation ? for the Hoste carried about in a box , is not the Sacrament of the Eucharist . 3. In the participation , Papists think that the Bread is already transubstantiate into the body of Christ , by vertue of the vvords of consecration . Now if in the participation they kneel to that which they falsely conceit to be the body of Christ , ( but is indeed corruptible bread ) with an intention to give it Latria or Divine worship : then in the participation they abuse it to Idolatry . But that is true . ergo . 4. p Durand sheweth , that though in the holy-dayes of Easter and Pentecost , and the festivities of the blessed Virgin , and in the Lords dayes , they kneel not in the Church , but onely stand ( because of the joy of the festivity , ) and at the most doe but bovv or incline their heads at prayer ; yet in presentia corporis & sanguinis Christi , in presence of the bread and vvine , vvhich they thinke to be the body and blood of Christ , they cease not to kneel . And hovv vvill the B. make their participation free of this Idolatrous kneeling ? The q Rhemists shevv us , that when they are eating and drinking the body and blood of our Lord , they adore the Sacrament , and humbling themselves they say to it , Domine non sum dignus , Deus propitius esto mihi peccatori . 5. As for that which Honorius the 3 decreed , r Dr. White calleth it , the adoration of the Sacrament . Which if it be so , then we must say , that he decreed adoration in the participation it self : because extra usum Sacramenti , the bread can not be called a Sacrament . Honorius commanded , that the Priest should frequently teach his people , to bow downe devoutly , when the hoste is elevated in the celebration of the Masse , and that they should doe the same , when it is caried to the sicke . All this was ordained , in reference to the participation . Ad usum illa instituta sunt , saith s Chemnitius , speaking of this decrec , quando scilicet panis consecratur , & quando ad infirmos defertur , ut exhibeatur & sumatur . So that that which was specially respected in the decree , was adoring in the participation . Lastly , here we have to doe with Dr. Burgesse , who will have us to thinke , t that adoration in receiving the Sacrament , hath not been Idolatrously intended to the Sacrament in the Church of Rome , neither by decree nor custome : not by decree ; because albeit Honorius appointed adoration to be used in the elevation and circumgestation , yet not in the act of receiving . And albeit the Romane Rituall doe appoint , that Cleargie men comming to receive the Sacrament , doe it kneeling , yet u this was done in veneration of the Altar , or of that which standeth thereupon , and not for adoration of the Hoste put into their mouths . Not by custome ▪ for ●…he will not have it said , that kneeling in the time of receiving , was ever in the Church of Rome , any rite of or for adoration of the Sacrament , because albeit the people kneel in the act of receiving , yet I denie , saith he , that they ever intended adoration of the species , at that moment of time when they tooke it in their mouths , but th●… turned themselves to God &c. Ans. 1. As for the decree of Honorius , I have all ready answered with Chemnitius , that it had reference specially to the receiving . 2. When Cleargie men are appointed in the Romane Rituall , to receive the Sacrament at the Altar kneeling , this was not for veneration of the Altar , to which they did reverence at all times when they approched to it , but this was required particularly in their receiving of the Sacrament , for adoration of it Neither is there mention made of the Altar , as conferring any thing to their kneeling in receiving the Sacrament , for the Sacrament was not used the more reverently , because it stood upon the Altar , but by the contrary , for the Sacraments sake reverence was done to the Altar , which was esteemed the Seat of the body of Christ. It appeareth therefore , that the Altar is mentioned , not as concerning the kneeling of the Cleargie men in their communicating , but simply as concerning their communicating , because none but they were wont to communicate at the Altar , according to that received x Canon . Solis autem Ministris Altaris liceat ingredi ad Altare , & ibidem communicare . The one of the Doctors owne conjectures , is , that they kneeled for reverence of that which stood upon the Altar . But I would know what that was , which standing upon the Altar , made them to kneele in the participation ; if it was not the Hoste it self ? Now whereas he denies , as touching custome , that people did ever intend the adoration of the species : I answer . 1. How knowes he what people in the Romane Church did intend in their mindes ? 2. What warrant hath he for this , that they did not in the participation adore the Hoste , which was then put into their mouths ? 3. Though this which he saith , were true , he gaineth nothing by it ; for put the case they did not intend the adoration of the species , dare he say , that they intended not the adoration of that which was under the species ? I trow not . Now that which was under the species , though in their conceit it was Christs body , yet it was indeed Bread. So that in the very participation , they were worshipping the Bread. But , 4. What needeth any more ? he maketh himself a lyar , and saith y plainly , that after transubstantiation was embraced , and when all the substance of the visible Creature was held to be gone , they did intend the adoration of the visible things , as if there had been now no substance of any creature left therein . Whereby he destroyeth all which he hath said , of their not intending the adoration of the species . Last of all , for the other part of my assumption , that the Ceremonies Sect. 20 have no necessary use in Gods Worship , I need no other proof , then the common by word of Formalists , which saith , they are things indifferent . Yet the z B. of Edimbrugh , & a Paybody , have turned their 〈◊〉 bravery , and chosed rather to say any thing against us , then nothing . They spare not to answer , that kneeling hath a necessary use . They are most certainly speaking of kneeling in the act of receiving the Communion ; for they , and their Opposites in those places , are disputing of no other kneeling , but this onely . Now we may easily perceive , they are in a evill taking , when they are driven to such an unadvised and desperate answer . For. 1. If kneeling in the act of receiving the Lords Supper be necessary , why have themselves two , written so much for the indifferency of it ? O desultorious levity , that knows not where to hold it self ! 2. If it be necessary , what makes it to be so ? what law ? what example ? what reason ? 3. If it be necessary , not onely many reformed Churches , and many auncient too ; but Christ himself and his Apostles , have in this Sacrament omitted something that was necessary . 4. If it be necessary , why doe many of their owne Disciples take the Communion , sitting in places where sitting is used ? what need I to say more ? In the first part of this dispute , I have proven that the Ceremonies are not necessary , in respect of the Churches ordinance , howbeit if it were answered in this place , that they are in this respect necessary , it helpeth not , since the Argument proceedeth against all things notoriously abused to Idolatry , which neither God nor nature hath made necessary . And for any necessity of the Ceremonies in themselves , either our Opposites must repudiat , what hath unadvisedly fallen from their pennes hereanent , or else forsake their beaten ground of indifferency , and say plainly , that the Ceremonies are urged by them , to be observed with an opinion of necessity , as worship of God , and as things in themselvs necessary . Looke to your selvs , ô Formalists , for you stand here upon such slippery places , that you can not hold both your feet . CHAP. III. That the Ceremonies are unlawfull , because they sorte us with Idolaters , being the badges of present Idolatry among the Papists . IT followeth according to the order , which I have proposed , to shew next , that the Ceremonies are Idolatrous , participativè . Sect. 1 By communicating with Idolaters in their Rites and Ceremonies , we our selves become guilty of Idolatry . Even as a Ahaz was an Idolater , eo ipso , that he tooke the Paterne of an Altar from Idolaters . Forasmuch then , as kneeling before the consecrated Bread , the Signe of the Crosse , Surplice , Festivall dayes , Bishopping , bowing to the Altar , administration of the Sacraments in privat places , &c. Are the wares of Rome , the baggage of Babylon , the trinkets of the Whoore , the badges of Popery , the ensignes of Christs enemies , and the very Trophees of Antichrist : we can not conforme , communicat , and symbolize with the Idolatrous Papists , in the use of the same , without making our selves Idolaters by participation . Shall the Chast Spouse of Christ take upon her the ornaments of the Whoore ? Shall the Israell of God symbolize with her , who is spiritually called Sodome and Egypt ? Shall the Lords redeemed people weare the ensignes of their captivity ? Shall the Saincts be seen with the marke of the beast ? Shall the Christian Church be like the Antichristian , the Holy like the Prophane , Religion like Superstition , the Temple of God like the Synagogue of Sathan ? Our Opposites are so farre from being moved with these things , that both in Pulpits , and privat places , they use to plead for the Ceremonies by this very Argument , that we should not runne so farre away from Papists , but come as near them , as we can . But for proof of that which we say , namely , that it is not lawfull to symbolize with Idolaters , ( and by consequence with Papists ) or to bee like them in their Rites or Ceremonies , we have more to alledge , then they can answer . For , 1. We have Scripture for us . Lev. 18. 3. After the doings of the land of Egypt , wherein ye dwelt , shall ye not doe : and after the doings of Sect. 2 the land of Canaan , whether I bring you , shall ye not doe , neither shall ye walke in their ordinances . Deut. 12. 30. Take heed to thy self , that thou bee not snared by following them , &c. Saying , how did these Nations serve their Gods : even so will I doe likewise . Thou shalt not doe so unto the Lord thy God , Exod. 23 24. Thou shalt not doe after their workes . Yea , they were straitly forbidden , to round the corners of their Heads , or to make any cuttings in the flesh for the dead , or to print any marke upon them , or to make baldenesse upon their Heads , or between their eyes , for asmuch as God had chosen them to be a holy and a peculiar people , and it behoved them not to be framed nor fashioned like the Nations , Levit. 19. 27. 28. and 21 , 5. and Deut. 14. 1. And whit else was meant by these lawes , which forbade them to suffer their cattel to gender with a diverse kinde , to sow their field with diverse seed , to weare a garment of diverse sorts , as of Woollen and Linnen , to plow with an oxe and an asse togither , Levit. 19. 19. Deut. 22. 9. 10. 11 ? This was to hold that people in simplicity and purity , ne hinc inde accersat ritus alienos saith Calvine upon these places . Besides , find we not , that they were sharply reprooved , when they made themselves like other Nations ? 2 Chron. 13. 9. Ye have made you Priests after the manner of the Nations of other lands , 2 Kings . 17. 15. They followed vanity and became vaine , and went after the Heathen , that were round about them , concerning whom the Lord had charged them , that they should not doe like them . The Gospell commendeth the same to us which the Law did to them . 2 Cor. 6. 14. 15. 16. 17. Be not ye unequally yoked with unbeleevers : for , what fellow ship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse ? and what communion hath light with darknesse ? and what concord hath Christ with Belial ? and what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idolls ? &c. Wherefore come out from among them , and be ye separate , saith the Lord , and touch not the uncleane thing , Revel . 14. 9. If any man worship the beast , and his image , and receive his marke in his forehead , or in his hand , the same shall drinke of the wine of the wrath of God. And the Apostle Iude v. 12. will have us to hate the very garment , spotted with the flesh , importing , that as under the Law men were made uncleane , not onely by leprosie , but by the garments , veshels , and houses of leprous men : so doe we contract the contagion of Idolatry , by communicating with the unclean things of Idolaters . Before we goe further , we will see what our Opposites have said to those Scriptures which we alledge , b Hooker saith , that the reason Sect. 3 why God forbade his people Israëll the use of such rites & customes , as were among the Egyptians , and the Canaanites , was not because it behoved his people to be framed of set purpose , to an utter dissimilitude with those Nations , but his meaning was to barre Israell , from similitude with those Nations , in such things as were repugnant to his ordinances and lawes . Ans. 1. Let it be so : he hath said enough against himself . For we have the same reason to make us abstaine from all the Rites & Customes of Idolaters , that we may be barred from similitude with them in such things , as are flatly repugnant to Gods word , because dissimilitude in Ceremonies , is a barre to stop similitude in substance , and on the contrary , similitude in Ceremonies openeth a way to similitude in greater substance . 2. His answer is but a begging of that which is in question , for as much as we alledge those lawes and prohibitions , to prove that all the Rites and Customes of those Nations , were repugnant to the Ordinances and Lawes of God , and that Israel was simply forbidden to use them . 3. Yet this was not a framing of Israel of set purpose to an utter dissimilitude with those Nations , for Israel used food & raiment , sowing and reaping , sitting , standing , lying , walking , talking , trading , lawes , governement , &c : notwithstanding that the Egyptians , and Canaanites used so . They were only forbidden to be like those Nations in such unnecessary Rites and Customes , as had neither institution from God nor nature , but were the inventions and devices of men only . In things and rites of this kind alone , it is , that we plead for dissimilitude with the Idolatrous Papists . For the Ceremonies in controversy are not only proven to be under the compasse of such , but are besides made by the Papists , badges and markes of their religion , as we shall see afterwards . To that place , 2 Cor. 6. c Paybody answereth , that nothing else is Sect. 4 there meant , then that we must beware & separate our selves from the comunion of their sinnes , and Idolatries . Ans. 1. When the Apostle there forbiddeth the Corinthians , to be unequally yoked with unbeleevers , or to have any communion or fellowship with Idolaters , and requireth them so to come out from among them , that they touch none of their uncleane things . Why may vve not understand his meaning to be , that not only they should not partake vvith Pagans in their Idolatries , but that they should not marry vvith them , not frequent their feasts , nor goe to the theatre to behold their playes , nor goe to Law before their Iudges , nor use any of their Rites ? for with such Idolaters we ought not to have any fellowship , as d Zanchius resolves , but only in so farre as necessity compelleth , and Charity requireth . 2. All the Rites and Customes of Idolaters , which have neither institution from God nor nature , are to be reckoned among those sinnes , wherein we may not partake with them , for they are the improfitable workes of darknesse , all which e Calvin judgeth to be in that place generally forbidden , before the Apostle descend particularly , to forbid partaking with them in their Idolatry . As for the prohibition of divers mixtures , f Paybody saith , the Iewes were taught thereby to make no mixture of true and false worship . Ans 1. According to his Tenets , it followeth upon this answere , that no mixture is to be made betwixt holy , and Idolatrous Ceremonies , for he calleth kneeling , a bodily worship , and a worship gesture more then once or twice . And we have seene before , how Dr. Burgesse calleth the Ceremonies , worship of God. 2. If mixture of true and false worship be not lawfull , then for as much as the Ceremonies of Gods ordinance , namely , the Sacraments of the New Testament , are true worship . And the Ceremonies of Popery , namely Crosse , Kneeling , Holy-dayes , &c. are false worship , therefore there ought to be no mixture of them togither . 3. If the Iewes were taught to make no mixture of true and false worship , then by the self same instruction , if there had beene no more , they were taught also to shunne all such occasions as might any way produce such a mixture , and by consequence all symbolizing with Idolaters in their Rites and Ceremonies . As touching these Lawes which forbade the Israelites to make round the corners of their heads , or to marre the corners of their Sect. 5 beards , or to make any cuttings in their flesh , or to make any baldenesse betweene ! their eyes , g Hooker answereth , that the cutting round of the corners of the head , and the tearing of the tufts of the beard , howbeit they were in themselves indifferent , yet they are not indifferent being used as signes of immoderat and hopelesse lamentation for the dead ; in which sence it is , that the law forbiddeth them . To the same purpose saith h Paybody , that the Lord did not forbid his people , to marre and abuse their heads and beards for the dead , because the Heathen did so , but because the practise doth not agree to the Faith and Hope of a Christian , if the Heathen had never used it . Ans. 1. How much surer and sounder is i Calvines Iudgment , non aliud fuisse Dei concilium , quam ut interposito obstaculo populum suum à prophanis Gentibus dirimeret ? for albeit the cutting of the haire be a thing in it self indifferent , yet because the Gentiles did use it superstitiously , therefore saith Calvin , albeit it was per se medium , Deus tamen noluit populo suo liberum esse , ut tanquam pueri diseerent ex parvis rudimentis , se non aliter Deo fore gratos , nisi exteris & praeputiatis essent prorsus dissimiles , ac longissime abessent ab eorum exemplis , praesertim vero ritus omnes fugerent , quibus testata fuerit religio . So that from this law , it doth most manifestly appeare , that we may not be like Idolaters , no not in things which are in themselves indifferent , when we know that they doe use them superstitiously . 2. What warrant is there for this glosse , that the Law forbiddeth the cutting round of the corners of the head , and the marring of the corners of the beard , to be used as signes of immoderat and hopelesse lamentation for the dead , and that in no other sence , they are forbidden ? Albeit the cutting of the flesh may be expounded , to proceed from immoderat grief , and to be a signe of hopelesse Lamentation , yet this can not be said of rounding the haire , marring the beard , and making of baldenesse : which might have beene used in moderat and hopefull lamentation , as wel as our putting on of mourning apparrel for the dead . The law saith nothing of the immoderat use of these things , but simply forbiddeth to round the head , or marre the beard for the dead ; and that because this was one of the Rites , which the Idolatrous and superstitious Gentiles did use , concerning whom the Lord commmanded his people , that they should not doe like them , because he had chosen them to be a holy and peculiar people , above all people upon the earth . So that the thing which was fordidden , if the Gentiles had not used it , should have beene otherwise lawfull enough to Gods people , as we have seene out of Calvines commentary . Secondly , we have reason for that which we say , for by partaking Sect. 6 with Idolaters in their Rites and Ceremonies , we are made to partake with them in their Religion too . For , Ceremoniae omnes sunt quaedam protestationes fidei , saith k Aquinas . Therefore Communio rituum est quasi symbolum communionis in religione , saith l Balduine . They who did eate of the Iewish sacrifices were partakers of the Altar , 1 Cor : 10. 18. that is , saith m Pareus , socios Iudaicae religionis & cultus se profitebantur . For the Iewes by their sacrifices mutuam in una eademque religione copulationem sanciunt , saith n Beza . Whereupon o Dr. Fulk noteth , that the Apostle in that place , doth compare our Sacraments with the Altars , Hostes. Sacrifices or immolations of the Iewes , and Gentiles , in that point which is common to all Ceremonies , to declare them that use them , to be pertakers of that religion , whereof they be Ceremonies . If then p Isidore thought it unlawfull for Christians to take pleasure in the fables of Heathen Poets , because non solum thura offerendo Daemonibus immolatur , sed etiam corum dicta libentius capiendo ; much more have we reason to think , that by taking part in the Ceremonies of Idolaters , we doe but offer to Divells , and joyne our selvs to the service of Idolls . Thirdly , as by Scripture , and reason , so by Antiquity we strengthen our Argument . Of old , Christians did so shunne to be like the Pagans , Sect. 7 that in the dayes of Tertullian , it was thought that Christians might not weare a Garland because thereby they had beene made conforme to the Pagans . Hence q Tertullian justifieth the Souldier , who refused to weare a Garland as the Pagans did . r Dr. Mortone himself alledgeth another cafe out of Tertullian , which maketh to this purpose , namely , that Christian Proselytes did distinguish themselvs from Roman Pagans , by casting away their gownes and wearing of cloakes . But these things we are not to urge , because we plead not for dissimilitude with the Papists , in civill fashions , but in Sacred and Religious Ceremonies . For this point then at which we hold us , we alledge s that which is marked in the third Centurie out of Origen , namely , that it was held unlawfull for Christians , to observe the feasts and Solemnities , either of the Iewes , or of the Gentiles . Nay we find t a whole Councell determining thus Non opportet à Iudaeis vel Haereticis , feriatica quae mittuntur accipere , nec cum eis dies agere feriatos . The Councell of Nice also condemned those who kept Easter upon the fourteenth day of the moneth . That which made them pronounce so , ( as is cleare from u Constantines Epistle to the Churches , ) was , because they held it unbeseeming for Christians to have any thing common with the Iewes in their rites and observances . x Augustin condemneth fasting upon the Sabbath day , as scandalous , because the Manichees used so , and fasting upon that day had beene a conformity with them . And wherefore did Gregory advise Leander , to abolish the Ceremony of trin-immersion ? his y words ar plaine . Quia nunc huc usque ab Haereticis infans in Baptismate tertio mergebatur , fiendum apud vos esse non censeo . Why doth z Epiphanius in the end of his bookes contra haereses , rehearse all the Ceremonies of the Church , as markes whereby the Church is discerned from all other sects ? If the Church did symbolize in Ceremonies with other sects , he could not have done so . And Moreover find we not in the a Canons of the auncient Councels , that Christians were forbidden to decke their houses with greene boughes and bay leaves , to observe the Calends of Ianuary , to keep the first day of every moneth , &c. Because the Pagans used so to doe ? Last of all , read we not , in b the fourth century of the Ecclesiasticall history , that the frame of Christians in that age , was such , that nec cum haereticis commune quicquam habere voluerunt ? One would think that nothing could be answered to any of these things , by such as pretend no lesse , then that they have devoted Sect. 8 themselves to bend all their wishes & labours for procuring the imitation of venerable antiquity . Yet c Hooker can coyne a conjecture , to frustrate all which we alleadge . In things ( saith he ) of their owne nature indifferent , if either Councells , or particular men , have at any time with sound Iudgment misliked conformity betweene the Church of God and Infidells , the cause thereof hath not beene affectation , of dissimilitude , but some special accident which the Church not beeing alwayes subject unto , hath not still cause to doe the like . For example ( saith he ) in the dangerous dayes of triall , wherein there was no way for the trueth of Iesus Christ to triumph over infidelity , but through the constancy of his Saincts , whom yet a naturall desire to save themselves from the flame , might peradvēture cause to joyne with the Pagans in externall Customes , too farre using the same as a cloak to conceale themselves in , and a mist to darken the eyes of Infidels withall ; for remedy hereof , it might be , those lawes were provided . Ans. 1. This answer is altogither doubtfull , and conjecturall , made up of If , and peradventure , and it might be . Neither is any thing found which can make such a conjecture probable . 2. The true reason , why Christians were forbidden to use the Rites and Customes of Pagans , was neither a bare affectation of dissimilitude , nor yet any speciall accident which the Church is not alwayes subject unto ; but because it was held unlawfull , to symbolize with Idolaters in the use of such rites , as they placed any religion in . For in the Fathers & Councells , which we have cited to this purpose , there is no other reason mentioned , why it behoved Christians to abstaine from those forbidden customes , but only because the Pagans and Infidels used so . 3. And what if Hookers divination shall have place ? doth it not agree to us , so as it should make us unlike the Papists ? yes sure , and more properly . For put the case , that those auncient Christians had not avoided conformity with Pagans , in those Rites and Customes , which we reade to have beene forbidden them , yet for all that , there had beene remaining betwixt them and the Pagans , by a great deale more difference , then will remaine betwixt us and the Papists , if we avoide not conformity with them in the controverted Ceremonies : for the Pagans had not the Word , Sacraments , &c. which the Papists doe retaine , so that we may farre more easily use the Ceremonies , as a mist to darken the eyes of the Papists , then they could have used those forbidden Rites , as a mist to darken the eyes of Pagans . Much more then , Protestants should not be permitted to cōforme themselves unto Papists , in Rites & Ceremonies , lest in the dangerous dayes of triall ( which some Reformed Churches in Europe doe presently feele , and which seeme to be faster approaching to our selves , then the most part are aware of , ) they joyne themselves to Papists in these externall things , too farre using the same as a cloake to conceale themselves in , &c. 4. We find that the reason , why the fourth Councell of Toledo , d forbade the Ceremony of thrise dipping in water to be used in baptisme , was , lest Christians should seeme to assent to Heretikes who divide the Trinity . And the reason why the same Councell e forbade Cleargie men to conforme themselves unto the custome of Heretikes , in the sheaving of the haire of their head , is mentioned to have beene , the removing of conformity with the Custome of Heretikes , from the Churches of Spaine , as beeing a great dishonour unto the same . And we have heard before , that Augustine condemneth conformity with the Manichees , in fasting upon the Lords day , as scandalous . And whereas afterwards the Councell of Caesaraugusta forbade fasting upon the Lords day , f a grave Writer layeth out the reason of this prohibition , thus , It would appeare that this Councell had a desire to abolish the Rites and Customes of the Manichean Heretikes , who were accustomed to fast upon the Lords day . Lastly , we have seene from Constantines Epistle to the Churches , that dissimilitude with the Iewes was one ( though not the only one ) reason , why it was not thought beseeming to keep Easter upon the fourteenth day of the moneth . Who then can thinke that any such speciall accident , as Hooker imagineth , was the reason why the Rites and Customes of Pagans were forbidden to Christians ? Were not the Customes of the Pagans to be held unbeseeming for Christians , as well as the Customes of the Iewes ? Nay , if Conformity with Heretikes ( whom g Hooker aknowledgeth to be a part of the visible Church , ) in their Customes and Ceremonies , was condemned as a scandall , a dishonour to the Church , and an assenting unto their Heresies ; might he not have much more thought , that conformity with the Customes of Pagans was forbidden as a greater scandall , and dishonour to the Church , and as an assenting to the Paganisme and Idolatry of those that were without ? But to proceed . In the fourth place , the Canon Law it self speaketh Sect. 9 for the Argument , which we have in hand . h Non licet iniquas observationes agere Calendarum , & otiis vacare Gentilibus , neque lauro , aut viriditate arborum , cingere domos : omnis enim haec observatio Paganismi est . And againe , i Anathema sit qui ritum Paganorum & Calendarum observat . And after , k dies Aegyptiaci & Ianuarij Calendae non sunt observandae . Fiftly , our assertion will finde place in the Schoole too , which holdeth , l that Iewes were forbidden to we are a garment of diverse sorts , as of Linnen and Woollen togither , and that their women were forbidden to weare mens clothes , or their men Womens clothes ; because the Gentiles used so , in the worshipping of their Gods. In like māner , m that the Priests were forbidden to round their heads , or marre their beards , or make incision in their flesh , because n the Idolatrous Priests did so . And o that the prohibition which forbade the commixtion of beasts of diverse kynds among the Iewes , hath a figurative sence , in that we are forbidden to make People of one kynd of Religion , to have any conjunction with those of another kynd . Sixtly , p Papists themselves teach , that it is generally forbidden to communicat with Infidells and Heretikes , but especially in any act of Religion . Yea q they think , that Christian men are bound to abhorre the very phrases and words of Heretikes , which they use . Yea r they condemn the very Heathenish names of the dayes of the weeke , imposed after the names of the planets , Sonday , Moneday , &c. s They hold it altogither a great and damnable sinne , to deale with Heretikes in matter of Religion , or any way to communicate with them in spirituall things . t Bellarmine is plaine , who will have Catholikes to be discerned from Heretikes , and other sects of all sorts , even by Ceremonies , because as Heretikes have hated the Ceremonies of the Church , so the Church hath ever abstained from the observances of Heretikes . Seaventhly , our owne Writers doe sufficiently confirme us in Sect. 10 this Argument . The bringing of Heathenish , or Iewish Rites into the Church , is altogither condemned by u them , yea x though the Customes & Rites of the Heathen , be received into the Church for gaining them , and drawing them to the true Religion , yet is it condemned , as proceeding ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu prava Ethnicorum imitatione . y I. Rainoldes rejecteth the Popish Ceremonies , partly because they ar Iewish , and partly because they are Heathnish . The same Argument , z Th. Biza useth against them . In the secound command , as a Zanchius expoundeth it , we are forbidden to borrow any thing ex ritibus idololatrarum Gentium . Fidelibus saith b Calvin fas non est ullo symbolo ostendere , sibi cum superstitiosis esse consensum . To conclude then , since not onely Idolatry is forbidden , but also as c Pareus noteth , every sort of communicating with the occasions , appearances , or instruments of the same , and since as d our Divines have declared , the Papists are in many respects grosse Idolaters , let us choose to have the commendation , which e was given to the auncient Britons , for being enemies to the Romane Customes , rather then as f Pope Pius the 5. was forced to say of Rome , that it did more Gentilizare , quam Christianizare ; so they who would gladly wish , they could give a better commendation to our Church , be forced to say , that it doth not onely more Anglizare , quam Scotizare , but also more Romanizare , quam Evangelizare . But our Argument is made by a great deal more strong , if yet further Sect. 11 we consider , that by the controverted Ceremonies , we are not onely made like the Idolatrous Papists , in such Rites of mans devising as they place some Religion in , but we are made likewise to take upon us those signes and symbols , which Papists account to be speciall badges of Popery , and which also in the account of many of our owne reverend Divines , are to be so thought of . In the oath ordained by Pius the 4. to be taken of Bishops at their creation , as g Onuphrius writteth , they are appointed to sweare , Apostolicas & Ecclesiasticas traditiones , reliquasque ejusdem Ecclesiae observationes & constitutiones firmissime admitto & amplector . And after . Receptos quoque & approbatos Ecclesiae Catholicae ritus , in supra dictorum Sacramentorum solemni administratione , recipio & admitto . We see Bishops are not created by this ordinance , except they not only believe with the Church of Rome , but also receive her Ceremonies , by which as by the badges of her Faith & Religion , cognizance may be had , that they are indeed her Children . And further , h Papists give it forth plainely , that as he Church hath ever abstained from the observances of Heretikes , so now also Ca holikes ( they meane Romanists ) are very we I distinguished from Heretikes ( hey mean those of the Reformed Religion ) by the Signe of the Crosse , abstinence from flesh on Fryday , &c. And how doe our owne Divines understand the Marke of the Beast ; spoken of Revel . 13. 16. 17 ? i Iunius comprehendeth confirmation under this marke : k Cartwright also referreth the Signe of the Crosse to the marke of the Beast . l Pareus approveth the Bishop of Sarisbury his exposition , and placeth the common marke of the Beast in the observation of Antichrist his festivall dayes , and the rest of his Ceremonies which are not commanded by God. It seemes this much hath beene plaine to Ioseph Hall , so that he could not deny it . For whereas the Brownists alledge , that not only after their separation , but before they separated also , they were , and are verily persuaded , that the Ceremonies are but the badges and liveries of that man of sinne , whereof the Pope is the head , and the Prelates the shoulders : he in this m Apology against them , saith nothing to this point . As for any other of our Opposites ; who have made such answers Sect. 12 as they could , to the Argument in hand ; I hope the strength and force of the same hath been demōstrated to be such , that their poore shifts are too weake for gainstanding it . Some of them ( as I touched before ) are not ashamed to professe , that we should come as neare to the Papists as we can , and therefore should conforme our selves to them in their Ceremonies , ( onely purging away the superstition ) because if we doe otherwise , we exasperate the Papists , and alienate them the more from our Religion and Reformation . Ans. 1. n Ioh. Bastwick , propounding the same objection , Si quis obijciat nos ipsos pertinaci Ceremoniarum Papalium contemptu , Papistis offendiculum posuisse , quo minus se nostris Ecclesiis associent , he answereth out of the o Apostle , that we are to please every one his neighbour onely in good things to edification , & that we may not wink at absurd or wicked things , nor at any thing in Gods worship , which is not found in Scripture . 2. p I have shewed , that Papists are but more and more hardened in evill , by this our conformity with them in Ceremonies . 3. q I have shewed also the superstition of the Ceremonies , even as they are retained by us , and that it is as impossible to purge the Ceremonies from superstition , as to purge superstition from it selfe . There are others , who goe about to sow a cloake of figge leaves , Sect. 13 to hide their conformity with Papists , and to find out some difference , betwixt the English Ceremonies and those of the Papists . So say some , that by the signe of the Crosse they are not ranked with Papists , because they use not the materiall Crosse , which is the Popish one , but the aeriall onely . But it is known well enough , that Papists doe Idolatrize the very aeriall Crosse , for r Bellarmine holds , venerabile esse signum Crucis quod effingitur in fronte , aere , &c. And though they did not make an Idoll of it , yet forasmuch as Papists put it to a Religious use , and make it one of the markes of Romane-Catholikes ( as we have seen before ) we may not be conformed to them in the use of the same . The Fathers of such a difference between the Popish Crosse , and the English , have not succeeded in this their way , yet their posterity approve their sayings , and follow their footsteps . s B. Lindsey by name will trade in the same way , and will have us to think , that kneeling in the act of receiving the Communion , and keeping of Holy-dayes , doe not sort us with Papists , for that , as touching the former , there is a disconformity in the object , because they kneel to the Signe , we to the thing signified . And as for the latter , the difference is in the employing of the time , and in the exercise and worship for which the cessation is commanded . What is his Verdict then , wherewith he sends us away ? Verily , that people should be taught , that the disconformity between the Papists and us , is not so much in any externall use of Ceremonies , as in the substance of the service , and object , whereunto they are applied . But , good man , he seeks a knot in the Bulrush . For , 1. There is no such difference betwixt our Ceremonies and those of the Papists , in respect of the object and worship , whereunto the same is applied , as he pretendeth . For as touching the exercise and worship whereunto holy dayes are applied , t Papists tell us , that they keep Pasche and Pentecost yearly , for memory of Christs Resurrection , and the sending downe of the Holy Ghost ; And I pray , to what other imployment doe Formalists professe , that they apply these Feasts , but to the commemoration of the same benefits ? And as touching kneeling in the Sacrament , it shall be proven in the next Chapter , that they doe kneel to the Signe , even as the Papists doe . In the meane while it may be questioned , whether the B. meant some such matter , even here where professedly he maketh a difference betwixt the Papists their kneeling , and ours . His words wherein I apprehend this much , are these : The Papists in prayer kneel to an Idoll , and in the Sacrament they kneel to the Signe , we kneel in our prayer to God , and by the Sacrament to the thing signified . The Analogy of the Antithesis required him to say , that we kneel in the Sacrament to the thing signified : but changing his Phrase , he saith , that we kneel by the Sacrament to the thing signified . Now if we kneel by the Sacrament to Christ , then we adore the Sacrament as objectum materialè , and Christ as objectum formalè . Iust so the Papists adore their Images , because per imaginem they adore prototypon . 2. What if we should yeeld to the B. that Kneeling and Holy-dayes , are with us applied to another Service , and used with another meaning , then they are with the Papists ? doth that excuse our conformity with Papists in the externall use of these Ceremonies ? If so u I. Hart did rigtly Argument , out of Pope Innocentius , that the Church doth not judaize by the Sacrament of unction or anointing , because it doth figure and worke another thing in the New Testament , then it did in the Olde . Rainoldes answereth , that though it were so , yet is the Ceremony Iewish : & marke his reason , ( which carrieth a fit proportion to our present purpose , ) I trust saith he , you will not maintaine , but it were Iudaisme for your Church to sacrifice a Lambe in burnt offering , though you did it to signify , not Christ , that was to come , as the Iewes did , but that Christ is come , &c Sainct Peter did constraine the Gentiles to Iudaize , when they were induced by his example and auctoxity , to follow the Iewish Rite in choice of meats ; yet neither he nor they allowed it in that meaning , which it was given to the Iewes in . For it was given them to betoken that holinesse , and traine them up unto it , which Christ by his grace should bring to the faithfull . And Peter knew that Christ had do●… this in trueth , and taken away that Figure , yea the whole yoke of the Law of Moses : which point he taught the Gentiles also Wherefore although your Church doe keepe the Iewish Rites , with another meaning then God ordained them for the Iewes , &c. yet this of Peter sheweth , that the thing is Iewish , and you to Iudaize who keepe them . By the very same reasons prove we , that Formalists doe Romanize , by keeping the Popish Ceremonies , though with another meaning , and to another use then the Romanists doe . The very externall use therefore , of any sacred Ceremony of humane Institution , is not to be suffered in the matter of worship , when in respect of this externall use , we are sorted with Idolaters . 3. If conformity with Idolaters in the externall use of their Ceremonies be lawfull , if so be there be a difference in the substance of the Worship and Object whereunto they are applied , then why were Christians forbidden of old , ( as vve have heard before ) to keep the Calends of Ianuary , and the first day of every moneth , forasmuch as the Pagans used so ? Why was trin-immersion in Baptisme , and fasting upon the Lords day forbidden , for that the Heretikes did so ? Why did the Nicen Fathers inhibite the keeping of Easter upon the fourteenth day of the month , x so much the rather , because the Iewes kept it on that day ? The B. must say , there was no need of shunning conformity with Pagans , Iewes , Heretikes , in the externall use of their Rites and Customes , and that a difference ought to have been made , onely in the Object and use , whereunto the same was applied . Nay , why did God forbid Israell , to cut their haire as the Gentiles did ? had it not been enough , not to apply this Rite to a superstitious use , as y Aquinas sheweth the Gentiles did ? why was the very externall use of it forbidden ? There is yet another peece brought against us , but we will abide the proofe of it , as of the rest . Nobis saith z Saravia , satis est , modestis & piis Christianis satisfacere , qui ita recesserunt à superstitionibus & Idololatriae Romanae Ecclesiae , ut probatos ab Orthodoxis Patribus mores , non reijciant . So have some thought to escape by this posterne , that they use the Ceremonies , not for Conformity with Papists , but for Conformity with the auncient Fathers . Ans. 1. When a Rainoldes speaketh of the abolishing of Popish Ceremonies , he answereth this subtilty . But if you say therefore , that we be against the auncient Fathers in Religion , because we pluck down that , which they did set up . Take heed lest your speech doe touch the Holy Ghost , who saith that b Hezekias ( in breaking downe the Brazen Serpent ) did keep Gods commandements which he commanded Moses . And yet withall saith , c that he brake in peeces the Serpēt of Brasse which Moses had made . 2. There are some of the Ceremonies which the Fathers used not , as the Surplice ( which we have seen d before ) and kneeling in the act of receiving the Eucharist , ( as we shall see e afterwards ) 3. Yeelding by concession , not by confession , that all the Ceremonies about which there is controversy now among us , were of old used by the Fathers , yet that which these Formalists say , is , ( as f Parker sheweth ) even as if a Servant should be covered before his Master , not as covering is a late signe of praeeminence , but as it was of old a signe of subjection , or as if one should preach , that the Prelates are Tyranni to their Brethren , Fures to the Church , Sophistae to the Trueth , & excuse himselfe thus . I use these words , as of old they signified , a Ruler , a Servant , a Student of Wisedome . All men know , that words and actions must be interpreted , used and received , according to their moderne use , and not as they have been of olde . CHAP. IV. That the Ceremonies are Idols among Formalists themselves ; and that kneeling in the Lords Supper before the Bread and Wine in the act of receiving them , is formally Idolatry . MY fourth Argument against the lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies , followeth : by which I am to evince that they are Sect. 1 not onely Idolatrous reductivè , because monuments of by-past , and participativè , because badges of present Idolatry , but that likewise they make Formalists themselves , to be formally , and in respect of their owne using of them , Idolaters , consideration not had of the by-past , or present abusing of them by others . This I will make good : first , of all the Ceremonies in generall ; then , of kneeling in particular . And I wish our Opposites here , looke to themselves , for this Argument proveth to them the Box of Pandora , and containeth that which undoeth them , though this much be not seen , before the opening . First then , the Ceremonies are Idols to Formalists . It had been good to have remembred that which g Ainsworth noteth , that Idolothyts and monuments of Idolatry should be destroyed , lest themselves at length become Idols . The Idolothyous Ceremonies , we se now , are become Idols to those who have retained them . The ground which the Bishop of Winchester taketh for his Sermon of the worshipping of imaginations , to wit , that the Deuill seeing that Idolatrous Images would downe , he bent his whole device , in place of them to erect and set up diverse imaginations , to be adored and magnified in stead of the former ; is , in some things abused and misapplied by him . But well may I apply it to the point in hand . For that the Ceremonies are the imaginations which are magnified , adored , and Idolized , in stead of the Idolatrous Images which were put downe , thus we instruct and qualify . First , they are so erected and extolled , that they are more looked Sect. 2 to , then the weighty matters of the Law of God ; all good Discipline must be neglected , before they be not holden up . A covetous man is a Idolater , for this respect among others , as h Davenant noteth , because he neglects the service which he oweth to God , and is wholly taken up with the gathering of mony . And I suppose every one will think , that those i Traditions , which the Pharisees kept and held , with the laying aside of the commandements of God , might vvel be called Idols . Shall vve not then call the Ceremonies Idols , vvhich are observed , vvith the neglecting of Gods commandements , & which are advanced above many substantiall points of Religion ? Idolatry , Blasphemy , Prophanation of the Sabbath , Perjury , Adultery , &c. are over looked and not corrected nor reprooved , nay , not so much as discountenanced , in these who favour and follow the Ceremonies ; and if in the fellowes , and favourites , much more in the Fathers . What if order be taken with some of those abominations , in certain abject poore bodies ? Dat veniam corvis , vexat censura columbas . What will not a Episcopall conformitane passe away with , if there be no more had against him , then the breaking of Gods Commandements , by open and grosse wickednesse ? But , O what narrow notice is taken of Non-conformity ! How mercilesly is it menaced ? How cruelly corrected ? Well! the Ceremonies are more made of , then the Substance . And this is so evident , that k D. Burgesse him self lamenteth the pressure of conformity , and denieth not that which is objected to him , namely , that more grievous penalties are inflicted upon the refusall of the Ceremonies , then upon Adultery and Drunkennesse . Secoundly , did not l Eli make Idols of his Sonnes , when he spared them and bare with them , though with the prejudice of Gods worship ? And may not we call the Ceremonies , Idols , which are not onely spared and borne with , to the prejudice of Gods worship , but are likewise so erected , that the most faithfull Labourers in Gods House for their sake are depressed , the Teachers and Maintainers of Gods true worship , cast out ? For their sake many Learned & Godly men are envied , contemned , hated , and nothing set by , because they passe under the name ( I should say the Nickname ) of Puritans . For their sake , many deare Christians have been imprisoned , fyned , banished , &c. For their sake , many qualified and well gifted men , are holden out of the Ministery , and a doore of enterance denied to those , to whom God hath graunted a doore of utterance . For their sake , those whose faithfull and painfull Labours in the Lords Harvest , have greatly benefited the Church , have been thrust from their charges , so that they could not fulfill the Ministery , which they have received of the Lord , to testify of the Gospell of the grace of God. The best Builders , the wise Masterbuilders , have been by them overturned . This is objected to m Ioseph Hall , by the Brownists : and what can he say to it ? forsooth , that not so much the Ceremonies are stood upon , as obedience . If God please to try Adam but with an apple , it is enough . What doe we quarrel at the value of the fruit , when we have a probition ? Shemei is slaine : what ? merely for going out of the Citie ? the act was little , the bond was great : What is commanded matters , not so much , as by whom ? Ans. 1. If obedience be the chiefe thing stood upon , why are not other Lawes and Statutes urged as strictly , as those which concerne the Ceremonies ? 2. But what meanes he ? what would he say of those Scottish Protestāts , imprisoned in the Caste of Scherisburgh in France , who n beeing commanded by the Captaine to come to the Masse , answered , that to doe any thing that was against their conscience , they would not , neither for him nor yet for the King ? If he approve this answer of theirs , he must allow us to say , that we will doe nothing which is against our consciences . We submit our selves , and all which we have to the King , and to inferior Governours we render all due subjection , which we owe to them . But no mortall man hath domination over our consciences , which are subject to one onely Law-giver , and ruled by his Law. I have shewed in the first Part of this Dispute , how conscience is sought to be bound by the Law of the Ceremonies , and here by the way , no lesse may be drawne from Hals words , which now I examine . For he implieth in them , that we are bound to obey the Statutes about the Ceremonies , merely for their Auctorities sake who command us , though there be no other thing in the Ceremonies themselves , which can commend them to us . But I have also proven before , that humane Lawes doe not bind to obedience , but onely in this case , when the things which they prescribe , doe agree and serve to those things which Gods Law prescribeth : so that , as humane Lawes , they bind not , neither have they any force to bind , but onely by Participation with Gods Law. This ground hath seemed to o P. Bayne , so necessary to be knowne , that he hath inserted it in his briefe exposition of the fondamentall points of Religion . And beside all that , which I have said for it before , I may not here passe over in silence , this one thing , that p Hall himselfe calleth it superstition to make any more sinnes , then the ten commandements . Either then , let it be shewed out of Gods word , that Nonconformity & the refusing of the English Popish Ceremonies , is a fault , or else let us not be thought bound by mens lawes , where Gods Law hath left us free . Yet we deale more liberally with our Opposites , for if we prove not the unlawfulnesse of the Ceremonies , both by Gods Word , and sound reason , let us be then bound to use them for Ordinances sake . 3. His comparisons are farre wide : they are so farre from running upon foure feet , that they have indeed no feet at all : whether we consider the commandements , or the breach of them , he is altogither extravagant . God might have commanded Adam to eate the Apple , which he forbade him to eate , and so the eating of it had been good , the not eating of it evill : whereas the Will & Commandement of men is not regula regulans , but regula regulata . Neither can they make good or evill , beseeming or not beseeming , what they list , but their commandements are to be examined by a higher rule . When Solomon commanded Shemei to dwell at Ierusalem , and not to goe over the brooke Kidron , he had good reason for that which he required : for as n Peter Martyr noteth , he r was a man of the family of the house of Saul , and hated the Kingdome and Throne of David , so that relictus liber multa fuisset molitus , vel cum Israëlitis , vel cum Palesthinis . But what reason is there , for charging us with the Law of the Ceremonies , except the sole will of the Law-makers ? yet say , that Solomon had no reason for this his commandement , except his owne will and pleasure , for trying the obedience of Schemei , who will say , that Princes have as great liberty and power of commanding at their pleasure , in matters of Religion , as in civill matters ? If we consider the breach of the commandements , he is still at randone . Though God tried Adam but with an apple , yet s Divines marke in his eating of that forbidden fruit , many grosse and horrible sinnes , as , Infidelity , Idolatry , Pride , Ambition , Self-love , Theft , Covetousnesse , Contempt of God , Prophanation of Gods name , Ingratitude , Apostasie , murdering of his posterity , &c. But I pray , what exorbitant evills are found in our modest and Christian-like deniall of obedience to the Law of the Ceremonies ? When Schemei transgressed King Solomons commandement , besides t the violation of this oath , and the disobeying of the charge wherewith Solomon ( by the speciall direction & inspiration of God ) had charged him , ( that u his former wickednesse , and that which he had done to David , might be returned upon his Head , the Divine providence so fitly furnishing another occasion and cause of his punishment ; ) there was also a great contempt and misregard shewed to the King , in that Schemei knowing his owne evill deservings , aknowledged ( as the trueth was , ) he had received no small favour , and therefore consented to the Kings word as good , and promised obedience . Yet for all that , upon such a petty and small occasion , as the seeking of two runnagat servants , he reckoned not to despise the Kings mercy and lenity , and to set at nought his most just commandement . What ? is Non-conformity no lesse piacular ? If any will dare to say so , he is bound to shew that it is so . And thus have we pulled downe the untempered mortar , wherewith Hall would hide the Idolizing of the Ceremonies . But thirdly , did not Rachel make Iacob an Idoll , when she ascribed Sect. 4 to him a power of giving children ? Am I in Gods stead saith x Iacob ? And how much more reason have we to say , that the Ceremonies are Idols , and are set up in Gods stead , since an operative vertue is placed in them , for giving stay and strength against sinne and tentation , and for working of other spirituall and supernaturall effects ? Thus is the Signe of the Crosse an Idoll , to those who conforme to Papists in the use of it . y M. Ant. de Dominis holdeth , Crucis signum , contra Daemones esse praesidium . And z that even ex opere operato , effectus mirabiles signi Crucis , etiam apud Infideles , aliquando enituerint . Shall I say , saith a Mr. Hooker , that the Signe of the Crosse ( as we use it ) is a meane in some sort to worke our preservation from reproach ? Surely the minde which as yet hath not hardened it selfe in sinne , is seldome provoked thereunto in any grosse and grievous manner , but natures secret suggestion , objecteth against it ignominy , as a barre . Which conceipt being entered into that palace of mans fancie ( the Forehead ) the Gates whereof have imprinted in them that Holy Signe ( the Crosse ) which bringeth forthwith to minde whatsoever Christ hath wrought , and we vowed against sinne ; it commeth hereby to passe , that Christian men never want a most effectuall , though a silent Teacher , to avoid whatsoever may deservedly procure shame . What more doe Papists ascribe to the Signe of the Crosse , when they say , b that by it Christ keeps his owne faithfull ones contra omnes tentationes & hostes ? Now if c the covetous man be called a Idolater , because , though he think not his money to be God , yet he trusteth to live and prosper by it , ( which confidence and hope d we should repose in God onely ) as e Rainoldes marketh , then doe they make the Signe of the Crosse an Idoll , who trust by it to be preserved from Sinne , Shame , and Reproach , and to have their mindes staied in the instant of Tentation . For , who hath given such a vertue to that dumbe and idle Signe , as to work that which God onely can worke ? and how have these goodfellowes imagined , that not by knocking at their braines , as Iupiter , but by onely signing their Foreheads , they can procreate some menacing Minerva , or armed Pallas , to put to flight the Divell himselfe . The same kinde of operative vertue is ascribed to the Ceremony Sect. 5 of Confirmation or Bishopping . For the English Service Booke teacheth , that by it Children receive strength against Sinne , and against Tentation . And f Hooker hath told us , that albeit the Successors of the Apostles , had but onely for a time such power as by Prayer and imposition of hands to bestow the Holy Ghost , yet Confirmation hath continued hitherto for very speciall benefites ; and that the Fathers impute every where unto it , that Gift or Grace of the Holy Ghost , not which maketh us first Christian men , but when we are made such , assisteth us in all vertue , armeth us against Tentation and Sinne. Moreover , whiles he is a shewing why this Ceremony of Confirmation was separated from Baptisme , having been long joyned with it , one of his reasons which he giveth for the Separation , is , that sometimes the parties who received Baptisme were Infants , at which age they might well be admitted to live in the family , but to fight in the armie of God , to bring forth the fruits , and to doe the workes of the Holy Ghost , their time of hability was not yet come , which implie●…h , that by Confirmation men receive this hability , else there is no sence in that which he saith . What is Idolatry , if this be not , to ascribe to Rites of mans devising , the power and vertue of doing that which none but he to whom all power in heaven and earth belonges , can doe ? And howbeit Hooker would strike us dead at once , with the high-sounding name of the Fathers , yet it is not unknowne , that the first Fathers from whom this Idolatry hath descended , were those auncient Heretikes , the Montanists . for as g Chemnitius marketh out of Tertullian & Cyprian , the Montanists were the first , who beganne to ascribe any spirituall efficacy or operation to Rites and Ceremonies devised by men . Fourthly , that whereunto more respect and account is given , then God alloweth to be given to it , and wherein more excellency is placed , then God hath put into it , or will at all communicat to it , is an Idoll exalted against God : which maketh h Zanchius to say , Si Luthero vel Calvino tribuas , quod non potuerant errare , Idola tibi fingis . Now when i Hooker accounte●…h festivall dayes , for Gods extraordinary workes wrought upon them , to be holyer then other dayes , What man of sound Iudgement , will not perceive that these dayes are Idolized , since such an eminency and excellency is put in them , whereas God hath made no difference betwixt them , and any other dayes ? k We have seene also , that the Ceremonies are urged as necessary , but did ever God allow , that things Indifferent should be so highly advanced , at the pleasure of men ? And moreover , l I have shewed , that worship is placed in them ; in which respect , needs they must be Idolls , being thus exalted against Gods Word , at which we are commanded to hold us , in the matter of worship . Last of all , they are Idolatrously advanced and dignified , in so much as holy misticall significations are given them , which are a great dea●…e more then Gods word alloweth in any Ri●…es of humane institution , as shall be shewed m afterwards . And so it appeareth , how the Ceremonies , as now urged and used , are Idolls . Now , to kneeling in the act of receiving the Lords Supper , which I will prove to be direct and formall Idolatry , and from Idolatry shall it never be purged , while the world standeth , though our Opposi●…es strive for it , tanquam pro aris & focis . The question about the Idolatry of kneeling , be●…wixt them and us , Sect. 7 standeth in this . Whether kneeling at the instant of receiving the Sacrament , before the consecrated Bread & Wine , purposely placed in our sight , in the act of kneeling , as Signes standing in Christs stead before which we the receivers are to exhibite outwardly religious adoration ; be formally idolatry , or not ? No man can pick a quarrell at the stating of the question thus . For , 1. We dispute only about kneeling at the instant of receiving he Sacramentall Elements , as all know . 2. No man denies inward adoration , in the act of receiving , for in our minds we then adore , by the inward graces of Faith , Love , Thankfulnesse , &c. by the holy and Heavenly exercise whereof we glorify God ; so that the controversy is about outward adoration . 3. No man will denie h●…t the consecrated Elements are purposely placed in our sight , when we kneel , except he say , that they are in that action only accidentally present before us , no otherwise then the Tabble-cloth , or the walls of the Church are . 4. That the Sacramentall Elements , are in our sight ( when we knee●…l ) as Signes standing in Christs stead ; it is most undenyable . For if these Signes stand not in Christs stead to us , the Bread bearing vicem corporis Christi , and the Wine vicem sanguinis ; it followeth , that when we eat the bread , and drink the wine , we are no more eating the flesh , and drinking the blood of Christ , spiritual●…y and sacramentally , then if we were receiving any other Bread and Wine not consecrated . I stay not now upon this head , because our Opposites aknowledge it , for n Dr. Burgesse calls the Sacraments the Lords images and deputies . And the o Archbishop of Spalato saith , that when we take the Sacrament of Christs body , we adore Christum sub hac figura figuratum . 5. That kneelers at the instant of receiving , have the consecrated Bread an Wine in the eyes both of their bodies and minds , as things so stated in that action , that before them , they are to exhibite outward religious adoration , as well as inward ; it is also most plaine . For otherwise they should fall downe and kneel , onely out of incogitancy , having no such purpose in their minds , nor choice in their wills , as to kneel before these Sacramentall Signes . The question thus stated , Formalists deny , we affirme . Their negative Sect. 8 is destroied , and our affirmative confirmed by these reasons . First , the kneelers worship Christ in or by the Elements , as their owne confessions declare . When we take the Eucharist , we adore the body of Christ , per suum signum saith p the Archbishop of Spalato . We kneel by the Sacrament to the thing signified , saith the q Bishop of Edinbrugh . r The Archbishop of Sanct-Andrewes , and s Dr. Burgesse , professe the adoring of Christ in the Sacrament . Dr. Mortoune mantaineth such an adoration in the Sacrament , as he calleth relative from the Signe to Christ. And t Paybody defendeth him herein . But u the replier to Dr. Mortoune particular defence , inferreth well , that if the adoration be relative from the Signe , it must first be carried to the Signe as a meanes of convoyance vnto Christ. x Dr. Bourgesse alloweth adoration , or Divine worship , ( as he calleth it , ) to be given to the Sacrament respectively : and y he alledgeth a place of Theodoret , to prove that such an adoration as he there taketh for Divine worship , is done to the Sacrament in relation to Christ , and that this adoration performed to the mysteries as types , is to be passed over to the Architype , which is the body and blood of Christ. Since then , that kneeling , about which our question is , by the confession of kneelers themselves , is Divine worship given by the signe to the thing signified , and done to the Sacrament respectively or in relation to Christ ; he that will say , that it is not Idolatry , must acquit the Papists of Idolatry also , in worshipping before their Images : for they doe in like manner professe , that they adore prototypon per imaginem , ad imaginem , or in imagine , and that they give no more to the image , but relative or respective worship . z The Rhemists tell us , that they doe no more but kneel before the creatures , at or by them adoring God. It availeth not here to excogitate some differences betwixt the Sacramentall Elements and the Popish Images , for what difference soever be betwixt them , when they are considered in their owne naturall beeing , yet as objects of adoration they differ not , because when they are considered in esse adorabili , we see the same kinde of adoration is exhibited by Formalists before the Elements , which is by Papists before their Images . To come nearer the point , Papists professe , that they give to the outward Signes in the Sacrament , no other adoration , then the same which Formalists give to them . a Franciscus à Sancta Clara saith , that Divine worship doeth not agree to the Signes per se , but onely per accidens , and he alledgeth for himself , that the Councell of Trent Can. 6. de Euch. saith not that the Sacrament , but that Christ in the Sacrament , is to be adored with latria . To the same purpose I observe , that b Bellarmine will not take upon him to mantaine any adoration of the Sacrament with latria , holding onely that Christ in the Eucharist is to be thus adored , and that symbola externa per se & proprie non sunt adoranda . Whereupon he determineth , status questionis non est , nisi an Christus in Eucharistia sit adorandus cultu l●…triae . Now , albeit Papists understand by the outward signe of Christs body in the Eucharist , nothing else but the species or accidents of the Bread ; yet c since they a●…tribute to the same , quod sub illis accidentibus ut vocant sit substantialiter corpus Christi vivum , cum sua Deitate conjunctum , and since d they give adoration or latria to the species , though not per se , yet as quid unum with the body of Christ which they containe ; hereby it is evident , that they worship Idolatrously those very accidents . And I would understand , if any of our Opposites dare say , that Papists commit no such Idolatry , as here I impute to them ? Or , if they aknowledge this Idolatry of Papists , how make they hemselvs cleane ? for we see , that the worship which Papists give to the species of the Bread , is onely relative to Christ , and of the same kynd with that which Formalists give to the Bread and Wine . Secondly , religious kneeling before the Bread which is set before Sect. 9 us for a signe to stand in Christs stead , and before which we adore whilles it is to us actually an e Image representing Christ ; is the verie bowing downe and worshipping forbidden in the secound commandement . The Eucharist is called by the Fathers , Imago , Signum , Figura , Similitudo , as f Hospinian instanceth out of Origen , Nazianzen , Augustine , Hilarius , Tertullian , Ambrose . g The Archbishop of Armagh hath also observed , that the Fathers expressely call the Sacrament , an Image of Christs body : and well might they call it so , since the Sacramentall Elements doe not onely represent Christ to us , but also stand in Christs stead , in such sort , that by the worthy receiving of them , we are assured that we receive Christ himself , and in eating of this Bread and drinking of this Wine , we eate the flesh and drink the blood of Christ spiritually and by faith . Neither could the consecrated Elements make a Sacrament , if they were not such Images , standing in Christs stead . But what needeth any more ? h Dr. Burgesse himself calleth the Sacraments the Lords Images . Now that a man who adoreth before the painted or graven Image of Christ , though he professe that he intendeth his wholle adoration to Christ , and that he placeth the Image before him onely to represent Christ , and to stirre up his mind to worship Christ , doth neverthelesse commit Idolatry , I trust , none of our Opposites will deny . Nay , i B. Lindsey teacheth plainly , that it is Idolatry to set before the eyes of our mindes , or bodies , any Image as a meane or motive of adoration , even though the worship should be abstracted from the Image and not given unto it . Well then : will it please him to let us see , that kneeling before the actuall Images of Christs body and bloud in the Sacrament , even though these Images should bee no otherwise considered in the act of adoration , but as active objects , motives , and occasions which stirre up the mind of the kneeler to worship Christ , ( for this is the best face which himself puts upon kneeling , thoug falsely , as we shall se afterward , ) is not so great Idolatry as the other . All the difference which k he maketh , is , that no true worship can be properly occasioned by an Image , which is a Doctor of lyes teaching nothing of God , but falshood and vanities : but the blessed Sacrament being instituted by Christ , to call to our remembrance his death , &c. gives us , so oft as we receive it , a most powerfull and pregnant occasion of thanksgiving and praise . l Dr. Burgesse intermedling with the same difference-making , will not have the Sacraments , which are Images of Gods making and institution , to be compared with Images made by the lust of men . Two differences then are given us . 1. That the Sacramentall Elements have their institution from God , Images not so . 2. That the Sacrament is an occasion of worship , an Image not so . The first difference makes them no help ; for though the ordinance and institution of God , makes the use of Sacramentall Images to be no will-worship , yet doeth it noth any whit availe to shew , that adoration before them is no Idolatry . May I not commit Idolatry with Images of Gods institution , no lesse then with those invented by men , when ( Caeteris paribus ) there is no other difference betwixt them , considered as objects of adoration , but that of the ordinance and institution which they have ? What if I fall downe at the hearing of a Sermon , and religiously adore before the Pastor , as the Vicarius signe of Christ himself , who stands there m in Christs stead , referring my adoration to Christ onely , yet in or by that Ambassad out who stands in Christs stead ? If this my adoration should be called so great Idolatry , as if I should fall downe before a graven Image , to worship God in or by it , ( for it is indeed as great every way , ) our kneelers I perceive would permit me to answere for my self , that my worshipping of God by the minister , can not be called Idolatrous , by this reason , ( because the worshipping of God by a graven Image , is such , therefore also the worshipping of him by a living Image , is no other , ) since Images of Gods institution must not bee paralelled with those of mens invention . As to the secound difference , I answere , 1. Though the B. muttereth here , that no true worship can bee occasioned by an Image , yet belike he and his fellowes will not stand to it , for many of them allow the historicall use of Images , and the B. hath not denied this though his Antagonist , objecteth it . n Dr. Mortoune plainly alloweth of Images for historicall commemoration . And herein he is followed by o Dr. Burgesse . 2. Whereas he saith , that the blessed Sacrament is instituted by Christ to call to our rememberance his death , this inferreth not that it is an occasion of thanksgiving and praise in the verie act of receiving , as we shall see afterward . Our question is onely about kneeling in the act of receiving . 3. We confesse , that the Sacrament is an occasion of Inward worship , in the receiving of it . For p in Eucharistia exercetur summa Fides , Spes , Charitas , Religio , caeteraeque virtutes , quibus Deum colimus & glorificamus . but the outward adoration of kneelling downe upon our knees , can be no more occasioned by the blessed Sacrament , in the act of receiving it , then by a graven Image in the act of beholding it . The point which the B. had to prove , is , that whereas an Image can not be the occasion of outward adoration and kneeling to God before it , in the act of looking upon it ; the Sacrament may be , and is an occasion of kneeling , when it is set before us in the act of receiving . This neither he , nor any for him , shall ever make good . Thirdly , kneeling in the act of receiving the Sacrament , before Sect. 10 the vicatious signes which stand in Christes stead , and are purposely set before us in the act of adoration , that before them we may adore ; wanteth nothing to make up Idolatrous coadoration or relative worship . Our Opposites here tell us of two things necessary to the making up of Idolatry , neither of which is found in their kneeling . First , they say , except there be an intention in the worshipper , to adore the creature which is before his eyes , his kneeling before it is no Idolatry . What shall I say , saith q Paybody ? What need I say in this place , but to professe and likewise avouch , that we intend onely to worship the Lord our God , when we kneele in the act of receiving ? we worship not the Bread and Wine , we intend not our adoring and kneeling unto them . Give us leave to avouch our sincerity in this matter , and it will take away the respect of Idolatry in Gods worship . Answ. I shewed before , that Paybody defendeth D r Mortone his adoration , which he calleth relative from the Signe to Christ : yet let it be so , as here he pretendeth , that no adoration is intended to the Signe ; will this save their kneeling from Idolatry ? Nay then , the three Children should not have beene Idolaters , if they had kneeled before Nebuchadnezars image , intending their worship to God only , and not to the Image . Our Opposites here , take the Nicodemites by the hand . But what saith r Calvine ? Si isti boni sapientesque Sophistae , ibi tum fuissent , simplicitatem illorum trium servorum Dei irrisissent . Nam hujusmodi credo cos verbis objurgassent : miseri homines istud quidem * non est adorare , quum vos in rebus nullam fidem adhibetis : nulla est Idololatria nisi ubi est devotio , hoc est quaedam animi ad idola colenda venerandasque adjunctio atque applicatio , &c. If Paybody had beene in Calvines place , he could not have called the Nicodemites Idolaters , forasmuch as they have no intention to worship the Popish Images , when they kneel and worship before them . Nay , the grossest Idolaters that ever were , shall by this doctrine be no Idolaters , and s Paul shall be censured for teaching that the Gentiles did worship Divells , since they did not intend to worship Divells . Idololatrae nec olim in Paganismo intendebant , nec hodie in Papatu intendunt , Daemonibus offerre . Quid tum ? Apostolus contrarium pronuntiat , quicquid illi intendant , saith t Pareus . The other thing which our kneelers require to the making up of Idolatry , is , that the creature before which we adore , be a passive object of the adoration ; whereas u say they , the Sacramentall Elements are no manner of way the passive object of our adoration , but the active onely of that adoration , which at the Sacrament is given to Christ , that is , such an Object and Signe as moves us upon the sight , or by the signification thereof , to lift up our hearts , and adore the onely Object of our faith , the Lord Iesus : such as the holy Word of God , his workes , and benefites are , by meditation and consideration whereof , we are moved and stirred up to adore him . Answ. 1. That which he affirmeth is false , and out of one page of his owne booke I draw an Argument , which destroyeth it , thus : If the Sacramentall Elements , were onely the active object of their adoration who kneele before them in the receiving , then their reall presence should be but accidentall to the kneelers . But the reall presence of the Elements , in the act of receiving , is not accidentall to the kneelers . Ergo. The proposition I drawe from his owne words : We can neither ( saith x he ) pray to God , nor thanke him nor praise him , but ever there must be , before the eyes of our minds at least , something of his Workes , Word , or Sacraments , if not before our externall sences . He confesseth it will be enough , that these active objects of worship , be before the eyes of our mindes , and that their reall presence before our external sences is not necessary , but accidentall to us whose minds are by their meanes stirred up to worship . And so it is indeed . For esse scibile or rememorativum of an active object of adoration , is that which stirreth up the minde to worship , so that the reall presence of such an object is but accidentall to the worshipper . The assumption I likewise draw out of the Bishops owne words . For y he saith , that we kneel before the Elements , having them in our sight , or object to our sences , as ordinary Signes , meanes , and memorialls , to stirre us up , to worship , &c. Now if we have them in our sight , and before our sences , for this purpose , that they may be meanes , signes , & memorialls to stirre us up to worship , then ( sure ) their beeing really before our sences , is not accidentall to us when we kneele . Since z Dr. Burgesse hath beene so dull and sottish , as to write that the Signes are but accidentally before the Communicants , when they receive , he is to be ignominiously exsibilat ; for making the Sacred Sacramentall Signes to bee no otherwise present , then the walls of the Church , the nailes and timber of the materiall Table whereupon the Elements are set , or any thing else accidentally before the Communicants . But , 2. put the case they did make the Elements onely active objects of worship , when they kneel in the act of receiving them : What doe some Papists make more of their Images , when they worship before them ? they hold , as a the Archbishop of Spalato noteth , that Imago est medium duntaxat seu instrumentum quo exemplar occurrit suo honoratori , cultori , adoratori : imago excitat tantummodo memoriam , ut in exemplar feratur . Will we have them to speake for themselves ? b Suarez will have Imagines esse occasiones vel Signa excitantia hominem ad adorandum prototypa . ( c ) Friar Pedro de Cabrera a Spanjard , taketh the opinion of Durand and his followers , to be this , That Images are adored onely improperly , because they put men in mind of the persons represented by them : and he reasoneth against them , thus : If Images were onely to be worshipped by way of rememoration and recordation , because they make us remember the samplares , which we doe so worship , as if they had beene then present , It would follow that all creatures should be adored with the same adoration , wherewith we worship God : seeing all of them doe leade us unto the knowledge and remembrance of God. Whereby it is evident * that in the opinion of Durand ; and those who are of his minde . Images are b●…t active objects of adoration . Lastly , what saith d Becane the Iesuite ? Imago autem Christi non est occasio Idololatriae apud nos Catholicos , quia non alium ob finem eam retinemus , quam ut nobis Christum Salvatorem , & beneficia ejus representet . More particularly , he will have the Image of Christ to be honoured for two reasons . 1. Quia honor qui exhibetur Imagini redundat in eum cujus est Imago . 2. Quia illud in pretio haberi potest , quod per se revocat nobis in memoriam beneficia Dei , & est occasio ut pro e●… acceptis grati existamus . At Imago Christi per serevocat nobis in memoriam beneficium nostrae Redemptionis , &c. That for this respect the Image of Christ is honoured , he confirmed by this simile . Quia ob eandem causam apud nos in pretio ac honore sunt Sacra Biblia , itemque Festa Paschatis , Pentecostes , Nativitatis , & Passionis Christi . What higher accoumpt is here made of Images then to be active Objects of Worship ? for even whiles it is said , that the Honour done to the Image , resulteth to him whose Image it is , there is no Honour ascribed to the Image , as a Passive Object : but they who honour an Image for this respect , and with this meaning , have it onely for an Active Object which represents and calls to their minde the first samplar , as the e Archbishop of Spalato also observeth . Neither the Papists onely , but some also of the very Heathen Idolaters , f Norunt in Imaginibus nihil Deitatis inesse , meras autem esse rerum absentium repraesentationes , &c. And what if neither Heathens , nor Papists had been of this Opinion , that Images are but Active Objects of worship ? yet I have before observed , that the B. himselfe aknowledgeth , it were Idolatry to set before us an Image , as the Active Object of our Adoration : though the worship should be abstracted from the Image . Finally , to shut up this point , it is to be noted , that the using of Sect. 12 the Sacramentall Elements as active objects of Worship onely , can not make kneeling before them in the receiving , to be no Idolatry ? for then might we lawfully , & without Idolatry , kneel before every active object , which stirreth up our mindes to worship God. All the workes of God are such active objects , as the B. also resolveth in the words before cited . Yet may we not at the sight of every one of Gods workes , kneele downe and adore , whiles the eyes both of body and minde are fixed upon it , as the meanes and occasion which stirreth us up to worship God. The B. indeed holdeth we may : onely g he saith , this is not necessary , because when by the sight of the Creatures of God , we are moved privately to worship , our externall Gesture of Adoration is Arbitrary , and sometimes no Gesture at all is required . But in the ordinary Ministery , when the workes of God , or his benefits are propounded , or applied publikely , to stirre us up to worship in the Assemblies of the Church , then our Gesture ceaseth to be Arbitrary : for it must be such as is prescribed and received in the Church where we worship . Ans. 1. He shuffeleth the point deceitfully , for when he speaks of being moved to worship at the sight of any Creature , he means of inward worship , as is evident by these words , sometime no Gesture at all is required ; but when he speakes of being moved to worship in the Assemblies of the Church , by the benefites of God propounded publikely , ( for example , by the blessed Sacrament , ) then he means of outward worship , as is evident by his requiring necessarily a Gesture . He should have spoken of one kinde of worship in both cases , namely , of that which is outward , for of no other doe we dispute . When we are moved by the Sacrament to adore God in the act of receiving , this can be no other but that which is inward , and thus we adore God by Faith , Hope , and Love , though neither the heart be praying , nor the body kneeling . That which we deny ( whereof himselfe could not be ignorant , ) is , that the Sacramentall Elements may be to us , in the receiving , active objects of outward adoration ? or because they move us to worship inwardly , that therefore we should adore outwardly . 2. Whereas he teacheth , that kneeling before any Creature , when thereby we are moved to worship privately , is lawfull , but kneeling before the Sacramentall Elements , when thereby we are moved to worship in the Assemblies of the Church , is necessary ; that we may kneel there , but we must kneel here : he knew ; or else he made himselfe ignorant , that both these should be denied by us . Why then did he not make them good ? kneeling before those active objects , which stirre up our hearts to worship , if it be necessary in the Church , it must first be proven lawfull , both in the Church , and out of it . Now , if a man meeting his L. riding up the street upon his blake Horse , have his heart stirred up to worship God , by something which he seeth either in himselfe or his Horse , should fall downe and kneele before him , or his Horse , as the active object of his worship : I marvell , whether the B. would give the man leave to kneele , and stand still as the active object , before the mans sences ? As for us , wee holde , that we may not kneele before every Creature , which stirreth up our hearts to worship God , kneele I say , whiles the eyes both of body and minde are fastened upon it as the active object of our Adoration . The fourth Reason , whereby I prove the kneeling in question , to be Idolatry , proceedeth thus . Kneeling in the act of receiving , Sect. 13 for reverence to the Sacrament , is Idolatry . But the kneeling in question is such . Ergo. The Proposition is necessary . For if they exhibite Divine Adoration ( such as their kneeling is confessed to be , ) for reverence of the Sacrament , they doe not onely give , but also intend to give Divine Adoration to the same . This is so undeniable , that it dasheth h B. Lindsey , and makes him give a broad Confession , that it is Idolatry to kneele at the Sacrament , for reverence to the Elements . The Assumption I prove from the Confession of Formalists . King Edwards Booke of common Prayer teacheth , that kneeling at the Communion is injoyned for this purpose , that the Sacrament might not be prophaned , but held in a reverent and holy estimation . So doth i Dr. Mortone tell us , that the reason wherefore the Church of England hath institute kneeling in the act of receiving the Sacrament , is , that thereby we might testify our due estimation of such holy Rites . k Paybody makes one of the respects of kneeling , to be the reverent handling and using of the Sacrament . The l B. of Winchester exclaimeth against such as doe not kneel , for not regarding the Table of the Lord , which hath ever been thought of all holies the most holy , and for denying reverence to the holy Symboles , and pretious memorials of our greatest delivery , even that reverence which is given to Prayer . Where , by the way I observe , that , when we kneel at Prayer , it is not to give reverence to Prayer , but to God whom then most immediately we adore , so that kneeling for reverence of the Sacrament , receiveth no commendatiō from kneeling at Prayer . The act of Perth about kneeling , when B. Lindsey had pollished and refined it as well as he could , ordained us to kneele at the Sacrament , in due regard of so Divine a Mistery . And what think we is understood by this Mistery , for reverence whereof we are commanded to kneele ? The m B. expoundeth this Mistery , to be the receiving of the body and blood of Christ. But here , he either meanes the spirituall receiving of the body and blood of Christ , or the Sacramentall . If the spirituall : why did not the Synod ordaine us to kneele in hearing the Gospell ? for therein we receive spiritually the body and blood of Christ , and that as truly and really as in the Sacrament . Whereupon the n Archbishop of Armagh sheweth , that the spirituall & inward feeding upon the body and blood of Christ , is to be found out of the Sacrament , and that diverse of the Fathers doe applie the sixth of Iohn , to the hearing of the Word also ; as Clemens Alexandrinus , Origen , Eusebius Caesariensis , & others . o Basilius Magnus likewise teacheth plainly , that we eate the flesh of Christ in his Word and Doctrine . This I am sure no man dare deny . The B●… then must mean by this mistery , the Sacramentall receiving of the body and blood of Christ. Now , the Sacramentall receiving of the body and blood of Christ , is the receiving of the Sacramentall Signes of his body and blood . And as the p Archbishop of Armagh also observeth , the substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament , is not really the body and blood of Christ. Againe q he saith , that the Bread and Wine are not really the body and bloud of Christ , but Figuratively and Sacramentally : thus he opposeth the Sacramentall presence of the body and blood of Christ , not onely to bodily , but also to Reall presence : and by just Analogy Sacramentall receiving of the body and blood of Christ , is not onely to be opposed to a receiving of his body and blood , into the hands and mouthes of our bodyes , but likewise to the reall receiving of the same spiritually into our soules . It remaineth therefore , that kneeling in due regard of the Sacramentall receiving of the body and blood of Christ , must be expounded to be kneeling in reverence of the Sacramentall Signes of Christs body and blood . And so Perths Canon , and the Bishops Commentary upon it , fall in with the rest of those Formalists cited before , avouching and defending kneeling for reverence to the Sacrament . Those who speake out more plainely then Bishop Lindsey , doe here Sect. 14 object to us , that reverence is due to the Sacrament , and that wee our selves doe reverence it , when we sit uncovered at the receiving of it . But r Didoclavius doth well distinguish betwixt Veneration and Adoration , because in civility we use to be uncovered , even to inferiors and equals for the regard which we beare to them , yet doe we not worship them , as we worship the King on our knees . * As then , in civility there is a respect and reverence different from Adoration , so it is in Religion also . Yea s Bellarmine himselfe distinguisheth the reverence which is due to holy things from Adoration . ( t ) Paybody , and u Dr. Burgesse will by no meanes admit this distinction betwixt Veneration and Adoration . But since neither of them hath alledged any reason against it , I hope they will be weighed downe , by the Auctority of the x Archbishop of Spalato , and y the Bishop of Edimbrugh , both of which agree to this distinction . So then , we give no Adoration at all to the Sacrament , because neither by any outward nor inward action , doe we performe any worship for the honour of the same . z Burgesse himself hath noted to us , that the first Nicene Councell exhorteth , that men should not be humiliter intenti to the things before them . We neither submit our mindes , nor humble our bodies to the Sacrament , yet ( a ) doe we render to it Veneration , for as much as we esteeme highly of it , as a most holy thing , and medle reverently with it , without all contempt or unworthy usage . Res profecto inanimatae saith the b Archb. of Spalato , sint sacrae quantum placet , alium honorem à nobis non merentur , nisi in sensu negativo , as that they be not contemned , nor unworthily handled . If it be said , that we ought not to contemne the Word , yet hath it not that respect given to it , which the Sacrament hath , at which we are uncovered , so that this veneration given to the Sacrament , must be somewhat more then non Prophanatio : I answer , as honour in the Positive sence , so also in the Negative , hath various degrees : and according to the more or lesse immediate manifestation of Divine Ordinances to us , so ought the degrees of our Veneration to be intended or remitted ; which is not so to be understood , as if one part of Gods sacred worship , were to be lesse contemned then another , ( for none of Gods most Holy Ordinances , may be in any sorte contemned , ) but that for the greater regarde of those things which are more immediately Divine , we are not in the usage of them , to take to our selves so much Scope and Liberty , as otherwise we may lawfully allow to our selves , in medling with such things , as are not merely , but mixedly Divine , and which are not from God so immediately as the other , but more by the intervention of means . And thus a higher degree of Veneration is due to the Sacrament , then to the Word preached , not by taking ought from the Word , but by adding more respect to the Sacrament then the Word hath . The reason hereof is c given to be this , because when we come to the Sacrament , nihil hic humanum , sed Divina omnia , for Christs owne Words are , or at least should be spoken to us , when we receive the Sacrament , and the Elements also are by Christs owne Institution , holy Symboles of his blessed body and blood . Whereas the Word preached to us , is but mixedly and mediately Divine , and because of this intervention of the Ministery of men , and mixture of their conceptions with the holy Scriptures of God , we are bidden try the Spirits , and are required after the Example of the Baereans to search the Scriptures daily , whether these things which we heare preached , be so or not . Now wee are not in like sorte to try the Elements , and the Words of the Institution , whether they be of God or not , because this is sure to all , who know out of Scripture the first Principles of the Oracles of God. The consideration hereof warneth us , that the Sacrament given according to Christs Institution , is more merely and immediately Divine then is the Word preached . But others ( I heare ) object , that if a man should uncover his Head at the sight of a Graven Image , we would account this to be an adoring of the Image ; and why then shall not we call our uncovering at the Sacrament Adoration also ? Ans. Though Veneration and Adoration be distinguished in holy things , to shew that Adoration given to them is Idolatry , but Veneration given to them is not Idolatry , yet in prophane things , such as Images are , Veneration given to them is Idolatry , as well as Adoration : and we are Idolaters for doing so much , as to respect and reverence them , as things sacred or holy . For as I touched before , and as d Zanchius evidenceth by sundry instances , Idolatry is committed , when more estimation is had of any thing , more dignity and excellency placed in it , and more regard had to it , then God alloweth , or then can stand with Gods revealed will. For a thing thus regarded , though it be not exalted , ut Deus simpliciter , yet it is set up , tanquam Deus ex parte . Now fiftly , if the kneeling in question be not Idolatrously referred to the Sacrament , I demand , whereunto is it specially intended ? Sect. 15 we have heard the confession of some of our Opposites , ( and those not of the smallest note , ) avouching kneeling for reverence of the Sacrament . Neither can the Mistery spoken of in the Act of Perth ( in due regard whereof , we are ordained to kneel , ) be any other nor the Sacrament . Yet because B. Lindsey , and some of his kynd , who desire to hide the foule shape of their Idolatry , with the trimmest fairding they can ; will not take with kneeling in reverence of the Sacrament : let them shew us , which is the object , which they doe specially adore , when they kneele in the receiving of the same , for this their kneeling at this time , ariseth from another respect , then that which they cōsider in other parts of Gods worship , let two of our Prelats tell it out ? The e Archbishop of Sainctandrewes would teach us out of Mouline , that we ought to adore the flesh of Iesus Christ in the Eucharist . The f B. of Edinbrugh also , will have us to worship the flesh and bloud of Christ in the Sacrament , because the humanity of Christ is there present , beeing ever and every where joyned with the Divinity . But a twofold Idolatry may be here deprehended . 1. In that they worship the flesh and bloud of Christ. 2. In that they worship the same in the Sacrament . As touching the first , albeit we may and should adore the man Christ with Divine worship , yet we may not adore his manhood , or his flesh and bloud . 1. Because though the man Christ be God , yet his manhood is not God , and by consequence can not be honoured with Divine worship . 2. If adorability agree to the humanity of Christ , then may his humanity help and save us : Idolaters are mocket by the spirit of God , for worshipping things which can not helpe nor save them . But the humanity of Christ , can not save us nor helpe us , because omnis actio est suppositi : whereas the humane nature of Christ is not suppositum . 3. None of those who defend the adoring of the humanity of Christ with Divine worship , doe well and warrantably expresse their opinion . First , some of the g Schoolmen have found no other respect , wherefore the manhood of Christ can be said to be adored , except this , that the flesh of Christ is adored by him who adores the word incarnate , even as the Kings cloaths are adored by him who adores the King. And thus they make the flesh of Christ to be adored onely per accidens . Ego vero , saith the h Archbishop of Spalato , non puto à quoquam regis vestimenta quibus est indutus , adorari . And I pray , why doth he that worshippes the King , worship his clothes , more then any other thing which is about him , or beside him , perhaps a Hauke upon his hand , or a litle dogge upon his knee ? There is no more but the Kings owne person , set by the worshipper to have any state in the worship , and therefore no more worshipped by him . i Others devise another respect wherefore the manhood of Christ may be said to be worshipped , namely , that as Divine worship agrees onely to the Godhead , and not personis Divinis praecise sumptis . i. e. sub ratione formali constitutiva personarum , quae est relatio : but onely as these relations identificantur with the essence of the Godhead : so the manhood of Christ is to be adored non per se praecise , sed pro ut suppositatur à Deo. I Answere , if by suppositatur they meane , ( as they must meane ) that the manhood is assumed into the unity of the person of the Sonne of God. ( for otherwise if they meane , that the manhood is made a person , they are Nestorians , ) that which they say , can not warrant the worshipping of the manhood with Divine worship : because the manhood even after this assumption and hypostaticall union , & being considered by us as now assumed into this personall union , is still for all that , a creature & a distinct nature from the Godhead . ( except we will be Eutychians ; ) so that it cannot yet be said to be worshipped with Divine worship . k Dr. Field layeth out a third way . For whiles he admitteh the phrase of the Lutherans , who say not only concretively , that the man Christ is omnipresent but the humanity also ; he forgeth a strange distinction . When we speake , saith he , of the humanity of Christ , sometimes we understand only that humane created essence of a man that was in him ; sometimes all that , that is implied in the beeing of a man , as well subsistence as essence . By the same distinction would Field defend the attributing of the other Divine properties ( and adorability among the rest ) to the humane nature . But this distinction is no better , then if a man should say : by blacknesse sometimes we understand blacknesse , and sometimes whytenesse . Who ever confounded abstractum and Concretum , before that in Fields field they were made to stand for one ? It is the Tenet of the Schoole , that though in God Concretum and abstractum differ not , because Deus and Deit as are the same , yet in creatures ( whereof the manhood of Christ , is one , ) they are realy differenced . For l Concretum signifieth aliquid completum subsistens , and abstractum ( such as humanity , ) signifieth something , non ut subsistens , sed ut quo aliquid est , as whitenesse doth not signify that thing which is white , but that whereby it is white . How comes it then , that Field makes humanity in the abstract to have a subsistence . m Antonius Sadeel censures Turrianus , for saying that albedo cum pariete , idem est atque paries albus : his reason is , because albedo dicitur esse , non cum pariete , sed in pariete . An abstract is no more an abstract , if it have a subsistence . There is yet a fourth sence remaining , which is Augustines , and theirs who speake with him . His sentence which our Opposites cite for them , is , that it is sinne not to adore the flesh of Christ : howbeit very erroneously he groundeth that which he saith upon those words of the Psalme , worship at his footstoole , taking this footstoole to be the flesh of Christ : Yet that his meaning was better then his expression & that he meant not that adoration should be given to the flesh of Christ , but to the Godhead , whose footstoole the flesh is ; it is plaine from those words which Burgesse n himself citeth out of him . To whatsoever earth i. e. flesh of Christ , thou bowest and prostratest thy self : looke not on it as earth , i. e as flesh , but looke at that holy one whose footstoole it is that thou doest adore , i. e. looke to the Godhead of Christ , whose flesh thou doest adore in the misteries . Wherefore if we would give any sound sence to their words , who say that the flesh of Christ is to be adored , we must note with o A. Polanus , that cum dicitur carnem Christi adorari : non est propria , sed figurata enunciatio ; quia non adoratur proprie caro secundum se , quia creatura est , sed Deus in carne manifestatus , seu Deus carne vestitus . But two things I will here advertise my Reader of . 1. That though this forme of speaking , which saith that the flesh of Christ is to be adored , being thus expoūded , receiveth a sound sence , yet the expression is very bad , and violence is done to the phrase , when such a meaning is drawne out of it . For how can we by the flesh of Christ understand his Godhead ? the communion of properties , admitteth us to put the man Christ for God , but not his manhood . And p Hooker teacheth rightly , that by force of union , the properties of both natures ( and by consequence , adorability , which is a propertie of the Divine nature , ) are imputed to the person only , in whom they are , and not what belongeth to the one nature , really conveyed or translated into the other . 2. Yet our Kneelers who say they adore the flesh of Christ in the Sacrament , have no such Orthodox ( though forced ) meaning , whereby to expound themselves . For q B. Lindsey will have us in receiving the Sacrament , to bow our knees & adore the humanity of Christ , by reason of the personall union that it hath with the Godhead . Ergo , he meanes that we should , & may adore with Divine worship , that which is personally united with the Godhead . And what is that ? not the Godhead sure : but the created nature of the manhood : ( which not being God , but a creature only , can not without I dolatry be worshipped with Divine worship . ) I conclude therefore , that by the flesh of Christ , which he will have to be adored in the Sacrament , he understands not the Godhead , as Augustine doth , but that created nature which is united with the Godhead . But 2. as we have seene what is to be thought of worshipping the flesh of Christ , so let us next consider , what may be thought Sect. XVI of worshipping his flesh in the Sacrament ; for this was the other head which I proposed . Now , they who worship the flesh of Christ in the Sacrament , must either consider it , as present in the Sacrament , & in that respect to be there adored , because of the personall union of it with the Word , or else because of the Sacramentall union of it with the outward Signe , which is a respect supervenient to that of the ubiquity of it in the person of the Word . First then , touching the former of those respects , the personal union of the flesh with the word , can neither inferre the presence of the flesh in the Sacrament , to those who worthily receive ; nor yet can it make any thing for the adoration of the flesh . Not the former ; for in respect of the ubiquity of the flesh in the person of the word , it is ever and alike present with the Communicants , whether they receive worthily , or not , & with the Bread & Wine , whether they be consecrated to be signes of his body and bloud or not . Therefore Divines rightly hold r presentiam corporis Christi in coena , non ab ubiquitate , sed a verbis Christi pendere . Not the latter neither ; for ( as I have shewed already ) notwithstanding of the personall union , yet the flesh of Christ remaineth a creature , and is not God , and so can not at all bee worshipped with Divine worship . And if his flesh could be at all so worshipped , * yet were there no reason for worshipping it in the Sacrament , ( in respect of its personall union with the Word , ) more then in all other actions , and at all other times . For ever and alwayes , is the flesh of Christ personally united with the Word , & in that respect present to us . There remaineth therefore nothing but that other respect of the Sacramētall union of the flesh of Christ with the Sacramentall Signe , which they can have for worshipping his flesh in the Sacrament . Whereas s B. Lindsey saith , that it is no errour , to beleeve the spirituall powerfull & personall presence of Christs body at the Sacrament , and in that respect to worship his flesh & bloud there . He meanes ( sure ) some speciall respect , for which it may be said , that Christs body is present at the Sacrament , ( so as it is not present out of the Sacrament , ) and in that respect to be there adored . Now Christs body is spiritually and powerfully present to us in the Word ( as I shewed before , ) yea as often as looking by faith upon his body broken , and bloud shed for us , we receive the sence & assurance of the remission of our sinnes through his merites : and as for this personall presence of Christs body , which he speaketh of , I have shewed also , that the adoring of the flesh of Christ in the Sacramēt , can not be inferred upon it ; Wherefore he can tell us nothing , which may be thought to inferre the presence of Christs flesh in the Sacrament , and the adoration of it in that respect , save onely the Sacramentall union of it with the outwarde Signe . Now adoration in this respect & for this reason , must suppose the bodily presence of Christs flesh in the Sacrament . Whereupon t the Archb. of Spalato saith , that the Papists adore the body of Christ in the Sacrament , only because of the supposition of the bodily presence of it ; and if they knew , that the true body of Christ is not under the species of the Bread and Wine , they would exhibite no adoration . And u elsewhere hee sheweth , that the mistery of the Eucharist can not make the manhood of Christ to be adored , quia in pane corporalis Christi presentia non est : implying , that if the flesh of Christ be adored in respect of the mistery of the Eucharist , then must it be bodily present in the Signe , which is false ; and hereupon hee gathereth truly , that it can not bee adored in respect of the mistery of the Eucharist . Further , it is to be remembered ( which I have also before x noted out of Dr. Vsher ) that the Sacramentall presence of the body of Christ , or that presence of it which is inferred upon the Sacramentall union which is betwixt it and the outward Signe , is not the reall or spirituall presence of it , ( for in this maner , it is present to us out of the Sacrament , even as oft as by faith we apprehend it and the vertue thereof , ) but it is figuratively only so called , the sence beeing this , that the body of Christ is present and given to us in the Sacramēt , meaning by his body the Signe of his body . These things being so , whosoever worshippeth Christs body in the Eucharist , & that in respect of the Sacramentall presence of it in the same , can not choose but hold that Christs body is bodily and really under the species of the bread , and so fall into the Idolatry of bread-worship ; or else y our Divines have not rightly convinced the Papists , as Idolatrous worishppers of the bread in the Eucharist , for as much as they attribute to it , that which it is not , nor hath not , to wit , that under the accidents thereof is contained substantially the true & living body of Christ , joyned and united to his Godhead . What can B. Lindsey now answer for himselfe , except he say with z one of his bretheren , that we should adore the flesh of Christ in the Sacrament , because Corporalis praesentia Christi , sed non modo corporali , comitatur Sacramentum Eucharistiae : And Christ is there present corporaliter , modo spirituali ? But this man contradicts himself miserably ; For we had him a little before , ackowledging that in pane , corporalis Christi presentia non est . How shall we then reconcile him with himself ? he would say that Christ is not bodily present in the Sacrament after a bodily manner ; but he is bodily present after a spirituall manner . Why should I blot paper with such a vanity , which implyeth a contradiction , bodily and not bodily , spiritually and not spiritually ? The sixt and last Argument , whereby I prove the kneeling in question to be Idolatry , is takē from the nature & kind of the worship Sect. 17 wherein it is used . For the receiving of the Sacrament being a mediate worship of God , wherein the Elements come between God & us , in such sort , that they belong to the substance of the worship , ( for without the Elements , the Sacrament is not a Sacrament , ) and withall are susceptive of coadoration , for as much as in the act of receiving , both our mindes , and our externall sences , are and should be fastened upon them : hereby we evince the Idolatry of kneeling in the receiving . For in every mediate worship , wherein some creature is purposely set betweene God & us to have state in the same , it is Idolatry to kneel before such a creature , whiles both our minds & sences are fastened upō it . Our Opposites have raked many things together , to infringe this Argument . First a they alledge the bowing of Gods people before the ark , the Temple , the holy Mountain , the Altar , the Bush , the Cloud , the Fire which came from heaven . Answ. 1. Where they have read that the people bowed before the Altar of God , I knowe not . b B. Lindsey indeed would prove from 2. Chron. 6. 12 , 13 , and Mic. 6 , 6. that the people bowed before the Altar and the Offering . But the first of those places , speakes nothing of kneeling before the Altar , but only of kneeling before the Congregation , that is , in sight of the Congregation . And if Solomon had then kneeled before the Altar , yet the Altar had beene but occasionally and accidentally before him in his adoration , for to what end & use could he have purposely set the Altar before him , whiles he was kneeling and praying ? The place of Micah can not prove , that Gods people did kneel before the offerings at all , ( for it speakes only of bowing before God , ) farre lesse , that they kneeled before them in the very act of offering , and that with their minds and sences fixed upon them , as we kneel in the very act of receiving the Sacrament , and at that instant when our minds and sences are fastened upon the signes , that we may discerne the things signified by them , for the exercising of our hearts in a thankfull meditation upon the Lords death . 2. As for the other examples here alledged , God was immediatly present , in and-with the Arke , the Temple , the holy Mountaine , the Bush , the Cloud , and the Fire which came from Heaven , speaking and manifesting himself to his people by his owne immediate voice , and miraculous extraordinary presence : So that worshipping before these things had the same reason which makes c the 24 Elders in Heaven worship before the Throne . For in these things , God did immediatly manifest his presence , as well as in heaven . Though there be a difference in the degrees of the immediate manifestation of his presence in Earth , and in Heaven , yet magn & minus non variant speciem . Now God is present in the Sacrament , not extraordinarily , but in the way of an ordinary dispensation , not immediatly but mediatly . They must therefore alledge some commendable examples of such a kneeling as we dispute about , in a mediate and ordinary worship , else they say nothing to the point . Yet to no better purpose d they tell us , that when God spake , Sect. 18 Abraham fell on his face . And when the fire came downe at Elijas prayen , the people fell on their faces . What is this to the purpose ? And how shall kneeling in a mediat and ordinary worship , be warranted by kneeling in the hearing of Gods owne immediate voice , or in seeing the miraculous signes of his extraordinary presence ? Howbeit it can not be proved , neither , that the people fell on their faces in the very act of seeing the fire fall , ( when their eyes and their mindes were fastened upon it , ) but that after they had seene the miracle wrought , they so considered of it , as to fall downe and worship God. But further , it is objected , e that a poenitentiary kneels to God purposely before the Congregation , and with a respect to the Congregation , &c. When we come to our common Tables before we eate , tither fitting with our heads discovered , or standing , or kneeling , we give thanks and blesse , with a respect to the meate , which is purposely set on Table , &c. The Pastor when he begins the holy action , hath the bread and the cup set before him , purposely , upon the Table , and with respect to them , hee gives thankes , &c. Answ. Though a poenitentiary kneele to God purposely in the presence and sight of the congregation , that he may make knowne to them his repentance for the sinne whereby he hath scandalized them ; yet is the confessing of his sinne to God kneeling there upon his knees , a immediate worship , neither doth the Congregation come betwixt him and God , as belonging to the substance of this worship , for he kneeleth to God , as well , and maketh confession of his sinne , when the Congregation is not before him . But I suppose our kneelers themselves will confesse , that the Elements come so betwixt God and them , when they kneele , that they belong to the essence of the worship in hand , and that they would not , nor could not worship the flesh and bloud of Christ in the Sacrament , if the Elements were not before them . To be short , the case of a poenitentiary standeth thus , that not in his kneeling simpliciter , but in his kneeling publikely and in sight of the Congregation , he setteth them before him , purposely , and with a respect to them : Whereas our kneelers doe kneele in such sort , that their kneeling simpliciter , and without an adjection or adjunct , hath a respect to the Elements purposely set before them , neither would they at all kneele , for that end and purpose for which they doe kneele , namely , f for worshipping the flesh and bloud of Christ in the Sacrament , except the Elements were before the eyes both of their mindes and bodies ; as the poenitentiary doth kneele , for making confession of his sinne to God , when the Congregation is not before him . And if one would say , that in kneeling at the Sacrament he worshippeth not the flesh and bloud of Christ , but the Lord his God only , yet is the same difference to be put betwixt his kneeling before the Elements , & the kneeling of a poenitentiary before the Cōgregation : For the very kneeling it self ( simply considered ) before the Elements , respecteth them as then purposely set in our sight , that we may kneele before thē : whereas in the case of the poenitentiary , it is not his kneeling to confesse his sinne to God , which hath a respect to the Congregation as set in his sight for that purpose ; But some cirumstances of his kneeling only , to wit , When ? At that time when the Congregation is assembled ; And where ? Publikely in sight of the Congregation . In regard of these circumstances , he hath the Congregation purposely in his sight , & so respecteth them ; But in regard of the kneeling it self simply , the presence of the Congregation is but accidentall to him who kneeleth , & confesseth his sinne before God. As touching giving thankes before the meate set on our common Tables , though a man should doe it kneeling , yet this speaketh not home to the point now in controversy , except a man so kneele before his meat , that he have a religious respect to it , as a thing separated from a common use and made holy , and likewise have both his minde & his externall sences of seeing , touching , & tasting fastened upon it in the act of his kneeling . And if a man should thus kneele before his meate , he were an Idolater . Lastly , giving thankes before the Elements of Bread & Wine , in the beginning of the holy action , is as farre from the purpose : For this giving of thanks , is an immediate worship of God , wherein we have our minds & sences not upon the Bread & Wine , as upon things which have a state in that worshippe of the Lords Supper , & belong to the substance of the same , ( for the very consecration of them to this use , is but then in fieri , ) but we worship God immediately by prayer and giving of thankes : Which is all otherwise in the act of receiving . Moreover g it is objected out of Levit. 9. 24. 2. Chron. 7. 3. Sect. XIX Mie . 6. 6. 2 Chron. 29. 28. 29. 30. that all the people fell on their faces , before the legall Sacrifices , when the fire consumed the burnt-offering . Whereunto it may be answered , that the fire which came from God , and consumed the burnt offerings , was one of the miraculous Signes of Gods extraordinary and immediate presence , ( as I have said before , ) and therefore kneeling before the same , hath nothing to doe with the present purpose . But if we will particularly consider all these places , we finde in the first two , that beside the fire , the glory of the Lord did also appeare in a more miraculous & extraordinary maner , Levit. 9. 23. The glory of the Lord appeared to all the people . 2 Chron. 7. 1. 12. The glory of the Lord filled the house . They are therefore running at randome , who take hold of those places , to drawout of them the lawfulnesse of kneeling in a mediate and ordinary worship . The place of Micah I have answered before : And here I adde , that though it could be proved from that place , ( as it cannot , ) that the people both bowed before the offerings , & that in the very act of offering , yet how shall it be proved , that in the act of their kneeling , they had the offerings purposely before them , and their minds & sences fixed upon them , in the very instant of their worshipping . This I make clearer by the last place , 2. Chron. 29. out of which no more can be drawne , but that the people worshipped , whiles the Priests were yet offering the burnt-offering . Now the burnt-offering was but accidentally before the people in their worshipping , and only because it was offered at the same time when the song of the Lord was soung . Vers. 27. Such was the forewardnesse of zeale in restoring Religion , & in purging the Temple , that it admitted no stay , but eagerly prosecuted the worke , till it was perfected , therefore the thing was done suddenly , Vers. 36. Since then the Song and the Sacrifice were performed at the same time , we must note that the people worshipped at that time , not because of the Sacrifice which was a mediate worship , but because of the Song of the Lord , which was an immediat worship . Now we all commend kneeling in an immediat worship . But this can not content our Opposites , they will needs have it lawfull to kneel in the hearing of the Word , purposely and with a respect to the Word preached , ( though this be a mediat worship only . h Their warrants are taken out of Exod. 4. 30. 31. Exod. 12. 27. 2 Chron. 20. 18. Matth. 17. 6. From the first three places no more can be inferred , but that these hearers bowed their heads & worshipped , after that they had heard the Word of the Lord ; Neither shall they ever warrant bowing and worshipping in the act of hearing . In the fourth place we reade , that the Disciples fell on their faces when they heard Gods owne immediate voice out of the Cloud : What maketh this for falling downe to worship at the hearing of the Word preached by men ? How long shall our Opposites not distinguish betwixt mediate and immediate worship ? Lastly , i it is alledged , that God in his Word allowes not only kneeling at Prayer , but also at Circumcision , Passeover , & Baptisme . The reason of this assertion ▪ is given to be this , that a bodily gesture being necessary , God not determining man upon any one , leaves him at plaine liberty . Ans Whether we be left at plaine liberty in all things which being in the generall necessary , & are not particularly determined in Gods Word ; it shall betreated of else-where in this Dispute . In the meane time , whatsoever liberty God leaves man in bodily gestures , he leaves him no liberty of an unlawfull and Idolatrous gesture , such as kneeling in the instant of receiving a Sacrament , when not only we have the outward Signe purposely before us , & our mindes and sences fastened upon it , for discerning the signification thereof , & the Analogie betwixt it and the thing signified ; but also looke upon it as an Image of Christ , or as a vicatious signe standing there in Christs stead . The Indifferency of such a gesture , in such a mediate worship , should have beene proved , before such a rule ( as this here given us for a reason , ) had been applied to it . But the kneelers would yet make more adoe to us , and be still Sect. 20 stirring if they can doe no more . Wherefore k one of our Doctours objecteth , that we lift up our eyes and our hands to heaven , and worship God , yet doe not worship the heaven : that a man going to bed , prayeth before his bed : that David , offered the Sacrifices of thanksgiving , in the presence of all the people , Psal. 116. that Paul having taken bread gave thankes , before all them who were in the ship Act. 27. 35. that the Israelits worshipped before Moses and Aaron , Exod. 4 , 31. Hereupon l another Dr. harping on the same string , tells us , that when we kneel in the act of receiving the Sacrament , We kneel no more to bread , then to the pulpit , when we joyne our prayers with the ministers . Oh , unworthy instances , and reproachfull to Doctours ! All these things were and are accidentally present to the worshippers , and not purposely before them , not respected as hauing a religious state in the worship . What ? doe we worship before the bread in the Sacrament , even as before a Pulpit , a bed , & c ? Nay , graduate men should understand better what they speake off . Another objection is , m what a man who is admitted to the office of a Pastor , and receiveth in position of hands , kneeleth still on his knees , till the ordination be ended the rest about him being standing or sitting . Answ. Kneeling in receiving imposition of hands , which is joyned with prayer and invocation , hath nothing adoe with kneeling in a mediate worship , for in this case a man kneels , because of the immediate worship of invocation : But when there is no prayer , I suppose no man will kneel religiously , and with a religious respect to those persons or things which are before him , as there purposely in his sight , that before them he may adore , which is the kind of kneeling now in Question , ) or if any did so , there were more need to give him instruction then ordination . It is further told us , that n he who is baptised , or he who offers him that is to be baptised , humbleth himself and prayeth that the baptisme may be saving unto life eternall , yet worshippeth not the basen , nor the water . But how long shall simple ones love simplicity , or rather , scorners hate knowledge ? Why is kneeling in the immediate worship of prayer , wherein our minds doe purposely respect no Earthly thing , ( but the o soule , p the heart , the hands , [ q ] the eyes , r the voice all directed immediatly to Heauen , ) paralelled with kneeling in the mediate worship of receiving the Sacrament , wherein we respect purposely the outward signe , which is then in our sight , that both our mindes and our externall sences may be fastened upon it : Our mindes by meditation , and attentive consideration of that which is signified , and of the representation thereof by the signe : Our sences by seeing , handling , breaking , tasting , eating , drinking ? Thus we see that in all these examples alledged by our Opposites , there is nothing to prove the lawfullnesse of kneeling , in such Sect. 21 a mediate worship , wherein something belonging to the substance of the worship comes between God and us , and is not accidentally but purposely before us , upon which also our minds and sences in the action of worship are fast fixed . Howbeit there is another respect , wherefore none of these examples can make ought for kneeling in the act of receiving the Sacrament , ( which I haue shewed before , ) namely , that in the instant of receiving the Sacrament , the Elements are actually Images and vicarious Signes standing in Christs stead . But belike our kneelers have not satisfied themselves with the rouing table of these impertinent allegations , which they have produced to prove the lawfullnesse of kneeling in a mediate worship , they have prepared another refuge for themselves , which had been needlesse , if they had not feared , that the former ground should faile them . What then will they say next to us ? Forsooth , that when they kneel in the act of receiving they are praying and praising , and so worshipping God immediately . And if we would know , what a man doth then pray for , it is told us , s that he is praying and earnestly crying to God vt eum faciat dignum convivam . To us it seemes very strange how a man when he is actually a banqueter , and at the instant of his communicating , can be made in any other sort a banqueter , then he is , for quicquid est , dum est non potest non esse . Wherefore if a man in the instant of his receiving , be an vnworthy banqueter , he can not at that instant , be made any other then he is . The truth is , we can not lawfully be either praying or praising in the very act of receiving , because our hearts and mindes should Sect. 22 then be exercised in meditating vpon Christs death , and the inaestimable benefites which comes to us thereby . 1. Cor. 11. 24. Doe this in remembrance of me . This remembrance is described vers . 26. Ye doe shew the Lords death . Now one of the speciall wayes , whereby we remember Christ and so doe shew forth his death , is by private meditation vpon his death , as t Pareus resolveth . This meditation is a speech of the soule to it self : and though it may stand with short ejaculations , which may and should have place in all our actions , yet can it not stand with an ordinary & continued prayer purposely conceived , as v B. Lindsey would maintaine . For how can we orderly both speake to God by prayer , and to our selves by meditation at one instant of time ? If therefore prayer be purposely and orderly conceived , it banisheth away meditation , which should be the souls exercise , in the receiving of the Sacrament . And by the contrary , if meditation be entertained , as it should be , it admitteth not prayer to have place at that time . For it is wel x said , that Dum auribus , oculis , manibus , dentibus exterius ; auribus , oculis , manibus , dentibus fidei interius occupamur , orationem ceontinuam & durabilem , absque mentis diragatione ab opere praecepto & imperato , instruere non possumus . But let us heare , how the B. proveth that we should be praying & praising , in the act of receiving the Sacrament . Whatsoever spirituall Sect. 23 benefit y saith he , we should receive with a spirituall hunger & thirst , and with a spirituall appetite and desire after the grace and vertue that is therein to salvation : The same we should receive with prayer , which is nothing else , but such an appetite and desire . But the body and bloud of Christ is such a benefit , &c. Answ. 1. Why did he not prove his proposition ? Thought he his bare assertion should suffice ? Gods Word is a spirituall benefit , which we should receive with spirituall hunger and thirst , yet the B. will not say , that we should be praying all the while we are hearing and receiving it , for then could not our minds be attentive . His proposition therefore is false . For though prayer should goe before the receiving of such a spirituall benefit as the Word or the Sacrament , yet we should not pray in the act of receiving . For how can the heart attend by serious consideration , what we heare in the Word , or what is signified and given to us in the Sacrament , if in the actions of hearing the Word , and receiving the Sacrament , it should be elevated out of the world by prayer ? 2. Why saith he , that prayer is nothing else but a Spirituall appetite or desire ? He thought hereby to strengthen his proposition , but we deny all . z He said before , that every prayer is a meditation and here he saith , that prayer is nothing else but a spirituall desire . These are vncouth descriptions of Prayer . Prayer is not meditation , because meditation is a communing with our owne soules , Prayer a communing with God : Nor yet can it be said , that Prayer is nothing else ; but a spirituall desire ; for Prayer is the sending up of our desires to God , being put in order . He speeds no better in proving that we should receive the Sacrament Sect. 24 with thanksgiving . Whatsoever benefit ; saith he , we should receive by extolling and preaching , and magnifying and praising the inaestimable worth and excellency thereof , the same we ought to receive with thanksgiving . But in the Sacrament we should receive the bloud of Christ with extolling and preaching , &c. The assumption he confirmes by the words of our Saviour : Doe this in remembrance of me . And by the words of S. Paul : So oft as ye shall eate this Bread and drinke this Cup , ye shall declare , that is extell , magnify , and praise the Lords death , till he come againe . Answ. His assumption is false , neither can his proofs make it true . First , we remember Christ in the act of receiving , by meditation , and not by praise . 2. We shew forth the Lords death in the act of receiving , by using the Signes and Symboles of his body broken and his bloud shed for us , and by meditating vpon his death thereby represented . 3. We deny not that by praise we shew forth the Lords death also , but this is not in the act of receiving . It is to be marked with a Pareus , that the shewing forth of the Lords death , must not be restricted to the act of receiving the Sacrament , because we doe also shew forth his death , by the preaching of the Gospell , and by private and publike celebration of it , yea by a perpetuall study of sanctification and thankfullnesse . So that the shewing forth of the Lords death , by extolling , preaching , magnifying and praising the same , according to the 23. Sect. Of the Confession of faith , to which his Argument hath reference , may not be expounded of the very act of receiving the Sacrament . Neither doe the words of the Institution refuse , but easily admit another shewing forth of the Lords death , then that which is in the very act of receiving . For the word is not quando , but quoties . It is only sayd , as often as ye eat this breed and drinke this cup ye doe shewe &c. Which words can not be taken , only of the instant of eating and drinking . Now having so strongly proved the vnlawfulnesse and Idolatry of kneeling in the act of receiving the holy Communion , let me adde , Sect. 25 corolarij loco , that the reader needs not to be moved with that which B. Lindsey in the taile of his dispute about the head of kneeling , offers at a dead lift , namely , the testimonies of some moderne Doctours . For 1. What can humane testimony availe against such cleare truth ? 2. We have moe testimonies of Dwines against kneeling , then he hath for it . And here , I perceiye b Dr. Morton fearing we should come to good speed this way would hold in our travel . We are not ignorant , saith he , that many Protestant Authours are most frequent in condemning the gesture of Kneeling , at the receiving of the holy Communion . 3. Testimonies against kneeling are gathered out of those very same Divines whom the B. alleadgeth for it . c For Didoclavius hath cleare testimonies against it , out of Calvine , Beza , and Martyr , whom yet the B. taketh to be for it . Neither yet need we here , to be moved with d D. Burgesse his adventurous undertaking to prove , that in the most auncient times , before corruption of the Doctrine of the Sacrament beganne , the Sacrament was received with an adoring gesture . He shoots short of his proofs , and hits not the marke . One place in Tertullian de oratione , he hammers upon : Similiter de Stationum . Diebus non putant plerique sacraficiorum orationibus interveniendum quod statio solvenda sit accepto corpore Domini . Ergo devotum Deo obsequium Eucharistiae resolvit , an magis Deo obligat ? Nonne solennior erit statio ●…ua , si & ad aram dei steteris ? Accepto corpore Domini & reservato , vtrumque salvum est , & participatio Sacrificij , & executio officij . To these words the D. gives this sence ; That many withdrew themselves , whē they came to the celebration of the Supper , because the body of our Lord , that is , the Sacramentall Bread , beeing taken of the Ministers hand , the station . i. e. standing must be dissolved and ●…elf : and because standing on those dayes might not be left ( as they thought , ) therefore they rather left the Sacrament on these dayes , thē they would breake the rule of standing on those dayes : therefore they forbore : Which can have no reason but this , that taking the holy things at the Table standing , yet they used not to partake them . i. e. eate the Bread or drinke the Wine , in any other gesture , then what was on the Station dayes then forbidden , kneeling : And that Tertullian wishes them to come , though they might not then kneele , and to take the Bread in publike , standing at the Table , and reserve it , and carry it away with them , and receive it at their owne howses , as they desired , kneeling . Answ. The D. by this glosse puts a weapon in our hands against himself , for if when they had taken the Bread of the Ministers hand , their standing was to be left and dissolved , and Tertullian , by commending to them another gesture in eating of the Bread , not standing , then whether vrgeth he that other gesture to be used in the publicke eating of the bread , or in the private ? Not in the private : for his advice of reserving and eating it in private , commeth after , and is only put for a remedy or next best , in case they would not condeseend to this course in publicke , quod statio Solvenda sit accepto corpore Domini . Needs then , it must be understood of the publicke . Now , if in the publicke eating of the bread , Standing was to be left ; Which gesture was to come in place of it ? Not Kneeling . For 1. Tertullian saith e elsewhere : Diebus dominicis Iejunare nefas ducimus , vel de geniculis adorare : eadem immunitate a die Paschae ad Pentecosten usque gaudemus . 2. The Dr. himselfe saith , that upon these Station-dayes , Kneeling was restrained , not only in prayer , but in all Divine service . Wherefore if according to the Doctours glosse , the gesture of standing was left or dissolved , that gesture which had come in place of it , to be used in the partaking of the Sacrament , can hardly be imagined to have been any other nor sitting . well , the D. hath unhappily raised this spirit , to disquiet himself : let him bethinke how to lay him againe . If he can not , J wil assay to make some help , and to lay him in this fashion . The station dayes were not the Lords dayes , together with those 50 betwixt Easter and Pentecost , ( on which both fasting and kneeling were forbidden , ) as the D. thinketh , but they were certaine set dayes of fasting . For they appointed the fourth and fixt day of the weeke , ( that is wednesday and fryday ) for their Stations , as f Tertulian saith : whose words we may understand , by another place of g Epiphanius , who writeth that the Fast of the fourth , and the sixt day , was kept throughout all the Churches , and held to be an Apostolicall constitution . Howbeit herein they did erre : for to appoint a certaine time of fasting to be kept by the wholle Church , agreeth not with Christian liberty , and wanteth the example of Christ and his Apostles , as h Osiander noteth . Alwayes we see , what was meant by Station dayes , to wit , their set dayes of 150 fasting , which were called Station dayes , by a speech borrowed from a military custome , as Tertullian teacheth . For as Souldiers kept those times and places , which were appointed for their watches , and fasted all the while they continued in these watches : so did Christians upon their station dayes , resort and meet in the place appointed , and there remained falting till their station dissolved . The Dr. taketh upon him to confute those , who understand by the Station dayes set dayes of fasting . But all which he alledgeth to the contrary , is that he findeth some where in Tertullian , Statio and Iejunia put for different things . Now this helpeth him not , except he could find that Statio , and Stata Iejunia are put for different things . For no man taketh the Stations to have beene occasionall , but only set fasts . Touching the meaning then of the words alledged by the D. ( to give him his owne reading of them , howbeit some read otherwise , ) thus we take it . There were many who came not to the Sacrament upon the Station dayes , because ( in their opin●…ō ) the receiving thereof should break the Station i. e. the service of the day , and that because it should breake their Fast , a principall duty of the same . Tertullian sheweth , they were in an errour , because their partaking of the Sacrament should not breake their Station , but make it the more solemne and remarkable . But if they could not be drawne from that false persuasion of theirs , that the Sacrament should breake their Fast , yet he wisheth them at least to come , and stand at the Table , and receive the Sacrament into their hands , and take it away to eate it after , ( for permitting whereof he had no warrant , ) So should they both partake the Sacrament , and also ( according to their mind , and to their full contentment , ) keep their Stations ; which were often prorogated i till even , but ever and at least k till the ninth houre . Finally from this place , which the D. perverteth for kneeling , it appeareth that the gesture or posture in receiving the Sacrament , used in that place , where Tertullian lived , was standing because speaking of the receiving of the Sacrament , he saith , si & ad aram Dei Steteris . As for the rest of the testimonies , l D. Burgesse produceth out of Sect. 27 the Fathers for kneeling , I need not insist upon them ; For either they speake of the inward adoration of the heart , which we ought to direct unto Christ , when we receive the Sacrament , ( and this none of us denieth , ) or else they speake of adoring the Sacrament : where by the word Adoration , we may not understand any Divine worship , inward or outward , but a reverence of another nature , called Veneration . That this ( which we denie not neither , ) and no more is meant by the Fathers , when they speake of the adoration of the Sacrament . m Antonius de Dominis sheweth more copiously . And thus we have suffered the impetuous current of the Doctours audacious promises , backed with a verball discourse , to goe softly by us Quid dignum tanto tulit hic promissor hiatu . Finally , if any be curious to know what gesture the auncient Church did use in the receiving of the Eucharist . To such I say , first Sect. 28 of all , that n Didoclavius maintaineth , that which none of our Opposites are able to infringe , namely , that no testimony can be produced which may evince , that ever kneeling was used before the time of Honorius the 3. neither is it lesse truely observed by the Authour of o the History of the Waldenses , that bowing of the knees before the Hoste , was then only enjoyned , when the opinion of transubstantiation got place . Next I say , the auncient gesture , where of we read most frequently , was standing . p Chrysostome complaining of few communicants , saith : Frustra habetur quotidiana oblatio : Frustra stamus ad altare : nemo est qui simul participet . q The Centurie-writers make out of Dionysius Alexandrinus his Epistle to Xi●…us Bishop of Rome , that the custome of the Church of Alexandria in receiving the Sacrament , was , ut mensae assisterent . It is also noted by r Hospinian , that in the dayes of Tertullian , the Christians stantes Sacramenta percipiebant . Thirdly , I say , since we all know , that the Primitive Christians did take the holy Communion , mixedly and together with their Love-Feasts , s in imitation of Christ , who whileas he did eate his other Supper , did also institute the Eucharist . And since ( as t it is observed from 1. Cor. 11. 21. 33. ) there was a twofold abuse in the Church of Corinth : One in their Love-Feasts , whileas that which should have served for the knitting of the knot of love , was used to out the cords there of , in that every one ( as him best liked ) made choice of such as he would have to sit at Table with him ( the other either not tarried for , or shut out when they came , especially the Poore , ) The other abuse ( pulled in by the former , ) was , for that those which were companions at one Table in the common Feast , communicated also in the sacred , with the same separation , and severally from the rest of the Church ( and the poore especially , ) which was in their former Banquets . Since also we reade ; that the same custome of joyning the Lords-Supper together with common Feasts continued long after . For o Socrates reporteth , that the Aegyptians adjoyning unto Alexandria , together with the inhabitants of Thebais , used to celebrate the Communion upon the Sunday * , after this manner : When they have banqueted , filled themselves with sundry delicate dishes in the evening after Service , they use to communicate . How then can any man thinke that the gesture then used in the Lords Supper was any other , nor the same which was used in the Love-Feast or common Supper ? And what was that , but the ordinary fashion of fitting at Table ? Since , the x Laodicean Canon which did discharge the Love-Feasts , about the yeare 368 , importeth no lesse , then that the gesture used in them , was sitting . Non opportet in Ba●…ilicis seu Ecclesijs Agapen facere , & intus manducare , vel accubitus sternere . Now , if not only Divines of our side , but Papists also put it out of doubt , that Christ gave the Eucharist to his Apostles sitting , because being set downe to the preceeding Supper , it is said , whileas they did eate , he tooke bread , &c. ( Of which things I am to speake afterward ; ) What doth hinder us to gather in like maner , that for as much as those Primitive Christians , did take the Lords Supper , whiles they did eate their owne Love-Feasts , therefore they sate at the one as well as at the other ? And so I close with this collection . Whatsoever gesture in processe of time , crept into the Lords Supper , otherwise thē sitting , of it we may truely say , from the beginning it was not so . CHAP. V. The fift Argument against the Lavvfulnesse of the Ceremonies , taken from the mysticall and significant nature of them . THat mysticall significations are placed in the controverted Ceremonies , Sect. 1 and that they are ordained to be sacred Signes of Spirituall misteries , to teach Christians their duties , and to expresse such holy and heavenly affections , dispositions , motions and desire , as are and should be in them ; it is confessed and avouched by our Opposites . y Saravia holdeth that by the signe of the Crosse we professe our selves to be Christians . z B. Morton calleth the Crosse , a signe of constant profession of Christianity . a Hooker calleth it Christ his marke , applied unto that part , where bashfullnesse appeareth , in token that they which are Christians should be at no time ashamed of his ignominie . b Dr. Burgesse mantaineth the using of the Surplice , to signify the purenesse that ought to be in the Minister of God. Paybody will have Kneeling at the Lords Supper to be a signification of the humble and gratefull acknowledging of the benefites of Christ. The prayer which the English Service Booke appointeth Bishops to use , after the confirming of Children by the imposition of hands , avoucheth that Ceremony of confirmation for a signe whereby those children are certificed of Gods favour and goodwill towards , them . In the generall , d Our Opposites defend that the Church hath pover to ordaine such Ceremonies , as by admonishing men of their duty , and by expressing such spirituall and heavenly affections , dispositions , motions , or desires , as should be in men , doe thereby stirre them up to greater fervor & devotion . But against the lawfullnesse of such misticall and significant Ceremonies , thus we dispute , first , a cheif part of the nature of Sacraments is given unto those Ceremonies , when they are in this maner appointed to teach by their signification . This reason being alledged by the abridgment of the Lincolne Ministers , e Paybody answereth , that it is not a bare signification that makes a thing participate of the Sacraments nature , but such a signification as is Sacramentall , both in what is signified and how . Ans. 1. This is but to begge the question , for what other thing is alledged by us , but that a Sacramentall signification is placed in those Ceremonies we speake of ? 2. What calls he a Sacramentall signification , if a misticall resemblance and representation of some spirituall grace which God hath promised in his Word , be not it . And that such a signification as this is placed in the Ceremonies , I have allready made it plaine ; from the testimonies of our Opposites . This ( sure ) makes those Ceremonies , so to encroach upon the confines and Sect. 2 praecincts of the nature and quality of Sacraments , that they usurpe something more then any Rites which are not appointed by God himself can rightly doe . And if they be not Sacraments , yet saith f Hooker , they are as Sacraments . But in Augustines Dialect , they are not only as Sacraments , but they themselves are Sacraments . Signa ( saith the Father ) cum ad res divinas pertinent Samenta appellantur . Which Testimony so masters Dr. Burgesse that he breaketh out into this witlesse answer , g that the meaning of Augustine was to shew , that the name of Sacraments , belongeth properly to Divine things , and not to all Signes of holy things . J take , he would have said , belongeth properly to the Signes of Divin●… things . And here , beside that which Ames hath said against him , J adde that these two things , 1. That this distinction can not be conceived , which the Dr. maketh betwixt the Signes of Divine things , and the Signes of Holy things . 2. That his other distinction can as little be conceived , which importeth that the name of Sacraments , belongeth to Divine things properly , and to all Signes of Holy things unproperly . Lastly , if we call to mind that which hath been evinced before , namely , that the Ceremonies are not only thought , to be mistically significant , for setting forth and expressing certaine spirituall graces , but also operative and availeable to the begetting of those graces in us , if not by the worke wrought , at least by the worke of the worker ; for example that the Signe of the Crosse , is not only thought by our Opposites , to signify that at no time we should be ashamed of the ignominy of Christ , but is also esteemed h to be a meane to worke our preservation from shame , and a most effectual teacher , to avoid that which may deservedly procure shame : And that Bishopping is not only thought , to be a Signe for certifying young children of Gods favour , and good will towards them ; but also an exhibitive Signe , whereby i they receive strength against sinne and tentation , and are assisted in all vertue . If these things , I say , we call to mind , it will be more manifest , that the Ceremonies are given out for sacred Signes of the verie same nature that Sacraments are off . For the Sacraments are called by Divines , commemorative , representative , and exhibitive Signes ; and such Signes are also the Ceremonies we have spoken of in the opinion of Formalites . Misticall and significant Ceremonies , ( to proceed to a second reason ) ordained by men , can be no other but meere delusions , and Sect. 3 serve only to feed mens minds with vaine conceits . For to what other purpose doe Signa instituta serve , if it be not in the power of him who gives them institution , to give , or to worke that which is signified by them ? Now , it is not in the power of Prelats , nor of any man living , to give us these graces , or to worke them in us , which they will have to be signified by their Misticall and Symbolicall Ceremonies . Wherefore k Beza saith well of such humane rites as are thought to be significant ; Quum nulla res signis illis subsit , proptereà quòd vnius Dei est promittere , & suis promissionibus sigillum suum opponere : consequitur omnia illa commenta ; inanes esse larvas , & vana opinione miseros homines , illis propositis signis deludi . l D. Fulk thinkes he hath alleadged enough against the significative and commemorative vse of the Signe of the Crosse , when he hath said , that it is not ordained of Christ nor taught by his Apostles : from which sort of reasoning it followeth , that all siginficant Signes which are not ordained of Christ , nor taught by his Apostles , must be vaine , false , and superstitious . Thirdly , to introduce significant sacred Ceremonies into the Sect. 4 New testament , other then the holy Sacraments of Gods owne institution , were to reduce Iudaisme , and to impose vpon us againe the yoke of a Ceremoniall Law , which Christ hath taken off . Upon this ground doth m Amandus Polanus reprehend the Popish Cleargy , for that they would be distinguished from Laicks by their Preistly apparell , in their holy actions , especially in the Masse . Illa vestium sacerdotalium distinctio & varietas , erat in veteri Testamento typica : Veritate autem exhibita , quid amplius typos requirunt . Upon this ground also doth n Perkines condemne all humane significant Ceremonies . Ceremonies , saith he , are either of figure and signification , or of order . The first are abrogated at the comming of Christ , &c. Upon the same ground doth o Chemnitius condemne them , Quod vero praetenditur , &c. But whereas , saith he , it is pretended that by those Rites of mens addition , many things are profitably signified , admonished , and taught : Hereto it may be answered , that figures doe properly belong to the Old Testament : but those things which Christ would have to be taught in the New Testament , he would have them delivered and propounded , not by shadowes , but by the light of the Word . And we have a promise of the efficacy of the Word , but not of figures invented by men . Vpon the same ground p Iunius findeth fault with Ceremonies used for signification . Istis elementis mundi ( & vocantur Col. 2. ) Dominus & Servator noluit nec docuit , Ecclesiam suam infermari . Lastly , we will consider the purpose of Christ , whiles he said to the Pharises , q The Law and the Prophets were vntill Iohn : from that time the Kingdome of God is preached . He had in the Parable of the unjust Steward , and in the application of the same , spoken somewhat contemptibly of riches : Which when the Pharises heard , they derided him , and that for this pretended reason ( as is evident from the answer which is returned unto them , ) because the Law promises the worlds goods , as rewards and blessings to the people of God , that by the temporall things , which are set forth for types and shaddowes of aeternall things , they might be instructed , helped and ledde as it were by the hand , to the contemplation , desire and exspectation of those heavenly and aeternall things , which are not seene . Now , Christ did not only rip up the hypocrisy of their hearts , Vers. 15. but also gave a formall answer to their praetended reason , by shewing them how the Law is by him perfected , Vers. 16. yet not destroyed , Vers. 17. Then , will we observe how he teacheth , that the Law and the Prophets are perfected , and so our point shall be plaine . The Law and the Prophets were untill John. i. e. they did typifie and prophesie concerning the things of the Kingdome of God until John , for before that time the faithfull only saw those things afarre off , and by types , shaddowes , and figures , and the rudiments of the world were taught to know them ; But from that time the Kingdome of God is preached . i. e. the people of God are no lōger to be instructed cōcerning the things of the Kingdome of God , by outward Signes , or visible shaddowes and figure , but only by the plaine Word of the Gospell , for now the Kingdome of God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not typified as before , but plainly preached , as a thing exhibited to us , and present with us . Thus we see , that to us , in the dayes of the Gospell , the word only is appointed , to teach the things belonging to the Kingdome of God. If any man reply , that though after the comming of Christ , we Sect. 5 are liberate from the Iewish and typicall significant Ceremonies , yet ought we to embrace those Ceremonies , wherein the Church of the New Testament placeth some Spirituall signification . I answer . 1. That which hath been said in this Argument , holdeth good against significant Ceremonies in generall . Otherwise when we reade of the abrogation of the Ceremoniall Law , we should only understand the abrogation of those particular ordinances , which Moses delivered to the Iewes , concerning the Ceremonies that were to endure to the comming of Christ ; and so notwithstanding all this , the Church should still have power to set up new Ceremoniall Lawes in stead of the old , even which & how many she listeth . 2. What can be answered to r that which the Abridgement propoundeth touching this matter ? It is much lesse Lawfull , ( say those Ministers , ) for man to bring significant Ceremonies into Gods worship , now , then it was under the Law. For God hath abrogateth his owne ( not only such as prefigured Christ , but such also as served by their signification , to teach morall duties , ) so as now ( without great sinne ) none of them can be continued in the Church , no not for signification . Whereupon they inferre : If those Ceremonies which God himselfe ordained , to teach his Church by their signification , may not now be used , much lesse may those which man hath devised . Fourthly , sacred significant Ceremonies devised by man , are to Sect. 6 be reckoned among those Images forbidden in the second commandement . s Polanus saith , that omnis figura illicita is forbidden in the second Commandement . t The Professours of Leyden call call it Imaginem quamlibet , sive mente conceptam , sive manu effictam . I have shewed v else-where , that both in the writings of the Fathers , and of Formalists themselves , Sacraments get the name of Images ; and why then are not all significant and holy Ceromonies to be accounted Images ? Now , the 2. Commandement forbiddeth Images made by the Lust of man ( that I may use x Dr. Burgesse his phrase , ) therefore it forbiddeth also , all religious similitudes , which are homogeneal unto them . This is the inference of the Abridgement ; whereat y Paybody starteth , & replieth that the gestures which the people of God used in circumcision and Baptisme , the renting of the garment used in humiliation and prayer Ezra . 9. 5. 2 Kings 22. 19. Ier. 36. 24. lifting up the hands , kneeling with the knees , uncovering the head in the Sacrament , standing and sitting at the Sacrament ; were and are significant in worshipping , yet are not forbidden by the 2. Commandement . Answ. There are three sorts of Signes here to be distinguished . 1. Naturall Signes : so smoake is a signe of fire , and the dawning of the day a signe of the rising of the Sunne . 2. Customable signes , and so the uncovering of the head , which of old was a signe of preeminence , hath through custome become a signe of subjection . 3. Voluntary signes , which are called Signa instituta ; these are either Sacred or Civill . To appoint Sacred Signes of heavenly misteries or spirituall graces , is Gods owne peculiar , and of this kynd are the holy Sacraments . Civill Signes for civill and morall uses , may be and are commendably appointed by men , both in Church and Common-wealth , and thus the colling of a Bell , is a signe given for assembling , and hath the same signification both in Ecclesiasticall and Secular assemblings . Now , besides the Sacred Signes of Gods owne institution , we know that naturall Signes have also place in Divine worship ; thus kneeling in time of Prayer signifieth the submission of our hearts & mindes , the lifting up of our eyes and hands , signifieth the elevation of our affections , the renting of the garments signified the renting of the heart by sorrow , standing with a religious respect to that which is before us , signifieth veneration or reverence , sitting at table signifieth familiarity & fellowship . For which of you , z saith our Master , having a servant plowing or feeding cattell , will say unto him by and by , when he is come from the field , goe and sit downe to meate . All these signes have their significations from nature . And if it be said that howbeit sitting at our common-tables be a signe naturall , to signify familiarity amongst us , yet nature hath not given such a signification to sitting at the Lords-Table ; I answer , that fitting is a naturall signe of familiarity , at what Table soever it be used . At the Heavenly Table in the Kingdome of Glory , familiarly is expressed and signifyed by sitting Math 8. 11. Many shall come from the East and West , and shall sit downe with Abraham , &c. Much more then at the Spirituall Table in the Kingdome of Grace . The difference betwixt other common tables , & the Lords Table , cā inferre no more , but that with great humility we ought to addresse our selves unto it : yet still we are to make vse of our familiarity with Christ ut tanquam in eodem toro accumbentes , as saith a Chrysostome . Wherefore we doe not there so looke to Christ , in his Princely Throne and glorious Majesty , exalted farre above all principalities and powers , as to forget that he is our loving and kinde Banqueter , who hath admitted us to that familiar fellowship with him which is signifyed by our sitting at his table . Secondly , customable Signes have likewise place in Divine Service , for so a man comming into one of our Churches , in time of publike Worship , if he see the hearers covered , he knowes by this customeable signe , that Sermon is begunne . Thirdly , civill or morall Signes instituted by men , for that common order and decency , which is , respect both in civill and sacred actions , have also place in the acts of Gods worship . Thus a Basen and a Lauer set before a Pulpit , are signes of Baptisme to be ministred : but common decencie teacheth us to make the same use of Basen and a Lauer in civility , which a minister maketh of them in the action of Baptising . All our Question is about Sacred Mysticall Signes . Every Signe of this kinde , which is not ordained of God , we referre to the Imagerie forbidden in the 2. Commaundement . So that in the tossing of this Argument Paybody is twise nought : neither hath he said ought , for evincing the lawfullnesse of sac●…ed significant Ceremonies ordained of men , which we impugne . Fiftly , the significancy and teaching office of mysticall Ceremonies invented by men , must be drawne under those Doctrines of men Sect. 7 condemned in the Gospell . Wherefore was it that the diverse washings of the Pharises were rejected by Christ , as a vaine worship ? Was it not , because they were appointed for Doctrines ? In vaine , b saith he , doe they worship me teaching for Doctrines , the Commaundements of men . The diverse washings commaunded in the Law were foresignifying to the people , and for teaching them , what true and inward holinesse God required of them . Now , the Pharises when they multiplied their washings of Hands , of Cups and Pots , Brasen Vessells and Tables , had the same respect of significancy before their eyes . Neque enim alio spectabant ( that I may use the words c of a Formalist ) quam ut se sanctitatis studios●…s hoc externo ritu probarent . Neither have we any warrant to thinke that they had another respect then this . But the errour was in their addition to the Law , and in that they made their owne Ceremoniall washings , which were only the commaundements of men , to serve for Doctrines , Instructions and Significations . For those washings , as they were significant and taught what holinesse or cleannesse should be among the people of God , they are called by the name of worship : and as they were such significant Ceremonies as were only commanded by men , they are reckoned for vaine worship . And further I demand , why are the Colossians d rebuked , for subjecting themselves to those ordinances , Touch not , Taste not , Handle not ? We see that those ordinances were not bare cōmandements , but commandements vnder the coulour of Doctrines ; To wit , as the law commanded a difference of meats , for signifying that holinesse which God would have his people formed vnto : so these false teachers would have the same to be signified and taught by that difference of meats & abstinence , which they of themselves & without the commandement of God , had ordanied . Moreover , if we consider how that the Word of God is given vnto us , e for doctrine , for reproofe , for correction , for instruction in righteousnesse , that the man of God may be perfect , thoroughly furnished unto all good works : It can not but be evident , how superfluously , how superstitiously , the office of sacred teaching and misticall signification , is given to dumbe and lifelesse Ceremonies , ordained of men , and consequently how justly they are taxed as vaine worship . We hold therefore with the worthiest f of our Divines , nullam Doctrinam , nullum saorum signum debere inter pios admitti , nisi a Deo profecta esse constet . To these reasons , which I haue put in order against mens significant Ceremonies , I will adde a pretty History before I goe further . g When the Superior of the Abbey of Saint Andrewes was disputing with John Knox , about the lawfullnesse of Ceremonies devised by the Church , to decore the Sacraments and other service of God : Knox answered , The Church ought to doe nothing but in faith , and ought not to goe before , but is bound to follow the voice of the true Pastour . The Superior replied , that every one of the Ceremonies hath a Godly signification , and therefore they both proceed from faith , and are done in faith . Knox replyeth , it is not enough , that man invent a Ceremony , and then give it a signification according to his pleasure ; for so might the Ceremonies of the Gentiles and this day the Ceremonies of Mahomet be maintained . But if that any thing proceed from faith , it must have the Word of God for the assurance , &c. The Superior answereth , will ye bind us so strait , that we may doe nothing without the expresse Word of God. What and I aske drinke ? thinke ye that I sinne ? and yet I have not Gods Word for me . Knox here telleth him , first , that if he should either eate or drinke without the assurance of Gods Word , he sinned , for saith not the Apostle , speaking even of meate and drinke , that the creatures are sanctified vnto men by the Word and Prayer ? The Word is this : all things are cleane to the cleane : Now let me heare thus much of your Ceremonies , and I shall give you the argument ? But secondly , he tells him that he compared indiscreetly together Prophane things with Holy , and that the Question was not of meate and drinke , wherein the Kingdome of God consisteth not , but of matters of religion , and that we may not take the same freedome in the vsing of Christs Sacraments , that we may doe in eating and drinking , because Moses commanded , all that the Lord thy God commandeth thee to doe , that doe thou to the Lord thy God ; adde nothing to it , diminish nothing from it . The Supprior now saith , that he was dry , and thereupon desireth the gray friar Arbugkill to follow the Argument . But he was so pressed with the same , that he was confounded in himself , and the Supprior ashamed of him . Dicite Io Paean , & Io bis dicite paean . As for the examples alledged by our Opposites out of Scripture , Sect. 9 for Iustifying their significant Ceremonies ; they have been by our Propugners of Evangelicall simplicity , so often & so fully answered , that here I need doe no more but point at thē . Of the days of Purim , and Feast of Dedication I am to speake afterward . In the meane while , our Opposites can not by these examples , strengthen thēselves in this present Argument , except they could prove that the feast of Dedication was lawfully instituted , & that the dayes of Purim were appointed for a religious festivity , and that vpon no such extraordinary warrant as the Church hath not ever and allwayes . The rite which Abraham commanded his servant to vse , when he sware to him namely the putting of his hand vnder his thigh , Gen. 24. 2. maketh them as litle help : for it was but a morall signe of that civill subiection , reverence , and fidelity , which Inferiors owe unto Superiors , according to the judgment of Calvine , Iunius , Pareus , and Tremellius , all vpon that place . That Altar which was built by the Reubenites Gadites , & halfe Tribe of Manassch , Ios. 22. had ( as some thinke ) not a religious , but a morall vse , and was not a sacred , but a civill signe to witnesse that those two Tribes and the halfe , were of the stocke and linage of Israell : which if it were once called in question , then , their feare ( deducing the connexion of causes and consequents , ) led them in end to forecast this issue , Jn time to come , your children might speake vnto our children , saying , what have you to doe with the Lord God of Jsraell , for the Lord hath made Jordan a border betwixt vs and you , &c. Therefore to prevent all apparent occasions of such doolfull events , they erected the patterne of the Lords Altar , h vt vinculum sit fraternae conjunctionis . And besides all this , there is nothing which can vrge vs to say , that the two Tribes and the halfe , did commendably , in the erecting of this Altar i Calvine finds 2 faults in their proceeding . 1. In that they attempted such a notable & important innovation , without advising with their brethren of the other Tribes , & especially without enquiring the will of God by the high Priest. 2. Where as the Law of God commaunded only to make one Altar , forasmuchas God would be worshipped only in one place ; they did inordinatly , scandalously , and with appearance of evill , erect another Altar , for every one who should looke upon it , could not but presently thinke , that they had forsaken the Law , and were setting up a strange and degenerate Rite . Whether also , that Altar which they set up for a patterne of the Lords Altar , was one of the Images forbidden in the. 2. Commandement , I leave it to the Iudicious reader , to ruminate upon . But if one would gather from vers . 33. that the Priest , and the Princes , and the children of Israel , did allowe of that which the two Tribes and the halfe had done , because it is said , the thing pleased the children of Israel , and the children of Israel blessed God , and did not intend to goe up against them in battell . I answere , the Hebrew text hath it thus . And the word was good in the eyes of the children of Israell &c. That is , the children of Israel blessed God , for the word which Phinehas and the ten Princes brought to them , because thereby they understood that the two Tribes and the halfe , had not turned away from following the Lord , nor made them an Altar for burnt offerings or Sacrifice ; which was enough to make them ( the nine Trybes and a halfe ) desist from their purpose , of going up to warre against their bretheren , to shedde their bloud . Againe when Phinehas and the ten Princes say to the Reubenites , Gadites , and the halfe Tribe of Manasseh ; this day we perceive that the Lord is among us , because ye have not committed this trespasse against the Lord , vers . 31. they doe not exempt thē from all preuarication ; only they say signanter , this trespasse , to wit of turning away from the Lord , and building an Altar for Sacrifice , whereof they were accused . Thus we see , that no approbation of that which the two Tribes and the halfe did , in erecting the Altar , can be drawne from the text . But to proceed our Opposites alleadge for another example against Sect. 10 us , a new Altar built by Solomon 1. Kings . 8. 64. In which place there is no such thing to be found , as a new Altar built by Solomon : but only that he sanctified the pavement of the inner Court , that the wholle Court might be as an Altar , necessity so requiring , because the Brazen Altar of the Lord was notable to containe so many Sacrifices , as then were offered . The building of Synagougs can make as litle against us . For. 1. After the Tribes were setled in the land of promise , Synagougs were built , in the case of an urgent necessity , because all Israel could not come every Sabbath day , to the reading and expounding of the Law , in the place which God had chosen , that his Name might dwell there . what hath that case to doe with the addition of our unnecessary Ceremonies ? 2. Jf Formalists will make any advantage of the building of Synagogus they must prove that they were founded , not upon the extraordinary warrant of Prophets , but upon that ordinary power which the Church retaineth still . As for the Love-feasts used in the primitive Church . 1. They had no religious state in Divine worship , but were used only as morall signes of mutuall Charity . k The Rhemists will have them called C●…nas dominicas . But what-saith Cartwright against them ? We grant that there were such feasts used in times past , but they were called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Love-feasts , not by the name of the Lords Supper : neither could one without Sacriledge give so holy a name to a common Feast , which never had ground out of the Word , and which after for just cause was thrust out by the word of God. 2. If it be thought , that they were used as Sacred Signes of Christian Charity , because they were eaten in the Church . I answere , the eating of them in the Church is forbidden by l the Apostle . what ? saith he , have ye not houses to eat and to drink in ? or despise ye the Church of God ? Aperte vetat saith m Pareus , commessationes in Ecclesia , quocunque fueo pingantur . Vocabant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 charitates : sed nihil minus erant . Erant schismatum fomenta . Singulae enim sectae suas instituebant . And alitle after . Aliquae Ecclesiae obtemperasse videntur . Nam Iustini temporibus Romana Ecclesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non habuit . Concerning the kisse of charity used in those times , 2. Cor 13 , 22. we say in like maner , that it was but a morall signe of that reconciliation , friendship , and amity , which shew it self as well at holy assemblies , as other meetings , in that kynd and courtisie , but with all chaste salutation , which was then in use . As for the vails wherewith the Apostle would have women covered Sect. 11 whileas they were praying ( that is in their hearts following the publike and common prayer ) or prophecying ( that is singing . 1. Sam. 10. 10. 1. Chron. 25. 1. ) they are worthy to be covered with shame as with a garment , who alleadge this example for sacred significant Ceremonies of humane Institution . This covering was a morall signe , for that comely and orderly distinction of men and women , which civill decency required in all their meetings : wherefore , that distinction of habits , which they used for decency and comlinesse in their common behaviour and conversation , the Apostle will have them , for the same decencie and comelinesse , still to retaine , in their holy Assemblies . And further the Apostle sheweth , that it is also a naturall signe , and that nature it self teachet it : therefore he urgeth it both by the inferiority or subjection of the woman vers . 3. 8. 9. ( For covering was then a signe of subjection , ) and by the long haire which nature gives to a woman vers . 15. Where he would have the artificiall covering , to be fashioned in imitation of the naturall . What need we any more ? Let vs see natures institution , or the Apostles recommendation for the controverted Ceremonies , ( as we have seen them for vvomens vails ) and we yeeld the Argument . Last of all , the signe of imposition of hands , helpeth not the cause of our Opposites , because it the example of Christ , and the Apostles , and their disciples , which our Ceremonies have not : yet we thinke not imposition of hands to be any sacred or misticall signe , but only a morall , for designation of a person : let them who thinke more highly or honorably of it , looke to their Warrants . Thus have I thought it enough to take a passing view of these objected instances , without marking narrowly all the impertinencies and falshoods , which here we find in the reasoning of our Opposites . One word more , and so an end , ( n ) D. Burgesse would comprehend the significancy of sacred Ecclesiasticall Ceremonies , for stirring men up to the rememberance of some mysterie of piety or duty to God , under that edification which is required in things that concerne order and decency by all Divines . Alas ! what a sorie conceit is this ? Divines indeed doe rightly require , that those alterable Circumstances of Divine worship , which are left to the determination of the Church , be so ordered and disposed , as they may be profitable to this edification . But this edification they speake of , is no other then that which is common to all our actions and speaches : are we not required to doe all things unto edifying , yea so to speak as that our speach may be profitable unto edifying ? Now , such significations , as we have shewed to be given to the Ceremonies in Question , as namely , to certify a child of Gods favour and good will towards him ; To betoken that at no time Christians should be ashamed of the ignominy of Christ ; to signify the purenesse that ought to be in the Minister of God : To expresse the the humble and gratefull acknowledgement of the benefites of Christ , &c. belong not to that edification ; Which Diuines require in things prescribed by the Church concerning order and decency ; except of every private and ordinary action , i●… the whole course of our conversation , we either deny that it should be done unto edifying , or else affirmethat it is a sacred significant Ceremony . CHAP. VI. That the lavvfulnesse of the Ceremonies is falsely grounded vpon the holy Scripture : vvhere such places as are alleadged by our Opposites , either for all the Ceremonies in generall , or for any one of them in particular , are vindicated from them . IT remaineth now , to examine the warrants which our Opposites pretend for the lawfullnesse of the Ceremonies . But I perceive Sect. 1 they know not well what ground to take hold on . For Instance whereof ; o Hooker defendeth the lawfulnesse of Festivall dayes , by the law of nature . p D. Douname groundeth the lawfulnesse of them on the law of God , making the observation of the Sabbaths of rest appointed by the Church , such as the Feasts of Christs Nativity , Passion , &c. to be a duty commanded in the Law of God , and the not observing of them , to be a thing forbidden by the same Law. But q B. Lindsey proveth the lawfulnes of those Holy dayes , frō the power of the Church to make lawes in such matters . As for the Lords day saith he , which hath succeeded to the Iewish Sabbath , albeit God hath cōmanded to sanctify it , yet neither is the whole publike worship nor any part of it appropriated to that time , but lawfully the same may be performed vpon any other convenient day of the weeke , of the moneth , or of the yeare , as the Church shall think expedient . Vpon this ground Zanchius affirmed : Ecclesiae Christi liberum esse quos velit preter dominicos dies sibi sanctificandos deligere . And by this warrant did the Primitive Church sanctify these five anniversary dayes of Christs Nativity , &c. Nay , let us observe , how one of them wavereth from himselfe , in seeking here some ground to rest upon . Paybody groundeth the lawfulnesse of kneeling at the Sacrament , on nature , part . 2. cap. 4 , Sect. 1. On the act of Parliament , part . 3. cap. 1. Sect. 31. On an Ecclesiasticall Canon , part . 3. cap. 1. Sect. 33. On the Kings soveraigne authority , part . 3. cap. 1. Sect. 36. Yet againe he saith , that this kneeling is grounded upon the commandement of God , part . 3. cap. 3. Sect. 11. Well . I see our Opposites sometimes warrant the lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies from the Law of God , sometimes from the Law of Man , and sometimes from the Law of Nature . But I will prove that the lawfullnesse of those Ceremonies we speake of , can neither be grounded upon the Law of God , nor the Law of Man , nor the Law of Nature , and by consequence that they are not lawfull at all : So that besides the answering of what our Opposites alleadge for the lawfulnesse of them , we shall have a new Argument to prove them unlawfull . I beginne with the Law of God. And first , let us see what is alleadged Sect. 2 from Scripture for the Ceremonies in generall : Then-after , let us looke over particulars . There is one place which they will have in mythologie to stand for the head of Medusa , and it they still object to us for all their Ceremonies : even that r the Apostle , Let all things be done decently and in order : What they have drawne out of this place , s D. Burgesse hath refined in this maner . He distinguisheth betwixt praeceptum & probatum ; and will have the controverted Ceremonies to be allowed of God , though not cōmanded . And if wee would learne how these Ceremonies are allowed of God , t he gives us to understand , that it is by commanding the generall kynd to which these particulars doe belong . If we aske , what is this generall kynd commanded of God to which these Ceremonies doe belong ? v He resolves us , that it is order and decency : And if further we demaund , how such Ceremonies as are instituted and used to stirre up men in respect of their signification unto the devoute remembrance of their duties to God , are in such an institution and use matters of meere order ? As a Magisteriall Dictatour of Quodlibets ; x he tells us that they are matters of meere order sensu largo , in a large sence . But lastly , if we doubt where he readeth of any worship commaunded in the generall , and not commaunded but only allowed in the particular y he informeth us , that in the free-will-offrings , when a man was left at liberty to offer a Bullock , Goate , or Sheep at his pleasure , if he chose a Bullock to offer , that Sacrifice in that particular , was not commaunded , but only allowed . What should I doe , but he surd●… contra absurdum ? Neverthelesse least this Iolly fellow thinke himself more Iolly then he is , I answer 1. How absurd a tenet is this which holdeth that there is some particular worship of God allowed and not commanded ? What new Light is this which maketh all our divines to have been in the mist , who have acknowledged no worship of God , but that which God hath commanded ? Who ever heard of commanded and allowed worship ? As for the instances of the free-will-offerings , z Ames hath answered sufficiently , that though the particulars were not nor could not be determined , by a distinct rule in generall , yet they were determined by the circumstances , as our Divines are wont to answer the Papists , about their Vowes , Counsels , Supererogations : NOT BY A GENERALL LAW , BVT BY CONCVRRENCE OF CIRCVMSTANCES . So Deut. 16. 10. Moses sheweth that the freist offrings were to be according as God had blessed them ; From whence it followeth , it had been sinne for any Israelite , whom God had plentifully blessed , to offer a paire of Pigeons in stead of a Bullock or two , upon his owne meere pleasure . Where that proportion was observed , the choice of a Goate before a Sheep , or a Sheep before a Goate was no formall worship . 2. How will D. Burgesse make it appeare , that the English Ceremonies Sect. 3 doe belong to that order and decency , which is comanded . a Bellarmine would have all the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome comprehended vnder order and decency , and therefore warranteth them by that Praecept of the Apostle . Let all things be done decently and in order . The one shall as soone prove his poynt as the other , and that shall be never . For 1. The Apostle only commands that each action and Ceremony of Gods worship be decently and orderly performed , but gives us no leave to excogitate or devise new Ceremonies , which have not been instituted before . He hath spoken in that Chapter of assembling in the Church , Prophecying and Preaching , Praying & Praising there . Now let all these things , and every other action of Gods worship Ceremonies and all be done decently and in order . Licet ergo , Paulus , &c , Albeit therefore saith b Ioh. Bastwick , Paul hath committed to the Church , the judging both of decency and order , yet hat he not graunted any liberty of such misticall Ceremonies , as by their more inward signification doe teach the duty of piety : For since the whole liberty of the Church in the matter of Divine worship , is exercised only in order and decency ; it followeth that they doe impudently scorne both God and the Scriptures , who doe extend this liberty to greater things , and such as are placed above us . Most certaine it is , that Christ the Doctour of the Church hath by his owne written and sealed Word , aboundantly expounded unto us the will of God ; neither is there further need of any Ceremonies , which by a secret vertue may instruct us : neither is it lesse evident , that order consisteth not its the institution or use of new things , but only in the right placing of things which have been instituted before . Decency , saith c Baldwine , is opposed to levitie , and order to confusion . Spectat autem hic ordo potissimum ad Ritus Ecclesia in officijs Sacris in quibus nullum debet esse scand●…um , nulla confusio . Then , in his Iudgment , order is not to the Rites of the Church a generall kynd , but only a concomitant circumstance ; neither are the Rites of the Church comprehended under order , as particulars under the generall kynd to which they belong , but order belongeth to the Rites of the Church , as an adjunct to the Subject . And I pray , must not the Rites of the Church be managed with decency and order ? If so ; then must our Opposites either say , that order is managed with order , which is to speake nonsence , or else that the Rites of the Church are not comprehended under order . But if not ; then it followeth that the Rites of the Church are to be managed with levity ; confusion , and scandall , for every action that is not done indecently and in order , must needs be done scandalously and confusedly . 2. Order and decency , whether taken largo , or stricto sensu , allwayes signify such a thing as ought to be in all humane actions , as well civill as sacred ; for will any man say that the civill actions of men are not to be done decently and in order ? d The directions of order and decency , are not ( we see ) propria religionis . But as e Balduine sheweth out Gregory Nazianzen , order is in all other things , as well as is in the Church . Wherefore sacred significant Ceremonies shallnever be warranted , by the precept of order and decency , which have place no lesse in civility then in religion . Now to the particulars . And first , that which Christ did Matth. Sect. 4 19. 13. 15. can not commend unto us the Bishopping , or confirmation of children by prayer and imposition of hands . For as f Maldonat saith rightly , Haebre orum consuetudinem fuisse , ut qui majores erant & aliqua pollebant divina gratia , manuum impositione inferioribus benedicerent , constat ex Gen. 48. 14. 15. hac ergo ratione adducti parentes , Infantes ad Christum afferebant , ut impossit is manibus illis benediceret . And as touching this blessing of children and imposition of hands upon them , saith g Cartwright , it is peculiar unto our Saviour Christ : used neither by his disciples , nor his Apostles , either before or after his Ascension . Whereunto maketh that the Children being brought , that he should pray over them , he did not pray for them , but blessed them , that is to say commended them to be blessed , thereby to shew his Divine power . These being also yet Infants , and in their suatheling cloutes , as by the Word which the Evangelist useth , and as by our Saviour Christs taking them into his armes , doth appeare ; beeing also in all likelihood unbaptised . Last of all , their confirmation is a notable derogation unto the holy Sacrament of Baptisme , not alone in that it presumeth the sealing of that which was sealed sufficiently by it : but also in that both by asseueration of words ; and by specialty of the Minister that giveth it , it is even preferred unto it . The act of Perth about kneeling , would draw some commendation Sect. 5 to this Ceremony , from those words of the b Psalme , O come let us worship and bow downe . let us kneele before the Lord our maker . Which is as if one should argue thus . We may worship before the lord . Ergo before a creature . We may kneele in an immediate worship of God , Ergo in a mediate . For who seeth not , that the kneeling there spoken of , is a kneeling in the action of solemne praise , and Ioyfull noise of singing unto the Lord ? I wish you , my Masters , more sober spirits , that ye may feare to take Gods name in vaine , even his word which he hath magnified above all his name . c Dr. Forbesse goeth about to warrant private Baptisme , by Philips baptising the Eunuch , there being no greater company present , so farre as we can gather from the narration of Luke , Act. 8. As lykwise by Paul and Silas their baptising the Goaler and all his , in his owne private house , Act. 16. Touching the first of those places , we answere . 1. How thinks he that a man of so great auctority and charge , was alone in his Iourny ? we suppose a great man travelling in a charret , must have some number of attendants , especially having come to a solemne worship at Ierusalem . 2. What Philip then did , the extraordinary direction of the Spirit guided him unto it , Vers. 29. 39. As to the other place , there was in that time of persecution no liberty for Christians to meet together in Temples and publike places as now there is . Wherefore the example of Paul and Silas doth prove the lawfulnesse of the like deed in the like case . d Hooker muttereth some such matter , as a commendation of the Sect. 6 Signe of the Crosse , from these two places , Ezech. 9 4 Revel . 7. 3. alleadging that because in the forehead nothing is more plaine to be seene then the feare of contumely and disgrace : therefore the Scripture describeth them marked of God in the forehead , whom his mercy hath undertaken to keep from finall confusion and shame . e Bellarmine alledgeth for the Crosse the same two places . But for answer to the first , we say that neither the signe whereof we read in that place , nor yet the use of it can make ought for them . As for the signe itselfe . Albeit the Ancients did interprete this signe of the letter Tau , to have been the signe of the Crosse , yet saith f Junius , Bona illorum venia ; T quidem Graecorum , latinorumque majusculum , crucis qoudammodo signum videtur effingere , verum hoc ad literam Haebreorum Tau non potest pertinere . Deinde ne ipsum quidem Graecorum latinorumque T , formam Crucis quae apud veteres in usu erat quum sumebantur supplicia , representat . Whereupon dissenting from the Auncients , he delivers his owne Iudgement , that Tau in this place is taken Technikos , for that signe or marke of the le●…ter wherewith the Lord commanded to marke the elect for their safety and preservation . And so there was no mistery to be sought in that letter more then in any other . As for the use of that marke , wherewith the elect in Ierusalem were at hat time sealed , it was only for distinction and separation . It had the same use which that sprinkling of the posts of the doores had , Exod. 12. 7. only the foreheads of men and women , and not the posts of doores were here marked , because only the remnant according to election , and not whole families promiscously were at this time to be spared , as Iunius noteth . But the use of the signe of the Crosse pretended by Formalists , is not to separate us in the time of Iudgement , but to teach that at no time we ought to be ashamed of the ignominy of Christ. Shortly , the signe wherewith they in Jerusalem were marked , was for preservation from Iudgement , but the signe of the Crosse is used for preservation from sinne . Thus we see , that neither the signe nor the use of it , had any affinity with the Crosse. Now , the surest interpreation of that place Ezech. 9 4. is to take Tau for an apellative noune , signifying generally and indefinitly a Marke or a Signe , so that there is no make determined by this word : only there was a commandemēt given te set a certaine marke , some signe or other , upon the foreheads of the elect . So have our English Translatours taken the place . This exposition is confessed by g Gasper Sanctius , to be followed almost by al the Hebrew masters , and by the most Auncient Interpreters , to wit , the Septuagints , Aquila , and Symachus . The word beareth this glosse , euen according to the confession of those , who expound it otherwise in this place , to wit , for an Image or representation of the Crosse. Tau saith h Sanctius commune nomen est , quod signum indefinite significat . Tau is expounded by * Bellarmine , to signify Signum or Terminus . Well then : our Adversaries themselves can say nothing against our interpretation of the word Tau . We have also Buxtorf for us , who in his Hebrew Lexicon , turneth Tau to be Signum , and for this signification he citeth both this place Ezech. 9. 4 , and Iob. 31. 35. Taui signum meum . Lastly , if Tau be not put for a common appellative noune signifying a marke or signe , but for the figure or character of the letter Tau as an Image of the Crosse , by all likelyhood this character only should have been put in the Hebrew text , and not the noune fully written ; Vehithvitha tau , and marke a marke . As to the other place , Revel . 7. 3. i Pareus observeth , that there is no figure or forme of any signe there expressed , and he thinks that seale was not outward and visible , but the same whereof we read 2. Tim. 2. 19. and Revel . 14. 1. Which can no be interpreted de signo transeunte : nam Christianum semper nomen filij & patris in fronte opportet gerere , saith k Iunius . D. Fulk on Revel . 7 , 3. saith , that the signe here spoken of is proper to Gods elect , therefore not the signe of the Crosse , which many reprobates have received . l B. Andrewes will have the feast of Easter drawne from that Sect. 7 place 1. Cor. 5. 8. Where he saith ; there is not only a warrant , but an order for the keeping of it , and he will have it out of doubt , that this feast is of Apostolicall institution , because after the times of the Apostles , when there was a contention about the maner of keeping Easter , it was agreed vpon by all , that it should be kept , and when the oneside alleadged for them St. Iohn , and the other S. Peter , it was acknowledged by both , that the feast was Apostolicall . J answer , the Testimony of Socrates deserveth more creditthen the Bishops naked conclusion . I am of opinion saith m Socrates , that as many other things crept in of custome in sundry places , so the Feast of Easter to have prevailed among all people , of a certaine private custome & observation . But whereas B. Lindsy in defence of B. Andrewes , replyeth that Socrates propoundeth this for his owne opinion only . I answer , that Socrates in that Chapter proveth his opinion from the verie same ground , which B. Andrewes wresteth , to prove that this Feast is Apostolicall . For while as in that hot controversy about the keeping of Easter , they of the East alleadged Iohn the Apostle for their Author , and they o ▪ the vvest alleadged Peter & Paul for themselves ; Yet ( saith Socrates , there is none that can shew in writing any testimony of theirs , for confirmation and proofe of their custome . And hereby I doe gather , that the celebration of the Feast of Easter , came up more of custome then by any Law or Canon . Douname ( as I touched before ) alleadgeth the fourth commandement Sect. 7 for holy dayes of the Churches institution . But n D. Bastwick alleadgeth more truly the fourth commandemēt against them , Six dayes shalt thou labour . This Argument I have made good elsewhere , so that now I need not insist vpon it . There are further two examples alleadged against us , for holy dayes , out of Esther 9. 17. 18. 17. 28. and Jo. 10. 22. VVhereunto we answer . 1. That both those feasts were appointed to be kept with the consent of the whole Congregation of Jsrael , and body of the people , as is plaine from Esther . 9. 31. & 1. Maccab. 4. 59. therefore they have no shew of making ought for such feasts as ours , which are tyrannically urged upon such as in their consciences doe condemne them . 2. Jt appeares , that the dayes of Purim were only appointed to be dayes of civill mirth and gladnesse , such as are in use with us , when we set out bone-fires , and other tokens of civill joy for some memorable benefite which the Kingdome or Common-wealth hath received , For they are not called the holy dayes of Purim , but simply the dayes of Purim , a day of feasting and of sending portions one to another , Esther . 9. 19. 22. no word of any worship of God on those dayes . And whereas it seemeth to o B. Lindsey , that those dayes were holy , because of that rest which was observed upon them : He must know that the text interpreteth itself , and it is evident from Vers. 16. and 22. that this rest was not a rest from labour , for vvaiting upon the vvorshipping of God , but only a rest from their enemies . But B. Andrewes goeth about to prove by six reasons , that the dayes of Purim were holy dayes , and not dayes of civill joy and Solemnity Sect. 9 only . First , saith he , it is plaine by Vers. 31. they tooke it in animas , upon their soules , a soule-matter they made of it : there needs no soule for feria or festum , play or feasting . They bound themselves super animas suas , which is more then upon themselves , & would not have been put in the margent , but stood in the text : thus he reprehendeth the English Translatours , as you may perceive . Answ. The B. could not be ignorant that nephesch signifyeth corpus animatum , as well as anima , and that the Hebrevves doe not allwayes put this word for our soules , but verie often for ourselves . So Psal. 7. 2 , and Psal. 59. 3. vve read naphschi : my soule : for me ; and Psal. 44. 25. naphschenu : our soule : for we ; and Gen. 46 , 26. col-nephesch : omnes animae : for omnes homines . VVhat have we any further need of Testimonies . Six hundreth such are in the holy te●…t . And in this place Esth. 9 , 31. vvhat can be more plaine , then that nghal-naphscham : vpon their soule : is put for nghalehem : upon themselves , especially since nghalehem is found to the same purpose both in Vers. 27. and 31. Jf we will make the text agree well with it self , how can we but take both these for one ? But proceed we with the Bishop . Secondly , saith he , the bond of it reacheth to all that religioni eorum voluerunt copulari vers . 27. then , a matter of religion it was , had reference to that : what need any Ioyning in religion for a matter of good fellowship ? Answ. there is no word in the text of religion . our English translation reads it , all such as joyned them selves unto them . Montanus , omnes adjunctos . Tremellius , omnes qui essent se adjuncturi eis . The old latine version reads it indeed as the Bishop doeth . But no such thing can be drawen out of the word hannilvim , which is taken from the radix lava , signifying simply and without any any adjection , adhaesit , or adjunxit se. But let it be so , that the text meaneth only such as were to adjoyne themselves to the religion of the Iewes ; yet why might not the Iewes have taken upon them a matter of civility , not only for themselves , but for such also as were to be joyned with them in religion ? Could there be nothing promised for Proselytes but only a matter of religion ? Alas ! Is this our Antagonists great Achilles , who is thus falling downe and succumbing to me a silly Stripling . Yet let us see , if there be any more force in the remnant of his reasons . For a third , he tells us , that it is expressely tearmed a Rite and a Ceremony , at the 23. and 28. Verses , as the Fathers read them . Answ. If some of the Fathers through ignorance of the Hebrew tongue , have put into their versiones more then the originall beareth , shall we therefore erre with them . In the 23. Vers. we have no more but Susceperunt , as Pagnime , or Re●…eperunt , as Tremellius reads it : But to read , Susceperunt in solemnem ritum , is to make an addition to the text . The 28. Vers. calls not this Feast a Rite , but only dies memorati , or celebres . And what if we graunt that this Feast was a rite ? might it not , for all that , be meerely civill ? No , saith the Bishop , Rites , I trust , and Ceremonies , pertaine to the Church , and to the service of God. Answ. The version which the Bishop followed , hath a Rite , not a Ceremony . Now , of Rites is certaine , that they belong to the common-wealth , as well as to the Church . For injure Politico , sui sunt , imperati & solemnes ritus , saith q Iunius . Fourthly , saith the B. they fast and pray here in this Verse ; ( meaning the 31. ) fast the eve , the fourteenth , and so then , the day following , to be holy day of course . Answ. The latine version , which the B. followeth , and whereupon he buildeth this reason , readeth the 31. Verse very corruptly , and no wayes according to the originall , as will easily appeare to any who can compare them together . Wherefore the best interpreters take the fasting and prayer spoken of Vers. 31. to be meant of the time before their delivery . Now , after they were delivered , they decreed that the matters of their fasting and crying , should be remembered upon the dayes of Purim ; which were to solemnize that preservation , quam Iejunio & precibus fuerant a Deo consequuti , as saith Tremellius . But fiftly , sai●…h he , with fasting and prayer ( here ) almes also is enjoyned , ( at the 22. Verse ) these three will make it past a day of revels or m●…r●…h . I have answered already , that their fasting and praying are not to be referred to the dayes of Purim , which were memorialls of their delivery , but to the time past , when by the meanes of fasting and prayer they did impetrate their delivery , before ever the dayes of Purim were heard of : and as touching almes , it can make no holy day ; because much almes may be , and hath been given upon dayes of civill joy and solemnity . If the B. help not himselfe with his sixt reason●… , he is like to come off with no great credit . May we then know what that is ? Lastly , saith he , as a holy day the Iewes ever kept it , have a peculiar set service for it in their Seders ; set Psalmes to sing , set lesson , to read , set prayers to say , good and godly all : None , but as they have used from all antiquity . Answ. 1. The B. could not have made this word good , that the Iewes did ever & from all antiquity keep the dayes of Purim , in this fashion . 2. This maner of holding that Feast , whensoever it beganne , had no warrant from the first institution , but was ( as many other things ) taken up by the Iewes in after ages : and so the B. proveth not the p●…nt which he taketh in hand , namely , that the dayes spoken of in this text were enacted or appointed to be kept as holy dayes . 3. The service which the Iewes in latter times use upon the dayes of Purim , is not much to be regarded . For as r Godwyn noteth out of Hospinian , they reade the history of Esther in their Synagogues , and so often as they here mention of Haman , they doe with their fists and hammers beat upon the benches and boords , as if they did knock upon Hamans head . When thus they have behaued themselves , in the very time of their Lyturgie , like furious and drunken people , the rest of the day they passe over in outragious revelling . And here I take leave of the Bishop . Thirdly , we say , whether the dayes of Purim were instituted to be Sect. 10 holy dayes , or not , yet there was some more thē ordinary warrāt for them , because Mordecai , by whose advice & direction they were appointed to be kept , was a Prophet by the instinct and revelation of the Spirit , Esther . 4. 13. Non multum fortasse aberraverimus , saith s Hospinian , si dicamut hoc a Mordochao & Hesthera , ex peculiari Spiritus Sancti instinctu factum . t B. Lindsey beleeveth , that they had only a generall warrant such as the Church hath still to put order to the circumstances belonging to Gods worship , and all his reason is because if the Iewes had received any other particular warrant , the Sacred story should not have passed it over in silence . Answ. Thus much we understand from the Sacred Storie , that the Iewes had the direction of a Prophet for the dayes of Purim ; and that was a warrant more then ordinary , because Prophets were the extraordinary Ministers of God. Fourthly , as touching the Feast of the dedication of the Altar by Sect. 11 Judas Machabeus . 1. Let us heare what w Cartwright very gravely and judiciously propoundeth . That this Feast was unduely instituted and ungroundedly , it may appeare by conference of the dedication of the first Temple vnder Solomon , and of the secund , after the captivity returned from Babylon . In which dedication seeing there was no yearly rememberance by solemnity of Feast , not so much as one day , it is evident that the yearly celebrtion of this Feast for eight dayes , was not compassed by that Spirit that Solomon and the captivity were directed by : Which Spirit when it dwelt more plentifully in Solomon , and in the Prophets that stood at the stearne of the captivities dedication , then it did in Iudas , it was in him so much the more presumptuous , as having a shorter legge then they , he du●… in that matter overstride them . And his rashnesse is so much the more aggravated , as each of them for the building of the whole Temple , with all the implements and furniture thereof , made no Feast to renewe the annuall memory , where Iudas only for renewment of the Altar , and of certaine other decayed places of the Temple , instituted this great solemnity . 2. The Feast of the dedication was not free of Pharisaicall invention : For as x Tremellius observeth out of the Talmud , statuerunt Sapientes illius seculi , ut recurrentibus annis , ●…cto illi dies , &c. Yet albeit the Pharises were called Sapientes Israelis . y B. Lindsey will not graunt , that they were the wise-men of whom the Talmud speaketh ; for ( saith he ) it behoved these who appointed festivities , not only to be wise-men , but men of authority also . But what doe we heare ? were not the Pharises men of authority ? Why ? z Saith not Christ they sate in Moses Chaire ? Saith not a Calvine , In Ecclesia regimine & Scripturae interpretatione , haec sect●… primatum tenebat ? Saith not b Ca●…ero , Cum Pharisaeorum pr●…cipua esset authoritas ( ut ubique docet Iesephus . ) &c. Doth not Iosephus speake so much of their authority , that in one c place he saith , Nomē igitur regni , erat penes reginam ( Alexandram ) pen●… Phariseos vero administratio . And in d another place , Erat ▪ enim quadam Iudaeorum Secta exactiorem Patri●… legis cognitionem sibi vendicans , &c. Hi Pharisaei vocatur , genus hominum astutum , arrogans , & interdum regibus quoque infestum , ut eos etiam aperte impuguare non vereatur ? 3. There is nothing alleadged which can prove the lawfulnesse of this Feast of the dedication . It is but barely and boldy affirmed by e B. Lindsey , that the Pharises were not rebuked by Christ for this feast , because we reade not so much in Scripture . For there were very many things which Iesus did and said , that f are not written in Scripture . And whereas it seemeth to some , that Christ did countenance and approve this feast , because g he gave his presence unto the same , we must remember , that the circumstances only , of time and place , are noted by the Euangelist , for euidence to the storie , and not for any mistery . Christ had come up to the feast of Tabernacles , Io. 7. and tarried stil all that while , because then there was a great confluence of people in Ierusalem . Whereupon he tooke occasion to spread the ●…t of the Gospell for catching of many soules And whileas Iohn saith , It was at Ierusalem the feast of the Dedication he gives a reason , only of the confluence of many people at Ierusalem , and sheweth how it came to passe that Christ had occasion to preach to such a great multitude . And whileas he addeth , And it was Winter , he giveth a reason of Christs walking in Solomons porch , whether the Iewes resort was ; it was not thought beseeming to walk in the Temple it selfe , but in the porch men used to conveene either for talking or walking , because in summer the porch shaddowed them from the heat of the sunne , and in Winter it lay open to the sunne shine and to heat . Others thinke that whileas he saith , it was winter , importeth that therefore Christ was the more frequently in the Temple , knowing that his time was short which he had then for his preaching , for in the entry of the nex Spring he was to suffer . Howsoever , it is not certaine of what feast of dedication Iohn speaketh ; h B●…llinger leaves it Doubtfull : and Maldonat saith , that this opinion which taketh the dedication , of the Altar by Iudas Machabeus to be meant by Iohn , hath sewest authors . But to let this passe , whereas the k Rhemists alleadge that Christ approved this feast , because he was present at it : Cartwright and Fulke answere them that Christs being present at it proveth not his approving of it . Non festum proprie honoravit Christus saith l Iunius , sed caetum piorum convenientum festo : nam omnes ejusmodi occasiones seminandi Euangelii sui observabat & capiebat Christus . Quasi vero ( saith m Hospinian ) Christus Encaeniorum causa Hierosolymam abierit . Nay , but he saw he had a convenient occasion , ad instituendam hominum multitudinem , ad ill●…d festum confluentium . Even as Paul choosed to be preseut at certaine Iewish feasts , n not for any respect to the feasts themselves , nor for any honour which he meant to give them , but for the multitudes cause , who resorted to the same , among whom he had a more plentifull occasion to spread the Gospell at those festivities , them at other times in the yeare . I had thought here to close this chapter ; but finding that as the Parret which other while useth the forme of a mans voice , yet being Sect. 11 beaten and chaffed , returneth to its owne naturall voice , so some of our Opposites , who haue beene but erst pr●…ting some what of the language of Canaan against us , finding themselves pressed and perplexed in such a way of reasoning , have quickly changed their tune , and beginne to talk to us of warrants of another nature nor the word of God : I am therefore to digresse with them . And I perceive ere we know well where they are , they are passed from Scripture to custome . For if we will listen , thus saith one of te greatest note among hem , p B. Andrewes I trow they call him . We doe but make our selves to be pittied otherwhile , ( well said ) when we stand wringing the Scriptures , ( well said ) to straine that out of them which is not in them ( well said ) and so can never come Liquide from them , ( well said : ) when yet we have for the same point the Churches custome , cleare enough . And that is enough by vertue of this text ; ( meaning . 1. Cor. 11. 16. ) And after he saith , that we are taught by the Apostles example in points of this nature , of Ceremony or Circumstance , ever to pitch upon habemus , or non habemus talem consuetudinem . Answ. 1. The text gives him no ground for this doctrine , that in matters of Ceremony we are to pitch upon habemus or non habemus talem consuetudinem , so that he is wide away while as he spendeth the greatest part of his Sermon , in the pressing of this point , that the custome of the Church should be enough to us in matters of Ceremony , and particularly in the keeping of Easter : for the custome of the Church there spoken of , is not concerning a point of circumstance , but concerning a very substantiall and necessary point , namely , not to be contentious : neither doth the Apostle urge those orders of the mens praying uncovered , and the womens praying veiled , from this ground , because so was the Churches custome , ( as the B. Would have it . ) but only he is warning the Corinthians not to be contentious about those matters , because the Churches have no such custome as to be contentious . So is the place expounded by Chrysostome , Ambrose , Calvine , Martyr , Bullinger . Marlorat , Beza , Fulcke , Cartwright , Pareus , and our owne Archbischop of Sainct Andrews in his sermon upon that text . And for this exposition it maketh , that the Apostle in the praeceding part of the Chapter hath given sufficient reasons for that order of covering or veiling the women : wherefore if any would contend about the matter , he tells them they must contend with themselves , for they not the Churches of God would not contend with them , they had no such custome . But if we admit B. Andrewes glosse , then why doth the Apostle , after he hath given good reasons for the veiling of Women , subjoyne , If any man seeme to be contentious , &c. The B. resolveth us , that the Apostle saw that a wrangling wit would elude these reasons which he had given , and he had no other reasons to give , therefore he resolves all into the Churches practice , enough of it self to suffice any that will be wise to fobriety . Answ If any man seeme to be blasphemous , we have no such custome , neither the Churches of God. What ? shall a wrangling wit elude the reasons given by the Spirit of God , in such sort , that he must give some other more sufficient proofe for that which he reacheth ? Then the whole Scriptures of God must yet be better proved , because the unstable doe wrest them , as q Peter speakes . 2. The custome of the Church is not enough to pitch on , and Sect. XIII it is found oftentimes expedient to change a custome of the Church . r Basilius Magnus doth flatly refuse to admit the authority of custome : Consuetudo sine veritate , saith s Cyprian , vetustas erroris est . Frustra enim qui ratione vincuntur , saith t Augustine , consuetudinem nobis objiciunt , quasi consuetudo major sit veritate , &c. N●… pudor est ad meliora transire , saith u Ambrose to the Emperour Valentinian : Quaelibet consuetudo , x saith Gratia●… , veritati est postponenda . And againe : y Corrigendum est quod illicite admi●…itur , aut a praed●…cessoribus admissum invenitur . z A Politick Writer admonisheth retinere antiqua , only vvith this caution : Si proba . a Calvine ( speaking against human Ceremonies ) faith : Si objiciatur , &c. If. saith he , antiquity be objected ( albeit they who are too much addicted to custome and to received fashions , de boldly use this buckler , to defend all their corruptions , ) the refutation is easie : For the Auncienes also themselves with heavie complaints , have aboundantly testified , that they did not approve of any thing which was devised by the will of men . In the end of the Epistle he alleadgeth this testimony of Cyprian . If Christ alone be to be heard , then we ought not to give heed what any man before us hath thought fit to be done , but what Christ ( who is before all ) hath done , for we must not follow the custome of man , but the trueth of God. What can be more plaine , then that antiquity cannot be a confirmation to errour , nor custome a prejudice to trueth ? Wherefore b D. Forbesse also despiseth such Arguments as are taken from the custome of the Church . 3. There vvas a custome in the Churches of God , to give the Sect. XIV holy Communion to Infants , & another custome to minister Baptismeonly about Easter and Pentecost : Sundry such abuses got place in the Church . If then it be enough to pitch upon custome , why ought not those customes to have been commended & continued ? But if they were commendably changed , then ought we not to follow blindly the bare custome of the Church , but examine the equity of the same , and demaund grounds of reason for it . S. Paul , ( saith c D. Fulke , ) doth give reasons for that order of covering Womens heads : By whose example the Preachers are likewise to endeavour to satisfy by reason both men & women , that humbly desire their resolution for quiet of their conscience , & not to beate them dovvne vvith the club of custome only . 4. Whereas the custome of some Churches is alleadged for the Ceremonies , wee have objected the custome of other Churches against them : Neither shall ever our Opposites prove them to be the customes of the Church universall . 5. A great part of that Ecclesiasticall custome which is alleadged for the Ceremonies , resolveth into that Idolatrous & superstitious use of them , which hath long continued in the kingdome of Antichrist : But that such a custome maketh against them , it hath been proved d before . 6. If it were so that we ought to pitch upon the Churches custome , yet ( that I may speake with Mr. Hooker ) the Law of common indulgence permitteth us to think of our owne customes , as half a thought better then the customes of others . But why was there such a change made in the Discipline Policie and Orders of the Church of Scotland , which were agreable to the Word of God , confirmed & ratified by generall Assemblies & Parliaments , used and enjoyed with so great peace and purity ? Oure , custome should have holden the Ceremonies out of Scotland , hold them in else-where as it may . CHAP. VII . That the Lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies can not be warranted by any Ecclesiasticall Law , nor by any power which the Church hath to put order to things belonging to Divine Worship . WE have proved that the Ceremonies cannot be warranted by Sect. I the Law of God. It followeth to examine whether any Law of Man , or power upon Earth , can make them lawfull or warrantable unto us . We will beginne with Lawes Ecclesiasticall : where first of all , it must be considered well , what power the Church hath to make lawes about things pertaining to Religion & the Worship of God , and how farre the same doth extend it self . D. Fields resolution , touching this Question , is as followeth . Thus , saith e he , we see our Adversaries cannot prove that the Church hath power to annex unto such Ceremonies and observations as she deviseth , the remission of sinnes , and the working of other Spirituall and supernaturall effects , which is the only thing questioned between them and us about the power of the Church . So that all the power the Church hath , more then by her power to publish the Commandements of Christ the Sonne of God , and by her censures to punish the offenders against the same , is only in prescribing things that pertaine to comelinesse and order . Comelinesse requireth that not only that gravity and modesty doe appeare in the performance of the works of Gods service , that beseemeth actions of that nature , but also that such Rites and Ceremonies bee used , as may cause a due respect unto and regard of the things performed , and thereby stirre men up to greater fervour and devotion . And after : Order requireth that there be set houres for prayer , preaching , and ministring the Sacraments , that there be silence & attention when the things are performed , that Women be silent in the Church , that all things be administrate according to the rules of Discipline . This his discourse is but a bundle of incongruities : For. 1. he saith , that the Churches power to annex unto the Ceremonies which she deviseth the working of Spirituall and supernaturall effects , is the onely thing questioned between our adversaries and us , about the power of Church . Now , our Adversaries contend with us also about the power of the Church to make new Articles of Faith ; and her power to make Lawes binding the conscience : both which controversies are touched by f himselfe . 2. He isath , that comelinesse requireth the use of such Ceremonies , as may cause a due respect unto , and regard of the works of Gods service , and thereby stirre men up to greater fervour and devotion . But it hath been already shewed , that g the comelinesse which the Apostle requireth in the Church and service of God , cannot comprehend such Ceremonies under it , and that it is no other then that very common externall decency , which is beseeming for all the Assemblies of men , as well civill as sacred . 3. Whileas he is discoursing of the Churches power to prescribe things pertaining to order , contra-distinguished from her power which she hath to publish the Commandements of Christ , he reckons forth , among his other examples , Womens silence in the Church , as if the Church did prescribe this as a matter of order left to her determination , and not publish it as the Commandement of Christ in his Word . 4. Whereas he saith , that the Church hath power to prescribe such Rites & Ceremonies , as may cause a due respect unto , & regard of the workes of Gods service , and thereby stirre men up to greater fervour and devotion : by his owne words shall he be condemned . For a little before , he reprehendeth the Romanists for maintaining that the Church hath power to annex unto the Ceremonies which she deviseth , the working of Spirituall and supernaturall effects . And a litle after , he saith , that the Church hath no power to ordaine such Ceremonies as serve to signify , assure and convey unto men , such benefites of sauing grace , as God in Christ is pleased to bestow on them . Now , to cause a regard of , and a respect unto the works of Gods service , and thereby to stirre up men to ●…ervour and devotion , what is it but the working of a Spirituall & supernaturall effect , & the conveying unto men such a benefit of saving grace , as God in Christ is pleased to bestow on them ? In like manner , whereas he holdeth , that the Church hath power to ordaine such Ceremonies , as serve to expresse those Spirituall and Heavenly affections , dispositions , motions or desires , which are or should be in men ; In the very same place he confuteth himselfe , whileas he affirmeth that the Church hath no power to ordaine such Ceremonies as serve to signifie unto men those benefites of saving grace , which God in Christ is pleased to bestow on them . Now , to expresse such Heavenly & Spirituall affections , dispositions , motions , or desires , as should be in men ; is ( I suppose ) to signify unto men such benefites of saving grace , as God in Christ is pleased to bestow on them . Who dare deny it ? h B. Lindsey's opinion touching this power of the Church , Sect. 2 whereof we dispute , is , that power is given unto her to determine the circumstances , which are in the generall necessary to be used in Divine worship , but not defined particularly in the Word . I know the Church can determine nothing , which is not of this kynd and quality . But the Prelats meaning ( as may be seene in that same Epistle of his , ) is , that whatsoever the Church determineth , if it be such a circumstance as is in the generall necessary , but not particularly defined in the word , then we can not say , that the Church had no power to determine & enioyne the same , nor be led by the judgement of our owne consciences , Iudging it not expedient , but that in this case we must take the Churches Law to be the rule of our consciences . Now , by this ground which the Prelat holdeth , the Church may prescribe to the Ministers of the Gospell , the whole habit & apparel of the Leviticall high Priest , ( which were to Iudaize . ) For apparrell is a circumstance in the generall necessary , yet it is not particularly defined in the Word . By this ground , the Church may determine that I should ever pray with my face to the East , preach kneeling on my knees , sing the Psalmes lying on my backe , and heare Sermon standing only upon one foot . For in all these actions a gesture is necessary ; but there is no gesture particularly defined in the Word , to which wee are adstricted in any of these exercises . And further , because uno absurdo dato , mille sequuntur : By this ground the Prelate must say , that the Church hath power to ordaine three or foure holy dayes every weeke , ( which ordinance , as he himselfe hath told us , could not stand with charity , the inseparable companion of piety ) for time is a circumstance in the generall necessary in divine worship : yet in his Iudgement wee are not bound by the Word to any particular time , for the performance of the duties of Gods worship . By this ground we were to say , that Pope Innocent the third held him within the bounds of Ecclesiasticall power , when in the great Lateran Councell , Anno 1215 , he made a Decree , that all the faithfull of both sexes should once in the yeare atleast , to wit , upon Easter-day , receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist . From whence it hath come to passe , that the common people in the Church of Rome receive the Sacrament only upon Easter . Now , the time of receiving the Sacrament is a circumstance in the generall necssary , for a time it must have , but it is not particularly defined in the Word , It is left indefinite 1. Cor. 11. 26. yet the Church hath no power to determine Easter-day , either as the onely time , or as the fittest time , for all the faithfull of both sexes to receive the Eucharist . What if faithfull men and women cannot have time to prepare themselves ( as becommeth , ) being avocated & distracted by the no lesse necessary then honest adoes of their perticular callings ? What if they can not have the Sacrament upon that day administered according to our Lords institution ? What if they see Papists confirming themselves in their Easter-superstition , by our unnecessary practice ? Shall they swallow these and such like soule destroying Camels , and all for straining out the gnate of communicating precisely upon Easter day ? But since time is a necessary circumstance , and no time is particularly defined , the B. must say more also , that the Church may determine Easter day , for the onely day whereupon wee may receive the Lords Supper . Last of all , if the Church have power to determine all circumstances in the generall necessary , but not particularly defined in the Word , what could bee said against that auncient order of solemne baptising onely at the holy dayes of Easter and Pentecost , ( whereby it came to passe , that very many died unbaptised , as i Socrates writeth ? ) Or what shall be said against k Tertullian his opinion which alloweth laymen , yea women , to baptise . May the Churches determination make all this good , for asmuch as these circumstances of the time when , and the persons by whom baptisme should be ministred , are in the generall necessary , but not particularly defined in the Word ? Ite leves nugae . l Camero , as learned a Formalist as any of the former , expresseth Sect. 3 his Iudgement copiously touching our present Question . He saith , that there are two sorts of things which the Church commandeth , to wit , either such as belong to Faith & manners ; or such as doe conduce to Faith and manners : that both are in Gods Word prescribed exserte plainly , but not one way , because such things as pertaine unto Faith and manners , are in the Word of God particularly commanded , whereas those things which conduce to Faith and manners are but generally commended unto us . Of things that pertaine to Faith and manners , he saith , that they are most constant and certaine , and such as can admit no change , but as for things conducing to Faith and manners , hee saith , that they depend upon the circumstances of persons , place and time , which beeing almost infinite , there could not be particular precepts delivered unto us concerning such things . Onely this is from God commended unto the Church , that whatsoever is done publikely , bee done with order ; and what privately , be decent . These things he so applieth to his purpose , that he determineth , in neither of these kindes the Church hath power to make Lawes , because in things pertaining to Faith and manners , the Law of our Lord Iesus Christ is plainely expressed : and in those things , wherein neither Faith nor manners are placed , but which conduce to Faith and manners , we have indeed a generall Law , not having further any particular Law , for that reason alleadged , namely , because this depends upon the circumstances . Thereafter he addeth . Quid sit fides , quid sit pietas , quid sit charitas , verbo Dei demonstratur . Quid ad haec conducat , seu reputando rem in universum , seu reputando rem quatenus singulis competit , pendet ex cognitione circumstantiarum . Iam id definire Deus voluit esse penes Ecclesiam , hac tamen lege , ut quod definit Ecclesia conveniat generall definitioni Dei. The matter he illustrates with this one Example : Gods Word doth define in the generall , that we are to fast , and that publikely , But in the particular wee could not have the definition of the Word , because there are infinite occasions of a publike Fast , as it is said in the Schooles individua esse infinita : so that it is the Churches part , to looke to the occasion , & this depends upon the consideration of the circumstances . This discourse of his cannot satisfy the attentive Reader , but deserveth certaine animadversions . First then , it is to be observed , how he is drawne into a manifest Sect. IV contradiction : for whereas he saith , that Gods Word doth exserte & diserte commend unto us generatim , such things as conduce to Faith and maners , & that concerning things of this nature we have a generall Law in Scripture , how can this stand with that which he addeth , namely , that it is in the Churches power to define what things doe conduce to faith , piety , & charity , even reputando rem in universum ? 2. Whereas he saith , that the Church hath no power to make Lawes , neither in things belonging to faith and maners , nor in things conducing to the same ; I would also see how this agreeth with that other position , namely , that it is in the power of the Church to define what things conduce to faith , piety and charity . 3. What meanes he by his application of order to publike , & decency to private actions ? As if the Apostle did not require both these in the publike workes of Gods service , performed in the Church . 4. Whereas he saith , that such things as conduce to Faith and maners , doe depend upon the circumstances , and so could not be particularly defined in the Word , either he speakes of those things , as they are defined in the generall , or as they are defined in the particular . Not the first , for as they are defined in the generall , they cannot depend upon changeable circumstances , and that because according to his owne tenet , the Word defines them in the general , & this definition of the Word is most certaine & constant , neither can any change happen unto it . Wherefore ( without doubt ) he must pronounce this , of the definition of such things in the particular . Now to say , that things conducing to faith & maners , as they are particularly defined , doe depend upon circumstan●… , is as much as to say that circumstances depend upon circumstances . For things conducing to Faith and manners , which the Church hath power to determine particularly , what are they other then circumstances ? Surely , he who taketh not Cameroes Iudgement to be , that the Church hath power to determine somewhat more then the circumstances ( and by consequence a part of the substance ) of Gods worship , shall give no sence to his words . Yet if one would take his meaning so , I see not how he can be saved from contradicting himself ; for as much as he holdeth , that such things as pertaine to Faith & manners are particularly defined in the Word . To say no more , I smell such a thing in Cameroes opinion as can neither stand with reason nor with himselfe . 5. Gods Word doth not onely define things pertaining to Faith and manners , but also things conducing to the same , and that not onely generally but in some respects , and sometimes particularly . And we take for example his owne Instance of fasting . For the Scripture defineth very many occasions of fasting , Ezra 8. 21. 2 Chron. 20. Iona 3. Ioel 2. Act. 13. 3. Ios. 7. 6. Iud. 20. 16. Esther 4. 16. Ezra 9. & 10. Zach. 7. From which places we gather , that the Scripture defineth fasting to be used . 1. For Supplication , when we want some necessary or expedient good thing . 2. For Deprecation , when we feare some evill . 3. For Humiliation , when by our sinnes we have provoked Gods wrath . Neither can there be any occasion of fasting , whereof I may not say that either it is particularly defined in Scripture , or else that it may be by necessary consequence defined out of Scripture , or lastly , that it is of that sort of things which were not determinable by Scripture , because circumstances are infinite , as Camero hath told us . Thus having sailed by those rockes of offence : I direct my Sect. V course straight , to the descrying of the true limits , within which the Churches power of enacting Lawes about things pertaining to the worship of Cod , is bounded and confined , and which it may not overleape nor transgresse . Three conditions I finde necessarily requisite , in such a thing as the Church hath power to prescribe by her Lawes . 1. It must be onely a circumstance of Divine Worship , no substantiall part of it , no sacred significant and efficacious Ceremonie . For the order and decency left to the definition of the Church , as concerning the particulars of it , comprehendeth no more , but mere circumstances . m B. Lindsey , doth but unskilfully confound things different , when he talketh of the Ceremonies and Circumstances left to the determination of the Church . Now by his leave , though Circumstances be left to the determination of the Church , yet Ceremonies ( if we speake properly ) are not . n B Andreues avoucheth , that Ceremonies pertaine to the Church only and to the service of God , not to civill solemnities . But so much ( I trust ) he would not have said of circumstances , which have place in all morall actions , and that to the same end and purpose , for which they serve in religious actions , namely , for beautifying them with that decent demeanour which the very light and law of natural reason requireth , as a thing beseeming all humane actions . For the Church of Christ being a society of men and women , must either observe order & decency in all the circumstances of their holy actions , time , place , person , forme , &c. or else be deformed with that misorder and and confusion , which common reason and civility abhorreth . Ceremonies therefore , which are sacred observances , and serve only to a religious & holy use , and which may not without Sacriledge be applied to another use , must be sorted with things of another nature then circumstances . Ceremoniae , Ceremonies ( saith o D. Field ) are so named as Livie thinketh from a towne called Caere , in the which the Romās did hide their sacred things when the Gaules invaded Rome . Other thinke that Ceremonies are so named a carendo , of abstaining from certaine things , as the Iewes abstained from Swines flesh , and sundry other things forbidden by God as uncleane . Ceremonies are outward acts of Religion , &c. Qua propter etiam , saith p Iunius Ritus & Ceremonias inter se distinximus , quia in Iure politico sui sunt imperati & 〈◊〉 ritus : Ceremonia vero non nisi sacra observationes in cultis dirin●… appellant●… . Ceremonia , saith q Bellarmine , proprie & simpliciter sic vocata , est externa actio qua non aliunde est bona & landabilis , nisi quia fit ad Deum colendum . From which words r Amesius concludeth against him , that he & others with him doe absurdly confound order , decency & the like , which haue the same use & praise in civill things , which they have in the worship of God , with religious & sacred Cemonies . Yet s D. Burgesse rejecteth this distinction betwixt circumstances and Ceremonies , as a meere nicitie or fiction . And would ye know his reason ? For that , saith he , all circumstances ( I meane extrinsecall ) which incurre not the substance of the action , when they are once designed or observed purposely , in reference to such a matter , of whose substance they are not , they are then Ceremonies . If this be not a nicitie or fiction , I know not what is . For what meanes he here by a matter ? An action , sure , or else a nicitie . Well then : we shall have now a world of Ceremonies . Whē I appoint to meet with another man at Barwick upon the tenth day of May , because the place and the day are purposely designed in referēce to such a matter , of whose substance they are not , namely , to my meeting with the other mā , for talking of our businesse , therefore the towne of Barwick , and the tenth day of May , must be accounted Ceremonies . To me its nice , that the D. made it not nice , to let such a nicitie fall from his penne . When I put on my shooes in reference to walking or wash my hands in reference to eating , am I using Ceremonies all the while ? The Doctour could not choose but say so , for asmuch as these circumstances are purposely designed and observed in reference to such matters , of whose substance they are not . 2. That which the Church may lawfully prescribe by her Lawes Sect. 6 and ordinances , as a thing left to her determination , must be one of such things as were not determinable by Scripture , for that rea●…on which Camero hath given us , namely , because Individua are Infinita . We meane not in any wise to circumcribe the infinite power & wisdome of God : only we speake upon upposition o●… the bounds & limits which God did set to his written word , within which he would have it contained , and over which he thought fi●…t that it should not exceed . The case being thus put , as it is , we say truely of those severall and changeable circumstances , which are left to the determination of the Church , that being almost infinite , they were no●… particularly determinable in Scripture ; for the partic lar definition o●… those occurring circumstances , which were to be rightly ordered in the workes of Gods service , to the end of the World , and that ever according to the exigency o●… every present occasion and different case , should have filled the whole world w●…h b●…okes . But as for other things pertaining to Gods worship , which are not to be reckoned among the circumstances of it , they being neither in number many , nor in change various , were most easily and conveniently determinable in Scripture . Now , since God would have his word , ( which is our rule in the workes o●… his service ) not to be delivered by tradition , but to be written and sealed un o us , that by this meanes , for obviating Satanicall subtilty , and ●…uccouring humane imbecillity , we might have a more certaine way for conservation of true religion , and for the instauration of it when it faileth among men : how cab we but assure our selves , that every such acceptable thing pertaining a●…y way to religion , which was particularly and conveniently determinable in Scripture , is indeed determined in it , and consequently hat no such thing as is not a meere alterable circumstance , is left to the determination of the Church ? 3. If the Church prescribe any thing lawfully , so that she prescribe Sect. 7 no more then she hath power given her to prescribe , her ordinance must be accompanied with some good reason and warrant , given for he satisfaction of tender consciences . This condition is ( alas ) too seldome looked unto by Law-makers , o●… whom one fi●…ly complaineth thus : Lex quam vis ratio Ciceroni summa ●…ocetur , Et bene laudetur lex quae ratione 〈◊〉 ▪ Invenies inter logistas raro logistas : Mor●… & exempli leges sunt ●…raque Templi . But this fa●…hien we leave to them who will have all their Anomalies taken for Analogies . It 〈◊〉 meth not the ●…pouse of Christ endued with the Spirit of meeknesse , to command any thing impe●…iously , and without a reason given . Ecclesiae enim est docere primùm , tum praescribere , saith t Camer●… . And againe : Non enim domina●…uy cleris , nec agit cum ijs quos Christus redemit , ac si non possent capere qu d sit religiosum , quid minus . w Tertullians Testimony is knowne . Nulla lex , &c. No Law , saith he , owes to itselfe alone the conscience of its equitie , but to these from whom it expects obedience . Moreover , it is a suspected Law which will not have itself to be proved , but a wicked Law , which not being proved yet beareth rule . It is well said by our Diuines , x that in Rites and Ceremonies the Church hath no power to destruction but to edification . And y that the observations of our Ecclesiasticall Canons , must carry before them a manifest utility . z Pijs vero ●…ratribus durum est , subjicere se rebus illis quas nec rectas esse nec utiles animadvertunt . 〈◊〉 here it ●…e objected , that some things are convenient to be done , therefore because they are prescribed by the Church , and for no other reason . For example , in two things which are alike lawfull and convenient in themselves , I am bound to doe the one and not the other , because of the Churches prescription . So that in such cases it seemeth there can be no other reason given for the ordinance of the Church , but only her owne power and authority , to put order to things of th●…s nature . I answer , that even in such a case as this the conveniency of the thing itself is anterior to the Churches determination , anterior I say de congruo , though not de facto , that is to say , before ever the Church pre scribe it , it is such a thing as ( when it falleth out to be done at all ) may be done conveniently ; though it be not ( before the Churches prescribing of it , ) such a thing as should and ought to be done as convenient . Which being so , we doe still hold , that the conveniency of a thing must alwayes goe before the Churches prescribing of it , goe before I meane , at least de congruo . Neither can the Church prescribe any thing lawfully , which she sheweth not to have been convenient , even before her determination . These things being permitted , I come to extract my projection , & to make it evident , that the lawfulnes of the controverted Ceremonies , can not be warranted by any Ecclesiasticall Law. And this I prove by three Arguments . First , those conditions which I have shewed to be required in that thing which the Church may lawfully prescribe by a Law , are not quadrant nor competent to the Crosse , Kneeling , Surplice , Holy-dayes , &c. For 1. they are not meere circumstances , such as have place in all morall actions , but sacred , misticall , significant , efficacious Ceremonies , as hath been aboundantly shewed in this dispute already . For example : a D. Burgesse calleth the Surplice a religious or sacred Ceremony . And againe , b he placeth in it a misticall signification of the purenesse of the minister of God. Wherefore c the replier to D. Mortons particular defence saith well , that there is great difference betwixt a grave civill habite and a misticall garment . 2. It cannot be said , that thes●… Ceremonies are of that kynd of things , which were not determinab●… by Scripture : neither will our Opposites , for very shame , adventure to say , that things of this kynd to which Crosse , Kneeling , &c. doe belong , viz. sacred significant Ceremonies left ( in their Iudgement ) to the definition of the Church , are almost infinite , and therefore could not be well and easily determined in Scripture . Since then , such things as are not meere circumstances of worship , can neither be many nor various ( as I said before , ) it is manifest that all such things were easily determinable in Scripture . 3. Our Ceremoniall Lawes are not backed with such grounds & reasons , as might be for the satisfying and quieting of tender consciences , but we are borne downe with will and authority : whereof I have said enough d else-where . 2. If the Ceremonies be lawfull to us , because the Law and Ordinance Sect. 9 of the Church prescribes them , then either the bare and naked prescription of the Church , having no other warrant then the Churches owne authority , makes them to be thus lawfull ; or else the Law of the Church , as grounded upon and warranted by the Law of God and nature . Not the first ; for e Divines hold , legem humanam ferri ab hominibus , cum ratione procedunt ab illis alijs antegressis legibus . Nam legis humanae regula proxima est duplex . Una innata quam legem naturalem dicimus altera inspirat●… , quam divinam , &c. Ex his ergo fontibus lex humana procedit : haec incunabula illius , a quibus se aberr●… , lex degener est ; indigna legis nomine . We have also the testimony of an Adversary . For saith not f Paybody himselfe : I graunt it is unlawfull to doe in Gods worship any thing upon the meere pleasure of man. If they take them , ( as needs they must , ) to the latter part , then let them either say , that the Ceremonies are lawfull unto us , because the Church judgeth them to be agreable to the Law of God & nature , or because the Church proveth unto us by evident reasons , that they are indeed agreeable to these Lawes . If they yeeld us the latter , then it is not the Churches Law , but the Churches reasons given for her Law , which can warrant the lawfulnesse of the●…●…to us : which doth elude and elide all that which they alleadge for the lawfulnesse of them from the power and authority of the Church . And further , if any such reasons be to be given forth for the Ceremonies , why are they so long kept up from us ? But if they hold them at the former , thereupon it will follow , that it shall be lawfull for us to doe every thing which the Church shall Iudge to be agreeable to the Law of God and nature , and consequently to use all the Iewish , Popish and Heathnish Ceremonies , yea to worship Images ; If it happen that the Church judge these things to be agreeable to the Law of God and nature . It will be answered ( I know ) that if the Church command any thing repugnant to Gods Word , we are not bound to doe it , nor to receive it as lawfull , though the Church judge so of it : But otherwise , if that which the Church judgeth to be agreeable to the Law of God and nature , ( and in that respect prescribeth ) be not repugnant to the Word of God , but in itself indifferent , then are we to embrace it as convenient , and consonant to the Law of God and nature , neither ought we to call in Question the lawfulnesse of it . But I reply , that either we must judge a thing to be repugnant or not repugnant to the Word , to be indifferent or not indiffere●…t in itself , because the Church judgeth so of it , or else because the Church proveth unto us by an evident reason that it is so . If the latter ; we have what we would . If the former ; we are just where we were ; The argument is still set a foot : then we must receive every thing ( be it never so bad , ) as indifferent , if only the Church happen so to judge of it . For quod competit alicui qua tali , &c. So that if we receive any thing as indifferent , for this respect , because the Church judgeth it to be so , then shall we receive every thing for indifferent ; which the Church shall so judge of . 3. The Church is forbidden to adde any thing to the commandements Sect. 10 of God , which he hath given unto us , concerning his worship and service . Deut. 4. 2. and 12 , 32. Prov. 30. 6. therefore she may not lawfully prescribe any thing in the workes of Divine worship , if it be not a mere circumstance , belonging to that kynd of things which were not determinable by Scripture . Our Opposites have no other distinctions , which they make any use of against this argument , but the very same which Papists use in defence of their unwritten dogmaticall traditions ; namely , that additio corrumpens is forbidden , but not additio perficiens : that there is not alike reason of the Christian Church , and of the Iewish : that the Church may not adde to the essentiall parts of Gods worship , but to the accidentary she may adde . To the first of those distinctions we Answer , 1. That the distinction itself is an addition to the word , and so doth but begge the Question . 2. It is blasphemous , for it argueth , that the commandements of God are imperfect , and that by addition they are made perfect . 3. Since our Opposites will speake in this dialect , let them resolve us , whether the washings of the Pharises , condemned by Christ , were corrupting or perfecting additions . They cannot say , they were corrupting ; for there was no commandement of God , which those washings did corrupt or destroy , except that cōmandement which forbiddeth mens additions . But for this respect , our Opposites dare not call them corrupting additions , for so they should condemne all additions whatsoever . Except therefore , they can shew us that those washings were not added by the Pharises , for perfecting , but for corrupting the Law of God , let them consider how they ranke their owne Ceremoniall additions , with those of the Pharises . We reade of no other reason wherefore Christ cōdemned thē , but because they were Doctrines , which had no other warrant then the commandements of men . Math. 15. 9. For as the Law ordained diverse washings , for teaching and signifying that true holinesse and cleanesse , which ought to be among Gods people ; so the Pharises would have per●…ected the Law by adding other washings ( and moe then God had commanded , ) for the same end and purpose . To the second distinction , we say that the Christian Church hath Sect. 11 no more liberty to adde to the commandements of God ●…hen the Iewish Church had . For the second commandement is morall and perpetuall , and forbiddeth to us as well as to them the additions and inventions of men in the worship of God. Nay , as g Calvine noteth , much more are we forbidden to adde unto Gods Word , thē they were . Before the comming of his wel-beloved Sonne in the fl●…sh , saith h Iohn Knox , severely he punished all such as durst interprise to alter or change his Ceremonies and Statutes , as in i Saul , k Uziias , l Nadab , Absha , is to be read . And will he now , after that he hath opened his Counsell to the World by his only Sonne , whom m he commaundeth to be heard , and after that n by his holy Spirit , speaking by his Apostles , he hath established the religion in which he will his true worshippers abide to the end , will he now I say admitt ( o ) mens inventions in the matter of Religion , & c. ? For this sentence he prouounceth : p Not that which seemeth good in thy eyes , shalt thou doe to the Lord thy God , but that which the Lord thy God commanded thee , that doe thou : Adde nothing unto it , diminish nothing from it . Which sealing up his New Testament he rep●…ateth in these words : q That which ye have , hold till I come , &c. Wherefore whileas r Hooker saith , tha●… Christ hath not by positive lawes so farre descended into particularities with vs , as Moses with the lewes : Whileas s Camero saith , non esse disputandum ita , ●…t quoniam in vetere Testament●… , de rebus alioqui adiaphoris certa fuit lex , & ●…id in novo Testamento habere locum : And whiles t B. Lindsey saith , that in the particular circumstances of persons ●…y whom , place where , time when , and o●… the forme and order how the worship and worke of the ministery should be performed h●… Church hath power to define whatsoeuer is most expedient , and that this is a prerogative wherein the Christian Church differeth ●…rom the Iewish Synagogue : They doe but speake their pleasure in vaine , and cannot make it appeare , that the Christian Church hath any more power to adde to the commandements of God , then the Synagogue had of old . It is ●…ell said by w one : There were many points of service , as Sacrifices , washings , anniversary dayes & ●… . whi●…h ●…e have not : but the determination of such as we have , is as particular as theirs , except vvherein the nationall circumstances make impediment . For one place not be appointed for the worship of God , nor one Tribe o●… the worke of the ministery , among us , as among them , not because more power was left to the Christian Church , for determining things that pertaine to the worship of God , then was to the Iewish , but because the Christian Church was to spread it self over the , whole Earth , and not to be confined within the bo●…ds of one nation as the Synagogue was . Let us then here call to mynd the distinction which hath been shewed betwixt religious Ceremonies and morall circumstances : Sect. 12 for as touching morall circumstances which serve for common order and decency in the worship of God , they beeing so many and so alterable , that they could not be particularly determined in Scripture , for all the different and almost infinite cases , which might occure the Iewish S●…agogue had the same power for determining things of this na●…e , which the church of Christ now hath . For the law did not define but left she be defined by the Sinagogue , the set houres for all pub●…e divine service , whē it should begin , how long it should last , the order should be kept in the reading and expounding of the law ●…aying , singing , carechi●…g , excommunicating censuring and ●…ving of Delinquents , &c. the circumstances of the celebration of mariage , of the education of youth in Schooles and Colledges , &c. But as for Ceremonies which are proper to Gods holy worship , x shall we say , tat the fidelity of Christ the Sonne hath been lesse , then the fidelity of Moses the servant ? which were to be said , if Christ had not by as plaine , plentifull , and particular directions and ordinances , provided for all the necessities of the Christian Church in the matter of religiō , as Moses for the Iewish . Or if the least pinne , and the meanest appurtenance of the Tabernacle , and all the service thereof , behooved to be ordered according to the expresse commandement of God by the hand of Moses , how shall we thinke , that in the rearing , framing , ordering , & beautifying of the church the house of the living God , he would have lesse honor & prerogative givē to his owne well-beloved Sonne , by whom he hath spoken to us in these last dayes , & whom he hath commāded vs to heare in all things ; Or that he will accept at our hands any sacred Ceremony , which men have presumed to bring into his holy and pure worship , without the appointment of his owne word and will revealed vnto us ? Albeit the worship of God and religion in the Church of the new Testament , be accompanied without Ceremonies numero paucissimis observatione facillimis , significatione praestantissimis , ( as y Augustine speaketh of our Sacraments ) yet we have in Scripture no lesse particular determination and distinct direction , for our fevve , easie and plaine Ceremonies , then the Iewes had for their many heavy , and obscure ones . As for the third distinction , of adding to the accidentary parts of it , Sect. 13 ●…emēber , that J heard in the logicks , of pars essentialis or Phisica , & pars integralis or mathematica ; of pars similaris , & pars dissimilaris ; of pars c●…ua & pars discreta . But of pars accidētaria heard I never till now . There is ( I know ) such a distinction of Pars integralis , that it is either pr●…alis and necessaria , or minus principalis and non necessaria . But w●… cannot vnderstand their pars cultus accidentaria , to be pars integ●…alis non necessaria , because then their distribution of worship into e●…entiall & accidentary parts , could not answer to the rul●…s of a just dist●…bution : of which one is , that distributio debet exhauri●…e totum distributu●… . Now , there are some parts of worship , which cannot be comp●…hended in the foresaid distribution , namely , partes integrales necessar●… What then ? Shall we let this vvilde Distinction passe , because it cannot 〈◊〉 well nor formally interpreted ? Nay , but we will observe their mean●… who make use of it , For unto all such parts of worship as are not ess●…iall ( and which they are pleased to call accidentarie ) they hold , 〈◊〉 Church may make addition . Whereunto I answer , 1. Let them m●… us understand , what they meane by those essentiall parts , to which th●… Church may adde nothing : and let them beware least they give us a●…●…ticall description of the same . 2. There are many parts of Gods worship , which are not essentiall , yet such as will not suffer any addition of the Church . For proof vvhereof , J demaund , vvere all the Ceremonies commanded to be ●…sed in the legall Sacraments and Sacrifices , essentiall parts o●… those worships ? No man will say so . Yet the Synagogue was tied to observe those ( and no other then those ) Ceremonies , which the Word prescribed . When Israel was againe to keepe the Passeover , q it was said ; In the fourteenth day of this moneth at even , ye shall keep it in his appoinded season : according to all the Rites of it and according to all the Ceremonies of it , shall ye keep it . And r againe : According to all that the Lord commanded Moses , so did the Children of Israel . Ritibus & Ceremonijs divinitus institutis , non licuit homini suo arbitrio aliquid adijcere aut detrahere , s saith P. Martyr . 3. If those accidentarie parts of worship , which are commanded Sect. 14 in the Word , be both necessary to be used necessitatè praecepti , and likewise sufficient meanes fully adequate and proportioned to that end , for which God hath destinated such parts of his worship as are not essentiall , ( which must be graunted by every one who will not accuse the Scripture of some defect and imperfection : ) then it followeth that other accidentarie parts of worship , which the Church addeth thereto , are but superfluous and superstitious . 4. I call to mind another Logicall maxime : Sublata una parte , tollitur totum . An essentiall part being taken away , totum essentiale is taken away also . In like maner , an integrant part being taken away , totum integrum cannot remaine behinde . When a man hath lost his hand or is foot , though he be still a man Phisically , totum essentialè , yet he is not a man mathematically , he is no longer totum integralè . Iust so , if we reckon any additions ( as the Crosse , Kneeling , Holy-dayes , &c. ) among the parts of Gods worship , then put the case that those additions were taken away , it followeth that all the worship which remaineth still , will not be the whole and entire worship of God , but only a part of it , or at the best , a defective , wanting , lame , and maimed worship . 5. I have made it evident , t that our Opposites make the controverted Ceremonies to be worship , in as proper and peculiar sence as any thing can be ; and that they are equalled to the chiefe and principall parts of worship , not ranked among the secondary or lesse principall parts of it . 6. Doe not our Divines condemne the addition of Rites & Ceremonies , to that worship which the Word prescribeth , as well as the addition of other things , which are thought more essentiall ? Wee have heard Martyrs words to this purpose . w Zanchius will have us to learne from the second commandement , in externo cultu qui Deo debetur , seu in Ceremoniis nihil nobis esse ex nostro capite comminiscendum , wether in Sacraments or Sacrifices , or other sacred things , such as Temples , Altars , Clothes and Vessels , necessary for the externall worship ; but that wee ought to be contented with those Ceremonies which God hath prescribed . And in x another place , he condemneth the addition of any other rite whatsoever , to those rites of every Sacrament which have been ordained of Christ. Si Ceremonijs cujusvis Sacramenti , alios addas ritus , &c. y D. Fulke pronounceth even of signes and rites , that vve must doe in Religion and Gods service , not that which seemeth good to us , but that only which he commandeth . Deut. 4. 2. c. 12. 32. And z Calvine pronounceth generally , Caenam Domini rem adeo sacrosanctam esse , ut ullis hominum additamentis eam conspurcare sit nefas . And thus have we made good our Argument , that the lawfulnsse of the Ceremonies cannot be warranted by any Ecclesiasticall Law. Sect. 15 If we had no more against them , this were enough , that they are but humane additions , and want the warrant of the Word . When Nadab and Abihu offered strange fire before the Lord , and when the Iewes burnt their Sonnes and their Daughters in the Valley of the Sonne of Hinnon ; howsoever manifold wickednesse might have been challenged in that which they did , yet if any would dispute with God upon the matter , he stoppeth their mouthes with this one Answer , a I commanded it not , neither came it into my heart . May we last of all heare what the b Canon Law it selfe decreeth ? Is qui praeest , fi praeter voluntatem Dei , vel praeter quod in sanctis Scripturis evidenter praecipitur , vel dicit aliquid , vel imperat , tanquam falsus testis Dei , aut Sacrilegus habeatur . CHAP. VIII . That the lavvfulnesse of the Ceremonies can not be vvarranted by any Ordinance of the Civill Magistrate : vvhose povver in things Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , is explained . NOw are wee fallen upon the strong hold of our Opposites , which is the Kings Majesties Supermacy in things Ecclesiasticall . Sect. 1 If they did meane in good earnest to qualify the lawfulnes of the Ceremonies from holy Scripture , why have they not taken more paines and travel to debate the matter from thence ? And if they meant to justify them by the Lawes & Constitutions of the Church , why did they not study to an orderly peaceable proceeding , and to have things concluded in a lawfull Nationall Synode , after free reasoning and mature advisement ? Why did they carry matters so factiously and violently ? The truth is , they would have us to acquiesce and to say no more against the Ceremonies , when once we heare that they are enjoyned by his Majestie , our only supreme Governour . What I am here to say , shall not derogate any thing from his Highnesse Supremacy , because it includeth no such thing as a nomotheticall power , to prescribe and appoint such sacred and significant Ceremonies as he shall thinke good . The Arch-Bishop of Armagh , in his Speach which he delivered concerning the Kings Supremacy , ( for which King Iames returned him in a Letter his Princely and gratious thankes , for that he had defended his just & lawfull power , with so much learning and reason , ) whiles he treateth of the Supremacy , and expoundeth that Title of The only Supreme Governour of all his Highnes Dominions and Countries , as well in all spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes , as temporall ; mentioneth no such thing , as any power to dispose by his Lawes and ordinances , of things externall in the worship of God. Neither yet shall this following Discourse tend to the cooling & abating of that care and zeale which Princes owe to the oversight & promotion of Religion . For alas ! the corruptions which have stept into Religion , and the decayes which it hath felt since Princes beganne to take small thought of it , and to leave the care of it to Popes , Bishops , Monkes , &c. can never be enough bewailed . Nihil enim , &c. For there is nothing ( saith c Zanchius ) more pernitious , either to the Commonwealth or to the Church , then if a Prince doe all things by the judgement of others , and he himself understand not those things which are propounded to bee done . Nor lastly , are we to sound an alarum of Rebellion . For to say that Subjects are not bound to obey such Lawes and Statutes of their Prince , as impose upon them a Yoke of Ceremonies , which hee hath no power to impose , is one thing ; and to say , that they are not bound to subject themselves unto him faithfully and loyally , is another thing . Recte Gerson ; Qui abusui potestatis resistit , non resistit divinae ordinationi , saith d the Bishop of Sarisburie . Subjection , saith e D. Field , is required generally and absolutely , where obedience is not . If we have leave to speake with f Divines , the bond and signe of subjection , is only Homage , or the oath of fidelity , whereby Subjects binde themselves to be faithfull to their Prince . And we take the judge of all flesh to witnesse , before whose dreadfull Tribunall we must stand at that great day , how free we are of thoughts of Rebellion , & how uprightly we meane to be his Majesties most true and loy all Subjects to the end of our lives , and to devote our selves , our bodies , lives , goods and estates , and all that we have in the world , to his Highnesse service , and to the honour of his Royal Crowne . Now for the purpose in hand , we will first examine what the Arch-Bishop of Spalato saith , for he discourseth much of the jurisdiction Sect. 2 and Office of Princes , in things and causes Ecclesiasticall . The Title of the first Chapter of his sixt Booke de Rep Eccl. holdeth ; That it is the duty of Princes super Ecclesiastica invigilare . But in the body of the Chapter , he laboureth to prove , that the power of governing Ecclesiasticall things belongeth to Princes ( which is farre more then to watch carefully over them . ) This the Reader will easily perceive . Nay , he himselfe , Num. 115. & 174. professeth he hath been proving , that Divine and Ecclesiasticall things , are to be ruled and governed by the authority & Lawes of Princes . The Title prefixed to the sixt Chapter of that same Booke , is this : Legibus & edictis Principum Laicorum , & Ecclesiastica & Ecclesiasticos gubernari . So that in both Chapters , he treateth of one and the same office of Princes about things Ecclesiasticall . Now , if we would learne what he meanes by those Ecclesiastica , which he will have to be governed by Princes , g he resolves us that he meanes not things internall , such as the deciding of controversies in matters of faith , feeding with the Word of God , binding & loosing , and ministring of the Sacraments : ( for in pure spiritualibus , ( as he speaketh in Summa Cap. 5. ) he yeeldeth thē not the power of judging and defining : ) but onely things externall , which pertaine to the externall worship of God , or which concerne externall Ecclesiastical Discipline . Such things h he acknowledgeth to be res Spirituales . But vera Spiritualia , he will have to comprehend onely things internall , which hee removeth from the power of Princes . Thus wee have his judgement as plaine as himselfe hath delivered it unto us . But I demaund , 1. Why yeeldeth he the same power to Princes in governing Ecclesiastica , which he yeldeth them in governing Ecclesiasticos ? For Ecclesiasticall Persons , being members of the common-wealth no lesse then Laickes , have the same King and Governour with them . For which reason it is ( as i the B. himself sheweth out of Molina ) that they are bound to be subject to their Princes Lawes , which pertaine to the whole common-wealth . But the like cannot be alleadged for the power of Princes to governe Ecclesiastica : for the B. ( I trust ) would not have said , that things Ecclesiasticall and things civill doe equally and alike belong to their power and Iurisdiction . 2. Why confoundeth he the governing of things and causes Ecclesiasticall , with watching over and taking care for the same ? Let us only call to mind the native signification of the word : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Guberno signifieth properly to rule or governe the course of a S●…p : And in a Ship there may be many watchfull and carefull eyes over her course , and yet but one Governour directing the same . 3. Why holdeth he , that things externall in the worship of God are not vera spiritualia ? For if they be Ecclesiasticall and sacred Ceremonies ( not fleshly and wordly ) why will he not also acknowledge them for true spirituall things ? And if they be not vera spiritualia , why calls he them res spirituales ? For are not Res and Verum reciprocall , as wel as Ens and Verum ? 4. Even as a Prince in his Sea-voyage is supreme Governour of all which are in the Ship with him , end by consequence of the Governour , who directs her course , yet doth he not governe the action of governing or directing the course of the Ship : So though a Prince be the only supreme Governour of all his Dominions , & by consequence of Ecclesiasticall persons in his Dominions , yet he can not be said to Governe all their Ecclesiasticall actions & causes . And as the Governour of a Ship acknowledgeth his Prince for his only supreme Governour , even then whiles he is governing & directing the course of the ship , ( otherwise whiles he is governing her course , he should not be his Princes Subject ) yet he doth not thereby acknowledge that his Prince governeth his action of directing the course of the Ship , ( for then should the Prince be the Pilot : ) So when one hath acknowledged the Prince to be the only supreme Governour upon Earth , of all Ecclesiasticall persons in his Dominions , even whiles they are ordering and determining Ecclesiasticall causes ; yet he hath not thereby acknowledged that the Prince governeth the Ecclesiasticall causes . Wherefore whiles k the B. taketh the English Oath of Supremacy , to acknowledge the same which he teacheth touching the Princes power , he giveth it another sence then the words of it can beare . For it saith not that the Kings Majestie is the only supreme Governour of all his Highnes Dominions , and OF all things and causes therein , as well Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall , as Temporall . But it saith , that he is the only Supreame Governour of all his Highnes Dominions IN all things or causes , &c. Now , the spirituall Guides of the Church substituted by Christ , as Deputies in his stead , who is the most supreame Governour of his own Church , and l on whose shoulder the Governement resteth as his Royall prorogative ; even then whiles they are governing and putting order to Ecclesiasticall or spirituall causes , they acknowledge their Prince to be their only supreme Governour upon Earth : yet hereby they implie not that he governeth their Governing of Ecclesiasticall causes , as hath been shewed by that Simele of governing a Ship. 5. Whereas the B. leaveth all things externall , which pertaine to the worship of God , to be governed by Princes , I object that the version Sect. 4 of the holy Scripture out of Hebrew and Grèeke into the vulgar tongue , is an externall thing , belonging to the worship of God , yet it cannot be governed by a Prince who is not learned in the originall tounges . 6. Whereas he yeeldeth to Princes the power of governing in spiritualibus , but not in pure spiritualibus , I cannot comprehend this Distinction . All sacred and Ecclesiasticall things belonging to the worship of God are spirituall things . What then understands he by things purely spirituall ? If he meane things which are in such sort spirituall , that they have nothing earthly not externall in them ; in this sence the Sacraments are not purely spirituall , because they consist of two parts ; one earthly , and another heavenly , as Ireneus saith of the Eucharist . And so the Sacraments not being things purely spirituall , shall be left to the power and government of Princes . If it be said , that by things purely spirituall , he meanes things which concerne our Spirits onely , and not the outward man ; I still urge the same Instance : For the Sacraments are not in this sence spirituall , because a part of the Sacraments , to wit , the Sacramentall Signes or Elements , concerne our externall & bodily sences of seeing , touching , and tasting . 7. The B. also contradicteth himselfe unawares : For in m one place hee reserveth and excepteth from the power of Princes , the judging and deciding of controversies and questions of faith . Yet in n another place hee exhorteth Kings and Princes , to compell the Divines of both sides ( of the Roman and Reformed Churches ) to come to a free conference , and to debate the matters controverted betwixt them ; in which conference , hee requireth the Princes themselves to bee Iudges . It remaineth to trie what force of reason the B. hath to backe his opinion . As for the ragged rabble of humane Testimonies , which Sect. 5 he taketh together , I should but weary my Reader , and spend paper and Inke in vaine , if I should insist to answer them one by one . Only thus much I say of all those Sentences of the Fathers , and Constitutions of Princes and Emperours about things Ecclesiasticall , together with the Histories , of the submission of some Ecclesiasticall causes to Emperours ; Let him who pleaseth read them ; And it shall appeare , 1. That some of those things whereunto the power of Princes was applied , were unlawfull . 2. There were many of them things Temporall or Civill , not Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall , nor such as pertaine to the worshippe of God. 3. There were some of them Ecclesiasticall or spirituall things , but then Princes did only ratify that which had beene determined by Councells , and punish with the civill sword such as did stubbornly disobey the Churches lawfull constitutions . Neither were Princes allowed to doe any more . 4. Sometimes they interposed their authority and medled in causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , even before the definition of Councells : yet did they not judge nor decide those matters , but did only convocate Councells , and urge the Cleargie to see to the misordered and troubled estate of the Church , and by their wholesome Lawes & ordinances to provide the best remedies for the same which they could . 5. At other times Princes have done somewhat more in Ecclesiasticall matters : but this was only in extraordinary cases , when the Cleargy was so corrupted , that either through ignorance they were unable , or through malice and perversnesse unwilling to doe their duty in deciding of controversies , making of Canons , using the keyes , and managing of other Ecclesiasticall matters : in which case Princes might and did by their coactive temporall Iurisdiction , avoid disorder , errour and superstition , and cause a Reformation of the Church . 6. Princes have likewise in rightly constituted and well reformed Churches , by their owne Regall authority , straitly injoyned things pertaining to the worship of God : but those things were the very same which Gods owne written Word had expressely commanded . 7. When Princes went beyond these limits and bounds , they tooke upon them to judge and command more then God hath put within the compasse of their power But as touching the passages of holy Sripture whichthe B. alleadgeth , Sect. 6 I will answer thereto particularly . And first , hee produceth that place Deut. Chap. 17. vers . 19. where the King was appointed to have the Booke of the Law of God with him , that he might learne to feare the Lord his God , and to keep all the words of this Law and these Statutes to doe them . What Logicke ( I pray ) can from this place inferre that Princes have the supreme power of governing all Ecclesiasticall causes ? Next , the B. tells us of Davids appointing of the offices of the Levites , and dividing of their courses , 1 Chron. 23. and his commending of the same to Solomon , 1. Chron 28. But he might have observed , that David did not this as a King , but as a Prophet or man of God. 2. Chron. 8. 14. yea those orders and courses of the Levites , were also commanded by other Prophets of the Lord. 2. Chron 29. 25. As touching Solomons appointing of the courses and charges of the Priests , Levites , & Porters , he did it not of himselfe , nor by his owne Princely authority , but because David the man of God had so commanded , 2. Chron. 8 14. For Solomon received from David , a patterne for all that which he was to doe in the worke of the house of the Lord , and also for the courses of the Priests and Levites , 1. Chron. 28. 11. 12 13. The B●…comes on and tells us that Hezekiah did applie his Regall Sect. 7 power to the Reformation of the Levites , and of the worship of God in their hands ; o saying : Heare me yee Levites , sanctify now your selves and sanctify the house of the Lord God of your fathers , and carry forth the filthinesse out of the holy place . Ans. He exhorted them to no more then Gods Law required of them . For the Law ordained them to sanctify themselves , and to doe the service of the house of the Lord , Num. 8. 6. 11. 15. & 18. 32. So that Hezekiah did here constitute nothing by his owne arbitrement and authority , but plainly sheweth his warrant , vers . 11. The Lord hath chosen you to stand before him , to serve him , and that you should minister unto him . But the B , further alleadgeth out of 2 Chron. 31. that Hezekiah appointed the courses of the Priests and Levites , every man according to his service . Answ. He might have read 2. Chron. 29. 25. that Hezekiah did all this according to the commandement of David & of God the Kings Seer , and Nathan the Prophet : for so was the commandement of the Lord by his Prophets . And who doubteth but Kings may command such things as God hath commanded before them . The next example which the B. alleadgeth , is out of 2. Chron. 35. Sect. 8 where we read that Iosias did set the Priests and Levites againe in their charges . Which example cannot prove that Kings have the supreme power of governing Ecclesiasticall causes , unlesse it be evinced that Iosias changed those orders and courses of the Levites & Priests , which the Lord had commanded by his Prophets 2 Chron. 29. 25. and that he did institute other orders by his owne Regall authority . Whereas the contrary is manifest from the Text. For Iosias did only set the Priests and Levites those charges and courses , which had been assigned unto them after the writing of David and Solomon vers . 4. and by the commandement of David , and Asaph , and Heman , and Ieduthun the Kings Seer , vers 15. Neither did Iosias command the Priests and Levites , any other service then that which was writen in the booke of Moses vers . 12. So that from his example it only followeth , that when Princes see the state of Ecclesiasticall persons corrupted , they ought to interpose their authority for reducing them to those orders and functions , which Gods Word commandeth . Moreover , the B. objecteth the example of Ioash : who , while he Sect. 8 yet did right in the dayes of Iehojada the Priest , p sent the Priests & Levites , to gather from all Israell , money for repairing the house of the Lord : and when they dealt negligently in this businesse , he transferred the charge of the same unto others , and making himselfe the Keeper of the holy money , did both prescribe how it was to be ●…eboursed , and likewise take from good Iehojada the Preist the administration of the same . Now , where he hath read that Ioash made himselfe the keeper of the money and prescribed how it should be deboursed , also that he tooke the administration ●…rom Iehojada ; I can not guesse , or the Text hath no such thing in it , but the contrary , viz. that the Kings Scri●…e , and the High Preists Officer , keeped the money and deboursed the same , as the King and Iehojada prescribed unto them . As to that which he truly alleadgeth out of the holy Text , I answer , 1. The collection for repairing the house of the Lord was no humane ordinance , for Ioash sheweth the Commandement of Moses for it , Vers. 6. having reference to Exod. 30. 12. 13. 14. No other collections did Ioash impose , q but those quae divino sure debebantur . 2. As for the taking of the charge of this collection from the Priests , he behooved to doe so , because they had still neglected the worke , when the three & twentie yeare of his raigne was come . And so say we , that when the ministers of the Church faile to doe their duty , in providing that which is necessary for the service of God , Princes ought by some other meanes to cause these things be redressed . 3. Joash did nothing with these money●…s without Iehojada , but r Pontifex eas primum laborantibus tribuit , tum in aedis s●…crae restauration em maxime converti●… . 4. And what if he had done this by himselfe ? I suppose no man will reckon the hiring of Masons and Carpenters , with such as wrought Iron and Brasse , or the gathering of money for this purpose , among spirituall things or causes . 5. And if these employments about Solomons Temple were not to be called Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , farre lesse about our materiall Churches , which are not holy nor consecrated as Solomons was for a typicall use . Wherefore without all prejudice to our cause , we may and doe commend the building and repairing of Churches by Christian Princes . But the B. returneth to another Example in Solemon , which is the Sect. 10 putting of Abjathar the chief Priest from his Office , and surrogating of another in his place . Answ. Abjathar was civilly dead , as the Lawyers use to speake , and it was only by accident or by consequent that Solomon put him from his Office : he sent him away to Anathoth , because of his treasonable following and aiding of Adonijah , whereupon necessarily followed his falling away from the honour , dignity and Office of the High-Priest : whence it only followeth , that if a Minister be found guilty of l●…se Majesty , the King may punish him either with banishment or proscription , or some such civill punishment , whereupon by consequence will follow his falling from his Ecclesiasticall office and dignity . 2. As for Solomons putting of Zadok in the roome of Abjathar , it maketh as litle against us , for Zadok did fall to the place jure divino . The honour and office of the High-Priesthood was given to Eliazer the Elder Sonne of Aaron , and was to remaine in his family . How it came to passe that it was transferred to Eli , who was of the family of Ithamar , we read not . Alwayes after that Abjathar , who was of the family of Ithamar , and descended of Eli , had by a capitall crime fallen from it , it did of very right belong to Zadoke , who was the chiefe of the family of Eliazer . And so all this flowed , not from Solomons , but from Gods owne authority . The B. remembreth another example in Hezekiah to , telling us Sect. 11 that he removed the high places , and brake the Images , and cut downe the groves , and brake in peeces the brazen serpent , when the children of Israel did burne incense vnto it . Now , we wish from our hearts , that from this example all Christian Kings may learne to remove and destroy the monuments of Idolatry out of their Dominions . And if it be said that in so doing , Kings take vpon them to governe by their Princely authority , an Ecclesiasticall or spirituall cause ; It is easily answered that when they destroy Idolatrous monuments , they doe nothing by their owne authority , but by the authority of Gods Law , s which commandeth to abolish such monuments , and to root out the very names of Idolls : which commandement is to be executed by the coaction of temporall power . Finally , saith the B. the Kings of the Iewes t have in the Temple propounded the Law of the Lord to the people , renued the covenant Sect. 12 of religion , pulled downe profane Altars , broken downe Idols , slaine idolatrous Priests , liberated their Kingdome from abomination , purged the Temple , w proclaimed the keeping of the passeover , and of the Feast of the Dedication , y and have also instituted new Feasts . For all which things they are in z the Scriptures much praised by the Holy Spirit . Answ. True it is , Iosias did reade the Law of the Lord to the people in the Temple , and made a covenant before the Lord , but 1. He prescribed nothing at his owne pleasure , only he required of the people to walke after the Lord , and to keepe his commaundements . 2. Neither yet did he this worke by himselfe , but did convocate a Counsell of the Prophets Priests and Elders of Israel , for the advancing of that reformation , 2. Kings . 23. 1. 3. And if he had done it by himselfe , yet we are to remember that the reformation of a Church generally and greatly corrupted , craveth the more immediate intermedling of Princes , and a great deale more then can be ordinarily and orderly done by them , in a Church already reformed . The slaying of the Idolatrous Priests had also the warrant and authority of the Law of God , which appointed a capitall punishment for blasphemers , a or such as in contempt of God , and to rub some ignominie upon his name , did traduce his doctrine and religion , and either detract from him and attribute to Idolls that which appertained properly unto him , or else attributed unto him either by enunciation or imprecation , such things as could not stand with the glory of the Godhead . Concerning the abolishing of Idolatry and all the reliques thereof , we have answered that it was commaunded by God. The keeping of the passeover was also commaunded in the Law : so that when Hezekiah enjoyned it , he did but publish Gods owne expresse ordinance . Last of all touching the two remanent examples . 1. The Feast of the Dedication was not ordained by the sole authority of Iudas , but b by his brethren and by the whole Congregation of Israel : and the dayes of Purim c were established by Mordecai a Prophet . 2. We have else-where made it evident , that the dayes of Purim by their first Institution were only dayes of civill joy and solemnity : and that the Feast of the Dedication was not lawfully instituted . Thus having dismissed the B. we will make us for clearing the purpose in hand . But before we come to shew particularly what Princes Sect. 13 may doe , and what they may not doe , in making Lawes about things Ecclesiasticall , we will first of all lay downe these Propositions following : 1. Whatsoever the power of Princes be in things and causes Ecclesiasticall , it is not ( sure ) absolute nor unbounded . Solius Dei est , saith e Stapleton , juxta suam sanctissimam voluntatem , action●… suas omn●… dirigere , & omnia facere quaecunque voluit . And againe : Vis tuam voluntatem esse regulam rerum omnium , ut omnia siant pro tuo beneplacito ? Whether we respect the persons or the places of Princes , their power is confined within certaine limits , so that they may not enjoyne whatsoever they list . As touching their persons : Bishop Spotswood would doe no lesse then warrant the Articles of Perth , by King Iames his personall qualities . His person f saith he , were he not our Soveraigne , gives them sufficient authority , being recommended by him : For he knowes the nature of things , and the consequences of them , what is fit for a Church to have , and what not , better then we doe all . I meane not to derogate any thing from King Iames his due deserved praise , nor to obscure his never dying memory . Only I say , that such a Prince as the B. speaketh of , who knoweth what is fit for a Church to have , and what not , better then many learned and godly Pastors assembled in a Synode , is Rara a●…is in terris nigroque simillima Cygno . For a Prince beeing but a man , and so subject to errour : being but one man , and so in the greater hazard of errour , for plus vident oculi , quam oculus ; and woe to him that 〈◊〉 alone , when he falleth , for he hath not another to help him up saith g the wisest of mortall Kings : being also compassed & assailed with so many and so mighty tentations , which other men are free of : and lastly , beeing so taken up and distracted with secular affaires and cares , that very seldome is he found well versed or singularly learned in the controversies of Religion : may not such a one in the common sence of Christians , be thought more like to faile & miscarry , in his judgement about things Ecclesiasticall , then a whole Synod , wherein there are many of the learned , judicious and godly Ministers of the Church . Papists tell us , that they will not defend the personall actions of the Pope , h quasi ipse solus omnibus horis sapore potuerit , id quod recte nemini concessum perhibetur . Their own records let the world know the abominable vices and impieties of Popes . Witnesse Platina , in the life of John the 10. Benedict the 4. John the 13. Boniface the 7. Iohn the 20 : — Iohn the 22. Paul the 2. &c. And further when our Adversaries dispute of the Popes infallability , they graunt , for his owne person , he may be an Heriticke : only they hold that he cannot erre e Cathedra . And shall we now Idolize the persons of Princes more then Papists doe the persons of Popes ? Or shall Papists object to us , that we extoll the judgement of our Princes to a higher degree of authority & infallibility , then they yeeld to the judgement of their Popes ? Alas , why would we put Weapons in the hands of our Adversaries ? But what say we of Princes in respect of their place and Sect. 14 calling ? Is not their power absolute in that respect ? Recte quidam , saith i Saravia , illiberalis & inverecundi censet esse ingenij , de Principum potestate & rebus gestis questionem movere , quando & Imperator sacrilegium esse scribit , de eo quod a Principe factum est disputare . k Camero holdeth that in things pertaining to externall order in religion , Kings may command what they will pr●… authoritate , and forbidde to seeke another reason beside the Majesty of their authority : yea that vvhen they command frivola , dura , & iniqua respectu nostri , our consciences are bound by those their frivolous and unjust commaundements , not only in respect of the end , because scandall should possibly follovv in case vve obey them not , but also Iubentis respectu , because the Apostle biddeth us , obey the Magistrate for conscience sake . At the reading of these Passages in Sarauia & Camero , horrour and amazement have taken hold on me . O wisedome of God , by whom Kings doe raigne & Princes decree Iustice upon whose thigh & vesture is written King of Kings & Lord of Lords ; make the Kings of the Earth to know that their Lawes are but Regulae regulatae , and mensurae mensuratae . Be wise now therefore . O ye Kings : Be instructed ye Iudges of the Earth . Serve the Lord with feare , and rejoyce with trembling . Kisse the Sonne , and lay downe your Crownes at he feete of the Lambe l that sits upon the Throne , discite justitiam moniti , and remember that this is the beginning of wisedome , by casting pride away , to addict yourselves to the Dominion of Christ : Who albeit he hath given the Kingdomes of this world unto your hands , and Non a●…feret mortalia , Qui regna dat caelestia ; m yet hath he kept the governement of his Church upon his owne shoulder . So that Rex non est proprie Rector Ecclesiae , sed Reipublicae : Ecclesiae vero Defensor est . O all yee Subjects of Kings and Princes understand that in things pertaining to the Church and Kingdome of Christ , n ye are not the Servants of men ; to doe what they list , and that for their listing . The Apostle Rom. 13. ( o ) urgeth not obedience to Magistrates for conscience sake , but only subjection for conscience sake . For p he concludeth his whole purpose Vers. 7. Render therefore to all their dues , tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , feare to whom feare , honour to whom honour . There is not in all that Chapter one word of obedience to Magistrats . And as touching the binding power of their Lawes , be they never so just they cannot bind you any other way nor in respect of the generall end of them : For per se they cannot bind more then the Churches Lawes can . Which things q D. Forbesse also hath told you out of Calvine . And hence it followeth , that whensoever you may omit that which Princes enjoyne , without violating the Law of Charity , you are not holden to obey them , for the Majesty of Princely authority . Be ashamed O ye Formalists of your ascribing to Princes a Iurisdiction so absolute . Bury it in the grave of eternall silence . Tell it not in Rome : publish it not among the Vashals of Antichrist , lest the daughters of Babylon rejoice , lest the worshippers of the Beast triumph . O how small confidence have the Cardinals , I say not now into the Popes person , but even into his chaire , when beeing entered in the Conclave , for the election of a new Pope , they spend the whole day following in the making of Lawes , belonging to the administration & handling of all things by him . who shal be advāced to the Popedome : which lawes every one of them subscribeth , and swareth to observe , if he be made Pope , as Onuphrius writeth . Though the Popes owne creatures the Iesuites in their Schooles and Bookes , must dispute for his infallibility e Cathedra , yet we see what trust the wise Cardinalls shut up in the Conclave , doe put in him , with what bound they tie him & within what bounds they confine his power . Albeit the Pope after he is created observeth not strictly this oath , as r that wise writer of the History of the Councell of Trent noteth : yet let me say once againe ; shall we set up the power of Princes higher , or make their power lesse limited , then Papists doe the power of Popes ? Or shall they set bounds , to Popes , and we set none to Princes . But I find my self a little digressed , after the roving absurdities Sect. 15 of some opposites . Now , therefore to returne , the second Proposition which I am here to lay downe , before I speak particularly of the pow er of Princes , is this , whatsoeuer Princes can commendably either do by themselves , or command to be done by others , in such matters as any way pertaine to the externall worship of God , must be both law ful in the nature of it , and expedient in the use of it , which conditions if they be wanting , their commandemēts cannot bind to obedience . For s 1. The very ground and reason wherefore we ought to obey the Magistrate , is , for that he is the Minister of God , or a Deputie set in Gods stead to us . Now , he is the Minister of God , only for our good , Rom. 13 4. Neither were he Gods Minister , but his owne Master , if he should rule at his pleasure●… , and command things which serve not for the good of the Subjects . Since therefore the commaundements of Princes bind only so farre as they are the Ministers of God for our good : and Gods Ministers they are not , in commanding such things as are either in their nature unlawfull , or in their use inconvenient : it followeth that such commaundements of theirs cannot bind . 2. Princes cannot claime any greater power in matters Ecclesiasticall , then the Apostle Paul had , or the Church her selfe yet hath : that is to say , Princes may not by any Temporall or Regall Iurisdiction urge any Ceremony or forme of Ecclesiasticall Policy , which the Apostle once might not , and the Church yet may not urge by a Spirituall Jurisdiction . But neither had the Apostle of old , nor hath the Church now power to urge either a Ceremony or any thing else , which is not profitable for edifying . Paul could doe nothing against the truth but for the truth , and his power was given him to edification and not to destruction , 2. Cor. 13. 8 10. Neither shall Ecclesiasticall persons to the worlds end receive any other power , beside that which is for the perfecting of the Saints , and for the edifying of the body of Christ. Eph. 4. 12. Therefore as s the Churches power is only to prescribe that which may edify , so the power of Princes is in like sort given to them for edification , and not for destruction , neither can they doe ought against the truth , but only for the truth . 3. We are bound by the Law of God , to doe nothing which is not good & profitable or edifying , 1. Cor. 6. 12. & 14. 26. This Law of Charity is of a higher and straiter bound then the Law of any Prince in the World. The generall rule of all indifferent things , is , let all things be done to edification : And Rō . 15. 1. 2. let every man please his neighbour to edification , even as Christ pleased not himself , but others . Whatsoever then is of this ranke , which either would weaken or not edify our brother , he it never so lawfull , never so profitable to our selves , never so powerfully by earthly authority injoyned ; Christians who are not borne vnto themselues , but vnto Christ , vnto his Church , and fellowe members , must not dare to m●…ddle with it , saith t one well to our purpose . A third Proposition I premit , which is this . Since the power Sect. 16 of Princes to make Lawes about things Ecclesiasticall , is not absolute , but bound and adstricted vnto things lawfull and expedient , which sort of things , and no other , we are allowed to doe for their commandements : and since Princes many times may and doe not only transgresse those bounds and limits , but likewise pretend that they are within the same , when indeed they are without them , and inioyne things vnlawfull and in convenient , vnder the name , title , and shew of things lawfull and convenient : Therefore it is most necessary as well for Princes to permit , as for Subjects to take liberty to trie and examine by the judgement of discretion , everie thing which auctority enjoyneth whether it be agreeable or repuguant to the rules of the word , and if after triall it be found repugnant to abstaine from the doing of the same . For 1. The word teacheth us , that the spirituall man judgeth all things 1. Cor. 2. 15. trieth the things that are different . Phil. 1. 10. hath his sences exercised to discerne both good and evill . Hebr. 5. 14. and that every one who wold hold fast that which is good , and abstaine from all appearance of evill , must first prove all things . 1. Thessal . 5. 21. 2. Whatsoever is not of faith is sinne Rom. 14. 23. But whatsoever a man doeth without the triall , Knowledge , and persuasion of the lawfullnesse of it , by the word of God , that is not of faith . Ergo a sinne . It is the word of God , and not the arbitrement of Princes wehereupon faith is grounded . And though the word may be withoutfaith , yet faith can not be without the word . By it therefore must a man trie and know assuredly the lawfullnesse of that which he doth . 3. Everie one of vs shall give account of himself to God. But as we cannot give an account to God of those actions which wee have done in obedience to our Prince , except we have examined●… considered , and vnderstood the lawfullnesse of the same : so an account could not be required of us for them , if we were bound to obey and to keep all his ordinances , in such sort that we might not trie and examine them , with full liberty to refuse those which we judg out of the word to be vnlawfull or inconvenient : for then Princes ordinances were a most sufficient warrant to us : we needed trie no more ▪ let him make an account to God of his command : we have acount to make of our obedience . 4. If we be bound to receive and obey the lawes of Princes , without making a free triall and examining of the equity of the same , then wee could not be punished for doing 〈◊〉 ▪ willingly and in ignorance , things unlawfull prescribed by them . Whereas every soule that sinneth shall dye ; and when the blind leads the blind , he who is ledde falls in the ditch as well as his leader . 5. No man is permitted to doe every thing which seemeth right in his eyes , and to follow every conceit which takes him in the head : but every man is bound t to walke by a rule : But the Law of a Prince cannot be a rule , except it be examined , whether it , be consonant to the Word of God. Index secundum legem , and his Law is only such a rule as is ruled by a higher rule : In so farre as it is ruled by the owne rule of it , in as farre it is a rule to us : and in so farre as it is not ruled by the owne rule of it , in as farre it is not a rule to us . Quid ergo ? an non licebit Christiano cuique convenientiam regula & regulati ( ut vocant observare ? saith w Iunius . 6. The rule whereby we ought to walke in all our wayes , and according to which we ought to frame all our actions , is provided of God x a stable and sure rule , that it being obserued and taken heed unto , may guide and direct our practise aright , about all those things which it prescribeth . But the Law of a Prince ( if we should without triall and examination take it for our rule , ) cannot be such a stable and sure rule . For put the case that a Prince enjoyne two things which sometimes fall out to be incompatible , and cannot stand together , in that case his Law cannot direct our practise , nor resol●… 〈◊〉 what to doe . Whereas God hath so provided for us , that the case can never occurre , wherein we may not be resolved what to doe , if we observe the rule which he hath appointed us to walke by . 7. Except this Iudgement of discretion which we plead for , be permitted unto us , it will follow that in the point of obedience we ought to give no lesse , but as much honour unto Princes , as unto God himselfe : For when God publisheth his Commandements unto us , what greater honour could we give him by our obedience , then to doe that which he commandeth , for his owne sole will and authority , without making further enquiry for any other reason . 8. The Apostle , 1. Cor. 7. 23. forbiddeth us to be the servant of men , that is , to doe things for which we have no other warrant , beside the pleasure and will of men . Which interpretation is grounded upon other places of Scripture , that teach us , we are not bound to obey men in any thing , which we know not to be according to the will of God , Eph. 6 6. 7. that we ought not to live to the lusts of men but to the will of God , 1. Pet. 4. 2. and that therefore we ought in every thing to prove what is acceptable unto the Lord , Eph. 5. 20. 9. They who cleanse their way , must take heed thereto according to the Word , Psal. 119. 9. Therefore if wee take not heed to our way according to the Word , we doe not cleanse it . They who would walke as the Children of light , must have the Word for a lampe unto their feet , and a light unto their path , Psal. 119. 105. Therefore if we goe in any path , without the light of the Word to direct us , we walke in darkenesse and stumble , because we see not where wee goe . They who would not bee unwise , but walke circumspectly , must understand , what the will of the Lord is , Eph. 5. 17. Therefore , if we understand not what the Will of the Lord is concerning that which we doe , we are unwise , and walke not circumspectly . 10. y Dona Dei in Sanctis non sunt otiosa . Whatsoever Grace God giveth us , it ought to be used and exercised , and not to lie idle in us . But z God giveth us actionem cognoscendi , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 discernendi , &c. a certaine measure of the Spirit of Discretion , to teach us what to choose as good , and what to refuse as evill , 1 Ioh. 2. 27. The same anointing teacheth you of all things , 1 Cor. 2. 15. He that is Spirituall judgeth all things . Therefore God would have us to exercise that measure of the gift of discretion , which he hath bestowed on us , in discerning of things which are propounded to us , whether they ought to be done or not . 11. Doe not our Divines plead for this judgement of private discretion , which ought to be permitted to Christians , when any thing is propounded to bee believed or done by them ? And this their judgement is to bee seene in their writings against Papists about the Controversies de interpretatione Scripturae , deside implicita , &c. 12. The Bishop of Sarisburie in his Prelections de judice controversiarum , doth often and in many places commend unto Christians , the same judgement of discretion which wee stand upon , & holdeth it necessary for them to trie and examine whatsoever either Princes or Prelates command them to doe . Coactiva , &c. The coactive Power of a Prince a saith he , doth not absolutely bind the Subject , but onely with this condition , except he would compell him to that which is unlawfull . Therefore there is ever left unto Subjects a Power of proving and judging in their owne mind , whether that which is propounded be ungodly and unlawfull or not : and if it be ungodly , that which the King threatneth should be suffered , rather then that which he commandeth bee done . This Augustine hath taught &c. And whereas it might be objected , that this maketh a Subject to be his Princes Iudge , b he answereth thus . Non se &c , He maketh not himselfe anothers Iudge , who pondereth and examineth a Sentence published by another , in so farre as it containeth something either to be done or to be believed by him ; but onely hee maketh himselfe the Iudge of his owne actions . For , howsoever he who playeth the Iudge , is truly said to judge , yet every one who judgeth is not properly sayd to play the Iudge . Hee playeth the Iudge , who in a externall Court pronounceth a Sentence , which by force of Iurisdiction toucheth another : but he judgeth , who in the inferiour Court of his owne private Conscience conceiveth such a Sentence of the things to be believed or done , as pertaineth to himselfe alone : This latter way private men both may and ought to judge of the Sentences and Decrees of Magistrates , neither by so doing doe they constitute themselves Iudges of the Magistrates , but Iudges of their owne actions . Finally , there is none of our Opposites , but saith so much as inferreth Sect. XVII the necessity of this Iudgement of private and practicall discretion , for every smatterer among them hath this much in his mouth , that if the King or the Church commande any thing unlawfull , then we ought to obey God rather then men : but when they commaund things indifferent and lawfull , then their Ordinance ought to be our Rule . But ( goodmen ) will they tell us , how wee shall know , whether the things which the King , or the Church ( as they speake ) doe injoyne , are lawfull or unlawfull , indifferent , or not indifferent ; and so we shall be at a point . Dare they say , that we must judge those things indifferent which our Superiours judge to be such , and those unlawfull , which our Superiours so judge of ? Nay , then they should deliver their distinction in other tearmes , and say thus : If our Superiours injoyne any thing which they judge to be unlawfull , and which they command us so to account of , then we ought to obey God rather then men : but if they injoyne such things as they judge to be indifferent , and which they command us so to account of , then we ought to obey their Ordinance . Which distinction me thinks , would have made Heraclitus himselfe to fall a lauging with Democritus . What then remaineth ? Surely our Opposites must either say nothing , or else say with us , that it is not onely a Liberty but a duty of Inferiours , not to receive for a thing lawfull that which is injoyned by Superiours , because they account it and call it such , but by the judgement of their owne discretion following the rules of the Word , to trie and examine , whether the same be lawfull or unlawfull . These Praecognita beeing now made good , come wee to speake Sect. XVIII more particularly of the Power of Princes to make Lawes and Ordinances about things which concerne the Worship of God. The purpose we will unfold in three distinctions , 1. of things . 2. of times 3. of ties . First , let us distinguish two sorts of things in the Worship of God , viz. things substantiall , & things circumstantiall . To things substantiall we referre as well sacred and significant Ceremonies as the more necessary and essentiall parts of Worship , and in a word , all things which are not mere externall circumstances such as were not particularly determinable within those bounds which it pleased God to set to his written Word , and the right ordering whereof , as it is common to all humane societies whether civill or sacred , so it is investigable by the very light and guidance of naturall reason . That among this kind of mere circumstances , sacred signifiant Ceremonies can not be reckoned , we have otherwhere made it evident . Now therefore of things pertaining to the substance of Gods worship , whether they be sacred Ceremonies , or greater and more necessary duties , we say that Princes have not power to injoyne any thing of this kynd , which hath not the plaine and particular Institution of God himself in Scripture . They may indeed and ought to publish Gods owne ordinances and commandements , and by their coactive temporall power urge and inforce the observation of the same . Notwithstanding it is a Princes duty , c that in the worship of God , whether internall or externall , he move nothing , he prescribe nothing , except that which is expressely delivered in Gods owne written Word . We must beware we confound not things which have the plaine warrant of Gods Word , with things devised by the will of man. David , Iehosaphat , Hezekiah , Iosiah , and other Kings among the people of God , did as well laudably as lawfully , injoyne and command that worship and for me of Religion , which God in his Law and by his Prophets commanded ; and forbid , avoid , and abolish such corruptions , as God had for bidden before them , and appointed to be abobished : whence it followeth not that Kings may in joyne things which want the warrant of the word , but only this much , which we all commend , viz. d That a Christian Princes office in Religion , is diligently to take care that in his Dominion or kingdome , Religion out of the pure word of God , expounded by the word of God it self , and understood according to the first Principles of faith ( which others call the analogy of faith ) either be instituted ; or beeing instituted be kept pure ; or beeing corrupted be restored and reformed : that false doctrines , abuses , Idolls , and superstitions , be taken away to the glory of God , and to his owne and his Subjects salvation . But in all the Scripture Princes have neither a commendable example , Sect. XIX not any other warrant , for the making of any innovation in Religion , or for the prescribing of sacred significant Ceremonies of mens devising . Ieroboam caused a change to be made in the Ceremonies and forme of Gods worship . Whereas God ordained the Arke of the Covenant to be the signe of his presence , and that his glory should dwell between the Cherubims . Ieroboam set up two Calves to be the signes representative of that God who brought Israel out of Egypt . And this he meanes while he saith , e Behold thy Gods , &c. giving to the signes the thing signified . Whereas God ordained Ierusalem to be the place of worship , and all the sacrifices to be brought to the Temple of Solomon , Ieroboam made , Dan and Bethel to be places of worship , and built there Altars and high places for the sacrifices . Whereas God ordained the sonnes of Aaron onely to be his Priests , Ieroboam made Priests of the lowest of the people , which were not of the sonnes of Levi. Whereas God ordained the feast of Tabernacles to be kept on the fifteenth day of the seaventh moneth , Ieroboam appointed it on the sisteenth day of the eight moneth . Now , if any Prince in the world might have faire pretences for the making of such innovations in Religion . Ieroboam much more . He might alledge for his changing of the signes of Gods presence , and of the place of worship , that since Rehoboams wrath was incensed against him , and against the ten Tribes which adhered vnto him , ( as appeareth by f the accounting of them to be rebells , and by g the gathering of a huge armie , for bringing the kingdome againe to Rehoboam ) it was no longer safe for his subjects to goe up to Ierusalem to worsh p , in which case God who required mercy more then sacrifice , would beare with their changing of a fewe Ceremonies , for the safety of mens lives . For his putting downe of the Priests and Levites , and his ordaining of other Priests which were not of the sonnes of Levi : he might pretend that they were rebellious to him , in that h hey would not assent vnto his new ordinances , which he had enacted for the safetie and security of his Subjects , and that they did not only simply refuse obedience to these his ordinances , but in their refusall shew themselves so stedfastly minded , that they wolud refuse and with stand even to the suffering of deprivation and deposition ; and not only so , but likewy se i drew after them many others of the rest of the Tribes , to be of their judgement , and to adhere to that manner of worship which was retained in Ierusalem . Lastly , for the change which he made about the season of the feast of Tabernacles , he might have this pretence , that as it was expedient for the strengthening of his kingdome , k to drawe and allure as many as could be had , to associat and joyne themselves with him in his forme of worship , ( which could not be done if he should keep that feast , at the same time when it was keeped at Ierusalem ; ) so there was no lesse ( if not more ) order and decency in keeping it in the eight moneth , l when the fruits of the ground were perfectly gathered in ( for thankefull remembrance whereof , that feast was celebrated ) then in the seaventh , when they were not so fully collected . These pretences he might have made yet more plausible , by professing and avouching , that he intended to worship no Idolls , but the Lord only ; that he had not fallen from any thing which was fundamentall and essentiall in divine Faith and Religion ; that the changes which he had made , were only about some alterable Ceremonies , which were not essentiall to the worship of God ; and that even in these Ceremonies he had not made any change for his owne will and pleasure , but for important reasons which concerned the good of his Kingdome and saffety of his Subjects . Notwithstanding of all this , the innovations which he made about these Ceremonies of sacred Signes , sacred Places , sacred Persons , sacred Times , are condemned for this very reason , because m he devised them of his owne heart , which was enough to convince him of horrible impiety in making Israel to sinne . Moreover , when king Ahaz tooke a patterne of the Altar of Damascus and sent it to Vrijah the Priest , though we can not gather from the Text , that he either intended or pretended any other respect beside n the honouring and pleasuring of his Patrone and Protectour the king of Assyria , ( for of his appointing that new altar , for his owne and all the peoples sacrifices , there was nothing heard till after his returne from Damascus , at which time he beganne to fall backe , from one degree of defection to a greater : ) yet this very innovation of taking the patterne of an Altar from Idolaters , is marked as a sinne and a snare . Last of all , whereas many of the kings of Iudah and Israel , did either themselves worship in the groves and the high places , or else at least suffer the people to doe so : housoever o they might have alledged specious reasons for excusing themselves , as namely , that they gave not this honour to any strange Gods , but to the Lord only ; that they choosed these places only to worship in , wherein God was of olde seene and worshipped by the Patriarchs ; that the groves and the high places added a most amiable splendor and beauty , to the worship of God ; and that they did consecratethese places for divine worship , in a good meaning , and with minds wholly devoted to the honour of God : yet notwithstanding , because this thing was not commanded of God , neither came it in to his heart , he would admit no excuses , but ever challengeth it as a grievous fault in the governement of those Kings , that the high places were not taken away , and that the people still sacrificed in the high places . From all which examples , we learne how higly God was and is displeased with men , p for adding any other sacred Ceremonies to those which he himselfe hath appointed . Now as touching the other sort of things which we consider in Sect. XX the Worship of God , namely , things merely circumstantiall , and such as have the very same use and respect in civill , which they have in sacred actions ; we hold , that whensoever it happeneth to be the duty and part of a Prince , to institute and injoyne any order or policy in these circumstances of Gods Worship , then he may onely injoyne such an order , as may stand with the observing and following of the Rules of the Word , whereunto wee are tied in the use and practice of things which are in their generall nature indifferent . Of these Rules I am to speake in the fourth part of the Dispute . And here I say no more but this : Since the Word commandeth us q to doe all things to the Glory of God , r to doe all things to edifying , & s to doe all things in Faith , & full persuasion of the lawfulnesse of that which we doe : therefore there is no Prince in the world who hath Power to command his Subjects , to doe that which should either dishonour God , or not honour him ; or that which should either offend their brother , or not edify him , or lastly , that which their conscience either condemneth , or doubteth of . For how may a Prince command that which his Subjects may not doe ? But a wonder it were , if any man should so farre refuse to be ashamed , that he would dare to say , we are not bound to order whatsoever we doe according to these Rules of the Word , but onely such matters of private action , wherein we are lest at full liberty , there beeing no Ordinance of Superiours to determine our practi●… ; and that it such an Ordinance be published and propounded unto us , we should take it alone for our Rule , and no longer thinke to examine and order ourpractise by the Rules of the Word . For , 1. This were as much as to say , that in the circūstances of Gods Worship , we are bound to take heed unto Gods Rules , then onely and in that case , when men give us none of their Rules , which if they doe , Gods Rules must give place to mens Rules , and not theirs to his . 2. If it were so , then we should never make reckoning to God , whether that which wee have done in obedience to Superiours , was right or wrong , good or bad : and we should onely make reckoning of such things done by us , as were not determined by a humane Law. 3. The Law of Superiours in never the supreame , but ever a subordinate Rule , and ( as we said before ) it can never be a Rule to us , except in so farre onely , as it is ruled by a higher Rule . Therefore we have ●…ver another Rule to take heed unto , beside their Law. 4. The Scripture speaketh most generally , and admitteth no exception from the Rules which it giveth . Whatsoever ye doe ( though commanded by Superiours ) doe all to the Glory of God. Let all things ( though commanded by Superiours ) be done to edifying . Whatsoever is not of Faith ( though commanded by Superiours ) is sinne . 5. We may doe nothing for the sole will and pleasure of men : for this were to be the Servants of men , as hath been shewed t The Bishop of Sarisburie also assenteth hereunto . Non enim ( saith he ) Deus vult , ut hominis alicujus voluntatem regulam nostrae voluntatis atque vitae faciams : sed hoc privilegium sibi ac verbo suo reservatum voluit . And againe Pio itaqu●… animo haec consideratio semper adesse debet , utrum id quod praecipitur sit divino mandato contrarium , necne : atque ne ex hac parte fallantur , adhibedum est illud judicium discretionis , quod nos tantopere urgemus . These things if x Saravia had considered , he had not so absolutely Sect. XXI pronounced that the Power of Kings may make Constitutions of the places and times , when and where the exercises of Piety may bee conveniently had : also with what Order , what Rite , what Gesture , what Habite , the Mysteries shall bee more decently celebrated . But what ? thought hee , this Power of Kings is not a st●…cted to the Rules of the Word ? have they any Power which is to destruction , and not to edification ? Can they commaund their Subjects to doe any thing in the circumstances of Divine Worship , which is not for the Glory of God , which is not profitable for edifying , and which they can not doe in Faith ? Nay , that all the Princes in the world have not such Power as this , will easily appeare to him who attendeth unto the reasons , which wee have propounded . And because men doe easily and ordinarily pretend , that their constitutions are according to the Rules of the Word , when they are indeed repugnant to the same , therefore we have also proven , that Inferiours may & must trie and examine every ordinance of their Superiours , and that by the judgement of private discretion , following the Rules of the Word . I say , following the Rules of the Word , because wee will never allowe a man to follow Anabaptisticall or Swenckfeldian-like enthysiasmes and inspirations . Touching the application of what hath been said , unto the controverted Sect. XXII Ceremonies , there needs nothing now to be added . For that they belong not to that sort of things which may be applied to civill uses , with the same respect and account which they have , being applied to religious uses , the account I meane of mere circumstances , serving onely for that common order and decency , which is and should be observed in civill , no lesse then in sacred actions ; but that they belong to the substance of Worship , as beeing sacred significant Ceremonies , wherein both holinesse and necessity are placed , and which may not without high sacriledge be used out of the compasse of Worship , wee have elsewhere plainly evinced . And this kinde of things , whensoever they are mens devices , and not Gods Ordinances , can not be lawfully injoyned by Princes , as hath been shewed . But if any man will needs have these Ceremonies in question , to goe under the name of mere circumstances , let us put the case they were no other , yet our conforming unto them , which is urged , can not stand with the Rules of the Word . It could not be for the Glory of God , not onely for that it is offensive to many of Christs litle ones , but likewise for that it ministreth occasion to the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme ; to Atheists , because by these naughty observances they see the Commandements of God made of litle or no effect , and many godly both Persons & Purposes despised and depressed , whereat they laugh in their sleeve , and say , Aha , so would we have it ; to Papists , because as by this our Conformity , they confirme themselves in sundry of their errors and superstitions , so perceiving us so litle to abhorre the Pompe & Bravery of their Mother of Harlots , that we care not to borrow from her some of her meretricious trinckets , they promise to themselves , that in the end we shall take as great a draught of the Cup of the Wine of her Fornications , as they themselves Neither yet can our conforming unto the Ceremonies pressed on us , be profitable for edifying , for we have given sufficient demonstration of manifold hurts and inconveniences ensuing thereo●… . Nor lastly can we conforme to them in Faith , for as our Consciences can not finde , so the Word can not afford any warrant for them . Of all which things now I onely make mention , because I have spoken of them enough otherwhere . The second distinction , which may help our light in this question Sect. XXIII about the Power of Princes , is of times : for , when the Church and Ministers thereof are corrupted and must be reformed , Princes may doe much more in making Lawes about things Ecclesiasticall , then regularly they may , when Ecclesiasticall Persons are both able and willing to doe their duty , in rightly taking care of all things , which ought to be provided for the good of the Church , and conservation or purgation of Religion . For ( saith y Iunius ) both the Church , when the joyning of the Magistrate faileth , may extraordinarily doe something , which ordinarily shee can not : and againe , when the Church faileth of her duty , the Magistrate may extraordinarily procure , that the Church returne to her duty : that is , in such a case extraordinarily happening , these ( Ecclesiasticall Persons ) and those ( Magistrates ) may extraordinarily doe something , vvhich ordinarily they can not . For this belongeth to common Lavv and Equity , that unto extraordinary evils , extraordinary remedies must also be applied . We aknowledge , that it belongeth to Princes , z to reforme things in the Church as often as the Ecclesiasticall Persons shall either through ignorance or disorder of the affection of covetousnesse or ambition , defile the Lords Sanctuary . At such extraordinary times , Princes by their coactive temporall Power , ought to procure & cause a Reformation of a buses , and the avoiding of misorders in the Church , though with the discontent of the Cleargie : for which end and purpose they may not onely injoyne and command the Profession of that Faith , and the Practise of that Religion which Gods Word appointeth , but also prescribe such an order and policy in the circumstances of Divine Worship , as they in their judgement of Christian Discretion , observing and following the Rules of the Word , shall judge and trie to be convenient for the present time and case , and all this under the commination of such temporall losses , paines , or punishments , as they shall deprehend to be reasonable . But at other ordinary times , when Ecclesiasticall Persons are neither through ignorance unable , nor through malice and perversenesse of affection unwilling , to put order to whatsoever requireth any mutation to bee made in the Church and Service of God , in that case without their advice and consent , Princes may not make an innovation of any Ecclesiasticall Rite , nor publish any Ecclesiasticall Law. When a D. Field speaketh of the Power of Princes , to prescribe Sect. XXIV and make Lawes about things spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , he saith , That the Prince may with the advice and direction of his Cleargie , command things pertaining to Gods Worship and Service , both for Profession of Faith , Ministration of the Sacraments , and conversation fitting to Christians in generall , or men of Ecclesiasticall order in particular , under the paines of Death , Imprisonement , Banishment , Confiscation of goods , and the like : and by his Princely Power establish things formerly defined and decreed against whatsoever error , and contrary ill custome and observation . In all this the D. saith very right : but I demaund further these two things . 1. What if the thing have not been decreed before ? and what if the free assent of the Cleargie be not had for it ? would the D. have said , that in such a case , the Prince hath not Power by himselfe & by his owne sole Auctority , to injoyne it , and to establish a Law concerning it . For example , that K. Iames had not Power by himselfe to impose the controverted Ceremonies upon the Church of Scotland , at that time , when as no free assent ( much lesse the direction ) of the Cleargie , was had for them , so neither had they been formerly decreed , but Lawes and Decrees were formerly made against them . If the D. would have answered affirmatively , that he had this Power , then why did he in a scornefull dissimulation , so circumscribe and limit the Power of Princes , by requiring a former decree , and the free assent of the Cleargie ? If he would have answered negatively , that he had not such Power , wee should have rendred him thankes for his answer . 2. Whether may the Cleargie make any lawes about things pertaining to the Service of GOD which the Prince may not as well by himselfe and without them , constitute and authorize ? If the affirmative part bee graunted unto us , we gladly take it . But we suppose D. Field did , and our Opposites yet doe hold the negative . Whereupon it followeth , that the Prince hath as much , yea the very same Power of making lawes in all Ecclesiasticall things which the Cleargie themselves have when they are conveened in a lawfull and free Assembly , yet I guesse from the D. words , what hee would have replied , namely , that the difference is great betwixt the Power of making Lawes about things Ecclesiasticall , in the Prince , and the same Power in the Cleargie assembled togither : for he describeth the making of a Law , to be the prescribing of something , under some paine or punishment , which he that so prescribeth hath Power to inflict . Whereby hee would make it appeare , that he yeeldeth not unto Princes , the same power of Spirituall Iurisdiction , in making of Ecclesiasticall Lawes , which agreeth to the Cleargie : because whereas a Councell of the Cleargie may frame Canons about things which concerne the Worship of God , and prescribe them under the paine of excommunication and other Ecclesiasticall censures , the Ordinance of Princes about such matters , is onely under the paine of some externall or bodily punishment . But I answer Potestas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is one thing , and Potest●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is another thing . When the making of a Law is joyned either with the intention , or with the commination of a Punishment , in case of transgression , this is but accidentall and adventitious to the Law , not naturally or necessarily belonging to the essence of the same . For many Lawes there hath been , and may be , which prescribe not that which they containe under the same paine or punishment . b Gratian distinguisheth three sorts of Lawes . Omnis &c. Fvery Law saith he , either permits something , for example , let a valorous man seeke a reward : or forbids , for example , let it be lawfull to no man to seeke the marriage of holy Virgins : or punisheth , for example , Hee who committeth Murther , let him bee capitally punished . And in this third kinde onely , there is something prescribed under a paine or punishment . It is likewise holden by c Schoolemen , that it is a Law which permitteth some indifferent thing , as well , as it which commandeth some vertue , or forbiddeth some vice . When a Prince doth statute and ordaine , that whosoever out of a generous and magnanimous Spirit , will adventure to imbarke and hazard in a certaine military exploit , against a forraine enemy whom he intendeth to subdue , shall be allowed to take for himselfe in propriety , all the rich spoile which he can lay hold on : there is nothing here prescribed under some paine or punishment , yet is it a Law ; and properly so tearmed . And might not the name of a Law be given unto that Edict of King Darius , whereby d hee decreed that all they of his Dominions , should fear the God of Daniel , forasmuch as he is the living and eternall God , who raigneth for ever : yet it prescribed nothing under some paine or punishment to be inflicted by him who so prescribed . Wherefore though the Princ●… publisheth Ecclesiasticall Lawes under other paines and punishments , then the Cleargie doth , this sheweth onely that Potest●…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not the same , but different in the one and in the other : yet if it be granted , that whatsoever Ecclesiasticall Law , a Synode of the Cleargie hath Power to make and publish , the Prince hath Power to make and publish without them , by his owne sole Auctority , it followeth , that that Power of the Church to make Lawes which is called Potest●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth agree as much , as properly , and as directly to the Prince , as to a whole Synode of the Church . Now therefore we firmly hold , 1. That the Prince may not innovate Sect. XXV any Cuctome or Rite of the Church , nor publish any Ecclesiasticall law , without the free assent of the Cleargie , they beeing neither unable for , nor unwilling unto their Ecclesiasticall functions and duties : yea further , that so farre as is possible , the consent of the whole Church ought to be had , whensoever any change is to be made of some order or custome in the Church . For that which toucheth the whole Church , and is to be used by the whole Church e ab omnibus etiam merito curatur . Therefore f when there is any change to be made in the Rites of the Church , merito fit hoc eum omnium ordinum Ecclesiae consensu . Neither was there ever a rightly reformed Church , which was helped and not hurt , by such Rites and Customes , as to their grief and miscontentment Princes did impose upon them . Whence it was , that g they who were orthodoxe did ever withstand such a Magistrate , as would have by his commandements tied the Church , to that vvhich vvas burdensome to their consciences . That such inconveniencie●… may be shunned , it is fit , that when any change is to be made in the Policy of a Church , not the Cleargy alone , but the Elders also , and men of understanding among the Laytie , in a lawfull Assembly , freely give their voices , and consent thereunto . Good reason have our Writers to holde against Papists , that Laymen ought to have place in Councells , wherein things which concerne the whole Church are to be deliberated upon . 2. Lest it be thought enough that Princes devyse , frame , and establish Ecclesiasticall lawes , as them best liketh , and then for more shew of orderly proceeding , some secrete and sinistrous way extort and procure the assent of the Synod of the Church ; therefore we adde , that it belongeth to the Synode ( the Cleargie having the chiefe place therein to give direction and advice , ) not to receave and approve the definition of the Prince , in things which concerne the worship of God , but it selfe to define and determine what orders and customes are fittest to bee observed , in such things , that thereafter the Prince may approve and ratify the same , and presse them upon his Subjects by his regall coactive Power . To me , it is no lesse then a matter of admiration ; how h Camero could so farre forget himself as to say , that in things pertaining unto Religion , dirigere atque disponere penes magistratum est proprie , penes Ecclesiasticos ministerium atque executio proprie , telling us further , that the directing and disposing of such things , doth then only belong to Ecclesiasticall Persons , when the Church suffereth persecution , or when the Magistrate permitteth , that the matter be judged by the Church . Our Writers have said much of the power of the Church to make lawes . But this man ( I perceive ) will correct them all , and will not aknowledge , that the Church hath any power of making lawes , about things pertaining to Religon , ( except by accident , because of persecution , or permission ) but only a power of executing what Princes pl●…ase to direct . More fully to deliver our minde , we say ; that in the making of Lawes about things which concerne the worship of God , the Prince may doe much 〈◊〉 act●… i●…os , but nothing p●…r act●…●…licitos . For the more full explanation of which distinction , I liken the Prince to the will of man : the Ministers of the Church , to mans particular sences : a Synod of the Church , to that internall sence which is called Sensus communis , the fontaine & originall of all the externall : things and actions Ecclesiasticall , or such as concerne the worship of God , to the objects and actions of the particular sences : and the power of making Ecclesiasticall lawes , to that power and vertue of the common sence , whereby it perceiveth , discerneth , and judgeth of the objects and actions of all the particular sences . Now as the will commandeth the common sence to discerne and judge of the actions and objects of all the particular sences , thereafter commandeth the eye to see , the eare to heare , the nose to smell , &c yet it hath not power by it selfe to exercice or bring forth any of these actions ; for the will can neither see , nor yet judge of the object and action of sight , &c. So the Prince may command a Synode of the Church , to judge of Ecclesiasticall things and actions , and to define what order and forme of policy is most convenient to be observed , in things pertaining to divine worship , and thereafter he may command the particular Ministers of the Church to exercise the workes of their Ministery , and to applie themselves unto that forme of Church regiment and policy , which the Synode hath prescribed , yet he may not by himselfe define and direct such matters , nor make any lawes thereanent . For proof of these things I adde , 1. Politicke government , versatur Sect. XXVI circa res terrenas & hominem externum ( saith i one of our Writers ) Magistratus saith k another ) instituti sunt a Deo rerum humanarum quae hominum societati necessariae sunt respectu , & ad earum curam . But they are Ecclesiasticall Ministers , who are l ordained for men in thing pertaining to God , that is , in things which pertaine unto Gods worship . It belongeth not therefore to Princes to governe and direct things of this nature , even as it belongeth not to Pastors to governe and direct earthly things , which are necessary for the externall , and civill societie of men . I meane , ordinarly and regularly , for of extraordinary cases we have spoken other wise . But according to the common order and regular forme , we are ever to put this difference , betwixt Civill and Ecclesiasticall governement , which m one of our best learned Divines hath excellently conceived after this manner . Altera differentia , &c. The other difference ( saith he ) taken from the matter and subject of the administrations . For we have put in our definition humane things to be the subject of civill administration : but the subject of Ecclesiasticall administration , we have taught to be things divine and sacred : Things divine and sacred we call , both those which God commandeth for the sanctification of our minde and conscience , as things necessary ; and also those which the decency and order of the Church requireth to be ordained and observed , for the profitable and convenient use of the things which are necessary . For example , Prayers ; the administration of the Word and Sacraments , Ecclesiasticall censure ; are things necessary , and essentially belonging to the Communion of Saincts : but set dayes , set houres , set places , fasts , and if there be any such like , they belong to the decency and order of the Church : without which the Church can not be well edified , nor any particular member thereof rightly fashioned , and fitly set in the body . But humane things , we call , such duties as touch the life , the body , goods , and good name , as they are expounded in the seconde table of the Decalogue : for these are the things in which the wholle civill administration standeth . Behold , how the very circumstances , which pertaine to Ecclesiasticall order and decency , are exempted from the compasse of civill governement . 2. Naturall reason ( saith n the Bishop of Sarisburie ) telleth , that to judge of every thing , and to instruct others , belongeth to them who before others take paines & study to the care and knowledge of the same . So Phisitions judge , which meat is whollesome , which noysome : Lawyers declare , what is just , what unjust : and in all Arts and Sciences , they who professedly place their labour and study in the polishing and practising of the same , both use and ought to direct the judgements of others . Since therefore o the Ministers of the Church are those quibus Ecclesiae cura incumbit vel maxime ; since they doe above and before the civill Magistrate , devote themselves to the care and knowledge of things pertaining to God & his worship , where about they professe to bestow their ordinary study and painefull travell ; were it not most repugnant to the law of naturall reason , to say , that they ought not to direct , but be directed by the Magistrate in such matters ? 3. The Ministers of the Church are appointed to be Watchmen in the City of God , Mich. 7. 4. and Overseers of the Flocke , Acts. 20. v. 28. But when Princes doe without the direction and definition of Ministers establish certaine Lawes to be observed in things pertaining to Religion , Ministers are not then Watchmen and Overseers , because they have not the first sight , and so can not give the first warning of the change which is to be made in the Church . The Watchmen are upon the walles : the Prince is within the City . Shall the Prince now view and consider the breaches and defects of the City , better and sooner then the Watchmen themselves ? Or , shall one within the City tell what should be righted and helped therein , before them who are upon the walles ? Againe , the Prince is one of the flocke , and is committed among the rest to the care , attendance , and guidance of the Overseers . And I pray , shall one of the sheep direct the Overseers how to governe and leade the whole flocke , or prescribe to them what orders and customes they shall observe for preventing or avoiding any hurt and inconvenience , which may happen to the flocke ? 4. Christ hath ordained men of Ecclesiasticall order , p not onely for the worke of the Ministery , that is , for preaching the Word and ministring the Sacraments , for warning and rebuking them who sinne , for comforting the afflicted , for confirming the weake , &c. but also for provyding whatsoever concerneth either the private spirituall good of any member of the Church , which the Apostle calleth the perfecting of the Saincts , or the publike spirituall good of the whole Church , which he calleth the edifying of the body of Christ , Eph. 4. 12. Since therefore the making of Lawes , about such things without which the worship of God can not be orderly nor decently ( and so not rightly ) performed , concerneth the spirituall good and benefit of the whole Church , and of all the members thereof ; it followeth , that Christ hath committed the power of judging , defining , and making lawes about those matters , not to Magistrats , but to the Ministers of the Church . 5. q The Apostle speaking of the Church Ministers , saith , Obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves : for they watch for your soules as they that must give account . Whence we gather , that in things pertaining to God , & which touch the spirituall benefit of the soule , the Ministers of the Church ought to give direction , & to be obeyed , as those who in things of this nature have the rule over all others in the Church , ( and by consequence over Princes also , ) so that it bee in the Lord. And lest this place and power which is given to Ministers , should either be abused by thēselves to the commanding of what they will , or envied by others , as too great honour & preeminence , the Apostle sheweth what a painefull charge lieth on them , and what a great reckoning they have to make . They watch for your soules saith he , not only by preaching & warning every one , and by offering up their earnest prayers to God for you , but likewise by taking such care of Ecclesiasticall discipline , order , and policy , that they must provide and procure whatsoever shall be expedient for your spirituall good , and direct you in what convenient and beseeming manner , you are to performe the workes of Gods worship , as also to avoid and shunne every scandall and inconveniency , which may hinder your spirituall good . And of these things , whether they have done them or not , they must make account before the judgement seat of the great Bishop of your soules . Surely , if it belong to Princes to define and ordaine , what order & policy should be observed in the Church , what formes and fashiones should be used , for the orderly and right managing of the exercises of Gods worship , how scandalls and misorders are to be shunned , how the Church may be most edified , and the spirituall good of the Saincts best helped and advanced , by whollesome & profitable lawes , concerning things which pertaine to Religion ; then must Princes take also upon them a great part of that charge of Pastors , to watch for the soules of men , and must liberat them from beeing lieable to a reckoning for the same . 6. 〈◊〉 the great , Theodosi●… both the one and the other , Sect. XXVII Martian●… , Charles the great , and other Christian Princes , when there was any change to be made of Ecclesiasticall rites , did not by their owne auctority imperiously injoyne the change , but convocate Synods for deliberating upon the matter , as r Balduine noteth . The great Counsell of Nice was assembled by Constantine , not only because of the Arrian heresie , but also ( as s Socrates witnesseth ) because of the difference about the keeping of Easter . And though the Bishops , when they were assembled did put up to him libells of accusation , one against another , so that there could bee no great hope of their agreement upon fit and convenient Lawes ; yet notwithstanding , he did not interpone his owne definition and decree , for taking up that difference about Easter , only he exhorted the Bishops conveened in the Councell to peace , and so commended the whole matter to be judged by them . 7. We have for us the judgment of worthie Divines . A notable Testimony of Iunius we have allready cited . t Dan●… will not allowe Princes by thēselves to make Lawes about Ecclesiasticall rites , but this he will have done by a Synod . Porro quod ad ritus , &c. Furthermore saith he for Rites & Ceremonies , & that externall order which is necessary in the administration of the Church , let a Synod of the Church conveene ; the supreme and Godly Magistrat both giving commandement for the conveening of it , and beeing present in it . And let that Synod of the Church lawfully assembled , define what should be the order and externall regiment of the Church . This decree of the Ecclesiasticall Synod , shall the godly and supreame Magistrat afterward confirme , stablish , and ratify by his edict . u Ioh. Wolphius observeth of King Ioash , that he did not by himself take order for the reparation of the Temple , nor define what was to be done unto every breach therein , but committed this matter to be directed and cared for by the Priests , whom it chiefly concerned , commanding them to take course for the reparation of the breaches of the house , wheresoever any breach should be found , and allowing them money for the worke . Whereupon he further noteth , that as the superior part of mans soule , doth not it self , heare , see , touch , walke , speake , but commandeth the eares , eyes , hands , feet , and tounge , to doe the same , so the Magistrat should not himselfe either teach , or make lawes , but command that these things be done by the Doctors and Teachers . Cartwright and Pareus upon Hebr. 13. 17. tell the Papists , that we aknowledge , Princes are holden to be obedient unto Pastors , in things that belong unto God , if they rule according to the Word . Which could not be so , if the making of Lawes about things pertaining to God and his worship , did not of right and due belong unto Pastors , but unto Princes themselves . Our secound Booke of Discipline Chap. 12. ordaineth . The Ecclesiasticall Assemblies have their place : vvith povver to the Kirke to appoint times and places convenient ▪ for the same , and all men as vvell Magistrats , as inferiours , to be subject to the judgement of the same in Ecclesiasticall causes . x Balduine holdeth , that a Prince may not by himself injoyne any new Ecclesiasticall rite , but must convocat a Synod , for the deliberation and definition of such things . And what meane y our Writers , when they say , that Kings have no spirituall , but only a civill power in the Church ? As actions are discerned by the objects , so are powers by the actions : If therefore Kings doe commendably by themselves make lawes , about things pertaining to Gods worship , which is an spirituall action , then have they also a spirituall power in the Church . But if they have no spirituall power , that is , no power of spirituall jurisdiction , how can they actually exerce spirituall jurisdiction ? That the making of Lawes about things pertaining to Gods worship , is an action of spirituall jurisdiction , it needeth not great demonstration . For , 1. When a Synod of the Church maketh Lawes , about such things , all men know that this is an action of spirituall jur●…ction , flowing from that power of spirituall jurisdiction w●… is called potestas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And how then can the Princes making of such lawes , be called an action of civill , not of spirituall jurisdiction ? I see not what can be answered , except it be said , that the making of those lawes by a Synod is an action of spirituall jurisdiction , because they are made and published with the commination of spirituall and Ecclesiasticall punishments , in case of transgression ; but the making of them by the Prince , is an action of civill jurisdiction only , because he prescribeth and commandeth , under the paine of some temporall losse or punishment . But I have allready confuted this answere ; because notwithstanding of the different punishments which the one and the other hath power to threaten and inflict , yet at least that part of spirituall jurisdiction which we call potestas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remaineth the same in both , which power of making Lawes must not ( as I shew ) be confounded with that other power of judging & punishing offenders . 2. Actions take their species or kynd from the object and the end , when other circumstances hinder not . Now a Prince his making of Lawes about things pertaining to Religion , is such an action of Iurisdiction , as hath both a spirituall end , which is the edification of the Church and spirituall good of Christians , and likewise a spirituall object , for that all things pertaining to divine worship , even the very externall circumstances of the same , are rightly called things spirituall and divine , not civill or human , our Opposites can not denie , except they say , not only that such things touch the lives , bodies , estates , or names of men , and are not ordained for the spirituall benefit of their soules , but also that the Synod of the Church , whose power reacheth only to things spirituall , not civill or human , can never make Lawes about those circumstances which are applied unto and used in the worship of God. And as the Prince his making of Lawes about things of this nature , is in respect of the object and end , an action of spirituall jurisdiction , so there is no circumstance at all , which varieth the kind , or maketh it an action of civill jurisdiction only . If it be said that the circumstance of the person changeth the kynd of the action , so that the making of Lawes about things pertaining to Religion , if they be made by Ecclesiasticall persons , is an action of spirituall jurisdiction , but if by the civill Magistrat , an action of civill jurisdiction : this were a most extreamely unadvised distinction : for so might z Vzziah the King have answered for himself , that in burning incense he did not take upon him to execute the Priests office , because he was only a civill person : so may the Pope say , that he taketh not upon him the power of Emperours and Monarchs , because he is an Eccle●…sticall person . Many things men may doe de facto , which they can not de jure . Civill persons may exerce a spirituall jurisdiction and office , and againe Ecclesiasticall persons may exerce a civill jurisdiction , de facto , thought not de jure . Wherefore the Prince his making of Lawes about things spirituall , remaineth still an action of spirituall jurisdiction , except some other thing can be alledged to the contrary , beside the circumstance of the Person . But some man peradventure will object , that a Prince by his civill power may injoyne and command , not only the observation of those Ecclesiasticall rites which a Synod of the Church prescribeth , but also that a Synod ( when need is ) presribe new orders and rites , all which are things spirituall and divine : And why then may he not by the same civill power make lawes about the Rites and circumstances of Gods worship , notwithstanding that they are ( in their use and application to the actions of worship ) things spirituall , not civill . Ans. a The Schoolmen say , that an action proceedeth from charity two wayes , either elicitivè , or imperativè : and that those actions which are immediatly produced and wrought out by charity , belong not to other vertues distinct from charity , but are comprehended under the effects of charity it self , such as are the loving of good , and rejoycing ●…o it : other actions say they , which are only commanded by charity , belong to other speciall vertues distinct from charity ; So say I , an action may proceed from a civill power either elicitivé , or imperativè . Elicitivè a civill power can only make Lawes about things civill or human : but imperativé , it may command the Ecclesiasticall power to make Lawes about things spirituall , which Lawes thereafter it may command to be observed by all who are in Sect. XXVIII the Church . 8. Our Opposites themselves aknowledge no lesse , then that which I have beene pleading for . To devise new rites and Ceremonies saith b D. Bilson , is not the Princes vocation , but to receive and allowe such as the Scriptures and Canons commend , and such as the Bishops and Pastors of the place shall advise . And saith not c the Bishop of Sarisburie , Ceremonias utiles & decoras excogitare , ad Ecclesiasticos pertinet , tamen easdem comprobare , & toti populo observandas imponere , ad Reges spectat . d Camero saith , that it is the part of a Prince to take care for the health of mens soules , even as he doth for the health of their bodies , and that as he provideth not for the curing or preventing of bodily deseases directly and by himself , but indirectly and by the Phisitions , so he should not by himself prescribe cures & remedies for mens spirituall maladies . Perinde Principis est curare salutem animarum , ac ejusdem est saluti corporum prospicere : non est autem Principis providere ne morbi grassentur directe , esset enim Medicus , at in directe tamen Princeps id sludere debet . Whence it followeth , that even as when some bodily sicknesse spreadeth , a Princes part is not to prescribe a cure , but to command the Phisitions to doe it : just so , when any abuse , misorder , confusion , or scandall in the Church , requireth or maketh it neecssary that a mutation be made of some rite or order in the same , & that wholesome Lawes be enacted , which may serve for the order , decency , & edification of the Church , a Prince may not doe this by himself , but may only command the Pastors and Guides of the Church , who watch for the soules of men , as they who must give account , to see to the exigency of the present state of matters Ecclesiasticall , and to provide such Lawes as they beeing met togither in the name of the Lord , shall after due and free deliberation , find to be convenient , and which being once prescribed by them , hee shall by his royall auctority confirme , establish , and presse . Needs now it must be manifest , that the lawfullnesse of our conforming unto the Ceremonies in question , can be no way warranted Sect. XXIX by any ordinance of the Supreame Magistrat , or any power which he hath in things spirituall or Ecclesiasticall . And if our Opposites would ponder the reasons we have given , they should be quickely quieted , understanding that before the Princes ordinance about the Ceremonies can be said to bind us , it must first be shewed that they have beene lawfully prescribed by a Synod of the Church . So that they must retire and hold them at the Churches ordinance . And what needeth any more ? let us once see any lawfull ordinance of the Synod or Church representative for them we shall without any more adoe aknowledge it to be out of all doubt , that his Majesty may well urge Conformity unto the same . Now of the Churches power we have spoken in the former Chapter . And if we had not , yet that which hath beene said in this Chapter , maketh out our point . For it hath beene proven , that neither King nor Church hath power to command any thing , which is not according to the rules of the Word , that is , which serveth not for the glory of God , which is not profitable for edifying , & which may not be done in faith , unto which rules whether the things which are commanded us , be agreeable or not , we must trie and examine by the privat judgement of Christian discretion , following the light of Gods Word . Resteth the third distinction , whereof I promised to speake , & that Sect. XXX was of Ties or Bonds . Quaedam obligatio , &c. Some bond ( saith e Gerard ) is absolute , when the Lavv bindeth the conscience simply , so that in no respect , nor in no case , without the offence of God , and vvound of conscience , one may depart from the prescript thereof : but another bond is hypotheticall , vvhen it bindeth not simply , but under a condition , to vvit , if the transgression of the Lavv be done of contempt ; if for the cause of lucre or some other vitious end ; if it have scandall joyned vvith it . The former way he saith that the Law of God and Nature bindeth , and that the Law of the civill Magistrat bindeth the latter way . And with him we hold , that whatsoever a Prince commandeth his Subjects in things any way pertaining to Religion , it bindeth only this latter way ; and that hee hath never power to make Lawes , binding the former way . For confirmation wherefore wee say , 1. The Lawes of an Ecclesiasticall Synod , to the obedience whereof in things belonging to the worship of God , we are farre more strictly tied , then to the obedience of any Prince in the world , who ( as hath beene shewed ) in this sort of things , hath not such a vocation nor power to make Lawes : the Lawes ( I say ) of a Synod can not bind absolutely , but only conditionally , or in case they can not be transgressed without violating the Law of Charity , by contempt shewed , or scandall given . Which as I have made good in the first part of this Dispute ; so let me now produce for it a plaine testimony of f the Bishop of Sarisburie , who holdeth that the Churches rites and ordinances , doe only bind in such sort , ut si extra , &c. That if out of the case of scandall or contempt , through imprudence , oblivion , or some reasonable cause inforcing , they be omitted , no mortall sinne is incurred before God. For as touching these constitutions , I judge the opinion of Gerson to be most true , to vvit , that they remaine unviolated , so long as the Lavv of Charity is not by men violated about the same . Much lesse then , can the Lawes of Princes about things Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , bind absolutely , and out of the case of violating the Law of Charity . 2. If we be not bound to receive and aknowledge the Lawes of Princes as good and equitable , except only in so farre , as they are warranted by the Law of God and Nature , then we are not bound in conscience to obey them , except only conditionally , in case the violating of them include the violating of the Law of God and Nature . But the former is true . Therefore the latter . It is Gods pecuculiar soveraignety , that his will is a rule ruling but not ruled , and that therefore a thing is good , because God will have it to be good . Mans will is only such a rule , as is ruled by higher rules , and it must be knowne to be norma recta , before it can be to us norma recti . 3. If we be bound te trie and examine by the judgement of discretion ( following the rules of the Word , ) whether the things which Princes command be right , and such as ought to be done , and if we find them not to be such , to neglect them ; then their Lawes can not bind absolutely and by themselves , ( else what need were there of such triall and examination ? ) but only conditionally , and in case they can not be neglected without violating some other Law , which is of a superior bond . But the former wee have proven by strong reasons . Therefore the latter standeth sure . 4. If neither Princes may command , nor wee doe any thing , which is not lawfull and expedient , and according to the other rules of the Word , then the Lawes of Princes bind not absolutely , but only in case the neglecting of them can not stand with the Law of Charity , and the rules of the Word . But the former hath beene evinced and made good . Therefore the latter necessarily followeth . 5. If the Lawes of Princes could bind absolutely and simply , so that in no case without offending God & wounding our conscience , we could neglect them , this bond should arise either from their owne auctority , or from the matter and thing it self which is commanded . But from neither of these it can arise . Therefore from nothing . It can not arise from any auctority which they have , for if by their auctority we meane their Princely preeminence & dignity , they are Princes , when they command things unlawfull , as well , as when they command things lawfull , and so if because of their preeminence their Lawes doe bind , then their unlawfull ordinances doe bind , no lesse then if they were lawfull : but if by their auctority , we meane the power which they have of God to make Lawes , this power is not absolute , ( as hath beene said , ) but limited : therefore from it no absolute bond can arise , but this much at the most , that g Kings on earth must be obeyed , so farre as they command in Christ. Neither yet can the bond be absolute in respect of the thing it self which is commanded . When Princes publish the commandements of God , the things them selves binde , whether they should command them or not : but we speake of such things as Gods Word hath left in their nature indifferent , & of such things we say , that if being injoyned by Princes they did absolutely binde , then they should be in themselves immutably necessary , even secluding , as well the Lawes of Princes which injoyne them , as the end of order , decency , and edification , where unto they are referred . To say no more , hath not h D Forbesse told us in Calvines words , Notatu dignum , &c. It is vvorthy of observation that human Lavves , vvhether they be made by the Magistrat or by the Church , hovvsoever they be necessary to be observed , ( I speake of such as are good & just , ) yet they doe not therefore by themselves binde the conscience , because the vvhole necessity of observing them , looketh to the generall end , but consisteth not in the things commanded . 6. Whatsoever bond of conscience , is not confirmed and warranted by the Word , is before God no bond at all . But the absolute bond , wherewith conscience is bound to the obedience of the Lawes of Princes , is not confirmed nor warranted by the Word . Ergo. The Proposition no man can denie who aknowledgeth , that none can have power or dominion over our consciences , but God only , i the great Lawgiver , who alone can save and destroy . Neither doth any Writer whom I have seene , hold that Princes have any power over mens consciences , but only that conscience is bound by the Lawes of Princes , for this respect , because God who hath power over our consciences , hath tied us to their Lawes . As to the assumption , he who denieth it , must give instance to the contrary . If k those vvords of the Apostle be objected ; Yee must needs be subject , not only for vvrath , but also for conscience sake . 1 Ans. 1. The Apostle saith not , that we must obey , but that we must be subject , for conscience sake . And how oft shall we need to tell our Opposites , that subjection is one thing , & obedience another ? 2. If he had said , that we must obey for conscience sake , yet this could not have beene expounded of an absolute bond of conscience , but only of an hypotheticall bond , in case that which the Magistrat commandeth , can not be omitted , without breaking the Law of Charity . If it be said againe that we are not only bidden be subject , l but likewise to obey Magistrats . Ans. And who denieth this ? But still I aske , are we absolutely and allwayes bound to obey Magistrats ? Nay , but only when they command such things as are according to the rules of the Word , so that either they must be obeyed , or the Law of Charity shall be broken : in this case , and no other , we are bidden obey . Thus have we gained a principall point , Viz , That the lawes of Sect. XXXI Princes bind not absolutely but conditionally , nor propter se , but propter aliud . Whereupon it followeth , that except the breach of those ceremoniall Ordinances wherewith we are pressed , include the breach of the law of Charity , which is of a superior bond , we are not holden to obey them . Now that it is not the breach , but the obedience of those ordinances , which violateth the law of Charity , we have heretofore made manifest , and in this place we will adde only one generall . Whensoever the lawes of Princes about things Ecclesiasticall , doe bind the conscience conditionally , & because of some other law of a superior bond , which can not be observed if they be transgressed ; ( which is the only respect for which they bind , when they bind at all ; ) then the things which they perscribe belong either to the conservation , or purgation of Religion . But the controverted Ceremonies belong to neither of these . Therefore the lawes made thereanent bind not , because of some other law which is of a superior bond . As to the Proposition , will any man say that Princes have any more power , then that which is expressed in the 25 Article of the Confession of Faith , ratified in the first Parliament of King Iames the 6. which saith thus , Moreover , to Kings , Princes , Rulers , and Magistrats , we a●…me that chiefly and most principally , the conservation and the purgation of the Religion appertaines , so that not only they are appointod for civill policy , but also for maintenance of the true Religion , and for suppressing of Idolatry and superstition whatsoever . Hoe nomine ( saith m Calvine ) maxime laudantur sancti Reges in Scriptura , quod Dei cultum corruptum vel eversum restituerint , vel curam gesserint Religionis , ut sub illis pura & incolumis floreree . The 21 , Parliament of King Iames holden at Edinburgh 1612. in the ratification of the Acts and Conclusions of the generall Assembly , keeped in Clasgove 1610. did innovate and change some words of that Oath of Allegiance , which the generall Assembly in reference to the conference keeped 1571. ordained to be given to the Person provided to any benefice with cure , in the time of his admission by the Ordinare . For the forme of the Oath set downe by the act of the Assembly , beginneth thus . I. A. B. now nominat and admitted to the Kirk of D , vtterly testify and declare in my conscience , that the right excellent , right high , and mighty Prince , Iames 6 , by the grace of God King of Scots , is the only lawfull supreme Governour of this Realme , as well in things temporall , as in the conservation and purgation of Religion , &c. But the forme of the Oath set downe by the Act of Parliament , beginneth thus . I. A. B. now nominat and admitted to the Kirk of D , testify and declare in my conscience , that the right excellent &c. is the only lawfull supreme Governour of this Realme , as well in matters Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall , as in things temporall &c. Yet I demand , whether or not doe those Matters Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall , of which the Act of Parliament speaketh , or those All Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes , of which the English Oath of Supremacie speaketh , comprehend any other thing then is comprehended under the conservation and purgation of Religion , where of the Act of Assembly speaketh ? If it be answered affirmatively , ti will followe that Princes have power to destruction , and not to edification only , for whatsoever may edify or profit the Church , pertaineth either to the conservation , or the purgation of Religion . If negatively , then it can not be denied that the conservation and purgation of Religion doe comprehend all the power which Princes have in things Ecclesiasticall . Now to the Assumption . And first , that the controverted Ceremonies Sect. XXXII pertaine not to the conservation of Religion , but contrary wise to the hurt and prejudice of the same , experience hath ( alas ) made it too manifest . For , o what a dolefull decay of Religion have they drawne with them in this Land ! Let them who have seene Scotland in her first glory , tell how it was then , and how it is now . n Idle and idole-like Bishopping hath shut to the doore painefull and profitable Catechising . The keeping of some Festivall dayes , is set up in stead of the thankefull commemoration of Gods inestimable benefites : howbeit o the festivity of Christmasse hath hitherto served , more to Bachanalian lasciviousnesse , then to the remembrance of the birth of Christ. The kneeling downe upon the knees of the body , hath now come in place of that humiliation of the soule , wherwith worthy communicants addressed temselves unto the holy Table of the Lord. And generally , the externall shew of these fruitlesse observances , hath worne out the very life and power of Religion . Neither have such effects ensued upon such Ceremonies among us only , but let it be observed every where else , if there be not least substance and power of godlinesse , among them who have most Ceremonies , where unto men have at their pleasure given some sacred use and signification in the Worship of God , and most substance among them , who have fewest shewes of externall rites . No man of sound judgement ( saith p Baza ) will denie , Iesum Christum quo nudior , &c. that IESVS CHRIST , the more naked he be , is made the more manifest to us : whereas contrarywise all false religions use by certaine externall gesturings to turne away men from divine things . q Zanchius saith well of the Surplice and other popish Ceremonies , quod haec nihil ad pietatem accendendam , multum autem ad restinguendam valeant . r Bellarmine indeed pleadeth for the vtility of Ceremonies , as things belonging to the conservation of Religion . His reason is , because they set before our sences such an externall majesty and splendor , whereby they cause the more reverence . This hee alledgeth for the utility of the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome . And I would know , what better reason can be alledged for the utility of ours . But if this be all , we throwe backe the Argument , because the externall majesty and splendor of Ceremonies doth greatly prejudge and obscure the spirit and life of the worship of God , and diverteth the minds of men from adverting vnto the same : which we have offered to be tried by common experience . Durand himself , for as much as he hath written in the defence of Ceremonies , in his unreasonable Rationale , yet s he maketh this plaine confession . Sane in primitiva Ecclesia , Sacrificium fiebat in vasis ligneis & vestib●… communibus : tune enim evant lignei calices & aurei Sacerdotes : nunc vero ècontra est . Behold what followeth upon the majesty and splendor which Ceremonies carry with them , and how Religion at it's best and first estate was without the same ! Neither yet doe the Ceremonies in question belong to the purgation Sect. XXXIII of Religion . For wheresoever Religion is to be purged in a corrupted Church , all men know that purgation standeth in putting some thing away , not in keeping it still , in voiding some what , not in retaining it : so that a Church is not purged , but left unpurged , when the unnecessary monuments of by past superstition are still preserved and kept in the same . And as for the Church of Scotland , least of all could there be any purgation of it intended , by the resuming of those Ceremonies , for such was the most glorious and ever memorable reformation of Scotland , that it was farre better purged then any other nighbour Church . And of Mr. Hookers jest we may make good earnest , for in very deed as the reformation of Genevah did passe the reformation of Germany , so the reformation of Scotland did passe that of Genevah . Now hitherto we have discoursed of the power of Princes , in making Sect. XXXIV of lawes about things which concerne the worship of God ; for this power it is , which our Opposites alledge for warrant of the controverted Ceremonies : wherefore to have spoken of it is sufficient for our present purpose . Neverthelesse , because there are also other sorts of Ecclesiasticall things , beside the making of lawes , such as the vocation of men of Ecclesiasticall order , the convocation and moderation of Councells , the judging and deciding of controversies about faith , and the use of the keyes , in all which Princes have some place and power of intermeddling , and a mistaking in one , may possibly breed a mistaking in all : Therefore I thought good here to digresse , and of these also to adde some what , so farre as Princes have power and interest in the same . DIGRESSION I. Of the vocation of men of Ecclesiasticall order . IN the vocation and calling of Ecclesiasticall persons , a Prince ought to carry himself ad modum procurantis speciem , non designantis individuum . Which shall be more plainly and particularly vnderstood , in these Propositions which followe . PROPOS . I. Princes may and ought to provide and take care , that men of those Ecclesiasticall orders , and those only , which are instituted in the new Testament , by divine auctority , have vocation and office in the Church . Now beside the Apostles , Prophets , and Evangelists , which were not ordained to be ordinary and perpetuall offices in the Church , t there are but two Ecclesiasticall orders or degrees instituted by Christ in the new Testament , vix . Elders and Deacons . Excellenter Canones d●…os tantum sacros ordines appellari censent , Diaconatus scilicet & Presbyterat●… , quia hos solos primitiva Ecclesia legitur habuisse , & de hi●… sol●… praeceptum Apostli habe●… , saith w the Master of Sentences . As for the order and degree of Bishops , superior to that of Elders , that there is no divine Ordinance nor institution for it , it is not only holden by Calvine , Beza , Bucer , Martyr , Sadeel , Luther , Chemnitius , Gerard Balduine , the Magdeburgians , Musculus , Piscator , Hemmingius , Zanchius , Polanus , Iunius , Pareus , Fennerus , Danaeus , Morney , Whittakers , Willets , Perkins , Cartwright , the Pròfessours of Leiden , and the farre greatest part of Writters in reformed Churches , but also by Hierome , who upon Tit. 1. and in his Epistle to Fvagrius speaketh so plainly , that x the Archbishop of Spalato is driven to say , Deserimus in hac parte Hieronymum , neque ei in his dictis assentimur : also by Ambrose on 1. Tim. 3. Augustine in his booke of questions out of both Testaments quest . 101. Chrysostome on 1. Tim. 3. Isidore dist . 21. cap. 1. The Canon Law dist . 93. c. 24. & dist . 95. c. 5. Lombard . lib. 4 dist . 24. And after him by many Schoolemen , such as Aquinas , Alensis , Albertus , Bonaventura , Richardus , and Dominicus Soto , all mentioned by the Archbishop of Spalato lib. 2. cap. 4. n. 25. y Gerard citeth for the same judgement Anshelmus , Sedulius , Primasius , Theophylactus , Oecumenius , the Councell of Basil , Ardatensis , Ioh. Parisiensis , Erasmus , Medina , and Cassander . All which Authors have grounded that which they say upon Scripture : for beside that Scripture maketh no difference of order and degree betwixt Bishops and Elders , it sheweth also that they are one and the same order . For in Ephesus and Crete , they who were made Elders were likewise made Bishops , Act. 20. 17. with 28. Tit. 1. 5. with 7. And the Apostle Phil. 1. 1. divideth the wholle ministery in the Church of Philippi into two orders , Bishops and Deacons . Moreover , 1. Tim. 3. he giveth order only for Bishops and Deacons , but saith nothing of a third order . Wherefore it is manifest , that beside those two orders of Elders and Deacons , there is no other Ecclesiasticall order which hath any divine institution , or necessary use in the Church . And Princes should doe well to applie their power and auctority to the extirpation and rooting out of Popes , Cardinals , Patriarches , Primats , Archbishops , Bishops , Suffragans , Abbots , Deanes , Vice-Deans , Priors , Archdeacons , Subdeacons , Chancellours , Chantours , Subchantours , Exorcists , Monkes , Eremits , Acoluths , and all the whole rabble of Popish orders , which undoe the Church , and worke more mischief in the earth , then can be either soone seene or shortly told . But contrary wise , Princes ought to establish and mantaine in the Church , Elders and Deacons , according to the Apostolicall institution . Now Elders are either such as labour in the Word and Doctrine , or else such as are appointed for Discipline only . They who labour in the Word and Doctrine , are either such as doe only teach , and are ordained for conserving in Schooles and Seminaries of learning , the purity of Christian Doctrine , and the true interpretation of Scripture , and for detecting and confuting the contrary heresies and errors , whom the Apostle calleth Doctours or Teachers : Or else they are such as doe not only teach , but also have a more particulr charge to watch over the flocke , to seek that which is lost 〈◊〉 to bring home that which wandereth , to heale that which is diseased , to bind up that which is broken , to visite every family , to warne every person , to rebuke , to comfort , &c , whom the Apostle calleth sometines Pastors , and sometimes Bishops , or Overseers . The other sort of Elders are ordained only for Discipline and Church governement , and for assisting of the Pastors , in ruling the people , overseeing their manners , and censuring their faults . That this sort of Elders is instituted by the Apostle , it is put out of doubt , not alone by Calvine , Beza , and the Divines of Genevah , but also by Chemnitius , exam . part . 2. pag. 218. Gerard loc . theol . tom . 6. pag. 363. 364. Zanchius in 4. praec . col . 727. Martyr in 1. Cor. 12. 28. Bullinger in 1. Tim. 5. 17. Iunius animad . in Bell. contr . 5. lib. 1. cap. 2. Polanus Synt. lib. 7. cap. 11. Pareus in Rom. 12. 8. & 1. Cor. 12. 28. Cartwright on 1. Tim. 5. 17. The Professours of Leiden Syn. pur . Theol. disp . 42. Thes. 20. And many moe of our Divines , who teach that the Apostle 1. Tim. 5. 17. directly implieth that there were some Elders who ruled well , and yet laboured not in the Word and Doctrine , and those Elders he meaneth by them that rule , Rom. 12. 8. & by Governements 1. Cor. 12. 28. where the Apostle saith not helps in Governements , as our new English Translation corruptly readeth , but helps , governements , &c. plainly putting Governements for a different order from Helps or Deacons . * Of these Elders speaketh z Ambrose , ( as a D. Fulke also understandeth him ) shewing that with all nations Eldership is honourable , wherefore the Synagoge also , and afterward the Church , hath had some Elders of the Congregation , without whose counsell and advice nothing was done in the Church : and that he knew not by what negligence this had growne out of use , except it had beene through the sluggishnesse of the Teachers , or rather their pride , whiles they seemed to themselves to be somet●…ing , and so did arrogat the doing of all by themselves . Deacons were instituted by the Ap●…stles b for collecting , receiving , keeping , and distributing of Ecclesiasticall goods , which were given and dedicated for the maintenance of Ministers , Churches , Schooles , and for the help and relief of the poore , the stranger , the sicke and the weake , also c for furnishing of such things as are necessary to the ministration of the Sacraments . Beside which ●…mployments , the Scripture hath assigned neither Preaching , nor Baptising , nor any other Ecclesiast●…ll function to ordinary Deacons . PROPOS . II. Princes in their Dominions , ought to procure and effect , that there bee never wanting men qualified and fit for those Ecclesiasticall functions and charges , which Christ hath ordained , and that such men only bee called , chosen , and set apart for the same . There are two things contained in this Proposition . 1. That Princes ought to procure , that the Church never want men qualilified and gifted for the worke and service of the holy Ministery , for which end and purpose they ought to provide and mantaine Schooles and Colledges , intrusted and committed to the rule and oversight of orthodoxe , learned , godly , faithfull , and diligent Masters , that so qualified and able men may be still furnished and sent forth for the Ministery and service of the Church . They ought also to take care that the Ministers of the Church neither want due reverence 1. Tim. 5. 17. Hebr. 13. 17. Nor sufficient maintenance 1. Cor. 9. that so men be not skarred from the service of the Ministery , but rather incouraged unto the same 2. Chron. 31. 4. 2. That Princes ought also to take order and course , that well qualified men , and no others , be advanced and called to beare charge and office in the Church : for which purpose , they should cause , not one disdainfull p●…lat , but a whole Presbytery or company of Elders , to take triall of him who is to be taken into the number of preaching Elders , and to examine well the piety of his life , the verity of his Doctrine , and his fitnesse to teach . And further , that due triall may be continually had of the growth or decay of the graces and utterance of every Pastor : it is the part of Princes to injoyne the visitation of particular Churches , and the keeping of other Presbyteriall meetings , likewise the assembling of Provinciall and Nationall Synods , for putting order to such things as have not beene helped in the particular Presbyteries . And as for the other sort of Elders , togither with Deacons , we judge the auncient order of this Church , to have beene most convenient for provyding of well qualified men for those functions and offices . For the eight head of the first booke of Discipline , touching the election of Elders and Deacons , ordaineth that men of best knowledge and cleanest life , be nominat to be in Election , and that their names be publikely read to the whole Church by the Minister , giving them advertisement , that from among them must be chosen Elders and Deacons : that if any of these nominat be noted with publike infamie , hee ought to be repelled : And that if any man know others of better qualities within the Church , then these that be nominat , they should be put in election , that the Church may have the choice . If these courses whereof we have spoken , be followed by Christian Princes , they shall by the blessing of God procure , that the Church shall be served with able and fit Ministers . But though thus they may procurare speciem , yet they may not designare individuum , which now I am to demonstrat . PROPOS . III. Neverthelesse c Princes may not designe nor appoint such or such particular men , to the charge , of such or such particular Churches , or to the exercing of such or such Ecclesiasticall functions : but ought to provide that such an order & forme be keeped in the election and ordination of the Ministers of the Church , as is warranted by the example of the Apostles , and primitive Church . The vocation of a Minister in the Church , is either inward or outward . The inward calling which one must have , in finding himself by the grace of God , made both able and willing to serve God and his Church faithfully , in the holy Ministery , lieth not open to the vieu of men , and is only manifest to him from whom nothing can be hid . The outward calling is made up of Election & Ordination : that , signified in Scripture by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : this , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning which things , we say wi●… d Zanchius , Magistratus , &c. It pertaineth to a Christian Magistrat and Prince , to see for Ministers unto his Churches . But how ? not out of his owne arbitrement , but as Gods Word teacheth . Therefore let the Acts of the Apostles , and the Epistles of Paul be read , how Ministers were elected and ordained , and let them followe that forme . The right of Election pertaineth to the whole Church : which as it is mantained by forraine Divines , who write of the controversies with Papists ; and as it was the order which this Church prescribed in the bookes of Discipline ; so it is commended unto us by the example of the Apostles , and of the Churches planted by them . Ioseph and Matthias were chosen & offered to Christ by the whole Church , being about . 120. persons . Act. 1. 15. 23. The Apostles required the whole Church and multitude of Disciples , to choose out from among them seaven men to be Deacons Act. 6. 2. 3. The holy Ghost said to the whole Church at Antioch , beeing assembled togither to minister unto the Lord , Separate me Barnabas and Saul , Act. 13. 1. 2. The whole Church choosed Iudas and Silas to bee sent to Antioch . Act. 15. 22. The brethren who travailed in the Churches affaires , were chosen by the Church , and are called the Churches Messengers . 2. Cor. 8. 19. 23. Such men only were ordained Elders by Paul and Barnabas , as were chosen and approven by the whole Church , their suffrages beeing signified by the lifting up of their hands . Act. 14. 23. Albeit Chrysostome and other Ecclesiasticall Writers use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for ordination by imposition of hands , yet when they take it in this sence , they speake figuratively and synegdochically , as e Iunius sheweth . For these two , Election by most voices , and Ordination by laying on of hands , were joyned togither , and did cohere , as an antecedent and an consequent , whence the use obtained , that the whole action should be signified by one word , per modum intellectus , collecting the antecedent from the consequent , & the consequent from the antecedent . Neverthelesse according to the proper & native significatiō of the word , it noteth the signifying of a suffrage or election by the lifting up of the hand , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no other thing , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to lift or hold up the hāds in signe of a suffrage . And so Chrysostome himself useth the word , when he speaketh properly , for he saith , that the Senate of Rome , tooke upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is ( as f D. Potter turneth his words ) to make Gods by most voices . g Bellarmine reckoneth out three significatiōs of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. To choose by suffrages . 2. Simply to choose , which way soever it be . 3. To ordaine by imposition of hands . h Iunius answereth him , that the first only is the proper signification : the second is metaphoricall : the third synegdochicall . Our English Translators , 2. Cor. 1. 19. have followed the metaphoricall signification , and in this place Act. 14. 23. the synegdochicall . But what had they adoe either with a Metaphore or a Synegdoche , when the Text may beare the proper sence ? Now , that Luke in this place useth the word in the proper sence , and not in the synegdochicall , i Gerard proveth from the words which he subjoyneth , to signify the ordaining of those Elders by the laying on of hands : for he saith that they prayed and fasted and commended them to the Lord , in which words he implieth the laying on of hands upon them , as may be learned from . Act. 6. 6. When they had prayed they laid their hands on them . Act. 13. 3. When they had fasted and prayed and laid their hands on them . So Act. 8. 15. 17. Prayer and laying on of hands went togither . Wherefore by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luke pointeth at the election of those Elders by voices , being in the following words to make mention of their ordination by imposition of hands . k Cartwright hath for the same point , other waighty reasons . It is absurd ( saith he ) to imagine , that the holy Ghost by Luke , speaking with the tongues of men , that is to say , to their understanding , should use a word in that signification in which it was never used before his time by any Writer , Holy or Prophane . For how could he then be understood : if using the note and name they used , he should have fled from the signification whereunto they used it ? unlesse therefore his purpose was to write that which none should read , it must needs be that as he wrote , so he meant the election by voices . And if Demosthenes for knowledge in the tongue would have beene ashamed , to have noted the laying downe of hands by a vvord that signifieth the lifting of them up : they doe the holy Ghost ( vvhich taught Demosthenes to speake ) great injury , in imsing this unpropriety and strangenesse of speach unto himself : vvhich is yet more absurd , considering that there vvere both proper vvords to utter the laying on of hands by , & the same also used in the translation of the 70 : vvhich Luke for the Gentiles sake did as it may seeme ( vvhere he conveniently could ) most follovve . And it is yet most of all absurd , that Luke vvhich straiteneth himself to keep the vvords of the 70. Interpreters , vvhen as he could have othervvise uttered things in better tearmes then they did , should here forsake the phrase vvherevvith they noted the laying on of hands , beeing most proper and naturall to signify the same . The Greeke Scholiast also , and the Greeke Ignatius , doe plainly referre this vvord to the choice of the Church by voices . But it is objected that Luke saith not of the whole Church , but only of Paul and Barnabas , that they made them by voices Elders in every citty . Ans. But how can one imagine that betwixt them two alone the matter went to suffrages ? election by most voices , or the lifting up of the hand in token of a suffrage , had place only among a multitude assembled togither . Wherefore we say with l Iunius , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both a common , and a particular action , whereby a man chooseth by his owne suffrage in particular , & likewise with others in commone , so that in one and the same action we can not divide those things , which are so joyned togither . From that which hath beene said , it plainly appeareth , that the election of Ministers , according to the Apostolicke institution , pertaineth to the whole body of that Church , where they are to serve ; And that this was the Apostolicke & primitive Practice , it is aknowledged even by some of the Papists , such as Lorinus , Salmeron , and Gaspar 〈◊〉 , all upon . Act. 14. 23. m The Canon Law it self commendeth this forme , and saith , Electio Clericorum est petitio plebis . And was he not a Popish Archbishop , n who condescended that the Citty of Magdeburg should have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac constituendi Ecclesiae Ministros ? Neither would the Citty accept of peace , without this condition . That in the auncient Church , for a long time , the election of Ministers remained in the power of the whole Church or Congregation , it is evident from Cypr. lib. 1. epist. 4 & 68. August . epist. 100. L●…o . 1. epist. 〈◊〉 . Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 30. & lib. 6. cap. 2. Possidon . in vita Aug. cap. 4. The Testimonies and examples themselves for brevities cause I omit . As for the 13. Canon of the Councell of Laodicea which forbiddeth to permit to the people the election of such as were to Minister at the Altar : we say with o Osiander that this Canon can not be approven , except only in this respect , that howbeit the peoples election and consent be necessary , yet the election is not wholy and solly to be committed to them , excluding the judgement and voice of the Cleargie . And that this is all which the Councell meant , we judge with p Calvine & q Gerard. That this is the true interpretation of the Canon , r Iunius proveth both by the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , permittere turbis , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to quit and leave the whole matter to the fidelity and will of others ; and likewise by the common end and purpose of that Councell , which was to represse certaine faults of the People , which had prevailed through custome : Indeed , if the whoole matter were alltogither left to the people , contentions and confusions might be feared . But whiles wee plead for the election of people wee adde . 1. Let the Cleargie of the adjacent bounds in their Presbyteriall Assembly , trie and judge who are fit for the Ministery ; thereafter let a certaine number of those who are by them approven as fit , be offered and propounded to the vacand Church , that a free election may be made of some one of that number , provyding alwayes that if the Church or Congregation have any reall reason for refusing the persons nominat and offered unto them , and for choosing of others , their lawfull desires be herein yeelded unto . 2. Even when it comes to the election , yet populus non solus judicat , sed pr●…unte & modera●…e actionem Clero & Presbyterio , let the Elders of the Congregation , togither with some of the Cleargie concurring with them , moderat the action , and goe before the body of the people . Would to God that these things were observed by all who desire the worthy office of a Pastor ! For neither the Patrons Presentation ; nor the Cleargies Nomination , Examination , and Recommendation , nor the Bishops laying on of hands , and giving of Institution , nor all these put togither , can make up to a man his calling to be a Pastor to such or such a particular Flocke , without their owne free election . Even as in those places where Princes are elected , the election gives them jus ad rem ( as they speake ) without which , the inauguration can never give them jus in re : so a man hath from his election power to bee a Pastor , so farre as concerneth jus ad rem , and Ordination only applieth him to the actuall exercing of his pastorall office , which Ordination ought to be given to him only who is elected , and that because he is elected . And of him who is obtruded and thrust upon a people , without their owne election , it is well said by ( t ) Zanehius , that he can neither with a good conscience exercise his Ministery , nor yet be profitable to the People , because they will not willingly heare him , nor submit themselves unto him . Furthermore , because Patronages and Presentations to Benefices , doe often prejudge the free and lawfull election which Gods Word craveth , therefore the second booke of Discipline Chap. 12. albeit it permitteth and alloweth the auncient Patrones of Prebendaries and such Benefices as have not curam animarum , to reserve their Patronages , and to dispone thereupon to Schollers and Bursers , yet it craveth rightly that presentations to Benefices that have curam animarum , may have no place in this light of Reformation . Not that we thinke , a man presented to a Benefice that hath curam animarum , can not be lawfully elected : But because of the often and ordinary abuse of this unnecessary custome , we could wish it abolished by Princes . It followeth to speake of Ordination , wherein with v Calvin , x Iunius , y Gersomus Bucerus , and other learned men , we distinguish betwixt the act of it , and the rite of it . The act of Ordination standeth in the mission or the deputation of a man to an Ecclesiasticall function , with power and auctority to performe the same . And thus are Pastors ordained when they are sent to a people with power to preach the Word , minister the Sacraments , and exerce Ecclesiasticall Discipline among them . For z How shall they Preach except they bee sent ? unto which mission or ordination , neither praier nor imposition of hands , nor any other of the Churches rites , is essentiall and necessary , as a the Archbishop of Spalato sheweth , who placeth the essentiall act of Ordination in missionè potestativa , or à simple deputation and application of à Minister to his Ministeriall function , with power to performe it . This may be done saith he by word alone , without any other Ceremony , in such sort that the fact should hold , and the ordination thus given should be valid enough . When a man is elected by the suffrages of the Church , then his Ordination is Quasi solennis missio in possessionem honoris illius , ex decreto , saith b Iunius . c Chemnitius noteth , that when Christ after he had chosen his twelve Apostles , ordained them to preach the Gospell , to cast out Divells , and to heale diseases , we read of no Ceremony used in this Ordination , but only that Christ gave them power to preach , to heale , and to cast out Divells , and so sent them away to the worke . And howsoever the Church hath for order and decency used some rite in Ordination , yet there is no such rite to be used with opinion of necessity , or as appointed by Christ or his Apostles . When our Writers prove against Papists , that Order is no Sacrament , this is one of their Arguments , that there is no rite instituted in the new Testament , to to be used in the giving of Orders . Yet because imposition of hands was used in Ordination , not only by the Apostles who had power to give extraordinarly the gifts of the holy Ghost , but likewise by the Presbytery or company of Elders , and Timothy did not only receive the gift that was in him , d by the laying on of Pauls hands , as the meane , but also e with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , as the rite and signe of his Ordination ; therefore the Church in the after ages hath still kept and used the same rite in Ordination . Which rite shall with our leave be yet retained in the Church , provyding , 1. It be not used with opinion of necessity , for that the Church hath full liberty either to use any other decent rite ( not beeing determined by the Word to any one ) or else to use no rite at all , beside a publike declaration , that the person there presented , is called and appointed to serve the Church in the Pastorall office , togither with exhortation to the said person , and the commending of him to the grace of God , the Church not beeing tied by the Word to use any rite at all in the giving of Ordination . 2. That it be not used as a sacred significant Ceremony to represent and signify , either the delivering to the person ordained , auctority to Preach and to Minister the Sacraments , or the consecration and mancipation of him to the holy Ministery , or lastly Gods bestowing of the gifts of his Spirit upon him , togither with his powerfull protection and gracious preservation in the performing of the workes of his caling ; but only as a morall signe , solemnely to designe and point out the person ordained : which also was one of the ends and uses , whereunto this rite of laying on of hands was applyed by the Apostles themselves , as f Chemnitius sheweth . And so Ioshua was designed and knowen to the people of Israel , as the man appointed to be the successor of Moses , by that very signe , g that Moses laid his hands on him . As a sacred significant Ceremony we may not use it . 1. Because h it hath beene proven , that men may never at their pleasure ascribe to any rite whatsoever , a holy signification of some mistery of Faith or duty of Piety . The Apostles indeed by the laying on of their hands , did signify their giving of the gift of the holy Ghost : but now as the miracle so the mistery hath ceased , and the Church not having such power to make the signification answere to the signe , if now a sacred or misticall signification be placed in the rite , it is but an emptie and void signe , and rather minicall then misticall . 2. All such sacred rites , as have beene notoriously abused to superstition , if they have no necessary use , ought to be abolished , as i we have also proven . Therefore if imposition of hands in Ordination , be accounted and used as a sacred rite , and as having a sacred signification , ( the use of it not beeing necessary , ) it becommeth unlawfull , by reason of the by-gone and present superstitious abuse of the same in Poperie . Now the right and power of giving Ordination to the Ministers of the Church , belongeth primarly and wholly to Christ , who communicateth the same with his Bride the Church . Both the Bridegroome for his part , and the Bride for her part , have delivered this power of Ordination to the Presbytery jure DIVINO . Afterward the Presbytry conferred , jure humano , this power upon them , who were specially called Bishops . Whence the tyrannicall usurpation of Bishops , hath in processe of time followed , claiming the proper right and the ordinary possession of that , which at first they had only by free concession . And thus that great Divine k Franciscus Iunius , deriveth the power of Ordination . All which , that it may be plaine unto us , let us observe foure severall passages . 1. l The wholle Church hath the power of Ordination communicated to her from Christ , to whom it wholy pertaineth . For , 1. It is most certaine ( and among our Writers agreed upon , ) that to the whole Church collectively taken , Christ hath delivered the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , with power to use the same , promising l that whatsoever the Church bindeth on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven , & whatsoever shee looseth on Earth , shall be loosed in Heaven . Therfore he hath also delivered unto the whole Church , power to call & ordaine Ministers for using the keyes : otherwise the promise might be made void , because the Ministers which shee now hath , may faile . 2. Christ hath appointed a certaine and a ordinary way , how the Church may provide her selfe of Ministers , and so may have ever in her selfe the meanes of grace and comfort sufficient to her self , according to that of m the Apostle , All things are yours , whether Paul , or Apollo , &c. But if shee had not the power of ordaining Ministers unto her self , when shee needeth , then might shee some times be deprived of such an ordinary & certaine way of provyding her self . 3. When the Ministery of the Church faileth or is wanting , Christian people have power to exerce that act of ordination , which is necessary to the making of a Minister . n D. Fulke sheweth out of Ruffinus and Theodoret , that Aede●… and ●…rumentius , being but privat men , by preaching of the Gospell , converted a great Nation of the Indians . And that the Nation of the Iberians being converted by a captive woman , the King and the Queene became Teachers of the Gospell to the people . And might not then the Church in those places , both elect and ordaine Ministers ? 2. The Church hath by Divine institution delivered the Power of ordaining ordinary Ministers , to the Preshitery , whereof the Church consisteth representativè . And so saith o Paraus , that the power of mission ( which is Ordination ) belongeth to the Presbitery - Scriptura saith p Balduin , ordinationem tribuit toti Presbyterio , non s●…rsim Episcope . With whom say q the Professours of Leiden in like manner . Now when the Divines of Germany , and Belgia , speake of a Presbitery , they understand such a company as hath in it both those two sorts of Elders , which we spake of , viz. some , who labour in the Word and Doctrine , whom the Apostle calleth Bishops : and others , who labour onely in Discipline . The Apostolicke and Primitive times knew neither Parishionall nor Diocaesan Churches . Christians lived then , in Cities onely , not in Villages , because of the persecution . And it is to be remembred , that in Rome , Corinth , Ephesus , Colosse , Philippi , Thessalonica , and such other Cities inhabited by Christians , there were moe Pastors then one . r The Apostle called unto him the Elders ( not Elder ) of the Church of Ephesus . s He writeth to the Bishops ( not Bishop ) of the Church at Philippi t He biddeth the Thessalonians know them ( not him ) which laboured among them . Now that number of Pastors or Bishops which was in one City , did in common governe all the Churches within that City , and there was not any one Pastor , who by himselfe governed a certaine part of the City , peculiarly assigned to his charge : to which purpose u the Apostle exhorteth the Elders of the Church of Ephesus , to take heed to all the flocke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And to the same purpose it is said by x Hierome , that before schismes and divisions were by the Divels instigation made in Religion , communi Presbiterorum consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur . This number of Preaching Elders in one City , togither with those Elders which in the same City laboured for Discipline onely , y made up that company which the Apostle , 1 Tim. 4. 14. calleth a Presbytery , and which gave Ordination to the Ministers of the Church . To the whole Presbitery , made up of those two sorts of Elders , belonged the act of Ordination , which is mission , z howbeit the Rite , which was imposition of hands , belonged to those Elders alone which laboured in the Word and Doctrine . And so wee are to understand that which the Apostle there saith , of the Presbiteries laying on of hands upon Timothy . As for a D. Downams two glosses upon that place , which he borroweth from Bellarmine , and whereby he thinketh to elude our Argument , we thanke b D. Forbesse for confuting them . Quod autem , &c. But whereas saith hee , some have expounded the Presbitery in this place , to be a company of Bishops , except by Bishops thou would understand simple Presbiters , it is a violent interpretation , and a insolent meaning . And whereas others have understood the degree it selfe of Eldership , this can not sinnd , for the degree hath not hands , but hands are mens . Wherefore the D. himselfe , by the Presbitery whereof the Apostle speaketh , understandeth , ( as we doe ) consessus Presbiterorum . But since we can not find in the Apostles times , any other Presbiterie or Assembly of Elders , beside that which hath been spoken of , how commeth it , may some say , that the Church of Scotland , and other reformed Churches , did appoint two sorts of Presbiteriall Assemblies , one ( which here we call Sessions ) wherein the Pastor of the Parish , togither with those Elders within the same , whom the Apostle calleth Governements and Presidents , put order to the Governement of that Congregation ; another ( which here we call Presbiteries ) wherein the Pastors of sundry Churches lying neare togither , doe assemble themselves ? Which difficulty yet more increaseth , if it be objected , that neither of these two , doth in all points answer or comforme it self , unto that primitive forme of Presbitery , whereof we spake . Ans. The division and multiplication of Parishes , and the appointment of particular Pastors to the peculiar oversight of particular flockes , togither with the Plantation of Churches in Villages , as well as in Cities , hath made it impossible for us to be served , with that onely one forme of a Presbitery , which was constitute in the Apostles times . But this difference of the times beeing ( as it ought to be ) admitted , for a inevitable cause of the difference of the former , both those two formes of Presbyteriall meetings appointed by the Church of Scotland , doe not onely necessarily result from that one Apostolicke forme , but likewise ( the actions of them both beeing laid togither ) doe accomplish all these ordinary Ecclesiasticall functions , which were by it performed . And first , Sessions have a necessary use , because the Pastors and those Elders who assist them in the governing of their Flockes , must as well conjunctly as severally , as well publikely and privately , governe , admonish , rebuke , censure , &c. As for Presbiteries , because the Parishes beeing divided , in most places there is but one Pastor in a Parish , except there should be a meeting of a number of Pastors out of divers Parishes , neither could triall be well had of the groweth or decay of the Gifts , Graces , and utterance of every Pastor , for which purpose the ninth head of the first Booke of Discipline , appointed the Ministers of adjacent Churches , to meet togither at convenient times in Townes and publike places , for the exercise of Prophecying and interpreting of Scripture , according to that forme commended to the Church of Corinth . 1 Cor. 14. 29. 30. 31. 32. Nor yet could the Churches bee governed by the common counsell and advice of Presbiters , which beeing necessary by Apostolicke institution , and beeing the foundation and ground of our Presbiteries , it maketh them necessary too . 3. After that the golden age of the Apostles was spent and away , Presbyteries finding themselves disturbed with emulations , contentions , and factions ; for unities sake , choosed one of their number , to preside among them , and to conferre , in name of the rest , the rite & signe of initiation ( which was imposition of hands ) on them whom they ordained Ministers . This honour did the Presbytery yeeld to him who was specially and peculiarly called Bishop , jure humano : yet the act of Ordination they still reserved in their owne power . And wheresoever the act doth thus remaine in the power of the whole Presbytery , the conferring of the outward signe or rite by one in name of the rest , none of us condemneth , as may be seene in Beza , Didoclavius , and Gersonus Bucerus . Neither is there any more meant by c Hierome , whiles he saith . What doth a Bishop , ( ordination beeing excepted , ) vvhich a Presbyter may not doe ? For , 1. He speaketh not of the act of ordination , which remained in the power of the Presbytery , but of the outward signe or rite , d which synegdochically he calles Ordination . 2. He speaketh only of the custome of that time , and not of any Divine institution : for that the imposition of hands pertained to the Bishop alone , not by Divine institution , but only by Ecclesiasticall custome , e Iunius proveth out of Tertullian , Hierome , and Ambrose . 4. Afterward Bishops beganne to appropriat to themselves , that power which pertained unto them jur●… devoluto , as if it had beene their owne jure proprio . Yet so , that some vestigies of the auncient order have still remained . For both Augustine and Ambrose ( whose words most plaine to this purpose , are cited by f D. Forbesse ) testify , that in their time , in Alexandria , and all Aegypt , the Presbyters gave Ordination , when a Bishop was not present . g The Canon Law ordaineth , that in giving of Ordination , Presbyters lay on their hands , togither with the Bishops hands . And it is holden by many Papists , ( of whom h D. Forbesse alledgeth some for the same point ) that any simple Presbyter , ( whom they call a Priest ) may with the Popes commandement or concession , give valid Ordination . That which maketh them graunt so much , is , because they dare not denie that Presbyters have the power of ordination , jure Divino . Yea saith i Panormitanus . Olim Presbyteri in communi regebant Ecclesiam , & ordinabant Sacerdotes . The Doctor himself holdeth . that one simple Presbyter , howsoever having , by vertue of his Presbyteriall order , power to give Ordination , quo ad actum primum five aptitudinem , yet quo ad exercitium can not validly give Ordination , without a commission from the Bishop , or from the Presbytery , if either there be no Bishop , or else he be a Hereticke and Wolfe . But I would learne , why may not the Presbytery validly Ordaine , either by themselves , or by any one Presbyter with commission and power from them , even where there is a Bishop ( and he no Hereticke ) who consenteth not thereto : for k the D. acknowledgeth , that not only quo ad aptitudinem , but even quo ad plenariam ordinationis executionem , the same power pertaineth to the Presbytery collegialiter , which he alledgeth , ( but proveth not ) that the Apostles gave to Bishops personaliter . Now from all these things , Princes may learne how to reforme their owne and the Prelats usurpation , and how to reduce the orders and vocation of Ecclesiasticall persons , unto conformity with the Apostolicke & Primitive patterne , from which if they goe on either to injoyne , or to permit a departing , we leave them to be judged by the King of terrours . DISGRESSION II. Of the convocation and moderation of Synods . TOuching the convocation of Synods , wee resolve with l the Professours of Leiden ; that if a Prince doe so much as tollerat the order and regiment of the Church to be pubpublike , his consent and auctority should be craved , & he may also designe the time , place , and other circumstances . m But much more , if he be a Christian and Orthodoxe Prince , should his consent , auctority , help , protection , & saffeguard be sought & graunted . n And that according to the example , both of godly Kings in the old Testament , and of Christian Emperours and Kings 111 the New. o Chiefly then , and justly , the Magistrat may and ought to urge and require Synodes , when they of the Ecclesiasticall order cease from doing their duty . p Veruntamen si contra , &c. Neverthelesse say they , if contrarywise , the Magistrat be an enemy and persecuter of the Church , and of true Religion , or cease to doe his duty , that is to wit , in a manifest danger of the Church , the Church notwithstanding ought not to be wanting to her self , but ought to use the right and auctority of convocation , which first and foremost remaineth with the rulers of the Church , as may be seene Act. 15. But that this bee not thought a Tenet of Antiepiscopall Writters alone , let us heart what is said , by q one of our greatest Opposites . Neque defendi●…s ita , &c. Neither doe wee so defend , that this right of convocating Councelle , pertaineth to Princes , at that the Ecclesiasticall Prelats may no way , either assemble themselves togither by mutuall consent , or be convocated by the auctority of the Metropolitan , Pri●…t , or Patriarch . For the Apostles did celebrat Councells , without any convocation of Princes . So many Councells as were celebrate before the first Ni●…ne , were vvithout all doubt gathered togither , by the meanes alone of Ecclesiasticall Persons : for to vuhom directly the Church is fully committed , they ought to beare the care of the Church . Yet Princes in some respect , indirectly , for help and aide , chiefly then vvhen the Prelats neglect to convocat Councells , or are destitute of povver for doing of the same , of dutymay , & use to convocat them . Where we see his judgement to be , that the power of convocating Councells , pertaineth directly to Ecclesiasticall persons , and to Princes only indirectly , for that they ought to give help and aide , to the convocation of the same , especially when Church men either will not , or can not assemble themselves togither . His reasons whereupon he groundeth his judgement , are two , and those stronge ones . 1. The Apostolicall Councells , Act. 6. 2. & 15. 6. and so many as were assembled before the first Councell of Nice , were not convocated by Princes , but by Ecclesiasticall persons , without the leave of Princes . Therefore in the like cases , the Church ought to use the like liberty , that is , when there is need of Synods , either for preventing , or reforming some corruptions in the Doctrine or Policy of the Church ; and for avoiding such inconveniencies as may impede the course of the Gospell , ( Princes in the meane time beeing hostile Opposites to the trueth of God , and to the purity of Religion , ) then to convocat the same , without their auctority and leave . 2. The Church is fully committed , ( and that directly ) to the Ministers whom Christ hath set to rule over the same . Therefore they ought to take care and to provyde for all her necessities , as these who must give a count , & be answerable to God for any hurt which shee receiveth , in things Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , for which ( when they might ) they did not provyde a remedie : Which beeing so , it followeth , that when Princes will neither convocat Synods , nor consent to the convocating of thē , yet if the convocating of a Synod , be a necessary meane for healing of the Churches hurt , and Ecclesiasticall Persons be able , ( through the happy occasion of a fit opportunity , ) synodically to assemble themselves , in that case they ought by themselves to come togither , unlesse one would say , that Princes alone , and not Pastors , must give a count to God , how it hath gone with the Church , in matters Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall . If it be objected , that our Divines mantaine against Papists , that the right and power of convocating Synods pertaineth to Princes . Ans. And so say I , but for making the purpose more plaine I adde three distinctions . 1. In ordinary cases , and when Princes are not enemies to the trueth and purity of the Gospell , Ecclesiasticall Persons should not doe well to assemble themselves togither in a Synod , except they be convocate with the auctority or consent of Princes . Yet as r Iunius sheweth , in extraordinary cases , and when the Magistrat will not concurre not joyne with the Church , the Church may well assemble and come togither beside his knowledge ; and without his consent , for that extraordinary evills must have extraordinary remedies . 2. Ecclesiasticall persons may convocat Councells , simply and by a spirituall power and jurisdiction : but to convocat them by a temporall and coactive power , pertaineth to Princes onely . Ecclesiasticall Power ( saith s the Archb. of Spalato ) , may appoint and convocate Councels : but yet the Ecclesiasticall Power it selfe cannot with any effect or working compell Bishops , especially if the Bishops of another Province , or Kingdome , or Patriarchship , be to be convocated . For because the Church can works by her censures and deprive them who refuse of her Communion , if they come not ; yet they shall not therefore come to the Councell if they contemne the censure Therefore that no man may be able to resist , it is necessary that they be called by a coactive auctority , which can constraine them who gainestand both with banishments , and bodily punishments , & compell the Bishops , not onely of one Province , but also of the whole Kingdome or Empire , to conveene . 3. In the maine and substantiall respects , the convocation of Councels pertaineth to the Ministers of the Church , that is , as Councels are Ecclesiasticall meetings , for putting order to Ecclesiasticall matters , they ought to be assembled by the Spirituall Power of the Ministers , whose part it is , to espie and note all the misorders and abuses in the Church , which must bee righted . But because Councels are such meetings , as must have a certaine place designed for them , in the Dommions and Territories of Princes , needing further , for their safe assembling , a certification of their Princely protection ; and finally , it beeing expedient for the better successe of Councels , that Christian Princes be present therein , either personally , or by their Commissioners , that they may understand the Councels , Conclusions , and Decrees , & assenting unto the same , ratify and establish them by their Regall and Royall Auctority ; because of these circumstances it is , that the consent and auctority of Christian Princes , is , and ought to be sought and exspected for the assembling of Synods . As for the right of presidency and moderation , wee distinguish with t Iunius two sorts of it , both which have place in Councels ; vix . the moderation of the Ecclesiasticall action , and the moderation of the humane order ; and with him we say , that in Councels , the whole Ecclesiasticall action ought to be moderated by such a President , as is elected for the purpose , even as Hosius Bishop of Corduba was chosen to preside in the first Councell of Nice : Which office agreeth not to Princes : for in the point of propounding rightly the state of questions and things to be handled , and of containing the disputations in good order , Certe praefidere debet persona Ecclesiastica , in sacris literis erudita saith u the Archb. of Spalato . The presiding and moderating in the humane order , that is , by a coactive power to compesce the turbulent , to avoid all confusion and contention , and to cause a peaceable proceeding and free deliberation , pertaineth indeed to Princes , and so did Constantine preside in the same Councell of Nice . DIGRESSION III. Of the judging of Controversies and Questions of Faith. THere is a twofold judgement which discerneth and judgeth of Faith. The one absolute , whereby the most high God , whose supreme Auctority alone , bindeth us to beleeve whatsoever he propoundeth to be believed by us , hath in his written Word pronounced , declared , and established ; what he would have us to believe concerning himself , or his worship . The other limited and subordinate : which is either publike or private . That which is publike , is either ordinary or extraordinary . The Ministeriall or subordinate publike judgement , which I call ordinary , is the judgement of every Pastor or Doctor ; who by reason of his publike vocation and office , ought by his publike Ministery to direct and instruct the judgments of other men , in matters of Faith. Which judgement of Pastors and Doctors , is limited and restricted to the plaine warrants and testimonies of Holy Scripture , x they themselves beeing onely the Ambassadours of the judge , to preach and publish the sentence which he hath established , so that a Pastor is not properly judex but Index . The subordinate publike judgement , which is extraordinary , is the judgement of a Councell , assembled for the more publike and effectuall establishment and declaration of one or moe points of Faith , and heads of Christian Doctrine , & that in Opposition to all contrary heresie , or error , which is broached and set a foot in the Church . y From which Councell , no Christian man who is learned in the Scriptures , may be excluded , but ought to be admitted to utter his judgement in the same . For in the indagation or searching out of a matter of Faith , they are not the persons of men , which give auctority to their sayings , but the reasons and documents which every one bringeth for his judgement . The subordinate judgement , which I call private , is the judgement of Discretion , z whereby every Christian , for the certaine information of his owne minde , and the satisfaction of his owne conscience , may and ought to trie and examine , as well the Decrees of Councels ' , as the Doctrines of particular Pastors , and in so farre to receive and believe the same , as he understandeth them to agree with the Scriptures . Beside these , there is no other kind of judgement , which God hath allowed to men , in matters of Faith. Which beeing first observed , we say next concerning the part of Princes , that when questions and controversies of Faith , are tossed in the Church , that which pertaineth to them , is , to convocate a Councell for the Decision of the matter , civilly to moderate the same , by causing such an orderly and peaceable proceeding , as is alike necessary in every grave Assembly , whether of the Church or of the Common-wealth ; and finally , by their coactive temporall power , to urge and procure , that the decrees of the Councell be received , and the Faith therein contained , professed by their subjects . But neither may they , by their owne Auctority , and without a Councell , decide any controverted matter of Faith , nor yet having convocate a Councell , may they take upon them to command , rule , order , and dispose the disputes and deliberations according to their arbitrement ; nor lastly , may they , by vertue of their Regall Dignity , claime any power to examine the Decrees concluded in the Councell , otherwise , then by the judgement of private discretion , which is common to every Christian. First , I say , they may not by themselves presume , publikely and judicially , to decide and define any matter of Faith , which is questioned in the Church : but this definition they ought to remit unto a lawfull and free Councell . Ambrose would not come to the Court to be judged by the Emperour Valentinian , in a matter of Faith , and asked , when ever he heard that Emperours judged Bishops in matters of Faith , seeing , if that were granted , it would follow that Laymen should dispute and deba●…e matters , and Bishops heare , yea that Bishops should learne of Laymen . The true ground of which refusall ( cleare enough in it selfe ) is darkened by a D. Field , who alledgeth , 1. That the thing which Valentinian tooke on him , was , to judge of a thing already resolved in a generall Councell called by Constantine , as if it had been free , and not yet judged of at all . 2. That Valentinian was knowen to be partiall ; that he was but a Novice ; and the other Iudges which he meant to associate to himselfe suspected . But howsoever these circumstances might serve the more to justify Ambrose his not compearing , to be judged in a matter of Faith by Valentinian , yet the D. toucheth not that which is most considerable , namely , the reason which he alledged for his not compearing , because it hath been at no time heard of , that Emperours judged Bishops in matters of Faith , and if that were granted , it would follow , that Bishops should learne of Laymen . Which reason holdeth ever good , even though the thing hath not beene formerly judged by a Councell . And furthermore , if these ( which the D. mentioneth ) were the true reasons of his refusing to be judged by Valentinian , then why did he pretend another reason , ( whereof we have heard ) and not rather defend himselfe with the reall and true reasons ? Wherefore we gather , that the reason which made Ambrose refuse to be judged by him , was no other then this , because he considered , that Princes neither by themselves , nor by any whom they please to choose , may , without a lawfully assembled and free Councell , usurpe a publike judgement and decisive sentence in controversies of Faith : which if they arrogate to themselves , they farre exceed the bounds of their vocation For it is not said of Princes , but of Priests , b that their lippes should preserve knowledge , and that they should seeke the Law from their mouthes . And c the Priests did Iehosaphat set in Ierusalem , for the judgement of the Lord , and for controversies , and for judging betwixt Law & Commandement , statutes and judgements . In the meane while , we denie not , but that in extraordinary cases , when lawfull Councels can not be had , and when the Cleargie is universally corrupted , through grosse ignorance , perverse affections , and incorrigible negligence , in such a case , the Prince notwithstanding the defect of the ordinary and regular Iudges , may yet by the Power of he civill sword , represse and punish so many as publish and spread such Doctrines , as both he and other Christians by the judgement of discretion , plainely understand from Scripture , to be hereticall . Next I say , that the Prince having assembled a Councell , may not take so much upon him , as imperiously to command what he thinketh good , in the disputes and deliberations , & to have every thing ordered , disposed , and handled according to his minde . To debate and define Theologicall controversies , and to teach what is Orthodoxall , what Hereticall , is the office of Divines ; yet by a coactive auctority to judge this Orthodoxe Faith to be received by all , and Hereticall pravity to be rejected is the office of Kings , or the supreme Magistrates in every Commonwealth , saith d the Bishop of Sarisburie . And e againe , in Searching , Directing , Teaching ; Divines , ordinarily and by reason of their calling , ought to goe be fore Kings themselves : but in commanding , establishing , compelling ; Kings doe farre excell . Where he sheweth , how in defining of the Controversies of Religion , in one respect Ecclesiasticall persons , and in another respect Kings have the first place . In the debating of a question of Faith , Kings have not , by vertue of their Princely vocation , any precedencie or chiefe place , the action beeing meerely Ecclesiasticall . For , howbeit Kings may convocate a Councell , preside also and governe the same as concerning the humane and politicall order , yet saith f Iunius , Actiones , deliberationes , & definitiones , ad substantiam rei Ecclesiasticae pertinentes , à Sacerdotio sunt , à caetu servorum Dei , quibus rei suae administrationem mandavit Deus . And with him the Archb. of Spalato saith in like manner , that howbeit Christian Princes have convocated Councels , and civilly governed the same , yet they had no power nor auctority in the very discussing , handling , and deciding of matters of Faith. What then ? In the handling of controversies of Faith , have Princes no place nor power at all , beside that of Politicall governement onely ? Surely by vertue of their Princely auctority , they have no other place in the hādling of these matters . Yet , what if they be men of singular learning and understanding in the Scriptures ? Then let them propound their owne suffrage , with the grounds and reasons of it , even as other learned men in the Councell doe . But neither as Princes , nor as men singularly learned , may they require that others in the Councell shall dispute and debate matters , and that they themselves shall sit as Iudges having judiciall power of a negative voice . For in a Councell , no mans voice hath any greater strength , then his reasons and probations have . Non enim admitto , &c. For I admit not in a Councell ( saith h the same Prelate ) some as Iudges , others as Disputators , for I have shewed that a conciliarie judgement , consisteth in the approbation of that sentence , which above others hath been shewed to have most waight , and to which no man could enough oppose . Wherefore no man in the Councell ought to have a judiciarie voice , unlesse he bee withall a Disputator , and assigne a reason wherefore hee adheres to that judgement , and repels another , and that reason , such a one , as is drawen from the Scriptures onely , and from Antiquity . Lastly , I hold , that after the definition and decision of a Councell , Princes may not take upon them , by any judiciall power or publike vocation , to examine the same , as if they had auctority to pronounce yet another decisive sentence , either ratifying or reversing what the Councell hath decreed . Most certaine it is , that before Princes give their Royall assent , unto the Decrees of any Councell whatsoever , and compell men to receive & aknowledge the same , they ought first of all carefully to trie and examine them , whether they agree with the Scriptures or not , and if they find them not to agree with the Scriptures , then to denie their assent and auctority thereto . But all this Princes doe not by any judiciall power , or publike auctority , but onely by that judgement of private discretion , which they have as Christians , and which togither with them is common also to their subjects : for neither may a Master of a Family commend , to his children and servants , the profession of that Faith , which is published by the Decrees of a Councell , except in like manner he examine the same by the Scriptures . DIGRESSION IV. Of the power of the Keyes and Ecclesiasticall censures . ECclesiasticall censures and punishments , wherewith Delinquents are bound , and from which when they turne penitents they are loosed , are of two sorts : either such as are common , and agree unto all , as Excommunication and Absolution ; or such as are peculiar , and agree onely to men of Ecclesiasticall order , as Suspension , Deprivation , &c. As touching the power of the Keyes , to bindand loose , Excommunicate and absolve : first of all , Princes are to remember , that neither they may , by themselves exerce this power , ( for i Regum est Corporalem irrogare paenam ; Sacerdotum Spiritualem inferre vindictam ; ) nor yet by their Deputes or Commissioners in their name , and with auctority from them , because as they have not themselves the power of the Keyes , so neither can they communicate the same unto others . Secondly , forasmuch as Princes are the wardens , defenders , and revengers of both the Tables , they ought therefore to provide and take course , that neither Laymen be permitted to have and exerce the power of Excommunication , nor yet that the Prelates themselves be suffered in their particular Dioceses , to appropriate this power and externall jurisdiction , as peculiar to themselves : but that it remaine in their hands to whom it pertaineth by Divine institution . What a woefull abuse is it , that in our neighbour Churches of England , and Ireland , the Bishops Vicar generall , or Officiall , or Commissarie , beeing oftentimes such a one as hath never entered into any holy Orders , shall sit in his Courts , to use ( I should have said to abuse ) the power of Excommunication and Absolution ? And what though some silly Presbiter bee present in the Court ? Doth not the Bishops Substitute , beeing a Layman , examine and judge the whole matter , decree , and give sentence what is to be done ? Hath he not the Presbiters tong tied to his belt ? And what doth the Presbiter more , but onely pronounce the sentence according to that which he who sitteth judge in the Court , hath decreed and decerned ? As touching the Prelates themselves , I pray , by what warrant have they appropriate to themselves , the whole externall jurisdiction of Binding and Loosing , Excommunicating , and Absolving ? But that we may a litle scan this their usurpation , and discover the iniquity thereof to the view of Princes , whose part it is , to cause the same to be reformed , let us consider to whom Christ himselfe , k who hath the Key of David , who openeth and no man shutteth , and shutteth , and no man openeth , hath committed this power of the Keyes to be used upon earth . And first , let us distinguish betwixt the power it selfe , and the execution of it . The power and auctority of Binding and Loosing , Christ hath delivered to the whole Church , that is , to every particular Church collectively taken . The auctority of Excommunication pertaineth to the whole Church saith l D. Fulke . Ius excommunicandi ( saith m Balduine ) non est penes quemvis privatum , five ex ordine fit Ecclesiastico , five Politico , &c. Sed hoc jus pertinet ad totam Ecclesiam . So say Zanchius in 4. praec . col . 756. Polanus Synt. lib. 7. cap. 18. Pareus in 1. Cor. 5. de Excom . Cartvvright , on 1. Cor. 5. 4. Perkins on Iude vers . 3. and generally all our sound Writers . n The Magdeburgians cite for the same judgement , Augustine and Primasius . o Gerard citeth also some Popish Writers assenting hereunto . The reasons which we give for confirmation hereof , are these . 1. It pertaineth to the whole Church , collectively taken , to deny her Christian Communion , to such wicked persons as adde contumacie to their disobedience ; Therefore it pertaineth to the whole Church to Excommunicat them . Againe , it pertaineth to the whole Church , to admit and receive one into her communion and familiar fellowship . Therefore to the whole Church it likewise pertaineth , to cast one out of her communion . Sure , the sentence of Excommunication is pronounced in vaine , except the whole Church out of the person thus judged , from all communion with her . And the sentence of Absolution is to as litle purpose pronounced , except the whole Church admit one againe to have communion with her . Shortly , the whole Church hath the power of punishing a man , by denying her communion unto him . Therefore the whole Church hath the power of judging , that he ought to be so punished . The whole Church hath the power of remitting this punishment againe . Therefore the whole Church hath the power of judging that it ought to be remitted . 2. The Apostle 1. Cor. 5. sheweth the Israelits their purging away of leaven out of all their dwellings in the time of the Passeover , to be a figure of Excommunication , whereby disobedient and obstinat sinners , who are as leaven to infect other men , are to be voided , and thurst out of the Church . Now as the purging away of the leaven , did not peculiarly belong unto any one or some few among the Israëlits , but unto the whole Congregation of Israel : so the Apostle writting to the whole Church of Corinth . even to as many as should take care to have the whole lumpe kept unleavened , p saith to them all . Know ye not that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lumpe ? Purge out therefore the old leaven . Put away from among your selves that wicked person . 3. Christ hath delivered the power of binding and loosing , to every particular Church or Congregation , collectively taken , which thus we demonstrat . If our brother who trespasseth against us , will neither be reclaimed by privat admonition , nor yet by a rebuke given him before some moe witnesses : then q saith Christ , Tell it unto the Church : but if he neglect to heare the Church , let him be unto thee as an Heathen man and a Publican . Verely I say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven , & whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth shall be loosed in Heaven . Where he sheweth , that in the Christian Church ( which hee was to plant by the Ministery of his Apostles ) Excommunication was to be used , as the last remedy for curing of the most deadly & desperat evills : which Excommunication he setteth forth , by allusion unto the order and custome of the Iewes in his time , among whom they who were cast out , and excommunicat from the Synagogue , were accounted as Heathens and Publicans . And so when he saith , Let him be unto thee as an Heathen man and a Publican , he presupposeth , that the Church hath Excommunicat him for his contumacie which he hath added to his disobedience . For as r Pareus saith , If by me , and thee , and every one , he is to be accounted for such a man , it must needs be , that the judgement of the Church be by publike declaration made knowen to me , and thee ; & every one . And this meaning is throughly drawen out of the following verse . For whatsoever ye shall binde on Earth , &c. Therefore the Church ought first to binde him , before he ought to be accounted by me or thee for one bound , that is , Excommunicat . Now what meaneth Christ by the Church , to which he giveth the power of binding and loosing ? Not the Church universall , sure : for I can not tell the Church universall ( whether it be understood collectivé , or repraesentativè ) whensoever my brother trespasseth against me , and will not be reformed . He meaneth therefore the particular Church , whereof for the time it sha●…l happen one to be a Member . The power of the Keyes ( saith s Perkins , ●…is given to all Ministers , Churches , & Congregations . Neither could there otherwise an ordinary , perpetuall , & ready course be had , for the correcting of all publike contumacie and scandall , by the meanes of Ecclesiasticall Discipline . But it will be said , when he biddeth us tell that particular Church , whereof wee are Members , he meaneth not that wee should tell the whole body of that Church collectivè , but that we should tell the Governours of the Church , who are the Church representativè . How then is this place alledged , to prove , that the whole Church , collectivè , hath Power and Auctority to binde and loose ? Ans. Christ meaneth indeed , that wee should tell those Governours who represent the Church : but whiles he calleth them by the name of the Church , and sendeth us to them as to those who represent the Church , he plainly in sinuateth , that they exerce the power of the Keyes ( as in his name , so ) in the name of the Church , and that this power and auctority pertaineth to the whole Church : even as when one man representeth another mans person , whatsoever power he exerceth ●…o nomine , doth first of all agree , to the man who is represented , in his owne proper person . 4. t The Apostle writing to the whole Church of Corinth , will have them ( being gathered togither ) to deliver that incestuous person to Satan . Therefore every particular Church or Congregation , hath power to Excommunicat such a contumacious sinner , as that incestuous person was . It is the common answere of Papists , that albeit the Apostle commanded the act should be done in face of the Church , yet the judgement and auctority of giving sentence , was in himself alone , land not in the Church of Corinth ; whereupon they would make it to follow , that the power of Excommunication pertaineth to the Bishop alone , and not the Church . And the same answere doth u Saravia returne to Beza . But howsoever x the Apostle saith , that he had allready judged concerning the incestuous person , yet he did not hereby seclude the Church of Corinth , from the auctority of excommunicating him . It is to be observed saith y Calvine , that Paul , albeit he was an Apostle , doth not for his owne will excommunicat alone : but communicateth his counsell with the Church , that the thing may be done by common auctority . Himself indeed goeth before and sheweth the way : but whiles he adjoyneth to himself other partakers , he signifieth sufficiently , that it is not the privat power of one man. Nay , let us further observe with z Iunius , that the Apostles hath a two fold power : one , commonto them with other Presbyters , 1. Pet. 5. 1. another , singular proper , and extraordinary , which they had as Apostles . By this singular power . Paul saith : a What will ye ? shall I come unto you vvith a rod ? but by the common power it was that he said : b When ye are gathered togither , and my Spirit , &c. By no other power , then that which was common to him with the rest of the Presbyters or Bishops in Corinth , did he judge the incestuous person to be excommunicated : and thus , as though he had beene present in body , among the other Presbyters of that Church , and assembled togither with them , in their ordinary Councell or Consistorie ( in which c fuerunt libere Apostoli , alij vero Presbyteri ex ●…ocatione propria , & necessitate officii ; ) so d he both pronounceth his owne judgement , and likewise goeth before , by pronouncing that judgement which was to be in common by them pronounced , Furthermore , that the Apostle would not have , that incestuous man to be excommunicat by his owne auctority alone , but by the auctority of the Church of Corinth , thus it appeareth . 1. e The Apostle challengeth and condemneth the Corinthians , because they had not excommunicat him , before his writting unto them : which he would never have done , if that Church had not had power and auctority of Excommunication . 2. Howbeit the Apostle gave his judgement , that he should be excommunicat , because he ought not to have beene tollerated in the Church , yet for all that , he should not have beene indeed excommunicat and thrust out of the Church of Corinth , except the Ministers and Elders of that Church , had in name of the whole body of the same , judicially cast him forth and delivered him to Satan . Which plainly argueth , that he should not have beene excommunicat by the Apostles auctority alone , but by the auctority of the Church of Corinth . 3. The Apostle only sheweth , that he should bee excommunicat , but referreth the giving of sentence and judgement upon him , to the Corinthians . For he saith not , that the Corinthians being gathered togither , should declare or witnesse , that such a one was delivered to Satan , by Pauls owne power and auctority , but , that they themselves should deliver him to Satan vers . 4. 5. And againe , Purge out therefore the old leaven . Put away from among your selves that wicked person , v. 7. 13. But saith f Saravia , partes Apostoli in illa actionè fuerunt authoritatis , Ecclesiae vero Corinthiacae , obedientiae . Ans. That the action was done by the auctority of the Church of Corinth , it is manifest both from that which hath beene said , and likewise if further we consider , that the Apostle ascribeth to the Corinthians , as much auctority in this action , as he assumeth to himself . For he saith of himself , that he had judged concerning him that had done this deed v. 3. and so he saith of them , Doe not ye judge them that are within ? vers . 12. Where he speaketh not of the judgement of privat discretion , ( for so they might have judged them that were without also , ) but even of the externall and authoritative judgement of Ecclesiasticall Discipline . g The Apostle indeed saith , that he wrote to the Corinthians to excommunicat that person , that he might know them , whether they were obedient in all things : but this proveth not , that the auctority of the excommunication was not theirs : for their part in this action proceeded both from auctority & from obedience : from auctority , absolutely : from obedience , in some respect . De jure , they had no liberty nor power not to excommunicate him , but were bound to doe that which Paul pointed out to be their duty , and in that respect he calleth them obedient : yet absolutely , and de facto it was free to them , ( notwithstanding of Pauls writing to them ) either to excommunicate him , or not to excommunicate him , and if they had not by their auctority excommunicate him , hee had not been at all excommunicate by any vertue of Pauls judging of him . 4. When the Corinthians proceeded to excommunicate him , h the Apostle calleth this a censure which was inflicted of many : which could not be said if he was to be excommunicate by the Apostles auctority alone . 5. i The Apostle writeth againe to the Corinthians , to forgive the incestuous man , to receive him into their communion , and to remit the punishment of his excommunication , because he was winne to repentance . And k he addeth : To whom ye forgive any thing , I forgive also . Now , who can remit the punishment , and save one from underlying the censure , except such as have the power and auctority of judgement ? Hitherto we have proven , that the power of binding and loosing , pertaineth to every particular Church collectively taken . But the execution and judiciall exercing of this power , pertaineth to that company and assembly of Elders in every Church , which the Apostle , 1 Tim. 4. 14. calleth a Presbitery . In Scotland we call it a Session . In France it is called a Consistory . In Germany and Belgia according to the Scripture phrase it is tearmed a Presbitery . It is made up of the Pastor or Pastors of every Congregation , togither with those governing Elders which labour there ( not in Doctrine , but ) in Discipline onely : Of which things , we have spoken l before . That unto this Companie or Consistorie of Elders , pertaineth the power of binding and loosing , it is averred by the best Divines . Calvine on Math 18. 17. 18. & lib. Epistol . Col. 168. 169. Beza contra Saraviam de divers . Minist . grad . Zanchius in 4. praec . col . 756. Iunius animad . in Bell. cont . 5. lib. 1. cap. 14. nota 28. Polanus Synt. lib. 7. cap. 18 Tilen Synt. part . 2. disp . 28. The Professours of Leiden Syn. Pur. Theol. disp . 48. Gerard . loc . Theol. tom . 6. pag. 137. 138. Balduin de cas . consc . lib. 4. cap. 11. cas . 11. Pareus in Math. 18. 17. 18. & in 1 Cor. 5. Cartwright on Math. 18. sect . 7. Fennerus Theol. lib. 7. cap. 7. p. 152. 153. Alstedius Theol. casuum cap. 27. Danaeus Pol. Christ lib. 6 pag. 452. 464. Hēmingius Enchirid. class . 3. cap. 11. pag. 388. Martyr in 1 Cor. 5. and sundry others . m Bullinger recordeth , that this was the manner of the particular Churches in Helvetia , to choose unto themselves a certaine Senate of Elders , or company of the best men in the Church , which might according to the Canon of Holy Scripture , exerce the Discipline of Excommunication . Which forme is well warranted by the Scriptures . For when Christ committeth the auctority of binding and loosing unto the Church , Math , 18. 17. 18. Howsoever the power & auctority it selfe pertaine to any particular Church collectively taken , as hath been said , yet the execution of the same is committed to the Consistory or Senate of Elders , which representeth that Church , and which Paul calleth a Presbitery . n Zanchius saith , that Chrysostome , Bullinger , and all good Interpreters , understand the Presbitery to be there meant by Christ , when he saith , Tell the Church . Chrysostome saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , saith o Iunius , the Ecclesiasticall Synedrium made up of Pastors and Elders . Thus p Camero likewise expoundeth the place . Ecclesiae nomine saith he , videtur Christus significasse Collegium Presbiterorum qui Ecclesiae Christianae erant praefuturi , cujus Presbyterij mentio fit , 1 Tim. 4. Now if Christ hath committed the power of Excommunication unto the Church , what have Bishops to say for themselves , who appropriate th●… power unto themselves , each one in his owne Diocie ? q for we can not give the name of the Church unto a Bishop : because he is but one man , and the Church is a company of many men . Nay , nor yet can we give the name of the Church unto a company of Bishops ; for if they might bee called the Church , it should be for this respect alone , because they represent the Church . But soli Episcopi , &c. Bishops alone saith r Gerard , or they who teach , can not represent the Church , since hearers also pertaine to the definition thereof , but the Presbitery can represent the Church , whereunto not onely they pertaine who labour in the Word , but also Elders or Governours , put in auctority , for expeding of Ecclesiasticall matters in name of the whole Church . We graunt then , s that by the Church , Christ meaneth that company of Church Gouvernours , whereby a certaine particular Church is represented , but for as much as the Church consisteth of two integrant parts , viz. Pastors and Sheepe , Teachers and Hearers , we therefore denie , that the representative Church whereof Christ speaketh , can be any other , then that Ecclesiasticall Consistory , whereof we have spoken . Moreover , albeit the Apostle wrote to the whole Church of Corinth to deliver the incestuous man to Satan , because the matter could not be otherwise done , but onely in the name , and with the consent of that whole Church , yet he never meant , that the common promiscuous multitude should by their suffrages and voices examine and judge that cause . But saith t Calvine because the multitude unlesse it be governed by councell , never doth any thing moderately , nor gravely , there was ordained in the auncient Church ( meaning the Apostolick Church ) a Presbytery , that is , a company of Elders , which by the consent of all , had the first judgement and examination of things : from it the matter was carried to the people , but beeing already determined before . Againe , when the Apostle writeth to them in his second Epistle , that they should forgive him , because he had repented , thus he reasoneth ; u Sufficient to such a man is this censure which was inflicted of many . Which words that we may the better understand , it is worthy of observation , ( which not x Calvins onely , but y Saravia also noteth ) that it appeareth from this place , he was not excommunicate , but by sharpe rebukes tymously winne to repentance , whereby the Apostle sheweth it to be needlesse , yea most inconvenient to proceed against him , to the extremity of Discipline . The Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there used by the Apostle , signifieth rebuke , reprehension , or chiding , saith D. Fulke . And so Scapula taketh it to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to signifie another thing then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Beza and Tremellius turne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by increpatio . Ar. Montanus readeth , objurgatio . This chiding or threatning of the man , proceeded not from the whole Church of Corinth , but onely from many therein , as is plaine from the Text , and as a Saravia also graunteth . And who were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those ma●…y of whom the Apostle speaketh ? Not such as from Christian and brotherly charity did privately chide and rebuke him , for the matter was not then depending in private rebukes , but by the Apostles direction it was brought to the Churches part , and to publike Discipline , the scandall it selfe beeing so publike and notoriously manifest . They were therefore such as had publike office and auctority to chide him . And who were those , but the Consistory of Pastors and Elders , which represented the whole Church , and were set in auctority for judging and managing of things pertaining to Ecclesiasticall Discipline ? They ( no doubt ) beeing met together , called the man before them , and did most sharpely rebuke him and chide with him , and threatned that they would not onely debarre him from the Lords Table , ( which is called lesser Excommunication , but more properly , a step or degree tending next to Excommunication : ) but also wholly cast him out of the Church , and deliver him to Satan . Whereupon the man beeing made to see the grievousnesse of his sinne , and the terrible punishment which was to follow upon it , becommeth most sorrowfull , humble and penitent . And this moved the Apostle to say , Sufficient to such a man , &c. as if he would say : what needeth him now to be excommunicate , and so to be corrected and put to shame by you all , when every one of you shall denie to him your Christian communion , as one wholly cast out of the Church ? Is it not enough , that many among you , even your whole Presbitery , hath put him to such publike shame by their sharpe reprehensions , and to so great feare by their dreadfull threatnings ? and since , through the blessing of God upon these meanes , he is already w●…nne to repentance , why would you have him yet more publikely corrected and rejected by all and every one ? And further , the Apostle addeth , that now they should not onely forgive him and comfort him vers . 7. but also confirme , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) their love towards him vers . 8. Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to confirme or ratify by auctority , and so b Chemnitius , Bullinger , and Cartwright expound it in this place . It commeth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Auctority , whence commeth also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Lord or one having auctority , As therefore the Presbitery or company of Pastors and Elders , had by their auctority established , that he was to be excommunicate , and determined to proceed to the execution of extreme Discipline against him , so now the Apostle would have them by the same auctority , to ratify and establish the remission of this punishment unto him , and to decree that the Church should not denie her communion unto him . For this auctority of binding and loosing , though it pertained to the whole Church , in actu primo sive in esse , yet it pertained to the Presbitery alone , in actu secun●… sive in operari : and even as the act of speaking , pertaineth to a man , as Principium quod , but to the tongue alone , as Principium quo ; so albeit the power of the Keyes , doth primarly and principally belong to the Church collectively taken , yet the actuall execution of this power , belongeth onely to the Presbitery which representeth the Church , and unto which the Church hath committed her auctority to bind and loose . Wherefore , since the Apostle writeth to the whole Church of Corinth , to confirme by auctority their love to the penitent man , and since this auctority in the actuall execution of it ( which the Apostle craveth ) did not agree to that whole Church collectively taken , we must needs understand his meaning to be , that their love towards that man , & their forgiving of him , should be ratified & confirmed by the auctority of those Church Governours , qui Ecclesiae nomen ad caetum repraesentant , totius nimirum Presbiterij authoritate atque consensu . Thus have we shewed , that the actuall use of the Keyes , or the execution of the auctority of binding and loosing , pertaineth to that Ecclesiasticall Sena●…e in every particular Church , which the Apostle calleth a Presbitery . For further illustration of the truth whereof , I adde these foure observations . 1. We must distinguish f a twofold power of the keyes : the one is execute in Doctrine : the other in Discipline : the one Concionalis : the other Iudicialis . Touching the former , we graunt it is proper for Pastors alone , whose office and vocation it is , by the Preaching and Publishing of Gods Word , to shut the Kingdome of Heaven against impenitent and disobedient men , and to open it unto penitent sinners , to binde Gods heavie wrath upon the former , and ( by application of the promises of mercy ) to loose the lat●…er from the sentence and fear of Condemnation . When we ascribe the power of binding and loosing to that whole Consistory , wherein governing Elders are joyned togither with Pastors , we meane only of the Keyes of externall Discipline , which are used in Ecclesiasticall Courts and Iudicatories . 2. When we teach , that the Pastor or Pastors of every particular Church and Congregation , with the Elders of the same , being met togither , have power to binde and loose , we understand this , only of such places wherein a competent number of understanding and qualified men , may be had to make up an Eldership : otherwise let there be one Eldership made up of two or three of the next adjacent Parishes , according as was ordained by the Church of Scotland , in the seaventh Chapter of the second booke of Discipline . Sine totius , &c. Without the consent of some whole Church saith g Zanchius , no man ought to be excommunicat . Yea I adde , if it be a small Church , and not consisting of many learned and skillfull men , Excommunication ought not to bee done , except the nighbour Churches be asked counsell of . And as touching the Pastors part , h Calvine saith well , Nunquam , &c. I never thought it expedient , that the liberty of excommunicating should be permitted to every Pastor . The feare of great inconveniences , which he thought likely to follow upon such a custome , if once it were permitted , makes him professe in that Epistle , that he durst not advise Liserus , to excommunicate any man , without taking counsell of other Pastors . Now I much marvell what Butt i D. Forbesse shot at , when he entitleth one of his Chapters , De potestate Excommunicandi , and then in the body of the Chapter doth no more at all , but only quote those two Testimonies of Zanchius and Calvine : Both of which , doe utterly condemne the usurpation of Bishops , who appropriat to themselves the power of Excommunication , & ascribe this power to the Consistory of Pastors and Elders in every particular Church : and in the forequotted places , doe only ( for preventing of abuses ) set some bounds to the execution of their power : which bounds we also think good to be kept , Viz. that if a Church be so small , that it hath not so many well qualified men , as may be sufficient to assist the Pastor in the governement thereof , then let one commone Eldership be made up out of it , and some other nighbour Churches : By which meanes it shall moreover come to passe , ( which is the other caution to be given ) that not every Pastor ( no not with the Elders of his Congregation ) shall be permitted to have full liberty of binding and loosing , but shall in those matters receive counsell and advice from other Pastors . Howbeit for this latter purpose , the Church of Scotland hath profitably provyded another remedy also , namely , that in certaine chief places , all the Pastors in the adjacent bounds , shall at set and ordinary times assemble themselves , ( which Assemblies in this Nation we call Presbyteries ) that so the Churches may be governed Communi Presbyterorum consilio , as Hierome speaketh of the Primitive times of the Church . 3. Though the execution of the Discipline of Excommunication and Absolution , pertaine to the Consistory of the Pastor and Elders in every Church , yet this Discipline is to be by them execute k in name of the whole Church . l Saravia is bold to affirme , that he who receiveth a sinner , or casteth him out of the Church , doth this in the name and auctority of God alone . We have proven by strong Arguments , that the auctority of Excommunication pertaineth to the whole Church : which though he contradicteth , yet in m one place forgetting himself he aknowledgeth , that the auctority of the Church of Corinth , was to interveene in the Excommunication of the incestuous man. Wherefore , as in the name of God , so in the name and auctority of the whole Church , must one be cast our , or received . 4. To the right execution of this Discipline , n the manifest consent of the whole Church is also necessary : The trueth whereof beside that it appeareth from that which hath beene said concerning the Churches auctority , it is further confirmed , if we consider , either the importance of the thing , or the good of the person . Touching the importance of the thing , Gravissima , &c. Most waightie matters in the Church saith o Gerard , ( and the same saith p Zanchius also , ) ought not to be undertaken without the consent of the whole Ecclesiasticall body , and as Pope Leo writeth , Such thing as pertaine unto all , ought to be done with the consent of all . But vvhat can be more waighty , and vvhat doth more pertaine to the body of the Church , then to cut off some member from the body ? And touching the good of the person , q Augustine sheweth that then only a Sinner is both stricken with feare , and healed with shame , when seeing himself Anathematized by the whole Church , he can not find a fellowe multitude , togither wherewith he may rejoyce in his sinne , and insult upon good men . And that otherwise , if the tares growe so ranke , that they can not be pulled up , and if the same evill disease take hould of so very many , that the consent of the Church can not be had to the excommunication of a wicked person , then good men must grieve and groane , and endure what they can not help . Therefore , that Excommunication may fruitfully succeed , the consent of the people is necessary : r Frustra enim ejicitur ex Ecclesia , & consortio fidelium privatur , quem populus abigere , & à quo abstinere recuset . Howbei●… even in such cases , when the consent of the Church can not be had to the execution of this Discipline , faithfull Pastors and Professors must , every one for his owne part , take heed that he haveno fellowship with the unfruitfull workes of darkenesse , but even reprove them ; yea they ought , in sensu negativo , excommunicat those who should be ( but are not ) excommunicat positively : which negative Excommunication , is not an Ecclesiasticall censure ' but either a bare punishment , or a cautell and animadversion ; And so saith s the Archbishop of Spalato , not only one brother may refuse to communicat with another , but a people also may refuse to communicat with their Pastor , which he confirmeth by certaine examples . But the publike censure of positive Excommunication should not be inflicted without the Churches consent , for the reasons forsaid . Cyprian writteth to Cornelius Bishop of Rome , that he had much laboured with the people , that peace might be given to them who had fallen , that is , that they might be againe received into the communion of the Church : which if he might have done by himself , why did he labour and deale so much with the people in that businesse ? And as they were not received into the Churches communion , without the peoples consent , so neither were they , with out their consent , excommunicat . t Chrysostome sheweth concerning his time , that when one was to be excommunicat , the whole Church was humbled in prayer to God for him , and whenhe was againe released , they did all kindly salute him , & wish him peace . u Tertullian also writteth , that he who was to be excommunicat , in the publike Assembly of the Church , was by the common consent of all , stricken with judgement , and that all the approven and well liked off Elders , had the presidence or direction of the rest of the Church in these Matters . Now from all this , which hath beene said of the power and auctority to excommunicat and absolve , it is manifest how unjustly usurping Prelats doe arrogat & appropriat to themselves this power , which Christ hath committed to every particular Church or Congregation , and ordained to be execute by the Ecclesiasticall Consistory within the same . Which Episcopall usurpation , as it hath beene shewed to bee most contrary to Divine Institution , so doth it also depart from the manner of the auncient Church : For it may be seene in x Cyprian , that the auctority of reconciling and receiving into the Church , such as had fallen , was not proper to the Bishop , but with him common to his Cleargie and Presbytery , and that jus communicationis was given them by the Cleargie , as well as by the Bishop . We have heard out of y Hierome , that a Bishop did nothing , which a Presbyter did not also , except only that he gave the rite or sig●…e of Ordination , that is , imposition of hands . Whereby we understand , that as all other things , beside Ordination , so the power of Excommunication among the rest , was alike common to Bishops and Presbyters . Whence it is , that the same Hierome writting to Demetriades , calleth excommunication , Episcoporum & Presbyterorum censura . And z elsewhere . Alligat vel solvit Episcopus & Presbyter . Iustinian Novel . 123. cap. ●…1 . saith , Omnibus autem Episcopis & Presbyteris interdicimus segregare aliquem à sacra communionè , antequam causa monstretur , &c. certifying them , if they doe otherwise , that he whom they excommunicat , should be loosed from Excommunication à majore Sacerdote . Whence we see , that Presbyters also were wont to excommunicat , & that this power was common to them with the Bishops . The first Councell of Carthage Can. 23. decreeth that a Bishop heare no mans cause without the presence of his Cleargie : and that otherwise his sentence shall be void , except it be confirmed by the presence of his Cleargie . The Canon Law it self hath some vestigies of the auncient order : for a it ordaineth , that when a Bishop either excommunicateth or absolveth any man , twelve of the Cleargie be present and concurre with him . b D ▪ Forbesse now also aknowledgeth , that it is not lawfull for a Bishop to exerce the power of publike jurisdiction by himself , and without the Presbytery ; and under this power of Iurisdiction whereof he speaketh , c he comprehendeth , the Visitation of Churches , Ordination , Suspension , and Deposition of Ministers , the Excommunicating of contumacious persons , & the Reconciling of them when they become penitent , the calling of the fellow Presbyters to a Synod , the making of Ecclesiasticall Canons , &c. which power of Iurisdiction d saith he , remaineth one and the same , whole and entire , both in the Bishop , and in the Presbytery , in him personally , in it collegially . His confession of the Presbyteries power and auctority , we catch & lay hold on : but whereas he would have this power any way proper and personall to Bishops , he is confuted by our former Arguments . And thus farre have we demonstrat to Princes , who be they , to whom Christ hath committed the power of Excommunication , that with them they may cause it to remaine , and correct the usurpation of Prelats , who bereave them of it . Let us next consider , what Princes may , or should doe , after that the sentence of any mans Excommunication , or Reconciliation , is given forth by them , to whom the power of this Discipline pertaineth . e The Archbishop of Spalato is of opinion , that , not only it is free to Princes to communicat with excommunicat persons , but also , that if they shall happen to communicat with them , the Church ( for the reverence she oweth to Princes ) should straight absolve them , and that her sentence of Excommunication should no longer have any strength . What ? Shall the Church draw , and put up againe , the Spirituall Sword , at the pleasure of Princes ? Or because Pr●…ces will perhaps cast holy things to Dogges : must others doe so likewise ? O prodigious licentiousnesse , and hellish misorder , worthy to be drowned in the lake of Lethè ! But what then is the part of the Prince , after that the Church hath given judgement ? Surely , whensoever need is , he ought by the privat judgement of Christian discretion , to trie and examine , whether this Discipline be rightly execute , or not . If he find the execution thereof to be unreproveable , and that yet the sinner goeth on in his contumacy , f then by his Civill power he ought further to punish him in his person , or wordly estate , that he may either reforme or represse , such a one as hath not been terrified by the Churches censures . But if after triall , he understand that the sentence given forth is unjust and erroneous , either through the ignorance or the malice of the Ecclesiasticall and regular Iudges , then hee ought to interpone his auctority , and cause a due proceeding , for in such extraordinary cases of the failing of Ecclesiasticall persons , Princes may doe much in things and causes Spirituall , which ordinarily they can not . It remaineth to shew , who have the power of those censures and punishments which are proper to Ecclesiasticall persons . Where first we are to consider , that there are two sorts of faults which make Ecclesiasticall men worthy to be punished , viz. either such as violate sacred , or such as violate civill and humane duties : the one is to be judged by Ecclesiasticall Iudges alone , and that according to the Lawes of God and the Church : the other by civill Iudges alone , and that according to the civill and municipall Lawes of the Common-wealth . This latter sort againe is twofold , for either the fault is such , that though a man be condignely punished for it by the civill Magistrate , yet he doth not therefore fall from his Ecclesiasticall office or dignity ; of which sort experience sheweth many : or else such as beeing punished according to their quality and demerit , a man by necessary consequence falleth from the Ecclesiasticall function and dignity which before he had ; this was Abiathars case , and the case of so many as beeing justly punished by Proscription , Incarceration or Banishment , are secundario & ex consequenti shut from their bearing office in the Church . If Abiather had sinned in a sacred matter , the cognition thereof saith g Iunius , had pertained to the Priests : but because he sinned against the Common-wealth and the Kings Majesty , it was necessary to deale with him Civilly , and not Ecclesiastically . What ? are not Ecclesiasticall men in this time also thought to be lawfully judged by the Civill Magistrate , if at any time they be found guilty of appaired Majesty ? As for the other sorts of saults , whereby ( as we have said ) Sacred and Ecclesiasticall duties are violate , such as the teaching of False and Hereticall Doctrine , neglecting of Discipline , unbeseeming and scandalous conversation , &c. which things ( if they be not amended ) they who have the execution of Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction committed to them , ought to punish by Suspension , Deposition , &c. Now as when one is called to the worke of the Ministery , his fitnesse and qualification for that worke , should be tried and judged by the Cleargie of the adjacent bounds assembled in their Classicall Presbitery , to whom it also pertaineth ( after that he is by them tried and approven , and after that he is elected by that Church where he is to serve ) to send him out from them with power to exercise the office of a Pastor : so when there is just cause of Suspending or Depriving him , it belongeth to the same Presbitery to consider and judge hereof , and according to his offence to give judgement against him . For who should recall him , but they who sent him ? Or who should discharge him his Ministeriall function , except they who ordained him to exerce the same ? And who may take the power from him , but they who gave the power unto him ? That Ordination perraineth to the whole Presbitery , and not to the Bishop alone , wee have shewed before : and now by the same reason we say , Suspension and Deposition pertaine to the Presbitery also , and are not in the power of the Bishop . And that in the auncient Church , as Bishops gave not Ordination , so neither did they Suspend nor Depose any man without the common Councell , Advice , and concurrence of the Presbitery , yea and sometimes of a Synod , it is cleare from Cypr. lib. 1. Epist. 9. lib. 3. Epist. 2. & 10. Concil . Carthag . 3. can . 8. Concil . Carthag . 4. can . 22. 23. Concil . African . can 20. Concil . Hispal . 2 can . 6. Iustin Novel . 42. cap. 1. Hieron . comment . ad Isa. 3. Siricius Epist. ad Ambros. inter Ambr. epist. 80. Touching the Suspension and Deposition of Ministers , the Assembly at Glosgowe anno 1610. ordained , that the Bishop should associate to himselfe the Ministery of these bounds where the Delinquent served , that is , the Presbitery whereof hee hath been a Member , and togither with them there take triall of the fact , and upon just cause found , to Deprive or Suspend . Which act was ratified in the 21 Parliament of King Iames anno 1612. Neverthelesse , if any man thinke the sentence of the Bishop and the Presbitery given forth against him , to be unjust , he ought to have liberty of recourse to the Synod , and there to bee heard , according as it was decreed by the fourth Councell of Carthage Can. 66. But oftimes the matter is of such difficulty or importance , that the Bishop and the Presbitery may not giveout an peremptory sentence of Suspension or Deprivation , h till the matter be brought to the Synod of the province , i where according to the auncient order the matter is to be handled , not by the censure of one Bishop , but by the judgement of the whole Cleargie gathered togither . Princes therefore may not suffer Bishops to usurpe the power of Suspending and Depriving at their pleasure , and whensoever they commit any such tyranny in smiting of their fellow servants , it is the part of Princes to cause these things to be redressed , and for this end gratiously to receive the grievances of oppressed Ministers . The Arians of old beeing assembled in a Councell at Antioch , k decreed , that if any Ecclesiasticall Person , should without the advice and the letters of the Bishops of the Province , and chiefly of the Metropolitan , goe to the Emperour to put up any grievance unto him , he should be cast out , not onely from the holy Communion , but from his proper dignity which hee had in the Church . Whereupon l Osiander hath this observation : This Canon also was composed against holy Athanasius : for Attanasius beeing expelled by the Arrians , had fled to the Emperour Constantine the younger , and had from him obtained a returne to his owne Church . Now this Canon is very unjust , which forbids that a Bishop or any other Minister of the Church , beeing unjustly oppressed , flee to his godly Civill Magistrate : since it was lawfull to the Apostle Paul to appeale to the Romane Emperour , wicked Nero , as the acts of the Apostles witnesse . But it may be seen in this place , that Bishops were very soone seeking dominion , yea tyrannie over the Church , and over their Colleags . Besides all this , there is yet another thing which ought to have a very principall consideration in the Deposition of a Minister , and that is the consent of the Church and Congregation where he hath served . Let the Magistrate know saith m Gerard , that as the vocation of Ministers pertaineth to the whole Church , so to the same also pertaineth the removing of Ministers , therefore as a Minister ought not to be obtruded upon a unwilling Church , so the Hearers beeing unwilling and striving against it , a fit Minister ought not to be plucked away from them . The Deposing of a Minister whom the Church loves and willingly heares , n Balduin accounteth to be high Sacriledge , and holdeth , that as the calling , so the dismissing of Ministers pertaineth to the whole Church . And so teacheth o Iunius . Shortly , as a man is rightly called to the ministeriall office and dignity , when he is elected by the Church , and ordained by the Presbitery , so is he rightly deposed and put from the same , when he is rejected by the Church , and discharged by the Presbitery . Now there was brought forth in Scotland , anno 1610. a certaine Amphibian brood , sprung out of the stem of Neronian tyranny , and in manners like to his nearest Kinsman the Spanish Inquisition . It is armed with a transcendent power , and called by the dreadfull name of the HIGH COMMISSION . Among other things , it arrogateth to it selfe , the power of Deposing Ministers . But how unjustly , thus it appeareth . 1. If those Commissioners have any power at all to depose Ministers , they have it from the King whose Commissioners they are . But from him they have it not . Therefore they have none at all . The proposition is most certaine : for they sit not in that Commission to judge in their owne name , nor by their owne auctority quum nihil exerceat delegatus nomine proprio , as p Panormitan saith , ) but by vertue onely of the Commission and Delegation which they have of the King. Yea , Bishops themselves exerce not any Iurisdiction in the High Commission as Bishops , but onely as the Kings Commissioners , as q D. Downame aknowledgeth . The Assumption is gronnded upon this reason : The King hath not power to depose Ministers . Ergo he can not give this power to others . For r Nemo potest plus juris transferre in alium quam sibi competere dignoscatur . The King may sometimes inflict such a civill punishment upon Ministers , whereupon secondarily and accidentally will follow their falling away from their Ecclesiasticall office and function , ( in which sence it is said , that Solomon deposed Abiathar , as we heard before , ) but to depose them directly and formally ( which the High Commission usurpeth to doe ) he hath no power , and that because this deposition is an act of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction : Whereas the power of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction doth no more agree to the King , then the power of Ecclesiasticall order : his power is Civill & Temporall , not Spirituall & Ecclesiasticall . s D. Field also confesseth , that none may judicially degrade or put any one lawfully admitted , from his degree and order , but the Spirituall Guides of the Church alone . 2. The deposing of Ministers pertaineth to Classicall Presbiteries , or ( if the matter be doubtfull and difficille ) to Synods , as hath been shewed . And who then can give the High Commission such auctority as to take this power from them , and to assume it unto it selfe . These Commissioners professe , that they have auctority to discharge other Ecclesiasticall Iudicatories within the Kingdome from meddling with the judging of any thing which they shall thinke impertinent for them , and which they shall thinke good to judge & decide by themselves in their Cōmission . Which if it be so , then ( when it pleaseth them ) they may make other Ecclesiasticall Iudicatories to be altogether uselesse and of no effect in the Church . 3. In this Commission , Ecclesiasticall and Temporall men are joyned togither , and both armed with the same power . Therefore it is not right nor regular , nor in any wise allowable . For even as when a Minister hath offended in a Civill matter , his fault is to bee judged by Civill Iudges according to the Civill Lawes , and by no other : so when he offendeth in an Ecclesiasticall matter , his fault is to be judged onely by Ecclesiasticall persons according to Ecclesiasticall Lawes : and in such a case t Iustinian forbiddeth Civill men to bee joyned with Ecclesiasticall men in judgement . They are Ecclesiasticall things or causes which are handled and examined by the High Commission in the processe of deposing Ministers : and a shame it is to Ecclesiasticall men , if they can without the help and joyning of Temporall men , judge and decide things of this quality . 4. As in the matters to be judged , so in the censures and punishments to be inflicted , Ecclesiasticall and Civill men have in this Commission alike power and auctority : for Ecclesiasticall men therein have power of Fining , Confining , Warding &c. common to them with the Temporal men : and againe , the Temporall men have power of Excommunication , Suspension , Deprivation , &c. common to them with the Ecclesiasticall men . For they all sit there as the Kings Commissioners , and co nomine they exerce this Iurisdiction : which Commission beeing alike discharged by them all , it is manifest that both Temporall men take hold of the keyes , and Ecclesiasticall men take hold of the Civill sword . And this monstruous confusion and mixeture , giveth sufficient demonstration that such a forme of Iudgement is not from the God of order . Of the abuses and inregularities of the High Commission , wee may not now speake at greater length , but are hasted to make foreward . CHAP. IX . That the lawfullnesse of the Ceremonies , can not be warranted by the Law of Nature . WHat our Opposites have alledged for the Ceremonies , either from the Law of God , or the Law of man , we have Sect. I hitherto answered . But we heard u the Law of Nature also alledged for Holy dayes , and for kneeling at the Communion . And when x Hooker goeth about to commend and defend such visible signes , which being used in performance of holy actions , are undoubtedly most effectuall to open such matter , as men when they know and remember carefully , must needs be a great deale the better informed to what effect such duties serve : He subjoyneth : We must not thinke , but that there some ground of reason even in Nature , &c. This is a smoake to blind the eyes of the unlearned . Our Opposites have taken no paines nor travell to make us see any deduction of those Ceremonies , from the Law of Nature : We desire proofs , not words . In the meane while , for giving further evidence to the Trueth , we will expresse our owne minde , touching things warranted by the Law of Nature . And first we must understand aright , what is meant by the Law of Nature . To wit , that Law y which God writteth and imprinteth Sect. II in the Nature of man , so that it is as it were connaturall and borne togither with man. Now if wee consider , what Law was written in the nature of man in his first creation , it was no z other then the Decalogue or the Morall Law. But the Law which we are here to enquire of , is that Law , which after the Fall , God still writteth in the heart of every man : which ( we all know ) commeth farre short , & wanteth much of that which was written in the heart of man before his fall . That we may understand , what this Law of Nature is , which is written in all mens hearts , since the Fall , we must distinguish jus naturale from jus Divinum naturale . For that Law which is simply called jus naturale is innatum , and layeth before the minds of men , that way , wherein a by the guidance and conduct of nature , they may be ledde to that good , which is in the end proportionat to nature . Whereas Ius Divinum is inspiratum , & layeth before us another way , wherein b by a supernaturall guidance , we may be ledde to a supernaturall good , which is an end exceeding the proportion of nature . As for that part of the Law of God , which is called Ius divinum naturale , it is so called in opposition to jus divinum positivum . Ius naturale ( saith c Iustitian , ) est quod natura omnia animalia doeuit . Sect. III This the Lawyers take to be the Law of Nature , which Nature by its sole instinct , teacheth as well to other living creatures , as to men , for Nature teacheth all living creatures , to save and preserve their owne being , to decline things hurtfull , to seeke things necessary for their life , to procreat their like , to care for that which is procreated by them , &c. d The Arch Bishop of Spalato liketh to speake with the Lawyers , Ius naturale saith he simpliciter ponitur in omnibus animalibus . Videntur autem ( saith e Ioachinus Mynsingerus ) Iurisconsulti , valde in hoc abuti vocabulo Iuris , cum exempla praedicta sint potius affectus & inclinationes naturales , quae cum quibusque animantibus enascuntur : quas Philosophi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellant . In brutis enim cum nulla sit ratio , igitur nec ullum jus esse potest . f Aquinas also sheweth , that beasts are not properly governed by the Law of Nature , because Lex is aliquid rationis . Wherefore they erre , who would make the Law of Nature to differ in kynd , from Ius gentium , which naturall reason hath taught to all Nations . For this Law of Nations per se speciem non facit , as saith g Mynsingerus . And the Law of Nature is also by the Heathen Writters , often called Ius gentium , as h Rosinus noteth . If any will needs have the Law of Nature distinguished from the Law of Nations , let them either take i Aquinas his distinction , who maketh the Law of Nature to containe certaine principles , having the same place in practicall reason , which the principles of scientifike demonstrations have in speculative reason : & the Law of Nations to containe certane conclusions drawen from the said principles . Or otherwise embrace the difference which is put betwixt those lawes by k Mattheus Wesenbecius . Quae bestiae , naturali concitationè ; ea ( saith he ) homines ex eodem sensu ac affectionè , cum moderationè tamen rationis si faciant , jure naturae faciunt . Quae bruta non faciunt . sed sola ratione hominis propria , non affectionè communis naturae , omnes homines faciunt , fierique opportere intelligunt , hoc fit jure gentium . For my part , I take the Law of Nature , and the Law of Nations , Sect. IV to be one and the same . For what is the Law of Nations , but that which Natures light & reason hath taught to all Nations ? now this is no other , then the Law of Nature . We thinke therefore , they have well said , l who comprehend under the Law of Nature , both the common principles of good and evill , vertue and vice , right and wrong , things beseeming and things not beseeming ; and likewise the generall conclusions which by necessary consequences are drawen from the said principles . To come to the particulars , there are three sorts of things which the Law of Nature requireth of man , as both m Schoolmen , and n Moderne Doctors have rightly taught . The first , it requireth as he is Ens ; The second , as he is Animal . And the third , as he is Homo ratione praeditus . First , as he is Ens , the Law of Nature requireth him to seeke the conservation of his owne being , and to shunne or repell such things as may destroy the same . For so hath Nature framed , not only all living creaturs , but other things also which are without life , that they seeke their owne conservation , and flee ( if they can ) from appearant destruction . Let us take one example out of subtile o Scaliger , which is this . If a small quantity of oyle , be poured upon a sound boord , let a burning coale be put in the midst of it , and the oyle will quickly flee back from its enemy , and seeke the conservation of it self . This is therfore the first precept of the Law of Nature , that man seeke his owne conservation , and avoyde his owne destruction . Whereupon this conclusion necessarily followeth , that he may repell violence with violence . Secondly , as man is a living creature , the Law of Nature teacheth him to propagate and to conserve his kynd . Whereupon these conclusions doe followe , Viz. the commixtion of Male & Female , the procreation of Children , the educating of them , and provyding for them . This Nature hath taught to man , as a thing common to him with other living creatures . Thirdly , as man is a creature endued with reason , the Law of Nature teacheth him , 1. Something concerning God. 2. Something Sect. V concerning his Nighbour . 3. Something concerning himselfe . I meane some generall notions concerning good and evill , in respect of Each of these . Whereof the Apostle meaneth , whiles p he saith , that the Gentiles shewe the worke of the Law written in their hearts . First then , the Law of Nature teacheth man , to know that there is a God , and that this God is to be worshiped . Whereupon it followeth , that man should seeke to know God , and the manner of his worship . Now that which may be knowen of God , is shewed even unto the Gentiles . q The Apostle saith signanter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaning those few and small sparkles of the knowledge of God , which natures imbredde light discovered unto the Gentiles , for making them inexcusable , namely , that there is a eternall power and Godhead , which men ought to reverence and to worship . 2. The Law of Nature teacheth man to hold fast friendship and amiti with his Nighbours , for as much as he is Animal sociale . Violare alterum saith r Cicero , naturae lege prohibemur . For the Law of Nature biddeth us s doe to others as we wold have them to doe unto us . And from these precepts it followeth , that we should not offend other men , that vve should keep promises , stand to bargains , give to every man his owne , &c. 3. As touching a mans selfe , the Law of Nature teacheth him , that he should not live as a reasonlesse creature , but that all his actions should be such , as may be congrous and beseeming for a creature endued with reason . Wherupon it followeth , that he should live honestly and vertuously , that he should observe order & decency in all his actions , &c. Hence t the Apostle saith , that nature it self teacheth , that it is a shame for a man to have long haire , because it is repugnant to that decency and comelinesse which the Law of Nature requireth . For u among other differences which Nature hath put betwixt men and women , this is one , that it hath given to women thicker and longer haire , then to men , that it might be as a vaile to adorne and cover them . The reason whereof , Nature hath hid in the complexion of a woman , which is more humide then the complexion of a man. So that if a man should take him to this womanish ornament , hee should but against Nature transforme himself ( in so farre ) into a woman . These things being premitted , I will adde foure reasons to prove , Sect. VI that neither sacred significant Ceremonies in generall , nor Kneeling , Holy dayes , &c. in particular , can be warranted unto us by the Law of Nature . 1. The Law of Nature can not direct us unto a supernaturall end , as is aknowledged not only by x our Divines , but by y Aquinas also . It only teacheth us , to seeke and to doe z bonum , velut finem naturae , such a good as is a end proportioned to Nature . All those precepts of the Law of Nature which ●…e have spoken of , could never lead men to a supernaturall good . a It is only the Divine Law , revealed from God , which informeth the minds of men , with such notions , as are supra naturam , and which may guide them ad finem supernaturalem . But all sacred significant Ceremonies , which by their holy and spirituall significations , expresse to us some misteries of grace , and of the Kingdome of God ; must be thought , to direct us unto a supernaturall good ; Therefore they are not of that sort of things , which the Law of Nature requireth . For this Law goeth no higher , then to teach men that there is a God , and that this God is to be worshipped , the knowledge of which things is not a good exceeding the proportion of Nature . For it was found in the Gentiles themselves , who knew no other good then that which was proportioned to Nature . Let me now conclude this reason vvith b Scaligers vvords . Neque enim quae supra naturae leges sunt , ex naturae legibus judicanda censeo . 2. As the Ceremonies by their sacred spirituall and misticall significations , Sect. VII direct us unto a supernaturall good , so they are thought to guide us unto the same , by a spirituall and supernaturall way , which natures light could never discover unto men . But in the Law of Nature , as we are directed unto no other good then such as is proportioned to nature , so are we guided unto the same , c Natura duce , that is to say , by such common notions , as God hath imprinted in the Nature of all men . Now I suppose our Opposites will not unwillingly reckon their sacred significant Ceremonies , among those things of the Spirit of God , d which a naturall man can not receive , because they are spiritually discerned . What then have they to doe with the Law of Nature ? If it be said , that they necessarily follow upon those first principles & conclusions , which a naturall man receiveth ; I answere , this shall never be proven . They will say perhaps , that nature teacheth us to use certaine rites in the worship of God , to observe set times for his worship , also to kneele downe in reverence of God whom we worship . Ans. Be it so : but how make they up a necessary connexion betwixt certaine Rites , & significant Ceremonies of human institution ? betwixt set times , & some moe dayes then one of seaven : betwixt kneeling in the worship of God in generè , and kneeling at the Sacrament in Speciè ; unlesse they say . , that Nature requireth us to kneel in every act of worship , and never to worship God , without kneeling on our knees . 3. Ius naturae is ubique idem , as e Rosinus : It is approven communi Sect. VIII omnium gentium judicio atque assensu , as f the Professors of Leiden : It is one & the same among all Nations , in respect of the principles of it , as g Aquinas and h Zanchius : The Law of Nature fixa est cordibus nostris , as i Stella . Yea it is so written in our hearts , that iniquity it self can not blot it out , as k Augustine saith . And we learne from the l Apostle , that the Law of Nature is manifest in the Gentiles , for God hath shewed it unto them . Ergo non ignorant saith m Pareus . Wha●…soever then the Law of Nature requireth , it doth clearly and necessarily follow upon those principles which are written in every mans conscience , unlesse we set up new Divinity , and either say that the principles of the Law of Nature are not written in every mans conscience , or else that they may be at some time abolished and razed out of the consciences of men , which were to leave men without a witnesse . Nay , saith n Augustine , the Heaven and the Earth and all that is in them , on every side cease not to bid all men love God , that they may be made inexcusable . Now if all the principles of the Law of Nature ▪ be fir●…ly and clearly written in every mans conscience , and can not but be knowen to every man who hath the use of naturall judgement & r●…ason ; it followeth , that they who will prove or warrant any thing by the Law of Nature , must only take their premisses from evey ●…ans conscience , & say as o the Apostle saith , Iudge in your selves , &c. doth not even Nature it self teach you ? &c. As if the Apostle said , This principle of Nature is fixed in all your hearts , that men should affect honestie and comelinesse . Goe to ; reason in your selves from the Judgment of Nature whether it follow not upon this principle , that a man should not weare long haire , for as much as his wearing of long haire , is repugnant to the principle of nature . Committit ipsis judicium saith p Pareus : ipsos testes , imo judices appellat . So that if the Ceremonies be warranted unto us by the Law of Nature ; the judg●…ment must be committed to every mans conscience , & so should every man be convinced in himself , by such a principle of Nature , from which the Ceremonies have a necessary and manifest deduction . Yet we attest the searcher of all hearts , that we have never beene convinced in our selves , by such a principle of Nature , no not after diligent search and enquiry . 4. Let our Opposites say to us , once for all , upon what praecept of Sect. IX the Law of Nature doe they ground the Ceremonies ? for I have before opened up , all sorts of things which the Law of Nature requireth of man as he is Ens ; & as he is Animal , belongeth not to our purpose . As for that which it requireth of him , as he is a creature endued with reason ; there is one part of it that concerneth our selves ; Viz. that we should live honestly , & secundum modum rationis , that we should observe order & decency in all our actions . This order and decency , doe not respect our holy duties to Godward , not comprehend any sacred Ceremony in his worship : but they looke to us ward , & are referred only to such beseeming qualities , as are congrous & convenient to a reasonable Nature in all its actions . Yea even generally we may say with q Scaliger . Ordinem dico sine quo natura constare non potest . Nihil enim absque ordine vel meditata est vel effecit illa . Another part of that which Nature requireth of man , as he is a creature endued with reason , concerneth ( as we shewed ) our Nighbours , whom it teacheth us , not to harme nor offend , &c. And if our Opposites wold reckon with us here , their Ceremonies will appeare repugnant to Nature , because of the detriment & offence which they offer unto us , whereof we have spoken in our Argument of Scandall . But there was a third part concerning God & his worship : & here must our Opposites seeke a warrant for the Ceremonies . Now albeit Nature ( as was said ) teach all men , that there is a eternall & mighty God , who should be worshipped & honoured by them . Yet it descendeth not unto such particular precepts , as can have any shew of making ought for significant Ceremonies Omnibus enim innatum est & in animo quasi insculptum , esse deos : but yet quales sint saith r Cicero , varium est . And as Nature hath not taught men to know the Nature & the attributs of the Godhead , togither with the sacred Trinity of persons in the same : so neither hath it taught , what sort or manner of worship should be given unto God s Lex naturalis rerum communium est , & doth only informe us with those common notions called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concerning the worship of God , it speakes only de genere , not de specie . Wherefore there can be no inference from that worship which the Law of Nature require h , either of any distinct kynd of worship , or of any Ceremony in that kynd . No more then it followeth . Si est animal , est Asinuc : for à genere ad speciem non valet consequentia affirmando . The fourth part Against the Indifferency of the Ceremonies . CHAP. 1. Of our Opposites pleading for the Indifferency of the Ceremonies . IF it seeme to any , that it is a strange Methode to speake now of Indifferency , in the end of this Dispute , which ought rather to have been handled in the beginning of it : they may consider , that the Methode is not ours , but our Opposites . For they have been fleeing upon Icarus wings , and soaring so high that their wings could not but melt from them : so have they from necessity fallen downe to expediency ; from it to lawfulnesse ; and from thence to indifferency . I knew certaine of them , who after reasoning about the Ceremonies , with some of our side , required in the end no more , but that they would onely aknowledge the indifferency of the things in themselves . And so beeing wo'ed & solicitously importuned by our former Arguments against the Ceremonies , they take them to the weaving of Penelopes web , thereby to suspend us , and to gaine time against us : this indifferency I meane , which they shall never make out , and which themselves otherwhiles unweave againe . Alwayes , so long as they thinke to get any place for higher notions about the Ceremonies , they speake not so meanly of them , as of things indifferent . But when all their forces of Arguments , and answers are spent in vaine : then are our eares filled with uncouth outcries and declamations , which tend to make themselves appeare blamelesse for receiving , and us blameworthy for refusing matters of Rite and indifferency . Vpon this string they harpe over and over again , in Bookes , in Sermons , in private discourses . M G. Powell , in his booke De Adiaphoris , and Tilen , in the 12 and 17 Chapters of his Paraenefis , condemne those who make ought adoe about the controverted English Ceremonies , for so much as they are things indifferent . Paybody in his Apology for kneeling at the Communion , standeth much upon the indifferency of this gesture , both in every worship of God , and in that Sacrament namely . The Arch Bishop of Sainctandrewes in his Sermon at Perth Assembly , because he could not prove this indifferency , he choosed to suppone it . Of the indifferency of these Articles ( saith he ) I thinke there is litle or no question amongst us . Whether he spake this of Ignorance or of Policy , I leave it to bee guessed at . Howsoever , if we should thus compose our controversy about the Ceremonies ; embrace them and practise them , so beeing that they be onely called things indifferent : this were to cure our Church , as L. Sulla cured his Country , durioribus remediis , quam pericula erant saith , a Seneca . Wherefore we will debate this question of Indifferency also . CHAP. II. Of the nature of things Indifferent . TO say nothing here of the Homonomy of the word Indifferēt , Sect. I but to take it in that signification , which concerneth our present purpose ; It signifieth such a mean betwixt good and evill , in humane actions , as is alike distant from both these extreams , and yet susceptive of either of them . Indifferens saith Calepine , is that quod sua natura neque bonum est neque malum . b Aquinas calleth that an indifferent action , which is neither good nor evill . Rem indifferentem voco quae neque bona neque mala in se est , saith c a later Writer . But d D. Forbesse liketh to speake in another language . He will have that which is indifferent , to be opponed to that which is necessary : and a thing indifferent he taketh to be such a thing , as is neither necessarily to be done , nor yet necessarily to be omitted , in respect of any necessity of the commandement of God : or such a thing as is neither remunerable with eternall life , & commendeth a man unto the reward of God , nor yet is punishable with eternall death , and polluteth a man with guiltinesse . Now because he knew , that Divines define a thing indifferent to be that which is neither good nor evill . e He therefore distinguisheth a twofold goodnesse of an individuall action . The one he calleth bonitas generalis , concomitans , & sine qua non . By which goodnesse is meant the doing of an action in Faith , and the doing of it for the right end , as hee expoundeth himselfe . This goodnesse , hee saith , is necessary to every humane action , and hindreth not an action to be indifferent . The other he calleth bonitas specialis , causans , & propter quam . This goodnesse hee calleth legall , and saith , that it maketh an action necessary ; In which respect indifferent actions are not good , but those onely which God in his Law hath commanded , and which are remunerable with eternall life . But that we may have the vanity of these quiddities discovered to Sect. II us , let us onely consider how falsly he supposeth , that there are some things which we doe , neither laudably nor culpably , and for which we shall neither bee rewarded ( it is his owne phrase which I use ) nor yet punished by God. I thought we had learned from Scripture , that we must all compeare before the judgment seat of Christ , to give an account of every word which we speake , and of every deed which we doe in the flesh , and accordingly to receive either a reward or a punishment . What ? could the D. say that those good actions which he calleth indifferent , and of which he saith , that they are done in Faith , and for the right end are not laudable nor remunerable ? Nay , but he f saith , that the generall goodnesse which accompanieth the action , is remunerable , because it is necessary ; but the action it selfe is not necessary , because that generall goodnesse may be had as well in the omission of it , or in the doing of the contrary , as in the doing of it . Whereupon he would have it to follow , that the action it selfe is not remunerable . Ans. 1. The D. had done well to have remembred , that he is speaking onely of individuall actions , and that actus individuatur à circumstantiis & adjecto modo : so that whiles all that he saith , turneth to this , that one action considered in it selfe , without the circumstances and concomitant goodnesse , is not remunerable , he maketh not out his point : for he saith no more in effect , but that actus quo ad speciem , is not remunerable , which none of us denieth . 2. An individuall good action of that kind , which the D. calleth necessary , is no otherwise remunerable and laudable , then an individuall good action of that kinde which he calleth indifferent , for example ; when I goe to heare Gods Word upon the Lords-day ; let this action of mine be considered quo ad individuum : is it any otherwise remunerable , then in respect of the goodnesse which accompanieth it ? whence it is , that the hearing of Hypocrites , not beeing accompanied with such goodnesse , is not remunerable : yet the hearing of the Word is an action necessary , because commanded . Now may we know wherein standeth the difference betwixt the remunerable good of this action of hearing , and the remunerable good of one of those actions which the D. calleth indifferent ; for example , a womans action of marrying ? I perceave what the D. would answer . For he g saith ; if a woman marry in the Lord , this action is good respectu adjecti modi , quamvis in se sit media & libera , etiam quo ad individuum . Implying , that if on the other part an individuall action be necessary , ( as for example the action of hearing the Word , ) then it is in it selfe good , etiam quo ad individuum . But I reply , what meanes he by these words , in se ? meanes he the individuall nature of the action ? Nay ; then the sence shall bee no other then this , quo ad individuum , etiam quo ad individuum , And besides the D. can not define to us , any other nature in a individuall thing , then the nature of the species or kinde . * Is it not holden individuum non posse definiri , nisi definitione speciei ? Sure , a perfect definition expressing the nature of the thing defined , can not be given to any individuall thing , other then the definition of the species . Needs therefore must the D. by in se , understand the specificall nature : and indeed when Divines speake of things indifferent in se , per se , or , sua natura ; they meane onely things indifferent quo ad speciem . Yet thus also the D. hath said none sence . For so should we take his words , quamvis quo ad speciem sit media & libera , etiam quo ad individuum . But to let his manner of speaking passe , we will consider what Sect. III he would or could have said . There is no difference which can here be imagined , except this : that the individuall action of hearing the Word , ( when one heareth aright ) is good and remunerable , in a double respect , namely , because it is both good in it self ●… , or quo ad speciem , and likewise respectu adjecti modi : whereas a womans action of marrying ( when she marrieth in the Lord ) is onely good and remunerable in the last respect , namely , respectu modi , for , in se , or , quo ad speciem ; it hath no remunerable goodnesse in it . Ans. What doe we heare of any difference betwixt these actions quo ad speciem ? That which we crave , is , that a difference may be shewed betwixt the remunerable goodnesse of the one , and of the other , both beeing considered quo ad individuum . That whereby the D. either was deceived , or would deceive , appeareth to be this ; that he taketh every thing which agreeth to a individuall thing , to agree to it quo ad individuum : as if to speake of Peter quatenus est homo ; and to speake of him quatenus est individuum signatum , or , res singularis sub specie hominis , were all one thing . Even so , to say of my individuall action of hearing the Word , that it is necessary because of the commandement of God , ( and in that respect remunerable ; ) is not to speake of it quo ad individuum ; but as the specificall nature of that action of hearing the Word , ) which God hath commanded , ) is found in it . For if we speake of this individuall action , quo ad individuum , we can not consider it otherwise then respectu adjecti modi : because in morall actions , modus adjectus is principium individuationis , and nothing else , doth individualize a morall action . Thus shall my Position stand good , namely , that those individuall Sect. IV actions which the D. calleth necessary , because their species is commanded of God , and those individuall actions which he calleth indifferent , because their species is not commanded , both being considered quo ad inviduum ; the former hath no other remunerable good in them , then the latter ; and the whole renumerable good which is in either of them , standeth only in adjecto modo . Which beeing so , it is all one , when we speake of any individuall morall action quo ad individuum , whether we say that it is good , or that it is remunerable and laudable , both are one . For as is well said by h Aquinas , necessarium est omnem actum hominis , ut bonum vel malum , culpabilis vel laudabilis rationem habere . And againe . Nihil enim est aliud laudari vel culpari , quam imputari alicui malitiam vel bonitatem sui actus . Wherefore that distinction of a twofold goodnesse , causans and concomitans , which the D. hath given us , hath no use in this question , because every action is laudable and remunerable , which is morally good , whether it be necessary or not . Now morall goodnesse i saith Scaliger , est perfectio actus cum recta ratione . Humane morall actions are called good or evill , in ordine ad rationem , quae est proprium principium humanorum actuum , saith k Aquinas , thereupon inferring , that illi mores dieuntur boni , qui rationi congruunt : mali autem , qui à ratione discordant . D. Forbesse doth therefore pervert the question , whiles he l saith , in hac cum fratribus quaestione , hoc bonum est quod necessarium . Nay , those actions we call morally good , which are agreeable to right reason , whether they be necessary , or not . Since then , those actions are laudable and remunerable , which are morally good ; and those are morally good which are agreeable to right reason : it followeth , that forasmuch as those actions which the D. calleth indifferent , are agreeable to right reason , they are therefore not only morally good , but also laudable and remunerable , & so not indifferent . Yea those actions which he calleth necessary , beeing considered quo ad individuum , are no otherwise laudable and remunerable , then those which he calleth indifferent , being considered in like manner quo ad individuum , as hath been shewed . And besides all this , we have somewhat more to say , of the D ●● . Sect. V speculation about the nature of things indifferent . For , 1. the D. maketh that which is indifferent , to be opponed to that which is necessary , and yet he maketh both those to be morally good . Now albeit in naturall things , one good is opponed to another good , as that which is hot , to that which is colde , yet , m bonum bono non contrariatur in moralibus . The reason of the difference is , because Bonitas Physica or relativa est congruentia naturae quaedam saith n Scaliger : and because two natures may be contrary one to another , therefore the good which is congruous to the one , may be contrary to the good which is congruous to the other , bu●… bonum virtutis saith o Aquinas , non accipitur nisi per convenientiam ad aliquid unum , scilicet rationem : so that it is impossible for one morall good to be opponed to another . 2. Since Divines take a thing indifferent , to be medium inter bonum & malum morale : and since ( as the very notation of the word sheweth , ) it is such a meane , as commeth not nearer to the one extreme , then to the other , but is alike distant from both : how comes it , that the D. so farre departeth both from the tenet of Divines , and from the notation of the word , as to call some such actions indifferent , as have a morall remunerable goodnesse , and yet not evill in them ? or where learned he such a Dialect , as giveth to some good things , the name of the things indifferent ? 3. Why doth he also waver from himself ? for p he citeth out of the Helvetike Confession Hierome his definition of a thing indifferent , and approveth it . Indifferens ( saith he , ) illud est , quod nec bonum nec malum est , ut sive feceris sive non feceris , nec justitiam habeas nec injustitiam . Behold the goonesse which is excluded from the nature of a thing indifferent , is not only necessity , but righteousnesse also ; yet hath the D. excluded only the good of necessity from things indifferent , making the other good of righteousnesse to stand with them . For things which are done in faith and done for the right end ( such as he acknowledgeth these things to be , which he calleth indifferent , ) have righteousnesse in them , as all men know . CHAP. III. Whether there be any thing indifferent In actu exercito . FOr our better light in this question , I will premit these consirations , Sect. I 1. When we measure the goodnesse or the badnesse of a human action , we must not only measure it by the object , and the end , but by all the circumstances which accompany it . q Fed. Morellus upon those words of Seneca , Refert quid , cui , quando , quare , ubi , &c. saith , that without those circumstances of things , persons , times , places , facti ratio non constat . Circumstances sometimes constituunt rerum earum quae aguntur speciem , r say our Divines , meaning that circumstances doe make an action good or bad . Humani actus say the Schoolmen , non solum ex objectis , verum ex circumstantiis boni vel mali esse dicuntur . It is not every mans part , ( saith t one of our Opposites ) to judge de circumstantia , quae reddit actionem vel bonam vel malam . Some circumstances saith u another of them , are intrinsecall and essentiall to actions , and specially making up their nature . The principall circumstances which here we speake of , are comprehended in this versicle . Quis , Quid , Vbi , Quibus auxiliis , Cur , Quomodo , Quando . The first circumstance which maketh an action good or bad , is , Quis , which designeth the person : If a Magistrate put to death a malefactor , the action is good , but if a privat person put him to death , it is evill . The second is , Quid , which noteth the quality or condition of the object : If a man take sua , the action is good ; If aliena , it is evill . The third is , Vbi : If men banquet in their owne houses , the action is good : If in the Church , it is evill . The fourth is , Quibus auxiliis : If men seek health by lawfull meanes , the action is good ; If by the Divill , or his instruments , it is evill . The fifth is , Cur : If I rebuke my brother for his fault , out of my love to him , and desire to reclaine him , the action is good : If out of hatred and spl●…ne , the action is evill . The sixt is , Quomodo : for he who doth the worke of the Lord carefully doth well , but he who doth it negligently , doth evill . The seaventh is , Quando : To doe servile worke upon the sixe dayes of labour , is good : but to doe it upon the Lords Sabbath , is evill . 2. There is another consideration which followeth upon the former , Sect. II and it is this . The goodnesse or badnesse of a humane action , may be considered two wayes , viz. either in actu signato , and , quo ad speciem ; or in actu exercito , and quo ad individuum . For an action is said to be specificated by its object , and individuated by its circumstances . So that when an action is good or evill in respect of the object of it , then it is called good or evill quo ad speciem . When it is good or evill in respect of the circumstances of it , then it is said to be good or evill quo ad individuum . 3 Humane actions whether considered quo ad speciem , or quo ad individuum , are either such as proceed from the deliberation of reason , or from bare imagination onely . To this latter kinde wee referre such actions , as are done through incogitancy , whiles the mind is taken up with other thoughts ; for example , to clawe the head , to handle the beard , to move the foot , &c. which sort of things proceed only from a certaine stirring or fleeting of the imagination . 4. Let it be remembred , that those things we call morally good , which agree to right reason : those morally evill , which disagree from right reason : and those indifferent , which include nothing belonging to the order of reason , and so are neither consonant unto nor dissonant from the same . 5. When we speake of the indifferency of an individuall action , it may be conceived two wayes , either absolute & sine respectu ad aliud , or , comparate & cum respectu ad aliud . In the free will offrings , if so be a man offered according as God had blessed & prospered his estaite , it was indifferent to offer either a bullocke , or a sheep , or a goate ; but if he choosed to offer any of them , his action of offering could not be indifferent , but either good or evill . When we speake of the indifferency of an action comparate , the sence is only this , that it is neither better not worse then an other action , and that there is no reason to make us choose to doe it , more then another thing . But when we speake of the indifferency of an action , considered absolutely and by it self , the simple meaning is whether it be either good or evill , and whether the doing of the same must needs be either sinne or evill doing . 6. Every thing which is indifferent in the nature of it , is not by & by indifferent in the use of it . But the use of a thing indifferent ought evermore to be either choosed or refused , followed or forsaken , according to these three rules , delivered to us in Gods Word . 1. The rule of Pietie . 2. The rule of Charity . 3. The rule of Purity . The first of these rules we finde 1. Cor. 10. 31. Whether therefore ye eat , or drinke , or whatsoever ye doe , doe all to the glory of God. And Rom. 14. 7. 8. For none of us liveth to himself , and no man dieth to himself . For whether we live , we live unto the Lord , and whether we die , we die unto the Lord. Where the Apostle ( as y Calvine noteth ) reasoneth from the whole to the part . Our whole life , and by consequence all the particular actions of it ought to be referred to Gods glory , and ordered according to his will. Againe , Col. 3. 17. And whatsoever ye doe in word or deed , do all in the name of the Lord Iesus . In the expounding of which words . Dr. Davenant saith well , that Etiam illae actiones quae sunt sua natura adiaphorae , debent tamen a Christianis fieri in nomine Christi , hoc est , juxta voluntatem Christi , & ad gloriam Christi . The seconde rule is the rule of Charity : which teacheth us , not to use any thing indifferent , when scandall riseth out of it . Rom. 14. 21. It is good neither to eat flesh , nor to drinke wine , nor any thing whereby thy brother stumbleth , or is offended , or made weake ; yea , though it doe not weaken , if it be not expedient for edifying our brother , be it never so lawfull or indifferent in it's owne nature , the Law of Charity bindeth us to abstaine from it . Rom. 14. 19. Let us therefore followe after the things which make for peace , and the things wherewith one may edify another , Rom. 15. 2. Let every one of us please his nighbour for his good to edification , 1. Cor. 10. 23. All things are lawfull for me , but all things are not expedient : All things are lawfull for me , but all things edify not . Where the Apostle teacheth z that , In cibo , &c. In meat , drinke , and the whole kind of things indifferent , it is not enough to looke whether they be lawfull : but that further , we are to looke , whether to doe or omit the same , be expedient and may edify . The Bishop of Winchester preaching upon Ioh. 16. 7. I tell you the trueth , it is expedient for you that I goe away , &c. marketh , that Christ would not goe away , without acquanting his Disciples with the reason of it : and that reason was , because it was for their good . Whereupon he inferreth , 1. That we should avoide a Hophni's non vult enim , and make our vult our enim : that is , that we should not give our will for a reason , but a reason for our will. 2. That we should not with the b Corinthians stand upon licet , it is lawfull ; but frame our rule by expedit , it is expedient . 3. That our rule should not be c Cajaphas expedit nobis , but Christs expedit vobis : for you it is good ; you , the disciples : and make that , the rule of our going out , and our comming in . The heathens themselves co●…d say , that we are borne , partly for God , partly for our Country , partly for our friends , &c. How much more ought Christians to understand , that we are not borne for our selves , but for Christ and his Church ? And as in the whole course of our life , so especially in the policy of the Church , we may doe nothing ( be it never so indifferent in it self ) which is not profitable for edification , 1. Cor. 13. 26. Let all things be done to edifying . From which precept Pareus inferreth , that nothing ought to be done in the Church , which doth not manifestly make for the utility of all and every one : and that therefore not only unknowen toungs , but colde Ceremonies , and idle gestures should be exploded out of the Church . The third Rule is the rule of Purity , which respecteth our peace and plerophorie of conscience , without which any thing is uncleane to us , though it be cleane & lawfull in it's owne nature . Rom. 14. 14. To him that esteemeth any thing to be uncleane , to him it is uncleane . Therefore d Si quis aliquam in cibo immunditiem imaginetur , eo libere uti non potest . Whatsoever indifferent thing a man judgeth in his conscience to be unlawfull , he may not lawfully doe it . Rom. 14. 5. Let every man be fully perswaded in his owne minde . And vers . 23. He that doubteth is damned , if he eate , because he eateth not of faith : for whatsoever is not of faith is sinne . Nefas est omnino faith e Calvine , quippiam aggredi quod putes illi ( domino ) displicere , imo quod non persuasus sis illi placere . Now , if a thing indifferent be used according to these three rules , the use of it is not only lawfull , but expedient also . But if it be not used according to these rules , the use of it is altogither unlawfull . And since a thing indifferent in the nature of it , can never be lawfully Sect. III used , except according to these rules , hence it followeth , that the use of a thing indifferent is never lawfull to us , when we have no other warrant for using the same , beside our owne will and arbitrement . f D. Forbesse speaketh unadvisedly , whiles he saith , Evenit nonnunquam , &c. It falleth out sometimes , that that which was expedient for thee to doe yesterday , and to omit this day , thou may notwithstanding afterward either doe it or not doe it , according to thy arbitriment . As if forsooth , our using of things indifferent , should not evermore be determined by the rule of expediency , which Gods Word giveth us , but sometimes by our owne will. g Dr. Davenant could not dreame that any except the ignorant common people , could bee of this opinion , which D. Forbesse holdeth . Fallitur vulgus saith he , dum judicat licere sibi , u●… i●…victu , vestitu , sermone , aut quacunquere adiaphora pro arbitrio suo : nam haec omnia ad regulam adhibenda sunt . Moreover , as we may not use any indifferent thing , at our owne pleasure ; so neither may the Church at her will and pleasure , command the us●… of it : but as our practice , so the Churches injunction , must be determined and squared according to the former rules . And if any man think , that in the use of things indifferent , he may be ledde and ruled by the Churches determination , without examining any further ; let him understand , that the Churches determination , is but a subordinate rule , or a rule ruled by higher rules . D. Forbesse perceiving how these rules of Scripture may subvert his cause , desireth to subject them to the Churches determination , and to make it our highest rule . Iam autem h saith he , in talium rerum usu , id edificat , quod pacificum , illud est pacificum quod est ordinatum ; is autem decens ordo est in Ecclesia ab ipso Christo constitutus , ut in talibus non suo quisque se gerat arbitratu , sed audiatur Ecclesia , & exhibeatur praepositis obedientia . He hath beene speaking of the rules which Gods Word giveth us , concerning the use of things indifferent , and all of them he comprehendeth under this rule , that we should heare the Church , & obey them who are set over us , as if Gods rules were subordinate to mens rules , & not theirs to his . We say not that every man may use things indifferent suo arbitratu : but we say withall , that neither may the Church command the use of things indifferent , suo arbitratu . Both she in commanding , and we in obeying , must be guided by the rules of Scripture . They who are set over us in the Church , have no power given them of Christ , which is not for edifying , Eph. 4. 12. The Councell of the Apostles and Elders at Ierusalem , ( which is a lively patterne of a lawfull Synode to the worlds end ) i professed they would lay no other burden upon the Disciples , except such things as the law of Charity made necessary for shunning of Scandall : and so that which they decreed , had force and strength to binde , a Charitate propter Scandalum , saith k Sanctius . But suo arbitratu they injoyned nothing . It appeareth by this place ( saith l Cartwright ) that there may bee no abridgment of liberty simply decreed , but in regard of circumstance , according to the rule of Edification . And if the Churches decrees and Canons , be not according to the rules of the Word , yet forasmuch as m every one of us shall give account of himselfe and his owne deed , we must looke , that whatsoever the Church decree , yet our practise in the use or omission of a thing indifferent , be according to the foresaid rules . We may not for the commandement of men transgresse the rule of Piety , by doing any thing which is not for Gods glory , and ordered according to his will ; neither ought any of us to obey men , except n For the Lords sake ; and o as the servants of Christ , doing the will of God ; which teacheth us the manner how we ought to obey men , namely , p propter Christum & sicut Christus praecipit . For if we should know no more but the will of man for that which we doe , then we should be the q servants of men , not the servants of Christ. Neither yet may we for any humane ordinance , breake the rule of Charity : but r whatsoever either would weaken , or not edify our brother ; be it never so lawfull ; never so profitable to our selves ; never so powerfully by earthly auctority injoyned ; Christiās who are not borne unto themselves , but unto Christ ; unto his Church ; and unto the fellow members ; must not dare to medle with it . Nor lastly , may we obey men , so as to breake the law of Purity , and s performe any action with a doubtfull conscience , that is , whereof either the Word hath not , or we out of it have no warrant : in which case tender consciences must be tendered , rather then be racked by auctority : for bee the things in themselves never so lawfull , &c. they are utterly unlawfull to me , without such information . Whereas therefore some say , that in the use of matters indifferent , the lawes of those who are set over us ought to rule us ; we still answer that our practise may not be ruled by any law of man , except it be according to the rules of the Word ; whereof one is this : t Tantum oportere esse obedientiae studium in Christianis , ut nihil agant , quod non existiment vel potius certi sint placere Deo. These considerations beeing premitted , for resolution of the Sect. IV question in hand , we say , 1. As touching these actions which proceed from bare imagination , whether they be evill and inordinate quo ad speciem , forsomuch as the imagination from which they have their originall , doth not in those actions subject it self to the conduct and moderation of reason , but is like Gchazi , running away without his masters leave , let the learned give their judgement . Howsoever , it can not be denied , u that such actions may be and are of en evill quo ad individuum , or in respect of the circumstances , which shew forth in them reproveable temerity , incogitancy , levity , and undecency . But such actions belong not to our purpose . 2. As for those actions which proceed from the deliberation of reason , howbeit many of them be indifferent quo ad speciem , yet none of them is , nor can be indifferent quo ad individuum . The reason of this difference and distinction is , x because every action hath it's species or kinde from the object ; and a humane morall action , hath it's species or kind , from the object referred to the originall of humane actions , which is reason . Whereupon it commeth , that if the object of the action include something that agreeth to the order of reason , it shall be a good action , according to it's kind : for example , to give almes to an indigent man. But if it include something that is repugnant to the order of reason , it shall be an evill action according to it's kind ; as , to steale or take away another mans goods . Now sometimes it happeneth , that the object of an action doth not include something that belongeth to the order of reason ; as , to lift a strave from the ground , to goe to the field &c. such actions are indifferent , according to their kinde . But we must pronounce farre otherwise of them , when wee speake of them quo ad individuum , because as they are individuated by their circumstances , so in their individuall beeing , they have their goodnesse or badnesse from the same circumstances , as hath been shewed . So that no such action as is deliberated upon , can bee indifferent quo ad individuum ; because oportet saith y Thomas quod quilibet individualis actus habeat aliquam circumstantiam , per quam trahetur ad bonum , vel malum , ad minus ex parte intentionis finis . Friar Ambrosius Catarinus , following the Doctrine of Thomas , z maintained in the Councell of Trent , that to doe a good worke , the concurrance of all circumstances is necessary , but the want of one onely is sufficient for an evill : so that howsoever among the workes considered in generall , some are indifferent , yet in the singular , there is no medium between having all the circumstances and wantimg some ; therefore every particular action is good or evill . And because among the circumstances , the end is one , all workes referred to a bad end are infected . He further alledged S. Augustine , that it is sinne not onely to referre the action to a bad end , but also not to referre it to a good end . Thus spake the learned Friar very appositly . And the same is the judgment of our owne Divines . De his rebus indifferentibus saith a Martyr , statuendum est , quod tantummodo ex genere atque natura sua . indifferentiam habeant , sed qnando ad electionem descenditur nihil est indifferens . And so saith b Pareus likewise . These things are so plaine and undeniable , that c D. Forbesse Sect. V himselfe ; aknowledgeth no lesse , then that every individuall humane action is either good or bad morally ; and that there is a goodnesse which is necessary to every action , namely , the referring of it to the last end , and the doing of it in Faith ; which goodnesse if it be wanting , the action is evill . Notwithstanding , he will have some actions even quo ad individuum , called indifferent , for this respect , because they are neither commanded of God , and so necessary to bee done , nor yet forbidden , and so necessary to be omitted . Of an individuall action of this kind , he saith : manet homini respectu istius actus plena arbitrij libertas moralis , tum ea quae exercitij seu contradictionis dicitur , tum etiam ea quae specificationis seu contrarietatis libertas appellatur . He holdeth , that though such an action be done in Faith , and for the right end ( which generall goodnesse , he saith , is necessary to the action , and commendeth a man to God ) yet the action it self is indifferent , because it is not necessary : for a man hath liberty to omit the same , or to doe another thing , which he illustrateth by this example . If the widow Sempronia marry at all , it is necessary that she marry in the Lord , yet it is not necessary that she marry . If she marry Titius , it is necessary that she marry him in the Lord , yet it is not necessary that shee marry Titius , but shee hath liberty to marry either him , or Caius , or Pomponius . If she marry not at all , but live a single life , it is necessary that she live a single life in the Lord , yet it is not necessary that she live a single life . And so still it is indifferent and free for her , either to marry , or not to marry , or if she marry , it is free to her to marry either Titius , or Caius , or Pomponius . Ans. the D. either mistaketh , or misseth the marke many wayes : Sect. VI which that we may discover , and withall levell better at the marke , let us note , 1. Our question is onely of individuall actions , considered both in respect of their originall , which is deliberation and election , and in respect of all their circumstances , none excepted . When d Pareus disputeth this question , whether there be any action indifferent ; he resolveth that things indifferent are considered three wayes . 1. In se , or , quo ad substantiam operis , in themselves , or , in respect of the substance of the worke : and so many things are indifferent . 2. Ratione s●…i principij , h●…e . electionis & intentionis qua fiunt , in respect of their originall , which is the election and the intention , wherewith they are done : and so there is no action indifferent , saith he , but either good or evill , according as it proceedeth from a good or evill election and intention . 3. Ratione effectus , in respect of the effect ; and so he acknowledgeth no action indifferent neither : for if Scandall followe upon it ; it is evill : now if it edify not , it scandalizeth and destryeth , which e hee proveth from Christs words , He that gathereth not with me , scattereth . And indeed , for so much as that which is impeditivum boni spiritualis , is confessed to be scandalous , and every action which edifyeth not , hindreth our spirituall good , in that it should edify , but doth not ; it followeth , that every action which edifyeth not , doeth certainly scandalize ; which shall be yet more plaine , if we consider , that every action that is done to the notice and knowledge of a man , if it yeeld him no matter of profitable thoughts , it gives him occasion of vaine , idle , and hurtfull thoughts : for the thoughts and cogitations of mans minde , beeing stirred and set aworke by the view of some object , are like the upper and nether milstones , which , when they have no graine to grinde , weare and spend themselves away , till at last one of them breake another . If then every action , which is done to the notice of other men , either edify or scandalize them , and every one of our actions ( without exception ) either edify or scandalize our selves , that is , either make us the better or the worse , it must needs follow , that there is not one of our actions indifferent , but either good or evill , in respect of the effect . Now all that the D. hath said , evinceth no more but the indifferency of some actions considered onely in respect of the worke , not in respect of all the circumstances , ( and by consequence , not quo ad individuum . ) If hee had considered Sempronia , her act of marrying , either in respect of the originall of it , or in respect of the effect of it , ( much more if he had ( as he ought to have ) considered it in both these respects ) he might easily have seen , that it can not bee called indifferent , because it either proceedeth from a good election and intention , or from a bad ; and it hath either a good effect or a bad , I meane , it either edifyeth or scandalizeth . In which two respects ( we see ) neither it nor any action is indifferent , in Pareus his judgement . 2. Our question is of the indifferency of things considered absolutely Sect. VII & by themselves , not comparatively and in relation to other things , ( as we shew before . ) If we speake of comparatives , there is no question , but there may be an action , which is neither better nor worse , then some other action . But if we hold us at positives , wee truly maintaine , that every action considered by it self , is either good or evill , and none indifferent . Now the D. onely compareth Sempronia her marrying , with her living a single life , and her marrying of Titius , with her marrying of Caius or Pomponius . But if he had considered any one of all these things absolutely and by it self , and proven it to be in that respect indifferent , he had said something to the purpose . Nothing followeth upon that which he hath said , but that ( these things beeing compared among themselves ) Sempronia her marrying of Titius , is neither better nor worse , then her marrying of Caius or Pomponius . Yet for all that , if shee marry any of them , her act of marrying that man , shall be either according to the rules of the Word , or not , & so either good or evill , not ind●…fferēt . Which purpose f Amesius illustrateth by this apposite simile . A statuarie or a graver of images oftimes hath no reason , wherefore he should make this Image , more then another ; yet if he make any Image at all , he must needs either make it good , by following the rules of his art , or else evill , by departing from the said rules . 3. Though in genere naturae a man hath liberty of contradiction , to Sect. VIII use things which are in their owne nature indifferent , or not to use them , and liberty of contrariety to use either this or that ; yet in genere moris , it is otherwise : a man hath not such morall liberty in the use of things , which are in their nature indifferent , as the D. alledgeth . For those things which are in their nature indifferent , are never indifferent in their use ; and that because the use of them , is either according to the rules of the Word , and then it is expedient ; or not ; and then it is unlawfull . The D. distinguisheth not betwixt the nature of things indifferent and the use of them : but so he reasoneth as if every thing indifferent in the nature of it , were also indifferent in the use of it . Which how false it is , men of lower degree then Doctors can easily judge . Goe to then ; let us see how the D. reasoneth . He saith , it is indifferent & free to the widowe Sempronia either to marry or not to marry ; and if she marry , she hath liberty to marry either this man or that man : and that because none of all these things is either commanded or forbidden of God. Iust so , might the strong among the Romans and Corinthians , have reasoned against Paul. Why doe you goe about to adstrict or limite our use of such things , as God hath neither commanded nor forbidden ? it is indifferent and free to us , either to eat flesh or not to eat flesh , and if we eat flesh , either to eat this kind , or that . Nay , but the Apostle will not have the indifferency of the thing it self , in its owne nature , to be ground enough for the use of it : but he will have their practise and use of it , to be ever either expedient or unlawfull , in respect of the circumstances , and according as these rules of Pietie , Charity , & Purity ( which Gods Word gives concerning the use of things indifferent , ) are observed or not observed . And so doe we answeare the D. That if a widowes act of marrying be according to the rules of the Word , that is , if it tend to Gods glory , if it be expedient for edifying , & if shee be rightly perswaded in her conscience that shee hath a warrant from the Word for that which shee doth , ( of whioh rules , I have said enough before ) then is it good , not indifferent . If it be not according to these rules , then is it evill , not indifferent . More plainly ; her act of marrying , is either according to the rules of the Word , or not . If it be according to the rules , then it is expedient that she marry , therefore not indifferent ; If it be not according to the rules , then it is unlawfull , therfore not indifferent . If it be said that the best man who lives tieth not himself to these rules , in the use of every indifferent thing , but oftimes useth or omitteth a thing of that nature , at his owne pleasure . I answere , g In many things we offend all . And , h who can understand his errors ? But in the meane time , the rules of the Word limit us so strictly , that we may never use a thing in it's owne nature indifferent , at our arbitrement and pleasure , and that the use of it is never lawfull to us , except it be done piously for Gods glory , profitably for mans edification , and purely with full assurance that that which we doe is approved of God. And as all this hath beene proven from Scripture heretofore , so now let us trie whether we can make it to follow upon that which the D. himself hath said . i If a widow marry ; he holds it necessary that shee marry in the Lord , because to her that marrieth it is commanded that shee marry in the Lord. Now when k the Apostle commandeth that shee who marrieth marry in the Lord , he meanes , that shee marry according to the will of the Lord , saecundum voluntatem Domini , as ( o ) Zanchius expoundeth him . And what is that , but that shee marry according to the rules of the Word ? neither doth the Apostle allowe her to marry , except shee marry according to these rules . So he m biddeth children obey their parents in the Lord , that is , according to the will of the Lord. Againe , n the D●…holdes it necessary , that whatsoever thing we doe , we doe it in faith , because as the Apostle teacheth , whatso●… is not of faith is sinne . Now whiles every thing is condemned which is not of faith , two sorts of actions are rejected , as o Calvine observeth . 1. Such actions as are not grounded upon , nor approven by the Word of God. 2. Such actions as though they be approven by the Word of God , yet the mind wanting this persuasion , doth not cheerfully addresse it self to the doing of them . But I pray , doeth the Word underprope or approve the use of any thing indifferent , if it be not used according to the foresaid rules , and by consequence conveniently and profitably ? The D. thinkes it enough , that in the use of a thing indifferent , Sect. IX I beleeve it is lawfull for me to doe this thing , albeit I beleeve and certainly know , that it is lawfull to me to omit it , or to doe the contrary ; so that the doing of a thing in faith , inferreth not the necessity of doing it . But for answere hereunto , we say , 1. We have sufficiently proven , that it is never lawfull for us to doe any thing which is in the nature of it indifferent , except we be perswaded not only of the lawfullnesse of the thing , but of the expediency of doing it . 2. Of his comparing of things indifferent togither , and not considering them positively & by themselves , we have also said enough before . 3. The doing of a thing in faith , inferreth the expediency and profit of doing it ; and that is enough to take away the indifferency of doing it ; for since every indifferent thing is either expedient to be done , or else unlawfull to be done , ( as hath beene shewed , ) it followeth , that either it ought to be done , or else it ought to be left undone : therefore it is never indifferent nor free to us , to doe it , or leave it undone , at our pleasure . 4. Because the D. ( I perceive ) sticketh upon the tearme of necessity ; and will have every thing which is not necessary to be indifferent : therefore to remove this scruple , beside that Chrysostome , & the Author of the interlineary glosse upon Math. 18. 7. take the meaning of those words , It must needs be that offences come , to be this , It is profitable that offences come . Which glosse , though it be not to be received , yet as p Camero noteth , it is ordinary to call that necessary , which is very profitable and expedient . Beside this ( I say , ) we further mantaine , that in the use of things indifferent , that which we deliberat upon to doe , is never lawfull to be done , except it be also necessary , though not necessitate absoluta seu consequentis , yet necessitate consequentiae seu ex suppositione . Pauls c●…rcumcising of Timothie was lawfull : only because it was necessary , for q he behooved by this meanes to winne the good will of the people of Lystra who had once stoned him , otherwise he could not safely have preached the Gospell among them . Therefore he had done wrong , if he had not circumcised Timothie , since the circumcising of him was according to the rules of the Word , and it was expedient to circumcise him , and unexpedient to doe otherwise . And ( because de paribus idem est judicium ) whensoever the use of any indifferent thing is according to the rules of the Word , that is , when it is profitable for Gods glory and mans edification , & the doer is perswaded of so much , I say , putting this case , then ( for so much as not only it may , but ought to be done , ) the use of it is not only lawfull , but necessary : and ( for so much as not only it needs not , but ought not to be omitted , ) the omission of it is not only unnecessary , but also unlawfull . Againe , put the case , that the use of a thing indifferent be either against , or not according to the said rules , then ( for so much as not only it may , but ought to be omitted , the omission of it is not only lawfull but necessary : and ( for so much as not only it needs not , but may not , neither ought to be done ) the doing of it , is not only unnecessary , but also unlawfull . For which it maketh , that the Apostles in r their decree , alledge no other ground for abstinence from blood and things strangled ( which were in their nature indifferent , ) but the necessity of abstaining caused and induced by the foresaid rules . The Apostle sheweth that that measure of liberality whereunto hee exhorteth the Corinthians , was not by any Divine commandement necessary , yet he adviseth it as a thing expedient . 2 Cor. 8 , 8. 10. And were not the Corinthians thereunto bound because of this expediency of the matter , though it was not necessary ? Iuxta verbum , &c. According to Gods Word ( saith s the Bishop of Sarisburie , ) we are obliged to glorify God by our good workes , not onely when necessity requireth , but also when ability furnisheth , and oportunity occurreth , Gal : 6. 10. Tit. 2. 14. As touching the scope of all this Dispute , which is the indiffenrency of the controverted Ceremonies , we shall heare sundry reasons Sect. X against it afterward . For the present I say no more but this . As in every case , so most especially when we meddle with the Worship of God , or any appurtenance thereof , the rules of the Word tie us so straitly , that that which is in it's owne nature indifferent , ought either to be done , or to be left undone , according as it is either agreeable or not agreeable to these rules , and so is never left free to us , to be done or omitted at our pleasure . For if at all we be ( as certainely we are ) abridged of our Liberty , chiefly it is in things pertaining to Divine worship . But I marvell , why D : Forbesse , discourseth so much for the indifferency of the Ceremonies , for lib. 1. cap. 7. He holdeth , that there were just reasons in the things them selves , why the pretended Assembly of Perth , should injoyne the five Articles ; so me of which he calleth very convenient and profitable , and others of them necessary in themselves . Sure , if he stand to that which he hath there written , he can not choose but say , that it is unlawfull both for us , and for all Christians any where , to omit the controverted Ceremonies , and that all such as have at any time omitted them , have thereby sinned in leaving that undone which they ought to have done : for the conveniency and necessity of them which he pretendeth , is perpetuall and universall . CHAP. IV. Of the rule by vvhich vve are to measure and trie , vvhat things are indifferent . THat the Word of God is the onely rule , whereby wee must Sect. I judge of the indifferency of things , none of our Opposites ( we hope ) will denie . Of things indifferent saith t Paybody , I lay downe this ground , that they be such , and they onely , which Gods Word hath left free unto us . Now these things which Gods Word leaveth free and indifferent ( in respect of their nature and kind ) are such things as it neither sheweth to be good nor evill . Where we are further to consider , that the Word of God sheweth unto us the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse , goodnesse or badnesse of things , not onely by precepts and prohibitions , but sometimes also , and more plainly by examples . So that not onely from the precepts and prohibitions of the Word , but likewise from the examples recorded in the same , we may finde out that goodnesse or badnesse of humane actions , which taketh away the indifferency of them . And as for those who will have such things called indifferent , as are neither commanded nor forbidden in the Word of Cod , I aske of them , whether they speake of plaine and particular precepts and prohibitions , or of generall onely ? If they speake of particular precepts and prohibitions , then by their rule ; the baptising of young children ; the taking of water for the Element of Baptisme ; A lectors publike reading of Scripture in the Church upon the Sabbath day ; the assembling of Synods for putting order to the confusions of the Church ; the writing and publication of the decrees of the same ; and sundry other things which the Word hath commended unto us by examples , should all be things indifferent , because there are not in the Word of God , either particular precepts for them , or particular prohibitions against them . But if they speake of generall precepts and prohibitions , then are those things commanded in the Word of God , for which we have the allowed and commended examples of such as we ought to follow , ( for in the generall wee are commanded to be followers of such examples , Phil. 4. 8. 9. 1 Cor. 11. 1. Eph. 5. 1. ) Though there bee no particular precept for the things themselves thus examplified . To come therefore to the ground which shall give us here some Sect. II footing , and whereupon we mind to reare up certaine superstructions : we hold , that not onely we ought to obey the particular precepts of the Word of God , but that also we are bound to imitate Christ , and the commendable example of his Apostles , in all things wherein it is not evident , they had speciall reasons moving them thereto , which doe not concerne us . Which ground as it hath been of a long time holden and confirmed by them of our side , so never could , nor ever shall , our Opposites subvert it . It 's long since the Abridgment confirmed and strengthened it , out of these places of Scripture . Eph. 5. 1 , Be ye therefore followers of God. as deare children . 1 Cor. 11 , 1. Be ye followers of me , even as I also am of Christ. 1 Thess 1. 6. And ye became followers of us and of the Lord , Phil. 3. 17 , Bretheren be followers togither of me . This ground is also at length pressed by u Cyprian , who sheweth that in the holy Supper of the Lord , Christ alone is to be followed by us : that we are to doe what he did : and that we ought not to take heed , what any man hath done before us , but what Christ did , who is before all . But Bishop x Lindsey asketh of us , if we hold this rule , what is Sect. III the cause why at the celebration of the Sacrament , we blesse not the Bread severally by it self , & the Cup severally by it self , seeing Christ did so , yet having no cause to move him which concernes not us . Ans. 1. Beside the common blessing of the Elements in the beginning of the action , we give thankes also in the severall actions of distribution , saying after this or the like manner . The Lord Iesus , the same night he was betrayed , tooke Bread ▪ and when he had given thanks ( as we also give thanks to God who gave his Sonne to die for us ) he breake it &c. In like manner also after Supper , he tooke the Cup , and when he had given thankes ( as we also give thankes to God who gave his Sonne to shed his blood for us ) he gave it , &c. Which forme ( we conceive ) may be construed to be an imitation of the example of Chrict . 2. Though we did not observe such a forme , yet there were two reasons to move Christ to give thankes severally both at the giving of the Bread , and at the giving of the Cup , neither of which concerneth us . 1. The Eucharisticall Supper was one continued action with the other Supper which went before it , for it is said , That whiles they di●… eat , he tooke Bread , &c. Wherefore for more distinction of it from that Supper which immediately proceeded , it was fit that he should give thankes severally at the giving of each Element . 2. He had to doe with the twelve Apostles , ( y ) whose hearts beeing so greatly troubled with sorrow , and ( z ) whose minds not well comprehending that which they heard concerning the death of Christ , much lesse those Misticall Symboles of it , especially at the first hearing , seeing , and using of the same , it was be●…ofefull for their cause , distinctly and severally to blisse those Elements , thereby to help the weaknesse of their understanding , and to make them the more capable of so Heavenly Misteries . Now having heard that which the B●… had to say against our rule , Sect. IV let us examine his owne . ( a ) He holdeth , That in the actions of Christ his Apostles , or the Customes of the Church , there is nothing exemplary and left to be imitated of us , but that which either beeing morall is generally commanded in the Deealouge , or beeing Ceremoniall and circumstantiall is particularly commanded by some constant precept in the Gospell . Ans. 1. This rule is most false , for it followeth from it , that the example of the Apostles making choice of the Element of Water in Baptisme , and requiring a Confession of Faith from the person who was to be baptised ; the example also both of Christ and his Apostles , using the Elements of Bread and Wine in the Holy Supper : a Table at which they did communicate , and the breaking of the Bread , are not left to be imitated of us ; because these things are ceremoniall , but not particularly commanded in the Gospell . So that according to the rule which the Bishop holdeth , we sinne in imitating Christ and his Apostles in those things , for as much as they are not exemplary , nor left to be imitated of us . 2. His weapons fight against his owne fellowes , who alledge ( as we have shewed b elsewhere ) the Custome of the Church , is a sufficient warrant for certaine Ceremonies questioned betwixt them and us , which are not particularly commanded by any precept in the Gospell . These the B. doth unwittingly stricke at , whiles he holdeth , that such Customes of the Church are not exemplary , nor left to be imitated of us . Wherefore wee hold still our owne rule for sure and certaine . Sect. V Christs actions are either Amanda , as the workes of Redemption , or Admiranda , as his miracles ; or Notanda , as many things done by him for some particular reason , proper to that time and case , and not belonging to us , which things notwithstanding are well worthy of our observation ; or Imitanda , and such are all his actions , which had no such speciall reason moving him thereto as doe not concerne us . Calvine upon 1 Cor. 11. 1. saith well , that the Apostle there , cals back both himself and others to Christ. Tanquam unicum recte agendi exemplar . And Policarpus Lycerus , upon Math. 16. 24. Vnder that command of following Christ , comprehendeth the imitation of Christs actions . Most certainly , it is inexcusable presumption , to leave the example of Christ , and to doe that which seemeth right in our own eyes , as if wee were wiser then he . And now having layed downe this ground , we are to build certain positions upon it , as followes . CHAP. V. The first Position vvhich vve build upon the ground confirmed in the former Chapter . FRom that which hath been said , of following Christ and the Sect. I commendable example of his Apostles , in all things wherein it is not evident that they had some such speciall reason moving them to doe that which they did , as doth not concerne us Our first inference is this : That it is not indifferent for a Minister to give the Sacramentall Elements of Bread and Wine , out of his owne hand , to every communicant ; for as much as our Lord commanded his Apostles to divide the Cup among them , that is , to reach it one to another , Luk 22. 17. Some of the interpreters are of opinion ; that the Cup spoken of by the Evangelist in that place , is not the same whereof hee speaketh after vers . 20. but they are greatly mistaken : for if it were as they thinke , then Christ did againe drinke before his death , of that fruit of the Wine , whereof we read vers 17. 18. which is manifestly repugnant to his owne words . Wherefore as c Maldonat observeth out of Augustine and Euthimius , there was but one Cup , whereof Luke speaketh first by anticipation , and afterward in its owne proper place . But d B. Lindsey falleth here upon a very strange speculation , Sect. II and tels us , that if all the Disciples did drinke , howbeit they did not deliver the Cup one to another , but received it severally from Christs owne hand , they divided the same among them : because when every one takes his part of that which is parted , they divide the whole among them . Alas that I should blot paper with the confutation of such foolleries . I beleeve , when his Majesty hath distributed and divided so many lands and revenues among the Prelates of Scotland , every one of them takes his part , but dare not say ( though ) that they have divided these lands and revenues among themselves . Cane 20. or 40. beggars , when an almes is distributed among them , because every one of them getteth his part , say therefore that they themselves have parted it among them : what then shall be said of the distributer , who giveth to every one his part feverally and by himselfe ? That a man who required , e that his brother should divide the inheritance with him , did not ( I trow ) desire Christ to cause his brother to take his owne part of the inheritance : ( there was no feare , that he would not take his part ) but he desired , that his brother might give to him his part . So that to divide any thing among men , is not to take it , but to give it . And who did ever confound parting and partaking , dividing a Cup and drinking a Cup , which differ as much as giving and rec●…iving : Thus we conclude , that when Christ commanded the Apostles to divide the Cup among them , the meaning of the words can be no other then this , that they should give the Cup one to another , which is so plaine , that f a Iesuite also maketh it to follow upon this command , that Christ did reach the Cup , non singulis sed uni , qui proximo , proximus sequenti , & deinceps daret . Hence it is that g Hospinian thinkes it most likely , that Christ brake the Bread into two parts , earumque alteram dederit illi qui proximus ei ad dextram accumbebat , alteram vero ei qui ad sinistram , ut isti deinceps proxime accumbentibus porrigirent , donec singuli particulam sibi decerpsissent . CHAP. VI. Another Position , built upon the same ground . OVr next position which we inferre , is this : that it is not indifferent Sect. I , to Sit , Stand , Passe , or Kneel , in the act of recieving the Sacramentall Elements of the Lords Supper : because we are bound to follove the example of Christ and his Apostles , who used the gesture of Sitting , in this holy action , as we prove from Ioh. 13. 12. from Math. 26. 20. with 26. Marke 14. 18. with 22. Our Opposites here bestirre themselvers , and move every stone against us . Three answers they give us , which we will now consider . First , they tell us , that it is not certaine that the Apostles were sitting when they received this Sacrament from Christ , and that adhuc sub Iudice lis est . Yet let us see , what they have to say against the certainty hereof . B. Lindsey objecteth , that betweene their eating of the Paschall Supper , and the administration of the Sacrament to the Disciples , five acts interveened . 1. The taking of the Bread. 2. The Thanksgiving . 3. The Breaking . 4. The Precept , Take yee , eat yee . 〈◊〉 . The Worde , whereby the Element was made the Sacrament . In which time ( saith hee ) the gesture of sitting might have beene changed . Ans. It is first of all to bee noted , that the Apostles were sitting , at that instant when Christ tooke the Bread : for it is said , that hee tooke Bread , whiles they did eat , that is ( as h Maldonat rightly expoundeth it ) Antequam surgerent , antequam mensae & ciborum reliquiae removerentun : and so wee use to say , that men are dyning or supping , so long as they sit at Table , and the meat is not removed from before them . To Christs ministring of the Eucharisticall Supper together with the preceeding Supper , Christians had respect when they celebrated the Lords Supper together with the Love-Feasts . Probabile est eos ad Christi exemplum respexisse , qui Eucharistiam inter caenandum instituit ( saith i Pareus . ) But of this wee need say no more , for the B. himselfe hath here acknowledged no lesse , then that they were sitting at that time when Christ tooke the Bread. Onely hee saith , that there were five acts which interveened before the administration of the Sacrament to the Disciples ( whereof the taking of the Bread was the first ) and that in this while the gesture of sitting might have beene changed : which is as much as to say ; when ●…e tooke the Bread they were sitting , but they might have changed this gesture , either in the time of taking the bread , or in the time of thanksgiving , or in the time of breaking the Bread , or whiles he said , Take ye , eat ye , or lastly , in the time of pronouncing those words ; This is my body . ( for this is the Word w●…ereby ( in the Bishops judgment ) the Element was made the Sacrament , as we shall see afterward . ) Now but by his leave , we will reduce his fyve acts to three : for thus soeaketh the k text . And as they did eat . Iesus tooke bread and blessed it and brake it , and gave it to the Disciples , and said , take , eate , this is my body . Whence it is manifest , that the giving of the Bread to the Disciples , which no man ( I suppose ) will deny to have beene the administration of it , went before the two last acts , which the B. reckoneth out . Nothing therefore is left to him , but to say , that their gesture of Sitting might have beene changed , either in the taking , or in the blessing , or in the breaking , or else betweene the taking and the blessing , or betweene the blessing and the breaking ; yet doth the text knit all the three togither by such a contiguity and connexion , as sheweth unto us , that they all did make up but one continued action , which could not admit any interruption . I saw a Prelate sit doune to his breakefast , and as he did eate , he Sect. II tooke some cups , and having called for moe , he said he thanked God that he was never given to his belly : and with that , he made a promise to one in the company , which he brake within two dayes after . Wold any man question whether or not the Prelate was sitting , when he made this promise , forasmuch as betweene his sittintg doune to meate , and the making of the promise , there interveened his taking of some cups , his calling for moe , and his pronouncing of those words , I thāke God that I was never given to my belly . Yet might one farre more easily imagine a change of the Prelats gesture , then any such change of the Apostles gesture , in that holy action wheref we speake . Because the text setteth doune such a continued , entire , unbroken , and ●…ninterrupted action , therefore l Calvine gathereth out of the Text , that the Apostles did both take , and eate he Sacramentale Bread●… . whiles they were sitting . Non legimus saith he , prostratos adorasse , sed ut erant discumbentes accepisse & manducasse . Christus saith m Martyr , Eucharistiam Apostolis una secum sedentibus aut discumbentibus distribuit . n G. I. Vossius puts it out of doubt , that Christ was still sitting , at the giving of the Bread to the Apostles . And that the Apostles were still sitting , when they recived the Bread o Hospinian thinkes it no lesse certaine . They made no doubt of the certainty hereof , who composed that old verse which we find in p Aquinas , Rex sedet in caena , turla cinctus duodena : Se tenet in manibus : se cibat ipse cibus . Papists also put it out of controversy : for n Bellarmine aknowledgeth . that the Apostles could not externally adore Christ by prostrating themselves in the last Supper quando recumbere cum eo illis necesse erat . Where we see , hee could guesse nothing of the change of their gesture . Intelligendum est saith r C. Iansenius , Dominum in novissima hac caena , discubuisse & sedisse ante & post comestum agnum . s D. Stella sticketh not to say , distribuit Salvator mundi panem discumbentibus . But now having heard B. Lindsey ; let us heare what t Paybody will Sect. III ●…ay . He taketh him to another subterfuge , and tels us , that though we read that Christ tooke Bread whiles they did eate , yet can it not be concluded hence , that he tooke Bread whiles they did sit : because saith he , As they did eate , is expounded by u Luke and x Paul , to be After they bad done eating , or after Supper . Thus is their language divided . B. Lindsey did yeeld to us , that when Christ tooke Bread , they were sitting , and his conjecture was , that this gesture of sitting might have been changed after the taking of the Bread. Paybody saw that he had done with the Argument , if he should graunt , that they were sitting when Christ tooke Bread , therefore he calleth that in question . Vulcans owne gimmers could not make his answer and the Bishops to sticke togither . But let us examine the ground which Paybody takes for his opinion . He would prove from Luke and Paul , that when Mathew and Marke say , As they were eating , Iesus tooke Bread : the meaning is onely this : After Supper Iesus tooke Bread : importing , that Christs taking of Bread did not make up one cōtinued action with their eating , & that therefore their gesture of sitting might have been changed between their eating of the preceeding Supper , and his taking of the Sacramentall Bread. Whereunto we answer , that there are two opinions touching the Suppers which Christ did eate with his Disciples , that night wherein he was betrayed : And whichsoever of them the reader please to followe , it shall bee most easie to breake all the strength of the Argument , which Paybody opposeth unto us . First then , there are some who think that Christ having kept the Passeover according to the Law , ( which is not particularly related , Sect. IV but supponed by the Evangelists , ) did sit downe to an common or ordinary Supper , at which he told the Disciples that one of them should betray him . And of this judgment are Calvine and Beza upon Math. 26. 20. Pareus upon Math. 26. 21. Fulke and Cartwright against the Rhemists upon 1 Cor. 11. 23. Tolet and Maldonat upon Ioh. 13. 2. Cornelius Iansenius Conc. Evang. cap. 131. Balthasar Meisnerus , Tractat die fest virid pag. 256. Iohannes Forsterus conc . 4. de pass . p. 538. Chrystophorus Pelargus in Ioh. 13. quaest . 2. and others . The reasons whereby their judgment is confirmed are these , 1. y Many societies conveened to the eating of the Paschall Supper by Twenties . And if Twentie was often the number of them who conveened to the eating of the same , ( which also confirmeth their opinion , who thinke that other men and women in the Inne , did eate both the Paschall and Evangelicall Supper , togither with the Apostles in Christs company : ) it is not very likely ( say some ) that all those were sufficiently satisfied and fedde with one lambe , which after it was eight dayes old , was allowed to be offered for the Passeover , as z Godwyn noteth . a Neque esus unius agni saith Pareus , toti familiae sedandae fami sufficere poterat . 2. The Paschall Supper was not for banquetting or filling of the belly , as b Iosephus also writteth . Non tam exsatiendae nutriendieque naturae saith c Maldonat , quam fervandae legalis Ceremoniae causa sumebatur . Non ventri saith d Pareus , sed religionn causa fiebat . But as for that Supper which Christ and his Apostles did eate , immediatly before the Eucharisticall ; e Cartwright doubts not to call it a carnall Supper ; an earthly repast ; a Feast for the belly : which lets us know , that the Sacramentall Bread and Wine was ordained , not for feeding their bodies which were already satisfyed by the ordinary and dayly supper , but for the nourishment of the soule . 3. That beside the Paschall and Evangelicall Suppers , Christ and his Apostles , had also that night another ordinary Supper , f Fulke proveth by the broth wherein the Sop was dipped 10. 13. 26. Where as there was no such broth , ordained by the Divine institution , to be used in the Paschall Supper . 4. That there were two Suppers before the Eucharisticall , they gather from Ioh. 13. For first , the Paschall Supper was ended vers . 2. after which Christ washed his Disciples feet . And thereafter we read vers . 12. g Resumptis vestibus rursum ad caenam ordinariam consedisse . The dividing of the Passeover into two services or two Suppers , had no warrant at all from the first institution of that Sacrament : for which cause , they thinke it not likely , that Christ would have thus Dividedit , according to the device & custome of the Iewes in later times ; for so much as in Mariage , ( and much more in the Pesseover ) he did not allow of that which from the beginning was not so . Neither seemeth it to them any way probable , that Christ would have interrupted the eating of the Passeover with the washing of his Disciples feet , before the whole Paschall Supper was ended , and they had done eating of it . But others ( and those very judicious too ) are of opinion , that that second course whereunto Christ sate downe after the washing Sect. V of his Disciples feet , and at which he told them , that one of them should betray him , was not an ordinary or commone Supper ( because the Paschall Supper was enough of it self to satisfie them , ) but a part of the Paschall Supper . And from the Iewish writters they prove , that so the custome was , to divide the Passeover into two courses or services . As for that wherein Christ dipped the sop , they take it to have beene the sauce which was used in the Paschall Supper , called Charoseth : of which the Hebrewes writ , that it was made of the palme tree branches , or of dry figges , or of raysens , which they stamped and mixed with vinegar , till it was thick as mustard , & made like clay , in memory of the clay wherein they wrought in Egypt ; and that they used to dip both the unleavened bread & the bitter hearbs into this sauce . And as touching that place Io. 13. they expound it by the custome of the Iewes , which was to have two services or two Suppers in the Passeover : And take those words vers . 2. Supper beeing ended , to be meant of the first service : and sitting downe againe to Supper vers . 12. to be meant of the second service . If those two opinions could be reconciled and drawen togither Sect. VI into one , by holding that that second course whereunto Christ sate downe after the washing of his Disciples feet , was ( for the substance of it ) a commone Supper , but yet it hath beene and may be rightly called the second service of the Paschall Supper , for that it was eaten the same night wherein the Paschall lambe was eaten : So should all the difference be taken away . But if the mantainers of these opinions will not be thus agreed , let the Reader consider to which of them he will adhere . If the first opinion be followed , then it will be most easily answered to Paybody , that h Inter caenamdum instituta fuit Eucharistia , cum jam rursum mensae accubuissent . Sed post caenam Paschalem , & usum agni legalis . When Mathewe and Marke say , As they did eate , Iesus tooke bread , they speake of the commone or ordinary Supper . But when Luke and Paule say , that he tooke the Cup after Supper , they speake of the Paschall Supper , which was eaten before the commone Supper . Againe , if the reader follow the other opinion , which holdeth that Christ had no other Supper that night before the Evangelicall , except the Paschall only ; yet sti'l the answere to Paybody , shall be easie ; for whereas he would prove from those words of Luke & Paul , Likewise also the Cup after Supper , that when Mathew and Mark say , As they did eat , Iesus tooke Breade , their meaning is only this , After Supper , Iesus tooke Bread : he reasoneth very inconsideratly : forasmuch as Luke & Paul lay not of the Bread , but of the Cup only , that Iesus tooke it after Supper . And will Paybody say , that he tooke the Cup so soone as he tooke the Bread ? If we will speake with Scripture , we must say , that as they did eat the preceeding Supper , ( to which we reade they sate downe , ) Iesus tooke Bread : for nothing at all interveened betwixt their eating of that other preceeding Supper , and his taking of the Eucharisticall Cup , there interveened the Taking , Blessing , Breaking , Distributing , and Eating of the Bread. Now therefore , from that which hath beene said , we may well conclude , that our Opposites have no reason which they doe or can object , against the certanty of that received tenet that the Apostles received from Christ the Sacramentall Bread and Wine , whiles they were sitting . k Dr. Forbesse himself setteth downe some Testimonies of Musculus , Chamier , & the Professors of Leiden , all acknowledging , that the Apostles , when they received the Lords Supper , were still sitting . The second answere which our Opposites have given us , followeth . Sect. VII They say , that though the Apostles did not change their gesture of si●…ting , which they used in the former Supper ; when all this is graunted to us , yet there is as great difference betwixt our forme of sitting , and that forme of the Iewes which the Apostles used , as there is betwixt Sedere and Iacere . Ans. 1. Put the case it were so , yet it hath beene often answered them , that the Apostles kept the Tablegesture , used in that Nation , and so are we bound herein to followe their example , by keeping the tablegesture used in this Nation . For this keeping of the usuall tablegesture of the Nation wherein we live , is not a forsaking , but a following of the commendable example of the Apostles : even as whereas they dranke the Wine which was drunke in that place , and we drinke the Wine which is drunke in this place , yet doe we not hereby differ from that which they did . 2. The words used by the Evangelists , signify our forme of sitting , no lesse then the Iewish . Calepine , Scapula , and Thomasius , in their Dictionories , take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & the Latine words Discumbo , Recumbo , Accumbo ( used by Arias Montanus , Beza , Marlorat , Tremellius , &c , in their versions ) not only for lying , but also for such sitting , as is opponed to lying ; even for sitting up right at Table , after our custome . 3. There is not so great a difference betwixt our forme of sitting , and that which the Iewes used , as our Opposites alledge . For as l Didoclavius sheweth out of Casaubone ; their sitting at banquets was only with a leaning upon the left arme , and so not lying , but sitting with a certaine inclination . When therefore we reade of m Lecti discubitorij tricliniares , in quibus inter caenandum , discumbebant , we must understand them to have beene seates , which compassed three sides of the Table ( the fourth side beeing left open and voide for them who served ) and wherein they did sit , with some sort of inclination . Yet n B. Lindsey is bold to averre , that the usuall tablegesture of the Iewes , was lying along : and this he would prove from Amos 6. 4. They lye upon beds of yvorie , they stretch themselves out upon their couches . Ans. 1. If we should yeeld to this Prelate his owne meaning wherein he taketh these words , yet how thinks he that the gesture of Drunkards and Gluttons , which they used when they were pampering themselves in all excesse of riot , and for which also they are upbraided by the Spirit of God , was either the ordinary table gesture of the Iewes , or the gesture used by Christ and his Apostles in their last Supper ? 2. If any gesture at all be touched in those words , which he Prelate citeth , it was their gesture they used when they lay downe to sleep , and not their table gesture when they did eat . For Mitta and Ngheres , ( the two words which Amos useth , ) signify a Bed or a Couch wherein a man useth to lay himself downe to sleep . And in this sence we find both these words Psal. 6. 7. All the night make I my bed ( mittathi ) to swimme : I water my Couch ( Ngharsi ) with my teares . The Shunnamite prepared for Elisha a chamber , and there in set for him a bed ( Mitta ) and a Table , and a Stoole , and a Candlesticke , 2. Kings 4. 10. The Stoole or Chaire was for sitting at Table , but Mitta the Bed was for lying downe to sleep . Now the Prelate I hope will not say , that the Lecti tricliniares , wherein the Iewes used to sit at Table , and which compassed three sides of the same , ( as hath beene said , ) were their beds wherein they did lye and sleep all night . But , 3. the place must be yet more exactly opened up . That word which is turned in our English bookes , they lie , commeth from the Radix Schachav , which in Pagnins Lexic on is turned dormire . We find Ruth 3. 7. Lischcav , which Arias Montanus turneth Ad dormiendum , to sleep Our owne English translation . 2. Sam. 11. 9. saith , Vriah sleept , where the originall hath Vajischcav . And the very same word is put most frequently in the bookes of the Kings and the Chronicles , where they speake of the death of the Kings of Iudah and Israel . Pagnine turneth it , & dormivit : and our English translators every where , And he sleept with his Fathers , &c. These things beeing considered , we must with Calvine read the place of Amos , thus ; Qui decumbunt vel dormiunt in lectis . The other word which the Prophet useth , is Seruchim . Our English version turneth , They stretch themselves out . But Pagnine , Buxtorf , Tremellius , and Tarnovius , come nearer the sence , who reade Redundantes , Superstuentes , or Luxuriantes . Which sence the English translation also hath in the margen . The Septuagints followed the same sence , for they read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Living in pleasure . So , 1 Tim. 5. 6. shee that liveth in pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Iam. 5. 5. Yea have lived in pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Radix is Sarach , Redundavit , or Luxuriavit . So Exod. 26. 12. Sarach , and vers . 13. Saruach , is put for a surplusage or superfluous remainder , redundans & supersluum , as Tremellius readeth . Now then , it is evident , that the thing which Amos layeth to the charge of those who were at ease in Zion , in the words which the Prelat citeth against us , is , that they slept upon beds of yvorie ( such was their softnesse and superfluitie , ) and swimmed in excessive pleasures upon their couches . And incontinent this filthie and muddie streame of carnall delicacie and excessive voluptousnesse , which defiled their beds , ledde him backe to the uncleane fountaine out of which it ishued , even their riotous pampering of themselves at Table : Therefore he subjoyneth , And eat the lambes out of the flocke , &c. For Ex mensis itur ad cubilia , ex gula in venerem saith Cornelius a lapide commenting upon the same Text. Thus have I cleared he place in such sort , that the B. can not but shoote short of his aimes . Wherefore I goe on to other replies . 4. If the Apostles when they received the Lords Supper , or the Iewes , when they did eat at Table , were lying all along , how could their mouthes receive drinke unspilt ? Or how could they have the use of both their armes ? which the B. himself would not ( I am sure ) gainesay , if he would once trie the matter in his owne person , and assay to eat and drinke , whiles he is lying along . 5. The words used by Mathew 26. 20. Mark 14. 18. Where they speake of Christes sitting downe with the twelve , is also used by Iohn . 6. 11. where he speaketh of the peoples sitting downe upon the grasse , to eat the loaves and fishes : and will any man thinke that the people did eat lying along upon the grasse , where they might farre better sit upright ? 6. If our Opposites like to speake with others , then let them looke backe upon the Testimonies which I have alledged before . Iansenius putteth discubuisse & sedisse : Martyr , sedentibus aut discumbentibus . Pareus useth the word Consedisse . o M●…isuerus , consedendo . Evangelista ( saith p D. Stella , ) dicit dominum discubuisse , id est sedisse ad mensam . 7. If they like to speake with themselves : q Camero speaking of Ihone his leaning on Christes bosome at Supper , saith , Christus autem sedebat medius . r D. Mortone saith , it can not be denyed , that the gesture of Christ and his Apostles , at the last Supper , was sitting : only saith he , the Evangelists leave it uncertaine , whether this sitting was upright or somewhat leaning . It entered not in his minde to guesse any thing of lying . The English Translaters also , say not that Christ lay downe , but that he sate downe . Their third answere is , that Christs sitting at the last Supper , is no more examplary and imitable , then the upper chamber , or the night season , or the sexe and number of communicants , &c. Sect. VIII Ans. As for the sexe and number of communicants , s Dr. Fulke rightly observeth , that it is not certaine from Scripture , that twelve men onely and no women did communicate ( as t B. Lindsey would have us certainly to believe ) But put the case it were certaine , u yet for this and all those other circumstances , which are not examplary ; there were speciall reasons either in the urgency of the legall necessity , or in the exigency of present and accidentall occasions , which doe not concerne us : whereas the gesture of sitting , was freely and purposely chosen , and so intended to be examplary , especially since there was no such reason moving Christ to use this gesture of sitting , as doth not concerne us . x The B. saith , that his sitting , at the former Supper , might have been the reason which moved him to sit at the Eucharisticall Supper . But if Christ had not purposely made choice of the gesture of sitting , as the fittest and most convenient for the Eucharisticall Supper , his sitting at the former Supper , could be no reason to move him , as may appeare by this example . There are some Gentlemen standing in a noble mans waiting roume , and after they have stood a while there , the Noble man commeth forth : they beginne to speake to him , and as they speake , still they stand . Now can any man say , that the reason which moveth them to stand , when they speake to the Noble-man , is , because they were standing before he came to them ? So doth the B. come short of giving any speciall reason for Christs sitting , which concerneth not us . He can alledge no more but Christs sitting at the former Supper ; which could bee no reason ; else he should have also risen from the Eucharisticall Supper , to wash the Disciples feet , even as he rose from the former Supper , for that effect . Wherefore wee conclude , that Christ did voluntarily and of set purpose , choose sitting as the fittest and best beseeming gesture for that holy Banquet . Finally , y Hookers verdict of the gesture of Christ and his Apostles in this Holy Sacrament , is , That our Lord himselfe did that , which custome and long usage had made fit : we , that which fitnesse and great decency hath made usuall . In which words , because he importeth , that they have better warrants for their kneeling , then Christ had for his sitting ( which is blasphemie ) I leave them as not worthy of an answer . Howsoever , let it be noted , that he aknowledgeth , by kneeling they depart from the example of Christ. CHAP. VII . Other Positions built upon the former ground . THe third consequence which we inferre upon our former Sect. I rule of following the example of Christ , is , that it is not a thing indifferent , to omit the repetition of those words , This is my body , enunciatively and demonstratively , in the act of distributing the Eucharisticall Bread : and farre lesse is it indifferent , so to omit this demonstrative speech in the distribution , as in place of it to surrogate a Prayer , to preserve the soule and body of the communicant unto everlasting life . Our reason is , because Christ ( whose example herein we ought to follow , used no prayer in the distribution , but that demonstrative enunciation , This is my body . But we goe forward . The fourth Position , which we draw from the same rule , is , that Sect. II it is not indifferent for a Minister to omit the breaking of the Bread at the Lords Table , after the consecration , and in the distribution of it : because he ought to follow the example of Christ , who after he had blessed the Bread , and when hee was distributing it to them who were at Table , brake it , z manibus comminuendo panem acceptum in partes : but had it not ●…arved in small peeces , before it was brought to the Table . Hence a G. I. Vossius doth rightly condemne those , who , though they breake the Bread in multas minutias , yet they break it not in actu sacramentali . Such a breaking as this , ( he saith well , ) is not Mistica but conquinaria . The fifth Position drawen from the very same ground , is , that it Sect. III is not indifferent for a Minister in the act of distribution , to speake in the singular number , Take thou , eat thou , drinke thou : because he should follow the example of Christ , who in the distribution spake in the plurall number , Take ye , eate ye , drinke ye . And he who followeth not Christs example herein , by his speaking in the singular to one , he maketh that to be a private action betwixt himselfe and the communicant , which Christ made publike and common by his speaking to all at one time . How idly b B. Lindsey answereth to these things , it can not but appeare to every one who considereth , that we doe not challenge Sect. IV them for not breaking the Bread at all , for not pronouncing at all these words , This is my body , or for never pronouncing at all , those speeches in the plurall , take ye , eate ye , drinke ye ; but for not breaking the Bread in the very act of distribution : for not propouncing demonstratively those words , This is my body , in the very act of distribution : for not speaking in the plurall number , Take ye . &c. In the very act of distribution , as Christ did , having no other reasons to move him , then such as concerne us . Why then did not the B. say something to the point , which we presse him with ? or shall we excuse him , because he had nothing to say to it ? Now last of all , we finde yet another point , whereby the c B. departeth from the example and mind of Christ. He saith , that by Sect. V the Sacramentall word , This is my body , the Bread is made the Sacrament , &c. And that without this word , &c. all our Prayers & wishes should serve to no use . Where he will have the Bread to be otherwise consecrated by us , then it was consecrated by Christ : for that Christ did not consecrate the Bread to be the Sacrament of his body , by those words , This is my body , it is manifest , because the Bread was consecrated before his pronouncing of those words : or else what meaneth the blessing of it , before he brake it ? It was both blessed & broken , and he was also distributing it to the Disciples , before ever he said , This is my body Beza , benedictionem expresse ad panis consecrationem & quidem singularem , refert : : & omnes nostri referunt , consecrationem intelligentes , &c , Qua ex communi cibo , in spiritualis alimoniae sacramentum transmutetur , saith d Pareus . Wherefore we must not think , to sanctify the Bread , by this prescript word , This is my body , but by Prayer and Thansgiving , as Christ did . Our Divines hold against the Papists , e Verba illa quae in Sacramento sunt consecratoria , non esse paucula quaedam praescripta ; sed praecipue verba orationis , quae non sunt praescripta ; And that f through use of the Prayers of the Church , there is a change in the Elements . g D Fulk objecteth against Gregory Ma●…tin , Your Popish Church doth not either as the Greeke Liturgies , or 〈◊〉 the Churches in Ambrose and Augustines time : for they hold that the Elements are consecrated by Prayer and Thanksgiving . I know none who will speake with B. Lindsey , in this point , except Papists . Yet h Cornelius a Lapide could also say , Eucharistiaconficitur & conditur sacris precibus . I say not , that these words , This is my body , have no use at all , in Sect. VI making the Bread to be a Sacrament . But that which giveth us dislike , is , 1. That the B. maketh not the Word and Prayer togither , but the Word alone ; to sanctify the Bread and Wine . ●…ow if i both the Word and Prayer be necessary , to sanctify the creatures for the food of our bodies , much more are they necessar to sanctify them for the food of our soules . k Neque enim solis domini verbis consecratio fit , sed etiam precibus . The Fathers ( saith l Trelcatius ) had not onely respect to those five words . For this is my body , dum Eucharistiam fieri dixerunt , mistica prece , invocatione nominis divini , solemni benedictione , gratiarum actione . 2. That he makes not the whole word of the Institution , to sanctify the Bread , but onely that one sentence , This is my body . Whereas Christs will is declared , and consequently the Elements sanctisyed , m by the whole word of the institution : Iesus tooke the Bread , and when he had given thankes , he brake it , and said , Take eate , this is my body which is broken for you , this doe in remembrance of me , &c. 3. That he aknowledgeth not the Bread , though sanctified by Prayer , to be the Sacrament , except that very word be pronounced , This is my body . Now when a Minister hath from Christs will & institution declared , that he hath appointed Bread & Wine , to be the Elements of his body and blood : when he hath also declared the essentiall rites of this Sacrament . And lastly , when by the Prayer of consecration he hath sanctifyed the Bread and Wine which are present : put the case , that all this while , those prescript sentences , This is my body , This Cup is the New Testament in my blood , have not beene pronounced ; yet what hindereth the Bread and Wine , from beeing the Sacramentall Elements of the Lords body and blood ? It is sounder Divinity to say , n that the consecration of a Sacrament , doth not depend ex certa aliqua formula verborum . For it is evident , that in Baptisme there is not a certaine forme of words prescribed , as o Bellarmine also proveth : because Christ saith not : Say , I baptise thee in the name , &c. But onely he saith , Baptizing them in the name , &c. So that he prescribeth not what should be said , but what should be done . p Aquinas likewise holdeth , that the consecration of a Sacrament is not absolutely tied to a certaine forme of words . And so saith q Conradus Vorstius , speaking of the Eucharist . Wherefore r Vossius doth rightly condemne the Papists , quod consecrationem non aliis verbis fieri putant , quam istis , hoc est corpus meum , & hic est sanguis meus . CHAP. VIII . That the Ceremonies are not things indifferent to the Church of Scotland : because she did abjure and repudiat them , by a most solemne and generall Oath . HAving spoken of the nature of things indifferent , and shewed which things bee such ; also of the rule whereby to trie the Sect. I indifferency of things : which rule we have applied to certaine particular cases . It remaineth to say somewhat of the maine and generall purpose , which is principally questioned in this last part of our Dispute , namely , whether Crosse , Kneeling , Holy-dayes , Bishopping , and the other controverted Ceremonies , wherewith our Church is pressed this day , be such things as we may use freely and indifferently ? The negative ( which we hold ) is strongly confirmed by those Arguments , which in the third part of this our Dispute wee have put in order , against the lawfulnesse of those Ceremonies . Notwithstanding , we have thought fit , to adde somewhat more , in this place . And first we say , whatsoever bee the condition of the Ceremonies in their owne nature , they can not bee indifferently embraced and used by the Church of Scotland , which hath not onely once cast them forth , but also given her great Oath solemnely to the God of heaven ; both witnessing her detestation of the Roman Antichrist his five bastard Sacraments , with all his Rites , Ceremonies , and false doctrine , added to the ministration of the true Sacraments , without the Word of God : all his vaine allegories , Rites , Signes , and Traditions , brought in the Kirke without or against the Word of God. And likewise , Promising and swearing to continue , as well in the Discipline and use of the Holy Sacraments , as in the Doctrine of this Reformed Church of Scotland , which then first she embraced and used , after she was truly reformed from Popery and Popish abuses . And this which I say , may be seene in the generall Confession of Faith , sworne and subscribed by his Majesties Father of everlasting memory , anno 1580 , and by the severall Parochines in the Land , at his Majesties strait command : which also , was renued and sworne againe anno 1596. by the generall Assembly , by provinciall Assemblies , by Presbiteries , and particular Parish Churches . No Reformed Church in Europe , is so strictly tied by the bond of Sect. II an Oath and Subscription , to hold fast her first Discipline and use of the Sacraments , and to hold out Popish Rites , as is the Church of Scotland . And who knoweth not that an Oath doth alwayes oblige and bind , s quando est factum de rebus certis & possibilibus , vere de sine dolo praemeditate , ac cum judicio , juste , ad gloriam Dei , & bonum proximi ? What one of all those conditions , was here wanting ? Can we then say any lesse , then a t Pope said before us , Non est tutum quemlibet contra juramentum suum venire , nisi tale sit , quod servatum vergat in interitum salutis aeternae ? O damnable impietie ! which maketh so small account of the violation of the foresaid Oath , which hath as great power to bind us , as u that Oath of the Princes of Israel , made to the Gibeonites , had to bind their posterity , 2 Sam. 21. 1. 2. For it was made by the whole incorporation of this Land , and hath no tearme at which it may cease to bind . Nay , ( in some respects ) it bindeth more straitly , then that Oath of the Princes of Israell . For , 1. That was made by the Princes onely : this , by Prince , Pastors , and People . 2. That was made rashly : ( for the text sheweth , that they asked not councell from the mouth of the Lord : ) this , with most religious & due deliberation . 3. That was made to men : this , to the great God. 4. That sworne but once : this , once and again . Some of our Opposites goe about to derogate somewhat from Sect. III the binding power of that Oath of the Princes of Israell : they are so nettled therewith , that they fitch hither and thither . x D. Forbesse speaketh to the purpose thus : Iuramentum Gibeonitis praestitum contra ipsius Dei mandatum , & inconsulto Deo , non potuissent Iosuae & Israelitae opere persicere , nisi Deus extraordinarie de suo mandato dispensasset , compassione paenitentis illius populi Gibeonitici , & prop ●…r honorem sui nominis , ut neque faedifragorum fautor , neque supplicium poenitentium aspernator esse videretur . Ans 1. If the Oath was against the Commandement of God , what dishonour had come to the name of God , though he had not patronized the swearers of it , but hindered them from fulfilling their Oath ? If a Christian sweare to kill a Pagan , and hereafter repent of his Oath , and not performe it ; can there any dishonour redound thereby to the name of Christ ? The D. forsooth must say so . 2. Where hath he read of the Repentance of the Gibeonites , which God would not despise ? 3. If an Oath made against the Commandement of God , ( the breach of the commandement beeing despenced with , ) bindeth so strictly and inviolably , as that Oath of the Princes of Israell did : how much more ought we to thinke our selves strictly and inviolably bound , by the solemne Oath of the Church of Scotland , which was not repugnant , but most consonant to the Word of God , even our Adversaries themselves being judges ? for thus speaketh y one of them . Quod autem jurarunt nostrates , non erat illicitum , sed a nobic omnibus jure praestari potest ac debet . So that the D. hath gained nothing , but loosed much , by that which he saith of the Isralites Oath . He hath even fanged himselfe faster in the snare which he though to escape . O! but saith the D. that which they did either in swearing , or in performing their Oath , against the expresse Commandement of God , we may not draw into an ordinary example . Ans. It was against the Commandement of God ; no man will say , that we should follow either their swearing or their performing of their Oath . Yet in the meane time the D. is pressed with this Argument : that if their unlawfull Oath ( in the case of Gods dispensation ) did bind their posterity , much more doth that Oath of the Church of Scotland ( which the D. hath aknowledged lawfull and commendable , ) bind us this day . But , 4. Albeit the D. hath hereby given us scope and advantage Sect. IV enough against himselfe . Neverthelesse for the trueths sake , I adde , that it can not be shewed how that Oath of the Princes of Israell was against the expresse Commandement of God : but it rather appeareth that it was agreeable to the same . For as z Tremellius hath it noted , that Commandement Deut 20. Whereby the Israelites were commanded , to save alive nothing in the Cities of the Canaanites , was to be onely understood of such Cities among them , as should make warre with them , and bee besieged by them . But the Gibeonites were not of this sort , for they sought their lives , before the Israelites came to them : and by the same meanes , a Rahab and her Fathers house got their life , because they sought it . b Calvine also observeth , Iussos fuisse Israelitas pacem omnibus offerre . And Iunius upon Deut. 20. distinguisheth well two Laws of warre given to Israel . The first is concerning offering peace to all : which law is generall and common , as well to the Canaanites , as to forraine Nations . When thou comest night unto a City to fight against it , then proclaime peace unto it . And it shall be , if it make thee answer of peace , then it shall be that all the people that is found therein shall be tributaries unto thee , and they shall serve thee . Which Commandement was afterward observed by Israel , of whom we read . c That when Israel was strong , they put the Canaanites to tribute , and did not utterly drive them out . By d Solomon also , who did not cut off the people that were left of the Hittites , and the Amorites , but onely made them to pay tribute . That which I say , is further confirmed by e another place , where it is said , There was not a City that made peace with the children of Israel , save the Hivites the inhabitants of Gibeon : all other they tooke in Battell . For it was of the Lord to harden their hearts , that they should come against Israell in battell , that he might destroy them utterly , and that they might have no favour : but that he might destroy them , as the Lord commanded Moses . From which words it appeareth , that if the Canaanites had made peace with the children of Israel , they were to shew them favour ; and that they were bound by the Commandement of the Lord to destroy them , then onely and in that case , if they would not accept peace , but make warre ; whence it commeth , that the cause of the destruction of the Canaanites , is imputed to their owne hardnesse and contumacy in not accepting of peace ; and not to any Commandement which God had given to Israel , for destroying them . In a word , it was voluntas signi , which in f one place shewed the Israelites , what was their duty , namely to offer peace to all , even to the Canaanites , and not to cut them off , if they should accept the peace . But it was , voluntas beneplaciti , which ( as we read in g another place ) decreed to deliver the Canaanites , before the Israelites , that is , to harden their hearts to come against them in B●…ttell , and so to overrule the matter by a secret and inscrutable providence , that the Israelites might lawfully and should certainly destroy them , and shew them no mercy . Even as that same God , who by one word shewed unto Abraham , what was his duty h bidding him offer up his sonne Isaack , by another Word signified unto him , what he had decreed to be done , i forbidding him to lay his hand upon the Lad , or to doe any thing unto him . But this ( I know , ) will be very unsavory language , to many Arminianized Conformitans . The other law of warre which Iunius upon Deut. 20. observeth , prescribed to the Israelites , how they should deale with them who refused their peace . And here onely was the difference made betwixt the Cities which were very farre off , and the Cities of the Canaanites , Deut. 20. 15. 16. But the first law was common ; as hath been proven . Ioseph Hall seemeth to deny , that the Oath of the Princes of Israel , had any power to bind , but upon another ground then D Forbesse tooke to himself . It would seeme very questionable , saith k Hall , Whether Iosua needed to hold himself bound to this Oath : for fraudulent conventions obliege not : and Israel had put in a direct caveat of their vicinity . Ans. I marvell how it could enter in his mind to thinke this matter questionable , since the violation of that Oath l was afterwards punished with three yeares famine . Yet let us hearken to his reasons . One of them is forged : for the Princes of Israel who sware unto them , put in no caveat at all . m The Text saith only in the generall , that they sware unto them . As touching his other reason , it is answered by n Calvine . Iurisjurandi religio saith he , cousque sancta apud nos esse debet , ne erroris praetextu a pactis discedamus , etiam in quibus fuimus decepti . Which that it may be made more plaine unto us , let us with the Casuists distinguish o a twofold error in swearing . For if the error be about the very substance of the thing , ( as when a man contracts mariage with one particular person , taking her to be another person , ) the oath bindeth not . But if the error be only about some extrinsecall or accidentall circumstance , ( such as was the error of the Israelites , taking the Gibeonites to dwell a farre off , when they dweit a hand , ) the Oath ceaseth not to bind . This much beeing said for the binding power of that Oath of the Church of Scotland : let us now consider what shifts our Opposits use Sect. VI to elude our Argument , which we drawe from the same ; where first , there occureth to us one ground which the Bishop of Edinbrug doth every where beat upon , in the trace of this Argument : taken out of the 21. Article of the Confession of Faith , wherein we find these words . Not that we thinke that any Policie and an order in Ceremonies , can be appointed for all ages , times , and places : for as Ceremonies , such as men have devised , are but temporall , so may and ought they to be changed , when they rather foster superstition , then that they edify the Kirke using the same . Whereu●…on the B. concludeth , p that none who sware the foresaid Article , could without breach of this Oath , sweare that the Ceremony of sitting at the receiving of the Sacrament , could be appointed for all ages , times , and places . Ans. None of us denieth that Article , we all stand to it . For that which it pronounceth of Ceremonies , must be understoode of alterable circumstances , unto which the name of Ceremonies is but generally and improperly applied , as we have shewed q elsewhere . Neither can we , for professing our selves bound by an oath , ever to retaine sitting at the receiving of the Sacrament , in this Nationall Church of Scotland , be therefore thought to transgresse the said Article . For , 1. The Article speaketh of Ceremonies devised by men , whereof sitting at the Sacrament is none , being warranted ( as hath beene shewed ) by Christs owne example , and not by mans device . 2. The Article speaketh of such Ceremonies , as rather foster superstition , then edify the Church using the same : whereas it is well knowen , that sitting at the Communion did never yet foster superstition in this Church . So that the B. did very unadvisedly reckon sitting at the Communion among those Ceremonies whereof the Article speaketh . But the B. hath a further aime , and attempteth no lesse then both to put the blot of perjurie off himself and his fellowes , and likewise Sect. VII to rub it upon us , ( s ) telling us , That no man did by the Oath oblige himself to obey and defend that part of Discipline , which concerneth these alterable things , all the dayes of his life ; but only , that Discipline which is unchangeable and commanded in the Word . Yea ( saith he , ) we further affirme , that every man who sware to the Discipline of the Church in generall , by vertue of that Oath standeth obliged , not only to obey and defend the constitutions of the Church , that were in force at the time of making his Oath ; but also to obey and defend whatsoever the Church thereafter hath ordained , or shall ordaine , &c. Whether thereby the former constitutions be established or altered , &c. The same answere doth s D. Forbesse also returne us . Ans. 1. Here is a manifest contradiction , for the B. saith that every man did by this Oath oblige himself , only to obey and defend that Discipline which is unchangeable & commanded in the Word . And yet againe he seemeth to import , ( that which t D Forbesse plainely avoucheth , ) that every man obliged himself by the same Oath , to obey and defend , all that the Church should afterwards ordaine , though thereby the former constitutions be altered . The B. therefore doth apparently contradict himself , or at the best , hee contradicteth his fellow-pleader for the Ceremonies . 2. That auncient Discipline and policy of this Church , which is contrary to the Articles of Perth , and whereunto we a●…e bound by the Oath , was well grounded upon Gods Word , and therefore should not have beene ranked among other alterable things . 3. Whereas the B. is of opinion , that a man may by his Oath tie himself to things which a Church shall afterward ordaine : he may consider , that such an oath were unlawfull , because not sworne in judgement , Ier. 4. 2. Now this judgement which is required , as one of the inseparable companions of a lawfull Oath , is not Executio justitiae , but Iudicium discretionis , as u Thomas teacheth , whom Bullinger and Zanchius x doe herein follow . But there is no judgement of discretion , in his oath who sweares to that he knowes not what , even to that which may fall out as readily wrong as right . 4. Whereas the B. and the D. alledge , that every man who sware to the Discipline of this Church , standeth obliged to obey all that the Church ordained afterward , they greatly deceive themselves : For , 1. The Discipline spoken of in the promissorie part of the Oath , must be the same which was spoken of in the assertorie part . Now that which is mentioned in the assertorie part , can not be imagined to be any other , but that which was then presently used in this Church , at the time of giving the Oath . For y an assertorie Oath is either of that which is past , or of that which is present . And the assertorie part of the Oath whereof we speake , was not of any Discipline past and away : Ergo. of that which was present . Moreover , z Thomas doth rightly put this difference betwixt an assertorie and a promissorie Oath ; that the matter of a promissorie Oath is a thing to come , which is alterable , as concerning the event . Materia autem juramenti assertorii quod est de praeterito vel praesenti , in quandam necessitatem jam transiit , & immutabilis facta est . Since then the Discip●…ine spoken of in the asseriorie part , was no other then that which was used in this Church , when the Oath was sworne : and since the promissorie part is illative upon and relative unto the matter of the assertorie part : Therefore we conclude , the Discipline spoken of in the promissory part , could be no other , then that which was then presently used in this Church , at the swearing of the Oath . 2. Since the doctrine mentioned in that Oath , is said to have beene professed openly by the Kings majesty , and the whole body of this Realme , before the swearing of the same : why should we not likewise understand the Discipline mentioned in the Oath , to be that vvhich vvas practised in this Realme , before the svvearing of the same ? 3. This is further proved by the vvord Continuing . We are svvorne to continue in the obedience of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church : but hovv can men be said to continue in the obedience of any other Discipline , then that vvhich they have already begunne to obey ? This the B. seemes to have perceived , for he speakes only of defending and obeying , but not of continuing to obey , vvhich is the vvord of the Oath : and vvhich proveth the Discipline there spoken of , and svvorne to , to be no other then that vvhich vvas practised in this Church , vvhen the Oath vvas svvorne . 4. Whiles vve hold , that he vvho svveareth to the present Discipline of a Church , is no●… by vertue of this Oath , obliged to obey all vvhich that Church shall ordaine aftervvard ; both the Schoole & the Canon Lavv doe speake for us . The Schoole teacheth , a that Canonicus qui jurat se servaturum statuta edita in aliquo Collegio , non tenetur ex juramento ad servandum futura . The Canon Lavv judgeth , b that qui jurat servare statuta edita , &c. non tenetur ex juramento ad noviter edita . But vve are more fully to consider that ground vvhereby be Bishop Sect. VIII thinketh to purge himself , and those of his Sect , of the breach of the Oath . c He still alledgeth , that the points of Discipline for vvhich vve contend , are not contained in the matter of the Oath . Now as touching the Discipline of this Church which is spoken of in the Oath d he questioneth what is meant by it . Ans. 1. Put the case it were doubtfull and questionable , what is meant by the word Discipline in the Oath ; yet pars tutior were to be chosen ; The B. nor no man among us can certainly know , that the Discipline meant and spoken of in the Oath , by those that sware it , comprehendeth not under it those points of Discipline for which we now contend , and which this Church had in use at the swearing of the Oath . Shall we then put the breach of the Oath in a faire hazard ? God forbid . For as e Ioseph Hall noteth from the example of Iosua and the Princes , men may not trust to shifts for the eluding of an Oath : Surely the feare of Gods name should make us to tremble at an Oath , and to bee farre from adventuring upon any such shifts . 2. The B. doth but needlessely question , what is meant by the Discipline whereof the Oath speaketh . For howsoever in Ecclesiasticall use , it signify oftentimes that policy which standeth in the censuring of manners : yet in the Oath , it must be taken in the largest sence , namely , for the wholle policy of the Church . For , 1. * The wholle policy of this Church , did at that time goe under the name of Discipline : and those two bookes wherein this policy is contained , were called , The bookes of Discipline . And without all doubt , they who sware the Oath meant by Discipline that whole policy of the Church which is contained in those bookes . Howbeit ( as the preface of them sheveth ) Discipline doth also comprehend other Ecclesiasticall ordinances and constitutions , which are not inseet●…d in them . 2. Doctrine and Discipline , in the Oath , doe comprehend all that , to which the Church required , and we promised to performe obedience . Ergo , the whole policy of the Church was meant by Discipline , forasmuch as it was not comprehended under Doctrine . f The B. objecteth three limitations , whereby he thinketh to seclude Sect. IX from the matter of the Oath that policy and Discipline vvhich vve plead for . First , he saith , that the matter of the Oath is the Doctrine & Discipline revealed to the world by the Gospel : and that this limitation excludeth all Ecclesiasticall constitutions , which are not expressely , or by a necessary consequence contained in the written Word . 2. That the matter of the Oath is the Doctrine and Discipline , which is received , believed , and defended by many notable Churches , &c. and that this limitation excludeth all these things , wherein the Church of Scotland hath not the consent of many notable Churches , &c. 3 That the Doctrine and Discipline which is the matter of the Oath , is particularly expressed in the Confession of Faith , &c. and that in this Confession of Faith , established by Parliament , there is no mention made of the Articles controverted , &c. Ans. I might here shew how he confoundeth the preaching of the Evangell , with the written Word : likewise , how falsely he affirmeth , that the points of Discipline for which we plead , are neither warranted by the Scripture , nor by the consent of many notable Churches . But to the point . These words of the Oath : We beleeve , &c. that this only is the true Christian Faith and Religion , pleasing God , and bringing salvation to man , whilk now is by the mercy of God , revealed to the world , by the preaching of the blessed Evangel . and received , believed , and defended , by many and sundry notable Kirkes and Realmes , but chiefly by the Kirke of Scotland ; the Kings Majesty ; and three Estaites . , &c. as more particularly is expressed in the Confession of our Faith , &c. are altogither perverted by the B. for there is no Discipline spoken of in these words , but afterward : why then talkes he of a Discipline revealed to the world by the Gospell , having the consent of many notable Churches , and expressed in the Confession of Faith ? And if the B. will have any Discipline to be meant of in these words , he must comprehend it under the Christian Faith and Religion , which bringeth Salvation unto man. But this he can not doe , with so much as the least shew of reason . Thus put we an end to the Argument taken from the Oath of God : wishing every man amongst us , out of the feare of Gods glorious and fearfull name , duly to regard and ponder the same . CHAP. IX . A recapitulation of sundry other reasons against the Indifferency of the Ceremonies . THat the Ceremonies are not indifferent to us , or such Sect. I things as we may freely practise , we prove yet by other reasons . For , 1. They who plead for the indifferency of the Ceremonies must tell us whether they call them indifferent in actu signato , or in actu exercito , or in both these respects . Now g we have proven , that there is no action deliberated upon , and wherein wee proceed with the advise of reason , which can be indifferent in actu exercito : and that because it can not choose , but either have all the circumstances which it should have , ( and so be good , ) or else want some of them , one or moe , ( and so be evill . ) And as for the indifferency of the Ceremonies in actu signato , though we should acknowledge it , ( which we doe not , ) yet it could be no warrant for the practise of them : or else the beleeving Gentiles might have freely eaten all meats , notwithstanding of the scandall of the Iewes : for the eating of all meats freely was still a thing indifferent in actu signato . 2. The Ceremonies are not indifferent , eo ipso that they are prescribed Sect. II and commended unto us as indifferent . For as h Aquinas resolveth out of Isidore , every humane or positive Law , must be both necessaria ad remotionem malorum , and utilis ad consecutionem bonorum . The Guides of Gods Church have not power to prescribe any other thing , then that which is good and profitale for edifying . For they are set not as Lords over Christs inheritance , but as Ministers for their good . It seemed good to the holy Ghost & to us i say the Apostles and Elders to the Churches , to lay upon you no greater burden then these necessary things . They would not ( you see ) have enacted a Canon about those things , howbeit indifferent in their owne nature , had they not found them necessary , for the eshewing of Scandall . And as for the Civill Magistrate , he also hath not power to prescribe any thing which he pleaseth , though it be in it self indifferent : for he is the Minister of God unto thee for good , k saith the Apostle : marke that word for good . It lets us see , that the Magistrate hath not power given him , to injoyne any other thing , then that which may be for our good . Non enim su a causa dominantur saith l Calvine : sed publico bono : neque effraeni potentia praediti sunt , sed quae subditorum saluti sit obstricta . Now the first and chiefest good , which the Magistrate is bound to see for unto the Subjects , is , ( as m Pareus sheweth ) Bonum spirituale . Let us then , either see the good of the Ceremonies ; or else we must account them to be such things , as God never gave Princes nor Pastors power to injoyne . For howsoever they have power to prescribe many things which are indifferent , that is to say , neither good nor evill in their generall nature : yet they may not command us to practise any thing , which in the particular use of it is not necessary or expedient for some good end . 3. The Ceremonies are not indifferent , because notwithstanding Sect. III that they are prescribed and commended unto us as things in themselves indifferent , yet wee are by the will and auctority of men compelled and necessitated to use them : Si vero ad res sua natura medias accedat coactio , &c. then say n the Magdeburgians , Paul teacheth , Coloss 2. that it is not lawful to use them freely . If ye bee dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world , why as though living in the world are ye subject to ordinances , ( Touch not , taste not , handle not : which are all to perish with the using ) after the Commandements and Doctrines of men ? Hence is o Tertullian taxed , for inducing a necessity in things indifferent . Now with how great necessity and coaction the Ceremonies are imposed upon us , we have made it evident p elsewhere . 4. Whatsoever be the quality of the Ceremonies in their owne nature , they are not indifferent to us , neither may we freely practise Sect. IV them , because Papists make advantage of them , and take occasion from them , to confirme sundry of their errors and superstitions : as we have likewise q elsewhere made evident . Now Cum Adiaphora rapiuntur ad confessionem , libera esse desinunt r saith the Harmony of Confessions . Marke Rapiuntur . Though they get no just occasion , yet if they take occasion , though unjustly , that is enough to make us abstaine from things indifferent . Etiam ea saith s Balduine , quae natura sua sunt liberae observationis , in statu confessionis , cum ab adversari●…s eorum mutatio postulatur , fiunt necessaria . 5. Things which are most indifferent in themselves , become evill Sect. V in the case of Scandall , and so may not be used . So hold t the Centurie Writers : So u Pareus : So x Zanchius : So y Chemnitius : So z Augustine : and so hath the a Apostle taught . But that out of the practise of the Ceremonies there groweth active Scandall unto the weake , b we have most clearly proven . Wherefore let them be in their owne nature as indifferent as any thing can be , yet they are not indifferent to be used and practised by us . And whosoever swalloweth this Scandall of Christs litle ones , and repenteth not , the heavie milstone of Gods dreadfull wrath , shall be hanged about his necke to sinke him downe in the bottomlesse lake : and then shall he feele that which before he would not understand . 6. It is not enough for warrant of our practise , that we doe those Sect. VI things which are indifferent or lawfull in themselves , except they be also expedient to be done by us , according to the Apostles rule , 1 Cor. 6. 12. But c I have proven that many and waighty inconveniences doe follow upon the Ceremonies ; as namely , that they m●…ke way and are the Vshers for greater evils : that they hinder edification ; and in their fleshly shew and outward splendor , obscure and prejudge the life and power of Godlinesse ; that they are the unhappie occasions of much injury and cruelty against the Faithfull Servants of Christ ; that they were bellowes to blow up , and are still fewell to encrease the Church-consuming fire of woefull dissentions amongst us , &c. Where also d we shew , that some of our Opposites themselves aknowledge the inconveniency of the Ceremonies . Wherefore we can not freely nor indifferently practise them . 7. These Ceremonies are the accursed monuments of Popish Superstition ; Sect. VII and have been both dedicated unto and employed in the publike and solemne worship of Idols . And therefore ( having no necessary use for which we should still retaine them ) they ought to bee utterly abolished , and are not left free nor indifferent to us . Which Argument e I have also made good elsewhere . And in this place I onely adde , that both f Hieronimus , Zanchius , and g Amandus Polanus , doe applie this Argument to the Surplice , holding , that though it be in it selfe indifferent , yet quia in cultu Idololatrico veste linea utuntur Clerici Papani , & in ea non parum sanctimoniae ponunt superstitiosi homines : valedicendum est non solum cultui idololatrico , sed etiam omnibus idololatriae monumentis , instrumentis & adminiculis . Yea Ioseph Hall himselfe , doth herein give testimony unto us : for upon Hezekias pulling downe of the Brasen Serpent , because of the Idolatrous abuse of it : thus h he noteth , God commanded the raising of it , God commanded the abolishing of it . Superstitious use can marre the very institutions of God : how much more the most wise and well grounded devices of men ? And further in the end of this treatise entitled , The honour of the married Cleargie , he adjoyneth a passage taken out of the Epistle of Erasmus Roterodamus to Christopher Bishop of Basil , which passage beginneth thus . For those things which are altogither of humane constitution , must ( like to remedies in diseases ) be attempered to the present estate of matters and times . Those things which were once religiously instituted , afterwards according to occasion , and the changed quality of manners and times , may be with more Religion and Piety abrogated . Final●…y , if Hezekias bee praised for breaking downe the Brazen Serpent , ( though instituted by God , ) when the Israelites beganne to abuse it against the honour of God ; how much more s●…h i Zanchius are our Reformers to be praised , for that they did thus 〈◊〉 . R●…tes instituted by men , beeing found full of Superstitious abuse , though in themselves they had not been evill . Sect. VIII 8. The Ceremonies are not indifferent , because they depart too farre from the example of Christ , and his Apostles , and the purer times of the Church : for in stead of that auncient Christian-like , and soule-edifying simplicity : Religion is now by their meanes busked with the vaine trumpery of Babilonish trinckers , and her face covered with the whorish and eye-bewitching farding , of fleshly shew and splendor . And k I have also shewed particularly , how ●…dry of the Ceremonies are flat contrary to the example of Christ and his Apostles , and the best times . 9. The Ceremonies make us also too conforme , and like to the Sect. IX Idolatrous Papists : whereas it is not lawfull to symbolize with Idolaters , or to be like them , in a Ceremony of mans devising , or any thing which hath no necessary use in Religion : such a distance and a dissimilitude thete is required to be betwixt the Church of Christ and the Synagouge of Sathan , betwixt the Temple of God and the Kingdome of the Beast , betwixt the company of sound Beleevers & the conventicles of Heretikes who are without , betwixt the true worshippers of God , and the Worshippers of Idols : that we can not without beeing accessary to their superstitious and false Religion , and partaking with the same , appeare conforme unto them in their unnecessary Rites and Ceremonies . l Durand tels us , that they call Easter by the Greeke , and not by the Hebrew name , and that they keep not that Feast upon the same day with the Iewes : and all for this cause , least they should seeme to judarze . How much more reason have we to abstaine from the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome , lest we seeme to Romanize ? But I say no more in this place , because m I have heretofore confirmed this Argument at length . 10. The Ceremonies as urged upon us , are also full of Superstition : Holinesse and Worship are placed in them : as n we have Sect. X proven by unanswerable grounds , and by Testimonies of our Opposites themselves . Therefore were they never so indifferent in their owne generall nature , this placing of them in the state of worship , maketh them cease to be indifferent . 11. The Ceremonies against which we dispute , are more then Sect. XI matters of mere order , forsomuch as sacred and misterious significations are given unto them , and by their significations they are thought to teach men effectually , sundry misteries , and duties of Pietie . Therefore they are not free nor indifferent , but more then men have power to institute : For except Circumstances and matters of mere order , there is nothing which concerneth the Worship of God , left to the determination of men . And this Argument also o hath been in all the parts of it fully explained and strengthned by us , which strongly proveth that the Ceremonies are not indifferent , so much as quo ad speciem . Quare doctrina a nobis tradita ( these be p Zanchius words ) non licere nobis , aliis externi cultus Ceremoniis Deum colere , quam quas ipse in sacris literis per Apostolos praescripsit , firma ac certa manet . 12. Whatsoever indifferency the Ceremonies could bee thought Sect. XII to have in their owne nature , yet if it be considered how the Church of Scotland hath once been purged from them , and hath spewed them out with detestation , and hath enjoyed the comfortable light and sweet beames of the glorious and bright shining Gospell of Christ , without shadowes and figures ; then shall it appeare , that there is no indifferency in ( p ) turning backe to weake and beggarlv E●…ements . And thus saith r Calvine of the Ceremonies of the Interim , that graunting they were things in themselves indifferent , yet the restitution of them in those Churches , which were once purged from them , is no indifferent thing . Wherefore ô Scotland ! s strengthen the things which remaine , that are read●…e to die . t Remember also from whence thou art fallen , and repent , and doe the first workes : or else thy candlestick will be quickly removed out of this place , except thou repent . FINIS . Soli DEO Victoria & Gloria . Faultes escaped in Part. 3. Pag. Lin. Faultes Corrections 74 18 shund should 75 15 diragationè divagatione 77 1 Sacrafictorum Sacrificiorum   11 self left   26 not then 78 16 of 150. fasting of fasting 79 14 more most 81 41 Samenta Sacramenta at Marg. ( d )   cap. num . 48. cap. 5. num . 48. 82 29 formalites formalistes 83 28 & ut 85 41 familiarly familiarity 86 15 respect respected 87 24 Superior Supprior   31 replieth rejoyndeth 90 26 courtesie courteous 91 5 it the it hath for it the 93 at Marg. ( x )   pag. 14. pag. 19. 95 12 indecently decently   35 commended commanded 96 18 Goalar jaylor at Marg. ( c )   cap. 7. 6. 7. cap. 7. § . 7. 97 2 Technikos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 37 17. 28. 27. 28. 99 26 for me for , ME   27 for we for , WE 100 16 Pagnime Pagnime   17 susceporunt in solemnem susceperunt in solennem 103 34 convenientum convenientium 104 in Marg.   Sect. 11. Sect. 12. 114 44 logistas Legistas 115 at Marg. ( y )   f. 32. § . 32. 116 at Marg. ( b )   5 neel . pag. 2. kneel . pag. 52. 119 21 place not place could not   2●… lest she left to at Marg. ( 〈◊〉 )   lib. 2. lib. 3. 1 20 15 without with 132 1 sapore sapere 165 5 him them The Christian reader will correct the rest . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01760-e90 a 1. Cor. 11. 19. b Math. 18. 17. c Lament , 1. 12. d Act. 18. 17. e 2. Sam. 15. 11. f Bo●…in . m●…h . hist. cap. 4. p 47. g Rep. to the answ . p. 269. h Exod. 32. 8. i Ierem. 2. 21. k Ezech. 34. 4. l 1. Thess. 5. 22. m Isa. 59. 14. 15. n Ier. 6. 4. o 1. Sam. 2. 30. p Iudg. 5. 23. q Neh. 3. 5. r Ier. 9 3. s Phil. 2. 21. t Mark. 8. 38. w Phil. 1. 28. 1. Pet. 3. ●…4 . I. x Phil. 1. 〈◊〉 y Io. 7. 51. Act. 5. 16. z Math. 15. 14. a Io. 5. 33. 34. 39. b Act. 17. 11. c 2. Tim. 2. 7. II. d E●…arr . in Luc. 17. e Rom. 8. 7. f 1. Cor. 1. 20. g Math. 16. 24. III. h 2. Pet. 3. 18. i de ●…ivit . Dei. lib. 18. cap. 51. IV. k lib. contra constant . Augustum l Synops. Papism . contr . 13. q. 7. pag. 593. m Davenant . in Col. 2. 8. p. 186. n Osiand . hist. Ecclescent . 4. in Epist. dedic . o Is. 9. 11. p Ezech. 34. 4. q lib. 5. cap. 20. s enarrat . in Math. 15. V. t Eccl. pol. lib. 5. s. 65. w praef . of the answ . pag. 14. x Popish praefud c. 10. y Cent. 2. cap. 2. col . 109. z Cron. Turcic . Tom. 3. l. 4. p. 63. a August . de civ . Dei. lib. 3. c. 25. b ib. c. 26. c Ovid. Metam . lib. 15. d apud Binium Tom. 4. Concil . part . 1. pag. 630. e No peace with Rome sect . 2. f Iames. 3. 17. g 2 Cor. 6. 15. 16. h lib. Epist. col . 298. i Medit. in Apoc. 2. & 3. k de offic . pii viri . VII . l Osiand . hist. eccl . Cent. 3. lib. 3. cap. 11. m Magd. Cent. 4. cap. 6. col . 440. n Cassand . Anglic. pag. 104. o Cassand . Ang. p. 83. 85. 93. 110. p Exerc. 14 cap. 11. q Marlor . in Rom. 15. 22. r Hist. eccl . Cent. 4. l. 3. cap 38. pag. 3●…2 . VIII . s lib. Epist. col . 446. t de auth . Scrip. lib. 1. pag. 129. ( u ) Taylor upon Tit. 3. 1. pag. 552. x Rom. 14. 12. y 1a 2a . q. 95. art . 3. z Cas Consc. lib. 3 cap. 3. num . 60. a Eccl. pol. l. 1. sect . 10. b Natal . Comit. mythol . lib. 2. cap. 7. c pr●…lect . tom . 1. pag. 367. d ibid. pag. 372. e Serm on Ioh. 16. 7. f Rom. 13. 4. g Ephes 4. 12. h apolog . cap. 4. i Revel . 2. 24. 25. k Conrad . Pfeilen clav . theol . art . 9. pag. 373. l comm . in Ephes. 5. de subject . m of the Church lib. 4. cap. 34. IX . m Io. 16. 2. n Aquin. 2●… . 2●… . q. 43. art . 1. Stella in Luc. 17. 1. X. o Thess. 2. 10. 11. p Luc. 16. 10. ( q ) 2. King. 16 10. to the 16. r Psal. 137. 9. XI . ( s ) 1. King. 18. 〈◊〉 . t Exod. 32. 26. x Math. 6. 24. y Mark. 9. 40. ( u ) Gal. 6. 7. z Phil. 1. 18. a Math. 12. 30. XII . b Esther 4. c Heb. 5. 7. d Speed. Hist. of Brit. book 6. chap. 9. s. 9. e Lactant. lib. 5. c. 20. Notes for div A01760-e3050 a Is. 16. 9. b Psal. 122. 6. c Phil. 3. 16. d Heb. 5. 14. e 1. Thess. 5. 21. f Plut. in vita . Solon . g in Epist. ad protect . Angl. h Is. 6. 21. ( i ) Is. 26. 12. Notes for div A01760-e3410 k pref . libror. de rep . Eccl. l Proc. in Perth Assemb . part . 3. pag. 55. m 2 Cor : 13. 8. Notes for div A01760-e3560 a P. Mart. in . 1. Reg. 8. de Templ . dedic . b As 3. to the 16. Arg. c Epist. to the Past. of the Church of Scotl. ( d ) Serm. at perth . assem . insert by Dr. Lindsey e Practic . def . cap. 3. sect . 20. f Dr. forb . Iren. lib. 1. cap. 5. §. 6. & cap. 7. §. 1. & 9. &c. 9. §. 6 g Cassand . Anglic. pag. 270. 11. h ans . to the repl . pref . pag. 43. i ib. p. 53. k de cas . consc . lib. 4. c. 11. cas . 3. ( l ) ubi supra m de cult . Sanct. c. 10. ( n ) de orig . fest . christian . cap. 2. o Repl. to the ans . pag. 258. p Calv. com . in hunc locum . q de exam . part . 1. de bon . oper . pag. 180. r Synt. part 2 disp . 27. thes . 30. s Bell. enerv iom . 1. lib. 3. c. 7 , t ubi supra thes . 31. u annot . in Act. 15. 29. x cens . lit . angl . cap 2. y comm . in 1. Cor. 7. 23. z Synt. part . 2. disp . 44 thes 33. a Gal. 〈◊〉 . 1. ( 〈◊〉 ) ubi supra c Homil 1. in Ep ▪ ●…d Tit. d Synt. theol . lib. 6. cap. 38. e Instit. lib. 3 〈◊〉 . 19. sect . 7. f ib. c. 10. g Ch●… . exam part . 2. de rit in adm . Sacr. pag 33. h Col. 2. 20. 21 , 22. i Zanch. comm . in Col. 2. 20. k apol . part 3. c. 1●… sect . 5. l comm . in 1 Cor. 7. 23. m de haeret . Baptiz . n B. Lind. Epist. to the past . of the Church of Scotl. o Spots . Serm. at perth . assemb . p 1. Pet. 5 3. q Mark. 7. 9. r of the Crosse cap. 5. sect . 11. s of the Church lib. 4. cap. 34. t Apol. part . 3. c. 1. sect . 4. s●… Dr. Forb . Iren. l. 1. c. 11. §. 5. & 6. u Manuduct . p. 42. x Thes. theol . de libers Christ thes . 10. y Frel . in Math. 18. 7. tom . 2. p. 340. z ubi supra a ubi supra b Serm. of the worshipping of Imaginations . c Til. Synt. part . 2 disp . 27. thes . 38. d Thu●… . hist. lib. 124. pag. 922. e of the Church , lib. 4. cap. 33. f de conse . lib. 1. cap. 2. g Treat . of consc . cap. 2. sect 3. h Theol. cas . cap. 2. i Ames . de consc . l. 1. cap. 3. k Inst. lib. 4. cap. 10. sect . 5. l Synt. part . 2. disp . 32. thes . 4. m de Rep. Eccl. l. 5. c. 2. N. 12. n Til. Synt. p. 2. disp . 27. thes . 39. o Chem eu . amp . 2. de bon . oper p. 179. p Marc. Ant. de dom . de R●…p . Eccl. lib. 6. cap. 10. num . 67. q apud field of the Church lib. 4 cap. 34. r Animad . in Bell. contr . 3. lib. 4. cap. 16. nota 87. s Synt. p. 2. Disp. 27. thes . 39. t Inst lib. 4. c. 10. sect . 32. u decr . part . 1 dist . 61. c 8. x ubi supra , art 21. y de consc . l. 1. cap. 2. z Theol. casuum c. 2. a Syn. pur thiol disp . 35. thes . 19. b Ames . Bell. enerv . tom . 1. lib 3. cap. 7. c de pol. Christ. lib. 5. cap. 1. d de orig . fest . Christ. cap. 2. e Comm. in 1 Cor. 14. 40. f Thes theol de lib. Christ. thes . 11. g Treat . of consc cap. 2. sect . 8. ( 〈◊〉 ) theol . cas . cap. 2. i Synt. part . 2. disp . 27. thes . 9. k Calv. resp . ad libel . de pii viri officio . p. 413. l Th. Bez. confess . c. 5. art 18. Perk. ubi supra . & Meisner . Philos. sobr . part . 3. sect . 2. quest . 12. ( 〈◊〉 ) of the Church l. 4. cap. 33. i de Pont. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 20. k ubi supra . m of the Crosse cap. 5. Sect. 14. 15. n pral . tom . 1. de potest : eccl . contr . 2. pag. 371. o ibid. pag. 366. p Par. com . in Rom. 14. dub . 7. q ubi supra , p. 372. r In Dan. 6. s de pont . Rom. lib. 4. cap. 20. t ubi supra . u com . in 1 Pet. 5. 3. ( x ) Enchirid . class . 3. cap. 14. ( y ) Syn. pur . Theol. Disp. 35. Thes. 17. z com . in Rom. 14. 5. a Theol. cas cap. 2. b Enchir. class . 2. cap. 7. c Bald de consc . cas . lib. 1. cap. 8. d de conse . cas . lib. 1. cap. 7. e 1●… 2●… . q. 19. art . 5. f Ames . de consc . lib. 1. cap. 4. g 1 Cor. 7. 23. ( 〈◊〉 ) Manual . lib. 4. cap. 4. i Zanch. com . in illum locum . k Act. 15 28. l Eph. 4. 14. m Heb. 5. 14. n Col. 3. 16. o Math. 10. 17. p 1 Ioh. 4. 1. q 1 Thess. 5. 21. r 1 Cor. 10. 15. s ubi supra t ubi supra . u Perth assemb . p. 8. 9. 10. and B. Lindsay in the proceedings set downe by him . p. 63. 64. x Parke of the crosse cap. 5. sect . 10. y Camer . prael . tom . 1. de potest . Eccl . contr . 2. z Apol. part . 3. cap. 1. sect . 25. a exam . part . 3. de calib . Sacerd. pag. 38. b Animad . in Bel. contr . 3. lib. 4. cap. 16. c Hist. of the counc . of Trent . lib. 2. d Polit. Christ. lib. 5. cap. 3. e Epist. 64. f in apologet . g Ezech. 34. 4. h 1 Pet. 5. 3. i 1 Thess. 5. 25. k in Psal. 39. l Chem. exam . part . 1. de bon . oper . pag. 180. m syn . pur . theol . disp . 49. thes . 72. n Magd. cent . 1. l. 2. c. 4. co . 443. o decr . part . 1. dist . 12. cap 1. p Aquin 2. 2 a. 4. 147. art . 4. ( q ) comm . in . 1 Cor. 10. 15. r com . in 1. Thess. 5. 21. s Eccl. pol. lib. 5. n. 71. t Paraes . ad Scot. c. 16. pag. 64. u comm in illum locum x pralect . in eundem locum . y Proc. in Perth . Assemb . part . 3. pag. 13. z 1. Cor. 7. 23. a Gal. 5. 1. b ubi supra c ibid. pag. 26. 27. d apud ●…ald . de casconsc . lib. 2. c. 13. cas . 1. e pr●…l . tom ▪ 1. de pot . Eccl. contr . 2. f ubi supra pag. 16. g ag . the Rhem. annot . on Gal. 4. 10. h ubi supra pag. 16. 17. i Par●…n ad Scot. c. 16. pag. 64. k ubi supra pag. 25. l ibid. pag. 17. m ibid. pag. 27. n Calv. com . in illum loc . o Zanch. com . ibid. p Proc. in Perth . Assemb . part . 3 pag. 43. q annot . on Col. 2. 16. r annot . on Gal. 4. 10. s annot . ibid. t de cult . sanct . cap. 10. u de orig . fast . Christ. cap. 2. x de templ . & fest . in Enchirid. contr . inter . Evang. & Pontif. y ubi supra . z Epist. 118. adlanuar . a de orig . Fest. Christ. cap. 2. b Paraen . ad scot . cap. 16. p. 66. c com . in illum locum . d Luk. 7. 28. e annot . in Gal. 4 3. f com . in illum locum . g ubi supra pag. 40. h com . in Col. 2. 17. i infra part . 3. in the arg . of superstition . k animad . in Bell. contr . 3 : lib. 4. cap. 16. nota 20. l com . in illum locum . m annot . ibid. n animad . ad Bell. contr . 3. lib. 4. cap. 16. nota 32. o ubi supra . p Bell. de Euchar. lib. 6. cap. 13. q Proverb . 26. 18. 19. r annot . on Math. 6. 15. sect . 5. s com . in Col. 2. 16. t ubi supra pag. 7. u supra c. 7. sect . 7. x Infra . part . 2. c. 2. y Paraen . ad Scot. cap. 16. pag 65. z Cent. 2. cap. 6. col . 119. a lib. 5. cap 22. b lib. 12. cap. 32. c lib. 7. cap. 19. d in Gal. 4. e Hospin . de orig . fest . Christ. p. 71. f annot . on Math. 15. 9. g ubi supra h part . 3. i Io Calv. epist. & resp . edit Genev. an . 1617. col . 137. i Ibid. 138. k ib col . 119. ( l ) paraen c. 16. pag. 68. m Serm. on Ier. 4. 2. n ubi supra pag. 84. o Alsted . in Chronol . testium veritatis . p Aen. Silv. apud Didocl . alt . Damasc. pag. 707. q Paraen . cap. 16. pag. 64. r Serm at Petth . Assemb . s ubi supra pag. 83. t ibid. pag. 138. u ubi supra pag. 91. x ibid. pag. 41. y ibid. pag. 95. z ubi supra pag. 83. a Io. Calv. epist. & resp . col . 592. Notes for div A01760-e12340 a Serm. at Perth Assemb . insert . by B. Lindsey . b ans . to the repl praef . pag. 43. ( c ) repl . to the ans . pag. 270. d Cassand anglis . p. 46. e ib p. 23. f ibid. pag. 8. g Ibid. p. 9. 10. 11. h Infra part . 3. chap. 1. i ubi supra pag. 24. 28. k ibid. p. 52. l ibid. pag. 28. m ibid. p. 62. ( n ) ibib p. 63. o pag 67. p pag. 68. 69. 70. r Hist. of the Waldens . part . 3. lib. 1. cap. 6. Thuan. Hist. lib. 6. pag. 189. s Thuan. ibid. p. 186. t Alsted . Chronol . Rolb . p. 550. u sie his treatise entitled vera Ecclesiae reformandae r●…tio . x Alsted . ibid. y Sleid. com lib. 21. pag. 388. z Sleid. ib. pag. 393. a Polan . Synt. lib. 7. cap. 17. b Calv. ●…ast . l. 4. c. 10 §. 32. c Chem. exam . part . 2. p. 121. d F●…nner . theol lib. 2. cap. 2. e Paraeus in 1. Cor. 14. 26. f Ioh. Calv. epist. & resp . col . 478. g Calv. in 1. Cor. 10. 23. Taylor on Tit. 1. 15. pag. 295. h ubi supra pag. 55. i Paraeus . in . 1. Cor. 6. 12. k 1. Cor. 14. 26. l 1. Cor. 8. 13. m Calv. in 1. Cor. 10. 23. & Paraeus ibid. n Serm. on 10. 16. 7. o Serm. at Perth . assem . p fresh sute cap. 2. pag. 12. q In 1 Cor. 10. 23. r Thuan. hist. lib. 39. pag. 367. s Paraeus in 1. Cor. 8. 13. t pag. 44. 45. u Rom. 3. 8. x Paraeus in 1. Cor. 10. 23. y Alsted . theol cas . c. 12 p. 199. z Paraeus in Rom. 3. 8. a p. 210. 211. k ubi supra . l Bald. de . cas . consc . lib. 4. cap. 11. cas . 3. m Sleid. com . l. 21. p. 381. n ib. l. 25. p. 485. o partic . def . cap. 1. sect . 1. p Paraen . 〈◊〉 . 16. p. 65. q Proc. in Perth . assem . part . 3. pag. 7. r ibid. p. 121. s Apol. part . 3. cap. 3. sect . 45. and 51. t Sl●…id . com . lib. 20. p. 365. & 371. Alsted . in Chronol . Religionis an . 1548. u Sleid. com . lib. 21. p. 377. x ibid. p. 388. y ibid. p. 393. z Reg. Eccles . lib. 7. cap. 1. 2. num . 107. a ibid. num . 120. b ibid. num . 132. see to the same purpose Dr Potter in his bock called . Want of charity justly charged pag. 76. c Field of ●…he Church . append . to the 3 booke cap. 11. p. 298. B Andrewes Serm on Ier. 23. 6. pag. 79. 80. 81. 82. ( d ) Sleid. com lib 21. p 3. 77. e de I●…icis cap. 19. f annot . in 1 Tim. 6. 20. g Rep. Eccl . lib. 7. cap. 12. n. 134. h Park . of the crosse . part . 2. pag. 80. i pag. 32. k ibid. pag. 34. l ibid. pag. 41. m ibid. pag. 42. n Deut. 12. 32. o Deu●… . 28. 1●… . p Esth. 3. 2. q Deut. 25. 19. r Dan. 6. 10. s Gal. 2. 5. t Psal. 16. 4. u Iun. animad . in Bell. de cult . sanct . lib. 3. cap. 5. z Num. 25. 2. 3. y Natal . comit . Mythol . lib. 1. cap. 15. z Bell. de effect . Sacram . cap. 31 a Hooker Eccl. Pol. lib. 4. n. 1. b Hospin . Epist. dedic . pr●…fix . libris de orig . monach . c censur . Liturg. Angl. cap. 9. d exam . part . 2. de Rit . in administ . Sacr. p. 32. e com . in Ioh. 4. 24. f Psal. 45. 13. g Luk. 17. 20. 21. h Popish prejudic . cap. 10. i Calv. com . in Exod. 20. 5. k Luk. 17. 21. l com . in illum locum . m de divers grad . ministr . evang . contra Bez. cap. 24 s. 25. n Popish . prajud . cap. 10. o Camero Ibid. p Hospin . ubi supra . q Gen. 49. 5. ( r ) Isa. 42. 2. 3. s Apoc. 17. 7. t Col. 3. 12 13. u com . in illum locum x pr●…f . of the answ . pag. 17. y Sarav . N. fratri & amico art . 17. z 1. Sam. 23. 10. a Socrat. lib. 3. c. 12. b decr . part . 2. causa . 7. q. 1. c. 36. c the pastor and the praelat p. 36. d Histor. of the Waldens . lib. 1. cap. 3. e Iohn Calv epist. & resp . col . 132. f way to the Church ans . to sect . 33. g epist. ad regin . Elis : lib. 1. Epistolar p. 112. h of the Crosse. c. 9. sect . 1. i expos . confess . Angl. art . 37. & problem . 2. de praedest . k Ma●… . don . com . in Math. 8. l de verb. dom . serm . 6. ( m ) Conrad Schlusselburg . apud Park of the Crosse. p. 2. pag. 97. n de cas . consc . lib. 4. cap. 11. cas . 3. o de laici●… cap. 19. p Phil. 2. 15. 16. q 1. Tim. 6. 1. r 1. Pet. 2. 12. s Io. Calv. epist. & resp . col . 451. 452. t 〈◊〉 . Reg. 1●… . 17. u Platin. in vita Innoc. 7. x Numb . 22. 17. y 1. Sam. 22. z 2. Tim. 4. 10. a Sleid. com . lib. 21. pag. 376. b epist. co the past . of the kirk of Scotl. a Phil. 3. 16 b Sarav . N. fratri & amico art . 17. c Park of the crosse cap. 6. sect . 21. d ibid. sect . 22. e Serm. at Perth . Assmb . f part . 1. p. 63. g ibid pag. 64 h natur . Hist l●…b . 10. cap. ult . i Serm. on 1 Cor. 11. 16. k Thuan. Hist. lib. 16. p. 506. l Math. 5. 29. 30. m Plin natur . Hist. lib. 24. cap. 1. n Math. 18. 6. o com . in Math. lib. 2. c. 15. p synt . Theol. lib 6. cap. 3. Col. 19. q Aquin. 2. 2 a. q. 43. art . 1. Marc. Ant. de dom . de Rep. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 10. n. 44. ( 〈◊〉 ) Marc. Ant de dom . de rep . Eccl. lib. 1. cap. 11. n. 18. s com in 2m. 2 a. q. 43. art . 7. t Hēming . Enchir. Theol class . 3. cap. 17. Magde . burg . cent . 1. lib. 2. cap 4. Col 448. 449. u Ames . lib. 5. de consc c. 11. q. 6. x Ames . ibid q 3. y Cam●…ro praelect . in Mat. 18. 7. de scand . z com . in illum locum . a comment ibid. b com . ib. c of the crosse part . 2. p. 57. d Luk. 13. 15. ( e ) Math. 12. 7. f Math. 17. 27. g Eccl. Pol. pag. 246. h supra cap. 1. i Mal●…nat . com . in illum locum . k Pareu●… com . ibid. l com . in Eph. 4. 13. m Polan . Synt. theol . lib. 6. c. 3. col . 19. n Aquin. 2. 2●… . q. 43. art . 2. o Marc. Ant de dom . de rep . eccl . lib. 1. c. 11. n. 18. p Cent. 1. lib. 2. cap. 4. col . 450. q com . in Daniel . 1. 8. r de rep . Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 10. n. 44. s comm . in 1 Thess. 5. 22. t of the crosse cap. 3. sect . 6. u annot . on Gal. 4. 10. x confer . with Rain . c. 8. div . 2. pag. 408. 410. y com . in 1. Cor. 10. 28. z lib. 1. epist. 41. a Can. 5. b ubi supra . c Bald. de cas . consc . lib. 2. cap. 14. cas . 7. d N fratri & amico art . 13. e Annot. on Act. 8. sect . 5. f Park . of the crosse part . 2. pag. 57. 1. Thess. 5. 14. Rom. 14. 16. 1. Cor. 9. 12. 1. Thess. 2. 7. Act. 20. 34. Math. 18. 6. g Cornel. Iansen . conc . Evang. c. 71. h Aug. de mor. b Manich l. 2. cap. 14. Rom. 14. 20. i Ames . lib. 5. de consc . c. 11. q. 6. k Dr Forbesse Iren. lib. 2. c 20. num . 27. ( l ) Alt. damasc cap. 9. pag. 556. m Park . of the crosse part . 2. pag. 75. n com . upon this place . o Tom. 1. an . 55. n. 39. p de rep . eccl . lib. 1. cap. 11. n. 18. q Serm. at Perth . assemb . * Non enim solum scandalizare , sed etiam scandalizari peccatum , est , quia infirmitatis est saith Maldonat . upon Math. 18. 7. r 2. 2a . q. 43 art . 1. s 1. Cor. 10. 23. t Pare us com in illumlocum . u Epist. to the past . of the Church of Scotland x Dr. Forbesse Iren. lib. 2. cap. 20. num . 19. y comm . in . 1 Cor. 8. 9. z lib 2. c. 20. num . 5. & 6. a supra sect . 4. 5. 6. b ibid. num . 7. c Num. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. d Num. 15 , 16. f Num. 17. g Iren. lib. 1. cap. 10. §. 2. h supra cap. 8. sect . 6. i Field of the Church lib. 4. cap. 34. & Bils . apud Parker of the Crosse part . 2. pag. 33. k ibid. l. 2. cap. 20. num . 14. l supra cap. 8. sect . 5. & cap. 9. sect , 10. m ibid. sect . 7. n Morney mister . of iniq . in the conclus . o Aquin. 3. q. 66. art . 8. Rh●…m . annot . on Math. 16. sect . 5. Bell. de Pontif. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 18. & de sacrif . miss●… lib. 6. c. 13. p Eccl. Pol. lib. 4. 11. 12. q cap. 1. sect . 3. r expos . of the creed art . of Christs birth . s com . on Gal. 4. 10. t Math. 18 , 6. u Parker of the crosse cap. 〈◊〉 . sect . 10. x sect , 7. y Apol. part . 3. cap. 5. z com . in Mat. 18. 6. a com . 1 Cor. 8. b Math. 16. 23. c Ames . lib. 5. de consc . c. 11. d supr●… cap. 1. e cent . 1. lib. 2. c. 10. col . 560. f de auserib . pap●… consider 12. g comm . in illum locum . h ubi supra . p. 441. i 1. Cor. 1. 23. k of the Crosse part . 2. pag. 79. l Serm. on 10. 16. 7. m Parau●… comm . in Rom. 15. 1. Serm. on . I●… . 16. 7. Notes for div A01760-e23720 a Fresh sute ag . Cerem . cap. 9. pa. 96. 100. b lib. 1. de vit ext . cult oppos . Col. 501. 502. c Aquin. 2. 2 a q 92. art . 1. d Syn. pur . Theol. Disp. 44. thes . 53. e Magdeb. cent . 4. cap. 6. Col. 427. f de cas . consc . lib. 2. cap. 12. cas . 13. g Conil . Laodic . can . 58. h Hist. of the Waldenses part . 3. lib. 1. cap. 6. i Eccles. Pol. lib. 5. sect . 3. k apud Aquin . 2. 2 q. 93. art . 2. l I. Rainoldes , confer : with I. Hart cap. 8. divis . 4. p. 489. m Stella com . in Luc. 17. 20. Sect. 6. n Eccl. pol. l. 5. l. 70. o Ibid. s. 69. p Ibid. s. 65. q Of the lawfulnesse of kneeling . cap. 3. r Aquin. 3. 4. 25. art . 4. s ubi supra cap. 15. p 42. t ibid. p. 41. w Aquin. 2. 2 q. 95. art . 2. x de vera eccl reform . pag. 367. y annot on Matth. 15. Sect. 5. z 3. q. 66. art . 6. a 2. 2 q. 147. art . 4. b 3. q. 66. art . 10. c de sacr . M●…ssae l. b. 6. cap. 13. d de Pont. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 18. e Conc. Evang. cap. 60. f Iren lib. 1. cap. 5. §. 6 & cap. 7. §. 7. g apud Zanch epist. lib. 1. pag. 111. h eccl . Pol. lib. 5. s. 60. i Hist. of the Connc . of Trent . lib. 2. k Conf●…ss . cap. 5. art . 41. l Proc. in Perth . assemb . part . 3 pag. 18. m Alt. Damasc. cap. 10. p. 878. n ubi supra pag. 29. o ibid. pa. 28. p Theol. lib. 6. cap. 3. q Synt. lib. 6. c. 5●… . pag. 433. r Syn. pur . Theol. Disp. 21. Thes. 7. s 1 Tim. 4 , 5. t fresh sute cap. 5. pag. 59. u Comm. in 1 Reg. 8. de templ . dedie . y Hist. of the Valdens . lib. 1. cap. 1. z Cent. 4. cap. 6. col . 408. a De orig . templ . lib. 4. cap. 2. b cent . 4. cap. 6. Col. 409. c comm . in Mal. 1. 11. d Eccles. Pol. lib. 5. s. 16. e confer . with I. Hart. cap. 8. divis . 4. pag. 491. f ubi supra . g Eccl Pol. lib. 5. s. 69. h annot . on 1 Tim. 4. 5. i decult . Sanct. cap. 10. k ubi supra pag. 21. l Ep. to the Past. of the Church of Scotl. m on praec . 5. n Bonifac. 8. de reg . juris . reg . 51. o Hook. eccl . pol lib. 5. s. 12. p Serm. on Mat. 6. 16. q ubi supra pag. 25. r de cult . sanct . cap. 10. s Zanch. in . 4. praec . p. 682. t Paraeus comm . in Gen. 2. 3. u Vbi supra pag. 20. x ubi supra pag. 29. y on praec . 4. a See Serm. on Gal. 4. 4 Serm. on Luk. 2. 10. 11. Serm. on Lament . 1. 12. Serm on Io. 20. 19. Serm. on Iob. 19. 23 Serm. on Io. 20. 17. Serm. on Heb. 13. 20. 21. Serm. on Math. 6. 16. Serm. on Act. 2. 16. Serm. on Io. 5. 6. &c b pag 67. c ubi supra pag. 23. d Serm. on Mat. 12. 39. 40. e Serm. on Luk. 4. 18. 19. f Serm. on Math. 6. 16. g Synop. pur . Theol. disp . 19. thes . 30. h Manduct . pag. 38. i comm . in illum locum . k Iud. 23. l comm . in Thess. 5. 22. m anal . in illum locum . n expos . upon Revel . 2. 14. o In praec . 2. p. 534. p 1 Cor. 8. 10. q annot . on 1 Cor. 10. 21. r com . in illum locum . s anal . in 1 Cor. 10. t ibid. u annot . ibid. x de bono conjugali , cap. 16. y comm . in illum locum z apud wolphium com . in 2 Reg. 18. 4. a Io. Calv. epist. & resp . pag. 79. b serm . on Phil. 2. 10 c com . in locum illum d G. Sanctius com . ibid. e com . in 2 Reg. 23. 6. f Exod. 23. 13. Deut. 12. 3. Ios , 23. 7. g com in Isa. 27. 9. h Calv. com . in Exod. 23. 24. i Esther . 3. 2. k Deut. 25. 19. l ubi supra m Exod. 21. 33. n Deut. 22. 8. b N fratri & amico art . 17. c Iren. lib. 1. cap. 7. 9. 6. d resp . ad versipel . pag 41. 4. ( b ) Isa. 30. 22. f ubi supra g supra cap. 1. sect . 11. h Com. in Deut. 12. 2. i In 4. praec . Col. 709. k Magdeb. Cent. 4. cap. 15. Col. 1538. 1539. l Cent 5. cap. 15. Col. 1511. m Daneus Polit. Christ. lib. 3 p. 229 Polan . synt . Theol. lib. 10 cap. 65. n Epit. Hist. lib. 1. o Com. in 2 Reg. 10. 27. p Num. 6. q Hebr 6. 7. r Calv. Res. ad Versipel . p. 413. s de imagin , Col. 402. t Tho. N●…o . georgus in 1 10. 5. 21. u Ioh. Calv. Epist. & resp . pag. 86. x Ibid. Col. 136. y comm . in Col. 2. 17. z de imagin . Col. 403. a com . in 2 Reg. 18. 4. ( b ) Proc. in Perth assemb part . 2. pag. 120. ( 〈◊〉 ) com . in illum locum d Aquin. 2. 2 a. q. 43. art . 1. e Confer . vvith 1. Hart cap. 8. divis . 4. pag. 509. f apol . part . 3. cap. 4. sect . 15. 16. 17. g supra sect . 9. h supr●… sect . 6. i Epist. ad Regin . Elisab . Epistolar . lib. 1. pag. 112. k Ibid. pag. 111. l Sleid. comm . lib. 25. p. 48●… . m Apol. part . 3. cap. 4. n Proc. in Perth . assemb . part . 2. p. 118. 119 o Ibid. pag. 22. p Ration . lib. 5. tit . de prima & lib. 6. tit . de die sancta pasche . q annot . on Math. 8. sect . 3. & on 1 Cor. 11. sect . 18. r Way to the Church , answer to sect . 51. s exam . conc . trit de Euchar. can . 6. pag. 86. t of the lawfull , of kneeling , cap ▪ 21. p. 65. u Ibid. p. 69. x Concil . Laodicaen . can . 19. See also Conc. Tolet. 4. can . 17. y ubi supra pag. 71. z ubi supra pag. 118 ( a ) ubi supra . a 2 Kings 16 , 10. b Eccl. pol. lib. 4. s. 6. c apol . part . 3. cap. 4. s. 5. d in pr●… . 2. pag. 543. e com in illum locum . f ubi supra . g Eccl. pol. lib. 4. s. 6. h ubi supra i com . in Levit. 19. 27. 28. k 2. 2. q. 103. art 4. l de cas . consc . lib. 2. cap. 14. cas . 7. m com . in illum locum n annot . ibid. o ag . the Rhem. ann . on 1. Cor. 10. s. 8. p apud Gratian. decr . part . 1. dist . 37. c. 15. q de Corona militis r partic . des . cap. 1. sect . 1. s Magd. cent . 3. cap. 6. Col 147. t Concil . Laodicaen . can . 37. u apud Theod. lib 1. cap. 10. x epist. 86. ad Casulan . y lib. 1. epist. 41. z apud Bellar. de effect . sacr . lib. 2. c. 31. a Conc. African . can . 27. Conc. Tolet. 4. can . 5. & 10. Conc. Brac. 2. can . 73. b Magd. cent 4. cap. 6. col . 458. c eccl . pol. lib. 4. s. 7. d Can. 5. e Can. 40. f Sims . hist. of the Church . lib. 4. cent . 6. g eccl pol. lib. 3. s. 1. h decr . part . 2. causa . 26. quaest , 7. c. 13. i ib. c. 14. k ib. c. 17. l Aquin. 1. 2a . q. 102. art . 6. resp . ad 6m. m ibid. resp . ad 11m . n Baruch . 6. 3. Reg. 18. o ibid. resp . ad 8m . p Rhem. annot . on 2 Cor. 6. 14. q Rhem. on 1 Tim. 6. sect . 4. r Rhem. on Apoc. 1. 10. s Rhem. on 2. 10. 10 t de effect . sacr . lib. 2. cap. 31. u Magd. Cent. 4. c. 6 col . 406. x Hospin . de orig . tēpl . l. 2. cap. 7. pag. 115. y Confer . with . I. Hart. divis . 4. cap. 8. z Antith . Pap. & Christ. art 9. a in 2. praec . col . 363. b com . in Ps. 16. 4. d synops . purior . Theol. disp 19. e Vsher of the relig . prof . by the aunc . Irish. cap. 4. ( ) com . in 1. Cor. 10. 14. f apud Hosp. de orig . imag . pag. 200. g de vit . pii . 4. ( 〈◊〉 ) Bell. de effect . sacr . lib. 2. c. 31. i annot . in illum locum . k annot . ib. ( ) com . ibi . m sect . 48 n Elencis . Relig. Papist . in praefat . o Rom. 15. 2. p part . 2. cap. 6. q supra cap. 1. r de imag . Sanct. cap. 29. s Proc. in Perth assmb part . 2. pag. 22. t Rhem. annot . on Act. 2. 〈◊〉 . u I. Rain . confer . with 1. Hart cap. 8. divis . 4. pag. 496. x Zanch. lib. 1. in 4. praec . Col. 674. y 1 a. 2 a. q. 102. art . 6. resp . ad 11 Sect. 14. z N. Fratri & amico resp . ad art . 12 ●● . a ubi supra Pag. 510. b 2 Reg. 18. 6. c 2 Reg. 18 4. d supra part . 2. cap. 9. s. 14. e infra cap. 4. sect . 26. 27. 28. f of the Crosse cap. 2 sect . 10. g upon Gen. 35. 4. h Expos. in Col. 3. 5. i Mark. 7. 8. 9. k of the lawfull . of kneel . cap. 18. pag. 62 Sect. 3. l 1 Sam. 〈◊〉 . 29. n Histor. of the Church of Scotl. lib. 1. pag. 181. o part . 1. quest . 3. p lib. 2. Charact. of the superstit . n comm . in 1 Reg. 2. r 2 Sam. 16 5. s A. Polan . synt . Theol. lib. 6. cap. 3. D. Pareus explic . catechet . part . 1. quest . 7. 1. Scharpius curs . Theolog. de peccato cap. 8 t 1 Reg. 2. 43. u ib. v. 44 x Gen. 30. 1. 2. y de Rep. Eccl. lib. 7. cap. 12. num . 88. z Ib. num . 89. a Eccl Pol. lib. 5. sect . 65. b Cornel. a Lapide com . in Hag. 2. 24. c Eph. 〈◊〉 . 5. d Ier. 17. 7. e confer with Hart. chap. 8. div . 5. p. 509. f Eccl. Pol. lib. 5 sect . 66 g Exam. part . 2. de rit in admin . sacr pag. 32. Sect 6. h lib. 1. de viti . ext . cult . oppos . Col. 505. i Eccl. Pol. lib. 5. sect . 69. k supra part . 1. cap. 1 l supra cap. 1. m Infra . cap. 5. n Of the lawf . of kneel . pag. 115 , 116. o De Rep. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 6. num . 126. p De rep . eccl . lib. 5. cap. 6. num . 138. q Pr●… in Perth . assem . part . 2. pag. 22. r Serm. at Perth . assemb . s Of the lawfull . of kneel . cap. 10. p. 17. t Apol. part . 3. cap. 3. sect . 16. u Cap. 1. sect . 35. x Of the lawf . of kneel . cap. 22. pag. 85. y ibid. cap. 23. z Annot. on Hebr. 11. 21. a Expos. artio . confess . Angl. Art. 28. b De sacr . Euchar. lib. 4. cap. 29. c Zanch. lib. 1. de viti . ext . cult . oppos . col . 504. d Bell. ubi supra . e Cartwr . on 1 Cor. 11. Sect. 18. f De orig . imag . pag. 245. g Ans. to the Ies. chall . of the reall pres . p. 74. h of the lauf : of kneeling , pag. 116. i Proc. i●… Perth . assemb . part . 2 pag. 92. k ubi supra . l ubi supra . m 2 Cor. 5. 20. n g●…er . def . cap. 3. sect . 3. o Rejoind . pag. 296. p Cornel. à lapide com . in Mal. c , 11. q part . 3. cap. 3. sect . 29. r De f●…giend . idololat . homil . 1. * Homines qui ex corpore & Spiritis sunt cōstituti , corpore colunt materialiter : Spiritu formaliter , as Iunius saith vpon Deut. 12. s 1 Cor. 10. 20. t Com. in illum locum . Sect. 11. u Lindsey ubi supra pag. 81. x Ibid. pag. 92. y Ibid. z Of the lawf . of kneell . cap. 32. pag. 115. a De rep . Eccl. lib. 7. cap. 12. num . 42. b Com. 1. disp . 54. sect . 3. See D r Vsher. ●…ans . to the Iesu. chall of Images pag. 499. * Aliud est picturam a dorare : aliud per picturae historiam , quid sit adorandum addiscere , saith Durand Ration lib. 1. tit . de pictur . d manual . lib. 3. cap. 2. quast : 5 : e ubi supra . f Zanch. lib. 1. de viti ext . cult . Oppos. Col. 510. g ubi supra pag. 88. h ubi supra pag 69. i partic . def . cap 3. sect . 20. k part 3. cap. 3. sect . 45. l Serm. on Luke 1. 74 p. 991. m ubi supra pag. 72. 73. n Ans. to the chall . of the reall pres . pag. 50. 51 o Epist. 141. ad Caesarian . p ubi supra pag. 55. q ibid pag. 61. r alt . dam. pag. 809. * Ea ( veneratio ) potest esse etiam sine cultu saith Scaliger de subtil . ad Card. exerc . 317. dist 3. s de sacram . confirm . cap. 13 u Of the lawfull . of kneel . cap. 8. x de rep . Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 6. num . 137. & lib. 7. cap. 12. num . 48. y ubi supra pag. 70. ( 〈◊〉 ) part . 3. cap. 3. sect . 50. z ubi supra cap. 21. p. 73. b de rep . Eccl lib. 7. cap. 12. n. 50. ( 1 ) Cartwr . on 1 Cor. 11. sect . 18. c Didoclav . ubt supra pag. 808. d Lib. 1. de viti . ext . cult . oppos . Col. 504. 505. e Serm. at Perth Assemb . f ubi supra pag. 142. g Aquin. 3. q. 25. art . 2. h De rep . Eccl. lib. 7. c. 12. ●… . 43. i Franc. à S. Clara expos . artic . confess . Angl. art . 28. k Of the Church lib. 5. cap. 15. l Aquin. 1. q 13. art . 1. m Cent. Flosc. Tur. disput . Flosc. 26. n Of the lawf . of kneel . cap. 23 p. 88. o Synt. l. 6. c. 16. col . 125. p Eccl. pol. lib. 5. s. 55. q Vbi supra . r Zanch. tom . 8. col . 521. * We adore Christ as well in the preaching of the Gospell and Sacrament of Baptisme , as in the Sacrament of the Supper , saith Cartwright on 1. Cor. 11. sect . 18. s Vbi supra . t De rep . Eccl. lib. 7. cap. 11. num . 7. u Ostens . error . Fr. Suarez . cap. 2. 〈◊〉 . 13. x Supra Sect. 13. y Zanch. lib. 1. de viti . ext . cult . oppos . col . 504. z Marc Ant. de Dom. ostēs . error Fr. Suarez , c. 2. n. 13. a Burg. of the lawf . of kneel . cap. 32. p. 113. Paybody part . 3. cap. 3. Sect. 4. b Vbi supra . p. 94. c Apoc. 4. 10. d B. Linds . ubi supra , pag. 76. e Ibid. pag. 91. f Vbi supra , sect . 15. g Paybody part . 3. cap. 3. Sect. 4. h Paybody ibid. Sect. 5. i Id pa●…t . 2 cap. 1. Sect. 7. k Dr. 〈◊〉 Iren. lib. 1. cap. 1. l Ios. Hall. Apol. against Brown Sect. 36. m D. Forb . ubi supra . n D. Forb . ibid. o Psal. 25. 1. p Lament . 3. 41. Psal. ●…23 . 1. r Psal. 5. 3 s Dr. Forb . ubi supra . t Com. in 1 Cor. 1●… . 26. v Vbi supra . 〈◊〉 . 104. x Didect . Alt. Dam. pag. 803. y Vbi supra , p. 112 z Ibid. p. 101. a Vbi sup●… . b Partic. def . cap. 3. Sect. 38. c Alt. Dā . pag. 756. 782. 794. Sect. 26. d Of the lauf . of kneel . cap. 22. e De corona militis . f de Iejun . cap. 2. & 14. g Haeres . 75. h hist. eccl . cent . 4. lib. 2 cap. 22. p. 150. i Magd. cent . 3. cap. 6. col . 135. k Epiphan . vbi supra . l Vbi supra cap. 22 & 23. m Rep. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 6. n Alt. Dā . p. 784. o Lib. 1. cap. 1. p In Eph. 1 Serm. 3. q Cent. Magd. 3. cap. 6. col . 133. r De Orig. Templ . lib. 2. cap. 28. s Paréus in 1 Cor. 11. 21. & Calb . ibid. t Cartwr . in 1. Cor. 11. Sect. 6 o Lib. 5. cap. 22. * Quia Paulus has epulas sacram C●…nam vocarit : Et quia scriptum est apud Lucam . Similiter & calicem postquam Coenavit . Quae etiā fuerunt ut arbitror causae , cur illi Aegyptij de quibus loquitur Socrates Lib. 5. priusquam ad misteria accederent laute coenarent , faith Casaubone . Exerc. 16. 31. x Conc. Laod. can . 28. y N●…fratri & amico art . 17. z Partic. def . cap. 1. sect . 6. a Eccl. pol. lib. 5. s. 65. b Of the lawf . of kneel . cap. 17. p. 52. d Sarav . de divers . grad . Minist . Evan. cap. 24. sect . 25. Dr. Field of the Church lib 4. cap. 31. p. 396. Ant. ded●…m Rep. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. num . 48. c Apol. for kneel . part . 3. cap. 2. sect . 15. e 4 pol. part 3. cap. 2. f Eccl pol. lib. 4. sect . 1. g Ames . fresh . sute p. 223. h Supra cap. 4. Sect. 4. i Ibid. Sect. 5. k Antith . Papat . & Christian. art . 11. l On Luk. 24. 50. m Synt. Theol. lib. 9. cap. 38. n Com. on Gal. 3. 24. o Exam. part . 2. de rit . in admin . sacram . p. 32 p Aminad . in Bell. de cult . sanct . cap. 5. q Luc. 16. 16. r Ames fresh suite Pag. 266. s Synt. Theol. lib. 6. cap. 10. pag. 58. 59 t Synop. pur . Theol. disp . 19. thes . 4. v Supra cap. 4. Sect. 9. x Of the lawf . of kneel . pag. 116. y Apol. Part. 3. cap. 2. Sect. 4. z Luc. 17. 7. a Homil. 27. in 1. Cor. b Mark. 7. 7. c Camer . praelect . Tom. 3. p. 37. d Col. 2. 20. 21. 22. e 2. Tim. 3 16. 17. f I. Calv. in Matth. 21. 25. Sect. 8. g Hist. of the Church of Scotl. l. 1. p. 157. 158. 159. h Calv. in Ios. 22. i Ibid. k On. 1. Cor. 11. sect . 6. l 1. Cor. 11. 22. m com . in illum locum . o Eccl. Pol. lib. 5. S. 69. p On praec . 4. q Epist. to the past . of the Church of Scotl. r 1. Cor. 14. 40. s Of the law●… . of kneel . pag. 3. t Ibid. pag. 11. v Ibid. pag. 4. x Ibid. pag. 14. y Ibid. pag. 6. 7. z Fresh suite , pag. 153. a De effect . Sacr. lib. 2 cap. 31. b In praefat . elench . relig . Papistic . c De cas . consc . lib. 4. cap. 11. d Ames . Bell. enerv iom . 1. lib. 3. crp. 7. e Vbi supra . f Com. in illum locum . g on Mat 19. sect . 9. b Psal. 95. 6. c Iren. lib. 1. cap. 7 , 6. 7. d Eccles. Pol. lib. 5. S. 65. e De lmag . sanct . cap. 29. f Com. in illum locum . g Com. in Ezech. 9. 4 h Ibid. * Gram. Hebr. part . 1. cap. 1. i Comm. i●… illum locum . k Animad . ad Bell. de imag . sanct cap. 29. l Serm. on that place . m Lib. 5. cap. 22. n In Epist. ad quenda qui a reform . relig . ad Papism . defecerat . o Proc. in Perth . assemb . part , 3. p. 30. p Serm. on Esther . 9. 31. q De Pol. Mosis cap. 7. r Mos. and Aaron , lib. 3. cap. 11. s De Origfestor . cap. 2. ad . finem . t Vbi supra pag. 31. w Annot. on Io. 10. Sect. 4. x Annot. in Jo. 1●… . 22. y Vbi supra , p. 31. z Math. 23. 2. a Com. in illum locū . b Praelect . in Math. 19. 3. de Pharis . c Antiq. Iud. lib. 13 cap. 24. d Antiq. Iud. lib. 17 cap. 3. e Vbi supra pag. 32. f Jo. 21. 25. g Jo. 10. 22. 23. h In Io. 10. 22. Comm , ibid. k Annot. ibid. l Animad in Bell contr . 3. lib. 4. cap. 17. nota . 6. m De orig . Temp lib. 4. cap. 2. n Calv. in act . 18. 21. p Serm. on . 1. Cor. 11. 16. q 2. Pet. 3. 16. r Epist. 80. ad Euslath . medle . s Ad Pompeium contra Epist Stephani . t De Bapt. contra Donatist . l. 4. cap. 5. u Ep. 31. x Decr. part . 1. dist . 8. c. 7. y Decr. part . 2. caus . 35. q. 9. c. 3. z I. Lips. lib. de una relig . advers . Dialogistam a Ioh. Calv. Epist. & resp . col . 484. 485. b Iren. lib. 1. c. 8. §. 3. c Annot. on 1 Cor. 11. 16. d Supra cap. 2. e Of the Church , lib. 4. cap. 31. f lib. 4. cap. 6. & cap. 34. g Supra cap. 6. sect . 3 h Epist. to the Past. of the Church of Scotland . i Lib. 5. cap. 22. k Lib. de Baptismo . l Prael . tom . 1. de potest . Eccl. contr . 2. m Epist. to the Past. of the Church of Scotland . n Serm. on E●…her . 9. 31. o Of the Church , lib. 4. cap. 31. p De polit . Mos. cap. 7. q De Saram . lib. 2. cap. 29. r Bell. enerv . tō . 3 lib. 1. cap. 8. s Man●…duct . pag. 33. t Israele●… Tom. 1. pag. 367. w In apologet . x Chemnit . exam . part . 2. p. 121. y Calv. instit . lib. 4. cap. 10. f. 32. z Joh. Calv. Epist . & resp . col . 478. a Manuduct , pag. 37. b Of the kawf . of 5 neel . pag. 2. c Cap. 1. d Supra part . 1. cap. 4. & 6 e Fr. Iun. de polit . Mos. cap. 1 f Apol. part . 3. cap. 1. Sect. 25. g Inst. lib. 4. cap. 10. f. 17. h Letter to the Regent of Scotland . i 1. Reg. 13. and 15 k 2. Paral . 26. l Levit. 10. m Math. 17. n Act. 1. ( , and 3. 2. Cor. 11. 1 Col. 2. p Deut. 4. 12. q Apoc. 2 r Eccl. pol. lib. 2. s Prael●…ct . tom . 1. pag 369. t Epist. to the Past. of the Church of Scotland . w Course of conforformity , pag. 155. x Hebr. 3. 2. y Epist. 118. q Num. 9 3. r ib. vers . 5. s Com. in 1. Reg , 8. 65. t Supra Cap. 1. Sect. 6. w In 〈◊〉 . praec Col. 363. x Ib. col . 502. y Annot. on Phil. 2. 10. z Epist ad protect . Angl. a Levit. 10. 1. ler. 7. 31. b Causa . 11. q. 3. v. 101. c In 4. praec . col . 791. d DeIud . controv . cap. 14. p. 76 e Of the Church , lib. 4. c. 34. p. 400. f Gerard. loc . theol . tom . 6. p. 1280. Polan . Synt. lib. 10. cap. 62. col . 960. g Lib 6. Cap. 5. num . 3. & 17. h Ostens . error . Fr. Suarez . Cap. 3. Nmu. 23. Sect. 3. i De Rep. Eccl. Cap. 6. Num. 38. k Ostens . error Fr. Suarez . Cap. 3. n. 23. l Isa. 96. m Lib. 6. cap. 5. n. 174. n Ibid. num . 177. o 2. Chrō 29. 5. p 2. Chrō 24. q I. Wolph . in 2. Reg. 12. r Id. I. bid . s Exod. 33 13. & 34. 13. 14. Deut 7 5. Isa. 30. 22. t 1. Kings 23. & 2●… Chron. 19 w 2 Chrō . 34 & 35. y Esther . 9. 26. z 2. Chrō . 29. 2 & 34. 2. &c. x 1. Maccab . 4. 59. a Zanch. in 3. praec . 575. 576. 577. 578. b 1. Mac. 4. 59. c Est. 9. 20. 21. d Supra Cap. 6. e Promp●… . morall . in Domin . 1. quadrag . text . 10. f Serm. in Perth . assemb . g Eccl. 4. 10. h Onuphr de . vit . Hadr. 6. i De imper . aut . lib. 2. cap. 55. k praelect . tom . 1. pa. 370. 372. & tom . 2. pag. 41. l Calv. in Psal. 2. m Psal. 9. 6 , & 22. 21. n 1. Cor. 7. 23. ( a ) Taylor . on Tit. 3. 1. pag. 543. p Pareus in illum locum . q Iren. lib 2. cap. 4. §. 3. r Lib. 1. s Pareus in Rom. 13. 4. s D. Forb . Iren. lib 2 cap 4s . 10. t Taylor on Tit. 1. 15. pag. 295. t Gal. 6. 16. w Animad . in Bell. cont . 1. lib. 3. cap. 10. x Psal. 9. 7. y Zanch. in Phil. 1. 10. z Id. ibid. a cap. 14. pag. 77. b Ibid. c. 26. p. 152. c Danaus pol. Chryst. lib. 6. Cap. 3. d Zanch. in 4. praec . col . 791. Polan . synt . lib. 10. cap. 65. e 1. King 12. 28. f 2. Chron. 13. 6. g 2. Chron 11. 1. h Martir . in 1. Reg. 8. 31. i 2. Chron. 11. 16. k Martir . in 1. Reg. 8. 32. l Id. ibid. m 1. Kings 22. 33. n 2. Kings 16. 10. 18. o Hospin . de orig Tēpl . lib. 1. Cap. 1. 10. Wolph . in 2. Reg. 12. 4. p Hospin . ibid. pag. 3. q 1 Cor. 10. 31. r 1 Cor. 14. 26. s Rom. 14. 5. 23. t de justit . actual . cap. 41. ( u ) dejudice controv . cap. 26. pag. 153 x de imper . author . lib. 2. c. 52. y ●…nimad . in Bell. cōtr . 4. lib. 1. cap. 12. & 18. z Cartwr . on Math. 22. sect . 3. a of the Church . lib. 5. cap. 53. b decr . part . 1. dist . 3. c. 4. c Aquin. 1●… 2●… q. 92. art . 2. d Dan. 6. e Bald de cas . consc lib. 4. cap. 11. c●…s . 1. f Ide . ibid. g Ibid , cas . 2 h Pralect . tom . 2. pag. 50. i Til. synt . part . 2. disp . 32. th . 33. k Danaeus . pol. christ . lib. 6. cap. 1. l Hebr. 5. 1. m Fr. Iun. Ecclesiast . lib. 3. cap. 4. n de Iudice controv . cap. 14 p. 70. o Gerard. locor . theol . tom . 6. pag. 840. p zanch. in Eph. 4. 12. q Hebr. 13. 17. r 〈◊〉 cas . consc . lib. 6. c. 11. cas . 2. s lib. 1. cap. 8. t pol. Christ. lib. 6. cap. 3. u In. 2. Reg. 12. 5. x ubi supra . y Perk. on Revel . 3. 7. z 2. Chrō . 26. 18. a Aquin. 3●… . q. 85. art . 2. b apud Parker ●…f th●…osse ; c. 5. sect . 6. c de Iudice controv . cap. 16. pag. 92. d praelect . tom . 1. pag. 25. e locor . theol . tom . 6. p. 963. f de Iudice controv . c. 16. pag. 86. 87. g Perkins on Rev. 1. 5. h Iren. lib. 2. cap. 4. §. 3. i Ia. 4. 12. k Rom. 23. 5. l Tit. 3. 1●… . m Inst. lib. 4. cap. 20. §. 9. n Cart●… . on Act. 8. sect . 7. o G. B●…chan . hist. 〈◊〉 . Scot. lib. 5. p. 152. p Confess . cap. 5. art . 20. q epist. ad Regin Elisab . epistolar lib. 1. p. 112. r de effect . sacr . cap. 31. s Rat. lib. 1. tit de pietur & cortin . t Fr. I●… . animad . in Bell. cont . 5. l. 1. c. 11. w lib. 4. dist . 〈◊〉 . x de rep . Eccl. lib. 2. c. 3. n. 47. y loc . th●…l . tom . 6. pag. 374. 375. 376. * Tertullian also maketh mention of them , Apologet c. 39. and Clemens epist. 1. ad Iacob . z In 1. Tim. 5. 1. a on 1. Tim. 5. 17. b Zanch. in 4. prac . col . 766. 767. c Iun. anim in Bell. cont . 5. l. 1. c. 13. c Iun. ubi sup . cap. 7. nota . 17. Bald. de cascons . lib. 4. cap. 5. caf . 5. Ger. loc . theol . tom . 6. pag. 835. 132. d In. 4. prac . col . 794. e anim . in Bell. cont . 5. lib. 1. c. 7. ●…ta . 59. f Charity mistaken . sect . 5. pag. 145. g de cleric . lib. 1. cap. 7. h ubi supra nota . 55. i loc . theol . tom . 6. pag. 151. k 〈◊〉 Act. 14. 23. l ubi supra 〈◊〉 . 63. 64. m Decr. part . 1. dist . 62. n Thuan. hist. lib. 83. pag. 85. o hist. 〈◊〉 . cent . 4. lib. 3. c. 38. p In Act. 14. 23. q ubi sapra pag. 178. r ubi supra nota . 16. ( 〈◊〉 ) Iun. ubi supra nota . 24. v In 1 : Tim. 4. 14. x ubi supra cap. 3. y de gab●…n . eccl . z Rom. 10. 15. a de rep . 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 . ●…4 . & cap. 4 〈◊〉 . 13. 19. & lib. 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 . 48. b ubi supra cap. 7. nota 59. c 〈◊〉 . part . 2. pag. 221. d 2. Tim. 1. 6. e 1. Tim. 4. 14. f ubi supra g Deut 34. h supra cap. 5. i supra cap. 2. k animad . in Bell. cont . 5. l. 1. cap. 3. l Ger. loc . theol . tom . 6. pag 135. Bald. de cas . consc . lib. 4. c. 6. cas . 4. l Math. 18. 1●… . m 1. Cor. 3. 21. 22. n on Rom. 10. 15. o In Rō . 10. 15 : p ubi supra . q Syn. pur . Theol. disp . 42. thes . 32. 37. r Act. 20. 17 s Phil. 1. 1. t 2 Thess. 5. 12. u Act. 20. 28. x Com. in Tit. 1. y Gerard loc . Theol. tom . 6. pag. 134 364. z Iun. ubi sup . not . 5. 12. Syn pur . Theol. disp . 42. thes . 37. a Serm. on Apoc. 1. 20. b Iren. lib. 2. cap. 11. p. 161. c Epist. ad Evagr. d Iun ubi sup . nota . 22. e ibid. nota . 10. f Iren. lib. 2. c. 11. pag. 165. g dist . 23. cap. 8. h ubi sup . pag. 175. & seq . i apud Forbes . ubi sup . p. 177. k Ibid. p. 194. 195. 196. l Disp. 49. thes . 20. m Ib. Thes. 21. n Thes. 22. o Thes. 23. p Thes. 24. q M. Ant. de Dom de rep . eccl . lib 6. cap. 5. num . 89. r ani●… in ●…ell . cont . 4. lib. 1. cap. 12. not . 4. 18. s de Rep. Eccl lib. 6. cap. 5. num . 16. t animad . in Bell. cent . 4. lib. 1. cap. 19. nota 12. u de rep . Eccl. leb . 7. cap. 3. n. 43 x Iun. cont , 1. lib. 3. cap 4. nota 17. y M. Ant. de Dom. de rep . Eccl. lib. 7. c. 3. n. 32. z Davenāt de jud . controv . cap. 25. Iun. ubi supra . a of the Church lib. 5. cap. 53. b Mal. 2. 7. c 2 Chron. 19. 8. 10. d de Iud. controv . cap. 16. pag. 92 : e ibid. cap. 14. p. 75 , f animad . in Bell. cont . 4. lib. 1. cap. 12. nota 15 ( g ) de rep . Eccl. lib 6. cap. 5. num . 8. 30. h de Rep. num , 33. i Decr. part , 2. causa 2. q. 7. c. 41. k Rev. 3. 〈◊〉 l on 1. Cor. 5. 4. m de cas . consc . lib. 4. cap. 10. cas . 9. n Cent. 5. cap. 4. col . 383. o loc . theol . tom . 6. p. 136. 137. p 1. Cor. 5. 6. 7. ●…3 . q Math. 18. 17. 18. r In Math. 18. 17. s on Iude vers . 3. t 1. Cor. 5. 4. 5. u de tripl . episc . gen . pag. 42. 43. x vers . 3. y In 1. Cor. 5. 4. z animad . in Bell. cont . 4. lib. 2. cap. 16. nota 6. a 1. Cor. 4. 21. b I●… . 5. c Iun ubi supra nota . 7. d Id. cont . 3. lib. 4. c. 16. nota . 37. e 1. Cor. 5. ●… . 6. 9. f ubi supra . g 2. Cor. 2. 9. h Ib. vers . 6. i vers . 7. k vers . 10 l supra Digr . 1. m apud . Zanch. in 4 , praec . col . 745. n in 4. praec . col . 741. o cont . 3. lib. 1 cap. 6. nota 19. p praelect . tom . 1. pag. 23. q Calv. & Cartwr . on Math. 18. ●…7 . Par. in 1 Cor. 5 r loc . Theol. tom . 6 pag. 137. s Trelcat Inst Theol. lib. 1. pag. 291. t in 1 Cor. 5. 4. u 2 Cor. 2. 6. x com . in illum locum y de divers minist . grad cap. 8. p. 85. ( z ) on 2 Cor. 2. 6. a ubi supra . b exam . part 4 de indulg p. 53. ( c ) com in hunc locum . ( d ) annot . ibid. ( e ) Par. in 1 Cor. 5. 4. f Trelcat . Inst. theol . lib. 2. pag. 287. 288. Pareus in 1. Cor. 5. de excom . g In. 4. praec . col . 756. h lib. epistolar . col . 180. i Iren. lib. 2. cap. 12. k Zanch. in 4. praec . col . 756. D. Fulke on 1. Cor. 5. 4. l de tripl . Episc. gencr . pag. 43. m de divers . minist . grad . p. 85. 86. n Zanch. ubi supra . Synop. pur . theol . disp . 48. thes . 9. o loc . theol . tom . 6. pag. 463. p ubi supra . q lib. 3. contra epist. Parmen . r Ant. de Dom. de rep eccl . lib. 5. cap. 12. n. 67. s Ib. cap. 9. num . 8. t In 2. Cor. hom . 18. u apologet . cap. 39. See Rhenanus his annotation upon that place , and M. Ant. de Dom. de rep . eccl . 〈◊〉 . 5. cap. 12. n. 67. x lib. 3. epist. 14. 15. 16. & lib. 5. epist. 12. y epist. ad Evagr. z In Math. 16. a Decr. part . 2. causa . 11. q. 3. c. 108. 110. b Iren. lib. 2. cap. 11. p. 195. c Ib. pag. 191. d p. 195. num . 25. e lib. 6. cap. 9. f Calv. lib. Epistolar . col . 169 Gratian. caus . 11. q. 1. c. 20. g contr . 4. lib. 1. e. 20. nota 8. h Fenner . Theol. lib. 7 c. 7. p. 153. i Hemming enchir . class . 3. cap. 11. p. 39●… , 91 k Can. 11. l Hist. Eccl . cent . 4 l. 2. c. 48. p. 242. m loc . Theol. tom . 6. p. 838. n de cas . consc . l 4. cap. 5. cas . 12. o Ecclesiast . lib. 3. cap. 3. p apud Forb . Iren lib. 2. cap. 11. p. 177. q Defens . lib. 1. p. 8. r Bonifae . 8. de regul . Iuris reg . 79. s of the Church . lib. 5. cap. 53. p. 682. t Novell . 83. cap. 1. u supra cap. 6. s. 1. x Eccl. pol. lib. 4. s. 1. y Zanch. lib. 1. de lege Dei. thes . 8. col . 190. z A. Pol. synt . lib. 6. cap. 9. col . 49. D. Pau. explic . catech . part . 3. q. 92. pag. 503. a Fr. Iun. de pol. Mos. b Idi bid . c Instit. lib. 1. tit . 2. d de rep . Eccl. lib. 6. cap. 2. n. 35. e Schol. in Instit. lib. 1. tit . 2. f 1 a. 2 a. q. 91. art . 2. g ubi supra . h antiquit . Rom. lib. 8. cap. 1. i ubi supra . q. 95. art . 4. k Schol. in instit . lib. 1. tit . 2. l Rosin . ubi supra . Synops pur . theol disp . 18. thes . 16. Til. synt . part . 1. disp . 35. thes . 16. Iun. de pol. Mos. cap. 1. m Aquin. ubi supra q. 94. art . 2. n Zanch. ubi supra . col . 1889 189. Iun. ubi supra . Sharp . curse theol . de lege Dei p. 299. o de subtil . exerc . 5. dist . 8. p Rom. 2. 15. q Rom. 1. 19. r lib. 3. offic . s Luc. 6. 31. t Cor. 11. 14. u Par. com . in illum locum . x Iun. de pol. Mos. cap. 1. Par. com . in Rom. 1. 19. y 1a . 2a . 91. art . 4. z Iun. ubi supra . a Iun. ibid. b de subtil . exerc . 77. dist 2. c Iun ubi supra . d 1. Cor. 2. 14. e ubi supra . f disp . 18. thes . 26. g 1a . 2●… . q. 94. art . 4. h ubi supra thes . 9. i in Luc. 6. 31. k lib. 2. confess c. 4. l Rom. 1. 19. m com in illum locum . n lib. 10. confess . cap. 6. o 1 Cor. 11. 13. 14. p com . in illum locum . q de subtil . ex●…rc 2. r lib 2. de nat . Deor. s Iun ubi supra . Notes for div A01760-e66260 a de benef . lib. 5. cap. 16. b 1. 2a q. 18. art . 9. c Bald. de cas . consc . lib. 2. cap. 9. cas . 9. d Iren. lib. 1. cap. 13. §. 7. e Ibid. §. 10. f ubi supra . g ubi supra cap. 13. §. 7. * Quaestio , quid est ? de quolibet individuo contento sub spe cie , non petit quidditatem ejus singularem , sed communem totius speciei , saith P. Fonseca , com . in Metaph . Arist. lib. 7. cap. 15 quest . unic . sect . 2. h 1 a. 2 a. q. 21. art . 2. i de subtil . exerc . 307. dist . 27. k 1 a. 2 a. q. 100. art . 1. l ubi supra cap. 13. §. 7. m Aquin. 1. 2a q. 31. art . 8. n ubi supra . o ubi supra . p ubi supra lib. 2. c. 5. num . 1. q Schol. in lib. 2. de Ben●…f . r Iun. de pol. mos. cap. 7. t Camer . prael tom . 2. pag. 49. ( s ) Aquin. 1 a 2 a. q. 18. art . 3. u D. Burgess of the lauf of kneel . c. 1. y com . in illum locum . z Pareus com . in illum locum . a 1. Sam. 2. 15. b Cor. 6. 13. & 10. 23. c 10. 1●… . 50. d Calv. com . in illum locum . e In Rom. 14. 7. 8. f Iun. lib. 1. cap. 12. §. 16. g expos in . Col. 3. 17. h ubi supra cap. 11. sect . ●…6 . i Act. 15. 28. k In Act. 15. n. 18. l Annot. on Act. 15 sect . 10. m Rom. 14. 1●… . n 1 Pet. 2. 13. o Eph. 6. 6. p Zanch. in Ephes. 6. 5. 6. q 1 Cor. 7. 23●… r Taylor on Tit. 1. 15. p. 295. s Id. ibid. p. 289. t Calv. in Rom. 14. 5. u Ames . lib 3 de consc . cap. 8. q. 5. x Aquin. 1a . 2a . q. 18. art 8. y ibid. art . 9. z Hist. of the counc . of Trent . lib. 2 p. 196. a Com. in 1 Cor. 6. 12. b in Rō . 14. dub . 1. c Iren. lib. 1. cap. 13. §. 7. 9. 10. d In Rom. 14. dub . 1. e In Rō . 14. 20. f lib. 3. de conss . cap. 18. g Ia. 3. 2. h Psal. 19. 12. i ubi supra . §. 7. k 1. Cor. 7. 39. ( 〈◊〉 ) com . in Eph. 6 1. m Eph. 6. 1. n ubi supra . o com . in Rom. 14. 23. p prael . Tom. 2. pag. 345. q G. ●…anct . in Act. 16. 3. r Act. 1●… . 28. s de Instit. actual . cap. 42. p. 490. t Apol. Part. 1. cap. 〈◊〉 . sect . 1. u lib. 2. Epist. 3. x Proc. in Perth . Assemb . part . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 38. & 40. ( 〈◊〉 ) Io. 16. 6. ( 〈◊〉 ) Io. 16. 12. ( 〈◊〉 ) ubi supra . b supra part . 3. cap. 6. sect . 12. c com . in Math. 26. 27. d ubi supra pag. 62. e Luk. 12. 13. f Maldon . ubi supra . g de re Sacram. lib. 2. pag. 31. h com . in Math. 26. 26. i com . in 1. Cor. 11 21. k Math. 26. 26. Marke 14. 22. l Instit. lib. 4. cap. 17. § 35. m apud Didcclav . p. 794. n disp . 3. de symb . canae dom . thes 4. o vbi supra p 3. q. 81. art . 1. n de sacr . Euchar. lib. 4. cap. 30. r concord . Evang. cap. 129. s In Luk. 22. 19. t Apol. part 2. cap. 3. sect 5. u Luke 22. 20. x 1 Cor. 11. 25. y Ioseph . lib. 7. de bello Iud. cap. 17. z Mos. and Aaron lib. 3. c. 4. a com . in Math. 26. 21. b ubi supra . c com . in 10. 13. 2. d ubi supra . e annot . on . 1 Cor. 11. 23. f ubi supra . g par . ubi supra . h Iansen . conc . Evang. cap. 131. k Iren. lib. 2. pag. 5 5. 361. 362. l Alt. dam. pag. 739. m Hadr. ●…ua . in nomen●…lat . n ubi supra pag. 46. o Tractat. die festo virid . p. 256. p In Luke . 22. 14. q praelect . Tom. 3. pag 27. r partic . def . cap. 3. sect . 4. s annot . 〈◊〉 . 1 Cor. 11. 23. t ubi supra p. 11. u See Alt. Dā . p. 742. x ubi supra p. 40. y Eccl. Pol. lib. 5 sect . 6. z Pareus in 1 Cor. 11. 24. a de symb . caenae dom . disp . 2. thes . 5. b Part. 2. pag. 55. 56. 57. c Ibid. d com . in Math. 26. 26. e Ames . Bell. ener . Tom. 3. l. 1. c. 2. q. 2. f Cartwr . on Math. 26. s 6. g defence of the English translation cap. 17. n. 5 h com . in Mal. 1. 11. i 1 Tim. 4. 5. k G. I. Voss. de symb caenae dom . disp . 2. thes . 2. l Instit. Theol. lib. 2. p. 258. m Ames . ubi supra . n Ames . ubi supra . lib 4. cap. 6. o apud . Ames . ibid. lib. 1 cap. 2. p 3. q. 60. art . 8. q in Enchir . contr . inter Evang. & Pontif. r ubi supra , s Alsted . Theol. cas . cap. 15. p. 270. t Decret . Greg. lib. 2. tit . 24. cap. 8 u Ios. 9. x Iren. lib. 1. cap. 9. §. 2. y D. Forb . ibid. §. 3. z In Ios. 9. 19. a Ios. 2. b com . in Ios. 9. c Ios. 17. 13. & Iudg. 1. ●…8 . d ●…2 Chron. 8. 7. 8. e Ios. 11. 19. 20. f Deut. 20 , 10. g Deut. 7. 2. h Gen. 22. 2. i Ibid. vers . 12. k contempl . lib. 8. of the Gibeon . l 2. Sam. 21. 1. 2. m Ios. 9. 15. n com . in Ios. 9. o Ames . lib. 4. de consc . cap. 22. q 9. p part . 2. pag. 5. q supra part . 3. c. 7. sect . 5. ( r ) ubi supra pag. 16. s Iren. lib. 1. c. 9. §. 3. 4. 6. t Ibid. §. 4. & 6. u 2a . 2a . q. 49. art . 3. x Zanch. in 3 um . praec . p. 599. y polan. synt . theol . l 9. cap. 23. pag. 802. Zanch. in 3. um . praec . p. 599. z 2a ●…a . q. 89. art . 9. a Aquin. ubi suprae q. 48. art . 2. b decr . Greg. lib. 2. tit . 24. cap. 35. c ubi supra pag. 9. d ibid. pag. 12. e ubi supra . * Zanchius giveth the name of Ecclesiasticall Discipline to the rites and policy of the Church and lawes made thereanent . In 4. praec , col . 763. f ubi supra pag. 10. g supra cap. 3. h 1 a. 2 oe . q. 95. art . 3. i Act. 15. 28. k Rom. 13. 4. l com . in illum locum . m com . ibid. n cent . 3 cap. 4. col . 86. o Ibid. p supra part 1. cap. 3. & 4. q supra part . 2. cap. 6 & cap. 9. sect . 4. r apud Parke of the Crosse cap. 3 sect . 6. s de cas . consc . lib. 4. c. 11. cas . 3. t cent . 1. lib. 2 cap. 4. col . 441. u com . in Rom. 14. dub . 1. x de imagin . p. 390. y exam . part . 1. pag. 179. z Epist. 86. ad Casulan . a 1 Cor. 8. 8. 9. b supra part . 2. cap. 9. c supra part . 2. d Ibid. cap. 1. e supra part . 3. cap. 2. f lib. 1. de cult . Dei extern . col . 4●…6 . g Synt. Theol. lib. 9. cap. 38. h lib. 7. contempl . of the Brazen Serpent . i ●…m . in Eph 5. de Bapt. cap. 7. k supra cap. 5. 6. 7. & part . 1. cap. 8. & 9. sect . 2. & part . 3. cap. 1. sect . 3. & 4. sect . 5. 28 : & part . 2. cap. 9. sect . 14. l Ration . lib. 6. tit . de die sanct . Pasch. m supra part . 3. c. 3. n supra part . 3. c. 1. o supra part . 3 cap. 5. & 6. sect . 3. & 7. sect . 5. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. p de cult . Dei extern . Col. 494. ( q ) Gal. 5. 9. r 〈◊〉 Calv. Epist. & resp . col 119 s Revel . 3. 2. t Ibid. 2. 5. 
A37042	----	The dying man's testament to the Church of Scotland, or, A treatise concerning scandal divided into four parts ... : in each of which there are not a few choice and useful questions, very shortly and satisfyingly discussed and cleared / by ... Mr. James Durham ... who being dead (by this) yet speaketh ; and published by John Carstares ... ; to which is prefixed an excellent preface of famous Mr. Blair ... ; together with a table of the contents of the several chapters of each part. Durham, James, 1622-1658. 1659 Approx. 934 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 234 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A37042 Wing D2810 ESTC R3845 12786953 ocm 12786953 93894 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37042) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93894) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 379:1) The dying man's testament to the Church of Scotland, or, A treatise concerning scandal divided into four parts ... : in each of which there are not a few choice and useful questions, very shortly and satisfyingly discussed and cleared / by ... Mr. James Durham ... who being dead (by this) yet speaketh ; and published by John Carstares ... ; to which is prefixed an excellent preface of famous Mr. Blair ... ; together with a table of the contents of the several chapters of each part. Durham, James, 1622-1658. Blair, Robert, 1593-1666. [32], 432 p. Printed by Christopher Higgins ..., Edinburgh : 1659. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. (from t.p.) 1. Concerning scandal in the general -- 2. Concerning publick scandals, or scandals as they are the object of church-censures, and more particularly as they are in practice -- 3. Concerning doctrinal scandals, or scandalous errors -- 4. Concerning scandalous divisions. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. Church polity -- Early works to 1800. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Dying man's TESTAMENT to the Church of Scotland ; OR , A Treatise concerning Scandal . Divided into Four Parts . 1. Concerning Scandal in the general . 2. Concerning Publick Scandals , or Scandals as they are the object of Church-censures , and more particularly as they are in practice . 3. Concerning Doctrinal Scandals , or scandalous errors . 4. Concerning Scandalous Divisions . In each of which there are not a few choice and useful Questions , very shortly and satisfyingly discussed and cleared . BY That singularly faithfull and wise Servant of Jesus Christ , Mr. IAMES DURHAM , late Minister of the Gospel in Glasgow , Who being dead ( by this ) yet speaketh : And published by Iohn Carstares , one of the Ministers in GLASGOVV . To which is prefixed an excellent PREFACE of famous Mr. Blair , Minister of the Gospel at St Andrews , ( wherein he also vigorously driveth the main design of the blessed Author in this last Piece of his Labours ) Together with a TABLE of the CONTENTS of the several Chapters of each Part. Matth. 18. 7. Wo unto the world because of Offences : for it must needs be that Offences come : but wo to that man by whom the Offence cometh . 1 Cor. 10. 32. Give none Offence , neither to the Iews , nor to the Gentiles , nor to the Church of God. Psal. 119. 165. Great peace have all they which love thy Law : and nothing shall offend them . Edinburgh , Printed by Christopher Higgins , in Harts Close , over against the Trone-Church , 1659. The Preface . THe rise of the subsequent Treatise , the blessed Author , in the very first words thereof , declareth to be the occasion he had from Revel . 2. on the Epistle to the Church of Pergamos , to meditate on the nature and sorts of Scandal . And before I say anything of this present work , I shall hence take occasion , to shew my thoughts of his Commentary on the Book of Revelation . In my humble opinion , that which was spoken of the vertuous woman , Prov. 30. v. 29. may well be applied to the pains this Author hath taken on that Book : Many Writers have done worthily , but thou excellest them all . The reason of my so high estimation thereof , is taken from a threefold excellencie I find therein . The first is , a brief , clear and accurate opening of the most difficult Text in the whole Bible , applying with great sagacity and admirable dexterity , dark Prophecies to their historical events : and yet with judicious sobriety , not restraining , as it were , to single stars of several persons , that which rather relateth to conglobate constellations of agents or patients : together with a modest , yet a diligent search of those things which are not yet accomplished . Whoever would compendiously have an experiment hereof , let him read the first Lecture on Chap. 6. ( which parcel , with some others , were sent to me by the Author , some moneths before the printing ) And as herein I did find great satisfaction , by reason of the clearnesse and notable coherence of the Interpretation , and convincing grounds and arguments proving the solidity thereof ▪ So may thou , Christian Reader , be sweetly refreshed and strongly confirmed thereby . The second excellencie hereof , is the great plenty of practical Divinity , relating to all Christians , but more especially to Ministers of the Gospel . I cannot name any Authors work , wherein I have perceived so many edifying overtures , so many searching discourses and encouraging helps as this Commentary abounds with . From the first Lecture on Chap. 3. both the carefull Christian and the well-gifted diligent Preacher , may be first allarmed , and then well strengthened , by that searching discourse on these words , Thou hast a name that thou livest , but art dead . The third excellency of this work , lieth not only in clearing and answering many doubts very succinctly , but also in discussing more largely , by way of digression , many weighty and important Truths , even to the number of twenty five : So that this Commentary , besides profitable opening of such a Text , and handling much practical Divinity , cleareth with great modesty , without any personal reflections , and discusseth edifyingly as much darkened Truth , as if the whole work had been written to dispute and determine pertinent and important questions . But now , to say no more of that Work , which speaketh for it self , being in the hands of many , and I wish it be diligently perused with a blessing from Heaven : I come to say something of this Treatise of Scandal . And well was he fitted to write of this subject , whose exercise it was , to have alwayes a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men : and very succesfull was he in walking this way ; for , in a time wherein scandals of all sorts did abound exceedingly , few there were ( if any at all ) who did stumble at his way , or he at the way of others , endeavouring still and by all means winning and edifying . And whoever knew his way of walking , they will read the same in this Treatise , set forth to others ▪ In the first part thereof thou wilt find , Christian Reader , the nature of Scandal dexterously opened , with the several sorts of it , and the variety of wayes whereby it is both given and taken , with considerable grounds to make Christians loth and wary , both as to the giving of offence and taking . And withall , many intricate cases are cleared , as namely , what is to be done when the matter is lawfull , and the offence doubtfull : Also what ought to be our carriage , when there is a real difference between parties upon the account of a civil interest : Also what behaviour is requisit , when the command of Superiours and the eschewing of offence are in opposition : Also that very important case , is accuratly debated and wisely determined , what is to be done when offence is like to follow on either side . And finally , what course both private Christians and Pastors ought to hold when scandals and offences abound . The answer to which alone , holdeth forth a very excellent directory for christian walking toward others . The second part treateth of Scandal as it is publick , and falleth under Ecclesiastick censure , wherein there are many excellent overtures for the wise and right exercise of Church-discipline . Among many , this is considerable , That the saving grace of repentance , is not to be enquired into , as the alone ground upon which Church-officers are to rest for removing an offence : but that a sober , serious acknowledgment of the offence , with the expression of an unfeigned-like purpose to walk inoffensively is sufficient . This is very accurately debated , and solidly and soundly determined . There is also , Chap. 12. a clear discussing of that tickle Question , What ought to be done by privat persons when Church-officers spare such as are scandalous , to wit upon supposition that there is a real defect ( in the truth wherof often there is a mistake ) yet private professors are to continue in the discharge of the duties of their stations , and not to separate from the Communion of the Church , but to count themselves exonered in holding fast their own integrity , mourning for offences , representing the same to Church-officers , and , if need be , to superiour Judicatories . All this is strongly , convincingly , and very satisfyingly proven by Scripture . The third part is concerning Doctrinal Scandals , or Scandalous Errours , a Theme very necessary for these reeling times . If I should offer to pick out thence points very remarkable , I would far passe the just bounds of a Preface . Wherefore , I shall only thereof say this , That both Christian Magistrates , Ministers and People , will find their duty laid before them , no lesse solidly than accuratly , what to do in the case of spreading errour . And , O that the Most High would strike in with His soveraign Authority upon the hearts and consciences of all so●…ts , especially Magistrates , in whose hands this Tractate shall come ! But now I come to speak a word of the fourth part of this Treatise , and that so much the more , 1. Because it was the last labour of this precious man of God , and so it is his Swan-like song . The Only Wise thought it fit to recommend to all His People , especially within this Land , in these distracted times ( when passion and prejudice makes it most difficult , if not altogether impossible to speak a word in season acceptably ) the hatefulnesse of scandalous division and the lovelinesse of a godly union by the words of a Messenger , who was one of a thousand ▪ known to be moderate , wise and faithfull , very far from factiousnesse , sharply perceiving what was duty , and very impartially uttering the same . At the dictating of this Part , the infirmity of the decaying tabernacle was so great , that he could not endure the labour of writing with his own hand , But being now ripe for glory , and having entered the suburbs of Heaven , he breathed-out his wise and godly thoughts to a borrowed p●…n . Next , I have the greater reason to consider diligently this piece of the work ; and having considered it , to recommend it the more earnestly to all Christs People , and especially to my reverend and dear Brethren of the Ministery , because it was sent to me sealed from the Author , in the beginning of his last sicknesse , as a Depositum committed to me to make it ready for publishing ; which I performed carefully and faithfully , without the alteration of one material word : and having lately perused the Copie the Printer makes use of , I hereby testifie it is the same for matter , order , sentences and words , the Author sent to me and I transmitted to him a little before the Lord removed him . And now , upon the matter , I think verily that this healing Tractate is so full of that wisdom , which is from above , first pure , and then peaceable , that it will speak plainly the Author fitted of God to bring forth a seasonable word . At the first reading thereof , my spirit was greatly refreshed , and my heart enlarged to blesse the Lord , conceiving that the Prince of peace , in compassion over our putrified sores , had provided this mollifying oyntment and cleansing plaister , in order to a cure of the same . And I doubt nothing but every true-hearted lover of Sions peace , who longs to see the Lord exalted , in binding-up our hither-till incurable wounds , will magnifie the Lord with me and exalt his Name together . Herein thou wilt find excellently discovered , the rise of divisions , what hand the holy Soveraignty of God hath therein , and how the corruptions of men , even of the Godly , both raise and wonderfully heighten divisions ; and how great influence occasional means may have in the same ; together with the sad and dreadfull effects thereof ; and the necessity of endeavouring unity herein . Thou wilt also find the cure and remedy singularly opened , not only general grounds and preparatory endeavours for uniting , but also what things are to be forborn , and what is to be done in order to uniting , and that as well in closing doctrinal differences , not fundamental nor nigh the foundation , as for union in points not doctrinal , arising from diversity in external administrations , and especially practical differences in Church-government , and about the Constitutions and Acts of Synods , when the Authority thereof is declined and denied : Yea , remedies are proposed , of divisions arising from the misapplication of power , in censuring or sparing Church-officers , real or supposed . And finally , against the fears of misgovernment for the time to come , overtures are prudently given-in : and all closed with laying out briefly , and yet very effectually , grounds and motives of the desired union . That which I conceive is most eminent in this choice Treatise , lyeth in these two things : first , That this our Cancer is most tenderly handled , in a very abstract way , never so much as stating or particularly touching any difference among us , and yet , upon the matter , the whole discourse cometh home to the very point most pertinently . Herein appears the finger of God to them that will have eyes to see it . The next is this , That the holy Scriptures are diligently searched , both in order to the disease and remedy : and the ancient Church-history and purer Antiquity , is most plentifully and sweetly made use of . The judicious and impartial Reader will , I think , say Miscuit utile dulci , and that here are words fitly spoken , like apples of gold in pictures of silver . One thing I shall intreat , that the Reader judge not finally of any parcel or section thereof , till he read and ponder the whole . Stumble not at his asserting , That authoritative wayes at first are not the best to cure rents . A rent would be handled as a broken bone or a dislocation , where anointing and ligatures are so necessary , as without these , healing cannot in haste be attained . If the question be made , How a man in that case should carry himself ? Ought he to stretch himself to the full and put forth his whole strength ? Or is that then impossible ? And if through passion in a fit it be practised , is it not obstructive to the recovery of strength and healing ? Let the Reader remember this when he cometh to that part of the discourse , and he will , upon that consideration , make the better use of the whole remedy as it is proposed . I shall not detain much longer the Reader from the Treatise it self , having added these few considerations , for advancing heart-uniting in the Lord , which of all other , I conceive , ought to be most weighty in the judgment and on the affections of all the lovers of our Lord Jesus Christ. First , from Eph ▪ 2. v. 14 , 15 , 16 17. the great Peace ▪ maker , in offering-up Himself a sacrifice for the sins of the Elect , intended , with the reconciling of them to God , to unite them in one body among themselves : yea , even those who were at furthest distance and greatest enimity , Iew and Gentile , and consequently other His Elect in their several differences and divisions throughout their generations . He took on HIm the debt of their sins and their enimities , and lifted up with Himself these on His Crosse , representatively , virtually and meritoriously , to expiate them in His flesh : and by His Spirit efficiently to slay and abolish them in due time , by making them one new man in himself . Mark , I pray , from that Scripture cited , that this complex businesse is the great design of our blessed and great Peace-maker . Also , secondly , in the Sacrifice-feast of His Supper , this is still represented and exhibited , till He come again : So that this standing Ordinance , destinated and appointed of God to carry-on and seal-up uniting with God , and one with another , till He come again ; at His coming will stand up and testifie against all who comply not with Christ , but , following their own inclination , act rather against His design . And , thirdly , in His solemn prayer , Ioh. 17. which is a specimen of His future intercession , He mainly presseth after the salvation and sanctification of those that are given Him , ver . 21. That they also may be one , as thou Father art in me , and I in thee , that they also may be one in us ; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me . Do not these words significantly and shyningly hold out , what the Mediator is still about , and that uniting in God is His design still ? And fourthly , upon this same very ground , the great Apostle , speaking to Iews and Gentiles who had imbraced the Gospel , and in them to all dissentients who love the Gospel-truths and Ordinances , saith , Rom. 15. 7. Wherefore receive ye one another , as Christ also received us to the glory of God. Meritoriously and virtually the Elect are received to the glory of God , and to the end they may be actually received , Receive one another , saith the Apostle , as it were suspending the one upon the other . And now upon these grounds , Christ our Lord his grand design being so conspicuous , His Supper-ordinance standing as a Land-mark in the way , having this engraven upon it , Union Communion , the glorious Mediator his intercession running in that same channel , and the blessed Apostle making this the upshot of his doctrine ; what lover of our Lord , well advised and recollecting himself , dare stiffly stand out from complying with Him , to satisfie their own inclination and habituated custom and carriage . My fear is , that every one of us will look to some others rather than themselves , as obstructing the desired uniting in the Lord. But upon mature after-thoughts , it will be found the mind of Christ , that we narrowly search our selves , every one of us , how we have provoked the Holy One to smite us so in His displeasure , and accuratly to try what yet remaines in us obstructive to this union : and withall to flie to our slighted duty , as in a City they run to the quenching of a publick burning , laying this evil to heart more than sword or pestilence . All the vvritings and actings against Presbyterial-government , which is the wall of the house of God , have never wronged or hurt it so much , as our ill raised , and worse-continued contests . Our nakednesse-discovering writings , what have they done but added oyl to the flame ? For Christs sake , my reverend and dear Brethren , hearken to this word in season , from the Oracles of God , and treasures of pure Antiquity , pointing-out the way of a godly and edifying peace . It will be no grief of heart , but sweet peace and consolation , when we are to appear before the Judge of the quick and dead . Now the God of patience and consolation , grant you to be like minded one towards another , according to Christ Jesus ; So heartily prayeth St. Andrews , April . 28. 1659. Your Brother and fellow-servant , ROBERT BLAIR . THE Publisher to the Reader . THere are , I suppose , few or none amongst us , or about us , so great strangers to the observation of Providential Occurrents in Scotland , as to be altogether without the knowledge of what hath come to pass here in these dayes , How the holy , just and soveraign Lord , who sometime lifted us up , hath now cast us down ; who crowned us with glory and honour , hath stript us of our glory and made the crown to fall from our head , ( though we have not said , Wo unto us , for we have sinned ) who sometime made us a praise in the earth , hath now made us a hissing , a by-word and reproach to all that are round about us ; How He , who once by our unity and oneshoulder ▪ service did make us beautifull as Tirza , comely as Jerusalem , and terrible as an Army with Banners , hath now , alas , ( which is one of the most imbittering ingredients in our cup ) in stead of giving us one heart and one way , in His anger , divided , sub-divided , weakned , disjoynted and broken us ; So that Judah vexeth Ephraim , and Ephraim envyeth Judah , and every mans hand almost is against his brother ; and through our lamentable and most unseasonable intestine jars and divisions we bite and devour one another , and are like to be consumed one of another ; O tell it not in Gath , publish it not in the streets of Askelon , lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoyce ▪ lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph ! that when God hath cast us all down together , we endeavour to keep down and tread upon one another , That when He hath been justly angry with our mother ▪ her children are sinfully angry one with another , and when He hath cast us all into the furnace , we are even there strugling and wrestling one with another to the encreasing of the flame ; And when brotherly love and lothnesse to give or take offence , is in a special manner called-for , love did never wax ▪ more cold , nor offences more abound . Now , when our Church thus in a manner distracted and drunk with the wine of astonishment , is in so sad a posture , and but few of the sons she hath brought forth to guide her or take her by the hand , they all almost fainting and lying at the head of every street as it were so many wild bulls in a net , full of the fury of the Lord and of the rebuke of our God ; Then steppeth forth ( the Spirit of the Lord coming upon him ) one of her sons , the Author of this excellent Treatise concerning Scandal ( having made some serious essayes before to take his mother by the hand , though but with small acceptance with many of his Brethren , for which , it may be , the jealous God was in part provoked to remove him ) whereby , as by his latter Will and Testament , especially to the Ministers of the Church of Scotland , he doth again renew his formerly fruitlesse and unsuccessfull attempt : In which Treatise as there breatheth a far more sweet and savoury spirit ▪ than in most , if not all of the Papers published upon occasion of our late lamentable differences , ( which I hope will by none be looked upon as any reflection ) So there is throughout a most strong and fragrant smell of more than ordinary piety , that it may be averred of him , as once it was of Cyril of Jerusalem , in his last and best dayes , he was magnae sanctimoniae vir , a man of eminent sanctity : It plainly also speaketh forth special acquaintance with the Scriptures ( for , in all his discourses ( as it 's said of Basil ) he doth exquisitly mingle divine testimonies of Scripture , that they are like precious stones , not sewed to , but bred in purple cloathes ) and intimacy with the mind of God , as to what may be duty under the various dispensations of his providence , So that it may be said of him , he was a man that had understanding of the times , and knew what Israel ought to do ; for he doth with admirable perspicacity take up ▪ and with no lesse dexterity direct unto , what ought to be done in this , and that , and the other case , as a most skilfull Anatomist dissecting the whole complex body of duties in reference to ordinary and extraordinary cases and emergents , never missing , as it were , one lith or joynt ▪ and like a left-handed Benjamite , that in the greatest intricacies , and gravest difficulties can sling stones at an hairs breadth and not misse . It savoureth likewise all-along of ●… most sharp , strong and pregnant wit , in supposing cases , proposing pertinent overtures and expedients , in disposing of arguments , framing distinctions , anticipating objections , in cautious guarding against mistakes and inconveniences , &c. So that it 's verified of him what was once said of Origen , Origenis ingenium sufficiebat ad omnia perdiscenda , he had such pregnancy of wit that he could reach any thing ; and of Joseph Scaliger , he was portentosi ingenii vir , a man of a stupendious wit. It discovereth withall so very great insight in Church-history and Writings of the ancient Fathers , where with it is every where most beautifully illuminate , that it may well be said of him , as once of sweet Bucholtzer , that one would have thought universam antiquitatem in ejus pectusculo latuisse recondit●…m , that all antiquity lay hid in his breast ; and of famous Mr. Holland , Regius Professor of Divinity in Oxford , Adeo familiaris erat cum Patribus ac si ipse pater , He was so familiarly acquainted with the Fathers as if himself had been one of them . As for his stile and manner of expressing himself , it savoureth very much of the primitive and Gospel-simplicity , So that what is spoken to the commendation of Basil by a learned man , may fitly be applied to the Author , The Reader will find in him a simple and natural form of speech , flowing from his holy breast , much drained of all humane passions ; And that which is said of Ambrose , he studied non aures titillare , sed corda pungere , not to tickle and please ears , but to prick hearts : As likewise that which is said of another great man , His words were , non inflantia sed inflammantia , not inflating but inflaming : He sheweth himself here many wayes to have been indeed a great man ; but I ( having been his Colleague in the Ministery and of his very intimate acquaintance for some years ) knew him to be such more particularly and several other wayes , So that while I reflect upon , and call to remembrance what I have seen in , and heard from him , I am constrained to say , as once Urbanus Regius ( a man much more able indeed to discern ) said of Luther , upon occasion of a conference with him , Semper fuit mihi magnus , at jam mihi maximus est ; vidi enim praesens & audivi quae nullo calamo tradi possunt absentibus , He was alwayes to me a great man , but now very great ; for I saw and heard things when I was present with him , which can hardly by any pen be communicated to those that were absent . In a word , as to the whole Treatise , it may , I think , without any hyperbole be said , that it is universally most profitable and seasonably beautiful ; For , in the first part of it concerning Scandal in the general ( excellently compended and commended as all the rest are , by the stately-styling profound and precious Prefacer , like-minded in all these things with the blessed Author , whose sage mind in them , and not the lesse because of this co-incidency , would be more laid weight upon , lest we be put out of time to lament also the losse of such a Healer and Piller in this sorely sick and shaken Church ) In the first part , I say , the ancient , primitive , long-dead , buried , and almost-forgotten tendernesse in the matter of Offence ( a specially-adorning requisit to a Christian and Gospel-becoming conversation ) is again rivived and portraied as risen from the dead with a most amiable and comely countenance and taking aspect , so that it forceth the serious beholders to say , Peace be upon as many as walk according to this Rule . In the second part concerning Scandals as they are the object of Church-censures , there is a very compleat and compact directory according to the Scripture-pattern for Church-officers how to manage the great Ordinance of Discipline in its exercise ▪ which , if it were diligently and conscienciously followed in the several steps of it , ( as it was most convincingly so by the Author himself ) would undoubtedly make that work both much more easie and much more succesfull than it useth ordinarily to be . In the third part concerning Scandalous Errours , wonderfully suited to this time of so great infection , sicknesse and mortality , by the raging plague and botch of errour , exceedingly gathered to a head , ripened and made to break and run out , to ▪ the infecting , in a manner , of the very air wherein the Churches of these Nations breath , by the heat and warmnesse afforded to it from a lamentable liberty and vast Toleration ; In this third part , I say , there is , as it were , a Physicians Shop , full of choice preservatives against , and soveraign remedies of , poysonable errours and heresies . In the fourth part , concerning Scandalous Divisions , he doth , as another Irenaeus , with much meeknesse of wisdom and singular moderation of spirit , without any the least reflection or irritation , most tenderly , singly , unbyassedly and impartially , and most affectionatly , as a man burnt with the offence that waiteth on divisions amongst godly Ministers especially , strongly endeavour an innocent and wholesom union and composure , so that ( as an eminent , aged and experienced servant of Iesus Christ , whose praise is in the Gospel throughout all these Churches , when he first saw this Piece in writ , said ) it will be unwelcom to none but such as are led with a bitter spirit ; to which may well be added , that as it 's reported of Nazianzen , he was of such authority in the Greek Churches , that whosoever durst oppose his testimony , was suspected to be an Heretick : So may it be said of the piously and prudently-peaceable , and healing-spirited Author , that he deserveth to be of such authority , at least in the Scottish Church , that whoever shall adventure to oppose ( as it 's hoped none will ) his wise , harmlesse , holy and healing Overtures , may be suspected to be no great friend to the union and peace of this afflicted and rent Church . I will not , Christian Reader , detain thee any longer from perusing this notable Tractate , but shall only offer to thy grave and serious consideration these two things , which I suppose will not a little commend the same unto thee , especially as to the last part of it ; one is ▪ That the Author , when he was ( but a very little before his last sicknesse , and after his finishing the three first parts ) most unexpectedly surprised with a motion suggested to him anent the expediency of handling somewhat of the Scandal of Divisions , it did so exceedingly affright him , and had such astonishing influence upon him through the apprehended difficulty and ticklishnesse of the subject ( so tender was he ) that ( as himself did to some afterward professe ) he sunk down in his seat , and yet being convinced of the necessity of saying somewhat to it , the Lord having withall helped him in the other parts , he durst not forbear ; whereupon this choice discourse ( for it was no●… divided in Chapters till afterward ) did follow , much whereof I know and am perswaded did occur and was given unto him inter dictandum . The other thing is , That sometimes before his death to some friends , he did humbly and gravely call it his Testament to the Church of Scotland ; which Testament and Latter-will of a dead , but yet speakingfaithfull servant of God , will , I hope , in due time be confirmed by all godly , judicious , sober , peaceable and unprejudicate men , as containing in it a most excellent and enriching Legacy , worthy to be put into the Churches Treasury . Now , that it may go forth with a rich blessing from the God of truth and peace , to all the honest-hearted lo●…ers of the truth in peace , for the advancement of truth and a holy peace , is the desire of him , who desireth to be Thine to serve thee in the Gospel of Peace , J. C. The Contents . THe rise of the Treatise , pag. 1 , 2. The ground●… of it , p. 2 , 3. PART I. Concerning Scandal in the general , The sum of it , p. 4. CHAP. 1. COncerning several distinctions of Scandal , p. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. CHAP. 2. Holding forth what offence is not , and what it is , p. 15 , 16 , 17. CHAP. 3. Concerning the several wayes that offence may be given , p. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. CHAP. 4. Concerning that upon which offence worketh , or the several wayes by which it is taken , p. 21 , 22 , 23. CHAP. 5. Concerning what ought to make men loth and wary as to the giving of offence , p. 23 , 24 , 25. CHAP. 6. Holding forth the difficulty to lye mainly in practice , and shewing how far offence ought to have influence on a Christian in his walk , p. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. CHAP. 7. Shewing what the Scandal of the Pharisees or malicious is , and clearing several other important questions , p. 29. as , What is to be done when men stand not to offend us , p. 30. What , when the matter is lawfull , and the offence doubtfull ●… p. 30 , 31. What , if sufficient pains have been taken to inform , ●…or preventing of mens taking offence ? p. 31 , 32. What is to ●…●…one when there is a real difference betwixt parties upon ●…dac count of a civil interest ? p. 32 , 33. What is to be done when the Commands of Magistrates and Offence are in opposition ? p. 34 , 35. What is to be done when offence is like to follow on either side ? p. 35 , 36 , 37. What when doing will offend the weak and tender , and irritate the perverse , & contra ? p. 37 , 38 , 39. CHAP. 8. Holding forth what is called-for when offences abound , in several directions , p. 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48. CHAP. 9. Holding forth what ought to be the carriage of Ministers when offences abound , p. 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 44 , 55. PART II. Concerning Publick Scandals , or Scandals as they are the object of Church-censures ; and more particularly as they are practical , or in practice . CHAP. 1. SHewing that every offence is not publick , and when it is so , p. 56 , 57 , 58. When a Scandal is to be brought to publick , p. 58 , 59. Where offences are publick , yet difference is to be made , p. 60 , 61. CHAP. 2. Concerning what order is to be keeped in the following of publick Scandals , p. 62. Herein the ends of discipline would be respected , which are set down , p. 62 , 63. All offences of the same kind not alway to be equally dealt with , p. 63 , 64. What is to be guarded against when there is a different way taken for censuring of the same offences , p. 64 , 65. How Church-officers ought to carry in Censures , p. 65 , 66 , 67 , 68. How Discipline is to be ordered so , as it may not mar , but further the Word , p. 69 , 70. CHAP. 3. Shewing that Christs order and method , Matth. 18. is to be keeped , and what it doth imply , p. 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75. CHAP. 4. Holding forth the frame wherewith Church-officers ought to proceed in Censure , and helps towards the same , p. 76 , 77 , 78. Church-processes would be carried-on with expedition , the reasons why , p. 79. CHAP 5. Concerning what is to be done when offending persons give no satisfaction , p. 80 , 81 , 82 , 83. When is a person to be accounted obstinate , p. 83 , 84. What is to be done when an offence is not grosse , and yet hath contempt with it , p. 85. CHAP. 6. Concerning what is to be accounted satisfying as to the sisting of process and removing of the offence , p. 86. What kind of satisfaction is not sufficient for making a Church-judicatory to sist their processes , p. 86 , 87. How dissembling may be discovered when a person maketh offer of satisfaction , p. 87. CHAP. 7. Shewing what is not necessary to satisfaction ; where it is cleared , that the saving grace of repentan●…e , or godly sincerity therein , is not the alone ground upon which Church-officers are to rest satisfied , p. 88 , 89 , 90 , 91 , 92. CHAP. 8. Holding forth what may be satisfying , to wit , a sober , serious acknowledgment of the offence , with the expression of an unfained-like purpose to walk inoffensively for the time to come , p. 93 , 94. How moral seriousness may be discerned , p. 94 , 95 ▪ If alwayes charity should judge a person sincere , who is thus morally serious , p. 95 , 96 , 97 , 98. If not , upon what account is this morally-serious profession to be accepted as satisfying , p. 99. That this moral seriousness is sufficient , confirmed by several reasons , p. 100 , 101 , 102 , 103 , 104. Some differences betwixt the key of Doctrine and the key of Discipline are assigned for further confirming of this , p 104 105 , 106 , 107. That such a profession was satisfying for admitting to Ordinances amongst the Jews after uncleanness , and therefore ought to be so now , proved , p. 107 , 108. CHAP. 9. Concerning what is to be done when men appear neither serious nor obstinat , p. 109. How a publick rebuke is to be given , ibid If it be alwayes necessary that the offender speak in publick when he is rebuked , p. 110. How an offender is to be reckoned after a publick rebuke , p. 111. If an offence may at first instant be brought to publick , p. 112. When an offence is to be accounted publick , p. 113 , 114 , 115 , 116 , 117. CHAP. 10. Clearing whether in Church-processes an Accuser be alwayes necessary , p. 118 , 119 , 120. CHAP. 11. Concerning what is to be done when the complaint is , some injury done to the complainer , p. 121 , 122 , 123. What is to be done when a Calumniator , being complained of , offereth to make out the thing , p. 123 , 124 What if a profane confessing party refuse to give satisfaction , p. 125. CHAP. 12. Concerning what ought to be done by private persons , when Church-officers spare such as are scandalous , p ▪ 126 , 127 , 128. They are to continue in the discharge of the duties of their stations , and not to separate from the communion of the Church , nor withdraw from the Ordinances , but to count themselves exonered in holding fast their own integrity , since their consciences are not defiled by the presence of scandalous persons , as is cleared by several pregnant arguments , p. 128 , 129 , 130 , 131 , 132 , 133 , 134 , 135. For further confirming of this , there is a particular consideration of 1 Cor. 11. v. 17 , 18 , &c. p. 136 , 137 , 138 , 139 , 140. CHAP. 13. Shewing more particularly what it is that private persons are called unto in such a case , p. 141 , 142. Why it is necessary to acquiesce in the Churches determination as to practice , p. 143 , 144 , 145. which is confirmed by those three New-England Divines , Cotton , Hooker , and Norton , p. 145 , 146 , 147. CHAP. 14. Clearing whether the Ordinances of Christ be any way polluted by corrupt fellow-worshippers , p. 147 , 148 , 149 , 150 , 151. CHAP. 15. Shewing if any thing further in any imaginable case be allowed to privat Christians , p. 151 , 152 , 153. PART III. Concerning Doctrinal Scandals , or Scandalous Errors . CHAP. 1. HOlding forth the expediency of handling this matter , p. 154. Errour vented by those who are corrupted therewith , is no lesse scandalous , and no lesse to be accounted so than grosse practices , p. 155 , 156. CHAP. 2. Concerning the spreading of errour ; Gods displeasure at the suffering thereof , and the fainting even of good men in restraining the same , p. 157. What height delusions of this kind may come unto , p. 158 , 159. with what use may be made of the same , p. 159 , 160. The tolerating of grosse errour is most displeasing to God , and why , p. 160 , 161. Sometimes those who want not affection are too condescending to erroneous Teachers , and why , p. 162 , 163. CHAP. 3. If any of the People of God may be carried away with grosse delusions , p. 164. It is not simply impossible but some may , in a great measure , for a time be carried away , ibid. yet not so easily as unto grosse practical evils , p. 165 , 166. When any Believers fall in such evils , usually the Lord singularly chastneth them for the same , p. 166. Ordinarily corrupt Teachers set more upon Professors to withdraw them than upon others that want profession , and why , p. 167 , 168 , 169. CHAP. 4. How it is that grosse delusions may come to such an height as they often do , p. 170. What hand the Lord may have in such a plague , cleared , p. 171 , 172 , 173 , 174 , 175 , 176 , 177. CHAP. 5. How errour may be known to be a judicial stroke , and why the Lord smiteth with it , p. 177 , 178 , 179. What causes do most ordinarily procure this plague of delusion , p. 180 , 181. CHAP. 6. By what means , and how , Satan driveth on this plague amongst a people , p. 182 , 183. What is Satans method of proceeding , p. 183. How he prosecuteth it , p. 184 , 185 , 186 , 187 , 188. The means and arguments that are used to carry on this design , 189 , 190 , 191 , 192 , 193. The manner how this design is carried on by Satan through corrupt Teachers his emissaries ; p. 194. What accession a people may have to the bringing of this plague upon themselves , cleared , p. 195 , 196. CHAP. 7. What is called for as duty in such a case , p. 196. What is not the proper duty or remedy in such a case ; Sure an absolute toleration of all errours and the promoters thereof is not , p. 197 , 198. Extreams here are to be eschewed , p. 198 , 199 , 200. CHAP. 8. When some errours are to be forborn , p. 201. Some necessary and usefull distinctions hereanent , p. 201 , 202 , 203 , 204 , 205 , 206 , 207. Some things not at all to be forborn , p. 208. CHAP. 9. What is called-for from Church-officers in the case of spreading errour , p. 209. What a Minister is called unto , in reference to God and himself at such a time , p. 210 , 211 , 212 , 213 , 214 Union amongst Ministers , and their flocks , is carefully to be studied in such a case , p. 215. What is the Ministers duty in reference to the flock in general at such a time , p. 216 , 217 , 218 , 219. What is spoken of the duty of Ministers , doth by proportion agree to Ruling-Elders according to their station , p. 220. What is a Ministers duty in reference to those that are seduced , ibid. Tryal and discovery is to be made of what errours are maintained , and by whom ; Then the party is to be convinced , p. 222 , 223. CHAP. 10. Whether at all times a publick debate be necessary with such persons upon these points , p. 223. In what cases it is called-for , ibid. and p. 224. In what cases it is not called-for , p. 225. What is to be accounted the sufficient conviction of a gainsayer , where it is cleared , that it is not only the putting of the adverse party to silence , p 226 , 227 , 228. How a publick debate is to ●…e managed when necessary , p. 229 , 230. CHAP. 11. Admonition is necessary , and how to be performed , p. 231. The several steps of admonition , p. 232. Some things observable in the way of admonishing , p. 233. That rejecting of an obstinate Heretick , is to Church-officers a necessary duty , and a mean to be made use of for the Churches edification , ibid. and p. 234. What if the person seduced , be judged to be truly gracious , p. 234 What if he be no fixed Member of any particular Congregation , p. 235. What if Civil Magistrates concur not to the backing of the Sentence , ibid. and p. 236. Two limitations to be adverted to in the rejecting of Hereticks , p. 236 , 237. CHAP. 12. What is to be accounted a satisfying and succesfull admonition . p. 237. Some usefull distinctions of satisfaction are set down for the clearing of this , ibid. and , p. 238 , 239. Whether any thing be required of Ministers towards those that are rejected as Hereticks , p. 239. CHAP. 13. What is required of Magistrates for restraining of seducing spirits , p. 240. They are called , according to their places , to interpose , p. 241. They are not meerly to look to outward order , p. 242 , 243. That the grounds against Toleration concern Magistrates as well as Ministers , p. 244 , 245. That total forbearance is not like the Gospel , cleared , p. 246 , 247. It 's Magistrates duty to prevent the infection of the people under them by corrupt doctrine , p. 247. CHAP. 14. What may be justly acknowledged to be within the reach and power of the Magistrate in such a case , and so , what is his duty , p. 248. Some Cautions premitted , ibid. and , p. 249. The Magistrates duty may be considered , first , with respect to God , p. 249. Secondly , with respect to themselves , p. 250. Thirdly , with respect to those that are yet free of infection , p. 250 , 251 , 252 , 253. Fourthly , with respect to the Deluders , or those that are deluded , p. 254 , 255 , 256. It is not sufficient for a Magistrate to maintain civil peace only , p. 256 , 257. CHAP. 15. What is called-for from people who are desirous to keep themselvs pure in such a time and case as the increasing of errors and seducers , p. 258 , 259 , 260 , 261. What is their duty in reference to the persons infected , And if they ought to refrain from their fellowship , p. 262 , 263 , 264. A main part of the peoples duty lyeth in countenancing and adding weight unto the several steps of procedure by Church-officers , against such persons , p. 264 , 265. CHAP. 16. What further duty is required of private professors towards Hereticks that are cut-off , p. 265 , 266 , 267. Some Considerations to provoke Ministers and others to the faithful discharge of their duty in all the fore-mentioned particulars , p. 268 , 269. PART IV. Concerning Scandalous Divisions . CHAP. 1. HOw Heresie , Schism and Division differ , together with the several kinds of Division , p. 270. The Introduction to to this Part , ibid. The Scandal and hurtfulnesse of Divisions , p. 271. The beads of this part of the Treatise , p. 272. What Heresie is , ibid. What Schism is , and the kinds thereof , p. 273 , 274 , 275 , 276 , 277. What is here meant by the word Division , the several kinds thereof , p. 278 , 279 , 280. Division amongst the godly is a thing incident to the Church , p. 281. It may continue long and come to a great height , ibid. It is not easily removed even when amongst such , p. 282. CHAP. 2. Whence Divisions do arise , and how they are fostered and increased , p. 282. Sometimes various apprehensions of inferiour truths have influence upon this , ibid. Sometimes the mistake of some dispensations , p. 283. Sometimes different apprehensions about persons and things , ibid. and p. 284. usually heart-burnings at the credit of others , ibid. aggreging the infirmiries of others , p. 285. A factious vindicating of truth , ibid and p. 286. Undue censures , ibid. Leaving the matter , and falling upon reflections , p. 287. Studious engaging of others in the difference , ibid. Too much liking of corrupt men , because of some fair pretences , p. 288. Peremptoriness without condescending , ibid. Dissatisfaction about some persons , ibid. Encroachment upon the exercise of one anothers power , p. 289. Much medling in extrinsick things , ibid. Novelty of notions and expressions , ibid. CHAP. 3. The height of evil that division bringeth , p. 290. as , heat and contention , ibid. Alienation in affection , ibid. Jealousie and suspicion , p. 291. Virulent expressions , ibid. Personal reflections , and condemning what formerly they commended in each other , & contra ibid. Imprecations and instigations of the Civil Magistrate against one another , p. 292. Inflicting of sharp censures , ibid. Renting of whole Churches , ibid. Heat and fury amongst their respective followers , ibid. Furious madnesse of Divines , ibid. Diversion of them from their main work to the great advantage and satisfaction of open adversaries , p. 293. Both schism and heresie often follow division , ibid. Both sides of the division are often faulty though not equally , 294. Division is very hardly curable , ibid. CHAP. 4. The causes why division usually cometh to such an height , p. 295. The Lord hath an holy soveraign hand in this , partly trying both good and bad , chastising also and punishing , ibid. yea , plaguing the world thereby , p. 296. Division burdeneth the godly , ibid. It hardeneth the adversaries of the Truth , p. 297. Some characters of judicial division , ibid. and p. 298. Men engaged in this division may have accession to it several wayes , p. 299. a●… , by former guiltiness , ibid. present distempers , ibid. inconsiderat expressions or actings , p. 300. Too great severity in Discipline and Censures , ibid. Sleighting of the persons , writings or actings of others , ibid. Hunting after credit , ibid. Little condescending to remove mistakes and prejudices , ibid. Acts that state a Schism , ibid. which are of several sorts , p. 301. Some other wayes by which men may have accession to this , ibid. CHAP. 5. What occasionall means may have influence upon division amongst the godly , p. 302. Tale ▪ bearers , ibid. fears of Censures in many , p. 303. Civil Powers may have influence upon this by pretending to side with one party against another , and by their weakning of Government and giving men liberty to do what they will , ibid. Peoples engaging and siding in such differences doth not a little heighten and lengthen the same , p. 304. Applications to Magistrates for ratifying or crushing of elections , ibid. Miscariages of persons differing , p. 305. Occurring dispensations of providence , are sometimes made use of for this end , p. 306. The strength of the tentation in respect of some other circumstances , As personal credit acting under the covert of zeal for God , p. 307. Evil grounded confidence , ibid. A judging of the matter in difference to be necessary and of great moment when it may yet be far otherwayes , p. 308. A particular mistake of mens persons and actions as they agr●…e with ▪ or d●… from them , ibid. A conviction of singleness in prosecuting and adhering , p. 309. fear of losing credit by relenting , p. 310. fear of hurting their respective followers , p. 311. The tentation strengthned , by looking upon the failings of opposits , ibid. and by the hope of the ceding of others , ibid. CHAP. 6. What be the sad effects of division , and the necessity of endeavouring unity , p. 312 , 313. The necessity of endeavouring unity , granted by all , ibid. and p. 314. CHAP. 7. General grounds leading to unity , p. 314. The cure of division most difficult , ibid. An absolute necessity laid upon a tent Church to unite , p. 315 , 316. Union a thing attainable amongst orthodox Divines or Ministers , p. 316 , 317. Endeavouring union doth not infer union in all points of judgement and practice , but may stand with several defects , p. 317 , 318 , 319. Union may stand with some defects in Worship , and manner of Government , p. 319. With what kind of defects union may be made up , cleared in several Rules , p. 320 , 321 , 322. When inconveniencies are on all hands , what side is to be followed , cleared , p. 322 , 323. What may be accounted such impediments as a tender conscience may be scared by from uniting , cleared , p. 323 , 324. Mutual cond . scending at such a time in a special manner necessary , p. 324. Wherein there must be no condescending , p. 325. Condescension ought to be mutual , ibid. What side ought to be most condescending , even that which is right and hath Authority , ibid. and p. 326. They who did the wrong , ordinarily most averse from condescending , p. 326. Those who have condescended most , have alwayes been thought the greatest friends to the Church , ibid. Yeelding in all particulars that do not involve any consent unto , or approbation of what is wrong , commendable , p. 327 , 328. Some negative Conclusions concerning the upmaking of a breach ; as , division not to be cured by destroying any orthodox side or party , p. 329. Division not to be cured by incapacitating any profitable Officer or Member to do his duty , ibid. Union not to be studied with any note of disrespect upon either side , ibid. No simply authoritative way is the fit mean to begin the healing of a rent Church , p. 329 , 330. Though one side fail in condescending , the other ought not to fail , but to go the furthest warrantable length , p. 330 , 331. Better any orthodox side be practically condescended unto in the supposed case than that division should be keeped up , p 331. It was the actings and not the formality of the constitution of Synods that occasioned divisions of old , p. 332 , 333. Debates concerning Government most difficultly removed , and whence it cometh to be ●…o , p. 334. CHAP. 8. Some preparatory endeavours for uniting , p. 335. Walking under an impression of the dreadfulnesse of such a plague , ibid. and p. 336. Division would be looked upon as having a fearfull snare in it , p. 336 , 337. Ministers and others would diligently view their own inward condition , p. 337. There would be repentance suitable to what is sound , p. 338. Union would by all warrantable means be commended unto , and pressed upon , those that differ , and by those that differ , one upon another , ibid. The design of union would be prosecuted with singlenesse and constancy , p. 339. Union would be endeavoured with all tendernesse and respect to the persons , actions and qualifications of men differing , ibid. and p. 340. Several particulars wherein this respect would be manifested , spoken unto , p. 341. It would be further manifested in expressions of mutual confidence , p. 342. kind visits , ibid. abstaining of personal reflections , even though there be much provocation given , ibid. and p. 343. In such a case Ministers would in a special manner stir up themselves and others to the life and practice of Religion , p. 344. There would at such a time be solemn addresses to God for his leading in the way to this desirable end , ibid. CHAP. 9. What things are to be forborn in order to uniting , p. 345. All things that weaken the reputation of others to be avoided , ibid. Evil counsel would be taken heed to ; neither at such a time in this business would all mens advice be indifferently laid weight upon , p. 346 , 347. There would be a forbearing to engage judicially pro or contra , and why , p. 348 , 349. There would be abstaining from propagating different opinions factiously , and why , p. 349 , 350. All contrary acting would be abstained , p. 351. Separated meetings to be eschewed , and separated fasts , ibid. Acts and principles laying restraints upon either side , would be abstained , p. 352. CHAP. 10. What is to be done in order to uniting , p. 352. There would be a seeking after meetings and conferences , ibid. In such meetings there would be an offer made of fair conditions , p. 353. There would be a right way of carrying-on such meetings , p. 353 , 354. Contentions about formalities , as also personal criminations , would be forborn at such meetings , p. 354. There would be condescending in some circumstances though they should not seem so reasonable , p. 355. The most tender of the Church most condescending , ibid and , p. 356. CHAP. 11. What is to be done in closing doctrinal differences , p. 357 ▪ The first way of closing doctrinall differences , when one party bringeth the other to the same judgement with them ; or , when both parties quit something of extremities , and joyn in a middle opinion , p. 357. The second way of composing such differences , by endeavouring to keep unity notwithstanding thereof , by a mutual forbearance in things controverted , which is of two sorts , p. 358 , 359. The third way of composing such differences , is , When though there be some medling with such questions , and so a seen difference , yet it is with such forbearance as there is no schism nor division , but that is seriously and tenderly prevented , p. 360 , 361 , 362. CHAP. 12. What to be done for union in points not doctrinal , but about matters of fact or personal faults , p. 363. Contests about these are of several sorts , As sometimes there is dissatisfaction with the constitution of a Church as to its Officers and Members , ibid. and p. 364. A second sort of such contests , is , when faults are alseaged , which either are not true , or cannot be proven , p. 364 , 365. A third sort of such contests , is , when there is a pleading for such persons as are justly censured , or censurable , p. 366. There is a threefold way of composing these last contests , 1. by clearing the justness of the Sentence , 2. by recalling the Sentence when the person may be profitable , ibid. 3. By the sentenced persons submitting themselves , p. 367. A fourth sort of contests of this kind is , when there are mutual upbraidings for failings in a time of darkness and tentation , ibid. These most satisfyingly removed by forgiving one another , ibid. CHAP. 13. What is to be done towards uniting in divisions arising from diversity of circumstances in external administrations , and especially arising from Church-government , p. 368. Condescendency in such things , necessary , p. 368 , 399. In such things better to forbear some new thing , than to alter the old , without some considerable reason , ibid. Divisions about Church-government ordinarily most bitter , and of many kinds , ibid. Concerning the form of Government , p. 370. Practical difference herein maketh division , ibid. Characters of Government fit for uniting , p. 371 , 372. Debates about the Constitution of Synods , p. 373. Defects in the constitution of a Synod , will not easily annul without defect in the matter , ibid. In ancient Councils soundness of matter more regarded than formality or number , ibid. and , p. 374. What should be done for union when division ariseth about the constitution of a Synod , p. 375. It would be considered how little usefull the thing controverted is , as to the Churches edification , ibid. and 376. This difference is either in judgment and may be forborn , p. 376. or , it relateth to practice , and so somewhat is to be tolerated , and somewhat done , p. 377 , 378. What usually hath been done when Authority was declined , p. 379. There is great difference betwixt declining of synodical Authority simply , and the constitution of a particular Synod , p. 380. CHAP. 14. What is to be done in order to union when divisions are about doctrinal Determinations , p. 381. Such Determinations are here understood as are in Doctrines not fundamental nor near the foundation , ibid. Some of which are meerly doctrinal , ibid. Others have practical consequents following upon them , some of which again infer division , others but diversity , p. 382. Some determinations are of things daily practicable , others only for an exigence scarcely ever again occurring , p. 383. Some determinations are for Ministers practice , others are answers to the questions of Rulers , p. 384. Meer doctrinal decisions about smaller points , ought to make no division , p. 385 , 386 , 387. How the smaller number should in such decisions yeeld to the greater , cleared , p. 387 , 388. CHAP. 15. What should be done in order to union about such decisions as have practical consequents following thereupon , p. 388. Contrary practices build a wall of separation , p. 389. There may be diversity without division , ibid. It is great folly to make , or keep up division for what is rarely or never practicable , ibid. Union is not impossible notwithstanding diversity of judgment , And though neither party should acknowledge any offence , p. 390 , 391. What to be done when the decision is a simple declaration of the lawfulness of a thing , and where the matter determined concerneth such practices as actually are to be performed but in some extraordinary case by civil powers , cleared , p. 392 , 393 , 394. CHAP. 16. The remedies of divisions arising from the misapplication of Power in Ordination of Ministers , and admitting unto , or debarring from , communion , p. 395. The ordination of a person worthy of the Ministery , ordained by Church-officers , i●… not to be accounted null for some defects , ibid. Union would not be suspended upon the tryal of the worthiness or unworthiness of some persons , but the rather endeavoured , that such tryals may be the better compassed , p. 396 , 397. What to be done where there are contrary Ordinations , cleared , p. 397 , 398. CHAP. 17. Remedies of divisions arising from the misapplication of power , in censuring or sparing Ministers , real or supposed , p. 399. In what cases extremities hereanent are to be eschewed , ibid. Church judicatories their wise remitting of rigour , of great advantage in such a case , p. 400. Corrupt , or grosse and profane men for no interposition to be received , p. 401. How to carry when debate falleth to be about conniving at guilty men , p. 402. Union is the rather to be followed that satisfaction in this may be attained , p. 403. In times of division , rumours especially concerning eminent persons , not so to be regarded , p. 404. Zeal in justly-censuring , well consistent with a spirit of union , ibid. Yet union is to be preferred to the censuring of some unfaithfull men , p. 405 Union no prejudice to the purging-out of corrupt Ministers , ibid. and , p. 406. Purging not to be so vehemently pressed till union be fixed , p. 406 , 407. CHAP. 18. The fears of misgovernment for the time to come , and the remedies thereof , p. 408. The difference here , is either anen●… the persons that are to govern , p. 409. or anent the ordering of things that may fall out , p. 410. The satisfaction here must be such as neither party is fully satisfied , ibid. The abstaining of union , will not prevent the inconveniences upon either side , p. 411. The thing feared in this case , is not the bringing-in of new Doctrine , nor a wrong Government , ibid. Union is not to be suspended till there be satisfaction in every particular , p. 412. Some particulars to be referred to some persons acceptable to both sides , who may be trusted with the decision of them , ibid. and , p. 413. Such things are not to be decided by a meer authoritative way , ibid. and , p. 414. Better for a time to forbear many things , than to brangle union , p. 414. Doubtfull practices to be abstained in such a case , p. 415. There would at such a time be many brotherly conferences for preventing of abrupt surprisals by things moved in Judicatories , ibid. Matters of difficulty rather to be committed to ●…ome deputed persons , than instantly decided , and why , p. 416. It is not unfit some persons be designed to compose such occasional differences as may arise , ibid. and , p. 417. This ●…endeth to recover strength to Judicatories , p. 418. And is consistent with Ministerial Church-authority , ibid. and , p. ●…9 . The great Apostle often layeth aside authority , ibid. Several other reasons also are brought to prove the consistency , ibid. and , p. 420. CHAP. 19. Some Advertisments concerning the Overtures proposed , p. 421 , 422. CHAP. 20. What is incumbent to Magistrates and People for remedying this evil , p. 423 , 424. CHAP. 21. The grounds and motives of the desired union , p. 425 , 426 , 427 , 428 , 429 , 430 , 431 , 432 : all pertinently , pathetickly and pungently proposed and pressed . If there be any thing in the Collection and frame of these Contents unsuitable to , or unworthy of , the precious Author , let it not be imputed to him , but to the Publisher . ERRATA . Pag. line read 35 26 Jews for hearers 41 10 an for and 45 ult adde , after taken 46 34 way for may 60 32 light for like 96 24 not to be 97 13 evident 100 6 recovering ibid 35 an for one 123 17 dele it 126 4 adde , after these 153 12 possible 160 35 adde : after entred in 166 2 11 for 10 167 27 many for away 168 4 leavening 171 10 Rom. 1. 21 , &c. 176 25 2 Tim. 4. 1 , &c. 195 1 2 Cor. 197 4 Gal. 5. 9. 204 18 unto for too ibid 27 alse for also 205 3 one for an 210 33 his for this 219 4 alse for also 228 21 for the last an , one 234 3 commended 245 14 hath not made 252 3 burying for burning 261 31 dele and 272 4 dele 2. 289 7 adde , after others 298 11 crosses for cases 300 36 in for one 302 27 suggested 310 8 aim for mind 330 6 not as what agreeth 337 11 constructions 339 30 of others 353 28 where for when 360 21 the others ibid 36 writings f. meetings 377 1 put , after debating 392 5 dele &c. Pag. 385 in the margent , read meer for more . Any other such or lesser escapes thou wilt easily help as thou goest through . The Rise of this following TREATISE . HAving had occasion to consider the Book of the Revelation , and being on the Epistle to the Church of Pergamos in the second Chapter , ground was given to speak somewhat of Scandal , by reason of several doctrines clearly arising from that place : upon this occasion I did first essay the writing of something of the doctrine of Scandal in general , intending only to have spent a sheet or two thereupon , as elsewhere on some other subjects : When this was brought to a close , I found the place to give ground to speak of publick Church-offences , as they are the object of Church-discipline and Censures ; And being convinced , that that subject was not impertinent to be spoken of , I yeelded to spend some thoughts upon it also , which did draw to a greater length than at first was intended , or was suitable for a digression : This being finished , as it is , and any moe thoughts of this subject laid by , it occurred again to me to think of doctrinal Scandals , or of scandalous Errors ; And considering that the Scandals , mentioned in that place ▪ are of such nature , and that such are very frequent in this time , I yeelded also to put together what thoughts the Lord would furnish concerning the same ; whereupon followed the third part of this Treatise . When this was even at the closing , there was a fourth part of the same subject that did occur to me to be thought on , which before that had never been minded , and that was concerning scandalous Church-divisions : To this my mind and inclination was exceeding averse at first , as knowing it not only to be difficult in it self to be medled in , but also exceedingly above me , who am altogether unsuitable to hazard on such a subject : Yet , considering the rise of the motion , and how the Lord had helped-through the other parts , I did resolve to condescend to follow it , at least so far , till it might appear what was His mind to me therein , and accordingly did follow it till it came to the period ( whatever it be ) that now it is at . This is the true rise and occasion of this Treatise , and of the several parts thereof , and therefore I have continued its entry in the original mould thereof , to wit , in laying down some general doctrines from that place of Scripture , and if there be afterward any more particular relation to the second and third chapters of the Revelation than to other Scriptures , this simple narration of the rise thereof may satisfie any concerning the same : whereof we shall say no more , but , first , lay down the grounds of all from that text , and then proceed in the Treatise , which is divided in four parts , upon the reasons formerly hinted at . The Grounds of this Treatise . AMongst other things that troubled the Church in the primitive times , Scandal , or , offence , was a chief one ; and the many directions that are given concerning it , and the reproofs that are of it , shew that it is a main piece of a Christians conversation to walk rightly in reference thereto , and a great evidence of loosnesse where it is not heeded . On ver . 6. we shew that this was a foul fault of the Nicolaitans to be carelesse of offending , or of giving of offence , and not to regard Scandal ; and here the Lord holdeth it forth to be so , by comparing it with Balaam's practice , ver . 14. which is aggreaged from this , that he taught Balac to lay a stumbling-block before Israel . From which these doctrines may be gathered , 1. That there is such a fault incident to men in their carriage , even to lay stumbling-blocks before others , and to offend them . 2. That men ought to walk so as not to offend others , or so , as to lay no stumbling-block before them : So that it is not enough not to stumble themselves , ( if this could be separated from the other ) but also they ought to be carefull not to stumble others ▪ 3. The Lord doth take special notice how men do walk in reference to others in this , and is highly provoked where He seeth any guilty of it . 4. The devil hath ever endeavoured to have offences abounding in the Church , and to make some lay such stumbling-blocks before others . 5. It is most hurtfull to the Church , and destructive to souls where offences abound , and men walk not tenderly in reference to these ; so that the Lord expresseth it with a twofold wo , Matth. 18. as being a wo beyond sword or pestilence . 6. We may gather , that corrupt doctrine never wanteth offences joyned with it , and that ordinarily those who spread that , are untender in this . 7. That offences often accompany the rise and beginning of any work of Christ's amongst a people ; these tares of offences are ordinarily then sown . 8. That some offences are of a publick nature , and that Church-officers should take notice of such , and that it is offensive to Christ when they are over-seen and not taken heed unto . 9. Church-officers , even such as otherwayes are approved in their carriage and ministery , may fall in this fault , as by comparing the Epistles to Pergamos and Thyatira , is clear . 10. When Officers fall in this fault , it is yet no reprovable thing in members that are pure in respect of their own personal carriage to continne in communion with such a Church , the Ordinances otherwayes being pure . PART I. The sum of it . THese doctrins being in the words , and Scandal being a great part of the challenge of the Nicolaitans , or at least a great aggravation of their challenge , and also being a most necessary thing for a Christian 's daily walk , to be carefully taken heed unto , there is ground here to speak to the same , ( in a time especially wherein offences abound ) and that in respect of what is called-for , both in private persons and in Church-judicatories ; or , of private scandals , and such as are publick . We shall draw what we would say of the first to these five , 1. To shew what an offence is . 2. To shew how it is given . 3. To shew some considerations that ought to deter from giving of it . 4. To shew what weight it ought to have on a Christian in his walk . 5. Point at some directions necessary to be adverted unto when offences are rise and multiply . CHAP. I. Several Distinctions of Scandal . FOr clearing of the first two , we shall premit some distinctions ; and we would advert , that by offence here , is not understood that which doth actually displease or grieve another alway : for there is a great difference betwixt displeasing and offending ; as also betwixt pleasing and edifying : for , one may be displeased , and yet edified ; well satisfied , and yet offended . First then , we are to distinguish betwixt displeasing and offending ; for , here offence is taken in opposition , not to a man's being pleased , but to his edification ; and so offence or stumbling in short here , is something that doth , or may mar the spiritual edification of another , whether he be pleased or displeased , as by comparing Rom. 14. ver . 13. with ver . 20 , and 21. is clear : for what he first calleth a stumbling-block , or an offence , he expoundeth it afterward to be any thing that may be the occasion of a fall to another , and make him stumble , or weak , or to halt in the course of holinesse , as some block would hinder or put a man in hazard to fall in the running of a race ; And from this is the similitude drawn in this phrase . 2. Scandal is either given only , or taken only , or both . Given only , is , when one doth lay something before another which is apt of it self to cause him fall or sin ; although the other do not fall by occasion of it , yet if it be inductive to sin of its own nature , it is an offence or stumbling-block , as Christ saith to Peter , Matth. 16. Thou art an offence to me ; though there was nothing could stick to Him , yet that was in its nature such , which Peter had given Him in advice . 2. It is taken only , when no occasion is given , but when a man doth what is not only lawfull , but necessary , and yet others from their own corruption do carp thereat , and stumble thereon : Thus did the Pharisees offend at Christ , Matth. 15. 12. who did never give offence to any ; and this is common to wicked men , that stumble where no stumbling-block is , and , as it is said , they know not whereat they stumble , Prov. 4. 19. This also is called passive offence , as the other is called active . 3. It is both given and taken , when there is something active on the one side , that is apt to draw another to sin , and something that is yielded unto on the otherside , and the bait is accepted : This was it in that stumbling-block which Balaam laid before Israel ; and thus ordinarily it is amongst men , who , having corruption , are soon inflamed in lesse or more with every incitement . Thus , Gal. 2. Peter gave Barnabas offence , and he took it , when he was also carried away to dissemble . It is this active Scandal that properly is to be enquired in , and is meant here , which is , in short , any deed or word that in it self is apt to make another to sin , or to weaken them in their spiritual course , either in respect of life , or comfort , and that whether the person be actually stumbled or not , or whether the person actually intend offence or not . In all this we are to understand , that one act may be offensive in many considerations , as one deed may be against many commands , and be many wayes sinfull . 3. There are doctrinal offences , and there are some that are practical : doctrinal , are such as flow from matters of judgement , wherein men vent some untruth , and so lay a stumbling-block before others , this is to break a Commandment and to teach others so to do , Matth. 5. 19. And this is sometimes also in matters of practice , when a corrupt practice is defended , as these Nicolaitans strove to do theirs . Scandall in practice , without any doctrinal defence , is , when doctrine being kept pure , a person falleth in some practice , that of it self without any verball expression , is inductive to sin . Thus David's adultery was a scandal : and this was the fault of the Priests , that made the people stumble at the Law : And thus every publick or known irregular action is offensive , because it is of ill example to others , or otherwise may have influence on them to provoke to some sin . 4. We may distinguish offences according to the matter thereof . And , 1. some are in matters that are simply sinfull in themselves , and have this also following on them : Thus all errors and publick sinfull practices are offensive . 2. Some matters are not simply and in themselves sinfull , yet have the appearance of evil , 1 Thess. 5. 17. and thus dangerous and doubtfull expressions in doctrine , that have been , or use to be , abused ; and practices also that are not becoming that honesty and good report which a Christian ought to study , as it is Philip. 4. 8. 9. are offensive . In the first respect , David would not take the name of Idols in his mouth , Psal. 16. because others did too much reverence them : Of the last sort was Peter's dissimulation and withdrawing , Gal. 2. because , that appeared to strengthen the opinion of the continuing of the difference betwixt Jew and Gentile , &c. for that cause , Paul would not circumcise Titus , Gal. 2. 3. and did condemn eating in the Idol-temples . 3. Some offences are in matters otherwise lawfull and indifferent , though not necessary , as the eating of , or abstaining from meats , or what was offered to Idols in the primitive times , which was indifferent to be done in the house of an Heathen , and so was sometimes lawfull , but was not indifferent to be done in the Idol-temple , because that had the appearance of evil , as if he had had some respect to the Idol ; nor was it to be done , if any weak Brother had been at table in the house , because it grieved him , 1 Cor. 8 , and 10. It is these last two , ( and more especially the third ) that are concerned in the doctrine of offences properly , and do rather arise from circumstances in the thing , as time , place , person , manner , &c. than from the deed considered in it self . 5. We may distinguish them in respect of the intent of the work , or of the worker : some things may be offensive in themselves as so circumstantiated , and yet not be so to the person that may give offence by them , I mean , not be esteemed so ; and thus was Peters offence which he laid before Christ , Matth. 16. And sometimes the person may intend the others advantage , and yet may offend and stumble him , as Eli intended his sons good , but really by his too gentle reproof did stumble them by confirming them in their offence ; And thus some , by unseasonable reproofs or censures , and commendations also , may really make another worse , although they intend the contrary . 6. Whence ariseth another distinction of offences , viz. from the matter of a practice , or from the manner of performing of it , or the circumstances in the doing of it : for , as it is not an act materially good that will edifie , except it be done in the right manner ; so will not an act materially good keep off offence , if it be not done tenderly , wisely , &c. And often we find circumstances have much influence on offence , as times , persons , places , manner , &c. for , it is not offensive to one to pray or preach , but at some times , as before an Idol , or on an Holy-day it may be offensive . 7. As sins are distinguished in sins of omission and commission ; So offences may be distinguished also : for , some give offence when they swear , pray irreverently , &c. others , when there is no seeming respect to prayer at all , in the very form ; for this fostereth profanity as the other doth : And for this Daniel will open his window , lest he should be thought to have forborn prayer : and this offence of omission , or omissive offence , is not guarded against only by doing what is duty , except there be also a doing of it so as conveniently , and as becomes it may be known to be done , as in the former instance : and this , Rev. 6. 9. is called the holding of the Testimony ; and it is this mainly that is edifying to others , when the light of holinesse doth shine ; and when that is vailed , others in so far have darkness to walk in , and so it is as to them an occasion to stumble , because they hold not forth the light unto them ; but still this is to be done without affectation or ostentation , lest a new offence should follow thereupon . 8. Some offences contrare the graces of Gods People , and these make them sad ; some foster corruptions , and these are too pleasant : thus , soft reproofs , corrupt advices , flatteries , &c. minister matter to many to fall on . 9. Some offences may be called personall , when a person committeth them in his private carriage , that is , when his way of eating , drinking , living , &c. offendeth others , although he hath no medling with them , but live retiredly : Some again are more direct offences ( as the first are indirect and consequential ) that is , which flow from men in their publick actings , or in their mutual converse with others , which have more direct influence to offend . 10. Offences may be distinguished as they hurt folks either by pleasing them in their corruptions and strengthening them in what is sinfull , or when they hurt by irritating and stirring up corruptions to vent . In the first respect , too much gentlenesse in admonitions , rashnesse or imprudence in commendations of what is good in one , or extenuation of what is evil , corrupt advice , and such like , do offend : Thus Iona●…ab offended Amnon , 2 Sam. 13. and Eli his sons . In the last , sleighting of men , wronging of them , or not condescending to remove a wrong , or to vindicate our selves , if there be a supposed wrong , doth grieve and offend ; so do evil-grounded reproofs , or unadvertent admonitions that are not seasoned with love , hard reports , &c. 11. We may consider offences with respect to the party offended ; and so , first , we offend friends in many respects , whom , it may be , we would not desire to grieve , yet unadvertingly we stumble them , and hurt their spiritual condition by unfaithfulnesse to them , carnalnesse in conversing with them , siding with their infirmities , and many such like wayes . Or , secondly , they are enemies , or such to whom we bear no such respect , these also are scandalized when they are provoked through the carnalness of our way to judge hardly of us , or of Religion for our sake , or to follow some carnal course to oppose what we carnally do , when we irritate them and provoke their passion , &c. and thus men in all debates are often guilty , whether their contest be in things Civil , Ecclesiastick or Scholastick , when , beside what may further their cause ( suppose it to be just ) they do not carry respectively to the adversary , and tenderly and convincingly , so as it may appear they seek the good of their soul , and their edification , even when they differ from them . Thirdly , we may look on offence as it offendeth wicked or profane men , possibly Heathens , Jews , or Gentiles ; they are offended when hardened in their impiety by the grossnesse and uncharitablenesse of those who are professedly tender : thus it is a fault , 1 Cor. 10. 32. to give offence either to Jews or Gentiles , as to the Church of God. Fourthly , Amongst those that are tender , some are more weak , some are more strong : the first are often offended where there is no ground in the matter , as Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 8. &c. and it venteth readily by rash judging and censuring of others that are stronger than themselves , for going beyond their light , or because of their seeming to be despised by them , &c. which sheweth wherein the offence of the strong also lyeth ; therefore these two are put together , Rom. 14. 3. Let not him that eateth , ( that is , him that is strong ) despise him that eateth not : And let not him that eateth not ( that is , the weak ) judge him that eateth . 12. Offences may be considered as they directly incline or tempt to sin , either in doctrine or practice ; or , as they more indirectly scare and divert from , or make more faint and weak in the pursuing of holinesse either in truth or practice : Thus a blot in some professor maketh Religion to be some way abhorred ; this especially falleth out when Ministers and Professors that are eminent , become offensive : For that is as a dead fly in the box of the Apothecaries oyntment ▪ that maketh all to stink : Thus , Mal. 1. the Priests made the people stumble at the Law ; as also did the sons of Eli , 1 Sam. 2. and this is charged on David , that by his fall he made the Heathen blaspheme : and thus contention and division amongst Ministers and Disciples is insinuated to stand in the way of the worlds believing in , or acknowledging of Christ , as it is , Ioh. 17. 21. 13. Sometimes Scandal is in immediate duties of religious worship , as praying , preaching , conferring , speaking , judging of such things , &c. that is , either by miscarrying in the matter of what is spoken , or by an unreverent , light , passionate manner , &c. or , it is given by our ordinary and common carriage in our eating , drinking , apparelling , manner of living , buying and selling , &c. that is , when something of our way in these things giveth evidence of pride , vanity , unconstancie , covetousnesse , addictedness to pleasure , carnalnesse , or some such thing wherby our neighbour is wronged : Thus the husband may offend the wife , and the wife the husband by their irreligious conversing together , whereby one of them doth strengthen the other to think exactnesse in Religion not so necessary . And so a servant who hath a profession may stumble a master , if the servant be not faithfull and diligent in his service . 14. Again , some offences are offensive , and are given from the first doing of the action ; thus where there is any appearance of evil , the offence is given in this manner . Again , offence may be at first only taken and not given , and yet afterward become given , and make the person guilty , although in the first act he had not been guilty . This is , first , when suppose a man eating without respect to difference of meats as he might do indifferently , if he were told by one that such meat were offered to an Idol , and therefore in his judgment it were not lawfull to eat it , although before that , it were not offence given , but taken , ( he not knowing that any were present that would offend ) yet if he should continue after that to do the same thing , it should be offence given upon his side . Secondly , If a man should know one to have taken offence at him , or his carriage , in a thing indifferent ( although he had given no just occasion thereof ) and if , after his knowledge thereof , he should not endeavour to remove the same according to his place , In that case the offence becometh given also , because he removeth not that stumbling-block out of his brother's way . 15. Some offences are offensive in themselves , that is , when the thing it self hath some appearance of evil , or a tendencie to offend in it self . Again , some but by accident in respect of some concurring circumstance of time , place , &c. Some offences also may be said to be given of infirmity , that is , when they proceed from a particular slip of the party offending , when they are not continued in , stuck to , or defended , or , when they fall into them , not knowing that they would be offensive ; and when that is known , endeavouring to remove them . Again , other offences are more rooted and confirmed , as when a person hath a tract in them , is not much carefull to prevent them , or remove them , is not much weighted for them , but sleighteth them , or defendeth them , &c. This distinction of offences answereth to that distinction of sins , in sins of infirmity and sins of malice : which maliciousness is not to be referred to the intent of the person , but to the nature of the act ; so is it to be understood here in respect of offences . In the last place , we may consider that distinction of Scandals in private and publick : both which may be two wayes understood ; either , 1. in respect of the witnesses ; or , 2. in respect of the nature of them . 1. It is a private scandal in the first respect , which doth offend few , because of its not being known to many , and so a publick offence in this respect is a scandal known to many . Thus the same offence may be a private offence to one at one time , and in one place ; and a publick offence to another , or the same person , in respect of these circumstances . In the last respect , a privat offence is that possibly which doth stumble many , yet is not of that nature , as publickly , legally , or judicially it might be made out to be scandalous , for the convincing of a person offending , or of others , although it may have a great impression upon the hearts of those who know it . Thus the general tract of ones way and carriage ( who yet may be civil , legal , and fair in all particulars ) may be exceeding , offensive , as holding forth to the consciences of those that are most charitable to him , much vanity , pride , earthly-mindednesse , untendernesse , want of love and respect , and the like ; which saith within the heart of the beholders , that there are many things wrong , when yet no particular can be instanced wherein the person cannot have fair legal answers ; Of this sort are unseasonable starting of questions , or doubtfull disputations , Rom. 14. wherein possibly the person may assert truth , yet by moving such things , at such times , and in such expressions , he doth confound and shake the weak : Those offences especially arise from a supposed unstreightnesse in the end , excesse in the manner of a thing , disproportionablenesse betwixt a man's way and his station , and such like , whereof a man may have much conviction in himself , from observing of such an ones way ; yet it is not a publick offence in the sense spoken of here , because there is no demonstrating of those . Thus Absolom's insinuating , self-seeking way gave evidence of pride ; and such as Paul speaketh of , Philip. 1 , and 2. that some preached out of envie , and others sought their own things , &c. are of this nature , which by his discerning he was convinced of , yet did not found any sentence on them . Again , oppositly to these , Offences may be called publick , when there is a possible way of bearing them out before others , or instructing them in particulars to be contrary to the rule , as drunkennesse , swearing , &c. These may be called ecclesiastick or judicial offences , as being the object of Church-censure , all the other may be called conscience , or charity-wounding offences , because they are the object of a persons conscience and charity , and do wound them , and are judged by them , and may be the ground of a christian private admonition but not of publick reproof ; or rather may be called unconsciencious , and uncharitable offences , as being opposit to conscience and charity . Many other distinctions of Scandals may be given , as , some are immediate , that is , when we hear or see what is offensive from the person himself ; Some again are mediate , and so the very reporting of something that is true may be offensive to those to whom it is reported ; As , 1. when it may alienate them from , or irritate them against another person . 2. When it may occasion some sinfull distemper , or incite to some corrupt course , or any way provoke to carnalnesse , those to whom it is reported ; and thus offence differeth from slander : for , slander affecteth and wrongeth the party spoken of , who , it may be , is absent : Offence again , stumbleth those who are present , although the same act in a person may be both a calumny and an offence upon different considerations . Thus Ziba calumniateth Mephibosheth , but really stumbleth and offendeth David , 2 Sam. 16. ( although David was not so displeased with him as Mephibosheth was ) So also Doeg calumniateth David and the Priests in a thing which was true , but really offended Saul , as the effect cleared , 1 Sam. 21 , and 22. Also some things offend others properly ; as when a Minister faileth in giving of an admonition prudently , or seasonably . Again , some things offend virtually , when , it may be , a Minister giveth an advice in season , but in something hath not condescended formerly , whereby he hath not such accesse with his admonition to edifie ; Thus Paul prevented offence , when by becoming all things to all , he made way for his being acceptable in his station . Again , some offences may simply be offences , as having hurt with them . Some again may be comparatively ; so it is when a thing actually hurteth , not by an emergent losse , but when it keepeth from that growth and edification , that otherwayes might have been , it 's a comparative losse , and so offensive . CHAP. II. Holding forth what Offence is not , and what it is . THese generals may give a hint of what is signified by Offence and how it is given . To adde a word more particularly to the first Question , Let us consider , 1. what offence is not ; 2. what it is . 1. It is not alwayes any hurtfull and actually displeasing thing to the party that is offended ; and so is not to be constructed such , or not , from their pleasure , or displeasure . 2. It is not alwayes to be judged by the matter ; for , an offence may be in a lawfull matter , that simply is not to be condemned , as in eating , drinking , taking wages for preaching , &c. 3. It is not alway to be determined by the effect ; sometimes one may be offended , when no offence was given : sometimes again , offence may be given , and the person be guilty thereof ( as hath been said ) when no actual stumbling hath followed , but the thing of it self was inductive thereto . 4. Nor is it to be judged by the person's intention ; one may be without all design of hurting , who yet may really wound , and offend another , and be guilty by rashnesse , omission , too much love and condescension in sparing , unfaithfulnesse ( it being much to be faithfull to one that we love , and , which is a pity , we are readiest to offend them , as in Ionadab's case to Amnon ; yea , in Iob's friends to him , &c. ) inconsiderate zeal , imprudency , or falling in some thing , that is as a dead fly , which may make much that is profitable , become unsavoury . 2. Scandal then must be something accompanying some external deed or word ( for internal give not offence ) which being considered at such a time , in such a place , or in such a person , &c. may be inductive to sin , or impeditive of the spiritual life or comfort of others . When this doth flow from a sinfull act , it is not so difficultly discernable , readily all actions that are materially evil , are clear ; but the difficulty is when the matter is lawfull or indifferent in it self ; or when it is in the manner and other circumstances of a lawfull or necessary duty , then to discern when they become scandalous in such respects ; and accordingly to be swayed to do or abstain in the matter , and to do in this or some other manner , as may eschew the same . This properly and strictly is that which is called offence , and is that wherein most wisdom is to be exercised in ordering and regulating us in the use of christian liberty ; and concerning this are the great debates in Scripture , that men may know , that not only the Command is to be looked unto in the matter of the act , so that nothing be done against it in that respect , nor only that our own clearnesse be considered ▪ that we do nothing doubtingly , but that others be considered also that they by our deed be not in their spiritual estate wronged or hurt ▪ that is , to do or abstain for conscience-sake , not our own , but of him that sitteth with us , 1 Cor. 10. 24 , and 28. for , if charity and love be the end of the Law , and men ought not only to seek their own things , but the things one of another , and love their neighbour as themselves , then ought they to seek their neighbours edification as their own , and to eschew the prejudging of them . Hence Scandal is opposit to that charity and love , and also to that respect which we ought to carry to our brother , Rom. 14. v. 10 , and 15. yea , it is a scandal and offence as it is opposite to , and inconsistent with , love to his spiritual well-being ; and so , in a word , that which is apt to make him worse in that respect , or that which may impede and hinder his spirituall growth and advancement therein , is an offence and scandal , Rom. 14. 21. And thus a scandal differeth from an injury : for , this hurteth his person , name , or estate , or some outward thing ; that , again , hurteth his spirituall condition , either by wronging his livelinesse , or activity , or comfort , &c. though the same thing often , which is an injury , is an offence also , but not contrarily . CHAP. III. Concerning the severall wayes that Offence may be given . IT is hardly possible to shew how many wayes one may offend another , there being so many , yea , so very many wayes whereby men both wrong themselves and others ; yet , by considering the effects that offence given , hath , or may have upon others ( although the effect follow not ) and by considering that upon which active offence worketh , and which usually is offended at in another , We may draw them to some heads accordingly ; As , 1. men may be drawn to some sinfull action upon such an occasion : thus an action materially lawfull and good in it self , becometh a scandall , when by our deed another is fostered in some sin , or encouraged to commit it , as supposing himself to be strengthned therein by our practice ; Or when it may occasion others to go beyond our intent , or to do what we do in another manner which may make it sinfull : So , zeal inconsiderately vented , may strengthen folks in passion ; and thus eating in Idols temples ( which in it self was nothing ) was scandalous when done publickly , because it strengthned Idolaters to think somewhat of their ●…ols , and made others who were weak , to continue some respect to them , because they supposed such men , by such a practice to do so ; or made some judge them to have respect to Idols , and so to be lesse in their esteem ; or , caused others to eat with respect to the Idol , when they themselves did it without it : Thus doubtfull expressions in points of Truth ▪ and uncircumspectnesse in not abstaining from all appearance of evil , or what doth appear to be evil to such a person , and at such a time , &c. may be offensive ; as suppose one in their apparrel , diet , or otherwayes , should by some be conceived to go beyond their station , and what is fit at such a time , or be an occasion to some others indeed to exceed , when , without such misconstructing beholders , there might be nothing offensive in the deed it self ; and thus the deed of one person may be offensive ( supposing him to be esteemed proud , covetous , unclean , &c. ) which would not be so in another : So also , a thing will be offensive to one , and not to another . Wherefore , in reference to Offence , men would have an eye on themselves , and what generally they are reputed to be , and so would abstain from the least appearance of what is supposed to be predominant in them , as also they would have respect to others that are present , or may be hearers or beholders , considering what are their thoughts of them , or of such deeds , &c. and accordingly would carry , although it were to abstain from such a place , apparrel , diet , &c. which in reason , abstractly from offence , might be pleaded for , as becoming . Thus one walking abroad on the Sabbath , may be sanctifying it , yet by his example some other may be provoked to vage and gad and cast off all duties of the day , and to neglect what is called-for in secret , or in the family ; in that respect , it becometh offensive to go abroad , although it be lawfull in it self to meditate abroad in the fields , as well as in the house . 2. When a lawfull act doth breed or occasion misconstruction or rash judging in an other , then it becometh offensive to him ; As , 1. when it maketh him think the thing unlawfull , which is lawfull , that is , ( Rom. 14. 16. ) to make our good to be evil spoken of : Or , 2. when it occasioneth our selves by that deed to be condemned as untender and unconscientious in the performing of such an act , that is , to make one judge his brother rashly , Rom. 14. 10. 1 Cor. 10. 30. Or , 3. when it occasioneth our profession , or the Gospel to be mistaken and mis-judged , or godlinesse to be accounted fancie , hypocrisie , &c. Thus by the indiscreet use of liberty , the Gospel was evil spoken of by some , as if it had given way to loosnesse , for so those that were zealous for the Law did esteem of it . 3. The effect of a Scandal , is to grieve and make heavie others ; and so any indifferent action which is apt to do that , is a scandal , as we may see , Rom. 14. 15. because it marreth their spiritual comfort , weakneth them in love to us , fainteth them in the doing of duty , at least marreth their chearfulnesse in it ▪ &c. and so is against charity , and becometh a breach of the sixth Command , Rom. 14. 15. This is the notion that most ordinarily we use to take up offence under , viz. when it may grieve some to hear that we have done such a thing , when it may lessen their esteem of us , ( and so much incapacitate us to be profitable to them ) or alienate them from us , &c. 4. We may try Scandal by our hazarding to disquiet the peace of our brother's conscience : that is , when by our lawfull deed we engage or virtually perswade him to follow our example , supposing him to doubt of the lawfulnesse of that practice , or to condemn the same . Thus , 1 Cor. 8. 10. one is emboldene●… to eat of things offered to Idols , with respect to them , because he beholdeth another that is more strong than he to do the same . And so by his eating , he giveth ground to his conscience afterward to chal●…enge him , for which cause he that gave the example , ●…s said to wound his weak conscience . The like also is , Rom. 14. 22 , 23. in the case of doubting : for , supposing one to doubt whether such a thing be lawfull or not , meerly by our example to go before him , is to put him in that strait either to condemn our deed , or doubtingly to follow ; for , the meer example of no man can warrant any other to follow , or satisfie a conscience in the lawfulnesse of such and such a deed . This also may be when a weak man , having possibly done something in another manner , ( and that lawfully ) than afterward he beholdeth one that is strong to do , ( which also may be lawful in it self ) he is brought to look over his own practice , and to condemn the same as sinfull , meerly because that other did it in another manner . For , though indifferency in the manner of practices in lawfull things , is sometimes edifying , yet in such cases when they have not sufficient information joyned with them , they drive men on the extremities foresaid , and so become offensive , especially then when such things are actually doubted of , or disputated in their lawfulnesse . 5. Things become offensive when they prove obstructive to the edification of others , and , as the word is , Rom. 14. 21. do make them weak , or infirmeth them ▪ not only by fainting and weighting them , as is said before , but by confounding them in the Truth or practices of Religion , whereby they are either shaken in their former assurances , and so weakened , or made doubtfull whether such things be Duties and Truths , or not ; or , by such and such things , are diverted from the more necessary practices of Religion . This is the scope of Rom. 14. ver . 1 , &c. and of other Scriptures elswhere , wherby the Apostle Paul doth guard against doubtfull disputations , which do not profit them that are occupied therein , Heb. 13. 9. And thus , not only writing and reasoning for what is not Truth , but writing and speaking of Truth in a new manner with new expressions and multiplying moulds of these , or doing it unseasonably , passionatly , contentiously &c. doth prove offensive . Thus what is not actually edifying , is offensive ; and upon this account , Paul becometh all things to all , that he may gain some , as in his circumcising of Timothy that he might have access to edifie the Jews , and such like ; And thus often not condescending in indifferent things to please others , doth much incapacitate them to be edified by us , or doth give them prejudice at the way of the Gospel , whereby their edification is obstructed and they offended . 6. An action becometh offensive when it stirreth corruption , wakeneth passion , or confirmeth jealousie and suspicion , &c. although that jealousie and suspicion be groundlesse . Thus Paul's taking of wages in the Church of Corinth , had been offensive , because it had confirmed the suspicion of his seeking of himself amongst them , and would have strengthened his traducers in their calumnie , and given them occasion of venting their carnall cheerfulnesse and insolency ; And thus , when one is unjustly suspected of errour or inclination thereto , to dispute for such things , even when he disowneth them , to converse with persons of that stamp , or such like ▪ are offensive , and are to be shunned , though it may be there would be no such construction put upon another doing so . CHAP. IV. Concerning that upon which Offence worketh , or , the several wayes by which it is taken . THe considering of the second thing , to wit , that upon which Offence worketh , and by which it is taken , will clear this more : For , sometimes , 1. it affecteth the weaknesse of understanding and light ; So , it raiseth doubts , misconstructions ▪ &c. 2. Sometimes through that it affecteth the conscience ; whence cometh judging and condemning of others , and their deeds , and the awakening of challenges , &c. 3. Sometimes it stirreth the affections , either by awakening carnal joy , or carnal grief . 4. It affecteth corruption , when men , from prejudice , are fretted or grieved upon such an occasion ; Thus often deeds become offensive , when they confirm mens jealousie ▪ stir their pride , emulation , &c. 5. A deed may have influence on some folks infirmity or impotencie ; So , some that are more given to passion , suspicion , or such like , will be offended sooner than others , and some things will be offensive to them that are not so in themselves . 6. Men as they are gracious may be offended ; for , though grace , as such , is not capable sinfully to take offence , yet gracious persons may offend , or some actions may have an aptitude to offend a gracious zealous person rather than another . Thus Peter's dissimulation might be said to be offensive to Paul , Gal. 2. though more properly it was a scandal to Barnabas , yet it grieved and stirred Paul , though in a sanctified manner he did vent that which possibly some other gracious person might either have been irritated with , or , out of respect to Peter , led away , as Barnabas was ; when an ungracious person would not have laid any weight on Peter's deed , as to any of these , that is , either to follow it , or be grieved with it . From what is said , it may be someway clear how an indifferent or lawfull act may become offensive , to wit , as it doth , or is apt to work any of these effects upon others , whether they be weak or strong , gracious or prophane , and whether conscience or corruption doth rise at the offence that is taken : for , as giving of offence , doth imply uncharitablenesse and pride to be in the giver , so that he neither loveth nor regardeth his brother as he ought to do , neither doth in this as he would have others do unto himself ; So offence taken , doth imply corruption and infirmity , ( at the best ) to be in him that taketh it ; and therefore in this matter of offence , respect would be had to the infirmity and corruption of others , as well as to their graciousnesse and affection . The not observing of which , maketh us take liberty in giving offence to many , because we do either esteem them to be wicked and prophane , or not affectionat to us , or , at the best , weak ; and therefore not much to be regarded whether they be satisfied or not with our practices , which doth evidently shew , that there is despising and uncharitablenesse in the heart , when there is this regardlesnesse in our practice , as may be gathered from Rom. 14. ver . 2 , 10 , and 15. CHAP. V. Concerning what ought to make men loath and wary as to the giving Offence . TO come now to consider those things which ought to make men tender in this , we will find , first , that there is not any duty in the matter thereof more commanded than this of giving no offence , nor any sin more condemned than untendernesse in this , as we may find from the Epistles to the Romans , Corinthians , &c. wherin whole chapters are spent on this subject : Yea , Act. 15. The Apostles and Elders thought the regulating of indifferent things for preventing of scandal , worthy to be enacted in the first Synod and Council . Secondly , There is no sin that hath moe woes pronounced against it , the Lord Himself denounceth and doubleth a wo against it , Matth. 18. 7. and the Apostle confirmeth it , Rom. 14. 20 , &c. Thirdly , The hatefulnesse of it may appear in the rise thereof , it being , 1. an evident sign of dis-respect to God , and want of the impression of His dread , 2. of inward pride and self-conceitednesse , 3. of uncharitablenesse and regardlesnesse of others , and setting them at nought , which may be gathered from Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 8 , and 10. and can there be any thing more to be shunned than these ? And upon this we will find , that men are tender and conscientious in the matter of offence , and the use of their christian liberty , as they are tender or untender in the material duties of Religion towards God , and towards others . Fourthly , There can be no worse effects than follow upon this , It bringeth a wo to the world , and is in Christ's account a most grievous plague when abounding ; for , it hath destruction with it to many souls , Rom. 14. 20. It bringeth reproach upon the profession of Christianity , cooleth love among brethren , begetteth and fostereth contention and strife , marreth the progresse of the Gospel , and , in a word , maketh iniquity to abound , and often , in particular , ushereth-in error into the Church , which may be gathered from the places cited , and from Matth. 24. 10 , 11 , 12. And we suppose when it is tried , it will be found , that untendernesse in the matter of scandal , hath been as prejudicial to the Church of Christ in respect of her outward beauty and peace , and the inward thriving of her members , as either errour or prophanity , which have been but the product of this . Fifthly , Untendernesse in this , openeth a door to all untendernesse in the person that giveth offence , because by it the conscience becometh lesse sensible of challenges , and so he hath the greater boldnesse to do things that are materially evil ; by this also he becometh habitually regardlesse of others . And although where respect to others is predominant , it be no good principle ; yet often hath it great influence in restraining men from loosnesse , and in its own place ought to have weight . And doth not experience teach , that once liberty being taken in this , even things materially sinfull do often follow ? Sixthly , Tendernesse in this adorneth the Gospel exceedingly , convinceth those we live among , entertaineth charity , and warmeth love , even as carelesnesse in this doth open mens mouthes , and make both profession and professors a reproach . Seventhly , Untendernesse as to offences , striketh at the root of Christian communion : there can be no freedom in admonitions , little in conferences , and , it may be , no great fervour in prayers with ▪ and for others , where these abound ; And is it possible that Religion can be well where these are ? And may it not from these appear why Christ hath said , Wo to that man by whom offences come ? CHAP. VI. Holding forth the difficulty to lye mainly in practice , and shewing how far Offence ought to have influence on a Christian in his walk . THe greatest difficulty is in reference to practice ; ( for Scandal cannot but be accounted abominable ) We shall therefore answer some Questions for the clearing of this . 1. It may be questioned , How far offence ought to have influence on a Christian in his walk ? In answering of it , we would , I. consider the matter in which offence may be given or taken . 2. The persons who may be offended . For , some things in the matter are simply sinfull , some things are necessary duties ; some things ▪ again , are in themselves indifferent : So some persons are gracious and tender , some are prophane and malicious , &c. We answer therefore in these Assertions , 1. For no offence whatsoever should men forbear a necessary duty , or commit any thing which is materially sinfull . Christ would need , go up to Ierusalem , although His Disciples were displeased , and would continue in preaching the Gospel , and in doing what was intrusted to Him , although the Pharisees were offended , Matth. 15. This is clear : For no evil should be done that good may come of it . Rom. 3. 2. Assert . Yet in other things there ought to be great respect had to offence , and men ought to be swayed accordingly in their practice , as the former reasons clear ; As , first , If the matter be of light concernment in it self , as how mens gestures are in their walking , ( suppose in walking softly , or quickly , with cloak or without ) men ought to do , or abstain as may prevent the construction of pride , lightnesse , &c. or give occasion to others in any of these ; of such sort are salutations in the very manner of them : of this sort was womens praying with their head uncovered amongst the Corinthians , it being then taken for an evil sign ; yet , if it be necessary , there is nothing little , as Moses will not leave an hoof , Exod. 10. nor Mordecai bow his knee to Haman , because that it looked like fauning on an accursed enemy : Of this sort also are offences in the fashions of cloathes , as some mens wearing of ribbands , and such like , which being of small concernment , ought certainly to be regulated by offence . Secondly , If it be indifferent , that is , in the matter thereof , such as may be done , or forborn ; as eating or not eating such a meat for such a time , ( for although no action is indifferent when it is done , because the circumstances of end , motive and manner , do determine them either to be good or bad , as they are agreeable or disagreeable to the Law when they are done , yet some actions in themselves are such ) in these actions a Christian ought to do or abstain accordingly , as his doing or not doing may edifie or give offence ; yea , in such things he may be for ever restrained , according to that word of Paul's , 1 Cor. 8. 13. I had rather not eat flesh while the world standeth , than by my meat make my brother to offend . This is to become all things to all men for their gaining , 1 Cor. 9. when our practice in such things is conformed to others edification rather than our own inclination or light ; And thus many things , which we are perswaded are lawfull , and that we desire to do , are to be forborn out of conscience , conscience , I say , not our own , but of some others that have not such clearnesse , as 1 Cor. 10. 28 , 29. Thirdly , In positive duties of worship and things that are necessary by affirmative precepts , Scandal ought to have weight to time them so as not to give offence by them . For , although a Scandal cannot make duty to be no duty for ever , yet it may for a time suspend one from the exercise of a lawfull duty , although not alwayes : Thus to give alms , is a commanded duty , yet if there be hazard that an indigent person may abuse it , or others may take offence by that example either ostentatively in a selfie way to give , or to account so of him that doth give , or such like , in that case giving of alms is for that time to be forborn , except the persons strait make it necessary , or some other circumstance , and a privat way afterward is to be taken : So , preaching to a Minister , and hearing to a professour , are commanded duties , Yet supposing that a particular mans preaching at such a time , would stumble more than edifie , it is to be forborn . So in giving of admonitions , or in correcting of children , we are not to do these when we , or others , are in passion , although they be duties , but to take a fit time , l●…st more hurt follow than advantage : That being a rule anent affirmative precepts , that they bind continually ( or semper ) but not alway to the actual performing of them , ( or ad semper ) Thus a servant , or wife , or any other person are bound to pray alwayes , yet to do it then when the master , husband , or family calleth-for some other thing necessary , would be an offence . Fourthly , In necessary things , offence ought to have weight according to the circumstantiat case , to sway one in the manner and circumstances of that necessary duty ; Thus , supposing it necessary to pray , a man is to choose the place and posture of praying accordingly ; Thus it is offensive in some cases to pray so as we may be observed , because that looketh hypocritical like , and is condemned , Matth. 6. Sometimes again , it is offensive not to be known to pray , as was in Daniel's case , Dan. 6. because his not evidencing of it by opening of his windows , had looked like his receding from his former piety , &c. And in this respect , what is ofensive at one time , may be edifying at another , And what is edifying now , may become offensive afterward upon another occasion , As by Paul's circumcising of Timothy , and refusing to circumcise Titus , doth appear . So sometimes ( suppose it when Nehemiah is standing before the King ) to kneel down to pray , would have been offensive ; at other times for a man to pray and not to kneel in his chamber , ( as in Daniels case ) may be offensive also . And in this sort of offence , custom guideth much in the indifferent circumstances ; and alteration in these , is often offensive . Fifthly , In our particulars , in temporall things we ought rather to cede in what is our own , than to offend others , and mar their spiritual good . Thus Christ condescended to quit His priviledge , Matth. 17. 27. rather than to offend , And thus Paul shunned the taking of wages in Corinth , although he had right thereto , and did even then take from other Churches : The reason is , because the spiritual edification of our brother is of more value than our temporal right ; much more is this to have influence in limiting and hedging us up from lawfull pleasures and contentments , or what our inclination and affection leadeth to , even though it be lawfull , if so be the following thereof may be an offence to any . It is for this also that Paul , 1 Cor. 6. condemneth their contentions going to Law before Infidels ▪ because of the scandal thereof , And why ( saith he ) do ye not rather suffer wrong ? Our Lord also , as was just now hinted , went before us in this , Matth. 17. 27. when He paved Tribute , and in that ceded His own right , lest He should offend ; and it 's like they were not of the most tender men . 3. Assert . We say that there is equal respect to be had to all kind of persons in the giving of offence , if the matter be equal that is , we ought to shun the offence of the weak as well as o●… the strong , of the prophane as of the gracious ▪ &c. For , 1. the command is general , 1 Cor. 10. 32. Give no offence , neither to ●…ew nor Gentile , nor to the Church of God , under which three , all sorts of persons are comprehended . 2. As we ought not to sin in reference to any person , so ought we not to give to any of them an occasion of sinning , because that is never good . 3. I●… we look to the good or strong , as we ought not to do any thing that is sinfull to please them or abstain from any thing that is necessary to prevent their offence ; So ought we to do in reference to the weak and prophane . Thus Paul would not give the false teachers of Corinth ground of stumbling more than the Church-members ; And in this respect we are debtors both to the Jews and Greeks , to the unwise as to the wise , Ro. 1. 14. Yea , we are in indifferent things to become all things to all men , even to those that are weak and without Law ( though still we are to be under the Law ) that the moe may be gained , 1 Cor. 9. 20 , 21 , &c. CHAP. VII . Shewing what the Scandal of the Pharisees or malicious is , and clearing several other important Questions . IF it be said , What then is it which is called the Scandal of the Pharisees or the malicious , which ought not to be respected ? We answer , 1. In constructing any maliciously to take offence , there is great need of spiritualnesse , lest we account men malicious because of some particular difference from us or some other persons ; even as from David's imprecations against his malicious enemies , we would not draw an example for regulating of our prayers , in reference to our enemies . 2. There is need also here to take heed what spirit we be of in our accounting men to be such , as the Lord said to the Disciples , Luke 9. when they pretended Elias example : for , to make a man malicious in taking offence in this respect , so as not to be regarded . 1. It must be a necessary duty that he offendeth at , even the best , as the Pharisees did at Christ's preaching of the Gospel . 2. It must not be out of ignorance or weaknesse that this offence is taken . 3. It must not arise from any personal or particular account , but from a man's being instrumentall in furthering and advancing the Gospel , and so must be very sib to the sin against the holy Ghost , and therefore ought not to be pretended in our ordinary carriage . If it be yet said , that they do not stand to offend us , therefore they are not to be regarded by us , when the thing we do is lawfull . Answ. This were to render evil for evil , whenas we should overcome evil with good ; and if it be a sin in them not to care for us in their practices , can it be otherwise in us ? and our meeting of them in their untender way , is to harden them in it , and bring their bloud on our own head , whereas more tender dealing might edifie them , and , as by heaping coals of fire upon their heads , soften them and make them more pliable . If it be asked further , what one is to do in such a case when the matter is lawfull and it be withall doubtfull whether it can be offensive or scandalous to any ? Answ. 1. Beside the consideration of the thing , we would also consider circumstances of time , person , occasion , &c. 2. We would try what an action , so circumstantiated , hath formerly been thought of in the case of others in former times ; Yea , 3. what use to be our own thoughts of such actions in other persons , if we have not counted them offensive in them ? for often men more impartially judge , especially of what is offensive , in the persons of others than in themselves . 4. The conscience would be reflected on what it saith ; for often there is a murmuring in the conscience , which sheweth its suspicion , that such a thing is offensive and hurtfull , before it be acted , which is yet often born down by the impetuousnesse of mens inclination . 5. Others that may be more impartial , would be tryed ; yea , the thoughts of these that we supposed to be the least tender of us are not to be neglected , for often they are most impartial in judging what is offensive . These things may have the more weight to sway one in their determination , because the trial runneth not to know what is duty , or lawfull in it self , but whether or not such a lawfull practice may be done or forborn without wronging the spiritual estate of any . 6. If it continue yet doubtfull whether it be offensive or not , the same rule is to be followed , as if it were doubted whether it were lawfull or not ? to wit , It is to be abstained from , because as he that doubteth of the lawfulnesse of a thing , cannot do it in faith , because he knoweth not but it may be sinfull ; So neither can he that doubteth whether a lawfull thing be expedient or not , do it with perswasion , because he knoweth not but it may be scandalous to some , and so cannot but be sinfull to him . Lastly , pains would be taken rightly to inform others , and to rectifie them that they may not take offence at things lawfull in themselves . If it be said , that sufficient pains have been taken to inform them already , and that therefore their taking offence is inexcusable . Answ. 1. Men would beware of making this an excuse , for many have great ignorance and are not soon capable of instruction , others have prejudice which is hardly rooted-out ; Therefore I conceive it will not be easie to be able to assert an exoneration in this case . 2. If the thing continue to be indifferent ( which is the matter concerning which the question is ) there can be no terme set to it : It is the Apostle's word , 1 Cor. 8. 13. If meat make my brother to offend ▪ I will not eat flesh while the world standeth . I●… the case alter and the matter become necessary by some circumstances , as Daniel's opening of his window did , then that which formerly was indifferent , becometh necessary , and it would be offensive to omit it . It may be further asked , What is to be done where there is a real difference betwixt parties , suppose for a civil interest ? for ▪ a man , by seeking his own , may irritate another , and , Is there a necessity of abstaining in that case ? Answ. 1. There is no question but in some cases a man is to cede in his particular right , rather than to give offence by a legal pursuit , as when it may occasion the Gospel to be evil spoken of , and harden corrupt men in their ha●…ed of the same . On this ground , 1 Cor. 6. the Apostle condemneth their going to Law before infidel Judges , and doth expresly say , ver . 7. Why do ye not rather take the wrong ? and suffer your selves to be defrauded ? And though the case now be not every way the same , yet we suppose Christians ought to lay weight on this , l●…st in their pursuits they give occasion to make the professors of the Gospel to be accounted contentious , covetous ▪ &c. And therefore it would seem , that when they contend for civil things , it would be for something of moment at least to the person , which also is clearly , or may be made appear to be clearly theirs , and that after friendly wayes are essayed for attaining satisfaction . 2. We say , it ought to sway Christians in their manner of pursuing differences , so as there be not heat , passion ▪ carnalnesse , over-reaching and going beyond one another , nay nor the appearance of these to be seen in their carriage , but still following a civil difference , with respect to the spiritual good of the adversary , and that in such a manner as may be convincingly evidencing thereof both to him and others . 3. We say , that these cautions being observed , this doctrine of Scandal will not simply bind up a Christian from pursuing of a civil difference , because , in some respect , it may be a necessary dutie for a man to recover his own in a legall way , as it is for a man to labour , and otherwise by lawfull means to provide for his Family : for which end God hath appointed Judges and Magistrates to hear complaints , and to rectifie wrongs ; and to hear complaints is a main part of their duty , without which humane society would turn like to the fishes of the sea , Hab. 1. Therefore we would distinguish here betwixt displeasing , yea angering and offending , and would desire rather not to stumble than to please ; for there may be anger when there is no offence given , as suppose one should fret because they get not their will vented unjustly on some other in their ●…rson or estate . In that case , their satisfaction is not their edification , nor their displeasing their offence ; So is it in this case , where a man pursues his own in a due manner , there is no just ground of offence given : because , 1. The thing it self is neither evil , nor hath the appearance of evil , but hath an approbation from God who hath appointed Magistrates for that end to hear and redresse wrongs , and cannot but be approven by others ; yea , the deed it self cannot but be approven in the conscience of him that is offended , seing it is taught to men by nature to keep themselve , from injury , and it is not in things so clearly approven by God , and taught by nature , that offence is given , but where the action is doubted in conscience to be unlawfull , at least ▪ as so circumstantiat , which cannot be in this case . 2. It is no offence to complain to a Church-judicatorie of one that offendeth , if it be done in a right manner , though it anger him , because it is a legal allowed way , Therefore neither is it so here . 3. To condemn this , were really to offend many , even those , who from their covetous and malicious humour might clearly be emboldned to wrong others ; wherefore we see Paul and others do approve legall defences for preventing or remedying of hurt , though , no question , malicious opposers were fretted therewith . Yet where two are Ministers , or eminent in profession , we suppose there ought to be more warrinesse , because so necessarily it is implyed , that the one hath the wrong side , which cannot but offend . It may be further moved , what is to be done when there seems to be an opposition betwixt the command of a Superiour , and the eschewing of offence , so that we must either disobey him or give offence in obeying , as suppose a Magistrate should command to preach upon some pretended holy day : the thing is lawfull upon the matter , but the doing of it is offensive , either by grieving many , or strengthening others in the esteeming somewhat of ●…hat day ? Answ. In that case , the Scandal is still active and given , and therefore no command or authority can warrand one in such a deed : for , as these two worthy Divines ( Ames in his Cases of Conscience , lib. 5. cap. 11. and Gillespie in his Dispute of Ceremonies , chap. 7. sect . 5. ) observe , no man can command either our charity or our consciences , or make up the hazard of a given offence ; and therefore none can command us warrantably to hurt the spiritual good of our neighbour , that being contrary to the command of love that God hath laid on . And we may add , that an indifferent action , being involved with offence , cannot but be in its practising sinfull as it is complexly considered , and therefore cannot be the object of a Magistrats command more than an action that is sinfull in it self . On this ground , many of the Saints in the last persecution , did choose rather to suffer Martyrdom , than to be constructed to have ceded , or delivered the Bible , and therefore they would not redeem their life by giving of any piece of paper at the command of the Officers , lest thereby they should have been by others interpreted to have given up their Bible . It is to be remembered that we spake not of displeasing , seing by a Superiours command that may be done , but of Scandalizing , either by strengthening somewhat that is wrong , ot seeming to do so , by wounding the consciences of others , provoking them to judge us , or some such way : And if it were not so , the three children ▪ Dan. 3. might have escaped the furnace ; for , to fall down at the Kings command , was not simply sinfull ( and had they done that , no more had been called for ) but to fall down at such a time , in such place , &c. had at least the appearance of evil , and therefore there was no room left for obedience . And , no question , Ioabs resisting , and in part neglecting of Davids command for numbering of the People , was more approvable than his obedience , yet was the thing lawfull in it self ; but considering it as circumstantiat , it tended to foster Davids pride , and to be subservient in that which brought on wrath , Therefore was not to be obeyed to the confirming of him in his sin . The same also may be said , when doing something that is offensive may seem a way to prevent a crosse ; for , active offence being ever sinfull in respect of the complex case , it is not to be allowed whatever perill follow , as we may see in Daniels case who would not stumble others by shutting of his window , although it hazarded his own life , and the welfare of the 〈◊〉 : And in this case Paul saith , that it were better for him to die than that any should make his glorying void , or make him an occasion for others to stumble upon , 1 Cor. 9. 15. &c. It may be said , that sometimes the case is so stated , that whatever be done there will be offence , as if Paul take wages , he is called a self-seeker , that is , one that maketh gain of preaching the Gospel , if he forbear , it is said he loveth not the Corinthians , and therefore he taketh not from them ; again , some weak Jews are ready to stumble , and not receive the Gospel if he circumcise not Timothy ; others again , are readie to take advantage and to plead the necessity of the ceremoniall Law if he circumcise Titus : It may be asked , what is to be done in such cases ? In reference to which we answer , 1. That we would ever look ▪ what is most expedient as to edification , it is like it did displease Peter and the Iews more that he did not circumcise Titus , and the false Apostles that he did not take wages , than if he had done it , yet he did what was most edifying , and of it self aptest to further their spirituall good ; and a spirituall discerner will readily find what is most edifying in it self , or in that case , which is to be followed , although it may be most displeasing . 2. Respect would be had to these that are most unbyassed ; prejudice possessed the Jews and these corrupt Teachers , and therefore whatever Paul did they stumbled at it ; but it is like he had respect to others , and did what might most wipe away the calumnies that were cast upon him and the Gospel by these false Apostles . 3. In such a case , a man would look to what is most denied like , and it is ever safest to sway to that hand , as suppose a man were in hazard upon one side to be thought negligent , if he be not painfull , and even someway rigorous in his dealings with men , as on the other side , covetous , if he be but painfull . It is safest to hazard upon diligence without rigidity , although it should occasion him to be accounted negligent : Because there is least selfinesse on that side , and that hath least to commend it unto mens corruptions . Thus Paul rather hazardeth upon what might follow upon his refusing to take wages than to take them , because taking is of it self more apt to give offence than refusing , and doth not look so single like , and there is not so easie accesse to vindicat that against clamorous mouths . 4. When the offence seemeth to follow both from omitting and committing , Paul chooseth often to commend forbearance , as in the cases of forbearing to eat meats , and to take wages , at least , in Corinth , seing he was otherwise supplied . So , when there is hazard of being accounted proud on the one side , if men take so and so on them , or live in such and such a rank , on the other side , they may be accounted silly , and of no spirit , if they be short of that ; it is yet safest to eschew what may look like ostentation , because the tentation of self-seeking lyeth neerest that . 5. The present state of the time , and the temper of those we live among , would be observed ; as sometimes folks are ready to count an indifferent thing necessary , then it is to be abstained from ; Therefore Paul would not circumcise Titus : Sometimes again , the omitting of an indifferent thing may seem to import the condemning of some necessary duty , and therefore Daniel will not forbear his ordinary circumstances in prayer : thus it is to be observed , to what side ( to speak so ) the tide of offence doth run , and that is to be shuned . 6. The nature of the persons is to be observed , which we have to do with in the mentioned case . Some are weak , So condescending edifieth them , and grieving of them might stumble them at the Gospel ; others are perverse , and condescending to them , strengthneth them in their opposition , and so proveth a stumbling to them . Upon this ground , circumcising of Timothy to the weak at one time is edifying , and forbearing thereof had been a stumbling-block : at an other time , and to other persons circumcising had been an offence , as in the case of Titus instanced ; and Paul's refusing to circumcise him , was not that he regarded not their stumbling , but that he knew the circumcising of him would puffe them up and strengthen them , and so stumble them indeed , therefore he would not do it . If it be asked , what if the case stand so stated , that doing will offend the weak and tender , no doing will displease and irritate the perverse ? as suppose in the case of eating things sacrificed to Idols ; or contrarily doing offendeth the grosse , and no doing the tender , what is to be done in such a case ? Answ. As there is never a necessity of sinning , so there is never a necessity that one should fall in an active offence , the offence therefore upon the one side must be taken , and that is not to be regarded in comparison of the other . As suppose in some cases the weak be really offended , and the perverse are but irritated , in that case their irritation is not to be stood upon : for often they are really edified when they are dissatisfied , as in the instance proposed ; eating of things sacrificed to Idols , was really offensive to the Godly , as being ready to draw them to sin , but though it might possibly displease others that the Believers did not eat with them , yet was there nothing in that deed of it self apt to stumble them , and induce them to sin ; Again , sometimes the Godly are displeased , and the perverse and profane are really stumbled , as when Paul refused to circumcise Titus , it is like his not doing thereof did really displease many godly Jews that were zealous in the Law , yet his doing of that had really been a stumbling to many corrupt Teachers who did teach the necessity of circumcision , and would have been confirmed by that practice . Therefore Paul will rather displease the godly Jews than stumble the profane Teachers by a deed which had also been a reall stumbling unto the Jews . This then is the first rule , to wit , that we would look well upon what side the active offence lieth , and upon what side the displeasure only , and to choose the eschewing of offence , who ever be displeased . 2. When the thing is in it self indifferent to be done , or not to be done , it is safest to forbear whoever be displeased ▪ as we see in the instances given , Paul inclineth still to forbearance , he forbore to eat flesh , and to circumcise Titus , and to take wages , &c. when the case is so stated , because whoever be displeased , that is not of it self so inductive to sin , as doing is , Which either doth strengthen others to do doubtingly upon our example , or to judge us for doing what they account sinfull , or some such like . Indeed , in some cases where there is no hazard of Offending by doing , we may do what is indifferent to prevent the irritating of any , that so there may be the greater accesse to edifie them : And therefore , Act. 16. 2. Paul will circumcise Timothy , lest he make himself ungracious to the Jews in those parts ; yet , had there been any there to take advantage from that to confirm their errour , he had not done it , as in the other instance of Titus doth appear ; for so it had not been an offence , but somewhat which was displeasing to those Jews . Yet , 3. supposing it to be so , that neither have ground , but both may be displeased , Then the tender are to be respected , and the preventing their offence is to be preferred . 1. Because they are displeased out of conscience , and that is wounded ; others are but irritat in respect of some lust , and so it is displeasure simply to them , but it 's offence to the other , because on a ground of conscience they are displeased . 2. The Lord is most tender in the grieving , or not grieving of the godly ( as is clear , Matth. 18 ▪ ) Therefore ought we to be so also . Hence the Prophet professeth , 2 Kin. 3. 14. that had it not been respect to Iehosaphat , he had not stood much on the displeasing of others ; or , suppose some prophane person should be displeased , because a man doth not drink so much , ( although it be not inconsistent with moderation ) and suppose some tender person should think his drinking thereof inconsistent with sobriety , I say , in that case he should respect the last , because this offence doth flow from a ground of conscience . Lastly , it would be looked to in such a case , what may be most in the upshot or event for edification , supposing there should be involvements on all hands ; for some things being compared may be better discerned , than when they are abstractly considered in themselves ; Now , edification and offence do never lie upon one side : therefore if it be found that such a thing comparatively be edifying , it is to be done , and what seemeth to oppose it , is not to be accounted offence . CHAP. VIII . Holding forth what is called-for when Offences abound . IT may be profitable to enquire what is called for from a Christian living in the time when offences abound , and when there is too great a readinesse both to give and take offence ? Answ. It is hardly possible to condescend on all particulars here ; yet because the thing is usefull , and the Scripture is full in reference to this matter , in the fourteenth Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans , and in both the Epistles to the Corinthians , and elsewhere , We may hazard to propose these general directions . 1. A man would not only respect his own clearnesse in conscience as to the lawfulnesse of a deed , but would even have respect to the satisfaction of the consciences of others , as it is , 1 Cor. 10. 29. The neglect of this casteth a door open to many evils ; and did this abound , that men were burning with any offence taken by others , as was Pauls case , 2 Cor. 11. 29. there would be fewer offences given . It ought to affect us , as it were a pang or stound at our hearts , to hear or see of any that are offended . This is a principal remedy from an inward sympathie to study this , and there will be directions furnished where that touch is , Who is weak , and I am not weak ? who is offended , and I burn not ? Sooner would we put our head in the fire than hazard to offend any , if this were . 2. As men would be carefull not to give offence , so also not to take offence , or to stumble even when blocks are cast in the way . It is a piece of our folly sometimes to be exclaiming against the frequencie of offences and the givers of them , and yet not to be adverting , but to be stumbling at these our selves ; either by waxing cold in our love to the Godly , or faint in duties , or ready to take liberty to speak and to judge of others , even of their state that we offend at , or passionately to be irritate to some carnal revenge , &c. for , seldom are many offences given actively , but many also are offended passively , as Matth. 24. 10. and at such time , they are blessed who are not offended in Christ , it being both a good thing , and a rare thing in such a case , Matth. 11. 6. for , as it is in carnal contests , often an●… ill reply bringeth on more sinfull contention ; so it is here : And offence taken by one , leadeth him to give another , as the result of that , whereas were it our care not to stumble our selves , we might be keeped from giving occasion of that to others , and brook much more peace , as it is , Psal. 119. 165. Great peace have they who love thy Law : and nothing shall offend them . Sometimes , again , the falls of others are matter of mocking and mirth , and we are puft up because of that , as if there were not such corruptions in us : This was the Corinthians fault , 1 Cor. 5. 2. and many other wayes are there of stumbling , and O but watchfulnesse is necessary when folks walk thus in the midst of snares ▪ and are so ready to fall either upon one hand or another ! 3. Folks would beware of despising or judging one another , but would ●…y all means endeavour the entertaining and confirming of love ▪ which is in this respect the bond of perfection . The Apostle giveth this direction , Rom. 14. 3. Let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not ; and let not him that eateth not , judge him that eateth . He that eateth is the strong professor , who is through in the knowledge of what is right and what is wrong ; It is the fault of such readily to condemn and despise the weaker who cannot go alongst with them . Again , he that eateth not , is the weak , who , wanting clearnesse in what the other is clear of , is ready to judge the other as an untender person , because he doth what he cannot do . These evils are rise where offences abound , and are the oyl which nourisheth them : for , if there were not pride and despising in some , and untendernesse and rash judging and jealousies in others that are weak , the plague that followeth offences would not be so great in the world . But these two are most directly opposit to the rule of charity that ought to be amongst Christians , both in guiding us in doing of our own acts , and in constructing and judging of the actions of others . And , in a word , love , that i●… the fulfilling of the Law , is the fulfilling of this precept also . See 1 Ioh. 2. 10. He that loveth his brother abideth in the light , and there is none occasion of stumbling in him . Offences could neither be given not taken if love to our brethren were fresh . 4. We would beware of moving or fostering needlesse and perplexed disputings , these have ever proved exceeding hurtfull to the Church , and proportionally wronged edification , as errour and prophanity have done . It is the Apostle's first direction , Rom. 14. 1. Him that is weak receive , but not to doubtfull disputations ; for such breed strife , and often waken carnalnesse in the contenders rather than pure zeal . And in this case , it is better for some to possesse clearnesse in their own judgment , and to condescend in their practice to others , than by venting their judgment unseasonably , to confound others , that is the meaning of the word , Rom. 14. 22. Hast thou faith ? that is , clearnesse in such a particular , have it to thy self , that is , make your own privat use of it without troubling others with the same . And we will see , that this spirit of contention , and the abounding of offences , have ever been together in the Church . For certainly such contentions cannot but obstruct the growth of the weak , and grieve the strong , and stumble all . We conceive therefore , that at such a time it were more safe to abstain the wakening of new debates , raising of old , or using of new expressions , than to hazard upon the offence which may follow upon mens mistaking of them , or taking advantage by them , which will be more hurtful than any advantage they can bring . We conceive also that it were fitter to overlook some mistakes in some Writings at such a time , than unnecessarily to table a debate on every thing that seemeth dissatisfying in the writings and expressions of others , which is become too common , and by this , professed enemies are let alone and have peace , and all the debates in the Church , are almost amongst men that agree in fundamentals , because of some lesser differences . 5. There would be an abstinence from things that are controverted either in doctrine or practice , if they be not necessary things ▪ As we see the Apostle doth in the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians . The reason is , because it is the strong who are clear to do , and it 's the weak who are doubtfull . Now , it is more just and safe , that the strong should condescend to the weak , because that is within their reach , than that the weak should be driven up to the strong , which were to overdrive them . 6. At such a time folks would be much in the study and practice of the more necessary and materiall things , which come nearer the life and power of godlinesse . We see , when offences abounded in the primitive times , the Apostle withdraweth them from too much seriousnesse in more circumstantiall things , to the working-out of their salvation in fear and trembling , Philip. 2. 12. for , experience telleth us , that offences rise most , yea cannot rise , but in things which may be done or forborn , as in eating , and such other things as troubled the primitive Church . We see also , that where there is most heat in these things , there is an overvaluing of them , and an undervaluing of faith , repentance , prayer , communion with God , &c. Hence it is , ( Rom. 14. 17. ) that the Apostle correcteth this fault , saying , The Kingdom of Heaven ( which is the Gospel in its power ) doth not consist in meat and drink , that is , in the eating of , or abstaining from , such meats as were then disputable , much lesse in the disputes that were concerning them ; but it consisteth in righteousness , peace , and joy in the holy Ghost , that is , in material duties . Therefore he addeth , that he that serveth God in these ( that is , righteousnesse and peace and the more material things ) is accepted of God , and approved of men . ▪ Which sheweth , that they placed too much of religion in these extrinsick things , and in the mean time sleighted the main . For , in necessary things there is no hazard of offending , and few usually offend at these . 7. At such a time great care would be had to entertain peace , even publick Church-peace , and respect to the Ordinances , particularly to that of Discipline , because that is the proper remedy for removing offences , Matth. 18. 17. and without unity this hath no weight . Also offences of their own nature tend to make rents , and where unity is preserved many are keeped on their feet which otherwayes would have fallen . Therefore , Rom. 14. 19. that direction is given ▪ Let us follow those things which make for peace , and things wherewith one may edifie another . And often union and edification are joyned together , which sheweth , that it must be a great restraint to offences , which are so opposit to edification . 8. When offences abound , it is often most safe to be least appearing , except a mans call be the more clear and convincing : For , as in the multitude of words there wanteth not sin , So in much medling there wanteth not offence . This is also clear in experience , because offences come more ordinarily , and are more observed when something is done , than when something is forborn . Yet this is not to be extended to the omission of any necessary duty , but is to have great weight in indifferent things , that are not necessary , specially such as for the time are most ordinarily the stone of stumbling . Hence we find , that though in some questions the Apostle is full to dispute down adversaries , as in the case of Justification ; Yet there are some other things that he seeketh rather to have restrained than moved , such as he calleth doubtfull , Rom. 14. 1. endlesse , 1 Tim. 1. 4. that gender strife , and are not edifying , but foolish and unlearned questions , 2 Tim. 2. 14 , 16 , 23. men are to flee , and to shun these , even when occasion is given . For , though every question hath a truth upon one side , and the searching into necessary truths be edifying , yet as to such , considering the contention that waiteth on them , and the difficulties that are about them , the Church gaineth more by silence in them , than by too fervent pursuing of them . 9. Men at such a time would be diligent in the duties of their stations , and keep themselves within these ; and , as the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 7. 20. would abide in the calling wherein they are called : for , by so doing there is no occasion of offence . When a Magistrate holdeth in the duties of a Magistrate , and Ministers , Masters , Servants , Husbands and Wives , and so all sorts contain themselves within the bounds of their respective stations , that is a thing offensive to none ; But when they exceed or give occasion to others to think that they exceed , then it becometh offensive , and maketh the Gospel to be evil-spoken of . For which cause , the Apostle commendeth to Subjects , Wives , Servants , and all sorts , the doing of the duties of their respective stations ▪ as that which doth adorn the Gospel , and stop the mouthes of gainsayers . 10. There would be mutual faithfulnesse , and a condescending upon their side who are offended , freely and soberly to admonish those by whom they are offended ; and upon the otherside , a condescending to satisfie and remove any offence ▪ taken by those who have given it , or at whom it is taken . This is our Lord's rule , Matth. 18. 15. &c. There is nothing more needfull , when offences abound , than these , and yet often there is little or no accesse to them , or practice of them when they are most needfull , And this maketh offences to abound the more . And what thing is more unsuitable than for one to take or keep offence at another , and yet never to endeavour his recovery who hath offended , and by so doing to hazard both their souls ? Or , when one hath given offence , and is admonished , to refuse to come out himself , or to keep another out of this snare ? 11. This endeavouring to have offence removed , ought to be followed convincingly , and that in the several steps laid down , Matth. 18. and if privat reasoning and admonition prevail not , it is to proceed further till it come to the Church . But because the Scandal then becometh publick , we shall speak of it in the next branch . Only now it is to be adverted concerning these offences in reference to which we are to admonish our brother , and thus to follow them in case of sleighting ▪ 1. They are not only wrongs done to the person immediatly or directly , but it may be his being stumbled at his seeing a mans miscarriages towards others , So the injury may be to one , but the offence to another . 2. This duty is to be gone about , not only without all heat , prejudice , or contention , but with the spirit of love , as a duty proceeding there from for his good , even from that same spirit by which we pray for him , they being both equally necessary duties . And , 3. That this Order of Christ's is not to be interverted by any , nor the publick gone to , till the private ●…ay be effectually essayed . 12. There is a necessity in every thing ( especially at such a time ) to be single in our end , having the glory of God mainly in our eye . And that not only for our own peace , but also for the conviction of others . It is often our unsinglenesse that maketh us carelesse in giving offence , and also the evidence or appearance of that , that maketh others readily to take offence at our carriage . Hence we see , that the actions of such who are supposed to be single , are not so readily stumbled at . And this direction is expresly laid down in reference to this end , 1 Cor. 10. 31. Whether therefore ye eat or ye drink , or whatever ye do , do all to the glory of God : give none offence neither to Iew nor Gentile , &c. It were fit therefore at such a time , that a man should examine his own breast , and try what leadeth him on such a design , or act ; for often by-ends and motives will steal in , when we seem to our selves to be most servently zealous : self-interests had need to be much denied in such a time . 13. Much care would be had to keep up the authority of all Christ's Ordinances ; they are the lights and means whereby men are to be directed , lest they stumble , and to be strengthened and comforted in their spiritual consolations : and hardly offences arise , but the Devil seeketh to discredit these , because then men are in the dark , and so cannot but fall when blocks are in their way . Hence often are the Ordinances of life the very pretended rise of offences , as concerning a Ministery , Baptism , the Lords Supper , Sabbath Day , Singing of Psalms , Constitution of a Church , Discipline , &c. because by making these to be stumbled at , or stones of stumbling , men can have accesse to no other means , either for direction or consolation . On this ground Paul endeavoureth so much to vindicate himself from what was imputed to him , 2 Cor. 12. 19. And for this end so many directions are given for keeping up the credit of the ordinances in the most difficult dark cases , as Song 1. 8. Eph. 4. 12 ▪ 13. Heb. 13. 7 , 8 , &c. & 17. especially Mat. 18. 17 , 18 , &c. And on the contrary , for eschewing corrupt teachers , and those who cause divisions and offence contrary to the doctrine learned , &c. Rom. 16. 17. Then it is a time to try the spirits , and to fear snares , and to hate every garment that is spotted with the flesh ; and we find in Scripture , and experience that ever these two go together , to wit , shunning of those who bring false doctrine , and the adhering to those who are faithfull on the other side . 14. At such a time especially , Christians in their walk toward one another , ought to be of a sympathizing and condescending temper . This is to bear the infirmities , of the weak , and not to please our selves , but our neighbour for his good to edification , even as Christ pleased not himself , &c. as the Apostle hath it to the same scope , Rom. 15. 1 , 2 , 3. Tenaciousnesse and self-willednesse do often breed offences , and continually stand in the way of removing of them , and although there is nothing more ordinary in a time of offences than that , to wit , for men to stand to their own judgement and opinion as if it were a piece of liberty and conscience , not to condescend in a thing that we judge lawfull , yet is there nothing more unsuitable for Christians in such a time : for , as Solomon saith , Only by pride cometh contention , Prov. 13. 10. So this self-pleasing humour is the great fomenter of offences in the Church . This condescending was Paul's practice in this case , 1 Corinth . 9. ver . 19 , 20 , &c. who became all things to all men , for their edification , being in the use of indifferent things so dependent upon the edification of others , and so denied to his own pleasing and inclination ; yea , even to his own light , as if he had had none himself . And although this be incumbent to all Christians , yet these who are more eminent and strong , are especially called to this forbearance and condescending , as i●… is Rom. 15. 1. We then that are strong ought to bear ▪ &c ▪ Gal. 6. 1 , 2. It is a great mistake in Religion , to think , that in indifferent circumstantiall things , the weak should follow the strong , and upon that ground to undervalue the offending of them : It is quite contrary to Scripture , the strong are to carry to the weak as men do to brittle and weak vessels , using tendernesse to them lest they be crushed . What is said in all the directions , doth therefore specially concern the more strong Believers , that in these they may go before others . CHAP. IX . Holding forth what ought to be the carriage of Ministers when Offences abound . 15. THe last direction is , That then Ministers in a speciall manner , are called to bestir themselves for draining this torrent of Offences , even as they are to set themselves against the abounding of sins . And indeed we know no mean fitter and more comprehensive for this end , than that Ministers cordially interpose for the removing thereof . For , this is a speciall end for which they are given to the Church , as was formerly said , and this is a special part of their charge , to watch over souls in reference to this . Hence we see , that the Apostle Paul doth not insist more in his publick doctrine , or in his private carriage , upon any thing , than upon this , to wit , That the Church may be made and keeped free of offences , as what hath been observed from him out of the Epistles to the Romans , Corinthians , Galatians , &c. doth evince . Nor doth he with any kind of persons deal so much to restrain strifes , contentions , janglings about words , and such things which do gender offences , as in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , charging them , that not only in refere●…ce to their own carriage , but , as Ministers of the Gospel , they would endeavour this in their charges ; and there can be no reason of this , but because the matter is of such concernment to the Church , and because they by their stations have a main influence either on the restraint or growth of scandals and offences . Yea , doth not the blessed Prince of Pastors Himself , often take notice of offences in His sermons ? sometimes reproving them , sometimes shewing the ill of them , and often purposly insisting in instructions for this very end , that His Disciples should not be offended , as Ioh. 16. 1. and in His practice , condescending to prevent the offence , even of carnal men , Matth. 17. 27. and doth much insist on that doctrine , giving directions for preventing and removing thereof , Matth. 18. and particularly He giveth direction for the promoving of mortification , by cutting off the right hand , and plucking out the right eye , &c. which being given by the Lord , if well studied and practised , might be a compend of all other directions , it is so well chosen for that purpose , as all His directions were . All which sheweth , that when offences abound , much doth ly upon Ministers at such a time , and that both in reference to their own personall carriage , and also in their ministeriall stations ; and in sum , in their whole walk , both amongst themselves , and towards others of all sorts , which we may hint at in some particular instances : As , 1. that their conversations be then grave , sober , holy , denied , &c. and eminent in all that is called for from private Christians , at such a time . For , as their carriages are more observed than others , So do spots upon them more discernably appear , and when appearing , are more readie to stumble and harden others . It is for this , that a Minister is to shew himself a pattern and as a copie or example to the Believer , in word , in conversation , in charity , in spirit , &c. as it is , 1 Tim. 4. 12. Upon this ground also are they at such a time to flee youthfull lusts of contentions , strife , and such like , even when these seem to follow them ; and on the contrary , to pursue righteousnesse , faith , charity , peace , &c. even when these seem to flee from them , as it is , 2 Tim. 2. 22. Both which places relate especially to perrillous times , as the scope in the preceeding words doth hold forth . And if this be not in Ministers , what can be expected amongst the people ? and without this , can their carriage or publick Ministery have weight to this end ? 2. Ministers would be watchfull , not only over sins , but even over offences , yea , even over passive offences , lest any by themselves , or any other be offended , which was our Lords way and the practice of the Apostles , as in the places cited . For , to be offended , is an infirmity and sicknesse , even when the offence is meerly taken ; and for a Minister not to be affected with that , doth hold forth a most unministeriall cru●…ll disposition ; that is spoken of by the Apostle as a great part of the care of the Church , 2 Corinth . 11. 28 , 29. Who is weak , and I am not weak ? Who is offended , and I burn you ? The hearing of a persons stumbling , ought to stound and will stound the heart of a sympathizing Minister , as if it were a fire in his bosome . And were this one thing in vigour , to wit , native sympathie with those that are offended , it would usher-in all other directions : This would make Ministers pray much to have it prevented , as our Lord doth , Ioh. 17 ▪ and Paul doth , Rom. 15. 5. This would make Ministers sparing to give offence , or to laugh at the offences of others , or to despise and sleight those that are offended , much lesse to spread rumours , entertain contentions , or so to aggrege miscarriages in others , as thereby the floud of offences may rather be increased than dried up by them . And it is found , that seldom offences have been in the Church , but Ministers have had a prime hand therein , as if it had been a part of their duty to promove the same : which sayeth , that especially they had need to be watchfull at such a time . 3. Ministers would endeavour much unity amongst themselves , and unity amongst Professours . There is no keeping off of offences without this ; for strife and contention are the fewell by which this plague of scandal is kindled and entertained , when offences are abounding in Corinth : it is the first direction that Paul giveth , 1 Epist. 1 chap. ver . 10. I beseech you , brethren , by the name of our Lord Iesus Christ , that ye all speak the same things , that there be no divisions among you , &c. And when he hath been large in two Epistles , he doth almost close with this , 2 Epist. chap. 13. 11. Finally , brethren , farewell : Be perfect , be of good comfort , be of one mind , live in peace ; and the God of peace shall be with you . And he not only exhorteth to it , But , Rom. 15. 5. he prayeth for it upon the back of all his doctrine and directions concerning offences ; Yea , it was the way that our blessed Lord Jesus took , to commend union , and to pray for it to His Disciples , lest thereby the world should be stumbled and keeped back from the acknowledging of Him , and the beauty of the Church should be obscured , so as the members thereof should not be known to be His Disciples , as may be at length seen in the Gospel , and particularly , Ioh. 17. 4. Ministers would study the diverting of people from these things which ordinarily breed offences , as striving about words , and jangling in controversies not materiall , the judging and condemning of others , and such like ; and they would study to be occupied themselves , and to have others exercised in these things that come nearer the power of Godlinesse and the life of Religion . We see when the rest of the Disciples offend at Zebedee's children for their suit , the Lord checks that , and proposeth to them the necessity of humility and mortification , and such like , that he might put the unprofitable question , ( who should be greatest ? ) out of their head , as it is in Matth. chap. 18. 1 , &c. and chap. 20. ver . 20 , and 25 , &c. And this is frequent in Paul's Epistles to Timothy and Titus , whereas upon the one side , he dehorteth from strife , contention , vain jangling , following of fables , and such like , So he doth , upon the other side , exhort to the exercise of godlinesse , and to the pressing of good works , as good and profitable to men in opposition to these , as may be gathered from 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver . 4. 5. and chap. 4. ver . 7 , 8. 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver . 14. 15 , &c. Titus 3. ver . 8. 9. Yea , the Apostle will have Ministers so serious in this , as to charge and obtest their hearers ( as he did his , 1 Corinth . 1. 10. and Phil. 2. 1. ) to eschew these things , and not to strive about words , 1 Tim. 1. 3. 4. 2 Tim. 2. 14 , &c. Especially Ministers would beware of mentioning such things unnecessarily , as are the bone of contention , or which may foster mistakes of , or grudges against , others , or make themselves to appear to be carnal , and to walk like men , But rather they would endeavour to hush them to silence , as they would have blocks removed out of the peoples way , otherwise they cannot but lose of their ministeriall authority , and discompose the frame of the people , which by all means should be e●…chewed by them . The considering of three Scriptures will give a view of Paul's carriage in reference to this , And O how commendable is it ! The first is , 1 Corinth . 9. 19 , 20. 21 , 22 , &c. Though I be free from all men , yet have I made my self servant unto all , that I might gain the more . And unto the Iews , I became as a Iew , that I might gain the Iews ; to them that are under the Law , as under the Law , that I might gain them that are under the Law ; to them that are without Law , as without Law , ( being not without Law to God , but under the Law to Christ ) that I might gain them that are without Law. To the weak became I as weak , that I might gain the weak : I am made all things to all men , that I might by all means save some . Where , his condescending to others , his insinuating by all means to win the affection of people , his greedinesse to edifie and save souls , and his endeavouring by his own example to engage others to that same condescending way , are abundantly holden forth as an useful and excellent copie to be followed especially by Ministers , who should studie edification at such a time most seriously . The second is , 2 Corinth . 6. from ver . 1. to ver . 11. It is a great word that he hath ver . 3. Giving no offence in any thing , that the ministery be not blamed : ( for untendernesse in offences maketh the Ministery obnoxious to contempt ) But in all things approving our selves as the Ministers of God ; that pointeth out a ministeriall walk which studieth more the Masters honour , the credit of the Ordinances , and the good of souls , both his own and others , than the pleasing of others , and the making themselves acceptable only a●… men , or as familiar companions to those they converse with . Then followeth , In much patience , in afflictions , in necessities , in distresses , in stripes , in imprisonments , in 〈◊〉 , in labours , in watchings , in fastings , By purenesse , by knowledge , by long-suffering , by kindnesse , by the holy Ghost , by love unfeigned , By the word of truth , by the power of God , by the armour of righteousnesse , on the right hand , and on the left ; By honour and dishonour , by evil report and good report : as deceivers , and yet true ; As unknown , and yet well known ; as dying , and behold , we live ; as chastened , and not killed ; As sorrowfull , yet alway rejoycing ; as poor , yet making many rich ; as having nothing , and yet possessing all things . Wherein , as in so many steps , he setteth forth his ministerial walk , for the preventing of offence , being a most excellent description of a patient , diligent , faithfull , denied , impartiall , single , powerfull preacher , driving and pressing the great design of Reconciliation , as his main scope , as from the close of the former Chapter , and the beginning of this , is clear . And this is pointed out as his work at such a time , amongst such a people for such an end , as the preventing of offence . The third Scripture is ▪ 2 Corinth . chap. 11. ver . 28 , 29. which was formerly cited , and is worthy to be engraven on a Ministers heart . Beside that which cometh upon me daily , the care of all the Churches . Who is weak , and I am not weak ? who is offended , and I burn not ? Never man was more serious in quenching fire in his house than Paul was in removing of offences , and in recovering such as were offended . He was not only carefull not to give offence himself , nor only to keep others from giving offence , nor yet only for removing of such as were taken at himself ; nay , nor only to satisfie those that were strong that had offended , but the very stumbling , although without cause , of the most weak , ignorant , silly persons , affected him more , than if it had peirced himself . It is not like that he could have continued carelesse of mens constructions of him , of their being grieved and made weak , or of their being offended any other way , ( as , alas , it is like too many do now ! ) It was no matter of laughing to him to hear of the sadnesse of any , that did proceed even from mistakes ; and there was no rest in his mind till such an infirmity was cured . These three places and others , being soberly considered in their matter and scope , will give the serious consciencious Minister insight in a great part of his duty , and ( it may be ) in no little part of his sin and challenge at such a time . The Notes also of the Reverend Master Dickson upon the same subject , ( worthy to be taken notice of ) do more fully confirm this . Happy were the Ministers that were of such a frame and of such a practice ; And happy were the Church under their inspection . O that it may once thus be ! PART II. Concerning Publick Scandals , or Scandals as they are the object of Church-censures ; and more particularly , as they are practical , or , in practice . IT resteth now that we should speak something of Scandal as it is the object of Church-discipline ; for that is implyed here , to wit , That this scandal , given by the Nicolaitans , was such as ought to have been taken notice of by the Church-officers : for , the neglect thereof is reproved by the Lord ; and in such a case privat admonitions are not sufficient . We may therefore speak a word to these Questions , 1. When a Scandal is to be esteemed publick , that is , to be taken notice of by a Church-judicatory . 2. What Order is to be observed in proceeding therein . 3. What is to be accounted a sufficient ground for removing of such an offence , so as it may ●…ist all ecclesiastick Processe , or may remove a Sentence when it is passed . 4. What is the duty of private Christians , when Church-officers seem to be , and possibly indeed are , defective in reference to this ? CHAP. I. Shewing that every Offence is not publick , and when it is so . COncerning the first Question , we lay down these grounds , 1. Every thing offensive is not publick , or immediatly to be brought before a Church-judicatory . Of this sort are , 1. sins of infirmity , which possibly may be offensive for the time , Yet the persons way being considered , they are to be thought to proceed from his infirmity , they being incident to such who are in some serious manner watchfull over their way ; and therefore are not the object of Discipline , which is to curb and restrain the more grosse humours of Professors : Otherwayes the exercise of Discipline , in reference to infirmities , would utterly prove an intanglement both to Officers and Members , and so occasion more stumbling , contrary to Christ's scope . 2. Offences that are in disputable practices , or that flow from miscarriage in things indifferent , are not properly the object of Church-censure , because there is not solid accesse of through convincing the party . Hence we see , that in these disputes concerning indifferent things , or of practices following thereupon , the Apostles reprove mens untendernesse in them , but do never make them the ground of Censure as such , except they be aggreged by some other circumstance . Of this sort al●…o are offences that may proceed from mens carriage in legal pursuits and civil contracts which may offend ; yet cannot they be legally convinced to have broken a rule , when the strain of their way is legal , although it may be sinfull before God , and be to be reproved by private admonition where men have accesse . 3. Some offences are grosse , and , it may be , known to some to be true ; yet possibly there is no convincing way of demonstrating the truth thereof to others : in that case , it 's more safe and edifying to forbear publick mentioning of that scandal , than to prosecute the same , seing it may more irritate the person , and weaken the Church-authority , than edifie . 4. Some scandals are grosse , and may be made-out by two or three witnesses ; yet are not immediatly to be brought to publick , except upon the supposition of following obstinacy , and not satisfying of those two or three , which especially is to be considered , if the persons carriage be otherwayes cleanly ▪ This is Christ's expresse rule , Mat. 18. and to bring it immediatly to publick , is not consistent with that love that we ought to have to one another : For , charity requireth that he should be admonished , and also if he hear , that it should sist ; Otherwayes , such being satisfied as were offended , it were to waken a scandal , and not to remove one . But now especially we consider what is a publick scandal in respect of its nature , and afterward we shall enquire when it is so to be accounted publick in respect of its notority ; and so when immediatly it is to be brought in publick : for , it is certain ▪ that these two may be divided , and so are to be distinguished , as was formerly hinted . For , a scandal may be publick , to say so , for its notority , but yet not for its nature . 2. Scandals may be of that nature , that it is fit to take publick notice of them , and to follow them with Church-censures till they be removed . This is clear in the Lord 's rep●…oving the neglect of publick Censure in these Churches ; for , His finding fault that they had such , and suffered such ( as in the next Epistle ) can be construct●…d no otherwayes , but that they did not by Church-censure cut them off from their fellowship , which is elsewhere abundantly clear . And it is true in these cases , 1. When a scandal is of its own nature grosse and infectious , like a little leaven ready to leaven the whole lump . 2. When it is clear and in the matter of fact cannot be denied : the first is requisit to a publick scandal for convincing of the conscience of the evil it self ; the second for making application of the consequents of such an evil to such a person . 3. An offence becometh publick , though it be not of its own nature so at first , if it be afterward aggreged by such circumstances as obstinacy and contempt of private admonition , frequent relapsing therein , and such like , as Christ's rule , Matth. 18. and the general nature of offence doth confirm : Scandals that are so circumstantiated , and they only , are to be taken notice of by Church-judicatories as the proper object of Church-discipline . Hence we may see a great difference betwixt offence as it is the object of private discretion , and as it is the object of Church-discipline . I call them grosse evils and of an infectious nature , which are against a clear Law of God , and of that influence in a man's christian walk , as any sober man ▪ acquainted with the Word of God , and reflecting upon conscience , cannot but acknowledge to be sinfull , obstructive to the work of grace where they are , and tending to the marring the beauty of a Church , and the edification and salvation of her members if they should spread , such as Sabbath-breaking , swearing , and what doth directly contradict a moral command , these things are obviously censurable . And upon this occasion , I cannot but much wonder at , and regrate the unwarrantable expressions , at least , in the matter of fact , of a Learned man , Mr. Baxter against Blake , pag. 130. his words are , In some Countries , where some oaths are grown customary and of no great evil repute , it is possible for a godly man to be long guilty of them , as it is known that many well reputed of for godlinesse are in Scotland , &c. where he doth misrepresent the Church of Scotland in a twofold mistake ( to say no more . ) 1. as if some swearing were so customary in Scotland as to abound even amongst the Godly . 2. As if it were not taken notice of , or of no evil repute or scandalou●… : It is like , this may be his information , but certainly Christian charity would have pleaded , that such information should not have been received against a Brother , without some convincing ground ; much lesse to have been vented as a thing known against a Christian Church , which , however she be otherwise afflicted and rent , and so obnoxious to much contempt and reproach , yet hath a witnesse both in Heaven and Earth of zeal against that sin , and innocencie in that respect , as to these that are Godly , even but seemingly , There being nothing more abhorred by a godly heart , and accounted a greater evidence of profanity amongst us , than customary irreverent medling with the holy Name of God , and swearing of any kind : and although we be many wayes guilty before God , even in this respect ; yet we suppose she may hold up her face therein , beside , and with , any Church on earth . 3. We say , That even among these Scandals that are in this sense publickly to be taken notice of , there is many wayes difference to be made in the prosecuting of them , and that in diverse respects . 1. Some scandals are of such grosse nature and publicknesse in the fact , that they cannot be passed without some publick rebuke , at least , even though the person should seem satisfyingly to resent his deed , because in this , respect is to be had to the edification of others , and not of the person only . 2. Some scandals again are such , as by authoritative admonition may be helped : and in this sense , if a person hear the Church-guides and take their admonition , there is no further progresse to be made . Again , 3. sometimes persons are to be followed with the highest censure of Excommunication , when open rebukes cannot do the businesse , as we see in the case before us , and other practices of Pauls . And we suppose , that such a scandal as hath this Sentence following upon it , would be in the grosnesse of its nature , and clearnesse of its proof , convincingly made out both to the person himself , and to others . Because , 1. otherwise it may make this great Ordinance contemptible , if upon like , or disputable grounds , it be drawn forth . 2. Neither can it have weight with the person to gain its end upon him natively , as a Church-ordinance ought to have , the first step whereof is , convincingly to argue him to the sense of his fault , as the word is , Matth. 18. 15. 3. Neither can it be expected to have such weight with others who ordinarily carry towards them that are under it , as they are convinced of the weightinesse or lightnesse of the ground of that Sentence . 4. The nature of this Ordinance cleareth this also ; for ( as Divines say ) it is added to confirm Gods threatnings , as Sacraments do seal the promises ; then it importeth , that there must be a clear threatning ere this can be appended ; and there can be no such threatning applyed , but where both the sin in its nature , and the fact in its notority are convincing ; and indeed all the precedents of this Sentence in Scripture are of this nature , to wit , they are both rare , and also upon most convincingly grosse evils . I cannot expresse it better than it is done by that Reverend Divine , Mr. Thomas Hooker of New England in his History , part 3. pag. 39. Such evils , ( the words are his ) which are either heynous and abommable , as fornication , murther , adultery , incest , treason , &c. or , if not so grosse , yet carry the face of evil in their forehead , upon the first serious and well grounded consideration of reason ; and have been pertinaciously and obstinatly persisted in after the improvement of all means upon them for conviction and reformation : These only deserve Excommunication by the rules of Christ , 1 Cor. 5. Matth. 18. 17. thus far he . Advert , that what we speak here of a publick scandal , is spoken in respect of the nature thereof ; what is to be accounted such , in respect of its manifestnesse and notoritie , followeth afterward to be spoken of . CHAP. II. Concerning what order is to be keeped in the following of publick Scandals . THe second thing , to wit what order and manner is to be observed in the following of publick Scandal ▪ is not easily determinable , there being such variety of cases in which the Lord exerciseth the prudence and wisdom of his Church-officers : and indeed the gift of Government ( to speak so ) doth especially kyth in the right managing of Discipline , in reference to the severall humours and constitutions ( to say so ) which men have to do with . For , as in bodily diseases the same cure is not for the same disease in all constitutions and seasons , and as Ministers in their Doctrine are to presse the same things in diverse manners , upon diverse auditories ; So this cure of discipline , is not to be applied equally unto all persons ; nay , not to such as are in the same offences . For , that which would scarce humble one , may crush another ; and that which might edifie one , might be stumbling to another , of another temper . Therefore we suppose there is no peremptor determining of rules for cases here , but necessarily the manner of procedor in the application of rules , is to be left to the prudence and conscienciousnesse of Church-officers , according to the particular circumstantiate case . Yet we may lay down these generals ▪ 1. All publick processing of scandalous persons , or judiciall taking notice of scandals , would be done with respect to the ends for which Discipline is appointed , and so as may attain the same . This , I suppose , cannot be denied : for , the mids must be suited to its end . Now ▪ the ends of publick Censuring , are , 1. for vindicating the honour of J●…sus Christ , that suffereth in the miscarriage of a member . 2. The preserving of the authority of His Ordinances , and the chastening of disobedience thereunto , Therefore it is called , 2 Corinth . 2. 6. The punishment that was inflicted , and chap. 10. 6. This is said to revenge all disobedience , it being appointed as an Ecclesiastick whip to keep up His Authority in His House , and thereby to note those that are unruly therein , 2 Thess. 3. 6 , 14. 3. It is for the persons good , as it is said , 1 Corinth . 5. 5. for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved , that by this , admonitions , reproofs , yea , threatnings , may have the more weight , for the persons humiliation and up-stirring : and the constraining of them at least to a more orderly walk in the Church , as the Apostle hath it , 2 Thess. 3. 6 , and 14. 4. It is for the good of the Church , that the leaven of profanity spread not , and that others may thereby learn to fear : This reason is given , 1 Cor. 5. 6 , 7 &c. and 1 Tim. 5. 20. Now , when we speak of the end of publick trial and censure , respect is to be had to all these , but especially to the more publick and generall ends , so as the persons particular edification be not neglected ; and therefore in procedor , particular and speciall respect would be had to that manner ( whether by m●…eknesse , or rigidity , by forbearing or proceeding ) which may most attain these ends . Hence , 2. we say , that the same offences , upon the matter , are not equally nor at all times , nor in all persons , and , it may be , in all places in the same manner , to be pursued and followed ; and the reason is clear , because according to circumstances , that manner which is edifying at one time , and in one case , may be destructive in another , and so is not to be followed , because that power which God hath given is for edification and never for destruction , 2 Corinth . 13. 10. And accordingly , we see Paul in some cases censuring corrupt men , as Hymeneus and Phyletus , 1 Tim. 1. 20. Sometimes again , he threatneth and yet spareth , although the scandal in it self deserved Censure , as when he saith , Gal. 5. I wish they were cut off that trouble you , and yet doth it not , because he found not the Churches edification so to require . So also , 2 Corinth . 10. 4. and 6. Having in a readinesse to revenge all disobedience , when your obedience is fulfilled : which yet he thought not meet for the time to do , lest it should have irritated to more disobedience , and have bred some greater rent or schism , or have made the authority of the Ordinances lesse weighty , and so have marred his end , which was in all things ( and so in this forbearing ) their edification , as he expresseth it , chap. 12. 19. Brethren , we do all things ( and so this also ) for your edifying . When I speak of edifying , I do not speak of pleasing the persons ( for , that may be often destructive to them , and others also ) But this is intended , that it is to be weighed in Christian prudence , whether considering the time and place we live in , the nature of the person we have to do with , and of those also among whom we live , it be more fit to follow this way with such a person , at such a time , or another way ? and accordingly as it seemeth probable , that this way will honour God most , more fully vindicate His Ordinances , gain the person from sin to holinesse , at least , to a regular walk , and edifie others most ; So accordingly ought Church-judicatories to take the way that leadeth most probably to that end . And therefore it ought not alwayes to be accounted partiality when such difference in Church-procedour is observed : yet these things would by all means be guarded against . 1. That nothing be done with respect to persons , or appear to be done so ; that is , for outward , civil , or naturall respects , to be more gentle to one than to another , than which nothing is more derogatory to ecclesiastick Authority , and stumbling to people . 2. This difference of proceeding , would rather be in the manner and circumstances of proceeding in reference to some offences , than in dispensing with what seemeth to be materiall ; or , it would be in such offences where there is no settled rule , and wherein Church-officers have more latitude : as for instance , some offences are of that publick nature that usually they are followed with a publick reproof ; such cannot be conveniently past-by in any ordinary conceivable case , suppose it be fornication , or some such thing ; yet , in the manner of citing and dealing with the person , or expressing or timeing of the reproof , there may be condescending ; but to omit it altogether , would hazard the casting loose of that Ordinance of publick reproof , which would mar the edification of the Church more than advantage any particular party : Other offences again , are more occasional ▪ in reference to which , there is no definit law , or practice ; suppose it be speaking , reproachfull words of some persons , Officers , or others , in such there is more liberty to condescend which way may be most convincing to the party . Lastly , in trying what may be most edifying , we are not to look to one end alone , to wit , the persons particular good only , or the publick good only , &c. but to put all together , and to try how joyntly they may be best attained . 3. From this also it will appear , that Church-officers ought with such tendernesse , love and sympathie to walk in publick Censures , as not only they may have a testimony in their own Consciences , but also that those who have offended , and others that observe their way , may also be convinced of the same ; for , if this be not , what can their Censure gain ? and if it be needfull for a Minister in preaching , to study that , it is in some respect more necessary here : because ordinarily , men out of their corruption , are more ready to mistake mens intentions in this : and we conceive , that in this a Church-judicatories procedour , ought discernably to differ from a civil Court , in that they are not only out of Justice censuring the party , with a respect to the common body , for whose good in some cases the most penitent member must be cut off , and cannot be reprived , but as endeavouring the Churches freedom from offences , that the offending member may be thereby with all tendernesse restored and cured ; and in experience we see , that often Church-censures have weight , as they are constructed to proceed from love . And we conceive , that the following of these and such like directions , may have much influence for attaining of this . 1. That nothing be rashly and hastily brought to publick , but that which is a convincing Scandal in it self , clear in the matter of fact , and also after privat dealing with the person , and triall of his carriage afterward : if the scandal be not very grosse and publick ▪ Hastie bringing to publick , irritateth : and if a private admonition of Minister and Elders might gain a Brother , what needeth further ? And by so doing , a person is convinced , that that Minister , or Elder , desireth his amendment , and on that condition to cover his offence . 2. There would be no rigid insisting in what is personall , in reference to any of the Judicatory , as suppose , they should sometimes get snarling answers , or unbecoming words , or be met with by irreverent carriage : in that case , there would be condescending , and what is offensive beside , would be insisted on , and these personall things forborn . It is true , the authority of the Ordinances would ever be kept up , yet that is not alwayes done by a rigid prosecuting of personal reflections ; but on the contrary , it often looketh likest Christs Ordinance , when meeknesse is most prevalent , and so in the end , it cometh to have greater weight ; for , many cannot discern betwixt Officers seeking their own authority , and the authority of the Ordinances ; and when the rise of the offence is from a miscarriage to some person immediately , it looketh to them to be carnall and vindictive like , and so hath the appearance of evil , and is to be eschewed . This we may observe also in Pauls carriage , and in the practices of most zealous men , who never wronged the Ordinances by denying of their own respect in such cases . And Church-officers would especially advert to this , because often in our hotest fits , it is rather respect to our own authority , than zeal for Christ that acteth us , which appeareth by this , that a practical contempt of the Ordinances in our own hands ▪ will st●…r more than many other grosse evils , or doctrinall blasphemies , or contemptuous practices which immediately reflect on others , although these may be ●…ore dishonourable to Christ. 3. For attaining this end , the rigidity and strictnesse of law would not be stuck to , as the persons not appearing at such a day if afterward they condescend ; their hastinesse in expressing themselves rashly at one time , or carrying themselves irreverently , which afterward they may passe from : these and such like , I say , are not to be stuck to , lest Church-officers seem , under pretext of Church-discipline , to take advantage of them ; and it is an evidence of the contrary , when they are condescended unto in this . Advert , this is to be observed in practices that seem to ●…low from infirmity ; but , suppose the person were some subtile , deceitfull , dissembling one , using his pretexts of repentance for furthering his design ▪ this condescension may be hurtfull to the Church of God , in leting such an occasion slip , and therefore is not to be admitted . 4. It contributeth to this end also , that publick appearances and publick rebukes be not frequent , nor in cases but such as are in the nature and evidence thereof convincing , and that also after private admonitions have been fruitlesly given . We suppose that mid step in Christs direction , Matth. 18. doth warrand this , Take to thee two or three before thou tell the Church . Hastie bringing to publick reproof , is constructed by many to be a seeking of their shame , but when it is rare , and done in the order foresaid , and also with some reasons why a publick rebuke in such a case is just and expedient , seing other means have failed , and the condition of others calleth for that now , &c. it doth much allay that prejudice ; for every man hath reason and a conscience , though many often want the exercise thereof . We find also publick rebukes rare in Scripture : And although sometimes , a publick appearing may be thought most edifying to the Congregation ; Yet , 1. If they were very frequent , they would lose their weight . 2. One publick rebuke in this manner ▪ and order , will edifie more than many otherwise : for , it is not the multitude of them that edifieth , but the convincingness of the manner of proceeding . And therefore we conceive it is never fit to multiply publick rebukes , even supposing that scandals were multiplied , but that some should be pitched-on that might most convincingly edifie , and that private dealing with others for conviction be made the more weighty , which also is the judgement of the great Augustine . 3. Peoples offending for the omiting of publick rebukes , is , when the scandal thereof doth flow from this , that they conceive it to proceed from carlesnesse , negligence , partiality , or some such thing in the Officers , whereas , if by custome it shall be known to a people , that Officers are diligent observers of these things , and are not defective in dealing with scandalous persons for convincing of them , and do take this way as the most loving and tender mean of their ●…aining , such manner of proceeding will be more convincing and edifying ▪ than if the thing were instantly brought to publick ; for , people generally approve of tendernesse and condescending in Church-officers , as looking like love to the gaining of souls , and so lay much weight on their Censuring , even of others , when they see them , as it were , constrained thereto . And on the contrary , there is nothing more offensive to them than when this tendernesse is desiderated . It is to be guarded here , that this be not made a cloak to negligence and unfaithfulnesse ; for , diligence and freedom is to be no lesse used with the parties , yea more , than if they were brought to publick . Only , this forebearance is to be made use of as a mean for making that diligence and freedom the more succesfull : otherwise , whether it be forborn or followed , it continueth still to be hurtfull . Also , when one of these abounding scandals , or scandalous persons is rebuked ▪ then especially the Minister would so gravely and zealously agrege that evil , that in some respect all that are under it may be reproved , and his indignation at it may be so discernable , that that one reproof may be in place of many , and yet the forbearance will give accesse for some to come off the same . 4. It is also to be remembered , that this exercise of Discipline for restraining of scandals , is to be subservient to the preaching of the Word : which is the main and great edifying Ordinance ; Therefore Discipline would be ordered so as it may not mar , but further that . In reference to which , these things are to be adverted to , 1. That no censure would be blindly or implicitely made use of , but both in reference to the party , and others , there would be instruction , exhortation , conviction , &c. by the Word , going before , or alongst with the same . In which respect ( though improperly ) Censures may be some way looked upon as Sacraments in a large sense in these particular cases , because there is in them both some signifying and confirming use ; They being considered with respect to the end wherefore they were appointed . 2. Church-officers , especially Ministers , would not make Discipline the great uptaking businesse , so as it may prove an intanglement unto them , or diversion from the Ministery of the Word : The great Apostles , Act. 6. thought not fit to be diverted with the serving of Tables , but appointed Deacons to be chosen for that end , that they might give themselves principally , and , in comparison of other duties , fully ( or as they say themselves , ver . 4. continually ) to prayer , that is , to the private exercise thereof ; and the Ministery of the Word , that is , the preaching thereof in publick . By which we may see , 1. what a Ministers great task is , wherein he should be taken up , to wit , secret prayer , ( under which are comprehended , reading , meditation , and other duties meet for his own particular case , and preparation for the duties of his calling , as may be gathered from 1 Tim. 4. 13 , 14 , 15. ) and the publick preaching of the Gospel . 2. We see also , that though Ministers are virtually both Elders and Deacons , ( as the Apostles were ) yet ought they to regulat their exercising of both these , with respect to the former two . And , 3. that Elders and Deacons ought in governing , and overseeing the poor , to have special respect to keep Ministers from being burthened or toyled with these , that they may have freedom to follow the Ministery of the Word , as the main thing : Yea , even to have much accesse to privacy and solitarinesse , which is both most necessary for , and a well becoming duty to a Minister ; This is a special end of the appointment of these Officers , and in reference to which they are helps , 1 Cor. 12. 28. both to the people and to the Ministers . A third thing to be adverted to , is , that contentious and irritating processes be so followed , as by these there be no prejudice laid before persons ▪ to make them stumble at the Word , or to render it the more unprofitable . It is true ▪ sometimes such things are necessary for the good of the body , and for the vindicating of Christs Ordinances , yet as much as may be they would be shuned , and Ministers especially ought to carry so in the manner , as to keep room for the Word in the affections of the parties . And we conceive , that multiplying and lengthning of processes ( except where there is grave and weighty cause ) and the way of triall of members , penitents , or such as are to be admitted to Sacraments , which is pleaded for by some , if it were put in practice , could not but much intangle Ministers , yea , become a more weighty and intolerable burthen to them , than the preaching of the Word : yea , could not but be obstructive thereto , contrary to the nature of Discipline , as said is . CHAP. III. Shewing that Christs order and method , Matth. 18. is to be keeped , and what it doth imply . THe fourth generall concerning proceeding in publick Scandals , which we would lay down , is , that Christs order , Mat. 18. be indispensably kept . Which we conceive , being compared with other Scriptures , doth imply these things , 1. That offences whether they be in lesser patticulars , or in more grosse things , yet if they be but known to few , are not instantly to be brought to publick , ( except some circumstance necessitate the same for greater edification ) and this order is to be observed both by Officers and private persons . It were not therefore unfit , when any delation cometh by an Elder , or complaint by a private Professor , to enquire if they had observed this rule with such a party ? and if alone , and with some others , friendly and rationally they have endeavoured to convince them ? and if not , that they be remitted to follow that way , and if they have done it , It would be enquired , if their so doing have had no weight ? Or if the person hath continued in the offence notwithstanding ? If none of these can be said , there is yet no ground for publick tabling of a scandal : and this we suppose would cut off many needlesse processes , and prove more edifying . 2. It is clear from that place , that the offences to be complained of , are not injuries or wrongs to us under that notion as such , but what is offensive in its nature and under that consideration , whether any wrong be intended to us in it or not . It is not suitable to a Church-court to have only persons complaining of wrongs done to themselves , as if they be cursed , de●…amed , &c. and yet not to take notice of what is offensive , as wronging the honour of God , reflecting upon the profession of the Gospel , and really laying a stumbling-block before themselves and others . This is to neglect scandals , and to take notice of slanders , which , as we said , differ from these . Hence , such persons ordinarily follow their complaints with much bitterness , and never seek to convince the party privately . We conceive therefore , that such direct complaints , so circumstantiate , ought not to be admitted , at least , upon that consideration ; lest the Ordinance of Christ be made subservient to mens particular passions and interests . It is therefore more fit when such offences arise , that they be taken notice of abstractly from such complaints , and that in the order that other scandals are to come in , whereof now we are speaking . 3. It is clear from that order , Matth. 18 that when the person offending , doth accept of the admonition , there is no mention further to be made thereof ; yea , it would not be so much as reported privately , if it be not otherwayes known . 4. If that private admonition prevail not , then is the person to take two or three with him before it come to the Church , and this is not to be done superficially , and for exoneration meerly , but convincingly , and for the persons edification . Therefore we suppose , that this is not to be astricted to one time , either in private , or before these two or three : for , once speaking may be but little usefull ; and seing the Church is to continue in dealing with the person before they give him over and proceed , and before they can account that he heareth not them , So ought it to be in the preceeding two steps , seing the words are the same . Again , I say , this would be done convincingly , they would argue ( as the word is ) with the offending brother , and not rest satisfied with some passing word or admonition . Further , these two or three would be chosen , so as may be most fit for that purpose , and may have most weight with him , ( we think some Elder , one at least , or two , were not unfit ) and this would be done purposly , gravely and seriously , as the words , Take with thee , &c. import . All this is to preceed the bringing of a scandal to publick , which is to sist here if this prevail . Whence , 5. also we may see , that every scandal which is known to two or three , is not to be accounted a publick scandal , and at the first instant to be brought to the Church , because it is supposed , that these two or three may have knowledge of the same scandal , and yet may it warrantably never come to publick , if the person hear them . It looketh unlike this way to bring scandals to publick , wherein scarce two witnesses can be had . Indeed , after the fault noised and flagrant , and the presumption is great , and the party suspect like , such things are publickly to be taken notice of , though the proofs be not so pregnant . 6. If this do not the businesse , but the person continueth obstinate , although to the conviction of those two or three assessors , the fact be grosse , and the party guilty , then it is to be brought to publick ▪ either immediately by the person that was stumbled , or by an Elder , ( for which cause , we said , it was not unmeet that one of these should be among the former witnesses ) When it cometh to the Church , we conceive , that with the parties , it were meet to call some one , or moe of those who were witnesses of the private admonition , that the Judicatory may be informed by them of the case , seing probably they may be more impartiall than the other . And it will be conduceable for attaining clearnesse in the thing , to know what hath preceeded ▪ and where it left ; and this would make private admonitions and witnesses therein , to have the more weight with men ; for , knowing that their carriage at such a time would be made manifest to others , it would have influence to make them at first more rationall and sober , if they knew that what they said then , would afterward be repeated to them before two or three ; and what they spoke before those , were to be again impartially reported to the Eldership ▪ And we conceive , it is for this cause amongst others , that Christ calleth them witnesses , and such witnesses , as may establish the matter , which must be rather in their testifying to the Church , than in private accompanying the offended party . Fo●… , when a person bringeth such an offence to a publick Judicatory , he must make out these two , 1. That such a person hath actually given offence , 2. That he hath effectually admonished him ▪ and he hath not heard him , not satisfied him . Now , though the first be made out by other witnesses , yet the last cannot be made out but by such as were called by him ; and therefore with respect to that , they are called witnesses by our Lord , as is said . When this is done , the convincing and recovery of the party is yet to be essayed ; and for that end , pains are to be taken , with all patience , gentlenesse , and long-suffering : if that prevail , there is no further procedour called-for ; if not , then publick admonitions and rebukes are to be added . If nothing prevail , the Sentence of Excommunication is to be added , the ground being convincingly scandalous in its nature , and clear in its evidence , as was formerly said ; and it will not be found often in a Church where that progresse is keeped , that it will come to this . If the offences be of that nature , that a publick rebuke be necessary , in respect of the circumstances and aggravations thereof , it is not to be neglected : Yet , it is not necessary that every offence that cometh to the Eldership , yea , even these that are known to many , should at all times be brought to a publick rebuke . For , if the Sessional or Elderships admonition have weight with the party , what needeth more in reference to him ? And if there be no hazard that others be infected by that deed , or provoked by that example , there is no necessity alwayes in reference to them , especially , where it is known that such offences are not passed . For , that is one end of publick rebukes , 1 Tim. 5. 20. That others may fear . Yea , much more we conceive , that many offences may be brought the length of publick rebukes , which yet are not to be drawn out unto Excommunication , even though compleat satisfaction seem not to be given . Because , 1. that Sentence is not to proceed , but upon weighty convincing causes , as is said , 2. Because , if the cause be convincing , the person offending may be expected sometimes upon after thoughts to admit of conviction , though distemper or prejudice may for a time keep it off , as experience doth prove . But where the case is such as hazardeth infection to others , and the persons such as are contemptuous and ready to spread their leaven , as was both in the case of the doctrine and deeds of these Nicolaitans , the Sentence is to proceed , and that more summarily : I say , more summarily in comparison of what is pas●… , yet not altogether summarily ; for , Paul alloweth an Heretick to be once and again admonished , Tit. 3. 10. And in this Chapter , the Lord giveth Iezebel time to repent : and here , those corrupt persons are exhorted to repent before He come to fight against them with the sword of His mouth , ver . 16. which ( as we take it ) looketh to the same Sentence . We will not be peremptory to deny what may be done when the crime is atrocious , the evidence palpable , the scandal great , the contemptuousnesse of the party , by their former and present carriage , rendering all hopes of recovering so desperate , that there is not so much as accesse to get a hearing , and a following of convictions , and the hazard of the scandal not admitting of delay : I say , in such a case , we will not deny what may be done for the Churches edification more summarily ; yet we are sure , ordinarily the way laid down is to be followed . CHAP. IV. Holding forth the frame wherewith Church-Officers should proceed in Censure , and helps towards the same . IN the last place , the manner of proceeding in all this , is especially to be looked to , without which all the rest will be weightlesse . Therefore in all the procedure , the Church-officers especially would have a zealous , serious , grave and authoritative manner of carriage , having weight and authority in their least looks and words , with all gravity : For , can that admonition have weight with others , that appeareth not to have weight with those that give it ? Or , can the scandalous be serious in hearing , when there is no conviction on them , that they are serious and affected that speak ? Ministers therefore especially , as also Elders in their place , would endeavour seriously and zealously with all tendernesse to the person , to expresse their indignation at , and abhorrency of such deeds ; as it is commended in Ephesus , ver . 6. that they hated the deeds of the Nicolaitans . And certainly , a Court of Christs ought to look like Him , and like that businesse intrusted to them , and to have a different stamp from other Courts . And there is nothing that weakneth the authority of a Sentence more than the want of this . For helping therefore to it , we propose , 1. That the conversations of such as take notice of Scandals in others , should be shining themselves , There can be no weightinesse without this ; because the weight and authority that is to be studied here , is that which may be convincing to consciences , rather than compulsive to the outward man : and upon this ground , it is not the most honourable and rich that give Church-judicatories most authority , But those who are most shining and convincing in their carriage , particularly in reference to this trust : For , though outward place may gain more outward respect , yet this cannot but have more weight upon the conscience , which is especially to be affected by this Church-authority . 2. We would beware of founding this authority upon carnal grounds , or to lay the weight of it there , such as the power and authority of men ; yea , or upon our own place , parts , or weight : and upon that account ( as it were ) to boast , rather than to perswade or convince . This sometimes may have weight as to some outward conformity , but doth ever lose more of its native weightinesse : Therefore Ministers and Elders in the prosecuting of this , would lay the weight here , that it is Christ's Ordinance , and that they act in His Name . 3. They would even in that procedure aim especially to deal with consciences to convince them , rather than to wrangle with corruptions , or to throw the outward man. 4. The Masters honour would ever be respected , yea , reverently and frequently mentioned , that all of them may be put and kept in minde that it is His Ordinance , and appointed for such an end : and the more room He get in the meeting , the more weight will their procedure have . 5. Ministers , and Elders particularly , would pray for the blessing to Discipline , as well as to the Word ; and for the persons offending , even those that appear to be most stuborn , this becometh their ministerial authority well to acknowledge Him , and is the way to have His presence in the midst of them , without which they can expect no weight ; and the more He be seen that is the Master , the more authority will they have who are the Servants . 6. It helps this also to have the matter and proofs convincing . Therefore particulars that look self-like , or siding with interests , or such as are involved in civil debates and contests , are to be shunned , or at least , not to be insisted upon : for , readily a convincing weighty matter , will have some impression of it self upon consciences . Hence , we will find in Scripture that generally ( if not alwayes ) publick processes are tabled upon scandals that flow from commissions , and that of such nature , as is said . It is true , where an omission is owned , as suppose one should refuse to pray , or where palpably defended , and is not of infirmity , as idlenesse was in Thessalonica , 1 Epist. chap. 3. such are by their circumstances rather indeed commissions , and so to be accounted after admonition , and upon just ground are convincing . 7. There would be weight , gravity , impartiality , self-deniednesse , and affection kything in every circumstance , that they may look like the servants of Jesus Christ , who are seeking thee good of His people ; and so foolish sporting and laughing , idle and triviall questions , passionate words , heat , or particular and personall reflections , and the like , are most derogatory to the authority of a Church-judicatory , and do mar the weight of any Sentence upon a conscience , as is evident in daily experience , where sometimes Censures in their giving and receiving , are , upon the matter , an irreverent taking of the name of the Lord in vain . 8. There would be in all this , an holy boldnesse ▪ and an undauntoned fearlesnesse in respect of men . When it cometh to any difficulty , minding the authority of Him whom we represent ; yet so , as in this boldnesse , conscience of duty and zeal may both in our own consciences , and to the conviction of others , be the ground , end and motive thereof , and not any carnall flash of passion or pride , or fit of naturall courage , which may make Church-officers look like men , but not like their master ; for , as His Kingdom is not of this world in these respects , so ought His Officers to administrate the same otherwayes than a wor●…ly authority useth to be ; our weapons are not carnall , but spirituall , and mighty through God , and therefore as such should be used . The last general direction concerning this , is , that when Scandals are thus to be taken notice of , this proceeding ought to be with expedition : my meaning is not , that we should precipitate contrary to the former directions ; But , 1. That after notice of an offence , with all conveniency , the first steps of this procedure would be essayed . 2. That there would not be long intervals betwixt these steps , although they may be frequently repeated . 3. That persons would not be kept long under processe , especially they would not have their appearances multiplied , except when it may be for good use . The reasons of all these , are ▪ 1. Because when offences are fresh , then often the parties offending , and offended , as also others , are most affected therewith ; whereas , if a long time interveen , that edge weareth away , and whatever the close be , it proveth not so edifying to any . 2. Men weary , and so fall from that zealous , serious manner of carriage in it that becometh , for our spirits are soon out of bensall , and that deroga●…eth from the weight of the thing . 3. It proveth irritating and burthensom to the parties offending , rather than convincing , and so the end is missed . 4. It hath also influence upon the confusing and burthening of Officers when processes are multiplied and lengthened , and it cometh some way to look like mens civil Courts , and that in such things as they use to be grievous unto these who are necessitate to wait on them . To close this , we conceive it were fit for the authority of Church-judicatories , the weight of admonition , and the edification of persons , that there were some specially set apart for government , although they were fewer : And , O that this might be attained ! for , ordinary conversing of Elders in common and ordinary Callings , doth not a little obscure the weight of that Ordinance to many , except the conversation of the Elder in such things be singularly convincing : And untill this be attained , there is the greater need for Church-officers to be as little in common businesse and discourses with those over whom they are set , as conveniently may be , that there may be the more accesse to converse with them as becometh Officers ; and when necessity calleth to it , there is need of gravity and circumspectnesse , that it mar not their weight in the duties of their office at any other time . And also Church-officers in their meetings amongst themselves , would be alwayes grave and serious , as being about an Ordinance of Jesus Christ. CHAP. V. Concerning what is to be done , when offending persons give no satisfaction . IF it be asked then , what is to be done , supposing persons not to give any satisfaction , even when they are brought to publick ? This is indeed a difficulty , and will , no question , pusle any consciencious Church-officer ; Yet we suppose , we may classe such offences that are brought to publick in these three sorts , and then answer . 1. Some offences are in matters that are lesse horrid and scandalous , and come neerer to sins of infirmity , which yet are scandalous , being continued in suppose officious lying , angry passionat words , and such like , where these are repeated , the persons are to be rebuked in some cases ; yet if they be not contemptuous , or the ills otherwise aggreged , we see not how there can be proceeding to Excommunication upon such grounds , because Excommunication is a chastisement for some singular offenders , and is not for offences that are so common , as hath been formerly said . Of this sort may be the sparingnesse of charity in Church-members , in giving little to the poor , or lesse than proportionally they should , though they do not altogether shut their bowels ▪ This may be the object of admonition , but we think hardly of Excommunication , except it have grosse contempt with it , and so hazard of making void , by evil example , the course that Christ hath appointed for overseing the poor in His house , for which He hath appointed Deacons : and if publick charity upon any pretext were restrained ▪ that were to no purpose : which certainly highly reflecteth on Christ , and is a grievous scandal . We find the Reverend Master Hooker , part 2. chap. 2. pag. 57. lay these two conclusions , 1. That the Church is to stint her Members , and determine the quota of their charity and free will-offerings , and that of her self . 2. That if after the Deacons private diligence , this be not given in , he is to follow the action before the Church . Although we think defect of charity , in this respect , a great sin and an offence , and may be justly reproved , and the person admonished that is defective palpably in that which is proportionable to his ability ; yet , that such a particular stint should be made by Church-power , and exacted under such certification , we cannot yet find to be warrantable . Although we give the Magistrate that liberty , and where he exerceth it not , we acknowledge mutuall condescension may do much . And we are sure , that if any such like thing should be found in the Presbyteriall way , it had been charged with tyrannie , and encroaching on the place of the Magistrate long ere now : yet it may be ( when it is well managed ) no great corruption in a Church . A second sort of offences are such , as are of themselves grosse and publick ; yet not atrocious , or aggreged with contempt , such as fornication , some acts of drunkennesse , and such like . The party ▪ I say , not being obstinate , but seriously acknowledging his fault , and promising to abstain and amend , in that case there is no ground to proceed to the highest Censure , though there may be a publick rebuke ; yea , though their acknowledgment be not altogether satisfying ; yet , if after the publick rebuke , the person abstain these evils , and renue not the offence , the processe is to close , and to proceed no further : Because , 1. In that case it cannot well be said , that he hath refused to hear the Church when that abstinence followeth . 2. The end of a publick rebuke is not alwayes to be an evidence of the persons full recovery , But , 1. to be a mean to recover him . 2. It is in it self a publick acknowledgment of the fault ▪ and a virtuall engagement to abstain . And 3. it hath a warning force and certification with it for the party offending , if he continue in his offence : Now , if he continue not , it cannot be said that he hath incurred the certification , or made the rebuke altogether ineffectuall : And therefore in such cases , a publick rebuke being accepted . it putteth a close unto such processes : for , such publick rebukes are not an exercising of the ke●…s for letting-in any to the Church , that was not a member formerly ; and therefore there is not such exactnesse required here , as in the first admission of heathens , yea , or in restoring of Excommunicate persons ▪ who have been bound and shut out , but it is the warning of a member to prevent his being cast out . Seing therefore this rebuke louseth nothing , there can be ●…o necessity alleged here of searching into his acknowledgements or profession ; and we make no question , that offending persons being rebuked before all , and abstaining from such offences afterward , were still to be accounted Church-members , capable of all priviledges , notwithstanding of the former offence . For , although he was offensive before that rebuke , yet was he not actually bound or excluded from any Church priviledge by that offence ( because offence giveth ground to exclude , if contempt follow , but doth not actually exclude of it self ) neither doth the rebuke bind and exclude any if no further Censure follow and be added thereunto , but is intended to prevent both , And therefore , I say , that a person meerly rebuked for such an offence , and not continuing in , or renuing the same , hath right to all Church-priviledges , seing he is by no Ordinance of Christ excluded ; and that way of publick rebuking , is appointed to prevent the falling of others , by that occasion . A third sort of offences are such as of their nature are grosse , and in their evidence clear , suppose drunkennesse , fornication , grosse swearing , corrupt errours , &c. and the person offending , after much pains , doth yet continue obstinate , refusing to hear the Church ; in that case the rule is clear to proceed with the Sentence of cutting off , If no accidentall thing call for the suspending thereof , for respect to the Churches good . If it be asked , when a person is to be accounted obstinate and guilty of not hearing the Church ? We answer , It may be in these four cases , 1. When the persons do contemptuously refuse , or decline appearance , that is , either to hear private admonition , or to answer for removing of their offences before the publick Judicatory . This indeed is not to be astricted to once or twice refusing , even when no reasonable excuse can be given : for , sometimes offenders are ticklish for a time , while their distemper continueth ; and Church-officers would be favourable in admitting of excuses , and in their condescending to them , ( as edification may be most furthered ) as Mothers and Nurses will do to children : which similitudes the Scripture sometimes useth . 2. It is contempt , supposing a person to appear , and yet either to justifie his offence , as if it were no wrong ; or to deny an evident fact , or to refuse any way to remove an offence given &c. yet in such cases there i●… both for bearance and gentlenesse for a time to be essayed , and the offence is to be made inexcusable both to the conscience of the party , and to the consciences of others . 3. Contempt may appear in this , when persons offending appear , and do not deny the offence , yet by such proud carriage , haughty reflecting , irreverent expressions , and such like , do bewray contempt in the manner of their carriage , and there by do give more offence than by their former miscarriage , or than if they had not appeared at all : Because , that doth reproach the Ordinance of Christ more , as it were in His presence to affront Him , and like the souldiers , to say , Hail , King of the Iews , and to mock Him. A fourth thing that may be judged contempt , and not hearing of the Church ▪ is , when a person appearing , doth with some seeming reverence acknowledge the fault , suppose drunkenesse , slander , fornication , &c. and yet doth notwithstanding continue in , or frequently reiterate the same offence for these cannot be judged sins of infirmitie , especially when they are so frequent , and that after admonition ; for , the Churches admonition doth not only tend to draw forth an acknowledgement of the offence past , but to prevent the like for time to come ; and where that is not , it cannot be said that Christs Ordinance hath had weight . And in such a case , the accounting of verball acknowledgements enough , where there is a continuance in some seen evils , were to make the Ordinance of Christ obnoxious to reproach , and to frustrate it of its end , which is to remove and prevent offences , ( for in that case they abound more ) and it would strengthen men that could dissemble , to continue in their profanitie , seing by that they might ever escape the Sentence of Excommunication , and so profane persons might abound in Christs Church to the dishonour of his Name , and the reproach of the Gospel , and yet there be no accesse to His Officers by His Ordinances to purge them out . And seing this would be ridiculous in any humane Court , to account such a man a receiver of admonitions , it were absurd to assert it here . If it be asked , what is to be done in cases where the offence is not of a more grosse nature , and cometh neer to a sin of infirmity , and yet hath contempt added thereto , in one of these respects ? Answ. 1. We have said already , that it is hard to ground Excommunication upon such a rise : Therefore , 2. Church-officers would warrily deal with such offenders , so as there be no seeming occasion given them to contemn ; and much forbearance , and even a kind of overlooking ( so far as is consistent with faithfulnesse ) is to be exercised in such cases , in reference to some persons , for it hath prejudice with it to take notice of such Scandals , and thereafter without satisfaction to passe from them , and it is difficult and not alwayes edifying to pursue them : we conceive it therefore more fit , not to take Judiciall notice ( at least ) of them all , but to continue a serious and loving dealing with such persons in private , because possibly more rigid dealing might wrong them and the Church more than edifie ▪ Yea , 3. If it come to publick , frequent trials would be taken of them before it be judged contempt , that so if it be found needfull to proceed further , the contempt may be so aggreged , that it may be seen , that edification requireth the same to be prosecuted , and then it is the contempt that beareth the weight of the Sentence , and not the first offence ; Therefore this would be so manifest ▪ as it may be convincing to the consciences of all to be insufferable . CHAP. VI. Concerning what is to be accounted satisfaction , or satisfying . THe great Question is , when a person doth appear and acknowledge his offence , and submit to a publick rebuke , what is to be judged satisfying here , so , as a Church-judicatory may sist Processe , and rest satisfied ▪ and admit the person to Church-priviledges , as if the former offence had not been ? In answering of this , we shall , first , shew what is not sati●…sying . Secondly , what is not necessary to be enquired after by a Church-judicatory , for this ecclesiastick satisfaction . Thirdly , we shall shew what is necessary and satisfying . Then , answer a Question or two , for absolving of this . 1. We say , every verball acknowledgement of a fault , even though it have a promise of amending , is not sufficient ; for , that may be in two of the cases formerly mentioned , to wit , in a person that doth , in his so doing but mock the Ordinance ; or in a person that hath often relapsed after such a profession , or for the time doth continue in that or some other grosse evil : in ▪ that case to account such a profession of repentance satisfying , were to fall in the former inconveniencies , and would prove a manifest taking of the Nam of the Lord in vain , which we may gather by this . Such a circumstantiat profession ought not to satisfie a Brother in a privat admonition , so that notwithstanding thereof ( yea , the rather ) he ought thereafter to take two or three with him , as being more offended ▪ and if they meeting with the same , may put it to the Church , as not being well satisfied with such mockings ; then much lesse ought the Church to be satisfied therewith , because they do more formally represent Jesus Christ and His Authority , and therefore mockings and contempt to them , is the greater offence . And that place , where the Lord speaketh to Peter ▪ Luk. 17 ▪ 3. of forgiving his brother seven times a day , and elsewhere ▪ seventy times seven times a day , is not to be understood to speak principally of such grosse publick offences , or of such discernable counter feit turning ( for that is not turning at all ) but of private offences , or of the first sort formerly mentioned , and also where there seemeth to be ingenuity in the person , otherwise it were to remove one offence by another ; and in that the Lord ordereth men in reference to their private carriage , for they ought to forgive wrongs , and doth not regulate Church-actings , as judicious Calvin doth give warning upon the place ; Beside , the chastening , and bumbling of the offending party , the making of others to fear , and the turning away of the reproach that cometh to Christs name by offences , being the great ends of Church-censure , by admitting of such a profession as satisfying , all of them would be utterly enervated and overturned , which were most absurd . If it be asked , how this dissembling , mocking profession may be discovered ? Answ. 1. By somewhat palpable in the very present gesture , words , expressions , &c. which evidence the same , and leave no room for charity ; as when men ( as it were ) with a word , say Hail to Christ , and at the next , spit in His face , it is easie to say , that their Hail was not serious . 2. By comparing it with a persons former carriage in such a case wherein so much hath been professed , and yet he afterward hath been found to be mocking even in the time of his profession ▪ his former carriage calleth men , at least , not to be soon satisfied ▪ if no difference be . 3. By some words or expressions in other Societies and Companies , which being vented during the time of this publick profession , and that contrary thereto , cannot but evidence it to be a mocking . And , 4. When the fruit appeareth to be contrary thereto in a habituall way , as hath been said . Indeed if there be not convincing evidence of this mocking , but it be doubtfull ; or , if a person that at one occasion is irreverent , should afterward appear more sober , we conceive in ▪ that case , determination is to be suspended , till after carriage give more ground of clearnesse , either to the one hand or the other . CHAP. VII . Shewing what is not necessary to satisfaction . TO the second thing , to wit , what is not necessary , or to be enquired for , by Church-officers to be an ecclesiastick satisfaction for removing of an offence . We answer , That the saving grace of repentance , or godly sincerity therein in the person , is not to be enquired into , as the alone ground upon which they may rest satisfied . For , 1. That would put a Church-judicatory so far as they could to determine of the state and graciousnesse of every offending person before they were satisfied , which were absurd , that not being the object of Church-discipline , and it 's nowhere to be found that men are called judicially to determine of the state of another . 2. It would lay this ground , That none should be after any offence recovered and admitted to priviledges , except they were thought really to be gracious ; which would infer , that none should be admitted to the Church , but such ; yea , that none should be continued in the Church , but such ; because readily there are none , but in lesse or more give offence , so far as may be the ground of a private admonition , which doth once table them ▪ and if nothing can be satisfying but what giveth ground to account them gracious , it would come to that , that men are to be excommunicated because they are not thought to be gracious , and cannot give evidence of that . 3. So every person that were received after an offence , would have a Sentence of a Church-judicatory standing to prove them to be converted , which certainly would prove offensive , and a stumbling to many who are too apt to ground presumption on a lesser occasion . 4. It would put Church-officers upon the rack , and prove a tortour to them : For , 1. There is no evidence given in the word whereby one may know the gracious estate of one another infallibly ; And shall that be only satisfying to us , which by no means we can know ? 2. God hath not given men dominion over consciences to search or censure them in their ends , motives , &c. but as appeareth in their outward actions , and there being nothing that can evidence soundnesse in the outward action it self , because Hypocrites may come that length , it cannot be that that must be their task , to decide where there is no possibility to attain to a satisfying decision . If it be said ▪ that they are to proceed as in charity they judge the person to be sincere , Then we oppose , procedure in Church-judicatories must be according to such rules as a person that judgeth wrong may be convinced that he judgeth wrong , if a wronged party should complain ; But if the man 's own thoughts and charity of such a man were the rule , whereby he is to judge , then suppose some Judicatories unwarrantably to admit , or to debar some , there were no way to convince them that they had judged wrong ▪ because none could judge their singlenesse . Again , if it be said , that that may be gathered from evidences , Then we desire to know what evidence is to charity a sufficient ground to make a man to be accounted gracious , and without which he is not to be accounted such ? If there be no such evidence , then the decision lieth upon the persons judgement and inclination , which falleth in the former inconvenience : If there be such evidences , 1. It will be hard to condescend upon them . 2. They are either such evidences as may be judicially demonstrated to be in such a person , or not to be in him : If they may be demonstrated to be in him , then it is not charity that decideth , but a law , which we will acknowledge when it is discovered , if they cannot be judicially demonstrated to be in such a person , or not to be in him ; then the redressing of any corrupt decision is still made impossible ▪ and there is no more but the conjectures of such mens charity in such a case ; Then , how can these absurdities be answered ? As ▪ 1. What if such Church-officer , should be partial ? in that case their charity will either be too narrow , or too broad , and can that be the rule of procedure in Christ's House ? and yet Church-officers are men subject to such infirmities . 2. What if the person should think himself wronged by their accounting him not to be gracious , would that be sufficient to convince him , because they thought so ? and yet it cannot be said , that according to Christ's order Church-officers should Sentence an o●…ending party , and not be able to convince him ; and he cannot demonstrate it to them so as to convince them , and so it is for ever undeterminable , which is most absurd ▪ What if he appeal to a supream Judicatory ? how could they defend their Sentence ? Or , what if the superiour Judicatory judged him to be sincere ? how could one of these Judicatories convince the other , if charity only were the rule ? And yet it cannot be thought , that by Discipline and Censures , which are appointed by Jesus Christ for entertaining of union , that such inevitable grounds of division should be laid ? Again , could it be but irritating to a person judicially to be declared unregenerate , and would it not afterward both make such Sentences , and those that pronounce them to have the lesse weight ? 3. Suppose in the same Judicatory some persons charity should be larger nor others , what is to be done in that case ? There is no possibility for one of them to convince the other ; yea , can it but stir up new offences ? for , the one of them is ready to judge the other , either unacquainted with spirituall conditions , or untender ; for , the judging upon the sincerity of grace , requireth the exercise of a christian and spiritual discerning ; and therefore accordingly as it is exercised differently , so are men ready to account of others to be at best Christians of different siezes : and we suppose that in nothing a man's grace hath more occasion to vent than in his uptaking and judging of the gracious estate of another , because this supposes acquaintance and sympathy with , and experience of sincere grace , more than is either in preaching , prayer , or such exercises . And this certainly would be no little stumbling to Church-officers , to be so frequently put to give triall of their own graciousnesse , whereas if we walk by setled rules , there is no such occasion to stumble . 4. Do not we see that one mans charity doth differ from another , and so diverse men in the same extrinsick action of judging in a Church-court , should have diverse rules to judge-by in the same act , possibly leading them to judge contrarily , which were absurd . 5. Doth not oftentimes the same one mans charity differ from what it was at another time , and he will be more and lesse in extending it according to the frame of his own spirit , the dulnesse or confusion of his mind , or possibly accordingly as he hath some relation or obligation to , or prejudice at the person , which may steal-in on his judgment , and ( as it is said ) blind the eyes of the wise , and pervert the understanding of the just , and he really think himself single in judging ? And can such afle●…ting unconstant rule be that which Christ hath appointed in His Church to order the removing of offences ? 6. Do we not know , that often mens charity , in such cases , is swayed much by the judgment of some one or other who is esteemed of ? and so this way which pretendeth to give most liberty , doth in seed bind up most : For , men either in that case satisfie themselves , that such a man is sincere , or not , because such another saith so , and so he goeth on implicitly , not doing what he doth in faith ; or , he hath his own suspicions that others do not determine rightly of such a person's sincerity , and then he is at this strait , either to contrary his own light , and go on with the other , or to judge otherwayes , and by so doing to give out his own spiritual discerning to be beyond that others ▪ and therefore to judge him for mistaking in it . And contradiction in this , is not as in other cases , where only mens moral light and understanding do vary ; but here , as we said , it is in a thing that is most purely spituall , and peculiar to the People of God onely , whereof naturall men and hypocrites are not capable . What the Reverend and most convincing Writer , Mr. Wood , hath in his Examination of Mr. Lockiers Little-stone , to prove that sincerity of true grace is not to be enquired for , as the constitution or complexion ( as Mr. Lockier speaketh ) of visible members in the visible Church , doth fully make out this also ; for , there is the same reason against the enquiring after the sincerity of grace , in respect of the impossibility thereof in this case , as in that ; and there needeth nothing further to be adde●… for confirming of this , till those his pregnant Arguments be answered . CHAP. VIII . Holding forth what may be satisfying . THe answering of the third Question , to wit , what is to be accounted satisfying , and what is to be rested on in such a case by Church-officers , will clear and confirm this more . Before we answer , we premit , 1. That a difference is to be made between what is satisfying to a Church-judicatory , so as to admit an offending person to all priviledges , as if the offence had not been , and what may be satisfying to sist further procedor , and prevent Excommunication . For , I suppose , a persons satisfaction may not be sufficient as to the first , which yet may be sufficient as to the second , as ( for instance ) it may be thought of Simon Magus , Act. 8. 24. who , after Peter's rebuke , carried so , as he did not proceed to cast him out , yet may he well be esteemed of , notwithstanding of such professed conviction , not to have had the full priviledge of a Church-member instantly ; and this may proceed either from the grossenesse of an offence ( such as that was ) or the unsatisfyingnesse of a persons satisfaction , or both ; in which cases edification requireth some time of triall , before there be a proceeding either to an off-cutting , or to admitting to the former liberty . 2. We would distingish ( which is sib to the former ) between that which is not fully satisfying , and that which is altogether dissatifying ; for there may be a mids , as suppose , that a man by silence should accept a reproof ; or in words and carriage expresse something which neither doth speak seriousnesse , nor mocking , We suppose it is hard instantly to judge that person either to be obstinate , or yet to have full accesse to all Ordinances . To the Question then we answer that for full satisfaction , so as to have accesse to all the priviledges , there is requisit a sober , serious acknowledgement of the offence with the expression of an unfeigned-like purpose to walk inoffensively , especially in reference to these former offences ; and where this is we say , it is sufficient . When we speak of a sober , serious acknowledgement , we speak of it as it standeth contradistinguished upon the one side from sincere grace ; for , one may have this , and not have that : And , as upon the other side , it is distinguished , not only from grosse contempt and profane mocking , but from grosse dissimulation appearing to be such , or from carnall indifferencie and unseriousnesse . By Divines , this is called morall seriousnesse , or sincerity , ( as it is distinguished from that which is gracious ) and usually is in subtile legall hypocrites , and sometimes may be in some grosse persons in fits . It cannot be better expressed , than it is by the forementioned worthy Author Mr. Wood , part . 1. pag. ●…0 ▪ that is , That which is not openly and discernably simulate , histrionick , scenicall , and hypocriticall in that hypocrisie which is grosse : but all circumstances being considered , by which ingenuity is estimate amongst men , giving credit one to another , there appeareth no reason why the man may not and ought not to be esteemed , as to the matter , to think and purpose as he speaketh from whatsoever habituall principle it doth proceed , viz ▪ whether from a saving principle , or whether from a common operation of the spirit only , Thus far he . If it be asked , how this seriousnesse may be discerned . It may be again enquired , How useth a man to be thought serious in his pursuit after any thing ? I grant , this is not only to be gathered from his words , or carriage possibly at one time , But , will not seriousnesse , even in a particular , kyth in a mans manner of urging it ? 2. It kyths in a mans using of fit means for attaining of it , which are suitable to that end . 3. By his carriage , abstaining from such things as may any way make his profession to be suspect-like . And ▪ 4. not doing this for a day , or upon a particular occasion , but for a time continuing constant and instant therein , with such affectionatenesse and earnestnesse in the circumstances that are necessary , that whatever be the motive that swayeth such a man ▪ yet that he appeareth to be morally serious and through in the thing , cannot be denied . So in this case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be a conviction that persons are serious , and are affected so , that we may expect they will endeavour really the preventing of such an offence , and yet we may not be able to judge them so convincingly sincere , because to that there is more required , to wit , a new decision whether that seriousnesse , be morall only , or gracious , according to the principles , ends , motives , &c. which cannot be so evidenced externally , as seriousnesse in the generall may be . I●… any say that charity ought to judge such a man sincere seing it can have no more ? Ans. 1. What may be a persons p●…vat thoughts upon these grounds we are not to determine ; we only say , that this acknowledgement cometh not to be judged by a Church-judicatory upon that account . And , Secondly These who desire more for the constituting of Church members , require beside this , evidences of the work of grace upon the heart , and expressions and narrations to that purpose . And indeed if the accounting of a person ●…o be gracious and sincere , were the alone account , upon which a person were to be admitted or restored to an actuall right to the Ordinances , such a serious profession would not be sufficient for the convincing of Church-officers of a persons graciousnesse even probibly ; for that which is to be accounted a probable signe of saying grace , must be that which though it doth not alwayes hold and be convincing , yet for the most part doth so ; for if it doth more ordinarily fail than hold , it cannot be called probable : but experience in all times will confirm this , that more frequently such a profession faileth , and afterward the person is found not to be gracious ; therefore it cannot be a probable signe , nor are we to account it such : we suppose , that if all the Churches of Christ that have been gathered , and all the penitents that have been received , were compared together , it will be found , that there have been many moe hypocrites than sincere Believers , yet in these cases this serious profession was called for . And , though it might be pleaded , that charity may construct the best of a person , where the case is doubtfull , yet ( to speak abstractly of a signe ) to account that a probable signe of sincerity , and such which ought to sway charity to account a person gracious , when yet it is clear in reason , that such a sign is ordinarily but an indicium or evidence of moral sincerity , but not of saving grace , were against reason ; for , even in bodily diseases , that cannot be counted a probable signe of health , to ground a judgement of such a persons livelinesse , with which many moe do die than recover . Nor can it be called uncharitablnesse , because the profession is not so accounted ; for , it is charity here to account the person serious , and to think as he saith , and not be dissembling therein , although it be not impossible for a dissembler to come all that length in outward evidenc●…s and prof●…ssion . But to believe that he is indeed so , as he saith , or thinketh , is not a thing which charity is bound positively to conclude , but , at the most , by judgeing nothing to the contrary to forbear any judgeing of the partie till time evidence more afterward . And , I suppose , there are few who have experience , but know that there are many cases wherein they are fully satisfied to judge the person serious , and yet dar not determine of their sincerity and graciousnesse , yea , even as to the probability thereof , although they dar not deny but it is possible ; yet durst they not found a Sentence of absolution upon that as such , to their own satisfaction , although upon the former account they can : which evidently sheweth that these two considerations may be separated . Hence , the first doth follow , that whatever be a private persons account of such a profession , yet it is not considered by the Judicatory as the evidence of sincerity in their being satisfied with it : Because , 1. It can be no evidence thereof , as is said ; and we would be necessitated then to say , ( if sincerity were the account upon which a Church-judicatory were to be satisfied ) that either they behoved to have that evidence proven , and made ●…vident to them , or they behoved to proceed , without any certain , yea , or probable evidence : for , certainly , that which giveth a Judicatory warrand to proceed to declare a person to have right to any priviledge , must both be a thing that is relevant in it self , and evident in the proof thereof , in reference to that party ; But , none of these can be said : Therefore the judging such a thing to be sincere , is not the account on which they proceed . This cannot be said to be a certain proof of sincerity , yea , none will deny but it is difficult , if not impossible , for one to have infallible proof of an others sincerity : Then it must be said , that it is but a probable proof that can be given of sinceritity . To which we reply , 1. That this profession formerly described , cannot be called such , as hath been shown , So it would follow , that a Church-judicatory doth account a man sincere , and doth admit him to such priviledges as they ought to admit only such unto , and yet it was not made so much as probable to them that he was such . 2. Although it did probably evidence him to be such , yet that were not enough , if that were the alone account upon which they were to proceed , because no judiciall procedour in determining a mans right , will go upon probabilities , because the Law decideth not upon a probable , but upon a real right : and indeed , if in this case sincerity were the ground of procedour , no man could judge but doubtingly and upon conjecture , and so could he not have peace afterward , because it was still uncertain to him whether he had determined warrantably or not : yea , if it should be said , ( which yet will not be sufficient ) that it may give a man peace , if in his charity he account the person sincere , although indeed he be not so : this will not quiet the mind , because I put no question but experience will teach any that are tender , that there are many cases , that if they were put to it , they durst not , even according to their own charity and opinion , determine of a persons sincerity , so as to take upon them a decision in that , either by determining of the person to be sincere or not , and so of his admission or seclusion to , or from Church-ordinances and priviledges . 2. The account upon which we admit , and the proof thereof also , must be proportionable and opposit to the account and proof upon which we debar : for , binding and loosing are both of the same nature , acts of the same power , in reference to the same end , and the one of them answereth to the other . Now , when we bind a man for a Scandal , 1. It is not accepted as a ground of binding , untill it be proven and made evident , and not probably only , Therefore nothing can be the account upon which we can loose but that which may be evidently proven also ; for , it looketh not suitable-like to bind a man upon clear evidence , and to exclude him from a right , and to admit him again , only upon probabilities and presumptions , much lesse where the proof doth not amount so high . Again , 2. When a person is shut out , he is not shut out upon the account that he is unrenued , or upon the account that such an act was not sincere , or that he appeared to be such , But he is shut out , because it was scandalous to others , and unbecoming the Gospel , even though the persons sincerity should not be questioned : Therefore , by the rule of contraries , it followeth , that it is not sincerity which is the account upon which Church-officers are to loose . If it be asked then , under what notion , or upon what account that morall serious profession is to be accepted as satisfying ? We answer , upon this account , as it is apparently serious and edifying , without determining whether it be sincere or not , but as convinced that by such a profession the prejudice and offence that came by the former miscarriage , and left a blot upon the Church , and a stumbling-block before others , may be removed . So , that as it was unbecoming a Church-member to commit such a scandalous sin , So now by such a serious profession , that blot of making Christianity to be accounted a fostering of profanity is wiped away , that stumbling-block of his example is taken out of the way , so that this profession may be edifying to prevent the stumbling of any other upon his Scandal , and the accepting thereof may look like a hope●…ull mean of edifying the person for the time to come , and recovering of him from that snare he was into ; and so as his scandalousnesse in these respects was the account upon which he was actually , or was to have been Sentenced , So oppositly thereto this serious profession having a proportionable edification , or of it self a tendencie to edi●…ying , in all the respects mentioned going alongst with it , it is the account upon which it is accepted as satisfying , without determining of the sincerity thereof , leaving the person to answer before God for that , and before men to bring forth fruits meet for repentance , which was Iohns way in dealing with such as came to his Baptism , Matth. 3. upon whose sincerity we think its clear that he did no way decide ; but of this enough : We come to confirm our answer . For confirming of this , to wit , that such sober and serious profession of repentance , is sufficient without further enquiry after the graciousnesse of the sincerity thereof , We may consider these grounds , 1. If such a profession be sufficient for admitting members to the Church , Then such is also sufficient for the 〈◊〉 of offending members and continuing them in their former priviledges ; for , no reason can be given why there should be greater rigidity for r●…admitting to the actuall use of Church-priviledges , a Christain after he hath fallen in drunkenesse , fornication , &c. than was requisit for the admitting of a Heathen , possibly guilty of these same sins beside ; But the first is true , as is irrefragably and convincingly demonstrated by the forementioned worthy Author Mr. Wood. Ergo , &c. 2. It may be supposed , that a gracious man , of whose graciousnesse there is no question in the charity of any , doth fall in some Scandal , what is to be accounted satisfying in him , must be satisfying in others . Now , it is not any conviction of the graciousnesse of his state that can be satisfying in this case , nor yet is that the account upon which we can proceed , because that is never questioned even when he is under the offence . If it be said , it must be the sincerity and graciousnesse of his particular act of repentance . Answ. 1. It is difficult to give judgement of the state of the person , but more difficult to give judgement of the graciousnesse of a particular act . 2. Suppose such a person had a particular acknowledgement so circumstantiated as is formerly described in this morall sincerity , would not that be sufficiently satisfying ? And if it be satisfying in one , in reference to a particular offence , why not in another ? Because , 1. There is one rule given by Jesus Christ to all . 2. The removing of 〈◊〉 offence relateth to the offence given , and not to the state of the person who gave it . Therefore if that satisfaction be sufficient to remove that particular offence in one , it must also be so in reference to another , because the question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not what may be sufficient to evidence a person to be gracious , but what may be sufficient in a person to remove such a particular offence ? If it be said , that it is accepted of that gracious person as satisfying , because he is accounted to be gracious , it may still be urged , The Question is not , whether the person be gracious , but whether that act of repentance of his be so , or not ? for , it cannot be denied , but a gracious person may have acts of hypocrisie , and in particular acts be carnall : either then such a person must be excluded though he be gracious , and in this respect seriously doth professe repentance , which were hard to do ; or , he must be upon that profession admitted , and so that must be sufficient for Church-satisfaction , as is said . 3. That which ought to satisfie a Brother in private , or after his taking of two or three witnesses with him , and which may be accounted a hearing of a private admonition ; that sort of repentance ought to be satisfying to the Church-officers : Because , tell the Church , succeedeth to the contempt of private admonition , and therefore they are to obtain by their interposing of authoritative rebukes , what the other did not obtain , and so they are to rest satisfied when that is obtained , as the gradation , Matth. 18. is clear , hearing of the Church , being in respect of the effects , that same which hearing of the private admonitions is , to wit , the obtaining of satisfaction . But the former is true , to wit , a Brother ought to rest satisfied with such a sober serious profession and acknowledgement as giveth him ground to judge him really affected for his offending , and under a purpose to abstain and amend for the time to come : and who will say , that a Brother in such a case can rationally complain of an other , as not having had his admonition ? So , neither can the Church procee●…d further , when her admonition hath that weight , seing there had been no 〈◊〉 for her judicially to have admonished , if so much had formerly been obtained : and if it may be said , that such a private admonition so succesfull , did gain the offending Brother , Is not that same to be said of the Churches admonition having that successe ? and when he is gained , are not they to rest satisfied ? and yet we suppose , that none will say , that by gaining in that place , real conversion is intended , and that a private Brother should insist to the uttermost , till he be satisfied in that . 4. We may argue thus : If such a profession , and a persons amendement in the manner spoken , be the hearing and gaining that is intended , Matth. 18. Then are Church-officers to be satisfied therewith ; But the former is true , as appeareth thus , The Churches satisfaction must be in respect to her speaking , her speaking to the party must be with respect to the complaint made to her by a particular person ; that complaint , again , must have respect to what offended him , which is some particular act having offence with it ; and it was not the ungracious state of the person , ( for so the word , If thy brother offend thee , &c. importeth ) Now , from the first to the last , such satisfaction as is described , may be satisfying in reference to such a particular offence , and be sufficient for removing the same , and restoring the person to the esteem and condition which formerly he was into , And therefore it is to be accounted as satisfying by the Church . And if more were to be enquired for , it were to make the satisfaction beyond the offence , which were unjust . 5. That which may be accepted as a satisfaction from an Heretick , as the satisfying fruit of a publick admonition , cannot be refused as satisfaction in other cases ; for , if circumspectnesse and rigidity be to be used in any case , it is in this : But a serious acknowledgement of an error ▪ and an abandoning of it indeed , is to be accepted for Church-satisfaction from an Heretick , and as the fruit of an publick admonition , and he in that respect is supposed to be gained : Ergo , &c. That this is to be accepted from him , may be gathered from Tit. 3. 10. A man that is an heretick , reject after the first and second admonition . Where these things are clear , 1. That an Heretick that continueth so , and heareth not the Church , is to be rejected . 2. That an Heretick renouncing his errors after admonition , and not continuing such , is not to be rejected , and so is not to be accounted an Heretick or under that scandal of heresie , and therefore his disclaiming of it , is to be accounted satisfying as to the Church-officers ; otherwayes , it would follow , that although he renounced his heresie in that serious and morally sincere manner , yet were he still to be dealt with as such by the Church , except they were satisfied in the sincerity of his grace , which is contrary to Paul's direction , and the end of that publick admonition : which is not given him because of his unrenued state , but because of his heresie . Now , that being taken away and satisfied by his submission , the admonition must be acknowledged to be satisfied , and so he is neither to be dealt with as an Heretick , nor as obstinate , but as one who hath heard the Churches admonition . 6. From the 2 Thess. 3. 6 , 14 , 15. we may gather the same : for we have these things clear , 1. That there were some there who walked disorderly as to some particular acts . 2. That the Apostle accounteth that disorderly walking to be scandalous , and judicially to be taken notice of , if it be not removed . And , 3. what that satisfaction is which removeth the same , is expressed by him , ver . 14. If a man obey not our word by this epistle ▪ &c. So that it was actuall amending of what was scandalous , and thereby giving obedience to his direction , which was so to be accounted . And in that case , a brother offending , was neither further to be noted , nor to be esteemed scandalous , without any further enquiry to be had of the graciousnesse of his state , or the principle ends or motives of his obedience . 7. It may appear thus , That which may remove reproach from the Ordinances , and offence in reference to these that are without , is to be accounted satisfying , because that is one of the ends of Discipline to stop the mouths of such as are without : Now as it is not any thing within , or the want of sincerity which doth offend them , and open their mouths , So this morally sincere and reall change , ( to speak so ) is sufficient to satisfie them , at least , it cannot be said that they can reach further . This argument alone we acknowledge might not seem to be cogent , yet considering , that what is offensive , is some externall ●…hing having a proportionable offensivenesse , both to those that are within , and also to those that are without , and a thing is offensive , because it is apt to offend such , There ought therefore also a proportionablnesse to be between what removeth an offence in reference to both . 8. If we consider the proper object , nature and end of the key of Discipline , as it is abstractly considered , as contra-distinct from the key of Doctrine , we will find that no more by it can be expected . For , 1. its proper object is somewhat , that is scandalous , and so it reacheth only to restrain , regulate , and judge the outward man , or somewhat in the outward conversation firstly , though the fruit of that hath a further look mediately . The key of Doctrine again , or the Word reacheth in , and becometh a judge of the thoughts and intents of the heart ; and to make Discipline judge the inner-man , in this respect , were to confound these two keys which the Lord hath made distinct : and therfore , if Discipline have any influence upon the inner-man savingly , it is but mediately by condemning his outward practices , and him as such , or making of directions , reproofs , &c. in the Word ▪ more weighty . 2. The key of Discipline doth only shut from outward priviledges ▪ and doth not shut from any spirituall interest in Christ , but as it concurreth to confirm some threatning in the Word , which debarreth many from saving promises and the things contained in them , which Discipline may admit to outward priviledges . 3. There is a difference in respect of absolution also , to wit , the Word when it absolveth , it doth absolve from the curse of God , and giveth accesse to the promises , and a title to the things promised ; Discipline again , doth but absolve from outward Censures and restraints , and doth but give right to Church-priviledges . 4. There are different conditions and qualifications upon which these two keys bind and loose : for , the Word openeth to none but upon condition of sincere faith and repentance , and absolveth none but reall Believers , pronouncing all unbelievers to be under the curse ; Again , Discipline ( as such ) cannot shut out men from externall priviledges , because they are not regenerate , and sincerely gracious ; and so in that respect , it must have a different condition of shuting men out , or it must consider them upon another account , in excluding them from Church-priviledges , than the Word doth in excluding them from saving promises , to wit , it considereth them as scandalous , and unbecoming the Gospel whatever their state be , and so it may censure Believers , as the key of Doctrine may shut out the most subtile hypocrite which the other cannot reach . Therefore also must it be a different account upon which Discipline doth admit , or restore men to outward priviledges , and absolve men from outward Censures , than that upon which the Word doth admit to saving priviledges . And seing this last is sincere faith and repentance , the other must have somewhat different from this , upon the account whereof it doth give right , which can be no other thing than the moral sincerity mentioned . 5. Upon these differences followes another ( which doth confirm all the former ) to wit , a diversity that is in the manner of binding and loosing by these two keys ; for , when a Minister useth the key of Doctrine , he doth exclude from heaven and saving priviledges but conditionally , and he can warrantably exclude no particular professour absolutely ; So no Minister can absolve absolutely , by the key of Doctrine , but conditionally , to wit , if the person believeth that he speaketh unto ; for , it runneth on these tearms , If thou believest , thou shalt be saved . But , again , in the exercise of the key of Discipline it is not so , no Church-judicatory doth debar a man from priviledges conditionally , if he believe not , but absolutely he is debarred because of some present scandal ; and although the person were or should become a real Believer , yet he continueth bound from outward priviledges by the key of Discipline , untill that scandal be removed : So when they receive any into Church-communion , they do not absolve them from their former Censure , and give them right to Church-priviledges upon condition they believe , but absolutely that Censure is removed , and they are admitted unto these priviledges . If it be asked , What is the reason of this difference betwixt these two keys ? Answ. It is , first , because the ground upon which we loose and bind with the key of Discipline , is something obvious to men's view , wherein they may warrantably judge and proceed , and therefore that is done absolutely : But in the key of Doctrine it is not so ; for , men cannot tell who really believe , and who not , and it cannot by judicial proofs be made-out , Therefore they cannot bind or loose but conditionally . Secondly , God hath committed the outward man to be the object of Discipline , but the inner man and conscience is reserved to the Word and Doctrine , and men have not gotten authority over consciences and hearts ; Therefore what concerneth the outward man , and outward priviledges , may be determined absolutely , But what concerneth the conscience and inner man only conditionally , because He hath reserved the absolute decision of that to himself , Therefore there is a sixth difference also . The word may and doth bind indefinitly , that is , persons so and so qualified , without making application in binding or loosing to individual persons , and doth not so bind or loose but conditionally , as is said ; But Discipline striketh at individual persons , and as such , doth not otherwayes affect : for , suppose an indefinit Sentence of Excommunication , against persons so qualified , to be pronounced , it doth debar none from Church-priviledges , as it is such ; and for what influence it hath further , it is as it cometh under the key of doctrine , which doth bind or loose such , but not as it is under the key of Discipline , and that for the reasons mentioned . From these grounds we may see how warrantable and necessary it is to put difference betwixt saving grace , which is the condition upon which the key of Doctrine absolveth , and serious profession , and a fair inoffensive carriage , which is the condition upon which the key of Discipline absolveth : And we may see also what absurdities would follow the confounding of these . And indeed we see no other way how these two keys may be kept distinct , but this . To sum up this from what is said , we may , ninthly , conclude , If every simulat profession be not sufficient , and if gracious sincerity be not to be enquired for , Then this morall sincerity and amendment is to be accepted as satisfying , and that which properly Church-judicatories are to enquire in , for a fourth cannot be conceived . But the former is truth . Ergo , &c. Lastly , That which was satisfying for giving accesse to the Ordinances amongst the Jews after uncleannesse , must be satisfying now for removing of offences ; But such a serious profession was satisfying then : For , 1. it cannot be denied that there was a separating of some for uncleannesse from the Ordinances ; and it is at large and strongly made-out by that learned vindicater of Church-government and Discipline , Mr. Gillespie , that there was separation for moral uncleannesse ; But however , ceremonial uncleannesse did then prove ground enough of exclusion , because so the Law of God had appointed it , even as now He hath appointed other grosle sinners to be cast-out . 2. It is clear . That there was some satisfaction required , as washing , offering of sacrifices , and such like , before they could be admitted . 3. It cannot be said , that a mocking , palpable , irreverent manner of performing these things would have been accepted by the Priest , but would have been more offensive ; nor yet can any say , that enquiry was made after their end ▪ principles , or graciousnesse of their act ; So the assumption is clear : Neither can the connexion of the minor be denied , if we consider . 1. That there was no lesse moral holinesse called-for from the Jews , than from us . 2. That there was as great external strictnesse for keeping-up the sanctity of external Worship . 3. If we consider that their Ordinances and ours are materially the same . 4. If we consider that Christ , even in respect of the external administration of His Kingdom and Discipline , is not more rigid or restricted in His admitting to priviledges now , nor then , yea , that He is even in that more condescending to us under the days of the Gospel . 5. If we may reason from the Lord's manner of admitting unto His Church then , to His admitting unto the Church now upon the same qualifications that were satisfying then , Then we may also conclude from what was satisfying then for the admitting of persons excluded , unto the admitting of them now ; and this is fully made-out , beside others , by worthy Mr. Wood , in that fore-cited solid and learned Treatise , and before him , ( to which he relateth ) by learned Mr. Baxter , in his dispute with Tombs . CHAP. IX . Concerning what is to be done , when men appear neither serious nor obstinat . IT may be now asked , What is to be done in reference to those who , after some grosle offence , can neither be counted thus serious , nor yet obstinat ? Ans. Such cases may be frequent ; Concerning which we say , 1. That it is neither fit altogether to absolve them , as being fully satisfied , nor yet to proceed to the highest Sentence with them , nor to leave them altogether without a rebuke . But in the second place , we say , That it is fit to proceed to rebuke them according to the direction , 1 Tim. 5. 20. Because , 1. This rebuke may be a mean , through God's blessing , to humble them , and to restrain such an offence . And , 2. it is also usefull in reference to others , although the mans own carriage and acknowledgment be not every way satisfying ; for , the Apostle's direction to rebuke him openly , doth respect more the offence past and the fruit that may follow to him and others , than any present satisfying frame in the person to be rebuked . When it is found meet thus publickly to rebuke , the circumstances and manner are to be adverted to , 1. Although the designing of a particular place be not in it self necessary , nor in every case expedient , yet for the solemnity of the reproof , it is not unsuitable , it being such as is rather accommodated for the edification of the whole Congregation , than otherwise pointed at as a place of pennance or punishment , or yet as a mark of reproach , and such like , which wrongeth the nature of Christ's Ordinance ; And circumstances would be so ordered as the appearance of that may be eschewed . 2. It would be gone about with much gravity and reverence in respect of all that are concerned . The Minister especially is to carry weightily and authoritatively , having words fitted for the edifying of the Congregation , the humbling of the person , the convincing of both , and for the credit and weight of Christ's Ordinance before all ; The party rebuked would minde whose Ordinance it is , and be suitably affected as the receiving of a particular rebuke from Jesus Christ doth call-for ; The on-lookers also would be grave , having respect to Christ's Ordinance , tendernesse to the person offending , but indignation at the offence ; and this would be testified by their carriage , so as thereby the authority and solemnity of all may have the deeper stamp upon the person . And for attaining of this , something would be gravely spoken to the hearers , as their use thereof , according to the case ; and it may be , that some addresse to God in prayer together , in reference thereto , before or after the rebuke , would not be unusefull for that end . If it be asked , if speaking in publick by the person rebuked be alwayes necessary ? Answ ▪ 1. Although it may be often usefull and expedient , yet in ordinary rebukes , for ordinary scandals , where no contemp●… hath preceeded , we conceive it not simply necessary , 1. Because , though the rebuke be clear in the Word , yet is not this by the same evidence , alwayes required . 2. Their appearing to receive it , hath an implicit assent to , and acceptation of it . 3. The effect of the rebuke is rather to be gathered from their after carriage , for it hath with it an obliging weight to them , and a virtuall certification before the people , whether they expresse any thing or not . Beside , every one cannot edifyingly speak , and in that case , the Ministers rebuke is appointed to edifie others , and to remove that offence from them . Yet there are two cases especially wherein we think this is expedient and necessary unto edification ▪ 1. When either by the attocity of some offence , or continuance in contempt , a person ▪ hath be●… processe towards Excommunication ; or , when there is a relapse after a former rebuke : in such cases it is for the edification of the people , to know upon what grounds the Eldership doth fist from proceeding ; And engagements publickly and explicitly taken on before a Congregation , are often more weighty to the person . And if there be a failing , there is the greater evidence against them for after proceeding . 2. Suppose there hath been some Sentence binding or shuting out the person formerly , in that case , we conceive , speaking in publick to be necessary for confirming the people in their love to him again , which was hazarded by his former evident fall ; and an implicit accepting of a reproof is not sufficient in such a case . There may be also other cases , as suppose one hath been carried away with error , which he hath frequently vented before men , or in some such case where it may be edifying to have it from the parties own mouth , especially if the person be in such a frame , or of such ability , as by so doing he may edifie . But this is to be decided by the prudence of the overseers . If it be asked again , how is he to be accounted of after this rebuke ? We answer , Even as by some competent continuance of time , he doth discover the seriousnesse , or unseriousnesse of his profession , So that if he relapse , he is the more inexcusable , and to be proceeded with in due manner : but if he take up himself , and carry to the view of others seriously , he is not to be accounted as scandalous , because it cannot be said , that he hath refused to hear the Church in that publick admonition : and a publick rebuke doth not of it self bind any and shut them out as scandalous , ( yea , it giveth not ground for it , if obstinacy followeth not ) but if it be hearkened unto , and received , it doth prevent that , it being a right satisfying ●…rt of Christianity to admit of , and to improve a rebuke . Yet we think it incumbent to Church-judicatories , after some competent time , to enquire in the after carriage of such , and so accordingly to determine , whether they have satisfyingly accepted of the admonition or not . And that therefore the person so rebuked , ought to have such a Sentence before he can plead full admission to all priviledges , if at the time his profession was not satisfying . This is usefull for the persons behove , when he knoweth he is still to be looked upon in a speciall manner , as a sickly member of the body . And it is also agreeable to reason ; for , if when a private person giveth an admonition he be to judge of the fruit of it , whether it be satisfying ; and if the Church-judicatory , when they admonish judicially , be to weigh , whether the effects be satisfying or not : So by the like reason , when an admonition is publickly given , ought they to enquire what hath followed , and if that be satisfying or not . If it be asked , if in no case an offender may be brought immediately to publick , but by the former steps , and upon supposition that these be fruitlesse ? Ans. It may be in these two or three cases , 1. When the offence , being of a grosse nature , is publick and open , so that many are in hazard to be infected , in that case a private rebuke would not be sufficient : Because , respect is to be had to the good of others . And so in some cases , even though as to the persons own conviction and carriage , a Church-judicatory may be satisfyed ; yet there is a necessity for the reason foresaid of a publick rebuke . Yet every offence that is known to moe than one , is not to be accounted an offence of this nature : Because from that word of Christs Take with thee two or three witnesses , &c. it is evident , that even after those are made acquaint with the scandal , it is not publick , except obstinacie follow . Yea , it would appear , that such a scandal might be known to others , when yet one private person might only admonish ; and if the admonition were accepted , might fist . And in case the fact be denied , then he is thereafter to bring two or three conjunct witnesses , who may convince the party offending of the truth of the fact as well as of the nature thereof , by their joynt testifying , that the party offended had reason to seek satisfaction in such a thing : Otherwayes , if that were only a privat offence which is known to one ▪ supposing the party offending to deny the fact , there were no accesse to an offended brother to pursue the same , and by witnesses to make it out , if his private admonition should be rejected . And this may be one reason also why those two or three are called Witnesses , whose part is to confirm the matter of fact , as the Law cited there to that purpose doth evidence . Nor is it alway necessarily thus publick when it is made known to a Church-officer or a Church-judicatory , because in that case , even they may find it more edifying to admonish privately than publickly ; And it is their part rather to hinder the spreading of a scandal , than to make the same needlesly more publick . An offence then that is to be accounted publick , that is ▪ which is so in respect of its notority or publicknesse , and such as is not the object of private admonition , but whereof a Church-judicatory is immediatly to take notice , may be considered in respect of its first instant o●… in respect of some following circumstance ; for what is required in the nature of the sin it self hath been spoken to already . It is publick in the first respect , 1. When it is done before so many as probably cannot be satisfied with private admonition , so that thereby there is a hazard to many to be scandalized . 2. It is publick , when it seemeth to be done with contempt and an high hand , as if a person were owning the same ; Thus a scandal that hath fewer witnesses , may be accounted publick , when another , it may be , actually known to as many , is not to be accounted such , because in this case there is no accesse to private admonition , the person being like a swine , ready to turn on the admonisher . Thus suppose Absolom's incest had not been actually known to many , yet the very circumstances of his doing it openly , and purposly that it might be known , made it of a publick nature : Thus sometimes it is more necessary to take notice of an offence committed in a publick place , though , it may be , few know the same , than of a thing done more privatly , because as to them it might have been publick to many ; and it sheweth an humour and corruption that is beyond privat admonition , when a thing is so circumstantiated . 3. Sometimes offences will have an horrour , and an indignation wakened against them , even in respect of such circumstances , as to be drunk , lascivious , and such like , are offences ; but to be so in a Market-place , or in publick streets , even supposing it to be in a day when few do actually see it , doth waken an indignation in the hearts of sober men , as being an affront to Religion and Order , and inconsistent with Christianity and Civility , much more than if it had been in a private place , or privatly ; for , that is before the Sun to do so , as Zimries act was , which provoked Phineas's zeal . 4. An offence is publick , when it is generally accounted to be a certain truth , and not a suspicion only ; as being a thing in its evidence known to so many ( beside what is reported to others ) that it cannot be supposed that an ingenuous mind can have accesse to deny or shift the same , without some indignation in the hearts of those that know it . 5. Sometimes an offence is to be accounted publick when , though it may be , many are not witnesses thereof , yet when many are in hazard to be infected thereby ; as suppose those witnesses to be such as cannot rest quiet in a private satisfaction , but they have either spread it , or are in hazard to spread it , and , it may be , long afterward they make it a ground of reproach : In this case it becometh a scandal not only to the first witnesses , but also to those to whom it is reported ; So that although it was not at first publick , yet it becometh so by the rumour thereof . This infectiousness may also proceed from the time wherein it is committed , the person who committeth it ▪ the nature of the fact that is committed , ( which may more readily insuare others than facts of some other nature ) from those also before whom it was committed ; Therefore in such cases it is necessary that publick notice be taken thereof . Therefore , in the second place , we said that some offences not very publick in respect of the fact , yet may , by some concurring circumstances , be such as the bringing of them in publick , may be necessary for the edifying of the Church at such a time , then that way is to be taken ; As suppose , 1. that such a sin is in some places scarce counted a sin ; Or , 2. if it be secretly and frequently in use among others ; Or , 3. if the person found guilty be generally suspected of loose and untender walking in such things , although particulars be not publick ; Or ▪ 4. if they be under false pretexts of tendernesse , ready to seduce others to something sinfull , or in the like cases . In which , though the fact be not so publick , yet the scandal , or hazard , and the benefit of a rebuke are publick ; and therefore that way is to be followed , Because they are necessary for the edifying of the Church , which is the end wherefore publick rebuks are appointed . The same may be said of atrocious horrible crimes , which being but known to few , yet are not to be , nor cannot be past with a meer private admonition , such as witchcraft , incest , &c. which are defiling sins , the bringing whereof in publick doth honour God the avenger and discoverer of such works of darknesse , suppose also , that the evidencing of somewhat , may serve to remove some former prejudice , as if it had been thought that an innocent person had been father of such a childe , or actor of such a murther ; if God bring it about , that those who truely are guilty be discovered , it is not to be keeped close , because it is the removing of a former stumbling-block , and may keep others from sinning in mis-judgeing an innocent , and it also glorifieth God whose wise way is to be observed in such dispensations . 2. Although a fact be not publick , yea , in some cases although it be not true that there hath been any ground of offence given : Yet , 1. If the report of such an act be publickly rumoured ; Or , 2. if such presumptions thereof be publick , which are ready to leave the impression of the thing ; Or , 3. if the fame or brute of such a thing be come to such an height , that either it be believed by many to be true , ( and that by such who are neither too simply credulous without all presumptions , nor malitious or infected with prejudice in reference to the person ) Or , suppose that a person is accounted to be habitually in secret evils , the riping up whereof might be edifying ; in such and such like cases , a Church-judicatory is at the first instant to meddle with , and enquire in the same : because , although possibly there may be no ground , yet the offence is great , and may stumble many as if it were so : and the neglecting thereof cannot but be offensive , whereas inquiry therein is usefull , whether the fame be grounded or not . But in this there would be great tendernesse and prudence used in considering , both upon whom , by whom , and upon what occasion the report is raised and entertained , and whether dipping therein be edifying or not . 3. Upon supposition that private persons be defective in giving admonitions , or following of them before a Church-judicatory , and yet there be pregnant presumptions of miscarriages in such and such persons , although they be not publick ; or , suppose , through fear , ill grounded affection , or other carnall respects , others should concur to keep from publick view the offences of some person , to the stumbling of themselves , in becoming partakers of their sin , and to the prejudice of others : I say ▪ in such like cases , a Church-judicatory is to enquire into the carriage of such a person , and to put others to declare and testifie therein , although they be not complained of , and although the Scandal be not so every way obvious : Because admonition is needfull both for the good of the person offending , and of others also : and when private persons become defective , Church officers are bound rather to interpose immediately than to suffer such a person to continue under sin , to the hazard of himself and others ; for , they must either do it , or it is to be left undone , which would be a stumbling-block to many , and strengthen wickednesse exceedingly , in case untender men fell only to be accessory to the knowledge of the offences of each other ( as often it is ) yet though it be necessary for a Church-judicatory to interpose , it is not alwayes necessary to bring the matter to a publick rebuke , but as from consideration of the thing , person , or , other circumstances it shall be thought sit to rest in a private admonition or not . From which we may see the necessity of processing parties , and leading witnesses ( in case the matter be denied ) without any particular accuser or delater : because in such cases , either publick Scandal of the thing , the nature of the Church-officers oversight , or the edification of the body , which they are to prefer to every thing , do require that such a thing or person be put to triall . CHAP. X. Clearing whether in Church-processes an Accuser be alwayes necessary . IF it be asked , concerning an accuser , Whether it be necessary in all Church-processes , that one , under such a consideration , be fixed , before there can be proceeding against any party , in reference to triall . We answer in these assertions . Asser. 1. It is not alwayes necessary in every case that there should be a formall particular accuser , as may appear from the cases formerly instanced ; for , that any offence or offender should passe without being taken notice of , ( especially if offences be continued in ) is contrary to the end for which Church-censures are appointed , and yet neither de facto is there alwayes an accuser where there is an offence ; nor de jure can any be constrained to be an accuser : therefore it is necessary that in some cases there must be a processe without an accuser , in this way of enquiry . Asser. 2. Where an offended Brother followeth Christs way in pursuing of an offence , he is not to be accounted an accuser formally , as the terme of accusation useth properly to be taken : Because , 1. To accuse often is a thing that may be omitted , but this kind of pursuit is laid on as a necessary duty . 2. To accuse , respects some paticular wrong and injury usually , and the following thereof ▪ importeth a prejudice and hurt to the party accused . But this which respects offence without any particular injury , proceedeth from love , tendeth to the advantage and recovery of the party , and so properly cannot be called accusation . Yea ▪ 3. When a person hath followed the second step , and made out his private admonition by two or three witnesses , when he cometh to the Church with them , neither of them can be accounted accusers more than when he did privately speak to the person , or after that to those witnesses , because all is dutie , and a piece of that Christian mutuall communion , that brethren and members of the same body , owe one to another , and to the body in common ; yet is he who so entereth a complaint , oblieged to make it evident to the Judicatory ; and if he hath rightly performed the second step , and made it appear before two or three , there is no hazard or difficultie in this ; but if he hath failed in that , he ought not to have proceeded to this . Asser. 3. We say , that to have a formal accuser , seemeth not so well to agree to the nature of ecclesiastick processes , and looketh liker a civil Court. For , 1. If the offence be publick , there is no accuser needfull , as is said . 2. If it be privat , no accuser is to be heard , but in the ordinary method , because Christs Ordinance is not to be subservient to mens passions , or to be the mean of their seeking revenge for injuries : And therefore in some cases , though an accuser would undertake the pursuing of some processe against a person , where neither the Scandal is flagrant , nor the party accused , after private admonition and conviction , obstinate , in that case the accusation might be rejected ; because so the accuser looketh not like a Brother , that is stumbled , seeking the gaining of the other , and his own satisfaction upon that account , but rather like a person that is irritate , vindictive or malicious , to whose humour Church-officers ought not to give way ; neither doth such an accusation become Christs Court. Yet , if the thing be indeed scandalous , Church-officers are to enquire therein , and not to sleight any mean of evidence which may be had , lest profane persons mouths be opened ; but that rixal and contentious way of following of processes by particular accusers , against particular persons , as useth to be in other Courts , we conceive no way becoming the gravity and convincing way that ought to be in this ; And we suppose in experience is not often found to be edifying , but rather doth ingender hatred , prejudice , contention , and such like , which is altogether contrary to Christs scope . Again , on the other side , there may be no particular accuser against the person and yet it be necessary that he be tried , as hath been said . Asser. 4. The●…e may be some cases in which it is expedient to admit an accuser , and not to admit a processe without one . As suppose one were under no ill report , and yet some grosse scandal were imputed to him , which were not of such fame , or had not such presumptions , as to give ground for a Church-judicatory immediately to interpose , and the scandal being of such a nature as the trial thereof could neither be omitted , not closed in private ; in that case , suppose one should complain of the Churches negligence in the same , asserting the evidences to be clear , and offering to make them out ; In such a case , I say , the Church can hardly refuse to hear him , lest they be thought partiall ; nor is there ground , nor is it fit for them immediately to pursue it : Therefore an accuser is expedient , that so , upon the one side , the Churches impartiality may be vindicated , in refusing the complaint of no sober man , nor the uttermost of any triall , that in well grounded reason they may expect ; And , on the other side , that the mouths of some needlesse and too importunate complainers may be stopped , and they themselves found censurable , if either without cause they traduce the Church-officers as negligent and partiall , while there is accesse to make out before them such a truth if it be truth ; or if precipitantly and inconsiderately ( if not maliciously ) they have tabled a scandal against another as a publick scandal , which they cannot make out , and so have needlesly troubled a Church-judicatory in such a matter , and sinfully wronged their neighbour . For , a processe in such cases where it cannot be made out , is scandalous : therefore if a person rest not ▪ satisfied , so as to abstain till he have triall put to the utmost , he is to be dealt with as a scandalous person , lest men take liberty , under the pretext of pursuing offences , to defame others , and abuse the Ordinance of Christ. And though it be just in such a case , that he be materially dealt with as unjust accusers use to be in civil courts , yet this doth not only flow from the consideration of such a persons being a formall accuser , but from the nature of the deed which is scandalous in such a meature , and that publickly , and therefore is to be restramed , whether the person take on him that formall consideration or not , lest yet , upon the matter , he continue publickly and importunately to presse the pursuit . And we conceive , the imposing the title of accuser in such a case , or the making of it necessary , that one take on him that formall no ion , is rather for coveniencie to restrain mens inordinatenesse , and stop their mouths , and to add weight to the matter of the sentence , if they fail , than as being simply necessary for making such a person to be accounted scandalous , if he come short . CHAP. XI . Concerning what is to be done when the complaint is of some enjury ●…one to the complainer . THere is one case yet to be enquired in ▪ viz. how to account of a particular person his complaining or pursuing an offence which carrieth with it a particular enjury unto himself ? As suppose , that such a person did calumniate him , calling him false , covetous , hypocrite , thief , or such like , or did imprecate curses unto him ? Answ. 1 If the way laid down were followed , and a publick complaint made the last step , it may be , there would be few of these complaints . Of this we have spoken already . 2. Although such enjuries have with them a spirituall hurt also , and so indeed are real stumbling-blocks to the spirituall state of the party enjured . Yet , 1. it is hard for men enjured , singly to abstract the scandal given them from the enjury done them , and so to follow the offence with respect to their own and the others edification , as to entertain no thoughts of revenge in the pursuing thereof : for certainly , often it is the reparation of a wrong , and to vindicate folks own name and credit , rather than edification , which in such cases is aimed at : Therefore we find ever the most irreligious , carnall and proud persons , hotest in such a pursuit , and with greatest difficulty to be satisfied ; and the satisfaction intended by them , is not any Chistian gaining often , but some publick shame , or such like : And therefore if that follow , although the person fall over again in many other scandals that are worse , or others shall sin more grosly ; yet that stirreth them not , neither are their complaints in such cases heard of . 2. We find , that such a case hath often great difficulties with it , and readily much heat and carnalnesse ; yea , in things that are personall between parties , it is more difficult for them to abstain from carnalnesse , or the appearance thereof , and also for Church-judicatories to walk so as not to be thought partiall to one of the sides , and so by intending the removall of one offence , more may be given . Therefore we would suppose such a procedor to be suitable to Christs order and ordinance , 1. That as much as may be , these personal things may be waved by private persons themselves who are so 〈◊〉 . Certainly men lose not by condescending in their particulars , and it may afterward tend more to the convincing of the party and others , and to the vindicating of themselves that they forbear ( at least , till the fervour be abated , both in them and in the offending party ) than by kindling of their own passions by the passions of others , to hazard upon more sin and offence . 2. When such things occur , its fit that Church-officers should endeavour to compose and to remove them privately ; yea , if any complaint come in a persons heat , that yet notwithstanding , means be used to compose and allay the same ; and if that fail , that the scandal be brought to publick , rather by the Eldership it self , than by the party offended , because so the thing , as scandalous , may be more abstractedly considered ▪ the person easilier convinced , and the heat of parties prevented , which often mar the beauty of the Ordinance , and so there is nothing overseen that ought to be redressed . 3. If persons will needs enter their own complaint ▪ Then it would be enquired , 1. Whether it be really the enjury to their name , or outward condition that swayeth them ? or , if it be the offence , that is , the stumbling-block that goeth alongst there with , and 〈◊〉 is ready to hurt their spirituall estate , that doth move them ? This question is fit for curbing of carnall humours , and keeping the Ordinance of Christ from being abused , and made subservient to mens sinfull passions . If it cannot be hid that it is the injury which affects them ▪ Then would they be admonished for that , and remitted to follow their injury otherwise , and to pardon it , as to any vindictive humour ; yet the thing as it is scandalous , would be still followed without them . 2. It would be enquired , if they followed the privat steps ? And , 3. what sort of satisfaction they aim at , and if it be the parties gaining that they seek with their own satisfaction ? Sometimes there ariseth a new difficulty in such cases , as suppose one complained of for calumniating another , should offer to make good his word , or what he hath said ; In such a case it is difficult for a Church-Judicatory to carry rightly , if probation be refused , the slanderous mouth is not stopped , And to admit it , it seemeth neither pertinent nor profitable to any Church-end . This sometimes is one of the evils of making Church-judicatories the stage of mens passions : Yet in such a case we say , 1. That whether the thing be true or not , the casting of it up at such a time , and with such circumstances , was offensive ; and therefore no following probation can exempt the offender from being accounted scandalous , because the end of bringing forth that , was really the hurt of his brother , and neither private nor publick edification . 2. Some manner of offered probation is indirect , ( as also some sort of slandering ) as , suppose one would complain of another as guilty of theft , or some other sin , and give for the ground thereof some instances of corruption or deceit in their trade of merchandizing , or taking some advantage by law or other wayes , to the hurt of another . These are causes and matters wherein properly Church-officers are neither fit nor called to decide ; and the event thereof doth depend upon some civil contest , therefore are not meet to be admitted as the ground of a complaint or probation in a Church-judicatory . Again , some manner of probation is more direct , as suppose one would prove by witnesses direct theft upon another ▪ Yet considering that Church-judicatories are not to be sub-servient to mens passions , as hath been said , and also , that their end ought ever to be edification , and there being no probable ground to expect it in such a processe , we conceive it were fit altogether to wave such contests . For , though there be a shaming of offenders allowed in Church-discipline , yet it looketh harsh-like to make it the mean of bringing civil shame and infamie upon any ; Because such a blot , as to be accounted or declared infamous , even as to civil things , is a civil punishment ; and therefore is not to be the effect of a Church-judicatory , properly , Although we will not deny but by accident , these may be sometimes necessarily joyned . It may be asked , What if an offending party appearing , professe repentance for their fault , &c. as hath been desired , and should yet refuse to give obedience to such things and in such manner as is thought fit to be done by the Church-officers for the removing of the offence ? Answ. 1. It is not like that any who are serious in their profession of rep●…ntance , will stand on such a thing ; and where that is , it is too probable-like an evidence of their dissembling , if some convincing reason cannot be given by them for swaying to that refusall . 2. Their disobedience is either in materiall things , or such as are but circumstantiall . Again , it is either done with contempt , or with professed continued ●…espect and a desire to satisfie . As for instance , some may refuse to receive a publick rebuke where edification requireth it , or to acknowledge their offence to an offended party , or they may be willing to appear , and willing to acknowledge their offence , but differ as to the time , place , manner , &c. For the first , Though a Church-judicatory may wait for a time , yet can they not in some cases dispense with them , because otherwayes , they are not heard , nor is the end obtained ; and therefore may processe proceed , especially if that disobedience look contemptuous-like : For the second sort of disobedience , to wit , in the manner or circumstances of giving satisfaction , although in this also , those that are serious to have offences removed , will not readily stick , yet if it be , there is difference between this and the former , if there be no discernable evidences of contempt in it ; and in this , no question , Church-judicatories have a greater latitude to do as may edifie : wherein they are especially to take notice of these things , 1. That by too much rigidity in circumstances , they seem not unnecessarily to wrong them , or to lay too much weight of satisfaction upon such formalities . 2. That by too easie passing from such , they do not strengthen any to follow that example for the time to come . And , 3. that even in circumstances there be an equality in reference to these same scandals in all persons . And if there be hazard in reference to any of these by condescending , to alter or forbear a circumstance in a publick rebuke , we conceive it is safer to abstain from ●…hat forbearance , and not to yeeld it ; and yet not simply upon that account to pursue a processe , but to continue dealing with the person , while either he be convinced and brought , for the good of order and edification of the Church , to yeeld , or there be more clearnesse to do otherwise . CHAP. XII . Concerning what ought to be done by private persons , when Church-officers spare such as are scandalous . WE come now to the last Question proposed , to wit , supposing that Church-officers should be defective in trying and censuring scandalous persons , what is the duty of private Christians in such a case , and if notwithstanding , they ought to continue in the communion of such a Church , or to separate from her ? This Question hath troubled the Church , and been the occasion of many 〈◊〉 in many ages , the devil thereby under pretext of indignation at offences , hath made them to abound in the Church , as the Church-histories and Writings of the Fathers , in what concerneth the Novatians , Donatists , and such like , do fully evince ; And although we have great ground to acknowledge Gods mercy , in the sobriety of His people amongst us , so that we have unity , with purity ; yet , seing in order this doth follow , we shall answer shortly , in laying down these grounds . 1. It cannot be denied , but such a case may be , and often de facto is , that Church-officers are defective in the exercising of Discipline upon scandalous persons , what from negligence , what from unfaithfulnesse , what from fainting , or some other finfull infirmity at the best , as may be gathered from the second and third Chapters of the Revelation . 2. Though this be true , yet possibly it is not alwayes their fault when it is charged on them : as suppose , 1. That no private person , or , possibly even the complainer , hath admonished such persons as are counted scandalous , nor have given-in sufficient proofs of their scandal to any Church-judicatory ; or , it may be , many are counted scandalous who cannot legally and judicially be found to be such ; for it is more easie to assert a scandal , than to prove , even often when it is true : and it being rather a ground of irritation than edification , when a processe is entred , and not convincingly made-out , Therefore often in duty some proces●…es are abstained . Sometimes also Church-officers may be faithfully dealing with persons to recover them from scandals , and yet not find it fit for edification to proceed to high Censures ; In such cases , Church-officers cannot reasonably be blamed , and those who complain would pose their own consciences , if they have exonered themselves and done their duty , and have put it to the Officers doors , before they account it their fault : And it is most unbecoming for persons to charge others and to be defective in their own duty , which necessarily inferreth the other . And if it were as difficult and weighty a task to calumniate and groundlesly to charge Church-officers with this , as it is , faithfully to follow private admonition , there would not be so much of the one , and so little of the other . And if it be rightly looked to , it will not be easie to charge them with grosse defects ( and if they be not grosse , the matter is not so to be stumbled at , they being in the exercise of Discipline as in other things ) for , that must be upon one of these accounts , either , 1. Because such scandalou●… persons , after refusing of private admonitions , were complained of to them , and that evidence of the fact was off●…red , and Church-officers refused to put the same to trial : Or , it must be because when they did try , they did determine such a thing to be no scandal or not to be p●…oven , or that ( supposing it to be proven ) they did not c●…nsure it ; or , at least , when scandals were open and obvious , and palpable , they did not take notice of them . Now , is it probable that such a Church-judicatory will frequently be found that will fail grosly either of these wayes ? And if they do , then there is acces●…e to convince them , by an appeal to a superiour Court , which in that case is a duty . If it be said that their failing and neglect ▪ is ▪ in some covered manner , so carried-on as there is no accesse to such legal complaints . Answ. 1. We suppose if the things be that grosse , and the fact so clear and frequent , as that there be just ground to complain then there will be also accesse to such a proof . 2. If it be so carried and not owned , then it may be their sin before God ; but it is not to be accounted a proper Church-offence in the sense before-m●…ntioned , seing they could not be convinced judicially even before the most impartial Judge . And as in such a case we cannot account a private brother ecclesiastically scandalous , although the general strain of his way may be dissatisfying to us , So ought we not to account this ; for , there is a great difference , betwixt that which may be offensive to a persons private discretion , and put him possibly in a christian way to desire satisfaction , and that which is to be noised as a publick Church-scandall . Asser. 3. Upon supposition that the defect be true , yet private professors are to continue in the discharge of the duties of their stations , and not to separate from the Communion of the Church , but to count themselves exonered in holding fast their own integrity . It 's true , it cannot but be heavie to those that are tender , and , if it become scandalously excessive , may give occasion to them to depart and go where that Ordinance of Discipline is more vigorous ; and concerning that , there is no question , it being done in due manner ; Yet , I say , that that can be no ground for withdrawing from the Ordinances of Christ , as if they or their consciences were polluted by the presence of such others . For , 1. That there were such defects in the Church of the Jews , cannot be denied , and particularly doth appear in the instance of Elie's sons , who made the Ordinances of the Lord contemptible with their miscarriages ; yet that either it was allowable to the people to withdraw , or faulty to joyn in the Ordinances , can no way be made out . If it be said , there was but one Church then , Therefore none could separate from the Ordinances in it ? Answ. 1. This doth confirm what is said , to wit , that the joyning of scandalous persons in Ordinances doth not pollut them to others ; for if so , the Lord had not laid such a necessity upon those that were tender , that they behoved to partake of polluted Ordinances , or to have none ; and if it did not pollute them then , some reason would be given that doth evidence it now to do so . 2. If there be an unity of the Church now , as well as then , then the con●…equence must be good ; because , so where ever folks communicate , those many that communicate any where , are one bread , and one body , as the Apostle speaketh , 1 Cor. 10. 17. compared with chap 12 , 13. And so by communicating any where , we declare our selves to be of the same visible Church and politick body , with those who communicat elswhere , even as by Baptism we are baptized into one Church , and into communion with all the members of the body any where . And therefore , if this be considered , it will not be enough to eschew pollution ( if the objectio●… be true and well grounded ) to separate from one Society , or one particular Congregation , except there be a separation from the whole visible Church ; for so also Jews might have separated from particular Synagogues ▪ or have choosed times for their offerings and sacrifices distinct from others . Famous Cotton of New England , in his Holinesse of Church-members , pag. 21. grants that there were many scandalous persons in the Church of the Jews . 2. He saith , that that was by the Priests defect , for they ought not to have been retained . And , 3. though he say that that will not warrand the lawfulnesse of admitting scandalous persons to the Church , yet he asserteth , that it may argue the continuance of their Church-estate notwithstanding of such a toleration ; and if so , then it approveth continuing therein , and condemneth separation therefrom ; and consequently a Church may be a Church , having the Ordinances in purity , and to be communicate in , notwithstanding of the form●…r fault . 3. What hath been marked out of Learned Writers , for paralleling the constitution of the Church under the Gospel , with that under the Law in essentiall things , doth overthrow this objection ; for now separation is as impossible as formerly . 2. This defect is to be observed in severall of the Primitive Churches , as we may particularly see in the second and third Chapters of the Revelation , yet it is never found that any upon that account did withdraw or were reproved for not doing so , even when the Officers were reproved for defect : Yea , on the contrary , these who keeped themselves pure from these Scandals , though continuing in that communion , are commended and approven , and exhorted to continue as formerly . Now , if coutinuing in communion in such a case be of it self sinfull , and personall integrity be not sufficient to professours where the defect is sinfull to the Officers , even though in other personall things and duties of their stations they were approveable , How can it be thought that the faithfull and true Witnesse should so sharply reprove the one , and so fully approve the other at the same time ? 3. The nature of Church-communion doth confirm this : because such influence hath the scandalousnesse of one to make another guilty , as the approven conversation of the other hath to make the Ordinances profitable to him that is scandalous , for we can no otherwise partake of the evil than of the good of another in Church-communion ; But it is clear , that the graciousnesse of one cannot sanctifie an Ordinance to one that is profane ; and therefore the profanity of one cannot pollute the Ordinance to one that is tender . And , as he that examineth himself , partaketh worthily in respect of himself and his own condition , but doth not sanctifie communicating to another ; So , he that partaketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself , and not to another : and for that cause , is both the precept and the threatning bounded , Let a man examine himself , &c. For , he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself ; for , upon doing or omitting of duty in himself , doth follow worthy , or unworthy communicating to him . And if in the most near conjugall fellowship , the company of a profane Husband may be sanctified to a gracious Wife , even when hers is unsanctified to him , ( because that dependeth upon the persons own qualification and way of usemaking of Gods Ordinance of marriage ) much more may it be here : this last might be a distinct argument of it self . 4. If continuance in communion with such persons be sinfull , Then it must either be because communion with such as are profane indeed , whether we know or think them to be so or not , is sinfull ; or , it must be because we know them , or think them to be such ; But neither of these can be said : Not the first , because so to keep communion with an hypocrite , or a Believer in a carnall frame , were sinfull , although we thought them to be sincere , which cannot be pleaded : nor can it be said , it is because we know them to be so , Because , 1. If we knew a man to be so , and another knew not , in that case , the Ordinances were pollutted to one , and not to another , at the same time , though possibly both were exercising the same faith , and having examined themselves , were in the same frame , which were absurd . Yea , 2. If it depended on our knowledge of it , Then our very supposing it to be so , although it were not so , would pollute the Ordinance ; and what confusion would be there , may be afterward hinted . Nor can it be said , it is because we think so , because , supposing some to think otherwise , it would be still an ordinance to them , and a duty to continue in it , and not to us , which is the former absurdity ; and this doth not flow from the binding nature of an erroneous conscience ( which may be alleged in other cases ) but from the difference of persons light , charity , or other apprehensions of things , whereby one is induced to esteem that scandalous , which another doth not . 5. If communion with profane persons that are such to our knowledge be sinfull , and polluteth Ordinances , Then these things may be enquired , which will inf●…r diverse absurdities , 1. Ought persons to try all those that they keep communion with , whether they be profane or 〈◊〉 ? For , if any profane person be in that communion which they might have known if they had tried , then their ignorance cannot excuse . 2. It may be enquired , what degree of triall and search doth sufficiently exoner , because possibly a further triall might have discovered some to be profane ? 3. It may be enquired , what evidences may demonstrate persons to be scandalous , and make them to be so accounted of ? If only something seen by themselves , or if something reported by others ; and that whether it be judicially made out or only asserted ? and how manies report is to be taken for proof ; or if any that be so reported of , be so to be accounted ? 4. What sort of sca●…dals are to be enquired-in to make a person such as polluteth the Ordinances ? If it be any kind of scandal , or but scandals of such a nature ? If one scandal be sufficient , or if the●…e must be many ? and how many are to be laid weight upon in this ? and some satisfying grounds how , and where to fix the difference , are to be laid down ? 5. It may be asked , if one scandalous person alone doth pollute the Ordinances ? or if there must be moe ? and if so , How many ? 6. Suppose such a scandal were known to us alone , charity , and Christs command do say , it is not to be published ; conscience saith in that case , the Ordinance is polluted , time straits either to communicate doubtingly , or with offence to abstain and hide the cause , or contrary to charity to signifie the same . These and many such like things are requisit to satisfie one , upon this supposition , that communion in such a case is sinfull , Therefore it is not to be admitted . 6. If the Ordinance be polluted to one that is clean Then it is either the deed of the Church-officers that doth pollute it , or the deed of the scandalous person that doth communicate ; But neither of these can be said : Not the first , for that would suppose that all the Ordinances were polluted , although no scandalous person were present actually , because they were not actually excluded , and though they were absent , yet there being no impediment made to them by Church-officers , as to their guilt , it is the same . Nor the second , Because , supposing a person not to be debarred , it is his duty to communicate ; and can it be said , that he in doing of his duty upon the matter , should make that not to be a duty to us , which lieth on by a joynt command , which requireth eating from him and from us , as it requireth praying ? 7. The Lords ordering it so in His providence , that He admitteth unsanctified Officers to administrate His Ordinances , and yet withall , accounting them Officers , and the Ordinances in their hands to be His Ordinances , and that even when they are known to be unsound ( till in His own way they be removed ) doth demonstrate this , that pollution in joynt worshippers doth not pollute the Ordinances to others . For , if any did pollute them , Then most of all scandalous Officers ; But these do not . Ergo , &c. We may see it , first , in the scandalousnesse of Priests under the Law ; for we must either say that there were no scandalous Priests , or that the people did then offer no sacrifice and joyn in no worship , or that sinfully they did it : All which are absurd . 2. We see in Christs time , the Scribes and Pharisees were pointed out by Him as scandalous , Mat. 23. v. 3. Yet even there doth He require continuance in the Ordinances administrate by them , notwithstanding . 3. Doth not Paul speak of some that preached out of envy , Philip. 1. 15. which is a most grosse scandal , and of others who sought their own things , and not the things of Christ , Phil. 2. 21 ? Both which are grosse , and clearly evidenced by his testimony , yet is he content that people continue , yea , he supposeth that they may profit in communion with them , which he would not , had the Ordinances been polluted by them to others . And the same may be said of several Churches in these second and third Chapters of the Revelation , where both grossnesse of Ministers , and of many Professors , is notified by Christ to the Church , yet it cannot be supposed that that might have been made the ground of separation afterward from them , more than not doing of it was reprovable before . 8. If known evil in any that doth communicate , pollute the Ordinances in themselves , Then how can a Believer communicate with himself ? Because , 1. he hath corruption . 2. He hath as full knowledge of it as of any other mans , yea , that which may make him think it more than what he knoweth of any other man. 3. That corruption is as near him as the corruption of any . 4. The Law doth more particularly strike against corruption in him as to himself , than that which is in any other . Yea , 5. this corruption doth certainly , in so far pollute the Ordinance to him , and make him guilty . Now the same grounds that say he may communicate with a good conscience , notwithstanding of his own corruptions , will also say , he may communicate notwithstanding of that which is in another , much more : because the sins that follow his corruption are his own sins , which cannot be said of the sins of others . And if repentance for his own sin , resting upon Christ , protesting against the body of death ( which yet are but the acts of the same person , in so far as renued , differing from himself as unrenued ) If , I say , such acts may quiet his conscience , and give him confidence to partake , notwithstanding of his own corruption , and that even then when he as unrenued may be accounted guilty , may they not much more give him confidence in reference to the sins of another , which are not so much as his deeds . 9. In that directory which Christ giveth , Mat. 18. this is implied , because he doth warrand an offended brother to bring obstinate offenders to the Church , as the last step of their duty , and as their ●…ull exoneration , Tell the Church , saith he ; and no more is required by him after that , but conforming of his carriage to the Churches Sentence in case of obstinacie . And none can think , upon supposition that the Church did not their duty , that then they were from that forth , not to joyn in that Church , but to separate from them as from heathens and publicans : because so a particular person might Excommunicate a Church , whom yet Christ will not have to withdraw from communion with a private member , till obstinacie and the Churches censuring interveen ; Yea , by so doing , a private person might account another a heathen and publican without any publick Censure , which is contrary to Christs scope , which subjoyneth this withdrawing of communion from him to the Churches Censure . This will bind the more if we consider that Christs words have an allusion ( as is commonly acknowledged ) to the Jewish Sanedrim , which being but one , could not admit of any separation from its communion , though there had been defect in this : What may be done in abstaining of personall communion in unnecessary things , is e●…er to be acknowledged ; yet if separation in such a supposed case , were called-for as a duty , that direction would not be a sufficient direction for an offended brother , because it leaveth him without direction in the last step : Yet Christs progresse so particularly from one step to another , saith , that it is otherwayes intended . Who would have more full satisfaction in this , may look the Learned Treatises that are written against Separation , which will hold consequentially in this ; and therefore we may here say the lesse , And shall only add the consideration of one Scripture . For confirming of this Assertion then , we may take more particular consideration of one place , which seemeth more especially to relate to this purpose , That is , 1 Corinth . 11. from the 17. ver . foreward : Where it doth appear , first , That there were divisions amongst that people , even in respect of communicating together at the Lords Table , so that some of them would not communicate with others : for that there were divisions is clear . Now , these divisions are expressed to be in the Church when they came together to eat the Lords Supper , ver . 18 , and 19. and some did communicate at one time , and some at another , without tarrying one for another , as is expressed , v. 33. Secondly , We may also gather what might be the reason of this divided communicating , or , at least , what some might alleage why they would not communicate joyntly with others : For , it is like , they fell in this irregularity deliberately , as thinking they did well when they communicated apart , and not with others . So much is insinuated in the Apostles expostulation , ver . 22. What , shall I praise you in this ? I praise you not . Now these reasons might be alleged , to justifi●… their divided communicating , 1. That the Ordinances were not reverently administred , nor with that gravity and discerning of the Lords Body , as was fit . 2. That many unworthy persons were admitted to communion , even such as were drunken , ver . 21. &c. and therefore it might be alleged by them , that joynt communicating with such was to be abstained . Thirdly , It is evident also , That notwithstanding of these grounds ▪ the Apostle doth condemn their practice , and presseth them to joynt communicating , as appeareth from ver . 22. and 33. From which , this clear argument doth arise , If the members of the Church of Corinth , who did separate from the Ordinances , because of the sinfulnesse of these that did joyntly partake with them , were condemned by Paul , and required to communicate joyntly , and if it be made clear by him how they might do so and not be guilty , Then separation in such a case cannot be a duty but a sin : But the former are true . Therefore ▪ &c. I know nothing can be objected against this argument , but either to say , That the Apostles scope is in that eating together , to regulate their love feasts , and to condemn their practice in these ; or , that he commends joynt communicating simply , but not in such a case , because it is not clear whether any of them did scruple upon that ground or not : for , the removing of these , we say to the first , That the main scope of the place is to regulate them in going about the Sacrament of the Lords Supper : And therefore it is that the Apostle doth so clearly and plainly insist in clearing the institution thereof , thereby to bring them back to the way that was laid down and delivered to him by the Lord. And for any other sort of eating or drinking , the Apostle doth send them to their houses ▪ v●…r . 22. and more expresly he repeateth that direction , that if any man hunger and desire to eat his ordinary meat , Let him do it at home , ver . 34. So that no direction for the time to come can be interpreted to belong to common eating in the Church , or in the publick meetings thereof , but such as is sacramentall only . To the second , to wit , if the Apostle doth dip in this question , with respect to that objection of the impurity of joynt communicants , we do propose these things for clearing of the same , First , We say , that whether they did actually object that or not , yet there was ground for them to object the same if it had weight , as the Text cleareth : Neither could the Apostle , knowing that ground , and having immediately mentioned the same , have accesse to presse them all indifferently to communicate together , if his direction meet not the case ; for this might still have stood in the way , that many of them were such and such , and therefore not to be communicated with ; and if it be a sufficient reason to keep them from joynt communicating , then the case being so circumstantiated , it would also be a sufficient reason to keep him from imposing that as a duty upon them , at least , so long as the case stood as it was . Secondly , We say , that it is not unlike there was such hesitations in some of them ; and that ( whatever was among them ) it is clear , that the Apostle doth expresly ●…peak to this case , and endeavour to remove that objection out of the way , to wit , that men should not scare at the Sacrament , because of the profanity of others : and that therefore they might without scruple as to that , communicate joyntly , and ●…arry one for another , which is his scope , ver . 33. This will appear by considering severall reasons whereby he presseth this scope , for that , ver . 33. Wherefore , my brethren , when ye come together , tarrie one for another , is the scope laid down as a conclusion from the former grounds which he hath given . Now , when he hath corrected their first fault , to wit , their irreverent manner of going about the Ordinance , by bringing them to Christs institution , ver . 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. He cometh , in the last place , to meet with this objection , What if others be present who palpably cannot discern the Lords Body , and so cannot communicate worthily ? Can it be safe to communicate with such ? Or , is it not better to find out some other way of communicating apart , and not together with such ? The Apostle giveth severall answers to this , and reasons , whereby he cleareth , that their division was not warrantable upon that ground , from ver . 28. And so concludeth , ver . 33. that notwithstanding thereof , they might tarry one for another . The first reason , is , ver . 28. But let a man examine himself , and so let him eat . Which sheweth , 1. That a mans comfortable preparation for this duty , is to examine himself ; and that the fruit may be expected , or not expected , accordingly as it shall be with himself : Otherwayes , it were not a sufficient direction for preparation , to put him to examine himself . Again , 2. these are knit together , Let a man examine himself , and so let him eat . Which is in sum , this , when a man hath in some sincerity looked upon his own condition , and hath attained some suitablenesse to the Ordinances , as to his own private case , then , ( saith the Apostle ) Let him eat , without respecting the condition of others . Otherwayes , a man having examined himself , yet could not eat , though his own disposition were as it should be , if the case of others might hinder him in eating . And we conceive , it is a main part of the Apostles scope , by knit●…ing these two together ( to wit , a mans eating with the examining of himself ) purposly to prevent such a deba●…e . The second reason which he giveth , will confirm this also ; for , saith he , ver . 29. He who eateth and drinketh unworthily , he eateth and drinketh unto himself damnation ▪ or judgement . Which is , in ●…um , this , a man that hath examined himself , may eat of the Sacrament , though many persons communicate unworthily with him , because ( saith he ) he that eateth unworthily , doth not bring damnation or judgement upon others , nor is his sin imputed to them that communicate with him , but he doth bring it upon himself , and therfore no other hath cause to scare at the Ordinance because of that , if he hath examined himself . This reason he again confirmeth from experience , ver . 30. For this cause ( saith he ) many are sick , and many among you are weak , &c. that is , not because they did communicate with those who are scandalous being in good case themselves ; but for this cause , saith he , many are sick , &c. and have brought upon themselves great plagues , because by not examining of themselves , they did communicate unworthily , and so , by their own sin , brought these stroaks upon themselves . He gives a third reason for making out of his scope , ver . 3●… . For , if we will judge our selves , we should not be judged , that is , men need not be anxious in this case , whether others judge themselves or not ; for , saith he , Gods absolving or judging of us , doth not depend upon what they do ▪ but upon what we our selves do . And therefore presseth them still to look to themselves , because the judging and humbling of our selves before God , is the way not to be judged by Him , even in reference to that Ordinance , whatever others do . Now , when he hath fully cleared the reasons , and , as it were , made out this proposition , that if a man be right in his own frame , the sin of another joynt communicant , cannot be hurtfull to him , or b●… ground to mar him in eating , and when by an interserted parenthesis , he hath obviated a doubt , v. 32. he concludeth , ver . 33. Wh●…refore , saith he , my brethren , ( seing it is so ) ●…arry one for another , and be not anxiously feared to communicate joyntly ; Now , seing all alongst the Apostle hath been giving such grounds as may clear a conscience in that case , and doth in these words lay down the direction of tarrying one for another , or of joynt communicating , as a conclusion drawn from the former grounds , It cannot be thought , but that purposly he intended these reasons to be grounds for the quieting of consciences , to obey that direction in such a case ; and that therefore it cannot be warrantable to separate upon that ground . CHAP. XIII . Shewing more particularly what it is that private persons are called to in such a case . IF it be asked then ▪ What is that which private persons ought to do in such a case ? Answ. They are certainly to contain themselves within their station , yet so , as some things are called for at such a time more than at another time ; As , first , There is need of much circumspectnesse in our own personal walk and watchfulnesse , in observing of opportunities wherein we may edifie others , as Heb. 3. 13. Secondly ▪ There is need of more frequency , and of a more weighty circumspect manner in giving private admonitions and exhortations , &c. Thirdly , There would be much exercise of prayer , and even fasting there with ( though in a secret inoffensive manner ) both for the restraining of offences which dishonour God , and for zeal to Officers to perform their duty ; if in this respect , rivers of tears were running down our cheeks , because of the abounding of offences , there might be much more solid peace ( we are ●…swaded ) in keeping communion with others , than without that to separate with much , at least seeming pride and uncharitable cruelty in giving of offence to them , and thereby confirming them in their profanity . Fourthly , It is private persons duty to represent such offences , with their evidences , to Church-officers , or Church-judicatories , thereby to put them to the removing of such offences . Fifthly , They may freely , though humbly and reverently , expostulate with Church-officers , when they are defective , and endeavour to convince them of that offence : The force of that precept , If thy brother offend thee , go and tell him , &c. warranteth so much ; and this the Colossians are to say to Archippus , that he be not defective in his Ministery which he had received , &c , Col. 4. 17. This decently and convincingly done , is usefull . Sixthly , If all that prevail not , private persons may communicate it to other Church-officers ; and no redresse following , it is their duty to follow it before the competent superiour Judicatories : for , Christ's direction , Tell the Church , importeth and warranteth the same . If it be asked , What further is to be done , if that fail ? Answ. We know no other publick redresse ; Christ hath left it there , and so may we also . Neither can it be insttucted from Scripture , that Christ hath appointed separation to be the next step of a private persons duty for removing of offences , much lesse to go before these . Indeed the Scripture calleth for with-drawing from personall communion with grosse , scandalous persons , as a thing necessary ; as also from communion in the corrupt designes and courses of any , though they may have a form of godlinesse , as 2 Tim. 3. 4 , 5 , &c. which doth belong to , and is comprehended under the first particular direction . And if these be faithfully observed by private Christians , we are hopefull that either there would be lesse ground of complaint for the defect of Church-officers , or more acces●…e to remove such as continue unfaithfull , and more peace to the consciences of particular private Christians , and lesse offence and more edification to all , than any other way whatsoever . That it is thus necessary for private persons to acquiesce in the Churches determination , in manner as is said , may appear from the unsetlednesse and confusion , both in private and publick , which otherwise would follow : For , either there must be a sisting in this determination of the Church , or , there must be some other period to fix at , or , there must be no fixing at all . Neither of the two last can be said , Therefore , &c. Not the last , to wit , that there is no fixing at all ; for so a particular person that were offended , would not know what were duty , or what to follow ; and it would infer a defect in the Lord's Ordinance in reference to His Peoples direction and peace in such cases , which is most absurd . If the second be said , viz. That there is some other thing to fix on for quieting of consciences in such a case , as to their exoneration beyond that publick decision ; We desire to know what that is which is called-for , and by what rule we are to proceed in it ? If it be said , that in such a case the duty is to separate from that Church , where the plurality of Officers do admit such as are accounted to be scandalous ; Then we ask , 1. What is next to be done ? it must either be to continue as no member of a Church , which is both impossible and absurd . It is impossible that there can be any particular visible baptized member , and not belong to the visible body , at least , being considered , as the Church maketh one integral visible body . It 's absurd , because it would say , That either Christ had no visible Church , or , that He hath an ordinary way of edifying by external Ordinances without His visible Church , or , that a person might be regardlesse of , and without His Church and Ordinances , and be approven of Him ▪ and expect the benefit ; yea , upon this supposition ▪ the unfaithfulnesse of Church-officers in not casting-out of scandalous men , would infer the actual unchurching of those that were not scandalous , and so the sin of the one should be the punishment of the other , which is absurd . If it be said that another Church of more pure members is to be gathered , in which persons in such cases are to joyn for obtaining of pure Ordinances ; Then we ask further , What if such a Congregation cannot be had ? Then , what is duty in that case ? Is there a necessity of living without a visible Church-state , wanting all Church-ordinances to our selves , and Baptism to our children ? What can be the fruit of that ? Is it not a more uncontrovertible hazard to put our selves without all communion of Church-ordinances , than to enjoy them where they are pure , though some joynt partakers be offensive ? Is not the other the way to make our children heathens , and for ever to be without Baptism , seing warrantably they cannot be entered where we cannot a bide ? Doth not this also make way to make all the Ordinances contemptible , and to be undervalued by the profane , seing such persons do so conten●…edly live without them ? Further , we ask ▪ What if other persons and we cannot agree upon jo●…nt members ; for , if it be left to mens particular discerning , that rule is uncertain and various , being involved in many difficulties , as was formerly hinted : in that case , either there must be no separated Church , or diverse separated Churches , according to the latitude of diverse persons charity . This being certain , that one will think a person scandalous , which another doth not esteem so ; and one will approve that , which another will condemn . Again , we ask , What if such persons that withdraw and seek to enter a more holy society , should be refused ? Then , how could they evidence their own holinesse , and convince these refusers that they were graciously qualified , and so to be admitted if that were stuck upon , for whatever profession were made , it behoved still to be tried by no other rule , but by folks particular discerning and charity ? Again , suppose this difficulty to be overcome , and such a congregation to be settled , Is it not possible that even some of those members should become scandalous ? Then , supposing that by the plurality of that Church , such persons were not accounted scandalous , or not cast out , what were to be done ? According to the former grounds , these who suppose themselves only pure , could not continue in communion , but behoved again to separate ; and if so , then upon the renuing of the former supposition , there behoved still to be a separation in infinitum . For , there can no Church be expected on earth , in which these cases are not supposable and possible . And so now we may resume the conclusion , Either a private person must acquiesce , as being exonered when he hath followed the action before the Church , or he shall have no ground of peace any where , till he be out of the world , or out of all visible Churches . And so also there can be no other way of keeping publick order and ordinances ; and of eviting scandal and confusion . This truth is fully made out by those three worthy and pious Divines of New England , Cotton , Hooker , and Norton : The last whereof , by many reasons evinceth this in his answer to Appolonious his last question , pag. 162 , 163. and doth from the Church of Corint●… in particular confirm this : There ( saith he ) was impurity or corruption in worship , for women taught in the Church ; There was corrupt Doctrine , many denied the Resurrection ; in manners , she was most corrupt , there being so many fornications , sects , palpable love of the world , &c. Yet ( saith he ) the Apostle did not command those that were worthily prepared to abstain from the Supper , but , rectifying abuses , he did command every one to try himself , and so to eat , &c. And many other things hath he excellently to this purpose , and laieth this for a ground , that per alios indigne accedentes non polluitur communio , licet minuitur consolatio , that is , the communion in worship is not polluted , though the consolation be diminished by such joynt worshippers . The second , to wit , Mr. Hooker doth confirm this Maxime fully , part 1. chap. 9. pag. 119 , 120. and doth call it irrationall , that the fewer should be judges of the deed of the plurality : and elswhere , that to admit separation in such a case , were to lay a ground for separation in infinitum . Only , we may add these two observations thereon , 1. May not this be allowed to the Presbyteriall Church where the plurality of Church-officers think fit n●…t to cast out ? 2. That the Presbyteriall government is upon this consideration , unjustly loaded with an absurdity , as if necessarily upon their grounds , the minor and better party being overswayed ( suppose a particular Congregation were wronged by the plurality of a Presbyterie ) could have no redresse ; for , according to his grounds the same would follow upon the congregationall way ; for , suppose the plurality of the Congregation should wrong some officer , contrary to the vote of the minor and better party , there can be no other redresse there , than for men to keep themselves free : For , it still recurreth , if the minor part should claim to have their Sentence weighty , because it is upon the matter right , which the other is not , he hath already determined in the place cited , that that is , contrary to all orderly proceeding and rules of reason and layeth open the gap to endlesse dissention , and the annulling of all publick proceeding ; for , men in such cases , being their own judges , are ever ready to think themselves in the right . By the first , to wit , Mr. Cotton , it is laid down as an unquestionable agreed ground , with this note upon the back of it , By hasty withdrawing , Reformation is not procured but retarded . Thus he , pag. 2. of the bolinesse of Church-members . And hath not experience confirmed this ? Might not Discipline have been more vigorous in many Congregations , if this had not been ? And what can be expected of Reformation in the body of the Christian world , if to the offence of the rest , those who suppose themselves to be more tender , should instantly withdraw from them . CHAP. XIV . Clearing whether the Ordinances of Christ be any way polluted by corrupt fellow-worshippers . BUt yet two things are to be satisfied . 1. It may be said , But are not the Ordinances of Christ someway polluted by the unworthinesse of such scandalous partakers ? and if so , can polluted Ordinances be partaken of without sin ? Answ. We may consider polluting of Ordinances in a threefold sense . 1. An Ordinance may be said to be polluted , when the essentials and substantials thereof are corrupted , so as indeed it ceaseth to be an Ordinance of Jesus Christ : Thus the Masse in Popery , is a fearfull abomination , and a corruption of the Sacrament : in this respect , the Ordinance ( if it may be called an Ordinance after that , for indeed it is not an Ordinance of Christ ) is polluted , and this may be many wayes fallen into , and communion in this , is indeed sinfull and cannot but be so . 2. An Ordinance may be said to be polluted , when it is irreverently and profanely abused , though essentials be keeped : Thus the Lords Sabbath may be polluted , which yet is holy in it self ; So was the Table of the Lord polluted , Mal. 1. And in this sense the Sacrament of the Lords Supper was indeed polluted by the Corinthians , 1 Cor. 11. when some came drunk or otherwayes irreverently to the holy Ordinances ; in this respect , an Ordinance may be said to be polluted to him that so goeth about it , because to the unclean all things are unclean ; but it is not polluted in it self , nor to any other that examine themselves , as the former instance doth clear , because that pollution cometh from nothing in the Ordinance , ( it being in its essentials compleat ) but doth arise from the sinfulnesse of such and such persons , and therefore must be commensurable with them . 3. An Ordinance may be said to be polluted , upon this extrinsick consideration , to wit , when by some circumstance in it , or miscarriage of those that are about it , it is made common-like , and so wanteth that luster and honourablenesse that it ought to have ; by such a fault the Ordinance is made obnoxious to contempt , and is despised by others , contrary to the Lords allowance . Thus the Priests of old made the offerings of the Lord vile and contemptible , which was not by corrupting them in essentials , nor making them cease to be Ordinances , bu●… by their miscarriages and corrupt irreverent way of going about them , they did lay that stumbling-block before others , to make them account these Ordinances contemptible . This may be diverse wayes fallen into , As , 1. when the Officer , or Minister , hath a profane carnall carriage , So he maketh the Ordinance of the Ministery , and every other Ordinance vile in this sense : Thus , if an Elder or any other●… should take on them to admonish while they are in drunkennesse or passion , or such like , they do pollute that admonition , yet still these Ordinances are Ordinances , and that admonition an admonition . 2. It is fallen into , when an Officer doth indiscreetly and indifferently administrate Ordinances to precious and vile , as if they were common things . Thus a reproof may be polluted when a manifest known contemner is reproved , because , so a pearl is casten before swine , which is derogatory to the excellency thereof . Thus a Minister may profane or pollute the most excellent promises or consolations of the Word , when he doth without discretion apply the same indifferently ; or , without making difference between the tender and the untender and profane ; yea , even between the hypocrites and the truely godly . This is not to divide the Word of God aright , and is indeed that which the Lord mainly accounteth to be Not separating of the precious from the vile , when peace is spoken to them to whom he never spoke 〈◊〉 This is also committed , when grosly scandalous persons are permitted , without the exercise of Discipline upon them ▪ 〈◊〉 live in the Church , or are admitted to Sacraments , because so Gods institution is wronged , and the luster thereof is lessened , and men are induced to think lesse thereof . 3. This may be also by the irreverent mann●…r of going about them , when it is without that due reverence and gravity that ought to be in His worship . Thus one may make the Word and Sacrament to be in a great part ridiculous ; and so suppose , that at the Sacrament of the Supper , in the same Congregation , some should be communicating at one place , some at another , some should be palpably talking of other things , some miscarrying by drunkennesse , &c. as its clear was in the Church of Corinth . All those may be said to pollute the Ordinances , as they derogate from their weight and authority , and miscarry in the administration of them , and are ready to breed irreverence and contempt in others where the Lords Body in the Supper , or the end of His instit●…tion in other Ordinances , is not discerned and observed : yet all these do not pollute the Ordinance in it self , or make it to be no Ordinance , nor do pollute it to any that doth reverently partake of the same , and doth not stumble upon the block that is laid before him : Because an hearer that were suitably qualified , might comfortably receive and ●…eed upon a sweet promise , even when it might be extended in its application beyond the Lord's allowance ; yet doth not that alter the nature thereof to him : So may worthy Communicants that have examined themselves , and do discern the Lord's Body , partake of that Sacrament with His approbation , and to their own comfort ; Because they might discern Him and by that come to get the right impression of the Ordinances , although many blocks were lying in their way : for , it is not others casting of snares before them , but their stumbling at them , that doth pollute the Ordinance to them . Hence we see , that though all these were in the Church of Corinth , so that there was neither 〈◊〉 in the manner , nor discretion in respect of the Receivers ( for , some came drunken , and some came and waited no : on others , some came hungry , and others full ) yet was it still the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , and unpolluted to those , who by examining of themselves , and discerning of His Body ( which others failed in ) did reverently and duly partake of the same . Besides these wayes of pollution mentioned , we cannot conceive of any other ( for now legal and ceremonial pollution , such as was by touching a dead body , &c. and was opposit to ceremonial holinesse , is not in this case to be mentioned ) yet we see the first cannot be alleaged here , and none of the other two ought to scare tender persons from the Ordinances of Jesus Christ. If it be said , That communicating in such a case ▪ doth seem to approve such an admission , and to confirm those in some good opinion of themselves who are admitted , and so there is a necessity of abstaining , though not upon the account , that the Ordinances are polluted , yet , for preventing the foresaid offence , which might make us guilty . Ans. If weight be laid upon offence , we make no question but it will sway to the other side . O what offence hath this way given to the Church of Christ ! how hath it hardned those that had prejudice at Religion ? How hath it opened the mouths of such as lie in wait for something of this kind ? How hath it grieved and weighted others ? how hath it made the work of Reformation , profession of Holinesse , exercise of Discipline , &c. to stink to many , and so to be loaded with reproaches , as hath marred much that accesse to keep the Ordinances unpolluted in the former respect , which otherwise might have been ? 2. Is not reverent and exemplary partaking of the Ordinances at such a time , a more edifying and convincing testimony against such untendernesse , than by withdrawing to give a new offence ? 3. The Lord's precept in such a case , Let a man examine himself , and so let him eat , doth not leave the thing indifferent upon that ground ; And therefore that objection is not here to have place , as the grounds formerly laid down do evince : For , we are not to be wise or holy beyond what the Lord hath commanded . CHAP. XV. Shewing if any thing further in any imaginable case be allowed to privat Christians . 2. IT may be yet further moved , Can there be no more allowed in any supposable case ? Answ. It is most unsuitable , in a matter of practice , when folks are not contending for curiosity , but for direction , to suppose cases hardly or rarely possible in a constitute Church , which is worthy of that name , or , upon that ground , to found a contest in dispute , or schism in practice , in cases palpably different ; At least , union should be kept till such a case come about . And is it likely , where the order formerly laid down ▪ is observed , that there can be habitual admission of notoriously or grievously scandalous persons , though , it may be , there be lesser fa●…lings of several sorts : Yet , supposing that any out of infirmity or affection , not having such knowledge , or otherwise , should stick to joyn in the Ordinances at some times , or in some places , upon such an account , who yet do not love separation , or the erecting of a different Church , We say further , 1. That , in such a case , such persons may remove from one Congregation to another , where such grosnesse cannot be pretended to be ; and the persons being otherwise without scandal , can neither be pressed to continue ( they being so burdened ) nor yet refused to be admitted where orderly they shall desire to joyn , seing this could not be denied to any . And , we suppose , few will be so uncharitable , as to think there is no Congregation whereunto they can joyn , or yet so addicted to outward respects , as to choose separation with offence to others , disturbance to the Church , and , it may be , with little quiet●…esse to themselves , whenas they have a remedy so inoffensive allovved unto them . 2. Although separation be never allowable , and secession be not alway at an instant practicable ; yet we suppose , in some cases , simple abstinence , if it be not offensive in the manner and circumstances , if it be not made customary , and if the ground be so convincing , and the case so grosse that it will affect any ingenuous hearer , and so evident that there is no accesse to any acquainted in such places , to deny the same , or that there be a present undecided processe concerning such things before a competent Judge ; in some such cases , I say , as might be supposed , we conceive abstinence were not rigidly to be misconstructed , it being for the time the burdeen of s●…ch persons , that they cannot joyn ; and , it may be , having some publick complaint of such a thing to make-out , and in dependence elsewhere : Although we will not strengthen any to follow this way , nor can it be pretended to , where the case is not singularly horrid ; yet supposing it to be such , we conceive it is the safest one way for the persons peace , and the preventing of offence together ; yet , much christian prudence is to be exercised in the conveying of the same , if it were by removing for a time , or otherwayes , that there appear to be no publick contempt ; but we conceive this case is so rarely incident , and possibly that there needeth be little said of it , much lesse should there be any needlesse debate or rent entertained upon the consideration or notion thereof . And certainly , the case before us of the admitting of the Nicolaitans and Iezebel , considering their doctrine and deeds , is more horrid than readily can be supposed ; and yet it would seem , that though this defect should still have continued , the Lord doth require no other thing of private professours , but their continuing-in , or holding fast of , their former personal purity , which is all the burden that He doth lay upon them . To shut up all , we may see what evils are to be evited in the prosecution of publick Scandals , and what a commendable thing it were to have this in the right manner vigorous ; if private Christians were zealous , loving and prudent in their private admonitions ; if Officers were diligent , single , grave , and weighty in what concerneth them ; if offending persons were humble and submissive , and all reverent and respective of the Ordinances , and studious of private and publick edification , How beautiful and profitable a thing would it be ? Certainly this manner of procedure , would be more beautifying to the Ordinances of Christ , more convincing to all onlookers , more sweet and easie both to Officers and People , and more edifying and gaining to all , and , by God's blessing , were the way to make the mistaken yoke of Discipline to be accounted easie and light . And if all those ends be desirable , and the contrary evils be to be eschewed , then unquestionably the right manner of managing this great Ordinance of Discipline , is carefully to be studied and followed both by Officers and people . PART III. Concerning Doctrinall Scandals , or Scandalous Errours . CHAP. I. Holding out the expediency of handling this matter . ALthough somewhat hath been spoken in reference to practicall Scandals , ( to call them so ) Yet there hath been little or nothing at all spoken of Doctrinal Scandals , and what may be called for in reference to them . It is true , that these cases are so various and difficult , that there can hardly be any thing particularly spoken to them ; also what hath been said , may , for the most part , proportionably be applied to them : yet considering that this place doth look so directly to such Scandals as are in Doctrine ; and that the case of these times doth call for some consideration of such , lest what hath been formerly said , be altogether defective as to this , it will not be impertinent to insist a little on it also , although already this Tractate hath drawn to a greater length than was at first intended . We may in prosecution of this , 1. consider some generall Doctrines . 2. Some generall Questions . 3. More particularly speak to the severall duties according to particular cases and remedies that are called for . 4. Shew the necessity of orderly Judicial procedour here , in reference to such Scandals , as well as in reference to Scandals in practice formerly mentioned . For Doctrines , we find here . 1. That Errour , vented by these that are corrupted therewith , is no lesse scandalous , and no lesse to be accounted so , than grosse practices ; for it is as ready to be an occasion of stumbling , and to marr the spirituall edification and well-being of the people of God , as any scandalous practices : Which is confirmed , 1. By the consequents of Errour , it destroyes the soul , 2 Pet. 2. 1. 2 Thess. 2. 12. yea , it bringeth on swift damnation , 2 Pet. 2. 1. overthrows the faith of many . 2 Tim. 2. 18. perverts the Scripture to mens destruction , 2 Pet. 3. 16. deceives many , Matth. 24. Therefore for this cause , it is called also , 2. Pet. 2. damnable , pernicious , and such like : which sheweth , that really it becomes a stumbling block where it is . 2. This will appear if we consider the titles that the holy Ghost usually giveth to such in Scripture , as are promotters of corrupt Doctrine : there are not titles bearing greater indignation and abomination , given to any , than to such , as they are called dogs , evil workers , Phil. 3. 2. wolves , yea , grievous wolves , Matth. 7. 15. Act. 20. deceitfull workers , ministers of Satan , as if expresly they were commissionated by him , 2 Cor. 11. 13. deceivers , liars . Rev. 2. ill men and seducers , that wax worse and worse , 2 Tim. 3. 13. 3. Consider the many threatnings and woes that are in Scripture against them , Matth. 23. the many warnings that are given to Ministers to watch against them , Acts 20. the plain directions that are to censure them , Tit. 3. 10. the particular examples of censuring them recorded in Scripture , ( as after will appear ) Christs commending it where it is , His reproving of it where it is not , as in these second and third Chapters of the Revelation is manifest : these and such like , do evidently make out how exceedingly scandalous the venting of corrupt Doctrine is ▪ which Rev. 2. 6. the Lord saith , He hates , and therefore it cannot but be loathsome and abominable . 4. Consider the many warnings that people have to eschew such , and that upon this account as being offensive , as Rom. 16 , 17. Act. 20. Phil. 3. 1 , 2. 2. Ioh. 10. which evidently showeth the scandalousnesse thereof . 5. Consider the nature of Errour more particularly . 1. It is contrary to the truth of God , and therefore is a lie , as scandalous practices are contrary to the holinesse of God : now Gods truth and veracity is no lesse an essentiall attribute than His holiness . 2. This is not only to lie , but it is to attribute that unto the most High , by fathering these lies upon Him ; and saying , thus saith the Lord , when He hath said no such thing but the contrary . 3. It teacheth others to lie , as it is , Matth. 5. 19. and that more forcibly and impudently than any practice can do . 4. It hath its original from the devil , who was a liar from the beginning , and the father thereof , Ioh. 8. 44. And spreaders of corrupt Doctrine , have special influence on the upholding and spreading of his kingdom . 5. It is a fruit of the flesh , even as murther , adultery , witchcraft ; and seing it is so ranked by the Apostle , Gal. 5. 19 , 20. can it be but scandalous ? 6. The effects of it will evidence this . 1. It spoileth the vines , Cant. 2. 15. for , there is a wronging of purity where it is . 2. It spoileth Government and order , it hath confusion with it . 3. It spoileth unity , and it hath ever contention with it , and ( as it is , Gal. 5. 15. ) a biting and devouring one of another ; and contention cannot be eschewed but by harmony in evil , which is far more desperate . 4. Which followeth on all , it destroyeth souls ; and infecteth more speedily , dangerously and spreadingly than other practicall Scandals ; never hath the Church been so defaced , nor so many souls destroyed by any scandalous practice , as by the venting of corrupt Doctrine ; and however we take scandal , as in the general was laid down , as that which is apt to stumble others , and occasion their fall , or to weaken the confidence and jumble the peace , and disquiet the minds of some , or as it grieves the hearts of others , or , as it maketh the wayes of God to be ill spoken of , it will be still sound , that such kind of errours , are still to be accounted scandalous ; and that nothing opens mouths more against Religion than that , See 2 Pet. 2. 2. By all which it appeareth , that grosse errour is not only a sin , but a scandalous sin , and that of a most grosse nature . CHAP. II. Concerning the spreading of Errour ; Gods displeasure at the suffering thereof , and the fainting even of good men in restraining the same . BEside this , there are three things considerable , which from this and other Epistles we have occasion to observe and enquire a little into , before we propound any particular question . The first , is , concerning the spreading and increase of Errour , and that of the most unreasonable and absurd Errours , even in the Primitive times . The second is , anent the Lords detesting of it , so that the very suffering of the spreaders of it , is hatefull to Him in His Angels and Churches , that otherwise are approvable for their own particular carriages , as in Pergamos ; and their not induring thereof is commendable , even when their own inward condition is not altogether approvable , as may be seen in Ephe●…us . The third is , how that sometimes there may be fainting , as to zealous restraining of Errour , even in men that are not the worst . For the first , Can it but be thought strange that delusion should come to this height so soon : and it may make all to tremble at the impetuousness thereof , 1. It is a most foul absurd errour , this of the Nicolaitans , even against natures light . 2. It spreadeth and encreaseth in severall persons and Churches : and Church-story doth show that it abounded , and no lesse is insinuated in these Epistles . 3. That it spreadeth not only among heathens , but in the Church , and among Christs Servants , who are seduced therewith ; which sheweth , that even some of note were carried away with it . 4. This is in the Churches most pure times , some of the Apostles ( at least Iohn ) being yet alive when this was vented . 5. It is carried-on by despicable instruments in comparison of others , a woman calling her self a prophetesse , some fellows calling themselves Apostles and new lights , that men would think , should rather have been counted distracted , than to have been so reverenced . 6. This is done against the testimony of their own faithful Ministers , and in such Churches where God had witnesses keeping themselves from that evil , yea , where many Professors were in that respect pure , yet others are following that errour , receiving and reverencing these seducers more than any faithfull Pastors . 7. This is done where there neither wanted light nor authority to convince them ; for , no question , both were , as may be gathered from the trial of these in Ephesus ; yea , Iohn writeth from the Lords own mouth to confute them ; and though there could be no exception against the application of his Doctrine , yet it was adhered to for many years after that . 8. Iohn or some other Apostle was the instrument to convert them from Paganism to Christianity , yet , now can he not recover them from a foul errour in Christianity when they are bewitched therewith : and though no question his authority and arguments had lesse weight with them now than before they were Christians ; yet what can be thought of more force for their conviction and reclaiming , than these considerations ? The like was often Paul's case , who at first had an easie work with people , when they were heathens , in comparison of what he had with the same when they became Christians , and tainted with false doctrine , or listeners to corrupt teachers , as in the Epistles to the Corinthians and Galatians is clear . Which doth shew , 1. The unreasonablnesse and power of a deluding Spirit , that nothing can convince , when once people come to like that way they go on , deceiving and being deceived , and , as Peter saith , 2 Pet. 3. 16. pervert the Scripture to their own destruction ; And as may be gathered , they do so by corrupting , first , that which doth appear to be more obscure , and then they mould other Scriptures so as may consist with their fancies , that they have conceived to have ground in the former , and so they , first , form notions out of obscure places , and thereafter conform the more plain Scriptures to these , whereas the just contrary is most safe ; and when the ignorant and unstable shall account themselves the only learned in the mysteries of God , what wonder is it that they be thus given up ? and when they think the plain truths , and duties wherein there is no shaddow of a ground of stumbling , are below them ? and thus they may attain so much dexterity to wrest the Scriptures , even the plainest ( as is implied there ) as may be judicially subservient to their own destruction , and to prevent their being convinced , which might put them to shame ; and occasion their abandoning of that . 2. We may see , that it is no easie thing to recover a misled people into errour ; that peradventure , 2 Tim. 2. 25. is not accidently put in , but to show that it is a hundred to one if such get repentance , whereby the Lord would scare all from that evil , and the more grosse their error is , often men are the more unreasonable in the defence thereof , and obstinate in adhering thereunto , because there is most of a judiciall stroak seen there , in giving up men to such foolries , it is not credible that otherwise they could fall in them , and so being smitten of God , is it possible that any reason can prevail with them , while that plague lieth on ? Was there any errour like to that of worshipping stocks and stones ? it being even against sense and reason , that men should burn a part thereof , and make some common work of another portion , and of a third make a deity and fall down and worship it , as the Prophet doth expostulate , Isa. 44. 19. which upon consideration might be found to be absurd : this is premitted as the reason of such blockishnesse , ver . 18. For he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts that they cannot understand . 3. The unreasonablnesse of this Spirit in men , would not be thought strange in any of the former respects , even although no person could stop their mouth , but they should seem to themselves to triumph in the bringing-in of unheard ▪ of senses of Scripture ; the more they abound in that , it is the more judicial to them , even as the moe they carry after them , and the more they be forborn by others , it worketh the more to their destruction : men would keep a distance from these infections , none can tell what they may turn unto if once entred in a giddy unstable soul , carried with the spait of a spirit of errour , and being given-up of God thereto for itching after it , and not receiving the love of the truth , may come to the most horrible things , and that without shame or remorse , ere there be any end ; and on-lookers would acknowledge God's justice in such stroaks , and learn to reverence and fear him the more . The second cannot but be clear from this : for , if errour be such an evil that thwarteth , 1. both with Gods holinesse and truth ; And , 2. that hazardeth so many souls , ( for , never a plague hath so destroyed the face of the visible Church , nor carried so many souls to hell as errour hath done ) Then the suffering of it cannot but be hatefull to Him who loveth His Church . 3. There is no way by which the devil reproacheth Ordinances and the Word more than this , by turning them to the quite contrary end , as if he would out-shoot the Lord in His own bow , ( which is abominable to mention ) and invert His own means , and turn His own weapons on Him ; and suffering of this , is a conniving at his design . 4. There is no way by which the devil may so win in on Christ's Servants to seduce them as by this , as in the Epistle to Thyatira is clear . And can there danger come so night to Christ , and He not be displeased with what strengtheneth their snares ? 5. This doth equal , yea , in some respect , prefer the devil to Him , so far as in us lieth , and so cannot but provoke His jealousie ; for , so the devil hath liberty to vent his lies with Truth equally ; and there being many lies , though there be but one Truth , he hath by this moe doors opened to him than the Gospel hath . 6. This doth make even the Truth , Ordinances , and Religion it self to be thought light of ; when all these have toleration , it is , on the matter , a proclaiming an indifferency to be in these things , than which nothing can more reflect on the jealous God , who in His Word putteth such a difference , and showeth such detestation at indifferency . 7. This bringeth hudge confusions on the Church . For , 1. If these errours and corrupt teachers prevail , they carry souls after them , and destroy them ; and ought that to be thought light of ? 2. If they prevail not , yet they crosse , afflict and offend them , and so prove a snare and burden to them of whom the Lord is tender . 8. Toleration doth either account little of errour , as being no hurtfull thing , and so there can be no esteem of truth ; or , it doth account little of the destruction of souls ▪ both which must be abominable . 9. Errour doth not only break God's Law , but doth teach others to do so ; and suffering thereof , must be a maintaining of Teachers to teach Transgression and Rebellion against the Lord. The third thing observable , is , That though zeal in a Minister , especially against errour , be exceedingly commendable ; yet oftimes is there fainting , even among Ministers who are not of the worst : and the Angel is here reproved for sparing of these Nicolaitans , at least in being faint and defective in pursuing them in a ministerial way , as Antipas is commended for his faithfulnesse , and the Angel of Ephesus for his not fainting in prosecuting of this trial ; the Lord hath put these two together , the faithfull and wise Steward ; and when they are carried equally on , O how commendable are they ! yet in the reckoning , the one is but mentioned , Well done thou good and faithfull servant , not to give a dispensation in reference to the other , but to shew the necessity and excellency of this , that there by Ministers may be put to it , lest , under pretext of prudence , they incroach upon that freedom and faithfulnesse which is called-for from them , whether in undertaking , or in prosecuting of this charge , in which there will not want many difficulties , that will be ready to occasion fainting , if they be not boldly in the Lord's strength set against , as we may instance in these respects , 1. In respect of the time : there are some evil times , wherein it is hard to know what to say , for which the prudent may be said to keep silence , and often that pretext may be the occasion of fostering too much fainting , when the Lord calleth-for faithfulnesse . 2. It may arise from a man's sensiblenesse of his own infirmities and unequalnesse for that charge , as seems to be in Ieremiah , Ier. 1. when a man 's own self , or thoughts of himself , without respect to his call , is made the rule whereby he proceedeth . 3. It may arise from the message which he is called to carry : sharp messages are heavy and burdensom , that maketh Ionas to shift for a time to undertake that denunciation against Niniveh , especially considering that these Messengers ordinarily are not acceptable to hearers ; and that there are with all usually not a few who sew pillows under arm holes ; and are ready to destroy , in that respect , what others build . 4. It may arise from hearers , and that of diverse tempers ; some are ready , like swine , to turn back on the Carriers as if they did hate them ▪ as Micajah was met with by Ahab , 2 King. 22. who yet had four hundred flattering liars in request . Some again , are of an itching humour , and do not abide convincing doctrine and faithfulnesse , such are ready to breed a separation from them that do faithfully reprove , at least much to cool their affections to them , which ( as it is , 2 Tim. 4. ) is no little piece of trial to a Minister : Many also that are affectionate , are yet hasty , and cannot abide plain dealing ; and it is no lesse difficulty to win to be faithfull to these , than to others who are openly prophane . 5. There is a fainting that ariseth from distrust of God , as not being confident of the performance of His promise , and of their being countenanced in His work ; and so seeing it impossible in themselves and in their own eyes , they give it over as if it were so simply . 6. There is a fainting that ariseth from supposed events , either as thinking there will be no fruit of such a thing , or , that some inconvenience will follow it : It is like that Moses was not free of the first when he saith . Israel doth not , or , will not hear me ; And what will Pharaoh do ? And the last is common , when once flesh and bloud are admitted to consult of duty from the supposed inconveniencies that will follow , then readily it decideth , that it is not duty at all . It may be somewhat of that was here , that the Angel feared the disquieting of the Church , or some schism that might follow on it ; and the Lord 's threatning to take another way of fighting against them with the sword of His mouth ' doth insinuate this : for , a carnall shift , to prevent some inconveniences , often draweth-on that which men feared , the more speedily . Other grounds of it also may be given , which yet are not approvable before God. CHAP. III. If any of the People of God may be carried away with grosse delusions . FRom these Doctrines several Questions may be moved . And , 1. If any of the People of God may be carried away with such abominable errours in doctrine ? We shall answer in these Assertions . Assert . 1. There is no errour so grosse materially , but Believers may fall into it : For , although they have a promise that errour shall not separate wholly betwixt Christ and them , nor that finally they shall be carried away therewith ; yet , seing they have corruption that is capable to be tempted to all sin , and so to this among other sins , they cannot be exempted from this , neither is there any promise by which they can expect absolutely to be kept from heresie , more than murder or adultery , which are fruits of the flesh with this : yea , except the sin against the holy Ghost and final impenitencie , there is no absolute exemption to the Believer from any sin ; which the Lord hath wisely ordered so , to keep the Believer from security , even in reference to such tentations : Beside , in experience it is found , that grace exempteth not from error in judgment ; for , it is like , that Solomon , if he did not actually commit idolatry himself , yet became too inclinable that way , as we may gather from what is in Scripture recorded concerning him ; Neither can we altogether , as to their state , condemn these in Corinth , in Galatia , and in other Churches , who were drawn from the Truth after their conversion , as if none but unregenerate professors had been so . Yea , it is possible , if not probable , that some of these , whom the Lord calleth His Servants , and yet were seduced in the Church of Thyatira , were not still in the state of nature . Assert . 2. Although we dare not altogether say it's impossible , yet we think that it is more rare for a Believer to fall in grosse errours , and for any considerable time to continue therein , so as to be accounted an Heretick , than in other scandalous practices . For , 1. The Scripture doth more rarely mention this , than other sins of Believers , which are more frequently recorded . 2. There are very special promises for preserving of the Elect from being seduced by false christs and false teachers : and though it do not hold universally in all particulars , except in as far as reaches their everlasting state ; yet it may be extended in some good measure , even to seduction it self ; and we suppose may be more clear from these considerations , 1. Becoming erroneous in such a manner , doth not proceed from some sudden surprising-fit of tentation , as grosse practices oftentimes may do ; but it implieth a deliberatenesse therein , which is not so readily incident to a Believer , and it cannot so well be called a sin of infirmity ; and therefore the Scripture doth ever set out such teachers of false doctrine as most abominable , to wit , as not serving the Lord Christ , but their own bellies , Rom. 16. 18. as being enemies to the crosse of Christ , Phil. 3. 19. as being ministers of Satan , 2 Cor. 11. 15. Other men ( as it were ) that are unrenewed , are common subjects and servants to the devil ; but corrupt teachers they are apostles to him , and prime officers in his kingdom : These titles , and such like , cannot well be applicable to Saints in respect of their infirmities ; and therefore , we think , that ( at least ) it is more rarely incident to them , to be carriers on and promoters of corrupt doctrine . 2. It appeareth from this , that an Heretick is said to be self-condemned , Tit. 3. 1●… . because ere one can be so denominated , there must be a rejecting of admonitions , which stands not so very well with the nature of a Saint . 3. This consideration will also make it evident , that the Scripture speaketh of repentance of , and recovery from corrupt doctrine , as a very rare and uncertain thing , Gal. 4. 10 the Apostle fears he did bestow labour in vain in this businesse ; and 2 Tim. 2. 25. the Apostle doth put a peradventure upon this , If peradventure God will give them ( to wit , those that oppose themseves ) repentance unto the acknowledging of the Truth . There is not such a peradventure put to any kind of sin : which sheweth that it must be more difficult to be recovered from it , than from other sins ; and that therefore Believers , ordinarily at least , must be in a special manner preserved from it . 4. Which doth confirm the former , This delusion is a main spiritual plague ; and is often the punishment not of former sins of infirmity , but of not receiving the love of the Truth , and of hypocrisie and proud presumption ; and although the Lord is not to be limited and bound up from chastening His own with this rod , yet we may say from experience in the Word , and from the nature of the plague , and other grounds , It is neither the ordinary spot nor rod of His Children ; and if at any time it be , it doth speak out readily much spirituall pride , self seeking , lightnesse , security ; wantonnesse of spirit , ignorance and conceitednesse joyned with it , want of exercise , or some one thing or other of that kind . And , as we hinted , when they are overtaken , we will not readily find in Scripture that such are heads to promote and carry on the design of error . Assert . 3. When a Believer falleth in such an evil , the Lord usually chasteneth him , either with more grosse out-breakings , or with some sharp way of restoring , or with removal under a cloud , without much seen evidence of recovery , as we see in the case of Solomon , who became some way guilty of this ill , of whose recovery the Scripture is very silent , even though his sin be fully recorded , and the remainders of his idolatry are marked to be standing in the dayes of Hezekiah ; and indeed there is but little on record in Scripture of the recovery of those that have been carried so away , though we may judge charitably of some of them in the general : The Lord wisely ordereth this , partly , as a chastening to them , partly , as a warning to others , and to make all men , especially Believers , to fear , and to take heed lest they fall ; because , recovery is not so easie , and even they that are spiritual may be tempted , Gallat . 6. 1. Asser. 4. These that are spreaders of errour , do most frequently set upon these who have some profession of Religion , more than upon others who walk not under that name . For , the spreading of grosse errour , although it do not carry away many really godly , nor finally any at all , yet doth it often prove the most searching triall to them , and doth prove exceedingly strong and successefull against many unhumbled Professors . There are two things comprehended here , 1. That this tentation to errour doth often prevail more among Professours , and doth prove a stumbling to them more than any other grosse practices ; they may stand out against these , and yet be prevailed over by it . 2. It comprehendeth this also , that this tentation of errour doth rather attempt the gaining of these that are eminent for profession , than others who have no such name , although such sometimes may be carried also away therewith . We see that these Nicolaitans , and false Apostles , and the prophetesse Iezebel , are not teaching nor seducing heathens , but the Church of Christ , and such as he calleth His Servants , Rev. 2. 20. which may take in even such as eminently gave out themselves to be Christs Servants ; yea , it is clear , that neither did this errour have such successe amongst heathens , as amongst Christians , nor did the teachers thereof so intend the leaving of them ▪ as they did vehemently endeavour the corrupting of the Church ; we see it also in other Churches , Was there any Church more shining with gifts ▪ than that of Corinth ? and yet there did false Apostles breed great distractions and opposition to the Apostle Paul , and that as taking occasion from the giftedness and eminencie of that Church beyond others , to drive on that design . Again , was there any Church that did more tenderly receive the Gospel , than these of Galatia ? as we may see from chap. 4. 14 15. They received him as an Angel of God , and as Christ Jesus , they would have plucked out their own eyes for him ; and yet there is no Church so soon shaken and infected by corrupt teachers , and so bewitched with them and their tentations , as we may gather from chap. 1. 6. chap. 3. 1 , 2. and throughout the Epistle : It is like the devil took occasion of their warmnesse instantly to set upon them before their setling , more than on other places , or Churches , where such hopeful beginnings did not appear ; And thus we see in experience daily , that where profanity aboundeth , there are fewer onsets to tempt to errour , and lesse successe , than where the Gospel hath had more welcome and fruit ; as it were , the devil bendeth this tentation against the last , with more vehemencie and subtilty , than he doth against the former : for which we may give these Reasons , 1. His hatred is most at them ▪ and he would fainest have them overturned . 2 Because he hath other baits that are more suitable to profane men : and so long as they are his , he doth not so much seek to engage them by this , for that is no gain to him . 3. Because especially , these who have a form of Religion , if withall weak in knowledge , are most capable , in some respect , of a tentation to errour ; for , profane men , care not ( like Gallio ) what be truth , and what be errour ; but a poor soul that hath some conscience , is ready to debate , and desireth the truth to be cleared , and when not so strong as to rid it self , it is readily drawn away like these silly women Paul speaketh of , 2 Tim. 3. 6 7. who were ever learning , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth . 4. Because grosse tentations to profanity ( wherewith others are carried away ) are not so taking with them , therefore the devil essayeth them with errour , under colour of some truth , or new discovery of some more strict and holy way , which often prevaileth when the other would not . 5. Because it is most advantagious to errour , and make it digest with others , to have one of name or parts , or piety for it , this being ordinary among most men , to look more to these who maintain such a thing , and what such a man thinketh of it , than to the thing it self . Therefore doth the devil drive this as a main design whereby he may prevail over many ; this was ever a great mean made use of to induce to errour , that many who were accounted godly , did imbrace the same , as may appear from the histories of the Novatians , Donatists and others , who called themselves the pure and holy Church of Martyrs , and took other such like titles in opposition to the Orthodox Church , whom they accounted carnall ; and by this mean they did brangle many . 6. He doth this also , that he may divert the exercises of these that look honest like from self-searching repentance , &c. that if he cannot get them engaged to errour , he may bring them , at least , to dispute truth , whereby he essayeth to extinguish the former conviction , or to give it a wrong mould before it be setled ; or to keep them , as it were , taken up about the shell , while he intendeth to rob them of the kirnell , and so one way or other , if he gain not all , he doth yet disquiet them , and weary them by wakening of questions and debates , which are without their reach , and possibly also beyond their station . CHAP. IV. How it is that grosse delusions may come to such height , as they often do . IT may be also questioned , How it cometh that such absurd errours can come to such a height , and prevail so against the Church ? Or , what way the devil by corrupt teachers doth so delude Professors ? There are some reasons that are more generall , and others more particular and usefull in the consideration of them for practice ; that we may not be ignorant of the devils devices , we shall insist most in these , all of them may be drawn to three heads . 1. The Lords over-ruling , holy , just and wise ( though often secret ) way of punishing mens ingratitude . 2. There is something in the devils way of carrying on the tentation . 3. There is something in the distemper of Churches and persons to be considered : Which three , being put together , will make it not seem strange that the most grosse and absurd errour prevail . For the first , The Lord hath an over-ruling hand in such a design , which is partly , to try his own , therefore heresies must be , 1 Cor. 11. 19. partly , to punish the generation of ungrate hypocrites , who receive not the love of the truth , as it is , 2 Thess. 2. in both which he is to be glorified , either in his grace , or justice , or both : Now these being the Lords designs , the absurder that the errour be , it attaineth his end the better ; and appeareth to be the more judiciallike , as by comparing , Isa. 44. 18 , 19. and Rom. 1. 21 , 25 , 28 , &c. and 2 Thes. 2. 10 , 11 , 12. is clear . All which places speak not only of the most grosse spirituall abominations , but of the Lords judiciall hand therein . If it be asked , What hand the Lord can have in such a plague ? Or , how He may be said to send it ? Answ. It is not so much to our purpose here , to dispute the Question of Gods providence in such actions ; But for clearing of this reason , we may lay down these grounds , 1. There are spiritual plagues , wherewith God justly punisheth the ingratitude and other sins of people , aswell as there are external and corporal plagues ; these places cited , Isa. 44. 18 , 19 , Rom. 1. 21. ●…2 Thess. 2. 10 , 11. Rev. 7 , 8 , and 9. Chapters , and almost that whole Book doth confirm this : only this would be adverted , that most ordinarily grosse practices , as adultery , murther , uncleannesse of all sorts , are punishments for abusing the light of nature , as may be gathered from Rom. 1. 21. 25. 28. But to be given up to strong delusion , and to believing of lies , is a plague that ordinarily followes the abuse of the light of the Gospel , as we may see from 2 Thess. 2. 9 , 10. and this may be one reason , why more commonly such grosse scandals and practices abound , where the Gospel is not , or at least , is in lesse power , and why errour prevaileth most , where the Gospel hath been , or is with more clearnesse , because they are plagues to such respectively . This , I say , it is most generally , though it be not alwayes and universally , especially where there are some other concurting reasons to make a difference . 2. We say , that the Lord is no lesse just , holy and pure in punishing men with such plagues , than when He maketh use of some other rods or judgements , neither is there any thing in this to be attributed to Him , that is unbecoming His absolute purity and holinesse . For , 1. He doth not punish any with this plague , but such as have by their former abuse of light and other miscarriages justly deserved the same . 2. He doth not infuse any maliciousnesse in the heart , nor increase what was , but justly permits what is to break out , and overules the same for His just ends . 3. He doth not strain them to any such course , but doth make use of their own willingnesse thereunto , and of their free choosing to follow such a way for the glory of His justice . 4. He doth not connive at , nor dispense with the sinfull practice of any instrument , but doth really abhor , and will also severely punish the same . So , that as the same act hath a twofold consideration , to wit , ●…s it is sinfull , and as it is penall , So it is diversly to be ascribed , to wit , in the first respect , to man only ; and in the last , to Gods overruling providence , who can bring good out of evil , seing there is nothing so evil , but He can bring some good out of it , and make it subservient to Him , otherwise He that is Omnipotent and only wise , would never suffer it to be . 3. We say , although the Lord be not , neither can be accessory to this delusion , as it is sinfull , ( for this impossibility belongeth to His infinite and blessed perfection ) yet hath He a just hand in the complexed designe , which doth add exceedingly to the strength of the delusion . As , 1. He may justly give the devil way to set on with his tentations , at one time , and on one person , more than at another time , or in reference to an other person , as by proportion we may gather from the case of Iob. 2. He may furnish men with gifts that are of themselves good , and justly permit them to use the same , for the promoving of errour ; this hath been often exceedingly instrumentall , in the furthering of Satans design in all ages , wherein he hath made use of some great Schollers , and men of subtile wits to oppose the truth , and to pervert the Scriptures of God , as is clear in all the heresies that ever have been ; and this is no lesse just in God , to furnish with parts , an instrument of a spirituall plague , than to give strength and power to some whom he imployeth , in temporall judgements , who also may be found guilty before him , for abusing of the same . Hence it is said , 2 Thess. 2. 2. that there is not only a word and letter to shake the minds of people at such a time , but there is also a Spirit or gift in an eminent degree , and therefore it is called , ver . 10. All deceivablenesse ; and , no question , these that called themselves Apostles , 2 Cor. 11. 13. and made Paul's gifts to be accounted weak in respect of theirs , had more than ordinary gifts ; and in this respect , sometime the Lord saith , a false Prophet might foretell something that was to come to passe ; and so truly have an extraordinary gift , when yet the Lords design is by such , to try the peoples adherence to him , Deut. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. Thus often promovers of errour may be gifted with ability to reason , make querees , shift arguments and places of Scripture , preach well , pray well with a great deal of eloquence , and liberty of plausible expressions , yea , they may possibly not want , as it were , signs and wonders ( as in the place formerly cited ) and yet the Lords end be to try , as is said : of this sort are such as are spoken of , 2 Pet. 3. 16. Who wrest or pervert Scripture to their own destruction ; it is a strange word , they are unlearned and unstable , ( and , it may be , are crying down learning in others ) yet , saith he , they have a dexterity to wrest the Scriptures , to coin new interpretations , possibly never heard of before , to the admiration of others . And what is the consequent thereof ? It is their own destruction . It had been advantage to many such themselves and others also , that they had never had such a gift . 3. The Lord also may someway arme the devil , as His executioner to carry on this design , by furnishing him with such instruments , giving him time , opportunities and occasions to tempt , and suffering him in many things to prevail : thus , 2 Thes. 2. Satan is said to have a power , and to exercise the same , by bringing forth of lying wonders ; and , no question , the devil when he getteth way , may do much , when it is said that he put it in the heart of Iudas to betray his master , who yet was furnished with parts , and admitted into Christs company by Himself ; all which was subservient to carry on the devils and the Pharisees design , of betraying the Lord ; which , notwithstanding , tended to the greater ruine of his own kingdom . 4. In such a case also , the Lord doth justly deprive men , whom He mindeth to plague with that delusion , of these means , which might be usefull to discern and resist the same . As , 1. he may take away all outward restraints , which usually keep corrupt teachers from open and professed spreading of their errours ; and in His providence , give them full way to multiply , and avowedly to pursue their design . This is to pluck up the hedge , Isa. 5. and to suffer the winds to blow , Rev. 7. which are ever great inlets to this judgement of delusion , when , to say so , there is a floud spewed out , and there is no earth to help the woman , and to dry up that floud . 2. He may take away prime lights and guides , which are usefull to keep people right ; or , if they continue , he may suffer jealousie , division and other things to interveen so , that thereby their weight and authority is lessened to such persons : in which respect , Ahab becometh jealous of Micajah , whereby the devil hath occasion to make the lies of the false Prophets the more to be commended to him . 3. The Lord may withdraw the light that persons have ( and , it may be , some common gifts of the Spirit ) and by depriving them of that , they become the more obnoxious to tentation , although it may be they think themselves wiser , and more understanding than they were : thus the Apostle calleth the Galatians foolish and bewitched , Gal. 3. 1 , 2. as having fallen from that light which at first they had . 4. He may remove common convictions of the Spirit , and challenges of a naturall conscience , so that they may go on in their delusion without a challenge ; yea , ( as it is said , Ioh. 16. 2. ) think that they do God good service in so doing : this is , to have the conscience feared with an hot iron , 1 Tim. 4. 2. that waiteth upon seducing Spirits ; and thus we see , that the most vain and reasonlesse confidence doth often wait upon the foulest errours , as , Isa. 44. 9. unto 20. This is called , Gal. 5. 8. a perswasion in respect of its confidence , which yet cometh not of God. And the Lord may not only justly deprive of such common gifts , but even of ordinary reason and judgment , whereby men become , at least , in the prosecution of their errours , absurd and unreasonable , without all capablnesse of seeing the weight of a reason , or receiving a conviction , or observing their own folly , and to carry without all respect to credit , honesty , good manners , and such things as are even respected among civil men ; yea , sometimes without respect to their own estates , or their own persons , as we may see in the prophets of Baal , 1 King. 18. and many others in Antichrists kingdom ; these are called by the Apostle , 2 Thess. 3. 2. unreasonable , or absurd beastly men , as if they wanted reason : this is also a companion of delusion , and a piece of Gods judgement , as is clear from that of Isa. 44. The Lord thinking good , for the abuse of light , to deprive men of reason , as he did Nebuchadnezar , whereby the vilest and absurdest tentations have accesse to men , ( that otherwayes may be reasonable ) to carry them on with greedinesse , and without all reluctance or contradiction . 5. When men are in the Lords justice thus deprived , and being set upon with the tentation , which he hath letten louse upon them , the Lord may in His providence tryst many things that may be abused , for the carrying on of this judgement , As , 1. he may tryst such a person with such a tentation , to live in such a place , to have such acquaintance , &c. 2. He may tryst such a tentation to fall in such a time , as there is no externall aw-band to restrain ; yea , in his wisdom , order it so , as that then there may be many occasions of stumbling among the Professors of the truth , what by scandals in practice , what by division and other distempers , as the way of truth may be ill spoken of by many ; and the Ordinances in that resp●…ct made vile , as is said in the case of Elie's sons , 1 Sa●… . 2. Sometime he may tryst such tentations with some ignora●…t , unskilfull ▪ in●…exterous hands , who may rather 〈◊〉 than help any in the removing of their doubts : These and many such like things may the wise and just Lord order in His providence , which may be as snares and stumbling-blocks to proud secure hypocrits , who by their corruption may fall thereon ; yea , sometime the very Ordinances and the exercising of them , to wit , the Word , Sacraments and Discipline , may , through mens corruptions , be stumbled at more than if they were not ; in this sense , when the Lord reproveth the unfaithfull Prophets an●… Priests , Ier. 6 , 14. and the people 's not hearkening to his faithfull Prophets , ver . 17. although they keeped the form of Religion , ver . 20. he doth threaten to 〈◊〉 stumbling-blocks before them , upon which they should fall , ver . 21. All which and many moe wayes , ( as sometimes following of errour hath applause attending it , as , 2 Tim. 4. 〈◊〉 Sometimes it hath gain waiting upon it , as , 〈◊〉 Pet. 2. 3. 1 Tim. 6. 10. and Gal. 6. 12. Philip. 3. 19 ) being trvsted in the Lords just providence , have often much influence , through mens corruption , to make delusion the more successefull . 6 Beside these , the Lord hath a judiciall upgiving of proud , corrupt men , u●…to the ha●…ds of such tentations : so that when as it were , the devil setteth on by such a blast of wind , and seeketh to win●…ow such and such persons , the Lord doth as a just judge ▪ sentence them to be committed thereto , as to the executioner of His justice ; in this sense , he is said to give them up : and in this respect , such defection , as it is a punishment , is judicially permitted and ordered by Him , who willingly and purposly Sentenceth such persons to be so given up , because of former sins , whereas others whom He doth not so Sentence , are not so carried away with that same tentation . Also the Lord , who is wonderfull in couns●…l , and whose wayes and judgements are past finding out , may have many other wonderfull and inconceivable wayes in the carrying on of this judgement ; for , if all His judgements be a great depth , much more are His spirituall judgements . It is upon this ground , to wit , the considering of the Lords just severity of concluding all under sin , all in unbelief , of the rejecting of the Jews ▪ &c. that the Apostle doth cry out ▪ O the depth of the riches , both of the wisdom and knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgements , and his wayes past finding out ? Therefore we shall search no further in this . Only , from what is said , we may see , that the Lord hath a just hand in the over ruling of such delusions ; and also , that they cannot but be strong and successefull which are guided so , as to be executioners of His justice ; this also may make men tremble the more , considering that the opening up of sl●…ces , to let in the spait of delusion , is no lesse Gods judgement , and no lesse to be feared , than the sending of Sword or Pestilence , or the opening up the fountains of the great depths , to let in a deluge upon the earth ; and were men so looking on it , and affected with it , it might possibly be much more bounded . CHAP. V. How errour may be known to be a judiciall stroke . and why the Lord smiteth with it . IT may be asked here , 1. How errour may be known to be a judgement or judiciall ? And , 2. for what cause most ordinarily the Lord doth send such a judgment ? We cannot insist in every occurring Question ; Yet to the first , We say , 1. there is no errour or delusion , but may be well accounted penall and judiciall , either as to the persons who fall therein , and vent the same , or as to others who may be infected therewith , ( although it may be but a triall in reference to some ) for , blindnesse of mind was a fruit and cons●…quent of the fi●…st sin , and followeth not only as a sin , but as a punishment upon all the children of Adams house . And therefore as in some respect , all following sins may be accounted punishments of the first , this may be so in a speciall manner . 2. Beside this generall consideration , it is often the punishment of some speciall sins , and in some cases is more judiciall and penall than in other cases , as may be gathered from these Characters . 1. When in the nature of it , it is very absurd and unreasonable , as is said , such as these delusions of the Nicolaitans were , because in such delusions the judgement of God doth especially appear , when they cannot be thought to be consequent in any reasonable way , or , to flow from common infirmity . 2. When the persons that vent it , are , in respect of their conversation , parts , place or profession , someway eminent , as was formerly cleared , because so the tentation seemeth to be armed of the Lord , which usually is not for nought . 3. When it is trysted with such a time and with such circumstances as hath been described ; for , such things happen not by chance , but are ruled by providence . 4. When it breaketh in violently , and , it may be , carrieth away some whom men would not have suspected , that is judiciall-like , when , as it were , the Dragon with his tail and subtility , doth bring stars from heaven , and surprise some that thought themselves without the reach of such a tentation . 5. It may be known by the gifts ( to speak so ) of such as carry on the same ; for , as in carrying on the work of the Gospel , the Lord doth furnish His Ministers , with gifts and painfulness , when He hath to do with them ; So upon the contrary , when He hath a work of judgment on the wheels , and the devil a design of carrying-on delusion , the instruments are fitted proportionably , to wit , there is a zeal carrying them here and there , So that by all means , as it were , they compasse sea and land to make Proselytes ; there is dexterity , quicknesse and nimblnesse in starting of doubts , wresting of Scripture , &c. as is said ; and there is a sort of patience in enduring , boldnesse and confidence in attempting , and some successe , as in the case of the false Prophets against Micajah , 1 King. 22. and against Ieremiah , Ier ▪ 29. When , I say , corrupt instruments are fitted by these and such like means , it is probable , that the Lord intendeth something by them which they themselves do not minde . 6. It is judiciall-like , when it trysteth on the back of a peoples having the truth , and being unfruitfull under it , because , so it speaketh out the very end of its appearing , especially , if there be in people an itching-new-fanglnesse after novelties , and if there have been needless and affected stirings and questionings about lesser truths , If then greater delusion come , it doth look judiciall-like , as being a stroke for their former unsettlednesse ; this is to give men up to heap up teachers to themselves , that have itching ears , 2 Tim. 4. 3. and this is , to give men teachers according to their own hearts , that there may be like people like priests , which is often threatned by the Lord. And thus of old , when the people began to miscarry in the wildernesse , in reference to the second Command , He gave them up to worship the hoast of heaven , and to miscarry in the first , as is mentioned , Acts 7. 41. 7. It appeareth to be judiciall indeed when it doth hurt , either by corrupting of truth , or ma●…ing of unity , or wakening of divisions , &c. which a●…e consequents of the first four trumpets that bring spiritual plagues , Rev. 8. These and such like characters may sufficiently convince that the Lord is angry . To the second we may soon answer : And , 1. we say , that such a plague is not the consequent of common out-breakings and sins of infirmity ; Nor , 2. of ingratitude for , and abuse of , common mercies ; Nor , 3. ordinarily is it the punishment of grosse sins of the flesh , to speak so ; for , this is rather a fruit of that : but it doth follow upon , 1. the abuse of sprituall mercies , such as the light of the truth of the Gospel , sleighted convictions , smothered challenges , broken promises made for further Reformation , and such like , as may be gathered from 2 Thess. 2. 9 , 10. 2. It followeth upon spirituall sins , such as spirituall pride , security , hypocrisie and formality , keeping up of the form without the power , having truth but not the love thereof , as in the place formerly cited , and elsewhere . 3. There are some sort of distempers , which especially procure this , beside others . As , 1. an itching humour , that beginneth to loath the simplicity of truth . 2. A hastie partial humour that cannot abide sound Doctrine , if it be not someway curiously drest , especially if it reprove their miscarriages : both which are spoken of , 2 Tim. 4. 3. 3. There is a proud self-conceitednesse , whereof the Apostle speaketh , 2 Tim. 3 , 4. when persons are selfie , proud , boasters , &c. such are a ready prey to such tentations . 4. Little respect to faithfull Ministers that preach truth , may procure this plague , to get Pastors according to their own heart , and judgements that are not good , as the Lord threatneth , Ezek. 20. and is threatned by the Lord , Ioh. 5. ver . 43. I have come in my Fathers Name , and ye have not received me ; if another shall come in his own name , him will ye receive . 5. It may be procured by lightnesse and unstablnesse , when folks goe vainly beyond their reach to seek or meet a tentation , the Lord justly may smite them with their own sin ; and thus reading of corrupt books , hearing of corrupt preachers , conversing with corrupt men , and such like , which the Lord hath cōmanded to eschew , doth not only prove , in Gods righteous judgement , a snare or mids of folks insnaring , but also the procuring deserving cause of being given up to that delusion , which they make themselves obnoxious to , by going without His call , although , at first , possibly there was no positive affection to that way , but , it may be , the contrary ; even as suppose one hazarding , contrary to the Command , to go nigh the door of the adulterous womans house , should for that cause be given up to fall in her snare and to enter , although at first he did not intend it , as these places do insinuate , Prov. 5. 8. and 6. 26 , 27 , 28. where he saith , to this purpose , that a man cannot take fire in his bosome and not be burnt , &c. And it is said , Prov. 22. 14. such as are abhorred of the Lord , shall fall in that pit . 6. There is a jangling questioning strain ; this often brings on this ill , when all truths are not received , but folks begin to cast at the lesser truths ; this procureth delusion in a greater height , as is said , because every truth is precious , and when men become untender in the smallest truths , ( if any may be called so ) it is just with God to deprive them of all , even as smaller sins in practice , being connived at , do bring on more grosse outbreakings : and thus the visible Church , by her declining from the truth , in the Primitive times , and becoming more to be taken up with Ceremonies and other unnecessary debates , did draw on upon themselves Antichrists delusion at length : of this sort are ignorance in the fundamentall truths , that doth proceed from negligence , little love to , and delight in , the Word and Ordinances , little bemoaning of the falls and miscarriages of others , when we hear them to be overtaken with such snares ; and many such like things might be named , but we will not insist further . We come then to the second thing proposed , and that is to consider how corrupt Teachers do carry on their design ; and what means the devil useth by them to prevail with poor souls , for to cast at the truths of God , and to drink up the most absurd delusions : and although we cannot reach Satans depths , he having much subtiltie , and many wiles , to carry on his designe , as it is , 2 Cor. 11. 3. and it is called , Eph. 4. 14. a cunning craftinesse , whereby they lye in wait to deceive , Yet seing we ought not to be ignorant of his devices , 2 Cor. 2. 11. We shall gather somethings from Scripture , that may be usefull to arm us against the same : and to take up his way the better , we may consider , 1. The instruments which he chooseth . 2. The method that he keepeth in tempting by them . 3. The means which he useth , or common places from which he draweth his arguments . 4. The manner how these are carryed on . CHAP. VI. By what means , and how Satan drives on this plague among people . 1. SAtan doth not act in this design immediately , nor doth he act indifferently by any instrument , but he hath his special ministers , as it were , set apart for that end , as the Apostle speaketh 2 Cor. 11. 15. He hath many subjects indeed , but beside these , he hath some special ministers for this designe , as our blessed Lord Jesus hath Ministers specially set apart in His Kingdom . Concerning which we may observe , 1. That he employeth some more eminently to traffique , as it were , in this very imployment , who , by compassing sea and land , and travelling to and fro , may further his designe , such were these who were called false Apostles , 2 Cor. 11. 13. Revel . 2 , 3. and in the history of the Acts we will find such coming from one place to another , as from Ierusalem to Antioch , Act , 15. and elsewhere , purposly to spread their errours , as the Apostles did travel for preaching the truth . 2. He hath particular instruments , preaching in particular places , that are , as it were , his ministers of such and such bounds , as in the place cited . 3. Beside these , he hath stickling underhand-dealers , who , not appearing openly , yet creep into houses ; and ordinarily he hath some women , who are specially employed in this , as he hath Iezebel the Prophetesse in the Church of Thyatira , Rev. 2. and such he had in the primitive heresies , particularly one of the Montanists , because such are often vehement in what they are engaged in , and have accesse to pervert and seduce , which others cannot easily have ; his assisting of them withall to speak sometimes to the admiration of others , seemeth more wonderful like . 4. Whom ever he maketh use of , they are someway fitted ( to say so ) for the designs they are employed in , although their manner of carrying on these designes may be diverse , as experience showeth . 2. In the method which he followeth , we will find this progresse , 1. He setteth himself by all means to make the Ministers of the truth odious and contemptible , and that either by crying down a Ministery altogether , or making all indifferently to be Ministers , which is , upon the matter , one with the former : this was Korah , Dathan , and Abirams fault , Numb . 16. which is applied to corrupt teachers , Iude 11. or if that fail , he endeavoureth to make their persons odious , who are in the station : thus we see , even Paul is traduced by the false teachers of Corinth and Galatia . The reason of this , is , 1. because Ministers are appointed , and gifts are given to men by Jesus Christ , purposely to guard the Church from being tossed to and fro with corrupt Doctrine , by the sleight of men , as it is Ephes. 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. that he may therefore have the more easily his will , he endeavoureth to bring the Watchmen in suspicion , and to render them uselesse . 2. Teachers of the truth , and corrupt teachers cannot both together have peoples affection , and no teacher readily will have weight , if he have not affection from his hearers : Therefore he by all means endeavours to traduce Ministers that by excluding them , he may make way for his Emissaries , for they are like 〈◊〉 wooers 〈◊〉 the same Bride , So that both cannot have her affection , to this purpose is the Apostles word , Gal. 4. ●…7 . they zealously affect you , but not well , yea , they 〈◊〉 exclude you ; it is in the Originall , and on the M●…rgent , they would exclude us , ( that is , the true Apostles ) that you might affect them . And considering the great accesse that the devil hath to destroy , when once Ministers are in contempt , it is no marvell he begin at the removall of this impediment out of his way ; and s●…ing he attempted this against the great Apostl●… Paul , so often and frequently , it cannot be thought strange that he seek to defame others . If it be enquired how he prosecuteth this ? We may observe these particular wayes ; As , 1. Although he question not a Ministery in the general , Yet he wakeneth Questions , 1. concerning the calling of such and such men , if they be duly called Ministers or not ; thus Paul's Apostleship is questioned , b●…cause he had not conversed with the Lord ; and for thi●… cause he is put , in the Epistles to the Corinthians and Galatians , so largely to vindicate his Calling and Apostleship , and to produce , as it were , not only his Commission , but the Seal thereof also , particularly , 2 Cor 3. 2 , 3. and the occasion thereof is expressed , 2 Cor. 13. 3. since ●…e seek a proof of Christ speaking in me ▪ 2. He endeavoureth the discrediting of their gifts , as if the m●…tter spoken by them were common , their expressions mean , and their carriage base and contemptible , as we may see in the instance of that s●…me great Apostle Paul , 2 Cor. 10. 1. and 11. 6 , he is called ●…ude in spe●…ch . 3. This is especially by comparing them with the fair shew of corrupt teachers in their flourishing , spiritual , ravishi●…g ▪ like discours●…s , which are by many 〈◊〉 mysteries , and are called depths , Revel . 2. 24. The Lord indeed calleth them depths of Satan , but it is not to be thought that they themselves meaned so , who yet are said to give them the name of depths ; sometimes unconceivable non-sense , will be admired , and plain truths and duty despised . 4. They cry-up their revelations and spiritual attainments in an immediate manner beyond what is in the Ministers of Christ : Therefore , 2 Cor. 11. 12. Paul is put to compare himself with them , and particularly in revelations and singular manifestations of God to him . 5. They endeavour to make the Ministers of Christ to be esteemed covetous , self-seekers , earthly-minded , and such like , because of their taking wages to preach the ●…ospel , as if they were making a prey of the people , which is often objected to the Apostle , and answered by him in these Ep●…stles to the Corinthians . 6. When evidences fail , then they raise suspicions of Ministers craftinesse and underhand dealing , as if in every thing they were seeking their gain , as that Apostle answereth it , 2 Cor. 12. 16 ▪ 17. 7. Whatever the Ministers carriage be , they lie in wait to traduce it , if he be more meek and familiar in his conversing , they say he is a carnal man , a friend and lover of sinners and corrupt men , as was said of our blessed Lord ; if he be more aust●…re in checking their faults or retired in shunning their company , he is called intolerable and devilishly proud , as was imputed to Iohn ; if he take wages or gifts , he is accounted greedy and covetous ; if he refuse and abstain , it is expounded to be want of love and respect to them , as was also said of Paul when he continued firm in his former resolution , 2 Cor. 11. 10 ▪ 11. 8. They are usually counted proud , exalters of themselves above , and despisers of , the people , and to take too much on them to the prejudice of the Flock , whose liberty and priviledges corrupt teachers ordinarily pretend to vindicate against Ministers tyrannous encroachments ( as they say ) This was pretended by Korah , Dathan , and Abiram against Aaron , and was revived and followed in the primitive times by these corupters , spoken of , Iude 11. 9. They endeavour to have the people suspecting the Ministers love to them , as 2 Cor. 11. 11. yea , that all his freedom to them , and his speaking against their faults and errours is bitternesse , railing , and the like , which the Apostle toucheth , Gal. 4. 16. Am I therefore become your enemy , because I tell you the truth ? 10. It is ordinary to charge Ministers with lightnesse and changeablnesse , and that therefore much weight is not to be laid on them , for , they think one thing this year , ( say they ) and alter the next , when yet , it may be , edification hath moved them in such a change ; this hath been imputed to Paul , 2 Cor. 1. 17. purposedly to make his word to have little weight , and it is no marvell that that same way be followed in reference to others . For this end also , where there is any personal fault in a Minister , it is not past over but exceedingly aggreaged ; yea , though it hath been in his youth , before his conversion or entry into the Minist●…ry , it is not forgotten , if it may serve to defame the holy Calling : For preventing of this , it is required of Ministers , that they be of good report , even among those that are without ; and it is like the false apostles spaired not to upbraid Paul with his former conversation and persecution . 11. Differences of judgement and divisions among Ministers , are much made use of for that end , even sometimes when they are but apparent : Thus Paul is said to preach another doctrine , by the false teachers , than those at Ierusalem did , whereupon he is often put to show the harmony that was betwixt them , as particularly in the Epistle to the Galatians ; And Iosephus marketh , that Ahab's false teachers did oppose Elias his Prophecy ( wherein it is said that dogs should lick Ahab's bloud at Iezreel ) to Micajah , who said he should die at Ramoth ▪ gilead ; Also , that others did harden Zedekia , by this that Ezekiel said , that he should not see Babylon , and that Ieremiah said he should be carried thereto ; which they took to be contrary , and did thereby seek to defame the Prophets , and to weaken the esteem of their Prophecies ; and though there was no real difference there , yet it sheweth how , and to what end , they lie in wait to aggreage the differences of God's Servants , though but apparent , which should make Ministers carefully avoid those things . Again , secondly , Though , at first , principal truths are not altogether and plainly denied , Yet by degrees he doth engage many , 1. To reject some lesse fundamentall truths concerning Government , communion with others in the Ordinances , and such like . 2. He draweth them to separate in practice from the fellowship of others , under the pretext of more purity and spiritualnesse ; this seems to be exprest by Iude , v. 19. These are they who separate themselves , sensual , having not the Spirit , although it is insinuated that they did pretend to it : And indeed this way was followed in the first heresies , which began at small things , as those of the Novatians , Donatists , &c. who at first only separated to eschew the impurity of promiscuous communion . 3. He cometh then to quarrel expressions that are used by the Orthodox , and to commend , as it were , a new kind of language ; for which cause , the Apostle commendeth the holding fast the form of sound words , 2 Tim. 1. 13. And these corrupt teachers are said to speak great swelling words of vanity , and to have expressions much more weighty like , than what formerly hath been used , Iude 16. Thus the Arians will not admit the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or consubstantial , and a Council must be called to lay by that : and so they come to question , in the next place , the Truth it self , alleaging men are too confident to determine such things , It 's not clear , much may be said against it , and such like ; whereby , under pretext of doubting , they endeavour to a wake scruples in others , that they may be disposed the more to admit of their resolutions . 4. Absurdities are laid down as consequences that follow upon Truths ▪ and thus the doctrine of Providence ▪ Election and Reprobation , &c. are loaded with horrible consequences and absurdities , pretended to follow on them , 〈◊〉 so the do●…trine of Gods absolute Soveraignity , 〈◊〉 Justification by free grace , were loaded in the 〈◊〉 times , as if thereby Paul had taught that men might do evil that good might come of it ; That the Law was wholly made void ; That men might sin securely , because grace did so much the more abound , as in the second , third , and sixth Chapters of the Epistle to the Romans , is clear . 5. He endeavoureth to diminish mens hatted and zeal against errours and the most absurd opinions , that he may either obtain some actual toleration to them , or , at least , keep off such hard constructions of them ; for , if that be gained at first , although errour get not a direct approbation , yet a great point is gained , if he can get some to tolerate , and others to hear : This is condemned in the Church of Thyatira , that the Officers suffered Iezebel to teach , and that the people , who are there called Christ's servants , did countenance and hear her ; And it seems something of this was in Corinth , which maketh the Apostle say , that evil communication corrupteth good manners , and that therefore men should not become cold in reference to errour , although they be not tainted with it , 1 Cor. 15 , 33. And upon this ground the most grosse Hereticks of old and of late , as Socinians , Arminians , those of the Family of Love , and others of that kind , have maintained a liberty in prophesying a problematicknesse in the main truths of the Gospel , and a toleration in matters of doctrine , &c. as principles subservient to their design . 6. He proceedeth then to have the persons of such as are tainted with errour , much beloved and esteemed of by others , that there may be the more familiar accesse to converse with them , and the readier disposition to receive their leaven from them : this he doth sometimes by making mens gifts in their quicknesse and nimblnesse to be commended , sometimes by the seeming gravity , austerity and holinesse of their carriage , for which cause they are said to be wolves in sheeps cloathing , Mat. 7. and he is said to transform himself into an angel of light , and his ministers into the ministers of Christ , 2 Cor. 11. 14. Sometimes by flattery , and seeming sympathy and affection , for which the lying Prophet is called the tail ; and if it were by no other mean , he doth it by their reproaching of honest and faithfull Ministers , and , it may be , hitting upon some real ills among them , which is often but too too pleasing to the carnall humour of the generality of people , as in the instances formerly given is clear . Lastly , when this is obtained , then there is easie accesse to make the most grosse Doctrines and delusions to be drunken in , which at first would have been abhorred : by these degrees Antichrists delusion came to its height , and by such steps , some , that at first only separated from the Novatians and Donatists , came at last to that height of delusion , as to become Circumcellians ( a strange wild kind of delusion ) Anthropomorphits , and such like . 3. The means and arguments that are used to carry on this delusion , are to be observed , which are these or such like . 1. The carriage and conversation of the abetters thereof , is made very plausible , fair and approveable-like , that there may be no suspicion of the devils influence on such a work ; Therefore they are said to be transformed into the Ministers of Christ ; thus the Pharisees make long prayers , live austerely , &c. thereby to gain reputation to their traditions : for , the devil would mar all his design , if he did not look like an Angel of light : yea , there will be much seeming like zeal , patience and suffering in such , as may be gathered from 2 Cor. 11. 23. and in experience it will be found , that the most grosse Hereticks in doctrine , have had ( at least for a long time ) a great shew of holinesse before others , as might be instanced in the greatest deluders . 2. It is usefull in this design , to have some that have Church-power , and beareth the name of Officers , engaged , that they may come in , not under the name of Ministers of Satan , but as it is , 2 Cor. 11. 23. as Ministers of Christ ; and therefore , if no ordinary call can be alleged by them , they readily disclaime all such , and yet pretend a calling to be Preachers of Christ , of his Gospel , and such like : as we may see by these false teachers of old , who called themselves Apostles and Prophetesses , as having some extraordinary call from God , thereby making way for their delusions . 3. They follow their designs under a pretext of advancing holinesse and spirituality , to a higher degree , and of having a more humble way of living , and of being a further length in high attainments , than other men can win at , or are capable of : thus some are outwardly despisers of all pride , and of giving respect to men , and that as the Apostle saith , Col. 2. 18. by a sort of voluntary humility , and intruding upon things which they have not seen , casting , in the mean time , at common and plain truths . A 4. mean , is , the pleasing of ears and itching humours , with great swelling words , new notions , and large discourses of non-sense ▪ delivered with great confidence , when as the Apostle saith , 1 Tim. 1. 7. They know not what they say , nor whereof they affirm , yet often such discourses are sublime mysteries to the ignorant , and such as loath the simple truth . 5. They make use of a pretext of good will and advantage to these that they speak unto , as it is , Rom. 16. 18. by good words and fair speaches they deceive the simple , and by pretending to wish their souls well , and to pity their blindnesse and hazard they are in , they creep into their houses and affections , 2 Tim. 3. 6. and lead simple persons captive ; By this pretext , the serpent beguiled Eve at the first , promising some advantage by hearkening to him , and this way is followed by corrupt teachers still , as it is , 2 Cor. 11. 3. 6. Sometimes there is much more pretended strictnesse , especially in outward things : thus some of old added the observation of Moses Law to the Gospel , as if that were a more perfect and strict way , and upon this ground have so many traditions been brought in into the Church . 7. There is a pretending to more Christian liberty and freedom from the bondage of Ordinances of whatever sort , so as men must not be tyed to hear preachings , keep Sabbaths , Pray , Praise and such like , which are ( say they ) but formes and burthens to Saints , and unbecoming that freedom and spiritualnesse that grown Believers should have . Thus such deceivers and these that are deceived with them , are said to promise liberty to whomsoever they propose their delusions , while in the mean time all of them are made servants to corruption . 8. There is great pretending to know Christs mind , and confident alleaging of the writings of His Apostles , and that in a seeming convincing way : Thus , 2. Thess. 2. 2. there are mentioned Spirit , Word and Letter , as proceeding from Paul , whenas he himself is disclaiming such interpretations as they did put on him . 9. They use to alleage the authority of men , and to oppose such to these who oppose their errours : thus the Pharisees alleaged Moses , and the Nicolaitans Nicolas ; and it is like , the false apostles that came from Ierusalem , did oppose other Apostles authority to Pauls , as if they had preached nothing but what they preached in Ierusalem ; and very often the infirmities of some great men , are stumbled upon , and made arguments against truth . 10. Many are stirred up to vent queries and captitious questions , ( as often the Pharisees did , by sending their emissaries to Christ ) that some advantage may be gotten that way , and these that are for truth entangled . 11. Sometimes he maketh use of humane reason , and cryeth down every thing that seemeth not consonant to it : upon which ground the resurrection was denied by the Sadduces , and some of the Corinthians , 1 Cor. 15. and the most fundamentall truths of the Gospel , are by the Socinians and others unto this day . Sometimes again , all use of reason , learning or prudence is disclaimed ; in which respect , such men are called unreasonable , 2 Thes. 3. and bruit beasts , 2 Pet. 2. and Iude , 10. 12. They endeavour by all means to carry the favour of the civil Magistrates , and to have Ministers especially such as are zealous against them , made hatefull and suspected unto them , and the gaining of this hath a double advantage with it to their cause , as it strengtheneth it , and weakeneth the truth : this we see the false Prophets did of old , 1 King. 22. Ier. 26. Amos 7. 10. and so endeavoured the Scribes and Pharisees to engage the Romans against Christ , and against His Apostles ; So also did the Arrians and other Hereticks , and so hath Antichrists emissaries ever endeavoured to stir up civil Magistrates against faithfull Ministers , as most hatefull persons : This they carry on by such like means . 1. They pretend to give the Magistrates more submission , and charge faithfull Ministers with sleighting of their authority , for they know this to be a thing well pleasing to Magistrates : Thus the faithfuln●…sse of honest Ministers is accounted disobedience and hatred , and the lying flattery of such is given out for re●…pect and obedience , so was it in the case of Mica●…ah . 2. They cry out upon faithfull Ministers , as factious and turners of the world upside-down , sowers of sedition , as , Acts 24. 5. troublers of the peace , who do keep the people in a continuall stir , and crosse their designs , and mar the absolutenesse of M●…gistracy ; So , Elijah is counted an enemy to Ahab , and a troubler of Israel . 3. They vent many groundlesse calumnies against them , as if they were guilty of many grosse evils ; Thus Athanasius and many others were charged by the Arians , as murderers and adulterers , and some pretended proofs made thereof : Yea , it was alleaged to Constantine , that Athanasius had medled with civil matters ( which was derogatory to his authority ) by inhibiting all Corns to be exported from Egypt . 4. They bring the Magistrates in tops with them , by appellations from Church-judicatories to them , and seeming to plead an absolutenesse to Magistrates in things Ecclesiastick ; Thus Hereticks in all times have sheltered themselves under this pretext , till Magistrates declared against them , and then they cast them off also , as of late in the practices of the Socinians and Arminians hath been made out . 5. They represent them to Magistrates as unsufferable , in respect of their plain threatnings , and that such are not to be endured so to affront Authority , and to weaken these that professe so much to respect the same ; thus Amos is represented , chap , 7. 10. by Am●…ziah Priest of Bethel , and often Ieremiah is so by the false Prophets in his time . 6. They propose faithfull Ministers as unwarrantably arrogating a kind of infallibility to themselves , and thereby derogating from all others ; so is that word , 1 King. 22. What way went the Spirit of the Lord from me to you ? and by a certain audacious confidence , seek , as it were , to put out faithfull Ministers as despicable men , not worthy to be cre●…ited , as in the case cited ; and Ier. 28. and elsewhere , and often by such means their insinuations and flatteries do exceedingly prevail for promoving their designs . Augustine chargeth the Donatists with this , that in their application to Iulian , they used this phrase , quoniam apud ●…e solum justitia habet locum : and this was ( saith he ) when they knew he was an apostat , Epist. 48. The last thing in this , is the manner how this design is carried on by such corrupt teachers , which is not alway the same in all , and may in part be collected from what is said ; Yet we may name these particulars . 1. It is covertly and subtilly done , therefore they creep in with insinuations , looking far otherwise than they are . 2. It is done hypocritically ▪ 1 Tim. 4. They speak lies in hypocrisie , and do pretend both to be Religious and friends to Religion and Truth , while they do so . 3. It is done somtimes vehemently , as it were knocking with force at hearts , So it shaketh the hearer by the bignesse of words , peremptorinesse of threatnings , confidence of Assertions , and vehemency in the manner , so that it hath ( as the Scripture saith ) a strength and power with it , and therefore is compared to a spait or flood , Rev. 12. and is called strong delusion , 2 Thess. 2. 4. This is done with all diligence , compassing sea and land , leaving no mean unessayed . And , 5. with a kind of seeming simplicity , zeal and singlnesse , and with many professions thereof , as may be gathered from the instances formerly given ; and from Gal. 4. 17. where it is said , they zealously affect you , but not well , and from Rom. 10. 2. 6. This is done with great boldnesse , which appeareth , 1. In pretending to eschew no suffering , or to fear no hazard that may follow on their opinion , if it were to give their body to be brunt , and , it may be , doing much in this . 2. It may be stuck to by them at their sicknesse , even in their death beds , as it is not unlike it was with Iezebel and some of her followers , Rev. 2. 21 , 22. for , neither is the devil silenced , nor corruptions removed by sicknesse or death . 3. It appeareth in confident undertaking to dispute with any ; yea , oftentimes seeking occasion of that : Thus the Libertines arise and dispute with Stephen , Acts 6. and it is like , the false teachers of Corinth , that said of Paul , 〈◊〉 Cor. 10 ▪ 10. that his bodily presence was weak and his speach contemptible , would not have declined to have disputed even with him . 4. It kythes in their confident t●…usting to their own judgements , and their undervaluing of all others . 5. It appeareth in confident as●…erting of any thing , and not only in the reproaching of any private person , but of Officers and Ordinances , 2 Pet. 2. 10. they are not af●…raid to speak evil of dignities . By these considerations , we may in part see how delusion cometh to such strength and height , in respect of these who carry on this corrupt doctrine . We come now to consider a thi●…d thing , to wit , What accession is from the peoples side for the promoving thereof , which we may draw to these three . 1. There is something sinfull in a peoples former carriage whereby delusion is exceedingly strengthened against them , when it cometh as a just plague for former ●…iscarriages ; But of those sins we have already spoken . 2. A peoples present temper , or rather di●…temper , may have much influence on this , and exceedingly dispose them for , and cast them open to , the tentation . As , first , lightnesse of mind , unsettlednesse in the truth ; these the Scripture calleth unstable souls , 2 Pet. 2. 14. 2. There is an itching new-fangle humour , desirous of some new thing , and loathing simple Doctrine , as it is , 2 Tim. 4. 3. 3. There is too great facility in believing the spirits , without trying of them , which its like hath been in Galatia , whereby they were soon drawn away to another Gospel , and to credit some insinuaters foolishly ▪ as , chap. 1. 6. and 3. 1. 4. A secure carnall frame , wanting exercise of conscience , is dangerous So are also proud presumptuous persons ▪ ( that have an high esteem of themselves , and such as are self-willed , who are mentioned , 2 Pet. 2. 10. ) in great hazard of this : The tentation will also sometimes take advantage of some persons who are jumbled in mind , and under some weight and heavinesse , and come in under pretext of remedying the same ; many such distempers there are , whereof some may be gathered from what is said of the sinfull causes that procure this , because that which doth meritoriously deserve to be so punished , proveth often also a disposing mids for receiving of the tentation ; But we forbear . 3. People often by their carriage do promove this plague of delusion upon themselves , casting themselves in the snare , 1. By needlesse familiar conversing with such persons . 2. Going to hear them . 3. Purchasing or reading their books . 4. Hazarding to entertain their doubts , and to prosecute their arguments and questions , to plead for their opinions , and such like , shunning withall of such means and wayes as might recover them , and entertaining prejudice at such as would aim thereat , and such like , whereby that of the Prophet is verified . The prophets teach lies , and my people love to have it so . Now , if all these be put together , can it be thought strange to see the great●…st delusion prevail ? We have been the longer on these , not only for the confirming of that truth , but for drawing together in some short view , a little map , as it were , of these wayes , whereby the devil driveth on his design by the cunning craft of these that lye in wait to deceive . CHAP. VII . What is called-for as duty in such a case . IT resteth now that we should consider what is duty in such a time , or case , when delusion in lesse or more doth prevail , or is very like to prevail ? It cannot be denied , but that something is called-for , and is necessary where the danger is so great ; and also it is evident , that something more than ordinary is necessary , because the ill is more than ordinary . The remedy therefore must be proportionable and timous ; for , a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , Gal. 5. 〈◊〉 . And experience proveth , that such ills do fret and corrupt , as doth a gangrene , 2 Tim. 2. 17. The difficulty is in determining what is to be done , wherein , not only the piety , zeal and conscience of men will have exercise , but also their prudence and parts . The loosing of this question will relate to three ranks of men . 1. To Church-officers , especially to Ministers . 2. To Magistrates . 3. To people in private stations . Yet before we positively say any thing , We shall , 1. show what is not the remedy called-for . 2. We shall shew what is called-for , but is not sufficient . 3. What seemeth to be called-for as sufficient . As to the first ▪ There are two extremities to be shunned , which we shall lay down in two Assertions . Assert . 1. An absolute and unlimitted forbearance and toleration of all errours , and of the promoters thereof , is not the due remedy that is called-for in such a time , in reference to such evils . This , I suppose is clear , if there were no more in Scripture than what is comprehended in these Epistles , Rev. 2. and 3. For , 1. the Angel of Ephesus is commended , chap. 2. 2. that he could not bear or endure them that were evil , to wit , the false Apostles : This enduring then cannot be the duty , seing Christ commendeth the contrary . 2. He doth reprove Pergamos , ver . 14. because they had such amongst them that held the doctrine of Balaam , that is , because they suffered them . And , 3. this is clearly expressed in the Epistle to Thyati●…a , ver . 20 ▪ I have a few things against thee , because thou sufferest that woman Iezebel to teach and seduce My servants . There can be nothing more clear than this ; and it is the more observable , that this not-forbearing is commended in Ephesus , where things in their own particular condition are not altogether right ; and the other Churches are reproved for neglect of this , even when their own particular conditions are right . Which sheweth , That the Lord loveth zeal against such scandals , and abhorreth forbearance of them . What was formerly said in the Doctrine , What is clear in the practice of Scripture , both in examples and commands that are given therein in reference to this , and what may be further said in the positive part of this direction , will clear this . And whatever humane prudence and carnal fainting would suggest concerning such a way , as that it were fittest to deal with persons , in such a distemper , no otherwayes than absolutely to forbear them , at least , so far as relateth to th●…se distempers as such ; yet it is clear , this is not Gods Ordinance so to do , nor the remedy that is by Him appointed : And therefore there is no promise by which we may expect a blessing to it , although sometimes the Lord , who is absolu●…ely Soveraign , may condescend without any means , to dry up and bound a floud of errour , even when men are guilty of forbearing : The effect is not to be attributed to mens sinfull forbearance , but to Gods gracious condescendence . Assert . 2. We say on the other hand , That an indifferent , rigid , equal pursuing , or not enduring of every thing that is an errour , or of every person who may be in some measure tainted , is not the suitable remedy or duty that is called-for in reference to such a case . For , as neither all errours , nor all persons are alike , So neither is the same way at all times to be followed , because , what may be edifying in one case , may be destructive in another . And as therefore there is prudent difference to be made , in reference to scandals in practice , and persons in respect of different scandals , yea , even of different tempers are div●…rsly to be dealt with , So is it also to be here . Men are to walk , as they may most probably attain the great end , edification , which ought to be the scope in this , as in all other Ordinances : And therefore there can be no peremptory rule concluded , that will meet all cases and persons , as hath been said : We see even the Apostles putting difference between persons and scandals , according to the severall cases ; for , sometimes they Excommunicate , as in the instance of Hymeneus and Phyletus , sometimes they instruct doctrinally , as Paul doth the Church-members of Corinth and Galatia ; others he threateneth , and yet doth not actually Sentence them , as he doth false teachers in these Churches : Sometimes again , no particular Apostle alone , doth decide the question ( although doctrinally they might ) but there is a Synod called judicially and authoritatively , to decide the same , as , Act. 15. The reason of the 1. is , because these errours of Hymeneus and Phyletus , were of themselves grosse , destroying the faith , and obstinately and blasphemously adhered to . 2. He instructeth and expostulateth with the people of Corinth , and proceedeth not to the highest Censure , 1. Because they were not seducers , but were seduced by others . 2. They could not be accounted obstinate , but might be thought to have sinned of infirmity , Therefore more gentle and soft means are to be applied for reclaiming of them . 3. They were a numerous body , and therefore Excommunication or cutting off , could not be expected to attain its end . 4. They were in a present distemper , questioning the Apostles authority ; he seeketh rather therefore to be again acknowledged by them , that so both his word and his rod might have weight , whereas if he had smitten in their distemper , they had rather broken off further from their subjection . These are clear , beside what may be said of the nature of the scandal or errour . 3. He threatneth the corrupt teachers with off-cutting , because they were leaders and seducers , and so deserved to be more severely dealt with , than those that were seduced by them , although , possibly , as drunk with these same errours : Yet , though he threaten , He doth spare for a time to strike , not out of any respect to those corrupt teachers , or from any connivance at their errour , but out of respect to the poor seduced people , for whose edification Paul forbare , even when the weapons were in readinesse to avenge all disobedience ; he abstained , I say , because such people having a prejudice at him , and being bewitched by these teachers , might more readily in that distemper have cleaved unto them , and have forsaken Paul , which would have proven more destructive to them ; he seeketh therefore , first , to have their obedience manifested , and so not only forbeareth them , but even those corrupt teachers , for a time , for the peoples edifying , as may be gathered from 2 Cor. 10. 6. and chap. 12. v. 19. Lastly , I said , Sometimes Synods or Councils are called , as in that place , Act. 15. which in other cases we find not , 1. Because then that errour was new , and it 's like wanted not its own respect from many of the Church , Therefore a Council of Officers joyned together to decide it , which is not necessary again , after that decision is past ; but Ministers are doctrinally and by discipline to maintain the same , as we see Paul doth maintain , in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians , the conclusion of the former Synod . 2. This Synod is conveened not for want of light ( for , any of the Apostles , as such , were infallibly inspired to decide in the same , and had in their preachings decided it ) but it is to make it have the more weight with others , and therein to be a precedent to us . 3. That was a spreading errour , which did not affect one place only , but many Churches ; and it 's like that many Believers were in hazard to be shaken therewith : Therefore the most weighty remedy is called-for . 4. There was need now , not only of light to decide the doctrinal things , but there was also need of directions for helping folks how to carry in reference to such times , so as to eschew the snare of errour on the one hand , and of giving offence upon the other , as we may see by the decrees of that Synod : Therefore in such cases , not only would men severally endeavour the duty of their stations , but they would joyntly concur and meet judicially , or extrajudicially , as occasion calleth , to deliberate and consult in these things of so great and common concernment : for , seing the Church is one city , and one lump , a little fire may hazard all , and a little leaven corrupt all , and unwatchfulnesse at one part , or post , may let in enemies to destroy all . It is needfull therefore , that in some cases there be mutual concurrence , although it be not necessary at all times to have a judicial meeting , nor at any time is a present duty to be suspended by any person , if no such meeting can be had . What is said , doth demonstrat that there is a difference to be made in reference to errours , persons and cases . CHAP. VIII . When some errours are to be forborn . IF it should be enquired , how this difference is to be made ? or , how it may be known when without guilt there may be some forbearance , and when not ? Answ. This is indeed difficult , and we will not undertake in particulars either to be satisfying or peremptory ; yet we supose the considering of these generall Distinctions will be helpfull , and the application of them necessary , in this case . 1. We would distinguish betwixt some errours and scandals and others , and that both in respect of their grosnesse and evidence : for , some errours are , as Peter calleth them , 2 Pet. 2. 1 , 2. pernicious and damnable , as striking against the special Truths of the Word of God , or inferring grosse practices with them , as this of the Nicolaitans did , and hazarding the souls of the maintainers of them , not as other sins of infirmity , but in respect of the principles which they imply ; and of this sort are many both errours and practices . Again , Other things may be errours , that are contrary to Truth , but not destructive unto , nor altogether inconsistent with , the foundation , but such a thing , as possibly many true Saints may be taken with , and yet have accesse to God and may enter Heaven , although they should die in that opinion ; of which sort are many things that are debated amongst orthodox Divines ; and indeed there is nothing but it hath a truth or a falshood in it , yet are not all of equal necessity and weight . Of the first sort was that errour , which the false apostles endeavoured to bring-in , that is , the adding of the practice of the ceremonial Law to Christ in justification , and the mixing-in of works moral and ceremonial therein , as from the Epistle to the Romans and Galatians may be gathered . Of the second kind , was the debate for meats and other things , mentioned , Rom. 14. and in the Epistles to the Corinthians . Of the first , we say , there ought to be no tolerance , Therefore the Lord doth here reprove it ; and in the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians , Paul doth plainly and powerfully refute them and reprove them , even when it was exceeding ill taken , and they were ready to count him an enemy , because he told them the truth , Gal. 4. Yet will he not forbear , because a little leaven of that sort will leaven the whole lump , and hazard the making of his labour among them to be in vain . Of the second sort , we say , That there is a moderation called-for in it , and Ministers are not alwayes called either doctrinally , or by Discipline , judicially to reprove or censure them : I will not say but sometimes it may be meet to discover the least errour , and it may be by circumstances so aggreged , that it may be needfull judicially to take notice of it , as when it 's involved with offence and ready to breed Schism or Scandal , or in such like cases ( in which respect there are some things mentioned in the decree , Act. 15. which are not very material in themselves , as the eating of things strangled ) yet , we say , it is not simply and alwayes necessary for Ministers to presse at the convincing of all who maintain something different from truth , or which is supposed to be so by them , if ●…it be of things extra-fundamental , or , which have not direct or palpable influence upon the violating of faith , or corrupting of manners , much lesse to censure for the maintaining of it . For , it is not of such that these Epistles speak : And we see , Rom. 14. and in the Epistles to the Corinthians , in the debate about meats and eating of things sacrificed to idols , and such like , wherein though there was still a right side and a wrong , yet doth he rather presse the forbearing of these debates , than the dipping into them , not astricting men alwayes to follow this or that , providing it be done without breach of unity and charity . Hence it is ▪ that although there be somethings he will give no forbearance unto , but authoritatively and ministerially he decideth in them , yet in the same Epistles there is something amongst the Saints that he seeketh rather to heal , and to obtain mutuall forbearance in , than peremptorily to decide . See Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 8. 2 , 3 , &c. Phil. 2. 3. 2. There are some truths and practices evident , which by the light of the Word may be solidly demonstrated to an impartiall and unbyassed searcher ; and some contrary errours and scandals , that are at the first obvious ( and , it may be , even to a naturall conscience ) to be such , so that although men would use tergiversations , and say as Hymeneus and Phyletus did , 2 Tim. 2. 17. that there were no resurrection to come , because the Scripture speaketh of a spirituall resurrection , which in the Believer is passed already . And although many deluded persons , who will not admit of distinctions according to reason , in such a case , may be drawn away with them , and adhere still to them ; yet are the things demonstrable to these that are even but of ordinary reach , by sound grounds from the Scripture , and that convincingly : Other things , again , may be truths , and there may be to some persons a possibility of reaching them by many consequences from Scripture , yet are they not so clear to many ; whereupon it is , that men , yea , even learned and godly men , do differ in their apprehensions of several truths , the Lord so thinking good to bridle mens humours and to let us see the necessity of humility and sobernesse , and this may be in the meanestlike things ; these the Apostle , Rom. 14. 1. calleth doubtfull disputations , as being things wherein too many , at least there is not such evidence attainable as to stay the minds of ordinary people , or to refute the contrary assertions of any adversary ▪ of which are Genealogies , and other things that Paul mentioneth to Timothy , 1 Tim. 1. 4. and calleth them endlesse , because there is no setled ground to rest on , but one question doth generate another ; and so the principle that must be laid down for clearing such a thing to one , is also disputable to another as the thing it self is , and men know but in part , even those that are eminent , so that an universal harmony in these cannot well be expected : In reference to this , we say , That greater peremptorinesse is required in the first sort than in the second ▪ wherein , by reason of the practice of the Apostles in Scripture , yea , and of necessity there is a forbearance requisit , Yet we would beware of partiality in accounting truths , either evident or disputable , as men ( according as they are judged ) are too apt to do ; it is better therefore to try these by the common account that the Godly and Learned have had in all times of such truthes , if there hath been still difference , and yet moderation in these differences ; Nor would this be tryed onely by an age or time ( wherein a point may be more agitate than at another time ) but more generally , especially when the arguments on either side want that evidence that the reasons brought for other truths have , and are so fully set down in Scripture , That amongst godly and learned men in all ages there hath been a generall consent . Again , 3. We would distinguish betwixt errours and the consequents of them , or practices following thereupon ; there may be somethings truly errours that may and should be forborn in themselves , yet their consequents ought not to be forborn , and this also may be at one time , and in one Church more necessary to be adverted to , than in another , because consequents of schism , faction , division , &c. may sometimes follow on the meanest errours . And seing these are alwayes enemies to edification , even when they arise from the least ground , they are never absolutly to be forborn ; for ▪ to say , I am of Paul , and I am of Apollos , and for one to think such a man a better Preacher than an other , seemeth to be no great matter ; yet when it beginneth to rent them , and to make factions in Corinth , it is not to be forborn , but to be reproved : And in the former difference of meats , the Apostle condemneth alwayes the offence and Schism that followed on it , although he did not peremptorily decide any thing as to mens practices , or censure for the opinion it self : thus one might think the first day of the week not to be Iure Divino , and this might possibly be forborn , But if he were pressing the change of it , and refusing to observe it , or venting it to offend others , that were intolerable ; thus the differences and errours concerning Church-government by Bishops , and in the Congregational way , may , we conceive , in themselves be forborn in persons where they are not vented to the shaking and drawing away of others ; but if pressed in practice , to the renting of a Church , and preferred or equalled to the true Government that is established by the Word , in that case they are not to be forborn , because then truth is to be vindicated , and obstructions to edification in the renting or distracting of a Church to be removed , and at on time more than at another , as such an offence doth waken a Schism , and disturb order and Union in one Church or at one time more than another : hence we see , Acts 15. somethings are put in that decree in reference to that time , only for preventing of Schism and Scandal , while the doctrine of the abolition of the ceremoniall Law was not so clear ; And somethings were forborn amongst the Gentiles , which were not so amongst the Jews for a time , as circumcision and all the ceremonies of the Law , which yet for a time the Jews observed ; and experience and reason make the thing clear , according to that of Paul , To the Iews I became as a Iew ▪ and I became all things to all men , &c. which is not to show his counterfeiting , or his dallying in any necessary thing , but the squa●…ing of his practice in lawfull things according to the several cases of these he had to do with , which will be applicable both to persons and Churches . 4. We would distinguish betwixt things , and persons , Sometimes it will be meet to censure a fault or errour in persons , as Paul doth in the Corinthians and Galatians , and yet it not be fit to censure the persons ; he doth indeed threaten these , but doth forbear ▪ least thereby he should have hurt moe by a subsequent and following rent , than by his stroak he had cured . So also are persons to be distinguished , some whereof only erre , but others teach others so ; and in that respect are Hereticks and Schismaticks ▪ which , had that been their own opinion only , could not have been imputed to them ; these last cannot plead that forbearance that ought to be had towards the former . Also distinction is to be made in the manner of forbearance ; it is one thing to forbear simply and altogether one that is infected with errour and spreadeth it , it is another thing to for bear , in some respect , to wit ▪ of censure only , or it may be in respect of degree , something may be more gently censured , and yet not altogether forborn ; and one may Ministerially reprove a fault and person by the key of Doctrine , in applying of it , when yet he may forbear the exercise of Discipline and Censure , as in the forecited place , Paul is reproving false teachers in Corinth , yet sparing the rod for a time ; and so , wishing that some were cut off in Galatia , yet not doing it ; and this is not so much respect to the persons of these teachers , as to the Church and to the multitude of their followers , whom hasty Censures might rather have stumbled than edified , which is the great end of that and of all other Ordinances : Therefore seeketh he first to recover them , and again , to bring them back to the acknowledgement of his authority , and thereupon to exercise the weapons that he had in readinesse for the avenging all disobedience , when their obedience is made manifest ▪ 2 Cor. 10. 6. which he would not do before that , lest they ( being addicted to these teachers ) had sided with them against his authority , and so it had been both more hurtfull to them and to the Church than edifying , by which alone he is swayed . These and other such considerations being had , Ministers by christian prudence , are to gather when to be silent , and when to speak , when to Censure , and when to forbear ; but by all means , are ever to be watchfull , lest the grounds that plead for forbearance sometimes for the Churches edification upon the one side , be not stretched out so broad , as to foster our lukewarm temper , coldnesse , and fainting cowardlinesse in the things of God ; and there is much need to try from what that moderation doth flow , and whether even then the heart be hot with holy indignation against these ; Even as on the other side , true zeal would be guided towards the scope of edification , lest that duty of exercising Discipline , which is acceptable to God , and usefull to the Church , be rejected of him , because proceeding from our own spirits , and prove more hurtfull than edifying in the effects thereof ; Some few instances whereof have given some occasion of speaking evil of this Ordinance of Jesus Christ , to these who at all times ly in wait , to catch at what may be wrested to the reproach thereof . But to conclude this , without insisting on particulars , there must be a single , impartial and prudentiall walking , so as may attain edification , and as men may be answerable to Jesus Christ in their trust , having an eye to these things that most contribute to edification . But , 1. if what is vented be blasphemous , and destroyeth the foundations of faith , that comes not within this debate , as in Paul's dealing with Hymeneus and Alexander , 1 Tim. 1. 20. is clear ; for zeal for the Majesty of God , and love to the salvation of souls ( which is the substance of the two great commandements of the Law ) will admit of no forbearing in such a case . 2. If it corrupteth or defaceth the Church , and maketh her a reproach to the profane , it is not to be forborn . 3. If the things become not the Ordinances of Christ , but reflect on them , and consequently on Him whose Ordinances they are , they are not to be connived at . 4. If such things hazard the publick beauty , order and government of the Church , without which there is no keeping up the face of a visible Church , these are not to be over-looked . 5. If they mar the union and love that ought to be in the Church ( which is to be preserved , and every thing that may mar it , removed ) they ought not to be tolerated . 6. If they turn to be offensive and scandalous , either by making the wayes of the Lord to be ill spoken of , 2 Pet. 2. 2. or by grieving the godly , or by infecting others ; they are not the object of forbearance , except some circumstance concur , as hath been said , in which case it cannot properly be called forbearance : By these and other things , this may be tried , when an errour is to be forborn and when not , in which , consideration is to be had , both of the nature of the errour , and of the person that doth hold it , as also of the case of the Church and people , who may be edified or hurt by the forbearing or Censuring of such a person . What is needfull , but not sufficient , will appear when we come to consider what is called-for ; for , what is lesse than what is required , must be defective and not sufficient : as it is requisite that men not only keep themselves free , but also that by admonition and exhortation , means be used to reclaim these that have fallen ; yet these are not sufficient if there be no publick mean , yea , though there were publick authoritative preaching and exercising of the key of Doctrine , yet that is not sufficient , if there be not also censuring by discipline , and an exercise of the key of Iurisdiction ; and in some cases every censure will not be sufficient , if it be not extended to the utmost , for Christ hath not given that key for nought to His Church , in reference to all her scandals , nor are men exonered till they reach themselves to the uttermost in their stations , but this will appear more afterward . CHAP. IX . What is called-for from Church-officers in the case of spreading errour . WE begin now to speak particularly to the Church-officers duty , and what is called-for from them , especially from Ministers , which we may consider in a fourfold respect . 1. There is something called-for from the Minister in reference to God. 2 , In reference to himself . 3. In reference to the Flock and people who are not tainted , but , it may be , under the tentation . 4. In reference to these that are in the snare , especially the promotters of these evils . The first two are interwoven almost , Therefore we shall speak of them together : and we say , 1. When such a tentation setteth on upon a people , and beginneth to infect or hazard the infection of a particular Flock , or of many together , ( for , the hazard of one , is the hazard of many in such a case , as is said ) the Minister would look first to God as the great over-ruler , even of these things that are evil in the Churches ; and he would consider if things be in good case betwixt God and him , especially in respect of his Ministery ; for , such an infection in a Flock is a prime stroak upon a Minister , because the spreading thereof threatneth the unchurching of that Church and blasting of his Ministery , as , Rev. 2. is threatned against the Angel of Ephesus , and it never cometh but it hath with it a spirit and spait of bitternesse against , and many crosses , faintings and vexations unto , the Minister ; he is therefore soberly and composedly to look to God as his party , and is not to think , that such things come by guesse , and spring out of the dust , nor from the corruptions of some giddie people only , but that there is a higher hand ; without this there can be no right use made of such a dispensation ; and this is it that should humble the Minister and make him serious , lest by the peoples sin , God may be smiting him : Paul hath this word when he speaketh of the Schisms and contentious debates that were in Corinth , 2 Cor. 12. 20 , 21 , I fear , saith he , lest when I come , my God will humble me amongst you , he did so construct of their miscarrying , as making for this humiliation : yet it is to be adverted , that it is not the Minister or Flock that the Lord is most displeased with , that alwayes is so assaulted and shaken , although it be ever matter of humiliation . 2. When the Minister is composed to take up Gods hand in the matter , then is he not only to look to Him for direction and guiding in his duty , and without fretting to reverence His dispensation , but he is to reflect upon himself , and to consider his bygone carriage , especially in his Ministery , if he may not be chargeable before God with some sinfull influence upon his peoples distempers and miscarriages . And particularly , he is to look to these four , 1. If he be in good terms with God , in reference to his own particular state and condition , and if there was that due tendernesse and watchfulnesse at the time of the out-breaking of such an ill : I grant it may be that things were right , as in the case of Iob , Iob 3. 26. yet it becometh him to try ; for , such a thing may be trysted with security and negligence , that thereby he may be awakned to see his former defects . 2. A Minister would then reflect on his clearnesse to that calling , and particularly to such a charge ; and though to both he may be called by God , yet it is his part to try , that he may meet the reproaches with the greater confidence , as we see Paul doth in the Epistles often mentioned ; for , in such a case a Minister will be put to it , and who knoweth but possibly expectation of ease , quiet accommodation or credit in such a place , and tractablnesse in such a people , and such like , might have had weight with a good man to sway him to one place more than another ? and by such a dispensation the Lord doth chasten that , to learn Ministers at their entry to be swayed alone with the Churches edification . But , 3. to come nearer , a Minister would try if he hath any sinfull meritorious influence ( to speak so ) in procuring that stroak to the people , to be given up to these delusions ; for , it is certain , a Minister may be smitten in some stroak of this kind upon his people , as is clear from that threatning to the Angel of Ephesus , Rev. 2. even as a Magistrate may be smitten by a stroak that is immediately upon his people , as we see in Davids case , who thus procured the Pestilence , 2 Sam. 24. because , first , the people themselvs are not guiltless , so that there is no injustice . And. 2. Because there is a great sibnesse betwixt Minister and people , so that a rod upon one , doth indeed prove a rod to both : he would therefore try if possibly he hath been somewhat proud or vain of his authority , or respect amongst them , of their knowledge , orderly carriage , or dependance on the Ordinances , especially if he have any way affected such a thing , and hath withall sleighted the trying of their spiritual estate , and bettering of it , or if he hath been neglective to pray for them , and for their stability in the truth ; if he hath been defective to warn or to keep up the authority of the Ordinances , and of a Ministery among them ; if he hath been too familiar and triviall in his carriage with them , and such like ; also , if he hath been affected with zeal for Gods honour , when other Congregations have been infected , if he hath sympathized with such Ministers , and born burthen with others in such cases ; or , if on the contrary , he hath been carelesse , or , it may be , puffed up because himself was free : these and such like sins would be searched , because their is a Justice , and , if I may say , a congruity in Justice , in punishing such sins with such a rod ; for it s often when the husband men are sleeping that the enemy doth sow such tares . 4. He would try if he hath had any sinfull influence on such evils , as if he hath not been full and diligent in grounding them in the fundamentall truths , and clearing to them the Doctrines of the Gospel , as well as preaching duties , cases , and such like , or if he hath needlesly fostered curiosity in starting any questions , or in giving people way to follow them , if he hath made a sport of some errours publickly or privately , if he hath laughen at , or lightly spoken of , the errours and miscarriages of others , before them , if he hath not been faithfull to admonish and reprove the first gadings , or if he hath fed the people with empty notions and wind , and builded hay and stubble upon the foundation , and hath not seriously discovered to them their guiltinesse , and hath not put them to the exercise of Repentance for their corrupt inclinations , thereby to presse humility , fear , watchfulnesse , diligence , &c. that so their hand might be filled with a more solid work , and Christ by them imployed to preserve them , even from this tentation . These , I say , and such like , would be tryed , because where they are , the Minister wants not accession to their sin , as if in some respect he had combined with these seducers . 3. When this is done , the Minister would be affected with his own guilt , and then his sympathy with the peoples condition will be the more lively ; and he would , first , endeavour the recovery of himself , and his restoring to good tearms with God through Christ Jesus . 2. As he would confesse his own faults , so also the faults of the people ; and as he would pray for pardon for himself , so would he do for them , who , it may be , do reproach and curse him , yet would he not cease to pray for them , having that word fresh under such a stroak , As for these sheep , Lord , what have they done ? 3. There would be special dealing with God , and dependence on Him for fitnesse rightly to manage such a case ; for , the charge becomes more heavie : God therefore should be acknowledged for obtaining suitable furniture , even in reference to that particular : And Ministers would know , that it is not their abilities , gifts , nor parts that can do this ; and if we cannot speak profitably to one that is not in such a distemper , what can we do where the person is so prejudged and distempered , if the Lord do it not ? Ministers therefore would 〈◊〉 reference to every word , unto such persons , in a ●…ly fear and jealousie , lest , lippening to themselves , they mar the Master's work , and stumble a poor soul rather than edifie the same . 4. He would aim seriously not only at exoneration , but at edification ; and for that cause would begin , by dealing with God for successe , and that either the Lord would immediatly Himself convince or blesse His furniture to him for that end ; yea , He would be blyth if any mean were provided and blessed , though in another hand than his own . 4. The Minister would now use ordinary means for fitting of himself to discover such errours as his people are guilty of , that he may be able solidly to convince them that are stumbled , and to establish others that stand ; and pains would be taken in this , aswell as for preaching , or in the studying of common heads at the passing of tryals , which is but a proof of the man's gifts in a more remote reference to such a case , which now is specially to be put in exercise ; Therefore he would , first , endeavour to be through in the wole body of Divinity and grounds of Christian Religion ; for , there is such a connexion among truths , that when one is wronged , many are wronged , and one errour may overturn many foundations : And if a Minister have not some generall impression of the whole , he cannot with confidence search in , or undertake the refutation of , any one particular errour : Neither ought a Minister , who possibly for a time hath forborn studies of that kind , think it unbecoming him again to return to them , seing it is duty , and there is no shame to be learning what may fit one for his duty ; And who knoweth but among other ends , this may be intended , that Ministers may be put to more constant study and search in the fundamentall truths of the Gospel ? 2. He would then , like a wise Physician ▪ endeavour to know the malady that hath infected and distempered his people , what are the errours they maintain , what are the arguments that ●…ave weight with them , what are the tentations they have had , or who are the tempters or instruments that have seduced them , and such like ; What also is their natural humour , hasty or meek , proud or humble ; What hath been their former way of walking , what are their parts and abilities , with whom they converse , who hath weight with them , or are esteemed by them , that by these and such like means he may be in better capacity to know how to apply the remedie , and to deal with them himself , or to make use of others for that end . 3. He would endeavour the furnishing of himself , especially in reference to these errours beyond others which they are tainted with , and for this cause would provide fit Books , converse with others that are able to help him , and gather his own observations from Scripture and other grounds , that through Gods blessing upon his labours he may be able to speak of these things confidently as to himself , and convincingly as to others . It is to be observed , that the former order laid down , doth not require a succession in time , in reference to the several steps ( for , in some cases a Minister will be instantly put to what is beyond all these , and to deal by some other means ) but it sheweth the order of nature , and what way is to be followed according as there is accesse and opportunity . Further , It is necessary for Ministers , at such a time especially , to endeavour union among themselves and amongst the people of their flocks ; for , oftentimes division and delusion are trysted together , whereby the deluders are exceedingly strengthened , Truth , and the Ministers thereof , made exceedingly contemptible and put in an incapacity to edifie , or have weight , till that be removed . Therefore we see , that in the Churches of Corinth , Galatia and Philippi , where Seducers were driving their designs , and division had taken great footing , the Apostle hath a special regard to the recovering of their union at such a time : We may read it also in the Life of Basilius the great Antagonist of the Arians , who , being by some division with Eusebius , then Bishop of Cesaria , necessitated to withdraw for the Churches peace , Whereupon Valence the Arian Emperour , and other Arians , thought that a fit opportunity to vent their errour in Cesaria , which they could not succesfully do , while union continued there . To disappoint this design , Gregory Nazianzen advised his return and uniting with Eusebius , as the only mean to prevent the growth of that heresie amongst the people , which being accordingly done , and both of them forgetting their particular discontents for the publick good , the Church was so established , and the errour so opposed , that the forenamed enterprisers were constrained to give over their design upon that union . In the third place , We come to consider a Ministers duty in reference to the flock in generall ( and certainly by proportion it may be gathered what seriousnesse , gravity and diligence ought to be amongst Ruling-elders in their concurring with him in such a case , who are also to joyn with him according to to their places in the former search and triall of their carriage , and in fitting of themselves for being usefull in such a time ) for , it cannot be denied , but somewhat peculiar is called-for from the Minister , in reference to his Ministery in common amongst the people , more than is called-for at another time . As , 1. he is to be in respect of all Christian qualifications in his carriage and all ministeriall duties in his charge , singularly serious and eminently exemplary , because it is now a main and prime thing to have a testimony of sincerity , faithfulnesse and love to the peoples edification in their own consciences ; and this cannot be obtained at such a time without the former . For , in experience we see that declining to errour , and falling from esteem of the Minister , go together : and where this is preserved , either the fall is prevented , or there is the greater accesse to recover the person that is fallen . Ministers therefore would especially study that , as a main mean of the peoples edification . And for that cause , would observe , 1. If any thing hath escaped them in their way , which might have given offence , and would by all means endeavour to remove it . 2. If any thing hath been unjustly imputed to them , they would condescend to clear it . 3. They would take notice of what particulars they use to be charged with , though , it may be , unjustly , or what usually Ministers are charged with by the corrupt men of the world , as pride , cove●…ousnesse , self-seeking , hypocrisie and the like ; and at such a time , Ministers would not only eschew these evils , but also the very appearance of them , which is a part of Paul's becoming all things to all , that he might gain and save some , 1 Cor. 9. And , in a word , a Minister would so carry in that time , as every look , word , action , gesture , yea , as every thing lesse or more in his Ministery , in his family , diet , cloaths , and such like , may abide the triall of the most narrow and watchfull observers , yea , of one that is a more high and narrow observer than they . 2. There are some things wherein particularly he would insist and seek to have born in upon the people . As , 1. to have them sensible of the evil of errour , and of the hazard that cometh by it , also of the devils subtilty and craft in carrying on of such a businesse . 2. To have them instructed and cleared in the truths of the Gospel , especially in such things as are controverted , that the errours and consequents following thereon , may be made as obviously clear and hatefull as may be . 3 This would be done so as they be not diverted from practice in the main duties of godlinesse by any speculation ; but , searching , up-stirring and materiall Doctrines , with powerfull and convincing applications of all kinds , would be in a speciall manner pressed then , as we see in these directions to Timothy and Titus is clear : where , upon the one side , the taking head to fables and vain janglings is dehorted from , and convincing , exhorting ▪ reproving with all authority , pressing of good works , and exercising to godlinesse , are , on the other side exhorted unto . 4. People would be pressed by all means , to eschew snares and the company of seducers , which was both our Lords practice , and the practice of His Apostles . There is no duty more frequently pressed than that : It is true , this is sometimes mistaken by people , yet it is the duty of Ministers to presse it ; yea , they are charged to charge others in reference to this , as in the 1. to Tim. 4. 11. and 6. 13. being compared with the directions that are given in these Epistles . 5. It may be it were not unmeet in such a time , that something were done in writ , for clearing of these things which are especially controverted , and that some in particular might be designed for this part of the work : for , often seducers spread their errours by writ , as we may in see in Ier. 29. 25. And sometimes there will be accesse to instruct and edifie by writ , when it cannot be done by word , yea , so , some persons may have objections moved and answered to them , before they be confirmed in such and such opinions , which possibly they would have thought shame to move till they had settled in them ; and so have been in a greater prejudice against the truth , and in a greater incapacity to be gained from them ; and we see , that the Apostles used this way unto Churches and People , to confute materiall errours in writ , and so also to confirm the truth against all cavils of adversaries , even as they did it by word of mouth and preaching . 3. In all this , the Minister would take good heed to his manner of proceeding , that it be grave , weighty , serious , loving , and in every thing such as may convince the people , 1. Of his own seriousnesse , and being much affected with such a businesse , Therefore light and mocking expressions would be shunned , but the Minister would be affectionate and serious , like one travelling in birth , while Christ be formed in them again , as Paul speaketh , Gal. 4. 19. 2. To convince them of the evil of the thing , and for that cause would so carry , as he may make errour also hatefull and loathsome to the people , as any scandalous practice whatsoever ; for which cause Ministers would rather endeavour to stir the peoples zeal against such evils , by grave , convincing , affectionate expressions regrates or expostulations , than to move their laughter with triviall mock●… or taunts , in reference to such principles or persons ; for , ( as holy Master Greenham used to say ) that doth but make sin ridiculous , when it ought to be made hatefull . 3. He would endeavour to convince them of his singlenesse in seeking of their good , and of love to them , and pitty to these that are misled ; for which cause any thing that may make him be supposed to resent personall reproaches or indignities , or aim at upholding of his own credit , or to vent bitternesse against the persons of others , would be carefully abstained from : for , these things derogate much from the weight of what a Minister can do ; and we see the great Apostle Paul , doth not stick to condescend in such cases to vindicate himself from such mistakes , and to use great expressions of love , yea , sometimes to attest God as to the sincerity of his professions , and such like , which are frequent in the Epistles to the Corinthians and Galatians , which may be an example to Ministers in such ca●…es . 4. Their whole carriage would be affectionate , even to the persons of opposers ; for , nothing prejudgeth more , than for a Ministe●… to be thought carnall and passionate , whereas tender dealing and usage to persons and to their outward estates , doth prove as coals of fire to soften them , as in experience is found ; however its becoming of a Minister ; yet it is to be done without marring zeal and indignation against their errours , and without prejudice to his seeking to censure them for these , or his restraining them from venting of the same . It is here to be adverted , 1. That what was spoken of the manner of a Ministers carriage in reference to practical scandals , and of his duty in a time when offences abound , is also to be remembred here and in what followeth . 2. That what is spoken of Ministers duty , will by proportion agree to Ruling-Elders according to their stations ; for , they should no lesse endeavour the preventing and suppressing of corrupt doctrine than of other scandalous practices , and they especially are to endeavour to have the means used by the Minister , made weighty amongst the people ; and for that end , are to endeavour to have himself weighty also . We come now to the fourth step of a Ministers duty , and that is , as it relateth to those that are tainted with errour , ( we mean grosse errours and delusions , such as this discourse runneth upon ) We may consider it in these four steps , as it relateth , 1. to discovery , or tryal , 2. to conviction , 3. to admonition , 4. to rejection . For the first , as the Apostle saith of men in general , 1 Tim. 5. 24. Some mens sins are open before hand , going before to judgment , and some mens follow after : So here , sometimes errour discovereth it self , and there is no need of search ; yet sometimes also there will be many secret objections moved and harboured against truths , which will not be avowed , though they be privately muttered ; yea , sometimes corrupt teachers will endeavour the vailing and hiding of their tenets , or errours , by many shifts , even when they are studying to leaven others with their delusions . There is therefore a necessity in such a case , 1. to try what opinions are held and vented , and to discover the absurdnesse and grossnesse of them ; for , many will maintain the premisses ignorantly , who will not know that such absurd conclusions do follow thereupon ; It is fit therefore to lay by the names and expressions used by seducers , and to expresse the thing as it is , especially if it be the reviving of some old absurdity under some new coat and pretext ; Thus the Lord doth discover the abomination of the Nicolaitans doctrine , by comparing it unto , and evidencing it to be , upon the mater , indeed one and the same with the practices of Balaam and Iezebel , Rev. 2. 14. 15 , and 20. This way is also followed by Peter , 2 Epist. 2. and by Iude , who compared corrupt teachers to Balaam , Korah , Dathan , &c. thereby to take the vi●…orn off old newly revived errours , that they may appear as they are ; for , often errour is commended to people under some new representation , and many will love it so represented , who yet will abhor former errours , which are still the same , though under another name , which are two tricks of the devils subtility , 1. To make old errour passe under the opinion and construction of some new light . And , 2. for that end to disguise it in some circumstances , and to change its name : And indeed , it is no little piece of spirituall dexterity to remove that mask . Secondly , There is a discovery to be made of the persons who hanker after such opinions , that it may be found who are infected thereby ; This would be done to reclaim the persons , and to cure that distemper , before it break out , or come to a height ; for , it is more easie often to cure one at the beginning than afterward : also , when it becometh publick , it hath with it some kind of engagement on the person , and he is more hardly recovered , lest he should seem thereby to appear weak , erroneous , unstable , or such like . Beside , it is more gaining-like when the Minister privately findeth them out , and endeavoureth to recover them secretly , before any publick notice be taken thereof , and often hath more successe with it , than after debats , as seemeth to be held forth in that place , Gal. 2. 2. where Paul saith , that he communicated with them of reputation , the Gospel , first , privately , lest by any means he should have run in vain . Therefore we conceive , persons suspect of errour , would not hastily be brought to publick , but in some respect , the publicknesse of their offence , would be , as it were , dissembled , or not positively so publickly taken notice of , that thereby there may be the fairer accesse for them to retreat . 3. If there be any retreat , the person would be waited upon ▪ although at first it be not fully satisfying , and all due care and diligence would be used to have his former errour buried , as if it had never been , without any publick hearing , except some extraordinary circumstance perswade to another way . For , ( besides the reasons given ) errour becometh not readily a publick scandal , except there be tenaciousnesse therein , or some actuall stumbling-block laid before others thereby , which often the persons reclaiming , will remove more than their censuring . Therefore , upon supposition of a persons recovery , there is no great fear of hazard in abstaining from bringing such a thing to publick , except he hath been instrumentall to seduce others , or in some such case which doth make his carriage open before hand , as is said . 4. This secret discovery before things break out , is needfull to prevent the defection of others , because , if the persons be not reclaimed , they may be found out to be dangerous , and may so be noted , for the preventing of their being a snare to others , which they might have been more easily , had they not been marked to be such , which is the reason of that exhortation , Rom. 16. 17. Mark them that caus●… divisions , and avoid them . When a person is discovered and found to be tainted , then all means are to be used for his conviction by conference , reasoning and other such means as may gain the end , this is a speciall qualification of a Minister , Ti●… . 1. 9. that he may be able by sound Doctrine to convince gainsayers . And ( as it is , 2 Tim. 2. 25. ) in meeknesse to instruct these that oppose themselves : Which step may be considered under diverse respects , 1. As it tendeth to the gaining of the person directly , so especially private debatings are requisit , which are to be carried on with all meeknesse and long-suffering , although they meet with reproaches and reflection●… in the prosecuting thereof . 2. Although there be little hopes of gaining the person , yet there is need of such means for the stopping of his mouth , and the edification of others , that thereby he have not occasion to seduce them ; for , often such debatings solidly and judiciously carried on , though they do not convince the person , so as to make him silent ▪ yet do they convince others of the absurdnesse of these errours , and the unreasonablnesse of such a persons carriage ; and experience hath proven , that often such debats have been blessed for the credit and vindication of the truth , in reference to many others , and by that place , Tit. 1. 9. seemeth to be clear duty , though there be little hopes of coming speed , as to the persons seduced . CHAP. X. Whether at all times a publick debate be necessary with such persons upon these points . IF it be questioned here , 1. Whether in all cases there be a necessity of a publick debate ? 2. What is to be accounted conviction ? 3. What is to be done , when the persons are not silent ? 4. How this debate is to be managed ? We shall answer by laying down some Assertions promiscuously in reference to all these Questions . Assert . 1. We say that there are some times and cases wherein publick debates are not altogether to be shunned ; I will not say , that every person is to accept of such a challenge , lest there by truth be wronged ; ( neither is it alwayes the ablest man that manageth such a businesse best ) but in general the thing is necessary in these and such like cases : As , 1. when errours seem to be new among the people . 2. When the promotters of them become insolent , as if they durst come to the light with their deeds . 3. When by forbearance and silence , people are in hazard to think something of these insolent boasters , and of their opinions . In which cases , I say , and the like , there is some necessity of this , for the C●…urches edification , as may appear from Tit. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. There are many , saith the Apostle , who are unruly and vain talkers ( such as vainly boast of their own ability , to maintain their opinions ) whose mouths must be stopped , lest they get advantage to seduce others ; and this is given as the reason why Ministers should be qualified with abilities to convince gainsayers , because sometimes the insolencie and vanity of some such , doth necessitate to this ; and on this ground we will find our blessed Lord Himself , and Stephen and Paul , frequently disputing even in Assemblies and Synagogues . This will not infer a necessity for every Minister to dispute at all times . even in such a case , but sometimes it may be referred , and put to others ; for if truth be maintained , and errour be confuted , it may stop the gainsayers mouth , although every one do it not . Assert . 2. Yet there are some cases , when such entering of debats is not necessary nor expedient . As , 1. supposing these things not to be new , but to have been sufficiently confuted formerly , and it may be in other places not far off , nor long before that ; for , if there should be a continuing ▪ still to debate , there would be no truth acknowledged to be setled , nor accesse to other and further duties . 2. When some persons are known vainly and purposly to seek to put all in confusion , by multiplying such debats , and irreverently to prosecute the same , as if they made it their trade or vocation to do so : The answering of such men according to their folly , would be an accession to their guilt of taking the blessed Name of God in vain , and for satisfaction to mens humours , and not for the great end of edification . 3. When men become unreasonable , and in their debatings , shew irrationall contradiction and blasphemy ; in such a case , it is to be forborn or broken off with indignation , and with zeal to the glory of God , as we see Paul and Barnabas do , Act. 13. 45 , 46. 4. Some erroneous persons are so grosse and absurd , that they are not to be disputed with , but rather to be reproved and abhorred : and therefore we see in these Epistles , Rev. 2. 3. there is no disputing against the Nicolaitans , as Paul useth in other cases , because , where such absurdities are owned , there is no accesse to fasten a conviction from reason , when men by such opinions appear to be unreasonable . 5. When men deny principles , as the authority or sufficiency of the Scripture , or when they lay new principles , as a light within , revelations , enthusiasms , or such like ; or , when they grosly and absurdly wrest and pervert the Scripture , as Peter speaketh of some , denying most clear senses , and forging senses which are most ridiculous : In such cases , there is no accesse to dispute , not only because it cannot be done without admitting of them to blaspheme , but also because there is no mean by which they may be convinced , seing the Sword of the Spirit , which is the Word of God , is rendered uselesse unto them : As for instance , Hymeneus and Alexander , said , there was no resurrection to come , because it was past already ; they wanted not dexterity to abuse the Scripture , which saith , that there is a resurrection from sin , and by the new birth Believers are raised from the dead . Now , the applying of what is spoken of the generall and second resurrection to this particular and first resurrection , is so grosse , that Paul doth not dispute with but Sentence such blasphemers and abusers of the Scripture ; for , it is clear , that they did not deny the Scripture , or a resurrection simply , but did grosly and irrationally misapply the same : of this sort , are such as will admit of no distinctions , nor consequences , nor different acceptions of words and phrases , and such like : for , according to these grounds , the Scripture is made to disagree from it self , to give no certain sound in any thing , and to infer many absurdities , which is blasphemous to think . Assert . 3. It is not to be thought that that only is conviction , which putteth the adverse party to silence , or that when convincing of gainsayers is commanded , that that only is intended : for , men of corrupt unruly spirits ( as the Apostle saith ) wax worse and worse , and do resist the truth , as Iannes and Iambres withstood Moses , 2 Tim. 3. 8. and are therefore called reprobate concerning the faith ; yea , sometimes the more they be pinched and bound , the more they cry out , and will not yeeld to convincing truth , as we see , Act. 6. 9 , 10 , 11. and Act 13. 45 , 46. and certainly there were none of Paul's opposers able to dispute with him , yet we will never almost find his adversaries silent , though he put them to silence , and did actually convince them ; notwithstanding they are still muttering and contradicting , so that oftentimes he breaketh off , shaking the dust off his feet against them , when arguments did not the businesse . Oftentimes also , this continuing of contradiction with some dexterity to pervert Scripture to their own destruction , is to them penall and ●…udiciall , as was formerly observed , and doth follow upon their hazarding and daring to oppose the manifest truth . And who would have thought , but that these Magicians that resisted Moses , should have been convinced by so many miracles , not to have essayed further to oppose him ? which yet notwithstanding they continue to do ; and if it was so then , and with Paul and the other Apostles afterward , can it be expected to be otherwayes now ? seing the spirit of Iannes and Iambres , and the gainsaying of Core is marked by the Scripture to wait on such . If it be asked then , What can be understood by conviction ? and if a person may be accounted convinced , who yet may be keeping the last word , and confidently bragging of the victory ? Answ. That conviction is not to be bounded with acknowledgment or silence in the party convinced , we suppose is already cleared ; yea , those that are convinced , may , as it were , cry the others out of the company by multitude of words and confidence of expressions , as those Jews did cry down Paul and Barnabas , Act. 13. 46. Therefore we see in that precept , Tit. 3. 10 , 11. that the Heretick which is to be rejected , is both said to refuse admonition , and also to be condemned of himself ; yet it cannot be said that he was put to silence by these admonitions , or did forbear to vent his errours : this therefore must be accounted certain , and is confirmed by 2 Tim. 2. 25. where the recovery of opposers , even after sufficient instruction , with meeknesse , hath a peradventure in it , as a thing most rarely to be found . We must therefore place conviction in some other thing than that : and so in answer to the question , What is to be accounted conviction ? We say , 1. it is when a person is so far convinced , and the truth with his errour so far cleared to be truth and errour respectively , that his continuing obstinate , cannot be supposed to be of infirmity , which often will evidence it self in foolish , weightlesse and unreasonable shifts and answers , or when there cannot be weight in such an answer , to satisfie a mans own reason or conscience , if he were sober and at himself : upon this account , the Heretick is said to be condemned of himself , Tit. 3. 11. not because actually his conscience doth condemn him for dissimulation ; for even then it is supposed he may be in a delusion , which keepeth off such challenges ; and their consciences are said to be seared with an hot iron , 1 Tim. 4. 2. which importeth , they were not capable of positive convictions within themselves ; but it must be understood thus , that they are the cause of their own blindnesse , as wilfully and maliciously refusing and rejecting light when it is offered to them , and so the cause of their own damnation doth not flow from the neglect of others , in not holding forth to them sufficient light , but from their own obstinacy , prejudice and maliciousnesse . 2. They may be said to be convinced when the thing is made clear to sober serious men , even as some stupid ignorant persons are inexcusable in their ignorance , when they live under such means as others of ordinary capacity thrive by ; although such plain preachings , discourses or doctrines be no way understood by them , yet may it justly be said , that that light was sufficient to instruct them , or that Gospel to convince them , seing others have been profited by the same . 3. They may be said to be convinced , even when they speak again , when there is no answer to purpose in their speaking , but absurd denying or asserting of things without any reason , or when there is a granting of absurd consequences , or an asserting of an absurdity , that possibly is greater nor another which they would eschew ; o●… , bitter railing against mens persons , seeking to defame them for strengthening of their cause , as the false teachers did Paul among the Corinthians and Galatians , and as the Libertins did to Stephen by venting calumnies on him , and provoking others against him , Act. 6. or , when in their answers or debates , they break out in blasph●…my against God , against His Scriptures , against His Ordinances ; such , in such cases , are to be accounted sufficiently convinced , and their obstinacy is to be accounted malicious ; and this we may gather , as from others places , so from that , Act. 13. 45 , 46. when they come to wilfull contradictions and blaspheming , Paul and Ba●…nabas will reason no more . And , Acts 28. 24 , 25. some Jews are accounted to be sufficiently convinced , and their contradiction to proceed from judiciall blinding , when they reject that word which did sufficiently convince others . Also , we see , Act. 17. 32. when men begin to mock at the fundamentall things of Religion , or to shift clear places of Scripture , by putting strange and absurd expositions upon them , as was formerly marked of Hymeneus and Alexander ; such persons are not to be disputed with any more , but to be accounted abundantly convinced , Notwithstanding of the most confident contradiction : and what was said of some cases , wherein publick debate was not to be admitted , the same may be applied in this case , as being evidences of sufficient conviction and self-condemnation of such persons . Assert . 4. When any such debate is found necessary , there is much spiritual zeal and prudence required in the managing thereof : in which , beside what is generally required in the manner of every thing , these things are to be observed , 1. That it be not tumultuary and confused , because so the Name of God is irreverently dealt with , and made obnoxious to reproach : Therefore order and reverence , and what is needfull and fit for such an end , is to be provided for ; otherwise , such confused meetings are to be left when entered into , as dishonourable to the Name of God , and unbecoming the gravity that Ministers should follow , as we see , Act. 13. 45 , 46. and Act. 19. 30 , 32. for , in such a case there is no accesse to edification . 2. Men would deniedly undertake such a thing when called to it , as being convinced how difficult the task is , how fecklesse they themselves are , and how subtile the principall adversary which they have to do with is . Therefore there would not be an undertaking upon the account of gifts , parts , or learning ▪ nor would it be managed only or mainly by subtile arguments , nor would advantage be much sought for , that way but simple truth would be plainly , gravely , and zealously proposed , with respect to the affecting the conscience of the party , and of the hearers . And as it is in preaching , not the subtilest and learnedest discourses do alwayes prove most taking , So in debates that concern conscience , materiall plainnesse demonstrating the truth with power unto the conscience , hath often the clearest evidence with it . There is a notable instance recorded by Ruffinus , Eccles. hist. lib. 10. chap. 3. which was thus , at the Councill of Nice , great Schollers were conveened from all places , upon report of that famous meeting , to which also did come some chief Philosophers , of whom one most eminent did dispute frequently with the greatest Schollers , who were never able to bind him , because such ( saith he ) was his nimblenesse , that like an eel he slipped them , by one shift or other , when arguments did seem most constringent . But God , that he might show that His Kingdom did not consist in word , but in power ; one of the Confessors , being a man of a most simple nature , and knowing nothing but Christ Jesus and Him crucified , when he saw the Philosopher insulting and boasting of his quicknesse , desired liberty to speak with him a little , others did shun it , knowing the mans simplicity , and fearing left he should become a reproach to subtile men : notwithstanding , he persisted , and began thus , Philosopher , in the Name of Jesus Christ hear these things that are true , There is one God who made Heaven and Earth , and formed man out of the dust , and gave him a Spirit , who made all things which are seen and unseen , who sent His Son , born of a Virgin ▪ to deliver us miserable sinners from everlasting death , by His suffering of death ; and hath given us life eternall by His Resurrection , whom we expect to come as Judge of what ever we do : Philosopher , believest thou these things ? Then he , as if he had not known how to contradict , astonished with the power of what was said , and put to silence , only could answer , that it appeared so , that there was no other thing but truth in what he had said . Then said the aged Confessor , if thou believest so , rise and follow me to the Church , and receive the seal of this faith : Then the Philosopher turning to these that were with him , and other hearers , said , Hear , O Learned men , while the matter was managed with me with words , I opposed words to words ; but when for words vertue proceeded out of the mouth of him that spake , words ( said he ) could not resist power , nor man God. And therefore , if any of you have felt what I have , let him believe in Christ , and follow this old man , in whom God hath spoken . Thus far Ruffinus : a story not unworthy to be observed . 3. It would be known what principles may be laid down , or what rules may be binding , otherwayes there may be an asserting of any thing , or denying of every thing . 4. There would be still a ministerial gravity and authority preserved , lest that Ordinance become despicable , and so Ministers would both improve their reason , light , authority , and ministerial commission from Christ upon the conscience of those they have to do with , as we see Paul doth in his debates , even where his authority was much questioned . CHAP. XI . Admonition is necessary , and how to be performed . THe third step , is Admonition , that is , when convictions have no successe , then ought Ministers to proceed to judiciall and authoritative admonitions , as the word is in the direction , Tit. 3. 10. A man that is an Heretick reject , after the first and second admonition . This admonition hath no new reason to inform the judgment , which is already presupposed to be done , but it addeth these two , 1. It hath a concurring weight to affect the conscience which hath withstood or smothered the light ; and so it is , with Gods bl●…ssing , usefull to make former despised light more seriously and impartially to be weighed and considered , when in His Name the admonition is particularly upon that account directed to them . 2. It is a warning , giving advertisement of some sadder thing coming , if they shall continue to reject the Truth , and so it is a shoring of them for that particular fault , before the stroak be laid on , that either , by Gods blessing , it may humble and soften them , and so put them to endeavour the preventing of the coming stroak ; or , if they continue stubborn , it may make them more inexcusable ; and thus there is the clearer accesse to proceed to rejection . This admonition may be considered in these three steps , 1. It may be in privat , after the Minister's conferring with the persons and his finding them guilty , he may not only instruct them , but afterward , if they continue , admonish them , and that as a Minister , in the Name and Authority of Jesus Christ , which is more than the admonition of a privat person . 2. There is a step of this admonition to be past judicially by a Church-judicatory when the person is brought before them , whereby they judicially interpose their authority to admonish such a person of the evil of his way , and of the necessity of the present duty of repentance for the same , like that which sinfully and most abominably was misapplied by the Priests and Pharisees , Act. 4. 5. yet , that in the general there is such an admonition , is apparent . The 3. step is publickly before the people , wherein ( after the former hath failed in reaching the desired end ) the party infected is solemnly and publickly admonished before the Congregation . In which step , 1. The parties good is to be respected , that now it may be tried if the admonition both of officers and people ( who are supposed to joyn in this publick admonition ) may have weight . 2. It is usefull for the people to guard them against such an evil , and such a person . 3. If it succeed not , it leaveth the person more inexcusable , and convinces all of the justice and necessity of proceeding further , and so tendeth to make the Sentence to be the more respected by all . This , we conceive , is the admonition intended , Tit. 3. 10. and answereth to that publick rebuke , spoken of , 1 Tim. 5. 20. In carrying-on these admonitions , these things would be observed , 1. That there be no great hasting , except the persons readinesse and diligence to infect others require the same , in which case there is no delay to be admitted . 2. All these steps of admonition would be so carried-on as becometh an Ordinance of Christ , and that the weight of them may lie there . 3. There is difference to be put betwixt giving of an admonition , and entering of a debate for conference ; Therefore there is no necessity of suspending an admonition , because the person is absent , more than there is of suspending of a warning or citation : And , on the other side , If the persons were present , and should contradict and oppose themselves , there is no necessity nor conveniency of entering in debate again , because that is not the present work , but authoritatively to admonish those who have resisted sufficient conviction , and so they are to be left under the weight of the admonition , from which the renewing of debate would diminish . The fourth thing and that which followeth fruitlesse admonition , is rejection , Tit. 3. 10. A man that is an heretick , reject . This rejection is the same with Excommunication or delivering to Satan , 1 Tim. 1. 20. Concerning which these things are clear , 1. That a man , continuing an Heretick , may and ought to be rejected and excommunicated as well as for any other grosse Scandal : For , 1. the precept is plain in the place cited , A man that is an Heretick , reject ; which must be a casting of him out from Church-communion , and a giving of him over in respect of the use of any further means for his edification , which is in effect , to account him as an Heathen man and a Publican , which is called , 1 Cor. 5. 13. a putting away from amongst our selves a wicked person . 2. The example and precedent is clear , 1 Tim. 1. 20. 3. Where this is followed , it is commanded , as in Ephesus , Rev. 2. and where it is forborn , and corrupt teachers suffered to be in the Church , it is very sharply reproved , as in the Epistles to Pergamos and Thyatira . 4. The general grounds of Scandal and of Discipline against the same , and the reasons which inforce the exercise thereof in any case , have weight here . For , 1. It is scandalous exceedingly . 2. It is hurtfull to the Church . 3. Discipline ▪ and particularly that Sentence , is appointed for remedying the hurts of the Church , and the removing of offences from the same ; which grounds have been formerly cleared , Therefore it palpably followeth , that this Sentence is to proceed against such : But for further clearing of this , there are some Questions to be answered here , As , 1. It may be questioned , What if the person be godly , or accounted so ? Answ. I shall not say how unlike it is that a really gracious man will be a minister of Satan , we have spoken of that already ; but , supposing it to be so , 1. If it be scandalous in a gracious man , is not the same remedy to be used for the Churches good ? 2. That supposition of Paul's Gal. 1. 8 , 9. doth put it above all question , Though we ( saith he ) or an Angel from Heaven , preach another Gospel , let him be accursed . And ▪ again , he saith it , to put this out of controversie , If any man shall preach another Gospel , let him be accursed . And , if Paul will except no man , no , not himself , nay ▪ nor an Angel from Heaven , who can be excepted ? The mistake is in this , that Excommunication is not looked upon as an Ordinance of Christ , usefull through His blessing for humbling and reclaiming of a sinner more than if it were not applied ; whereas , if it were looked upon as medicinal in its own kind , it would not be ●…o constructed of ; For , by comparing 1 Cor. 5. with 2 Cor. 2. we will find that it was more profitable to the excommunicated person himself that this Sentence was past , than if it had been for born . 2. It may be asked , What if the person be no fixed member of any particular Congregation , who yet doth infect others ? Answ. This cannot be sufficient to exempt from Censure , Because , 1. he is a member of the Catholick Church , Therefore Censures must some way reach him : otherwayes , supposing a man to disclaim all particular Congregations , he might be a member of the Church , who yet could be reached by no Censure . 2. He might claim the priviledges in any particular Congregation , if he should carry fairly as he is a member of the Church-catholick : Therfore it would seem by proportion and rule of contraries , that Presbyteries may reach him with their Censures , if by his miscarriages he become offensive to the people . 3. We see that the Church of Ephesus , Revel . 2. did judicially try and censure those who called themselves Apostles , who , it 's like , being strangers , obtruded themselves , under that title , upon them , and so could not be accounted members of that Church ; And indeed , there is no lesse needfull for the edification of the people of such particular Congregations , and for guarding them from the hurt that may come by vageing persons , than that either they be censured somewhere by one Congregation , or many , in associated Church-judicatories ; or , at least that some publick note and mark be put upon such , that others may have warning to eschew them , as the word may be taken , Rom. 16. 17 , 18. and 2 Thess. 3. 14. which is there spoken of , busie bodies and wanderers without any certain calling or station . 3. It may be questioned , What if Magistrates in their place concur not , or , if the case so fall out , that they be displeased with the drawing ▪ forth of such a Sentence ? Answ. This may require the more prudence , zeal and circumspectnesse , but ought not to mar the progresse : Because , 1. Excommunication is an Ordinance instituted by Jesus Christ for the edification of His Church , as Preaching and giving of the Sacraments are . 2. That same might have been asked in the primitive times when Paul did excommunicate , and when the Lord did reprove the want thereof . Revel . 2. There was then no concurrence of Civil Power . Yea , 3. in this case it seemeth most necessary ; and the greatest enemies of Church-discipline do allow the Church to Sentence her members in such a case . 4. The weight of this Sentence doth not depend upon Civil Power , but upon Christ's Institution , Therefore the weight of it is to be laid here , whatever Civil Powers do . 5. We will find the primitive Fathers hazarding upon Martyrdom even in this very thing , So that when corrupt Emperours have inhibited them to excommunicate Arians and other Hereticks , they have done it notwithstanding ; and by designing whom they desired to have succeeding them in their places before they past the Sentence , did declare themselves ready to suffer , upon this account , any thing that might follow , and accordingly some of them have been immediatly put to suffering . 2. We say , That although an Heretick be to be rejected , yet is there a twofold limitation to be adverted to in that place , Tit. 3. 9. first , That it is not every erroneous person that is so to be dealt with , but he must be an Heretick : Which doth imply these three , 1. A perniciousnesse and destructivenesse in the errour maintained . 2. An actual venting thereof , to the destruction of the Church , either by corrupting the doctrine , marring the order , or breaking the unity of the same , or some other way spoiling the vines that have tender grapes . 3. It implieth a pertinacy in such evils . It is true , that sometimes lesser errours , in respect of their effects , and other aggravating circumstances , may become intolerable and to be proceeded against by this Sentence , as was said of lesser Scandals in practice . Yet , we conceive , that properly it is some grosser errour than what may be accounted to be of infirmity ( such as many godly , sober , unprejudged men may have ) that is to be the ground of such a Sentence . Therefore we refer the decision of this to be gathered from the Distinctions formerly laid down . 2. We find it qualified by this , That this rejection is not to proceed hastily , but to follow upon rejected and sleighted admonitions : Therefore , if an admonition be received before , and the Church therein be heard , there is no further proceeding to be in in reference to this Sentence : Because , 1. the limitation is expresse . 2. The reason is clear ; for if the lesser do the turn , and prevail to the recovery of the person , and removing of the offence from the Church , What needeth more ? CHAP. XII . What is to be accounted a satisfying and successefull admonition . IF it be asked , What is to be accounted a satisfying and successefull admonition ? And how men are to judge of , and walk in reference to , the same ? Answ. We would distinguish satisfaction or successe as to an admonition , which may be either full satisfaction or only partiall . Full satisfaction is , When the person is so fully convinced of his ill , as not only to forbear the venting thereof , and to give no offence for the time to come , but also fully to abandon the same as being grieved therefore , and willing to edifie others , by a suitable acknowledgement . Again , we call that a partial satisfaction or successe , when though there is not a fully satisfying length obtained ; yet can it not be said to be altogether fruitlesse . As suppose , 1. a person should not be brought wholly to disclaim his errours , yet should professe a conviction of the ill of venting them , and troubling the Church with them , and afterward should engage to abstain from offending in that kind . 2. Suppose one should be convinced of the more grosse errours , and be content to disclaim these , yet should stick at some others , professing scruple in them . We would also distinguish these that give partiall satisfaction . 1. Either they are such as appear to be sincere in the length they come , and in the professions they make , as also to be docile and ready to be informed ; or , they are such who discover the want of ingenuity in their proceeding , and themselves but to be lying at the wait to return to their vomit . Now to apply this , We say , 1. When this satisfaction is full , there is no question ; for , thereby not only all further processe is to be sisted , but the person is to be admitted to have communion in Church-priviledges . 2. Where this partiall successe is of the first sort , We conceive it may be sufficient to sist processe for a time ; and to continue the persons under means within the Church , so long as they contradict not their profession ; yet it is not sufficient to give them free accesse to all Church-priviledges , as if the scandal were fully removed . 3. Where that satisfaction is but of the last kind , that is , mocking and dissembled , We say , that though it may put a Church-judicatory to try the evidences of this dissimulation , and during that time possibly to stop a little their proceeding ; yet ought it not to mar the drawing forth of the Sentence , lest there be an accession to the hurt which is intended to the Church by that dissembler : And here we are to apply both the reasons against , and characters of , dissimulation , which were spoken to on practicall offences . 4. If there be no seeming satisfaction at all , then after admonitions given , the person despising the same is to be rejected , as one that is infectious and unfit to have communion in the Church , or the benefit of any Church-priviledge and Ordinance : And , in a word , to be , for his scandal , and obstinacy against Christs Ordinances , declared to be Excommunicate , and casten out of His visible Kingdom , as an out-law to the same ; Which is to be done with such gravity , weightinesse , sympathy and authority , as it may look like the Ordinance of Christ , and have an impression of His dread and Majesty upon all that are witnesses thereof . If it be asked , Whether any further duty be required from a Minister towards such a person after the Sentence is past ? Answ. He is not then properly under pastorall charge since he is no member of Christs visible Church , at least , in that respect , as members fall under common and ordinary actuall inspection . Yet we conceive , 1. That the Minister is to continue to deal with God for him ( at least in private ) if so be he may be recovered out of this snare , because he is under the last cure , which will either prove life or death ; Gods blessing therefore to it ▪ is to be sought ; and it becometh well the naturall care of a kindly Minister , that is thirsting for the blessing , to deal with God for it . 2. Although there be not actuall accesse to any thing ; yet ought there to be a lying at the wait to observe any opportunity which may be for his good , and when it offereth , it would be carefully improven . And therefore , 3. for that end , whatever indignation beshown against a mans wayes or errours , to make these loathsome to others , yet still there would be evidence of tender respect to the persons , and , if need be , means used to supply them , especially if they come to any strait , although in all this they would keep such a distance as may keep up the weight of the Sentence , both to them and others : But , by this way , their suspicious mistakes of Ministers , carnalnesse against their persons , are best removed , and accesse is thereby made to be edifying unto them , Some examples whereof are recorded in the life of Musculus ▪ as to his tendernesse to most desperately deluded persons , when they were in affliction , and discountenanced exceedingly by Magistrates , which God blessed in the end for their recovery ; this is suitable , severity in Magistrates , and tendernesse in Ministers . And amongst other ills and snares that that cruell indulgencie ( which is indeed cruell to the poor souls , to whom it becometh a snare ) hath following it , this is one ▪ That the Magistrate is accounted mercifull , and the zealous Minister cruell , whereby they are put in an incapacity to be edified by the one , and in a capacity , as it were , to miscarry as they will , by the indulgence of the other . CHAP. XIII . What is required of Magistrates for restraining of seducing spirits . THe second thing that we proposed to speak to in this remedy , was , as it relateth to Magistrates , to wit , Whether any thing be ? or what it is that is called-for by the Word of God from them , to be performed in their stations for the drying up of such a floud ▪ and removing of such a plague ? It is not our mind to insist so much in this as in the former , Yet it is fit that we say something : And who knoweth but it may fall in the hand of some Magistrate , who may be desirous to hear and know his duty ? which we shall lay down in an Assertion , or two , thus , Assert . 1. Although God hath not made Magistrates , as such , Church-officers , nor intrusted them with the Ecclesiastick Government of His Church ; yet doth he allow them , and call them to improve their civil power for the good of His Church in Ecclesiastick things in some respect , as well as in civil things . And therefore if a Magistrate see not to the providing of Ministers for a people , and of maintenance to them , and such like , that are necessary for the being of a Church , as well as he provideth Officers , and furnisheth them that are needfull in the State , he is faulty and unfaithfull to his trust . For , the Lords design in setling of Societies , and appointing of Magistrates , is to be expounded as subservient to that great end of mens glorifying of God , and enjoying him . And certainly , Magistrates are to have that as their own end , even in the actions of their station , and to endeavour to promove that amongst these over whom for their good they rule . This is clear in all the Governments and Commonwealths that the Lord did immediately model Himself , Magistrates had this for a speciall part of their task , to keep His Ordinances pure , and to restrain the corrupters of them : This is expressed in the Morall Law , where Masters are no lesse to oversee their servants , that they work not on the Sabbath , from respect to the Lord , than to direct their work all the week from respect to themselves ; and by the rules of interpreting of these commands , what belongeth to a Master to be done by him as a Master , in reference to these over whom he hath power according to his station , that doth belong to all Magistrates in reference to these under their charge , according to their stations . Also , where one instance is named , all of that kind are comprehended . And therefore as this Ordinance of sanctifying the Sabbath , is to be overseen by Superiours , so also are all others : yea , it is acknowledged also , that what is expressed in one command , in respect of the extent thereof , is to be understood in all . And therefore this obligation lyeth on Superiours , to make inferiours observant of Gods Ordinances in reference to all the commands ; this is not doubted of the duties in the second Table : yet there is no expression in it inferring the same ▪ so expresse as is in the first ; and this is a common assertion , Magistrates have both Tables of the Law committed to their keeping . This is fully made out by many godly and learned men , and we need not to insist upon it ; for , readily , no Magistrate doth question his own power , but that he may do what is fit , all the matter is to consider what that is . Assert . 2. It is not a Magistrates duty in the case of overspreading delusion , meerly to look to outward order and civil peace and enjury , and to give liberty to any o●… many sorts of dangerous errours and delusions to spread ; or , to give toleration unto the maintainers thereof , in their spreading the same . For , 1. such errours , are ill deeds , and such spreaders , are ill doers , bringing great prejudice to people , Gal. 5. 20. 2 Epist. of Iohn 11. 2. Magistrates ought to be a terrour to evil doers indefinitly ; and , I suppose , if the sword be born in vain in reference to them , the conscience will not have ground of quietnesse in the day of judgement , upon a distinction of evil doers ▪ when the Lord hath made none such in their commission . 3. They ought to be zealous of His honour who is their Superiour , that His name be not blasphemed : and can such be tolerate without this construction , upon the matter , that men have liberty to blaspheme the Name of God , to abuse His truth , reproach His Ordinances , and to take His Name in vain as they will ? Would any supream Magistrate take it well , to have some inferiour officer , or Magistrate of a Town or Province , to give such liberty to these under his jurisdiction in reference to him ? And is there any such distance between the supream and inferiour Magistrate , as there is between the Majesty of God , and the most supream power on earth ? And what if He judge between Him and them out of their own mouth , and , according to the measure that they met out to others , met out to them ? 4. Are they not to seek the peoples good ? And is there any such good , as their spirituall good ? Or , are there any such enemies to that as seducers ? We conceive therefore ▪ it will not be found agreeable to the intent of their office and scope which they ought to aim at therein , that Magistrates should give this liberty or connivance to men , to vent and propagate such errours as may destroy souls , and actually overturn the face of a visible Church , so that if something overspread universally , ( as Popery , and some other grosse errours and delusions have done in some places of the world ) there should be no visible Church within such dominions ; And indeed , upon these principles , men cannot impute it to their own care , that it is other wayes . Also , such loosnesse may overturn Ordinances , and set up abominations in the room thereof , remove all Ministery , Sacraments , Discipline and Preaching , and all upon pretext of conscience : such delusions have been in the world ; and if by Magistrates connivance , they should overspread a Nation , so as there could be no remedy applied , would it be satisfying or comfortable to him ( supposing him to have a conscience ) to see his people under him in such a posture ? What if under pretext of conscience , Magistracie should be denied to be an Ordinance of God , and he put therefrom , upon that account , that the people thought it unlawfull to obey him ? Would not readily his conscience say , That seing he restrained not others from casting at these Ordinances , in which the honour of God , and good of souls were so much concerned , that it was just with God to permit them to cast at that Ordinance also , wherein he is so mainly concerned ? And indeed , this hath not been unfrequently seen , that these who have begun to cast at Church-ordinances , have come at length ( as if they had been thereto disposed by the former ) to cast at Civil Ordinances ( to speak so ) also ; and what wonder is it , seing there is no more clear warrant from God for the one than for the other ? If it be said , that what hath been spoken in the doctrine , and on these places , Rev. 2. concerning the not suffering of corrupt teachers to vent their errours , doth belong to Ministers and Church-officers , and not to Magistrates . Answ. 1. If thou be a Magistrate that moveth this objection , pose thy own heart , if that which is so displeasing in Ministers and Church-officers , to wit , toleration of corrupt men to spread their errours ; If , I say , that will be well pleasing and approven in Magistrates , when Christ Jesus shall come to judge both in reference to this thing ; Or , if in that day when the great Judge will Sentence Ministers for tolerating in such a case , He will take another rule to proceed by , with the Magistrate ? Or if it be like , that Christ out of love to His Church , shall peremptorily require Ministers , not to suffer false teachers , but to restrain them , according to their stations , and not to endure them to teach and seduce His Servants , and yet , that the same Lord , for the good of His Church , should require Magistrates to tolerate and maintain the same . 2. Consider if the grounds and reasons that bind this duty on Ministers , will not equivalently and proportionably bind all men according to their stations ; for , the grounds are in sum , love to God , and love to the edification and salvation of others , which are the substance and fulfilling of the morall Law. 3. If in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament , or in History since ▪ these two be not ever joyned together , the most commended Magistrate , and one who is most zealous against corrupt teachers ; the fathers of old were no●… to spare their children , Deut. 13. nor suffer them to teach or seduce to the dishonour of God , and hazard of souls ; and can it be said that souls now are lesse precious , or errour now lesse infectious and dangerous , or these things lesse to be cared for now in the dayes of the Gospel than formerly , that concern the glory of God , and edification or destruction of souls ? 4. Consider if in the Book of the Revelation , the suffering of Antichrist to delude souls , be not mentioned as reproveable ; and if the destroying of that beast , and putting him from corrupting the earth , be not spoken of as a main piece of the commendation of such as shall be instrumentall therein . Now in the Scripture-language , all deluders and seducers are Antichrists , being led with the same spirit , and driving the same design against the Kingdom of Jesus Christ ; Can there be therefore any reason to make such difference , where the Lord hath made it ? 5. Consider if it can be accounted single zeal , that perswadeth to permit the Name of God to be dishonoured , when any reflection upon our own , doth so much move us ; for , it doth infer , that either there is an indifferency as to truth and errour , So that in the one , the Lord is not more dishonoured than in the other , which will be found exceeding contrary to His own expressing of Himself in Scripture , and will not , I suppose , be pleaded in the day of judgement , when He will avenge Himself on such seducers ; or , it must infer , that men are not to take notice of what dishonoureth Him , even though many things be within their reach to impede it . And indeed , if a conscience seriously pondering the thing , will not be provoked out of zeal to God , whose glory suffereth , out of respect to the salvation of many souls , that are hazarded and destroyed by such means , and to prevent the many offences that wait necessarily upon such ills , and the many inconveniencies , divisions , jealousies , rents , &c. that follow in Families , Congregations , Cities and Nations , and the great prejudice that the Common-wealth suffereth , by the distracting of her members amongst themselves , the incapacitating of many for publick trust , the fostering of diverse interests and contrary principles in one body , to the marring of honest publick designs : If by these , I say , the zeal and conscience of these who are concerned , be not provoked , by what will , or can , they be ? If it be said , That it looketh more Gospel-like , and for the furtherance of Christs Kingdom , that Magistrates should leave men to follow their light , and to be dealt with by the preaching of the Gospel , and force thereof . We shall propose these Considerations in reference to this , 1. Consider if it looketh christian and tender-like , for men so to stand by in the Lord's Cause , and to let Him do ( as it were ) for Himself : It was indeed once said of B●…al , Iudg. 6. If he be a god , let him plead for himself : But will a tender heart think or speak so reproachfully of the Majesty of God ? He indeed can and will plead for Himself ; and it is not for defect of power He maketh use of men , to defend His truth , or to restrain errours ; yet it is His good pleasure to make use of Magistrates therein , ( and thereby to honour them ) as He doth of Gideon in that same place . 2. Consider if it look christian-like , to give the devil equal accesse to follow his designs with Jesus Christ in the setting up of his kingdom : Now absolute toleration doth this , and more , because there is but one Truth , and there are many Errours , and each of these hath that same liberty and indemnity ( to say so ) that Truth hath , and may with the same confidence come forth to the open light as Truth may , in respect of any Civil restraint . 3. Consider the case of Antichrist , there is no errour against which the Lord hath more directly engaged Himself to fight with the sword of His mouth , than against this of Popery , and yet we suppose none will think that Kings might warrantably suffer it to be spread and preached to the infecting of their People , without adding or injoyning any restraint by their Civil power ; certainly their hating of the Whore , and making her desolate , doth imply some other thing : And where-ever true hatred of Errour is , there will be more effectuall streatching of mens power and places for restraining the same . 4. We may adde this Consideration , That hitherto toleration of Errours and diversity of corrupt opinions have ever been looked upon , and made use of , as a most subtil mean for undermining and destroying of the Church . It is marked of that skilfull enemy of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , Julian , That having improven his subtility to the utmost to find out means to destroy the Church by craft , which his predecessors by violence could not obtain ▪ amongst other means he concluded this Not to raise open persecution but to give liberty to all the differing Bishops and Teachers ( which then , after the Council of Nice and Constantins death , were very many and bitter in their differences ) to follow their own way , and to vent their own opinions without all fear of any restraint : and therefore did call them that he might make intimation thereof to them for their further encouragement therein ; The words which he used to them , as they are marked by Ammianus and cited by Lodovicus Molineus , pag. 560 are , Ut consopitis civilibus discordiis , suae quisque Religioni serviret intrepidus , that is , in sum ▪ That every one forbearing Civil discords , should worship in his own Religion without controle or fear : And is it like , that this shall prove a mean usefull for the good of the Church , which that expert childe of the devil did make use of to destroy the same ? Our third Assertion then is , That Magistrates in their places ought to prevent the infection of their people under them by corrupt doctrine , and the recovery of them when they are insnared : and that therefore they ought to restrain and marre corrupt teachers from spreading of their errours to seduce others . This Assertion we suppose , is clear from the former two : for , if Magistrates be allowed to improve their power for the good of the Church , and if it be not their duty to give common protection to Errour , and the venters thereof , with Truth : Then this will follow , that they ought to use their power to restrain the same , and , by the exercise thereof , to procure the good of their people , in preserving of them from such a great evil . CHAP. XIV . What may be justly acknowledged to be within the reach and power of the Magistrate in such a case , and so , what is his duty . IT may be more difficult to explicate this , and to shew what is within the Magistrates reach , or , what way he is to follow this . Before we answer , we would premit , 1. That it is not intended , that Magistrates should rigidly and severely ( much lesse equally ) animadvert upon all that in their judgment are erroneous , or differ from what is truth , that is not called-for from Ministers . Therefore here the former distinctions are to be remembred and applyed : for , there is great odds betwixt animadverting upon an absurd errour , or taking notice thereof , as it is a thing of the mind , and , it may be , a scruple in some conscience , and as it is an external deed , having with it real offence , prejudice and hurt unto others ; in which case the Magistrate forceth no mans conscience to another Religion , but doth keep his own conscience , by keeping one that is deluded from seducing of others , or wronging the Name of the Lord or His Church . 2. It is to be adverted , that we speak not here of the Magistrates duty in punishing of corrupt teachers with civil or capital punishments , ( though we doubt not but in some cases their power doth reach to that ) much lesse are the highest punishments to be understood here ; whatever ▪ be truth in these , we do not now search into it , because the Scope is according to the Assertion , to consider what is called-for , for the preventing of the spreading of corrupt doctrine , and the preserving or recovering of a people therefrom . 3. This doth not give way to Magistrates to condemn and restrain what they think errour , or what others think errour ; for Ministers that ought to reject Hereticks , are not warranted to reject whom they account so , but who indeed are so ; So is it here , it is what is indeed errour ▪ and who are indeed the teachers thereof , that the Magistrate is to restrain , as those who teach rebellion against the Lord. We come then to consider what may be a Magistrates duty when seducing spirits assault the people under their charge , and what is obviously in their power to do for preventing of hurt by them , without insisting in any difficult or odious like case . Their duty also may be considered in a fourfold respect , as that of Ministers was . 1. It would be considered with respect to God , and so they ought to fear some stroak coming upon their people , and by looking to Him to endeavour to carry so in reference thereto , as they may be countable to Him : for , if it be a priviledge for Magistrates in the Christian Church to have the honour of being nursing fathers therein , Isa. 49. 23. then it must be a great credit , mercy and satisfaction to them , to have their people or foster ( to say so ) the Church , flourishing and thriving upon their breasts ; and if so , then the mis-thriving of the Church by unhealthsom milk of errour should and will exceedingly affect them . And certainly that expression doth both shew what a Magistrate's duty is , and how tenderly he ought to nourish the Church and preserve her from any thing that may hurt her , as also it showeth how nearly any thing that may hurt the Church , ought to touch and prick him . 2. In respect of themselves , they are to consider if by any guiltinesse of theirs the Lord be provoked to let loose such a spirit , as Solomons sins did procure the renting of the Kingdom . So might they be also counted a cause , bringing ▪ on that idolatry and defection of Ieroboam from the Truth , as well as from him and his posterity : Also if by their negligence in not providing faithfull Teachers to instruct the people , by their conniving at errours , or tolerating them , or otherwayes they may be charged with accession thereto : Thus Ieroboams appointing the meanest of the people to be Priests , and his beginning defection by his example , ( though he seemed not altogether to forsake the true God ) disposed the people for a further length , and had influence upon their going a whoring after Baal and other Idols of the Nations : Thus also Solomon was guilty of much grosse idolatry by his connivance at it , and taking himself to worldly pleasures and miskenning the things of God , although it 's like he did not actually f●…ll in that grosse idolatry himself . And if Magistrates were seriously reflecting on themselves , and affected with their own negligence and carelesnesse in preventing of such things , whereof possibly they might find themselves guilty , this were a great length , and other questions would be the sooner cleared , and seriousnesse would make them find out remedies for such an evil . 3. Their duty may be looked upon in reference to others , wherein they may and ought to extend themselves for preventing the spreading of the infection amongst these that are clean , by such like means , As , 1. by their example , to show themselves zealous against that ill , and to abhor the questioning and disputing of the truth ; thus the example of a Magistrate is often of much weight , yet car●… it not be accounted any coaction . 2. They ought to endeavour to have faithfull and honest Ministers , who by their diligence and oversight may exceedingly conduce to the confirming of these that stand , and to the preventing of more hurt . 3. They may and ought to countenance and strengthen such as are faithfull , whether among Ministers or people , which often hath no little influence upon the disappointing of seducers : thus it is said , 2 Chron. 30. 22. that for promoving of Reformation , Hezekiah spoke comfortably to all the Levites that taught the good knowledge of the Lord : which is added , to shew that by this encouraging of honest and faithfull Ministers beyond others , he did design the thriving of the work in their hands , both by heartning them to be zealous in it , and also by making them to have the more weight with others : this is also marked of Constantine and other good Emperours , that zealous and faithfull Ministers were particularly taken notice of , and honoured by them , beyond others . 4. They may and ought to employ and make use of some fit instrumen●…s for the preventing of seduction , and may provide such as may be set apart for studying such controversies , and confuting of such errours , that the truth may be the more clear . 5. They may and ought to endeavour according to their place , the composure and allayment of all the lesser and more petty differences and heart-burnings that may be found amongst these that are , in the main , one for truth ; for often ( as was said ) a vehement spirit of errour and delusion is trysted with heart-burnings , divisions and offences in the Church , and amongst the Officers thereof : there were petty contests in Corinth , biting and devouring one of another in Galatia , trysted with the harmony that was amongst the followers of the seducers : and at the Councell of Nice there was not only difference with Arians and other grosse hereticks , but also there were petty differences and contests amongst the Bishops and Confessors who stood for truth ; and these differences are most advantagious to the spreading of errour , and the removing thereof is a great bulwark against the same . It is marked of Constantine at that Councell of Nice , that amongst other means which he used to suppresse the Arian heresie , he did most carefully endeavour the removing and burning of such differences and divisions , and by serious Oration pressed the oblivion of all such , that they might the more unitedly and with the lesse diversion be in capacity to oppose the common enemy . For certainly , when Ministers are armed one against another upon some lesse concerning , and more unprofitable debates , ( as , alas ! too much of them is in the Christian reformed-Church at this time ) there cannot but be the lesse strength , zeal , and vigilancy against professed enemies in the most substantiall things . 6. They may , and ought to interpose their Authority , for inhibiting the receiving and hearing , or conversing with known and manifest seducers : for , this is but to discharge , and thereby to preserve the people from runing to their own hazard , even as men ought to be commanded to keep at distance with a place or person suspected to be infectious because of the Pestilence ; neither could such a restraint be accounted any diminution of their just liberty , yea this were but a putting to of their sanction to the clear direction which the Lord layeth upon His people , and therefore there could be no hazard to miscarry in it , especially where the application to such and such persons , might be as clearly discernable from the Word as the duty is . 7. They might and ought to give their countenance unto , and joyn their Authority with , such ecclesiastick statutes , overtures , or means , as Church-judicatories or Officers might be about to make use of for this end in their places ; and this can be no more prejudice to liberty , to countenance with their authority the Ornance of Discipline , than to confirm by their Authority the Ordinance of preaching the Gospel . 8. They may and ought to preserve the Ordinances from being interrupted , and the administrators thereof from being reproached , and might justly censure these things when committed . 9. In recovering a people , in a reeling and staggering time , a Magistrate may engage them to formerly received truth , and interpose his authority for this end , as is recorded of Iosiah , 2 Chron. 34. 31 , 32 , 33. Also , 10. He may and ought to remove all false worships , and endure no corrupt preaching , or writing , or meetings for that end , or administrating of corrupted Sacraments , or any Ordinance other than what is allowed ; for , Iosiah did cause the people stand to the Covenant that was made , and having removed all Idolatrous worship , he made Israel to serve the Lord , that is , he made them abandon corrupt worship , and waiton pure Ordinances , as keeping of the Sabbaths , offering of sacrifices , &c. and that according to the manner prescribed by the Lord. Neither was it a wronging of their liberty , to do so : Because , 1. it was the preservation of their liberty , to keep them from the abominable bondage of these evils . 2. It was their duty to abstain from these , and to follow the Ordinances purely , and the Magistrate may well put people to that . 3. It is one thing by force to keep folks from dishonouring God in a corrupt Religion , ( as Iosiah did ) another to force them to a Religion ; the one belongeth to the ordering of the outward man , the other to the inward . 4. He might order them to keep the Ordinances , and in going about them to keep the rule , because that is but a constraining of them to the means whereby Religion worketh , and a making them , as it were , to give God a hearing , leaving their yeelding and consenting to him , when they have heard him , to their own wills , which cannot be forced ; yet it is reason that when God cometh by His Ordinances to treat with a people , that a Magistrate should so far respect His glory and their good , as to interpose His Authority to make them hear . 5. Also , there is a difference between the constraining of a circumcised or baptized people , to worship God in the purity of Ordinances , as they have been engaged thereto , which was Iosia's practice , and the constraining of a people to engage and be baptized , which were not formerly engaged ; because , actuall members of a Church have not even that liberty as others have , to abandon Ordinances : and this putteth them to no new engagement in Religion , but presseth them to continue under former engagements , and accordingly to perform : Hence we see , that both in the Old and New Testament , Church-members have been put to many things , and restrained from many things , which had not been pertinent in the case of others . See , 2 Chron. 15. 13. In the fourth place , there are many things also in their power , in reference to these that are seducers or deluders , or actually deluded , which might be and ought to be improven for the Churches good ; ( not to speak now of any thing that may infer civil or capitall punishment , upon men for their opinions , or any way look like the enforcing of Religion upon consciences ) As , 1. Magistrates might and ought to put Ministers and Church-officers and others to their duty ( in case they be negligent ) in trying , discoverring , convincing , &c. such as by their corrupt doctrine may hazard others . 2. They may and ought to discountenance such in their own persons , and , by their authority , inhibit them to vent any such thing ; yea under certifications : yet this cannot be called a forcing of their conscience to any Religion , but is only the restraining of them from hurting of the consciences of others . 3. When such certifications are contraveened , he may and ought to censure the contraveeners , and so he may by his authority put them in an incapacity of having accesse to infect others ; yet this is not the censuring of a mans opinion , for he might possesse his opinion without censure , but it is the censuring of his disobedience , and the prejudice done by him to others : Nor is it the restraining of him from personall liberty , because of it , but because he doth not , nor will not use his personall liberty without prejudice to the whole body , which is to be preferred to him : even as a man , infected with the pestilence , ought justly to be restrained , though against his will ; yet cannot that be accounted a restraint of just liberty ; for , it is no just liberty to have liberty to hurt others . 4. They may and ought to destroy such books as they use to spread for the infecting of others , and inhibit and stop printing of them , or actuall selling , spreading or transporting of them , as they may stop carrying of suspected or forbidden goods . 5. They may and ought to restrain idle and vagabound travelling of such suspected persons , without representing of their necessary businesse to some , appointed for that effect , in which case their doing hurt by such a voyage , might be prevented , and they have a passe . Also , they might constrain them to follow some lawfull occupation , and to be diligent therein ; both these are well consistent with ordering of a State , And yet it is such busie bodies ( as the Apostle speaketh ) and vagabonds , that go without their station , that often prove most hurtfull to the Church , and instrumentall to the devil , as being Apostles to him in such a businesse . 6. They may and ought to restrain and Censure all blasphemous and irreverent expressions and speaches against the Majesty of God and His Ordinances , and all calumnies and bitternesse against faithfull Ministers or Professours that adhere to truth : for , these are moral sins ; and blasphemy , calumny , and such like , are no more to be passed over without Censure in such , than in others who are not professedly tainted with errour : and the pretext of following light and conscience , cannot make these sins tolerable , more than the Nicolaitans pretending the same for their committing adultery and other filthinesse : And this is not to punish mens opinions , or force their consciences , but to punish their vices , even such as have been hatefull unto , and punished by , many naturall and heathen men ▪ 7. They may and ought by their authority to cause them hear conferen es orderly and reverently , give answers discreetly , wait on their trial ▪ and such like , before Ecclesiastick Assemblies . 8. They may and ought to make such incapable of publick places of trust , and remove them from such : Because , 1. they cannot be supposed to imploy their pow●…r singly . 2. Because such trust agreeth not to men and subjects as such , but are voluntarily conferred as tokens of respect put upon men eminently qualified , and as may be for the good of the Commonwealth : And therefore it cannot be justly accounted a marring of their liberty as men or subjects . Upon this ground was Maachah the mother of Asa removed from being Queen , or having any government , 1 King. 15. 13. 2 Chron. 15. 16. yet it cannot be said she was wronged when she was so dealt with . In these steps mentioned , we have not aimed to lay down what might be done to the utmost in such a case , but what we suppose cannot be in reason denied by these of the widest principles in reference to this matter , if so be they degenerate not utterly to loosnesse . If it be said , That it seemeth sufficient for the Maigstrate to maintain civil peace , and to restrain civil disturbances : We may look to these considerations in answer to this , 1. This is no more than what Iulian did restrain , as the place cited before , cleareth ; and certainly , he who ruleth for Christ ▪ will no●… think his example a good pattern . 2. This is that which heathens do out of meer respect to themselves : and shall Christian Magistrates have no respect to Christ but to themselves ? o●… , do no more for Christianity ▪ than heathens who owned it not ? 3. Is i●… possible to separate growth in delusions and variety of absurd errours , and civil faction and discord ? o●… , in experience have they ever been separated ? We se●… they made men carnall in Corinth , they made them bite and devour one another in Galatia , as , chap. 5. of that Epistle to them ; yea , provoked to d●…bates , envying , wraths , strifes , back-bitings , whisperings , swellings , tumults , 2 Cor. 12. 20. and can such things be with the entertaining of civil peace ? For , doth not the interruption of civil p●…ace , flow from hatred , bitternesse , alienation of mind , envy contradictions , and such like ? And do not these necessarily wait on del ates , and diversities of opinions ? For , it is not to be ●…upposed , that such differences , proc●…eding from want of light , can be in men that are altogether mortified , and without corruption : Therefore may it be expected , that that corruption will flam out upon such occasions ; and that order is observable which the Apostle hath , 2 Cor. 12. just now cited , where he beginneth with debates , and proceedeth by diverse steps , till it close with tumults : and these who are acquainted with the Histories of older and latter times , will acknowledge this to be a truth . 4. There is almost but very little in the foregoing particulars mentioned , but what is necessary for the preserving and restoring of civil peace , or the preventing or censuring of the disturbance thereof , s●…ing there can be no solid ground whereupon to maintain peace , except the springs of debates and tumults be stopped , and such distempers from which they spring , be either cured and purged away , or restrained . 5. It may be considered in experience , if ever such a way hath done good to the Church , ( whose divisions and offences have often thereby come to an height ) or to these that were seduced , seing thereby not only the tentation was armed against them , but they , at least , permitted to harden themselves therein , as in a thing not so gross to wise States-men , as some conceitie Ministers would make it to appear : O●… in the last place , it may be considered , if ever it hath done good to the State , wherein it was permitted , or to the Magistrates who did permit the same ; or , if thereby secret jealousies , heart ▪ burnings , divisions and factions have not been fostered and brought up to such height as hath proven dangerous to the body , and hath hazarded the eating out of the belly , where it was bred , or the stinging of the bosome that did give it heat . CHAP. XV. What is called-for from people who are desirous to keep themselves pure in such a time and case as the increasing of errours and seducers . IT resteth now , that we speak something of a peoples duty , that are members of the Church where such delusions are vented : in speaking to which , we shall follow almost the same method as in the former . 1. Then , people would be affected upon the appearance of such an ill , as upon the news of sword , famine or pestilence ; for then , as it were , the trumpet soundeth like that Angels proclamation , Rev. 8. 13. Wo , wo , wo to the inhabitants of the earth , because of the Angels that are to sound , when as yet all these Angels did principally forwarn of spirituall plagues , and particularly of delusions . This would make people wary and serious ; this would curb vanity , mocking , laughing and puffing-up ; this would make him that standeth , take heed lest he fall , if the judgement were considered as a thing coming from God , and evidencing Him to be angry , and to threaten : and without this , there is little ground to expect profiting by any other direction . 2. People would be seriously affected with the falling or hazard of the falling of any they hear of , as being touched with zeal for God , and sympathie with them , and for this cause , would humble themselves before God to deprecate that stroak and plague as they would do sword , famine or pestilence . 3. People would try in what tearms themselves are with God , and if things inwardly be in good case , if there be any guiltinesse procuring , or disposing for the same plague , such as little love to the truth , little study of the knowledge of the truth , little zeal against errour , or simpathy with infected Churches that are at a distance , laughing , it may be , at such things without any other use making thereof , little prayer for others , or exhorting or admonishing of them , ( which is a mean for preventing of unstedfastnesse ) little indeavour , according to mens places , to have others instructed , or to have faithfull ▪ able , and godly Ministers for that end ; but , it may be , on the contrary , much spiritual pride , self-conceitednesse , tenaciousnesse , and addictednesse to our own wills and opinions , prejudice at able and faithful Teachers , and readinesse to hear every thing , and every person . These , and such like , may be tried , and when found , ought to be mourned for , as causes of humiliation to them for their accession to such a plague . 4. They would endeavour the strengthening and confirming of themselves in the knowledge of necessary Truths , and would exercise themselves in the practice of uncontroverted Godlinesse , and , by all means , would eschew jangling debates in unnecessary things , knowing that that is a piece of the enemies subtility , once to engage , if it were but in the meanest thing ; for , thereby he doth not only divert from more necessary things , and weareth away livelinesse , but doth dispose for greater things , as was formerly marked in his method of dealing : For , as in corrupt practices , men are not at first brought to an height of prophanity , but by degrees ; So is it in corrupt doctrines : and therefore there is warinesse called-for here in debating or questioning the meanest Truth , if any Truth be mean. 5. If any thing be really doubted of , means would be used in a sober prudent way for attaining information , either by providing and reading of some fit Book , wherein often reasons are more deliberate and full , and may be more deliberately studied and digested than in a transient discourse ; but in this , special respect would be had to a right choice , and for that cause the judgments of such as are sound and able to discern , would be followed in this ; or , where God giveth occasion , it may be done in sober and christian conference with others of ability and integrity , especially with Ministers , who ought neither to decline , nor rashly misconstruct the same , but affectionatly and tenderly to welcom any such sober persons , lest they be provoked to consult with others , who may prove Physicians of no value . In this , people would not expresse their doubts in all companies at random , nor to , or before , such as may possibly more easily take up the doubt , and with more difficulty be brought off ; when therefore such a doubt is to be moved , the party and the time would be deliberatly chosen , that men may be serious therein , and no doubt , would be moved for debate , but either such as the mover can himself loose , or in such company where he may expect to have it loosed . 6. People would endeavour exceedingly to have good esteem of their Ministers and Guides , and to be diligent and reverent observers of all Ordinances , especially at such a time ; for , Ministers are Guides , Heb. 13. 17. And Ordinances are appointed to keep people from being staggered , Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. and it is to such that the Bride is directed , to wit , to keep near the shepherds tents , for being preserved from wandering , Song 1. 9. And the more that the devil driveth to bear-in prejudice at Ministers , and blast the Ordinances in their repute , the more are people to wrestle against that , and , in some respect , to be more blind and deaf to what may be seen and heard concerning Ministers faults , not so much for the Ministers respect , as their own good : Therefore the Apostle giveth this reason for his pressing of obedience and submission to Ministers , Heb. 13. 17. because the want of that , was not only prejudicial to the Minister , but unprofitable to themselves . 7. People would have an eye upon the way that faithfull and eminently godly men have gone to Heaven by , before them ; This is to follow the foot-steps of the flock , Song . 1. 9. and the faith and patience of those that inherit the promises , Heb. 6. 12. and readily we will find such to be most sober and serious , and farthest at a distance from novelty , curiosity , or absurd opinions . And it 's no little part of the boldnesse and impudency that often accompanieth new delusions , that they generally condemn the generation of Gods People , as if no way were to Heaven but by their vain inventions , this will be no little stick to a tender mind , at once to condemn the Religion and practice of such a cloud of witnesses . 8. They would be carefull when they hear others questioning things , or expressing their p●…judice at Ministers , Ordinances , or established Truths , to endeavour the present stopping of the same , and not to foster any thing of that kind by moving new doubts , suspicions , or giving new grounds of jealousie against Ministers or others , but rather would gravely and wisely endeavour the removing of the same . 9. They would then be much and serious in the exercise of christian fellowship , observing or considering one another , provoking one another , and , as the word is , Heb. 10. 24. and 3. 12 , 13. taking heed , lest there be amongst them an evil heart of unbelief , and lest any of them be hardened : but , exhort ( saith he ) one another daily , as the remedy of that . There is no time wherein christian fellowship is more called-for , and wherein it may be more profitable , than at such a time , if it be rightly ordered and managed : I say , rightly ordered and managed ; for , often the pretext of christian fellowship is abused to the hatching and propagating of the most absurd opinions , when people turn light and frothy , taking up their time with vain janglings and diverting from the main scope , to wit , edification . These things are indeed to be shunned , but christian fellowship is not to be disclaimed , but wisely to be ordered in respect of the persons with whom , and occasions upon which it is used , and , in respect of the matter and duties insisted on , which is to be the confirming of themselves in some truth , faithfull freedom in admonishing one another of what is wrong , serious endeavour to keep repentance , humility , self-denial , and the like graces , fresh ; These and such like things are good and profitable to men , when gravely , singly , faithfully , tenderly and inoffensively followed . In respect of persons infected , the peoples duty may be considered in these steps , 1. As they are to be affected with their fault , and to pray for their recovery . 2. As they have occasion , to testifie their dislike of their way ▪ 3. Such as are noted or known to be instrumental in the carrying-on of novelties , ought by all means to be shunned . As , 1. their company and fellowship is to be avoided , Rom. 16. 17 , 18. Men are to beware of them , Matth. 7. Philip. 3. 2. Secondly , They are not to receive such into their house , nor to give them a salutation , or bid them God-speed , 3 Epistle of Iohn , ver . 10. They are to have no company with them , 2 Thess. 3. 14. We conceive there is no duty that is more pressingly urged upon the People of God , both in the Old and New Testament , as may be clear by considering , not only the fore-cited places , but many other places of Scripture , especially that place , Prov. 19. 27. Cease , my son , to hear the instruction [ that causeth ] to erre from the words of knowledge . And there is this double reason for it , 1. There is nothing conduceth more to preserve those that are intire ; For , it is hard to walk upon fire , and not be burnt , Prov. 7. 27 , 28. and the experience of not a few confirmeth this ; for , many had not declined , had they keeped distance even from the garments that were so defiled and infected ; and it 's a hearing of such instruction that causeth to erre from the way of understanding . 2. There is nothing more usefull to convince the persons infected , and to make them ashamed ; which is another reason why the Lord doth command this . And we may adde , that there is nothing that doth more evidence respect to God , and reverencing of Him ; and nothing that is more becoming a sinner , that is sensible that he hath corruption , than that he standeth in aw to come near a seen tentation ; For , God is jealous , and will not abide mens hazarding of themselves to be carried a whoring from Him : and men are not free of corruption , and so readily are capable of what is corrupt . It may be that people do think that there is no ill and hazard in trying any thing , that so , proving all things , they may hold fast what is good ; and also , that it may be Ministers fearing the diminishing of their own particular respect , that doth make them presse this , and that it proceedeth from their carnall passion ; But such would consider , 1. If our blessed Lord Jesus , and His Apostles , did restrain people from any due liberty , when they expresly prohibit their companying with such , and hearing of such , especially where it is done purposely , usually and deliberatly . And , we suppose , that there is scarce a direction in reference to any particular in the Word more frequently , weightily , and peremptorily pressed than this , as the places alleaged do clear . 2. They 〈◊〉 consider , if our blessed Lord Jesus , or the Apostles , had any fear of losing their respect , or of inability to maintain their point against any Seducers ; yet do they presse this themselves , and command and charge other Ministers after them , to presse this also upon their hearers . 3. They would consider , if these ( to wit , our blessed Lord and the Apostles ) did foster carnal passion , whileas yet they so pressed the people , and did reprove the suffering of such to continue in fellowship ; Yea also ▪ they di●… so practise it themselves , the Church-history recordeth , that the Apostle Iohn having entered a Bath , where the heretick Cerinthus was , he did immediatly in hast go out , professing fear to be ruined with him , if he should continue under the same roof . 4. They would consider , if the meaning of such places , as , Prove all things , Try the spirits , be such as necessitates folks to give hearing unto every novelty . For , 1. that is not possible , that every person should enquire and put to trial every errour and every opinion . 2. Th●… people are not in capacity to do so . 3. This directly crosseth the letter and scope of the former precepts , which were given even then , when this command of proving all things , was given . It must be understood therefore , as agreeing therewith , and to point-out that no doctrine should be admitted without proof , upon the trust of any bearer , but ought to be tried , if it be the Word of God , as the Bereans did , Act. 17. but it doth not allow them positively to try every thing , especially how grosse soever it be , without trial , though it command them not to admit any thing without proof . Further , a main part of the peoples duty is to concur in their places , for countenancing and adding weight unto the respective Sentences , and steps , which are called-for from Ministers in their stations : As , 1. to contribute what clearnesse they ●…an for the discovery and triall of such persons . To add their testimony to the truth , and thereby to make the means of conviction the more weighty to them . 3. By evidencing of their dislike of the persons obstinacy , and their acknowledgement of the justice and necessity of drawing forth further Sentences against them . 4. In shunning of their company , abstaining from familiarity , and otherwayes , to expresse their indignation against their way . 5. In carrying to them accordingly as they are Sentenced , that so they may ratifie the same , and in their place , endeavour the making of it weighty , and eff●…ctuall upon the persons , that thereby , they being made ashamed , may the more readily be humbled , and turned therefrom . And people are by all means to shun such familiarity , especially with Excommunicate persons , as may lessen the weight of their Sentence , or mar their being ashamed , which indeed will make people guilty of despising the Ordinance of Christ , and obstructing the fruit thereof unto a brother , and also make themselves obnoxious to Censure , as being scandalous by so doing . CHAP. XVI . What further duty is required of private Professors towards Hereticks that are cut off . IF it be asked , What duty further is called-for from private persons towards a person cut off ? Answ. I suppose these things are called-for , 1. Abstinence from unnecessary civil fellowship , as , not to frequent their company , to visit them , to dine or sup with them , or to have them dining or supping with us , or to use such familiarity in such things , as useth to be with others , or possibly hath been with them : So it is , 1 Cor. 5. and it is no lesse the peoples duty to carry so , that it may be a mean for their edification , than proportionally it is the Ministers duty to instruct , passe Sentence , &c. 2. Their would be an abstinence from Christian fellowship , that is , we would not pray with them , read or confer of spirituall purposes , ( purposly at least ) nor do any such thing that belongeth to Christian-communion , that is , to reject him in that sense from Christian fellowship , and to account him as an heathen man or publican . In this respect , we cannot walk with an excommunicate man , as we may walk with other Christians ; And , in the first respect , we cannot walk with them , as we may walk with other heathens , that , it may be , are guilty of as grosse sins upon the matter ; for , the Word of the Lord , putteth this differeece expresly between them and these who are simply heathens , 1 Cor. 5. 3. Yet even then prayer may be made for them ; for , excommunication is no evidence , that a person hath sinned the sin against the holy Ghost ; or , that their sin is a sin unto death , and their necessities , if they be in want , may and should be supplied , because they are men , and it is naturall to supply such ; they may be helped also against unjust violence , or from any personall hazard , if they fall in it ; and as occasion offereth , folks may give a weighty serious word of admonition unto them , and such like , because by such means , the end of the Sentence and its weight are furthered , and not weakened . 4. These that are in naturall relations , ought to walk in the duties of them , as Husbands and Wives , Parents and Children , Masters and Servants , Magistrates and Subjects , &c. for , what nature bindeth , the Church doth not loose . 5. Men may follow civil businesse , as paying or exacting payment of debts , buying or selling , and may walk in such things as are requisit for humane fellowship and society , because , though Church Censures be to humble and shame men , by bearing in on them their sinfulnesse , yet it is not to undo them , and simply to take away a being from them . 6. Yet all these things would be done with them in such a manner , As , 1. the persons may shew their indignation at their way , even when they expresse tendernesse to their persons . 2. It would be done in a different manner from what useth to be with others , not under such a Sentence , that so they may bear out their respect to the Sentence , even when they shew respect to them . Therefore , there would not be such frequencie in medling with such persons , nor would it be with familiarity or many words , and long discourses to other purposes , nor with laughing , and with such chearfulnesse , intimacie or complacencie , as is used with others . But , in a word , the businesse would be done , and other things abstained from . 3. When , what is necessary is past , except it be on necessity , folks would not eat or drink with them at the time of doing their businesse , or after the closing of the same ; because that doth not necessarily belong to them as men , and by so doing , the due distance would not be keeped ; and this is the great practick , so to carry to them as the weight of the Sentence be not lessened , nor they prejudged of what otherwayes is necessary to their being , but that so every opportunity may be taken , whereby their edification may be advanced . If what is before said , be considered , We suppose there will be no great need to add arguments to provoke either Ministers or others to be zealous in prosecuting their respective duties ; Yet these few considerations may be taken notice of , and pondered to this purpose , 1. That scarcely hath delusion , though never so grosse , ever broken in into a Church , and for a time been forborn , but it hath carried away many therewith , and hath proven exceedingly inductive to much sin , offence , reproach , division , bitternesse and ills of all sorts into the Church of Christ : Very little acquaintance with the History of the Church , will put this out of question . 2. Consider that this spirit of delusion , is in a special manner fore-prophesied of , to have a great reviving and strength in the latter dayes ; it is said , 1 Tim. 4. 1. That the Spirit speaketh expresly , That in the last times , some shall depart from the faith : And why is that expresly added , but to give warning the more clearly , that men may be at their duty ? Again , 2 Tim. 3. 1. This know , that in the last dayes , perillous times shall come . It is the observation of a holy and learned man , that in this place , it is the last dayes ; in the former , the last times , as if this did relate to a time nearer the end of the world : and so the first looketh to the Popish superstitions and abominations , ( and indeed , the nature of the Doctrines there reproved , doth seem to favour this ) and this last place doth relate to the grosse delusions , that under the pretext of the form of godlinesse , were to succeed to these ; And therefore men , according to their places , ought in these times to be so much the more watchfull and zealous , s●…ing the Trumpet hath given so distinct a sound . 3. The dreadfull effects which such ills necessarily bring with them , may be considered ; it is not ruine to bodies or estates , but to souls ; it is not simply to sin , and to permit that , but its rebellion ; and which is more , It is to teach rebellion , and to carry on the same with a high hand against God ; and what will stir zeal for God , or what will waken love to , and sympathie with , the souls of others , if this do not ? 4. It would be considered , how often zeal , diligence and faithfulnesse of men in their several places ( as hath been laid down ) have proved exceeding helpfull for preventing and restraining the growth of such evils , so that thereby such a ●…loud hath been dryed up , as it is Rev. 12. which otherwayes might have drowned the Woman and her seed ; and , Matth. 13. it is marked , that such tares are sown and spring up , not while men are watchfull and diligent , but while they sleep and are defective in their duty , ver . 25. for , diligence in the use of means , hath the blessing promised which others cannot expect ; and if wrath be come to such an height , as the Lord will not be intreated in that matter , yet the person that is diligent may look for his own soul for a prey , and to be kept on his feet in the midst of tentations . 5. It may be a provocation to humility and watchfulnesse , to consider how great men have been carried away with the most vile delusions : the Church of Corinth did abound in most eminent gifts , yet corrupt teachers wanted not influence upon them . The Church of Galatia hath been most singularly zealous and tender , yet what an height delusion came to amongst them , is evident , so that they were bewitched therewith , Galat. 3. 1. In Church-history also it is evident , that most eminent men have been carried away with the vainest delusions : that great Light , Tertullian , became tainted exceedingly with the delusions of the Montanists : and after-times have letten us see , that the eminentest of men are capable of defection ; and even Stars are often made to fall from heaven by such storms . 6. It is dreadfull also to consider how difficultly men are recovered from these delusions . It 's a rare thing to find in Scripture , or in History , any observable recovery of a person that hath slipped in this kind . Sometimes indeed persons , that through fear have been brought to deny Christ , or to countenance Idolatry in a particular act , are marked with much tendernesse and satisfaction to acknowledge their failing , and to abandon it ; for , often such a failing is the fruit of some surprizal , and is of infirmity ; but the recovery of a person , who hath with a kind of deliberation drunken-in errour and rejected convictions , is a most rare thing , and hath a peradventure added thereto , 2 Tim. 2. 23. ( as was formerly marked ) which will not readily be found in any other case ; yea , often such persons do wax worse and worse , and one delusion draweth-on another till it come to the greatest height of absurdity . PART IIII. Concerning Scandalous Divisions . CHAP. I. How heresie , schism and division differ , together with the several kinds of division . HAving now come this length , there is one thing of nigh concernment to what is past , which possibly might be usefull to be enquired into , Concerning such scandals as cannot be called in the former sense doctrinall , not yet personall ; because there may be purity in the one , and regularity and orderlinesse in the other respect , and yet actually there may be a scandal and an offence or occasion of stumbling lying in the way of many , and that is , by schisms and divisions in the Church , or amongst the people of God. This we confesse is no lesse difficult to speak to , than any of the former , because there is often more that can be said for both sides , and the side from whence the offence riseth , is not so easily discernable , which maketh , that we are the more unwilling and lesse confident to undertake to speak any thing in reference thereto ; Yet seing we have in providence been led to the former purposes , without any previous design ; and now , having this occuring to us , before we close , we shall endeavour shortly to speak a word in reference thereto , in a generall abstracted manner , without descending to any particulars , which may be dangerous to be touched upon ; but shall give some generall hints concerning the same , which we are induced unto upon these considerations , 1. Because such divisions are as really scandalous and hurtfull to the Church , as either scandals in practice or doctrine are . 2. Because the Word of God hath as fully discovered and abundantly condemned the offensivenesse of this , as of any of the former . 3. Because there is such a connexion amongst these sorts of scandals , that often one is not without the other . Hence we see , 1. that contention and offences and the wo that followeth them , are joyned together , Matth. 18. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. 2. Divisions and corrupt doctrine , or heresies , are knit together , 1 Cor. 11. 18 , 19. so that seldome there is corrupt doctrine , but it hath division with it ; and never is division , but it hath offence , As in the Epistles to these of Corinth and Galatia is clear : Hence dogs and evil workers , that is , the spreaders of corrupt doctrine , are also called the concision , Phil. 3. 1 , 2 , &c. and in experience we often find , that a spirit of division waiteth upon delusion , and oftentimes doth take up and prevail , even over those who have been preserved from the delusion ; As in a great storm , some places have great and dreadfull blasts and drops , who yet may be keeped free from the violence of the tempest ; Even so , this deluge of errour , hath showrs of divisions waiting upon it , which often may affect these who are preserved from the violence of delusion it self ; which maketh , that the speaking something to this , doth not impertinently follow upon the former . 4. Because if this be wanting , what is said in the former cases , is palpably defective , especially at such a time , when there is no lesse cause to observe this evil , than any of the former . This being , as to them , in some respect a cause that bringeth them forth and fostereth them , and , in some respect , an effect which necessarily and naturally followeth upon them : for , divisions breed both scandals in practice and doctrine ; And again , scandal in these , doth breed and entertain divisions . 2. What we would say , shall be drawn to these four heads . 1. To consider what division is , or of what sort it is , which is properly to be spoken of here . 2. What are the causes which do breed and foster the same . 3. What are the evil effects which ordinarily flow from it . 4. What may be thought to be duty in reference to such a time , and what may be looked upon as suitable remedies of such a distemper . For the first , We take it for granted , that there is such a thing as division in the Church ; which is not to be looked upon as any new or strange thing ; for , the Scripture maketh it clear , and the History of the Church putteth it out of question : Concerning which we may premit these few things , 1. That the division which is intended here , is not every contest , and alienation of mind , and difference of practice incident to men ; but that which is proper to the Church concerning Church affairs , and so is to be distinguished from civil debates and contentions . We would advert also , that there may be Church differences that fall not under the charge of Scandal , as when in some things , men of conscience are of different judgements , yet carry it without any offence or breach of charity ; Or , when in some practices there is diversity with forbearance , as was in Policarpus dayes , and the time of Iraeneus ( about Easter matters ) These we speak not unto . 2. Although sometimes titles and expressions may be used more generally and promiscuously ; yet , in this discourse , we would distinguish between these three , Heresie , Schism and Division , without respect to what otherwayes useth to be done . And , first , Heresie , is some errour in doctrine , and that especially in fundamentall doctrine , followed with pertinacie , and endeavour to propagate the same . Again , Schism may be where no heresie in doctrine is , but is a breaking of the union of the Church , and that communion which ought to be amongst the Members thereof , and is either in Government or Worship . As , first , in Government , when the common Government , whereto all ought to be subject , is rent , and a Government distinct , set up . This may be , either when the Government is altered ▪ as , suppose some should set up Episcopacy in opposition to Presbytery , yet keeping still the fundamentall truths ; Or it may be , where the same Government is acknowledged , but there be difference concerning the persons to whom the power doth belong ; so , sometimes men have acknowledged Popery , yet followed diverse Popes ; So often , Sectaries have not disclaimed Councils and Bishops , but have set up their own , and refused subjection to these to whom it belonged . The first kind implieth a doctrinall errour concerning Government ; The second may consist with the same principles of Government , but differeth in the application of them , and becometh a schism , when men act accordingly in acknowledging diverse supream Independent Governments : Because so , when there ought to be but one Church , it becometh , as it were , two : and this is exclaimed against , and regrated by the Fathers , under the expression of erecting altare contra altare , that is , altar against altar , whenas the Lord allowed but one , even in reference to His own worship . 2. Schism may be in worship , that is , when , it may be , both the same Doctrine and Government is acknowledged , yet there is not communion keeped in Church-ordinances , as in Prayer , Word and Sacraments ; but a separate way of going about these is followed . It seemeth , that this was in part the schism of the Corinthians ( whatever was the rise thereof ) that they had a divided way of communicating , and of going about other duties , and other Ordinances , as may be gathered from 1 Cor. 11. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. with 33. This kind of schism hath been frequent in the Church , and hath flowed not so much from dissatisfaction with the Doctrine and Government thereof , as with the constitution of the Members , or failings of the Governours . Thus it was in the case of the Novatians , Donatists , Meletians , Cathari and others , of whom it is recorded , that their fault did not consist in setting up any strange Doctrine ▪ or in rejecting of the truth ( at least at the first ) but in breaking the band of communion , as Augustine hath it often ; for , saith he , Schismaticos facit non diversa fides sed communionis disrupta societas , contra Faustum , lib. 20. Again , he saith of the Donatists , Ad Bonifac. Epist. 50. Nec de ipsa fide vertitur quaestio , sed de sola communione infaeliciter litigant , & contra unitatem Christi rebell●…s inimiciti●…s , perversitate sui erroris , exercent . And this sort of schism doth often draw with it the former , there being no way to maintain this without the other . Of this schism there are many kinds , according to its several rises and degrees ; and also , according as it extendeth to the breaking of communion in whole , from Ordinances , or in part only from some , or in some Ordinances , as appeareth to have been in the Church of Corinth , where there hath not been a totall schism , though it hath been in that Ordinance of the Supper especially ; and it is like also , that that schism hath been occasioned , because of the corruption of some members , with whom others have scared to communicate ; and therefore have not tarried for them : for , the Apostle doth particularly condemn this , and exhort them to tarry one for another ; and to attain this , he doth clear them of what was necessary for right partaking , to wit , the examining of themselves , ver . 28. and doth declare unto them , that who so did eat unworthily , and did not prepare himself , did eat and drink damnation ; but to himself , and not to others : wherefore , saith he , ye need not be so anxiously solicitous how they be prepared , or of what sort they be that are with you , but examine your selves , and tarry one for another , that there be not a schism amongst you . And this he speaketh , even when he hath been reproving drunkennesse among the Communicants , yet will he not admit that as an excuse , why private persons should Communicate separatedly , which was their practice . This was spoken of in the first part . This Schism , however it be understood , hath ever proven exceeding hurtfull to the Church , and hath been an inlet and nursery to the greatest errours ; It is most pressingly condemned in the Scriptures , even with as great weight as corrupt doctrine and heresie are , and it is attributed to that same originall , to wit , the flesh , with witchcraft , idolatry , heresie , &c. Gal. 5. 20. It hath ever been most weighting to faithfull Ministers , most offensive to people of all sorts , most advantageous to the enemies of the truth , and hath made the Church most vile and contemptible before the world , as we may see in the sad complaints and writings of the Fathers , in reference to the Novatians , Donatists and others of that kind : It hath also proven most dangerous to these who have been engaged therein , and often hath been a snare to bring on some spiritual desertion , deadness of spirit , security , self-confidence , or some other spirituall evils of that kind , or to dispose for receiving a more grosse tentation , as was formerly marked . Also , it may be observed , that such schisms have spread very suddenly in some places of the world , but have not been easily removed ; for , these schisms of the Novatians and Donatists did trouble the Church for severall generations , which might be enough to make men think the breach of unity , in that respect , to be no little evil , and to make them fearfull to fall in the same . But because every schism properly doth imply some errour in doctrine , although it doth not arise from the same , therefore we shall forbear to speak any thing particularly to this , because what hath been said of errours in doctrine , may in part be applyed here : For , we will find , that schism doth imply one , or all of those . 1. That such apprehended corruptions do either make such a society to be no Church , or communion with that Church in other Ordinances , to be unlawfull because of such corruptions , or of such corrupt members . 2. That there may be a distinct erected Church beside a Church , which yet may not be of communion with that other Church . 3. These or such consequences , that either the Church of Christ in the earth is not one , ( which truth of the unity of the Catholick visible Church , is the main ground of all Church-union and communion ) Or , that that one Church may be of such heterogeneous or dissimilary parts , as the one of them ought not to have communion with the other ; Or , at least this , that a person ought to seek his own satisfaction and consolation , though to the prejudice and renting of the Church , and to the generall offence and stumbling of all others ; The fairest schism and separation , must imply one of these : for , it cannot be conceived , that otherwayes men would act so directly , according to these principles , if they did not take them for granted . It is to be adverted , that as there is an unjust schism , that is , a separation without any cause at all ; so there is a rash and scandalous schism , that is , when it is beyond the ground given ; or , when the ground given , is not such as will warrant such a separation : Which may be , 1. when the separation or schism is upon some occasion which is indeed a defect in the Church , but not such as doth make communion therein sinfull , as that in Corinth . Or , 2. when , it may be , the schism is extended beyond the ground , that is , when suppose one could not communicate in the Lords Supper in such a Church , because of some sinfull corruption in that Ordinance , if , upon that occasion , one should separate from communion in all Ordinances , that were to exceed the ground given . Or , 3. when no professed schism is owned ; yet when really and indeed it is practised , so as men can neither justifie a schism , or separation upon such a ground , nor yet altogether vindicate their practice from inferring the same , in which respect , the schism and rent floweth from affection , or inclination , and not from well grounded light , or reason , and so cannot be but rash and unwarrantable . 4. It may be , in the manner , precipitant , when either means have not been used to remove that ground if it be just ; or , when men so heighten some lesser defect in a Church by aggreging it with such circumstances , as may make it appear to themselves or others , a ground sufficient to bear and warrant separation ; or , in such a way , to vent their dissatisfaction with things , or persons , as thereby to hurt the unity of the Church , or to occasion a rent , or division , or schism in the same , when ▪ it may be , others beside their intention may thus conclude , A Church so corrupted , &c. is not to be keeped communion with , ( and , it may be , the proposition is sound and so qualified , as it is acknowledged by all Divines ) But this or that particular Church is such . This again , is offered to be made out by the too vehement aggravation of some lesser defect , which may seem to confirm that assumption : and in practice , it may be observed , that as some will lay down premisses concerning a schism , who yet dare not act according to the conclusion , and actually separate , So others will keep the conclusion , and actually separate in practice , who yet durst not in Thesi absolutely maintain schism to be lawfull upon such a ground . It is to be adverted , that schisms and divisions are so nigh in nature and names , that we may use instances for illustration of either promiscuously . The third word , is Division , which doth not at the first view differ from Schism ; yet we do take it here as different , and to agree to such Divisions and Dissentions in the Church as are consistent with communion both in Government and Worship , and have not a divided Government or Worship following them , as in the former case . Of such there are many instances in Scripture and Church-history , as we may observe by considering these Distinctions thereof . 1. There is a Doctrinal Division , as when the matter is not fundamental , nor yet is it pleaded-for as such , to the breaking off of communion amongst these that differ , yet possibly being a meer indifferent matter , is followed with too much eagernesse , vehemency bitternesse . &c. by these who owne the same respectively . Thus contentions were hot in the primitive times for meats , and such things which were neither of themselves destructive to the foundation of Faith on either side , at least in that time , and so were not heretical ; nor did they break off communion in Church-ordinances , and so were not schismatical ; yet was the Church troubled therewith by division amongst her members . Of this sort are the divisions that may be amongst godly and orthodox men in some points of Truth , when they too vehemently presse their own opinion to be received with a kind of necessity , or load the other with too many absurdities beyond what will follow from the nature thereof . 2. There are some Divisions that may be called Practical and do indeed imply some difference of opinion , but do also infer somewhat in practice : Of this sort was the division about Easter in primitive times before it came to a schism , some keeping one day , some another . And in after-times it abounded , when some acknowledged the ordination of such a Bishop , and others not ; when some acknowledged the authority of such a Council , and others not , and so had divided practices . 3. Some Divisions are betwixt particular men , some have influence upon Churches , and are , as it were , one party against another . The first is more properly a difference , and may be betwixt eminently godly and zealous men , such as was betwixt Paul and Barnabas , Act. 15. 39. and is called a contention . Such also we will find in Church-history betwixt Augustine and Ierome , Chrysostom and Epiphaneus , which indeed hath a contention with it , and , if the Lord prevent not , is apt to make parties , and to rent the Church ; but the other , to wit , the acting of one party against another , as hath been seen in many Councils , and appeareth to have been amongst the Corinthians , when one adhered to one person , and one to another ; This , I say , looketh like faction , and is properly division . 4. Division may be considered in all these respects as it is in judgment , or in affection , or in practice . It is in judgment , when they are not of the same mind , but have diverse apprehensions concerning Truths . 2. It is in affection , when upon that difference of judgment alienation followeth , whereby that love , and affection , and charity that one oweth to another , is somewhat cooled or discomposed . 3. It is in practice , when they speak and act differently and oppositly ; as if it were an advantage to Truth for the one to crosse and undermine what the other doth : This distinction is clearly insinuated , 1 Cor. 1. 10. I beseech you , brethren , that there be no divisions amongst you ; Which is branched-out in union in these three , to wit , speaking the same thing , that relareth to action ; Of being perfectly joyned together in the same mind , that relateth to affection ; And of being one in the same judgment , that relateth to opinion : which supposeth that there were divisions opposit to all these , which also often go together . 5. There are some Divisions , which ( to say so ) are negative , and are in the manner and circumstances of doing some duties . Thus men may differ and take diverse wayes , yet both of them be endeavouring the thriving of the work of the Gospel , and no way labouring to crosse each other , or to make one another lesse weighty and succesful . Thus Paul and Barnabas , after their contention , did indeed differ in their manner of prosecuting the work of the Gospel , yet both of them did continue faithfull therein , and neither of them did counter plot nor counteract to others . Again , some divisions are positive ( to say so ) when men do not only differ from each other , but do oppose each other , and do not set themselves singly to prosecute the work , which possibly their opposit may be prosecuting with them ; but there is an endeavour to lessen the authority and mar the actings of the other , and to engage men in the approbation of that particular wherein they do differ , which savoureth of division and faction properly , and is more hurtfull and intolerable , when as the first is more tolerable amongst men who have their infirmities ; and it 's like , that such were the divisions of Corinth when there was an endeavour to cry up one , and down another . 6. Some are in doctrine , for difference of judgment ; some are in government , for precedency ; as sometimes was amongst the Disciples , a contest who should be greatest : which is not so much for Government abstractly , and considered in it self , or about what should be done , as it is for the persons , who should be the governours and doers thereof ; as amongst the Disciples , it is not the question , What kind of government shall be ? or , What should be the Governours duty ? But , who should be chief and have the main hand in ruling ? 7. Sometimes Divisions are more stated and deeply rooted , when some way mens designs are crosse , though not in the main , yet in the manner of carrying them on . Sometimes again , they are more occasional , and arise from some particular act or circumstance , wherein men may differ , and may be when neither side draweth-on a division ; So that particular of taking or not taking Iohn Mark in the company , was the occasion of that contention and division betwixt Paul and Barnabas , Act. 15. when otherwayes there was an harmony in the series and strain of their whole way . 8. Sometimes Divisions are betwixt godly and orthodox men upon the one side , and corrupt men upon the other ; as were the divisions of the Church with the Arian Hereticks , and others of that nature . Sometimes again , they are amongst godly and orthodox men on both sides , and this is a main ingredient in , and aggravation of , the scandal of Division , when it is amongst Christ's own Disciples ; and this is that which we would especially speak to : Concerning which we say , 1. That there is such a thing incident to the Church as division amongst godly , able , and orthodox men , as betwixt Paul and Barnabas , Act. 15. The Disciples of Christ and the disciples of Iohn ; yea , oftentimes betwixt the Disciples of Christ amongst themselves . And afterward the instances of Augustine and Ierome , Chrysostom and Epiphaneus , with many others of later times , do demonstrat it . In the Old Testament we find Iob and his friends keeping up a long dispute right sharply . And , Numb . 12. something is recorded of a division between Moses , Aaron and Miriam . 2. This Division may continue long , and come to a great height , that is , it may be very sharp , although it may be the rise thereof be small ; for , contentions are , as the letting out of waters , Prov. 17. 14. and they often grow , even amongst good men , so as to provoke much sharpnesse against each other , and that with much confidence , as the instances given do clear . 3. Though it be frequent to them to come to an height , yet they are not easily removed , even amongst the best ; This being true , Prov. 18. 19. That a brother offended , is harder to be won than a strong city , and that their contentions are as the bars of a castle , they are so strongly rooted . Hence , we see , that there is no breaking off between Iob and his friends ▪ till the Lord interpose ; there is no composing of the matter between Paul and Barnabas , but their contention continueth so hot , that they must separate ; Neither is there any thing expresly recorded of their meeting together again , although they had long been of most intimate fellowship as nearest colleagues in their journeying and travelling in the Lords work , and that appointed thereto , even by Himself extraordinarily , Acts 13. It is recorded , that Chrysostome and Epiphaneus did sunder so imbittered one at the other , that Epiphaneus did wish , That Chrysostome should not die a Bishop : He again did wish , That the other might not see his home , to wit , Cyprus , to which he was then making his voyage ; both which accordingly fell out : which is a dreadfull instance of this evil , and looketh like the Lords making use of their passion , to signifie His displeasure against both their distempers . CHAP. II. Whence Divisions do arise , and how they are fostered and encreased . THis division doth frequently arise , and is continued upon very small occasions ; for , it is not ordinarily grosse heresies or palpable abominations , that do draw godly and learned men to side in the defence thereof , but things of lesser concernment ; which we will find to be such as these , 1. Some various and different apprehensions of truths , that are lesse fundamentall , such as was the debates about meats , genealogies , and other questions in the primitive times , concerning which , there was no little jangling even amongst good men ; thus is it when Divines presse too hotly some truth , not simply necessary . It cannot be supponed , that all men who yet see but in part should be of that same mind ; and the Lord hath left some things , as it were , to be the matter of doubtfull disputations , as the Apostle speaketh , Rom. 14. 1. and though there be truth upon the one side of every debate , yet considering that that is not alway easily demonstrable , too peremptory deciding and pressing of such things , cannot but occasion strife . 2. Sometimes it floweth from the mistake of some dispensations , and the suspecting of the sincerity and integrity one of another ; whereby sometimes men are engaged ere they wit , to maintain their prejudice , and to lay the lesse weight upon light holden forth by others , It was thus with Iobs friends , who , mis-interpreting Gods hand upon him , and concluding uncharitably of his state , are brought to maintain an unwarrantable These for making out of their point . 3. It may arise from different apprehensions about some persons , or from a different manner of doing the same thing , or from the use-making of different persons ; As when one would have such a man to be a Minister , another doth not think him worthy ; When one doth think such a man deserveth not to be a Minister , and another thinketh that he doth ; when such different thoughts about persons , means or manner of doing things , ( which are incident to the best of men ) are followed with different actings accordingly , and none doth cede to another , then necessarily followeth contention and division ▪ So Paul thought Iohn Mark not meet to be taken to the Ministery again in their company , seing he had left them ; Barnabas did think him meet and would have him , whereupon the contention and division followed . Often also , we find in the Church-history , that good men have divided upon this , that some would ordain such to be Presbyters or Bishops , whom others did not think worthy of that office ; and that some would not condemn persons or writings , which others did condemn : for , learned men often think the condemning of a person or doctrine which is owned by them , or the refusing to condemn a person or doctrine which they do condemn , to be a reflection on them , and that therefore they are engaged to deal with such , as with the principall party : It is marked , that the rise of Chrysostome and Epiphaneus their difference , was , That Chrysostome did not so go alongs in the condemning of Origen , and his writings as the other did ; and that some of the Clergie of Constantinople had refused the same : whereupon Epiphaneus began in preaching to enveigh against the other , which came to that height that is said . Also , somtimes some have been too favourable constructers of deluders , as if they had been of some honesty , wherby difference hath grown with others who knew the deceit , As witnesse the first Divisions that were in Phrygia concerning Montanus , because some being simple , and not knowing that prophesie , in an extraordinary manner , was laid aside by the Lord , did dispute , that possibly there might be some more than an ordinary thing in his way , and that he might through accesse to God do such things , when as yet they were not infected with his errours : This did breed a schism ; when others necessarily behoved to condemn the deeds , and also the persons ▪ as not serving the Lord , but their own bellies , Rom. 16. ver . 16 17. 4. It usually ariseth from secret grudges at being sleighted , or heart-burnings at anothers credit and reputation beyond them , and sometimes indeed , not because of the fact done , but because such persons were the doers thereof , and one way or other springeth from the root of pride , envy , or emulation , which hath many branches whereby it venteth its malignant distempering disposition in sundry shapes . It is indeed sad that such things should be amongst the Disciples of Christ yet often we see , that this , Who should be the greatest , was a bone of contention among them , especially when some had evidenced their too great pronenesse and inclination to prefer themselves to others ; This also had influence upon that muteny which Aaron and Miriam did stir up against Moses , Numb . 12. and it is the Lords word by the wise mouth of Solomon , Only by pride cometh contention . 5. Too much insisting on , and aggreging of the infirmities or opinions of others , and loadening and aggreging them with many fearfull consequences , hath much influence upon this , especially where words are wrested beside the intention and sense of the speaker , because such an humour sheweth little love and respect to the person , and by the nature of the work , doth tend to hold him forth as odious , ignorant , absurd , or some way despicable ; which even good men , being but men , are not easily brought to digest . We see this in Iob's friends , who frequently carp at his expressions , and study to aggrege them , which indeed were not alway altogether excusable ; yet their scope ( at least , in the work ) was , to represent them and him much more absurd , than indeed they were . And this was in these debates between Augustine and Ierome , and usually is where such differences are , as too many reproachfull and bitter differences now in the Church , almost every where , do hold forth . 6. They are occasioned by a carnal and factiouslike pleading for , and vindicating even of Truth . Often it is not the matter whereabout godly and learned men debate , that maketh division , ( for , there may be difference where there is no division ) but it is a carnal manner of prosecuting either side of the difference , even that side whereon the truth doth lye , that doth engender the division ; and often , we see men differing about greater points than others do , and yet carrying so as it cannot be called Division . It 's marked , 1 Cor. 3. that some were for Paul , some for Apollos , some were for none but Christ ; and yet this is counted a side of the faction aswell as any of the other ; not because being for Christ is wrong , but because that factiously they walked under that pretext : Which we may take up in these respects , 1. When a man too peremptorily presseth his light upon others , or upon a Church , in a matter that is not fundamental , or necessary , which is condemned , Rom. 14. 22. when men in these debates keep not their faith , or light , to themselves , but do trouble and distract others therewith . 2. It is , when men too vehemently presse such a thing , as if the contrary thereof , or those who maintain the same , were intolerable ; and so in a fiery violent way seek to bear down that which is indeed an errour , though of infirmity . It is marked by some that write Church-history , and Augustine is of that same mind , That Stephanus , Bishop of Rome , did more hurt to the Church by his too vehement opposing of Cyprian's errour ( which was , That those that were baptized by Hereticks , or Schismaticks , ought again to be baptized ) because he did therby hazard the dividing and renting of the Church , by refusing communion with such as were against him , than Cyprian did in his maintaining of his errour ; Because , though it was still his opinion , he did meekly and condescendingly carry in it , with respect to the unity of the Church . 3. This is also , when things are followed with Sentences and Censures on the opposit opinion , and the abbetters thereof , as if it were a matter of Faith. It 's known what influence those Sentences of Victor , Bishop of Rome , had upon renting of the Church , and stating that divisive distinction betwixt the East and West Church , and that for a matter of nothing , to wit , What day of the moneth precisely Easter was to be keeped ; and he was for that sharply reproved , even by Iraeneus , who was of that same judgment with him : And many such instances are in History . 4. It is , when in the prosecution of such things , men leave the matter , and fall on personall reflections , and become bitter in these respects , as to cast-up pride and arrogancy hypocrisie , ignorance , heresie , or erroneousnesse ▪ or some other personal fault , if any be known or imputed to them or one way or other to sleight them and make them despicable : So Aaron and Miriam murmur against Moses , Numb . 12. that he had married an Ethiopian woman , that he seemed to sleight them , as if God had only spoken by him , and not by them also ; Epiphaneus also did upbraid Chrysostom with hypocrisie ; Ierome hugely revileth Vigilantius , whose tenents seem to be as near truth as his are ; so it was between Demetrius and Theophilus , when in the matter of fact , each giveth to other the lie . 5. It is , when the manner of carrying on a thing , is factious , as endeavouring , to make sides and parties under hand , and indirect dealing to engage others in their differences , and to stir up men by such means against others : It is like it was so in Corinth , even amongst the people who adhered not to false teachers ; It is marked also in that vehement bitter contention that was between Ierome and Ruffinus , that he did endeavour by all means , to waken hatred against Ieromes person , and to defame his writings more than in any convincing way to make out his point ; and yet all this arose from Ierome his alleaging the other to be a favourer of Origens heresie , because he had translated some books of Origens , which was indeed condemned by others as being dangerous ; yet seing Ruffinus did disclaim these errours , and deny that he approved them ▪ there was no such ground to presse him with i●… ▪ and this became the occasion of that irreconciliable hatred , which was never removed ; in which also it is marked , that Ierome doth object to the other , obscurity , and harshnesse of stile , adding withall many other sleighting expressions . 7 It may be by the imprudencie of such as have good affection : As , 1. expressing too much good liking of some corrupt men , because they pretend fairly : Thus the Church was divided in Phrygia for Montanus , because some did too imprudently construct well of him , as if indeed he and his Prophetesses had truly had the gift of prophecy ; others again vehemently upbraided them for it . 2. It is when things are pressed unseasonably , or in an offensive manner , without respect to the manner of things if they be satisfied in the matter . There followed many divisions upon the back of the most famous Councill , ( which made Greg. Nazianzen to say , He never desired to see many Bishops together ) and the Centuriators give this reason or occasion , Dum quidam fidem Nicenam imprudenter urgebant , alii eam acriter impugnabant . 8. Too much peremptorinesse where there may be some condescending , hath much hand in this ; when men become not all things ( so far as is lawfull ) unto others . It is marked in the Church-history , That sometimes too tenacious adhering unto Canons and Councils , by some who would not condescend in a syllable , when others did condemn the matter , hath been in this respect prejudicial ; Such was the cause of the schism betwixt the East and West Church , and particularly the tenacious adhering in all things , even as to the very manner , to the Council of Chalcedon ▪ ( which was indeed a famous and orthodox Council in the matter ) The former instance cleareth this also . 9. Sometimes this doth come from dissatisfaction in some particulars of Government , as when some have been displeased that such and such men , formerly cast out , should have been again admitted to communion ; or , that a person , cast out of communion in one place , hath been admitted in another ; This is frequent , as after instances may clear . 10. It is often occasioned by the encroachment of one upon another in the exercise of their power , as to preach , ordain , and such like , within the bounds of others beside , or without their knowledge , or against their will. 11. It hath sometimes arisen from the Churches meddling in extrinsick or unnecessary things ; and seldome Church-men have been too much taken up and occupied about such things , but it hath had such a consequent : As when they are too much taken up about ceremonies and things not commanded , as Easter was ; or about indifferent things , as the prescribing of forms in every thing ▪ and such like ; Or , about precedency in Government , and what might conduce to the externall splendor of the Church in immunities , priviledges , fabricks , dotations , &c. whereof instances are very many . Or , when Church-men have become too pragmatick in civil things , or affairs of the world , thereby to carry on a temporall grandour in the spirituall Kingdom of Christ ; which was often the rise and occasion of difference amongst the Apostles ; and although there was scarce accesse to this occasion in respect of practice while Magistrates were heathens , yet in after times , this is evident ; and sundry divisions followed upon such occasions , as the approving or condemning of such and such an Emperours Election ; the transferring of the Empire from East to West , or from one Family to another . 12. New manner of expressions , or new moulds of the Doctrine of the Gospel , different from what hath been formerly delivered , have given occasion to this ; that is , when there is either a new form of speaking , and an affectation of novelty in words ▪ different from the form of sound words which Ministers ought to hold fast ; or , when things are so proposed , as if all former moulds had been defective , and all other Divines in their Preaching and Writings were nothing to such . It seemeth that this newfanglenesse of speech had no lesse influence in dividing the Church of Corinth , and begetting factions therein , than the diversity that was in the matter , wherein they are not so generally found guilty , as being carried away with errour , as , of being itched with a humane kind of eloquence in the manner of Preaching . This same also may be in Writtings , and indeed when some cry up one manner or mould , and some others the contrary , it may breed siding and division , even as well as diversity of Doctrine may do . And it is not for nought that the Lord hath commanded simplicity in the manner , and the holding fast of the form of sound words , even as he hath commanded soundnesse in the matter ; and oftentimes there doth arise no lesse tastinesse or itching amongst people , nor lesse emulation amongst Ministers , from the one than from the other . CHAP. III. The height of evil that division bringeth . HAving now seen a little the rises of this evil ▪ we may look to the height it hath come to from such beginnings : which we may consider in these steps . 1. It engendere●… heat , strife and contention ; and in that respect , maketh men carnall , 1 Cor. 3. 2. It breedeth alienation in affection , and separateth these in fellowship that have been most intimate , as if their companying together had lost that sweetnesse and refreshfulnesse that sometimes it had ▪ and thereby even their Christian communion is interrupted ; both those may be seen in that strange and hot contention , which came to this height betwixt Paul and Barnabas , Act. 15. 3. It breedeth jealousie and suspicion of one anothers actions and intentions , yea , it may be , of the sincerity of their state : it breedeth envy at one anothers prosperity and respect , and maketh them lesse weighted with any crosse or adversity that the other falleth into . Paul is suspected , not only by the false teachers , but even by the professors , to be an enemy to them , and not to be single in his designes amongst them : some have counted others hypocrites , as is before marked . 4. It bringeth forth violent and virulent expressions , and reflections upon each other , and greater heat almost is not to be found than amongst differing Divines , that yet do aggree in the main . It is a wonder to read some of the expressions that are betwixt Ierome and Ruffin , and betwixt Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria , and Theophilus Bishop of Ierusalem , with many others ; or to consider the sad regrates that Basilius , Gregorius Nazeanzenus , and others , have of these differences ; something may be seen of it in the instance of Iob and his friends . And what there is for the present amongst Orthodox Divines abroad , and in this Island , I fear , out of honour to the men , to mention them ▪ yet I suppose such things may be read in the Prefaces and Writings of the most eminent Divines , as may make the hearts of all to loath such divisions . 5. It hath come to that height , as not to spare to publish even personall reflections ; yea sometimes , it hath come to that , that men have condem ned deeds in others , after such begun differences , which formerly they did highly commend in them ; ( thus their estimation & construction of their actions , doth ebb and flow according to their estimation of their persons ) It is marked of Demetrius of Alexandria ▪ that whiles he and Origen did continue in fellowship ▪ he was a great commender of that deed of Origen's , to wit , his gelding of himself while he was young : yet after difference arose betwixt them , upon very mean grounds , ( Origen not being come to his grossenesse ) he did most vehemently object that to him in his Writings . 6. Often in hath come that length , that they have imprecated evil to one another , as in the instance of Chrysostom and Epiphanius ; sometimes they have informed and most vehemently instigated civil Powers against one another , that they might procure their deposition , banishment , and such like , as Ruffinus did against Ierome , the Clergie at Antioch against Flavianus , and some at Constinople , particularly Severianus , did stir up the Emperour against Chrysostom . 7. Also , it hath been followed in Councels and Synods by the Sentences of Deposition and Excommunication , as was frequent in the case of that debate about Easter , and in that debate betwixt Stephanus and Cyprian ; Tertullian also was Sentenced upon a prejudice , without just ground ; so was Chrysostome deposed even by Bishops that were not heterodox ; and many others . 8. It hath extended to divide Churches although it began amongst Ministers ▪ and hath come to that height , that they have withdrawn from the communion of one another , and have chosen different Bishops and Ministers without communion one with another , or without dependence one upon another , and yet neither of them have been Hereticks , nor professed Schismaticks , but because of some dissatisfaction , it may be , with the person , or ordination of such a Minister ; or upon some mistake of a particular act of a Councell , even when both did acknowledge the same , as particularly is marked to have been betwixt Eustachius of Antioch , and Eusebius of Pamphilia ; and again at Antioch in the case of Miletus and Paulinus ; and again betwixt Flavianus and others ; which is marked to be in the fourth Century . 9. It hath extended to great heat and furie , even amongst the followers of each other ; whereby much jealousie , heat and dissention hath been occasioned . 10. In both those there hath been such a fervour , and as it were fury , that there hath been no uptaking nor removing of the same : And although we find difference to have arisen from little , even amongst good men , yet often we will find that most difficultly it hath been removed , but for many generations it hath continued , when the first authors have been away , and that with very great heat , as almost in all the instances given , so that , that sweet and moderate Divine Melancthon , did usually call the difference of Divines rabies Theologorum , and at his death did blesse himself , that amongst other sins and miseries he was to be fred from this rabies or furie of Divines , which was evermore sadder to him than any opposition of open adversaries . 11. Usually , it hath diverted most serious Divines , both from the pressing of piety , and reproving of vice ; as also from maintaining of truth against open adversaries , and the pursuing of their errours . Augustine doth complain of this to Ierome , and doth for this end , as it were , crave a cessation ; and it cannot be otherwayes , for ●…uch debates do not profit these that are occupied therein . Heb. 13. ver . 9. and when mens edge is hot and sharp against others in such particular differences , it cannot but cool and blunt them in more weighty things , and is no little part of the devils subtilty to make way for errour and profanitie , thus to entangle Ministers . Which occasion he hath ever taken to sow tares , which that great Father and Divine Basilius doth condole to this purpose , That while there was concord in every occupation , only in the Church and amongst Ministers there was dissention , and that so hot , that no commiseration of the Flock , which was set upon , and drawn away by perverse men , was prevalent with them , to abstain from such differences . 12. Hence , it hath followed , that though there hath been no considerable difference upon the matter at the first , yet notwithstanding it hath grown and come to a height ▪ and that in respect both of Schism and heresie ; And it is rare to find in History , that a division hath continued long , but it hath turned to separation in communion , and a Schism ; and again , Schism hath not continued long , but it hath brought forth heresie , for divided practices lead men to lay down and maintain such principles as may defend them , and the band of unity being broken , there is no stay or hold , because , as that forenamed Father Basilius saith , men take on them then to speak , write , and do as they please . 13. Although sometimes the fault of division may be more on one side than another , yet seldom is any side free , at least , in the manner of prosecution , and therefore often it turneth in the close to the hurt of both , and the one side becomes more schismaticall and erroneous , at least , in many of their members , as fell out in the case of the Novatians , and Donatists . The other side again , have often become more cold and secure in the practice of holinesse , carnall and formall in pursuing ceremonies and externall things , with lesse affection and life in the main , because the edge of their zeal was bended toward these differences ; and generally people have been stumbled and offended by them ; and by the miscarriage of some affectionate persons , men more formall and not very zealous in the main thing , have come to have more weight and sway in the Government of the Church ; and thus we see that after these hot debates that were in the Church about lesser things , schisms and heresies grew up on the one side ; luke warmnesse , formality , and inclination to ceremonies , and a formall lazie way of worship , did grow up and increase in the Church , upon the other side . 14. Though we find men sadly regrate these , yet was there alwayes a difficulty to get them removed ; there being often a kind of inconsideratnesse whereby the publick good hath been overlooked , and men have walked too much by particular inclination and affection , and so have come to hate whom formerly they praised , and to praise whom formerly they hated ; by which the Ordinances have become weightlesse to all ; and the Ministers , who sometimes were counted a gazing , a reproach and the off-scouring of all men because of afflictions , have become much more despicable because of their own intestine divisions , as one of the Fathers doth pathetically expostulate for the dissentions of his time , writing to Nazeanzen . CHAP. IIII. The causes why Division usually cometh to so great an height . WE may now enquire what be the causes why Divisions usually come to such a height , and are so difficulty removed , even amongst men that are affectioned in the work of Christ , and otherwayes sound , zealous , and sober ; which is indeed strange , especially considering , that they do often see the evil , regrate it , and professe their desire of a remedy themselves ? In answering to this , we are to look , 1. to the Lords soveraign hand even in this . 2. To what accession there is to it from those that differ . 3. To some occasionall accidentall causes that concur therein . 4. We may consider the strength of the tentation in respect of some other circumstances . 1. That the Lord hath a Soveraign hand therein , cannot be denied , and that in these two respects , not to insist in all , 1. As it is a triall whereby both mens soundnesse and unsoundnesse have occasion to be manifested ; This is asserted , 1 Cor. 11. as a reason of the necessity of schisms and divisions , as may be gathered by comparing , ver . 18 , with 19. But this we insist not on ▪ 2. The Lord hath a judiciall hand in it , that is , as He ordereth divisions for the just chastisement and punishment of some , even as was formerly said of heresies and delusions ; and to this purpose , we may consider that wo which floweth from offences unto the world , to relate especially unto divisions amongst Church-officers , as the subjoyning thereof to the contention amongst the Apostles doth evince ; and in the nature of it , and in respect of the consequents that follow thereon , It is indeed a wo , and a very great wo unto the world , and an evidence of the Lords displeasure ; when thus in His anger , divisions come amongst Ministers or People , as it is , Lam. 4. 16. Which we will find true in these respects . 1. It looketh angry like against Ministers ; for , thereby they become despicable , the Lords countenance and presence seemeth to be withdrawn , and much carnalnesse of frame , and many other evils steal in ; which do both eat up much of that inward livelinesse which other wayes they might have , and also discompose that tranquillity and composednesse of mind , which love and unity entertain , and doth propose Ministers unto people , as men destitute of that badge , whereby they may be known to be the Lords Disciples , to wit. love to one another . 2. It is often a great snare to many carnall Professors ; for , thereby some are hardened in profanity , and become Atheists , as if all that is spoken by Ministers concerning Religion , were not to be believed ; Therefore the Lord prayeth for unity , and against differences amongst His Disciples , for this cause , That the world might believe that Christ was sent by God , and that these are loved of him , Joh. 17. 21 , 23. which importeth , that this plague of Atheism followeth in the world upon such divisions . Again , others are stumbled so , as they cast at the Truth preached by them , and thereby become a prey to be carried about with every wind of doctrine ; for preventing of which , Ministers , and union among Ministers are required , Eph. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. with 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. 3. It becometh an burden , grief and offence to the weak , such division being a main stumbling-block to the little ones that believe , Matth. 18. 1 , and 6. 4. It proveth a great confirmation and ground of hardening to the adversaries of the truth , who are thereby exceedingly hardened , and brought to applaud themselves in their own way , as if such divided instruments could not be of the one body , the Church , which is guided by one Spirit ; And this was cast up by heathens in the primitive times , as we may find by the apologies of many of the Fathers ; and the same way hath been followed by Antichrist and his followers unto this day ; they insult in nothing more than the divisions of the Orthodox ▪ and are more proud of nothing than their pretended unity , which they make a mark of the true Church . And when all these are considered , we suppose , it may be evident that such divisions are , when they are , a great plague unto the Church , and may justly be called a wo unto the world . We need not insist upon characters of a judiciall-like division , seing hardly there is division in a Church , but it is judiciall in some part ; Yet these things may be considered to this purpose , 1. When the division is amongst the more eminent and godly men , as amongst the Disciples . 2. If the matter be light comparatively for which the difference is keeped up , as Augustine calleth that with some Donatists , parva dissentio , as to the matter or occasion , which was yet great in its effects , Epist. 203. 3. If it be for dominion , or preheminence , or such things as may look carnall like before men , like that , Matth. 18. 1 , &c. Or , 4. if the manner of following it be carnall , or irrationall-like without that respective tendernesse of edification and offence , which rationally might be expected from such men . 5. When there are many palpable convincing reasons , and that in respect of the particular time and case , which might draw men from such divisions . Or , 6. when sometimes healing is essayed , and beyond probable reasons and expectation , it doth break off and turn worse , when it appeared to be near a close . 7. When it spreadeth , and cometh to occupy and take up Professors , it may be , beyond many more concerning things . This especially is discernable , when the division ariseth suddenly upon the back of a great calm , and after such sins as may procure the interrupting thereof , and when it cometh , in an unexpected way , from such persons , and upon such an occasion , as , it may be , none could have looked-for , or thought of ; when it is under afflictions , and other cases and reproaches , as the Jews divisions were , even when besieged by the Romans , and when under them , as Iosephus writeth . These and such like may evidence somewhat to be judiciall therein . Because , 1. It doth so further what is penall the more in all the former respects , and it cannot but have such effects . 2. Because there being no other probable reason how ordinarily such a thing may come to passe , the Lords hand is to be acknowledged therein so much the more , when even His Servants are drunken but not with wine , and He hath powred upon them the spirit of deep sleep , and covered even the Prophets and Seers therewith , as the word is , Isa. 29. 9 , 10. and when they are as so many wild bulls caught in a net , full of the fury of the Lord , and of the rebuke of their God , as it is , Isa. 51. ver . 20. Whereby it cometh to passe , that neither one sort or other can particularly understand the duty called-for in reference to their healing , more than if all visions , and directions concerning the same were sealed up , as , Isa. 29. ver . 10 , 11. and Isa. 59. 10. And none of all Zions sons are in capacity to take her by the hand , Isa. 51. 18. 3. Besides these two , the Lord sometimes hath a wise design for promoving of His work , even by occasion of such divisions , as thereby to make the Gospel to be spread further than otherwayes it had been ; for , by discontents and differences , sometimes men have been put to go elswhere and preach the Gospel ; and in that instance of Paul and Barnabas their separating , this is brought about ; the Gospel is preached by both in their severall journeys , which had not been so extended had they been together ; but this , and others of this kind being only proper to the Lords soveraign wisdom , we will not insist on them , In the second place , If we consider mens own accession who are engaged in such divisions , that is manifold . 1. Men by former guiltinesse may procure the same , as by abuse of former unity , carnalnesse in it , not improving of it for edification , pride and conceitedness of it as if it could not be interrupted , not being thankfull to God for it , nor praying for continuance of it . These and such like , may draw on such a dreadfull stroke as division ; wherefore not only is there a wo to the world because of offences , but also to him by whom they come , Matth. 18. even when notwithstanding , the necessity of them is asserted . 2. Some present sinfull distemper in Ministers frame , or disposition , may have influence upon this , as it were disposing them the sooner to take fire upon any occasion . As ▪ 1. distance with God , and coldnesse of love to Him , without which , love cannot be keeped up with others in Him. 2. Pride , conceitinesse , desire of pre●…eminencie , respect and applause , which was amongst the Apostles . 3. Which followeth upon this , envy at the respect which is given to others , or the weight that they have in the managing of matters , and carnall emulation at their persons and actions . 4. There is a secret discontentednesse at mens being sleighted by others , or apprehending themselves to be so . 5. There is a credulousnesse and readinesse to receive wrong impressions , a jealousie or suspicion of others in their designs , ends , or particular respects to them ; All which proceeding from want of charity , that thinketh not evil . &c. they cannot but some way dispose for division . 6. There is an itching newfangle humour , not after new Doctrines , but after new expressions , formes , or changes in other things . 7. There is sometimes a prejudice at severity and strictnesse , as if it were pride , ambition , or something that is intolerable ; which is marked to be the cause of the Clergie of Constantinople , their dissention with Chrysostome their 〈◊〉 : Of this kind , to wit , sinfull and disposing causes , are ignorance , imprudence , tenaciousnesse , or self-willedness , and such like ; whereby a Minister is the easilier engaged , and the more difficul●…ly brought off . 3. There are some acts whereby men have accession to the raising and heightening of division , and oftentimes they are mutuall : As , 1. some mens doing of some inconsiderate act , or writing some inconsiderate expression upon the one hand ; and others , too passionatly and vehemently exaggerating such a fact , and condemning such an expression by a torturing deduction of absurdities therefrom , beyond what was intended ; So it was between Ierome and Augustine , &c. 2. When some presse severity in Discipline and Censures , somewhat too hotely , others , with no lesse discontent , repelling the same . 3. When men sleightingly expresse their mind of the persons , writings or actings of others ; and they again are engaged by the like reflections , to vindicate the same . 4. When men study not the instruction of themselves or others affectionedly , but hunt after a kind of credit to themselves , though with the reproach of others . 5. Little condescending to remove mistakes and prejudices , abstinence from society , and fellowship with such as they differ from in some particular ; hasty preaching , and publishing differences of small moment , as Epiphaneus , and some others , formerly cited , did , no condescending in particular facts that might be condescended on , and such like . 6. Especially such acts as state a schism , and break communion in Government , Worship , and other Ordinances , are exceedingly instrumentall in this . As , 1. to have distinct Bishops or Ministers , Governours or Officers , and so to have opposit Judicatories , and opposit Ordinations , which is often found to be the result and great cherishment of divisions in the primitive times . Whereupon followed , 2. division in administration of Sacraments , when such and such could not acknowledge men so ordained to be Ministers , and so could not communicate with them , if they were ordained in opposition to them , or such as were ordained by them : And this hath a connexion with such an act , because the acknowledging of such to be lawfully ordained , would question their own Ordination . Whence , 3. follow divided Congregations and meetings , according to the opposition amongst Ministers , some meeting in one place , and some in another , and so withdrawing communion one from another , although both do continue in the same Faith and Government ; As may be seen in severall of these divisions mentioned at Antioch , Constantinople , &c. Upon which again followed , 4. opposit preaching amongst Ministers , each condemning others as Schismaticks , and not to be keeped commuon with ; one calling that a duty which the other called a sin , and matter of humiliation , and contrarily : As also , mutuall railing and reviling amongst the followers of such sides , which often hath come to tumults ; whereby it appeareth how great influence such things have upon division . Yea , 5. it hath come to divide families ; Often Augustine regrateth in his Epistles , that their division made the man and wife whom one bed did contain , in an incapacity to be contained in the same Church , where the same faith was preached , and so he urgeth it also in reference to parents , and children , and to masters and servants . There are many moe things might be named , as censuring of men upon such difference ; for , then often some adhere to them , which maketh a rent , as in these instances of Eustachius and Chrysostome is clear , urging the condemning of some writings and tenents not fundamentall ; Thus the pressing of the condemning of Origens writings ( which are not supposed by some to have been so grosse as now these which are called his , are ) did give much occasion of contention and division amongst men , who otherwayes did acknowledge all the fundamentall truths comprehended in the generall Councels , and it is alike also , did not agree with him in his grossest errours , yet would not judicially condemn him , and others such like . CHAP. V. What occasionall means may have influence upon division amongst the godly . VVE come now in the third place to consider , what occasionall means may have influence upon this division amongst godly men ; And such may be , 1. Some talebearers and secret whisperers , who may have much influence to alienate good mens affections , by misrepresenting the words and actions of others , under pretext of respect to them , when , in the mean time , it may be some particular discontent that putteth them on : It is marked , that one Serapion had much influence to alienate Chrysostome and Severinus , who formerly were exceeding intire , who suggesting to the first , many evidences of the others disrespect to him , as if he had been endeavouring to draw the peoples affections from him ; and for that cause , picked out some words of Severinus , which being considered alone , did sound grosly , but being considered in the Sentence as spoken by him ▪ they were not of such a meaning . 2. Often when differences arise amongst honest men , there wanteth not many , who out of particular designs do then foment that fire , especially such as from some other fear , take occasion to exaggerate such a difference , because the sostering of that difference is the preventing of what they fear : As for instance , Chrysostome had threatned the censuring of many of his Presbyters for their faults , whereupon they took the occasion of the differences betwixt him and Epiphanius , Severinus , and others , to irritate and stir up them against him , and to side with them in these differences ; whereby the division against him , and such as followed him , was maintained till it came to the height thereof , yet were neither the differences betwixt him and these other men , nor the persons of these other men his opposites respected by them , further than served to their end of bearing him down , and so of preventing the threatned and feared censure . 3. Sometimes Magistrates have had no little influence upon this , either by pretending to side with one party in these differences against the other , when yet it was not these differences but some other prejudice , as from free speaking or the like , which did engage them . It is marked in that same case of Chrysostome , that the Emperour and Empresse did concur to bear down his followers , and those that sided with him , because of some particular discontent at his free preaching , for which cause they were zealous executers of the Synods Sentence ; As these again that were opposite to Chrysostome of the Clergie , did take no little advantage of that discontent , which they knew the Empresse had at him . Or on the other side , they are sometimes accessory by weakening Government , and giving men accesse to do what they will : when Basilius hath regrated the great differences of the Church in Iulian , and Valens their times , and setting himself to find out the cause thereof , he settleth on this word in the Book of the Iudges , In those dayes there was no King in Israel , every man did what seemed good in his own eyes : which he doth not speak simply , as if there had been no Government ; but that by such as was , no course was taken , as the calling of Synods , or such like means , to restrain such things , but rather they were entertained . 4. Sometimes also the peoples engaging and siding in such differences , hath no little influence to heighten and lengthen the same ; hence we find that in some debates , wherein Church-men have been alone engaged , there hath been some stop ; but when it hath encreased , to the stating of parties amongst the people , it hath ever been more difficult ; because so Ministers were the more encouraged and engaged to be tenacious ; vea sometimes fear of displeasing the people that adhered to them , hath not wanted its weight . Also , so it turned more easily to schism and faction in practice , when one part of the people would only call such a man of their Judgement ; another part of the people , such another man of theirs ; whereupon followed great dissentions and factiousnesse in Elections , and opposite ordinations , by Bishops of several judgements : Whereupon followed , 1. a rent in that particular Church ; one part withdrawing with their Bishop and Minister , and the other part with theirs , and neither keeping communion with , but seeking to overturn one another . And , 2. a rent among neighbouring Bishops and Ministers , according as they were pleased to admit either side to their communion , and acknowledge or condemn either of the opposite ordinations . And , 3. Often also , there followed opposite and eager applications to the supream Magistrates and Emperour , to have their own respective Elections ratified , and that which was opposite , by his Authority , crushed ; which often hath been followed with much bitterness , and sometimes not without calumnies against good men ; and also not without prejudice to the Churches liberty , and advantage to corrupt men or Magistrates , that were not tender of truth ; who thereby had occasion to interest themselves , and advance their own ends the more ; and it is marked of Anastasius the Emperour , who was a Monothelite , that he took occasion upon hot differences in the Church amongst Divines , ( who did in both sides differ from him , though one of them was but sound ) without respect to right or wrong , equally to endeavour the suppressing of both by sending them into exile ; and when Magistrates were more equal to and tender of the Church , as Theodosius , Gratianus , &c. yet they were exceedingly troubled with such adresses , and put to hear such complaint ▪ even amongst and against men fully Orthodox and sound , only differing in some particulars which had brought on opposite ordinations , as in the cases of Miletius and Paulinus , Eustachius and Flavianus , with their respective competitors : all which concuring with that heat and fervour wherewith Churchmen do usually of themselves follow their differences , did not a little contribute to the heightening and lengthening of divisions and rents , upon the smallest occasions . 5. Occuring miscarriages of persons differing , have often had influence to increase and continue a breach , that is , when some persons on either side become more grosse in other points of Doctrine , or in practice ; or follow their designs by means that seem grosse and unwarrantable to the other ; or when some of one side expresse unjust calumnies on the other : this doth exceedingly alienate affections , confirme jealousies and suspicions , and readily doth engender new Questions and controversies ; because some are led to oppose and condemn , and others to defend such practices ; therefore there must be opposite principles suitable thereunto , and so they multiply from one step to another : whereby it cometh to passe , that often where there is but one difference at first , after a time many do arise , which doth make the removall of divisions to be alwayes the longer the more difficult : Whence we see , that seldom one difference continued any time , but there was an addition of many , and that of greater concernment , that , it may be , stuck , whenas the first rise might have been removed . 6. Sometimes also occurring dispensations in providence will give occasion to this tenaciousnesse , as suppose there be a seeming advantage on the one side to through their point , and bear down the other without uniting , it is supposed to be conscience and prudence to make use of the same : Hence we will find in History men more or lesse inclinable to unite , as they apprehended their party to be more or lesse strong ; sometimes also some singular-like stroak upon the persons names or families of eminent opposers , proveth a confirmation to the others who escape , as if their way were more approveable , and the others more remarkably condemned ; for so are men ready to misinterpret the most occasionall thing , which for other ends may come upon any with whom they differ . Thus Zuinglius his death did not only prove matter of insulting to Papists , but even by Luther and others was misapplied ; and Carolostadius his ●…oul defection , afterward became an occasion to harden many , in condemning his condemning of keeping Images in Churches , though without any worship ; because , upon the back of that debate , Luther had set him forth as a light , unsettled , unstable person , whose judgement was not to be valued ; which accordingly falling out , made many keep up the opinion contrary to his , as if by his fall it had been ratified ; And we think , that if either Chrysostome or Epiphaneus their wishes to other respectively had fallen out but upon the one side , it also might have had influence ; but seing both came to passe , we conceive that thereby the Lord would keep men from being confirmed in their differences upon such dispensations , and shew himself angry at the carnalnesse of good men , even in their smallest difference on both sides . In the fourth place , we have to consider , wherein the strength of the tentation to keep up division doth ly , in respect of several circumstances that may have influence , especially upon Church men . 1. There is engagement , credit , and such like , which steal in , and vent in heat and tenaciousnesse under other appearances , as of 〈◊〉 ●…or Gods honour , respect to the credit of the Ministry , and of the Ordinances : And in this it seemeth not to be any personall credit or respect that s●…ayeth them , but zeal for , and respect to the Master , as is insinuated in the Disciples carriage , Luk. 9 in their seeking to be avenged on the place that would not receive Christ , by fire from heaven , ver . 54. and also in their forbidding some to cast out devils ▪ even in his name , because they thought it not for Christs honour , ibid. vers . 49. 2. The tentation hath often with it great confidence of the justness and equity of their own side ▪ and of the unreasonablnesse of their adversaries . There may be in part much ground for this , where the controversie is some doubtfull , disputable thing : How great confidence have both Iob and his friends in their debate , So that both of them are frequent in desiring Gods decision , when as neither of them in both matter and manner was fully approveable . Sometimes also there may be a perswasion very satisfying to the party , when yet it is not from God ; this was in Galatia , cap. 5. ver . 8. it is like on both sides , even when they were biting and devouring one another ; for , we find often in experience , that a disputable thing , being for a time pleaded for , will become as palpably clear , and altogether necessary to these who have disputed for the same , because engagement bribes the light , and perverteth even the wisdom of the just . Hence we see , that the longer one plead for a thing , he becometh more confident therein , because his own pleading secretly prevaileth more with himself ▪ than reasons proposed by any others to the contrary can . 3. There is a strength in the tentation , in this , that not only the matter is thought just , but it is thought necessary and of great concernment , if it be , 1. a Question of the most circumstantiall truth , ( if we may speak so ) it looketh out as necessary , and a thing that cannot be quit ▪ yea , even those who are engaged to maintain that side where the errour lies , will cry up the controversie as in a high point of Christianity . Amongst the Fathers , these that maintained the Millenarie opinion , and Christs personall reign , thought it a point of high concernment ; Iustine Martyr in his Dialogue with Trifo , saith , he is no Christian , Orthodox in all things , who doth think otherwise ; and in later Popish Writers , how is the necessity of oyl , chrisme , and such like pleaded for ? which sheweth what impression the appearing weightinesse of such things will have on them , as if it were a main foundation of Religion . And , 2. if it be a matter of fact or Government , it is thought of such concernment for the good of the Church that they cannot quit it , without being accessory to the corruption and hurt , or to the marring of the authority thereof : Hence so often are the faults and consequents of the adverse part aggreged ; canons and constitutions alleaged to be broken , as we may see ( amongst other instances ) in that debate betwixt Rome and Constantinople for precedency before Antichrist was revealed , one alleaging an act of Nice , the other , an act of the Councel of Chalcedon , and Rome pretending the interest of Saint Peter , and the good of the universall Church . And , 3. if it be a difference about persons , as who is to be acknowledged Bishop or Minister , or if such be lawfully ordained , deposed , &c. then such as they oppose , are conceived to be notoriously hainous ; and such as they are for , are believed to be incomparably singular and eminent , and therefore it is no wonder that they presse vehemently their point , as thinking that much of the good or evil of the Church doth depend upon the admission , or rejection of such men respectively , and this floweth inadvertingly from the former differences ; because , when they are confident that themselves are right in a main point , they necessarily must think these wrong and untender who are opposit in such a thing , and the hotter the opposition grow , they think still each other the more grosly obstinate : By this also they are disposed to hear and receive reports and mis-informations concerning their opponents ; whereby they come verily to believe , that they are even in all other things , and in their very ends and designs , most grosse . And , I suppose , that beside the instances formerly given in all these respects , the differences that arose first betwixt Luther and Carolostadius , and afterward betwixt him and such as followed him on the one side , and Zuinglius , Calvin and others upon the other side , do fully demonstrate this ; How little were these beginnings at first , and yet how were even the smallest differences aggreged , and the persons differing mistaken , even before these differences came to the height which they are at ? And we may observe also , that this mistake of mens persons and actions , and bitternesse that followeth thereupon , is most ordinarily discernable to be upon that side , where there is least to be said in conscience and equity for the defence thereof . 4. Adde to these a conviction of singlenesse , that persons may seem to themselves to have in all the former steps , wherein there may be no positive , corrupt end proposed , nor any palpable dissimulation in their professions , entertained or approven by them : but as they have some confidence of the equity of their side ; so may there be an apprehended testimony of their own singlenesse in the following thereof : and there is a great strength in the tentation to continue division , that lyeth here ; for , when men apprehend their own singlenesse and streightnesse , and , it may be , have accesse to God , and have liberty to pray , even in reference to such things , it is not easie for a man to stop himself in that way ; and yet it cannot be thought , but amongst the instances of such divisions that are given , that men on both sides had a single end and mind , did pray and had accesse in prayer ; yea , no question , many of them might go to heaven with such differences on both sides ; for , we will find them continue zealous in such , even to death . Neither ought this to be thought strange ; for , the best but know in part , and are subject to mistakes , and their zeal and singlenesse is squared according to their knowledge : It was such zeal , that is not according to knowledge ( though in the most fundamentall things ) that made Paul and others , with a kind of singlenesse , persecute the Church ; therefore proportionally , there may be a zeal and singlenesse in lesser things when there is ignorance of them . 5. After engagement the tentation is strengthened by this , lest , by after ▪ ceding , their former practice in being so eager , be condemned , and they lose the weight of their Ministery in other things , and their respective followers , which possibly may be more tenacious and z●…alous than themselves , should be irritated and provoked ; which things look to them as greater pr●…judices , even to the work of the Gospel , than ●…eir continuing divided . It is written of Luther in his life , That being in conference with Melancthon and others in his last voyage , he did acknowledge to th●…m , that he had been too vehement and peremp●…ory in the Doctrine of the Sacrament ; and when they urged him then to publish something concerning h●… same , he replied . That he feared by that to diminish the authority and weight of what he had else appeared into for God , 〈◊〉 therefore did ●…orbear it ▪ wit●…all allowing Melancth●…n after his death , to do in that as he thought fit : 6. Sometimes also , the tentation is strengthned by apprehended consequents of hurt and prejudice to these that side with them in such a thing from others , in case there should be ceding in such and such particulars for union , or that by so doing , they might make themselves and their cause odious to others , who possibly may be thought to have more respective thoughts of them , because of their differing in such things from others . It is written of Luther , that he gave this as a main reason why he keeped up the Sacramentary difference , and would not unit with Calvin and others in that Head , because , said he , that opinion which the Sacramentaries ( as they were called ) hold , is generally more hatefull than that of Consubstantiation , and will make the Princes and others more obnoxious to malice and hatred . 7. It strengtheneth the tentation also , when men do not look upon the difference simply in it self , but comparatively with respect to the principles and carriages of others their opponents , and by considering things that are displeasing in them and their way , they are made the more tenacious , and brought to justifie themselves the more . Hence it is in such divisions , that the great stresse of debates lyeth in reflections , criminations and recriminations , as if this were the only vindicating argument , They that are opposit to us in many things of their carriage are wrong , Therefore our way is right , or we have reason to divide from them ; And hence it is , that almost necessarily such reflections are used in such debates , where the matter is not of such moment and evidence , as the most convincing defensive arguments upon either side , as in these debates , between Ierome and Ruffinus , cited , where there is no dispute on either side but criminations on both ; Also in the Donatists their reflections , this may be observed . 8. In such differences also , men are ready to think that the other should and will cede to them , and will not hazard division upon so little a thing . Hence , many have been drawn on to division from small beginnings , which they would not have yeelded to , had they known the consequents thereof , or had they not expected that the other should have yeelded , wherein being disappointed , the engagement thereto becometh more strong , and the division more irreconciliable . This is marked of Victor , of whom it is said , that he had not been so peremptory , had he not supposed , that in such a thing the other should have yeelded . CHAP. VI. What be the sad effects of division , and the necessity of endeavouring unity . HAving now some way discovered the nature and causes of the evil of division , it may be easily conjectured what will be the effects thereof , which ever have been most deplorable , as to the torturing of these that are engaged , to the scandalizing of the weak , to the hardening and breaking of the neck of many profane light persons , to the spoiling of the Church in its purity , Government , order and beauty of her Ordinances , and which is more , to the wearing out of the life and power of Religion ; yea , which is above all , there is nothing that doth more tend to the reproach of the blessed Name of our Lord Jesus , that maketh Christianity more hatefull , that rendereth the Gospel more unfruitfull , and more marreth the progresse and interest of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus ; and , in a word , doth more shut out all good , and let in by an open door every thing that is evil into the Church , than this wofull evil of division doth , according to the word , Iam. 3. 16. Where envy and strife is , there is confusion , and every evil work . And we are perswaded , that who hath read the Scriptures , and the many and great motives whereby union is pressed , and have considered the Fathers what great weight they lay upon unity , and with what horrour they mention division , even as maximum malum , or the greatest evil that can befall the Church ; Or , have observed in Church-history , the many sad consequents and effects that have followed upon this , and the lamentable face of the Church under the same : when friends thought shame , and were made faint ; enemies were encouraged and delighted , and on-lookers were either provoked to mock at , or pity the same ; Or , who have had some taste in experience of the bitter fruits thereof , will , and if they be not altogether stupid , cannot but be convinced of the many horrible evils , that are in this one evil of division . Sure there is no evil doth more suddenly and inevitably overturn the Church than this ; which maketh her fight against her self , and eat her own flesh , and tear her own bowels : for , that a Kingdom divided against it self cannot stand , is the infallible maxime of Him that was greater and wiser than Solomon . And when things are compared , it will be found , there is no more compendious way to blast the fruit of Ordinances , when they cannot be removed or corrupted , and by so doing , to destroy and carry souls headlong , than this , That a Church in her Ministers and Members should be engaged thus , to bite and devour one another , and to counteract to the actings one of another ; This we suppose will not be denied . It will also readily be granted , That it is the duty of all Christians , especially of Ministers of the Gospel , to endeavour the preserving of unity , and the preventing of division , and the recovering of unity , and removing of division , by healing of the breach when it is made . Never did men run to quench fire in a City , lest all should be destroyed , with more diligence , than men ought to bestir themselves to quench this in the Church ; never did mariners use more speed to stop a leak in a ship , lest all should be drowned , than Ministers especially , and all Christian men , should hast to stop this beginning of the breaking in of these waters of strife , lest thereby the whole Church be overwhelmed ; And if the many evils which follow thereupon , the many commands whereby union is pressed ; yea , the many entreaties and obtestations whereby the holy Ghost doth so frequently urge this upon all , as a thing most acceptable to Him , and profitable to us ; If , I say , these and many other such considerations , have not weight to convince of the necessity of this duty , to prevent , or heal a breach , We cannot tell what can prevail with men , that professe reverence to the great and dreadfull Name of God , conscience of duty , and respect to the edification of the Church , and to their own peace at the appearance of the Lord in the great Day , wherein the peace-makers shall be blessed ; for , they shall be called the children of God. CHAP. VII . General Grounds leading to Unity . BUt now , it may be of more difficulty , to speak particularly , to what indeed is duty , at such a time when a Church lyeth under rents and divisions . For , though the general be granted , yet often , it is difficult to take up the particular cure , and yet more difficult singly to follow the same : It being still more easy to prescribe rules to others , than to follow them our selves , especially in such a case , when spirits are in the heat and fervour of contention , whereby they are some way drunken with affection to their own side , and prejudice at the others , and distracted ▪ as it were , with a sort of madnesse in pursuing their adversaries , as that great and meek Divine Melancthon did expresse it , so that it is hard to get affections , that are in such a temper , captivated to the obedience of light . And though we will not take on us to be particular and satisfying in this , wishing and hoping that it may be more effectually done by some other ; yet , having come this length , we shall , in an abstracted manner , consider some things in reference thereunto , and endeavour to hold forth what we conceive to be duty , especially to the Ministers of the Gospel , that have interest in such a Church ; As also what may be required of others , that may possibly think themselves lesse concerned therein : Wherein we shall keep this order , 1. we shall lay down some general Grounds , which we suppose as granted . 2. We shall premit some preparatory endeavours agreeable to the same . 3. We shall speak negatively to what ought not to be done , or ought to be forborn . 4. Positively to the healing means called-for in reference to several sorts of division , with some questions incident thereupon . And lastly , We shall consider the grounds that do presse the serious and condescending application of these , or other healing means in such a case . The first generall ground , which we take for granted , is this , That by way of precept there is an absolute necessity of uniting laid upon the Church , so that it falleth not under debate , Whether a Church should continue divided or united in the These ? more than it falleth under debate , Whether there should be preaching , praying , keeping of the Sabbath , or any other commanded duty ; seing that union is both commanded as a duty , and comm●…nded , as eminently tending to the edification of the Church , and therefore is so frequently joyned with edification ? Nor is it to be asked by a Church , what is to be done for the Churches good , in a divided way , thereby supposing a dispensation , as it were , to be given to division , and a forbearing of the use of means for the attaining thereof ; or rather supposing a stating or fixing of division , and yet notwithstanding thereof , thinking to carry on edification ? It is true , where union cannot be attained amongst orthodox Ministers , that agree in all main things , ( for , of such only we speak ) Ministers are to make the best use of the opportunities they have , and during that to seek the edification of the Church ; Yet , that men should by agreement state a division in the Church , or dispense therewith , and prefer the continuing of division , as fitter for edification than union , we suppose is altogether unwarrantable . 1. Because , that is not the Lord's Ordinance , and therefore cannot be gone about in faith , nor in it can the blessing be expected , which the Lord doth command to those that are in unity , Psal. 133. 2. Because Christ's Church is but one Body , and this were deliberately to alter the nature thereof : and although those who deny this Truth may admit of division ; yea , they cannot have union , that is proper Church-union , which is union in Government , Sacraments , and other Ordinances , because union , or communion in these , doth result from this principle ; yet it is impossible for those that maintain that principle of the unity of the Catholick visible-Church , to owne a divided way of administrating Government or other Ordinances , but it will infer either that one party hath no interest in the Church , or that one Church may be many ; and so , that the unity thereof in its visible state is to no purpose : This then we take for granted . And though possibly it be not in all cases attainable , because the fault may be upon one side , who possibly will not act unitedly with others , yet is this still to be endeavoured , and every opportunity to be taken hold of for promoting of the same . The second ground which we suppose , is this , That as union is ever a duty , So , we conceive , if men interessed will do their duty , there can be no division amongst Orthodox Divines or Ministers , but it is possible also to compose it , and union is a thing attainable . For , 1. We are not speaking of composing divisions that are stated upon the fundamentall things ; nor are we speaking of removing all differences , as if all men were to be one in judgment in every point of Truth ; there may be difference where there is no division , as hath been said . Nor , 3. when we speak of mens doing their duty , do we mean a full up-coming of every thing in knowledge and practice , and that in a sanctified manner , though that ought to be endeavoured ; but it looketh principally to the doing of duty in reference to this particular ( if it may be called so ) of attaining union , a great part whereof doth consist in outward obvious things , which do neither require simply sanctification in the person ( though in it self most desirable ) nor perfection in the degree , some whereof we may afterward mention ; so that the meaning is , if we consider union in it self , without respect to mens corruptions , ( which will make the least thing impossible when they are in exercise ) it is a thing possible , according to the acknowledged principles , that sober , orthodox men usually walk by , as experience hath often proven , and reason doth demonstrat in the particulars afterward to be instanced . And this consideration ought the more pressingly to stir up the endeavour of this duty , although oftentimes through mens corruption it hath been frustrated . Thirdly , we premit , That in endeavouring union and healing , men would not straiten it to an universall union in every thing , in judgement and practice , but would resolve to have it with many things defective that need forbearance in persons that are united , which me may take up in these particulars . 1. There may be difference of judgement in many things , I mean in such things that are consistent with the foundation , and edification ; and such a forbearance would be resolved upon , and to do otherwayes , were to think that either men had no reason at all , or that their understandings were perfect , or at least of equal reach . 2. There may be dissatisfaction with many persons , whether Officers or Members ; and to expect a Church free of unworthy Officers , or Members , and to defer Church union thereupon , is to expect the barn-floor shall be without chaff , and to frustrate the many commands whereby this duty is pressed ; for , so this command should be obligatory to no Church , but that that is triumphant ; yet certainly our Lord Jesus gave this command to His Disciples when Iudas was amongst them ; and Paul gave it and practised it , when some preached out of envy , Philip. 1. and when almost all sought their own things , and not the things of Christ : And certainly , if people ought to carry even to corrupt Ministers who yet destroy not the foundation , as Ministers , in the duties that becomes them to Ministers in communion with them , while they continue such , Then certainly Ministers ought to keep that communion with Ministers , that becometh their relations , seing they are still Ministers in that respect , as well as in the other . And if this corruption will not warrant separation in other Ordinances , as was said in the close of the second part , Then neither will it warrant division in the ordinance of government . 3. It may also be consistent with many particular failings , and defects in the exercise of government , as possibly the sparing of some corrupt O●…cers and Members ; yea , the Censuring of some unjustly , or the admission of some that are unfit for the Ministery , and such like : These indeed are faults , but they are not such as make a Church to be no Church ; and though these have sometimes been pretended to be the causes of schisms and divisions in the Church in practice , yet were they never defended to be just grounds of schisms and divisions , but were ever condemned by all Councels and Fathers , and cannot be in reason sustained . For , 1. there should be then no union expected here , except we supposed , that men that have corruption , could not fall in these faults . 2. It is not unlike , but some of these were in the primitive Churches ; somewhat is infinuated thereof , Rev. 2. in those Church-officers , their tolerating of Iezebel and the Nicolaitans to seduce the people , and to commit fornication ; yet neither is separation or division called-for , or allowed either amongst Ministers or people . Sure there were such corrupt acts of all kinds amongst the Jews Church-officers ; yet is it clear , that Nicodemus and Ioseph of Arimathea did continue to govern joyntly , notwithstanding thereof , who yet cannot be counted accessory to any of their deeds ; Because ( which is a third reason ) men in such cases have accesse , even when they are present , to discountenance such corrupt acts , by not consenting thereto , and testifying against the same , ( yea , they may by so doing , stand in the way of many wicked acts , which by dividing they cannot do ) which is sufficient for their exoneration both before God and men : As we may see in the instances of Ioseph and Nicodemus mentioned ▪ who continue united in the government , keeped the meetings even when Sentences passe against those who will acknowledge Christ , and orders for persecuting Him and them ; and yet they are declared free , because they dissented from , and testified against the same ; yea , their freedom and exoneration by vertue of their dissent being present , is more solemnly recorded to their honour in the Gospel , than if they had divided ; And yet the unity of the Church now hath the same ground , and no fewer motives to presse it than it had then . 4. It may stand with some defects in Worship , manner of Government , and rules that are necessary for good government in a Church . It is like , that many things of that kind , were defective in the Church of Corinth , where the Sacrament was so disorderly administrated ( as hath been marked ) confusion in many things of Worship , and some things still to be set in order ; yet doth the Apostle no where press union more than in these Epistles , as formerly hath been marked ; neither can it be thought that perfection in all these is ever to be expected , or that union , untill such time is to be delayed . And if there be defects of that kind , it is union and not division that is to be looked upon as the commended mean for redressing of the same . If it be asked then , With what kind of defects or discontents may an union be made up ? or , what Rules may be walked by therein ? For answer , We offer these Considerations or Rules , 1. What cannot warrant a breach where there is union , that cannot warrantably be the ground to keep up a division ; Now there are many miscarriages or defects , which are really grosse , and yet will not warrant a schism , as all that write thereon do clear , and is obvious to all . The reason of the consequence is , Because making up of a breach is no lesse a duty , than preventing thereof ; And further , if it began upon such a ground , Then the continuing thereof upon the same ground , is but the continuing in the same sin ; and it cannot be thought that any party by dividing upon an unjust ground , can afterward be justified upon the same ground ; It remaineth therefore , that if the ground was not sufficient at first to warrant a separation or division , it cannot be sufficient afterward to continue the same . Rule 2. Such defects as do not make communion in a Church , and in its Ordinances sinfull , will not warrant a separation or division from the same ; for , this followeth on the former . It is acknowledged by all , that there is no separation from a true Church in such Ordinances , as men may without sin communicate into , although others may be guilty therein ; as , suppose men to have accesse to Government without such bonds and engagements , and such like , as may mar their freedom in following the light of the Word , in deciding whatever shall come before them , even though others should step over the same . Rule 3. Men may keep communion with a Church , when their calling leadeth them thereto upon the one side , and they have accesse to the discharge of the same upon the other ; this also followeth upon the former : for , if some acts of a mans station lead him to an united way of acting , ( as the duties of a fixed Minister do ) then he is obleiged to follow the duties of his calling , whilst there is no physicall or morall impediment barring him in the same , and others being defective in their duty , will not absolve him from his , which he oweth by vertue of his station . Rule 4. While the generall rules tending to edification in the main are acknowledged , union is to be keeped , even though there be much failing in the application ; because , so there are fit weapons to make use of , and who knoweth but single and zealous improving of them , may help the application thereof ; and if there be a failing therein , it is the persons deed , that by his vote so misapplyeth , and doth not involve any other in that guilt , beside that by joynt and united acting much of that misapplication may through Gods blessing be prevented . Rule 5. Then there may and ought to be uniting when the evils that follow division or schism , are greater and more hurtfull to the Church , than the evils that may be supposed to follow on union . I speak not of ills of sin , ( for , the least of these are never to be chosen ) but of evils and inconveniencies that may indeed be hurtfull to the Church in themselves , and sinfull in respect of some persons , yet are not so to all : Now , in such evils the lesser is to be chosen , because uniting and acting joyntly in a Church-way , doth belong to the policy and government of the Church , wherein Christian prudence is to have a main hand , So that when things cannot be done as men would simply , they are to do as they may comparatively , that is , to choose and make use of what may be most edifying , and least hurtfull to the Churches edification ( which is the great end that ought to sway in Government ) amongst all these means that seem probable and possible ; So that the conscience may have testimonie in this , that the way that had fewest inconveniencies , and manyest advantages to edification , was chosen ; and though some inconveniencies fall out afterward , yet the conscience may be quiet on this ground : Because , sometimes the Lord in His providence will order so in the matters of Government , that there is no side can be chosen without inconveniencies ; As suppose , there is not full satisfaction in any way that occureth in planting such a Congregation , in removing of such an offence , healing such a rent , and the like ; but whatever side be looked to , many hinderances to edification appear , yet something must be chosen , and may be with peace to the conscience ; because we are to regulate our own act suitably to the providences , and cases we meet with , and to the tempers of these we have to do with ; but we are neither to regulate nor answer for providences , and the distempers of others . Indeed in such a case , the mind may be disquieted because of fear ; and the consolation of the duty may be diminished , because of such circumstances ; and affections may be grieved and jumbled , because there is not full satisfaction ; yet may the conscience have quietnesse and peace in its duty notwithstanding ; and men are specially to discern and to put difference between peace of conscience and the former discomposures : otherwayes there will be many cases wherein it is impossible for a zealous Minister to have peace , whatever side he choose , yea , whether he do or forbear . If it be asked then , What way men may discern the side that is to be followed in such a case , when inconveniencies threaten on all hands ? Answ. By these and such like wayes . 1. It is to be looked , what side hath the most dangerous and destructive inconveniencies . 2. What inconveniencies are most certain and inevitable , and the greatest and most inevitable inconveniencies are to be shunned , and men would not choose a certain hurt to eschew that which is uncertain . 3. It would be looked , what side duty lieth upon , or to what the command doth presse ; and although inconveniencies seem to follow that , yet it is to be followed as most safe . Now , as to all these , union hath the advantage o division : Because , 1. it is a commanded mean tending to edification , which division is not . 2. Division hath no lesse nor fewer inconveniencies following it , nor lesse destructive to the Church , than union in the case supposed ; yea , schism is one of the greatest hurts that can come to an orthodox Church , it being next to heresie in Doctrine ; and therefore no particular evil can be laid in the ballance with it . 3. The ills of division are most inevitable , for the ills that follow union , through Gods blessing may be prevented , it is not impossible , but in the way of division it is , because it self is out of Gods way . Rule 6. When men may unit without personall guilt , or accession to the defects or guilt of others , there may and ought to be union , even though there be failings and defects of severall kinds in a Church . The reasons before given will clear this , because men are to reckon not for other mens car●…iages , but their own , and no such Church-state is to be expected as is free of defects . Beside , can it warrand a man to abstain from his duty because others do not theirs ; whileas there is no sinfull impediment lying in the way of his accesse thereto . If it be asked , What may be accounted such impediments , as a tender conscience may be justly scarred by from uniting ? It may be answered in these and such like , 1. If a person be put to condemn any thing he thinketh lawfull in his own former practice , or the practice of others , or in some point of Doctrine though never so extrinsick , if it be to him a point of truth . 2. If he be put to approve the deed , and practice of some others which he accounteth sinfull , or to affirm somewhat as truth which he doth account an errour . 3. When some engagement is required for the future , which doth restrain from any duty called ▪ for , or that may afterward be called-for . These and such like involve persons in the sin of what is past , and also maketh them accessory to the inconveniencies which may come ; because they are bound up with their own consent , from endeavouring the preventing thereof in the way of duty , at least it is so to them , and so defileth their conscience . Therefore such entanglements are by all means to be forborn ; but where no such thing is in condemning or acknowledging any thing that is past , nor any such restraining bond inconsistent with duty for the time to come , there may be accesse to union , even where there are many publick defects , which is the thing laid down to be cleared . In the fourth place we premit , That for attaining of union there would be , and there ought to be , large mutuall condescending , that is , that both sides ought to streach themselves , not only to forbear what is sinfull ; nor only to condescend to what may be thought simply necessary , and may be extorted as duty in any case ; Nor yet ought condescending to be upon one side levelled according to the length that another goeth , but condescending would be levelled mutually according as expediencie calleth for , with respect to the edification of the Church ; for which end even many infirmities of others are to be for born , and things otherwayes unreasonable in respect of these men we have to do with , yet respect to the Churches peace , ought to make men cede in these ; for , if there ought to be condescending for private peace , much more ought it to be for Church-peace and publick edification : and though we cannot nor will not now be particular in this , yet concerning it , we may lay down these considerations , 1. In what may involve a man in sin , or in the approbation thereof in others , there is no condescending , but what length may warrantably be gone , even to the utmost border of duty , men ought to go for this end ; so that nothing ought to be a stop or march in condescension , but this , I cannot do this and sin against God ; otherwayes , one ought to be all things to others . This consideration will be more clear , by comparing it with the former Rules , and what afterward may be said . 2. This condescension would be mutuall upon both sides , that is , one party would not expect full submission from the other , for that is not union , but dominion ; Hence the Apostle in his pressing of union in such cases , doth ordinarily pray , and obtest both sides . And seing affection is the main ground of union , it is fit , there should be condescension for mutuall testifying of respect each to other . This is also confirmed by an Epistle of Calvines to Mr. Knox ( afterward cited ) wherein he presseth that condescension be mutuall for removing of a division that was in his Congregation at Frankford . 3. Even that party that seemeth to be rightest in the matter , or to have authority on its side , or to have countenance from others , ought yet to condescend , yea in some things to be most condescending , because such are in some sort parents and strong ; they ought therefore the more tenderly to bear and cover the infirmities of the weak : and because they are more sober and at themselves , they therefore ought to carry the more seriously toward others , whom they suppose to be in a distemper , and not to be equally groffe in handling the tender things of the Church , whereof union is a main one : And considering that authority is given for edification , it is not unsuitable for it to condescend for attaining its end ; for which cause we find often Paul , laying by his authority in such cases , and intreating and wooing , as it were , even the meanest dissenters , in this matter of union , as we see him , Phil. 4. beseeching Euodias and Synti●…he ( who were it is like but very private persons ) to be of one mind . And in ancient times we will find , 1. sometimes the innocent party ceding and condescending , as in the case betwixt Basilius and Eusebius at Cesarea : Basilius , though having the best side , and of greatest account , yet did first cede , by withdrawing for the peace of the Church ; and afterward , for the good thereof , to wit , the preventing of its being tainted by the Arian heresie , he did return , and condescend to be subject to him who was in competition with him , which tended exceedingly to the good of that Church , to the removing of that Schism , and the great praise and commendation of his zeal and singlenesse . 2. We find that oftentimes the most tender and sincere , and these who were upon the right side , have been most condescending , and oftentimes these who did the wrong ( such as it was ) were most averse from condescension , as in all the Schisms that have arisen upon frivolous grounds will appear . 3. These who condescended most in such things , have ever been thought the greatest friends to the Church , even sometimes when they have been deepest in the rise of the Schism , and when their side was not so justifiable as the other , yet by condescending they have commended themselves more to the Churches friends than their opposites . It is marked in that schism at Antioch , betwixt Miletius and Paulinus , who were both Orthodox , yet had they divided governments , and Congregations in the Church , because of different Ordinations which had keeped them rent for some time ; and although Miletius his Ordination and entry was not so justifiable according to the Canons , as the others was ; yet the parties tenacious upon either side being strong , there was accesse to settle it by no authoritative decision : wherefore it came to a treaty by means of these that were appointed Arbiters , that so union and communion in the Ordinances might be made up in that Church ; at which conference Miletius overtured , that they might joyn together as Bishops to take care of one Flock while they lived , and after the death of either , he who survived should be only Bishop of the united Flock , unto whom one only should succeed to have charge of all , for preventing of division for the time to come ; to which overture , Paulinus would not acquiesce , but stood to the formality of order without valuing the Churches peace , or proposing any just ground of exception against Miletius person or Doctrine ; he , to wit , Paulinus was counted unworthy to govern such a Church , and removed therefrom , and the other as more worthy because of that his condescending , was therefore alone invested in the government therof . 4. We will find them sometimes yeeld in all particulars that do not involve any consent unto , or approbation of what is wrong . It is marked by Augustine in his Writings against the Donatists , that sometimes Councels that have condemned men , have for peace without any satisfaction , again restored them upon after thoughts ; and he marketh it as a great condescension of the Bishops of Spain , that they did so in the case of Osiu●… when he was found innocent by the French : they did not ( saith he ) pertinaciously with animosity defend their former Sentences , lest they should fall in the sacriledge of a Schism , which doth exceed all wickednesse ; and with that humility , peace was keeped , because ( saith he ) they had rather be against their own Sentences , than the unity of the Church . And he doth upbraid that principle of the Donatists in the case of one Primianus , who was refused to be restored by an after Councell of theirs , because a former pretended Synod of their own had deposed him , alleaging , and abusing that word of the Apostles for that end , Gal. 2. If I again build what I have destroyed , then am I found a transgressour ; and he doth more commend the practice of Pretextatus and Felicianus , who being condemned ( it is like unjustly ) by three hundreth and eighteen Bishops , yet did , ( saith he ) for concords sake , return and joyn with these who did condemn them ; and by them were without all losse or diminution of their honour , received into fellowship . And wat ever may be in the justice or injustice of any of these former deeds , upon the matter , yet doth he only make use of them , to shew what condescension ought to be in such cases for peace , both upon the part of Judicatories and particular persons , how ever the matter doth appear unto them ; for he condemneth not the rejecting of Primianus because he was unjustly Sentenced , but because there was not due respect had to the Churches peace ; nor doth he commend the Spanish Bishops for recalling an unjust Sentence , which ought to be done for Justice sake ; but that ( though it is no qu●…stion they did think it just ) they did condescend to remove it for preventing of a Schism , when they saw their deed dissatisfying to others . And it is so in the other case also , it is these mens submission to these that condemned them , as it evidences respect to concord , and not as considering any equity of the Sentence which is commended by him ; this is in what he writeth contra Epistolam Parmeniani . lib. 1. cap. 2 3 , 4 &c. From what is said , we may lay down these negative conclusions , concerning the upmaking of a breach amongst Godly and Orthodox men , where a Church hath harmony in the fundamentall points , Faith , Worship and Government , and where the thriving of the Gospel is mutually designed . 1. Division ought not to be endeavoured to be removed in such a case , in such a way as doth undo or destroy either side , because that is not the good of the whole ; for every part and side in such a case , is a part of the body , although it may be not so very considerable , and it is no wisdom to cut off a member of the body , and that way to cure a distemper therein , when possibly the purging away of corrupt humours from the body , or more gentle applications might recover the same . 2. We say , that way of uniting is not to be admitted , but shunned , which may incapacitate any Minister or member of the body that is fit for edifying of the same , from having accesse thereunto ; for so the Church is prejudged , and men are rendred unable for edifying thereof . And this is not only when Sentences are past , or restraints laid on ; But it may be in such like cases . As , 1. when by the terms of union some person is grieved and weighted , by annexing of some unnecessary thing which may be forborn , because by this , men go about duty with heavinesse , which is unprofitable to the Church . 2. It may be , when something that reflecteth upon any side , or person , unnecessarily , is interwoven ; because such things still keep up suspicion , and make the union the more heartlesse , and doth both make such persons more faint , and also in the lesser capacity to have weight with others for their edification , and doth leave a ground of dissatisfaction with such an agreement , that is ready afterward to break forth ; Therefore union would be essayed with all due respect from each to other , and without any note of disrespect . 3. We may gather , that no simply authoritative mean is the fit and only way of healing a rentChurch : That is indeed the way of governing an united Church , but not the way of uniting a rentChurch , especially a Church rent in particulars of practice and government ; because the remedy must be extensive to both sides , and in such cases , at least , as to these particulars , Authority usually is declined ; and though it be unjustly declined possibly , yet when it is declined , it is unable to effectuate this end ; and the remedy is to be applied , not as to what agreeth to a Church that is whole , but what agreeth to a Church in such a distemper ; even as a sick body is to be nourished not alwayes with the strongest and wholesomest meats which agree with such as are in health , but it is to be nourished with things suitable to its distemper , and are fit to cure it ; yea , sometimes , with such things as may please the taste , when more healthfull things are not admitted . Also when both judgments are to be informed , and affections are to be gained , there must be prudentiall and affectionat wayes used for gaining these ends . Hence we see , that not only in Church-history , but in the Scriptures especially , the duty of union is more pressed by perswasions , intreaties , reasons to move to it , ills that follow the want thereof , and such like , than by an authoritative way , such as is used in the condemning of Hereticks , and other scandalous persons . And indeed union hath such conjunction with the will and affections , that it must be perswaded and cannot be so commanded . And amongst such persons as are supposed to be in this difference , privat and particular condescension is most becoming that respect which each ought to other . Fifthly , We premit , That suppose sufficient condescension should fail upon one side , yet ought the other to condescend fully the length that is possible . 1. Because Church-union amongst Church-men is no civil bargain to use prigging therein , but what is possible is duty out of obedience to God , who commandeth peace in other things ( and so , much more in this ) as far as is possible , or as in men lyes . And , 2. because respect is to be had to the Churches good , whose advantage we should seek , even though others were defective ; and often such condescending gaineth more for the advantage of the Church , and commendation of the party condescending , than if there had been more sticking , as we may see in that praise-worthy instance of Basilius his carriage , who stuck on nothing , but absolutely did lay by what was contended-for , without respect to his own right or injury , for the Churches good . And oftentimes it 's one party their waiting for the others condescension , or taking occasion from their tenaciousnesse to stick , that doth keep the distance at a height . 6. Oftentimes in such debates as are amongst orthodox Divines and Ministers , it seemeth they might be removed if one party should condescend according to the qualifications and cautions formerly laid down ; yea , it seemeth it were safer for the Churches good in such a case , that either party should practically condescend to the way of the other , than that division should be keeped up upon such grounds . For , 1. It is not supposed here , that there is any matter of faith in question , amongst such , often there was full harmony in the Confessions of Faith , as in the instances cited . 2. There is no question for Government simply , nor for Councils and Canons , these also were acknowledged ; none did disclaim the general Councils , nor their acts . 3. The question often is not amongst them , Whether others should be brought to their opinion or not , I mean as to the stick of the division ; But often it is either , 1. upon some mistaken expression of another , or errour in some lesser point of Truth ; And , in such a case , it is that great Augustines word , Disputable errours , or uncertain faults , are not in their pursuit to be preferred to certain peace . Or , 2. it is for some particular act of Government , or other miscarriages by misapplying of rules , or not walking according to them , or something of that kind , as was in contrary Ordinations of orthodox men , and such like : In which cases , we say , ( and it will be found from History ) That it had been ever better for the Church , that either side had practically condescended to suffer the other to rule and govern , and personally to have keeped themselves free from accession to their guilt , whether of crookednesse negligence , or the like , than to have raised or entertained divisions upon such accounts . For , often orthodox , and otherwayes blamelesse men , have b●…en made , by such divisions , factious and carnal in their carriage , and much unusefull ; who otherwayes , had they been free of that tentation , might have proved sober , and profitable ; and , when the tentation was over , were found to be such . 7. We may observe , that though in the primitive times there were diverse schisms and divisions , concerning Synods and Government , yet we will find that these contests and divisions did flow from the matter and particular acts and actings thereof , and that there was hardly ever division tabled upon the formality of the constitution of a Council or Synod ; nor yet , that much difference was put betwixt declining of their authority , and of the Acts or Censures past by them . Concerning which we may observe these generals , 1. If the matter was right and satisfying that was concluded by many Bishops and Church-men , there was an acquiescing in the authority thereof . 2. If the matter were displeasing and hurtfull , of whatever form it was , and of whatever number , its authority was not much respected , because it consisted only in adding weight to these things , as we may see in the Arian Councils , which were often very numerous , and others also that were erroneous , and otherwayes corrupt , although there was no formal declinatour of them , or protestation against them as null ; though there were sometimes some dissentients in them , yet was not their authority any way confirmed by the forbearing of such Protestations or Declinatours . 3. Sometimes we will find worthy men appearing before and answering unto most corruptly constituted Synods , as was in those same times , and although they were sentenced and deposed by them , yet did they never esteem these Sentences to have the more authority , as we may see in the case of Athanasius , Chrysostom , and many others . 4. Sometimes they did protest against Synods as null , when they saw violence and iniquity prevail in the●… , as was done in the Council of Antioch , in the case of Eustachius ; and was done in the second Council of Ephesus by Flavianus and Anatolius . Sometimes also upon seen hazard , and designs of professed corrupt enemies , Protestations were drawn in writ antecedently ; as in that Protestation which the Reformers in Germany gave out against the Council of Trent , after its indiction ; because there was no probable accesse for Truth to have liberty in speaking , and equity in judgment ; And as Sleydan hath it set down , they alleaged Cyrillus for the first practiser of this , in the time that the Arians prevailed . This we may see is their practice when they have to do with professed enemies ; not sticking on formalities , but on what was materiall . And again , amongst themselves , the Orthodox used not to stick upon the trying and scanning of the formality of any of these Councils ( for certainly in such corruptions as were so universal , Synods corrupt for the plurality of them , might have been had with all the formalities and solemnities that could be required in the external constitution of any lawfull Synod ) but when they had occasion to meet , they went to the doing of what was for the present good of the Church , condemning the matter of such corrupt Synods ; which they did account sufficient in such cases : And for difference amongst themselves , when they were of a right temper , they did also endeavour to redresse such particulars as needed , and to restore persons unjustly sentenced , and the like ; Whereby it appeareth that the matter both in things of general and particular concernment , did ever bear most sway . 8. Although such debates concerning Government seem most easie to be removed , yet often and almost ever , they have been most difficulty healed , and have been followed with greatest bitternesse and contention in the Church ; for , different Judgements simply , and also different Ceremonies , and different practices in other things , may consist without direct opposition or counteracting , and may either be the more easily born or removed : but when it comes to Government , whose Sentence shall stand , whose Ordination shall be acknowledged , who shall have place to decide such and such things , and the like , it is far otherwayes . Hence it came to passe that men could keep union and communion with others that differed from them in far greater points of Truth ; but to persons that did not acknowledge their Authority , or did acknowledge those that did controvert with them thereanent , they could by no means so condescend : Because , 1. in Government , mens own particular interest is more concerned than in points of Truth , and that inadvertently stealeth in upon men . 2. Because , in Government the question is not only for what is past , but there is a fear of what may come : Hence men that have some testimony in themselves that they are not ambitio●…s of Government , yet having taken up a prejudice against others , they are suspicious that if such had power , they would miscarry , not only in reference to them , but in reference to publick concernment ; And therefore in removing such a division that is in point of Government , the great difficulty is not so much to heal and remove what is past , as to prevent the fear of what may come , if such continue to govern . And this maketh , that the result of such division is , Tha●… either they themselves , or such as they have confidence in particularly , may have the weight of government upon them , which may indeed be aimed at with some sincerity ; because being someway alienated with prejudice , they do not think it fit for the good of the work , at least during that time , that any others should have such trust ; and this made the heat of debates in the time of division , to break out mainly in the ordination of Bishops , and planting of Churches ; because by that means their interest in the government was keeped up , whereby there was after-accesse to the management of every other thing according as this succeeded . CHAP. VIII . Some preparatory endeavours for uniting . ALthough we have been somewhat large in these generals , because of the falling in of severall things , yet we conceive it may be usefull to the point , and we may have the speedier progresse afterward in loosing this great question , What an orthodox Church divided in it self in some circumstantiall truths ( to speak so ) or contrary practices and actings , when still agreeing in the fundamentals of Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , and having mutuall esteem of the integrity one of another : What , I say , such are called to do for the healing of that breach ? In reference to which , these things , or this method would be followed . 1. All , especially Ministers , would walk under the impression of the dreadfulnesse and terriblenesse of such a plague ; It is like , if God were looked to as angry at a Church , and at Ministers in such a time , men would be in the greater fitnesse to speak concerning a healing . Some time therefore would be bestowed on this , to let that consideration sink down in the soul , that the Lords hand may be taken up therein ; the many sad consequents thereof would be represented to the mind , and the heart would be seriously affected and humbled therewith , as if sword , pestilence or fire were threatened ; yea , as if the Lord were spitting in Ministers faces , rubbing shame upon them , and threatning the making of them despicable , the blasting of the Ordinances in their hands , the loosing the girdle of their loins , and authority amongst the people , the plucking up of the hedges to let in Boars and Wolves to spoil the Vines , and destroy the flock ; and , in a word , to remove His candlestick , so that Ministers or other persons in such a case , have not only men that are their opposits to look to as angry at them , but they have the Lord to look to as their party , whose anger hath thus divided them ; and the not observing of this , maketh men the more confident under such a judgement ; Whereas , seing it is a plague , men , even such as suppose themselves innocent , as to the immediate rise thereof , ought to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God , with respect to this as to other plagues . 2. Men would also look upon it as a snare ; O how many tentations have such divisions accompanying them , especally to Ministers ; and also how many afflictions , crosses and reproaches , upon the back of these ! Might it not make a Minister tremble to think upon the matter of divisions , that now beside all his former difficulties and straits , there is a snare and trial in every thing ; in every Sermon that he preacheth it is thus , lest his own affection steal in for the zeal of God , to make him hoter and more vehement against those that oppose him in such things that are controverted , than he useth to be in things more nearly concerning to the glory of God , and lest by discovering his carnalnesse , he make his Ministery despicable before others , when he heareth he is in hazard to be i●…ritated by a contradiction ; and though there be no contradiction , he is in hazard to lay the lesse weight upon what might be for his edification , because it is spoken by one who in such and such things differeth from him . When he is in any Judicatory , there is a tentation waiting on , by the least motion of such things , to discompose all , and make such meetings scandalous and burdensome ; by this all conversing almost becometh heartlesse and comfortlesse , the most intimate brother is either suspicious , or suspected ; all construction of mens ingenuity and sincerity in anything , are , for the most part , grounded upon mens interests , as if men after that had no conscience of sinning , there is a failing of sympathie amongst brethren , &c. And may not these and many such like , make Ministers circumspect in such a case , that they may be slow to speak to what may foment division , and wary in hazarding upon snares . Alas , it is unlike this , when men use more confidence and liberty in constructing , speaking and acting , and with lesse tendernesse in times of division than at other times ; and were men once impressed with the fear of sinning upon the occasions of divisions , they would be much more disposed for speaking of union . 3. Ministers and others would sobe●…ly retire to take a view of their own spirituall condition , and see if they have keeped their own vineyard : and particularly , before the Lord , put themselves to these . 1. How union with him hath been prized , and if there hath been studying to be , and abide , in Christ , and to keep themselves in the love of God. 2. If there be any ground of quarrell in the present strain or by gone practice , that might have influence to provoke the Lord to smite them in the generall . Or , 3. and especially , If by their negligence and unfaithfulnesse , imprudency , heat , passion , tenaciousnesse , addictednesse to other men , and too much loathnesse to displease them , prejudice at , and uncharitablnesse unto others , or the like , they have been any way accessory to the bringing in of this evil ; for which cause they would take a view both of the sins that procure it , and the evils which do dispose for it , and increase it , ( which were formerly mentioned ) and would be impartiall and through in this ; for , it is preposterous for men to meddle in removing publick differences , while they know not how it standeth with themselves . 4. When that is done , there would be repentance suitable to what is found , and extraordinary humiliation and secret prayer to God , not only for themselves and for their own particular condition , but for the publick , and particularly for healing of that breach , and that thereby God would spare His people , and not suffer His inheritance to be a reproach . It is no little furtherance to union , to have men in a spirituall , abstracted and mortified frame ; for , we are sure , if it remove not difference , it will in a great part moderate the division , and restrain the carnalnesse that usually accompanieth it , and dispose men to be more impartiall to hear what may lead further . 5. Men would not fist in this , but as they have interest , and are led by their places , they would endeavour soberly , warily and seriously , by speaking , writing , obtesting and otherwayes , to commend union to these that differ ; yea , even they that differ , would commend it to these that differ from them . We see the Apostles do this frequently in the New Testament , and that not onely in the generall to Churches , but some persons are particularly by name obtested , as , Philip. 4. 2. And in the primitive times , Bishops and Churches who were not engaged , did seriously write , and sometimes did send some of their number to Churches and eminent persons that were divided , and often their interposing did prove effectu●… . And when that difference between Augustine and Ierome did come to some height , he ( to wit , Augustine ) pressed himself so on the other , for the begetting of a better understanding , and the abating of that difference , that he did prevail with him , and by their mutuall apologies , and better understanding one of another , they came notwithstanding of their difference to have much respect one of another . For this end Policarpus came from Asia to Rome , to stay the division about Easter , which prevailed so far , that it fisted for a time . Also men , especially of the same judgement , would deal with others with whom in that they agree , to be condescending , and seriously obtest them ; and when they exceed , would objurgate them for the Churches good . This is often of great weight , and often also , men that appear most in a difference , will be hoter and carry things further than lesse engaged men of the same judgement will allow , and such ought not to be silent in such a case . Thus Ireneus ( though of Victors judgement in the matter of Easter ) yet did boldly expostulate with him for his vehemency in pressing of the same , to the hurt of the Churches peace , charging him to forbear and to follow union notwithstanding ; which act of his , is still highly commended , and ( as Eusebius observeth ) counted answerable to his name . 6. Serious and single thoughts of union would be laid down , and that would be purposly driven as the great duty ; so that endeavours would not principally tend to strengthen a side , or exouer themselves , or get advantage to others , &c. but to make one of both ; and therefore when one mean or occasion faileth , another would be essayed ; neither would men weary or faint herein , although it prove often a most fainting businesse . 7. Men would endeavour all this with tendernesse and respect to mens persons , actions and qualifications ; for , oftentimes the rise of a division , is in the alienation of affections between some persons ; which afterward disposeth to construct hardly both of their opinions and actions : and indeed often the stick is here , that mens affections are not satisfied one with another , and that maketh them that they do not trust each other : Hence we see , that in the Scripture , the commending of love , and of honouring and prefering of others in honour to our selves , is ordinarily subjoyned to the exhortations to union , or reproofs of division , as , Philip. 2. Eph. 4. Matth. 18 , &c. And we see in the primitive times ▪ when no mean could cure schisms , one party shewing respect to another , or to some eminent head of the opposit party , ( it may be even after their death ) did alley the same , and engage these that formerly shunned communion , to joyn with them . It is particularly observed , That when at Constantinople some had continued separated from the Bishops government , and the Church thereof , after Chrysostom's deposition , for the space of thirty five years , and were called Iohanits ; yet Proclus , who by some interval succeeded in that See , by recording Chrysostom's name amongst eminent persons , and making honourable mention of him , and bringing his body from the place where it was buried in his exile , and burying it honourably at Constantinople in the great Church of the holy Apostles , did so appease and engage those that had disclaimed all the interveening Bishops , that instantly they did acknowledge him and joyn with the Church . The like also is mentioned to have been the end of that Schism at Antioch , because of Eustachius his removal from them , when Callaudion the Bishop did return his body honourably to be buried , and went out with his party to receive the same solemnly some miles from the Town ; those also , who out of respect to him ( to wit Eustachius ) had continued separated from the succeeding Bishops for above an hundred years , now seeing the adverse party put respect on him , they also did from that time forth joyn with them . Both these are recorded in the fifth Century ; and if respect to dead men be prevalent to engage affections , certainly mutual respect and evidences of confidence amongst men living , would be much more weighty . This giving of respect would be manifested in these and the like . 1. Respective mentioning in word or writ of the persons , and what concerns those that differ , especially such as are most eminent and leading amongst them . 2. There would be good constructions put upon their end and intentions , and sincerity , even in such actions as are displeasing . 3. Mens opinions and actions would not be loaded with grosse absurdities and high aggravations , especially in publick ; because that tendeth but to make them odious , and standeth in the way of a future good understanding , when one hath proposed another as so absurd and hatefull a person . 4. All personal reflections would be abstained , as also sleighting answers , disdainfull-like words and salutations , and such like , would be shunned ; But on the contrary , there would be love , familiarity , tendernesse ; and if there have been any reflection or bitternesse to occasion mistake , yea , if it have been unjustly apprehended , there would be condescending to remove the same . I have heard of a worthy person , who being led away in an hour of tentation , was by many of his former friends afterwards discountenanced , whereby he was , as it were , engaged in a kind of discontent to defend his deed , and resent the disrespect of such persons , which almost grew to a rent : but having occasion to encounter one who was most opposit to his present way , who yet notwithstanding of all , did lovingly and familiarly , as ever , imbrace him , without mentioning any such thing ; it is said , That his heart melted instantly with the conviction of his former opposition , and so any further procedure towards a rent was prevented , when he saw there was yet again access to the affections of the most eminent of those he did differ from . 5. There would be expressions of mutual confidence in one another , which would appear not only in personall respects , but with respect to the Ministery of such as they differ from , endeavouring to strengthen and confirm that , which was the thing that endeared Basilius to Eusebius , that even while he differed , he endeavoured to have his Ministery weighty amongst the people . 6. Respect would be shewn to men of that judgment and side ( it being such a difference as is supposed ) they would be helped and furthered , and counted , notwithstanding thereof ▪ ( if otherwayes qualified ) fit for trust and charge ; for , this is not only engaging of a particular person , but of all the party , and doth hold forth a confidence in them notwithstanding of that ; whereas the contrary is disobliging and irritating of all , because it proposeth all of such an opinion or practice to be unworthy of charge or trust , which no man can well digest ; and it some way necessitateth them in a divided way to endeavour some other way of entering , and to increase their diffidence of them who so partially ( in their esteem at least ) manages matters , and prefers the strengthening of a side , to the edification of the Church ; as any different party cannot but expound it , seing they seem to themselves to have some perswasion of their own integrity in the main work . 7. There would even be mutual visits and fellowship , civil and christian , as hath been ; yea , rather it would be increased ; for if men have some confidence that others love their persons , respect them as Ministers , and esteem of them as Christians , they will be easily induced to trust the other as such also . 8. If reflections and bitternesse be vented by some ( as even good men are too ready to indulge to themselves a liberty in debate to exceed in this ) yet there would be no such meeting given . Luther is censured for exceeding in this , even by such as loved him ; and it is a most excellent advertisement that Calvin giveth to Bullenger and others , thus provoked by him , Epist. 57. That either they would not answer such a Paper at all , or , in answering it , to remember , That they had a most eminent servant of Christ to answer , and so not to be provoked by his vehemency , seing he also had corruptions ; and thus expresseth his own resolution , Etiamsi me Diabolum voca●…et , me tamen hoc illi honoris habiturum , ut insignem Dei servum agnoscam , &c. It is upon this ground , that Augustine and others , most zealously affected with the schism of the Donatists , yet because they keeped in other things sound in the Faith , they mention such of them as were sober , very honourably , and carried to them very brotherly ; and particularly he used to visit their Bishops , if he had been going elsewhere for Ordination or other affairs ; and some of them also used to visit him , whom he entertained most kindly , ever speaking to improve both for begetting a better understanding , as may be gathered from instances cited out of his Epistles in what is before and after this . Sometimes also when he wrote to some of them , he desired them to write so to him , as he might acquaint his people with both their Writings , and with his own , if they returned no Answer , that thereby he might constrain them to reasonablenesse , yet saith , it shall be past Discessum militum , that it might appear he intended not to make them odious . He doth also observe , that a main thing that made the Donatists averse from yeelding to union , was a suspicion which they had , that the Catholicks would still persecute them if they had occasion , speaking of a Conference , Epist. 163. he saith , Dictum erat ( meaning by the Donatists ) quod adhuc nostri eos persecuturi essent ; which he with many words rejecteth , shewing from Eph. 4. that they had learned to keep union with forbearance : elsewhere also , as Epist. 147. he excuseth the too great vehemencie of the expressions of some that were on his own side in that difference . All which sheweth the great necessity that there is to recover affections in the pressing of union , and how far men ought to condescend in reference thereto , both in order to what is past , and for the preventing of what may be feared . 8. Then Ministers would not only in their own practice , but in their doctrine , and otherwayes , stir up others to the practice and life of Religion . We ever find the Apostle useth this way upon the back of his exhortations to union , to presse the working out of their salvation with fear and trembling , &c. And in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , when he dehorts Ministers from foolish and jangling questions , f●…rifes and contentions , this remedy is either premitted or subjoyned , that they would presse the Believers to be zealous of good works , and carefull to maintain these , Tit. 3. 8 , 9. That they would follow after love , righteousnesse , faith , peace with them that call on the Lord out of a pure heart , 2 Tim. 2. 22 , 23. for , when either Ministers or Professors are exercised and taken-up with these things , there is little accesse to other things : then also they discern the necessity of union the more , and are the more disposed for it themselves , and others are the more easily induced to unite with them . Beside , it is never in such things that godly and orthodox men do differ , but it is in diverting from these ; and therefore often much heat in particular differences , carrieth with it , a decay and lukewarmnesse in more practicall things ; As on the contrary , zeal in these materiall things , doth ordinarily alley and mitigate heat and fervour in the other . 9. It is fit that there were solemn addresses to God for directing and guiding in the way to this end ; for , He is the God of peace , and ought to be acknowledged in removing this great evil of division : Hence the Apostle subjoyneth prayers for peace , unto his exhortations thereto ; and we are commanded to pray for Ierusalems peace , even Church-peace no lesse than Civil peace . It may be that the neglect of this is the cause that sound , godly and peaceable men , who love the welfare of Zion , do yet continue divided , and cannot fall upon means of healing , that thereby the necessity of the Lords interposing may be discerned , and that there may be purposed addresses for this same thing , and that men may not undervalue the thing , nor their adversaries in it , so as not to account it a rod , seing it is God they have to do with , nor be content to lye under it without aiming and dealing to have it removed by Him , as we would deal for the removall of any temporall plague , or expect a blessing upon this Gospel . CHAP. IX . What things are to be forborn in order to uniting . HAving laid down these generall helps , we are now to consider what is yet to be forborn and abstained from in reference to union : For , as ordinarily divisions rise and are ●…omented , from and by doing and driving of some things , which others cannot concur in , or come up to ; So when such things are abstained from , there is the nearer accesse to union ; at least , it stoppeth the impetuousness of division , and maketh it to look liker a difference , which ( considering humane infirmity ) is neither so intolerable in 〈◊〉 , nor hurtfull to the Church . Beside therefore what hath been said for abstaining of personal reflections , or what may irritate persons , or parties , or what may entertain jealousie or diffidence amongst them , whereof something hath been touched upon , We shall add these things further , 1. All things that contribute to weaken the repute of others , or to beget an hard impression of them in our selves or in others , in the general , would be forborn ; such as telling of reproachfull reports , even though they be true , much more if they be but reported , yea , or the hearing of such with any delight , endeavouring to waken up discontents in others against opposits , by such informations , solicitations and the like . These are condemned in private mens carriages , and are the causes of continuing such differences ( for , where no tale-bearer is , strife ceaseth , Prov. 26. ) much more amongst Ministers who ought not to walk as men . Also good heed would be taken to such as may have influence on advices , counsels and resolutions to that purpose , lest underhand-whisperers , who really may mind some further alteration in the Church , and may really be imbittered at honest men for their honesty , should yet insinuat themselves with eminent men on both sides , and so carry on the division , and disappoint the union ; As for instance , Some , not altogether purged from drianism , and imbittered at honest Bishops , as Athanasius , Osius , and others , did steal in upon the one side of a debate , and held on the controversie against faithfull men ; So Epiphanius was intangled by Theophilus of Alexandria to oppose Chrysostom upon pretext of another difference ; Sometimes again , on the other side , such as inclined to the Novatians , wanted not influence to strengthen the opposit party , and to keep them at a greater distance from the other , as being grosse in receiving Traditores ( as they called them ) unto their society . Sometimes men justly censured , or fearing censure from faithfull Bishops , did spread calumnies against them , and made them odious , under pretext of their pride , arrogance , unsoundnesse and such like , even unto other orthodox men ; Sometimes again , time-serving men , by flattering Magistrates did execute their revenge against faithfull Bishops , by keeping up Divisions against them , driving on Sentences of Deposition , and such like , under pretext of other faults ; whereby the Churches peace hath been often marred and her divisions continued , as is clear in those schisms and divisions at Constantinople , first , in reference to Chrysostom , and afterward in reference to Ignatius , who , by a faction in the Church , was deposed , really to please the Emperour , whose incestuous marriage he would not approve as they did : therefore I say in the removing of differences , and resolving of duties in reference to union , there is great need of circumspectnesse in trying and choosing whose counsels are to be laid weight upon ; for , all men love not peace , neither seek singly the good of the Church , and want not their own prejudices and grudgings at particular eminent persons , who ( where men are not very denied and mortified ) will easily steal-in to mar a publick good , under pretext of particular respect to the person , whom , by so doing , they stir up . It 's marked by Sleydan as the cause of that unreasonable and unnatural division that brake-out and grew in Germany , almost to the undoing of Religion therein , betwixt the Elector of Saxony , and Maurice afterward Elector , that some Counsellors not well-minded to Religion ▪ but favourers of the wicked way of Henry , to whom Maurice succeeded , who for that cause had hatred at the Elector and those who were eminent for Reformation , and now having taken on a profession , and insinuated themselves in the counsels and affection of Maurice , and finding some begun matter of dissention in other particulars , did so kindle and foster it , till they brought the division to that height , that one part of the Protestants were engaged with Antichrist and his followers to destroy the other ; and yet so closely carried , that the difference was never stated upon the real account , which indeed such did intend . Also men not so nearly concerned in the Churches divisions ▪ as suppose they be of another Church , or men not so immediately concerned in the debates thereof , and the effects that follow thereupon ; As in that Council of Carthage , they enact that tendernesse be used to the Donatists , and means be used to reclaim them ; and for that end did acknowledge their Ministers , though ordained in a schism , to be Ministers , although the Church of Rome did write otherwayes to them , and did act otherwayes themselves : These would be looked unto . Sometimes also there are a sort of persons who long not for union ; for , as there is an itching after new doctrine in some , so is there for divisions and changes amongst others , who may be sound in doctrine , who in this are to be adverted to . 2. Men would eschew in such a case judicially to engage in such differences , either by passing decisions in these things pro or contra in Judicatories , or by censuring , or noting with any reproach such as differ from them . For , 1. that maketh the division the more difficultly removable in it self . And , 2. it engageth both sides the more , and proveth a let to retiring when men would , and heighteneth the difference exceedingly . In that difference that was between Cyprian and Stephanus , and other Bishops of Rome , concerning the rebaptizing of such as had been baptized by Hereticks and Schismaticks , It is marked that Stephanus did presse the condemnation of it , did censure and refuse communion with such as joyned with Cyprian in his opinion : On the contrary , Cyprian did indeed call Synods and decide , but neither pressed any man to his opinion or practice , nor Censured any that differed in such a matter ; And because his carriage is so much commended by the Ancients , especially by Augustine , against the Donatists , not because he counted Cyprian right on the matter ; for , he disclaimed that , and owned the contrary opinion ; but because he carried in his opinion so tenderly to the Churches union and peace . We shall observe two or three passages of his , and of Augustines concerning him . 1. In his Epistle ad Jubiannum , Haec rescripsimus , inquit , nemi●… praescribentes aut praejudicantes quo minus unusquisque Episcoporum , quod putat faciat . Et ne quisquam pellendus à caeterorum consortio videretur ( dicit ) nos quantum in nobis est propter haereticos cum collegis & Coepiscopis nostris non contendimus , cum quibus aivinam concordiam & pacem tenemus . Et Paulo post , Serventur ( inquit ) à nobis patienter & leniter charitas animi , collegii honor , vinculum fidei , concordia sacerdotii . Which words and many others are cited by Augustine de Baptismo , lib. 6. cap. 17. And in another place , when he hath cited this same last Sentence and other words , giving the reason which the Apostle hath , 1 Cor. 11. If any man will be contentious , we have no such custome , nor the Churches of God : after which a little , Augustine subjoyneth this approbation of his carriage ; Majus quippe in eo robur virtutis eminuit , cum ist a quaestio nondum discuss a nutaret , quod aliter sentiens quam multi collegae , tantam moderationem obtinuit , ut Ecclesiae Dei sanctam societatem , nulla schismatis labe truncaret , quam si omnia non solum veraciter , sed etiam pariter sine ista virtute sentiret ; De Baptismo , lib. 5. cap. 17. This he saith , even though Cyprians opinion was confirmed by diverse Councels of Carthage . Which sheweth what influence such abstinence hath on the Churches peace , which is the more observable , that he used this forbearance when he had the generality of the Church of Africk , and the authority of their Councels for him ; and also was provoked by the vehemency of his opposits , and their Censuring such as were of his opinion ; yet he forbare , not because he doubted of the soundnesse of his judgement , but because he respected the Churches peace , and even then did he write sweetly in many Epistles , and a particular treatise , pressing the unity of the Church ; for which he is eminently esteemed of as an excellent pattern in such a case by all sober and judicious men . 3. In such cases when union is desired , men would abstain the propagating of their opinions in any purposed and publick way . This is not to restrain a mans sober , christian and necessary vindicating of himself in a due way . But , 1. All unnecessary traffick that is principally for strengthening of a party . 2. Publishing in print , things to that purpose , when there is no conveniency for the Churches good . 3. Making motions in Judicatories that awakens siding . 4. Insisting thereon in publick preaching . And , lastly , ( When there is some necessity to speak or write on such things ) all reflections and irritations , would be abstained ; yea , it is fit that sometimes every word spoken , or written upon one side , should be past over by the other , without reply , for peaces sake . Because , 1. the broader such differences spread , they take the deeper root , and increase siding more amongst the people . 2. Because , they irritate more and keep off men from thinking of peace . 3. Because the memory of these things is ready to riffle mens minds , Therefore most eminent men have wished , that all Papers pro or contra in such differences might be buried ; for , one difference begetteth another , and one paper draweth forth another , none being willing that his adversary should have the last word ; and oftentimes papers propagate a controversie to a succeding generation , to whom it had been good that many things had never been in writ . Also often , such writings prove edifying to few , and they but make Church-division the subject of more discourse , and Ministers to be the more contemptible ; and do in themselves often involve many contrradictions against one another , which readily are not possible to be cleared in matters of fact , and reflections one upon another ; which derogateth exceedingly from the honour of the Ministery . It is marked of Constantine , that when at the Council of Nice , there were many opposit papers of differences amongst Bishops presented , he took them , and having gravely admonished the Bishops for their contending amongst themselves , would not have one of them read , but said , he would cover such infirmities as they were bringing to light , by their contradictions , with his purple . This way also hath been followed for stopping of divisions in diverse reformed Churches . 4. All contrary acting would be abstained , as in Elections , Ordinations , or the like , because these fix ▪ as with a nail , the difference , as may be gathered from history . It were better many a time for the Churches good , that any one side had suffered the Bishop , ordained by the other , solely to possesse the place , or that none had been ordained at all , than that opposit Ordinations had been ; because , that so the Church was divided even in communion , and such particulars have been ever difficultly composed , and ever exceedingly instrumentall to continue a breach , and it led men in Congregations to be factious , and to seek to gain men and affections to their party . 5. All separated and divided meetings would be eschewed , whether the separation be totall in respect of all Ordinances and communion in generall , as sometimes divisions have come amongst orthodox men to such a height ; Or , whether it be partiall , suppose in Government , Sacraments , &c. or any of these ; because so not only way is made to a totall separation , but thereby there is a divided shape put upon the one Church , and occasion is given for one party to condemn another , and so to beget more strife ; and especially , because it habituateth men to think themselves not of one body , and , as it were , erecteth a Church or Altar against another ( as the Fathers were wont to speak ) and so becometh a drawn line of division , and doth really make the difficulty of uniting the more difficult ; because ere union be made up , that partition must be pulled down . It is fit therefore that either all such occasions of Fasts , &c. wherein all cannot joyn , should be forborn ; or that they be so ordered , as there may bee union in them . 6. Such acts and principles as put restraint upon either side , making others incapable of Church-trust or the like , or which declareth them to be so , would be prevented ; and if established , would be orderly removed ; because such things make a partition betwixt two , and heighten such a difference beyond the nature thereof : Also they evidence much prejudice and alienation of mind , and they seem to constrain men to an union , which is never right if it be not voluntary . Hence we see that the great friends of peace have ever endeavoured to prevent or remove such ; as in the instances of Policarp , Ireneus and Cyprian , is clear , who did not only endeavour to remove Censures , but even censurablenesse from persons so differing . This also is very obliging to the opposit party . In that 163. Epistle of Augustines ( which is much to this purpose ) mention is made of one Cenethlius , a Catholick Bishop , who ( saith he ) was much esteemed of by the Donatists , Quod constitutionem datam contra eos , compresserit , & effectum habere non siverit . CHAP. X. What is to be done in order to Uniting . NOw we may be the shorter in speaking to what is to be done in reference to particular differences , seing much may be gathered from these generals premitted , and it is not our purpose to be particular ; Yet we say , 1. That it is the duty of such to be seeking union one with another , and for that cause to be making offer of , and desiring meetings and conferences , and to be urging harmony one upon another . In that Council of Carthage , whereof Aurelius was Moderator , they did appoint Conferences to be sought for with the Donatists , although they had been long in a schism ; and for that end did appoint Commissioners , and did give instructions to go from place to place , and to endeavour a settlement , whereof these were a part , That their former schism and separation should be prejudiciall to none ; That Ministers and Bishops should continue in their charges if otherwayes they were worthy , notwithstanding of their former separation : which is observed not to have wanted fruit in many places , as the acts and events are recorded by Balsamon . And this is according to the generall rule of following peace , even when it seemeth to flie from men ; And questions that may engender strife are to be avoided and fled from , when they seem to follow after men , because , as Paul saith , 2 Tim. 2. 22. &c. The servant of the Lord must not strive , &c. On this ground we find , that many of Augustines Epistles , direct to Donatists and others , are to this purpose , craving friendly communings ; and when he hath had occasion to be in cities where Donatist-Bishops were , he used to visit them , and enter conference friendly with them ; and if any hope was , he wrote to others to entertain the same , as particularly may be gathered from Epist. 147. where he honourably mentioneth Promelianus in the desire of a conference ; and because he knew the too great vehemency of one Evodius , though of his own side , had offended him , he did excuse it , saying amongst other things , Id hominis aetati ignoscendum est , &c. The like he also hath , Epist. 163. when he mentioneth Fortunius , whom he had conferred with , with this testimony to these he writeth to , Quantum enim arbitror difficilime potestis invenire in Episcopis vestris tam utilem animum , & voluntatem , quam in isto sene perspeximus ; And therefore presseth them to entertain the begun conference , though he might not stay . 2. In carrying on such meetings , respect would be had to union in the ordering of every circumstance ; as in the persons chosen , that they may be men inclined to peace , respected by the other party concerned in the Churches differences , and free of the suspicions formerly hinted , and such like , lest by an intended union there follow a greater rent and division , as oftentimes hath been seen in conferences amongst dissentient men . Here also a speciall respect would be had to the expressing of mutuall benevolence in words and carriages , lest some hard impression seize on men at the entry . Choise also would be made of the subject first to be spoken of ; as what may be thought most subject to mistake , heat or contention , would be left to the last place ; and what may be conceived more plausible-like to both , would be begun at , that it may be rather known wherein men agree , than wherein they differ , at the entry at least . Possibly also union in fundamentall things , being accorded unto , it may make way for moderating affections in other things lesse fundamentall . This method was ever urged by Bucer , Beza and other Reformers , who keeped conferences at first with the Lutheran party ; because , beginning at some point of Doctrine , or particular in practice , wherein the difference is highest , doth often at the entry rifle mens humours ▪ and break off conferences abruptly with the more heat , as experience in these debates at that time did make too too manifest . 3. Such meetings for conference would be seriously and condescendingly improved for the end designed : As , 1. protractings of time , or janglings about circumstances would be eschewed ; as also tenaciousnesse , and contentiousnesse about formalities of proceeding , and particular insisting upon contradictions in matters of fact , because such things become not the gravity and seriousnesse of men aiming at such an end , But the main businesse would be soberly and seriously gone about , and that timeously ; for , men should not meet to take advantage one of another by such formalities , but to procure the good of the Church . 2. Criminations , or objecting of personall faults one to another or difference in particulars , would either be altogether forborn , or left to the last place , and the main matter would be first handled , and particulars accordingly squared . 3. Their would be condescending to follow some circumstances , even though they seem not so reasonable , lest by the wilfull adhering of one party to a circumstance , the end be disappointed ; yea , sometimes more materiall things , at lest till there be a better understanding begotten , are to be ceded in , when it may be without sin ▪ if so be it may contribute for the carrying on of such a design , and we will almost ever find these that are most tender of the Churches good to be most condescending in all these ; As amongst other instances , we will find in that conference between the Catholicks and Donatists , at which Augustine was present , and which is set down by him ; wherein , amongst other things , these are clear , 1. That not only the Catholicks sought the meeting , but also pressed the speaking unto the main businesse , which the other did sometimes deny , saying , It was not lawfull for the children of Martyrs to meet with the children of apostate or wicked men ; and sometimes by formalities , jangling questions , they protracted time to eschew the main thing . 2. It is clear , that also the Catholicks condescended to many of their suits , and yeelded to account them Bishops , and did not contradict , but cede at the entry , that Churches should be rendered to these from whom they were taken , if so be that might have enclined them to union , and that even by benefits they might be mollified , and stood on no circumstantiall thing with them . Such meetings have often been disappointed with such vain janglings , especially when numbers have been confusedly admitted , and when each party hath charged another with former miscarriages , As Augustine observeth , Epist. 163. and therefore hath that word to them , Neque nos illis debere objicere suorum scelera , neque illos nobis . And , because the Donatists upbraided the Catholicks ( as the orthodox are called in all these debates ) that they were guilty of persecuting them , because they had proceeded to some Sentences , and procured commission from Civil powers against them to put them from their charges , ( These times they called tempora Macariana , because of such a person that was eminent in the executing thereof ) And again , the Catholicks used to object to them , beside their schism , Headinesse , irregular violences , and the like , because of the practices of the Circumcellions , who , having fallen off with the Donatists , went also in many absurdities beyond them ; therefore when he is pressing a conference , Epist. 203. Tollamus ( saith he ) inania objecta , nec tu objicias tempora Macariana , nec ego saevitiam Circumcellionum . And in Epist. 107. saith , that in his conference with Fortunius , Placuit omnibus in talibus disputationibus violenta facta malorum hominum nobis ab invicem objici non debere . And there is no little furtherance or prejudice to a conference accordingly as this advice is followed or not , seing often such bygone particulars will heat more , than that which is of greater concernment in the main cause . 4. To make the instances more particular , the matter concerning which debate arises and falls to be the subject of the conference , may be distinguished , and so more clearly spoken unto : Which is , 1. either a difference in some doctrinall thing . Or , 2. some particular practice , or some personall miscarriage . Or , 3. something in Worship . Or , 4. something in Government , or such like . CHAP. XI . What is to be done in closing doctrinal differences . 1. FOr doctrinal differences of judgment , there are three wayes to close them ; ( it is to be adverted , that the difference is not supposed to be in any fundamental thing ) First , By sober and serious conference , one party may bring another to the same judgment with them ; or , both parties may quit something of extremities , and joyn in a middle opinion . This is the most solid union , when men come to think and speak the same thing , and sometime hath been attained . Yet concerning this , we say , 1. That all union is not to depend on this , as hath been said . 2. It hath been very rarely attained , especially when difference hath spread and rooted it self by debating and contradiction , seing even good men have both infirmity and corruption . 3. We say , that publick dispute , either by word or writ , hath never proven very usefull , even amongst good men , to attain this end , But ordinarily such debates have heightned the controversie , and engaged men more ; so that if any thing prevail towards this , it is friendly , familiar conferences opening truth , rather than formal stated disputations ; because in such , men are ( as it were ) upon their guard , and fully do exercise their wit ; in the other , there is more accesse to inform the judgment , by a loving , grave , serious manner of speaking of the truth , and that privatly to others , especially to such as are of reputation for parts and ability , and that it be not done in vain , as Paul hath it , Gal. 2. 2. And it 's observable that he speaketh this in reference to his way , when he intended the evidencing of his agreement with the chief Apostles in the matter of doctrine . Also we find meeknesse and instructing put together , when there is any expectation to recover one from a difference , 2 Tim. 2. 15. and convincing or disputing is more especially applicable to these of whom there is little hope , out of respect to the edification of others . Hence we find the Apostles disputing with false teachers in some points of truth , but rather intreating and exhorting Believers to have peace amongst themselves , notwithstanding of lesser differences . A second way of composure , is , when such agreement in judgment cannot be obtained , To endeavour a harmony and keep unity notwithstanding of that difference , by a mutual forbearance in things controverted : which we will find to be of two sorts . The first is , to say so total , that is , when neither side doth so much as doctrinally in word , writ , or Sentences of Judicatories , presse any thing that may confirm or propagate their own opinion , or condemn the contrary , But do altogether abstract from the same out of respect to the Churches peace , and for the preventing of scandal ; and do in things wherein they agree according to the Apostle's direction , Philip. 3. 16. Walk by the same rule , and minde the same things mutually , as if there were no such differences , and waiting in these till the Lord shall reveal the same unto them . This way is safe , where the doctrine upon which the difference is , is such , as the forbearing the decision thereof , doth neither mat any duty that the Church in general is called to , nor endanger the salvation of souls through the want of clearness therein nor , in a word , infer such inconveniences to the hurt of the Church , as such unseasonable awakening and keeping up of differences and divisions may have with it ; Because the scope of bringing forth every truth , or confirming the same by any authoritative sanction , &c. is the edification of the Church ; and therefore when the bringing forth thereof doth destroy more than edifie , it is to be forborn . Neither can it be ground enough to plead for such decisions in preaching , that the thing they preach-for is truth , and the thing they condemn is errour . Because , 1. it is not the lawfulnesse of the thing simply that is in question , but the necessity and expediency thereof in such a case : Now , many things are lawfull that are not expedient , 1 Cor. 10. 23. 2. In these differences that were in the primitive times concerning meats , dayes , genealogies , &c. there was a truth or an errour upon one of the sides , as there is a right and a wrong in every contradiction of such a kind , yet the Apostle thinketh fitter , for the Churches peace , that such be altogether refrained , rather than any way ( at least in publick ) insisted upon or decided . 3. Because no Minister can bring forth every truth at all times , he must then make choice ; And I suppose some Ministers may die , and all do so , who have not preached every truth , even which they knew , unto the people . Beside , there are ( no question ) many truths hid to the most learned . Neither can this be thought inconsistent with a Ministers fidelity , who is to reveal the whole counsel of God ; because , that counsel is to be understood of things necessary to mens salvation , and is not to be extended to all things whatsoever ; for , we find the great Apostle expounding this in that same Sermon , Act. 20. ver . 20. I have keeped back nothing that was profitable unto you ; which evidenceth that the whole counsel of God , or the things which he shewed unto them , is the whole , and all that was profitable for them , and that for no by-respect or fear whatsoever he shunned to reveal that unto them . Also , it is clear , that there are many truths which are not decided by any judiciall act ; and amongst other things , sparingnesse to decide truths that are not fundamentall judicially hath been ever thought no little mean of the Churches peace , as the contrary hath been of division . The third way ( which is the second sort of the former ) of composure , is mixed , When there is some medling with such questions , yet with such forbearance , that though there be a seen difference , yet there is no schism or division , but that is seriously and tenderly prevented ; as upon the one side , some may expresse their mind in preaching and writing on a particular question one way , others may do it differently ; yet both with that meeknesse and respect to those they differ from , that it doth beget no rent , nor give just ground of offence , nor mar union in any other thing ; Or , it may possibly come to be decided in a Synod , yet with such forbearance upon both sides , that it may prove no prejudice to union ; those who have authority for them , not pressing it to the prejudice of the opinion , names , consciences of the other , or to their detriment in any respect ; but allowing to them a liberty to speak their minds , and walk according to their own light in such particulars : And on the contrary , the other resting satisfied in the unity of the Church , without condemning them , or pressing them to condemn themselves ; because so indeed their liberty is no lesse than others who have the decision of a Synod for them : And thus men may keep communion and union in a Church , even where by the Judicatories thereof , some lesser not fundamental errour , which doth also infer unwarrantaable practices , is authoritatively concluded . We have a famous instance of this in the Church of Africa in the dayes of Cyprian , which by the Ancients hath ever been so much esteemed of . There was a difference in that Church concerning the Rebaptizing of Hereticks and Schismaticks after their conversion , or , of such as had once fallen in to them ; Cyprian and the greatest part thought their first Baptism null , or , by their fall , made void ; others thought it not so , who were the lesser part , yet right as to this particular ; There was meetings on both sides for defence of their opinions . Also in a Council of near three hundred Bishops , it is judicially and authoritatively concluded ; yet that Synod carried so , as they did not only not censure any that dissented , nor presse them to conform in practice to their judgment ; but did also entertain most intimat respect to them , and familiarity with them , as may be gathered from what was formerly hinted . And upon the other side , we do not find any in that Church making a schism upon the account of that judicial erroneous decision ( though at least by three several Synods it was ratified ) but contenting themselves to have their consciences free by retaining their own judgement , and following their own practice , till time gave more light and more occasion to clear that truth . And we will never find in the Writings of any time , more affection amongst brethren , and more respect to peace , than was in that Church at that time amongst those that differed ; And there is not any practice more commended in all the Church-history and Writings of the Fathers , than this practice ; as partly may be gathered from what was formerly touched out of Augustine . And if we will consider the case rationally , we will find that it is not impossible to have union in a Church where there is in such a difference an authoritative decision , even supposing that side , on which the errour lyes , to be approved . For , 1. There is no necessity for such as have authority for them , to presse others in their judgment or practice in such things ; neither can it be thought that such a decision can of it self satisfie all scruples , neither yet that men doubtingly may follow ; Nor , lastly , that such controversies can bear the weight of troubling the Church , by censuring such as otherwayes may be faithfull , seing sometimes even unfaithfull men have been spared with respect to the Churches good , as hath been said . And , secondly , upon the other side , such a constitution of a Church , doth not involve all that keep communion therein , in the guilt thereof , if personally they be free ; as in the instance of the Jewish Church is clear : where , no question many corrupt acts have been established , yet did it neither make communion in Worship or Government to be unlawfull , where the matter and manner of carriage was lawfull . Beside , this would infer , that no Judicatory could keep union , where there were contrary votes , or a Sentence past without unanimity : because that is certainly wrong to them who think otherwayes , and if so , there could be no Judicatory expected either in Church or State ; for , it cannot be expected , that they shall be still unanimous , or , that the greater part shall cede to the lesser , and rescind their own act . Also , suppose there should be such a division upon one difference , can it be expected that those who unite upon the divided sides respectively , shall again have no more difference amongst themselves ? and if they have , shall there not be a new division ? and where shall this end ? And seing men must resolve to keep unity where there are faults of such a nature , or to have none at all , it is as good to keep it at first , as to be necessitated thereto afterward . The Orthodox urge this argument against the Donatists , who would not keep union with them , because of pretended corruptions in the proceedings of Judicatories and Ordinations ; yet were constrained to bear with such amongst themselves , and particularly to receive , and unite with the Maximinianists , whose communion they had once rejected , though a branch of their own faction , because they saw no end of divisions if they did not resolve to dispense with such things amongst themselves . And Augustine often asserteth , that they were never able to answer this argument when it was propounded to them , to wit , Why they did not give them that same latitude , in keeping communion with them , which they had given to the Maximinianists , who were guilty of such things as they imputed to them ? We conceive then , that even in such a case there may be union for prosecuting the main work of the Gospel , notwithstanding of such a circumstantial difference , if men otherwayes set themselves to it ; and the generall grounds , formerly laid down , do confirm this . CHAP. XII . What to do for union in points not doctrinall , but about matters of fact or personall faults . IF the difference be not doctrinall in point of judgment , at least only , but being in matter of fact , as personall faults and corruptions ; whereby the one is ready to object to the other some bypast failings , and miscarriages : whereupon by inconsiderat upbraidings , pressing of Censures , or condemnation of what hath been done , the Churches peace is in hazard to be broken , and men like to be rent and divided in their communion . And oftentimes such things prove exceeding fashious , where men wilfully , or imprudently pursue such things without respect to the Churches peace . This often waited upon a time of darknesse , or persecution , when men , being in the dark , and in a distemper , were led away by tentation , and overtaken with many faults , and sometimes amongst others , made to juffle with , and trample one upon another ( as it were ) not knowing what they were doing ; and when this time was over , some were ready to carp at what was past in the dark , and to quarrell at others for such juffling , when they were so through-other . This indeed was ordinary , but most unbecoming grave men , to make that a ground of contending , which inadvertently was done by others in the dark ( as the great Basilius saith ) In nocturno tempore , & densis tenebris . Such contests are of four sorts . First ▪ Sometimes in generall , there is a dissatisfaction with the constitution of the Church , in respect of the grossenesse of the Officers and Members thereof . This cannot be removed upon the one side only , because tares cannot but be in the Church , and that discernably , as Cyprian saith ; it is removed then by meeknesse and tendernesse upon the one side towards such as have withdrawn , and by their yeelding to return who have withdrawn , which when it came to passe , hath been matter of gladnesse to all the Church . Amongst Cyprians Epistles ( Epist. 50. edit . Pameli ) mention is made of Urbanus , Maximus , and others of the Church of Rome , who being Confessors and imprisoned in the time of persecution , and after their delivery finding many grosse Members to be in the Church , and meeting with the doctrine of Novatus that commended separation to the godly for their more comfortable communion together , that they came to be tickled therewith , and for a time to separate from the communion of Cornelius , and others of the Clergy , pretending there could be no communion in such an evil constituted Church ; but afterward , finding the great hurt that came thereby to the Church , they overcame their own affections and inclinations , and out of respect to the good of the Church , did unit , which was exceedingly welcomed by all , as their Epistle to Cyprian , and his to them , do manifest . And as their fall sheweth , that it is not impossible , but that zealous Ministers , who have keeped out against defection , may be overtaken with such a fault ; So it giveth a sweet copie of Christian deniednesse and tendernesse by others to be followed in the like case . Their words to Cyprian are worthy the observing . Nos habito consilio utilitatibus Ecclesiae , & paci magis consulentes , omnibus rebus praetermiss●…s , & Iudicio Dei servatis , cum Cornelio Episcopo nostro , pariter & cum universo Clero pacem fecisse , cum gaudio etiam universae Ecclesiae , prona etiam omnium charitate . A second sort of such contests , are , When faults are alleaged which either are not true , or cannot be proven , although possibly they may be both grosse and true , for both of these did the Novatians and Donatists trouble the Church , insisting long in charging many crimes upon men particularly upon Cecilianus and Osius , which they could never be able to make out , although they alleaged that such faults were cloaked by the Catholicks , and that they were not to be communicated with . In this case the Orthodox took three wayes to remove such a difference . 1. By pleading forbearance of awakening such contests , and exhorting rather to keep union , than to hazard to break it upon such grounds , and so ( as Augustine saith ) ut quaedam incerta crimina pro certa pace Deo dimitterentur , Cont. Epist. Parm. lib. 1. cap. 3. 2. If that could not be acquiesced in , they admitted the thing to proof , over , and over again , that by lawfull triall it might be decided , as we will find in the former instances , the same case of Cecilianus was often tryed , even after he was absolved . It is true the Donatists did not acquiesce , but did separate , ( for which cause they were ever accounted most grosse Schismaticks ) yet is it of it self , a way wherein men may satisfyingly acquiesce . A third way sometimes used , was , That when divisions were like to be occasioned by dissatisfaction with a particular person against whom things could not be judicially made out so as to found a Sentence , nor yet possibly was there so full satisfaction with him in every thing , as by owning of him to hazard a rent , where a people were stumbled by him , they did without judiciall processing , or Censuring , interpose with the Bishop to cede , and wrote to the people to choose another . So in that Council of Carthage , Canon . 91. letters are written to Maximianus ( called Episcopus Bagiensis ) and the people , that he might cede the Bishoprick , and they might choose another ; yet there is no mention of any made-out accusation , or Sentence , but that for the good of the Church , Synodo placuit , &c. There is mention made elswhere in history of a Bishop of that place , of that name , who had been a Donatist , and did return to the communion of the Church ; but , if this be he , or what was the cause of this appointment , is neither certain , nor of great concernment in this . A third sort of contests of this kind , are , When crimes are grosse and clear , and men are either justly censurable , or Censured ; some ( possibly honestly minded ) may be engaged to do for them , by their insinuating upon them , and giving misinformations and prejudices , and so be brought to endeavour the preventing or removing of Sentences against , or from , such as justly deserve the same . In this case we find a threefold way of composure . 1. An endeavour used to clear to others the justice of such a Sentence when it hath been traduced . Thus when Basilides , and Martialis , were justly deposed by a Synod of Spain , they did , by false pretexts , engage the Clergie of Rome to owne them , and write for their recovery , which did exceedingly offend the Bishops of Spain ; whereupon they wrote to Cyprian and these in Africk for advice , who , being met in the Synod , approved their deposition , and advised them not to readmit them , because none such who had any blemish and were not holy , ought to minister in the holy things , and that rather they should bear with Stephanus his mistake , who out of ignorance and misinformation was led to side with such : Thus Cyprian hath it in his Epistles to the Church of Spain , Epist. 68. So that schism was stopped , and the Churches continued to acknowledge the lawfully ordained Bishops that succeeded these . And the readmission of such , had neither been in it self lawfull , nor yet had compassed the end of obtaining peace in these Churches where the people was stumbled by their carriages . A second way was , When the men were orthodox and profitable , though failing in some grosse particular , yet when they were owned by others in the Church , Synods did not stand , for concord , to remove such Sentences , as was formerly instanced in the case of Ostus : Augustine also in a certain Epistle , 164. doth approve the not-censuring of one Optatus , lest thereby a schism should be occasioned , because of manies adhering to him . We will find also a third way , That when men have been Sentenced , and some have continued to owne them , and others to oppose them , such have been brought to submit themselves , and so the division hath been removed ; It was so in that hot contest that continued long between the Bishops of Rome , and the Church of Africk , in the case of Apiratus Bishop of Sica , &c. who being deposed by the Synod of Carthage , was pressed to be admitted by the Bishops of Rome , whom by no means these of Africk would admit ; at last , these that were Sentenced , came to acknowledge the Sentence ; whereby the division was stopped . A fourth sort of contests or divisions for matters of fact , is , When both sides have had their failings in a time of darknesse and tentation , some one way , and some another , and after some breathing they fall , by mutual upbraidings , to hazard the Churches peace ; one casting up this fault to him , and he again upbraiding him with another . The way taken to prevent this , is most satisfying , when both , acknowledging their own guilt to other , did forgive one another , and joyn cordially for the good of the work . In the debates with the Donatists there is much mention made , not without great commendation of the practice of a Synod , which is called Concilium Cirtense , wherein the members did mutually confesse their faults , and ( saith he , to wit , Augustine , in the conference formerly cited ) Sibi invicem ignoscebant ne schisma fieret . And by the scope of the Catholicks in urging that example , and by the vehemency used by the Donatists in denying the same , it would seem , that they looked upon this as a most excellent and satisfying way of removing differences amongst godly men , when every one acknowledgeth their own fault , and doth not upbraid but forgive one another , endeavouring to have the rememberance of bypast miscarriages rather forgiven and buried in oblivion , than mentioned . Because good men being but men , usually there are failings on both sides , and the denying of it , provoketh others to insist the more thereon , as the acknowledging thereof doth stop the upbraiding of them with the same ; and usually it is to be seen , that the best men had rather mention their own faults in their acknowledgements , than hear the same done by any other . Beza , Epist. 23. also hath such an advice as this to a Church that had fallen into division , Utinam utraque pars acquiescere malit , quam si curiose nimium & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quis sit in majori culpa , inquiratur . CHAP. XIII . What to do toward uniting in divisions arising from diversity of circumstances in external administrations , and especially arising from Church-government . A Third matter that occasioneth divisions , is , a diversity in Worship , Ceremonies , or things that relate to externall administration of Ordinances , when some follow one way in Preaching , administrating of Sacraments , Catechising , &c. and others , another . This ordinarily breedeth janglings , and oftentimes troubled the Church , as we see in the businesse about Easter and Ceremonies . It is not our purpose to insist in this , because ordinarily such debates pretend some lawfulnesse , or unlawfulnesse in the thing contended for , and are to be counted amongst the jangling debates that the men of God are to eschew . And also , because these things are often fully and clearly discussed , We shall only say concerning them . 1. That , as there is a necessity of suffering some difference in Doctrine , So is there also a necessity to bear with some differences in circumstances in the externall manner of Worship ▪ &c. and men would not soon offend at every difference , nor be displeased if it proceed not from affectation of singularity , unfaithfulnesse , or some other corrupt rise . And we will find great condescendency in the greatest men , both of old and late , in things that are not sinfull in themselves , for keeping of union in the Church : And thus far , the Apostles practice of becoming all things to all , will warrand . Zanchius in an Epistle to this purpose , giveth both many examples of , and reasons for this . 2. We say , that men especially in a time of divisions , would by all means endeavour to keep the trodden and approven way that hath been used , and is in use in a Church in such administrations ; because the lesse men be sticking in the manner of these things , and the more simplicity they use , and the lesse they differ from what is most ordinary and approven , the lesse will the hazard of division be in these things , which doth arise from the multiplying of them ; the changing of the old , or bringing in of a new manner , the condemning of the way and manner used by others ▪ as having some great absurdity in it , and the pressing of their way , even in circumstances , upon others ; These and such things are to be eschewed : and so indeed there is no way to peace in these things but to forbear ; for it is more easie to forbear some new thing , than to make others alter what is old , except there be some reason in the matter to move to this ▪ The great , and usually the most bitter contentions of a Church , as was said before , are in things that belong to Government ; which are of many kinds , and have their own proportionable cures when blessed of God , We shall instance in these five kinds of contests in this matter . The first , is concerning the form of Government . The second , is concerning the formality of Church-judicatories . The third , concerning the matter enacted or decerned by them . The fourth , concerning particular miscarriages and abuses of power in Government . And the fifth , concerning the persons who ought to govern , or to whom the Government is due , and whose determinations are ultimatly to be obeyed . For the first , Debates about the nature and form of Government , may be considered doctrinally , and so it is a difference of judgement ; Some think one form of Government lawfull , and others not that , but another . If this difference be fairly carried , it needeth make no division in the Church , as was in the foregoing part hinted . 2. It may be considered practically , that is , when men not only think so differently in their judgement , but accordingly they act , driving opposit designs , as if they were two parties , seeking to get one Church subdued to them , and neither of them doth acknowledge the other . This cannot be without division ; for , the ground of all union and communion in the visible Church in all the Ordinances of Christ , is , the unity of the visible Church ; as even in old time Augustine did presse : So Ecclesiastick union , must be made up and entertained in a Church , by an unity in the Government thereof ; for though there may be a forbearance and a kind of peace where the unity of the visible Church is denied , or where there are divided Governments that are not subaltern ; yet there can be no Church-union , nor communion in Ordinances , of Word , Sacraments and Government , which results from the former , and doth necessarily presuppose the same . We dare not , nor cannot offer any directions for making up an union here , save that men would unite in one form of Government that can extend to the whole body , and that in such a Government as is allowed by Christ , otherwayes it can be no union ; because so it were not a duty , as union is . If it were asked , What kind of Government that may be most probably , wherein men ought to unite ? Answ. We mind not to digresse to a doctrinall debate ; yet these characters may be given of it . 1. It must be a Government that can extend unto , and reach all the body ; for , one main end of Government is union , Eph. 4. 3 , 10 , 11 , &c. and the removing offences which make divisions , Matth. 18. And this union is not to be in this or that particular part of the body , but in the whole , 1 Cor. 12. that there be no schism in the body : therefore it must extend to all , or be in a capacity to do so . 2. It would be in a proportionable fitnesse to remove these causes that breed divisions , ( for , there cannot be union in a Government that is not fitted for that ) and therefore must be able to purge corrupt teachers , and the leaven of corrupt doctrine out of the whole Church , or any part thereof . Hence , both in the Scripture , and primitive times , and all alongs , there hath been still a joynt authoritative concurrence for removing these causes of this evil in whatsoever place they did appear . 3. It must be such a Government as hath an unity amongst the whole Governours for this end , and so it must answer to the unity of the body : Hence , in the Epistle to the Galatians , Paul commendeth the remeeding of that evill to them all in a joynt manner , as being one lump , without respect to their subdivision in particular Churches ; and if this Authority did not imply unity amongst the Governours wherever they lived , and a capacity to act unitedly upon occasion , there could be no accesse authoritatively to remove such evils from the Church , nor such weight in the mean applied . 4. It must be a Government wherein there is a coordinatenesse amongst the Governours ; because so not only the union of the Church is made up , but her communion is represented ; and to place the Government in one , as Papists do in the Pope , doth not make an union in the Government , which implieth a mutuall and kindly co-ordinatnesse and associating one with another ; but whatever they pretend of union in it , it is really but tyrannie , and such as the most arbitrary ruler may have , when by violence he seemeth to keep down all divisions under him , neither so can that body be said to be united in him . And we see in the primitive times , even after Bishops and Patriarchs were brought in into the Church , that still the supream Government , whereby union was entertained , did reside in a mutual co-ordination , and combination , even of such Bishops , Metrapolitans , Patriarchs , &c. acting in an united and joynt way : whereby manifestly it appeareth , that such a Government as is to be united into , must be extensive unto the body , at least be in capacity so to be extended , and it must be in a co-ordination and consociation of many Church officers together ; and that such subordinations as mar this coordination and equality , must be swallowed up , ere there can be an united Government for the preservation of the union of the Church , because the supream Government and decision must be in many ; and many of different degrees and places , cannot be so one as these who are of the same order , to speak so . Yet we think , that where such an union cannot be had in Government , men that have liberty , without entanglement to their own consciences , to follow their duty , ought to do it with all tender respect to the edification and union of the Church wherein they live , and to make the best of their particular case that may be for that end . But seing the wisdom and goodnesse of God hath made it our lote in this Land , to live under a Government , to which the abovementioned characters do well agree ; it is hopefull , if as we ought we conscionably adhere to the principles thereof , we may , yea , shall unite in the Lord. Secondly , Supposing , that men agree in that same supream government , to wit , Councils and Synods , there may be some debate concerning the formal constitution thereof , what is to be accounted a rightly constitute Synod , and such as ought to be acknowledged so ? It cannot be denied , but that there is a right and a wrong in this , and that there are rules to be keeped , and that also de facto they may be broken , even where there is no failing in the mater . It is true also , that we will sometimes find worthie men quarrelling the constitution of Synods , and declining them , as was formerly hinted , refusing to appear before them , till some persons were removed from them , as Chrysostom and fourty two Bishops with him , did in reference to that particular Synod at Chalcedon : and sometimes their Acts were declared void , because the meetings were not numerous , as Balsamon doth instance in the case of one Iohannes Amathuntus , whose deposition was declared null , because all the Bishops of Cyprus were not conveened to his tryall , which might have been ; and because , in strict reckoning , there was one fewer at his deposition than was allowed by the Canons . Yet concerning this we say , 1. That it will be found very difficult to pitch on such defects in the constitution of a Synod , as will make the same null without respect to the matter thereof ▪ seing there may be many defects that will not infer this . 2. It will be hard to gather from Church-history , or Writings of the Ancients , or Canons of Councils , what hath been a peremptory rule to them to walk by in such a case . Their practices in this are so various , that it appeareth , the matter hath ever been more headed by them ▪ than the formality of the constitution . And therefore , 3. We will find their practice to be according to this ; When the matter was sound and profitable , it was accepted , and the Synod was reverenced , although it hath had lesse formality , and hath been of a fewer number ; So the Council of Sardica , Laodicea , and some particular Provincial Synods , have ever been of great authority because of their matter , when more numerous Synods , with moe formalities , have never been so accounted of , nor reckoned amongst the General Councils , although their number hath been far greater than many of these other . 4. When they come to determine any thing after the close of corrupt Synods , they do not usually sift the constitution thereof , but examine and condemn the matter thereof , and do repeal their Sentences , and account them null from the beginning ; not because of questioning their Authority that did it , but because of their doing the same unjustly , as in the cases of Athanasius , Eustachius , Chrysostom , and Ignatius , that followed him in the same See : All whose depositions were accounted null , because of the unjust violence that was used in them . 5. We say then , that hardly it will be observed , that this consideration of a particular Synods constitution , hath been the rise or ground of division amongst godly and orthodox men agreeing in the same Truth , Form of Government , and Rules for constituting of Assemblies or Synods . But we will ever find where Declinators or Protestations are mentioned , 1. That the party declined hath been palpably corrupt in fundamental doctrines . Or , 2. palpably driving on that general design , and violence against particular persons , as subserving the same . And , 3. it hath been also , after many evidences of such corruptions and violences , as in the former instances that are given of Declinators is clear ; where we find , that Synods have been acknowledged , and yet upon the discovery of their corrupt designs and violence , have been declined and protested against as null , as that second Council at Ephesus was . Whereby it appeareth , that if their proceedings had been acceptable , their constitution and authority had not been called in question . If it be asked upon supposition , That a difference concerning the constitution of a particular Synod , and a division upon that account fall to be amongst godly and orthodox Divines , agreeing in the same Truths , form of Government , general Rules , for constituting of Synods , &c. What should be done for union in such a case ? Answ. It would seem there should be no great need to give directions here , the difference being so narrow ; certainly many of the Ancients , and also of our Reformers , and eminent Divines , who have groaned and do groan under many sad pressures , corruptions , and divisions in the Church , would have thought , and think it a great mercy to have had , and to have the difference brought to such a point , and betwixt such parties ; Yet , seing it is too too possible to be stood upon , we do conceive it is no such thing as may make union , amongst parties so differing , impossible . We say therefore , 1. That such would consider the little usefulnesse and weightinesse , as to the main of edification that is in the thing controverted whatever way it be decided : For , 1. the declaring of such a Synod valid , or null , as to its constitution , doth not corrupt any point of Truth , nor bring-in any new Form of Government , nor alter any Rule concerning the Form agreed in ; because the question is not in thesi , what is the form and rule according to which a Synod ought to be constituted ? that is agreed upon : But the question is , Whether such a particular Synod be agreeable to such a Rule ? and respect to the Rule makes the one that they cannot approve it , and the other that they cannot condemn it : And is it of great concernment to the main of the Churches edification to say it is so , or not , considering it abstractly , or supposing it should never be determined at all ? 2. We say , That it is not of much concernment , even to Government , to say that such a particular Synod is right or wrong constituted : for , though a Church cannot want Government , and that cannot be casten ; yet a Church cannot lose much by questioning the constitution of one Synod , suppose rightly constituted , abstracting it from the consideration of its matter contained therein ; and if its matter be warrantable , it hath weight in it self without such consideration of a constitution , if it be not warrantable , such a consideration of a lawfully constituted Synod cannot make it warrantable . Again , upon the other side , The counting of a particular Synod to be rightly constituted when it is not , cannot be of great hurt to the Church where the Rule is acknowledged . For , 1. It doth not alter the nature of the matter ; Nor , 2. doth it alter the manner of constituting Assemblies , because one particular failing in misapplying the Rule cannot incapacitate a Church for all time to come to keep the same , especially if it be guarded that no precedent be drawn from that pattern , to bind any new sense upon the rule . 3. We say , that it would seem if any debate be such as decision may be forborn therein , this may be accounted of that nature , to wit , Whether such a particular Synod be rightly constituted , or not ? because , if more corruption and inconvenience , that may be feared , follow , there are more material things to debate , and to differ upon ; if more follow not , but that there may be accesse to an united Government whereby these suspicions may be put out of question , then it seemeth unsafe to mar that , and the fruit which may follow by the disputing of what is past . But more nearly to take notice of such a difference , we may consider it two wayes . 1. As it implieth a difference in judgement . 2. As it inferreth a different practice . First , then , As it inferreth the difference of judgement , there ought certainly to be a forbearance , seing such things are often involved with many difficulties and contradictions in matter of fact , that it is not possible , by debating fully , to convince either party to assent to the other , especially where heat and prejudice hath someway fixed and preoccupied the judgement ; and certainly , forbearance here cannot be inconsistent with the duty of Ministers , although there were not such a motive to perswade it . By forbearance we understand , 1. That none peremptorily presse the other either to acknowledge the validity or nullity of such a constitution . 2. There would be a forbearance of publick debating of it , or of any thing that may occasion the same , as pressing of the Acts thereof , if no other ground support the same , but the Authority of such a Synod . And we conceive in the by , this occasion may be prevented by a mutual condescending , or joynt authoritative enacting , that such and such things , as possibly may be usefull afterward , be of force to all , if not by the former constitution , yet by the present appointment , and so both may agree in the matter . 3. A condemning of others for approving or disapproving the former constitution , would be forborn ; and seing the question is so little and inconsiderable in it self , it would not be odiously aggreaged or insisted upon . Secondly , Considering it as it relateth to practice , something is to be forborn , and something is to be done . 1. For forbearance What might involve either party in the matter of fact contrary to their judgment , would be abstained ; and this forbearance in practice would be as broad as forbearance in judgment , that , as Cyprian saith , ( in another case ) differing brethren may both have their judgment and practice in such things at their own free arbitrements , as to such restraints . Neither can this forbearance mar the peace of any , because if such things be indifferent , and although lawfull , yet not necessary , the preserving of the Churches peace , and the preventing of what offence would follow , is ground enough to abstain from such things , out of respect to the consciences of others . If the thing be necessary , then indeed it is not to be forborn , neither is that pleaded-for here ; yet the doing of it upon the account of such an authority , is not necessary ; but the matter of the thing or some uncontroverted ground may be had for warranting the same . 2. That which is to be done , we conceive , is this , That there be endeavours to have some united , uncontroverted authority established , by whose authority things necessary may be done , without infringing the authority of what was past in respect of those who acknowledge the same , and also without leaving the weight of the authority upon the former to those who question the same : And we conceive this being done , neither is there any conscience straitened , nor any thing necessary for the Churches good omitted ; yea , by this means there is access unitedly to seek the Churches edification , without any prejudice by the former contention ; because by laying this new foundation posteriour to the former , the Church is put beyond that stumbling-block , and carried over , or by the same ; And therefore there is no reason to fear falling upon such a difficulty , but rather with the greater speed to make progresse when men may win by it and leave it behind them . This was the way that the Ancients took in the primitive times , even when Synods in this respect might have been said to have been corrupted , when God gave opportunity they set themselves to rectifie the matter , and to do upon it what was fit for the good of the Church , without mentioning the nullity of the form thereof , or insisting thereupon . And indeed , the doing otherwayes seems to lay too much weight upon the authority or constitution of a Church-judicatory , as if when the same is every way regular , it could adde something , or ought to have weight , where the matter is not in it self approvable ; which hath been eschewed by Orthodox Divines both of old and late , who ever therefore looked most unto the matter determined or decided . If it be asked , What usually was done in such cases where the Authority seemed to be declined ? From what is said , the Answer may be gathered , to wit , That both sides satisfied themselves with the rectifying of the matter wherein there was any grievance . And therefore ▪ 1. it will hardly be found , when such a Declinatour was expressed in one Synod that any mention is made thereof in the next ensuing Synod that did rectifie the matter , but instantly they fall upon that . 2. We will find , that where ●…o expresse Declinatour was , yet did not that any way strengthen such an Authority , nor mar the condemning thereof more than in other Synods where it was , and therefore neither is so much weight to be laid upon it , whether it be or not ; for , its standing doth not weaken Authority where it is , and its removing or not being at all , doth not adde Authority where it is not , because Authority must stand and fall according to its own intrinsick grounds and warrant . And we conceive that it is not suitable to the Authority of Christ's Ordinances , and the nature of His Courts , that either the removing or standing of such a legall formality , should be rigidly pressed , and it maketh proceedings in Christ's Courts to be involved in too many subtilties that are used in humane Laws . And also supposing , that a corrupt constitution may be without such a formal Protestation , it seems to give too much advantage thereto , as if there were lesse accesse afterward to condemn the same ; And upon the other side , supposing that a lawfully constituted Synod should be declined , as the Synod of Dort was lately by the Arminian Remonstrants , the pressing too vehemently of the removing thereof , doth suppose some way the constitution to be lesse valid if such a thing should stand . This is only to be understood in the case presupposed , to wit , Where the question is not about the authority of Synods simply , but of this or that constitution of a particular Synod : the first indeed , that is , the questioning of Synodical Authority , hath been thought intolerable in all times , because it strake at the root of Church-government and Order , without which the Church cannot subsist ; But the second , which acknowledgeth the same Government in general , and Rules of Constitution , and professeth respect to that same Authority , is indeed not so intolerable , because it doth suppone still the Church to have power , and the exercise thereof to be necessary . Hence we will find , that in the primitive times they did utterly condemn appellations from Synods simply , that is , the betaking them to another Judge , as more proper than , or superiour unto , such Synods ; and there are severall Canons in the Councils of Africk that threaten Excommunication to such as decline their Authority and appeal to Rome , or any forreign power as a superiour Judge ; Yet we will find , that the Councils do allow Appeals from a lesser number to a greater , or from particular Councils to a general . Yea , from their own particular Synods to a more general hearing of others in the Province ; yea , they allow even adjacent Provinces to be appealed to in case corruptions should be in one particular Province : This was enacted in the Council of Sardica , and Bishops are requested by severall Canons not to think this derogatory from their authority , because this did consist well with respect to Church-authority and Government in it self , but tended only to prevent or remedy exorbitances and abuse therein ; which of it self , if it be not abused , is not ill . CHAP. XIV . What is to be done in order to union about divisions concerning doctrinall determinations . THe Question may be concerning the matter enacted by some Synod , even when there is no exception against the constitution thereof , that is , when the matter approven by it , is unfound , or when a truth is condemned , at least it is judged to be so . We are not here speaking of such matter as is fundamentall , but such as is consistent with soundnesse of judgement in the main , and piety in these who may be upon either side . Such as were these debates concerning the rebaptizing of Hereticks , and Schismaticks ; or for the admitting them unto the Church by confirmation only , and questions of that nature , which may fall to be amongst orthodox men . I suppose it were good , that judicial decisions of such things , were not multiplied ; yet upon supposition that they are past , somewhat would be said . Such determinations are of two sorts . First , Some are meerly doctrinall , and of this kind are such questions as are concerning the object of Predestination , order of Gods Decrees , and such like , and others , it may be , which are of lesser concernment than these . These being meerly doctrinal and inferring no diversity in practice , or Worship , there is the easier accesse to union notwithstanding of such , respect being had to the mutuall forbearance mentioned , so that none be constrained to acknowledge what is enacted by vertue of such a decision , because such a determination in matter of Doctrine is but ministeriall , and declarative : And therefore as one man may forbear another to speak his own mind in some things that differ from his , and , it may be , from truth also , and not instantly divide from him , or much contend with him ; So ought he to bear with a Synod and not to divide from them upon that account , he having accesse so to declare his own mind and the reasons thereof , and otherwayes to carry himself , as may keep him free of that apprehended guiltinesse ; and so a Synod ought to bear with some particular men that differ . But by adding the second kind , there will be ground to speak more . The second kind is of such determinations as have not only a doctrinall decision , but also some practicall consequents following thereupon : which we may again distinguish these wayes . 1. They are either such consequents and practices as infer a division and opposition , or a diversity only ▪ some consequents infer a division or separation . As suppose a Church-Synod should enact , that no persons should keep communion with such as they judge not to be godly , nor joyn in Ordinances , nor so much as sit down with them ; Or that no persons , thinking otherwayes , might lawfully be ordained Ministers , or admitted to that office , as sometimes appeareth , hath been determined in very numerous Synods of the Donatists . Indeed the standing of such Sentences in force , and having execution accordingly following them , are such , as there can be no union had upon such tearms . Again , some practices imply no division in Worship , or Government , but only something which possibly is in it self unwarrantable , as that Act of rebaptizing was , which was determined and enacted by severall Councils in Africk : which kind of determination may be considered either as peremptory , and exclusive , that is , allowing none to do otherwayes , or to be admitted to Ministery and Ordinances which should not engage to do so ; Or moderated . so as though it held forth such a determination concerning the fact , yet doth not peremptorily presse others beyond their own light . Of the first sort were the peremptory Acts of the West-church concerning Easter , holy dayes and other ceremonies ; Of the last , were these Acts of the Council of Africk concerning the rebaptizing of Schismaticks wherein none were pressed beyond thir own judgement . Again , such consequents and practices that follow Church-determinations , may either be presently necessary to be practised and dayly practicall , as suppose a Church should make constitutions for administration of Baptism and the Lords Supper , by mixing in with the essentials thereof , such and such corrupt ceremonies and additions ; Or , they may be such practices as are only supposable and possible ; but it may be exceeding improbable-like , at least for the future , that there shall be occasion to put them in actuall exercise ; though , it may be , there was some present exigent giving occasion to such a determination , which possibly may never recur ; As suppose , a Church should determine , that a converted Iew , or Turk , should not be baptized in the manner that others are baptized , but some other way ; it may be there was some Iew or Turk to be baptized when that determination passed ; but that particular Act being by , there is no probability that ever there may be accesse to put the same in practice again , although it be not simply impossible . Now there is great odds betwixt these two ; and in effect this last case , doth look liker a doctrinall determation when the occasion thereof is past , than any way to be practicall . Further , we may distinguish these also in such practices , that are positively enacted to be practised , by an authoritative Act , ordaining in such possible cases , that it be so done , that is , when such a case occurreth , men should be astricted to follow the same , and Ministers should accordingly act ; Or they are such cases , as do not ordain any practice to be done , but do declare such a thing to be lawfull ; As suppose they should declare , a Minister might lawfully baptize a Iew so as is formerly said , without any peremptory ordaining of the same , which is still , rather a doctrinall decision than a positive ordinance . We may yet add one distinction more , which is this , determination is either to declare such a thing lawful to Church-men in some Ecclesiastick matter , as suppose ( as was sometimes in the primitive persecutions ) upon some Querie from some Ministers , it should be enacted , that in such and such cases Ministers might flie , sell the Church-goods , or use such and such shifts and means for their escape and deliverance , as others , it may be , would think unlawfull . Or it is , when the practising of the supposed case belongs to Magistrates , or men in civil stations ; as suppose , upon some Queries from Magistrates or others , enquiring if it were lawfull to admit Iews to dwell in such and such places meerly for civil traffick ; or if they might eat and drink with an Ambassador of the Cham of Tartaria ; or help Chinas against the Tartars ; or such cases , which possibly , beside the occasion of the Querie , might never occur : now supposing the case to be decided affirmatively by a Church-judicatory , and a rent to have followed thereupon , and to continue after the case is not probably practicall , because of the former decision , and so in the rest of the former suppositions , it is to be enquired , If ? and , How union may be win at in them respectively ? Now these distinctions being premitted , we come to consider accordingly , How union may be made up , where division standeth upon such accounts ? In reference to all which , in the general , we say , That peremptorinesse and self-willednesse being excluded ( which are expresly prohibited to be in a Minister ) it is not impossible to attain union amongst faithfull , sober , and orthodox men , who will acknowledge that mutuall condescending and forbearance is necessary ; which by going through the particular steps will appear : wherein we may relate to the former generall grounds laid down , and be the shorter in instances and reasons , because this draweth out in length beyond our purpose ; and also , because Verbum sapienti satis est : and these especially that are concerned in this , need not by us either to be instructed , or perswaded to their duty , many of whom the Lord hath eminently made use of to teach , convince , and perswade others . We shall only , as in all the rest , offer some things to their view , which may occasion the remembering of what they know , and the awakening of the zeal and affection that they have , to act accordingly . To come then to the first sort of determinations , which are doctrinall ; it may appear from what is said , that there can be no just ground of division upon that account ; for , in such things a Church may forbear particular persons : and again , particular persons may forbear a Church . It is not to be thought , that all orthodox Divines are of the same mind in all things that are decreed in the Synod of Dort , particularly in reference to the object of predestination ; yet the Synod hath not made any division by Censuring of such , neither these who differ from that determination have broken off communion with the Church , but have keeped communion : and union in the Church hath not been thereby interrupted ; yet these who apprehend themselves to be right , cannot but think the other is in an errour : and if this forbearance be not allowed , there can never be union in the Church , except we should think that they behoved all to be in the same mind about such things , and that there should never be a decision in a Church , but when there is absolute harmony ; for supposing the plurality to decide right , yet these , whose judgement were condemned , were obliged according to their light to divide , seing they are in their own judgments right , It is true , I suppose that it is not simply unlawful , or hurtful to truth for a Church-judicatory , out of respect to peace in the Church , to condescend abstractly to wave a ministeriall decision without wronging of the matter ; As suppose these in Africk , for peace had waved their judiciall decision of the necessity of rebaptizing in such a case ; or these who determined the contrary , might have waved theirs , yet neither of them had hurt their own opinion . Or suppose , that in the decisions that were concerning Easter , upon both sides of the controversie , either had past from their decisions , and left the matter in practice to mens arbitrement without any decision , I suppose this had not been a wrong to truth ( supposing it to have been on either side ) And indeed considering what is written in the History , something like this may be gathered . For , first , It is clear , that there were determinations on both sides , and particularly , That the West Church , and these that joyned with them , did determine the Lords Day necessarily to be keeped for distinguishing them from the Iews . 2. It is also clear , That Policrates , with many Bishops in Asia , did judicially condemn that deed , appointing the fourteenth day of the month to be keeped , So that necessarily both decisions could not stand . And ▪ 3. this is clear also , That the way that was taken to settle that difference so stated , was , That judiciall decisions should be waved , and men left to their own arbitrement to observe what day they thought good , whether in the East or West Church , whereupon followed an union ; and Policarpus did communicate with Anicetus at Rome upon these tearms , Ut neuter eorum sententiam suam urgeret aut defenderet ( as the Centariators have it out of Ireneus ) that is , that neither of them should urge or defend their own opinion : and upon this there followed peace notwithstanding of that difference . It brake up again more strongly in the time of Victor , and although Ireneus was of his judgment , yet did he vehemently presse him not to trouble the Church by pursuing such a determination , and did exceeding weightily expostulat with him for it ; He wrote also to the other party , that both of them might forbear the pressing of such decisions , and that the thing might be left to mens arbitrement , without prejudice to the Churches union , as formerly it had been used : this is clear from Church-history , and that word of Sozomen , lib. 7. cap. 19. is weighty , Frivolum enim , & quidem merito , judicarunt , consuetudinis gratia , à se mutuo segregari eos qui in praecipuis religionis capitibus consentirent , that is , They judged it , and upon good ground , most frivolous for men to be separated or divided one from another , because of a custome , who did agree together in the main points of Religion . And though this matter be of it self no controversie decided in the Word , ( at least as it was stated ) yet considering their thoughts of it , and the grounds which they alleage for it , it was not so to them : and that peremptorines of Victors , who afterward would not be reclaimed from that second determination , is condemned by all , as being the ground of that following schism . And indeed in such cases , where two parts of a Church are divided , having independent authorities as to one another , and there being contrary determinations in the same question , it seemeth convenient and necessary for peace , that either both should wave their decisions , or that both should permit the decisions of each other to stand and be in force , to such only as should acquiesce therein , and willingly acknowledge the same . Again , where there is nothing like a party or equality , but the division is in the same one Church betwixt a greater and smaller number , and the greater will not be induced to remove their determination ; It is no way sinfull to the lesser to joyn with them notwithstanding thereof , they having their own freedom and liberty cautioned , as was formerly said ; Yea , this seemeth not unexpedient that they should do for the good of the Church . 1. Because it is not so readily to be expected , that men who have such an advantage will cede to these who have it not . 2. It may have inconveniencies , if a smaller dissenting number should necessitat a Church to wave former determined truths , though possibly not fundamental , because of their dissatisfaction therewith , who esteem them not to be truths , and strengthen others in a schism , as if they could not keep union and communion with a Church where any thing contrary their mind were determined . Also , 3. it seemeth most agreeable to reason , that in sinlesse cedings , the lesser number should cede to the greater . And , 4. because by so doing , this accidental confirmation of an opinion , by having the plurality of a Church or Synod for it , is left open to the other side , when they may be the plurality . Hence we see generally , that the minor part cedeth to the greater ( if the not pressing of the removal of such a decision be a ceding ) yea , even when the plurality were wrong , as in that case of Africk , these who differed , did not presse the rescinding of that determination , having their own liberty : Nor did these that had the plurality then for them , impose any bond to keep the other from rescinding their determinations , if they should come to be in such a capacity , but both keeped peace for the time ; and afterwards , in the dayes of Augustine , we will find Councels of the Church of Africk , determining the just contrary concerning that case of Baptizing , and yet still entertaining peace and communion amongst themselves , although the authoritative decision stood alwayes upon the side of the plurality . CHAP. XV. What shall be done in order to union about such decisions , as have practical consequents following thereon . TO come to the second case , to wit , anent such decisions as have some practicall consequents following thereupon ; For the more short answering , we shall lay down these Assertions . Assert . 1. In such practices as are opposit , and infer division in the cases mentioned , there can be no union or communion expected , as we see in all the cases where such have been practised , as of the Novatians , Donatists , and such like ; there may be more or lesse heat and bitternesse betwixt men that differ so : but there cannot be union , because , such determinations and practices do draw a line , and build a wall of separation betwixt the one and the other , and so makes one side to be accounted as not of the same body . Assert . 2. Where the consequents only infer some difference , or are not peremptorily pressed , they do not infer necessarily a division , as we see in the cases of Africk , and others mentioned ; and Sozomen in the chapter cited , giveth many instances of diversities of this kind in Churches , without any breach of communion , and saith it is necessary , because , Neque easdem traditiones per omnia similes , in omnibus Ecclesus , quamvis in omnibus consentiant , reperire possis , that is , Ye will hardly find the same traditions alike in all things in all the Churches , even though they agree in all things that are material . And , upon the matter , such determinations are but indeed as if they were doctrinall to such as acknowledge them not , and men are accordingly to walk in them . Assert . 3. In such practices as are daily practicable , in respect of the occasions thereof , union is more difficult ( though not impossible ) than in such cases where the occasion of practice is not probable , because there being no present occasion to practise the same , it looketh most unwise like , to bring in , or keep in , a more certain and greater evil in the Church , for eschewing of what folks may never be put to ; and suppose the case to be past , that may probably never recurre , it is more for the Churches good by abstaining the approbation of such an act , and by not being involved in the apprehended guilt thereof , to make up again the communion of the Church , for the preventing of a greater hurt , because that continueth to be a duty , and is necessary to edification ; and the thing being past , ought not to be the occasion of a present and following division , as was formerly said . If it be said , How can there be union in such a case upon the principle supposed , till ( as may be said by one side ) those who have decided and acted corruptly should repent , and ( as may be said by the other ) till those who have divided unjustly from the Church , and wronged the authority thereof , should acknowledge their offence , without which there cannot be union ? For answer to which we say , 1. What if neither party shall ever be brought to repent or acknowledge an offence ? shall the Church in such a case never attain to union ? Repentance implyeth a conviction , and this implyeth information and clearness in the judgment that such a thing is wrong . Now , it being often seen that it is impossible to get men of one judgment concerning such a thing , Must therefore union be impossible till men be of one judgment ? This hath been formerly disproved . 2. What if this had been the mind of the Churches and Servants of God from the beginning of the world ? there had never been publick-ecclesiastick , nor privat-christian peace ; for they were never all of one judgment : and to assert or write what is supposed to be an errour , is proportionably a sin and an offence , as to determine it judicially ; and it would infer the necessity of repentance ▪ even in such cases , for the attaining of peace and making up of differences ; And shall we thus at once condemn the generation of Gods People , who have , without proposing , or , at least , pressing of such a thing , entertained peace and union amongst themselves ? 3. This would enervate all the former grounds that plead for union with forbearance , and such like , which , I suppose , will not be warrantably done . 4. This way is indeed either to make union the more impossible , or if union be attained in any measure , both the lesse hearty amongst themselves , and the lesse profitable unto others , as hath been formely cleared . 5. We are not to respect in this , mens particular carriage or desert ( which possibly would not be thought of great concernment by others , not engaged in that debate ) but the Churches good is to be looked to , and what it doth require , as we may gather from what hath been formerly said . And if Church-censures ( such as the enjoyning of publick repentance , or acknowledgment of an offence , are ) be to be abstained from , even in reference to open corrupt teachers sometimes for respect to the union of the Church , and for the preventing the stumbling of those that are weak , and prone to divide or miscarry ( if such should be censured ) as we see in Paul's abstaining to censure the false teachers , Gal. 5. and 2 Cor. 10. ( spoken to in the former part ) much more are Censures of any sort to be abstained from upon that ground , in the case proposed , as it is considered in its matter and persons differing . Hence we may find what condescendence hath been formerly used in such cases , when union hath been closed , or proposed to be closed , ( in matters possibly of greater moment than are supposed ) Sine detrimento honoris , aut charitatis , that is , without prejudice to reputation , or charity . 6. We therefore say in opposition to that objection , That union is to be studied , by endeavouring to joyn in what is for the good of the Church , and by burying the resentment of each others wrongs , rather than ( as Beza saith in that forecited Epistle to Grindal concerning division ) There should be too curious , and , as it were , contention-affecting enquiry made , who is most in the wrong , and thereby a bringing the matter to that passe , that the whole body cannot be saved , but by cutting off of some members . 7. We adde ▪ If repentance be necessary , will any think that division is the way or mean to attain the same , which doth imbitter and confirm men in their opinion and opposition respectively , as formerly hath been said ? It will be now no great difficulty to answer in the last two cases , to wit , When the decision is a simple declaration of the lawfulnesse of a thing , without any positive appointment that such a thing should be put in practice , &c. For , if upon the former grounds union may be attained , and division removed in the former cases , it may be much more in this ; most of all , where the matter determined , concerneth such practices as actually are to be performed but in some extraordinary case by Civil Powers . Because in such cases men may more easily condescend to forbearance , than in matters of greater necessity and concernment ; and there can be but little prejudice alleaged to follow unto the Church ( to be put in the ballance with the Churches peace ) either by condescending that such a determination should be waved , or stand with the qualifications foresaid ; It 's true that tenaciousnesse in the least particular , and peremptory refusing to condescend therein , will breed a rent and schism , and make union as impossible , as if it were the greatest matter that were the ground of distance ; yet it would seem , that in the case presupposed , ( especially these last three being put together ) that judicious , sober , and godly men should be very easily induced to condescend to each other , with the qualifications foresaid , for the Churches peace . For , 1. The matter , although it hath a right and wrong in it , yet it is among the least of the truths that may be accounted to relate to the foundation . 2. It 's in a matter most improbably practicable , and which may possibly never occur . 3. It 's a determination , or an exercise of Church-power that hath least influence upon Church-matters , seing it positively ordaineth nothing . 4. It 's in a thing most extrinsick , which might have been put in practice , and usually is put in practice without the Churches intermedling therein , either pro or contra . It seemeth therefore unsuitable that such a determination in reference to such practices , should be greatly contended-for , when neither the standing of such a decision can procure , nor the removing thereof mar , the practices concerning which the decision is . 5. Supposing the qualifications foresaid , the standing of such a decision doth not strengthen the affirmative opinion , because it doth not infer any bond or obligation upon others who do not of their own accord acquiesce in the same ; nor doth it give ground for alleaging such a decision to any but to such as of themselves are swayed with the matter thereof : And therefore seing it hath no force to bind moe than would be bound with the matter if it were not ; nor can infer that it is the judicial decision and judgment of such a Church , more than this , to wit , That it is the judgment of the plurality for the time , yet so as it is not acknowledged by others , and who are not to be constrained to any alteration in their judgment , or in their practice , by that determination , more than if it had never been ( which is a necessary qualification of the forbearance mentioned ) and supposing the said decision to be waved , these particulars would be true . Again , upon the other side , The removing of that decision doth not strengthen the negative ( for that cannot be intended by such a composure that either side should be strengthened ) nor doth the standing thereof weaken the same ; because ▪ according to the qualifications foresaid , not only there can be no Censure following upon it , but even as to the Determination it self , though it be not formally removed , to be no decision simply , it is no decision to them , nor can be alleaged to them against their opinion , more than if it were not : And thus it becometh of equall extent with those who approve the matter , and so it doth bind only such as account themselves bound ; and if men account themselves bound , the removing of such a decision , will not loose them ; and if they account not themselves bound otherwayes , the standing thereof in such a case , will not bind them ; and therefore , upon the matter , we suppose , it is hardly imaginable that there can be a lesser ground of division , ( the qualifications necessary for union in the cases of greater concernment being granted in this ) sure we are there was never division continued upon a lesser account , to whatsoever side we look ; for , in effect , it is for the time to come as if that decision had never been , as to its efficacie and weight in producing any effect . And we are sure that the great Divines that have so eagerly pursued , and so much coveted union , would have thought themselves happy if they might have had it by condescending and yeelding either to the one side or the other . And though the moderate divine Bucer , was thought to thirst after peace in the Church so vehemently , that some zealous men said , that out of love thereto he was like almost haurire foeces , that is , to drink down the dregs with it ; yet I am confident , that had the state of the controversie come so near , and in such matter , and amongst such men , as is formerly presupposed , he would not have been so charged by the most rigid , although for the peace of the Church he had drunken-over all the dreggs that might be in both the cups , the mentioned qualifications being observed ; For , I suppose , that the removing or standing of such a decision in the former respects , will neither be found inconsistent with any Confession of Faith , even the most full that ever was in any Orthodox Church ; nor with the Fundamentals of Religion that are laid down in any Catechisms or Writings of any sound Divines ; nor with the Constitutions and Acts that have been thought necessary to be inrolled amongst the Acts of any Council or Synod ; nor , for ought we know , will be found to have been the matter of debate , even in the most contentious times amongst Orthodox Divines : It would seem then , that if there be a latitude allowed without hazard for one to condescend to another for the good of the Church in any thing , it must be in the case presupposed , CHAP. XVI . The remedies of divisions , arising from misapplication of power in ordination of Ministers , and admitting to , or debarring from , communion . THe fourth matter of controversie in reference to Government , is usually some misapplication of that power , or what is apprehended to be so in some particular acts . As , 1. Ordaining such as were not thought to be worthy . 2. Deposing others ( as was thought ) unjustly . 3. Admitting unto , or debarring from communion without ground respectively , and such like cases . Upon the first ground arose the great schism of the Donatists , because of the Ordination of Caecilianus , esteemed by them to be a Traditor . Of such sort also were the schisms frequently at Antioch , Constantinople , Alexandria , and other places , because some were ordained to the dissatisfaction of others . And sometimes the dissatisfaction was well grounded ; because the persons ordained , were not worthy : Sometimes it was groundlesse ; But often it tended to double Ordination , and Separation in the close . These things had need to be prevented , so as there be no just ground of dissatisfaction given by the Ordination of an unworthy man in such a time , nor any opposit Ordination to fix a schism ; because these things are more difficulty removed , as hath been said : Yet supposing them to be , these generals may be proposed for healing of the same . 1. We will not find an Ordination easily counted to be null , even though done in a schism , as all the instances do clear ; yea , the Orthodox stood not to account the Bishops and Presbyters ordained amongst the Donatists , to be such , because they had the essentials of Ordination , and were ordained by Church-officers . 2. We suppose it needfull for peace , that there be no rigid sticking to have some particular Ordinations rectified , to the prejudice of the Church in general , especially , where the unfitnesse or unworthiness of the person is not easily demonstrable . 3. It seemeth right and just , that no Ordination of such a kind should establish one that is unworthy in the Ministery : for , that is not to be dispensed with ; although it be not a valid ground to keep up a division , where the removall of such a person cannot be attained : and the most unquestionable Ordination for the form , cannot make one a worthy Minister , who otherwayes is not a worthy person . In the conferences with the Donatists , the Catholicks offered to quarrell the Ordination of none amongst them that otherwayes was worthy , nor to maintain any amongst themselves who were not worthy . 4. Yet union would not be suspended till this be done , but it is to be made up , that it may be done , as in the instance formerly given . Because , 1. this trial is the work of an united Kirk , and will require joynt strength and concurrence for the same . 2. Because union is a present duty , although there were defect in such a trial , and a defect in that , will not warrant a division . 3. It is not only a duty commanded , but it is a mids necessary for promoving the triall and censuring of unworthy Ministers , for times of division are ever times of liberty , and thereby Authority is weakened , men are discouraged to follow it , and are otherwayes diverted , &c. 4. Because division can never be looked upon as the mean to effectuate that tryall , but it strengthens the person who is to be tryed , and lesseneth the number of zealous pursuers of such a design , and incapacitates men for this duty , who otherwayes might be instrumental therein . 5. Beside , if the guilt be not so very palpable , as it may be demonstrated to be in persons , at such a time , it is safer to preserve certain peace in the Church , than to hunt for an uncertain crime , as hath been often said . Fifthly , Where a persons being in a place , is the ground of contention , and things look not satisfyinglike in his way , even though grosnesse be not demonstrable , we think it not unbecoming the authority of Church-judicatories , which is given for edification , to appoint the removal of such a person from such a place , ( as was formerly hinted ) for , it looketh sad like , that a Minister's being in such a particular place , should be more obstructive to edification and to the Churches peace , than if he were not a Minister at all . And it becometh well that singlenesse that a Minister ought to have in seeking the edification of the Church , to yeeld to such an advice and appointment , or , of himself willingly to overture the same . For , Ministers are not to plead interest in a Congregation simply , as a man doth his particular right ; because every thing of this kind ought to be done with respect to the edification of the body , the promoting whereof , ought to regulate both entries and removals . It 's true , there would be warinesse here , lest dangerous precedents be given ; yet considering , that a Minister who may somewhat peremptorily plead interest , and that jure in the Ministery , that yet cannot with that same strength of reason plead it in such and such a particular Congregation ; and considering , that it is a publick good that is respected , and not the satisfaction or dissatisfaction of some in a particular Congregation , we conceive the former assertion cannot be simply denied . Where contrair Ordinations are , it is more difficult ; Yet it would be considered that all these things we speak of now , are but particular : and therefore although full satisfaction should not be obtained in them , yet ought they not to be stumbled upon to the prejudice of union in generall , in which the good of the Church is more eminently concerned , as hath been said ; Yet where peace is intended , we suppose this difficulty may be win over , one of these wayes , which have been formerly in use in such cases . As , 1. Sometimes one person did willingly cede to another for the good of the Church ; So did Basilius in a case formerly mentioned , for which his condescendency he is ever highly commended . Neither can this be thought to be a casting by of the care of such a people , but rather the contrary , it is more their good , that they should be united under one orthodox Minister , though the more weak man , than to continue a division with two that are more able . 2. Sometimes where two were , it was thought good to unite them in their meetings , and that the longest liver should alone be acknowledged , if no other occasion offered , and neither were unworthy of the place , as in a case at Antioch formerly mentioned . 3. Sometimes both have been laid aside , where neither have been worthy , or factions have been strong for either party , and so rooted prejudice of the adherers to the one side against the other . This overture is offered by Augustine to the Donatists , for composing that difference of opposit Ordinations , which was frequent amongst them , each city almost having two Bishops ; And this way hath been followed in composing many schisms , even of late . 4. Sometimes the party offended and wronged by an opposit Ordination , hath keeped division down in some respect , by ceding , or withdrawing , or hiding their offence , till some probable or regular way hath occurred ; rather choosing never to possesse such a place than to do it by wronging of the Church , in keeping up an irregular schism , when there was no accesse orderly to redresse it . Thus Eusebius being offended that Lucifer had ordained Paulinus a Bishop in Antioch to a party disclaiming him , who were called Eustachians ▪ he moderated his carriage and withdrew , waiting to have had a lawful decision , and resolving to be submissive to that . Where men mind the good of the work , it is not like but some such way will compose these things ; and if these fail , we will find also adjacent Bishops travelling to compose the same ; Yea , sometimes men of authority coming from very far ; And also some by civil Authority appointed to treat therein , as in the closing of that schism at Antioch ; for , schisms , arising from such discontents , are not ordinarily by meer Authority removed , because there is often something both of affection and conscience in the businesse : there is need therefore of mutuall friendly conferring for giving and receiving of satisfaction therein . CHAP. XVII . Remedies of divisions arising from the misapplication of power , in censuring , or sparing Ministers , reall or supposed . ANother part of the exercise of this power ( which often in its misapplication , or its being pretended to be so , is the ground of Church-divisions ) is The matter of censuring and deposing of Ministers , and that two wayes . The one is , When some good men are deposed , or such as are supposed to be so , whereby persons that apprehend the injustice of the fact , do disclaim such a power , and adhere to such a person notwithstanding . Thus did the schism at Constantinople arise for the unjust deposition of Chrysostom , and his adherents were called Ihoannitae , as if they had been of another Religion ; Such also was that of the Eustachians at Antioch ; which being driven against honest men , and there being no condescending , at least what was once condescended unto , being again recalled , there was no stopping of such divisions , till in the manner , formerly hinted , and that being after both their deaths . In such cases extremities are to be shunned , for , its extremity that maketh rents , that is , too little condescending on the one side , and too much tenaciousness on the other . One extremity to be eschewed , is , When Church-judicatories are too tenacious of a past Sentence , or the formality of some legall advantage which seemeth to justifie the Sentence , as in that case of Chrysostoms , almost all the weight was laid on this at first , That he refused to appear before them , or acknowledge their Authority as they were constituted : and although both the people and others did adhere to him , yet there was no condescending , which occasioned a great schism ▪ and was exce●…dingly condemned by the generality of faithfull men in these dayes . Another extremity is , upon the other side , When for satisfaction of a Judicatory too little is ceded ; or upon supposition , even of an unjust Sentence , a schism is stated , to the hurt of the Church . In this case we may observe these things , 1. That sometimes the Judicatory hath condescended to re-admit a person , otherwayes of esteem , although possi●…ly some particular slip hath been , that in strict justice might have deserved the Sentence : this was in the case of Osius formerly cited . It is true , there is no mention of the cause wherefore the Synod of Spain did depose him , nor is it clear whether it be that famous Osius , whom the Arians deposed and whipped till he approved Athanasius his deposition ; yet this is clear , that he being a man esteemed of in the Church , though possibly out of infirmity having fallen in that fault , he was for concord restored , Sine detrimento honoris , without prejudice to his credit . 2. Where men have been deposed upon the breach of some legality , or contempt , if otherwayes they have been men of gifts , and approv●…n integrity in the main , though possibly thought proud and rigid by others , as in that case of Chrysostom ; they were again received into the Church , and the Sentences with consent laid by , as appeareth in the readmitting of Chrysostom after his first deposition ( of the justice of whose Sentence of deposition , because there was no convincing evidence to satisfie the people , Severinus in preaching did say . That his pride was reason sufficent ) which for a time removed the division , and brought a chearfull calmnesse , till shortly after his old enemies interrupted it , and did enter a new processe with him , because he had re-entered his Bishoprick being once deposed by a Synod , and not having their authority ; ( which was grounded even upon the constitutions of Arian Councils ) this being the second time driven-on against the intreaties and obtestations of many worthy Bishops and good people who adhered to him , did again renew and fix that schism . 3. When the men were otherwayes corrupt , or discovered to be grosse and prophane , although many other orthodox men did interpose for them , yet by all means it was resisted ; because they still supposed such worthy men that sided with such to be mis-informed . And it 's observable , that the most peaceable Synods who did most for union , as those in Africk , and that of Spain , who had received Osius , because of the Churches of France their interposing , by that to prevent a schism , yet were they most peremptory , as it were , in this , and refused to receive Barsilides and Martialis , as that of Carthage did refuse Apiarius , notwithstanding that Rome interposed for them , giving this reason , That there was a necessity of having the Churches provided with faithfull and holy Ministers . 4. Sometimes , and oftentimes men sentenced , though possibly with too much rigidity , if not with injustice , have yet submitted with respect to the Churches peace , either totally , and upon that ground have again been admitted ; or partially , by abstaining to act any thing contrary to such a Sentence , but for reverence thereunto waiting for some legal redresse , as in history is frequent ; and it is fit it should be so in such cases where the hurt is particular , and proceedeth not from a common design of undoing all faithfull Ministers ; because the making of a schism , doth more hurt than the contending for their particular Ministery doth edifie in such a case ; and therefore sometimes though some men have been pressed to under value an unjust Sentence , and to continue to officiate notwithstanding , Yet out of respect to Church-authority and order , have refused till they should be admitted orderly unto the same . Indeed when the Arians drave on the deposition of their most eminent opposers , it was otherwayes , because ( as is marked in the Councill of Sardica ) in bearing down of them , they endeavoured to bear down the truth which they maintained : But , where the controversie is not such , but the men orthodox and sound on both sides , though possibly there may be some particular faults or mistakes ; in such a case , it is safer for either side to cede in part , or wholly , than to keep up a division : and we conceive , when one side cedeth not , if the other should cede wholly , it would be most to the advantage of their cause , and to the commendation and strengthening of their authority in the Churches of Christ. The other occasion of bebate in such Church-matters , is upon the defect , that is , when some are really , or are thought to be , connivers at guiltie men , or at least defective in putting of them to triall : others again , may be thought too forward and precipitant in that , whereupon ariseth difference ; and if one cede not to another , it becometh the occasion of division , as may be seen in instances formerly given : Concerning which , we say , 1. That men would remember , this is but one particular of many , that tend to the Churches good , ( though indeed a main particular ) and so ought not to be the rise of a division , nor of continuing thereof , to the marring of the Churches peace in other things , but men ought singly to do their duty , and therein to acquiesce , without partaking of the faults of others , whether it be by being defective , or by exceeding in that mater ; and seing there may be no corrupt design in either who may be upon these extreames , it would not be so highly aggreaged on either side . 2. We say , that as often difference in this , may breed divisions ; so again , divisions do occasion mens differing more in this : and it cannot be expected where division is , that men who are men and subject to be byassed , can be so single in receiving testimonies of the innocency of these that differ from them , or of the guiltinesse of these that agree with them , as if there were no division at all : And again , it is impossible , that where there is a difference in some other thing , that men can think others differing from them so single and unbyassed , as they suppose themselves to be , but are still ready to construct their differing from them in this to be occasioned from some former prejudice ; for , as was said , division breedeth jealousie , suspicion , and distrust among men , and men are naturally inclined to suspect that others drive the design of strengthening themselves by the sentencing of such a person , whereby they are secretly induced , even unawares , to disappoint such a supposed unstreight end , which maketh them on both sides suspect every thing , dispute every thing , and readily reject every thing that cometh from the other . 3. We say therefore , that union would not be suspended upon satisfaction in this , but rather union would be pressed , that satisfaction in this may be attained ; because satisfaction in this cannot be expected till there be mutuall confidence of one anothers integrity : and till there be some walking together , and some further evidence of the sincerity of each other in the main businesse , this mutuall confidence cannot be expected : and again , this cannot be obtained without an union , and so consequently union would be laid as a foundation for attaining of satisfaction even in this . 4. It would be considered , that oftentimes such apprehensions of extremities , which are imputed to honest and zealous men , are most groundlesse ; but there being something in them as men , it is conceived on the other hand , because of secretly entertained jealousie , to be much more . There was nothing more casten up to the Orthodox by the Novatians and Donatists , than that they were defective in this , in admitting to , and retaining in the Ministery , men that were corrupt , Yet after many trials they were never able to prove what they alleaged upon some eminent persons when it came to triall , even when such things were generally accounted true amongst them . This would be adverted , that every general rumour be not accounted a truth , especially in the times of division , for so , few of the most eminent on both sides should be innocent . Again , on the other side , it occasioned much heat against Chrysostom , that he had censured many of his Bishops , and threatened many of his Clergie ; this did exceedingly provoke envy against him , and made such men to vent many calumnies on him , which were too much regarded , even by some orthodox and good men , who differed from him upon another account ( as Epiphanius did upon the occasion of Origens writings ) yet in no history it is recorded , that he aimed at the censuring of any unjustly , though he did censure with a naturall vehemency , as he did every other thing ; but the history saith , men spake much of the number of these that were sentenced by him , and of the vehemency of his manner in reproving and censuring of their faults , which they accounted to be pride , not considering the faults for which he did censure them ; But men having conceived prejudice at him , were the readier to admit of their accusations against him , as if they had been unjustly dealt with by him , and upon that same ground of prejudice at him , were the more inclinable to restore them whom he sentenced . 5. It is to be considered also , That zeal against such as are justly censurable , is most consistent with a spirit of union in the Church , as appeareth by the former instances of men most tender of union , and yet most zealous in this : yea , these two go together ; because zeal for the Churches edification , constraineth to union , and doth also presse the removing of corrupt unfaithfull Ministers , which , next to division in a Church , is the greatest plague of a Church . Therefore these things would be adverted , 1. That the purging of the Church of such , and the work of union , would be joyntly respected , otherwayes if union be sleighted , it will hazard the falling in too nearly with the schisms of the Novatians and Donatists , which have been so hurtfull to the Church . 2. Union when it is in competition with the deposing of some unfaithfull men , and both cannot be obtained together , it ought to be preferred , as we see the Apostle doth , 2 Cor. 10. 6. who will not censure in such a case , lest he state a schism ; for , the continuing of such in a Church , is indeed a hurt , seing they are uselesse , and in a great part hurtfull , yet so , honest Ministers may have accesse to do good beside them : but when schisms enter , the hurt thereof is more comprehensive , and they do render unusefull the Ministery both of good and bad . 3. It would be considered also , that the division being in the case supposed , where men are orthodox and pious on both sides , it is not so exceedingly to be feared , that either men , palpably corrupt in doctrine , or conversation , should be entertrained upon the one side or that men useful in the Church , and blamelesse in their conversations , should be crushed upon the other . 4. It would follow also , that union should be no prejudice to the ridding of the Church of corrupt Ministers , but that it should be studied where there is need , because it is a fruit of the same spirit ( to be zealous against corrupt men ) from which meeknesse and moderation toward these who are not such , do proceed ; and therefore if there be any such object of zeal , as an unfaithfull Minister , ( as it is not like that ever the Church was , or shall be free of such ) then ought men to bestir themselves faithfully in the removing of such . It is marked and commended in the Angel of Ephesus , Rev. 2. v. 2 , 3. That he was eminent in patience and enduring , and yet so zealous in this , that he could endure no unsent Minister , but tryed such as called themselves Apostles , &c. which contemperature or mixture is exceedingly commended : And in reference to the scope which we are upon , zeal in this , is not only a duty as at other times , but a speciall mean having influence on the procuring of union ; because so , one of the great stumblings that hath been in the Church to make the Ministery contemptible is removed , and a practicall evidence of mens zeal is given , which tendeth to lay a ground of confidence of them in the hearts of others ; so , also men are keeped from falling under the tentation of luke-warmnesse , and forgetting of every duty , but the supporting of the side , at least , that which usually is imputed in such a case , is removed ; and also by this , men would find the necessity of bearing with many things in others , who may in the main be supposed to be honest : And however , it is the way to be approven before God , and to have a testimonie in the consciences of others . All which conduce exceedingly to union ; whereas universall cessation from this , as if there were no such matter to work upon , and obstructing formally , yea , or materially or virtually any thing thereof , doth exceedingly tend to the fixing of division , and cooling of the affections of many that look on , without which , that is , warmed affections , there is little accesse to hearty union . 6. We say , that this duty of purging would not be so in its vehemency pressed , either under a division , or while union is not confirmed , as when a Church is in a good condition ; because , that were to give strong physick to an unsettled weak body , that might rather stir the humours to the prejudice of the whole , than remove them : Therefore we conceive , that sobriety and prudence would be used here , in moderating of the exercise of this duty , till the union be confirmed , and , as it were , by preparations the body be disposed for the same : Therefore if faults be not grosse , evidences clear , and a persons unfruitfulnesse or hurtfulnesse demonstrable , ( in which cases no difference amongst such parties as are to be united , is to be feared ) It is safer for the Church to abstain the same , than to hazard the opening or ruffling of a wound scarcely cured , by the unseasonable pressing of such a duty . The Apostle doth in severall cases spare consures of unfaithfull men , out of respect to the Churches good , as hath been formerly hinted ; and as the judicious divine Mr. Gillespy ( who yet cannot be branded with luke-warmnesse in this duty ) in his Aarons rod , maketh out , and doth give instances of severall cases , wherein this forbearance is called-for . In sum , we suppose that having to do in such a case with such persons , it is more safe for men to do their own duty , keeping the peace of the Church , and to leave others to do according to the manifestnesse of things as they shall answer before God , as to their seeking the good of His Church ; and if this prevail not with such men for ordering them in their duty , will any think that the keeping up , or threatening of division , will prevail ? Lastly , It would be considered , if such ends as any side would propose , either in keeping in , or purging out of men who are thought fit or unfit respectively , can be attained without union , so as with it . Therefore seing that is a thing which belongeth to Government , and men are to be swayed in such Acts by what conduceth most to edification , when they cannot attain the length they would ( as we suppose men shall never do , in this matter of purging ) they then are to walk by this rule of choosing what comparatively is most edifying , as was formerly said . Sometimes also difference hath been about the excommunicating of persons , or readmitting again to communion : but what concerneth this may be somewhat understood from the former grounds , wherein extremities would be shunned , and the Churches peace , and the Authority of the Ordinances studied : Also , we have otherwayes beyond our purpose become so long , ( and possibly ad nauseam usque ) in other things , we shall therefore forbear particular descending into this , but proceed in the generals proposed . CHAP. XVIII . The fears of mis-government for the time to come , and remedies thereof . THe last thing in Government , which was proposed , as that whereabout differences and divisions do arise , is , in reference to Government for the time to come , and resolves in this , Who shall have chief hand in the decision of matters that after may fall out , supposing the union to be made up . This resulteth from the present diffidence and prejudice which each hath in reference to other , and from that impression that men have , that there will be a driving of sides , according to power , even under a concluded union : And indeed somewhat may be feared and expected , at least for a time , considering mens distance in such a case ; for , if diffidence and suspicion be come to that height under divisions , that one will not trust another in some petty particular fact that is past ; or lay by jealousie where no proof is , notwithstanding of all solemn attestations ; it 's no marvel that in matters of greater consequence which are to come , they do not easily give them credit . This is often the greatest businesse to be composed in a difference : hence it is , that sometimes bygones , which have been the rise of the division , may be removed , when as yet this cannot be composed , because there is no way conceivable how both parties may have the chief hand in Government , and neither being willing to cede to the other , either from a secret ground of sleighting one another , or from that root of suspicion whereby they conceive all lost that the other is able to carry over them , whereby from fear of hazarding the Churches good condition , they run here in a certain prejudice , and , in some sense , fall in that inconvenience , which a Writer observeth on the contending of two Bishops , expressed in this as the ground of their division ▪ ●…nus ut prae●…sset alter ne sube●…et . sed neuter ut prodesset ; which is often-times , on the matter , too true in all such contests , this last being a consequent of the former two . This difference may be considered two wayes , 1. As it pretendeth a dissatisfaction with the persons who are to govern ; some , upon the one side , thinking it unfit to joyn with prophane men ; some , upon the other , disdaining to joyn with Schismaticks . In this strait were the Fathers of the Council of Carthage in their dealing with the Donatists ; some of them asserting , on the one side , That there was no uniting with such as the generality of the Catholicks were ; and Augustine often citeth the word of P●…tmianus , given-in to them as an Answer to the desire of a Conference , Indignum est ut in unum conventant fi●…ii Martyrum , & progenies traditorum ; that is , It is a most unseemly thing that the sons of Martyrs , and the brood of Traditors should assemble together in one place . On the other hand , they were pressed from Rome and parts adjacent , not to unite with these Schismaticks the Donatists , as may be seen in that Council ; yet did they find it their duty to seek union with them notwithstanding , and to admit , that such of them as were put before from their Churches , should be repossessed by him that was appointed Cognitor , and deputed by the Emperour in that Conference , Ut eo modo eos ad conferendum etiam beneficiis invitaret ; that is , That so he might invite them to conference at least by such benefits . This principle , we suppose , ought not , nor will not stick in the hearts of such men , and in such a case , as is presupposed , and it leadeth to a These , That there is no communion in Government to be keeped , where , upon any of the former accounts , men are displeased with such persons as are joyned therein with them : and though affection , and sometimes inclination , being stirred with prejudice and discontent , will be ready to make some such practices to be plausible , which do infer this ; yet , I suppose , the Thesis it self will not be maintained , more than such a ground will warrant Separation in any other Ordinance ; and the grounds formerly laid down in several parts of this discourse , will not admit of such a principle , which , if admitted , would exclude union for ever , We shall therefore passe this . The second and main difficulty then , is , In the ordering of things so for the time to come , as the ends of union and government may thereby be obtained , and that nothing that may be justly feared by one side or other , may be altogether sleighted . In reference to this , it will not be expected that we should be particular or satisfying , yet not to leave it altogether imperfect . We shall , first , propose some general considerations , to mollifie the sharpnesse of division upon this account . 2. Offer some general helps , which in such cases may be thought on . 3. Lay down some advertisements upon supposition that full satisfaction be not obtained . We propose these considerations to be thought on concerning this , 1. In such a thing it is impossible that men on both , or either side , can expect full satisfaction to their mind , or even simply to their light ; because men have not the carving out of what is good to the Church simply before them , but comparatively and in reference to such and such a circumstantiate case ; and therefore must resolve , that respect must be had to the satisfaction of others as of themselves ; for , it is not the satisfaction of one side that maketh up union , but of both : and therefore it must be resolved to be such a satisfaction to both , as neither is fully and simply satisfied therein ; and for that cause it 's not to be expected that in such a case all inconveniences which are possible , can be satisfyingly prevented , or questions concerning the same answered . I doubt if in any case there will be full satisfaction as to these . 2. Let it be considered ▪ if the abstaining of uniting will prevent these inconveniences upon either side , and if it doth not rather bring on greater , and moe upon the Church ; and if inconveniences sway , which are lesser and more uncertain in the one case , those which are greater and more inevitable , ought to sway more in the other ; for , it 's already presupposed , that joyning doth not make one guilty in these inconveniencies , more than abstaining doth . Yea , 3. Let it be considered , if by continued division , men be not necessarily guilty of the inconveniences that follow it ; because ( to say so ) they follow it per se , or naturally and necessarily , whereas the other follows upon union but by accident at the most : Other considerations , formerly mentioned , are also to have weight , and ought to be remembred here . We come now to consider the helps which may in part be usefull to prevent these fears . In reference to which we would , 1. consider , that the matter feared , is not the bringing-in of unsound doctrine in the general , nor the altering of practical rules to the strengthening of prophanity , But it is the misapplication of good rules already made , especially in reference to these . 1. The admitting of unfit Officers in the Church . 2. The deposing of such as deserve the same . 3. The decision of some particular differences that may occasionally occur in the carrying-on of Church-affairs , wherein men may apprehend and fear partiality , as they shall occur : which grounds of fear upon either side , we may gather from what hath been formerly hinted . Concerning the matter of deposition , we have spoken already and shall say no more . Concerning the other two points , we may consider them either as they are concerning things past , before the union be made-up during the division ; or , as they relate to what may occasionally fall out afterward . Concerning what is past in such debated particulars we have spoken already , and , it seems , one of these three wayes must be taken in reference therunto . 1. Either by waving of these things ( if they be such as may be waved ) so that without insisting in them , they may be buried ; or , by one parties ceding ; or , by a mutual composure , they may be instantly setled . 2. If that cannot be , the union is not to be suspended thereon , but some mutually may be appointed to labour in the same afterward , that with consent it may be brought to a point , which is not to be thought desperate , although it be not ended for the time . This way of mutuall conferring is naturall , as being an approven mean for composing of differences of any sort , in any place , at any time . 3. If that please not , or attain not the end , the matter may be amicably referred to some acceptable to both , who may be trusted with the ultimat decision in such particulars : neither is this unbecoming Church-authority so to condescend , nor Ministers in such matters to be submissive . For , 1. it is no matter of doctrine wherein they are to decide , or wherein either party is to acquiesce , but it is in some particular practicall thing . 2. The Submission is not in a difference betwixt a thing sinfull and a thing lawfull , but betwixt two things that are lawfull , which of them comparatively is the most expedient to the Church in such a case ; wherein I conceive , it were not implicit walking , though men should acquiesce in the judgment of some others in such things , more than in their own . 3. It would seem , that that advice of the Apostle's , 1 Cor. 6. ( Is there not a wise man amongst you ? &c. ) is proposed in the general , to prevent all such strife and contention , as doth bring scandal with it ; and therefore ought not to be excluded in this case , seing there is a gift of prudence and wisdom given unto the Church for the governing of her self , and is more eminently given to one than to another , even as the gift of knowledge is for doctrine ; and therefore we conceive that in such cases , such may warrantably be trusted with such particulars , seing it might be expected that they would endeavour to make the best thereof for the good of the Church . In that conference with the Donatists , we find that the Donatists are desired to name one for themselves , who might joyn with the Cognitor appointed to judge of such particulars and matters of fact , as were in debate betwixt the Catholicks and them ; and their refusing therof was looked upon as an evidence of their not desiring an end of the controversie : Neither is it to be thought , that Augustine and nigh 300. Bishops with him who yeelded thereto , did undervalue the matter in debate between them , though they were content to have differences in fact so decided . We find also , that for the removing almost of all the forementioned schisms , there were particular men , either deputed by Synods , or commissionated by adjacent Churches , or called by themselves , for the composing amicably of such practical differences as were the occasion of their rents : And , it may be , that were this more used for composing of Church-differences , the height that oftentimes they come to in particulars , might be prevented . We here think not fit , that such things should be decided by Church-judicatories by a meer authoritative decision : not out of any dis-respect to Church-Judicatories ; but because , as was formerly hinted in the generall grounds , Church-judicatories are fitter for preventing such divisions than for removing of them : And further , a Church-judicatory being in all publick divisions a party , such decision would look liker submission ( which men are not so easily induced unto ) than union . Beside , such a way i●… more ready to breed heart-burnings in such things as have been the matter of contest formerly , and so is palpably in hazard to brangle an union scarce begun : Also , men will more easily bear any decision wherein themselves have a consent , though it were mediately by committing it to some others , than where there is only a necessity of obeying ▪ and especially where such prejudice is conceived to be in the Judge , as in the case supposed . This may be clearer from what may be said afterward . For regulating things which may occasionally fall out , for the time to come , we may propose these generall helps to be considered . 1. That there be an abstinence from what may readily seem to prove the occasion of any difference , at least for a time : and it is better to forbear many things , than to brangle union , or grieve a party with whom we have united ; Yet generally it appeareth , that it is driving and not forbearing , that breedeth division , and also grieveth men after union , and tempts them to rue the same . Neither is this a bar to any from a necessary duty , it only regulateth men in the doing of necessary duties , so as they may eschew the guilt of renting the Church , or grieving of others ; or , at most , it relateth but to the tyming ▪ manner , or some other circumstance of a necessary duty : As suppose in the matter of planting a Church , a division should in all appearance be like to arise , It is more fit that it should be for a time suspended , and other endeavours for facilitating the same used , yea , ere a breach be , that even other persons be sought out ; for , though it be duty to plant the Church , and that with none but such as are worthy , yet it is not alway a necessary dut●… to plant such a particular Church at such a time , and in such a manner , and with such a worthy person ; Yea , it were better for the Church , and more peace to the persons mind , that such a particular place should vake for severall years , than that the peace of the Church , or composednesse of her Judicatories , should be marred thereby , and so in other matters wherein forbearance is called-for . 2. In such a case , doubtfull practices would be abstained ; and whatever side men choose in any occurring particular , it would be such , and in such a manner done , as may be convincingly approvable unto any of whatsoever side ; for , it is often uncertain things , or disputable at the most , that breed differences amongst judicious sober men : men therefore would someway confine themselves within unquestionable things for a time , and not only have respect to their own consciences in such things , and to what is right in it self , but also to others , who want not their own suspicions and jealousies , and who by their deed may either be soon tempted , or grieved ; both which they ought to shun . 3. We conceive , that it is usefull in such a time to have many brotherly consultations , and conferences , concerning such things as may be moved , that things come not in abruptly ; for , so sometimes men may be surprised with somewhat they have not heard of , and become jealous where there is no ground : Also , it is an evidence of respect so to communicate thoughts , and men may thus know what is fit to be moved , and what not ; whereas otherwayes , men may be soon engaged in opposition to a motion , and not so easily brought off . This communication would not so much be by appointment of others , as voluntary , and out of respect between particular persons : Also , it would be respectively done to the person with submission to his reason , that is , if he seem reasonably dissatisfied therewith , and do not rellish the same , the motion would be forborn , at least for a time , and the other waited upon therein , till he come up to it , or at least connive at it ; this would breed confidence and make the designs joynt . And this way that is to be followed in the first moving of things , would also be continued in the promoving thereof . 4. Matters of difficulty would rather be committed to deputed persons than instantly decided ▪ especially in superiour Judicatories . The reasons are . 1 ▪ Because ordinarily superiour Judicatories cannot wait the time that fretted spirits will require to bring businesses of difficulty to any cordial close . 2. It seemeth respective like when they are so taken notice of , and sleighting like when things are hastened . 3. Neither so are all after-murmurings and risings of heart prevented , when things are not heard to the full . 4. Because time may do many things , and that may be easie ere long which is difficult now . 5. In such deputations there is more accesse to have respect to the appointing of such persons , as may most probably effectuate the thing for the Churches good ; and , no question , a Church-judicatory is to take the way which may do the thing best , aswell as a particular person , and they are to abstain from debatable things and hasty conclusions , even as particular persons are : and oftentimes experience teacheth , that such Commissions expede many things , which more frequent Assemblies could not so well do . Hence we will find , that it was ordinary in the primitive time upon such grounds , to give Commission to some few to do things , and particularly , that often-mentioned Council of Carthage did think good to dissolve , and to depute so many for deciding that , in matters of discipline , which they could not by themselves so well be able to compasse . 5. We conceive also , that it were not unfit in such cases ( for a time at least ) to have some designed by mutual consent , who might compose such occasional differences as possibly might arise ; or , who at least might have so much power as to restrain and keep down the same from being a new ground of division to the Church , or matter of great grief to any party . This is not to constitute a new Judicatory , but according to the light of nature to provide a mean for keeping up of order , and preventing of confusion , when , in respect of the present distemper of spirit , there is no possibility for attaining that end by the constituted Judicatory : Nature in such a case teaches all men to seek for order in every society , and it being supposed that there cannot be a joyning in ordinary Judicatories without this , and that it might be attained with this , it 's hard to think , that that is denied to the Church which agreeth to all other societies ; or , that it can be said , that it is better to want union in Church-judicatories , than to have it so qualified . Sure some Churches would , and do think much to attain this length , as appeareth by the many voluntary associations which worthy men have been led unto , for the keeping of order , and attaining of some union , who are yet good friends to Church-government ; and the reason that warranteth them in their deed , to wit , the necessity of union and order in the Church , and the impossibility that there is of any further mean for attaining the same , will warrant this practice in the case supposed ; for , the question is not simply , What is the best constituted Government of a Church in a good condition ? but it is , Whether a Government with such a qualification , be better than no Government , or a divided Government , it being supposed that no other in the circumstantiat case can be attained ? It would be considered also , That such a voluntary reference to such persons , doth not include any authority , as to ordain Ministers , or depose , &c. but it is to be in matters of fact , as in the fitnesse or unfitnesse of such a Plantation , of such a Processe , and the like ; which was mentioned in reference to differences past ; for , what was said there , is also binding here . Neither can this be thought any limitation or weakning of Church-authority and power : For , 1. It doth make that authority and power stronger than formerly it was without this , in the case so circumstantiate ; and the question still is to be considered not in thesi , but in hypothesi . 2. Because this is for the recovery and strengthening of an authority that for the time is not in exercise , at least in such an extent , and it is to give the same a being , as it were , and to bring it to its former lustre ; as if a weak man should be led , or get a staff in his hand till he recover ; or , as if a disjoynted leg should be fenced about otherwayes than one that is whole , and so be the sooner in capacity to walk without these . 3. This is but a temporary accessory help , and is not pleaded-for as an essential of Government , but only as a lawfull expedient when it cannot be wanted . 4. It may be considered that possibly no use may be thereof , and if so , it can be no encroachment ; and if there be need thereof , so as things cannot cordially be composed otherwayes , Is is not expedient then , for the preventing of a further inconvenience ? 5. I suppose it is not inconsistent with Civil Authority , when union is made-up betwixt two Nations , or in the same Nations , especially where Authority hath been brangled , that some by joynt consent be chosen for deciding of such things as may occasion a new breach : and there are many instances of this in history ; for , the being of Authority is cumulative to the means that men are naturally furnished with , for the preserving of union and order , and therefore it cannot exclude such prudential considerations . Neither can it be thought inconsistent with the nature of Church-authority and Government : For , 1. If it be agreeable to the principles of nature and sound reason , it cannot be inconsistent with Church-government , which hath its own policy grounded upon these : And although the form of Government be not to be gathered from these , nor the ends which they should aim at who govern , yet the manner how such a Government is to attain these ends is in positive things to be regulated by them : hence sometimes men are to use intreaties and perswasions ▪ somtimes threatnings and authoritative means , according as the end may be attained . 2. Although Church-government in the general be determined , and men be not free to associate or not , yet there is much ▪ as to the exercise thereof in associating , and the particular manner mutually agreed upon , which still may regulate circumstances , though they cannot alter the nature of the thing . 3. It is not necessary that Church-authority should be alwayes exercised in every thing ; for , it is not to be exercised but when it is to the Churches edification , and there is no such Church-authority as edifies not ; and therefore , if in such cases the interposing of Church-authority in the ultimat decision of matters be not edifying , it is no encroachment upon it to say it should not be exercised in that case ; and so at the most , that which dependeth upon this reference , is , only prudentially to discern and judge , if in such and such a case , it be fit for the Churches edification , that Church-authority should decide in such a particular matter , wherein not the authority or power ▪ but the prudence , zeal and faithfulnesse of such persons are to be respected for the obtaining of a forbearance . 4. We will find the great Apostle oftentimes condescending to lay by his authority , and to intreat and beseech , especially in the matter of union ; and sometimes to advise , when he thought his intreaties might more kindly prevail ; or , when he thought his authority might be questioned , or his authoritative acting hazard a schism : which grounds , being moral , may warrant a Church in such a case unto the end of the world to follow his example . 5. Seing union is maintained when it is weak by the same means by which it is begun , ( for union is not compleated when some agreement is closed ) and seing , as we said , an authoritative way is not fittest for conceiving and bringing forth the same ; So neither will it be for giving of it suck and milk till it be able to abide stronger meat . 6. Seing Church-authority is parental , and that of the tenderest sort , it is not unbecoming that it condescend even to the weaknesse and childish distempers of some members , supposing there be such standing in need thereof ; and if such condescending may joyn them in and keep them in , in their own place , and prevent even their snares and miscarriages more effectually than authoritative means will do , which are for the time suspected by them ; ought not such means to be followed ? And if they should continue in their infirmity to stumble at the peremptory using of authoritative means and the denial of this ; will it be thought a sufficient ground to exoner men from having accession unto their fall ? or will it look like that tendernesse and condescendency which mothers and nurses ought to have to children , even in their childish and unreasonable moodes ? 7. This also mis-states the question , because it s here to be considered ( as was said ) not what is the nature of Church-authority simply , but comparatively , what is fittest for procureing the edification of the Church , and for a time to be a mean for recovering her to a full authoritative manner of acting , which is now supposed to be brangled . Beside , if the recovery of Church-authority be a duty requiring means to be used suitable to that end ; then the use of this mean must be a duty : because , in the case supposed , it is the most probable mean for attaining to that . If it be said , that it is a more easie way to acquiesce in the authoritative determination , and it were more fit for men to submit to that . Answ. That supposeth no present distemper to be , and answereth not to the case stated , which is upon the supposition that men do not that ; Is not this more fit for present edification , and more probable for attaining to a full authoritative way of acting , than the continuing of a division without condefcending in this ? In the last place , also it may be considered , That the exercising of Church-authority in particular cases , hic & nunc , is an affirmative precept , and therefore doth not bind ad semper , according to the common rule of affirmative precepts ; it cannot therefore be unsuitable to it , or the precepts by which it is commanded , to adde such qualifications as are mentioned in the case presupposed . CHAP. XIX . Some advertisements concerning the overtures proposed . TO come now to some advertisements accordding as we did propose ; we must shortly put them together , lest we be too prolix in every thing . 1. Then it would be adverted , That there is no peremptorinesse urged in any of the former helps or remedies , but if other means may be found more effectuall , all these are to cede . Only this is intended , that if no more probable and effectuall means be found out , or applied , that it is better on such like grounds to unite than to continue a division . 2. It is to be adverted , That there may be , and ought to be such a condescending , in the concluding of , and fixing on the means , ( especially for the time to come ) as by the expressing of time , manner , and other particular circumstances of things , the fears of both may be someway guarded against , and each by shewing respect to other , may endeavour the removing of their mutuall jealousies ; for ▪ seing jealousies are mutuall , it will be too much for one side to think that the other should wholly credit them , if there be no condescending by them . 3. Although there should be fears that things should again break out , and that therefore it is to no purpose to undertake a way of union , not every way satisfying ; yet it would be essayed , and if the Lord prevent that fear , such an objection is loosed ; if some interruption come again to hazard an outbreaking , these who are accessory thereto , will be the more guilty , and others who are innocent therein , may have more peace ▪ than if it had not been essayed . 4. If union cannot be compleated in every thing , then their would be endeavours to fix it so far as is attainable , and to prevent the increasing of division , that if there may not be a positive union , at least , a positive division and opposition may be shunned . 5. It would be endeavoured , that notwithstanding of such divisions , men may mutually concur in that wherein there is no division for the edification of the Church : for , division in one particular ought not , nor will not warrantably hinder mutuall acting in other things where there is none : As for instance , if it be an interruption in carrying on the work of God joyntly in Government , because of some difference concerning that ; vet if there be accesse to promove the edification of the body by an united way of preaching , that is to be followed and improven , as we see it is done in some places where Government is not allowed . 6. Whatever the case be , we suppose it is duty to make the best thereof , when men cannot win the length they would . CHAP. XX. What is incumbent to Magistrates and People for remedying this evil . IT resteth now that we should speak something , to what is incumbent to Magistrates and People , for remedying of such an evil in the Church ; but being keeped so long on the former , we cannot enter on this ; We shall only lay down these few generals , 1. That neither of them ought to be offended or stumbled at such divisions , or thereby be brought to have lesse esteem either of the Gospel , the Ordinance of Government , or Worship , or the Ministery and Ministers of Jesus Christ ; much lesse would there be insulting over , or advantage taken against , these upon this occasion , as is recorded to the infamy of several persons ; but on the contrary , all would be affected therewith , as with a most dangerous snare , and fearfull plague : And to this purpose Augustine doth seriously presse his Boniface , Governour of Africk , that he should not stumble at the divisions of the Church , and particularly Epist. 50. 2. All would search if they have had any sinfull influence upon the procuring of such a stroke ; for , if it be a plague and wo to them , they would look back to the rise thereof ; who knows but the sins of Magistrates or People in their fretting at the Ordinance of Government , despising of the Ministery , not receiving of the Word nor walking answerably therto , and such like may have procured this division from the Lord , as a judicial stroke on them to harden them in their former sin , and thereby to strengthen their tentation to despise all the Ordinances more to their own ruin , as may be gathered from what hath been formerly spoken ? 3. All would be carefull to abstain from what may further or heighten the breach , and by all means endeavour not to be engaged in such sidings ; for , that often encourageth others , and encreaseth and fixeth a rent ; and in experience it is seen , that these schisms were ever most dangerous , and most difficultly removed , wherein people came to party , and side with opposit sides in the division : and seing the Spirit in the Scripture , doth forbid people as well as Ministers to divide , this must be their duty , not to joyn in such a division . Also , it unfits them to get good from Ministers , or to do good for removing of a rent amongst them . And we are sure , If doubtfull disputations , vain janglings , and such like questions , that tend not to edification , be to be eschewed by people , then we conceive that such as are in the cases presupposed , may be so esteemed of . 4. They are by all respective means seriously to presse the abstaining from , and composing of such differences , by their serious representations of the ills thereof , and exhortations , according to their places to have the same remedyed . And were this more amongst people , upon occasions in due manner , to testifie their sober resentment of such evils in the general , and desire of union , and condescendency for attaining the same , so far as is fit , it would much more become the sobriety of tender Christians and be much more effectual for this end , than to be heightening and aggreging the miscarriage of any one party to another , or carrying reports or informations true or false , which may kindle humours to a flame that are hot and smoaking already . It would affect a heart to hear the regraits and expostulations that Constantine , Gratian , and others , have anent the divisions of Church-men in their times and their exhortations to remedy the same . 5. All sorts would endeavour to be in good tearms with God , in respect of their own particular conditions : and when all faileth , they would still be instantly dealing with God by prayer for healing of the same , as accounting it a great plague ▪ even to them , while this continueth . CHAP. XXI . The grounds and motives of the desired union . THe last thing proposed to be spoken to , was , the grounds whereby union on such like tearms , in such cases , might be pressed : but seing somethings to this purpose have been already here and there inserted , upon severall occasions ; and seing these who are mainly concerned in this , are supposed to be most tenderly zealous of the Churches good , and so not to stand much in need of many motives to perswade to this which doth so nearly concern the same ; and fearing to heap up too many words in a matter so clear , we shall forbear to insist , and only propose some considerations to the conscience of the tender Reader , especially in reference to some particular circumstances , which sometimes may occur in the case of division . And let God Himself , who is the God of peace , of love , and of order , put them home to consciences with a strong hand . First , The consciencious Reader may consider , when all is well weighed that is formerly proposed , with what may besides occur to himself , If the study of union be not a most necessary thing , and if without the essaying of these and such like means , according to his interest and calling , he can have peace , as being sufficiently exonered in his duty , in reference to this great end ; and if there can be solid quietnesse to continue division upon the grounds mentioned , and to sleight the pursuing after union , if attainable , upon these or such like tearms as are proposed , especially in these and such other cases . 1. When a Church is under externall crosses and afflictions , and by Gods dispensation is cast into the furnace ; to be therein strugling and wrestling one with another , and , as if it were in the time of the Churches greatest peace and calm , to be contending for matters of such concernment , O how unsuitable is it ! Though indeed condescending be called-for at any time , yet certainly ▪ much more and in an especiall manner at such a time . The judicious , and great Divine Calvin , doth , upon this account , exceedingly aggrege the divisions amongst some English in Frankford , who being banished in the dayes of Queen Mary for the same Religion , did even there contend for matters of little moment . This ( saith he , Epist. 200. ) was exceeding intempestiv●… , or untimous , and exceeding offensive to the Church of Christ , and unbecoming their case : And although he utterly disapproved these ceremonies , as unbecoming the Church of Christ ; Yet doth he ( Epist. 206. ) presse moderation on both sides , using these words , Sicuti autem eos qui à vobis dissentiebant hortatus sum , ut qua possent moderatione inflecterent ; ita mihi displicuit , nihil vicissima parte vestra recedi vel remitti , that is , As I did exhort these who were not of one mind with you , to stretch themselves with all possible moderation ; So it did displease me , that there was upon the other hand by you , nothing ceded or remitted . The second case is , When a Church by division , is laid open to grosse hereticks , who wait the occasion of such a division , that they may make ( as it were ) an infall upon her . Division should be shunned at any time , but in such a case , union should be at any rate ▪ of warrantable condescendency ▪ purchased . In that difference between Eusebius and Basilius , at first it was sufficient to eschew division ; for which end at Nazianzens desire , Basilius removed ; but when the Arians were like to take advantage thereof , he did again return , and by his condescending made up a perfect union , thereby to stop the door against the in-breaking of errour upon that people : Which fact is ever highly commended , even in respect of the seasosonablnesse thereof , in reference to that tentation . 3. A third case wherein union would especially be studied ▪ is , When there is little help from without , to the sustaining of the Government and order of the Church ; but men in that respect , have and take liberty to act as they will : because then union is the only wall , and if that fall , there is nothing to guard ▪ Hence it is , that necessity , especially in such a case , hath made men think upon associations and mutuall bonds , for the establishing and confirming of union . 4. It is ▪ when some of the Ordinances , especially the Ordinance of Government , is questioned , or when they are despised , and someway made contemptible before men : in such cases , for respect to the Ordinances of Christ , men ought to condescend to the uttermost , and to endeavour the recovery of the Ordinances of Christ to their former beauty , which is impossible to be attained without this ; because division maketh all to appear contemptible . 5. It is , when there seemeth to be some speciall nick , or choak , or crisis ( to speak so ) that is , When , if there be not present uniting and gripping , in all probability , the division and breach will grow greater and wider and be more difficultly removable . In such a case men ought to stretch themselves with all the moderation that is possible ( as Calvins expression is ) if they may now , at least , through Gods good hand upon them , come to some agreement , and taking grip ( to say so ) while it is possible . And if each of these alone , strongly presse the study of union , even beyond what is ordinary ; O how very strongly will all of them ▪ put together , presse it ! And how actively should men , zealous for God and His precious Ordinances , and tender of the edification of souls , bestir themselves to follow after peace in such a vehemently urging case ? The second thing that would be seriously considered and thought upon , is , What is the possibility , and feasablenesse , and accesse to attainment , of such a desirable end . It is true , tenaciousnesse in some , may make union in the least things impossible , especially such as may by his grace , gifts , esteem , or the dependance of others upon him because of these , have some speciall stroke and influence upon the thing : But the Reader would consider , 1. If someway the stick be not at himself , and if there be not something possible to him , in reference to union , which yet he hath not condescended to ; for , although he hath not power over the wills of others , yet hath he over his own . 2. Let him consider , If the ills that follow division be not great and certain : and if so , if the stopping at any step of the condescending called-for , will bear out the conscience against the cryes of so many reproaches that are casten upon Ordinances by some ; against the many challenges that will arise upon the miscarriages of others , that are occasioned by such divisions ; and against the impression that the weighting and sadning of many honest hearts , will have with it one day ? And if he dare step in to judgment , without fear of being found faulty in any measure in respect of the forementioned inconveniencies ; if his condescending , as is called-for , might have prevented them . 3. He would consider , if at the appearing of Jesus Christ , when all such affections shall be laid by , and disputings will not have place , nor recriminations be admitted ; if , I say , in such a case he may not have more peace in condescending upon either side , as is proposed , for the good of the Church , than by refusing the same to keep up the division . 4. It would be seriously pondered , whether union by such condescendency , or division without it , may be most profitable and edifying to the Church ; and if any of these things be of such consequence , as to stand in the way of the Churches further edification . 5. The Reader may consider , if ever in the practice of the primitive times , or in the writings of orthodox and sober Divines , old or late , any so circumstantiated division will be found warrantable , or if , out of the heat of debate , they would probably have stuck at any condescension that is here required upon either hand . 6. It may be considered , If all the present reformed Churches being appealed unto in such a case , were singly and impartially to give judgement thereanent , whether it could upon any ground be thought , that they would judge such condescending unlawfull upon either side , if by it and no otherwayes union were to be attained ? 7. It would be considered , That if all that ever have written on this subject of old or late were consulted , that ( for ought I know ) it will be found that the condescension that they allow for attaining , and preserving of union in the Church , will be of a larger extent , than any thing in this case required ; And , I suppose , hardly will it be found , that from such writings there will be a sticking allowed upon any such thing as is proposed . And will it be safe , at once to condemn so many ? 8. The Reader may reflect on himself , and try what are his thoughts of former divisions , and if he doth not approve most ordinarily these that were most peaceable , and alwayes these that in such a circumstantiated case did study condescendency ; and if he doth not within himself judge , that it had been more for the Churches good , that such divisions had been removed upon such like tearms , than that they should have been continued ; and if there be not in his bosome a kind of indignation at the rigid drivers of such a division , whereby he may know and discern what is fit to be done in the present case , if he were as impartiall in it , as in the other . 9. He may consider , If union be not made up upon such or the like tearms ; and if upon other tearms it be impossible , What will follow , or what usually doth follow in such cases ? Doth not bitternesse grow to a height amongst orthodox men , as if each of them were enemies to the truth of Christ , and enemies to one anothers persons ? names also are often imposed upon each by the other , as if they were not both of the same body ; or , as if it were good service to God , and advantage to the Truth , by such designations to render one another odious ▪ contemptible and uselesse : As these that refused to joyn with the Church of Rome in Easter , were called Quartodecimani ; whereupon followeth abstinence in communion with one another , turning aside unto errour and novelty amongst some ; indulgence if not connivance at , and compliance with grosse and corrupt men amongst others ; coldnesse in zeal to God , and love one to another ; and upsitting in the power and practice of godlinesse amongst all , and many such like wofull effects . And shall , alas , shall the weight of all these sad and Religion-ruining consequents , be stated upon the refusing of such condescendency as is here called-for ? G●…d forbid . 10. It would be seriously considered , what may be the thoughts of the generation that shall succeed ? Shall such a division be propagated to them , and they made heirs thereto ? Shall not they either continue miserable under such a condition , and that for ever , with such heightening circumstances as cannot but follow ? ( and will any ingenuous and posteritycompassionating Reader think of this , and not be affected therewith ? ) Or they must endeavour the recovery of union with much more difficulty than it may now be ; and if so , certainly that generation will be in hazard to curse these that went before them , who did bring them forth under the necessity of continuing under the sin , snare , and torturing-plague of divisions ; or , at least , of being in so greatly-puzling and perplexing straits , ere they could expede themselves out of the same . 11. If yet the Reader be not convinced positively to joyn and further union in such a case , let him yet consider if he hath sufficient clearnesse to oppose and cry down the same as sinfull , and if he hath liberty and freedom to cry down all that ever have approven or do approve the removing of a division upon such terms as these proposed ? and if he dare with confidence from his own particular dissatisfaction , mar the same amongst others ? and if possibly he might not have more freedom negatively to lye by , and neither directly nor indirectly to be the occasion of such an offence ; and if the Church might not have more profit , and he more peace in so doing ? and if he be satisfied , he may consider whether it were not better to endeavour such a composure , though to the dissatisfaction of some ( who possibly may afterward lay by their discontent ) than out of preposterous respect to them , to hazard the ruine of all ? which is , as it were , to bring a leaking ship to land in a storm , though some of the company , upon some mistake , oppose the same . 12. Let him consider , if ever condescending in such things hath been observed to bring any hurt to the Church ; whereas selfwillednesse ( whereof a Minister especially should be free ) hath alwayes been dangerous . It 's true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in points fundamentall , such as that which Anastasius pressed , hath been most zealously opposed as hurtfull , because thereby the foundation was strucken at , and errour in fundamental things got equal footing with truth ; But can ever this be said in such things as are supposed in the case laid down ? Lastly , The Reader may consider , if in sobernesse , and in an abstracted manner extra aestum disputationis , he were giving his advice to a Church so divided , and immediatly thereafter to step in to judgment , he would not readily incline to commend union on these or such other terms , as necessary for the good of the Church , credit of the Ordinances , and the removing of stumbling-blocks from before the people , especially in the cases formerly mentioned ; and if he might not have more peace to step to judgment after such an advice , than if rigidly he should inhibit such condescension . And we shall leave the judicious , consciencious , and tender Reader , to answer these and many such things to himself , and accordingly to do : and if any , out of prejudice , ( as we hope none will , and heartily wish none may ) shall not conscienciously ponder the same , we leave him to consider that he must reckon to God therefore , and shall only obtest him that he will have more respect to the Churches peace , than to his own inclination ; and that he will at least by some other lawfull , possible and probable mean essay the removing , or at least the prevention of the growth of such divisions ; and that he would withall construct well of the essayes of others , till we come all before the common Judge , who , we are perswaded , loveth the Truth in peace , and hath joyned these together , which therefore ought by no man to be put asunder . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A37042-e6670 First Distinction . Second Distinction . Third Distinction . Fourth Distinction . Fifth Distinction . Sixth Distinction . Seventh Distinction Eighth Distinction Ninth Distinction . Tenth Distinction . Eleventh Distinction . Twelfth Distinction . Thirteenth Distinction . Fourteenth Distinction . Fifteenth Distinction Sixteenth Distinction Other Distinctions of Scandal . What , when men stand not to offend us ? What , when the matter is lawfull & the offence doubtfull ? What , if sufficient pains have been taken to inform ? What to be don whe●… there is a real 〈◊〉 betw●…xt p●…r ti●… , upon account of a civil interest ? What , when the Commands of Magistrates and Offence are in opposition ? What is t●… be done in a case when offence is like to follow on either side . What , when doing will offend the weak and tender , and irritate the perverse , & contra . Notes for div A37042-e11190 When a scandall is to be brought to publick . Where offences are publick , yet difference is to made . The ends of Discipline . All offences of the same kind , not alway equally to be d●…alt with . What is to be guarded against , when there is a different way taken in censuring the same offences . How Church officers ought to carry in Censures . How Discipline is so to be ordered , ●…s it may not mar but further the Word . Church-processes would be carried-on with expedition . When is a person to be accounted obstinate . What , when an offence is not grosse , yet hath contempt with it . What kind of satisfaction is not sufficient for making a Church-judicatory to sist their processes ▪ How may dissembling be discovered . How morall seriousnesse may be discerned . If alwayes charitie should judge a person to be sincere , who is thus morally serious . That this morall seriousnesse is sufficient , confirmed . Differences between the key of Doctrine and Discipline . How is a publick rebuke to be given . If it be alwayes necessary that the offender speak . How is an offender to be reckoned after a rebuke . If an offence may at first instant be brought to publick . When an offence is to be accounted publick . What , when a calumniator complained of , offereth to make it out . What if a profane offending confessing party refuse to give satisfaction . A particular consideration of 1 Cor. 11. 17 , &c. Why it is necessary to acquie●…ce in the Churches Determination as to practice . Notes for div A37042-e15390 What height delusions of this kind may come unto . The suffring of gross error is a most displeasing thing to Christ. Sometimes those who want not affection , are yet too condescending to erroncous Teachers : and why ? It is not simply impossible but some may , in a great measure , for a time , be carried away . Yet not so easily as unto grosse practical evils . When any believers fal in such evils usually the Lord lingularly 〈◊〉 ●…emsor the same . Usually corrupt teachers set more upon professors to withdraw them than others that want profession ▪ although such may also be set upon . What hand the Lord may have in such a plague . &c : What causes do most ordinarily procure this plague of delusion . What is his method of proceeding . How ●…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The means and arguments that are used to carry on this design . The manner how this design is carried-on . What accession a people may have to the bringing of this plague upon themselves . What is not the proper remedy or duty in such a case . Extreams to he ●…s chewed . Some necessary an●… usefull distinctions . Some things not at all to be forborn . What a Minister is called to , in reference ●…o God and himself , at such a time . Union amongst Minesters and their flocks , is in such a case carefully to be s●…udied . What is his duty in reference to his flock . What is a Minister's duty in reference to those that are seduced . In what cases it is called ●…or . In what cases it is not called for . What is to be accounted as the sufficient conviction of a gainsayer . How a publick debate is to be managed when necessary . The several steps of admonition . Some things observable in the way of admonishing That rejecting of an obstinat Heretick , is to Church-officers a necessary duty , & a mean to be made use of for the Churches edification . What if the person seduced be judged to be truly gracious . What if he be no fixed member of any particular Congregation . What if Civill Magistrats concur not for the backing of the sentence . Two limitations to be adverted in the rejecting of Hereticks . Some usefull Distinctions of satisfaction . Whether any thing be required of Ministers towards heretick that are rejected They are called according to their places to interpose . And not meerly to look to outward order . That the grounds against toleration concern Magistrates as well as Ministers . That totall forbearance is not like the Gospel . It 's Magistrates duty to prevent the infection of the people under them . It is not sufficient to a Magistrate to maintain civil peace . What is their duty in reference to the persons infected , and if they ought to refrain from their company . Some Considerations to provoke Ministers and others to the faithful discharge of their duty in all the forementioned particulars . Notes for div A37042-e25300 The introduction . The scandal and hurtfulnesse of divisions . The heads of the ensuing part of the Treatise . What heresie is . What schism is , and the kinds thereof . What is here meant by the word Division . The severall kinds thereof . Division among the Godly . It may continue long , and come to a great height . And not easily removed Various apprehensions of inferiour truths . The mistake of some dispensations . Different apprehensions about some persons and things . Heart burnings at the credit of others . Aggreging the infirmities of others A factious vindicating of truth . Undue Censures . Leaving the matter and falling upon reflections . Engaging of others . Too much liking of some upon fair pretences . Peremptoriness without condescending . Dissatisfaction about some persons Mutuall encroachment . Meddling in extrinsick things . Novelty of expressions and notious . Heat and contention . Alienation Iealousie . Virulent expressions . Personall reflections . Imprecations and instigation of the civill Power . Sharp censures inflicted . Renting of whole Churches . Furie of their followers . Furious madness of Divines . Diversion of them from their main work . Both schism and heresie following division . Commonly both sides faultie , though not equally . Division hardly cured . The severaign●…y of Godtrying good and bad . Chastizing also and punishing . Yea plaguing the world . Division burdens the godly . Hardeneth the adversaries of the truth . Characters of judiciall division . Former guiltinesse . Present distempers . Inconsiderat expressions or actings . Severity in Discipline . Sleighting of the persons , writings , or actings of others . Hunting after credit . Little condescending , &c. Acts that state schism Talebearers Fears of censurs . The influence of civil Powers . Peoples engaging . Applications to Magistrates for ratisying elections . Miscarriages of persons . Occuring dispensations of providence . Personall credit acting under 〈◊〉 of zeal for God. Evill grounded confidence . A particular mistake of men●… persons and actions . A conviction of singleness in pro●…cuting and adhering . Fear of losing cre dit by relenting . Fear of hurting their followers . The tentation strengthened by looking-on the failings of opposits . Hope of the ceding of others . The necessity of endeav●…ring unity , granted by all . The cure of division most difficult . An absolute necessity laid upon a rent Church to unite . Union a thing attainable among Orthodox Divines . Endeavouring union , doth notinfer union in all points of judgement and practice . Union may stand with some defects in Worship and manner of Government . With what kind of dejects union m●…y be made up . When inconveniencies are on all hands , what side is to be followed ▪ M●…uali condescending necessary . 〈◊〉 there must be no condescending It ought to be mutual . What 〈◊〉 ought to be most condescending Even that which is right and hath authority . They who did the wro●…g , ordinarily most av●…rse from condescending . Division not to be cured by destroying any Orthodox side or party . Union is to be essayed with due respect each to other without any note of disrespect . No simply authoritative way is the fit mean to begin the healing of a rent Church . Though one side fail in condescending , the other ought not to fail . It was the actings and no●… the formality of Synods that occasioned division of old . Debates concerning government more difficultly removed . Walking under an impression of the dreadfulnesse of such a plague A fearfull snare in division . Diligent viewing of our inward condition . Repentance suitable . Union would by all warrantable means be commended unto , and pressed upon these that differ , and by those that differ one upon another . Constancy and singleness herein . With tenderness and respect . Expressions of mutuall confidence . Kind visit Stirring up to the life and practice of Religion . Solemn addresses to God. Avoiding of all things that weaken the reputation of others . Evil counsel Forbearing to engage judicially pro or con . Abstaining from propagating their opinions factiously . Contrary acting . Separated meetings to be eschewed . And separated Fasts . Acts and Principles laying restraints upon either side . Seeking Meetings . And offering fair conditions . A right way of carrying on such meetings . Contention about formalities to be forborn . Personall criminations . The most tender of the Church , most condescending The first way of closing doctrinall differences . The second way of composing such differences The third way of composing such differences Contests about these , are of several sorts . Dissatisfaction from constitution of Officers and Members . The alleaging of faults either not true , or not cear . Pleading for such as are most justly censured , or censurable . The justness of the Sentence to be cleared . Or , the Sentence recalled , when the person might be profitable Mutuall upbraidings for failings . Removed by a mutuall forgiving . Diversity of circumstances in externall administrations . Condescendency therein . Better to forbear some new thing , than to alter the old , without some considerable reason . Divisions about Church-government . Concerning the form of Government . Practicall difference herein maketh division . Characters of Government fit for uniting . Debates about the constitution of Synods . Defects in constitution cannot easily annull without defect in the matter . In ancient Councels soundnesse of matter more regarded than formality or number . What should be done for union , when division ariseth about the constitution of a Synod . Little usefulness as to the Churches edificationin the thing controverted . This difference is either in judgement , and may be forborn . Or it relates to practice , and so something is to be tolerate and something done . What usually hath been d●…ne when Authority was declined . Great difference between the declining of Synodicall Authority simply , and the constitution of a particular Synod . Doctrinall , not fundamentall , or nigh the foundation . Some doctrinal decisions infer division , others but diversity . Some determinations are of things dayly practicable , others only for an exigence , scarcely ever again occurring . Some determinations are for Ministers practice , others are answers to the questions of Rulers . More doctrinal decisions in smaller points ought to ma●…e no division . How the smaller number should yeeld to the greater . Contrary practices build a wall of separation . Diversity there may be without division . Great folly to make , or keep division for what is rarely or never practicable . Union is not impossible notwithstanding diversity of judgment . The Ordination of a person worthy of the Ministery , ordained by Church-Officers , is not to be accounted null for some defects . Union would not be suspended on such tryals . In what cases extremities are to be shunned . Iudicatories wi●…ely remitting rigour . Corrupt , grosse , and prophane men , for no interposition to be received . Debates about conniving at guilty men Union rather to be followed that satisfaction herein may be had . In times of division , aumours concerning eminent persons , not to be so regarded . Zeal in justly censuring , well consistent with a spirit of union . Yet union is to be preferred to the censuring of some unfaithfull men . Union no prejudice to the purging out of corruption . Purging not to be much pressed till union be fixed . It must be such a satisfaction as neither is fully satisfied . The thing feared is not corrupt doctrine nor a wrong Government . Union not to be suspended upon every particular . Some particulars to be referred to some acceptable to both Such things are not to be decided by a meer authoritative way . Better for a time to forbear many things , than to brangle union . Doubtfull practices to be abstained from . Many brotherly conferences to prevent abrupt surprisals . Matters of difficulty rather committed , than instantly decided . Not unfit , some persons were designed for a time to com pose occasionall differences . This tendeth to recover strength to Iudicatories , ▪ And is consistent with Ministeriall Church-authority . The great Apostle often layeth aside Authority . 
A29746	----	An apologeticall relation of the particular sufferings of the faithfull ministers & professours of the Church of Scotland, since August, 1660 wherein severall questions, usefull for the time, are discussed : the King's preroragative over parliaments & people soberly enquired into, the lawfulness of defensive war cleared, the by a well wisher to the good old cause. Brown, John, 1610?-1679. 1665 Approx. 1061 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 233 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29746 Wing B5026 ESTC R13523 12647964 ocm 12647964 65203 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29746) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65203) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 345:14) An apologeticall relation of the particular sufferings of the faithfull ministers & professours of the Church of Scotland, since August, 1660 wherein severall questions, usefull for the time, are discussed : the King's preroragative over parliaments & people soberly enquired into, the lawfulness of defensive war cleared, the by a well wisher to the good old cause. Brown, John, 1610?-1679. [32], 424, [9] p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1665. Written by John Brown. Cf. DNB. Place of publication from Wing. "The seasonable case of submission" (1662) is by Andrew Honyman. Errata: p. [32]. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Pages 194-195 and 278 are stained in filmed copy. Pages 190-285 photographed from Edinburgh University Library, and inserted at the end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. -- Irenicum. Honyman, Andrew, 1619-1676. -- Seasonable case of submission to the church government. Church of Scotland -- History. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN Apologeticall Relation , Of the particular sufferings of the faithfull M●…nisters & professours of the Church of Scotland , since August . 1660. Wherein severall questions , usefull for the time , are discussed : The King 's prero●…gative over Parliaments & people soberly enquired into : The lawfulnes of defensive war cleared . The supreme Magistrats power in Church matters examined , Mr Stilling fleet 's , notion concerning the divine right of formes of Church Government , considered . The author of th●… seasonable case answered , other particulars , such as the hearing of the Curats , appearing before the high commission court , &c. canvassed . Together with the rise reigne & ruine of the former 〈◊〉 lats in Scotland . Being . A brieff account from History , of the Government of the Church of Scotland , from the beginning , & of the many troubles which Prelats have created to her , first & last . For satisfaction of strangers & incouragement of present 〈◊〉 By a well wisher to the good old cause . JER . 50 : 34. Their Redeemer is strong . The Lord of hosts is his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall thorówly plead their cause , that he may give rest to the land , 〈◊〉 quiet the inhabitants of Babylon . MIC . 7 : 9 , 10. I will bear the indignation of the Lord because I have sumed 〈◊〉 him , untill he plead my cause , & execute Iudgement for me , ●…e 〈◊〉 bring me f●…rth to light , & I shall behold his righteousnes : then she●… that 〈◊〉 mine enemy shall see it , & shame shall cover her , which said unto me 〈◊〉 is the Lord thy God ? Mine eyes shall behold her , now shall she be 〈◊〉 down as the mire of the streets . ISA. 51 : 22 , 23. Thus saith the Lord thy God that pleadeth the cause of his people , Behold I have taken out of thine hand the cup of trembling , 〈◊〉 the dregs of the cup of my fury , thou shalt no more drink it again . But I ●…ll put it into the hand of them who afflict thee , which have said to thy soule , 〈◊〉 down that we may goe over , & thou hast laid thy body as the ground , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…reas to them that went over . Printed in the Yeer . 1665 ▪ The Epistle to the READER . Christian Reader . This is a time wherein little or nothing is heard from the Churches of Christ all the world over , but lamentation & woe●… partly by reason of grievous afflictions . & sore persecution ( which is none of the worst conditions ) & partly by reason of woefull and shamefull defection , & falling from former zeale & integrity , occasioned either by the temptations which usually attend sharpe tryalls of affliction ( whereby the weakness of many , & perversness of heart in moe , is discovered ) Or , without any such force of externall temptation , from an inward decay of life & love , & wearying of God & his wayes ( the Worst condition that a Church can be in ) which is now the Epidemicall plague of this age . Hence it is that the Lord seemeth to be angry with all , & ready to reject some of his Churches , which to him are as a generation of his wrath . Have not his people set up their abominations , in the house which is called by his name to pollute it ? And may it not be feared that the curse shall devoure the earth , & they that dwell therein shall be made desolate , because they have transgressed the lawes , changed the ordinances , & broken the everlasting Covenant ? There appeareth now hanging over the head of the poor little flock of Christ , a black & dreadfull cloud threatning no lesse then utter ruine , & overthrow , or at least speaking a loude alarme for awaking the secure & sle●…ping Bride . It is most sad to behold , how little the Churches of Christ in every place , are affected with this imminent stroke , ready to light on all : & to see some of them quiet & at rest , singing a requiem to themselves , as if ( though dispensations from the Lord , doe speak the contrary to all who will but open their eyes ) their mountaine stood so strong , as never to be moved . This deadness & deepe security , when all things speak an approaching storme ( as it doth evidence a great Judgement & spirituall plague from God , upon the Spirits of people ; so it ) dothpresage no less then remediless ●…uine , if God , in the riches of his mercy , prevent it not . What a dreadfull night of confusion & astonishment must be at hand , when there is such blackness without , And such deadness & prodigious security within ? Are not the enemies of the Church as Gebal , Ammen , Amalek , The Philistines & those of ●…yre , Assur , & the Children of Lot ( who are early & late at their master's work ) devising & plotting the ruine & destruction of the interest & Kingdome of Christ ? Are they not all combined together , & acted with the same Spirit of Antichrist , for this very end & purpose , to helpe forward , as with one shoulder , & to raise up his fallen interest , & heale his wound ? And are they not setting themselves to thrust King Iesus from his throne , to put the crowne from his head , & the scepter out of his hand , & so to prey upon , & devour his little flock , that , if it were possible , they should be no more a nation , nor their name remembered any more ? And are they not about the swallowing up of the protestant interest , as in a moment ? And what is the Church of Christ doing , all this while ? Doth she stir up her selfe to call upon her head & husband , or to awake the watch man of Isreal , who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth ? Is she upon her watch-tower , looking out & guarding against the approaching enemy , or observing his motions ? Ah not so ! She is fast a sleepe , while the enemy is within the walls . And which is more sad & lamentable , with her own hands , she hath helped to make the breach in the wall , at which the enemy hath entered , & now hath faire advantage given him , to accomplish his bloody designe against the protestant cause & interest . ( So little hath she gained , by her sinfull compliance with the opinions & practises of Antichristian men , whether through base feare , or carnall prudence ) even the cutting of it off , And the bringing of his people back againe unto Babylon . Who knoweth , but ( though the Lord's enemies shall at last be troden under , as straw for the dunghill , & he shall spread forth his hands in the midst of them , as he that swimmeth spreadeth forth his hands to swim , bring down their pride together with the spoiles of their hands , lay low in the dust , & bring to the ground , even the high fortresse of their wall , & so make all his enemies know that there is a King in Zion who shall & must reigne untill all his foes be made his footstoole ) the onely wise God , who knoweth how to turne every thing to the best , may suffer the adversaries to prosper in their device & designe , & so give up many of the people called by his name , to the sword of the enemy , that others may be alarmed & awaked from their sleep , & put to their prayers , even to calling upon God with their , whole heart & not fainedly ? O that they were wise , & would speedily prevent this deadly blow by repentance , & by serious considering how they have fallen from their first love , & have forgotten their first workes ! O that they would think of returning to the most high with fasting weeping & mourning , renting their hearts & not their garments , of turning unto the Lord their God who is gracious & mercifull , slow to anger , & of great Kindness & repenteth him of the evill ! However his people are called to minde that word , Isa. 26 : 20 : 22. Come my people enter thou into thy chamber , & shut thy doores about thee , hide thy self as it were for a little moment untill the indignation be over past ; for behold the Lord cometh out of his place , to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity . The earth also shall disclose her blo●…d , & shall no more cover her slain . In these following sheets , there is some account given thee , of the sad & deplorable condition of the Church of Christ in Scotland . It is wonderfull to see how variously Satan doth assault the Churches of God , some one way , some another : That crasty & cunning adversary , doth suite his baits & snares to the severall complexions of people & Churches , against which he opposeth himselfe : Some have the tryall of cruel mockings , & scourgings : others meet with bonds & imprisonment , and others with triall of some other Kinde ; Against some , Satan doth raise cruel & bloody persecutions , others he endeavoureth to draw away from their stedfastness & zeale , by ensnareing allurements : a third sort he invadeth with all his troupes & forces at once : And thus is the lately glorious Church of Scotland tried this day . Upon the one hand he raiseth up against her , men of corrupt mindes destitute of the truth , who make sharpe their tounges like a Serpent , & under whose lips is the poison of adders . These have vented & doe vent most bitter slanders & reproaches against her , & the way of reformation , which the hand of God wrought in her : On the other hand , he hath raised within her , a most cruel persecution by a popish prelaticall & malignant party , setting them on with rage , against all who desire to keepe themselves unspotted , & free of the contagions of this evill time , forceing some by cruel & sore persecution , & ensnareing others , that are more simple , deceiving & drawing them into their n●…t ; & thereby causing many to comply with them in their wicked wayes , & to run with them unto the same excesse of sin & wickednes . Yet hithertill ( for which , the name of the Lord is alone to be Magnified ) the designes & devices of these Matchiavellian Ahitophels , & bloody persecuters have not taken such effect , as they either wished or expected . It is true , many ( Alas ! too too many ) have been carried away with the streame , and willingly walked after the commandement to the great dishonour of God , amazement of nations about , rejoycing of the heart of the ungodly , & to the great stumbling & grief , of the truely tender & godly in that , land , so as the defection of that Church may be matter of astonishment to the present & after generations : Yet it is her mercy that there are not a few in her , whom conscience , & Christian tenderness in their walke , hath exposed to sad sufferings who therow grace have resolved to keep their garments cleane ; & to preferre the peace of a good conscience , to all the treasures of Egypt , holding faith & a good conscience , of which many make shipwrack , & in the Lord their master's strength , to hold fast their integrity , & to maintaine their ground , though bonds & afflictions should abide them : The justification & defence of such , is the intended scope of this following treatise : Which how well managed is left to thy discretion to Judge . It is like , such a worthy & noble cause may suffer prejudice through the weakness of him who here doth appeare in its defence , wherefore it is wished that some more able pen be engadged in this worke , for clearing to the world the present sad case of that Church , And vindicating her from aspersions & calumnies , which her adversaries laboure to fasten upon her . To speak in the justification of such a mother , would well become the most eminent of her Children ; It would be so far from being below them , & a disparagement , that they might justly account it their glory , to lay out themselves in the out most of their strength & parts , for the defence of such a cause , when so few doe avow , & openly declare their owning of , & adherence to it : But untill the Lord shall be pleased to stir up & set on worke some more able , & to prompt them with a spirit of zeale & courage for such an undertaking , thou must rest satisfied with this poor essay , for the time . Only thou mayest give charity to the author , that it was not his intention to wronge , in the least , so glorious a cause ; But seeing none else did undertake or appeare in it ( for any thing known to him ) He desired , in a few words ( that something ( though it should prove little better then nothing ) might be said in & for it ) to make it known how worthy it were the thoughts & paines of a more able head & hand ▪ to deale in . Many , It is like , will be the exceptions taken at this piece , & moe then can now either be thought upon or obviated , such as are most obvious , wee shall endeavour to remove , by briefly touching & answering them . Some may think it strange , that a piece of this nature , intended , as appeareth from its straine , for satisfaction of Churches abroad , cometh not forth in a latine-dresse . It is true , it was intended at first , & so moulded & drawn up , as it might be published to the world in latine , for the satisfying of strangers & Churches abroad ▪ But upon second thoughts , When the case of the suffering people in that Church & Kingdome was considered ; It was thought expedient , that it should first be published in English ; That such as had hithertil valiantly resisted , to the losse of their meanes & liberty , might be strengthened & confirmed in their resolution . And the more encouraged to endure afflictions when they should see that they did suffer for righteousness sake , & that they were called thereto of God : & that others might be quickened to fol low their footsteps who had so cheerfully gone before them in the way . Having hereby their ▪ doubts cleared , scruples removed , & their judgements convinced in the point of duety : & this was found even necessary at such a time , when their temptations did abound , their faintings were like to grow ; & when such as were able to give advice in difficult cases , & to encourage the weak , were thrust away . So the consulting of their present necessity did hasten it forth in this dresse : Besides , that many both in England , & Ireland , may receive information & edification hereby , of which they should have been deprived , if it had been published in latine . Afterward , if it be thought necessary & expedient , this or some other , may be published to the world in Latine , with lesse prejudice to the present sufferers . Next , some may think that severall questions here handled , might have been forborne , especially such as touch upon the civil Magistrat his power & prerogative , seing in all probability he shall be the more enraged thereby . It is true , Higher powers will not take well such free & round dealing : But what ●…medy is there ? Amicus Plato , Amicus 〈◊〉 , sed 〈◊〉 ●…mica v●…ritas : & it had been a just ground of offence , If to please the higher powers , truth had been betrayed , when necessity did call for witnessing unto it : The interest of Christ is much more to be valued , Then the pretended & imaginary interests of the highest powers on earth . The work of God ought to be justified , who ever be offended therewith ; And when many of the Lords worthy & pretious ones , have adventured , & layd downe their lives , in the carrying on of such a work ( unto which they were called of God ) can it give just offence to any , to heare it now pleaded for , because it is malig●…ed & blasphemed , yea such an essay as this in defence & justification thereof at such a time , should in reason be accounted the more seasonable & necessary . If there be any unbeseeming expressions , or savouring of passion , these shall willingly be disowned provideing that the cause suffer no prejudice thereby ; knowing that the wrath of man worketh not the righteousnes of God ; And that no railing accusation , or speaking evill of dignities ( which is condemned in the word ) ought to be approved . Yea the reader shall find upon narrow search , considering the matter , that much more plainnesse & sharpenesse might have been used in such a dispute ; And that as much inoffensivenes●… hath been studied , as might be , without hurt to the cause . And that purposely many particulars , which might have been mentioned , have beene passed by : And that no particulars have been pitched upon , but such as are still upon record in their printed Acts , or were publickly acted & concluded in their publick meetings : And as to these consequences drawn from their Acts & actings , which appeare dangerous & destructive to the throne , let such as have laid the foundation in the premises see to that , ex veris nilnisi verum : Who give twice two , cannot be justly offended with any who shall thence conclude that they give foure ; & whether the Consequences be cleare & undenyable or not , the reader now hath it before him to judge : As to the Kings supremacy in Church matters , no truely reformed divine , can justly take any exception against that which is here spoken upon that head . The priviledges of the crowne & scepter of christ should be highly valued , & earnestly contended for , by all , who call & account themselves Christians ; & a discourse or debate on that subject cannot but be accounted neces●…y at this time , when the powers of the earth ( as would appeare ) have combined together to rob Christ of his crowne & to share his priviledges amongst themselves , to the great scandall of the Gospel , & prejudice of the Kingdome & interest of Christ in souls , & through the world . Further , it is like , some would have wished , that the historical part contained in the first & second sections , had been much more large . Such may know that brevity was studied as much as could be , all alongs , yea so much , that , it may be feared , the reader shall thinke it the more unpleasant in reading : & that the scope , & intendment of that part of the tractare , was only to give a hint of the many & various troubles , which prelats from the beginning had created unto that Church , & by what steps & wayes she was brought under their yoke : so that a large history could not be expected : It is true , such a worke as that would be both most seasonable & usefull in this juncture of time ; And it were to be wished ; that such as have the History penned by the learned & industrious Mr Calderw●…od ; would think upon the most ready & effectuall way for publishing it , that the world may have a full clear & satisfactory view of the many tossings , which that poor Church hath endured , & the many wrestlings which she had with a popish , prelaticall & malignant party from the beginning : Meanwhile Mr Knox , & Mr Pe●…ree their Histories , Vind●…ciae Epistolae Philadelphi Printed with altare damascenum Mr Spang's Historia motuum &c. the Nullity of perth assembly ▪ the course of conformity , & such other printed pieces , together with the Printed Acts of generall assemblies since the yeer 1638. will give some light to such as peruse the same . Many no doubt will think it strange , that there is no mention made , here , of the sufferings of that worthy & renowned instrument of the worke of reformation , the zealous & faithfull Lord Waris●…oun . As to this , the reader may know , that this was occasioned onely , through the want of a full information of his case , & of the grounds on which the Parl. did goe , in takeing away his life , & condemning him to death as some notorious malefactour , to be hanged ; & his head fixed on the port of Edinburgh near to the head of worthy & famous Mr Guthry , who speaketh when dead . This know that after the King's returne to England , And after the imprisonment of the truely noble Marquis of Argyle in the Tower of London , he sent orders to Scotland , to cause apprehend him , & some others ; but he , receiveing intelligence hereof , did withdraw , & by the good hand of God was secretly conveighed out of the Kingdome , upon which , the Parliament when assembled did declare him fugitive , So that he was necessitated still to withdraw , knowing , that for the good service he had done to Christ , evill was determined against him , if he should fall into their hands ; which afterward came to pasle . It is certaine also , that while he was abroad at Hamburgh , & visited with sore sicknes , one Dr Bates ( one of the King's Phisitians , worthy to be cast unto the bates , rather then to live amongst Christians ) Intending to kill him ( contrary to his faith & office ) did prescribe unto him poison for Physick , and then caused draw from this Melancholy-Patient , sixty unces of blood , whereby ( though the Lord did wonderfully preserve his life ) he was brought neer the gates of death , & made in a manner no man , Having lost his memory , so that he could not remember what he had done or said a quarter of an houre before : In which condition he continued till his dying day : but all this did not satisfy his cruel & bloodthirsting enemies , he was sought after carefully , & at length given up , & apprehended at Rowan in France , & sent to England ; where he did continue a prisoner in the Towre of London untill the last session of Parl. in ▪ Scotland Anno 1663. Where , even when he was not able to speak in his own defence ( being to the conviction of his adversaries no man , far , & much different from that Lord Waris●…oun , who sometime could not only have beene a member , but a president of any judicatory in Europe , & have spoken for the cause & interest of Christ before Kings , to the stopping of the mouths of gainsayers He was triumphed over , particularly by the Archprelat Sharp , who then with the black crue of his false brotherhood did sit in Parliament , as constituting the third Estate . And was condemned to die in the manner abovementioned ; So that , that Parliament which was consecrated with the blood of two Noble witnesses in the entry , was shut up and closed with the blood & death of this worthy witnesse . But ( which is to be remembered with admiration ) behold , this half dead man , when the day of his death came , had a wonderfull reviving , & was , beyond the expectation of all , graciously visited , & mightyly assisted of God ( hearing the many prayers of his people put up in his behalf ) So as hee gave a noble testimony to that honourable cause & worke ( In carrying on of which , he had been honoured of God to be a worthy instrument , from the beginning ) And Christ triumphed in him , over all his enemies , that watched for his halting , as the reader may see , by his speech & carriage on the scaffold , set down in Print : But he may have , hereafter , more full satisfaction , both concerning him , the Noble Marquis of Argile & famous Mr Guthry , when the world shall see their Processes , & their defences in Print , or when these following sheets shall be reprinted ( if that shall be thought expedient & necessary , not only for these now mentioned particulars ; but also for further explaineing , confirming & vindicating of any , or all of the rest of the purposes here spoken to ) after fuller information had in those particulars . Till then let the reader rest satisfied , with the hints that are given here , & in the following sheets , of the case & carriage of those worthies , & pardone what is spoken , short & unsuitable to their worth . As to those who have appeared before the High commission court , ( induced thereto by the evil counsell of some others , or the not thorow & narrow examination of the complex-case , as circumstantiated , or being otherwayes circumvented ) And are now suffering upon some other account , wherein they found more clearness & satisfaction : And as to others also , who have not fully seen the evill of some things , which in the following debate are clearly demonstrated to be sinfull , & yet as to other particulars are endeavouring to keep their former integrity , & to guaird against complyance : Let none of those think that any thing , here , is said intentionally to put them to shame , or to proclame , before the world , their weakness & defection , or to make glad the heart of the wicked ; for if there had been any other way for vindicating such as doe suffer upon the account of these particulars , and for preventing the fall of others into the same snare ; this way had never been made choise of ; & therefore seeing nothing is said upon any sinfull or sinister designe , these brethren & Christians , will take this smiting as a Kindness , & these reproofs as an excellent oyle that will not break the head , They will not take in evil part , the discovery here made ; They are of another spi●…it , then to be embittered , at such free & full ●…iping up of the evils of the course which many in this hou●…e of darkness do follow : Yea it cannot but be hoped & certainly expected , that such as truely feare the Lord , will blesse his name , with all their heart , for such things made known to them , that in time they may repent of the same , & see cause of wondering at his goodness , & mercy in not leaving them to themselves , in other particulars of tryall , notwithstanding of their sailing of duty , in that their begun tryall : And who knoweth but serious mourning and repenting before the Lord , for fainting so far , would open a doore for a great in-come of joy and consolation to the sweetning of the bitterness of suffering , & to the strengthning and bearing up of their soules under their mighty pressures : So then the designe both Operantis & Operis being good , let no tender Christian be displeased with the way of the pros●…cution of these particulars , or think that there is too much sharpness used , & that the consequences are drawn too strait ; For if in the Particulars themselves , truth be maintained ( as may be supposed , will be granted ) the arguments made use of , can give no just offence , especially such as are drawn from the Covenants which now are trampled upon by this sinfull & backslyding Generation , upon which many ( otherwise not ill minded ) think not much , especially now , when it is reckoned a crime once to name them as standing in force & obligeing the lands : And when the Spirit of these who carry on with violence this woefull course of defection , are so enraged at the same , that they cannot endure to heare a Covenant so much as named , though it were even the Covenant of grace . This , however incrediblei●… may seeme to be , & will hardly be received by a Christian eare is a well known truth . Now at such a time to put people in minde of their ingagements unto God , & to discover how such & such practises are contrary to their Covenant obligations & vowes , cannot justly be condemned , but approved of all who desire to stand fast in this houre of temptation . It is beyond all question , the Particulars here asserted shall meet with much contradiction from men of corrupt mindes , whose principles will lead them to oppose what here is spoken in vindication of truth , & of the honest sufferers of Christ : And upon that account it may be expected that the same honour shall be done to this , which hath been done to other more worthy pieces , viz. that it shall be committed to the fire , there to receive a quick dispatch & answer , which will be so far from lessening the credit of the booke , that it will render it much more desireable , & confirme the weake concerning the truth of the Particulars here spoken to , & of the unanswerableness of the arguments here made use of ; & so the authors expectations shall be fully answered . But if they shall doe it the justice , to commit it to examiners one or mo●… , who with sobriety & moderation , shall publish their exceptions to the contrary , & shall examine these papers by the word of God , right reason , & the fundamentall & municipall lawes of Scotland ; the particulars here spoken to ▪ shall be revindicated , The Lord granting life , strength & liberty , from all their exceptions . Only let not such as undertake this taske , improve the advantage of authority ( now on their side ) so far , as to doe nothing but raile at randome , & stuff their reply with unbeseeming ( to say no worse ) And Unchristian expressions , & outcries of treason , treason ; for in that case , it will be thought expedient not to answer such in their folly . A good cause is a mighty second to a weak man. And so being perswaded that the cause is noble & just , much owned & honoured of God ; There is the greater ground of hope that God will helpe such as shall undertake the defence thereof : & the cavils of men ( who may be looked upon as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in most of these particulars ) are t●…e lesse to be feared . But Christian reader , what entertainment so ever it shall have with these , who have out lived their zeale & integrity , & have shamefully declined in the day of tryall , And have betrayed the cause & interest of Christ , & therefore shall looke upon themselves as not a little concerned herein , & pinched hereby , being unwilling to have their evils ript up , & laid open to the view of the world ; Let it have a Christian entert●…inment with thee : & though it come late to thy hands ( through the injurie of the times ) let it not be the lesse welcome : If the Lord shall be pleased to blesse it , it may be of use for thy strengthning in this growing storme , upon severall accounts & grounds , whereof I hint but a few . 1. By what is said here , thou mayest see that the cause thou sufferest for , is the good old cause : That same Spirit which acted the Prelats & other enemies of the Church of Scotland from the beginning , is now raging in her present enemies : The same designe is & hath been endeavoured & driven on , all a longs . How various so ever the pretexts & colours have been under which they have sought to cover themselves , the covering hath proved too narrow for them ; first prelacy & then popery was intend first & last . It is the same cause , in the defence of which , Christs worthies of old did act & suffer , so long as they could stand , & in the defence whereof , they were not afrayed to beare the displeasure of King & court , & to hazard life & liberty , & all which wa●… dear unto them : If then the same Spirit doth act & worke in the enemies of the Church now , which did act & worke in their predecessours of old , pray thou that the same Spirit of God , may act thee & all the faithfull of the land , which did appeare in the worthy & valiant Champions of old , whether thou be called to act or suffer for his sake . 2. Thou mayest know from what is here related , that the cause for which thou art now suffering , was brought very low before these times , And that the adversaries thereof have often got up to a great height , yet the good cause hath got above them : And how Acts of Parliament , one after another , & all the devices of the adversary , to seale the grave , And to make it sure , could not keep this cause of Christ from a glorious resurrection ; Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth ( might the Church of Scotland then have said ) many a time have they afflicted me from my youth , yet have they not prevailed against me . The plowers plowed upon my back , & made long their furrowes , The Lord is righteous , he hath cut asunder the coards of the wicked . And shall it not yet hold true , that all they who hate Zion shall be confounded & turned back , & be made as the grasse upon the house topes , which withereth be fore it be grown up ? There is no cause of despondency of spirit , or of giving over the cause as lost : there is hope in Israel concerning this matter , his people may still hope & trust in his name , who hath wrought salvation of old . He who did put that wicked party to shame & confusion of face , in former times , & made the name of Prelats to stink , & their posterity to be as cursed vagabonds wandering up & down , bearing the marks of god's displeasure , still liveth & reigneth , & doth no more approve of the Ungodly of this generation , Nor of their more then barbarous carriage , who have laboured to out strip their predecessours in perfidious treachery ; Then he did them , who of old did set themselves against the Lord & his Christ , yea much lesse : It is true , the men of this generation think they have pins for stopping of such holes , which their predecessours could not stop ; but he who sitteth in the heavens doth laugh at them , & hath them in derision ; He seeth that their day is coming . It is easie with him , to cause the sword which they have drawn to slay such as are of upright conversation , enter into their own hearts ; & to break the bowes which they have bent to cast down the poor & needy ; Our God liveth , & reigneth & shall reigne , let Kings of clay rage as they will. Therefore cast not away your confidence which hath a great recompence of reward , for yee have need of patience that after ye have done the will of God ye may rece●…ve the promise ; For yet a little while & he that shall come , will come , & will not tarry . 3. Thou mayestsee , that this cause & work , against which the wicked have conspired & set themselves , hath been signally owned & approved of by the Lord , for which he hath fought , 〈◊〉 his right hand done valiantly , & whereby he hath got himself a name among the nations : And who knoweth what God will yet doe for his great name , which , in this day of rebuke & blasphemy , is greatly reproached ? Hath he begun & will he not finish his worke ? It is true , the provocations of his people doe keep them long in the wildernes ; yet he who hath frequently wrought for his names sake , that it should not be blasphemed amongst the heathen , will still be tender of the same , & sith , at this day , there is much blasphemy belched forth , by persons of all ranks against the great & glorious works of God , as much if not more , then at any time or in any age , wherein hath been lesse light ; The people of God need not be hopelesse , much lesse conclude , That God who is jealous of his own glory , & will not give it to another , will suffer it now to be given to the devil , on whom his work is fathered : But rather will certanely be avenged on those prodigiously & unparallelably impious & sacrilegious persons . How dreadfull a thing is it , to say that Christ casteth out devils , by Beelzebub the prince of devils ! 4. Thou mayest see clearly , that the cause , for which thou dost now suffer is the cause of Christ : His enemies would pul the crown from off his head , & the scepter out of his hand , & by this meanes , make him no King in & over his Church , & consequently no mediatour ; For as mediatour , he is a King in & over his Kingdome , that is his Church , in which he dwelleth , & over which he ruleth with his scepter of righteousnesse . They will not have his Kingdome , a free Kingdome , & consequently they will not have him a free King. They will not allow to him , the liberty of appoynting or instituteing his own officers , or to rule his Kingdome by his owne lawes , courts ordinances , & censures ; Nor will they suffer Church-administrations , to be performed in his name & authority , as , in reason , they ought to be , if he be King & head of his Church . He must have no more liberty to exerce his jurisdiction , by the Ministery of his inferiour officers , within their dominions & territories , then seemeth good in their eyes . The discipline of his house , must be exerced only in so far as they think good to permit : And thus it is undeny able that they look on Christ as an evil neighbour , & as no good friend to Caesar : They think his Kingdom is of this world , & therefore it must have no place within any of their Kingdomes & territories . Thus thou seest , that , in end , the controversy cometh to this . Whether Christ , or man shall reigne in the Church , as head & supream Governour thereof : And whether the interest of Christ or of man shall be preferred : And to preferre the interest of a man unto the interest of Christ , hath heretofore been accounted malignancy of the deepest dye . But what shall become of this controversie , & how shall it end ? Are they , or shall they be able to put our Lord from his throne , & out of his possession ? No ; he is set upon the holy hill Zion by a mighty hand , & his inheritance among the heathen is given to him , by a surer deed of gift , then that he should be so easily put from it : He hath a rod of yron that will dash in pieces , as a potters vessel ; all his enemies , be they never so great , & mighty ; He is too strong a party for all the potèntats & mighty ones of the earth : & therefore , this which is the grand controversy of those times , shall & must be decided , in favours of those who stand upon Christ's side , & maintaine his right : he is a strong captaine , & will run thorow all the hosts of his adversaries : Christ's sufferers then , may rejoyce ; what ever affliction they are or can be put to endure , for this cause , which is a cause that doth highly concerne Christ the royall prerogatives of his crown & Kingdome , & his glory , as he is the only head of ●…his Church ; seing they may certanely expect the victory ●…re all be done ; And seing ( as famous & worthy Mr 〈◊〉 in the preface to his Aaron●… rode blossoming sheweth ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ is 〈◊〉 King , & hath a Kingdome & 〈◊〉 in his Church distinct fr●…m the Kingdoms of the world , 〈◊〉 civil Governme●… , 〈◊〉 this commendation and 〈◊〉 ●…oue all ●…hen 〈◊〉 that Christ himself suffered 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and seale●… it with his blood , For it may be 〈◊〉 f●…om the 〈◊〉 of his passion , that this was the only p●…nt of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 , And avouched by 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Joh. 18 : 33 , 36 , 37. and Luk. 23 : 3. was most aggravated prosecuted , and driven home by the jewes , Luk. 23 : 2. Joh. 19 : v. 12 , 15. Was prevalent with Pilat , as the cause condemning him to die Joh. 19 : 12 , 13. And was mentioned also in the superscription upon his crosse , Joh , 19 , 19. And although in reference to God , and in respect of satisfaction made to divine justice for our sinnes , his death was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a price of redemption ; yet in reference to men who did persecute , accuse , and condemne him , his death was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a martyr's testimony , sealing such a truth ; Thus he . Christ is a good second , & will not suffer any who contend for his crown , throne , scepter , privileges , & roy all prerogatives of his Kingdom , to be put to the worse : If he pleade for any cause , we may be sure , he will plead for his own . Let not then his constant & valient sufferers feare ; for greater is he who is with , & for them , then they who are against them : Christ alone is more then match & party against all Kings , princes , potentats , Parliaments , popes , prelats , Kingdomes , & armyes ; Yea & all the Posse of devils & men : Therefore they may be assured that he & his cause shall be victorious ; For he must reigne untill all his enemies be made his foot stool . 5. Thou mayest see , That the truth for which thou dost suffer , is a truth which is after godlinesse , tending to the promoveing of piety , & of the power of godlinesse : Whileas the contrary cause & course leadeth to all prophanity & debauchery , as experience doth this day evidently & undenyably prove : & this is no small ground of comfort ; for the way which is not of , & for God , cannot stand : You may pray against your adversaries , as really wicked , driveing on a designe of wickednesse , which is evidently demonstrated by their acts & actings : Their enmity against , & opposition unto godly , faithfull , Zealous , & able conscientious Ministers of the Gospell , & unto Christian meetings & exercises ; As also their pressing of Godly conscientious persons , unto perjury & blasphemy , which is the height of wickednesse ; do put the matter beyond all doubt : And is not this enough to make thy soull loath & stand a loos from these wayes ; And to blesse God for his preserving thy soull from their counsels & courses , & so from partaking of their judgments , which doe certainly make haste ; For God is of purer eyes then to look upon iniquity ; Therefore he will not alwayes look on these that deal treacherously , & hold his peace when the wicked devoureth the man , that is more righteous then he : The Lord hath ordained them for judgment , & the mighty God hath established them for correction : when Ag●…silaus did hear that Tissaph●…rnes a captaine of Persia had broken his Covenant which he had made with him , & was raiseing an army to come against him , he was very glade , & said se magnam hab●…re gratiam Tissapherni , quod perjurio suo , & deos & homines sibs infensos reddidisset , adversae vero parti propitios ; He thanked him heartily that by his perjury , he had made both God & man angry at himself & favourable to him and his cause : & may not his people be perswaded that God i●… , this day , displeased with the Covenant breakers , who are not satisfied with their own treacherous dealing & perfidiousnesse ; but will have all others intangled in the same guilt ? 6. Thou mayest see that Action , which is now so much branded with the vile & contemptible names of treachery & rebellion , I mean , Scotlands defending of it self against its bloody enemies , cleared from all these imputations , & foule calumnies : changes of times make many Changes in peoples judgement ; & at this time , it may be feared that many have Changed their opinion , because they see the watter runing in another channell , then it did formerly , & are now ready to condemne these noble worthies & valient champions who j●…oparded their lives unto the death , in the high places of the field , & have shed their blood in that cause ; ( which is a more grievous guilt then many do now apprehend . ) But here thou seest how little cause there is for condemning that Action ; Yea what necessity there was laid upon Sco●…l . to stand to their defence , as they would not have betrayed the cause & interest of Christ , which they were sworne to maintaine according to their place & power , their lives , lands , possessions liberties as scottish men & as Christians , into the hands of their implacable enemies . Were these valient worthies now living , who are gone off the stage with honour & credite , & heating & seeing what they might now heare & see , how would they stand astonished at this degenerated generation , that so easily quite with that , which they did lose their blood & lives to purchase & obtaine ; Yea & to see or heare the self same persons , who but twelue or Sixteen years ago were jeoparding their lives with them , for the same cause , either condemning that practice , or carrying themselves so indifferently now , as if these matters appeared but t●…islles , & not worth the contending for . Whosoever they be who now seem to be ashamed of that cause , & of themselves in contributeing their help for the promoveing of the same ; It may be thought , that it was not conscience that moved them thereunto , but some other ends , otherwayes , their judgements would not so soon alter , seing there is no other argument now seen , but the winde changed from south to North , which dispensation useth not to worke much upon consciences , what ever it may do upon other principles . If the former generations had been of such a cowardish disposition how had Scotland been delivered ? If they had walked upon no other principles , but such as would have changed , when the storme did beginne to blow upon their faces , where had the land been ere now ? And if there be no other spirits in Scotland , this day , where , may it be imagined , shall that Church be found , ere long ? 7. Thou mayest hereby be more enabled to disput against prelacy , then possibly thou was , having now seen how & what way it was brought in into the Church formerly , & how it is ushered in , to day : And when it is established by force , over the Churches belly , how it proveth the bane of all Church order , piety & edification : And this is a strong argument to prevaile with such as have the root of the matter in them , & enough to make them question such a way , as no way of Christ's . To say , that the abuse of the power by such as are in possession of it , will not plead much against the power it self , will be of ●…o fore in this case , where the jus of the power , cannot pretend heigher then to be humanum ; And if its admirers should alledge that it is founded upon a jus divinum ; These necessary consequences , as so many propria quarto medo , will sufficiently ground an improbation ; Scotland never saw prelates without such a long traine of hellish consequences discovering to any judicious eye , their rise to be from below ; And if the prelats now in place , had thought it of their concernment , they might have cut off that long taile , but it seemeth , if they had done so , they would have lost somewhat that they thought essentiall to themselves , & therefore , as if they had thought all the abuse whereof their predecessours were guilty , was their too much lenity & forbearing to persecute the godly & banish piety ; They have made the poor Church feel that their little finger is heavier then the loynes of their forefathers : And so the argument of the vulgar , is confirmed with a witnesse , & become more unanswerable then ever . 8. Thou mayest likewise have arguments put into thy mouth , whereby to defend thine own practices , in standing to thy former principles , & stope the mouth of thine adversaries : before thou was willing to suffer for Christ & his interest , though thou could not disput much for him & his truth , & that was a great evidence of love : And now thou mayest get some help in disputing for the truth , by the arguments set down in the following sheets ; And the few arguments which thou will finde there , may bring others to thy minde , & thus thou mayest be helped to meet thine adversary , without fear . 9. But if these adversaries be of such a disposition , as to take advantage of thy speaking or argueing for truth , to bring thee into trouble , & therefore in prudence thou will think it best to keep silence : Thou mavest here by be confirmed , in thine own minde , of the unlawfulnesse of such courses , as the current of the times would draw thee unto , as it doth others ; & how unjustly thou art persecuted for refuseing to comply with such sinfull wayes : And further , because it is like , the malice of Satan & his instruments , will not rest here , but they will still be deviseing new wayes to lay snares for the consciences of such as walk uprightly ; by what is said to the particulars handled in the following sheets , thou mayest be helped to judge of new emergent questions , which thou mayest be exercised with , afterward , & so to know , how thou oughtest to carry thy self in reference to these new tryals . 10. Thou mayest have some ground of hope , That the Lord's end in suffering this sudden & sad Change , to continue so long , is but to ju●…ge more fully his Church , from the much drosse & corruption which otherwayes , in all probability , had never been purged away ; It is possible that these by-past yeers of prosperity ( her most afflicted condition , being a prosperous state , when compared with her present condition ) have done the Church of Sco●…l more harm ( by reason of corruption within ) then many yeers of sad adversity shall do . The former prelats had a time , before they came to their height , & all those many yeers wherein h●…y were on the riseing hand , & after they came to the possession of their full power , the Lord was trying & purging his Church ; And at length , when his time came , who waiteth that he may be gracious , & loseth not a fit opportunity of doing good to his Church & people , he brought the Church of Scotland out of the furnace , & laid her stones with faire colours , & her foundations with Saphites ; So that the yeers 1638 , & 1639 , were as glorious years as any which she hath seen , since : And these prelats ( though they have made great haste , in their rise , yet ) must have some time to do that work , in which the Lord is imploying them as his lixes : one day discovereth more now , then , a yeer , formerly could have done ; One prelat ( blessed be the Lord who is master of work ) doth more , then many purging committees could do : Why then should we weary ? We know not what the Lord is about to do , but when we consider what were his dispensations , in former times , unto that Church , we may now hope , that he will bring the Church of Scotland out of the furnace , as faire & beautifull as ever , if not more ; So that these who saw the foundation of the old temple laid , An. 1638. &c. Shall not have cause to weep when they see her foundations laid of new , & the Lord reviveing the stones out of the rubbish which are burnt ; If his people were humbled , & did not stand in the way of their own mercies , who can tell what the Lord would do , & how shoon , he would appeare for his oppressed people & interest , & declare that he hath chosen Ziou , & hath desired it for his habitation , & then clothe her priests with salvation , & cause her saints to shout aloud for joy ? The popish prelaticall & malignant faction have been losers when they thought themselves gainers , & all their victoryes have proven hurtfull to their owne cause ; And who can tell but this day , which they think they have gained ; and the victory , whereof they think themselves so firmly and certanely possessed , as that they shall never lose it againe , may prove the most fatal day that ever they saw , & a victory tending to the everlasting ruine of their cause & interest . 11. Thou mayest see these Covenants , against which , in this degenerate age , reproach cannot sufficiently be poured forth , vindicated ; And the lands , obliged & Covenanted lands before the Lord , what ever course hath been taken by higher powers to loose the obligation . This Gordian Knot will not be gotten so easily loosed , as some would imagine : People may think to close their eyes , & then reason themselves out of the obligation ofa Covenant & oath taken before the Lord , & so cast themselves at liberty ; But that will only wreeth the heavy yoke ofGods curse straiter about their neck . It is no small matter of admiration to hear how basely many men do speak of these holy bonds , & sacred Covenants . But let men ( who take pleasure in venting the venome that is within ) say what they will , Scotland hath no cause to be ashamed of these Covenants . It was a sweet day when the nationall Covenant , which had been long buried in oblivion , was raised out of the dust , & renewed : And it may be , Scotland shall have as sweet a day , when both that Covenant & the solemne league & Covenant , which now lyeth buried under a heep of the ashes of contempt & reproach , shall be raised up , & renewed with great acclamation of joy . It is true , this seemeth not to be very probable now ; but Scotlands covenanted God liveth , & his arme is not shortened . There was not very great probability of renewing the nationall Covenant some few years before , when the prelats were tyrannizing at pleasure , & no man durst so much as complaine of any injury they did ; It is easie with God to put Spirit & courage in people , make them stand upon their feet , & become an exceeding great army , who were before but dry bones , yea very dry bones : & howbeit now that league & Cov. be looked upon as a device contrived purposely to overturne the throne ; Yet ( as it hath already proven so againe ) it may prove , as sure a pillar for the throne , as any ; & as effectuall a meane to preserve the same from being overturned , as any other . But ( Christian reader ) by what thou will see in the following sheets , thou Mayest easily perceive , that it is both a sinfull & dangerous thing to break Covenant , & a sin which heathens have scarred at And therefore remember thy Covenants and vowes made unto the most high , let not the speaches nor carriage of others , who think they cannot exceed , in casting out the venome of their heart , against these Covenants , lessen thine estimation of them , but rather increase the same ; And the more thou hear others cry down these Covenants as null , keep thy self under , their tye , so much the more carefully : Make conscience of studying these Covenants , & the duties unto which , thou standest bound before the Lord , by vertue thereof : It is true , thou art no●… now in a capacity to Act , for the carrying on of the end●… of those Covenants , as some time thou hast been , yet keep thy Spirit still under the impression of their obligeing force , & when thou cannot by acting promove the ends of the Covenant , thou mayest do it , by constancie in patient suffering for adhereing to that cause & Covenant : See what thou art obliged unto by vertue of these Covenants , & let never these duties be forgotten , but as the Lord offereth occasion , let it appear , that thou art under the impression of the oath of God ; thus shal●… thou have peace & joy , when shame shall cover the faces of all Covenant breakers . 12. Thou mayest see , how this yoke of prelacy , wreethed , in former times , about the necks of the inhabitants of Scotland , did prove so intolerably grievous , that they were made to groan under it ; and how they became restlesse untill they shook it off : And experience , this day , doth prove how necessaryly it is attended with grievous oppression & soul affliction . It hath been found , & is seen , this day , how prelats have trampled , & do trample upon the nobility gent●…ie & burgesses of the Land : The land formerly hath found , & to day , doth finde , what the weight of a Saint Andrew's crosse & of the prelate's r●…het is ; And that their little finger is heavier then the loyns of Ministers , whatever grudge & out-cry there was , against the discipline of the Church . It is true , they proclame liberty , & give way to all vice & iniquity , & are leaders into these wicked wayes themselves , & are paterns & patrons unto the people , whom they encourage by their evil example , to follow them in their trade of wickednesse : & it is like , this is the only thing which maketh that Goyernment desirable unto many , who love not to be curbed in their licentious & wicked courses , but desire to have the bridle laid upon their necks , & liberty to follow the swinge of their own corruptions & beastly lusts ; Yet it may be , that many are , ere now , wearying of them : Yea , who knoweth , but before this time , many of the nobles , & others of the land , who did earnestly pant after a change of Church Government , wishing the day , wherein prelats might be re-established in their power , & faithfull Ministers oppressed & put to the door , that so they might enjoy full & free liberty to commit sin with greadinesse , do beginne to be think themselves , & to be sensible of their folly , when they see how Prelats trade upon their necks , not careing what disrespect they put upon them , or how basely they use them , when they see that they have acted below themselves & below men , when they made shipwrack of their consciences , & sold their souls to promove their ambitious designes , & to help them to ascend unto the tope of their intended grandour : no doubt many are thinking with themselves , that they have run too fast , when they see that all the thanks that they are like to have , from those who excell in ingratitude , is to be trode upon as mire of the streets . It is a bad reward ( but the just & righteous hand of God may be seen in it ) to inslave the persons & bodies of such , who have voluntarily i●…slaved their souls to set them on high . O that the nobles & gentry of the land , would , at length , resent this indignity , & observe the hand of God punishing them with a whipe of their own making , when they see how undervalueingly these men look upon them , & account them no better then their slaves & underlings ; And would acknowledge God's equity & justice in this dispensation , & at length see & mourne for their sinne , which is so legibly , as with capital characters , written upon their judgment ! May it not come to passe , that these Zelots for prelacy , shall weary of this yoke , & wish as earnestly for the day , wherein they may be delivered from this bondage , as ever they did longe for the day , wherein they might have their necks brought from under the sweet & gentle yoke of Christ ? May not the peers & body of the Land come at length to supplicate his majesty , to loose this yoke from off their necks , when their Scottish ( some time generous ) spirits , shall not be able any longer to endure such unsufferable slavery : This is not impossible , nay nor improbable : Though it were to be wished , That they might Act that way , upon some other principles , principles of piety & godly tendernesse ; That , seèing their injury done to Christ , in shaking off his governement & lawes , willingly following after the commandements of men , & mourning therefore , they might lament after the Lord , & seek him with the whole heart , & engadge themselves in a Covenant with the Lord , to be for him to the utmost of their power , & bring the land back againe to seek the Lord God of their fathers , that he may have mercy upon them & heal their backslideings , & builde up the walls of his Church , & make her a praise in the earth . But whether the Nobles & other inhabitants of the Land , shall think of these indignities & seek for a remedy , or couch under the burden , as ashamed once to desire to have the yoke shaken off , which they themselves , with so great delight & deligence , have fastened about their necks , with their own hand●… : Yet it doth well become the godly of the land , to be sensible of the great & grievous wrongs , which are done unto Christ , to his Church , & work ; & to cry out continually & complean of these oppressions unto the Lord , who will hear the cry of the oppressed , & will be a refuge for them , & judge them that the man of the earth may no more oppresse , when now he seeth that she is oppressed without cause : & to watch carefully that the continuance of the tryall & oppression , weare not out the sense of these incroachments , & intolerable pressures lying upon the Church , & upon the consciences of the Lord's people : And that no deadnesse seize upon them , but that still the memory of the good old cause be fresh with them , pressing them dayly to renew their earnest supplications ; & to wrestle seriously with God , that he would be pleased in his own good time to break the yoke of the oppressour , & according to his promise Isa. 49 : 25 , 26. Take away the captives from the mighty , and deliver the prey from the terrible , and contend with them that contend with , his Church , save his children , and feed those that oppresse them with their own flesh , and make them drunken with their own blood , as with sweet wine ; That all flesh may kn●…w that ●…e the Lord is their saviour , ând their redeemer , the mighty one of Iacob . He hath said that for the oppression of the poor and for the sighing of the needy , he will arise , and set him in saifty from him who pusseth as him , The words of the Lord are pure words , as silver tryed in a furnace of earth purified seven times . Therefore his people are called to waite upon the Lord. The vision may yet be for an appoynted time , but at the end , it will speak & not lie , though it tarry , they must wait for it , because it will surely come , & will not ta●…ry . His people are called now to minde duty , & to look what the time , the opportunity , & the dispensation under which they are , at present , calleth for ; It is not good for them to be slacking their diligence , but rather they should waxe strong in the Lord & in the power of his might . It is not good for them to faint & sit up now , as overcome with impatience , & hopelesse despondency of spirit ; but patience should have its perfect work . Be stedfast , therefore ( dearly beloved ) unmoveable , alwayes abounding in the work of the Lord ; Forasmuch as you know your labour is not in vaine in the Lord. Now to him that is of power to stablish you , to God only wise , be glory for ever , through Jesus Christ , AMEN . AD LECTOREM . SVb pedibus Lunā , Mulier , nunc calcat ; amicta Sole ; caput stellae , ceu diadema , tegunt . Conspicitur medio ut signum admirabile coelo ; Fixa velut medio , petra decora , Salo. Saepius incerto varia est ut Cynthia vultu , Parte sui Semper , totaque Saepe latet . Fulgida Iusliti e nuper quae sole , tenebris Mox velut infernis tecta , sepulta jacet . Firma licet Pe●… maneant fundamina , quassis Moenibus & 〈◊〉 , contremit ipsa domus . Sidera lapsa polo , capiti diadema revulsum Sponsaque Tulvereâ squallida sorde sedet . Quisquis es haec totô qui non spectaveris orbe , Exhibet hîc scenam , Scotia moesta tibi . Scotia quam varios casus sit passa ; procellis Quassa quibus , quantis , te docet ille liber : Prasulis hîc mitrae pondus . Regisque tiarae . Penditur , & Christi jura , bilance pari . Invadit Christi regnum cum principe praesul , Arrogat hic Regi , quod rogat ipse Sibi . Praesulis est Scotis relegandum nomen averno , Prora quibus praesul , puppis & una mali est . Hîc videas vicibus ternis quas infula strages Ediderit ; praesul , Cerberus iste triceps . Pontisicum primus fuit impetus ; iste retusus Evasit virgo , quae fuit ante lupa . Vistamen huic facta est vulpina fraude secunda , Restiterat zelô plebs , proceresque pio . Tertius horrisici est nunc impetus ille Leonis . Cernitur hic vulpes qui fuit ante Lupus : Bestia bis cecidit , bis cornua fracta revinxit . Tertia certa feram & vasta ruina manet . Courteous reader , ere thou read , amend these Errata as followeth . PAg. 4. l. 18. followers , pag. 6. l. 24. Scotos , p. 8. l. 9. ridiculous , ib. l. 34. be . p. 10. l. 34. he . p. 14. l. 6. first r. fift . p. 16. l. 34 : effect . p. 22. l. 30. dederent . p. 24. l. 30. effectuall . p. 29. l. 36. of . p. 37. l. 22. this realme p. 42. l. 19. worthies , r. worthy nobles . p. 45. l. 36. of , r. for p. 59. l. 14. be , r : the. p. 64. l. 29. chearfully . p. 67. l. 31. overcometh . pag. 73. lin . 5. specious , ibid. lin . 29. effects . pag. 78. lin . 20. there , r. their p. 80. l. 12. gentlemen , ib. l. 20. perceive . p. 85. l. 30. understood p , 88. l. 22. & 271. l. 26. this , r : his . p. 91. l. 23. & 132. l. 11. were , r. where . p. 109. l 13. scripture . p. 110. l. 21. & 202. l. 33. notion . p. 125. l , 21 , together . p. 135. l. 33. decrees , r. doores . p. 137. l. 30. Sect. 22. p. 145. l. 25. r. 1572 , p , 159. l. 31. they ▪ r. them . p. 176. l. 27. belonging . p. 183. l. 5. essentiall . p. 186. l. 17 , one r. once . p. 187. l. 28. guiltlesse 〈◊〉 . 191. l. 11. 〈◊〉 . p. 193. l. 22. taking . p. 207. l , 28. prohibition , ib l. 32. pastours . p. 224. l. 9. length . p. 225. l. 1. be beleeved . p. 239. l. 20. yeelded . p. 248. l. 4. pastor . p. 260. l. 5. is , r. as . ib. l. 16. ever , r. over . p. 280. l. 31. wrestle . p. 289. l. 26. known . p. 293. l. 21. civis . p. 305 , l. 5. ●…all , r. call . ib. l. 6. omce , r. come . p. 312. l 26. further . p. 322. l. 31. though . p. 331. l. 32. should . p. 349. l. 18. which . p. 350. l. 19. & I will p. 351. l. pe●…lt . how the Carthaginians . p. 362. l. 16. they r. their acts . p. 364. l. 25. it is , r. it s . p. 366. l 3. his , r. this . ib. l. 8. twice here r. her . p. 372. l. 34. way , r. may . p. 373. l. 30. his , r. is . p. 382. l. 9. his r. this p. 383 l. ●…3 . made , r. make . p. 385. l. 8. the , r. he . p. 386. l. 22. countrey . p. 387. l. 22. & ib. l. 35 worldly . p. 404. l. 9. no , r. on . pag. 419. 〈◊〉 . 10. ever , over . P. 126. l. 2. close the other parenthesis after , Agust 22. p. 304. l. 6. in ●…ome copies , r. & may be most free , Pag. 329. l. 21. & 330. l. 8. & 324. l. 25. & 353. l. 10. dele lib. 5. Others of lesser moment through a letter wanting , or redundant , or one for 〈◊〉 , or through a comma , colon , or the like misplaced , or wanting , thou mayest correct a●… thoureadest . An ▪ Apologeticall Relation , Of the particular sufferings of faithfull Ministers & Professours of the Church of Scotland , since Agust 1660. IT hath been the common lot of all the afflicted & persecuted people of God , in all ages to meet with sad & bitter reproaches , as a constant concomitant of their other sufferings : Satan thinking it for his advantage to adde affliction to the afflicted , & to use his outmost endevour to break them with one sad exercice , at the back of , or together with another , is not satisfied with stirring up sore persecution against them , but endevoureth likways to load them with such reproaches & calumnies , as are able to break the heart of ingenuous & single hearted persons . And for this cause , the Lords people in all ages have been put to intreat that he would clear & vindicat them , & their actions from such foule aspersions , & make their innocency breake forth as the noon-day ; & would direct them unto such ways & means , as might tend through his blessing , to their rationall vindication befor the world . Hence have proceeded the many Apologies & defences , which have been used of purpose , to clear to the world the true ground & cause of their sufferings , & to discover how groundless & unjust those reproaches & calumnies were , which men , whose hearts were full of wickedness , & tongues dipt in gall , had vented for this end alone , to render both them , & their just & righteous cause , odious to strangers . And at this time there may be just cause to fear that the malice of that old enemy is not asleep , & that he is leaving no mean un-essayed to make the suffering Church of Scotland & her cause odious , in the eyes of forraigne protestant Churches , to the end she may not onely misse & be disappointed of that Christian sympathy & fellow feeling which is expected of all the true membres of Christs body , but also ( which is far worse ) be condemned , & through her sides , the cause & truth of God ( which ought to be more pre●…ious to Christians then any thing else ) be put to suffer , & by this means the great works of God , wherby he ( convincingly even to enemies ) did testify his approbation of the work of Reformation , begun , & caryed on there , these yeers bygone , be called in question , & fathered upon the Devill , which would be the hieght of iniquity , being ( or at least bordering upon ) that unpardonable sin against the Holy Ghost , charged upon the Pharisees , Math. 12. But notwithstanding of all this travail which this old enemy & his indefatigable under-agents are or have been at , according to their custome , to get the prejudices against that Church , which they have laboured to beget in the mindes of strangers , fomented , & so deeply rooted , as that there'shall be no place ●…or her , or any in her name , to publish to the world any Apology or defence , or a justification of her cause & ground of present suffering ; It is expected that Christian Churches abroad , have reserved one eare open to Christ & his suffering followers & that a true representation of the present case & condition of that suffering Church , shall be heartily welcomed by them , whose eares have been hithertill filled with the clamorous outcry●…s of men who make no conscience of oaths , let be of words , & who have learned exactly that lesson Ca●…umniare audacter , semper aliquid h●…rebit , Heap up many slanders & vent them with boldness & audacity , & something will slick . Though there be no ground for any to thinke that nighbour protestant Churches have so far drunken in prejudices against that Church , or rec●…eived such an impression from the misreports & misrepresentations which her malitious adversaries have made , as that an attempt of this nature shall seem altogether useless : Yet this is certaine that the most lively demonstration & representation of the present case & condition of that Church , that can be fallen upon , shal not hold forth unto strangers & forraigners such convincing light , & evidence of all maters there , as a few days being ear & ey-witnesses to all her present calamities , compared with the days of old , when the glory of the Lord appeared in the midst of her , would do . And therefor , though as to such who are indeed strangers unto the great things which the Lord hath wonderfully begun , & carryed on , in that Church , small successe can be expected , to follow such an interprise ; yet as to others whether Churches or persons ( of whom it cannot be , but that there is a great number , who have both heard , & wondered at the works of the righthand of the most High there , & have received much soul-refreshment from the report , wishing & earnestly supplicating for the like unto themselves , & longing for the day ; wherin they might see the Lords arme streached out with the like Reformation & salvation unto other Churches about ) this undertaking will have its own use & advantage . And , without all question , silence at such a time as this , might do much both to sadden the heart , & to stumble such as would be glad to hear of the stedfastness of the faithfull followers of Christ in that land , for if there were none to open a mouth for her now , nor any to plead her cause , it might be thought that all had so far changed with the times , as to condemne their own former proceedings , & to intertaine strange & unbeseeming thoughts of the wonderfull works of the righthand of the most High , wrought among them : & so become ashamed of their cause , & durst not adventure to speake in their own justification . Therefor being consident of the good acceptance , which this undertaking shall meet with from compassionate & Christianly affected churches & people about , & persuaded that God , whose interest & Cause this is , will , in his own good time , arise & plead the same , & vindicate his work from all the aspersions , & calumnies of men , by a reviving therof in the middest of the years , & a best irring of himself for the carying on of the same , untill the copstone be put on , & therby give such ane unanswerable Apologie as shall be sufficient to stop the mouths of all adversaries , & to confirme his followers , & comfort the saddened hearts of his sufferers ; This present piece of worke was the more chearfully undertaken , to the end ( beside what use the present suffering members , of that church might make hereof for their own satisfaction incouragement & strengthening in the Lord ) that such of the nighbour churches about whose ears have been filled with the slanderous reports , to the vexing of their souls , raised by the adversaries of that church , & caryed on by all the art of hell to the strengthening & confirming of their ill cause , may be undeceived , & rightly informed touching the truestate of affaires in that church . And to this end , it will be sufficient in the first place , to give a short & clear Historicall relation of the troubles , which the former Prelats , which were in that church , did creat unto her , both in their rising , & when they did come unto their hieght , & of the wonderfull maner of the Lords bringing them down & casting them out of that land & church , with shame & disgrace : And then to give some vieu of the present state of that church , by mentioning some particulars , which are the grounds of the present sufferings of the people of God there , & clearing the equity & justice of their cause , who have choysed affliction , rathen then sin , & when by this means it shall be seen , from what an exellent & desirable state that church is now fallen , as in a moment , & into what a condition of wo & lamentation , she is now plunged , all who are Christianly affected with the afflictions of Joseph , may be moved to compassionat her case , & to sympathize with her , & if they can do no more , be stirred up to minde that bleeding , swooning & almost expiring church of Scotland at the throne of grace . SECTION I. Shewing how the church of Scotland was long governed without Prelats , & after what maner they did arise to their height there , without the Churches consent . IT is not unknown , that according to the testimonie of Origen & Tertullian the Scots did embrace the faith amongst the first , & probablie ( as Buchan : sheweth ) they received it from some of Iohn's disciples , who fled by reason of the persecution , caused by that bloudy Domitian : so that about the year 203. which was the 4 year of King Donald the first , Christian Religion was publickly professed , the King himself , his Queen , & diverse of the Nobles being solemnely baptized , after which he purposed to root out Heathenisme out of the Kingdome , but was hindered by wars with the emperour Severus . There after about the year 277 King Cratilinth intended a Reformation , but was much hindered by the heathenish Priests , ( called Druides from their sacrificing in groves under oaks , as some suppose ) who by their subtyle insinuations & power , had much influence upon the people ; yet the Lord did seconde the intentions of this good King , & sent several worthy men both ministers & privat Christians , from the South parts of Britan , where the Nynth & Tenth Persecution under Aurelius & Disclesian did rage , & these for their single & retired life , were called Culdees , quasicultores Dei more probably , then because of their living in Cels ; and this work continowed till about the year 360 & then did meet with a great interruption , by reason of civill wars , wherby the land was wasted , & all th●… Scots banished untill about the year 420 when Fergus the second came into Scotland , whose son Ewen sent for the exiled Culdees , & gave them great encouragement , & they did set themselves to their worke . And this continowed untill about the year 452 , when Palladius being sent into Britaine by Pope Celestin , came into Scotland , who by his subtile insinuation●… did gaine so much upon the simple people , as that in a short time , he moved them to consent unto a change of the governement of the church , into Prelacy , & himself became the Arch prelate : But befor this Palladius came ; Scotland never saw a Prelate , if our ancient Historiographers be to be beleeved , such as Balcus in his Historie of the Britons , &c. cent . 14. cap 6. saying [ Ante palladium Scoti &c. befor Palladius came , the Scots had their Bishops & ministers , by the ministry of the word of God , chosen by the suffrage of the people , after the custome of those of Asia , but those things did not please the Romanes . Beda in his History of England Lib. 1. who sayeth [ Palladiu●… ad Scotos &c. i. e. Palladius was sent unto the Scots , who beleeved in Christ , by Celestin the Pope of Rome , as their first Bishop ] Prosper in his Chron , ad An. 436 saying [ Ad Scotos &c. i e. unto the Scots then beleeving in Christ , Palladius is ordained by Pope Celestin , & sent thither the first Bishop ] Iohn Fordon in his Scottish Chronic. lib. 3. c. 8. saying [ Ante Palladis adventum &c. i. e ▪ befor the coming of Palladius , the Scots had for teachers of the faith , & ministers of the Sacraments , presbiters onely or Monks , following the customes of the primitive church ] Iohannes Major speaking of the same Palladius who sayeth [ per sacerdotes & monaches &c. i. e. the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith , by Priests & Monks without any Bishop ] and Buchanan who sayeth [ nam ad id usque tempus &c. i. e. to that very time [ speaking of Palladius coming , into Scotland & changing the governement ) the churches were ruled by monks without Bishops . It is true Spotiswood , in his late History , would make the world beleeve that in the dayes of the Culdees there was no governement in the Church of Scotland but Prelaticall ; because Boetius sayeth that [ those priests or Culdees , were wont , for their better governement , to elect some out of their number , by common suffrage , to be chief & principall among them , without whose knowledge , & consent nothing was done in any mater of importance , & that the person so elected , was called Scotorum Episcopus ] & farther , as if his bare dissenting from Buchan : would be enongh to blast the reputation & weaken the credite of that Renowned Historian , he sayeth p. 7. of his History [ what warrant he ( i. e. Buchan : ) had to write so , I know not , except he did build upon that which Iohannes Major sayeth . But from the instruction of the Scots in the faith , to conclude that the Church after it was gathered , had no other for me of governement , will not stand with reason , for be it as they speak , that by the travelle of some pions monks the Scots were first converted unto Christ it cannot be said , that the Church was ruled by monks , seing , long after those times , it was not permitted to monks to medle with the maters of the Church , nor were they reckoned among the Clergy ] thus he . To which it is easily answered . 1. That the sole word of a late Historian , & of an Excommunicated forsworne Prelate speaking in his own cause will have lesse weight with every rationall man , then the Testimony of so many famous & eminent Historyographers , known through the world . 2. All the Prelat's , logick will not conclude from these words of Boetius that there was Episcopall governement among the Culdees , if Boetius himself may be heard , whom all are bound to beleeve better then this Prelate , who reasoneth according to his skill for he lib. 7. c. 28. sayeth [ erat Palladius primus omnium &c. i. e. Palladius was the first of all who did bear holy Magistracy among the Scots , being made Bishop by the great Pope ] thus he affirmeth clearly , that Palladius was the first , who had Episcopall Power , or exercised a Magistraticall domineering power in Church maters . 3. Could Buchanan , a man many stages beyond the Arch-prelate , know no reason or ground for what he said but what this Archprelat could perceave who had no will to open his Eyes ? 4. As this Archprelat doeth wrong his own credite as an Historian , when without warrant he contradicteth so many famous Historians ; so doeth he discover much weakness in reasoning ; for to say that the monks did not governe the Church befor Palladius landed in Scotland , because after Palladius came , they were putt out of all accompt & got not liberty to do so , is such a ridiculous consequence , as can hardly be paralleled ; as if one should reason now , & say the Church of Scotland was not governed by Ministers befor the year 1661. becaus after Bishops got all the power into their hands , the Ministers had no power of governement in the Church . Much more might be said here against the reasoning of this late Historian , were it sitt to insist upon every such frivolous argument of his . So then , from these forocited Historians , & from Baronius in his Annal : it appeareth that the Church of Scotland was severall hundereths of years without a domineering Prelate , & after this time that this Palladius came , she was still in a decaying condition , through the increase of popery , which at length did overspread the whole land , in which Romish darkness she did ly untill about the year 1494. About which time the Lord began to visite that poor Church with his salvation & to cause some light of the Gospel to break up in severall places of the land : but no sooner did the light appear , but as soon did those Antichristian Prelats & vassals of the Pope begin to rage , & to raise persecution against the young professors of the truth , & followers of the lamb , & so with fire ▪ & faggot they sought to destroy all who prosessed the true Religion , untill about the year 1550. when , notwithstanding of all this rage & cruelty of the Beast , & his followers , the knowledge of the trueth did spread through the land , & a farther worke of Reformation , began to he caryed on , by worthies whom the Lord raised up , such as famous Mr Knox & others , who were singularly owned of God in that work . Though Mr Spotiswood , according to his usuall maner of mistaking the works of God , & of venting his enmity to piety & purity , is pleased in the 60. page of his history to say that this Reformation was violent & disorderly . And albert at that time the Queen was endevouring , by all means possible , to keep up the Idolatry of Rome , & to suppresse the Reformed Religion ; so powerfully did the Lord , in his goodness , assist these worthves , that in the year 1560. there was a large Confession of Faith drawn up at the command of the Parlament which did conveen that year , in which Confession all the Popish errours were renounced , & after , it was exhibited to the Parliament & there read , & when it was read , the Prelats who were there present had not one word to speak against it , which when the Earle of Marshall did perceave he said [ Seing the Bishops ( who by their learning can , & for the zeal they should have to the truth , would gain say , if they knew any things repugnant ) say nothing against the said Confession , I cannot but thinke that it is the very truth of God ] Thus this Confession was openly avowed & professed by this Parliament , as is clear by the act . 6. parl . 1. King Ja. 6. Au. 1567. & act . 86. par . 6. An. 1579. where these words are found in both acts [ and decerns & declairs that all & sundry who either gainesayeth the word of the Evangell receaved & approved , as the heads of the Confession of faith professed in parliament of befor in the year of God 1560. ] At this Parliament there are severall acts made against popery , as against the Masse , & against the Popes authority & jurisdiction : for such as were for the Reformation , or the Congregation ( as they were then called ) did supplicate that they would condemne the Antichristian doctrine , & would restore the Discipline of the ancient Church , & discharge the popes jurisdiction , & accordingly as was said , there is an act made [ ordaining that the Bishop of Rome , called the Pope , have no jurisdiction nor authority within the Realme in any time coming and that no Bishop or other prelate of the Realme use any jurisdiction in time coming by the said Bishop of Romes authority under the pain , &c. ] which was afterwards ratified by severall acts in the dayes of King James . And thus by act of Parliament the Reformed Religion is established , the church governement by Prelats is virtually discharged ; because Prelats then had no power but what they had from Rome , & when the current is cut off at the head , it must needs cease in the streams . But this will be the more clear if we consider how the Reformers were dealing for the establishment of Discipline , together with the Doctrine , knowing that the doctrine would not be long keeped pure , if the Popish discipline & governement were still retained , & upon this , the great council giveth a charge dated April 29 , 1560. requiring & commanding them in the name of the Eternall God , & as they would answer in his presence , to committ to writing , & in a book deliver their judgements touching the Reformation of Religion which heretofore in this Realme [ as in others ] hath been utterly corrupted . According unto which charge ▪ the first Booke of Discipline , as it was called , ( in which book the governement of the church by Prelats is overturned , church Sessions are established , the way of Election & tryall of Ministers , contrary to the Episcopall way , is appoynted , & severall other things , tending to the right governing of the church , are determined ) is drawne up & presented to the conncell May 20. 1560. Whereupon there is an act of councill to this effect [ We who have subscribed these presents , having advised with the Articles therein specified , as is above mentioned , from the begining of this book , thinke the same good & conforme to God●… word in all points , conforme to the notes & additions here to eeked : & promise to sett the samme forward to the uttermost of our Power , providing that the Bishops , Abbots , Priors , & other Prelats & Beneficed men , who else have adjoyned them to us , bruik the revenues of their benefices , during their life times , they sustaining & upholding the Ministry and ministers , as herein is specified for the preaching of the word , and administrating of the Sacraments ] and this act is subscribed by twenty six Noblemen , & among the rest by Mr. Gordon , who was Bishop of Galloway , & by the Dean of Murray . Spottswood in his History is so convinced that this book was directly against the Prelats , that he sayeth pag. 174. [ it was framed by Iohn Knox partly in imitation of the Reformed Churches of Germany , & partly of that which he had seen at Geneva ] nather of which Churches did favoure Prelats . It is true the late Historian the Archprelate would make the world beleeve that the Superintendents , which are spoken of in that Book of Discipline , were nothing else but Bishops . But his fondo mistake in this , will appear to any who will but consider these particulars 1. What the thoughts were which this Archprelate had of this book which treateth of those Superintendents : as . 1. That it was framed by Iohn Knox , & famous Knox first nor last was never a friend to prelats or prelacy . 2. he sayeth that it was done in imitation of reformed Churches such as Geneva and those of Germany , & these Churches knew no prelats . 3. He sayeth [ it was no better nor a dreame & so could never take effect , ] but had it been an establishing of Prelacy , it had been no dreame in his accompt , and he would have said , that it had taken effect . 4. He willed & wished that Iohn Knox had retained the old Policie , & so this book contained a policie distinct from the old policie , & a Policie which was not the same with Prelacy . 2. What the thoughts were which such as were for the Reformed Religion , had of it : Now they looked on it , as the Discipline of the ancient Church , & therefor after it was drawn up , they did supplicate the Parliament for the restauration of the Discipline of the ancient Church , & for the discharging of the Popes usurpation & of all that Discipline , which did flow there from , as being inconsistent with the Discipline of the ancient Church , & with the Discipline contained in that book . But 3. It cannot enter into the heart of any rationall man to think that these Reformers were so inconsiderate , as●… to sett up Prelats with the one hand , when they were doing what lay in their power to pull them down with the other . It was not popish Prelats alone , which they were labouring to turn out of the Church of Christ , for , when some of those who had been popish Prelats before , had relinquished Popery , & embraced the Reformed Religion , and had subscribed unto the book of Discipline , as Mr Gordoun in Galloway , yet they would not suffer such to exerce the power of superintendents . Mr Gordoun with all his moyen could not obtaine that power , so that Spotiswood when he sayeth in his Latin Pamphlet called ( Refutatio libelli de Regimine Ecclesiae Scoticanae , pag. 4. & also in the Epistle Dedicatorie that [ the former Bishops who joyned with the Reformers keeped still their full power & jurisdiction ] bewrayeth his impudence & falshood . His words in his Epistle are these . [ Et prasulibus pristi●…s , modo ●…idei orthodoxa non restitissent , nec adempt●… dignitas , nec imminuta fuisset jurisdictio , quod ita liquet , ut hoc vel in●…iciari sit n●…gare Solem in ipsa meridie lucere ] & in the book he sayeth [ quotquot autem a puriore cultu non ab●…orrebant , ●…is j●… utendi , fruendi Episcopatuum fructibus & privilegiis omnibus , jurisdictio etiam , quam ante usurpabant , quat●…nus Religionis incolum●…t as pateretur , continuata . ] This is the height of impudency , thus to avow palpable untrueths ; & that the faithfulness of this Historian may for ever after be suspected , let it be observed , that in his History which he wrote in English , & which every one might have more easily understood , & so discovered his falshood , he durst say no more but that these Bishops enjoyed the rents of their benefices . See pag. 175. Moreover 4. The book of Discipline it self giveth the clear ground of their appointing of these Superintendents , in these words , [ We consider that if the Ministers , whom God hath ●…ndued with his singular graces among us , should be appointed to severall places , there to make their continuall residence , that then the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of all doctrine , which should not onely be the occasion of great murmure , but also be dangerous to the salvation of many , and therefor we have thought it expedient at this time — by this means the simple and ignorant , who perchance have never heard of Iesus truelie preached , shall com to some knowledge , and many that are dead in superstition , and ignorance shall attaine to some feeling of godliness , by the which they shall be provoked to seek farther knowledge of God , and his true Religion and worship — and therefor we desire nothing more earnestly , then that Christ Iesus be once universally preached throughout the Realm : &c. ] From whence it appeareth that these Superintendents were onely chosen for that present exigent , when there were so few learned & able Ministers , & so many places of the countrey destitute of Ministers ; so that the harvest was great , & the labourers very few : Superstition & popery was remaining in many places of the countrey , & people were in hazard to continow therin , having either no Minister to clear the trueth to them , or such onely who were ready to harden them in their superstitious courses . & therefor there was a necessity , at that time , while the Church was but in si●…ri that some of the most able of the Ministry , should be appointed , to travell through such & such places of the countrey , to preach the Gospel , & to see to the planting of faithfull & able Ministers , according to the rules sett down in the book of Discipline . But 5. so cautious were the Reformers , that they would not acknowledge those to be Bishops , either in name , or thing , for as their worke was extraordinary , so they gave them an extraordinary name : They would not suffer any who had been Bishops before in time of popery , to enjoy the place & power of a Superintendent , least the power & place might be abused , & at length degenerate unto the old power of Prelats ; but even in those bounds , where such lived , did appoint others to Superintend , as Mr Pont in Galloway . They would not divide the bounds of those Superintendents according to the Prelats Dioceses , but after another manner . They devided the land into ten parts , having respect to the edification & advantage of the poor people . These Superintendents were chosen by the consent of the whole bounds , which they were to visite . They were not consecrated , but onely sett apart to that worke by preaching & prayer , as is to be seen in the order prefixed to the old Psalme-books . They were tryed & examined by the Ministers of these bounds . They had other Ministers conjunct with them , when they ordained any . Nather had they sole power of Excommunication , for Reformed Churches had power by the Book of Discipline to excommunicate the contumacious : & the tractate of Excommunication prefixed to some old Psalme-books sheweth that they might do it without the advyce of the Superintendent . They were subject to the censure of the Ministers & Elders of the Province , who might depose them in some cases . Their maine worke was preaching , for they were to preach at the least thrice every week . They had their own particular flocks beside , with which they stayed always , save when they were visiting the bounds committed unt●… them . They might not try any Minister their alone , but we●… commanded to have the neerest reformed Church , & oth●… learned men conjunct , by an act of the fourth Nationall Assembly An. 1562. They might not transport a Minister without the consent of the Synod , as is elear by act fourth of the f●… Nationall Assemblie 1562. They might not discusse any important question their alone , as is clear by act first of the ninth Nationall Synod , An. 1564. All were at liberty to appeal from them to the Nationall Synod , as is clear by act fifth Assembly sixth . They were to be subject to the Assembly , as is clear by th●… fourth Assembly an . 1562. They never did Moderate in Generall Assemblies , unlesse they had been chosen by votes . Who can be so foolish then , as to beleeve Mr. Spotiswood ? saying in his H●…story pag. 258. that [ the power of Superintendents was Episcopall , for they did elect & ordaine Ministers , they did praeside in Synod●… , and direct all Church censures , nather was any excommunication pronunced without their warrant ] seing the publick acts of the Nationall Assemblies are of more credite then this prelate , who knew as litle what it was to be a faithfull Historian , as he knew what it was to be an accurate Logician . Beside that An. 1562 at the Nationall Assembly , there were some Ministers chosen to assist the five Superintendents ( for no moe could be gotten setled for want of maintenance ) & had equall power with them , & were commanded to give accompt of their diligence unto every Nationall Synod , & there to lay down their office : And Mr. Spotiswood hath not the face to say that these Commissioners had Episcopall power , & yet their power was equall with the power of Superintendents . When thus the Church had shaken off ( so far as lay in her power ) the yoke of Prelacy , she beginneth to exerce that power which Christ had given to her , & that same year 1560. there is a Nationall Assemblie keeped , which did make severall Canons concerning the ordering the affairs of the church , and yearly there after once or oftener prore nata ▪ according to , & by vertue of her intrinsick power , she did keep her Courts , notwithstanding that in the meane time the Queen & the court were but smal friends to the Protestant cause . Anno 1564 the Nationall Assemblie did send some Commissioners to the Queen to desire among other things [ that ●…o Bishoprick &c. having more Churches then one annexed there unto should be disponed in time coming to any one man , but that the Churches thereof being dissolved should be provided to severall persons , so as every man having charge , may serve at his own Church , according to his vocation . ] Anno 1566 at the eleventh Nationall Assembly the second Helvetian Consession of Faith was presented , & approven in all points ( except in the particular concerning festivall dayes ) by which Confession prelacy is accompted ane humane devyce , & no ordinance of Christ. But Satan , envying the faire beginnings of this Infant Church , stirred up some of the Statesmen against her , who , having possession of Church rents , & Prelats Benefices , & fearing to lose the same , did therefor devyse a way for establishing themselves in the possession of those Church rents , by getting in some Tulchan Bishops , ( as they were called ) who might have the name of the whole Benefice , but rest contented with a small part to themselves , leaving the rest in the hands of these Nobles , and accordingly the Earle of Morton stirred up the Earle of Marr then Viceroy , to convocate an Assembly at Leith , by the means of the Superintendent of Angus : who when they did meet Jan. 12. 1571 did nominate six of their number to meet with six appoynted by the councill , & these twelve did condiscend to severall things tending to the setting up of Prelats . And according to these resolutions the Earle of Morton getteth one Mr. Douglas made Bishop of Saintandrews . Mr. Boyd of Glasgow , Mr. Paton of Dunkel , & Mr. Grahame of Dumblaine . This was a very sad stroke , but God did not leave that poor church in that case , for within two moneths thereafter A national Assembly did meet who finding that these resolutions gave such offence , did appoint some of their number to examine the same : but the acts of this Assembly were there after taken out of the Registers . And in August . 1572. at the Nationall Assembly there was a Protestation made against these inuovations , 〈◊〉 [ that whatever condescension should be yeelded unto , should be onely for the Interim , till a more perfect order might be obtained ] So at the Assembly in Aug. 1573. it was decreed that [ Bishops should have no more power then the superintendents , had ] Mr Paton of Dunkell is accused for taking more , & Mr Gordon of Galloway is condemned . And in the nixt Assembly it is concluded that every Bishop should be subject to the Assembly , & should conferr no Benefice without the advyce of three Ministers . Spotiswood the false Historian thought , that , because of his silence , the world should never have gotten notice of this , which these Assemblies did , of purpose to heme in the power of these prelats , whom the Court was setting up , with such violence , at such a time , when they could do no more . At length the day breaketh up clearer , & about the year 1575. the Lord stirreth up his servants , & putteth spirit & courage in them , so that in the Assembly it was debated whether these new Bishops , Superintendents , & Commissioners were a honour or a burden to the Church . Mr Iohn Dury protested that they should do nothing in prejudice of what he , & many other brethren had to object against their office . Mr Iames La●…son did seconde this , & moved the debate touching the lawfulness of the office it self . Mr Andro Melvin affirmed , [ that none ought to be officebearers in the Church , whose titles were not found in the Book of God , and for the title of Bishop , albeit the same was found in scripture , yet was it not to be taken in the sense , that the common sort did conceive , there being no superiority allowed by Christ amongst Ministers , he being the onely Lord of his Church , and all the same servants , in the same degree , having the like power ] These beginnings , the Lord was pleased so to seconde with his blessing , that when it was moved by the Regent , whether they would Stand unto the Policie aggreed upon at Leith , or setle some other forme of governement : It was resolved that a constant forme of Church policy should be sett down , & for this ●…ffect , they nominate twenty of their number to meet at severall times , & places , for the drawing the Modell thereof . And accordingly after some pains the second Book of Discipline is finished , & Anno 1577. at the Generall Assembly . Sess. 13. approven in all points , except that touching Deacons ; which was referred to farther debate but Anno 1578. that head with the rest was approven by the unanimous consent of all , though Spotiswood will not let the world know so much . When this Second Book of discipline is thus appoven , by the Nationall Assembly , after prayer & fasting they appoint some of their number to exhibite it to his Maj. to the end he might add his approbation thereunto : Unto whom the King ( being then about 13. years of age ) did promise [ that he would be a proctor unto the Church ] & caused some of his Counsellours conferr with those Ministers upon that business , ( the heads of which conference were once insert in the Registers of the Assembly , but Anno 1584. when the Court had power of the Registers , those leaves were taken a way , & seen no more , as shall be cleared hereafter ) and again Anno 1579. the King wrote unto the Nationall Assembly desiring [ a farther consultation upon the heads , on which his Commissioners and their delegats did not accord the last year , to the end that when all the particulars are fully aggreed upon , they might be approven in the ensueing Parliament ] & in the mean time the Assemblies are going on , prohibiting any moe bishops to be chosen , & ordaining such as were chosen , to submit themselves to the determination of the Generall Assembly , under the paine of Excommunication , & accordingly some then , & all of them afterward , did submit . So Anno 1580. they ordained that all who were called bishops should dimit simpliciter , because that office had no warrand in the word , & they ordained Provinciall Synods to call before them such bishops , as lived in their bounds , & ordaine them to give obedience to this act . His Majesties Commissioners who were present at this Assembly of Dundy did concurr with this Assembly , in appointing some of their number to consult about the Modell of the Presbiteries . In this same yeer in the moneth of March ( for as yet the new year did not begin untill the 25. of march ) is the Nationall Covenant solemnely taken by the King , his Councill , & Court , & afterwards by the inhabitants of the Kingdome , in which covenant prelacy , under the name of Romish Hierarchy was abjured , as shall be cleared in due time , & the Doctrine & Discipline of the Church was sworne to be defended . Anno 1581. in Aprile at Glasgow the Generall Assembly did insert the book of Discipline in their Registers , & did show how the act touching Bishops made at Dundee , Anno 1580. did condemne the estate of Bishops as they were then in Scotland . Unto this Assembly his Maj : Commissioner , William 〈◊〉 of Caprintoun presented the Confession of faith subscribed by the King & his houshold , as also a plot of the presbiteries to be erected , mentioning their meeting places , & appoynting the severall parishes , which should belong to such & such presbiteries with a letter to the Noblemen & Gentlemen of the countrey for their concurrence for the erection of presbiteries , & dissolution of Prelacies , & in his Maj : name he promised that his Maj : would set forward the policy , until it were established by Parliament , & thus presbyteries began to be erected throughout the Kingdom . This was a sweet sun-shine , but it was followed with a very sad showre for when Amate Stuart of Aubignee , afterward Duke of Lennox , obtaineth by the death of the Earle of Mortoun , who was executed , & the banishment of the Earle of Angus , the superiority of Glasgow , & other things , to secure the same to him & his posterity , he aggreeth with Mr. Robert Montgomery Minister at Sterlin , to accept of the bishoprick , & to dispone to him all which belonged to that bishoprick , for the yearly payment of one thousand pound Scots , & some horse-corne , & poultry , which when the Church heareth , he is summoned before the Assembly at St. Andrews , & commanded to leave the bishoprick , under the paine of Excommunication , & the Presbitery of Sterlin is appointed to take notice of his cariage in doctrine & discipline , for they had found him guilty in 14 or 15 points ; but he went on , & notwithstanding the presbitery had suspended him from the exercise of the Ministry , he procured an order unto the presbytery of Glasgow , to receive him as their Bishop , under the paine of banishment , & with a company of armed souldiers entred the Church , & pulled Mr. David Weems out of the pulpit , & being summoned to compear befor the Synod of Lothian , the King causeth summond all the Synod to compear before him at Sterlin the 12 of Aprile . Mr. Pont & some others compeared in name of the rest , & protested [ that albeit they had compeared to testify their obedience to his Mat. yet they did not acknowledge him or his council judges in that mater , which was an Ecclesiastick cause , & that nothing done at that time should prejudge the liberties of the Church ] But the Council rejected the protestation , & discharged them to proceed any further . And shortely thereafter , when the Generall Assembly is examining his processe , the King sendeth a letter to them , discharging them to proceed any further , & when they went on notwithstanding , they are charged by a Messenger of armes to desist under the paine of Rebellion , but they thinking it better to obey God , then man. ordained Mr. Montgomerie to compeer befor them the next day , who compeered not , onely a Proctor in his name appealed unto the King. The Assembly did reject the appellation , & proceed to examine the libell given in against him , & finding him guilty of many hainous crimes , they ordaine him to be deposed & excommunicated , but ere the sentence be pronounced , they appoint some of their number , to aquaint his Maj. with their whole procedure : And ere long Mr. Montgomery submitteth , passeth from his appellation , acknowledgeth his faults , & professeth repentance , with such solemne obtestations , as affected the whole Assembly . Upon this the sentence is delayed , & the presbitery of Glasgow is appointed to advertise the provinciall Synod of Lothian ( who were ordained to excommunicate him ) in case he relapsed : And as they feared , so he returned to his vomit , & with violence intended to enter the pulpit , & when the presbitery , according to the appointment of the Generall Assembly , were beginning a processe against him , the Laird of Minto provost of the Town , presented a warrant from his Maj. to stay the processe . & when they were going on , he pulleth forth Mr. Iohn Howeson minister at Cambuslang Moderator , & imprisoned him in the Tolbooth . But for all this Mr. Montgomery is excommunicated by Mr. Iohn Davidson , & the same was intimated in all the Churches . The council declareth the sentence null , against this the Ministers of Edenburgh give open testimonies in their preaching , & for this cause they are commanded to remove out of the Town , within the space of twenty fowre houres . At this time there was an Assembly sitting at Edenburgh who send some of their number with a supplication to his Majesty wherein they shew , [ That indeed he was the Head of the Commonwealth , but onely a member of the Church , & as a ch●…f member he should have the chief care thereof , but now it was not so , th●…r decrees are res●…inded , they are forced by his servants , Ministers are draw●…e out of pulpits ; that he was playing the pope , & usurping both the swords ] and when they come & present it unto the Council the Earle of Arran cryeth out , if there were any that durst subscribe the same where upon Mr. Andro Melvin answereth , we dare & taking a penne out of the clerks hand , sayeth to his brethren who were commissionated with him , comeforward , & so he & they did subscribe the same . This storme is not yet blowne over , for the next year 1583. Mr. Andro Melvin is summoned before the Council , for saying in his preaching , [ That ministers should presente to princes the example of their predecessours , as Daniel did the exemple of Nebuchadn●…zar to Belteshar : But now if any should hold forth what evill King James the third got by a company of flatterers , it would be presently said that he had gone from his text , & must be accused of treasone . ] But when he compeareth , he declineth their judgement , aff●…ming that what was spoken in pulpit ought first to be tried by the presbytery , & that they could not in primâ instantià medle therewith : But they proceed , & though they could get nothing proven , for his declining , he is commanded to the Castle of Edenburgh , & then to Blackness , but being advertised of his danger by his friends he retireth unto Berwick . Ann●… 1584. the storme groweth to a height , for in May there is a parliament suddainly , conveened which dischargeth all Church judicatories , giveth the King power over all causes civil and ecclesiastick , & dischargeth all declining of the King & his Council in any mater , civil or ecclesiastick , under the paine of treason , & also all Ministers to meddle in sermons with the affairs of his Highness & his Estate , see act 129 , 130 , 131 , & 134. of the 8. parl . of King James sixt , when Mr David Lindsay Minister at Leith was sent by his br●…thren to intreat●…the King to pa●…e no act in prejudice of the Church , he is committed to Blackness & there detained prisoner 47. weeks . And Mrs Andro Polwart , Patrick Galloway , & Iames Carmichel , are denounced rebels , & are forced to flee into England : So are the Ministers of Edinburgh forced to retire , leaving an Apology behinde them . But for all this when the acts of this Parliament were publishing , Mr Robert Pont protested , taking Instruments , that the Church should not be obliged to yeeld obedience thereunto , & being denounced rebell he fleth into England . Now is Mr Montgomery established Bishop of Glasgow , & one Mr Adamson ( as naughty & vicious as any ) is setled in St Andrews , & no sooner get they up their head , but as soon they execute their tyranny , & rage against the rest of the Ministry , compelling them to promise obedience to them , as their ordinaries , under the paine of banishment , confinement , imprisonement , deposition , & sequestration of their stipends : Whereupon many , in this day of trial , did faint & subscribe , thinking it a sufficient salvo to adde ( according to the Word of God ) but afterward mourned for it . Now none durst pray for the Ministers who had fled , under the paine of treason , so dark a day was this . But neer the end of the next year , there is a change as Court , & the Ministers returne , a Parliament is called at Lithgow , but nothing is done in favours o●… the Church . At length 1586. the King was desirous to have some setling in the Church , & appointeth a Conference in February at Haly●…od house , where some articles were drawne up , & referred to the General Assembly . As 1. That the Bishop should have a care of one flock . 2. That some Ministers should be added to him , without whose counsell he should do nothing . 3. His doctrine should be examined by the meeting . 4. His power should be of Order & not of Jurisdiction . 5. Beside his own Church , he might have the inspection of moe . when the Assembly meeteth in May , they could not assent to all these articles , yet at length , seeing they could not have all which they desired , they accorde to this , that both Bishops , and Commissioners should be subject to the triall of the Generall Assembly , & that , where they did reside , they should moderate provinciall Synods & Presbyteries , & in the meane time the order of the Presbyteries was sett down , & they proceed to examine the processe of Mr Adamson , who had declined the provincial Synod of St Andrews , & he submitteth . And the next year Anno 1587. Mr Montgomery resigned his place , & so was absolved from the sentence of Excommunication by the Assembly . When the Parliament doth conveen this year Anno 1587. there are some Prelats who would sit there in name of the Church : but when the Church perceived this , Mrs David Lindsay & Robert Pont were sent to desire , that they might be removed as having no authority from the Church , & the most of them no function in it at all . The prelats finding themselves now in a staggering condition , thought it was their best to ingratiate themselves in his Majesties favour , & thereby secure themselves in their places , & therefore condiscended unto the Act of Annexation of all the Temporalites of benefices unto the Crown , which was a dilapidating of the Church rents . It is true Spotiswood putteth another face upon this busines in his History , but the man could change with the times , & speake another thing in his English History , then he durst speak in his Latine refutation , for there he sayeth : [ In summâ Ecclesiasticorum persidià , proximis Comit●…is Anno 1587. transacta , & decreto ordinum actibus intervenientibus insinuata . Nam Episcopi durissima quaeque à fratr●…bus passi , non aliud perfugium ha●…bant , quam ut A●…licorum libid●…i se deder●…nt , ] he sayeth , The Bishops were so hard put to it , that they had no other refuge , but thus to satisfie the Court , & give away their revenues to their lusts . Anno 1590. The Generall Assembly doeth abrogate the power of Commissioners , & devolveth the work on Presbyt●…ries . Anno 1591. The Recantation of Mr Patrick Adamson is presented unto the Assembly , where , among other things , he confessed he had e●…red , in thinking , the governement of the Church was like other civil governements , & in labouring to have the Church in maters Ecclesiastick , subject to the Kings lawes : And with all he confesseth that the Earle of Arran had a minde to have burnt the Registers of the Assembly Anno 1584. & that at Falkland before they were delivered to his Maj. a Bishop & Mr Henry Hammilton took out some leaves , which spoke against the Governement by Bishops , & that he had consented thereunto . Anno 1592. in May the Generall Assembly doth meet , & resolveth on some propo●…itions to be presented to the ensuing Parliament . As 1. That the Acts of Parliament made Anno 1584. against the discipline , liberty , & authority of the Church , be annulled . 2. That the Discipline of the Church be ra●…isied . 3. That the Act of Annexation be repealed , and 4. That the Abbots , P●…iors , & other Prelats , bearing the titles of Church-men , & giving voice in Parl. in name of the Church without her consent , be discharged to vote any more . When the parliament conveeneth in June . The liberties of the Church are ratified , & all her Courts , Generall , provinciall , and presbiteriall Assemblies , & Church Session●… : & the Ju●…sdiction & Discipline thero [ ●…s declared to be just , good , & godly in it self , in all time coming , not ●…anding of whatsoever s●…atutes , acts , canons , ●…vilier municip●…ll lawes made in the contrare ] All acts fomerly made for establishing the Popes authority , are abolished . It is likeways declared that the 129. act Anno 1584. anent the Kings Supremacy , & against declining of the King & his Councill in Church maters [ shall be no wayes prejud●…iall , nor der●…gate any thing , to the previledge that God hath given to the s●…rituall office-bearers in the k●…k , concerning heads of Religion , maters of heresy , Excommunication collation , or deprivation of Ministers , or any such like 〈◊〉 ●…all censures , specially grounded , & having warrant of the word of God ] Item they abrogate & annull that act of parl . 1584. which did [ grant Commission to Bishops , & other Iudges constitute i●… Ecclesiasticaell causes , to receive his Highness presentations to benefices , to give collation there upon , & to put order to all causes Ecclesiasticall ] And they ordaine [ that all presentations to Benefices be directed to the particular Presbiteries in all time coming , with full power to give Collation thereupon , & to putt order to all maters & causes Ecclesiasticall within their bounds , according to the Discipline of the Kirk . Thus did the Lord cary on his work unto this period , notwithstanding of much opposition which was made thereunto by men of corrupt principles , wicked lives , & who loved not to part with the Church rents , the sweet morsell which they desired alwayes to enjoy : & now is the Chur●…h there become a shineing Church , being reformed both in Doctrine & in Discipline now is she become a pleasant vineyaird well dressed , & hedged about , & defended from the wilde boars of the forrest . King Iames himself was convinced of this , when he gave this reason to an English divine why that Church was not troubled with heresie viz [ because if it spring up in a parish , there is an Eldership there to take notice of it , & suppresse it ; if it be too strong for thē the psesbitery is ready to crush it ; if the presbitery cannot provide against the obstinate heshall finde moe witty he ads in the Synod ; if he be not convinced there , the Generall Assembly will not spare him ] yea seldome or never did any errour trouble all those Courts , for usually it was crushed by presbiteries , except what some Bishops did maintaine . And thus that Church was indeed as an army with banners , & terrible to the adversaries of the truth . Then were there endevours to have a through worke of Reformation caried on ; the iniquities of the land were searched out , corruptions in Ministers , & other ranks of people were taken notice of , effectuall courses were laid down for preventing such abuses in time coming . Publick Fasts were indicted & keeped whole eight dayes together . And thus [ the Lord created upon every dwelling place of Mount Zion , & upon her Assemblies , a cloud & smoak by day , & the shineing of a flaming fire by night , for upon all the glory was a defence ] , Isai. 4. 5. But this faire Summer Suneshine did not long last . The infinitely wise God saw it sitt to bring that Church unto a wilderness againe , & to cause her meet with a dark , dreadfull , & long lasting winter night . Satan stirreth up Papists upon the one hand , who saw that if this hedg , of discipline were keeped up , they could not enjoy the liberty & peace they desired ; & prophane politicians & Courteours upon the other hand , who saw that by this Discipline their licentiousnes would be curbed , to bestirre themselves against this established discipline : And accordingly they use their power with the King , & at length prevaile to get him to oppose the discipline , & to prosecute that designe piece & piece till at length Prelats were established in all their power , as the following discourse will clearly evince . When Anno 1596. the Popish Lords who had conspired with Spaine against the countrey , and had been upon that acount banished viz : Huntly Arrol & Angus were called home , the Church saw Religion in danger , & ordained that particular flocks should be advertised hereof , & indicted a Fast , & appointed that some out of each Presbitery should concurre with the Presbitery of Edenburgh in considering of the most expedient way for securing , of Religion : and now because the Church would not consent unto the Kings calling home those popish Lords , he is stirred up by his popish Courteours against the Church , & incroacheth dayly more & more upon her liberties . For Mr D. Black minister at St Andr. is cited before the Councill for some alledged expressions in his sermon . The ministry , seeing that the spirituall Governement of the house of God was intended to be quite subverted , thought it best that he give in a Declinatour & there in shew [ that though he was able to defend all that he spoke ; yet seing his answering to that accusation before them might import a prejudice to the liberties of the Church , & be taken for an acknowledgement of his Maj : jurisdiction in maters meerly spirituall ; he was constrained to decline that Judicatorie . 1. because the Lord Jesus had given to him his word for a Rule , & so he could not fall under any civill law , but in so farr as he should be found , after triall , to have passed from his Instructions , which triall belongeth onely to the prophets . 2. The libertie of the Church and Discipline presently exercised was confirmed by diverse acts of Parliament , : and the office-bearers were now in peaceable Possession thereof ] And this he did , and a Copy hereof was sent through the Presbiteries , to see if they would owne the same , and in testimonie of their chearfull & hearty owning therof , it was subscribed by three or fowre hundereth Ministers . This displeased the King so , that he by open proclamation commanded the Commissioners of the Church to depart out of Edenburgh within twenty fowr houres , under the paine of rebellion : but notwithstanding of this , they resolve to stay , & to see that the Church priviledges should not be wronged , & send some of their number to speake to his M●…j . unto whom he answered , that if Mr. Black would passe from his Declinature , or if they would declare that the Declinature was not a generall , but onely a particular one , used in Mr. Blacks case alone , as being a cause of slander , & pertaining to the judgement of the Church , he would passe from the pursuite of Mr. Black , But , after consultation , the Comissioners resolved to adhere unto the Declinature , unlesse his Maj. would passe from the processe , & remitt the same unto the Church Judicatory , & would make an act of Councill , declareing that no minister should be charged for his preaching , &c. Whereupon the King charged the Commissioners of new to depart , & caused cite Mr. Black unto the last of November , & withall dischargeth all Barons , Gentlemen & others to meet with ministers in their Church assemblies ; without his licence . When the day of Mr Blacks compearance cometh , the Commissioners presente a supplication , desiring them to remitt the question unto the Judge competent , but the Councill goeth on , & therefore they protest that the processe in hand , & whatsoever followed thereupon should not prejudge the liberty of the Church , in maters of Doctrine . Afterward the King sendeth unto the Commissioners , shewing he would be content with Mr. Blacks simple declaration of the truth . But worthy Mr. Bruce answered [ That if the mater did touch Mr Black alone , they were content : but the liberty of Christs Kingdome had received such a wound by the Proclamations published the last Satterday , & that day by the usurpation of the Council ; that if Mr Blacks life , & the life of twenty others had been taken , it had not grieved the hearts of the godly so much — & that either these things behoved to be retreated , or they would oppose so long as they had breath . ] Then the King condiscended to publish by a Declaration , that he would not diminish any lawfull power or liberty , which they or their Assemblies had , either by the Word of God , or lawes of the land , & that the proclamation discharging Barons & others to meet with ministers was onely meaned , of their meeting in armes , & that the Interloqu●…tor of the Council should not be used against Mr Black or any other minister , untill a lawfull General Assembly , providing that Mr Black would declare in his presence the truth of the points libelled before some ministers . But afternoon the Kings minde was found changed , & because Mr Black would not acknowledge an offence , he is condemned by the Council , & his punishment is remitted to the King , & till his pleasure were known , he is confined . Then there is a bond devised to be subscribed by all the ministers , under the paine of the lose of their stipends . The tenor wherof followeth . Wee the Pastors , & ministers of Gods word undersubscribing humbly acknowledging our duty to God , & obedience to the King our Souveraigne Lord , whom for conscience cause , we ought to obey ; Confesse that his Grace is soveraigne Judge to us , & each one of us in all causes of sedition , & treason , & other criminal & civill maters , & to all our speaches , which may import the saids crimes . albeit uttered by any of us publickly in the pulpits ( which God forbid ) or in any other place , & that the said pulpits , nor any other place whatsoever , hath not that priviledge & immunity to be occasion or pretence to any of us , of declining of his Maj ? judgement , in any of the saids civill or criminall causes , intended against us , in any time coming : but rather that our offence is the greater , incase ( which God forbid ) any of us commit such crimes , in the saids pulpits , before the people where the word of Gods truth & salvation should be preached by us to our flocks . In witness wherof , & of the humble acknowledgement of our duty in the premisses , we have subscribed these presents with our hands , & are content that the famine be registrat in the books of secret Councell in futuram rei memoriam . But faithfull ministers refused upon all hazards to subscribe the same , seeing that it was a crossing of their Declinatour , contrarie to the acts of the Generall Assembly , & to the acts of Parliament , made in favours of the Church ; yea & to the word of God , because by this bond they should have acknowledged the King to be both supreme & onely Judge over ministers in all causes , & so to have power of Judging ; & deposing them , yea & of judging & trying their preaching , if it be but coloured with treason & sedition ; & of schisme in the Church which is sedition : and seeing thereby they should be bound up from faithfull dealing in the name of the Lord ; & because they saw it was devysed of purpose as a snare to their consciences . After this Anno 1596. the king driveth on his designe , & indicteth an Assembly at perth , & formeth 55 problemes , by which the Discipline of the Church , formerly established , was questioned , to be there debatéd ( these problems with the following Historie at more length are to be seen in the Historie penned by Reverend & laborious Mr Petry , & therefore a short relation shall suffice here ) & being perswaded by his Courtiours , that he should never gaine his purpose , till first he took some course to breake the Union of the Church , he prevaileth with Mr Patrik Galloway & Mr Iames Nicolson , who had been chief , a little before , in advising Mr Black to decline , & causeth Sr Patrick Murray deal with the ministers of the North to subscribe the bond , & to choose such & such persons to the meeting at Perth : and when the time of meeting cometh , these Commissioners from the North were seen going in companies to the king , & Mr Nicolson was with the king till mid-night . They were for all this ; two dayes in debating whether they were a lawfull Generall Assembly ; but honest men protested against it . The meeting at length condiscendeth to these particulars . 1. That no minister should reprove his maiesties lawes , acts , or ordinances , untill such time , as first he had , by advyce of Presbitery , Synod , or Assembly , complained or sought remedy of the same . 2. That none should be named in pulpit , except the fault were notour by the persons being fugitive , convicted by ane Assise , Excommunicated , contumacious after citation or lawfull admonition : and none should be vively described , except by publick vices alwayes damnable , 3. That there should be no summary Excommunication , untill the next Generall assembly . 4. That there should be no meetings among ministers , except in Church judicatories : and afterward they appoint fourteen of their number to reason upon the rest of the questions . The next year Anno 1597. there is another Assembly at Dundee which being corrupted , doth grant 1. That Ministers in their exercises at Presbyteries should make no application of doctrine . 2. That Presbyteries should meddle with nothing , but what , without all question , is Ecclesiasticall . 3. That summare Excommunication be suspended , & 4. That Presbyteries should desist upon his Majesties desire . Also at the kings desire they choose fourteen of their number , giving power to them , or any seven of them to advise with his Maj. about a way of setling stipends unto ministers , to provide ministers to eminent places of the Countrey , to present petitions & grievances of the Church to his Maj. & to give his Maj. advice in maters serving for the good of the Church . These pretexts seemed plausible to many , but the event will shew what was really intended : For ere long these Commissioners , as they were called , incroach upon the power of Presbyteries , & Synods , & whether the Presbytery of Saint Andrews would or not , did put both Mr Wallace & Mr Black from the Church of Saint Andrews , & put in one Mr George Gladstons , & then at their own hand , they did supplicat the Parliament , which conveened in December . That ministers , as representing the Church , the third Estate of the Kingdome , might have liberty to vote in Parliament ( an evill , under which the Church had been groaning , before , of a long time ) The parllament , thinking ( but without ground ) that the ministers would never take upon them the titles of the former Prelats , passed this Act. That such ministers as his Maj : should be pleased to provide to the place , title , and dignity of a Bishop , Abbot , or other prelate , should have that liberty : and as concerning their office in the spirituall policy of the Church , it was remitted to be advised by his Maj : & aggreed upon with the Generall Assembly ; & that without prejudice of the spirituall Jurisdiction & Discipline of the Church , permitted to Generall Assemblies , Synods , Presbiteries , & Sessions , & established by Law. Then they move the King to call an Assembly at Dundee before the time appoynted , to the end they might get their own deed approven ; where , after much worke , & after many threatenings to some , & promises to others , made by the King himself who was there present , & had commanded Mr Melvin & Mr Iohnston Professours of Theology in St. Andrewes forth of the town , under the paine of banishment , their deed is approven . But zealous & faithfull Mr Davidson arose & protested in his own name , & in name of all the ministers of Scotland who would adhere to his protestation , against that Assembly , & the two last preceeding Assemblies , as null , & not lawfull , & when he removed severall of the ministers followed him , & subscribed the same . The meeting went on , & renewed the former Commission unto twenty Commissioners , whereof nine should be a quorum , among whom was Mrs Iames Nicolson , George Gladstones , David Lindsay , Alexander Lindsay , Andro Knox , Gavin Hamilton , & Alexander Douglas , ( whom the king by any means would have named ) who were all bishops afterward . Thereafter there were severall meetings , as one at Falkland Iuly 29. 1598. where were some debates about this mater . & some cautions condiscended on , limiting these Parliamentary Ministers , To propone nothing without expresse warrant from the Church . To be accomptable to the Generall Assembly , & subject to their Presbitery & Synod . To usurp no power of Jurisdiction or Ordination , but every way else to cary themselves as other ministers , & the like ; & to all these , & other points necessary they were bound to swear & subscribe . But how litle regard was had to these Cautions , sworne , & subscribed , may be seen by what Spotiswood sayeth in his History pag. 453. viz [ That it was neither the Kings intention , nor the mindes of the wiser sort , to have these Cautions stand in force , but to have matters peaceably ended , & the Reformation of the policy made without any noise , they gave way to these conceits ] So was there another Meeting at Halyrood house in November 1599. but in all these meetings the honest party could prevail nothing , the king did so violently cary on his purpose . Anno 1600. There is a Generall Assembly at Montrose , where the matter is againe debated , but no answer made to the arguments of the honest party , onely the Kings authority is made use of , as an answer to all : And so at length , what by menaces , what by flatterings made by the king himself , who was there present , the former resolutions are concluded , onely they allow of the Cautions condiscended on at Falckland , & will have these Parliamentary Ministers to give an accompt yearly unto the Generall Assembly , & lay down their Commission . But these Commissioners , or Parliamentary ministers , being mounted up so high , thought it below them to stand to any promise , or condition , having never resolved so to do , as we have heard out of Spotiswood , who in his latine pamphlet called Refutatio libelli , &c. sayeth also the same [ Conditiones quod attinet , quas foede violatas clamitat , in nonnullas , utpote aequas & jujlas facile assensum , aliae pro tempore magis , quo contentiosis , omnis rixands ansa praeriperetur , quam animo in perpetuum observandi , acceptae . ] that there were some of these Cautions which they never intended to keep , onely they did accept of them , that more peaceably they might be put in poss●…ssion of that which they were gapeing for . Thus it is undenyable that these men arose to Prelacy by open and avowed perjury , as their successours of late have done . Anno 1601 , & 1602. The Assemblies follow forth his Maj. designe , for there was a complaint given in by the Synod of ●…ife against these Parliamentary ministers , as breaking all bounds & cautions , but they are not heard . That assembly 1602. do indict their next meeting at Aberdeen in July 1604. but the Parliamentary ministers , fearing that they should be called to an account , move the king to prorogue the same , unto July 2 , An. 1605. yet the Commissioners from St Andrews presbitery viz Mrs Iames Melvin , William Erskin , & William Murray went to Aberdeen the day appoynted , & presented their Commissions , taking Instruments in the hands of two publick Notars , before some ministers of the towne , & others . When the next dyet , Anno 1605. was approaching , they move the King to prorogue againe the Assembly unto an indefinit time , & therefore from London he sendeth to the Commissioners to stay the meeting of the Assembly , untill he gave advertisement , wherupon they write to severall Presbiteries in the South pairts , adviseing them not to choose Commissioners to meet at Aberdeen the fifth day of July , ( of purpose to deceive them concerning the day , which was the second , & not the fifth : that so , such as would meet the second day , being so few , might easily be moved to dissolve , before the rest came , who would intend onely to keep the fifth day ) But the honest party , perceiving how their liberties were now in danger , did resolve to meet at Aberdeen , & accordingly there cometh from parts neerby some against the second of July , unto whom Lawreston his Maj. Commissioner presented a letter from the Councell , & desired an answer . They replyed , that they behooved first to constitute themselves , & after he had withdrawn , they choosed a moderator & Clerk , & then read the letter , wherein there were two things desired , first that they would dissolve the meeting , & next that they would appoint no other day , untill his Maj. were advertised . As to the first they answered that they were ready to dissolve the meeting , there being so few present . To the next they answered that if Lawreston as his Maj. Commissioner would name a day , they would aggree thereto , if not , they behooved to preserve their liberty , & so , seeing Lawreston refused , they appointed the next Assembly to be at Aberdeen the last Tuysday of Sept. & advertised Presbiteries therof . When Lawreston seeth this , he protesteth against them as no lawfull Generall Assembly , & giveth his reasons , which were answered , & they protest to the contrary , & thereupon by a messenger of armes he chargeth them to depairt under the paine of treason , & because , as he alledged ; he had discharged them , the night before , by open proclamation at the mercat Crosse to conveen under the paine of treason , he causeth denounce them rebells . Whereupon in Septr . Mr Welsh & Mr Forbes were imprisoned by the Councill in Blackenesse , & in Octr. others were incarcerat . In the mean time , there is a Declaration dated at Hampton Court Septr 26. indicting an Assembly at Dundy the last Tuysday of July next . Now the imprisoned ministers petitioned that the triall of that Generall Assembly might be referred to the indicted assembly at Dundee , but are not heard . And therefore , when they are sisted before the Councill Octr 24. seeing that certainly the Assembly would be condemned , they give in this Declinature following [ please your Lo : The approbation or disallowance of a Generall assembly hath been , & should be a matter spirituall , & alwayes cognosced & judged by the Church , as Judges Competent within this Realme , & seing we are called before your Lo : to hear & see it found & declared , that we have contemptuously , & seditiously conveened , & assembled our selves in a Generall assembly at Aberdeen , the first Tuysday , of July last , & the said assembly to be declared unlawfull , as an more length is contained in the summonds , executed against us . We in consideration of the premisses , & other reasons to be given in by us , have just cause to decline your Lo. judgement , as no wayes competent in the Cause above specified - & by these presents we simpliciter decline the same , seing we are most willing to submit our selves unto the triall of a Ge nerall Assembly which is onely the Judge competent . ] When the King heareth of this Declinature , he lent down directions to the Councell to proceed against them according to the lawes , & sent down the Earle of Dumbar for that effect . Whereupon six of them viz Mrs Iohn Forbes , Iohn Welch , Andrew Duncan , Iohn Sharp , Robert Dury , & Alexander Strachan , are endited of high treason upon the act of Parliament . 1584. & sisted before an Assise at Lithgow and what by illegall procedures , & threatenings , with fair promises , used by the Earle of Dumber unto the Assisers , some of whom were his own near kinssolk , & particularly by assurances that the king would not take their life , they are declared guiltie of treason by nine of the fifteen Assisers , & so sent back to their prisons . Then doth the king send for Mrs Andro Melvin , Iames Melvin , Iames Balfour , William Watson , William Scot , Iohn Carmichel & Adam Colt , & detaineth them long at London , seeking to intangle them with questions & at length Mr Andro Melvin , is imprisoned in the Tower , till the Duke of Bulloigne three years thereafter procureth liberty to him to go with him Mr Iames Melvin , dieth at Berwick , & the rest are confined to severall places , of the countrey . While these ministers are at London , the king signifieth his minde , that the six condemned ministers should be banished out of his Dominions , & the other eight should be consined as followeth . Viz ; Mr Farme in Bute , Mr Monro in K●…ntire , Mr Youngson in Arran , Mr Irvine in Orkney : Mr VVilliam Forbes in Yetland , Mr Gray in Caitnesse , Mr English in Southerland , & Mr Rosse in Lewes . In this same year Anno 1606. there is a parliament conveened in July , which acknowledgeth his Maj. soveraigne authority , princely power , royall prerogative , & priviledge of the Crowne over all Estates , persons , & causes , & promiseth to maintaine the same with their lives , lands & goods , & restoreth the bishops to their ancient , & accustomed honour , dignities Prerogatives , Previleges , livings , lands , teinds , rents thirds , & estates , & rescindeth the act of annexation . Unto this Parliament the Commissioners from Synods & presbiteries gave in a protestation , desiring them to keep within their due bounds , & reserve unto the Lord that glory , which he will communicate neither to man nor angel viz : to prescribe from his holy mountaine a lively patterne , according to which his own tabernacle should be framed , & that they would not bring into the kirke of God , the Ordinance of man , which hath been found the ground of much evill , & of that Antichristian Hierarchie . That they would not build Iericho againe , contrare to their oath & subscription , nor suffer that Estate of Bishops to arise , which they offered to prove to be against the word of God , the ancient Fathers , & Canons of the Church , the moderne most learned , & godly Divines , the Doctrine & Constitution of the Church of Scotland , the lawes of the Realme , the well & honour of the kings Maj. the peace & quyetness of the realme & the well of all & every one of the subjects , and then . In the name of the Church in generall , & of their presbyteries , & in their own name & of all other pastors , for discharging of their duety & consciences , they did protest against bishopry & bishops , & against the Erection , Confirmation , or Ratification thereof , requireing the famine to be Registrated . This protestation was subscribed by many ministers , & among others by Mr Adam Banatine , Mr Iohn Abernethy , & Mr VVilliam Couper , who afterward became bishops themselves . When prelats are thus advanced to their civill dignities , there are wayes essayed for advancing them in their spirituall power : and this same year there is an assembly indicted at Lithgow the 10 of December ; but onely some presbyteries , in whom the king confided most , were advertised hereof , & the businesse was carried so closely that the moderator of the last assembly knew nothing of it . Here , after some debate , the overture propounded by his Maj. in his letter , viz : that there should be constant moderators in presbyteries chosen , & that where the bishops did reside , they should moderate , both in Synods & presbyteries , is concluded , & some cautions added , but to no purpose for there was a clause annexed , which did cast all loose , viz that if , either upon his Maj. advyce & proposition to the assembly , or upon their own supplication , the Generall assembly were moved to grant a relaxation of any of the Caveats , that then their promise should make no derogation to their liberty . Synods & presbyteries refused to owne this Act , but at length were charged to obey under the paine of treason . Anno 1608. There was another Assembly at Lithgow July 26. but did no good , thereafter there were some conferences at Falkland & Sterlin , but to no purpose , the intended businesse was still carried on . Anno 1610. Juny 6. There is a meeting at Glasgow , unto which resorteth all the constant Maderators , who had their hundreth pounds per annum , and they bring with them other two ministers , such as they liked , & whom the king desired by his letters . The king had three Commissioners there . The Earle of Dumber was sent thither with a strong guard to affright the ministers , so as severall ministers ; coming out of the west with a purpose to protest were forced to returne back againe . There was also money brought thither to hire votes . Mr Spotiswood sayeth it was to pay the constant Moderators their due . But Mr Lawder in Coberspath was no moderator , & yet he came to the Earle & complained that though he travailed furdest , and had least to live upon , & though his vote was as good as the best ; yet he was neglected , to whom the Earle replyed , that he was too late in coming , & asking his purse-master what was left , he findeth there was nothing but seventeen Shillings Sterlin to give him : Come ( sayeth Mr Lawder ) let me have it , it will help to bear my charges homeward : And the Non-liquets got nothing . At this corrupt meeting it is concluded 1. That the indiction of all Generall Assemblies belonged to the king , by the prerogative of his Crowne , & without his license all such meetings were unlawfull . 2. That Synods should be moderated by the Prelats , or some appointed by them . 3. No excommunication or absolution without the Bishops approbation , & direction , who is answerable to God & to his Maj. for his proceedings 4. All presentations must be directed to the Prelats . 5. That he with some associated , should silence & depose ministers 6 That every minister , at his entry , should swear obedience to his Maj. & to his ordinary as it was ordained Anno 1571. 7. If any minister absente himself from the Bishops visitation , he shall be suspended , & if he amend not , deposed . 8. That the exercises ( or quondam presbyteries ) should be moderated by the bishops , or whom they will appoint . And 9. That no minister speak against any of the foresaid acts in publick , nor dispute about the equality or inequality of ministers . This yeer also was the High Commission instituted , & proclamed by a Herald giving power to the Archbishops to depose , excommunicat , imprison , fine & confine , for causes Ecclesiastick , whether in Doctrine , or manners , whether in Noblemen , ministers , or common people . When the meeting at Glasgow is dissolved , Mr Spotiswood of Glasgow , Mr Lamb of Brichen , & Mr Hamilton of Galloway , go to London & there are consecrated the 21 of Octob. & when they returne , they consecrate the rest , & then all of them domineer over the people , & over the faithfull ministers . Anno 1612. a Parliament conveened , which ratified all the acts of that meeting at Glasgow , & inserted in their Registers the oath which every minister , at his admission was to swear thus , I A , B. admitted to the Kirk of D. testify & declare in my conscience , that the right excellent , right High , & mighty Prince , Iames the sixth , by the grace of God King of Scotland , &c. is the onely lawfull supreme Governour of this Realme , as well in matters Spiritual & Ecclesiastick , as in things temporall , & that no forraigne Prince , State , nor Potentate , hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction , Power Superiority , Preheminence , or authority , Ecclesiasticall , or Spirituall within Realme . And therefore I utterly renunce & forsake all forraigne Jurisdiction , Power , Superiorities , & authorities , & promise that from this forth , I shall & will bear faith & true allaidgeance to his Highnesse , his aires , & lawfull successours : And to my power shall assist & defend all Jurisdictions , Privileges , Preheminences , & authority , granted & belonging to his Highnesse his aires & lawfull successours , or united & annexed to his Royall Crown . And furder , I acknowledge & confesse to have & to holde the said Church , & possession of the same , under God , of his Maj. & his Crown Royall of this Realme . And for the saids possessions I do homage presently to his Highnesse in your presence , & to his Majesty , his aires , & lawfull successours shall be true . So help me God. And also I A , B. now admitted to the Church of C. promiseth & sweareth to E. F. Bishop of that Dioecy obedience , & to his successours in all things lawfull . So help me God. Anno 1616. There was a meeting of the ministers at Aberdeen , appointing that a book of Common Prayer be made , & that children should be confirmed by the bishops or visitors in their name . But the year before this , the former commission , for the High commission was renewed , & instead of the two Courts in the two Provinces of Saint Andrews & Glasgow , there is one appointed , consisting of 55 or 56. one of the Archbishops is sine quo non , & he & other five may do all ; Such as refuse to compeer are sisted by force , by the Sherifs , & other magistrats . They meddle with blasphemie , heresy , schisme , errour , Idolatry , simony , lotry , absence from the Liturgy on holy Dayes , perjury , incest , adultery , fornication , rapes , clandestine marriages , stricking of clergy men , speaking against their meetings . They have power to excommunicat , silence , depose , sine , imprison , & confine as long as they please , & the Secret Councell must pursue the contumacious as rebells . Anno 1617. A Parliament conveeneth , at which the King himself is present , & maketh an act [ That whatsoever his Maj. should determine in the externall governement of the Church with the advyce of the archbishops , Bishops , & a competent number of the ministry , should have the strength of a law ] when the honest ministry hear of this , & see thereby a door opened for bringing in all the English-popish Ceremonies , they give in a Protestation against the same , which when the king heareth he causeth the Clerk passe by that act , when he was to read all the rest . And now the king is violent for the Ceremonies , & chideth the Archbishops for not receiving the five articles , as he commanded the former year : and they promise to do it , if he would indict a Generall assembly . And upon Mr Galleway's undertaking the king indicteth a meeting at St Andrews Nov. 25. 1617. At this assembly no more could be gotten yeelded to , but private Communion , & that ministers should give the Elements in the Lords supper out of their own hands to each Communicant . But all this did not satisfy his Maj. & therefore he wrote sharpe letters , to the Archbishops & commanded them to preach on Christ-masse day , & to celebrat the Lord's supper with all the solemnities . Anno 1618 there is another meeting called at Perth August . 25 unto which the king sent seven Noblemen , & fifteen Barons , & Gentlemen , Spotiswood took upon him to moderate , & read the kings minacing letter , & named a Committee for the articls , nothing regarding the liberty of the assembly , to gratify the king . The honest party offered reasons both for a delay , & against the Ceremonies , but all in vaine : Spotiswood told them that he would send all the names of such as refused , unto the King , & asked the votes of many who had no Commission , & so obtained what the desired , for all accorded unto the five articles viz : kneeling at the Communion , private Communion , private Baptisme , observation of Holy dayes , & Confirmation of children , except one Nobleman , one Doctor . 45. ministers . But when the honest party looked back to the many informalities at this meeting . 1. No lawfull premunition , but onely 20 dayes , by which meanes many were absent . 2. No liberty to choose a moderator . 3. No free disputing or voteing , but members overawed , 4. The assembly prelimited by the votes of the articles . 5. Such as wanted Commissions did vote , & others who had Commissions , were not suffered to vote &c. they looked upon it as no lawfull Generall assembly , & published their reasons in print . After the dissolving of this meeting ; Spotiswood , to make all sure ; ratifieth all these things in the High Commission , & though he & others had said , that if they would give way to the passing of the act to humore his Maj. no man should be compelled to obey , yet now by the power of their High Commission , they force many to obey , under the paine of deposition , imprisonement , & confinement , & so they rage without all law . But at length Anno 1621. there is a parliament conveened , unto which the Honest ministers give in a supplication for safe liberty to enjoy the true Religion , as Reformed in Doctrine , Saoraments , & discipline , & openly professed , sworn , & practised , by Prince , Pastor , & people of all ranks , without Innovations : and that they would not suffer the faithfull honest ministers to be smitten , & the stocks to be committed to wolves : & blinde guides . But Iuly 24. they were all discharged forth of the towne by open proclamation : The presenter of the petition Mr Andrew Duncane minister ar Crail was incarcerated . When the ministers remove conforme to the proclamation , they leave in write behinde them strong reasons why the Parliament should not ratify the acts of the pretented assembly at Perth , & shew both the nullity of the assembly in point of formality , & the illegality of any such Ratification , as being against severall acts of Parliament , his Maj. proclamation published & printed , & the Nationall Covenant , & upon severall other grounds . As also they leave a most Christian & faithfull admonition to the well affected Nobility , Barons , & burgeses members of Parliament , unto constancy & faithfulnesse . Yea moreover in case all this should not prevaile , they leave a Protestation in write : but the minister who had it to present gote not accesse , & so was forced to affix Copies thereof upon publick places of the towne . But notwithstanding of all this , there is a fixed resolution to have these articles ratified , which made some honest members with draw : severall informalities are used , contrary to the usuall freedome of Parliament , much pains taken to gaine some , & after the report was made to go , that the Parliament would not rise for severall dayes to come , which made severall members the more secure ; Saterday the 4 of August . was pitched upon , as the fittest time , for closeing of the business , & all the articles are put together , & the question stated Aggree or Disaggree , & what by one way & another the acts are ratified . But observable it was how the Lord did give his Protestation against this ratification from heaven ( though Spotiswood blasphemously paralleleth it unto the Lords shewing of himself at the giving of the Law ) for at the very instant when the kings Commissioner arose to touch this act with the Scepter , there came in at the windowes a great lightening , & after that another greater , & then a third most terrible : Immediatly there followed an extraordinary darknesse astonishing all . The lightenings were seconded with three terrible claps of thunder , & then their came an extradinary great showre of haile , & after all this such a terrible showre of raine , that made the streets to run like rivers , by which meanes the parliament was constrained to stay within doores , an howr & an half , & went home thereafter without their robes . Upon the 20 of August , when these acts were published at the Crosse , the minister , who was intrusted with the Protestation , affixed a copy thereof upon the Church door , & another upon the Crosse , & a third upon the Palace gate of Haliroodhouse , & took Instruments in these words [ Here in the name of the brethren of the ministry , professing the Religion , as it hath been practised in our Church , since the Reformation of the same , I protest against all these things , that have been concluded , in prejudice of our privileges , since the first Reformation thereof , & adhere to my former Protestation made & fixed on the Tolbooth door , & other places , & to all the Protestations made in favours of the Church , in the time of the preceeding Parliaments ] And God from heaven did declare his dissent , for dureing the time of the reading of these acts there was nothing but thunder , fire , lightenings , & raine . And thereafter the Lord made the whole countrey feel the weight of his anger , for the cornes did rott through excessive raines : waters became so great that they sweeped away in severall places cornes , cattell , houses , plenishing , people & all . The great bridge of Perth where these acts were first concluded was taken away , & never repaired to this day , yea & the whole towne almost drowned , many of the Sea-townes which favoured the Articles , received great dammage by Sea. And there followed three years dearth & famine , & Epidemick diseases , wherof many died . Thus did the Lord plead from heaven his controversy , & testify his displeasure against those courses . But notwithstanding of all this , the Prelats , having now all power in their hands , prosecute their worke , & tyrannize over all ranks , so as the inhabitants were more affrayed of crossing their commands , then the commands of the king himself , for they banished out of their bounds such gentlemen as they pleased , imprisoned what magistrates they thought fit , upon any light occasion , were it but the hearing of their own old minister , after he had been silenced by the bishop , or the not sisting of one , though their own father , before their tyrannicall Court. Now is there a black cloud over the Church for many years , piety is dayly decaying , formality , & profanity increasing , the godly are mourning & lamenting , & the wicked rejoyceing . But the Prelats have not yet ended their purpose . For Anno 1633. when King Charles was present at a Parliament , there is an Act carried through ( but not without some opposition made thereunto by some of the Nobles ) granting power to his Maj. to command what habits he pleaseth for all men in office , whether in Church or State , & that as a priviledge annexed to the Crowne , & by this means a door was opened to bring in the Surplice , the Corner cap , & other trash . These worthies being traduced by the Prelats , as contemners of authority , & sowers of sedition in Church & State , procure the kings displeasure by their freedome ; For the king did not onely chide them openly , but with his own hand he wrote down their names , as disloyall subjects ; which made these Nobles thinke of drawing up a supplication , which being drawn up by William Haig his Maj. solicitour , was committed to the trust of the Earle of Rothes & Lord Loudoun to present it as they found conveniency , but they perceiving that it would not be well accepted resolved to keep it up : But at length some way or other a copy thereof cometh to the Bishops hands , & they deliver it unto the king , & withall complaine of those Noble-men , as standing in the way of his subjects yeelding chearfull obedience : And upon their importunat requeests , there is a Commission granted to certaine persons , as a committee to proceed against the Authors & abettors of that supplication , as guilty of sedition & treason . Whereupon William Haig fleeth , & all his goods are confiscat . Some Noblemen are questioned , & the Lord Balmerino who had the supplication in his custody , is imprisoned & at length condemned to die , but obtaineth pardon . Now the prelats do reigne , there being none who durst peep , or move a wing against them . The Achprelate of Saint Andrews was Chancellour , other eight of the prelats were in great places , being either Lords of the privy Councell , or Lords of the Exchequer : & being thus lifted up in power & honour , they are puffed up with pride , & what durst they not attempt now ( thinke they ) Therefore they proceed to do more wickedness , & draw up a book of Canons , which was printed , & approven by the Kings Maj. & all were commanded to obey the Bishops in all points . By this book that which remained of presbyterian governement is taken away . Parochiall Sessions , & Classicall Presbyteries are accounted Conventicles ; Ruleing Elders & Deacons are cast out of the Church , & all Ecclesiasticall causes are brought only to the Pelats tribunall . So were they about the drawing up of a Liturgy , & a Book of Ordination , against which , before ever they were printed , or seen , all were discharged to speak under the pain of Excommunication . And at length , the book of Common Prayer is published & imposed on the Church by the kings command , as the onely forme of publick divine worship . Every Parish is commanded to have two at least of these books , under the paine of horning & being punished as rebells : And a strict command cometh forth , enjoyning the same to be used from Pasch & forward Anno 1637. But some of the Prelats as of Rose & Dumblaine , did anticipate the day , & made use of it in their Cathedralls , Others of the Prelats propone the matter to their Synods : but the Ministers replyed that such a change should not be made without a Nationall Assembly ; but it was answered that they were the Representatives of the Church : However some prelats gave Ministers liberty to advise untill . Octob. but through the furious importunity of some a letter is procured from his Maj. commanding the useing of the Liturgy with all expedition in the Churches of Edinburgh : The Ministers being called to see what they would do , such as refused are presently suspended . SECTION II. The way how the Lord brought down these Prelats & the History continued . IT was sad & lamentable to see what a face the Church of Scotland had now : No hedge of Discipline to keep the vineyaird from foxes , & wilde boars , all the Discipline which was , was tyrannie over consciences , & over mens persons , & estates , profanitie was not curbed , but encouraged , Prelats themselves being chief in all those crying abhominations , as will be cleared ere long : yea that poor Church was now posteing fast to Rome . The Prelats & their underlings , beside the points of Arminianisme ( which were accounted speciall pieces of their qualification ) did avow openly severall points of Popery ; so that it was taught publickly in the chief Citie . That the Pope was not Antichrist . And thus all things were growing worse ; the worship corrupted & like to be corrupted more , & the mindes of people were filled with feares , that God would depairt , & leave that Church altogether ; so thattheir case looked most deplorable , & desperat like . But asoftentimes the Church & people of God have found him , who was the hope ofIsrael , & the Saviour thereof in times of trouble , a ready help in time of need , so did the poor Church of Scotland finde it now by experience , that whē the storme was sorest , it was neerest an end , & that this was as the darke houre before the dawning of the day : for now the Lord awaketh as one after wine , & looketh through the cloud with Compassion on a long tossed , & sorely afflicted Church , which had groaned under oppression of cruell task-masters , till they could do no more , & sheweth that his hand was not shortened , that it could not save , but that he was the hearer of prayer , & that now his appointed time was come , to take vengeance on his adversaries , even the vengeance of his Temple : And as ordinariely the Lords great works appear to carnall reason to be despicable at the beginning ; so the Lord began this great change & alteration of affaires in that poor Church , in a way that seemed not to promise much , yet such a way it was as the hand of God was to be seen in it , and seen carrying of it on wonderfully as shall appear . In obedience to his Maj. last letter , which commanded the reading of the liturgie in all haste , the Bishop of Edenburgh , the first sabbath day thereafter resolved to do it , & when he beginneth , there ariseth a tumult among the people , begun by some women , which encreased so as that the prelate , when he came out of the Church , did hardly escape , & in the rest of the Churches of Edenburgh the reading was stopped : Immediatly after dinner the Secret Counsell did meet , & resolve to search out the authors of this tumult , & commanded the use of the service book , & all to speake reverently of the Bishops ; but , notwithstanding of this , the people rage more then ever , against the Prelats , & after the afternoons sermon they set upon the Prelate with stones , & forced him to flee . About this time , in other pairts of the Kingdome the ministers & honest people , who were urged , & could not give obedience , resolved to follow a more regular way , and to supplicat the Councell , & to give in a note of the errours contained in these books , which accordingly they did : so from severall pairts of the Kingdome , there came Ministers & professours with supplications , sheweing how erro●…ons both the liturgy & the other books were , & how dangerous a thing it was , to bring in Innovations in a Church , how the Reformed Churches of Austria were undone by the violent obtiusion of a liturgy ; how in the time of Charles the Great , the Church was miserably rent , some adhering to the Ambrosian Li●…gy others choosing the Romane of Oregorian Liturgy ; how dangerous it was to change the Worship , & bring in a worse ; & how the King foure years before , at his Coronation , did solemly swear that he would alter nothing in the Kingdome of Scotland , without the free consent & advice of those having Interest . Unto these Supplications the Councill at first gave a favourable answere , & told that it was not their minde ; to presse the publick use of these books , & that they had forbidden the Bishops to presse the use of these books any more , & that they had signified their minde to his Maj , & were expecting a returne . The petitioners likewise sent their supplications to his Maj. with the Duke of Lennox , who was then returning to London , & withall did wreastle with God by prayer & fa●…ing that he would incline the Kings heart to hearken unto their just desires , & would frustrate the endeavours of their adversaries . But when the expresse cometh from his Maj. all the answere they get , is , an Edict published Octobr 18. commanding them to go out of the towne of Edenburgh within few hours , under the paine of Rebellion . When the Petitioners see this , the next day , they resolve to act all together joyntly , that his Maj. might know it was not a few Puritanes ( as the impure Prelats were pleased to nickname them ) but a great mulitude of his Maj. most loyall subjects of all ranks , who were dissatisfied : And they draw up a complaint against the prelats , & desire liberty of the Councell to pursue them legally , as being the onely authors of the Book of Canons , & liturgy , which containe the seeds of Superstition & Idolatry , & as being guilty of many other crimes , & that under the highest perrill : And withall they shew the Councell that they could not leave the towne , untill they saw some course taken for delivering the land from the present & imminent dangers . When the Councell saw that the number of the Petitioners was great , & dayly increasing , fearing the worst , they desired the petitoners would choose some of their number as their Commissioners , to prosecute their business , that the multitude might depairt , & this was yeelded unto . But ere long the Councell is discharged by an Expresse from his Maj. to meddle any more in that matter : Whereupon the Supplicants are necessitated to draw up a Protestation , declaring that if any tumult arose , through their prosecution of the Cause , the Councell onely might be blamed , as refusing justice . When the Counsell heareth of this , they resolve to hear the desire of the Commissioners , & advise the Bishops to withdraw themselves . When the Commissioners compeer , they show their Intention was to prosecute their business against the Prelats , whom they would prove guilty of grievous crimes , under the highest perrill , & therefore desired the prelats might be excluded , it not being fit that parties should be judges , The Councell , because of the forementioned Expresse , might do nothing : Onely they write to his Maj. who thereafter sendeth for the Earle of Traquair ; but he , for fear of the Prelats did misrepresent the Cause of the Supplicants , & returned with a Proclamation from his Maj. which he caused publish at Sterlin ( where the Councell was sitting ) in Febr. 1638 , In which Proclamation the King owned the books which the petitioners did supplicat against , and condemned the meetings of the Supplicants , as conspiracies contrary to the lawes of the Land : Against this the petitioners prepared a Protestation , a copy wherof was affixed at the Crosse of Sterlin , & herein protested against these Books , as full of errours , as Innovations ; against their refusing to receive libells against the Prelats ; against the High Commission Court obtruded on Scotland contrary to the fundamentall lawes of the land , without any Municipall law : That prelate should not be judges in their own cause : And that all their own meetings were lawfull : And that they could not forbear with a good conscience , unlesse they should wrong the Glory of God , the honour of his Maj. & the liberties of kirk & Kingdome . And because they were commanded to depart forth of the town of Sterlin , they go together towards Edenburg , & there after serious thoughts they finde the maine procureing cause of all these calamities , to be the violation of the Nationall Covenant , & therefore unanimously they resolve to renew that Covenant , & accordingly they draw it up , with some explicatory additions , & confirmations out of the acts of Parliament , & binde themselves [ to adhere unto , & defend the true Religion , & ( forbear●…g the practise of all novations already introduced in the matters of the worship of God , or approbation of the corruptions of the publick government of the Kirke , or civill places & power of Kirkmen , till they be tried & allowed in free Assemblies & in Parliaments ) to labour by all meanes lawfull to to recover the purity & liberty of the Gospell , as it was established , & professed before the foresaid Innovations ] & promise & swear to contino●… in the profession and obedience of the foresaid Religon , ●…resist all contrarie errours and corruptions , ând that they had no intention to attempt any thing , that might turne to the dishonour of God , or to the diminution of the Kings greatness and authority , and to defend themselves mutually in the same cause , &c. When the Covenant is thus drawn up it was subscribed by all present , & copies thereof were sent to such as were absent , & being read in the Churches was heartily embraced & sworne , & subscribed with tears , & great joy . Great was this day of the Lords power , for much willingness & chearfulness was among the people ; so as in a short time few in all the land did refuse , except some Papists , some aspiring Courteours , who had no will to displease the King , some who were addicted unto the English rites & Ceremonies , & some few Ministers who had sworne the oath at their entry which was mentioned Anno 1612. Yea such willingness was among the nobles & others , that they had their own copies of the Covenant , subscribed by others of the Nobles , Barons , & ministry laid up in their Charter chists , where possibly many of them are at this day . When matters are at this passe , the Prelats do animate his Maj. to a war : and the Covenanters desireing his Maj. might be rightly informed wrote unto the Duke of Lennox , marquis of Hamilton , & the Earle of Morton , to know if his Maj. would accept of a supplication , & sent one unto them to be presented by them , but the king would not look upon it , at length he is moved to send the marquis of Hamilton down toward Scotland , to labour by all means to setle peace ; But in the mean time , there is a ship sent from London with Amunition ; unto the Castle of Edenburgh which because not usuall , was taken notic of ; & the Covenanters , fearing the worst resolved to watch the Castle , that none of it should be taken in . When Hamilton cometh down , the Covenanters petition for a free Generall Assembly , & a lawfull Parliament . He replyeth , that he was not able to grant either , unlesse they would render back their subscribed Covenant , but this they could not do , without open perjury : So that he resolveth to returne , but first July 4 he published a Declaration , against which , contrary to their resolution ( for they were made to beleeve it was some other thing then indeed it was ) they drew up a Protestation , & hearing that the Councell had approved of the said proclamation , they prepare a supplication , but the Councell did not suffer the Act to be recorded , but did tear it in Pieces , & thereafter Hamilton , & the most part of the Councell declared solemnely that the act of the Councell was no approbation of the same , but a warrant to the Clerk to cause publish it . When the Marquis of Hamilton was going back to London againe , he promiseth to procure a warrant from his Maj. for a Generall assembly before the 22 of Septr , otherways they should have free liberty to appoint one themselves : And when , according to his promise , he returneth againe , he bringeth a proclamation with him , tacitely condemning all the proceedings of the Covenanters , & marring the freedome of an Assembly ; and therefore the Covenanters were constrained to make use of a Protestation against it , Sept 22. On the same day also did the Councell publish his Maj. Indictment of an Assembly to be holden at Glasgow Nov. 21. & of a Parliament to be holden at Edenburgh the 15 of May thereafter Anno 1639. As also a new engine is used for disappointing the Covenanters in their explicatory addition viz. The Councell at the Kings command subscribe the Nationall Covenant , & the bond for his Maj. preservation , & appoint Commissioners to see it done through the Kingdome , but withall there is a clause added viz. [ We subscribe the Confession of faith , of , & according to the date & tenour , Anno 1580. & 1590. & as it was then professed within , this Kingdome ] supposing ( but by a grosse mistake ) that at that time Prelacy , & Ceremonies were then professed : But the Prelats , fearing this would not abide the triall desired the Councell to signe a writing , obligeing themselves to defend Episcopacy , S●…o shew that Episcopacy is not abjured by the Covenant , b●… 〈◊〉 de●…e was not granted . At the day appointed the Assembly at Glasgow is opened up , notwithstanding of some indirect meanes used by the Prelats to hinder it . The Prelats being summoned , compeer not , but decline the Judicatory . Within some dayes the Marquis of Hamilton being the Kings Commissioner offers to dissolve the Assembly , & chargeth them to depart , & so removeth himself : but though this was very astonishing , yet they did resolve to hold the Court of Christ , & in so doing 〈◊〉 obey God ●…ather then man : & then did take into consideration the grounds of the Declinature , which may be seen atlength in printed papers , & in Mr Spangs Historia Motu●… , &c. Upon the 29 of Nov. his Maj. Commissioner published a Proclamation commanding their dissolution , against which there is a Protestation drawn up , answering what was allaidged in the Proclamation . The assembly do proceed , & , after some search , finde that all these Meetings of ministers which had brought in these Innovations that had troubled the Church so much , were no lawfull Generall Assemblies , by sundry reasons confirmed by the Registers of the Assembly , by the books of presbiteries , by the Kings Maj. own letters , & by the testimony of diverse old Reverend ministers verifying the same i●… the face of the Assembly ; and so declared that these meetings at Lithgow 1606 & 1608 , at Glasgow 1610 , at Aberdeen 1616 , at St Andrews 1617 , & at Perth 1608. were from the beginning unfree , unlawfull , & null Assemblies . The reasons are more fully to be seen in the printed Records of the Assembly . Likewise they condemne the book of Comm●…n prayer , because de●…ysed & brought in by the pretended P●…ts , without direction from the Church ; and press●…d on Ministers without warrant from the Church ; because 〈◊〉 contained a Popish frame , & forme of divine service , many Popish errours , & ceremonies , the seeds of manifold & grosse Superstition & Idolatry , & so repugnant to the Doctrine , Discipline , & order of the Church , to the Confession of faith , constitutions of Generall Assemblies , & acts of Parliament establishing the true Religion . So do they condemne the book of Canons , as devised by prelats ( without warrant & direction from the Generall Assembly ) to establish●…●…nicall power in their own persons over the worshipe of God , mens consciences , liberties , & goods , & to overthrow the whole Discipline & governement of the Church by Gene●…ll & provinciall Assemblies , by pre●…biteries , & Sessions , & 〈◊〉 contrary to the Confess●… of faith , the established go●…nement , the Book of Discipline , & the acts & Constitu●…ons of the Church . So they condemne the Book of Consc ●…tion & Ordination , as being in●…ced without wa●… civill or Ecclesiastick , establi●…hing off●…es in God●… house without warrant of hi●… word , as 〈◊〉 to the Discipline , & Constitutions , of the Church , & as impeding the entry of fit & ●…orthy men to the ministry , & the discharge of their duety ●…er their entry . They condemne the High Comm●… as ●…cted without the conseur of Church or State , as subverting the ordinary Church Iudicatories , as arbitra●…y & not regulated ●…y lawes civil or Ecclesiastick , as giving to Church men the power of both swords , & to persons meerly civill the power of the Keyes , & so as unlawfull in it self , & prejudiciall to the ●…ties of Christs Church & Kingdome , & the Kings honour in ●…taining the established lawes & Iudicato●…ies of the Church . ●…o do they shew & declare that the five Articles or ceremonies●…cluded ●…cluded at Perth ( of which mention was made before ) were ●…jured by the Nat. Covenant , as may be seen at length in their . 17. Act. As also they declare ( act 16. ) That Episcopacy ●…s abjured by the Confession of faith or Nationall Covenant Anno 1580. which shall be more fully cleared afterward . So ●…ving examined & discussed the severall processes given in a●…inst the pretended prelats , They depose & Excommunica●… Mrs Spot●…swood of St Andrews , Lindsay of Glasgow , ●…dsay o●… ●…enburgh , Sidserfe , of Galloway , Maxwell of Rosse , & 〈◊〉 of Brichen , for breach of the Cautions aggreed on in the Assembly 1600. for receiving Consecration to the office of Episcopacy , pressing the Church with Innovations . Particularly Mr Spotiswood for open & ordinary prophanation of the sabbath , drinking over late in taverns , venting atrocious slanders , interlining & changeing the Acts of the Assembly at Aberdeen , facrilege , Simonie , & conniving at Heterodoxies . Mr Linsday of Glasgow for oppressing of the Consciences of the Ministers in his Dioecy , extorting money from some ministers , withholding stipends from others , oppressing his Vassals , and forceing Probationers to swear some idle & vaine oaths , which he had invented . Mr Lindsay of Edenburgh for admitting none to the ministry but such as would first take upon them the order of Deacons , for bowing at the Altar , useing the Rotchet & other Masse-cloths in time of divine service , consecrating Temples , useing the Rite of Elevation at the Celebration of the Lords Supper , conniving at Heterodoxies , & maintaining the Ubiquity of Christs body . Mr Sideserf of Galloway for open & ordinary prophaneing of the Lords day , exercing tyranny in his Dioecy , conversing with Excommunicated papists , & defending all the Arminlan & many popish opinions . Mr Maxwell for kneeling before the Altar , wearing popish garments , playing at Cards & Dice on the Lords day even when the Sacrament had been given , oppressing his vassalls , keeping friday fasts , & defending all Arminian , & many of the most grosse Popish opinions . Mr Whitefoord for such flagitious crimes , as were notour to all . So do they depose & Excommunicate . Mr Ballantine of Aberdeen , & VVedderburne of Dumblane for the generall crimes , & particularly Mr Ballantine for Simony , for suspending Ministers , because they keeped a fast on the Lords day dedicating a Chappell , freeing Papists suspected of Incest from Church censures , & turning such an Apostate after he had appeared once so zealous for the truth . Mr VVedderburne for concurring with Mr Maxwell in drawing up the book of Canons , swearing , profancing the Lords day , & commending Arminianisme , & many points of Popery . So do they depose Mr Lindsay of Dunkell & Mr Abernethy of Cathnes , Mr Guthry of Murray , Mr Grahame of Orknay , Mr Fairly of Argile , & Mr Campbell of the Isles , as for the generall crimes common to all , so in particular Mr Lindsay for Simony , Mr Abernethy for Simonie , Mr Guthry for being the first who did put on the Surplice in Edenburgh Anno 1633. & professing he would be yet more vile to please the King. Mr Grahame for profancing the Lords day , sacrilege , conniving at adultery . Mr Fairly for oppressing Intrants with new oaths , profancing the Lords day , & defending the Arminian opinions . Thus are those enemies to Church & State , after they had oppressed , & tyrannized over that poor Church for a long time , wonderfully brought under her feet . So let all thine Enemies perish o Lord. And now being filled with rage they all ( except some few who had acknowledged their wronge ) run to Court , & stir up his Maj. to make warr against Scotland , & accordingly warr is concluded both by Sea & Land , free tradeing is taken away , the Scottish nobility at court are made to abjure the Nationall Covenant , & the Assembly at Glasgow . The English Nobility with all their forces are commanded to meet the king at Yorke April 10. 1639. When the Covenanters see this preparation , they emit 〈◊〉 Declaration shewing [ that Religion was their onely worke , Conscience their onely Motive , & Reformation their Scope , that they intended no harme to his Maj. nor did they intend to invade England ( whatever their malicious enemies did say to the contrary ) & that all this was brought about by the means of some proud , perverse , & Popishly affected Prelats . ] But this Declaration was suppressed in England , so that they might not know the true State of affairs ; and there is a contrary Declaration emitted , stileing the Covenanters seditious rebells , & the like , which was read in all the Churches of England . Withall , the Covenanters learne that the Earle of Huntly is made governour of the north , that they are all declared Rebells in England ; that Berwick & Carlile frontier cities were strongly garrisoned , that the Earle of Arundale is made Generall , that the King was to Rendevouz , at York , That Huntly had already four or five thousand in armes , That Aberdeen was fortifying it self to take in the Kings navy , That the Papists in the South were ready to rise with the Marquis of Douglas , & Lord Harris , & that the Deputy of Irland intended to Hand some men in the west : And therefore after fasting & prayer , they resolved ( being in a sort the whole body of the Land , the Nobility , Gentry , Burgesses , Commons , & Magistrats of all sorts in City & country ) to put themselves in a posture of defence , & to strengthen themselves against Invasion , the best way they could , & to suppresse the enemies within their own bosome : Wherein ; the Lord blessed them so ▪ as their enemies both in the North & South were compesced , & with all they did emit a Declaration vindicating themselves & their actions from all the aspersions of their enemies , & answering , his Maj. Declaration read in the Churches of England , that they might undeceive those of England . May 1639. The Kings Navy cometh to Scotland with some thousands of men & much provision . The Covenanters send a supplication to his Maj. but in vaine , for nothing is intended but fire & sword . The King approacheth their borders with an army , & the two armies are near to joyne in battell . But God was pleased to prevent the shedding of bloud , by moving the King to a Pacification , wherein the King promiseth & declareth that all causes Ecclesiasticall should be determined by Church Assemblies , and that there should be a Generall Assembly every year once , and that civill matters should be determined by Parliaments , That there should be an Assembly held at Edenburgh the 12. of August next , and a Parliament thereafter to ratify the Acts of the Assembly Whereupon the Scotish forces are disbanded , the Castles are surrendred , & now the whole land looketh for nothing but peace . The Assembly is opened up August , 1639. & the Earle of Traquair is present as his Maj. Commissioner , all these things which were before concluded in the assembly of Glasgow , are established , his Maj. Commissioner assenting . The Covenant was approved in all its heads & clauses , & was subscribed both by Traquair his Maj. Commissioner , & by the Privy Councell , & according to a petition of the assembly unto the Secret Councell , there is an act of Councell ordaining all in all time comeing to subscribe the Covenant , according to the Generall assemblies declaration , dated August ▪ 30 1639. Now , according to the Pacification , it was expected that these acts should have had the civill Sanction of the parliament which was to sit down the next day after the assembly was dissolved viz : August : 31. But before any thing was done by the Parliament to this effect , it is commanded to dissolve Decemb. 18. under the paine of treason , & so the Parliament is prorogued unto the 2 of Jun. 1640. The Parliament , for peace , resolve to obey , but because they had never been adjourned nor dissolved formerly without their own consent , & lest this might be a preparative for times to come , they resolved to emitt a Declaration for their exoneration , & caused insert it in the Registers ad futuram rei memoriam . And withall they send some of their number unto his Maj. with grievances , & appoint others to attend his Maj. answer at Edenburgh , & then they dissolve having first published an Infirmation to the Estates of England , concerning the present state of affairs . But these Commissioners , after they had endevoured to give his Maj. satisfaction in all points , according to their Instructions at severall times , from the 20 of Febr. unto the 23 of March. 1640. were detained , & afterward the Lord Loudoun is put into the Toure of London & other three are put under a restrant , contrary to the Law of Nations . A new warr is intended , The Castle of Edenburgh is fortified with a hundreth strangers moe & much Ammunition . The Commissioners of the Parliament seeing this , & hearing of an army leavyed in England under the conduct of the Earle of Northumberland , & how the Deputy of Irland with the Nobles there in Parliament had offered a great summe of money , & what stir the prelats of England were making at Court , & what offers they were making to carry on this new warr , which they so far owned as to call it Ballum Episcopale ; they resolve to put the land into a new posture of defence , and emit a Declaration for satisfaction of their friends in England , which was so satisfactory , as that many of the lower House of Parliament then sitting , declared that they saw no cause of a warr against Scotland , & therefore would grant no subsidy . But this parliament is dissolved , Scottish ships are intercepted , their goods taken away , & the Seamen imprisoned , & miserably handled , all Sea-ports closed up with Frigots , the Kings army advanceth both by sea & land , the Castle of Edenburgh oppresseth the town , & killeth many with shote . Now at the time appointed , Jun. 11. the parliament conveeneth , & leavieth an army for a new Expedition in defence of the land , & cleareth the equity of the same in a Declaration shewing . 1 how they were necessitated thereunto , being not able to live without traffique , & justice , & to mantaine an army on the borders . 2. That the warr was onely Defensive , the King being stirred up by their adversaries to breake the Articles of Pacification , to imprison their Commissioners , to call Parliaments in England & Irland for subsidies for the warr , to take their ships , & imprison their sea-men , & to give Commission to the Governour of the Castle of Edenburgh to kill all he could : when they resolved onely to defend themselves , to seek a firme & sure peace , & then to lay down armes after security had for their Religion & liberties . 3. That they were called by the same divine Providence , by which they had been directed hitherto . 4. That they looked upon none as their enemies but a Canterburian Faction made up of Atheists , Papists , Arminians , & Prelats , the seducers of the King. 5. That their end was not to wrong his Maj. nor to enrich themselves ; but Gods glory , the firm peace of both nations , the true honour of the King , & that the enemies of both Kingdomes might be punished . So do they emit another paper for the satisfaction of the good people of England clearing their true Intentions : And so do advance with their Army in to England , & take New Castle , & before they would advance toward York , where the maine body of the Kings Army did lye , they supplicat his maj . at length to consider their greevances ; & particularly to ratifie the last Parliament , that the Scott in England and Irland might be set at liberty , and not forced to take unlawfull oaths that the Incendiaries might be punished according to justice , the Scottish ships restored , and every thing removed which hindereth free commerce , and tradeing between the two Nations . Many of the English Nobility & the City of London petition for a Parliament , & they and others advise his Maj. to desist from the warr . At length the King is moved to thoughts of peace , & chooseth eight English Earles & eight Lords to meet with such as Scotland should make choise of , to conclude all matters of difference . This Conference did begin at Rippon , & was concluded at Westminster , the substance of which shall be mentioned presently , when it shall be shown how these Acts were all ratified & approved by the King himself , & his Parliament of Scotland Anno 1641. When the Parliament in Jun. Anno 1640 , had conveened at the time appointed at the last Session , all the Acts of the former Assembly 1639. are ratifyed by their 4. Act. They also ratify the Covenant , & the Act of Councell beformentioned thereanent , & do insert the said Covenant with the assemblies explication in their Registers . And rescinde all Acts & Statutes made in favours of the prelats , as Act. 23. Anno 1597. anent their voice in Parliament , Act 2. Anno 1606. anent their restitution , the act 8. Anno 1607. anent the Chapter of St Andrews , act 6. 1609. anent their Commissariates , the 1 Act 1612. ratifying the acts of the pretended assembly at Glasgow 1610. the 1. & 2. Acts Anno 1617. anent the Election of Bishops , & restitution of Chapters , the 1. act 1621. ratifying the Articles of the pretended assembly at Perth 1618. & all others whatsoever made in their favours , & prejudiciall to the spirituall nature , jurisdiction , & Discipline & privileges of the Kirk , or of the Generall , provinciall , presbyteriall assemblies , or kirk Sessions , & after the enacting of many other profitable lawes , they adjourne the Parliament unto the 19. of Novemb. next , & then unto the 14. of January 1641. & then unto the 13. of April following , & then unto the 25. of May , & then unto the 15. of July , at which time the King himself was present : And in this Session of Parliament the Articles of the Treaty are ratifyed , enacted , & ordained to have in all time comeing the fullforce & strength of a true & persect security , & Act of Parliament , & the King for himself & his successours promised in verbo principis never to come in the contrary of that Statute & Sanction or any thing there in contained . By this Treaty these Articles were concluded , 1. That for as much as the Kings Maj. did call & conveen a Parliament to beholden at Edenburgh the 2. of Inn. 1640. wherin certaine acts were made & aggreed upon , which acts hi●… Maj. ( for the peace & good of his kingdome ) is pleased to publish in his own name , with consent of the Estates , & therefore commands that the said acts bearing date the 11. of Iuny 1640 , be published with the acts to be made in the next Session of the same Parliament , & that all the said acts have in all time coming the strength of lawes . 2. That the Castle of Edenburgh & other strengths of the kingdome should according to their first foundation , with the advice of the Estates of parliament , be furnished & used for the kingdome . 3. That all Scottish men within England & Irland shall be free from censure for subscribing the Covenant , & shall be no more pressed with oaths & subscriptions unwarranted by their lawes , & contrary to their Nationall oath & Covenant approved by his Maj. 4. That all his Maj. Courts of Justice shall be free & open to all men , & parliaments of the respective kingdoms may try and judge Incendiaries , and that he will employ none in his service without consent of parliament . 5. That their ships and goods and all dammage shall be restored . 6. That the summe of three hundreth thousand pound sterline should be given to them for their losses . 7. That all Declarations , proclamations , acts , books , libells , and pamphlets that have been made & published against the loyalty & dutiefulness of his Maj. subjects of Scotland should be recalled , suppressed , and forbidden in England and Irland , & that their loyalty shall be made known in all the parish Churches of his Maj. Dominions . 8. That the garrisons of Berwick & Carlile be removed . As also there is an act of pacification & oblivion aggreed upon out of which the Scottish prelats are excepted , as also Traquair , Sr Robert Spotiswood , Sr Iohn Hay , & Mr Walter Balcanquell who were cited & pursued as Incendiaries . In which act his Majesty declareth that the ensueing Parliament of Scotland shall have full & free power , as the nature of a free parliament of that kingdom doth import , to ratify & confirme the Treaty . Thus at length were these officers which Christ had never appointed , cast out of Gods house , ( where they had formerly caused so much desolation , & layd the vineyaird of the Lord waste as a wilderness ) both by Church & State ; The King & all ranks of People consenting thereunto ; For which God , who is wonderfull in Counsell & excellent in working ought to be acknowledged , & for ever exalted : Seing he raised up such as were brought low , & brought down these who had set their nests on high , whose wayes had been alwayes grievous , & who said in their hearts , they should never be moved , God hath forgotten , he hideth his face , he will never see it , Now God arose , & lifted up his hand , & did not forget the humble , he did behold mischief & spite to require it , & did breake the arme of the wicked : The memory of which should be still fresh with , & refreshing unto all the people of God , & ground of hope , that he who did then make the names of these Prelats to ●…ot , & to stinke in the no●…rils both of Church & State , can & will againe pursue his controversy against these who now dare be so bold , as to attempt what they have attempted , after that the Lord hath put such notes of disgrace & infamy upon their predecessours . While the Parliament of England is sitting there are severall complaints given in against the Earle of Strafford Deputy of Irland , & the Archbishop of Canterbury , & both being sound guilty of points of High Treason are condemned to die . Severall Courts of Judicatory are abridged in their power , the High Commission Court is taken away , and the Starchamber Court , & the co●…ive power of Prelats , & their Courts . The Prelats are ejected from the House of Peers , Bils are presented to his Maj. for the punishment of the scandalous Clergy , for the abolition of Episcopacy , & the calling of an Assembly . At length there is a civill war begun between the King & the Parliament , occasioned through his Maj. withdrawing from his Houses of Parliament North towards Hull . The warr is continued . In the mean time the Parliament calleth together an Assembly of Divines to consult about matters of Religion , & Church-governement , & so carry on the begun work of Reformation . And Anno 1643. They appoint Iohn Earle of Rutland , Sir William Armin Baronet , & Sir Henry Vane Iunior Knights , Thomas Hatcher , & Henry Darley Esquires , with Mr Stephen Marshall & Mr Philip Nye members of the Assembly of Divines their Commissioners , to repear unto the kingdom & States of Scotland , & to the Generall assembly there , & their Commissioners , to propone & consult with them in all occasions which may furder the so much desired work of Reformation in ecclesiastical matters , & a nearer conjunction betwixt both Churches . Accordingly , these Commissioners came , & presented their propositions , & a Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament unto the Generall assembly Aug. 10. 1643. So is there a letter sent from some brethren of the ministry in the Church of England subscribed by very many hands , showing how low that poor Church was now brought , being ready to be swallowed up by Satan & his Instruments , that the Protestant Religion was in great hazard , & desiring very affectionately their aide & help . August . 15. those Commissioners presente some propositions to the Assembly , which they had a little before , August . 12. presented unto the honorable Convention of Estates , desiring that , because the Popish Prelaticall faction is still pursueing their designe of corrupting & altering the Religion , through the whole Iland , the two Nations might be strictly united for their mutuall defence against the Papists , & Prelaticall Faction , & their adherents in both Kingdoms , & not to lay down armes till those their implacable enemies be disarmed , & subjected to the authority & justice of Parliament in both Kingdoms respectively . And that the two Kingdoms might be brought into a near conjunction into one forme of Church governement , one Directory for worship , one Catechisme , &c. & the foundation laid of the utter extirpation of Popery & Prelacy out of both Kingdoms . The most effectuall & ready means whereunto , is now conceived to be . That both Nations enter into a strict Union & League according to the desire of both Houses of Parliament , & that for prosecuting the Ends of that Union against the Papists , Prelaticall faction , & Malignants now in armes in the kingdom of England , their brethren of Scotland would raise a considerable force of horse & foot for their aide & assistance . For which Ends there are Committees appointed by the convention of Estates , & the Gen. assembly , to meet with the commissioners of the parliament of England by whom the forme of the League & Covenant is aggreed unto & resolved upon . Which draught Aug. 17. 1643. was approven by the Gen. assembly . [ With all their hearts & with the beginnings of the feelings of that joy , which they did finde in so great measure , upon the renovation of the Nationall Covenant of the Kirk & kingdom , as the most powerfull mean , by the blessing of God , for setling & preserving the true Protestant Religion with perfect peace in his Maj. Dominions , and propagating the same to other nations , and for establishing his Maj. throne to all ages & generations , & recommended unto the Right Honorable convention of Estates , that being examined & approved by them , it may be sent with all diligence to the Kingdome of England , that being received & approved there , the same may be with publick humiliation & all Religious & answerable solemnity sworne & subscribed by all true professors of the Reformed Religion , & all his Maj. good subjects in both Kingdoms . Thereafter on the same day it was approvedby the Convention of estates , & then sent unto the kingdome of England where after mature deliberation it was approved by the learned assembly of Divines & by Both Howses of Parliament , & by them in their solemne assemblies after sermon , solemnely sworne & subscribed , & by Ordinance of Parliament sworne & suhscribed in all the parishes of the Kingdome , & a copy thereof appointed to be affixed in every parish Church , & also a faire Copy thereof with all the names of the members of Parliament , who subscribed the same , is ordained to be affixed at the end of the great Hall of Westminster . When thus it was sworne & subscribed in England The Commissioners of the Gen. Assembly , Octob. 11. 1643. ordained the same to be , with publick Humiliation , & all Religious solemnities received , sworne & subscribed by all ministers & professours within the Kirk , & for this effect it is ordained [ That the League & Covenant be forthwith printed , & that the printed copies bound with some clean sheets of paper be sent unto the ministry , & that every minister upon the first Lords day after the same shall come to his hands , read & explaine it , & by Exhortation prepare the people to the swearing & subscribing thereof solemnely the Lords day next immediately following ] & ordaine [ that presbiteries proceed with the censures , of the church against all such as shall refuse or shift to swear & subscribe the same ; And the Commissioners thinke it very convenient for good example , & the better encouragement of others that it be solemnely sworne & subscribed by themselves now present before the Congregation in the East kirk upon friday next the 13 of this instant , after sermon & exhortation to be made by Mr Robert Douglas Moderator , & that the Commissioners of the Convention of estates now in towne , & the Commissioners from the Parliament of England , & Divines of that kingdome here present , be earnestly desired to joyne with them in this solemne & Religion action . ] Upon the 12 of Octob. the Commissioners of the convention of Estates did also ordaine the same to be sworne & subscribed , under the paine of being punished as enemies to Religion , his Maj. honour , & peace of the kingdoms , & to have , their goods & ●…ents confiscate , &c. & also ordaine all Sheriffs , Stuarts & others his Maj. magistrates in Brugh & land , & Committies in the severall shires to be assisting to ministers and presbiteries in procuriing reall obedience hereunto . Which deed of the Commission of the Church was ratified , & approved by the Gen. assembly , Jun. 28. 1645. So is the deed of the convention of estates , & their commissioners approved & ratified by act of Parl. July 15. 1644. where the League & Covenant is insert in the Registers . Thus the kingdoms , of [ Scotland & England after other meanes , of Supplication , remonstrance , Protestation , and sufferings , to the end they might preserve themselves and their Religion from utter ruine and destruction , according to the commendable practises of these Kingdomes in former times , and the example of Gods people in other Nations , after mature deliberation resolved and determined to enter into a mutuall and solemne League and Covenant , wherein all did subscribe , and with hands lifted up to the most High God did swear , as they should answer at that great day to God the searcher of all hearts . That sincerly , really , and constantly they should endevour in their severall places and callings . 1. To preserve the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland , in Doctrine , worship , Discipline , and Governement , and to Reforme England and Ireland , according to the word of God , and the example of the best Reformed Churches , and to bring the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in Religion , Confession of Faith , forme of Church governement , Directory for worship , and Catechising . 2. To endevour the extirpation of popery , Prelacy , Superstition , Heresy , Schisme , Prophaness , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness . 3. To preserve the Rights and privileges of the Parliaments , liberties of the Kingdomes and the Kings Maj. person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true Religion , and liberties of the Kingdomes , 4. To discover all such as have been or shall be incendiaries , Malignants , or evill Instruments , hindering the Resermation of Religion , dividing the king from his people , and the kingdomes one from another , or making any f●…on or parties among the people , contrary to this League and Covenant , that they may be brought to triall and condigne punishment . 5. To endevour that these kingdomes may remaine conjoyned in a firme place & union to all posterity . 6. To assist such as enter into this Covenant , and not to suffer themselves any maner of way to be divided , or to make defection , or to give themselves to a detestable indifferency , and neutrality in this cause , but shall continue ●…in , against all opposition , and promote the same according to their power against all sets and impedimentes whatsoever . When these hands did thus enter in Covenant with the great God of heaven & earth , many of soul was converted ( which was as the finite of this noble Marriage ) when they saw the wonderfull works of the Lords right hand , whereby he openly & ●…nyably owned that Covenant , & such as entred into 〈◊〉 . Then did these Churches flourish , & begin to have a beautifull countenance , & to be admired abroad by strangers , who stood astonished at the report of what they did hear dayly of the Lords owneing & fighting for that Covenant , & seconding the Covenanters in carrying on the Ends of the same . But at length , after the Lord had by many signes & wonders testified his displeasure against , & broken the whole strength & force of the Popish , Prelaticall & Malignant faction , & wrought deliverances in all the three kingdoms , for the people that engadged in Covenant with him ; It seemed good in his eyes , who doth all things according to the counsell of his own will , to suffer another enemy to arise , to trouble his Church , & to try his people , viz. the Sectarian party , who grew to such an hieght in the English Army , that they over-ruled the Parliament of England , putting away the House of Peers , they modelled the House of Commons as they thought good , & erected a New Court , which they called an High Court of Iustice , before which they did Impannel the King , & at length did violently take away his life Januar. 30. 1649. against which deed the Commissioners both from the Church & State of Scotland did protest , & were therefore hardly used at London . When the report of this cometh to the eares of the Parliament of Scotland which was then sitting . They upon the 5. of Febr. 1649. considering that for as much as the kings Maj. who lately reigned was contrary to the dissent & protestation of this kingdome , now removed by a violent death ; and that by the Lords blessing there was left a righteous heire & lawfull successour , Charles Prince of Scotland & VVales & now king of Great britane france and Irland , did unanimously and chearfully in recognisance , and acknowledgement of his just right , title , and succession to the Crown , proclaime and declare to all the world that he was king of great britan , &c. their Soveraigne Lord and king at the mercat Crosse of Edenburgh with all usuall Solemnities in like cases ordaining the same to be done in like manner in all the brughs Royall . Immediatly there are Commissioners sent over to his Maj. while at the Hague in Holland , & when these returned without satisfaction , there are againe the next year 1650 , Commissioners sent to him ; while at Breda . At length he promised to publish & testify by solemne oath his approbation of the Nationall Covenant of Scotland , & of the solemne league & Covenant . And accordingly before he came a shoar in Scotland , being in Shipboard at the mouth of Spey . on the Lords day the 23. of Jun , 1650 , in presence of the Commissioners of the kingdome & Church of Scotland , & severall others both Scots & English , after Sermon , the Nationall Covenant , & the solemne league & Covenant being read by the minister that preached , He standing & lifting up his right hand swore the same , in the words following , which had been determined by the Parliament , & by the Commissioners of the Generall assembly of the Church of Scotland , in their Instructions to their Commissioners , & subjoyned to Both the Covenants . I Charles king of Great Britaine , France & Irland do assure & declare by my solemne oath in the presence of the Almighty God ; the searcher of hearts , my allowance & approbation of the Nationall Covenant , & of the solemne league & Covenant above writen , & faithfully oblidge my self to prosecute the Ends thereof in my station & calling , & that I for my self & successours shall consent & aggree to all acts of Parliament enjoyning the Nationall Covenant & solemne league & Covenant , & fully establishing presbiteriall governement , the Directory of Worship , confession of faith , & Catechismes in the kingdome of Scotland , as they are approven by the Generall assembly of this kirke , & Parliamet of this Kingdome . And that I shall give my royall assent to the acts of Parliament enjoyning the same in the rest of my Dominons . And that I shall observe these in my own practise & family , & shall never make opposition to any of these , on endevour any change thereof . And immediatly subscribed the same . And thereafter August 16. 1650. he emitteth a Declaration from Dumfermeling wherein he expresseth much of his affection to the Covenan●… & Covenanters , & dèclareth that he hath not sworne & subscribed these Covenants & entred into the oath of God with his people , upon any sinister intention , & crooked designe for attaining his own ends , but so far as humane weakness will permit , in the truth & sincerity of his heart , & that he is firmely resolved in the Lords strength to adhere there to , & to prosecute the ends thereof , &c. In order to which he doth in the first place professe & declare that he will have no friends , but the friends of the Covenant : And therefore as he doeth now detest & abhorre all popery , Superstition & Idolatry , together with prelacy , & all errours , heresy & schisme , & profaneness , & resolveth not to tolerate , much lesse allow any of these in any part of his Maj. Dominions , but to oppose himself thereto , & to endeavour the extirpation thereof to the outmost of his power : So doth he as a Christian exhort , & as a King require , all such of his subjects who have stood in opposition to the Solemne League & Covenant , & worke of Reformation , upon a pretence of kingly Interest , or any other pretext whatsoever , to lay down their enmity against the cause & people of God , & to cease to prefer the Interest of man to the Interest of God , which hath been one of these things which hath occasioned many troubles , & calamities in these kingdoms , & being insisted in , will be so far from establishing of the Kings Throne , that it will prove an Idole of jealousy , to provoke unto wrath him who is King of Kings , & Lord of Lords — The king shall alwayes esteem them best servants , & most loyall subjects who serve him & seek his greatness in a right line of subordination unto God , giving unto God the things that are Gods , & unto Caesar the things that are Caesars : & resolveth not to love or countenance any , who have so litle conscience & piety , as to follow his Interests with a prejudice to the Gospell , & kingdom of Jesus Christ ; which he looks not upon as a duety , but as flattery , & as driving self designes under a pretence of mantaining royall authority & greatness — he resolveth to live & die with his loyall subjects in prosecution of the ends of the Covenant — He doth esteeme the service of those who first engadged in the Covenant , & have since that time faithfully followed the ends thereof , to be duety to God , & loyalty to him . So Jan. 1. 1651. on the day of his coronation , the Nationall covenant & the Solemne league & covenant being read unto him he swore them in this following oath , which he took in behalf of himself & his successours , kneeling & holding up his right hand ( which oath with both covenants he afterward did subscribe ) I Charles , King of Great Britane , France , & Irland , do assure & declare by my solemne oath in the presence of Almighty God , the searcher of hearts , my allowance & approbation of the Nationall Covenant , & of the Solemne League & Covenant above writ●…h ; And faithfully obleidge my self to prosecute the ends thereof in my station & calling ; And that I for my self & Successours shall consent & aggree to all Acts of Parliament enjoyning the Nationall Covenant , & the Solemne League & Covenant , & fully establishing Presbyteriall Governement , the Directory of worship , Consession of Faith , & Catechismes , in the kingdome of Scotland , as they are approven by the Generall Assemblies of this kirk , & Parliament of this kingdom : And that I shall give my royall assent to Acts and Ordinances of Parliament passed or to be passed enjoyning the same in my other Dominions . And that I shall observe these in mine own practise and family , and shall never make opposition to any of those , or endevour any change thereof . Thus had the Church of Scotland all the security imaginable from a Prince , that Prelats should never have footing againe within that kingdome , & that the begun worke of Reformation should be still carried on through the other Dominions . But when Scotland out of conscience to their covenant had sent for the king , the Sectarian party in Iuly 1650 approach their borders with an Army , thereafter overcome them in battell , shedeth much of their bloud , leadeth many both commanders & souldeours away captives , & keepeth them in bondage full ten years . Under which oppression they lay groaning , wishing for a day of delivery . At length after ten years exile the Lord returned their prince without stroake of sword , and setled him upon his throne , which occasioned great acclamations of joy through the whole land , seing that now the yoke of the oppressour was brocken , and the Lord had restored to them in a wonderfull & unexpected maner their law full judges and governours . Now were people filled with hops of good and desirable dayes both for Church and State. But alace how suddainly are all their hopes turned into fears , and their joy into mourning , how are their faces filled with confusion , because of the sad disappointment which now they did meet with ? Their yoke beginneth now to be wreathed more straitly about their necks then ever , their bondage and oppression in conscience groweth , they see with their eyes the glorious worke of Reformation which had been wonderfully carried on by the mighty power of the most High , & cemented with the bloud of his Saints ( who spared not their lives in the defence & maintenance of that cause both against malignants & Sectaries ) razed to the very foundation , & the carved worke thereof brocken down with axes & hammers at once , and all things growing dayly worse & worse . Some particulars where of ( though the calling to minde , & making mention of such sad & doolfull things will occasion fresh sorrow & grief to the people of God ) as the purpose in hand will suffer , shall be mentioned in the following Sections . SECTION III. The grounds of the sufferings , of such as were incarcerated by the Committy of Estates the 23 Day of Agust 1660. discovered . AFter God had broken the yoke of the oppressours , & had restored their own governous , it might have been expected , that justice should have flowed down as a river ; and when the committe of Estates which had been nominated Anno 1651. Were commanded by his Maj. to sit & order the affaires of the Kingdome untill the ensueing Parliament should meet , every one might have been in expectation of some good following their governement . But alas their little finger becometh heavier then the loyns of the former oppressours : A litle taste of which there is given on the very first day of their sitting downe ; for upon the 23. Day of August . 1660. While there were some faithfull & Zealous servants of Christ , to the number of Ten Ministers , with one Gentleman , met in a private house ( where they resolved to meet that they might give the lesse offence ) for the drawing up of a supplication unto his Maj. wherein after their congratulating his Maj. returne , they in all humility , presse & exhort him , in the fear of the Lord , to minde his oaths unto , & covenants with God : a very necessary & seasonable work . The committee of Estates sent thither some of their number to apprehend those persones , & to take them to the castle of Edenburgh , where they abode for the space of some weeks , & were afterward ( except Mr Guthry ) confined to their chambers in the towne , for some considerable time . This was a terrible alarme unto the hearts of the godly , presaging sad & doolfull dayes to follow , when at the very first , there is so much cruelty , exerced against these faithfull & zealous servants of Christ , who were evidenceing their love & respect unto their Prince , in mindeing him of his vowes which he had made unto the most high , & of his duty which he did owe unto God , who had so wonderfully delivered him : for which no colourable pretence could be allaidged save one of those ; Either that their meeting was not warranted by the lawes of the land , or that they were about a sinfull work . The first could not be allaidged with any colour of law , because there was no standing law then in force against such meetings ; for whatever law ther was of that nature before , was made null & void by posterior acts of Parliament , which posterior acts were not as yet resci●…ded : and further what great wrong was it , for so many ministers to meet together , in a privat chamber for such an end , when as many & moe prophane persones , will be suffered to meet dayly , to drink & debauch ; and what could these worthies have suspected now , seing the like liberty was enjoyed while the land was under the feet of oppressours ? might not they in reason have expected as good quarters , at the hands of their own governoursas they gote from stangers & enemies ; But it is like the work they were about gave offence , it is true , they were pleased to brande it with the names of treason & sedition , but whether it was so or not the reader will be better able to judge , when he hath pondered & considered the true copy of their supplication which is here following . Most gratious & dreed soveraigne . We your Maj. most humble subjects , considering the duty which , as Christians , we owe to our Lord Iesus Christ , who is king of kings & Lord of Lords , and which as subjects , we owe unto your Maj. as our native & lawfull king under him : We do hold ourselves bound to tender unto your Maj. this most humble addresse & supplication . How hatefull the actings of the late usurped powers , in offering violence to the Parl. of Engl , in their unchristian & barbarous murthering of your royall father , in their insolent changeing of the ancient civill goverment of the kingdome of Engl. and by armed violence unjustly secluding your Maj. there from , In their most unjust invadeing of the kingdome of Scotland & inthralling of the same in subjection to themselves : and beyond all , their impious incroaching on the kingdome of ( Iesus Christ ) & the liberties thereof : and in promoteing & establishing a vast tolleration in things religious , throughout those nations , unto the perverting of the precious truthes of the Gospell & defaceing of the ordinances of ( Iesus Christ ) & opening a wide door to all sorts of evill , heresy , schisme , imprety & prophanenesse . How abhominable these things were to us the Lord who searcheth the heart , & tryeth the re●…es doth know , against which we gave many publike testimonies before the world , to witnesse our abhorrence thereof . And the same Lord knoweth that as we did earnestly pray for , & breath after his appearing , to witnesse against those , so ( saveing that Christian pity and compassion we owe to the persones of men , though our very enemies ) we rejoyce in his putting down of them , that did set up themselves , & in staineing the pride of their glory , & in breaking the yoke of their power from off the necke of these Kingdomes . We hold our selves also bound thankfully to acknowledge , the Lord's signall preserving of your Maj. person in the middest of many fold dangers & designes threatening the same , these years past : And that after long Exile from your own house & people , he hath been pleased to bring you back to the same : And when the foundations of the ancient civill goverment were overthrown , againe to make way for repaireing of the ruines , building up the breaches thereof : & for establishing the same on right & sure foundations , in your Maj. person & family ; and to do those things when they were so litle expected , in so quyet & peaceable a way , and without the effusion of Christian blood , & imbroyling the Kingdomes , in the misery & calamities , of a new war. And as we adore the wonderfull & wise hand of God , & blesse his name , who hath done these things , so it is not only our practice for the present : but our sincere resolution , for the time to come , to pou●… forth the fervent desires & supplicatio●… of our soull unto the most high by whom kings reigne , for the preservation , & saiftie of your Maj. person , & for the multiplication of his spirit & increase of it upon you : that you may imploy your power to his praise , & the comfort of his people ; & for the Establishing of your just power & greatnesse ; & in subordination to him to be faithfull & loyall , rendering all the dutyes of honour & subjection & obedience to your Maj. that are due from humble & loving subjects , unto their native & lawfull prince & soveraigne . And we desire to be perswaded , & with confidence to promise to ourselves , that your Maj. will accept of those our professions , as proceeding from loyall & honest hearts , & allow us the protection & countenance & incouragement in our station & callings , that may be expected from a gracious king : And considering the great happinesse that ariseth both to kirk and state , & all the members thereof , by the mutuall good understanding , betuixt the supreme Magistrat , & the faithfull of the land ; when it pleaseth divine providence so to dispose ; & the many calamities & miseries that in the holy justice , & just indignation of God , do attend the separating or violating of these only sure foundations of states and 〈◊〉 kingdomes . We are bold in the integrity of our hearts , & in the zeal of the glory of the Lord , & of the good of his church , & of your Maj. honour & happinesse : & from the sense of manifold & great obligations that be upon us , before the Lord , so to do ; & particularly that of the Covenant . That what lets , we are not able of our selves , to suppresse and overcome , we shall reveal and make known , that they may be prevented & remedied . Humbly to presente unto your Maj. and make known the great danger , that threateneth religion , and the work of reformation , in the churches of God , in these kingdomes , from the desires and endeavour ; of the remanent of the popish prelaticall and malignant party therein , which is begining to lift up the head , & not only to render hatefull , but to bear downe many of your Maj. good subjects , who have been imployed as instruments in the work , & have keeped within the bounds of their duty , in promoveing & preserving the same , so far as humane frailty would permit ; but also to overthrow that blessed work it self and to reintroduce prelacy & the ceremonies , & the service book , and all these corruptions which were formerly cast out , as inconsistent with that pure and spotelesse rule of church governement , discipline and divine worshipe delivered to us in the word of God , as a yoke of bondage that neither we nor our fathers were able to bear : and though we know that that Spirit will not want its specious pretences , & plausible insinuations for compassing these ends , yet , as there cannot readily be greater disservice to the church of God , to these Kingdoms , & to your Maj. honour & happinesse , then actings of that nature , so we cannot without horrour of Spirit & astonishment of heart , think upon what dreadfull guiltinesse King , Princes , Ministers & People , shall be involved into , & what fearfull wrath shall attend them from the face of an angry & jealous God , if after all the light that he hath made to shine in these kingdomes from his blessed word , for discovery of the error & Impiety of these things , & after his hand hath been lifted up so high , for casting out of the same ; & after solemne vowes & engadgments taken upon themselves before God , angels & men , against them ; if they should againe lick up the vomit thereof . God forbid that we should either hear or see such heart astonishing bitter things which would turne the mirth of the Lords people into mourning ; & their songs into most sad lamentations . Neither are we lesse apprehensive of the endeavours of the spirit of errour that possesseth Sectaries in these Nations . which as it did at first promove a vast tolleration in things religious ; and afterwards did proceed to the frameing of mischief into a law , so we doubt not , but it will still be active unto the promoving & procuring of the same , under the specious pretext of liberty to tender consciences ; the effects whereof have in a few years past been so dreadfull , that we cannot think of the continuing thereof but with much trembling & fear . Therefore knowing that to Kings , Princes , Rulers , & Magistrats , appertaineth the purgation & preservation of religion , & that nothing can contribute more unto the preserving and promoveing of religion , & the work of reformation , then that all places of power & trust , be filled with men of a blamelesse & christian conversation , approven integrity , & known affection to the cause of God , We , your Maj. most humble supplicants & subjects , with bowed knees , & bended affections , humbly supplicat your Maj. that you would imploy your royall power unto the preservation of the reformed religion , in the church of Scotland in doctrine worship , discipline & governement , & for the reformation of Religion in the Kingdome of England & Irland , in doctrine worshipe , discipline & goverment ; and to the carrying on of the work of uniformity of religion , in the church of God , in the three Kingdomes , in one confession of faith , forme of church goverment , directory of worshipe & catechis●…ing : and to the extirpation of popery prelacy , superstition , heresy , schisme , prophanesse , & whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine , & the power of Godlinesse : And that all places of trust , under your Majest , may be filled with such as have taken , the Covenant , & are of approven integrity , & known affection to the cause of God. If in a matter that so much concerneth the honour of God , the good of his Church , & your Maj. honour & happinesse , we be jealous with a godly jealousy , we know your Maj. wisdom & lenity to be such , as will easily pardon : And the sense of our duty to God , & to your Maj. & the fear of those kingdoms transgressions , by building up againe , the things that were destroyed , constraineth us to be petitioners against the same , & earnestly to intreat that any beginnings of stumbling which already have been given in those things , especially in the matter of Prelacy & ceremonies , & the Servicebook , in your Majesty chappell and family , and other places of your Dominions may be removed and taken away ; And that there may be no furder proceeding in these things , which grieve the Spirit of God , and give offence to your Maj. good subjects , who are engadged with you in the same Covenant and work of reformation . And that your Maj. for establishing the hearts and strengthening the hands of these who are faithfull in the work of the Lord , & for quashing the hopes & endeavours of adversaries , would be pleased to give publick signification , of your approbation of the Covenant ; And of your purpose to adhere unto the same , & to carry on the work of God in these Kingdoms according thereunto ; & that your Maj. eyes may be upon the faithfull of the land that they may dwell with you . We hope your Maj. will not take offence , 〈◊〉 we be the Lord's remembrancers to you ; That you were pleased a little before your coming to this kingdom , & afterwards at the time of your coronation , to assure & declare , by your solemne Oath , under your hand & seal , in the presence o●… Almighty God The searcher of hearts , your allowance & approbation of the Nationall Covenant , & the Solemne League & Covenant , faithfully obligeing your self to prosecute the ends thereof , in your station , & calling ; & that your Maj. for your self & Successours should consent & agree to all acts of Parl. enjoyning the nationall Cov : & Solemne League & Cov. fully establishing Presbyteriall Gov : directory for Worship , confession of faith & Cathecismes in the Kingdom of Scotland , as they are approven by the Gen. Assemblies of this kirk . And Parliaments of this Kingdom ; And that your Maj. should give your Royall assent to acts & ordinances of Parl. past or to be past enjoyning the same in your Maj. Dominions ; & that yow should observe these in your practice & family & should never make opposition to any of those ; Nor endeavour any change thereof . And we desire to be persuaded that no length of time hath made your Maj. forget . Or weakened in your Maj. heart the sense of the obligation of the great & solemne Oath of God in the Covenants ; Yea that the afflictions where with God hath exercised your Maj. these years past , the great & wonderfull deliverance , that of late he hath granted unto you , hath fixed deeper Impressions upon your heart & spirit ; & that among all the kings of the earth , Reformation of Religion shall have no greater friend then your Maj : Yea that as yee are more excellent then the kings of the Earth , in regaird of the purity of profession & solemne engadgments unto God , And long exercisednesse with manifold afflictions ; & in the Lord 's setting you over these Kingdomes which are not only thorow grace , the first fruites of the gentiles , But also are , among all we know in the World , the most eminent for the power & purity of the Gospel : So shall your Maj. in your Princely Station & dignity , excell them in the zeal of God & for the Kingdom of Iesus Christ : And that by how much more your Maj. by the constitution , & good hand of the Almighty , is lifted up above the sphere of your subjects ; by so much more shall your motion be more vigorous & active , unto the carrying about by the influence of your royall Head , & by your example , all the Orbs of inferiour powers & persones , in these kingdomes , in subordination to God & your Maj. in the practice of godlinesse & vertue . It is the desire of our soul that your Maj. may be like unto David a man according to Gods own heart : Like unto Solomon , of an understanding heart , to judge the Lord's people , & to discerne betwixt good & bad : Like unto Iehosaphat , whose heart was lifted up in the wayes of the Lord : Like unto Hezekiah , eminent for godlinesse and integrity : Like unto Iosiah , who was of a tender heart & did humble himself before God , when he heard his word against Ierusalem , & the inhabitants of Iudah , and not only made a Covenant before the Lord , to walk after the Lord , and keep his commandements , with all his heart , and with all his soul to performe the Covenant , but also caused all that were in Ierusalem & Benjamin to stand to it ; & took away the abomination out of all the countreyes that pertained to all the children of Israël ; and made all that were present in Israël to serve , even to serve the Lord their God. So shall your Maj. inherite the honour & blessing of these kings upon the earth and their happinesse in heaven ; So shall your Maj. person be preserved , & your government established over these kingdomes . Which is the unfeigned desire , and fervent supplication of your Maj. most humble & loyall subjects . Now the Reader having considered this humble addresse and supplication may judge if there was any thing therin either treasonable or seditious reflecting on his Maj. & on the government of the kingdom of England , or the constitution of the present Committy of Estates , or any thing tending to the raiseing of new tumults and re-kindleing a civill warre among his Maj. good subjects as their enemies were pleased to give it out , o●… which did deserve imprisonement ; yea whether it was not their duty & the duty of all the Ministers of Scotland , to be thus faithfull in giving timeous warning and faithfull exhortation unto their Prince , that they might have prevented , as much as lay in them , the sad defection , which was then feared , & indeed followed thereafter . Nether let any say , that such things might well be gathered from their other letters ; for they had nothing beside that letter , save some scrols of a letter and some instructions to one of their number , for no other purpose , then for the communicating of the supplication unto the Ministers of their judgment in severall Presbyteries within the Synod of Glasgow , & for desiring their approbation thereof & concurrence therein . This is one sad dispensation . But it is only the beginning of sorrow , & of much woe following . SECTION IIII. The suffering of the Noble Marquise of Argile who was executed the 27 Day of May 1661. examined by law . WHile the Parliament is in hand with reverend Mr Guthri●… who had been a prisoner since the 23 day of August . 1660 ( of whom mention shall be made in the next section ) They have also the worthy & renowned Marguese of Argile among their hands ; who , though he had a maine hand in bringing home the king & closeing the second treaty at Breda yet , while he is going up to London after the kings late returne from exile , to congratulat his Maj. returne , is made prisoner in the Tour of London & thereafter is sent down to Scotland , & indited of heigh treason , before the Parl. & at length is beheaded & his head is stuck up upon the tolbooth of Edenburgh . Questionlesse strangers will think it behoved to be some great matter , for which the life of such an eminent & famous nobleman , who had been so renowned at home & abroad , for his faithfulnesse and constancy in carrying on the work & cause of God , was taken ) But the very truth is , what ever was petended , the true cause was , that which made him so famous ; even his zeal & activity for the work of God in his generation ; for what ever else they had to lay to his charge , if he had either opposed the work of God , or done as litle for it , as many other , of the Nobles , his life would not have been taken now , more then the life of others , it is true other things were sought to colour this bussinesse , and failing one , another , & failing that , a third , but in end ther is a comprehensive generall set downe as the ground of the sentence , to this purpose . That he had been an enemy to the king & his interest these 23 yeers or more by past , which in effect is as much as to say ; he had been an active friend for the interest of Christ. But because generalls cannot well be proved they condescended on severall particular actings of his in carrying on , in his place & station , the work of reformation , & when all these failed , they fix upon his complyance with the Englishes ( after they had subdued the land in battell , and forced the king out of his dominions , had garrisoned the whole land , & used it almost as a conquest ) by sitting in their parliament when chosen by some shire , and when the rest of the shires of the land had sent their commissioners thither . This his complyance with them , at that time , by sitting in their judicatories , and there concurring with his advice & counsel for the good of the land , that was now under their feet , is the only particular ground upon which his sentence is founded , and the particular speciall cause pretended for which he was condemned to lose his head as a traitour , & to have his head put up on t●…e top of the tolbooth as an eminent traitour . A sentence which question lesse , at first veiu , may make all men of understanding astonished , & to wonder , how ever it could have entered into the minde of the parliament of Scotland , to sentence unto death , such a peer of the land , such an usefull member of the Kingdome , & an ornament ; upon such a ground and for such a cause . But if these foure particulars be considered the matter will yet appear more wonderfull . 1. The matter of complyance with the Englishes at that time , was so farr from being accounted treasonable that severall of the lawyers ( among whom was one Sr Iohn Fletcher who was now advanced to be his Maj. advocat , & did accuse this worthy Nobleman of treason ) did swear & subscribe an oath to be faithfull unto the governement , as it was then established without King & house of Lords . Now if there had been treason really in this deed , either by the civill law , or by the municipall lawes of the land , would not the lawyers have perceived it whose dayly work & study the lawes are ? 2. If this had been the deed of this nobleman alone , the mater had been lesse to have been wondered at , but it being such a deed whereof few of the nobles of Scotland were altogether free : yea whereof many of the members of Parliament his judges were guilty , the matter is beyond a parallel . It is hard to make secios criminis sit as judges & condemne the accused : reason would require that the table should be purged . Is it not strange for a Parliament to condemne one for such a fault for which many of their own members might with as much justice & equity be condemned ? and is it not strange how they being by their own confession traitours in the heighest degree , could fitt , & judge others ? It is true it will be replyed . That his Maj. might pardon whom he pleased , But then it will aboundantly appear that not this , But something else was the cause of this worthy nobleman's death . Whatever may be said in poynt of law , yet it will be a disput in poynt of conscience . If kings may pardon such crimes as do deserve death by the law of God , or if such crimes which kings may pardon , of their own accord , & according to their own good pleasure , do before the Lord , deserve death . 3. If the Parliament had thought this particular worthy to bear so much stresse , why would they have spent so much of their time in searching for other grounds to goe upon 〈◊〉 & why did they not make use of this at the first ? but it is like this had never once been mentioned if they had been able to fasten treason upon any other of his actions ; & this makes it so much the more to be wondered at , that they would condemne such a noble man for such a particular which they would never once hav●… named , if they could have done their intended work , otherwayes . 4. Is it not strange that of all the complyers of Scotland there was not one , except this nobleman , impannelled upon this account , let be , put to death ; yea is it not strange that those noble Men were never once questioned who being desired by Generall Monck when he was entering England with his army to rancounter Lambert , did abjure king Charles & his interest ; & this Nobleman must die ; Yea is it not yet more strange that one William Purves , who by complying had occasioned almost ruine to many noblemen , brughs and gentlem●…n , should have been absolved by act of Parliament ( as might be cleared if there were a table of the unprinted acts set down after their acts , as is done alwayes , in other Parliaments ) and yet this nobleman must be sentenced to death , for complying for the good of the countrey . But to speak unto the bussinesse in poynr of law let these foure or five Particular quaere's be considered and then any shall be able to perceive the iniquity of this sentence . 1. By what act of Parliament is such a deed as this , condemned as treasonable ? By what municipall law , can any member of the Kingdome be challenged , upon the account of treason , for treating with a conquerour for life & liberty , & for sitting in his councells , for the good of the countrey , after that he with the rest of the body of the land , had foughten in the defence of King , & countrey till no more could be done , after the whole land had been overcome at severall battels , and wholly overrun ; & had acted nothing , for the advantage of the enemy & disadvantage of the king & countrey before the victory obtained ; but in all poynts had carryed as became a loyall subject contributing all the help by armes & counsell , which was required : what act of parliament declareth such a deed as this treasonable , & such a subject to deserve death as a traitour ? 2. Was there ever such a Practique in Scotland since ever there was a king in it ? Severall times was the kingdome of Scotland overrun by the kingdome of England particularly in the dayes of Baliol , & at that time King Edward caused the Nobles of Scotland swear all aidgeance unto him . But when Bruce came to be King was there any of the Nobles questioned for treason upon that account ? And seing ther can no instance be produced out of the History of Scotland since ever it was a Kingdome , that any subject , noble Man , or other , was accused of high treason , for such a cause , surely this noble Mans case was unparalleled . 3. Is not this strange considering what the principle of Royallists is ? They say that [ Conquest giveth a just tittle to a crown ] So sayeth D. Ferne , A●…nisaeus , & Maxwell in his Sacro Sancta Regum Majestas , Cap. 17. And by this principle Cromwell was the lawfull supreme Governour of the Kingdome of Scotland , and had just tittle & right to the Crowne thereof , having now conquered the same ; & if this principle of theirs be true ( which is much questioned by their opposites ) no complyance with him , could by any law in the World , be treason against any Prince whatsomever , for obedience unto , & concurrence with , a lawful supreme Magistrat can be treason against no man living : How then could this noble Man be challenged upon the account of treason for complyance ? Let all the Royalists answer this , without contradicting themselves , if they can . 4. Is there any lawyer who can produce such a definition of treason against a Prince , or a supreme Magistrat , out of the civil law , as will condemne the deed of this worthy noble Man , & make complyance with a conquerour for the good & saifty of the countrey after all meanes of defence are broken & lost , an act of treason ? And since the civil law can condemne no such deed as treasonable , the sentence given out against his noble Man , must be without all warrand of law . 5. Are there not many countreyes , Kingdomes & cities that have been overrun by their enemies , & have had their own lawfull Governours put from them ; & so have been forced , to live under the feet of strangers ; & hath it not been usuall for them to comply with such as had the present power in their hand for their own saifty , & the good of the place ? And was it ever yet heard that such were accused & condemned of ●…reason against their own lawful Governours , thrust from them sore against their wills , for any such complyance ? And is it not wonderful that this eminent noble Man should become a preparative unto all the World ? So then , to put a close to this , let an appeal be made to all Governours of Commonwealths , Statesmen , Lawyers , Casuists , Politicians , Canonists & Quodlib●…tists , yea & Royalists , if they will speak consonantly to their own principles & their answer & interloquutour be had in point of law unto this question . Whether or not , when a land is overcome in battel , once , againe , a thrid time , & a fourth time , so a●… they are forced to lie under the feet of the conquerour , and expect his mercy , their own supreme Magistrat is forced to flee away , for his life , without all hope of returning ; & so they left without all goverment but what they have from the conquerour ; & when it might have been expected that he would have ruled them , & disposed of them [ jure conquestus , as conquered ] according to his own pleasure , yet he did admit such as they thought sit to choise , to sit in his supreme Councel for giving their advice for regulating the affaires of that Kingdom , & common wealth , which is now conquered & subdued ; Can it be treason in any , when chosen by the countrey , to sit in these Councells , & advise what they think best for the good of the countrey ? Or can they , or any of them , be challenged , or accused , & condemned , as guilty of heigh treason , when providence bringeth back the prince after ten yeers absence , for acting so under the conquerour , for the good of the land , to prevent its utter ruine , & destruction ? And if the answer shall ( as certainly it will ) be negative , then it is beyond all question that the sentence & execution of this worthy noble Man , upon this sole account , shall be matter of astonishment to all that hear of it & know the cause thereof . Thus a great prince falleth , & within five dayes therafter , a great prophet falleth as shall be shown in the next section . SECTION V. The groundes of the suffering of Mr Iames Guthry Minister at Sterlin , who was executed the first Day of Iune 1661. examined . AFter the parliament is assembled . Mr Iames Guthry , minister at Sterlin , who was one of those ministers who were incarcerated for the cause above mentioned , Sect. 3. & who after some weeks imprisonement in the castle of Edenburgh was carryed thence & imprisoned in Dundee from thence is sent for , by the parliament & impannalled before them being accused of high treason . He was a man who had been honoured of God to be zealous , & singularly faithfull , in carrying on the work of reformation , & had carryed himself streightly under all changes & revolutions : & because he had been such an eminent one he must live no longer ; for he is condemned to die , & most basely handled as if he had been a notorious thief o●… malefactor , he is hanged , & afterward his head is stuck up upon one of the ports of the city of Edinbrugh where it abideth unto this day , preaching the shamefull defection of these who dealt thus with him , & calling to all who goe out & in at the gate of the city to remember their covenant with God for which he died a martyr . But it is like many will think it behoved to be some great crime for which this eminent servant of the Lord , was thus handled , but what if it be no such crime ? yea what if it was a duty , for which he was thus put to suffer ? Reader , thou shall hear ir , & then thou mayest judge . Some ten years before , he was challenged by the King & his councell for a doctrinall thesis which he had maintained & spoken to , in sermon , & because he found them , incompetent judges in matters purely ecclesiasticall , such as is the examination , and censureing of doctrinall poynts primo instanti he did decline them upon that account : This is his crime , & for this he is condemned as guilty of high treason , & this will be the more wonderfull , if thou consider , how as thou hast heard , many worthy & precious servants of christ , did decline the King , & his councell in the dayes of King Iames , such as Mr Baleanqual , Mr Melvin , Mr Blake , Mr Welch , Mr Forbes & others as incompetent judges in causes meerly ecclesiasticke ; and yet ther was never one of them put to death . It is true there was an act of Parliament , Anno 1584. dischargeing such declinatures under the paine of treason : but the very next year , An●…o 1585. King Iames himself did emit a declaration shewing that he for his pairt should never , & that his posterity ought never , to cite summond , or apprehend any paster for matters of doctrine . in religion , salvation , heresies , or true interpretation of scripture , but avoucheth it to be a mater meerly ecclesiasticall , & altogether impertinent to his calling : Which though not equivalent to an Act of parliament ; yet whether it may not be a supersede as to an Act , & a ground of exemption to the subject , from the rigour thereof till the law be revived by a posteriour act , which was never yet done , lawyers may judge . But which is more there is an Act of Parl. Anno 1592. declareing that that former Act shall no wayes be prejudiciall , nor derogat any thing to the privilege , that God hath given to the spirituall office bearers of the church , concerning heads of religion , matters of heresy , excommunication , collation or deprivation of ministers , or any such like essentiall censures , specially grounded & have and warrand of the word of God. And which is more considerable . The parliament 1648. did disclaime any such power of judging in church matters , & took it for an unjust challenge & charge , to say , that they took an antecedent judgment in maters of religion , for in their letter to the presbyteries of Scotland being their Act 16. May 11. 1648. they have these words [ Neither can it be with any truth or justice in any sort alleidged that we have in the least measure wronged or violated , the true privileges or liberties of the church , or any way taken upon us , the determination or decision , of any matters of faith , or church discipline though we be unjustly charged with taking an antecedent judgment in matters of religion . ] By which every one may see that the parliament did looke upon themselves as an incompetent judge in matters of faith or religion Primo instanti , or antecedently unto the decision & determination of the church . And now let lawyers judge , whether , when the parliament the supreme judicature of that land doth declare themselves , incompetent judges , in matters of religion ; The Privy Councell ( which is a judicature inferiour to the parliament by the fundamentall lawes of that land , having its originall power & antiquity from the Kings Maj. & the estates of parliament , & so is subordinat there to , & ought to be countable to , & censureable by them , according to the 12 Act of Parl. 2. King Iames 4. See for this Act 27. Parl 2. of King Charl I. 1640. ) may become judges thereof & whether , seing by confession of Parliament they can be no lesse incompetent judges , then the parliament it self , it can be truely treasonable to decline them . Though it were granted that that Act of Parliament 1584. were no way weakened by the other Act 1592. which yet is expressely explicatory thereof ; yet it could no wayes be treasonable in him to decline the councell as an incompetent judge to him , in that case ; because the Act 1584. is to be understod in such cases only in which they are propper judges But it will be replyed that the Act maketh them judges competent to all persones spirituall or temp●…rall , in all matters , wherin they or any of them shall be apprehended summoned or charged . Answ. True , the act speaks so , in the generall , & yet it is well known , that notwithstanding thereof , any of his majesties subjects might decline them when cited for causes , the cognition whereof did popperly belong to another distinct judicature such as the court of exchequer or the Lords of the Session : so that this all is to be restricted to such causes as do belong to them . And under it , causes purely ecclesiastike cannot be understood because of that which the Parliament , Anno 1648. said ; Parliaments know best what causes belong to their cognition ; & what doth not belong to a Parliament , will never belong to the Privy Councell . If it be replyed againe that the meaning of the Parliament 1584. was to give the councell power in church matters , because this act was devised of purpose to hinder ministers to protest against the King & his counsell , as they had done before Ans. that is true . But that will say nothing now when the Parliament 1648. hath declined to be judges in such matters ; and Parliaments can best expound their own lawes and acts , & can best explaine the extent of their own power , and consequently can best declare what causes these are , of which , the Privie Councell , is competent judge , & what not ; & when they declare that themselves are not competent judges in matters of doctrine & religion , they do more then sufficiently declare that the Privie Councell is not a competent judge in those matters . But for all this , this worthy man must die , & he dieth a martyr for the truth , against the Erastian abomination . SECTION VI. The sufferings of some other Ministers related . AMong other acts of the Committy of Estates there was a proclamation , which they caused be read , at all the church doores of the Kingdome upon the Lord's day ; in which they discharged ministers to speak or preach any thing against them , or their proceedings : & this was to command them to handle the word of the Lord deceitfully , to become false prophets , & to preach smooth things and to prophecy deceits : wherby the malicious & ill affected people who did not love their ministers were encouraged to give in delations of such & such things as they thought good to allaidge against them as uttered in their sermones & bring in any prophane persones they pleased for witnesses . By which meanes , some ( though many were in no hazard thinking it commendable prudence to be silent at such a time ) were brought to trouble both by the Committe of Estates & by the Parliament , being imprisoned or confined and other wayes hardly used though litle of what was allaidged , could be proved against them . More over ther was one minister , who after the Parliament had annulled the covenant , & passed many other acts against the work of reformation , thought himself bound in conscience to give faithfull & free warning , & to shew the greatnesse of the sin of backslideing & defection from the cause and truth of God ; & to protest publikely in a Ministeriall way for his own exoneration , after the example of Samuel at the comandement of God , against the course of defection carryed on , & all acts made , in prejudice of the covenanted worke of reformation : for which cause he was summoned before the Parliament and at length condemned of treason & sedition onely upon that acount , & therafter was banished out of all his Maj. dominions . And if any say that ministers should have been silent & not meddled with state affairs let the answers which famous doct . Voet : giveth in his Politia Eccles. pag. 982. 983. &c. be considered , which are these . 1. It is the duty of Ministers to give faithfull warning unto people , Ezek. 3 : 17 , 22. 2. This was not to meddle with the politie , but with the abuse of it by men in power . 3. Rulers no lesse then others must be touched when they provoke God to wrath by their carriage , 1 Thes. 5 : 11. Iam. 5 : 20. 1 Sam. 15 : 14. Isa. 58. 1. 4. Then they should never speake to a hundered places of scripture , which do speake so directly against Magistrats abuseing their power . See what he sayeth furder to this purpose there : in answering therest of the objections , & how he cleareth it from Act. 7 : 51. Hos. 2 : 1. Dan. 3. & 6. Act. 4. & 5. & 6. Hos. 4. 15. Iud. v. 23. About this same time there is another minister banished indictâ causà for while he was going towards Irland upon some particular occasion he was brought back By the command of the committee of Estates & committed to prisone untill the meeting of Parliament , & then receiveth summones of treason , to which when he had desired some time to answere , he is sent back to prisone , & when he expecteth to be called upon to give in his defences , he was sentenced with banishment out of his Maj. dominions . And which is more to be wondered at . Neither these two ministers nor any other who were afterward banished , as shall be showne , could ever to this day , get an extract of their sentence , which no judicature in the world could ever have refuised in equity & justice : yea because the power of the Parliament & Councell of Scotland could reach no furder then their own bounds , & so could banish none any further then out of Scotland ; they devise another way & draw up a bonde where in the subscriber bindeth himself under the paine of death , to remove out of all his Maj. dominions betwixt & such a day & not to returne without license under the paine of death , & this bond , they caused the banished ministers subcribe , before witnesses ; which they were all necessitated to do to save themselves from worse . Judge reader if this was not both cruell & unreasonable . SECTION VII . Concerning their sufferings who refuised to observe the Anniversary Day . AMong other Acts of the first Session of Parliament , there is one for a solemne anniversary thankesgiving , wherein they statute & ordaine [ That in all time coming the twenty ninth day of May ( which was the day of ●…his Maj. birth & restauration to his government ) be set a pairt as a holy Day unto the Lord , & that in all the Churches of the Kingdome , it be imployed in publick prayers , preaching , thankesgiving , & praises to God , for so transcendent mercies , & that all trade , merchandise work , handy-labour , & other ordinary imployments be forborne , & the remaineing part of the day spent in such lawful divertishments , as are suiteable to so solemne an occasion . ] Unto which Act , many of the ministry did give obedience out of fear ; But others could not in conscience yeeld thereunto : not only because , it is not in the power of any under heaven to appoint anniversary holy Dayes , the Creator alone having reserved that power into his own hand , to consecrate any portion of time he pleaseth , & make it holy ; So as holy duties must attend it , as holy duties & acts of worship , attend the Sabboth-day , the only holy Day which is now warranted , by the Word of God. It is true the Church may , when God , by his providence is calling to mourning , to fasting , or to thankesgiving , set some time a pairt for these duties of praying , or rejoiceing , but then the time doth attend the dutyes called for , & the duties doe not attend the time , as they do the Lord's Day . But also because of the grounds & reasons of the solemnizeing of that Day ; which are contained in the narrative of the act , unto which no man who had not made shipewrak of faith & of a good conscience could consent , as every one may see , who will but ponder the Act , a part whereof ( to give but a taste of the whole ) followeth [ The ●…states of Parliament of the Kingdome of Scotland , taking to their c●…sideration , the sad condition , slaverie & bondage , this ancient Kingdome hath groaned under , durcing these twenty three years troubles , in which under the specious pretences of reformation , a publick rebellion , hath b●…en by the treachery of some , & mispersuasion of others , violently carryed on , against sacred authority , to the ruine & destruction , so far as was possible , of Religion , the Kings Maj. & his Royal Government , the la●…es , liberties , & property of the people , & all the publick & private interests of the Kingdome ; So that Religion it self — hath been prostitute for the warrand of all these treasonable invasions made upon the Royall Authority ; And disloyal limitations put upon the alleagiance of the subjects , &c. ] By which & what followeth , it may be obvious to all who read & consider the said Act. That none could so much as preach on that day or give any countenance to such a work , unlesse they would condemne all which had been done for twenty three yeers space , in carrying on of the work of Reformation , as being the height of treachery & rebellion , designedly & purposely carryed on , under the specious pretexts of Reformation ; And what faithfull Minister durst adventure on that , to condemne King & Parliaments Church , & State , & themselves too as treatours & rebells , unworthy to live any longer ? Can any expect that Ministers , before they be convinced of a fault should be so rash & unadvised , as to goe to pulpites , with ropes about their necks , & declare , before all , that they had been so long ( & possibly all their dayes , as to some young men ) living a life of rebellion , against the lawfull Magistrat , carrying on a course of ●…rebellion , to the ruine of Religion , King , & Kingdome ? And can it be expected in reason , that such as refused to countenance that day should be condemned by any who shall but seriously consider , what are the consequences of such a complyance ? Neither let any say that it was out of disrespect to his Maj. that any Minister did refuise to countenance the work of that day ; For all of them did willingly keep a day of solemne thankesgiving , at his coming home ; And Presbyteries , & Synods did chearfully appoynt dayes for that effect . That which the famous & learned Voetius observeth concerning such dayes in his Polit. Pag. ult . viz. That it may come to passe that the time when such an anniversary day should be keeped may be a time when God calleth for fasting , & mourning , then such may look for that woe : Isa. 22 : 12 , 13. As rojoyce when they should mourne : is considerable : & whether it was a fit season then to rejoyce , or not , let the Reader judge when he considereth that upon the Monday before that anniversary day , the famous Marquis of Argile was executed & upon the Saterday thereafter . Faithfull Mr Guthry was put to death . And that also which he sayeth against Ministers keeping a sinfull fast , Pag. 993. Holdeth good here ; for Ministers were clear that this was against the common cause of God. And therefore many who could not satisfy themselves with some fine distinctions & evasions to reconcile themselves unto the publick lawes , resolved with the primitive Christians to hazard their reputation of loyalty ( as Stillingslcet sheweth in his Origines Sacra , Pag. 321. ) rather then to countenance such impiety . SECTION VIII . The grounds why Ministers did resuise to goe to the Prelats Courts , cleared . A Little after his Maj. returne he was pleased to write unto the Presbytery of Edinburgh , ( who were to communicat it unto the rest of Presbyteries of the Kingdom ) a gracious letter , ( as it was called ) wherin he promised to owne & to countenance the government of the Church as it was established by law , wherby many took him to meane Presbyterian government ; But others feared a designe to overturne Presbyterian government & to introduce Prelacy ( as afterward it came to passe ) & when the Parliament did rescinde all acts , & statutes made in favours of Presbyterian government & did devolve the power of setling the government of the Church upon his Maj. they did by their , Act. 16. allow the present administration by Sessions , Presbyteries , & Synods for a time . But at length Mr IamesSharpe ( a man who had formerly been intrusted by severall of the Ministry & confided in , as one who would prove most faithfull unto the Presbyterian interest but now had betrayed his most intimat brethren , & laid down a course for overturning his mother Church & therby declared that he was a most unnaturall childe of that Church ) & other three Ministers with him went up to London w●… first being made & ordained Deacons , & after that Presbyters , they are consecrated Bishops , upon the — day of — 1661. & with all there is a proclamation from his Maj. of the date at Whitehall the 6 of September , Anno 1661. declareing , His Royall pleasure to be for restoreing of the government the Church by Archbishops & Bishops as it was exercised in the year 1637. & that he had nominated & presented persones to the severall Bishopricks of the Kingdome of Scotland of whom some have been lately consecrated & invested with the same dignities , Church power & authority which was formely competent to the Archbishops and Bishops in the Reignes of his Royall grand Father and Father of blessed memory , and that the allowance of Presbyteriall government is now of itself void and expired , as being only for a time , &c. And so the jurisdiction and exercise of Church government should be ordered in there spective Synods Presbyteries and Sessions by the appointment & authority of the Archbishops and Bishops according to their privilege & practice . In obedience to which proclamation . The Privy Councell , Ian. 9. 1662. did make publick intimation thereof & discharge all ecclesiasticall meetings in Synods presbyteries & sessions , untill they be authorized & ordered by the Archbishops & Bishops upon their entry unto the government of their respective seas which is to be done speedily . Wherupon at the time of the meeting of the provinciall Synods , noblemen & others were sent to raise them by force . But therafter when these foure returne from London , & consecrat the rest , there were acts made in the second , session of Parliament viz. Anno 1662. redintegrating them to the exercise of their episcopall function , & to all their privileges , dignities , jurisdictions , & possessions due & formerly belonging thereunto : as also there is an act ordaincing all ministers to repaire unto the diocesian assembly & concur in all the acts of Church discipline as they should be therunto required by the Archbishops , or Bishop of the diocese , under the paine of being suspended from their office & benifice till the next diocesian meeting , for the first fault , & if they amended not , to be deprived , & the Church to be declared vacand . But notwithstanding of this act , all such ministers as resolved to keep a good conscience , did forbear to goe unto these meetings , or unto the other meetings , which they call exercises , in which meetings , the prelate , & such as he named , did not only preside , but ruled as they pleased ; Not only because the privileges of the judicatories were encroached upon , & wronged by the Prelate , presideing at his own hand , without the consent of the rest , contrary to the constant practice of that Church , & because a constituent member of these judicatures viz the ruleing elder was excluded , contrare to the principles of presbyterian government , the practice of that Church from the begining , the practice of all other reformed churches , & of the primitive Church , & contrary to the judgment of many eminent divines both there , and abroad , who have clearly made it to appear out of the scriptures that Christ hath instituted such officers . ( and these should have more weight , then those three mentioned by the author of the Seasonable case pag. 11. as of another judgment . ) But also because these meetings now differ from the meetings & judicatories which the Church had before , not only in name ( they being now called do●…sian meetings , & not Synods & Presbiteries ) but also in thing . The former judicatories are razed , & overturned , & these new meetings are erected upon a new Basis the Kings power & perogative to setle what forme of Church government he thinketh best ; & they are now authorized & ordered by the prelates : & so they are pieces & partes of the prelaticall government , & therefore they are distinct from what they were before : So that no minister that made conscience of his covenant & vow for presbyterian goverment & against prelaticall could with peace & freedome , keep or countenance these meetings . It is replyed by the prelates procurator , the new casuist in his pamphlet called the seasonable case etc. pag. 12. That the meetings now & before are of the same constitution , nothing altered , nor any more holding of Bishops now when the Kings Maj. hath taken off the restraint which for a time , he putt on , then if he had not at all restrained them . But this is no satisfactory answere his meet deny all will not availe much with indifferent men of understanding , for the difference is clear : because 1. formerly , Church judicatories had power within themselves to nominat , & appoynt their own moderator , now it is not so 2. Formerly , Church judicatories , & Church power , did flow from the Lord Iesus Christ immediatly , as being the only head of his Church , now they flow from another fountaine : viz the King as the fountaine of all Church power , & therefore is the goverment called his majesties governement ecclesiasticall in the Act of councell Iuly 10. 1663. & the prelats in the discharge of their office are said to do service to his Maj. in the Church in the act of councell Ian. 9. 1662. 3. Formerly , Church judicatories did meddle with every scandal , now they must meddle with no more then the prelat pleaseth . 4. Formerly , presbyters had power to voyce & to determine by their decisive suffrage , now they are but the prelates counsellours , of whose counsell & advice he maketh what use he thinketh fitt . 5. Formerly , there was none in those judicatories who had a negative voyce , now the Bishop hath it , & the rest are but cyphres . 6. Formerly , in these judicatories ther were ruleing elders : but now that constituent member is not admitted , which particular alone will sufficiently evidence that the face & frame of the judicature is altered . And since it is so ; any man of understanding may easily perceive , such a difference as maketh those meetings now to depend upon the King : & upon the prelat , who hath a negative voice in them , & whose dioecesian meetings they are , being now modelled conforme to the number of prelats , whileas before in some dioecies there were three provinciall Synods . Moreover the passage which was cited before out of the Proclamation , Ian. 15. 1662. cleareth this aboundantly ; for there it is said expresly , that the administration of the Church in the way it had been , ( that is the administration of presbyterian goverment ) is inconsistent with that which is now established , or Episcopall goverment ; and the councell is better to be beleeved then this man who speaketh without ground . againe why did King & Councell discharge those meetings , but because they were making way for the setling of Episcopacie ? and finally why is the jurisdiction and exercise of Church discipline , which was allowed for a time , set in opposition , [ to the jurisdiction & exercise of Church Goverment ordered in the respective synods , presbyteries & sessions , by the appoyntment & authority of the Archbishops , & Bishops thereof , according to their known privilege & practice conforme therto . ] If not to clear this difference . He objecteth pag. 8. & sayeth [ That the supreme Magistrat hath undowbted power to convocat synods , when he seeth it needfull — & no protestant minister would refuise to come , at his comand ; nor is there any ranke or degree of subjects , that can without the staine of sinfull disobedience , refuise to meet upon his Maj. command , and ministers cannot plead exemption from the common duties of subjects ] It is answered . 1. It is true ministers are subjects no lesse then others ; & are obliged in conscience to subject themselves Unto the civill Magistrat , in the Lord , no lesse then others ; But. 2. Neither ministers nor others are bound at the Magistrat's command to sin against God , it being alwayes better to obey God then man & here in obeying this command , Ministers , should have hainonsly sinned against God , for . 1. They should have therby acknowledged , upon the matter , that the Magistrats power , in Church matters , is such , as that , he may appoynt what forme of Goverment he will , which no presbyterian , in conscience , could yeeld to , without wronging of Christ , the head & King of his Church ; as shall in due time be made furder to appear . 2. They should have therby testified , & acknouledged their approbation of Episcopall Goverment , contrary to their oath & subscription , for this was pressed as a badge of conformitie , & signe of subjection unto Episcopall Goverment ; as the Proclamation of the Privie Councell before mentioned doth abundantly clear , & these meetings are meer episcopall meetings as is showne . 3. Ans●…as to the ground of the objection viz. That the Magistrat hath power to convocate synods ; It would require a longer time then can be now allowed to discusse the same , & to try , how , & in what cases , it willhold good . But this is certane that the judgment of the Church of Scotland as to this particular , as may be seen in the Act of Assembly Anno 1647. approving the confession of faith , & prefixed therunto ) is that in Churches constituted ( such as the Church of Scotland was ) the Magistrats authority is not sufficient to call a Synod without any other call , that is , without delegation from their Churches , & that 〈◊〉 is free , to Ministers , to Assemble together synodically as well , prorenata , as at the ordinary times , upon delegaetion from the Churches by their intrinsecall power received from Christ , as often as it is necessary , in case the Magistrat deny his consent ] But be it granted ( as in some cases it may . ) Yet it will not follow that therefore Ministers were bound in conscience to have countenanced those meetings ; and that for these reasons ▪ 1. Because , these were no extraordinary Synods called by his Maj. prore nata . Nor. 2. Were they any of the former Synods , used while presbyterian Goverment was in force . But. 3. They were new meetings , upon new principles , having their rise from a new spring , & fountaine , & constituted otherwise in a new forme , and so , they were no meetings consonant unto the principles of presbyterian Goverment , but wholly dissonant , & meetings complying with , & flowing from , Episcopall power & jurisdiction , & ordered by prelaticall authority & appoyntment . 3. Countenanceing of these meetings , upon the matter , would have been an assenting & consenting unto , the pulling down of presbyterian Governement , which they were sworne to maintaine . 4. Yea it would have been a fearful matter of offence & stumbling unto the godly & truely tender ; & a hardening of others , who had complyed ; & withall a dangerous casting of themselves into temptation , as experience doth abundantly prove dayly : and therefore this comand could not be obeyed ; for no command of a Magistrat can warrand any to sin , by doing that which is , in it self , sinfull yea or what is a reall ground of offence unto others ( provideing the matter be not absolutely necessary , antecedently , unto the command of the Magistrat . ) But he addeth [ Is this rationall that where two commands of the Magistrat are joyned , the one undowbtedly lawfull , the other dowbted of ; that subjects should disobey the Magistrat in that which is clearly lawfull , because ●…ey have a dowbt or unclearnesse anent obeying him in the other command — had they come to the place it would protanto have shewed their respect unto authority ] Ans. It is a great question if this man speake rationally here : doth he thinke that the civill Magistrat did intend two commands in that one ? he may as well say that he did intend twenty : will he so metaphisically anatomize the commands of councells & Parliaments , as to render them ridiculous ? would he have had ministers sporting & jesting in such a serious matter , with the supreme Magistrat ? if the Ministers had come't to towne & seen what of the cloke it was , & then returned home , would this casuist have cleared them either protanto or prototo . Nay , he would without all doubt , have exaggerated that crime , as the height of contempt , & as an open preaching & proclameing of their contempt unto the world . But in such a sad declineing time the faithfull ministers of Christ had some other thing to think upon , then thus to sport themselves , & mocke authority by halveing orquartering the commands and injunctions thereof , & therefore would neither get on horse backe , nor come half the way , not to the place appoynted , because they might not in conscience concurr with the prelat there , in that dioecesian meeting , which was the onely thing commanded , & their coming to the towne , was no more commanded , ( save as subservient thereunto ) then their riseing out of their Bed that morning , or their taking horse , &c. In the 3 place he addeth [ What ground could they have for separation , from the Synod ? is it the want of liberty to choose a moderator or is it that he who presideth is a Bishop , and claimeth more power then they can allow-as of a negative voyce ; or is it the want of unpreaching elders in the meeting ? ] It is Ans ; Neither any of these alone , nor all of them together , are the full and compleat ground ; but this . That it is a meeting called together by the civill Magistrat , assumeing to himself , power to cast downe the established government of the Church , & the primitive governement , & to settle what kinde of government he thinketh fit , as best complying with his own & his subjects humors , & who accordingly hath razed to the fundation presbyterian government , unto which , both he & all the lands were sworne : and is setting up prelatical government , against which he & all the lands have sworne , of which , these three particulars mentioned , are so many evidences : And that they are so , cannot be denyed ; for . 1. Whatever truth be in this assertion . That ecclesiasticke judicatories have a divine warrand for chooseing their own moderator . This is clear & undenyable , that while presbyteriall governement was in its integrity & vigour , the assemblies of the Church nationall , provinciall & presbyteriall , had this privilege to elect their own moderator , & when ever prelats began to rise & get entrance in that Church , this incroachment among other shee did suffer at their hands , for they knew that Invasio perpetuae dictaturae would be via ad Imperium . Constant moderators would usher the way for domineering prelats ( as was showne Sect. 1. ) And therefore this is a clear evidence of the change of the government from presbyteriall to prelaticall . furder though that which Zepperus sayeth viz Presides ecclesiastici , &c. that is the moderators or presidents of the ancient councells were some time named by the emperour be true ; yet it will be a mere non sequitur to conclude thence , as this author doth viz That it is lawfull for the Christian Magistrat , upon whom the externall ordering of all the judicatories in his dominions depends , to nominat out of a meeting of ministers , conveened by him , one of the number , to order the actions of the meeting , and by his authority to controle the unruly , not only as being a concludeing of a generall from a particular ; but as being a putting into the conclusion , what is not in the premisses , & a mixing of heterogeneous things together . What he meaneth by this externall ordering of judicatories who can tell ? unlesse it be all that power which ordinarily is exerced by a moderator ; & will he say that the Magistrat ought to choose all the moderators ? Hath the supreme Magistrat any more interest in those meetings , or hath he so much , as he hath in civill meetings ? & doth he appoynt all the mouthes of these meetings ? But have not Church judicatories within themselves , power for their own externall ordering ? who then ordered the Synod at Ierusalem ? Act. 15. To say the Magistrat was not then Christian & therefore it did not belong unto him , is enough to prove that it doth not belong to him as a Magistrat . But there is enough said to this here , which is but barely asserted by him without proof : And. 2. As to the next what ever be asserted concerning that which Mr Baxter & Mr Vines ( as he reporteth of them ) say , viz. [ That for peace , presbyters may suspend the exercise of there just authority , and resolve to give to one person of their number a negative voice . ] ( though many moe divines with greater reason think , that seing God hath given them no power whereof they may denude themselves when they think fit , & suspend the exercise of at the node of any other , It cannot be lawfull for them to give that negative voice unto any ) yet this is undenyable . that there never was any such thing claimed by , nor granted to any , all the time that that Church enjoyed presbyterian government & it is as undenyable , that so soon as prelates gote up , unto their chaires they challenged that negative voice to themselves , as their due , & took it whether presbyters would or not ; & so have the prelats done to day ; & therefore this concession of these eminent men were it never so true , as it is denyed by many , is nothing to the poynt ; for by this one particular , it is as clear as the noonday that the government is altered from presbyterian to Episcopal , & therefore though it be true that the personall fault of another cannot be a good ground for brethrens withdrawing from their duty ; yet when by their concurrence to consult alone ( when by God's law they have equall authority with any that sitteth there ) they shall consent unto that change of government , it becometh sin & not duty : for now all presbyterian government is overturned , they see prelats set up as before ; so that if they concurre they cannot avoide sin . To say ( as he doth a little before , pag. 8. ( that it might be permitted to them if they intrested for it , to ease their consciences , by signifying their scruples , so be , they would do it with that inossensive modesty , humility and respect unto the supreme authority , & to the lawes of the land is to please the simple ( that beleeve every thing ) with a faire word , for it behoved to be done with such in-offensive modesty , & humility , as no body should either hear or know of it , otherwise , they might be sure it would be accounted disrespect unto the supreme authority , & to the lawes of the land & they might expect presently to be attached & processed . Lastly as to the 3 particular , whether the opinion of Mr Vines Mr Baxter & Blondell ( if he speak truth ) in denying the divine right of ruleing elders , be assented unto ; or rather the contrary opinion , which is owned by so many Churches & professours , & particularly by the Church of Scotland , from the begining ; yet this is clear that that Church had still such officers , so long as she was governed Communi consilio presbyteroruns : by presbyteries , & no sooner did prelats usurpe the place , but they shouldered these officers to the door : and therefore this is another palpable evidence that the nature of these meetings is changed , from presbyterian to Episcopall , so that to concurre , by meeting with the prelats at their dioecesian meetings , must be an approving of prelacy , & this cannot be done without perjurie . But he objecteth pag. 12. Thus [ Our worthy ancestours choosed rather to c●…curie with such meetings then to desert them ] Ans : The case then , & now differeth farr ; for then these judicatories were standing when the prelats were brought in upon them , & Ministers were then bound to keep possession of their rights , so long as they could ; & by meeting in the judicatories ( there being no restraint laid upon them by law from speaking their minde freely & protesting as they saw occasion , as is now when such actings are declared treasonable & seditious ) they were in a capacity to do something for vindicating of Church privileges at least for exonering their owne consciences ; Yea & for curbing , in a great part , the prelats power : Whence it was that neither the Prelats , nor the Estate did ever command Ministers to attend those meetings , but rather wished , with all their heart , that they had forborne to come ; but now presbyterian government is quite overturned , all presbyterian assemblies are discharged , under the highest paine ; & after prelats are advanced , & never till then , there cometh forth a new order for new meetings upon new principles , meetings otherwise constituted then formerly ; in a word , such meetings , as did but serve to approve of & confirme prelats in their place & power , & therefore all were commanded by the Estate to concur with the prelats in their meetings under a penalty . So that it is but a meer falshood , to say [ that the meetings then & now are of the same constitution , nothing altered ; ] for , then they were hedges standing in the prelats way , though much weakened , by reason of the civill power opposeing ; but now they are props to support & strengthen the hands of the prelats , as being wholly ruled & guided by them . By what is said , it is hoped , that tender Christians will see that there was no small ground of scrupleing at these meeting & that they will be loth , rashly to condemne such , as feared to transgresse in the least , & resolved rather to suffer then to sin ; seing it is now beyond controversie that their concurring in those meetings , had been upon the matter a consenting unto , & an approving of prelaticall government , upon which account alone , the faithfull servants of Christ did refuise to concurre . SECTION IX . The reasons why Ministers refuised to seek presentations & collations , cleared & defended . THus the Lord was pleased to keep his servants out of this snare , which the prelats had caused plet for their consciences ; but there are others & stronger following . The Parl. in their second session An. 1662 , made an act ordaineing , all Ministers who had entered to the cure of any parish within brugh or land in or since the year of God 1649. to have no right unto , nor uplist the rents of their respective benefices , modified stipends , manse or gleib for this instant year 1662. nor for any year following , unlesse they should obtaine a presentation from the lawful patro●… and have collation from the Bishop of the dioecy where he liveth before the 20 of Sepr . next . for understanding of this , It would be considered . That before the year 1649. the Church was groaning under that sore oppression of laick patrons , having power to presente Ministers unto benefices ; and then the Parliament was pleased to discharge all presentations of Kirks & patronages whether belonging to the King , or to any laick patron , upon good & weighty grounds as the narrative of their 39 act March 9. 1649. sheweth in these words [ The Estates of parliament being sensible of the great obligation , that lyeth upon them , by the nationall Covenant , & by the solemne league & covenant , & by many deliverances & mercies from God , & by the late solemne engadgment unto ties . To preserve the doctrine and maintaine and vindicate the liberties of the Kirk of Scotland , and to advance the work of reformation therein to the utmost of their power : & considering that patronages and presentations of Kirks , is an evill and bondage under which the Lords people , and Ministers of this land , have long groaned , and that it hath no warrand in God's word , but is founded only on the commonlaw , and is a custome popish , and brought into the Kirk in time of ignorance and superstition , and that the same is contrary to the second book of discipline ; in which upon solide and good ground , it is reckoned among abuses that are desired to be reformed , and unto severall acts of the generall assembly : and that it is prejudiciall to the liberty of the people , and planting of Kirks , and unto the free calling and entering of Ministers unto their charge . ] And after this Ministers entered by the call of the people of whom they were to have charge . Now this Parliament will have this piece of reformation undone , & the Church brought back unto her old state of bondage , & so will have Ministers to seek for these presentations , & thereafter , to go to the Bishop for his license & approbation to officiat & exerce the Ministeriall function . But the faithfull & zealous servants of Christ had not freedome nor liberty to do either of these , & therefore resolved to suffer , rather then to sin . They had not freedome to go to seek a presentation , for these reasons . 1. Because , they saw no warrand for such a way of entering into the Ministery allowed of Christ , or his apostles , nor practised many hundereds of years thereafter , and therefore toapprove of such a way had been a sin . 2. The Church had been long groaning under that oppression , & bondage , & was desireous to be rid thereof , at the very beginning , but could never obtaine it untill . An 1649 Now if they had obeyed this act . & submitted unto this oppression , they had consented unto the spoileing of the Church of her privileges , and had condemned that worthy & renowned Parliament , who were graciously moved of God , to take off this Yoke off her necke . 3. They should , in so far , have consented unto the defection now carryed on ; for this was a piece thereof . The restoreing of the Church unto her rights & privileges , was a part of the work of reformation yea & no small part thereof , & when this privilege is taken away , the work of reformation is in so far overturned ; & therefore such as would have sought presentations , should have made defection themselves , & have consented unto , & approved of the Parliament in carrying on the worke of defection , in so far . 4. By the 36 act of the first Session of this Parliament . It is ordained that the person to be presented shall in presence of the patron , or his atturney , and of the sheriffe of the shire . Stewart of the Stewartry , or heretable baily , or commissar of the bounds of it be in the countrey , and of the Magistrats of the brughs within the brugh before the granting , and their accepting of the presentation , Take and subscribe the oath of alleagiance otherwise his presentation is null and void of it self . Now as shall be showne hereafter , no man could with a saife conscience , take that oath as it was tendred by this Parliament . 5. They should have thereby condemned the manner of Elections by the people , & consequently themselves , as being hitherto intruders because entering into the Ministery , without a lawfull call , viz without the presentation of the patron . But it will be objected . That all the ministers of Scotland who entered before the year 1649. should by this meanes , be condemned as intruders , entering without a lawfull call . Ans : Though patronages cannot but be condemned , as sinfull , tending to ruine the Church , & to defraude her of much advantage ( beside the spoiling & robeing her of her privileges & liberties , which are purchased to her , by the blood of Christ ) because , the patron ( who sometime , may be a prophane person , & a persecuter ) either hath not understanding , to discerne the spirits , or will not make choise of the best & most able minister : Yet such as entered that way , before the year 1649. cannot altogether be condemned , partly because then the evill of it , was not so fully seen & perceived ; partly because that evill had not been reformed , & there was no other way of entry practised , o●… practicable by law ; & so though they might groan under that burden ; yet they could no●… get it helped ; & so their fault was lesse then the fault of such would be , who have now seen this evill reformed & have seen ( or at least might have seen ) the evill of it , & have been called orderly & duely conforme to the way of Election set down in the new testament , for imitation ; how great should the guilt of such be , if they should now againe lick up that vo●…ite , & submit unto that yoke ? More may be said , for the justifying of those who submit unto a yoke , under which they were borne , & from which neither they , nor their forefathers were delivered , then of those who have been delivered & yet consent againe to goe under the yoke , & thereby do , betray the precious interests of Christ's Church , & with the rown hands , wreeth that yoke about the neck of the Church under which she had been groaning many a year before . It will be objected againe . That they have already the consent of the people , being called by them before ; & so the Churches liberties are preserved , & their entry is valid enough . Ans. It is true , they have had the call of the people ; but that will not make their complyance with this course of defection , the lesse sinfull ; but rather the more ; for by their taking presentations now , they do upon the matter declare that they were not duely called before ; and so they condemne the way of entry by election , as not lawfull , & say that the way of entry by presentations from patrons , is the only lawfull way : for the patrons presentation is not cumulative unto , but privative & destructive of the peoples liberty of free election ; because where patrons do presente , the peoples suffrages are never asked ; & where people have power to elect , patrons have no place to present : so that the one destroyeth the other ; & therefore if any who have been called by the people & freely chosen should now take presentations , it would import that in their judgment , they were never duely called till now , & this were to annull their former election which they had from the people . Next ( which was to them of greater moment ) they could not with freedome of conscience , goe to the prelate & seek collation , for these reasone●… . 1. Because there is no war●…and in all the word of God for any such thing , no command for it , no precedent , or example of it , & Christian Ministers must walke by the ●…ule of the word : now the scripture sheweth no difference betwixt a call & a mission , but both are one Rom. 1 : 1. Luk. 6 : 13. Act. 15 : 25. & their ministry being a work , 1 Thes. 5 : 12 , 13. 1 Tim. 5 : 17. 1 Cor. 3 : 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 2 C●…r . 6 : 1. & they called workmen , Mat. 9 : 37 , 38. stewards , 1 Cor. 4 : 1. Wachmen , Ezek. 3 : 2. Isa. 52 : 8. Shep●…erds , Ephes. 4 : 11. Overs●…ers & the like , 〈◊〉 . 1 : 5 , 7. Act. 20 : 28. Heb. 13 : 17. Act. 15 : 22. their very c●…ll conferreth the power & layeth an expresse obligation on them to performe the work , otherwise by their call & ordination they should only receive a disposition for the work . See much more to this purpose in Voetij desperata causa papatus against jansen : the papist lib. 2. Sect. 2. Cap. 17. 2. By this meanes , they should have condemned themselves , as not being lawfull ministers before , or at least not such ministers , as might lawfully exerce the office of a minister . 3. They should in effect , have annulled the ordination which they had by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery ; because by their deed they should have said , that not withstanding of that ordination , they had no power , to exercise the office . & thus , 4. They should have mocked this ordinance of Iesu●… Christ , of solemne setting apart one for the work of the ministry , by saying in effect that it is but a meer blinde ; for notwithstanding that one be solemnely ordained by the presbytery , according to the primitive paterne ; yet the persone ordained must have his recourse unto another , in a superiour order , for liberty to put in exercise what he hath gotten in potentia or in Actu signato , the like whereof cannot be showne in all the scriptures : where read we that ever any who was ordained by a presbytery , might not exerce the office without a new license from some other ? to what end serveth ordination if it be not for seting of one apart for the work ? That office or power is a cyphre & altogether uselesse which cannot be exercised , & is not like an office or power granted by Iesus Christ. 5. By this meanes , they should fully acknowlege the power & authority of prelates over presbyters , & so subscribe unto their jurisdiction & acknowledge them to be lawfull officers of Christ's house , & upon that account , submit unto them , which were poynt blancke co●…ary to their vow & Covenant . It is objected against this by the author of the seasonable case pag. 15. That thereverend persones instructed by law , to call for that promise from ministers , do not search into mens apprehensions concerning the grounds of their power : all they seek of them , is obedience to them , in things lawfull and honest , as being presently in power , being by law ordinary overseers of the ministry in their duties , and chief ordainers of them who enter into the ministery , Ans. There is enough here to deterre any from this bussinesse for . 1. There is no warrand in the word to owne them as chief ordainers ; there are no chief & inferiour ordainers mentioned in the word ; this then must be a fiction & a humane invention , which no minister must acknowledge ; for all must goe to the law , & to the testimony 2. nor is there any such power known to appertain to any man , to be an overseer of the ministry . It is true the spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets ; but there is no warrand for a Bishop over Bishops , or for such an officer as is to oversee the ministers : No officers must be owned in Christ's house but such as are of Christ's own appoyntment . 3. And any other law cannot be owned in those matters . Though the law of the land should give to any such a power , subjects are not for that , obliged to acknowledge & approve of them , as such : The municipall lawes of a land will not warrand any new office or officer in Christ's house . It appertaineth alone to Christ as King & head of his owne house & Church to institute his officers : And it is a fearfull incroaching upon the privileges of the crowne of Christ , for any state or potentate to take upon them to appoynt such offices & officers , as Christ hath not appoynted . Therefore whether those persones ( reverend or irreverend all is one ) that are so intrusted by law , to call for such promises & engadgments , do search into mens apprehensions , concerning the grounds of their power , or not ; yet the very promiseing of obedience in things lawfull ( for in things unlawfull , obedience must not be promised to any lawfull power under heaven ) is an acknowledgment of the lawfulnesse of their power , & of subjection as due unto them , & an owneing of them as lawfull officers , lawfully installed & authorized , & because this could not be done , therefore neither could the other be done . He replyeth . 1. It is not obedience under a reduplication , and as formally obedience , they call for , If it be obedience materiall they are satisfied Ans. And what more doth the most lawfull power under heaven ask do they search into the principles of mens doing such & such acts ? do they examine the reduplications under which they act ? But. 2. Whether they call for it under that reduplication or not , It is reall obedience they call for , and. 3. The promiseing of obedience , under whatsoever reduplication hath in its bosome , an acknowledging of the lawfulnesse of the authority calling for such obedience . He replyeth . 2. Suppose it were so , that obedience as formally obedience were required ; yet it were hard to say , it could not be promised , or that it could not be acknowledged that they have any la●…full authority , for looking upon them as the Kings Maj. commissioners in causes ecclesiasticke , for regulating the externall order of the Church in their severall bounds , and impowered by the law of the land , so to do , the strickest presbyterians will not finde ground to disowne their office in that consideration Ans. Then. 1. Prelats are nothing else but the Magistrats commissioners , & have no power or authority jure divino by any warrant of Gods law , more then any other of the Magistrat's commissioners . 2. whence had the prelats , in the first three hundered yeers ( if so be there was any such , as this author is bold enough to affirme but faileth in his undertaking to prove it ) their commission ? had they it from Nero , & the rest of the persecuting heathenish Emperours ? and if they had no commission from them , whence had they their power ? or by what commission did they act ? or how could they be Bishops without such a commission ? How will this advocat extricate himself out of these difficulties & evite a contradiction ? But. 3. If they be the Magistrat's commissioners in causes ecclesiasticke their power must reach no further then the Magistrats power doth , in Church causes , viz the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or his externall order . If he streach it no surder . How then cometh it to passe that they meddle with more then what concerneth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or will h●… say that all the causes which prelats as prelats meddle with , are but such ecclesiasticke causes As are for the regulating the externall order of the Church ? Then he must say that their chief power in ordination , their chief ( if not , only ) power in jurisdiction , floweth from the Magistrat , & by vertue of his commission they act in that sphaere & capacity : and if he say so he speaketh plainely , but without any ground in the word : for then Magistrats might ordaine alone , at least have a chief hand in ordaineing with others ; for what they may commissionate others to do in their name , they may do themselves : But how or what way shall we see this proved ? Where will he shew any example of any Magistrat , as such , ordaineing or deposeing Ministers , censureing or excommunicating Offenders , since the World began ? What a wilde notion must this be then ? And if this be the Basis which is so rotten let any judge what the superstructure must be . It were tedious here to lanch forth , into this debate concerning the Magistrats power in Church matters : But sure , it was never the doctrine of the Church of Scotland , no●… of any reformed Church , that what power the Prelats challenge to themselves as such , did primarily belong unto , & reside in the hand of the civill Magistrat , & might be derived by commission from him , unto them : And this must be granted as a truth , if it be once said that prelats Act in Church matters , by vertue of a commission from the supreme Magistrat : for a commission is distinct from a command , the supreme Magistrat may command ministers to preach & baptize & do what himself cannot do , & for the doing whereof ministers borrow no power from him : but he cannot propperly give them any commission for that effect : The giving of a commission importeth the conveyance of a power , for effectuating that which is to be done by the commissioner , and that the person granting the commission might himself do that which he commissionateth others to do . See this consequence fully cleared by famous Voctius Polit : Eccles. pag. 146. arg . 12. But now if there were no more to hinder any from acknowledging such a power in the prelats this is sufficient , that it is granted they have all that power over presbyters by being his Maj. commissioners , & that they have all that power derived from him ; & consequently , that they have no such power at all : because he from whom they derive that power by a commission hath no such power himself : The confession of faith of the Church of Scotland acknowledgeth no such power in the civill Magistrat . The scripture●… , by which all are to regulat their actions in the Church of God , giveth warrand for no such power . No reformed divine ( except Arminians & Erastians ) doth acknowledge any such power ; nor any confession of faith of any of the reformed Churches . Behold then Reader & see what monsters the Prelats are , swollen up to that bignesse , with mere winde & phancies ; & observe by what art they ascend , They make the supreme Magistrat beleeve that all the power belongeth unto him to the end , he may devolve it back againe over on them by a commission , & so authorize them : according to that . Tu facis hunc dominum te facit ille deum . Thus you see they derive their power a non-habente potestatem . from such as have it not to give : therefore their commission is simpliciter null , & cannot be acknowledged by any faithfull minister or Christian : Nor can their power be submitted unto . And hence also it is clear what reason these honest Ministers had to refuise , this acknowlegment , & not to take the canonicall oath : which was so contradictory unto the oath of the Covenant . But he replyeth [ That there is no contradiction betwixt the covenant and that canonicall oath , or promise of obedience to the prelate because Timorcus ( who is tender in the matter of oaths ) maintaineth that the ministers who of old took the canonical oath , did not swear the contradictory there to when they took the covenant wh●…nce it will follow necessaryly , that they who have taken the Covenant do not contradict that oath , if they should take the oath of canonical obedience ] Ans. Though this canonicall oath should not contradict the second article of the league & Covenant , yet there is good cause why it should be refuised , as hath been showne , and furder what warrand is there for any to require such an oath ? Oaths must be warranted by the law of God , & there must be a law for imposeing , & so for taking of the oath . It is true Magistrats may impose an oath upon their subjects , & so upon ministers , as well as others , in things not sinfull ; & when necessity calleth for it ; but that the Magistrat may give unto any of his subjects such a power as he hath not himself , & impower that subject to impose an oath upon others , to acknowledge him to be lawfully so impowered , & to obey him as one lawfully so impowered , will not be so easily granted without proof , which will not be seen in haste , it being so contrary to the word of God. But 2. The taking of this oath , & promiseing obedience unto them , is poynt blancke contrary unto the league & Covenant , sworne & subscribed . And that because by the covenant they are sworne to endeavour , in their places & callings the extirpation of such Church officers as Bishops & Archbishops , & this is inconsistent with any owneing or acknowledging of them , under that notion ; and if any should promise obedience to them as Archbishops , or Bishops is it imaginable how that withall they should not owne & acknowledge them ? what more owneing & acknowledging can they desire , then submission & a promise of obedience in all things lawfull . 2. And he hath a phancy ( I shall not say a judgment ) strongly prepossessed with prejudice at truth , who can say , with this author that [ it will be hard to finde out a contradiction there , either in termes or by necessarie consequence ] for a stronger contradiction is hardly imaginable then betwixt an edeavour to extirpat such or such governours ; and a humble submission unto , & acknowledgment of their power , with a promise of faithfull obedience there unto : for he who is bound to endeavour to extirpat them , must never owne them as lawfull officers lawfully impowered , he must never submit unto them nor promise obedience unto them ; for a promise of obedience , is a promise of owneing of them , as lawfull officers . & so a promise of defending them in their place & power , in a lawfull manner : and this is diametrically opposite unto an endeavour to extirpat them . 3. As for Timorcus whom he looketh on as favouring his conceite , it will be found after try all , that notwithstanding of that which he granteth , yet he is of an opinion contrary to this author , as any may see , who will take a vieu of his answer unto that part of the objection ( which he is about to answere in cap. 7. ) which concerneth the oath of canonicall obedience . The objection is this . The league & covenant is contradictory to other oaths sworne before , such as the oath of canonicall obedience , & therefore is void ipso facto . To which he answereth . 1. Thus suppose ( & his supposall is an assertion if he speak to the poynt ) That upon mature deliberation the Ministers that subscribed that oath , finde that it was an unlawfull oath , as obliging them to the acknowledgment of such a power in the Church , as is by no meanes allowed , in the word of God , they are in such a case onely obliged to be humbled for their rash subscription , & taking of that oath , & their second oath will hold valid against them ] this is his first answer : And. 2. He sayeth [ suppose that the oath of canonicall obedience , was imposed without authority of Parliament & the Parliament , as soon , as they took notice of it , declared their dissent to it , & to all oathes imposed without their authority , certanely this should goe farrwith them who make the like plea against us , as to the obligation of the covenant . ] This is his next answer , by which you may see ; he looketh upon that oath of canonicall obedience , as peccant both in matter & forme , & that therefore it hath no force to annull the oath of the covenant , which were to no purpose if he looked not on that oath , as contradictory to the covenant . But then 3 he answereth [ We will for once suppose the oath materially good & lawfull , as to the efficient cause , yet certainly the oath is irritated & made void by the Parliaments taking away of the matter thereof ] Here he giveth , but granteth not , that the oath of canonicall obedience was lawfull , & yet he asserteth that notwithstanding thereof , the covenant might have been sworne & stood to , because the former oath was null , so soon ever as the matter of it was taken away by authority , & that sayeth that the matter of that oath standing viz prelay , & prelats not taken away by authority , the swearing of obedience unto them is inconsistent with swearing to endeavour to extirpate them . It is true he addeth these words . Nor do we understand how any person , by 〈◊〉 promise or oath to be obedient in things lawfull & honest , to this or that governement , doth oblige himself whatever evill he seeth in such a governour , either through want of just title , or male administration of his trust never to endeavour to free himself from that servitude . But thence it vvill not necessarily follow , that they who have sworne the covenant should not contradict the same if they shou'd now take the oath of canonicall obedience . Because , the oath to endeavour to extirpat , includeth a not giving obedience unto them , as a generall includeth a particular , so that he who hath sworne to endeavour their extirpation , hath sworne withall never to obey them as lawfull governours : And so there is a contradiction betwixt the canonicall oath , & the covenant . The Covenant bindeth up such as have taken it , from the canonicall oath , though the canonicall oath could not binde up their hands from the covenant , partly because it was sinfull upon the matter , & unlawfull as to the power imposeing : & partly because though it had been lawfull both as to matter & efficient cause yet the matter being taken away , the act about that object did cease . So sayeth Timorcus . But whether it be so , or otherwise , it is all one now to the purpose in hand ; for the covenant being now taken , any such oath which had been un lawfull before becometh much more un lawfull now ; & carryeth a contradiction to the covenant in its front . Thus thou seest what cause the precious & worthy servants of Christ had to refuise obedience unto that act what ever suffering might follow thereupon , & indeed sore were the sufferings which did follow , for on the first of Octob. there is an act of councell at Glasgow , prohibiting & dischargeing all these ministers who had contraveened the foresaid act of parliament to exerce any part of the function of the ministery at their respective churches in time comeing , which are hereby declared to be vacand , and that none of their parishoners , who are lyable in any part of their stipends make payment to them of this instant crop & year 1662. or in time comeing , as having no right thereto , and that they do not acknowledge them for their lawfull pastours in repaireing to their sermones , under the paine of being punished as frequenters of private conventicles & meetings ; & commanding & chargeing the saids Ministers to remove themselves , & their families out of their parishes betuixt & the first day of Novemb. thereafter , & not to reside within the bounds of their respective presbyteries ] This was very sad , threatening no lesse then ruine to Ministers and their poor families , to be put from their houses in the middest of winter ; to seek new places of abode not having the small stipend which was due to them , allowed , for to transport their families with all , or to provide themselves in necessaries . But yet they resolved to cast themselves on Gods providence , trusting in his word accounting it better to suffer affliction with the people of God , & to enjoy peace of conscience ; then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season ; and accordingly did remove themselves : By which meanes there were some hundereds of parishes left destitute & the shepherds were scattered up & down the land , seeking a sheltering place for themselves . It was a sad & lamentable sight to see the sad farewell betwixt the loving pastor & his beloved floke , & the teares , the cryes , and the bitter groanes that were there : Now were the breasts pulled from the mouthes of the young infants , the table was drawne , & the people were made to wander up & downe the mountaines seeking the word of the Lord , & could not finde it , they had silent Sabbaths & empty pulpites , some countrey sides were hereby laid utterly desolate : And what could these faithfull Ministers do in this case , but sigh , & groan to God seeing they could not in conscience yeeld obedience unto these commands : & therefore they resolved to be subject for conscience sake , and to submit unto the punishment of banishment out of the bounds of the presbytery where they lived ( which was afterward made more sad , for they were commanded to remove Twenty miles from their own parish Church , Six miles from a a cathedrall , & three or foure miles from a brugh ) Now judge o reader whether this cruelty would not have more beseemed Turks , & how little cause there was for all this severity & rigour to Ministers , who had been endeavouring with some measure of faithfulnesse On their part , & fruitfulnesse through the Lor'ds blessing on their labours , to enlarge the Kingdome of Iesus Christ , & to build up poor souls in their most holy faith , because they would not give obedience unto such Acts as were but snares for the conscience ; & to which , obedience could not be yeelded , without sin . SECTION X. The oath of Alleagiance explained as to its civil part , & some reasons Against the taking thereof , even upon that account , adduced . The act rescissory & his Maj. prerogative canvassed . AFter that there were some other Ministers , whom the forementioned Acts did not reach , removed out of some of the chief cities Brevi manu , without any processe ; There are some wayes devised how moe of these might be removed with some colour or pretext , & therefore some Six or Seven were called before the Parliament at their second session , and because they refused to take the oath which was tendered , they were sentenced with banishment by act of Parliament , & ordained to remove off the Kingdome so soon as his Maj. commissioner should signify his minde the reanent . But this sentence was not put in execution possibly because they saw an inconsistencie betuixt this deed , & an Act which they had made the former year in their first session , By which all such as refuised to take that oath , were to be uncapable of any publicke trust , & to be looked upon as persones disaffected to his Maj , authority & government , & this was all . But in Decemb. 1662. The privy councell called some other Ministers before them & tendered the oath unto them & because of their refuiseing of the same , they banished them out of all his Maj. dominions & then gave them a bond to subscribe , wherein they did binde themselves to remove out of all his Maj. dominions within a moneth , & not to returne under the paine of death , otherwayes they would commit them to close imprisonment , & there keep them untill they had occasion , to send them elswhere . Whereupon these Ministers saw a necessity of subscribeing that bond of banishment ; Though it was very hard to binde themselves to remove within so short a time , & that in the midst of winter . But strange it is , that when the King himself , by his oath at his coronation is bound to rule the land , by the lawes , and constitutions received therein This his councell ( which by the fundamentall lawes of the land ( as appeareth by the 12 Act of the 2 parliam . of King Iames 4. whereby they are first established ) is to give his highness a true and essauld counsell in all matters concerning his Maj. and his realnie , and to be responsall and accusable to the King and his estates of their counsell , & so is a judicatory subordinat unto the Parliament & accountable to & censur able by them ) would banish such as the lawes of the land , did not account worthy of banishment : & whether they would do right if they should punish with death such a fault as by the Established lawes of the land deserved only to be punished by a fine or a summe of money , let lawyers judge , & whether this be not an arbitrary illegall power which they have assumed , any that considereth what is said , & the act 27. of the 2. Parliam . of Char. 1. may judge : & possibly it was for this cause that they resuised to give an extract of their sentence , although it was humbly craved . But to clear what good grounds there were & yet are for refuiseing to take that oath . Let first the oath it self be considered & compared with the former oath of alleagiance . The oath now tendered is thus worded in the acts of this Parliament severall times . I , for testification of my faithfull obedience to my most gracious & redoubted soveraigne , Charles King of Great-Britaine france & Irland , &c. affirme , testify , & declare , by this my solemne oath . That I acknowledge my said soveraigne , only supreme governour of this Kingdom , over all persones , & in all causes , & that no forraigne prince , power , or state , or person civill or ●…elesiasticke , hath any jurisdiction , power , or superiority , over the same , and therefore do utterly re●…nce all for●…aigne power , jurisdictions & authorities , & shall at my out most power defend , assist & maintaine his Maj. jurisdiction fo●…elaid against all deadly & shall never decline his Maj. power & jurisdiction , as I shall answer to God. This is the oath which they call the oath of alleagiance : but is indeed very far different therefrom as will easily appear to any who will compare the same with that oath of alleagiance , which King Iames treateth of in his dialogue called God & the King lately reprinted & published by his Maj. royall procla●…tion for the instruction of all his subjects , in their duty & alleagiance for thus is that oath worded . I , A. B. Do truely & sincerely acknowledge , professe , tostifie & declare in my conscience , before God , & the world that our Soveraigne Lord King Iames is lawfull and ●…ightfull King of this realme , & of all other his Maj. dominions , & countreyes , & that the pope neither of himself nor by any authority , by the Church & see of Rome or by any other meanes with any other , hath any power or authority to depose the King or to dispose of any of his Maj. dominions , or Kingdomes , or to authorize any forraigne prince to invade or annoy him or his countreyes , or to discharge any of his subjects , of their alleagiance & obedience to his Maj. or to give license or leave to any of them to ▪ bear armes , raise tumults , or to offer any violence , or hurt to his Maj. royall person state or government : or to any of his Maj. subjects , within his Maj. dominions . Also I do swear from my heart , that notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of excommunication or deprivation made or granted , or to be made or granted , by the pope or his successours , or by any authority derived or pretended to be derived , from him or his see , against the said King , his 〈◊〉 or successours , or any absolution of the saids subjects from their obedience : I will be●… faith & true alleagiance to his Maj. his aires & successours , & him & them will defend to the uttermost of my power , against all conspiracies & attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their persones , their crowne & dignity , by ●…easone , or colour of any such sentence , & declaration , or otherwise ; & will do my best endeavour , to disclose & make known , unto his Maj. his aires & successours , all treasons , or treitours , or conspiracies , which I shall know or hear of to be against him or any of them . And I do furder swear that I do from my heart abho●…e , detest , & abjure as impious & hereticall this damnable doctrine , & position . That princes which be excommunicated or deprived , by the pope may be deposed , or murdered by their subjects or any other whatsomever . And I do beleeve , & in conscience am resolved . That neither the Pope , nor any person what somever , hath power to absolve me of this oath , or any part thereof , which I acknowledge , by good & lawfull authority , to be lawfully Ministered unto me . And do re●…unce all pardons & dispensations to the contray . And all these things I do planely & sincerely acknowledge , & swear according to these expresse words , by me spoken , & according to the plaine & common sense & understanding of the same words without any equivocation or mentall evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . And I do make this recognition & acknowledgment heartily , willingly , & truely upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me God. This is the oath of alleagiance & how far it differeth from the former which was lately tendered , is easily discerned . These few words in the short oath [ only supreme governour in this Kingdome over all persones , & in all causes ] containe the main difference betwixt the two , & the main grounds of scruple ; for they hold forth two things . The King's supremacy in matters civill , & his supremacy in matters ecclesiasticke . It is true Ministers ought both to be ( & to carry duti fully as becometh ) subjects , & to refuise nothing lawfull , which is ▪ required of subjects : but oathes , being matters about which much tendernesse & carefulnesse ought to be used , it becometh Ministers to look well to this & not to engadge in any oath rashly : Advisement & deliberation is most requisite here , especially in a time when snares abound , & when there is good ground to suppose , that the oath is tendered of purpose to be a snare to the conscience . The oath as to it is substance , or maine thing intended , ( which lyeth wrapped up in those few words last cited , ) is not , ( as is obvious to any ) so clear as oaths ought to be ; yea the imposers themselves will not deny this ; but are forced to acknowledge , that as it is worded , in respect of that part thereof , which is onely scrupled at , & which containeth the substance & maine thing intended , it is at best ambiguous , & generall : & for this cause ( if there were no more ) every Christian ought to forbear to swear the same : And that because , every oath must be sworne in truth , in judgment , & in righteousnesse Ier. 4 : 2. but an unclear & ambiguous oath cannot be sworne in truth , because it hath no truth in it ; for what is ambiguous is not true , as doctor . Sanderson sayeth de jur : promis : oblig . prael . 6. § . 10. a preposition of an ambiguous & indefinite sense , before the matter be distinguished , is not a true proposition , yea nor a proposition at all ▪ for a proposition , as its definition cleareth , should signify either a truth or a falshood , without any ambiguity And therefore this proposition that the King is onely supreme governous over all persones , & in all causes being ambiguous till it be clared by some distinctions , cannot be sworne , in truth , because the truth thereof cannot be known : Nor can it be sworne in righteousnesse , because such as swear it cannot be sure but that in taking that oath , they may be wronging others , wronging Parliaments , & which is worse , wronging the Lord Iesus Christ , who is King & head of his Church . Nor can it be sworne in judgment , because its meaning cannot be known . But now seing the oath , in respect of its substantiall part as it is now worded is ambiguous & unclear ▪ reason would require that the tenderers thereof should explaine the meaning thereof & make it as clear as may be : But when this is refuised what can such do who are pressed to take that oath ; but refuise the same ; partly because of its ambiguity , & partly because , by the sense , which by their other Acts & Actings , they who tender it , do put upon it , it appeareth to to be most unlawful : all divines & casuists do grant that an oath must be taken in his sense & meaning in whose favours & for whose sake & faifty it is conceived & who tendereth it : And therefore it is not only lawfull but necessary to enquire what sense the Acts & Actings of the Parliament , do put upon it . And as to the civill part of the oath ( which here is to be examined ) no other explication needeth to be enquired after then what they give forth in their Acts on record ; all which to cite here , at length , would be tedious . The citeing of the acknowledgement of his Maj. prorogative , ( which is a part of the 11 Act , Anno 1661. & where the substance of many preceeding Acts is summed up ) will be a sufficient evidence , and here it is declared . That it is an inherent privilege of the crown , & an undowbted part of the royall prerogative of the Kings of this Kingdome , to have the sole choice & appoyntment of the officers of state , privy councellours , the Lords of the Session ; That the power of calling , holding , and dissolving of Parliaments , & all conventions , & meetings of the estates , doth solely reside in the Kings Maj. his haires & successours , & that as no Parliament can be lawfully keeped , without speciall warrand & presence of the Kings Maj. or his commissioner ; so no Acts nor statutes to be past in any Parliament can be binding on the people , or have the authority & force of lawes without the speciall , approbation of his Maj , or his commissioner interponed thereto , at the making thereof ; that the power of armes , making of peace & warre , & making of treatjes & leagues , with forraigne princes or states , or at home by the subjects among themselves , doth propperly reside in the Kings Maj. his heirs & successours ; & is their undowbted right , & theirs alone ; & that it is hig●… treason in the subjects of this Kingdome , or any number of them , upon what soever ground to rise or continue in armes , to maintaine any forts , garisons , or strengths , to make peace or warre , or to make any treaties or leagues with forraigners , or among themselves , without his Maj. authority first interponed thereto . That it is unlawfull to the subjects of whatsoever quality or function , to convocat , convcen , or assemble themselves , for holding of Councells , conventions , & assemblies to treat consult & determine in any matters of state , civill or ecclesiasticke ( except in the ordinary judgments ) or to make leagues or bonds upon whatsoever colour or pretence without his Maj. speciall consent & approbation had thereunto . That the league & covenant and all treaties following there upon , & Acts or deeds , that do or may relate thereunto are not obligatory ; — & that none of his Maj. subjects should presume , upon any pretext of any authority whatsoever , to require the renewing or swearing of the said league & Covenant , or of any other Covenants , or publick oaths concerning the government of the Church & Kingdome , and that none offer to renew or swear the same , without his Maj. speciall warrand and approbation . This acknowledgment doth sufficiently clear what that supremacy in civil matters is which they grant unto the King as his due , & which by this oath , they would have all to acknowledge also : So that there is no great difficulty to clear the grounds ofscrupleing at this oath even upon this account , & to shew that such as have refuised the same cannot be accounted disloyall : for all indifferent persones will see that there both was , and is good ground to scruple at this oath thu●… sensed by this act , if they shall consider these ten Particulars following , 1. The Parliaments of Scotland from the beginning have been partakers & fellowshareis of supremacy , with the King : & the Kings of Scotland never were the sole subjects thereof as appeareth by their appending of their own seal with , & distinct from the King 's great seal , in treaties with forraigne princes & in some important acts & sentences at home , of which there is one instance yet on reco●…d in the acts of Parliament viz : act 112. Parl. 14. King. ●…am . 3. 2. The Parliaments of Scotland have had the power of setling the governement : for they did willingly swea●… to Fergus and his posterity : & and when he died & left two young sones ●…erlegus & Mainus both unfit for governement they resolved upon a new course . That neither a childe should governe nor yet their oath which they made to Fergus be brocken , which was this . That when the Kings children were young at their fathers decease , some other of the posterity of ●…ergus fit for governing , should be chosen who should rule the Kingdom all his dayes ( which law continued 1025. years untill the reigne of Kenneth the 3. ) and accordingly when Fergusius died they choosed Fer●…haris , & when ●…erlegus came to age , he desired to be put in possession of the Kingdome , but it was refu●…sed , so long as Feritharis lived . And when Cotb●…edus died they passed by his sone C●…tbred & made choice of Darda●…us the grand childe of Metellan , & thus did they alwayes unto the dayes of Kenneth the 3. Epropinquis ( sayeth Buchanan in vita 〈◊〉 ] Regum defunctorum , non proximos sed maxime idoneos , modo a Fergusio primo Scotorumrege essent oriundi ; eligere consueverant ] And who but they , did condescend to that law at length that the Kings eldest son should be called prince & should succeed , & if the son died before the father , then the grand childe should succeed unto the grand father , & that if the King died leaving a young childe to be heire of the crowne a regent should be chose to mannage the affairs of the Kingdome dureing his minority , till he were 14. years of age at which time he might choise his curatours : was there ever any such thing concluded without the Parliaments consent ? 3. The Parliaments of Scotland have had a great share of the legislative power . Therefore the lawes are stiled the acts of Parliament , & not the acts of the King , & they are said to be enacted by the Estates of Parliament . So do the many explicatory acts witnesse that they share in the supreme power of interpreting the lawes of the land , which demonstrateth their legislative power and both these are no small part of supremacy . 4. In the time of Finnanus the 10 King there was a law made [ Ne quidreges , quod majoris esset momenti nisi de publici coucilij authoritate , juberent , that Kings should command nothing in matters of any moment but according to the authority and command of Parliament . ] And so when Milcolumbus the 92. King was giving away , for peace with England , Northum Berland the Estates were against it denying . [ jus esse regi quicquam de sinibus regni detrahere , nisi omnibus ordinibus consentientibus . That the King had any power to give away any part of his dominions without the consent of all the Estates of Parliament . 5. The Parliaments of Scotland have regulated the actions of princes & have censured & punished them for enormities : let the lives of Thereus , Durstus , Ethus , Luctatus , Mogaldus , Conarus , Constantin , Ferchardus , 1. Ferchardus , 2. Eugenius , Donaldus , 8. Culenus , & others recorded by Buchanan in his chronicles be seen , & considered , & the power of the Parliaments of Scotland over their princes will casily appear . So at that Parliament in which King Iames the 6. was created King , & the Earle of Murray setled in the regency , it was debated what course should be taken with the Queen concerning whose accesse unto her husbands death there were such shreud toakens . And some voted that justice should be executed upon her , and others that she should only be keeped in prisone : see Buchan , lib. 19. 6. The Parliaments of Scotland have had expresse power in some cases to withstand & resist even by armes , the King , if he should break treaties of peace , made & concluded by him & them , with forraigne princes & states ; as is yet to be seen extant in the records of their old treaties of peace with England and France . 7. The Estates of Scotland wrote unto the Queen An. 1559. Oct. 23. thus Ex literis tuis ac mandatis , &c. Buch , lib. 16. that is [ By your letters & mandats sent us by a herald we understand how obstinatly you are set against piety towards God , and the publick good of our nation , & the common liberty of all . But that we may , according to our duty , defend all these . We in ●…e name of our Kings do suspend & prohibite all that publicke admininistration titles and superiorites , which you take upon you being certanely persuaded that those things which you ●…ow do , are contrary to that constant good will which Kings have carryed towards the welfare of this Kingdome : And as you do 〈◊〉 lo●…k , upon us as lawfull subjects of this Kingdome , and as a la●…full Parliament ; So nor do we look upon you as regent or as exer●…ing any publick Magistracy : Especially , seing your p●…wer ( if there be any such committed unto you ) is upon good & weig●…ty reasons suspended by us , in the name of the Kings of this realme . So Anno 1567. they put the queen regent mother to King Iames from her regency which deed of theirs is fully vindicated by the earle of Mor●…on in his discourse to the Queen of England , a part whereof out of Buch : Lib. 20. because usefull both for clearing of this particular , & some others before mentioned shall be here transcribed . Primum Factum ipsum , &c. As for the deed it self of punishing Kings or queens : The ancient custome of our predecessours , will not suffer it to be accounted new , for it were not necessary to enumerat how many Kings have been punished by death , ●…onds , & exile by our nobles , far lesse were it necessary to confirme this deed of ours by forraigne examples , seing there are so many , so obvious in ancient histories . But now the nation of the Scots have been a free nation from the begining , & have made Kings to themselves upon these conditions , that when necessity required they might dethrone them , of which there are many footsteps remaineing fresh unto this day , for in the isles about & in many places of the continent in which the old language & lawes had any abode , this custome is followed in the chooseing of their governours , to this day : And the ceremonies used at the coronation of Kings , do clearly demonstrat that the government is nothing else but a mutuall stipulation betuixt King & subjects as also the constant tenor of the ancient law by which Kings were inaugurated , which remaineth unchanged in the least , to this day : yea while so many of our , Kings have been banished , imprisoned , or more severely punished , there was never one motion made of relaxing the rigour of the law ; & what wonder , seing it was not of the nature of those lawes that change with tht time ; but of those which are fixed in the heart of man by nature & consented unto by all nations , & which being subject to no other lawes , do command & rule all , so that whether we will or not , they are before our eyes , what ever we be doing & stick in our heart . This law did our predecessours follow being alwayes armed against violence , & ready to suppresse tyrants But that I may passe in silence the famous cities of Athens Lacedaemon , Rome & Venice which keeped this law so long as they keeped their liberty : Yea even then when Rome was under tyrants if any good man became emperour he did account it his glory to acknowledg himself inferiour to the people & subject to the lawes for when Trajanus gave a sword , according to the custome , unto the praefectus urbis , he said use it for me or against me , as I shall deserve : and Theodosius , a good emperour in these worst times would leave this noble saying among the lawes , that he confessed he was under the lawes . Neither was this law unknown to barbarous nations as all histories testify : But lest I should be thought to gather together examples now out of use I shall onely make mention of two later ; the one is of Christieris the King of the Dennes who for his intollerable cruelty was put from the Kingdome , he & all his posterity ; which is a sadder punishment then ever was inflicted by any of our progenitours — what did the mother of Charles the 5 that made her deserve perpetuall imprisonment — & now what did we but following the examples of so many nations & Kingdomes , suppresse tyranny , which swelled above all law , not indeed so severely as our predecessours did in like cases — for had we followed their example we had been farr from , not onely the fear of danger , but also , here calumnies . Thus he , & much more is added to this purpose there . More over this same Queen regent was told by the Earle of Ruthven , that same night that David Rizio was killed as Buch reporteth lib. 17. That the government of the Kings of Scotland was alwayes very lawfull & that it was exerted not after the lisst & pleasure of any one man , but according to the lawes , & by the consent of the nobles , and if any King did otherwayes he suffered accordingly , and now Scottish men are not so farr degenerated from the institutions of their predecessours as to suffer the tyranny and slavery of one who is a stranger and whom they look not upon as deserving any honest service . 8. Yea in the 8 Parliament of King Iames 6. Act. 2. the honour & authority of the Supreme court of Parliament , continowed past all memory of men , is ratified , & there it is said . That by the court of Parliament under God , the Kingdome hath been upholden , rebellious and traiterous subjects punished , the good and faithfull preserved and maintained , and the lawes and acts of Parliament ( by which all good men are governed ) are made and established — and therefore they statute and ordaine that none take up on hand to impugne the dignity and authority , of the estates , or to seek or procure the innavation or diminution of their power or authority under the paine of treason . It is true that in the preceeding Act , they confirme the Kings Royall power and authority over all estates as well spiritual as temporal . And therefore their maintaining of the power and privilege of Parliaments is the more remarkable : And by the two Acts compared togethe●… it is aboundantly clear that the authority mentioned , in the first Act of that Parliament , which is granted to the king , is not over the Estates of Parliament ; but over private persones whether civill or ecclesiastick : And so it is but a granting of him to be singulis major , which will easily be granted : And this will be more clear if it be considered what occasioned that Act , at that time . As was shown above in the first Section , the Lord was stirring up his servants to act something for the setling of the government of the Church , which occasioned the displeasure of many at court , & when Ministers were freely rebuking sin in & about the court , they were accounted railers & traitours : And being accused of treason before the King & his Councill , They declined them as incompetent Judges . Upon this account in this houre of darknesse by the meanes of the Earle of Arran . This Parliament is suddenly called ( wherby there were two Parliaments in one year 1584. the one meeting May 22. & the other ( which is called the ninth Parliament , as the former was called the eight ) Agust 22. ) which granteth this supremacy to the King over persones ecclesiastick & ( for formalities sake ) civil , & therefore in the end of that act , it is declared to be treason to decline his Maj. or his Council in any case . So then the question was not betwixt the King & the Parliament : But betwixt the King or his Councel ; & the Church in spirituall matters : It is true also that in the 1. Act of Parliament 18. Anno 1606. [ His Maj. soveraigne authority , Princely power , Royall prerogative , and privilege of his Crowne over all Estates , persones and causes whatsoever , ] is acknowledged : But this act is of the same nature with the former , no prerogative over & above the Estates of Parliament is acknowledged here to belong properly to the Crown : And moreover , these words are but faire flourishes & parliamentary complements . Finally the prerogative here spoken of is founded upon personal qualifications where with they say he was endued far beyond his predecessours such as , [ extraordinary graces , most rare and excellent vertues , singular judgment , for sight , Princely wisdome . ] & the like , & these may be wanting in one possessing the crowne : & therefore it could not be the minde of the Parliament to give a supremacy founded upon such qualifications , to these who had not those qualifications , & so they could not annex it unto the Crowne . 9. Together with these particulars let this be considered . That in 3 Article of the league & Covenant , they did all swear [ Sincerly , really , and constantly , in their severall vocations to endeavour the preservation of the rights and privileges of the Parliaments ; ] And then it shall appear that there was good ground of scrupleing at that oath , which as explained by their acts tendeth to the overturning of those rights & privileges : For none who desired to make conscience of the oath of the Covenant , might swear an oath so apparently opposite thereunto . It is true those questions concerning the power of Princes & Parliaments are dark & ticklish ; & Ministers , not being lawyers by profession , can not be supposed to be well acquanted with the lawes , & constitutions of the realme ; or with the nature , & extent of the same , in all points : Yet it concerneth them to see to this , that they run not themselves upon the rocks of contradictory oaths : And having sworne to endeavour in their places & callings , the preservation of the rights & privileges of Parl. it concerneth them & all not alitle to search so far into the rights & privileges of Parl. as that they may know when an oath is tendered unto them which crosseth the same : & being once engadged in an oath , in a matter not sinfull , not to change , or to swear that which destroyeth & contradicteth the former oath . But leaving those things , & not laying more weight on them , then they will bear , other particulars more weighty & pressing must be spoken to : & therefore let it be considered , 10. What dreadfull consequences will follow upon the taking of this oath , thus explained , as to its civil part , by the forementioned act concerning the prerogative & other acts now to be mentioned , as 1. A condemning of the convention of Estates Anno 1643. conform to the Act 6. of this Parliament . 2. A condemning of the Parliaments , Anno 1640 , 1641 , 1644 , 1645 , 1646 , 1647 , & 1648. conforme to their Act 15. as also the committees & Parliaments thereafter Anno 1649 , & 1650 , & 1651. conforme to their Act 9. 3. A condemning of all the Acts made by these Parliaments , conforme to their Act 3. 4. A condemning of all the meetings , Councells & Conventions of the subjects , at the beginning of the late work of Reformation , conforme to their 4 Act. 5. A condemning of the League & Covenant , conforme to their Act 7. 6. A condemning of Scotlands joyning with , & helping of England , in the day of their straite , conforme to their Act 7. 7. A condemning of the renueing of the Nationall Covenant Anno 1638 , & 1639. conforme to the last words of the 11 Act. 8. A condemning of the Generall Assembly 1638 , & severall others thereafter , conforme to their 4 Act. 9. A condemning of Scotlands riseing in armes in their own defence against the Popish , Prelaticall , & malignant Party , conforme to their 5 Act. 10. A condemning of their seizing upon forts & castles in their own defence , conforme to the said 5 Act. Was there not then cause to scruple at the taking of this oath which would have imported a condemning of all those things ? sure there was , as shall be showne in speaking to each of the particulars mentioned : Now it is clear that the taking of this oath , would have imported a condemning of all these particulars , from this : That the Parliament doth condemne all these mentioned particulars ( as the acts specified do clear ) because done without his Maj consent , which ought ( say they ) to have been had by vertue of his prerogative royall and supremacy , & the perogative , doth explaine his supremacy in things civill , as shall be showne more fully hereafter . But to come to the particulars , first There was no ground for condemning that convention of Estates 1643. notwithstanding that the Kings consent was not had therto . 1. Because , in poynt of conscience , the Estates of the land being essentially judges , are bound , when the publict affaires of the Kingdom do require to conveen & consult thereanent when Religion , lawes , & liberties are in hazard , & when the necessitie is such as will admit of no delay : pure legall formalities of state must be dispensed with , when they cannot be gotten followed ; as in this case , it was clear : The true protestant religion , his Maj. honour & the peace of the Kingdomes , were in hazard by papists , & their adherents in armes in England & Irland . The King refuised to call a Parliament , at that time , though he was oftin requeested , there unto . In this case what could the states of the Land do ( who were bound by the lawes of God of nature & of nations to see to the preservation of the Kingdom , to their own interests , & to religion that should be dear●… to them , then any thing●… else , & were bound by the law of God to judge & governe the land ) but obey God , & dis●…ense with state formalities , according to the many examples of the Estates of Scotland before ; who did conveen in Parliament whether the King would or not ; as that Parliament which did imprison donald the 70. King : & the Parliament at Scone which summoned King Culenus before them , & that Parliament which deprived the Queen mother of her regency . But to avoid tediousnesse let Buchanans Chronicle be perused , & many such like Parliaments shall be seen . 2. Who was it who summoned all those Parliaments which conveened for the election of new Kings & of viceroyes : as that which did choose Notatus the brother , & not Ruther the son of Dornadilla the 4. King : & that which did choise Even brother to Durstus , & not Durstus his sonne : & that which made Dardan King & not Corbred's son being under age : & that which make Te●…rasell brother to Conarus King , and not E●…hodius son to Canorus and many moe●… Yea Buchanan no stanger to the constitution of the scottish Kingdome sheweth in his book [ de jure regni apud Scotos ] that the Parliaments of Scotland were summoned not only without the consent of their Kings , but against the same . What ground was there then for condemning of this convention at this nick of time when matters were in such hazard ? Especially , 4. Seing the very next Parliament which conveened Anno 1644. by vertue of the last act of the Parliament Anno 1641. at which the King himself was present , did ratisie & approve that convention upon these grounds , as their 5. act beareth [ Considering that the Lords of his Maj. privy councell and Commissioners for conserving the articles of the treaty , having according to their interests and trusts committed to them , by his Maj. and Estates of Parliament , used all meanes by supplications , remonstrances , and sending of commissioners , for secureing the peace of this Kingdome and removing the unhappy diseractions betwixt his Maj. and his subjects in England , in such away as might serve most for his Maj. honour and good of both kingdomes ; and their humble and dutifull endeavours for so good ends having proven so ineffectuall , & their offer of mediation and intercession being refuised by his Maj. And thereby finding the weight and difficulty of affaires , and the charge lying on them to be greater then they could bear : did therefore in the Moneth of May 1643. meet to gether with the commissioners for common burdens ? that by ioynt advice . Some resolution might be taken there in : and in respec●… of the danger imminent to the true protestant religion , his Maj : honour , and peace of these kingdomes , by the multitude of Papists , and their adherents , in armes in England and Irland ; and of many other important and publike affaires which could not admit delay , and did require the advice of the representative body of the kingdome , appoynted and indicted a meeting , his Maj. having formerly refuised their humble desires for a Parliament . Secondly there was no ground for an●…ulling those Parliaments mentioned in the act rescissory , and act 9. 1. Because in both those acts there is no mention made of any informality , which might justly either in law or conscience render these Parliaments null . Only there is mention made of their acts & deeds but these cannot in any manner of way annull their constitution for a Parliament may be a Parliament legally conveened , though it should astablish iniquitie by a law : & if the ground which they have laid down in these two acts 15 & 9. forannulling of these Parliaments hold good , indifferent men will soon see that they have anulled their own constitution , & declared themselves no Parliament ; for if their acts were compared , with the acts of these Parliaments which they have annulled , & examined either by the rule of God's word ( which all Christian commonwealths & Parliaments should stir their course by ) or by the fundamental lawes of the land , they would be found more worthy to be condemned . Sure succeeding ages need take no more , but the ground which themselves have laid downe here whereupon to declare this Parliament null . But 2. These Parliaments were all legally conveened & called ; for the King called the Parliament 1639 , & sent the Earle of Traquare , as his commissioner thither , which was adjourned to Anno 1640. then after some time , it was adjourned to Anno 1641. & at this Session of Parliament , the King himself was present , & so owned them as a lawfull Parliament being called by his command , & continued hither till , & ratifyed all their Acts , among which this was one viz Act. 17. Anno 1640. That every third year , once at least , there should be a full & free Parliament , & that the time & place should be appoynted by his Maj. or his commissioner for the time , & the Estates of Parliament , before the end , and el●…sing of every Parliament . According to which Act King & Parliament did appoint the next Parliament to meet Iun 1644. & this Parliament is continued till Ian. 1645. thence till March , thence till Iuly 1645. & from thence it is adjourned to November 1646. & then till March 1647. & at the close of this last Session of Parliament conforme to the forsaid Act 1640. They appoynted the next meeting of Parliament to be Anno 1648. This Parliament adjourned to March 1650. but with all , they give power to their committy or the quorum thereof to call the Parl. sooner if they saw necessity , accordingly it is convocated An. 1649. & at the time appointed it meeteth An 1650. & so adjourned to times convenient . So that there is no informality here at all discernable . If it be said that neither the King nor his commissioner was present at those Parl. & so this informality annulled all Ans. 1. The want of this formality cannot be the cause of annulling these Parl. or Sessions of Parl. because they annull the very Session of Parliament 164●… . at which King Charles himself was present . 2. There is no law making the presence of the King or his Commissioner essential to every Parliament , far lesse , to every Session of a Parliament . 3. There have been many Parliaments holden in Scotland , without either king or Commissioner as in the dayes of King Iames 2. Anno 1437 , & 1438 , & 1440. where there is no mention made of the King in the Acts , as there is at the next Parliament 1443. but only of the [ three Estates of Parliament concluding and ordaining : ] So Anno 1560. there is a Parliament holden at Edenburgh by the three Estates without either King or Queen & an Act thereof ratified first Parliament King Iames 6. Act 2. So Anno 1567. the Parliament is keeped by the Regent & the three Estates , without the Queen who then did Reigne as the Acts of Parliament 1581. King Iames 6. shew ; for there these words are to be found in the first Act thereof [ And especially the Act made in the Reigne of the Queen his dearest mother in the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 19 of April , Anno 1567. 〈◊〉 Wherby it is aboundantly clear that she was then governing when this Parl. did sit ; & yet the Parliament was keeped without her , as the Acts shew . So in the dayes of Queen Mary the Acts of Parl. run in the name of the Lord Governour & three Estates of Parl. & this Governour was not representing the Queen as her Commissioner ; because when she was present , as Act 1. Parl. 2. of Queen Mary both she & the Governour are mentioned thus . [ The which day the Queen's grace with advice of the Lord Governour & three Estates of Par. ] & moreover it is not usuall to have any Acts running in the name of a Commissioner ; For where a Commissioner is present the King is supposed to be present , & therefore to this day , all the Acts of Parl. made were a commissioner is present ( except such as are wholly concerning the King himself . ) Run in the name of our soveraigne Lord with advice & consent of his Estates of Parl. but where neither King nor Commissioner is present , then the Acts run thus , The Estates of Parl. enact ; &c. So that this Stilus curiae being punctually observed to this day ; consirmeth the observation concerning the fore mentioned parl . viz. That they were holden without King or Queen , when neither King nor Queen is mentioned in the Acts. 3. Is it not strange how they could annull the parl . 1648. among the rest ; seing the Acts of that parl . were more homogenious with their own Acts , then the Acts of the rest : For the Acts of , & designe carryed on by , that parl . were no such injurious violation of his Maj. power & authority ; nor were they Acts of rebellion as they suppose the Acts of the other parl . to have been : So that the ground upon which they rescinde the rest of these Parl. will not warrand them to rescinde this ; & so it is not upon the ground of their Acts that they rescinde these parl . Because then they would not have rescinded this parl . 1648. What grounds then they will seek out next , who can tell ? For all the grounds which they have hitherto to given , whether from their Acts & deeds o●… from informalities , through the want of the presence of the King or his Commissioner , are declared null & of no effect by themselves . 4. It is yet more strange how they could annul the Parl. 16●…8 . When all the members of that parl . ( some of whom no doubt were members of this ) did Iun. 10. declare and testify their resolution and obligation to acknowledge that Parliamentre have been a free and lawfull Parliament , likeas they did oblige themselves , upon their honours and credit , and as they desired to be , & to be holden true lovers of their countrey , and of the religion lawes & libert●…es thereof efauldly & faithfully to the uttermost of their power to joyn and concurre with their persones and estates , every one according to their severall stations and callings , in the maintenance of the freedome and lawfulnesse of that Parliament , and they ordained that that Act should be subscribed by all the members of Parliament present and absent , and by all noblemen , Barons , and all other subjects inhabitants of the Kingdome in their thires and brughs . 5. It is yet more strange that this Parliament had so far forgot it self as to reckon up the Parliament , 1648. among the rest in the Act rescissory , when in their 9. Act , they had acknowledged it to have been a Parliament , for there when they are approveing the Engadgment , the all & onely bussinesse which that Parliament 1648. was carrying on , they stile them the estates of Parliament of this kingdome which is a title agrying to none but to lawfull Parliaments . Thus it is clear that there is no ground warranding a consent unto these Acts rescissory , but good ground to scruple at that oath , the taking whereof would have imported a consenting unto the annuling of these Parliaments : considering 6. How King Charles the first , in the large treaty , in his answer to the first demand , sayeth that at the humble desire of his subjects he did call & conveen a Parliament to beholden at Edinburgh , Iun. 2. 1640. so that this Parliament was lawfully convocated & acknowledged to have been so by King Charles the first himself . Thirdly nor is there ground for assenting & consenting unto the anulling of those Acts done and concluded in these Parliaments for 1. They are Acts made by Parliaments lawfully conveened 2. They are Acts not repugnant to the word of God ; but Acts made , for the carrying on & advanceing of the work of reformation ( except those made by the Parliament 1648 ) which every one according to his place & power is sworne to maintaine & promove , & this the very vieuing of them will evince , how ever that whole work be now branded as rebellion & sedition : So that none could swear that oath as now tendered , & by Acts explained , but withall he must condemne the whole work of reformation , & all Acts made for establishing of the same , in doctrine worshipe , discipline & governement 3. did not King Charles 1 in the large treaty give this answere unto the first demand . That for as much as the King's Maj. at the humble desire of his subjects did call and conveen a Parliament to be holden at Edenbrugh Iun. 2. 1640. wherein certaine Acts were made , which Acts , his Maj. for the peace and good of this kingdome , is pleased to publish in his own name , with consent of the Estates , and therefore commands that the said Acts bearing date ●…un . 27. 1640. be published with the Acts to be made in the next session of the same Parliament , and that all the saids Acts , as well of the precedent as of the next Session to be holden , have in all time coming the strength of lawes , and to be universally received and obeyed by all the subjects of the kingdome of Scotland . His Maj. doth in the word of a king promise the publishing of the saids acts , in such sort as is above specified ? And more over at that next Session of Parliament , Anno 1641. when himself was present all those Acts were approved & ratifyed fully : & did not King Charles 2 , before & at his coronation , ratify & approve the Covenant , & all Acts made in order to the carrying on of the ends of the Covenant ? So that now they are full & compleat lawes , wanting nothing , even of formality , which can be desired , seing he hath ratified & approved them all . 5. Are there not many of these Acts made by those Parliaments very much for the glory of God , & the good of the countrey ? did not themselves see this , when , for shames cause they were forced to make some Acts of the same nature , for curbing of vice , since they would not be said to renew them ; so that it were hard to put Christians to condemne those Acts , & laudable lawes 6. Is it not strange how they could condemne & make null & void all the Acts done by the committees & Parliaments after 1648. seing by this meanes they shall condemne all the applications which were made unto his Maj. while he was in Holland , & also they shall condemne the Kingdomes receiving of him , yea & their crowning of him , both as null & as done by a Non-Parliament ? And thus they will have the King no crowned King of Scotland ; & how deep this may draw let lawyers judge . It was never yet heard of that a King was crowned in Scotland but by a lawfull Parliament whose deed was valide ; & if this deed of that Parliament was not valid let wise men conjecture what the consequences will be . It is true they except in their Act 9. All such Acts as were passed in any meeting of Parliament or committee of Estates authorized by his Maj. presence . But his Maj. presence will not make every company of men a Parliament ; yea his being present with them at any of their Sessions sayeth he owned them as a lawfull Parliament . 2. How ever , all these Acts which concerne himself ( seing he was not present at their making ) are null . 3. How comet●… it to passe that the Kings presence Anno 1641. did not availe to keep that session of Parliament from a stroke with the rest ? And furder it appeareth that they annull the Parliament 1650 , & 1651. altogether , because if that had been a Parliament it had been the first Parliament of King Charles . 2 ; & so the Parliament 1661. had been his second Parliament : But the Parliament 1661. is called his first Parliament , & therefore there was never a lawfull Parliament before , in his reigne , & thus by their principles he hath never been crowned in Scotland as yet : What a Premunire they fall into here , let lawyers judge ? Fourthly There was as little reason to condemne these meetings counsels & conventions of the subjects at the begining of the late work : Because those meetings were necessary for the defence of Religion , against the bloody Prelates , who were seeking the overthrow & destruction of all . 2. Nor is there any Act condemning such , which can with any colour be allaiged , except the Act of that Parliament 1584. wherein things were carryed on by a strong faction in great haste , for they had five Sessions in three dayes ; & with great secrecy , for the Lords of the articles were sworne to secrecy ; & the doores●… were keeped closse all the time of Parliament . See laborious Mr Petree his History pag. 442 ; and the Act of this Parliament did mainely strick against the assemblies of the Church for that was the thing designed . 3. What ever can be made out of this Act against civill meetings , it will not stricke against those meetings , because the Parliament 1640 , in their Act 29. hath showne the true meaning thereof to be otherwise , saying . It cannot be extended , against any councells conventions , assemblies , committees , or meetings , made holden & keeped by the subjects , for mantenance , and preservation of the kings Maj. Religion , lawes , and liberties of the kingdome or for the publick good either of Church or state & this Act was approved by the large treaty , & againe by the next Session of Parl. An. 1641. where the King himself was present . 4. The secret councell which then was , did approve of these conventions or tables ( as they were called ) so did his Maj. commissioner thereafter . So then these meetings might be warrantably keeped , for God's glory , & the removeing of the just grievances of the subject being no wayes prohibited by the municipall lawes , which onely disallow such conventions as are for disturbance of the peace , or usurpation against authority neither of which can be allaiged here ; for no invasion , violence , offer of wrong by word , or deed , to any person , no not even to these against whom they had justly complained , followed thereupon : And those meetings were onely to consult upon the most fit & humble way of supplicating his Maj. & for the most convenient propositions to be presented to his Maj. to the Parliament , & to the assembly ; all which are most compatible with the loyalty , & duty of good subjects & do no wayes encroach upon authority , seing they assumed not any judiciall determination , in any matter of state civill or ecclesiasticall , but by voluntary instructions , and opinions every one to another in a common cause of religion , did resolve what might be most conduceable to their lawfull and just ends . To use the words of the protestation , Decemb. 18. 1638. Fiftly Nor is there just warrand & ground upon this account , to annull the League & Covenant . Because 1. It was against no municipall law ; for as to that 12 Act of the Parl. 10 of King Iam. 6. Anno 1585. it is so explained by the 29 Act of Parl. 1640. as that it cannot be extended to any bands & leagues , made for the preservation of the Kings Maj. Religion , lawes , & liberties of the Kingdome or for the publick good either of Church or state , and this may be furder cleared by vieuing the 43 Act of Queen Mary , which the forecited Act of King Iames 6. relateth unto , & ratifieth ; for that Act is to be understood of particular leagues or bonds of man-rent ( as they called it ) or maintenance respectivè , & that by privat persones in brugh & land , & therefore cannot be understood of leagues or bonds , made by the body of the land , in their representatives in Parliament ; which hath so much power in making of leagues , that without their consent the King cannot make a league , as is clear by a league which King Robert 2. consented unto betwixt Scotland , France & England , which was annulled because it wanted the Parliaments consent ; for sayeth Buch in the end of his 9 book neque enim ipse pacem vel inductas facere poterat nisi ex sententiâ publici conventus , nec firmas pollice●… sine publico decreto . He could neither make nor promise truce or peace without the Parliaments consent , & in the Parliament , 10. King Iam. 6. Anno 1585. among the unprinted Acts there is one containing the assent of the Parliament , for concludeing of a league with the Queen of England . 2. The Parliaments of Scotland have made leagues with forraigne Princes without the Kings consent , as that Parliament which deposed the Queen Mother from her regency , did enter in a league with the Queen of England . 3. All leagues & bondes made by the Parliament were ratified by this King , by his solemne oath , both before & at his coronation ; and therefore none in conscience could condemne these bonds , or take an oath importing the same . What is more allaidged against the league & covenant shall be fully examined hereafter , Sect. 2●… . Sextly Nor was there just cause , upon this account , to condemne Scotland for aideing & assisting of England in their straite & extreame danger . Because . 1. It is a most ordinary thing for one nation to send help & relief unto another : thus the french & the Englishes helped the Hollanders . The king of Britaine offered to helpe the Rotchell , & the Palatinat . 2. It was against a common enemy , a popish prelaticall & malignant faction , seeking the ruine of religion , lawes & liberties in Scotland as well as in Engl. By the light of nature , a common fear uniteth even these who are furthest divided ; & so while Scotland fought for England they fought for themselves , & their own saiftie , & what ever law will warrand nations , now to joyn together against the Turk will warrand Scotland their joyning with England against the common enemy : Yea nature hath taught heathens to prevent their own ruine & destruction by joyneing their forces with other nieghbours against one who designed nothing but the promoteing of his Empire . Thus the Romans warred against Philip left Greece being subdued , he should make warre against them . Thus the Lacedamoniam warred against the Oly●…hii & diverse other instances might be given . 3. Scotland & England used to joyne together before , & to enter in a league with other princes , for the defence of the protestant religion as Anno 1586. & againe 1587. & 1588. they draw up a league among themselves . But it will be replyed that this was with the consent of the supreme Magistrat . Ans. True , but the want of this consent will not make such aideing and supplying unlawfull , so long as the law of nature is to the fore , obligeing every man to defend his neighbour : and are not Scotland & England near nieghbours , being in one Island , & under one King : Neither did they waite for the consent of Scotlands supreme Magistrat when they helped them first against the French & next against a faction of papists within their own bosome : and therefore Scotland should not now waite for the consent of England's King , when they were to help them against a popish and prelaticall faction . Nor needed Scotland waite for the consent of their own supreme Magistrat , because as the law of nature doth oblige every one to defend himself by force of armes , against an army of bloody enemies , though the King should not consent ( as shall be showne hereafter ) so the law of nature will warrand any to defend their brother , though the King should not consent especially seing therby they are but defending themselves , against such an enemy as would next fall on them . 4. The law of God will warrand this communion of saints Prov. 24 : 11 , 12. & the commendable practice of those who helped David . 1. Chron 12 : 18. 1. Sam. 22 : 2. Seventhly nor was there ground for condemning the lands renewing of the nationall Covenant Anno 1638. & 1639. Because . 1. There is no absolute necessitie for asking & obtaineing the Kings consent , to the same ; as if a Kingdom once sworne & obliged in covenant with God , might not renew the same obligation , as oft as they thought fit . There is no such necessity of having his Maj. expresse consent & approbation , either to the first making , or to the renewing of the same with God ( as shall be more fully showne hereafter . ) There is no law of God for this . 2. Nor is there any municipall law inhibiteing the renewing of that covenant : Yea that warrand by which all the land took it at the first , viz the King 's & his councell's command to Ministers , to put their parishoners to take it , & severall acts of Generall Assemblies , stand still in force : & accordingly in each universitie , the Covenant was renewed yearly . 3. Moreover the Generall Assembly Anno 1639. enjoyned by ecclesiastical authority the subscription of the same ; & the Assembly presented a supplication unto the privie Councell desireing their ordinance for the subscription of the same , by all the subjects of the Kingdome , & this was granted Agust . 30. & Anno 1640. the parliament by their act 5. did ratifie the act of the Generall Assembly , their supplication , & the act of Councill thereupon ; which act of Parliament was approved by the King in the large treaty , & thereafter by his personall presence at the next session of Parliament , where all was ratified . So that this deed of renewing the Nationall Covenant wanted nothing , either in poynt of law or conscience to make it lawfull & therefore it had been unlawfull to have taken such an oath , as would have imported the condemning of that deed . Eightly nor was there ground for condemning the Church Assemblies , at which the King's commissioner was not present , or which wanted his speciall approbation . 1. Because there is no warrand in the word of God , clearing this necessity ; but much to the contrary . 2 , No munipiall law of the land is against such meetings , because the act 1584. Was taken away & rescinded anno 1592. & since that time there is no lawanulling all Assemblies which want his Maj. approbation & consent . 3. It was never either the profession or the practice of that Church , as is clear by what is said Sect. 1. It will be a fitter place to speak to this , when the ecclesiasticke part of the oath is spoken to which shall be done Sect. 12. SECTION . XI . The former purpose further prosecuted & the lawfulness of Scotlands defensive warre demonstrated . THere are other two Particulars ( or rather one for they are much to one purpose ) which virtually would have been condemned , by the taking of this oath thus explained , as to its civill part : viz Scotland their riseing in armes in their owne defence against the King's armies of papists & malignants & their seizing on the castles , which within their owne bosome were threatening their ruine when garisoned with adversaries . These must now be spoken to , and so , Ninthly , There is no ground to condemne that defensive warre . Though much hath been said by court parasites , & others ; who were ambitious of gaine & preferment , to exaggerat & aggraige that supposed crime , & thereby to make them & their cause , odious to all the World ; yet rationall & indifferent persones will after serious pondering of a few particulars , forbear to passe any rash sentence . Much hath been already said in the defence of that bussinesse , by the author of Lex Rex , & more then ever could or will be answered . And therefore that book behoved to be answered by a fiery fagot : & by Mr Prins soveraigne power of Parliaments , &c. a book published by authority of Parliament & never answered to this day : And therefore there will not be a necessity of insisting much on it here , only a short hint at some particulars , will suffice . 1. In point of conscience , it will be hard to prove that the power of warre resideth only in the King , & that he only beareth the sword : For 1. Rom. 13. The sword is given to all Magistrats ; for the Apostle there speaketh of heigher powers indefinitely , in the plurall number , without specifying any kinde ; & it is certaine Rome had not two or mo●… Kings at once : And if the Apostle had intended only Nero , he would have designed him in the singular number . He speaketh of powers that are of God , & are ordained of God , & this agreeth to Inferiour Magistrats , who are God's Deputies , & judge for him , as well as others , 2 Chron 19 : v. 6 , 7. Deut. 1 : v. 16. Numb . 11 : 16 , 17. He speaketh of Rulers & this name agreeth to inferiour Magistrats , as may be seen , Exod. 18 : v. 21 , 22 , 25 , 26. & 16 : 22. & 34 : 31. 2 King. 10 : 1. 1 Chron. 12 : v. 14. & 26 : 32. He speaketh of such as must not be resisted but subjected unto ; & Peter sheweth who these are , 1 Peter 2 : v. 13 , 14. even Governours under the King , as well as the King himselfe . He speaketh of such as are God's Ministers which is a generall word , comprehending all civill Governours . He speaketh of all such , to whom tribute , custome , honour , or fear is due ; & so he must take in all Magistrats , otherwise this text should not concerne commonwealths , which are ruled without a King. He speaketh of such as are revengers by office to execute wrath on them that do evill , & thus are a terrour to evill doers , and a praise to such as do well : And this agreth to all Magistrats , & therefore this place cannot be understood as speaking of any single person , or of Nero concerning whom it is a great question among lawyers , if , at this time , he had the heighest soveraigne power in the Roman State , as learned Prin sheweth in his soveraigne power of Parliaments , &c. part . 3. pag , 109 , 110 , 111 , & 112. 2. Inferiour judges do judge for the Lord & are deputed of him , & therefore they are endued with power from him , for that effect , 2 Chron. 19 : v. 6 , 7. Deut. 1 : 17. 3. Inferiour judges are commanded to rule well , & they are threatened & rebuked for mal-administration : See Ier. 5 : v. 1. Isa. 1 : 17 , 21 , & 5 : 7. & 10 : 2 , & 59 : v. 14. Ier. 22 : 3. Ezek 18 : 8. Amos 5 : 7. Micah 3 : 9. Levit. 19 : v. 15. Deut. 17 : 11. Exod. 32 : 2. Now would God command those inferiour Magistrats , to relieve the oppressed , to judge the fatherlesse , to plead for the widow if they had not the power of the sword , for this effect , or would he challenge them , for neglecting this duty , if they had not been impowered by him , for that effect ? doubtlesse not . So then if inferiour Magistrats be endued with power of the sword , they ought to defend the fatherlesse , the widow , & the oppressed subjects , by the help of the sword , they ought to rescue them from the hands of their oppressours : And therefore when Popish malignant enemies rise up in armes , & seek to destroy the Land , Man , Wife , & Childe , the inferiour Magistrats , much more the Parliament , may lawfully draw the sword , which God had given them , for the relief of the innocent , & defence of the countrey , of their lives , lands , goods Religion , & all that is dear to them , against malicious & open enemies . 2. Buchanan , a man well acquainted with the lawes & constitutions of Scotland in his Book , De Iure Regni apud Scotos , sayeth that the Kings of Scotland had no power of peace or warre without the Parliaments consent . So that a warre raised by the Parliament , against the common enemy , in defence of the Kings honour , the saifty of the people , & the purity of Religion , cannot be condemned , as unjust & illegall . 3. The renowned Historian Buchanan sheweth also that the Kings of Scotland have been oftintimes resisted by armes , which a few instances will evidence , when Durstus the 11. King banished all his Fathers Friends , & became loose & dissolute , he was pursued by the Nobles , till he was forced to professe his repentance , & promise amendement & afterward when he had cut off many of his Nobles by treachery , the rest did rise up in arme against him , & kill him in battel . So they rose in armes against Gillo for his wickednesse , & against Even 3. who was a most vi●… & wicked man : So with one consent they arose against Dar●…an , & slew his wicked servants who had been instruments of much evill : They routed his forces & tooke himself prisoner . When Mogaldus grew odious by reason of his vices , they rose up in armes against him . So did they levy forces against Athirco : when Romach had become cruell and had put many to death , they rose in armes against him : when Ferquard 1. turned tyrant , he was summoned before a Parliament , & when he refuised to come , they levied forces against him , & pursued him , they stormed his castle , in which he thought to shelter himself & at length he was taken prisoner . So did they purpose to rise in armes against Ferquhard 2. If they had not been diverted . Likewise when King Iames the 3. had been seduced by his evill courteours , & had plotted the murther of the nobles , they raised an army against him , & at length killed him . So did the nobles take up armes against Bothwell & the Queen & pursued her untill she rendered herself prisoner . The nobles wrote unto the queen regent , Anno 1560. for removing of the french forces & did adde ( as Buchan . sayeth Lib. 17 ) Which tearmes if they be rejected we take God & men to witnesse , that we take armes from no innate malice , or hatred ; but sore against our wills are forced to assay the last remedy , least we should expose our selves , our fortunes , and our posterity , to the worste of colamities Hence it is clear that it was the common practice of the Parliaments of Scotland ( and lex currit cum praxi ) to rise in armes against their Kings , when they turned tyrants : And therefore , the Parliament their late taking up of armes in their own sinlesse self defence , can no wayes be condemned ; let court sycophants speak what they please , to make that bussinesse odious , they both bewray their malice & ignorance of the fundamental constitution of that kingdome . 4. Though , for all that is said , the Parliaments interest in warre should be questioned ; yet their late defensive warre may be justified upon clear & undenyable grounds , for there is no such connexion betwixt these two , but they are rather two distinct questions , naturall sinlesse , self defence , may belong to such , as have not propperly in stricke law , the power of warre . 5. The practice of other protestant princes & Magistrats sheweth that their practice was not so odde nor odious , as men ( who have taught their tongues to speak lies ) would make the world beleeve it was ; for Sleidan lib. 8. & 21. & 22. & Bilson out of him , in his difference , &c. part . 3. pag. 274. sayeth that the German princes levied warre against the Emperour ; viz. the Duke of Saxon the Landgrave of Hesse , & the Magistrats of Magdeburgh together with other Princes & cities , joyning in the warre who having had the advice & resolution of lawyers after mature deliberation did conclude . That the lawes of the empire , permitted resistence of the Emperour in some cases : That the times were then so dangerous that the very force of conscience , & necessity did lead them to armes & to make a league to defend themselves , though Caesar or any in his name , would make warr against them . and That if the Emporour had keeped his bonds & covenants ; they would have done their dutyes , but because he made the first breach the fault was his ; For since he attempteth , to root out religion , & subvert our liberties , he giveth us cause enough to resist him with a good conscience : The matter standing as it doth , we may ( say they ) resist , as may be shewed both by sacred & prophane histories . Vnjust violence is not Gods ordinance : Nether are we bound to him by any other reason , then if he keep the conditions on which he was created emperour . By the lawes themselves it is provided that the superiour Magistrat , shall not infringe the right of the inferiour , and if the supriour Magistrat , exceed the limits of his power , and command that which is wicked , not onely we need not obey him ; but if he offer force , we may resist him . Upon these grounds did those worthies resolve to defend themselves by armes . 2. Next they have the exemple & precedent of the protestants in France , who in the reigne of Francis 2. Anno 1559. being oppressed with the Guisian faction assembled themselves , & consulted lawyers & divines concerning resisting of the king in that case , & it was resolved That they might lawfully oppose themselves against the governement which the house of Guise had usurped , & when needfull , take armes to repulse their violence : If the princes , who in this case are borne magistrats , or some one of them would undertake it , being ordered by the states of the realme , or by the sounder part thereof . See Gen. history of France pag. 682. 683. So Anno 1614. The prince of Condee with other princes , Peers , dukes , noblemen ; & officers of the crown conveening at Meziers , wrote to the Queen , compleaning of diverse grievances , & wrongs , & sought remedy & redresse , by the assembly of the three estates , protesting that they desired nothing but peace and the good of the realme , & that they would attempte nothing to the contrary , unlesse by the rash resolution of their enemies ( who covered themselves with the cloak of state , under the Queen regents authority ) they should be provoked to repell the injuries done unto the King & state , by a naturall , just , and necessary defence : see the continuation of the life of Lewis the 13. pag. 59. &c. So in the reigne of Charles 9 when all Acts of pacification were broken ; after many fruitlesse petitions , and vaine promises , they take up armes , whereupon a bloody civill warre ensued : & when this King contrary to his oath , An. 1572. caused that massacre at Paris , the protestants in Languedoc Rochel & other parts , took up armes in their own defence . So when Henry the 3 came to the crown , the protestants saw a necessity of standing to their defence , & being assaulted , they manfully defended themselves : & againe , when the peace which was now concluded was broken by the instigation of the Catholick Leaguers ; The King of Navarre , the Prince of Condee , the Marshall of Montmorancy & others , resolved to defend themselves whereupon followed a sixt civill warre which ended in a new peace , Anno 1580. So in the reigne of Lewis his son when the Queen mother who was then regent , would give no redresse unto the protestants just grievances , The prince of Condee & divers others raised forces in their owne defence , & the duke of Rhoan & other protestants did joyne with them : A peace was concluded Anno 1616. but the very next year the prince of Condee is seized upon , whereupon the princes meeting at Soyssons resolved to defend themselves by warre which continued Anno 1621 , 1622. at last a peace was concluded but it lasted not long by cardinal Richelien's meanes . 3. They have in the third place the practice of the Netherlands ( mentioned in the Generall history of the Netherlands , Lib. 9 p. 369 , &c. ) who , being oppressed in bodies , & states , by the duk of Alva , & the Spanyards tyranny , & their consciences tyrannized over , by the spanish inquisition , introduced of purpose to extirpat religion , after serious deliberation , & consultation with lawyers , divines , & learned men of all sorts , did unanimously conclude to enter into a solemne covenant to defend religion , lives , & liberties , by force of armes : and , Anno 1572. the Prince of Orange & his confederats published a protestation shewing the grounds of their riseing up in armes viz. [ for zeal to the countrey , for the glory of God , because of the inhumanities , and oppressions , and more then barbarous and insupportable tyranny , and incroachments upon their privileges , liberties , and freed●…mes . ] 4. They have the practice of the Waldenses in Piemont , Anno 1558 , & 1561. who being persecuted by the Lords of Trinity , & other Popish soveraignes , assembled solemnely together to consult how they might prevent danger , & after long prayer & calling upon God , they concluded to enter into a solemne mutuall Covenant for defence of themselves & their Religion , & did so with successe obtaining many notable victories against their persecutors , See Fox Acts & Mon. Vol. 2. pag. 208 , 209. So Anno 1571. Nov. 11. There is a league made for mutuall assistance of each other in times of persecution , a copy whereof is to be seen in Mr Morland's History of Piemond , pag. 252 , 253. 5. They have the practice of the people of Arragon ( mentioned by Blanca in his Comment . pag. 661 , & 652. An. 1286. in the dayes of Alphonso 3. who when there fell out a contest betwixt him & the Parliament , through the evill counsell of his courteours , resolved to associat themselves together & to raise forces , it being lawfull , for the common cause of liberty to contend not only with words , but with armes , and their suprarbiense forum or Iustitia Aragoniae , which was erected of purpose to with stand the tyranny of Kings , had power to resist their King with force of armes : So Anno 1283. they tell Pedro 3. their King , that if he would not containe himself within the Limites of the lawes they would pursue him by armes . 6. They have the practice of other Spainyards , as may be seen in the generall History of Spaine , lib. 13 , 14 , 15. who rose in armes severall times against Pedro the I. King of Castile . 7. They have the practice of the Hungarians , Anno. 1608. in the dayes of Mathias for when he denyed free exercise of Religion unto the Protestants of Austria , they took up armes in their own defence & assembling at Horne sent a protestation unto the Estates of Hungary requireing assistance conforme to the offensive & defensive League : See Grimstons Imp. Hist. pag. 730. &c. 8. They have the practice of the Polonians who oftintimes levied warre against their Kings as Grimstone in his Hist. Imp. & Chytraeus in Chron. Sax. shew . 9. They have the practice of the Danes riseing in armes against Christierne the 2. who Anno 1524. was solemnely deposed as may be seen in Chytraeus Chron. Sax. lib. 10. 10. They have the practice of the Sweds , riseing up in armes against Christierne the I. for breach of his Covenant made at his coronation , this was about the year 1499. See Chythraeus ubi supra . 11. They have the practice of the Helvetians : first three of their Cantons viz. The Suitians , Vrjaus , & Vndervaldians , Anno 1260. levied warre against their oppressing Nobles , & did prosecute the same twelve years : & Anno 1308. They joyne in Covenant to defend themselves , against the House of Austria , & defended themselves most resolutely , against the hudge armies of their adversaries , & upon the 16 of Nov. 1315. obtained a great victory , & that same year they renewed their Covenant at Brunna ; in which Covenant , the other Ten Cantons , at severall times thereafter ; being oppressed by their Nobles , did joyne , & at length , by warre brought themselves into that state of liberty , in which they are at this day : See for all this Simlerus de Repub. Helvet . 12. And lastly they have the practice of the Bohemians who in the Dayes of Wenceslaus , & Sigismond waged great warres under the conduct of valiant Zizca . See Fox's acts & monuments Vol. 1. And thereafter in the dayes of Ferdinand they resolved to fight couragiously against all their enemies how great so ever they were . But in case , some should be so bold , as to condemne all those Acts , as treacherous & rebellious , let it be considered . 6. That some of those same practices are allowed and approved even by the Kings of Britaine , for King Iames in his answer to cardinall perron justifyeth the protestants of France their taking up armes in their own defence . Memorable is that speach which King Iames had in the Parliament house , Anno 1609. a King ( sayeth he ) governing in a setled Kingdome ●…easeth to be a King & degenerateth into a tyrant , so soon as he leaveth to rule by his lawes , much more when he begineth to invade his subjects persones , rights , & liberties , to set up an arbitrary power , impose unlawfull taxes , raise forces , & make warre upon his subjects , whom he should protect & rule in peace ; to pillage , plunder , waste , & spoile his Kingdom ; Imprison , murder & destroy his people , in a hostile manner , to cap●…vat them to h●…e pleasure . This is a sentence well worthy to come out of a Kings mouth , & to be●…ingraven upon the thrones of Kings & princes : and doth more then abundantly justify Scotland , in their late defensive warre . Moreover Queen Elizabeth , & King Iames both , by the publick advice & consent of their realmes , did give publick aid & assistance unto the protestants of France against their King , & to the Netherlands against the king of Spaine , and to the protestants in Germany & Bohemia against the Emperour , & entered into solemne leagues & covenants with them : if they had been traitours , & rebells , & that action of defence , utterly unlawfull , would those princes have joyned with them in this manner ? who can think this ? So did King Charles the first openly avow to aide the protestants in France at Ree & Rotchell , against their King , who was come in armes against them : & the Germane Princes against the Emperour : & the Netherlands against the King of Spaine ; And entered into a solemne league with them , for that end . All which do aboundantly justify the Scottish defensive warres , & free Scotland from the aspersion of disloyalty & rebellion . But moreover , 7. It is to be considered , That King Charles I. himself hath fully freed them of all these aspersions in his publick Acts in his Parliaments declareing , [ The Scots late taking up armes against him , & his Consellours , in defence of their religion lawes , & privileges , to be no treason nor rebellion , & them to be his true & loyall subjects , ( notwithstanding of all aspersions cast upon them , by the Prelaticall & Popish party ) because they had no evill nor disloyall intentions at all against his Maj. person , crown , & dignity , but only a care of their own preservation , & the redresse of these eno●…mities , pressures , & grievances in Church & state which threatened desolation to both . ] See the acts of oblivion & pacification . Here is enough to stope the mouthes of all Calumniators & to vindicate them , & to cleare the innocency of their cause before all the Wo●…d . And furder King Charles who now is , did approve of the same in his declaration at Dumferml●… which is cited Sect 2. 8. Some of their chief antagonists , are forced through the clearnesse of truth , to assert such things , & grant such particulars , as will by clear & undenyable consequence justify their taking up of armes & resisting the armies of their King , when they came against then to destroy Religion , Lives , Lawes , & Liberties . ( Beside that all of them are forced to speak most in consequently unto their own principles , & by their concessions do overthrow their own grounds , & arguments as might easily be made to appear if to discourse at length of this subject were designed now . ) As 1. Iohn Barclay , Lib. 4. Cap. 16. he sayeth expresly , That if a King will alionate and subjecte his Kingdom to another , without his subjects their consent , or be carryed with a hostile minde to the destruction of all his people , his Kingdom is actually lost , and the people may not only lawfully resist and disobey ; but also depose him . ) This is more then the Scots could desire for they plead not for deposeing or dethroning of kings , but only for resisting & withstanding them , when they carry a hostile minde against them ( whereof a strong army of strangers , marching with armes to their borders , after they were ( contrary to all law ) declared rebels , is as evident a demonstration as can be ) & are seeking the ruine & destruction of their own subjects . They plead only . That in that case the people may , & are bound before God , to defend themselves , when their religion ( which ought to be dearer to them , then any thing else ) is sought to be taken away , or altered , & service books , or masse books , & the like , tyrannically obtruded upon them . So Contra Monarch . lib. 3. c. 8. He granteth that [ the people have right to defend themselves against great cruelty ] & what greater cruelty could be expected by a nation from their King then to be blocked up by sea & land , threatened with utter ruine & exti●…pation , unlesse they would sell soull & conscience & all ; doth not this speak abundantly for the justifying of them ? 2. D. Fern. Part. 3. s. 5. acknowledgeth [ that personall defence is lawfull against the suddaine & illegall assaules , of the Kings messingers , or of himself , in so far as to ward off his blowes , to held his hands ; and when the assault is inovitable . ] Now if resistence be lawfull against suddaine assaults , much more against premediated , deliberated & advised assaults ; If resistence of illegall assaults be lawfull , then they cannot be condemned , because the assaults of the King's forces were against all law & reason , for there is no law warranding the King , or any other , having a commission from him , to force popery upon them , by armes : If resistence be lawfull against inevitable assaults , then they are justified ; for how could they resist the assault of so many thousand armed men ; but with armed men ? Yea when he alloweth in such a case that hands may be laid upon the prince , he more then justifieth them , who never did intend harme to his Maj. person , & honour ; but wished & sought the saifty & preservation thereof , by all meanes . And againe when he would answere the argument taken from Elisha's resisting of the King , he granteth [ that itis lawfull to resist the Kings cutthroats ] and what did Scotland more then resist his bloody emissaries ? Moreover he alloweth [ to privat persones liberty to deny subsidies and tribute to the prince when he imployeth it to the destruction of the common wealth ] and is not this a clear resistance & a taking of the sword out of his hand ? But what shall a nation do that cannot get pay holden from a plundering army of enemies , & so cannot get them disbanded , but take up armes & force then to it ? This is but resistence , & the other is resistence . Majus & minus non variant speciem yea it is a question if it be lawfull to deny to the King any of his tribute though it be clear enough that it is lawfull for a nation to defend themselves against the King's unjust & illegall commissions . The same Doct. in conscience satified Sect. 5. confesseth that Salus Popul●… est suprem●… Lex and if so , some meanes must needs be allowed unto the people , to preserve their own saiftie , when it is in hazard ; & to recover it when almost lost , by the invasion & tyranny of governours , who instead of levelling all to that end , which should be before their eyes , are taking courses tending to the destruction of the people ; To come with an army of armed enemies against a common wealth , is no sit mean to preserve that common wealth , but to common sense speaketh out an intention to destroy the same : & therefore Scotland can not be condemned for preserving it self in such a case . 3. Iohn Bodin de republ . lib. 2. c. 5. granteth . [ That if a King turntyrant he may lawfully , at his subjects requ●…est be invaded , resisted ; condemned or slaine by a forraigne prince ] & proveth it at large from severall exemples . And if a forraigne prince may do this why may not the subjects themselves do it if they be able ? if the subjects may petition for this help , why may they not forbear to trouble strangers , if they be able to do it themselves ? a forraigne prince hath no more superiority nor right , over their prince for that effect , then they havethemselves , yea not so much . And elsewhere in that book viz , lib. 1. c. 10 , & lib. 5. c. 5. he alloweth subjects to resist & to depose Kings in some cases : which is more then Scotland doth desire . 4. Arnisaeus de author prinp . c. 2 : n , 10. granteth [ that if the prince proceed extrajudicialiter , without order of law by violence every private man hath power to resist ] much more then may the body & representative of a land resist , when he cometh against them with fire & sword , which is the most extrajudiciall acting imaginable . So c. 16. n. 4. he granteth that [ limited princes may be resisted ] & such an one is , & alwayes was , the King of Scotland ; for they never knew an absolute prince , as is clear from what hath been already said . 5. So Grotius who de Iure belli & pa●…is . lib. 1. c. 4. n. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. denyeth that the warr of subjects against superiours is lawfull , & would prove it by the law of nature , the Mosaicall law , the Gospell , & by the practice of the primitive christians : and n. 〈◊〉 . denyeth this not only to private subjects but also to inferiour Magistrats : all which to examine is not the work presently intended ; only it is worth the noticeing that even he is forced to grant many things , which serve abundantly to justify the practice of Scotland for ibid. n. 7. He granteth [ the law of not resisting doth not binde when the danger is most weighty & certaine ] & doth prove it thus ; because the lawes of God in some cases admit the exception of extreme necessity , as the law of the sabbath : & further addeth , that this law about resistence hath its ●…ise , from their will who did first associat themselves in a society , & created governours over themselves ; for if they were asked whether they would acknowledg these conditions that they should die rather then resist , in any case , they would not grant it , unlesse in this case when resistence would wrong the common wealth , & occasion the killing of many innocents . He furder proveth it from that passage which was cited out of Barclaius . yea he dar not condemne any , no not the lesser part of the people who rise in armes , in extreme necessity , far lesse would he condemne the body of a land useing this last remedie in the extremity of hazard & danger , furder he proveth this from David who took armed men 1. Sam. 22 : 2. & . 23 : 13. to resist the violence of Saul after he had learned for certanety that he was seeking his life : and from the Maccabces whom ( as he thinketh ) nothing else can defend but the great & imminent danger in which they were . And furder n. 8. he granteth that such princes may not only be resisted but also punished by death , who are not absolute . And it hath been showne that the Kings of Scotland have been obnoxious unto their Parliaments & yet they desire not so much as is here granted . Moreover n. 10. he assenteth to Barclaius saying , as hath been cited , that if a King alienate his Kingdome he loseth it : but furder he addeth if ●…e prince but attempt to do so , and to subject it to another , he may be resisted , and also n. 11. he assenteth to Barclaius saying as hath been cited , that the King doth lose his power when he seeketh the destruction of his subjects . And againe he sayeth , N. 13. If the king hath one part of the supremacy , & the senat another , then the king may be resisted when he incroacheth upon the senat , & that notwithstanding that it were granted , the King onely had power of war for that is to be understood onely of warre with forraigners . Thus he doth abundantly justify , the late defensive warre of Scotland , against their prince , who was incroaching upon the liberties of Parliament & people . These particulars seriously pondered will do much to cleare their innocency unto the world , & to vindicat their cause and practice from the many foule calumnies & aspersions which the D●…gs of the generation did cast upon them , of purpose to foment the discord , betwixt the king & his faithfull & loyall subjects . And though by what is said , & conceded by their adversaries , the clearnesse & equity of their cause appeareth , both in poynt of law & conscience ; yet for furder clearing of the same , these few following particulars may have some weight . 1. There is great difference to be put , betwixt actuall disobeying of , rebelling against , & violently with force of armes resisting , the lawfull Magistrat , doing his duty , & commanding just things warranded by the lawes of God , & the land : And disobeying his unjust Acts , & resisting his violent , tyrannicall , oppressing , plundering , spoiling & killing armies . The former is a resisting of the very ordinance of God , forbidden , Rom. 13. where the Apostle is speaking of the civill Magistrat doing his duty , & in his place , as God's deputy , exerceing the duties of his calling , & executing his office . But in the other case , the Magistrat is out of his function & calling ; for God giveth no command to do evill , nor to tyrannize . He is not God's vicegerent when he playeth the tyrant ; & therefore he may be resisted & opposed , without any violence done to the office or ordinance of God. As the King's messinger may be resisted & withstood when he crosseth his commission & warrand , without any wrong done to the office or to the King. Every disobedience in things sinfull is not a resisting of the ordinance of God. The office may be owned , & the person in the office honoured , & esteemed , as he ought , when yet his unjust violence may be resisted , & his sinfull commands disobeyed ; for it is onely powers that are ordained of God that must not be resisted , & tyrants , or Magistrats turning tyrants , and exerceing tyranny , cannot be called the ordinance of God ; though the office abstracted from the tyranny , be the ordinance of God : And there is no hazard of damnation , for refuseing to obey unjust lawes , but rather hazard of damnation , in willingly following after the command : And so there is no danger in resisting such Acts of tyranny ; for tyrants exerceing tyranny , are no terrour to evil doers : But on the contrary they are a terrour to good works , & therefore that place , Rom. 13. cannot be understood of tyrants . It is a true & a worthy saying of famous Mr Knox in his history of So●…land Lib. 2. pag. 141. There is a great difference betwixt the authority which is Gods ordinance & the persons of those , who are placed in authority . The authority & God's ordinance can never do wrong ; but the corrupt person placed in authority , may offend ; So that the King as king is one thing , & the king Acting tyranny is another thing . They plead not for rebelling against the office , or resisting that , which is God's ordinance . They did never intend to destroy Magistracy , or to lessen the Kings Maj. just power & lawfull authority , or to wrong the office in the least . And therefore all the arguments of their adversaries taken from Rom , 13. or the like places , which speak against withstanding & opposeing of the office , & divine appoyntment of God , are of no force , against them , & their cause . Tyranny is one thing , & the office of the King is another thing : And what arguments speak well against resisting the office , or the person duely , & legally dischargeing the duties belonging to that office , will not conclude against resisting of tyranny . So that all the arguments taken from Numb . 16. Exod. 22 : 28. Eccles. 10 : 20. & . 8 : 2 , 3 , 4 Prov. 17 : 26. And the like places , do not speak home to their case . 2. There is also a great difference betwixt riseing up in armes without any just lawfull ground , or for trissles , or matters of small moment , as for the exacting of some more tribute then is due by the law , or the like , & riseing up in armes in extreme necessity , when religion , lawes , lives , & liberties , & all that was dear to them as men , & as christians were in hazard , and this was their case , for the king came with an army upon them , & blocked them up both by sea & land , & thus , with forraigners , was seeking to subdue them , & so to overturne religion , lawes , liberties & all , was not this extream necessity ? What more imminent danger could be expected then an army of bloody papists bent to prosecute their bloody designes coming with fire & sword , encouraged by a commission from the king & so approaching their very borders ? Was there not then a necessity , an extreme & inevitable necessity , to rise up in armes , for the saiftie of religion , lawes , lives , & liberties , when all was thus in most imminent danger ? Should the Parliament & the whole body of the land give up unto the lust of these bloody irish , popish , prelaticall & malignant enemies , their own lives , & the lives of their wives & children , their liberties as men , & as christians ? Should they sell religion & the land , their soulls , & their consciences unto those men because ( for sooth ) they had a commission from the King ? there is no reason in the world for this . Therefore seing there is nothing more dear to people then their religion , their lives , & their liberties , a warre raised in the defence of these , cannot be accounted a warre raised upon trissles , or sedition , faction , or mutiny ; but a necessary defensive warre , not raised upon privat injuries & discontents , But upon matters of the greatest importance & necessity , viz to prevent the extirpation of religion , the subversion of lawes , & liberties , & the destruction of lives & all Cicero de officis lib. 2. can tell us that omnium societatum nulla est gratior mella carior quam ea quae cum republica est nui cuique nosirum ; cari sunt parentes , cariliberi , propi●…qui , familiares , sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complex a est , pro qua quis bonus dubitat mortem oppetere si ei sit profuturus . 3. There is also a difference betuixt a war raised of purpose to force the supreme Magistrat to be of the same religion with the subject , or else to dethrone him ; and a war raised to defend that religion , which both Magistrat & subject owneth . Betuixt a war raised in defence of that religion which hath never been established by the lawes of the land ; and a war raised in defence of that religion , which is publickly owned by the lawes of the land & which King & subject both , are sworne to maintaine , & which by the lawes , becometh a civill right & a part of the civill liberty of the subject . Whatever may by said against a war raised in the former case ; yet in this last case a war defensive is most warrantable , and this was the very case of Scotland ; for they were seeking to defend the religion , which was established by the lawes of the land , & which popish & prelaticall malignants , were seeking to overturn ; So that any argument , which adversaries can bring from the practice of the primitive christians , will conclude nothing against them ; because the true religion was not then established by law , the emperours had never consented therunto , but it was otherwise in Scotland as hath been abundantly shown Sect. 1. & 2. 4. There is also a difference betuixt a violent laying of hands upon the person of the King , of purpose to destroy , & cut him off , or to denude him of his just power & privilege , & that in cold blood too , by privat persons , for some personall injuries : This they abhore & ever have abhored : and betuixt a sinlesse self defence when unjustly assaulted by armies sent by the King , to destroy & cut them off . In pleading for a sinlesse self defence , they do not plead for an illegall taking away of the life of a King. Their raising of forces in their own sinlesse self defence cannot be condemned ; there being an actuall invasion made upon their lives & liberties which made their war to be [ tutela vitae proxima ] the last refuge for the life , & the only remedie that was left for the saifty of religion , & of all that was dear unto them . So then their case not being a prosecution of adesigne of some privat persons upon some privat injuries received , to destroy ' & cut off the King , or to denude him of his just power & privilege ; but a nationall defence of religion , lives , & liberties , against the Kings armies unjustly seeking to destroy & violently to overturne all ; None of the arguments of adversaries taken from . 1. Sam. 24 : 6 , 10. & 26 : 9 , 11 , 23. 2. Sam. 1 : 12 , 16. do conclude against them , or speake to their case . 5. There is also a great difference betwixt a warre contrived & carryed on , by privat persons when grievously oppressed : And a warre carryed on , by the body of a land in their representatives in Parliament , against a king . Suppose , the first could not well be defended ( which yet is not absolutely denyed ) yet this last is clear ; for a Parliament hath more power over a king then any privat person , or subject how great so ever , hath : judicious Calvin is clear for this in his institutions lib. 4. cap. 20 , n , 39. saying if there be inferiour Magistrats , such as the Ephori among the Lacedaemonians ; Tribuns among the Romans The demarchi ; among the Athenians , and as the Estates of Parliament in kingdomes now , if these connive at the king's oppressing of the people they become persidious because they betray the peoples liberty , which by God's appoyntment they are to protect . Thus Scotland is cleared , for their warre was carryed on by the body of the land in their representatives , by their Parliament , acting in its publick & parliamentary capacity : and so the arguments drawn by adversaries from the practice of the primitive Christians , speak nothing against the Parliament of Scotland Their levying warre against the king in their own defence , & in the defence of the liberties & lawes of the land . 6. There is a difference betwixt a warre raised by a Parliament of purpose to cut off the king , & to depose him from his throne & governement ( which hath been severall times practised by the Parliaments of Scotland , when their kings turned tyrants & vitious in their lives , as was showne above ) & their case , which was a case of pure defence , there being no intention to offer the least violence to his Maj. person , crowne or dignity : but only to defend religion , & the kingdome , against the popish & malignant , invading , plundering forces , which were sent forth to destroy all : for their armies advanced with petitions seeking redresses of wrongs with all humility , & shewing their willingnesse & readinesse to lay down armes so soon as they were secured in the peaceable enjoyment of the religion sworne to , & freed from the just fears of these bloody invading forces who were seeking the destruction of their lives & liberties . So then when their adversaries reason against riseing in armes against the King they speak not to the poynt ; none of these arguments come near to their case which was a case of naturall sinlesse self defence . 7. It would be considered that the warre did not begin upon the Parliaments side ; but they were forced & constrained to it : The King commanded all the English Nobility , with all their power & forces to meet him at York April 1639. that they might advance with him towards Scotland . The Scottish Noble Men who were at court , were also sent down towards Scotland to raise their friends , having some expert forraigne Officers with them : There were three thousand Men sent down with the navy , & six hundered Horsemen were sent down to the Borderes to make incursions , all which preparations of warre did clearly speak out his Maj. intention , & did necessitate them to bestir themselves in their own defence ; against those invaders , & to keep their own rights unviolated : And yet with all they had their supplications ready to presente , after the granting of which , viz. a quyet & peacable enjoyment of their Religion , Lives , Lawes , & Liberties , they resolved to lay down armes & accordingly did so ; for after the pacification , Iun. 18. 1639. their army was disbanded . Againe when the Parliament which was convocated by his Maj. command conforme to the pacification , was , contrary to the articles , & contrary to the liberties of the land , & privileges of the Parliament , prorogued ; the Castles of Edinburgh & Dumbritton , were fortified with men & ammunition ; Theis friends travelling to England & Irland were constrained to swear unlawfull oaths ; or to góe to prisons ; The sea was stopped ; & no liberty was granted to trassique , & so the land was blocked up ; The articles of pacification were broken ; Berwick and Carlile , were fortified ; The Commissioners who were sent from the Parliament to the King , were imprisoned , contrary to the law of Nations ; The Castle of Edinburgh was killing many , & threatening to destroy the whole city with their cannon ; their ships were intecepted by sea , & their merchands spoiled of their goods , sea men were taken prisoners & miserably handled : When matters went thus , were they not constrained to take up armes againe , & to advance towards England that they might seek peace , from his Maj. not being able to maintaine an army on the borders , after they had been so impoverished , through the long want of fine tradeing , and not to lay downe armes , untill their necessary and just desires were granted ? Now let any judge , whether they can be justly blamed for standing to their defence , being thus necessitated as they would not betray the Land , their Lawes , their Liberties , & their Religion , & so sell their soul & consciences & all into the hands of their malitious enemies ? So then , when this shall be made the state of the question whether or not the Parliament , & body of the Kingdome of Scotland , may not lawfully take up armes ( having no purpose to wronge his Maj. person , or to spoile him of his just rights & privileges ) to defend themselves , Lands , Liberties & ( no lesse then ) their Religion after it had been setled by law : When the King ( in stead of granting their just & necessary desires viz. security , that they should be ruled by lawfull generall Assemblies , & other inferiour Church judicatories in Church matters , according to the ancient discipline of the Church : And by a free Parliament in civill matters , according to the foundamentall lawes of the Land ; And that they might be free from illegall courts & alteration in their Religion : & that the articles of agreement should be keeped & that granted which was promised under hand & seal ) is raising a strong army of forraigners , Irish , Popish , prelaticall , & malignant enemies to the Church & kingdome of Scotland intending to destroy their Land , Liyes , & liberties , to overturn their Religion , & Privileges ; & for this end blocketh them up by sea & Land , fortifyeth Castles in their bosome , giving them commission to destroy all they could & denunceth them all rebells & treatours ? Sure it may be supposed that , seing this is the true state of the question it shall easily be granted , that this was a necessary defensive warre , & that Scotland could do no lesse then they did , unlesse they would have willingly betrayed their Religion & all which they had as men , or as Christians , into the hands of their bloody & cruell adversaries , which no law would have warranded them to do . But to put a close to this . This their practice is abundantly warranted . 1. By Lawyers affirming that such a defensive warre , Cui libet , omni jure , ipsoque rationis ductu permissa est . Such a warre is warranted to all , by all lawes imaginable . Spigelius tels ●…s in his Lexicon tit . bellum . That [ that is a just warre which is undertaken for defence , ] & citeth l●…t Vim . ff . de just . & jur . Yea he tels us that if a warre be not undertaken for defence , it is sedition , though carryed on by the Emperour ; for he can no more hurt by warre then he can take away a man's life without a cause , & againe he telleth us , that that is a just & necessary warre , Quod sit se & sua defendendo , that is , for defence of a man's life , lands , and goods , and liberties , and what is dear unto him . Hence is that common saying , Vim●…i repellere omnia jura permittunt . It is lawfull by all law , to resist violence by force of armes . And , Defendere se est juris naturae & gentium . The law of nature and nations teacheth every man to defend himself . And Cajus the lawyer sayeth , That the very law of nature permitteth a man to defend himself against danger . And Florenti●…s , It is right that what ever a man hath done in the defence of his own body , should be accounted lawfully done . Yea Ovid tells us the same , Armaque in armatos sum●…re jura sinunt . To meet arm'd men with armes , all lawes allow . 2. By the concessions of adversaries ; for they grant that it is lawfull to flee from the tyranny of abused authority , as Moses did Exod. 2. David , 2 Sam. 19. Elisha , 1 King. 19. Ioseph & Christ , Mat. 2. & this Christ warranteth expresly Mat. 10. Now this flying is a plaine resisting of rulers , & if resisting be unlawful , this must be unlawfull likewise , & if this be not unlawfull , resisting cannot be unlawfull : for the the same justice & equity which warrandeth men by flight to decline unjust assaults , doth also warrand an escapeing of them by resistence , when flight will not do it : ( Which was indeed the case of Scotland , for it is not imaginable , how a whole land , man , wife , & child , old & young , sick , & whole , can flee from their habitations & goe seek their livelyhoods in other Kingdomes ; beside , that it is a great question , if the States of a land , the peers & inferiour judges , were bound , by flying to leave the Land , Liberties & all , unto their enemies , if they had power to defend themselves ) for if the law of nature oblige men to preserve themselves by flight from tyranny it doth also oblige them to defend themselves by resisting , when they cannot conveniently secure themselves by flight ; o●… when they cannot flee without betraying of the countrey , Religion & all . All this will be so much the clearer if it be considered that if a tyrant hath legall power from God to kill , he hath the same legall power to summon legally , & siste before his tribunall , such & such persons : And therefore if it be unlawfull to resist his tyrannous murthers , it must be also unlawfull to resist his legall citations to that effect , & so unlawfull to flee ; for one & the same power citeth & judgeth : Therefore if the law of defence warrand one to resist his summonds , & not to compeer it warrandeth one to resist his tyranny , if he can be able ; It is true the one resistence is more , but majus & minus non variant speciem : And if the one be a fault in conscience , so must the other be : See Lex Rex , Pag. 325 , 326. Next , they grant that it is lawfull for subjects to resist a forraigne enemy , invadeing the land with armes ; & thus their practice is justified . It is true their enemies had the Kings Commission ; but the having or wanting of such a commission , will not alter the case of the land , which is put to defend it self : For whether these enemies have such a commission or not , they are strangers & forraigne enemies to the land , & they come with a hostile minde to destroy , & to conquere the same ; & therefore what ever commission they have , the people are bound to defend themselves , their Families , young & old , their Lands , their Liberties , & their Religion , & all which they have . They grant also , that a privat man may defend himself , when violently assaulted , & his life is in danger , & when he can no way escape , he may rather kill as be killed . So Gro●…us de ●…re Belli ac Pacis , Lib. 2. c. 1. § . 3. Si corpus impetatur vi praesente cum periculo vitae non aliter vitabil●… , tunc bellum esse licitum , etiam cum interfectione periculum inferentis . Much more will this hold good in the case of a whole Kingdom , when they are assaulted by cruell enemies & cannot escape with their wives & children ; but must needs fall upon the sword of these bloody enemies , unlesse they use an innocent & lawfull resistence Yea ibid. § . 6. He granteth that in case a man be in danger to suffer mutilation he may resist ; Seing the losse of a member especially if it be a chief member , is sad , & in some respect comparable to the life ; And moreover ( sayeth he ) it can not be known whether or not the life may not be in danger thereby : Will not this then serve abundantly to justify Scotland , when their enemies came with a purpose not only to mutilat but also to kill ? They grant likewise that a maid may resist the King when he is seeking to abuse her ; And shall not an army of malignants be resisted , who if they get their will would abuse Virgines , & marryed Women also . 3. By the law of Nature , Nature hath given to beasts & birds power & ability to defend themselves , hence that — — Omnibus hostem Praesidiumque datum sentire , & noscere teli , Vimque modumque sui . 'T is given to all , their foe to know , And how to guaird and warde the blow : To know their weapon ev'n by sense , And how to use it in defence . And that of Horace , Dente Lupus , corn●… Taurus petit , unde nisi in●… Monstratum ? That Wolves with tearing teeth and mouth , And Buls with pushing horns pursu'th , Whence is it that this skill they have ; Nature within , it to them ga●…e And that of Lucretius , Sentit enim vim quidque suam , quae possit abuti , Cornna nota prius vitulo , quam frontibus extant : Illis iratus petit , atque infensus inurget . Creatures their strength do early know , Which they may use , abuse also , The calf his horns doth know , before On 's fore head they shew lesse or more : Pushing with them in tender age , And pressing hard as in a rage . & shall beasts be in a better condition then man ? Shall a bull have liberty to defend it self with horns , & shall man have no liberty to defend himself against tyrants , or souldeours in their name coming to kill , plunder , burn , & slay all ? Nature alloweth , Vim vi repellere , To resist violence with violence , to all ; & against all violence without exception ; Nature can put no difference betwixt violence offered by a Magistrat , & violence offered by another person . Defensio vitae necessariae est , & a jure naturali profluit ; It is necessary by the law of nature that a Man defend his life . And the reason is because God hath implanted in every Creature , inclinations , & motions to preserve it self . Each are bound to love themselves better then their neighbours , for the love of themselves is the measure of that love which they owe to their neighbour . The law of nature alloweth one rather to kill then to be killed , & to defend himself more then his neighbour , Cicero Lib. 1. De Officiis sayeth [ Injustitiae duo genera sunt , &c. There are two kindes of wrongs , one of these who do the wrong , the other of those who when they may hold off the wrong , do it not : He who without cause feteth upon any , being angry , or some other way stirred up , layeth violent hands upon his neighbour ; but he who doth not defend nor resist the injury when he may , is as farr in the wrong as if he should desert his parents , his friends , & his countrey . ] And againe , cum sint duo genera decertandi ; &c. There are two kindes of contending , one by argueing which is propper to men , the other by force , which is propper to beasts , we must flee to this last when we cannot make use of the former ] & againe in his Orat. pro Milone he sayeth , Est haec non scripta , &c. [ This law is not a law written , but a law borne with us , we have not learned it , nor acquired it ' , nor read it , but we have taken it , drawne it , & extracted it from nature it self , to which we are not taught but made , we are not instructed but are endued with it , that if our life be in hazard by snares , by violence , & darts of thieves or enemies all honest wayes must be assayed to free our life . So reason teacheth this to the learned , necessity to the Barbarians & custome to nations , & to beasts nature it self hath prescribed this , that whatever way they can , they should resist all violence & save their lives . ] Thus you see nature it self and such as spoke by the light of nature do warrand such a practice . 4. By the law of nations , the actions of some of which have been mentioned already & he who desireth to see more may consult [ Prin's Appendix to his soveraigne power of Parliaments , &c. ] 5. By the law of God ; as we see by many examples . 1. Of David who being but a privat man , & a subject , & now unjustly persecuted by Saul the King , who was seeking his life , is forced to defend himself with armes , by taking to him first 600. men 1. Chron. 12. & then a great host v. 22 , 36. & this was warranted of God , for the Spirit of God commendeth them for their valour v. 2 , 8 , 15 , 21. And the Spirit coming on Am●…sai v. 18. prompting him to speak what he spoke cleareth it also . 2. of Elisha , 2. King. 6 : 32. He keepeth out the house against the King , by force ; & resisteth him who was coming to use unjust violence . 3. Of the 80 Priests who resisted Uzziah : 2. Chron. 26. 17. Those are called most valient men & it is said [ they withstood Uzziah & they thrust him out . ] 4. Of the people their rescueing of Ionathan 1. Sam. 14. unjustly condemned to die . They resisted the Kings act & edict notwithstanding of his oath : Yea they did swear the contradictorie of the Kings oath . 5. Of Libnah revolting from Ichora●… . 2. Chron. 21 : 10. because he pressed them to idolatry , as is probable from v. 13. so sayeth Lavater , Zanchius & Cornel a lap . see for this also that noble commentator Trochreg on the Ephespag . 923 6. of the city Abell resisting Ioab . 2. Sam. 20. 7. of Elijah . 2. King. 1. killing many hundereds of the Kings men & emissaries sent to apprehend him . 8. By Christ bidding his disciples Luk. 22 : 36 , 37 , 38. Buy swords . Nor is there any thing in scripture contrary to this ; for the passages of which the adversaries make use , do either speak against opposeing of lawfull acts of just governours , as Eccles. 8 : 2 , 3 , 4. Numb . 16. Rom. 13. 1 Pet. 2 : 13 , 14. or against opposeing of inferiour Magistrats , as well as others , & so serve not their purpose , such as 1 Pet. 2 : 1 4. &c. Rom. 13. Exod. 22 : 28. Iob 34 : 18. or speaketh not of a pure defensive warre but of seeking the utter destruction & ruine of the supreme Magistrat , as some of David's expressions , which they make use of . 6. By right reason : for there is no striker obligation betuixt a prince & his subjects then betuixt parents & children , yea not so stricke ; & yet if the father become distracted & rise up in a fury to kill his children , the children may lawfull joyn together & resist him , & binde his hands ; So may the wife resist the unjust violence of her unnaturall husband , much more may subjects resist the unjust violence of their King. 2. Otherwise a King who was an ordinance of God ordained for a rich blessing ; should become the greatest curse imaginable , if actu primo he be invested of God with power to tyrannize ; & the people be put out of all capacity to resist , he should become the greatest of curses to a people . 3. This should crosse the end for which people did set up a King over themselves ; it was to preserve them , & to keep them from wrongs & not to put power in his hand to kill & murther them as he pleaseth . 4. This would put rationall creatures into a worse condition then the beasts are into for if their King will , he may cut all their throats , destroy all their liberties , ravish all their wives , & doughters , destroy all their lands & livings , & that without any controle or the least resistence imaginable . But who can beleeve this ? Yea put the case there were but three or foure Kings in all the world all the lives of the rest should be at their devotion ; so that if they in a fit of fury & madnesse give out the word of command , they may cause kill all , without any resistence : & would not this reflect upon the wisdome & godnesse of God , if he ordered matters so ? but the absurditie of this is abundantly clear so that more needeth not be said . He who desireth more satisfaction in this question may peruse Innius Brutus his vindiciae contra tyrannos Quest. 3. a book as yet unanswered by any : and Lex rex which gote never another answer nor a fagot , a quike way forsooth of dispatching an answer , & Mr Prins [ Soveraigne power of Parliaments &c. ] Where the matter is fully cleared both in poynt of law & conscience , which was published by order of Parliament : and a book intituled de jure Magistratus insubditos : & Trochreg's commentary on the Ephesians where he will finde this question prudently judiciously and satisfactorily handled from pag. 911. to 925. Thus in some measure is this Ninth particular cleared & the Iawfulnesse of Scotland's defensive warre clearly showne , & hereby the unlawfulnesse of swearing any oath , which might have imported a condemning of that warre , is also demonstrated . By what hath been said to this Ninth particular , the Tenth & last is likewise cleared viz. The lawfulnesse of Scotland their seizing upon the Castles within themselves : For if it be lawfull for a land to defend themselves ; & to use resistence by armes , in their own necessary defence ; It is also lawfull for them to seize upon such castles & strengths , as may prove a fit & necessary meane of defence . It is lawfull to possesse these , & keep them out against the enemies of the countrey , who if they had them , would make use of them for the destruction of the land & for the subversion of Religion , Lives , & liberties : What ever law will allow of self defence , will also allow the use of all fit meanes for that end ; For the end includeth the meanes leading to the end . Moreover these Castles & Fortifications were originally appointed for the saifty & security of the Kingdome , & of none else , & therefore at the learge treaty , it is concluded in answer to the second demand ; [ That the Castle of Edinburgh and other strengths of the Kingdome should with the advice of the Estates of the Parliament , according to their first fundation , be fournished and used for defence and security of the Kingdom . ] So that hereby the King approved of all which was done in this businesse , before : & acknowledged that according to their first fundation they were for the Kingdom 's advantage . It is true , these Castles were annexed to the Crown Parl. 11. Act 41. King Iames 11. but that was done to guaird against the poverty of the real me , & for all that the King might not give them away in fee or heritage , nor in franck tenement without the advice , deliverance & decreet , of the whole Parliament : And for great , soon , & reasonable causes of the realme , otherwise any alienation or disposition was to be of no avail ; And it was enacted that the Kings of Scotland should be sworne at their coronation to keep his statute in all points : & Act 9. Parl. 9. king Iam. 6. sayeth that [ These Castles are for the welfare of the realme , as well as for his Maj. behoofe : so Act. 125. Parl. 7. K. Iam. 6. The Castles are called , the keyes of the realme . So though the King hath the custody & command of them , yet it is alwayes in order to the right end , that is , for the saifty & good of the countrey , & if he should make use of them , for the ruine & destruction of the countrey , they should be abused , & might lawfully be taken out of his hand & converted to the right use , as when a father turning mad will kill his children with a sword , the children may lawfully take the sword from him with which , he was bound to defend them , against the common enemy , & make use of it in their own defence . Castles & fortifications are not the King's patrimony , but belong to him as King & Governour of the land , so that he is to make no use of them , but for the countreyes good , he cannot dispone & sell them as he may do other things , that belong to his patrimony : Therefore Scotl. cannot be blamed , for seizing on these for their own saifty , seing this is their native end , & the only thing they were ordained for . Nor can any be blamed for refuseing that oath which would have imported a condemning of this lawfull & necessary deed . Thus reader thou hast shortly laid before thee a hint of what clear grounds there were , of stumbling at the taking of this oath as to the very civil part thereof , seing this civil supremacy is & must be the same with his perogative & his prerogative is such as hath been showne . A difference betuixt the supremacy & the prerogative is not imaginable , unlesse it be this . that the supremacy is more comprehensive , & taketh in all the prerogative & something more : yea by some posteriour acts , they are made of one & the same latitude , as in the act for the national Synod , the setling of the external government of the church is said to belong to his Maj. as an inherent right of the crown . & how ? by vertue of his prerogative royall and supreme authority : so that , his prerogative royall & supreme authority are made one : & if they be one as to ecclesiastical matters much more must they be one & the same , as to civill matters : & more clearly in the King's commission for the heigh commission , where it is said His Maj. by vertue of his royall prerogative in all causes and over all persons etc : so that any may see that his supremacy over all causes is one & the same thing with his prerogative . Moreover this is certane that who soever do acknowledge & recognosce the King 's power & supremacy , in all causes , and over all persons , do acknowledge & recognosce all that which they say agreeth to him as King , and who soever do acknowledge & recognosce this , do acknowledge & recognosce his royall prerogatives : for his royall prerogatives are such things , as agree to him as King , because they are annexed to the crown , as they say . It is true in their 11 act of parl : the acknowledgment of his Maj. prerogative is mentioned beside the oath of alleagiance : But that will nor make them to differ so far ; yea the acknowledgment of his Maj. prerogative is but explicatory of a part of that supremacy mentioned in the oath of alleagiance . So that his prerogative over parliaments & over their actions & over all other subjects , is but a part of that supremacy which they say he hath over all persons & in all causes . So in the oath for asserting his majesties prerogative , defensive armes & the Kingdomes entering in a league with England & all their proceedings in the work of reformation are condemned , & this cannot be denyed , though there be an expresse oath afterward conceived of purpose for that end , viz the declaration set forth . ●…ept . 2. 1662. SECTION . XII . The meaning of the oath of Alleagiance as to its ecclesiastick part opened , & some reasons why upon that account it could not be taken . THe civil part of this oath of alleagiance being thus spoken to , in the next place the ecclesiastick part must be handled ; & when this is but explained , reasons without much difficulty will appear , why as to that part of it , it could not then , ( nor as yet can ) in conscience be subscribed unto . In this part , as in the other , the sense which the tenderers thereof do put upon it , must be searched & sought for , out of their acts : for though it could have been wished ( & both reason & religion would have required it ) that after the example of Abraham , they had made the oath as plaine & easie as might be , so that the sense & meaning of it had been obvious to all ; or had annexed such a glosse & meaneing , as the words in ordinary construction would bear , & tender Christians might saifly assent unto : yet there was no such thing done : yea not being desired to do it , would they do it : yea nor would they suffer any to enquire at them , in what sense they would have the oath taken : yea which is more , they made an act dischargeing all to offer any sense of the oath under the paine of treason . So that there is no way now left to finde out the meaning of the oath as to this part but by their acts & actings , which , when considered , together with some other things usefull in this bussinesse , will help to cleare the true sense thereof . Three things then must be spoken to . 1. The rise & progresse of this bussinesse , which is imported by this part of the oath , viz , the Kings supremacy over persons ecclesiastick , & in ecclesiastick causes , in England . 2. The rise & progresse of it in Scotland 3. Some acts & deeds of the King & Parliament who now tender it . As to the first of these . It is notour enough what King Henry the Eight did , when upon some privat discontents he shook off the Pop's supremacy Anno 1530. for having caught the Clergy in a Premunire , for countenanceing some way or other the Pop's legat , he would not be satisfied with their payment of 100000. lib : unlesse also they would acknowledge him , for the supreme head of the Church on earth , which after some debate in their Synod both in the upper & lower house of convocation , was condescended to , in forme as followeth cujus , &c. of which Church . ( viz the Church of England ) we recognosce his Maj. to be the singular protectour , the only & supreme Lord : & ( so far as Christ's lawes will permitt ) the supreme head . ) This was subscribed unto by all , & put into their publicke acts or instruments , & presented to the King : afterward Parl. 24. c. 12. upon this ground it was statuted & ordained that all ecclesiasticall suites & controversies , should be determined within the Kingdom , & all appeals to Rome were prohibited : and Parl. 25. c. 20. The manner of electing of Archbishops & Bishops was altered , & that power given & granted to the King , and upon this same foundation . Parl. 26. c. 1. it was declared that the King is supreme head of the Church of England , & that he should have all honours & preheminences which were annexed unto that title : & after this there followed another act . c. 3. for Tenths & first fruits as appertaineing to that head-shipe & supreme authority . Hence also Anno 1532. The convocation submitting unto the King's Maj. promiseth in verbo sacerdotis [ That they would never from thence forth presume , to attempt , allaidge , clame or put in ure , enact , promulge , or execute , any new canons , constitutions , ordinances , provinciall or others or by whatsoever name , they shall be called , in the convocation unlesse the Kings most royall assent may to them be had , to make promulge & execute the same , & that his Maj. do give his most royall assent & authority in that behalfe . ] Which deed of theirs the Parliament did , shortly thereafter , ratifie in these termes [ That none of the said clergy from thence forth should presume to allaidge , clame , or put in ure , any constitutions , or ordinances , provinciall or synodall or any other canons nor should enact promulge , or execute any such canons , constitutions or ordinances ( by whatsoever name or names they may be called ) in their convocations , in time coming ( which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings write ) unlesse the same clergy may have the kings most royall assent & license , to make promulge & execute such canons constitutions , & ordinances provinicall & synodall ; upon paine of evry one of the said clergy doing the contrary to this act , & thereof convicted , to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the king's will. 25. Parl. c. 19. ] So Parl. 35. c. 1. There was another oath devised , & ratified which was to be imposed upon the subject , for the more clear asserting of the King's supremacy . By these Particulars any may see that Peter Martyr had good ground to say , as he doth on . 1. Sam. 8. That King Henry took all that power to himself which the Pope challenged [ atque ho●… fortasse est quod Rex Angliae , voluit se secundum Christum appellari caput ecclesiae , putavit enim camp●…testatem quam sibi Papa usur paverat , suamesse , & in reguo suo ad se pertinere , i. e , he would there fore be called head of the Church next under Christ , because he thought that all that power which the Pope did usurpe did belong to him within his own dominions ] and he had good ground to say that [ it was a proud title which gave much offence unto the godly ] Nor was it without reason that judicious Calvin did inveigh so much against that title in his commentary on Amos 7. saying qui juitio tantopere etc. i e. They who at the first , did so much extoll Henry king of England were no doubt , inconsider as men , they gave unto him the supreme power over all ; and this did alwayes wound me ; They were blasphemous when they called him supreme head of the Church , under Christ. ] So that Peter Heylyn must not be beleeved , when he telleth the world in his discourse of the reformation of the Church of England , pag. 13. [ That th●…se statuts which concerne the kings supremacy , are not introductory of any new right that was not in the crown before , but only declaratory of an old ] & againe pag. 48. 49. [ That when the supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their convocation to king Henry 8. It was only the restoreing of him to his propper and originall power invaded by the popes of these later ages ) for that title of supreme head , not only seemed to have some what in it of an innovation ( as himself is forced to acknowledge in the following words ) but really had an innovation in it of no small consequence as shall appeare . But this title of supreme head gave offence both at home & abroad & therefore Queen Elizabeth did change it into this [ of supreme governour over all persons , as well in all causes ecclesiastick as civill ] & in these tearms it was keeped , & is to this day : But all this change , did not much help the matter ; for many were offended even there at , and what wonder , seing it seemed to attribute to her Maj. no lesse spirituall jurisdiction & power then what the former oath did importe . Whereupon the Queen , in the first year of her reigne , after the Parliament had condescended on the forementioned oath published an admonition in her injunctions , of purpose , to explaine & interpret the sense & meaning thereof ; & gave it this sense [ That nothing was , is or shall be meant or intended by the same oath , to have any other duty alleagiance or bond required by the same then was acknowledged to be due to the most noble kings of famous memory King Henry 8. her Maj. father & King Edward 6. her Maj. brother . That her Maj. neither doth nor ever will challenge any other authority , then that which was challenged , & lately used by the saids noble kings , which is and was of ancient time due to the imperiall crowne of this realme . That is under God to have the soveraignity & rule over all manner of persones borne within these realmes , dominions & countreyes , of what estate either ecclesiasticall or temporall , soever they be ; so as no other forraigne power shall , or ought to have any superiority over them . ] And this was confirmed by Parliament 5. Eliz. cap. 1. But neither did this remove the offence ; for still the oath did import more then soveraignity over all persones , even over all causes also : and it was certaine that King Henry 8. did both challenge & use more power then that , & therefore the convocation of the clergy meeting Anno 1562. took notice of the offence , & saw a necessity of declareing another sense , for the satisfaction of all , & this they did Artic. 37. declaring & signifying , [ That there was no authority in sacred matters contained under that title , but that only prerogative , which had been given alwayes to all Godly princes , in holy scriptures by God himself : viz That they should rule all Estates , and degrees , committed to their charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiasticall or temporall , and to res●…raine with the civil sword , the stbb●…rn and evildo●…rs , as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the realme of England , ] & this Article was assented unto , by the Parliament 13. of Eliz. c. 12. & is insert in the statute book . But , under favour , any may see that this covering was not sufficient to hide the deformites of that oath as worded , for all the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome was hereby excluded : now the Bish. of Rome's power was more then civil , for it was ecclesiastick also ; & the oath gave unto the Queen that which was taken away from the Pope : & more over , supreme governour in causes ecclesiastick importeth more then this explication doth . And therefore it had been much better , if no more had been intended , then this explication saifly taken , doth hold forth ; to have changed the words of the oath & made them more conformable to the glosse : for every one who readeth & seeth this sense will not be able to discerne an harmony betwixt them ; the oath as worded holding forth more then the glosse & hence it was that for all this glosse , the English divines were put to much trouble to defend themselves ; & when sorely pressed with the words of the oath they seemed to be at some losse & disadvantage ; & were constrained to run from the words of the oath , unto the glosse , which is a sufficient proof that if no more be intended by the oath , then what is held forth in the glosse givē , the oath ought to be otherwayes worded . & hence also it is that all the followers of Erastus , to this day , do look upon the Church of Engl. as wholly of their judgment , & this puteth such divines as write against Erastianisme to great paines , to search out the meaning of the English divines , to answere that objection , & certanely these divines would have wished that the oath had been otherwise worded ; So that adversaries might have had lesse ground to boast of the Church of Englands being of their judgment . Yea Triglandius in diss●…rt . de Civil . & Eccles. pot . Waveth the English divines , in this poynt , fearing possibly that he should not be able to extricate himself out of the thicket of difficulties which he might see before him , & therefore sayeth , Cap. 8. Pag. 154 , & 155. Controversiam Anglorum , i. 〈◊〉 . We owne not the controversie of the Englishes with Papists , upon this subject a●… owrs ; for we are not of the judgment of Papists ; nor are we necessitated to defend our judgment , by the judgment of the English divines . And again in his Amapologia , Pag. 726. Col. 2. Quamvis non di●…eamur , &c. Though we cannot deny , but they ( i. e. the Englishes , ) in respect of the usurped hierarchie there , and the King's power over it , have extended the King's supremacy furder then it ought to have been . And Apollonius in his Ius Majestatis , Part. 1. Pag. 11. telleth us that [ Some reformed divines in the heat of disput against the Papists out of hatred to the Roman hierarchy did turne a little out of the right way , & that they spoke according to the lawes of that Kingdome & common-wealth in which they lived . This especially is to be noted in those divines who wrote of the King's supremacy in the Kingdome of England . The learned have seen the writtings of Lancelot , Tooker , Burchill , Thomson , and Salcobrig , &c. And the writtings of their adversaries , who debated with them concerning the King's supremacy , & all who are not slaves in their judgments , unto the great ones of the World , may see clearly that there are failings on both hands . ] And againe out of Didoclave , Pag. 43. he telleth us , [ That albeit they did blote out the metaphoricall title of the head of the Church , lest it should give offence , & put in its place , the Supreme Governour ; Yet the sense was the same ; for Henry of Salisburry sayeth , That the King of England is the primat of the Church of England , & that he is a mixed person , having both Ecclesiastick & temporal Jurisdiction , & that in a supreme way : & proveth from the statute I. Eliz . that the jurisdict . Eccl. which was , or might have been exercised , by any spirituall or Church power , for visiting the Ecclesiastick state & order , for reforming , bringing into order & punishing Churchmen , all sort of errors , schismes , abuses , offences , & enormities , within the Kingdome , is for ever annexed unto the Crown . ] So that it is too too apparent that severall of the English divines run a furder length & give a larger exposition of the supremacy : So dangerous a thing is it to admit of oaths , which must have strained glosses , & commentaries , for clearing of them ; & which the words will not in a faire construction , bear : moreover if any consult the later actings of King & Parliament there in England , they shall see a far other sense put upon it ; & such as plead for the present change of Church government there , walk much upon this supremacy ; & particularly the author of the grand case asketh how any man who hath taken or is willing to take that oath , can speak against the King's power of setting up what forme of Church government he pleaseth in the Church ; which whether it may not make Englishmen of a truely tender conscience scruple now , at the taking of that oath , let wise men judge . Next as to the rise of this power over the Church , & the occasion of this oath in Scotland : seing it may sufficiently be gathered from the short historical narration of the government of the Church set down Sect. 1. a short recapitulation will be sufficient here . In the confession of faith ( which was ratified & approved by the Parliament , Anno 1560. & againe ratified & insert in the records Anno 1567 ) cap. 25. the power in Church matters which is there given unto the civil Magistrat is in these words . [ That to them chiefly and most principally appertaineth the conservation & purgation of religion — and they are appoynted for the maintenance of the true religion , and for suppressing of idola●…ry and superstition ] & in that same Parl. An. 1567 , Act 2. there is an act which was made Anno 1560. ratified ordaineing that the ●…ishop of Rome called the Pope have no jurisdiction or authority within this realme , and that none of his Maj. subjects , suite or desire title , or right of the said Bishop of Rome or his sect . to any thing within his realme under the paine of banishment , &c. and that no Bishop use any jurisdiction in time coming by the said Bishop of Romes authority under the paine forsaid , whereby the Popes authority was quite rejected not only in civil matters , but in Church matters , & yet there is no expresse word of the Kings being invested with any such power . Anno 1568. There was one Thomas Bassenden Printer in Edinburgh who did printe a book intituled the fall of the Roman Church , and in that book the King was called the supreme head of the Church . This gave great offence , & moved the generall assembly to cause call in these books , & to delete that title of the Kings . But all this did not preserve the Church from incroachments , for when Montgom . pretended Archb. of Glasgow was proceeded against , the king summoned the whole synod of Lothian before him & afterward when this same Mr Montgomery was summoned before the Nationall Assembly , there came a Messinger of armes from his Maj. to discharge the Assembly under the paine of rebellion & of puting of them to the horne , to proceed any furder ; whereupon the assembly did complaine of this incroachment , April 27 , Anno 1580. as such the like whereof had never been made before . But this availed not for Mr Balcanquell & Mr Dury were summoned before the Councell for some freedome which they had used in preaching : Of this the Assembly did complaine againe , which occasioned a conference betwixt the King & some Ministers , the result whereof was [ That in all time coming the tryal of Ministers doctrine should be referred to Church Iudicatories as the only competent Iudge . ] But this was soon forgotten , for Anno 1581. Mr Balcanquell was againe accused , & the privileges of the Church were incroached upon , which did put the Church to supplicat Anno 1582. & complaine that , [ His Maj. by advice of some consellours was about to take the spirituall Power & authority upon himself propperly belonging unto Christ as the King & head of his church , & of the ministery ; & the execution thereof unto such as bear office in ecclesiasticall government , so that in his person some men presse to erect a new Popedome , as if his Maj. could not be full King & head of the commonwealth unlesse the spirituall as well as the temporall power should be put into his hand , unlesse Christ be bereft of his authority , & the two jurisdictions confounded , which God hath divided , which tendeth directly to the wrecke of all true relig . ] & it their next assembly there was an article drawn up to be presented unto his Maj. to this affect [ That seing the jurisdiction of the Church was granted by God the Father , through our Mediator JESUS CHRIST , & given to those only , who by preaching & overseeing , bear office within the same , to be exercised , not by the injunctions of men , but by the only rule of God's Word ; That an Act of Parliament concerning the liberty & jurisdiction of the Church , be so plainely declared , that hereafter none other under whatsoever pretence have any colour to ascribe or take upon them any part thereof in placeing or displaceing of Ministers of God's Word , in spirituall livings or offices , without the Churches admission ; or in stopping the mouthes of preachers , or taking upon them , the judgment or tryall of doctrine , or of hindering or disannulling the censures of the Church , or exeeming any offendour there from . By the endeavours of these faithfull worthies , any may see what a Spirit was stirring then , when the King would assume to himself spirituall power & authority , & so rob Christ of that which belongeth to him , as King & head of the Church ; & make himself a Pope & the fountaine of all power & jurisdiction , both civill & ecclesiastick , & challenge power , to give commission for deposeing & ordaineing of Ministers , & hinder free preaching , to try & censure doctrine , & to anull all Church censures as he pleased . This was the Spirit that was then stirring at court , & this is the supremacy to the life , & this was it which court parasites said , did belong unto the crown , let the Church , say & do to the contrary what she could . Hence a little after this Mr Melvin was accused for his sermon , & after he had declined the King & his Councell as incompetent judges in that cause , was forced to withdraw to Berwick , for fear of his life . Anno 1584. The Parliament which was suddainely convocated did put the copestone upon this bussinesse , & gave the King in forme what he had assumed to himself formerly upon the matter , & in their very first Act give him Royal power and authority over all Estates as well spiritual as temporal , within the realme . And Statute and ordaine that he and his heires or successours be themselves , and their Councels in all time coming , judges competent to all persones of whatsoever Estate degree , function , 〈◊〉 condition they be of , spiritual or temporal , in all matters — & that none decline their judgement in the premisses under the paine of treason . From this supremacy flowed the impowering of Bishops with Church jurisdiction , as commissioners from the King , so that when the King wrote unto a Prelat he stilled him , Our beloved Clerck & Commissioner in Ecclesiastical causes . So that by this supremacy , the power of Church jurisdiction was made propper to the King , & the exercise thereof was committed by him , to whom he would . After this blast was something blown over Anno 1592. Papists & others at court stirr up his Maj. against the government of the Church , so that when the commissioners of the Generall Assembly had met , & had sent some of their number to shew the King what offence was taken , at his calling home the Popish Lords , he was offended & asked how they durst meet without his warr●…nd . But Mr Andrew Melvin answered , [ That there were two Kings & two Kingdomes in Scotland , & that Christ was a King , & the Church , his Kingdome , & that he himself , was a subject unto Christ , & a member of his Church & neither head nor King thereof & that the spirituall office bearers , to whom he had committed the government of his Church had power & warrant to conveen . But the King went on , & told the Ministers thereafter , [ That there should be no agreement betwixt him & them , untill the marches of their jurisdiction were rid , & that they might not speak in pulpit of the affaires of the Estate or Councell , & that no Generall Assembly should meet without his special command , & that Church judicatures should meddle with fornication & luch like scandalls , but not with causes whereupon his lawes do strick . ] & shortly thereafter Mr Blake was summoned & did decline , & his declinature was owned by severall hundereds of Ministers : when King Iames saw this he laboured to ensnare the Ministery & therefore invented the bond which was mentioned Sect. 1. Pag. 27. whereby any may see what was intended & designed . But when he is in possession of the crown of England then the poor Church findeth his hand heavier then formerly ; for Anno 1606. Six Ministers were convicted of treason , & condemned for declineing the councell as an incompetent judge in matters ecclesiastick , & all by vertue of the Act of Parl. 1584. And the Parliament which did meet that yeer 1606. to make all sure , did acknowledge his Maj. soveraigne authority , princely power , royall perogative , & privilege of his crown over all Estates persons and causes whatsoever — and ratifieth approveth and perpetually confirmeth the same , at absolutely amply and freely , in all respects and considerations , as ever his 〈◊〉 or any of his royall progenitoure Kings of Scotland , in any time by gone , possessed , used and exercised . Thus was the copestone of this supremacy put on againe : And at that pretended assembly at Glasgow A●…no 1610. it was acknowledged that , The indiction of the Generall Assembly did appertaine unto his Maj. by the prerogative of his royall crown . And it was ordained that the oath ( which is set down before pag. 37. be sworne by all ministers at their ordination : & the Parliament which conveened Anno 1612. ratified all this . And finally Anno 1633. in the 1 Parl. of King Charles , Act 3. that Act which was made Anno 1606. was againe ratified & this conclusion was drawne from it , that he hath power to prescribe what apparell he thinketh fit for Kirk men , which was done of purpose for this end that his Maj. might with greater facility get the use of the surplice by Ministers , established by law and practised . And now by all this , any may see what is the nature of that supremacy which the higher powers have been all alongs grasping after & which the faithfull servants of Christ have been withstanding according to their power . But in the last place , the sense & meaning of this late Parliament which did tender the oath , must be sought out of their acts & actings , & out of some commissions granted by his Maj. & thereby it shall be seen what ground there was of scrupling at the oath & how the feares of such as did then scruple at the oath were not groundlesse seing the after actings of king & Parlia●… . have abundantly confirmed the apprehentions , which such had of their giving to the King , & of his taking , more power in Church matters then themselves would then acknowledge or confesse did belong to him . Now for clearing what power was then & is now assumed by & given to the King in Church matters these particulars may be noticed . 1. When these Six or Seven Ministers who were cited before the Parliament had offored a sense , in which they would willingly have taken the oath , they could not be heard , though they granted unto him in their s●…nse offered , as much power in Church matters , as the word of God , the confessions of faith , both of the Church of Scotland & of other reformed Churches did allow ; for they did grant that his soveraignity did retch ecclesiastik causes objectively , though in its own nature it was alwayes civill , & extrinsick . But this did not satisfie & therefore it was evident enough that they did intend some other thing by that oath , then every one could well see . 2. In the 4. Act of their first session it is made a part of the Kings prerogative , That none of his heighnesse subjects , of whatsoever quality state or function , presume to convocat , conveen , or assemble themselves for holding of councells , to treat consult & determine , in any matter of state , civil or ecclesiastick , ( except in ordinary judgments ) without his Maj. speciall command , of expresse license , had & obtained thereto under the paines , &c. By which it is apparent that they will have no Church judicatories without his command or license otherwise his prerogative is violated , & so it is a piece of his perogative & supremacy , to have all these assemblies depending ●…o upon him , as civill meetings do , that is , that they shall be null without his expresse consent and command ; for this part of the act is in every word conforme & relative to , that black act Anno 1584. viz act 3. parl . 8. King Iam. 6 , by which all Church judicatories which had been set up conforme to the second book of discipline viz sessions presbyteries , & synods , were discharged . 3. In the 16 Act of the first session concerning religion and Church government they say . [ That as to the government of the Church his Maj. will make it his care , to setle & secure the same in such a frame , as shall be most agreeable to the word of God , most suiteable to monarchicall governement , & most complying with the publicke peace , & quyet of the Kingdome , & in the meane time his Maj. with advice & consent foresaid doth allow the present administration , by sessions , presbyteries , & Synods . ] So that by this act it is clear , that they think that there is no particular forme of Church government s●…t down in the word 2. That every nation is left at liberty in this , to choose what forme they will , as most suit●…ing to civil government & complying with the people , temper . 3. That he is judge of what forme of government is most agreeable to the word of God. 4. That this governement must be some other government then that which is by Sessions , Presbyteries , and Synods , which is but allowed in the interim . 4. There is a commission or act from his Maj. for a Nationall Synod , ratified by Parliament in their second Session , which is worth the noticeing , the Act is thus worded ; [ For as much as the ordering & disposall of the externall government of the Churh , & the nomination of the persones by whose advice , matters relating to the famine , are to be setled , doth belong to his Maj. as an inherent right of the Crown , by vertue of his prerogative Royall , & supreme authority in causes Ecclesiastick : And in prosecution of this trust his Maj. considering , how fit & necessary , it is for the honour & service of almighty God , the good & quyet of the Church , & the better government thereof in unity & order . That there be a National Synod & Assembly duely constitut within this kingdome . Hath therefore appoynted & declared , & by these presents appoynts & declares . That there shall be a National Synod of the Church of Scotland : And that this Synod for the lawfull members thereof shall consist & be constituted of the Archbishops of St Andrews & Glasgow , & the remanent Bishops of these two Provinces , of all Deanes of cathedrall Churches , Archdeacons , of all the moderators of meetings for exercise , allowed by the Bishops of the respective dioeceses , & of one Presbyter or Minister of each meeting to be chosen & elected , by the moderator & plurality of the Presbyters of the same ; And of one or two from the University of St Andrews , one from Glasgow , one from the King's colledge , one from Marshells colledge of Aberdeen , & one from Edinburgh : And this Synod thus constitut , is to meet at such times , & in such places as his Maj. by his proclamation shall appoynt ; And is to debate , treat , consider , consult , conclude , & determine upon such pious matters , causes , & things , concerning the doctrine , worship , discipline , & governement of this Church , as his Maj. under his Royal hand shall deliver , or cause be delivered to the Archbishop of St Andrews , & president of the said Nationall Assembly , to be by him offered to their consideration , The Estates of Parliament do humbly recognosce & acknowledge his Maj. Royall power & prerogative afore said , with the piety justice & prudence of his Maj. resolution therein : Like as his Maj. with their advice & consent doth hereby establish , ratify & confirme this constitution of a Nationall Assembly , as the lawfull constitution of the Nationall Synods & Assemblies of this Church : His Maj. or his Commissioner ( without whose presence no Nationall Synod can be keeped ) being alwayes present : & declareth that no Act canon , order or ordinance shall be owned as an ordinance of the Nationall Synod of the Church of Scotland , so as to be of any effect force or validitie in law , to be observed & keeped by the Archbishops , Bishops , the inferiour Clergy , & all other persons within the realme , as far as lawfully , being members of this Nationall Church , it doth concerne them , but that which shall be considered , consulted , & agreed upon , by the president & major part of the members above specified . It is alwayes hereby provided that nothing be enacted or put in execution by authority of a Nationall Synod , within this Kingdome , which shall be contrary to his Maj. Royall prerogative , or to the lawes of the Kingdom & that no act , matter or cause be debated , consulted , & concluded upon , but what shall be allowed , approved & confirmed by his Maj. or his Commissioner present at the said Nationall Synod . In which Act these things are remarkable 1. That Church Assemblies may not meet without his warrand . 2. The King or his Commissioner , are essentiall constituent members thereof . 3. That the King hath power to appoynt the very constituent members of the Synod . 4. Ruleing elders are excluded out of Church judicatories . 5 , That the constant moderator hath a more then ordinary voice in the exercise ; for the member to be chosen there , must be elected by him , & the major part of the rest . 6. Nothing can be agreed upon without the consent of the Archbishop of St : Andrews , & thus he hath a negative voice . 7. Nothing must be debated either concerning doctrine , worshipe , discipline or government , but what his Maj. pleaseth . 8. Nothing must be concluded but what his Maj. or his commissioner doth approve & confirme . 9 , All this is founded on his supremacy . 10. And his supreme authority over all persones , & in all causes , & his prerogative royall , are declared to be all one . 5. There is another commission granted for the heigh commission a part whereof followeth . Our Soveraigne Lord ordaines a commission to be passed & exped under his Maj. great seall of the Kingdome of Scotland making mention , That in consideration of the multiplicity & weight of Church affaires , & of the Estate , incumbent upon the Lords of privy councell , so as they cannot attaine the due execution of the lawes — & to the effect that the disorders & contempt of authority — may be timeously suppressed — His Maj. by vertue of his prerogative in all causes , & over all persons , as well ecclesiastike as civill ; has given & granted , like as his Maj. by the tenor hereof giveth & granteth full power & commission to the Archbishop of St Andrews . The Lord chancellour L. treasurer , archbishop of Glasgow , Duk Hamilton , Marques of Mon●…se &c. — or any five of them , an Archbishop or Bishop being one of the number — To summon and call before them , all — contemners of the discipline of the Church , & for that cause suspend deprive , and excommunicat all keepers of conventicles , &c. — to appoynt ministers to be censured ; by suspension and deposition ; and punished by fineing , confineing , and incarcerating them , and all other persons who shell be found transgressours as aforesaid ; &c. Out of this Act , these things are remarkable . 1. Here is a mixed court made up of Church men & civill men . 2. A court medling both with civil & ecclesiastick punishments , for they have power of deposeing , excommunicating fineing and imprisoneing . 3. A court founded upon his Maj. prerogative in all causes , & over all persons , as wel ecclesiasticke as civil . 4. An Archbishop or Bishop is s●…e quo non & one of those with four others may do all themselves . By what is said , something of the meaning of this oath , according to their sense who tender it , may be discovered , & the bussinesse being so clear much time needeth not be spent , in handling that long & tedious controversie concerning the Magistrats power in Church matters : Onely a hint at some few things , as reasons why this oath thus tendered & explained , could not be taken , will be sufficient . 1. By this meanes , they should upon the matter have affirmed , that the King was head of the Church for it is clear that he assumeth to himself power of appoynting new officers in Christ's house , & new courts & judicatures , which Christ did never appoynt , & of committing Church power to whom he will ; of appoynting what forme of Government in the Church , he thinketh fit ; modelling the constitution of Church idicatories , appoynting who shall be members , & who not , & who members siue quibus non , of limiting the bounds of their procedour , by appoynting what they shall treat of , & what not ; of puting life in their canons & constitutions , &c. Thus all Church power shall flow from him , & he shall become the head of the Church , under Christ , the same way that he is head of the commonwealth under God : And indeed the prelate & their creatures , are not ashamed in their publick prayers , to stile the King head of the Church . Now could any faithfull & zealous Christian of servant of Christ , consent unto this dreadfull incrouchment & usurpation , by subscribeing any oath which might import the same : Who can but hear of it , & his heart not tremble : Let all the arguments which the reformed divines make use of , against the usurped headshipe of the Pope be considered & they will , with equall strength , militat against this usurpation , & justifie the refuseing of this oath upon that account : yea Arminius himself disp . de pontif . Rom. Thes 3. sayeth that the Church hath but one head , otherwise she should be a monster . 2. By this meanes , they should upon the matter licke up popery which they have abjured againe & againe , for none will say that they have abjured such a piece of popery , only as it was seated in the head of the man with the treeple crown that sitteth at Rome , & not simply in it self as a blasphemous tenent : No reformed divine writeth against the Popes supremacy & headshipe , as a power usurped by him , to the prejudice of some one prince or other ; but as a heigh & insolent usurpation of that , which belongeth unto him who is King of Kings & Lord of Lords , for this were not to speak against an incroachment made upon the privileges & prerogatives of the King of his Church , but against some civil wrongs done to a neighbour prince or state : & indeed the adversaries are not ashamed to say that the Pope in his usurpation of this Church jurisdiction , wronged not Christ ; but more immediatly the King & Princes , unto whom that power did belong of right before & therefore , they say , that King Henry 8. assumed but his own back againe & that he neither took , nor did the Parliament give him , any new power which did not belong to him before : So said Heylyn as was showne . But if any should assent unto this they should consent only unto the change of the pope but not unto the change of the Popedome & should shake off an ecclesiasticall Pope & submit unto a civil Pope : For Zepp●…rus speaketh with reason , when he sayeth , P●…lit . Eccles. Lib. 3 : c. 13. [ Quando tota Doctrinae & cultus &c , i. e. When all the matter of Doctrine & worship , as also of the constitution of the Church is ordered according to the pleasure of the Prince alone ; the counsell & advice of the ministers of the word , & of their synods , being despised ; & when such are declared rebels who will not assent unto all that which these polititians do , & when the whole Government of the Church is made over to them almost by an apostolick authority , who only exerce an externall & politicall power on the outward main : Then doth themagistrat goe beyond his bounds , & the Popedomeis not taken away , but changed ; yea & made twofold worse ] yea & the Arminians in their apologie do call this the very heart & marrow of Popery which being granted all his other usurpations do necessarily follow . 3 , By this means , they should grant that ministers , is the very discharge of their ministeriall function , are subordin●… unto the supreme Magistat & his power , acting under him , as his servants & commissioners . This is clear in the exercise of jurisdiction & discipline . The prelats are his Maj. Commissioners in matters of discipline , they receive their commission from him , to depose , to silence , & to excommunicate ; & so also they must Acte as his commissioners in lesser censures , as in publick rebuking for sin , & the like : & seing both the keyes of doctrine & discipline were given at once , if the key of jurisdiction or discipline come from Christ mediatly , & from the King immediatly , so must the key of doctrine , for the scripture sheweth no distinction , & none may separat the keyes , which Christ hath tyed together : & thus every minister must come forth , & preach , exhort , rebuke , censure & ex communicate , not in the name of Christ immediatly , but in the name of the King. But to this they could not assent , & therefore they could not take the oath . 4. By this meanes , they should grant that the supreme Magistrat himself , might , immediatly in his own person ; rebuke publickly the scandalous , debarr from the sacraments , depose , suspend & excommunicate ; for what his commissioners do , by vertue of a commission from him , that he may do himself immediatly , But this could no be yeelded to ; there being not the least warrand for it imaginable out of the word , but much against it : & therefore none , except an Erastian or Arminian will condemne such as refuse an oath which would import this , see Voetius de politia ecclesi , pag. 146. arg . 12. 5. By this meanes , they should have , upon the matter , opened a door unto the King 's bringing into the Church , what popish rites & externall superstitious ceremonies , he pleaseth●… : By the act for the nationall Synod he hath , as an inherent in the crown , the ordering & disposall of the externall government of the Church , & power to settle all things concerning doctrine , worship , discipline & government , by the advice of the nationall Synod which is but as his Councell , so that the whole power of ordering , & setling the matter of the worship , is in his own hand : & it was upon this ground that the former prelats did warrand their use of the ceremonies : his supremacy was a basis unto this : So said Camero in his prael . Tom. 1. pag. 370. 371. & Tom. 2. pag. 41. That in all things perteineing to externall order in religion , Kings may command what they will pro authoritate . And thus they should consent unto opening of a door unto all the trash of Rome , & the significāt ceremonies that are there : for if the King have such power , what ceremony may he not bring in ? & who is there to controle him in any thing of that kinde ? who may ask whether lawfull or unlawfull , seing no question he himself will call all that which he doth , most lawfull ; & he is not without the compasse of his power , or authority , or calling , when he appoynteth the use of those ceremonies , if he be thus rector Ecclesiae . Now who can acknowledge that any such power doth belong unto the supreme Magistrat , to institute any significant ceremony , or part of God's worship ? this being the very sin of Ier●…oam . 1. King 12 : 28 , 33. It was his fault to devise of his own heart , those ceremonies of sacred signes , places , or persons & times . And therefore they could not take such an oath & be guilt●…sse . 6. By this meanes , they should have granted that he had power to change the whole frame of religion , & so give way unto his bringing in the whole body of popery , or what he would ; for by this oath he should have granted unto him , the supreme power in matters concerning doctrine , worshipe , discipline & government . It was charged upon the Church of England , by some adversaries , that the great alteration of their religion that was made from popery to the truth & back againe to popery , & so forth in the dayes of Henry 8. Edward 6. Mary & Elizabeth , in the space of Thirty years , wa●… grounded upo●… , & occasioned by that which is contained in this oath ; for by vertue of this oath , these severall Kings & Queens took upon them , to alter & change as they thought good : & this is ordinaryly seen in supreme powers , when they begin to usurpe . So that it is a sad truth which Calvin hath in his c●…mment on Amos. cap. 7. v 13. & h●… sacrilegium , &c i. e. & this sacrilege rageth & prevaileth with us , because they cannot keep within lawfull bounds but they think they cannot reigne , unlesse they take away all the authority of the Church , & become the heigh est judges as well in doctrine as in all the spirituall government Therefore the devil gave to Amaziah this counsell — a mediocrity should therefore be keeped because this desease hath alwayes been in princes , that they would make religion how according to their owne lust & pleasure . And this is a part of the Cesario-papatus the state papacy of which Wigandus in his 13 cvill complaineth viz. That they set up a new forme of religion . And now seing doolfull experience proveth how ready princes , & Magistrats are , to goe beyond bounds , & to arrogat to themselves more then is allowed , is it fit for Ministers or Christians to blow at that coale of ambition , by asserting in words as much as they desire ? They do not much value the glosses which any may devise afterward , to cover the shame of their nakednesse : were it not better to hold back such as run too willingly of their own accord , to the ruine of religion , & the interests of Christ ? It cannot then be saife , for any to have a hand in setting up a state Antichrist to the ruine & destruction of the Church of Christ And though the gracious disposition of the prince should be otherwise set , & he should not abuse his power to the hurt of religion ; yet no thankes to his sycophants who ascribe such power to him ▪ as , if put into act , would ruine religion & the Church of Christ , & which of its own nature tendeth thereunto , if it meet not with accidental stops : whatever may be said of the power of the supr . Mag. concerning determineing & appoynting what religion shall be publickly professed within his dominions , yet this power agreeth not to him byvertue of his supremacy in Church matters , but by vertue of his supreme Magistraticall power by which he is to have a care of all publicke things : But this supremacy in Church matters , is a far other thing , for it giveth intrinsicke & Architectonicke power in Church matters , & this agreeth only to the Lord Jesus , who is the alone head of the Church & therefore it cannot be said to belong unto the supreme Magistrat . 7. By this oath they should grant that the civill , magistrat as such , should be a Church member ; because he who hath a chief hand in Church affaires , cannot but be a Church member : he who is a chief member in Church judicatories , cannot but be a Church member : He who hath Church power cannot but be a Church member : & he whose commissioners Ministers are in Church administrations , must certanely be a Churchmember : Now all these they give unto the King not as a Christian , but as a King ; for they annex them unto the crown , and make them part of the royall prerogative . But this cannot be assented unto , for then every heathen Magistrat should be a Church member , because a heathen Magistrat is a Magistrat , as essentially , as a Christian Magistrat : Christianity addeth no Magistratical power , it maketh not one more a King or a magistrat , then he was ; it only qualifieth & inableth him for the right administration , or execution of the power , but addeth no new power . Moreover magistracy hath nothing to do , either with the matter or with the forme of Church member shipe , reall grace & union with Christ maketh one a member of Christ's mysticall body ; & serjous profession of the true religion , maketh one a member of the visible Church , but magistraticall power , honour , & dignity hath no interest here , no such thing commendeth a man to Christ. 8. By taking of this oath , they should have said that the civil magistrat as such , is a Church officer , because as he is in possession of the crown & of the royal prerogatives thereto annexed , he hath the disposall of the externall governement of the Church : No nationall Synod can hold without him , none of their acts hath the power of canons without him : He hath power by his commissioners civil & ecclesiastick persons , to excommunicat , depose , & suspend ministers , &c. But this cannot be granted ; for then . 1. Heathen magistrats should be Church officers . 2. Such as are not Church members should be Church officers . 3. Women should be Church officers , for such may be Magistrats . 4. Then no magistrats should be chosen , but such as have the qualifications requisite in a Church officer . 5. There is no ground or reason which can be given for this . 6. There should be no Church officer but such as are mentioned in the gospell ; & among all the Church officers mentioned in the gospell there is not one word of him . 9. By taking of this oath they should say , Not only that the supreme magistrat as such , is a Church officer ; but that he is a Church officer of the heighest degree ; the supreme Church officer next under Christ , for he is put above all the ordinary Church officers , who act only in subordination unto him : pastors & Doctors are but his commissioners , & have their power from him , & must be accountable to him , in their administration . But certanely this cannot be true , for then . 1. This must be also affirmed of a heathen : for a qua tali ad de omni valet consequentia . 2. It is not credible that Christ should have appoynted such an eminent Church officer who was to continue unto the end of the world & never shew us how he should be called , nor what his qualifications should be , nor the way of his ordination , nor his work . 3. Then women & children might be such eminent Church officers . 4 , Or none should be supreme Magistrats , but such as are fit for such an eminent Charge in the Church . But both these are false . 10. By taking of this oath , They should lay the foundation of a lasting confusion betuixt Church & state . God hath been pleased in all ages , to set clear & distinct limits , & bounds , to each of those , that they might not be confounded or mixed together : In the old testament there was a clear difference be ●…uixt the two , & so in the new testament : Divines writting against Erastus have made it clear that they are distinct toto genere ; both in the fountaine of their power , in the subject matter , in the manner of working , & in the nearest end designed , & many such like : so that it is needlesse to say any thing of it here . Now in asserting this supremacy they should lay the ground of this confusion , & yeeld that a Church as a Church should be 〈◊〉 commonwealth & a commonw●… 〈◊〉 ipso that it is a commonw ▪ shoud be a Church , because a supreme governour in Church matters hath reference unto a Church , & a supreme governour in civil matters , hath reference unto a commonwealth : & so make the supreme governour of the commonwealth , upon that account that he is such a supreme governour , the supr . gov . of the Church & then ●…o ipso that he is the supreme governour of the commonwealth he should have reference unto the Church , & so a Church should be a commonwealth , & a commonwealth a Church , which is most false . Moreover this new commission court is another speaking evidence of this mixture flowing from this supremacy ; for in that court Church officers meddle with civil matters : & state officers meddle with Church matters & both do so , as they are such & such officers , & as his Ma●… ▪ commissioners and therefore they could not assent unto this . That which Luther sayeth in responso ad Melanth de ceremonijs , cited by Voetius ubi supra pag. 174. Is worth the marking Seing it is certane that these administrations are distinct viz. the ecclesiastick and politick , which Satan did confound by Popery we must watch and see that they be not againe confounded — and if we suffer this we should be guilty of sacrilege , and we must rather choise to die then sinso see further what he citeth out of Olevianus pag. 179. and 180. 11. By taking of this oath , they should grant that the magistrat as such is a propper & competent judge in Church matters , a propper & competent judge of ministers , of their doctrine , & of other Church matters ; because it was upon this ground , of faithfull ministers their declineing of the King 's & his councell their judgement , in Church matters , that the Parliament 1584. Did grant unto the King this supremacy . It was intended for this end , that he might have power to call , convent , judge & sentence Ministers for the faithfull discharge of their duty , & exoneration of their consciences , as their lawfull , formall & competent judge in Church matters , though under the notion of treason & sedition . Moreover he is made propper judge of what is the best forme of Church Government , of what is the best constitution of a Church judicature , & what are the most sit & lawfull acts & conclusions or canons of Synods : & he is made propper judge in matters deserving excommunication , suspension & deposition , & all these are Church matters . Now the falshood of this is so satisfactorily discovered by divines that none can be blamed for refuseing an oath , which would import an assenting unto these things as truths . Sure every Magistrat is not fit for such matters ; & should no other be a Magistrat but he who is fit for such questions ? Where is there any precept or precedent for thi●… What need is there then for Church Officers for Church matters if the civil Magistrat may do all ? see learned Voet polit Eccles . pag. 146. Arg. 12. yea if they had taken this oath , they had condemned their worthy predecessours who took their hazard , & declined the judgment of the civil Magistrat in Church matters , & should justifie the severe sentences of imprisonment consinement , & banishment , which passed against them ; & should assent unto the lawfulnesse of all these acts , which established iniquitie & tyranny by law : And how could they have done this with a good conscience ? 12. By taking of his oath , they should grant that Ministers in the discharge of their Ministeriall function , were not under Christ immediatly but under the Magistrat ; for as his commissioners they sit in the high Commission court & are accountable to him , for their mal administration , & so are immediatly under him , as their immediat superiour & Master . But this they could not grant . Seing 1. As was said , these two powers are toto genere distinct , & so there cannot be a subordination amongst them . 2. There is no warrand for Ministers receiving of instructions from the Magistrat . 3. Nor for any civil Pope more then for a Church Pope . 4. Ministers in scripture are said to have immediat relation unto , & commission from God , & not from the Magistrat therefore they are called priests of God. 2. Chron. 13 : 9 , 12. Men of God. 2. Pet. 11 2. Tim. 3 : 17. And are commissionated from Christ Luk. 10 : 2. Mat. 20 : 2. & 21 : 34 : 25. & 22 : 2 , 3 , 10. & 24 , 45. Isa. 6. v. 8 ▪ Ioh. 20 : 21. Gal. 1 : 1. & not from the Magistrat . They acte in the name of Christ , & by power from him . 1. Cor. 5. But there is enough spoken to this by judicious Wallaus & others writting against Vtenb●…gard & other Erastians which will abundantly justifie the refuseing of this oath : see further learned doct . Voetius de polit Eccles. pag. 145. Arg. 10. 13. By the taking of this oath thus tendered , they should grant that the supreme Magistrat is exempted from subjection unto the Ministery of the messingers of the Lord ; for if Ministers in their Ministeriall function , acte as commissioners from him , & as accountable to him ; then in the same administration they cannot be above him ; a commissioner in the particular wherein he is a commissioner , cannot be over him whose commissioner he is . But this they could not grant ; because there is no warrand for this exemption . Kings of old were not exempted from rebukes , & all are commanded to obey such as are set over them . Heb. 13 : 17. no King is excepted : Emperours have submited unto discipline . Therefore they could not take this oath . 14. By taking of this oath , they should yeeld unto many palpable & into lerable incroachment ▪ made upon the liberties & privileges of the Church of Christ , Which could not be done without great sin & iniquity : As 1. That there could be no Church judicatories or assemblies without his warrand or expresse consent for in the act concerning the acknowledging of the royall prerogative , among other things annexed to the crown , this is one , the conveening of his subjects , & this is explaned Act 4. Where it is ordained that none of his subjects conveen for holding of — Assemblies , to treat Consult & determine in any matter — ecclesiasticke : And upon this ground doth the act concerning the nationall Synod goe : And upon this ground did King Iames take upon him to prorogate assemblies either to definite or indefinite times , as he thought good . Now no faithfull Minister or Christian could assent to this : Because 1. Whatever may be said upon the grounds of prudence at some times ; yet when the bussinesse is spoken to , as a case of conscience , & according to the rule of the word , this is true , that though the Church be in the commonwealth yet she is a distinct society from the common-wealth , & hath power from Christ , to hold her own meetings & Assemblies , for her own government , as she did while she was under heathen Emperours in the dayes of the Apostles . 2 , It hath been showne before what is the judgment of the Church of Scotland , in this particular , in their preface to the confession of faith . 3. There is no expresse command either for seeking or having his expresse consent . The reformers of the Church of Scotland never once thought of this , but as oft as conveniently they might , & as necessity urged , they keeped Assemblies , not only without the consent of the supreme Magistrat , but oftimes against their will , thinking it their duty to Assemble for the relief of the Church ay untill some difficulty were laid in their way which they could not win over , untill some phisicall restraint , or some what equivalent were laid upon them . 5. It would neither be fit nor saife , for them to condemne the worthies who stood so zealously for the truth , & keeped that Assembly at Aberdeen , which occasioned their banishment . 2. That the power of convocating & indicting of Synods & Assemblies doth belong only unto the Magistrat . The act for the National Synod doth abundantly cleare this . But to assent to this were a palpable wronging of the Church which hath intrinsick power for this , & needeth not goe out of her self to seek it . The Synod which did meet 〈◊〉 15 was not indicted by any civil Magistrat . The Church should then be in an irremediable case when the civil Magistrat is an enemy ; but God hath provided meanes for the saifty & preservation of his Church , Even when the higher powers are but small friends unto her , ( as oftimes it falleth out ) see the judicious & learned doct . Voet : de Pol : Eccles : Pag. 184. Quaest : 5. 3. That the power of delegating unto assemblies doth belong to him alone , so as he may appoynt all the constituent members thereof , according as he pleaseth , as the Act for the nationall Synod sayeth , he doth ; & that by vertue of his supremacy . But this were a grosse wronging , & robbing of Churches , of their power & privilege , of delegating such , as they think fit , according to the Example of Antioch sending Paul & Barnabas to that Synod Act 15. & the practice of the Church in all ages see Voet : ubi supra Pag. 187 Quaest. 7. & 8. Yea if so the persones delegated should vote in his name & not in the name of Christ , or of the Church : & the meeting should not be a pure Church meeting but either wholly politicall , or else politico-ecclesiasticall . 4. That he might dissolve Church assemblies , & Synods when he pleaseth for the fore mentioned Act for the Nat. Synod warrandeth them to meet only at such times , as he pleaseth : But this were a great wrong done unto the Church privileges : See Voet. ubi supra Pag. 190. Q●… . 13. & 14. Synods should be no helps unto the poor Church if they might sit , no longeri ( what ever necessity might urge ) then his Maj : thought good to suffer . There is no warrand for any such dependence of Church judicatories upon the civil Magistrat's discretion . If Christ hath allowed Synods to his Church for determineing in Church affaires , he hath allowed them to sit untill they finish the bussinesse for which they did assemble : Yea if they should yeeld to this they should condemne the assembly at Glasgow 1638. which did sit untill they had ended their bussinesse , notwithstanding of a command to dissolve . 5. That his presence or the presence of his commissioner is necessary unto each nationall assembly , for the Act of Parliament ratifying the Act for the nationall Synod sayeth expresly that without the presence of the King or of his commissioner no nationall Synod can be keeped . But 1. there is no law of God for this . 2. The Synods in the primitive times , were held without his presence . 3. There were many generall assemblies held in Scotland without his presence . 4. The Magistrat as such is no constituent member of the Synod , & therefore his presence is not necessarily requisite see Voet : ubi supra Pag. 188. Quaest. 9. 5. If there be such a necessity for his presence at nationall Synods , he must not be absent from lesser assemblies , & thus there shall be no Church judicature held without his presence , which were most absurd : See what the learned & famous Voetius sayeth to this pol. Eccles. Part. 1. Pag. 199. 200. 6. That Ministers have no proper decisive fuffrage in Synods , because the forecited Act sayeth , That matters are to be setled only by their advice , So that in their Synod they are only the King's counsellers conveened to advise & consult , & a power only to advise , is no decisive fuffrage : & so the Act concluded , is the deed of the supreme Magistrat following their advice , & is not their deed . Now this is most absurd & destructive to all Synods , & of all their power : & thus it should be far worse with Synods now , when Magistrats are Christians then when they were heathens . Moreover there is no warrand for his having with the rest of 〈◊〉 the commissioners , a voice in those Synods , far lesse , for his having the whole power . It is clear that as a Magistat he can have no suffrage or voice in these Synods ; for then heathens who are no way qualified for such a bussinesse should have it likewise , Yea if it were so , all the determinations of Synods should be civil Acts , & no Church Acts , being done by one who is no Church officer , yea nor a Church member , as such , let be a Church judicature . This was Episcopius the Arminian his judgment in disput . de jure Magistratus circa sacra Thes. 16. viz. that he may convocat assemblies , choose members , prescribe lawes unto them , & the way of pr●…cedour , aske the suffrages , & either peremptorily enact , or approve what is done , that it may passe into a law : see Voet. ubi supra , pag. 191. Q●… . 16. 7. That the judicatories of the Church be prelimited : for nothing may be enacted by the nationall Synod which is contrary to his Maj. royal prerogative ; or to the lawes of the land , so sayeth the Parliaments ratification of the Act for the nationall Synod . But what if iniquity be established by a law ; & what if Christ's royall prerogatives be taken from him & given to the King ? shall the Church in her judicatories do nothing for the truth ? shall she give no testimony against these usurpations ? shall the lawes of the land & the King's prerogatives be her Cynosura ? what use shall be made of the word of God then ? where is there any such caution or limitation given to the Church ? But enough of this . 8. That Church judicatories may not so much as consult & debate , about any Act , matter or cause , but what shall be allowed & approved by his Maj. or his commissioner ; for these are the very words of the Act of Parliament . But who can assent unto this intolerable jncroachment , destructive of all Church judicatures , making them no judicatories at all , but a company of men conveened : for giving advice . But where was there ever the like of this Church judicature ? The nameing of those things is sufficient to discover their vanity : see excellent Vo●…t . ubi supr●… Pag. 189. Quaest. 11. 9. That no Church canon or ordinance hath any effect force or validity but what shall be approved & confirmed by him or his commissioner , for so much doth the fore cited Act import , now who but he who hath drunken in the opinions of Erastus & Arminians will assent unto this ? It is true the canons & ordinances of a Church judicatory , cannot have the strength of a municipall law , without the Magistrat's civill sanction : But yet they may have the strength of Church Canons , whether he approve of them , or not ; as the Acts of the Councell at Ierusal . Act 15. & of all other Synods & Assemblies , which the Church had dureing the first three hundered yeers had : Otherwise the Church should be in a hard case , when the civill Magistrat did refuse his concurrence . & ( as hath been oft hinted ) in a better case , under heathens , then under Christian Magistrats . Therefore this could not be assented unto . 10. That all Church Canons are his proper Acts , & flow natively from him , & his power ; for the meeting is but for Counsell & advice to him , & all which they say , is without force unlesse he approve it , as the Act sayeth , & so all their Acts & Canons are his only & not theirs . But this could not be granted , because 1. what ever he doth , as supreme Governour , or Magistrat , is a civill Act & no Church Act , & so no Church Canon . 2. No Church Canon can be made by any but by Church Officers , who are impowered by Iesus Christ for that effect , but the Magistrat as such is no Church Officer . 3. This power is without all warrand of Scripture , & therefore can not be acknowledged . Thus you see what incroachments upon the Privileges of the Church the taking of this oath , thus sensed , by them ; carryeth along with it , & albeit there be some Erastians & others who take these for no incroachments , but trut●…es ; Yet reformed divines such as famous & worthy Voetius , Apollonius , & others have sufficiently manifested them to be grosle errours , & because the end designed in this undertaking is satisfaction to orthodox & reformed sound divines , with whose principles , the present suffering Church of Scotland , doth accord , it is accounted sufficient only to mention those things which the taking of this oath as explained by their Acts & deeds who tender it would clearly import an assenting unto . But to proceed . 15. By this oath , They should grant that the Church is very imperfect so long as she wanteth a Christian Magistrat ; for she wanteth a chief Officer : And hence it will follow , that the Church in the dayes of the Apostles & some hundereds of Years thereafter was imperfect as to its Constitution , wanting this supreme Governour : Otherwise they must say that Nero , Caligula , & the rest of the Roman persecuting Emperours , did sufficiently fill up this place : And that the Apostles did upon the matter , & would not have refused , plainely to have affirmed that these persecuting heathens , were supreme Governours over all persones , & in all causes Civill & Ecclesiastick . But none of those can be affirmed , with any probality or shew of reason . 16. Yea by taking this oath , They should grant that the Apostles & primitive Church , walked not regularly in the matter of governing the Church : Because they acted with no such subordination unto the supreme Magistrat who then was , they derived no power from him as their supreme Governour ; in causes Ecclesiastick . To say that necessity did put them to this , is but a poor defence , for then out of necessity the primitive Church did rob the Magistrat of his power , or else this power agreeth not to all Magistrats ; but only to Christian Magistrats , & it so , it cannot be a power or Privilege annexed to the Crown ; And further it doth not agree to them as Christians , nor yet as Magistrats otherwise it should agree to all Christians , & to all Magistrats , which is false : & therefore i cannot agree to them as Christian Magistrats for as learned & renowned Doct. V●…us sayeth , Pol●…t . Eccles. Pag. 137. Duo subjecta , & principia formalia , quae non sunt unum , au●… un●…a per se , non possunt fundare effectum formalem per se unum sc. ex . gr . Homo unus si sit Consul , & Pat●…r , non pote●… dici habere potestatem consularem in cives , qua Consul-pa●…er , nec potestatem patriam in s●…ium quâ Pater-consul 17. By taking of this oath , They should yeeld unto the opening of a door unto the utter destruction & overthrow , of all Church judicatories , for by their judgment , who tender that oath , the King is the fountaine of all Church power , & who ever executeth any Church power , executeth it as his Commissioner , & he may imploy in this bussinesse whom he pleaseth , & by the Act for the heigh commission he imployeth civill persones , who are no Church Officers in deposeing Ministers , & in excommunicating , & so he may imploy such persons alwayes & only such , for he is at liberty , to imploy whom he will , & so at length he may put aside all Church Officers , & so lay aside all Church judicatures , & handle all Church bussinesse in civill courts . But what Christian could yeeld to this ? See Voetius ubi supra Pag. 146 Arg. 11. 18. By this oath , they should grant unto the Civill Magistrat power to erect new courts , which have no warrand in the word , & such courts as the Church had not all the dayes of the Apostles , nor many centuries of years thereafter , for by vertue of his supremacy he erecteth this new court called a Heigh , or Grand Commission , wherein civill persons meddle with Church matters , & execute Church censures , & Church-men meddle with civill matters , & civill censures . But to yeeld to this , should be to destroy all Church power , & to condemne the Apostles , for not leaving behinde them , the example of such a court ; & the primitive Church , for not setting up such a court . By Presbyterian principles no judicature must be acknowledged for a court of Christ , but that which hath Christs warrand . 19. By taking this oath , They should yeeld unto the lawfulnesse of appealing from a Church judicature unto the civil Magistrat ; for it is lawfull to appeal from an inferiour judicature , unto a superiour , & by the tenderers of the oath , the supreme Magistrat is a superiour judicature . It is lawfull to appeall from the Commissioners unto such as have given them that commission ; And Ministers in these judicatories are but his Commissioners : But sound divines writting against Erastus & the Arminiant will justify their refuseing to yeeld to this : & if they should have yeelded to this , they should have condemned the Generall Assemblies , that declared such as appealed from a Church judicature , unto the King , & his Councell , censurable with the sentence of excommunication , And approved of such perverse troublers of the Church , as took this corrupt course to keep themselves from censure . Moreover there is no example of any such lawfull appellation , for Paul's appeal unto Caesar was from a civill court , from Festus , & was in a matter of life & death , & from no Church judicatorie : See Voetius ubs supra , Pag. 197. Quaest. 24. SECTIO XIII . The former purpose further prosecuted , & fleet 's notion examined . THere is one reason more pleading against the taking of the oath as it is now glossed , & it is this , 20. By taking of this oath they should assent unto that power which is given unto the King , in the 16 Act of Parliament , viz. a power to settle & secure Church governement , in such a frame as shall be most agreable & suiteable unto Monarchicall Governement , & most complying with the publick peace , & quyet of the Kingdome : And so grant 1. That there is not one forme or modell of Church governement , set down in the word , obliging Churches in all ages to follow the same 2. That the supreme Magistrat alone may appoynt what forme he thinketh good . To speak to this head at length , would take a long time in regard that one Mr Stilling fleet hath been at the paines to give the World a proof of his learning & reading , by engaging in this quarrell , & in pleading against the privilege & prerogative of the Crown of Christ , whom God hath made King in Zion , & who will reigne untill all his enemies be made his footstool . He would , without all doubt , have had more peace , when stepping into eternity , if he had imployed his partes & abilities for Christ & his interests as King & sole King in his Church , & Kingdom . But yet though the nature of this discourse will not admit so long & full an examination of the grounds whereupon this learned man walketh : Some thing must be said in short , & so much the rather because , through the injury of the times , the labours of such ; as have fully & solidly answered him , cannot be gotten printed . And therefore till providence so order matters as that both those & severall other things against prelats , may receive a free Imprimatur . Take these few observations upon his whole book which he is pleased to call a weapon salve &c. so far as concerneth the bussinesse in hand Obs. 1. He granteth pag. 154. That it is necessary there should be a forme of government in the Church by vertue not only of that law of nature , which provideth for the preservation of societies , but likewise by vertue of that divine law which takes care for the Churches preservation in peace and unity . So then if there be such a divine law for a forme of Church Government ; & i●… in the primitive times there was a forme of Church Government followed , the poynt is gained by Mr Stillingfleet's own concessions ; for part 1. c. 1 : § 3. He sayeth that there is not the same necessitie for a particular clear revelation , in the alteration of a law unrepealed in some circumstances of it , as there is , for the establishing of a new law : as to the former , a different practice by persons guided by an infallible Spirit is sufficient , which is the case , as to the observation of the Lord's day under the Gospell ; for the fourth command standing in force , as to the morality of it , a different practice , by the Apostles may be sufficient , for the particular determination of the more rituall & occasionall part of it . Now there being a standing morall law for a forme of Church governement , the practice of the Apostles who were guided by an infallible Spirit is sufficient for an alteration : And so as their practice obligeth now , to the observation of the first day Sabbath , because of the standing force of the morall law for one day of Seven ; So their practice obligeth now unto that forme of Governement , which they used , because of the standing force of the law of God for a forme of Church Governement : So that we need not enquire after a particular & clear revelation in this case where there is but the alteration of a law unrepealed as to some particular circumstances . And thus , if the morality of the first day Sabbath stand , the morality of the governement of the Church which the Apostles did set up , will stand also . Their practice altering the last day of Seven into the first , will no more oblige then their altering of the ancient governement , into a new one , which was distinct from the former . Obs. 2. Part. 2. c. 1. § . 4 , 5 , 6. When he is about the stateing of the question he will have a nationall Church , to be understood as a Church in which a forme of Government should be setled . It is true a nationall society incorporated , is a Church ; It is also true that the notion of a Church agreeth to other societies , then nationall , & as himself sayes , wherever the notion of a Church particular is to be found , there must be a Governement in that Church : & so every society which may be called a Church , should have a Governement in it . But now the question is whether every such society as may be called a Church , should have its own liberty , to set up what forme of Government it thinketh best , or only a nationall Church ? If only a nationall Church have that liberty then that liberty agreeth not to a nationall Church , as it is a Church , but under some other notion , & what is this other notion ? Is it because they are under one civil Governement ? But many nations may in some respect be under one civil Government , & in some respect there is hardly any one nation , which in all its parts incorporations & cities , is governed after one & the same manner . But further , what hath the Church to do with the civill lawes or civill way of Governement , especially seing himself granteth that the Church is a quite distinct society from the civil state ? But next if every Church hath this liberty then in one & the same nationall Church , there may be many severall sorts of Governements , & this would occasion the greatest confusion in the world , & looketh no way like the ordinance of God , which neither tendeth to union nor edification but to confusion & distraction , & will make every parochial Church ( & he cannot deny a parochiall Church to be a Church ) to have its own distinct forme of Government , thus porachiall Churches should be like the Cant●…ns of Helvetia or distinct Kingdomes ruled by their own lawes & after their owne manner . If it be said that the unity & peace of the nationall Church ought much more to be looked after , then the peace & unity of any one particular congregation Ans. will it thence follow that every particular congregation , in a nationall Church , should be Governed after one manner ? then it will follow also that all nationall Churches being members of the Church universall , must be Governed after one & the same manner ; for the peace & unity of the Church universall is preferable unto the peace & unity of a Nat. Church , as the peace & unity of a Nat. Church is preferable unto the peace & unity of Particular congregations . But where shall a Magistrat be found for establishing this one forme of Government ? Is it not then saifest to say That Christ hath set down such a forme which all Churches , all the world over are obliged to follow & imitat : for he is only head of the Church ? Obs. 3. When he stateth the question Part. 2 c. 3 , § . 1. He limiteth the disput unto two sorts or species of Government thus Whether the Church should be Governed by a colledge of presbyters ; or by a superiour order above the standing ministery having the power of jurisdiction & ordination belonging to it . But under favour , this is not faire dealing in stateing of a controversy for his bussinesse is to shew that there is no forme at all setled by a Ius divinum . That there is no warrand in the word , for any one forme more then for all the rest , & that there is no one forme so determined by a positive law of God , that all the Churches of Christ , are bound to observe it ; but that it is left to the prudence , of every particular Church to agree upon its own forme , which it judgeth most fit for the ends of Governement , in it self : & if this be his drift & scope , may not every one see how he prevaricateth here , in limiting the disput to these two formes ; seing there are moe formes pretended unto . The independents will grant that there is no warrand in the word for either of those two formes mentioned ; & yet will allaidge that there is another forme allowed of God & determined : The Papists have a forme of Government , & it may be the prelats think that their forme differeth from that . The Morellians have another forme distinct from all these , the Erastians have a sixt , & it is possible that Mr Baxter shall give him a seventh made out of presbyterian episcopall , independent & Erastian . now if his principles exclude all these why was the disput limited to two ? or doth he think that these other formes are expresly excluded by the word , & that Churches are not left at liberty to make choise of any of them , but only of either of the two which he mentioned ? Then the scripture is expresly & determinatly against severall formes of Governement , & if this be true , his principles are overturned , for if the law of God be expresly against some formes , it must be more for other formes , then for these , & all formes are not indifferent , nor are men left at liberty to pitch upon what forme they please . Obs. 4. He granteth Part. 2. c. 2. § . 1. That the Government of the Church ought to be administred by officers of divine appoyntment . And now what shall become of that Government by a superiour order above the standing ministery ; for a prelat as a superiour order is a distinct officer from presbyters ; & so must have a divine appoyntment , & if he hath a divine appoyntment , he must be a standing officer , as well as presbyters ; & if so , men must not , as they please , lay him by ; but the Government by prelats must be juris divini : & if upon the other hand , he be really a distinct officer , & hath no divine warrant , or appoyntment , the Government of the Church by prelats must be utterly unlawfull . But what sayeth he to this objection ? Part. 2. c. 4. § . 11. These officers are only said to be new that were never appoynted by Christ : & the Church may appoynt none such : but if such be meaned as have a Charge of more then one particular congregation by the consent of pastours themselves , such an officer is not ne●… ; for beside the generall practice of the Church , from the first primitive times , which have all consented in the use of such officers , we finde the foundation of this power laid by Christ himself , in the power which the Apostles were invested in , which was extended over many both pastours , & Churches ; & this power must be proved extraordinary , before it can be said to cease ; & that must be done by some arguments proper to their persones ; for if they be of a morall nature , they will prove the office , to be so too — I say not but that the necessity of the office , as in their persons , for the first preaching & propagating the Gospell did cease with them ; but that after their death it became unlawfull to take Charge of di●…ecesian Churches I deny ; for to make a thing unlawfull , which was before lawfull there must be some expresse prohibition thus he . To which it is answered . 1. It appeareth then that a Bishop is a distinct officer from a Presbyter , for the Apostles were distinct from Presbyters , & their office by Mr Stilling fleet , is the same upon the matter with that of the Apostles , viz a power over both Churches & pastours , for he will not grant that that power in the Apostles was extraordinar , for he sayes that the foundation of this power , was laid by Christ himself , in that power which the Apostles were invested in : & therefore that power of the Apostles , & the power of Prelats must be one upon the matter , and so Prelats must be distinct from Presbyters as the Apostles were . 2. It is strange how he can so confidently say . That it was the practice of the Church of God from the first primitive times , to consent to the use of such officers : s●…ing himself is at so much paines to prove that antiquity is most defective in the times immediatly after the Apostles , & that none dar with confidence beleeve the conjectures of Eusebius at 300 yeers distance from the Apostolicall times , when he hath no other testimony to avouch but the hypotyposes of an uncertaine Clement & the commentaries of Hegesippus , &c. Pag. 296. 297. 3. To let this passe . Mr Stilling sleet would do well to shew whether the office of Apostles ( which is a distinct thing from their extraordinary immediat mission ( which he is pleased to make the maine distinguishing note of an Apostle ) & also from the power of working miracles to confirme the truth of what they preached ) did cease by God's warrand and approbation or not : if not , how could any be so bold as to lay this office aside , by which persons should be invested with power over many both Churches and pastours ? & how can any say that it is not still necessary : Mr Stillingfleet seemeth here to plead for the divine right of prelacy : And indeed if the office & power of Apostles be the same with prelacie , & if that power or office be not laid a side with God's warrand & approbation , it must still be an office allowed of God , & if so , Mr Stillingfleet's notion will fall to the ground . His saying that the necessitie of the office , as in their persons for the first preaching & propagating the Gospell is ceased is nothing to the purpose , for he must speak of the office , as it is the same with the office of Prelats . It is certaine the necessity of the office as in their persons must cease , because they are gone , & the work of first preaching & propagating the Gospell , could be done by none after them , when they had done it themselves but that was not their ordinary office , if Mr Stillingfleet speak truth here . If this office did cease by God's warrand , then how can any raise it up againe without his expresse warrand ? for either it was the Lord's will when he caused it to cease , that it should cease till he was pleased to make use of it againe , or till men pleased to raise it up , at their owne pleasure : This last cannot be proved & therefore seing God thought fit to lay is aside & gave no signification of his minde , when the Chur●… should be at liberty to make use of it againe . It must now be a●… new office unwarranted of God & so unlawfull . 4. That rule , th●… to make a thing unlawfull , which was before , lawfull , there must be some expresse prohibition for bidding any furder use of such ▪ power will not alwayes hold in this case ; because some oth●… thing may be equivalent unto an exprese prohibition , 〈◊〉 when God removeth the speciall propper work of such an office , & the speciall proper qualifications , with which such officers were endued , when those cease the office ceaseth ; & God thereby declareth that the office & work was extraordinary , & therefore should not continue . As for Example in the primitive Church there were some Prophets , & these were distinct from Apostles & Evangelists , & Pastors , &c. so were there workers of Miracles , & such as had the the gift of healing , & of speaking with tongues . And when God withdrew those gifts fiting those off●…cers for the work unto which they were then called , did he not therby declare that it was his will that that office should cease ? & was there a necessity for any other expresse probition ? And because of the want of this expresse prohibition will it be lawfull now for any to set up such officers & offices , in the house of God , when God giveth not the qualifications & so giveth not the call thereunto ? So is it in this case of the Apostles ; when their qualifications , & their speciall work ceased , their office ceased ; & there will be no call for such officers till there be fit work , & God give fit qualifications ; & without a call & warrand it must be unlawfull to set up such an office againe . This will be clearer if it be considered what was the speciall work of an Apostle It was this . A planting of Churches , & setling of the Gospell government in them , by ins●…nteing the standing officers thereof , & that by an eminent power immediatly granted by Christ to them , solely . This was their speciall work , & this ceased with them , & so did their office with it , As also the qualifications : And therefore it would be unlawfull now for a Church at here own hand to set up such an officer againe though there be no expresse probition . By this it is clear . 5. That the power & office of Apostles laid no foundation for prelaticall power , the work belonging to them as such , being altogether extraordinare . It is true , their power did extend over many Churches & pastours but yet . 1. They were not fixed to such & such particular dioecies , as propper to themselves ; but sometimes moe of them were to gether in one place , following their work , Nor. 2. Did they account themselves the sole pastors of such or such a Church after other ministers had been ordained there . 3. ●…or did they ordaine alone in Churches constituted . nor . 4 Did they exerce jurisdiction alone , but alwayes they joyned others with them in Churches setled . 5. They assumed to themselves no negative voice either in ordination or jurisdiction : & so in them there could be no foundation for prelacy laid , even as to their common work , or work of a lasting nature which did not properly & peculiarly appertaine to them as Apostles . 6. Neither finally were they consecrated & ordained after the manner that prelats are now consecrated , being first made Deacons , & next Presbyters , & then Bishops , so that there is a vaste disparity . But distrusting this answer he giveth a second § . 12. to this purpose . The extending of any Ministeriall power , is not the appoynting of a new office , because every Minister hath a relation Actu primo , to the whole Church of God , the resiraint & enlargment of which power is subject to positive determinations of prudence & conveniency in Actu secundo — The exercise and execution of the power of order belongeth to every one in his personall capacity , but as to the power of jurisdiction , though it belong habitually and Actu primo to each presbyter , yet being about matters of publicke and common concernment , the limit ation and exercise of it belongeth to the Church in common ( such is the power of visiting Churches , of ordination and censures ) and when this is devolved to some particular persons , by the rest of the pastors or by the Magisrat , quoad executionem it belongeth to them . Ans. 1. This contradicteth the former answer , for the former answer did suppone that these were distinct officers from presbyters , because their office was such as the ordinary office of the Apostles ; and the Apostles were distinct from other Church officers , even by their office , & not in respect only of their extraordinare mission , or power of working miracles . But this answer affirmeth them to be one & the same with presbyters . But. 2. By this answer he might plead for the Pope for every Minister in actis primo hath a relation to the whole Church & so might be a Pope , if the supreme Magistrat or the rest of the Ministers , would devolve upon him the execution of the power of jurisdiction ; & so the Pope is no new officer but a mere presbyter , only his power of jurisdiction is enlairged : So may he plead for Cardmals , Patriarchs , Primats , Archbishops , as well as for Bishops . But it will be objected that the Pope pretendeth to some other thing as the warrand of his power even to a jus divinum Ans. & so do prelats , but with Mr Stillingfleet , all is one whether that be pretended unto , or not , for it is no matter what they say of themselves , but what any may feigne of them , to the end they may both deceive others , & be deceived themselves . This is , as if one would defend a man who had taken upon himself to be a King of such or such a common wealth , contrare to the fundamentall lawes of the land , and would alledge that he were no distinct officer from any other member of Parliam . because ( for sooth ) the power of Government , as to its execution , is subject to positive determinations , & Parliaments may , & do commissionat some of their number to some eminent piece of work , as to be a Generall or the like ; & he who calleth himself King , is nothing else , notwithstanding that he rule the commonw . with as absolute power & unlimited , as ever King did . Sure any man of understanding would smile at such a defence , and just such an one is Mr Stillingfleet's , prelats rule & domineer with as absolute & unlimited power , as ever any did , & when it is alledged that they account themselves distinct officers from , & superiour to other presbyters , & that there is no warrand for any such officers Mr Stillingfleet , their new advocat cometh in , & sayeth : They are no distinct officers , let themselves say what they will , you may take them up as no distinct officers , & so suffer them to domineer still , if you look upon them as no distinct officers there is no hazard , all is saife , be they Pope be they Prelat & let them pretend to never so high & speciall commissions , as speciall & distinct officers , yet they may be submitted unto & obeyed , this mentall conception will make all right . 3. When any are disputing against an intruder in the house of God whether is it saifest to take him up , in his own colours & to look upon him as he holdeth forth himself , or to paint him as any think best ? If any disputant would take liberty to paint him as he pleaseth he should not dispute for truth , but deal deceitfully . Let Mr Stillingfleet answere this question : Whether is it possible that a man may give out himself for a new officer , or not ? or whether is there any hazard that such an one may be acknowledged & countenanced as an officer & as such an officer as he giveth himself forth to be , in the house of God : or not ? If Mr Stillingfleet be consonant to his principles , he must answere that it is not possible : for really there can be no new officers warranded of God ; & every one is at liberty to take them up under a right notion : & there is an end : & then let all the popish rable & ten times moe come in , they may be submitted unto ; for really there can be no other officers in God's house , but pastours & deacons ( with Mr Stillingfleet ) & every one may look on all the rest as having their power either restricted or enlairged , according to the determination of prudence . 4. It may be asked : whether the Apostles were distinct officers from presbyt . yea or not ? If they were distinct ; what was it which made them distinct ? It could not be their different way of mission for Matthias had not such a mission as Iames , Iohn & Peter & the rest had & yet all of them were Apostles & Matthias no lesse then the rest . It could not be their extraordinary qualifications , for Prophets & workers of miracles & speakers with tongues , had extraordinary qualifications ; & yet they were not the same with Apostles : & further distinct qualifications make not distinct officers . Or was it a larger extended power ? Then it is certane that prelats upon the same account must be distinct officers , from other presbyters ; for they have a larger extended power then other presbyters have . 5. Doth Mr Stillingfl . think that there is no difference betuixt a man who acteth as commissionated from a judicature , having his power & particular commission from them ; & a man who doth all of himself by his own power , having a commission from none ? & that there is no difference betuixt one who receiveth commands from others as accountable to them , & one who taketh upon him to command them as he thinkest best : & betuixt the generall of an army sent forth by the Estates of a land ( ruled without a King ) having power & commission from them ; & a King making use of the Estates , or of the Parliament of the Kingdome as his counsellours whose advice he will follow , or not follow , as seemeth him good , & commanding all of them a●… pleaseth him best ? If he think that there is no difference betuixt these , then indeed he cannot be much blamed for thinking that the prelat whom he busketh , is one & the same with the prelat of whom the controversie is . But in sober sadnesse let it be asked of Mr Stillingfleet ; If he did satisfie himself with this his fiction & notion . There is no controversy now about what may be , or of a man in the moon , but of the prelats who are now in being , & concerning these it would be asked whether he thinketh that they ar●… chosen by the Church over which they are , & that they are impowered by that Church , or by the officers of that Church , for that effect , & that they are accountable unto them , so that their power may be restrained at the Churches pleasure : Or not rather that they choose & ordaine the presbyters , & commissionat them , calling them to an account , & punishing as they think sit , usurping & useing this power as their owne , not borrowing it from the presbyters , in whole or in part , as being themselves solely invested with all Church power from Christ , & letting out the same to presbyters as they think meet . Now it is of these that the controversy is & it is such as are understood when it is said that they are new Church officers , & there is no controversy concerning Mr Stillingfleet's supposed Commissioners ; for whether such as he speaketh of ; be new distinct officers , or not , it is no matter , so long as these of whom the disput is , are such without all question , for any thing which Mr Stillingfleet hath said to the contrary ; for the persons he speaketh of , are not the same with the persons concerning whom the controversy is : Commissioners having all their power derived from others are one thing , & such as have all the power from & with in themselves are another thing . But. 6. To put the matter more out of doubt , let it be considered that a distinct proper work with a distinct ordination for that effect , is enough to make a distinct officer : What distinguisheth Presbyters & Dea●…ns ( Let ruleing elders be laid a side , seing Mr Stillingfleet will not owne them as Church officers ) but their distinct peculiar work & ordination : & so since prelats assume to themselves as their peculiar work , the power of jurisdiction , & ordination ( to speak nothing of the power of order ) they do account themselves , & so must all take them to be , distinct officers : All the prelats that ever were yet in the world , did look upon themselves as distinct from presbyters : & all who ever wrote of prelats , took them up as such ( whether Iure Divino or Humano all is one , as to this bussinesse of their being distinct ) till Mr Stlling fleet did vent his new notions . 7. That a judicature which acteth joyntly in matters of jurisdiction , may , in some particulars for facilitating their execution , impower one or moe of their number for that effect , is easily granted ; but that they may so Impower them , as to denude themselves wholly of the power ; & so enlarge the power of others as to null their owne ; must be otherwayes proved then by Mr Stilling fleet 's bare assertion : Christ's commission taketh in both the power of order & jurisdiction , & alloweth his servants no more to denude themselves of the one , then of the other . They themselves must answere for the duties of the one as well as for the duties of the other : And every Presbyter hath the Ius to both as well in actu secundo as in actu primo . judicious V●…etius Polit. Eccl. Pag. 224. Quaest. 15. doth abundantly cleare this particular , shewing that such a delegation is not lawfull out of Mat. 18 : 18. & 16 : 18. 1 Cor. 5. Act. 20 : 28. 1 Tim. 5 : 17. 1 Thes. 5 : 12. 1 Pet. 5 : 1 , 2. comp . with 1 Tim. 3 : 5. Ioh. 20 : 20. 1 Tim. 3. & 4 : 13 , 14. 2 Tim. 2 : 2. & 4 : 2. Tit. 1 : 3 , 5 , 7 , 8. Whatever may be done in case of necessity , for dispatching of some particular Act , which is transient . And how or what way the limitation & exercise of the power of jurisdiction , belongeth to the Church in common more then the limitation & exercise of the power of order , is not yet clearly demonstrated by any thing which Mr Stillingfleet hath said : And it is known that Prelats arrogat to themselves , a speciall or sole interest in the power of order , as well as in the power of jurisdiction , & therefore they stile themselves the only Pastors of the Dioecies , & say that the Presbyters are but their Substitutes & Vicars ; And it is certane that they assume to themselves , the sole power of ordination . And though here in this place , which is now under consideration Mr Stillingfleet is pleased to rancke up ordination under the power of jurisdiction , yet else where viz. Pag. 273. he sayeth that , The collation of orders doth come from the power of order & not meerly from the power of jurisdiction . 8. How cometh the Christian Magistrat in here to appoynt the constant limitation , & exercise of the power committed by Christ , unto Church Officers ? This is a very great power granted unto the civill Magistrat & some warrand would be seen for it : But this is not the proper place to examine his notions concerning the power of the civill Magistrat in Church matters . Enough of this observation . Obs. 5. With Presbyterians ; the practice of the Apostles , & of the Churches in their dayes , following their appoyntment & command , is of much weight . It is true their examples as examples , do not binde ; But when the Lord hath sent them forth , for this end & errand , to plante Churches , to ordaine new offices , & officers , immediatly under him , and to appoynt unto these officers , their proper work , & to show them how & what way they should goe about their work , & when in all things they delivered nothing to the Church but what they received of the Lord , 1 Cor. 11 : 23. & as Tertull. said de praeser . adv . haereses , Apostoli nihil ex suo arbitrio elegerunt quod inducerent , sed acceptam à Christo disciplinam fideliter nationibus assignaverunt ; Sure then their practice & example ought to be followed . Seing they were sent forth for this end especially , viz. to reforme & setle Churches in doctrine , worship , discipline & governement , according to a new Gospell modell , can any think that we are not obliged to follow their practices . It it true there can be no duty without a law making it a duty ; But Christ's sending them forth for this end , & giving them a speciall commission for this work , sending them forth as the Father sent him , & breathing the Holy Ghost upon them , & commanding them , Math. 28 : v. 19 , 20. To goe & teach all Nations all things which he had commanded them : & Act. 1 : 2 , 3. Speaking to them of the things pertainting to the Kingdome of God. By which sayeth Calvin on the place , Is signified that Christ would not goe away till first he had seen to the governement of the Church , carry a law in their bosome , & say that their example is obligeing : And when there is a law or warrand for following such an example , it is but in vaine to dispute , whether it be the example which bindeth , or the rule making it our duty to follow such an example . But moreover he will grant that examples in actions that are morall naturall are obligeing ( whether as examples , or by reason of the morality of the action , needeth not be anxiously enquired after ) & will not actions done by them upon morall grounds , that are of perpetuall concernement , become actions morall naturall , & so obligeing ? Is not their example in observing the first day Sabbath , obligeing ? And why ? He sayes , because there was a morall law standing in force concerning the observation of one day in Seven : Why then shall not their example in observing such or such a forme of governement be obligeing , seing there was a morall law standing in force concerning the governement of the Church in generall ? Is there any rule extant making their example in the one case obligeing , & not in the other ? If the Apostolicall practice in the one case make an Apostolicall tradition , & so a divine institution , so will their practice do in the other case : yea the examples of the Churches practise in the Apostles times , & hints from their writtings do sufficiently evidence an institution ; we read of elders in Ierusalem , & hence we saifly argue that they were ordained , though we read not in terminis terminantibus of the manner how they were ordained , ( sayeth one . ) But he hath foure things to object against this ground taken from the practice of the Apostles , though acted by the Spirit Part. 2. cap. 6. § . 20. As 1. That the Apostles did many things without any intention of obligeing others , as preaching without maintenance , &c. Ans. 1. The consequence is null . Because they did many things without such an intention , will it follow , Ergo they did nothing with such an intention ? 2. The disput is about such actions as were done by them by vertue of their speciall office & calling , of which kinde , this is none , to preach at some Churches without wages . 3. Yea this same action of preaching without wages , is to be imitated in the like cases , that is , when Ministers have a competent livelyhood otherwise , as Paul had who said , he robed other Churches , 1 Cor. 11 : ver . 8. & when there is no other way to stope the mouthes of false teachers , who thereby take occasion to hinder the good of the Gospell , for this was the thing which moved Paul to take ●…o wages from Corinth . That he might cut off occasion from them that desired occasion , and these were the false Apostles , 1 Cor. 11 : v. 12 , 13. 2. He sayeth , The Apostles did many things upon particular occasions , emergencies & circumstances , which things so done cannot binde by vertue of their doing them , any furder then a parity of reason doth conclude the same things to be done , as Paul's celebat , communitie of goods , their preaching from house to house , absteaning from blood , &c. Ans. this is still to argue a particulari because such & such particular practices oblige not Ergo no practice obligeth , is a weak consequence . 2. Actions done upon particular occasions & emergencies , are of another nature , then such actions as are done upon morall & lasting grounds . 3. If even those actions binde upon the ground of a parity of reason , much more will these binde upon the same account : for whatever ground or reason be given why the Apostles followed such a modell of Government in their dayes , will stand good now , & evince that the same modell ought to be followed . 4. And where as he sayeth before an acknowledged Apostolicall practice be looked on as obligatory , it must be made appear , that what they did , was not according as they saw reason & cause , for the doing of it , depending upon the severall circumstances of time place and persones ; but that they did it from some unalterable law of Christ , or from indispensable reasons , as will equally hold in all times , places & persons he confirmeth what is now answered ; for the reasons of their erecting such a species of Government , do equally hold in all times & places , nothing can be said for the dependence of such a forme upon the severall circumstances of time place & persons . As for the particulars mentioned by him , It is answered . 1. For Celebat , Christ himself Mat. 1 9 : v. 12. restricteth it to such as have the gift of continency , & it bindeth none else . 2. The Community of goods was for that time only , for the contrary is practised in after times by all other Churches & Christians ; for when Paul is pressing the Corinthians unto a contribution he never mentioneth this as an argument moving thereunto . 3. Their preaching from house to house was for want of conveniency of more publicke places & yet when they had liberty they went to the temple , & to Solomons por●…h , & to Synagogues . 4. As for that Act 15 ▪ concerning the abstaineing from blood & things strangled , & things offered to idols it was only for that time of the scandall , & not alwayes ; for Paul taketh off this . 1. Cor 10 : 25 : when he sayeth whatsoever is sold in the shambles that eat asking no question for conscience sake & againe when he sayes . 1. Tim 4 : 3 , 4 , 5. Every creature of God is good & nothing to be refused if it be received with thanks giving . But there is nothing of this kinde that can be showne , in the matter of the species of Government as shall further appear when his alledgances are answered afterward . 3. He sayes officers that were of Apostolick appoyntment are growne out of use in the Church as widowes . 1 Tim. 4 : 9. or diaconisses Rom 16 : 1. Ans. These Diaconisses were not Church-officers having any Ministeriall charge or office in the Church , for there is nothing spoken of their ordination . But they were poor eleemosynaries , & indigent women , taken in for some service , unto sick strangers , or propter horam balnei ; aut visitationis quando nudatum fui●… corpus mulieris as sayeth Epip●… rius lib. 3. Tom. 2. haeres . 79. And so their work was for those ●…ote countreyes , & because now there is no such necessitie for their work , themselves are laid aside . But 2. are there not severall other officers laid aside as Apostles , Prophets & Evangelists ▪ & will he hence conclude that therefore nothing of their practice obligeth ? 3. If this ground be followed forth , that Apostolick practice even in the matter of officers instituted by them , is not of an obligatory nature , then may all Church officers be laid aside , & so his formerly mentioned position & concession touching the government of the Church by officers only of divine appoyntment , will fall to the ground . If he say that divine institution is one thing & bare examples are another thing . Ans. Then his reason here is impertinent : for all Church officers are of divine institution , & these Diaconisses among the rest must be of divine appoyntment : & then what hath this to do here where the examplary practices of the Apostles are only spoken of ; which yet to presbyterians in the case of Government will speak faire for a divine institution . finally if it could be cleared what was & ought to be the proper work of these Widowes & that it were of a lasting necessity unto the Church in all places & at all times ( of which the scripture is altogether silent ) as may be seen concerning other standing officers of the Church , respect should be had to that ordinance of God , as well as to others . 4. He sayeth Rites & customes apostolicall are altered 〈◊〉 dipping in baptisme , love feasts , holy kisse , & therefore men do not think that apostolical practice doth binde . Ans. 1. He still argueth à particular●… which is very unsure & fallacious : because in some things men look not upon the practice of the Apostles , as bindeing therefore in nothing : This argument will not hold . 2. There is a great difference betwixt rites & customes , which are alterable : & such & such formes of Government which be of a more lasting nature . As for dipping in baptisme . It is no where commanded , nor was it constantly practised by the Apostles , nor other Church officers : It is true they were commanded to Baptize , but this will not necessarily import baptizing by dipping ; for baptizing any thing may be otherwise then by dipping , as these places do cleare Mark. 7 : 4. Heb. 9 : v. 10. with Numb . 8 : 7●… 1. Cor. 10 : v. 1. Rev. 19 : 13●… compared with Isa. 63 : 3. Mat. 3 : 11. compared with Act. 2 : 17. And next it is severall times found that they baptized , when & where they could not get Dipping used as , Act 2 , 41. & 4 , 4. Where such multitudes could not be gotten dipt , especially in the streets : so Act 9 , 18 , 19. This was in a lodging when Paul was sick & weak & so unfit for Dipping : So Act 16 , 33. This was in the night in a privat lodging when Paul & Silas by reason of their sores were unable for dipping . And therefore all that can be said in this , is that sometimes they used Dipping & sometimes sprinkling as occasion offered : & this will speak nothing for the Apostles continuall practiseing of dipping , & so it will not speak home to the case in hand . 4. As for love feasts , if they were ordinary seasts , amongst private Christians , it was but an Act of civility to use these , & they needed no institution from the Apostles practice , & a custome it is that continueth yet ; But if it be meaned of the feasts which they keeped at the Lord's supp●… , when rich persons brought some meat with them to make a feast of at that time ; This was not constantly practised by the apostles ( of whose practices we are now speaking ) not yet was it warranted by them ; yea Paul writting to the Corinthians Epist. 1. c. 11. v. 22. sayeth have yee therefore no houses to eat & drink in ? And so would have them forbearing that custome , which they had so much abused . Their custome was to keep those feasts in the place of the assembly : & he would have them ( if so they would feast ) keeping those feasts at home in their own houses : & therefore this is nothing to the purpose in hand . 5. As for the Holy Kisse It was only a civil custome used then in saluteing one another , & was not of any Apostolicall institution : famous Voetius Polit. Eccles. Pag. 466. sayeth that this Kisse was a common rite in its Kinde & forme , used according to the received custome in toaken of love , friendshipe , familiarity , as also of subjection and againe Pag. 467. of what soever kinde & forme it was , it was nothing but a common signe of love , good will , acquaintance , friendshipe , familiarity , courtesie , reverence & honour in thwir meetings , conferences , & salutations , especially in the Eastern conntreyes see Gen 29 , 11. & . 31. 28. & . 45 , 15. 1. Sam. 10. 1 , 2. Sam. 20 , 〈◊〉 . Mat. 26 , 48. Luk ▪ ●…7 , 45. It is true Paul bids them salute one another with a Holy Kisse , but when he doth so he doth not institute the Kisse but only ordereth the manner of their useing of that salutation & exhorteh that it be not done wantonly or dissemblingly , but Christianly & Holily . Voetius ubi supra sayeth By thi●… Epithet Holy it is distinguished from a lust full Kisse as that Prov. 7. 13. & Hypocriticall , like that Mat. 26 , 48 , 49. And it is called holy because the Kisse of Holy & true charity as 1 Pet. 5. 4. And againe he sayeth It is propounded be●…y of a command not generall , but speciall according to the particular & present circumstances of time place and persons . Thus it is apparent that for all these foure reasons of his , the practice of the Apostles in the matter of Governement , ●…being a bussinesse unto which they were called , & for which they were endued , & specially assisted by the Holy ghost , is obligeing & of binding force . But there are some other things , which he all●…igeth against this Part. 2. cap. 6. § . 19. Which must be examined . He layeth down as probable That the Apostles in probability did not observe any one fixed course in setling the Government of Churches , but setled it according to the severall circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with . Though he lay not this down as a foundation of his thesis , but only as a Doctrines of probability , yet if he be able to make it out that the Apostles in some places did setle Presbyterian Governement , & in other places Episcopall Governement , he shall gaine his poynt : And therefore his strength in this particular must be tryed . To this end he layeth down three grounds . 1. The different State , condition , quantity of the Churches planted by the Apostles . 2. The multitude of unfixed officers which Acted then with authority over the Church where they were resident . 3. The different customes observed in severall Churches as t●… their Governement after the death of the Apostles . As to the last of these grounds it cannot appear to be any at all : For the pracctice of the Churches after the dayes of the Apostles will not prove what the practice of the Churches was , dureing the dayes of the Apostles , nor what the practice of the Apostles was , unlesse it could certanely be manifested , that these Churches did punctually follow the practice of the Apostles which he will neither affirme nor undertake to prove , unlesse he would flatly contradict himself . As to the second ground it cometh not up to be a sufficient ground for this position unlesse he will prove that these unfixed officers or Evangelists , ( such as Timothy & Titus were as himself acknowledgeth ) were proper Bishops , that is to say , were not Evangelists , but fixed officers . 2 : Though the Apostle made use of them in some Churches , & not in others , it will not follow that therefore the Apostles did set up distinct formes or models ; for the way of setting up a model is adistinct thing from the modell itself : the modell or species of Government might be the same whether erected in a place immediately by the Apostles themselves , or mediatly by the Evangelists at their direction . And 3. Neither the Apostles themselves , nor the Evangelists ( for any thing which can be seen in Scripture ) did act in matters of governement , after an Episcopall manner , but conjunctly with other Presbyters , in Churches constituted ( & what extraordinary course they tooke in Churches not yet constituted is not much to the purpose in hand , for their way of erecting a modell thus ; being extraordinary , is not necessarily imitable . ) And thus one species viz. Presbyterian is directly pointed forth . But most of the stresse lyeth on the first ground , for proving of which he layeth down two particulars . 1. That in Churches consisting of a small number of beleevers , where there was no great probability of a great increase afterwards , one single Pastor with Deacons under him were only constituted by the Apostles for the ruleing of these Churches . 2. In Churches consisting of a multitude of beleevers , or where there was a probability of a great increase by preaching the Gospell ; The Apostles did setle a colledge of Presbyters , whose office was partly to governe the Church already formed , and partly in labouring in the converting of more : As to this last particular it may be passed , because it speaketh nothing against the Presbyterians , they fully accord with him therein ; save where he sayeth , That these two sores of elders mentioned , 1 Tim. 5 : 17. were both preaching Presbyters , the one imployed most in preaching , and converting moe , and therefore deserved both more respect and maintenance , because of their greater burden , more abundant labours , and greater sufferings : and others most in ruling the flock already converted . And so rejecteth ruleing elders , as not being of divine appoyntment : But ( that a word only may be spoken to it here ) his glosse agreeth not to the place : for 1. This glosse maketh the ministery of the Word common to both , or else sayeth that such as ruled at home , did not preach at all , ( & such the Apostle would not account worthy of double honour●… , ) but the Apostle maketh ruling common to both . 2. Then the maine difference betwixt these two should lye in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where as the Apostle maketh the difference to lye in the whole sentence , lalabouring in word and doctrine : For he sayeth not these that rule well and are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in word and doctrine ; are worthy of double honour , but especially such who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. We finde this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given to others even to such as were fixed to some certaine place , as 1. Thes. 5 : v. 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. These unfixed preachers behoved to be either Evangelists , & such like extraordinary Officers , or ●…reaching Presbyters ; Not Euangelists , for there was no doubt , about these ; for all would grant that they were worthy of double honour . And it is like the Apostle would not have spoken so to Timothy who was an Evangelist : Not preaching Presbyters , for there was none of those set apart for that end ; The Scripture mentioneth no such thing , but alwayes teacheth that Presbyters were fixed to certaine places ( what Presbyters might do , & did when scattered abroad by reason of persecution , is another question ) Elders are ordained & appoynted to Churches , Act. 14 : 23. Tit. 1 : 5. But enough of this , in this place . The first particular then must be a little more narrowly examined : he sayeth , That in some places at first there were noneplaced but only a Bishop & Deacons , & for this he citeth Clement's Epistle ( saying , The Apostles preaching through countreyes and cities ordained the first fruits of such as beleeved to be Bishops and Deacons . ) But by Bishops here he cannot understand such Bishops , as are now spoken of , that is , such as had power over Presbyters and Churches ; for himself doth abundantly cleare the contrary : And what can be allaidged to prove that he meaneth only one Bishop in one place , is not yet apparent , only he referreth his reader to other testimonies , which must also be looked upon , & examined : But it is certaine the place it self speaketh as much for one Deacon in a place as for one Presbyter , or Bishop ( for both are one as himself will acknowledge ) & as clearly for moe Bishops as for moe Deacons in villages , or cities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here are as well Bishops in cities & villages , as Deacons . But then he citeth Epiphanius contra Ae●…m Haeres . 75. saying , That at the first there were no Bishops appoynted , & then the Apostle writteth to Bishops & Deacons ( for the Apostles could not setle all things at first ) for there was a necessity of Presbyters & Deacons , for by these two Officers , all Ecclesiastick offices might be performed ; for where there was none found worthy to be a Bishop , the place remained without one , but where necessity required one , & there were some found fit , some were ordained Bishops , but for want of convenient number there could be no Presbyters found out , & in such places they were contented with the Bishop & Deacons . But what can Epiphanius or any other writter in his time , do , as to the clearing of what was the practice of the Apostles ( concerning which is the present discourse ) must their testimony be beleeved without a word of Scripture to warrand the same ? Yea must they be beleeved when they speak contrary to the word ? Be it so that there was a time in which there were Presbyters & Deacons , & againe a time in which there were Bishops & deacons , what will this say , so long as nothing is said to prove , that these Bishops & Presbyters were distinct officers , & not one & the same , as is supposed of the Bishops & presbyters now under debate , all this will never prove a distinct species of Government but alwayes one & the same , whether the presbyters be called presbyters , or Bishops . 3. Be it so that in some places there were only one Bishop or Presbyter & deacons appoynted ( of which there can no warrand be seen in scripture for scripture sayeth that there were presbyters ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 14 : 23. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tit. 1 : 5. for it was to cities whither the Apostles did most resort to plante Churches & not to countrey villages , where gentilisme did long thereafter continue , whence these of that religion were called Pagani ) what will this speak for Episcopall Government ; so long as this one Bishop could not be a Bishop properly so called , not having presbyters under him ? Or doth he think that it is inconsistent with presbyterian Government that one preaching presbyter be set over a parish or a village , & that he & others joyn with the presbyters one or moe of a Neighbour city , in things of common concernment ? or must he rule in that village independently ? Mr Stillingfleet will not acknowledge this : Nor can he say that he can exerce Episcopall power : Therefore though this were granted to him the Government may still be presbyteriall . 4 , How can Epiphanius say that the Apostles could not setle all things at the first ? if they could not do it who could do it else ? had they not the Spirit in great measure to prompt them to do what was fit & expedient ? either they could not get men fit to be Bishops , or a sufficient number to be presbyters ; But this will suppone that at that time presbyters & Bishops were destinct , which Stilling fleet will not acknowledge ; & Epiphanius cannot give one instance of a Bishop distinct from , & superiour unto preaching Presbyters setled in a Church alone with some few deacons . The reader may see this passage more fully examined by Wallo Messalinus , pag. 102. & pag. 277. &c. The next author which he citeth is Clemens Alexandrinus out of Eusebius saying . That Iohn after his ret●…n from Pa●…mos went abroad into severall places , in some constituting Bishops in some setting in order whole Churches , in other choosing ●…ur one among the rest , whom he set over the Church . But of this the 〈◊〉 is utterly silent , & therefore it cannot be received as an undo●… ed thing , & what would Mr Stillingfleet gather from 〈◊〉 He seteth it down in the words of Walo Messalinus , Pag. ●…25 In majoribus urbibus plures i. e. it is probable that there were mo●… presbyters ordained in greater townes and fewer in lesser tow●… b●… villages , or litle parishes , one only , especially when there was no ▪ 〈◊〉 number of beleevers . And now let any ●…dge it there c●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thing gathered thence for Episcopall Government , & 〈◊〉 thing for this end he must prove out of this passage , 〈◊〉 doth nothing : He must prove out of it , that the 〈◊〉 some places did setle presbyterian Government , & 〈◊〉 places Episcopall , otherwise he is but beating the winde : for no asserters of Presbyterian Government did ever yet finde them selves necessitated to maintaine , that the Apostles did set up an equall number of Presbyters in every Church , or yet a plurality of preaching presbyters in each village , or countrey place , or such as the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that though all this were granted his poynt would not yet be proved . At le●… he citeth Ambrose ( or rather ●…ilarius ) in Eph. 4. saying primum enim , &c. i. e. at first all did teach & all did baptize , at any time , or on any day — but when the Church took in all places about , there were conventicles instituted & there were Governours & other offices appoynted that so none might assume to himself that office which did not appertaine to him , not being as yet ordained — & therefore the writtings of the Apostles do not in every poynt agree with the ordination which now is in use in the Church &c. But how this can speak home to the poynt i●… not discernable ; For the author is to give the ground why the writings of the Apostles were not suiteable to the times in which he lived , viz because matters were other wayes setled in his time then in the dayes of the Apostles : and will any hence inferre that the Apostles setled Churches with distinct formes o●… models , because after ages did so ? who will beleeve this consequence ? 2. There is no mention made of any change in the Apostle Paul's time ; for the author mentioneth here his Epistle to Timothy , which was writen near to the end of his dayes . 3. Though there had been some change & alteration even in the Apostles dayes , as to the manner of going about the work of preaching and baptizing ( & these are all the particulars , which the author mentioneth ) & some order setled thereanent , which had not been setled before , what will this speak to the matter of Government , which is the only thing now under debate ? will it follow that because there was a setled order condescended on in preaching and baptizeing which at sirst was not followed , therefore the Apostles in some Churches erected presbyterian Government , and in others , Episcopall ? By what Medium will this consequence be proved ? 4. But how how shall it beleeved that things were better setled afterward then they were in the Apostles dayes ; or that the practice of after ages is as obligatory as the practice of the Apostles ? It is but a dream then to think , that the Apostles did not observe any setled forme in Governing Churches , but only Acted according to the principles of humane prudence , according to the necessities & occasions of the severall Churches which they had planted ; for neither this author nor any other which he hath cited to this effect , doth prove it : And though they should all say it , we were not bound to beleeve them , seing the law & the testimony showeth the contrary , as may be seen in the writings of such as plead for Presbyterian Governement , where they shew that the Church of Ierusalem Ephesus & others , were Governed by the common consent of Presbyters , & that the manner of the governement of all Gospell Churches mentioned in the new Testament was uniforme . But he hath another thing to say against the practice of the Apostles , viz. That we cannot have that certainety of Apostolicall practice , which is necessary to constitute a divine right . This notion he prosecuteth at great length Chap. 6. & as a ground thereunto he Prefixeth § . 4. That the Apostles in the forming of Churches did observe the customes of the jewish synagogue . And thereupon proceedeth to cleare both what the Governement of the jewish synagogues was , & how the forme set up in the Christian Church did correspond thereunto ; all which concerneth the bussinesse in hand litle or nothing ▪ & there fore may be passed ; seing it is not very materiall to consider whether or not jewish synagogues were so Governed ? & whether or not the Apostles did follow that copy : for that which is now sought for is such a Government as was practised by the Apostles ; & instituted , as the forme of Church Government which was to continue , & such a Governement as had the stamp of divine authority , or of a divine institution ; But now , no jewish Governement as such , could have this ; but only such a Governement , as these , by their practice did institute , who were thereunto appoynted of God , & extraordinarily called & qualified . And moreover if the jewish Synagogues were Governed uniformly , & if the Apostles did set up a Governement in the Gospell Churches , in a way correspondent there unto , It will inevitably follow that the Apostles did take an uniforme way in setling the Governement of all the Churches , & this crosseth what he said of late , & confirmeth what was Answered . But leaving this . The proposition now under consideration is a question of fact the certanety of which is doubted of , as he allaidgeth , viz , what course the Apostles took in Governing Churches . or after what manner , did they setle a Governement among them ? The uncertanety of this matter of fact , he thinketh to evince by three arguments . The last of which viz the defectivenesse , ambiguity , partiality & repugnancy of the records of the succeeding ages which should inform●… 〈◊〉 what Apostolicall practice was ( which he prosecuteh largely & satisfactorily From § . 16. to § . 19. ) may be passed , as concerning the bussinesse in hand nothing , as to Presbyteriaus ; for if they be not able to prove the practice of the Apostles , out of the sacred write , they dispaire , as much as he can do , of proving the same from humane records , & that for the same reasons which he there giveth . But as for the other two reasons or grounds they must be examined . The first then is this The equivalency of the names & the doubtfulnesse of their signification by which this forme should be determined — now there is a fourefold equivalency of names Bishop & Presbyter . 1. That both should signifie a Presbyter as . Theodor in 1. Tim. 3. 1. 2. That both should signifie a Bishop . 3. That both should signifie promiscuously some time a Bishop and sometime a Presbyter . and. 4. That the name Bishop alwayes imports a singular Bishop , but the name Presbyter doth promiscuously signifie both — equivocall words can never of themselves determine what sensethey are to be taken in — all that can be inferred from the promiscuous sense of the words , is that they may be understood only in this sense , but it must be proved that they can be understood in no other sense , before any one particular forme of Governement , as necessary , can be inferred from the use of them . Ans. 1. This is a ready way to cast all scripture as unable to determine any controversy ; for if adversaries may be beleeved all these passages which are made use of against them , do carry another sense , & must be otherwise interpreted , & so all scripture must goe under the name of equivocall sentences , & must be laid aside . 2. Presbyterians do not lay the stresse of their bussinesse upon the name ; They have other things whereby to prove their poynt then either the one name , or the other ; And so this doth not concerne them much . 3. The question betuixt Presbyterians & their adversaries is this , whether there be such an officer as a prelat having superiority of jurisdiction over Presbyters & people , & sole power of ordination , instituted by Christ ; or not : & not whether these two words signifie one thing or another ; for it is granted by all the Episcopall party ( except one who in his Annot on act 11. sayeth that there is no evidence whereby these inferiour presbyters may appear to have been brought in the Church so early . ) That there were presbyters ordained in the Apostles dayes ; and all the question is concerning bishops , as distinct from presbyters , whether or not they were ordained : & Presbyterian divines do demonstrat that even in those places where the name Bishop is , no such officer can be understood . As to that which some fathers say , who writting some centuries of yeers after the Apostles dayes , & speaking of the state of the Church in the Apostles dayes , after the forme & manner in their times , concerning the promiscuous use of the two names , it doth no way wrong the cause in hand , untill it be proved , that there was indeed such an officer in rerum natura , & this is not yet done . 4. Whatever these names may signifie is not very materiall , but what indeed they do signifie in such & such places : And if there was not such an officer in the dayes of the Apostles , as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ( as shall be supposed untill it be better proved then yet it is , ) it will necessariely follow that both those names must signifie one & the same thing , one & the same officer viz a Presbyter . 5. To say that both these names are promiscuonsly used sometime for a Bishop & some time for a Presbyter if these two be distinct officers , is to lay a blot on the Spirit of God speaking in the scriptures , for by what rule shall it be known when he is speaking of the one , & when he is speaking of the other ? & in what a mist & labyrinth must all be lest , in this bussinesse , especially when the maine difficulty touching the being of one of these officers , is not removed . 6. But to put an end to this , let these few things be considered by Mr Stilling fleet . 1. Is it probable that Christ or his Apostles would institute a new & distinct officer , & an officer who was to continue unto the end of the world as an ordinary & necessary officer , & yet give him no peculiar proper name , by which he might be known , & every one might know when he were speaken of , especially seing all the other officers in Christ's house both ordinary & extraordinary have their own distinct names , whereby they are known & distinguished from others .. 2. Where will Mr Stilling fleet shew that an inferiour officer was stiled & called by the name , properly belonging unto a superiour officer where will he finde a Deacon stiled a Presbyter Apostle ●…phet or Evangelist ? Where will he finde a Presbyter stiled a●… Apostle or Evangelist ( taking these names as restricted to be peculiar names of two extraordinary officers , & not in their generall acceptation as 2 Cor. 8 , 23 & Phil. 2 , 25. ) how can it be then that a Presbyter was called a Bishop , if there was a superiour Church officer going under that name as proper & peculiar to him . 3. Is it not strange that in all the places of Scripture , where there is mention made of this Bishop , it cannot be clearly demonstrated that any other Church Officer is or can be understood , then a Presbyter , as to Phil. 1 : v. 1. it is beyond all denyall : & as to Tit. 1 : 7. Act. 20 : 28. There the Bishops are expresly called Presbyters : And 1 Tim. 3 : 1 , 2. Is the very parallel of Tit. 1. 7. In both which places the work mentioned & qualifications , are only the work & qualifications of a Pesbyter . 4. What mark will Mr Stilling fleet give to know when the spirit of God mentioning Bishops is to be understood of mere Pesbyters & when he is to be understood as speaking of Bishops distinct from Presbyters ; for neither the name , nor the work , nor the qualifications will point out this distinction of Officers , or direct us , which of the two to understand . 5. Let Mr Stilling fleet say , whether it be not saifer to conclude an identity of offices from the identity of names , qualifications , & work ; then to conclude a distinction , where there is no ground for a distinction , appearing in Apostolick times ? 6. Had Mr Stilling fleet once proved that there was such an officer , as a Bishop distinct from , & superiour to preaching Presbyters , instituted by the Apostles , in any of the Gospell Churches , then this notion touching the promiscuous use of the two names had said something ; But seing that is not done , both these names must signify , & import one & the same officer : And so these two names shall be synonimous , & not equivocall . The second thing which he allaidgeth is this The places most in controversy about the forme of governement may be understood without any apparent incongruity of either of the different formes . Ans. It is certaine they cannot be understood of both , onely the question is , of which of the two they must be understood : And all this which he sayeth will not much advantage his cause ; for hence he can onely conclude , that there is a difficulty to finde out the species of Government which these places speak to ; but not that there is a liberty granted to owne either of the two , because it is not well known which of the two , the places cited , do most favoure . He is pleased to name some few passages , & these none of the clearest for the Presbyterian cause . But to passe this piece of unfaire dealing , the passages which he mentioneth shall be examined , & then some others shall be adduced , to which his answers will not so well suite . The first passage which he citeth is Act 11. 30. Which ( sayeth he ) may either be understood of the elders of the Church at Ierusalem or of the several Bishops of the Churches of ●…udea . Ans. Is it credible that learned Mr Stilling fleet could satisfie himself with this answer ? Doth he verily think that these elders were or could be Bishops ? If so what were these Churches over which they were set ? Could Ierusalem want a Bishop when the other lesser Churches of Iudea had ? If Ierusalem had also a Bishop who was he ? He will not say that Iames was Bishop there , for Iames was an Apostle , & so , far above an ordinary Bishop ; where findeth he the name Presbyter in all the New Testament , taken for a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ? Or where findeth he a company of Presbyters taken for a company of Bishops ? Is it not also strange that where there were so many Bishops , there should not one of them be designed by name . 2. What though there should be nothing in the place ( & what wonder when liberty is taken to put such glosses upon it , as cannot be confirmed by any other like passage ) that expresly excludeth the one , is not this enough , that there is no thing in all the Scripture speaking for that one , nor any thing in that passage expresly for it ? If there be no passage clearing that Bishops were instituted by Christ or his Apostles , every passage which speaketh of the governement of the Church by Presbyters , excludeth Bishops , if it do not expresly & directly include them , as this passage doth not . But 3. Look the context & this will be cleared : It was the Church of Ierusalem that sent Bar●…bas thither to Antioch . Ver. 22. And Agabus the Prophet who did foretell of the famine was come also from Ierusalem , Ver. 27. And so it was to the Church of Ierusalem that Barnabas was sent back againe , with this contribution ; Because this was the chief Church where were many Christians : & there are few plantations beside found , as yet in Iudea , that could make up Bishopricks . The next passage he citeth , is more considerable , Act. 15 : v. 6. [ Where , he sayeth , nothing is expressed to make us know whether these were the fixed elders of that Church , or the Bishops of all the Churches of Iudea . ] Ans. What was said to the last , may be replyed to this also : And further it was the elders of that Church unto which Paul & Barnabas were sent Ver. 2. & this was the Church of Ierusalem , that they should goe up to Ierusalem to the Apostles and elders . 2. When they came to Ierusalem they found the Apostles & elders , there present : what could the Bishops of all Iudea be doing there at that time ? If it be said , that they came together upon this solemne occasion . How did they know of this occasion ? For the Apostles knew not of it themselves till the Commissioners from Antioch told them , Ver. 5. [ That there were certane of the Sect of the Pharisees arisen which beleeved saying that it was needfull to be circumcised , &c. ] And then , Ver. 6. [ The Apostles & Elders came together for to consider of this matter . ] He who can imagine that these Elders were the Bishops of the severall dioecies of Iudea , may easily cast by the plainest & fullest passages of Scripture that can be , & may imagine what he pleaseth . But to put a close to this , let that passage , Act. 16 : 4. be considered , where it is said , [ They delivered them the decrees to be keeped which were ordained by the Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Elders in Ierusalem , ] or who belonged to the Church of Ierusalem , or stayed there . The third passage is Act. 21 : 11. of which he giveth the same dubious sense , upon as little ground as before , & his conjectures may receive the same answers : Only where he sayes , They might be the Elders of the severall Churches of Iudea , he seemeth to prevaricat , for the poynt of difference is not betwixt Elders & Elders ; But betwixt Elders & Bishops , & betwixt the Elders of that particular Church of Ierusalem , & the severall Bishops of the dioecies of Iudea : But it seemeth he blushed to name this once , & therefore thought it best to put in Elders , but this was not faire dealing . Neither is his conclusion faire when he sayeth , There is no certainty of the Church of Jerusalem , how that was governed , whether by Apostles themselves , or other unfixed Elders , or only by James , who exerced his Apostleshipe most there , and thence is afterward called Bishop of Jerusalem : For the question is not whether the Church of Ierusalem was governed by all the Apostles , or only by one ; But whether by Presbyters in common , or by one Bishop above & distinct from Presbyters : And by this conclusion he would seem to say that there were no Elders in Ierusalem at all , & no Governours there , but Apostles one or moe . Moreover it is sufficiently proved by the Presbyterian divines ; that the Apostles , when acting in governement together with other Elders or Officers , did not act as Apostles , but as ordinary Officers ; And also that Iames did not govern the Church of Ierus ▪ alone , as a Bishop The fourth passage which he citeth is Act. 14 : 23. upon which he sayeth , That no more is imported , but that no Church wanted an Elder , but not that every Church had moe Elders . Ans. whether was this single Presbyter a Prelate ▪ or not ? If not , what is this to the present question ? The governement may be Presbyteriall where one Minister is fixed to one particular flock . If he was a Prelat , where were his Presbyters under him ? 2. It is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will signify no more but Ecclesia●…m , Church & Church ; but will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie no more but one Presbyter ? Had it been said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it might import , but one Presbyter in one Church : Or yet if it had been said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must needs import more . Theodoret knew the import & force of that phrase , when he rendereth the like passage in Tit. thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Presbytery in each city . The last passage which he citeth is Act. 20 : 17. There is no certainly ( sayeth he ) whether these elders came only from Ephesus , or also from the severall Churches ●…f Asia about . Ans. Upon what ground can he once think that the elders of Asia may be understood here ? He hath none other but this , that it is said , v. 18. that from the first day he came into Asia he had been with them at all seasons , & because he did not remaine all that time at Ephesus as appeareth Act. 19 : 20 , 22 , 26. But this cannot so much as ground a probability ; for it is certane the most part of his abode was at Ephesus , for full two yeers & three moneths are specified Act , 19 : 8 , 10. & the rest of the three yeers ( if there be not ro●…ndatio numeri here ) he might now & then have visited other parts , & have most of his residence at Ephesus , heither reaching in the Synagogue nor in the School of Tyrannus , where he had taught two yeers & three moneths : & so , granting that he might have made some visits , unto the other parts of Asia , dur●…ing , these Nine moneths ; yet he might well say to th●…se of Ephesus . That from his first coming into Asia , they had known after what manner he had been with them , againe it will not hence follow , that others then these of Ephesus were there , more then from these words v. 25. Y●… all among whom I have gone preaching the Kingdome of God , it will follow that all the people he had preached unto both in Ephesus , & in other places of Asia minor , & Asia propria , were present . But whom can we expect to have been there , except such only who were sent for , viz the Elders of the Church of Ephesus ? & therefore they are called the Elders of the Church & not the elders of the Churches , as they would have been called if the Elders of the Churches had been there present : as we hear of the Churches of Iudea Galilee & Samaria , Act. 9 : 31. & of the Churches of Galatia , Gal. 1 : 2. Churches of Asia 1. Cor. 16. 19. of Ma●…edonia , 2 Cor. 8 : 1. & of Syria & Cylicia Act. 15 : 41. so would we hear of the Elders of the Churches of Asia . But there is no such thing ; only there is mention made of the Elders of that one Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To conclude this , himself sayeth cap. 7. § . 2. pag. 349. [ That this flocke & Church were the Christians of Ephesus & that all these spoken to were such as had a pastorall charge of this one flock . ] Thus it hath been showne how weak the ground is , upon which Mr S●…illing fleet walketh , & how litle reason he hath to conclude his notion from these passages which he hath mentioned : & furder the groundlesnesse of his conceite will appear if some two or three passages of scripture be but viewed , which he hath passed by without once noticeing & unto which the answers which he was pleased to give to others , will not quadrate , as . 1. That place . 1 Cor. 5. If any look thorow that epistle they shall easilie see that there were many preaching Presbysers in that one Church & here Cap. 5. they are about a work of excommunication , & so are endued with episcopall power . In this Chap. the Apostle speaketh to them all alongs in the plurall number , & Mr Stillingfleet , who is no friend to the independent way , will easily acknowledge that what is there said was spoken to the Church Governours : So then , Mr Stillingfleet must say that these Governours were Presbyters of that one Church ruleing it together communi corsilio : And that they can not so well be understood of Bish. for one Church should have but one Bishop : So then here is a place which cannot be understood alike of both , but must of necessity be understood of a Presbytery , & of a Presbytery having full Episcopall power , in the matter of jurisdiction , what Mr Stilling fleet will reply to this , can hardly be conjectured . A second passage is Phil. 1 : v. 1. where mention is made of Bishops & Deacons ; now these Bishops , could not be Bishops properly so called in opposition to , & as distinct from preaching Presbyters ; Because of such Bishops there can be but one in one Church at once , & therefore they behoved to be Presbyters endued with Episcopall power , having the thing as well as the name , & Presbyters of that one Church : So that this passage cannot be equally understood of both , with any shew of reason . A third passage is 1. Thes. 5 : 12 , 13 , 14. Where there are some mentioned who were labouring among the people , & were over them in the Lord , & these were to warne the unruly , &c. So that in this one Church there were severall Presbyters , & Presbyters endued with power of warning the unruly : Mr Stillingfleet cannot imagine , any colurable pretence whereby , without much apparent incongruity , this passage may be understood of either of the different formes . And seing this ground faileth here , we may for all which he hath said to the contrary , arrive to such an absolute certainty of that course which the Apostles took in setling Churches . So much for this observation . 6. It may be observed ; That Presbyterians have more then the practice of the Apostles , even their positive institutions , in these few particulars . 1. In ordaining & instituting such & such Officers , as Pastours , Doctors , Elders , & Deacons , as may be seen , Rom. 12 : v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Ephes. 4 : v. 11 , 12. In all which places there is no mention made of a Bishop distinct from a preaching Presbyter . If Mr Stillingfleet say , according to his principles , that there was no necessity of making mention of him , particularly , because he is no distinct officer from a Presbyter , but only impowered by the rest as their Commissioner . Beside what hath been replyd to this formerly , this may be added here . That if this be truth which Mr Stillingfleet affirmeth , he hath wasted much paper and paines in vaine , when he went about to prove that no certanety of the practice of the Apostles could be come at whether they did set up episcopall or Presbyterian Governement ; for these should not be two distinct Governments : And he had a shorter cut for Answering all the places of scripture , then the way was which he took : Yea he might have spared his whole book , & given out this one Thesis for all , viz : [ Though Presbyterian Governement be Iuris Divini yet the Presbyters , may lawfully intruste one of their number with some speciall piece of the exercise of jurisdiction & ordination . ] And then he might have had more to say , upon the ground of prudence or the like , for himself , then now he hath . But it is not good to be wise above what is written , & it is best wisdome & prudence to follow the rule of the word . But more over . 2. They have the Apostles institutions concerning the qualifications of these officers , as is to be seen in Paul's epistles to Timothy , & Titus . 3. These officers are commanded to such & such pieces of work , Some to rule , some to teach also , some to take care of the poor . 4. These officers are commanded to attend that work of theirs with all diligence , in their own proper persons , without rolling it over on others Rom. 12 : 6 , 7 , 8. The Minister is to waite on his Ministery , & he that teacheth on teaching , he that giveth is to do it with simplicity , & he that ruleth is to rule with diligence . 5. In matters of discipline & juridiction they are commanded to Act joyntly , for the officers of the Church of Corinth were appoynted to conveen together that they might deliver the incestuous person unto Satan 1 Cor. 5 , 4 , 5. So the brethen the officers of the Church of Thessalonica were exhorted to warne the unruly . Now lay all these together . Such & such officers , set to such & such work , & appoynted to attend the same , & ordained to Act joyntly in matters of government , & there is a species of Government , & a species warranted by Divine institution viz : by Apostolick commands ; for these positive commands are of a lasting nature till God repeale them againe . Himself giveth some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Marks , whereby to know when positive lawes binde immutably , the first whereof mentioned Part. 1. c 1. § . 6. & Part. 2. c. 2. § . 2. Is usefull here viz. when the same reason of the command continueth still . Now let Mr Stilling fleet show , if he can , what reason could plead for Ministers acting collegiatly in matters of discipline then , which will not be of force now ; was there lesse of the spirit then , nor is now ? Or was there fewer able & fit men for to be Bishops then , nor is now ? Or was there lesse care to have things done orderly & exactly ? or shall we say that all these commands were for that age of the Church only ? If so , there is an easie way found to cast all the commands & injunctions of the Apostles , though they were induced with the spirit . Shall it be thought that the command given to the Church officers of Corinth to conveen & to excommunicat , did binde them only , & at that time ? if so , there should be a wide door opened to much evil , & a way prepared for laying aside all the injunctions & instructions of the Apostles as now uselesse , & as an almanack out of date . Enough of this consideration . Obs. 7. It would seem to be a great reflexion upon Iesus Christ who was faithfull to him that appoynted him , & that as a sonne & so beyond Moses who was faithfull as a servant , Heb. 3. 2 , 5 , 6. To say , that he hath not appoynted a standing forme of Governement in his house . Mr Stilling fleet replyeth Part , 2. c. 4. § . 1. 1. That then it must be made appear that the setling of this forme was a part of his mediatory work Ans. This may easily be made to appear ; for it did belong to his Kingly office , & so was a part of his mediatory work , as well as his instituting of officers in his house , & as Mediator the Government is laid on his shoulders Isa. 9. 6. And all power in heaven & earth was given to him Mat. 28 , 18. He addeth I grant he is King of the Church , & doth Govern it outwardly by his lawes , & inwardly by his spirit , but shall we say that therefore any one forme of Governement is necessarie which is neither contained in his lawes nor dictated by his spirit ? Ans. No , not at all , for the Government which Presbyterians do account necessary is both contained in his lawes & dictated by his spirit , as is showne ; & they reject all other formes only because they are not contained in his lawes , nor dictated by his spirit . He replyeth . 2. That if this correspondency hold the Church of Christ must be equally bound to all circumstances of worship Ans. The Christian liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free , should not be abridged in the least , nor should this correspondency be pressed so exactly & straitly , as to make it bleed ; and yet there is no necessity to grant that in nothing the correspondency will hold : It is true as to the circumstances of actions much is left to Christian liberty now , & so under the law , in severall things , much was left to the liberty of the jews . But to say that the modell of Governement should come in among circumstances is to speak without any proof or sure ground , especially when the Change of the modell will be the bringing in of a new officer , which himself will not grant to be a thing left to Christian liberty . He replyeth . 3. That there is such a disparity betuixt the Gospell & jewish state as will weaken the argument Ans. Of these disparities he nameth foure The first whereof is the same with that which went before , viz. our Christian freedome from ceremonies & the like . But will it hence follow that Christians now must be at liberty to choose what forme of Governement they will , popish prelaticall , Erastian , independent , morellian , or Presbyterian ? Must they be at liberty to choise what officers they will ; Or must they be left at liberty , to cut out their work to them ? It is good to stand fast in the liberty where with Christ hath made us free ; but it is not good to turn that liberty unto licentiousnesse , & to extend it beyond the due bounds . Mr Silling fleet would do well to have a care of the first day sabbath , ●…st he let the morality of that passe with the morality of Church governement in specie , for his grounds will lead him sorth equally against both . The second difference is this , That the Government of the tribe of Levi was agreeable to the rest of the tribes . & therefore of the argument hold , Christ must prescribe a civil Government . Ans. whether the Gover●…ent of the tribe of 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 or not , is not very materiall ; for this is certaine . Moses was faithfull in the house of God ordering all things according to the will of God , So must Christ be in his own house & Church , ordering all things there according to God's minde : It is not the Government of the state , but the Government of Christ's house which is looked after . But. 2. Had the Church under the law no Government ? Where was their priests & their Levites then ? & where was their Sanhedrin lesser & greater ? Sure this was distinct from the Government of other tribes ; Yea even from the Government of the tribe of Levi , as it was a part of the state : And as a Church they had other officers then the state had . His third difference is , That the jewes were a whole & intire people when one set forme of Government was prescribed them , but the Church of Christ , was but in forming in the dayes of Christ & the Apostles & therefore one could not serve it then & now , when whole nations are converted : A pastor & deacons might serve a a city when converts are few , but cannot when increased to many congregations . Ans. This will plead for a necessity of multiplying officers of the same kinde conforme to the multitude of beleevers , but will not evince a necessity of having new officers . It will plead for the enlargeing of the same Species of Government ; but not for the bringing in of a new Species : though the garment cut out for one in his infancy , will not serve him when growne in years : yet a garment of the same kinde of cloath will serve . 2. It is strange that when the Church was small she behoved to be ruled by a company of presbyters ; but now when she is grown large , one Bishop will suffice : One would think that if the Government had been episcopall then , it should be presbyterian now ; for the larger the Church is she requireth the moe Governours . 3. There is mention made of the Churches of Iudea , Galatia , Asia , Syria & Cylicia ; & so of many large countreyes & territories converted unto the faith , and why might there not such a modell of Government be fallen upon , in those large countreyes , as would suite whole Kingdomes ? 4. It is sufficiently known that Presbyterian Governement will suite all Churches , be they lesser , be they larger : were there but one congregation of beleevers in a countrey , Presbyterian Governement will sit that litle Church : & againe were there great Kingdomes & nations converted the same Government would suite them , & most certainly attaine the end for which it was appoynted . 5. If the forme of Church Governm . which Moses did appoynt did suite the jews both when they were in the wildernesse walkeing as an army & when they were setled in the land of Canaan , in a formall & compleat Kingdome , & where their number was multiplied , & when they were under Various sorts of civil Government sometimes under Iudges , & sometimes under Kings ; shall Christ be lesse faithfull , & not appoynt such a Gospell Government as will suite a greater Church as well as a lesser , & suite the Church under whatsoever kinde of civil Government she may be ? His fourth difference is almost the same with the second , for it is this , The jewes lived under one civil Government ; but Christians under diverse formes , & then as Church Government , at the first was formed according to the civil Government so should it be now . Ans. That the jewish Church Government was of the same kinde with the civill Governement is not yet proved , & it cannot be yeeld ed without probation . 2. The parallel betwixt Christ & Moses , lyeth not in this , that both did follow one immediat copy : but in this , that both did institute a Government according to God's will , & such a government as he would have set up in the Church & to continue in the Church so long as that polity should stand , that is to say , as Moses did appoynt a government which should unalterably endure so long as the temple , the typicall & dark dispensation should stand ; so Christ should appoynt a forme which should unalterably endure so long as the new dispensation should last , that is , untill the end of the world ; for Christians look for no other change . 3 One & the same forme of Church Government will suite all Churches now , in all time coming , under what soever kinde of civil Government they be , as hath been already said . Obs , 8. Mr Stilling fleet is not well pleased with such as lay any weight upon the former ground mentioned viz : Christ's being obliged there unto by his office as mediator & King & Lord of his house ; & would have them rather proving that Christ hath determined a forme of Governement , then that he ought so to have done . Therefore we shall shew that Christ hath so done indeed . And what the Apostles did at his command , or by vertue of the commission he gave unto them , will easily be granted to be equivalent . But to passe this , Christ himself hath laid down the maine ground & foundation of a species of governement in Math. 18 : ver . 15 , 16 , 17. For there he is setting down a course , for the removing of scandalls that will fall out among his Disciples , & followers , & ordering the matter , so that when privat meanes will not gaine the offending brother , more publick meanes must be used , & he must be brought unto the Church judicature , & that Church judicature hath power to excommunicat him , if so be he heare them not , as to the removing of the scandall . It is true many parties endeavour to presse these words for their own use , but it will not hence follow that therefore these words are incompetent to determine any one forme ; for if this ground be relevant much of the scripture should become incompetent to determine matters of faith & doctine ; because severall parties labour to wrest the same to their own judgment . It would be tedious here to examine the clames of all parties unto this place , & the present work is only to deal with Mr Stillingsleet , & therefore only his notions concerning this place must be examined . Concerning this place then , he giveth his judgment , 2. part . cap. 5. § . 8. & first he taketh the trespasses mentioned to be matters of private offence & injury , & not matters of Scandall , & his grounds are these . 1. The parallel place Luk. 17 : ver . 3. is to be understood of privat injuries ; because it is in the power of each privat person to forgive them . Ans. So said Erastus before him but after narrow search it will be found that the forgiving mentioned in the Text Math. 18. is a desisting from any further prosecution of the bussinesse , & a forgiving which must not be granted untill the brother be gained : But whether the offending brother be gained or not , all private injuris must be forgiven him , & none must keep up a Spirit of revenge against him : And therefore these trespasses must be matters of Scandall , which , unlesse the offending brother be gained , must be prosecuted untill the yondmost step be used . 2. He sayeth , It appears from the next words of Peter , ver . 20. This is another of Erastus's shifts : But for answere . It will not appear till Mr Stillingfleet first cleare that there is such a connexion betwixt these verses , as will undoubtedly demonstrat that one purpose is to be understood in Both. But commentators shewe the matter to be otherwise , & indeed there is nothing that can so much as ground a probability of such a connexion here , unlesse it be these words , Then came Peter to him , but whosoever shall look on Luk. 8 : v. 19. shall have the like , thus , Then came to him his mother , &c. And yet this was not immediatly after what was said before , as will appear when compared with other Evangelists : And so since it is not certaine that this was immediatly after the former purpose , no reason can be given to evince the identity of these purposes . 3. He sayeth , If it were meant of any scandalous sin it might so fall out that matters of scandal should be brought before the Church , when only one person knowes it . Ans. It is not said that every such scandall or trespasse whereof only one is conscious should be brought in publick , but that more noture scandalls ought to be brought before Church judicatures , when more privat admonitions will not gaine the offender . But 2. This inconvenience will recurre upon himself , in the case of privat offences . But next as to the word Church he sayes [ It is a select company called together to hear the whole cause & this was agreable to the jewish practice , pudefacere coram multis : & delictum publicare , & to this the Apostle alludeth , 2 Cor. 2 : v. 6. & this is the reproof before all , 1 Tim. 5 : v. 20. Ans. 1. The word Church is not usually so taken in the New Testament , & the Hebrew words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Old Test. do alwayes import a company imbodied in a stated way , as a fixed congregation , either for governement or Worship . Mr Leigh in his Critica sacra sayeth that among the Grecians , & chiefly the Athenians from whom it came , it was used for a multitude called together by the command of a Magistrat . 2. Christ sayeth tell the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & so directeth them to a fixed standing company . 3. That pudefacere coram multie being the same with , 2 Cor. 2 : 6 the censure of many confirmeth this ; For that censure was by a Church judicature conveened in the name of the Lord Iesus to take course with a scandalous person , 1 Cor. 5. Againe 4. No commentator taketh the words so , only Grotius & other Erastians put such a glosse upon them . 5. Christ's scope is to have the offending brother gained , & not to have matters of fact which are questionable , cleared . 6. If this be the meaning of the word Church what shall be the sense & meaning of these words , Let him be unto thee as a heathen man & a Publican ? He answereth , Tho meaning is look upon him as an obstinat refractary creature , & meddle no more with him , then with a heathen & a publican . And is this all the punishment which the offender must meet with : Who gave privat men this power to passe such a sentence ? But 2. This must be a Church sentence because it is added , Whatsoever you shall binde on earth , shall be bound in Heaven , &c. To this he replyeth , That the meaning is , it is an evidence , that his sin is bound upon him , & that he is lyable to punishment . But how is his sin bound upon him , or how is he made lyable to punishment ? There must be something done on earth , which God must ratify in Heaven , & on earth there is none to do any thing , but either the pursuer himself , or the select company : It cannot be the pursuer , for that were a dreadful & intolerable slavery , to subjecte every man to the lust of his enemy & pursuer . If it be the select company , how or whence have they this power ? If they be cloathed with authority , then are they a judicature , & this is the thing pleaded for . And thus , it appeareth that scandals are here understood , & that this Church is a Church judicature , notwithstanding of all which Mr Still . hath said to the contrary , which is but the very same , which others had said before him , & which was sufficiently answered by worthy & learned Mr Gillespy in his Aarons rod blossoming though he will not so much as once take notice of his replyes . The ancients did so understand the place particularly Orig. Tract . 6. in Mat. But that it may be cleared how there is a foundation here laid down for a way of removing of scandals by Church officers in communi associated together in a judicature , & so how there is a way laid down for presbyterian Government , let those particulars be considered . 1. From the beginning of the chapt , the Lord is speaking of scandals , & first of scandals given , as is clear , v. 6 : 8 , 9. & after he hath used some arguments to presse his followers to beware of that evill , he cometh v. 15. with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which may be rendered but if thy brother ) to another case , about the same purpose or head : viz. to cleare this question what shall be a christians carriage when his neighbour stumbleth or offendeth him , by his unchristian carriage in his ordinary walk : So Galvin Aretius & others : & so he is speaking of reall scandals for . 1. They are Brethren , or Church members with whom this course must be taken . 2. The offending brother is to be rebuked or convinced of his fault 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth such a convinceing as ' is for sin Ioh. 8 : 9 , 46. & so the LXX . use it Lev. 19 : 17. where sinnes & scandals are spoken of . 3. He sayes if he hear thee & not if he repay thee the wrong he hath done , or if he be reconciled . 4. Then he is gained now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Stillingfleet himself confesseth ) is used for conversion & turning others from sin . 1. Cor. 9 : 19. 1. Pet. 3 : 1. compared with Iam 5 : 20. Hence . 2. It would be considered that the Christian's scope in this bussinesse should be to gaine the man's soull , & for this cause he is to assay all calme , peaceable gaineing , & private meanes , to bring the offending brother to conviction , & acknowledgment of his fault ; & so first speak to him alone , & then take some others with him to be witnes both of his Christian carriage towards him , in desireing to have him gained , & of his unwillingnesse to be gained ; that so they may bear witnesse of both , unto the Church judicature . 3. When privat means do not worke , he is to be delated unto the Church judicature ; for the person offended must tell the Church : What Church ? He must tell that Church unto which the witnesses will be usefull , & that is , a judicature ; for to that , witnesses have a relation . That Church which is able to convince if any do it . That Church whose sentence is the last remedy . Th●… Church which hath power to binde & loose . That Church which hath power to binde & loose with a promise of the ratification of what they do , in heaven . That Church which hath the keyes Mat. 16. & power authoritatively to pardon & retaine sinnes , Ioh. 20 : 23. That Church which hath power to pronunce that sentence , after which , the man is to be looked upon , as a heathen & a publican . 4. And when this Church judicature can not get him convinced , they must passe a sentence upon him , & this sentence is the sentence of excommunication , as learned Mr Gillespy hath abundantly shewed Aaron's rod. book 3. c. 2. & 3. Hence it is clear . 5. That here is set downe the way of taking away Church scandalls , by inflicting Church censures : And this by Christ's appoyntment is not to be done by any one person , but by the Church officers in communi collegiatly ; for it was never heard of to this day , either in sacred or prophane writtings that one man was called a Church or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And this is a good basis for Government yea & for presbyterian Government or the Government of the Church communi consilio presbyterorum . & here there is not only a foundation for graduall appeals , [ as himself confesseth here : though part . 2. cap. ult § . 8. he would say that presbyterians , found their subordination of courts , Upon the principles of humane prudence ] for Church censures , & for the lawfull use of excommunication , as he confesseth also ; But also for the species or modell of Government ; Or for the manner of the constitution of the judicatures , which should excommunicat & take notice of Church scandalls ; for it is called the Church , & so cannot be meaned of a prelat who is no where so called , and yet arrogateth to himself all the power of jurisdiction . But Mr Stilling fleet hath two arguments whereby he endeavoureth to prove that Christ did never intend to institute any one forme of Government in the Church , part . 2. c. 4. § . 4. 5 , 6. &c. This is a great undertaking and his arguments must needs be very strong , but whether so or not , the reader may judge . The summe of the first is this If there be any such institution of Christs , as a standing law , it must either be expressed in direct termes , which cannot here be showne : Or deduced by a necessary consequence ; and no consequences can make new institutions but only apply one to particular cases ; And then the obligation of what is drawne by a necessary consequence , must be expressed in scripture . Ans. It hath been showne that the practice of the Apostles was for a forme of Government , and from their practice , a law may , by necessary consequence , be drawne , considering their place , & office ▪ how they were sent forth to plant Churches , & to set up officers & to appoynt unto each of them their proper work , &c. And for this cause were endued with extraordinary qualifications & assistence , confirming their commission by many signes & wonders : And this carryeth an obligation in its bosome . There hath been showne also a standing law of Christ's , from which a forme of Governement may be deduced , a standing law , about the removing of scandals which will found a species of Governement by Church officers in common , as well as appeals , Church censures , & excommunication , & from thence there is an obligation for the one , as well as for the rest . 2. But if all this will not satisfie , let Mr Stilling fleet satisfie himself with the standing obligation of the moralitie of the first day Sabbath , & he shall with all satisfie himself as to the standing obligation of the moralitie of a species of Church Governement : He can produce no law for the first day Sabbath , but a law deduced by necessary consequence ( without any obligation expressed in scripture concerning that which is so drawn by consequence ) & if this be enough in the case of the first day Sabbath , why not also in the case of Governement : If he say in the bussinesse of the Lord's day there was only an application of an institution , to a particular case . It is Ans. So is it in the matter of Church Governement , for there was a law for a Governement in genere , & this law drawn by consequence , from the practice of the Apostles & primitive Church , is but an application of that generall to a particular species of Governement . His second arg . is this All the standing lawes respecting Church Governement , are equally applyable to severall formes Ans. Are they applyable to the hierarchie , to Erastianisme , to independency , & to Morellianisme : Or only to Presbytery & Prelacy ? If only to these two , then all other formes but one of these two are utterly excluded , & there is no more liberty left save to make choise of one of these . But what if this ground of his shall not hold ? He referreth all the lawes to these three heads The 1. Head is the qualifications of the persons for the office of Governement , & so citeth , 1 Tim. 3 , 1 , to 8. Tit. 1 , 5 , to 10. Ans. And may it not be said , useing his own words , mu●…atis mutandis , that all these & the rest , are equally required as necessary in a Pope , in a Patriarch , &c. As well as in a Bishop or Presbyter : Yea every one may invent a number of new officers & defend them with this , that all these qualifications agree to them . The 2. Head is . The precepts requireing a right management of the work , & citeth , Act. 20 : 28. 2 Tim. 4 : 2. & 2 : 2. 1 Tim. 5 : 19 , 21 , 22. Heb. 13 : 17. Tit. 1 : 5. And addeth there is no precept in all these Epistles to Timothy & Titus prescribeing whether , they should Act solely , or only as Consul in Senatu . Ans. But if the precepts be such & require such a management & such work , as can not , with any possibility , in any tolerable manner , be obeyed & performed , by officers under such a forme , then it cannot be left to the will of men to set up such a forme , & so is the case here . The precepts are not applyable unto prelats : Is one man able to exhort , reprove & watch over a whole dio●…cy his alone , seing he in all probability shall never see their faces ? ( And as for delegation of Church power Mr Stilling fleet himself sayeth Part. 2. c. ult . § . 8. Pag. 414. That there is not the least footstep of it , either in scripture or antiquity . ) Is it possible that one man , can in any tolerable manner , obey these commands , & watch over such a number , over which , Two or Three hundered ministers could not get well watched ? God layeth not utter impossibilities on his officers . So then seing these precepts are not applyable unto any other forme , then Presbyteriall , his Argument falleth to the ground ; Seing it is not imaginable that one man can rule such a numerous people , & watch over them by discipline , over whom fifteen or sixteen Presbyteries , each of them consisting of fifteen or sixteen Ministers , & as many ruling elders ( beside the competent number of ruling elders which each particular congregation had ) were set , & had all work enough & more then they could well overtake . But. 2. What will he do with that command , 1 Cor. 5. given to the elders of that Church to conveen together for an Act of discipline ? Doth not that command concerne Gospell Churches now , as much as any of these precepts in the Epistles to Timothie or Titus ? And how is it imaginable that it can be applyable unto one man ? Sure then this command is not equally applyable to both formes ; For a precept given to a collegiat body , to meet together , is not applyable to one single person . The 3. Head is generall rules , such as these , that none preach without a call , Heb. 5 : 2. Rom. 10 , 14. That offenders be censured , that complaints b●… made to the Church in case of scandall , that all be done decently in order , & to edification . Ans Well then if , it be a standing rule that complaints be made to the Church , it is a standing rule that there should be a fixed Church to receive these complaints , & all the question is whether this fixed Church which can take notice of complaints & inflict Church censures , & excommunicate , can as well be understood of a prelat , as of a body of Church officers incorporated ? And if Mr Stilling fleet can be able to show that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is or may be taken for one single person , then his notion will be more able to stand ; But if not , of necessity it must fall to the ground . Obs. 9. It is worth the considering how weighty a bussinesse the matter of the Governement of the Chuch is , & of what great consequence it is to have it modelled aright : For experience hath made it appear , how much more effectuall ▪ for keeping of the Church of Christ pure from errour & heresy , & for beareing downe of Prophanity , & for promoving of the work of Godlinesse in power ; one species or forme is , then another : And this may speak very much for the Lord's keeping that in his own hand & not leaving it unto any Prince or Pastor to determine what shall be the species of Governement : Especially considering with what byasses & by-respects , the most of men are ready to be carryed , & how readyall are to modell Church Governement so as may most suite their own ends , & serve most to make them great in a world . And hence it hath been seen that when men leave the simplicity of the Gospell , & the p●…terne there set down , they run wilde , & never once consult the edification of the Church , or the promoveing of the work of God in souls , &c. But their own base ends : And when men will be wise above what is written , & follow their own notions & devices God giveth them up to delusions , & to more strange phancies . And sad experience hath proved how dangerous it is to depart from the rule of the word , in matter of discipline ; for by this meanes , it came to passe , that the Church did not only get Bishops , distinct from , & superiour unto , Presbyters ; but also Metropolitans ; & after these Primats , & at length Patriarchs , & finally the Pope . They followed not the rule of the word , but thought that they were lest at liberty , as Mr Stilling fleet doth sadly make out Part. 2. c. 7. & would have the Chuch as pompous , as the state , & so made the state Governement their copie : And therefore as there was one Emperour so there behoved to be one universall Bishop & Pope , whom the world had never seen ; had not this notion of Mr Stillingfleets been in their head , viz. that they might order the matter of Church Governement as they pleased best : & though Mr Stillingfleet make use of this as a confirmation of his notion , yet it is such a proof of it , as may make all tender hearted protestants tremble at it & reject it , as being the very thing which raised up Antichrist . Obs. 10. Mr Stillingfleet is pleased in the last Chapt of his book to gather together some expressions of Divines at home & abroad in France , Germanie , & the low countreyes , as favouring his purpose , which to examine , a work of this nature will not suffer , any who will , may do it , & possiblie shall finde some unfaire dealing . However , unto these whom he cir●…th it will be sufficient , though he had foure for each one , to oppose the testimonie of Churches which may be seen in the harmonie of confessions , & whose testimonie , is of much more authoritie , then the testimonie of Twenty privat divines , & moreover he well knoweth that of privat divines many are against him for one who is for him . Obs. 11. He telleth the reader in his preface , that he doth not write to increase the controversies of the times , nor to soment differences ; but his designe is to allay the heat & abate the fury of that ignis sac●…r or erysipelas of contention , & so all alongs in his preface he would make his reader beleve that he designed nothing but peace ; & accordingly he intituled his book Irenicum & a Weapon-salve for the Churches wounds . No man must search his heart or judge in those matters ; but this is certane , if such was his designe , the meanes he hath fallen upon , look not to be very suiteable thereunto ; how such an under taking as this shall heale the Churches wounds is hardly imaginable : And therefore it may very well be stiled a Weapon-salve , whose way of cureing is not very rationall or obvions to every one ; Yea nor naturall , if many may be beleeved . And this phisitian's undertaking shall never cure the Churches wounds by Sympathie what ever it may do by antipathy : It seemeth to be a sad interlocuture of a judge , when a plea cometh before him , betuixt a rober & one who offereth to produce his evidences & rights for such a possession , to say that all is common , & every man hath a like right to all , & may lay clame to what he pleaseth ; & just such is this learned man's determination of the question in hand . The Presbyterians off●…r to prove their right by the Testament of Iesus Christ , & to prove that prelats are usurpers , & his interlocuture is that neither presbyterian nor prelat hath more right then other & each may take what they please . If this be a way of ending controversies & healing wounds , it is indeed by the weapon salve of antipathy : And the reader may judge whether it be not the readiest way to increase divisions , & contention in the Church ; & whether or not these piles that seem very sweet & pleasant to the palate may not prove ●…uell to that bilious humor which as he himself confesseth , is too too predominant already . Sure it is , he seemeth not be a man for peace who thus hath his hand against every man , & every mans hand against him : But if he would have united the broken , divided , & subdivided Church , he should have taken a way to have strengthened her union with the head : Union in an evill cause is not good - Pilat & Herod can a gree in a matter against Christ , & such an union as this looketh rather like the fruite of the weapon salve then any thing else . It is sad that he could not get this weapon salve made up without such an ingredient in it , as wrongeth the head & King of the Church : it is an evidence of an Empirick & ill skilled phisitian who cannot attempt the cureing of one desease without the causing of a worse , nor make a salve to cure a wound in the body , till first he wounde & wronge the head . Could this learned man fall upon no way to cure the bleeding wounds of the Church , but such a way , as in some degree & measure is a putting the crown off the head of Christ Iesus who is head of the Church , & the scepter out of his hand ? for to say that he hath not setled the Governement of his own house by appoynting his own officers , & appoynting each of them to their own work , is to say , he doth not acte the part of a King & Governour in the Church which is his Kingdom , & of how dangerous consequence this is , himself may easily perceive . Obs. 12. It is likewise strange that this learned man should have made choise of such an opportunity & occasion , wherein to vente his notion , for in so doing he hath no way consulted the good & edification of the Church . Because he might well have known that by his book the higher powers of the land would have been much encouraged , to set up the former prelaticall Government , which had occasioned so much persecution unto the truely godly , so much opposition to piety , & to the work of grace : & so he might well have expected to see all these evil consequences natively springing up againe , & to see the Church of God decaying as much , if not more , then ever ; for that is a Governem . which destroyeth the very ends of Government , because no man were he never so good could governe the Churches after that manner to edification : He might easily see that one man could not watch over , in all the duties of a watch man , so many thousands , or rather hundereds of thousands , as by that Government he would be set over . It is true he adviseth to have lesser dioeceses but still his thesis standeth , & many will read & ponder his thesis , & the drift & scope of his book , that will never value or regaird these few lines of cautions or of advice , which he setteth down in the end of his book . He might well have known that the setting up of that Governement would have been ( as he may now see with his eyes ) matter of joy & Gladnesse unto all the prophane rabl●… in the land , & matter of lamentation & grief unto the godly & pious . He might well have known that by that government , godly pious & conscientious able Ministers of the Gospell , should be persecuted & thrust to the door , & prophane lazy & every way unfit men should be put in the Ministery , who can do nothing else but read the service book & a homily . He might well have known that by that governement such as were no Church officers should have the management of discipline , such as Chancelours & their assistants . Yea he might well have known that if that government had been set up againe , the whole work of reformation should be demolished & cast to ground , as he may see it done to day , & his eye may affect his heart , if he be a kindly son of Zion , & a lover of the work of reformation which God owned & carryed on wonderfully to the Amazement of all : & might not these things have deterred this learned man from venting his notions , when he might as easily have seen , as he might have opened his eyes , that the consequences thereof , should have been bitter lamentation & wo to the poor Church of Christ in Britaine & Irland ? & what he can pretend to counter vaile this damage is not imaginable : For all his pretensions of peace & union evanish at the first appearance of these destructive , & irremediable inconveniences . And finally it is yet more wonderfull & strange how this learned man hath been so bewitched & blinded with his own phancies , as to be in paine untill he were delivered of this birth , not considering the unseasonablenesse thereof at such a time . There is a season & a time for every purpose under heaven sayeth the wise preacher Eccles. 3 : 1. & a wise mans heart discerneth both time & judgment , Ecc. 8 : 5. But it seemeth he hath been so desirous that the world should see this monstruous birth , that 〈◊〉 he wanted a time , he would take the most unfit season imaginable , for it ; For it is hardly imaginable that he could have chosen a more unfit time , for publishing this his notion ; Because though his notion , in th●…si were unquestionably true , ( as it is not ) yet in hypothesi it could not now be yeelded , the Kingdomes being tyed to one of these formes , by the oath of God , the solemne League & Covenant , & so , not at liberty to choose what forme they please . His principles will not suffer him to say that Presbyterian governement is utterly unlawfull , & that Episcopall governement is necessary : & his learning will soon discover a validity in a Covenant about things not sinfull , though not absolutely necessary : & his piety will grant that conscience should be made of such oathes : And now when the Kingdomes were under the oath of God to set up a government most agreable to the Word of God ; And to endeavour the extirpation of Prelacy , could there be a more unseasonable time for venting this his notion , touching the indifferencie & lawfulnesse of either Presbyterian or Prelaticall ? For suppone his notion were a truth , of what use could it be now , when the Churches hands were bound up , by a solemne vow & Covenant from following their liberty ? Sure his disputing so much for the liberty of the Church in such a case , at this time , sayeth that in his judgment the oath of God is of no value , otherwise at least he would have casten in this clause of exception some where , & so have stated the question as a case in Utopia , if so be it was as a fire within him that could not be keeped in . And now indifferent readers may judge whether intentio operit ( I shall not say operantis ) was union , peace & edification . To teach people to break Covenant with God , & to null their oaths & vowes , is no way to the good & edification of the Church ; Such an union by perjury , will be nothing else but a sinfull conspiracy ; Peace in such away , will be but dreadfull security when the judgments of God are at hand : And such edification is nothing but destruction . But it seemeth his silence in the matter of the Covenant all alongs , sayeth that in his judgment , the obligation of the Covenant is null , & so this weapon-salve of his , must be strong , that will eat thorow the bones of a Covenant , but because it is so dangerous & destructive unto the substantials & vitals of Religion , it is the lesse to be valued , whatever vertue he allaigeth it hath for cureing wounds in the flesh . Did he think that tender Christians would get the Gordian knot of a Covenant oath & vow so easily cut as to think themselves at liberty to choose what forme of governement they pleased ? Or if he did not presuppose this , of what use , did he think his book would be ? Though it were to be wished that this learned man had imployed his talent more for him who gave it ; Yet seing he would not forbear the publishing of his notions & conceptions , he might have spoken his minde concerning the obligation of the solemne League & Covenant : For so long as that Covenant standeth in force , his notion will evanish as a cloud without raine . But we must end this digression ( in which we have insisted the longer , because it is one of the maine grounds , upon which the complyers of this age do walke ) & goe on , that we may hasten to some other particular . SECTION XIIII . Such reasons or objections as are allaidged for taking , & against refuseing of the oath of alleagiance , as it is called , Answered . BEfore any other particular be entered upon , or this concerning the oath , which is called ( though falsly ) the oath of alleagiance , passed from , there are some few objections which would seem to militate against the refuseing to swear & subscribe the oath , as it was tendered , which must be rolled out of the way ; And these are either such as concerne the civill part , & so seem to weaken the grounds of scrupling at the oath upon that account , which were laid downe Sect. 10 , & 11 ▪ or such as concerne the Ecclesiastick part , & so seem to weaken the grounds of scrupleing at the taking of the oath upon that account , which were mentioned & prosecuted Sect. 12 , & 13. First then as to the civill part it will be objected . 1. That there was no ground of scrupleing at taking of the oath upon that account . Because it was but the acknowledging of that very power , which did properly belong to him before , & which former Parliaments had recognosced as his due , viz. the 18. Parliament of King Iames the V I. which did acknowledge his Soveraigne Autherity , Princely Power , Royall Prerogative , & Privilege of his Crown over all Estates , persons & causes whatsomever . Ans. This Objection was sufficiently obviated above , Pag. 126. where it was showne that these were but Parliamentary flourishes & complements , grounded upon personall qualifications : And indeed the act seemeth to raise this structure upon his Maj. being put in possession , as the righteous inheritour , of the famous & renowned Kingdomes , of England , France & Irland which far surpasse the wealth power & force of the dominons of his progenitours Kings of Scotland , & thereby having a greater increase of care & burden , & with all upon his extraordinary graces , most rare & excellent vertues , where , with he was endued for the discharge of that trust . Now any man of understanding may see that the increase of his extensive power & authority , or of personall qualifications , is no sufficient ground for the increase of his intensive power , or for the enlargeing of the privileges of the crowne . Moreover it is said expresly in the act that they ratifie approve & perpetually confirme the same , as absolutely , amply , & freely , in all respects & considerations , as ever his Maj. or any of his royall progenitours , Kings of Scotland in any time by gone , possessed , used & exercised the same . Whence it appeareth that they gave no new power , only they did recognosce what he & his progenitours had before . Now , as was showne above , neither he nor any of his progenitours had such a supremacy over parliaments , as is now allaidged to belong unto the crown : For as to that first act parl . 8. Anno 1584. it was showne above Pag. 125. how notwithstanding of the supremacy there granted unto the King , the privileges of Parliament remaine intire , as they had been continued past all memory of man , without any alteration or diminution whatsomever : And after this Anno 1587. in the 11. Parl. act . 33. the ancient order , dignity & integrity of the parliament is restored , & particularly act . 40. the King doth faithfully promise to do or command nothing which may directly or indirectly prejudge the liberty of free voteing of the Estates of Parliament . But 2. It will be objected , That all this supremacy was acknowledged by the Parliament 21. Anno 1612. when the Acts of the Assembly at Glasgow Anno 1610. were ratified , among which this was one , that Ministers should swear the same oath which was tendered by this Parliament , & which is there set down . Ans. It is true it was appoynted by that pretended Assembly that Ministers at their entry , or admission to the Kirk should , Testify & declare , that the King was the only supreme Governour of the realme as well in matters Spirituall & Ecclesiasticall , as in things temporall , &c. And it is true this Parliament did ratify & approve this deed , so that it had the force of a law . But 1. There is a great difference betwixt such a civill sanction as this is , & an other Act of Parliament , other Acts stand in force untill they be repealed , but , when the Church constitution , which is the ground & Basis of the civill sanction , ceaseth , the sanction ceaseth , & the Act perish●… , without any formall repeall : The Act ratifying & approveing the deed of a Church judicature , standeth in force no longer , then the deed of the Church judicature standeth in force , & the deed of a Church judicature may be altered without any respect had unto the civill sanction , or notwithstanding that the civill sanction is not formally removed , because the civill sanction did follow & depend upon the Church Act , & the Church Act doth not depend upon the civill sanction . 2. It is not incumbent unto a Church judicature to determine the limites of the King 's civill supremacy , far lesse to determine the same in the first place : & this pretended Assembly was more anxious about the King 's Ecclesiastick supremacy , then the civill , & it was his supremacy in Church matters which was here intended by them , & approved by the Parliament : And therefore it is added , And that no forraigne Prince , State nor Potentat hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall . 3. What ever civill supremacy may be supposed to be here included , there is no supremacy over Parliaments acknowledged ; But any civill power that is here recognosced as his due , is in opposition to forraigne Princes , States , or Potentats , & not to Parliaments within the Kingdom . If it be said that the oath tendered by this Parliament , Anno 1661. being every way correspondent unto that oath which is recorded Parliament 21. Anno ▪ 1612. can import a recognosceing of no more civill power then that Anno 1612. & therefore might lawfully have been sworne . It is replyed . That the oath Anno 1661. is more expresse for civill power & supremacy , then that An. 1612. But if there had been no more , then the words of the oath Anno 1661. there had not been very great ground of scrupleing at the taking thereof upon the account of the civil part : for it is not the words of the oath , that ground that scruple upon that account , so much as the glosse put upon the words , by their other acts particularly by the act for acknowledging his Maj. prerogatives which as a commentary , explaineth what they meane by his being supreme governour over states civil , & in all causes civil : Now the like of this was not done by the parliament Anno 1612. Or any other before or since that time , till this parliament Anno 1661. which hereby hath put another glosse upon the civil part of the oath then ever was done before . But. 3. It will be objected May not Parliaments give more civil power unto the King then he had before & so enlarge even intensivè the privileges & prerogatives of the crown & so denude themselves of that in whole or in part , which did formerly appertaine unto them : And when the Parliament hath done this & annexed such & such power unto the crowne , can it be unlawfull for privat subjects to acknowledge that the King hath indeed so much power . Ans. in poynt of law it will be a very great question , whether Parliaments who are but trustees intrusted by the people , whose commissioners they are , & virtually if not expresly bound to maintaine their rights & privileges , may betray their trust , & give away the iust & ancient privileges of Parliament & there with the just & ancient liberties of the people . It will be agreat question if they at their own hand , may alter the foundamentall lawes of the land , without the consent of these whose commissioners they are . And it will be a greater question in law ; if this Parliament might have sold or given away the privileges of Parliament , & liberties of the people , seing so much in poynt of law may be objected against its being a free Parliament , if the want of freedome of election in shires & brughs , if prelimitation , if the election of such as were not capable , by the foundamentall constitution of Parliaments , & practice of the Kingdome , & other informalities , of that kinde , may have any place or weight in the anulling of Parliaments . But. 2. In poynt of conscience , it is clear that Parliaments may not now give away & according to their pleasure dispone of the rights & privileges of Parliament , for in the third article of the league & covenant , all the people of the land , & Parliaments among the rest , are sworne to maintaine in their severall places & capacities ; & so Parliaments , in their Parliamentary capacitie , the rights & privileges of Parliament . 3. Though the Parliament not with standing of the bonde of the covenant , should denude themselves of their privileges ; yet now seing every particular member of the Kingdome is sworne , according to his place , & station to maintaine the rights & privileges of Parliament , they may not assent unto such a deed of the Parliament , & by their oath & subscription , approve of such a wrong ; for that is the least that private persons , who desire to minde & make conscience of the oath of God , can do , at such a time , viz. to refuse to give an expresse , clear & positive assent , unto such a wrong done to the rights , & privileges of Parliament , contrary to the covenant . But 4. All this is to little or no purpose ; for there is not the least syllabe in all the Acts of this Parliament which doth import any new deed of gift , but all alongs they speak of these prerogatives as formerly inherent in the crown yea as essentiall to it , & hence it is , that they condemne the actings of the Parliaments & Kingdome of Scotland , these many years by gone , because done in such away as was an actuall & insolent ( as they say ) incroachment & invasion upon the privileges & prerogatives of the crowne . Obj. 4. The acknowledging of the prerogative is distinct from the oath of allegiance & therefore seing they were not put to take that acknowledgement , they could not refuse the oath upon the account of these consequences contained in the acknowledgement . Ans. So is the Declaration dated Sep. 2 , 1662. Set down as distinct from the Acknowledgement & yet who ever sweareth & subscribeth the Acknowledgement doth sweare & subscribe the Declaration upon the matter : so is it here , who ever taketh the oath of alleagiance doth upon the matter take the acknowledgem . also ; for it is not possible to see any discrepancy betwixt them , save such as is betwixt the text & the commentary ; for the acknowledgm . is nothing else upon the matter , then an explication or Exegesis of the oath , & in the acknowledgem . the same thing is said & assirmed in plaine full & clear tearmes , which is but in generall affirmed in the oath . By their Acts they declare what things they account privileges of the crowne , & all these they comprehend under his supremacy , & so in their account his supremacy over all persons , & the prerogatives royall , or privileges of the crowne , are all one , Therefore they could not acknowledge this supremacy , because they could not acknowledge the prerogatives royall : See this objection further answered above , Pag. 168. In the next place , there are objections of another nature , which must be answered ; as . 1. Obj. Such as refuse this oath of alleagiance declare that they are not dutyfull & loyall subjects , which Ministers & Christians ought not to do Ans. It hath been showne at the beginning of the tenth Section , what difference there is betwixt this oath , & the oath of alleagaince , & there is no Minister or Christian who would scruple at the taking of the pure oath of alleagiance : Yea they would account themselves obliged to take the same , if there were any necessity or just suspition of disloyalty in them , which might occasion the same . King Iames in his book called God & the King sheweth that those treacherous persones , who occasioned the frameing of the oath of alleagiance , were the Pope's bloody emissaries following the principles of Rome & practiseing unparalleled treacherie against King , Queen , & Parliament , among whom , none will have the fore head to reckon such as did now refuse the oath , as it was tendered . It is the supremacy in Church & state , which only was scrupled at , & the acknowledging of this supremacy is no part of alleagiance ; for one may acknowledge , his father to be his father though he should not say that he hath power , as a father , over his soul & conscience : one may acknowledge the King of Britane , lawfull King of his dominions though he should not acknowledge him to have as much dominion & power over them , as the great Turk usurpeth over his dominions : And therefore letnone so interpret that passage of the Apology for the ministers of England . pag. 2. Where they prove that , they cannot be , challenged as guilty of Laese Majestie , because they acknowledge that the King is defender of the faith in all causes , & the supreme head & Governour ; over all persons as well ecclesiastik as civil , as if they would assert that all in Scotland who do refuse this oath & acknowledgement , were guilty of Laese Majesty , merely upon the account of their refuseing of the oath , seing , as hath been showne , their case & the case of Scotland is not every way the same , & though they give out this as an evidence of their loyalty , yet they do not pitch upon it as proprium quarto modo unto a true loyal subject . 2. Obj. Will you allow his Maj. no power in Church matters . Ans. yes . , Even all that power which the first confession of the Church of Scotland doth allow , viz. tho conservation , & purgation of religion , the maintenance of the true religion , & the suppressing of idolatry and superstition as also all that which the later confession concluded by the Assembly of divines at Westminster doth allow : As also as much as sound reformed divines grant unto him , according to the word of God : He hath power over the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things extrinsecall , that properly belong unto the outward man , & are common to the Church with other societies . He is Custos ut●…sque tabulae , in a civill manner , & must have a care of both the tables of the law . It were tedious here to set down all the particulars : See Gillespy in his Aarons rod blossoming , lib. 2. cap. 3. & the CXI . Propositions , which are full enough to this purpose . 3. Obj. Why then was this oath refused seing no more was required thereby ? Ans. More , yea much more was required , as appeareth by what hath been said , & cleared from their Acts & actings , especially from their refuseing of the sense given in by these Ministers who were detained so long prisoners in the Tolbooth & thereafter banished , which was large enough , & possibly larger then some of these who gave it , afterward upon second thoughts would approve : It is beyond questioning , that this Parliament giveth unto the King by vertue of this prerogative & as annexed to the crown far more then ever the confession of faith of that Chuch or any other protestant reformed Church , did give . And as they give , so he taketh more , as might be evidenced by his letter unto the Archbishop of York if it were now at hand . 4. Obj. But whatever they assume to themselves it is not much matter : Seing none 〈◊〉 put to affirme , that so much power doth belong unto him , & the oath tendered hath not so much in it , in terminis , Ans. When an oath is contrived in such generall & comprehensive termes , as may take in much & when there is no other way to finde out the iust latitude & meaning of it ; but by their Acts & actings who tender it , it is of much concernment to know , what sense their actions will put upon it , for by their actions , the true sense must be learned : For it is a received & known principle , that oaths must be taken according to their known sense & meaning of the words , who tender the same ; because oaths were first invented for their security , & therefore whosoever would deal honestly & Christianly in taking an oath , must take it in the very sense that it is understood in by such as tender it : Otherwise the holy name of God shall be taken in vaine , & the takers of the oath shall deal deceitfully in frustrating the end of the oath , & the designe of the tenderers thereof To take an oath Quatenus , Eatenus , in fo far will not satisfie as worthie D. Voetius judgeth de Pol. Eccl. p. 283. 5. Obj. This shienesse were good in case the oath as worded could bear such a sense as is supposed to be meaned by the tenderers . But it is not so here . Ans. It is certane the oath ( as to the part controverted ) is conceived in generall termes : It is certane that their sense who tender it , is not sound : & it is certane that there is nothing in the oath contradicting their sense & meaning : Yea it is certane that the very oath it self , as worded , will take in all their sense & meaning ; For it giveth to him a supremacy of power both over Civill & Ecclesistick persones & causes , all persons , & all causes will take in both , & supreme Governour over all these persons , & in all these causes , will take in a great power , & a very large supremacy : Yea the very grammaticall construction of the oath will bear this large sense fully enough . Any of understanding may easily see these three things here . 1. That the King is the same way supreme Governour over Church men , as he is over Civill men . 2. That he is made the same way Governour in Church causes , as in Civill causes . And 3. That he is the same way Governour over Church men in their Church capacity , or in their Church causes & actions ; as over Civil men in their civil capacities , & in their Civill causes & actions . 6. Obj. The sense can be no other then this , That he is supreme Governour over all persons what ever action they be about , as if he were in a ship he should be supreme Governour over all the persons there , what ever their trade or occupation were , & of the Governour of the ship among the rest ; And yet it will not follow , that he is the supreme Governour of the action of guideing the ship , but only that the Governour of the ship , while he is guideing her , is a subject : And just so is it here , as to Churchmen . Ans. Even his supremacy over civill persons in civill causes is much to be questioned as hath been said ; But to wave this here , their Acts & deeds which are more authentick interpretations of the oath , then any privat conjectures , speak some other thing : were the oath worded thus , he is supreme Governour over all Persons , this objection would have some colour , but when it is said in all causes , yea & in all causes , all is wrong . Next it is certane from what hath been said Sect. 10 , & 11. that they intend more as to the civill part , then that he is supreme Governour over civill persons & that they remaine subjects while about civill Actions ; For he is made supreme Governour over civill persons , & in civill causes ; And must it not be so likewise , as to the Church part , seing the oath puteth no difference lesse or more betwixt them ▪ 3. One maine end of the oath was to shoulder out the Pope & his power & this was an immediat cognition of Church affaires , & a power not only over persons , but over causes ; And what was taken from the Pope with the one hand , was devolved on the King with the other . 4. The simile is a plaine dissimile , as it is set down : but make the parallel run thus . There is a forraigner within the ship challenging power of making lawes to all persons within it & particularly to the pilote , & power of judging him in his actions as pilote , betwixt whom & the Prince the debate cometh to that height , that he is ejected , & to the end , he may never be re-admitted , the Prince imposeth an oath upon all within the Vess●…ll , & particularly upon the pilote & seamen , That they should acknowledge him to be their only supreme Governour , & in all their actions & causes . And then any of ordinary capacity may discerne whether or not the pilot be not bound by his oath to acknowledge some thing more then that he is a civill subject while he is about his calling & work . But all this is to no purpose now seing their Acts & actings make the bussinesse clear enough as is shown above . 7. Obj. Where a Civil Magist. is affirmed to be Govern. of his dominions , by common intendment this must be understoodof a civil government , & may not be extended to that of another kinde . Ans. With all due respect to the reverend author of this reply , viz. Bishop Vsher in his speach concerning the oath of supremacy in the Starre Chamber in Irland . This doth not satisfie ; because by the same reason , might one who were clear for the primacy of Scotland , lawfully swear , that the Archprelat of Saint Andrews were supreme Governour of Scotland , over all persons & in all causes ; because , by parity of reason , when the governement of a Church officer is spoken of , by common intendment , this must be understood of an Ecclesiastick governement & may not be extended to that of another kinde . And yet no doubt , this oath would be scrupled at , notwithstanding of that common intendment . But 2. Their acts & deeds destroy that common intendment , & respect must be had to their intendment , & not to the common intendment . 3. Even as to this common intendment in respect of the civil part it hath been showne what just ground of scruple there was . 8. Obj. No other thing can be understood , for he is capable of no more , & the predicat can agree no further to the subject , then its capacity will permit . Ans. This is a shift for Children , but for none else : For. 1. Such subjects are seen to assume to themselves more , then they are truely , by any law of God , capable of . 2. By this meanes one might swear that the civil Magistrat were Head , husband , King & saviour of the Church without all hazard of perjurie for these predicats can agree to him no further then he is capable : As also one might lawfully swear that the Pope were supreme civil judge of the King's Dominions , yea & swear the greatest untruths imaginable ; but such Salvo's will prove too narrow to cover perjury in the day of accounts . 3. Oaths are the end of controversies , but this oath should then decide no controversie : For the King's power should be as uncertaine , as ever it was , for all this oath . 4. The question is not so much what power doth really appertaine unto the civil Magistat , but another thing founded on this , viz. what power may one lawfully say & swear doth indeed belong to him : And will any be so prophane & grosse , as to say , It may be acknowledged by oath , that he hath more power then indeed he hath ? Such like metaphisicall distinctions , will not defend from the wrath of God , in the day when he shall be a swift witnesse against all false swearers . 9. Obj. Is it faife to contend with heigher powers about such things , & bring on such sad sufferings ? Ans. Christians should be most taken up with duty , & should not value sufferings : They should buy the truth , & by no means sell it , & this matter under debate is no small bussinesse , whatever some may think . Not to mention here the sad consequences of this oath , as to the civil part thereof , if the Ecclesiastick part therof be only noticed it , will appear to be a matter of greater moment then every one will beleeve ; as may appear from the reasons mentioned . Sect 12. Men who would be accounted loyal subjects unto a King of clay will think it their duty to stand & contend for a small & inconsiderable bit of a thing , going under the name of a privilege of the crown , to the hazard of life & all ; & shall any Christian accounte such things , as are reall privileges of the crown of Christ , frivolous , And not worth the hazarding of any thing for ? The asserting of Christ to be head & King of his Kingdom , which is distinct from all other Kingdoms upon earth , & that he alone hath power to rule this his Kingdom , with his own lawes , & by his own officers ; And that none may rob him of his crowne & scepter , or of any part or pendicle thereof , seem to be no small matters . Who will condemne the generation of the righteous who like valiant souldiours , have stood for the defence of their master's prerogatives , & would not give their consent , unto the spoiling of his crown , no not in the least , even when condemned to death therefore , & banished out of the land of their nativity : The words of famous Mr Welsch in his letter to the Lady fleeming from his prison at Blacknesse Ian. 1606. Are worthy to be noticed & keeped on record What am I ( sayeth he ) that he should first have called me , & then constituted me a minister of glad things , of the Gospell of salvation , these fiftine yeers already , and now last of all , to be a sufferer for his cause and Kingdom ; to witnesse that good confession that Iesus Christ is the King of saints , & that his Church is a most free Kingdom , yea as free as any Kingdome under heaven , not only to convocate , hold , and keep her meetings , conventions , and assemblies : But also to judge of all her affaires , in all her meetings and conventions , among his members and subjects : These two poynts . 1. That Christ is tho head of his Church . 2. That she is free in her governement from all other jurisdiction except Christ's are the speciall cause of our imprisonment being now convict as traitors , for maintaining thereof . We have been waiting with joyfulnesse to give the last testimonie of our blood in confirmation thereof . If it would please our God , to be so favourable , as to honoure us with that dignity . Obj. 10. Howbeit the matter as set forth by you seem considerable ; yet as comprehended in the oath , it seemeth very inconsiderable : Were these things expresly affirmed , there were some colour of reason for refuseing to acknowledge the same ; but seing they are only your inferences & groundlesse feares there is lesse reason to refuse the oath . Ans. It is no new thing , for sufferers to be blamed as faulty : This is certaine , & every one may see it , that the temptation is stronger for taking then for refuseing of the oath , there being much more outward & worldly advantage to be had by taking then by refuseing of it ; and therefore such should be Christianly sympathized with seing the matter they stand upon , is not t●…ial , the bussinesse they contend for is concerning the due bounds & marches of the Kingdome of Christ , & concerning the just extent of the privileges of his crown ; & if they be mistaken , it is in this they are mistaken : They desire not to rob the civil Mag. of his due ; but when they apprehend that there is an in croachment made by him upon the privileges of Christ , as King & head of his Church , no tender Christian will blame them for standing upon their ground ; & to be willing for the interest of their Lord & master to lose their liberties , yea & their lives too But. 2. It is sufficiently manifested already that neither these inferences nor their feares , were groundlesse , so that it were superfluous to adde any more here for cleareing of the same . Obj. 11. But the Parliament or Councell would give liberty to persones to explaine themselves , & to expresse what their meaning of the oath was , & in what sense they would take it : Why was not this favour accepted ? might they not have taken it in their owne sense , seing no doubt , that would have been a saife sense ? Ans. 1. Some indeed reporte that this favour & courtesy was conferred on them in private , and therefore they had no scruple to take the oath : but all had not this in their offer . 2. Others as wise & judicious , would have looked upon ▪ such an offer as no savour or courtesie at all , & indeed it deserveth not the name of a favour , to give liberty to any to mock God , others , & themselves ; Such a liberty could be nothing else but a snare to the conscience : For , by words , to put a glosse upon a written or printed oath , which in strick construction it will not bear , & then sweare it & subscribe to it , is to mock the most high who will not be mocked . To subscribe an oath in terminis as it is offered , & set down in write or print , after it is mentally or verbally glossed , is to stumble the truely godly , & to harden the wicked in the age present ; & to mock posterity , who shall see the oath in terminis subscribed , but neither see nor hear of the glosse , which as a salvo was cast in ; yea & it is to deceive themselves by intangleing themselves into the bonde of a sinfull oath , with faire speaches & plausible apprehensions , or rather dreames . But. 3. Why would they not suffer such as they required to take the oath , to set down their sense in plaine tearmes before their subscription ? And why would they not rest satisfied with that which the Six or Seven forementioned ministers did ? Sure , if it had been tendered upon any other account then as a snare to the conscience , this would have been granted ; but it is true , the taking of the oath after that manner , would not have served their purpose so well as now it will , when subscribed as set down in terminis : li●…ra scripta manet , & dolus versatur in generalibus . 4. Who ever would have fuller satisfaction to this objection let him consult Doct Sanders . de jur . prom . oblig . prael : 6. § . 10. whose words shall be here translated & set downe atlength because so full & satisfactory dico ( sayeth he speaking to the same case ) &c. i. e. I say that it may be suspected , that there is some deceit ●…rking & therefore every pious & prudent man should refuse such an oath offered under such termes . 1. Because in the oath it self , truth is required ; but a proposition having an indefinit and ambiguous sense , before there be a distinction used for clearing , is no true proposition , yea it is not a proposition at all ; for a proposition , ( as children know by it's d●…ition ) should signifie either truth or falshood without ambiguity . 2. Because of him who tendereth the oath , for the proper end of an oath , is that he in whose favours it is taken should have some certainty of that whereof he doubted before , but there can no certanty be had , out of words which have no certaine sense . 3. Because of him who sweareth who if he take such an oath on these termes , either stumbleth his neighbour or else spreadeth a net for his own feet ; For to what else should such collusion tend then either that by our example others ( though against their conscience ) may be induced to take it , & this is to lay a stumbling block before them ; or that afterward by vertue of that oath some thing may be required of us which is either unlawful or hurtful & this is to lay a snare for our selves . Therefore let every prudent man bewar of suffering himself to be deceived by these wiles & of thinking so much either of the favour or of the ●…ll will of any other as to swallow the bate under which he is sure there is a hook . It is expedient that in the matter of oaths all things be done aright , & that the sense be clear to all , & that is jurare liquido 〈◊〉 swear with a clear conscience . Sic tamen & liquido juratus dicereposses . When in thy conscience thou art clear . Then may'st thou without scruple swear . Obj. 12. Though the Parliament upon grounds of state policy should not think fit to alter the words of the oath , which have been condescended upon by former Parliaments , & see down in their Acts ; But keep the same in termin●…s lest giving way to alter upon the desire of one , they should alter & change it in insin●…um , according to mens severall phancies & desires : Yet to hazard upon suffering upon such an account cannot be commended . Ans. 1. Every sin even the least must be shuned upon any hazard ; Yea all are commanded to abstean from every appearance of evill . It may be suffering for righteousnesse sake , in the eyes of God , which men may account suffering for needlesse serupulosity . If they had been of the same judgement with such divines ( called so at least ) who now a dayes publish to the World , their new found out principles , whereby all oathes may be loosed , or broken rather as rotten ropes ; They might have taken & digested a cartfull of oaths ( to use the expression , which some who now have renunced that oath & Covenant which once they swore , did utter , when minded of their former oaths ) & never once enquired whether lawfull or unlawfull ( & to say this on the bye it is no small matter of admiration to think what security , such can expect from others by oaths who themselves professe & publish the Art of loosing all the bondes of oaths ; but it would appear that , this is not the thing designed , but rather this that seing they know such as they have to deal with are men of conscience , they would have them either ensnared , in the same guilt , & drawn unto the same excesse of wickednesse & Atheisme with themselves , or else exposed to their fury & cruelty ) but they love not such principles of prophanity & Atheisme , but rather desire to feare an oath knowing that God is jealous , & will not hold such guiltlesse as take his name in vaine . 2. If this be the oath of alleagiance , it is very farre changed from what it was , as was showne above Sect. 12. & it is not faire to change it so as to make it worse . 3. In the matter of oaths , reason & religion would require , that the meanest who are concerned in it , should be condescended unto : Rulers should follow the laudable example of Abraham , who did condescend unto his servant in the matter of an oath , which he was tendering unto ●…im : It is consonant both to reason & Religion , that oaths , before they be imposed ; Be examined againe & againe , and so worded , as none , no not the meanest , who is endued with understanding in those matters , may have the least reall ground of scruple . And as to this oath , they are not a few conceity & self willed persons , who scruple at it , but if Impartiall search be made , it will be found that the most understanding , faithfull conscientious & Zealous in the land , both Ministers & others , do stumble at it , & that not upon imaginations & feares , but upon reall & evident grounds . Now , no doubt , understanding Christians , will easily grant , that in such a bussinesse the●…stumbling of so many , so able , eminent , & gracious , is not to be despised : And none will deny this but such as would plead for a lawlesse liberty to Magistrats , to tyrannize over the souls & consciences of people , which were a more dreadfull tyranny then any exercised by the cruelest Nero or Caligula that ever was . But. 4. If they would not alter or change the words of the oath , might they not have published such a sense of the oath as none might have scrupled at , there are severall acts of Parliament explicatory of former acts , & why might not this have been explained by a new act ? 5. What these grounds of state policy are why they would neither helpe the oath & worde it other wayes , nor yet give a sound glosse thereof , & make it as publick as the oath it self , is not very needfull to enquire ; yet there are some so obvious & conspicuous that he who runneth may read them , viz. That if the oath had been conceived in plaine , clear & saife tearmes , or so interpreted as that no scruple had been left in the mindes of tender Christians , it had not proved such an engine to wa●…pe out of the land under the notion of dis●…yall persones , such as feared an oath & durst not comply with foresworne prelats , or their wayes . SECTION XV. Concerning the hearing of such as are now thrust in upon the people in the Roome of those who are put away . WHen by these wayes forementioned a great number , even the third part of the Ministery of Scotland , was put from preaching the Gospell , & banished from their own , parish Churches : There were a number of naughty base men who had denyed the faith which once they professed ; & renunced that covenant which they had sworne with hands lifted up to the most heigh God ; Men for the most part of flagitious lives , corrupt both in their principles , & in their conversation , unfit to have the privilege of Church members , in any well governed Church , let be to be officers in the house of God : And men who will willingly comply with any course which Satan & his instruments can set on foot , thrust in upon the people , sore against their wils , having presentations from patrons , & collations from the prelats , & no more , for a call . And there are others , alas too too many , who being in the Ministerie before , have basely betrayed their trust , & complyed with those abjured prelats , & gone contrary to that covenant which both themselves did sweare , with hands lifted up to the most high , & which they caused all within their severall congregations to sweare , in a most solemne manner , as hath been showne above : And now did the tryall come near to the doors of the poor people for there was an Act of Parliament , I●…l 10. 1663. Enjoying the people to attend all the ordinary meetings for divine worship under these paines & penalties , viz. each nobleman , gentleman & heritour the losse of a fourth part of each yeers , rent , in which they shall be accused & convicted : And every yeoman , tennent & farmer the losse of such a proportion of their free moveables ( after payment of their rents due to their Master & landlord ) 〈◊〉 ●…is maj . Councell shall think fit , Not exceeding a fourth part thereof . And Every burges to lose the liberty of merchandizeing , tradeing , and all other privileges within brugh — & the fourth part of their moveables — and such other corporall punishments , as the Councell shall think sit . And yet notwithstanding of this act , faithfull & honest Christians were constrained in conscience , to withdraw ; & could not yeeld obedience unto this act ; but resolved rather to suffer affliction , what ever it might be , then countenance such as had intruded themselves without a call , & had made such defection from the truth & cause of God ; & for this cause many have suffered , & many are put to suffer dayly , whom no tender hearted Christian will or can condemne , if these few particulars be considered . 1. To yeeld obedience unto this act enjoyning them to hear such men alwayes & to attend all the ordinary meetings for worship , & so to countenance them as lawfull pastours , were to comply with the sinfull defection of the time , as appeareth from these two particulars . 1. It were a countenanceing of these men who have broken covenant , & overturned the whole work of reformation , & an approving of them in the same ; for themselves look on all such as obey that act , as their friends , & the act it self sayeth that a chearfull concurrence , countenance & assistence given to such Ministers , & attending all the ordinary meetings for divine worship , is an evidence of a due acknowledgment of , & hearty complyance with , his Maj. Government ecclesiaesticall & civill , as now established by law within this Kingdom , for in order to this last , the act sayeth that this Maj. doth expect the former ; And experience proveth much of this to be true , viz. that such as do countenance them after this manner do indeed approve of them , & by the contrary they look on others , as disaffected persons , so that obedience to the Act is the very badge of complyance ; And therefore upon that account cannot in conscience be yeelded ; for in such a case many things which otherwise might be lawfull or indifferent cannot be lawfully done , as being most inexpedient , & what is not expedient , in so far as not expedient , is unlawfull , & un●…defying ; & therefore must not be done , as Pau●… sayeth , 1 Cor. 10 : v. 23. 2. It were some way also the acknowledging of the power & authority of Prelats : And so contrary to the league & Covenant , & the reason is , because , these men come forth , from the Prelat having no other call or warrant , but what the Prelat giveth : And so a receiving of them is a receiving of the Prelat , as a refus●…ing to owne them , will be accounted a slighting of the Prelat & his power . These things will be clearer , if two things be considered 1. That now there is no door opened for getting any wrongs redressed , & corruptions in the ministery , which creep in & abound , removed ; There is no accesse for grieved persons to presente their grievances ; Corruption & defection is carryed on with such a heigh hand , that there is no liberty once to speak or object against such & such corruptious ; Yea all these corruptions are approved : So that all possibility of getting any redresse made , is away : And in such a case as this , when privat persons have not accesse to propound their objections , against such or such a man's exerceing the ministeriall function , or no hopes of getting a hearing ; But by the contrary such persons as they would objecte against , would be the better liked ; And these things , which they might objecte as hainous crimes , would be accounted vertues & matter of greater commendation ; what can they do else , but withdraw & not countenance such vitious & naughty persons , nor do any thing which may import , a consenting unto , or an approving of these grievous wrongs & enormities ▪ Especially considering . 2. How there is now no other way left for persons to exoner their consciences before God & the world , & to declare their Non-conformity unto this wicked & corrupt course of defection : All other doors are barred by law , so that now they must either give testimonie against this course of defection this way by refuseing to give obedience unto this Act , & to countenance these men ( whose chief qualification is perjurie ) as Ministers of the gospel ; or else they must be accounted consenters : For how else shall their dissatisfaction be known . There is no patent door now , for any legall exoneration of their consciences by remonstrances , & protestations , the Parliament haveing declared such Actions to be treasonable : Yea there is not so much as liberty granted for petitioning or supplicating against any such abuse : And of necessity , they must some way or other give publicke testimony against these courses ( for they must not partake of other mens sinnes ) as are carryed on , contrary to the word of God , to the Covenant , & to their former resolutions : And there is no other way so harmlesse & Innocent as this , though suffering should follow thereupon . 2. By giving obedience unto this Act , they should be in hazard , not only of falling away unto a detestable neutrality & indifferency in the matters of God ; but ere long , they should be in hazard to fall away in heart & affection , from the cause of Christ , & from the work of reformation sworne unto , and owned so much ; for there is no other way now apparent , whereby the difference shall be keeped up , betuixt such as honestly minde the covenanted work of reformation : & the corrupt prelaticall , & malignant party , but this of refuseing to give obedience unto this Act. So that , as it is already too too apparent that some who had no scruple to hear these men , and withall thought to abide constant to the cause of God , were ere long found to be deceived ; for piece & piece the edge of their Zeal was blunted , & their affection to the work of God cooled , & they at length were brought to condemne it : So dangerous a thing is it to suffer the standing difference to weare out of sight : So that let a Man once beginne to countenance those men , as lawfully called & authorized Ministers , & by this meanes , keep up no standing difference , he shall , ere he be aware , slide into their campe , & side with them in all things : Therefore it is best to keep up this distance & standing difference by with drawing . 3. By giving obedience unto this Act , they should quite undoe & betray their posterity : For though now the honest party be not in a capacity , to transmit the work of reformation unto their posterity , in such a manner as were to be wished , it being now defaced & overturned , by this course of defection , which is so violently carryed on ; yet they may , & should do something for keeping fresh the memory of the good old cause , that it be not bury●…d quite in oblivion , & this must be , by keeping up some footsteps of a standing controversy , for Zions interest , & the work of God against the common enemies thereof , the prelaticall & malignant faction : But now take this weak & inconsiderable appearing in the fields against these corruptions , away , what appearance of a standing controversie shall posterity see ? Shall not they conclude that the day is lost , and the cause gone when they see that this generation hath fled the field or rather sold & betrayed the cause , by owneing , countenancing & complying with the enemy , & that there is no standing testimony against corruptions , or nothing seen in the practices or carriage of their fathers , that may in the least signifie their dissatisfaction with these courses . Where as if there were but this much of a standing difference , betwixt the people of God , & the common enemies of Zion , to be seen , posterity would in some measure , be keeped from being deceived , & would see the interest of Christ not killed , nor buried quicke ; but living though in a bleeding condition : & this would occasion their engadging for Christ & interessing themselves in the quarrell : And it is far better to see the cause of Christ owned , though by suffering & blood , then sold & betrayed by base flenching & complyin gwith persecuters . 4. There is not a more ready way to harden & encourage the enemie in their wicked & malicious way of opposing the work of God , then thus to countenance them in obedience to this act . This is a way to strengthen their hands in their wicked courses ; for then , they encourage themselves in evill when they see how they are countenanced by all , & that there is no disrespect put upon them , nor dissatisfaction evidenced against their courses , then they conclude that they are approved of all , & this hardeneth them , so that they never once think of the evill of their wayes : Whereas were they disowned , notwithstanding of the act , it would cool their courage , & possibly occasion some reflecting thoughts upon their courses , sometime or other ; And who knoweth what might follow ? It is more then probable that the people of God , are not freed from seeking the conviction , repentance , & ●…dfiication , even of these their malicious enemies : And it is certane they may not encourage them in their evil wayes , nor do any thing which may really tend to harden them in their wicked courses . And therefore if obedience to this act will in all probability have this effect , it ought to be forborne . 5. By giving obedience unto this act , they should stumble the truely tender in conscience , by encourageing them to do contrary to their light & conscience , after their example ; when they are not clear to hear them , they are imboldened or stirred up ▪ thereunto , when they see others doing so , & thus they are ready to halt in the wayes of the Lord , & this is a grievous sin , to seek to destroy those for whom Christ died . But it will be objected . That hearing the word , is duty , & so , if any stumble thereat , it will be but a scandall taken , & not given . Ans. The question is not whether it be a duty to hear the word or not , but whether it be a duty to hear the word out of such mens mouths , & that in obedience to the act ; or so as the act doth enjoyne , & if this be not a necessary duty , the objection falleth to the ground , for it is not at hearing of the word , that men do stumble , but at hearing of such men preach who are not lawfully called . This solution will be cleared by considering what is the Apostle's answere in matters of meat & drinke , Rom. 14 : & 1. Cor. 8 : & 10. He would have them forbeareing such or such meat , at such or such a time , when there were hazard of stumbling thereat , & for his part he resolved never to eat flesh rather then by eating thereof he should stumble any weak Christian , & yet it is an indispensable duty to eat meat , there is a command for it , & the command doth alwayes oblige though not ad semper to all times . So then though it be a commanded & necessary duty , to eat meat ; yet it is no necessary & indispensable duty , to eat such or such a sort of meat , as fish or flesh , nor is it necessary to eat alwayes at such or such a time , but both may be forborn for the scandall & offeńce of the weak : So the parallel will run clearly , it is a duty to hear the Gospell preached ; but it is not a necessary & indispensable duty to hear such or such a man alwayes ; & so in this case , scandall may have place , as well as in the case of meats ; & Paul's arguments are of force here . And therefore Christians should be tender of those for whom Christ died , & be loath to occasion their stumbling , by doing that which is not a necessary & indispensable duty , as it is circumstantiated . 6. By yeelding obedience unto this act they should cast themselves into snares & temptations , & that because many of those intruders , if not all of them , do teach false doctrine , tending to seduce the hearers , crying up the lawfulnesse of prelacy , & venting bitter invectives against presbyterian government , inveighing against the covenant , & so teaching & incouraging people to follow them , in open perjury , & condemning the work of reformation , as being nothing else but treason & sedition , which were blasphemy : Beside some poynts of Arminianisme & Popery , which some of them are venting , now & then . Seing then there is such false Doctrine held forth , & taught with such boldnesse , & impudencie , can it be lawfull for simple people to attend such , when their souls are in such hazard to be seduced thereby , & when the Spirit of God sayeth cease to hear the instruction that causeth to erre from the words of knowledge ? Prov. 19 : 27. Beware of false Prophets ) is a command that is of force now , as well as of old , Iohn in his second Epistle v. 10 : 11. sayeth that if there come any unto you & bring not this Doctrine , receive him not unto your house neither bid him God speed , for he that biddeth him God speed is partaker of his evil●… it is sure then Iohn would never advise people to goe constantly or ordinarily to hear such deceivers who bring not with them the Doctrine of Christ. He who would not have the lesse done would never consent unto the more . Paul writting to the Romans Chap. 16 : v , 17 , 18. sayeth . Now I beseach you brethren Marke them which cause divisions & offences contrary to the Doctrine which yee have learned & avoid them , for they that are such serve not our Lord Iesus Christ , but their own belly & by good words & faire speaches deceive the hearts of the simple . Here is a clear warrand for avoiding ( & that will at least include a refuseing obedience to this Act ) such as teach things contrary to the Doctrine which hath been already received , & Learned out of the word , & do thereby cause divisions & offences & have nothing before their eyes but their own belly , & not the glory of Christ. And how well this agreeth unto those men now spoken of , any who know them may judge . And therefore seing it is their designe & intended work to deceive the hearts of the simple , by their bold & consident assertions , & to cause them beleeve things contrary to the Doctrine which they have already learned & received , it must be a necessary duty for poor simple people to avoid such . So the Apostle writting to Titus cap. 1 : 14. forbiddeth to give head to jewish fables & commandements of men that turne from the truth , & who are these who teach such things ? See v. 10 , 11. unruly , vaine talkers , & deceivers , teaching things which they ought not , for filthy lucres sake . It cannot then be lawfull to obey this act . So writing to the Philippians cha . 3 : 2. He sayeth beware of dogs , beware of evil workers beware of the concision by whom the false teachers of these times are to be understood . Now he commandeth to beware of those , that is , shun them , forbear to hear them , follow them not : And againe v. 17 : 18 , 19. he sayeth Brethren be followers together of me , & Marke them which walk so as ye have us for ensample , for many walk of whom I have told you oftin , & now tell you even weeping , that they are enemies to the crosse of Christ , whose end is destruction , whose God is their belly , who minde earthly things . So he would have them following such as taught as he did , & walked as he walked , & not such as were enemies to the crosse of Christ : And certanely when Paul would have the Ephesians cap. 4 : 14. No more carryed about with every winde of Doctrine , by slight of men & cunning craftinesse , whereby they lie in waite to deceive he would not have them following or attending the Ministerie of such , concerning whom the question is . So when he willeth the collossians cap. 2 , v. 8. to beware least any man spoile them through Philosophy , and vaine deceit , after the tradition of men after the rudiments of the world , and not after Christ , he would not have people give obedience unto this Act , & to attend the Ministery of such who teach false Doctrine , By slight & cunning craftinese , whereby they lie in waite to deceive & seek to spoile people of the truth by their Philosophie ( such as it is ) & vaine deceit after the traditions of men & not after Christ & seek to beguile with enticeing words . So in his first Epistle to Timothie cap. 4. v. 1 , 2. He sayeth that in the later times some shall depaire from the faith , giving head to seduceing spirits , speaking lies in Hypocrisie having their consciences feared with a hote yron . It must then be hazardous & most dangerous to give head to such seduceing spirits , as speak lies , & have their consciences seared with an hote yron , as being the cause of departing stom the faith ; so that such as will guaird against departing from the faith would take heed whom they heare . So in his second Epistle to Timothie cap. 3 , v. 5. he speaketh of some whom he would have all honest people turne away from , & these he describeth first from their corrupt conversation , v. 2 : 3 , 4 , 5. thus men shall be lovers of their own selves , covetous boasters , proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthankfull , unholy , without naturall affection , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of these that are good , treatours , heigh minded , heady , lovers of pleasures more then lovers of God much time needs not be spent in shewing how fitly all these agree unto the persons now spoken of , such as know them can best judge . But then secondly he describeth them from their Doctrine , v , 6 , 8 , 13. They creep into houses and lead captive silly women ; us Ia●…es and I●…mbres withstood Moses , so do these also resist the truth , men of corrupt mindes , reprobat concerning the faith , evil men and seducers all which ? particulars without contradiction , agree to these now spoken of : And therefore the Apostle's command standeth in force from such turne away . By all these passages , It is clear that the Ministerie of false & corrupt teachers should not be attended . 7. If it were lawfull to hear these in obedience to this Act , it would be also lawfull , upon an Act , to attend the Ministerie of Anabaptists , Antinomians , Socinians , Arminians , or Iesuits : And if it would not be lawfull to do this , no more can it be lawfull to attend the Ministerie of these in question , who seek to pervert the right wayes of the Lord , & labour to subvert the simple people , & to turne them away from the truth . 8. Such as their Doctrine is such are the prayers , not only stuffed with errour , but larded with blasphemy , as might easilie be shown , were it fit here to mention what their expressions are : As their Doctrine tendeth to reproach the work of reformation & the power of godlinesse , so do their publick prayers , as such as hear them can showe , They pray for a blessing on the prelats , under the name of Reverend , & right Reverend fathers , & on their wayes & courses ( which God will curse & blaste ) not to mention their unsound & parasitick expressions concerning the King's supremacy calling him head of the Church &c. Now seing tender consciences can not joyn with them in those prayers , how can they attend their Ministerie ? Are not all present bound to joyn in prayer with them who should be the mouth of all the congregation unto God & pray with them ? & when out of the corruption of their heart they ordinarily utter expressions savouring of blasphemy & errour ; can godly tender consciences goe alongs with them , ? And seing they cannot , how can they be bound to attend their Ministerie ? There are snares in Prayer no lesse then in preaching . Yea particular persons concurre more with the minister in prayer then in preaching ; & there fore they may more saiflie hear errour preached then joyne in an erroneous prayer , for in the one they are purely passive , But in the other they are some way active : & therefore unquestionably there is sin in constant attending the Ministerie of such , with whom if they concurre in prayer , they must sinne . 9. Yeelding obedience unto this Act were upon the matter a consenting unto the great incroachment made upon the privileges of the Church . The Church hath this power & privilege from the Lord , to make choise of her own officers , as the frequent examples thereof in the dayes of the Apostles do cleare , & this would be the greater sin now after the Lord hath graciously delivered that Church from that yoke , & put her in possession of her power & privileges ; after that the power of patrons , which was a piece of cruell bondage & oppression unto the Church , is removed to consent againe unto wreething of that yoke about her neck , were no small transgression : And it is clear that the attending of the Ministerie of such , must be an accepting of them as Ministers lawfully called notwithstanding that they want the election of the people , & have nothing for their warrand , but a presentation from the patron : And so this would be nothing else upon the matter but a consenting unto this incroachment ; And a joyning with such as wronge & spoile the Church : To say that people in that case should protest against these incroachments , & so exonere themselves , were to put them , to run their heads against a wall : & next their refuseing thus to obey the act , is , upon the matter a protestation , & if after their protestation they were bound to hear them & attend their Ministerie , they should undoe their own protestation , by their after carriage ; for by their protestation they declare , that they cannot look upon them as Ministers having a lawfull call , according to the lawes of Christ , & by their after carriage , in constant attending of their Ministerie , they should declare to all , that they owne them as lawfully called Ministers ; And thus their practice should belie their protestation . Nor will it be of any force to say that their fore-fathers did submit unto the Ministerie of such as had no other call but the patron's presentation : For there is a vaste difference to be put butwixt a time wherein the Church is advanceing in a course of reformation ; & a time wherein she is declineing & slideing back from that degree of reformation unto which she had already attained : In a time wherein the Church is but coming out of darknesse , & the day is but begining to break up , many things may then be comported with & tolerated , which may not be submitted unto , after the Church hath gotten all these abuses reformed . Every beleever , & every Church is bound to stand fast in that which they have attained unto , & not to cede in a hoof : So that Christians living in a time wherein the Church is but begining to wrestle up , from under the heap of errour & corruption , may be allowed to do many things , which must not be done , when the noontide of the day is come . In the time of the reformation begun by Luther & others , many things might have been comported with in the Church , ( reformation being a graduall motion that hath but small beginings & riseings ) which now since the reformation hath been carryed on , through the blessing of God , to that degree it was advanced to , cannot be allowed : When God hath wonderfully by his mighty power & out-streached arme , brought a Church to a great length in reformation , it will be the duty of that Church & of the members thereof to adhere to that degree unto which they have attained , with all perseverence . It will be lawfull for the Church which is but coming up the hill to stand at such a step untill they gaine another ; when yet it will not be lawfull for the same Church , to goe backward after they have advanced . The truth once bought should never be sold : so then the consequence is null , Their fore-fathers stumbled not , nor did scruple , at the doing of such or such things . therefore these in this generation , who have advanced , through the blessing of God , unto a further degree of reformation , should not scruple either : It is a poor consequence to say , The posterity may return backward , because their fore sath . Is could not advance further : Much more may be seen when the sun is up then in the twilight . Therefore the scrupleing of honest people now , doth no way condemne their fore-fathers : But on the contrary , the stedfastnesse of their fore-fathers , in standing to the degree , to which they had reached , & their endeavouring to advance , will condemne this generation for backsliding . In their dayes those abuses & corruptions were not remedied , the Church was not then freed of that yoke of oppression . And furder their after consent unto such Ministers made up this defect ; But those in this generation are not at liberty to give or grant their after consent , because they are engadged to stand to the work of reformation , & to owne it in all its parts , whereof this is one , vis . the putting away of the usurpation of patrons , & the putting the Church in possession of her own privileges , & this they must owne upon any hazard , if they would not betray their trust . The right way of Election was not setled by law in their fore-fathers dayes , & so they were groaning under that oppression , & constrained to make the best of that ill bargan they could : But it were utterly intolerable for those in this generation to consent unto the wreething of that yoke , which hath been once loosed from their Lawes , about their necks againe . Nor will it be of any force to say , within few ages , yea or yeers , such a thing as this will never be scrupled at : for if defection be carried on , with as great vehemency , as it hath been these few yeers by past , it is like , grosse popery shall not be scrupled at ere long , except by such as now do scruple to countenance these intruders . And what ever the following posterity may be allowed to do , to prevent worse , it will plead nothing for these in his generation ; because it is their part to stand in the gap & leave their dead bodyes there , rather then give way unto any degree of defection , which may cause posterity to curse them . More is expected of a standing army , then of stragling souldeours ; these may make some shift after the army is broken , to get as good quarters , as they may , when it were basenesse & utterly unlawfull for any to do so ; while the army is unbroken . Small things should be stood at , in the time of the begining of an apostasie : when the watters of corruption are begining to break in , the least hole should be stopped , & watched over . 10. By giving obedience unto this act , they should , upon the matter , iustifie & approve of , & consent unto the violent & cruell thrusting out of these whom God had setled in those places , & whose labours he had blessed , & thus they should consent unto this terrible act for persecution of the godly & faithfull Ministers of the Lord : And therefore they could not do it in conscience . The antecedent is cleared thus . Because to imbrace & encourage such , were to approve of the ground , upon which they enter , & that is , their complyance with the sinfull defection , & their submission & obedience unto the sinfull injunctions of the time : And what were that else , but a condemning of the honest Ministers who could not in conscience so comply , nor submit , & an approving of the sad sentence gone out against them . He who willingly submitteth unto an usurper , & accepteth of him as a lawfull superiour , by yeelding all active obedience , doth thereby declare that the right of the usurper , is good , & better then his right who is outed by the usurper , or he doth what in him lyeth to make it so . 11. It may be questioned , as to some of them , whether they be Ministers at all or not ; for as they have not the qualifications required by the Apostle , neither as to life , nor abilities , being scandalous in their life & conversation , to the view of all onlookers ; & as to doctrine , being either corrupt , or utterly insufficient , having none of the qualifications requisite : So nor have they any thing like a solemne ordination , or setting apart for that office , having no imposition of hands of the Presbytery , with fasting & prayer , according to the order of the Gospell ; but the sole warrand & mission of the prelat : & therefore it cannot be lawfull to countenance such , & to look upon them as lawfull Ministers . It is true , privat Christians may not set themselves up into the chaire , & judge of the enduements & qualifications of Ministers & what nulleth their office & what not ; yet every private Christian , hath the use of the judgment of discretion , and that way may judge whether such an one , appear qualified according to the rule of the word , or not . It is certaine there may be times wherin such men may be set up into that office as have few or none of all those qualifications required in the word : Such corruption may overgrow the Church , ( as by past experience hath abundantly evinced in the times of popery ) as that the most unfit men imaginable shall be installed in the office of the Ministery : Yea & now likewise some such might be instanced , if it were fit . Now albeit it be hard for privat persons to take upon them to unminister such as are Coram homi●…ibus ( though not Coram Deo , in God's account wanting these qualifications which his word requireth ) installed in the office ; yet when the standing , clear , & undenyable lawes are rejected , & such put in place , who would not once be evened thereunto if the qualifications which the word requireth , were once eyed , They cannot be condemned for withdrawing from such , & for refuseing to attend their Ministery , or to countenance & encourage them , as lawfull Ministers of Christ ought to be countenanced & encouraged . It is likewise certane that privat Christians may know whether such an one be ordained according to the primitive order , or only hath the prelats hands laid on him , or no imposition of hands at all , & accordingly may carry themselves towards such . 12. It is certaine there is much corruption in the way of their entry , if not a whole masse of corruption , all circumstances being considered : And so the yeelding obedience unto this Act , now when these corruptions are well known , should be an approving of these corruptions , whereas they should partake of no mans sin , but keep themselves pure , & beare testimony against these corruptions so far as they can ; & there is no other way for them now to do it , but by refuseing to yeeld obedience unto this Act : There is no accesse for complaints , & such as would but petition , should in so far accuse themselves . 13. To yeeld obedience to this Act , & attend the ministry of such , when there are others to be heard , either in publick or privat , were to wrong their owne souls to marre & hinder their own edification & spirituall prositeing , by runing to cisterns without watter : what blessing can be expected upon the preaching of such , as have palpably perjured themselves , in owneing the prelats ; as have made defection from the truth , and are prosecuteing a course of defection , & making themselves captaines to lead the people back into Egypt : as stuff their preachings with railing , against the work of God & power of godlinesse : as encourage prophanity & wickednesse & are them selves paterns of all prophanity & debaucheries ? can it be expected that God will blesse such , as are thus qualified for the Service of Satan , & are driveing on his designe ? Can it be expected that God will countenance such as run unsent , & are thieves climbing up at the windowes , & are not entering in by the door , who feed themselves , & not the flocke , who strengthen not the deseased nor heale that which was sick , nor binde up that which was broken , nor bring againe that which is driven away , nor seek that which is lost : But with force & cruelty rule over them ? Will God blesse such , whom , he solemnely protesteth by his oath , that he is against ? Ezek. 34 : 10. And seing a blessing cannot be expected upon their labours but rather a curse , as dayly experience maketh good , when it is seen that even such as had something like parts before , are now totally blasted of God ; their right eye almost already put out , and their right arme dryed up : how can any think of attending their ministery : When in stead of any work of conversion or conviction among people , there is nothing seen , but a fearfull hardening in prophanity , so that such as seemed to have something like Religion before , now through hearing of them ordinarily , are turned altogether loose & prophane , Is there not a seen curse upon them & their labours ? Who then can adventure to obey this Act ? Hath it not been seen how signally God hath testified his displeasure against some who for fear or some what else , over the belly of their light , would obey the Act ; & upon the other hand how he hath signally approved such who have resolved to suffer rather then sin upon that account ? Instances of both might be given were it pertinent : Shall it then be saife for any to seek the law at their mouth , seing it is so much to be questioned if they be the messingers of the Lord of hosts ; & so clear , that they are departed out of the way and have caused many to stumble at the law & have corrupted the Covenant of Levi , & are now made so contemptible & base before all the people ? Yea where there is no such hazard of being misled , it is lawfull for people to goe & hear such Ministers as they posite most by ; as worthy doct Voetius cleareth pol. Eccles. pag. 72. from these grounds . 1. People should choose the best & most edifying gifts . 2. Scripture favoureth this choosing Luk. 8 : 18. 1 Thes. 5 : 21. And he furder there answereth three or foure objections : much more will it be lawfull for people to hear other Ministers in the case now under consideration . 14. Christ alloweth his people & followers to refuse to hear such unsent & false teachers , as it is enjoyned in the Act. Ioh : 10. where he giveth it as a mark & character of one of his sheep , that he will not follow a stranger but flee from him , for his people know not the voice of a stranger . v. 5 , & wh●… this stranger is , the former verses shew , where he is called a Thief & A robber v. 〈◊〉 . And that because he entereth not in by the door , but climbeth up some other way , & wanteth these qualifications of a good shepherd mentioned . v. 3 , 4. And therefore it cannot be sinfull or unlawfull to refuse obedience unto that Act seing such as are now commanded by the Act to be heard , are , as to their entry , intruders , & in their doctrine erroneous , & as to the discharge of their trust , mere hirelings & therefore must not be hearkened unto , but fled from . Calvin on the place sayeth this is the spirit of discretion , by which his chosen ones doe discerne the truth from mens fictions — and their obedience herein is commended not only in that they pleasantly meet together , when they hear the voice of a true shepherd but also in that they will not hearken unto the voice of a stranger . It is one of Mr Hutcheson's notes upon the place that The true sheep , are so far enabled to discerne false teachers & corrupt doctrine , as they do approve of neither ▪ but will flee from them , that they be not infected nor ensnared with their allurements ; For a stranger they will not follow when he calls them to follow him in a wrong way but will flee from him , ( as one they will have nothing to do with all ) & that because they know not the voice of strangers , that is , they do not approve them , though th●…y have a knowledge of discerning , whereby they know them , & their Doctrine to be naught . This is asserted of Christ's sheep , not because they cannot at all erre , nor yet only because it it their duty thus to do ( for that is common to them with reproba●…s ) but because , when any do either imbrace false Doctrine , or fall in likeing with corrupt men , who run unsent , It is no signe of their grace , but of their corruption so to do . It will be objected . 1. That Christ commandeth to hear the scribes & the Pharisees who did sit in Moses his chaire Mat. 23. And these of whom now the question is , are not worse then the Scribes & Pharisees were . And therefore it cannot be lawfull to refuse obedience unto this Act. Ans. For solution of this objection , which seemeth to be the maine one . These things would be considered . 1. That these scribes & Pharisees were as naughty men as then lived upon the face of the earth , & were still enemies unto Christ , & were false teachers , their Doctrine was leav●…ned with soure & dangerous tenents among which this was a chief . That Christ was not the Messias & upon this account Christ desireth his disciples to beware of the leaven of the Pharisees Mat. 16 : 6. 2. They were men that had no lawfull call unto that place which they did assume to themselves which appeareth from these particulars . I. Christ calleth them thieves & Robbers & strangers Iohn . 10 : 1 , 5 , 8. & that not ▪ merely because of their false Doctrine , nor yet merely because of their carnal way of entry , as hirelings seeking gaine ; but also because of their usurping the place , & office , & entering thereinto without a call from God ; for the ground & reason why Christ calleth & proveth them to be thieves & robbers is because they entered not by the door but climbed up some other way , & the porter did not open unto them , v. 3. & they came before him , that is , without his warrand & commission : They took not the right way of entry , they came not in at the right door , & with God's approbation . 2. Mat. 15 : 13. Christ calleth them plants which his heavenly father had never planted & there he is speaking of them selves ( & not of their Doctrine only ) who offended at Christ's Doctrine & it was them ( & not their Doctrine alone ) that Christ would have his disciples letting alone let them alone ( sayes he ) For they be blinde leaders of the blinde & this will suite the scope very well ; for his disciples had laid some weight on this that they were mē in office & therefore the stumbling & offendi●…g of them seemed to be some great bussinesse . But Christ replyeth That albeit they had been planted or had planted themselves in that office & charge ; Yet they were such plants as his heavenly father had never planted , & therefore they were the lesse to be regairded . Gualter on the place sayeth that it is clear out of historie , that God did never institute the order of the soribes , which then was ; Far lesse the Pharisees & sadduces ; But they had their rise from that greek , Or heathenish school which Jason whom Selecus made high priest , did institute in Ierusalem contrary to the law ; and that the Pharisees did spring from the Stoicks & the Sadduces from the Epicures ? And citeth in the margine 1 Mach 1. and 2 Mach 4. So ibid : He giveth the sense of that word let them alone , discedite ab iis , goe away from them 5. The place which they had assumed did properly & of right belong unto the Priests & Levits as Pareus hinteth on the place yet these because of their learning & pride thinking themselves only worthy to be in office , took upon them that place , without any further call ; which is the more likely ; considering . 4. That those times were times of confusion and disorder , so that ( 〈◊〉 Grotius observeth ) there was no care had about this businesse , but every man who pleased was free to take upon him to iustruct & teach the people & this is confirmed by that passage , Act. 13 : 15. And after the reading of the law & the prophe●… , the rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them saying , ye men and brethren if ye have any word of exhortation for the people , say on . Consid. 3. That though the words , v. 2. Be rendered They sit in Moses sea●… they may be as well rendered [ They have se●… themselves down in Moses seat ] Pare●…s on the place doth fully cleare this where he sayeth [ In my judgment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is better undered , with the ancint latine edition sederunt , they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as now commonly sedent , they do sit f●…r that phrase of sitting in Moses seat Signifieth the office of teaching publickly the Doctrine & law of Moses : the verb in the aorist taketh not from them , but giveth unto them the present ordinary office of teaching , but withall it imperteth that this sect had by ●…ook & crook ●…surped this office & place which at the first was given by God unto the Priests & Levits . They have sitten , that is , they have sett themselves down in that seat of Moses which they now possesse for the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie not only neutraly to sit but also Actively to cause to sit , to place in a seat , thus he . And Scapula indeed rendereth the verb Actively to cause or command to sit & citeth authors for it : so doth Pas●…r say , that properly it signifieth to place in a se●… , or to cause one sit . 4. There is no word of a command here given to his disciples ( to whom with the multitude he is here speaking ) to attend the ministry of the Scribes & Pharisees , for if he had commanded them to do so , it is like the disciples would have done so in obedience to Christ's command ; but the scripture speaketh nothing of this : And then they should have left Christ & followed the Pharisees which is not very probable , & Christ himself would have taught them to do so , by his owne example , for he came to fulfill all righteousnesse . But there is no word of this either . 5. By the contrare Christ is so far from commanding his dis●…ples & others to follow their Ministery , that he disswaddeth them there from , not only else where , calling them blinde Leaders of the blinde , & such as should be let alone & ●…ed from as impostors , Mat. 15 : 13 , 14. & saying , Iohn . 10 : 4 , 5. that the sheep know the voyce of a lawfull shepherd , but not the voice of a stranger . Yea they will not follow a stranger but will ●…ee from him & this is meaned of the Pharisees as any may see who will look back to the end of the Chapt. 9. but also in this same Chapt throughout , shewing at great length how naughty & perverse men they were , denunceing many a heavy woe & curse upon them , & at length he calleth them a generation of vipers & serpents who could not escape the damnation of hell , v. 33. all which is but small incouragement to his disciples & hearers to follow them , or attend their Ministery . And it is observable how fitly many of the particulars for which here Christ denunceth a woe unto these pharisees , do agree unto the persons concerning the hearing of whom , the queston is ▪ As. 1. They shut up the Kingdom of heaven against men & neither will goe in themselves , nor suffer such as are entering , to go●… in . 2. They are at great paines to bring poor simple people over to their opinion , & make them proselyts , & when they are made such , they make them the Children of hell with themselves . 3. As the scribes & Pharisees taught poople shi●…s to evade the bonds of oaths telling them that it was nothing to sweare by the alter , or by the temple : so do these excell in that art of teaching perjury ; & looseing the knots of covenants & oaths , as is too well known . 4. They are much taken up with punctilioes of formalities , & in causing people at tend all their nodes , & desires ; But as for the weightier matters of the law , judgment mercy & faith they caste these behinde their back . 5. They declare themselves the children of them who killed the prophets , & are fast filling up the measure of their fathers . But indeed . 6. They are behinde the Pharisees in cleansing the out side of the cup & platter , & in appearing like whited tombes , for they have no shew of piety , & therefore are so much the more to be shunned & , may certanely , unlesse they repent , expect all the woes that here are denunced upon the scribes & Pharisees . 6. It would be considered , for furder confirmation of the last particular . That the maine thing which Christ is pressing upon his hearers here , is that they would beware to follow the practices of these pharisees , for all that heigh place which they took upon themselvs in the Church , & on the by , as it were , he speaketh anent their receiveing of their true doctrine , by way of concession , or of their doing & observing , whatsoever they delivered as sitting in Moses's seat , whereof they were presently in possession , by their usurpation , & while there were no other ordinarily occupying that seat at that time . So that these things being considered it will appear , that this place maketh no way for the attending the Ministery of such men , there being no command here , to heare the Pharisees at all , let be to heare them alwayes & constantly , only a command there is , to do & observe what they , from Moses law , bad do & observe , which may import a hearing of them expounding the law of Moses while there were no other ordinary teachers of the law : But if this place prove not ( which it will never do ) that the Ministery of these scribes was to be constantly attended , it will speak nothing against these who could not obey that act . It will be objected in the next place . That refuseing to give obedience to this act , will be separation from the Church & ordinances , which are not , nor yet can be corrupted by the corruption of administrators . Ans. For clearing of this , let these things be considered . 1. Corruptions in administrators are of two sorts : some personall , & these alone , it is true , cannot defile the ordinances in their hands , & make them no ordinances : others are , to speak so , Ministeriall , or such as affect the office . And these againe are either of smaller moment & lesse dangerous , or else such as cut the very throat of the office & make one no officer : & without all question those corruptions that destroy the office , in it's essentials , & make the man no Minister , do corrupt the ordinances in his hands : he who is no minister cannot baptize , nor administrat the sacrament of the Lord's supper , nor preach with authority , as a Minister , & he can do no Ministeriall act : & it is past questioning , that such may be shunned without all hazard of separation , & of this sort it may be , some of those now spoken of , are . 2. When personall faults are very grosse , & palpable , open , & avowed such may be shunned without any hazard of separation , because that man's being an officer , c●…ram deo , is much to be questioned & there is great probability that ipso sac●…o , in the court of God , he hath forsaulted the same , though such should be the corruption in a Church , that notwithstand of all this , he may be maintained . But. 3. separation is one thing & not-hearing such or such a man is a far other thing ; there may be many just grounds of exception against such or such a particular person why he should not be countenanced as a Minister , or why people may refuse to countenance him , without any hazard of separation or joyneing with separatists in their principles . Every not-hearing is not separation : a man may many a time , be absent from hearing , & yet cannot be justly charged with separation : Yea separation is one thing , & refuseing to attend the Ministerie of such or such a man , is another thing . A man may never hear such or such a man preach ; & yet be no separatist from the Church , wherein he liveth ; for he may joyne with the ordinances in another congregation ; & so testifie that he hath no prejudice against the Ministerie , not against the ordinances of Christ , nor against the Church ; but only a prejudice against such or such a man in particular . 4. So then , so long as the refusers to obey that Act do not cast at the ordinances but are willing to run many miles to enjoy them though they should be inhumanely used , by the way , by souldiers , led forth of purpose For that end ; Nor cast at the Church as no Church ( though they sadly feare that God shall be provoked by this dreadfull defection , which is carryed on by these men & their favourers , to give her a bill of divorce ) Nor at the ministerie , for they love these who stand by their principles , dearly ; & are most willing to hear them either in publick or in privat , what ever inconvenience or suffering may follow thereupon . 5. It is granted by all such as write against separatists , that separation from a Church is lawfull , when the case so falleth out that union cannot be keeped up with her , with out sin , much more will a forbearing to hant the ordinances in such a particular parish , & to attend the Ministerie of such a particular person , be iustified , as no sinfull separation when the contrary cannot be done without si●… , & so it is in this case , as hath been showne above . Reverend & Famous Doct. Vo●…tius 〈◊〉 . Eccles. Pag. 68. Quaest. 17. Granteth that upon some such occasion one may ●…bstean from explicite communion with a particular Church ; for these reasons . 1. Such communion is not absolutly Necessary necessita●… Medi●… , nor yet necessita●… praecept●… , when the Christian shall have more peace of conscience & free exercise of Christian du●… else where . 2. such persons may keep communion with other purer Churches , in other places . And Famous Mr Rutherford in his due right of presbyteries Pag. 253. & Pag. 254. Where he is laying down some considerations , about the degrees of separation , sheweth us , That there is a separation negative , or a non union , as That in Augustin's time , when the faithfull did separate from the Dona●…sts , which is lawfull , & landable : now if there be a separation here , it can only be a negative separation , & not a positive separation . He sheweth us againe ibid. That there is a separation from the Church in the most & worst part , & a separation from the least & best part , & that these who separate from the worst & greatest part , do notwithstanding remaine a part of , & a part in the visible Church , because they do not separate from the Church according to the least & best part thereof ; as the godly in England who refused the popish cerem●…nies , & A●…tichristian Bishops . Hence it will follow that though now people should withdraw from communion with the greatest part of the Church which is now corrupted they cannot be accounted separatists ; because they hold still communion with the better , though lesser part . Moreover he sayeth Pag. 254 : 255. That there may be causes of non-union with a Church , which are not sufficient causes of a separation , as , before the jewes came to blaspheme openly , ( as they did Act 1●… : 44 , 45 , 46 , & 18. 16. ) there was no just cause why any should have joyned to the Church of the jewes , seing there was a cleaner Church to which converts might joyne themselves Act 2 : 40 , 41 , 42. And whether or not the reasons formerly laid down , will be a just cause of non union ( which is all we plead for ) let the reader judge . Lastly , he tels us ibid Pag. 255. When the greatest part of a Church maketh defection from the truth , the lesser part remaineing sound , the greatest part is the Church of separatists ▪ though the manyest & greatest part , in the Actuall exercise of discipline be the Church ; yet in the case of right discipline , the best though fewest , 〈◊〉 the Church For truth 〈◊〉 like life , that retireth from the manyes●… members unto the heart , & there remaineth in its fountaine , in case of dangere . So that it is the Major part which hath made defection , that is to be accounted separatists , & not such as stand to their principles , though they cannot complye , of joyne with the corrupt majoriti . Hence it is aboundantly clear , that such as refused to obey this Act cannot be accused as guilty of sinfull separation . It will be objected thirdly . That by refuseing to obey that Act they declare they look not on these men as Ministers , & if they account them no Ministers , they must say that their baptizeing is no baptizeing : & also that the Church of Scotland now is no organicall Church . And that such do well who refuse to bring their Children unto them to be baptized . Ans. 1. Though it were affirmed positively ( as it is not ) that all of these men were no Ministers ; Yet it would not follow that the Church of Scotland were no organicall Church ; because all these ministers , who are now violently restrained from exerceing their Ministeriall function , are Ministers & officers of the Church of Scotland though bound up from exerceing their office : for as no deed of a Magistrat can loose a Minister's relation , ( so long as his life is in him ) unto the Church universall ; so no deed of the Magistrats can loose a Ministers relation to the nationall Church whereof he is a member , so long as he remaineth ●…vis regn●… & is not banished out of that Kingdome . Yea reverend Apoll●…nius in his jus Majestatis circa sacra . Par. 1. Pag. 331. thinketh that when a Minister is wrongously put from his charge , by a Magistrat , he remaineth still a Minister of that Church from which he is banished , jure divino ; Because of his call ; & hath a right to exerce all his Church power there ; as a wife ravished from her husband remaineth still his wife , because of the marriage covenant which is inviolable ; & therefore all these Ministers who are yet within the Kingdom are reall officers of the Church of Scotland & full & compleat officers as to the power , only they are violently restrained from the actuall exercise of that power . And therefore the Church of Scotland is still an organicall Church , as a man is an org●…nicall body when bound hand & foot so as he can neither work nor walk . But , 2. Whatever may be thought ofsome of these men , ( whose being reall officers in the Church of God ( as was said ) may much be questioned ) & what sad consequences may follow upon the nulling of their office , let these see to it who either send such forth , or imploy them . Yet as to all of them , this forbearing to yeeld obedience unto this Act , will not ground the consequence alledged : For there is a difference betuixtthe not owneing & dis-countenanceing of a man as no Minister at all , or no Minister of the Church universall : And dis-owneing , or dis-countenanceing him as not being their minister in particular , or as pastor of such a particular flock . It is certane , a man may be a Minister of the Church universall & yet not the Minister of such or such a particular place . It is certane , a man's relation unto such or such a particular flock may be Changed by transportation , when his relation unto the Church universall abideth : And so it is certane that a denying of one to be a Minister of such or such a particular flock will not , by any good consequence be a denying of him to be a Minister at all ; Many things may lo●…se a Minister's relation to such or such a particular congregation , which will not a null his relation unto the Church universall : And when his relation to such a particular flock is loosed , that particular flock is loosed from being a flock owneing him as their Minister , for relata se mu●…uo ponunt et tollunt . And when such or such particular persons , refuse to owne such a man as their pastor in particular , it cannot be inferred that therefore they deny him to be a Minister at all ; Unlesse this consequence were good . He is a Minister in generall to the Church universall Ergo he is a Minister in particular to such a particular flock : It is ill argueing a genere ad speciem , or a specie ad individuum affirmativè . So then there can no such thing be concluded from their practice who refuse to obey that act . As for their refuseing to bring their children unto such to be baptized ; judicious & lea●…ned Voetius in his polit Eccles. pag. 640. doth approve of it upon these grounds because no necessity compelleth them to it , & they may waite untill they have the occasion of a better Minister either in their own paroch , or in another ; for if the best gifts be to be coveted , 1 Cor. 12 : 31. why should not the best Ministers be preferred ? & why should not Christians show by their deeds that their delight is in the saints , Psalm . 16. & that they honoure such as feare the Lord & contemne a vile person , Ps. 15 : So Pag. 638. quaest . 8. he sayeth the same for these reasons . They should not partake of other mens sin , 1 Cor. 5 : 9 , 11. Ephes. 5 : 11. 2. They should not strengthen the hands of the wicked & make sad the godly . 3. The authority of such Ministers should not be strengthened , &c. See further , Pag. 637 : q. 5. Lastly , it may he some will objecte that passage Phil. 1 : 18. what then ? Notwithstanding every way , whether in pretence or in truth , Christ is preached , & I therein do rejoyce , yea , & will rejoyce : And hence gather . That seeing the Apostle Paul , was glade that the gospell was preached whatever the men were who did preach it ; all should now be so far from refuseing to hear the gospell preached , because of some prejudices which they may have at the men who are imployed in that work ; that they should be glade & rejoyce , that there are any who will preach truth ; And should rather encourage then discourage such . Ans. 1. These of whom the Apostle there speaketh , were not false teachers , or such as did pervert the right wayes of the Lord ; But were , it seemeth , orthodox in their Doctrine ; only they were prompted to it , by an evil spirit of envy & contention , that they might some way or other ( unknown to us who ( as Calvin sayeth on the place ) are ignorant of the circumstances of the time which would cleare us ) increase Paul's trouble & affliction : And therefore , there is a difference be●…ixt them , & these of whom our present disput ●…s , who , as was showne above , are perverting the right wayes of the Lord. 2. The Apostle speaketh nothing of hearing , or not hearing of them , only he sayes that these ambitious , & malicious preachers , did misse their mark ; For whereas they thought to ●…nake his heart sad , & so adde affliction unto the afflicted ; by the contrarie , he would rejoyce , that , whatever their intention was , God was useing them as instruments , for carrying on his work . 3. In the best of times there may be some such naughty Ministers , ●…s mainely designe , by their preaching , some hurt to the eminent & worthie servants of Christ ( Famous Calvin sound this true in his own experience as he sayeth on the place ) and yet may carry themselves outwardly so faire as that great and publick scandals cannot legally be fastened upon them ; & it may be that these of whom Paul speaketh here , were such ; And if so , there is , as was showne above , a vaste difference betuixt them , & these concerning whom the question now is . 4. Or be it so , that they were most vitious & outwardly loose & prophane , Yea & persecutets , there is nothing here warranding a constant or ordinary hearing of them , or an owneing of them as lawfull Ministers of Christ : all that is here , is a rejoyceing that the gospell was spreading , though Sathan & Sathan's instruments were imployed therein far against their intentions . There is nothing which can import Paul's approveing of such , as lawfull Ministers ; for as judicious Calvin sayeth on the place Though he did rejoyce at the gospels advanceing : Yet if it had been in his power , he would never have ordained such to be Ministers of the Gospell . So , though the godly now would rejoyce if they saw the Kingdome of Christ prospering , by the mighty power of God , carrying on the same , far contrary to the intentions & designes of such as now call themselves ministers of the Gospell ( which , as it doth not sensibly appeare unto them so it altereth the case far ) yet it will not follow that therefore they are bound to owne such , as lawfull Ministers of the Gospell , for as Calvin sayeth on the place we must rejoyce when God bringeth any good to passe , by wicked instruments , & yet therefore such are not to be put into the Ministerie , nor to be accounted lawfull Ministers of Christ : So that this place can prove nothing , but that Christians should rejoyce when they see the gospell promoveing in the hands of wicked instruments coutrary to their intention & purpose , through the mighty power of God out-shooting the devil ( as we say ) in his bow : And not that they should owne such as lawfull Ministers of the gospell , & constantly attend their ministerie when they may profite more another way , & when their countenanceing these men so , shall harden their hearts in their evill wayes , shall stumble the truely godly , shall wrong their own souls , & dishonour God. Rejoyceing at the gospel's prospering is one thing : And countenanceing , encourageing , receiveing & approving of every one who giveth out himself for a Minister thereof , be he otherwise never so vitious & insufficient , is a far other thing ; And the one will no way inferre the other ; as any , with half an eye , may see : Therefore whatever these preachers were , whether such as sought praise of men , preaching out of envy that Paul might not get all the glory , and with all indirectly accuseing Paul for rashnesse & imprudence , & as justly suffering upon that account , to the reproach of the gospell & scandall of the weak , as Aretius on the place thinketh : or such as desired to procure his death , That Nero , through their preaching , hearing of the generall disperseing of the doctrine taught by him , might be thereby enraged to take away his life whom he had now in bonds ; as the English annotators think : Or both : there is nothing here that can with any shew of probability plead for hearing of , & owneing as Ministers lawfully called , such as are spoken of in this debate . SECTION XVI . It is lawfull for such Ministers as are banished from their flocks to preach , wherever they be , either in publick , or private . WHen thus the honest Ministers , whose labours God had singularly blessed among the people , are thrust from them by force , & insufficient scandalous & naughty men , are thrust in upon them , sore against their will , their trouble & tryall , is made to grow dayly , for now their meeting in any quiet place to hear any honest man , preach the gospell of Christ , is called a conventicle & diligent search is made after such , to the end , that both they & the Minister whom they heare , may be apprehended & punished , according to the pleasure of these persecuters : And thus the honest & Zealous servants of Christ , are either put from making mention of the name of the Lord at all , whether in publick or in private : Or brought into great trouble & hazard thereby . Is it not a very sad & astonishing thing , that when whole countrey sides , are almost laid waste , people wandering from place to place seeking the word of the Lord , & Thousands are perishing for want of knowledge , & multitudes deluded with false teachers ; such Ministers as were driven from their own flockes might not lay out themselves for the good of perishing souls & do what they could for instructing , strengthening , & comforting of the poor afflicted & persecuted people of God ? May not this be matter of admiration , that any upon this account should be put to suffer ? And certanely none with any shew of reason , will condemne those Ministers if they take notice of these few particulars following . 1. Though they were banished by the sentence of a civill judge , Yet they remained still Ministers ; no such sentence of a civil Magistrat can depose a Minister from his office : The spirit of the prophets , as to this , is subject to the Prophets only . It is true , it followed upon their banishment as a necessary consequence , that they could not exerce the Ministeriall function in that place out of which they were banished : But notwithstanding of any Act of banishment they remained Ministers ; for there is no such connexion betuixt their being Ministers , & their being in such a place . And all the sentence of the Magistrat reached only to their being , or not being , in such a place . All this will be beyond disput with such as are not grosse Erastians ; for no reformed divine will acknowledge that the civill Magistrat can immediatly depose a Minister ; far lesse can he do it by the sole Act of banishment . So then this is clear , that those Ministers who were banished from their owne parishes , remained still Ministers of the gospell , yea & , as hath been said in the fore-going section , Ministers of the Church of Scotland . 2. It is no lesse clear unto all such as have not drunken in independent principles . That all such as are Ministers , have a relation unto the Church universall , and unto the nationall Church wherein they are , and so may , wherever they are , discharge the duty of Ministers , in preaching & administrating the Sacraments . 3. Not only may they do so , but there is a necessity laid upon them to preach the gospel , & woe is due unto them , if they do it not , 1 Cor. 9 : 16. If once they have given up themselves unto Christ , as serva●…ts to him , they must resolve to be imployed for him , to the out most of their power , & must not think of laying up their talent in a napkin ; lest they get the wicked & slothfull servant's reward . They have a divine command to preach in season , and out of season , & to lay out themselves , to the yondmost for Christ , and his interest . This will also be undenyable : especially considering in the next place . 4. That there was never greater necessity , for their bestirring of themselves as faithfull Ministers of the gospel , then now , when there are so many thousands left destitute : & so many led away with false guides , who make it their work to deceive people , & to pervert the right wayes of the Lord : & so many ready to faint under persecution & sore affliction . Is not the harvest now great , & are not the labourers few , when a man shall goe many miles before he shall heare any honest Minister ? And should such , on whom God is calling aloud to teach , exhort , & comfort , be silent now ? Is not Sa●… bussy leading some away to Atheisme , others to Prophanity , some to popery , others to Quaker●…sme ? And doth not this call aloud on all who would be faithfull to their master to be actively bestirring themselves now , for the good of s●…uls & for the glory of God ? Are there not many honest followers of Christ lying under sore oppression & bondage their spirits being grieved , & their souls wasted with hearing & seeing what they do hear & see ? And have not these need to be comforted & cheered up under the crosse ? Doth not God allow consolation to such ? & is he not calling on his servants to speak comfortably to such ? Are there not many almost fainting by reason of their weaknesse , & the continuance of the tryall & should not Ministers minde that command , 1 Thes. 5 : 14. Comfort 〈◊〉 feeble minded , & supporte the weak ? Are there not many in hazard to be led away with the temptations of the time ? & hath not Satan many instruments wearying themselves in this service of seduceing poor people , & drawing them into their nets & snares , & should not Ministers be doing what in them lyeth , to keep out of the snare , such as are in hazard ; & to recover such as are already insnared , out of the hand of the devil ? Great then is the necessity that poor people are into , & double must the woe be , that abideth such Ministers , as are silent , at such a time , when all things call upon them to lift up their voice like a trumpet ; & to shew people their transgressions , & their hazard , & to be burning & shineing lights , that such as walke in darknesse may see their way & be comforted . 5. Such a practice is aboundantly warranted by the Apostles , & other Church officers , in the primitive times : For they went to severall places & preached the Gospell ; When they were persecuted in one city , they went unto another , & still preached the gospell where ever they came : The history of the acts of the Apostles , aboundeth with instances of this kinde , so that it is needlesse to cite any . If it be said that these were extraordinary officers Apostles , prop●…ets , & 〈◊〉 , who were not fixed to any one place , as the ordinary officers were . It is answered . That preaching of the Gospell was not the Charactersticke of unfixed officers , but common to them with fixed pastors & doctors : & preaching unfixedly was not alwayes their note & essentiall mark , because in times of persecution , pastors & doctors might have preached , wherever they came , as the officers of the Church of Ierusalem did , who , being scattered abroad upon the persecution of Stephen act . 8. 1. Did goe every where preaching the word , v. 4. Those who were scattered behoved to be the fixed officers of the Church of Ierusalem ; for it is not probable , that the Apostles would have left that Church of Ierusalem , so long without preaching officers fixed for preaching & administrating the sacraments , seing they had instituted Deacons who were lesse necessarie , Act 6 : 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. & seing themselves were not fixed there , but were to goe thorow the world , according to Christ's appoyntment , & the direction & guideing of the Spirit . 6. So is it warranted by the practice of the faithfull & honest servants of Christ in all ages , who through persecution being thrust from one place , went & preached the gospell in another : both in the time of the first ten persecutions , through occasion of which , the Gospell was spread far thorow the world , & at severall times since . The honest servants of Christ in Queen Mary her dayes went abroad preaching the Gospell : So did the zealous servants of Christ in Scotland , when banished , or compelled to flee preach in England , ●…rance & Holland , without any new ordination , or any thing like it . 7. There is some necessitie lying upon them to preach , as occasion offereth that they may not stumble the poor ignorent people , who upon their silence are ready to think that the civil Magistrat hath power to depose Ministers formally : And therefore , if there were no more but this it were enough to provoke them to preach , that the world might see , that they put a difference betwixt the power of the Magistrat , & the power of the Church ; And that when they submit unto the Magistrat , keeping within the compasse of his calling , & exerciseing that power which formally agreeth to him , though he should mistake as to the application : They will not submit any further , to the wronging of the privileges of the Church : And so will let the world see that they are still Ministers of the Gospell , though banished from their particular flocks . 8. Their silence in such a case would be stumbling unto others , who look upon it as an evidence of fainting , & fear in them , who dar not open their mouth , nor appear for Christ & speak to the edification & encouragement of sufferers , least it offend the Magistrat : And when such are so faint-hearted how doth it discourage others , & strongly prevaile with some to goe over the belly of their own light & conscience , yea moreover it hardeneth the wicked in their evil courses , & encourageth them to persecute more & more , when they see such fainting & discouragment among the followers of Christ. So then when these particulars , are considered , It will be found that such Ministers do but their duty , & that they would come short in their duty , if they did not so preach the Gospell . If it be Objected here . That to preach in such a disorderly way would be a breaking of the established order of the Church viz. a preaching within such a Bishops dioecy without his license , & so it would be a course not approved by the God of order . It is . Answered . 1. That ceremonies or matters of mere order must be passed by in times of necessitie , such as this is . 2. Such an established order as tendeth to the ruine of religion , is but iniquity established by law , for that is not an order of God's appoyntment which is destructive to the maine bussinesse , viz. the edification of souls , & therefore such an order which is to destruction & not to edification , is not to be regairded , 3. Where is there any warrand for such an order or appoyntment in all the Gospell ? Did the Apostles ever aske liberty from the corrupt Clergy among the Iewes , to preach Christ , in such or such a place ? Where is there any warrant for such as are Ministers called of God & orda●…ned , to suspend the exercise of that function till they have the license & good will of a prelate ? This is that popish leaven which the former English Prelats had from Rome : preaching the Gospell is immediatly commanded to all who are Ministers , & there is not the least syllabe , for their going to a Bishop , who is nothing else but a creature of man , to seek license : And certanely none can think that these Ministers might have gone to the prelat , to obtaine liberty ; seing that would have been a cleare acknowledging of them & their power , contrare to their vow & covenant . So then it was better to take the way of the Apostles , &c to obey God rather then men ; & to preach at God's command , when man forbiddeth , as well as to preach truth when man commandeth the contrary , seing he hath no power from God for that effect more in the one case then in the other . 2. It may be possibly further objected . That how ever they remaine Ministers & so may preach as they have a call ; yet to seek corners & hideing places to preach in , to separated congregations cannot be allowed in a constitute Church : Ans. If they be Ministers of the gospell , they may lawfully preach the gospell , where God in his providence giveth them a call to preach . 2. Since they cannot have liberty to preach the gospel in publick , they may & must do it in private , when the necessity of the people calleth for it . Christ & his Apostles did not alwayes get the publick places to preach in , but were content of privat roomes : Many a time did Christ preach by the sides of mountaines , by the sea side , & in such by-wayes ; And so did the Apostles : Paul could get no better at Ephesus then the school of Tyrannus : and two full yeers he preached in his own hired house at Rome Act. 28 : 30 , 31. & therefore this practice of theirs cannot be condemned ; for . 3. As the Church was then in fieri , so is it now in a decaying condition , & therefore though it were granted ( which is not yet clearly proved ) that in a Church rightly constituted , such private preachings , were not lawfull ; yet when a Church is fallen from her right constitution , & is upon the decaying hand ( at without all doubt , the Church of Scotland is this day ) many things may be allowed , as they are , in a time when the Church is but in fieri : & as to this particular in question , a time of persecution ( as this is ) is alwayes excepted ; so that it is lawfull enough now , so long as this persecution lasteth , to preach the gospell in private when no liberty can be had to do it openly . 4. These Ministers are gathering no separated congregations , but only preaching to all who will come & hear the word of truth , in such quiet & retired places , where they may get it done most saifly & may be most free from distraction & trouble of their enemies , who are waiting to finde them out , that they may haile them to prisons . Who then can condemne their cariage in this . 3. If any should further object & say . That this would be an open contempt of the Magistrat's lawfull authority , & disobedience to his lawfull commands ; For though it be true , that he cannot take away the office of a Minister or the power of order , & so degrade him ; yet he may take away the exercise of his Ministeriall function , at least , he may discharge the exercise of the same , within any part of his Kingdome or dominions Ans. Whether there be such an expresse prohibition or not is not certanely known , nor whether or not the objection doth suppone , that the Magistrat's Act of banishing of them out of their own parishes , or out of the bounds of their respective presbyteries , doth include a discharge of ex●…erceing the Ministeriall function , any more , within the Kingdome . If the objection goe upon this supposition it is sufficiently answered above . But next , suppone there were such a command expresly prohibiting them , they were not bound to give obedience . Because to inhibite & discharge the Actuall exercise of the function of the ministry is a spirituall censure , it is reall suspension , which is a sentence that can lawfully be passed only by a Church judicature : & the civill Magistrat can no more suspende from the exercise , then he can depose from the office ; for the one is a degree unto the other : See Apollde jure Maj. circa sacra : pars 1 , pag. 334 , 335 , 336. And Rutherfurd's due right of presbyteries , pag. 430 : 431. And therefore though the civill Magistrat should passe such a sentence , conscientious Ministers ought not to obey ; because , the civill Magistrat , in passing such a sentence , is not keeping within his sphaere but transgressing the limites of his calling , & when the civill Magistrat is usurping the power that doth not belong unto him , obedience is not to be yeelded , neither is he to be countenanced or encouraged in that . Therefore though there were no more , this is sufficient to call all Ministers to give testimony against such an usurpation , by refuseing to obey any such Act , or by preaching , when God giveth a call , in his providence , in any place they come●… unto , though there were never such an expresse Act to the contrary , They m●…st not by their silence , And obedience unto such commands , gratify the civill Magistrat & make him another pope : See Apollon : ju●… Maj. circ●… sacra , par . 1 pag. 338. SECTION XVII . It is lawfull for Ministers to preach after the pretended prelate hath either suspended or deposed them . BEing now speaking of the trouble that Ministers are put to , for preaching of the Gospell , it will not be amisse to speak h●…e , of another case : And it is concerning such as either are , or shall be suspended , or deposed by the prelats or their Synods : And it may be ; some may think , that though they be not bound to be silent upon the sentence of banishment passed against them , by the civil Magistrat : Yet being formally silenced or deposed by the Bishop , or his Synod , they cannot lawfully contraveen that Act & sentence , it being the act & sentence of a Church judicature , or of such as have formally Church power & authority . But the serious pondering of these six things , will cleare that notwithstanding thereof they are bound to look upon themselves as Ministers , & so not only may but ought to exerce their Ministery as God shall put opportunity in their hands . 1. Submission unto such a sentence would be an acknowledging of the prelate & of his power , & this is contrary to their oath & covenant : Such officers as prelats , were cast out of that Church , & abjured , & now submission unto their sentence , would be an expresse owneing of them , & acknowledging them to be really cloathed with Church power , & particularly with power over preaching presbyters ; & so they should acknowledge another officer in the Church , then Christ hath instituted , which no true Christian ought to do . If the 〈◊〉 should take upon him to depose or suspend any Gospell Minister , would not that Minister acknowledge the power of the Pope , if upon the receiving of such a sentence he should leave off the exercise of his Ministery ? And when the civil Magistrat taketh upon him to depose a Minister immediatly , if that Minister should upon such a sentence , be silent & submit , would he not thereby acknowledge that the Magistrat had power to depose Ministers formally ? Sure none could doubt of this : So then it is beyond all question that to submit unto such a sentence , would be a clear acknowledging of their power , & this is diametrically opposite unto an endeavour to extirpat them . 2. If it were lawfull to submit unto their sentence , it were undoubtedly lawfull to compeer before their court 〈◊〉 before a lawfull court , & answere unto any accusation given in against them , for if one may acknowledge the lawfulnesse of the sentence of such a court , they may also acknowledge it lawfull to answere before them , & so lawfull to owne them as a lawfull court . Now seing conscientious Ministers could not have clearnesse to compeer before the prelat or his Synod , when summoned ; can it be expected that they should counter-act their own testimony & condemne themselves , by submitting unto their sentence ? 3. Such a submission would prove very stumbling unto the godly for . 1. It would encourage them to owne the prelats as lawfull Church officers , to compeer before them , to obey their acts , & so to owne & acknowledge them as lawfully impowered ; for if they be owned & acknowledged in one particular , why not in all ? 2. it would wronge the peace of the godly , who have hither●…ill keeped a distance ; & give a check unto their conscientious walk ing , when they should see ministers submitting to their sentence , as to the sentence of any uncontroverted lawfull Church judicature . 4. Who ever condemne this non-submission , sure such , as of late , thought they could not in conscience submit ( & also all such as did approve them in that particular ) unto the sentence of deposition or suspension , passed against them by a controverted assembly , because they looked upon it as no lawfull Generall assembly , being not lawfully constituted ; cannot condemne this ; but according to their principles , must preach ; for no doubt the power of prelats is much more to be questioned ; then the power of such assemblies , & even many who will stand to the justifying of that assembly will never justifie the power of prelats , & therefore it cannot but be expected that such as thoughte the sentence of that controverted assembly null , should now look on the sentence of a prelat , as null and of no effect and therefore as little , if not lesse , to be regairded & submitted unto . 5. Beyond all question , it is a sentence proceeding from such as have no power , & therefore ought not in conscience to be submitted unto . A minister who is called of God must not lay aside his office or the exercise of his office & power , upon every man's desire : But if he be exauctorated at all , it must be by such , as have lawfull authoritie for that effect , unto whom he is bound in conscience , to subjecte himself ; And so he shall have peace though the sentence be passed clave errante , unjustly . There will no man quite any of his goods upon a sentence comeing from an incompetent judge ; And shall a Minister quite with his Ministerie , which should be dearer unto him then any thing else , upon a sentence proceeding from an incompetent judge , ora privat person ? this in reason cannot be expected . 6. If so be they should submit unto this sentence & account themselves no Ministers , It would follow that though the prelats were all away , they might not preach nor exerce any ministeriall Act , untill a Church judicature would take off the sentence againe , & then not only they , but the Church judicature also , in so doing , should acknowledge the validity of the sentence and consequently the lawfulnesse of the power from which it did slow . But it will be objected . 1. That that sentence cometh not from the Bishop alone , but from a Synod whereof he is only the moderator . Ans. Though the sentence be given out at the meeting of such as are underlings to , & complyers with him ; Yet the sentence is only his sentence , & this he is pleased to signifie unto all , at their meeting , left they should forget it , & so mistake him & themselves both ; And he indeed maketh a fashion of asking their votes , to the end they may be partakers of the guilt , & of the odium with himself ; But he acknowledgeth them to have no power , unlesse it be to give their counsell & advice . But. 2. It hath been showne above that such meetings are no lawfull Church judicatures , no presbyterian meetings , but prelaticall conventions & conventicles , set up of purpose , for his ends & for the carrying on of his designes . And their not compeering before these meetings sayeth they did not acknowledge them to be lawfull meetings , & therefore they cannot now acknowledge their sentence . It will be objected . 2. That though they ought not to be submitted unto as prelats or co●…rts of prelats ; Yet they ought to be submitted unto as the King's commissioners , & their sentence is in so far to be reverenced . Ans. . Whether they sit & Act there , as principall or as commissioners , yet any such sentence proceeding from them , is a non-habente po●…estatem , from such as have no power ; For of themselves they have no such power , & they can have no such power from the King for nemo p●…test dare quod non habet , the King can not give them the power which he hath not , The King cannot depose a Minister immediatly : It is true he may put a lawfull judicature to whom this power doth properly belong , to do it , or he may imprison or banish , & consequently put from the exercise in such a place , but formally he cannot give out any Church censure of suspension or deposition , against any Minister , & therefore he can commit no such power unto any man whether he be a civil man , or a Church man. And thus It is still clear that this sentence should not be submitted unto , if it were no more but for this one cause , because it should be an acknowledgeing of the Magistrat's power in the matter of Church censures , which is an assertion unto which no sound reformed divine will assent . It will be objected . 3. That seing it is certane such shall be put from their Ministerie ere long however , for if they submit not unto the sentence , the civil Magistrat will either banish or imprisone , or some other way put them from it , whether they will or not , were it not faifer then to prevent further suffering to themselves & theirs , by submitting in time ? Ans. It is true , that in all probability the civill powers will not suffer such to preach long , after such a sentence is dissobeyed ; But yet it is the duty of all , so to carry themselves , when suffering is at hand , as that they may have most peace of conscience , & quietnesse under the crosse : And it is certane they shall have far more peace , who continue preaching as opportunity offereth , notwithstanding of any such sentence , untill some phisicall restraint or what is equivalent , be laid upon them ; Then such as shall willingly submit unto an unlawfull sentence , proceeding from an unlawfull judicature , deriveing power from an empty fountaine , & thereby give offence & great scandall both to good & bad . It will be Objected . 4. That submission to judicaturies established by law , is necessarie ; Either obedience active or passive is necessary , otherwise there shall be no order . Ans. Whatever may be said anent submission , or non-submission unto the unjust sentences of lawfull judicatures ; Yet it will be clear , that no submission should be yeelded unto the unjust sentences , of unlawfull judicatures . For the authors of the review & examination of that book intituled Protesters no subverters and Presbytery no Papacy grant , Pag. 96. This much , saying we plead not for submission to officers , & judicatories , not of Christ's own institution , such as , not only , popes , but prelates , — & were no lawfull Church officers so that here their arguments conclude not , taken from the practice of Ministers , not submitting to the sentences of prelats in the Church . So that then all the Church of Scotland , as to this particular , it seemeth , was of one judgment and thought that Ministers should not submit unto prelats passing a sentence of suspension or deposition against them , these prelats being no lawfull Church officers : & so it is clear that this non-submission in this case , is no new thing in that Church , but was the practice of severall worthy & precious men before , as the book before mentioned sheweth , which instances are worth the noticeing now . SECTION XVIII . It is lawfull for the people , to hear those suffering Ministers , & to meet for prayer & other Christian exercises , in private . WHen the poor people cannot in conscience attend the ministry of such as are thrust in upon them against their will ; for the reasons already given ; their temptation groweth double upon them ; & their trouble increaseth ; for now when they goe to hear such Ministers , as they may lawfully hear , either in publict or in private , it is a cause sufficient for persecution : yea or if they meet two or three together , in any privat place , for prayer , conference , or any other Christian exercise , they are in hazard to be hailed to prison & , punished as keepers of conventicles . Doubtlesse , it cannot be very necessary , to speak much , for the justification & defence of those , who either have suffered , or may hereafter suffer upon that account ; seing few who owne Christianity , or know the sweet of Christian exercises , and of Christian fellowshipe , will condemne such as value the good & advantage of their souls beyond their bodies ; yet lest some should be moved to think that at such a time , such wayes should be forborn , a little must be spoken to justify both those courses . And first for their going to heare , either in publick or privat such Ministers , as are still lawfull Ministers , what ever sentence hath passed against them ; & have given a faithfull testimony unto the truth , by adhereing to their principles , notwithstanding of all the sufferings they do , or can meet with , much needeth not be said , seing , 1. They are so expresly & often commanded to heare the word of truth , to heare what is the minde of the Lord ; for by the Ministery of his servants doth God manifest his minde unto his people . The priests lips should preserve knowledge and the people should seek the law at their mouth , who are the messingers of the Lord of hosts : It is their duty to waite at the posts of wisdomes doors , this will be undenyable . 2. There is an innate desire in the saints , after the word of truth , as new born babes they desire the sincere milk of the word that they may grow thereby , 1 Pe●… . 212. So that , any who are offended with them , for this , must be offended with them for being Christians , & must be offended with new born babes for desireing the breast ; & is it not cruelty to smite & punish poor young babes for seeking the breast ? What cruelty must this be then , to punish such for this , to which their nature as Christians , leadeth them . 3. They have oftentimes , through the breathing of the spirit of God upon such exercises , found a rich in-come : as they gote life & quickening grace that way , at the first , so have they oft found their souls revived , & their hearts enlairged , their eyes inlightened , their drouping spirits encouraged , their feeble knees lifted up , their doubts answered , & cleared , and their souls lifted up in the wayes of the Lord , & strengthened to turne the battell to the gate , & to stand against corruption , &c. And can any blame them for seeking after those watters that they have been so often refreshed by , formerly ? 4. There was never greater necessity ; for upon the one hand temptations abound , darknesse , fainting , discouragment grow : And upon the other hand , they have no other to goe to , unlesse they would resolve to drink of fouled watters , which their soul abhore : let none say that they thereby drive at separation , for they desire not to separat from the Church , not from the publick ordinances , whereever they can have them without sin ; they love the ordinances , only they can not owne such men as their Ministers , who have so palpably betrayed their trust , nor can they attend the ordinances ▪ here they cannot enjoy them to edification , & the sheep must be a lowed to choose wholsome food , & not to take poison . But is it not a strange thing that they will not suffer Christians to meet together for prayer ? It would seem they look on that God to whom the saints do pray , as their enemie , & that they are afrayed of prayer : And indeed the time hath been when the prayers & fasting of the saints of God have been terrible to the great enemies of God in that land , yea more terrible then Ten thousand men , as themselves have professed . But what is this else then to banish Christianity , to professe enmity unto Christian exercises ? And sure no Christian will condemne Christians for flocking together , as birds of one feather do , for prayer & other exercises in this evil time : seing , 1. It hath been constantly practised , especially in evill times , in all ages , & why should it be condemned now ? Learned Voetius de Polit. Pag. 969. Sheweth that by this meanes , true religion was preserved & propagated , both of old & of late , & how this course is followed , where popery reigneth , or where there is such formality as the truely tender cannot conforme themselves unto . Further he cleareth the lawfulnesse of this practice from that meeting in the house of Cornelius Act 10. & that other Act 12 : 12. 2. God hath approven such & promised to rewarde them that in such an evill time wherein the proud were called happy & they who did work wickednesse , were set up ; Yea they that tempted God were delivered : Did speak often one to another , Mal. 3 : 16 , 17. the Lord hearkened & heard it , & a book of remembrance was written before him for them that feared the Lord & that thought upon his name , & they shall be mine , sayeth the Lord of hosts , in that day when I make up my jewels , & I will spare them as a man spar●…th his own son that serveth him , would not this encourage Christians to meet together ? What will do it , if this will not do it ? 3. The Apostle writting to the Hebrews cap. 10 : 25. sayeth not forsaking the assembling of yourselves together as the manner of some is , & this is a warrand for privat Christians to assemble to gether ; for he is there pressing du●…es on Christians in reference to other privat Christians , as considering one another & provokeing one another to love & to good works ; And for this end presseth their frequent assembling together not only to the publick ordinances , but even also to privat exercises whereby they may the better consider one another , & as it followeth , may exhort one another . Therefore this is a commanded duty , & God must be obeyed . 4. Their necessitie calleth for it that every one should be helpfull to another ; & therefore they should joyn together as one , for the mutuall relief & supply of one another : vis unita fortior . Eccles. 4 ▪ 9 , 10. two are better then one — for if they fall the one will lift up his fell●…w v. 12. & if one prevaile against him , two shall withstand ●…m , & a threefold cord is not quickly broken who then can condemne this practice ? 5. There are some generall comprehensive dutyes required of Christians , which will necessarily require their meeting together or by good consequence cleare the lawfulnesse thereof . as , 1. They are commanded frequently to love one another Ioh. 13 : 34 , & 15 : 17 , 12. Rom. 13 : 8. 1 Thes. 4 : 9. 1 Ioh. 3 : 11 , and 4 : 7 , 12. Ioh. 13 : 35. 1 Thes. 3 : 12. Now as love in other societies necessarily effecteth a frequent assembling together : So will this Christian love draw Christians together for these ends & purposes which love setteth them on work to do , each to other . 2. They must be Kindely affectioned one toward another Rom. 12 : 10. as parents to Children , & is it not ordinare to see parents & children together ? And where there ought to be such affection can any condemne their assembling together . 3. They must be of one minde and of one m●…uth ▪ Rom. 15 : 5 , 6. 2 Cor. 13 : 11. 1 Cor. 1 : 10. Phil. 1 : 27 , and 2 : 2 , 10. 1 Pet. 3 : 8. And how is this possible unlesse they meet together to communicate their mindes unto other , & to pray to God for light in any poynt of difference , &c. 6. There are some particular duties pressed upon Christians which will include their assembling together : as . 1. They must consider one another so provoke unto love and to good works Heb. 10 : 24. And this will necessarily imply their familiarity with other , & their frequent assembling together , to provoke to love , &c. 2. They must exhort one another Heb. 10 : 25 , and 3 , 13. & can this be done if they may not conferre together & assemble for this end ? 3. They must comfort one another 1 Thes. 4. last and 5 : 11. & must they not meet together & speak together for this end ? & pray that God would blesse the meanes & beare home the words of comfort ? 4. They must edifie one another 1 Thes. 5 : 11. And is it possible for them to do this duty & live as strangers one to another ; this duty of edifying one another is a very comprehensive thing , & doth necessarily imply the saints assembling frequently together , that one may be helpfull , strengthening & encourageing to another . 5. They must admonish one another Rom. 15 : 13. Presse or urge a thing upon the minde of another , & so instruct them aright , as children are instructed ; & this sayeth they must often be together for this end . 9. They must teach and admonish one another in psalms and hymnes and spirituall songs Col , 3 : 16. & can this be done unlesse they assemble together ? 7. They must be kinde or profitable one to another Ephes. 4. last & this sayeth , they must not be strangers to other . 8. They must serve one another in love Gal. 5. 13. that is , they should spend themselves for one another for their spirituall advantage , & that in love , & should they not then assemble together ? 9. They must receive one another Rom. 15 : 7. that is , receive with affection & imbrace , one another : And must they then scarre at the company of one another ? And not rather receive other into their intimate fellowship ? 10. They must be subject one to another Ephes. 5 : 21. 1 Pet. 5 : 5. every one ready to give , & to take , reproofs to , & from another & to do service to other as called thereto , & this sayeth they must not live as strangers to other . 11. They must confesse their sinnes to one another and pray for another Iam. 5 : 16. 12. They must ministere their gifts to one another , 1 Pet. 4 : v. 10. Obj. It will be objected that this is sedition & opposeing of established lawes , made for the good of the common wealth against such conventicles , & therefore such controv●…ers cannot be justified . Ans. It is not for fear of any disturbance to the peace of the common wealth that such Acts are made , for a few women , ( who in all likelihood are able to do little that way ) may not meet together . 2. The heathens did pretend this when they made lawes against the meetings of the primitive Christians ; And therefore their meetings , were called Factions , And conventicles : And yet the primitive Christians did not forsake the assembling of themselves together , notwithstanding of all these edicts , & albeit that severall times they were put to suffer upon that account : se●… this fully made out by the learned Mr Stilling fleet in his Origines sacr●… , Lib. 2 : cap. 9. Pag. 316. &c. And who then will condemne these Zealous Christians now for so doing ? SECTION XIX . The unlawfulnesse of compeering before the high Commission Court , demonstrated . TO the end that the forementioned persecution of the saints & servants of God might be the better carryed on , There is a high commission court erected consisting of the two arch prelats , & some other prelats , & of some noble men , some Magistrats of brughs , & some souldiers & others : And this number or any five of them , a prelate being alwayes one of the five , have power granted to them from the King who appoynteth them by vertue of his prerogative royall & supremacy over all persons in all causes ecclesiastiek , as was shown above Sect. 12. To suspend deprive & excommunicate , as also to punish by fineing , consineing , committing & incarcerating all keepers of conventicles , all Ministers who contrare to the lawes & acts of Parliament & councell , remaine , or introduce themselves upon the exercise of the function of the Ministery , in those parishes & bounds inhibited by those acts ; all preachers who come from England & Irland without sufficient testimonialls , or leave of the Bishops of their dioceses , all such persons who keep meetings & fasts at the administration of the sacrament of the Lord's supper which are not approven by authority : All who speak , preach , write or printe to the scandall , reproach , & detriment of the Estate , or government of the Church & Kingdom , as it is now established : All who contemne molest , & injure ministers who are orderly setled : All who do not ordinarily attend divine worship , administration of the word & sacraments , performed in their respective parishes by ministers legally authorized , for taking the cure of these parishes : All such who without any lawfull calling as bussy bodies , goe about houses , & places for corrupting , & disaffecting people from their alleagiance , respect & obedience to the lawes : And generally , without any prejudice to the particulars specified , all who expresse their dissa●…sfaction to his Maj. authority by contraveening the acts of Parliament & Councell in relation to Church affaires , etc. This court appeareth terrible unto the godly , for the persecution of whom , & of none else , no not the most flagitious & prophane , it is erected ; & seemeth to be as a new court of inquisition . But that which is more lamentable is this : That there lyeth hid here a dreadfull snare for tender consciences ; For it is such a court , as tender hearted Christians cannot but scruple to acknowledge , or compeer before , without a declinature , the giving in of which , would be accounted laese Majesty , & therefore in such a case , such as resolved to keep a good conscience , in this day of tryall & defection , saw a necessity of withdrawing , & of not compeering at their summonds , even though they might have pleaded them selves innocent of any crime laid to their charge . Now if any would desire to know the reasons why such a court cannot in conscience be owned , acknowledged or submitted unto , as a lawfull judicature , let him consider these particulars , & lay them together , & he shall see clear reason for either declineing or withdrawing . 1. This is a judicature meddling with censures purely ecclesiastick , such as suspension , & deposition of Ministers , & excommunication both of Ministers & people , & therefore must be acknowledged to be a Church judicature . Now there is no warrand for any such Church judicature , in all the new testament ; nor is there any precedent of the like , to be found in the Gospell : & Christians must acknowledge no Church judicature but what hath a speciall warrand from Christ's law & testament . 2. This is a Church judicature having its rise , power & commission only from the King , & the King granteth this power to this Commission & authorizeth this court , by vertue of his royall prerogative over all persons , and in all causes , as well ecclesiasticke as civil . So that none can acknowledge this court but withall they must acknowledge the Kings prerogative royall , & supremacy in all causes , & over all persons ; & particularly they must acknowledge that pure & proper church power , doth properly reside in the person of the supreme Magistrat , & that he hath proper power to suspend & depose ministers & also to excommunicate , & so hath power to Commi●…sionat any of his subjects , he thinketh good , for that effect : But what presbyterian , yea what sound protestant who is not devoted to Erasius's Antichristian notions , will or can acknowledge this . 3. In this judicature , civil persons as such , viz. the Chancellour , Thesa●…rer , duk Hammilton , Marquis of Montrose , Earles , Lords & others , who are no Church officers , have power in Church matters , viz to suspend , depose , & excommunicate . But this is against all the Discipline & lawes of Christ's house , for Christ will have the affaires of his house governed by officers of his owne appoyntment : Who then can acknowledge such a court , & not with all consent unto this intolerable incroachment upon the privileges of Christ & his crowne , & justling of our Lord out of his rights ? is not this the fountaine of all disorder , & confusion , tending in end to the utter overthrow of all Church discipline , & to to the totall overturning of the Established order of Christ's house ? & can any acknowledge such a court , seing such sad consequences will follow thereupon ? 4. In this judicature , ecclesiasticke persons have power of civill matters & civill punishments , for the court hath power to fine , co●…fine , committ , and , inc●…rcerat for contraveening the Acts of Parliament . But that Church officers should medle with civill matters , is diametrically opposite unto Christ's word , Mat. 20 : 25. Luk. 22 : 25. where he forbiddeth all the exercise of any such power as was exercised by Kings and civill powers on earth , saying the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion , and they that are great exercise authority , but it shall not be so among you so that the very exercise of the power is prohibited , & if any should think that he meaneth only the ●…anny & abuse of the power , because he useth the compound words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luk doth sufficiently take away this objection when he useth the simple words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & the scope of the place cleareth it also for the question unto which Christ returneth this answere is concerning primacy & power , and not concerning the abuse of the power . So then whoever do acknowledge this court do approve in so far of this contradiction to Christ's command . 5. The acknowging of this court , would be upon the matter a justifying of all the Acts of persecution exercised against the worthles of old , for avouching the Kingly office & power of Christ , & declineing the civill courts , in Church matters ; & so a condemning of the Zeal of those worthies , who hazarded life & all which was dear to them , in giving testimony , against the incroachments made upon the crown and privileges of Christ as King : But certanely a Christian tender of the glory of God , & of his cause , which hath been , & is hated & persecuted by his enemies ; would scarre at this . 6. Particularly the acknowleding of this court , would be a condemning of worthy & precious Mr Rutherfoord , & Mr Dickson who declined the High commission , and refused to passe from their declinature on any termes , wherein they were singularly & eminently owned of God , & approved by his testimony to their spirits : And what tender Christian could do this ? 7. The acknowledging of this court , is a clear breach of the first article of the league & covenant , in severall particulars as . 1. the acknowledging of this court , is an overturning of all the principles of Presbyt●…rian Government , & so contrary to that oath whereby every one is sincerely , really , and constantly , through the grace of God , to endeavoure the preservation of the reformed religion of the Church of Scotland in doctrine worshipe , discipline and government : And that because . 1. It is contrary to the principles of presbyterian Government to have Church power derived in whole or in part from any prince or potent at upon earth , but only from Iesus Christ the sole King & head of his Church . 2. It is contrary to the principles of presbyterian government to have Church censures dispensed by any except Church officers . 3. It is contrary to the principles of presbyterian government to have Church officers medling with civill affairs . 4. It it contrary to the principles of presbyterian government to have any other Church judicatories , then such as are allowed by the Gospell . 5. It is contrary to the principles of presbyterian government to have Church power & civill power confounded , & in-distinct . 2. The acknowledging of this judicature , would be a condemning of the work of reformation in part ; for this is one piece of the doctrine of the Church of Scotland , & one piece of the reformation viz. That Church officers should not meddle with civill power or places , & this was much looked to , at the begining of the late work of reformation , & condemned both by Church and state , Anno 1638 , 1639 , & 1640. And therefore tender Christians could not do this , & sinne against God. 8. The acknowledging of this judicature is a breach of the second article of the same league & Covenant . Upon this account that it is an acknowledging of the power of prelats in the highest degree of that power which ever they had in Scotland . And next upon this account that it is an approving of that which is contrary to sound doctrine , & the power of godlinesse , & so a partaking of other mens sinnes , & a runing the hazard of receiving of their plagues ; expresly contrary to that article . 9. As to the civill part of this court ( for it is a monster of judicatories , viz. two distinct bodies under one head ) The acknowledging of it , would be a crossing of the third article of the league & Covenant upon a two fold account . 1. In that it is a wronging of the rights & privileges of Parliaments , ●…o owne a judicature not approved & established by any Act of Parliament old or late . 2. In that it is a wronging of the liberties of the Kingdome , to consent unto an arbitrary power , assumed by the prince over them , contrary to the fundamentall lawes of the land , in setting up what judicatories he pleaseth without consent of Parliament , without whose speciall warrant & authority the meanest fixed court cannot be erected . 10. It is a court unamimously condemned by the Church of Scotland in their assembly 1638. Act S●…ss . 14. upon very pregnant & considerable grounds for they found that it had been erec●…d without the consent or procurement of the K●…rk , or consen●… ▪ the ●…states of Parliament : That it did subvert the jurisdiction and ordinary judicatories & assemblies of the Kirk sessions , presbyteries , provinciall and nationall assemblies : That it was not regulated by lawes civill or ecclesiasticall ; but at the descretion and arbitrement of the c●…mmissioners : That it gave to ecclesiasticall persons the power of both t●… swords , and to persons merely civill the power of the keyes , and Kirk censures : and therefore did prohibite the use and practice of it , as being a court unlawfull in it self , and prejudiciall to the liberties of Christ's Kirk and Kingdome , and the King's honour in maintaining the Established lawes and judicatories of the Kirk . ) Now how could any true member & officer of the Church of Scotland acknowledge this judicature so unanimously dis-allowed & condemned by that Church ? 11. The acknowledging of this court would be a clear breach of the nationall covenant , as sworne & subscribed Ann●… 1638 , & 1639. for in that covenant the land was sworne to resist all corruptions , according to their vocation & to the uttermost of that power which God had put into their hands , all the dayes of their life : And among other things referred to the determination of the Generall assembly , this , concerning the civil places & power of Kirk men was one : And accordingly the Generall Assembly did determine act sess . 25 , Decemb. 19. 1638. That it was both inexpedient & unlawfull for pastors separated unto the Gospell to brook civil places & offices : & the next day there was an act made for subscribing of the covenant accord ing to this determination for : ( say they ) it is found by the confession of faith , that the five articles of Perth and the civil places and power of Kirkmen , are declared to be unlawfull . The assembly alloweth and approveth of the same in all heads and articles thereof , and ordaineth that all ministers , masters of universities , colleges & school●… and all others who have not already subscribed the said confession and covenant ; shall subscribe the same with these words prefixed to the subscription , viz. The article of this covenant , which was at the first subscription , referred to the determination of the Gen. assembly being now determined at Glasgow in Dec. 1638. And thereby-the civill places & power of Kirkmen being declared to be unlawfull We subscribe according to the determination of the same free & lawfull generall assembly . So that it is most clear that none can owne this judicature without the breach of this covenant so explained ; because they cannot acknowledge this judicature , but withall they must acknowledge the civil power & places of Kirkmen . It will be objected . That the Commissioners of that court and particularly the prelats may be owned as his Maj. Commissioners & so it will be lawfull enough to compear be fore them . Ans. If they be looked on as his Maj. Commissioners : Then either as his commissioners in spirituall matters , or in civill matters : If as his commissioners in Church matters , then no Minister or Christian could owne them as cloathed with such a power , because his Maj. hath no such power from God , & therefore they can have no power from him by vertue of this Commission : & moreover compearing before them under that notion as having power of Church censuras by vertue of a commission from the King , is an acknowledging of such a power in the King , which is contrary to truth , as is showne above . If as his commissioners in matters civil , then Church men should be owned as having civil power which were contrary to the clear word of Christ , & to the expresse determination of the Assembly & also contrary unto the nationall covenant . But it will be objected in the next place . That upon the same ground no man might lawfully compear before the High court of Parliament because prelats are now made constituent members thereof , & so compearing before them would be an acknowledging of the lawfulnesse of the Church men their having civil places & power , Ans. It is true they may do nothing that may be an approving of their having civil places & civil power : & therefore th●…ough they might not decline the court of Parliament in a civil businesse , yet at their first compearance they would be necessitated to declare , that they do not acknowledge nor approve of Church men their having civill places and power , & to protest that by their compearance before the High court of Parliament they might not be looked upon as approving thereof , which protestation might in this case salve the conscience , but no wayes in the other case of appearing before the High commission , & that because , the Parliament is a full & compleat court without the prelats , so that though they were laid aside the Parliament would be a Parliament still : but without the prelats the high Commission is no court : for one of them at least is sine quo non ; so that lay these all aside & you have no high commission court●… & therefore they being essentiall members of the court , it is impossible to compear , & protest that in compearing you do not acknowledge their civil power , without a self contradiction ; for in your protestation you have them virtually laid by , as no constituent members , & if they be no constituent members there is no court , yet your compearance sayeth that they are a court ; & so it would be a palpable contradiction to protest against these as no constituent members & yet stand before them & answere , as before a court : But as to the Parliament the case is far different , for when the prelats are there laid aside there is a full compleet court remaineing , before which , you may stand & answere for your selfe : the Parliament hath been , & may be , a full & compleat Parliament without prelats but the high commission never was a court without prelats , & may be a court with full power & authority , when there are no other constituent members beside prelats . Some may object . in the third place , & say This High commission court doth not meddle with Church censures , & therefore cannot be looked on as a Church judicature , meddleing with Church causes & Church censures ; but is only a civil court medleing with civil causes , viz. the putting of the Acts of parliament to execution . Ans. 1. Though this were granted ; Yet there is ground enough of scrupleing at the owneing of the same , as may be seen in the 4 , 7 , 9 , 10 , & 11. reasons formerly adduced . But. 2. It is not very materiall to consider either how little or how much of their power they do put unto execution ; but the maine thing is to see what power they may exerce : Now the best way to finde out this , is to look to their commission , which will abundantly cleare us in this : Their commission sheweth how far their power doth reach , or what actions or causes fall within the compasse of their power ; And by this we can best take up the nature of the judicature : So that if their commission give them power to suspende , depose & excommunicate , every one must look upon them as a judicature having that power , whether they should alwayes , or never exerce it : And that their commission granteth to them this power , will not be denyed by any who hath ever seen the same ; And that part of it which was cited , doth cleare it suffeciently : And therefore it is a mixed judicature , being as well Ecclesiastick as civil . If it be replyed . That properly they have no power of suspending deposeing & excommunicating immediatly : But the meaneing is , they are to cause the respective Church judicatures to suspende , depose , & excommunicate ; for the Act or commission containeing their power , sayeth they have power to appoynt ministers to be censured by suspension , or dep●…ion It is . Answered 1. They have power to appoynt Ministers to be censured by suspension or deposition , the same way that they have power to appoynt them & others to be punished by fineing , confineing , committing & incarcerating : but this power they execute not by putting other civil judicatures to do it , but they themselves immediatly do it ; & therefore so have they power granted to them to do the other immediatly , the ground of the answere is clear from the very words of the commission , which putteth no difference betuixt the way of their appoynting Ministers to be suspended or deposed & the way of their appoynting others to be fined & confined or incarcerated , & we must not distinguish where we have no ground : And therefore it is said more clearly in the former part of the commission , that they have power for the causes specified to suspend deprive & excemmunicate & these words make the matter as clear as can be , 2. This co●…t is raised of purpose to put the Acts of Parliament in execution , immediatly ; for so sayeth the commission it self That they are to ●…se their outmost endeavour , that the Acts of Parliament and councell ; ●…or the peace and order of the Church . &c. 〈◊〉 put in vigour and in impartiall execution Now as for this end they immediatly execute the lawes for fineing , confineing , &c. So have they power also immediatly to execute these lawes that are for suspending & deposeing of Ministers . 3. The end why this court was erected sheweth further that it is in part a Church judicature ; For it was erected to keep the peace & order of the Church & the governement thereof by Archbishops & Bishops : & to punish such as presume to violat , contemne , & disobey the Ecclesiastick authority . 4. That which doth put the matter yet more out of doubt , is the Basis or ground on which this High commission is reared up , viz. his Maj. prerogative royall ; in all causes , and over all persones as well Ecclesiastick as civil : Now if they looked upon this court , only as a civil court , haveing power to meddle only with civil punishments , his prerogative royall in causes civil had been a sufficient Basis for this . Therefore the expresse mentioning of his prerogative royall in causes Ecclesiastick putteth it beyond all debate , that they have proper Church power granted unto them , & so may immediatly depose & suspend , &c. In the last place , Some may object against the arguments brought from the unlawfulnesse of Church men their taking upon them civil places ; And say That though they will prove it unlawfull now for Ministers to take upon them such places ; Yet they will not prove it unlawfull for any to compea●… before them when instaled in those places ; More then it can be unlawfull to come before a judge who possiblie hath come'●… to the place , by unlawfull & indirect meanes : that is his fault , & others are not concerned therein : so here it is the prelates their fault to take upon them these places , & private persones are not so much concerned therein . Ans. There is a vaste difference , betwixt the prelates in this court , & other judges in other courts , though comeing to these places by indirect meanes ; For. 1. These other courts & places of judicature are unquestionably lawfull ; But the High commission is not a court so unquestionably lawfull . 2. Other courts are not affected , in the poynt of lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse by the quality of the persones : But it is otherwise here in the High commission , the very lawfulnesse of the court is questioned upon the account of the prelats being members thereof sine quib●…s non . 3. These vices or indirect meanes , used by others for attaineing of such or such a place in a judicature , are for ●…he most partsecrete & not clear & undeyable or obvious unto all . But that which is objected against the prelats is notour to all who read the gospell , where they are expresly discharged by , Christ to meddle in such a manner with any civil place or power . & so . 4. That which is objected against the prelates is such a thing as affecteth the very person & incapacitateth him for the place , but in the other cases instanced , these vices affect only the manner of entry , but do not incapacitate the person , a man may be one fit enough for such or such a place in a judicature as to be a judge or a justice of peace or thelike , though he use indirect meanes to come by the place ; but the prelats as prelats ( if so be they will be accounted Church officers ) & because they are Church men , are uncapable of such a place , & therefore though it will not be unlawfull to acknowledge a judicature unquestionablie lawfull , notwithstanding of some secret corruption in the entry ofhim who is in possession ofthe of the place : Yet it will be unlawfull to acknowledge a judicature in it selfquestionable ( at best ) whether lawfull or not , when such persones are made constituent members thereof , yea & members sine quibus non , that by the expresse law of Christ are uncapable ofsuch a place : and the acknowledging of this judicature cannot but be an approveing of that corruption : Because the very acknowledging of the judicature sayeth that the persons who are constituent members thereof , are really & legally capable of the place : as the compearing before & acknowledging of a court made up of mere civil persons having power to try , ordaine , rebuke , depose or excommunicate Ministers ; should be 〈◊〉 acknowledgeing of civil persons , their having Church power , contrare to the lawes of the gospell . Therefore the arguments brought from the unlawfulnesse of Church men taking upon them civil places , are still in force . By those particulars , It is abundantly clear that that high commission court , is a most sinfull court , even as to it's constitution , & how dangerous it is to compear before it , upon any account without a declinature , & how it is saifest to with draw & escape the snare that is laid there for catching of unwarry souls ere they be aware : See the learned Voetius pol. eccles . pag. 214. quaest . 2. & 216. quast . 3 , SECTION XX. The dreadfulness of the sin of covenant breaking particularly of abjureing the nationall Covenant & the solemne league & Covenant , manifested . MAny sad particulars have been mentioned , which may occasion grief & sorrow unto all the people of God , yet there is one other which putteth on the copestone , & may deservedly make that land a gazeing-stock , & a hissing unto all nations round about , who may stand astonished , & wonder what is become of Covenanted Scotland : For it was not enough for the Parliament to condemne the Covenants , which were solemnely sworne , & subscribed by Parliament , & at their command by all ranckes of people in the land , & by the King himself as was showne in the 2. Section . But they formed a declaration , Septembr 5. 1662. which they ordained to be subscribed by [ all officers of state , members of Parliament , privy councellers , Lords of Session , Commissioners in the exchequer , members of the college of justice , Sheriffs , Stewards or commissaries , their deputies and clerkes , Magistrats and councells of Brughs , justices of peace , and their clerks , or any other who have publick charge , office , and trust within the Kingdom ] And by the subscribeing of this declaration they promise as followeth . I — do sincerly affirme and declare that I judge it unlawfull to subjects upon pretence of reformation , or any other pretence whatsoever to enter into leagues and Covenants , or to take up armes against the King , or those commissionated by him , and that all these gatherings , convocations , petitions , protestations , and erecting and keeping of Councell tables , that were used in the begining , and for carrying on of the late troubles , were unlawfull and seditious . And particularly that these oaths , whereof the one was commonly called , The nationall Covenant , ( as it was sworne and explained in the year 1638 and thereafter ) and the other intituled A solemne league and Covenant : were and are in themselves unlawfull oaths , and were taken by , and imposed upon , the subjects of this Kingdom , against the fundamentall lawes , and liberties of the same . And that there lyeth , no obligation upon me , or any of the subjects , from the sa●…ds oaths , or either of them , to endeavour any change or alteration of the government , either in Church or state , as it is now established by the lawes of the Kingdom . May not the heavens be astonished at this ? And may not all the world wonder , that the only qualification necessary or qualification sine qua non of a Magistrate ( who should be a man fearing God , & a Man of truth , &c. Exod. 18 : 21. 2 Sam. 23 : 3. Neh. 7 : 2. & 13 : 13. should be periury of the deepest dye ? May it not be for a lamentation , that no other should be in a capacity to administrate justice , but such as are singular for unfaithfulnesse ? Cicero in offic ; Lib. 1. sayeth the ground work of justice is faithfulnesse and truth , that is to say ; constancy and truth in words and Actions : and how can such execute justice betwixt man & man , & presse faithfulnesse in words & Actions , who are ringleaders in unfaithfulnesse themselves ? How can they presse & force others to stand to their obligations & compacts , when themselves have broken all bonds , & declared themselves not obliged to stand to any obligation which they have made unto the great God of heaven & earth ? What justice can be expected from them , who will make no conscience of their oath de fidel●… administratione ? And how can it be expected that such shall make any conscience of their oath de fidel●… administratione who have already declared & avowed themselves perjured , & foresworne ? For it is a presumption in law , that qui semel mal●…●…mper malus in ●…odem genere . How can such be judges in a reformed land who would not be suffered to be judges amongst heathens ? How can those be admitted as judges in Scotland whose oath according to the lawes & constant practique thereof , will not be admitted before any judge in a matter above Ten shillings money of Scotland ? But oh how few is there found of all the Magistrats in the land , who have refused to subscribe this declaration ! And how may this stand on record to the perpetuall infamy ( the punishment assigned to perjured persons by the law of the 12. Tables ) of this generation , that it did both sweare a Covenant with God , & now hath openly & avowedly anulled , cancelled , & broken the same , & thereby declared themselves to be the most infamous & perjured generation , that ever stepped upon ground . And a generation whose oaths , let be their words & promises , are no more to be regairded , then if they were all Samnite●… , with whom ( as Liv. sayeth Annal lib. 9. ) the Romans refused to enter in termea of peace , because of their frequent treacherous Actings : or Carthaginians of whom it is said that they were alwayes perjured : or Cretians , who are alwayes lyars , Ti●… . 1 : 12. And what will binde such whom oaths will not binde ? How fitly may that of Iav●…nal , 〈◊〉 Satyr 13. be applyed to this generation ? Sunt qui in fortun●… jam casibus omni●… p●…nunt , Et nullo credunt , mundum rectore movers ; Natura volven●…e vices & lucis & anni , Atque ide●… in●…repidi quacunque altari●…ngunt , Est alius metuens ne crimen po●… sequatur . Hic put●…t esse deo●… , & pejera●… , atque ●…a secum ; Decernat quod●…unque volet , de corpore ●…ostro , Isis , &c. The weight , on fortune , some lay , of each thing , And think , no God , the world doth governe , Nature alone , by runing round , doth bring About both dayes , and years , hence they do learne , To touch each altar without fear , And boldly every thing to swear . But others feare lest plagues their guilt pursue , Thinke there are Gods who punish will such crimes , Yet they 'll for sweare ( o such a wicked crue , Resolving so to do at severall times . Let God decerne , with what desease He will us punish , if he please . And how many now are regairdlesse of all oaths ; to whom that of juvenal , 〈◊〉 . Sat. 13. doth fitly quadrat . Vt sit magnatamen , certe lent●… ira Deorum est , Sicurent igitur cunctos punire nocentes , Quando ad me venient : Sed & exorabile Numen . For●…asse experiar ; Solet Hic ignoscere , multi Committunt eadem diverso crimina fa●…o ; Ille crucem sceleris , pretium ●…ulit hic diademae . And that Ibid. Tam fdcile & pronum est , superos contemnere testee . i. c. Suppose it true that divine wrath be great Its pace is slow , so will it come but late : If it a truth be , that the Gods doe care , To plague & punish all who guilty are , How longe a time , I pray thee , may it be , Before they come to reckon , & reach me ; Yea I may mercy find , God's exorable ; He useth to give pardons & is able , It 's often seen , that men doe perpetrate The same vile crimes , & yet with diverse fate , One hath the gibbet for his crimes reward ; To others , crowns for crimes are oft prepar'd . So bent are men now to defy , Heavns-witnes ; ev'n the Deity . But moreover this oath must be pressed on others beside the persons mentioned , by the privy councell , which hath power for this effect ; & though already many ( & alas too too many ) have subscribed this declaration , & thereby abjured their former oath & engagement , & so not only have brought infamy & disgrace upon themselves ; but have also hainously provoked the Lord , to send a sword , which shall avenge the quarrell of his covenant , & the broad curse , which shall consume both the timber & the stones , of their houses : Others cannot be blamed for refuseing to write after their copie , If these three things be considered . 1. How sinfull & hainous a crime it is to break these covenants . 2. What dreadfull judgments may be expected to follow upon the breach of covenant & . 3. How weak the grounds are whereupon such goe as cry down the lawfulnesse & standing force of these covenants . The first of these , shall be spoken to , in this Section , & the rest in the following Sections . The sinfulnsse then of this practice will appear ; if these Tuelue particulars be considered , & laid to gether . 1. There is in the breach of these covenants , a clear breach of promise : All covenants are promises , & these covenants have in them a plaine & clear promise : Now a promise is arationall Act of a man ( as Aquin. sayeth 22 〈◊〉 . Q. 38 , Art. 1. ) by which he declareth . & ordereth his purposes to another ; And these are of two sorts . Either that which is called Pollicitati●… , & this ( a●… Grotius sayeth de jur . bel & pac . Lib. 2 , c , 11 , § . 3. ) is when the will doth determine it self for the time to come with a sufficient evidence shewing the necessitie of persevering & this ( as he addeth ) doth either oblige simply or under a certane condition : Or else such as are full & compleat , promises ; Such as promises of giving & promises of doing , & in these ( as he sayeth 1b . § . 4. Beside the determination there is also a signe of voluntary resigneing the right over unto another . He further there proveth , That these promises do binde . 1. By shewing from scripture , viz. Neh , 9 : 8. Heb. 4 : 18 , & 10 : 23. 1 Cor. 10 : 13. 1 Thes. 5 : 14. 2 Thes. 3 : 3. 2 Tim. 2 : 13. How God who is above all law should yet do contrary to his nature , if he should not keep his promises . 2. By that passage of Salomon . Pov. 6 : 1. My so●… if thou be surety for thy friend , if thou hast stricken thine hand with 〈◊〉 stranger then art thou snared with the words of thy mouth , those 〈◊〉 taken with the words of thy mouth . So that pomises are strong bondes & ought to be keeped : hence that . Verbaligant homines Taurorum cornua fun●…s , Buls by their horns , men binde with cords ; Men use to be bound by their words , A heathen could say of a promise made to another . Vo●… me●… fat●…tuaest . Ovid. 2. Me●…amor . And heathens made much of their promises . Yea it is said of some that they refused to sweare any oath , because that would have imported that their bare word & promise , was not be to rested on , as securitie enough . Thus the Scythians , ( as Grotius sayeth de jure bell . & Pa●… . Lib. 2 : c. 13. § . 21. ) refused to sweare to Alexander , & told him that colendo fidem juran●… , They sweare by valueing their promise . So when at Athens a grave person came to give his oath at the altar all the judges cryed out that they would not suffer it to be done ●…o quod nollent religone videri , potius quam veritate fidem esse cons●…rictam . Spurius posthumus In his speach before the Senate ( as Liv. sheweth Lib. 9. ) sayeth that promises no lesse then covenants , are religiously regarded by all , apud quos juxta divinas religiones fides humana col●…ur . when C. Licinius & L. Sixtus , two T●…bunes , were making some overtures tending to the advantage of the people , one whereof was , that in payment of debts , all that which had been payed i●… usurie should be allowed in the first place : Claudius Crassus 〈◊〉 of the Patricij had an oration to disswade the people therefrom , shewing them how that by this meanes , all faith & trust should be banished , & consequently all humane society should be destroyed : see Liv. Lib. 6. The Romans have been famous for keeping their publick faith , hence in all their straites the people did lend money most willingly unto the Senat , not knowing how it could be better secured : ( Liv. Lib. 25. ) And therefore they honoured their publick faith as a Goddesse & had a solemne place appoynted for her , in which place all their articles of peace & covenants were sworne , ●…t ejus , quiea violaret , sacrum diis inferis , caput esset ( see Liv. hist Lib. 1. & Lib. 24. ) Yea so much did they esteem of their faith , that they did not thinkit enough , not to do any thing contrarie thereunto ; But they would not suffer others to do any thing which might seem to reflect on them , & their faithfulness ; & therefore ( as Liv. sheweth Lib. 28. when Hanniball had over thrown Saguntum a citie in Spaine , which had befriended the Roman interest , they thought it their dutie to recover that citie out of the hands of Hannibal , & did so . Memorable is the storie of Fabius the dictator , mentioned by Liv. Lib. 22. who ( when Hannibal was wasteing Italie , & had spared a piece of ground that appertained unto him , of purpose to make the report goe that he had complyed with him ) seeing his fidelity thus in hazard to be questioned , sent his sone to Rome to sell that piece of ground , & with the money thereof he payed what he had promised for the relief of some captives , upon the publick faith : & thus fidem publicam privato impendio exsolvit . When Iugurtha King of Numidia had killed the two Grand children of Masanissa that he might possesse the whole Kingdome . The Romans called jugurtha to answere for this fact & secured him in coming by their publick faith , & because of the saife conduct which they had promised , they sent him away saife notwithstanding that he had owned the wickednesse done by 〈◊〉 his companion , And had conveyed him away quietly : See Salust . in jugurth . It is memorable also that when Scipio was warring in Africa against the Carthaginians , there was a truce concluded , & the Carthaginians sent some ambassadours to Rome , to treat for a peace , & in the mean time Asdruball taketh 230 of the Roman ships which had been driven from the fleet by storme , & which the ambassadours that came from scipio upon the report of this , were come , to Carthage they also were in humanely used & hardly escaped ; & notwithstanding of all this breach of truce , & breach of the law of nations ; the Romans because of their publick faith sent away the Carthaginian Ambassadours saife ( See Liv. Lib. 32. ) So was it their publick faith which freed Han●…o a commander of the Carthaginian forces , notwithstanding that the Carthaginians had put Cornelius As●…na a consul in chaines , contrare to their faith & promise . Many such instances might be given , but these may suffice to make such as call themselves Christians to blush , when they see how far they are out striped by such as had no rule to walk by , but the dimme letters of natures light . How may those religious heathens , ( if they may be so called , being compared with the more then heathenish Christians ) have hissed Matchiavel out of their common-wealth , & banished him their society , as fitter to live among beasts , with his beastly overtours , then among men ; Seing they tend in effect to turne men into bruits ; For if no faith or promise be keeped , all humane society shall be broken up , & there must be no trasfieque , no barganeing , but men must be left at liberty , to run & roave abroad , as the wilde beasts of the field , to catch what they can have . Memorable is that which Buch. hist. lib. 9. relateth of the borderers in Scotland who thought so much of the breach of a promise that they would not eat nor speak with such as broke promise , nor suffer him to come into their houses , & for his disgrace they stucke up a glove upon a pole or a spear & carryed it aboutin their publicke meetings . 2. There is in the breach of those covenants , a clear breach of an oath . The covenants are sworne covenants , & so the breach thereof is the breach of an oath , & this is no small sin . Heathens acknowledged a great bindeing force in oaths : hence Cicero de offic . lib. 3. sayeth , That an oath is a religious affirmation , & what is promised , God being witnesse , should be performed . & againe , He who violateth his oath violateth this faith . & againe our fore-fathers , would have no bonde straiter then that of an oath , as the lawes in the 12. tables shew , and their covenants whereby they did binde themselves even to their enemies and the observations of their censores , who took notice of nothing more then of peoples keeping their oaths . An high account then have even heathens had of their oaths : Yea Livy sayeth that faithfull promises are sufficient to rule a city though there were no lawes nor Magistrats . Memorable is the story of Regulus who being taken captive by the Carthaginians , having given his oath either to returne to Carthage , a prisoner , or procure in his place the liberation of some of the Carthaginians then prisoners at Rome , gote liberty to goe to Rome & when he came thither , It was not found honourable for the people of Rome to render back any captives , yea himself ( though he would not vote , as a member of the Senate affirming that as long as he was under the oth of the enemy he was not a free senator ) disswaded the●… from rendering up any captives , because such as they had among their hands , were able & eminent commanders of the Carthaginian forces , & himself was but an old broken man & altogether uselesse . When the Senat had thus resolved , Though he had many strong temptations to break his oath , as the offer of liberty to stay at home in his own countrey , with his owne dear family , & to enjoy the honour & privileges of a member of the senate : & upon the other hand the thoughts of his cruell & bloody enemies , & their not oriousnesse in perfidy ▪ Yet for all this , conforme to his oath , he returned , & rendered himself their prisoner ; and when he did so ( sayeth Cicero de offic . lib. 3. ) his case was better then if he had stayed at home a perjured old captived Senator . And Cicero when he is againe speaking of this same businesse sayeth that he could do no otherwise then , when nothing was accounted surer then an oath . And upon this account is it that this Regulus is so praised by Siliu●…●…t . as Grotius sheweth de jur bel . & pac . lib. 2. c. 13. , § 16. Qui longum semper famagliscente per avum , Infidis servasse fidem memorabere Poe●…is . Through ages all increas'd shall be , Thy spreading fame & memory , Whom all the terrours fierce of death , To Punicks made not break thy faith . Memorable also is that passage of Pomponius the Tribun , who when Titus ( afterward Tarquatus ) son to Manlius , came in upon him early in the morning while he was in bed , & drawing his sword , swore that he would presently kill him , unlesse he would give his oath , to let his father goe free ( against whom there was an action intended ) having given his oath thus out of fear , resolved to keepe it , & therefore according to his oath he letteth Manlius goe free tantum illis temporibus jusjurandum valebat oaths were in such an account in those dayes , ( sayeth Cicero ubi supra ) Memorable also is the story of those whom Hannibal took captive , & sent to the Senat upon oath to returne unlesse the Senat would liberat some of his commanders , & when the Senat refused to do this ( for they would redeem no capitives , though they might do it , at never so easie a rate , that their souldiers might resolve either to die or to overcome ) they returned according to their oath , & rendered themselves prisoners , but which is most remarkable , there was one among them , who after he had given his oath , & was coming away with the rest , returneth into the enemies campe , a little , as if he had forgotten some things , thinking , by this meanes , to free himself of his oath , & so when the rest returned to Carthage , he stayed : But the Senat getting notice of the matter , took him , & sent him bound hand & foot unto Hannibal : & upon this sayeth Cicero relating this matter ubi supra , fraus distringit , non dissolvit perjurium ; fuit igitur s●…ilta calliditas perverse imita●… prudentiam , all his wiles could not help him out . It is reported of Nerva . That when he was made Emperour to give a proof of his Mederation , he swore that none of the Senate should be killed by his command , which was very acceptable because Domitian a little before had caused execute severall of them upon small occasions : And such respect had he unto this oath that when severall of the senators had conspired against him , he spared them , because of his oath ( see Dion : in Nerva ) Now shall heathens who had no more but the dimme star-light of nature make so much of oaths , & shall Christians trample them under foot ? When there is no greater security imaginable betuixt person & person , & betuixt nation & nation ; Nor no other way for ending of controversies , for secureing peace , & mutuall fellowship , but an oath ; shall Christians make no conscience of these bonds , though the law of nature , & the law of nations , cannot imagine a bonde beyond that ? It was a foule staine upon King Iames. 2. To kill VVilliam Earle of douglas in the castle of Sterlin after he with some nobles present had assured the said Earle of his life by their subsciptions , & it did so irritat the Earles friends ; that they took the publick write & put it upon a board , & tyed it unto a horsetaile , dragging it thorow the streets : & when they came to the market place they proclamed both the King & the nobles perjured covenant breakers And thereafter when Iames the Earle's brother had rebelled against the King , he was desired to submit ; but he answered that he would never put himself in their reverente , who had no regaird to shame , nor to the lawes of God or man , and who had so perfidiously and treacherously killed his brother and his cusines . Yea shall Christians , not only goe beyond the law of nations & suffer heathens to out stripe them in that which natures light doth dictat : But will they also break all the barrs of the Lord 's exexpresse word , & cast the cords of oaths behinde their backs , after that the Lord hath so often commanded the contrary . Scripture , is clear for peoples standing to their oaths which they have sworn in the Lord. They are to swear in truth , in judgment and righteousnesse , Ier. 4 : 2. They must not take the name of the Lord in vaine , Which if done at all , is done by fore swearing , or swearing falsly . It is the qualification of one who is to inherite heaven Psal. 15. That though he swear to his own hurt he will not change . Such false sweareing is expresly against the minde of God as these scriptures do cleare , Levit. 6 : 3. & 19 : v. 12. Numb . 30 : 2. Ier. 5 : 2. & 7 : 9. Ezek. 16 : 59. & 17 : 16 , 17 , 18. Hos. 10 : 14. Zech. 5 : 3 , 4. & 8 : 17. Mal. 3 : 5. Many precedents in scripture cleare it to be duty to stand to oaths : As these Gen , 21 : 31. & 24 : 9. & 25 , 33. & 26 , 31. & 31 , 53. & 47 , 31. compared with Cap. 50 , 5. So Gen. 50 : 25. compared with Exod. 13 : 19. Iosua 2 : 12. comp : with Cap. 6 : 22. So Ios. 9 : 15 , 20. 1 Sam. 24 : 21 , 22. 2 Sam. 19 : 23. compared with , 1 King. 2 : 8. 1 Sam. 20 : 17. compared with , 2 Sam. 21 : 7. 1 Sam. 30 : 15. 1 King. 1 : 13 , 30. Neh. 5 : 12. Now shall Christians make no more of all these , them Sampson did of the new ropes ? Shall neither law of nature , law of nations , nor yet the law of God be of any binding force ? If so , they declare themselves not only to be no Christians , But to be no men . Sure then it must be a hainous iniquity for any who are engaged in this Covenant , to cast it behinde their heels , & contradict what they have there sworne . It is a great sin to break a promise , but it is a greater sin to break an oath ; because an oath is a greater ground of security , & in an oath the dreadfull name of God is invocated to attest the sincerity of the promises & purposes of the promisers & this maketh the obligation stronger , & so the breach of this bond must be the sader . 3. There is in this , a clear breach of a vow , for in these covenants there is a promise made unto God , & that is a vow . Now the obligation of a vow , is no lesse then the obligation of an oath ; For in every vow there is an implicit calling of God to witnesse , & a vow is of the like nature with a promissory oath , & so should be performed with the like faithfulnesse ( sayeth the confession of faith , at Westminster cap. 22. Sect. 5. ) That lawfull vowes ought to be observed with all carefulnesse , many both precepts & precedents in scripture do cleare as Num. 30 : v. 2 , 4 , 8. 1 Sam. 1 : 21 , Deut. 12 : 11. & 23 : 21 , 23. Ps. 76 : v. 11. Eccles. 5 : 4 , 5. Gen. 28 : 20. Numb . 6 : 21. & 21 : 2. Iudg. 11 : 30. compared with , Levit. 27 : 28 , 29 , Ps. 132 : 2. & 22 : 25. & 56 : 12. & 16 : 5. Prov. 20 : 25. Isa. 19 : 11. Iona. 1 : 16. & 2 : 9. Nah. 1 : 15. So then the sin of violating these oaths or covenants , being likewise the violation of a solemne vow , made unto the Lord , after which it is not lawfull so much as to make inquirie , must be great . 4. There is in this , a clear breach of a Covenant made with man , for in the league and covenant , The King , the Parl. & the people of the three Kingdomes , do mutually covenante each with other , for the performance of those things which do concerne them in their severall stations , either as to the work of reformation , or as to the preservation of each others mutuall rights & privileges . King and Parliament do Covenante to preserve the peoples liberties : King and people Covenante to preserve the privileges of Parliament : Parliament , & people Covenante to preserve his Maj. person honour & authority . And all the people stipulat & engadge each to other ; so that here without all doubt , there must be a clear breach of a Covenant , and this must be a grievous sin ; for very heathens looked upon the breach of a Covenant as a hainous & uncouth thing , & did abhominat the same . Hence Collicrates did disswade the Ach●…ant from hearkening to Perseus the King of Macedon who intending warre against the Romans , was seeking to make peace with them : Because it would be a breach of the Covenant which they had made with the Romans : see Liv. lib. 41. To break Covenant is a sin against the law & light of nature , & so condemned amongst very heathens Rom. 1 : 30. & for which the Lord gave them up to a reprobat minde , v. 28. The obligation of a Covenant is the highest assurance , & greatest ground of security that natures light could finde out , betwixt nation & nation , or betwixt man & man , in matters of greatest concernment : And this ground of assurance is generally rested on , by all , unlesse they have to do with a Hannibal , or with the Samnites , whom no Covenant could binde . Hence is that saying sides supremum rerum humanarum vinculum est ] faith is the highest assurance in humane matters . It is spoken to the dishonour of Philip King of Macedon ] that none could call him a good King , because that usually he despised oaths , and broke his promise upon any light occasion , so that no mans promise was lesse esteemed of ] & of Hannibal [ that in warring against Rome he did wadge warre more against his owne faith and promise ; and rejoyceing in lyes and deceit , as so many excellent arts , he resolved to leave behinde him a notable memory , of himself , but so as it should be uncertane , whether as of a good man , or of an evil man. ] The Trojans accuse themselves of this iniquity apud Homer : As rendered by one , thus . Rumpentes foedera sacra . ●…uratamque fidem pugnamus , non quibus est fas . Who sacred leagues annihilate , Their faith though sworne do violate , 'Gainst those on whose side stands no right We do & may with courage fight . Yea it is reported that the Romans would not break Covenant even to such as had broken unto them , & therefore when Sergius Galba would have cut off 7000 of the Lusitanians who had broken Covenant , in a most perfidious way ; he is accused by Libo a tribun of the people for wounding the honour of the Romans in recompensing , perfidiousnesse with perfidiousnesse & sayeth Appianus [ persidia persidiam ultus , contra Romanam dignitatem , barbaros ●…abatur ] It was a great evidence of basenesse in the Sax●…s when the pick●…s refused to make any Covenants with them , because that with them , Covenants , which with others were the surest bond of friendshipe , were but snares for the simple . So Buchan in vi●… . Gorani . So that natures light teacheth the obligation of Covenants to be inviolable . And also the light of the scriptutes teacheth the same , Ios. 9 : 19. Neh. 9 : 38. 2 King. 11 : 17. Ezek. 17. throughout , Ier. 34 : 18. &c , Gen. 21 : 27. 1 Sam. 18 : 3. & 20 , 16. Gen. 31 : 36. & 44 ; 49 , 50 , 52. Neh. 5 : 11 , 12. 1 King. 5 : 12. & 20 , 34. 5. There is in this , a breach of Covenants whose tye & obligation is sacred , & religious : of Covenants which God will owne as his , he being called to witnesse therein , by an oath , which was interposed . All Covenants confirmed with an oath ; whatever the things be , religious or civill , concerning which ; they are made , are owned of God as his ( hence the Covenant : betwixt David & Ionathan is called the Covenant of the Lord , 1 Sam. 20 : 8. ) & upon this account the violating of those sworne Covenants must be a hainous & great transgression , & therefore Zedekiahs fault in breaking his Covenant with the King of Babilon , is aggraiged upon this score , Ezek. 17 : 19. & so●… judgments are threatened therefore [ Therefore thus sayeth the Lord God , as I live , surely mine oath that he hath despised , and my Covenant that he hath broken , even it will I recompense upon his owne head ] The oath is called God's oath , & the Covenant God's Covenant , which v. 16. is called the King of Babilon his oath , & his Covenant : And upon this account the sin is aggraiged & he is the more assured of judgments , because of his breach of this Covenant . So likewise that Covenant mentioned , Ier. 34 : 8 , 9 , 10. wherein th●… princes & the people did sweare to let their . Hebrew servants goe free , is called God's Covenant v. 18. & upon this account sorer judgments are threatened v. 19 ▪ 20. And I will give the men that have transgressed my Covenant , which have not performed the words of the Covenant , which they had made before me — into the hand of their enemies , So then the breach of this Covenant , which was sworn with hands lifted up to the most high God , & in an eminent way , before the Lord , must be the breach of a Covenant which God will owne as his Covenant & as his oath , & therefore the greater sin . 6. It will be the breach of Covenants made with God , for they containea vow & a promise confirmed with an oath , made for doing of such things , as God commandeth in his word , & therefora greater sin ; for Covenants made with God should be more bindeing & inviolable then Covenants betwixt man & man ; For in Covenants betwixt man & man , there may be dispensations in , & remissions of the obligation : & moreover the ground of those Covenants may faile . Now none can either dispense with , or grant remissions in , the matters of God. Moreover Covenants made with God , are more absolute , & lesse clogged with conditions , & so more obligeing . And therefore the sin of breaking such covenants , must be the greater ; & all may be sure that God shall avenge the quarrell of these Covenants , which are his owne , he being in them , not only judge & witnesse , but also altera pars contra●…ens , the party with whom the Covenant is made Lev. 26 : 15 , 16 , 17 , 25. 7. It will be the breach of Covenants , made with God about morall duties . It is a morall duty to abjure all the poynts of popery , which was done in the nationall Covenant : & it is a morall duty to endeavour our own reformation , & the reformation of the Church , which was sworne to , in both Covenants : It is a morall duty , to endeavour the reformation of England & Irland , in doctrine , worshipe , discipline and Government , which was sworne to in the league & Covenant : It is a morall duty to purge out all unlawfull officers out of God's house , & to endeavour the extirpation of heresy & schisme , & whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine , which was sworne to there also . It is a morall duty to do what God had commanded towards superiours , inferiours & equalls ; which by the league & Covenant , all were bound unto : And therefore the Covevenants are strongly obligeing , being more absolute then other cov : because they binde & vi materiae & vi sanctionis , both by reason of the matter , & by reason of the oath , & so are perpetuall Ier. 50 : 5. And therefore a breach of these must be a greater fault then the breach of such Covenants , as are about things not morally evil , which only binde vi sanctionis , & so it is beyond all doubt that the breach of these Covenants is a most hainous & crying sin . 8. It will be a breach of such Covenants as are so framed as that they cannot be made void though they should be broken , buried & forgotten ; Because they are Covenants , about morall , & indispensable duries , & such duties upon which dependeth the glory of God , the advancement of the Kingdome of our Lord & saviour Jesus Christ ; The honour & happinesse of the King's Majesty , & his posterity , & the true , publick liberty , saifty & peace of the Kingdomes , & the good of posterity in all time coming , & the Lord's being one , & his name one in all the three Kingdomes : And so the transgessing of such Covenants must be a greater fault then the b●…each of such , which are of that nature , as to be made void after some period of time , or after a failzy by the one party . Therefore seing , those Covenants must binde , though all had broken them , & brunt them , also , so long as ●…fe lasteth ; It must be a hainous crime to break them . 9. It will be a breach of Covenants reall & hereditary , such as reach not only the persons themselves entering into Covenant , but likewise their posterity , like that betwixt David & Ionathan , 2. Sam. 9 : 7. & 21 : 7. & that betwixt Iosua & the Gibeonits : & that mentioned , Deut. 29 : 14 , 15. For this Covenant is of that nature as shall appear , if that which Grotius de jur . ●…el . & pac . lib. 2. c. 16. § . 16. Sayeth concerning these Covenants , be considered ; where he giveth this as one evidence of such Covenants , viz. When the subject is of a permanent nature & addeth albeit the state of a commonwealth be changed into a Kingdome , the Covenant must binde quia manet idem corpus , etsi mutato capite though the head be changed , the body of the commonw●…alth is the same . And againe he sayeth , as grving another evidence of such Covenants . When there is such a clause in the Covenant as that it should be perpetuall , or when it is such as is made for the good of the Kingdome & addeth , When neither ma●…er nor expressions can certanely determine , then favorabiliora creduntur esse realia the most favourable & advantagious are reall Covenants . So that by these marks & evidences , it is clear , that these Covenants are reall Covenants , obligeing not only them but also their posterity ; for . 1. The subject or the person , who did first enter into this Covenant ; was the body or universality of the people themselves , & then their Parliaments in their Parliamentary capacity , like the oath of Iosua & the princes which did binde the people in all time coming , notwithstanding of what they might have said for themselves , as not owneing the same , but murmureing against it . Yea the King in his princely capacity sitting on his throne , with the crowne on his head , in the day of his solemne inauguration : & this though there were no more , will make it a reall Covenant , binding the people according to that , imperator foedus percussit , videtur , populus percussisse Romanus . As King Zedekiah's oath ▪ to the King of Babilon , did oblige the people : Now then seing where either the body of a land , their Parliaments , or their prince , in their severall capacities , do Covenante ; the Covenant becometh reall & perpetually obligeing ; much more must it be so , where all these three are , & so theseoaths being Regall oaths , Parliamentary oaths , & nationall oaths & covenants , they must be covenants perpetually obligeing ; so that as long as Scotland hath a King or a Parliament ; Yea though there should be none of those , this obligation would stand , because mutato capite , maneret idem corpus : The subject would be permanent , & therefore the faith of Scotland , being Engaged : so long as Scotland is Scotland , the Engagement standeth & will not be dissolved . The faith of the Medes being Engaged , made it fare the better with their tributary cities , even after the Medes did obtaine the Empire , & had their state changed . So the publict faith of Scotland being Engaged by all persons in all capacities , as long as there are any scotish men to succeed in those capacities the obligation standeth . 2. Consider the very expressions of the covenant & the ●…nd thereof & it shall appear to be perpetuall , reall & publick : in the preface , there are these words having before our eyes the glory of God , the advancement of the Kingdom of 〈◊〉 our Lord & savi●…ur Iesus Christ , the honour & happinesse of the King's Maj. & his posteritie , & the true publick liberty , saiftie & peace of the Kingdoms , wherein every ones privat condition is included ▪ sure all this is a publick good , & a publick nationall good , to be endeavoured by the Kingdom of Scotland in all future generations : & againe it is added ( for preservation of our selves & our religion , from utter ruine & destruction . So in the first article there are these words . That we & our posterity after us , may as brethren live in faith & l●…ve , & the Lord may delight to dwell in the middest of 〈◊〉 . And in the second article there are these words . That 〈◊〉 Lord may be one & his name one in the three Kingdomes : & in the fift article there are these words we shall each one of us according to our place & interest endeavour that these Kingdomes may remaine conjoyned in a firm●… peace and union to all posterity : So that it is beyond all question , that the scope & intent of the covenant is publick & nationall . 〈◊〉 Consider the matter of the covenant & this will yet further appear : The very matter sheweth this , for as was said , it is about morall duties ; & so , though it were true that juramenti obligatio personam tantum obstringeret : Yet ipsa promiss●… haeredes obligaret for in ipsa promissione satis est efficaciae such a promissorie oath is of ●…orce to binde the posteritie . So then this being a publick , reall , nationall , covenant , It must be a hai●…ous offence to transgresse it , & such an offence , as their posteritie after them , were bound to mourn for , when they renewed ( as they were bound in conscience to do ) the same , ●…fter the example of those mentioned Ezra . 9 : & 10. & Neh. 9 : & 10. 10. It will be the breach , of covenants obligeing perpetually , by the very persons who did solemnely sweare & enter into these covenants . This cannot but be a great aggravation of this crime . If it would be a sin for their posteritie some 〈◊〉 of yeers after this , to transgresse these covenants , will it not be a greater sin for them , to beak them , in their own dayes's How unspeakably hainous must it be that the very persons who lifted up their hands & swore as they ●…hould answere to God in the great day , do run counter their own oath , & transgresse that Covenant ? Was it so great a sin for Saul to break that Covenant made with the Gibeonits as did provoke th●… Lord to send Three yeers famine , & his anger to burne sore against the land , till Seven of Saul's posteritie were hanged up before the sun , when this was Three hundred yeers , or more , after the Covenant was made , would it not have been a greater sin if in Iosua's dayes , he & the very princes who made the Covenant had broken it ? Sure the posteritie after some hundereds of yeers might have said more for themselves , & have pretended ignorance or forgetsulnesse of the thing , or some one thing or other , which , for shame , the self same persons who entered into Covenant could not once mention : So then it is beyond all question , that this doth aggraige the guilt of this generation , that it is the same generation ( for the most part ) which did sweare these Covenants that doth now break them ; seing they cannot yet be ignorant or forgetfull of the many evident demonstrations which God gave of his owneing of these Covenants both at the swearing of them & afterward , so long as people made any conscience of standing by them . 11. It would be the breach of Covenants sworne with the greatest solemnities imaginable : whether or not that be true That quanto crescunt &c. as the solemnities do grow so groweth the oath : Shall not be now debated , though it seem a truth that solenne juramentum non magis obligat exse & naturâ suâ quàm simplex , that an oath accompanied with solemnities hath no stronger obligation of it self , and in its own nature , then a simple oath wanting such solemnities : Yet as Doct. Sanders . sayeth de jur . Prom. obl . Prael . 5 : § . 12. The solemnities of the oath do aggraige the sin of perjurie necessaryly and inseparably for which he giveth two reasons . 1. Because of the greater deliberation ; for these externall rites & solcmnities are used of purpose to strike into the minde a greater reverence of the Action and a greater sense of religion , that so the man might goe about the Action with greater attention , & deliberation , and every sin caeteris paribus , is the greater that it is done against a deliberat Act of the will. 2. Because of the greater scandall for the more solemnely any thing 〈◊〉 done it is the more observed , & bymoe , & therefore the scandall is the more notorious & pernicious . Scripture is likewise clear for this , as may be seen , Ezek. 17. where the perjurie of that King is aggravated from this , among other things : v. 18. when l●… he had given the hand , that is , when he had solemnely engadged himself , by this rite & ceremony of giving his hand . So 〈◊〉 . 34 : 19. when th●… sin of the breach of Covenant is spoken of , this is mentioned that they passed between the parts of the calfe , a rite used in making of solemne Covenants it was to have some beast or other divided in two , & the Covenanters were to passe thorow betwixt these parts . And therefore the breach of those Covenants must be a horrible provocation ; for in them , they gave , as it were , their hand to God , when they lifted it up & swore : & what more solemnity can be used about the making of a Covenant then was used at the making of these ? was there not here , as may appear to any who will but look back to what is said upon this subject in the second Section , a swearing unto the Lord with a loud voice & with shouting and with trumpets and with cornets ? ( as it were ) as 2. Chron. 15 : 14. The transgressing of those Covenants must then be a sin unparallelable . 12. Adde to these . That it would be the breach of such Covenants against which there is no just exception why they are not of bindeing force ; and this shall be made to appear in the 22 & 23 Sections following : And this will further aggravat the hainousnesse of this sin of breaking these Covenants . SECTION XXI . The great & dreadfull hazard of perjury , or Covenant breaking , is demonstrated . HAving shown how sinfull & hainous a crime it is to break Covenant , It followeth in the next place , that it be shown how God's curse & wrath cannot but be expected to follow the breach of Covenants . ( though Matchiavell would make his admirers beleeve that such as broke Covenants did prosper thereby . ) Very heathens can preach ●…orth this doctrine . That God will be avenged on false and perfidious Covenant breakers . Hesiodus speaking of oaths said , as Claudian translateth him . Clades mort alibus unde Adveniunt ? quoties fallaci pectore jurant Cicero pro Roscio Comoedo sayeth [ whatsoever punishment is appoynted by the immortall Gods unto perjured persons , the same is appoynted unto lyars , for The Gods are wroth for the perfidy and malice whereby snares are laid for others in these covenants and againe in his book de legibus , Llb. 2. he sayeth that the punishment with which God punisheth perjury is destruction , and man punisheth it with disgrace . ] And Hesiod , as paraphrased by Claudian , sayeth . In prolem dilata ruunt perjuria patris Et poenam merito filius ore legit , Et quas fallacis collegit lingu parentis Has eadem n●…ti lingua refundit opes . Though perjuries God doth not visite On parents ; but them long do'th spaire : The children sure shall them inherite Their punishments deferred beare , Parents false tongues do riches gain Children them vomite up againe . Homer Il●…ad . 4. Sheweth how Agamemnon inveigheth against the perjury of the Trojans thus , as he is paraphrased by one . Etsiperjuros violato foedere Troas Iupiter e coelis praesenti haud puniat ira At quandoque graves magno cum f●…enere poen●… Hi cum conjugibus tum 〈◊〉 a stirpe rependent , Though perjur'd Trojans Covenant who breake Jov ' doth not plague from heav'n , with present ire : Yet sometime shall he on them vengeance take Pay them & theirs , with increase of their hyre . And againe ●…bid . contemni numen olympi Haud impune sinunt Superi ; sceira impia quanquam Distulerunt ; culpas hominum gravior a morantu●… Supplicia i. e. The Gods they do not passe unpunish'd those Who with contempt , the heavenly pow'rs oppose : Deserved punishments , though they delay , For greater crimes , plagues greater waiting stay . And I●…venall could say that such should not escape fore punishment , Sa●…yr 13. Nullane perjuri capitis , fraudisque nefandae Poena erit ? abreptum crede hunc graviore catena Protini●…s ; & nosiro ( quid plus veli●… ira ) ne●…ari Arbitrio , i. e. Shall to a false & perjur'd head Of fraud & treachery all made , No punishment appoynted be ? Beleeve me thon may'st this man see In weighty chaines & setters bound ; In triumph led , cast to the ground Then have him kill'd at will & pleasure Can all our wrath wish harder measure ? Hence their fictions of Iupiter's fountane of Tyana : the watters in Sardinta & Bythynia ; & the A●…dine wel , which had severall malignant influences upon perfidious persons ; all speaking out what judgments they expected should follow the perfidious breach of Covenants . This same is held forth by their way of Entering into Covenant , such as their throwing away a stone , & saying per jovem lapidem thereby imprecating ( and so expecting ) that if they did wittingly & willingly break that Covenant Iupiter might cast them away , as that stone was cast away : And their throwing of pieces of red hote iron into the sea , did import that they expected the Gods might & would so extinguish Covenant breakers : So also their wishing that God wold so strike the Covenant breakers , as the publick officer did strik or cut the beast ; as Liv. hath it Lib. 9. sheweth what they did look for , if they did break the Covenant . Beside that which natures light might teach Christians to expect from God as the due punishment of Covenant breakers . Scripture doth plainly hold forth that Covenant breakers shall not escape the judgment of God. He will not hold th●… guiltlesse that take his name in vame . The judgment which followed the perd●…e of Saul in breaking the Covenant which was made with the 〈◊〉 , some hundereds of yeers after it was made , may make Christians to tremble . So these sad threatnings against Zedekiah , Ezck. 17 : 15 , 16 , 17 , 19 , 20. Shall he prosper ? shall he escape , that doth such things ? Or shall he break the Covenant & be delivered ? as 〈◊〉 live , say eth the Lord , in the place where the King dwelleth that made him King — he shall di●… — he shall not escape . Therefore thus sayeth the Lord God , as I live surely mine oath that he hath despised , & my Covenant that he hath broken , even it will I re●…perse upon his own head , & I will spread my net upon him , & he shall be taken in my snare , & I will bring him to ●…abilon & will plead with him there . Such as break their Covenant & are bloody & deceitfull men shall be brought down into the pit of destruction , & shall not live out half their dayes ; Psal. 55 : 20. Compared with , v. 23. That is a dreadfull word , Neh. 5 : 13. Also I shoke my lap & said , so God shake out every man from his house , & from his labour , that performeth not this promise even thus be he shaken out & emptied . Covenant breakers need expect no lesse then to be shaken out of God's house , for the Man that shall ascend into the hill of the Lord is that man who hath not sworne decei●…fully , Ps. 24 : 3 , 4. And he that shall ab●…de in the tabernacle of God , is the man who though he sweare to his own hurt , yet he changeth not , Psalm 15 : 1 , 4. That is a dreadfull word , Zech : 5 : 2 , 4. [ the flying roll , the length whereof is Twenty cubites , & the breadth thereof Ten cubites — shall enter into the house of him that sweareth falsly , & shall remaine in the midst of his house , & shall consume it , with the timber thereof , & the stones thereof . ] And Ier. 34 : 17. — [ behold I proclame a liberty for you sayeth the Lord , to the sword , to the pestilence , & to the famine , & will make you to be removed into all the Kingdomes of the earth . v. 12. And I will give the men that have transgressed my Covenant — which they have made before me , when they cut the calfe in twaine & passed between the parts thereof . v. 20. I will even give them into the hand of their enemies & into the hand of them that seek their life , & their dead bodyes shall be meat unto the soules of heaven , & to the beasts of the earth . ] Doth not the Lord Mal. 3 : 5. Say ; That he will be a swift witnesse against fals swearers ? And Livit. 26 : 15 , 16. he sayeth [ He will appoynt , terrour , consumption , & the burning ague , that shall consume the eyes , & cause sorrow of heart ] to such as will break Covenant . & againe v. 25 he sayes I will send a sword that shall avenge the quarrell of my Covenant . Yea perjury occasioned the ruine & destruction of the Kingdome of Iudah for Zedekah the last King thereof was perjured & therefore was pursued by God , & sold into the hands of the Caldeans . So did it occasion the ruine of the Kingdom of Israel , for Hoshea the last King of that state , was a Covenant breaker also . 2. King. 17 : 3 , 4. He became a servant to Salmaneser King of Assiria , & gave him presents , & yet thereafter he dealt falsly ; for the King of A●…ria found a conspiracy in him , & he & his people in the ninth yeer of his reigne were carryed away to Assyria : & so both those Kingdomes of Israel & Iudah were ruined & brought to an end by the perjurie of these two last Kings . So likewise the rites used at making of Covenants mentioned in scripture as , the passing betwixt the parts of the cutted calfe Ier. 34 : 18. & Gen. 15 : 17. say , that they wished ( & so looked for ) the like dissection to the breaker of the Covenant . As thus it is seen out of the scriptures of truth , how certanely sore judgments have followed , & will follow that sin of perfidie : So Prophane histories abound with instances of God's pursueing this sin with sad & fearfull judgments . And Florus sayeth Lib. 51 : 52. That perfidie occasioned the destruction of the famous citie of Carthage which did strive with Rome it self , in poynt of grandour , as also that it occasioned the destruction of Corinth of Thebas . & of Chalc●…s three famous cities of Greece . Hanniball was notoriously persidious & ( as Liv. sayeth Lib. 39. ) he gote a meeting ; For though he had fled to prusiae for his life , & sheltered himself in a house having seven entries , & some of them under the ground ; yet he could not escape , but seeing himself ready to be taken , he drank the poyson which he had prepared , & so ended his dayes . So is it reported of Virius Campanus the senator , & Twenty seven others who having broken Covenant did expect no pardon , & therefore killed themselves , Liv. in his 29 & 30 book sheweth how Syphax King of Numidia through perfidy lost both his Kingdom & his life : after he had made a league with the Romans , he Covenanteth with the Carthaginians their enemies , being seduced by the affection of Sophonisba daughter to Asdrubal & so went with them to battell against Scipio & being taken prisoner by Scipio he confessed he had done madly in waging warre against the Romans & had broken Covenant : & by this meanes his Kingdom came under the power of the Romans . So Liv. sheweth lib. 21 , Carthaginians were overcome by the Romans , after they had basely broken Covenant , which Asdrubal , in their name , made with the Romans & had been observed all his dayes : And of this victory obtained by the Romans Ha●…no 〈◊〉 Carthaginian hath these expressions Mox Carthaginem ●…um sidebunt Romanae legiones , ducibus iisdem dlis , per quos priore bells rupta foedera sunt ulti — vicerunt ●…rgo dii hominesque & id de quo verbis Ambigebatur , uter populus foedus rupisse●… , eventus belli , velut 〈◊〉 judex , unde jus staba●… , ●…i victoriam dedit i. e. [ The Roman legions shall besiege Carthage having the same Gods to be their leaders who in the la●…t warre did avenge a brocken Covenant — Gods & men did overcome , & the event of the war , as a just judge , giving victory to them who had the best right , did decide the controversie , viz. which of the parties had broken Covenant before . ] Herodotus relateth a storie of one Cydias an inne keeper with whom one Archetimus left some gold to keep till he had returned from doing some businesse ; When Archetimus required his money againe , he denyed that he had it , at length the matter is referred to his oath , & a day is appoynted for that end , against which day Cydias prepareth a hollow staffe wherein he putteth all the gold , & feigneing himself to be sick , he taketh the staffe in his hand , & cometh to the Church where he was to sweare , & when he cometh thither , he giveth Archetimus the staff to hold , untill he had given his oath : And when he did sweare that he had given backe all the gold which he gote to ke●…p , Archetimus was so offended that he did cast the staffe to the ground in his anger , with such force as that thereby it broke in two , & the gold appeared , & the deceite of Cydias was discovered ; Now what came of this Cydias ? Malum vitae exi●…um habuisse dicitur sayeth our Author ; It was reported he made an ill end . The same Herodotus Lib. 6. relateth another storie of one Glaucus in Sparta , with whom Milesius left some considerable summe of money , & when after Milesius's death his Children came to seek the money , he denyed that he had any money , & after they went from him , he went & consulted the oracle at Delphos , & there had this oracle , as our author rendereth the words of Pythias . Ast juramenti sine nomine ●…ilius , idem . Et manibus p. dibusque carens , subito advenit , usque , Dum omne●… corripiat perdens prolemque domumque , Oaths have an issue without name , Which hath no hands , of feet is lame , Yet it with force & speed doth poste , Roots house & offspring from their coast . Glaucus hearing this gave againe the money ; & yet shortly thereafter he & all his familie was utterly extinct : And therefore juvenall 〈◊〉 Sa●…ir . 13. closeth this historie thus . Has patitur poenas peccandi sola volunt as , Nam scelus intra se ●…citum qui cogitat ullum , Facti crimen habet . Thus was he plagued who never did commit The fact , only his will was bent to it ; For who contriveth evil secretly , He of the fact is guilty really . Memorable is thehistorie of the persidious dealing which Iohn Husse did meet with ( as it it recorded by Sleidan in his comment : Fol. 43. Edit 1559. ) who in October An. 1414. Was called by Sigismund unto the Councell at Constance having the publick faith engadged for his securitie , or a saife conduct granted to him , & within three weeks after he came thither , was made prisoner , with which Sigismund was offended , it being done in his absence : But being informed how there was no faith to be keeped unto hereticks , he not only misregarded the petitions of the Bohemians requesting him to keep his promise ; but also condemned the said Iohn Husse to be burnt , & his ashes to be scattered on the river of Rhine : Thus did that Emperour make shipewrack of his good name , who in another case said facilius rerum quam famae jacturam subibo . i. e. I shall lose all before I lose my credite : And moreover there was a canon made that no promise should be keeped unto hereticks , or to such as were suspected of heresie notwithstanding that the Emperour should engadge his publick faith , for their saiftie , when called to any Councell : But what followed upon this perfidious dealing ? When the report of the execution of Iohn Husse & Ierome of prague spreadeth thorow Bohemia , there ariseth great tumults which draw to a war under the valient & renouned Iohannes Zischa , which was so bloody & cruell that Sigismund was forced to implore help of the Empire . Memorable is that passage in the Turk's historie , concerning the Covenant betwixt Vladislaus King of Hungary & Amurath for Ten yeers peace , & the consequences of the breach thereof . This Vladislaus was moved by great Kings & princes , as well Mahumetans as Christians , & also by Iohn Palaeologus of Constantinople , & by Francis the Cardinall of florence generall of the Christian fleet , who shewed him , how low Amurath was brought , & what faire advantages the Christians had ; & Especially by Iulian the Cardinall , who had a long speach to this end , pressing him to break that Covenant , & having ended his discourse , in name of the Pope he disannulled the league & absolved Vladislus & all whom it might concerne ; Whereupon the war was renewed against the Turks & when battell was joyned , near to Varna , the victory began to incline to the Christians , so that Amurath was thinking to flee , but was stayed by a privat souldier ▪ & when he saw the great slaughter of his men , beholding the picture of a crucifix in the displayed banner of the Christians , he plucked the paper out of his bosome which did containe the late league , & holding it up in his hand , with his eyes cast up to heaven , said . Behold thou crucified Christ , this is the league , which thy Christians , in thy name , made with me ; Which they have without cause violated : Now if thou be a God , as they say thou art , and as we dreame , revenge the wrong now done unto thy name , and me ; and shew thy power upon thy perjurious people , who in deeds deny thee their God. A little thereafter Vladislaus is killed , & his head is stuck up upon the poynt of a speare , his army is broken , Iulian the Cardinall is found mortally wounded by the way side in a desert ; Scarce the third part of the Christian army escapeth : And long after this the warre with the Turks had very ill successe . It is reported of Rodolphus duke of Suevia that being instigated by the Pope , he waged ware against Henry the 4th Emperour of Germany , contrary to his oath , having a crown sen●… to him with this Motto . Petradedit Petro Petrus diadema Rodolpho , The rock gave 't Peter , Peter so , On Rodolph , doth this crowne bestow , But in fight Rodolphus lost his right hand , & falling sick he called for it , & said ●…ehold this my right ha●…d which hath suffered a just judgment , which through your Importunity contrary to all equity broke that oath which was given to Henry my Lord and master . Fuller in his history of the holy war speaking of the causes of the many losses which the Christians had in that undertaking sayeth [ How could saiftie it self save this people 〈◊〉 blesse this project so blackly blasted with perjurie , a sin so repugnant to morall honesty , so injurious to the peace & quiet of the world , so odious in it self , so scandalous to all men ▪ to break a league , when confirmed by oath ( the strongest bond of conscience , the end of particular strife , the souldier of publick peace , the assurance of amity betwixt diverse nations ) is a sin so hainous that God cannot but most severely punish it — no wonder then that the Christians had no longer abideing in the holy hill of Palestine , driveing that trade wherewith none ever yet thrived , the breaking of promises wherewith one may for a while fairely spread his traine , but will melt his feathers soon after . The fabrick must needs come tumbling down whose foundation is laid in perjury . In the history of Scotland there are severall memorable passages to this purpose , When Durstus the eleventh King was pursued by the Nobles for his wickednesse , & had promised to amend his manners : He did solemnely swear to passe in oblivion all by-gones , but thereafter he treacherously killed the nobles , at a feast unto which he had invited them . But what followed upon this ? The body of the Land rose up in armes against him , & he was killed in battell . Thus did God pursue him for his perfidy . It is recorded by Buchan : on the life of Gregorius that the Britans after they had made a peace with the Scots , did break their Covenant , & invaded the Scots ; But divine vengeance pursued them for this ; for they were broken & defate by Gregory at L●…maban & their King Constantin was killed . Memorable is that story of Balliol who to get the Kingdom promised & swore subjection unto the King of England , & thereafter having received some ●…ussle at the court of England , ( for being accused by one McDuff , he was constrained to stand at the barr , & there to defend himself ) he reneweth the old league with France , & casteth off England contrare to his oath ; alledging that he was forced to give that oath , & that albeit he had done it willingly , it could not stand , because he had not the consent of Parliament , without whose consent the King might do nothing in matters belonging to the whole Kingdom : But these shifts could not clear him from perjury , nor free the land from wrath , because of that sin ; for war was raised , & at Berwick above 7000 of the Scots were killed , even the floure of the nobility of Lothian & ●…ife . The castles of Dumbar Sterline & Edinbrugh were taken , Balliol himself was at length apprehended & sent prisoner to London , all the nobles were called by King Edward to Ber●…ick , & there were forced to swear subjection to him : And thus was the Kingdom keeped at under a long time by the Englishes , save what liberty was obtained by renowned Sr William Wallace , but this did not last long ; for Scotland was againe subdued , & King Edward called a Parliament at St Andrews , where againe , all the nobles ( except Sr William Wallace ) did swear alleagiance unto him , & this was the sad fruite of perjury which made the land mourn many a day . When Cumin & Bruce made a compact together at London for to endeavour the liberating & delivering of the Kingdom out of the hands of the Englishes , & had given an oath of secrecy & faithfulnesse to other ; Cumin perfidiously did reveal the matter unto King Edward , but for his treacherie God pursueth him , for ere long he is killed by Bruce in the Church of Drumfries . About the year , 1447. England breaketh their promise of truce unto Scotland & useth some incursions to spoile Scotland , But being payed home by the Scots , it draweth to a warre on the south borders , & there England is foiled , & looseth 3000 , beside many prisoners , & the Scots obtaine a great booty ; for the English did certanely expect the victory , & therefore came forth , more for pompe & glory then for fighting . About the year , 1535 , the King of England sent to Scotland to commune with the King , about some solide peace & agreement for the time to come , & offered to K. Iames. 5. Then unmarried his doughter , & to make him King of great Britane after his d●…ath , & in the mean time to give him the stile of the Duk of yorke : King Iames pleasing these proffers , assenteth & c●…descendeth on a day , on which he should meet with the King of England , & accord upon all matters . But at the instigation of the popish-Church men & other courtiers , who were driveing on their own d●…signe , he breakeh his promise , with the King of England : And when , Anno 1540. Ambassadours were sent againe from England to desire that the King would goe to York , & there treat with the King of England , conforme to the last agreement . The priests stood in the way here also , with which the King of England was offended , & resolved to raise warrs against Scotland . The result of which war , was , that at length the scottish forces were all scattered & broken , at the report of which defeate , the King was so grieved & vexed that within few dayes he died . Againe when King Iames 5. Dieth , the King of England , communeth with the Scottish prisoners , whom he had taken at the last battell , concerning the marrying of his sone , with the young Queen King Iames his doughter , & when they promised to do what they could , without wronging either the publick good , or their own credite , he sent them home , appoynting them to leave some pledges in their room at New castle . This was in the end of the year 1542. when the Parl. conveened in March next the businesse was concluded , & thereafter the contract was signed by both Kingdoms & solemnely subscribed in the abbay of Halirood house , & the sacrament was broken , ( as the forme was ) betwixt the Governour of Scotland , & Mr Sadler Ambassadour from England . But the old Queen & the Cardinall , being against the match , stirre up all to a breach , & perswade those who had been prisoners in England , not to return thither , to relieve their pledges ; only the Earle of Cassiles ( from whose constancy & faithfulnesse the Earle who now is , is not degenerated , but as his predecessour was sole in keeping Covenant , so is he singular ) went , according to his promise & relieved his owne pledges , & being approven by Henry for his constancie & faithfulnesse was freely set at liberty & sent home . But what followed upon this breach of Covenant ? Many sad intestine broiles and commotions , tending to the weakening & breaking of the Kingdom , & at length King Henry took occasion to avenge this breach of Covenant , & sent his Navy towards Scotland landing ten thousand men at Leth who did burne Edinb . & many places thereabout ; & againe his army did enter the borders & waste & burne all about Kelso & jedburgh & thereafter they spoile & waste all the Mers , Teviotdale , & Lauderdale & some yeers thereafter , viz. Anno 1547. He sendeth , a great army againe into Scotland , & when it lay about Pinckie , there was a letter sent unto the scottish forces , shewing the ground of the war not to be avarice , hatred , or envy ; but a desire of a firme & ●…asting peace which could not otherwise be had then by the marriage which was proposed & assented unto , by the Estates , & an agreement thereupon sworne & subscribed ; But the scottish army would not hear of this but resolve on battell , & at length were overcome & suffered great lose ; For almost all the young nobleman of Scotland with their friends & followers were killed . This 10. of Septemb. 1547. may yet preach unto Scotland , how God will avenge perfidy , & all the nobles and others of Scotland who have now broken Covenant may remember pinckie field . The french History sheweth us what way the Lord avenged the bloody perfidiousnesse of Charles 9. who had broken five or six severall pacifications & conclusions of peace , solemnely made & ratified , betwixt him , & the protestants : For he was smitten with a vehement desease causeing him to wallow in his own blood , which he vomited out in great abundance , by all the conduits of his body , for divers houres , till he died . And how Henry the 3. Who had been perfidious in breaking the articles of peace , concluded with the protestants , first about the year 1576. ( where among other things he avowed by solemne declaration that the Massacre committed Anno 1572. was against all right & law of armes ) & then againe An. 1580. Was stabbed in the belly with a knife , by Iames Clement a Iacobin Friar , in the very chamber where the former King contrived that Barbarous massacre on S. Bartholomew's day Anno 1572. Any who is well versed in History may fill up many pages with such sad & lamentable Histories , concerning Gods avengeing Covenant breaking : these which have been mentioned , may suffice for a taste . SECTION XXII . The solemne league & Covenant vindicated : And the author of the seasonable case , & caet Answered . THe last thing which remaineth , is to shew the vanity of their pretensions who plead the nullity or non obligation of those Covenants . It is matter both of admiration , & of grief & sorrow , that there should be any found within the Church of Scotland , who had so far forgotten themselves , as now to turn not only enemies to piety & Christianity , but enemies also to very humanity , & not only break Covenant-tyes themselves , but also teach others to do the fame , & that without any fear of punishment either from God or man. But God who is Jealous will not be mocked , let men dream of exemption as they please & by sophisticall chifts think to blinde their owne eyes & the eyes of others , God , who will not hold them guilt lesse that take his name in vaine , will , no doubt , by sad answers from heaven , discover the impiety & folly of these patrons of prophanity & inhumanity . Severall in the Kingdom of Engl. have vented their skill in that blake art of looseing the bonds of sacred Covenants . But their principles tending to all prophanity have been sufficiently discovered & answered by Ms Crofton & Timorcus . & there is one in Scotland who in a late pamphlet intituled , The seasonable case of submission to the Church Government , &c. tryeth how far his skill will reach in this art . O how fitly may that of Plautus be applyed to this generation Nostra ●…t as non mul●…um fidei g●…rst . Tabulaeotani●…r , adsunt 〈◊〉 d●…odecim . Tempus ●…cumque s●…bit actuarius . Tamen inven●…r Rh●…r qui factum negat . But who the author is , who can tell ; For though the pamphlet be published by order●… , & so countenanced by authority ; Yet he putteth not to his name , being ( as would appear ) ashamed to patronize such a bad cause : & least of all can he be known by the description he giveth of himself in the frontispiece , 〈◊〉 lover of the peace of this Church & Kingdom unlesse he meane such a peace , as is the plague of God upon the heart , filling it with senslesnesse & stupidity , & lulling it asleep in his iust judgment , because of the palpable breach of a Covenant : Or such a peace as is very consistent with the curse & vengeance of God pursueing the quarrell of a broken Covenent . But whoever he be he tryeth his skill & strength in pulling down both the solemne league & Covenant ( with which he both beginneth & endeth ) & the nationall Covenant ( which he fighteth against on the bye ) & his strength in this matter must be tryed . In dealing with the Solemue league & covenant he layeth downe three maine grounds . The first is this pag. 22. That an oath howsoever in it self lawfull yet the case may be such , that by something following after , it may cease to binde , yea the case may be such that it can not lawfully be keeped . It will not be necessary to examine this , at any length , as it is here set down ; but it will be sufficient to examine it , in so far as it maketh for the purpose in hand , & that will be , by examineing Whether the cases wherein he alledgeth this holdeth good , will suite the Covenant now under consideration . He mentioneth three cases . The first is this When the matter of an oath is such as doth belong unto a superiour to determine in then the oath of the inferiour ceaseth to ●…blige when the superiour consenteth not to what is sworne . This is both agreeable to reason ; because no deed of the inferiour can prejudge the right of the superiour , & also sound divines do acknowledge this , upon the common equitie of that law Numb . 30 : 4. Unto which these things may be replyed . 1. Whether the relation betwixt subjects & Magistrats be so strait , as is the relation betwixt parents & Children & betwixt hu●…band & wife , may be some what questioned , as to the matter in hand , the one being naturall , the other but politicall ; the one such as cannot be changed at will , the other such as may ; A man may Choose to live under what Magistrat he will , but a woman cannot cast off her parents , & her husband when she will , & take others : & therefore there may be a greater latitude allowed in the one case , then in the other , & whether Magistrats & subjects come within the compasse of that text Numb . 30 May be questioned also , seing there is nothing in the text hinting at this ; Yea though Moses be speaking to the heads of the tribes , concerning the Children of Israel , yet he maketh no mention of this case , nor of any other except of two , viz. a woman under a husband , & a woman not sorisfamiliat : & though analogies may be allowed in some cases , yet there ought to be a clear ground out of the word , for such analogies as will founde an argument against the obligeing force of oaths ; such analogies , as will warrand consciences in this case had need to be very clear & undoubted . 2. Though this analogie were ganted ; yet this case will speak nothing to the poynt in hand , unlesse it were proved that there were no civil Magistrats in Scotland beside the King , & that all , Even the Estates of Parliament conv●…ened in Parliament were subjects , & nothing else but subjects ; & so though the Parliament , & all the land at the command of the Parliament should take an oath , it should not binde , if the King dissented therefrom . But there is enough said above to show that supreme soveragnitie , did never so reside in the Kings of Scotland , as that Parliaments even in their Parliamentary capacity were no sharers thereof , And this one thing is enough to disprove this phancy , viz. That the legislative power , which is an eminent part of severaignitie , did alwayes ( in pa●…t at least ) belong unto the Parliament of Scotland ; for they statute & ordaine , together with their soveraigne Lord ; & therefore they are called the Acts of Parliament : Yea without a Parliament the King can make no lawes , yea nor can he make a law without all the Estates of Parliament . But of the power of the Parliaments of Scotland in making lawes , yea & over the King himself , enough hath been said : & therefore this case doth not concerne the matter in hand . 3. Let this be given , though it cannot be granted : Yet this case will not help his cause ; because it can hold good in no other things , but such , in which the inferiour is subordinat to the superiour , & is by the law of God subject unto him , as the doughter , in the matter of her marriage , or the like , is subjected unto her parents ; & the married wife , in the disposall of domestick goods & affaires , is subjected unto her husband : but in matters of religion & in morall duties , no wife is so subjected unto her husband nor doughter unto her parents , as that they can loose the obligation of their vowes & promises ; Yea in this case it will be easily ganted that inferiours may vow & Covenant , not only without , but even against the command of superiours , for it is alwayes better to obey God then men ; Now it hath been showne above that these Covenants are about morall duties & matters of religion wherein inferiours are not to waite upon their superiours , But must advance whether they will or not . But to this he replyeth Pag. ●…3 . That such as plead the obligation of the Covenant in the matter of Episcopacy must suppone that it is indifferent or not unlawfull , for if by God's word 〈◊〉 be found unlawfull , then whether there had been a Covenant against it or not , it cannot be allowed . It is Answered . 1. It will not be a fit place here to lanch forth into the disput concerning Episcopacy , & more is already said against it by many famous & worthie divines , then is , or in haste will be , Answered , & as for what this Author is pleased to say for it , & against presbyterie else where in his pamphlet , it is but that which hath been said & said over againe , by others before him , who knew to put their arguments , in a better dresse then he doth , & is sufficiently answered by others : but if he had brought any new arguments forth to the field , it had then been fit to have taken some notice of them . But 2 whereas he thinketh that such as plead the Covenant obligation , must suppon that Episcopacy is a thing indifferent , & that presbytery is nothing else , he runeth alone without the company of any casuist or divine , for all do grant that an oath may be de re l●…cita & possibili concerning a matter lawfull and possible , and particularly that it may b●… about a matter morally good , & that in things morally good , an oath hath an obligeing force : ad quae praestanda sayeth D : Sander s●…n de jur , pr●…m : obl : p●…ael . 3. § . 6 ) vel injurati tenemur , jurati multo tenemur magis , accedente scilice●… ei quaepraefuit , ex praecepto , nova obligatione , ex jure●…urando , i , e. for the doing of those things which we are bound to do though not under an oath , being under an oath we are much more bound , for to the former obligation ariseing from the command , there is a new obligation added , ariseing from the oath Had not the Covenants & oaths which the children of Israel swore , concerning morall dutyes , the law & the worshipe of God , an additionall tye & obligation ? Ier. 50 : 5. Ios. 24. Deut. 29 : 3. By this meanes this author would take away this piece of God's worship & service , of vowing & swearing unto him , for it must either be about things necessary or about things indifferent : But he will have no oath or vow made about things necessary , because ( sayes he ) that is needlesse ; nor will he have any oath or vow made about things indifferent , as shall be seen afterward ; & so if he speak truth , there ought to be no vowes or oaths , at all . 4. But why may not people look even to the Covenant obligation , in things determined by the word ? Doth not God lay the breach of Covenant oftentimes unto the charge of his people ? & doth not this say that they were bound to look to their promises & obligations ? It is true that oaths & Covenants should not be the only ground upon which to plead the lawfulnesse of such or such things ; yet these promises vowes & Covenants , ought to have their own secondary place . So then , it is a poor thing to say that such as plead , for the standing force & obligation of the Covenant , must suppone that Episcopacy is a thing indifferent ; for by this same reason , they must suppone also that the other great duties , which are engadged to , in that Covenant , relating to true religion & a holy life , from which ( himself sayeth , Pag. 37. ) no power on earth can loose , & to which they are indispensably tyed , are of an indifferent nature ; which were most reasonlesse & absurd . 5. This is a hard case unto which this author would bring the Covenanters , viz. That either they must quite the obligation of the Covenant , or else say that all those particulars sworne to , in the second article : ( which is the article he mainely instanceth ) are but matters of indifferency and consequently say , that not only prelacy in it's height , as Hierarchicall , but poperie heresie , schisme , & every thing which is contrary to sound doctrine & the power of godlinesse , are matters of indifferencie . But would he say so in his own case . If one who had taken the oath of alleagiance , or fidelity , to his lawfull prince , or the oath de fideli administratione , in some office or other , should afterward alledge that these bondes did not binde him , for either the matter there obliged to , was a thing indifferent , & if so , he was not bound to wrong his liberty , or else duties antecedent to the oath , & then the oath , hath no force on him , & he is no way perjured , though he crosse a hundered of those oaths : Now what will this author reply in this case ; hath he not ( as it is usuall for such as plea●…d for error ) in seeking to wound the Covenanters , killed himself , & what evasions he findeth out for subjects to reject all the bondes of oaths imposed by superiours , every one seeth : And whether in so doing he doth his Maj. good service , & Acteth the part of a loyall subject , and faithfull casuist , any may judge . But to proceed in the examination of the case set downe 4. Let this also be given unto this Author , though it may not be granted , he will not gaine his cause for let it be supponed that Episcopacy is a thing indifferent , will it thence follow that the Church may not determine , in a matter of indifferencie , concerning Church government , without the supreme Magistrat's expresse consent ? Whether is the Church or the Magistrat , the fittest judge of that government , which best suiteth the Church , & tendeth most to edification , & is most expedient ? whether are the Churches that live under the Turk , more able to judge of the most expedient edifying way of Church government , or the Turk himself ? If he reply That he speaketh of Christian Magistrats . It is answered That heathens are as essentially Magistrats , as Christians are , & that text Numb . 30. groundeth no more an analogy for Christian Magistrats , then for heathens : And if that be a law , then he would remember that non est distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit , & that Christians may be subjects unto heathen Magistrats , is beyond all question : And therefore if this argueing hold good , a Christian Church living under the Turk , might not vow to maintaine and follow such a forme of Church government , as they judged most agreeable to the word of God , most advantagious for the ends of government , because , forsooth , it were a prejudging of the right of the great Turk their superiour . If he reply that the case is altered because of the Turk 's granting liberty unto these Churches , to do in these things as they think meet Ans. Then the Turk is a better friend unto the Church , then the Christian Magistrat ; & it were better for the Church to be under the Turk then under a Christian Magistrat . 5. Let all this be yet granted , by way of supposition , he will not gaine his poynt , for their oath in this Covenant doth not prejudge the right of the superiour ; because they sweare only to endeavour , in their severall places & callings , such & such alterations , & what incroachment can this make upon the superiours right ? May not a wife or a doughter sweare , in their places , & according to their callings , to endeavour the alteration of such or such a thing in the family , & yet never attempt it , without the consent of the parent or husband ? May not here oath be lawfull , & binde h●…re to use all faire & lawfull meanes to move & incline the parent or husband there unto ? So that what ever he be pleased to say , of the way of Scotland their carrying on that businesse ( in which how sowlely he erreth , may be showne hereafter ) were it granted to him , will make nothing against the Covenant , concerning the obligation of which , is the difference now . Till then he make it appear that the Covenant , as worded , did directly prejudge the right of the superiour , his alledgiance is frivolous . & groundlesse . 6. This might be granted to him also ( which yet cannot be done ) & his cause gaine no advantage , & that for this reason ; Because that place Numb . 30. Exponed accord-to his owne glosse & commentary , maketh for the Covenanters every way : For. 1. They had no open dissent declared : It is true there is mention made of a proclamation declareing it unlawfull to enter into that Covenant but Mr Crofton in his Analepsis Analephthe . Pag. 120. sayeth that it was not regular , being done without the advice of his Councell , who are vailed by the session of Parliament , & sheweth also how it was a breach of privilege . But as to that , this may satisfie . That as that proclamation did not anull the act , but only prohibite it , so it did not concerne them in Scotland . Now if the parent or husband hold his peace , the oath is confirmed requiritur ( sayeth doct Sanders . de jur . prom . obl . prael . 4. § . 6. It is required that there be a clear intimation of this dissent , for it is not enough for the father to say he is not well pleased with such a vow , but he must openly contradict the same , in refuseing he must refuse it , & in taking it away , he must quite take it away , as if he had said he must constantly in very deed refuse & prohibite the same ; by his full power and authority . 2. Doct. Sanders . ubi supra prael . 4. § . 5. sayeth that a tacite consent will suffice , that is to say ( sayeth he ) When he who sweareth may in probability presume that the superiour , would not refuse it , his consent were asked . Now had not Scotland this tacite consent , when some yeers before , the King had ratified Acts of Parliament , discharging Church governement by prelats ? yea more , they had a formall & expresse consent ( having an Act of Parliament made by King & Parliament against the prelats ) unto the thing which they did then vow & promise . 3. This dissent must be presently testified in the very day he heareth thereof ; if one day passe , the oath is ratified ; for ( sayeth the forcited Doct. Sanders . ubi supra ) he who signifieth his dissent too late , may be thought for some space of time to have consented . Now this proclamation was not before the 9. of Octob. 4. This dissent must be constant ( as sayeth the forecited author ) for if at any time thereafter he yeeld , the oath standeth in force ; for his former dissenting did not make the oath no oath , nor loosed its obligation ; But only hindered the execution , & so now the impediment being removed , the oath should be followed forth ; & what is promised therein should be performed : And the Covenanters have this to say , That the King gave his after consent unto the oath when he said in his soliloquies . That good men should least offend God & him in keeping of it . But to put this out of all doubt , The King who now is ( as was showne above ) did solemnely owne this Covenant , & approve of all that was done in carrying on the ends of it , & promised that he would look upon the friends of the Covenant , as his only friends ; & the enemies thereof as his enemies . And now , quod semel placuit amplius displicere non debet , that which once pleased cannot againe displease him . But to this the author replyeth thus . It would be considered if it was the Lord's minde in that law , That if Children or wiver having vowed , should by some meanes drive their parents or husbands out of the house , — and bargane with them either to ratify their vowes , or never to enjoy these comforts , that then the consent so obtained should be irrevocable . Ans. 1. He can be in no worse case as to this matter of giving hi●… consent , then he would be , as to his swearing of an oath : Now it is granted by Casuists that an oath , unto which a man is forced , doth binde , if the matter be lawfull , otherwise , all oaths might be evited , by alledging that force const●…ined to it : Even the oath of alleagiance might be question●… upon this account ; For it hath a penalty annexed to it , & so the swearers thereof may pretend that they were forced thereunto by the penalty : Was no●… Zedeki●…h's oath to Nebuchadnezzer forced ? Doct. Sa●…d . his determination in this may satisfie . He ●…bi supra Pr●…l , 4 § . 5. sayeth . 2. If the matter required by force or sad fear , be not unlawfull nor injurious to any , but only some what disadvantagious to the s●…er , as if one travailing should fall among robers that with drawne swords , would thre●…ten his life unlesse●…e would promise them such a summe of money , with an oath : In this case it is lawfull both to promise the money , & to confirme the promise with an oath . 3. I say such an oath doth oblige . And he giveth these reasons why the oath obligeth . 1. Because ●…e sweareth a thing lawfull & possible . 2. He did choose that which seemed best for that instant . 3. What is promised for a certane end should be performed when the end is attained . Yea which is more , an oath into which one is cheated ( in which there is lesse reall will then in an extorted oath ) obligeth , as that to the ●…ibeonites . So then if an oath into which one is forced doth oblige , much more will a consent to an oath stand , though exto●…ted by fear , especially seing the text maketh no such exception . But 2. how can he say that such as were for the Covenant did deprive the King of all his worldly comforts , seing it was conscience to that Covenant that moved Scotland to call home the King , after that the Covenant breakers had taken away his fathers life , & had banished himself : And how can this shamelesse man say ( as he doth pag. 24. ) That the Covenant was contrived & carryed on , as if the designe had been laid to extirpat episcopacy , whether the King would consent , 〈◊〉 not , or whatever course should be taken to force his consent vi & armis . When he cannot but know that before ever there was a word of this league & Covenant ( of which he is now speak ing ) prelacy was rooted out of Scotland . But he will reply . That Scotia d did suspend this King from the exercise of his royall power until he consented , which was an unparallel'd way of usage from subjects to their soveraigne . Ans. This Gentleman would speak sparingly , lest he run himself into a premunire ; for the Estates of Scotland did nothing but what the lawes of the land allowed them to do . There was an act of Parl. Parl. 1. Act. 8. K. Iam 6. enjoyning the King at his coronation to sweare to maintaine the true religion of Christ Iesus , & to rule the people according to th●… loveable lawes & co●…stitutions received in this rea●…me , & to procure to the uttermost of his power , to the K●…K & Christian people true & perfect peace . And this oath King Charles the first did swear , & what wrong did the Estates of Scotl. when they caused King Charles the II. sweare the same ? It is true that both the nationall & solemne league & Covenant , were tendered to him also . But what was there in either of those different from this oath ? all the question is about Episcopacy , & was not Episcopacy abolished fully by act of Parliament , & by an act of Parliament ratified & opproved by King Charles the first himself , being personally present Anno 1641 ? & so , was not this a received & an approved law , as full & formall , as ever any law made by any Parliament in Scotland was ? And what wrong was it then to put this King to sweare to rule them by their owne approved & allowed lawes ? By this , it may be seen that Reverend & learned Mr Crofton & the authors of the Covenanters plea , are mistaken through misinformation , when indirecly , at least , they alledge , or take it for granted that the Scots dealt uncivilly & disloyally with their prince in this businesse ? & the reader must be intreated to look on that escape , as flowing from no ill will which they carry unto the Estates of Scotland , but meerly from want of information , though it had been wished that they had forborne to have vented in publik any such reflexion , untill they had been better informed . But furder , to goe on in speaking to the author now under examination : At that time , when the King was crowned , it became him & all , to have construed otherwise of his majesty & to have said with Cicero de officis lib. 3. Quasi vero , fort●… viro vispossit adhiber●… as if a slout and constant man could be forced unto any such thing : & with Doct Sander s●…pius esse nequit qui non est fortis , he who is not thus stout and constant can not be a godly man. But now seing it hath pleased his Maj. to declare unto the world in print , that he did sweare that Covenant against his will , all are bound to give him credit : But withall this must be said ; That Scotland is at a great losse , not knowing how they shall be secured in any thing , or how they shall know when Kings at their coronation do swear willingly , & when not : & on what ground they now stand who can know ? for it may be as well said that he swore that oath , which was enjoyned to be sworne by the 1. Parl. of King Iam. 6. against his will : & upon this ground it may be alledged , that he is not now bound to maintaine the true reformed religion , not yet , to rule the land , by the laudable lawes thereof , but only according to his own will & pleasure . But this author goeth on & sayeth . It would be considered whether this be de jure naturali , that a consent of a superiour once given to the vow of an inferiour , he hath no power to revoke his consent upon reasonable causes , and to make void the vow : Lessius thinketh the precept is eatenus judiciall Ans. He would gladly put to his Amen unto this if he did not feare to be hissed at : What Lessius or any of his stamp say , is not very materiall : But whereas he thinketh that that part of it is judiciall , he had done better if he had given one word of reason for it : But if he thinketh that that part of it is judiciall , what if others think that the rest of it is judiciall also , & so it be wholly laid aside as judiciall ? But who ever these great schollers are who think that the superiour may revoke his consent , it is too too apparent that they are not great divines , who would teach people thus to falsify their oaths & promises , nor are they good royalists , who with Matchiavell ( who sayeth Princes should not have vertue , piety , faith , religion or integrity ; yea that it is dangerous to them to use those alwayes , & that it is necessary sometimes for them to do contrary to their faith and promise and turne with the winde ) would teach Kings to take their word againe when as . nudo jus & reverentia verbo Regis inesse solet quovis juramine major . & undertake to maintaine that maxime , that [ principi ●…ihilest injustum quod fructu●…sum . That a prince can do no wrong whatever he doth , if it be for his own gaine ] seing Solomon that wise , King sayeth Prov. 17 : 7. That [ lying lips become not a prince , & the emperour Charles 5. when questioned by ●…udovick palatine of Rhine why he would not break his promi●…e to Luther , said , That though faith in keeping of promises should be b●…shed out of all the world ; yet it should remaine with the Emperour ] But Doct Sanders a better casuist then this author , resolveth the case otherwise ubi supra pr●…l . 7. § 6. saying 3. if the super●… hath once confirmed the promise by his expresse consent ●…edent or subsequent he cannot afterward make that promise void and null , or loose its obligation ] Now it was shown before , That the Scottish Covenanters had more then his Maj. consent ; They had him swearing the same thing , so that there can be no power of revokeing , or of doing , or of putting his inferiours to do any thing , contrary to the oath : and what sayeth this author unto this ? He sayeth for sooth [ That it is granted , unlesse upon some other ground there be a clear looseing of the superi●…urs oath , & a ceasing of the obligatii●… of it ] Ans. Spect●…um admissi , r●…sum teneatis amies . Seing he had a minde to say this why hath he troubled his reader all this while ? What these other grounds are he hath not yet showne , & this is a faire consession , that he hath been beating the winde ; & therefore this first case is sent away with disgrace ; for now at length he is ashamed of it , and it may be , he shall have cause likewise to be ashamed of the rest , ere all be done ; for it is malum om●…n in ●…mine cespitare . The second case which he mentioneth shall be thus summed up [ when the matter abideth not in the same state , but something in providence occureth , before the accomplishment of the oath , which maketh the performance either sinfull , as the delivering of the sword into the owners hand , when turned mad ; or importing some turpitude , or something against morall honesty , as marrying of a woman , after oath discovered to be with childe to my brother , or anyother man , then the obligation of the cath ceaseth & so is the case here , ( sayeth , he ) some thing occurreth now , which maketh that without sin we cannot performe that oath , for ( suppo●…ing the indifferency of prelacy we cannot performe that hath without disobedience to the Magistrat in a matter wherein he hath power to command ; no oath can binde , sayeth Perkines , against the wholsome lawes of the common wealth , neither is it materiall whether the lawes be made before , or after the oath , b●…th wayes the matter of the oath becometh impossible de jure , and though in indifferent things of private cońcernment , an oath may take away liberty : Yet a subjects oath cannot take away the power of the Magistrat in things not unlawfull , nor binder subjects from obedience ; otherwise subjects might finde away to plead themselves free from obedience in all things indifferent ] This is the summe of his discourse unto which it is Ans , 1. The ground of this is yet questioned ; for it is showne that as to the 2 Article , about which most of the contest is , the Covenant is not about things indifferent , but things morally evill , as is uncontroverted in all poynts save that of prelacy , and to take it for granted that prelacy , as there abjured , is a thing indifferent , is more then any adversary will yeeld to him . 2. Be it granted that such a government as is there abju●…ed , is not expresly against the word of God ; yet a thing indifferent , may become inconvenient & inexpedient , & an oath made concerning those things , may be undoubtedly good & lawfull . 3. If this doctrine of his hold good , It shall be hard to know what matter it should be , about which , an oath should be taken ; for he said before , that an oath hath no force in matters morally good ; and it is granted by all , that an oath hath no force in matters sinfull , for it cannot be vinculum iniquitatis ; & here he sayeth a man may not sweare in things indifferent , if they be such as come under the compasse of legislators , and thus he doth much to banish all religious oaths out of the world , 4. Will no oath binde , which is against the lawes of the land ? then what if a man in straite for money , shall borrow & promise with an oath , to give more annual-rent therefore , then the law of the land will allow ; will not his oath binde him ? What if the law of the land be against the giving of any money unto robbers ; Shall not a man who is taken with robbers , & who to save his life promiseth with an oath to give them such a summe of money , performe his oath , merely because it is against the law of the Land ? But as to this controversie let the reader consult such casuists as have spoken of it , whose names are set down by Timorcus in his Covenanters plea cap. 6. or if he please let him consult Doct Sanders . who de jur pro. oblg. prael . 4. § . 17. proveth it lawfull enough , & whatever be said of this : That which Doct. Sa●…ders . sayeth ubi supra Prael . 3. § . 9. may be noticed . It may be ( sayeth he ) that some cases may be given , in which , an oath which seemeth contrary to some law of a community , or calling , though it ought not to have been taken , yet being taken , may oblige ; as for example , in a law whereunto a penalty is annexed disjunctively , & in this case he thinketh the oath should be keeped & the law should not be obeyed , but the penalty should be payed , & this is enough for those who stand for the Cov. 5. If oaths made against the wholsome lawes of the common wealth binde not , oaths made against the ●…unwholsome lawes of the common wealth will binde , & in that case , without all doubt , people are bound to stand to their oath , & resolve upon suffering before they yeeld obedience : And whether any law made about prelacy be wholsome or unwholsome , is sufficiently determined in the premisses , & by the grounds upon which the legislators did goe , when they reseinded all acts made in favours of prelats & their power 6. This oath ( even as to the 2. Article which ●…is most controverted ) was not against , but conforme unto the wholesome lawes of the land ; for befor that the league & cov . was sworne there were standing lawes against prelacy , & acts ratified & approved with all formalities , & published with all usuall solemnities , according to the King 's own command & warrand ; & therefore this case doth not come home to the case in hand . But he sayeth it is not materiall whether the lawes be made before , or after the oath . And that is a very strange thing ; for a law not yet made , is no law , & an oat●… taken in a particular about which there is no law yet made , can not be an oath against a wholesome law of the land : And to ' say that a law made afterward may loose the obligation of an oath , is a very ready way for opening the door to all perjury , & to cast all oaths loose ; for when once a man hath sworne to his own hurt , & would gladly be rid of his oath he hath no more to do , but acquant his superiour , & he will make a law for the contrary , & so he is at liberty ; But will such sigleaves cover the nakednesse of perjurie ? Or will such shifts satisfy in the day of reckoning ? Dreame of those things who will , God will not be mocked ? Doct. Sanders . a better casuist then he , ubi supra Prael . 3. § . 18. giveth a better resolution , saying if after the oath , the statute should be abrogated , or antiquated , the oath , as to that statute ceaseth , so that he is not bound by the oath to observe that law any more , ●…lesse ( N. B. ) the very thing contained in the oath be sworne to , expresly ; in that case though the statute , be removed : the obligation of the oath standeth fast . And that is enough for the Covenanters . 7. Though it were granted ( which will not be ) that inferiours could not take an oath in those matters that fall under the power of legislators to enact lawes about , or if they did sweare , were not obliged to performe , what they swore ; yet if legislators themselves sweare that such a thing ( suppon it be but indifferent ) shall never be enacted in a law , will not this oath binde those legislators ? What will this advocat invente in this case , as an open door at which , both King & Parl , may escape , for both King & Parl. in their kingly & parliamentary capacity have abjured prelacy ? 8. Why may not inferiours sweare when they finde any law grievous & burdensome , to endeavour according to their place & power to have such a law or Act altered ? & why may not such an oath oblige ? This is not an oath properly against a law : & because here the dominion of superiours over inferiours is sufficiently reserved , this cannot be condemned . 9. He mistaketh that case of casuists quando res non permanet in eodem statu . When he applyeth it to the purpose in hand ; for prelacy is the same now which it was when first abjured , there is no conveniency or law fulnesse seen in it now which was not seen before ; Yea on the contrary it appeareth worse then ever : So that if he would stand to that rule , quando res non permanet in eodem statu : when the state of the matter is changed . Though they had sworn to maintaine prelacy ( as now they have abjured it ) their oath could not binde them now to owne it ; Because it appeareth now so deforme & abhominable a monster & a cockatrice seeking the ruine & destruction of all which cometh with in its reach . 10. what doth this author think of the oath made to the Gibeonites ? Was there not a change of the Estate of affaires there , when within three dayes they were discovered to be lyars , & that they were not a people that dwelt a far off , but such as did dwell among them , & yet the oath must stand valid & firme : Yea was there not an expresse prohibition to make any league with these Canaanits ? Exod. 23 , 32 : 33. & 34 : 10. Deut. 7 : 2. & 20 : 16. & was not this a wholsome law ? And yet the oath must be keeped , this law being a particular command , & so far only , to binde the conscience , as it might be obeyed without any breach of the morall law ; as in Rachab's case it is evident ( as sayeth , Mr Iackson in his annotations on Ios. 9 : 18. ) How will this advocat reply to these things ? If he stand to his principles , he must condemne Iosua for keeping that oath . Moreover was not the oath of Zedekiah against the fundamentall lawes of the land , seing it was tendered to him , that the Kingdom might be base , Ezek. 17 : 14. & yet being taken it must be keeped . So then his second case will not make much for him . The third is , in short , this [ When it hindereth a greater good , if the standing to it , be found impeditive of a greater good to which we are bound by a prior obligation , then the oath ceaseth to binde ; & so is it here ; for supponing the indifferencie of episcopacy , by adhereing to the oath , we hinder our own obedience to the Magistrat in things not against God's law , unto which we are pre-obliged ; as also it hindereth the great duety of preaching the Gospel , unto which Ministers were bound , before the taking of Covenant ] Ans , 1. This man would disput strongly if he had his will , and if men would yeeld him all which he demandeth , he would fight wonderfully . Grant him once that Episcopacy is a thing indifferent , & you see how he will disput to admiration , for the looseing of all Covenants ; but i●… that be not yeelded , what will he do then ? He hath no more to say , for all his arguments run on this supposition , & when this ground faileth , all is wrong with him . But to discover his weaknesse yet more , let this once againe be granted , & let it be supponed that Episcopacy is not against God's law , yet it is Ans. 2. If this ground hold good , men shall have a door opened for looseing of 〈◊〉 from all their oaths & vowes . Himself con●…esseth that by this meanes , a wide gap may be opened to all perjury , & what course taketh he to prevent this ? Doth he limit 〈◊〉 this position in any thing ? No not to all , for all this hazard which he cannot but see . May not any at their pleasure loose themselves from the oath of alleagiance , by alledging that the keeping thereof doth hinder a greater good to which they are bound by a prior obligation , viz. the liberating , & freeing of the countrey from oppression & tyranny ? 3. Had not Ioshua more to say for looseing of his oath , seing the keeping of the oath made to the ●…ibeonits did hinder obedien ce unto a particular command which God had given unto his people , & yet God would dispense with that particular command in this case , when it could not be obeyed without perjury , which is directly against the law & light of nature , & when the obeying thereof would have givē the heathens great occasion of blaspheming the name of the Lord ; though he will not dispense with the breach of any morall law upon that account . 4. Had not Zedekia●… as much to say , for the looseing of himself from his oath ? viz. that the keeping of the oath did hinder him from performing that duty to his Kingdome & countrey , unto which he was pre-obliged ' But this new coined divinity was not of force in those dayes , & his bare word will not make it passe now with tender consciences . 5. What is the greater good which it will hinder ? It will hinder ( as he thinketh ) their obedience to the civill Magistrat . But are all bound to obey the Magistrat in all things that are indifferent ? Doth every law of the Magistrat binde the conscience ? subjection , it is true , is necessary : but not obedience Active , & subjection may consist with obedience passive , that is , in suffering the penalty , when Active obedience cannot be given to the command : passive obedience is consistent with the publick peace , & doth no way hurt the majesty , honour or credite of the ruler . So that though standing to this oath , may now hinder Active obedience unto that command of the Magistrat , enjoyning , a countenanceing of , & a concurring with the abjured prelacy ; yet it will not hinder subjection or passive obedience , & this is all , which in those positive indifferent things they can be said to be obliged unto , unlesse he would say ( which yet he darre not ) that the prelacy which was abjured , is a government commanded of God to be perpetually practised in the Church . 6. It would be considered also that their standing to this oath doth no way hinder their obedience to the Magistrat , in any thing commanded of God , or in any indifferent positive thing , save in this one particular ( if so be this must goe under that name of indifferent things ) & then the true question is not ; whether is it a greater good to disobey Magistrats , then to keep an oath ? But whether is it a greater good to obey the Magist. in this one particular of imoraceing that prelacy which was abjured , or to stand to the oath ? And that will come to this , whether is it a greater good for Church or common wealth to have prelats , then to want them ? & if this advocat will make this the question , there will be some found who shall willingly undertake the disput . But if what is past , & what is present be called in to give judgment in this matter , the question will quickly be decided , yea & appear to indifferent beholders , to be already determined : If the persecution of godly faithfull Ministers of the Gospell ; If the laying of countreysides waste & desolate ; If the feeding of people with winde & lies ; If the great increase of atheisme , arminianisme , popery , ignorance , & prophanity of all sorts : If the persecuting of the godly & of godlinesse ; If the hindering of the exercise of religion & Christian dueties , & the like , may have any weight in casting the scale . 7. As for the preaching of the Gospell , it is true , it is the duety of Ministers to be mindeing that ; But God hath need of no man's sin to worke his work , he calleth no man to preach the Gospell , by the way of perjury ; yea their suffering now for truth tenddeth to the furtherance of the Gospell , as , phil . 1 : 12. & is much more edifying then all their preaching could be , after they had proclamed their perjury unto the would . 2. Whose fault is it , that Ministers cannot have liberty to preach the Gospell ? Is their keeping of the oath the thing which standeth in the way ? Is there no other way for one to have liberty to preach the Gospell , but by breaking his oath ? what influence hath the conscientions observing of the oath upon non-preaching ? What if that iniquity , which is established for a law , were taken out of the way ? Would there not be preaching of the Gospell , notwithstanding of a conscientious observation of the oath ? there is no doubt of this . So that it is not the observation of the oath , which hindereth the preaching of the Gospell , otherwayes it would alwayes have done it , & will alwayes do it , which is false : But some other thing ▪ & now let the blame of not preaching the Gospell , lye where it should lye , for there it will lye , whether he will or not . Yea the conscientious observation of this oath is so far from lying in the way of preaching the Gospell , that on the contrary , the breach of the oath doth incapacitate a man for preaching of the Gospell both before God & men : perjury is no qualification of a minister before the Lord , & who can trust or commit their soulls unto a perjured man ? How can such an one who hath once so palpably perjured himself presume ever to set his feet within a pulpit againe ? And thus it is clear that this case maketh nothing against the Covenanters , & so the first assault which he hath made upon the Covenant is repulsed very easily . The next ground which he layeth down is this . That if the Covenant be not rigidly interpreted & strained , it will not hinder a complying with the present prelacy , & that upon these two grounds . 1. At the time of the taking of the Covenant there was no such Church officers in Scotland , as are mentioned in the 2. Article ; & therefore Scotland did not need to swear to endeavour their extirpation . And 2. The Parliament of England the giver of this oath , intended nothing lesse then the extirpation of all kindes of prelacy & Bishops in the Church , & for this he bringeth in the authors of the Covenanters plea , Mr Baxter , Mr Gataker , & Mr Vines as confirming this notion of his . Unto all which a short answere may suffice , for though it might be easily demonstrated that those men mentioned by him , do not approve of that species of Episcopacy which is no●… set up in Scotland , & that they have said nothing wh●…ch will speak out their judgment of the complyance of the. 2. Article of the league & Covenant with the Scottish Episcopacy , yet it doth not much concerne these in Scotland , to search & to try narrowly what is the judgment of any particular divine how eminent soever in England , concerning prelacy . Nor what sense or glosse they put upon the Covenant , or upon any particular article thereof ; Though it is very probable that they will not put such a favourable interpretation upon that article , as shall make it an interpretation , not aequitate temperatam , but Gratia corruptam . Yea nor is it of much concernment to these of Scotland , to search after the sense or glosse , which the Parliament of England did put upon it ( though no difference can be apprehended betwixt their sense , & the sense of the Kingdom of Scotland ) seing they did not tender that oath unto Scotl. but they are to look rather unto the sense & glosse which the Church & state of Scotland in their publick meetings did put upon it , & it is clear that they intended no complyance betwixt the Covenant & this prelacy . Though , it is true , at the taking of the Covenant , there was no such officers as are there named , in Scotland . ( Which is all the weak ground he goeth upon as to this particular ) yet , albeit Scotland had gotten those unhallowed plants plucked up & cas●…en out , they were not out of all fear of them . The dangerous Estate of the Church & Kingdom of Scotland at that time , said they were not without feares that these plants might againe take rooting , if the popish prelaticall & malignant faction had prevailed in the Kingdomes . And therefore they were called to fortifie themselves against those plagues & evills , by a solemne league & Covenant . But moreover doth not the very words of the second article expresly exclude the prelacy which is now in Scotland ? Is not the Church of Scotland at present governed by two Archbishops and by tuelue other bishops ? Have not those bishops their deanes , their arch deacons , &c. And is not the 2d . article expresly against such a government by such officers ? Who that hath eyes in their heads can doubt of these things ? Moreover will he suppose that the Church and state of the Kingdom of Scotland were such ignoramuses , as to set down contradictories in the Covenant , & that when they had sworne to maintaine the discipline & government of the Church of Scotland ( which himself will confesse was presbyterian ) in the first article , & in the second article had abjured a government in the Church , inconsistent with presbyterian government ; should be thought with all to consent & yeeld unto such an episcopacy , as should be inconsistent with presbyterian government ? Which were in effect to say , They swore to maintaine presbyterian government & yet might receive another government distinct from , & inconsistent with presbyterian government : And though they abjured prelacy ; yet not every prelacy , for they might for all that , accept of one sort of prelacy which yet should be inconsistent with presbyterian government . But possibly this advocat saw he would be ashamed of such things , & therefore went to England to seek such help as he could finde , but all the help he hath gotten there , hath made little to his purpose . Finally this author would do well to follow D. Sand. his advice ubi sup . prael . 2 § 9. where he discourseth thus when I say an oath is stricti juris that is to b●… understood thus , that the meaning of the oath is to be keeped when the same is clear from the words . And is not the sense of the 2d article of the Covenant as clear as can be ? But put the case it be dubious , heare what he sayeth furder [ But when the meaning is doubtfull , every one is carefully to take heed that they indulge not their own affections , & inclinations , or give way unto toolax & large a license of glosseing , to the end they may with more ease loose themselves from the obligation of the oaths with which they are bound , or give such a sense unto the oath or to any part thereof for their own profite & advantage , as no wise & prudent man , who is not concerned in the matter ( and so having no interest is at greater freedom to determine ) can be able to gather from the words themselves ; & the reason is twofold , one in respect of others , and for fear of scandall , lest any other who is weak b●… moved to think he may lawfully do what he seeth us do , being ignorant of those subtil●…es with which alone we think to defend ourselvs from perjury . The other in respect of our selves , for fear of perjury , which is a most grievous crime , and which undoubtedly we bring upon ourselves if that more favourable interpretation deceive us , This reason dependeth upon that generall & most profitable rule , in matters doubtfull follow that which is saifest thus he solidely & judicously . What he addeth here against the nationall Covenant shall be considered fully in the next Section . When thus he hath spent his master pieces , against this Covenant , he cometh , in end , to try what his third & last device will do , & that is , to muster up some stragling faults which he espieth either as to matter or manner ; which though granted to him , would not much advantage his cause , or say much for looseing the obligation of the oath , now after it is taken : Yet because he vapoureth much in his expressions here , & would gladly deceive the simple , who are not well acquanted with the nature of oaths , but are ready to think that the least escape in the manner of entering into an oath , is enough to dissolve its obligation , after it is taken , not knowing that quod sicri non debuit factum valet , nor knowing well how to guaird against this deceit , which he hideth with a multitude of words ; his challenges must be answered . All which he sayeth on this head , is some thing to these three particulars . 1. The want of authority , in the imposeing . 2. The generality of the termes in which it is conceived . & 3. Some incongruitie in the 3d article . The summe of what he sayeth unto the first of these is this [ To carry on a publick oath without the soveraigne power , is without any example among jewes or Christians . It is a speciall royalty of the King , to have power of imposeing an oath on all his subjects , especially where the oath hath a direct aime for raiseing armes : Such leagues are inhibited by the lawes of the land Ia. 6●… Parl. 10. Act. 12. Mary Parl. 9. Act. 75. Now this Covenant was carryed on in England by a meeting of Parliament excludeing one of the Estates , and in Scotland by a committee of Estates ] Ans. what if all this be granted ? Will it therefore follow , that the obligation of the Covenant is loosed ? Nay himself dar not say so , for he addeth [ Now although this could not nullify the obligation of the Covenant , were the matter of it undoubtedly lawfull , and otherwise still obligeing ; yet it were well if unlawfulnesse in regaird of this defect were acknowledged . So that all which he would have of the Covenanters now for proof of their sincerity is that they would give , as publick testimony against the sinfull way of entering into that bonde , as against that si●… ( as they suppose ) of breaking it . But what would this advantage his cause ? And seeing he saw that it would not advantage his cause why did he spend time & paines in vaine ? He is at a weak passe now , when he can bring no arguments , but such as himself must needs answere , & discover the weaknesse of . But it is like out of a desire to have it going well with the Covenanters he would have them repenting of the misse which was made . But by his favour they must first be convinced of the errour ere they can say that they have erred , and ere they be convinced of an errour in that Particular , they must see more cogent arguments then any which he hath yet brought : For as for that committee of Estates which he sayeth did carry on that Covenant in Scotland , it had power for that effect from the convention of Estates , & their deed was approven in all poynts by the next meeting of Parliament , Anno 1644. the lawfulnesse of which convention & Parliament hath been shown above ( and as for the Parliament of England , Mr Croften & Timorcus have sufficiently spoken to that ) and as for Scotlands entering into a league with England without the King's consent , it hath been vindicated before : So hath it been showne how the Parliaments of Scotland do partake of the soveraignity with the King and have power of warre , & so all which he here sayeth is answered already : Only because he desireth some examples of the like among Iewes or Christians , though there be no great necessity for this businesse , yet some few instances shall be brought & first among the Iewes there are two eminent examples : one in the dayes of Asa King of Iuda . 2. Chron. 15. where many strangers of Ephraim manass●…h & Simeon , fell to Asa ; out of Israel in abundance , when they saw that the Lord his God was with him , v. 9. And entered into a Covenant to seek the Lord God of their fathers with great solemnity , v. 12 , 14. & that without the consent of their own King. Another in the dayes of Hezekiah : when he came to the throne which was in the third yeer of Hoshea King of Israel . 2. King. 18 : 1. In the first year of his reigne . 2. Chron. 29. 3. ( & this was six yeers before the Kingdome of Israel was wasted & destroyed by Salmanass●…r King of Assyria . 2. King. 17 : 6. ) beginneth a work of reformation , & said it was was in his heart to ma●…e a Covenant with the Lord God of Israel . 2 Chron 29 : 10. And he sent to Israell writting letters to Ephraim & Manasseh , desireing them to come up to the house of the Lord , & accordingly diverse of Asher Manasseh & Zebulon . 2. Chron. 30 : 1 , 11. joyned with him , in that Covenanted work of reformation : here are some of the subjects of Basha & Hoshea , without their consent or approbation joyning in a Covenant or bond with another King & Kingdom ( which would seem more treasonable like , then for the subjects of one King to joyn together in Covenant for the good of King & Kingdome ) to carry on a work of reformation , & no doubt this advocat darre not condemne this deed of those subjects of Hoshea or Basha . As for such Covenants among Christians , instances in abundance may be given , & some have already been named , as that betwixt the first reformers of Scotland , & the Queen of England , & these in France , Germany , the Low countreyes , Helvetia , piemont , &c. & so a few moe shall suffice . If he had read the History of the reformation of the Church of Scotland , he had seen there severall examples of Covenants entered into by Christians , without the consent of the supreme Magistrat viz. one Anno 1557 subscribed by Argile , Glencarne , Morton , Lorn & others . Another at Perth , Anno 1559. subscribed by Argile , Iohn Stuart , Glencarn , Boid , Vchiltree , &c. A third at Sterlin that same yeer , subscribed by many A fourth at Leth , Anno 1560. subscribed by all the nobilite barons , gentlemen & others professing Christ Iesus in Scotland . & a fift at Aire Anno 1562. subscribed by severall noblemen & gentlemen . In Sleidan's commentaries , Lib 7. Anno 1529. there is a Covenant betwixt the city Strausbrugh ( which was under the command & jurisdiction of the Emperour ) & three of the cities of Helvetia viz. Tigurum Berna , & Basil about assisting & dese●…ding one another in the cause of religion ; & this was without the consent & approbation of the emperour , as appeareth by the letter written to Strausbrugh from the dyet of the Empire : againe , An. 1530. there was a Covenant betwixt the La●…dgrave of Hesse , & those three cities Tigur or Zurich , Basil & Strausburg anent mutuall defencein the cause of religion . That same yeer the protestants meet at Smalcald & draw up a Covenant for mutuall defence in religion & it was subscribed by Albert & Gebert of Mansfeldt by the cities of Magdeburgh , & Breme . Sleidan , sheweth also lib. 19. That in February 1547. the nobles of Boheme meeting at Prague entered into a Covenant among themselves for the defence of their liberty , whether Ferdinand would or not . The second particular is about the generality of the termes wherein the Covenant is expressed . The summe of what he sayeth here is this . The Covenant was purposely framed in generall and homonymous termes that all the sects might lurck under it ; And so the Sectarian army when they invaded Scotland did pretend the Covenant ; And presbyterian Government was no way secured , it not being once named , but wrapped up in generall , under the reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline & Government , unto which independents & separatists might assent , purposeing to preserve the same against the common enemy , yea even such as entered into the Covenant could not agree in its sense as may be seen in the Parliament of England's baffling the Scottish Commissioner's declaration ; Anno 1647. & other papers . Ans. 1. To say that the Covenant was purposely framed in generall termes , that severall parties might be fast united against prelacy , is a base & slanderous imputation , But suteth him well who pleadeth for such a cause ; If the Covenant , for the most part , be thus conceived in generall & ambiguous termes , how cometh it to passe , that he produceth not instances thereof , no not so much as one ? Was it not as cleare as the sun shineth at noon day , that the reformed government of the Church of Scotland , at that time , was presbyteriall ▪ And did not himself say a little before , that at that time there was no such officers in the Church of Scotl. as are mentioned in the second article of the league & Covenant ? And whereas he sayeth that severall sects did lurk under the lap thereof , doth ●…he think this a cogent argument to prove it's ambiguity ? What sect is it which doth not plead scripture ? Shall scripture therefore be accounted ambiguous 〈◊〉 No not at all . Let men of corrupt mindes & principles wrest words in the Covenant as they please , the Covenant , to any who shall reade it , is plaine & clear enough , & he who will wink , may wander at noon day : let men imagine & put what glosses they will on scripture , It is plaine , & hath but one sense . But what will all this make to the businesse ? Will the obligation of a Covenant , in which some men think there lyeth some ambiguities , be loosed upon that account ? This must be proved ere it be received off his hand , as a truth : neither he , nor any of his party hath hit hertill ▪ attempted any such thing . Lastly is there any ambiguity in the second article ? Yet ( sayeth he ) were it not better to lay aside ( when now it is disclamed , by Ki●…g & Parliament & all persons of trust in the land ) a human for me which in respect of the composure of it , is apt to be , hath been , & is like to be a seminary of variety of parties , & worse evills then prelacy is imagined to be . When he hath made it to appear that this composure is apt of its own nature , to be such a seminary of worse evills then prelacy , his advice may be taken to consideration , but till then ( which will be , ad Calendas gracas ) he must excuse the Covenanters ; for neither King nor Parliament , though they had the pope with them , can give a dispensation in a matter of an oath , And King & Parliament with all the persones of trust , will have enough to do to hold the broad roll & the curse off themselves , their houses , & their posterity , & to keep themselves out of his hands , Who will be a swift witnesse against false swearers , though they undertake not to protect others from the wrath & vengeance of God. The last particular which he exaggerateth is the limited or conditionall preservation of the King's Maj. person & authority , viz. in the preservation & defence of the true religion , &c. He enquireth whether this was right or not ? And if difference in religion loose a people from their duty to the King ? To which a short reply will suffice . 1. Though it were granted that there were some thing wrong here , this will not ground the non-obligation of the Covenant in other particulars , & what hath he gained then ? 2. What ever wrong may be in wording this article thus , The blame is not be laid upon the first authors of this league & Covenant ; For in the nationall Covenant ( which was subscribed at first by King Iames & his houshold , Anno 1580. And in obedience to an act of Councell together with an Act of the Generall Assembly , by persons of all rankes , Anno 1581. And againe subscribed by all sorts of persons , Anno 1590. 1591. ) The Covenanters duety towards the King is so qualified in these words . We protest & promise with our hearts under the same oath , hand write , & paines , that we shall defend his person & authority , with our gear , bodyes & lives , in the defence of Christ's evangell , liberties of our contrey , ministration of justice ; & punishment of iniquity , against all enemies within th●… realme or without . So that if he annull the leagué & Covenant upon this account , he must much more annull the nationall Covenant , whereof King Iames was the author : For in that there is more add●…d to the qualification of their duty to the King , viz. his minisiration of justice and punishment of juiquity . So then this clause in the league being consonant unto that in the nationall Covenant needeth not be so much quarrelled at . 3. It is like he is displeased with any such qualification , but his reason is not very forceable viz. because it would insinuat that they were no otherwayes bound to defend him , for it will only insinuat that the Covenanters are to preferre , that which is of greater moment unto that which is of lesser concernment , & that they are to preferre the end unto the mean leading to the end ; That is , when the King is in direct opposition , unto the cause & work of God , it becometh them to preferre the interest of Christ before man's , & not to help the mighty against the Lord , but the Lord against the mighty : And when defending , promoveing , or any way advanceing the authority of the King , shall directly tend to the ruine of the interest of Christ , & religion , no Christian is bound to concurre : And this was granted even by the Parliament , Anno 1648. So that the question betwixt the Parliament & the Church , at that time , was not whether religion , & the interests of Christ should be preferred to the interest of the King ; or not : But whether the Engadgement , which was then carryed on , was not a preferring of Man's interests to Christ's ▪ for as to the thes●…s or major proposition , it was granted by the Parliament viz. That Christ's interest should be sought before man's , & the King's interests , only in a subordination to Christ's . Thus they did professe openly their owneing of the Covenant , & their resolution to prosecute the ends of the covenant , & to seek to secure & establish the King's interests only in subordination to the interests of Christ , for in their letter to the presbyteries ( Printed in their records ) May. 11. They shew that they were resolved to proceed for the preservation & defence of religion , before all other worldly interests whatsoever , & to carry on sincerely really & constantly the Covenant , & all the ends of it . And againe , in their answer to the supplications from Synods & presbyteries Iun. 10. ( insert likewise in their Printed records . ) They declare that in their undertakings they should preferre no earthly consideration to their dut●…es for preserving of religion in Scotland in doctrine worshipe discipline & government , as it is already established , & to endeavvour to setle it in England & Ireland according to the Covenant . & also , in their answere to some committees of Shires they declare that [ they had nothing before their eyes in that undertaking , but the preservation & good of religion , & the endeavouring the setling of it in England & Ireland according to the Covenant , in the first place & before all worldly respects : & his Maj. rescue from ●…his base imprisonment his re-establishment upon his throne , in all his just powers : the saiftie of this Kingdome from danger on all hands , & the preservation of the union & brotherly correspondence betwixt the Kingdomes , under the governement of his Maj. & of his royall posterity according to the Covenant . ] So that the gentleman the author of this pamphlet , publisheth his mistakes to the world , when he would inferre thus [ was this right that ( where our alleagiance binds us to duty to a greater latitude ) this should be held out to people , as the only standard of their loyally & duty to the King ? Was it found Doctrine to insinuat ( to the sense of intelligent men ) that we were not otherwise bound to defend him ? Was it well by such a clause to give occasion to wicked men to think they were no furder obliged to him then he should desend that which they accounted religion . ] And that the folly of his consequencesmay furder appear , it would be considered that there is a clear difference betwixt these two : Owneing of the King , & defending his authority , never , but when he is actually owneing , & active for the cause & interest of Christ : And owneing of the King , & defending his authority , alwayes , but when he is in actuall opposition , & in a stated contradiction to the work & interest of Christ , So is there a difference betwixt these two . Non-concurrence in defending & promoveing of the King's authority , when he is opposeing the work of God : And actuall anulling , diminishing , or utter overthrowing of his power & authority when he is so stated : And so when the Covenanters say That they are not bound to contribute their power in their places & capacities , to promove or defend his Maj. power , & authority ; when he is in a stated opposition to the work of God , & when the advanceing of him to his full power & authority , would cetanely tend to the ruine & desruction of the cause & people of God : yet they do not say , that they are never bound to defend him , but when he is actually promoveing & advanceing the work of God , according to his full power & place ; Nor do they say , that when he opposeth the work of God , they are at liberty to destroy his person , or to spoile & rob him of all his just power & authority : And therefore both that clause in the Covenant , & their proceedings may be abundantly justified without laying down any ground for the taking away of the late King's life ; & without clashing with , or contradicting the confessions of protestant Churches , or of their owne ; so●… still they acknowledge that difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrat's just & legall Authority , not free the people from subjection : But that this may be a little more clear , let this example be considered : A Father turneth phrenticke & mad , & seeketh to destroy the whole family , calling for a sword , & liberty to execute his cruelty ; His sones rise up & binde his hands , & withhold the sword from him , & withall sweare to stand together in their own defence , & to defend their Father's just right & power in the defence of the family : Now , in this case , can any say that they were undutifull children ; or that their covenanting so , & adding that clause in the Covenant , sayeth , they were free to cast off the relation that is betwixt him & them , except he guide the family , in all poynts as they would have him doing ? No in no wayes . Here then it is clear that their refuseing to put the sword in their Father's hand , while under this distemper , is no act of undutifulnesse ; It is no lessening of the Father's just power over the family , nor doth it say that they thinke themselves not bound to owne him as a Father , except when he is actively , promoveing the good of the family , & far lesse doth it say , that they think , because of this distemper , they may destroy him , or that the relation betwixt them & him is broken up for ever . So then , though this Advocat thought he had a faire sield to walk upon , & a faire occasion to vent his anger against that Church , & to make her odious to all Churches about , yet wise men , who easily see that there is no such strong relation betwixt King & subjects , as betwixt Parents & Children , will acknowledge that his ranting is without reall ground ; And that Scotland in their treaties with the King at the Hage , & at Breda , & in their actions at home did nothing but what they may hold up their faces for , both before God & Man , doing nothing herein ; which either contradicteth their own confession of faith , or the confession of faith of other Churches . Not their own confession of faith ; For if the large confession of faith be viewed ( which was approved by the Parliament & insert in their registres . ) In that head of the civill Magistrate these words shall be found , We confesse and avow , that such at resist the supreme power doing that thing which appertaineth to his charge , do resist God's ordinance , and therefore cannot be guiltlesse : & furder we affirme that whosoever deny unto them their aide counsell and comfort , whiles the Princes and rulers vigilantly travell in execution of their office , that the same men deny their help support and counsell to God , who by the presence of his lifetenant doth crave it of them . So that all the resisting which is there condemned , is resisting of him while doing his duty & executing his office , & not , while he is seaking to destroy Religion , & the interests of Christ. Nor the confession of other Churches , for in the former confession of Helvetia , upon that head of the civill Magistrate , they say ( as it is in the English edition ) We know that though we be free , we ought wholly in a true faith , holily to submit ourselves , to the Magistrate , both with our body and with all our goods , and endeavour of minde also , to performe faithfulnesse , and the oath which we made to him , so far forth ( N. B. ) as his government is not evidently repugnant to him for whose sake we do reverence the Magistrate . So the French in their confession Art. 40. say , 〈◊〉 must willingly suffer the yocke of subjection , although the Magistrats be infidels , so that ( N. B. ) the soveraigne Authority of God do remaine whole and entire and nothing diminished . And , which is worth the noticeing , the practice of Scotland in this , is consonant to the profession of the Parliament Anno 1648. ( which did Act most for the King & his interest , preferring it to the interest of Christ ) who in their declaration Aprile 29. insert in their Registres , Act 17. say , [ That they resolve not to put in his Maj. hands , or any others whatsoever , any such power whereby the forsaid ends of the Covenant , or any of them , may be obstructed or opposed , Religion , or Presbyterian government endangered ; But on the contrary , before any agreement or condition be made with his Maj. ( having found his late concessions & offers concerning religion not satisfactory ) that he give assurance by his solemne oath under his hand & seal , that he shall for himself & his Successours give his Royall assent & agree to such act or acts of Parliament , or bills , as shall be presented to him , by his Parliaments of both , or either Kingdoms respectivè ? for enjoyning the League & Covenant , & fully establishing presbyteriall government , directory of worship confession of faith in all his Maj. Dominions : And that his Maj. shall never make any opposition to any of these , nor endeavour any change thereof . ] What this Author sayeth more in the three last Pages of his pamphlet is but partly a repetition of what he said before , & so is answered , & partly obviated by the preceeding discourse . SECTION XXIII . The nationall Covenant vindicated from the exceptions of the author of the seasonable case & caet . HIs plea against the Solemne league & Covenant being thus examined ; In the next place , his exceptions against the nationall Covenant pag. 30 : 31. &c. must be considered . This Covenant is not abjured in the declaration simply & in it self ; but as it was sworne & explained in the year 1638. & thereafter : And so the maine ground whereupon this Covenant is cast off , is because of that explication which was then added , in which therewas mention made of some things , which were referred unto the Generall assembly , in these words [ forbearing the practice of all novations already introduced in the matters of the worshipe of God , or approbation of the corruptions of the publick governement of the kirk , or civil places or power of kirkmen , till they be tryed & allowed in free generall assemblies , & in parliaments . ] And then after the generall assembly had examined these particulars , & explained the true sense & meaning of the Covenant , this conclusion was added . [ The article of this Covenant , which was at the first subscription referred to the determination of the generall Assembly , being determined ; And thereby the five Articles of Perth , the government of the Kirk by Bishops , the civill place & power of Kirk-men — upon the reasons & grounds , contained in the Acts of the generall Assembly ; declared to be unlawfull within this Kirk , we subscribe according to the determination foresaid . ] Theforesaid pleader for Eaal , when he is produceing his grounds against the validity of this oath , pitcheth only upon one of these three particulars mentioned , viz. the government of the Church by Bishops , & in reference to this , he attempteth two things , in his confused discourse . 1. He would ( if he could ) prove , that by this oath , as it was at first conceived , Anno 1580. & 1581 , & renewed Anno 1590. the governement of the Church by Bishops , was not abjured ; And 2. That the Assembly Anno 1638. did wrong , in giving such a glosse & sense , as they did . But he must be followed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lest any thing should escape ; & first what he bringeth to prove that Prelacy was not abjured by this Covenant , must be examined . He sayeth , That if the Ministers who reasoned with the Doctors of Ab●…rdeen be to be beleeved ( & they were the prime promotters of the Covenant , & carryed with them the sense of the body of the Covenanters ) they who subscribed that Covenant , knight , with great liberty , voice in an Assembly , concerning Episcopacy , without prejudice , notwithstanding their ●…ath ; & upon this ground would perswade the Doctors to subscribe the Covenant , because in so doing they should not be taken , as abjureing Episcopacy , as the Doctors thought ; And he referreth his reader unto their answer unto the 4. & 10. demands . Unto which it is Ans. 1. That this is but the old answere brought on the field againe ; for it was alledged by the Prelats in a pamphlet ●…n . 1638. emitted under the name of his Maj. commissioner ( as most , if not all , which he here alledgeth is borrowed out of that pamphlet ) & what answers were then given , may now suffice . Viz. That these Ministers who reasoned with the Doctors of Aberdeen , denyed indeed , that Episcopacy was expresly & specifically abjured , in the later part of the Covenant , which was the addition containeing the application unto the present times ; But did never say that it was not abjured in the negative confession , or nationall Covenant : Now it was about that application & addition , that the debate arose betwixt these Ministers & the Doctors ; The Doctors never refused to subscribe the negative confession , as it was called , or the Covenant drawne up Anno 1580 , & 1581. for when the privy Councell did emit a declaration , enjoyning all to take the Covenant , as it was taken Anno 1580 , 1581 , & 1590 , & 1591. as others did not , so neither would they have scrupled at the same : But they alwayes refused to subscribe to that part which was added , and one of the grounds , why they did scruple at the subscribeing of that , was this . They thought that by that addition , they should be bound expresly , directly , & specifically to abjure Episcopacy , & the ceremonies of Perth , which ( as they sayd ) they could not in conscience do ; Because then they should not have liberty to vote freely , according to their judgments , Concerning those things , in the Generall Assembly : And unto this the Ministers answered : that the words of that addition were purposely so contrived as none might scruple upon that account ; And indeed as to Prelacy the words run thus that they should forbear the approbation of the corruptions of the publick Government of the Kirk . And the reason was , because there were severall honest & well minded people in the land , who could not distinctly & clearly see , that the ceremonies , & the Government of the Church by prelats , were directly , contrary to the confession of faith , & abjured therein ; But were waiting for light in those matters , from the ensueing Generall assembly , who , they knew , could give most clearnesse in the matter of fact ; And could best show what was the Government of the Church , at that time when the nationall Covenant was first subscribed ; And also what was the meaning of the reformers as to severall particulars in that Covenant . So then , though it be true , that by taking of the oath , or swearing that additionall explication , Anno 1638 , No man was bound up from reasoning & debateing , nor from free voteing in the matter of prelacy in the nationall Assembly : Yet it will not follow that prelacy was not abjured , by the negative confession or nationall Covenant ; for though the sense & meaning of the oath Anno 1581 , Was not alike clear unto all , Anno 1638. Either as concerning prelacy or ceremonies : Yet the Covenant did strick against those as was afterward cleared . The Covenant hath still one sense & meaning , though such as did live fifty & eight yeers after it was first drawn up , could not alike see it & discerne it . It was but little wonder that at such a distance of time , after so many revolutions , the true sense & meaning thereof could not be so obvious unto all , As to overcome all doubts & scruples ; And therefore it was prudently resolved , to suspend their approbation of those particulars , till they were tryed in free assemblies : And indeed so soon as the Assembly 1638 Did search into the businesse , & cleare the true meaning of the Covenant , according to the sense of the reformers all scruples were loosed , & the people did chearfully assent unto the Assemblies determination ; For then they saw that by that Covenant , The Ceremonies of Perth Assembly , & the Government of the Church by prelats , were abjured . And it may be supposed , that this author will not be so bold as to say that ever after that assembly , wherein that businesse was cleared , any said that such as took that Covenant , were left at liberty to vote for prelacy , or for the ceremonies . So then this author bewrayeth much ignorance or maliciousnesse , or both ; when he thus argueth as he doth : Let him read the answers of those Ministers in these places cited by himself , & he shall be able , if he will , to see his mistakes . One of the grounds whereupon the Assembly 1638. did determine that Episcopacy was abjured by the Covenant which was sworne , Anno 1580. &c. was taken from these words in the Covenant his wicked hierarchy , as may be seen at the end of their act sess . 16. And to this he answereth , thus . This imports not the abjuration of the office of a Bishop , more then the office of a presbyter , or deacon , which are parts of the hierarchy , as well as Bishops ; but only the abjuration of the hierarchy so far as it was the pop's ; as it abjureth the five bastard sacraments , So far at he maketh them sacraments : So then the dependence of these offices on him as the head of the Church under Christ , is abjured , & also the corruption adhereing to these offices , and as they flow from him and are his , as is his blasphemous priesthood : And not the offices themselves : And therefore the office of a Bishop among protestants ( Bishops being now loosed from that dependence upon the sea of Rome ) is no part of the pope's hierarchy . This is the summe of his long discourse , and it may be shortly answered thus . That if the abjureing the hierarchy import the abjureing of the offices which are parts of the hierarchy , in so far as they depend on him , & are corrupted by him , then it will fully import the abjureing of prelats ; Because prelats depend on him , as well in esse as in operari , & therefore they must be abjured with this wicked hierarchy . It is well known that at the Councell of Trent the Pope would not suffer it to be debated , whether Bishops were juris divini or not , & the Historian Peter Suave , addeth the reason , viz. lest if it should be determined that they were juris Divini they should not so depend upon him , as they did , & he would have them continueing to do : So that hence it is clear , that the Pope acknowledgeth that they depend upon himself alone , even in their being , & have no other ground to stand upon , & therefore when his hierarchy is abjured , they in their essence & being are abjured . It is true , if he , or any of his fraternity , had ever demonstrated out of the word of God , that Christ or his Apostles did ever institute such an officer , distinct from a preaching presbyter , as in the prelate , as may be done concerning the Presbyter &c the deacon , & as himself will readily grant ; Then indeed it would follow that the abjureing of the pope's hierarchy would import no more then the abjureing of those corruptions which Attend those officers , as these which attend presbyters & deacons , as they depend on him , as the abjureing of his five bastard sacraments , importeth not the abjureing of marriage in it self being an ordinance of God , but only as it was abused by him , to be a 〈◊〉 . But seing it is not yet proved nor undertaken , by this author , to be proved , nor was ever asserted by the reformers o●… that Church , no not by Mr Craig the penner of the Covenant , That Prelats , as superiour unto , & distinct from preaching presbyters , are officers of God's appoyntment ; certanely when they are abjured , they are simply abjured . So that , till he demonstratively cleare , That Christ or his Apostles did institute Bishops distinct from preaching presbyters , he must acknowledge a difference betwixt them & presbyters & deacons , as to the matter of abjureing them : And so when all those three are abjured , they cannot be abjured after one & the same manner : But the office of presbyters & deacons are abjured in respect of their abuse , that is , the abuse & corruption which adhereth to these officers , as they are made parts of the hierarchy , is abjured : But when prelats are abjured , not only is their abuse , or the corruption adhereing to them , abjured ; but the very use is abjured ; for the use of an officer not appoynted of Christ , is an abuse , and Prelats , as to their being , depend only on the pope . But ( sayes he ) Bishops now being loosed from that dependence from the sea of Rome , & the Pope , who as head of the Church , claimed a plenitude of power over the whole Church , & made all Christian Bishops and Ministers , but as his slaves & vassels , portioning out to them such measure of jurisdiction , as he thought sit , as their stiles in this countrey imported of old . Ego N. Dei , Apostolicae sedis gratiâ Episcopus : the office of a Bishop is no part of the wicked hierarchy , Ans. This was sufficiently answered by the nationall assembly , 1638. in the forecited Act , where they said [ And howbeit this hierarchy be called the antichrists hierarchy : yet it is not to distinguish betwixt the hierarchy , in the popish kirk , and any other as lawfull , but the hierarchy wherever it is , is called his , as the rest of the popish corruptions , are called his viz. Invocation of saints , canonization of saints , dedication of altars , &c. are called his , not that there is another la●…full 〈◊〉 and canonization of saints , or dedication of Altars So that the Bishops their casting off the Pope as the head of the Church , will not bring them out from among the officers , & parts of that wicked hierarchy . In so far as protestant Churches admit of prelats , in so far they are unreformed from popery , this being one 〈◊〉 betwixt papists & protestants . It was the prelates their depending on the Pope that made the scottish reformers condemne them , as his Hierarchy , otherwise they should have condemned all the other articles of popery , only in so far as they did depend on him , & no otherwise : And so should have yeelded , that if the King , by vertue of his headshipe over the Church , should command , & enjoyn the practice of any of those articles condemned in the Covenant , they might be done in obedience unto him , if they were abjured , only as they had dependence on the Pope & came from him . But this is false , for they are condemned as being a part of a contrary religion and doctrine , damned and confuted by the word of God and Kirk of Scotland : & so , upon the same account , are the Prelats abjured , whether they depend upon an ecclesiastick Pope , or upon a civill Pope , whether they be Apostolicae sedis gratiâ Episcopi , or Iacobi , or Car ligratiâ Episcopi , they are damned & confuted by the word of God , & are not Christigratiâ Episcopi : And so are abjured as unwarranted officers in the house of God ; even as ordination & marriage are degraded from being sacraments ; so are they from being Church officers . But to put a close to this second particular , it would be considered , that in the Covenant , the office of prelats is abjured , when the hierarchy is abjured , the same way that confirmation & extreme unction are abjured , when the five bastard sacraments are abjured ; that is to say , both the use & the abuse is abjured ; for they both want warrand in the word , & therefore ought not to be : & to maintaine either , is to maintaine false Doctrine , & poynts of Popery condemned in the word . Might not a Papist pleading for extreme unction & for orders ( includeing their septem sacramentula , or inferiour orders , as their ●…stiarii , Le●…ores , 〈◊〉 , Ac●… , 〈◊〉 , Diaconi , Sacerdotes . ( which they meane by their sacrament of order ( & not mere ordination , as this author seemeth to take for their meaning ) if judicious Calvin hit right , in his institutions , ) say that when the Pope's five bastard Sacraments were abjured , the use & being of all these officers ( there is no disput about two of them upon the matter ) was not abjured ; But only in so far as they were Sacraments : And extrem unction only in so far as it was a Sacrament : And what this author would reply in this case , for defence of the protestant reformers , ( & though it may be , this author would swallow downe all those poynts of Popery & many more ; Yet he will not have the boldnesse to say , that such officers as to their esse & being were not abjured by the reformers ) the same may now be answered in the case under consideration . But he goeth on pag. 32. & would make his reader beleeve . That King Iames the enjoyner of that Covenant did never intend the abjuration of the office of Episcopacy , & that for these reasons . 1. Mr John Craig who penned the same did but nine yeers before , viz. Jan. 12. 1571. consent at Leth , that commissioners might be appoynted , to joyne with these whom the Councell should appoynt , for setling of the policy of the Church , whereof he was one . The resolution of which meeting was that some of the most eminent Ministers should be chosen , by the chapters of the cathedrall Churches , to whom vacand Archbishopricks may be disponed , and they to have power of ordination and to exerce spirituall jurisdiction , in their severall dioecies ; and at the ordination of ministers , to exact an oath of them , for acknowledging his Maj. authority , and for obedience to their ordinary , in all things lawfull : and accordingly it was done : Against which the next assembly at St Andrews , March. 1571. take no exceptions , and at the next Assembly 1572. These articles are received with a protestation , that it was only for the Interim . So then the learned penner allowed of Bishops , a few yeers before , and we see no evidence of the change of ●…is minde . How could he the●… mean protestant Bishops in that draught . Ans. These are pretty demonstrations to prove the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a thing to say first Mr Iohn Craig was for Bishops Anno 1571. Ergo he was for Bishops Anno 1580. as if a man's minde could not change in Nine or Ten Yeers time , specially it being a time of reformation , when light was breaking up more clear dayly . But next this is a more pregnant demonstration , to say King Iames intended no such thing Anno 1580. because Mr Iohn Craig had no such intention Nine Yeers before . Is not this well argued ? But to the matter : It is true there were such things concluded at that meeting , but whether , with the unanimous consent of all , or not , who can tell ? But be it so , that this honest man was oversweyed with the rest , by the violence of the court , & some nobles who designed the Tulchan Bishope ( a●… they were called ) yet it is very improbable , that he did persist in that judgment full Nine Yeers thereafter considering how much all that time the honest Ministers were setting themselves to oppose that act : For the Assembly which did meet at S. Andrews two moneths thereafter , took notice of these articles & did appoynt some of their number to examine them , so great was the exception which they took at them . And Anno 1572. there was a protestation against these innovations . & 1573. the Assembly determined , that whatever Bishops there were , they should have no more power then the former superintendents had , & censured some as the Bishops of Dunkell & Galloway : And to this same purpose were there acts made Anno 1574. And Anno 1575 , the office both of Bishops & of superintendents came to be questioned , & debated , & a little thereafter they signified to the Regent , that they would not agree unto that polity condescended on at Leth , but some of their number were appoynted to draw up the second ▪ book of discipline which book Anno 1577. & 1578. Was fully approved : & having proceeded thus far they caused severall of the Bishops subscribe severall articles denudeing themselves of their episcopall power . Now when the Church is at all this work ▪ shall it be thought that this honest man ( even supposeing he had been of that judgement , which cannot be proved ) was still of a judgement contrary to the judgement of the Church : And did not all this time alter his minde , especially seing the Church did look upon him as a faithfull friend for presbyterian government , & therefore did appoynt him with other five to consult with , Mr Alexander Hay about the modell or plot of presbyteries ? But it is not much matter to debate what was the penman's judgment at the time : the Covenant it self , & the words thereof are to be considered , & the meaning of the land , in taking that oath , is much to be regairded , & what that was , shall be showne by & by . But. 2. He sayes , pag. 33. as to King Iames. It could not be his intention to put away Bishops , Because at that time Anno 1580. there was no other Government known 〈◊〉 the Church , all ordination and jurisdiction being exercised by Bishops or superintendenss or commissioners ; And these , Though the assembly quarrelled them , were reall Bishops : And would the King , by his oath abjure that Church Government which was not rejected by the Church , till Iuly 12. 1580. And in the yeer 1581. Though the King & Councell had presented the confession to the Assembly to be subscribed by them , & by the people , in their paris●…es : yet that very same yeer , within six moneths thereafter , there is an act of councell confirming expressly the agreement at Leth 1571. And this act of Councell the King did openly avow in the businesse of Montgomery . Now it is not probable that the King & Councell , if they intended to abjure episcopacy by the confession , would within six moneshs confirme that agreement at Leth. Ans. 1. It hath been shown but just now , that severall yeers , before the yeer 1580 , The Generall assemblies of that Church were declareing themselves against prelats , & their power , & were acting so far as lay in their power , ( and that was much , considering what opposition they did meet with ) for presbyterian government . 2. It is certaine that Church Government by prelats , was never approved by any of the generall assemblies , in those dayes . 3. Though before the yeer 1580. The Assembly did not formally passe an act against Episcopacy : Yet was it not equivalent when Anno 1577. & 1578. The second book of discipline , which overturneth the Government of the Church by Bishops , was approved ? 4. This same act of the Generall Assembly at Dundee was before the subscribeing of the Covenant ; For it was in Iuly , & the Command for subscribeing of the Covenant , came not forth till the 2 March thereafter , & that 2d . of march was said to be , Anno 1580. as well as Iuly before , because at that time , the denomination of the new yeer did not begin in Scotland , untill the 25 of March & so it is his mistake to think that the Covenant was enjoyned to be subscribed , six moneths before the Act at Dundee . 5. Whereas he sayes that , An. 1580. there was no such thing in Scotland as government by presbyteries , if he meane that that government was not setled thorow the whole Kingdom , he speaks truth ; but nothing to the purpose ; but if he meane , that in no part of the countrey there was any such government , he is mistaken ; for at the assembly , Anno 1578. there was mention made of presbyteries , for amongst the articles which this assembly drew up , to be subscribed by those prelats , whom they had caused cite before them ; this was one , viz the 6. that they should not Empire over elderships but be subject to them & the 7. was that they should not usurpe the power of presbyteries : So that there were presbyteries in the land , at that time : Yea the narrative of the 131. Act , parl . 8. King ▪ Jam. 6. Anno 1584. maketh mention of sindry formes of judgments & jurisdictions , as well in spirituall a●… temporall causes , entered in practice , and custome , and that dureing 24. yeers by past ; & those formes of judgments & jurisdictions in spirituall causes , were assemblies Synodall , presbyteriall , & parochiall , all which were discharged by that Act : And hence it is clear that there were such judicatories in the land before the yeer , 1580. Moreover at the Assembly , 1579. there was a motion made about a generall order to be taken , for erecting of presbyteries in places where publick exercise was used , untill the policy of the Church were established by law : & it was answered that the exercise may be judged to be a presbytery . So that the Kingdom at that time was not without presbyteries : Yea their frequent nationall assemblies , shew that the Church was governed presbyterially . 6. This is certane , That there was some government of the Church sworne to , in that Covenant ; for there are these word in it [ That we joyne ourselves to this reformed kirk in doctrine faith , religion , and discipline , promiseing , and swearing by the great name of God , that we shall continue in the doctrine and discipline of thi●… Kirk and defend the same according to our vocation and power , all the dayes of ourlife ] Now , all the difficulty is to know what this government was , And it is certane , That either it was the government by presbyteries or the government by prelats . It could not be the government by prelats . 1. because that was not the government & discipline of the Kirk , but the government & discipline against which the Church had been striveing with all he●… might . 2. It is not imaginable that the Ministery of the land , would swear to defend the government of the Church by prelats , all the dayes of their lives , when they were us●…ing all meanes , to have the Church free of that yoke . 3. When the confession of faith was presented unto the gen . assembly to be subscribed by them , An. 1581. would they have ass●…nted unto the same if thereby they had been bound to maintaine prelacy , seing at their very last meeting , they had made such an expresse ▪ Act against prelats ? 4. When the Laird of Caprinton , his Maj. commissioner , did presente unto the generall Assembly , the confession of faith ; or nationall Covenant , he presented withall from his Maj. a plot of the severall presbyteries to be erected in the Kingdome , mentioning the presbyteriall meeting places , & designeing the severall parishes , which should belong to such & such presbyteries : As also a letter from his Maj. to the noblemen & gentlemen of the countrey , for the erection of presbyteries , consisting of Ministers & elders , & for dissolution of prelacies : may not any hence argue , after the author's manner , & say , is it any way probable , that the King & Councell , if they intended to establish prelacy by the confession of faith , would in that self same day ( which is a shorter tim●… then halfe a yeer ) wherein ●…he conf●…ssion was presented as subscribed by the King , & his houshold , & to be subscribed by the assemby , presente such a plot for presbyteries : thorow the whole Kingdom , & c ? Let this advocat answere this if he can . It must then be an undoubted truth , That the government , sworne to in that nationall Cov●…nant was presbyterian government . 7. And whereas he sayeth the King within Six moneths thereafter did stand to the agreement at Leth , & avowed it in the businesse concerning Montgomery , it will not say much , if it be considered how at that time Aubignee grew great at cou●…t , & ( as was shown above , Sect 1. ) Obtained the superiority of Glasgow , & made a paction with Montgomery . And when the Church judicatures were examineing the carriage of this Montgomery first & last , he stirred up the King against them : & what will all this say , But that Kings had need of faithfull & constant counsellours about them , lest they be made to undoe their owne works , in a short time . There was many a change at court , & as contrary parties gote up , so was the King sweyed . He addeth . That neither did t●…e assembly or any Minister speak of that deed of the King 's & 〈◊〉 , as contrary t●… 〈◊〉 Covenant ( albeit in these dayes they ●…ad a way of useing liberty enough , & more then was fitting . ) Ans. It would ●…come this gentleman to speak spareingly or these zealous & stedf●…st worthies , who lived in those dayes , & whose name for th●…ir piety , constancy & zeal , shall smell most fragrantly , when his may be rotting above the ground . It is like he would suffer sin to be upon King & court , & sell his soul & conscience , by sinfull silence in a day of defection , & thus declare , himself a priest of Baal , & none of the messengers of the Lord of hosts , who should set the trumpet unto their mouth . But to the purpose . Whether the ass●…mblies & Ministers , did , at that time , speak of the deed of the King , & of the Councell , as contrary to the Covenant , or not , who can tell ? This is known , that both assemblies & Ministers understood , that King & court & all the land , were bound to owne presbyterian governement , by vertue of that Covenant , severall times thereafter ▪ There is a letter which Mr Andrew Melvin ( who no doubt knew the minde of the assemblies ) wrote unto divines abroad ▪ An. 1584. in which , speaking of the discipline of the Church he fayeth ( as reverend Mr Petree citeth in his history Pag. 448. ) And three yeers since was approved ▪ sealed & confirmed , with profession of faith , subscription of hand , & religion of oath , by the King & every subject ●…f every state particularly . Mr Petree also sayeth Pag. 570. That An. 1604. when Mr Iohn Spottisw●…d & Mr Iames law , were accused by the Synod of Lothian for overturning the discipline of the Church , & had denyed the same : The Synod did presente the con●…ssion of faith to be subscribed by them , & so , in the judgment of the Synod , this confession did containe an abjuration of prelacy , & a promise of maintaining of presbyterian governement . And againe when the ministers were impannelled at L●…gow for treason & sedition , for meeting at Aberdeen 1605. Mr forbes ( who was one of them ) had a discourse to the gentlemen who were on●… the assise , & shewed that they were bound by the nationall Covenant to maintaine the discipline of the Church , & having read the same unto them , he infered th●…t they should be guilty of perjury , if for fear or pleasure , they should decerne that to be treason which themselves had sworne & subscribed : & he desired the Earle of Dumbar to report unto the King , in their names , what punishement followed upon the breach of the oath made unto the Gibconites , & how it was feared that the like should follow upon his Maj. & his posterity . Yea this author himself sayeth Pag. 13. that Ministers then accounted themselves , as really bound against the allowa●…ce of Episcopall governement , both by the Covenant & by the word of God , as any do judge themselves engadged against it by late bonds , whether they did mistake in this or not , we say nothing , but that they did s●… judge , is out ●…f all question , But. 2. This author cannot with any good ground say that assemblies & Ministers did not then speak of that which King & Councell did , as contrary to the Covenant ; for a negative testimony from humane history is the weakest of all arguments . Moreover , this is certane , that the courts of Christ both nationall , provinciall , & classicall , were , at this time , going on faithfully in their work , keeping their meetings , & censureing that perverse man Mr Montgomery who Pr●…us like changed often & licked up his own vomit , notwithstanding of all the prohibitions or inhibitions they gote from his Maj. They openly protested before the King & his Councell , for the liberties of the Church , & supplicated , & exhorted his Maj. that as a chief member of the Church , he would have a chief care thereof , & they complained that he was playing the Pope , usurping both swords : all which will speak some thing equivalent unto that wich this author alledgeth they did not speak . But in the next place , as touching the assembly 1638. their declaration of the sense of the Covenant , he hath some what to say as . 1. That it seemeth strange that any assembly should take upon them to declare , what was the sense of the Church in taking a Covenant , when few or no●…e of the men were living , who took that Covenant or if living , few or none of t●…em were members of that assembly 1638. as , juramentum est vinculum p●…rsonale ; so , no man or company of men can take upon them to define , what was the sense of dead men , in taking an oath , unlesse they can produce some authentick expresse evidence that such was their meaning in taking the oath . Ans. 1. By this argueing , the sense & meaning of a Covenant perisheth with the Covenant●…rs . 2. It is true juramentum or foedus personale est vinculum personale ; but there is another Covenant that is called foedus reale ( of which kinde this nationall Covenant was ) & the vinculum of this , is more then personale , it obligeth moe then such as did personally take it . 3. Therefore this Covenant being a nationall reall Covenant , obligeing the land in all time coming , posterity is called to search & to see very exactly & narrowly into the sense & meaning of the Covenant , they are obliged to know the nature of that Covenant by which themselves stand bound before God. 4. Who is more fit to give the sense of the Church in taking a Coven●…nt , then a Generall assembly of the Church ? 5. It was shown before , what was the constant judgement of the honest Ministers concerning the sense of this Covenant , even in the time when prelats were heighly advanced , out of this same author ; & so the true sense of the nationall Covenant , hath come down from father to son , amongst the honest partie , even in the most corrupt times : & then , the Assembly at Glasgow was so much the more in tuto . 6. The Assembly at Glasgow did produce authentick expresse evidences , that such was the meaning & sense of those , who first entered into Covenant . To this , he is pleased to say . That all that which they produced amounts to nothing more then this , that before ; Iuly 1580. The Church had been labouring against Bishops , who notwithstanding countinued till thereafter , but all their citations prove not that Episcopacy was abjured by the Covenant or any words in it . Ans. 1. This is certaine , that in that Covenant , some Government or discipline was sworne to be continued in , & defended , as the expre●…e words , before cited , do shew . 2. It is certane , that this discipline or government of the Church , was either prelacy , or presbyterian Government ( there not being a third competitour ) & if it was prelacy , presbyterian governement , was abjured , & if it was presbyterian governement , then prelacy was abjured . 3. It is certane , that if it were once cleared , what that governement was , which the Church of Scotland , in & about that time , did owne , as the only governement of the Church , it would soon be cleared what that governement was , which by this covenant they were bound to owne & to continue in ; & consequently what governement was abjured thereby . Therefore all the difficulty is to know what that government was , which the Church did owne ; & yet there is no difficulty here , for it is as clear , as the sun at noonday , that it was Church governement by presbyteries , Synods , & assemblies , which they , both before , at , & after that time did owne & defend , till it was violently taken away : And if the citations of the assembly 1638 , will amount to this , they will sufficiently declare that Episcopacy was abjured , at that time : And whether their citations shall do so or not , the indifferent reader may judge , when he hath considered & laid together these two & twenty particulars , into which , the citations shall be branched forth . 1. When the Church had been wre●…ing & could not prevaile against Bishops , from the yeer 1571 unto the yeer 1575 , & being continually wearied with complaints given in against them , they entered at last into a search of the office it self , & did agree in this , that the name Bishop was common to every one , who had a particular flock , to which he preached & administrated the sacraments ; & so it could not designe a distinct officer . 2. Anno 1576. the assembly did censure such prelats , as had not betaken themselves to some particular flocks . 3. In the assembly 1578 the second book of discipline was unanimously agreed upon . 4 , At another assembly , that same yeer , the moderator told Montrose , Chanceler Seaton , & Lindsay . That they had drawn up , out of the pure fountaine of God's word such a discipline as was meet to remaine in this kirk . 5. At that same assembly , it was ordained that such as were called Bishops , should be content to be pastours of one flock ; should usurp no criminall jurisdiction ; should not vote in Parliament without a commission from the kirk ; should not Empire over their particular elderships ; & should not usurpe the power of presbyteries . 6. An. 1579 The assembly judgeth that every meeting for exercise might be accounted a presbytery . 7. An. 1580. after deliberation , it was found that the office of prelats was pretended , & had no warrand in the word : And they ordained that such should dimit , & Leave the samine , as an office , unto which they were not called of God , & this was before ( as was said above , ) the subscription of the Covenant . 8. The same assembly sendeth some commissioners to his Maj. desireing that the book of policy might be established by an Act of Councell , untill the meeting of a Parliament . 9. In the assembly 1581. At Glasgow the Act of the former assembly at Dundee was explained , & i●… was showne that thereby the Church did condemne the whole state of Bishops , as they were then in Scotland . 10. At this assembly the confession of faith was presented , & the plot of presbyteries , with the King's letter to the noblemen & gentlemen of the countrey , for furthering the erection of presbyteries : & thus at the very presenting of the confession to the assembly , to be subscribed , the King & the assembly agree in one judgement , as to the governement of the Church , viz. That it should be presbyteriall , & according to this harmonious desire , presbyteries were erected in severall places . 11. In that same assembly , The second book of discipline was insert in the registres of the Church , & immediatly after , the Covenant was insert ; That all posterity might see that the governement , which they swore to maintaine & owne in the confession or Covenant , was the same which was contained in the book of discipline , & thus that book of discipline & the confession or Covenant did harmoniously accord , 12. Anno 1581. The assembly would not suffer Mr Montgomery Minister at Sterlin to become bishop of Glasgow , but commanded him to waire on his Ministery at Sterlin under the paine of excommunication . 13. In the same assembly , it was acknowledged that the Estate of Bishops was condemned by the kirk , a commission for erecting of moe presbyteries , was granted , and a new ordinance made for subscribeing the Covenant ; can any man now doubt , what that government was which the Church in those dayes owned by that Covenant ? 14. Anno 1582. a new commission was granted , for erecting of moe presbyteries , & Mr Montgomery for usurping the place of a bishop , was ordained to be excommunicated ; for presbytery & prelacy are incompatible . 15 , In another assembly that same yeer , commission was given to some presbyteries to try & censure such as were called bishops , and some were sent unto the Councill to desire their approbation of an Act , for establishing of presbyteries , Synods & assemblies ; did the Church incline any thing to prelacy then ? 16. Anno 1586. It was determined at an assembly that there are no other Church officers set down in the scripture , beside Pastors , Doctors ; Elders & Deacons that should be in the Church now . 17. Anno 1587. It was ordained at an Assembly , that the admission of Mr Montgomery , suppose but to the temporality of the bishoprick of Glasgow , should be annulled with all possible diligence , that slander might be removed from the Church . 18. In the same Assembly , there was a letter drawn up unto his Maj. shewing that they found the office of bishops not agreable to the word of God , but damned in diverse assemblies , 19. Anno 1590. when the confession or Covenant was subscribed universally of new , the assembly desired a ratification of the liberties of the Kirk , in her jurisdiction & discipline in presbyteries , Synods , and generall assemblies . 20. It was ordained also , that all intrants should subscribe the book of discipline , especially the heads controverted , & also all who were presently in office , under the paine of excommunication . 21. In the assembly , 1591. the forementioned Act was renewed . 22. Anno 1592. commissioners were sent to attend the Parliament , & to desire a rescindeing of the Acts of Parliament , Anno 1584. made in prejudice of of the Church , & a ratifying of the discipline of the Church , both which were granted : now the reader may judge from these particulars , what was the sense of the Church of Scotland , at that time , of the confession or Covenant ; & whether these citations amount to any thing or not ; And whether or not , this author had any reason to slight , & undervalue , so far as he doth , the paines taken by that reverend Assembly ▪ to cleare the oath , according to the sense of those who first took it . But he addeth That Episcopacy was not accounted unlawfull , even in the judgment of the assembly of the Church , within Six yeers after , where it was declared . That the name bishop , hath a speciall charge & function thereto annexed , by the word of God ; and that such may be admitted to a benefi●…e Ans. It is true , Anno 1586. there was a conference drawn on at Haly rude house by the King , betwixt some Ministers , & some whom he did commissionat , which did conclude that the Bishop should have a care of one flock ; That he should have some choise brethren added , without whose counsell he should do nothing , under the paine of deposition . That his doctrine should be examined by the meeting , & if it were sound unsound , he should lose his place . That his power should only be the power of order & not of jurisdiction . That withall , he should have insp●…ction over moe parishes , & that every Minister who was to enter , should have his approbation , & the approbation of those Ministers who were to be joyned with him , &c. But when the assembly did meet in May thereafter , these were not assented unto . But it was only concluded That the , bishop , being a pastour , as other ordinary Ministers , should be tryed by the presbytery & Synod , in matter of doctrine & conversation ; And be subject unto the Generall assemblies : & when the commissioners , who were sent from his Maj. did hear of this , they dissented , & protested , that nothing concluded should stand in force ; seing th●…y had passed from the Articles . And this occasioned a ●…w conference , where that was concluded which this author mentioneth , & withall they did proceed to set down the order of the presbyteries : Now , lest any should stumble at this change in the Assembly , let it be considered , That two yeers before this , there was a strange change at court ; for Arran ruled all , nobles were banished & ministers were forced to flee , others imprisoned , & then the Prelats got up their heads , Montgomerie was made Bishop of Glasgow , & one Mr Adamsone made Bishop of Saint Andrews : And Ministers were compelled to promise , under their subscription , obedience unto them , & to consent unto many other acts of iniquity , under the paine of banishment , confinement , imprisonm●…nt , deposition , & sequestration of stipends , & this course continued till near the end of the year 1585. When the exiled nobles returned , though a new Parliament was called , the King would not repeale any act , which was made in prejudice of the Church , the yeer before ; Yet at length he professed some desires to have the Church settled & called for that conference at Halirudhouse . Now what wonder was it , that when all was overturned , & Prelats established by Parl. in their full power , that the Church should take little ere she wanted all , & should condescend to some things , of purpose to get the power of prelats hemmed in , hopeing when this furious tempest was fully blowne over , that she should be in a better capacity to promove her work ; And withall it may be seen , that she holdeth as much as she can & mindeth the work of the presbyteries , notwithstanding of the lawes of th●… land , as yet unrepealed , standing against her . So that , hence it appeareth , that they never once thought of retracting the act at Dundee ( as he would make his reader beleeve . ) . And it would be considered likewise , that at this Assembly there were severall of these Ministers present , who Anno 1584. had subscribed unto the prelats : And further it is considerable , That for as great a length as they went : Yet Sess. 6. They declared that there were only these Church officers , Pastors , Doctors , Elders , & Deacons ; And that the name Bishop should not be taken as in the time of popery , but is a name common to all pastours : and Sess. 10. & 11. They declared that by a Bishop they meane only such as the Apostle doth describe . The last thing which he sayeth is this . No Assembly can pu●… an obligation upon persons who have taken an oath personally , to accept of the sense which they put upon it . It is true the assembly at Glasgow could declare their sense of the oath taken by themselves , but could not impose their sense upon the takers of the oath before , that sense not hav●…g been given to the takers of the oath by the imposers of the same , & ●…e takers of the oath not having impowered these commissioners at Glasgow to declare their sense of that oath they had taken . So then whatever was done 〈◊〉 Glasgow , after the Covenant was taken by the body of the land , could not oblige all the takers of it , to owne their declaration of the sense of the Covenant , which was not at first imposeing the oath , declared unto them . To let passe his bitter refl●…ctions , not worth the transcribeing , upon that venerable assembly at Glasgow 1638. The like where of would make him & all his fraternity to tremble . Ans. 1. The Assembly at Glasgow did impose no sense of theirs , upon any man , either who took the Covenant before , or thereafter ; only because to them , as the representative of the Church , the publick & judiciall interpretation of the Covenant or confession of ●…aith , did properly belong , they made search after the true sense & meaning of the oath , & did declare & make it appear to all , by undenyable arguments ( as hath been showne ) ▪ that they had found out the true sense & meaning thereof , & what was the sense of the Church of Scotland when it was first imposed : And was there any wrong here ? 2. Such as had renewed that Covenant at that time , & had taken it with the explicatory addition , did swear to forbear the approbation of Church Government by prelats , untill the Generall Assembly should try whether that Government was abjured by the Covenant or not : And was not that a sufficient impowering of the Assembly , to declare the true sense thereof ? But what would this author gather from all thi●… ? He concludeth that , Whatever the Assembly at Glasgow did after the Covenant was taken by the body of the land , could not oblige all the takers thereof , to owne their declaration of the sense of the Covenan●… , Ans. Though their deed could not oblige the body of the land to owne their sense , yet the Covenant it self did oblige them , & the body of the land did then see themselves obliged , by the declaration of the true sense of the Covenant , which they gave : And what necessity was there for more ? The Assembly never offered to give a sense of their own , which had not been heard of before ; For that had been intolerable , but according to their place & duty , they , for the good of theland & satisfaction of the Covenanters , search , out of the ●…hentick records of the Church , what was the sense & meaning of the Church , at that time , when the Covenant was first taken , which every privat person could not be so able to do , & which necessity did require to be done ; because of severall doubts which were raised there about . He addeth , & the body of the land hath not indeed abjured Episcopacy by that nationall Covenant . Neither the Covenant nor added interpretation , doth import any such thing . Ans. This is a strange thing : how can this be seing the body of the people of the land , took that Covenant , by which ( when first taken by the body of the land ) prelacy was abjured ? It is true , some who took the Covenant then , being unclear in a matter of fact ( which had been done some fifty or sixty yeers before , & in trying & searching out of which , there was some difficulty ) whereby one article was unclear to them , at that time , could not think that prelacy was undoubtedly abjured : Yet others did , & those same who at first did doubt , received light by the assemblies declaration , & then saw , that by the Covenant , when first taken by the Church , prelacy was abjured : And that by their taking of the Covenant , according to its true , genuine , native , & first sense now discovered & made plaine ( though before , as to this particular , unclear ) they had also abjured the same governement of the Church by prelats . 2. How the Covenant it self importeth the abjuration of prelacy , hath been showne above , & the added interpretation needed not import any such thing . Next he sayes Nor hath the body of the people of the land , by any after deeds , owned that assemblies senseing of the Covenant . Ans. Neither was it necessary that they should do so ; seing by taking of it , they did owne it in its true sense , & the Assembly did no more but declare which was its true sense , against which when declared , the body of the land did not protest , & therefore by their silence , did sufficiently declare their owneing of that sense as the only true sense . And further the after Actings of the body of the land , in prosecuteing the ends of that Covenant , did abundantly shew their owneing of that sense , & of none else . Nor ( sayeth he ) was there any Act of that assembly ordaineing that all should owne their determination of the sense thereof . Ans. And that , because there was no necessity for such an Act , their clearing of the true meaning of the oath , & shewing how it could be understood in no other sense , was sufficient . All such as took the Covenant , by a native undenyable consequence , be●…oved to take it , in this sense , & to owne the assemblies determination ; because they behoved to take it , in its owne sense , & the assembly did no more but shew what that was . 2. There is an Act enjoyning all , in time coming ( for avoiding any further doubt or disput ) to take it according to their determination , in the poynts then debated . And an other Act discharging any to take it , in any other sense . True ( sayes he ) but few did so & if any did so they are to consider whether they have been too rashly carryed on , in the current of that time , without 〈◊〉 just examination of matters . Ans. whether there were few or many that did so , all is one , since he thinketh it rashnesse in any to do it . But why was it rashness to take a Covenant , & a lawfull Covenant , in its true sense ? Can this be an Act of rashness , o●… is it , not rather an Act of wisdome & deliberation ? But moreover was it rashness to obey an Act of Councell made A●…st . 3. 1●…39 Conc●…ng 〈◊〉 is : & an Act of a generall ass●…bly having the comfort of , & civill ●…arction add●… by his Maj. c●…missioner ? Agust . 17. 1639. sure , he will not be able to make this good . Thus , is all which this a●…or doth al●…dge against the obligeing force of the nationall Covenant answered . And now the reader may judge whether or not by vertue of that Covenant which was imposed by lawfull authority , both by Church & state ; & against which no exceptions of any force can be brought ; the whole land standeth obliged against the governement of the Church by prelats : And whether there can be any clear ground or warrand , for abjureing of that Covenant , taken from any deed of the Assembly 1638 , seing that assembly did nothing but cleare up the true sense & meaning of the Covenant , out of the authentick records of the Church , & their sense was approved by his Maj. commissioner & by an act of the privy Councell . And then An. 1640 , all this was confirmed & ratified by Act of Parliament : So that it must be the height of impiety , to subscribe a declaration for abjuration of this Covenant . Now may the world wonder at the boldnesse of men ; who dar●…upon such slender grounds encourage others unto such horrid Acts of iniquity , at the hearing of which , heathens may stand astonished . Yea , which is yet more wonderfull , it was publickly debated & concluded in Parliament . That no Covenant or promise made by the King to his subjects in the time of a civil warre is obligeing , but that so soon ever as occasion is offered he is at liberty to break the same ( though even Grot●… connot but say de jur . bel . & Pac. Lib. 2 : c. 14 , § , 6. that from a promise or a Covenant made by a King unto his subjects there ariseth a true & proper obligation , which giveth right unto the subjects . ) A resolution which may make all protestants in ( Europe , it may be , at least in ) Germany , Fran●… Piedmont , & the Low countreyes , to tremble ; for all the security which they have , for their liberties , & freedome of religion in peace & quietnesse , is upon a Covenant 〈◊〉 promise , which was made to them in a civil war. And if Neighbour princes & Kings have this principle in their head●… & heart , protestants have need to be upon th●… guaird ; For now they may see their neck and all i●… hazard , when ever any occasion is offered , & they need trust their Kings , & princes , no longer , then they see them out of a capacity to hur●… . Must not those be bloody men whose hearts do thus thirst for Christian blood , who have such bloody conclusions & resolutions . No faith is to be keeped to ●…ereticks say papists : & no faith is to be keeped unto subjects say they . But what if this bloody resolution , which they did intend against others , shall recurre upon themselves ? Reader , think not this impossible . Yea by this resolution they have laid down that ground , which in end , may prove the most destructive conclusion to the throne , that ever was hatched out of hell ; for let it be but supponed ( & what hath been , may be againe , & is not impossible ) that there were a civill warre betwixt King & subjects , how shall it end ? For now they shall never once come to a treaty , no Covenant , no agreement , no promise will ever be heard of , because there is no security in those , by their own confession : the war then must never end , till the one party do utterly destroy the other ; & if the King shall utterly destroy his subjects , where shall his Kingdom be ? And what glorious advantage will he have in that victory ; And if the people prevail ( & the manifold bypast experiences thorow the world hath made this appear to be the most probable of the two ) , & root out the King & all his posterity , & so overturn the throne . Let the world judge , who is most to be blamed . The Dutchesse of Parma gave such an answer at the first unto the nobles of the Netherlands when they desired her to minde her promise ; That she was not bound to do so , further then shee saw it for he●… advantage , & the world now seeth , where & how that warre ended . Euchan : recordeth in his annalls , lib. 16. That when Alex : Earle of Glencarne & Hugh Campbel sheriff of Aire were sent unto the Queen regent , in name of the congregation , to deprecat her anger that was going out against them , & among other things they requeested her to minde her promises : But she answered [ That princes should performe their promises no further then they see it for their own advantage . ] Unto which they replyed , that if so , They would passe from their alleagiance & obedience , & acknowledge her no more for Queen . It was such a thing as this , which did animate the congregation , to with stand the Queen regent & the fenches ; because ( as sayeth 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 ) they had to fight with an ●…iable & cruel adversary , which made light of all equity , right , law , promises , faith & oaths , so that upon every small gale of hope of advantage , they annull both their words & their deeds , & therefore there is no agreement to be made with them , nor no peace , till one of the parties be quite destroyed & overthrown , or else all the strangers be put out of the land : So that they must resolve either to overcome , or to die . And hence it was that a little , thereafter , when there was a treaty , there could be no peace concluded , because the reformed congregation , being so often deceived , could not beleeve their promises any more . The CONCLUSION . THus reader , thou hast a clear view of the present state & condition of the Church of Scotland , & the true grounds upon which , she is now suffering : Thou seest , how the wayes of Zion do mourn , & how the Lord hath covered her with a cloud , in his anger : how he hath violently taken away his tabernacle , as if it were of a garden , he hath destroyed his places of the assembly , & caused the solemne feasts & sabbaths to be forgotton in Zion : how he hath cast off his altar , abhorred his sanctuary . & given up into the hand of her enemyes the walls of her palaces ; so that she is now made to cry out ; is it nothing to you'all yee that passe by , behold & see if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow which is done unto me , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me , in the day of his fierce anger ; All who passe by , clap their hands at her , they hisse & wag their head saying is this the city that men call the perfection of beauty , the joy of the whole earth ; all her enemies have opened their mouth against her , they hisse & gnash their teeth , they say we have , swallowed her up , certanely this is the day that we looked for , we have found , we have seen it : ) And therefore they are consulting to cut her off , that she may ; no more be a nation . But which is worse , The anger of God is gone out against her ; he hideth his face , & testifieth his displeasure , against her , & her c●…s ; And in so doing just & righteous is he ; for she hath rebelled against him . It is the Lord who hath given her to the spoile & to the robbers , even he against whom she hath sinned , for she would not walk in his wayes , neither be obedient unto his law , therefore hath he poured upon her the fury of his anger , & the strength of battell , & it hath set her on fire round about , yet she knew it not , & it burned her , yet she laid it not to heart . Therefore let no man think , whatever apologie any make in her behalf , that she or they do intend to quarrell with the most high , for any of his dispensations towards her ; Nay he is just & righteous in all his wayes , yea , though he should punish her yet Seven times more , it would become her to put her mouth in the dust , to be silent , & to bear the indignation of the Lord , because she hath sinned against him , And as yet , she must say , that whatever wrongs her enemies are doing to her , & how ever unjustly she be suffering at their hands , yet the righteous God is doing her no wrong , but punishing her lesse then her iniquities do deserve ; so that as to his dealing with her , she hath no cause to complaine , for it is of the Lord's mercy that she is not consumed , because his compassions faile not . And yet it cannot but be expected , that such as have tasted of the cup of affliction themselves , & have resisted unto blood striveing against sin , &c have known by experience what refreshing hath been in the known sympathy of neighbour Churches , in the day of their tryall & temptation , will minde & make conscience of this Christian duty of sympathy towards the poor Church of Scotland , now when her enemies are the chief & prosper , & have spread out their hands , upon all her pleasant things , when her gates are desolat & her priests sighe . It cannot be thought , that such Churches as owne Christ for their head & husband , can look upon a poor bleeding sister Church which was once decked with ornaments , when her head and King took pleasure in her habitations ; but now is striped naked & exposed to shame , & to the scorne & contempt of her enemies , & not have their eyes affecting their heart . Shall it be thought that there are any of the reformed Churches who Esau-like can look on the day of their sister , in the day that she is become a stranger , that can rejoyce over her in the day of her destruction , or speak proudly in the day of her distresse , or look on her affliction in the day of her calamity , or lay hands on her substance in the day of her calamity , or stand in the crosse way to cut off these of hers that escape , or deliver up those of hers that did remaine in the day of distresse ? Nay , it is hoped , that as the elect of God , holy & beloved , they have put on bowells of mercies & kindenesse , & have learned to have compassion , & to love as brethren , & to be pitifull , & so cannot forget the afflictions of his people in those Islands , but do bear them on their heart when they have accesse unto the throne of grace , & say , spare thy people o Lord & give not thine heritage to reproach , that the heathen should rule over them , wherefore should they say among the people , where is their God ? Seing it is the desire of that poor afflicted Church , that all would cry unto their God & her God , that he would turne from his hote wrath & displeasure , & turne to her with healing under his wings : That he would heale her backslideings , and love her freely : and that untill he be pleased to turne from the fiercenesse of his anger , his people may be blessed with Christian patience & submission under the mighty hand of God , & helped to hear the voice of the rode , & who hath appoynted it , & to turne unto him who smiteth , that he may binde up & heale that which he hath broken●… : That the iniquity of Iacob may be purged , & the finite of all this may be , to take away sin : & at length his heart may turne within him & his repentings may be kindled together ; that he may not execute the fiercenesse of his anger , nor returne to destroy Ephraim , seing he is God , & not man ; For he is a God who is gracious , & long suffering , slow to anger , & of great kindenesse , & repenteth him of the evil , who knoweth if he will returne & repent , & leave a blessing behinde him ? That poor Church will be very far disappoynted of ●…et expectation , if in stead of Christian sympathy , pity & compassion , she shall meet with unbrotherly & unchristian dealing at the hands of any , & if there shall be any such as will be ready to condemne her , as suffering upon very slender & inconsiderable grounds , as it will be no small matter of grief & sorrow unto the already sorrowfull mourning Church , yea an addition unto her affliction , so it will yeeld these little comfort in the day when the cup shall passe over unto them , to reflect upon their unchristian thoughts , & sharpe censures of a poor member of Christ's body , while lying under the feet of oppressours , & such as said to her soul , bow down that we may goeover . It is true , the infinitly wise God hath thought fit to try that Church with more searching tryalls then he did England & Irland , & it was the policy of her adversaries to beginne with such small things , to the end , they might get such as they desired , drawne into their net , & then they weresure piece & piece to get them brought alongs , to countenance them in all their courses , as sad experience hath proved ; For some , who at the first resolved to goe some length for peace cause , having no purpose to move one foot further , to whom if it had been then said , that , ere all were done , they would go such a length as now they have gone , with Hazael , they would have replyed are we dogs to do such things , are now going all the length desired , scrupleing at nothing which is a warning to all , to beware of the beginnings of a defection : And indeed for as great as the defection & apostasie in that Church , is at present , & for as great a conspiracy as is found among her prophets ; If the tryall had been nothing more searching , then that wherewith the Neigh bour Churches were tryed , there would not have been so many that would have depairted from their former principles , as there are , this day : And therefore it was a mercy unto many in these Neighbour Churches , that their sieve was not more narrow & searching : it is no small mercy unto particular persons , when they see their enemies in their owne colours , & the baite is not able to cover the hook , wherewith their adversaries think to catch them : And it is likewise a mercy ( & will be so found & acknowledged in end ) unto the Church of Scotl , that God hath followed such a way with her as shall prove most discovering & consequently most purging , by making her drosse to appear , & bringing to light in a short time , more corruption & ●…aughtinesse , then , in all probability , would have been found out , many a yeer , if God had not taken this course . But now , let none blame those who have desired to keep their garments clean , & to adhere zealously & constantly unto their former principles , & therefore have refused complyance in the least , & would not willingly quite with a hoof , or sell a bit of the precious truth of God : There is a time when such things are very momentous & considerable , which at other times seem not to be of much concernment : Armies may yeeld more unto their enemies at another time & place , then when they are keeping a considerable passe , the loseing of which would prove of great disadvantage unto themselves , & an in-let unto all the enemies forces : There is a time when such things must be stood at , which if abstracted from that time & place , would signifie little or nothing , whether done or not done : The giving of a book or of a piece of paper out of the hands of the martyres , was at that time , & as so circumstantiated , a maine businesse , when they were upon the poynt of avouching truth for God : A little matter when it becometh Casus confessionis is of great moment : Mordecay's beck is no small matter : Daniel's closeing of his windowes , is a great businesse , as it was then circumstantiated : And doolfull experience , in all ages , hath made it appear what mischief hath followed upon yeelding unto the adversaries in small-like matters , in the begining of a defection , what through inadvertancy , what otherwayes : by little & little the pope came to his throne , & not in one day ▪ by little & little came prelats formerly to their height , in that Church ; & therefore as before , so now the honest party thought themselves called of God , to withstand beginnings & not to cede in the smallest-like matters , when they saw that the opening of never so smal a passage , would be enough to occasion the drowning of all ; as ( according to the proverb ) the brunt child doth scar the fire , so that Church cannot be blamed for keeping such a distance from that plague of prelacy , which formerly had brunt up & consumed all the vitals of religion , & the whole power of Godlinesse , & had made that Church to look like an harlot , & not like the spouse of Christ ; Especially after God had wrought such wonderfull deliverances unto her , & had graciously delivered her from that yron furnace , & with his out-stretched arme had brought downe all her enemies , Should they againe break his commandements , & joyn in affinity with the people of those abhominations , would not God be angry with them till he had consumed them , so that there should be no remnant nor escapeing ? And it is very remarkable , that there are none who have hitherto rued their suffering upon that account , but rather they are all blessing the name of the Lord , for that he hath keeped them from yeelding in the least ; And though their adversaries the prelats , be useing barbarous & inhumane , let be unchristian , wayes , to afflict them still more & more , by procureing acts to be made , dischargeing any Charity to be extended , to them or their families , who are now suffering for the cause of God ; Yet they have no cause to compleane ; God , for whose sake they are suffering , is provideing for them , & with all is comforting them with the consolations of the Holy ghost , supporting their spirits , keeping them from fainting , & encourageing them , so that they resolve , through his grace , never to comply with these workers of iniquity , lest they partake of their judgments . Yea they are perswaded that if any members of the Christian Churches abroad who had the root of the matter within them , were in their souls stead , they would no more comply with this present course of defection , then they have done , or desire to do ; So that , what ever can be looked for from men of corrupt mindes , & such as are enemies to the truth & to the power of godlinesse ; Yet they are sure that such as know what it is to walk with God , to have a tender conscience , & to make this their exercise to keep a good conscience both towards God & man , will be loath to condemne them in the least . Yea or if they saw what a deluge of prophanity , is now broken in upon these lands , what unparalleled wickednesse is there perpetrated , what abhomination of all sorts reigneth since this course of defection was begun ; Their hearts would tremble , & they would scar at such a course , as is so destructive to the Kingdome of God within , & so advantagious for the promoveing of the maine interest of Satan , & never acknowledge that to be a divine truth which is not after Godlinesse . Sure , there is a principle in all the godly which will incline them to affect that course best , which is most for promoveing the work of grace in souls , & abhore that which openeth a gap to all prophanity & licentiousnesse : And though they could disput none against such a course , this were enough to make their gracious souls abhore it . Let none say that such precisenesse , & refuseing to cede in a little will prove destructive to the Church , by incenseing the civil Magistrat the more ; For God's way is alwayes the best , both for particular persons & for Churches ; & an instance cannot be showne where a Church by her faithfull adhereing to the truth of God , standing to her principles , & refuseing to goe back in the least , hath ruined herself ; But upon the other hand it hath frequently been seen , how a Church by her yeelding unto the snares of her adversaries , through fear or prudence ( falsely so called ) hath brought ruine & destruction insensibly upon herself : The yeelding unto a little in the beginning of a defection , hath proven the bane & neck-break of Churches , cedeing to little formes at first , hath brought in the masse , at last . But now it is hoped that such as shall duely & Christianly ponder the premisses , shall not account the grounds of the sufferings of that Church & people , punctilioes , or inconsiderable triffles whatever such as do not weigh●… matters in the ballance of the sanctuary , but according to their owne phancies , may judge : And therefore it may be thought that strangers who shall judge of matters according to the truth , shall rather stand astonished & wonder at the pusilanimity , & fainting of heart , which hath there appeared , at this time ; & enquire what ●…s become of that Spirit of boldnesse , zeal , & courage , for the cause & truth of God , which formerly did act the faithfull ministers & professours of the Land ? And where are all those worthies , who set their faces against greater stormes , then any that hath appeared of late ? And how is it that so many have out lived their own zeal , & faithfulnesse , & by silence at such a time , when God , in his dispensations , did call upon th●… to cry aloud & not to spare , have betrayed the precious interests of Christ , which their predecessours valued beyond their lives ? And how is it , that this generation hath degenerated , so far as their predecessours might be ignorant of them & not acknowledge them , & have forgotten their former zeal ? May not the world wonder at this ? But what wonder is it , that it be so , when now their rock hath sold them , & the Lord hath shut them up , when now the Lord hath been displeased and hath made them to drink the wine of astonishment , & for their provocations , hath taken spirit & courage from them , that they may know at length how evill & bitter a thing it is , that they have forsaken the Lord their God ? And therefore this dispensation of the Lord unto that Church , may & ought to be improved by other protestant neighbour Churches , as a warning from the Lord to repent , & returne unto him ; for because of her backslideings hath the Lord brought all this upon her , & he is a jealous God who will spar●… none , but the greater their injoyments have been , when these are abused to licentiousnesse , & not improved for the glory of God , & the advancement of the work of reformation of Churches , & of particular persons , the sor●… will the plagues & judgments be , with which he will visit such : It concerneth all about , & all who hear of the Lord 's dealing with her , to repent , & remember from whence they are fallen , & to do their first works ; for because of her departing from the love of her espousals , & the kindenesse of her youth , the Lord is now visiteing her with sore & sharpe rodes : Professions , yea large professions will not save in the day of God's anger : He searcheth the hearts ▪ & the reines , & he loveth truth in the inward parts , & therefore the faire flourishes of outward professions will not satisfie , if there be not more . Covenanting with the Lord will not hold off judgments , when conscience is not made of these covenants . And now it hath not been Scotland's Covenanting with God that hath brought all this upon her : But Scotlands dealing deceitfully in the Covenant ; For so long as she was with some singlenesse of heart , aimeing honestly at the promoveing of the ends of the Covenant , the Lord made her ●…errible unto all her adversaries , & made one chase an hundereth ; But so soon as this vow was forgotten , & the ends thereof not sincerely minded & sought after , then the Lord departed from her , & she could not shake her self as before . Finally , it would become all neighbour reformed Churches to be upon their guaird , for the same Spirit that troubleth that Church now ; is the Spirit of Antichrist seeking to re-enter there after he hath been cast out , with all his appurtenances , in a most universall & solemne manner , & the door bar●…ed with solemne Covenants & oaths made unto the most high : And indeed hath gained great footing already ; for there is more pop●…ry openly professed this day , then hath been openly avowed almost these hundered of yeers . And if Antichrist shall againe get possession there , any may judge what hazard other Churches are into , & what cause they have to withstand the same , & if they can do no more , for that effect , to pray to him , who will hear at length , that he would hasten that day , in his own time , wherein it might be said . Babilon the great is fallen , is fallen , & is become the habitation of devils & the hold of every foule Spirit — so that the Kings of the earth who have Committed 〈◊〉 , & lived deliciously with her , may bewaile her , & lament for her , when they shall see the smoak of her burnings , for he will at length judge the great whore , which did corrupt the earth with her fornications , & will avenge the blood of his servants at her hand & then shall that Church ( being fully freed from the yoke of prelacy & other abhominations ) with others , be glade & rejoyce , when that wicked , with all his appurtenances , shall be consumed with the Spirit of his mouth & shall be destroyed with the brightnesse of his coming . Even so come Lord Iesus . AMEN . The Contents THe INTRODUCTION . Pag. 1. Sheweth The grounds & ends of this undertaking . SECTION 1. Pag. 5. Sheweth When the Christian religion began first in Scotland : That Palladius was the first prelate in Scotland : No prelats among the Culdees : How & when reformation from popery began : Superintendents no prelats : Nationall Assemblies from the beginning of the reformation . How the Tulchan Bishops came in over the Church her belly : The Church wrestleth till these be put away , & presbyterian Government be setled in all her judicatories , Anno 1592. The King thereafter incroacheth upon the privileges of the Church : Prevaileth with some of the Ministers who betray the Church , & yeeld to Parliament-Bishops , & hinder the Church from enjoying her privileges & liberties in her free Assemblies : The faithfull & Zealous are persecuted : Parliaments carry on the King's designe with violence ; Corrupt Assemblies are convocated to further his Maj. designe , & to give Church power unto these Parliamentary Prelats : Parliaments ratifie all . The Church protesteth , & striveth against all this , what she can : The prelats being now inthroned tyrannize over & oppresse the faithfull , laboure to have ceremonies imposed upon the Church with force , & acts made in Parliament for bringing in the surplice & Corner cap , unto which some worthy nobles could not assent , Anno 1633. Who , are therefore accounted rebels & traitours ; And Balmerino is condemned . The prelats rage without all law , draw up a service book , book of canans , &c. SECT . 2. Pag. 44. Sheweth How the use of the service book was hindered in Edenburgh : Ministers & people from all parts of the Kingdome petitioned against it . The King favoureth not the petitioners : They not withstanding continue in petitioning against the service book , high Commission , prelats , &c. Renew the nationall Covenant thorow the whole land : The King intendeth a war : An Assembly is indicted at Glasgow , Nov. 21. And opened up : This Assembly condemneth , & anulleth severall pretended Assemblies , the book of common prayer , the book of canons , the book of consecration & ordination , the high commission court , & the ceremonies : & excommunicateth some , & deposeth all the prelats : War is prepared against them : They defend themselves : A pacification is concluded : another Assembly promised & a Parliament thereafter ▪ The Assembly is opened up ; The Parliament is convocated but quickly adjourned : Commissioners are sent to London & imprisoned : A new war is raised by the King : Scotland prepareth for defence : A new pacification : The Parliament meeteth & ratifieth all , which the Covenanters had done , Those acts are againe ratified : The Parl. of Engl. beginneth a work of reformation , entereth into a Covenant with Scotland , & the two nations joyntly proceed in the begun work of reformation : A party in England strengthen themselves : alter the judicatures : take away the King's life : Scotland bringeth home the prince , who sweareth the Covenants , & is overcome by the Englishes in battell , & keeped in bondage ten yeers , till the exiled King returned Anno 1660. SECT . 3. Pag. 69. Sheweth Why these Ministers & others , who met Agust . 23. 1660 were incarcerated : what their supplication was ; And how unjustly they suffered upon that account . SECT . 4. Pag. 77. Sheweth What were the grounds upon which the Marquise of Argil●… suffered , & how insufficient in poynt of law , from severall considerations . SECT . 5. Pag. 83. Sheweth What were the grounds , upon which the life of precious ▪ Mr Guthry , was taken . & how insufficient , Either in law or conscience . SECT . 6. Pag. 86. Sheweth Upon what account other Ministers were persecuted : And how unjustly : Some banished for righteousnesse sake , & some indictâ causâ : An extract of the sentence was refused to thos●… & to all others . SECT . 7. Pag. 88. Sheweth The grounds why conscientious Ministers could not observe the anniversary day . SECT . 8. Pag. 91. Sheweth The reasons why Ministers could not observe the prelat●… meetings . The author of the seasonable case , &c. Answered . SECT . 9. Pag. 101. Sheweth The reasons why ministers could not seek presentations from patrons , nor collations from prelats : The author of the seasonable case , answered . SECT . 10. Pag. 114. Sheweth The true sense of the oath of alleagiance which was tendered Anno 1661. &c. Compared with the former : how it holdeth forth a great civil supremacie in the King , cleared by the act . 11 : parl . 1661. Which ( at least ) is much to be questioned , from nine severall grounds : And cannot lawfully be acknowledged because of ten dreadfull consequences which shall necessarily follow thereupon : The former proceedings of the Church & state of Scotland vindicated & cleared . SECT . 11. Pag. 140. Sheweth The lawfulnesse of Scotlands defensive war , first from the former practices of Scotland , other Kingdomes , King Iames , & King Charles , & confessions of adversaries : next from a true clearing of the state of that war , in Six Particulars , which obviat all the objections of adversaries : And lastly from lawyers , adversaries , the law of nature , the law of nations , the law of God , & sound reason . SECT . 12. Pag. 169. Sheweth What is the meaning of the oath of alleagiance , as to its Ecclesiasticall part : What way the King's supremacy over Church persons , & in Church causes began & was carryed on in England : How the same was advanced to a great height in Scotland : What sense this King & the late Parliament did put upon the oath of alleagianee , by their Acts & Actings : How it were sinfull to acknowledge , by taking the oath , That so much Church power belongeth unto the civil Magistrate , cleared by Nineteen particulars . SECT . 13. Pag. 200. Sheweth The groundlesnesse of Mr Stilling fleet 's notion concerning the divine right of formes of Church governement , by making it appear how he overturneth his owne grounds , how he misstateth the question , the practice of the Apostles ground a jus divinum here : Christ's institution & the institution of the Apostles is for a particular species : Christ's faithfulnesse in his office , speaketh much for this : The hazard is great in leaving the species undetermined : The confession of the faith of severall Churches for a Species : How he misseth his pretended end & arme . And how unseasonable his book is at this time : & uselesse so long as the league & Covenant standeth in force , though his notion were true in thesi . SECT . 14. Pag. 254. Sheweth How weak the Reasons are , which plead for the taking of the oath of alleagiance , by answereing Sixteen of them . SECT . 15. Pag. 270 : Sheweth How unlawfull it is , to owne & acknowledge the curats fo●… lawfull Ministers , by fourteen reasons : Foure objections answered . SECT . 16. Pag. 298. Sheweth That it is lawfull for Ministers , banished from their owne flocks by a sentence of the civil Magistrate , to preach in publick or private , as God calleth , by Eight reasons : Thr●… objections are answered . SECT . 17. Pag , 305. Sheweth That it is lawfull for Ministers , though censured by the pretended prelate , to preach , as God giveth a call , whether in publick , or in private , by Six reasons : Foure objections are answered . SECT . 18. Pag. 310. Sheweth That it is lawfull for people to meet together , for hearing honest Ministers preach , publickly or privately ; And for other Christian duties , notwithstanding of Acts made against it , by severall reasons : One objection answered . SECT . 19. Pag. 316. Sheweth How unlawfull it is to acknowledge the high commission court , by compeering before it , by Eleven reasons : Foure or five objections are answered . SECT . 20. Pag. 327. Sheweth How dreadfull a sin it is to abjure the Covenant : a sin aggravated by twelue particulars . SECT . 21. Pag. 347. Sheweth What judgements , perjury hath brought on , in all ages , out of history sacred , & prophane . SECT . 22. Pag. 359. Sheweth The lawfulnesse & binding force of the solemne league & Covenant , notwithstanding of all which the author of the seasonable case &c. hath said against it . SECT . 23. Pag. 391. Sheweth The lawfulnesse of the nationall Covenant , as it was sworne & subscribed , Anno 1638 , 1639 , &c. Notwithstanding of all which the author of the seasonable case , &c. Hath said to the contrary . The CONCLUSION Pag. 416. Sheweth What the now afflicted Church of Scotland expecteth from strangers : & what use they should make of this sad dispensation , &c. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29746-e1900 Whence may not men destruction feare : Who with deceitfull hearts do sweare . This age wherein we live is void of faith For writes are signed , twelue witnesses before , The notar writt'th both time & place , what more ? Yet come'th a man of words who all deny'th . King's words have weight & great respect , More then all oaths which men exact . 
A61639	----	Naphtali, or, The wrestlings of the Church of Scotland for the kingdom of Christ contained in a true and short deduction thereof, from the beginning of the reformation of religion, until the year 1667 : together with the last speeches and testimonies of some who have died for the truth since the year 1660 : whereunto are also subjoyned, a relation of the sufferings and death of Mr. Hew McKail ... Stewart, James, Sir, 1635-1713. 1667 Approx. 717 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 194 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61639 Wing S5683 ESTC R3435 12630850 ocm 12630850 64759 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61639) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64759) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 336:1) Naphtali, or, The wrestlings of the Church of Scotland for the kingdom of Christ contained in a true and short deduction thereof, from the beginning of the reformation of religion, until the year 1667 : together with the last speeches and testimonies of some who have died for the truth since the year 1660 : whereunto are also subjoyned, a relation of the sufferings and death of Mr. Hew McKail ... Stewart, James, Sir, 1635-1713. Stirling, James, 1631-1672? [78], 306 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh : 1667. Joint authorship attributed to James Steuart and James Stirling. Cf. BM; Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Place of publication from Wing. Errata: p. [78]. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mackail, Hugh, 1640?-1666. Church of Scotland -- History. Christian martyrs -- Scotland. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NAPHTALI , OR The Wrestlings of the Church of SCOTLAND For the KINGDOM of CHRIST ; Contained in A true and short Deduction thereof , from the beginning of the Reformation of Religion , until the Year 1667. Together with The last Speeches and Testimonies of some who have died for the Truth since the Year 1660. Whereunto are also subjoined A Relation of the Sufferings and Death of M R HEW M C KAIL , and some Instances of the Sufferings of Galloway and Nithisdale . LAM . 1 : 12. Is it nothing to you , all ye that pass by ? Behold and see , if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow , which is done unto me , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me , in the day of his fierce anger . MIC . 7 : 8. Rejoice not against me , O mine Enemy : When I fall , I shall arise ; When I sit in darkness , the Lord shall be a Light unto me . ISAI . 14 , 32. What shall one then answere the Messengers of the Nation ? That the Lord hath founded Zion , and the poor of the People shall trust in it . Printed in the Year 1667. AD LECTOREM . NOn hîc Herculeae sunt cum sudore palestrae ; Nullus Olympiaco in pulvere Ludus iners : Pro sadore cruor Christi de Corpore manat ; Ardua pro ludo est lucta , rapina , neces . Scotica bis denis luctata Ecclesia Lustris ; Penè dedit victas , lassa labore , manus . Duros passa Patres dudum , velut ame Novercas , Vi premitur ; Stygia fraude subacta gemit . Constitit effraenes contra tumidasque procellas ; Proque Fide steterat , dum stetit ulla fides . Nusquam cana fides nunc est ; jurataque Coeli Numina , mortales , vinc'la nec ulla ligant . Credula dum nimis est , fida haec Ecclesia ; vanà Spe lusâ , & rupto Foedere strata jacet : Strata tamen non tota jacet , de pulvere surgit ; Auricomum tollet mox supra astra caput . Ipsa triumphalem currum Crux saeva ministrat ; Sanctorum sanguis fertile semen erit . Ecce ! Sacerdotum turmam Regumque Coronam Pendentem infami de trabe , Lector , habes . Cerne oculo , Heroum facies & corpora cernas ; Verba audi , & videas pectora plena Deo , Hîc loquitur Princeps , magno cum Judice , Vates ; Et Juvenes , Vatum spes animosa senum . Hîc Generosa cohors , Miles , Mercator , agelli Cultor , & Arte rudis , spirat ab ore Deum . Disce immortalem hinc Animam , vitamque futuram ; Nulla est , pro Christo , mors male grata pio . Pro Christi Crux , est , diademate Laurea ; restis , Faedere pro Sancto , est vitta , monile , decus . READER THE LORD in great mercy , having wonderfully and with an outstretched arm , notwithstanding all the opposition of Sathan and earthly Principalities , redeemed Scotland from the Power and darkness , first of Gentilism , and then of Antichristianism , by raising of some burning and shining Lights , and other Instruments fitted for that Work ; Whereby the Light of the Glorious Gospel , from a very small beginning , did increase more and more , untill at length , shining with brightness and heat as the Sun in his strength , it filled the Land with knowledge , in so much that the name thereof became Jehouah Shammah , the Lord is there : And having built to Himself a house upon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , not only sufficiently instructed with righteous Laws and Judgments for Doctrine and Worship ; But also provided with all Ordinary Officers necessary in the Christian Church , and with a form of Church-Government , of his own Institution , distinct from , and without any prejudice unto the Civil Government of the Kingdom , Whereby the Church of Scotland , for Soundness of Faith , Purity of Worship , Excellency of Government , Freedom and Power of the Gospel , beautiful Order and Unity , was not inferior to any , if not preferable to most of the Reformed Churches , and therefore was deservedly famous and esteemed amongst them : Having also , for an hundred Years , from it's first National Establishment , preserved the same from utter overthrow , notwithstanding the many various and renewed endeavours of men , by force and fraud , to reduce it unto the same Errors , Ignorance and Superstitions , wherein it self at first lay buried , and under which others groaned ; And several times revived and restored it , when by it's own Impurity , Indifferency and Formality it began to decline , or by the Treachery , Subtilty , or Violence of others it was oppressed ; Thereby not only disappointing , confounding , and many times ruining the Adversaries , and comforting and strengthening the faithful ; But also alwayes rebuilding to Himself a Temple , the glory whereof did far excell and darken the glory of the former : And having many times engaged the whole Land to Himself , by several most solemn Obligations , of voluntary Surrender and Resignation , by frequently renewed Oaths and Covenants ; So that within these few Years past , there were not many persons of age , of whatever degree , and not so much as one Preaching Minister in all the Land , who not only did not make publick profession of the true Reformed Religion , but also subject themselves unto the Presbyterial Form of Church Government and Discipline , & who did not ( which we desire to be noted ) for that effect in their own persons swear and subscribe with the hand unto the Lord , in the National Covenant and Solemn League and Covenant ; In so much , that as to the publick Profession of the Truth , and almost as to the number of persons , the Church of Scotland was of equal extent with the Nation , and in that respect , of all other National Churches , did most resemble the old Church of the Iewes : The Lord , I say , having to the conviction and acknowledgement of our selves and others , done such great things for us , whereof we are glad , the present Apostacy , whereby Scotland's Bethel is become Bethaven , and the Land that was sometimes Holiness unto the Lord , is become ( alas too Edom-like ) the border of wickedness , & an Aceldama , a Tragical Theatre of blood & persecution , ought to be unto us no less matter of Sorrow , Shame and Fear , then it is Sin in itself , & Wonder and Amazement unto others . Who can hear our Covenanted and Kindest Lord , who hateth putting away , and defieth us to shew the bill of our Mothers divorcement , who groaneth under our Backslidings , being pressed therewith as a cart full of sheaves , complaining that He is broken with our whorish hearts , and therefore declaring that He will be no more our Husband ; nor we His Wife , and that His heart cannot be toward us ; But that He will drive us out of His house , and love us no more , and not cover the lip for Shame ? And in consequence thereof , who can behold the Fathers house , not only defiled , by turning it into a house of Marchandise and den of theeves , but the Temple casten down to the ground , and the Adversary in the midst thereof insultingly and scornfully set up their ensignes for signes of Triumph ; And furder , behold the blood of the Saints shed like water , and their flesh given to be meat to the fowles of the heaven and beasts of the Earth , and not lament with Jeremiah ? Cap. 9 : 1 , 2 , 3 ▪ ● Oh that my head were waters , and mine eyes a fountain of tears , that I might weep day and night for the slain of the Daughter of my People . Oh that I had in the Wilderness a lodging place of wayfaring men , that I might leave my People and go from them : For they be all adulterers , an assembly of treacherous men . And they bend their tongue like their bowe for lies : But they are not valiant f●r the Truth upon the Earth ▪ for they proceed from evil to evil , and they know not me , saith the Lord. And this will the more appear , not only if we remember the general nature of Backsliding , which is a very comprehensive Sin , importing less Love , Fear and Trust in the true God , and proclaiming more Inconstancy , Unfaithfulness , and ingratitude towards Him , then sometimes is found in very Heathens towards their Idols ; But also if we consider that our present Defection hath all circumstantial Aggravations in the highest degree . For it is not in things only Civil , Indifferent , or of little moment ; But in things Religious , Necessary , Important and which at least in their tendency and consequence reach to the very foundation : It is not the effect of common , humane and invincible infirmity ; but most free and voluntary , yea wilful and deliberate : It is not done by stealth , or in a corner ; but avowedly and openly in the sight of the Sun : It is not Private and Personal ; but Representative and Authorized , by Acts and Proclamations of King , Parliament and Council : It is not smoothly and subtilly , but most tyrannically carried on by military violence and cruelty : It is not of a few or inconsiderable Persons , but very Universal ; The greatest part of all Ranks , and of some Ranks almost the whole , being some one way or other involved therein : It is not only of these , who were alwayes of known and professed disaffection to the Cause and Covenant of God ; but also of many who sometimes being exceeding zealous themselves , and exemplary and forcible upstirrers of others therein , are now become the chief Ring-leaders theirof , and most bloody Persecuters of those who remain stedfast in the Truth : It is not in an Heathenish or Antichristian Land , or Church divided and broken with several Sects , as some others are ; but even in Scotland , so clearly enlightened , for which the Lord had wrought so many wonderful works , which was under so many obligations of Oaths and Covenants to the contrary , and had been so united in the profession of the Truth : It is not from violent force , Inevitable necessity or irresistible temptation ( which is neither possible nor yet would excuse it ) but when the Lord , by breaking the yoke of forrain Usurpation , had given King and Countrey the fairest opportunity which they ever had , to restore , confirm and advance His Work ; as if He had delivered us , that we might work all these Abominations : And all this for no other end , then the base flattering of the Kings humor and inclination , the satiating of Prelaticall Pride and Ambition , the indulging of the licentious profanity of some Debauched & degenerated Nobles and others , who could not endure the yoke of Christ's sound doctrine and impartiall discipline , And the suppression of Religion and Righteousness in the subversion of the late work of Reformation : Whereby we have charged our selves with all the blood that hath been shed upon either side , during the former wars ; Have laid a stumbling block before all , who shall see or hear of it , to blaspheme Religion as a fiction , to condemn the late Work of Reformation as a false pretence for Rebellion and Self-Interest , and to affirm that there is neither truth nor ingenuity in the Professors thereof . Pass over the Isles of Chittim and see , and send unto Kedar , and consider diligently , and see if there be such a thing ; hath a Nation changed their Gods , which yet are no Gods ? But Scotland , Ah Scotland ! hath changed her glory for that which doth not profit . Be astonished , O ye heavens at this , and be horribly afraid : And so much the rather , because few Lands did ever make Defection after this manner , but , as upon the one hand , the Lord gave them up unto more Backsliding , until they abounded more with Atheism and all manner of abominations , then some Pagan-Nations , who never heard nor made Profession of the Gospel ; So upon the other hand , He alwayes pursued them with sorest plagues , not only of subjugation at home , scattering and exile abroad , dividing of Kingdomes amongst themselves , and from their former Rulers , and final subversion of whole Empires , Kingdomes and Common-wealths ; But also many times with the Final removal of the Gospel , and utter dissolution of all visible National Covenant-relation , as might be demonstrated from Holy Scripture , and other Histories : And indeed , if He , to whom nothing is strange or impossible ( though they may seem both to us ) and whose wayes and thoughts are as far above ours , as the Heavens are above the Earth , do not in the Soveraignity of His Grace , recede from His ordinary method of dealing with such apostatizing People , and now when he hath seen our way do not heal us , we have , alas ! ●oo too just ground of fear , that we shall become such a proverb amongst the Nations , that the generation to come of our Children , and the stranger that cometh from a far Land , when they see the plagues of this Land , shall wonder and ask , Wherefore hath the Lord done this unto this Land ? What meaneth the heat of this great anger ? Oh! that the very first , and next following steps of Defection ; together with the Causes of the Lord's wrath against the Land , were remembered and acknowledged , and that all who have had any accession to the kindling of this flame ( and who can wholly Justify himself ? If any would , be sure , his own mouth should condemn him ) would draw water and pour it out before the Lord , for quenching thereof , and that the first resiclers from our National Acknowledgment of Sins and Engagement to duties , would glorify God by Confession , that he might turn from the fierceness of his Anger ; But alas ! He hath at once pour'd out upon us the Spirit of Whoredome and of a deep sleep ! and hath both made us to erre from His way , and hard'ned our hearts from his fear . And as we should look bekind us to the Rise , so before us to the Result of th●se things ; for though every runner may read the Primum mobile of this course , the great axletree and wheels upon which all moveth , and who are the furious drivers and slavish drawers thereof , and we have both seen the several degrees of Motion and advancement , and smarted the sad effects of the same , yet I am affray'd , that there is now another Spirit in Persons and Tendency in affairs then some men apprehend . Whether there be a sufficient ground in the Holy Scriptures to think with some , that before the last fall of the Roman Antichrist , the Popish Religion shall once more overshadow the Christian World ▪ is not proper here to enquire ; But considering the great affinity betwixt Papacy and Prelacy , and the already authorized and practized Conformity of the one to the other , not only in Government and Discipline , whereby they have , for the most part , the same Ecclesiastical Courts and Officers ; But also in Worship , whereby they have the same Liturgy , for substance of Epistles , Gospels , Collects and Letany ; The same Ceremonies of Rising , Standing to the East , Bowing , Kneeling , Crossing , &c. the same superstitious & fool-like Vestments ; The same observation of many dayes , the same adorning of Churches and Chappels , with Altars , Books , Candles , Candlesticks , Basins , Images , and Crucifix's on windows , and the same Jesuitical sign upon their pulpit cloath ; And also in several points of Doctrine , preached , licensed and printed , with many other things tedious to be enumerated : Considering also the constitution of the Kingdoms , which by Ignorance , Atheisme , disputing and oppugning of the Authority of the Holy Scriptures , Error , Superstition , Profaneness , Indifferency , Formality and Hypocrisy in many , are much more then formerly disposed to embrace whatsoever shall be authorized or indulged : And considering the native tendency of the present Course of Backsliding , which leadeth unto the great Whore , the mother of all these abominations , Nothing but gross , wilfull or judicial Ignorance , and estrangement from affairs , can deny that there is too just ground of fear , that ere long ( if the Lord do not prevent it ) Brittain may be again precipitated into the old gulf of Antichristianism . And so much the rather , because it is universally observed and notourly known , that the number of professed Papists , hath increased more within these six Years , then it had for near sixty before ; the conviction whereof made some of the Prelates themselves say some Years hence , that since the Year 1660. there were more thousands of avowed Papists in Scotland ( compute then what may and must be in England and Ireland ) then before that Year there were hundreds . Whence this is , and whether there be any positive Resolution to reintroduce Popery in these Lands , I do not affirm , but remit it to the consideration of the impartial Reader who understandeth the times , and to Time it self , a great searcher and discoverer of secrets , to declare the genuine meaning and tendency of these things , That the King should publish in print , that the Papists had been faithful Subjects to him and his Father , whilest others under pretence of Religion had involved the Kingdoms in blood ; Was that bloody Massacre in Ireland , whereof they were the known and acknowledged Actors , though perhaps not the only Authors , such Faithful service ? That the execution of penal Statutes against Papists should be superseded , whilst severe penal Statutes are dayly enacted and executed against Protestants , really , though not under that name and notion : That so many known and open Idolatrous Masses should be connived at & tollerated , whilst both publick & private meetings of Protestants for pure Worship are prohibited by Law , and violently interrupted : That so many known professed Papists , Priests and Jesuites , who do not publickly countenance the Prelatical Worship , are permitted to live peaceably and enjoy all their Liberties , whilst non-complying Protestants , for simple Non-conformity to Prelacy , are imprisoned , fined , confined , scourged , stigmatized , and many otherwayes oppressed and persecuted , in their Estates , Consciences and Names : That so many Papists especially in England should enjoy and be dayly advanced to the greatest places of publick Power and Trust , not only as members of Parliament , Council , and Court , but as State-Officers , Lieutenants , Sherifs , Justices of Counties , and Officers in Army , whilst stedfast Protestants , for simple non-perjuring , are some of them not so much as permitted to sit in Parliament , or any other Iudicatory ; others of them discourted , disgraced , disarmed , imprisoned and proscribed , and all of them who will not forswear , declared incapable of publick Power or Trust in Church or Common-wealth : That a house for Fathers or Friers is provided ; whilst many faithful Ministers are removed and chased from place to place , without any certain habitation : That there should be such universal Report & so much Presumption , of a Popish hand in burning of London , which , for number and strength of Protestant Inhabitants , was the most considerable City in the World , and bulwark against the Romish Religion and designes , and yet , as if men were affrayed to try the truth in that matter , so little satisfying & effectual course taken , to try and punish the Authors and Actors , and to repress their many other insolent misdemeanors ; whilst many thousands of innocent Protestants , who never burnt either house or City , for no other alleaged crime but their peaceable forbearance to bow to the Idol which the King hath setup , are thrown into a furnace of fiery Triall , seven times more heated then ever was known in the Christian World for such a Cause , all things being considered . It may seem strange to the Nations about , and to the Generations following , that the Church of Scotland which had been so faithful and chast , should have suffered herself to be thus prostituted , and that ( if she would not otherwayes , after the manner of her Fathers , contend for the Faith which she had receaved ) she did not cry to all the World by Declarations and Protestations ( as the Maid under the Law ) that she was forced ; And that of all the sons which she had brought forth , there were so few , either to take her by the hand , and plead openly for her , or to plead with her , that she would put away her whoredoms . This indeed is , and ought to be for a lamentation ; But let none therefore conclude ( as some of the profane and perfidious Prelates , measuring others after their own baseness and treachery , had the impudence at first to misrepresent to the Rulers ) that all were or are consentient unto this horrid Apostacy ; for even at the beginning thereof , if Synods ( which were then resolving to bear publick Witness for the then established Government of the Church , and against the begun Defection , and further progress thereof by the Re-introduction of Prelacy , which was then designed ) had not been , some of them , by Proclamation prohibited to conveen , and others of them violently interrupted and raised by Nobles , who , by Order of Parliament , were present for that effect ; And if some of her Watchmen ( who were neither professedly driving on , nor secretly breathing after Prelacy & Prelatical promotion ) had not for Reasons best known to themselves , too much courted and flattered the Powers by their own silence , and withdrawing of their necessary and required concurrence in a publick joint Testimony , there wanted not Faithfulness , Zeal , Courage , Resolutions and some Endeavours in others to have emitted such Declarations , as probably might have crushed the bold attempt of the Prelates in it's infancy , and thereby have prevented much Sin and Suffering which hath ensued thereupon , and certainly would have witnessed to all the World , that the Church without & against her consent was treacherously betrayed and violently forced . Neither hath the Truth , all along from that time till this , wanted many testimonies , though none of them were so National , Universal , Authoritative and Solemn as they should have been ; And few of them ( perhaps ) so explicite , full , plain and bold , as the weight of the matter and other circumstances required : Yea , the continued fears of the Adversaries , expressed in the Narratives of several of their own Acts and Proclamations , and their leavying of Military Force , for upholding of them and their Cause ; The Non-complyance of many thousands , their secret and open complaints and moans because of it , & their daily prayers to God against it , bear witness against this present Course . Besides , it is very observable , that some , who had been chief Authors and Active Promoters thereof and Complyers with the same , and others , who had been intimate familiars and favourers of Prelats and their Vice-curats , in Sickness and at Death did so much abhorre their way and loath their Persons , that they would not admit their presence , but called for Non-conforming Ministers to speak to them and pray for them ; Yea some Gentlemen upon Death-bed , did with much sorrow bemoan their own concurrence , and particularly their taking of the Declaration against the Covenant , and seriously warned and exhorted their old Familiars and companions in that guilt to repent thereof , wishing they were able to go and make publick profession of their own Repentance ; and others ( whilst some friends offered to bring Prelatical men unto them ) professed , that though they had sported with such men in health , yet they durst not do so at Death ; and some Ministers who had conformed , in remorse thereof , forsook that way , and thereafter died with convincing evidence of Repentance therefore , and dec●aration against the same : And indeed , as there was never any Course in the Land , which so visibly had the Voluntary and Active Concurse of all and Only the Wicked and Prophane ; so there was never a more Universal concurrence and Wrestling together by prayer , of all the Godly without Exception , against any Party and Cause , then now is against this ; for there needs no more to make any man ( though formerly their friend and familiar ) to hate their way and detest themselves , but to convince him of his own Sin , make him thorowly apprehensive of death and Judgment , and become a sincere seeker of God , and Student of holiness in his own Person . And further the late Rising in Armes , is an Argument above contradiction , that Prelacy is ●n out-landish and Unnatural weed in Scotland ; It is true , that it had it's immediat Rise from cruell Oppression , but it is as true , that all that Oppression , was Authorised by the Rulers , Exercised by the Souldiers , and endured by the People , meerly Because and upon accompt of their Faithfulness and Stedfastness in the Covenant and Cause of God , in a non-complyance with Prelacy , otherwise they might have lived as quyetly as others , and so soon as they were in a probable Capacity , by renewing of the Covenant , they declared Actively for that same Cause , for which they had suffered so much : It is true also , that the Action is condemned by some as Rebellious , and the Endeavour as Indeliberate , Irrational and Presumputous ; But referring the Reader to the following discourse for full satisfaction thereanent , I shall only here hint , that being altogether accidentally occasioned , by an unforseen emergent difference , betwixt 3 or 4 Souldiers and as many Countrey-men , ariseing from horrid Oppression , through unjust Lawes and cruell military execution thereof , without premeditated counsel or contrivance , it cannot be imagined that all the formalities , which may be judged necessary in a matter of that nature and importance , could have been in it : And yet it is presumed , that it wanted nothing but success to have made many of the same persons account the Action just and necessary , and the Enterprize , laudable and valorous . And as for the Persons themselves , it may be truly and without all vanity affirmed . that these many years past , there hath not been in Brittain such an other Company of men joyned in Armes for the Covenant and Cause of God : for though where Armies were more numerous , there might be or was the like or greater number of persons truly Godly ; Yet where the whole number was so small , it will be very hard to parallel so many together , of sound Judgement , true Piety , Integrity of heart , fervent zeal , and undaunted Resolution and Courage , and with so small a mixture of persons of corrupt Mindes , profane Conversations and sinistrous Ends : And although we would not be prodigal of mens lives , especially of Saints , at this time , when there is so great need and scarcity of intercessors , to stand between the dead and the living ; yet that simple act of Renewing of the Covenant is more glory to God , and a greater Testimony and Advantage to that buried Covenant and Cause , then ( we hope ) the loss of so many men as are faln , shall import of dammage thereunto . But above all , take notice of the many Sufferings and Sufferers hereafter mentioned , whose Blood under the altar , and some of whese Heads and Hands standing betwixt Heaven & Earth , doth not only cry for Vengeance , but night and day bear open Witness against this Adulterous Geaeration . These mens Testimony should have the more weight and Credite with all , because of the Persons , the Matter , and Manner thereof , which was not by Wishing , Words-speaking , or Doing without danger , which is the height of too many men's atchievment in these dayes , but by BLOOD , whereunto they resisted striving against Sin , and thereby , being neither affrayed to Act , nor ashamed to Suffer for their Lord and Master , have left behind them a fair Example of both to all , and a Reproof to many , whose greater Prudence then Zeall , hath taught them to Save themselves , by couching betwixt the burdens . That a great Prince , and yet not so Great as Good , an Eminent and more then ordinarly Useful , and never to be forgotten Instrument of the Work of Reformation and Patron of the Church , and a True & Seeing Prophet , did fall in Scotland , when Argile , Wariston and Mr Guthrey , for no other cause but their Good deeds , and particularly for Loving of our Nation and building of our Synagogue , were led like Innocent sheep to the Slaughter , nothing but Ignorance , Malice , Wickedness , or Partiality can deny : for they wanted nothing to make them Beloved , as they were esteemed and Feared by their Enemies , but that they neither did nor would , because for Love and awe of God they durst not with others make Shipwrack of Faith and a Good conscience . Of these three Mighty men , and Others who by Suffering since have obtained the Crown ( though some of them , being but Countrey-Yeomen , had mean Education , and little other Learning , th●n what they learned in the Gospel of Him who is meek and Lowly , and whom the Zeall of his Fathers house did eat up , it is below their due Commendation , when it is affirmed , That never any men of the greatest Spirits , Piety and Learning , did Suffer and Die with more Meekness and Patience toward their Enemies , with more Humility and Confidence toward God , with more Faithfulness and Stedfastness in the Truth , without the least injurious reflexion thereupon , or their own adherence thereunto , with more Equability and composure of Spirit , sweetly tempered with the Sorrow 's of Sin and Joyes of the Holy Ghost , in assurance of Pardon and Life Everlasting , and with less perturbation of mind , and alteration of Carriage or Countenance , then these Worthies did . Here indeed was the Faith and Patience of the Saints , here did the Lord stand by and strengthen them whom others forsook : Yea the Lord to the Admiration of all , the conviction of many of their adversaries , the confirmation & Establishment of the Cause , the Encouragement of many thousands , His own Eternall Glory , and their Immortal Commendation , did Work in the hearts of all Beholders , more ample & enduring Epistles of Commendation , then the most Eloquent and Pathetick Rhetorician can Writ in their Favours . This accompt further I will give yow of the first ten who died together December 7. that they once resolved to speak severally to the People at their death ; but therea●●● considering , that for one Common Cause , and upon the same alleageances , they were all appointed to die one manner of death , together at one time and in one place , and having the conveniency of being together in the Prison , they preferred to leave a word jointly behind them in writ : which as it was the cause of one conjunct Testimony , and some others severally ; So the Foreseing Providence of God in this , is very observable : for had it been otherwise ( seing they were not at all permitted to speak to the People upon the scaffold , there had nothing of their joint Testimony been extant , more then is of these who were not suffered to speak at their death in Glasgow , & of the rest who Suffered in othe● places of the West , of whom we have heard nothing more particularly , but that the same Spirit of Glory and of God resting upon them , did work in them all ▪ the same Stedfastness , Patience , Humility , Consolation , Courage and Confidence . These being the last times , wherein Sin aboundeth , and the love of many is waxed cold , I cannot devine what pity shall be shewed to them that are in Misery ; especially considering the Universall decay of Religion , and dark cloud of prejudice and discountenance , whereby the Kingdom of Christ is overshaddowed , generally the whole world over , and even amongst the Reformed Churches : Nevertheless , there being a Communion of Saints , which should be entertained amongst both Persons and Churches , whereby these of the same true Religion ( amongst other things ) reciprocally give and receave information of their common affaires , that , if they can or will express no other act of Love , they may ( at least ) the more sutably Sympathize , and mutually pray one for another ; And the Lord in his Providence , giving the opportunity , I thought it convenient , yea necessary , to communicat the following Deduction of the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland for the Kingdome of Christ , hoping , that as it beareth the Name , so , the Wrestling Church of Scotland , in due time shall reap the Blessing of NAPHTALI , who Gen. 49.21 . is called a Hinde let loose , and said to give goodly words : for who can tell , but Her Wrestlings may be swallowed up of Victory and Liberty , and Her ancient Covenanted Doctrin , Worship and Government , may become as Pleasant and Acceptable , as it is Profitable , not only within herself , but also amongst the Churches abroad . This Title being only affirmative of Her , and not Negative of other Churches , as if only She , and not also They , had Wrestled for the Kingdom of Christ , let no man offend thereat : For as the Lord Redeemer hath several Offices , equally Necessary in themselves , and Inseperable by Man , and as particular Churches , as well as Persons , have their peculiar gifts and Excellencies , and accordingly their distinct work assigned unto them , whereby ( amongst other things ) they , more or less eminently , assert and Propugn this or that particular Truth ; So in this distribution , whereas other Churches have asserted and contended for his Priestly and Propheticall Offices , the lot seemeth to have fallen upon Scotland , to assert and wrestle more eminently then many others , for the Croun and Kingdom of Jesus Christ . For the establishment of this , did our first famous Reformers strive by the evidence of Holy Scripture , as well as for Soundness of Doctrine and Purity of Worship ; for Preservation and Restauration of this , did their Worthy Successors Zealously contend by Petitions , Warnings , Conferences and Disputations ; all Invasion , Usurpation , or the least encroachment upon this , di● they valiantly resist by Protestations and Declinatures ; and for a Testimony to this , did they patiently Suffer Bonds , Imprisonment , Confinement , Sentences of Death , and ( of late ) Death it self . Neither should any man think this strange , as if Presbyterial Government were in itself Unlawful , or the Species of Church Government , were indifferent , and consequently Contending and Suffering therefore , Unwarrantable or Needless , as Pretenders to different Forms ( upon the right and left hand ) would have the World beleeve . Hithertil indeed the Church of Scotland hath heen as a Speckled bird , and the birds round about have been against her , She hath endured the scourge of many tongues , as well as the Violence of many hands , upon both hands false witnesses have laid to her charge , things which she knew not , as being ( amongst other things ) too Laxe or too Rigide ; Yea as Unnatural Children have eaten thorow their Mothers bowels , so Unkindly Brethren have rewarded her evil for good , Standing on the other side , and looking upon her and her affliction in the day of her calamity , rejoicing over her in the day of her destruction , and speaking proudly in the day of her distress , yea laying hands on her Substance in the day of her calamity . The wrath of man worketh not the Righteousness of God , neither doth his invincible Truth need the help of humane Passions , if therefore , such men do not fear , I shall not desire , that their own tongues may fall upon themselves , and that the Lord may render unto them according to their deeds , and according to the wickedness of their endeavours , but rather study the revenge of good will by Prayer , that He would open their eyes & convert their hearts , that they may take revenge on themselves . Charity , which thinketh no evil , obleegeth to beleeve , till wee see the contrary , that Scripture , Conscience , Covenant and Credite will make those who did once laudably assert , constantly propugn and adhere to the Ius Divinum of Presbyterial Government , until they publish ( which none can do ) as convinceing reasons of Retractation & contrary Practice : And whatever might be expected of others , Religion , Reason , Candor , Gratitude , and Policy would seem to require , that those who in their distress intreated & obtained the succesful Assistance of the Covenanted Interest of Scotland , & others , who owe thereunto whatever they are , or have more then just nothing , debt , or broken fortunes , should have been so far from cont●mptuous throwing away the Covenant as an old Alm●nack , when , by it as a stirrup , they had mounted the saddle of Power , Promotion and Riches , and from subtile dissolving the nerves , or forcible breaking the Arme of Pre●bytery , that they should rather have said to both as Ruth to Naom● , Where th●u goest , I will go ; where thou lodgest , I will lodg ; thy People shall be my People , and thy God my God : Where thou diest , I will die , and there will I be buried : God do so to me and more a●so if ought but death part thee and me . And it may be truly said , as the Church of Scotland hath had no Detractors , but such as were Ignorant of her , or mis-informed about her , or whom Faction , Partiality , Prejudice , Wickedness or Love of unlawful Liberty did inspire ; So no Person or Party hath endeavoured hithertil to root out Presbytery , but the Lord hath made it a burdensome stone unto them : And I am sure , there is no other Form of Church Government can boast of so many Testimonies by Bl●od as Presbyterial Government might do . But of all Contradicters , the Church of Scotland , of old and late , hath only had to do ( within herself ) with Prelatists , some whereof , being high flown , have pleaded a Jus Divinum , others ( Antiquaries ) have pleaded Antiquity , and many Adiaphorists of late , being beaten from both these strengths , have pleaded Indifferency in general , and only Jus Carolinum , as to this or that Species : But as no eyes , save their own , neither these except by delusion of their se●se , could ever see Prelacy ( that is , an Ordinary Ecclesiastical Ord●r , Distinct from and Superior to that of a Preaching Presbyter , having the sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction ) in the Holy Scripture , otherwise then by Prohibition to Lord it over Gods heritage , or in the example of Diotrephes who loved Preheminence ( as many famous writing , whereunto I refer the Reader , unanswerably demonstrat ) & therefore , the Office being a stranger in the Word of God , rather then the bras●n Serpent which once had Divine Institution , should be Nehushtan in the Church ; So let no man , Exorcist-wise , adjure us by the Charming words of Antiquity , Primitive times and Bishops , Fathers , &c. For Moses we know , the Prophets and Apostles we know , but what is Antiquity , and who are the primitive Bishops and Fathers ? Must men be stigmatized , as giddy-headed Novellists , and as much Athenian in their Principles and Professions ▪ as other m●n in their Newes , or then be Implicite in-tail-following Antiquaries ? No , there is a Medium of proving all things , and holding that which is good : Pure Antiquity deserveth all esteem and reverence , but Simple Antiquity , as such , is neither a certain nor Safe Rule , and much less oblieging to future times , and so remote as our's are . Our Lord Himself repelleth that pretence , that it was said of old : Were there not many Errors and Corruption● ( which themselves will not Justify ) as ancient , and early in the Church ( yea more ) as Prelacy is alleaged to be ? We are commanded to the Law and Testimony , but never to the Fathers , and good reason , because few or none of them were without gross errours in Judgment or Practice : Are not the writings of the first Age very few , or obscure ? Are not many of these and after Ages lost or Corrupted ? Yea other later writings are deceatfully emitted under the name of Ancient Times and Persons , so that in such a mist , it is hard to determine what was written by these Fathers , what not : Later , Corrupt or Inadvertant writters about these former times , did speak of Persons and things , under the abused Names which were corruptly used in th●ir own times : And the writtings of particular Persons ( suppose of greatest Antiquity ) do rather hold forth their own private Opinion , or the Practice of the Time and Place wherein they lived , then the Universal Judgment and Practice of the Church in all Times and Places . And if they will Sanctuary themselves in primitive Times , let it be cleared what is meant by Primitive ; For if the two first Ages be meant , it is more then they can do , to prove by sufficient Authority , that there was then such a Prelacy , as is before mentioned , or now usurped and exercised ; If after ages be meant , wherein the Church grew more corrupt , and Prelacy did aspire and exalt itself , to an Universal Supremacy in the Bishop of Rome , and establishment of that Antichristian Hierarchy , then indeed they are like themselves . for twins were never more like in face , then the present Prelats resemble the Romish , but then it were Candor in them , to tell plainly , that Papacy and Prelacy are of one Original , with this difference , that Prelacy is the first born , or rather the Father which begat the other ; And if they mean a Middle time , betwixt these Periods , wherein indeed Bishops were first known in the Church , and will reckon their descent from them , why are they so unlike unto them , that they look neither like Sons nor Successors ? Ask those who have dived into these depths of Antiquity , and they will tell , that a present Prelat , and a faithful Presbyterian Pastor ( or Moderator at most ) do little more differ , then the present Prelats and these first Primitive Bishops : For as it was long before such a thing was known in the Church , so when thorow the Malice and Subtilty of Sathan , the Ambition of some Church-men , the Unwatchfulness of others , and Indulgence of some Magistrats it did creep in , at first it was intended and acknowledged for no more , then a Prudential Humane device for greater Unity ( a Cure , because without warrant , worse then the desease , which , as the Apostles never prescribed in their own times , though there were then many Divisions , so there is alike Reason to Extend further to Papal Supremacy , in the case of divisions amongst Prelats and Patriarches ) and had never the impudence to aspire ( with some present Prelats ) so high as a Jus Divinum ; At first these Primitive Bishops , being Elected by other Presbyters , with consent of the people , and not by the Civil Magistrat only , as now the Prelats are by the Kings Letter to the Dean and Chapter , were Ordained by the laying on of the hands of Presbyters , and rot of Bishops only , as the Prelats are ; Their Ordination vas not Essentially different from that of Presbyters , nor to an Order distinct from , and Superior to that of Presbyters or Pastors , as the Consecration of the Prelats is alleaged to be ; Neither did they ( though perhaps they had a negative voice ) usurp the sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , nor Exerce the Acts thereof , without the potestative Concurrence of Other Presbyters , as now the Prelats do ; Many of them being Holy , Humble , and Sober in their conversation toward the people and other Presbyters , did nor ( with the present Prelats ) assume the lofty Tittles of Lordship , Grace , &c. Nor live and ride in such state and pomp , claming and taking the preference of the greatest Peeres of the Land ; Ordinarly , and especially at the beginning , they had not such vast charges , as now the Prelats have Diocies over Hundreds of Pastors , and many Thousands of people , to whom it is utterly impossible to perform Ministerial duties ; Being diligent Preachers themselves , they were not , as the Prelats are , Idle drons , nor Non-residenrs , nor yet of a strange language to the people , as Wallace , through his ignorance of the Irish tongue , and almost of all others except his Mothers , must be a Barbarian to his Diocy of the Western-Isles ▪ Neither did they involve themselves in Secular affairs and Offices , then which , what is there more absurd in Reason , and repugnant to Scriptural precept and Example ? For Christ Himself telleth us , that his Kingdome is not of this World , Joh. 18 : ver . 38. and how can his Officers be of it ? He refused to be a Judge , Luc. 12 : 14. And , speaking to the Disciples of Civil Authority and Dominion , saith , it shall not be So amongst yow , Mat. 20 : ver . 25. Luc. 22 : ver . 25 : And the Apostle . Paul telleth us , that Ministerial weapons are not Carnal . 2 Cor. 10 : ver . 4 : And that the Ministers of the Gospel should not entangle themselves with the affairs of this Life 2 Tim. 2 : ver . 4 : That the Ministerial calling is so weighty , that the best qualified and most diligent is not sufficient for it , 2 Cor. 2 : ver . 16. how then are they sufficient for it , and civil affairs too ? And therefore they should Wa● upon it , Rom. 12 : ver . 7 : and give themselves wholly to it . 1 Tim. 4 : ver . 15. and not wait ( as the Prelats do ) upon Courts , Parliaments , Council , Convention of Estats , &c. as members thereof , nor Exerce the office of Provosts , Justices of peace , &c. Nor will it excuse them , that they commit Ministerial inspection of the flock to Deputs : For if they be Shepherds , should not the Shepherds feed the flock ? Ezeck . 34 : ver . 2. If to them be committed the Ministery , Teaching , Exhorting , should they not themselves Wait upon these ? Rom. 12 : 7 : If they must give accompt of Souls , should they not Watch for them ? Heb. 13 : ver . 17 : And if the Lord will require the flock at their hand . Ezek. 34 : ver . 10 : how will they answer to God , the people , their own Conscience ( if they have any ) or to others who ask a reason of them , for feeding of themselves only , and committing the flock to Others , and especially to such who are so far from being Learned , Holy , Apt to teach , Blameless , of a good report , Chast , Sober , Grave , Lovers of good men , Meek and Gentle , as the Scripture requireth , that many are Novices , Ignorant , Prophane , Light , Given to Wine , False , Covetous , Contentious , Proud , Passionat , and Self willed , and so far from taking heed to the flock , or being an Example to them , in Word , Conversation , Charity , Spirit , Faith and Purity , that they neither take heed to themselves , nor rule their own families well ? I remember that one speaking of such as commit the flock to Vicar-Curats ( as all are who serve under Prelacy ) saith , Adibunt per Vicarios in Paradisum , in Persona in Inferos . They shall go to Heaven by their Deputs , but to Hell in Person . These men ( if I may borrow an allusion from the duty and commendation of faithfull and approven Ministers ) have taken forth the Precious from the Vile , and taught the people the difference betwen the Holy and Profane , and caused men to discern betwen the Unclean and the Clean ; but mark How , and for what End ? Is it not by making sad the hearts of the Righteous , whom they have selected , and set up as the Only object of all their Malice and persecution , and Strengthening the hands of the Wicked , whom they have taken into their bosome , as their Only Familiars and Confidents . The one they thurst with the side and shoulder , the other they do not suffer to turn from his evill way , by promising him life . But if any desire more particular information about them , amongst other places to that purpose , let them read and consider , Ier. 23.9 . to 33. and 5.31 . Ezek. 34.1 . to 11. and 22.25.26.28 . Zeph. 3.4 , Mal. 2.8.9 . Mat. 23. and ( as face answereth to face in water ) they shall see their Call , Qualities , Doctrine , Conversation , Works and Influence amongst the people , and the Effects of all , together with their righteous Doom and Reward . He hath already made Contemptible and Base before the people , those who have corrupted the Covenant of Levy , and being partiall in the Law , have made many to stumble thereat , and will he not cause to cease from feeding of the flock , those who feed themselves , eat the fat and cloth with the wooll , but do not ( for indeed they cannot ) strengthen the deseas●d , heall the sick , bind up that which i● broken , bring back that which is driven away , nor seek that which is lost ? They have not only turned his house of Prayer into a den of Theeves , but from them is profanness gone forth over all the Land , and seing they deserve no more honourable Exit , will he not scourge out of his Temple , those who have sold Faith and a good Conscience for a mease of pottage ? Yea seing He hath said it , we will beleeve , that He will make the false Prophet and the Unclean Spirit pass out of the Land , and that these men shall bear the Wounds or marks of False Prophets , and for shame shall deny ( for lies are their ordinary refuge ) that ●ever they were prophets , And that Others , perhaps their nearest Relations , the Fathers and Mothers who begat them , shall so little esteem , regard or Pity them , that they shall accompt them unworthy to live ( Ye shall not Live ) And that He will again gather those that are now sorrowfull for the solemn Assemblies , that he will search for the flock , seek that which was lost , bring back that which was driven away , bind up that which was broken , & strengthen that which was sick , by the hand of Pastors after his own Heart , who , under and after the Example of the great shepherd DAVID , shall feed them in a good pasture with Wisedome and Understanding . To all this , as well as the Curse upon them who make the blind to wander out of the way , let all the People say , Amen . Neither are they who plead an Indifferency of Forms of Government , more Scriptural or Rationall then the Former : for it seemeth equally absurd & incosinstant with the Faithfulness of J. Christ , who was faithfull to Him who appointed him ; With the Lords way of dealing with the Jewish Church , whereunto he prescribed a Specifical and Fixed Form of Government ; And with the Perfection and Plainness of the Holy Scriptures , wherein all Church Assemblies , Officers , Powers , Acts , and who should Exerce the same , & every other thing necessarily belonging thereunto , which the Light of Nature doth not teach , and is not common to it with Civill Government and Order , are clearly held forth , Expressly or by necessary Consequence , in Speciall or Generall directions and warrantable Examples ( as appeareth by the many debats Extant thereanent ) to leave the Government of his Church Indifferent , and Arbitrarily determinable and alterable , according to the will of the Civill Magistrat , or the various and mutable humours and Inclinations of Persons , Times and Places , or the pretended conveniency of Civil Policy , as to leave Doctrin and Worship thus Indifferent , and arbitrarily determinable and variable , according to these crooked and changable rules : If Church Government must be Indifferent , and thus arbitrarily determinable and Ambulatory , because the Holy Scripturs do not Expressly affirme , that Presbyterial Government is the Only Government , which should be in the Christian Church , and also Expressly declare , that it is Unalterable to the worlds end , and that the first Institution and Practice thereof , by the Apostles and their Successors in the Ministry , never was nor shall be Repealed , why may not the Civil Magistrat , or any other arrogating a power of Instituting or Altering Church Government or Officers , by Parity of reason , make many other Necessary and Practicall points of Faith , which are not more Expressly declared by the Holy Scriptures to be Unalterable Truths , then Presbyterial Government is ( though all be evident enough ) to be also Indifferent , & arbitrarily determinable & mutable ? & then farewel Infant-baptisme , Womens receaving of the Lords ▪ Supper , & observation of the first day of the week for the Christian Sabbath , yea , farewel Law & Testimony , & more sure Word of Prophecy , whereunto we should go & take heed ; & for a new Rule of Faith & Practice , welcome Humane Prudence , State-Policy , Corrupt & Changable Disposition of man , & pretended Necessity or Conveniency of State , Time & Place ; yea welcome all Doctrins & Practices , which though they were once positively prohibited , can alleage that the Scripture doth not Expressly declare , that they never were nor shall be repealed . And where are we then ? In vain is the Law , in vain is the pen of the Scribe , and every one , without transgression , may do what seemeth good in his own eyes , if only he can Temporize , and offe●d not the Civil Magistrat , by violation of his Arbitrary Institutions and Lawes in Church aff●i●s , wherein he must be Supream . O my soul , come not int● the secrets of such Latitudinarian , or rather ( in this ) Nullifidian Adiaphorists . We would not be here mistaken , as if we denyed to the Civil Magistrat any Power , which the Holy Scriptures allow unto Him ; for as we assert his Office to be an Ordinance of God , and his Person ( being lawfully therewith vested ) to be signally impressed with a special Character of Majestick Authority , wherefore , in a due Subordination to Him who is Lord over all , He should be subjected to and obeyed ; So we chearfully grant , that , whereas the Heathen Magistrat ( because of his Morall incapacity to Exerce more power ) about Religion and Ecclesiastical affairs , hath only a Power in Actu signa●o and ●us ad rem , the Christian Magistrat hath Ius in re , and in Actu Exercito may and should by his Lawes establish the true Religion within his dominions , and command his Subjects to make publick profession thereof ; That by his Civil Sanction he may and should Ratify Ecclesiasticall Sentences , aggreeable to the Word of God ; That anent these he may and should Exercise an Antecedent Discretive Iudgment , whereby he may not adde an Implicit approbation ; That for Preaching and Propagation of the Gospel , and for nursing of Piety and Learning , he may and should provide Necessary and Convenient accommodation and encouragement , as to Persons , Places and Revenues ; That for his own Information and Advice , he may call Occasionall Meetings of Church Officers and others , to Confer and Debate matters before him ; That Pro r● nata he may Convocate Ecclesiasticall Synods , to reason and conclude Church affairs according to the Scripture ; That for his own Information , and for preventing of Outward Force and Inward Confusion , he may be Present therein by Himself or his Delegats ; That by his Power he may and should Defend and Encourage the Church , in the free and peaceable Possession of all her Intrinsecall Priviledges , and all the Members thereof , in the Profession and Practice of the same ; That by the same Authority he may and should repress Error , Heresy , Superstition , Atheisme , Blasphemy and Profanness , and Punish the Authors and Spreaders thereof ; That in case of negligence , he may Command all , and even Ministers , to per●orme their r●spective duties in general , as necessity requireth ; And that for Civil transgressions , he may Civilly puni●h Eccl●siastical Persons , as well as other Subjects , according to the Law of God and Righteous Lawes of the Land : The Zealous discharge of all which , we would thankfully acknowledg to God and Man , as the Faithfull performance of that gracious Promise , that Kings shall be the Churches nursing ●athe●s . But if discontented herewith , as if all this , together with the Weighty affairs of the Common wealth , were too little work for his Transcendent Power and Abilities , and as if Jesus Christ had no Kingdom or Government , or these were not distinct from the Kingdoms and Government of the World , or though th●y were , as if he were equally Head and Fountain of both , He will needs a●bitrarily Institut or Alter , the Species of Church Government ; Authorise , Exauthorise or Restrain Church-Officers , in the Exercise of the Power of Order or Jurisdiction , in whole or in part , as the Parliament and Councill have prohibited some Hundreds the whole Exercise of their Ministry , and the High Commission ( which claimeth no power , but what is solely and immediatly derived from the King ) hath deprived some from the Office , & interdicted Others the administration of the Lords Supper ; If he will Define Articles of Faith , and prescribe what heads of Doctrine , Ministers shall treat or not treat of in their Sermons , as the King hath done in his printed Letter to the Bishop of York ; And thereupon Primarily , Immediatly , and Antecedently to any Judgment of the Church , which is the Pillar of Truth , and to which the Spirits of the Prophets are Subject , Cognosce and Determine of Ministers Doctrine , when the Church herself is willing and ready to try the Spirits ; And Criminally or Capitally punish them therefore , under the pretence of Treason and Rebellion , as several instances can be adduced against King and Councill in the series of our Church ; If he will Ordain particular Church Censurs to to be executed against particular persons , for particular definite Ecclesiastical ( alleaged ) offences , leaving nothing undone by Himself in person , but the Execution of what he hath appointed , As the Parliament hath appointed Suspension and Deprivation of Ministers , for not observing the Bishops meetings , and the King in his Commission to the High Commission hath appointed Excommunication , whereas they may as well Immediatly Suspend , Deprive and Excommunicat themselves , as Appoint them to be executed in the manner specified in the said Act of Parliament and Commission ; If after the example of Antichristian or Pagan Nations , he will Institut and Enjoin Needless , Vain , Superstitious , Significant and Burdensome Rits in the Worship of God , as most of the Imposed Ceremonies in the Lyturgy , can be instructed be ; If he will arrogate the Sole Power of convocating Ecclesiastical Synods , which is an Intrinsecall priviledg of the Church , whereof She was in Possession three hundred years before there was a Christian Magistrat in the world Authorizing it ; And will Imprison , Confine , Condemn , and Banish Ministers , for pleading and Practising this Right , as King James did not a few in and about the Year 1606. and the Present King of late , by Parliament , Council and Commissioner , did interdict all the Lawfull Assemblies of the Church , which did not derive their Power from the Abjured and Perjured Prelats ; and if he will not only claim the only power of indicting ●●lemn Fasts and Thanksgivings , as de Facto is done these ●or 6 years past , but also institute a day to be Aniversarily ●oly for ever , which no mortal man can do ; If , I say , 〈◊〉 will thus Invade the Kingdom of Christ , confound it 〈◊〉 the Kingdoms of the World , and equally Exerce the ●overnments of both , no man needs pronounce , but rather fear the Domesticall and Personall doom , Executed upon Saul and Uzziah for usurping the Priests office . How in ●quall dealing is it , that He who clamoureth so much of other men , and particularly Ministers wandering without their sphere , and overstretching-meddling with Civil affairs , should himself be Circumscribed and move within no Fixed sphere ? Is it not enough that He have a Power Objectively Ecclesiasticall , about Church affaires , but he must also have a Power Formally Ecclesiasticall , whereby he may Exerce Acts purely Spiritual , and proper to Church Officers ? Will it not suffice him , that he have an Externall Power , of providing for the Church , and protecting of her from Outward Violence or Inward Disorder , but he must also have an Internall power , of Doctrin , Government , and Disciplin , & the several Forms & Acts thereof ? Is is not Sufficent that he have an Imperat Power , whereby He may command all his Subjects , as such , to do their respective duties ; but he must also have and Elicit power , whereby he may at least materially or equivalently Exerce Spirituall Acts in his own person ? Will it not please him , that he have a Civil Power of Punishing Church Officers , as Subjects , for Civil transgressions , but he must also have a Spiritual Power of Censuring them for Ecclesiasticall offences ? Will it not content him that he have a Secundary Power of Judiciall Approbation or Condemnation of what the Church hath already found and declared to be Truth or Error , but he must also have a Primary and Immediat Power of Cognition of Truth and Error , Antecedent to any Judgment of the Church thereanent ? Will it not satisfy him , that he have a Discretive Power , whereby he may not Implicitely Ratify Ecclesiasticall Sentences , but he must also have a Definitive Power of Authoritative Decision ? And in a word , is it not enough , that he have a Cumulative Power of Confirming and Strengthening the Power and Priviledges of the Church , but he must als● have a Privative Power , whereby ( if he please ) he may destroy the same ? That the Lord hath had , and to the Worlds end will have a Church , none who beleeve the Authority of the Holy ●criptures can deny or question ; And that he hath fixed Discriminative boundaries betwen his own and the Kingdoms of the Earth ( that is , betwen his Church and other Civil Societies , and their respective Governments ) is no less evident : For though both consist of Men , and sometimes of the same Persons ; though both have Order and Government ; a Power to Exercise the same , and that Derived from God ; and the Persons invested therewith should be qualified ; and in the Exercise thereof should walk Absolutely by the Rule of the Word ; Punishing and Censuring after clear Conviction by Confession or Probation ; And should Ultimatly aime at the Glory of God , and Good of the People ; and for that effect be mutually subservient and useful one to another ( in these , amongst other things , they aggree ) Yet they are Formally distinct : For they consist of men under distinct Notions and Relations ; Civil Society and Policy is founded upon the Light and Law of Nature , Ecclesiasticall by Revealed Positive precept ; The one is Common to all men as Men , the other is Peculiar to those who profess the True God ; The Form of the one may be Monarchical , the other not ; The object of the one is Civil , the other is Spirituall ; The Nature of the one and Manner of Exerceing it , is Magisterial , the Other Ministerial ; The Acts and Sentences of the one are Corporall , rhe other Spiritual ; The Immediat Rule of Exerceing the one is the ●awes of the Land ; and the other the Word of God and ●cclesiastical Constitutions aggreeable thereunto ; The one ●s performed in the Name of the Supream Magistrat , the other in the Name of Jesus Christ ; The Immediat End of the one is the Good of the Common-wealth , the other the Good of Souls . Yea though the Church and Common-wealth of the Jewes , of all others that ever were , did most aggree , yet were they Formally distinct : for they had ordinarily distinct Rulers , the Priest and Levits for the one , Judges and King 's for the other ; They had distinct Acts Sacrificing , praying &c. in the Church , Death , Banishment , Confiscation , Inprisonment , Ezra 2 : 26. in the State ; They had distinct Objects , the Matters of the Lord and the Matters of the King , 2 Chron. 19.11 ; Distinct Lawes , the Ceremoniall for the Church , the Judicial for the Common-wealth , and the Morall for both ; They had sometimes distinct Members , when these of the One , were not admitted to some Priviledges of the Other ; The Form of the State did alter from Judges to Kings , but the Churches was unalterably the same ; And they had their distinct Periods of Duration , for the Church continued ( though corrupt ) after the Civil Government was overturned by the Romans . And as the Church and State of the Jewes were in these things distinct , so had they their distinct Governments , and Judicatories for Exer●●ing the same Respectively ; For Exo. 24.1 . there are 70. Elders , who v. 14. appear to be vested with Authority , and to have Aaron and Hur for their Presidents or Moderators ; now these 70 Elders cannot be the 70 , who Numb . 11. shared of the Government with Moses , for these mentioned Exod. 24. were in Authority when the Israelits were at Sinai , whereas the other mentioned Numb . 11. were chosen after they went from Sinai ; neither can they be any other 70 in Civil Authority , because before the Election of those Numb . 11. Moses was alone in the Government . Again Deut. 17. there are distinct causes , viz. Blood & Blood , plea and plea , which were Civill , and Stroke and Stroke , which ( whether it was Leprosy ) belonged to the Priests to Judge of ; Lev. 13.3 ; Distinct Rulers . viz. the Priests the Levets , and the Iudge , who v. 11. are distinguished by the disjunctive particle Or ; Distinct Acts of telling ( or exponing ) the Sentence of the Law , & of telling Iudgment v. 10.11 , & distinct Penalties , of Death , and puting the Evill from Israel , v 12. Further in ● Chr. 23.4 . Ye will find 6000 of the Levites who were Officers and Iudges , which must needs have been in Ecclesiastical affairs , because , 1 Chron. 28 : 1. there were Princes of Tribs , Captains of Thousands , Hundreds , Stewarts and Officers , for Civil affairs . And , 2 Chron. 19 : 8 , &c. there are Church Officers , Priests , Levits , chief of the Fathers ; there are distinct Matters , the Matters of the Lord and the Matters of the King. Ver. 11. There are distinct Acts or Sentences , for Warning not to trespass is more proper to Ecclesiastical then Civil Persons ; And there are distinct Moderators or Presidents , Amariah is over you for the Matt●rs of the Lord , and Zebadiah for the Matters of the King. Now what should all this mean , viz. Distinct causes , and Persons set over them to Judge them respectively , and what meaneth these distinct Acts , Sentences and Penalties , if not to hold out the Distinction of Government , and of Judica●ories respectively exercing the same ? Yea ●hat was in the Old Testament , we may know by what we read in the New , for Matth. 21 : ver . 23. and 27 : ver . 1. and 26 : v. 3 , 57 , 59. Act. 4 : v. 5 , 6 , 15. and 5 : v. 21 , 27. there are Assemblies & Councils , which must needs be Ecclesiastical : not only because they consisted of Ecclesiastical persons , the High Priest , Cheef Priests and Elders of the People ; Cognosced of Ecclesiastical Causes , the life , Doctrin and Authority of Christ and his Apostles ; And past Ecclesiastical Sentences about preching in the Name of Christ , Act. 4 , and 5. But also because ( the Jewes being subdued ) the Supreme civil Government was taken out of their hands , and little left them but the Ecclesiastical . And if at any time , in the Old Testament , the same persons were members of both Judicatories , it was under distinct Notions and considerations , as Ecclesiastical in the one , and Civil in the Other ; As now the Ruling Elder , under several Considerations and Capacities , may be a member of an Ecclesiastical and Civil Iudicatory . It is true that the High Priests and some Kings had great hand in both Civil & Ecclesiastical affairs , but Extraordinary , and ( may be ) Typicall instances are not an Ordinary and Universal Rule ; And it may be also , that in the New Testament these Councils meddled in Civil Affairs , for Matth. 27 : ver . 1. they take counsel against Iesus to put him to death , but that was by Corrupt Abuse of their Power , which crept in , in the declining State of the Church , and when the Civil Government was taken from them by strangers , or when , wanting a Magistrat , they took more upon them then at another time ; for it was not so from the beginning , and was by the like Corrupt and Extravagant Abuse , as now the High Commission ( if it be an Ecclesiastical Courr ) doth Scourge , Stigmatize , Fine and Banish , or the Prelats now as Members of Parliament , Council , and Session , make themselves Judges of Blood , Pleas , &c. And as this was the Manner & Difference of the Jewish Church and State under the Old Testament , so under the New Testament , there is by Divine Institution , a Formal and Specifical Difference , between the Government of the Church and Common-wealth : For ye will not only find Office-bearers Given unto , and Set in the Church . Rom. 12 : ver . 8. 1 Cor. 12 : ver . 28. Ephes . 4 : ver . 11. Which are as wel Distinct from Office-bearers of the State as from the People , for neither Magistrat nor People were ever called Apostles , Prophets ▪ Evangelists , &c. especially in the Apostles sense ; But also RULERS , distinct from the Rulers of the Common-wealth , who 1 Thess . 5 : ver . 12. are Over the People , and Hebr. 13 : ver . 17. Rule over them . Now these Rulers cannot be the Magistrat , for in none of the places doth the Apostle Intend or Mention him . Besids , at that time there was not a Christian Magistrat to Rule the State , and how should the Rule of the Church be committed to a Pagan ? And 1 Tim. 5 : ver . 17. He that Labours in Word and Doctrin , seemeth to have more Honour , then He who Ruleth , which , if either Magistrat or Prelate be the Ruler , how they will Relish , & that the poor preaching Presbyter should be more Honoured then they , let any man Iudge . Here then are Ecclesiastical Rulers , distinct from these of the Common-wealth . To these Rulers belongeth the Cognition of Ecclesiastical Offences , in Contradistinction to Civil Causes and Iudges ; Matth. 18. — Tell the Church : Now the Civil Magistrat cannot be this Church , where is He ever so termed ? Or how will He , ( being himself a Heathen ) accompt another man so : Here then is a Church distinct from the Common-wealth ; here are Church-Offences distinct from Breaches of Civil or Municipall Lawes ; here is Church-Delation or Complaint , distinct from any complaint to the Magistrat , tell the Church ; and consequently , here is a Church-power of Cognition of these Offences , distinct from that which resids in the Magistrat , else it were in vain to tell the Church , and as good or better to tell the Magistrat ; And here is a Church-Sentence , Let him be unto thee as a Heathen , which the Magistrat , being then Heathen himself , would never pronounce against , or inflict as a Punishment upon another man. To these Church-Rulers also is committed not only the Power of Order , or Pastorall Administration of Word and Sacraments , but also the Power of Jurisdiction , whether Dogmatical , Diatacticall , Critical , or Exusiastical , and not to the Civil Magistrat ; And accordingly Jesus Christ , giveth the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven to Peter and not to Cesar Mat. 16.19 : Ye will find Church-Assemblies , distinct from Parliaments , Convention of Est●ts , Senats , &c. ( yea when the Magistrat was an Enemy ) determining questioned Matters of Faith and Practice , Act. 15 : The Apostle Paul enjoineth the Church of Corinth and not the Magistrat , both to Excommunicat and Absolve the Incestuous man , 1 Cor. 5.4.5 . and 2 Cor. 2.7.8 : The same Apostle leaveth Titus and not the Magistrat to Ordain Elders in Every City . Tit. 1. v. 5 ; and accordingly it is performed by the Presbytery , and not by the Magistrat , 1 Tim. 4.14 : The Apostle Iohn thereateneth by Himself and not by the civil Magistrat , to Censure Diotrephes , 3. Iohn 10. And as the Power it self , and the several Acts thereof are Committed to Church-Officers ; So to them and not to the Civil Magistrat , are all the Directions given for Regulation of the Exercise thereof , distinct from the Directions given to the Magistat for Regulation of the affairs of the Common-wealth : and so in the case of Offence , there must be private rebuke before Publick delation , Mat. 18 : 15 , 16 , 17. In the case of Publick Scandal , there must be a Rebuking before all , 1 Tim. 5 : 20 : In the case of Publick Censure , there must be Notoriety of the Fault 1 Cor. 5.1 . or sufficient conviction of the Person , by Confession or Probation , Mat. 18.15 ; In the case of Excommunication , it must be when the Church is gathered together , 1 Cor. 5.4 . and not ( after the Prelatical fashion ) in a corner ; In the case of Absolution , there must be sufficient evidence of Repentance , 2 Cor. 2.7 ; In the case of Ordination of Ministers , there must be the Election of the People , Act. 6.3 , 4 , 5. Trial , 1. Tim. 3 : 10. & laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , 1 Tim. 4.14 . and they must be Fixed to particular flocks , Tit. 1.5 . How distinct are these , and all other Directions given to Church-Officers for Regulation thereof , from the directions given to the civill Magistrat for Regulation of the Commonwealth ? And the Church Officers , & not the civil Magistrat , are Commended or Discommended according as they faithfully or unfaithfully Exerce this Power and follow these Directions : So the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ( which I hope none will say was the Magistrat ) is commended for Trying them which said they were Apostles and were not , Revel 2.2 . It was not the Emperor , Senat , &c. that tryed these false Apostles , as of late the Parliament , Council , High Commission , ejected many Hundreds of faithful Ministers without Trial ; The Angels of the Churches of Pergamus and Thyatira are discommended , for tollerating false Doctrin and Corrupt Practice , v. 14.15.20 . so is the Church of Corinth blamed for not timeous Excommunicating of the Incestuous Person . 1 Cor. 5. For the like Ommissions which are reproved in these Angels , I know them who now deserve a sharper censure , sed quod defertur non aufertur . From all which , as the Formal & Specifical Difference betwixt the Power and Government of Church and Common wealth is aboundantly evident ; So Jesus Christ Himself , & not the civil Magistrat , is the Author & Fountain of Church-Power and Government ; Then which , there can be nothing more clear to them who do not wilfully shut their own eyes , or whom the God of this world hath not blinded : For , besids that Himself telleth us , that He hath receaved all Power and Judgement from the Father , Mat. 28. ver . 18. Iohn . 5.22 . and Iohn beareth him that Testimony . Iohn 3.35 . And who should derive Power to others , but He who receaved it for that end ? Let us consider his Name and Relation to the Church ; In what Relation he standeth to the Common-wealth or civil Magistrat , I do not here i●quire , but the Apostle tells us , that He● , and not the civil Magistrat , is Head of the Church Ephes . 1.22 . and 5 : 13. & , as such , he doth not only Mystically communicat inward Grace to the members , but Occonomically derive Power and Direction for the Outward Regulation of the whole body . How then can the Magistrat be Head of the Church , or supream Governor in all causes Ecclesiastical ? Must the Church have two Heads , or a Head above a Head ? Why may not a Church Officer or Officers , as well claim ( with the Pope ) to be Head of the Common-wealth ? Will they shew us a Warrant from Scripture or Reason for the one , which will not as strongly plead for the other ? Well then , let Christ be still Head of the Church . And as such . Ye will find Him , and not the civil Magistrat , Instituting all Church-Ordinances for Administration of Word and Sacraments , Mat. 28 : 19. 1 Cor. 11 : 23. for Excommunication and Absolution , Matt. 18 : 17 , 18. and all other Acts of Government and Disciplin : Ye will find Him , and not the civil Magistrat . Instituting Church-Offices ; He it is who gave , Ephes . 4 : 11. and sett in the Church , 1 Cor. 12 : v. 28. Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Teachers , &c. And who is he that dare alter by addition or diminution ? Ye will find Him , and not the civil Magistrat , Authorizing these Officers to Exerce the Several Acts of the Power of Order and Jurisdiction , Mat. 28 : 19 : Ye will find Him , & not the civil Magistrat , Furnishing these Church-Officers , with Gifts and Graces for their work ; as none goeth here upon their own Expences , so can any Magistrat breath the Holy Ghost , as Christ did upon his Apostles ? Ioh. 20.22 ? In His Name , and not in name of the Magistrate , must they performe all Church-Acts ; they must Assemble , Mat. 18 : 20. Baptise , Mat. 28 : 19. Excommunicat , 1 Cor. 5 : ver . 4. and do all in His Name : He , and not the Magistrat , maketh Lawes Absolutely and Primarily oblieging to the Church and Church-Officers , and therefore is He called the Lawgiver , Isai . 33 : 22. Iam. 4 : 12 : He , and not the civil Magistrat , will call Church-Rulers to their final Accompt ; An Accompt they must give , Hebr. 13 : 17. & to whom but to Him that gave them Commission , and is Iudge ? Isai . 33 : 22 : And in recognition of all this , the Apostle Paul acknowledgeth that the Lord Jesus , and not the civil Magistrat , Giveth Ministerial Power and Authority , 2 Cor. 10 : 8. and 2 Cor. 13 , 10 : And because of this , they are called the Ministers of Christ , 1 Cor. 4 : 1. and Ambassaders for Christ , 2 Cor. 5 : 20. and not of , or for the Magistrat , as now the King termeth the Prelats Our Bishops : His Servants they are , & therefore should not be Pleasers of Man , nor of the Magistrat , Gal. 1 : 10. as they ought to be , if he gave them Commission : If the Magistrat , as such , be Head of the Church , and Fountain of Church Power and Government , I would gladly know , how or whence the Apostles , their Successors and others in the Ministery , had power to Teach or Govern the Church , when there was no Christian Magistrat to derive Power to them ? Or whether they had any Power at all , or were but Usurpers ? Or what the Church shall do for Power when the Magistrat is Heathen , Antichristian , or a Woman , Child , a Fooll , a Tyrant , or Heretick , &c. Shall the Church all this time want a Head ? Or shall the Body of Christ , have a Pagan-Head ? Shall a Woman , who must not speak in the Church , be Head of the Church ? shall a child or Idiot , who cannot Govern themselves , have the External Regulation of the Church ? Or shall Cruell Tyrants , who oppress or destroy the Common-wealth , and Bodies of men , have the Regulation of the Church , & of the Souls of men ? We may then go to the Pope , the Turk , the wild Indian-Infidels and Savages , for a Head to the Church before She want ; for what●ver belongeth to one man , as a Magistrat , belongeth to all Magistrats : But we will hold us content with the Head , Iesus Christ , which the Father hath given us . Now from this , that Church-Power and Government are thus distinct from the Civil , and that Jesus Christ and not the Magistrat , is Author and Fountain thereof , it evidently followeth , that it is not Subordinat to the Magitrat . It is true , that the Magistrat hath much Power Objectively Ecclesiasticall , and that Church Officers , as Subjects , are subject to him ; yet Ecclesiastical Power it-self , is not Properly Subordinat to the Civil . This will the more appear , not only because it is not Derived from the Magistrat , as the Head or Fountain thereof , nor is Exerced in his Name , but also if we consider , that Proper Subordination , is only in things flowing from the same Fountain , and of the same Nature , whereas civill and Eccesiasticall Powers are neither from the same Immediat Fountain ( if the one be from Iehovah Essentially considered , and as great Lord Creator and Gubernator of the World , the other from the Lord Redeemer , Head and King of his Church ) nor yet are they of the same , but different Natures , as is said before : Again , if it were properly Subordinat to the civil Power , then the Magistrat himself , might Exerce all Ecclesiasticall Acts , in the Administration of Word and Sacraments , as well as of Jurisdiction ; for as nor ason can be adduced , why He may Institute or Alter Church Government or Officers , or Exerce the External Regulation thereof , which will not by parity of strength infer his Exercing Acts of Order ; So , every Superior Power including all the Inferior . He may as well Exerce all Ecclesiastical Power , as civil , if the One be Subordinat to the Other : And further , the Magistrat himself , as a Christian , is but a Member of the Church , and Subject to Church-Government and Discipline , though it should not be practised , except for most weighty Causes , in great necessity , and with singular Prudence , and all due Respect and Reverence to Civil Authority , and the Person therewith vest●d ; and accordingly many Magistrats have been censured : Yea in some cases , as if the Magistrat should unjustly forbid to Preach , Baptise , Ordain , Deprive , Excommunicat &c. the Church may Exerce Church Power without and against His consent , which She could not do , if it were Subordinat to him . I know there are many clamours of the Absurdity and Inconsistency of two Collateral and Co-Ordinat Supream Powers and Governments in one Kingdom ; And indeed that Absurdity and Inconsistency may hold true , of two Supream Collaterall and Co-Ordinat Powers ejusdem Generis , but not in this case where they are diversi generis : Yea of their own Natures , they are so far from being hurtful , that , being rightly mannaged , they are singularly helpfull to one another : Neither can these two Powers and Governments in a Land , import now under the New Testament greater absurdity and Inconsistancy , then under the Old , when the Jewes had their Ecclesiastical Sanedrin , as well as civil Courts for the affairs of the Commoun-wealth . Hence also it followeth , that as Ecclesiastical Power is not Subject to the civil ; So , in matters Ecclesiastical , there should be no Appellation from the Church to the civil Magistrat : For though when Church Judicatories , without their sphere , meddle in civil Causes as such , or , for Ecclesiastical offences , inflict civil Punishments , they may be Declined as Judges Incompetent in the one case , & complaint of an unjust or Heterogeneous Sentence is lawful in the other ; & though the Magistrat , before He adde his Ratification , may require a Reason of Ecclesiasticall proceedings , or , in case of an injust Sentence , may desire the Church to consider the matter again ; & the Church i● bound thus to give a Reason , or Consider the matter , especially in a degenerat or declining time of the Church , when more is permitted to the Faithful Magistrat , then otherwise ; Yet there can be no Appellation from the Church to the Magistrat in Ecclesiastical Causes & Sentences : Not only because all Appellations are from the Inferior to the Superior in Eodem genere , but the Church and State are not such , as is cleared before ; but also because the Church is indued with Compleat Power of Cognoscing & Final determining Ecclesiastical affairs , without dependance upon the State , and these Determinations , being Just , the Lord hath promised to Ratify , Mat. 18 : 18. And the Magistrat , having no Formal Church Power , cannot pronounce Ecclesiastical Sentence , or make Redress by Himself , & so the Appellation is in vain . Pauls Appealing to Caesar , Act. 25 : 11. will not help this weak cause ; For He did not appeal in an Ecclesiastical cause , from an Ecclesiastical Court , to a Court of another Nature , but in a matter of alleaged Sedition , from Festus an Inferior Magistrat to Caesar the Supream . Neither is the Instance of Ieremy stronger then the former ( Ier. 26 : 8.9 . &c ) for there is no mention of His appealing from the Priests to the Magistrat , but of his Apology before the Princes , who came to hear the matter , and their Voluntary delivering him from the Uniust persecution of the Priests and Prophets , who were not competent Judges of Life and Death . Neither is the Exception of the Difference betwixt a Heathen and Christian Magistrat more Valid in this matter ; for ( besids all that is before said ) in the old Testament , the Government of the Church was Committed to Church-Officers , even when the Magistrat was Religious , and why not in the New ? The Government of the Church is not committed to them , because the Magistrat is Heathen , or upon Temporary , but upon other Moral and Immutable grounds , & therefore should not be taken from them when he becometh Christian : It is sure , that the Church had power given unto Her to Govern Herself , when the Magistrat was Heathen , now when and where is that Power Repealed ? If Church-Govenment belong to the Christian Magistrat , then it is either as Magistrat or as Christian , if as Magistrat or as Christian , then ( according to the known maxime ) it belongeth to Every Magistrat , and so to the Heathen , and to Every Christian , both which are false : Was the Magistrat no Magistrat or Incompleat , when ( being Heathen ) he did not meddle with Church Government ? or did the Church Usurp and Rob the Heathen Magistrat of that Power , in the Apostles dayes , and 2 or 300 years after ? Shall the Church , by the promise of Nursing Fathers , have less Power and Priviledge , or be in worse Condition , by a Christian then Heathen Magistrat ? And how vain i● the Distinction of Outward Regulation of the Church , and Inward , ( for that must be the other terme ) for the Inward Regulation thereof belongs incontrovertibly to Jesus Christ , and if the Magistrat hath the Outward , what is left to the Church ? These things , which , had they been formally digested , would have been more clear and convincing , are only thus confusedly and abruptly hi●ted : nor should I have said so much , if ( besids the Erastian Spirit , which , more then ever , doth now rage ) some Parliamentary and Council-Expressions , and aggreeable practices , had not given occasion . Whether it be Primitive or not , let the Reader Judge , but sure I am , the Kings Government of the Church and State ; Charles , &c. Supream Governor in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Civil ; The Bishops serving the King in the Church , is neither Scriptural nor Safe Dialect . Him they may serve , and Whether or How , Time will tell ; but well know I , whom they do not ser●e in the Church : and indeed it is proper , that they who are there , only by the Will of Man , should only serve Man. His Commissioners they are , and accordingly Sharp hath deposed some Ministers by Vertue of the Power which he hath from his Majesty , and therefore they can expect no greater Assistance , Blessing or Reward then he can give ; But yet there is a great●r to whom they must give an Accompt . Having ( beyond my first intention ) detained Thee longer , then perhaps was Necessary , or will be Profitable or Pleasant , Thow may'st now speak with the Deduction , which is of age , & able to answere for itself , if according to the Patience , Learning & Justice of many , thow do not Refute and condemn before thow know it ; or brandish big words , as he who upon a Coronation-day , offereth duell to all who question the Kings Right , when he knoweth , that ( for Major Vis ) none dare appear in the contrary . But in the passing take a word of the National Covenant , the Solemn League and Covenant , and Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins and Engagement unto Duties , that at one view , thow may'st see Scotlands Engagements and Breaches , the Faithfulness of many , & flood of Sin and Suffering that hath overflowed the Land : Here is the Terminus a Quo and ad Quem of our Backsliding , whereof , though the most skilled Artist cannot pourtray to the life the whole body ( the form is so monstruous & Complexion so strange ) he may well darkly represent some Lineaments of fingers and toes , that the reader may know Ex ungue leon●m ; yet the Author hath nervously asserted the Truth , and drawn matters of Fact , with such True Collours , that he can only be accused for a Picture fairer then the live-face of many Persons & Actions . To winde up all , be not discouraged upon the one hand nor insult upon the other , by the Death of many Mighty men of God , Co-workers and Eye witnesses of his Work , within these few years past , and the stripling-stature of many survivers , who have not attained unto the dayes of the years of the life of their Fathers , and ( being but of yesterday ) can know little of the Lords ancient kindness to the Land , except what th●ir Fathers have told them : For as he hath reserved a numerous remnant of Holy , Learned , and Faithful men , a rich cluster wherein there is a blessing , and we have reason to bless Him who gave not our Church dry breasts & a miscarrying womb ; so he can make the barren bear seven , & become a Joyful mother of many Children , and as he hath work for them , will raise up both Shepherds and Principal men . It is true , alas ! there is grown up a most degenerat Off-spring of all Qualities , some whereof ( and not the meanest ) being as profane as Machiavel , who teacheth Rulers to keep promise and Oath no longer , then with pretended advantage they can break , and that it is a prejudice to be Really Religious , but not so honest as He , who notwithstanding affirmeth a Necessity of Seeming to be Religious , which they are not , accompt no man to be a Man , who , by Whoring , Swearing , Drinking & Spending all or more then they have , do not class themselves into their new Profane Orders , & become as Cartesian in their Religion , by Atheistical doubtings & disputings about God , the Holy Scripturs , Heaven , Hell , &c. as others are in their Philosophy . But here is an Advantage , that by Discovery , and distinguishing betwixt the precious and the vile , the Lord hath made this Defection contribut more to the Facility ( as well as Necessity ) of a future Purgation of the Church , then all her Judicatures could ever effectuat without it . And further , as he hath frustrated many chief Authors and Promotters thereof of their Hopes and Designs , and called Nobles , Prelats and others to an accompt before they well tasted the expected sweetness , or were warm in their Places or Promotions ; So though Herod & Pilat may aggrie against the Innocent , yet where men are like Samsons foxes , only tied together by the tail of common Corrupt Principles , whilst their heads , of Self Interest and designs , look different wayes , what such a Position , Conjunction and Aspect prognosticateth , let Scripture , Reason and Experience be consulted and they will tell . Let us not , in the meantime , mistake Gods Work , Wayes , Doings nor Intentions , neither be envyous at evil doers , nor yet be Curious nor Anxious about futuritions , much less limit the Holy one , to Means , Method or Time , but bear the Indignation of the Lord because we have sinned , till he plead our cause , waiting upon him who is a God of Judgment , and waiteth that he may be gracious , and in patience possess our souls , for ( though we do not ) he knoweth his own thoughts toward us , it may be they are thoughts of peace , and not of evil , to give an expected end , and that ( when he hath ripen'd Deliverance ) he will bring us forth to the Light , & we shall behold his Righteousness . It is a crime of the highest nature with our Rulers , to complain or supplicat for redress , Others are either of deaf ears or feeble hands and cannot help , and seeing we can do no more for the Cause and Covenant of God , for our Mother-Church , the Land , Ourselves , Our Brethren & Posterity , let us open our cause to him who tryeth the Righteous . O Lord Hear , O Lord Forgive , O Lord hearken and do : Defer not for thine own sake , O my God : For thy City and thy People are called by thy Name , AMEN . The Testimony of M R JAMES WOOD , Minister of the Gospel , and Professor of Theology in the University of S. Andrewes , for Presbyterial Government . I MR JAMES WOOD , being now shortly ( by appearance ) to render up my Spirit to the Lord , find my self obliged to leave a word behind me , for my just Vindication before the World. It hath been said of me , that I have ( in word at least ) reseiled from my wonted Zeal for Presbyterial Government , expressing my self concerning it , as if it were a matter not to be accounted of , & that no man should trouble himself in the matter & practice thereof . It is true , being under sicknes , I have some times said , I was taken up with weightier matters , then any external ordinance , and what wonder I said so ? being under such wrestling an●nt my interest in Iesus Christ , which is a matter of for greater concernment . Surely any Christian in this Church that knows me , will judge there is a wrong done to me : For since the day that the Lord convinced my heart ( which was by a strong hand ) that it was the Ordinance of God , appointed by Iesus Christ , for governing & ordering his visible Church , I never had the least change of thoughts , concerning the necessity of it , nor of the necessity of the use of it . And now I declare before God & the World , that I account so of it still : And that however there be some more precious ordinances , yet that this is so precious , that a true Christian is obliged to lay down his life for the profession thereof , if the Lord shall see it meet to put him to the tryal . And for my self , if I were to live , I would account it my glory , to seal this word of my testimony with my blood . Of this my declaration , I take God , Angels and Men to be my witnesses , and have subscribed thi● presents with my hand , the 2 of March 1664. about 7 hours afternoon , before Mr William Tullidaf and Mr John Carstairs , my Brother in Law , and John Pitcarn , writer hereof . M R JAMES WOOD. AS the Matter of this Testimony is very considerable , especially from so Great a man as Mr Wood was ; So the occasion & consequents thereof are very observable , which were thus : Mr Sharp , having formerly been intimately familiar with Mr Wood , came to visite him under his Sickness ( whereunto Sharps Apostacy had no small accession ) & thereafter did falsely spread a report by word & writ , that Mr Wood had reseiled from Presbyterial Government . Whereof when Mr Wood was informed , he was of new grievously affected and afflicted , and thereupon , for his own Vindication , left this Testimony behind him . But Mr Sharp finding himself thereby made a publlck lyar , ( making lyes still his refuge ) pursueth Mr Wood being dead , as well as alive , with a new slander , alleaging his Testimony to be Fictitious , or Extorted from him , when , through distemper of his sickness , he knew not what he did , and thereupon caused summond the Witnesses ▪ the Writter and some other persons before the High Commission : But the contrary of this was and is most Evident , not only because this Testimony was written and subscribed , a considerable number of dayes before his Death , dureing which intervall ( as before ) he was so composed , that he spake many gracious words about his own soul , Ordered his Civil affairs , and a famous Physician was not without hopes of his Recovery ; But also because , hearing that some of his faithful Brethren & Co-Presbyters were in the town , he sent once & again for them , and before them , and some other Ministers at other times , purged himself of that unjust Imputation , and did bear witness for Presbyterial Government more fully & freely then is in the written Testimony , & some time thereafter , of his own accord did call for the Writter , & ( there being none other present in the chamber at the beginning ) did indite and cause him writ the same , as it now is without any Alteration ; as also in a Letter written some considerable time before , ( inviting Mr Carstairs to come and visite him ) he had made mention of the Backsliding , Tryalls and Sufferings of the times , and expressed his desire to Live , that he might give a more free Testimony to the Truth . Notwithstanding all which , Mr Sharp ( obstructing the reading of a Letter written by Mr Carstairs to the Chancelor , containing and clearing the matter of fact ) persisted with great Attestations before the High Commission , in his former false alleagance , and Slandering both of the Dead and the Living , and caused imprison the Writer and one of the witnesses , and forced the other ( whom , for his eminent Parts , Holiness and Faithfulness , he most pursued ) to a Retirement for his own safety . What shall be given to Thee O Sharp ! Or what shall be done to Thee ; O false Tongue ? Sharp arrows of the Mighty and Coals of Juniper . The Nationall Covenant , OR The Confession of Faith of the Kirk of Scotland , subscribed at first by the Kings Majesty and his Houshold , in the yeare 1580. Thereafter , by Persons of all rankes , in the yeare 1581 , By ordinance of the Lords of the Secret Councill , and Acts of the general Assembly . Subscribed againe by all sorts of Persons in the Yeare 1590 , By a new Ordinance of Council , at the desire of the General Assembly : With a General Band for maintenance of the true Religion & the Kings Person . And now subscribed in the Year 1638. By Us , Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , then under-subscribing : Together , with our resolution and promises for the causes after specified , To maintaine the said true Religion , and the Kings Majesty , according to the Confession foresaid , and Acts of Parliament . And now , upon the Supplication of the General Assembly to His Majesty's high Commissioner , and the Lords of his Majesty's Honorable Privy Council , subscribed again in the Year 1639. by Ordinance of Council , and Act of General Assembly . The Tenor whereof here followeth . WE All , and every one of Us underwritten , Protest , that , after long and due Examination of our owne Consciences , in matters of true & false Religion , We are now throughly resolved of the Truth , by the Word and Spirit of God ; and therefore we believe with our hearts , confess with our mouths , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before God , and the whole Word , that this onely is the true Christian Faith and Religion , pleasing God , and bringing Salvation to man , which now is by the mercy of God revealed to the world , by the preaching of the blessed Evangel , and receaved , believed , and defended , by many and sundry notable Kirks and Realmes , but chiefly by the Kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majesty , and three estates of this Realme , as Gods eternall Truth , and onely ground of our Salvation : as more particularly is expressed in the Confession of our Faith , stablished , and publickly confirmed by sundry Acts of Parliament , and now of a long time hath beene openly professed by the Kings Majesty , and whole body of this Realme both in Burgh and Land. To the which Confession and forme of Religion , wee willingly agree in our consciences in all points , as unto Gods undoubted Truth and Verity , grounded onely upon his written Word . And therefore , we abhorre and detest all contrary Religion , and Doctrine : But chiefly , all kinde of Papistry , in generall and particular heads , even as they are now damned and confuted by the Word of God , and Kirk of Scotland : but in special we detest and refuse the usurped authority of that Roman Antichrist upon the Scriptures of God , upon the Kirk , the civill Magistrate , and conscience of men , All his tyrannous lawes made upon indifferent things against our Christian liberty , His erronious Doctrine , against the sufficiency of the written Word , the perfection of the Law , the office of Christ , and his blessed Evangel . His corrupted Doctrine concerning originall sinne , our naturall inability and rebellion to Gods Law , our Justification by faith only , our imperfect Sanctification and obedience to the Law , the nature , number and use of the Holy Sacraments . His five bastard Sacraments , with all his Rites , Ceremonies , and false Doctrine , added to the ministration of the true Sacraments without the Word of God. His cruell judgement against Infants departing without the Sacrament : his absolute necessity of Baptisme : his blasphemous opinion of Transubstantiation , or reall presence of Christs body in the Elements , and receiving of the same by the wicked , or bodies of men . His dispensations with solemne Oathes , Perjuries , and degrees of Mariage forbidden in the Word : his cruelty against the innocent divorced : his divellish Masse : his blasphemous Priesthood : his profane Sacrifice for the sinnes of the dead and the quick : his Canonization of men , calling upon Angels or Saints departed , worshipping of Imagery , Relicts , and Crosses , dedicating of Kirks , Altars , Dayes , Vowes to creatures ; his Purgatory , Prayers for the dead , praying or speaking in a strange language , with his Processions and blasphemous Letany , and multitude of Advocates or Mediators : his manifold Orders , Auricular Confession : his desperate and uncertaine Repentance ; his general and doubtsome Faith ; his satisfactions of men for their sinnes : his Justification by works , opus operatum , works of Supererogation , Merits , Pardons , Peregrinations , and Stations : his holy water , baptising of Bells , conjuring of Spirits , crossing , saning , anointing , conjuring , hallowing of GODS good creatures , with the superstitious opinion joyned therewith : his Worldly Monarchy , and wicked Hierarchy : his three solemne vowes , with all his shavelings of sundry sorts , his erronious and bloudy decrees made at Trent , with all the subscribers and approvers of that cruell and bloudy Band , conjured against the Kirk of GOD : and finally , wee detest all his vaine Allegories , Rites , Signes and Traditions , brought in the Kirk , without or against the Word of GOD , and Doctrine of this true reformed Kirk , to the which we joyne ourselves willingly , in Doctrine , Faith , Religion , Discipline , and use of the Holy Sacraments , as lively members of the same , in Christ our Head : promising and swearing by the Great Name of the Lord our GOD , that we shall continue in the obedience of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Kirk , and shall defend the same according to our vocation and Power , all the dayes of our lives , under the pains contained in the Law , and danger both of Body and Soul , in the day of GODS fearful Judgment : And seeing that many are stirred up by Sathan , and that Roman Antichrist , to promise , sweare , subscribe , and for a time use the Holy Sacraments in the Kirk deceitfully against their own Consciences , minding thereby , first , under the external cloak of Religion , to corrupt and subvert secretly GODS true Religion within the Kirk , and afterward , when time may serve , to become open enemies and persecutors of the same , under vain hope of the Popes dispensation , devised against the Word of GOD , to his greater confusion , and their double condemnation in the day of the LORD JESUS . Wee , therefore , willing to take away all suspicion of hypocrisy , and of such double dealing with GOD and his Kirk , Protest , and call The Searcher of all hearts for witnesse , that Our mindes and hearts , do fully agree with this our Confession , Promise , Oath and Subscription , so that Wee are not moved for any wordly respect , but are persuaded onely in our Consciences , through the knowledge and love of Gods true Religion , printed in our hearts by the Holy Spirit , as we shall answer to him in the day , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed . And because we perceave that the quietness and stability of our Religion and Kirk , doth depend upon the safety & good behaviour of the Kings Majesty , as upon a comfortable Instrument of Gods mercy , granted to this Countrey , for the maintaining of this Kirk , and ministration of Justice amongst us , we protest and promise with our hearts under the same Oath , Hand-writ , and Pains , that we shall defend his Person and Authority , with our goods , bodies and lives , in the defence of Christ his Evangel , Liberties of our Country , ministration of Justice , and punishment of iniquity , against all enemies within this Realm , or without , as we desire our GOD to be a strong and merciful defender to us in the day of our death , and coming of our Lord Iesus Christ : To whom with the Father . and the Holy Spirit , be all Honour and Glory Eternally . Like as many Acts of Parliament not onely in general do abrogate , annull , and rescind all Lawes , Statutes , Acts , Constitutions , Canons , civil or municipall , with all other Ordinances and practique penalties whatsoever , made in prejudice of the true Religion and Professours thereof ; Or , of the true Kirk-discipline , jurisdiction , and freedome thereof ; Or in favours of Idolatry and Superstition ; Or of the Papisticall Kirk : As Act. 3. Act. 13. Parl. 1. Act. 23. Parl. 11. Act. 114. Parl. 12. of King Iames the sixt , That Papistry and Superstition may be utterly suppressed according to the intention of the Acts of Parliament repeated in the 5. Act. Parl. 20. K Iames 6. And to that end they ordaine all Papists and Priests to be punished by manifold Civill and Ecclesiastical pains , as adversaries to Gods true Religion , preached and by Law established within this Realme , Act. 24. Parl. 11. K. Iames 6. as common enemies to all Christian government , Act. 18. Parl. 16. K. Iames 6. as rebellers and gainstanders of our Soveraigne Lords Authority , Act. 47. Parl. 3. K. Iames 6. and as Idolaters . Act. 104. Parl. 7. K. Iames 6. but also in particular ( by and atcour the Confession of Faith ) do abolish and condemne the Popes Authority and Jurisdiction out of this Land , and ordaine the maintainers thereof to be punished , Act 2. Parl. 1. Act 51. Part. 3. Act 106. Parl. 7. Act 114. Parl. 12. K. Iames 6. do condemne the Popes erronious doctrine , or any other erronious doctrine repugnant to any of the Articles of the true and Christian religion publickly preached , and by law established in this Realme : And ordaines the spreaders and makers of Books or Libels , or Letters , or writs of that nature to be punished , Act 46. Parl. 3. Act 106. Parl. 7. Act 24. Parl. 11. K. Iames 6. do condemne all Baptisme conforme to the Popes Kirk and the Idolarry of the Masse , and ordaines all sayers , willfull hearers , and concealers of the Masse , the maintainers and resetters of the Priests , Jesuites , traffiquing Papists , to be punished without any exception or restriction , Act 5. Parl. 1. Act. 120. Parl. 12. Act. 164. Parl. 13. Act. 193. Parl. 14. Act. 1. Parl. 19. Act. 5. Parl. 20. K. Iames 6. do condemne all erroneous bookes and writtes containing erroneous doctrine against the Religion presently professed , or containing superstitious Rites and Ceremonies Papisticall , whereby the people are greatly abused , and ordaines the home-bringers of them to be punished , Act 25. Parl. 11. K. Iames 6. do condemne the monuments and dregs of by-gone Idolatry ; as going to the Crosses , observing the Feastivall dayes of Saints , and such other superstitious and Papisticall Rites , to the dishonour of GOD , contempt of true Religion , and fostering of great errour among the people , and ordaines the users of them to be punished for the second fault as Idolaters , Act 104. Parl. 7. K. Iames 6. Like as many Acts of Parliament are conceaved for maintenance of GODS true and Christian Religion , and the purity thereof in Doctrine and Sacraments of the true Church of God , the liberty & freedom thereof , in her National , Synodal Assemblies , Presbyteries , Sessions , Policy , Discipline and Jurisdiction thereof , as that purity of Religion and liberty of the Church was used , professed , exercised , preached and confessed according to the reformation of Religion in this Realm . As for instance , The 99. Act. Parl. 7. Act. 23. Parl. 11. Act. 114. Parl. 12. Act. 160. Parl. 13. of King Iames 6. Ratified by the 4. Act. of King Charles . So that the 6. Act. Parl. 1. and 68. Act. Parl. 6. of King Iames 6. in the Yeare of God 1579. declares the Ministers of the blessed Evangel , whom GOD of his mercy had raised up , or hereafter should raise , agreeing with them that then lived in Doctrin , and Administration of the Sacraments , and the People that professed Christ , as he was then offered in the Evangel , and doth communicate with the Holy Sacraments , ( as in the reformed Kirk's of this Realm they were publickly administrat ) according to the Confession of Faith , to be the true and Holy Kirk of Christ Jesus within this Realm , and decerns and declares all and sundry , who either gainsayes the Word of the Evangel , received and approved , as the heads of the Confession of Faith , professed in Parliament , in the Yeare of God 1560. specified also in the first Parliament of King Iames 6. and ratified in this present Parliament , more particularly do specify , or that refuses the administration of the Holy Sacraments , as they were then ministrated , to be to members of the said Kirk within this Realme , and true Religion , presently professed , so long as they keep themselves so divided from the society of Christs body : And the subsequent Act. 69. Parl. 6. of K. Iames 6. declares , That there is none other Face of Kirk , nor other Face of Religion , then was presently at that time , by the Favour of GOD established within this Realme , which therefore is ever stiled , Gods true Religion , Christs true Religion , the true and Christian Religion , and a perfect Religion , Which by manifold acts of Parliament , all within this realme are bound to subscribe the articles thereof , the Confession of Faith , to recant all doctrine & errours , repugnant to any of the said Articles , Act. 4. & 9. Parl. 1. Act. 45.46.47 . Parl. 3. Act 71. Parl. 6. Act 106. Parl. 7. Act 24. Parl. 11. Act 123. Parl. 12. Act 194. and 197. Parl. 14. of K. Iames 6. And all Magistrats , Sherifs , &c. on the one parte are ordained to search , apprehend , and punish all contraveeners ; For instance , Act 5. Parl. 1. Act 104. Parl. 7. Act 25. Par. 11. K. Iames 6. And that notwithstanding of the Kings Majesty's licences on the contrary , which are discharged & declared to be of no force in so farre as they tend in any wayes , to the prejudice & hinder of the execution of the Acts of Parliament against Papists & adversaries of true Religion , Act. 106. Parl. 7. K. Iames 6. On the other part in the 47. Act. Parl. 3. K. Iames 6. It is declared and ordained , seeing the cause of Gods true Religion , and his highnes Authority are so joyned , as the hurt of the one is common to both : and that none shal be reputed as loyall and faithfull subjects to our Soveraigne Lord , or his Authority , but be punishable as rebellers and gainstanders of the same , who shall not give their Confession , and make their profession of the said true Religion , and that they who after defection shall give the Confession of their Faith of new , they shall promise to continue therein in time comming , to maintaine our Souveraigne Lords Authority , and at the uttermost of their power to fortify , assist , and maintaine the true Preachers and Professors of Christs Evangel , against whatsoever enemies and gainestanders of the same : and namely ( against all such of whatsoever nation , estate , or degree they be of ) that have joyned , and bound themselves , or have assisted , or assists to set forward , and execute the cruell decrees of Trent , contrary to the Preachers and true Professors of the Word of God , which is repeated word by word in the Article of Pacification at Perth the 23 of Februar . 1572. approved by Parliament the last of Aprile 1573. Ratified in Parliament 1587. and related , Act 123. Parl. 12. of K. Iames 6. with this addition , that they are bound to resist all treasonable uproars and hostilities raised against the true Religion , the Kings Majesty , and the true Professors . Like as all Liedges are bound to maintaine the King Majesty's Royal Person ▪ and Authority , the Authority of Parliaments , without the which neither any lawes or lawful judicatories can be established . Act 130. Act. 131. Parl. 8. K. Iames 6. and the subjects Liberties , who ought onely to live and be governed by the Kings lawes , the common lawes of this Realme allanerly , Act 48. Parl. 3. K. Iames the first . Act. 79. Parl 6. K. Iames the 4. repeated in the Act 13 1. Parl. 8. K. Iames 6. Which if they be innovated or prejudged , the commission anent the union of the two Kingdoms of Scotland and England , which is the sole Act of the 17. Parl. of K. Iames 6. declares such confusion would ensue , as this Realme could be no more a free Monarchy , because by the fundamentall lawes , ancient priviledges , offices and liberties of this Kingdome , not onely the Princely Authority of his Majesty's Royal discent hath been these many ages maintained , but also the peoples security of their Lands , livings , rights , offices , liberties , and dignities preserved , and therefore for the preservatien of the said true Religion , Lawes , and Liberties of this Kingdome , it is statute by the 8. Act Parl. 1. repeated in the 99. Act Parl. 7. Ratified in the 23. Act Parl. 11. and 114. Act Parl. 12. of K. Iames 6. and 4. Act of K. Charles . That all Kings and Princes at their Coronation and reception of their Princely Authority , shall make their faithfull promise by their solemne oath in the presence of the Eternal God , that , enduring the whole time of their lives , they shall serve the same Eternal God to the uttermost of their power , according as he hath required in his most Holy Word , contained in the old and new Testament . And according to the same Word shall maintain the true Religion of Christ Jesus , the preaching of his Holy Word , the due and right ministration of the Sacraments now receaved and preached within this Realme ( according to the Confession of Faith immediately preceeding ) and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion contrary to the same , and shall rule the people committed to their charge , according to the will and command of God , revealed in his foresaid Word , and according to the laudable Lawes and Constitutions received in this Realme , no wayes repugnant to the said will of the Eternall God ; and shall procure , to the uttermost of their power , to the Kirk of God , and whole Christian people , true and perfite peace in all time coming : and that they shall be careful to root out of their Empire all Hereticks , and enemies to the true worship of God , who shall be convicted by the true Kirk of God , of the foresaid crimes , which was also observed by his Majesty , at his Coronation in Edinburgh 1633. as maybe seene in the order of the Coronation . In obedience to the Commandment of GOD , conforme to the practice of the godly in former times , and according to the laudable example of our Worthy and Religious Progenitors , & of many yet living amongst us , which was warranted also by act of Councill , commanding a general band to be made and subscribed by his Majesty's subjects , of all ranks , for two causes : One was , For defending the true Religion , as it was then reformed , and is expressed in the Confession of Faith abovewritten , and a former large Confession established by sundry acts of lawful generall assemblies , & of Parliament , unto which it hath relation , set down in publick Catechismes , and which had been for many years with a blessing from Heaven preached , and professed in this Kirk and Kingdome , as Gods undoubted truth , grounded only upon his written Word . The other cause was , for maintaining the Kings Majesty , His Person , and Estate : the true worship of GOD and the Kings authority , being so straitly joined , as that they had the same Friends , and common enemies , and did stand and fall together . And finally , being convinced in our mindes , and confessing with our mouthes , that the present and succeeding generations in this Land , are bound to keep the foresaid nationall Oath & Subscription inviolable , Wee Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers & Commons under subscribing , considering divers times before & especially at this time , the danger of the true reformed Religion , of the Kings honour , and of the publick peace of the Kingdome : By the manifold innovations and evills generally conteined , and particularly mentioned in our late supplications , complaints , and protestations , Do hereby professe , and before God , his Angels , and the World solemnly declare , That , with our whole hearts we agree & resolve , all the dayes of our life , constantly to adhere unto , and to defend the foresaid true Religion , and ( forbearing the practice of all novations , already introduced in the matters of the worship of GOD , or approbation of the corruptions of the publicke Government of the Kirk , or civil places and power of Kirk-men , till they be tryed & allowed in free assemblies , and in Parliaments ) to labour by all meanes lawful to recover the purity and liberty of the Gospel , as it was stablished and professed before the foresaid Novations : and because , after due examination , we plainely perceave , and undoubtedly believe , that the Innovations and evils contained in our Supplications , Complaints , and Protestations have no warrant of the Word of God , are contrary to the Articles of the Foresaid Confessions , to the intention and meaning of the blessed reformers of Religion in this Land , to the above written Acts of Parliament , & do sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the Popish Religion and Tyranny , and to the subversion and ruine of the true Reformed Religion , and of our Liberties , Lawes and Estates , We also declare , that the Foresaid Confessions are to be interpreted , and ought to be understood of the Foresaid novations and evils , no lesse then if every one of them had been expressed in the Foresaid confessions , and that we are obliged to detest & abhorre them amongst other particular heads of Papistry abjured therein . And therefore from the knowledge and consciences of our duety to God , to our King and Countrey , without any wordly respect or inducement , so farre as humane infirmity will suffer , wishing a further measure of the grace of God for this effect , We promise , and sweare by the Great Name of the Lord our GOD , to continue in the Profession and Obedience of the Foresaid Religion : That we shall defend the same , and resist all these contrary errours and corruptions , according to our vocation , and to the uttermost of that power that GOD hath put in our hands , all the dayes of our life : and in like manner with the same heart , we declare before GOD and Men , That we have no intention nor desire to attempt any thing that may turne to the dishonour of GOD , or to the diminution of the Kings greatnesse and authority : But on the contrary , we promise and sweare , that we shall , to the uttermost of our power , with our meanes and lives , stand to the defence of our dread Soveraigne , the Kings Majesty , his Person , and Authority , in the defence and preservation of the foresaid true Religion , Liberties and Lawes of the Kingdome : As also to the mutual defence and assistance , every one of us of another in the same cause of maintaining the true Religion and his Majesty's Authority , with our best counsel , our bodies , meanes , and whole power , against all sorts of persons whatsoever . So that whatsoever shall be done to the least of us for that cause , shall be taken as done to us all in genearal , and to every one of us in particular . And that we shall neither directly nor indirectly suffer our selves to be divided or withdrawn by whatsoever suggestion , allurement , or terrour from this blessed & loyall Conjunction , nor shall cast in any let or impediment , that may stay or hinder any such resolution as by common consent shall be found to conduce for so good ends . But on the contrary , shall by all lawful meanes labour to further and promove the same , and if any such dangerous & divisive motion be made to us by Word or Writ , We , and every one of us , shall either suppresse it , or if need be shall incontinent make the same known , that it may be timeously obviated : neither do we fear the foul aspersions of rebellion , combination , or what else our adversaries from their craft and malice would put upon us , seing what we do is so well warranted , and ariseth from an unfeined desire to maintaine the true worship of God , the Majesty of our King , and peace of the Kingdome , for the common happinesse of our selves , and the posterity . And because we cannot look for a blessing from God upon our proceedings , except with our Profession and Subscription we joine such a life & conversation , as beseemeth Christians , who have renewed their Covenant with God ; We , therefore , faithfully promise , for our selves , our followers , and all other under us , both in publick , in our particular families , and personal carriage , to endeavour to keep our selves within the bounds of Christian liberty , and & to be good examples to others of all Godlinesse , Sobernesse , and Righteousnesse , and of every duety we owe to God and Man , And that this our Union and Conjunction may be observed without violation , we call the living GOD , the Searcher of our Hearts to witness , who knoweth this to be our sincere Desire , and unfained Resolution , as we shall answere to JESUS CHRIST , in the great day , and under the pain of Gods everlasting wrath . and of infamy , and losse of all honour and respect in this World , Most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by his holy Spirit for this end , and to blesse our desires and proceedings with a happy successe , that Religion and Righteousnesse may flourish in the Land , to the glory of GOD , the honour of King , and peace and comfort of us all . In witnesse whereof we have subscribed with our hands all the premisses , &c. The Article of this Covenant , which was at the first Subscription , referred to the determination of the General Assembly , being determined , and thereby the 5 Articles of Perth , the Government of the Kirk by Bishops , the Civill places and Power of Kirkment , upon the reasons and grounds contained in the Acts of the General Assembly , declared to be unlawful within this Kirk , we subscribe according to the determination foresaid . A Solemn League and Covenant For Reformation , and Defence of Religion , The Honour and Happiness of the King , and the Peace and Safety of the three Kingdoms of Scotland , England , and Ireland . WE Noblemen , Barons , Knights , Gentlemen , Citizens , Burgesses , Ministers of the Gospel , and Commons of all sorts in the Kingdoms of Scotland , England and Ireland , by the providence of GOD living under one King , and being of one reformed Religion , Having before our eyes the glory of GOD , and the advancement of the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , the Honour and Happinesse of the Kings Majesty and his Posterity , and the true publick Liberty , Safety , and Peace of the Kingdoms , wherein every ones private condition is included ; And calling to minde the treacherous and bloody Plots , Conspiracies , Attempts and Practices of the Enemies of GOD against the true Religion and Professours thereof in all places , especially in these three Kingdoms , ever since the Reformation of Religion , and how much their rage , power and presumption are of late , and at this time increased and exercised ; whereof the deplorable estate of the Church and Kingdom of Ireland , the distressed estate of the Church & Kingdom of England , and the dangerous estate of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland are present and publick testimonies : We have now at last ( after other means of Supplication , Remonstrance , Protestation and Suffering ) for the preservation of our selves and our Religion from utter ruine and destruction , according to the commendable practice of these Kingdoms in former times , and the example of GODS People in other Nations , after mature deliberation , resolved and determined to enter into a mutuall and solemn League and Covenant : Wherein we all subscribe , and each one of us for himself , with our hands lifted up to the most high GOD , do Swear , 1. That we shall sincerely , really and constantly , through the grace of GOD , endeavour in our several places and callings , the preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Chuch of Scotland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , against our common Enemies ; The Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , according to the Word of GOD , and the example of the best Reformed Churches ; And shall endeavour to bring the Churches of GOD in the three Kingdoms , to the nearest conjunction and Uniformity in Religion , Confession of Faith , Form of Church-government , Directory for Worship and Catechizing ; That we and our Posterity after us , may , as Brethren , live in Faith and Love , and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us . 2. That we shall in like manner , without respect of persons , endeavour the Extirpation of Popery , Prelacy ( that is , Church-government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellours and Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and all other Ecclesiasticall Officers depending on that Hierarchy ) Superstition , Heresy , Schism , Prophanesse , and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine , and the power of Godliness ; Lest we partake in other mens sins , and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues ; And that the Lord may be one , and his Name one in the three Kingdoms . 3. We shall with the same sincerity , reality and constancy , in our severall vocations , endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliaments , and the Liberties of the Kingdoms ; And to preserve and defend the Kings Majesty's Person and Authority , in the preservation and defence of the true Religion , and Liberties of the Kingdoms ; That the world may bear witnesse with our consciences of our Loyalty , and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatnesse . 4. We shall also with all faithfulnesse endeavour the discovery of all such as have been , or shall be Incendiaries , Malignants , or evil instruments , by hindering the Reformation of Religion , dividing the King from his people , or one of the Kingdoms from another , or making any faction , or parties amongst the people contrary to this League and Covenant , That they may be broughr to publick triall , and receive condigne punishment , as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve , or the supream Judicatories of both Kingdomes respectively , or others having power from them for that effect , shall judge convenient . 5. And whereas the happinesse of a blessed Peace between these Kingdoms , denyed in former times to our Progenitors , is by the good Providence of GOD granted unto us , and hath been lately concluded , and settled by both Parliaments , We shall each one of us , according to our place and interest , endeavour that they may remain conjoyned in a firme Peace and Union to all Posterity , And that Justice may be done upon the willfull Opposers thereof , in manner expressed in the precedent Article . 6. We shall also according to our places and callings in this Common cause of Religion , Liberty , and Peace of the Kingdoms , assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant , in the maintaining and pursuing thereof ; And shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination , perswasion or terrour , to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed Union and conjunction , whither to make defection to the contrary part , or to give ourselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause , which so much concerneth the Glory of GOD , the good of the Kingdoms , and honour of the King ; But shall all the dayes of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein , against all opposition , and promote the same according to our power , against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever ; And , what we are not able our selves to suppresse or overcome , we shall reveale and make known , that it may be timely prevented or removed : All which we shall do as in the sight of GOD. And because these Kingdoms are guilty of many sins , and provocations against GOD , and his Son Jesus Christ , as is too manifest by our present distresses and dangers , the fruits thereof , We professe and declare before GOD , and the world , unfained desire to be humbled for our own sins , and for the sins of these Kingdoms , especially that we have not , as we ought , valued the inesteemable benefit of the Gospel , that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof , and that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts , nor to walk worthy of him in our lives , wich are the causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us . And our true and unfained purpose , desire , and endeavour for ourselves , and all others under our power and charge , both in publick and in private , in all dutyes we owe to GOD and man , to amend our lives , and each one to go before another in the example of a real Reformation ; That the Lord may turn away his wrath , and heavy indignation , and establish these Churches and Kingdoms in truth and Peace . And this Covenant we make in the presence of Almighty GOD the Searcher of all hearts , with a true intention to peform the same , As we shall answer at that great Day when the secrets of all hearts , shall be disclosed ; Most humbly beseeching the Lord , to strengthen us by his Holy Spirit for this end , and to blesse our desires , and proceedings with such successe , as may be deliverance and safety to his people , and encouragement to other Christian Churches groaning under , or in danger of the yoke of Antichristian Tyranny , or to joyn in the same , or like Association & Covenant , To the Glory of GOD , the enlargement of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ , and the peace & tranquillity of Christian Kingdoms , and Common-wealths . A Solemn Acknowledgement of publick Sins and Breaches of the Covenant ; AND A Solemn Engagement to all the Duties contained therein , namely th●se which do in a more speciall way relate unto the dangers of these times : ANNO 1648. WE Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers of the Gospel , and Commons of all sorts within this Kingdom , by the good hand of GOD upon us , taking in serious consideration the many sad afflictions and deep distresses wherewith we have been exercised for a long time past , and that the Land after it hath been sore wasted with the Sword and the Pestilence , and threatened with Famine , and that shame and contempt hath been poured out from the Lord against many thousands of our Nation , who did in a sinful way make War upon the Kingdom of England , contrary to the Testimony of his Servants and desires of his People , and that the remnant of that Army returning to this Land have spoiled and oppressed many of our Brethren , and that the Malignant party is still numerous , & retaining their former principles , wait for an opportunity to raise a new and dangerous War , not only unto the rending of the bowells of this Kingdom , but unto the dividing of us from England , & overturning of the work of God in all the three Kingdoms : And considering also that a cloud of calamities doth still hang over our heads , & threaten us with sad things to come , We cannot but look upon these things as from the Lord , who is righteous in all his wayes , feeding us with the bread of tears , and making us to drink the waters of affliction , untill we be taught to know how evil and bitter a thing it is to depart away from him , by breaking the Oath and Covenant which we have made with him , and that we may be humbled before him by confessing our sinne , and forsaking the evil of our way . Therefore being pressed with so great necessities and straits , and warranted by the word of God , and having the example of Gods people of old , who in the time of their troubles , and when they were to seek delivery and a right way for themselves , that the Lord might be with them to prosper them , did humble themselves before him , and make a free and particular confession of the sins of their Princes , their Rulers , their Captains , their Priests and their people , and did engage themselves to do no more so , but to reform their wayes and be stedfast in his Covenant ; And remembring the practise of our predecessours in the year 1596. Wherein the General Assembly , and all the Kirk-judicatories , with the concurrence of many of the Nobily , Gentry , and Burgesses , did with many tears acknowledge before God the breach of the National Covenant , and engaged themselves to a Reformation , even as our predecessors and theirs had before done in the Generall Assembly and convention of Estates in the year 1567. And perceiving that this duty , when gone about out of conscience and in sincerity , hath alwayes been attended with a reviving out of troubles , and with a blessing and successe from Heaven ; We do humbly and sincerely in his sight , who is the searcher of hearts , acknowledge the many sins and great transgressions of the Land ; We have done wickedly , our Kings , our Princes , our Nobles , our Judges , our Officers , our Teachers , and our People : Albeit the Lord hath long and clearly spoken unto us , we have not hearkened to his voice ; Albeit he hath followed us with tender mercies , we have not been allured to wait upon him and walk in his way ; And though he hath stricken us , yet we have not grieved ; Nay though he hath consumed us , we have refused to receive correction ; We have not remembred to render unto the Lord according to his goodnesse and according to our own vows and promises , but have gone away backward by a continued course of backsliding , and have broken all the Articles of that solemn League and Covenant which we swore before God , Angels and men . Albeit there be in the land many of all ranks , who be for a Testimony unto the Truth , and for a name of joy and praise unto the Lord , by living godly , studying to keep their garments pure , and being stedfast in the Covenant and Cause of God ; Yet we have reason to acknowledge that most of us have not endeavoured with that reality , sincerity and constancy , that did become us , to preserve the work of Reformation in the Kirk of Scotland ; Many have satisfied themses with the purity of the Ordinances neglecting the power thereof ; yea , some have turned aside to crooked wayes destructive to both . The prophane , loose and insolent carriage of many in our Armies , who went to the Assistance of our BRETHREN in ENGLAND , And the tamperings and unstraight dealing of some of our Commissioners and others of our Nation in London , the Isle of Wight , & other places of that Kingdom , have proved great lets to the work of Reformation , and setling of Kirk-Government there , wherby Errour and Schism in that Land have been encreased , and Sectaries hardened in their way . We have been so far from endeavouring the extirpation of Prophannesse , and what is contrary to the power of godlinesse , that prophanity hath been much winked at , and Prophane persons much countenanced & many times employed , until iniquity and ungodlinesse hath gone over the face of the land as a flood ; Nay , sufficient care hath not been had to separate betwixt the precious and the vile , by debarring from the Sacrament all ignorant and scandalous persons according to the Ordinances of this Kirk . Neither have the Priviledges of the Parliaments and Liberties of the Subject been duly tendered , But some amongst our selves have labored to put into the hands of our King an arbitrary and unlimited power destructive to both , And many of us have been accessory of late to those means and ways , whereby the freedom and priviledges of Parliaments have been encroached upon and the Subjects oppressed in their Consciences , persons and Estates : Neither hath it been our care to avoid these things which might harden the King in his evill way ; But upon the contrary he hath not onely been permitted , but many of us have been instrumentall to make him exercise his power in many things tending to the prejudice of Religion and of the Covenant , and of the Peace and safety of these Kingdoms ; Which is so farre from the right way of preserving his Majesty's Person and Authority , that it cannot but provoke the Lord against him unto the hazard of both , Nay under a pretence of relieving and doing for the King whilst he refuses to do what was necessary for the house of God , some have ranversed and violated most of all the Articles of the Covenant . Our own Consciences within , and Gods judgements upon us without do convince us , of the manifold willfull renewed breaches of that Article , which concerneth the discovery and punishment of Malignants , whose crimes have not onely been connived at but dispensed with and pardoned , and themselves received unto intimate fellowship with our selves , and entrusted with our Counsels , admitted unto our Parliaments , and put in places of Power and Authority , for managing the publick affaires of the Kingdome , Whereby in Gods justice they got at last into their hands the whole power and strength of the Kingdome , both in judicatories and Armies , And did imploy the same unto the enacting and prosecuting an unlawful Engagement in warre against the Kingdome of England , Notwithstanding of the dissent of many considerable members of Parliament , who had given constant proof of their integrity in the cause from the beginning , of many faithful testimonies and free warnings of the servants of God , of the Supplications of many Synods , Presbyteries and Shyres , and of the Declarations of the Generall Assembly and their Commissioners to the contrary : Which ingagement as it hath been the cause of much sinne , so also of much misery and calamity unto this Land , and holds forth to us , the grievousnesse of our sinne of complying with Malignants , in the greatnesse of our judgement , that we may be taught never to split again upon the same rock , upon which the Lord hath set so remarkable a Beacon . And after all that is come to passe unto us because of this our trespasse , and after that grace hath been shewed unto us from the Lord our God , by breaking these mens yoke from of our necks , and putting us again into a capacity to act for the good of Religion , our own safety , and the Peace and safety of this Kingdowe , should we again-break his Commandment and Covenant , by joyning once more with the people of these abominations , and taking into our bosome those Serpents which had formerly stung us almost unto death : This as it would argue great madnesse and folly upon our part , So no doubt , if it be not avoided . will provoke the Lord against us to consume us untill there be no remnant nor escaping in the Land. And albeit the Peace and Union betwivt the Kingdoms be a great blessing of God unto both and a Bond which we are obliged to preserve unviolated , And to endeavour that justice may be done upon the opposers thereof ; Yet some in this Land , who have come under the Bond of the Covenant , have made it their great study how to dissolve this Union , and few or no endeavours have been used by any of us for punishing of such . We have suffered many of our Brethren in severall parts of the Land to be oppressed of the common Enemy without compassion or relief ; There hath been great murmuring and repining because of expense of means and pains in doing of our duty ; Many by perswasion or terror have suffered themselves to be divided and withdrawn to make defection to the contrary part ; Many have turned off to a detestable indifferency and neutrality in this cause , which so much concerneth the glory of God and the good of these Kingdoms ; Nay many have made it their study to walk so , as they might comply with all times and all the revolutions thereof . It hath not been our care to countenance , encourage , intrust and employ such onely , as from their hearts did affect and mind Gods Work ; But the hearts of such many times have been discouraged , and their hands weakened , their sufferings neglected , and themselves slighted , and many who were once open enemies and alwayes secret underminers contenanced and employed ; Nay even those who had been looked upon as Incendiaries , and upon whom the Lord had set marks of desperate Malignancy , falshood & deceat were brought in , as fit to manage publick affaires ; Many have been the lets and Impediments that have been cast in the way to retard and obstruct the Lords work , and some have keeped secret , what of themselves they were not able to suppresse and overcome . Besides these and many other breaches of the Articles of the Covenant in the matter thereof , which it concerneth every one of us to search out and acknowledge before the Lord , as we would wish his wrath to be turned away from us ; So have many of us failed exceedingly in the manner of our following and pursuing the duties contained therein , not onely seeking great things for our selves , and mixing of private interests and ends concerning our selves and friends and followers , with those things which concern the publick good , but many times preferring such to the Honour of God and good of his cause , and retarding Gods work until we might carry alongs with us our own interests and designes . It hath been our way to trust in the means and to rely upon the arm of flesh for successe , Albeit the Lord hath many times made us meet with dispointment therein , and stained the pride of all our Glory , by blasting every carnall confidence unto us : We have followed for the most part the counsels of flesh and blood , and walked more by the rules of policy then Piety , and have hearkened more unto men then unto God. Albeit we made solemn publick profession before the World of our unfained desires to be humbled before the Lord for our own sinnes , and the sinnes of these Kingdoms , especially for our undervaluing of the inestimable benefit of the Gospel , and that we have not laboured for the power thereof , and received Christ into our hearts , and walked worthy of him in our lives , and of our true and unfained purpose , desire and endeavour for our selves , and all other under our power and charge both in publick and private , in all dutyes which we owe to God and man to amend our lives , and each one to go before another in the example of a reall Reformation , that the Lord might turn away his wrath and heavy indignation , and establish these Kirks and Kingdoms in truth and peace , Yet we have refused to be reformed , and have walked proudly and obstinatly against the Lord , not v●lueing his Gospel , nor submitting our selves unto the obedience thereof , not seeking after Christ , nor studying to honour him in the excellency of his person , nor employ him in the vertue of his offices , not making conscience of publick Ordinances , nor private nor secret duties , nor studying to edify one another in love . The ignorance of God and of his Son Jesus Christ prevailes exceedingly in the Land ; The greatest part of Masters of families amongst Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses and Commons neglect to seek God in their families , and to endeavour the the Reformation thereof ; And albeit it hath been much pressed , yet few of our Nobles and great ones ever to his day could be perswaded to perform family duties themselves and in their own persons ; which makes so necessary and useful a duty to be misregarded by others of inferior rank ; Nay many of the Nobility , Gentry , and Burrows who should have been examples of Godlinesse and sober walking unto others , have been ring-leaders of excesse and rioting . Albeit we be the Lords people engaged to him in a solemn way , yet to this day we have not made it our study that judicatories & Armies should consist of , and places of power and trust be filled with men of a blamelesse and Christian conversation , and of known integrity and approven fidelity , affection and Zeal unto the cause of God , but not onely those who have been neutrall and indifferent but disaffected and Malignant , and others who have been prophane and scandalous have been intrusted ; By which it hath come to passe that judicatories have been the seats of injustice and iniquity , aad many in our Armies by their miscarriages have become our plague , unto the great prejudice of the cause of God , the great scandall of the Gospel , and the great increase of loosenesse & prophanity throughout all the Land. It were impossible to reckon up all the abominations that are in the Land , but the Blaspheming of the name of God , swearing by the Creatures , prophanation of the Lords Day , uncleannesse , drunkennesse , excesse and rioting , vanity of apparrel , lying and deceit , railing and cursing , arbitrary and uncontrolled oppression , and grinding of the faces of the poor , by Landlords and others in place and power , are become ordinary and common sinnes ; And besides all these things , there be many other transgressions , whereof the Land wherein we live are guilty : All which we desire to acknowledge and to be humbled for , that the world may bear witnesse with us , that Righteousnesse belongeth unto God , and shame & confusion of face unto us as appears this day . And because it is needfull for these who find mercy not onely to confesse but also to forsake their sinne , Therefore that the reality and sincerity of our repentance may appear , We do Resolve and solemnly ingage our selves before the Lord , carefully to avoid for the time to come all these offences , whereof we have now made solemn publick acknowledgement , and all the snares and tentations which tend thereunto : And to testifie the integrity of our resolution herein , and that we may be the better enabled in the power of the Lords strength to perform the same , We do again Renue our Solemn League and Covenant , Promising hereafter to make conscience of all the duties whereunto we are obliged in all the heads and Articles thereof , particularly of these which follow . 1. Because Religion is of all things the most excellent and precious , The advancing and promoving the power thereof against all ungodlinesse and profanity , The securing and preserving the purity thereof against all error , heresy and schisme , and namely Independency , Anabatisme , Antinomianisme , Arminianisme , Socinianisme , Familisme , Libertinisme , Scepticisme , and Erastianisme , and the carrying on the work of uniformity shall be studied & endeavoured by us before all worldly interests , whether concerning the King or our selves , or any other whatsomever . 2 : Because many have of late laboured to supplant the liberties of the Kirk , we shall maintain and defend the Kirk of Scotland , in all her liberties and priviledges , against all who shall oppose or undermine the same , or encroach thereupon under any pretext whatsomever . 3. We shall vindicat and maintain the liberties of the Subjects , in all these things which concern their consciences , persons and Estates . 4. We shall carefully maintain and defend the Union betwixt the Kingdoms , and avoid every thing that may weaken the same , or involve us in any measure of accession unto the guilt of those who have invaded the Kingdom of England . 5. As we have been always Loyall to our King , so we shall still endeavour to give unto God that which is Gods , and to Caesar the things which are Cesars . 6. We shall be so farre from conniving at , complying with , or contenancing of Malignancy , injustice , iniquity , prophanity and impiety , that we shall not onely avoid , and discountenance those things , and cherish and encourage these persons , who are zealous for the Cause of God , and walk according to the Gospel ; But also shall take a more effectuall course then heretofore in our respective Places and Callings , for punishing and suppressing these evils , and faithfully endeavour that the best and fittest remedies may be applyed for taking away the causes thereof , and advancing the knowledge of God , and Holinesse and Righteousnesse in the Land : And therefore in the last place , as we shall earnestly pray unto God that he would give us able men fearing God , men of truth and hating covetousnesse to judge and bear charge among his people , so we shall according to our Places and Callings Endeavour that Judicatories and all places of power and trust both in Kirk and State may consist of , and be filled with such men as are of known good affection to the cause of God , and of a blamelesse and Christian conversation . And because there be many , who heretofore have not made conscience of the oath of God , but some through fear , others by perswasion and upon base ends and humane interests have entered thereinto , who have afterwards discovered themselves to have dealt deceitfully with the Lord , in swearing falsly by his name , Therefore we , who do now renew our Covenant in reference to these duties , and all other duties contained therein , Do in the sight of him who is the searcher of hearts , solemnly Professe that it is not upon any politique advantage or private interest or by-end , or because of any terror or perswasion from men , or hypocritically and deceitfully , that we do again take upon us the oath of God , But honestly and sincerely and from the sence of our duty , And that therefore denying our selves and our own things and laying aside all self interest and ends , We shall above all things seek the honour of God , the good of his Cause and the wealth of his people , and that forsaking the counsels of flesh and blood , and not leaning upon carnall confidences , we shall depend upon the Lord , walk by the rule of his word , and hearken to the voice of his servants : In all which professing our own weaknesse We do earnestly pray to God who is the father of mercies through his Son Jesus Christ , to be merciful unto us , and to enable us by the power of his might , that we may do our duty unto the praise of his Grace in the Churches . Amen . The occasion of this Acknowledgment and Engagement was this ; THE Commission of the General Assembly 1648. considering the many breaches of the Solemn League and Covenant ( and particularly by the Engagement in War that Year against England ) The Slackness of many in following the duties therein , And that many , ( being under age when it was first sworn ) had not been receaved into the same , did , by their Act October 6. ordain it to be renewed with this Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins & breaches , and Engagement to duties , And to that effect , appointed two solemn Fasts to be keeped in all the Congregations of the Land , for the Causes contained in the Acknowledgment of Sins , And that intimation thereof should be made to the people upon the Sabbath before , & that the Covenant , together with the former Acknowledgment of Sins and Engagement to duties , should be read publickly to the People , upon the day of the Intimation , and the last Fast day when the Covenant was to be sworn . This resolution of the Commission , upon the same grounds was unanimously approven by the Committee of Estats then sitting , and by their Act October 14. Ordained to be put in Execution , in all things according to the directions of the Commission : And accordingly in the moneth of December , it was for the second time sworn in all the Congregations of the Kingdome , upon the same day , ( except where vacancy or the Ministers being under scandal or process did occasion a delay till another day , that the place was supplyed by another Minister ) with great Solemnity , and such mixture of Joy & Sorrow as became people entering in Covenant with the Lord , And was thereafter Subscribed by all the Swearers . After ward , the Parliament Conveening , in January 1649 by their very first Act except the Election of their President , upon the same grounds , Resolved to keep a Fast by themselves , for the Causes contained in the Acknowlegment , and to Renew the Covenant according to the Order of the Commission , which was also most solemnly done . And last of all the Generall Assembly 1649. by their Act , July 7. did unanimously and expresly Ratify the Proceedings of the Commission , as to the Acknowledgment of Sins , Engagement to dueties , the Fasts , and Renewing of the Covenant by Swearing and Subscribing thereof . Hence , as the Covenant it self , so the Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins & Engagement to duties became National Authorised by the Supream Judicatures of Church and State and are still obliging by Oath . Oh! that the Lord had kept these things in the Imagination of the thought of our hearts for ever . ERRATA . WHilst this was upon the Press , some Errors which escaped in some sheets , were corrected in others , so that thou must not stumble though some Copies be more correct then others . Besides other literal escapes which will not marr the sense , before thou read the Book , correct with thy pen th●se following . Pag. 3. lin . 4. for other as , read as other . p. 4. l. 32. r. witnesses . p. 5. l. 3. r. solemn . p. 6. l. 12. r strong . p. 8. l. 15. r. sufficiently . p. 15. l 29. for or ▪ r on . ●b . l. 16. r. opportunity . p. 24. l. 14. for of , r. or . p. 25. l. 4. r. resolution . Ib. l. 32. for● are , r. are a lb. 33. r. worthies . p. 30. l. 21. for 27. r. 17. lb. 23. for 10. r. 8. p. 35. l. 8. r. 1560. Ib. l. 30. r. 1571. p. 38. l. 16. r. 1584. p ▪ 67. l. 27. for hoth , r. both . p. 70. l. 12. for he , r. the. p. 81. l. 12. r. during . p. 88. l. 18. r. slain . p. 100. l. 11. de e the. Ib. l. 12. r. generally . Ib. 19. for the , r. that p. 103 , l. 14. for out , r. ought . p. 120. l. 16. for what , r. that p 129. l 12. r. rageth in . p. 154. l. 23. for where , r. were . p. 188 l. 6. r. his . p 281. l. 27. r. it is . p. 282. l. 13. r. Advocats . A True and short DEDUCTION Of the WRESTLINGS of the CHURCH of SCOTLAND , For the KINGDOM of JESUS CHRIST , From the beginning of the Reformation of Religion , unto the Year 1667. AFter all these great & glorious things , which the Lord in his Love , Mercy and Faithfulness hath wrought for this Land , and in his Holiness and Righteousness hath declared amongst us ; these clear and powerfull Manifestations of his blessed Truth , which have so brightly shined forth , to the Glory , Beauty and Praise of this whole Nation : After these many sacred and most solemn Engagements , whereby , in the evidence and power of the same Truth , all Ranks and degrees , from the King even to the meanest , became , and are still bound and devoted to the Most High and Holy , Our Covenanted God , and to our blessed Lord Jesus Christ , ( who alone is King in Zion and of all Saints , and whose are all the Kings and Kingdomes of the Earth , ) for the advancement of his Glory and Kingdome , and for the owning and maintaining of his glorious Work and precious Truth , which is all our Felicity and Joy : And after all this horrid Apostacy and Rebellion , whereby the same wretched Nation , in the same Generation , and almost in the same Persons , neither from the conviction of any pretended Reason or Conscience , nor from any solid persuasion of the very Advantage designed ▪ but in the manifest Spirit of Wickedness and violence , have forgotten , despised and blasphemed the former power and Glory ; Rebelled against God , by breaking the Holy Covenant ; Rejected our Lord and Saviour ; Overturned the Work of his own blessed Spirit and Arme ; Abrogated and rescinded all these righteous Lawes and Ordinances , whereby it was established ; And by most Unjust , Arbitrary and Cruel Lawes and Practises , have endeavoured the rebuilding and promoving of the Kingdome of Darkness and Antichrist , and precipitating of all men , either into the same condemnation with themselves , or utter ruine and Extermination ; After , we say , all these things , which the Lord hath thus wrought and permitted in the midst of us , neither the Discouragement and Fainting of some , nor the Unsuccesfulness of the more honest and Zealous endeavours of others , nor yet our Silence hithertil , is greatly to be wondered at . For , whose eyes can behold all these things , without Dimnes and affecting of the heart ? And whose heart can consider them , without Astonishment and Horrour , if not Stupefaction or Discouragement ? How little wonder is it , that every visage ( suppose of the fairest Nazarit ) be blacker then a coale ? That every eye run down with waters ? & that the souls of many refuse to be comforted , & neither do , nor dare rejoice as other people ? When not only , by their going a whoreing from the Lord , their dayly bread , is become the bread or Adversity and the waters of Affliction , and when their famine of the Word of the Lord is such , that though they wander from sea to sea seeking it , they cannot find it ; Bot also the Comforter that should releeve their souls is far from them , and either covereth Himself with a cloud , that their prayers cannot pass through ▪ or then answereth them , only by terrible things in Righteousness ; How can they , who by their Vanities have moved the Holy God to Jealousy , and thereby have provoked their Rock to fell them , stand before their Enemies , or chase a thousand & put ten thousand to flight ? & al●hough that we should plead with our Mother , with our Rulers , & with all other ranks of persons within the Land , that they would put away their whoredomes out of their sight , & their Adulteries from betwen their breasts ; yet what hope is there , that Words shall prevaill , where the Power and Glory of the most High is contemned ? Or that Reason shall be heard , where the Counsell of God is rejected ? Here indeed is matter of Wonder and Praise , even the Longsuffering of the Lord , ( which is Salvation ) and the Mercy and faithfulness of our God , who hath not only hithertil preserved a Remnant , even a holy seed , which shal be the substance of our Land ; But ( after this late suddain and astonishing stroak of his holy Indignation , which seemed to presage no less , then the woful overturning of this sinking Church , into the depth of all darkness , and the dreadful overthrow of this whole Land and Nation , in the consummation of his fierce anger , to have been poured out in our desolation ) hath made Light and Salvation to arise , and Glory and Praise to spring forth , in making his grace more manifest and commending and asserting His Work and Covenant , more in the Sufferings and Death of His faithfull Servants and Witnesses , then in all the prosperity and Victories , which formerly he vouchsaved upon us . O! blessed and exalted be his most Holy Name and aboundant Grace , who for the wicked and momentany rejoycing of our adversaries , hath given to his People , such sweet consolations and Exuberant Praise ; and from the depths of our present distresses , and amidst the feares of so imminent and great judgments , hath , in stead of an Apology before the world ▪ put a song of Salvation in our Mouth , that , as well to Testify for the Lord against the backsliders , as for the comfort and consolation of all who love and wait for his Salvation , we may call the Heavens to hear and the Earth to give ear , that we may publish the Name of the Lord , and ascrib Greatness to our God , whose work is perfect , and all his wayes Iudgment ; A God of Truth , and without Iniquity , Just and Right is He. We have corrupted ourselves , our spot is not the spot of his Children , we are a perverse and crooked generation : Do we thus requit the Lord , O foolish people and unwise ? Yet is not He our Father that hath bought us ? Hath not He made us and established us ? Let us then remember the dayes of old , when the most High did visit us , and the Lord became Our God , and we became His People and Inheritance . This is the Testimony of his dying withnesses , this is the voice of his present Dispensations . We will therefore call to mind the Years of the right hand of the Most High , and the wondrous works of the Lord , which He alone did work in our Land : We will also declare our manifold Engagements , and our most selemn and sacred Covenants , with and to Our God ; that the Lord 's Loving Kindness may be made known ; that the Innocency , Strength and Joy of his Servants may appear ; that the glory of all his Righteous Judgments , which are either already come upon us , or which we have reason to fear , may be made manifest ; that wickedness may stop it's mouth ; and that all the Enemies of the Lord may be confounded . It is not here intended to resume these debates , which , as the Adversaries have formerly moved , and pertinaciously maintained against the Work of God , and almost against every passage and transaction thereof ; so have the Lovers and Owners of it , abundantly satisfied , and the Lord Himself determined with that power and Evidence , that , the Conversion of some and Conviction of almost all , and even of it's most desperat opposers , is not the smalest part of it's Glory : But seing the party that now prevaileth , hath disdained that method , and only by plain force and Violence , in the most gross and desperat Rebellion , Blasphemy and Perfidy against God and his Cause , and the highest and most determined contempt and misreguard of all good Conscience , and sacred Oathes , that ever the sun beheld , hath carried on and advanced this present Apostacy and defection , under which all the Godly do mourn , and the Land perisheth : We shall only here endeavour , the sincere and candid Representation of these things , which , as they were once the Glory of the Lord , and joy of his people in this poor Nation , so are they now the Testimony and Triumph of his witnesses , and the Patience and Hope of all his Sufferers , and may be the full Satisfaction of all , who shall hear of these late and present troubles , wherewith the Lord doth Exercise us , and will undoubtedly in the end prove , etiher the Exaltation and Praise , or the Desolation and perpetuall Confusion of BACKSLIDEN SCOTLAND . When Scotland ▪ through the usurpation of the Roman Antichrist , and the contagion of his abominations , and through the Prid , Lust and Tyranny of Prelacy , ( the very root and strength of that Kingdom of wickedness ) had fallen into that gross and black darkness of Ignorance and Superstition , and into these strong Delusions , ( wherewith the Lord as he hath threatned , so hath he ever infallibly plagued that Antichristian course ) and for many hundreth Years had lien involved therein ; It pleased the Lord in his wonderful mercy and free love , to cause the glorious Light of the everlasting Gospell again to arise and shine forth amongst us : Which , as it is ever best witnessed by its own Power and Purity ; So through the Power and Wisdome of God alone , even by the Weakness of very mean instruments , in the midst of the flames of fiery persecutions , and against the rage and fury of the Devil ▪ and of all the powers of Hell , was this Work advanced and effectuated : As the recordes of these times from 1494. until about the Year 1560. do plainly discover . Dureing which period of time , these things are very observable . First That where and when ever the Light and Truth of God did discover & testify against the Corruptions , Errors , Idolatry , and Superstitions of Popery in the same manner it testified and declared , that the Popes usurped Tyranny , and the Prid , Idleness and Domination of the wicked Prelates , were cheefly the Authors and Maintainers thereof . Secondly . That such as the Lord did from time to time call to , and send forth for the work of the Ministry , did walk therein , with the same Painfulness ▪ Poverty , Simplicity , Humility , and Equality which the Holy command and practises of our blessed Lord and his Apostles , do so constantly commend : Hence it is , that , in so far as this point could fall under the enquiry of these times , it is clearly held out , that they acknowledged no Officer in God's House , Superior to a Preaching Minister and according to the standard of this Office , did they try , reject and crave the Reformation of exorbitant Prelacy . As the examinations and testimonies of the faithfull in these dayes do witness . Thirdly . That as the love of God and his blessed Truth , and the Precepts , Promise and Presence of our Lord Jesus Chirst , did enable unto all Patience with joy , such as , by the call of a clear and necessary providence , the Lord sett forth to be his witnesses ; ( who , for the love and Testimony of Jesus , cheerfully embraced the fire and faggott ) so when the Lord did multiply the faithful to a Reasonable Capacity , they were so far from resigning themselves , and abandoning that First , and most just Priviledge of Self-defence ▪ to the arbitriment even of the lawful Powers , and of that Authority which they did acknowledge , that they not only owned it and stood to it ; but did account themselves so much the more obliged to their own Preservation and esteemed the same so much the more endeared to them , that the se●ing forth of the Glory of God , in the maintainance of the blessed Gospel and the propagation and continuance thereof , seemed so necessarily to depend thereon : which endeavours , they did also further extend , in the bowels and bonds of brotherly affection in Christ Jesus , unto the same duty of defence & Assistence to all his members . And in effect , if their Principles and Practices be well considered , it will appear , that , as when God called them to suffering , they loved not their lives unto Death that they might witness a good confession ; so when they attained to any Probability of Acting , they thought themselves indispensibly obliged , upon their uttermost hazard to defend the Gospel which they had receaved , and to suppress all Superstition and Idolatry contrary therto , although the motive of Self-defence had not been conjoined : And it will also appear , that the Necessity of Convocations and Combinations ( though not only without but even against Authority ; Yet being in order to such necessary and just Ends ) did suffiriently warrand them befor God and all men , from the breach of any Law or Act then standing against the same , wherewith they might have been charged . For verification hereof , though the whole course of our Reformation be an unquestionable evidence , yet let the instance of their first Appearance be observed , wherein both the Motives , Actors and all other circumstances , do more clearly and beyond all cavillation hold out , that only the Love and Zeal of God , in the same Spirit in which they had so constantly suffered , did stir them up , from the pure and vive sense of their indispensible duty and certaine Priviledge , against all opposition whatsomever , to own and set themselves for the Defence of the Gospel and the true Ministers thereof . The passage is thus . In or about the Year 1555 the Queen by the instigation of the Prelats , ( perceaving the increase of the Protestants , and fearing some inward distraction , during the wars then with England , if Shee should fall upon a more rigorous and general course , ) did cause all the Preachers to be summoned : whereupon the body and generality of the whole Protestants , resolved to keep the Dyet . But the Bishops apprehending the hazard , did procure that they should be commanded instantly to the borders : Nevertheless God had so provided ▪ that upon the same day the West-land Quarter returned from it ; which consisting of many faithful men ▪ so soon as they understood the matter , they repaired to the Queen , and plainly in the hearing of the Prelates did charge them , with the cruel device intended , and certified Her ' of their resolution , both to oppose it , and defend their Brethren to their uttermost ; and ceased not , until that She was moved to discharge the citation . Thereafter in the Year 1557. they entered into a Covenant of constant mutual Defence of the Gospel , their Ministers , and themselves , against all their adversaries , in these words , VVe perceiving how Sathan in his members , the Antichrists of our time , cruelly do rage , seeking to overthrow and destroy the Gospel of Christ , and his Congregation , ought , according to our bounden duty , to strive in our Masters Cause , even unto the death , being certaine of the Victorie in him : The which our duty being well considered , VVe do promise before the Majesty of God , and his Congregation , That we ( by his grace ) shal with all diligence continually apply our whole power , substance , and our very lives , to maintain , set forward , and establish the most blessed VVord of God , and his Congregation : And shall labour according to our power , to have faithfull Ministers , truly and purely to minister Christs Gospel and Sacraments to his people . VVe shal maintain them , nourish them , and defend them ; the whole Congregation of Christ , and every Member thereof according to our whole powers , and waging of our lives , against Sathan and all wicked power that doth intend Tyrranny or trouble against the foresaid Congregation . Vnto the which holy VVord , and Congregation , we de joyne us ; and so do forsake and renounce the Congregation of Sathan with all the superstitious abomination and idolatry thereof . And moreover , shall declare our selves manifest enemies therto , by this our faithful promise before God testified to this Congregation , by our Subscription at these Presents . At Edinburgh the third Day of December , Anno 1557. God called to witness . Like as in the Year 1559. being again necessitated to assemble for , and stand to the defence of the Gospel and themselves , at Perth , they renewed and enlarged the same engagement , according to the good hand and Spirit of God upon his Servants , in these words , At Perth the last day of May , the Year of God 1559. Yeares , the Congregations of the VVest Countrey , with the Congregations of Fife , Perth , Dundie , Angus , Merns and Monross , being conveened in the town of Perth , in the Name of Iesus Christ , for setting forth of his glory , understanding nothing more necessary for the same , then to keep a constant amity , unity , and fellowship together , according as they are commanded by God , are confederate , and become bounden and obliged in the presence of God , to concurre & assist together in doing all things required of God in his Scripture , that may be to his glory ; And at their whole powers to destroy and put away all things that doth dishonour to his name , so that God may be truly and purely worshipped . And in case that any trouble be intended aganst the said Congregation , or any part or member thereof , the whole Congregation shall concurre , assist , and conveen together , to the defence of the same Congregation or person troubled : And shall not spare Labours , goods , Substance , Bodies and Lives , in maintaining the liberty of the whole Congregation , and every member thereof , against whatsoever person shall intend the said trouble for cause of Religion , or any other cause depending thereupon , or lay to their charge under pretence thereof , although it happen to be coloured with any other outward cause . And again in the Moneth of August , the same Year , after having sustained and valiantly resisted a second assault , both of the wicked Prelats and of their other violent adversaries ; by a third band & Oath they added a further caution to their former engagements , to the effect that in so just and holy a cause , they might never by force or fraud be thereafter fainted or divided . And lastly in April Anno 15●0 . they ingaged themselves in a fourth bond in these words , VVe whose names are underwritten , have promised and oblidged our selves faithfully in the presence of God , and by these presents do promise , that we together in Generall , and every one of us in special by himself , with our bodies , goods and friends , and all that we can doe , shall set forward the Reformation of Religion , according to Gods VVord , and procure by all means possible , that the Truth of Gods VVord , my haue free passage within this realme , with due administration of Sacraments , and all things depending upon the said VVord — that we shall each one with another , all of us , effectually concurre , joine in one , take & hold one plain part for the , — and recovery of our ancient freedome , Liberties . — that we way be ruled by the Lawes and Custome of the Countrey . — Again that we shall tender the common Cause , as if it were the Cause of every one of us in particular ; And that the Causes of every one of us now joyned together , being lawfull and honest , shall be all our Cause in Generall ; And that he that is enemy to the Cause foresaid , shall be Enemy to us all in so far . — Wee have superadded these instances ( as wee might have done two or three more ) to the first proposed , because of their great resemblance , since there can be nothing more manifest , then that the same Provocations the same Spirit , the same Principles , and the same Design , did most uniformly influence all these Transactions . Now seeing that both the Occasion , Actors , Aime , and End of the first Action , and especially the observable Providence of God , that without all contrivance of man did over-rule it , do clearly purge it of any intended Rebellion or other wickedness ; Certainly to affirm that all these things were nevertheless acted in , & by a Rebellious Spirit , must be a sinn , at least next unto that of high despit and Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , and Spirit of grace , by whose power alone , this blessed work was effectuated : Neither durst the Arch-Prelat himself though our Arch-Adversary in this our present cause , and though he knew that the same doth infallibly , either stand or fall upon the same principles and grounds with these cases now under consideration , proceed any further in his censure of these courses and practices ; then to disprove them as Violent and Disorderly . There is one thing further , which is also before touched , that the instances above adduced especially the first , both for the Meanness of it's Actors the unpremeditated plainness of its Manner , and the singlness and purity of its End , doth most evidently make out , viz : that as these men of God , by their small and improbable appearance , did as much witness their unfained love of the Truth and zeal of his Glory , in the manifest contempt and hazard of their lives and fortuns , As when under the dispensation and call of another providence , they did patiently and cheerfully upon the same motives , lay down their lives , and suffer the loss of all things ; So the end of their undertaking , was not only their own just and necessary Defence , which in such an apparent danger , might rather seem to be abandoned then intended , but above all things , the Maintainance & Defence of that blessed Evangel , which was dearer to them , then all other interests whatsoever . Wee know our great adversaries , who for the gain and pleasours of this life ( what then would they not do for the preservation of life it self ? ) have often renounced , and would again renounce all Conscience , Alleagance and Truth ; and who by their detestable Flatterv , in denying the lawfulness of Self-defence , ( although in effect Self be their only Idol ) & pretending a fained affection , & illimited submission without reserve , do only court the Powers , for the advanceing of these interests , which they seem to relinquish ; as the revolutions of the World , have frequently declared their practises in prejudice of both Religion and Royalty , and have often resolved both their practises and principles , into that one Devilish position , the first yea only fixed rule of their Religion Skin for skin , yea all that a man hath will be give for his life ; These , we say , are not curious to enquire in this distinction ; Yet , seeing they leave nothing unessayed whereby to promote their design , and therefore , do often cavil from such advantages as the work of God afterwards obtained , and particularly the Concurrence of the Peers and Primores Regni , and from the defect thereof in the first appearances , would infer the unlawfulness of rhe same , especially in order to the design of Reformation ; Therefore wee further add with these noble worthies , that as it cannot be denied , 1. That the right & Priviledge of Self-defence is not only founded in , but is the very first instinct of pure Nature , and spring of all motion and action . 2. That it was competent to , and exercised by every individual , before that either Society or Government were known . 3. That it was so far from being surrendred or suppressed by the erecting of these , that it was & is the great End & motive , for which all voluntary Societies and Policies were introduced and are continued . 4. That it is a principal rule of Righteousness , whereunto that great command of love to our neightbour , by the Law of God & by our Lord himself is resolved , & whereby it is interpreted ; so it doth infallibly follow , that the same right and Priviledge is yet competent to all men , whither Separatly or Jointly ; and needeth no other prerequisit , but that of intollerable and inevitable injury ; ( which for a man to suffer under pretext of the good of the Common-wealth , would be , for the delusion of an emptie name , only for the lust of others , really to deprive himself of his whole share and interest therein ) and is compleated for exercise by such a Probable Capacity , as may encourage the Asse●ters thereof to undertake it . And as for that other , and more noble design of the Maintainance and Reformation of Religion , waving the question and Debate . Whether the same can or ought to be by force maintained ? Which may appear sufficiently determined to rationall men , by the very contrary Practises of it's adversaries , who not only by force do fight aginst it , but most irreligiously usurpe and detort it 's own weapons viz : the precepts of our Lord , for patience and meeknes under a dispensation of suffering , to the persuasion of a stupid submission , and casting away the opportunity of Desence and Acting ; that without controll they may work it's overthrow ; And supposing with all men , that force is not a proper argument of persuasion , and that Religion neither can nor ought to be thereby propagated ; Yet are we in conscience persuaded , that the grounds follouwing , evidently held out in the records of these times , are beyond contradiction . 1. That Religion ( the highest concernment of Gods glory and of mans happiness both temporall and eternall ) is the most important , dear and precious of all interests . 2. That to be violented in this ( which cannot be without an unjust force either or mens Persons or Goods ) is the most wicked and insupportable of all injuries . 3. That the propelling by force of such injuries ▪ was the justest cause and quarrell , that men in their Primaeve Liberty could be engaged in . 4. That , as for the security of this Interest , and no wayes to make an absolut surrender thereof to the arbitriment of any , men were mostly induced to the appointing of Governours , so the glory of God , which is the end of all things , but herein is most especially concerned was by the erecting of Rule and Government for the security of Religion , more particularly and eminently intended . 5. That the Powers appoin●ed for Preservation , cannot warrantably endeavour Subversion . 6. That , as every man is bound to obey God rather then man ; so such Violence , and intollerable and inevi●able injury offered by he Powers on this account , as to the person injured , destroyeth bo●h the Common-welath of he people , & more specially , the Glory of God which are the only ends of Governments , maketh both the End , the Means of Government and Authority , and the injured person's Obligation thereunto , to cease . 7. As the persons , one or more , reduced to this estate and condition ▪ if by a real or apparent incapacity of Acting , they conceave them selves called to a Testimony by Suffering ought herein with all patience , to give unto God the Glory ; so having the opportunity of , and being called ▪ whither to their own Defence , or the Assi●●ing of their Brethren in so just a cause , they ought therein valiantly to acquit themselves , for the Glory of God , the mantainance of his Truth , and the mutuall preservation one of another . 8. As the Combination of more persons , whom the same common cause of just and necessary Defence doth join together ▪ is founded upon and doth most natively arise from that Primaeve Right and Priviledge , which at first gave Being and Rise to all Societies , and whereunto , the force of extream Necessity , through the perversion of that Mean of Government , appointed for their Preservation , doth ultimatly reduce them ; so the duty of mutual Assistance , is not only warranted by that principle of Humanity and common Stipulation , which is the Motive and Bond of mens entering into Society , the immediat and subordinat End of all Rule , and the most effective Mean , whereby that superior end of the Good and Safety of every Individuall therein included , can be best secured : But also , first , by that more endearing principle of Christian and brotherly Affection in the Lord ; upon the indispensible force and obligation whereof , the very glory and righteousness of the great and last judgement seemeth to be founded , Math. 25 : 31. to the end . And , secondly , by that supream & chief concernment of God's Glory , to which the interests of all Powers & Common-wealth's must certainly stoop and cede . And how is it possible , that any scruple anent this can remain with any considerat or conscientious person ? if we consider that whole Cities , Kingdomes ▪ & Empires , for the violation of this duty , in not releeving & delivering of Innocents from the unjust Tyranny , even of lawful Powers , have been involved in the Guilt of the violence and cruelty , which had been only acted by one or a few persons , and have been overtaken therefore , by fearfull effects and Iudgments , to their utter ruine and Subversion . As is most evidently confirmed by that clear intimation thereof made by Ieremiah , to the Jewes , Chap. 26..15 . Know ye for a certain that if ye put me to death , ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves , & upon THIS CITY , and upon THE INHABITANTS thereof . 9. As the Power & exercise of Reformation hath been grosly calumniated by the adversaries , as if thereby were meant and had been practised manifest force and violence upon Consciences and Persuasions ; so on the other hand , open Idolatry , Blasphemy , Perjury , Venting and Spreading of Heresy , and such like abominations , ( being most dishonorable to God , and pernicious to all Common-wealths ) ought without doubt , by all means to be suppressed , restrained and severely punished Now , that this Vindicative and ( in case of backsliding ) Reforming Power is committed to the Magistrat , and that he is thereto mainly appointed , none will question ; But what if not only the supreame Magistrat , but with him all the Nobles and Primores of the Realme shall turn the principal perverters , and chief Patrons of these abominations ? As we have already cleared , that , in case either the People or any part of them , be violented to a sinful complyance , or be wickedly persecuted for adhering to God in the profession and practise of the contrary duties ; they may lawfully Defend themselves , and are mutually bound to assist and deliver one another : So it now comes to be considered , that , seing the maintenance of Truth and the true Worship of God , were and are the principal ends and motives of contracting of Societies and erecting of Governments , whereunto both the People and Rulers , are not only separatly every one for himself , but jointly oblidged for the publick advancement & establishment thereof ; & that God doth therefore equally exact and avenge the sin of the Rulers only , or of the People only , or of any part of the People only , upon the whole body of the Rulers and People , for their simple Tollerance and connivance , without their active complyance with the transgressors ; of necessity , both from the principles deduced , and from the most visible judgments of God agreeable thereto , there must be a Superior and Antecedent obligation to that of Submission , incumbent upon all both jointly and separatly , for the maintenance , vindication and Reformation of Religion , in order to the promoting of these great ends of the publick profession of Truth and true Worship , which the Lord doth indispensibly require . And though this position be indeed more evident , where express Covenants betwixt God and the whole People , betwixt Rulers and their Subjects , and betwixt the People and subjects amongst themselves in order to these Holy Duties can be produced ; ye● seing all Constitutions of Societies and Governments , do virtually suppose and imply the same , and are founded thereon , the Assertion doth with equal certainty firmly hold : But that all contradiction may stop it's mouth , let the import and true meaning of the Scriptures , and instances following be impartially weighed . Deut. 13 : ver . 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. The Lord saith , If thou shalt hear that in one of thy cities , certain men amongst yow have with-drawn the inhabitants of their city , to serve other Gods , and if after deligent search●s the thing be found a truth , thou shal smite and destroy that city utterly . Jos . 22 : ver . 17 , 18 , 19. Phin●has saith to the two Tribes and the half , upon their supposed defection , If yee rebel to day against the Lord , to morrow he will be wroth with the whole Congregation of Israel : And Judges 22. throughout , in the case of Israel against Benjamin and Gibeah . All the places , as they clearly hold out the command and practise most consonant to our position ; so to think that the same may be evaded , by astricting the places to the Hypothesis contained in the letter viz : of more or all the cities against one apostatizing , and that either an equal division of the cities , ( the one half faithful , the other backslidden ) should bring the matter to an accommodation ; or that the greater part backsliden ( who certainly had the casting voice in that Democratick constitution , should oblige the fewer remaining stedfast , to a sinful acquiescence , is to elude all Scripture , and mock the Holy Ghost by whom it is given . Now , whither these places and what is premised , do warrand an just extention thereof in favours of the People , against backsliden Rulers both supream and subordinat , or even in favours of a part of the People ( with the caution subjoyned ) against the greater part wickedly backsliden , let the World judge . Oh! did the wrath of God , for the hidden and secret sin of one poor acursed Achan , suddenly and fearfully overtake the whole People , and ALL THE CONGREGATION of Israel , so that , that man perished not ALONE in his iniquity ? and had not our Reformers great reason to fear and tremble , least the Manifest Tolleration of proud , cruel , and flattering Prelats , who had perverted the lawful Powers into bloody Persecuters ; and of Idolatours Priests , whose wickedness and Idolatry had corrupted the whole Land , might involve , not only themselves but the whole Nation , in destroying and overflowing indignation . We are not ignorant of the no less wicked then ground less cavils of some , as if we would make or have every man to be a Phinehas : And what then ? Would God ( if wishes , yea prayers and teares could make it ) that all his Servants were as Phinehas , and that he would pour upon every one of them , the same Spirit of Holy Zeall which was in him , that by removall of the cause , his fierce anger against this poor consuming Land might cease . But as for that Act of Phinehas , the termes following being generall and ambigous , admitting of severall distinctions and subdistinctions , as it is not easy without distinguishing , in thesi to define an Action and Call Extraordinary , and an Action and Call thereunto , only Heroicall ; and to state the true specificall Difference and just limits betwen an Action and Call Extraordinary , and an Action and Call Heroicall , as they are strickly taken and contradistinguished ; and clearly and convincingly to demonstrat , what and how much more is required in an Extraordinary Call to an Extraordinary Action , then is required in a sufficient Call unto an Heroicall Action ? and whether an eminent measure of Holy Zeal , Magnanimity and Fortitude do constitut a sufficient Call unto an Heroicall Action ; or do only Dispose and fit the person for the right and better performance thereof , as a Call unto the Action , and the Fitness of the Person for doing of the same are contradictinguished ; or may not both Dispose and fit the person for performance of the Action , and also include and give a Call unto the Action it self : So when the matter is fully considered , it will be more difficult then perhaps is apprehended , to prove that the Act of Phinehas was Extraordinary , strickly taken and in contradistinction to that which is only Heroical ; or that his Call thereunto was Extraordinary , in contradistinction to that which is a sufficient Call unto an Heroicall Action ; and more difficult to determine , otherwise then by naked assertion , what that Extraordinary Call was ? Wherein it did consist ? Wherein it did differ from , Exceed or Excell a Call unto an Heroick Action ? And therefore , it will be also hard convincingly to demonstrat , that it might not have been lawfully done by another of the Children of Israel , whom the Lord had animated thereunto , by the same Holy Zeall and Resolution . And this is the more considerable , because , as we very rarely , ( if at all ) find the Lord commending and rewarding persons for Extraordinary Actions , whereunto they had Extraordinary Calls , so much and so highly , as here He Commendeth and Rewardeth Phinehas : So the Text it self Numb . 25. doth lay the great , if not the only weight and ground of his Commendation and Reward , upon his ZEALL , and not upon any Extraordinary Call , whereof there is not the least hint or insinuation ; For vers 11. the Lord saith , He turned my wrath away from the Children of ●srael , while he was ZEALOUS for my sake among them ; and therefore vers 12 , 13. promiseth him , His Covenant of peace . a seed after him , and the Covenant of an Everlasting Priesthood , BECAUS , he was ZEALOUS for his God. And if any shall , as it is like some will alleadge , that Heroicall Actions , are not more Imitable then these which are Extraordinary ; It is humbly offered to be considered , anent Heroicall Actions in generall , Whether , when the matter of an Action is not only Ordinary , that is , neither Preternaturall nor Supernaturall , though not very Frequent ; but also Just and Lawfull , yea , and Necessary , both by Divine Precept , & as a Mean to a good and Necessary End ; and when either , there is not , or doth not appear any other to do the work , whether , I say , in that case , a Spirit of Holy Zeall , Magnanimity and Courage , wrought and excited by the Lord in his Servants and People , moe or fewer , being otherwise in a Rationall and probable Capacity , be not for that time a sufficient Call , unto the performance of these Actions which are commonly called Heroicall ; and especially when and where , the Action is not unnecessarily , irrationally , nor in vanity attempted , but may be and is performed , not only without prejudice of the True , Necessary and Chief Good of the Church and Common-wealth , or of any particular person's just Right and security ; but also in the case of the Magistrat , and others , their wilfull and perverse neglecting of their duty , is necessarly undertaken , and is not only formally intended by the Actor , but also natively and really doth conduce to the Glory of God , the Good of Religion , the preservation and establishment of Church and Common-wealth , and of every particular person's Just Rights and Security , by suppressing of Impiety , promoving of Truth and Holiness , doing of Justice , Turning away of wrath and removing of present and preventing of future Jugdments . And as for the particular instance of Phinehas , if the Lord did not only raise him up to that particular Act of Justice , but also warrant and accept him therein , and reward him therefore , upon the accompt of his Zeall , when there was a Godly and Zealous Magistrat , able , & whom we cannot without breach of charity presume , but also willing to Execute Justice ; How much more may it be pleaded , that the Lord , who is the same , yesterday , to day and for ever , will , not only pour out of that same Spirit upon others , but also when he gives it , both Allow them though they be but private persons , and also Call them being otherwise in a Physical and probable Capacity , to do these things in an Extremely necessitous , and otherwise irrecoverable State of the Church , to which in a more intire condition thereof , he doth not Call them ; and particularly when there is not only the like or worse provocations , the like Necessity of the Execution of justice and of Reformation , for the turning away of Wrath and Removall of Judgments , that was in Phinehas case ; but also when the Supreme Civil Magistrat , the Primores Regni and other inferior Rulers , are not only unwilling to do their duty , but so far corrupted and perverted , that they are become the Authors and patronizers of these abominations . Which is also the more considerable , because , if upon the fear or suspicion of the Accidental hazard of Private mens usurping of the Office , or doing of the duty of Publick persons , every vertue and vertous Action , which may be so abused , shall be utterly neglected , Impiety shall quickly gain an Universall Empire , to the extermination of all Goodness . It is true , that the God of Order hath assigned to every man his Station and Calling , within the bounds whereof he should keep , without transgressing by Defect or Excess ; and therein wait and act , in such a measure of the Spirit as He is pleased to comunicate : And we do not hold such instances for Regulare & ordinary precedents for all times and persons universally ; which while some have fancyed , and heeding more the glory and fame of the Action , then the sound and solid Rule of the Holy Scriptures , they have been tempted and carried to fearfull Extravagancies : Neither are insolent or disorderly much less Wicked attempts , which sometimes have covered and yet may mask themselves with a pretence of Zeal , upon this or any other ground to be licenced or approved ; But on the other hand , as these instances hold forth , for the conviction and reproof of our stupidity and indifferency , what an high pitch of Holy Zeall and Courage , the Servants of the Lord have sometimes attained , and do further demonstrat , that He doth sometimes warrant even Private persons , in their doing of these things in an Extream Necessity and collapsed state of the Church , to which at other times He doth not call them : So when the Lord , with whom is the residue of the Spirit , doth breath upon his people more or fewer , to the exciting of more then Ordinary Zeal , Courage and Resolution , for the Reforming of an Apostat Church , for the Execution of justice upon the Adversaries , and for the advancing and establishing of Truth and Holiness in the Earth , wee should rather ascribe glory and praise to Him , whose hand is not shortened , but many times choiseth the Weak and Foolish things of the World to confound the Mighty and the Wise , then condemn His Instruments for Rebels and Usurpers , as it is like Phin●has would have been , had he lived in this generarion , if the same Lord , who by his Spirit had Acted him , had not also by his own hand rescued him . 10. As the Right of Self-Defence , mutual Assistance and Reformation , is properly and only derivable from the grounds adduced ; so the Concurse of the Nobles and Primores Regni , is no wayes of absolute necessity , though indeed singularly conducible for the carrying on thereof . Unto which Concurrence , as they are doubly obliged , according to that , unto whom much is given , of the same much shall be required ; so , if they shall convert their Power to the strengthning of the hands of the wicked , they do thereby not only aggravat their own condemnation , but by their endeavouring to wreath & fasten more strongly the yoke of wickedness and oppression , they do the rather and more justify the cause and plea of all the Asserters of Truth and Righteousness . These are a part of the grounds , whereupon these Noble Worrhies , raised up by God & eminently by him inspired , did singly act for His own glory : which as they have left upon record for their own perpetual vindication , so thereby they did clearly purge themselves from all imputation of Rebellion . Nor were their proceedings and practises ever by any so much as termed disorderly , except by such who being altogether indifferent in the Work of God , endeavour by all means to calumniat and shame them , from being made precedents to their own prejudice . Fourthly . It is observable , that though the practises of these first times were Extraordinary , and to many may appear Disorderly , Yet the faithful men whom the Lord honoured both to Suffer & to Do for His name , did constantly and boldly charge both the Rise and progress of these disorders , upon the Persons then in Power & Authority , who , being ordained & entrusted by God , for the defence & maintenance of Truth and Righteousness , ( as the only true foundations and solid grounds of the Peoples felicity whither temporal or eternal ; and including all the ends , for which either the Power or Persons of Governours are appointed ; and consequently , the principal bonds of all obedience and subjection , for which all these engadgements are intended , and to which they do ultimatly refer ) by resieling and starting out from this most sacred and fixed line of subordination ; As they could not claim Obedience to their unjust commands , so , far-less could they oblidge the people , to that more then slavish and brutish subjection , in the submitting of their souls , bodies & goods to the arbitriment of their cruel Tyranny , directly contrary unto , and destructive of all these holy & great Ends , both of Gods Glory , and the Peoples spiritual and temporal Good , for which they were constituted Governours . That this was the source and fountain of all disorders in these times , and that it was so reputed to be , by these valiant Worthies who then opposed them , the History thereof doth plainly verify . Wee are not forgetful , how vehemently the Powers on earth , which set themselves against the Lord , and their creaturs and flatterers , have in all times decryed such assertions : The noise , belshings , & thundering , of Treason , Treason , wherewith the very mentioning of such positions , useth at once to be attended and condemned , do already sound in our ears : Let such as are thereby alarmed , read the debats and controversies , both of former & later times ; Especially these two Martyrs against Tyranny , Lex Rex , and the Apologetical Narration upon this subject . This is our peace and establishment before the Lord and all men ; that wee with our Noble Reformers do acknowledge and honour Authority as the great Ordinance of God , for the uphold and maintainance of Truth and Righteousness ; and the Persons therewith vested , not only as eminently thereby dignified , but also as most signally impressed , by a very sacred and illustrious Character of the glorious Majesty of the Most High , who hath appoynted them : But on the orher hand , wee cannot but wish , that these same persons would constantly remember , that not only they are the Ministers of God , and to Him accountable ; but also his Ministers to the People for their Good , whom they neither ought to Tyrannize over at their own Pleasure , nor Rule only for their own Profit . O! that these sacred Boundaries had ever been observed , & that both Tyranny and Rebellion with all their Antidots and remedies , had been perpetually unknown . But shall Tyranny , unto which , Power , both in it's self is so easily corrupted , and by the flattery of others more frequently abused , be not only shrouded under the priviledge and impunity of a Divine Exemption ; but thereby , in effect be more intollerably licenced , to the acting of all wickedness and violence , and the perverting and overturning of all the ends of Government ? And in the mean time , shall the Peoples most just & necessary Defence of themselves , ( whereunto they are seldome and very hardly provocked , even by the most extream necessity ) & of all their most precious concernments , the very ends for which the Powers are ordained , be continually at the Arbitriment of any Court-Creature or flatterer , proscribed and persecuted under these odious names of Treason and Rebellion ? Certainly , neither the All-wise Providence of God ; not yet the frame of nature can endure such a Solecisme . For our part , as wee are perswaded , that none pleadeth for this Absolut Submission in the People and Exemption of the Prince but such as for advancing of their own interest , have first prostrated their Consciences to the Princes arbitriment , in a blind & Absolut Obedience ; whereby they know themselves sufficiently secured from all smart & inconvenience , of that more Brutall then Rationall submission contended for : So are wee confident , that seing Subjection is principally enjoyned , for and in order to Obedience , whatsoever Reason or Authority can be adduced to perswad an absolut & indispensible Subjection , will far more rationally and plausibly infer an illimited and Absolut Obedience ; and that to plead for a priviledge in the point of Obedience , & to disclam it in the point of subjection , is only the flattety of such , as having renounced with Conscience all distinction of Obedience , would devest others of all Priviledges , that they may exercise their Tyranny without without controll . But He who hath called Rulers , Gods ; Doth notwithstanding Himself remain the Most High God over all the Earth ; & from his Obedience , neither the Commands nor Violence of Kings of Clay ought in the least to remove us . And as these inferior Princes do often forget their Subordination to the Most High , in their unjust commands ; & would usurpe His Throne , by an uncontrollable Soverainty ; so the Lord , by the warrand of his Word , and approbation of his Providence , and also of the People , ( when by them oppressed , but by Himself animated & strengthned ) hath declared & made void this their pretended exemption and impunity , and removed the carcases of such Kings and broken their Scepter . Amongst which precedents , the instance of these times , whereof we now speak , is worthily recorded , and deserveth better to be remembred . Seing therefore , that neither the Ordinance and Commission of God , nor yet the Surrender of the People , though into ane absolut slavery ( which yet no presumption less then their own most Express Consent can possibly infer ) can from any certain and rational ground and warrant , be either produced or pleaded for vesting the Prince with that arbitrary and irresistible Power and Dominion , necessary and requisit to oblidge the Subject to a stupid and brutish submission , to all possible injuries and outrages ; and that it is impossible for any rational man , to concede that Priviledge of exemption and impunity to wickedness and fury , for murthering both the Souls & Bodies of poor Subjects , which our very adversaries deny to Weakness or Folly in case of Alienation of the Kingdome or any part thereof , or any such gross act of Mal-versation , & lastly seing the great inconvenience , of opening a door to Rebellion & all disorder , mainly urged by the Adversaries , against the permitting of the People any judgment or reflection upon the Princes Actings , doth more rationally plead for Implicit & blind Obedience , which they themselves disprove , then militat against necessary Defence and resistance in case of persecution for lawfull non-obedience ; And that the great and true Salvo of all these inconveniences , and the main establishment of the Throne , is only true judgement and Righteousness , No sober and impartial person can condemn their position , who denying that a Tyrannous Magistrat was the Minister of God to them for their Good , did plainly assert the lawfulness of Self-Defence , and holy Reformation , without the violation of the Ordinance of God. But if all these things do not satisfy , Let , 1. the reason of Gods delivering of the Kingdom to the People and not to the King , with the Law it self , Deut 27. ver . 14. ( which the maner of the Kingdom and in effect of Tyranny , foretold by the Lord and Samuel 1 Sam. 10. v. 10. by way of dissuasive , did no wayes repeal ) 2. The import of the Contract and Covenant betwixt Prince & Subject , with the unquestionable interpretation and execution thereof , extant in the records of all Times and Nations ; 3. The deed of the People in opposing Saul in favours of Ionathan ▪ 1 Sam. 14. v. 45. and of the ten Tribes in rejecting of Rehoboam , 1 King cap. 12. ( which though v. 19. i● be termed Rebellion , yet is it no more thereby condemned , then good Hezekiah , who is said 2 King 18. ver . 7. to have rebelled against the King of Assyria ) and o● Libna in revolting from under Iehoram , 2 Cron. 21. 10 ▪ 4. The Prophecies , Manner , & Practise of the most part of the late blessed Reformations . And lastly let the peculiar Right and Constution of this Kingdome by King and Parliament be considered and solidly answered ; And then will wee also subscribe to the condemnation of our Reformers and crave pardon for this digression . Upon these grounds and principles did our Noble Ancestours vigorously bestir themselves , and proceed in the Work of God. And as the Lord was ever with them while they were with Him , and did mind his work steadfastly in sincerity and uprightness of heart ; so notwithstanding all the fals-hood and faintings which many discovered , yet the Lord himself did gloriously own it , and ceased not , until by the fair product of his own glory , in the clear manifestation of his blessed Evangil , he had without the least prejudice of the fundamental constitution and rights of Government , to the eternal confutation of all calumnies and reproaches , put on the Copestone with these joyous , and never to be forgotten acclamations of Grace , Grace . Thus in the Year 1560. the Land is enlightned , the blessed Gospel of our Lord again revealed and restored ; in so much , that both by the first General Assembly of this Church then conveening , and the Parliament then holden , A large Confession of the true Faith is framed ▪ approved and published . O! that men would remember , seriously consider and fix in their hearts , the greatness and excellency of this Work of Grace and Glory , bringing Salvation , Peace and Goodwil towards men ; And manifesting the praise and Glory of God in the highest ; that in the just estimation thereof , they might also duly and truly ponder discern , approve or reject all things conducing , either to it's advantage or prejudice . But here is the root of all our sinn and misery , that though this Light , be only our Life ; and the Salvation and Redemption thereby revealed , be no less then the project of God's eternall love , and the subject of His eternall delight ; and was more dear and glorious to our Lord Jesus , then the bosome of the Father , & all the glory of Heaven ; yet men , so greatly and highly therein concerned , do at best but rejoyce therein for a season , and soon relapse , first into Indifferency and Formality , and then into Error , Superstition and all Ignorance . This the Devil , the author of all wickness , knowing and improving to the uttermost , for the advancement of his own Kingdom , doth quickly take advantage of , for setting on work and promoving of that Mystery of iniquity . Which ( springing up in that bitter root of Pride , and working in the Spiritual power and subtilty thereof ) as it began to work very early in the Christian Church , even amongst the Disciples themselves , in presence of their and our Lord , ( as appeareth by their contention , who should be greatest ) And notwithstanding all the Grace , Power , and Presence of the Lord , which appeared in the times that followed , & all the long & violent persecution , wherewith the Church of God was then exercised ; yet continuing it's motion , did still advance , until attaining it's maturity in the revelation of the Man of Sin , it filled and overwhelmed the Christian World , with these strong delusions of Superstition , Idolatry , and all darkness that so long prevailed therein : So it is the main and only Engine whereby Sathan , as in all other Churches , so in this of Our's ▪ hath so actively bestired himself , and attempted the overthrow of their later Reformations . These are the causes , why , notwithstanding of that great and glorious Light which the Lord made to shine amongst us , the true Government and Discipline of the Church of Christ ▪ ( though his own great Ordinance , instituted both for Fencing and securing of Truth in Purity , and for promoving of the same in Power ; and though by the Light of that same Truth , clearly discovered and Manifested ) through long opposition and many difficulties , did scarce in these dayes attain it's establishment . Yet the Lord , who of his own free Mercy and Grace , did visit us with the day-spring of his blessed Gospel from on high ; did also by his own Power and Presence , in and with his faithful Servants , at length also compleat his work , and establish his Kingdome over us and his Government amongst us : And so the Kingdome became the Lord's ; even the first fruits of the Kingdomes of the Earth , unto our Lord Jesus Christ . The Progress and Period of this work , was from the Year 1560. unto the Year 1592. dureing which space , these things are very observable . 1. So soon as this Church attained to freedome from persecution and contrary violence , they Assembled in their first National Synod in the Year 1560. by vertue of that Intrinsick Power and Priviledg granted by our Lord unto his Church , and exercised by his Apostles and their followers ; and that without any question or control : Nor did they so much as petition for the licence of the then Authority , though the same might have been more easily obtained , then the warrant at that time impetrated for conveening of the Parliament . 2. As they first Assembled , and by vertue of the same warrant , did set on foot and continue a constant series of their Courts and meetings ; ( except in so far as by plain force and violence they were restrained ) so they held the same in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ only , and in his sole Authority , by Direction of his Word and Spirit , concluded all their Counsels , Votes and Acts. It 's true , that they much and long wished for , and thereafter heartily accepted the countenance and concurrence of the Powers for the time ; and that , not only for Decency , but also as the gracious performance of that promise , Isa . 49. ver . 23. of the favour and assistance of Kings and Queens to the Church in the later dayes : But as they were persuaded , that the Lord Jesus ( perfect in all his house ) when invested at his exaltation with all Power in Heaven and in Earth , did make a full grant and Commission of all Gifts and Offices requisit in his Church , 1 Cor. 12. ver . 28. Ephes . 4. v. 8. & 11. ( Wherein neither King nor Prince is mentioned ) and that there was no Authority wanting to these first Decrees made at Ierusalem , though emitted upon that simple warrant , Ast. 15. ver . 28. It seemed good unto the Holy Ghost and unto us , ( wherein neither King nor Prince was included , ) so did they account it a gross usurpation , for the Kings on Earth , in place of their promised Patrociny ( to which they are oblidged , ) to claim and invade an Over-ruling Arbitriment in the matters of God and his Church ; & beleev that He who established the distinction and confirmed their Right , by separating Caesar's things from the things of God , doth also exact the same on their part . 3. The Brethren conveening in these Assemblies , did meet in perfect Parity and Equality ; against which ▪ , the Extraordinary employments and Commissions delegated to some , upon the account of the particular exigence of these times , did grant no Priviledge or Preheminence . From these three observations , without mentioning the first Book of Discipline , containing the true grounds and frame of Presbyterial Government , which was compiled in the Year 8560. and then approved by the whole Church , and subscribed to by a great many Lords and Counsellors , it is evident that Presbyterial Government was from the beginning of the Reformation constantly intended , and it's foundation really laid . We need not mention that the Pope's Authority and all Jurisdiction flowing therefrom , was by Law in the same Year 1560 , expresly abrogated and discharged ; nor that in these first Assemblies , greater Benefices were craved to be dissolved , and Prelacy reputed to be only an Humane Device ; nor is it necessary for us to clear , how that Extraordinary employment of Superintendency , used for a few Years in the beginning , was both only designed for an Interim , and in it self wholly different from Prelacy , and was at length rejected as burthensome . All these things are sufficiently cleared by the late Large Apology . 4. It is observable , that as the Avarice and Power of some , who possessed and grasped after the Churches Revenues , did , by the procurement of a few packed Commissioners , in the Year 1671 , introduce these Mock-Bishops ( called Tulchan ) for the better securing of their own gain , which in the Assemblies immediatly succeeding , were first protested against , then quarrelled , and lastly restrained and subjected thereunto ; So the Lord used the same as a warning , to awaken and animat his Servants to a more vigorous prosecution of the establishment of His House in it's due Government : In pursuance whereof , the Assemblies with the King's concurrence , from the Year 1575 until the Year 1581. did with much Prayer , Fasting and Painfulness intend the work , until by perfecting of the Second Book of Discipline , and reducing of the Bishops to a simple Dimission , and condemning their Office as unwarrantable , they c●mpleated their work in the exact model of Presbyterial Government , in all it's Courts and Officers . 5. During this space in March 1581. ( as we now reckon ) and after the Assembly had condemned the Office of Bishops as unwarrantable , the King , his Court and Council did swear and subscribe to the National Covenant ; By which both the Pope's usurped Authority over the Church in one Article , and his wicked Hierarchy in another , are abjured : And the swearers did join themselves unto this true Reformed Church , in Doctrine , Faith , Religion and Discipline ; promising by the Great Name of the Lord our God , to continue in the Obedience of the Doctrine and Discipline thereof all the dayes of their lives . Which Discipline , as the foregoing Assertions do clearly discover , to have been from the beginning fundamentally Presbyterial ; so the Model of Presbytery being now compleated , and any shaddow of power that the Mock-Bishops had lately usurped , being now fully abrogated , it is sufficiently clear , that both Prelacy is by this Covenant abjured , and Presbytery owned and sworn to . And really if it be further considered , that the Assemblies both 1581. and 1590 , while most intent and forward in the erecting of Presbyteries , did enjoyn and require the same to be subscribed by all ranks of People in the Land , and that these Acts were both seconded and enforced by Ordinances of King and Council , it may be justly doubted , whether the impudence of the succeeding Prelats in denying of the Obligation , or Perjury in breaking of it be greater . This is the Great Oath , into which , as the Lord God did bring us by the Power of his own Spirit and Truth , in opposition to that Bloody Bond , called the Holy League , wherein Antichrist and his followers , had at that time conjured themselves against the true Church of God ; So the Kingdom thereby became the Lords , and we his peculiar people , as-well by the people's subjecting of themselves and their Alleageance , as by the King 's submitting Himself and his Scepter , in a due Subordination unto God and our Lord Jesus Christ , for the maintenance and defence of his Church and Gospell , the Liberties of the Land and Ministration of Justice . And this Oath and the Ordinances enjoyning it , notwithstanding the many fearful violations thereof that have ensued , do yet stand to this day unrepealed and declared against , to the unanswerable conviction and condemnation , even in their own Courts and Consciences , of all it 's wicked Transgressors . 6. As the Tulchan Bishops were the effect and product of the Avarice of these Lords that favoured them ; So the same principle of Avarice and Wickedness did again resist the Work of God , when almost brought to Perfection , by stirring up certain of the Nobles to re-induce Bishops , for the better inhaunsing of their Benefices , and the devouring of the Churches patrimony : And not only for their better establishment , that what they want of Divine Right and Warrant , might be supplyed by the accession of the Kings power and Command ; but also that by their meanes , the growing wickedness of these times might abound without restraint or control , the Devil inciteth others of the more prophane , licentious and violent Courtiers , such as the Earle of Arran and his complices , to move and instigat the King , contrary both to the Word and Oath of God , to usurp the Prerogative of Jesus Christ , who is alone King in Zion , and to invade His Churches Priviledges , purchased for Her with His own Blood , by assuming to Himself in the first and immediat Instance , the cognition of Her Doctrine and Censures : Which though the Church did constantly and valiantly oppose , both by Petitions and Protestations ; yet this Wickedness did so impetously proceed , that all at once in a Parliament summarily called in the Year 1582. the Prerogative of Our Lord is translated upon the King , and his Jurisdiction and Empire exalted over all persons and Causes , the Estate of Bishops & their power and dignity confirmed , & the power of the General Assemblies of the Church put in the King's hand . We mention not these things with any purpose to debate these questions , which have been moved on this Subject ; Only we are confident , that how extensive soever the King's power may be in the case of Reformation ( which , Alas ! for the most part cometh short of it's reach ) yet where a Church is Regularly constituted , and so acting , and by Him sworn to be maintained , no King or Prince ought so far to intrude Himself into Her Power and Priviledges , unto which he is neither called nor gifted , as to assume to Himself a Soveraign & immediat power of judging and discerning upon Doctrine , and her most spirituall Rights and Censures , and thereby in effect not only to constitut Himself a Proper and direct Church-Officer , without our Lords appointment ; but in stead of Papacy so justly abrogated and so solemnly abjured , to erect and revive the same in Himself ( a Secular Person ) far more absurdly and intollerably . We know that other formalities and notions are pretended , as these of Treason , Sedition , and Disorder , to palliat and colour this Usurpation ; but seing nothing spoken or acted by warrant of the Word of God , can fall under the definition or pain of these crimes , and that all Ministers and Ecclesiastick Courts are known , allowed and presumed , both to speak and act according to that only warrant , and Lastly , seing both the warrant is to them committed , and the Church is priviledged and permitted to have it 's own proper power and cognition thereanent , as it followeth by clear consequence , that the things questioned , must and ought to be first subjected to her tryal and cognition ; so none do deny the Magistrat's just right and power , over both these things and persons , they being once lawfully found to be destitut of the warrant pretended . But seing both Scripture and Reason doth testify against this Usurpation , as most unlawful in it self and injurious to our Lord Jesus , and that all experiences have proven it to be most pernicious to His Church & Kingdom , & therefore many of his faithful Servants have worthily and valiantly resisted it , not only to bonds and banishment , but even to blood for the Testimony of their Lord & Master ; We return to the purpose of this observation , which is to vindicat the honour of the Lord's Work , and the memory of his faithful Servants , in the discovery of the old malice and subtilty of the great Enemy of the Church of God , working in the wicked Prelats & their abettors ; who to the effect they may enjoy their carnall designes , and prosecute their wicked lusts without controll , endeavour mainly by an absolute surrender of all things , powers , persons and interests , to flatter and exalt the King unto an illimited Soveraignty , and pretended Omnipotency , thereby both to oblidge and enable him the more to such acts , deeds , and grants as are requisite for the satisfying of their vain Ambition , insatiable Covetousness and wicked lusts : Which Flattery and Usurpation , being not more agreeable to the vain heart of man , then contrary to the Kingdom of our Lord , and the Power and Purity of His blessed Gospel , what wonder if his faithful Servants ( who can neither deny His Name , nor dissobey His commands , by complying with the wicked practices , and the blasphemous flattery of these vile Apostats ) be not only hated of all men ; but with their Lord and Master become the continual object of the reproaches , violence and cruelty of the wicked , as enemies and rebells to lawful Authority ? Now that the World may perceav the wicked intent and design of this Prerogative , that it is none other then that of the Devil ( as to conciliat and endear the Powers to Prelats , who while they creat the King's Prerogative , pretend themselves to be the King 's only Creatures ; so to arm and animat the same Powers against our Lord and His followers . ) Let it's Rise and Effects both first and last be marked and observed , and the search will declare , that wicked men lusting to Tyranny and licentiousness , are checked and galled by the freedom and power of faithful Ministers in the application of the Holy Word and Spiritual Censures . What remedy ? This freedom is found Treasonable , and prejudiciall to the King's service and Interest , and the plain Zeall of God is therefore taxed as Sedition and Treason ; and under these formalities , the Priviledges of the Church are infringed , and all the asserters thereof lashed with the same calumny : whereupon and to perfect the cure , the King must be declared IN ALL and OVER ALL ; And by vertue of his fained Omnipotency , and for recovery of that Unity and Order , which only the coming of our Lord , His blessed Gospel , and Powerful Ministry is pretended to have disturbed , the Ancient Policy or the Church must be restored ; and the greatest flatterers made the Archest Prelats , who by inhaunsing and by destroying the Power , may compesce the ( pretended ) insolency of the Ministry ; and by the continual pretending of Dissatisfaction and Disloyalty , may terrify men out of all Conscience , until by the introducing of Will-worship and vain Superstitions , they may extinguish all Light , and thereby reduce that Golden Age of Order into stupid Flattery , and of Unity into Implicit Obedience . And if these be not the kind caresses , and most native issues of Prerogative and Prelacy , and the very restoring and re-establishing of the Kingdom of Antichrist , he who cannot find it in this Period , will find all supplyed by the next . 7. Though we love not to reflect on Events , and know that no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before him , yet seing thereby the Lord's Judgments are made manifest , men ought both to observe and fear . The dissastrous ends of all the promoters of Prelats in these dayes , ( viz : of the Earle of Morton beheaded ; Mr Iohn Douglass Archbishop of St Andrews dying in the pulpit ; the Earle of Arran , after disgrace , privately killed : Mr Patrick Adamson Arch-bishop of St Andrews , after recantation and disgrace , dying in extream poverty ) may justly cause their course the rather to be shunned and detested : But that which we love rather to observe , is , that as the promoters and advancers of Prelacy , were alwayes known to be men of no Principles , and for the most part of very flagitious practices ; so the resisters thereof and favourers of Presbytery , especially the Lord 's faithful Ministers in these dayes , were not only very eminent in Knowledg , Piety and Holiness , but above all had that great Testimony and confirmation , which our Lord Himself maketh use of , Iohn 7.18 . that they sought not their own glory , and therefore neither spoke nor did of themselves , but sought His Glory that sent them , and therefore were true and no unrighteousness was in them . As both their slighting of Court favours , by which they were much tempted , and their obstinat refusall of Bishopricks , ( whereof King Iames himself bare them witness , ) doth Testify . 8. The Lord , whose Work is perfect , and who when He beginneth will also make an end , hereafter in the Year 1586. shineth through the cloud , dissipateth the darkness , and after the storm blesseth us with a great calm ; wherein , the Assemblies re-assuming their just power , and the matter by the King being brought to a treaty and Conference , the Bishops are first Restrained , & then Reduced . Thereafter the order of Presbyteries being set down & perfected in the Year 1590. both the Nationall Covenant is renewed and subscribed , by Order of the Secret Council at the Assemblies desire ; and all the power that remained either in Bishops or Commissioners , by the Assembly is devolved upon the new erected Presbyteries . And thus the Work of the Lord , in the Parl. 12. Iam. 6. bv the 114. Act. thereof , ratifying Presbyterial Government in all it's Assemblies , Courts and Officers , qualifying and restricting the former Act. 1584. anent the King's Prerogative , and abrogating all Acts contrary thereto or inconsistent therewith , and by other Acts there recorded , receaveth it's last and full accomplishment with Power and Beauty , added to the former Grace and Glory . 9. That , as only the malice of Sathan and wickedness of men , have in all Ages opposed the establishment of Presbytery ; so the Lord , whose great Work and Ordinance it is , doth no less evidently commend it , by making , as on the one hand , it 's sincere and holy severity powerfully to coerce and restrain all vice and profanity ; so on the other hand , the harmonious and orderly Subordination of it's Courts and Assemblies , most efficaciously to prevent and suppress all Schisme and Heresy : Which both the experience of these and all succeeding times do most clearly confirm . But though the Lord had shewed us all these great and manifold temptations and troubles , and terminated them all in such an wonderful and blessed deliverance , that we might for ever fear His great Name , love His precious Truth , and keep His holy Covenant ; and though in the short Sun-shine of that day of Salvation , He caused both King and People to taste and see the Order , Beauty and Power of that Establishment ; Yet , O! how soon did we forget the Works of the Lord ? We keeped not His Covenant . O Lord , the People of thine Inheritance enjoyed it but a litle . It is not necessary for our design , that we should trace and recount all these sad steps and degrees , by which the Holy and Wise God thought fit , to bring back his Church in this Land unto that great distress that hereafter ensued , and caused her to wander long in a Wilderness of great Desertion ; nor what were the causes and beginnings of that so horrid Defection , ( which the Histories of the most partial pens , whatever provocations they pretend to be in the Lord 's faithful Ministers , cannot purge nor palliat from a mere design of carnal Policy , ) carryed on by manifest Di●simulation and palpable fraud . It is enough for us , ( let the true Histories of these proceedings be examined , and it will appear without the help of our obsevation , ) that , as the beginnings of that Defection were no other then the Unfaithfulness of Man , and the inconsistence of the Wisdom of God with the carnal wisdom of this World , and that old opposition and rooted prejudice of the Kings and Powers of the Earth , who have for the far greatest part set themselves , and taken counsel against the Lord and against His Anointed ; so for the unquestionable confirmation of all that hath been said , either as to the wicked Rise or woful Effects of Prelacy in this Church , the Devil's part therein was visibly to promote his own Kingdom , by re-acting the most palpable and gross Mystery of Iniquity that can possibly be described : In so far as this Apostacy arising from small beginnings , by fair and smooth pretensions , crafty insinuations , Court-flatteries , false calumnies and suggestions , open and gross perjuries , and violent dissorders , according to the working of Sathan ; After great and long opposition by Conferences , Warnings & petitions , & faithful and constant Testimonies and sufferings of the Zealous Witnesses of our Lord , both unto bonds , banishment , & Sentences of Death , against the again aspiring Prerogative and usurping Prelacy under it's shaddow , did in the secret and holy Judgement of God , chang the Glory of God and of our Lord Jesus into the Similitude and Image of the Roman Beast , turning the Power of Godliness unto Formality , his faithful Ministers into corrupt Hirelings , the Power and Life of Preaching into Flattery and Vanity , the Substance of Religion into empty and ridiculous Ceremonies , the Beauty and Purity of the Ordinances into Superstitious Inventions of Kneeling , Crossing , Holy Dayes and the like , the Beautiful and Powerful Government of Gods House for the Edification of Souls , to a Lordly Dominion over Consciences and violent Persecution of mens persons ; And in a word , the great End of the Glorious Gospel and it's Blessed Ministry , even the salvation of poor sinners , which is the pleasure of the Lord , the fruit of the travel of His Soul , the Joy of Heaven , the Crown and Glory of the blessed Apostles , and the End of all things , and of the second Appearance of the Great God , into an Empty Title , and specious pretext for the fulfilling of mens lusts and pleasures , the establishing of their Power and Tyranny , and the ruine and exterminion of all such as opposed , and mourned for all these Abominations . Thus , this Work and Kingdom of Darkness did advance apace , and had almost attained unto it's full maturity , of hurrying this poor Land and Nation headlong , into that Gulf of Confusion , Error and Superstition , whereinto Popery did formerly involve us , when it pleased the Lord , according to His Great Mercy and faithfulness , to remember His Covenant though we had fearfully forgotten it ; and in the midst of that growing darkness and those manifold Confusions to cause His Spirit to move , and Light to arise upon this Land , about the middle of the Year 1637. Which appearing in the former Power and Glory , did from a very small and improbable beginning , even the opposition of a few weak Women to the introducing and reading of that Carcase of formality , the Service-Book , then ready to be imposed , proceed in such an Univer●al , Vigorous , Regular and Powerful method through the whole Land , without the least mixture and ingredient of force and Violence , but only by these most warrantable and inquestionable meanes of Petitioning , Remonstrating , Protesting , and renewing their Covenant with God and amongst themselves , that before the end of the Year 1638. the Work of God was revived with more Glory and Splendor , then ever formerly it had attained . We know that not only the Renewing of the Covenant , especially with the enlargement explaining the same , in order to the Novations in Worship and Corruptions in Government , whereunto this Church had Apostatized , and the bond of Mutual Defence thereto added ; but also their Protestings & joynt Petitionings have been condemned as Seditious & Rebellious : But seing the same , both from the clear Word of God , the pure Light of Nature , the Zealous and Valiant Practices of our first Reformers , and the Lawes and Constitutions of the Realme are clearly warranted ; And by the Power and Presence of God were signally approved ; and by the supervenient Acts of the King , Parliament , and Generall Assembly so fully established and confirmed ; And seing that they only were and are condemned by such , as either being the Children of the Devil , filled with all subtilty and mischief , and enemies of all Righteousness , cease not to pervert the right Wayes of the Lord ; or by such who for advancement of their own Interests , have sacrificed all Conscience and Reason to Ambition and Covetousnes ; or by such who in base and open flattery of the King and of the Powers , and neither knowing nor regarding any other Interest or Concernment , then that which dependeth on their Pleasure , do set and serve the same in place of the most High ; Or lastly , by such who never did nor do concern themselves in such enquiryes , but affect a pretended Gallantry in Gallio's Indifferency , therefore , remitting such as are further desirous of satisfaction , unto the debats & Papers of these Times , and especially unto the late large Apology , we shall only mention the steps and progress of the Lords Work , and our Engagements therein , according to our first purpose . In the beginning of the Year 1638. great multitudes of people consisting of all Ranks , being awaked by the Arbitrary imposing of a Service-Book , more corrupt in some things then that of England , and the Book of Canons , and the erecting and violent exercing of the High Commission-Court , to the perverting of the Pure Worship of God , the utter subverting of all regular Government , and the confounding of all things Divine and Humane , and the destroying of our Civil Liberties ; and conceaving the true cause of all the abounding Sin , & imminent calamities of these Times , to be the violation of the National Covenant , formerly thrice sworn in the Land , they again most Solemnly , with a very wonderful & gracious mixture of Tears and joy , renew the same almost in all parts of the Land , with the addition above mentioned , to forbear the practice and approbation of all Innovations in Worship , or Corruptions in Government , until the same should be lawfully determined , and that other of Mutual Defence and Assistance , in the prosecution of the ends of that Covenant , against all sorts of persons whatsoever . And in November the same Year , the Generall Assembly at Glasgow determined anent the foresaid novations and corruptions , disproving and rejecting under these heads , the five Articles of Perth , the Government of the Church by Bishops , the erecting of Prelacy therein , and all the Corruptions flowing therefrom , whereby the Oath of the Covenant is clearly explained and purifyed . In the Year 1639. the Prelats being routed , run to Court , 〈◊〉 up the King , England and Irland with all their Friends and Popish partakers in Scotland , against the faithful Covenanters , as Rebellious and Seditious Persons : But they having prepared for their own just Defence , the Lord by His outstretched Arm and Power , dispelling all these menacing clouds and imminent storms , doth by a Pacification concluded , reduce a fair calm ; The King therein aggreeing that an Assembly and Parliament shall be held , and that all matters respectively shall be therein determined . The Assembly sitting in August thereafter , the Kings Commissioner being present and assenting , doth ratify the conclusions of the last Assembly at Glasgow , and the Commissioner and Secret Council subscribe the Covenant , as it was then explained ; and at the Petition of the Assembly , it is enacted to be again subscribed for the Fifth time , by the Body of the whole Land. But no Faith , Honesty , nor Honor binding the Prelats and a Court by them over-ruled ; in the Year 1640. the King and Prelats vigorously arm again , and prepare for a new war : But this intended War is composed by a new Pacification , and in the mean time , the Parliament ( formerly adjourned until Iune 1640 ) doth conveen at the time appointed , and by their fourth , fifth and sixth Acts fully establish Presbyterial Government ; ratify the Covenant , with the Addition and Explanation of the Assembly , and all Acts made thereanent ; & abrogat the Estate of Bishops , and all Acts whatsoever made in their favours . Thereafter , in the Treaty ensuing the Pacification , it is agreed that the Acts past in the last Parliament , with these to be made in the next Session thereof , shall be published in the King's Name , and have the strength of Laws in all time coming : Which Treaty being closed , and the last Session of the above-mentioned Parliament sitting in the Moneth of Iune 1641. the King in person being present among them , and the Oath of Parliament ( for maintenance of Religion in purity as then established , and of the King's Authority , and the Peoples Liberties according to the Covenant ; and for endeavouring by all just and humble meanes , of Union and Peace betwixt the three Kingdomes ) appointed to be taken by that , & all succeeding Parliaments , being taken ; by the second Act thereof , superscribed by the King and subscribed by the President , the foresaid Treaty is amply and perpetually confirmed , and the whole Articles thereof are ratifyed and recorded . Thus , by all the Security , that either Sacred Oaths ; or Acts of Lawful & Authorized Assemblies ; Ordinances of King and Council ; doubled and re-iterated Pacifications and Treaties ; Acts of Parliament Enacted & Re-enacted ; the Kings Authority and Consent being often and solemnly interposed , both by promise and hand-writ ; And all that either Religion , Truth , Faith , Honour or Honesty could devise or grant , these Wicked Prelats are cast out of this Church and Kingdom , Presbyterial Government fully established , the pure Worship of God , with His pure and powerful Ordinances and Ministry restored , and in the maintenance and pursuance of all these great Blessings , the whole Land , by many Oaths & most Solemn tyes , engaged unto the Lord for ever . By all which Blessings , and the restoring of the Lord 's own Ordinances amongst us , as the Work of the Gospel and the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , in the Conversion of many thousands , were greatly advanced , and the Glory of God , in the abounding of true Piety and flourishing of Righteousness , did eminently shine amongst us ; ( as the memory of these times in all such as fear God and love our Lord Jesus Christ doth sweetly testify ) so all these great things were transacted , to the perpetual shame and confusion of all our calumnious Adversaries , without any diminution of his Majesty's just Authority and Greatness . As the Power and Glory of the Lord was great in this Land ; so the splendor and fame thereof reaching unto other Nations , it pleased the Lord thereby to provoke His People in England , at that time grievously groaning under the Tyrannous yoke of Prelacy , and justly alarmed by the imminent fears of prevailing Popery , to set about and intend the like blessed Reformation . It doth not concern us , to reflect on the Causes and beginnings of that War betwixt the King and Parliament there , nor what were the transactions betwixt the two Kingdoms in order to that Aid and Assistance given by Scotland , and how the same was mannaged : But this is certain , that , upon the Representation of the most just and important grounds , of the maintenance of Religion and Liberty , against the prevailing power of Popery , Prelacy and Tyranny in that Kingdom of England ; and their most instant and earnest desires for our help and Assistance ; and rhe most rational & clear motives of our own Security , ( the hazard and loss whereof had undoubtedly been the consequence of the Prelats Victory there ) this Kingdom was induced in the Year 1643. to enter into that Sacred Bond of the Solemne League and Covenant , never to be forgotten , containing no other Articles then every one's Sincere and constant endeavours , in their several places & callings , for the preservation of the Reformed Religion in this Church , in Doctrine , VVorship , Discipline and Government ; the Reformation of the same in England and Ireland , according to the VVord of God , and the example of the best Reformed Churches ; and the nearest Conjunction and Vniformity of all the three in Truth , Faith , and Love ; the extirpation of Popery , Prelacy , Error and Profanity ; the preservation of the rights and Liberties of the People , and of the Kings person and Authority in defence of the true Religion , and the Kingdom 's Liberties ; the Discovery and the punishment of Incendiaries ; the retaining of the Peace and Vnion of the Kingdomes ; the mutual assistance and defence of all entering into this League ; and the performing of all duties we owe to God , in the amendment of our lives , and in walking exemplarly one before another : And all these in order to no other end , then the Glory of God , the advancement of the Kingdom of Iesus Christ ; the Honor and Happiness of the King and his Posterity ; and the true Liberty , Safety and Peace of the Kingdom . This is that Covenant , which in all the controversies it hath occasioned , did never receave a greater confirmation , then from the malice and opposition of it's adversaries ; who in the same Spirit & with the same Spite , have alwayes persecuted and reproached it , with the same Calumnies of Rebellion , Sedition and Blood , which from the beginning , the Devill hath ever been most active to raise and stir up against the Lord Jesus , his Gospel , Kingdom and Followers . But seing such only as are blessed , do evite the offence of Truth ; and all who truely seek Gods Glory or Love the Lord Jesus , did and still do heartily approve and embrace this Covenant : though it had brought the Sword not only into Britain , but with the Truth into all the Earth ; though it were reproached as unfriend not only to our King , but with our Lord Jesus to Caesar and all the Kings of the Earth ; though it had divided and disturbed not only Realms and States , but with the Gospel , families and nearest relations ; and had with Paul moved Sedition throughout the whole World , we ought not thereby to be either shaken or offended . We know also , that all the subtilty and malice of Hell have been set on work , and spared no calumny or cavillation , by which either it's Words , Matter or Manner might be impugned : But these are so often and fully answered , and , without the assistance of any man's Patrociny , by the obvious plainness of it's Phrase , the Holiness & Importance of it's Purpose , and the Justice and Necessity of it's way and Manner , so clearly confuted , that nothing can be added . Only seing the Constancy of Truth , ought not to cede to the Confidence of prevailing Powers , as we have asserted and do hold , the subject matter of this League and Covenant to be in it self Holy , Just and True ; so we cannot but disprove the dangerous Method of some , who the better to enforce the obligation of the Oath of God , do suppose the Matter thereof , especially as to that article against Prelacy , to be antecedently Indifferent , and not determined either by the Word of God or any other Moral Precept : Justly apprehending how easily in this light and backsliding time , such suppositions may become positions ; and that the obligation of the Oath of God , now so much violated and little regarded , may be found too weak to secure mens stedfastness . As we are therefore persuaded , and would have all to consider and fix it in their hearts , that this wicked Prelacy and it's Hierarchy , are not only contrary to the Word of God , to the Practice of the Holy Apostles , to sound Doctrine and the Power of Godliness ; ( under which express consideration we are also sworn to endeavour it's extirpation , ) but by the sad experience of all Ages in the Christian Church , especially in these our later times , had been found most pernicious to all Truth and Righteousness , and the main Engine and Device , whereby the Devil hath alwayes laboured , to advance his Kingdom of Darkness ; and therefore hath been the great butt and aime , for the overthrow whereof , the great Work of God in this Land , hath been so Powerfully and Gloriously manifested : so do we most constantly hold , that as wel this Article against Prelacy , as all the rest contained in this Holy Covenant , were and are antecedently oblidging both to King and People , without the supervention of either Oath or Promise ; and that the rooting out of Prelacy , & the wicked Hierarchy therein so obviously described , is the main duty , in the endeavour whereof , ( as most advantageous unto all these great and holy Ends proposed by the Covenant ) all the Zeal of the faithful ought to be concentred . As for such profane Jugglers , who neither considering this Oath and Covenant as a special Ordinance and blessing of God , whereby we are more effectually stirred up and enabled , to the performance of all the duties of Religion and Righteousness therein contained ; nor knowing that this Covenant made with God , and accepted by Him , is also the Lords Covenant with us , for the securing and establishing unto us , all the great Blessings and Priviledges therein expressed , & that , as we therein do avouch the Lord to be our God , so doth He avouch us to be His People , Do from the Righteousness and Necessity of it's matter , vainly argue the superfluity of any accessory Obligation , and would thence infer , that the same may be the more easily dispensed with or renounced : We de only remit them to that Solemn Covenant Deut. 29.10 . &c. made there betwixt the Lord and His People , and thereafter so often renewed , only for their greater Engagement to the most necessary duties of God's express commands . We come in the next place , unto the Manner and Form of this League and Covenant ; wherein , not purposing to resume the many debates that have been raised anent it , we shall only take notice , that these old Acts and Laws viz. Act. 43. Parl. 6. of Mary 1555. and Act. 12. Parl. 10. Iam. 6.1585 . made against Leagues and Bands contracted without the Kings consent , are now obtruded with the force and lustre of a new Act. cap. 4. of the last Parliament , to condemn the Covenant , as from the beginning Unlawfull and Rebellious : But as these old Acts , at the time of the entering into this League and Covenant , did then stand explained by the 29. Act. Parl. 2. Charl. 1. ratifyed and authorized by the King himself , in a sense most consistent with the Covenant , and could no wayes render the same from the beginning unlawful , much less could the revival thereof in their greatest rigour , or the superveniency of any other Act thereanent , dissolve the Sacred Obligation of this Oath once lawfully contracted ; so the reason of the former answer made ro this objection , and the Justice and Equity of that Act. 29. P. 2. C. 1. whereby the same was declared , remaineth in ful force , viz. that no League nor Bond made by the Subjects for maintenance of Religion , Liberty , and the Publick good of Church or State , was or can be understood , to be prohibited by these old Acts and Laws objected . Because , as the makers of such Bonds , cannot be reputed to be movers of Sedition , to the breach of the publick peace , ( which is the express reason and certification of these old Acts objected ) so both the King and his Government , being appointed for the preservation of these great ends and Interests , and He himself principally oblidged , both by the Command and Oath of God upon him , to authorize all such bonds . Covenants , and other means which may advance the same ; It were a gross Paradox both in Reason and Religion , that the King's neglect of his duty and perverting of his Office , to the overthrow of these ends for which he is ordained , should therefore oblige the People to a sinful Complyance and stupid connivance , to the high Dishonour of the Great God and King of Kings , and the utter ruine of the souls , bodies , and fortuns of themselves and their Posterity . It 's true , it may be and is replyed , that this answer and reasoning , doth proceed from an unjust jealousy of Kings , and is founded upon an intollerable presumption in the Subject to censure and judge their actings : But seeing the entering into this Covenant , and into all others which we allow , was so far from proceeding upon an unjust jealousy , that on the contrary , it was in a manner extorted , by the force of the most palpable and rational necessity that can be imagined ; and seeing the feeling and discerning thereof , is so far from that criminal presumption alleadged , that to disprove it , is in effect to deny both sense and reason , unless our adversaries can prove that notwithstanding thereof , the King is by God the Lord , vested with such an uncontrollable Dominion and Soveraignty , that whatever Violence , Outrage , or Cruelty he commit , the People are obliged by a patience , or rather stupidity greater then that of Beasts , to endure without gain saying , it is impossible for them to establish the Tyranny that they contend for . But that the World may see , that such objections are only the wicked flattery of selfish men , and how little they do therein either use or regard Reason , in the late Act abovementioned made against Leagues and Conventions , it is declared , that the explication contained in the Act 1640. viz. That such Leagues and Conventions as are made by Subjects , for the preservation of the King , Religion and the Laws , are not prohibited by these old Acts , is false and disloyall , and contrary to the true and genuine meaning thereof : which Declaration is not only a naked Assertion , and contrary to the express reason and certification of these old Acts , which is before sett down ; but so blind and irrational , that in case of an Interregnum , or the incapacity of the King to give His consent to any Bond , Meeting or Convention , which in such a case may be absolutely necessary , it leaves no issue or expedient . It is not needful here to clear the necessity and advantages , which may induce Subjects to the making of Leagues and Conventions in certain cases , without the consent of the Prince ; nor the exigence of these Times for the Covenant we plead for : These things are cleared by undenyable Records , which , all the Wars , Blood and Confusions that thereafter ensued , ( flowing either from the perverse and obstinate opposition , violence , and Persecution of the enemies of Truth , or being the effect of Gods Righteous Judgement upon such whose hearts were false , and proved unstedfast in His Covenant , ) notwithstanding all the present insulting of the Adversaries , doth nothing disprove . Neither do we here resume the above mentioned practices of our first Reformers , for justifying the case in hand , and the explication of these old Acts here obtruded ; who , by all their necessary Leagues , Bands and Conventions , never conceaved the same to be contraveened : Only we cannot but regret , that , as the Act made in the last Parliament against Conventions and Bonds , was a fearful step of the present great Apostacy , and directly levelled against the same Covenant , by which the Authors of the Acts themselves were and are indissolubly obliged ; so that old Act Parliament 10. Ja. 6. cap. 12. 1585. which is thereby ratifyed and revived , was also one of the woful Acts and effects of the wickedness that then prevailed in the Land , and doth relate to and is expresly founded upon the 43. Act. Queen Mary , Parliament 6. 1555. which , under the colour of discharging Bonds of Man-rent , was by the Queen Regent , then raging in Persecution against the Professors of the Truth , directly intended for the overthrow of the Gospel and Congregation . We have hitherto only justifyed the lawfulness , or rather the necessity of the Covenant ; as a League amongst Subjects without the Princes consent , and have not spoken thereto as a League with England , and the Subjects of an other Kingdom : Because , as the first point is mainly denied by the Adversary ; so the same being proven , upon in the same grounds ( first , of Just & Necessary Defence of our Selves , Religion and Libertyes ; Secondly , of the assistance that we owe and do expect in case of Persecution for Truth , from all Christians in the bowels of Jesus Christ , the obedience of his new and speciall command of Love , and the remembrance of that great and last Judgement , wherein by this Law , all men shall be judged , without respect to the difference of Nations and Kingdoms ; and thirdly , upon the ground of the Glory of God , which is the great end of all things , and to which all inferiour duties of Submission and Obedience ought to cede ) the Justice and Necessity of the Covenant and League with England may be certainly concluded . O! that men , who weighing all things in the ballance of their own selfish Interests and designes , do make the vain & airy enjoyment of Court-favour , and the evanishing possession of such advantages , as may be acquired thereby , preponderate and cast the scales , in prejudice of these great and important concernments of the Glory of God , and the advancement of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , Might yet be awakened by the terror of that dreadful and glorious Judgement of the last day , to an impartial consideration of that duty , which we owe to all these that suffer and are persecuted for Truth . Surely if not visiting , not relieving and supporting ( when it is in our power , ) of the afflicted members of Jesus Christ , shall then be the condemnation of the Reprobat , ( against which the exception of a contrary command of any King or Prince , or that the afflicted were by men for Truths sake declared Rebells and Traitors , or were of an other Kingdome , shall furnish no defence ) Can we in conscience think , that the refusal of Assistance to the persecuted for Christ's sake , when instantly thereto required , shall be , upon any of these pretended grounds , excused in that day ? We do not here mention the supervenient consent and Authority of the King , by which the alleaged defects , to the acknowledgement of all our adversaries , were clearly purged : because ( though the same will afterwards fall in , as a great accession to the conviction of all Apostats , yet ) we bless the Lord who hath bottomed our Faith and Consciences upon more sure and fixed foundations ; and who gave His People more evident and gracious testimonies of His Favour , Power and Presence , while they sincerely walked conform to the grounds mentioned , before the King's assent was obtained , then ever since . The entering into and taking of this Covenant , was so much the more necessary and Praise-worthy in us in Scotland , for several reasons , 1. because it contains no other then the same Duties and obligations , which were before by us so solemnly Covenanted to , in our Nationall Covenant : neither is the restriction of our Alleageance , supposed to be made therein , any other then the true and righteous qualification of all such engagements , most consonant unto and approven by our first Large Confession of Faith Chap. 25. Anent the Civil Magistrate ; the Kings Coronation-Oath recorded , Ia. 6. p. 1. cap. 8. and the Nationall Covenant , as it was taken and subscribed both first and last : And though our Adversaries have insulted upon the later Confession of Faith , as if both our former principles and practises were thereby disproved ; yet let the words be considered . Viz. Infidelity or difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrat's Iust and Legal Authority , nor free the People from due obedience , And we are confident , that no sober man will think the acknowledgement of just and legal Authority and due obedience , a rational ground , to infer that Tyranny over either Consciences or Persons , is thereby either allowed or priviledged ; which is all that by us is contended for . 2. Because the same National Covenant did powerfully oblige us thereunto : not only upon the account of that obstinate opposition , which the perfidious Prelats in England , both by raising Wars and breach of Pacification , had plainly testifyed ; the revival whereof , in case of any probable Capacity , we had just reason to apprehend , and by a posterior League , ( at that time , a most necessary and probable remedy , ) in pursuance of our former engagement , to provide against ; but also in respect of that express ground of opposition to the bloody bond of Trent , and of the detestation of all the enemies of Gods Church , who thereby conjured themselves against it , contained in the National Covenant : which could not but be a very fair persuasion and strong inductive , to engage in that sacred Bond of the solemn League & Covenant , against that same accursed conjuratiō , which at that time appeared so active 3. Because the Oath of Parliament , first taken in the Parliament 1641. the King being present , obliging us to endeavour the preservation of the Peace and Vnion of the three Kingdoms , did indispensibly oblige us to enter in this Covenant , as a most necessary expedient thereto . Having thus summarily reviewed , both the Matter and Manner of this Solemn and important League and Covenant , we cannot but wonder at the poor Sophist●y of such , ( especially that more Temporizing then Seasonable Casuist , ) who delude themselves in so great matters unto such an Indifferency , as to assert , that this Covenant doth as necessarily depend upon the King's consent for it's establishment , as the private vow of a Daughter in her Father's house , or of an Wife under her Husband's power , in things free and arbitrary , though not absolutely in their own disposal , did according to the Judicial Law of the Jewes , fall under the Father and Husband's power of ratifying or annulling : But the simple proposal of these cases , doth hold out such a disparity both as to the Persons , ( being only women under power , ) the Things in themselves , being free , but at another's disposal , and many other Circumstances tedious to insist on , and even as to Law it self by which the case is determined , being meerly Judicial , that none who fear the Lord , or mind His Glory in any measure of Sobriety , will daigne it with an answer . And such indeed are the rest of the Cavils and Calumnies , wherewith the Adversaries of Truth have endeavoured to impugn and asperse this Holy Covenant ; and are so fully and often answered already , that to account them worthy the resuming and refuting , were in some sort after Vowes to make inquiry . There is one thing that our Adversaries have frequently objected , which we cannot ommit , viz. that the Covenants , both National and Solemn League were urged and pressed , both by Church Censures and Civill Sanctions , of loss of goods , sequestration and other arbitrary pains , which hath been heavily complained of , as a great violence done to Conscience : But as it was then too evident , ▪ that this Priviledge of Conscience , was for the most part only pretended by such , as had litle or no feeling thereof ; so the Practice of the present times , doth now fully discover , that what is now so insolently retorted , was never before really scrupled at . But the lawfullness of the course and practice then used , and the iniquity of this retortion will easily be cleared , if it be considered , 1. that the Nationall Covenant , being a standing , & binding Oath upon the whole Land , and in the Year 1638. only renewed with such an agreeable explanation , as none could or did quarrel , but such as thereby intended , to palliate and persist in their proceeding manifest violations , was according to the example of good Josiah , ( who brought back the People , and CAUSED them stand to the Covenant of their Fathers , 2 Chron. 34.32 . ) most justly commanded , and under the pains due to the breach therof , ordained to be re-taken . 2. That the solemn League and Covenant , containing no other obligements , then what the National doth import , and being a most conducible expedient , both for the securing and prosecuting the ends thereof , and whereunto , the National Covenant upon this ground did clearly oblige , The pressing of the same League , is warranted not only by the former ground ; but from the very bond of the National , became an indispensible Duty : By which reasons , as the former proceedings are clearly justifyed , so the present practice , ( as being a direct and violent ranversing of these things , which were once so righteously and rationally established ) is the more condemned . But whatever be the disparity of these cases in the point of Reason , we are sure that light and darkness do not more differ , then the Lenity of these former times , from the Rigour and violence now practized ; & that where one then suffered for obstinacy against the Covenant , hundreths do now suffer for their stedfastness therein . As for these Wars and great commotions , that ensued upon this great Transaction of the Solemn League , we will not thereon insist : Only we are confident , that nothwitstanding all the Calumnious constructions of our Adversaries , al such as seek out and have pleasure in the Works of the Lord , will applaud unto the Glory and Righteousness thereof ; who , as by the sword of Apostats in the Years 1644 , and 1645. He did punish in his Justice , the Hypocrisy and Self-seeking of such in this Land , whose hearts were not upright in His Covenant , and thereafter in the Year 1648. did by a prevailing Sectarian Party , restrain and crush the gross and Generall Apostasy then intended , under an Hypocritical pretext of pursuing the ends of the Covenant , at that time so palpably perverted and abused ; so , for the manifestation of his own Glory , and of His Mercy to them that fear him and did not forget his Covenant , He did intermix several gracious Intervals of His aboundant Compassion ; and at length did give unto His Work and People , a full and absolute Victory over that malignant Spirit and Party , that had so long prevailed in the Land , and caused the wickedness of the wicked to cease , and all iniquity to stop it's mouth . Thus in the Years 1649 , and 1650. & thereafter , the Lord was with us while we were with Him , and while we sought Him , He was found of us ; but as we did forsake Him , so did He also forsake us : by which position , all the mixture and varieties , both of our Actings and Gods Providences in these times , may clearly be resolved . There was indeed at that time in the Land , not only a party Faithful unto God , and zealous for His Name ; but also a great Zeal of God , from clear knowledge and sad experience , generally and solemnly professed before God and all men in our Publick Acknowledgement Anno 1649 : In consequence whereof , the League and Covenant was also by the whole Kingdom renewed that same Year . And in answer thereunto , the Lord did mightily both save and defend us from all our Adversaries : and as He soon subdued our Enemies at Stirling , and turned His Hand against our Adversaries in the North , and caused the haters of the Lord faign submission unto Him ; so , for His own Glory , the establishment of His People , and the utter confusion of His Adversaries , He did highly advance His blessed Work , by the accession of all these Advantages , with the Defect whereof , it had been formerly calumniated . The Advantages we here mention are ( besides that Publick Acknowledgement then made , and in the deep sense thereof , the League and Covenant solemnly again renewed and taken , whereby our Engagements were not only doubled , but strongly confirmed ) 1. These many necessary and righteous Lawes enacted in the then Parliaments , both for the ratifying the later large Confession of faith , and the larger and shorther Catechisms , agreed unto by both Kingdoms , and for the restraining and coercing of Impiety and Blasphemy , the encouragement of the Ministry , and for the promoving of Godliness . Amongst which Acts , that abolishing Patronages , deserveth a more special and commendable remembrance : Not only because of the many woful Effects & Abuses of Patronage , as it then was ( & now is ) exercised , whereby frequently , Godly men and in some measure qualified for the Work of the Ministry were ( & are ) unjustly restrained from labouring therein ; Many Congregations needlesly continued desolate , without afixed Ministry ; Many Naughty men and utterly insufficient , at the sole arbitrement of Patrons , violently obtruded upon the People , without and against their own consent ; Presbyteries constrained ( contrary to the Rule of the Holy Scriptures ) to ordaine men , whom the People neither choised , nor could cheerfully receave ; Foundations of prejudice & strife , betwixt Pastor and People laid , whereby the one cannot preach nor the other hear with profit ; Symoniacal Pactions often basely made betwixt Patrons & the person presented , to the disgrace of the Holy Calling as-wel as to the sin and shame of the Persons ; And the Ministry of too many , in dispencing of Word , Sacraments & Censures , made to depend too much upon the Will and pleasure of Man : But also because , it hath no Precept in the Word of God , nor Example in the old Jewish , nor new primitive and pure Christian Church , to warrant it ; because , Intentionally and Natively it spoileth the People of that Right and Priviledge , in Electing their own Pastors , which Scripture and Reason alloweth ; And because , being the Patron 's ( pretended ) Heritage , and therefore , by him vendible to whom he pleaseth , the whole and sole Power of Presenting of Ministers , Planting of Churches , Preaching of the Gospel , & settling Maintenance , may be turned over unto , & put in the hands of men , not only Profa●e & Strangers to both Church & Common-wealth , but also pro●es●ed Enemies of the Truth , yea , even Papists or Pagans . And therefore , ( being in itself a grievous and unwarrantable Burthen ; destructive of the Church and Peoples Liberties ; obstructive of the free course of the Gospel ; the Freedom , Power & Plainness of the Ministry ; and occasional of much base Flattery & Partiality , under which , from the very times of Superstition which introduced it , the Church did heavily groan ) it must needs be so much the greater Blessing to be delivered from it . The second Advantage which the Lord's work receaved , was by that great and long Transaction with the King in order to His return , and Admission to the Government ; which at length , after repeated Addresses , many Treaties , and the interposing of Forraign States and Princes , produced the King's Approbation and Allowance of the Nationall and Solemn League and Covenant : Which both by his great Oath unto the Most High God , and his hand-writ and Subscription , he most amply assured , promising in the same manner to advance & prosecute their Ends , and to seek and procure the establishment thereof , and of Presbyterial Government , and of the whole work of God in all his Dominions . We know our Adversaries , persisting in their old malice , disown and exclaim upon this Transaction as most disloyal and insolent , for Subjects ( whose part is only to surrender & submit , ) to require and enter into Treaties with their Prince : But 1. as these reproaches are from the same wicked Spirit , false grounds , and base and carnall ends , which from the very times of popery , have resisted , and been objected against the Work of Reformation in this Land ; so do wee thereto oppose , ( in full assurance before God and all the World , ) these solid and evident reasons and warrants , whereby not only these Treaties and Transactions with the late King , but all these old Contracts and Agreements betwixt the then Powers and People , ( which in some sort , are the very foundation of the Protestant Religion in this Realm ) are justifyed and approven : wherein if there be any disparity , the difference of a King upon His Throne actually Exercing , from a Prince only ascending thereto , must cast the advantage on our side . 2. Seing there is no Voluntary Kingdom , which is not both erected , sustained , and continued by a Fundamental Contract , and no Right thereto so good ( though even that of Divid himself and His Posterity , who held the Kingdom , both by inmediate grant , and interposed Oath of the Most High , ) which is not setled and confirmed by this agreement , 2 Sam. 5.3 . 2 Kings . 11.17 . can any rationall man disprove or condemn Treaties so naturally antecedent and previous thereto . 3. The reason and necessity of this Treaty is so dependent upon the preceeding War with the last King , in which ( as-well as in his Kingdomes ) this King did succeed him , that , seing it can have no opposers , but such as therein were enemies , we willingly refer hoth the cases to the determinations of the same reasons . And as for such who asserting the Covenant , and the Justice of the long Parliaments War , do nevertheless disprove our procedure in this Treaty , as their mis-information doth not prejudge the Truth ; so neither are we answerable for their inconsequence . The third Advantage which the Lord gave His Work , was by what the King did after his arrival in Scotland , both before and at his Coronation , for the greater confirmation of the Covenant and Work of God , and the more strong engaging of himself and this whole Land unto the Lord. Before his Coronation , he emitteth that Declaration at Dumfermling sufficiently known by this designation , wherein Professing , and appearing in the full persuasion and love of the Truth , he repenteth ( as having to do with & in the sight of God ) His Fathers opposition to the Covenant and VVork , of God , and his own reluctancies against the same , hoping for mercy through the blood of Iesus Christ , and obtesting the Prayers of the faithful to God , for his stedfastness : and then protesteth his truth and sincerity in entering into the Oath of God , resolving to prosecute the ends of the Covenant to his utmost , and to have with it the same common friends and enemies , exhorting all to lay down their enmity against the Cause of God , and not to prefer Man's Interest to God's , which will prove an Idole of Iealousy to provoke the Lord , and he himself accounteth to be but selfish flattery , & so-forth proceedeth in the most cordial , sincere & assuring terms , to testify his love and zealous resolutions for God , his People and Covenant , and on the other hand his great dislike and detestation of all Persons , courses and Interests contrary thereto . A Declaration , so full of heart-professions , and high attestations of the Great God , that none seriously considering the present times , can reflect thereon without horror and trembling from the Holy Jealousy of the Lord , either for the then deep Dissimulation , or the present unparalelled Apostacy . However seeing the same is so assertive , that no words could adde to it's assurance , nor no argument less then the present Apostacy , render it to any neutral person suspect of the least dissimulation ; sure we are , that the generality of the Kingdom , did thereby obtain all the warrant of the King 's most full and clear assent to , and allowance of the Covenant , that either Law or Reason could require . Thereafter at his Coronation , how the King did again confirm the Covenant , and both He and his People thereby again engage themselves unto the Lord , the order thereof printed and published to the World doth fully declare . In which , these passages are very observable . 1. That the King is desired in Name of the People , jointly to accept the Crown and maintain Religion ACCORDING TO THE NATIONAL & SOLEMN LEAGUE & COVENANT , to which he declareth his cordial assent , wishing no longer to live , then he might see Religion & this Kingdō flourish in all happiness . 2. After a Sermon most pertinently , plainly and powerfully preached upon that 2 Kings 11. v. 12 , & 17. ( wherein amongst other things , the binding power & force of the Oath of God , and the hazards of the breach thereof are fully represented ) the Action commenceth with the King 's most Solemn Renewing of the National and Solemn League and Covenant , which was in this manner . The King kneeling and lifting up his right hand before the three Estats of the Kingdom , the Commissioners of the General Assembly , and the whole People and Congregation , by his great Oath in presence of the Almighty God , the Searcher of hearts , he assureth & declareth his allowance of the NATIONAL COVENANT , & SOLENN LEAGUE & COVENANT , promising faithfully to prosecute the Ends thereof , and to establish the same with the Presbyterial Government and the whole VVork of God , in all his Dominions . 3. That , having thus taken the Covenants , the King is presented to the People , and their willingness , to have him for their King , demanded ; which they accordingly declare . 4. That he did also swear and take the Coronation-Oath appointed and recorded Parl. 1. Iac. 6. cap. 8. to which both the Covenants are most consonant , Promising by the Eternal & Almighty God , who liveth and reigneth for ever , to observe and keep the same . 5. That when he Sword was put in his hand , he is desired to receave the same For the Defence of the Faith of Iesus Christ , & of the true Religion ACCORDING TO THE NATIONAL & SOLEMN LEAGUE & COVENANT , & for the Ministration of Iustice ; which he accordingly accepteth . 6. After the Crown is set upon his head , the Peoples Obligatory Oath is proclaimed , whereby they all swear by the Eternal & Almighty God who liveth & reigneth for ever , to be true & faithful to the King , ACCORDING TO THE NATIONAL & SOLEMN LEAGUE & COVENANT . 7. Being installed and set upon the Throne , he is exhorted by the Minister to remember , That his Throne is the Lord's Throne , 1 Chron. 29. ver . 23. And being a Covenanted King set thereon , he ought under God to rule for God , and especially to beware that he made not the Lord's Throne , a Throne of Iniquity , to frame mischief by a Law , even such mischievous Laws as have been enacted by his Predecessors , destructive to Religion , and grievous to the Lord's People . 8. The Nobles of the Land ▪ being called one by one , and kneeling before the King on the Throne , and holding their hands betwixt his hands , did Swear by the Eternal and Almighty God who liveth and reigneth for ever , to be true and faithful to the King , ACCORDING TO THE NATIONAL AND SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT . 9. The action is closed by a most solid and weighty exhortation , both to King and People to keep the Covenant , and beware of the breach of it ; which is enforced by these fearful threatenings and instances recorded in the Scriptures of Truth , against Covenant-breakers , particularly these , Nehem. 5. ver . 13. where Nehemiah did shake his lap . saying , So God shake out every man from his house , & from his labour , that performeth not this promise , even thus be he shaken out and emptied , and all the Congregation said , Amen . Ier. 34. v. 18 , 19 , 20 , & 21. And 2 Chron. 24.23 , 24 , & 25. With this Pathetick application , That if they should break the Covenant , God would shake off the King's Crown , and turn him from the Throne ; that he would shake the Nobles out of their possessions , and empty them of their Glory ; and would deliver both to the hands of their enemies who seek their life ; That breach of Covenant and Rebellion against God was an old and continued Sin in the King's house , which God had already severely punished : if therefore the King should not acknowledge Iesus Christ King of Zion , who is above him , but break this Covenant , God's controversy against the King's Family would be carried on unto the weakning if not the overthrow of it . And lastly , both the King and Nobles are certifyed , that if the King and they who are engaged to support his Crown , shall conspire together against the Kingdom of Iesus Christ , both the supporters and the supported will fall together . This is that great Action , wherein almost all the Solemnities are so twisted with that sacred Bond , that the World must acknowledge , that never King and People under the Sun , became so expresly and strictly obliged both unto God , one to another , & amongst themselves , as we were and are by these most Sacred Oaths of the Holy Covenants , most indissolubly engaged . The fourth and last Advantage , was that plenary and last Complement of all Securities whatsoever amongst men , viz. the Ratification of all these preceeding Treaties , Transactions , Engagements and Actions , concluded and enacted by the King , then having attained the Age of 21 Years compleat , and the Parliament fully and freely conveened in the Moneth of Iune 1651. whereby the same did pass into a perpetual Law : And this Covenant which from the beginning was and is the most firm and Indispensible Oath of God , became at length the very Fundamental Law of the Kingdom , whereon all the Rights and Priviledges either of King or People , are principally bottomed and secured . This is the fair side of the Transactions and providences of thesse times , and the effects of the Lord 's favourable presence , and the consequence of that Zeal which we have mentioned . O! that we had sincerely minded and walked agreeably to all these Engagements , surely our times should have endured for ever : but seing both our own backslidings , and the Lord 's withdrawing from us do evidently testify against us , let us ascribe Righteousness unto our God , that in the remembrance of all these Judgements wherewith he hath punished us less then our inquities deserve , we may not only take unto our selves shame and Confusion of face , because we have sinned against Him , and thereby stop the mouth of all these blasphemies and boastings of the Adversaries of the Lord , and His Holy Covenant , which our Backslidings have so widely opened ; but in the thoughts of His faithfulness be encouraged to hope in His Mercy , and for the return of our Departed Glory , although we have rebelled against Him. The Principal Step of our Defection , and the only Rise and Cause of all our Sin and Calamity , we acknowledge to have been no other , then that which is the condemnation of the World , that Light indeed came unto us , but we loved Darkness better then Light , because our deeds were evil . For the Lord did cause His Gospel to shine amongst us , in as great Power and Purity as ever any Nation enjoyed , and by the Advantages of his own Holy Ministry and Government , & the accession of our many fold Covenants and Engadgements , did beautify and secure the same unto us ; And though that after a long continuance of all these blessings , the Lord by the Ascendent Power of His own Spirit and Glorious Presence , did bring the whole Land under these great convictions , mentioned in the conclusion of the League and Covenant , of our not valueing the inestimable Benefit of the Gospel , nor endeauouring to receave Christ in our hearts , and walk worthy of Him in our lives , the only . Duty and end of all our Covenants and Engagements , which is in effect God's greatest Delight and Glory in the World , and all our Felicity ; And unto these unfained resolutions there annexed , of Repentance and Amendment ; And lastly though the Lord from Heaven had both plagued us for , and purged us from these fearful Apostacies and Defections , whereby men of corrupt minds , not holding the Head and End of all things , even our Lord Jesus Christ , were both in the Years 1645. and 1648. soon turned aside from their stedfastness in the Covenant , and became Enemies unto God's own Work and Cause , and had therefore stirred us up to the Renewing of our Covenant with God in the Year 1648 , with and after a most Solemn Acknowledgement both of the Causes and Evills of these Defections , and a most serious detestation of , and resolution against both ; Notwithstanding , we say , of all these things , Yet the great Sin and Evil of not valueing , receaving , and walking worthy of our Lord Jesus . and the not directing and improving the great Blessings of His Gospel , Ordinances , Covenants , Victories , and all other Benefits and Enjoyments bestowed on us for the promoving of the Pleasure of our Lord , and the Establishing of His Kingdom , for the Salvation of Sinners , did still remain . Thence was it , that the generall and great Zeall which then appeared , was so suddenly contracted to a very few , and much remitted in all : And that mens corruptions , turning former Professions into feigned pretensions , and causing many , ( in place of the great and only end proposed ) to minde Selfish Designes , and Worldly advantages , the Lord was provoked to give up some to the prosecution of these base desires , 〈◊〉 which they had so quickly backsliden ; And to abandon others to the delusion of an over-credulous Charity : which two Evills did so far prevail in all the Transactions of these Times , that though the Over-ruling Providence of the Most High , did bring forth thereof the Advantages which we have al-ready , mentioned ; yet were Men thereby acted to pursue Treaties , over the belly of most signal Warnings and most pregnant Disswasives to the contrary , and to conclude Agreements , and accept of Securities in the great Matters of God , and of His Work so long contended for , and far advanced , which no rational man not preferring airy words and professions , and Ink-subscriptions , to plain refusal , visible reluctancies , manifest resilings , open counter-actings , and strong and continued prejudices , would be satisfyed with , in his own private matters of almost the meanest concernment . But though the Lord from heaven did at Dumbar , testify against both this evil and sinful course , and the great Sin and wickedness that had procured it , and thereafter by many of His faithful Servants did give express Testimony & Warning against the same ▪ yet it is stil persisted in : And notwithstanding that by a new discovery , after all the assurance contained in the Declaration at Dumfermling that could be imagined , the Lord did make it evident at Clova , that all these condescensions were only the constraints of Policy , the Backsliding and Delusion of these times did proceed , until , that under a pretence of Necessity , preferring the Arm of Flesh to the Almighty Power and Favour of the Most High , and through the perswasion of a Mock-Repentance , only agreable unto that Mock-Treaty whereon it depended , we were induced again , to break the Lord's Commandement and our own Engagement , in joyning with the People of these Abominations ; to provoke the Lord to be angry , until He should consume us utterly without a remnant or escaping ; and by partaking of their Sins , became apt and ready to partake of their judgements , which the Lord , by the hand of the TREACHEROUS , did suddenly inflict upon us for all our treachery : And thereby , according to His Righteousness and Great Faithfulness , as he had brought upon us the blessing ; so He also brought upon us the curse of His Holy Covenant , and the fears of our own Acknowledgement . These were our Forsakings & Backslidings , which provoked the Lord also to forsake us , and at length to give us over unto , and leave us in the hands of our enemies ; and to lay on our necks that long and heavy yoke of forraign Usurpation , under which , from the Year 1651. unto the Year 1660. we did so grevously groan . The remembrance of which things , doth necessarily oblidge us to the Declaration of these things . 1. That as we desire heartily to resume these professions of unfeigned Humiliation ( for the undervaluing of the Precious Gospel and slighting of our Lord Jesus Christ ) contained in our Holy Covenant , wherein all the Land without exception are and were so deeply concerned ; so ( although in the Narration of the procedure of our sinful and Wofull Defection , the particular passages of Self-seeking and Over-credulous Delusion , may import a narrower restricton , Yet ) the Lord is our witness , that the pure motive of His Glory , and the Honor and Truth of His Work and Covenant , without prejudice to the persons of any , far less of such , whom we are perswaded the Lord both did , and yet doth honor , to be instrumental in His Work , and faithfull in His Covenant , ( though neither in the former practice , or this present perswasion , we do agree ) have induced us to this reflection : which we earnestly obtest , may be looked upon by all , rather as the matter of our mourning then of our censure . 2. That whatever love and sincere respect we retain for such of the Faithful , who ( through the Holy and Wise Permission of the Soveraign Lord , by the influence of particular temptations , or of that general and powerful snare of an Evil Time ) were carried on to a Sinful Complyance with the Evil Courses thereof : Yet we are perswaded , that the remitting of that Zeal , sincerity and stedfastness , whereunto , in our Solemn Acknowledgement , upon the most powerful motives , we had then lately so seriously engaged our selves ; and the more Politick then Pious management of these Treaties and Transactions ; ( wherein the advancement of the Work of God , and prosecution of the Ends of the Covenant so highly pretended , could not sincerely and zealously be intended , by any imaginary security or sinful assistance thereby obtained ) but especially the relapsing unto that most sinful Conjunction with the People of these Abominations , so solemnly and lately repented for , and resolved against , ( which , in stead of being salved , was , by the Constrained , Politick , Dissembled , and Formall Repentance then used , to the mocking of the God of Truth , and scorn of all our Holy Engagements , on all hands mostly aggravated and exaggerated ) these evils , we say , were the very foundations of this present Apostacy , and the grounds of the Lords controversy , which hath so long , and yet doth so greivously pursue this Poor Church and Nation . O! that all men would yet at length , after all the evils and warnings which God hath sent amongst us , seriously consider their wayes , take unto themselves shame , and give unto God the Glory , before the decree bring forth our utter destruction and desolation . Who knoweth but the Lord would repent Himself for His servants , when He seeth our power is gone , and return on high for His own Glory , and the Congregation of the poor that compass Him about , and render vengeance unto all his adversaries ? 3. That neither failing nor backsliding of many of the faithful , nor the wicked Hypocrisy and Dissimulation practized on the other hand , in the carrying on , and concluding of these Treaties , whereby the King was brought under the bond of the Holy Covenant , doth lessen or annul His Obligation thereto ; far less the Security , which the People , especially such who know not these depths of Sathan , did obtain thereby , for their warrant and confirmation : Surely the greatest Aggravation of Perjury , cannot annul the Sacred Obligation of an Oath ; nor an intended Falshood , loose the bond of Truth ; nor will vile Dissimulation , and the most fearful mocking of God and the whole World , deliver from His Holy Justice and Jealousy , who is a terrible and swift witness against , and avenger of all such abominations . Did the wicked dissimulation and rebellious heart of the Children of Israel , wherewith they entered in Covenant with the Lord , Deu. 29.10 . to 28. liberate them from the sin of Apostacy , and all these fearful plagues threatened against it ? Did not that Dissimulate promise and engagement of the remnant of the Jewes , made to Ieremiah chap. 42.20 . rather hasten and aggravat the punishment of their disobedience , v. 21 , and 22 ? All who love Truth or fear an Oath , do no doubt abhor such wickedness . But the main objection is , that all these condescensions were extorted by Force and Fear , which doth excuse the Dissimulation , and annul the Oath . We shall not here insist to clear and refute this cavillation , which others have so fully answered : For as to the position , that neither force nor fear , do cause to cease the obligation of an Oath in a matter meerly Indifferent ; much less , Holy , Righteous and true ( as the matter of the Covenant is ) all yeeld . But that neither Force , Fear , nor any other indirect way can be alleadged for the annulling of these engagements , both the preceeding Treaties , the just and necessary Reasons , and all other cicumstances do most evidently confirm ; So that the whole World may justly wonder , that these men , who both in profession and practice , do plainly evidence their profane Indifferency , and regardless violation of all Oaths , wherein Interest doth not concurre , should by the manifest Patronizing of all Perfidy ( whereof no instance can be adduced in the breach of any treaty , wherein the stronger & weaker did ever compose any matter of Right , which is not more justifyable ) & the shamefull disgracing of the King himself , ( whom neither Conscience , Honor , Honesty , nor the example of his Father could teach the constancy of the most mean and abject of his Subjects , ) should plead & pretend to rational pretext for the present Apostacy , and not rather content themselves , to say with the King in one of his Declarations , emitted shortly after his return to England , that it is well known by what abusive meanes His Majesty was adduced to make and publish that Declaration at Dumfermling , without any more special condescendence , which is impossible . But oh ! that the World did also know and consider all the re-iterated Oaths and Subscriptions , High and Solemn Attestations , Free and unrequired Professions , Fearfull Execrations , made before God , Angels and Men , both in Publick , upon the Throne , under the Crown , in plain Parliament , and also in Private Conferences , which many yet alive can sufficiently attest ; by which this poor Church and Nation was insnared , and precipitated into all the Sin and Misery , that since the Year 1650. unto this day , hath afflicted us . However the Lord , who seeth and heareth , doth also consider , to require it , and the violence done to Himself in many of his suffering members , who partly even in the conscience of the very things , which they that are mostly therein concerned , do mockat , dare not prostitute their Consciences in an ambulatory Complyance , with the wicked Apostacy in these times . 4. We cannot but observe , that after the prevailing , and during the time of the English usurpation , these only , for the most part , remained mindful of , and faithful to the King , who were faithful and stedfast in the Covenant ; when as these , who formerly did , and at present do pretend so highly , for the King , in prejudice both of Jesus Christ , and the Holy Covenant , did in their slavish complyance , abandon all Alleagance and Honesty , to complement the then Powers , for the promoving of their own selfish designes , which is the only bond of all their Engagements , and rule and aim of all their Actions . And though many of them do now pretend to have been sufferers , yet it is well known , that if they had had the half of these temptations , which the Faithful upon the account of their alleageance did constantly resist , the Kings Interest for their part , had been for ever forgotten , as it was by many of them openly renounced and abjured ; And that the main reason of their then seeming and pretended Loyalty , was the improbability of credit with , and acceptance from the Usurpers , because of their known Naughtiness . Having thus declared the Lords great Work and Glorious Presence amongst us , in all these Mercies and Judgements which he shewed upon us , and these strange Vicissitudes & Alternations , sometimes of His Grace & Power , engageing us with heart & hand unto Himself , sometimes of our own hearts Wickedness and Unstedfastness , again causing us to apostatize and backslide from His Holy Command and Covenant , which , daring the space of an hundred years from the Year 1560 , have in the Holy and Wise Providence of God passed over us ; that by all these great Temptations , which our eyes have seen , and the Signs and wonders which he hath wrought , we might know , that the Lord is our God , and Jesus Christ our King ; and that by all these things , He only went about to establish us for a peculiar People unto Himself , in the Glorious Light of His Truth , and Beauty of His Holiness , far exalted above many other Nations . We are now come to the Year 1660 , wherein though the Lord was pleased according to His Glorious Soveraignity , by His own immediate hand , to break the yoke of our Oppressors , restore our Covenanted King , Lawes and Liberties , and to make all Factions , Parties and Interests , not only to cede unto , but unanimously to conspire for this Blessed Restitution ; yet how evidently hath it since appeared , that the Lord had not given unto us an heart to perceave , eyes to see , nor ears to hear , unto that very day . We need not here resume the King 's most Solemn and Indissoluble Engagements , which we have so lately mentioned , nor add that after Worcester fight , and from beyond Sea , he did confirm by private letters to persons of unquestionable credit , that he was , and through the Grace of God would continue , the same man that he had declared Himself to be in Scotland ; nor that it was the conscience of that clause of the Covenant , relating to the maintenance of His Person and Authority , which during the times of Usurpation , did retain the sence and love of his Interest , so fresh and deeply rooted in mens hearts ; Nor that the publick owning , publishing and reprinting thereof by the then Parliament in England in March 1660. was the first Public Act that durst or did appear in his favours ; Nor lastly need we remember that Letter written and directed by the King , after his return to the Presbytery of Edinburgh and this whole Church , wherein he declares Himself resolued , by the Grace of God to protect and preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland as it is setled by Law without violation ; Seing that though according to it 's then State and posture , such a Solemn and Publick Assurance might have been reputed a perpetual Security ; yet the whole strain of the Letter , is such as tendeth only to divide the whole Ministery , and to abuse the greater part of them : And particularly , the altering and suppressing of that most fixed and certain ground of his Engagement , even the Word of God and the Holy Covenant , for that of Law , which is but frail and moveable , did even then discover to many , that latent Dissimulation and Instability , whereby others were either weakly or willingly deluded . The thing we observe is , that both King and Peoples Obligations were not then greater , then the oportunity appeared to be most happy , for the accomplishing of the Lord's Work , the making of his Name Great & One in all these Nations , & the Nations happy & high above all Nations in Name & in Praise , & the establishing of the King and his posterity upon the Throne in Glory & prosperity , & that the owning of , & adhering unto the Solemn League and Covenant , our Magna Charta of Religion and Righteousness , had both in the perswasion of all sober men , and even in the conviction of the greatest part of our Adversaries , infallibly produced , and effectuated all these blessings . But Oh! how suddenly and strangely was this blessed appearance overclouded , the expectation of all the Godly disappointed , the joy and peace of all corrupted and marred , and this Land reduced unto this present so woful desolation and sore distress , which though the groans , tears , and the Blood of the Persecuted , the cry of Violence and Oppression , the Desolation and Profanation of Gods Sanctuary , the reigning power of Darkness , the Pride , Rage and Blasphemy of Perjury and all Profanity , which hath filled the Land , and the dreadful Wrath of the most Holy and Great God , which both burneth round about , and hangeth over it , do sufficiently make manifest , yet for our greater upstirring to consider and lay to heart , that all these evils are come upon us because our God is not amongst us , and what the heat of this great Anger meaneth , & also for the clearing of the Innocency & Testimony of the Lords sufferers , we do shortly exhibite the violent course of this precipitant Defection . The King being returned and re-established in May 1660. the Antichristian Spirit of Prelacy , ever enemy to the Gospel and Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , and the Holy Covenant whereby the same are promoted , taking occasion from these many troubles and confusions , which the opposition and false-heartedness of many in the same Covenant , did principally provoke the Lord to inflict upon thir Lands , and advantage from the proneness of mens Power to decline unto Tyranny , and their corruptions to all licentiousness , did first most falsely and atrociously slander the Covenant as the Bond of all Iniquity , Rebellion and Confusion , which prejudice being enforced which many apparent advantages that then did attend it , did so suddenly and strongly spread and root it self in the hearts of our Nobles , Rulers , and the generality of the Land , that , without so much as seriously reflecting upon their former so Solemn Engagements , Sacred Oaths , Publick Professions , Vigorous Actings and Appearances for the Cause and Covenant of the Lord , with any consideration of Conscience , Honesty , or Honor , which so great and sudden a mutation from their former wayes , though they had been as wicked , as in effect they are true and righteous , did certainly call for in sober and earnest Repentance , they with the concurrence of such vile Sycophants and treacherous persons in the Church and Ministry , as the worldly wealth and Power of Prelacy had wickedly debauched , set themselves in a most determined and resolute Fury , whereinto all their former zeal for God is by the malice of Satan suddenly corrupted , by the plain force of Power , and colour of Authority , whereunto they had now attained , to deface and overturn the whole Work of God , raze it's fundations , annul His Covenants , repeal all Acts made in their favors , incapacitate and persecute all opposers , and lastly to efface and dissolve all sense and bond of Conscience , by which this fearful course of Apostacy , might be in the least , checked or controlled . We shall not here premise any thing , for clearing of the Unlawfulness of the succeeding Acts and Deeds , whereby this Apostacy was carried on , and for the loosing and freeing of us from all obligation of Obedience thereto , or Complyance therewith : Any who can but suppose , that not only a whole Parliament but also all men are , and have often been found liars , and compare impartially the things present with the things that are past , must necessarily conclude , that all these Acts and Deeds of Defection were and are Gross Perjury and Wickedness , and that so long as that maxim shal hold , that we ought rather to obey God then Man , they can never be binding either in Conscience or Reason . Seing therefore that the only Rule of these Counter-actings and overturnings , was to destroy that which the Lord had so gloriously planted , and to loose that whereunto we were and are indissolubly obliged , referring our selves to what is already said , for vindicating the Lords Work and our Holy Covenants , we proceed to lay forth the Sinfulness and Wofulness of this Defection , as follows . 1. In July 1660. by immediate clandestine warrants , without any cause signifyed or citation given , the Lord Marquess of Argile and some other Gentlemen , ( who were conceaved to have been instrumental in the former Work of God , and that they might be of influence for obstructing of the then designed overthrow thereof ) were attached and committed close Prisoners . 2. In August 1660. the Committee of Estates appointed by the Parliament 1651. being again set down , the very first day of their meeting , do violently seise upon several faithful Ministers , peaceably and quietly assembled together , and imployed in the drawing up of a monitory Letter to the King , in the most rational and dutiful manner , and for the most important and necessary Ends , of Gods Glory , and the Kings service , that can be imagined , as the Letter it self set down at large in the Apologetick Narration doth testify . And though this duty and employment was no other , then what the meanest subject in the most private capacity might , and all were indispensibly obliged to have done ; yet those Ministers and one Gentleman with them , are therefore , instantly without hearing , committed Prisoners . 3. This Committee proceeding to prepare for the succeeding Parliament , ( which was all it's work and design ) the Parliament siteth down the 1 day of January . Where , having taken the Oath of Supremacy , without respect to it's due limitation contained in the 114. Act. Ia. 6. Parl. 12. 1592. then standing unrepealed ; and exalting the Kings prerogative , upon the alleaged Warrand of the VVord of God and Laws of the Land ( but in effect directly contrary to both ) above all Offices , Parliaments , Laws , Leagues , Conventions , Peace and War ; and likwise upon meer assertions & alleageances in place of declaring upon known and certain grounds ( which is all that any Parliament can lawfully do ) directly Innovating the Fundamental Law & Constitution of the Kingdom , & thereby making the Kings Throne , the foundation of all the succeeding Perjury and Apostacy ; They spoil and divest , first , the Solemn League and Covenant , and then the National Covenant , Presbyterial Government , & the whole Work of God , of all legal warrand and Authority ; Declaring all Acts and Practises made and standing in favours thereof , to be void and null : And by the same great Act rescissory , they revive and reinforce all the corruptions and Superstitions of Crossing , Kneeling and the like , introduced by any Parliament since the Reformation . As the Acts of the first Session of the last Parliament do clearly testify . Although that these Acts have been and are , both in themselves & in their effects , just cause of great astonishment and mourning to all the Faithful in the Land ; yet when we remember that height of Wickedness and Profanity that then abounded , and the false , flattering , & perjurious Sermons & practises , by which the Parliament was thereunto instigated , but most of all that Act that then passed for an Anniversary ▪ Thanksgiving ; wherein , as if we had been delivered to commit all this great Wickedness , the Spirit and Work of the Lord are heinously blasphemed and calumniated , as the only Author and Cause of all the Blood , Bondage , Usurpation , Rebellion , Rapine , Violence and other Evils , that either the malice and wickedness of men had caused , or God in his Righteous Judgement had therefore permitted or inflicted ; and the Ranversing of our Blessed Reformation , Holy Covenants , and the Righteous Laws whereby they were established , accounted the Restitution of Religion , Righteousness , and Liberties ; And the 29 of May , as most Auspicious , appointed for the yearly solemn commemoration thereof . ( A day , the profane Institution whereof cannot be better demonstrated , then by it 's more profane observance and celebration ever since practised ) These things , we say , being considered , do justly adde horror to our astonishment & trembling unto our mourning . But that their practise might be also consonant to their Acts and Statutes , and , by cutting off or laying aside it 's most eminent Opposers , the return of Prelacy might be more effectually promoted , in the same Session of Parliament , not only was that Innocent and Faithful one , Mr Cut●ry , ( singled out and signally honoured by God , to bear testimony to the Kingdom of His Son Jesus Christ , His Cause and Covenant , ( for no other fault then his faithfulness therein , and his Declining the King's usurped Authority in prejudice of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , and the priviledges of His Church , clearly warranded by 114 Act Parl. 12. la. 6. then standing unrepeal'd , and by a great cloud of faithful Witnesses , who in like manner did testify against this Usurpation ) cruelly slain and put to death ; But also , under the colour of certain Epidemick crimes , wherein the Soveraignity of Divine Providence , more then any man's malice , had involved the whole Land , others who had been eminent in the Work of God , particularly the Marquess of Argyle , were condemned to death , and forfeited : and several other Faithful Ministers , besides these who were at first imprisoned by the Committee of Estates , were without any cause signifyed , imprisoned , confined , or otherwise vexed and incapacitated . 4. The rise and re-establishment of this Antichristian Prelacy being thus prepared , in the interval after this first Session of Parliament , the King nominateth and presenteth Bishops ; and four of them being called to Court , are there Re-ordained and Consecrated : and that in such a manner as doth clearly infer their disowning and renouncing their former Minstery , and their Warrand & Mission thereunto . In consequence whereof , all the Ordinary meetings of Presbyteries and Synods are discharged , until they should of new be licenced & Authorized thereto by the Bishops now nominated and appointed , and , to the effect that matters might the better succeed , several of our Faithful Ministers , upon groundless suspitions , and for refusing of the Oath of Supremacy arbitrarly and rigorously imposed , without so much as admitting such qualifications , as no Christian ought or can deny , are some of them Banished and others confined . 5. The second Session of this last Parliament sitting in May 1662. by their first Act , they restore and re-establish Prelacy in all it 's pretended Rights , Dignities and Priviledges , but in effect , in it's real Usurpations and Corruptions . And for the better setling thereof , and evident declaring to the World , how Erastian and Antichristian this Woful Government is , both in it's Rise , Designs and Effects , as by this Act , the Restitution thereof is expresly founded upon the King's Supremacy , as being an inherent Right in the Crown for the disposal of the external Government of the Church , So it is also declared , that whatever the King shall determine with advice of the Bishops and such of the Clergy as he shall nominate , in the externall Government of the Church , shall be valid and effectual , without any other Proviso then that the same be consistent with the Laws of the Realm . But the Absolute Complement of all Wickedness and the Hight of Usurpation , above all that ever the Papacy it self aspired unto , is that which followeth , whereby the King and Parliament , for clearing all scruples which may occurre from former Acts and Practices , do rescind all former Acts , by which , the sole and only power of Jurisdiction within this Church , doth stand in the Church , and in the Meetings and Assemblies thereof ; and all Acts of Parliament and Council , which may be interpreted to have given any Church-power , Jurisdiction , or Government to the Office-bearers of the Church , their respective meetings , other then that which acknowledgeth a dependence upon , and subordination to the Soveraign Power of the King as supream , and is to be regulated and authorized in the exercise thereof by the Bishops , who are to put order to Ecclesiastick matters , and to be accountable to the King for their Administration ; And the foresaid 114 Act Parl. 12. la. 6. whereby the Priviledges , Power and other essentiall Censures given by God to the spirituall Office-bearers in His Church , and warranded by His Word are ratifyed , is even in so far and totally cassed and rescinded . And that the World may know how presumptuous and absurd this Usurpation is , which cannot be justly conceaved without an instance of it's effects , we here subjoyn that 4 Act. Sess . 3. of the same Parliament for the constitution of a National Synod , wherein the King is made soveraignly and properly to constitute this Assembly , both as to the Appointment of it's Members Constituent , and of it's constant President ; the absolute regulation of things there to be proposed ( which are declared to be only such as He shall please to signify , ) the determination and limitation of it's Decisions , which are to be agreed to by the President as well as the major part , and providing that they be not contrary to the Prerogative or the Laws of the Realm , And lastly , as to the necessity of the King's presence in person or by his Commissioner , and of his Ratification and Approbation , without which no Act or Deed is to be of any force . Now let the World consider , what he could have done more in the constitution and regulation of his own Court of Exchequer : And if he hath not done all , as to the constitution of this Court , ( immediatly depending upon our Lord Jesus Christ and his sole Authority ) which He Himself hath done or possibly could do ; by what warrand or rule , He who is King of Kings will require . We shal not here stand to examine these Acts according to former Laws , Oaths and Engagements , hereby most fearfully violated and contemned ; This is a strain of wickedness above all that former times could imagine . O! that God would speak to the Authors , but not in his wrath , and as he hath set His only Son upon his holy Hill of Zicn ; so he would cause them to fear His displeasure , that they may yet be wise and instructed to kiss the Son , left he be angry , and they perish from the way , when his wrath is kindled but a litle . Surely to define , that the sole Power and Jurisdiction of this Church , doth not stand within the same , but in some thing without beside our Lord Jesus ; and that the same is fountain'd in , and derived from the King ; and that all Church-Officers in all Church matters , are accountable to him , who is neither thereto Gifted nor Called , is to set the King upon our Lord Jesus his Throne , and a high derogation from , and reflection upon him , who hes builded the Temple of the Lord & bears the Glory , & sits and rules both as King & Priest upon His Throne ; Who , more worthy then Moses , was faithful and perfect as a Son over His own House ; and therefore did not leave His Church destitute , of any such necessary and proper Officer or Assister , when neither King nor Prince was so much as members thereof ; And lastly , it 's a plain Perversion in stead of Performance of that Promise made to the Church , Isai . 49. ver . 23. That Kings should be it's Nursing Fathers , where in place of Dominion , there Submission is expresly injoyned , they shall bow down to thee with their face toward the Earth . We know that this empty Notion of External Policy , is vainly pretended to colour the matter : But seeing whatsoever can be meaned by external Policy , even as to outward decency and Order , is either particularly determined by our Lord Himself and His blessed Apostles , or under the definition of General and Evident Rules left unto the Churches arbitriment , whereby the King ( being no Church-Officer ) upon a double account is clearly excluded ; and seing that under the pretence of this External Policy , the greatest & most superstitious Novations in the pure Worship of God , and the greatest Corruptions and Abuses both by the appointment of new Officers in the Church of Christ without His own warrand , and the usurping and perverting of the Power of Spiritual Censures in the Government of Gods House , may be and have been introduced , we doubt not , but all rational men do see the delusions of such vain pretences . And certainly since the Act it self doth proceed , to grant the King all the Power in & over both Ecclesiastick Causes & Persons that can be imagined , it would be but ordinary ingenuity in our Adversaries , plainly to assert , that the King is the Great Apostle and Vicegerent of our Lord Jesus Christ , in and over His House : Although they should not only appear herein destitute of any better warrand , then this present Act of Parliament ; But most plainly to justify al the Usurpation , that ever the Pope or Antichrist , can be charged with . 6. Bishops being thus restored and admitted to sit and give voice in Parliament , this Mixture and the Power of their Antichristian Spirit doth quickly exert it self : And without regard to the nature of Parliamentary and all Civil Powers ( which are no wayes conversant about things and perswasions only Internal , and meerly appertaining to conscience or to the Word of God , which is the ground and warrant , upon which all Power whatsoever being only Declarative , in matters of this kind , ought certainly and expresly to proceed , ) They procure a Dogmatick Act declaring these Positions , That it is lawful to Subjects for Reformation or necessary Self-defence to enter into Leagues , or take up Arms against the King , and such like , to be Rebellious and treasonable ; and particularly that the National Covenant as it was explained in the Year 1638 , and the Solemn League and Covenant were , and are in THEMSELVES UNLAWFUL OATHS , and were taken by , and imposed upon the Subjects of this Kingdom , against the Fundamental Law and Liberties thereof . ( Which neither they nor all the invention of Hell , is able to condescend upon or instruct ) And therefore , out of the plenitude of their power , ( as much as ever any Pope pretended to ) they loose the Obligation of Conscience , and free the Subjects of their Engagements : And further , to compleat this their Wickedness , they appoint a Declaration of this High Impiety , to be signed by all in Publick Trust , that none may be admitted to , or exerce the same , except they receave in their right hand or in their foreheads this their accursed mark . O! Lord our God , thow art of purer eyes then to behold Evil , and canst not look on Iniquity : VVherefore lookst thou on them that deal treacherously , and holds thy tongue when the wicked devour the man that is more righteous then he ? Yet surely O Lord thou hast ordained them for judgement , and O mighty God , thou hast estabished them for correction . Can the World beleeve , that a whole Nation in it's most National Capacity , including King , Parliament and the body of the People , should after most clear and evident convictions , and signal Manifestations of the Glory and presence of God , in the most important and holy Concernments of all Truth and Righteousness , most solemnly ( as it were ) to day engage themselves by Oath unto the Lord , and to morrow , without so much as seriously remembring Gods Holiness and terrible Jealousy , either against these that break His Holy Covenant , or wickedly profane His Name by taking it in vain , at once without any reason or probable motive rendered therefore , despise , contemn and trample the same Holy and Great Engagements under foot , and urge others to the like Wickedness and Impiety ? If this tend unto , or shall prove effectuall for the preservation of his Majesty's Person , Authority & Government , as this Act and statute is entituled , then surely he may break the Covenant and prosper . But this is not all , for these men supposing by this Act , that the Work of God was utterly subverted and overthrown , they provide also against the fears of it's revival , by declaring all such Gatherings and Petitions that were used in the beginning of the late Troubles , though the same be no other then that common priviledge of all men , which Slavery it self ( much less Subjection ) doth not take away , to be unlawful and seditious : And furder do statute and enact that no person by VVriting , Printing , Praying , Preaching , or malicious and advised speaking , express or publish any words or sentences to stirre up the People to the dislike of the Kings Prerogative and Supremacy , or of the Government of the Church by Bishops , or justify any of the deeds , Actings or things declared against by this present Act. By all which , not only the Security of Religion and the Liberty of the Subject is utterly subverted , by prohibiting of the lawful , most necessary and only means of asserting thereof , in case the same should be invaded ; but we are also denyed and prohibited the license , so much as to mourn and pour out our prayer unto God , either apart or one with another , for all this Horrid Apostacy , or our heavy persecutions for non-complyance therewith ; So that the most innocent of all remedies , Petitioning and Prayer , and also the meanest and last of all comforts , even the Tears and Complaints of the afflicted , ( which God and Nature hath hitherto placed beyond the reach of all cruelty ) are now severely forbidden . 7. By the third Act of the same Session of Parliament , under the pretence that Patronages , being the just & proper right of these concerned , were unjustly abolished in the Year 1649. notwithstanding that the same were only , in so far as they were burthensome to the Church of God , and obstructive to the Work of the Gospel , then abrogated ; and in lieu thereof the civil Interest and benefit of Patrons more amply extended and secured ; yet on purpose that they might cast out and remove such faithful Ministers , as notwithstanding all the wicked Acts and Practises then made for the overthrow of the Work of God and Presbyterial Government , might have by their stedfastness ( at least ) put some demur to this impetuous Defection , they statute and ordain , that all Ministers who entered to the Cure of any Parish , in or since the Year 1649. have no right unto , nor shall possess any benefice or stipend for that same current Year 1662. or any Year following , but decern their Kirks and Benefices Ipso Jure vacant : And then under pretext of favour , they clearly discover the design and snare intended , in declaring that every such Minister who shall obtain the Patron 's Presentation and Bishop's Collation , betwixt and the twenty of September then nixt following , shall have right to his Church and Benefice , as if at his entry he had been lawfully presented , otherwise the Act to stand in force against him . By which means this same Parliament in their first Session having enacted , that no Patron should present , or Minister Presented have right , except they should first take the Oath of Supremacy , the very body and strength of the Ministry of this Church were reduced to this sore Dilemma , either to take that Oath of Supremacy , which both by express Acts and clear Practises , was now declared and interpreted to be the very height of Papacy , and root of Prelacy , and by accepting of Collation , to acknowledge these perfidious and usurping Prelates , or to lose and be cast out of the Ministry , likeas , de facto 300. and upwards of the faithful Ministers , were by vertue of this Act shortly thereafter outed and violented from the Exercise of their Ministry . 8. The Prelates not having attained their full intent by this last Act , do further prosecut their design of casting out , and incapacitating all such as either remained or might rise up to oppose their wickedness , and therefore they procure , 1. an Act of Parliament without either Citation or Reason alleaged or rendered , against the faithful Ministers of Edinburgh , ( who , being eminent lights , were also from the advantage of the place apprehended as more eminent opposers , ) discharging them of their , Ministry , and ordaining them to remove themselves and families out of the City , after the 8 of September then next to come . 2. By the fourth Act of the same second Session of Parliament , to the effect that not one faithful Minister might remain to witness against their Defection , they statut and enact , that all Ministers , for Testifying their acknowledgement of , and complyance with the present Government by Prelates , keep and observe the Bishops Visitations and Diocesian Assemblies , and be assistant to them in all Acts of Church Discipline as they shall be required , under the pain for the first fault of Suspension from Office and Benefice , and of Deposition if they should not amend . We are not here to redargue such lukewarm Newters , as , by the subtilty of a vain distinction deceaving & being deceaved , under the pretence of innocent submission , do actually Assist , Partake , and Comply with that wicked Prelacy , which they are sworn to Extirpat ; and at best , can only pretend to keep the Covenant by that detestable Neutrality , which , they have therein abjured ; Their growing Backsliding will quickly declare and free them of this imputation of Neutrality . Our regrate is for the faithfull , who are thus by the Perjury and violence of such who of all men ought most to patronize them , not only outed of the Ministry by Deprivation from Benefice or stipend , but declared by a Parliament , a Civil Court , deposable from their Spiritual Office , as inconsistently and absurdly as if the same Secular persons , who were authors thereof , had by the same Act stept into their pulpits . 3. By the same last Act , in imitation of Julian the Apostat , who found not a more effectual and Devillish invention for suppressing & destroying Christianity then the shutting up of their Schools and Colledges for learning , they ordain for the poysoning of all the springs and fountains thereof , that none teach or rule in an University or Colledge , except they both take the Oath of Supremacy , and submit to , & own the Government of Prelacy , & that none be permitted to teach any School , or to be a Paedagogue to Children without the Prelates licence . 4. By the same Act , they not only prohibit any to Preach in publick or in families without the Prelats licence ; but advancing & pursuing their malice & persecution unto these very Sanctuaries of rest & refuge , which even in former times , ( when the proud were called happy , & such as wrought wickedness were set up , yea they that tempted God. were delivered , ) the Lord did provide and reserve for his Own , wherein they that feared him , and thought upon his Name , spoke often one to another , and the Lord hearkened and heard it ; they under the pretence , lest the People should thereby be alienat from their Lawful Pastors ( as they call them ) who in effect are Wolves and Thieves , discharge all Private Meetings in houses for Religious Exercises , which might tend to the prejudice of the publick Worship in Churches : Under which qualification , all Christian Fellowship and Society , amongst such who cannot overcome their just aversion from these Churches and publick Meetings , which these Apostat Prelats have prophaned and polluted , and whereunto they have wickedly intruded , are prohibited and reproached . 9. By a Proclamation emitted this second Session of Parliament , they again enjoin the observance of that Anniversary Holy Day , the 29 of May , even the Moneth and Day which they had devised of their own heart for a feast unto the People : And to the effect they might the more infallibly attain their purpose of Outing all faithfull Ministers , they subjoin the certification of Deprivation of Benefice , or Stipend , against all such who should not , ( because in conscience could not ) observe it , like as de facto , severalls , who could not in conscience satisfy themselves either as to the Authority or Reason of the appointment , are therefore without Citation or hearing , Outed of their Benefices and Stipends for that Year ; and the same either immediatly ingathered by the common Collector , or gifted to some other . 10. In the same Session of Parliament , pretending that the whole Land , ( a few only excepted , ) were notourly and heinously involved in the crimes of Treason and Lese-Majesty , through no other cause nor occasion , then our most Necessary , Righteous , and Lawful entering into the Solemn League & Covenant , and prosecuting the holy ends theirof , once so signally owned and countenanced by the Lord , and so fully Authorized by all the Law & Security that can be imagined ( for , as for the English Usurpation , few were guilty of Complyance therewith , who were not also most forward in this Apostacy , and the very vilest and worst of such had been declared an honest man by an express and particular Act of the same Parliament ) they appoint a packed close Committee , wherein the generality of the faithfull to the number of about 800 , ( not adding a hundred more who by private resentment or upon some other prejudice were listed in this roll ) without citation or any cause signifyed , or any manner of tryal taken , were most arbitrarily Fined , and for the most part in such pecuniary mulcts and summs as it pleased the malicious suggestions of the delators to impose , and in many particulars so absurdly , the sometimes the same person was found twice fined under divers stiles in diverse Shires , and others were left blanck either in the Name or Surname , who might be filled up either for one person or another , as the best conjecture should determine ; and others were fined , who were dead long before , or were Infants , and Minors under age , and others who to this day could never be found . If this be the righteous judgement which the Lord doth require , let the world declare . Surely this Act is such as hath no precedent nor fellow , except that other Act of Billeting , whereof , as the Power and Interest of some persons against whom it was intended have by an after Act sufficiently discovered it's Irregularity and absurdity ; so until the like discovery as to other Acts may be obtained , it may evidently enough declare what manner of Power and Reason did over-rule this Parliament : But these two Acts being past , the Parliament proceed to declare by their Act of Indemnity the Kings special Grace and Goodness , in pardoning such whom only the Parliaments own Apostacy , and unparalelled Rebellion against the God or Heaven , made criminal , excepting for the most part only such who were most Innocent . 11. This Session of Parliament being ended , the Council go about the execution of the Acts therein concluded , especially against the Ministers not obtaining Presentations , and by their Act and Proclamation at ●lasgow emitted , the 1. day of October 1662. they command all such Ministers to remove themselves forth of their respective Parishes , betwixt and the — day of November then nixt ensueing , discharging them thereafter to exercise any part of their Ministerial Function within the same : what and how great the iniquity and rigor of this Act is , we will not stand to declare . Certainly , he who commanded his Apostles to pray that their flight might not be in the Winter , did regard and doth remember the great distress which many poor families then sustained , who , being deprived of livelyhood , turned out of doors , indigent and very numerous , might according to the cruelty of their adversaries have starved and perished . We need not here insist upon the particular steps , whereby the restless jealousies of these wicked Prelats , did urge forward and advance this Presecution , by their impetrating of reiterate Acts and Proclamations , until they obtained that last Act and Proclamation , concluding and adjudging all these Ministers unto such a nice and impossible Confinement , which not only the necessity of humane frailty , and it's dependance upon many indispensible conveniences , do render more rigid & intollerable , then the most strict imprisonment , and the most barbarous banishment ; but also the most curious skill of the most exact Geographer can scarce make practicable : It is enough for us to note , that having , by a posterior Proclamation , extended the same pains unto all Ministers outed upon whatsoever ground of non conformity to this present course of Apostacy , ( in which condition all the faithfull Ministers in Scotland a very few excepted , are included , ) there were never so many Innocent and Faithful Ministers , in any Christian Church at once and for such a cause reduced to such hardships , fears , and uncertainties , and that by such persons , who not only are as deeply & solemnly sworn and engaged as they are , in the same Cause and Covenant , for which they suffer , but by such who once ( some of them at least ) appeared to have had the zeal of God , so that if it had been possible they would have pluckt out their own eyes , and have given them to such , whose Enemies they now are , only because they tell them the truth : Such is the fearful snare & prevailing Power of Apostacy ; but God seeth & telleth their wanderings , and putteth all their tears into his bottle . Having , because of the necessary connection of these things , thus represented them together , we return to the third Session of the same Parliament , and its Acts , Where 12. By the first Act thereof , they ratify the former Act anent Ministers , who entered in , and since the year 1649 , and such who keep not the Diocesian meetings , and do recommend to the privy Council the effectual execution theirof , and to call all such Ministers , who dare to preach in contempt of that Act to be punished as Seditious persons , and also to be careful to remove and dispossess such who should be Suspended or Deprived for non-conforming , declaring that if they thereafter presume to exercise their Ministry , they should be punished as Seditious persons . Thus , in the height of Perfidy and Violence , men under the pretext of abused and perverted Authority , proceed to dare and presume against God , their own Conscienc●● & all their Sacred & Indissoluble Oaths and Engagements , and to persecut such for preaching , who , standing stedfast therein , and having a dispensation of the Gospel committed unto them , by him who is King in Zion & higher then the Kings of the Earth , may & out to contemn the menaces of vain Man , in regard of that heavy and severe woe sounding in their ears , if they preach not the Gospel ; But the Act doth furder proceed , to require of all , a due Acknowledgement of , and hearty Complyance with the Kings Government Ecclesiastical and Civil , and therefore to ordain and declare , that who ever shal ordinarily and wilfully withdraw and absent themselves , from the ordinary Meetings for divine VVorship in their own Churches on the Lords day , whether upon the account of Popery or other dissaffection , shall incurre , each Heritor the loss of a fourth of that years rent , each Yeoman the loss of a fourth ( or under ) of his moveables , each Burgess the loss of his Liberty and Burgeship with the fourth of his moveables , and concludes with a reference to the Council for further punishment , & more effectual execution , likeas in order hereunto the Council by several Proclamations since , have so much intended the severity of this Act , that every Parish in stead of having a Lawfull Pastor , is now inslaved to a Graceless , Violent Hireling as it's Lord and Master , and to the extortion of Souldiours appointed for his Executioners and Exactors . We shall not here debate the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of the Obedience here required , only for the vindication of many thousands of the Faithful , who by their sufferings have born Testimony against this Act ; we add , 1. that waving the ordinary & captious maner of proposing the question in the terms of Hearing or nor Hearing , which strickly taken , are not the subject thereof , we are assured that none seriously pondering the obligation of the Oath of God , sincerely , really & constantly all the dayes of our life to endeavour the extirpation of Prelats and their dependants , but they will acknowledge , that the owning of , and submitting to the Apostat Curats according to this Act as our Ministers , is most diametrally opposit thereto : Can we Lawfully Own such whom we are bound to abhorre ? Or Submit to such whom we are bound to extirpate ? Surely this were to rebuild what we have destroyed . 2. That though some nimble Sophisters , who fear not after vowes to make inquiry , can and have swallowed both Owning and Submitting as not repugnant to the duty of Extirpation , yet , seing the direct contrary thereof , is by the terms themselves very significantly imported , and that these terms were for this express cause and design particularly elected and made choice of by the Parliament , for ranversing of the Obligation of the holy Covenant , no sober man will be tempted by their delusion to think , either that Owning and Submitting signify no more then Simple Submitting , or that that Active Assenting and Complying Submission here mean'd , is no more then that Stil and Passive Submission , unto which men by the force of inevitable necessity , and against their wills are oftentimes constrained . 3. That whoever pretending to enter into the Ministery , doth presumptuously contemn and despise the sacred Rule and Order of Entry appointed by the great Shepherd , cannot be reputed to enter by the Door , nor to be so much as Externally by him Sent or Called : But such as do enter by gross and palpable Perjury and wicked Violence and Intrusion , do without question contemn the sacred Rule and Order of Gods Word , so that to admit such to be so much as Externally Called were to make the God of Order the Author of Confusion , and him who is the Truth , the favourer of Perjury . We know that this notion of an External Call is conceited by many , to be no other thing , then the performance of such Rites and Solemnities , as are prescribed to the Admission of a Minister , done by such a Person or Persons , on whom the like hath been performed ; but seing that by many instances of gross Disorder and Violence , ( which are obvious for any man to suppose , ) many absurdities might be hence inferred , and that to be Externally Called according both to the meaning of Truth , and the import of the words is , to have such a Visible Evidence of the Call of Iesus Christ , as in Reason and Charity doth oblige all men to receave the person so called , as truely sent ; Certainly if any Person force his own Entry into the Ministry by open and profane Contempt of the Rule and Order given by our Lord Jesus , he doth in like maner as palpably disprove any Evidence of a Lawful Call , which he can pretend to , & no man is obliged either to Beleeve him to be Called or to Receave him as Sent. Which things are so evident in themselves , that whoever denyeth them , is obliged by the same consequence to affirm , that if Simon Magus had in his horrid wickedness purchased the Apostleship by money , the Christian World had been bound to Receave him as an Apostle . 4. Though we are not to lanch out into these depths , how the Soveraignity of Divine Providence hath suffered Churches to fall away into Apostacy , and again recovered them , and if during these times of Apostacy a standing Ministry still continued , or how long it did ; if not , what way it was revived and raised up , in which cases true Faith in Jesus Christ which is the substance of all , and a conscientious walking according to the measure of the times , doth certainly purge and sustain many things otherwise chargeable with Informality ; Yet of this weare confident , that it hath alwayes been both the sin and misery of all Apostatizing Churches , that they have not resisted the beginnings of Defection , and when the Authors theirof did prove incorrigible , though formerly Ministers , that they did not separate from them , and account them as Heathens and Publicans , which course , if duely and zealously observed , had undoubtedly put a great stop and hinderance to the rise and wicked Usurpation of Antichrist , all whose malice and violence without the delusion and complyance of such who ought to have resisted them , had never proven so effectual . 5. That a man may be a Minister , and yet not a Minister unto all , so as to oblige them to receave him as sent to them , which may be intuitively understood beyond the light and power of any demonstration , if we but suppose the case of a particular Congregation , living under , and acknowledging their own lawful Pastor , & that amongst such , a few violent persons arising , bring in another Minister by plain force , and cast out their lawful Pastor , and if it be sincerely resolved what the faithful in that Church are then obliged to do , surely none will think that they ought instantly to relinquish their true Pastor , & own & submit to this Intruder , but on the contrare all must grant that they ought to adhere to their lawful Minister & not only discountenance & withdraw from the Usurper , but by all lawful means endeavour his Ejection ; which case , if but translated to the present condition of this oppressed Church under usurping Prelates , will with the same evidence resolve the question . 6. That whatever construction or interpretation many to whom it is given to believe but not to suffer , may put upon their hearing of the Curates , as to the inferring or not inferring their owning of , and submission to their Ministry , yet this is certain , that as it is the most probable argument and presumption of owning that can be alleadged , so is it that which this Act requires for to testify both a due acknowledgement of , and hearty complyance with the present Government by Prelates , and as an undoubted evidence of the peoples giving their cheerful Concurrence , Countenance and Assistance to the Curates . 7. That seing hearing of the Curates by the acknowledgement of all the more ingenuous is not a duty to which they are moved by conscience , but rather used by them as a thing though lawful yet arbitrary , for the eviting a greater inconvenience , & seing that this Act and every article theirof is undoubtedly gross and wicked Perfidy against God and his holy Covenant , commanding the disowning and relinquishing the Lords Ministry whom we are bound to maintain , and the owning and encouraging by hearing such vile Intruders as we are bound to extirpate , thereby designing expresly to involve all as much as is possible in the same Perfidy , and to loose the former obligation of the Oath of God ; whatever may be said in the case abstractly considered , yet we are perswaded that being thus stated , not hearing becomes a case of Testimony , and an indispensible duty . 8. That as it is the sin and misery of all declining times that the zeall of God is at the best rather wished for as a Blessing , then minded as a Duty ; so we are confident that the true and right zeall of God should , and would not only inspire all with an unanimous Aversion against the the profane intruding Curates , but animate us as one man to drive away these Wolves and Thieves , and to eradicate these plants which our heavenly Father never planted . 9. That though the Curates could instruct and justify their External Call , yet such are their lies & lightness by which they cause the people to erre , & the visible truth of their vile Perjury and Prophanity , which they preach and practise , that all serious observers may easily discover them to be inwardly ravening Wolves under the sheeps cloathing of an pretended external call , of whom in conscience of our Lords command all ought and should beware . 10. That whatever may be the difference in these things even amongst the faithful , yet all must aggree and acknowledge that the violent pressing of such to hear , who upon such probable grounds from a tender sense of conscience do only plead that Christian , innocent , & most safe priviledge of a peaceable forbearance , is not only contrare to that ample promise of Indulgence to tender consciences made and declared by the King from Breda before his return 1660. but is in effect to violent all conscience , and the hight of oppression and rigor . 11. That as the grounds laid down may and do sufficiently answer all objections , so therefrom may be shortly cleared , first , that common and ordinary Sophism , that hearing and observing the Ordinances is an indispensible Duty from which neither the wickedness nor frailty of the Minister doth loose : But as it may be easily answered , that this when acknowledged doth rather suppose then inferre the complexed lawfulness of hearing Curates as Ministers , and that their Ministry is the Lords Ordinance , which is plainly denyed ; so we are also to consider , that such duties and performances are only acceptable unto the Lord , specially in the matters of his Worship which are intirely sound and wholly agreeable unto his will , truely done , in spirit , and altogether performed in truth , Nam bo●um est ex omni causa , hence it is that the prophanity and wickedness even of the Lords lawful Priests , let be the Perjury and Profanity of wicked Intruders , have not only caused the People to abhorre the offering of the Lord to the Priests heavy charge , but evē the Lord himselfe to abhorre his sanctuary , & to account incense an abomination , so that he cannot away with the calling of assemblies , it is iniquity even the solemn meeting ; shall it then be accounted iniquity for to hate that which the Lord hates , and withdraw from that which he hath forsaken ? Ought we not rather to distinguish a holy abhorring from a profane contempt , though both of them proceed from the Curats sin , and in the sense thereof rather wish for , and withdraw with Jeremiah unto a cottage in the wilderness , that there we may mourn for all these abominations ; surely were there no more in this matter but that Holines becomes the house of God for ever , and men of clean hands and a pure lip ought to draw near and turn unto him , it were sufficient to justify the Lords People , who in drawing near to God , cannot in conscience either regard or make use of the mouths and hands of these Apostates which are continually filled with lyes and violence , as either sent by the Lord to them-ward , or to be imployed by them to God-ward , 2. From these grounds may be cleared that grand objection from our Lords command to the People of the Jewes , Matth. 23. ver . 2 , 3. saying , The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses seat , therefore whatsoever they bid yow observe , that observe and do . Whence some inferre that even such as without a title do usurp the office of teachers ought notwithstanding to be both heard and observed ; but it is answered , 1. That it neither appeareth from the words nor yet from any other Record , that the Scribes and Pharisees did by intrusion possess themselves of Moses chair , but on the contrare , as by Moses chair is only understood the Office of teaching , resolving and judging according to Moses law , to which although the Levites were appropriate , yet is there is no such determination thereanent in the Word of God , as can by any manner of inference reject the Scribes & Pharisees as intruders , so it is more presumable ( that , seeing our Lord in that long Legend of evils & woes pronounced against them , doth not in the least charge them with Intrusion , but rather acknowledge their Vocation by calling them the Builders ) they had thereto lawfully attained . 2. As our Lords Words bear no command for the People to hear , but only to observe and do what they heard , rather supposing then allowing that , which though for the time he endeavoured to improve to the best advantage , yet afterwards he intended not only to reform but utterly to abolish , & therefore cannot in reason infer a command & duty to hear the Curates ; so neither our Lords tolerance in this case can so much as infer it's lawfulness , except the cases were duely stated & compared , which if any will rationally do , by first supposing that the Scribes and Pharisees had then lately by gross Perjury and Violence thrust out the Lords Teachers & intruded themselves into the Office , we are bold to affirm that our greatest adversaries dare not in this case assert , that our Lord would so much as in the like words here used have insinuat a simple toleratiō 13. Hitherto we have only observed the progress of these Acts that directly tend to the overthrow of Presbytery , and the erecting of Prelacy , but as by the vilest of Flatteries and most presumptuous of Usurpations , Soveraignity is puffed up and exalted to that Supremacy , which is the necessary & only foundation of Prelacy ; So it is no wonder if both in the righteous Judgement of God , and through the influence of this wicked Prelacy , the stay of lawful Authority become a yoke of Tyranny , and that these Prelates , who make an absolute surrender of Religion , Conscience & all Sacred Concernments , for the gratifying , and to the arbitriment of these Powers whose Creatures they have often Atheistically acknowledged themselves to be , do with the same and greater profusion subject both Laws , Liberties and the Fortunes of others , to the lust of the same Powers , which they may so easily pervert unto their own establishment and advancement : And this indeed is and hath alwayes been that great aggravation of our later Prelacy , rendring the same worse and more intolerable : then the Romish Hierarchy , which being wholly dependent upon the Pope , another and distinct head , and not upon the Civil Power , whose interests are oftentimes not only distinct but directly opposite , it hath neither that access , nor influence to abuse Princes ; Whereas our Prelates deriving all their Power and Being from the Kings Supremacy by endeavouring for their own better establishment to render him incontrollably absolute over and in all things , they being otherwise mean and abject persons , having the least and almost no share nor interest in the Commonwealth , and by reason of their ill Right and worse Conscience in what they do possess , being alwayes cruelly jealous , have by sad experience ever inclined the Government unto Tyranny ; and as in this late and worst Catastrophe they have more prevailed then ever formerly they did , so the following instances do more clearly demonstrate this assertion . We shall not here repeat these Acts whereby for the better and more easy establishment of Prelacy then designed , this Parliament for it's first work under pretence of vindicating & declaring the Kings Just Right and Prerogative , did in effect wholly corrupt and innovate the well tempered and firm constitution of our Ancient Government , which both all our Ancient Histories and Records , the only evidence whereby fundamental Laws are verifiable , do sufficiently declare , and the long continuance and endurance thereof , excellently commend . The first thing that thereafter occurs , is that Act and offer of fourty thousand pounds Sterling to the King yearly during his life , whereby in place of that relaxation from these burdens which the iniquity of Usurpers had only from time to time imposed , a lasting and perpetual Imposition , by it's continuance fully exequating the excess of the former , is entaild upon us , and that for no other end then the complementing of a few Favourites of Prelacy , and the maintaining of a Military Force over us , for their & the Prelates security , & the persecution & slavery of the body of the people opposite thereto . The 2. thing is that rigid , irregular & exorbitant Fining which we have already mentioned , clearly & unquestionably carried on & executed , by the same Authors & for the same Design . The 3. thing is that humble tender made to the King of our duty and loyalty , wherby in recognizance of the Kings prerogative , and in a further acknowledgement of our duty , the Parliament by the 25. Act , Session 3. do subject the Persons , Fortunes and whole strength of the Kingdom to the Kings pleasure and arbitrement , in that humble ( indeed , but also blind and inconsiderat ) offer of 20000 foot Men , and 2000 Horsmen sufficiently armed with 40 dayes Provision , to be ready upon the Kings call to march to any part of his Dominions for opposing whatsoever Invasion or Insurrection or for any other service : Which offer , though possibly many do account it but a voluntary and cheerful expression of that readiness , which our Ancestors have often witnessed for the defence of King and Country ; yet in effect , if duely considered as concluded under the force of a Statute & Act of Parliament , in place of that willingness and readiness alleadged , whereunto our Ancestors were from time to time determined , by these visible and apparent exigencies of the common concernment which did require it , it will be found no other thing , then an implicite and slavish Emancipation of our lives and libertyes , to the arbitrement of the Powers , coloured with the pretext of loyall devotion to lawful Authority . But whatever is herein exorbitant , is without question the proper effect and product of the jealousy of these Apostate Prelates , whom the inward disquiet of an evill conscience , causeth to apprehend terror round about . The 4. thing , wherein this wicked prelacy hath perverted the Ancient and well constitute Government of this Realm , is their procuring , erecting , and exercing the High Commission Court , ( without so much as the approbation of that Parliament wherein nothing would have been refused them , wherein not only Ecclesiastick and Civil Jurisdiction are absurdly confounded , in impowering secular persons to suspend and depose , and pretended Church-men and Ministers to fine , confine and incarcerate , but the Act. 131. Parl. 8. Iac. 6. discharging all New Courts not approven in Parliament , directly thereby contraveened ; neither will the Catholicon of the Kings omnipotent Prerogative salve this breach , in respect the same Prerogative , now in so great vigour , was by the 129 Act of this same 8 Parl Iae. 6. and almost immediatly preceeding the Act alleadged , then also recently enacted . But who can consider the Arbitrary form of Inquisition and summar procedour without any shaddow of Legal Process , used in the same Commission , it 's tyranny and unwarrantable exacting of Oaths and subscriptions , with it's new invented , insolent and affronting punishments more cruell to ingenuous Spirits then death it self , and not be convinced of the gross and wicked corruption of this State-novelty , or rather monster ? The 5. thing which offers , is the accumulation and in effect the suppression of the ordinary Offices of State ( the very stay and props of regular Government , and the conduits and channells whereby it 's refreshing influences are diffused ) with , and by an extraordinar and superlative power and Office in the single person of the Kings Commissioner . Certainly as in the multitude of Councellers there is safety , so on the other hand no King on earth can rule by such an deputation , who may not as lawfully alienate his Crown : Which devices are all the inventions of these wicked Prelates , who knowing that if the King should either hear , see or act , but by such ears , eyes , & hands as they do assigne unto him , their affairs could not long prosper , do by such exorbitancies endeavour the establishment of their own Tyranny . The 6. thing that occurs is not only the keeping up of a Military Force to the intolerable burden and slavery of this free Nation , in so far as the ordinary and civil manner of Legal Execution , specially for Fines and Ecclesiastical Delinquencies is now committed to , and managed by Military Force and Violence , and thereby the manner of exacting often times rendered more hard and insupportable then the exaction it self ; but also that for satisfying the restless jealousies and endless fears of the evil consciences of these Apostate Prelates , more and greater forces under the vain pretence of Forraign fears , which both the then condition and posture of these Wars , the dis-proportion of the Forces themselves , and the disposal of such as before were leavyed did clearly redargue , have been leavyed , and are kept on foot , for maintaining whereof the Publick Revenues are mis-applyed , the Fines , when by the Kings favour long delayed , at length exacted and expended , new Taxations imposed , far exceeding the quantity of any formerly required , and at length the old Assessment the great grievance of the late Usurpation of new superadded , and the poor Country and body of the Land in it's greatest poverty subjected unto , oppressed and harrassed by more injurious extortions then ever the Conquering sword of an Forraign Enemy did heretofore , or can probably license : And all these things clearly intended and carryed on for no other end then the support of this wicked Prelacy , and it 's cruel Bondage and Spiritual Tyranny . We need not mention for an aggravation of these violences , that these Forces were leavyed by the immediate procurement of the Perfidious Prelates , without the advice of the King's Council , ( ever from the beginning , what ever may be the present exaltation of Prerogative , reputed to be one with the King , and who both by Place and Interest are therein indispensibly concerned ) seing it is not the least of the iniquities and calamities of these times , that the poor Nation and it's greatest Concernments are by them so basely abandoned . But this we must take notice of , that though our Adversaries , by reason of the disastrous Events that lately have happened , do now boast of a most special Providence and fore-sight in all these oppressions ; yet it would be more just and rational on their part , to acknowledge that as oppression doth even make a wise man mad , so to see a free Nation , by the Perfidy and Insolent Domineering of a few up-start Prelates , and the violence of their wicked and slavish Favourites , reduced to the condition of a most insupportable and unnatural Conquest , both was , is , and ever will be a most just cause and provocation to all ingenuous Spirits and true Patriots , to undertake the asserting of their own Liberty , upon the greatest hazard . Having thus truly and fully represented the exaltation of Prerogative and Prelacy , over and above all things Divine and Humane , Sacred or Profane , we shall briefly adde the bitter and cruel fruits and effects of this sinful and woful Conspiracy . 1. As the Laws above mentioned , enacted for the overthrow of Presbytery and the Restauration of this accursed Prelacy , specially in so far as concerns the Ministry , were and are such as did inevitably infer , either a sinfull complyance with that Perjury and Apostacy whereby they were framed , or the endurance of the pains and sufferings thereto subjoyned ; so almost the whole faithful Ministers , are thereby first and last not only deprived of their benefices and livelyhood , ejected out of their respective Parishes , and by imminent & visible force incapacitated from the exercise of their Ministry , but some of them are Banished , others Confined , and the remnant reduced to such straits , fears and uncertainties as we have before represented . Then might we have seen the shepherds smitten , and their flocks scattered , our teachers removed into corners , and the Lords Vineyard and Sanctuary laid most desolate : so that in some whole Countreyes and Provinces no preaching was to be heard ; nor could the Lords day be otherwise known , then by the sorrowfull remembrance of these blessed enjoyments whereof now we are deprived . Oh! though we had not the zeal & courage of our Ancestors , to have set our selves for the defence of the Gospel , and the maintenance of the Lords Ministers and Ordinances , of which we were so perfidiously and violently spoiled , yet that at least we had remembered , by Prayer and Supplication to God , in the dayes of our afflictions and of our miseries , all the pleasant things that we had in the dayes of old . 2. As this Antichristian spirit did at the first discover it selfe , in that height and rage of Prophanity and all Excess , which suddenly overspread the Land , and did very powerfully and evidently usher in the Restitution of Prelats ; so the same hath been ever since by them not only tolerated , but greatly countenanced and encouraged . We do not here mention their gross and wicked Toleration of Popery , whereby in thir few years it hath increased to a greater hight then ever it attained at any time in this Land since the Reformation , & that though it hath , & doth appear in that daring confidence , as in its avowed idolatrous Masses and seminary Priests amongst us , to contemn and despise these ancient and standing Laws whereby such things are often and severely prohibited under the pain of death , yet to this day never one hath been publickly questioned and charged upon that account . The thing mostly to be noticed is , that the only grievance and eyesore of Prelates is Conscience and any measure of Tenderness therein ; Thence is it that the most innocent and peaceable Forbearance in not bearing Curates and the like , have been persecute with all rigor , whereas Adulteries , Blasphemies , Swearing and Drunkenness are so far from being punished or restrained , that the Committers thereof are now only the persons most in fashion and favour ; yea it hath been known and can be instanced that persons conveened , and questioned , as disaffected , have either upon the discovery or information of their Profanity and dissoluteness , been instantly and freely dismissed . Oh that men and Christians do so litle remember our Lords own rule to judge and discern false prophets by their fruits , whereby he hath expresly said that we shall know them , and that men are so far blinded and bewitched , as not to see the mighty working of Sathan in this Mystery of Iniquity , endeavouring under a meer shaddow and pretence of Formality , to root out the Power and Life of Religion and Conscience , and to reduce this poor Church unto that Laodicean luke-warmness more desperate and incurable then coldness and death it self . 3. The faithful Ministers being outed , and the hedge of Presbyterian Government removed , as prophanity and wickedness doth yet more abound , so there came out of this smoak , Locusts upon our Church , even a crue of Curates for Insufficiency , Vanity , Lies , and Prophanity , the very Scorn of Reformation & Scandal of Religion . We need not here adduce particular instances , there is none who in the least observe their doctrine and maner of conversation but will easily acknowledge it : And the certainty of what we here affirm is so obvious unto all , that a particular condescendence would either prove an infinite labour , or too much abridge the extent of so sad a truth . It s true there are some who being convinced , and others who supposing the truth of what is here alleadged , do either doubt or deny these ; things to be the proper effects of Prelacy , but rather of the licentiousness of men , and such accidents which may be incident to the best constitutions : But if it be considered , 1. That that thing which inseparably and infallibly attends another , may with more then ordinary probability be concluded to depend thereon by a certain influence : 2. That that which is no Ordinance of Jesus Christ , but the visible product of the Devils malice and mens pride and lust , can never be effectual for the establishing of Truth , or promoting of Holiness . 3. That such who not only discover in themselves the foresaid evils , but by open and most notorious Perjury do usurp and invade and hold the Offices they pretend to , must of necessity hate the light because their deeds are evil ; it will be very easily granted that Prelacy , Prelates , and their dependants , to whom all these things are clearly applicable , are not only the proper causes and authors of all the Prophanity and Wickedness under which this poor Land now perisheth ; but most naturally introductive unto all these Superstitions and Abominations , wherein the Devill by the same means did , and hath involved the Christian World under the Roman Papacy . 4. The Prelates and Curates being thus established , from the ground and warrant of the Acts mentioned , several Proclamations and Edicts , for the more effectual execution thereof and pressing conformity thereunto , & for the suppressing conscientious adherence to , or ( so much as is possible ) the very remembrance of our former Engagements and Covenants , and the holy Ministry and Government therein contained , are emitted and published . We have already mentioned that at Glasgow , and these others to the same purpose which did ensue upon it . The first what we here note is , that the Prelates conceaving that their persecutions already practized and to be practized , might excite the compassion of some to a charitable supply of the afflicted ; more to express their cruel malice then really to hinder that , which at best is not worth the noticing , under the pretext of Dis●rder , they procure a discharge of charitable Collections . And now let it be here observed once for all , that such is the cruelty , not only of the malice but of the very Acts , procured by the Prelates against conscientious Non-conformists , that if they were followed with a sutable & compleat execution , there should remain no comfort to any abiding stedfast , other then that of Arcadius mercy to the children of Traitors , that life should be their grief , and death their relief . There was another Proclamation emitted , at the time of the first planting of the Curates , that all persons should keep their own Parish Churches , and should not repair to any other except in case of vacancy , under pain of twenty Shillings Scots toti●s quo●ies , to the effect that such as could not in conscience attend the Curats Conventicles , might be also deprived of any mean of edification , which the opportunity and neighbourhood of a faithful Ministry might afford . Then thereafter there is another Edict published against unwarrantable Preaching , Praying , or Hearing , whereby even such Exercises , without which the Communion of Saints can hardly be intertained , are restrained & discharged ; in so much , that if a faithful outed Minister should repair to any private family , or two or three moe then the Domesticks of one House be found together , though only imployed in the most Christian & edifying Exercises of Praying , Lecturing or Godly Conference , their meeting is declared an unlawfull Conventicle , and all such as are accessory , punishable accordingly . By a fourth Proclamation , men are required to be assistent to , and concur with the Curates in the exercise of Discipline , as they shall be thereto called , though they be not told either by what warrant , or in what capacity they are to meddle in the Matters of God ; for our Adversaries do both disown Elders , & allow Deacons no rule . There is a fifth Proclamation discharging all Conventions & meetings whatsoever under the pretence of Religion , which are not allowed by Authority , certifying all persons accessory , that they shall be looked upon and punished by pecuniary and corporall pains , as seditions persons , at the arbitrement of the Council , and especially that the Ministers exercising therein , and their resetters or countenancers in any sort , shall be liable unto the highest pains due to seditious Persons . And lastly , there is a sixt , commanding all Masters of Families to cause their Servants and all their dependents , and all Heritors and Landlords to cause their Tennants and Tax-men to obey all Acts of Parliament or Council enjoyning Conformity , and particularly to frequent their Parish Churches , and to submit and conform to the Curates their Ministry , or else to remove them summarly from their service , and eject them out of their Possessions : And also that Heritors take bond and security of their intrant Tennants in time coming , that they and their Cottars and Servants , shall give obedience as said is ; and lastly , that all Magistrates of Burghs cause their Inhabitants give Bond for the like obedience ; for which effects , these Heritors and Magistrates are warranded to charge them under the pain of Rebellion : And whosoever shall contraveen this Edict is certified and declared lyable to the same pains due to the Non-conformists themselves , for whom he hereby is made answerable . This is the last Act & Proclamation for Conformity not only in course , but even in the utmost of extremity and rigor , whereby , as many persons having a freedom as to their own practise , are further urged , contrare to all the rules of charity and moderation , to compel others towards whom they may rather desire a Christian Forbearance and Indulgence to be used ; so the generality of the Land without any exception whatsoever , are reached , and obliged to all the Complyance with , and Conformity to this wicked Apostasy , and accursed and abjured Prelacy , whereof they are capable , and that under such Pains , as if generally incur'd and execute , should infallibly reduce the Land to utter Desolation and confusion . But the Lord heareth and regardeth , and Oh that men would also hear the voice of this poor Church , that bewaileth her self and spreadeth out her hands , saying , VVoe is me now , for my soul is weary because of Murtherers . 5. As we have observed the Tyranny and Illegali●● of the High Commission granted for executing these Ecclesiastick Acts and Edicts , both in it's Constitution and Procedor , so we do furder observe that whatever Novelties and Extravagancies the Commssion it self contain , yet the Practises of the Court , having no other Precedent in the Christian World , save that of the Spanish Inquisition , do far exceed them . For 1. as persons are brought before them , either by Seisure or summar Citation without any cause signified , but to answer super inquirendis , contrary to an express standing Law Iac. 6. Parl. 10. cap. 13. 1585. which was also enacted when the Kings Prerogative was fresh and in full vigor ; so at their Compearance , they have neither Libel nor Accuser , but are constrained instantly to make answer to whatsoever question the arbitriment of the Archprelat pleaseth to demand . 2. As there is no time for advice permitted , so neither are lawful Defences receaved or admitted ; but if any person do offer to propone any matter of that kind , he is required first to take the Oath of Supremacy , or some such Engagement or Subscription which they are assured he wil refuse . Thus a Gentleman of the Name of Porte●field , being conveened before them , and questioned for not owning the Curate , he answers , that his not hearing the Curate , could import no disaffection , nor bring him under the compass of the Law , because the Curate had calumniated him by such vile opprobries & reproaches , as were both scandalous in a Minister , and just ground of resentment to any ingenuous Spirit , as he was able to prove by sufficient witnesses : This the Court having sustained as relevant , and the Gentleman having adduced his witnesses , and one of them being examined and clearly proving , all further procedor is stopped , and he required to take the Oath of Supremacy , which he having refused , they sentence him in a great Pecuniary Fine , and confine his person far North , to the Town of ●lgin . 3. If any person conveened do clearly answer all their Questions & Demands , so that he cannot be in that manner reached , then they require him in a most Arbitrary way . either to take the Oath of Supremacy or some other subscription for obedience to Ecclesiastick Lawes , or any other bond or security they please to require : In which their Tyranny they are so inconsequent , that they neither remember that Lawes are made to be Obeyed and not subscribed , and that Obedience is secured by their own sanction , and not by the Peoples handwriting , nor that the main objection by which they thēselves do impugn the Covenant , & whereon the Declaration against it , is expresly founded , is that the same was taken by , & imposed upon the Subjects of this Kingdō against the sundamental laws & liberties of the same which is not more fals if applied to these holy Covenants , ( which were expresly founded , both upon the Word of God , & the free consent of the body of the People , & most necessarly intended for the glory of God & the defence of Religion & Liberty , which are the foundations of all foundamentals , besides the accession of both Law & Authority by which they were warranted ) then true and evident in order to the case in hand , it being most certain , that whatever may be the extent of the Peoples Surrender under any Constitution ; for the enforcing of their Obedience or Submission , yet the liberty of Persuasion is so undoubtedly understood to be reserved , that it cannot be abridged by any imposed Oath or Subscription , without their own consent . We know the Council hath both the power , and is in use to take Bond for keeping the Peace , but this is a practice so clearly warranted by Law , and so antecedently sounded in reason and humanity , upon just and probable presumptions , to secure the Peace by bond , which they might do by the persons imprisonment , that the parity is alleaged with as litle reason , as the practice controverted is voyd of equity : Notwithstanding of all which , there is but one course before that Commission-Court , without mitigation either to Banish , or Fine , or Confine ( or both ) the persons refusing . 4. If any do in his answers or demeanor offend , or be discovered thereby in the least to be guilty , they proceed to sentence without any breathing or intermission , wherein they so litle observe the Warrant of their Power and Commission , that they oftentimes exceed all the proportion either of Law or Reason : For verifying whereof , let but the instances subjoined be considered , where we shall find persons 1. Stigmatized and Banished for not conforming , which neither their first nor second Commission , bearing only Power to ●ine , Confine and Imprison , nor the Laws whereupon they could proceed , give warrant to do . We know the first Commission that was printed , was afterwards renewed with some ex●ension & not printed , but though some copies thereof in write were spread abroad with power to stigmatize and banish , yet neither doth the Principal contain any such warrant , nor can the extension therein made , infer the same in any sort , without admitting that the same Court consisting of many members constituent of the Secret Council , might Proteus-like transfigure themselves into this form in a moment . 2. We shal find men sentenced not only to Banishment , but to Deportation and Slavery , viz. to be carried to Barbadoes , where , being poor men and not able to redeem their Liberty , they must undoubtedly be sold ; a punishment , which not only the disproportion of their delinquencies , but the whole tenor of our Laws , and the undoubted Priviledge of Christianity , doth reprobate and condemn . These things duely considered and compared , it will be more then evident , that our Oppressions and Grievances by reason of this Court alone , do far exceed all the pressures and injuries of that Spanish Inquisition , whereupon the United Provinces have justified and approved their revolt from under the King of Spain , to all Protestant States and Churches . 6. As these Acts and Proclamations are very Wickedness ; so their Execution hath been only Rigor and Cruelty , It were endless to enumerate all the distresses that have hereupon ensued upon particular persons and Families , unto the imprisonment of many , confinement of some , deportation of others to remote Islands , chasing of others to sore and anxious wanderings , & scattering of Families unto beggery . Any who can conceave the Wickedness and Violence that did prompt the Prelats to the making of these Acts and Statutes , the arbitrary Power of the High Commission by which they were enforced , and the rage , violence and rapine that attends Military Force by which they were and are executed , may possibly conceave some part of these evils ; which , lest the strangeness thereof do render altogether improbable to men unacquainted , we shall here subjoin a few instances of many , of the Procedors of the High Commission Court , leaving these of Military Force unto a more proper place . The Parish of An●rum had been in former times under the blessing of Mr John L●vings●on his Ministry , who being banished the Kingdom for no other cause then his eminency and stedfastness in the Work of God , and refusing the Oath of Supremacy , there is obtruded by the Bishop upon them in his place , one Scot , an old excommunicate ●urate , continuing under that sentence and in his wickedness that procured the same , for which cause mainly , he is now complemented and rewarded with the accession of this Kirk and Benefice , to two others , which he still brooks & enjoyes , though very far distant from this place . This man coming amongst them , such as feared the Lord , and remembered his Work and Covenant , are stirred up in the Zeal of God to testify against his Intrusion , whom , being a Person excommunicate , entering by gross Perjury , without their consent , and only seeking after the fleece and Benefice , all that love our Lord Jesus and the prospering of his pleasure , were bound to abhor and detest : We do not justify any excess of human passion that might here have been admixed with the sincere zeal of God , which we are certain in it's worst appearance all men ought rather to excuse , then therefore condemn that duty , to which not only the People of that Parish , but the whole Church of Scotland were and are in a higher measure indispensibly obliged in opposition to the present course of Apostacy , and for extirpation of the Apostat Prelates . However four men of the Parish are conveened before the High Commission , where being examined they acknowledge , that Mr Scot being to preach at Ancrum as their Minister , they found themselves pressed in conscience to declare to him their dis-satisfaction with his entry , and that they were present with the rest of the People which were there at that time . This the Commission , contrary the opinion of the more sober & most knowing amongst them , take for a confession of guilt , and immediatly proceed to sentence them , as c●ntemners of the Ordinances , to be scourged through the Town , sugmatized with the ●●tter T at the Cross of Edinburgh , and thereafter imprisoned , and with the first Ship to be carried to the Barb●●oes Islands . All which was accordingly performed upon them . Thus judgement is turned into gail , and the fruit of righteousness into hemlock . But God who sustained his servants with that constancy & courage , that neither the shame nor pain of scourging and burning , hindered them openly and audibly to rejoice in the Lord , who counted them wo●thy to suffer for his Name , beholdeth also mischief and spite to requite it with his hand . For the same alleaged crime , shortly thereafter they sentence two Brothers , married men , to be carried to Barbadoes , and their siste● , a young woman , to be scourged through the Town of Jedburgh . As for alleaged conventi●ling , there is one Mr Smit● , a Minister seised upon and imprisoned , for no other c●ime then preaching to , and praying with a few secretly assembled for fear of the P●elates , in the Name of the Lord , without the least offence objected from any thing there spoken ; who being brought before the Commission , and in his examination and answers to the Bishop of St Andrewes , calling him only Sir , without Lord or Grace , he is therefore taxed by the Commissioner , to whom he answered very respectfully , ( giving him his accustomed titles ) that he knew he was speaking to Mr James Sharp once a Minister as he himself is . Whereupon there is so great offence conceaved , that the Commissioner did immediatly ordain him to be carried by the Town-Hangman to the Thieves Hole and there laid in the Irons , in company with a Fu●ious Fatuous person , who was there loose : An Indignity so great , unusual and insolent , that although He had behaved himself not only rudely in his demeanor , ( which is the worst that his Adversaries can charge him with ) but had been most flagitious in his life ; yet nothing but that Spirit of Spite and Rebellion that rageth Apostats , could prompt Christians to inflict upon one , who had ever carried so much as the Title of a Minister . But because the open Iron-grate , whereby this Hole is shut , gave too great access to the charity and compassion of many persons who came to visit him , he is therefore upon the third day thereafter carried up to the Iron-house within the T●lbooth , & continued in his irons and fetters , and thereafter in close Prison , until by sentence of the same Commission , he was banished and confined to Shetland , the coldest and wildest of all the Scots Islands ; where he was to expect no other comfort , then the company of some other faithful men , who for not owning and submitting to the Curats , had been carried there by sentence of the same Court. And as they did thus sentence a Minister for Exercising , so the same Court having conveened before them an honest private man ... Black , for being present at an alleaged Conventicle , but in effect , at the meeting of a few Christians for praying and hearing the Lord's Word , without so much as any other offence pretended ; because , according to the example and warrant of the Primitive Christians , he refused to give His Oath , & thereupon to delate the names of such as he knew to have been present , and because he was not liberall in giving St Andrewes his titles , the Commissioner ordaineth him to be scourged thorow the Town ; although it was well known to the Court , that his information could give very small evidence , and they were convinced , that his refusal did not flow from contempt of the King's Authority , but meerly and purely from scruple of Conscience . These are a few instances of many particulars of this kind which might be alleaged , whereof there is no corner in the whole Countrey , nor Parish almost in the West , which cannot give evidence ; and therefore we do remitt any more ample confirmation of these things , until we have noted a few moe particulars for clearing thereof . 7. As we have observed the Wickedness of these Ecclesiastick Laws , and the iniquity and irregularity of the Act of Fining , and the introducing of Execution by Military Force ; ( a servitude unheard of and intolerable in any free Nation ) so the evils and oppressions thereof can scarcely be numbered . For 1. Upon pretence of that Proclamation , commanding People to keep their Parish-Churches , and prohibiting the repairing to any other , except in case of vacancy under the pain of 20 shillings Scots toties quoties , the souldiours being disposed upon , to such places which are known to be most averse from this course of Apostacy , lying at catch for their own advantage , have often taken the opportunity , where there was but one Church in the bounds still enjoying a faithfull Minister , and many vacancies about , to go and beset that Church in the time of Divine Worship to the profane disturbance thereof : And thereafter either to cause call some old roll of the Parishioners , and exact the Fine of twenty shillings Scots of all others without exception , or respect even to the licence contained in the Proclamation it self in case of vacancy , or to require an Oath of every person to know to what Parish they belong , and that at the Church door without permitting them to come forth , until they either give their Oath or pay the Fine , not only with such cursing , swearing and confusion , as would make Infidels amazed to see the Lords day so profaned , by Christians professing the same common Faith ; but with such rigor , by taking by force the Bibles or garments from some poor persons , who have not wherewith to pay , and insolent beating and wounding of others to the effusion of blood , as may justify the greatest Barbarity . We need not instance particulars in a truth so universally known . We proceed to another kind of this same violence , practised in other places where Curates are planted ; who , to force and compel the people to that complyance with their Ministry , which in conscience they are bound to abhor , cause form lists or rolls of such as keep not the Church , and calling them after sermon , both Men and Women by Name and Surname , they amerciate the absents in such summs and Fines as they please , & for the most part , far exceeding the pains contained in the Act of Parliament ; whereupon the Souldiours are immediatly warranted to go and exact the same by quartering . Which Practice is not more unjust in it's illegal and summar procedor , then rigid and exorbitant ; both as to the quantity and the maner of exacting it , by reason of their riding and quartering - money ( which is therewith exacted ) and the other inconveniences which inseparably attend the rapine and violence of profane souldiours . 3. In many places , not contented thus to Fine and Exact , the souldiours , on the Lords day , go to private houses , and by plain force compel and drive to the Church all such as they find , and oftentimes do insolently beat and abuse persons who by reason of infirmity or sickness are really unable : A practise so cruel and absurd , that some of themselves have said , it was our Lord's way to drive buyers and sellers out of the Temple , but not to drive them into it . 4. As to the exacting and levying of the Parliaments Fines , the same was done ( by a reference of the Councill to the Commissioner , and his orders thereon ) in such an oppressive and exorbitant manner as cannot be paralelled . For 1. Parties of horse being directed to several Shires , when a party arrived in any Shire , they direct their order to all the persons therein Fined , intimating to them and every one of them to pay their respective Fines , with three shillings sterling per diem for every horse-man in the party , from the day and date of their Order until the Fine be payed , and the payment signified to the commander of the Party : By which extortions , many have been compelled to pay more for Quartering then the summe and quantity of their Fine ; and during the time of these oppressions , many have computed that the Sherifdoms of Air & Re●frew , were compelled to pay upon the accompt of Quarterings , over and above the Fines , betwixt two and three thousand merks Scots per diem . 2. There was no defence nor exemption allowed against these Quarterings ; for whether the person fined did liberat himself by taking the Declaration , or that it was alleaged that he was Minor , or an Infant , or never Charged , or that his Predecessor charged was since Deceased , or that his predecessor was never Charged , yea Died before he was fined , or that the person quartered on was only Relict of the person fined ( a poor Widow living upon a mean Joincture ) or that the person quartered on had no Relation to the person fined , save that he lived in the house and place which once pertained to him , and which this person lawfully Purchased , even before the other was fined ; Yet all was repelled , and no complaint of this rigor and violence could be heard or receaved ; but on the contrary the complainer ( especially if he refused to take the Declaration ) was rejected with most insolent reproaches and menaces . 3. That both in the up-lifting of the Fine and exacting of the Qwarterings , the extremity of rigor was used , by dragging some to prison , who either were known altogether indigent and insolvent , or did offer to renounce the Benefit of the Act of Indemnity ( the forfaulture whereof was the alternative and utmost certification for not payment of the Fine , contained in the Act of Fining ) or by Plundering , Beating , and Spoiling others without possibility of redress . We need not adduce Particular Instances for the verification of these things , seing they were not done in a corner : But the cry of this violence as it filled the whole Land ; so no doubt it also reached unto the very Heavens , and is entered in to the ears of Him who hateth violence and loveth righteousness , who saith unto Princes , remove violence and spoil , and execute judgement and justice , take away your exactions from my people . One thing mainly to be considered is , that as Prelacy is the great cause of all the Sin and Misery that afflicteth us ; so was it by the instigation of the same wicked Apostats , that these Fines so long delayed were thus at length rigorously exacted : And that for no other purpose , then the leavying of moe Forces for their security and support , and the better strengthening of their Tyranny . Certainly were it not of the Lord , who , because of our contempt of his glorious Gospel , and blessed Ministry , hath plagued us with stupidity , and smitten us with madness , blindness and astonishment of heart , to give unto us the reward of our own hands , and to cause us to eat the fruit of our doings , it were impossible that rational men after the feeling of so sore grievances , and the teaching of so many and sad experiences , should still couch under the burthen and submitt themselves to the yoke of a few insignificant Apostate Upstarts , and not rather acquit themselves like men , by pulling off these vizards of Religion , under which they mask their villanies , and plucking them out of that Sanctuary and great refuge of Loyalty , which they do not more pretend then profane by all their horrid Rebellion against God , and their cruell Persecutions of His faithfull Servants and the Kings true Subjects , which they palliat under this pretext ; to the effect that in the righteous and deserved Punishment of these wicked men , both the sin and Backsliding of the Land might be sisted , and the fierce anger of the Lord averted . This is the wickedness and violence of accursed Prelacy , which though it hath diffused it self over the whole Land , and left no corner thereof untouched , yet as the West hath been more grievously thereby oppressed and afflicted , so poor Galloway in a manner hath been the point in which all it's malice and Tyranny hath been concentred . We need not here search after Particulars , or be curious for the verification thereof ; the cries and groans of that afflicted Countrey have filled all mens ears , and the desolations thereof are obvious to every ones eyes : Nor need we insist to purge their innocency or clear the causes of their sufferings , which were no other then their adherence to their faithfull Ministers ( though casten out and rejected by men , yet continuing through the grace of God , to preach amongst them ) and their detestation of a crue of unworthy Curates ( scatterers and devourers , not Pastors of the flock ) thrust in amongst them more violently then upon any other part of the Countrey . The thing we have here to observe is , that the manner of their persecution was first and last by plain Hostile Invasion . After which maner Sir Iames Turner with his Forces ( having twice before been amongst them ) in March 1666 , with greater power and fury then ever formerly , marcheth against them : where being arrived , what exactions , oppressions and insolencies , he and his forces committed by arbitrary fining , plundering , quartering , imprisoning , beating , wounding , binding men like beasts , chasing to moors and mountains , and by harassing and laying both Parishes and Countrey-sides almost wholly desolate ; the ruine and beggery of several hundreds of families , and the impoveverishing and great distress of many others do abundantly testify : And yet after all these atrocious injuries , by the contrivance and authority of the Bishop of Galloway , ( who sometimes appeared so zealous for the Covenant and Work of God , that , frequently in his administration of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to the People of his own Parish , while he was a private Minister , when they were sett at Table and ready to Participate , he caused them to renew the Oath of the Covenant , subjoining thereto both that solemnity and these words used by Nehemia , Chap. 5.13 . when in the like case he did shake his lap , and said , so God shake out every man from his house and from his labor , that performeth not this promise , even thus be he shaken out and emptied ) by the prescription , we say , of the same Bishop and his Synod , these poor oppressed people , after all these exactions , are urged and compelled to subscribe an acknowledgement that Sir Iames had used them civilly and discreetly ; whereby they were forced not only to deny common sense , and lay aside their just resentments , but by this their Subscription ( which might be opposed to all their complaints ) they were virtually excluded from all hope of redress . All which things are not only confirmed by the notoriety of the matter of fact , but are also by that grievous and mournfull Paper of their sufferings , most amply cleared and instructed . To which though Sir Iames hath made an answer for his own vindication , yet seeing the same doth for the most part resolve in a simple denyall ( which it was easy for him to make , having neither accuser nor contradicter ) and he at most giveth only an account of , & vindicateth his orders , without so much as denying the excess , that might have ensued in that military way of execution , ( expressly waving to answer the extortions of these parties , which were commissionated for civill Fines ) any further reply were superfluous . This poor people having continued and lyen under all these miseries , for the space of seven moneths and upward after Sir Iames his third Invasion , and thereby witnessed not only their very firm & Christian Patience towards God ; but also given a greater testimony of their loyally and submission to the King's commands , then all the flattering and flaunting professions of these their adversaries ( who rather then to suffer the hundred part of these hardships , would curse both God and their King ) will amount to : And knowing by sad experience , that both Separat Petitioning had been by Sir Iames insolently rejected , & that Joint Petitioning was by Act of Parliament condemned , and consequently all hope this way being cut off , upon an very Accidental & Indeliberat Occasion , they were stirred up and gave the rise to the actions and commotions following ; which was thus . Sir Iames still breathing forth persecutions , upon the 13 of November last , ordereth four souldiours , from Dumfreis to the Parish of Dalray in Galloway , to poind a poor old man's goods ; and in case they should find none , to seise and apprehend his person , and bring him prisoner to Dumfries . The souldiours in prosecution of this order , apprehending the old innocent man , bind him hand and foot like a beast , and lay him bound upon the ground , ready to be carried along . When two or three of his neighbours , commoyed with so great an indignity , come and desire the souldiours to loose him , they , in stead of satisfying their desire , suddenly assault the Countrey-men with their swords drawn , and necessitat them to their own defence : Whereupon one of the souldiours being wounded , the other three throw down their Arms , and the poor man is relieved , The Countreymen , having thus accquited themselves against these first aggressors , in prosecution of their own necessary defence , against the violence of 10 or 12 more souldiours , who were oppressing in the same Parish , ( whom now they had greater cause to fear then before ) upon the morrow thereafter , with the assistance of 6 or 7 whom they joined to themselves , they quietly seise upon and secure them , all of them rendering their Arms , except one who was killed in his resistance . After this , the Countrey being a little hereby alarmed , but most of all determined by their former sad experience , that Sir James would certainly avenge himself of this affront , upon the whole Countrey without distinction of free and unfree , and that in fury and rage , as far exceeding his former persecutions , as the cause was different , they gather to the number 54 Horsemen with some few Footmen , and instantly resolving upon it , they march towards Dumfreis ; where upon the 15 of November they take Sir James prisoner , and disarm the Souldiours that were with him without harm or violence to any , except the wounding of one man who made more obstinate resistance . Being thus by the over-ruling hand of Divine Providence , and the force of irresistible necessity , more then by any human contrivance , engaged in a business of this importance beyond all hope of retreat ; and considering how many in the West and els-where , did groan under the yoke of this wicked Prelacy , and did suffer by their Tyranny , whom the just apprehension of that rigour and cruelty , to which the report of what had hapned would enrage the adversaries against all without distinction , might persuade yea necessitat to a conjunction , they from Dumfreis move towards the West . In the mean time , the report being brought to the Council , the Arch-bishop Presiding and over-ruling in it , Lieut. General Dalzel is immediatly ordered to march with all the Forces toward Glasgow ; which accordingly was done , with more hast , rage and fury , then if 10000 Infidels had with fire and sword invaded the Land : And a Proclamation is emitted against the Rebels ( as they called them ) risen in Arms in Galloway , Air , and other Places of the West , ( when as at this time there were not 40 Men in the Sherifdom of Air , who had joyned with them ) declaring this Insurrection to be manifest and horrid Rebellion , and therefore charging the persons accessary , to lay down Arms within 24 hours after publication , without any assurance of Indemnity offered , and lastly , commanding the whole Subjects to be assisting to the Lieutenant General , and being required by him or others in Authority , to rise in Arms , and assist with all their Power , under the Pain of Rebellion . A Proclamation so full of fury and madness , not only rendering such as were in Arms desperate without hope , except in the cruel mercy of the wicked Prelates ; But also engaging all without distinction , either Actively to concur to the destroying of these poor , innocent and afflicted People , or els to prepare themselves for suffering the same pains and punishment , that it may justly be wondered at , that even the single motive of this Proclamation , did not procure , to these Galloway-men , a greater concourse . But that poor hand-full being come towards the West , and some hundreds there , ( whom partly the like pressures and fears of worse , but most of all , the sense and remembrance of the indispensible obligation of the Holy Covenant , for mutual sympathy and defence , and our uttermost endeavours all the dayes of our lives to prosecute the great and blessed Ends therof , did thereto determine ) having , in the sincerity and simplicity of their hearts , joined themselves to that company , most harmlesly and inoffensively , without the least violence or exaction done to any , they march through the Countrey until they come to Lanerk . Where , upon the consideration of the Lord's wrath , imminent upon the whole Land by reason of breach of Covenant , and the many horrid Sins thereon ensuing , and the apprehension of His holy displeasure yet continuing , ( whereof , by many visible and afflicting signs and tokens , they were most sadly convinced ) as men reduced to the last extremity and in great distress ( after the example of Nehemiah and the Iewes , Neh. chap. 9 , & 10. in the like case ) they resolve and do renew the Solemn League and Covenant : That ( at least ) by this Action they might bear Testimony both to the oppressed Cause and Truth of God and their own innocency . From Lanerk upon the 26 of November they march to Bathga●e , and the morrow thereafter to Colington , a place about two miles distant from Edinburgh . That same night Lieut. Gen. Dalzel coming to Calder , there is a Cessation agreed to betwixt them for that night , and until , upon the morrow , their grievances and Petition might be presented to the Council ; which they for that effect send to Dalzel to be by him transmitted . But as , notwithstanding of this Cessation , ( and though the same was timously signified to the Bishop as President of the Council , yet ) the Countrey-troops leavyed about Edinburgh , were not restrained from making an in-fall upon their Quarters , where they rested securely upon the trust of the Cessation ; so upon the morrow , before almost they were aware , and without giving up the Cessation agreed to , Dalzel finding a nearer way doth almost surprize them : Whereupon they endeavour to march off , but finding the Enemy so near , they are constrained to stand to & prepare for that Conflict upon the South of Pentland-hils : Wherein the Lient General 's forces and theirs being engaged , the very time and hour that the Gentle-man sent by Dalzel to the Council , was presenting his letters and the West-land mens Grievances , these poor men not exceeding eight or nine hundreds , and extremly weakened and spent by sore travail and watching , and mostly by their fasting and great abstinence , are ( according to the Holy , Wise and determinate Counsel of God ) a litle after sun-set routed and dissipated . The number of the slain on both sides were reckoned , about 40 and upwards of the Westland men , and 4 or 5 of the Generals Forces . The number of the prisoners was greater , amounting in all to 130 and upward : But , because the threed of this story hath precipitated our Narration to this fatal period , the observations following will supply what is ommitted . 1. That these men who rose in the West , were not only ( for the most part ) persons of known and very exemplar integrity , piety and zeal for God ▪ and all of them ( severally and jointly ) so far from base and turbulent designes , that they cannot be supponed by any who know them , to have been Ambitious of either Rule or Riches ▪ but also did with the same straightness and sincerity , in all parts declare , that their only Motives were the rigor of extreme Necessity , which constrained them to the defence of Religion and Liberty , and the Conscience of that indispensible duty , vve all owe to God & one to another , in the bond of the Holy Covenant ; and in the innocency of a most harmless deportment , did fully conform themselves to these professions : so that it may truly be affirmed , that a company of more sincere , upright and harmless men , did never in any age appear in such a posture . Which as it doth eminently appear , in their sparing and civil usage of Sir Iames Turner , and their great abstinence and moderation in all places , not only from Plunder and such insolencies , but even from the necessary means of Subsistence ; so it is a truth so certain , that all their enemies ( save a few profane Curates , who spare no lies whereby they may vent their malice ) must and do acknowledge it . 2. That as in many places , there were many found who joined themselves to the Lieut. General 's Forces , to assist against and suppress that faithfull afflicted company ; so the Militia of Edinburgh ( by order from the Secret Council to the Town-Council , and from the Town-Council to the several Captains , who did administrate it to their respective Companies ) did , in opposition to the same persons , take the following Oath , viz. I shal be true and faithfull to the King , and shall defend his Authority and maintain the same , against this Insurrection and Rebellion , and any other that shall happen , with the hazard of my life and fortune ; And the two Shires of Middle and East Lauthians did arm very readily against them : But whether this Insurrection was in Rebellion against the King , or whether this Conjuration and these Practices , were not a manifest Conspiracy and horrid Rebellion against the great God , a few reflections on what we have premised shall hereafter clear . 3. That as only the force of Necessity , from the rigor of their persecutions , and the cutting off of all liberty to Petition or hope of Redress , did compel the West-land men to this course ; so upon the first appearance and most slender insinuation of liberty to Represent Grievances to these in Authority , they very wilingly and readily embraced the opportunity , and signified to the Council , that the only evill under which the Land perisheth , is the Erecting of this wicked and tyrannous Prelacy contrary to the Holy Covenant , and the cruel oppression , both in Body & Conscience of all that desire to continue Faithfull therein : but how they were abused in this offer and Transaction , we have before related . 4. That though the wicked Prelats ( for the greater exaltation of their pride and triumph , both over God and his Cause ) have boldly affirmed , that these men were by certain Faithfull Ministers persuaded and brought out , in the full assurance of most certain Victory , and that their Cause was such , that upon the Event they could venture their salvation ; yet the contrary is most certainly known , & that they came out , for the most part , most voluntarly and of their own accord ; thinking it their duty ( as one of them in his Testimony doth declare ) to appear for and help the Lord against the mighty : And that , though they had and still retain a most firm persuasion of the justice of the Lord's Cause and Covenant , and a very confident assurance that the Lord will arise and own it , to the utter confusion of His adversaries ; Yet , knowing that Times and Seasons are in the Lord's hand , and that the time hath already been , when such who had indignation , and whose heart was against the holy Covenant did prosper , and by Arms pollute the Sanctuary of strength , and place the Abomination that maketh desolate , wherein , though the people that did know their God were strong and did exploits , yet did they fall by the sword , and by flame , and by captivity , and by spoil many dayes ; These men did neither limit the Holy One , nor ballance their resolution upon the assurance of future Events : Yea the fear and apprehension of these many visible signs attending this Action , whereby the Lord 's standing controversie and continuing displeasure against the Land , for fearfull breach of Covenant , and the many horrible sins that have ensued ( which then more then ever were discovered , both in the actuall opposition of many , and faint withdrawing of others , of whom better things were looked for ) did justly make them conceave , that as the Lord , who hath ever glorified His own Name , would also now glorify it , both in their active and passive Testimony ( a seal which His Work and Cause , hath not hitherto so visibly had ) And that they were rather thereto called , then to be the Lands Deliverers ; for which , all that fear the Lord may think with trembling , greater judgments are yet ordained . 5. That amongst the many observable providences of God , whereby he brought this Action to it's period , their turning from Lanerk towards Edinburgh , and leaving the West , specially these parts where many faithful men were preparing for a Conjunction , doth bear the very eminent characters of the Lord's Work and Purpose , which he hath since made manifest ; and was the occasion of the proscribing of several both Ministers and Gentlemen , as we shall hereafter mention . 6. That as the Louthian-men were very active in appearing against this faithfull company ; so after the Conflict , they were very vigilant and inhumane to take and spoil all such flyers as they rencountred : A sin which no doubt , by reason of it's greater aggravations , the Lord will require with greater severity , then that of Edom , Obad. 12. &c. who rejoyced over the children of Iudah in the day of their destruction ; and laid hands on their substance in the day of their calamity , who stood in the cross way to cut off such as did escape , and delivered up these that did remain in the day of distress ; and therefore he is threatened by the Lord , that for his violence against his brother , shame should cover him , and he should be cut off for ever . Thus we have seen the indignation of the Lord ; in the most dreadful and astonishing of all judgements , even his suffering and causing the righteous to fall before the wicked , in delivering the soul of his turtle dove unto the multitude of the wicked ; His Name unto reproach and blasphemy , His Strength into captivity , and His Glory into the enemies hands : A providence that may justly move our astonishment to a greater height then that of Iosuah chap 7. v. 9. Oh Lord , what wilt thou do unto thy great Name ? And how terrible are the charge and succeeding Judgements which these things do denounce ? But the Lord who in wrath remembers mercy , maketh both judgement and mercy his peoples song ; and it is to his enemies alone , that a cup without mixture is poured out ; as the things which follow will declare . The Arcbishop of St. Andrews having caused celebrat the report of this Victory , with almost as many Guns from the Castle as there were men slain in the fields , and as if the 40 had been 40000 Infidels , the prisoners are brought in , and secured . We cannot but here mention the ready and charitable relief , which many good people in Edinburgh did then extend to them ; certainly it is gone up for a Memorial before God , and shall have a return . But who can express the malice of that Antichristian spirit , raging both in the Arch-Prelate and his dependents , which misery it self doth not satiate ; and therefore they do so exclaim against this poor expression of humanity , as preposterous and savouring of disaffection , that even some of their own Complices did condemn them for it . The Councill falling immediately to the examination of the Prisoners , they remitt first 10 , thereafter 14 to the Iustices to be arraigned or rather condemned as Traitors , they having first determined and prescribed the very maner of their execution : and about the same time the Commissioner going West , with some others impowered for that effect , do likewise at Air and Glasgow condemn other sixteen . These things we join together , because both their Indictments , maner of Tryall , Doom and Execution were the same , except in so far as shall be noted . The Indictment and Charge of Treason exhibited against all , consisted of two heads and crimes , deduced from old and late Acts of Parliament , and aggravated by many circumstances , viz. rising and gathering in Arms , and renewing the Covenant without and against the Kings Authority and consent : Every one 's particular accession was libelled from , and proven by his own confession before the Council . This place might require a large digression for answering the crimes objected , and clearing the innocency of the Lord's Witnesses ; but seing the preceeding Narration doth not only furnish all arguments thereto requisite , but warranteth them by Precedents beyond contradiction , it shall suffice now to observe . 1. That God the Fountain of all Power , and Author of all Right , as , wherever he hath granted to any creature a Being , he hath also armed it with a love and power of Self-preservation sutable to it's capacity ; so much more , where , unto a Being , He hath superadded a Right , as in all rationall creatures , which cannot be violated but both by Force and Injury , hath He granted both the Power and Right of Self-defence , which is really one and the same thing with it , and in effect nothing else but that divine Impress and rational Instinct , whereby the very course of Nature is upholden , so inseparable from the Being and Right of the creature , that it never ceaseth , except where by the Soveraign Will and Law of God , the Right is first annulled and the Being may be destroyed . Which position , being the clear and true foundation of all Rule and Righteousness , and even of the Being of all things , it may justly be wondered , that men should be found , who deny and would subvert it in it's first , principall and most immediate effects . But if according hereunto any will subsume and prove , that either by the Lord 's ordaining of powers , or mens Surrendar and Submission thereto , ( made mainly for Self-preservation , ) the foresaid Right and Power was or could be revoked or renounced , we shall most willingly quite the plea , and prostitute our selves to all the violences that Tyranny can invent , since in that case there could be no Injury . 2. That as all Societies , Governments and Lawes are appointed in a due Subordination to God and His superior Will and Law , for His Glory and the Common Good of the People , including the safety of every individual ; so , if either this Subordination be notoriously infringed , or these Ends intollerably perverted , the common tie of both Society , Government and Law , is in so far dissolved . Hence is it that a King or Rulers commanding things directly contrary to the Law of God , may be and have been justly disobeyed , and by fury or folly destroying or alienating the Kingdome , may be and have been lawfully resisted . These are conclusions which our greatest Adversaries cannot but admit , and are not deducible from any other premisses . Let us hear King Iames , whose loyalty none can doubt , in a speech to the Parliament in the year 1609. he saith , a King degenerateth into a Tyrant when he leaveth to rule by Law , much more when he beginneth to invade his Subjects persons , rights and liberties , to set up an arbitrary power , impose unlawful Taxes , raise forces , make war upon his Subjects , to pillage , plunder , wast and spoil his Kingdomes . And lest his inconsequence be suspected , as if notwithstanding all this , he would have a Tyrant incontrolable , it is upon the same grounds , that in his answer to Cardinal Perron , he justifyeth the Protestants in France their Defensive Arms ; Now how a discretive judgement in these cases , both of unrighteous commands , and wicked violence , and specially in the later , which is ( by far ) the more sensible , doth necessarily remain with the People , and in what maner the same is to be determined and cautioned , so as neither to license disobedience against Authority , nor create sedition in the Common-wealth , is already fully cleared . 3. That though all Soveraign Powers , ( upon the supposition of these true and great ends , and the presumption of reason and charity , that the persons intrusted do in like manner really intend them , ) be constituted indefinitly and therefore in appearance universally without restriction ; yet according to this known rule , that such particulars , as if expressed , would not ( far more if they cannot ) be consented to , are not understood to be comprised under a generall condescendence , such exceptions and limitations as are indispensibly implyed and could not lawfully be expresly renounced , do stand in full force . Whereupon also both the Righteousness of God's judgements , and the Lawfullness of the Peoples Resistance against mal-versing Powers , are clearly and certainly founded . 4. That not only the light of Nature and undenyable Reason together with the agreeable Practice of all Nations , specially of our Ancestors , do evidently clear these Principles proposed , but also our own express Statutes declaring the reveal'd Word and Will of God to be the Superior Rule and Law , and repealing all Acts repugnant thereto . Iac. 6. Par. 1. chap. 3 , 4 , & 8. and explaining such Acts as were generally made against unlawful Convocations and Leagues and Bonds among Subjects , to be understood with this due Subordination and limitation Car. 1. Par. 1. c. 29. together with the King and Peoples Oaths of faithful Administration and Alleadgeance : whereby the Coronation-Covenant and Contract , specially that made with this King ( the very bond of the Kingdom ) is established and secured , do undoubtedly infer , beyond all contradiction , that both our Government and Lawes are constituted and to be interpreted with subordination to the Law and Will of God , and in order to these great Ends of their establishment . 5. That though prevailing Factions have in all times endeavoured , by their most excessive and boundless flatteries , to exalt and extend the Powers to an equal degree of absoluteness in all Causes and over all Persons , meerly for their own base ends and private advantages ; yet if any of these persons would seriously consider , and would ingenuously declare their opinion , in a particular application of the case to themselves , what they would account lawfull for them to do either jointly or separately , in case that they were injuriously and violently invaded to the destruction of their Lives or Fortunes , or the subversion of their Families and dearest and nearest Concernments , their resolution in this point would easily justify the practises of all such , who , esteeming the Glory of God and the maintenance of His Gospel infinitely preferable to all other Interests whatsoever , do valiantly offer and expose themselves for the vindication thereof , to the greatest hazards . 6. That through the manifest and notorious Perversion of the great Ends of Society and Government , the Bond thereof being dissolved , the persons , one or moe thus liberated therefrom , do relapse into their primeve Liberty and Priviledge , and accordingly as the similitude of their case and exigence of their cause doth require , may upon the very same principles again join and associate for their better Defence & Preservation , as they did at first enter into Societies . 7. That we being a Nation so solemnly and expresly engaged by Covenant unto God , & one with another , for the advancing and promoving of these holy and important Ends therein contained , there lyeth upon all and every one of us an indispensible duty , by all possible means to promove the same , not only in our own conscientious and exemplary walking , and serious admonition and exhortation towards others ; but also in endeavouring ( in case of Defection ) a National Reformation , and valiant vindication of the Glory of God , and His Work and Cause , against all incorrigible Apostates ; as we would not not by conniving at their sin be partakers of their Judgement , and as we would by destroying the accursed from amongst us , avert the imminent wrath of God from the whole Land and Nation . Which position as we clearly before asserted , both from the Profession and Practise of our first Reformers ; so , that qualification in the Covenant , of our endeavours in our places and callings , is most agreeable thereto : seeing the same doth plainly import , that as every one is to confine himself to his own place and move in his own sphere , while all in their respective capacities do harmoniously concurre in the same work and duty ; so if any in higher place and imployment , do not only become remiss and forgetful of the Oath of God ; but , according to the extent and influence of their power , would seduce and corrupt their inferiors unto their Apostasy , it is both their place to resist such wickedness and violence , and their calling to endeavour either the Reformation or Removal of these who prove so contrary to , and obstructive of the ends whereunto they are ordained . Neither can this inference appear unwarranted or hard unto any who will impartially consider , that though the same qualification doth in the like maner affect and define all duties whatsoever , which we owe either to God or our Countrey ; yet it were most absurd thence to infer , that if these more eminently intrusted should either turn directly Apostates and enemies to the Christian Faith , or adversaries and destroyers of the Common-wealth , the people of an inferior degree might not step forward to occupy the places , and assert the Interests , which these wicked men had so traiterously forfaulted and deserted . All which must necessarily be granted , if it be but rightly considered , that as Order and the Observance thereof , is only a mean subordinate to , and intended for the Glory of God and the good of the people ; so must all the Regulation and Determination thereof be only admitted , in so far as it is Conducible , and no wayes to render it Destructive or Repugnant to these great Ends of its appointment . From all which we clearly conclude that thir words in the Covenant of Places and Callings , are no more Restrictive in the cases above mentioned , then a General 's command to his souldiours entering in battel ( being thus qualifyed ) doth impede the necessity of Succession ( in case of the vacancy of any charge , either through death or desertion ) requisit for the obtaining of the proposed end of Victory ; but that they are in effect ( specially the antecedent and subjoined words sincerely , really and constantly , all the dayes of our life being considered ) rather Exegetick and Ampliative . 8. That whatsoever Laws , Covenants and Engagements were standing and binding unto us , before this late fearful Apostacy and Defection , they are still in the sight of God , and in the Consciences of all that fear His Name and mind his Glory , the rather more strong and obligeing then in the least infringed or dissolved : It being impossible that such Sacred Oaths ( so solemnly sworn unto the most High ) and such Righteous Laws by vertue thereof statuted and enacted , for the carrying on , and establishment of the Work of God thereby intended , should be Ambulatory and Mutable at the pleasure of men ; specially of such , who , without regard of God , Conscience , Honor or Honesty , have , in the very pride and power of Wickedness , not only broken the Lords bands , casten away His cords , and violently ( under the pretext of abused Authority ) overturned his whole Work ; but done despite against the same , both by ignominious Burning and Blaspheming of the Lords holy Covenant . And this Position Rescissory we oppose unto their great Act Rescissory , and to all Acts and practices of the like nature antecedent thereto , or dependent thereupon . Being fully perswaded , that , though now they appear unequally ballanced , yet the Lord shall declare from heaven His Righteousness , and laugh at His enemies Acts and Devises , and have them all in derision . 9. That though we do heartily approve their 〈◊〉 veneration and just esteem of lawfull Authority , ( the great and excellent Ordinance of God ) who to prevent all prejudice that it may incur , and inconvenience that may ensue thereon , do so far transmit this respect to the person therewith vested , as to hold for a Maxime ( but indeed equally against Religion , Reason and Experience ) that the King doeth no wrong ; And though we are perswaded , that the true rise and cause of the sin and calamity under which we lye , is from the malice , perjury , flattery and violence of that Antichristian spirit ruling in the apostat Prelates ; and therefore would willingly cloath our selves , even in the sight of man , with that ample Allowance and full Authority , whereby the King did once approve the holy Covenant , and countenance the Lords Work , as if the same did yet stand ( as it ought ) not retracted or repeal'd . Yet seing our late Parliament by their second Act , Session second , have reprobated and discharged all pretences of Authority in this kind , notwithstanding that the same hath been and may be most necessary in many cases , for the preserving of the Kingdom , & salving of State-inconveniences ; we do therefore rather subsist on the former grounds , and turn our complaint and prayer unto God , who is the great King over all , looking for His appearance , and waiting for His salvation . 10. That the Glory of God and of our Lord Jesus Christ , the Defence and Maintenance of the blessed Gospel , and it 's precious Ministry and Ordinances , are Duties & Concernments infinitly more important , then the defence and preservation of our Lives , Liberties and the Common-wealth , against the most barbarous and horrid violences and injuries that can be imagined : Like-as , the violation and destruction of all these is so evidently designed , and wickedly practised , by this late and present Apostacy , that a clearer ground and cause of Self-defence and Reformation cannot possibly be supposed ; so that to condescend to answer the peevish clamours of these Neutral and careless men , who say , what needeth all this noise for the extrinsick and arbitrary forms of Government and modes of VVorship , both with and without which , Religion and Righteousness have equally flourished and prospered ? where to shut our eyes from beholding the Glory and Grace of God , that in this Land hath so visibly appeared in , and been advanced by this great Ordinance of PRESBYTERY , by Himself ( for that end ) appointed ; and also from the observing of these deludges of Profanity , Wickedness , Superstition and Violence , which the Devill , by his great engine of PRELACY , hath alwayes and in all Churches caused and procured . 11. That as such was the State , Condition and Engagements of this Church and Kingdom , at the time of the King's return , and before the re-erecting of this Prelacy , that all and every one of the Nation were most strictly obliged sincerely , really and constantly to have resisted and opposed this wicked Defection to the last drop of their blood ; so the sinfull complyance of many , and wofull fainting and withdrawing of others , might indeed incapacitat such as remain faithful from the best , but neither could nor can dis-engage them from their utmost endeavours . From these grounds and what hath been formerly represented , the argument of the Indictment of Treason above-mentioned viz. That all Convocations and Risings in Arms , or Subjects entering in Leagues , without or against the Kings Authority , are treasonable : But such was the late Rising and renewing of the Covenant , Therefore &c. May be easily and clearly answered , that all such Risings and entering into Leagues , as are not warranded and commanded by the Superior Law and Authority of God ( who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords ) which by our own express Acts and Statutes are acknowledged , and are not founded upon the Fundamental Right , and necessarily intended for the preservation of Religion and Righteousness , the great and principal End of all Laws and Governments , according whereunto our Laws have also by posterior Statutes been expresly interpreted , are indeed treasonable : But such the late Rising was not ; but on the contrary was more clearly approven by these grounds , then any other the like Instance which can be adduced or instructed , from the parallel of any other Age or Nation ; Therefore it was altogether Lawful , Righteous and Necessary . Which answer , though the Lords faithful Witnesses did sufficiently insinuat and propone , yet both the Constitution of the Court , and persons of the Judges before whom they were arraigned , were such , as the same was rather accounted an aggravation of their Crime and Treason . But seeing this was not done , without the specious pretexts , not only of iniquous Laws , but also of Religion and Scripture ; We shall briefly consider , first , that Queree often made to them , where they had read or how they could instruct , that , under the Pretence of Religion , it is lawful for Subjects to rise in Rebellion against lawfull Authority ? To which it is answered , that this Queree is a clear begging of the question , by expresly supposing that the late Rising was only in pretence for Religion , but really in Rebellion , which ought first to have been proved , and is in effect an arrant calumny and falshood . 2. That even the Queree it self seems to imply and grant , that for Subjects to rise in Arms really for the defence of Religion , against the invasions of the Powers under the pretence of Lawful Authority , is both lawful and laudable : Which being the true case and cause of this late Rising , and so clearly warranted both by the Word and Covenant of God , and the practise of all Reformed Churches ; we are content to refer these poor mens Innocency , unto the Consciences and secret thoughts of their adversaries . Secondly , we shall consider these texts of Scripture which were pretended against the Innocents : and 1. it was much urged that Rebellion is as the sin of witch-craft ; To which one of themselves did roundly and clearly answer , that , the place having been spoken by the Prophet to a King , because of his disobedience and contempt of the command of God , and not to Subjects , would sooner conclude his Accusers then himself to be a Rebell . Secondly , it answered , that Rising up against Authority it self , the Ordinance of God , and disobeying the Powers therewith vested , standing and acting in their right line of Subordination , is indeed Rebellion , and as the sin of witchcraft ; but to resist and rise up against persons Abusing sacred Authority and rebelling against God the Supream , is rather to adhere to God as our Liege Lord , and to vindicate both our selves and his abused Ordinance , from man's wickedness and Tyranny . The second text objected was that , Math. 26.52 . where even our Lord himself , when violently seised upon by wicked men , but who were then in Authority ; did nevertheless restrain his disciples from his own defence and rescue , saying unto Peter , Put up again thy sword into his place : for all they that take the sword , shal perish with the sword ; To which , as it was sufficiently answered ( without any reply ) by one of these Impeached , ( whom they accounted distracted , though without the least appearance of impertinency ) who thereto did oppone Luke 22.36 . Where our Lord , speaking at the same time and to the same purpose , saith , he that hath no sword , let him sell his garment , and buy one ; Yet for further clearing , we say , 1. That from the place it self in all the Evangelists , it is most evident , that that command was given , and these words spoken by our Lord , only for to testify his voluntar submission unto the Fathers will , by laying down of his life for fulfilling of the Scripture , as is clear from the same 26. of Matth. v. 54. & Iohn . 18.11 . otherwise the context being considered ( that not only in Luke 22.36 . cited , He , forewarning his disciples of hazards to come , adviseth them to provide swords and weapons ; and in the 26 of Matt. , asserts his power to have called 12 legions of Angels to his assistance , which clearly implyes the lawfulness thereof ) this Scripture objected doth more confirm then impugn the Lawfulness of Defensive Arms. 2. Is it possible that men should be so much demented by flattery , as to think that it was unlawful for Jesus Christ the Mighty God and Lord over all , to have defended himself by the assistance of his Disciples , against the horrid Wickedness and Insurrection of the vilest of His creatures , had it not been , that it was necessary that the Scriptures concerning him should be accomplished . 3. Where our Lord saith in the place objected , all they that take the sword , shal perish with the sword , as He thereby only condemneth Unjust and Offensive war ; so the Saying it self , by its later part , doth tacitely imply the Lawfulness and Justice of both Defensive and Vindictive Arms , the same being otherwise justly founded . Though these Texts were only objected , yet to help our Adversaries , who are known not to be much conversant in the Scripture , and to obviate the scruples that may thence arise to others , we subjoyn a third text Iohn . 18.36 . where our Lord saith , if my Kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that I should not be delivered to the Iews , whence some infer , that all Arms , even in Defence of Religion , are unlawfull and prohibited ; But it is answered , as the intent and scope of our Lord's answer , was to clear himself of that calumny objected against Him by the Iews , that he made Himself a King in opposition to Caesar ; so the meaning of it is plain and obvious , to wit , that our Lord's Kingdom is not of the Nature and for the Ends , for which other Kingdoms of this world were instituted ; but wholly spiritual for declaring the Truth , and thereby gaining souls unto glory : Whence as our Lord would there infer that he came not to conquer to himself Disciples by outward force , and thereby to gain followers by the spoiling of Caesar and other Princes ; so it is without all shaddow of connexion thence to conclude , that a people having receaved the blessing of the Gospel and Kingdom of Iesus Christ , should without Resistance suffer themselves ( to the manifest dishonor of God and the hazard of the eternal damnation of themselves and their posterity ) to be impiously and sacriledgiously spoiled and deprived thereof , when they are in a capacity to defend the same . The truth whereof , together with the hypocrisy of our Adversaries , may soon be discovered , if the Question be but stated in the terms of one Forraign & independent Prince's invading another , meerly upon the account of the Christian Faith ; and whatever solution or evasion they shall herein make , will as exactly quadrat to the case in hand , it being almost ridiculous to conceave , that the greatest aggravation of Invasions of this Kind , to wit , that it is made by a Prince upon his own Subjects ( whose Profession he himself is principally bound to maintain ) should import any speciality and difference in the cases . The last text is that of Math. 5.39 . and remanent verses to the end , where our Lord saith , resist not evill , but whosoever shall smite thee &c. with the other parallel places , specially Rev. 13.10 .. But it is answered , that as these places do injoyn either patience , when the clear call and dispensations of God do inevitably call unto suffering , without which patience were no patience but rather stupidity ; or that bounty and debonairity which our Lord would have his disciples to practise , in the remitting and dispensing with the utmost extensions and points of Right , for the better reproving and condemning of the animosities and rigid contentions of men , for matters of small or no moment , and the more effectuall commending the grace and peace of the Gospel ; So thence to infer that men should give way to all Violence and Sacriledge ( to the subverting of Religion and Righteousness ) is , after the manner of Sathan , to cheat and abuse men by the holy Scriptures of Truth unto wickedness and error ; and grossly to exceed that signal rule mainly in these places intended , to wit , that we should be perfect even as our Father which is in heaven is perfect , who , though he filleth the earth with his goodness , and extendeth his bounty unto all , causing the sun to rise upon the evill and on the good , yet doth he love righteousness , and helpeth and delivereth the oppressed ; and commandeth the zeal of his own glory ( wherein He himself doth often eminently appear ) by the hand of His people , to take vengeance on His adversaries . Let us therefore in the consideration of what is said Rev. 13.10 . he that leadeth into captivity , shall go into captivity ; he that killeth with the sword , must be killed with the sword , both possess our souls in patience under all the former sufferings , and hope and rejoice in the faith of the succeeding delivery there subjoyned . These are the Defences which these Faithful men did summarily hint at , and being often interrupted , were scarcely permitted to propone : All which being rejected as unworthy to be heard , what wonder , if what their Advocats did plead in their defence , upon the point of Quarter given , to some of them in the field , was also repelled ? We are not to dip in matters of this kind ; but certainly it much discovereth the spirit of malice and violence that now prevaileth , that neither the Nature and Import of Quarter , which pertaineth nothing to Grace or Pardon ( whereof these men were declared incapable ) but is a paction of the Law of Nations , whereby the person worsted , by quitting of his arms , ( the only and oftentimes the probable means either of his safety or vengeance ) doth condition for , and redeem his immunity as to life ; Nor yet the honor of the Granters , Persons Commissionated by the King for the command of his Forces , with the common Priviledges and dignities belonging to such Offices ; Nor yet the Practice of all Nations about , even in the case of Intestine War ; Nor the rational arguments of humanity and prudence , not to reduce men to utter despair in succeeding Insurrections ( from which no Kingdom is priviledged ) Nor lastly , the Paucity of these few innocents , not exceeding 5 or 6 who could have been thereby benefited ( there being many other taken and not upon Quarter ) could prevail against that Pedantick distinction inter bellum justum & injustum . But this being alleadged to have been bellum injustum , ( as indeed it was in the justest sense ) therefore no faith nor Quarter must be herein observed , quia , sc . adversus Hostes tantum est Bellum , at in Perduelles , judicium , as if from this , one should conclude , that though in War there may be faith and Quarter , yet in Iudgement there ought neither to be Truth nor Performance . All defences therefore being repelled , these persons accused were all condemned to be hanged to death as Traitors , and their Heads and right Hands to be cut off , to be disposed on by the Council , and their Goods and Estates to be forfaulted to the Kings use . And accordingly upon several dayes , this Sentence was executed upon thirty five of these faithful men , and by Ordinance of Council , the heads of many of them were affixed upon the Ports of several Burghs ; and the right hands of the first ten ( to the high contempt of God and His holy Covenant , and to the provocation of His jealousy ) on the Tolbooth of Lanerk , where the Covenant was by them solemnly renewed and sworn . As for the other five , they were and are reprived ; One of them , who in all his Tryall , to the conviction of all appeared most constant in the Covenant , and bold and pertinent in his Testimony , upon the colour of a fit of distraction ( by which he was once vexed ) and through the intercession of many in his behalf ; An other of them , for his vile and abject fainting to the very reproach of humanity , redeeming his life by becoming Hang-man to seven of his fellows , when two ordinary Executioners in the Burghs about had plainly refused , declaring they would have nothing to do with the blood of such Righteous men , and one of them therefore imprisoned ; The other three , partly because of their fainting and condescendence to take the Declaration , and partly through the favour and intercession of friends . We shall not , nor cannot enter upon the particular declaration of that Grace , Constancy and Courage , by which the Lords faithful Witnesses were sustained , and did bear Testimony to the Word of his Truth , the holy Covenant , and the Cause and Work of God. Only this is certain , that the Lord did not more desert that vile abject person to the weakness of flesh and blood , whereby he was depressed below the very contempt of men , then by His Grace and Glory , evidently to manifest the power thereof , He was eminently present with such as He honoured to be his Witnesses , to cause them contemn and triumph over Principalities and Powers , hell and death , and all their terrours ; as may be evident from these things following . 1. That the Council , pitching upon those men without choise , for a Test of discrimination did require several of them , by taking the Declaration , to renounce the Covenant ; which they constantly refused . And so were Martyred , not accepting deliverance , that they might obtain a better resurrection . 2. That Mr Hew Mackaile , a young man of 25 years of age , and an Expectant in the Ministery , being arraigned and accused through meer spite of the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrewes , ( against whose Iudas-like Apostacy he had preached four years ago ) for no greater accession , then that he had been some few dayes with these that rose , with a sword ( having been most uncircumspectly taken , leaying them because of his infirmity and weakness the day before the Conflict ) did not only most patiently endure cruel Torture whereby he was examined , for the discovery of the contrivance of that Rising , which all men knew and saw to be Indeliberat ; but , notwithstanding the promise of favour plainly made to him upon condition of ingenuity ( which he sincerely used ) being also condemned , did utterly reject all insinuations made unto him upon condition of the least Retractation ; and bitterly mourning for , and repenting of his apparent fainting and relinquishing , though ; it really proceeded more from his infirmity , then fear or love of life , but rejoycing in his own folly , whereby the Lord did bring him to such a manifestation of his Grace , and declaration of His Glory , he , to the admiration of all , in his most constant and Christian suffering , by his blood sealed the Truth and glorified God. 3. That others of them , though obscure and illiterate men , upon the Scaffold hurried and interrupted in the declaring of their Testimony , by the Prelats Orders , and the rudeness and inhumanity of these that executed them ; yet did bear witness to the cause of God , and of that grace and assurance , whereby the Lord upheld them , to the admiration and astonishment of all the beholders . 4. That though at Glasgow and Air , where eleven of them were executed , ( all mean Countrey-men , and some of them of decrepit age , and others of them very young , not exceeding 18 years ) their enemies caused beat drums about the Scaffold that they might not be heard ( a barbarity never practised in Scotland , and rarely heard of , except in the Duke of Alva's Martyring of the Protestants in the Low-countreyes ) yet were they so litle thereby amazed , that both by words of of Praise and thanksgiving to God , that had honoured such plough-men ( as they termed themselves ) to be His witnesses , and the constancy of their countenance and whole carriage , they did bear such testimony to the Holy Covenant , as both many were thereby confirmed , and their Enemies ashamed . 5. That though some of them did appear weak and faint-hearted at first , yet so powerfully and abundantly was it given to them in that hour , that out of weakness they were made strong ; and declared that they had seen such glimpses of the Glory of God betwixt the prison and the Scaffold , that all fear was clearly discussed ; And particularly a young Countrey-boy , not much above sixteen years of age , being condemned at Aix , mostly because he did refuse to take the Declaration , which they told him , was the renouncing of that Covenant which he had taken at Lanerk ; & though , both through fear and ignorance of the very grounds of Christianity , he fell into great anxiety , neither daring to die , nor yet to redeem his life at the rate proposed ; Yet after the Prayers and Conference of some that had access to him at Irwin two dayes before his death , on the morning that he suffered , he appeared so much changed , both from the depth of fear and perplexity unto great resolution and joy , and so much enlightened with the knowledge of God in our Lord Jesus Christ , and the hope of Salvation through His Name , that all that saw him , do bear testimony to the Grace and wonderfull Work of God , & of that joy of heart , that carried him to the Scaffold , leaping and praising God. From all which particulars , and from the severall Testimonies and Speaches , which these left behind them in writing , we must conclude and rejoyce , that God out of the dark cloud of such a sad and astonishing providence which lately overspread us , hath brought forth so blessed and bright a cloud of Witnesses , strengthened and filled with so much grace and glory , to bear Testimony unto His Name , Covenant and Cause and for the confirmation of all that love and wait for His Salvation . We have hitherto ommitted , to say any thing to that Oath of Conjuration taken by the Militia of Edinburgh , and the concurrence and assistance of many others , who did either Actually rise in Arms for the suppressing of God's People and Cause , or since the Conflict did stop , apprehend , and spoil them in the cross way , and have been assisting and abetting to their deaths and persecutions , either as Guarders of Prisons , Courts or Scaffolds , or as Iudges , Clerks , Advocats , Assizers , or Officers in the Dooms pronounced against them . If , after all the truth , equity and reason that have been represented , and the Power and Glory which God hath declared , men will not hear and fear , nor be converted , neither the tongues of men and Angels , nor of such as should return from the dead , would be of any force or persuasion to prevail with them . Is it possible , that Edinburgh should think that the pretence of a new invented Oath of alleageance and fidelity to the King , and for the defence of his Authority against all Insurrections and Rebellions , wherein the Prelates and the Up hold of their wickedness , and the Subjecting of all the Godly to their lust and tyranny , were and are clearly intended and designed , shall warrand them in the great day of the Lord ( who is terrible unto the Kings of the earth ) for taking part with Rebels and Apostats against the God of heaven , and for opposing and oppressing of such , as , continuing stedfast in the common Cause and Covenant ( for which Edinburgh was once very honourable and eminent ) did only endeavour to liberat themselves from that intolerable Bondage both of Bodies and Consciences ( more grievous then death ) under which they groaned ? doth Edinburgh thus not only condemn the practice of Our Noble Ancestors and Reformers , who accounted it neither Insurrection nor Rebellion to set themselves for the defence of the Gospel against the then Powers , who did endeavour to oppress it ; but by this Oath , abandon both Religion and Liberty , in this so perillous and backsliding a Generation , to the lust and tyranny of abused Authority , and whatsoever it shall please to impose , without control or contradiction ? Do they thus remember the National Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant once so powerfully sworn and owned amongst them , and the mutuall defence and assistance , wherein every one of us is thereby bound to another , to the uttermost of our Power , against all sorts of persons whatsoever , and not to suffer our selves , by whatsoever Combination , Terror or Perswasion ; to be divided and withdrawn from that blessed Vnion therein contained ? While on the contrary , they conspire and conjure themselves against such whom they are not only bound to assist , but also to relieve of all the persecutions and oppressions which they suffer and sustain , only for their adherence to the same holy Covenants . Surely these things being duly considered , this Oath , in stead of qualifying the Declaration ( in lieu whereof , being more general , plausible and insnaring it was contrived and imposed ) will be found a practical application of all the Wickedness and unrighteousness , which is therein only speculatively declared ; and may in the righteous judgement of God , by reason not only of the equality , but even of the excess hereof to London's sin , bring upon Edinburgh , London's plagues and judgements . We need not here insist to testify against the rest , who in any sort concurred or assisted in the opposition and persecution above-mentioned , the meanest part of whose accession , doth far exceed Paul's keeping the clothes of such as stoned Stephen . If we consider that the suffering and not opposing , to the utmost of our power , the shedding of innocent blood , doth involve all under that certain denounciation made by Ieremiah unto the Princes of Iudah ; and all the People , Ier. 26 , 15. saying , Know ye for certain , that if ye put me to death , ye shal surely bring innocent blood upon your selves , and upon this city , and upon the inhabitant thereof ; the most innocent amongst us , will find himself more concerned to repent of his own , then censure others for their accession . The serious thoughts whereof , may and ought justly to cause us tremble , left our Manasseh-like sin in shedding of innocent blood , provoke the Lord to wrath in such a measure as he will not pardon . But when we do reflect upon the rage , cruelty and barbarity that have ensued , the things that we have mentioned , may justly appear to be but the Beginnings of evills . For first , immediatly after the Conflict , the Arch-prelat procureth a proclamation to be emitted Prohibiting the resett and concealment of , or correspondence with any of these poor men that had escaped , or had been accessary unto the late Rising , and ordaining all to pursue them as the worst of Traitors under the pain of being accounted guilty of the same Rebellion . In which Proclamation , after the Arch-Bishop had impudently and absurdly laboured , that several persons , against whom , not so much as any delation or ground of suspicion could be alleaged , should , contrary to all reason , be insert , he at length prevailed that about 57 Gentlemen , Ministers and others , alleaged more eminently guilty , should be therein by Name expressed . Certainly if it be considered , that neither Reason nor Prudence do advise to seek Security only in Revenge , but rather by an attemperation of Clemency , in cases of this nature , to bring things to a composure , we must conclude , that such courses are only the product of blind prelatick-fury . 2. After the first executions at Edinbugh , the Commissioner and Lieutenant General march unto the West , and there having condemned and executed several persons , as we have before mentioned , the Lieutenant General staying behind , taketh up his Quarter at Kilmarnock ; and there , and from thence doth practise and issue forth such orders of cruelty , as the barbarity thereof may very probably render the Narration suspected . For. 1. The Countrey is burthened with such Localities of Corn and Straw for Troop-horses , ( more then double the number of these that were amongst them ) that to redeem themselves from the drudgery , they not only are content to quite the prices which the troopers ought to pay , but also to pay in to them such summs of Money , as upon computation will equalize the valued rent of the Shire . 2. Notwithstanding of all the Excise , Fines and Taxations imposed and leavyed for the maintenance of these Forces ; yet upon pretence of want of moneys and Pay , the souldiours are shortly thereafter permitted to take free Quarter ; and consequently are licensed to all the abuses , that either rapine or cruelty may suggest . 3. Dalzel , at and by his own hand , hath privately in his own chamber and Quarters , not only by words menaced such , as after publick examination upon the account of Intelligence , had been acquitted ; but also really ( by fire and sword , threatening to kill out-right , or rost and burn alive , such who being groundlessly questioned , had upon the first examination declared all they knew ) examined men by tortures . 4. Such persons as he happeneth to apprehend , whether upon the suspicion of their having been with these that rose in Arms , or having reset such after the Conflict , are there-upon ordinarly stript naked to their shirts and breeches ; and thrust into Prisons , in cold , hunger . nakedness , and sometimes in extreme straitness ; As in Kilmarnock into dark and obscure little holes , which being destined for one man or two , and not capacious of more ( though standing upright ) then ten or twelve , they are so pinched , that not one of them can possibly so much as relieve himself of the continual pain of standing , by suffering his body to sink unto the ground ; and unto all the former miseries have that of their own dung and excrements superadded : so that the poor men would often chuse death rather then life . Amongst which cruelties and rigors , that practised upon a petty Heritor in or about the Parish of Vchilery , deserveth to be remembered : Who , being apprehended upon a groundless suspition of reset of Traitors ( as they tearm them ) was brought to Kilmarnock-Tolbooth ; where , being an old man full of obstructions , he was so suffocated with the smoak , there occasioned by a coal-fire , wanting a chimney-vent , that often-times a day the souldiours have in derision carried him out as dead , and after a litle recovery by reason of the free Aire , with cruell scorn ignominiously returned him unto his prison . Which Barbarity they still continued , until by extremity of such usage , he is reduced to such weakness as there is litle hope of life . 5. There is one Act , so far beyond , and without all shew and pretence of Humanity and Justice , as scarce any preface or Testimony is sufficient to perswade the belief of it ; which is thus . Dalzel having ordered a party to Newmills to seise and apprehend one Finlaw , living peacably in his own house , and they about the time of Dalzel's return from Air , returning and bringng with them the prisoner , he instantly calleth him to his chamber , and examineth him privately ( without so much as any one witness present ) whether or not he was with the Rebels at Lanerk ; the man in answer declareth , that he was there when they came to the place , but upon the account of his own private affairs . The General asketh in the nixt place , whom he knew to have been there amongst them , and because the man ( by declaring his ignorance ) appeared unwilling to discover any , he instantly calleth the Lieutenant of the Guard , and giveth orders to carry the poor man to the Gallows and there to shoot him dead . The man being thus hurryed away , when he is brought to the place of execution , questioneth the Lieutenant , if the General was serious in what he had ordered : whereunto the Lieutenant replyeth that he knew nothing to the contrary ; the poor man declaring his innocency , obtesteth him ▪ both upon the grounds of Humanity and Christianity , that he would at least obtain him a reprival for that night , that he might prepare for Death and Eternity , and with some importunity prevaileth to move him to return to Dalzel for a grant of the licence desired : but the Lieut. General , in place of relenting , doth most severely threaten the Lieutenant himself , telling him that he would teach him to obey his orders precisely without pleading for mitigation ; whereupon the Lieutenant returning to the place , immediately ordereth the poor man to be shot , who was instantly stript naked and left dead upon the ground . A fact so Barbarous and Cruell , and in effect so plain a Murder , being destitute of the least shaddow of either Ordinary or Martial Law to colour it , that the horror thereof may justly render it incredible . 6. As this last Act is such as barbarity it self would condemn , so it s well known that this man Dalzel was therefore brought from Musco , where it was supposed he had learned to comply with that Arbitrary Tyranny , and to exercise that Barbarous Cruelty , which there more then in any part of the Christan World , is wickedly practised , as the only proper Executioner , agreeably & accurately to serve the rigor and violence of this , accursed Prelacy . Which expectation he hath not at all frustrated : For both he and the Arch-Prelate of St Andrews , are so wickedly acted by the same spirit of spite , rage and wickedness , that they have often grieved and openly complained , that such whom they have supposed , and would have instantly and utterly destroyed as criminals ( according to the excess of their own lust and malice , without respect to any measure or proportion of Justice ) should either be proceeded against , or punished acording to the tenor of Law ; accounting and impudently declaring , that these Formalities ( as they are pleased to tearm the very substantials of Law , and the great security of all mens lives and fortunes ) were , and are in their opinions mostly obstructive to the King's service . It were endless to enumerat all the evils , extortions , cruelties and exactions that this Muscovia-beast hath acted and doth practise upon that poor countrey of the West , where retaining some of his forces , both Horse and Foot , the most slender suspicions , or the smallest surmises , though never so false , are accounted crimes and convictions ; and immediatly punished with such rigorous imprisonment as we have already described ; or by oppressive Quartering , not only on the person suspected , but also on the whole bounds about : in which Quartering , the souldiours do behave themselves with such insolency and rapine , that not only many hundreds of families are reduced to beggery , but in several Parishes , the countrey almost laid waste and desolate ; So that now it is the common report and perswasion of all , that the West is appointed for ruine and destruction . 7. Seing this is the case of almost that whole Countrey , without respect to guilt or innocency , how hard and lamentable is the condition of such who were in the late Rising , and have hithertil escaped ? it is impossible fully to represent all their sore distress and great perplexity which they sustain , wandering and hiding themselves in woods , mountains and caves of the earth , afflicted with all the pain and misery , that the extremity of cold , nakedness and hunger , with the continual uncertainty of their Lives , can lay upon them , and hunted more then Partridges , by the vigilant and cruell malice of their adversaries . We know that some of our profane Apostate Preachers ( who not only think the fiery tryall a strange thing , and are offended at the cross of Christ , but preferring this worlds ease to their everlasting rest , do neither hearken to the warning , nor believe the promised and often experienced consolation of suffering ) have wickedly judged these poor men and their cause by the event , and affirmed that curse sa . 8.21 . to be on them accomplished : but as both the sin of Sorcery and the sting of this threatning , imbittered fretting to the cursing of God , the very worm of the damned here recorded , do clearly discover and confute this calumny ; so are these Apostate calumniators plainly and directly therein concerned , who , having such evident tokens of perdition , as are their vile Apostacy and cruell persecution and reproach , may and ought to tremble in the pre-apprehensions thereof , which , without serious repentance , they cannot escape , when the righteous God who upholdeth his own with strength and joy in tribulation , shall hereafter give unto all of them , though now troubled , rest with all saints . But not only time , but heart and tongue would fail any Christian , to relate all the violences , plunderings , extortions and insolencies , that from the beginning of this Apostacy until this day have been and are committed by Military Force among us , first upon Galloway , then upon both Galloway and Nithisdale , and now upon the whole West : which as they have been Extended in bounds , so are they continually Intended in cruelty . Only this we shall say , if stobbing , wounding , beating , stripping and imprisoning mens persons , violent breaking of their houses both by day and night , and beating and wounding of wives and children , ravishing and deflowring of women , forcing wives and other persons by fired matches and other tortures to discover their husbands and nearst relations , although it be not within the compass of their knowledge , and driving and spoiling all their goods that can be carried away , without respect to guilt or innocency , in as cruell a manner as ever Scotland saw exerced amongst them by a forrain enemy ( as can be instanced from every corner of that Countrey ) May represent our present slavery & bondage ; certainly the same is so much the more miserable and insupportable , in that all this wickedness is most unnaturally perpetrated , both by our own Countrey-men and Sworn brethren , and so much the rather to be laid to heart by al , that , as al these things are only acted and allowed by the wicked malice and blind fury of this prevailing Prelatick party , and for satisfying their insatiable hatred and revenge against all their opposers , so is the whole Kingdom thereby disabled , and most obviously in these most dangerous times , exposed to the Invasion , of any Forrainer ; As may be very evident from these considerations . 1. The West , the strength and better part of the Kingdom , is already disabled , not only by the above-mentioned oppressions , but by generall disarming , and taking of serviceable horses , and likely very shortly to be totally wasted and ruined . 2. The North and High-Lands have been of late so much neglected and connived at , through the prevailing wickedness of the times , that they are wholly in disorder , and all places about infested by most insolent rapines and murthers : but since the Actors are void both of Religion & Conscience , they cannot now be guilty of either Rebellion or Sedition , and since they are rather favourers of then enemies to Prelates , it is no matter how great enemies they be to Righteousness . 3. The whole Kingdom is so exhausted by exactions and impositions , so vexed by generall oppression and disorder , from which the wickedness of Prelatick Rulers , suffer no place to be exempted ; & so disgusted with the violence and inhumanity they see done to their brethren ( their own flesh ) for such slight and unworthy causes and occasions , as the worst of men not interested , do justly apprehend Prelacy and Conformity to be ; that all are either disabled , disheartened , or disobleiged from the service of King and Countrey . 4. There remaineth no strength nor force amongst us , but these two regiments of foot and nine troops of horses , which even with the addition of the five more intended , will not in all exceed 2000 foot and 1000 horse , and yet are they all and more then the Countrey can wel bear , and these so debauched by licentiousness , cruelty and rapine , that neither can their hearts endure , nor their hands be strong against an enemy . These are the fruits of our departing from the Lord , and again erecting and admitting this accursed Prelacy . O! that God would cause us to know how evill and bitter they are ; but the Prelats who fear not God , regard not the Common-wealth , let the Covenant & Conscience be rooted out , then come on us what will : these are the only enemies of their usurpations & wicked lusts , and therefore must be accounted so both to King and Countrey ; against these are our forces leavyed and maintained , and unto this design their numbers must be modelled and our exactions proportioned : The arraying of the Countrey and establishing of the Militia conform to our ancient Laws and Liberties may possibly arm the Prelats enemies ; surely that course would not so violently press Conformity , and execute their cruelty , nor so largely gratify a few Nobles , who by the command of the troops must be made sharers of the spoil and booty , and so engaged for these vile Prelates against the poor Countrey . O blinded Nobles ! are not the wealth and peace of the Countrey your riches and stability ? O abject Scotland ! how art thou abondoned ? This being the design , rage and jealousy of the tyrannizing Prelats , in order thereunto there must be five troops more added to these already leavyed , and the Countrey yet more oppressed for the securing and establishing of their wickedness . 2 , They are endeavouring by all means to have the Declaration against the Covenant generally pressed , that either by violent straining they may destroy all conscience thereof , or may more fully discover , and more effectually reach all the faithful in the Land , whom by the test of a refusal they purpose to stage and severely punish as enemies to Authority . We shall not offer here to adde any thing against this Declaration . If all that the Lord hath done in this Land now by the space of near an 100 years , all that his servants have formerly declared and testifyed , and now of late have witnessed and sealed with th●●r blood , and all the tenor and purpose of this discourse avail not to justify our holy Covenants , and condemn this horrid Apostacy and wicked Declaration , nothing certainly will be able to perswade , and the mighty power of God can only convert . Only we have reason to fear that the same spirit of deceat , which , under the colour of due obedience to lawful Authority , ensnared wretched Edinburgh to a combination and conspiracy against the Lord and his Anointed , may renew the same practise upon the whole Land , for the more easy involving of such in this Apostacy , whom possibly the gross and palpable wickedness of the Declaration might deterre : And to such we give this warning , that as all Powers are subordinat to the most High , and appointed and limited by His holy will and commandment , for his own glory and the Peoples good ; and as our Alleagiance was , and standeth perpetually and expresly thus qualifyed , viz. in defence of Religion and Liberty , according to our first and second Covenants ; and lastly , seing all Alleagiance and obedience to any created Power whatsoever , ( though in the construction of charity apparently indefinite , yet ) of it 's own nature is indispensibly thus restricted ; To renew the same , or take any the like Oath of Alleagiance purely and simply , purposely omitting the former and due Restriction , especially where the Powers are in most manifest and notorious Rebellion against the Lord , and opposition to his Cause and Covenant , is in effect equivalent to to an express rejecting and dis-owning of the same Limitation , and of the Soveraign Prerogative of the Great God and King over all , which is thereby reserved ; & as much as in plain terms to affirm , that whatever abused Authority shall command or do , either as to the overturning of the VVork of God , subverting of Religion , destroying of Rights & Liberties , or persecuting of all the Faithful to the utmost extremity , we shall not only stupidly endure it , but actively concur with & assist in all this Tyranny . And if this be not more , yea double wickdness above all that the Declaration doth import , let all men consider . O! all ye who desire to behold the good that God will do for His People , beware of this High Rebellion against Him. 3. As all restraints of either Conscience or Law are now wickedly taken off , and only a convenient oppurtunity waited for , to re-introduce that dead carcase of Formality , the Service-book , and the whole bulk of these corrupt Ceremonies and pernicious Superstitions , that have been formerly , and alwayes found so destructive to the light & power of the Gospell , & are so vain and ridiculous in themselves , that nothing but the very , spirit of darkness and judiciall delusion from the Lord , can induce men to such fopperies ; so may we certainly expect the re-imposing of this heavy yoke , and all the Sin , Superstition , Persecution and Wrath which necessarily do attend it , except we abide stedfast in the Lord's Cause and Covenant , instantly intreating and patiently waiting for His Salvation , and glorious appearance again in this Land. Thus we have represented in part both the Sin , Sufferings and Distresses that ly upon the whole Land ; which though they be most heavy and greivous in themselves , yet are they in their Tendency & Presage more to be regarded . Can any man seriously look upon the hatred and scorn of that Light and Truth ? wherein once we gloried , the spite against the Holy Covenant and all Conscience , the Blaphemy and sin against God , and the violence and persecution against all such as fear His Name , whereby the enemy rageth and their tumult continually increaseth , and not be astonished ? Is there any who believeth that God is , and that His Words are Truths and all His Wayes judgements , His Threatnings sure and certain , His jealousy as a consuming fire , His wrath so dreadful and His indignation so terrible , that only the same Omnipotency which inflicteth the strokes , can sustain poor passive wretches from evanishing at it's smallest rebukes , and yet shall sustain them eternally , and not tremble because of the provocation of all these Abominations ? O! that such whom the Love of Christ hath not constrained , nor the tears and weeping of a departing Saviour moved , might be yet perswaded by the Terror of the Lord , & that the dread of God might make their hearts soft . Surely abounding sin is the greatest Woe , and prevailing transgression the greatest cause of mourning ; but above all sins and transgressions , Christ despised in His Gospell and Ordinances , and persecuted in His members , is the most mournful and fearful : Which as it scattered and destroyed the Lord's peculiar People and Nation , dear to Him above all Nations , and hath overturned and ruined the fairest part of the Christian World , either in Barbarity or gross Darkness ; so is it the great condemnation of the whole World. This is the work and wickedness of accursed Prelacy , most Perjurious in it's Rise and ever Antichristian in it's Designes and Effects , as all who have hearts to understand what we have here declared , and eyes to see the present state and condition of matters , must and will acknowledge . This is thy Sin , O Scotland , and , if mercy prevent it not , shall be thy ruine . This is the Voice , Testimony and Warning of all the sufferings of the Lord's people ; who though continually afflicted and persecuted in their bodies , & though their souls be exceedingly filled with the contempt of the proud ; yet have not nor dare not deny the Lord , His Work , nor His holy Covenant : whom though the Lord hath caused to turn back from the enemy , and given for a spoil to them that hate them , yea given them as sheep for meat , and made them a reproach , a scorn and a derision ; yet have they nor forgotten the Lord nor dealt falsly in His Covenant . O! that men would ! consider this Grace of God , whereby as he conforteth and sustaineth his servants in all their afflictions ; so he warneth backsliders to return , and all to flee from the wrath that is to come , and to save themselves from this wicked generation : Which Grace , as it allayeth to , the Faithful the smart , so ought it to remove from all the scandal of our Lord's cross , and is indeed that strength and presence of the Captain of our salvation ( who was made perfect by suffering ) with all His sufferers , giving for the present joy and peace , and afterwards assured victory . Now , seing it is the Lord who hath so visibly brought upon us these sore Trialls , that such as are approved may be made manifest , and so graciously delivereth them from the temptation thereof , yea thereby refineth , purifyeth and maketh many white , that they may be more abundant Partakers both of His Holiness and of His Glory , and also eminently beareth witness to the Truth , Grace and Power of His great Work , His holy Covenant , and precious Ordinances and Ministry amongst us , clearing them by His own Testimony of all these calumnies , wherewith either through the invention of some men's malice , or the occasion of other mens weakness and sin , they were formerly aspersed , we shall shut up this discourse with this one word of exhortation . Great hath been the Sin of this Land in not believing and obeying the glorious Gospell , in not receaving the Lord Jesus in our hearts , and witnessing His Light and Grace and Glory in our lives and conversations , but in resting on the outward forms and appearances of the true Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , without labouring after the power of Reformation , and beauty of holiness ( the only grace and blessing of all these enjoyments ) and in perverting and mannaging the possession and profession of all these things unto selfish ends and worldly advantages , O foolish people and unwise , have we thus requited the Lord for all these mercies of His Gospell , pure Ordinances and Holy Covenants , to corrupt and deprave them from that great end of the Glory of His grace and mercy in our salvation , unto the base designs of serving and satifying our own lusts to His dishonour ? And therefore is it that the Lord , having often in his mercy corrected and warned us , hath now at length given us over unto this horrid Apostacy and Defection ; whereby , as the latent malice and hypocrisy of many , and the great fainting and want of zeal in all , have been manifestly discovered ; so the Lord is feeding the wicked with their own delusions , and putting the zeal and constancy of all to the Test , and in effect ripening this whole Land , either for a glorious deliverance from that perverse spirit and generation of Antichrist , that hath been long mingled in the midst of us , and even from the dayes of our first Reformation , hath retained and continued the old enmity against the Lord Jesus and His blessed Gospell and Kingdom ; or else for a totall and final overthrow in utter darkness and desolation . And therefore O Scotland , because the Lord loved thy Fathers , and delighteth not in thy destruction , hath He , after all our fearful backsliding and sinful fainting and departing which testify against us , neither left Himself nor us without a witness ; but raised up amongst us His own faithful Servants and our brethren , with whom we are all equally and indissolubly engaged in the same righteous Cause and Covenant , & by the mighty power of His grace , from the pure zeal of His Glory , enabled them first to venture and then to lay down their lives for the Testimony of His Work and Covenant , that we may yet at length consider and understand , that these were no more the labour and devices of carnal designs , then that corruption and weakness of flesh & blood could triumph both over it self & death & hell the chief of terrors . O! that men would therefore lay to heart their bonds & Engagements unto the Lord , repent of their backslidings , and cease from their opposition to His Cause & Covenant ; at least that such whom the Lord hath not abandoned unto that depth of Apostacy , whereunto others have made defection , would yet be wise & instructed , repent of their fainting & Neutrality in the cause of God , & their connivance or complyance with the declared enemies thereof , & beware of that wicked Declaration against the Covenant , or any other Oath and Subscription likely to be the snare and temptation of these times , which either under the pretext of Peace and Order , or of due Obedience unto lawful Authority may be wickedly invented and imposed , really for the suppressing of Truth , and advancing of this Rebellion against the most High God , and the establishing of this Antichristian Prelatick - Tyranny . We have already fully detected the mask and design of such impostures ; He who hath given Authority and Power unto Kings and Princes , and rendered the same Sacred by His holy Sanction and Command , as he hath often punished their Ingratitude and Usurpation against His own Soveraignity ; so will He not hold that people guiltless , who , being both His Creatures and sworn Subjects , either connive at , or comply with such Rebellious Princes in their wickedness . Shall both the Law of God , and the very Propension of the heart and blood to the love and obedience of Parents , cede to the obedience of Kings and Rulers , for the good and preservation of the Common-wealth , and shall not far more all Alleagiance & obedience to the same Kings & Rulers , cede and give place to our Obedience to the Most High our only Soveraign Lord , and the conscience of His holy Oath and Commandments , for advancement of his glory , the great and only end of all things ? Fix it therefore in your hearts , first to love and fear the Lord our God , and then to honour and obey the King ; and let the sincere and inward love of our Lord Jesus Christ , the dear esteem of his precious Gospel , and the remembrance of our most sacred and solemn Oaths and Covenants , and of that beauty , power and glory of His pure Ordinances , Ministry and Government which we once enjoyed , alwayes dwell in your hearts , and ever determine and establish you to resist and disown all wicked Usurpations against the Lord and His Anointed , all Invasions against His Crown and Prerogative , all Corruptions and Humane Inventions in His pure Worship and Ordinances , all perversion of the true Government and comely Order in His house , and al● violations of these indispensible & holy Engagements , whereby this whole Nation is perpetually joyned unto the Lord ; and also ever animat yow to Do or Suffer for the Lords great Name and these precious & important concernments , as He requireth ; lest if ye either faint in your mindes , or give up your selves to the delusion of some carnal distinction , quiting the founder for the safer part , against the explicit Testimony , or implicit inclination of your own Consciences ( which later , if sincerely aiming at the glory of God , and in nothing repugnant to His holy Word , is no otherwise to be regarded in times of temptation , then as that promised secret leading of the blind in the way they know not ) you not only lose your Crown , but provoke the Lord to cause all the Churches know by your plagues , that He it is who searcheth the reins & hearts . But unto these few names in Scotland that have appeared zealous for God , & have not forgotten His Covenant in these declining times , & all these who favour their Righteous Cause ; The Lord ( who liveth & was dead , and is alive for evermore , Amen , ) knoweth your works , tribulation & poverty ( but yow are rich ) and also the blasphemy of them which say they are Christians & are not , but are the synagogue of Antichrist , Fear none of these things which yow do or shall suffer , your afflictions are but for Triall , and may be Short : be Faithful unto the death and ye shall have the Crown of life . And as ye love God & the Father of our Lord Jesus , who gave His only and eternall delight unto the death for us Sinners ; as ye love our Lord Jesus Christ who loved us and washed us from our sins in His own blood ; as ye love the Holy Spirit of Grace who breatheth all this love into our hearts , and comforteth and sealeth us unto the day of redemption ; as ye love the blessed Gospel , in the light whereof all this love is revealed , and God therein mainly glorified ; as ye love the Church of God , which he hath purchased with his own blood ; as ye love ( for your own souls and for your posterity ) eternal life ; as ye love poor Scotland and it's deliverance from the dreadful and imminent wrath of God ; and as you love the preservation of all Interests either Spiritual , Temporal or Eternal , Adhere stedfastly to the holy Covenants that Sacred and Firm Bond and Engagement unto all duties of Religion and Righteousness , our blessed sealed Charter of all the Lord's blessings and ordinances , especially of that great Ordinance of the Ministry and Government of the Lord's house , which He himself hath appointed the hedge of all other Ordinances , and the great and most effectual mean of the Gospel's establishment and advancement . For , as it is only the holy zeal of God inspired and animated by the fervent love of our Lord Jesus , and the fear of the Lord 's great Name , and the regard of His sacred Oath , that can make you of quick understanding in these perillous times , for the discovering of both duties and dangers , and strengthen you with all might , either for Doing or Suffering , that you may endure unto the end ; so you may be assured , that if the Lord's thoughts toward Scotland be thoughts of peace and not of evil , to give us an expected end ( as we have great ground and perswasion of hope ) it shall be upon the broken plank of this despised Covenant , that this tossed and ship-wrackt Church shall be preserved , in midst of all these fluctuations , and at length attain to it's desired haven of Peace and Truth . Yea though this Apostacy and persecution should prevail to wear out the saints of the most High , and the Lord ( because of the overspreading of abomination ) should determine and bring upon us utter desolation ; yet shall this your faithfulness be your Peace , joy and Victory . Let all therefore that desire to be found faithful , look unto Jesus and his joy ; that with Him enduring the cross and despising the shame , we may neither faint nor be weary , but in end be partakers of his Victory , Throne and Crown . Thus we have seen and declared the great Work of God in this Land , from the first times of our Reformation unto this day ; we have also teen our manifold provocations , whereby we have often Turned , Tempted and Provoked the most High ; and all these judgements , Temptations and Discoveries , wherewith , by the space of now more then an Hundred years , he hath corrected and exercised us ; and we are at length arrived unto , and have considered the present state and posture of our affairs : Wherein though 1. the extremity of Apostacy , exceeding all that any age can parallel , and aggreageable by all the circumstances of most clear and glorious Manifestations , most solemn and sacred Engagements , most sudden and causeless backsliding , and most national daring and violent defection that any Church can be charged with . 2. The extremity of Persecution and Violence , which , considering either the Actors ; ( once ring-leaders , now Apostats from the same Holy Covenant which they persecut ) or the Manner , by Hostile and Military Force , without so much as regarding their own Lawes which they pretend for warrant ; or the cruelty and excess , whereby mens lives are imbittered , making them prefer Death to the slaveries and insolencies which they , sustain , Are not to be instanced in any Christian Church . 3. The extremity of Sin and profanity , and of the enemies boasting and blasphemy , whose mouths are set against the Heavens , and all the spite of their tongues and indignation of their hearts , against the holy Covenant and tenderness of conscience , over which and all their followers , they wickedly insult and rejoyce . And 4. the extremity of mens fainting and deserting so Good a Cause ; Which in their hearts they secretly own and approve , but dare not avow , yea are ready to deny for fear of the Adversaries , Though , we say , these extremities ( undenyably apparent in our present condition ) do sadly denounce unto this Land , the worst and most woful of all extremities , even utter forsaking and desolation , and that the End is come ; yet notwithstanding all these hopeless and desperat appearances , it is the Lord who causeth light to shine out of darkness , and saith in the evening it shall be light , who saith unto dry bones , live , and calleth his People out of their graves , who even calleth things that are not as though they were , in whom all the seekers of His face ought to rejoyce , and joy in the God of their salvation . Therefore , although that over and above all these menacing evils , the power and pride of the Enemy should yet more prevail , even many degrees above all the appearances of Human Hope or Help , & all Neighbouring Nations should not only give them the leisure and conveniency , but with all their might conspire and concurre with our enemies , to intend their persecution & strengthen their Apostacy ; yet are the Lord 's Faithful , not only partakers of that River , the streams whereof make glad the City of God , though surrounded with the siege of of Nations , Batteries of mountains , and insurrections of the Universe against it , and are built on that rock against which the very gates of hell cannot prevail , and do also know that their God whom they fear is able to deliver them from this fiery Triall , and He will deliver them from their persecuters ; and if not , that nothing save the design of greater glory to this own Name , in a greater mercy and salvation to His People shall impede it : but all that love the Lord's Salvation have also fair ground of hope , that the Lord , as he will pour out His wrath upon his adversaries , so will He remember for Scotland his Covenant ; awake and give a shout against His enemies ; and that , now when He seeth their wrath , how they behave themselves strangely , and say our hand is high , and the Lord hath not done all this , the Lord will bring forth for His remnant ( even that holy seed which shall be the substance of this Land ) that Deliverance which is laid up in store with Him , and sealed up amongst His treasures . For unto God belongeth vengeance and recompense , even the vengeance of His broken Covenant , of His dear Saints blood , and of His polluted Sanctuary . The adversaries foot shal slide in due time , for the day of their calamity is at hand , and the things that shall come upon them , make haste . For the Lord shall judge his people and repent himself for his servants , when he seeth that our power is gone , and there is none shut up or left : And the Lord shall say , see now that I , even I am He , and there is no God with me : I kill and I make alive , I wound and I heal : neither is there any that can deliver out of my hand ; for I lift up my hand to heaven , and say , I live for ever . if I whet my glittering sword , and mine hand take hold on judgement , I will render vengeance to mine enemies , and will reward them that hate me . I will make mine arrows drunk with blood ( and my sword shall devour flesh ) and that with the blood of the slain and the captives , from the beginning of revenges upon the enemy . Rejoyce , O ye Nations , with his people , for He will avenge the blood of His Servants , and will render vengeance to His adversaries , and will be mercifull unto His Land and to His People . This is the Song which God hath taught us , and therewith we shut up and seal the FAITH AND PATIENCE OF THE SAINTS . AND now , having finished the Narration intended of the Work of God , and having seen and being persuaded that all the degrees and Passages of its Progress and Advancement , were the very vestiges of the Lords ascendent Power and Glory , which He hath also sealed by the Salvation of many thousands for our assured confirmation , that as this Work is of God , so shall it not come to nought ; But that these Antichristian 〈◊〉 who oppose it , though in the same Spirit and Power of Darkness , which hath mainly caused and procured all the sin , temptation and ruine that hath befallen any Gospel-Church , 〈◊〉 the blessed coming of our Lord JESUS in the fle●h , they should arise unto , yea surmount the very height of the Papacy and Antichrist himself , in their Persecutions & Tyranny ; They shall nevertheless in the end , be found even to fight against God , and perish for ever in their gain-saying . As we do therefore desire to remain stedfast , immoveable , and always abounding in the Work of the Lord , and every point and circumstance thereof , without fainting or wearying even unto the Death . in and over which the Lord hath caused His faithful witnesses so gloriously to Triumph ; so we do only here subjoyn , for the clear and unanswerable conviction and condemnation of the perfidy and wickedness of these accursed Prelates , both before the World and even in their own consciences , if any sense thereof do yet remain : That though we had never seen any of these great and glorious things , whereby the Lord since the Year 1637. did revive , confirm and magnify His Work amongst us , and that the National Covenant had net been since retaken much less explained and established , nor the League and Covenant ensued it ; Yet since the same doth still stand in the plain and simple terms , wherein it was conceaved , and in that sense and meaning , wherein both it 's express Words and all the circumstances which we have before observed do plainly evince that it was at first taken ; as this Covenant doth remain unto this Day ( notwithstanding all the Prelats wickedness , perjury and violence ) unrepeal'd or condemned , and by no contrary explanation or gloss , either is or can be detorted , from being an undenyable abjuration of accursed Prelacy and all it's corruptions ; so is it a certain , fixed and immoveable foundation for all the Work of God that hath ensued , and a very sure ground of confidence to all who seriously perpend , and firmly adhere to it , that the Lord who loved us of old , and chosed our Fathers , shall yet again by his mighty Spirit and Power , turn the hearts of the Children unto the Fathers , and bring us back unto the Lord God of our Fathers , and upon this same Foundation , yet repair our breaches , build up the old wastes , & raise & rear up His Glory . FINIS . The last SPEECHES AND TESTIMONIES Of some who have Suffered for the TRUTH IN SCOTLAND , Since the Year 1660. The last Speech of the MARQUES of ARGILE , At his Death in Edinburgh , May 27. 1661. MANY will expect that I speak many things , and according to their several opinions and dispositions , so will their expectations be from me , and constructions of me ; But I resolve to disappoint many , for I come not hither to justify my self , but the Lord , VVho is Holy in all His wayes and Righteous in all His VVorks , Holy and blessed is His Name ; Neither come I to condemn others : I know many . will expect that I will speak against the hardness of the Sentence , pronounced against me ; But I will say nothing to it . I bless the Lord , I pardon all men , as I desire to be pardoned of the Lord my self : Let the will of the Lord be done ; That is all that I desire . I hope that ye will have more charity to me now , then yee would have had at an other time , seing I speak before the Lord , to whom I must give an account very shortly . I know very well that my words have had but very litle weight with many : And that many have mistaken my Words & Actings both : Many have thought me to be a great Enemy to these great works , that have of late , been brought to pass . But do not mistake me , good People : I speak it in the presence of the Lord , I entered not upon the Work of Reformation , with any design of advantage to my self , or prejudice to the King and his Government ; As my later Will which was written 1655. and thereafter delivered to a Friend ( in whose hands it still remaineth ) can show . As for these Calumnies that have gone abroad of me , I blesse God , I know them to be no more : And as I go to make a reckoning to My God , I am free as to any of these , concerning the King's Person or Government . I was Real and Cordial in my desires to bring the King home , and in my Endeavours for Him when he was at home , and I had no correspondence with the Adversaries Army , nor any of them , in the time when his Majesty was in Scotland ; Nor had I any accession to his late Majesties horrid and execrable Murther , by Councel or Knowledge of it , or any other manner of way . This is a Truth , as I shall answer to my Judge . And all the time his Majesty was in Scotland , I was still endeavouring His advantage ; my Conscience beareth me witness in it . So much to that Particular . And ( turning about he said ) I hope , Gentlemen , you will all remember these . I confess , many look on my Condition as a Suffering condition : But I bless the Lord , that He that hath gone before me , hath trod the Wine-press of the Father's wrath ; by whose Sufferings , I hope that my Sufferings shall not be Eternal . I bless Him that hath taken away the sting of my Sufferings : I may say that my Charter was Sealed to day ; for the Lord hath said to me , SON , BE OF GOOD CHEER , THY SINS ARE FREELY FORGIVEN THEE : And so I hope my Sufferings shall be very easy . And ye know the Scripture saith , the Captain of our Salvation was made perfect by Sufferings . I shall not speak much to these things for which I am condemned , lest I seem to condemn others : It 's well known , it 's only for Compliance , which was the Epidemicall fault of the Nation . I wish the Lord to Pardon them : I say no more . There was an expression in these Papers presented by me to the Parliament , of the Contagion of these times ; Which may by some be misconstructed , as if I intended to lay an Imputation upon the Work of Reformation : But I declare that I intended no such thing ; But only related to the corruptions and failings of men , occasioned by the Prevailing of the Usurping Powers . At this he turned and took them all witnesses . Now , Gentlemen , concerning the Nation , I think there are three sorts of People that take up much of the World and of this Nation . There is 1. the openly Prophane : And truely I may say , though I have been a prisoner , I have not had mine ears shut ; I hear assuredly , that Drinking , Swearing , Whoring were never more Common , never more Countenanced then now they are . Truly if Magistrats were here , I would say to them , if they lay forth their power for glorifying of God , by restraining this , they should fare the better ; if they continue in not restraining , they shall fare the worse . I say no more , but either let People shun Prophanity and Magistrats restrain it , or assuredly the wrath of God shall follow on it . 2. Others are not openly Prophane ( everyone will not allow that ) but yet they are Gallio's in the matter : If matters go well as to their Private Interest , they care not whether the Church of God sink or swim . But whatever they think , God hath laid Engagements upon Scotland : We are tyed by Covenants to Religion and Reformation : These that were then Unborn are yet engaged ; and in our Baptisme we are engaged to it . And it passeth the power of all the Magistrats under heaven to absolve them from the Oath or God : They deceave themselves , and it may be would deceave others that think otherwise . But I would caveat this , People will be ready to think this a kind of instigation to Rebellion in me ; But they are very far wrong that think Religion and Loyalty are not well consistent . Whoever they be that separate them , Religion is not to be blamed , but They. It 's true , it 's the duty of every Christian to be Loyall ; yet I think the Orders of things are to be observed as well as their Natures ; the Order of Religion as well as the Nature of it . Religion must not be the Cock-boat , it must be the Ship. God must have what is His , as well as Caesar what is His : And These are the best Subjects that are the best Christians . And that I am looked on as a Friend to Reformation , is my Glory . 3. There is another sort that are truly Godly : And to them I must say what I fear , & every one hath reason to fear ( it's good to fear evil ) It 's true the Lord may prevent it ; but if He do not ( and truly I cannot forsee any probability of it ) Times are like either to be very Sinning or very Suffering Times : And let Christians make their choice : There is a sad Dilemma in the business SIN or SUFFER ; and surely , he that would choise the Better part will choise to Suffer . Others that will choise to Sin , shall not escape Suffering ; They shall Suffer , but it may be , not as I do ( turning about and , pointing to the Maiden ) but worse : Mine is but Temporal , theirs shall be Eternal ; when I shall be Singing , they shall be Howling . Beware therefore of Sin whatever yow are aware of , especially in such times . Yet I cannot say of my own Condition , but that the Lord in his Providence hath mind of Mercy to me even in this World : For if I had been more favourably dealt with , I fear I might have been overcome with Temptations , as many others are , and many more I fear will be ; And so should have gone out of the World , with a more polluted Conscience , then through the mercy of God now I have . And hence my Condition is such now , as when I am gone , will be seen not to have been such as many imagined . It 's fit God take me away , before I fall into these Temptations that I see others are falling into ▪ and many others I fear will fall : I wish the Lord may Prevent it . Yet blessed be His Name , that I am keeped both from present evils & evils to come . Here he turned about a litle & spoke some words to Mr Hutchison , when turning again to the People , he spoke as followeth . Some may expect I will regrete my own condition : but truly I neither grudge nor repine ; nor desire any revenge . And I declare I do not repent my last going up to London ; for I had alwayes rather have Suffered any thing , then ly under Reproaches as I did . I desire not that the Lord should judge any man ; nor do I judge any but my Self : I wish , as the Lord hath pardoned me , so He may pardon them for this and other things ; and what they have done to me , may never meet them in their accounts . I have no more to say , but to beg the Lord , that when I go away , he would Bless every one that stayeth behind . His last Words , immediatly before he laid his Head on the Block after his doublet was off , were these . I desire you , Gentlemen , all that hear me this day to take notice ( and I wish that all who see me might hear me ) that now when I am entering into Eternity , and am to appear before my Judge ; & as I desire Salvation and do expect eternall Salvation and happiness from Him , from my Birth to my Scaffold , I am free from any accession by my Knowledge , concerning Counsel or any other way to his late Ma. death ; And I pray the Lord preserve his present Maj. and to pour his best blessings on his Person and Government ; and the Lord give him good and faithful councellors . Turn-about to his Friends , he said , Many Christians may stumble at this , and my Friends may be discontented ; But when things are rightly considered , my freinds have no Discredit of Me , nor Christians no Stumbling block , but rather an Encouragement . The last Speech and Testimony of M R JAMES GUTHRIE , Minister of the Gospel at Sterlin , at his Death at Edinburgh , Jun. 1. 1661. which a day or two before his Death he wrot , and left with some of his Friends sealed and attested under his own hand . MEn and Brethren , I fear many of yow become hither to gaze , rather then to be edified by the carriage and last words of a dying man : But if any have an hear to hear , as I hope some of this great confluence have , I desire your audience to a few words . I am come hither to lay down this earthly Tabernacle and mortal flesh of mine ; and I bless God , through His Grace I do it willingly and not by constraint . I say , I suffer willingly : If I had been so minded , I might have made a diversion , and not been a Prisoner ; But being conscious to my Self of nothing worthy of Death or of Bonds , I would not stain my Innocency with the suspicion of guiltiness by my withdrawing : neither have I wanted opportunities and advantages to escape since I was Prisoner , not by the fault of my keepers ( God knoweth ) but otherwise ; But neither for this had I Light or Liberty ; left I should reflect upon the Lord's Name , and offend the Generation of the Righteous : And if some men have not been mistaken , or dealt deceatfully in telling me so , I might have avoided not only the severity of the Sentence , but also had much favor and countenance , by complying with the courses of the time : But I durst not redeem my Life with the loss of my Integrity ; God knoweth I durst not ; and that since I was Prisoner , He hath so holden me by the hand , that he never suffered me to bring it in debate in my inward thoughts , much less to propone or hearken to any overture of that kind . I did judge it better to Suffer then to Sin ; And therefore I am come hither to lay down my life this day . And I bless God , I die not as a Fool ; Not that I have any thing wherein to glory in my self : I acknowledge that I am a Sinner , yea one of the greatest and vilest that hes owned a profession of Religion , and one of the most unworthy that hes Preached the Gospel ; my corruptions have been strong and many , and have made me a sinner in all things , yea even in following my duty : And therefore Righteousness have I none of mine own , all is vile ; But I do beleeve that Jesus Christ came into the World to save sinners whereof I am Chief : Through Faith in his Righteousness and Blood have I obtained Mercy ; and through Him and Him alone , have I the hope of a blessed conquest and Victory over Sin , and Sathan , and Hell , and Death , and that I shall attain unto the Resurrection of the Just ; and be made Partaker of Eternal Life . I know in whom I have beleeved , and that He is able to keep than which I have committed unto Him against that day . I have Preached Salvation through His Name , and as I have preached so do I Beleeve , and do commend the Riches of His Free-grace and Faith in His Name unto yow all , as the only way whereby ye can be saved . And as I bless the Lord that I die not as a fool ; so also that I die not for Evil-doing . Not a few of yow may happily judge , that I suffer as a Thief , or as a Murtherer , or as an evil Doer , or as an Bussy body in other mens matters . It was the lot of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself , and hath been of many of His Precious Servants and People to suffer by the World as evil Doers : & as my soul scareth not at it , but desireth to rejoice in being brought into Conformity with my Blessed Head , and so blessed a Company in this thing ; so do I desire and Pray that I may be to none of yow to day , upon this account a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence : Blessed is he that shall not be offended at Jesus Christ and his poor servants and members , because of their being condemned as evil doers by the World. God is my record , that in these things , for which Sentence of Death hath passed against me , I have a good Conscience : I bless God , they are not matters of Complyance with Sectaries , or Designes or Practices against His Majest . Person or Government , or the Person or Government of His Royal Father : My heart ( I bless God ) is conscious unto no Disloalty ; Nay , Loyal I have been , and I commend it unto you to be Loyal and obedient in the Lord. True Piety is the foundation of True Loyalty : A wicked man may be a flatterer and a Time-server , but he will never be a Loyal Subject . But to return to my purpose , the matters for which I am condemned , are matters belonging to my Calling and Function as a Minister of the Gospel , such as the Discovery and Reproving of Sin ; The pressing the holding fast of the Oath of God in the Covenant , and preserving and carrying on the Work of Religion and Reformation according thereto ; And Denying to acknowledge the Civil Magistrat as the Proper Competent Iudge in causes Ecclesiastical : That in all these things which ( God so ordering by His gracious Providence ) are the grounds of my Inditement and Death , I have a good Conscience , as having walked therein according to the Light and Rule of God's Word , and as did become a Minister of the Gospel . I do also bless the Lord , that I do not die as one not desired . I know that by not a few I neither have been nor am desired . It hath been my lot to have been a man of Contention and Sorrow : But it is my comfort , that for my own things I have not contended , but for the things of Jesus Christ , for what relateth to His Interest and Work , and the well being of His People . In order to the preserving and promoting of these , I did Protest against , and stood in Opposition unto these late Assemblies at St Andrewes , Dundee and Edinburgh ; and the Publick Resolutions for bringing the Malignant Party into the Judicatories and Armies of this Kingdom , conceaving the same contrary to the Word of God , and to our Solemn Covenants and Engagements ; and to be an inlet to Defection , and to the Ruine and destruction of the Work of God. And it is now manifest to many consciences , that I have not been therein mistaken ; nor was not fighting against a man of straw . I was also desirous and did use some poor Endeavours to have the Church of God purged of Insufficient and Scandalous and Corrupt Ministers and Elders ; for these things I have been mistaken by some , and hated by others : But I bless the Lord , as I had the testimony of my own Conscience ; so I was and am therein approven , in the consciences of many of the Lord 's precious Servants and People ; and how little soever I may die Desired by some , yet by these I know I do die Desired , and their approbation , and prayers , and affection is of more value with me , then the Contradiction , or Reproach , or Hatred of many others ; the love of the one I cannot Recompence , and the mistake , or hatred , or reproach of the other ; I do with all my heart Forgive ; and wherein I have offended any of them , do beg their mercy and forgiveness . I do from my soul wish that my death may be profitable unto both , that the one may be confirmed and established in the straight wayes of the Lord , and that the other ( if the Lord so will ) may be convinced , & cease from these things that are not good , & do not Edify but Destroy . One thing I would warn yow all of , that God is wroth , yea very wroth with Scotland , and threatneth to depart and remove His candlestick : The causes of his wrath are many , and would to God it were not One great cause , that Causes of Wrath are despised and rejected of men . Consider the case that is recorded Ier. 36. and the consequence of it , and tremble and fear . I cannot but also say , that there is a great addition and increase of wrath . 1. By that deludge of Prophanity that overfloweth all the Land , and hath reins loosed unto it every where , in so far that many have lost not only all use and exercise of Religion , but even of Morality , and that common Civility that is to be found amongst the Heathen . 2. By that horrible Treachery and Perjury that is in the matter of the Covenant , and Cause of God , and Work of Reformation : Be astonished , O ye Heavens at this , and be horribly afraid , be ye very desolate , saith the Lord ; for my People have committed two evils , they have forsaken me the fountain of living waters , & hewed them out cisterns , broken cisterns that can hold no water : Shall be break the Covenant , and prosper ? Shal the throne of iniquity have fellowship with God , which frameth mischief by a Law ? I fear the Lord be about to bring a Sword on these Lands , which shall avenge the quarrell of His Covenant . 3. Horrible Ingratitude : The Lord after 10 years oppression & bondage hath broken the yoke of Strangers from off our necks ; but what do we render unto Him for this goodness ? Most of the fruit of our delivery is to work wickedness , and to strengthen our Selves to do evill . 4. A most dreadful Idolatry , and sacrificing to the Creature : We have changed the glory of the Incorruptible God , into the image of a corruptible Man , in whom many have placed almost all their Salvation and desire , and have turned that which might have been a Blessing unto us ( being kept in a due line of Subordination under God ) into an Idol of Jealousy , by preferring it before him . God is also wroth with a generation of Carnal , Corrupt , Time-serving Ministers : I know and bear testimony that in the Church of Scotland , there is a True and Faithful Ministry : Blessed be God , we have yet many who study their duty , and desire to be found faithful to their Lord and Master ; And I pray you to Honor , and Reverence , and Esteem much of these for their Works sake : And I pray them to be encouraged in their Lord and Master , who is with them to make them as iron-pillars , and brazen walls , and as a strong defenced city in the faithful following of their duty : But oh ! that there were not too many who mind Earthly things , and are enemies to the cross of Jesus Christ , who push with the side and shoulder , who strengthen the hands of evill doers , who make themselves transgressors , by stustudying to build again what they did formerly warrantably destroy , I mean PRELACY , and the CEREMONIES , and the SERVICE-BOOK , a Mystery of iniquity that works amongst us , whose steps lead unto the house of the great Whore , BABYLON , the Mother of fornications : Or whosoever else he be that buildeth this Jericho again , let him take heed of the curse of Hiel the Bethelite , and of that flying roll thereatened Zech. 5. And let all Ministers take heed that they Watch , and be Stedfast in the Faith , and quit themselves like men , and be strong ; and give faithful and seasonable Warning concerning Sin and Duty . Many of the Lords People do sadly complain of the fainting and silence of many Watchmen ; And it concerneth them to consider what God calleth for at their hands in such a day : Silence now in a Watchman , when he is so much called to speak , and give his Testimony upon the Peril of his life , is doubtless a great Sin. The Lord open the mouths of His Servants to speak his word with all boldness , that Covenant-breaking may be discovered and reproved , and that the Kingdom of Jesus Christ may not be supplanted , nor the souls of His People destroyed without a witness . I have but a few words moe to adde : All that are Profane amongst you , I exhort them to Repentance , for the day of the Lord's vengeance hasteneth and is near : But there is yet a door of mercy open for you , if ye will not despise the day of salvation . All that are Maligners , and Reproachers , and Persecuters of Godliness , and of such as live godly , take heed what ye do , it will be hard for you to kick against the Pricks ; You make your selves the Butt of the Lord's fury , and his flaming indignation , if ye do not cease from and repent of all your ungodly deeds . All that are Neutral , and Indifferent , and Lukewarm Professors , be zealous and repent ; lest the Lord spew you out of His mouth . You that lament after the Lord , and mourn for all the abominations that are done in this City , and in the Land , and take pleasure in the stones and dust of Zi●n , cast not away your confidence , but be comforted and encouraged in the Lord. He will yet appear to your joy , God hath not cast away his People nor work in Brittain and Ireland : I hope it shall once more Revive by the Power of His Spirit , and take root downward and bear fruit upward . There is yet a Holy Seed and precious Remnant , whom God will preserve and bring forth : but how Long or Dark , our Night may be , I do not know ; the Lord shorten it for the sake of his Chosen . In the mean while , be ye patient & stedfast , immoveable , alwayes abounding in the work of the Lord , & in love one to another : Beware of Snares which are strawed thick : Cleave to the Covenant & Work of Reformation : Do not decline the Cross of Jesus Christ ; choose rather to suffer Affliction with the People of God , then to enjoy the pleasurs of sin for a season ; and account the Reproach of Christ greater riches then all the Treasure of the World. Let my Death grieve none of you , it will be more profitable and advantageous both for me , and for you , and for the Church of God , and for Christs interest and honor , then my life could have been . I forgive all men the guilt of it , and I desire you to do so also : Pray for them that persecute you , and bless them that curse you , bless I say , and curse not . I die in the Faith of the Apostles and Primitive Christians , & Protestant Reformed Churches , particularly of the Church of Scotland , whereof I am a member and Minister . I bear my witness and Testimony to the Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government of the Church of Scotland , by Kirk-Sessions , Presbyteries , Synods and Generall Assemblies . Popery and Prelacy , and all the trumpery of Service and Ceremonies that wait upon them , I do abhor . I do bear my witness unto the National Covanant of Scotland , and Solemn League and Covenant betwixt the three Kingdoms of Scotland , England and Ireland : These Sacred , Solemn , Publick Oaths of God , I believe can be loosed nor dispensed with , by no Person , or Party , or Power upon earth : but are still binding upon these Kingdoms , and will be for ever hereafter ; and are ratifyed and sealed by the conversion of many thousand souls , since our entering thereinto . I bear my witness to the Protestation against the controverted Assemblies and the Publick Resolutions ; to the Testimonies given against the Sectaries ; against the course of Backsliding and Defection that is now on foot in the Land , and all the branches and parts thereof , under whatsoever name or notion , or acted by whatsoever party or person . And in the last place , I bear my witness to the cross of Jesus Christ ; and that I never had cause nor have cause this day , to repent because of any thing I have suffered , or can now suffer for His Name : I take God to record upon my soul , I would not exchange this scaffold , with the Palace or Mitre of the greatest prelate in Brittain . Blessed be God , who hath shewed mercy to such a wretch , and hath revealed His Son in me , and made me a Minister of the Everlasting Gospel , and that He hath daigned in the midst of much contradiction from Sathan and the World , to seal my Ministry upon the hearts of not a few of His People , and especially in the station wherein I was last , I mean the Congregation , and Presbytery of Sterlin . God forgive the poor empty Man , that did there intrude upon my labors , and hath made a prey of many poor souls , and exposed others to reproach , and oppression , and a famine of the Word of the Lord. God forgive the misleaders of that part of the poor people , who tempted them to reject their own Pastor , and to admit of Intruders ; and the Father of mercies , pity that poor Misled people : And the Lord visit the Congregation and Presbytery of Sterlin once more with faithful Pastors ; and grant that the Work and People of God may be revived thorow all Britain , and over all the World. Jesus Christ is my Light , and my Life , my Righteousness , my Strength and my Salvation : He is all my Salvation , and all my Desire . Him , O Him I do with all the strength of my soul commend unto you . Blessed are they that are not offended in Him : Blessed are they that Trust in Him. Bless Him , O my soul , from henceforth even for ever . Rejoyce , rejoice all ye that love Him ; be patient and rejoice in tribulation : Blessed are you , and blessed shall you be for ever and ever . Everlasting Righteousness and Eternal Salvation is yours : All are yours , and ye are Christs , and Christ is Gods. Remember me O Lord with the favour thow bearest to thy People ; O visit me with thy Salvation , that I may see the good of thy chosen , that I may rejoice in the gladness of thy Nation , that I may glory with thy Inheritance . Now let thy servant depart in peace since mine eyes have seen thy salvation . JA. GUTRHIE . The last Speech and Testimony of the LORD WARIST0N , At his Death in Edinburgh , July 22. 1663. Right Honourable , much honoured , and beloved Auditors and Spectators . THat which I intended and prepared to have spoken at this time & in this condition , immediatly before my death ( if it should be so ordered that it should be my lot ) is not at present in my power , having been taken from me : But I hope the Lord shall preserve it to bear my Testimony more fully and clearly , then now I can in this condition , having my Memory much destroyed , through much sore and long Sickness , Melancholy , and excessive drawing of my Blood. Though I bless the Lord my God , that notwithstanding of the forementioned distempers , I am in some capacity to leave this short and weak Testimony . I desire in the first place to confess my Sins , so far as is proper to this Place and Case , and to acknowledge Gods Mercies ; and to express my Repentance of the one , and my Faith of the other , through the merits of the Lord Jesus Christ our gracious Redeemer and Mediator : I confess that my Natural Temper ( or rather distemper ) hath been Hasty and Passionat ; and that in my Manner of going about and prosecuting of the best pieces of work and service to the Lord and to my Generation , I have been subject to my excesses of Heat , and thereby to some Precipitations ; which hath no doubt offended standers by and lookers on , and hath exposed both Me and the Work to their mistakes , whereby the beauty of that Work hath been obscured : Neither have I in following of the Lord's work , His Good Work , been without my own Self-seeking ; which hath severall wayes vented is self to the offence of both God and Man , and to the grief thereafter of my own Conscience , and which hath often made me groan , and cry out with the Apostle , O miserable man that I am , who shall deliver me from this body of death ? And to ly low in the dust mourning and lamenting over the same , deprecating God's wrath , and begging His tender Mercies to Pardon , and His powerful Grace to cure all these evils . I must withal confess , that it doth not a litle trouble me , and ly heavy upon my spirit , and will bring me down with sorrow to the grave ( though I was not alone in this Offence , but had the body of the Nation going before me , and the Example of persons of all Ranks to insnare me ) That I suffered my self through the power of temptations , and the too much fear anent the straits that my numerous Family might be brought into , to be carried unto so great a length of Complyance in England with the late Usurpers , which did much grieve the hearts of the Godly , and made these that sought God ashamed and confounded for my sake , and did give no small occasion to the Adversary to reproach and blaspheme , and did withall not a litle obscure and darken the beauty of severall former Actings about His blessed and glorious Work of Reformation , happily begun and far advanced in these Lands , wherein He was graciously pleased to Employ , and by Employing to Honour me to be an Instrument ( though the least and unworthiest of many ) whereof I am not ashamed this day , but account it my Glory , how ever that Work be now cried down , opposed , laid in the dust and trod upon : And my turning aside to comply with these men , was the more aggravated in my person , that I had so frequently and seriously made profession of my Aversness from and Abhorrence of that way , and had shown much Dissatisfaction with these that had not gone so great a length ; for which as I seek God's mercy in Christ Jesus , so I desire that all the Lord's People , from my example may be more stirred up to watch and pray , that they enter not into temptation . 2. I do not deny on the other hand , but must : Testify in the second place , to the Glory of His Free-grace , that the Lord my God hath often shewed and engraven upon my Conscience , the Testimony of His Reconciling and Reconciled Mercy through the Merits of Jesus Christ , pardoning all my iniquities , and assuring me that He would deliver me also by the graces of His Holy Spirit , from the spait , tyranny and dominion thereof ; And hath often drawn out my spirit to the exercise of Repentance and Faith , and after engraven upon my heart in legible characters His merciful pardon , and gracious begun cure thereof to be perfected thereafter , to the Glory of His Name , the Salvation of my Soul , and Edification of His Church . 3. I am pressed in conscience to leave here at my death , my true & honest Testimony in the sight of God and Man , to and for the Nationall Covenant : the Solemn League & Covenant ; the Solemn Acknowledgement of our Sins , & Engagement to our duties ; to all the grounds & Causes of Fasts and humiliations , & of the Lords displeasure & contending with the Land ; And to the several Testimonies given to His Interests , by Generall Assemblies , Commissioners of the Kirk , Presbyteries , and by other honest and faithful Ministers and Professors . 4. I am pressed also to encourage His Doing , Suffering ; Witnessing People , and Sympathizing ones with these that suffer , that they would continue in the duties of Mourning , Praying , Witnessing and Symparthizing with these that suffer ; and humbly to assure them in the Name of the Lord our God , the God of His own Word and Work , of His own Cause , Covenant and People , that He will be Seen , Found and Felt ( in His own gracious Way and Time , by His own Means & Instruments , for His own Glory & Honor ) to return to His own Truths and Interests and Servants , and revive His Name , His Covenant , His Word , His Work , His Sanctuary and His Saints in these Nations , even in the three Covenanted Nations , which were by so Solemn Bonds , Covenants , Subscriptions and Oaths , given away and devoted unto Himself . 5. I exhort all these that have been , or are Enemies or unfreinds to the Lord's Name , Covenant or Cause , Word , Work or People , in Britain and Ireland , to Repent and Amend , before these sad judgements that are posting fast come upon them , for their sinning so highly against the Lord , because of any temptation of the Time on the right or left hand , by Baits or Straits whatsoever , and that after so many Professions and Engagements to the contrary . 6. I dare not conceal from yow that are Friendly to all the Lord's Interests , that the Lord ( to the commendation of His Grace , be it humbly spoken ) hath severall times , in the exercise of my Repentance and Faith during my trouble , and after groans and tears upon these three notable chapters , to wit , the 9 of Ezra , the 9 of Nehemiah , and the 9 of Daniel , with other such sutable Scriptures , and in the very nick of fervent and humble Supplication to Him , for the Reviving again of His Name , Cause , Covenant , Word , and Work of Reformation in these Covenanted Nations , and particularly in poor Scotland , which first solemnly engaged to Him , to the good Example and Encouragement of His People in the other two Nations to do the same also , That the Lord , I say , hath several times given to me good ground of hope and lively expectations of His Mercifull , Gracious , Powerful and Wonderful Renewing and Reviving again of His fore-mentioned great Interests in these Covenanted Nations : And that in such a Way , by such Means and Instruments , with such Antecedents , Concurrents , Consequents , and Effects , as shall wonderfully rejoyce His Mourning Friends , and astonish His Contradicting and counter-acting Enemies . 7. I do earnestly recommend my poor Wife and Children and 〈◊〉 posterity , to the choicest Blessings of God , an●●o the Prayers and Favour of all the Lord's Children an● Servants , in their earnest dealing with God and Men ●n their behalf , That they may not be ruined for ●y Cause , but for the Lord my God's sake , they 〈◊〉 be favoured , assisted , supplyed and comforted , 〈◊〉 so may be fitted by the Lord for His Fellowship and Service ; whom God Himself hath moved me often , in their own Presence , and. with their own Consent , to dedicate , devote and resign alike and as well , as I devote and resign my own Soul and Body to Him for all Time and Eternity . 8. I beg the Lord to open the eyes of all the Instruments of my Trouble , that are not deadly Irreconcileable Enemies to Himself and His People , that they may see the wrong done by them to His Interests and People , and to Me and Mine , and may repent thereof and return to the Lord , and may more cordially own and adhere to all His Interests in time coming : The good Lord give unto them Repentance , Remission and Amendement ; and that is the worst wish I wish them , and the best wish I can wish unto them . 9. I do earnestly beg the fervent prayers of all His Praying People , Servants and Instruments , whether absent or present wherever they be , in behalf of His Name , Cause and Covenant , Work and People ; and in behalf of my Wife , Children and their Posterity : And that the Lord would glorify Himself , edify His Church , encourage His Saints , further His Work , accomplish His good Word , by all His Doings and Dealings , in Substance and Circumstance toward all His own . 10. Whereas I have heard that some of my unfreinds have slandered and defamed my Name , as if I had been accessary to his late Majestie 's death , and to the making of the Change of the Government thereupon ; the great God of Heaven be witness and Judge between Me and my Accusers in this ; for I am free ( as I shall now answer before his Tribunal ) from any Accession by Counsel or Contrivance , or any other way to his late Majestie 's death , or to their making that change of Government : And I pray the Lord to preserve our present King his Majesty , and to pour out His best blessings upon his royall Posterity , and to give unto them good and faithfull Counsellors , holy and wise Counsels and prosperous successes , to God's Glory and to the good and interest of His people , and to Their own Honour and Happiness . 11. I do here now submit and commit my Soul and Body , Wife and Children and Childrens Children from generation to generation for ever , with all others his Friends and Followers , all His Doing and Suffering , Witnessing and Sympathizing ones , in the present and subsequent Generations , unto the Lord's choice Mercies , Graces , Favours , Services , Employments , Impowerments , Enjoyments , Improvements and Inheritments , on Earth and in Heaven , in Time and Eternity . All which suits with all others , which He hath at any time by His Spirit moved and assisted me to make and put up , according to His will , I leave before and upon the Father's Mercifull Bowels , and the Son's Mediating Merits , and the Holy Spirit 's Compassionate Groans , for now and evermore . Amen . The Joint Testimony of these who died together in Edinburgh , Dec , 7. 1666. subscribed by them in prison , the same day of their death . Men and Brethren . THis is a great and important work , both for us who are now to render up our spirits to Him that gave them ; And for yow who are not a litle concerned in the Cause , and in our blood by justifying or condemning our sentence : And therefore , as we speak to yow as Dying men , who dare not dissemble with God or man , nor flatter our selves ; So ye should not be idle , curious , or unconcerned Spectators . We are condemned by men , and esteemed by many as Rebels against the King ( whose Authority we acknowledge ) But this is our rejoycing , the testimony of our conscience , that we suffer not as Evill doers , but for Righteousness , for the Word of God , and Testimony of Jesus Christ ; And particularly for our renewing the Covenant , and in pursuance thereof , for Preserving and Defending of our selves by Armes , against the Usurpation and insupportable Tyranny of the Prelats ; And against the most unchristian and inhumane Oppression and Persecution , that ever was enjoyned and practised by just Rulers , upon Free , Innocent and Peaceable Subjects . The Covenant and Cause being so just in themselves , and the duties of Self-preservation and mutual Defence in maintenance thereof , being to Judicious and unbyassed men so clear , we need to say the less for vindication of our Practice : Only , the Lawes establishing Prelacy , and the Acts , Orders and Proclamations made for Complyance therewith , being executed against us by Military Force and Violence ; And we with others , for our simple Forbearance , being Fined , Confined , Imprisoned , Exiled , Scourged , Stigmatized , Beaten , Bound as beasts , and Driven unto the mountains for our lives ; And thereby hundreds of Families being beggared , several Parishes and some whole Country-sides exceedingly impoverished ; And all this , either Arbitrarily and without any Law , or respect had to guilt or innocency ; Or Unjustly contrary to all Conscience , Justice and Reason , though under the Pretence of iniquous Laws ; and without regard had to the penalty specifyed in the Law : And all Remonstrating of Grievances ( were they never so just and many ) and Petitions for Redress , being restrained by Laws condemning all former Remonstrances and Petitions in the like cases ; There was no other remedy left to us , but that last of necessary Self-preservation and Defence . And this being one of the greatest Principles of Nature , warranted by the Law or God , Scriptural Instances , and the consent and Practices of all Reformed Churches and Christian States abroad , and of our own famous Predecessors at home , It cannot in reason or Justice , be reputed a Crime , nor condemned as Rebellion by any humane Authority . Though we be not the first that have suffered for the Cause or God within the Land , yet we are among the first that have been Legally condemned and put to Death Expresly for taking the Covenant : And we are so far from being ashamed thereof , that we account it our honour to be reckoned worthy to suffer for such a Cause ; And cannot but bless the Lord , that we have such a cloud of Witnesses , in this and other Reformed Churches , going before us in the same duty for Substance , and in Suffering therefore . We cannot but regret ( if we could with tears o● blood ) the Nationall and Authorized Backsliding of the Land , by Perjury and breach of Covenant ; The overturning of the Work of Reformation ; The great Desolation of the House of the Lord , by smiting of the Shepherds and scattering of the Flocks ; The Intrusion of so many mercenary Hirelings into the Ministry , who because of Apostacy , Perjury , Ignorance and Profanness , can neither be acknowledged as God's mouth to the People in Preaching , nor employed as their mouth to Him in Prayer ; The abounding of Popery , Superstition , and Profanness by unheard-of Oaths , Blasphemies , Uncleannesss and Drinking , even in some whose Office and Place requireth them to be more Examplary ; And the shedding of the Blood of the Saints by the rage of Persecution : And therefore we cannot but disown all these abominable Laws , Courses & Practices , & declare our abhorrence of the same , & dissent therefrom ; Protesting before Angels and Men , that we be not interpreted as consenters thereto , and beseeching the Hearer of prayer , that we be not involved in the guilt thereof , nor partake of the plagues which follow thereupon . As this Land was happy above all Nations , for the purity and plenty of the Gospel , and for a Form of Church Government more conform to the Patern in the Scriptures , then in others of the Reformed Churches ; So we acknowledge His great goodness to us in speciall , that gave us our lines in such pleasant places : For we have such full perswasion of the Truth of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland , And have felt so much of the Power and Sweetness thereof , that we do here declare our firm belief and perswasion of , and adherence to the same , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , according to the Nationall Covenant , the Solemn League and Covenant , the Confession of Faith , Catechisms , Directory of worship , and Propositions for Government ; Accounting it our honor and happiness to have been born in it , to have lived in Communion with it , and now to die ( through Grace ) Members , Witnesses and Asserters thereof . And further as Christians and as Members of the same Church and Common-wealth ; in the Fear and zeal of our God , in Love to our Brethren , in desire of the Perservation of Church and Kingdom , and for our own Exoneration , now when we take our leave of the World , We do seriously and in the bowels of Christ , Supplicate , Warn , Exhort and Obtest yow all the Inhabitants of the Kingdom , from the King to , the meanest of the Subjects , according to your old Principles , Professions , Promises , Declarations , Oaths and Covenants , faithfully to Own , Maintain , preserve and Defend the said Religion ; And after the example of our Noble and Renowned Ancestors to quit your selves like Men & Christians , in endeavouring by all just Means , according to your Places and Powers , to shake off this heavy yoke of PRELACY , which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear , & which is Destructive to all our true Interests , Religious and Civill ; As ye would not involve your selves in the guilt and plagues of Perjury and Breach of Covenant ; And as you tender the good of your own Names , Persons , Estates , Families and Liberties , as well as of your immortal Souls ; And as ye would partake of the good of God's chosen , and of our joyes , when ye come so near Eternity as we are . We shall say no more , but as we were not afraid to take our lives in our hands , so we are not afraid to lay them down in this Cause ; And as we are not ashamed of Christ because of His cross , so we would not have you offended in Christ nor discouraged because of us : For we bear you record , that we would not exchange lots with our Adversaries ; nor redeem our Lives , Liberties and Fortunes , at the price of Perjury and breach of Covenant . And further we are assured , though this be the da● of Iacob's trouble , that yet the Lord , when He hath accomplished the Triall of His own , and filled up the cup of His Adversaries , He will awake for judgement , plead His own Cause , avenge the quarrel of His Covenant , make inquiry for blood , vindicate His People , break the arm of the wicked , and establish the just ; For to Him belongeth judgement and vengeance : And though our eyes shall not see it , yet we believe that the Sun of Righteousness shall arise with healing under His wings ; & that He will revive His Work , repair the breaches , build the old wastes , and raise up the desolations ; Yea the Lord will judge His people , & repent Himself for His servants , when their power is gone , and there is none shut up or left : And therefore , Rejoyce , O ye Nations , with His People : For He will avenge the blood of His servants , and will render vengeance to His adversaries , and He will be merciful to His Land and People . So let thy Enemies perish O Lord ; but let them that love Him , be as the Sun when He goeth forth in His might . Sic subscribitur . Iohn MeCulloch of Barholm . And. Arnot . Iohn Gordon of Knockbrex . Robert Gordon his Brother . Iohn Ross . Iohn Schields Iames Hamilton . Iohn Parker in Bosby . Christopher Strang. Gawin Hamilton . Another Testimony which was ▪ also left by such of the Former ten Persons , as were in the same Chamber with Thomas Paterson Merchant in Glasgow ; who , being in like manner Indited but dying of his Wounds before Sentence , did communicate the same to his friends , with his Assent thereunto . MEn and Brethren , being condemned by our Rulers as Traitors , lest we should seem to many to suffer as evill doers , In the first place , we bless and praise the Lord our God , who hath made us ( the unworthiest of all men ) Worthy to be faithfull to Him , who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords , and in simplicity and godly Sincerity , singly to mind his glory ; and who also maketh the cross of Christ ( though by men superscribed with Treason ) our sweet consolation , and his own joy our strength . 2. We declare in the presence of the same God , before whom we are now ready to appear , that we did not intend to Rebell against the King and his just Authority , Whom as we acknowledg for our Lawful Soveraign ; so we do earnestly pray in his behalf , that God would open his eyes and Convert his heart , that he may remember his Vowes made unto God , relieve this oppressed Kirk , and long reign and flourish in righteousness . 3. We declare , that perceaving the Holy Covenants of our God broken , the Work of the Lord overturned , the Gospel and Kingdome of Jesus Christ despised and trampled upon , his pure Ordinances corrupted , his faithful and our soul-refreshing Ministers cast out , and the Land filled with Perjury and Profanity , and like to be hurried back to that gulf of Ignorance , Superstition and Confusion , whence the Lord did so gloriously deliver us ; And finding our selves not only Spoiled of our most precious blessings , and most dear enjoyments , but urged and compelled by cruel Violence and Barbarous Persecution to wicked Apostacy from our Holy Covenants , and to Rebellion against our God ; And all this done by no other hand then the wicked and perjured Prelats ; And for no other ends ( whatever they may pretend ) then the satisfying of their own vile lusts , and establishing their so often abjured Antichristian Tyranny , over both Souls and Bodies of Men ; And lastly finding former Petitions condemned as Seditious , and our private complaints ( when but muttered ) insolently rejected , We did in the fear and Zeal of our God , and by the warrant of his Holy Word , according to the first and most Innocent instinct of pure Nature , and the Practice of all People and Persons in the like case ; And after the Example of all the oppressed Kirks of Jesus Christ , and of our Noble Ancestors , take the Sword of Necessary Self-defence , from the rage and fury of these wicked & violent Men ▪ until we might make our heavy Grievances known to his Majesty , and obtain from his Justice a satisfying remedy . We will not now mention our particular Sufferings , nor the sighes and groans of poor wasted Galloway , which though very heavy from the hand of man , are all to light for Jesus Christ ; Nor are we willing to reflect upon these grievous and bitter Lawes and Edicts , by which they seem to be warranted : Only we know that God is Righteous , whose Lawes and judgments are Superior and above all the Lawes and Actions of men . And to him who will judge righteously , We intirly Commit our Cause , which is none other , then the Reviving of the Work of God and Renewing of his Covenant : Which though it pleased the Holy and Wise God , not to favour with Success in the field , and though by men it be made our Condemnation , yet it is our Righteousness ) Innocency and Confidence in his sight . And all praise and thanks be unto our God , who not only kept us stedfast in his Covenant , and made us Willing and Ready to adventure our Lives for His Name ; but hath also accepted and dignifyed our Offer , with this publick Appearance : Where , in his own glorious presence before whom we shall instantly appear , and before our often Sworn and once Zealous and tender Brethren in the same Cause , and in midst of Thee O Edinburgh , once famous for the Glory and Zeal of God and of this Covenant , we may give and Seal this our Testimony with our blood . We therefore the unworthiest of all the Faithful , do in the Spirit of God and Glory , Testify and Seal with our Blood and Lives , that both the National Covenant and Solemne League and Covenant are in Themselves Holy , Just , and True , and perpetually Binding , containing no other thing , then our Indispensable Obligations to all Duties of Religion and Righteousness , according to the revealed Will of God , which no Authority nor Power of Man , is or ever shall be able to disannul ; And that our blessed Reformations both from Popery and Prelacy , and all that was done or ensued , in the sincere and upright prosecution thereof , was and is the Work of God , which though Men fight against , yet shall they never be able to prevail : And as this is our Faith , so it is our Hope to all that wait for the Salvation of God , that Our God will surely appear for his own Glory , and vindicate his Cause and persecuted People , and render vengeance to his Adversaries even the vengeance of his Holy Temple and broken Covenent . O be not then moved with our Sufferings with are but Light and Momentany , for they Work for us a far more , execeding and Eternal weight of Glory , and for you also a strong Confirmation and abounding Consolation , against the like trial that possibly may befal you . O then save your selves from this Wicked and Apostat Generation , and be ye stedfast , unmoveable , alwayes abounding in the Work and Cause of the Lord ; Waiting for the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ , which in his Times he shall shew , who only hath Immortality , dwelling in the Light which no man can approach , whom no man hath seen , or can see , to whom be honour and Power everlasting . AMEN . The Testimony of CAPT. ANDREW ARNOT , one of the former ten who died . Decem. 7. DEar Friends and Spectators , I am brought by the good providence of God to this publick place of execution ( which is no dishonour ) for points of Treason , as is alleadged ; but God knoweth ( who knoweth the secrets of hearts ) whether in Rebellion or not , I cam forth : He is my witness & wil be my Judge . And whoever they be that any way have been instrumentall or incensed against me to procure this Sentence against me , God forgive them , & I forgive them . I am not now purposed to disput the matter of my being in company with these worthy Christians who are now defeat and broken , their blood shed , and they despitfully mocked by many : I acknowledge and declare that I was with them . As to the cause of my being with them , whither in Rebellion or not God knoweth , and all Israel shall know . And for me , I say the Cause is the Lords , who made the Heaven and the Earth , though now it be hated . And I desire to bear witness ( with the rest of the worthy witnesses , who are gone before and are now staged ) to that glorious Work of Reformation in Britain and Ireland , and to Gospel-Ordinances in their Purity , as they have been taught and administrated these 30 Years last by past , And I adhere to the Presbyterial way of Doctrin , Worship , Discipline , and Government , by General Assemblies , Synods , Presbyteries , and Sessions , according to the Patern of the holy Scriptures ( Jesus Christ himself being the head Corner-stone ) the Confession of faith , Cathechismes Shorter and Larger , Directory for Worship , National Covenant , Solemne League & Covenant , & every Paper tending to the good of the true Religion . And this I think fit to Testify & Declare under my hand ( not knowing if I shall have any Liberty to speak , ) & intend , God willing , to Seal with my Blood shortly . I confess that unexpectedly I am come to this place , ( though some times I have had some small thoughts of it ) And I do account my self highly honoured to be reckoned amongst the witnesses of Jesus Christ , to suffer for his Name , Truth and Cause ; and this day I esteem it my Glory , Garland , Crown & royall dignity to fill up a part of His sufferings . And now I take my leave of you all my dear and worthy Friends and acquaintances . The Blessings of the Eternall God be multiplied upon yow and your seed , and upon all the suffering Friends of Christ this day ; upon my dear and loving Wife , who hath been a faithful sympathizer with me , and upon my dear Children . The work of God is now at under , but Christ shall carry the Day : Blessed is he that believeth and seeth not , for there shall be a performance . Now the Eternall God , who brought again the Lord Jesus Christ from the dead , the great sheepherd of the flock , strengthen and establish you and all the Lord's people . So pray ye and so prayeth your Friend . ANDREW ARNOT . The Testimony of JOHN SHIELDS , Yeoman one of the former ten who died at Edinburgh the 7 day of Decemb. 1666. I Am a man unlearned and not accustomed to speak in publick , yet being now called to witness and suffer for the Lord in publick , I cannot be altogether silent of that which Religion and Reason hath taught me anent the cause of my suffering . I bless the Lord , I suffer not as an evil doer , especially not for any Rebellion against his Majesties lawful Authority ; I attest him who is the searcher of hearts , that was never my intention in the least , and it is as litle the nature and intention of what I have done ; But for renewing of the Covenant with the Lord , and following the ends thereof , as to the suppressing of abjured Prelats , and Intruders upon the Lords flock , and the restoring of the Government of the House of God by Presbyteries as He himself hath appointed in his Word , with a faithful , Godly , Called , and Sent Ministery ; And together with pure Ordinances , the Power of Godliness . For this I am condemned and to suffer this day . This I acknowledged freely before our Judges ; This I still acknowledg , and am persuaded that herein I witness a faithful Confession . This Cause and Covenant I commend to all the Lord's People . It is not free for you to forsake if ; You are inviolably ingaged in it ; It is not safe to desert it , because of the Curse of the perjurer and false swearer . There is unspeakable blessedness in the pursuance of it , whereof I can bear witness to the Lord by my rich Experience , since we began to Do and Suffer at this time for him : Whereupon I cheerfully lay doun my Life for this his Cause ; He it is who Justifieth it , what man or Authority under heaven can condemn it ? Arise O Lord , let not man prevaill against Thee ; plead and Iudg this Cause which is thine own , for thine own names sake . The Testimony of another of the former ten Persons left subscribed with a Friend . I designed no Rebellion against lawful Authority , but the suppressing of Prelacy and of Profanity ; and advancing of Holiness in Gods World : In a Word , I adhere to all the Articles of the good Covenant , and did intend the restoring of our good and Soul-refreshing Ministers , and the casting out of the dumb greedy Dogs that cannot bark . In this Cause I was a free Voluntier pressed by none , thinking it my duty to appear for helping the Lord against the Mighty . This I testify under my hand from the Tolbooth of Edinburgh , the 6 of December , 1666. The Testimony of M R ALEXANDER ROBERTSON , Preacher of the Gospel , and Probationer for the Ministry , who died at Edinburgh , Decemb. 14. 1666. FEaring that after the example of others , I should not be permitted to speak openly to the People , I thought fit ( beside my adherence to what my brethren , who have gone before me , left behind them concerning our common Cause ) to leave a word in writ for satisfaction of them who survive me . That , for preservation & defence of the true Religion of this Church , and for the relief of my poor brethren afflicted & persecuted therefore , I joyned with others in Armes , & that I renewed the Covenant , that all men might the better know my Cause and Principles , I am so far from denying or being ashamed of , that I both acknowledge and avow it as my duty ; But let no man that will not condemn himself upon the same common obligations to do what I did , account me a Rebell therefore , because with the same breath that I did swear , and with that same hand that I did subscribe to preserve and defend Religion , I did also swear to defend the King and his Authority . Our Church was not more glorious in her self & terrible to her Adversaries , while we enjoyed pure Ordinances of Word and Sacraments , and her beautiful Assemblies for Government and Discipline , of the Lords own Institution , then she became of late deformed by the Usurpation and Tyranny of Prelacy ; And I do solemnly declare as a dying man , who dare not dissemble , that as I thought and still averre that the erecting of this abjured Prelacy is the cause of much of the Sin in the Land , and of all the sufferings of the Lords People therein : so I had no worse design , then the restoring of the Work of Reformation according to the Covenant , and more particularly the extirpation of Prelacy , to which his Ma : and all the Subjects are as , much obliged as I. And let that be removed and the Work of Reformation restored , and I dar● die in saying , that his Ma : shall not have in all his Dominions , more loving , loyall , peaceable and faithfull Subjects , then these who for their non-complyance are loaded with the reproaches of Phanaticisme and Rebellion . The sufferings and insupportable oppression of these that could not because of the Command and Oath of God , acknowledge & comply with Prelacy , may seem light to some in whom the spirit of the old enmity that is betwixt the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpent remaineth , and to others ( perhaps their Friends ) who look thereupon at adistance ; but as there is just reason to think that if these rigid oppressions had been made known to his Ma : his justice and clemency would have provided a remedy , and as the half thereof would have made the Prelats , their patrons and adherents impatiently mad , for as loyal as they pretend to be ; So in the like cases of irresistible necessity , when there is little open door for representing of grievances and desires , and less hope of relief thereby , I suppose it will not be found condemned by the Confessions of Reformed Churches , or doctrine of sound Divines , but that it is authorized by the light and law of Nature , by uncondemned examples in the Holy Scripture , and by the practice of all Christian States , by Armes to preserve and defend men Lives , their Religion , Liberties and Fortunes ; And especially , where they are not seeking to acquire a new Religion or new Liberties , but only to preserve their old or recover them , when they are violently & unjustly spoiled of the same , as in our case ; Otherwise we should sin against the generation of the just , and condemn , as rebellious , the most of the through Reformations of the Reformed Churches abroad , and of our own at home . If this course was lawfull , and if it was our duty to joyn therein , as I believe and lay down my life in the perswasion that it was ; and if all the Kingdom was ( as they are ) bound by Covenant to assist and defend one another in the ●ommon Cause of Religion and Liberty , whatever may be said of these that came not forth to help the Lord against the mighty , it cannot but be their dreadful sin , who joyned themselves in Armes , or took Oaths to oppose , suppress and break it , seing they have sided themselves against the Lord and his Work , and their carriage is a much higher degree of Accession to the blood that is shed , then Paul's keeping of the clothes of them that stoned Stephen to death ; And I wish that they may lay the matter to heart and repent of it , that God may forgive them , as I forgive all men , and particularly Mor●on who did apprehend me . I know that there is a holy seed in the Land , who shall be the substance thereof , and I pray that the Lord may make them more zealous and valiant for the truth upon earth ; I know also that there are many , whose bowells of compassion have been drawn forth toward these who took their lives in their hands , by Prayers to God for them and Charity to them , and especially in Edinburgh toward the poor Prisoners ( of whom I may not only say , that what they have done deserveth to be told for a Memorial wherever the Gospel is preached , but am assuredly confident , that besides the blessings of the poor and persecuted , the Lord is not unrighteous to forget their work and labor of love , which they have shewed towards his Name , in that they have ministred to the Saints & do minister ) And yet I must needs regret , that so many in this City once famous and honoured for harmonious owning of the Cause and Covenant of God , and blessed above many other Cities with solemn Assemblies for Worship and Government , should have been ensnared into an Oath so contradictory to the Oath of the Covenant ; & which was devised , contrived and imposed in lieu of the Declaration against the same . and for a Grave-stone to suppress the revival of the Work of God within this Land. The Apostacy of this Land is very great by Perjury and breach of Covenant , and so much the worse and more aggreageble , that it is Authorized and very universal : And as I cannot but regret that so many are insnared therein , so I must needs warne all to abhorre and beware of all Declarations and Oaths contradictory to the Covenant and renunciatory thereof , as they would not involve themselves in the guilt and plagues denounced against , and ordinarily inflicted upon Perjury and breach of Covenant ; and so much the rather , because this is like to be the Shibboleth and triall of the times . As for my self , I have seen and do find so much worth in Truth , which is to be bought at any rate but sold at none , And so much transcendent excellency and amiableness in Christ , that not only with cheerfulness & confidence I lay down my life for Him and His Truth , committing my soul to Him to be kept in hope of a joyfull Resurrection of the body ; but also bless Him that gave me a life to lose , and a body to lay down for Him ; And although the Merket and price of Truth may appear to many very high , yet I reckon it low , and all that I have or can do , little and too little for Him who gave Himself for me and to me ; for I account all things but loss and dung for the excellency of the knowledge of Jesus Christ MY LORD , for whom I now suffer the loss of all things , that I may win Him , and be found in Him , and that I may not only know the fellowship of His sufferings , but the power of His resurrection , and attain unto the resurrection of the dead . And as for yow , my dear Friends , as I pray for you , that the God of all grace , who hath called us unto His eternall glory by Christ Jesus , after ye have suffered a while , may make yow perfect , stablish , strengthen and settle yow ; so I recommend to you the same truth , that you be not soon shaken in mind , but that ye hold fast the profession of your faith without wavering ; And as you have receaved the Lord , so walk in Him ; Warning and obtesting you by all manner of obligations , and by the hope and joy of that crown which I wait for , that ye keep your selves unspotted with the abominable courses and practices of these times , whereunto ye may be tempted by the extremity of suffering ; and particularly that ye beware of unlawfull Oaths and Declarations against the Cause and Covenant of God , that ye have no complyance with , nor give consent unto this Prelacy , which ye have abjured ; And that you be afraid and aware of Popery , which by Connivance doth so visibly abound and dayly increase ; But by fighting the good fight and keeping of the faith , you may finish your course , as I do , in the assurance of the crown of Righteousness , which the Lord the righteous Judge , hath laid up and shall give unto me , and not to me only , but to all them that love His appearance . ALEXANDER ROBERTSON . The Testimony of JOHN NILSON , of Corsack who died at Edinburgh . Dec. 14. 1666. BEing made a spectacle to the World , to Angels , and to Men , I found it necessary , for vindication of the Truth & of my self , for undeceaving of some , & encouraging of others , to leave this line behind me , which with my innocent blood may speak when I am gone . I am condemned ( I shall not say how unjustly ) as a Rebell against Man , but the Lord God of Gods He knoweth , & all Israel shall know that it is not for Rebellion against God , but for endeavouring to recover the blessed work of Reformation , and particularly for endeavouring to extirpate Prelacy , which hath been the cause of so much sin and suffering within this Land , and for renewing of the Covenant , from the obligation whereof ( seing I made my Vow and Promise to the Lord ) neither I my self , nor any humane Authority can absolve me . And if any account this Rebellion , I do plainly confess , that after the way which they call Heresy , I worship the God of my fathers . Although the insupportable oppression , under which I and many others did groan , were enough to justify our Preserving and Defending of our selves by Armes , yet know that the Cause was not Ours but the Lord's ; for we suffered all our grievous Oppressions not for evill-doing , but because we could not in conscience acknowledge , comply with and obey Prelacy , and submit unto the Ministery of Ignorant , Light and Profane men , who were irregularly and violently thurst upon us ; Neither did we only or mainly designe our civil Liberties , but the Liberty of the Gospel , the Extirpation of Prelacy , the Restauration of our faithful Pastors , the Suppression of Profanity , Promoving of Piety , the saving of ourselves from unjust violence , untill we had presented our Grievances and Desires ; And in a word , the Recovering of the once glorious , but now ruined Work of Reformation , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government , according to the Nationall Covenant and Solemn League and Covenant , to which I declare my adherence , and through grace shall seal the same with my blood . My Advocate drew up a Supplication for me , wherein was acknowledged that I had been with the Rebels ; but let none offend thereat : for ● do hereby declare , that I was so far from accounting that course Rebellion , that I judged and still do judge it was my duty to joyn therein , and my honor to suffer therefore ; Otherwise , I should have counted my self accessary to the blood of the Lord's People which is shed ? And cannot but regret that others of the Lord's People , when they heard of us , did not come forth with speed to help the Lord against the Mighty ; much more let all mourn , that not only many have appeared as Enemies , but also conjured themselves against the Lord , & the same Covenant which they so solemnly sware ; And as for the Petition it self , I knew not that expression was in it . Being conscious to my self of so much weakness , & so many hainous sins which predomine in me , & of unfruitfulness under the Gospel and unsutable walking thereto , I confess my self the vilest of sinners , and desire to mourn for the same , and pray that the Lord for Christ's sake may freely forgive me , as I have forgiven them that have wronged me , and hope through the righteousness of Jesus Christ to obtain the same ; And I do exhort all and every one of my friends to more holiness , Prayer and stedfastness , alwayes abounding in the Work of the Lord ; And above all things , to detest & shun that wicked Declaration against the Covenant , the apparant temptation of the time , and the very mark of Antichristian Prelacy . All that I have is but little , but if I had many Worlds , I would lay them all down , as now I do my life for Christ and His Cause , nothing doubting but the Lord will abundantly provide for my Wife and my six Children , whom I commit to the Lord's care , and recommend to the Kindness and Prayers of the faithful ; And do lay an express charge on my Wife that she shew all my Children , that I have bound them all to the Covenant , for which now I lay down my life , and that She lay it upon them as my last command , that they adhere to every Article thereof . The Work and People of God are brought very low : It may be , because they were not ripe for a deliverance ; And for the greater triall , and filling up of the cup of the Adversaries ; Or , because there was litle , or less prayer then should have been amongst these who appeared at this time , that the Lord hath made this late breach . But , dear Friends , be not therefore tempted to call in question the Work of Reformation ; or to think the worse of Christ and His Cause , because of sufferings ; Nor be discouraged because these few who took their lives in their hands , fell before the Adversary ; For as sufferings are often sweetned by the Spirit of God and Glory that resteth upon the sufferers , and afterward bring forth the peaceable fruits of righteousness unto them that are exercised thereby ; So the Lord will arise in due time , and have mercy upon Zion , and plead the cause which is his own : And this Testimony , as I am this day to seal with my blood , so I subscribe with my hand . JOHN NILSON OF CORSACK . The Testimony of GEORGE CRAWFORD , Yeoman who died at Edinburgh , Decemb. 14. 1666 SEing I am to die after this manner , I lay before yow this Testimony , which I avow before God , and leave behind me to the World. That which moved me to come along with these men , was their persuasion , and my desire to help them ( which with a safe conscience I could not well refuse ) who , being tyrannically opprest by the Prelats and their dependants and upholders , and seing no other way was left to be taken , took up Armes for their own defence ; And if this be Rebellion , I leave it to the great God the supream Judge to decern : For in my weak judgement , I found it warrantable from the Word of God , and without prejudice of the King's Authority ( whom I pray God to direct and guide in the right wayes of the Lord , and to make him prosper therein , so that he may be surely set in his Kingdom , having Him whom no enemy can resist to defend him ) seeing there was nothing intended by us , against his or any others just and lawful Authority . But that which was my principall and chief design , was giving my poor assistance to the rooting out of Prelats & Prelacy , and all such as are come into God's vine-yard without the Master's commission , these Hirelings who came not in at the true door , Iesus Christ , but have climbed up some other way as thieves and robbers , whose voice the sheep know not ( All which is too sadly confirmed by the dreadfull and horrid sins that are risen in the Land , and the curses and plagues that have followed thereupon ) that so by taking away these , the abuses which proceed from them , and the sad consequences which follow their standing falling with them , the Covenant of God might be re-established , and true Pastors that were silenced might be set at liberty , their mouths opened , and they themselves put to the keeping of their flocks , and all other such persons , who were banished , or any other vvay under suffering , relieved . And I do adhere to the vvay of Church-Government svvorn to in the Covenant , vvhich I think and assert to be conform to God's Word ; vvhich , vvith His Spirit directing , is the only Patern and judge in all controversies : and hovvever our endeavours at this time have not been successful , it is of the Lord , vvho vvill come in his own time , for He can do as well with few as vvith many ; but it is like the cup of the Adversaries is not full : And who knoweth , but the Lord God of hosts vvill hiss for the bee of Egypt and the fly of Assyria , vvho vvill be more cruel and blood-thirsty then vve vvere , to avenge the quarrel of His ovvn People , and to make vvay for the establishing of His ovvn Cause . I say no more , but as I vvas vvilling to hazard my life for this Cause , so I am ready to lay it down at my Master's feet , seing He calls for it : And I pray the Almighty , to send His Spirit of Consolation promised by His Son to His ovvn people , to strengthen them and bear them through , till the appointed time of the Lord 's coming with Deliverance ; for He will come for His own Cause , and for His peoples sake , and will not tarry . The last Speech and Testimony of M R HEW M C KAILE . Preacher of the Gospel and Probationer for the Ministry , at his death in Edinburgh , Decemb. 22. 1666. BEing by a great surprisal of Providence , thus staged before the World , in a matter of so universall concernment to all that fear God and desire to be stedfast in his Covenant , I could not forbear to leave behind me this standing Testimony , concerning the Occasion and Uses thereof , for the Glory of God , for the Vindication of my Profession from the aspersions cast thereon by Men , and the Edification of these by my death , to whom I had devoted my Life in the work of the Ministery . I have esteemed the Government of this Church by Presbytery , to be among the chief of the Ordinances of Jesus Christ , which by his blood he hes purchased , and ascended up on high to bestovv as a gift upon it ; as being the very Gospell-Ministery in it's Simplicity and Purity from the Inventions of Men , and so the Mean by which other Ordinances are administred , and the most fundamental Truths made effectual in the hearts of his People , and therefore that it ought with that same carefulness to be contended for . Experience both of the having and wanting of it , hath given it this Epistle of Commendation , so as it may be both known and read of all men : Which is also true of the solemne Engagements of the Nation thereto , by the Nationall Covenant , and Solemn League and Covenant , which I have esteemed in their Rise & Renewing , pregnant performances of that promise , Isaiah . 44.5 . where it is evident , that where Church Reformations come to any maturity , they arrive at this degree of saying I am the Lords & subscribing with the hand unto the Lord. So was it in the dayes of the Reforming Kings of Iudah , and after the Restauration from the Captivity in the dayes of Nehemiah : This same promise did the Lord Jesus make Yea & Amen to us , when he redeemed us from spirituall Babilon , which is so much the greater evidence , that these were the very Motions of Gods Spirit in our first Reformers , that they were expressly designed against the greatest motions of the Spirit of Darkness in Antichrist and his supposts , and against the greatest confirmations that ever these Abominations attained by the decrees of the Council of Trent , and that bloody Bond called , the Holy League . And therefore whatever indignity is done unto these Covenants , I do esteeme to be no less then doing despite unto the spirit of Grace in his most eminent Exerting of himself ; but especially Declaring against the same as flowing from a Spirit of Sedition and Rebellion , to be a Sin of the same nature with theirs , who ascribed Christ his casting out of Devils to Beelzebub ; and that with this aggravation , that these Scribes and Pharisees came never the length of prefessing Christ , and submiting themselves to Him and his wayes . Bu● we are condemned to death upon the account of this Covenant , for adhereing to the dueties therein sworn to , by such as once did as much themselves as we have done , and some of them more then some of us : Which considerations have moved me to great feares of Gods wrath against the Land , according to the curse that we are bound under , if we should break that Covenant , & in the fear of it many times to pour out my soul before the Lord ; & as soon as I heard of a Party up in Armes in behalf of the Covenant ; ( all other door being shut , whereby the redress of the manifest violations of it might be obtained , and these by manifest & unheard of violence obtruded upon others ) to go along with them , being bound by that Covenant against detestable Indifferency and Neutrality in this matter , & to esteem every injury done to any ingaged in this Covenant upon account of it , as done to my self : Very Conscience of duty urged me to this against some reluctancy of fear of what might follow . Upon the same reasons at Lanrik , with the rest I declared my adherence to the Covenant , by my lifting up of my hand , after the Articles thereof were read . And here I cannot but with greef of heart acknowledg my fainting in a day of trial , that being ingaged with them upon such accounts , I many times in fear designed to withdraw , and at length did , which as it was the occasion of my falling into the hands of the Enemy , so I think among other things it was the cause why God delivered me into their hands . Upon the same fear , in all my Examinations I have denied my ingagement with them , and endeavoured to Vindicate my self by asserting the real designes I had to part from them , and have utterly cast away the glory of a testimony , which my very being in their company as a favourer of the ends of the Covenant , and as one willing to contribute my best endeavours for the promoving of them , but especially my declaring for the Covenant , did bear unto the Truth and Ordinances of Jesus Christ against this untoward Generation : This I confesse to be no less then a denying of Jesus Christ , and a being ashamed of his Words before men ; but I hope the Lord who remembreth that we are but frail dust , shall not lay it to my charg , but according to his faithfulness and Grace will forgive me , who by this Publick Confession , take to my self shame and confusion of face , and fly to the propitiation offered to all sinners in Jesus Christ . And these things as they have procured this death unto me , as an act of Gods Justice ; so they mind me of other evils in mine own heart , that have been the source of this my unwillingness to take on Christ's Cross : My heart hath not studied to maintaine that Spirituality in walking with God and Edifying Exemplariness with others , that became one that had receaved the first fruits of the Spirit and aimed at the Ministery of the Gospel , living in times of so much calamity for the Church of God , and particular afflictions as to my self . If I had spent my dayes in groaning after my house from Heaven , would I have shifted so fair an occasion of being cloathed with it ? Alas that I have loved my Lord and Master Jesus Christ so litle ! Alas that I have done so litle service to him , that I have so litle labour to follow Me to my Everlasting rest . This I speak to these especially , with whom I have familiarly conversed in my Pilgrimage , that seing the Lord will not grant me Life to testify my real Reformation of these things , my aknowledgement at Death may have influence upon them , to study not only Godliness but the Power of it . As I acknowledg that I have not been free and ingenuous in these particulars formentioned , so in other things , wherein I interponed that Holy name of God , as to the not being upon the Contrivance of this riseing in Armes , nor privy to any resolution thereanent , nor conscious of any Intelligence at home or abroad concerning it , I was most ingenuous : And they have wronged me much , who said that I denied upon Oath , that which they were able to make out against me , or knew to be truth ; But non alleage Perjury against me , but such as are so manifestly guilty of it before the World , that their tougnes in such alleagances are no slander . Although I be Judged and condemned as a Rebell amongst Men , Yet I hope even in order to this Action to be accepted as Loyal before God. Nay there can be no greater act of Loyalty to the King , as the times now go , then for every man to do his utmost for the Exstirpation of that abominable plant of Prelacy , which is the bane of the Throne and of the Countrey : which if it be not done , the Throne shall never be established in Righteousness , until these wicked be removed from before it . Sure I ame these who are now comdemned as Rebels against Him by them , are such as have spent much time in prayer for Him , and do more sincerely wish his standing , and have endeavoured it more by this late action so much condemned , then the Prelates by condemning them to death . This Disaster hath heightened greatly the Afflictions of our Chuch , and ought to teach all of you to drink the Wine of Astonishment : Ye have not known tribulation till now : Now we Judg them happy that are fallen asleep and removed far away , and know that God hath been taking away his Servants from the Evils that were to come . Know that God's designe is to make many hearts contrite , that have been formerly too whole , and have not lamented sufficiently the removeall of his Ordinances and Ministery , and the reproach rubed upon the Work of Reformation . Beware that your sorrow be not a momentany motion of commoun Compassion , that evanisheth when it may be there is some intermission in this violent course of sheding innocent blood : Labour to have a constant impression that may sacrifice the heart , nay ye vvould live much in apprehension of approaching Judgment . Certainly the Withdrawing of many from us , and not contributing their help to the great work , they were ingaged to , as well as we , the generall Riseing against us in many places of the Countrey , but above all this open sheding of the blood of the Saints , which involveth the land in the guiltiness of all the righteous blood shed from the foundation of the World , have made Scotland fit fuell for the fire of Gods Wrath. I can say nothing concerning times to come , but this , All things shall work together for good to them that Love God , and so this present dispensation ; And they shall have most comfort in this promise , who are most willing that such afflictions as we are brought to , be the way that God choiseth to work their good . Commit wholly the management of all maters to God , and make it your intire study night and day to keep your very garments clean : It is hard in times of so generall Corruptions not to be defiled one way or other ; be free of the Sin as you would be of the Judgments , which will certainly be such as will make all the Churches Know , that God is the searcher of the hearts and trier of the reins , Revel . 2.23 . and so will not be mocked by these pretences whereby , men colour their going along in an evill course , from the real Love that they have to a present world . If naked Presence amongst them who are esteemed Rebels by men , be sufficient to engage them in the Crime and Punishment ( for that is all the ground of my Condemnation ) shall not God be much more Zealous of his own glory , against all who so much as seem to go along with this course of backsliding . As a good Mean and encouragement , to all the duties of our time , labour to be rooted and grounded in the Love of Jesus Christ ; This will be tender of any thing that may have the least reflexion upon him , His Words or Works , and will prompt the soul to Zealous appearing for Him at the greatest hazard , and to as much willingness to die for Him , as to Live that they may Glorify Him. And for the encouragement of yow all in this matter ▪ I do declare , that ever since the day of my coming into prison , God hath keeped my soul free from all Amazement or fear of death ; that since my inditement and sentence , God hath so manifested Himself at several times , that he hath lifted up my soul above Prelats , Principalities , & PowerS , Death & Hell , to rejoice & be glad in His Salvation ; and from my soul to account him Worthy , for whom in this his Cause I should undergo the greatest shame or Paine ; And to assured hopes of Eternal Communion with Him in Heaven : And that nothing hath more brangled my peace , then shifting , an open and free testimony before my Examinators , to the work that I was ingaged in . I do freely pardon all that have accession to my blood , and wish that it be not laid to the charg of this sinful Land , but that God would grant Repentance to our Rulers , that they may obtaine the same reconciliation with Him , whereof I myself do partake . Truely I beleeve many of them if not instigated by the cruel Prelats ( at whose door our blood doth principally lie ) would have used more mitigation : But that reluctancy of mind to shed blood , will be so far from Vindicating of them , that upon the contrary , it will be a witness against them in the Day of the Lord. I heartily submit my self to Death , as that which God hath appointed to all men because of Sin , and to this particular way of it , as deserved by my particular Sins . I praise God for this Fatherly chastisement , whereby he hath made me in part and will make me perfectly partaker of his Holiness . I glorify Him that called me forth to suffer for His Name and Ordinances , and the solemne engagements of the Land to Him , and that he hath taken this way to take me away from the evill to come . The Lord bless all His Poor Afflicted groaning People that are behind . Hereafter I will not talk with flesh and blood , nor think on the Worlds consolations : Farewel all my Friends whose company hath been refreshful to me in my Pilgrimage ; I have done with the Light of the Sun and Moon , Welcome Eternal Life , Everlasting Love , Everlasting Praise , Everlasting Glory . Praise to Him that sits upon the Throne , and to the Lamb for ever . Though I have not been so with Thee as I ought to have been in the House of my Pilgrimage , yet thow hast made with me an Everlasting Covenant , Ordered in all things and Sure. And this is all my Salvation , and all my desire . Bless the Lord O my Soul ! that hath pardoned all my Iniquities in the Blood of His Son , and healed all my Deseases . Bless Him O all ye his Angels that excel in strength , ye Ministers that do his pleasure . Bless the Lord O my Soul ! Halelujah . Edinburgh Tolbooth , December 22. 1666. Sic subscribitur HEW M c KAIL. I have heard that some of the Prisoners are willing to save their lives by taking the Declaration , That is , by abjuring that Work and Cause for which they adventured their Lives : Which if they do , our blood shall bear witness against them in the great Day of God. And God shall so punish some of them in this Life , that they shall curse the day that ever they shifted to dy on a scaffold . HEW M c KAIL. The Testimony of JOHN WODROW , Merchant in Glasgow , who died in Edinburgh , Decemb. 22. 1666. Dear Friends . I Am condemned to die I shall say little concerning men who have judged and condemned me , they are to answer to God for it ; But I bless the Lord , who hath counted me worthy to die for so good and honourable a cause . And that I be not mistaken after I am gone hence , I have thought fit to testify that in singleness and sincerity of heart , I came into the service , not constrained but from conscience of my being engaged by Covenant to God , and with a full purpose to perform my vows made in that Covenant unto the Lord , in the strength of Jesus Christ ; And that I might endeavour to restore again the precious Ordinances to their former purity & power , and to recover the fair Church in this Land ( which our blessed Lord hath purchased to Himself , and bought at so dear a rate ) to her former Beauty , which is now defaced : And particularly to bring down that Antichristian Prelacy , and that perjured crue of Prelats , who have so perfidiously wronged the Interests of our blessed Lord and Master , Jesus Christ . This is the only Cause for which I undertook this service , and joyned with others my dear and Covenanted brethren ; And that I had no intention to wrong the King's person or Authority , but to seek his real good , according to my duty in the Word of God , and also as I sware in the same Covenant wherein I did swear against Prelacy . And notwithstanding I be condemned of men as a Rebel , yet I am justifyed of God , my God and Father , in and through my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , who giveth me sweet peace of conscience and joy of heart ; I grant it is not enough to justify me before Him , that I had a just Cause , unless likewise I had therewith the acceptation of my person through Faith in the Merits of Jesus Christ , who standeth in our nature in heaven , which I dare declare this day as a dying man , that I have obtained ; for I am confident that through His righteousness made over unto me , He hath made me free , in which I shall stand for ever ; and that within a few hours I shall see Him in peace , as I am seen of Him ; and behold and wonder , and wonder and behold for evermore that most glorious excellency of His. And this yeeldeth to me great consolation in all my extremities , were they never so great ; This I say is my peace and consolation this day , even Christ my Righteousness , who hath both accepted my Person and Cause : Therefore I count it a small thing to be judged and condemned of men , for my Testimony is on high , and my record in heaven . And now , my Friends , I am condemned to die for adhering to my Covenant made with God , for Reformation of Religion and Conversation , to which all ranks of the Land are as well bound as I , though many ( alas ! too many ) shaking off all fear of God have despised the Oath , not only by breaking the Covenant , but by professing and declaring avowedly the bond thereof null , and not binding either to their own or other mens consciences : And this mischief is framed by a Law , which doth greatly highten the Sin ; O! tell it not in Oath , and publish it not in Askelon . Oh! that this should be heard of amongst Papists and Pagans , that professed Reformed Protestants should stand in so litle aw of a solemn Oath , and Name of the great and living God. But I exhort and obtest you all , that so much the more as others have made void His Covenant , you would esteem it the more precious , and closely follow the Reformation vowed , in every Article thereof , upon all occasions given you of the Lord ; And that you abhor , detest and refuse any engagement whatsoever , that may wrong your Oath in the Covenant directly or indirectly , as ye would escape the wrath of God that is coming on such breaking of Covenant , but rather choise the greatest extremity of affliction , then the least sin of this sort ; as Moses did , who refused to be called the Son of Pharaoh's Daughter , but chused rather to suffer reproach for Christ ; And be not afraid of suffering for Christ , as though it were an evill thing , neither scar ye at His cross , for the Lord Himself saith , My yoke is easy and My burthen light ; Yea it is lighter to us then to many that stand by : Believe ; Faith maketh all burthens light to the believing Sufferer . And now I beseech you believers in Christ , abide in Him and bring forth fruit unto Holiness , and study tenderness in all manner of conversation , and holiness without which no man shall see the Lord ; And let not this profane and mocking Generation have any thing to reproach you with , but that whereof you would not be ashamed , that when you suffer ye may not suffer as evill doers , that whereas they speak evill of you , they may be ashamed that falsly accuse your good conversation in Christ . It is not knowledge nor a bare Profession that glorifieth God , but Tenderness , Holiness and Righteousness , that do commend Religion and His Cause to all men , and shall convince your Adversaries of their Wickedness in wronging you , and make them the more inexcusable in that day when they shall be judged : Yea , what know ye , but ye may win others by your tender and good conversation ? I recommend to you , that ye would be much and fervent in the use of that precious duty of Prayer , wherein most near Communion with God upon earth is to be found : Be much in prayer , with and for others - Forsake not the assembling of your selves together as the manner of some is ( I wish they may see the evill of it who neglect it ) but exhort one another , and so much the more , as ye see the day approaching : Earnestness and diligence will hasten the Lord's coming with relief unto you , and to the Lords born-down Work ; and your slackness in this , may make the wheels of His chariot to move the more slowly . For the effectuall fervent prayer of the righteous availeth much with God ; It will do more then Armies of men and weapons of War for your defence and deliverance . I beseech you also , my dear Friends , that you acquaint yourselves with the Word of God in the Holy Scripture , that ye may have acquaintance with Jesus Christ who is clearly set forth therein ; that ye may know Him in His excellency and come to love and believe in Him whom ye know ; that ye may be acquainted with His revealed will therein , and may know what is truth , and cleave fast thereto , from a sure persuasion that it hath the warrant of His Word ; and may be guarded against every error of the wicked , and that ye may fully know what is good and what is evill ; And that ye may suffer with confidence , when ye are brought forth thereto as I am . Finally , my dear Friends , be ye perfect , be of good comfort , be of one minde , live in peace - and the God of love and peace shall be with you . JOHN WODROW . The Copy of JOHN WODROW His Letter to His Wife , dated Decemb . 22. 1666. which was the Day on which He suffered . My Heart , REverence the good Providence of the Lord our God , who can do nothing wrong ; For whatsoever He doth is well-done , and my Soul faith , Amen . I had not a will of my own ( my Heart ) since that day wherein Yow and I parted , My Lord and my God captivated it , & brought it to a submission unto His will : I bless Him for evermore for it , that I was never left to my own will : Praise , O praise Him all ye living ! And O thou my soul praise the Lord for it . I bless the Lord for evermore that ever He visited my Fathers Family , that ever He condescended to come unto my Fathers Family , and to give a visit to the like of me : He visited me there , and set his Love upon me , and hath chosen me for this very end , to be a witness for his covenanted Reformation . For this my Soul is glad , and my Glory rejoyceth for this Honour wherewith He hath honoured me ; And that , though I be condemned to die by men on earth , yet am I justifyed of God through the blood of my Saviour Jesus Christ , who standeth in our nature in Heaven , and hath made me free through his imputed Righteousness made over unto me , in which I stand for ever ; And within a few hours I shall see Him in peace , as I am seen of Him , and behold and wonder , and wonder & behold for evermore , even that most glorious excellency which is in Him. All that which is spoken of Him is but litle : O my Heart , my dear Love , come and see I beseech yow ! I thought I had known something of my dearest Lord before , that I had some love from and to Him before , But never was it so with me , as it hath been with me since I came within the doors of this Prison ; many a precious visit hath his gracious Majesty given unto me . He is without all comparison ; O love , love Him ! 0 come to Him , O taste and see , and that shall resolve the question best . The thing I suffer for is the Covenanted Reformation . I bless God , and all that is within me doth bless and magnify His Holy Name for this , tnat Scotland did ever enter into a Covenant with the Lord , into a sworn Covenant , with the hand lifted up to the Lord : And I have now sworn and renued this Covenant again for my self & you , and my four Children in all the parts and points thereof ; And I pray , God help you to abide in the Covenant for ever . And now I give you and my four Children unto the Lord , and commit you ro Him as your Covenanted God and Husband , & my Childrens Covenanted Father . I say no more , but either study to be indeed a sincere Christian , & a seeker of His face in sincerity , or else you will be nothing at all . I recommend you and your young-ones to Him , who is God All-sufficient , and aboundeth in Mercy and Love to them that Love Him and keep his Covenant . The blessing of the Covenant be upon you , so fare you well . So saith Your loving and dying Husband JOHN WODROW . The Testimony of RALPH SHIELDS , An English-man who died in Edinburgh , Decemb. 22. 1666. My Friends . I Am come here to die , and I thank God , it is not for evill doing that I now suffer : although I be charged with Rebellion against the Kings Authority , yet 1 declare before God and you all , that in all this matter I never intended to wrong his Majestie 's just Power and greatness , but for conscience sake did respect Authority as the Ordinance of God appointed for the punishment of evill doers , and that I wish his Ma : all welfare both in this life , and the world to come , and that it may be his happiness to consider his Obligations to God and Perform the same , that so it may be well with him and his Posterity to many generations ; and I pray God make him a friend to His Cause and the truly Godly who own the same , though falsly called Phanaticks or turbulent persons . I declare I have such persuasion of the Interest of Religion Reformed , and sworn unto in the Covenant that I dare venture not only to lay down my own life , but if every hair of my head were a man , they should all be put to venture for this cause : I would not have the world to stumble at the Cause , because of my death after this manner ; for I rejoyce greatly in it , and I desire every good Christian as they tender their own souls that they would grip fast , lay hold on , and cleave to Jesus Christ and His way . My coming out at this time ( I say ) was not against his Majesty , but for the Covenant which is now troden under foot ; my intention was for the Cause of Christ ; I take God to witness , it was nothing else I came out for , and for that I am free to lay down my life . I bless God I am much encouraged in this , and not at all afraid to die for so good and clear a Cause ; and I hope He will bring me thorow all my difficulties in this dark shadow of death : I hope I have the peace of a good conscience , and have had some glimpses from Jesus Christ of His countenance and reconciled Face , since I came into this prison , for which I desire to bless His Name with all my soul , heart and spirit . And I rejoyce that He hes made use of me to suffer for His Cause ; And I think it too litle , not only to lay down my body , but ( if it were possible ) even my very soul at the stake for that Cause and for Jesus Christ my good and kind Master , who hath loved me and given Himself for me . I give the Lord thanks that I had some of His Presence since I came into this condition : and again I say , I am much encouraged and not afraid to die , and bless Him that I die not as a murtherer , or evill door , or Rebel to Authority , but for such a cause as this . O that it were the happiness of my Nation of England , once to subiect themselves unto the sweet yoke of Christs Reformed Government , under which this Nation of Scotland hath enjoyed so much of the Power and life of the Gospel , by a faithful Ministry according to the Covenant sworn by them both . And now , my dear Friends in Christ , and fellow-Covenanters , though I be a stranger in this Land , being an English-man , but trifted by providence in the prosecution of my calling , to have my residence for a time here in Scotland , which I look upon , as a singulare evidence of God's special love to me , though I be a stranger , I say , to many of you , yet I must be bold as a dying friend , to beseech you by the mercy of God , and by your appearance before Jesus Christ , when we shall have to do with none but Him as our Judge , that ye be faithfull and stedfast in the Cause of God , and Covenant which ye have sworn with hands lifted up to the most high God , which no Power on earth can loose you from , and that ye keep you from snares unto the contrary , and not suffer your selves to fall into a detestable Neutrality and Indifferency in that Cause of God ; And especially that ye keep your selves free of any Engagements by word or write , that may wrong your Oath of the Covenant . I commit my Wife and Children to His care , who careth for them that put their trust in Him before the Sons of men , not doubting but they shall be eyed with goodwil and favor by the Godly , after I am gone . And now I render up my Spirit to Him who gave it me , and for whose sake I now lay down my life . To this God , my Covenanted God , be glory , blessing and praise for now and ever , Amen . That this is my mind and Testimony , which I leave behind me , I witness by my ordinary subscription , R. SHIELDS . The Testimony of HUMPREY COLHOUNE , At his Death in Edinburgh , Decemb . 22. 1666. Dear Friends and Spectators , I am come here this Day to this Place to die this Death , for crimes for which ( I thank God ) my Conscience doth not condemn me . My crime , as is alleaged , is for Disloyalty against the King's Majesty ; Yet I thank God , that my appearing lately with the Lord's People was from my sense of my obligation in the Covenant , and the sense of the wrongs done in the Land , and the crying oppressions committed therein . This was the end of my appearing for the Lord against His enemies , to bear witness against the same : The which obligation of the Oath of God , I judge that none on earth can loose the Conscience from . I bless the Lord again and again , I die for this Oath and Covenant ; And I thank God also , that I have by the great mercy of the Almighty God in Christ Jesus , obtained mercy and forgiveness for all my transgressions both against the first and second Table of the Law : And that through that Ocean of grace which is in the Lord Jesus Christ , I believe that I am justified and sanctified , and believe now to be glorified with Him , by that blessed blood of His , which hath purchased this Salvation to me , through faith in the same , made application of , according to the good Covenant of grace . He hath performed this , out of his vvonderfull and incomparable free-grace ▪ And this is my joy and exceeding great rejoycing and consolation , and all my salvation , for vvhich I am Grace's debtor throughout all Eternity . I die vvith this my Testimony , my adherence to the National Covenant , to the Solemn League and Covenant , to the Work of Reformation a great length carried on , and now overthrown most sinfully by ungodly Men , vvho have established their Apostacy by Law , which no just Power on earth could ever do . Also I adhere to the Presbyterial Government , the Confession of Faith , Cathechisms Larger and Shorter , And to the Solemn Acknovvledgement of the Church of Scotland , And Publick Testimonies thereof against the sins of the time . This day I rejoyce that He hath counted me vvorthy to lay dovvn my life for Him , as one that beareth vvitness against the breach of all the Sacred Oaths and Ties that were established in this Land , yea by the just Laws both of God and Man , which never could have been repealed lawfully , as this wicked Generation hath done . Dear Friends , I hope ye will stand fast in this Obligation , and in the Solemn Oaths and Ties ye are under , and all the body of the Land also will be stedfast in the same , upon the greatest hazard ye can meet with ; And that ye will study perfect holiness and nearness with God , which will help to keep you straight in this day of Persecution and sharp Triall that is now raging in this Land : I bless the Lord , I die not a fool , though some men have thought so of me by their speeches to me , since my imprisonment : neither durst I ever be the man to buy my liberty at such a dear rate as Perjury , and to shake off these blessed bonds I did vvillingly come under ; And I thank God , I never yet to this moment rued or repented it ; And sure I am it is better for me to suffer the vvorst of deaths , then to preserve my life by breaking the Oaths of God. I also give my Testimony against Prelacy and that vvicked Hierarchy novv established in this Land , as that vvhich the Church of Christ could never bear until this day , it being such a grand Enemy to the purity of the Gospel , and povver of Godliness , yea a yoke vvhich the Church of God groaneth under . I have no more to say , but commends all you the lovers of our Lord Jesus Christ to God Himself , and to the good vvord of His grace , vvhich is able to build you up untill the day of His appearance , and to give you all an inheritance with them that are sanctified through faith in our Lord Jesus Christ . And subscribes my self an expectant and apparent heir of the grace of Christ . HUMPREY COLHOUN . The Testimony of JOHN WILSON , Who suffered at Edinburgh , Decemb. 22. 1666. Good People and Spectators . I Am here condemned to die upon alleaged Rebellion against the King and his Authority , which God knoweth , I never intended . For in my judgement , a man's endeavouring to extirpate perjured Prelates and abjured Prelacy , according as he is bound by Oath in a sworn Covenant , may very well stand with a man's Loyalty to King and Countrey ; for I am sure , the King and his Subjects may be happy , yea more happy in the extirpation of Prelates and Prelacy , then in their standing ; Yea the Throne shall never be established in peace , until that wicked plant be plucked up by the roots , which hath so much wasted and made desolate the Lord's Vineyard : For my part , I pray that the Lord may bless our King with blessings from Heaven , and make him a friend to the Interests of Christ , as the best way for the standing of his Throne to many generations ; And I pray for all that are in Authority under his Majesty , that the Lord may not lay to their charge the innocent blood of His Saints , which they have shed . But the ground of my sentence is truly , the renewing of the Covenant with my God , and labouring to defend the same , according to my Oath : And this I profess is and was my duty , and by the grace of God will not quite it ; And in token hereof , I am here before you all to lay down my life in defence of the same , and require you all to be witnesses to this my Testimony ; I do declare , I am not ashamed , but count it my glory . I do likewise declare this before you all in the sight of God , the Judge of all hearts , that since the day I did first swear and subscribe this Covenant for Reformation , it hath been sweet unto me , for I am persuaded in my Conscience of the warrantableness thereof . I did swear the Covenant four times , and the last time at Lanerk , which was the sweetest time to me of them all ; For with my whole soul I renewed it , and gave up both my soul and body to Him , to be at His disposal , which , I trust in God , I shall never rue . Hearty praise and thanks be to the blessed God , that ever it pleased Him to give unto this poor Church that mercy to enter in Covenant with Himself , that He might be unto us a Covenanted God , the richest mercy that can be bestowed on men . I have lived a Presbyterian in my judgement , according as I have sworn , and judge it to be the only way that God hath appointed in His word , for the Government of His Church on earth ; for under that Government the power and practice of Religion hath greatly flourished , and many a soul hes been converted to the Lord , and found sweet fellowship with Him in His Ordinances , by the Ministry of His honest and and lawfully called Servants . And blessed be the day that ever I heard a faithfull sent Minister preach the Gospell . I do declare before heaven and earth that my whole designe in this Rising in Armes , was only against abjured Prelacy and Prelaetes , the great Oppressors of God's Interests , and cruell persecuters of His People , both in their consciences and bodies ; and I judge their Government and why not to be conforme to the Word of God in the Holy Scriptures . I might cite many Scriptures to this purpose , but I shall only name two Luke 22.26 . but ye shall not be so ; but he that is greatest among you , let him be as the yonger ; and be that is chief , as he that doth serve . And 1 Pet. 5.3 . neither as being Lords over God's heritage , &c. Yea it may be seen from sad experience , that under their Government , the power of Godliness hath decayed , and avowed profanity and Popery it self hath increased , both to the dishonor of the holy Lord , and the great grief of the hearts of the Godly . I am so persuaded of tne truth of the Covenant , and of the error of their way , and that Jesus Christ is the only King and Lord over His own House , and besides Him there is none else , for He will not give His glory to another , I am so persuaded of these things , that I dare seal the truth thereof with my blood , and am come hither for the same end , without any fear or amazement ; yea if every hair of mine head were a man , I would have ventured all according to the Covenant which I made with my God ; And although I be a poor polluted sinner , and my house not so with God , as it became ; yet hath He made with me an everlasting Covenant , well ordered in all things and sure , and this is all my Salvation and all my desire ; And I hope the Lord will soon tread down all His enemies with shame , and the enemies of His Covenant also . Therefore , let all that love the Lord Jesus Christ and His Truth and Covenant , take comfort and courage , notwithstanding of all that which is come to pass , And let them not be ashamed to adhere thereunto , whatsoever sufferings they meet with therein , for He will make up that loss in Himself , and avenge the wrongs done to Himself & them in His own due time : I assure you , Christ is a good Master to serve : if ye knew Him rightly & His cross , it is sweet & easy to the believer ; for He maketh death to be life , and bringeth light out of darkness . I desire to follow the blessed Captain of my salvation through well and wo. I beseech you , my dear Friends , whom now I am to part with , that ye stand to the defence of all the truths of God and of His Word ; & that ye receive the Lord Christ , as He hath offered Himself therein , ye who have not closed with Him ; And that he who hath closed with Him , abide in Him by a lively faith and love , bringing forth fruits , that you may put credit on your profession , and keep off every thing that may shame your glorious and blessed Master before this evill and adulterous generation . And I give you all warning and de●ort you heartily as ye love your own souls , and as ye will answer to Him , who shall judge the quick and dead , that ye stand fast in all the duties ye are sworn unto in the National and in the Solemn League and Covenant , both towards God , your King and one another : And that ye beware of snares in taking of any Oaths or Declarations contrary in the least , to the Oath of God in these Covenants . I leave my wife and little children upon Jesus Christ my Lord , who are now to be made a widow and fatherless for His sake , trusting , He will care for them ; And I recommend them to the counsell and kindness of His people under Him. I can forgive the wrong done to me in taking away my life for this Cause , and wish God to be merciful to these that have condemned me , or have had any hand in my death : But blessed be God , that brought and hath kept me on His side of this Cause , and honoured me to be a publick witness for Him and His blessed Truth ; and Cause ; for which I shall praise Him in the World to come , whether I now go : yea I will praise Him on the borders of Death & Eternity . To His blessed Name , Father , Son , and Holy Ghost be praise for now and ever . So saith your dying friend for Christ . JOHN WILSON . A true Relation of the Sufferings and Death of M R HEW M c KAIL. Preacher of the Gospel . M R Hew M c Kail having passed , and improven the vertuous means of his Education ( at the University of Edinburgh , and with his Uncle Mr Hew Mc Kail , Minister there , in whose family he did reside ) to the satisfaction and good hope of all , in the Winter 1661. upon the very turne of this sad Catastrophe , offers himself to Tryall ( being 20 years old ) before the Presbytery of Edinburgh , in order to the work of the Ministery ; and being by them amply approven and licensed , and having preached at several times with the great benefit and applause of all his hearers , he did preach his last publick Sermon in Edinburgh , in the Great Church thereof , upon the Sabbath immediatly preceeding that 8 of September 1662. the day affixed by the then Parliament , for the removal of the Ministers of Edinburgh . His text was Song . 1.7 . In this Sermon taking occasion to speak of the great and many persecutions , to which the Church of God hath been and is obnoxious ; and amplifying the Point from the Persons and Powers who have been instrumental therein , he said , that the Church and People of God had been persecuted , both by a Pharaoh upon the Throne , a Haman in the State , and a Iudas in the Church ; and falling to inlarge the several wayes and manner of the Persecutions of these men , & the issue thereof ; the cases of Haman and Iudas appeared in the conviction of his Adversaries , to have such a near resemblance to the state and condition of the then Rulers of State and Church , that though he did make no Application , yet he was reputed to be guilty thereof . Whereupon , within a few dayes thereafter , there was a Party of Horsemen sent to the Place where he then lived near to Edinburgh , for to seise his Person and make him Prisoner . But upon almost no more then a moments advertisement , he escapes out of his bed , and shifting only to another chamber , was miraculously preserved from the Search then used , though most diligent and accurate . For this cause , he being necessitated to leave that Place , retired home-ward to his Fathers house , where having lurked a while , and thereafter as occasions call'd him spent the four years that have since interveen'd , in several places and with much uncertainty . Yet during all this space , to the certain knowledge and sweet remembrance of all that conversed with him , he was most seriously exercised in the Study of Piety and true Knowledge , wherein as he greatly advanced above all his equalls , so at length he became most eminent and exemplary . While he is thus living and employed at his Fathers house , the late Troubles arising : in the West fall out ; and the newes thereof having alarmed him with the rest of that Countrey , upon the 18. of Nov. last , being the Sabbath ; for such motives and upon such considerations as he himself doth fully afterward declare , he joined himself to those who rose in these parts for the assisting of that poor afflicted Party , as in their consciences , by their Covenant , they thought themselves indispensably obliged . When and where he joined with them , or what was his part , or endeavours amongst them , needs not to be remembered . Only this is certain , that being of a thin body , and tender constitution , he was so disabled and weakened with the toil and fatigue of continual marching and tempestuous weather ( particularly at Air , where he lay a considerable time , as if he had been dead , by reason of fainting ) that he could no longer endure it . Whereupon , on Tuesday Novemb. 27. he was necessitated to part from them in the morning , near to the New Bridge upon Cramond water : And in his way towards Libberton Parish , about twelve of the clock passing through Bread's Craigs , he was taken , without resistance , having only a small ordinary sword , by such of the Countreymen , as were then sent out to view the fields ; in which passage it is very observable , that his escape formerly mentioned was not more miraculous , then his present taking was fatal : for it is without question , had he but retained and observed the least of that advertency and caution , wherein at other times he was known to be both ready & very happy , he might , without either hazard or trouble , have escaped this inconvenience ; but God who gave him the full experience of his turning all things unto the good of them that love Him , did thus by his simplicity and folly , prepare the way for His own Glory and His servants joy and Victory . Being brought to Edinburgh , and first to the Towns Council-house , in their search for letters he was immediatly stript ; and there being none found , committed prisoner to the Tolbuith . Upon the Wedensday , being the 28 of November by order from the Secret Council , he was brought before the Earle of Dumfreis , Lord Sinclar , Sir Robert. Manray of Preist-field and others , in order to his Examination ; and being interrogate concerning his joyning & being with the Wesi-land forces , he conceaving himself not obliged by any Law or Reason , to be his own Accuser , to the destruction of his life , did plainly deny the question ; but being desired to signe with his hand , what he had said and they caused write , though at first he appeared willing , yet partly being advised by the Lord Sinclar , to beware that he subscribed nothing , whereof the contrary would be found true , left it might therefore fare the worse with him , and partly scrupling at the terms of Rebells and Rebellion , wherein the question and his Answer were conceaved , and partly bethinking that a simple denyall may import more then the pleading of Not-guilty , he refused to subscribe his name , which being reported to the Council gave great offence , and brought him under the suspition of a deep dissembler . On Thursday Novemb. 29. being again called before his Examinators , upon the considerations mentioned , & for allaying the Councils prejudice , & preventing the inconvenience he might there-through sustain , he gives in a Declaration under his own hand , testifying , that he had been with the Westland Forces , with whom he occasionally mett , and that he resolved to have withdrawn from them upon the first opportunity which he was also about to do when he was taken , without either offering to flee or resist , which he desired the Council the rather to believe , because he had told so much to William Lawry of Blackwood , a person imployed from the Lieut. Generall Dalzell to the West-land Forces . But notwithstanding that William Lawry did testify this to be a truth , yet the Council retaining former impressions , and apprehending that the presence and confronting of some other Prisoners of the Westland Forces ( who plainly declared their accession to that Rising ) and their deponing concerning him , did only move Mr Hew to this acknowledgement , although it be certainly known , that he had formed and subscribed the same the night before , they fortify and persist in their jealousy , and suspecting him to have been a contriver of the Insurrection , and privy to all Designes and Intelligence relating to it , they dealt with him with great importunity to be ingenuous , and to declare who were the Ring-leaders of the late Rising , and what correspondence either at home or abroad was kept anent it : And this was done especially upon the Monday Dec. 3. at which time also the Boots ( a terrible instrument of Torture , which the humanity of our later times hath so much abhorred , that not only the fashion of them was forgot , but all Torture for their cause , disused ; yet new ones such as they are ) were laid before him , upon the Town Council-House table , and he certifyed , that if he would not confess , he should be tortured by them to morrow . And accordingly upon Tuesday Dec. 4. he was again called before the Council , where , after the Examination & Torture of Iohn Nilson of Corsack , he was again examined by the Earle of Rothess the Kings Commissioner , the Marquess of Montress , and several of the Privy Councill , ( in the Town Council-House ) the Bishop of St Andrewes for the honor of his profession forsooth , and some others of the Counsellers upon more real and Christian motives , having at first withdrawn themselves : And being urged to confess , he declared , with a solemn Attestation , that he knew no more , then he had already confessed , whereupon they ordered the Executioner to put his leg into the Boot and to proceed to the Torture . But as he had before confessed and declared ingenuously all he knew , so this Torture ( though in it self very violent and painful , by the extraordinary compression both of flesh , sinews and bones , by the force of timber wedges and hammer , & used upon him in a double measure , even to ten or eleven strokes , with considerable intervals ; as there remained no truth concealed which it could extort ) did not in the least move him to express any impatience or bitterness , but having sustained it most constantly and Christianly , before he got the last three strokes , he protested solemnly in the sight of God , that he could say no more , though all the joints of his body were in as great torture as that poor leg , and desires to know what could hinder them to believe one of his Profession , who had so solemnly declared as in the sight of God , that he knew no more then he had told , viz. that to the best of his knowledge , the Rising in the West was meerly occasional , upon a discontent betwixt the people in the Stewarty of Galloway & Sir Iames Turner , to which every one did run , as their hearts moved them when they heard of it . This Torture was the cause why he was not indicted with the first ten , who being arraigned and sentenced on Wedensday Dec. 5. were hanged on the Fryday thereafter , at the Cross of Edinburgh . Many thought that considering his small accession unto that Rising , which neither was nor could be proven to be more , then what he himself had freely confessed , and that he had suffered such hard measure by Torture , & that not in order to the discovery of his own Crime , but the declaring of the Contrivers and his Complices , that the same should have procured him favor , but the matter was otherwise determined . Neither was the Sermon before mentioned , so quite forgotten , though ill remembered , and often repeated in Councill in these words Achab upon the Throne , and no more , and therefore Upon Monday the 10 of Dec. he and other seven receaved their Indictments of Treason , & were acordingly summoned to appear before the Iustices on Wedensday Dec. 12. But his Torture & close Imprisonment thereafter ( for so it was ordered ) having cast him in a Fever ; whereby he was utterly disenabled to make his appearance , Upon Tuesday Dec. 11. he gave in to the Lords of Council his Supplication of the Tenor following viz. that whereas I have receaved an Indictment of Treason , which was yesterday delivered to me , and I appointed to make answer thereto to morrow , and seing in this matter of the highest importance , not only all the time allowed is very short , but I am and have been ever since my Torture in a great distemper and Fever , besides the great pain and utter inability of my leg , which hath constantly kept me bed-fast , and doth render me incapable not only of minding my own Defence , but wholly unable either to walk or stand , far less to go and compeir before the Lord Iustice , as I doubt not but Physicians will testify , if your Lo : will order them to visit me , which I humbly beg ; And seing my accession to the Crimes libelled is so very slender , being only simple Presence , and that not only occasional , as I did declare before Your Lo : but also in some sort retracted and purged , by my purposed and actuall off-coming and deserting ; and lastly , seing I was put to sore Torture , in order to a furder discovery , with a promise of favor , in case of my Ingenuity , which I then singly used , as in the sight of God , to the utmost of my knowledge : May it therefore please Your Lordships , graciously to consider the Premises , specially my utter inability to make my appearance , and to surcease any legall procedor against me , in this so weak and extream condition , and to discharge me of the foresaid Citation and Appearance . And your Lo : answer . This Petition and the following are therefore sett down verbatim , that both the utmost of his condescendence may appear , and the fainting that he so much regrates in his last Speach , be the better understood . And with the same subscribed by him , there was given in , an Attestation under the hands of seven Chirurgeons , declaring his weak and sickly condition . Hereupon the Council did order two Physicians , and two Chirurgeons ( viz. Sir Robert Cuningham , Doctor Hay , Iames ●o●t●wick , and Thomas Kinkead . ) to visit him , and to return their Attestation upon soul and conscience , betwixt and the morrow at ten of the Clock , to the Iustices . Upon Wedensday Decemb. 12. the Iustices being set , the Attestation of the two Doctors and Chirurgeons above mentioned , is produced for Mr Hew M c Kail , and other three of the Prisoners indicted , and their excuse proponed thereupon . But the Iustice finding , that the Attestation , not bearing soul and conscience , did not agree to the Warrand and Order given by the Councill , and that the Physicians being called , did refuse upon point of Priviledge to rectify it in these terms , although they declared , that the truth thereof was such , as they might safely confirm it by Oath , they do only supersede their procedor against M. Hew , and other two contained in the Attestation , untill to morrow , and ordain Iohn Nilson of Corsack , though also contained in the Attestation , in respect the same as to his part , was not relevant , and the other four , to be brought to the Bar , who accordingly being brought , were that day sentenced to be hanged on Fryday thereafter . Thursday December 13. the Iustice-Court being set , adjourns untill Tuesday thereafter , and ordains M. Hew and the other two to be peremptorily sisted that day before the down-sitting of the Court. This afternoon , having obtain'd his Reprivall , in the thoughts of his dubious condition , he composed the lines following . Vitae ergò innumeris curarum erroribus actae , Clausula consimilis perbreve finit iter . Distrahor ambigui dubio discrimine fati : Aeger enim jaceo ; sin revalesco , cado . Saturnday Dec. 8. his Brother M. Matthew goes from Edinburgh to Glasgow , with a Letter from the Lady Marquess of Dowglass , and another from the Duchess of Hamilton to the Lord Commissioner in his favors , but both proved ineffectual . Like-as his Cusing M. Matthew M c Kail carried another Letter from the Lady Marquess of Dowglass to the Archbishop of St Andrewes for the same purpose , but with no better success . Dec. 18. Sitting in Judgement , the Lord Penton Iustice Clerk , and Mr William Murray ( Advocate ) Iustice Depute . M. Hew being indifferently recovered , he was brought before the Iustice with other 3 that were arraigned with him . And first , the general Indictment is read , founded both on old and late Acts of Parliaments , made against Rising and Assembling in Arms , and entering into Leagues and Covenants , and renewing the Solemn League and Covenant , without or against the Kings Authority , declaring the same to be Rebellion and Treason ; and thereafter amply subsuming upon all the Acts , Deeds and Passages of the late Insurrection with many aggravations ; particularly upon their taking and renewing the Solemn League and Covenant at Lanerk ; And therefore charging them with , and concluding , that they ought to be punished for the same as Traitors . After which Mr Hew his special Indictment is read , bearing , that he had risen and joyned with the Rebels , and was with them at Air , Vchilery and Lanerk , and several other places on horsback , and had kept and was at several of their Rendevouz's with a Sword. Whereunto Mr Hew being permitted to answer , began his discourse very constantly and composedly , declaring , that he looked upon himself , both from the conclusion of his Indictment , and what had happened to others , as a man appointed by men , and determined in himself to die , whereupon he thought himself obliged to use the greater ingenuity , and then affirmed , that he was not ashamed to avow that he was one of that afflicted and persecuted party and perswasion called Presbyterian . Thereafter he proceeded to speak of the Ties and Engagements that were upon the Land to God , in order thereto , and having commended the Institution . Dignity and Blessing of Presbyterial Government , he said that the last words of the National Covenant had alwayes great weight upon his spirit . Whereupon the King's Advocate , interrupting him , desired him to forbear that discourse , telling him that he was not there called in question for his perswasion , but for the crime of Rebellion , in rising in Arms against his Ma : Authority , to which he desired him to answer ; whereunto he answered , that the thing which moved him to declare himself as he had , and would have done , was that weighty and important saying of our Lord Jesus , Whosoever shall confess me before men , him shall the Son of Man also confess before the Angels of God ; but he that denieth me and my words before men , shall he denyed before the Angels of God. As for the Rebellion he was charged with , he said ; his Accession was only simple presence with a Sword , and that occasional , as his confession before the Council did bear . The Advocate answers , that not only presence , such as he was charged with , was treasonable , but all intercommuning or keeping company with Rebells , though for the space only of half an hour ; and however , he said , he was guilty of a far deeper accession , and of many other things besides these contained in his own confession ; whereupon the Advocate caused read his Confession , and also the depositions of severall others that were examined , in so far as they concerned him . M. Hew answered , that all the depositions read , contained no more then was in his own Confession , nor could they make out any more against him ; and so in effect it was . The Advocate after the sustaining of the Indictment , having made use of ; and caused read the confessions of M. Hew and the other persons accused before the Assize , in place of Probation , referred the matter to their Cognition . The Assize being enclosed gave their Verdict una voce , and by the mouth of Sir William Murray of Newtown their Chancellor , report him to be guilty of being with the Rebells at severall times and places , and at their Rendevouz with a Sword , according to his subscribed confession . However it was thereafter understood , that four or five of the Assize , did with reluctancy pronounce this Verdict● ▪ thinking death too great a punishment for so slender a Guilt , and that the major part of the Assize had cleansed him , if the fear of an Assize of Error had not prevailed with them . The Verdict being reported , Doom was pronounced , decerning and adjudging him and the rest to be taken on Saturnday Decemb. 22. to the Mercate Cross of Edinburgh , and there to be hanged on a Gibbet till they be dead , and that their Goods and Lands be escheated and forfeited for his Highness's use . At the hearing of which sentence , he cheerfully said , The Lord giveth life , and the Lord taketh , blessed be the Name of the Lord. And as he was carried back through the Guards to the Tolbooth , when the People made lamention , he answered , Though men cut us off , God will receave us , trust in God , trust in God. Being come to his Chamber , he immediately addressed himself to God by prayer , with great enlargement of heart for himself and his fellow-prisoners condemned with him . Being afterwards asked , how his leg was , which was tortured ; he answered merrily , " the fear of my Neck now maketh me forget my Leg. Thereafter he said . to another freind , O how good Newes , to be within four dayes journey to enjoy the sight of Jesus Christ , and protested he vvas not so cumbered hovv to die , as he had been sometime to preach a Sermon . To some vvomen lamenting for him , he said , that his condition , though he vvas young , and in the budding of his hopes and labours in the Ministry , yet vvas not to be mourned for ; for , said he , one drop of my blood , through the Grace of God , may make moe hearts contrite , then many years sermons might have done . This afternoon he supplicat the Council for liberty to his Father to come & visit him , vvhich being granted , his Father the next night came to him . Their first meeting was very sad ; & notwithstanding , that according both to the testimony of his Parents , and knovvledge of all his relations , he vvas a most obedient Son ; yet these inevitable infirmities vvhich are incident to the best of men , and cannot but furnish sad convictions , when considered in the power and pure light of the spiritual Law of God , did greatly trouble him in the remembrance of the fifth commandment . The passage was thus . After prayer his Father said unto him , Hugo , I called thee a goodly clive-tree of fair fruits , and now a storm hath destroyed the tree and his fruits and branches . He ansvvered , that his Fathers too good thoughts of him had afflicted him . His Father said , he was perswaded , God was visiting not his own sin , but his parents sin upon him , so that he might say , Our Fathers have sinned , and we have born their iniquity . He said also , I have sinned , thow poor sheep what hast thow done . M. Hew ansvvered with many groans , that through coming short of keeping the fifth commandment , he had come short of the promise , that his days should be prolonged in the Land of the living , and that Gods controversy with him , was for overvaluing his children , especially himself . On Thursday the 20 of December more from the importunity of Friends , then of his own inclination , he gave in to the Privy Council , a Petition , as follows . That whereas upon Tuesday last I was indicted and condemned , for the treasonable deeds contained in the general and special Indictment exhibited against me ; in the which special Indictment , containing my whole accession to the said Crimes , there is only libelled presence in several places , with an ordinary sword , likeas my own confession , which is the naked truth , doth declare , how the same was occasional ; And seeing that it was also in some sort purged & retracted by my withdrawing and deserting with the first conveniency , whereby not only my case appears to be different from that of others , but also as favourable as possibly can be , nixt to innocency it self ; likeas the same appeared no less to many of these Gentlemen who were upon my Assize . And seeing the Torture I sustained , and the ingenuity I then used , as in the sight of God , to the utmost of my knowledge , deserve that favour that was at that time insinuated ; And that it is expected that his Majesty ( whose mercy I beg ) according to his great clemency and the most usual practice in the like cases , will interpose his mercy , for the rescue of many , who are equally with me involved . May it therefore please your Lordships graciously to consider the premisses , and to pardon my great rashnes and precipitancy , and therefore to indulge such a reprival at your Lo. shall think convenient , until his Majesty's gracious pleasure anent the premisses shall be fully known ; At least till the Commissioner his Grace , do return ; And your Lo. answer . The words marked in this Petition by a different character , were the amendments of his Friends affection , which they were advised to put in , by some members of the Privy Council , to whom the copy of it had been presented immediately before the downsitting of the Councill ; and thereupon the Petition being transcribed , was in so great haste presented unto him , to subscribe it , that he got it not read . However the Petition was both disrelished and refused by the Council ; The truth is , some of his Friends exceeding zealous of his safety , had moved to several members of the Council , that the Declaration might be tendered to him , and some time permitted him to advise thereanent ; which motion , it 's like , was attended with some insinuations , that probably he might be induced to subscribe it ; but as the motion was ineffectual without a warrand under his own hand , so even the Authors thereof do bear him witness of his positive , fixed and often declared resolution , not to subscribe it at the highest rate : Likeas , upon some surmises to the contrary , he thought it necessary for his own vindication , to leave it under his hand , that the above-mentioned resolution was from his own proper knowledge and motive , without the assistance of the least disswasive from any other person . During his abode in Prison , the Lord was very graciously present with him , both to sustain him against the fear of death , and to dispel all these over-cloudings of terror , unto which the frailty of flesh and blood hath sometime exposed the best of men ; and also in assisting him in prayer and praises , to the admiration of all his hearers , especially on the Thursday's night Dec. 20. whereon being set at supper with his fellow-prisoners and his Father , and one or two besides , he requested his fellow-prisoners , saying merrily , eat to the full , and cherish your bodies , that we may all be a fat Christmass Pie to the Prelates . After supper in thanksgiving he burst forth in blessing God , that had made him such a fool as to come to that prison ; and after many gracious words , continued saying , many crosses have come in our way and wrought but weakly upon us , but here is a cross that hath done more good then all the many that befell us before . Then lamenting the condition of the Church of God , with much earnestness , he used that exclamation in the last of Daniel , What Lord shall be the end of these wonders ! The last night of his life , being Fryday Decemb. 21. he proponed and answered himself , several questions , to the strengthening of his fellow-prisoners , and great refreshing of all his hearers . As 1. he inquired ; How should he , going from the Tolbooth through a multitude of gazing People and guards of Souldiers , to a Scaffold and Gibbet , overcome the impression of al these ? To which he answered ; By conceaving a deeper impression of a multitude of Angels who are also on-lookers ; According to that , we are a gazing-stock to the VVorld , Angels and Men : For the Angels rejoycing at our good confession are present to convey and carry our souls as the soul of Lazarus , unto Abraham's bosom ; Not to receave them , for that is Iesus Christ's work alone , who will welcome them to Heaven Himself , with the songs of Angels and blessed Spirits ; But the Angels are ministring Spirits , always ready to serve and strengthen all dying believers . 2. As Stephen saw the Heavens opened , and Iesus standing on the right hand of God , VVho then said , Lord Iesus , receave my Spirit , so ( said he ) do I believe , that Iesus Christ is also ready to receave the souls of his dying sufferers . 2. He enquired , VVhat is the way for us to conceave of Heaven who are hasting unto it , seing the Word saith , Eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , neither have entered into the heart of man , the things which God hath prepared for them that love him ? Whereunto he answered , that the Scripture helps us two wayes to conceave of heaven . The first is by way of similitudes , as in that Rev. 21. where heaven is held forth , by the representation of a glorious City , there described ; but in the same place it is also termed the Bride ; but O how unlike are these two , a Bride and a City ! which doth clearly evidence the insufficiency and vast disproportion of all such similitudes ; and therefore he addeth , the Scripture furnisheth yet a more excellent way to conceave of heaven ; and that is 1. by conceiving the love of Christ to us , even what is the breadth and length and depth and hight and the immenseness of that love of Christ , which passeth knowledge , which is also the highest and sweetest motive of praise ; unto him , that loved us , and washed us from our sins in his own blood , and hath made us Kings and Priests unto God and His Father , to him be glory and dominion for ever and ever , Amen . 2. By holding forth the love of the Saints to Jesus Christ , and teaching of us to love him in sincerity , which is the very joy and exultation of heaven , Rev. 5.12 . Worthy is the Lamb that was slain , to receave power , and riches , and wisdom , and strength , and honor , and glory , and blessing . And no other thing then the soul breathing forth love to Jesus Christ , can rightly apprehend the joyes of heaven . The last words which he spoke at supper , were in the commendation of Love above knowledge , saying , O but notions of Knowledge without Love , are of small worth , evanishing in nothing , and very dangerous . After supper , his father having given thanks , he read the 16 Psalm , and his first words thereafter were , If there were any thing in the World sadly and unwillingly to be left , it were the reading of the Scriptures . I said I shall not see the Lord , even the Lord , in the land of the living , but this needs not make us sad ; for where we go , the Lamb is the book of Scripture , and the light of that City , and there is life , even the river of the water of life , and living springs . To this he added many excellent observations , and making mention of the 23 v. of the 31 Psal . O love the Lord , all ye his saints , he added , that where love was , it was so operative , that it made flesh , spirit ; and where it was not , there spirit was made flesh : thereafter he sung a part of the same Psalm . Supper being ended , he cals smilingly for a pen , saying , it was to write his Testament , wherein he only ordered some few books , which he had , to be redelivered to several persons . He went to bed a litle after eleven of the clock , and having slept wel till 5 in the morning , he arose and called to his Camerade Iohn Wodrow , saying pleasantly , up Iohn ; for you are too long in bed ; you and I look not like men going this day to be hanged , seeing we lye so long . Thereafter he said to him in the words of Isaiah ch . 42. v. 24. Who gave Iacob for a spoil , and Israel to the robbers ? did not the Lord ? he against whom we have sinned , for they would not walk in his ways , neither were they obedient unto His Law , &c. and I think , Iohn , ( said he ) I have not known it , nor do I lay it to heart , as it is't said in the end of the 25 verse . But , John ( said he ) for all this be not affraid , but read the 43. ch . v. 1.2 . for all will go well with us . Iohn said to him , you and I will be chambered shortly in heaven , beside Mr Robertson . He answered , I fear , Iohn , you bar me out , because you was more free before the Council then I was ; but I shall be as free as any of you upon the Scaffold . Before break-fast . he said , he had got a clear ray of the Majesty of the Lord after his awaking , but it was a litle again over-clouded . Thereafter he prayed , and attested the Lord , that he had devoted himself to the service of God in the Ministry of the Lord Jesus , and the edification of souls , very early ; adding albeit I have not been so with my God , yet thow hast made vvith me an Everlasting Covenant , ordered in all things and sure ; this is all my desire , joy and salvation , albeit thovv make me not a house to grovv . Novv Lord , vve come to thy throne , a place vve have not been accquainted vvith ; earthly King's thrones have dvocats against poor men , but thy Throne hath Jesus , an Advocate for us . Our supplication this day , is not to be free of death , nor of pain in death , but that vve may vvitness before many vvitnesses , a good confession . His Father coming to him that morning to bid him ●arewel , his last words to him were , after prayer and a litle discourse , that his suffering vvould do more hurt to the Prelates , and be more edifying to God's people then if he vvere to continue in the Ministry , for tvventy years . And then he desired his Father to leave him , else he would but trouble him , & I desire it of you , said he , As the best and last service you can do me , to go to your chamber , and pray earnestly to to the Lord to be vvith me on that Scaffold : for how to carry there is my care , even that I may be strengthened to endure to the end . About tvvo of the clock in the Afternoon , he vvas carried to the Scaffold vvith other five that suffered vvith him ; vvhere he appeared to the conviction of all that formerly knevv him , vvith a fairer , better and more stayed countenance then ever they had before observed . Being come to the foot of the Ladder , he directed his speech North-vvard to the multitude . And , premising , That as his Years in the VVorld had been but fevv , so his VVords at that time should not be many . He spoke to the People , the speech and Testimony vvhich he had before vvritten and subscribed . Having done speaking to the People , who heard him with great attention , he sung a part of the 31 Psal . and then prayed with such povver and fervency , as forced many to vveep bitterly . Having ended he gives his cloak and hat from him ; And vvhen he turnned himself and took hold of the Ladder to go up , he said vvith an audible voice , I care no more to go up this Ladder and over it , then if I were going home to my Fathers House ; And as he went up , hearing a great noise amongst the People , he called dovvn to his fellovv-sufferers , saying , Friends and Fellow-sufferers , be not affraid , every step of this Ladder is a degree nearer Heaven . Then having seated himself thereon , he said , I do partly believe , that , the Nobles , Counsellors , and Rulers of the Land , would have used some mitigation of this punishment , had they not been instigated by the Prelates , so our blood lyes principally at the Prelats door . But this is my comfort now , that I know my Redeemer liveth , and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the Earth , and though after my skin , worms destroy this Body , yet in my flesh shall I see God , vvhom I shall see for my self , and mine Eyes shall behold ( pointing to his eyes ) and not another , though my reins be consumed in me . And novv I do vvillingly lay dovvn my life for the Truth and Cause of God , the Covenants and VVork of Reformation , vvhich vvere once counted the Glory of this Nation . And it is for endeavouring to defend this , and to extirpate that bitter root of Prelacy , that I embrace this rope ( the Executioner putting the rope about his ncek . ) Then hearing the People weep , he said , Your vvork is not to vveep , but to pray that vve may be honourably born through ; and blessed be the Lord , that supports me . Novv as I have been beholden to the prayers and kindness of many since my imprisonment and sentence ; So I hope you vvill not be vvanting to me novv , in this last step of my journey , that I may vvitness a good Confession : And that you may knovv the ground of my encouragement in this VVork , and vvhat my hope is , I vvill read to you the last Chapter of the Bible ; And having read it , he said , Here you see the Glory that is to be revealed upon me , a pure river of vvater of life , and so forth ( read the place ) vvhere the Throne of God is , and the Lamb is in it , vvhere his Servants serve Him and see His face , and His Name is in their foreheads , and the Lord God giveth them light , and they shall reign for ever and ever ; and here you see my access to my Glory and revvard . Let him that is a thirst come , and vvhosoever vvill let him take of the vvater of life freely . And here you see also my vvelcome , the Spirit and the Bride say , Come . Then he said , I have one vvord more to say to my Friends , ( looking dovvn to the Scaffold ) vvhere are you ? You need neither lament me nor be ashamed of me in this condition , for I may make use of that expression of Christs , I go to your Father and my Father , to your God and my God , to your King and my King , to the blessed Apostles and Martyrs , and to the City of the Living God , the heavenly Ierusalem , to an innumerable company of Angels , to the General Assembly and Church of the First-born , and to God the Iudge of all , and to the Spirits of just men made perfect , and to Iesus the Mediator of the new Covenant ; And so I bid you all farevvell : For God vvill be more comfortable to you then I could be ; And he vvill also novv be more refreshing to me , then you can be : farevvel , farevvel in the Lord. Then the Napkin being put on his face , he prayed a space vvithin himself , after vvhich he put up the cloath from his face , vvith his ovvn hand , and said , he had one vvord more to say , and that vvas to shevv them the comfort he had in his Death , saying , I hope you perceaved no alteration or discouragement in my countenance and carriage , and as it may be your vvonder , so I profess it is a vvonder to my self , and I vvill tell yovv the reason of it : Besides the justness of my Cause , this is my comfort , vvhich vvas said of Lazarus vvhen he dyed , that the Angels did carry his soul into Abraham's Bosom ; so , that as there is a great solemnity here , of a confluence of People , a Scaffold , a Gallovvs , and People looking out at vvindovvs ; so is there greater & more solemn preparation in Heaven , of Angels to carry my soul to Christ's bosom . Again , this is my comfort , that it is to come in Christ's hands , and He vvill present it blameless and faultless to the Father , and then shall I be ever vvith the Lord. And novv I leave of to speak any more to creatures , and turn my speech to thee . O Lord ! and novv I begin my entercourse vvith God , vvhich shall never be broken off . Farewel Father and Mother , Friends and Relations ; Farevvel the VVorld and all Delights , Farevvell meat and drink , Farevvel Sun , Moon and Stars ; VVelcome God and Father , VVelcome svveet Lord Iesus , the Mediator of the nevv Covenant , VVelcome blessed Spirit of Grace and God of all consolation , VVelcome Glory , VVelcome Eternal Life , VVelcome Death . Then he desired the Executioner not to turn him over , untill he should put over his ovvn shoulders himself , vvhich , after praying a little vvithin himself , he did , saying , O Lord ! into thy hands I commit my Spirit : for thou hast redeemed my Soul , Lord God of truth . Thus in the 26 Year of his age , he died , as he lived , in the Lord. FINIS . Some Instances of the Sufferings of Galloway and Ntthisdale . BEcause in the former Deduction , mention is made of a Paper containing some of the Sufferings of Galloway and Nithisdale ▪ it is not inconvenient , for more Particular Information , to subjoyn a few instances out of the same Paper . And first , at three several inroads which the Souldiers have made into that Countrey , in the Years 1663 , 1665 and 1666. they exacted from the People there , for adhereing to their old faithful Ministers , and not submitting to the Ministry of those whom the Prelates violently obtruded upon them , the Summes of Money underwritten , viz.   Lib. S. d. From 49 Families in the Parish of Carsphairn , 4864 17 0 From 43 Families in the Parish of Dalray , 9577 16 8 From 49 Families in Balmaclelland , 6430 10 0 From 9 Families in Balmacghie , 425 11 8 From 2 or 3 Families in Tungland , 166 12 0 From some poor Persons in Tuynham , 81 4 0 From 20 Families in Borg , 2026 17 4 From 9 poor Families in Girton , 525 10 4 From some poor Families in Anwith , 733 6 4 From 34 inconsiderable Families in Kirkpatrick-Durham , 2235 6 0 From some few Fam. in Kirkmabrek , 563 6 0 From 3 Families in Monygaff , 600 0 0 From 18 Families in Kircudbright , 2580 0 0 From 37 poor Families in Lochruton , notwithstanding they wanted a Curate , 2080 0 0 From 12 poor Families in Traquair , 756 10 0 From Kells Parish , 466 13 4 From Corsemichall Parish , 1666 13 4 From 24 Families in Parton Parish , 2838 9 4 From 42 Families in Irongray , 3362 18 8 Summa 41982 12 0 In the Sheriffdom of Dumfries-Shire . From 51 Families in the Town and Parish of Dumfries , 4617 15 4 From 20 poor Families in Kirkmahoe , 1341 6 6 From 14 Families in Dunscoir , 1411 13 4 In Glencairn Parish , 2146 14 8 Summa of Nithisdale 9517 9 10 Summa totalis 51500 2 10 And although these Summs ( being Scots-money ) may seem small to strangers , yet considering that they are not leavyed proportionally from all the People , but some select persons within these bounds , and that there are 19 or 20 Parishes of which there is no account at all ; and that the great expense of free quarter by the souldiers , in most of the Parishes abovenamed ( which would amount to a great summ ) is not included , and that severall persons have not as yet payed , but are to pay their Fines and Cess ; and that severall of the poor people , through fear , at divers times have given bribes in money & other things to Officers & Souldiers , for keeping them free of Cess & Quartering ( notwithstanding whereof they were little or nothing the better ) and that the Parliament before , arbitrarily and for no alleadged crime , had exacted by their Act of Fining , from 132 Persons within the said bounds , the summ of 77120 Pounds Scots Money ; And that the Cess ( besids free Quartering ) levyed by the Souldiers , according to the Commissioner's Order , for alleaged Deficiency in Payment of the said Fines , extended to near as much as the Principal , Considering ( I say ) all these things , the Summs are very considerable , and much greater then could have been expected in so little bounds , and in a Countrey so poor and mountainous , and less fertill then many others in the Land. But the exacting of money was not all , but in effect a small part of their oppression : for the carriage of the souldiers in free quartering was very cruel , barbarous and inhumane , as will appear by these general aggravations and particular instances . Ordinarily in Quartering , they did not content themselves with sufficiency , but set themselves to consume and waste needlessly ; sometimes throwing whole sheep to their dogs , and scattering corn , hay and straw , they and their boyes usually saying , we came to destroy , and we shall destroy yow . Ordinarily when they had consumed the Landlord , they quartered upon the poor Tennants , and when they had consumed the Tennants , did fall upon the Land-lords , although they had conformed ; as they did upon a Gentleman in Kirkmahoe . Frequently these who conformed from the beginning , and others who conformed of late , did no less suffer then these who conformed not at all ; and some in severall Parishes , who had given all the obedience which was demanded , suffered more then these who gave none at all ; yea conforming husbands have been Punished by Fine , Cess and quartering for their non-conforming wives . It is also to be considered , that , besids all that the Countrey had thus suffered , the souldiers were again sent forth through the Countrey , and new Fines , Cess & Quarter were imposed upon the same persons and families who had been fined before ; yea , upon some it was doubled and tripled , so that some Yeomens were fined in 500 merks Scots besids their former fines . All which is the more considerable , that , although the Papists in that Countrey were very numerous , few of them were troubled , and these inconsiderable Persons , who were only fined in inconsiderable summs for the fashion . And particularly in the Parish of Balmaclelland , a poor widow with several fatherless children , after she had payed at severall times 320 merks , and suffered the Cess of 3 souldiers 17 dayes , coming to the Commander of that Party to complain of some wrongs done unto her , in stead of access , she is mercilessly boasted down stairs . In the same Parish an old deaf man , after he had payed 52 rex-dallers , and then given bond for 350 pounds Scots , was so tossed , what by being brought before the High Commission , and what by rude usage at home , that he contracted sickness and dyed ; and thereafter his poor widow , having payed 120 pounds , was quartered upon many dayes , until she was forced to leave her house , and through cold and double grief contracted a deadly sickness . In the same Parish a poor man , having been quartered upon and Payed 120 pounds Scots , was himself cast into prison , while 8 souldiers quartered upon him at home . In the same Parish , a Gentleman , who did ordinarly come to Church , was quartered upon by six souldier , notwithstanding that himself , his Lady and most part of his family were sick . In the same Parish a poor man being quartered upon 38 dayes , and having payed 48 pounds , and given bond for 150 pounds , though as is informed , he hath not so much as a free Cow , when he came to complain , he was beaten by the Officer , and returning , was again beaten by the Souldiers . In the same Parish , a poor bed-rid man with his sick wife were necessitated to beg , until he gathered three pounds to give for his Fine or Cess . In the same Parish a very poor bed-rid creple man was forced to pay 50 merks . In the same Parish a very old honest man , who being reckoned past 80 years , and unable to work in his trad being a Coupar , and scarce having the worth of a groat of free goods , but the Countreyes charity , was forced to pay 20 pounds . In the Parish of Corsemichall , the souldiers being quartered in a house , having lest some broth of mutton , did violently thrust away the hungry children from supping thereof , till first they set their dogs to leap it , and then did bid the children take what the dogs had left . In the Parish of Parton , the souldiers , horse and foot , after they had quartered 15 weeks in a Gentleman's house , till they had eaten up the Provision wherewith he should have maintained his family , having five or six small children , they forced his wife and servants to the doors , after they had been their slaves and servants all that time , and then Possessed themselves absolute masters of his whole houses , plenishings , cattell and what else was his within their reach ; and when some good neighbours had receaved the little ones for shelter , with great difficulty could they obtain one milk Cow of twelve belonging to their Father , for supply of the children . Nota. This Gentleman seems to be utterly broken , and hes been severall times imprisoned and miserably tossed up and down . In the Parish of Borg , in a Gentlemans house , the souldiers did quarter for 15 weeks , till they consumed the whole provision of the Family , which was well furnished with meal and malt and other necessaries ; they also destroyed the whole plenishing ( except one table which they left in case they came again ) even to the pulling down of the Partition-wall of the main dwelling house , and pulling down of an Office-house without the gate : All this destruction they committed by giving and selling one part within the Countrey , and sending another part to Glasgow , and breaking and burning the rest of it , of purpose that it might be useless for the owner , who was forced to flee before , & betake himself to wandering with his brother and their families . And after they had committed all this vastation , they also fell upon their Tennants , and forced them to bring in malt , sheep , fowls , and other things ( for their maintenance ) that they pleased to call for , and so ruined them also ; And two of his Tennants they forced to scatter their families , having threatened to burn their houses , besids all the destruction they had done to their Master and them before . In the Parish of Irongray , a poor Tennant having bargained with the Souldiers , to redeem his goods for 36 pounds , when he came to Dumfris , they would hardly take 50 pounds , so that he was forced to borrow the over-plus . and being returned home to shear his corns , and expecting no more trouble from them , they came back upon him , and took away his beasts and all , even to the leading away of his hay . The like was practised upon another in the same Parish . And further , some Maintenance imposed in the year 1648 , being alleaged unpayed by severall Gentlemen and others within the Sheriffdom of Nithisdale , letters of horning were raised by the Collectors ; which letters and executions thereof were suspended , because the same was already payed , and yet notwithstanding , Troopers were sent to Cess and Quarter upon the said persons , till they should make payment , although the suspension was not discussed ; and several of them , to be releeved of the heavy burthen of the Cess & quartering , were constrained to make payment thereof , and that by and attour the Cess for the same , which was far above the said maintenance , in so much that a Gentleman who at first might have payed for 30 pounds , the Party that went to Cess upon him would not aggree to remove for less then 200 merks , Yea after an order was procured from the Commissioner , for removing the Cess for the said Maintenance , a party of 8 or 9 horsmen , with their boyes and horses , were sent once and again to quarter upon some Gentlemen , until they were forced to make a new address to the Commissioner for removal thereof . By all which , that Countrey was so exhausted of money , that neither poor nor rich could get it to satisfy these men's demands , and the poor people were forced to sell their beasts in the Merkets below their worth ; in so much that they were forced to sell a Cow for two Nobles or two Crowns , the souldiers in the mean time standing by to receave the same , although the poor men had destitute families at home : Yea many families whose summs are not here reckoned , in probability are totally ruined , and many others scattered , and particularly in Lochrutton there are above 16 families broken , in Irongray the most part of the families are broken , beside several that are already put from house-keeping , the souldiers having taken away , both there and elsewhere , that which the People should have lived upon ; yea several Gentlemen , formerly in good condition , were put from house-keeping , and forced to wander , and be beholden to others for a nights lodging , the souldiers having violently possessed themselves of their barns , cattel and other goods . Neither is this all , the wickedness , prophanity and blasphemies of the souldiers , are rather to be abhorred and supprest then thought or spoken of , if the notoriety thereof were not universall in these bounds . In the Parish of Carsphairn , in an Inn at the Bridge of Deugh , on the Sabbath-day , some of them being quartered there , they most profanely and atheistically mocked at all preaching of the Gospel , saying , let us go preach , and then read their text out of the Cherry and the Slae ( an old Scotch Amorous Poem ) counterfeiting a form of divine worship , and as it is informed did sing an other part of the same Poem in stead of the Psalms , and used all other mocking modes , as if they had been serious at Gods worship . In the Parish of Irongray , an honest man retiring himself to the fields for secret prayer ( not having liberty at home ) was followed by the Souldiers , who drew swords upon him threatning to kill him , if they heard him praying any more , saying , Sir , we have heard yow many times howling , if we hear yow again , &c. Another time in that same Parish , the Master of the house was exhorting them to leave off their swearing and profanity , showing them the danger and hazard they were in of the condemnation of Hell , some of the souldiours mocking at hell most blasphemously answered . By my soul ere I go to hell , it shall cost God 24 hours pains ere he get me there . In the Town of Kircudbright , when one Captain Fin an horseman died , one of his Camerads coming to see him , and finding him dead , came near and rudely gripping the dead man , used this horrid expression , what , divell art thow dead , man ? and did not tell me before , that I might have sent a letter to hell with thee ( to such a camerade of his as he named , who had died lately before ) to take up my winter quarters . In the same Town also , as is informed , some of them conveening at the Cross , & drinking there healths , one of them personating ... ( Who dare express whom ) used this blasphemous expression to his Camerads , Ye are my Angels , and I drink to you all . But we abhorre to mention any more of this sort : only this is certain , that Atheism and Blasphemy is become so ordinary with them , that some of themselves are forced to regret it . In the Parish of Carsphairn , some of the foot souldiers did so barbarously and cruelly struggle with a man's wife to have forced her ( till she was rescued out of their hands by some women ) that she for fear parted with child , and keeped her bed half a year , being near unto death , and little hope of recovery . Also in a Gentleman's house in the same Parish , where they were quartered , they cruelly beat some of the servants to the effusion of their blood , for all the good service they had done them , POSTSCRIPT . BY these things , which have been done in Galloway and Nithisdale , as the Reader may compute , what vast susferings and horrid abominations must be in the whole Land , many places whereof are no less disaffected to Prelacy , when there are so many and gross , in so little bounds and so short time ; so he may preceave , what provocation that poor oppressed people had to endeavour their own preservation , and to take hold of any opportunity for vindicating their religious and civil Interests : and what reason others , either in the same condition with them , or upon the common ground of Non-conformity , being threatened and justly fearing to be shortly reduced thereunto , had , according to their obligation in the Covenant , for mutual defence and assistance in the common cause of Religion and Liberty , to joyn with them for their help . Neither should I have adventured to insert these instances , if ( besids the diligent care that was used in collecting of them , making them credible ; the notoriety thereof , whereby they were unquestioned in that part of the Countrey ; and many such-like things ( whereunto all that is mentioned , is but like a preface ) committed since Novemb. 1666 , especially in the Western parts , rendering them probable ) they were not the native product of this Prelatical course , betwixt which and them there is such connexion , as is betwixt the natural cause and the effect , and if the committers thereof had not had command , example and encouragement for many of them from the Prelats , whom they resemble as much as face answereth to face in water . It is true the Prelats should no more bear all the blame , then Sathan ( who restraineth none but tempteth to all ) should be charged with all the Sin of man , and they were and are first and chief in the transgression , who were their Authors and are their upholders and abettors , and in retaliation of their flattery of the Powers , and connivance at profanness in all , and in subserviency to their interest and designe , have perpetrated and permitted so much wickedness and oppression ; Yea the Peoples walking willingly after the commandement , will never Excuse those , who by Law , Force & Example make Israel to Sin : yet it is above contradiction , that Prelacy is the chief though not the only Interest , in subserviency to which all these things are done ; and the Prelats themselves are a conjunct if not the Principal cause thereof . These men having put off their former vizards , no man needeth further to unmask them . Let these who employed and maintained Sharp to agent their cause , and others who promoted him to the Prelacy , declare their own Experience , of his continued series of ungrate deceaving and undermining of them and their Interests , under Trust and professions to the contrary , as all men know that he hath Impiously and Perfidiously betrayed the Church and Cause of God : if they will not , Let his own many letters written unto them , be produced , as in reason and for Vindication they should , and they will evince him to be the Archest Traitor that ever Scotland bred : And how can it otherwise be ? will he who is false to God , be true to any man ? If that man escape some stupenduous and disgracefull remark by the hand of God or Man , I will not say , that Others need neither fear the One nor regard the other , but sure I am , that many more Experienced in the observation of divine Providence ; and forse●ing then I am , are much mistaken . Let the City of Glasglow , and persons of all Qualities , especially in that countrey-side , ingenuously say , whether that fiery Zelot for the height of English Hierarchy and Ceremonies , and otherwise insignificant man , Master Burnet prelate there , doth nor , in Just recompence of too many their enslaving their own light and conscience , in flattery of him , and complying with that course , most insolently domineer over them as his slaves , with as much Prid , Ambition , and Contempt , as the most absolute Prince doth over his vassals . Let these of the Synod of Glasgow remember , with what deep dissimulation Mr Hamilton prelat of Galloway , did by Express suffrage declare , before the last Synod there , against the same Prelacy , which at that same instant of time , he was clandestinly corresponding with the Rulers to establish . This man of all others , hath been the chief Cause of all the Oppression and persecution in that countrey , and thereby the Occasion of the late riseing in Armes , & blood that hath followed thereupon . One instance of Mr Honeyman prelate of Orkney I cannot ommit , that in the year 1661 , when Mr Sharp had discovered himself , walking in his own garden , he said to a famous person who can bear witness thereof , ( Just as Balaam spake truth whether he would or not ) That Mr Sharp was as false as Iudas , and I would gladly know , to whom this Casuist , who since hath embraced a Bishoprick , will Compare himself for fals-hood , except to him who entered into Iudas with the sop . I need tell no man who knoweth the Persons , of the brutish Sensuality of Mr Wallace P. of the Isles , who studieth more the filling of his belly then he was ever fit for feeding of a flock ; nor of the hatred of Godliness and good men in Mr Guthrey P. of Dunkel who while he was Minister at Sterlin , was an old persecuter of both ; nor the scandalous drinking of Mr Sraughan P. of Brechen , let those who visite him in his own house , declare how liberally he useth to entertain them with Wine there , upon their own Expence . It is true indeed , that Mr Lighton prelate of Dumblan , under a Jesuitial-like vizard of Pretended Holiness , humility , & crucifixion to the world , hath studied to seem to Creep upon the ground , but alwayes up the hill , toward promotion & places of more ease , honor & Wealth ; & as there is none of them all hath with a Kiss so betrayed the Cause , and smiten Religion under the fifth rib , and hath been such an offence to the godly , so there is none who by his way , practice and Expressions , giveth greater suspicion of a popish affection , inclination and design . If these men had not put off their own vaile , no pencil of the most skilled artist could have drawn them to the life , but now by shewing of themselves , they have saved others a labour , or at least made it more easy . And therefore I shall rake no more into this unpleasant dung-hil of the vilest vice , which they and their Brethren in Iniquity ( whom not nameing here doth not Except from their part of the charg of Ambition , Prid , Sensuality , Idleness , Covetousness , Oppression , Persecution , Dissimulation , Perjury , Treacheiy , and Hatred of Godliness and Good men , ) have heaped together in their own Persons , and transsused to others over all the Land. O the Immense long suffering and unsearchable Wisedome of God! who , hearing the cry of these things , stirreth not the Zeal of all to Execute his just Judgment upon these men ; but it may be , that he is ripening and reserving them , for a more God-like strok , then any would be acknowledged to be , wherein man were Instrumental . Neither are their Mercenaries , whom they hire as Postillions to ride upon the fore-horse of all their Wickedness , less skilled , but more foreward that way then their drivers . It were as far above the faith of any , who have not heard and seen , to beleeve , and might render any pen suspected of the want of truth or tenderness , to write the Hundreth part , as it it easy to instance incredibly much , but endless to relate all that is true of the Ignorance , Lightness & Profaness of these men . When I have told , that several lying in known and acknowledged fornication , without removall of the scandal , have been admitted to the Ministry by the Prelats who knew it , and violently obtruded by them & the Patrons upon the offended people ; That some of them after Admission , have been deprehended lying with women by the way side ; that Others have been found guilty of Actuall fornication , and of unanswerable presumptions of Adultery with other mens wives ; and that drounkenness is both open and frequent amongst many of them , I may well awake the wonder , the blush and horrour of the reader , but I have only begun to shew a part ( & indeed avery small part ) of these mens wayes . A Prophet he may be by way of prognostication , but let the world Judg what manner of Preacher he must be , who , offending that the people did not come to hear him , did , before the Congregation , Imprecate thus against himself , God nor I be hanged hut I shall make you all come . Another refused to pay the price of a horse before he pleased , ( which he used to boast privately would be at Doomsday ) because the seller , at the making of the bargan , in Civility said , Pay me when ye please ; and thereupon , to the scorn and derision of all , substained an action of Law some dayes before a Civill Court. Who will commerce with such horse-koopers ? but much less who can acknowledg such men for Ministers ? These men , being themselves generally without substance and forme of Religion , are such malicious persecuters of both in Others , that as I could never hear of one soul turned from Sathan to God by their labours ( whereof indeed there are many profane seals ) so they are become vile in the eyes of all , that are truly godly or but morally civil ; In so much that this is the only advantage , ( and indeed it is an advantage , for if they were more smooth and sober , they might be more insnaring ) that they do not wear a rough garment to deceave ; and though I cannot say , that their out-side is as unclean as their inner-side , yet it is such as saith in every mans heart , that the fear of God is not before their eyes . These are the pleasant birds , that are hatched and cherished under the warm wings of Prelacy , of whom though no man can speak the half of the truth to a stranger , without exposing himself to the Censure of partiality , Passion or being a Reproacher ; yet the Universall and incontroverted Notoriety of these things , in all places where they reside or converse , will absolve the relater before all men who know them . It is true , we do not charg every individuall with every particular , yet because they are generally true of Many , and being notourly knows and sometimes represented are not remeeded , they are chargable upon the Course , which being Sinfull in self , the Authors and Abettors thereof are participant of the guilt , and lyable to the punishment . And indeed the Lord hath already begun his controversy with some of them , not only by pouring shame and Contempt upon them ( particularly upon Traiterous Sharp ) and drying up the Right eye & blasting the gifts which severall seemed to have ( whether by their own negligence , which every man observeth , or Immediat judgment , or both , I do not determine , ) but also by visible cursing of their substance , diverse of them being necessitated through poverty to sell their tithes at half worth , long before they are payable , and others of them to remove , leaving more debt behind , then they are able to discharge . Neither have these men thus profaned the sanctuary only , & by the sins of the Sons of Ely made all men to abhor the offering of the Lord ; but from them are issued forth , such overflowing streames of wickedness over all the Land , that , besids all that is mentioned , there are other inconceavable & inexpressible Atheistical abominations said to be committed by men , which , as it is a Wonder the Devil himself should dare to act , so for fear of the great and dreadful God , and of offending the ears of others , my heart trembleth to think , & my hand faileth to writ . O Lord forgive , that ever anothers speaking , but much more Acting , should have occasioned my Thinking thereof . And yet as if all that is related were too little , for sanctuary to themselves , for further inslaving of the Countrey , & venting of insatiable revenge ( cursed be their anger for it is fierce , and their wrath for it is cruell ) they have procured two Proclamations , dated at Edinburgh March. 25. 1667. making mention of great evidence of many disaffected Persons in the Western Shares , who are ready to break out in open Rebellion , & involve the Kingdom in blood ; & of just reason of suspition that these Rebells will rise in Armes against the King and his Authority , and not only make use of the Armes , Powder and Ammunition concealed or transported from Enemies , but se●se upon the Armes of others , and invade the Ministers of the Gospel &c. And therefore for preventing and disabling of them to put themselves in Military posture , to make sudden marches or attempts upon other Subjects or the standing Forces , or to joine with other persons of Pernicious And disloyal principles , &c. commanding all persons within the Shires of Lanerk , Air , Renfrew , Wigton and Stewarty of Kire●dbright , who have refused or deserted publick trust , who withdraw from publick Ordinances , and keep not their Parish-Churches , or do not submit to the present Government of the Church , and all who being warned did not joine to suppress the late Rebellion , unless they take the Oath of Alleageance , and subscribe the Declaration , that after the 15 day of May next , by themselves or any other for their behoof , they do not keep any horse above the value of an hundred merks ; and in case of failzie , that the Sherif value & deliver such horses to the Informer without payment to be made therefore ; and before the first of May , to deliver to their respective Sherifs all their Armes and Ammunition ( allowing Gentlemen only swords ) under the pain of fining each Gentleman in 2000 merks , & each other person in 500 merks , whereof the one half to the Informer ; and commanding all Heritors and Parishioners to defend the persons , families , and goods of their Ministers , from all affronts and injuries , with certification that the sufferers and not opposers of the same , shall be reputed art & part , & he proceeded against with all rigor as guilty thereof ; and in case of surprizal , that they pursue , apprehend and present the committers before the Council , otherwise to be lyable to reparation of damnage , &c. What new and strange Policy is there here , that the Narrative of both Proclamations , in stead of concealing in the time of declared and continued War with Forrainers , should proclaime that there are so many disaffected persons , who are ready to rise in Armes , to seise upon the Armes of others , and weaken the Forces of the Kingdom , thereby expressing the sense of their own deservings , and the fears of an evil conscience , discovering their own nakedness to enemies , and encouraging Forrainers to invade with the more confidence ? Must these Shires , which , without derogation to others , do eminently flourish with men of Piety towards God and true Lo●alty , and during the King's Exile , did retain a more faithful remembrance of his Interest according to the Covenants , then many other places of the Kingdom , be , of all other Shires within the same in recompense thereof , rewarded with the Titles of disaffected persons , Rebells , men of pernicious and disloyal principles , and spoiled of their goods ? Whence should these , who being spoiled of all Armes , first by the English , and then by the Council since the King's return , be presumed to have concealed Armes ! What ground is there to suggest unto the World , the transportation of Armes from Enemies ? Must every man who will not throw away for nothing his Horse and Armes , which he hath purchased by his money , be therefore a seditious and disaffected person , and accordingly proceeded against with all rigor ▪ If none within these Shires must keep a horse exceeding the value above-mentioned , how impossible is it to labour much of the ground ? How are covetous wretches , in hope of gaining horse without Payment , and the half of the Fines for concealed Armes , animated to give in invidious Informations against the owners ? and many poor well meaning people tempted , to redeem their beasts at the rate of Perjury and breach of Covenant ? What an absurd thing is it , to punish men otherwayes innocent , only for not accepting or deserting publick trust ; whereunto they neither have access , nor can continue in without formal and express Perjury ? How irrational and unjust is it , to command ( under a penalty ) Parishioners to do that which may be impossible , yea without the compass of their knowledge , such as opposing , but much more apprehending and presenting surprizers ? wherewith , I pray you , shall these who must deliver up all their Armes ( reserving not so much as a sword ) defend themselves or any other man , against violence and surprizall ? We read in our History of a Law , whereby for repressing of Theft , men were not to shut their doors in the night , and satisfaction was ensured to the owner for any thing that should be stoln from him ; whereupon a Countrey-man alleaging his goods to be stoln , obtained payment ; but being found thereafter that himself had hid them , he was hanged for a reward to himself and example to others : Now what if some of these covetous and malicious Men should ( for who can rationally promise and secure , but that they who have done worse , may also ) thus abstract or cause abstract their own goods ? what if the Lord should immediatly smit them for offering strange fire ? or thieves and robers should fall upon them ? or evil Spirits in humane shape ▪ should haunt or hurt them , must Innocent people upon their invidious & false alleagance be therefore punished ? As if the Parishioners of Carpha●● should pay for Mckinney's silver plate , which his own servant stole from him . Ah Scotland , which the Lord planted a noble vine , wholly a right seed ! how are thow turned into a degenerate plant of a Strange Vine ? Where is now the Spirit of the Fathers , that ( as if thy inhabitants were neither Christians ; Men nor Patriots ) Religion , the Land , Ourselves , and the Posterity , in Bodies , Consciences , and Estats should be thus emancipated , to the Interest , Lust and Designe of 14 Prelats and their Hirelings , whom the Lords sparing is a greater wonder , then if he should convert them into Pillars of salt for their Apostacy : O Backslide● Scotland ! remember from whence thow art fallen , Repent and Do the First works , or else he will come unto thee quickly , and will remove thy candlestcik out of his place , except thow Repent . FINIS . 
A57976	----	A peaceable and temperate plea for Pauls presbyterie in Scotland, or, A modest and brotherly dispute of the government of the Church of Scotland wherein our discipline is demonstrated to be the true apostolick way of divine truth, and the arguments on the contrary are friendly dissolved, the grounds of separation and the indepencie [sic] of particular congregations, in defence of ecclesiasticall presbyteries, synods, and assemblies, are examined and tryed / by Samuell Rutherfurd ... Rutherford, Samuel, 1600?-1661. 1642 Approx. 820 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 252 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57976 Wing R2389 ESTC R7368 13233623 ocm 13233623 98601 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57976) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98601) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 437:10) A peaceable and temperate plea for Pauls presbyterie in Scotland, or, A modest and brotherly dispute of the government of the Church of Scotland wherein our discipline is demonstrated to be the true apostolick way of divine truth, and the arguments on the contrary are friendly dissolved, the grounds of separation and the indepencie [sic] of particular congregations, in defence of ecclesiasticall presbyteries, synods, and assemblies, are examined and tryed / by Samuell Rutherfurd ... Rutherford, Samuel, 1600?-1661. [16], 326 [i.e. 334] p. Printed for Iohn Bartlet ..., London : 1642. There is some print show-through; p. 1, 9-10 and 98 are stained; p. 16 and 113 have print faded in filmed copy. Beginning-p. 125 photographed from Cambridge University Library copy and inserted at the end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PEACEABLE AND TEMPERATE PLEA FOR PAVLS PRESBYTERIE IN SCOTLAND , OR A modest and Brotherly Dispute of the government of the Church of SCOTLAND , Wherein , Our Discipline is demonstrated to be the true Apostolick way of divine Truth , and the Arguments on the contrary are friendly dissolved , the grounds of Separation and the Indepencie of particular Congregations , in defence of Ecclesiasticall Presbyteries , Synods and Assemblies , are examined and tryed . By Samuell Rutherfurd Professor of Divinity at Saint Andrews . PSAL. 48. 12. Walke about Zion , and goe round about her , tell the Towers thereof . VER . 13. Marke yee well her Bulwarks , consider her Pallaces , that yee may tell ( it ) to the generations following . LONDON , Printed for Iohn Bartlet at the guilt-Cup neare St Austins-gate , 1642 ▪ TO THE HONOVRABLE And truly Noble Lord , Earle of Lindsey , Lord JOHN PARBROTH , &c. one of his Majesties Honourable Privy Councell . Grace , Mercy and Peace , &c. COnsidering ( my Lord ) your Lordships good minde and constant fidelity and care in advancing this blessed Reformation , and fending both your shoulders to hold up the Kingdome of our LORD JESUS , and also your singular respect and reall affection to this famous Vniversity , and the faculty of Divinity in this Society , I thought it rather a matter of debtfull necessity , then of arbitrary election and choise , that this little peece that pleadeth for the Government of the Church of Scotland , should thrust it self through the thick and throng of many worthier monuments of Learning , under the honourable Patrociny of your Lordships name . I am not ignorant that two blocks closeth the passage to many of greater parts and abilitie then I am , to adde ( I may have leave to borrow the word ) to the Presses child-birth● travelling with no end of making many books , and these be the opinions of men , and the event of Printing : I may say of the former , that Opinion is a Witch and a great Inchantresse , while men call for Bookes , as nice banqueters call for dishes to the Table , for they make such wide oddes betwixt taste-pleasant and goodnesse of meat , as if they were sworne to the roofe of their mouth , rather then to health and life ; so that it is much more obvious to please few , and gratifie none , then to satisfie all . And for the event , it is not unlike dicing , for it is doubtsome if Fame be not a lost prize in writing , and if the game goe not crosse the Authors haire . And such is our corruption , that the ayre or figures of a printed name is a peece of our self , and as our skin wherin our flesh and bones are kindly inchalmbered , and so were most tender of one penny breadth of this hide , or of letting one droppe of bloud of this kinde fall to the Earth . Notwithstanding of these prejudices , I have , howbeit most unable , dared to appeare also in the Presse , to say somewhat in way of a peaceable defence of our Church-government in Scotland . The pens of the worthy Reformers of the Christian Churches have beene so blessed in the conscience , if not in the evill eye of envy it selfe , that they have cleared the Scripture way of the Government of CHRISTS Kingdome to lye in a midline betwixt the Popes and Prelates lawlesse Church Monarchy , and the unorderly confusion of Democracie . It is not unknowne , the savoury perfume and honourable name that this poore Church hath gained , partly by the whole hoast of Protestant Writers and ancient Fathers , who have unanimously put downe in print , what wee have done in practice , according to our Nationall Oath , partly by the testimony of the blessed Lights , and faithfull Witnesses of IESUS . I might name Reverend Beza , learned Brightman , that manly and stout Witnesse of CHRIST M. George Wishart , the body of the Confessions of Faith. And it is as well manifest to the world ( Sunne and Moone being Witnesses ) what Prelates have attempted against Presbyteriall Governement , but one said well , I beleeve IESUS to be a good man , and the Evangell blessed , because Satan , malice and Persecutours have done so much against them both with fire and tortures . What dust of late have they raised against it ? in Church , State , Court , Parliament , three Kingdomes , in Rome , in the heart of King and many others , in Campo Martio , in open field , yea in the Sea , that the Sea should speake contrary to that stile of the Prophet , I travell in birth , I bring up children , and nothing could be the reason , but they saw the Woman looking foorth as the morning , faire as the Moone , cleare as the Sunne , terrible as an Army with banners , and when they saw Mount Zion beautifull in situation , they marvelled , they were troubled and hasted away . And what daring insolency is this ? when the Prelate could not finde his Father , and thought shame of his native Father Diotrephes , that one D. Hall and others have put him in the line of the blood royall , and printed him an office , jure divino , by divine right ; Their Predecessours were content of the good old , jus humanum . Yet I hope , put the Prelate in the Calendar of well-borne officers , bastard as he is , yet many must die ere he be here . This boldnesse putteth me in minde of the saying , Laus nova nisi oritur , vetus amittitur , except Prelates grow in new honour they loose their old honour . But why may we not hope that both they , their god-father the Pope , and their god-Mother Rome shall loose both new and old . God hath fetched as broken a Ship to land , and yet they will be of Divine Right : Is it not true that the Learned said of necessity ? Necessitati quodlibet telum utile est ? Any clubbe is a sword good enough for poore necessity , or then it is true , Necessitas egentem mendacem facit : Necessity turneth the poore man in a lyar , or which I rather thinke ; Necessitas quod poscit , nisi das , eripit . If you give not willingly to necessity , what it suiteth , it must take it by strong hand and club-law . CHRIST hath fairely begun to his Vniversall conquest . Gird thy sword upon thy thigh ô most mighty ; and blessed shall all ages to come call all these Nobles who have shoulders to carry one stone to the raising of the wall of this Temple , and to build the Citie whose name is the LORD is there . And in this course ( my Lord ) live , flourish and grow , and JEHOVAH build you a sure house , which is the prayer of Your Lordships obliged servant at all respective obedience in CHRIST SAMUEL RUTHERFURD . To the Christian Reader . I Am bold ( reverend and Christian Reader ) to appeare in print to contribute my weake judgement for the government of the Church of Scotland . In which suite I have to doe with foes and friends . To the former I speake not now , I meane Prelates , Papists and haters of the truth ▪ I doubt not but I am condemned in their books of both errours and crimes , my hope to prevaile with such is small , if that be true , Damnati lingua vocem habet , vim non habet , The tongue of the condemned hath a noise of words , but no power to perswade , except this be also true , Magna vis veritatis , Truth may swim , it cannot sinke . But I speake to the godly , the lover of the Truth , the sufferer for Truth against Antichristian Prelacy , ( which is but spilt Popery , or half-dyed Papistry ) who possibly liketh not well of Presbyteriall government . And to such I am a debtor for love , charity , honour , and all due respect in Christ Jesus , and a seat and lodging in my heart and highest esteeme . And to thinke of all such is both , as the Apostle saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meet . And also ( if it be beside the truth ) an honest and almost innocent error . Yea and to say to every one in whom ( as reverend Bucer saith ) there 's aliquid Christi , any of Christs new Creation , as Ierom said to a friend , tibi & quod possum debeo , & quod non possum , I owe to thee what I am able to doe , and more for thy good . And of these I humbly beg equity , charity , and unpartiall weighing of precious truth . I am grieved that this should bee put on mee which a Heathen laid on his friend , Amavit patriam quia suam , non quia patriam , he loved his countrey because his owne , not because his countrey . Seeing it's weaknesse to overlove a Nationall faith , because Nationall , and not because it 's faith . Truth naked and stripped of all supervenient relations is love worthy . And there is as great cause of sorrow that all the Lords people should not mind one thing , and sing one Song , and joyne in one against the children of Babel . Neither should I feare that , animo dolenti nihil oportet credere , sorrow deserveth no faith , Since my witnesse is in heaven , and my record on high , That I both love and dispute , I contradict and I reverence at once in this Treatise , and shall hope , if any be otherwise minded , God shall even reveale this unto them . And it is meet so to doe , since our Physician Christ can well difference betwixt weaknesse and wickednesse , and will not have us cast one straw , before any whose face is towards Heaven , to cause them to stumble . Love hath a bosome and armes to carry the weake Lambes , and is a bridge over the River to keep the weake passenger dry footed . Dearly beloved , let us all in one Spirit , one love , one affection , joyne to build the City that is named , The Lord is there . O that our Lord would be pleased to suspend the Heaven and glory of some , and that our Heaven might for a season be stayed out of Heaven , so we might live to see two Sisters the Daughters of one Father , and of one Mother , Ierusalem who is above , Britaines Israel and Iudah , England and Scotland comming together , weeping and asking the way to Sion , and their faces thither ward , saying , Come , let us joyne our selves to the Lord in a perpetuall Covenant that shall not be forgotten . And not that only ( for why should the Glory of our Royall and princely King , the plant of Renowne be confined within this narrow Isle o● Britaine ? ) but that he would make us eye-witnesses of his last Marriage-glory on earth , when he having cast the cursed milstone Babylon in the Sea , and sowne the land of graven Images with brimstone , and destroyed Idols out of the earth , shall be espoused on our elder Sister the Church of the Jewes , and the fulnesse of the Gentiles . O that Christ would enlarge his Love bed . And O what a honour to the servants of the Lord to beare up the taile of Christ his Marriage-robe-royall , in the day of our high and royall Solomons espousals . And what a second time-Heaven were it before eternities Heaven to have a bed in his chariot , which is bottomed with gold and paved and floured with Love for the daughters of his last married Ierusalem . And who knoweth but our Lord hath now entred on that glorious Marriage-suit ? Let us beleeve , wait on , love , follow truth and peace , be zealous for the Lord , and pray for the exalting of his Throne . And so I am . Yours in all respective love and observance , S. R. A Table of the Contents of the ensuing Treatise ▪ CHAP. 1. QUEST . 1. WHether the keyes of the Kingdome of Christ be conferred by Christ Jesus upon the multitude of beleevers , as upon the first and proper subject , or upon the Church-guides only ? p. 1. CHAP. 2. QVEST. 2. Whether or no some doe warrantably prove from Scripture , that the power of the keyes is given to all the faithfull ? p. 20. CHAP. 3. QVEST. 3. Whether or no the Church of beleevers in a Congregation be the first Church , having the highest power of jurisdiction within it selfe , and that independently , and a power above and over the Eldership , to constitute and ordaine them , and to censure , depose and excommunicate them in the case of corruption of Doctrine , and scandals of life and conversation ? p. 30. CHAP. 4. QVEST. 4. Whether or no our brethren prove strongly that the Church of beleevers is the first Church , having supreame jurisdiction over the Eldership ? p. 38. CHAP. 5. QVEST. 5. Whether or no some doe warrantably affirme the power of the keyes to be originally and essentially in the Church of beleevers , and in the Church-guides only , quoad exercitium , and from the Church of beleevers , as the Mistresse whom the guides are to serve , and from whom they have borrowed the use of the keyes ? p. 52. CHAP. 6. QVEST. 6. Whether Christ hath left the actuall government of his Church to the multitude of beleevers ? p. 63. CHAP. 7. QVEST. 7. If there be no true visible Church in the New Testament but only one Congregation meeting in one place , and no Presbyteriall or representative Church as they call it ? p. 70. CHAP. 8. QVEST. 8. Whether or no our Saviour doth warrant and allow a Church of Elders and Overseers in these words , Mat 18. Tell the Church ? p. 83 , 85. CHAP. 9. QVEST. 9. What members are necessarily required for the right and lawfull constitution of a true Politicke visible Church , to the which we may joyn in Gods worship ? p. 92. CHAP. 10. QVEST. 10. Whether or no it be lawfull to separate from a true Church visible , for the corruptions of Teachers and wickednesse of Pastors and professors , where faith is begotten by the preaching of professed truth ? p. 120. CHAP. 11. QVEST. 11. Whether or no separation from a true Church , because of the sinnes of the Professors , and manifest defence of scandalous persons can be proved from Gods word to be lawfull ? p. 149. CHAP. 12. QVEST. 12. Whether or no some doe warrantably teach that Baptisme should be administrated onely to Infants borne of one , at least of the nearest Parents knowne to be beleevers , and who are to be admitted to the Lords Supper ? p. 164. CHAP. 13. QVEST. 13. Whether or no every particular Congregation and Church hath of it selfe independent power from Christ Jesus , to exercise the whole power of the keyes without any subjection to any superiour Ecclesiasticall indicatorie ? p. 187. CHAP. 14. QVEST. 14. Whether or no the power Ecclesiasticall of Synods can be proved from the famous Councell holden at Jerusalem ? Acts 15. p. 199. CHAP. 15. QVEST. 15. Whether or noe by other valid Arguments from Gods word the lawfulnesse of Synods and Assemblies can be concluded ? p. 217. CHAP. 16. QVEST. 16. Whether or no it can be demonstrated from Gods Word , that all particular Congregations have of and within themselves full power of Church-discipline without any subiection to Presbyteries , Synods , and higher Church-Assemblies ? where also the question about publike prophecying of such gifted men as are not in office , is discussed against the tenent of Separatists ? p. 231. CHAP. 17. QVEST. 17. Whether or no some doe warrantably teach that no man hath Pastorall power to preach and administer the Sacraments as a Pastor without the bounds of his owne Congregation . And from whence essentially is the calling of a Minister from the Presbytery , or from the people ? p. 260. CHAP. 18. QVEST. 18. Certaine Quares or doubts following upon the Doctrine of independent Congregations ? p. 272. CHAP. 19. QVEST. 19. Doubts generally seeming to oppose Presbyteriall government discussed and loosed , as anent ruling , Elders , Deacons , Widowes , the power of Kings in matters Ecclesiastick , p. 280. CHAP. 20. QVEST. 20. Whether or no the government of the Church of Scotland can be demonstrate from the cleare testimonies of Gods Word ? p. 362. CHAPTER I. Whether the power of the Keyes of the Kingdome of CHRIST , be conferred , upon the multitude of believers , as upon the first and proper subject , or upon the Church-guides ? THe Question is not understood of that Royall and Kingly power of excellency and Independencie , called all power , which is only in Christ Iesus , but of the supreme Ministeriall power , ( as all expound it , Bucanus , Cartwright , Amesius , Parker ) that is given to the Church . By the Keyes wee understand not the Monarchicall power of Teaching , supreme defining Articles of faith , and judging the Scriptures , as the Jesuites of Rhemes doe dreame , Vulcane , not Christ made these Keyes . We deny not what Bellarmine saith , that the keyes signifie a Princedome in Scripture , as the key of Davids house promised to Eliakim . This key Christ only keepeth : Chrysostome and Gregory both say , that the care of the whole Christian Church was committed to Peter , which proveth not his Princedome , but only his ministeriall power , given to all the Apostles , as well as to him : but the Metaphor is borrowed from a Steward , or Master-household , who hath the keyes of the house given to him , to open and shut doores , at his pleasure , as Calvin , Bucan , Whitaker explaine it well , and it is the power of preaching and governing given to the guides of the Church , as servants to open and shut Heavens doore to believers , or impenitent persons . If wee rightly proceed , these distinctions are to bee considered . 1. There is a power physicall , and a power morall of the Keyes . 2. A power popular of the Keyes that belongeth to all , and a power authoritative that belongeth to the Guides only . 3. The power of the Keyes is in Christ , as in the formall subject and fountaine . 2. In the Church of believers , as in the finall object , seeing all this power is for the Church . 3. In the Guides , as in the exemplar cause representing the Church , as we say the image is in the glasse , and learning in the booke , and this Petrus de Alliaco , and Gerson hath the like . 4. The Keyes may be thought to be given . Mat. 16. to Peter , as Prince and King of the Apostles , as Papists say , or , 2. As Peter representeth the Church of believers , as some say , or , 3 As bearing the person of Church guides , as we shall demonstrate , God willing . 5. There is a power ordinary , and a power extraordinary . 6. The Keyes may be thought to be conferred by Christ , immediately , either by the immediation of Christs free donation and gift or or by the immediation of simple designation : in the former respect the keyes were given by Christ once to the Apostles ; and still to the Worlds end , to the Church guides , immediately without the Churches power intervening : in the later respect Christ giveth the keyes mediately , by the popular consent and election of the Church of believers , who doe under Christ designe and choose this person rather than that person , Thomas rather than John , for the sacred office of weelding the Keyes , neither is any man now elected immediately by Christ , as the Apostles were . 7. Then we may well distinguish in this question these foure , 1. Power physicall . 2. Power morall . 3. Power of order , and jurisdiction . 4. The use and exercise of that power . Wee are to observe , that it hath beene a noble and grave Question betwixt the Church of Rome , and the Vniversitie of Paris ( as Spalanto , and Robert Parker with others have observed ) whether Christ hath given the power of the keyes immediately to all the faithfull , and by them to the Pastours and Doctors , as the Parisians hold ( so teacheth Almain , Ioan. Major , Gerson and Occam ) or if Christ hath given the keyes immediately to the Church guides , as we maintaine from Gods Word . The mistake hath beene , that some Doctors believe that the power of the keyes , seeing it is for the good of the whole Church , must have some common subject , viz. the universall Church , in which it must for orders cause first reside , before it be given to certaine guides ; But neither Scripture , nature , nor reason requireth such a shifting of the keyes from hand to hand , seeing Christ can keep them , and immediately put them in their trust , whom he liketh best . Hence for the determination of the Question . I. Conclusion . The physicall power of the keyes is given to men as they are professors , that is , men , and not Angels are capable of that power ; for when they are made members of the visible Church , they are differenced both from Angels and Infidels , as Pagans and Turkes , for Angels according to Christs humble love and deepe wisedome , are not upon the list to be office bearers in his house : but this is not formally a power of the keyes , but a popular power about the keyes , whereby popular consent may be given to the key-bearers , for their election . II. Conclusion ; There is a power popular , but not authoritative ; a power of private Christians ( not an officiall power of charge ) given to the visible professors to make choise of their owne office-bearers : those against whom we now dispute , brethren , reverend , learned and holy , doe confound and take for one and the same , the power of electing or choosing officers , and the power of Ordination . And they make election of Elders ( which by Gods Word is due to all the faithfull ) an act of jurisdiction , whereas it is a private and popular●act , flowing from that spirit of grace in believers , and from the light of saving faith , and a grace that they call , gratia gratum faciens , grace whereby wee are accepted to God , as Aquinas speaketh , for it is that Heavenly instinct of Believers , whereby they try all thing , and keepe that which is good , and whereby they try the spirits ( even of Officebearers ) whether they be of God , or not , and know the voice of the Shepheard , from the voice of a stranger , and have their senses exercised to discerne good and evill . I denie not , but there is a twofold power of election of guides , one proper to believers , which is , as I have described it , their choosing of Officers , De jure , and should flow from this descerning instinct of saving grave in believers : there is an other power of election , De facto , that floweth from a common grace of discerning in visible professors , both is sufficient for Ecclesiasticall choosing of guides , yet both is but popular , not authoritative ; but power of authoritative jurisdiction , is gratia gratis data , a common grace given to many , that are never converted nor saved ; yea the office of a publike guide to save others , is given to a man that is never saved himselfe , and requireth some indowments of governing , that are not required in all the faithfull , as is cleared by Paul , 1 Timothy 3. Therefore Gerson will have us to difference betwixt these two , a Pastour ad utilitatem , and a Pastour ad veritatem , and a called Pastour , and a called Christian Pastour . And Almaine proveth well , that the calling to a Church-office , is not founded upon saving faith and charitie . This power of choosing is a power about the keyes , but not a power of the keyes . 2. It is common to all believers , who are not to take Pastours as the market goeth , upon a blinde hearesay , but officiall authoritie is given to Demas , and Iudas , and such men often . 3. It is given to women to try the spirits , yet women have not authoritie , neither are to usurpe authoritie over men in the Church . I desire in the feare of God that this may be considered by William Best , Henry Jacob , and the Author of Presbyteriall Government examined , for our Divines , ( as Daneus ) give the calling of ●hurch guides to the Presbyterie , and the approbation to the people Vrsine differenceth betwixt the judgement of Elders , and the consent of people ; and Bucer judiciously distinguisheth power from authoritie ; And Martyr , Calvin , Beza , Zuinglius , Viretus , Luther , so the Fathers , Tertullian , Cyprian , Ambrose , Chrysostome . In this meaning , said Augustine , the keyes were given in Peter to the whole Church , so our Divines are to be expounded , when they say the power is in the Church , and the exercise of the power in the guides , for that power which is in the Church of believers , is popular , not authoritative . III. Conclusion . The physicall power of the keyes is in all professors , as our first Conclusion saith . 2. The supreme morall power in Christ Iesus , formally and independently , To mee is given all power in Heaven and Earth , Matthew 28. 18. this includeth the power of working miracles , by the hands of his Apostles , all , as well as the power of the keyes , and is communicated to the Church not formally , but in the effect . 3. Power morall , about the keyes , as is said in 2. Conclusion , is given to all the faithfull . 4. The exercise of the keyes to preach , and administer the seales of Grace , to open and shut Heaven by the keyes , is given to the Rulers in some things , as they are scattered and single men , as to preach , and administer the Sacraments , without consent in speciall to every singular act : in some things , as to exercise power of Jurisdiction , the exercise , and the power is given to a communitie , not to one , Vnitati , non uni , as Gerson observeth from Augustine , and Augustine from the word , Matthew the sixteenth , for the Church not one single man hath power of Discipline : if one Pastour himselfe alone should Excommunicate , the Excommunication were null , both in the court of CHRIST and his Church , if a Pastour should baptize against the Churches minde , the Baptisme were valid , howbeit there were an errour in the fact , for power of jurisdiction is given to the members of the Church scattered , tanquam subjecto cuidam materiali & potentiali , in remote power , and not formally , but as they are met in a Synod in Christs name . 5. The power of the keyes is given to the Church of believers two wayes . 1. As to the end , or the small object of the keyes : and this we acknowledge as truth , for Christ gave officers for the Church , as his intended end , Hee gave some to bee Apostles , &c. for the perfecting of the Saints , for the worke of the Ministerie , for the edifying of the Body of Christ. But 2. The power of the Keyes is not given to believers as to the formall subject , that they may authoritatively make and ordaine officers . Hence the , IV. Conclusion , is this . When the Church standeth of believers , only as contradistinguished from her guides , it is then totum homogeneum , a body consisting of alike parts , where the denomination of the whole is given to the parts ; as every part of water is water , so every three believers of five hundred believers , is a Church of believers . Now if a Church should be in a remote Island , not consociate with other Churches , and yet wanting guides , our brethren say in this case , the power of the Keyes should bee seene to bee in believers , and they might choose and ordaine their owne officers . I grant they have great Schoolemen to say with them , as Almaine and Oc●am , and the Schoole of Paris , who say , if all the Cardinals were dead , the faithfull might and should choose the Pope . Sylvester in summa , verbo . excommunicatio 9. nu . 2. saith , The Romane clergie should have the power of choosing the Pope in that case . But C●jetan . Tom. 1. Epist Tractat. 1. Vasquez . in 3. part . Thomas Tom. 3. Disput. 244. cap. 3. 30. 31. doe better say in that case , the power of choosing should be in the hands of a Generall Councell , and that by divine right : Then by their minde supreme power or the keyes by divine right , is in the hands of Church guides . But great Schoolemen say , that the keyes by a miracle and extraordinary might remain in the body of the faithfull . But I say in this case Necessity is an unbooked and naughty Lawyer , and God extraordinarily should supply the want of ordination , as he can doe the defect of second causes : so that if God send some pastours to a congregation that were unwilling to choose their owne Eldership , Pastours might ordaine themselves Pastors in that case to these people , and God should supply their want of popular election , and this is all 's good to prove election to be in the hands of Church guides ( which both our brethren and wee deny ) as the other case is to prove the power of the keyes to be in the multitude . But we are now disputeing about the power of the keyes in a Church ministeriall , which is totum heterageneum , where the whole giveth not a denomination to the part , as every part of a man is not a man , a Church made up of only believers is not Christs organicall body ; where there are eyes , eares , and hands , and feet , as is meaned , Rom. 12. and 1 Cor. 12. for all are here an eye of believers , and all of collaterall and equall authoritie , neither is there here an eye or an hand in a ministeriall function above a foote . But wee now dispute about the keyes of a ministeriall Church , as Iunius saith , made up of integrall parts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ of Shepheards and Sheepe . V. Conclusion . The office bearers of the Church have the power of the Keyes and their office immediately from Christ , by the immediation of free gift : they have their offices from the Church , by the mediation of orderly designation ; seeing it is the Church which designeth such a man to such an office , therefore it is said , Eph. 4. 11. Hee gave some to be Apostles for the Church , he saith not , to the Church , as if the faithfull by an innate and received power from Christ , did ordaine by authoritie Ministers as their servants and Deputies , for all the authoritie is Christs , not the believers . I grant what is given for the Church , in some sense , is said to be given to the Church , as Chrysostome said , The gift of baptisme is given to the whole Church , but the power of baptising is not given to all the believers , as to the subject . This Conclusion I prove . 1. That is not to be holden which is not written , as our brethren hold . So Best , Travers , Parker , Ames . M. Iacob , so also Theodoret , Cyrill , Augustine , Ambrose , but it is neither expresly , nor by good consequence in Scriptures , no precept , no promise , where all the faithfull lay hands on men for the Ministerie , as Titus , Paul , and the Presbyterie doe , 1 Timothy 4. 14. or where all the faithfull doe binde and loose , and receive witnesses judicially against Elders , as Peter and Timothy have authority to doe . 2. Argument . If the word say that the power of the keyes is given to certaine select persons , and not to all believers , then is not this power given to all believers : but the word saith the former , er . The Assumption is thus proved , If these Offices that essentially include both the power and the exercise of the Keyes , be given to some select persons and not to all the faithfull , then are not the Keyes given to all the faithfull : but the Lord gave the office of Apostles , Prophets , &c. to some only . And God hath set some in the Church ( then not all ) first , Apostles , secondarily , Prophets , thirdly , Teachers , &c. And hee gave some to be Apostles ( not all ) and some Prophets , &c. Are all Apostles ? The major is proved , because to be an Apostle , a Pastor , &c. is to have a power given by Christ to use the keyes by preaching , binding and loosing , by censures , as an Apostle , Pastor . &c. This cannot be answered , seeing there must be another power to binde and loose in Pastours , and Elders , than is in all believers , women , believing children , and many believers unapt to governe . 3 Argument . To whomsoever Christ giveth the power of the Keyes , to them he gave a ministeriall spirit by way of speciall ambassage to remit and to retaine sins , as the Ambassadors of God in Christs stead , and them he sent , as the fathe● sent him , as is cleare in the Scripture , As the Father sent me , so send I you , &c. He breat●ed on them and said , receive the Holy Ghost : whosoever sinnes ye remit they are remitted . In which words , our Divines , Calvin , Bullinger , Musculus , Beza , yea and Papists , Cajetan , Toletus , teach that Christ here did inaugurate his Disciples to preach and exercise the censures of the Church : so also Cyrill , Chrysostome , Cyprian . But this ministeriall spirit , Christ gave not to all the faithfull , but only to the Apostles , for he sent not Mary Magdalene and Cleophas in this place , as M. Smith saith , and why ? because it is gathered from Luk. 24. 33 , 34 , 36. That Magdalene and Cleophas were there , ( saith he ) when Christ said , As my Father sent me so send I you , Therefore Mary also , and Cleopha● received a ministeriall power of the keyes , all as well as 〈◊〉 Apostles . I answer , but this place is all one with Mat. 28. 18 , 19. where they are commanded to preach and baptize , which is not lawfull to women . 1 Cor. 14. 1 Tim. 2. And it is all one with the Commission , Mark 16 14. which is restruted to the eleven . Another weake ground he hath , that the eleven were not made Apostles , untill Christs Ascension , Act. 2. when the spirit was sent , and untill he led captivitie captive , Ephes. 4. 11. but this power was given to all the Disciples before his ascension . Answer , a higher m●asure of the Spirit was powred on the Apostles at Christs Ascension , and by vertue of his Ascension , he ordained Apostles , Eph. 4. 11. but will it follow , none were made Apostles untill he ascended ? if this were good , by vertue of his death , wee obtaine forgivenesse of sinnes , by his ascending to heaven , we also ascend . But hence it followeth not , that there is no forgivenesse of sinnes while Christ die , and that there is no ascending to heaven of the spirits of the Patriarchs and Fathers , while Christ ascended . 2. That the Apostles were called , and received Apostleship from Christ in the dayes of his slesh , before his death , is cleare , Matth. 10. 2 , 3. and that they went out , and preached , and cast out divels . A second exception there is of some , who say , a concionall or preaching power of forgivnesse of sinnes is not given to all , to whom a loosing from sins by Church censures is given , as is cleare in our Ruling Elders , who have not power to forgive sinnes by preaching , yet have power to forgive , binde and loose , by Church-censures . Answer , We may distinguish where the law distinguisheth , for howbeit the power of preaching be not given formally to ruleing Elders , yet it is effectually in the fruit given to them , in the judiciall and authoritative applicatio● in the externall court of Christs Church , but believers , as believers only , have neither power to preach formally , nor yet effectively to apply judicially the threatnings of the word in discipline , to the judiciall correction of delinquents ; now the keyes in the word , and the keyes in the discipline , are the same keyes of Christs kingdome , as Amesius observeth , and the keyes of the word are the keyes of the kingdome , committed to all , either formally or effectively , to whom the keyes of discipline are given , but they are never given to single believers who cannot lawfully preach . Therefore single believers are not the subject of the keyes . 4. Argument . Such power of the keyes , without the which the Church of Christ is perfect , and complete for government , is superfluous , and so not of Divine , but of humane Ordination . But the Church is complete and perfect in its government , in that there are in it believers , Pastours , Doctors , Elders , and Deacons , suppose no power of the keyes , be in the communitie of believers . The proposition is Parkers ; so reason the Fathers , Cyrill , Chrysostome , Basil . Augustine , Beda : so William Best , M. Iacob , M Robinson . I prove the Assumption . The Eldership have no oversight in the Lord , and there is no necessitie or exercise of the keyes , as Elders , if all believers have a ministeriall power to bind and loose : as M. Smith and others , teach : and if all edifie by the keyes , as Parker saith , and judicially censure , excommunicate , and ordaine , or depose their rulers , as the English Puritanisme , and authors of the presbytery examined doe prove , from 1 Cor. 5. and Guide to Zion . For ten believers being nothing but believers by Divine right , or al 's well the governing Church without the Eldership , as having them , suppose all the Elders were believers . Where also there be twentie times three believers , they have all in their owne families the power of the keyes , and so there are twenty Churches , complete and independent within themselves , joyned in twentie neighbour families , all under one covenant with God , and flying all knowne sins . Now when Christ saith , If thy brother offend thee , and obstinately refuse to heare , tell the Church . Which of the twenty three shall the Brother wronged have recourse unto ? ( tell the Church ) as reason would say , must bee some visible Church , Senat or judicatorie , but all these twenty threes met within their houses are independent Churches , if they be believers as we suppose , and all visible Churches . Shall wee thinke that Christ hath left a grieved brother to a blind , Tell the Church ? and yet who can know this Church ? for all have alike interest in Christ , which of the twenty threes bee the Church that Christ meaned in these words , Tell the Church , by this doctrine none can dreame . 5 Argument . The multitude of believers hath either this power of the keyes from Christ , and from heaven ; or from the earth , and from men : for I thinke our brethren will not dreame of any ecclesiastick positive law , not warranted in Gods word , for a third , for this Papists teach . This is Christs argument for John Baptists ministerie . If from Christ and Heaven , it is either from the law of nature , or from some divine positive law : from nature it is not . For 1. the power is not naturall , but supernaturall , reaching a supernaturall end , the gathering of the Saints , Eph 4. 11 , 12. neither is this power such , as can have nature for its Author , as Almain saith , seeing it is above natures reach . And so also saith And ▪ Duvallius . If happily they say , it is from good consequence naturall , for because of the claime and interest that the faithfull have in Christ , Christs keyes are given to them , as God giving Christ , he giveth all other things with Christ. I Answer . This maketh no man , but a believer , yea no gifted pastour capable of the keyes , except hee have faith in Christ , which we shall hereafter refute , as contrary to Scripture . Neither can it bee from any positive law , or grant , or promise in the new Testament , that all the members of the Church shall be Princes , Rulers , Commanders , that Christ hath left none to be over other in the Lord. If this be from men , it is a humane ordinance , and cannot stand . See what Bellarmine saith to this purpose . 6. Argument . The power of the Keyes is either given to the believers as believers , or as they are such whome God gifteth for government , selected from amongst others , if the later be said , we have our intent , and the keyes must be given immediately to some selected guides : If the keyes be given to believers , as they are such , and under this reduplication , Then 1. All believing women and children have authoritie in the Lord over the congregation , which , as Duvallius saith , is not to be admitted , for quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Yea , 2. saith Paul Baynes , If the power of the keyes and teaching had beene given to all believers , all should have beene made Pastours and Doctours , though not to continue so in exercising the power . And so all must have the power of seeing , as the Church eyes and Watchmen , and all the power of hearing , as the Church eares , and certainely , the second act must proceed from the essence and first act , as moving must proceed from a living soule , to laugh from a reasonable soule , so to excommunicate judicially , to judge , correct , cast out , bind and loose , ( all which Parker and others prove to agree to believers from Matthew 18. and 1 Corinth . 5. ) must flow from a ministeriall principle , and so all must bee eyes , and eares , which is against the varietie of the gifts of the spirit . If the whole body were an eye , where were the hearing , if the whole were hearing , where were the smelling ? v. 14. for the whole body is not one member , but many , yea , a collection of many members . Hence , 7. Argument . That is not to be admitted which overturneth the order established by Christ of commanding , and obeying , and which everteth the integrall members and parts of a visible politike ministeriall body of Christ , but to give the power of the keyes to all , and every one , overturneth this order of Christs , Ergo , This doctrine is not to be admitted . The Major is undenyable . I prove the Minor. The ministeriall Church is divided , as Junius saith , in Sheepeheards , and flock , some are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Overseers and Watchmen , others , such as are to submit and obey : some are Watchmen , then they have some that they watch over : Some Shepheards , ergo , they must have Sheep : Some Ambassadors in Christs stead , Ergo , They have some to whom they carry the Embassage , Heralds , Witnesses , Stewards , Fathers , Saviours , Sowers , Reapers , builders , then they must have , a People , House , Sonnes , Ground , &c. upon whom they exercise their native operations . But if all have power of the keyes , and power to edifie by binding and loosing , all should be Overseers , Watchmen , Sheepheards , Ambassadors , and if all were Fathers , where were the Sons ? What a worke would this be , that all Christians must leave their trading , husbandry , arts , sayling , and oversee the Church , and judge and determine Church matters betwixt brother and brother . So Francis Iohnson reasoneth : Master Smith answereth two things to this . 1. The Elders ( saith he ) shall obey the voice of the Church , in things commanded by God , and all the Saints are to obey the Elders in things commanded by God , and these may well stand together . I answer , If we speake of divers kindes of obedience , it is true , people is to obey the Pastours and Elders using the keyes , here the sheepe obey the Shepheards , and this is the obedience that Christ hath established in his house , and the Elders as Archippus , are to heare the flock admonishing , no commanding as Watchmen , Fathers , Pastours by the power of the keyes , that they would take heed to the ministerie , which they have received of the Lord , and this is but private admonition , that one man , one woman , may give to their Pastours . Now one man is not the Church bearing the keyes , but this opinion maketh Archippus and all the faithfull at Colosse to beare the keyes , and command by power of the keyes , so that all are Fathers , Pastours ; Pastours by one and the same power of the keyes . His second answer is . All are not rulers : An incorporation may make a Major or Sheriffs , and yet the incorporation is not a Major and Sheriffe : So the Church may make Ministers , and yet the Church it selfe is not properly an Elder , or a Deacon . Answer , It is not alike , An incorporation hath a priviledge , but not any princely or magisteriall authoritie to create a Major , but the Saints have the regall power of the keyes from Christ , not only to make Elders , but also to judge authoritatively with coequall power with the Elders : by your doctrine , if the whole inhabitants of a citie may make a Major , and set themselves down in the Bench , as collaterall Judges with the Major , then all the inhabitants indeed were Majors , as all the Saints in Corinth did judicially excommunicate , why are they not then all Elders and Pastours ? Shew us any authoritie that Pastours have in governing , which the meanest of the congregation hath not ? And this maketh all Ministers , and all , to be Watchmen , Fathers , Overseers . This I take to have beene the errour of Tertullian , who will have Christ to have left all Christians with alike power . 8. Argument . If there be a peculiar authoritie in Pastors over the flock , that is not in the flock , Then the keyes are not both in the Pastours , and the people : but the first is said in Scripture , ergo , The later must also be said . I prove the Minor. What , will ye , that I come to you with a rod , or in love , or in the Spirit of meeknesse ? also . Therefore I write these things being absent , lest being present I should use sharpnesse , according to the power that the Lord hath given me , to edification , and not to destruction . Hence it is that the Angels of the seven Churches in Asia are rebuked for not exerc●sing discipline against Iezabel , and the holders of the Doctrine of Bal●m : which proveth the Angels had the keyes , els all alike had beene rebuked . Now that every one of Corinth hath the power of Pauls Rod , and his power given for edification , is most ridiculous . So Becanus the Jesuite . Can every believer say to a Church , Shall I come to you with the Rod ? Yet if all have the keyes , as the subject , all have the Rod also . 9. Arg. That which Christ will have to be a ministeriall power in the members of his Church , to the exercise therof Christ giveth competent and answerable gifts to the foresaid effect . But God neither giveth , nor hath promised , nor requireth answerable gifts for using the keyes in all believers . Therefore Christ willeth no ministeriall power of the keyes to be in all the members of the Church . The proposition I prove 1. God promiseth gifts to the priesthood of the new Testament . As 1. Diligence , Esay 61. That strangers shall stand and feed their flocks . 2. Zeale , Esay 62. That they shall never give the Lord rest . 3. That they shall be cloathed with salvation . 2. When God sendeth Moses , Isaiah , Ieremiah , he giveth them gifts and abilities for the calling . So ( as the Treatist of Discipline observeth ) it is oft said , The Spirit of the Lord came upon him , and he judged Israel . So also other places for this . 3. They are condemned who take on them a calling , and say , Thus saith the Lord , and yet the Lord sent them not , neither spake he to them , as in Isaiah , Jeremiah , and Ezekiel . 4. Where the Lord giveth a calling or power , such as the keyes of his Kingdome , the not improving and putting the Lords Talent to the bank , is a sinfull digging of the Lords Talent in the earth . Hence I desire to know from Gods word , these foure things , 1. If the power of the keyes be given by Christ to all the faithfull , this power is a ministeriall calling . Where is there a promise for light , prudence for government , to goe out and in before the Lords people , made to every one of the Lords people ? 2. Where is the tongue promised to them all in judgement , that none shall resist , and the consolations promised to them , in the discharge of this power of the keyes ? 3. Where is the Spirit of the Lord comming upon them all , and every one , that they may judge the people ? 4. Where are the believers condemned for usurping the keyes , and because being ignorant they cannot discharge that calling ? Where is the carelesse governing of all and every one of the faithfull rebuked in the word of God , as a digging of the Lords talent in the earth ? I adde two things to confirme this . 1. Our Divines disputing against the great Pope , the Bishop of Rome , and against the little Pope , the Prelate his god-son , and first born , come out of the Popes loynes , as Calvin , Beza , Iunius , Zanchius , Sadeel , Pareus , Vrsine , Whitaker , Reynold , and Amesius , Baines , Parker , Didoclavius , &c. They prove , if such power of the keyes and plenitude of order , and jurisdiction , were in these two creatures , the Pope and the Prelate , the wisedome of Christ in his Word , should have set downe the canons for the regulating of the power , besides the canons that concerneth all other Bishops or Pastours , for the heads or Monarchs dutie in the common wealth , is carefully set downe in the word , as what a man the King should be ; but the word hath no canons for the power of the keyes , and the regulating of that power , in all and every believer , man and woman . 2. If God set downe a Canon , and requires abilities in the Church guides , as Elders labou●ing in the word and doctrine , and governing , and in Deacons , that , he requireth not in all believers , then the power of the keyes is not in the Church guides , and in all believers also ; but the former is said , 1 Tim. 3. for it is required in a Minister that his power of the keyes may be said to be of God , that he should rule his owne house well , else how should he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , take care to governe the Church of God ? One may be a believer , and yet this is not required of him , as he is a believer , an Elder should not be a Lord over the flock , it is required of a Steward , that hee bee faithfull as a Steward , that he ordaine Elders , and these men of good report , that he receive not an accusation against an Elder : Now I hope , these are not required of believers , as believers , neither were the Epistles to Timothy and Titus written so much to these men , as believers ; as to them as holy Elders , and Pastours : And yet if the power of the keyes bee common to all the faithfull , these Epistles are written to all believers , primely to men , and believing children , how they should use the keyes , ordaine Elders , receive Witnesses , governe the Church . Deare Brethren , see this and consider it for your good . 10. Argument . That which maketh the government of Gods house Democraticall and popular , is not to bee taught : but this Opinion is such , as I hope to prove hereafter . 11. Argument . If the power of the keyes be given to believers , as believers , Then all , and only believers , have the power of the keyes : Quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That which agreeth to any thing reduplicative , and for this formall reason , it agreeth to that subject only : But all and only believers have not the power of the keyes . for the Major , Parker teacheth , The keyes were given to Peter , as a believer , not as an Apostle . I prove the Assumption . The believers three or foure may be excommunicated , and that justly , in which case they remaine believers , and yet being no members of the Church , cannot have the power of the keyes : also many have the power of the keyes , yea , and are pastours , that are not believers : as Christ saith , Have not I chosen you twelve , and yet one of you is a Divell ? Many will say to me in that day , Lord , we have prophefied in thy name , and in thy name cast out Divels , &c. and yet they are workers of iniquity , never knowne of Christ as his elect . So some enemies to Paul and wicked men , Phil. 1. Haters of the Gospell , and yet preached it , in such sort that Paul rejoyced that Christ was preached . Now if they bee not believers that are pastours , their pastorall acts of baptizing and administring the Sacraments are null , seeing they have no power of the keyes , many shall doubt if they have beene baptized , because they may happily doubt , yea , too justly doubt of the beliefe , and so of the pastours power of the keyes . Yea , six or ten professors and visible Saints are an independent congregation , and so have the power of the Keyes to appoint an Eldership , to Excommunicate , and yet these ten may be faithlesse hyppocrites : hence all their acts of the keyes are null . It is knowne , how Austin , Jerome and the Fathers contend that the Baptisme of Heretikes is lawfull . 12. If I shall once for all here cleare from Antiquitie , that the Eldership hath only the keyes , I also prove from Antiquitie , 1. A Presbyteriall and representative Church . 2. That the congregation of believers , is not an independent Senate , to ordaine an Eldership , and deprive them . 3. That the prime ground of an independent congregation hath no ground in Antiquitie . Polycarpus Pastour of Smyrna an hearer of the Apostles , as is thought , An. 143. willeth the Philippians to submit themselves to the Elders and Deacons , as to Christ. Irenaeus the Disciple of Polycarpus admonisheth the faithfull of the same . Tertullian , An. 226. saith , The Elders had the charge of excommunication and censures . Ignatius very ancient , if we believe antiquitie , describeth our very Scotish Presbyterie , and calleth it , a Senate of Pastours and Elders , that was in the Church in his time . So Origen , who lived with Tertullian , resembleth the Presbytery to the Senate of a Citie , and Ruffinus agreeth with them . Cyprian , the presbyters and other officers have the power of the keyes . So the Nicen Councell saith ( as the Mageburgen . and Socrates say ) Aurelius was ordained by Cyprian and his colleagues : he requireth that the multitude he present to consent , but that the Presbyteries ordaine . Cyprian ascribeth the same opinion to Firmilianus . So Clemens Alexandrinus , Discipline is in the hands of the Presbyters . Basil also establisheth a Presbyteriall Senate of moe parishes , as is our Scotish Presbyterie , and that by the authoritie of the ancient Fathers . Athanasius conjoyneth the people and Clergie in ordination and election , and giveth to every one of them their owne part . Jerome his minde is knowne to all . So Dionysius Alexandrin . The Synod of Antioch , writing to the Church about Samosetanus , calleth themselves Pastours , Elders , and Deacons . So also the Councell of Carthage . 4. Ambros. in 1 Tim 5. or the ancient author of that Commentarie , acknowledgeth the government by the Presbyterie to be most ancient . And Augustine against Crescon . acknowledgeth this , and Gregor . They both give the power of censures Presbyteris & senioribus , to the Pastours and Elders . So for this also Eusebius , Zonaras , Theodoret , Chrysostome , and farther Nazianzen . To oversee and governe is due to the Pastours . The Ancient confession of the Waldenses , An. 1535. offered to the King of Boheme , approved by Luther , Melanchton , Bucer , and Musculus approveth the government by Pastours , Deacons and Elders . Wickliffe , Iohn Hus , and Hierome of Prage adhereth to this confession , as Aeneas Sylvius witnesseth . This was a point laid upon Wicklisse , condemned in the Councell of Constanoe , as Bellarmine saith , That Ecclesiasticall power is given immediately to the Officers . So the Councell of Toled 8. yea , and Baronius himselfe saith , Christ breathed his power immediately on the Apostles , Iohn . 20. The Papists giving the highest power of jurisdiction to an Oecumenick Councell , teach this . The Councell of Constance saith , A generall Councell hath its power immediately from Christ. A Generall Councell ( of theirs ) at Lawsanne , An. 1440. A Generall Councell at Pisa , An. 1512 as they call it . So the Generall Councell of Basil confirmed , ( as they say ) by Pope Martine the fifth . So also many famous Vniversitie as the Vniversitie of Cullen , consulted , advised and required by Theodor. Archbishop of Cullen , the Vniversitie of Erford , of Cracovia , of Paris : To adde our owne Divines , Calvin , Luther , Melanchton , Martyr , Musculus , &c. were supersluous . CHAPTER II. Quest. 2. Whether or no some do warrantably prove from Scriptures , that the power of the keyes is given to all the faithfull ? IT is needfull that we discusse the Arguments of these who ascribe this power to the faithfull . And 1. Parker reasoneth thus , proving the keyes to be given to Peter , not as hee sustained the person of an Apostle , but as he sustained the person of all the faithfull , Mat. 16. Peter sustaineth his person here , whose he representeth in other places : but in other places he representeth the person of believers . Ergo , The Keyes are given to him ●ere , as he representeth the person of believers . And so the keyes are given to all believers , Mat. 16. in Peters person , who representeth all believers , giving in their names this confession , Thou are Jesus the son of the living God. Answer 1. The proposition is not sure , but a begging of the question , for sometime Peter speaketh as a believer in name of the rest , Iohn 6. 68. Mat. 19. 27. sometimes as a weake and sinfull man , Matth. 26. 35. and as a Satan and adversarie to Christ , Mat. 16. 23. Iohn 13. 8. sometime a command is given to him , as an Apostle , Iohn 21. 16 , 17. ( 2 ) I deny the Assumption . He answereth in the name only of these to whom Christ propounded the question , but Christ propounded the question , as Chrysostome , Augustine , Theophylact , Calvin , Beza , and Marlorat , say , only to the believing Disciples and Apostles then present , and not to all the believers . Parker his second and third reason is , The promise of the Keyes agreeth with the confession , but the confession is of all the faithfull . 2. The nearer occasion wherefore the Keyes were promised to Peter , was his second answer , but the question was not concerning any thing proper to Churchmen , but of that faith , That Christ is the Sonne of God , which is proper to all the faithfull . So Hilarie , Ambrose , Augustine , Theophylact , so Whitaker . Answer . We may oppose Fathers to Fathers , Origen , Hieronymus , Ambrose , Cyprian , teach , that the keyes were given to Peter as the first in gifts and age , and in his person Omnibus Apostolis & successoribus Petri , to all the Apostles and successors of Peter , and so Augustine , also , Cyprian , Optatus and Hierome : for unities sake Peter only receiveth the Keyes , but in him all the rest . See more of this in Almaine , and Petrus de Alliaco , and Ioan. Major . 2. I acknowledge the Fathers teach that Peter received the Keyes , as Basil saith , propter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the excellency of his faith . that he received the keyes for , and to all the faithfull , as to the proper subject of the keyes . God did promise an established kingdome to Ieroboam , if he should walke in Gods statutes : it followeth not therefore in the person of Ieroboam , that an established kingdome is promised to all that walke in Gods statutes . God might have rewarded the faith of Peter as he did the faith of Mary Magdalen , and not have made him an Apostle for his confession . God is free in his rewards , and therefore I deny that the confession of Peter , and his Apostolike dignitie is of alike length and bredth , for to Peter here is promised , not only the power , but the exercise of the keyes by preaching the Gospell , as is cleare , vers . 19. But I hope to all that believeth that Jesus is the sonne of God , as to many private Christians , women , and children , that believe , the exercise of the keyes by preaching the Gospell is not given . Are all Apostles ? are all Teachers ? 3. Suppose the Keyes were given to Peter , because he believed , and therefore as a believer ( which is a sickly consequence ) it followeth not , Therefore the keyes are given to Peter , and in him to all believers , as to the subject , but only that the keyes are given to all believers , as the object , and for their behoofe : To say nothing , that by this tenet all must bee believers to whom the keyes are given , else the keyes are not given to them , which is most absurd . Parker 3. Reasoneth thus . To be a Peter , that is , a constant rock , and stable believer , agreeth to all believers : Ergo , So doth the keyes to all believers . Answer . This reason , if it hath the strength of a rock against the truth , should prove that one constant believer , and that a woman , should have the power of the keyes , but one believer is not the Church , as Answorth granteth . 2. I deny the consequence , for so Iudas should have had no power of the Keyes , because he was never a stable believer , nor yet builded upon the Rock . Parker yet fourthly reasoneth . The keyes are promised to that Church which is builded upon a Rock , and against which the gates of hell shall not prevaile , but this is not the Church of Ministers , but the Church of believers in Christ that is builded upon the rock : Ergo , Answer . I deny , that it hence followeth , that therefore the keyes are given to the Church of believers as to the first subject , so as the Church hath in her selfe this ministeriall power : Only it followeth , Therefore the keyes are promised to the Church builded upon Christ , as to the object and end , for which Christ intendeth the keyes : for what is promised for the good , and behoofe of the Church , is promised to be given to the Church : as God promiseth to his Church in the Prophets , David , that is , Christ , Davids sonne , as their king ; that is , a King for their salvation , but it is not a good consequence , Ergo , Christs Kingly power is first promised to the Church as to the subject , that she may derive that kingly power from her to Christ , as our brethren say , The Church of believers doth communicate a Ministeriall power and authoritie from her selfe to all her Officers . See for this also Vasquez . in 3. Tho. to . 3. Disp. 144. cap. 5. Non quaecunque , &c. Whatever is given to Kings and Rulers , as heads of the people , are not given to the people . Sixthly , Parker thus reasoneth . To whom the meanes of building on the Rock , to wit , the opening of heaven , belongeth , to these the keyes doe belong : But the meanes of edifying one another , which is only by the word in mutuall exhorting , and rebuking , and comforting belongetth to all the faithfull . So Barrow . So M. Smith . If admonition ( saith he ) appertaine to every brother , why not excommunication ? for there is power to binde and loose in two or three witnesses toward a brother , and why not in the body of the whole Church ? Answer . 1. The Major is false , for the opening of heaven actively by preaching of the Word publikely , in a constitute Church , is only by the pastours , as the edifying by the seal●s is onely by them , but the opening of heaven passively , that is , opened heaven agreeth onely ▪ to believers . Now the meanes actively , that is a pastorall opening of heaven agreeth onely to officers , not to all . 2. Every edifying by the word is not an act of the keyes , for there are two acts of the keyes , one preparatorie , Gradus ad rem , vel mitium materiale , this is one rebuking one , and is not the action of the Church , seeing one is not a Church , this is onely a preparation to the Churches use of the Keyes , as is cleare , Matthew 18. 15 If he heare thee , thou hast gained thy Brother , the man is edifyed here , and the matter is not dilated to the Churchs as it is , verse 17. 18. The keyes are not yet used . There , is an other edifying by publike rebuking , this is Gradus in re , & initium formale , a formall act of the keyes , for if admonition private per modum communis charitatis , and not per modum specialis delegationis , were an act of the keyes , then because an Elder woman is to instruct the younger , one woman should have both the power and actuall exercise of the kyes towards an other woman : this is absurd . Their seventh Argument is from the Parisian Schoole , All things are yours , whether Paul , or Apollo , or Cephas , &c. So they cite Revel . 2. 27. So Robinson , and so Smith , so Parker . To whom Christ is given for a King , to them the power of Christ the King is given . Also to whome the covenant and Christ is given , to them all the promises , 2 Corinth . 1. 10. Psalm . 133. 3. Act. 2. 39. And so the power of binding and loosing is given . Answer 1. All are yours finaliter , that is , all are for you , avd tend to your salvation . 2. All are yours in fructu ; in the fruit that God bringeth out of all , Paul or Apollo their ministerie , out of life and death , that is , faith , comfort , salvation are yours , this is true , But all are yours , subjective , inhaesive , formaliter , All are yours formally and in possession it is false , for then yee should be all earthly Kings , all Pastours to preach and administer the Sacraments . 2. Christ and the promises are made to one single believer , and that a woman , a childe , but a single woman is not the Church , having power to bind and loose in heaven . 3. The promise of binding and loosing is made to the faithfull , that is , for their good and edifying , but not to them as the subject , for in that place it is said , The world , life , and death are yours , how can the world be in the faithfull as in the subject ? They doe not possesse all the world : how is death in them as the subject , except they be dead ? 8. They reason thus . Christ hath given in gift Pastors to the Church . Ergo , He hath given them the authoritie of Pastors , for God mocketh not his Church , to give them gifts whereof they are not capable . Hence Parker inferreth , that the power of the keyes is in the believers immediately , and in the Rulers at the second hand , and borrowed from them . Answer . First , I retort the Argument . Christ hath given the actuall exercise of the keyes , the preaching of the Word , and the administration of the Sacraments to the Church of believers : will it hence follow , that believers , because they are believers , are capable of the exercise of the keyes . This is against Parker himselfe . 2. Christ hath given Pastours to the Church ( in gift ) that is , to the Church as the Subject , and first disposer of these offices , it is most false , for the Rulers of the Church or Presbyterie is the first subject , and these who authoritatively under Christ doe ordaine pastours , the Church of believers doth only elect and choose them by a popular consent . Christ hath given Pastours ( in gift ) to the Church , that is for the Churches good and edification : hence it followeth not that believers are uncapable of Pastours in the way and manner that they are given to them . God mocketh not Israel , when he giveth to them David . as their King , but it followeth not the people are the first subject of the Kingly power . 9 Parker reasoneth thus , ibid. The power spoken of , Mat. 16. and 18. should be applyed to all the Church , and to Christs friends , not to his enemies , there is no ecclesiastick power in heretikes , and Schismatikes What is the cause , ( seeing both heretikes , and also believers doe exercise the power of the keyes ) that the keyes are given to the one , that is to believers , as to the end , and not to heretikes ? Surely as Gyprian saith , because the authoritie is given principally to believers as to the end , and to them principally , and to others secondarily , as they are esteemed parts of the Church of believers , and have their authoritie derived from believers . Answer . The power spoken of Mat. 16. 18. is given to the visible governing Church , whether they be believers , or hypocrites providing they be Pastours and Elders called lawfully by the presbyterie , and chosen by the people , and the power of the keyes is given to the eldership , that hath the oversight of the flocke , in the Lord , 1 Thessal . 5. as to the subject , but yet this power is given to the Church of believers to gather them in to Christ , and for the reprobate to cleare Gods justice , and to make them inexcusable , and there is no reason to aske a cause , Why both believers and heretikes exercise the power of the Keyes , seeing Christ gave this power to believers , and not to heretikes , for I say Christ hath given the power of the keyes to both , when he gifteth both with abilitie to discharge the places , and giveth them authoritie in his Church ; And it is a false ground , and not farre from Anabaptisme , that there is not Ecclesiasticall power in heretikes and Schismatikes . Iudas , and all called Pastors , and Elders ( suppose they be before God , but plaistered hypocrites and covered Wolves ) have no lesse the power of the keyes , as is cleare , Matthew 7. 22 , 23. Philippians 1. 16. then Paul or Peter . And also it is false , that Rulers have their authoritie from believers , they have their offices by way of ordination from Christ and the Presbyterie , and by way of popular election and designation from professors of the Church , bee partly believers , partly unbelievers . 10. M. Smith reasoneth thus . Christ gave the power of binding a●d loosing , Mat. 18. not to the Presbytery , but to Disciples and Bret●ren , because , vers . 15. 17. the Disciples move a question concerning the Kingdome of Heaven , and Christ teacheth that little ones , that is , Brethren and Disciples are not to be offended , but to be sough ! when they are lost , v. 15. he teaches the duties of admonition in the degrees thereof , for the winning of brethren : He speaketh of Brethren and Disciples , attributing to them power of binding and loosing , v. 19. promising the hearing of their prayers , if they be but two or three , v. 21. 22. teaching them remission of offences private , unto seventy times seven times . Answer . All this dependeth upon this Argument . If the whole scope and intent aime at Disciples and Brethren , then power of binding and loosing is given to brethren , which connexion is most false , and loose : Christ speaketh to believers of the power of the ministeriall Church , or Preaching , Baptizing , Ergo , Hee giveth to these hee speaketh unto , and to all brethren , power to binde , and loose , and preach , and baptize : This doth not follow , for so a power to preach and baptize is given to believing women . Christ speaketh to his Disciples as Disciples , of the dominion of the Kings and Princes of the Gentiles , of false Prophets , Wolves in Sheep-skins , ergo , he giveth to his Disciples a power to be Kings , and a warrant to be false Teachers , it followeth no wayes . 2. By a brother , v. 15. is not meant a true believer , but a brother in profession , else we are not to labour to gain , by this text , unbelieving brethren , and to complaine to the Church of their obstinacie , or to forgive them private offences done against us to seventie times seven times , which is against the course of the Text. 3. By this glosse , little Bairnes , which are not to be offended , are brethren , which have power to binde and loose , and preach and baptize , which is absurd . 4. It is cleare , by the Church here is meant a Societie different from the faithfull and brethren , that hee speaketh of : for he will have the offended brother to rebuke before two or three brethren in private , and if the offender heare not ( tell the Church ) Now three believers , to whom the matter is already told , is a Church to Master Smith ; for so he saith in that same place , Then Christ biddeth tell the matter to the Church , before the Church heare of it . 5. Neither doth the hearing of prayers prove a ministeriall Church , seeing God heareth the prayers of one believer in the Prison , or the Whales belly : but it is the doctrine of these , with whom we now reason , that six , professing Christ , being visible Saints ( who may be unseene Divels in heart ▪ and so neither Brethren , Disciples , nor little ones ) are an independent visible Church , having power to binde and loose : and therefore suppose Christ spake here , to his Disciples and believers , of the Churches power in excommunication , it is a weake collection , that therefore all Disciples have power to binde and loose : And these words , verse 18. Whatsoever ye bind on earth , &c. must be meant only of the Apostles , and of the Church , verse 18. yea , and it must exclude Peter and his offending brother , suppose they were both believers , because parties , by the Law of nature and Nations , cannot be Judges . But some say that these words ▪ ( What ye shall binde on earth shall be bound in heaven ) have reference to a private forgiving , an● gaining of a convinced brother before witnesses , vers . 15. And a brother in private should forgive another to seventie times seven times , 21. 22. Therefore private brethren may binde and loose . Answer , No private brother can binde on earth , for then one brother might excommunicate , for these words , Whatsoever ye bind on earth , &c is a ratifying in heaven , of the sentence of excommunication , verse 17. 2. Binding in private must be a not forgiving of private wrongs , which is a sinfull binding , and forbidden , verse 22. and Matthew , 6. 14 , And rather cannot be ratified in heaven , as Ecclesiastick binding and loosing is , verse 18. expresly made good and valid in heaven . 11. Smith reasoneth thus . The Covenant is made with the Church , and so the promises of the covenant , but cursing them that curse the Church , and blessing them that blesse the Church , Gen. 12. 3. and remission of sinnes , which is a part of the blessing , are given to believers , as a part of the covenant , Rom. 4. 7. 8. Therefore a power of binding and loosing from sin must be given , to the Church as the covenant is given to her . Answer . The covenant is given to one believing woman , ergo , by this reason also power to baptize , for Smith saith , page 51. By one and the same power doth the Church preach , pray , baptize , excommunicate , absolve . But this is absurd . 2. Cursing and blessing , Genes . 12. and remission of sins , Rom. 4. is not the private believers cursing and remission , but Gods or the ministers publikely and authoritatively as sent of God. And so it is a vaine collection . 12. Smith reasoneth . To whom Christ is given directly and immediately , as King , Priest , and Prophet , Vnto them all other things with Christ are given , Rom. 8. 32. And so the Saints are made Kings , Priests , and Prophets to God to forgive bind and loose . But Christ is given to all believers , and so the power of binding and loosing to all believers . Answer . To whom Christ is given subjectively and formally , as their gifted Redeemer to dwell into them by faith , To them all things are given either subjectively , as the personall blessings of the covenant , a new heart , remission of sinnes , perseverance in grace , or objectively , and finaliter , for their good , other wayes , if one manner of giving be understood in both ▪ it should follow that all the believers were temporall Kings and Princes , which is most false : for temporall princedomes are given for their good , but not personally to themselves : So the power of the keyes is given for their salvation , but not to all believers personally . It is in vaine to reason from the priviledges of believers as believers , to inferre that all Ecclesiastick priviledges are personally given also to believers , for then should all be Apostles , all Teachers , all the whole body should be an eye , and where then should bee the hearing ? And this man taketh away all necessitie of a calling by the Church to the ministerie , as doe the Arminians and Socinians . Neither can hee maintaine that there is a twofold power of the keyes , one remote belonging to men , as Christians : another nearer , that is ecclesiasticall , and given orderly by the Church : for he and his followers will have all believers , because they are believers in a visible Church actually to censure , bind , loose , absolve , excommunicate . 13. Thus reasoneth Smith and so Parker . The Spouse hath power immediately from the husband , the body from the head without any intermediating power . Ergo , The believers have power of binding without the mediation of Elders . Answer . All comparisons halt either in one legge , or other : Every like halteth , and the argument presupposeth a falshood , that the power of binding and loosing is in the Church of believers mediately or immediately , which we deny , it is only in the ministeriall Church and conveyed from Christ to the Spouse as to the object and end , in the fruits and effects . 14 They lastly alledge Fathers , Chrysostome saith , The power of baptizing is given to the Church . So Hierome . The whole Church hath judiciarie power over the guides . So Gratian , Hugo a Sancto Victo , Aquinas , Gerson , Councell of Constance , Almaine for this coteth Augustine . Answer . Wee are not subject to Almaine or Gerson in this question , they be otherwise expounded . What is given for the Church , is said to be given to the Church in the stile of Fathers : So doe Ambrose , Origen , Beda , Chrysostome say . What was given to Peter was given to all faithfull Pastors . And wee know that Chrysostome denyeth the power of baptizing to any but to Pastours . 15. They also adde this . He that may promise eternall life to a private believer , and denounce wrath on an unbeliever , hath power to open and shut heaven , But a private believer who should exhort his brother , Heb. 3. 13. teach and admonish , Col. 3 16. Comfort him , 1 Thes. 5. 11. may promise life to a believer , denounce wrath to an unbeliever . Ergo , He may open and shut heaven , for the word is the Key . Answer . One private Christian may use the key toward another this way , but these are not the keyes ecclesiastically and formally that are given to the Church , seeing one man is not the Church : But only the keyes materially used in a private way , as a common servant at command of the Lord of the house may use the keyes and give broad to the barnes , but it followeth not hence , that the keyes are given to him authoritatively as to the Steward by speciall office , because this servant of charitie useth the keyes , or rather that which is in place of the keyes , which is the word in a private way . CHAPTER III. Whether or no the Church of believers in a Congregation , be the first Church , having the highest power of jurisdiction within it selfe , and that independently , and power above and over their Eldership , to constitute and ordaine them by an intrinsecall power received from Jesus Christ , and by that same power to censure and depose them , when they become scandalous in life , or corrupt in doctrine . THe determination of this question , so neare of blood and kindred to the former two , is of much force to cleare many doubts in this subject . Hence I propound these following distinctions , as very considerable . 1. A Church independent is twofold , either a Church of believers in a congregation , having originally the power of the keyes within themselves , to make or unmake their officers . 2. Or an Eldership of one congregation , including the congregation that may from an intrinsecall power , without subordination to Synods provinciall or nationall , exercise all jurisdiction . This question is of the former independent Church . 2. A Church is considered two wayes , 1. As totum essentiale , this is a mysticall Church , consisting of only b●lievers , or of persons , as professing faith , a Church of faithfull , of Saints . 2. The Church is considered as totum integrale , made up of officers , and a flock , this Ames . cals an instituted Church , others a Ministeriall Church , as we consider John , as a believer , or John , as an Elder , or minister of a Church . 3. There is a twofold Primacie answerable , to this , One whereby a number of believers is the first mysticall body of Christ , immediately united to Christ , as a mysticall body to the head . This is a mysticall or Christian primacy ; or ( to speak so ) firstnesse or principality . 2. There is an other primacy or principalitie ministeriall , wherby such a number of men are the first subject of the keyes , having power of binding and loosing , first and immediately from Christ , as is proved , Ch. 1. 4. 3. Christ hath a twofold influence , as head upon these two bodies , one influence of speciall and saving grace upon the Church of believers ; An other common influence , communicating to the ministeriall body the power of the keyes and gifts which hee gave to men , to be Pastours , and Teachers , and Elders , when he ascended on high , and le● captivitie captive . Neither do they looke right on this question , who will have the power of the keyes an essentiall propertie of the Church of believers , for there is no reciprocation here , betwixt the propertie and the subject ; seeing the power of the keyes is in many that are unbelievers , and not of Christs mysticall body . Many warrantably preach Christ to others , and seale the covenant to others , who are unsaved men : remember the builders of the Arke : and many are Christs mysticall body , that have not the power of the keyes : All believers are not Eld●rs having power of order . Hence our 1. Conclusion . If wee speake of a Christian primacie and eminency of grace , the Church of believers sincerely professing the faith and believing is the only first true visible Church . 1. The essence and definition of a called and effectually translated company agreeth to them , and they are the called of God. 2. Because the promises made to the redeemed , saved and washen Church belongeth to them ; they are properly the Church builded on the rock , the loved and redeemed spouse of Christ. 2. This Church is the true body of Christ , which shall infallibly bee glorified with the head Christ. The ministeriall Church is his body also , on which hee hath an influence bestowing upon them common gifts : but not a body which shall infallibly be glorified , but in so far as they are true members of the Church of believers . And here observe , our brethren have no cause to object to us , that there is not a place in all the old or new Testament , where the word ( Church ) signifieth only the presbyterie or Eldership ( the contrary whereof , God willing , I shall shew ) but I desire that they will produce a place in either the old or new Testament , where the word Church signifieth a governing multitude , or a ministeriall company of onely believers having power and use of the keyes : yet this must be shewed in this dispute , if their principles stand good . 11. Conclusion . A multitude of believers sincerely professing the faith , is the first visible mysticall Church , because the definition of a visible mysticall Church agreeth to them , being redeemed professors of the Gospell . So the saints at Colosse , Corinth , Philippi , as not including their guides , is a true uisible Church . Before I come to the third conclusion , I must shew what our brethren hold anent this present question . The English puritanisme holdeth every Congregation or Assemblie of true believers , joyning together according to the order of the Gospell in the true worship of God , to be a true visible Church . And that this name is unproperly given to Synods or Assemblies ( of office-bearers ) so also the Guide to Zion . Parker maketh the Church of believers in any particular congregation , to be the highest and most supreme Church in majoritie and power of jurisdiction above t●eir owne Eldership , or Presbyterie , having power to ordaine or depose them , above all Synods of Pastours and Elders . William Best , citeth and approveth the mind of the English Church ( as he calleth it ) at Frankeford : the Ministers and Seniors severally and joyntly , shall have no authority to make any manner of decrees or ordinances to bind the congregation , or any member thereof , but sh●ll ●●ecute such ordinances , as shall be made by the congregation , and to them delivered . Hooker against Paget , They whic● had compleat and perfect Ministers , before any Classes had power to call those Ministers , they have authoritie above the Ministers . But a particul●r congregation had perfect and compleat Ministers , perfectly and compleatly called before any Classes . To this agreeth the confession of faith , of the unjustly called Brownists , that every Christian congregation , yea two or three sequestred from the whole , hath ●ower from Christ of election , ordination , deposition , excommunication of the Elders or Office-bearers set over them . And expresly M. Parker , a man otherwayes of an excellent spirit for holinesse and learning saith , That the supremacie of Ecclesiasticall power is in the Church of believers , contradistinguished from their guides , Paul and Apollo . Here we see our brethrens minde cleare , Ten or twenty believers in a congregation have from Christ , 1. The supreme power of the keyes . 2. They are the supremest and highest Church on earth . 3. Above Pastours and Elders , even convened in a Synod in Christs name . 4. Some few believers cloathed with no ecclesiasticall office may ordaine Pastours , and Elders , deprive and excommunicate them . 5. Give ordinances and lawes to the Eldership . 6. When Synods or assemblies of office-bearers are met in assemblies , and cannot agree in their canons , the matter is to be referred by appeale or reference to a company of believers cloathed with no ecclesiasticall function , as to the most supreme ecclesiasticall judicatorie on earth . These are points unknown to Scripture , which our brethren hold . Hence out third conclusion . The Church of believers in eminence and primacie of Christian dignitie is above the Church ministeriall as ministeriall , 1. In dignitie . 2. Stabilitie . 3. Causalitie . Indignitie . 1. Because the Church of believers is the redeemed and conquested purchase of our Lord Jesus , but all the office-bearers , or the ministeriall Churches of Pastours and Elders on earth , are not his redeemed ones , in so far as they are no more but officers and ministers of the house , except they be believers , and so they fall in to the redeemed Church which is a better world , than to be naked pulpit-men . 2. In stabilitie , because the advocation of Christ that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against the Church of believers , and the promises of the Covenant for perseverance standeth good for them : But no such promises of stabilitie are made to naked Church guides , but if they guide well , they fare the better ; only common gifts are promised to them which cannot take them to heaven . 3. In causalitie , the Church of believers are superiour , and above the Church of Church-guides , because Rulers and Officers are servants and meanes imployed by Christ for the Church of believers , as for the end , office-bearers are for believers , as the meanes for the end , but believers are not for office-bearers . Medicine is for our health , and meate for our life , and the end is the cause , and so excellenter than the meanes , because of these three respects , and of the necessity of consent of believers in all acts of Government . Christs kingdome being a willing people . The Fathers , Tertullian , Origen , Cyprian , Chrysostome , Augustine , Epiphanius , Ierome , Cyrill , Hilarie , and our late Divines , Junius , Chemnitius , Martyr Calvin , Beza , Willet , Fulke , Bucer , and our brethren Baines and Ames . doe ascribe a superioritie , and so an authoritie to believers , as to the fountaine and cause of jurisdiction above Ministers , and give the exercise of jurisdiction only to officers , not because officers have not the power , aswell as the exercise , but because the being and operation of officers is all for the Church . Gerson also in this subjecteth the Pope , ( and we every Pastour , suppone he were a double Lord Prelate ) to the Church , that is , to the Councell or Assemblie of the Church , and that in a fourefold respect : 1. Ratione indeviabilitatis , because the ports of hell shall not prevaile against the Church , but the Pope or the Pastour is a man ; may nod and totter . 2. Ratione regulabilitatis ; because the Church in a Synod may regulate and line the Pope or pastor when he crooketh , because hee is not essentially a right line . 3. Ratione multiplicitatis , because the Church containeth in it the Popes , or Pastours power , but the Pope or Pastour containeth not in his bosome the Churches power . 4. Ratione obligabilitatis , because the Church may appoint lawes to oblige both Pope and Pastour , but the Pope or Pastor cannot oblige the Church . Now as the Church of believers is above the Church guides in Christian dignitie and excellency of grace : for asmuch as the saving grace of faith is more excellent , than the common graces of the power of the keyes , yet in an other respect the Church guides are a Church ministeriall in authoritie and jurisdiction above the believers . Therefore Junius saith , the Pastour and the flock are in divers relations , above , and inferiour to one another . Hence , 1. Every one of these two Churches , are first and highest each in their owne kind , The Church of believers is the highest and most supreme Church ( I speake of a Christian supremacie and dignitie ) in the one kinde . Also a ministeriall Church is the highest and most supreme Church in its kind , to wit , in a ministeriall authoritie . But that which we prove is , that we see not in Gods word a Church of sole believers that is a governing and ministeriall Church having the keyes and power and exercise of jurisdiction over the Eldership and Church-guides whatever our brethren say on the contrary . Our first Argument is , Because such a Church , in name or thing is not in the old and new Testament . Therefore this independent Church to us is nothing , for the Antecedent we require precept , promise , or practice , for such a Church . 2. We have proved that the power of the keyes is no wayes given to sole believers , ergo , farre lesse can the exercise of that power be in them over their guides , except we establish a popular government , where all the members of the Church have the power of the keyes and doe actively use them , and judge , ordaine , consttuite , despose , and excommunicate their rulers . 3. Every lawfull power of jurisdiction is regulated by precepts in Gods word , But this power in believers over their guides is not so regulated , for Gods word giveth precepts to regulate the Kings power to his subjects , that he play not the Tyrant , the Masters power to his servants , that he deale equally with them , the parents power over the children that they provoke them not to wrath , , and so in all lawfull powers that are of God. But in no place hath God said . Ye that are the flocke and sheepe oversee and governe your sheepheards , nor hath he said , ye that are sheep , children , sonnes of the house , use your power over your shepheards , fathers in God , stewards in Christs house with moderation and longanimitie and wisedome ; nor hath he said , yee sons , ●lock and people of God , feede , governe , and rule these that are your fathers in God , and have the oversight over you in the Lord not as lords over the Lords inheritance , but as good examples to the flocke , yet this must be in Scripture , if this power be of God. 4 If the Eldership and Church-guides be rulers and governours taking care of the house of God , 1 Tim. 3 , 4 , 5. Such as rule well the people , 1 Tim. 5. 17. such as must rule with diligence , Rom 12. 8. and feed the flock of God , not as lords over Gods inheritance , taking the oversight not by constraint , 1 Pet 5. 2. such as are over the people in the Lord , 1 Thes. 5. 12. such as rule over the people and the believers , watching for their soules , and must give an account to God therefore , Heb. 13. 17. 18. Then have the Elders by divine right a jurisdiction over the Lords people in the Lord , and so the Elders in authoritie and jurisdiction are above the people ▪ And so by no reason can the people be over their overseers in the Lord , and command , watch , take care for their soules . They say divers wayes one may bee both a Sheepheard and a Sheep , the King as King is above the Pastour , and the Pastour being a man owes subjection and obedience to the King. Againe , as the King is a member of the Church , he is to heare and obey the pastor as the messenger of Lord of losts , according to that ( he that heareth you , heareth me ) and so may it be here . But I answer . The case is no way like ; for our brethren make the pastours and the flock to bee over one another , and subject one to another , with one and the same kinde of subjection . I grant Archippus is over the Colossians to command them in the Lord , but the Colossians are not in the same power of jurisdiction over Archippus , they may only admonish him to fulfill his Ministerie , but they have no authoritative power of jurisdiction to command , to deprive , to excommunicate : but by this learning , ten Elders with the consent of ten believers may excommunicate ten believers , and these same ten believers may excommunicate these ten Elders , and his ten believers , for there is an independent Church of believers on both sides : hence sonnes and servants may excommunicate those that are over them in the Lord , and watch for their soules . 5. That ever in a constitute Church , except where God calleth extraordinarily , pastours were ordained pastours by a multitude , that are not pastors nor Elders , but only believers and private Christians , is not to be read in the word of God ; for every where in the word , where pastours and elders are created , there are they ordained by pastours ; neither find we ever Apostles or pastours to be tried and found true or false , and not suffered to teach by the sole believers , but by the Angels of the Churches . If believers being only believers may ordaine pastors , and may againe depose and excommunicate , which are the highest acts of jurisdiction , then may they preach and baptize not being called Ministers , then may the Sacraments be administrate where there are no pastours , which is absurd to the Separatists themselves . 6 If the whole eldership in a congregation erre and commit scandalous sins , to whom shall we complaine ? not to themselves , for they are parties to be judged : nor to a Synod , for independent congregations acknowledge no authoritie of Classes and Synods : then to the Church . What is that ? To the believers : Then Christ Mat. 18. intended to erect no ministeriall Church at all , yea the ministerie by no place in Scripture have power of jurisdiction . If not by this place Mat. 18. for Mat. 16. the keyes were given , and the binding and l●osing ( saith our brethren ) to the Church builded upon the rock , but this was the Church of believers , not the Church of Ministers : Hence have we cause to doubt , whether our brethren acknowledge a ministerie which hath received the keyes from Christ if these two prime places faile them , whereas Fathers , Doctors , Councels , our Divines Protestants and Lutherans , popish Writers , Schoolemen , Canonists , casuists , acknowledge the keyes to bee given to the Apostles in these places : This doctrine will finde too great favour with the Anabaptists denying the power and authoritie and necessitie of the Churches calling to the Ministers of the new Testament . 7 What if the women and believing children be the greater part , shall they be the Church , Mat. 18. which hath the power of the keyes , suppose the whole Eldership and gravest Christians be on the contrary side . But the Elders with them being but three or foure believers gathered together in Christs name , have also the power of the keyes , and are essentially a true visible Church , and yet are overswayed by the manifest and most ignorant . 8 When a question cannot be determined by three believers ( viz. a complainer and three believing brethren ) who are witnesses , Mat. 18. v. 16. 17. ) which to o●r brethren is a Church having power of the keyes ) then Christ commandeth to tell the Church which hath power to bind and loose , that is , the Elders . When the Disciples and two Apostles cannot determine the question about circumcision , and the Church of Antioch cannot determine it , the practice of the Apostles was to refer the decision to Apostles and Elders , Act. 15. 2. 6. 22. Act. 16. 4. This doctrine saith the contrary , when matters cannot be determined by Elders and Minister , the matter is to be referred to the company of private believers , as to the Principal and sole supreme Church builded on the rock , which only properly and principally and essentially hath the keyes . And this is contrary to Apostolick order . CHAP. IV. Whether or no our brethren prove strongly , that the Church of believers is the first Church , having supreme jurisdiction above the Eldership . MAster Parker of good memorie , to prove that the Church of believers is above and superiour to the ministerial Church of Bishops or Eldership , 1. Reasoneth thus . The member and the part is inferiour in authoritie to the body , and the whole . But guides are members of the Church of believers : Therefore guides are inferiour to the Church of believers : So saith the law , The part is contained in the whole . So Gerson , and the fathers of Basill , as Aeneas Silvius cited by Morton , prove the Pope to be inferiour to a Generall Councell , and that he must be judged by them . Answ. We deny not , but the guides as guides are inferiour to believers , inferiour in Christian dignitie and eminency , and this in as far as the guides are believers ; for one believer is inferiour to ten believers , because a part of a Church of believers is inferiour to the whole : but hence is not proved , that the guides every way that are in authoritie and jurisdiction are inferiour to believers . The eye as a part is inferiour to the whole body , but as indued with the excellent facultie of seeing is not inferiour to the whole body . 2. Rulers as Rulers are not parts , nor members of a Congregation consisting only of believers , for in so far as they are Rulers , they are members of a Presbyteriall Church , and so they are inferiour in dignitie and authoritie to the whole . The Pope is a part and a base part of the ministeriall Church , but it followeth not hence , that the body or communitie of believers may censure him : neither may every whole , or every body exercise jurisdiction over the members : for then every familie of believers might excommunicate the master of the family , ten believers might excommunicate five . Every body that hath authoritie , and is a free incorporation within it selfe may censure every member , but as a company of believers cannot ordaine , so neither can they depose or excommunicate a Minister . Secondly , Parker reasoneth thus . Every meane is inferiour to the end , but Church guides are meanes ordained of Christ for the Church of believers , and the gathering of the Saints as Gods intended end . Therfore Church guides are inferiour to the Church of believers , and subject thereunto . So Paul 1 Cor. 11. proveth the woman to be subject to the man , because the woman is for the man. Answ. From this is only concluded , that Rulers are inferiour in dignitie to the believers , which is neither questioned nor denyed by us : but it is not hence proved , that believers have majoritie of jurisdiction above the overseers , or that overseers borrow the power of the keyes from the believers as from the first subject . The woman is inferiour in dignitie to the man , and the man more excellent , but the man ( suppose he be the end ) hath not a jurisdiction or Lordly power over the woman . Christ the mediator is for the Churches salvation as for the end , it followeth not that the Church hath a jurisdiction over Christ. The good Angels are ministring spirits for the good of the heires of salvation , Heb. 1. 14. It followeth not by good Logick , that the heires of salvation have power of jurisdiction over the good Angels . Thirdly , Parker reasoneth thus from the dignitie of the Church . If the Church bee a Mistresse , Spouse , and Mother , then her guides must be subject to her , as servants and sonnes . So Bergensis in the councell of Basill , So Whittaker , proveth the Pope to be subject to the Church as his Mother . Answe . The Church of sole believers is not the Spouse and mother of the Church guides , but the ministeriall Church of Pastours and elders is Queene Mother , that begetteth the sonnes of Zion to God , and so all the authoritative power that the mother hath it is from the Fathers and Pastours , that beget children to God ; Other wayes one private Christian that is a meanes of begeating a pastour to the faith of Christ hath power of jurisdiction over the Pastour , which no wise man will averre , when Divines subject the Pope to a generall Councell , they make him with good reason inferiour to a ministeriall Church . Fourthly , Parker reasoneth thus . If Christ communicate a greater measure and a more immediate presence of his spirit to the Church of believers , than to the overseers . Then the most supreme power of jurisdiction is given to the believers , and not to the overseers . So Whittaker , where there is m●joritie of power , there is majoritie of assistance of the Holy Spirit ruling the Church ; many eyes see more than one . ( I will be with you to the end of the world ) is promised to the Church . So our Divines reason against the Pope . Greater is the Temple than the gold that sanctifieth the Temple , the altar than the sacrifice . The faithfull cannot fall away , the guides , except they be believers may fall away , neither is there a promise of salvation , remission of sinnes made to the guides , which is made to the Church of believers . Ans. If the wayes of Christs presence with the believer , and with the overseers were one and the same , the argument would say some thing , but they are of divers kindes . Therefore I deny this ( Where Christ is more immediately present , there is the more supreme power of the keyes , or there is the power of the keyes more principally ) for it is a caption a non causa : for Christs presence by faith is not the cause of the power of the keyes Saving grace is not the cause why God giveth common gifts ; for then a holier pastor should be more essentially a Pastor . Baptisme administrat , by him should bee more essentially baptisme , then the baptisme administred by a lesse holy or a prophane pastour , this is the errour of the Donatists to hang the worthinesse of Gods ordinances upon the worthinesse of the instruments , one baptisme is not more essentially baptisme than another : Whatever be the goodnesse or badnesse of the Minister , the power of the keyes essentially is one and the same in all . God doth more assist and more abundantly blesse one mans ministerie than another , but the difference there is in the effects and manner of working , not in the essence and nature of the keyes , as we say a man of thirty yeares is more and greater of stature and a bigger man than a child of foure years old , but a man of thirty yeares is not more essentially a reasonable creature than a child of foure yeares old , for the nature of man is alike essentially in both . The goodnesse of God and his good pleasure is the cause why God giveth the power of the keyes to some persons and not to othersome , the grace and holinesse of a man is not the cause . It is dangerous to averre that the power of the keyes is more or lesse in persons , according as they are more or lesse sanctified and graced of God , for then Mary Magdalene hath more power of the keyes , and hath more ecclesiastick authoritie than Iudas , or any unbelieving Pastour duely called of Christ , and his Church . And therefore it is a sickly consequence to reason from the excellencie of the promises of grace and the measure of holinesse to the power of the keyes , or the measure of the power of the keyes . Our Divines reason well from a greater majoritie of grace and light pastorall , or of gifts pastorall or ecclesiastick to inferre the majoritie of power of jurisdiction , and of this speaketh Whittaker and our Divines , There is a greater measure of the Spirit of prophecy and of grace ministeriall , promised to the whole representative Church of Christ , convened in a Councell Occumenick , than to one man , the Pope , or to a Prophet , and they give , but doe not grant that the Pope is a Prophet , when they hold him to be a thiefe or a robber . Hence they prove well the Pope to be inferiour in power of jurisdiction to a generall councell of Pastours and Elders . 2. It is utterly false that they say , where there is more stabilitie of grace and holinesse , there is more authoritie and ecclesiastical power , When both the subjects are not capable of ecclesiastick power , now the subjects are so here , the Eldership is a subject capable of the keyes , but the communitie of believers that are private Christians , and no more , are not capable of this power , and they beg the question who reason with us in this argument . It is soule reasoning to say , the snow is whiter than a Raven , because there is more of cold qualities elementarie in the snow , nor in the Raven because the Raven is not white at all . Aristotle taught us long since at the Schooles that the comparative degree could not be ascribed to the subjects of whom the positive degree is denyed . Because a Raven is not white , it is vanitie to prove that snow is whiter than a Raven . Believers are not capable of the keyes remaining only believers , except God freely call them to the Ministeriall state . Believers ( I grant ) have authoritie of grace to be Kings and Priests to God ( for grace hath with it heavenly Majestie and authoritie ) but they have not authoritie officiall , or power ecclesiastick , they want both power of order and jurisdiction , except they be called Pastours and Elders , but then they are believers and somewhat more . But if they want power of jurisdiction , their power as members of the congregation is christian , popular , private , not authoritative , not a power of the keyes . Grace true and saving addeth a faire lustre to the power of the keyes , and doth graciously qualifie and adorn that power , but where there is no power of the keyes in simple believers it cannot adorne it : to please and embrouder a wicked man is not Christ. What is the power of believers shall be declared hereafter , if God permit . 4. Parker disputeth thus . The Church-guides must be subject to the censures of the Church of believers , whereof they are members , The Colossians must say to Archippus , take heed to the ministerie that thou hast received of the Lord. So Ambrose thinketh it the rulers , even the Emperours honour to bee subject to the Church . Nazian . calleth the Emperour himselfe a sheepe of the flocke , and subject to the tribunall , as Bellarmine granteth , and that ( tell the Church ) bindeth Peter , and the highest ruler . So Barrow , Every member is bound to the edification , service , and utilitie of the whole body commanded to reprove his brother , to bind their sins by the word of God , even their Princes with chaines , to admonish Archippus , yea , though an Apostle or Angell preached an other Gospell to pronounce him accursed , Answ. That the Prelate should be above the Church , and exempted from the lawes and censures of the Church , whereof he is a Prelate , is most unjust , and this worthy Parker proveth unanswerably . Emperours being pastours are under the lawes of Jesus Christ the highest lawgiver , and so Ambrose and Nazianzen say well . But hence is not proved , because the Collossians are as private Christians to admonish or rubuke their pastour Archippus . Therefore the body of believers have the power of the keyes to depose and excommunicate , and consequently to ordaine and lay hands on pastours , which is commanded and commended only to such as to Timothy and Titus , and in them to the Elders and Presbyterie , and that ( tell the Church ) doeth bind Peter and oblige all Pastors and Rulers , to be lyable to the lawes and censures of the Church , but by the word Church is not meaned the Church of believers ; but the Eldership of all incorporations ecclesiastick , respective of congregations , presbyteries and Synods , as God willing I shall make good . 3. Barrowes Scriptures are most corruptly wrested , for Ioseph a prince did bind in fetters the Senators of Egypt , therfore a private believer hath the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven to shut and open . What reason is there here ? An Apostle or Angell preaching another Gospell is accursed , it followeth not . Therefore a private believer , suppone a woman who is no lesse than a man , bound to the edification service and utilitie of the whole body , is to excommunicate an Apostle , or an Angell who shall preach an other Gospell . The keyes shall be too common , if all private Christians may put to their hand , and use them , because they are to teach , admonish , rebuke , comfort , and edifie one another in a private and popular way : any may see , it is one thing for one member of the body to help one another by exhorting and rebuking ( which is a worke of common charitie ) and for pastors publikely as the ambassadors of Christ Jesus , to use the keyes by publike preaching of the Gospell ( which is a worke of his pastorall charge ) yea these two differ as an act of obedience to the law of nature and common charitie , and an act of obedience to a divine positive law . 5. Parker reasoneth thus . Coactive jurisdiction as excommunication , is a meane of edification , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord , 1 Corinthians 5. 4. Now the soules of guides ( Parker saith the soules of Prelates ) shall bee in a wors● case , than the soules of the flocke , if they bee not subject to a particular Church , as Corinth : for they want that meane of edification which others have . Some say Synods are to take order with pasto●rs , and not the Church of Believers ; But Papists answer , The Bishop is to be judged by the Archbishop or Patriarch , if they shall scandalously sinne , then they are to be left to the Pope , and the Generall Councell , which cannot be had . Answer . I deny not but every pastour is subject in some things to the Eldership of the congregation , where he is , and if he were not lyable to lawes or censure , hee were a pope , but in the matter that deserveth deprivation he is only to be censured by the Presbyterie and Synods , for a number of believers , nay a number of Ruling Elders cannot deprive him , because they cannot ordaine a pastour : for the law saith well , It is one power of the keyes to ordaine and to exauthorate and deprive : But no word of God will warrant a number of believers to censure ecclesiastically their pastor , not because hee is their pastor and they his flocke ( for so the Eldership of his owne congregation might not ecclesiastically censure him , which I judge to be false ) but because the Church of sole believers hath not the power of the keyes , and they have not power to censure any other believer , except in a private way , as fellow members of that same body : but in a constitute . Church , a Colledge of pastors and Elders only hath power to deprive or excommunicate a pastour , and there remaineth CHRISTS way of edification , that hee bee in this case censured by Synods . But yee will say , this is the Papists answer . I answer , it is not , for they will have the pastour censured by the Prelate , the Prelate by the Arch-Prelate , which we deny as Antichristian , for all are to be by the Church . But Synods m●y erre . Then appe●le to a greater Synod , for united force is stronger . But they also ( you will say ) may errr● , I answer , and the Congregation of sole beleevers is not free from error , but this doctrine of our brethren shall resolve all government in the hands of th● people , as in the highest and most soveraigne ju●icature , which is to make all Pastors , all oversee●● , all Judges . 6. Parker reasoneth from the necessary defence of the Church . Every particular Church is an Armie , a Ship , a body , 1 Cor. 12. Therefore when they are neare danger , they have power to take order with a drunken Pilot , and put him from the rud●er , and to take order with a tyrann●u● Capt●ine , and to purge out the filth and excrements of the body . So politicians , as Keckerman , Hottomanus say a wicked Magistrate is to be deposed , if no other remedy can be found , So Gerson . Answ. It is one thing what a multitude may doe in a desperate case of necessity , when overseers will not by their authority remove a wolfe and a false teacher , extremis morbis extrema remedia ; Hard diseases and desperate have need of desperate cures . But it is an o●her case when in a constitute Church , there is a government of Christ established , for there are two things to bee considered here . 1. A popular , but withall a private substraction and separation from the Ministery of a knowne Wolfe and seducer , and this the Law of nature will warrand , than licet tutelâ inculpatâ uti as Parker saith from Saravia . So the son may save himselfe by a just defence in ●leeing from his madde father , or his distracted friend comming to kill him . Now this defence is not an authoritative act , nor act judiciall of authoritie , but an act naturall that is common to any private person , yea to all without the true Church as well as within to take that care in extreme necessity , for the safety of their soules , that they would doe for the safetie of their bodies . 2. The question is whether the community of beleevers may doe this , that is , whether they by the power of the keyes given them by Jesus Christ may deprive and excommunicate the Pastor , because the Law of Nature in some cases may warrant a private separation from a corrupt ministery . 3. The case is not a like here as in a free Common-wealth , for a free Common-Wealth containeth , Ordines regni , the estates that have nomotheticke power , and they not only by the Law of Nature may use justa tutela , a necessary defence of their life 's from a Tyrants fury , but also by the Law of Nations may authoritatively represse and limite him as is proved by Iunius Brutus , Bucherius , Althusius , H●nonius . Therefore Henning , Amisaeus , do well distinguish betweene plebem & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 populum , for indeed the multitude excluding the States , or the base of the people can hardly have an other Law against a Tyrant , then the Law of Nature , but the Common-wealth including the estates of a free kingdome , hath an authoritative . So Isiodor , Origen , Aristotle , Plato , Tit. Livius , Plutarch , and that of the Councell of Basil , Plus valet regnum , quam rex , the Kingdome is more worth than the King , ( as Silvius citeth , ) is approved by all : but the multitude of sole beleevers , have not the keyes at all and therefore they can doe no other thing , but use a necessary defence of their soules . And what Keckerman and Hottoman saith is not against us . Also Gerson in name of the Parisians , going to the Councell of Pisan , saith a Councell may be gathered without the Pope ( without the guides ) of the Church ) two wayes , Charitative , when Charity reigneth . 2. Authoritative , when the case of the Churches ruine requireth that a Councell should bee , and if the Pope ( and Pastors ) refuse to convene ; and the necessary defence of soules is the like here . 7. No power is given to Pastors absolutely , but to edification , and so upon condition , and therefore if the condition cease , the power ceaseth : But say yee , It ceaseth ; What then ? it followeth not they should be deprived , by the Church , but by the Synod : yea , but you will say , it followeth , for the power is not given for the edification of the Synod , and not for their destruction , but for the edification of the Church , and this destroyeth the Church . Also Synods cannot alwayes bee had . Answ. If the power bee abused wholly , it ceaseth and the Pastor before God , in foro interno , hath losed his power ; If it bee abused in one or two acts , it is not losed , else a King doing against judgment and justice , and a Pastor doing against pietie should leave off to be a King , and Pastor ; which is hard to affirm . 2. The power authoritative , is given by the Presbytery for the edification of the Church principally , and for the edifying of Synods and Elderships , Secondarily , but hence it followeth not that this power should bee taken away by the Church of sole beleevers . Object . Synods ( saith hee ) cannot bee had ordinarily . Answ. So neither publike preaching at some times ; It followeth not therefore that publike preaching is not a meane of edifying , because through accident , and iniquitie of time the publike preaching cannot be had . 8 Parker reasoneth from the stability of the Church . Where there is more stabilitie , there is more authority , as our Divines reason , proving the Pope to be inferiour to the Councell . 1. A Church cannot be gathered in the name of Christ , but there is the power of Christ , 1 Cor. 5. 4. Matth. 18. But a Church may be , and was constitute at first , saith Saravia , without El●ers and Pastors . 2. The Church hath ecclesiasticke au●hority , when the overseers are absent , as in the reformed Churches , or when by heresie they lose their authority , the authority of the overseers , dependeth on the Church , but the authority of the Church dependeth not on the overseers . 3. When the Pastor is dead , the Church keepeth still her authoritie , when the Pope is ( saith Bellarmine ) the keyes remaine in the Christs hands , and he giveth them to the next Pope : Behold fleeing keyes ( saith Morton . ) Ans. A ministeriall Church is never gathered in Christs name , while there be a ministerie , unlesse you would say , Peter is a man before he be a reasonable creature which is a contradiction , some few beleevers may meete together , but they cannot preach , baptize , censure , while Christs power of the keyes bee given them , except by an extraordinary power from I. C. 2. What if a Church of beleevers bee by order of nature , before there be overseers ? Yet have they not the keyes while CHRIST call some of their number out to give them the Keyes , for there was no power of the Keyes of the New Testament , while Christ gave it to Iohn Baptist , and called the twelve Disciples ; else their calling to bee Apostles should not bee a conferring on them the Keyes , which is false : for when , Matth. 10. 1 , 5. they are sent out with power to preach , he gave them the Keyes , ●nd yet they were a Church of Disciples before , and first called to faith , and then to the Keyes , and to the Apostleship . 2. The Church of beleevers have no authority Ecclesiasticall , nor power of the Keyes , if all the Pastors on earth were removed from the Church by Death , and in that case the Keyes should indeed bee only in Christs-hand , and the case being extraordinary , Christ behoved extraordinarily , to supply the want of ordination , which Timothy , Titus , and other Elders doth ordinarily give , for the Church of beleevers could not give that which they have not , and yet Bellarmines Keyes are ●leeing Keyes , for he hath no cause to say , when the Pope dieth ; The Keyes flee to Heaven , for there are living many thousand Pastors and Elders who have the Keyes suppone the Pope died , and never lived again . 10. Parker reasoneth thus , If Peter stand up , Acts 2. in signe of reverence ( as standing is in Scripture , Numbers . 16. 9. 1. ●hro . 19. 11. Ezec. 44. 11. John 3. 29. ) before the multitude of believers , then he acknowledged their authority above his ; But Peter did the former , Acts 2. Answ. This argument concludeth not the power of the Keyes to bee in the multitude : There is Authority of grace in a multitude professing the Truth but not power of the Keyes , and certainely we denie not simply , but beleevers are farre above all overseers . But the question now is of superioritie and honour of jurisdiction . 11. If nothing must be done in a Church without the common consent of believers , then beleevers have jurisdiction above their over-seers ; but the former is true . Act 15. Act. 1. I may adde what these of the Separation say . The faithfull had knowledge and consent in elections , Act. 1. 15 , 23 , 26. Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 5. and 14 , 23. and 15. 23 25. For hearing and deciding Ecclesiasticall controversies , Act. 11. 2 , 18. and 15. 2 , 22. and 21. 18. 22. for writing generall letters . Act. 15. 25. for sending some to build other Churches , Act. 11. 22. for sending the benevolence of Brethren to other Churches , 1 Cor. 16. 3. and 2 Cor. 8. 19. for excommunication , 1 Cor. 5. Mat. 18. Ans. If this be a good Argument , All publike Church businesse is to be done by knowledge and consent of beleevers , and cannot be done by their over-seers done . Therfore the faithfull have jurisdiction over the over-seers . Answ. We will borrow the Argument ( and give it back againe ) for us ; no publike businesse is to be done without the knowledge and consent of Eldership . Ergo , The Eldership hath the jurisdiction . 2. That all be done by their consent , I grant , but with these distinctions , 1. Their quiet and tacite consent , for there is not required an expresse consent by word of mouth of all the multitude ( as of women ) speaking in the Church , for they should give reasons of their consent , if an expresse consent be required . 2 Consent of manyest , not all , els the Churches deed should bind none absent . 3. A consent popular , not judiciall , els they are all made Judges . 4. Their privity is thought a consent ; how could six thousand that our Bretheren make an independent Church in the Apostles time all speake . 2. All judge in Excommunication . 3 ▪ All reason , dispute , propone , answer , as Judges must doe ; heere grave Beza , our Divines Calvine , Bucer , Bullinger , Melancton , Beza , Bucan , Pareus , Rivetus , Sibrandus , Junius , Treleatius , the fathers Cyprian , Jerome , Augustine , Nazianzen , Chrysostome , Ambrose , Theodoret , Theophylact require all to be done , consentiente plebe . But my Bretheren , what if there be a discord , and beleevers deny consent . In a matter of Excommunication Zepperus , Zanchius , Beza , Bucanus , Pareus thinke the Eldership should not excommunicate . 2. But what if the contagion of the not excommunicated leaven the whole lump ? I see not how believers have a negative consent . 3. If the matter be a point of necessary truth to be determined , and the Pastours and Elders in the Lord and from his Word command it as a necessary truth to be obeyed , but the Beleevers consent not , I aske whither or not that which Watchmen command from Gods Word and authoritatively and judicially in his name , ought not to stand as an obliging Mandat and Canon , even when the Beleevers gain-say ? Our Bretheren say , the Mandat tyeth and obligeth materially and in it selfe , but not ecclesiastically , because beleevers doe not consent , it hath not the force of a Canon , seeing they have the keyes . Ans. But this Canon ( Arrianisme is Heresie ) we suppose is all one both materially and Ecclesiastically , according to that ( Hee that heareth you , heareth me ) and so it tyeth being determined by Pastours with others Synodically conveened . Shall it oblige the one way Ecclesiastically being preached , and not the other way being Synodically determined , because the people consenteth not ? Certainly if power of preaching be a power of the keyes , all that are silent to that which is preached give a consent to what is preached , for silence at the hearing of a vow , when it is lawfull to speake is a consent , Numb . 30. ver . 14. Now it is lawfull to any member of the Congregation , to speake against what is unfound in Doctrine publickly delivered , so it be spoken timously : Hence it must follow that what tyeth and obligeth as an act of the keyes in preaching , tyeth also when determined by the Eldership , suppose all the Congregation doe not judge and determine judicially : I may say that by our Bretherens grounds , preaching is a publick Ecclesiastick act of the keyes , and of the whole Church , for the Church preacheth by her Pastour , as by her mouth and servant receiving authority , and the keyes to preach from the Church . Therfore all must give their consent to what is preached , els it is not the Word of God or to be judged and reputed to tye us to faith and obedience , no lesse then publick acts of the Church , and this were strange , to say , the word preaching is not the word obliging ecclesiastically , except all believers women and children confirme it by their consent and suffrages judicial . 12. Parker reasoneth thus . If Peter render an account to the particular Church of believers at Jerusalem , of his eating with the uncircumcised , and of what may be judged scandalous , then the judiciall power of censuring Church-guides is in the hands of the people ; But this Peter the Apostle did Act. 11. not ( as Gratian saith ) ut doctor mansuetudinis , but , as ●erus saith , ex officio . And as Gerson saith , non ex humili condescensione , sed ex debito & obligatione , not of Humility , but of duty . So reasoneth Best also . So Almain saith , Pope Nicolas said to Lotharins , except he would abstaine from the co●pany of his excommunicated whore , he would complaine to the Church , he said not , he would take order with him himselfe , as being above a Councell . When Symmachus the Pope contended with some , he gathered a Councell , and they iudged the matter : If two Popes contend for a Popedome ( saith Almaine ) a generall Councell is to determine . Answ. The Major is not true , Peter is to purge himselfe before any one brother offended of a scandall , and farre more before the Church : Yea , the necessity of his salvation , and so the law of nature forbidding to offend the weake , willeth him to purge himselfe , if he were a Pope ( saith Occam ) now one offended brother is not a church , and so the Superiority of jurisdiction in believers is not hence concluded . 2. He purged himselfe before the Apostles and Bretheren , ver 1 and not before the Brethren onely . 3. If he had done wrong , he was obliged to confesse his scandall before one offended believer , and also before all the Church , but that prooveth not jurisdiction in the believers . 13. Paul rebuketh Peter before the Church of Antioch , ergo . That Church of Antioch might iudge Peter . Ans. The same answer sufficeth ▪ 2. It is not proved that in the presence of Believers only Paul did rebuke him from this Text. 14. Christ immediately and without the mediation of the Church ( saith Parker ) communicateth himselfe to beleevers , ergo , he communicateth his power also immediately to his Church . Ans. It followeth not , because he communicateth not his power of the keyes to the Church of believers , either mediately or immediately , because he giveth it not to them at all . CHAP. V. Q. Whether or no some doe warrantably teach , that the power of the Keyes is essentially and originally in the Church of Beleevers , and in the Church-guides only at the second hand , and in the by , quoad exer●itium , so as the Church of Believers should be the mistresse delegating the keyes by an imbred and kindly authority , and the Church-guides as her proper servants and delegats do borrow the use and exercise of the keyes from the foresaid Church of Believers ? THe tenent of these , with whom we now dispute is that all the power of the keyes is given by Christ to the multitude of Believers , as to the first fountaine , and that this power is derived and gested by the mulmultitude of believers to such and such persons to be used and exercised by them , as the servants both of Christ and the Church : For the clearing of the question and trying if this distinction be law-biding . These distinctions are to be observed . 1. The power of the keyes may be thought to come to the Ministers of the Church three waies , as shall be cleared , 1. By mediate derivation , the Church receiving this power from Christ , and deriving it over to the friends of the Bridegroome . 2. By immediate donation , God immediately giveth the honour of the keyes to these whom he maketh his Courtyers in this kinde . 3. By application , the Church only naming the men to the office . 2. The power of the keyes , and all sacred offices in Gods House , are from the immediate wisdome of Christ ; The designation of such men to such offices is by the ministery of the Church . 3. The power of the keyes is one thing , the lawfull exercise of the keyes is another thing . 4. The Ministers may be thought the servants either of the Church , or servants of Christ for the Church . 5. Designation of men by the Church to sacred offices may be thought either in the Churches free-will , or tyed to the lawes designed by Christ. 6. The Church of believers may be thought either the virtuall or the formall subiect of the keyes . 7. The power of the keyes may be thought to be given to the community or multitude of Believers or professours of faith in Christ , in the generall , not designing one man rather then another , but leaving that to the disposition of meanes , and disposition of second causes , who shal● be the man , as to be a Musitian , to be an Astronomer is given to mankinde as some way proper to man , as Porphyre saith , howbeit all and every one of mankinde , be not alwayes Musitians and Astronomers . It is thought by our Brethren , that the Church of believers is the first seat , the prime subject , and head fountaine under Jesus Christ , to whom the keyes are given , and that howbeit all offices and officers be only of Christs institution , yet the Church of believers doe as the Spouse and Mistresse , and bride of Christ communicate the lawfull exercise of some acts of the keyes , as to preach , administer the Sacraments , oversee the conversation of the flock , care for the poore to some certain men , as her deputies and servants with borrowed authority from her selfe , as the Well-head and prime fountain under Christ of all the authority and use of the keyes that is in the officers of the House , as Pastors , Doctors and Elders , the Church still keeping in her own hands authority and power of the keyes in most materiall acts of the power of the keyes , as by these keyes to ordain and elect all the officers , and in case of aberration or failing to censure , depose , excommunicate them , and all members of the visible Church , and that independently , and without any subordination to Presbyteries , Classes and Synods ; even as the kingly power of actuall government is in the Kings hand , and he appointeth deputies and servants under himself , and in his name and authority , to do and execute his will , according to the Laws of the Kingdom , so doth the Church of believers under Christ by an imbred authority and power received from Christ , send out Pastors , Doctors , and Elders in her name and authority to exercise certain ministeriall acts , yet so as the Church of believers in all the acts performed by the officers , remaineth the principall and prime agent , cause and actor under Christ , and the officers only her servants , deputies and instruments , performing all by authority borrowed from her the bride , Queen and Spouse of Christ : This they believe to be contained in the Scriptures , and taught by Fathers and Doctors of the Church . I deny not but by the faculty of Paris , this question was agitated in the Councell of Basil and Constance , to bring the Pope as a sonne and servant under the power of a Generall Councell . The Sorbonists and Doctors of Paris , that are not near the smoake of the Popes glory , for this , contend with the Jesuites , men that are sworne bellies to the world and the Pope . The Parisians cite the Councell of Carthage , where Augustine was present : And Augustine , and Tertullian , and Chrysostome seeme to favour this . So Maldonate , Ferus , Jansenius , Sutluvius , Whittaker , Morton , Spalato , Gerson , Almain , Petr. de Alliac . Also Edmundus Richerius , and Sim. Vegorius set out a booke of Church policy , depressing the Pope , and extolling the Church power as full and compleat without a ministeriall head , as their owne Parisian Doctors acknowledging the command of having a Pope to be affirmative , and not to bind alwayes , and that the Churches power remaineth full when the Pope is dead , as the Parisians say , p. 8. The booke came out without the name of an Authour , and was condemned by Cardinall Peronius , Archbishop of Senona , and Primate of France and Germany , and is refuted by Andreas Duvallius a Sorbonist . What our Divines say in this , I have exponed to be far otherwise then is the mind of Parker , M. Jacob , M. Best , and the Authours of presbyteriall government examined , Ann. 1641. Hence our first conclusion is : All offices and office-bearers in Gods house have their warrant immediately from Christ Jesus , as we all agree against the bastard prelacy . 1. because of the perfection and plenitude of Scripture . 2 because of our Law-giver Christs wisedome , and his seven Spirits that are before the Throne , seeing he seeth better then men . 3. because of the Scriptures . Eph. 4. 11. Rom. 12. 7 , 8 , 9. w 1 Cor. 12. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. 1 Tim. 3. Act. 20. ●8 . And therefore Presbyters and Deacons have their offices immediately from Christ , and not from the Prelates 11. Conclusion . The first subject of the keyes is either made quate or narrower , as one Pastor and some ruling Elders of a Congregation : And these have not the power of all the keyes , as of ordination of Pastors , and so of deposition ; seeing in the Apostolike Church there were alwayes a number of Pastors at the ordination of Pastors , onely they may performe some acts of discipline that concerneth that flocke . The adequate and proper subject of full power of the keyes is the presbytery of Pastors and Elders , as we shall prove hereafter . 3. Conclusion . The power of the keyes indirectly commeth from the Church of beleevers to some select officers , I say ( indirectly ) not directly , because howbeit beleevers by no innate and intrinsicall power of jurisdiction in them , doe ordaine officers ; yet they are to give a popular consent to the election of their officers , as the word of God , all the ●athers and our Divines teach against Papists and Prelates , who take away this power from the people of God. Now by this popular election men are put in that state , whereby they may be and are ordained office-bearers by the laying on of the hands of the Elders . And this our brethrens arguments prove and no more . Hence the power of the keyes commeth to the officers three wayes , whereof we deny one . 1. As if the Church of beleevers received the keyes first from Christ , then by authority from Christ did give over the use of them in some acts to the officers , and did appoint them her servants . That this is not according to the Scriptures of God , I hope by gods grace to prove . 2. The power of the keyes and all power of jurisdiction and order is first in Christ , then immediately communicated to the Apostles and their successors in them , and here the offices and power is of Christ Jesus onely . 3. As the application of the man to the office , and the office to the man is twofold ; one by popular election , such a man pleased the multitude , Act. 1. Act. 6. Another by authoritative ordination or imposition of hands to an office in Gods house , which they would have by a multitude of beleevers , having no ministeriall function ; but is not in the Apostolike Church of the New Testament , that ever we can reade . We find out ordination by the presbytery , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 4. Conclusion . The essence and definition of a Church doth not ex aequo , equally , and alike agree to the Church of beleevers and Ministers , or office-bearers , or to a company of a visible Church , made up of these two parts , beleevers and officers , as our brethren speak of their visible Church . My reason is cleare , Beleevers are essentially and properly the mysticall body of Christ , and the Church of redeemed ones , Eph. 5 ▪ 25. Act. 20. 28. And the Church builded on a rocke , which they say received the keyes from Christ ( which I dare not say ) but the Church of officers , that are only officers and no more , that is called of God and his Church , and cloathed with a calling to be Pastors and Doctors , Elders , Deacons , are not the redeemed of God ; but may often be , and are reprobates , and not members of Christs true body according to the influence of saving grace , Now from this I inferre , that beleevers and office-bearers make not one common and true mysticall body that hath received equally the keyes from Christ , and that these predications are unproper and figurative , and that literally and in rigor of the letter they are false . ( Sion bringeth good tydings ( the Church giveth sucke and milke to her children ) ( the Church begetteth a man childe ) because the Pastors of the Church doe these things : For there is no effective influence or causality comming from the Church of beleevers in these and the like Pastorall actions , except that they pray for these fruits of a Ministery , they chuse the men for the worke , but doe not ordaine them : But we cannot say that the Church doth formally preach and beget children to God in and through preachers , as their servants , as a King speaketh such a businesse by his Legat and Embassador ; and our King doth governe and reigne in Ireland by his Deputy : Here the Kings authority hath influence in the acts of his Deputy , and Legat : For where will Scripture beare this ( The beleevers at Colossee preach to the beleevers at Colossee by their servant Archippus ) ( Philippians preach to Philippians by their servant Epaphroditus ) And ( the Church exerciseth authority , and governeth her selfe in and through the servants sent by her selfe ) And ( the faithfull Thessalonians are over themselves in the Lord , and obey themselves in their servants , and Ministers sent by themselves ) how I say , will the holy Spirits stile of language make these in rigor true ? but according to our brethrens tenents they are most true . Katheren Childley against Edwards saith , pag. 10 , 11. When the hand launceth the foot , it cannot be said properly the action of the hand alone , because the hand is set on worke by the body , if the body be destitute of the power , for the motion of the body commeth not from the hand , but the motion of the hand from the body . So this Argument would say , The Pastor preacheth as the mouth of the Church , and preaching is an act of the whole Church performed by the Pastor as their servant or mouth ; And so the power of preaching must be first in the Church , and not first in the Pastors , as motion is first in the body , and not first in the hand . Answ. The comparison holdeth not , The Pastor is Gods mouth , Jer. 15. 19. Luk. 1. 70. But Pastors are not the mouth of the Church , and the motion is here from Christ principally , from the Pastor as the mouth instrumentally , from the Church objectively and finally , and the comparison of the body naturall halteth in this . It may be objected , 2 Cor. 4. 5. We preach not our selves but Christ Jesus , and our selves your servants for Christs sake . Therefore Ministers are the servants of the Church . Answ. Ministers may be thought the Churches servants two wayes , 1. Subiectively , as if they had their authority from the Church , and were Pastors of men , or from men . This is the questioned sense that we deny . 2. finaliter , that is , they are servants not of the Church , but for the Church , as Christ is called our servant , Mat. 20. 28. And the Angels our ministring spirits ; yet neither Christ nor the Angels have authority and a Calling from us to their service . It is as if one would say , The Physitian hath skill from the sicke person ; which is false , because God gave him skill for the sicke person , and not from the sicke person . 5. Conclusion . We judge this distinction against Scripture and reason , that the power of the keyes essentially , fundamentally and originally is in the Church of beleevers , and the exercise only , and some borrowed acts of the keyes should be in the officers . 1. Because we are not to distinguish where the Law doth not distinguish , because this distinguishing is unknowne to the Scripture , which never giveth the keyes to the beleevers . 2. The comparison which Parker fetcheth from the Parisians , holdeth not . Sight is in the eye , as the instrument , but it is principally and originally from the whole man , for the whole man seeth by the eye . The authority of the Church is as the soule in the whole body ( as Bridgesius saith ) and in every member of the body : Howbeit it doth not exercise the power in every member , but it seeth by the eye , and heareth by the eare , so the power of the keyes is in all , and every one of the faithfull , but it exerciseth some Acts ministeriall , as preaching , baptizing in the guides , and other are Acts in other members of the body , but the power is in all . But I answer , That this comparison halteth many wayes . 1. The body is a physicall , organicall matter capable of the soule , and a kindly or naturall house or shop for the soule to worke in , and every member may exercise some vitall operation by the soules inacting of it , as hearing , smelling , seeing , moving , growing , &c. But the Church consisting of beleevers and Ministers , that are often opposed by way of contradiction , as beleevers and non beleevers , and a beleever that is no more but a beleever , is not capable of the power of the keyes , it being gratia gratis data , a freely given gift of God , except the Lord be pleased freely to give it by some Law or promise ; And so these that are only beleevers , are as the woodden leg , or the eye of glasse in the body wanting all authoritative power of the ministery where God hath not gifted and called them , now every member of the body is inacted by the soule . 2. If this comparison hold well , as every member of the body liveth , and is denominated a living thing ( howbeit every member be not an eye , or an eare ) by the information of the soule : so every toe and finger liveth by the inacting of the soule , actu primo , and moveth and groweth actu secundo : so must every beleever in the body of Christ , Man and woman be actu primo , and essentially a ministeriall part and office-bearer having authority from Christ , and also actu secundo , exercise some ministeriall acts ; for such as is the nature of the act , such is the nature of the power , and such as is the power , such is the act . If the power be ministeriall , so is the act : If the act be not ministeriall ( as it cannot be in these onely that are beleevers , especially women and children ) so neither is the power . 3. The whole man seeth by the eye , heareth by the eare , but the beleevers see by their owne eyes ( as they must live by their owne faith ) and not with the Pastors eyes , neither doe they grow by that soule of grace by which the Pastor groweth . 3. The Beleevers must either be the virtuall , or the formall subject of the keyes , They are not the virtuall subject or cause , as flint is a cause of fire ; for our brethren say that the beleevers formally performe acts of the keyes , and that they rebuke , they excommunicate , they chuse their officers , which is an authoritative act of the keyes , as they teach . Now a virtuall cause is not formally the cause of the effect ; as fire is the cause of fire , and doth not formally performe acts of the formall cause ; food doth not formally make motion in the body , but onely virtually . But they are forced to acknowledge that beleevers are the formall subject of the keyes : It is absurd that one should essentially , and actu primo , have the power of the keyes , and yet he may not preach , nor baptize , that is , as if one had a reasonable soule , and yet could neither discourse nor move , nor walke . 4. The power of the keyes is either in the officers as officers , or onely as beleevers ; if as officers , then they cannot borrow the keyes from beleevers , seeing they have them as officers , suppose they be not beleevers , and that is against the meaning of this distinction ; if they have the power of the keyes onely as beleevers , then all Ministers that are non-beleevers want the keyes . 5. Office-bearers have either a nearer and more ministeriall power of the keyes then beleevers , or onely that same ministeriall power ; if the former be said , the ministery is but a naked act , that some exercise at the Churches direction sometimes , and no habituall power whereby Paul is made a Minister , Col. 1. 25. and Epaphroditus is denominated a faithfull messenger , Phil. 2. 25. for so one shall not be a Minister of Christ ; but when he is in the act of his ministery , against Scripture and reason . If office-bearers have onely that same ministeriall power that beleevers have , Then Ministers cannot ordaine others to be Ministers , except they be beleevers , and a Minister shall not preach from an inward principle , proper to a Minister ; but from a principle common to him with other beleevers , which maketh no di●ference betwixt a beleever and a Minister , but in the naked acts ; And this is all one , as to say a man doth walke naked , and yet he is void of life ; he preacheth , and hath no other inward power ministeriall , then any beleeving woman or childe hath . 6. If the power of the keyes be originally in the Church of Beleevers , and the exercise only in officers , then Pastors in rigor of speech are the Churches servants , and so not over them in the Lord. 2. Pastors are sent by the Church from the inherent and innate power of the Church , as if the Church had a dominion and authority over the Pastors , hence will it follow that Pastors have their authority from Beleevers , which is most absurd : For then if Beleevers should receive the keyes immediately from Christ to be communicated to others , and applyed to men fit and able therefore , this application is not a making of a Minister , or a reason why Archippus is a Minister , as the reason why a fire burneth a dry tree , is not the application of the tree to the fire , but the nature of the fire , and drinesse of the timber : If one should bring out from amongst ten glasses one , and hold it out to the Sunnes light and beames , this refulgent beauty and glancing is not from the man that bringeth the glasse before the Sunne , except occasionally , the glancing splendor is from the nature of the glasse , and the Suns light : And the man applyeth not the light of the Sunne to the glasse , but bringeth out the glasse to the light of the Sunne : So doe Beleevers but apply the fit person in their wise election to Gods office , and they apply not the office to the man , for it is presupposed they are tyed to the rules , 1 Tim. 3. requiring such a man , as is of good report , apt to teach , &c. and the application is not in the free-will of people or Pastors , neither hath God left it to Beleevers in generall what men they place in offices . So Spalato . 7. It cannot stand with Christs wisedome , that he hath conferred an excellent supernaturall power of the keyes that reacheth supernaturall ends and effects , and then forbidden multitudes who have this power , as men , women and children , to touch the Arke , or to preach , or meddle with the holy things of God. So Francis White , Andrea Duvall , Soto , Victoria , Baynes . 8. Christ would have set down rules how all Beleevers should use this power , as he setteth downe Canons how all Church-men should use their power , in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus : If any such power ( as is pretended ) were originally and fundamentally in all Beleevers . But we reade of no rules or no Canons in Gods word , obliging all Beleevers to bring in act , to actuate or exercise this power thus and thus , and not according to their owne liking ; Therefore there is in them originally no such power . CHAP. VI. Q. 6. Whether Christ hath left the actuall government of his Church to the multitude of Beleevers ? PLato said well of Government by the hands of the people , That amongst lawfull governments it is worst , amongst uniust governments the best ▪ Aristotle saith , of of its nature it is corrupt and faulty . Plutarch calleth it the Serpents taile leading the head . Xenophon speaketh not well of it . Our Divines , as Calvin , Beza , Chemnitius , M●lancthon , Luther . Junius , Pareus make the government of the Church to partake of all the three governments . In respect of Christ the only supreame King it is an absolute Monarchy ; but this is the invisible government for the most part in respect of the rulers as Pastors and Elders , it is an Aristocracie , the visible government being in the hands of the Elders , and in respect of some things that concerneth the whole members of the visible Church , it is a Democracie , or hath some popular government in it . We are now to enquire , if the government of the visible Church be in the collective body of the Congregation , as indeed by consequent they teach with whom we now dispute , or in the Eldership ; in Classes and Synods provinciall and nationall , as it is now in Scotland . We hold that the government popular , as it is properly taken , when the collective body judgeth and governeth to be expresly against the word of God , Eph. 4. 11. He gave some ( not all ) to be Apostles , &c. 1 Cor. 12. 28. And God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly teachers , after that miracles , &c. 1 Thess. 5. 12. Now we beseech you brethren , to know them that labour amongst you , and are over you in the Lord , Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , &c. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour . Hence it is cleare as the noone-sunne , if there be some over the people of God , some that are Elders that rule well , some to whom the people should submit , and give obedience , then the whole people are not rulers , all have not the rod , nor a definitive voice in that highest censure of excommunication . All are not overseers , guides , governours , fathers , stewards , shepheards ; but some are governed , subject , sons , the flocke ruled , and fed , then doth not the people governe . 2. The keyes were only given to the Elders , as is proved . 3. God set downe in his word rules , canons , and directions for all lawfull governours , how Timothy and Titus should behave themselves in Gods house , in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus ; but no where doth God give directions how all beleevers should rule , command and governe , neither hath he promised that Spirit to all in that charge . 4. Guides are eyes , eares , fathers , gifted-teachers , Eph. 4. 11. But the whole body is not an eye , for then where were the hearing ? 1 Cor. 12. 17. All are not fathers , nor all governours gifted therfore , 1 Cor. 12. 28 , 29. actuall government is not in the hands of all the community of believers . 5. The faults of evill government is laid upon some , not upon all , 1 Tim. 3. 4 , 5 , 6. Mat. 24. 28. Tit. 1. 7. 1 Pet. 5. 3. Revel . 2. 14 , 20. 3. Ep. John v. 10. And the praise of good government is given to some , not to all , 1 Thes. 5. 12. Heb. 12. 17. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Rev. 2. 2. 2 Tim. 4. 4 , 5. 1 Pet. 5. 4 , 5. 6. It is against the dignity of such as are Embassadours in Christs roome , 2 Cor. 5. 20. representing his person who are to be heard as himselfe , Mat. 10. 41 , 42. His Angels , Revel . 2. 1. intrusted with his secrets , 2 Cor. 5. 18. His stewards and builders , 1 Cor. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. Cor. 3. 10. the friends of the Bridegroom , Joh. 3. 29. Therefore they must have some honour of government that is not given to all , and every one of the people . 7. That government which necessarily includeth a confusion , is not to be thought to come from the God of order , popular government is such , for in some Apostolike Congregations that were independent , there were six thousand and above , Act. 4. 9. Two answers are given here , 1. Smith saith one may speake for all the Church or two . Answ. These two are then a representative Church , and doe speak in the name of the rest , which he denyeth . 2. M. Best saith , none should be a congregation , but so many as may orderly meet without confusion . Answ. Then the Apostles government was confused , els there was an Eldership that represented the rest , and the Church of believers was no independent Church . A third answer is , Let heads of Families , and fathers onely speake . Answ. Yet you fall upon a selected and representative Church , which otherwaies you deny . 2. If sonnes and servants have a like interest in Christ , and a like power of the keyes , who dare for eschewing confusion take from them what Christ hath given them ? We may not do evill or rob any that good may come of it . Ainsworth against Bernard . The Authours deny they maintain popular government ; Therfore ( say they ) the state is popular , the government on Christs part is a Monarchy , and in the hands of Elders an Aristocracy . The people is freely to voice in Elections and judgment of the Churches , let the Elders publickly propone and order all things , let them reproove , convince , exhort , &c. So they say , they hold no Democracy or popular government . Ans. I acknowledge that the Doctors of Paris doe make distinction betwixt the state and government , who yet doe acknowledge a visible Monarchy in the Church , and so did the Fathers of the Councell of Constance : For the state of the Church is indeed popular in respect nothing that concerneth the state and body of the Church , & so concerneth thē , should be done without the privity or consent of the people of God , no excommunication untill the man and his scandalous sinnes be delated to them . 1 Cor. 5. Nothing should be concluded in a Synod , untill the people heare and know , yea they have all place to speake , object , reason and dispute in an orderly way , as may be collected from Act. 15. 12 , 13. letters are sent in the Churches name , charity sent to the distressed Saints in their name , officers chosen by their consent , but all this maketh no popular government , if we speak properly , seeing the multitude doth not judge , define judicially , nor sentence , nor command and give out Canons and Constitutions . But these of whom we now speake doe constitute a popular government in the Church , which I proove , 1. Parker , the fore-said Authours , Best , M. Jacob , Smith , and these that are for independency of Congregations ascribe to the whole multitude , and from 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5 , 12. a judiciall exercise of the rod , and a judging of these that are within , Mat. 2. 18. The Church to be heard and obeyed that doth judicially excommunicate is not the Church of over-seers ( say they ) but the Church of all believers . 3. Binding and loosing and the keyes of the Kingdome , and that is , both power and exercise is given to the Church builded on the rocke , against which the gates of Hell shall not prevaile , Mat. 16. 18 , 19. so they teach also . 4. All the power and jurisdiction that Presbyteries and Synods have , saith Parker , is from the Church of believers . 5. The Congregation of believers hath power of jurisdiction over the officers , and rulers of the Church , to make and unmake , ordaine , censure , depose and excommunicate their over-seers ( say they ) Now all who have written Politiks , as Aristotle , Bodin , Tholosanus , and our Divines disputing against the Popes Monarchy , Junius , Daneus , Keckerman , Chamier , Musculus , Sadeel say , these are properly Judges , who cognosce and authoritatively try , sentence , decree and punish delinquents , and all this the whole faithfull doe by the power of the keyes , as is prooved , ergo , there is a democraticall or popular government brought into Christs house this way , and all necessity of overseers and officers taken close away . Smith saith , it is Antichristian to place Rulers and Elders over the whole body of the Church . Yea , he seeth not why all believers may not preach and administer the Sacraments : And if the Keyes be given to them , and actuall government to over-see and rule their over-seers , I see not how this will not follow from the fore-said grounds . See what Arnisaeus and Spalato saith , both acknowledge , that is popular government when the people ruleth themselves . Neither is it enough to say the Elders rule , because they propone and order all things , and reproove , convince and exhort ; for no man will have the Apostle James , whom many of our Divines think President and Moderator of the Councell of Hierusalem , Act. 15. The Ruler and one that is over the Councell in the Lord , and such an one as the Councell must obey and submit unto , for his place of Moderation : For the Duke of Venetia , because he moderateth their Senate , and proponeth and ordereth suffrages , is not thought by Bodine , Tolosanus , Arnisaeus , Keckerman , or any Politician to be the King and Prince of the Venetians , and Lord Judge over the Senate . The Lacedemonian government was popular , howbeit the people did order their matters by their Ephori , that were a sort of Rulers to the people . The Moderatour of our Assembly is not Judge , or over the Assembly in the Lord : Nay , he hath not a suff●age and decisme voice in our Assembly , because he is Moderator , but because he is a chosen Commissioner and member of the Assembly . So Field saith well , If the Pope be only a President in the Councell , he is not a Prince . Turr●cremata distinguisheth betwixt a President of Honour , and a President of Authority . The Canon of the Councell of Paris maketh the Pope above this or this Church or Bishop , but when he is in a generall Councell , he is there as a President of Honour only , not as a Prince , but as the first member by order of the Councell and subject to the Councell . Now the Scripture giveth to the over-seers an authority , a presidency of authority , We must obey them , and submit to them , and heare them as we would heare Christ. 2. Seeing this is ordinary to our Brethren to reason thus . All the faithfull are the Spouse and Body of Christ , Kings and Priests unto God , and have a like title and interest in him , therfore the Keyes are immediately communicated to them without the mediation of Rulers interveening : Hence I inferre , if all have alike right to the keys for their alike title by Faith , and right of free redemption in Christ , ergo , all are alike Rulers over all in the Lord : then because believers as believers have a title and interest in Christ as their redeemer , and office-bearers ; because office bearers have no title in Christ as Redeemer ( for no office giveth a man a claime to Christ , as a redeemer , but only some generall title to him as Lord of the house ) Hence it shall follow that the believers are Over-seers and Rulers and Pastors , and that they should order and moderate all publick actions : So I see no authority or preheminency given to the Church-guides , but that which is due , and more due to the believers then to them . As for reprooving , convincing , exhorting , these are common to all the faithfull , as our Brethren say , and so due to them by virtue of the keys , and more due then to office-bearers , who do but borrow the keyes at the second hand ( as they teach ) and receive them not immediately from Christ. Now we all know that Anabaptists take away all Magistracy under the New Testament , all dominion conquered by warre , all relation of captain and souldier , master and servant , upon this ground , that we are all Christs free-men , all Christians equally redeemed in Christ ; And if the sonne make you free then are you free indeed . And the New Testament maketh us all Christs ransomed ones , and so there should be no servant . And we are called in Christ to liberty , be not servants of men . See what our Divines , Calvin , Pareus , Bucan , Tilenus , Professours of Leyden answer Anabaptists , Libertines , Socinians , Arminians thus abusing Gods Word . And certainly if the keyes and government of the Church be given to all believers , because they are all made Kings , Priests and Prophets , and we are made free and redeemed in Christ , and all things are made ours , Therfore I may well inferre upon the same grounds , the keys of civill power to be Kings temporall and freemen civilly are made ours , if all things be ours , and so no Magistrate , no Captain , no souldier ( peace and liberty are ours ) no master or servant . I am far from thinking that our worthy Brethren do allow of this conclusion , but the principles are too sibb and near of blood . What Fathers say for the Church government by Elders , and not by the people may be seen in Ignatius , who will have us to have recourse to the Apostles , as to the Colledge of Presbyters . And Basilius saith , The governours of the Church are set down 1 Cor. 12. 28. And Ambrose on that place saith , the Church policy is set downe , 1 Cor. 12. So Chrysostome , Cyprian , Tertullian , so Origen , Ireneus , August . Theophylact , Theodoret , Hyerom , which for time I cannot cite at length . CHAP. VII . Q. 7. If there be no true visible Church in the New Testament , but onely a congregation meeting in one place , and no Presbyteriall or representative Church ( as they call it ) at all . OVr Brethren hold that the only true publick visible Church in the New Testament is a Congregation of Believers joyned together by a voluntary profession of Faith , and meeting in one place to worship God. They deny 1. That the word ( Church ) doth ever signifie a Presbytery or Eldership . 2. They deny that there is any representative Church , properly so called , or that it hath the title of a Church in the New Testament . 3. They deny that there is any Provinciall or Nationall Church that can be called a visible politique body of Christ. 4. They deny any Church to have power of jurisdiction over a particular Congregation . For the decision of the present questions , these distinctions are to be observed , 1. There be odds betwixt a Church visible , and a Church ministeriall . 2. There be odds betwixt a Cathedrall or mother Church ( and this we deny ) and a Church Nationall and provinciall , which cannot meet to the worship of God in all the particular members therof . 3. The Church is termed representative three wayes ( as we shall heare ) 1. properly , 2. commonly , 3. most properly . 4. Suppose the name of Presbyteriall Church be not in the New Testament , yet if the thing it selfe be in it , it is sufficient . The word Church is not taken here , 1. For the Temple or House where God is worshipped . 2. Neither for foure or five that worship God ordinarily within the walls of a Family , Rom. 16. 5. Salute the Church at their House , 1 Cor. 16. 19. Philem. v. 2. It is termed Kahal , that is in the old Testament rendred Synagogue , and Kahal rendred Ecclesia . And Kahal , Deut. 5. 22. or Hehillah , Deut. 33. 4. signifieth a Congregation of people , and Gnedah a Congregation , Exod. 16. 1. Psal. 111. 1. is turned Ecclesia , Mat. 16. 18. Act. 7. 38. Kahal is either a multitude of Nations or People , Gen. 35. 11. so Jer. 50. 9. An Assembly of Nations , not a Church of Nations , came against Babylon ; Somtimes the Tribes and Governours are called Kahal , the Church or Assembly , 1 Chron. 13. 2 , 3. 1 Chron. 29. 6. 2 Chron. 1. 2 , 3. See Piscator , Junius , Guide to Zion . The word Gnedah that signifieth the Assembly of the Judges , Psalm . 82. 1. is turned in the New Testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Act. 5. 27. and Act. 6. 12. M. Ball hath observed that the Arabick Interpreter useth four words , Gamhon , Act. 19. 31 , 39. 2. Gamahaton , Acts 7. 38. both signifieth an Assembly , or an Assembly of Princes . 3. Kainsaton , Rom. 16. 1. Acts 11. 26. 4. Bihaton , Matth. 16. 18. and 18. 17. the Church that hath power to determine controversies . 1. Conclusion . A number of believers professing the truth is not presently a visible politick Church , 1 Because then every Christian Family should be a visible politick Church , 2 Peter offended , Mat. 18. and rebuking his offending brother , before three witnesses , and gaining his brother to repentance , v. 16. is a number of believers in that same act professing the truth , and convincing an offender , and so professing Gods worship , and yet they are not the judging governing Church , because if the offender will not heare Peter , then he is to tell the Church . Hence visibility of Profession agreeth both to a number of believers ( if for example ten out of ten particular Congregations confesse Christ before a persecuting Judge ) and also to a constitute Church of Believers and Elders . Then true Faith and the visible professing of true Faith is not enough to constitute a Church that ordinarily hath power and exercise of the keyes ; neither find we any warrant in Gods Word , that the swearing of an oath , or making a covenant , by four or five or 10. or 40. believers to worship God together as he hath commanded in his word doth essentially constitute a visible ministeriall Church , 1. Because a ministeriall Church is a body of Pastor and People , of eyes , eares , hands , feet , wherof Christ is head , Rom. 12. 4. 1 Cor. 12. v. 14 , 15 , &c. but a number of sole and only believers are not such a body . 2. More is there required an oath and covenant , but this is and may be where there is no ministery . 2. Conclusion . We deny that Christ hath given power of jurisdiction to one particular Church over another particular Church , or to one Church to be a mother Church to give laws and orders , to little daughter-churches under it ; for that jurisdiction is not to be found in the Word of God , and so is not lawfull . See Paul Baynes and Parker and Cartwright . 3. Conclusion . A Church may be a visible incorporation of guides and people meeting for the worship of God , and exercise of discipline , and yet not necessarily a Church of believers , for if there be twenty or thirty visible Saints , who are Saints in profession , they may meet for the worship of God , and consequently by our Brethrers grounds , independently and without any subordination to Synods or classes exercise discipline . I proove that they are not necessarily believers , 1. Because to make one or two formall members of a visible Church is not required that they be indeed believers , it sufficeth that they professe Faith , and be apparantly Saints ; and our Brethren teach they may be Hypocrites , and often are , as Iudas was amongst the Apostles , now by that same reason all the thretty may be heart-hypocrites , and face-professors , for who seeth the heart ? And our Brethren say the preaching of the word , and the administration of the Sacraments are not essentiall notes and markes of the Church , because the word is often preached to reprobates and unbeleevers , and by that same reason the power of the keyes and discipline is exercised by hypocrites and unbeleevers . 2. Amesius saith it is probable ( he saith not it is necessary ) where the Word and Sacraments are that there are some beleevers : And I say it is probable ; but that at all times there should be beleevers , especially when it is first founded , it is not necessary . I say when it is first founded ; because we cannot say it is possible that there should be never any beleevers there at all ; for the Lord sendeth not a ministery to these where there are none chosen at all ; it doth crosse the wisedome of God , who doth nothing in vaine , that he should light a candle where he had no lossed money ; and the Shepheard should be sent through the fields , where there were no lossed sheep at all . Hence I inferre these consectaries . 1. that the claime and title that a people hath to Christ is not the ground why the keyes are given to that people , as to the originall subject , because they may have the Word , Sacraments and keyes a long time , and yet want faith in Christ , and so all title and claime to Christ : All which time they have the keyes , discipline , and Sacraments ; and I beleeve their acts of discipline , censures , and Sacraments , are valide , therefore the Church redeemed and builded on the rocke Christ , is not the kindly subject of the keyes . 2. The keyes are given to professors cloathed with a ministeriall calling , whither they be beleevers or unbeleevers , howbeit God giveth them for the salvation and edification of beleevers . 3. There is nothing required to make a independant Congregation , but an profession of the truth , covenant-wayes , and outward worshipping of God , suppose the members be unbeleevers . 4. Conclusion . There is a visible governing Church in the new Testament , whose members in compleat number of beleevers doth not meet in one place ordinarily for the worship of God , neither can they continually so meet . 1. The Church of Jerusalem was one Church , under one government , and called one Church in the singular number , which grew from one hundred and twenty , Acts 1. to three thousand one hundred and twenty , Acts 4. 41. and then added to these , Acts 4. 4. five thousand men , which is eight thousand one hundred and twenty . And Acts 9. 35. all that dwelt at Lydda and Saron turned to the Lord , v. 42. many in Joppa beleeved in the Lord , Acts 20. 21. many thousands of the Jewes beleeved , Acts 5. 14. multitudes of beleevers moe were added to the Lord , both of men and women , Acts 6. 1. their number were multiplyed . Now it was not possible they could all meet in one house , especially seeing that prophecye was to take its first accomplishment at Jerusalem , where all flesh was to see the salvation of God. And that of Joel 2. I will poure my spirit on all flesh . It s true Bayne saith , this Church was numerous by accident , at extraordinary confluences of strangers . Yet the multitudes of thousands which I have observed from the story of the Acts ( granting the confluence , Acts 2. of nations to be extraordinary ) did meet daily , Acts 2. 46. from house to house . Now so many thousands could not meet daily , that is , ordinarily . 2. From house to house in private houses , and so it is not possible all that people did make but one Congregation independent , where 1 ▪ all had voices in discipline . 2. all did breake bread , that is , receive the Sacrament in a private house : so that their meeting together must be taken distributively in diverse Congregations , not collectively , for that were against edification . 2. against the nature of congregationall worship . 2. There was a visible Church in Samaria under one government , that could not convene in all the members , in one place . The numerous people in Samaria converted to the faith is knowne to all , it being the head City of the ten Tribes : So huge that all Israel was named Samaria , They received the faith , Acts 8. and as ver . 10. They all gave heed to Simon Magus , from the least to the greatest . So ver . 6. with one accord they gave heed unto these things which Philip spake , hearing and seeing the miracles that he wrought , ver . 12. they beleeved and were baptized both men and women . And that on Philip might have preached to one single Congregation , who doubteth ? but the number of beleevers were so many , that ver . 14. the Apostles behooved to send Peter and John to help to hold up the harvest . 3. That the Church of Ephesus could not be one single Congregation that met together is cleare . 1. There was there a Presbytery of Pastors or Bishops , Acts 20. 28. and these preaching or feeding Pastors , who were to watch and take heed to false teachers rising up amongst themselves . 1. teaching perverse things . 2. making Disciples to themselves : the teacher and scholler are relata , every one of them has respect to other . 2. That they were teaching Elders that did follow the Apostles doctrine is cleare , Rev. 2. 2. Thou hast tryed them that say they are Apostles , and are not , and hast found them to be lyars , and Christ termeth them one Church for their common government . The answer of Tylen saith , Christ saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Churches , and therefore all the Congregation were one Presbyteriall Church at Ephesus . But it is without example in the word that one single Congregation with one Pastor onely , and some ruling Elders doth try Ministers gifts , and finding them false teachers , authoritatively to cast them out , so that the harvest has been so great , that false teachers calling themselves Apostles resorted to Ephesus , to help the good number of Pastors who were there already , Acts 20. 28. By this it is cleare that Ephesus had many Congregations in it , and many preachers also , who in a common society fed the flocke , and exercised discipline , Rev. 2. 2. neither can we say , there was but one Angell there , except we make that one a Prelate contrary to the word of God , Acts 20. 28. 2. The multitude of converts there required a Presbytery , or a multitude of consociated Pastors , Acts 19. 20. Paul continued there by the space of two yeares , so that all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord , 1 Cor. 16. 8. there was a great doore , and effectuall open to him at Ephesus . 2. They were once madly devoted to their great Idoll Diana , and had a Temple for her that all Asia wondred at ▪ therefore Ephesus was no small Towne . This Temple Herostratus saith , was built by all Asia , and was two hundred and twenty yeares in building , and had in it ( as he saith ) one hundred and twenty seven pillars , every one of them made by severall Kings , and every one of them sixty foot high . Now ver . 19. Pauls miracles were knowne to all the Jewes and Greeks at Ephesus , and feare fell on them all , and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified , and many of them that beleeved , came and confessed , and shewed their deeds . v. 19. And many that used curious arts brought their books , and burnt them before all men . And what wonder ? it is said , ver . 20. so mightily grew the word of God. Paul fought with beasts at Ephesus , millions here were mad upon the Idoll Diana : If the beleevers had not been the manyest , they durst not professe the burning of their bookes , nor durst Paul stay there two yeers . Hence if there was a setled Church here above two yeares , a constituted Presbytery in this City , Acts 20. 17 , 28. that had power of jurisdiction to ordaine teaching Elders , and reject hirelings , Rev. 2. 2. and so many thousands of Greekes and Jewes , such an effectuall doore opened to the Gospell , against so many thousands opposing , there was not here one onely single independent Church , that met in one house only but a Presbyteriall Church . Now they could not all preach at one time to them , being a number of preachers , Acts 20. 36. Paul prayed with them all , and yet they were set over that flocke by the Holy-Ghost , Acts 20. 28. therefore they had each their owne Church , and one canot officiate or exercise Pastorall acts amongst the flock of another Pastor , as our brethren would prove from this same place , Acts 20. 4. What , shall we say the Church of Rome was onely an independent single Congregation that met in one place , or house , seeing the faith and obedience of the Saints there , was heard through all the world , Rom. 1. 8. Rom. 16. 19. so that Tertullian in his time saith , halfe of the City was Christians . And Cornelius saith , beside himselfe there was forty and five Presbyters . Consider how many prime persons & families Paul saluteth , Rom. 16. Paul stileth them one Church , and one body that had jurisdiction common to all , Rom. 1● . 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 5. So Galatia is written too as to one Church , and had one government and discipline , Gal. 5. 9. A little leaven ( of false doctrine ) leaveneth the whole lump , as 1 Cor. 5. v. 6 , 7. and Gal. 5. ver . 10. He that troubleth you shall beare his judgement , whosoever he be , ver , 12. I would they were even cut off ( by the rod of discipline , as Pareus and Perkins expound it ) that trouble you . So Gal. 6. 1. the spirituall are to restore in meeknesse the weake falling in sinne , and yet they were many Congregations in Galatia , Gal. 1. 2 ▪ 1 Cor. 16. 1. 6. We finde a Presbyterie at Antioch of Prophets and teachers , Acts 13. 1. who laid hands on Paul and Barnabas , 2 , 3. and ordained them to goe and preach . And a Presbytery at Lystra , Acts 16. 1 , 2 , 3. where Timothy was recommended to Paul , and received in his company , and laid hands on by him : Now that this imposition of hands was not done by the collective body of the Church , but by the Elders and Presbytery is cleare from , 1 Tim. 4. 14. as Iunius collecteth , for that the people laid on hands , there is no ground . 7. And Acts 21. 18. There is a Presbytery at Ierusalem of Iames , and the Elders exercising jurisdiction ; for before them Paul giveth account of his ministery amongst the Gentiles , v : 19 , 20. and they enjoyn Paul for the believing Jewes sake to purifie himselfe , v. 23 , 24. which Paul obeyed , v : 26 , 27. and this Presbytery taketh on them the Canons of the Councell of Jerusalem made , Acts 15. at least as a part of that famous Councell . 8 To ordaine Elders in every city is all one , as to ordain Elders in every Church , Act : 14. 23. so doth Luke expone it , as Parker confesseth , Act : 20. 17. And from Miletus hee sent to Ephesus , and called the Elders of the Church , he saith not of the Churches , Act : 16. 4. And when they went thorow the cities , they delivered them the decrees , &c. now what is meaned by cities is exponed in the next ver : 5. So were the Churches established : So Tit : 1. 5. That Thou shouldest appoint Elders in every city , as I appointed thee : Then that there bee an Eldership and Presbytery of Pastors in every city is an Apostolike Institution , and so the commandement of our Lord Iesus : for that Paul understandeth there especially preaching Elders in every city , is cleare by the words following , that sheweth what sort of men preaching Elders should be , ver : 9. able by sound Doctrine both to exhort and to convince the gain-sayers , &c. Hence if an Eldership in a city as Ephesus and Ierusalem and Antioch , where all cannot meet for multitude , bee an Eldership in one Church , as our book of Discipline hath it , then there was Presbyteries in great cities , where there were many Congregations , but the former is proved already , ergo , the Presbytery of many Congregations is the Apostles Presbytery . 9. If Gods word warrant a number of officers in Gods house , who ordaineth Pastors by laying on of hands , and who tryeth these who say they are Apostles and Pastors , and are lyars , and who hath jurisdiction to punish false teachers , as Balaam and Iezabel , and who appointeth Elders in cities and Churches ; then is there a Presbytery and society of Pastors and Elders in moe consociated , and neighbour congregations appointed for this effect . But there is such a number of officers in Gods House , of which number are no single believers , not cloathed with any Ministeriall calling . Therfore there must be a Presbytery , diff●rent from private Professours , that overseeth many Congregations . I prove the proposition , First , that there is such a number , and that they are different from ordinary professors , 1 Tim : 4. 14. Neglect not the gist that is in thee , which was given by the laying on of the hands of the Elders , Re : 2. 2. Re. 2. 14 , 20. Tit : 1. 5. 1 Tim : 5 22. now that ordinary professours who are not Elders , doe lay hands on Pastors , ordain or appoint Elders , and judicially try and choose , or refuse false Teachers , and censure or deprive them , wanteth precept , promise or practice in the Word of God , except we say the Epistles to Timothy and Titus are not written to Church-men , but to all professours that they should lay hands suddenly on no man , that they should appoint Elders in every city : Now also that this united Presbytery is a Presbytery of one single Congregation is , 1 Against that which we have prooved of the great Church of Ephesus , Act : 20. Act : 19. Rev : 2. as also against the necessity of Pastors labours , who are not to stay in numbers together upon one single Congregation , where two or moe cannot be had . To the place 1 Tim : 4. 14. some answer that , that laying on of the hands of the Presbytery was extraordinary , and ceased with the Apostles : Others say , he speaketh of the office , not of the persons . Answ : The latter is a devise of Prelates refuted by our Divines , an office neither hath hands nor feet , but persons only have hands . 2. Castalio calleth this with good warrant , The Senate of Elders , Chrysost : and Hugo Cardinalis , a Colledge of Presbyters , Iunius saith , it is all one with the Church , Mat : 18. But thirdly , we deny not but there was an extraordinary laying on of hands by the Apostles by which the Holy Ghost was given , Act : 8. 18. But this is the laying on of the hands of the Apostles , as Presbyters , which is ordinary , and is limited , and ruled by the Word , and must not be done suddenly , 1 Tim. 5. 22. now no such rule is laid upon the miraculous laying on of hands , there is no feare that the Apostles in working of miracles should partake of other mens sinnes , and that the ordinary laying on of hands , such as this was , did not give the Holy Ghost is cleare , Act : 14. 3. The Elders layeth hands on Paul and Barnabas , who before had received the Holy Ghost , Act : 9. 17. 3. This answer is against the nature of this Epistle , where Paul setteth down a plat-forme of Church government to be keeped unviolably to the second comming of Christ , as is cleare , 1 Tim. 6. 14. and so he saith himself , 1 Tim. 3. 15. These things I write that thou mayest know how to behave thy selfe in the Church , Gerson : Bucer . These were written for ages to come , so the Refutator of Tilen , and our own Rollock , and so the Fathers , Oecumenus say , he setteth downe the summe of Ecclesiasticke Discipline . So Chrysostome , Augustine , Enthim : Cyrillus . 10. Suppose we should grant a Presbyteriall Church be not expresly in the Word , as we thinke it is , Mat. 18. as we shall prove , yet the thing it self cannot be denied : hence take away a Presbytery , whose it is to ordaine and censure Pastours , of necessity the government and power of the keyes must be in the hands of the people , against the arguments in the former Chapter , that cannot be answered , for the multitude of believers cannot ordaine a Pastor , suppose we grant they are to chuse and elect their owne Pastor , yet it is not warranted by the Word that ruling Elders with one pastor should ordain pastors , seeing ordinations is given still to preaching Elders , Act : 14. 3. Tit : 1. 5. 1 Tim : 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2. Rev : 2. 2. Act : 20. 29 , 30. and to moe pastours then to one only . But by the way , let us heare what is said against this . 1. The word Church signifieth alwaies a gathered together Church , or such as may gather together , Act : 11. 26. a whole yeare they assembled with the Church , Act : 20. 7. The Disciples came together to breake bread , so Act : 1. 10. Act : 2. 44 , 46. Act : 5. 12. Act : 15. 25. An. Our brother M. Gillespi saith many Interpreters expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were together , that is , of one accord in love and amity : and also Churches not being builded , and they meeting in private houses , as in Maries house , Act : 12. schoole of Tyrrannus , Act : 19. 9. in an upper chamber , Act : 20. 8. Pauls lodging at Rome , Act : 28. 13. What private houses could ordinarily contain so many thousands ? 2. The Scripture speaketh so to give us an example of the publick meeting for publick worship , where it is not needefull , that all met in one place collectively , it is enough they meet all distributively . 3. Neither doth the word Church alwayes signifie a meeting of one single Congregation , as Act : 12. Prayers was made by the Church , that is by all professours . Herod vexed the Church , Act : 8. Saul made havocke of the Church , I persecuted the Church . There is no necessity to expound these of people meeting ordinarily to worship God ; for Herod and Saul persecuted all , whither Apostles or professours in houses , not respecting their meeting in one place ; also it shall follow that prayers were not made in private , but only in the Church , that is , in the conveened Congregation for Peter , which is absurd : And that they were a visible Church is cleare , els Herod , and Saul could not persecute them . Parker answereth , The whole Nation of the Iewes did meet at one meeting , and are called by Luke the Church , and there came innumerable multitudes to heare Christ. Answ. That is for us , the Church of the Iews contained six hundreth thousand fighting men , beside women , children and aged persons , and the Levites that attended the Tabernacle and Arke ; it were a wonder to make out of this an independent Congregation , all judging and governing both themselves and their governours : Therfore there may be a visible Church under one government that cannot ordinarily meet to heare the Word of God , and howbeit there met innumerable multitudes , Luke . 12 to heare Christ , and that with great confusion , that is forbidden in Church meetings , 1 Cor : 14. So that they trod on one another , that multitude could not be a Church , 1. Ordinarily meeting . 2. To heare one pastor . 3. To judge all the people and over-see their manners . 4. And to communicate ordinarily at one Table in the Lords Supper : this is against the nature and true use of a Congregation met in one place for the publick worship . Thirdly , they reason ; the Church visible in the New Testament are called the Churches in the plurall number , the Churches of Judea , Galatia , Asia , Macedonia . Hence it followeth there is no visible Church larger then a Church meeting in one house . Answ : We reade of the Church of Hierusalem , Act : 15. where certainly there were moe particular Churches . 2 It followeth not , for moe Churches were visible and audible , Act : 15. at that famous councell , and are called so united , the whole Church , and yet separated , they were sundry churches ; they are so named in opposition only to the Nationall and typicall Church of Iudea , not in opposition to provinciall and Nationall Churches and Synods . 5 Conclusion . A Church may be called representative three waies . 1 Properly , as if the Rulers stood in the persons of believers , judging for them , as if the believers were there themselves , as a deputy representeth the King : So Israel did sweare a covenant , Deut : 9. 14 , 15. for their posterity not borne : this way the Eldership doe not judge for the Congregations , as if the Congregations did judge by them as by their instruments , as Robinson saith , because the multitude of believers should not judge at all , therfore Elders doe not in governing represent their persons : So Bannes said the Pope this way hath no Legate , for he cannot give an Apostolike spirit to his Embassadour , for then he mi●ht leave ( saith he ) an apostolike spirit in legacy to some successour : We acknowledge no representative church in this sence , as the authour of presbyteriall government examined unjustly imputeth to us . 2 A representative Church may be thought a number sent by a community , and elected to give laws , absolutely tying , as if believers should say , We resigne our faith and conscience to you , to held good whatever you determine without repeale or tryall ; that is blinde faith , that we disclaime : all our Rulers acts in our Assemblies do bind , 1 conditionally , if they be lawfull and convenient , 2 matters to be enacted are first to be referred to the congregations and Elderships of particular congregations before they be enacted . 3 A representative Church is a number having election and designation from the Church of believers , but ordination from the Eldership to voice , determine and command , as those who are over them in the Lord , to make constitutions and decrees according to Gods word , and this way we hold a representative Church , Mat : 18. and 1 Cor : 5. which made acts according to Gods word , tying the whole congregation , even the absents ; for the presents representeth the absent : If the incestuous person had bin judicially excommunicated , the Apostle Paul and all the absents , that neither had bin actours , nor witnesses had bin tied to abstain from bortherly conversing with him , and this way the decrees of the Councell of Jerusalem tyed the absent Churches , Act : 16. 4. and Chr●sts power of the keyes , Iohn 20. were given to Thomas , howbeit absent , and Pauls Epistles to Collosse , Eph●sus , Galatia laid an Ecclesiasticall tye upon these Churches that consented not to the writing of these Epistles ; not onely because the matter is the Canonicke word of God , but also the tye was Ecclesiasticall , in so farre as the flocke is obliged to heare the Pastor , according to that ( He that heareth you heareth me , and he that despiseth you despiseth me . ) Any absent through sicknesse or other distractions , from the election of Matthias , Acts 1. the seven Deacons , Acts 6. and the Elders chosen in every City , Acts 14. 23. were tyed to stand to the election of Matthias , the seven Deacons , and the Elders in every City ; else no act of the Church were valid , where one or two dis-assenteth , or where two or three are absent by sicknesse , and other distractions insuperable : And so here our brethren ( I beleeve ) cannot , in reason , deny but there is a representative Church , whose deed tyeth the absents . And the reason is cleare , that to make a Church-constitution oblige in conscience , and ecclesiastically , there is not required as an essentiall ingredient of obligation , that all , and every one who are tyed and obliged , be personally present , to voyce and consent to the constitution ; for constitutions tye Ecclesiastically , as made by the Church , but not as made by all , and every one of the Church . And the lawfulnesse of Commissioners to represent the case of the Church is cleare in Gods Word ; as Antioch sent Commissioners to Jerusalem , Acts 15. Jerusalem sent Barnabas their Messenger to Antioch , 11. 22. But Titus , Timotheus , Epaphroditus , and others were sent by the Churches , and to the Churches , as Commissioners , and Embassadours of the Church of Christ. CHAP. VIII . Quest. 8. If our Saviour doth warrant a Church of Elders and Overseers in these words , Mat. 18. Tell the Church . WE have an argument of weight for a Presbyteriall Church in our Saviours words , Mat. 18. 17. If thy brother ( offending ) neglect to heare them ( the Christian witnesses before whom he is convinced of his ●ault ) tell the Church , but if he neglect to heare the Church , Let him be to thee as a heathen , and a Publicane . v. 18. Verily , I say to you , whatsoever ye bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye lose on earth shall be loosed in heaven . The Septuagint agreeth with Matthew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Arias Montanus , Tremell , Beza , Pareus , Musc●lus , Lyra , Hug. Cardinalis , Caieta● , Aquinas : It is not much matter that Castalio turneth ( Tell the Assembly of the Commons ) Augustine , Cyprian , Hyeronim , and all are against him . The scope of these words , is not , as many beleeve , that our Saviour setteth downe a way how to remove private offences done betwixt brother and brother onely . 1. Because the words then should not prove the lawfulnesse of excommunicating for publike and scandalous sinnes . 2. The scope is as large , as binding and loosing on earth , and proportionally in heaven . But our Saviours ayme is , to establish a Church consistory , for removing all scandals and offences out of the Church , private and publike , betwixt brother and brother , and betwixt Church and Church . Neither is there ground for the foresaid scope , because he saith ( If thy brother offend ) in the singular number ; for what if three , sixe , tenne brethren offend , is not this course of our Saviours to be taken , if sixe offend sixe ? Hence it followeth that the Church here signifieth not onely the Eldership of a particular Congregation , but it signifieth respectively all Presbyteries , and Synods , Provinciall , Nationall , and Oecomenicke ; for seeing Excommunication and Ecclesiasticall binding and loosing is Christs remedy , against all scandals private or publike in Christs kingdome , then by a brother , by a Synechdoche is meant all that offendeth ; then if a sister-Church offend a sister-Church , or a Provinciall , or Nationall Church offend a neighbour sister-Church , Christs remedies being Catholike and universall , as farre as our diseases goe , the course must be to ( Tell the Church ) I purpose then first , to shew this interpretation to be agreeable to the mind of all Doctors , acknowledging one Church of Elders here , and next to prove our interpretation . Chrysostome Tell the Overseers , Augustine Tell the Watchmen , Hieron . We must tell many . So Cyprian , so the Councell of Ancyra . So Ambrose , Ball saith : The Aethiopicke Interpreter saith , Tell the house of Christians . Boderian , Tell the house of Judgements . All our Divines say this , Calvin , Beza , Pureus , Chemnitius , Aretius , Erasmus , Polunus , Hemmigius , Hyperius , Musculus , Iunius , Piscator , Bucanus , Rivetus , Cartwright , Marlorat , Dan. Tossun , Bu●er , The harmony of confess . Helvet , French , English , Vrsine , Whittaker . So Papists , Emanuel , S● . Victor , Parisian Doctors , Fathers of Basill , and Constance , Joan Gerson , Iac. Almain , Simon Vigorius , Aquinas , Occam . What Bilson , Downam , Sutluvius saith against this is answered by Parker , Ant. Waleus and other worthy divines . That the Church of Elders is here understood I prove . Christ here alludeth to the Synedry and Consistory of the Jewes , with which his hearers were well acquainted ; for he was now speaking to the Jewes , who knew his language well , and knew these termes . Brother , witnesses , Sunedry , Assembly , Congregation ; Heathen , Publicane , and knew what Church had power to cast out and repute men for Publicanes and sinners : For as Beza observeth , who would understand Christ here to speake of a Christian Presbytery , that has power to excommunicate , except we consider that Christ has a respect in this forme of speech to the Iewes Church-policy : And Christ in like manner , Mat. 5. 22. accomodateth his speech to the forme of the Jewes judicatories : For many learned note out of the Talmud that the Jewes had three judicatories noted there . 1. The Triumviri judged small matters . 2. Their Synedry consisting of twenty three judges , more weighty matters , and inflicted more weighty punishments ; and 3. the great Councell of 71. Judges did handle questions about false prophets , the High-priest , and of other weightiest causes ; and therefore he sheweth the punishment of an offending brother amongst the Iewes too darkly ; but these judicatories were well knowne to them . And here excommunication is expressed in Jewish tearmes in use at that time . Let him be to thee as a heathen , that is , a stranger from the common wealth of Israel , not one of the true Chu●ch , but such a one as they called Goijm . So Drusius and Beza on this place . Now ( Tell the Church ) Kahal to those that know the Iewes forme of speech must be ( Tell the Elders of the Congregation ) amongst them , the multitude no more judged causes , then we would thinke him excommunicated who is esteemed one not 〈◊〉 borne of Abraham , and so all the whole Church of the Gentiles should be excommunicated . So Franc. Iohnson . 2. The Church of beleevers convened together is still a Church met together , for hearing the Word , receiving the Sacraments , 1 Cor. 11. 18 , 19. 1 Cor. 14 , 19 , 20 , 21. In which none are to speake but Pastors , and as the Separatists say , Prophets , and not all private persons ; but this is a Church not assembled to prophecying and praying , but to rebuking , to judiciall censuring by binding and loosing , where all private persons , as their witnesses , the offended brother , be they publike , or be they private persons ( yea suppose a woman otherwise forbidden to speake in the Church met for worship , 1 Cor. 14. ) may speake in this Church , for a woman may offend , and be excommunicate , or be offended , for scandals betwixt woman and woman is to be removed . 3. The Church spoken of here is such a superiour and judiciall seat , as ought to be obeyed in the Lord , under the paine of excommunication , and to whose voice and sentence coactive the contumacious is said to be disobedient , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to disobey in the holy tongues doth signifie . But a multitude of beleevers are no such superiour and judiciall seat as may be obeyed , or disobeyed by inferiours , under the paine of excommunication , for it is without the warrant of Gods Word , that all Christians , Pastors , Elders , and Doctors are under the judiciall and coactive sentence of beleevers . 4. What ever Church may excommunicate , every member thereof convened with the Church may inflict all inferiour censures also ; for whosoever may inflict judicially the greater punishment , may inflict the lesse ; but all the members of the Church of beleevers may not in this assembled Church inflict lesser punishments : For example , a woman , a sonne , a servant , who are all equally the true members of the true Church of beleevers , being beleeving professors may not in an assembled Congregation rebuke publikely her husband and Pastor , his Father and Master : For publike rebuking being a degree of teaching , and especially in the assembled Church , the Apostle will not have the woman to teach publikely , and usurpe authority over the man , nor any to exhort and rebuke in the Church but Pastors . 5. These to whom the essence and definition of a Ministeriall Church having power to excommunicate ( as this Church hath that power , Mat. 18. 17. ) doth necessarily and essentially belong , these , and these only are here understood under the name of the Church . But so it is , that the essence and definition of a Ministeriall Church having power to excommunicate , agreeth not necessarily and essentially to a company of true beleevers assembled Church-wayes , ergo , by the name of a Church here is no wayes understood the Church of true beleevers assembled Church-wayes . The proposition is undenyable , for out of the words may be gathered a definition of a Ministeriall Church , to wit , an Assembly that has power of preaching and binding and loosing , and so of all Church-censures . I prove the assumption , To have power to preach , convene before them , and judicially cognosce and sentence , and excommunicate a contumacious member doth agree to these that by no necessity are beleevers , because to have power to preach and excommunicate essentially require no more , but that persons be , 1. professors of the truth . 2. that they be gifted to preach and governe . 3. that they be duely called thereunto by the Church , as Judas and others are ; but all these three are , and may be in a company in whom is no saving faith , as the word and experience cleare : For howbeit to be a called Pastor ( the like I say of Elders , Doctors , Deacons , and visible professors ) require faith in Christ , as a gracious element and necessary ingredient to make him a saved man : Yet it is not required to the essence of a Pastor . Yea Parker , Answorth , and authors of Presbyter , govern ▪ ex . acknowledge professors to be members of a visible Church , and so to have power of the keyes who are but rotten hypocrites , and what wonder ? seeing God onely seeth the heart , and men cannot see farre in a milstone . 6. All the arguments proving that the power of the keyes is not given to all beleevers , but onely to the overseers of the Church , and proving that the government of Christs house is not popular , but in the hands of the Elders proveth the same , for this is a ruling , and authoritative and judging Church . 7. Pareus saith , The Church here meaned is the Church to be complained unto , but none can complaine to a multitude . 8. The practise of the Apostolike Church , 1 Cor. 1. The house of Eloe being grieved with the schisme of Corinth , telleth not the whole beleevers , but telleth it to Paul , and in him to the Pastors , who had the rod of discipline in their hands , and the Spirit of God giveth rules about receiving complaints to the Eldership , Tit. 1. 13. and never to all beleevers ; therefore the rebuking and excommunicating Church spoken of here must be the Church of Elders . 9. The Church here is those to whom the keyes are given , Mat. 16. 19. I will give to thee the keyes , whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; but here the keyes are given to Peter , and in him , to the Apostles , and those to whom he said , Joh. 20. Whose sinnes ye forgive , they are forgiven , and whose sinnes ye retaine , they are retained ; for that is to binde and loose in heaven , as they should bind , and loose on earth ; and to whom he said ( As my Father sent me , so send I you ) but this Christ said to the Church of the Apostles and Elders , for he hath not sent every beleever as his Father sent him , for that is a Pastorall sending , as is cleare from Mat. ●8 . 18. All power is given to me in heaven and in earth . Hence he draweth a conclusion , v. 19. Goe therefore and teach , &c. Which clearly includeth the keyes and power of preaching , baptizing , and governing , which agreeth not to all beleevers in any tollerable sense : As Theophilact , Chrysostome , Cyrill , August . Hieron . Cyprian teach , and that this place , Ioh. 20. ( As my Father sent me , so send I you ) cannot be common to all beleevers , the Fathers teach Theophilact ▪ in loc . He saith to them , Enter ye in my ministeriall charge . Cyrill . in loc . & Chrysost. ibid. Creati sunt totius orbis Doctores . Aug. in Psa. 44. Hieron . Epist. and Evagrin . Cyprian Epist. 41. in locum Pauli , omnes successisse . 10. The onely apparent Argument against this interpretation is weake , and so our interpretation must stand : For they say that the word Church is never taken but for a company of beleevers , and the redeemed , Eph. 2. 20. builded on the rocke Christ. I deny not but the word Church is very sparingly taken for the overseers onely ; yet it is taken in that sense , and there is reason why it cannot bee otherwise taken in this place ; for Revelation . 2. The Angell of the Church of Ephesus , Smyrna , &c. standeth for the whole Church , and the whole Church is written unto under the name of the Angell of such a Church : Which may be demonstrated thus , 1. because not only the Ministers , but the people that have eares to heare , are all and every one of them commanded to heare . 2 , The promise of eating the tree of life , v. 7. of giving the hidden Manna , and the white stone , and the new name , and they shall be cloathed in white , and their names not blotted out of the booke of life who overcommeth , agreeth not to Ministers onely . 3. The command of being faithfull to the death , of holding fast what they have , that none take away their crowne , of strengthening what remaineth , of being zealous , and of repenting , are not given to Ministers only . 4. The rebukes of falling from the first Love , of not watching , of lukewarmnesse are not laid upon Ministers onely ; therfore to the Angell of the Church of Ephesus , of the Church of Smyrna , must need force have this meaning , Vnto the Church of Ephesus , of Smyrna , and what is said to the Angels , is said to the Churches , as is cleare , comparing chap. 1. v. 20. and chap. 2. v. 1. with v. 9. 11 , 17. So Acts 18 ▪ v , 21 , 22. Paul is said to salute the Church , that must be the chiefe men and Elders of the Church ; for the Church being so numerous at Jerusalem , as is proved , he could not salute the Church of beleevers , 1. his manner in writing his Epistles is to salute the prime persons onely , and the rest in generall ; and this being a reall salutation , or by all appearance verball , he could not salute them all man by man , seeing he saw them in the bye , and the Kirke of Jerusalem ( for he landed at Cesarea ) was more numerous , then that he could salute them all , man by man. And also the Church is named from the Pastors , Isa. 40. 9. Sion that bringeth good tydings , and it is the Preachers that ordinarily preach the good tydings , and the woman that has many sonnes , Isa. 54. 1 , 2. Gal. 4. 26 ▪ 27. Isa. 49. 21. the woman that bringeth forth the manchilde , Rev. 12. the bride who is made the keeper of the vineyard , Cant. 1. 6. Now it is the Pastors properly that travell in birth to beget children to God , Gal. 4. 19. to the policye of which Church respect is had in this forme of speaking , the word Kahal , Gnedah Ecclesia , a Church , an Assembly doth onely signifie the Princes and Rulers , when the spirit is speaking of matters of government , discipline , commanding , complaints , or controversie , as he speaketh here , Psal. 62. 1. God standeth in the Church Gnedah , or Congregation of the mighty , Num. 35. 24. And the Congregation ( Gnedah ) shall Judge betwixt the slayer and the avenger of bloud , but it is expounded , Jos. 20. 4. and the slayer shall declare his cause before the Elders of that City . So Deut. 11 , 12 , 16 , 17. th●se that are called the men of Israel , Josh. 9. 6. are called the Princes of the Church or Congregation , v. 15. So compare , 2 Sam. 7. 7. spake I one word with one of the tribes of Israel , with 1 Chron. 17. 6. spake I one word to any of the Judges of Israel ? So compare Exodus ●0 . 18 , 19. All the people saw the thunder , v. 19. And they said to Moses , speake thou to us , with Deutronom . 5. 23. And it came to passe , when yee heard the voyce , out of the middes of darknesse that ye came neare to me , even all the heads of your Tribes and Elders and said , compare Exod : 4. 29. with 30. 31. also compare 1 Chr. 28. And David assembled all the Princes of Israel , the Princes of the Tribes , and the captaines of the companies that ministred to the King , with chap. 29. 1. Furthermore David the King said to all the congregation . Ainsworth acknowledgeth that the word ( Congregation ) is thus taken for the Elders only ; so the Separatists in their confession cite this , Psal : 122. 3. Lev : 20. 4 , 5 , &c. with Mat : 18. 17. Adde to these that 1. Judges and Priests in Israel might give sentence of death , and judge of Leprosie without the peoples consent , Deut : 1. 16. 2 Chron : 26. 16. Deut : 17. 8. and yet Israel as well as we , were Kings and Priests to God , Exod : 19. 5 , 6. Psal : 149. 1 , 2. And why may not we say ( Tell the Church of Elders , as Judges ) and in telling them , ye tell the believers , in respect that Elders are not to pronounce sentence of Excommunication , while they make declaration to the Church of believers . 11 Argument . That Church which the plaintiffe must tell , that is publickly to admonish the offender , but that is the Church of Elders , 1 Thes : 5. 12 , 13 , 14. 1 Tim : 5. 20. Luk : 10. 16. for they only are to receive publick delations , and to rebuke publickly , as is , Titus 1. 13. 1 Timothy 5. 1. and ver : 19. 2 Timothy 4. 2. 12 It shall follow , if Christ understand heere by the Church , the Church of believers , that in the case of an Elderships scandalous life , or if otherwise all the officers be taken away by death , that then a company of believing women and children being the Spouse of Christ , and so having claime and title to Christ , his covenant and all his ordinances , may censure , deprive and excommunicate the ●lders , and ordain Elders and pastors with publick fasting and praying and laying on of hands . But this latter is unwritten in the Word of God. For 1. Private believers , farre lesse believing women and children cannot judge the watchmen , and those who were over them in the Lord. 2. In the Old Testament the heads of Families only excommunicated , Gen : 21. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. and the Priests judged the Leper , Levit : 13. 3 , 4 , 5. Deut : 24. 8 , 9. Numb : 5. 1. not the people , and in the New Testament , the Apostles and Elders only ordained pastors and officers with praying and laying on of hands , Act : 6. 6. Act : 13. 3. Act : 14. 23. 1 Tim : 4. 14. 2 Tim : 1. 6. 1 Tim : 5. 22. Tit : 1. 5. and never the people : also if three be believers happen to be an independent Church , and then the plantiff rebuking the offender according to Christs rule , Mat : 16. 16. before the Brethren who are witnesses , he shall tell the Church , before he tell the Church , because three are an independent Church by the Doctrine of our Brethren , and moreover if these three being a Church , shall excommunicate the offending brother before the Church ( of which Christ speaketh , when he saith , tell the Church ) shall heare of the matter : Then shall 1. Christs order be violated : 2. The offending brother shall be excommunicated by a true ministeriall Church , ●lave non errante , and that duly , because he is contumacious to them , and yet he is not excommunicated , because Christs order is violated , and the matter is never come before the Church , who hath power to binde and loose on Earth : 3. And certainly they must say three or foure believers doe not make a Church , and they must give some other thing to make up essentially one true visible Church , then a company of believers visibly professing one Covenant with God. 13. And we have here for us the testimony of learned Parker , who is otherwise against us in this plea , who confesseth our Thesis , that in these words ( tell the Church ) Christ doth understand the Presbytery or Eldership . Hence the word Church in the New Testament doth not alwayes signifie the Church of Believers , Disciples , Brethren , who pray in Christs name and are heard in Heaven , and are builded on the Rocke , and are the body and spouse of Christ , for a number may be and often is , an Eldership judicially excommunicating , and a Presbytery , yea and also including some externally professing Christ , who are not a company of redeemed ones , built by saving faith upon the Rocke Jesus Christ. Also it is insolent that the word Church here should signifie both precisely the Eldership , and also in that same vers : the whole Congregation of believers ; because the same Church to the which the offended brother should put in his bill of complaint , is that very Church which must be heard , and obeyed under the pain of excommunication . 2. It is hard that the offender should be excommunicated for not hearing and obeying the Congregation of believers , who are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over him in the Lord. 3. By grant of M. Parker the Church of believers hath not power from this place Mat : 18. to ordaine pastors to themselves , when they want pastors , or to excommunicate their own Eldership in case of scandalous sins , which is against his grounds and our Brethrens principles , who ascribe this authority to the Congregation of believers , because a number of believers is not an Aristocraticall part and a select Presbytery and Eldership , as he saith is meaned in this word ( tell the Church . ) 14. The Church here cannot well mean a visible Congregation of believers and Elders conveened to heare the Word preached , so as he who contemneth two private admonitions should be accused and censured in the face of the Congregation conveened to hear Gods Word . Because the Church meeteth in Christs name for Gods worship , if they meet in faith and humble sense of sinne , with purpose of heart to worship God in spirit and truth , but there is some other thing required , that the excommunicating Church , meet for the actuall exercise of discipline , for beside meeting in Christs name , there is required that the Church meet with Pauls spirit , and the rod of discipline , 1 Cor : 5. 4. That yee meet in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ , and my spirit with power of our Lord Iesus Christ. Then Pauls spirit as an Elder , who hath power of the rod , a spirit and power of excommunication is required to this meeting . But I doubt not but the Church of believers did meet at Corinth , 1 Cor : 11. for hearing the Word and receiving the Lords Supper , and for ordinary wor●hip and praying and praysing when it was not needfull that Paul should write , That yee meet together in the name of our Lord Iesus and my spirit to heare the Word and to receive the Lords Supper : There was no need of Pauls spirit for that , therfore I conclude that this meeting of the excommunicating Church requireth another spirit and authoritative power to deliver to Satan ( such as was in Paul ) then is required in ten believers meeting in faith , without Pauls authoritative power , to heare Gods Word . For Paul saith of his authoritative meeting , I verily absent in body but present in spirit , have judged , &c. but Paul knew that they might meet as a number of believers to heare the Word , whither Paul be absent or present in spirit , and this I observe for their mistake who teach that two or three agreeing together upon Earth and praying for one thing , are heard of God , as it is said , Mat : 18. 19 , 20. is an independent Church having the power of the Keyes , for first , Christ then hath not provided a sure way , for removing scandals . And when he saith ( tell the Church ) this ( tell the Church ) must be a definite , visible , conspicuously known Church ; now in one congregation , one province , one nation there be three hundreth , six or ten hundreth threes or fours of professed believers , if every three and every foure be an independent Church , to which of all these many threes and fours , shall the plantiffe addresse himselfe , for they be all equally independent Churches , the plantiffe is left in the midst , and knoweth not his ordinary judge , there be so many tribunals in one Congregation , yea in one Family . 2. How many key-bearing Churches shall be within one independent Congregation , who may all meet in publike in one house , for the joynt worshiping of God together ? 3. Christ in these words , where he is said to heare two who shall agree together upon earth as touching one thing , hath no purpose to erect visible Churches with the full power of the keyes , consisting only of three or foure believers , but he doth argue here from the lesse to the more , as Bucer saith , and as Musculus . God will not only ratifie excommunication , but he will heare the prayers of his children universally ; and this promise , ver . 20. of Christs presence amongst two or three is more large and generall , then his promise to ratifie the sentence of excommunication , even that Christ will be with his owne , howbeit they be not Church-waies conveened ; or rather , as Paraeus saith , it is a generall promise of the presence of Christs grace in his Church , sive magnâ , sive parvâ , either great or small , and I grant it will prove the power of our Church sessions in Scotland very well , where there is often but one Pastor , and some few ruling Elders , but Christ cannot promise a Church-presence of his Spirit and grace , or such a presence wherby he ratifieth the censures of the Church , but where there is a Church consisting of Elders and people , but if the words be pressed according to the letter and definite number , then it shall follow that every two believers ; yea suppose two women agreeing on earth to pray for one thing , shall be a Ministeriall Church , having the power of the keys , which is most absurd : For a number of believers make not a Church , having the power of the keys , for 1. They want the power of binding and loosing by preaching . 2. They are not a golden candlestick , in the which Christ walketh , as a visible Church is , Rev. 1. Christs meaning the● must be , I promise my presence to the smallest Church , suppose it were possible that a Ministeriall Church could consist of the least number , that is , even of two only : but Christs purpose is not to make every two believers a visible Ministeriall Church , and every believing Family a congregation having the power of the keys . Vasquez the Jesuite hath arguments and ancients to speak from the Text this which we say , which can hardly be answered . See that Enchiridion of the Province of Cullen under Charles the V. See also Jansenius , Maldonat and others on this Text. CHAP. IX . Q. 9. What members are necessarily required for the right and lawfull constitution of a true politicke visible Church , to the which we may joyn in Gods worship . IT is maintained by these of the Separation , that the rightly constituted Church must consist of the Lords planting ( as saith M. Barrow ) all taught of God , all plants of righteousnesse , sons of Zion , precious stones , a redeemed people , a royall generation , so the Guide to Zion . The true visible Church ( say the Separatists ) is a company of people called and separated from the world , by the word of God , and ioyned together in a voluntary profession of the faith . So Separatists in their petit . Mr. Ainsworth , M. Canne , the discovery of N. Light. For the clearing of the Question , we remit to the consideration of the Reader these distinctions . 1. Distinct. There be some Saints by externall calling , but not chosen , some Saints by internall and effectuall calling , called and chosen of God. 2. Distinct. There be some members of a visible Church , who , de jure , by right and obligation should be such , there be other members of a visible Church , de facto ; and in practise , who are such and such members . 3. Distinct. There is a morall obligation , and so all the members of a visible Church are obliged to bee Saints by effectuall calling , there is a physicall obligation , and so that persons may be members of a visible Church as visible , it is not essentially required that they be effectually called . 4. Dist. If a true Church and a visible Church , as visible may not for a time be opposed by way of contradiction , as a believing Church , and a non-believing Church , I remit to be considered , and shall God willing bee cleared . 5. Dist. It is one thing to be wicked and scandalous indeed and really ; and another thing to be scandalous juridicè , and in the Court of the Church and notarily . 6. Dist. A knowne and openly scandalous person and a well lustred and dyed Hypocrite are to be differenced in the Church 7. Dist. Let it be considered , if the preaching of the word be not in divers considerations . 1. A mean of constituting and making a visible Church . 2. A true note of a visible Church . 3. A meane of saving the believing Church , now visibly professing the Faith. 8. Dist. Let it be considered if the Magistrate and King may not compell men to the confessing and professing of the faith , actu imperato , by an externall forcing power , and yet neither Magistrate nor Pastour can compell to heart-believing , actu elicito , by an inward moving of the heart . 9. Let it be considered if a visible Church may not be a true Church by reason of some few sound believers and sincere seekers of God , and that same whole body an infected lump and whoorish in respect of some visible professours , who are hypocrites and proud despisers of the Lord. 10. Let it be considered if a Church may not be tearmed by Gods Spirit an whoore , no Church , no Spouse , jure & merito & quod vocationem passivam , in respect of bad deserving and their not answering on their parts to the call of God , and yet that same Church remaine de facto , formaliter & quoad vocationem Dei activam , formally and in regard of Gods part and his active vocation and calling the Spouse and bride of Christ. Hence our first Conclusion . The Saints by externall calling are the true matter of a visible Church . 1. The word ( Ecclesia ) the called of God , proveth this : For those are a true visible Church , where God hath set up a Candlestick , and whom God calleth to Repentance , Remission of sinnes and life eternall in Christ , because there bee a setled Ministery calling . 2. Because all to whom the Word is preached are called the visible Church , as all within the house are vessels of the house visibly , howbeeit there bee in the house , Vessels of Honour and vessels of dishonour . 3. So saith Ainsworth , this we hold , That Saints by calling are the only matter of a visible Church , yet withall we hold , that many are called , but few chosen . So also the kingdome of Heaven or visible Church is a draw net , wherin are good and bad fishes , a barne-floore , wherin are chaffe and good wheat . See 1 Corinthians 1. 23. Collossians 1. 1 , 2. Romans 1. 7. Philip. 1. 1. Math. 20. 16. 2. Conclusion , All the members of the visible Church de jure , and by right , or by morall obligation ought to be Saints effectually called . 1. Because the commandement of making to themselves a new heart , Ezech. 18. 31. and to be renewed in the spirit of their mind , Eph. 4. 23. Rom 12. 2. and to be holy , as he who hath called them is holy , 1 Pet. 1. 15 , 16. It doth lay an obligation morall upon all within the visible Church . 2. Because the preached Gospell is the grace of God appearing to all men teaching them to deny ungodlinesse , &c. Tit. 2. v. 11 , 12. 3. Conclusion . But , de facto , as the visible Church is in the field of the world , all the members of the visible Church are not effectually called , justified , sanctified , neither is it needfull by a phisicall obligation for the true nature and essence of a visible Church , that all the members of it be inwardly called and sanctified , every professor is obliged to beleeve , else the wrath of God abideth on him , and he is condemned already . But to make a man a visible professor , and a member of the true visible Church as visible , saving faith is not essentially required , so as he should be no member of the Church visible , if he beleeve not . That this may be right taken ; observe that the visible Church falleth under a two-fold consideration . 1. In concreto , as a Church . 2. In abstracto , as visible . The visible Church considered in concreto , is a part of the universall , Catholike and unvisible Church which partaketh of the nature and essence of a true Church , and Christs misticall body , in which consideration we deny reprobates and unbelevers to be members of the visible Church . 1. Because there is no reall communion ( whatever Bellarmine and Papists say on the contrary ) betwixt righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse , light and darkenesse , the seed of the woman , and the seede of the Serpent , so as they can make up one true Church . 2. Because these who are not Christs , are not members of Christ , and so no part of his misticall body . 3. Because they are not bought with a price ; nor his purchased flock in the blood of God , as Acts 20. the true Church is , nor builded upon a rock , as Mat. 16. 18. 4. Christ is not their Redeemer , head , High-priest , King and Saviour , and so neither are they his redeemed , his members , his people , subjects and saved ones . 5. Because the promises made to the chos●n and beleevers , to give them a new heart , regeneration , sanctification , remission of sinnes are made to them only , and in Gods gratious intention , and not to reprobates . Whence I inferre these conclusions . 1. Sepera●ists arguments must be weake , for they all conclude that which we deny not , and no other thing , to wit , that haereticks , adulterers , forcerers , blasphemers be no parts of Christs visible Church , as it is a Church . Yea we say that as the tree leg , and the eye of glasse , and the teeth of silver by art put in the body , are no members of the living body , so neither are these members of the true Church , and so much doe all our Divines , as Calvin , Beza , Junius , Whittaker , Tilen , Piscator , Pareus , Vrsine , Tr●l●atius , Sibrandus , Amesius prove against Papists . 2. Preaching of the Gospell is called a note of the Church , and profession of faith a note of the Church both , the former is a no●e of the teaching Church or minsteriall Church called , Ecclesia docens . The latter is a note of the professing Church , who professeth the faith , which we may call Ecclesia utens , or Ecclesia practicè consideram . 3. Profession of the faith is thought to be true , either Subjectively . 2. Objectively . Or 3. Both Subjectively and Objectively . Profession subjectively is true when the professor doeth indeed professe and avow the truth , and doth not only seem to avow & professe the truth , and this is no note of a true Church , because it may be in hypocrites , who really goe to Church , really heare the word and partake of the Sacraments , but not sincerely . Profession true objectively is when the professor doth professe that faith which is indeed sound and orthodox . And this is a marke of the true teaching or ministeriall Church , and may be in a visible company of professors who for the time are not sincere beleevers . But a profession of the faith both objectively true and subjectively is , when the object is orthodox and sound truth , and the professor sincerely and gratiously , and with an honest heart beleeveth and professeth the truth , and this way profession of the truth is a true and essentiall note of a visible Church as it is a true Church and body of Christ , and so are our Divines to be expounded in this doctrine about the notes of the visible Church . But withall , the visible Church is to be considered in abstracto , under the notion of visibility , and as visible , and as performing all the externall acts of professing , governing , hearing , preaching , praising , administrating the seales of the covenant , binding and loosing in the externall and visible court of Christ , and under this reduplication as obvious to mens eyes , and therefore in this notion all externall professors who are not manifestly and openly scandalous are to be reputed members of the true visible Church , and therefore this tearme , would be considered , a true visible Church . For the adjective ( true ) may either be referred to the subject ( Church ) and so signifieth the true misticall body of Christ visibly , and with all sincerely professing the sound faith . Or it may be referred to the other adjective ( visible ) and so it is no other but a company of professors visible to our senses , and so truely visible , whose members may be unsound and false professours : Then the question is , whither visible Saints 1. forsaking all knowne sinnes . 2. Doing all the knowne will of God. 3. Growing in grace , ( as saith Smith , and the discov . of N. Light. ) be the only true matter of a right and lawfully consistent visible Church and congregation ; so as we are to joyne with no company of worshippers of God , but such visible Saints as these , and to acknowledge no other society a true Church , whereto we are obliged to adjoyne our selves as members , save only such a s●ciety : Or is this sufficient for the nature , and right constitution of a true visible Church , that the company that we are to joyne our selves unto , as visible members , have in it these true markes of a visible Church , The pure word of God purely preached , and the Sacraments duely administred , with discipline according to Gods word , and withall a people externally professing the fore-said faith , suppose they cannot give to us manifest tokens and evidences that they are effectually called , and partakers of the divine nature , and translated from death to life , and are elected , called and justified ; This latter we hold as the truth of God ; these of the Separation hold the former . Now we must carefully distinguish here what are to be distinguished ; for there are many questions infolded here of divers natures : For 1. The question is if the society have the word , seales and right discipline , and they professe the truth , suppose their lives be wicked ; whether they should not be answerable to that which they professe ? I Answer . No doubt they ought to be answerable to their light , and obey the holy calling . 2. What if many of them leade a life contrary to that which they professe , and yet the governours use not the rod of discipline to censure them : then whether should the members separate from that Church ? They ought to separate , ( say the Separatists , ) They ought not to separate from the Church and worship , say we ; they are to stay with their Mother , but to plead with her ; and modestly and seasonably say , that Archippus and others doe not fulfill their Ministry , which they have received of the Lord. 3. What if there be purity of doctrine , but extreame wickednesse , contrary to their doctrine ; whether is that company a true Church or not ? I answer , it is a true , visible and a teaching or right ministeriall Church , but for as farre as can be seene , not a holy , not a sanctified Church , and therefore must not be deserted and left . 4. What if the guides receive in as members of the Church , those who are knowne to be most scandalous and wicked , and not such Saints as Paul writeth unto at Rome , Corinth , Ephesus Colosse . Answ. The faults of the guides are not your faults who are private members , you are to keepe publike communion in the publike ordinances of Christ , but not to take part with their unfruitfull workes , but rather to reprove them . 5. What if the members of the Church can give no reall proofes that they are inwardly called , sanctified , and justified , and yet you see no scandalous out-breakings in them , to testifie the contrary . I answer , for as much as grace may be under many ashes , as a peece of gold amongst mountaines of earth : If they professe the sound faith , they are a true visible Church , and we are to acknowledge them as such , and to joyne our selves as members to such a society , or being already members , we are to remaine in that society , and not to separate from it in any sort . The Separation doth complaine that in our Church are ( as Ainsworth saith ) swarmes of Atheists , Idolaters , Papists , erronious and hereticall sectaries , witches , charmers , sorcerers , theeves , adulterers , lyars , &c. The Gentiles enter unto the temple of God , the holy things of God , the Sacraments indifferently communicated with cleane and uncleane , circumcised and uncircumcised : And amongst you are thousands who cannot tell how they shall be saved . So say others , as M. Barrow and Smith . Hence inferre they our Church is a false Church , not right constitute , no Spouse of Christ , no royall generation , not a people who hath Christ for King , Priest , and Prophet . We on the contrary hold this as our fourth conclusion , That howbeit openly and grossely prophane wicked persons , as knowne atheists , and mockers of Religion , Idolaters , papists , heretickes , sorcerers , witches , theeves , adulterers , &c. are not to be keeped in the Church ; but to be excommunicated , nor yet to be received into the Church as members thereof , untill they give evidences of their repentance : Yet we say that there is nothing required more as touching the essentiall properties , and nature of being members of a Church , as visible ; but that they professe before men the faith , and desire the seales of the Covenant , and crave fellowship with the visible Church , which I prove : 1. From the manner of receiving members in the Apostolike Church , where nothing is required but a professed willingnesse to receive the Gospell , howbeit they receive it not from their heart , Act. 2. 41. then they that gladly received his word ( Peters word ) were baptized , and the same day were added to the Church about three thousand soules , v. 45. And they sold their possessions and parted them to all men . Now amongst these glad receivers of the Gospell were Ananias and Saphira , ch . 4. v. 34 , 35 , 36 , 37. chap. 6. v. 1 , 2 , 3. It is true they are all charged by Peter to repent , ere they be baptized , and added to the Church ; but the Apostles require no more to make members of the visible Church , ●ut 1. professed willing receiving of the word and this receiving expressed by an outward act of selling their goods , which was but hypoc●isie in Ananias and Saphira , as the event declared ; yet were Ananias and Saphira , for that time members of the Churches as truly visible , and their acts of electing and chusing a Pastor , and consenting to excommunicate scandalous persons in that time valid in Christs cout : Yea suppose Ananias had been a preacher , his preaching and baptizing should have been valid , by grant of Separatists . Also there is no more required by the Church of Simon Magus , Act 8. v. 13. but beleeving historically at the sight of miracles , and he was baptized and received into the Church presently . Now this beleeving was not seene to be saving faith to Peter and the Apostles , we know no wayes they had to know it , seeing they know not the heart , but what is said , v. 13. he continued with Philip , and wondred , which an hypocrite might doe , and he had been not long since an abhominable sorcerer , and usurped the honour of God like a sacrilegious robber of the Almighty of his glory , ver . 9 , 10 , 11. And the like we may see of Demas , who forsooke Paul , 2 Tim. 4. 10 and followed the present world : There was nothing to make him a member of the visible Church then , but that for a while he followed Paul in his journeyes , and professed the faith . And the like must be said of Hymeneus and Alexander , who for a time were members of the true Church , as it is visible , and a professing Church ; and this was knowne onely by their profession ; yet that they had but a bare profession is cleare , seeing afterward they made shipwracke of faith , 1 Tim. 1. 19 , 20. Now our brethren cannot deny but all these might , and did exercise Ecclesiasticall Acts that were valid and ratified of God ▪ yea of binding and loosing , and so nothing is required to make men members of a visible Church , but such an outward profession of faith as may befall , and hath been found in the fairest broidered and pa●mented hypocrites , who have been in the Apostolike Church . Also what more was in Judas , even after Christ had said ( Have not I chosen you twelve , and one of you is a Devill ? ) yet the eleven say not , Lord , discover him to us , that we may separate from him . 2. Argument . If the visible Church planted and constituted lawfu●ly , be a draw-net , wherein are fishes of all sorts ; and a house wherein are vessels of silver and gold ; and also base vessels of brasse and wood ; and a barne-floore wherein are wheat and a chaffe , then a Church is rightly constitute ; howbeit there be in it beleevers and unbeleevers , and hypocrites , as members thereof : And there is no more required to make members of the Church visible as visible , but that they be within the net , hearers of the word , within the house as vessels of brasse , within the barne-wals as chaffe , in likenesse and appearance like wheat : But the former is true , and granted by Barrow , Mat 13. 47. 2 Tim. 2. 20 , 21. Mat. 3. 12. Barrow saith , Hypocrites are ever in the Church , but it followeth not that the prophane multitude for that should be admitted members without proofe of their faith . Answ. As the likenesse between the vessell of brasse , and the vessell of gold , and their being in one and the same Noblemans cu●table together , is sufficient to make the brazen vessell a part of the plenishing of the house : so the hypocrites externall profession , and receiving the word , and remaining in the Church , as Ananias and Saphira , and Simon Magus his beleeving , his adhering to Philip , his desire of Baptisme maketh him a member of the visible Church , and the Church that these are in , is a truly and right constitute visible Church . 3. Argument . If that Church be rightly constitute and a true Church , where the man without the wedding garment commeth to the Marriage of the Kings sonne , that is , where multitudes were called , and doe heare the Word , and so come to the banquet of the Gospell , that are not chosen , and are destitute of the wedding garment of faith and Christs righteousnesse , and all these that are professed hearers of the word , and yet not sound beleevers . Then a professed and externall use of the meanes ( if no outward out-breakings of scandals be in them ) maketh men members of the visible Church , and the Church is rightly constitute where these are ; but the former is true , Mat. 22. v. ● , 3. &c. v. 11 , 12 , 13. and this is a point most ordinary in every visible Assembly , where the word is preached , where some beleeve , and some are hardened , as in the parable of the sower , where the seed falleth upon good ground , and bringeth forth fruit , and also upon the way side , upon the rockie and thorny ground , and in the parable of the ten Virgins , to make them all the visible kingdome of heaven , there is no more required , but that all have l●mps , that is , a profession that they are the Bridegroomes men attending the wedding , and yet five of them wanteth oyle . And so when Christ preacheth and worketh miracles , some beleeve , and some beleeve not , Joh. 7. 31 , 32 , 33. Acts 2. 48 , 49 , 50. compared with Acts 5. 1 , 2. 2 Cor. 15. 16. 4. Argument . Israel was a right constituted Church . The covenanted people of God , an holy people to the Lord , chosen to be a peculiar people to himselfe , Deut. 14. 1 , 2. Deut. 29 , 10 , 11 , 12. a people on whom God set his love , Deut. 7. 7. So happy as none was like unto them , saved by the Lord the shield of their help , Deut. 33. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. a people with whom God would not ●reake his oath , and Covenant made with Abraham , Judg. 2. 1. and their God , 1 King. 18. 36. 2 King. 9. 6. and he calleth them his people , Hos 6 Jer. 2. 13. married unto the Lord , Ier. 3. 14. and married for ever , Ier. 31. 36 , 37. Ier. 32 40 , 41. Hos 2. 19 , 20. Isa. 50. 30. Psal. 80. 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , &c. A people who had avowed the Lord to be their God , a people whom the Lord had avowed to be his peculiar people , Deut. 26. 18 , 19. A people with goodly tents , as the gardens by the rivers side , as the trees of Libanus , that the Lord hath planted , Num. 24. 5 , 6. A people on whom the Lord looked upon , and behold their time was the time of love , over whom the Lord spread his skirts of love , to whom God sware a Covenant , and made them his , Ezech. 16 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. the Lords heritage , Ier. 12. 8. his pleasant sonne , and deare childe . Ier. 31. 20. his wel-beloved , Isa. 5. 1. And yet because of transgressions and the backsliders and revolters that wre amongst them , a perverse and crooked generation , Deut. 32. 5. at that same time had waxed fat and thicke , and lightly esteemed the rocke of their salvation , v. 15. A people that had no eyes to see , nor eares to heare , nor a heart to perceive , to that day , Deut. 29. 4. spotted , but not as his children , Deut. 32. 5. a whorish people , v. 16 , 17. Sodome and Gomorrah , Deut 32. 32. Isa. 1. 10. an harlot city full of murtherers , drosse , not silver , wine and water , v. 21 , 22. uncircumcised in heart , Ier. 9. 26. to God no better then uncircumcised Aethyopians , Egyptians , Philistines , and Syrians , Amos 9 7. these that played the harlot with many lovers , in all the high-wayes , Ier. 3. 1 ▪ 2 , 3. The Prophets prophesying falsly , the Priests bearing rule by their meanes , and the people loving to have it so , Ierem. 5. 31. The Princes wolves , evening wolves , Ezekiel 22. 27. What Apostasie was in Israel , yea in all , except Cal●b and Joshuah ? What harlotrie with the Daughters of Moab ? and that vile Idoll Baal-peor ? both immediately before , and immediately after the Spirit had called them , a blessed people , goodly plants , trees of the Lords planting , Numb . 24. as may be seen in the Chapters of that story , especially , cap. 25. Hence unanswerably it must follow , A Church visible is a rightly and lawfully constitute Church , to the which we may joyne our selves as members , and yet it is a mixed multitude of godly and prophane , circumcised and cleane , uncircumcised and uncleane . And Moses and the Prophets knew Israel to be thus mixed and rebuked them , and yet tearmeth them a married people to the Lord , Jer. 3. 14. 5. Argument . If the Church of the Jewes was a truly constitute visible Church , a Church that did worship a God they knew , and of whom was salvation , Joh. 4. 22. in Christs dayes , and had Moses chaire among them , and teachers on that chaire whom Christ commanded to heare , and obey , Mat. 23 1 , 2 , 3. and was the Lords vineyard , Mat. 21. 33. and the Lords building , ver . 42. and had the Kingdome of God amongst them , ver . 43. and the Lords Priests whom Christ commanded to acknowledge and obey , Mat. 8. 4. and if the Lord countenanced their feasts , preached in the Temple , and their Synagogues , John 5. 1. John 7. 37. John 8. 2. Luke 4. 16 , 17. and that daily , and yet there was in their Church Scribes and Pharisees , who perverted the Law of God , Mat. 5. 21. who made the Law of God of none effect with their traditions , Mat. 15. 6. and polluted all with will worship , Mark. 7. 6 , 7 , 8 , &c. Master builders who rejected Christ the corner stone of the building , and slew the heire Christ to make the vineyard their owne , Mat. 21. v. 42. v. 38 killers of the Prophets , Mat. 23. 37. blinde guides who led the blind people in the ●●tch . Christs own who would not receive him , Joh. 1. 12. if they slew the Lord of glory , Acts 5. 30. Acts 2. 36. Gods house made a house of merchandise , a den of theeves , John 2. 16. the Priesthood was bought and sold , Caiaphas was High-priest that yeare : By Gods Law the High-Priest should have continued so all his life . All this being true , then a Church is a right constitute Church , where the cleane and uncleane are mixed . 6. The like I might prove of the Church of Coriath , Galatia , and Ephesus , Thyatira , Sardis , Laodicea . And the Separatists grant that hypocrites are often in the true visible Church , then the presence of wicked men in a visible Church marr●th not the constitution of a Church , onely Separatists would have a more accurate tryall taken before persons were received in the Church , lest the uncircumcised enter into the temple of the Lord. But all the markes that we are to take before we receive members in the Church , or they also , is but an externall profession : And the Apostles tooke no markes in receiving Ananias and Saphira , Simon Magus , Demas , Alexander , and Hymyneus , but onely an hypocriticall profession , as Calvin hath well observed , and after him Cameron . We have no certainty of faith to know that this , or this man is a beleever , that another man beleeveth and is saved is not the object of my faith . 2. Hence it followeth , that of a Congregation of forty professors , foure and twenty may be , and often are but hypocrites ; yet these foure a●d twenty , suppose twelve of them be the Pastor , Elders and Deacons , are truly parts of the Church as visible : Howbeit not parts of the Church as the Church , and as the true and mystciall body of Jesus Christ , and by this same reason all the fourty may be hypocrites for a time , because they are but men , who seeth not the heart , who did congregate this Church , and what is true of foure and twenty may befall fourty . I say ( for a time ) they may be all hypocrites , or at the first constitution of the Church , but that all shall remaine so , I thinke is against the wisedome and gracious intention of God , who doth not set up a candle and candlesticke , but to seeke his owne lost money : And where he sendeth shepheards , he hath there some lost sheep , because the preaching of the word is an essentiall note of a visible Church . Hence that Congregation of forty not yet converted is a true visible Church , I meane , a true teaching and Ministeriall Church in which are acts Pastorall of preaching , baptizing , binding , and loosing that are valid and right Ecclesiastically : For Baptisme there administrated was not to be repeated , and such a Church by the Ministery therein , is and may be converted to the saving faith of Christ : yea and Separatists would call such an independent Congregation . Hence 3. this must follow , that as to make one a Pastor , and to make twelve men Deacons and Elders , and so such as hath joynt power of the keyes , even by the grant of Separatists , with the rest of the Congregation , there is not faith in Christ required as an essentiall element , as I have proved from Mat. 7. 22. so to make these twelve members of a visible Congregation , Faith is not essentially required ( suppose it be morally required ) so by that same reason to make other twelve members in that visible society in Christ , faith were not required , as to make Demas , Ananias , Saphira , Magus , Alexander , Hy●●●cus and some moe of that kind a visible Church : There is no more required but that profession of faith which moved the Apostolike Church to make them members of a true Church visible : For what maketh formally a member of a Church visible , to wit , profession of the faith , that same maketh forty also members of a visible Church , and quae est ratio constitutiva partium , est etiam const●tutiva totius . That which formally constituteth a part , doth formally constitute the whole , where the whole is made of parts of the same nature , as what is essentiall to make a quart of water , that is essentiall to make a whole sea of water , and every part of the visible Church is visible , and a visible professour , as visibility denominateth the whole , so doth it every part of the whole . And from this I inferre this fourth , That a visible Church as visible , doth not essentially and necessarily consist of believers ; but only of professours of beliefe , so that a Church and a visible Church may be opposed by way of contradiction , as a number of believers , and a number of non-believers . For a Church essentially is a number of believers and Christs mysticall body , els it is not a Church , that is , a number of persons effectually called ; for this cause I grant an Eldership of a congregation ; a Synod Provinciall or Nationall are unproperly called a Church ; and howbeit we list not to strive about names , we may grant our General assembly not to be properly called a National Church , but by a figure , for the believers of the Nation are properly the Nationall Church , I meane a mysticall believing Church . 5. Conclusion . The preaching of the Word and seals therof ordinarily setled in a visible society is the essentiall note and marke of a true Church : It is weak and vaine that Ainsworth , Robinson , Canne and Master Smith say , The preaching of the Word is no essentiall marke of the true Church , and why ? Because forsooth , our Masters learned from Barrow to say ; It is preached to the Reprobate to whom it is the ●avour of death unto death , and it was preached to the scoffing Athenians by Paul Act. 17. and yet the Athenians were not a true Church . But we distinguish three things here . There is 1. The single and occasionall preaching of the Word . 2. The setled preaching of the Word , the setling of the Candle-sticke and Kingdome to dwell amongst a people . 3. The preached Word , with the seales , especially the Sacrament of the Lords Supper . The single and occasionall preaching , or by concomitancy as to a people unconverted and unbelievers , and so it is not an essentiall note of the true Church , but a meane to gather a Church to God , and this they proove , and no more , and so doe the Belgicke , Arminians and Socinians proove against our reformed Churches , that it is no marke of the Church ; so Episcopius , the Remonstrants , the Catechise of Raccovia and Socinus , but this is as if one would say : the colours and armes of such a King in warre are carried through the enemies fields , as well as through the Kingsland ; therfore they are not the proper colours of such a King. 2. The setled preaching of the Word established and remaining in a Church , as the standing candlestick , the fixed kingdome of God is the essentiall mark of the true Church , and preached in Gods blessed decree of Election only for , and to the chosen believers , and as it were in the bie to the prophane reprobates amongst them , and this they cannot be able to improove . And it was M. Smiths vanity to say , the Reformed Churches have the Word , as the thiefe hath the honest mans purse . Anabaptists reason just that way . See Calvin . 3. The preaching of the Word , and the seales of the setled covenant is a means of confirming those that are already converted : Neither is it much against us that the Word is preached to the reprobate ; for the preaching of the Word is considered either in it selfe , and actu primo , and so it is a mark of the visible Church . Or. 2. As it is effectuall by the Spirit of Jesus , and actu secundo , and so it is an essentiall marke of the true Church and lively body of Christ , according to that cited by Whittaker , Calvin , Willet , Paraeus , Beza , Vrsine , Bucanus , and our Divines , John 1● . My Sheepe heare my voyce . Hence observe a vile Doctrine of Separatists , holden also by Socinians and Arrainians , as Episcopius , the Belgicke Remonstrants , Socinus , the Raccovian Catechise , and ●heophil . Nicolaides , That all gifted persons may preach publikely , and that there is no nec●ssity of c●lling of Pastors by the Presbytery , so doe they teach , That there can be no lawfull Pastors now after the Apostacy of of Antichrist , till t●ere be a constitute Church of believers to choose them , or a flocke to them to watch over . And therefore conversion is ordinarily wrought ( say they ) by private Christians , that have the gift to p●ophecy publikely , and yet are not Pastours ; for private Christians doe gather the Church ( say they ) Pastours doe not ordinarily convert , they do only confirme the church of Saints already converted . Against which we say . The new Testament of Christ telleth us of no officers to preach in Christs name , for the perfecting of the Saints , the worke of the Ministry , edifying of the body of Christ , but Pastors and Doctors , Eph. 4. 11 , 12. 2. None but such as have power of binding and loosing by the preaching of the Word , Joh. 20. 3. Those to whom Christ giveth power of publick teaching , to those he giveth power of Baptizing , Mat. 28. 18 , 19. and sendeth them as his Father sent him . 4. How shall they preach except they be sent ? Rom. 10. 14. Sending in the Apostolike Church was by praying and the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 5. There is nothing more ordinary then that Pastors as Pastors , and by vertue of their pastorall office convert soules . 1. Faith is begotten by hearing a sent ●reacher , Rom. 10. 14 , 15. Ministers by whom we beleeve , 1 Cor. 3. 9. by them we receive the Spirit by the hearing of Faith , Gal : 3. 2. 2. People are begotten over a●aine by them , as by spirituall fathers and mothers , 1 Cor. 4. 15. Gal : 4. 19. 3. Pastors are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wooers and under-suters to gaine the Brides consent , to marry the lovely Bridegroome Christ Jesus , Joh. 2. ●9 2 Cor : 11. 2 , 3. 4. Their Word is the savour of life unto life unto some , and the savour of death unto death unto others , 2 Cor. 2. 16. They are to preach with all gentlenesse , waiting if God peradventure will give repentance to the gain-sayers , 2 Tim : 2. 24 , 25 , 26. 5. They are Embassadours in Christs steed , beseeching men to be recon●iled unto God , a Cor : 5. 20. 6. The weapons of their warfare are mighty through God to fling downe strong holds ( of unbeliefe ) to cast downe imaginatims , and every high thing , that exalteth it selfe against the knowledge of God , and to bring unto captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ , 2 Cor : 10. 4 , 5. and so they are to pull men out of the hands of Satan . 7. They are to seeke the Lords Sheep , Ezek. 34 4. Hence the object and matter that a Pastor is to worke on as a Pastor , is unbelievers , unborne men , gain-sayers , proud , disobedient , keeping strong holds against Christ : So the nature of the Pastors office is to open the eyes of the blinde , to turne them from darknesse to light , and from the power of Satan unto God , that they may receive forgivenesse of sinnes , Act : 26. 18. and this evidently evinceth , that the visible and rightly constitute Church , where God hath erected a Ministery is a number of blinded sinners in Satans power , and in the power of darknesse for the most part , while God by a Ministery delivers them , suppose they professe the Faith. It is also a Doctrine unknowne to the Word of God , that the Church of Christ is gathered and edified formally as a Church without Christs Ministers that are sent to gaine the consent of the Bride to marry the Bridegroome Christ. It is also unknown to Scripture that Prophets are no Pastors , and have no power of the pastorall calling or s●ales of the Covenant , Should those bee the ordinary officers of Christ that gather sinners in to Christ , and convert to the Faith of Jesus men dead in sins and trespasses , who yet are neither Pastours nor Doctours sent by Christ and his Church . 6. Conclusion . Seeing then the Church hath no other marke and rule to looke unto , in the receiving in of members into a visible Church , but externall profession , which is no infallible marke of a true convert , the Church is rightly constitute , where all borne within the visible Church and professing the Faith are received , suppose many wicked persons be there . Now seeing time , favour of men , prosperity accompanying the Gospell , bring many into the Church , so the Magistrate may compell men to adjoyn themselves to the true Church . O saith , Master Barrow , Ainsworth , Mr. Canne . The blast of the Kings horne can make no man a member of Christs body , that must be done willingly , and by the Spirit of Christ , not by compulsion : The Magistrate ( say they ) can worke faith in none , he ought indeed to abolish Idolatry , set up the true Worship of God , suppresse errours , cause the truth to be taught , yet he cannot constrain men to joyne to the Church . I answer , This is a senslesse reason ; for how doth the Magistrate abolish Idolatry , set up the true worship of God ? It is , I hope , by externall force and power : For the Magistrate as the Magistrate doth nothing but by an externall coactive power . The Magistrate useth the sword , not reasons , preaching and counsell . Yea , this way he cannot abolish idolatry , nor erect the pure worship of God , for it is a worke of Gods Spirit and a willing worke , that a subject forsake Idols , and worship God purely at the command of a King , as it is the worke of God , that he believe in Christ , and joyn himselfe to the Church of true believers . 2. That a man by externall profession adjoyn himself to the true visible Church , is not a work of saving faith , as our Masters dreame , for Simon Magus and Ananias and Saphira a turned members of the visible Church upon as small motives , as the command of a King , upon the motive of gaine and honour , and were never a whit nearer Christ for all this . 3. The Magistrate cannot compell men to believe , nor can the Minister by preaching , or the power of the keys doe it , except Gods Spirit doe it , but as Junius●aith ●aith , he may compell men to professe beliefe , but not to believe , he may compell to the externall meanes , not to the end . 2. The Magistrate ( as Voetius saith ) may compell by remooving impediments , as idols and false teachers and authoritatively . 2. compell to the means . Now it shall be easie to answer their Objections , who wou●d prove that Saints are the onely matter of a rightly and lawfully constitute visible church . First , Master Barrow reasoneth against us thus , The materiall Temple from the very foundation was of choyse costly stones , the beames of choyse Cedars and Algummim-trees , which typified the church of the new Testament , Isa. 54. 11. Behold I will lay thy stones with carbuncle and thy foundations with Saphirs , &c. Is● . 6. 17. for brasse I will bring gold , Isa. 35. 8. No Lyon , nor ravenous beast shall be in the mountaine of the Lord , but the redeemed of the Lord , Jer. 31. 34. They shall all know me from the least of them , to the greatest , in this mountaine there shall be no cockatrise , aspe , lyon , leopard untill they have left their poyson , Isaiah 11. 6. Answer first . These places none ( except Anabaptists ) can apply according to the letter , to the Church independent of every Parish , may not the Separatists , who ●each that there is rotten timber in their visible Temple , and chalke stones , Lyons , Wolves , Cockatrices , for saith Barrow , Ainsworth , and all their side , there are always in the Church glorious Hypocrites ; now such as Judas , Demas , Hymeneus , and such hypocrites are not precious stones , gold , taught of God , there is not a visible Church of a congregation out of Heaven , where there is not a hypocrite and an unbeliever . 2. The place Isa. 54. and Jer : 31. is understood of the Catholick Church , with whom the covenant of grace is made , Isa. 54. 10. Jer : 31. 31. and this covenant is not everlasting , nor an eternall covenant to any one Parish Church , yea , nor to a Nationall Church , nor to Corinth , Ephesus , Pergamus , all which particular Churches are fallen under horrible Idolatry , and in those Mountains are Lyons and Leopards , and therfore as Musculus , Calvin , Hierom , and the course of the Text cleareth he is speaking of the begunne holinesse of the whole Church , of the redeemed under Christ , which is finally and fully accomplished in Heaven , for what use should there be of excommunication , and of the Pastors and Porters care to hold out , and cast out , by the Church censures , Lyons , Leopards , Cockatrices , if all , and every one in the Church be taught of God ? 3. It is beside the Text to make the Temple of Jerusalem a type of a Parish congregation , it was a type of Christ , Iohn 2. 21. of every beleever , 1 Cor. 6. 19. and of the whole Catholike Church . 4. Where it is said , There shall be no ravenous beast in the Mountaine of the Lord , the Mountaine of the Lord is not taken litterally for Mount Sion , as if in every little Mountaine of a visible congregation , made up of so many Saints , there were not a Iudas amongst them ; But by the Mountaine of the Lord is meaned the Catholike Church , alluding to the visible Mount Sion , a type of the Church of Christ through all the earth . 2. They dispute thus : God in all ages hath appointed , and made a separation of his people from the world , before the Law , under the Law , and now in the time of the Gospell , Gen. 4. 6. Exod. 6. 3. Levit. 20. 24. Ezech. 6. 11. Psal. 84. 10. Answ. God hath made a separation of the Church from the wicked , but not such a separation , as there remaineth no mixture of hypocrites and unbeleevers in the Church . The Church was separated from Caines seede , yet was there Idolatry , defection and wickednesse : in the Church , till God charged Abraham to leave his country , and his fathers house . God separated his Israel from Egypt , but so that there was much Idolatry and wickednesse in Israel thus separated . God may , and doth separate his owne from Egypt , 〈◊〉 in Marriage and mixture with the Canaanites . 〈…〉 that are born in the visible Church and professe 〈…〉 us , should not be received in the Church 〈…〉 be all taught of God , all precious stones , all plants of righteousnesse : it followeth no way , but the contrary , therefore because they are unbeleevers under the power and chaines of Sathan , and ignorance , they are to be received in a communion with the Church , to be hearers of the word , that they may be all taught of God , and all made righteous plants . 3. They reason thus . The wicked have not Christ for their head . So the guide to Zion . A true visible Church ( say the Separatists ) is the Temple of the Lord , the body of Christ , a kingdome of Priests , a Church of Saints , the houshold and Kingdome of God. Yea saith Barrow , a people , chosen , redeemed Saints by calling , partakers of the most precious faith , and glorious hope , the humble , obedient , loving Sheepe of Christ , a sheepe-fold watched by discipline , a garden well inclosed , here entreth no Cananite , every vessell is holy . Answ. 1. The body of Christ , a Kingdome of Priests and Saints , and these that are partakers of the holy faith , are the chosen of God , ordained for glory in his decree of election , and effectually called and justified ; but the adversaries say , that the visible Church is a company of Saints by calling , where ( saith Ainsworth ) there be many called , but few chosen , hence this argument will prove that none , no hypocrites can be in the visible Church , as a Church is indeed Christs body . Now the Church visible as a Church is indeed Christs body , a reyall Priest-hood , a chosen generation , but as visible , it is sufficient that the Church be a royall Priest-hood only in profession , and so possibly for a while , no royall Priesthood , no chosen generation , as I have observed before . But ( say they ) hypocrites are not indeed and really members of the true visible Church , but only in reputation , as an eye of glasse , is not indeed a true part of the body . I answer , then our adversaries give us no right description of the true naturall and lively members of the true visible Church , he that would give such a definition of a man as agreeth both to a living man , and to a pictured or painted man , were but a painted Logician . For they acknowledge the true parts of a visible Church to be a chosen people , a royall generation , partakers of the holy faith , either they are really and in Gods esteem a chosen people , &c. And so we are at a point , there be none members of a visible Church , none ought to heare the word as members of the Church , none ought to preach , baptize , bind and loose with the rest of the Congregation , but these that are really chosen and effectually called , which cannot be said . Ainsworth then and M. Canne , and Smith doe but mocke us , when they say , The true matter of a true visible Church are Saints in profession , and in the judgement of charity , for that is not enough , they must be according to the Texts of Scripture alledged by Barrow , not onely in the judgement of charity , but in Gods estimation , and in the judgement of verity , a chosen people , a royall generation . If the true matter of the true visible Church be a chosen generation and a royall Priest-hood only in profession , the places cited will not help them ; for Peter , 1 Pet. 2. writeth not to an independent Congregation , who are in profession only a chosen people ; But he writeth to the Catholick Church , even to all the dispersed and sanctified , and regenerated in Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Asia and Bythinia , who were not only a chosen generation in profession , but also really and in Gods decree of election . Neither Peter nor Isaiah are of purpose to teach that in the independent Congregation of the New Testament there are none , but all righteous men , no stones ( to speake with Isaiah ) but Saphires and Carbuncles , no thornes and briers , but only the firre and the myrtle trees ; no iron and brasse , but all gold and silver ; no Cananite , no Lyon , no uncleane vessell , this they shall not find in the independent Congregations of Separatists , nor can it be in the visible Church on earth , except they seeke the Anabaptists Church , a man in the Moone . 4. They reason thus , The wicked are expresly forbidden in the word of God , for medling with his Covenant and ordinances , Psal. 50. So the guide to Zion . Answ. The wicked are forbidden to speake of Gods Law and his Covenant , in some case , so long as they hate to be reformed , but they are not simply forbidden ; but hence it followeth not , that they should not be ordinary hearers of the word , but rather they are to be hearers , and so members of the visible Church , seing faith commeth by hearing . 2. From this argument is nothing concluded against us , for such adulterers , theeves and slanderers , as are forbidden to take Gods Law in their mouth , Psal. 50. are to be cast out of the Church , and the question is , if they be not cast out , if the Church for that be no true Church , that we should remaine in , they say it leaveth off to be a true visible Church : we deny . 5. There is ( saith Ainsworth ) proclaimed by God himselfe , enmity and warre , betwixt the seede of the woman , and the seede of the Serpent ; and there is no communion nor fellowship betwixt Christ and Beliall , light and darknesse . Therefore the prophane and the godly cannot be mixed together in one visible society , as two contraries are not capeable of one and the same forme . Answ. This will prove that which is not denyed , that the godly and ungodly cannot agree well together , suppose the ungodly be latent hypocrites ; for they have two contrary natures , as fire and water , and have two contrary fathers , God and Sathan , but that is not denyed . But hence it followeth not but that hypocrites and unbeleevers may be all their life in externall society with the wicked , and make up one true visible Church . 6. If the godly have a due right to the promises and seales of Gods covenant , and his presence and blessings appertaine to them . Mat. 28. 18 , 19. 2 Cor. 6. 17. Levit. 26. 11 , 12. Isa. 56. 20. Then no prophane persons can be received or retained in the visible Church with the godly ; for this is , 1. To prophane the holy things of God , which no beleever should suffer . 2. This is contrary to the nature of the covenant that offereth remission of sinnes only to the chosen and faithfull . 3. The godly shall become one body with the wicked , by having communion with them . 1 Cor. 10. 16 , 17. and so shall be defiled , Haggai 2. 12. 1 Corin. 5. 6. Answ. 1. This argument is injurious to Gods providence , who hath left no infallible meanes to keepe his owne Name and ordinances from prophanation , and his owne Church from being leavened and defiled with the uncleane . For Simon Magus , Annanias and Saphira , Demas , to whom the precious promises of the covenant were preached , and the seales conferred , could not be discerned to be hypocrites by any word of God , while the event of their out-breaking wickednesse declared them to be such , and so this should prove that God is not tender enough of the honour of his owne Name and ordinances , who should permit hypocrites to lurke in the visible Church , and heare the promises , and receive the seales of the covenant , and defile and pollute them , and Christs body the Church , for the godly by that Text are made one body , 1 Cor. 10. ( if it be rightly expounded ) with the latent hypocrites that come to the communion with them . 2. The promises and seales were not defiled to Christ and his Disciples , because Iudas did heare the word , and receive the seales of the word with them : The Word and Sacraments were not polluted to Paul , because Demas did communicate with him . 3. If some one private Christian know another to be an adulterer , he is to rebuke him privately , and not to tell the Church , but in case of obstinacie , and suppose the Church would not cast out the adulterer , yet is he not to private persons an adulterer , while he be juridice , by two or three witnesses convicted before the Church , and all this while it is lawfull to communicate with him ; for a a testimonie should not be received against any , but under two witnesses . We are not made one body by eating that same supper with an unbeleever , except it be one visible body communicating in one visible bread . Christ and the Apostles were not made one body misticall with Iudas , by eating the Passeover together , but only one visible externall society which is not inconvenient . 7. They reason thus : The leaper by the Law was not to remaine in the campe , but behooved for so many dayes to be removed , and not re-admitted to come amongst the people of God , while he was cleansed ; the uncircumcised must not be admitted to eat the Passeover , the uncleane and uncircumcised , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Heathen , the Moabites and Ammorites were not suffered to enter into the Temple : And all these signified that no profane person should be mixed with the congregation of beleevers . I answer . The uncircumcised and the Heathen did sore-signifie the excommunicated , who are to be reputed as Heathen and Publicanes , Mat. 18. 17. and these are to be cast out of the Church being once sentenced and judged by the Church according to Christs order and Pauls ; if the sinne be publicke , Math. 18. and 1 Tim : 5. 20. yet are they not to be debarred wholly from the society of the congregation , but they must not be counted as enemies , but admonished as Brethren , 2 Thes : 3. 15. the uncircumcised were not counted as brethren , yea excommunication is a meane to save the spirit in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor : 5. 5. and so he is under the Churches cure , as a sick son , and must heare the Word , and is to be as a Heathen , and yet not a Heathen indeed , but warned as a brother , and in some Church-communion with us . 8. They reason thus , If the prophane be admitted as members of the true visible Church , the true Church should not be distinguished from false Churches , contrary to the word of God , Psal. 84. 10. Cant : 1. 6 , 7. Hos. 2 , ●9 , 20. 2 Cor : 6. 15. Rev. 1. 11 , 12 , 20. compared with 17. 1 , 5. but God hath differenced his true Church from all Synagogues of Satan , and humane societies , as a separated and sanctified people ? Answ. Gods courts , Psal. 84. 10. are differenced from the tents of wickednesse , The flocks of the companions , Cant : 1. 7. expounded to be the false Church , are differenced from the true Church , in that in the true Church are the Kidds fed beside the Shepheards tents , that is , the Word of God is purely preached in the true Church , and the members therof professe this Word , which is not done in the tents of wickednesse , and yet a Judas is often one of the Shepheards , and a Demas a follower of Paul and the Gospell , a member of this true Church visible . 2. Hos. 2. Israel is called not Gods wife , and God not her husband , not because Israel left off to be a true Church , de facto , and formally , as if upon Gods part he had given her a bill of divorcement , the contrary wherof is said , v. 6 , 7. he will give her grace to returne to her first husband , and 19. he will marry her , and Jer : 13. 14. hee was married to backesliding ▪ Israel , that had plaid the harlot with many lovers , Jer. 3. 14. v. 1. but Isreal is called no wife , de jure , by her evill deservings , as a husband saith to his wife that hath plaid the harlot , you are not my wife , to wit , by law and right of deserving , for you have broken your Marriage-oath . Yet upon his part who hath not rent and cancelled the contract of marriage , nor put her out at doores with a written bill of divorcement , she is de facto and formally , still a wife , and so was God still in covenant with Israel , and sent his Prophets to them , and they had circumcision amongst them , and God had there seven thousand that had not bowed their knee to Baal , and had not cast off his people whom he fore-knew , Rom. 11. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 3. God is present and Christ also in the midst of the seven candle-sticks , and walketh in his Church , and goeth not away , because these that digge downe his Altars and slay his Prophets , and so extinguish the candles , are in the visible Church , as is cleare , he walked in Ephesus beside his candle-stick , howbeit , they had fallen from their first-love , and in Pergamus , howbeit the doctrine of Bal●am was there , and in Thyatira , howbeit , Jezabel the false Prophetesse was there seducing his people . CHAP. X. Quest. 10. Whither or no it be lawfull to seperate from a true Church visible , for the corruption of teachers , and the wickednesse of Pastours and professours , where Faith is begotten by the preaching of professed truth ? THat we may the more orderly proceed , these distinctions are to be considered , as making way to cleare the question . 1. There is a separation in the visible Church , and a Separation out of , and from the visible Church . 2. There is a Separation totall and whole , from any visible communion with the Church ; or partiall and in part , from a point of Doctrine or practise of the Church in a particular only . 3. There is a Separation negative , when we deny the practise of an errour with silence , or refuse publike communion with the Church , but doe not erect a new Church within the Church . There is a separation positive , when we doe not only refuse practise of errours , and protest and pleade against them , but also erect a new visible Church . 4. As there is a three-fold communion , 1. in Baptisme , 2. in hearing of the Word , 3. in communicating with the Church at the Lords Supper , so there is a three-fold separation answerable therunto . 5. The influence of a worship corrupt may either be thought to come from the persons with whom we worship , or 2. from the matter of the worship , if corrupt , and that either , 1. by practise , or 2. by not practising somthing that an affirmative commandement of God impaseth on us . 6. A communion in worship either implyeth a consent and approbation of the worship , or no consent at all . 7. A communion of worship when the worship in the matter is lawfull , yet for the profession may be most unlawfull , as to heare a Jesuite preach sound Doctrine . 8. There is a separation from a friendly familiarity , and from a communion in worship . 1. Conclusion . We are to separate in the true visible Church , from all communion , wherin need-force we cannot choose but sinne , suppose we separate not from the Church , Eph. 5. 11. Have no fellowship with the unfruitfull workes of darkenesse , but rather reproove them , Col. 2. ●1 . Touch not , taste not , handle not , 2 Epist. John. Bid him not God speed , that bringeth another doctrine . 2. Conclusion , from the first conclusion it will follow , that a separation in part , I meane , in some acts of publike worship , when we cannot chuse but fall in sin , from a true Church is lawfull , as we must separate from an idolatrous communion , where the bread is adored : for then the Lords Table is made an Idols Table , and yet we are not totally and wholly to separate from the Church and hearing of the word , and praiers and praises of that Church , as we shall heare . 3. Conclusion . Anent separation from Rome , and spirituall Babel : We have two parties to satisfie , if they would in reason be informed . 1. Papists . 2. Separatists , opposers of government Presbyteriall , who thinke we have all as good reason to separate from our selves and Presbyteriall Churches , as from Babel . But I shall speake a little of the first in some few Theses considerable for our purpose . 1. Consideration . It is most false that Bellarmine saith , Churches all withered as branches separated from trees , when they separated from Rome : Joseph grew as a fruitfull Branch , and blessings was on the top of his head , when he was separated from his Brethren , Deut. 33. 16. For 1. The contrary is seene in the reformed Churches who never flourished , as since our separation from Rome . 2. The Churches in Asia and Africa , and especially the Greeke Church flourished ever since , and they separated from Rome , and had famous learned men in them after the separation , as Theophylact , Damascen , Occumenius , Zonaras , Cedrenus , Elias Cretensis , Basil : Nilus , and many others , and especially the Aethiopian and Armenian Churches had both their Bishops and Assemblies , howbeit generall they could not have , seeing they were apart , not the whole Church . 2. Consideration . The faithfull before Luther , the Albigenses , Waldenses and others , yea the Romane Doctors themselves holding the fundamentall points with some hay and stubble builded upon the foundation made a negative Separation from Babylon ▪ and did neither hold , nor professe their grosse Idolatries , and other fundamentall errours , howbeit they did not hold them positively , by erecting a new Church , because the separation was then in the blade , and not ripe for the Harvest . 3. Consideration . We hold that Rome made the Separation from the Reformed Churches , and not we from them , as the rotten wall maketh the schisme in the house , when the house standeth still and the rotten wall falleth . 1. Because we left not Christianity in Rome , but the leprosie of Popery growing upon Christianity , seeing we kept the Apostolike faith , and did positively separate from the pookes , blybes , and ulcers of Christian Rome . 2. We did not separate from the Westerne Churches , either collective or representatively gathered in a generall Councell . 3. We departed not from a Nationall , Provinciall or Parishonall Church , or Pastors that we had before , nor from the materiall Temples and Churches , except that some not very considerable hyrelings and idoll-pastours would not goe before us . 4. And because the succession of fundamentall truths from generations to generations , is as necessary as the perpetuall existence of the true Catholick Church , while the covenant with night and day and the ordinances of Heaven shall continue , Jer : 31. 37. therfore there were a succession of professours and members of the Catholick Church that did ever hold these fundamentals , which we to this day hold against Rome ; suppose Histories cannot cleare the particular persons by name . 5. We have not separated from Romes baptisme and ordination of Pastors according to the substance of the act , nor from the letter of the twelve Articles of the Creed and contents of the old and new Testament , as they stand with relation to the mind and intent of the Holy Ghost , howbeit we have left the false interpretations of the Lords of poore peoples Faith and Consciences . 4. Consideration . We separate not from acts of love to have the reliques of Babel saved , howbeit we have separated from communion in faith and worship . 5. Consideration . The essentiall ingredients and reasons of a lawfull divorce are here . 1. we could not lye in one bed with that sometime sister Church of Rome , but our skin behoved to rub upon her botch-boyle , and therfore we did separate from nothing but corruption . 2. There was there persecutions , and in that we are patients and ejected rather then departers on foot and horse . 3. A professed dominion over our consciences . 4. Necessity of receiving the marke of the beast , and so the plagues of the beast , to worship Images , and the worke of mens hands , a necessity of professing fundamentall errours , that subvert the foundation of faith , did all necessitate our seperation . 6. Consideration . The Church of believers might lawfully use justâ tutelâ aet●rnae salutis , a necessary defence for salvation , and forsake her corrupt guides and choose others , and so we had the consent of the Church to the separation , and a voice from Heaven , Come out of her my people . 7. Consideration . A collaterall and sister-Church , such as Rome ever was , is not said to separate from another ; the lesser separateth alway from the greater , the member from the body . Where there is a schisme , sister-Protestant Churches then cannot be said to separate one from another , nor can the crime of schisme here be more objected to us then to Rome , but rather to Rome separating from Orthodoxe and right beleeving Rome . 8. Consideration . We separate not from men but errours . 2. We separate from Papisme kindly , properly and totally : from Christian Articles in no sort . 3. From points of truth sewed and engraven with Popery only by accident , breaking the thread and needle that sowed them together . But as concerning the other point . We see not how we are to separate from the reformed Churches , as Ainsworth saith , and how M. Jacob saith , Our reformed Divines cannot satisfie the obiection that Calvin and Luther , and Zuinglius , who had their ordination and calling to be Pastors from the Church of Rome , and so from Antichrist , and so our Ministers having ordination and calling from Ministers , who had their calling from Antichrist cannot be lawfull Ministers , nor our Church a true Church , seeing it wanteth a true Ministery , except we say with them , they had their calling essentially from the suffrages and consent of the Church of beleevers , who have power to ordaine Ministers , and power to depose and excommunicate them if need be . But I answer , this power is in the backe of the Bible , and amongst unwritten traditions , not in the holy Oracles of the old or new Testament . Hence I will speake a word of the calling of our reformers . 2. of the Church of Rome , if they could give a calling to our reformers , seeing we hold them to be an Antichristian Church . Some answer and Walleus approveth them , that Luther , Zuinglius , Farellus were Pastors ordinary of Churches , and so had power to convince the gainsayers . But the question yet remaineth from whence had these before them their calling ? Our Divines , Tylen , Bucan , professors Leyd . Walleus distinguish here three things , 1. Something in the calling of our reformers was from God : so authoritatively , they were called of God , the Ministery being of God. 2. The Christian Church lying under Popery , called , designed , and ordained the men to be Pastors ; so their calling according to the substance of the act was from God , and the Romane Church as a Christian Church . 3. There was corruption in the way and manner of their vocation , as the Antichristian ceremonies , and an oath to maintaine the doctrine of the Church of Rome , not onely as a Christian Church , but also as Romish , if any of them did sweare to defend the corruptions of the Church , this latter was taken away by Gods illumination of their minds : A called Minister sweareth to defend the truth , and this truth of this Church ; but aye under the notion of truth ; and if he see it to be errour he still holdeth the substance of his oath , in as far as it is obligatory and tyeth him in conscience . It is objected , An Antichristian Church cannot ordaine Christian Ministers , Rome was then an Antichristian Church , Ergo , Answ. That which is wholy , as touching its whole essence Antichristian , cannot ordaine Christian Ministers : True , A dead man cannot beget a living barne : The Romane Church was not wholly Antichristian , but kept some of Christs truth . That which is Antichristian in part onely , may ordaine Ministers , who have the true essence of a Ministeriall calling ; for Israel no wife , but a whore , Hos. 2. 2. a whore and no wife merito & iure , in ill deserving ; yet a mother and a wife , de facto , and keeping something of a covenanted bride , is called Gods people , Hos. 4. 6. and Ezech. 16. 21. Thou hast slaine my children , then her barnes were Gods barnes in Covenant , and not bastards : God was still Samaria's God , Hos. 13. 16. a remnant according to election remained , Rom. 11. 5. The Orthodox Fathers acknowledged the Africanes as a true Church , who defended heresie , that barnes baptized by heretickes were to be baptized againe . 2. A calling is extraordinary , either in habit or in exercise ; in habit , as to be an Apostle , and have the gift of miracles : Thus our reformers calling was not extraordinary , they were not immediately called by God from heaven ; for they would not have concealed such a calling , if they had had any such : Or a calling is extraordinary in the exercise , and that two wayes ; Either in the Principle moving them to teach , or 2. in the manner of teaching and efficacy ; a calling extraordinary in the principle moving , is twofold : Either a meere Propheticall impulsion of Revelation , stirring them up to such an act , as the Spirit of the Lord came upon Saul , and he prophecyed , this our reformers had not , because we never finde that they alleadge it . 2. A more then ordinary motion with illumination by Gods Spirit , speaking in the Scriptures , in which motions they were not subordinate in the exercise of their Ministery to the Church of Pastors ; but immediately in that subordinated to God , and in this I prove that our reformers were extraordinary Doctors . 1. Because Ezech. 34. in a universall aposta●ye of the Prophets and shepheards , the Lord extraordinarily worketh , v. 11. For thus saith the Lord God , behold I , even I will both search my sheep , and seeke them out . Now this is by Pastors , when the ordinary Pastors are all failed . So Rev. 11. in that universall Apostacye under Antichrist , when the Gentiles treade upon the utter Court of the Temple , and the holy City , God stirreth up two witnesses to prophecye in sack●loth ; that is , some few Pastors ( for two is the smallest number ) and they prophecye , and are slaine , and yet they rise againe . We need not apply this to men in particular , as to John Hush , and Jerome of Prague ; but certainly , some few spake against Babylon , and they were borne downe , and oppressed , and killed , and men of that same spirit rose and spake that same truth , as if the very two men who were slaine , had risen within three dayes againe . 2. Because when the Church is overgone with heresie and Apostacye , our reformers in the exercise of their Minestery , were not to keepe a certaine flocke as in a constitute Church , and suppose they had no calling but eminent gifts , they were to spread the Gospell to Nations , as Luther did , and suppose the people should resist them , as in many places they did ; yet God called them , and they were not to expect election from people : So Cyprus and Cyrenus preached , Act. 11. and 18. and we reade of no vocation that they had from either people or Apostle . So Origen preached to a people in a certain Town , where there was not one Christian , and afterwards he was chosen their Pastor . As for the Church of Rome , suppose our Reformers have their calling thence , yet have we a true Ministry and there was a Church in Rome before the Lateran Councell , which could constitute a true Ministry , as I cleare in these distinctions , for the Church of Rome it hath these parts . 1. Distinction . 1. The court of Rome and Clergy , 2. The seduced people . 2. Distinction . There is a teaching court professing and teaching Popery , and obtruding it upon the consciences of others . 2. There is a people professing and believing this with heat of zeal . 3. A people misled , ignorant , not doubting but following . 4. There is a people of God , Come out of her my people , ergo . there is a covenanted people of God there , 2 Thess. Antichrist shall sit in the Temple of God , ergo . GOD hath a Temple in Rome . A third Distinction is necessary ; a true Church is one thing veritate Metaphysicâ , with the verity of essence , as a sick-man , or a man wanting a legg is a true man , and hath a reasonable soule in him , and a true Church veritate Ethicâ , a Church morally true , that is , a sound , whole , a pure Church professing the sound faith , that is another thing . Rome is a sick-Church and a maimed and lamed Church , wanting legs and armes , and so is not morally a true Church , for vile corruption of Doctrine is there , as we say a thief is not a true man , but a false and a taking man , yet he hath a mans nature and a reasonable soule in him ; the question is if Rome have the soul , life and being of a Church . A fourth Distinction is : That the question is either of a teaching Church and a Ministeriall , professing Christ , the Word and Baptisme , or of a believing Church and Spouse of Christ. The fifth Distinction is . If Rome relatively be a wife in comparison of other Churches , or if Rome absolutely in her self be a Church . The sixth Distinction is . If Rome be jure and merito , a Spouse , or an Harlot , or de facto , a wife , not having received a Bill of Divorcement , as the Church of the Iewes . The seventh Distinction is . If Rome according to some parts be a Spouse , and keepeth any list of marriage kindnes to her husband , or if she be according to other parts a cast off whore . The eighth and last is , if Rome be materially a Church , having in it the Doctrine of faith , or if formally it bee no Church , having no professed faith that hath the nature of faith . Hence shortly I say , The Court of Rome as Popish , is the falling-sicknesse of the Church , not the Church . But the same Court teaching something of Christ , baptisme , good-works , &c , hath something of the life and being of a Church , howbeit she be not a whole Church , her skinne being leprous , pocky and polluted . 1. Because in a Church that is no Church , there cannot be a true feale of Gods covenant , but in the Court of Rome there is true baptisme ; for we baptize not againe children once baptized there ; some of the Separation called it Idoll-baptisme , and no baptisme , which is Anabaptisme , for then all converted Papists must be baptized againe , no lesse then converted Turkes and Iewes ; But 1. The covenant is there , Come out of her my people : then their baptisme confirmeth this covenant . 2. Circumcision even in apostate Israel is true circumcision , her barnes the Lords barnes , Ezech. 16. 21. hee is Israels God , the holy one of Israel in the midst thereof . In Hezokiahs reformation the people ate the Passeover , and yet all had corrupted their wayes , and had beene a long time worshipping Idols , and they are not , 2 Chro. 30. circumcised againe , and yet Exod. 12. none but the circumcised might eate the ` Passeover . 2. Because the word of God and so the contract of Marriage is professed amongst them , and so there is an externall active calling there , and the word of the covenant sounding amongst them , and a passive calling also , because many secretly believe and obey . 3. Many fundamentall truths are taught that may beget faith , and so there are true and valid pastorall acts in that Church . 2. I say there is an hid and invisible Church and Temple in Rome , and these God warneth to come out of Babel , and these we by writings cry unto , that they would forsake their harlot mother , and worship the Lord in truth , and they obey , howbeit they dare not professe the truth . But the teaching Church teaching Popery and fundamentall truths , and obtruding them upon the consciences of others , is not the believing Church , and so not the spouse and body of Christ. 3. Rome now compared with Paules Rome which he did write unto , is no Church , no spouse , as a whorish wife compared with her selfe in her first moneth to her Husband , while she was chaste , is now , when she imbraceth the bosome of a stranger , no wife , and yet Rome compared with Indians who worship Sathan , with Persians who worship the Sunne , with the Egyptians who worshipped gods growing in their gard●ns , as Oneons and Garlick , for so Juvenal , O sanctas gentes quibus haec nascuntur in hortis Numina . I say , being compared with these , they are the Lords Temple , 2 Thes. 24. Rev. 18. 4. and his Wife , as ( one saith well ) apostate Israel compared with Syrians , Philistines is counted Gods people , having the true God for their God , 2 King. 5. 8 , 15 , 17. But being compared with Judah which ruled with God , and was faithfull with the Saints , is called no wife , but an harlot , Hose 2. 2 , 5. & 4. 15. & 5. 3 , 4. 4. Rome iure and merito , in her bad deserving to her Lord , is no wife , no Church , no spouse , no people in covenant with God , and yet de facto and formally in possession , in profession , and for matrimoniall tables which she keepeth is a Church , and differeth from the Jewes , as a Church and no Church . 1. Because albeit the Jewes have the old Testament , which implicity and by interpretation is the covenant , yet they want two things which Rome hath which destroyeth the essence of a true Church . 1. The Iewes give not so much as a virtuall consent to the Marriage and the very externall active calling and invitation to come to Christ , and all ministeriall publishing of the newes of salvation is removed from them , Acts 13. 46. but there is a virtuall consent to the Marriage with Christ in Rome , and salvation there in the word , and some ministeriall and pastorall publication thereof as in the seed . 2. Iewes directly oppugne the Cardinall foundation of salvation , 1 Cor. 3. 11. Acts 4. 12. 1 Thes. 2. 15 , 16. Christ Jesus , Papists professe him , and have his seales amongst them , especially baptisme . 5. Rome in concreto , according to her best part , to wit , secret beleevers groaning and sighing in Egypts bondage is a true Church ; but Rome in abstracto , the faction of Papists , as Papists , are no spouse of Christ , but the whore of Babel , and mother of fornications . 6. Howsoever Rome be materially a true Church , having the materiall object of faith , the doctrine of the old and new Testament common with us , yet formally they are not one Church with us , but there is a reall and essentiall separation betwixt us and them , as betwixt a true Church and an Antichristian Church , a spouse of Christ and no spouse ; for faith relatively taken , faith of many united in one society doth essentially constitute a Church , and the formall object of their faith is the word of the Church , and of men , or Gods word as expounded by men , and our faiths object formall is the word of God , as the word of God , and so doe formally differ . 7. Howbeit I say Rome is a Church teaching and professing , and hath something of the life and being of a true Church , yet I hold not that Rome is Christs body , nor his wife . Neither meane I with our late novators , Prelates and their faction sometimes in this Land , and now in England , that Rome is a true Church , as they taught , that is , so a true Church as , 1. We erred in separating from that leaper whore . 2. That her errours are not fundamentall , and that we and this mother can be reconciled and bedde together . But what I say , is holden by our Divines Calvin , Junius , Whittaker , that famous Divine Rivetus ; that most learned Professor Gilbertus Voetius , and our Divines . Voetius maketh nine rankes of these that were not dyed and engrained Papists in the popish Church . 1. Some deceived . 2. Some compelled . 3. Some ignorant . 4. Some carelesse , who took● not heed to that faith . 5. Some doubting . 6. Some loathing it . 7. Some sighing . 8. Some opposing and contradicting it . 9. Some separating from it . Now seeing our Church hath nothing to doe with Rome , and our ministry lawfull , Separatists may hence be satisfied . Neither yet doe I thinke with Spalato de repub . Eccles. in ostensione error . Suarezij cap. 1. pag. 887 , 888. That the Roimane Church is erronious onely in excesse , seeing ●n substantiall points there is such defect also as averteth aith . 4. Conclusion , There be three sorts that have communion rightly with our Church , 1. Infants baptised , for baptisme is a seale of their fellowship with Christ , and therefore of communion with the Church , because Separatists will have none members of the Church , while they can give proofes thereof by signes of regeneration , infants must be without the Church , as Infidels and Turks , for none are the Church to them , but the royall generation , partakers of the holy faith , taught of God , called and separated from the world , the rest are without : hence baptisme shall either seale no entring of infants in the Church , contrary to Gods word , or the baptizing of infants is not lawfull , as Anabaptists teach . 2. The hearers of the word have a communion with the Church as is cleare , seeing these that eate of one bread are one body , these that professe in the hearing of the word , that same faith , are also that same body in profession ; yet excommunicate persons are admitted as hearers of the word . Hence only the extreame and great excommunication , 1 Cor. 16. 22. cutteth of men from being simply no members of the Church , that excommunication that maketh the party as a heathen and Publican , supposeth him still to be a brother and hearer of the word , 2 Thes. 3. 14 , 15. And all these are members of the Church and yet not necessarily converted . 3. The regenerate and beleevers that communicate of one bread and one cup at the Lords Table , are most neerely and properly members of one visible body , and none of these are to separate from Christs body . 5. Conclusion , It is not lawfull to separate from any worship of the Church for the sinnes of the fellow-worshippers , whether they be officers or private Christians . 1. Because Scribes and Pharisees , and the Church in Christs dayes was a most perverse Church , the rulers perverted the Law , Mat. 5. 21. denyed that hatred and rash anger was a sinne , ver . 22. or heart adultery a sin . Made the commandement of God of no effect by their traditions , Mat. 15. 6. polluted the worship with superstition and will-worship , ver . 7. 8. Mark. 7. 6 , 7 , 8. said it was nothing to sweare by the Temple , devoured widdows houses , made their proselites children of damnation , Mat. 13. 14 , 15 , 16. were blind guides , filled the measure of their fathers wrath , slew the Lord of glory , 1 Cor. 2. 8 , 9. killed and crucisied the Prophets , were blind guides , and the blind people followed them , and slew the Lord of glory also . The Priest-hood was keeped by Moyen , Caiphas was High-priest that yeare . But Christ by practice and precept forbad to separate from this Church . Ergo , &c , The assumption is cleare . Mat. 23. They sit in Moses his chaire , heare them , Mat. 10. 6 , 7. Goe to the lost sheepe of the house of Israel and preach . And Christ and his Disciples observed their feasts , preached in the Temple and Synagogues , Joh. 1. 7 , 37. Joh 8. 2. Luk. 4. 16. Luk. 1. 9. Christ reasoned with them about religion , Ioh. 10. 24 , 25 , 26. Ainsworth replyeth to this , Christ and his Disciples separated from the corruptions of the Iewish Church : and from false Churches , as from the Samaritanes . Answ. We acknowledge separation from corruption , but not from the worship of corrupters , when they keepe the foundation , the Samaratine-Church had not the foundation , but worshipped they knew not what , neither was there salvation in their Church , Iohn 4. 2. but there was the true God worshipped among the Iewes and salvation amongst them . 2. Ainsworth replyeth , The Iewish Church consisted still , as Moses had ordained , Levit. 20. 24. of a people separated from the heathen , and were the children of the Prophets and covenant , Joh. 4. 9. Acts 3. 25. but your Church consisteth of an unseparated people ? Answ. The Priest-hood was changed , Ioh. 11. 51. Caiphas was High-priest that yeare , against the Law ( as Tollet observeth ) for the High-priest , Exod. 28. 29. by the Law was High-priest till his dying day . But all was corrupted ( saith Calvin , ) and all bought and sold ( saith Iosephus : ) this was as Anti-Mosaicall as our reformers Ministry is Antichristian , if they had their calling only from Rome . 2. The Jewish Church consisted of men separated from heathen , who said stand back , I am holier then thou , Isaiah 65. but they were corrupters of the L●w , murtherers of the Prophets and the heire Christ , Math. 21. hypocrites , will-worshippers , blind guides , blind people , &c. Our second Argument , If Gods Prophets and people were never commanded to separate from the publike worship , but commanded to come up to Ierusalem and worship , pray , sacrifice with Gods people , Deut. 12 , 11 , 12 , 13. Deut. 15. 19 , 20. Deut. 16. 7 , 8. v. 16 , 17. And yet that people was a crooked and perverse generation , Deut. 32. 5. not his children , provokers of God to jealousie with strange gods , sacrificers to Divells , ver . 16 , 17. their workes for bitternesse like the clusters and grapes of Sodome , ver . 32. a people that had neither eyes nor eares , nor heart to understand God , Deut. 29 , 3 , 4. stiffe necked , foolish , proud , murmurers , idolaters , &c. Then the sinfulnesse of the worshippers defileth not the worship , and we are not to separate from the worship for the wickednesse of the worshippers . But the former is Scripture , Ergo separate we cannot upon this pretence . The proposition is sure , for God cannot both command his people to come and worship publikely with his people , and then also forbid them , because for the wickednesse of the worshippers , they were to abstaine . Also 2. It will follow that the people should not have gone to Shiloh when God commanded them to sacrifice with Elies sonnes , because they committed silthinesse with the women at the doore of the Tabernacle of the Congregation , because Elies soones wickednesse made men to abhorre the Lords sacrifice . Also 3. Because to prophecy to a people , and for the people to heare the word of prophecy are both acts of worshipping God , it will follow , if we must abstaine from the worship for the knowne sinnes of fellow-worshippers , then Isaiah sinned in prophecying to a people laden with iniquity , corrupt children , the seede of evill doers , hypocrites , rebells , Sodome and Gomorrah , murtherers , oppressors , &c. Isa. 1. for Isaiah and that wicked people worshipping together , the worship was defiled to Isaiah , by these wicked hearers , and he should have abstained from prophecying and separated from that polluted and unlawfull worship . Hence Ieremiah sinned in prophecying to Israel and Iudah , Hosea sinned , Amos sinned in prophecying to wicked people , Ionah sinned in prophecying to Niniveh ; Paul sinned in preaching Christ to the obstinate Iewes , to the scoffing Athenians . And seeing they were commanded to prophecy obedience to Gods commandements , shall it be sin and disobedience , for certainely the preacher and the hearers of the preaching joyne in one and the same worship . Also 4. Baruch should not have gone to the house of the Lord at the commandement of Ieremiah , and so at Gods commandement , Ier. 36 , 6 , 7. to reade the booke of the Prophecie of Jeremiah , in the eares of the Princes and people at the entry of the new-gate of the Lords house , ver . 10. because the Princes , Priests , Prophets and people followed Baalim , slew their children to Molech , forsooke the Lord their God , said to a stock thou art my father , came to Gods house and cryed , the Temple of the Lord , the Temple of the Lord , and yet did steale , murther , commit adultery , sweare falsly , burne incense to Baal , and walke after other gods , Jer. 9. 2 , 3 , 13 , 14. Chap. 5. 31. Chap. 7. 8 , 9 , 10. Chap. 2. 13 , 14. ver . 27. Chap. 14. 15 , 16. Chap. 23. 1 , 2 , 3 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. Chap. 7. 30 , 31 , 32. Chap. 15. 1. No people could be more desperately wicked ; yet Ieremiah worshipped God with them , commanded Baruch to worship God , and commanded the King , his servants , and the people publikely to worship and heare and beleeve the word , Chap. 22. 2 , 3. v. 5. Chap. 19. 3 , 4. Chap. 26. 2. And besides he should have commanded the faithfull to separate from such an Idolatrous Church , and not commanded them to heare in the Lords house , and beleeve and obey . So Ezechiel commandeth a most wicked and idolatrous people to joyn in the publick worship , Ezek. 6 2 , 3. Chap. 20. 3 , 4 , 5. Chap. 21. 3 , 4. so all the rest of the Prophets . 1. This idolatrous people in the judgement of charity could not be judged visible Saints , seeing they were visible Idolaters , lyars , murtherers , adulterers , and an Assembly of treacherous persons . 2. It cannot be said , that to prophecy to them in publick is not to keep a religious communion with them . For to heare on Messiah preached , these same promises , threatnings , covenant , and that ordinarily , is an evident signe of a Church-fellowship , and joynt worshipping of God together . There only reason that they give to this is . The common-wealth of Israel was a policy established by God , by covenant without exception , and so long as the Covenant stood unbroken on Gods part , though broken on their part , it was not lawfull to separate from that Church . So Robinson . Others say , Christ behooved to be borne of the true Church , therefore they never left off to be the true Church till Christ came . Answ. First , we have Robinson contrary to Ainsworth , the Israelites then sacrifi●ed to Divels , not to God , Deut. 32. 17. ● Chron. 11. 15. and will you say the Prophets separated no● from them , saith Ainsworth . We say in the act of sacrificing to Divels , the Prophets that were holy separated from them , but not from their Church and lawful worship . Robinson saith , They were to hold communion with that Church of Israel without exception . 2. We have a faire confession , that contrary to the 31. Article , The faithfull may become and stand members , and have a spirituall communion with a people , as an orderly gathered and constituted Church of Christ that are Idolaters , thieves , murtherers , worshippers of Baal , so being they worship the true God publickly as he commandeth , and be in externall covenant with him . 3. Suppose the Church of Israel should have had a typicall priviledge in this beyond all the Churches of the new Testament , which Ainsworth will not grant , neither can we see it , yet all the Separatists goodly arguments hence fall to the ground , if the faithfull might lawfully keep Church fellowship with the Church of Israel so corrupted . Then in the old Testament Christ and Belial , light and darkenesse might be in one Church worship . Then in the old Testament , the seed of the woman , and the Serpents seed could agree together , then it was lawfull to remain in Babel , lawfull to become members of an Harlot Church , and be defiled with their unlawfull worship , and to consent therunto . Then it was not required in the old Testament , that the Church of God , and his people in Covenant should be a Royall Priest-hood , an holy people . In the old Testament , the Church might be a whoore , Worship Baal , Sacrifice to Divel● , and yet remain the Spouse and wife of Jehovah . All their passages cited in the old Testament for separation from a Church fall . The Church of Israel had not Christ for their King , Priest and Prophet , and therfore was not separated from all false Churches , as they prove from Hos. 2. 2. Cant. 1. 7 , 8. Psal. 84. 10. in the old Testament , The wicked might have taken the covenant of God in their mouth , contrary to Psal. 50. 16 , 17. which place the authour of the Guide to Zion , alleadgeth , to prove that idolaters and wicked persons are not members of the true visible Church . Then it is false that Separatists said , The Lord in all ages appointed , and made a separation of his people from the world , before the Law , under the Law , and now in the time of the Gospell . For M. Robinson teacheth us in the old Testament none were to separate from the Church of Israel though never so abhominable in wickednesse . Lastly , The Church of Israel had no such priviledge as that persons who were idolaters , thieves , worshippers of Baal , and forsakers of the true God , and going a whoring after strange gods should remaine members of Christs true body , and a redeemed Church ; for then they should have had a priviledge , to goe to Heaven , holding the broad way to Hell , for Christs true body shall be glorified . Also 5. Elijah should have grievously sinned against God in gathering together all Israel on Mount Carmell , amongst the which there were seven thousand that bowed not their knee to Baal , and was the Lords elected and sanctified people , and also with them the idolatrous people that halted betwixt God and Baal , 1 Kin. 18. for so he brought light and darkenesse , Christ and Belial to one and the same publick worship , for there was praying and preaching and a miraculous sacrifice , and ver . 39. All the people fell on their faces and worshipped , and Elijah knew them to be an idolatrous people , and that the faithfull in that worship behoved to have bin defiled and consenters to the unlawfull worship of these halters betwixt God and Baal . Master Canne , poore soule doubtsome what to say , saith , These that preach to people have not spirituall communion with all which are present and heare the same , for the Divell is often a hearer . But this is a poore shift , for neither Saviour , Word of God , covenant , promise , or seale belongeth to Satan : He is a hearer to carry away the seed that falleth by the way side , Mat. 13. And so because the word is not Satans in offer , and he commeth uncalled , he hath no Church communion with the Church , but the Word preached to men , and especially in an ordinary way is a professed communion with all professours , for so the word of God saith , Eze. 33. 3. They come unto thee as the people commeth , and they sit before thee as my people , and they heare thy words . And Esa. 58. 2. They aske of me the ordinances of Justice , they take delight in approaching to God. And Esa. 2. 2. The peoples communion with one another in going to the Lords Mountaine to be taught his Word , is set downe as a marke of the called Church of the Gentiles . 2. To heare or professe hearing of the word is a worshipping of God : therefore joynt-hearers are joynt-worshippers , and have communion together . 3. To eate at one Table of the Lord is a profession that the eaters are one body , 1 Cor. 10. 17. with that same Lord , and promises are offered in the word that are sealed in the Sacrament . 4. All our Divines proove the Church of the Iewes , and the Church under the New Testament to be one Church , because that same word of the covenant , and that same faith in substance that was preached and sealed to us , was preached to them , 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Heb : 11. Heb : 13. 8. Heb : 3. 7 , 8 , 12 , 13. none deny this but Arminians , Socinians , Papists , and some other perverters of the Scriptures . 5. If a joynt hearing of the Word be denied to be a Church-communion in externall worship , upon this ground , because all that heare doe not believe , but many scoffe at the Word , many hate it , many reject it in their hearts , as Separatists reason ; this is most weake and prooveth that all have not an internall communion by faith and love , but it is nothing against a Church-communion , in the matter of Separation . Also hence it might be concluded , none have a Church-communion that eateth at one Table , and eateth one bread and drinketh one cup , except only believers , and so all Hypocrites in the visible Church , hearing together , praying and praysing and receiving the seales of the covenant together in one politick and visible body with believers , should be Separatists from believers , having no Church communion with believers , the contrary whereof reason and s●nse teacheth , and Scripture , Psalm . 42. 4. Psalm . 55. 13 , 14. 1 Cor : 10. 17. Math : 13. 47. Mat : 12. 13. confirmeth . Master Canne seeing this saith , We affirme not that there can be no religious communion , but with members of a visible Church , our profession and practise is daily otherwaies , yet so that they be such persons , howbeit not in Church-state , yet to bee judged in the Faith by their gracious and holy walking , and are persons in the judgement of Men gracious and holy in their walking , but members of a visible Church are visible Saints , and so if there be no religious communion to be kept , but with persons judged gracious , then is there no religious communion to bee kept , but with members of the visible Church , who are gracious and holy , which is a plain contradiction . Moreover 6. The zeale of Josiah commended so highly by God , should have bin sinfull and wicked zeale , in commanding all the people to keepte the most solemne Passeover that ever had beene since the daies of the Judges , 2 King. 23. 21 , 22. and yet Iudah was universally corrupted with high places , idolatry and false Priest-hood , images , groves , &c. It is true Iosiah reformed all these , it is as true he sought no more of the people for their externall right worship , but profession , and could get no more , yet he commanded not separation from the Church of Iudah , for these corruptions , howbeit much heart wickednesse was amongst them , as is cleare , v. 26. Notwithstanding God turned not from the fiercenesse of his great anger against Judah . Moreover 7. Asa his zeale should have bin as sinfull in commanding all Judah and Benjamin , and the strangers with them out of Ephraim and Manasseh , to conveene in an Assembly ( which was farre from separation ) to a solemne service of swearing a Covenant , to se●k the Lord , under the paine of death , to both men and woemen , and presently after such abominable Idols as ●ad bin in Iudah and Beniamin , 2 Chron. 15. 8. were they all turned visible Saints , a holy people , a chosen generation , all taught of God , all partakers of the faith and promises , so suddenly at one Proclamation ? Also 8. Ioshua 24. conveened all the Tribes and exhorted them to serve the Lord , he charged them all to conveene , and they did enter in a covenant with the Lord , and he set up a stone under an oake that was by the Sanctuary , ver : 26. Now this conveening of them all , even these who v. 14. and 23. had strange gods amongst them beside the Lord , as Ioshuah knew well , and gave warning therof , must have bin a sinfull fact in Ioshua , in commanding a mixture of Gods people , and these that had strange gods , to assemble in the Sanctuary , and enter in covenant with God , and heare the servant of God exhort them so heavenly in that Sermon Chap. 23. and Chap. 24. of Ioshuah , this was light and darknesse , Christ and Belial to come to one Sanctuary to defile the worship of God , pollute the people with leaven , take the name of God in vaine , if Separatists teach true Doctrine . And 9. Moses sinned grievously , Deut. 29. in assembling all the men of Israel , their little ones , wives , strangers , hewers of wood , drawers of water to enter in an oath and covenant to serve God , which was a solemne publick worship ; for there was amongst that company , who ought to have bin separated , v. 4. those to whom the Lord had not given a heart to perceive , nor eyes to see , nor ears to heare to this day . So Moses in that prophaned the name of God , polluted the word of the covenant . Many other instances might bee given for this purpose . 3. Argument . If Paul doe not only not command separation in the Church of Corinth , but also command and approove their meeting together in Church-communion , 1 Cor. 5. 4. 1 Cor. 11. 18 , 20 , 21 , 22. 1 Cor. 14. 23. 1 Cor. 16. 2. where there was schismes and contentious , 1 Cor. 1. 12 , 13. envying and strife , 1 Cor. 3. 3. incest , and incest tolerated , such as is not named amongst the Gentiles , 1 Cor. 5. 1. going to law with their brethren for gain before Infidels , 1 Cor. 6. Harlotry , v. 15 , 16. Eating at the Idols-Table , 1 Cor. 8. Keeping fellowship with Divels , 1 Cor. 10. 20 , 2 , 22. comming to the Lords Table drunken , 1 Cor. 11. 21. eating and drinking damnation , v. 29 , 30. A denying of a fundamentall point of faith , the resurrection of the dead , and that with scoffing at it , 1 Cor. 15. 35. Murthering of weak soules , whom Christ had dyed for , 1 Cor. 8. 12 , 13. Pauls name despitefully traduced , 2 Cor. 10. 8 , 9. &c. Then it is unlawfull to separate from the pure worship of God , because a Church is not constitute of visible Saints , and a people all taught of God. To this Master Barrow answereth . 1. These were faults of frailty and ignorance . Answ. Such sinnes of the flesh against the law of nature , as envy , strife , extortion , drunkennesse at the Lords Table are not sinnes of frailty , malitious hating and reproaching the knowne and approoved servant of God , 1 Corinth : 10. 11 , 12. 1 Corinth : 4. 18 , 19 , 20. are not frailties , but must contaminate the worship , no lesse then sins to the which obstinacy is added , howbeit possibly not in alike measure and degree . 2. We then are to thinke them members of a visible Church , and not to separate from them , howbeit in the judgement of charity we cannot say , they are a royall Priest-hood , the holy seed , the sheepe of Christ , the Spouse and body of Christ , and all taught of God , as you say , for so the constitution of the visible Church is marred , and a company that is not such , is not the matter of a visible Church , as you teach . Barrow secondly saith , We should not separate , till their sinnes be reprooved and censured , and they declared incorrigible , and such as will not heare admonition , such were not the Corinthians . Answ. Then we are to esteeme denyers of the resurrection , schismatickes , extortioners , drunkards , incestuous persons , fornicatours knowne so to us , to bee a Royall Priest-hood , the Sheepe , bodie and Spouse of Christ , regenerate , plants of righteousnesse , precious stones of Zion , all taught of God , aye and while the Church and Professours rebuke them and censure them . 2. If these were not dispisers of Pauls admonitions , why should Paul say , 1 Cor. 4. 21. shall I come to you with the rodde ? how were some of them puffed up as though Paul would not come , ver . 18. and why doth Paul never once command that they separate from the Church , if the Church will not use the rodde against them ? if the servant of God must waite on gainsayers and obstinate persons , if at any time God shall give them repentance , 2 Tim. 2. 14 , 15 , 16. Should not one wait on a whole Church , or many in a Church and keep communion with them , till God give them repentance ? It 's true , Separatists say there should be no separation from a Church till all meanes be used of rebuking , but why did not then Elijah , Moses , Joshuah , Isaiah , Ieremiah command separation ? and why did they command Church-fellowship after all meanes are used , and Israel declared stiffe-necked , Deut. 9. 6. Sodome , Gomorrah , Isa. 1. 10. impudent and hard-hearted , Ezech. 3. 7. stiffe hearted , chap. 2. 4. refusing to hearken , pulling away the shoulder , stopping their eare , making their heart as an Adamant ? Zach. 7. 11 , 12. after all which Church communion with them in the word , covenant and oath of God , Sacraments , Passeover , circumcision , prayer , hearing of the word is commanded . 4. Argument . If the Apostle tearme the Gallatians the Church of Christ , brethren ; Gal. 1. 2. receivers of the Spirit by the hearing of faith , chap. 3. 2. the children of God by faith in Christ , ver . 26. spirituall , chap. 6. 1. and so esteemeth them a right constitute Church not to be separated from , howbeit they were in part removed from Christ to another Gospell , Gal. 1. 8. bewitched , foolish , joyning circumcision and the workes of the Law with faith , and so fallen from Christ , Christ profiting them nothing , fallen from grace , running in vaine , under the Law againe , and not under Christ , Gal. 5. 4 , 5 , 6 , 18. beginning in the Spirit , ending in the flesh , Gal. 3 ▪ 3. if so ( I say ) then is it not lawfull to separate from a Church , for the sinnes of the worshippers . But the former is true , Ergo , so is the latter . The proposition is clear , because Pauls stiles which he giveth them make them the body and spouse of Christ , and so it is not lawfull to separate from them . Also Paul writeth to them as to the Church of Christ , which is an acknowledged Church-communion . 5. Argument . If the Church of Ephesus be a true Church , holding the candlesticke of Christ and Christs presence walking in it , that su●fered for Christs name , and fainted not , Rev. 2. and yet had fallen from her first-love . If Pergamus held the doctrine of Balaam , and the Nicolaitans , and murthered the Saints , had Sathans throne amongst them , ver . 13. 14. If Thyatira suffered the woman Jezabel to seduce the servants of Christ. If Sardis had a name to live , and was dead , and her workes were not perfect before God ; If Laodicea turned cold , indifferent and lukewarme in the matters of God , and was ready to be spewed out at Christs mouth . Then may a church remaine a true Church with a lawfull , visible Ministry , having power of the word , seales and Church discipline , as all these had , and cannot be separated from , except we would leave the candlesticke , and Christ walking in the midst of the golden candlesticks . 6. Argument . If we are to beare long in patience , and brotherly kindnesse , with the most refractarie , and stiffe-necked gainsayers , and to preach to them , and so keepe externall communion with them , as Paul saith the servant of God must doe , 2 Tim. 2. 24 , 25. much more owe we this to a whole Church which doth contumaciously suffer , or defend a sinne , and a sinner . But the former is true , Ergo ▪ so is the latter . The proposition is proved , If we owe patience and longanimity to one , then farre more to a hundred , five hundred , ten hundred , so Iohn Epist 3. ver . 10 , 11. did beare with the Church wherein wickednesse was tollerated . This argument is confirmed , That which the Prophets of God at Gods command did , preaching , and waiting on upon an obstinate Church all the day long , that same onwaiting patience owe we to the Church , whereof we are members : But the Prophets , at Gods command , kept Church-fellowship of prophecying to a people disobedient , and obstinate aye till God cast them off , as Isaiah doth chap. 65. 2 , 3. all the day long : The Prophets went and preached to Ierusalem after they had stoned , and killed the former Prophets , Mat. 23. 37. and after they had killed the heire Christ Iesus , they preached to them also , Acts 2. 22. Acts 3. 13 , 14. Acts 4. 1 , 2 , 3. 5. 4 , &c. so Jer. 3 ▪ 12. Ieremiah after he had beene put in the stockes , and the word of the Lord became a reproach , yet still prophecyed , Ier , 20. 9. Ier. 26. 12. Now a preacher in a constitute Church is a member and part of that Church where he preacheth , and is to beleeve and be saved by that same word which he commandeth others to heare , as a meane of their salvation , 1 Tim 4. 16. 7. Argument . If the wickednesse of a Church have such influence as to pollute the publike worship , and to defile these that communicate in the worship , so as they must separate therefrom , and if the unconverted preacher be not to be heard , as a lawfull Pastor . Then also we can communicate in no Church , where there are lurking hypocrites ; But both these are against the word of God , Ergo separation from the Church in that kind must be against the word of God also . The proposition is cleare : If the sinnes of these that heare , and communicate with me , defile the worship to me , they defile it whether I know their sinnes or no. If a pest man eating with me , defile my meate ; the meate is infected to me , whether I know it or no , and if I be obliged to know it , and know it not , my ignorance is sinnefull , and doth not excuse me . Now certainely no beleever is obliged to know the latent hypocrite , it was no sinne in the eleven Apostles , that they knew not Iudas to be the traitor while God discovered him . The assumption I prove , an unconverted man may be a called Pastor , whom we may lawfully heare , as Iudas was a chosen Apostle , so Mat. 7. 22 , 23. Phil. 1. 16 , 17 , 18. Also it were lawfull to be a member of no visible Church , if the sinnes of unknown hypocrites should defile the worship , because in the net and barne-floore there are alwayes bad fish and ch●ffe . Judge then if M. Barrow teach judiciously . If the open sinnes ( saith he ) of Ministers or people defile not word and Sacraments administrated by them , why hath God said the sacrifice of the wicked is abhomination to the Lord ? Prov. 15. and that the wicked may as well kill a man , as a bullock , and what the defiled ●riest toucheth is defiled , their prayers and sacraments are not the Ordinances of God. Answ. Except by Anabaptists , I never read the Scripture so perverted ; the praying , preaching , sacraments of a defiled Priest , and an unconverted man , to himselfe , but not to others , are abhominable , and sinne before God ; whether they be censured by the Church or no , whether they be known to be defiled and polluted sinners in the state of nature , or not knowne ; because their persons are not reconciled in Christ to God , as all our Divines prove , as Augustine and Prosper proveth against Pelagians , and our Divines against Arminians ; see for this what Arminius , Corvinus , and the Jesuite Bellarmine , Suarez and ●asques saith on the contrary . The notoriety of Ministers and professors sinnes , or their secrecy is all one , the sinne defileth the man , and the mans worship , preaching and prayers to himselfe , but their sinnes doe not an●ll , and make of no effect the ordinances of God , that are publike , the prayer of the unconverted Minister is the prayer of the Church , and heard for Christs sake , howbeit the man himselfe be a taker of Gods name in vaine , else infants baptised by an unconverted Pastour , were infidels , and yet unbaptised , if his sacraments administred by him in the state of sinne be no ordinances of Christ , but abhominations that defile others as well as himselfe . Thus the preaching of Scribes and Pharisees , the abhominable slaves of hell , as concerning their conversation , were not to be heard , even while they sate on Moses chayre , the contrary whereof Christ commandeth , Mat. 23. 2 , 3 , 4. 8. Argument If the Church-worship must be forsaken , for the wickednesse of the fellow-worshippers , then the publike ordinances of word and sacraments , should have their worth and dignity from the persons worshipping : as preaching should be more the word of God , the holier the preacher be ; and lesse the word of God , the lesse holy that he be , and not the word of God at all , if the preacher be an unwashen and an unhallowed Priest ( whereof there are too many , alas , in our age ) But this were absurd , the word hath all the essentiall dignity and holinesse from God , and preaching and baptizing are true pastorall acts and meanes of salvation , so the men be called by God and the Church having their power from Christ Jesus , whose ordinances they are , what ever be the mens morall carriage . I grant it is more unsavoury , and worketh the lesse , if the man be an ungracious slave of sinne , but that is by accident and from our corruption who cannot looke to Gods word , and receive it as his word , but we must looke who he is , a good , or a bad man who carrieth the letters ; and what vessell it be that beareth Gods-treasure , if of gold , or of earth . This argument Augustine presseth against the Donatists . 9. Argument . If Church-worship , where wicked people worship with us , be defiled to us beleevers , then Peters preaching was defiled to the converts , Acts 2. because Ananias and Saphira , Simon Magus did worship with them : Moses , Elijah , Joshua could not but be defiled by the prefence of stiffe-necked people , whose hearts were going after Baalim , and they sinned in taking part and consenting to a polluted covenant , Passeover , feast of the Lord , Sermon or the like . It is not enough to say , if they knew the worshippers to b● such , they were not to communicate with them . I answer , then the worship publike where wicked persons doe communicate , doth not of it selfe contaminate and pollute the worship to others who are true believers , but only upon condition that believers know the wickednesse , for 1. We desire a warrant of this from the Word of God , or the nature of the worship . 2. And if so be baptisme administred by a private person , whom we take to be a faithfull Pastor , should be lawfull , I never thought our knowledge had power to change worship from a pure and cleane case , to make it impure and uncleane , by this meanes light and darkenesse , Christ and Beliall , the womans seede and the Serpents seede may remaine together , we may stay with the infectious botch of uncleane worship , while we know it , and the Church rebuke and censure it , but it is too long , to lye in the fire , and be burnt to ashes , till we take notice of the secrets that are known to God , that is , whether the whole thousand professors that worship with us , be beleevers or unbeleevers . 3. This answer helpeth not against our argument , for Moses , Isaiah , Ieremiah and the Apostles , knew most part that these with whom they did publikely communicate in publike worship were stiffe-necked , rebellious , idolatrous , superstitious , and yet they did not separate from the publike worship , for their wickednesse . 10. Argument . That which is so hainous a sinne , as to prophane Gods name , and ordinances , to marry Christ and Belial , to mixe God and Idols that are Divells , should have been forbidden in the old and new Testament ; but separation from the true worship of God for the sinnes of the worshippers is never forbidden , and communion is ever commanded in the old , or new Testament , therfore separation cannot be lawfull , and communion cannot be such a sin . 6. Conclusion . A worship may be false in the matter two wayes , either when we are to practice it , or give our assent to it , as to receive the Sacraments after an unlawfull manner , to assent to corrupt doctrine , that is never lawfull , and here we may separate from the worship , when we separate not from the Church . Or then the worship is false in the matter , but our presence doth not make it unlawfull to us ; as professors may heare a preacher who preacheth the body of divinity soundly , howbeit he mixe errors with it , because what every one heareth they are to try ere they beleeve , as the Spirit of God teacheth , 1 Thes. 5. 21. Try all things , hold fast what is good , 1 Joh. 4. 1. Try the spirits : in so doing we separate from the Sermon , while we heare the good and refuse the evill : because we separate from the error of the worship , therefore to heare unsound doctrine is not to partake of false worship , because we are to heare the Pharisees , but to beware of their leaven , and finding it to be soure and unsound doctrine , we are to reject it . 7. Conclusion . A communion in worship true in the matter , where the person called , for example , the Preacher is a minister of Antichrist , is unlawfull , because we are not to acknowledge any of Babel , or Baals Priests professing their calling to be of the Pope , the man of sinne . 8. Conclusion . When we separate from a Church overturning the foundation of religion , as from Rome , we are to keepe a desire of gaining them , howbeit not a brotherly fellowship with them . Augustine saith with us , we are in mercy to rebuke what we cannot amend , and to beare it patiently , and else where : So Ciprian , August . Epist. 162. & 50. sheweth , the Africans were esteemed a Church of Christ , howbeit they strictly held baptisme , by heretiques , to be no baptisme . CHAP. XI . Quest. 11. Whither or no separation from a true Church because of the sinnes of professors and manifest defence of scandalous persons can be proved from Gods word , to be lawfull . DIvers places of Scripture are abused by Separatists , to maintaine the lawfullnesse of their separation , 2 Cor. 6. 17. Come out from amongst them and separate your selves saith the Lord , and touch no uncleane thing , and I will receive you , Ergo ( saith Ainsworth ) It is commanded us of God to come out of a corrupt Church , and separate from it , if we would be in covenant with God. Answ. 1. This is no locall separation commanded the Corinthians , as Erasmus Sarcerius observeth , but a separation in affection , and if it were a locall separation , it is from the Idol-table of the Gentiles , at which some did eate at Corinth to the great offence of the weake , 1 Cor. 8. 10. 1 Cor. 10. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. but from this is badly concluded separation out of the Church of Corinth , or any other true Church , where the word and sacraments are in purity , suppose some errors be practised by some : Paul borrowed this place from Isa. 52. 11. as Calvin thinketh , where the Lord chargeth the people to come out from Babilon , seeing Cyrus had proclaimed liberty to them to come home , and applyeth it to the case of Corinth , that they should flye all fellowship with Idols , and Idols temples and tables , 1 Cor. 8. 10. because light and darkenesse , Christ and Beliall cannot agree , as he citeth from Ezech. 37. Ezech 43. 7. Levit. 26. in the former verse , as Marlorat teacheth . Now this separation in Corinth was in a Church from the Idolatry in it , which separation we allow , but not a separation out of a Church , else the wordes would beare that Paul will have them to forsake the Church of Corinth , for idolatrous tables in it , and set up a new Church of their own , which the Separatists dare not say , and is contrary to other places , 1 Cor. 5. 4. 1 Cor. 11. 1 Cor. 14. Where he commandeth and alloweth their meeting and publike Church communion , therefore this place proveth not their point . 2. This separation is such a separation as is betwixt light and darkenesse , Christ and Beliall , but the separation is not from externall communion , which Separatists urge , but from all spirituall and internall communion . For Separatists teach that alwayes there are in the Church visible hypocrites and true beleevers , for the which cause M. Barrow saith , it is compared to a draw-net wherein there are both good and bad ; now Hypocrites and believers together in one visible Church are light and darknesse together , and externall Church communion with the hypocrite ( which is lawfull ) cannot be a touching of an uncleane thing , and so Church-fellowship with the wicked cannot be Christ and Belial together . 3. That Separation here commanded is from the worship of God corrupted in the matter , where need force the Corinthians behoved to be joyned to Idols , v : 16 ▪ For what agreement ( saith he ) hath the Temple of God with Idols ? Now he meaneth , that the faithfull who were Temples of the holy Spirit should not sit and eat at the Idols Table , which is called , 1 Cor : 10. 20 , 21. The Divels Table and cup. But what Logicke is this ? Separate from Idols , ergo , separate from a Church , where the true worship of God is , and is professed and taught ; this is to be yoaked with Christs body , Spouse , truth , but to fly the errours that are in the body , which we also teach . 2. They object , Rev : 18. 4. Goe out of her my people that yee be not partakers of her sinnes , and that y● receive not of her plagues . Ergo , we must seperate from the Church where there is any thing of Romes worship . Answ. It followeth not ; for it is as if one would say , the wrath of God is to come upon the whore of Rome , who hath overturned the foundation of true faith . Ergo , if Corinth will not excommunicate the incestuous man after ye have warned them of their duty , come out of that Babel also , least ye be partakers of her sinnes . For they teach were a visible Church never so sound , pure , holy , faire in doctrine and life , yet if they refuse to cast out a scandalous person , and will spare and defend him , they are to be separated from , and those that stay in that Church and ▪ keepe communion with her , are partakers of her sins . Howbeit some saving truths remain in the Church of Rome , and in that we keepe yet a materiall and reall union with Rome in as farre as they professe one God ; three persons , two natures in Christ , &c. but we have separated from Rome . 1. Because their Doctrine of professed and commanded Idolatry , and their other Heresies everteth the foundation of Faith. 2. Because they lay another foundation above the foundation Christ , the Pope , and a multitude of Idol-gods , but it followeth in no sort . Ergo , we are to separate from every true Church of Christ , that is incorrigible in one fault or other . Where is there a Christian Church that we could live in in the Earth , yea except the Anabaptists-Church , a Church of white paper as faire as Heaven , and the Sunne , that there is not a spot on more then on the triumphing Church , this on Earth is a city in the Moone . 3. They object , Come not ye to Gilgall , neither goe yee up to Bethaven , therfore people were to separate from Idolatrous Israel . Answ. I have prooved that the true Prophets commanded Church-fellowship with Israel after their Idolatry : and judge if this be good , Goe not to Bethaven , that is the house of vanity , called Bethel the house of God , where Jeroboams calves were worshipped , ergo , separate from all the worship of God in Israel : we say , Ex negatione speciei , malè concluditur negatio generis , separate from Ieroboams calves : therfore separate from all true worship of God in Israel , it is a bad consequence . 4. They object , In the old Testament the Law consisted of outward ordinances , and if they were outwardly performed , there was no cause to separate from them . But under the new Testament , all things are become now and spirituall , where Christ hath given power to all the faithfull to censure scandalous sinnes , all should separate from a corrupt Church : So Barrow . But Master Smith helpeth him , All things were shadowes in the old Testament : David , Jehoshaphat , &c. suffered knowne sinnes in the land , yet were they the true matter of the typicall Church , being typically and ceremonially cleane : for to the constitution of the typicall Church , there was not required true holinesse , but ceremoniall cleannesse : Holinesse was required of them for their acceptation before God , but not for the constitution of their Church : so there were there typicall Saints , typicall Hypocrites , that might have no communion together till they were purified , and yet being indeed wicked persons they might have Church-communion together . But our constitution , ministry , communion , separation are contrary to theirs , true holinesse is required under the new Testament . Robinson addeth , No man could absolutely separate from the Church of the Jews , for it was the onely one visible Church upon the face of the Earth , tyed to one Temple , Altar , Sacrifice , Priest-hood and place , they had not excommunication , as we have now , the offender was by bodily death cut off from the common-wealth , as from the Church ? Answ. It is most false that externall performances of duties were sufficient to make men members of the visible Church of the old Testament . 1. Because man-slayers ▪ adulterers , &c. were to be cut off and excommunicated from the congregation of the Lord , and their prayers were not accepted of God , even by Moses his law , Num : 35. 33 , 34. Es : 1. 10 , 11 , 14 , 15. Es. 66. 3 , 4 , 5. 2 It is false that all the worship under the new Testament is so spirituall that outward performances of externall profession in the new Testament doth not also make professours Ecclesiastically holy and separated from other people not of the visible Church , for Ananias , Saphira , Simon Magus for a time were externally holy , and differenced from Pagans without the Church by their baptisme and externall profession . Then Barrow must quit all places in the old Testament , for separation from a wicked Ministry , as that Prov. 15. The Sacrifice of the wicked is abomination to God , was as true in the old as in the new Testament . Ergo , the Sacrifices offered by the wicked Priest were no ordinances of God , and did pollute others , who did communicate with him . 2. The Sacraments of the Jewish Church in substance were one and the same with our Sacraments , Heb. 13. 8. 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. Joh. 8. 56. Joh. 6. 50 , 51. Col. 2. 11 , 12. 1 Cor : 5. 7. all say this except ▪ Papists , Anabaptists , Arminians and Socinians , and for notoriously wicked persons to use the Sacraments with prophane and wicked hearts , was most unlawfull and made them in that no members of the true Church , but as Sodome and Gomorrah , ●s . 1. 10. as Aethiopians , Aegyptians and Philistins , Amos 9. 7. and such were forbidden to take Gods covenant in their mouth , seeing they hated to be reformed , Psal. 50. 16 , 17. Their prayers were abomination when their hands were bloody , Es : 1. 15. their Sacrifices like the murthering of a man , and the Sacrificing of a dogg , which was abomination to God , Isa , 66. 3. and so are all the means they use , but I believe , if Christ was the Spouse , Priest , head of the body to the Church of the Iews , as to us , to the constitution of this body visibly worshipping him in a Church-state , there was required that the people should be not only typically holy , but really , and that God should be sanctified not only typically , but really , by reall declaration of all that drew nigh to him , and the Song of Solomon saith , that the communion was morall , spirituall , beside that it was typicall in some points . And this is direct contrary to their confession , where they make Separation from a corrupt Church morall , and to that separation of the godly from the wicked was taught of God , before the Law , under the Law , and under the Gospell , and they teach , That all true Churches from the beginning , to the end of the world are one in nature , and essentiall constitution : And would the Lord have these to receive the seales of his covenant , as true members typicall of a typicall Church : This they say is 1 To take the name of God in vain . 2. That the Lord doth seale unrighteousnesse . 3. That he prophaneth his Sons bloud and death : then a people laden with iniqu●ty , a Sodome , a generation of Idolaters might all by Gods typicall command , claime to the promises of the covenant , and they only . 3. The common beleevers amongst the Iewes had the power of the keyes , as well as we , if Separatists teach right , for they had power to rebuke one another , Levit : 19. 17. and this to them is a part of the power of the keyes , as Smith saith , they had power of ordination to lay hands on their officers , and the right of election , as they would prove from , Levit : 8. 2 , 3. a place notwithstanding abused , for the congregation there is the Princes of the congregation , as it is a hundred times taken in the old Testament , els how could six hundreth thousand persons , beside aged men , women and children lay hands on the officers ? They did also excommunicate no lesse then our Church of believers , as they say , therfore their Church in the essence of a visible Church was every way as ours , except in some accidentall ceremonies . Lastly , suppose the Iewes were the only visible Church that none could separate from , yet Christ and Belial , light and darknesse should never dwell together . 5. They object , A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , and so a scandalous sinner not censured , maketh the whole Church an infected lump , therfore we are to separate from that Church , if they goe on , except wee would be leavened : So Robinson , Ainsworth , Smith , Canne , object . Answ 1. There is a double infection , one physicall as leaven , that by touching leaveneth , and pest-cloaths that by touching defile the ayre or mens bodies : the comparison holdeth not in this , I am sure . There is a morall infection by evill example , and so the incestuous Corinthian , not excommunicated , did infect , if any should use his company as a brother and member of the Church ; of this latter sort , the place 1 Cor : 5. is to be understood . The incestuous man would infect , if the guides and the Apostles spirit should ●●t cast him out : Hence it is true that Church guydes , in not excommunicating , did what was in them morally , to infect and leaven the Church : but 1. It followeth not that the Church was actu secundo , and actually infected , howbeit , no thanks to the guides . 2. It followeth not that they should separate from a Church that might infect , because that is not Gods meane of eschewing infection to lowpe out of one true Church to another for one fault . 2. The eschewing and separating from the error of the Church , and the mans company , is enough to them to eschew the infection . They urge , But it is atempting of God to stay in an infected lump , suppose you be not actually infected your selfe , for no thankes to you , as it is a tempting of God , to keepe company with a wicked man , suppose by Gods grace , yee learne not his wicked fashions , a man is guilty of selfe-murther , who rydeth a swelling and dangerous river , and sinneth in so doing , suppose God graciously pardon his rashnesse , and carry him through the river safe . I Answ. 1. To stay in every place where sinners are , and to haunt the wicked mans company as his companion , is a sinfull tempting of God , suppose ye be not actually insnared : but to stay in the company or Church , carefully flying every spot and soule ayre , that may blow sin upon you , is no tempting of God. But secondly , they thus urge , to stay a member of a leavened Church , and keepe Church-communion with that infected Church , is to tempt God , therfore God calleth you to separate from that Church . I answer 1. To stay a member of that Church wholly leavened , and where the matter of the worship is leaven , and fundamentall points corrupted and obtruded upon the conscience , is to tempt God , for then I keepe communion with a leavened Church , as leavened , such as is Babell : but the assumption now is false , and the case not so here , but to keep my self and remain a member of a Church leavened in part with one sin , and to take no part with the sinne , and yeeld no consent therunto is no tempting of God ; Paul joyned as a member with the Church of Corinth , and acknowledged them as a Church , and commanded to keepe Church fellowship with them , 1 Cor : 5. 4. even when this leavened lump was souring amongst them . But thirdly they urge , the incestuous mans sinne not censured , infected the Church , the infected Church infecteth the worship . Answ. I deny that the sinne of the worshippers infecteth the worship to others that are not guilty , it infecteth the worship to themselves , but not to others , a worship corrupt by accident only through the fault of the worshipper , may and doth make the Lords Supper damnation to the eater , and therefore the eater is forbidden so to eat ; a worship in the matter and intrinsecall principle unjust and sinfull is defiled both to the man himselfe and to all that taketh part with him , as the teacher of false Doctrine and all that heareth and believeth are defiled , but if the sin of an unworthy communicant even knowne to be so be damnation to himselfe , and defile the worship to others , then Paul would have said , he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh his owne damnation , and the damnation of the whole Church , and Paul should have forbidden all others to eat and drinke withall , who communicateth unworthily , if he allowed separation , but he saith , he eateth and drinketh damnation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to himselfe , not to all others . But fourthly , they urge thus , We must not onely strive to rebuke , and censure one another , but we must not stay a member of that Church , in the which we are not permitted to doe the duty that Christ hath commanded us , for the station and place is unwarrantable , where we are necessitated to sinne , that is , to omit a duty of the Keyes , that God hath given to all the faithfull . Ergo , we must separate from that Church , where all the faithfull may not use the Keyes . Answ. 1. Also if the power of the Keys be in the hands of the people , as some teach , so as they are under a commandement of God to rebuke authoritatively , and judicially to censure and excommunicate , their universall omission of that duty seemeth to be sinfull ; and ( howbeit I be loath to teach Separation ) I see not how the authours who give the power of the keyes to all private Christians , are not to separate from all Churches where Presbyteriall government is , no lesse then the strictest Separatists do● . 2. Affirmative precepts tye not in all differences of time : To rebuke your brother is alwayes lawfull , so it be done , observing due circumstances ; but that every be●eever rebuke Church-wayes , and judicially by the power of the keyes doth not tye at all , because Christ never gave that power to all . 2. Some duties tye absolutely , as to pray , these we cannot forbeare : Suppose a Church should make a Law , like Darius to borrow a dumbe Devill , for thirty dayes , and to pray none , that Church should not be heard , and not acknowledged in that . Other dutyes tye conditionally , as not to pray in publicke with a man notoriously serving Satan , and deserving to be excommunicate ; yet if the Church excommunicate not , wee are not to separate from the prayer of the Church , because that person is suffered there : so these duties that tye upon a condition that dependeth upon others and not upon my selfe , tye not alwayes . I am obliged to beleeve what point the Pastor teacheth , but not absolutely , but upon condition it agrees to Gods Word . They fifthly urge . But I am necessitated in a false Church to communicate with those whom I know to be no members of the true Church , but limbs of Satan , because in Gods court they are excommunicated , and no members of the Church ; but through the corruption of these that have the power of the keyes , these are permitted to be members of the Church , who in Gods court are no members at all ; and if I remaine in the Church , I must communicate with them , yea if I remaine in the Church , I must communicate at that table where the holy things of God are prophaned by dogges and swine , therefore in that case I must separate . Answ. In your holiest independant Church where discipline is m●st in vigour , you meet with this doubt , and must separate also , if this reason be good : For suppose you know one to be guilty of adultery and murther , and had seen it with your eyes , the party guilty to you is not guilty to the Church : For 1. you are but one , none is guilty Ecclesiastically , and to be debar●ed penally and judicially from the holy things of God , except by confession to the Church , or by two or three witnesses . 2. You know what is holden by all our Divines , yea even the Canon Law and Papists teach that the Church cannot judge of hid things , and acts of the mind . So saith Thom. Aquin. Cajetan , Soto , Durandus , Almain , Gerson , Navar. Driedo , Joan. Maior . Paludan . Antonin . their ground is good : The Church cannot judge of that they cannot see ; And the Churches power of the keyes is all for the externall policy of the Church , and therefore such a sinne cannot be the object of Church-censure , or cause of Separation , Excommunication is ever used against externall scandals , Mat. 18. 15. 1 Cor. 5. 1. 1 Tim. 1. 19 , 20. 2 Thes. 3 ▪ 14. shew one place where the Church excommunicateth for non-regeneration . 6. They object , It is not lawfull to call God Father ioyntly with these who are not brethren , but sonnes of Satan , Ergo , we are to separate from such . So Smith reasoneth . Answ. Except they be all and every one the sonnes of God , that are in our visible Church , and not one hypocrite or childe of Satan amongst them , by this argument we must separate from them , and so Separatists are to separate from their owne Congregation , wherein they acknowledge there be hypocrites . This is Anabaptisticall holinesse , Isa. 65. 7. They object , It is not lawfull to make Christ a Mediator to all the prophane in the land , and to make all the prophane members of his body , Ergo , we are to separate from a confused Church ? Answ. So was Corinth , Galatin , Ephesus , confused Churches , wherein there were hypocrites . We make Christ Mediator and Head to the visible Church , according to the best part , as Christ speaketh , Joh. 17. Thine they were , when Judas was never Gods. And Paul calleth Corinth Saints , Colosse Saints , and faithfull brethren , and Peter , the elected according to the fore-knowledge of God , begotten againe to a lively hope , where yet there was some at Corinth . 2. Cor. 2. 16. To whom the Gospell was the savour of death unto death , some to whom it was hidden , whom Satan had blinded , 2 Cor. 4. 3. And some in Colosse carried away with Angel-worship , not holding the head Christ , some of those to whom Peter writeth were such , who stumbled at the stone laid on Zion , and there was amongst them , false teachers privily bringing in damnable Heresies , 2. and many followed their pernicious wayes , spots , feasting amongst the Saints , having eyes full of Adultery , that cannot cease from sinne , &c. 8 , They object , These that are mixed with unbeleevers consent to all the sinnes of the unbeleevers , and to all their prophanation of the holy things of God , seeing God hath given them the power of the keyes to hold out and excommunicate all wicked persons ; therefore beleevers are to separate from all prophaners of the Covenant , except they would forfeit their Covenant . Answ. A simple worshipping with hypocrites whom we know not is not a consent to their prophanation of the holy things of God ; Christs eating the Passeover with Judas ; the Disciples eating the Passeover , when Christ said , One of you hath a Devill , one of you shall betray me , did not import consent , nor partaking with Judas his prophaning of the Sacraments . 2. Neither hath God given to all beleevers the power of the keyes that way , as is alleadged . 3. Suppose the Eldership in whose hands onely are the keyes , should permit a knowne adulterer , who never professed his repentance therefore to the Lords Table ; yet this were not in the Eldership the sinne against the Holy-Ghost , and to forfeit the Covenant , though it were a great sinne . 9. They object , God commandeth the godly to plead with their mother , because ( saith he ) she is not my wife , nor I her husband , Ergo , if the Church turne a harlot , the children are to protest and plead against her , as reputing her no mother , and so they are to forsake her . Answ. If this place prove lawfulnesse of separation from the Jewish Church , as from a harlot cast off of God , it shall crosse a maine principle of Separatists , that the Jewish Church was the onely visible Church from which it was not lawfull to separate , seeing the Messiah behooved to be borne there , and the Temple , sacrifices were onely there . Also this pleading was for harlotry and Idolatry : But M. Smith and others say , that wickednesse and Idolatry did not marre the constitution of the Jewish Church , so being they had ceremoniall and typicall holinesse according to the letter of the outward legall service ; and so from this separation from the true Church is vainly collected . 2. Plead with your mother for her harlotries . Hence it followeth first , 1. They were to esteem her as a mother , and of duty as sonnes to plead with her . 2. If they were to plead with her , and rebuke her , they were to keep communion with her ; because non-rebuking for a time is a signe of separation and suspending communion for a time , Ezech. 3. 26. Thou shalt be dumbe , and shalt not be to them a reprover , for they are a rebellious house , Ergo , reproving is a signe of communion . But they say , they were to plead with their mother by power of the keyes ; and if their mother would not return to the Lord her first husband , then they were to goe on to a full separation from her . I answer : Then two or three faithfull ones in the Church of the Jewes , no lesse then in the Christian Church were a true visible Church , having the power of the keyes . This is contrary to their owne doctrine , who make a typicall and ceremoniall cleannesse sufficient to constitute the Jewish Church ; but require a reall , true , and spirituall holinesse , to the constitution of the Church of the New Testament : For if the children may plead with the mother for want of spirituall chastity and marriage-love to her Lord , and for that contend against her , to separate from her , as from a harlot and non-Church , then is reall holinesse required for the constitution of a visible Church amongst the Jewes , as amongst us , which Separatists deny . 10. They object , Abraham behooved to separate from his fathers house , for the idolatry thereof , before Abrahams family was made the true Church of God , therefore there is no remaining in a Church where the worship is corrupted ? Answ. Separation from a Society professing Idolatry and corrupting altogether the doctrine of the Covenant , such as was Abrahams fathers house , we grant is lawfull , their father was an Hittite , and their mother was an Ammorite , Ezech. 16. 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. Isa. 51. 1 , 2. but what is this to separate from a Church where are the true signes of Gods presence , the Word and Sacraments in substance professed . 2. God in a particular call went before Abraham to make a Church of him , of whom the Messiah was to come , and to whom he was to give his Covenant , whereas his Covenant was not in Abrahams fathers house : This call is not made , nor this Revelation to these who separate from the Church and true Covenant . 11. They object , The Ministery of the Gospell should be as the holy flocke , as the flocke of Jerusalem in their solemne feasts , that the oblation might be sanctified ; but when the people is a confused prophane multitude , they are not the oblation of the Lord , and so not the Church that we can remaine in to , and offer such lamed sacrifice to God in our prayers ? Answ. The same will follow in their Churches , where Minister and professors beeing whited wals , and painted hypocrites , though not knowne to others : A scabbed sacrifice is offered to God , and that hypocrites are in the Church alwayes , we and they agree and teach joyntly . 2. What though the people be prophane and knowne to be a bad sacrifice , seeing they professe the truth , shall they be excluded from the prayers of the Church , and none offered to God in the prayers of the Church , but onely beleevers ? shall not these be offered in prayer to God , who are yet unconverted ? what meaneth that petition then ( Thy Kingdome come ) is it not a prayer of the Churches for the non-converted . 12. They object , With that Church we cannot ioyne with , as members thereof , where Images and Pictures of Devils are laid upon Gods Altar for spirituall sacrifices , which is as abominable to God , as uncleane beasts were under the Law : And Christ cannot be a Priest to offer these in publicke Church-service to God ; but prophane men in the Church are such pictures of Devils , Ergo , the true Church should not offer them to God , nor should we stay in that Church where such are offered , as Christ will not offer unto God. Answ. 1. That same inconvenience shall ever retort upon the objectors , because hypocrites that are still in the visible Church shall be Images and Pictures of Devils offered to God , and Christ can be no Priest to offer such to God. 2. That a visible Church may be a holy oblation laid upon the Altar of God , to be offered to God , by our High-priest Christ : It is not required for the Essence of a true and acceptable sacrifice of worship , that all and every one of the Congregation be holy and spiritually cleane : For then the Church of the Lords Disciples and followers in the dayes of his flesh should not be a cleane offering to God , for amongst them was Judas . The Church of beleevers , Acts 2. should not be an holy oblation , but an offering to God of Images and Pictures of Devils : For in their visible Church was Ananias , Saphira , and Simon Magus : Christ our High-priest beareth the twelve Tribes of Israel in his breast , and offereth Israel to God as the typicall Priest did ; yet all and every Idolater , Sorcerer , Murtherer in Israel , are not written on Christs breast , but onely thos● that are sealed of every Tribe , Rev. 7. It is sufficient to make the oblation holy , that there are some few beleevers that are stamped with the Image of God , and offered in a holy and cleane oblation to God , by out High-priest Christ : For amongst Separatists were sound revolt●rs that left their Congregation , and wrote against the Separation ; yet these were once offered to God while they were visible Saints , and esteemed to be taught of God and sound beleevers . 13. They object , That it is not lawfull to have communion with a Church , where there is any superstition or Idolatry , or false worship : For David would not take up the names of Idols in his lips ; nor is it lawfull to touch the garment spotted of the flesh , in respect , one Achan taking the accursed spoyle , brought iudgement on all the rest , and therefore they must separate who would be free of the curse . Answ. It is not lawfull to communicate with the holiest Church on earth in an act of false worship we grant ; but every false worship doth neither make a true Church , a false Church , or no Church ; neither giveth it a ground and warrant of Separation ; for there was much false worship in Corinth , where many were partakers of the Idols Table , 1 Cor. 8. 10. and many denyed the Resurrection , and so Thyatira , Pergamus , Rev. 2. where were Balaams doctrine , and Jezabel the false Prophetesse , and yet none of these are to be separated from , as false Churches , and the Separatists would observe this , that when Churches in the New Testament are most sharply rebuked , if communion with these Churches going on in their sinnes be Idolatry and false worship , and offering of Devils Images to God , how is it , that the Lord and his Apostles rebuketh the faults , but never warneth the true and sound beleevers to separate and make a new Church , seeing this is the only remedy to them , and there is not another way to escape the judgement of the whol● Church ? 2. David would not take up the names of Idols in his lips , nor should any touch the garment spotted of the ●lesh , nor consent unto , or countenance Idols , but to communicate with a Church where there is a prophane people and a false worship , in some points , is not to touch unclean garments , for the cleane and the sound worship of God is cleane , and as for the example of Achan , it is most impertinent , Israel knew not Achans sacriledge , till the Lord found out the man , and if this stand good , a lurking hypocrite , and an unseene Achan in a visible Congregation , bringeth a curse on the Congregation , and from such a Congregation we are to separate , What madnes is this , we are to separate from a society , before we know any Achan to be amongst them . But Separatists say , God would not have punished Israel by making them ●ly before the men of Ai , Josh. 7. If Israel did take no part with Achan , but because of Achans sacriledge they were punished , ver . 11. Israel hath sinned and transgressed my covenant , which I commanded them : for they have taken the accursed thing . I answer , This giveth us occasion to speake a little of the communion with other mens sins : We partake these wayes of the Churches sins . 1. When we worke with them , and are helping causes , this communion is unlawfull . 2. When we counsell or perswade to false worship . 3. When we omit what we are obliged to doe , or commit that we should not doe , from whence others are occasioned to sin ; for by morall interpretation , he promoveth the sin of others , who doth not give all due and obliged diligence to hinder the committing of sin . 4. Those who consent to sin , who approve and praise the fact , and the committers of the fact . 5. Those that doe not rebuke sinne . 6. Those who are not displeased for it , and doth not mourne for it , Ezech. 9. and are not humbled for it , and doth not pitty the sinner , and pray that God in his mercy or justice may be glorified . Now of all these we are to consider how Israel did properly communicate with Achans sin . Some say there is a seventh way different from all , when we in heart desire to doe , what others doe wickedly , in the externall fact , As Israel also coveted in their heart what Achan tooke with his hands , or when we doe the same sinne by Analogy , that others are doing , as the Marriners are punished for Jonahs sinne , when as they were doing a sinne by Anology like the sinne of Ionah : For Ionah fled from Gods presence , as if God could not have followed him through the Seas , and had been like the Idoll-gods ; and the Marriners did the same , they worshipped an Idol-god , and knew not the God that made the Heaven and the Earth . Now wherein none of these seven wayes we partake of the sins of a Church , how can their worship be defiled to us , or have any influence to infect us ? but the truth is Israel were guilty of Achans sin , because they did not carefully observe , and wa●ne one another to take heed that they medled not with the accursed thing , but Joshuah never dreamed of Separation from Israel for Achans sin , and the Text saith not that ; for they could not separate from the Church for Achans sacriledge , which was not known to them , while God discovered the same , else by this Text we are to separate from all Churches , where there doth live hidden and covered Achans , and unseen hypocrites , and thus we behoved to remove and separate up to the Church tryumphing in Heaven , or then with Anabaptists find a spotlesse Church on Earth . 14. They object , To be present at a Masse is to countenance an Idol-worship , so to be present in a Church-worship where there is any errours in the worship is to countenance the errour , for what worship we countenance , to that we say Amen , and so we must consent to the wrong constitution of a Church where are prophane people ? Answ. 1. ●o countenance a worship professedly Idolatrous , where the name of the worship doth import the worshipping of a false god , is unlawfull , for others doe interpret our presence a joynt worshipping with them . But our presence at every lawfull worship that is acknowledged lawfull , doth not give so much as interpretatively signification of our consent to every particular in the worship , because hearing , discerning , choosing or refusing , beleeving or not beleeving , according as you find the points agreeable to Gods word , or dissonant therefrom , doth interveene betwixt your presence at the worship , and your consent to the worship ; now the act of consenting , approving and receiving the point of worship is formally to partake of the worship , else we could not obey the precept , 1 Thess. 5. 21. Try all things : some things in the Preacher are to be borne with ; the Preachers of the Separation have not an Apostolick and infallible spirit , if any of them preach unsound Doctrine , the presence of the hearers doth not involve them in the guilt of the Preachers erronious worship . The Pharisees corrupting of the Law was knowne and rebuked by Christ , but yet Christ forbad Separation , Heare them ( saith Christ , Mat. 23. ) they sit in Moses his chaire . CHAP. XII . Quest. 12. Whither or no doe some warrantably teach , that baptisme should be administrated onely to Infant● borne of one at least , of the nearest Parents , knowne to be a believer , and within the covenant ? And who are to be admitted to the Lords Supper ? NOt only these of the Separation , but also others whom we doe most unwillingly oppose in this , hold , that Baptisme is to be denyed to Infants , whose nearest Parents , one at least , are not knowne to be within the covenant : That our mind may be knowne in this , we propose these distinctions to the learned and godly Reader to be considered . 1. There is an inherent holines , and there is a federall holines , whereby some are holy by covenant , that is , have right to the meanes of salvation , which right Turks and Pagans have not . 2. People or persons are two wayes within the covenant . 1. Truly , and by faith in Christ , and according to the election of grace . 2. In profession , because the word of the covenant is preached to them , as members of the visible Church . 3. There is a holines of the covenant , and a holines of covenanters , and there is a holines of the Nation , flocke and people , and a holines of the single person . 4. There is a holines of election in Gods mind , and a holines reall , and of the persons elected . 5. There is a federall or covenant-holines , de jure , by right , such as goeth before Baptisme in the Infants borne in the visible Church , and a holines de facto , a formall covenant-holines after they are baptized . Hence our first Conclusion , All the Infants borne within the visible Church , what ever be the wickednesse of their nearest Parents are to be received within the Church by Baptisme . 1. Argument . If the children of wicked parents were circumcised , all without exception , notwithstanding the wickednesse of their parents , then the children of these who are borne in the visible Church of Christians , are to receive that same seale in nature and substance of that same covenant of grace , which is baptisme . But all the children of most wicked parents , were circumcised without exception . Ergo , so are the children of Christians borne in the visible Church . The proposition cannot be denyed by our brethren . 1. They say circumcision was given only to members of the visible Church , to whom the doctrine of the covenant , Gen. 17. 7 , 8. was preached , and these were professors only within the visible Church of the Jewes , as M. Best saith , and if children were to be circumcised because God said ( I will be your God and the God of your seed ) then because this promise is made to Christians , and to their seed in the new Testament , Acts 2. 38. they should be baptized . ver . 38. be baptized every one of you , &c. ver . 39. for the promise is made to you , and to your children . Whence it is cleare , as these who were externally in covenant , were onely to be circumcised , so these , who are externally in covenant in the christian Church , are to be baptized . I prove the assumption , that all the male children were to be baptized without exception . 1. From Gods commandement , Gen. 17. 10. Every man-child amongst you shall be circumcised , ver . 11. Every man-child in your generation , he that is borne in the house , and bought with money of any stranger , that is not thy seed , the uncircumcised must be cut off from his people , he hath broken my covenant . Here is no exception , but all must be circumcised . 2. Also many must be circumsed , as these to whom the Lord gave the Land for a possession , and was Abrahams seed , according to the flesh , but the land was given to the most wicked of Abrahams seed , so cap. 8. 3. That all the children of the wicked are circumcised is cleare , Josh. 5. Because Joshuah at Gods commandement circumcised the children of Israel , ver . 2. 3 , 7. whose wicked parents the Lord had consumed , because they obeyed not the voice of the Lord , unto whom the Lord sware that he would not shew them the Land which the Lord sware to their fathers . And Heb. 3. 10. of that generation the Lord said , They doe alwayes erre in their heart , and they have not knowne my wayes , there was in them an evill heart , an hard heart , an unbeleeving heart , ver . 13. 15 , 18. and yet God commanded Joshuah to circumcise their children , therefore there was no more required of the circumcised , but that they were Abrahams seed according to the flesh , and by that same reason there is no more required of infants that they may be baptized , but that they be borne in the christian Church , for the Christian baptisme , and the Jewish circumcision in substance are all one . Rom. 6. 4. Col. 2. 11. Jer. 9. 26. Jer. 4. 4. 1 Pet. 3. 21 , 22. This is so true , that circumcision is put for the Nation of the Jewes , Acts 11. 2. Rom. 2. 26 , 27. Gal. 2. 7. Gal. 6. 15. which speech could not stand , if most part of the children of the Jewes , for the parents wickednesse were to be uncircumcised : neither doe we reade in Gods word , that ever the children of wicked Iewes were uncircumcised , and if their circumcision had beene a prophaning of the covenant , and dishonouring and polluting of the holy things of God , the Prophets who rebuked all the sinnes of that Nation , would not have passed in silence that which should have beene a Nationall sinne in them : and as God determineth the quality of these that eate the Passeover , that they be circumcised people , and so Iewes , so doth he determine the quality of these that are to be externally circumcised , Gen. 17. every male child . Some answer that these infants , Iosh. 5. circumcised , were the infants of parents dead in the wildernesse , and so they were not now under the care and tutorie of their parents , but under the care of others , and so they might be circumcised . Answ. But the death of the parents did not change their Church-state , for they were still the children of wicked parents , whose carcases fell in the wildernesse , and that in Gods wrath , Hebrews 3. 2. Argument . If John Baptist Mat. 3. 5. baptized Jerusalem , and all Judea , and all the regions round about , and that without any further examination of the aged , so they would confesse their sinnes , and yet he called them a generation of vipers , and so the seede of murtherers and evill doers , such as are vipers , and Christ said Mat. 18. that of their children , and such like was the Kingdome of God ; then the children of Pharisees and Publicans and wicked persons are to be baptized , so their parents professe the doctrine of the covenant , but the former is true , Ergo. 3. Argument . If Peter , Acts 2. 38 , 39. command every one of the Iewes to be baptized by this argument , because the promise ( saith he ) is made to you , and to your children , and to as many as the Lord shall call , then all are to be baptized , to whom the promise of the covenant , and externall calling by this covenant is made , but the promise of the covenant is made to the seede of the wicked within the visible Church , Ergo the seale of that promise is to be conferred upon them , I prove the assumption . When God said to Abraham , I will be thy God , and the God of thy seed , by the seed of Abraham he cannot meane the nearest of Abrahams seed only , to wit , the nearest sonnes , for so by that , he should have been Abrahams God , and Isaacks God only , and not Iaacobs God , and the God of the seed of Jacob , which is against the tenour of the covenant , now if God be the God of Abrahams seed farre off , and neare downe , to many generations , the wickednesse of the nearest parents cannot breake the covenant , as is cleere , Ezech. 20. 18 , 19. v. 22. v. 36 , 37. v. 42 , 43. Psal. 106. v. 40 , 45 , 46 , Rom. 3. 3. Lev. 26. 44 , 45. spoken of the sonnes of wicked parents , and if these children stand in the covenant , for Gods names sake , and God say expresly , Ezech. 20 18 , 19. to the sonnes of wicked parents who grieved his holy spirit in the wildernesse : walke in my statutes and walke not in the statutes of your fathers , I am the Lord your God , then they were in covenant notwithstanding of the wickednesse of their fathers , and therefore by our bretherens argument , the seales of the covenant should be bestowed upon them . 4. Argument . If the Lord shew mercy to the thousand generations of them who love him , and keepe his commandements , then the wickednesse of the nearest parents , doe not remove the mercy of the covenant from the children , because the mercy extendeth to the thousand generations : But the former is said , Exod. 20. in the second commandement , and therefore for the sinnes of their nearest parents , they are not excluded from the mercy of the covenant , and therefore neither from the seales of that mercy . If our brethren say , we have no assurance of faith , that their thousand generation upward hath been lovers of God and keepers of his commandements , and so the children in faith cannot be baptized . I answer first , by this argument you cannot deny baptisme to them in faith . 2. You have not certainty of faith , which must be grounded upon infallible verity , that their nearest parents are beleevers , you have for that only the judgement of charity , as Camero saith well : and this faith you have infallibly , that the sinnes of no one , or two , or foure persons doe interrupt the course of Gods immutable covenant in the race of covenanters borne in the visible Church , Rom. 3. 3 , 4. Iosh. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. Levit 26. 41 , 42 , 43 , 44. Ezech. 20. 14 , 17 , 22. 5. Argument . The infallible promise of the covenant , I will be thy God , and the God of thy seede : which is made to us Gentiles , as well as to the Jewes , Gal. 3. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. must make a difference betwixt the seed of Christians , and the seed of Turks and Pagans , and these that are without the true Church of Christians . But if so , that the sinnes and wickednesse of the nearest parents cut off their children , from the mercy of the covenant , and hinder God to be their God ; then these infants are in no better case through the covenant made to their grandfathers and generations upward , then the sonnes of Turks and Pagans ; for they are strangers to the covenant , and have no right to the seales of the covenant , no more then the children of Turks . I prove the proposition ( I will be thy God and the God of thy seede ) extendeth the covenant to the seed of the faithfull to many generations downeward , untill it please the Lord to translate his Sonnes Kingdome , and remove the candlestick from a people ; Neither can the meaning be , ( I will be thy God and the God of thy seed , except the nearest parents of thy seed be unbeleevers , ) for that is contrary to the Scriptures aboved cited . Neither can they say , that the children of unbeleeving parents borne within the christian Church , have right to the covenant and the seales thereof , when they come to age , and doe beleeve and repent , for so the children of Turks , if they beleeve and repent have that same right , as is cleare , Isaiah 56. 6 , 7. Acts 10. 34 , 35. 6. Argument . If God in the covenant of grace and Evangell , will not have the sonne to beare the iniquity of the father , except the sonne follow the evill wayes of his parents , and so make the fathers iniquity his owne : then cannot the children of wicked parents be excluded from the covenant , and the seales of the covenant , for the sinnes and wickednesse of their nearest parents ; But the former is said , Ezech. 18. 4. The sonne shall not beare the iniquity of his father : Now infants as yet being free of actuall sinnes , have not served themselves heires to the iniquities of their fathers . Neither can it be said , as some say , the children of Turks are not to be baptized , because their parents are without the covenant , and yet these children being free of actuall transgressions beare the iniquity of their fathers . I answer , God keepeth a legall way with Turks and all that are without the Church , and covenant of grace , and we suppose the child borne of wicked parents to be in the case of election , and so really within the covenant , and it is ordinary enough that chosen and redeemed infants be born of unbelieving parents , in that case who can say that God layeth their fathers iniquities on them in spirituall and eternall punishments , such as is to be reputed without the covenant , and dying in that estate , to be damned for ever . 7. Arg. If the root be holy , so also are the branches , Rom. 11. 16. Now this holinesse cannot be meant of personall and inherent holinesse ; for it is not true in that sense , if the fathers and fore-fathers be truly sanctified and beleevers , then are the branches and children sanctified and beleevers , the contrary wherof we see in wicked Absalom borne of holy David , and many others : Therfore this holinesse must be the holines of the Nation , not of persons ; it must be an holines , because of their elected and chosen parents the Patriarches and Prophets , and the holy seed of the Iewes : and so the holinesse federall , or the holinesse of the covenant . If then the Iewes in Pauls time were holy by covenant , howbeit for the present the sons were branches broken oft for unbeliefe : much more seeing God hath chosen the race and Nation of the Gentiles , and is become a God to us and to our seed , the seed must be holy with holinesse of the chosen Nation , and holinesse externall of the covenant , notwithstanding the father and mother were as wicked , as the Iews who slew the Lord of glory . 8. Argument . If the speciall and only reason , why Baptisme should be denied to the children of nearest Parents who are unbelievers , be weake and contrary to the Scriptures , then is this opinion contrary to Scripture also ; but the former is true , Ergo , so is the latter : for not only the speciall , but the only argument is , because these children are without the covenant , seeing their nearest Parents are without the covenant , but this is most false many waies . 1. God commandeth ( as I shewed before ) that the children of most wicked Parents , Josh. 5. should be circumcised . Ergo , God esteemed them within the covenant , notwithstanding of their fathers wickednesse . 2. The Lord tearmeth the children of those who slew their sonnes to Molech , and so ostered them to Divels , to be his sonnes , Ezech. 16. 20. Moreover thou hast taken my sonnes and my daughters , which thou hast borne to me , and these hast thou sacrificed to them to be devoured : is this of thy whooredomes a small matter , v. 21. That thou hast slaine my children , &c. So Ezek. 23. 37. If they be the Lords sonnes , and borne to the Lord , howbeit their Parents were bloody murtherers , and sacrificers to ●Divels ; then God esteemed these sonnes within the covenant , and who are we to exclude them out of Gods covenant ? 3. The sonnes of most wicked Parents dying in their i● fancy may be saved , and of them God hath his owne chosen , as we see in many aged ones borne of wicked Parents . Ergo , the wickednesse of the Parents is a weake ground to say they are without the covenant , especially seeing we affirme , God hath his decrees of Election and Reprobation of infants , Rom. 9. 11. no lesse then of aged , the contrary whereof wee know Arminians teach . 9. Arg. If externall profession be sufficient without longer examination to baptize the aged , as we see in Simon Magus , Act. 8. 13. and in Ananias ▪ and Saphira , Act. 2. 38 , 39 , 44 ▪ 45. compared with Act. 5. 1 , 2. by the Apostles practise : Then the profession of faith in the fore-fathers is enough for us to judge their fore-fathers within the covenant , and consenters to the covenant ; for when many thousands at once are said to enter in covenant with God , as is cleare , Deut. 29. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. Josh. 24. 24 , 25. 2 Chron. 15. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. they could not give any larger proofs or evidences of their faith of the covenant , then a solemne assembling together , and a verball oath or a saying ( Amen , or So be it ) as Deut. 27. 14 ▪ 17. after which they were reputed in the covenant , and so their seed also in the covenant . Augustine his mind is that such infants are not to be excluded from baptisme , so Bucan , Calvin , Wallens , the Professours of Leyden . Let us heare shortly what our brethren say on the contrary . M. Best and others object , Those only are to receive the seale of the covenant , whose Parents , at least one of them , in externall profession , are within the covenant ; but infants borne of wicked and prophane parents , are not borne of parents in externall profession within the covenant , Ergo , the infants of wicked parents are not to receive the seale of the covenant . The proposition he proveth from Genes . 17. 10. This is my covenant , and every man-childe amongst you shall bee circumcised , and Rom. 4. 11. He received the signe of circumcision , a seale of the righteousnesse of Faith. The assumption he and others proove , because murtherers , drunkards , swearers , and whose children we baptise , declare themselves not to be Christians , nor faithfull , nor Saints by their wicked life , and so not within the covenant . This argument also the Separatists use . Answ. The Major is false , and not proved from Gen. 17. or Rom. 4 for neither of these places speake of nearest Parents , father and mother one at least ; the Text beareth no such thing , but the contrary . These are to receive the seale of the covenant whose fore-fathers are in externall profession within the covenant ; for God commandeth not Abraham only to circumcise his sons , but all parents descended of Abraham to circumcise their seed , the seed of Abraham carnally descended to all generations : and so the nearest parents only are not to be looked unto . 2. This argument doth either proceed according to this meaning , that these infants only are to receive the seale of the covenant whose parents are within the covenant by an inward ingrafting and union by true faith , besides the externall professing therof ; or then there is no other thing required , but only externall profession , that the Church without sinne may conferre the seales ; if the former be said , it will follow that God speaketh , Gen. 17. only to Abraham and his sons by faith , according to the promise , and only to believers ; but God speaketh to all Abrahams sons according to the flesh . 2. Because God should speake an untruth , that he were a God by reall union of faith to all that are commanded to be circumcised ; for he commanded thousands to be circumcised to whom he was not a God by reall union of faith : therefore these words must import , that nothing is more required , that the Church without sin may conferre the seale of the covenant , but the children to be descended of parents professing the truth and faith , although the parents indeed , as concerning any reall union of faith , be plain strangers to the covenant , and members of the Church only as an arme of wood is a member of the body , which being true , as it must be said , the assumption is weake and sick . ●or the question is , what it is to be externally within the covenant , it is not to slee all knowne sinnes , to be a chosen people , a people taught of God ( for then God would not have commanded Joshua Chap. 5. to circumcise all Israel , because their fathers externally were within the covenant ) as this argument would say ; for their fathers were a generation of unbelievers who knew not God , who tempted him and grieved his holy Spirit in the wildernesse , and professed themselves by their murmuring never to be truly within the covenant . Then to professe the doctrine of the covenant is but to be borne Iewes , and avow the Lord in externall profession , and Deut. 29. sweare a covenant with him , when the heart is blinded and hardned , v. 4. And so by this it is cleare Joshua had commandement of God to give the seale of the covenant to their children , who were as openly wicked against the Lord , as murtherers , drunkards , swearers , &c. 3. This argument will prove circumcision could lawfully be given to none , but the children of parents within the covenant , that is , professedly knowne to be faithfull , holy , and se●arated from the prophane world in the judgement of c●arity : this hath no warrant of the word . For 1. The children of the mo●t wicked were circumcised , Iosh. 5. 2. We desire to know whom God forbad to be circumcised that were carnally descended of Abraham ? Or shew us ex●mple or precept therof in the Word ? 3. What God required in the parents , whose Infants the Church might lawfully and without sin circumcise , so they were borne Iewes : O saith Mr. Best , they behooved to be members of the Church whose infants might lawfully be circumcised . I answer , that is , ignotum per ignotius , Shew me one person being a borne Iew , whose child the Lord forbad to circumcise ? 2. What is it to be a member of the Iewish Church ? Is it to bee a visible Saint and taught of God ? I true , that was required indeed to make men acceptable before God ; but to make one a visible member of the Iewish Church visible , nothing was required , but to be a borne Iew , and professe Gods truth , and keepe them from externall ceremoniall pollutions , I mean to be a member of the visible Church , to keep externall and Church-communion with the rest of Gods people . Secondly , they object , Not onely must they be in profession within the covenant ; but also members of some visible Church and particular congregation , that is , that they be within the Church ; for we have nothing to do to judge them that are without . 1 Cor. 5. 12. And this M. Best Proveth by the order required in Gods Church , putting a difference betwixt Church-communion and Christian-communion , A man may be a just , peaceable , quiet man , and so meet to be a Citizen in a City , but he hath not right to the priviledges of the brughe , untill he come to them by due order ; so must a man not onely be a Christian ere his childe be baptized ; but also a member of a visible Church . Answ. 1. This Objection proceedeth from a great mistake , as if Church-communion with a particular independent congregation were more , and a better and nearer ground of baptizing , then Christian-communion , which we judge to be false ; because the Catholick Church is by order of nature , and first and more principally the body , spouse , redeemed flocke of Christ , then any particular independent congregation , that is but a part or member of the Catholike Church ; and therfore the covenant , promises of grace , the power of the keys , the seals of the covenant belong first & principally to the Catholike Church , & to these that are in Christian communion with her , before they belong to this or that visible part of the Catholick Church , and so all ecclesiastick power of the keys must be first & more principally in the Catholick Church , then in a particular congregatiō , as a reasonable soul by order of nature is in man , before it be in Peter , Thomas or Iohn . 2. I believe these are within , that are professours of the true faith , suppose they be not members of the Church of Corinth , or of any setled Church , it is enough if they be within the covenant , and these are without only , who are Infidels and Pagans , not professing the true and sound faith , as the Apostle meaneth , 1 Cor. 5. 12. Baptisme is a priviledge of the Church , not a priviledge of such a particular independent Church , and the distinction betwixt Christian-communion and Church-communion in this point is needlesse and fruitlesse ; for none are to be refused of baptisme , whose parents professe the faith and Christian-communion : Howbeit , they by Gods providence may be cast into a country where they are not , and cannot be ( without due examination ) members of a setled Church , as one may heare the word and joyn in publick prayer with any true Church he cometh unto , and so having Christian-communion with a true Church , he hath by that same also Church communion . For baptisme is not like Burgess● freedome in a city , a man may be a free Citizen in one Towne or City , and not be a free citizen to have right to the priviledges of all other Cities , but he who is Christs free-man in one Church , hath Christian freedome and right to communion therby in all Churches , and may have Church-communion in all true Churches ; but hee that is a free Burgesse in one City , is not free in all . Thirdly , they object , If Baptisme be given to all promiscuously , the Church shall not be the house of God , to receive only Gods family , but a common Inne to receive all cleane and uncleane . So Best citing Cartwright . Baptisme is to be administred ( say the Separatists ) onely to the seed of the faithfull , because such only are accounted to the Lord for a generation , which he begetteth and receiveth in his Church to declare his righteousnesse in Christ , Psalm . 22. 30 , 31. Rom. 4. 11. and Rom. 11. 16. Math. 10. 13 , 16. Answ. Cartwright in that place is only against the baptizing of infants of excommunicate parents who are cast out of the Church ; but as the Church is a house , so there are in the house of baptized ones , both cleane and uncleane : Neither are they all barnes of the house , who are within the house : the profession of cleannesse and holinesse , and of the faith of Christ , maketh it a house different from the society of Pagans and In●idels . 2. Wheras M. Best urgeth that none should be baptized , but members of the visible Church : he maketh all baptized members of the Church , how then must they be all visible Saints , clean persons and holy ? For baptisme maketh not the thousand part that are baptized to be visible Saints . 3. This Generation begotten of the Lord and received into the Church to declare his righteousnesse , Psal. 22. is not such only as are to be baptized ; for that generation , v. 30. is a seed that serveth the Lord , and v. 31. declareth his righteousnesse : All infants whether of faithfull or unfaithfull parents doe alike service to God , and alike declare his righteousnesse , that is to say , infants of what ever kinde can doe no service to God. If their meaning bee the infants of faithfull parents circumcised shall serve God , and declare his Righteousnesse , when they come to age : First this Text saith not they are the seed of the faithfull onely that shall serve God : For the seed of the faithfull , such as Ammon , Absolom , and Davids seed often refuse to serve God , and declare his righteousnesse , and the seed and children of wicked Parents , as Hezekiah the sonne of wicked Ahaz , and Josiah the sonne of wicked Amon , doe often serve God , and declare his righteousnesse : So they cite Scriptures , that by no force of reason doe speake for them , as Rom. 4. 11. and Rom. 11. 16. say nothing ; but if the root be holy with the holinesse federall , and of the externall profession : So are the branches ; but the place speaketh nothing of true inherent holinesse ; for then all holy Parents should have holy and visible Saints comming out of their loines , which is against Scripture and experience . Fourthly , they object , By this our Divines lose their best Argument against Anabaptists ; namely , that children of Christians by that same warrant are to be baptized , that Infants under the Law were circumcised ; but none was circumcised but a member of the visible Church under the Law. Now this ye gain-say , who would have all cleane and uncleane baptized , and so you leave your patterne . Answ. We leave our patterne in no sort : For all were circumcised that were borne of circumcised Parents within the Church of the Jewes : so all are to be baptized that are borne of Christians , and baptized Parents professing the faith . But ( say they ) Drunkards , Murtherers , Sco●●ers , Swearers , and ignorant Atheists both Fathers and Mothers , whose children you baptize , doe not professe the ●aith ; for in works they deny and belye their profession . Answ. Then you will have the children of none to be baptized , but those whose parents are sound and sincere professors in the judgement of charity ; but so Joshuah failed who circumcised the children of all professing themselves to be Abrahams sonnes carnally ; howbeit Joshuah knew , and was an eye-witnesse that their Fathers did deny and belye their profession . And John baptized the ●eed of all , Mat. 3. that professed the faith of the Messiah , although he knew them to be a generation of vipers . 2. They often require that one of the Parents be a beleever , or else the childe cannot be cleane , nor lawfully baptized , and they repose on that place , 1 Cor. 7. 14. For the unbeleeving husband is sanctified by the wife , and the unbeleeving wife is sanctified by the husband ; Else ( that is , if both were unbeleevers ) were your children uncleane ( that is not within the covenant ) but now are they holy . And they alleadge Beza and Pareus for this . Answ. But they mistake the word ( unbeleeving ) for by ( unbeleeving ) in that place ( as the Professors of Leyden doe well observe ) is meant Infidell Gentiles that are without the Church , and professe not Christ , as is cleare from the Text : For where the husband that beleeved was married on a Pagan-wife ; or a Jew hee thought being converted to the Christian faith , he behooved to sunder with his Pagan-wife ; and the wife converted to the Christian faith married to a heathen and Pagan-husband thought she behoved to divorce , and that the marriage could not be sanctified . The Apostle answereth this case of conscience : Suppose the Father be a Pagan , if the Mother be a beleever , that is , a professour of Christianity ( for a Beleever is here opposed to a Pagan ) yet the children are holy by the Mothers or Fathers profession of Christianity . Hence the Argument is strong for us , Profession of Christianity opposed to Paganisme maketh the children cleane and holy before God by the holinesse of the Covenant ; therefore Infants borne of parents professing Christian Religion are to be baptized : For that this troubled many converted , that they were married to heathen , and bondmen to them , and in such and such callings as they thought inconsistible with Christian Religion is cleare from verse 14 , 15 , 16 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. And Beza on that place saith , it was never heard in the ancient Church that every Infidell child was to be baptized . And Pareus saith , the children of Christian parents are holy before Baptisme by a Covenant and externall holinesse , iure , by Gods right being borne of Christian parents ; And after Baptisme they are holy , de facto , formally and actually . So say Melancthon and Keckerman . But I feare that these who will have none baptized but the child●en of beleeving parents , aime at this , That the faith of the father is imputed to the children , which indeed reverend Beza doth maintaine : Or then a worse , that Infants are not to be baptized at all , seeing they oppose the places that we cite for the lawfulnesse of baptizing Infants . The authors of Presbyteriall government call the baptizing of children a untimous anticipation . Our brethrens mind is , that the Infants of both Parents knowne to be unbeleevers , are not to be baptized untill they come to age , and can give proofe that they are within the covenant of grace , what Anabaptists thinke here is knowne . Some say that Boniface the 4. in the yeare 606. began the Baptisme of infants . M. Best saith too nakedly . I beleeve at Augustine , Cyprian , Origen , Cyrill , Nazianzen , Ambrose , and many other Fathers affirme , that the Church hath received the Baptisme of Infants from the Apostles . What ? doth he not beleeve that it is most evidently in Scripture ? and hath he no better warrant then the ●athers ? Fourthly , M. Best objecteth , If there be no precept nor example for baptizing of Infants begotten of both Parents unbeleeving ; then there is no promise of blessing made unto it ; but the first is true , Ergo , the second . Answ. 1. We aske with what faith , and by what precept or example was ever circumcision in the whole old Testament denyed to any male-childe of the most wicked Jewes ; and by what precept and example is Baptisme denyed to any Infant in the New Testament for his Parents wickednesse ? the Fathers professing the Christian Faith : Yea , seeing Baptisme is denyed to Infants upon a suspition , that their Parents are destitute of faith , and not within the Covenant ; Now this suspition is not faith , nor grounded upon any word of God , or certaintie of faith ; for whether an other man beleeve , or beleeve not , it is not faith , nor knowne by faiths certaintie to me , but by the judgement of charitie . Fifthly , they object , If all promiscuously be baptized , Gods name is taken in vaine , and the holy Sacrament greatly abused , Mal. 1. 12. Heb. 10 29. Answ. This is to accuse God , as if he had not found sufficient wayes out to save his owne name from blasphemy . Nor can our brethren by their Doctrine save his name from dishonour , nor the Sacrament from prophanation ; because multitudes of Infants borne of beleeving Parents are reprobates , and yet God hath commanded to baptize them , who being reprobates must be without the covenant , and so the covenant is prophaned , and many Infants of wicked Parents are chosen , and within the covenant ; yet are we forbidden by our brethren to give them the seales of the covenant untill they come to age , which also should be given to them , and needs force by their doctrine that Christ hath commanded a certaine way of dishonouring his name ( which is blasphemy ) ●or we have not such a cleare way to know Infants cleane and uncleane , as the Priest had to know the polluted bread , and the polluted sacrifices , Mal. 1. 7 , 12. as he citeth : For what Infants are within the covenant indeed , and chosen of God ; and what not : We neither know , nor is it requisite that we know further then that we are to know , that they are borne within the visible Church . Sixthly , they say , The Church of God is defiled , Hag. 2. 14 , 15. Ezech. 44. 7. If all Infants promiscuously be baptized ; for then the people and every worke of their hand , and their offering is uncleane . So M. Best . Answ. We deny that children borne within the visible Church are an uncleane offering to the Lord , and that the baptizing of them polluteth the Nation , and all the worship of the Nation , as they would gather from Haggai : For being borne of the holy Nation , they are holy with a federall and nationall holinesse , Rom. 11. 16. If the root be holy so are the branches : For our brethren baptize children of Parents who are hypocrites and unbeleevers , and so the uncircumcised in heart come into the Sanctuary : Yea Peter in baptizing Simon Magus , and Ananias and Saphira brought in the uncircumcised in heart and the strangers to Gods covenant , as Best alledgeth from Ezech. 44. borrowing such abused testimonies of Gods word from Separatists , as they borrowed them from Anabaptists : For we preach and invite in the Gospell all the uncircumcised in heart , and all the wicked to come and heare and partake of the holy things of the Gospell , and receive the promises thereof with faith : And when many come to this heavenly banquet without their wedding garment , Mat. ●2 . 12 , 13. 2 Cor. 2. 16. Mat. 21. 43 , 44. It followeth not , because they prophane the holy things of God , that Ministers who baptize the Infants of hypocrites , and prophane persons , are accessarie to the prophaning of the holy things of God , and that we bring in the polluted in heart to the Sanctuary of God. It is one thing whom Ministers should receive as members of the Sanctuary and Church ; and another thing , who should come in , and what sort of persons they are obliged to be who come to be members . To say that Ministers should receive none into the Church but those that are circumcised in heart , and cleane and holy , and cloathed with the wedding garment of faith is more then our brethren can prove : Nay , we are to invite to the wedding good and bad , chosen and unchosen , Mat. 22. 9. As many as you find bid to the wedding . But that all that come to be received members of the unvisible Church are obliged to be circumcised in heart , and holy , and cloathed with the wedding garment , else they prophane the Sanctuary and holy things of God ) is most true : But we desire that our brethren would prove this ; The Porters that held out the uncircumcised and the strangers out of the Sanctuary , were types of the Ministers and Church of the New Testament , who should receive none to be Church-members , and invite none to the wedding of the Gospell , but such as have their wedding garment , and are circumcised in heart , and are cleane , and holy , else they prophane and defile the Church of God , as M. Best saith . We beleeve this latter to be an untruth , and yet the strength of this Argument doth hang upon this : They are obliged to be such who enter into the Church , else they defile the Sanctuary , Ergo , the Church and Ministers of the New Testament are obliged to invite none to any Church-communion , or receive them into a Church fellowship , but only the circumcised in heart : Wee utterly deny this consequence . It is one thing , what sort of persons they ought to be , that should be members of the Church ( doubtlesse they should be beleevers ) And another thing , whom the Church should receive in ( these should be professors . ) Seventhly , M. Best reasoneth thus , The Minister is made a covenant-breaker , Mal. 2. 8. who baptized the childe of prophane Parents , and why ? because he offereth the blinde for a sacrifice to God. Answ. What if the Parents be esteemed beleevers , and are but hypocrites indeed , as is too ordinary : There is then a blinde sacrifice offered to God , and that by Gods commandement . 2. It followeth no way that the Minister is accessary to this sacrifice : Suppose it were blinde , as none can judge that but God ; but the Minister doth what his Master commandeth him , to preach unto all , and baptize all that are borne within the visible Church ; the sacrifice may be blinde by their doctrine and ours also ; but that it is a sacrifice blinde to the Minister , and he a Priest to offer that blinde sacrifice , is not hence concluded . Eighthly , Best saith , Divine wrath is kindled for the prophanation of holy things . Answ. That this is the Ministers or Churches prophanation of holy things is not proved : It is not wrath procured by the Ministers , or those who receive them into the Church , but wrath procured by the vnworthy incommers . Ninthly , Separatists reason thus : If all be baptized promiscuously , unbeleevers and prophane , together with their children shall be counted in that state to be Abrahams seed , and heires of the promis● , and so to be Christs , contrary to Gal. 3. 7 , 29. with Gen. 15. 6. and 17. 7. Answ. 1. A promiscuous baptizing of all we deny : It may import a baptizing of the Infants of Turkes , or of Papists , who avow they will bring up the childe baptized in the Romane faith : In which case , it would seeme Baptisme should be denied , as the learned Walleus thinketh . 2. There is a double counting on in Gods seed . 1. One according to Election , and so onely the elect are counted in the seed , as is cleare , Rom. 9. Paul expoundeth , Gen. 15. This counting in the seed is not well counted to be common to all circumcised : Separatists doe ordinarily miscount and abuse Scriptures , not caring what they cite , so that the Margen swell with citations . 2. There is an Ecclesiasticall and conditionall counting , whereby all baptized are in the judgement of charity counted Abrahams heires ; but with the condition , that they have Abrahams faith , and be internally in Abrahams covenant , and so are counted in th● seed , and all baptized . Hence the Separatists other two Arguments doe not conclude : For they inferre , if all must be baptized , that unbeleevers have alike interest with beleevers in the seales and priviledges of the Church , and must be counted in that same body and state with beleevers : For to the externall priviledges and visible body of the Church all professors ( for they are not to be reputed unbeleevers ) have alike interest ; but to the inward favours and graces sealed in the Sacraments , and in the true and mysticall body of Christ they have not all alike interest who are baptized . 2. Separatists doe ignorantly and uncharitably in this dispute take the children of the nearest Parents that are prophane and wicked , and unbeleeving and uncleane Infants for all one : For because their Fathers many generations upward were within the covenant ; therefore are such children in externall prof●ssion within the covenant , as the Lord did shew favour to his people for Abraham and Davids sake many yeares after they were dead , when their nearest Parents were wicked and prophane , Psal. 106. 45 , 46. Psal. 105. 41 , 42. Ezech. 20. 2● . and chap. 36. 21 , 22. 2. Conclusion . These onely are to be admitted to the Supper of the Lord , whom in charity we judge , can and doe trye and examine themselves , and rightly discerne the Lords body , and who in faith can annuntiate the Lords death , unto his second comming againe : And therefore children and infants , ignorants , and scandalously flagitious persons , and mad persons are to be debarred . But that none should be Church-members of Christs visible body , but such as we can , and dare admit to the Lords Supper , is most false : For we put a manifest difference betwixt those that are admitted into Christs visible body , as ordinary hearers of the word , such as are ignorants , and many unconverted professors ; and the excommunicate who are admitted to be ordinary hearers of the word , but are not to be admitted to the Supper of the Lord ; for so we should prophane the holy things of God , and be accessary to the prophaning of the Lords body and precious bloud . Here a doubt ariseth , seeing Christ crucified is the substance and object of faith in the word preached , as well as in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; and in no sort are Ministers to be accessary to the prophaning of the holy things of God , or of casting pearles before swine , Mat. 7. 6. Mat. 15. 26. Heb. 10. 29. Hag. 2. 14 , 15. Num. 5. 2 , 3. and Levit. 19. 22. How doe we admit the ignorant and unbeleevers , yea the excommunicate , Mat. 22. 9. 2 Thess 3. 15. to the holy things of the Gospell preached , which we know they shall , and doe prophane ? For to them the word is the savour of death unto death , 2 Cor. 2. 16. and Christ is a rocke of offence , and a stumbling stone , a ginne and a snare , Isa. 8. 14. 1 Pet. 2. 8. and yet we are accessary to their prophaning of the Lords Table if we admit such to the Table . Answ. There are great odds betwixt a possible and necessary meane of salvation prophaned , and a meane of salvation not necessary nor possible to reach its end for the which it is ordained : If these of the Separation would distinguish this as Gods word doth , they should not so stumble about the constitution of a visible Church : For the word preached is the necessary and possible meane of conversion to the most flagitious and wicked hearers ; And howbeit they prophane the word , promises , and despise Christ and his covenant in the word preached ; yet Ministers in receiving such into Church-communion are not accessary to the prophaning of Gods holy things ; because they are under a necessity of offering Christ preached , as the onely ordinary , necessary , and possible meane of salvation ; Therefore we admit them to the hearing and beleeving of the word , per se , and kindly ; but to the stumbling at the word by accident , by their abuse comming from themselves . But the Lords Supper being a Seale of our nourishment and spirituall growth in Christ , it presupposeth faith , and the begun life of God , and the new birth , and so to those who are openly flagitious and knowne unbeleevers , it is neither a necessary meane of salvation , nor yet a possible meane : Not necessary ; for meat and drinke and these elements cannot nourish those who have no life of God in them at all : As bread and wine are not means at all to a dead man , Infestment in the husbands lands , and a dowry is no meane necessary at all to an unmarried virgin remaining unmarried . Also untill the communicant beleeve in Christ , it is not a possible Seale ; for it can seale nothing to one that is not capable of nouri●hment , seeing the unbeleever by no possibility can be sealed up in a growing communion with Christ. And this Supper is not a formall meane of conversion , but a formall meane of the further growth and nourishment of these who are already converted ; and therefore when Ministers are accessary to admit to the Lords Table these whom they know are unbeleevers , they have there a kindly influence in the prophaning of the holy things of God , in giving a meane of salvation to these to whom it is neither necessary nor possible : But in admittance of members of the Church to be ordinary hearers of the word , their influence is not kindly , and their cooperation onely accidentall . The sinne is in the abusers of the word onely , which is a meane both necessary and possible , and the fault is not in the Ministers . For this cause are we to be more strict in admitting to the Lords Supper , then in receiving of Church-members to Baptisme , and the hearing of the Word . But as we are to take care that the holy things of God be not prophaned in this Sacrament : so also that none be debarred by the under-stewards and servants whom the Master of the house hath admitted . And 1. none are to be excluded from the Table , but such as are under the Church-censures , except the impediments be naturall , not morall , such as age and distraction . 2. That none are reputed uncapable , but such as are juridicè , and in the Church-court , under two or three witnesses convicted ; for why should the Church punishments be inflicted blindly , such as is debarring from the Lords Table ? therefore the Minister hath no power of the Keyes himselfe alone , without the Eldership to debarre any ; for then he himselfe useth the Keyes by censuring , Pope-like , without the Church . 3. Grossely ignorant are to be censured by the Church , and debarred : But it may perhaps be here said , I make no evidence of conversion required to goe before , as seene to the Church , before they dare admit to the Lords Table , but such as may be in hypocrites . Answ. And so did the Apostolike Church , I doubt not but the Apostles did , Acts 2. 46 , 47. admit Ananias and Saphira to the Lords Table : And so did Paul esteeme of Demas , and would once have admitted Hymeneus , Alexander and others ; and this is cleare , 1 Joh. 2. 19. If they had been of us , they would no doubt have cont●nued with us : Then they remained for a space communicators with the true Church in the word of the covenant and seales . We are against Separatists , who will have the number of aged persons that are members of the Church , and the number of those who are to be admitted to the Sacrament , equall . We thinke multitudes are members of the visible Church , and must be hearers , as knowne unbeleevers , who are not to be admitted to the Sacrament . CHAP. XIII . Quest. 13. Whether or no every particular Congregation and Church hath of it selfe independent power from Christ , to exercise the whole power of the Keyes , without any subiection to any superiour Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ? IT is knowne that these of the Separation , and others , whom we love and reverence , contend for the independency of every visible Congregation , denying that they are subject to Synods , Presbyteries , and Nationall Assemblies of the Churches consociated ; holding that they can , and may give counsell , and brotherly advise in matters doubtfull : But that Presbyteries or Synods have no Ecclesiasticall power to command in the Lord any Congregation whatsoever . I observed before that there be two degrees of a Church independent , 1. In every visible Congregation there is a number of beleevers , to whom our brethren say , Christ hath committed the power of the keyes , who have power to chuse and ordaine their owne officers , Pastors , Doctors , Elders and Deacons , and also judicially to censure , rebuke , sentence , depose and excommunicate these same office-bearers . We have disputed already against this independent Church . 2. There is another Church indepe●dent , which is that same congregation of beleevers new cloathed with a setled and constituted ●ldership , one Pastor , and Elders , and Doctors : Of this Congregation is our present question . This Congregation againe hath either one Pastor only , with a number of Elders ; or it hath a number of Pastors and Elders who doe meet for discipline , which is a Presbyteriall Church , such as we esteeme the Church of Corinth , the Church of Ephesus . The question is of a visible Church in both senses : And for the former , they have within themselves some power of discipline , so farre as concerneth themselves , as the Arguments of our brethren doe prove , but with subordination to the Eldership of their owne and other sister and consociate Congregations , who shall meet in a Presbytery . The Church in the latter meaning cannot conveniently meet in all and every one of the members thereof , but doth meet in their Rulers , as the Eldership of Ephesus did meet , Acts 20. 17. And Paul and James , and the Eldership of Jerusalem did meet , Acts 21. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. And of this Presbytery that ordained Timothy a Pastor , we read 1 Tim. 4. 14. So the Eldership of Ephesus , Rev. 2. 2. whereof there were a number of Pastors , as we may reade Acts 20. 28 , 29 , 36. who tried those who called themselves Apostles , and did lye , and were found lyars , Rev. 2. 2. This Presbytery consisting of moe Pastors , is the first ruling and governing Church , having power of the keyes in all points of discipline within themselves ; They have intensively power of the keyes in all points , and equall power ( intensivè ) with greater Synods and Assemblies ; because ordination of Pastors by them , 1 Tim. 4. 14. is as valide in the point of Church-discipline , as the Decrees made in the great Councell convented at Jerusalem , Acts 15. 21 , 22 , &c. But Provinciall Synods , and Nationall Assemblies have greater power then the Presbyteries extensivè ; because they have power as a great body to exercise discipline that concerneth the whole Congregations of all the Nation , which power is not in inferiour Elderships . Now that there is not to be ●ound in the word a Congregation with an Eldership , and one Pastor that hath the power of all discipline independently , within it selfe , I prove : 1. I reason from the Apostolike Churches practise , which must be a patterne to us : And first , let no man say the Argument is weake , because the Apostolike Church being lyable to persecution , and Parishes not then setled , their order cannot be a rule to us : For 1. we have not a perfect patterne if the Apostolike Church be laid aside , as no rule to us . 2. It is said , Acts 9. 31. Then had the Churches rest throughout all Judea , Galilie , and Samaria , and were edefied , and walking in the feare of the Lord , and in the comfort of the Holy-Ghost , were multiplyed . Hence if there be not a patterne of such an independent Congregation by precept or practise , where one particular Congregation with one Pastor , and their Eldership did exercise , or may exercise all power of the keyes in all points : Then such an independent Congregation is not to be holden ; but the former is true : For 1. an instance cannot be given in the point of ordination of Ministers , by a Congregation with one Pastor . We desire an instance . 2. All ordination by practise and precept in the New Testament is by more Pastors then one ; yea by a Colledge of Pastors , which is cleare , Acts 1. 13. the eleven Apostles were at the ordination of Matthias , and the Apostle Peter presideth in the action . And Acts 6. 2. the twelve Apostles did ordaine the seven Deacons , ver . 6. and prayed and laid their hands on them , ver . 6. It is vaine that Turre●remata and other Papists say , that Peter himselfe alone might have chosen the seven Deacons . See for this Whitgyft opposing Turrecremata , and Whittaker . Also see Acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3. Prophets and teachers with the Apostles sent Paul and Barnabas to preach to the Gentiles , and they fasted and prayed , and laid their hands on them . So Paul and Barnabas , if there were not more Pastors with them , Acts 14. 23. appointed Elders in every Church with fasting and prayer , Acts 20. 17. ver . 28. There was a Colledge of preaching Elders at Ephesus , and at Philippi , Phil. 1. 2. Bishops and Deacons at Thessalonica , 1 Thes. 9. 12. a multitude , that is , more then one Pastor that were over them in the Lord , and laboured amongst them , and admonished them , ver . 13 1 Tim 4. 14. a Colledge or Senate of Presbyters or Pastors , who ordained Timothy by the laying on of hands . 2. If ordination of Pastors in the word be never given to people , or beleevers , or to ruling Elders ; but still to Pastors , as is cleare , 1 Tim. 5. 22. Tit. 1. ver . 5. Acts 6. 6. Acts 13. 3. 2 Tim. 1. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 14. And if ordination in the word of God be never in the power of one single Pastor ( except we bring in a Prelate into the Church ) then one Pastor , with one single Congregation cannot exercise this point of discipline , and so not all points of discipline . 3. If the preaching Elders be charged by the Spirit of God to watch against grievous wolves speaking perverse things , Acts 20. 29 , 30 , 3● . and rebuked because they suffer them to teach false doctrine ; and commended , because they try false teachers , and cast them out , Rev. 2. ver . 14. ver . 20. ver . 2. if they be commanded to ordaine faithfull men , 2 Tim. 2. 2. and taught whom they should ordaine , Tit. 1. 5 , 6 , 7. 1 Tim. 3. ver . 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 1 Tim. 5. 22. and whom they should reject , as unmeet for the worke of the Lord : Then one Pastor and a single Congregation have not the power of this point of discipline , and so they are not independent within themselves ; but the former is said by GODS Word . Ergo , so is the latter . 2. Argument . That government is not of God , nor from the wisdome of Christ the law-giver , that deviseth means of discipline for edifying the people by the keyes , and omitteth meanes for edifying by the keyes the Elders of every particular congregation ; but the doctrine of independent Congregations is such . Ergo , this doctrine is not of God. The proposition is cleare , Christs perfect government hath wayes and meanes in his Testament , to edifie all rankes and degrees of people , for the perfecting of the body of his Saints , Eph. 3. 11. 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5. Mat. 18. 15 , 16. Iohn 20. 21 , 22 , 23. I prove the Assumption : If a pastor and six or twelve Elders turne scandalous in their lives , and unsound and corrupt in the Faith : there is no way of gaining them by the power of the keyes ; for there be but three wayes imaginable . 1. That they should censure and use the rod against themselves , which is against nature , reason and unwritten in the Word of God. 2. They cannot be censured by Presbyteries and Synods ; for the doctrin of independent Congregations doth abhorre this . And thirdly , they cannot be censured by the multitude of believers ; for 1. The Lord hath not given the rod and power of edification , such as Paul speaketh of , 1 Cor. 4. 20 , 21. to the flocke over the over-seers . 2. This is popular government and worse , the flock made over-seers to the Shepheards , the sons authorized to correct the fathers . 3. We desire a pattern of this government from the word of God. Our third argument is from many absurdities . That doctrine is not sound , from whence flow many absurdities contrary to Gods Word ; but from the doctrine of independent Congregations without subordination to Synods , flow many absurdities contrary to Gods Word , Ergò , that doctrine is not sound . The Major is out of controversie , and is cleare ; for the Scriptures reason from absurdities , 1 Cor. 15. 14 , 15. Iohn 8. 55. I prove the assumption ; as , 1. The Prophets shall not be authoritatively judged by Prophets and Pastours , but by the multitude , contrary to that , 1 Cor ▪ 14. 29. Let the Prophets speake two or three , and let the other judge . 2. Authoritative and judiciall excommunication was in the Pastors and Elders power , 1 Co. 5. 4. 1 Tim. 1. 20. 2 Cor. 10. 8. 1 Cor. 4. 21. this doctrin ●u●teth authoritative and judiciall excommunication into the hands of all the people . 3. All the assemblies of Pastours in the Apostolick Church , for the discipline which concerned many Churches , upon necessary causes shall be temporary and extraordinary , and so not obliging us now , as Acts 1. Act. 6. Act. 11. 1. Act. 8. 14. Act. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. Act. 15. Act. 21. 18 , 19. 1 Tim. 4. 14. and yet these same necessary causes of such assemblies , as Divisions betwixt Grecians and Hebrewes , heresies , schismes remaine in the Church to the worlds end . 4. Those who authoritatively governe and edi●ie the Church , are men separated from the world , not intangled with the affairs of this life , 2 Tim. 2. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. therefore if all the multitude governe and over-see both themselves and their guides : they are not to remaine in their callings , as trades-men , servants , merchant● , lawyers , &c. but to give themselves wholly to the over-seeing of the Church , contrary to that which the Word of God saith , ordaining every man to abide in his calling , 1 Cor. 7. 20 , 21 , 22. Col. 3. 22. 1 Thess. 4. 11. 5. Believers are over-seers to excommunicate , deprive , censure , and authoritatively rebuke their pastors , and so 1. pastors of pastors , over-seers and watch-men , over their Over-seers and Watch-men . 2. The relation of pastor and flock , of feeders and a people fed is taken away . 3. That which the Scripture ascribeth to pastor● only , 1 Tim. 5. 19 , 20. Tit. 1. 13. v. 9. is given to private professours . 6. The brotherly consociation of the authority and power of jurisdiction in many sister-Churches united together , is taken away , there is no Christian-communion of Church officers , as Church officers 7. All particular Churches are left , in case of errours , to the immediate judgement of Christ , and obnoxious to no Church censures , suppose they consist of six or ten professours only . 8. The grounds of the doctrine are these same arguments , which Anabaptists and Socinians use against the places of Kings , Judges , Magistrates , to wit , that believers are free , redeemed , bought with a price , all things are theirs ; and therfore all power , which consequence is no stronger the one way , then the other . 9. It layeth a blot upon Christs wisdome , who hath appointed congregations to be edified by no power of the keyes in case of aberration a●d incorrigible obstinacy . 10. It maketh the Word of God imperfect , which setteth downe no Canons , how the believers of an independent Church should governe , and Paul teacheth how Timothy and Titus , and all Church-men should governe . 11. It excludeth not women from usurping authority over men , by judging , excommunicating , ordaining pastors , seeing they are the body and Spouse of Christ as believing men are . 12. It maketh the Sacraments no Sacraments , the baptized non-baptized , and in the place of Turkes ; if possibly the pastour and the ten professours of the independent Church be unbelievers , which is too ordinary . 13. By this an assembly of Pastors and Elders from divers congregations , have no more the power of the keyes , then one single man , who may counsell and advise his brother . 14. Extreme confusion and inevitable schismes hence arise , whilst such a sister-Church saith , I am Pauls , and her sister-Church saith , I am Apollo's , and there is no remedy against this fire . 15. The patterne of a Church governing and ministeriall , consisting of only believers , is neither in all the Scriptures , antiquity , nor in the writings of Divines . But of these I shall speake more fully hereafter , God willing . 4. Argument . That Doctrine is not to be holden , which tendeth to the removing of a publick Ministry ▪ but the doctrine of independent Churches is such . Ergo , the doctrine of independent Churches , is not to be holden . The proposition is out of doubt , seeing Christ hath ordained a publick Ministry for the gathering of his Church , Ephes : 3. 11. 1 Cor : 11. 1 Cor : 14 1 Tim : 3. 1 , 2 , 3. Heb : 13. 17. 1 Thess : 5. 12 , 13. 1 Cor : 5. 4. Math : 16. 19. Math : 28. 18. Joh : 20. 21 , 22 , 23. I prove the assumption . By the doctrine of independency , two or three , or ten or twelve private Christians in a private Family , joyning themselves covenant-waies to worship God is a true visible Church : So the English Puritanisme : So a Treatise called , Light for the ignorant : So the Guide to Zion : So the Separatists holding Independent Congregations , define a visible Church , Every company , Congregation or Assembly of true believers , joyning together according to the order of the Gospell , in the true worship , is a true visible Church . This being the true definition of an independent congregation from the writings of the Patrons thereof ; I prove that it taketh away the necessity of publick ministery . 1. because every twelve in a private Family is this way joyned together , and is an independent Church . 2 this congregation being independent , it hath within it selfe the power of the keyes , and is not subject ( saith the English Puritanisme ) to any other Superiour ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , then to that which is within it self . But , 1 Katherin against M. Edwards saith , p. 7 , 8. Private Christians have the Spirit . Ergo , they may pray . Answ : God forbid we deny , but they both may and ought to pray continually : but hence it followeth not affirmativè , à genere ad speciem , therfore they may authoritatively , not being called of God , as was Aaron , and invade the pastors chaire , and pray and fast and lay on hands by ministeriall authority , as the pastors doe , Act : 6. 6. Act : 13. 3. 2. The Church ( saith the Feminin Authour , p. 8. ) is not blinde , so that none have power of seeing , but only the officers . Answ. All believers see and discerne true and false teachers , 1 Iohn 4. 1. Heb : 5. 14. 2 Cor : 3. 18. Psal : 119. 18. Ephes : 1. 17. but it followeth not , affirmativè , à genere a● speciem , the●fore they doe all see as the eye of the body , with an authoritative and pastorall light and eye ; for then all the body should be an eye , where were then the hearing ? 2 Cor. 12. 17. 3 Within it self there is no jurisdiction ministeriall ; for in the definition of a Church ministeriall , there is deepe silence of Ministers or office-bearers ; and good reason by their grounds , who hold it : For it is a society of believers joyned together covenant wayes in the true worship of God ; which society hath power to ordain and elect their owne pastors and Elders , here is the power of the keyes to bind and loose on earth , as Christ bindeth and looseth in Heaven , Math : 18. 18. chap : 16. 19 and a ministeriall act of these keyes , to wit , the ordaining of Pastours , Doctors , Elders and Deacons ; before there be any Pastor , Doctor or Elder or Deacon . A ministery then must only be necessary , ad benè esse , non ad esse simpliciter , to the better or wel-being of the independent Church , and not to the simple being of the Church ▪ for the thing must have a perfect constituted being and essence , before it can have any operation , and working proceeding from that being : as one must be a living creature indued with a sensitive soule , before it can heare , or see , or touch ; now this independent Church , must have the perfect essence and being of a ministeriall Church , seeing it doth by the power of the keyes within it selfe constitute and ordaine her owne Ministers and Pastors ; and if they were joyned in the worship of God before they had Ministers , they did in a visible way ( being a visible Church in the compleate being of a visible Church ) worship God , before they had Ministers ; for before they ordaine their Ministers , they must keepe the Apostolick order , fast and pray , and lay on their hands , for so did the Apostles , Act : 1. 24. Acts 6. v. 6. Acts 13. 3. Act : 14. 23. 1 Tim : 4. 14. 2 Tim : 1. 5. So here are , publick fasting , publick praying , publick ordination of a visible and independent Church , and as yet they have no Ministers ; So in case the Eldership of a congregation shall all turne scandalous and hereticall : this same independent congregation may excommunicate them . Ergo before excommunication , they must publickly and by the power of the keyes , convince them of Heresie , rebuke them , pray for them , and finally by the spirit of Paul a Pastor , 1 Cor : 5. 4. judicially cast them out . Now let all be Judges , if this be farre from pastorall preaching , and if here be not ministeriall acts , and the highest judiciall and authoritative censure exercised by no Ministers at all ; and what hindreth by this reason , but the independent Church ( that doth publickly and authoritatively pray , fast , rebuke , convince gainsayers , make and unmake , by the power of the keyes , pastours and Ministers ) may also without Ministers preach , and administer the Sacraments ? against which the Separatists themselves doe speake and give reasons from Scripture , that none may administer the Sacraments , untill the pastors and teachers be chosen and ordained in their office . But hence we clearly see an independent Church constituted in its compleat essence , and exercising ministeriall acts , and using the keyes without any ministry and edifying their Ministers , so that a ministry is accidentall , and a stranger to the independent Church both in its nature and working , and seeing they edifie others without a ministry : why may not private Families , where the independent Church dwelleth , edifie themselves without a publick ministry ? I reade in Arminian and Socinian writings , that seeing the Scriptures are now patent to all . 1 A sent Ministry is rather usefull and profitable then necessary . 2 The preaching of the Word by Ministers is not necessary : So Episcopi●s : The Arminians in their Apology , and the Catechise of Raccovia : I will not impute these conclusions to our deare brethren , but I intreat the father of Lights to make them see the premisses . 3 Three or foure believers this way in covenant joyned together to worship God , have intensively and essentially all the power of the keyes , as the Councell convented at Hierusalem , Acts 15. 4. the power of Ordination , publick praying , publick and authoritative convincing of the gainsayers , and judiciall rebuking , which Paul ascribeth to the Pastors and preaching Elders , 1 Tim : 5. 20 , 21. 1 Tim : 3. 2. Tit : 1. 9. 2 Tim : 4. 2. as essentiall parts proper to their calling , doe not agree at all to pastors , but by accident , in so farre as they are beleevers , or parts of an independent congregation by this doctrine ; for if the keyes and the use of the keyes , in all these ministeriall acts , be given to a society of believers so joyned in covenant to serve God , as to the first , native and independent subject : all these must agree to Ministers at the second hand , and by communication . For if God hath given heat to the fire , as to the first and native Subject ; all other things must be hot by borrowing heat from the fire ; and so Pastors rebuke , exhort , ordain Pastors , censure and excommunicate Pastors only by accident , and at the by , in so farre as they are believers , and parts of the independent congregation : And all these are exercised most kindly in an independent congregation by some of their number , suppose there be no Pastors at all in the congregation . Robinson ( in justification of Separatists , p. 121 , 122 ) and Katherin Childly ( against M. Edwards , pa. 3. ) say , as a private Citizen may become a Magistrate : So a private member may become a Minister in case of necessity , to ordaine Pastors in a congregation , where there is none , and therefore ( say they ) the Church may subsist for a time without Pastor or Elder . Answ. In an extraordinary case a private man , yea a Prophet as Samuell hath performed , by the extraordinary impultion of the spirit , that which King Saul should doe , to wit , he may kill Agag ; but an independent congregation of private men ordaining pastors ( say our Brethren ) is Christs setled ordinance to the worlds end . 2 The question is , whither the Church can subsist a politick ministeriall body without Pastors and Elders . 3 By this the independent way is extraordinary , where a private man may invade the pastors chaire ; then Synods must be ordinary : els they must give us another way then their independent way or presbyteriall Churches , that is ordinary . I desire also to know , how our brethren who are for the maintenance of independent Churches , can eschew the publick prophecying of some qualified in the Church , even of persons never called to be Pastours , which the Separatists doe maintaine to the griefe of the godly and learned ; for in an independent congregation , where Pastors and Elders are not yet chosen , and when they are in processe to excommunicate them , who shall publickly pray , exhort , rebuke , convince the Eldership to be ordained or excommunicated ? I doubt , but a grosser point then the prophecying of men who are in no pastorall calling must be holden , to the discharging of all these publick actions of the Church ; yea , I see not but with a like warrant , private men may administer the Sacraments ; because Christ from his Mediatory power gave one and the same ministeriall power to pastors , to teach and baptize Mat : 28. 18 , 19. 5. Argum. If Gods word allow a presbyteriall Church , and a presbytery of Pastors and Elders : then are we not to hold any such independent congregation ; for our brethren acknowledge they cannot consist together . But the former is cleare , 1 Tim : 4. 14. Mat : 18. 17. 18. and is proved by us already . Other arguments I shall ( God willing ) adde in the following questions . CHAP. XIV . Quest. 14. Whither or no the power ecclesiasticall of Synods can be prooved from the famous councell of Jerusalem holden , Act : 15. NOw followeth our sixt Argument against independent congregations . Where I purpose ( God willing ) to prove that the practise of the Apostolick Church giveth us warrant for Synods , and a meeting of Pastors , and Elders from many particular congregations giving and making ecclesiasticall Canons and Decrees that tye and lay a band ecclesiasticall upon many particular congregations , to observe and obey these Decrees . And , 1. the popular and democraticall government of Anabaptists , where the people governeth themselves , and the Church , we reject . 2 The Popish Hierarchy , and the Popish or Episcopall Synods , where my lord Prelate the Antichrists eldest sonne , sitteth domineering and ruling all , we reject . 3 We grant that one sister-Church , or one presbytery , or one provinciall or Nationall Assembly hath no jurisdiction over another sister-Church , presbytery or fellow Assembly . 4 As there is a communion of Saints by brotherly counsell , direction , advise and incouragement : So this same communion is farre more to be observed by sister-Churches , to write and to send Commissioners and salutations one to another ; and hitherto our brethren and we goe one way . 5 An absolute , independent and unlimited power of Synods over congregations , we also condemne : Their decrees tye two wayes I grant , 1. Materially ; for the intrinsicall lawfullnesse of the decree : Thus our brethren will not deny , but this tye is common to the brotherly counsell and advise of friends and brethren counselling one another from Gods word . For all are tyed to follow what God commandeth in his word , whither a superiour , an inferiour or an equall speake : But we hold that the decrees of greater Synods doe lay an ecclesiasticall tye upon under , or lesser Synods in those bounds where presbyteries and particular congregations are . But it is weaknesse in Separatists , and womanly and weakly said by the authour of Justification of independent Churches , printed , an . 1641. under the name of Katherin Childly , pag. 17. that the Synod . Act : 15. it not properly a Synod ; because their decrees were not alterable , but such as were warranted by God , and a perpetuall rule for all the Churches of the Gentiles , for that authour ignorantly presumeth that Synods may make Canons of nothing but of circumstances of meere order : Wheras Synods with good warrant , following this Synod , have made Acts against Arrians , Nestorius , and other heretiques ecclesiastically condemning fundamentall errours . And heere I enter to proove the lawfullness● of Synods , and to dispute against the independency of a visible presbyteriall Church , For that which in Scotland wee call , following Gods word , 1 Tim : 4. 14. the presbytery . But before we proceed , one question would be cleared , What ground is there to tye a congregation by an ecclesiasticall tye of obedience to a presbytery , and a presbytery to a provinciall Assembly , and a provinciall Assembly to a Nationall Assembly : for seeing these are not in Gods Word , they would seeme devices of men , and of noe divine institution ; one may say , whether have they warrant in a positive Law of God , or in the law of nature ? I answer , they have warrant of both : for it is Gods positive law , that the Elders and Over-seers be over the Church in the Lord , Heb : 13. 17. 1 Thess. 5. 12 , 13. Math : 18. 17 , 18. I call this Gods positive Law , because if it had bin the will of the Law-giver , he might have appointed an high-Priest , or some arch-Pastor or prime officer in his name to command the whole Church , like to the Judge and the high-Priest in the old Testament : So Aristocraticall government is not naturall , our presbyteries are founded upon the free-will of Christ , who appointed this government rather then another . Now the question , how subordination of congregations to presbyteries , and of presbyteries to greater Synods is of natures law is harder , but a thing is naturall two wayes , 1. simply and in it selfe , 2. and by consequent ; an example of the former is , by the law of nature , the hand moveth , the feet walketh , at the direction of the will , which is a commanding faculty that ruleth all the motions of moving from place to place : This way it is not directly naturall that Archippu● be governed by the Eldership and Presbytery at Colosse ; because he may be removed to another Presbytery , he possibly might have bee●e a member of the presbytery at Corinth , and never beene subj●ct to the presbytery at Colosse . Example of the latter , it is simply supernaturall for Peter to be borne over againe , ●ath : 16. 17. Iohn 1. 12 , 13. but upon supposition that God hath given him a new nature , it is naturall or ( as we say ) connaturall and kindly to this new nature in Peter to love Christ , and to love Christs sheep and his lambes , because every like loveth a like ; So the subordination is not naturall : for it is not naturall for John and Thomas to be subject to such an Eldership of this congregation ; for Gods providence might have disposed that John and Thomas should have dwelt in another congregation as members therof , and so subject to another Eldership . But secondarily and by consequent upon supposition that they are members and inhabitants of this ecclesiasticall incorporation it is kindly and connaturall now that they be subjected ecclesiastically to the Eldership of Christs appointing in this congregation : and so the ground of the bond is ( the part must be in subiection to those who command the whole ) Iohn and Thomas are parts of this congregation , such an Eldership commandeth the whole , therefore Iohn and Thomas are in subjection to such an Eldership . So all the beleevers of this congregation and all the beleevers of the sister-congregations are parts of this presbytery ; wheras Gods providence might have disposed , that all the beleevers here might have beene parts and members of another presbytery : And so by proportion sundry presbyteries are parts of a provinciall Church , and sundry beleevers of many provinces are parts and members of a Nationall Church . Now the division of a Nation into Provinces , and of Provinces into so many territories called presbyteries , and the division of presbyteries into so many congregations , cannot be called a devise of mans , because it is not in the Word of God ; for by that same reason , that Iohn and Thomas and so many threes and foures of beleevers should be members of an independent congregation , seeing it is not in the Word , it shall be also a devise of man. For all our singular acts are mixed , there is something morall in them , and that must be squared and ruled by the word ; and something is in them not morall , but positive , and this is not to be squared by the word ; but sometimes by natures light ( which I grant is a part implicite of Gods word ) sometimes it is enough that the positive part be negatively conforme to the word , that is , not contrary to it : Howbeit I hold that the morality required in every action , must be positively conforme to the word , for example the Law saith , Every male-childe must be circumcised the eighth day , Gen. 17. 7. Now the action of Christs circumcision , and Christs presenting in the Temple , and offering of two turtle Doves , and two young pigeons is said to be according to the Law of Moses , Luke 2. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is written ; yet the b●be Iesus by name , his mother Mary who brought him into the Temple , the Priest by name that offered the Doves for him , are not written in the Scripture of Moses his law ; but the morality of that action was positively conform to Moses his law : so that every part be subject to the law of the whole is Gods word ; but that parts and whole be thus divided it was not required to be defined in the word . But what our brethren deny is , that as Peter and Iohn are Ecclesiasticall parts of a single Congregation under the jurisdiction of that single Congregation is cleare in the word of God ; but that three or foure Congregations are parts ●cclesiasticall of a Presbytery , and Ecclesiastically subjected to the government of the Presbytery ; as Iohn and Thomas are parts subjected to the government of a Congregation is utterly denyed . But we may reply , Iohn and Thomas are to obey their Pastor preaching , in the Lord , and by that same reason they are to obey their Pastors gathered together , with the Elders in a Synod : So by that same reason , as Iohn and Thomas are to obey their Eldership convented in their owne Congregation to governe them , by that same reason , Iohn and Thomas of foure Congregations are to heare and obey their owne Elderships convented by that same authority of Christ in another Congregation , when a Colledge of other Elderships are joyned with them . But I come to the Scriptures of God. If when the Churches of Syria , Sylicia , Antioch and Jerusalem were troubled with a question , whether they should keep the Law of Moses , and be circumcised , and could not determine it amongst themselves in their particular Churches , they had their recourse to an assembly of Apostles and Elders at Jerusalem , who gave out a Decree and Canon anent that question , which the Churches were obliged to keep , then when particular Congregations are troubled with the like questions in doctrine and government , they are by their example to have recou●se to an Assembly of Pastors and Elders , that are over many Churches , and to receive Decrees also , which they are obliged to keep : But the former is the practise of the Apostolike Church , Ergo , to have recourse to a Synod of Pastors and Elders , to receive Decrees from them , that tye many particular Churches , is lawfull to us . I prove the assumption , A question troubled these Churches , some false teachers said ( Cyrinthus as Epiphanius thinketh ) You must be circumcised after the manner of Moses , Acts 15. ver . 1. and there was no small dissention and disputation about this , ver . 2. and this question troubled the Church of Jerusalem , as ver . 4. and 5. doe declare : And it troubled the Churches of Antioch , Syria , and Cylicia , ver . 23. 2. That the question could not well be determined in their particular Churches , is cleare from ver . 34 , from three circumstances , 1. The maintainers of the question troubled them . 2. They almost subverted their soules with words . 3. They alleadge a necessity of keeping Moses Law , and that it was the commandement and doctrine of the Apostles and Elders . 3. That in this question that troubled them so much , they have their recourse to a Synod , is cleare , ver . 6. And the Apostles and Elders came to consider of this matter ; and ver . 2. They determined that Paul and Barnabas , and certaine others of them should goe up to Jerusalem , unto the Apostles and Elders about this question ; And that the Apostles who were led by an infallible spirit , and could not erre , might have determined the question , is cleare by their speeches in the counsell , if the Apostles had not had a mind to set down a Samplar and a Copy of an Assembly in such cases . 4. That there are here the members of a Synod is cleare , Apostles , Elders , Brethren , ver . 23. and Commissioners from Antioch , ver . 2. certaine others , and the Elders of the Church at Jerusalem , James , Paul , and the Elders of Jerusalem , chap. 21. v. 17 , 18 compared with ver . 25. So here are Elders from sundry Congregations . 5. That these Decrees did tye and Ecclesiastically oblige the Churches ; howbeit all the members were not present to consent is cleare , chap. 16. ver . 4. And as they went through the Cities , they delivered them the Decrees for to keep , Acts 21. ver . 25. We have written and concluded that they observe no such things , but that they keep themselves , &c. So chap. 15. 28. It seemed good to lay on you no greater burden then these necessary things , &c. Now let us heare the exceptions which our brethren propound on the contra●y , to prove that this was no generall Assembly . They object 1. This cannot be proved to be an o●cumenicke Councell , that is , an Assembly of the whole Churches of the world . Answ. Howbeit Augustine , Chrysostome , Cyrillus , Theophylact , Theodoret , Cyprian , Ambrose , and most of the learned Fathers agree , that it was an o●cumenicke Assembly , yet we will not contend , many Churches of Jewes and Gentiles were here by their Comm●ssioners , which is sufficient for our point . 2. The Apostles who were universall Pastors of the whole world , were here . 2. They object , There is no word of a Synod or Assembly in the Text. Answ. The thing it selfe is here , if not the name , saith that learned Voetius . 2. Neither is the name of an independent Church in Scripture , nor the word Trinity or Sacrament , what then ? the the things are in Scripture . 3. verse 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they assembled , and ver . 25. they were together , is plainly a Synod . They object 3. Though there were a generall assembly here , yet it proveth nothing for the power of the keyes to be in such an assembly , but onely it saith something for a power of deciding of controversies in matter of ●aith , which implyeth no act of iurisdiction . Answ. 1. The deciding of controversies in matters of doctrine tying the Churches , and laying a burthen on them , as it is , ver . 28. and tying them to keep the Decrees , chap. 21. 25. chap. 16. 4. is an a●t of jurisdiction , and an opening and shutting heaven by the power of the keyes , when it is done Synodically , as this is here . 2. This presupposeth that the power of the keyes is onely in censuring matters of fact , and not in a ministeriall j●dging and condemning of false doctrine ; which is against Scripture : For Ephesus is commended for using the keyes in condemning the doctrine of those who called themselves Apostles and were not ; and Pergamus rebuked for suffering the doctrine of Balaam ; and Thyatira is rebuked for suffering Jezabel to teach the lawfulnesse of fornication , and of eating things sacrificed unto Idols , Rev. 2. v. 2. v. 14. v. 20. They object fourthly , The true cause why Paul and Barnabas were sent to Jerusalem , was not to get authoritative resolution of the question in hand ; but to know , whether these teachers had warrant from the Apostles to teach the necessity of circumcision , as they pretended they had , as may be gathered from ver . 24. To whom we gave no such command . Answ. The contrary is seen in the Text : For if the Apostles had commanded any such thing , it was a dispute of fact in this Synod , and they might soone have answered that ; but the thing questioned was questis iuris , a question if circumcision must be , v. 5. , and that they must be circumcised , ver . 24. Also Paul and Barnabas were sent to Jerusalem , ver . 2. about this question . Now the question was not whether the Apostles had taught the lawfulnesse of circumcision or not ? But the question is , ver . 1. Certaine men taught , except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses you cannot be saved . 2. It were a vaine thing to say that v. 6. the Apostles and Elders met about this matter , to see what the Apostles had taught , and what not . 3. The Apostles bring reasons from the Scriptures , and from the calling of the Gentiles , which were vaine reasons if nothing were in question ; but whether the Apostles had taught this point , or not taught it . 4. That Paul and Barnabas were sent to be resolved of more , then whether the Apostles had taught this or not , is cleare by their answer in the Decree . It seemed good , &c. to lay no greater burden on you , and that you abstaine from meats offered to Idols , &c. They object fifthly , There was no combination of many Pastors of divers Churches , but onely a few messengers sene from Antioch to the Congregation at Jerusalem : Hence many say , it was an assembly of a particular Church , and it bindeth only as a particular and speciall meeting . So M. Best . Answ 1. We stand not upon an exact meeting of all Churches , when as the nature and essence of a Synodicall and Assembly-meeting is saved : Here were Apostles and Elders , whose charge was the wide world , And the Elders of Ierusalem , and Commissioners sent from Antioch , and they send Canons and Decrees to other Churches . 2. A decree of one particular independent Congregation cannot bind another , as our brethren teach : But the Decrees made here did tye the Churches of Syria , Cylicia , Antioch , and Ierusalem . v. 22 , 23. chap. 16. v. 4. Yea and all the Churches of the Gentiles , Acts 21. 25. remember that enemies to our Synods , as Bridgesius and Hugo Grotius object this also : This is the answer of Bridgesius and Hugo Grotius who deny the necessity of reformed Synods ; Parker who is for our brethren in many points refuteth this , and proveth it was a Synod . They object sixthly , They were not neighbouring Churches that sent ; for Jerusalem did lye two hundred ●iles from Antioch : How could they that lay so far distant , ordinarily meet , as your Classes did ? Answ. To the essence of a Synod , and the necessity thereof is not required such meetings of Churches so farre distant ; but when the Churches necessity requireth it , the lawfulnesse thereof may hence well be concluded , and that when they lye so ne●r-hand they may more conveniently meet . 2. Neither is this much ( to give M. Best his Geography at his owne measure ) when the Churches were now in their infancy , and the question of such importance , that the Churches travell many miles for their resolut●on in this . They object seventhly , How prove you that these that were sent from Antioch , had authority in the Church of Jerusalem . Answ. Because Paul and Barnabas sent from Antioch had voyces in these Decrees . They object eighthly , It cannot be proved from hen●e that Antioch was a Church depending on Jerusalem . Answ. Neither doe we intend to prove such a matter : But hence it followeth , that both Antioch , and Jerusalem , and Syria , and Cilicia depend upon the Decrees of these Pastors of divers Congregations assembled in this Synod . They object ninthly , That Papists and Prelates alleadge this place to prove their Dioc●san Synods . Answ. So doth Satan alleadge a Scripture , Psalme 91. which must not be rejected , because it was once in his foule mouth : Prelates alleadge this place to make Jerusalem a Cathedrall and Mother-church , having Supremacy , and Jurisdiction over Antio●h , and other Churches , that there may be erected there a silken chaire for my Lord Prelate , and that Lawes may bee given by him to bind all mens consciences under him , in things which they call indifferent , we alleadge this place for an Apostolike assembly , to make Jerusalem a collaterall and Sister-church with Antioch , and the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , depending on a generall Councell : We deny all Primacie to Jerusalem , it was only judged the most convenient seat for the Councell : We allow no Chaire for Prelate or Pastors , but that they determine in the Councell according to Gods Word , laying bands on no mans conscience farther then the Word of God , and the dictates of sound reason , and Christian prudency doe require . They tenthly object , That the matter carried from Antioch to Jerusalem was agreed upon by the whole Church , and not carried thither by one man , as is done in your Classes . So M. Best . Answ. It were good that things that concerne many Churches were referred by common consent to higher assemblies ; but if one man be wronged , and see truth suffer by partiality , the Law of nature will warrant him to appeale to an assembly , where there is more light and greater authority , as the weaker may ●ly to the stronger : And the Churches whose soules were subverted with words , Acts 15. v. 24. did ●ly to the authority of a greater assembly , when ther● is no small dissention about the question in hand , Acts 15. 2. They object eleventhly , The thing concluded in this assembly was divine Scripture , imposed upon all the Churches of the Gentiles , v. 22. 28. and the conclusion obliged , because it was Apostolike , and Canonicke Scripture , not because it was Synodicall , and the Decree of a Church-assembly , and so the tye was Divine , not Ecclesiasticke . It seemed good to the Holy-Ghost . Answ. 1. So the excommunication of the incestuous man , 1 Cor. 5. ( if he was excommunicated ) and his re-receiving againe in the bosome of the Church , 1 Cor. 2. and the laying on of the hands of the Elders on Timothy , 1 Tim. 4. 14. and the appointing Elders at Lystra , Iconium , Antioch , and fasting and praying at the said ordination , Acts 14. v. 21 , 22 , 23. was Scripture , and set downe in the Canonicke History by the Holy-Ghost ; but no man can deny that the conclusion or Decree of excommunication given out by the Church of Corinth , and the ordination of Timothy to be a Pastor , and the appointing of the Elders at Lystra , did oblige the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , and Lystra , with an Ecclesiasticall tye , as Ecclesiasticall Synods doe oblige . 2. That this conclusion doth oblige as a Decree of a Synod , and not as Apostolike and Canonicke Scripture , I prove 1. Because the Apostles and Prophets being immediately inspired by the Holy-Ghost , in the penning of Scripture doe never consult and give decisive voices , to Elders , Brethren , and the whole community of beleevers in the penning holy Scripture : For then , as it is said , Ephes. 2. 20. That our faith is built upon the Apostles and Prophets , that is , upon their doctrine : so shall our faith in this point , concerning the taking in of the Church of the Gentil●s , in one body with the Jewes , as is proved from Scripture , v. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. be built upon the doctrine of Elders , Brethren , and whole Church of Jerusalem ; for all had joynt voyces in this Councell , as our brethren say , which is a great absurdity . The commandements of the Apostles , are the commandements of the Lord , 1 Cor. 14. 37. But the commandements of the whole Church of Jerusalem , such as they say this Decree was , are not the commandements of the Lord : For we condemne Papists , such as Suare● , Vasquez , Bellarmine , Cai●tan , Sotus , and with them Formalists , such as Hooker and Sutluvius who make a difference betwixt divine comma●dements , and Apostolike commandements , and humane ordinances , for our Divines , as Junius , Beza , Pareus , Tylen , Sibrandus , Whittaker , Willet , Reynolds , Jewell , make all Apostolike mandates to be divin● , and humane commandements , or ●cclesiasticall mandates , to oblige onely secondarily , and as they agree with divine and Apostolike commandements : But here our brethren make mandates of ordinary beleevers , that were neither Apostles nor Prophets to be divine and Canonicke Scripture . 3. That which is proper to the Church , to Christ his second comming againe , doth not oblige as Canonicke Scripture : ●or Canonicke Scripture shall not be still written till Christ come againe , because the Canon is already closed with a curse upon all adders , Rev. 22. but what is decreed according to Gods word , by Church-guides , with the consent , tacit , or expresse of all the community of beleevers , as this was v. 22. ( as we and our brethren doe joyntly confesse ) is proper to the Church to Christs second comming , Ergo , this Decree obligeth not as Scripture . 4. The Apostles if they had not purpose that this Decree should oblige as an Ecclesiasticall mandate ; but as Canonicke Scripture , they would not 1. have advised with all the beleevers , as with collaterall and joynt pen-men with them of holy Scripture . 2. They would not have disputed and reasoned together , every one helping another , as they doe here , v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. 3. They would not depresse and submit the immediately inspiring Apostelike spirit to mens consent ; so as men must give consent , and say Amen to what God the authour of Scripture shall dite as Scripture . This was a villifying and lessening of the authority of Scripture ; therfore necessarily hence it followeth this was an Ecclesiasticall degrace of an Assembly . They object twelfthly , That Paul and Barnabas went up to Jerusalem , not to submit their iudgement to the Apostles , for then they had not been infallible , neither for the necessity of an assembly , or because Congregations depend d●th on assemblies ; but they did it 1. to conciliate authority to the Decrees . 2. To stop the mouthes of false Apostles , who alleadged that the Lords Apostles stood for circumcision , otherwise Paul himselfe might have determined the point . Answ. 1. Paul as an ordinary Pastor , howbeit not as an Apostle , was to submit to a Synod in this case , as an Apostle he might have excommunicated the incestuous Corinthian , without the Church ; but it shall not follow that Paul did write to the Corinthians to excommunicate him for no necessity of a Church-court and Synod , but onely to conciliate authority to excommunication , and to stop the mouthes of enemies . 2. I aske what authority doe they meane , 1. authority of brotherly advise ? But these Decrees bind as the Decrees of the Church , v. 28. chap. 16. 4. chap. 21. v. 25. 2 , If they meane authority Ecclesiasticall , the cause is ours . 3. If they meane authority of divine Scripture , then this Decree must have more authority th●n other Scriptures , which were not penned by common consent of all beleevers . 4. This is a bad consequence , Paul could have determined the point his alone , Ergo , there was no need of a Councell , for the Scriptures and many holy Pastors determine that Christ is equall with God the Father : It followeth not that therefore there is no need of one Councell to condemne ●rrius . They object 13. There were no Commissioners at this assembly from the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , therefore it was not an assembly obliging Ecclesiastically all the Churches of the Gentiles . Answ. 1. Suppose Syria and Cilicia had no Commissioners here ( which yet we cannot grant , but give only ) yet Ierusalem and Antioch had their Commissioners , which maketh the meeting formally and ess●ntially a Synod , of many particular Churches met synodically in one ; for there were many single Pari●hionall congregations both at Ierusalem and at Antioch . 2. We doubt not but the Apostles who wrote to them the Decrees of the assembly , advertised them also of that Apostolike remedy for determining the question , seeing they writ to them , ver . 24. We have heard that some have troubled you with words , sub●erting your soules , saying , ye must be circumcised , Ergo , the Apostles tendred their s●lvation ; therefore we are to thinke that Syria and Cilicia had their Commissioners here : What if they neglected to send ( á facto ad ius non valet consequentia ) they should have sent Commissioners . This assemblies Decrees did lay a tye and bond upon the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , then it did either tye them as a counsell and advise , or or as a part of Scripture , or thirdly as a Decree of an Ecclesiasticall Synod : If the first be said , this Canon doth not lay a command upon them , the contrary whereof we find , v. ●8 . it layeth a burthen on them , chap. 16. 4. chap. 21. 28. and Decrees that they must keep . The second is unanswerably confuted in answering the tenth objection : If the third be said we obtaine what we seeke , and so they should have sent Commissioners , otherwise the Decrees of Synods shall oblige Ecclesiastically Churches who are not obliged to be present in their Commissioners , which neither we , nor they can affirme . 14. They object , That this is not one of our Synods , for the multitude of beleevers had voices here . And the whole multitude spake , for it is said , v. 12. Then all the multitude keept silence , and gave audience . And Whittaker saith , they had decisive voices , but in your Synods none have voyces , but only the Eldership . Answ. 1. That the faithfull speake , propose , and reason , our booke of discipline saith . So saith Zuinglius , Beza , yea the Fathers , as Cyprian and others : Who will not have Acts made against the peoples co●sent ; it is like the multitude speake , but orderly , seeing the Holy Ghost was here , v 28. Whittaker saith only , it is like that some of the multitude spake : And what marvell then many should speake , seeing it was untruth that any of Moses Law , which was also Gods Law , should be abrogated . 2. The Church may send in some cases learned and holy men to Synods , who are neither Pastors , Elders , nor Doctors : So was here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brethren , that is , choise and able men ; otherwise beleeving women , and the whole Church of beleevers com● under the name of brethren in Scripture . a Parker saith well , The materiall ground of commissioners at assemblies is their gifts and holinesse , the formall ground is the Church calling and sending them . 3. That the whole multitude had definitive voices , is first against what we have said , expounding these words , Mat. 18. ( Tell the Church ) 2. It is a meere popular government refuted before . 3. I reason from the end of the Synod . These onely had definitive votes , who met together synodically for to consider of this question , but these were only Apostles and Elders , v. 6. including brethren , who only had place to judge , as Bullinger and Calvin saith , and not the multitude . 4. The Canons are denomin●ted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Decrees ordained by the Apostles and Elders , Acts 16. 4. Acts 21. 25. 5. By what warrant could the brethren at Ierusalem give Lawes to brethren of other independent congregations of Syria and Cilicia , and these also who were absent ? So this ●hall be no Syn●d . 6. I grant the Epistle is sent in the name of all : For 1. to send greeting in an Epistle is not an act of jurisdiction , but a sort of Christian kindness● ▪ 2. It was done by common consent of all . 3. It added some more authority . 4. It is possible the sending of the Decrees required charges and expences . 15. The Female replyer to M. Edwards , the reason ( saith she ) why the Church of Antioch sent the matter to be d●cided at Jerusalem , was because the parties were members of the Church of Jerusalem , Acts 15. 1. certaine men which came from Judaea taught the brethren , &c. v. 24. They went out from us , and this proveth independency of Churches , for the Church of Antioch judged it an unequall thing to iudge members of the Church of Ierusalem . Answ. 1. Let it be that contenders for ceremonies were of the sect of the Pharisees ; yet the soules of these of Antioch were subverted , v. 24. If Antioch had been independent , they could have determined the truth , to prevent subversion of soules , who ever were the authors of that wicked doctrine ; but their sending their commissioners to the Synod at Ierusalem proveth that in a thing common to them all they depend upon a Synod that doth oblige them all . 2. How could one independent Church at Ierusalem give Lawes to an independent Church at Antioch ? 3. Antioch might have condemned the heresie . Suppose they could not judge the heretickes , if they were an independent congregation , seeing the heresie troubled them . 16. They object , O●cumenicke and universall Synods of the whole Christian Church are unpossible ; and the Church is , and may be without Synods ; therefore Synods are no ordinances of Christ. So Best . See Parker . Answ. Whittaker saith indeed universall Synods are not simply necessary ; and Parker saith no more , they are not absolutely necessary , necessitate medij , but they are necessary , necessitate praecepti , and conditionally , if some politicke union were amongst all Nationall Churches ; but hence it followeth not that they are not Christs ordinances , because they are not this way necessary , necessitate medij ; for then Baptisme and the Lords Supper , publike preaching of the word , perfect discipline were not Christs ordinances , because in time of persecution , or universall apost●sie , many , yea even whole Churches may be saved without these . 2. Synods are necessary for the well being , not simply for the being of the Church : But hence it 's a weake consequence ; therefore they are not ordinances of Christ. 3. It is knowne that the Popes power hindereth generall Councels ; for the Councels of Constance and Basill , where the Popes wings were clipped , made that good , burnt children dread fire . Adrian , it may be with some honesty , promised the councell of Trent , anno 1522. But Clemens the seventh did openly oppose Charles the fifth his Chancellors proclaiming thereof at Bononia ; they feared the place that the Emperors power should shame them , and learned well from Ioh. 23. as Nanclerus saith , to make the place of the councell all in all : And such was Trent ; for they licked and revised againe and againe all the circumstances of that councell , that it was a birth in the Popes wombe good twenty and five yeares , and then was the Popes barne borne against his will ; yet generall councels should be , Popes hinder them to be , and what wonder ? Theeves love not well iustice-courts ; yet by their owne Law they should be . The councell of Constance ordained that a generall councell should be every ten yeares once : Yea after the councels of Lansen and Florence , the sea being void , ann . 1503. the Cardinals convened , and sweare to Almighty God , and blasphemously to Peter and Paul , that whosoever of them shall be created Pope , he shall convene a generall councell within two years after his inauguration ; which oath Iulius 2. did sweare , but had neither honesty , nor memory to performe . The facultie of Paris , and Church of France , who are still ( as saith the Reviewer of the councell of Trent ) at daggers drawing w●th the Pope and court of Rome , doe cry and write for a generall councell : But ( they say ) ●he articles of Paris cannot climbe oveer the Alps. It is some hundred yeares since Thomas Bradwardine of Canterbury , the hammer of the Pelagians cryed to waken Simon Peter , that he might speake out of his Councell-chaire for grace against the Pelagians . But J●suites bellies and pennes stout for their Father the Pope , thinke it wisedome that the Pope be deafe at the cryes of Dominicanes , who call for his holinesse tongue to determine in bickerings betwixt their order and Jesuites in the matter of Grace , Predestination , Free-will , Gods providence . The Pope fearing a generall Councell , thinketh best that they rather bloud other in the Schools , then that his greatnesse hazard to face the Court of a generall Councell ; and therefore matters are now tryed at home . Lod. Molina the Father of the new Science , the middle light with that wild heed fansied to be in God , was cited before Clemens the 8●● , and holden in processe five yeares , even before Paul the fifth , and the Cardinals , and when all was done , was whipped with a Toads stoole , and nothing was determined , as saith Francis. de Ariba . Other Councels ordained that there should be in all places , Provinciall and Nationall Assemblies . So ordained the Councell of Nice , Trulla , Africa , Sardis . Hence I adde a third distinction : From this is concluded onely that Councels are not necessary , but impossible , impossibilitate morali , non Physicâ : Councels are only morally impossible , not simply impossible , and that through mens corruption . It followeth not therefore they are not Gods ordinances : For seeing Churches independent are morally , and I feare , more then morally impossible , and have been hindred by Prelates , our brethren would not from hence conclude that they are not Gods ordinances . A Congregation of visible Saints where there is not an hypocrite , is unpossible morally , and cannot be because of our corruption ; yet such a Congregation should be , and so is an ordinance of Christ. Let me also adde the fourth distinction : Christ may well ordaine that as a necessary meane of edification , which cannot be had ordinarily in the full perfection and degrees required , so it may be had in the degrees and parts , that may edifie , howbeit not so well , and not so conveniently : so Synods are ordinarily possible , I meane lesser Synods , if not fuller and compleater , if an universall Synod cannot be had , a Nationall may be in Scotland , and in England also if it please the Prelates , and if God will , whether Prelates will or will not ; and if these cannot be , Provinciall Synods are , and may be , and if these cannot be , yet Synods , Elderships , and particular Churches may be ; and I thinke independent Congregations in their perfection consisting of sincere beleevers onely , and a perfect Church-discipline , are Gods necessary meanes of edification , yet in their perfection they cannot be had . But to close this point , no Divine that ever did write , or speake of this Chapter , except some of late ; but they acknowledge , Acts 15. to be a formall copy and draught of a generall Assembly . I might cite all our Protestant Divines , the Lutherans , Papists , Schoolemen , Casuists , all the Fathers ; and Councels , all the Doctors antient and moderne ; but this was to fetch water to the Sea. CHAP. XV. Que. 15. Whether or no by other valid Arguments from Gods word , the lawfulnesse of Synods can be concluded ? HItherto hath been sixe Arguments against Churches independent , and consequently proving the lawfulnesse of Synods . Now followeth our seventh Argument . 7. If there be a commandement to tell the Church when an obstinate brother offendeth a brother , then must this course also be taken when an obstinate Church shall offend a Sister-church . But the former is true , Mat 18. Ergo , so is the latter . This is not mine , but the Argument of Parker , D. Ammes , Professors of Leyden , and of all our Divines , Willet , Whittaker , Junius , Beza , &c. Our brethren say Christ speaketh , Mat. 18. of a particular Congregation , and not of many Congregations meeting synodically in their members of principall note , as Pastors and Elders . 1. Because an offended brother cannot have a Synod of Elders , and a Nationall Assembly alwayes to complaine unto , and so Christ shall not set downe an expedite way to remove scandals betwixt brother and brother . 2 Christ ( say they ) is setting downe a way , how an obstinate offendor shall be cast out of the Church , where he was an ordinary hearer of the word , and a compartner with other professors of the holy things of God , in a particular visible Church . Now these of divers Congregations partake not in a Church-communion of these same holy things of God , Word , Sacraments , and Discipline . Answ. 1. Christ here setteth down a way how all offences of brethren may be taken away ; for Christs salve must be as broad and large as the soare , and excommunication must reach as farre as offences ; but offences are betwixt Church and Church , betwixt the Grecians and the Hebrewes , Acts 6. 1. no lesse then betwixt a single brother and a brother . 2. I borrow the Argument and pay it home againe . Christ setteth downe a way how all scandals in his visible Church may be removed : So teach our brethren , as an offended brother cannot alwayes have recourse to a Nationall Assembly , and so Christs remedy shall be insufficient . If by a Church , Mat. 18. we understand a Synod , say they ; but when the Grecian Church offendeth the Hebrew Church , the Hebrew Church cannot complaine to the Grecian Church , for the Law forbiddeth the party to be the Judge ; therefore if they understand , Mat. 18. onely a Congregation , excluding all Synods , Christs remedy of removing scandals betwixt Sister , and Sister-church , shall be unsufficient ; therefore the Grecian and Hebrewes must have recourse , as Act. 6. to a Colledge of Apostles and Pastors , and that is a Synod . 3. I borrow the other Argument also , and shall pay it againe . These who are consociated and neighboured together in the Acts and Dentees of visible Church-communion , by rebuking one another , Leviticus 19. 17. Admonishing , Collosians 3. 16. Exhorting , Hebrewes 3. 13. comforting one another , 1 Thess. 5. 11. and pleading one against another , Hosea 2. 2. and occasionally communicating one with another in that same Word and Sacrament , and in eschewing the fellowship of one and the same excommunicate person . These make up one visible politick Church , that is under a common Church-government , according to Christs discipline , which regulateth these acts of Church-communion of one with another . But so it is , that Grecians and Hebrewes , and sundry particular sister-Churches , are consociated and neighboured together in the fore-said acts and dentees of visible Church-communion , &c. Ergo , divers sister-Churches so make up one visible politick Church under one common Church government , according to Christs discipline , &c. The proposition is our brethrens , wherby they proove , and that strongly , that single professours consociated in these acts and dentees of visible Church communion , make up one visible Church under one common governement , and so say the Fathers Basil , Chrysostome , Augustine and Athanasius , howbeit in habitation we be separated , y●t are we one body , and Cyprian will have nothing done in the cause of many Churches , except wee all meete in one place . The assumption for the communion of sundry Churches Parker granteth , and the Scripture is cleare , Laodicea and Colosse have a sister-communion in that same word of God , Col : 4. 16. so Corinth , Macedonia and Galatia in these same acts of charity to the Saints at Jerusalem , 1 Cor : 16. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. see also 2 Cor : 8. 1. Rom : 16. 27. Also if any person be excommunicate in one congregation , also in all the neighbour congregations . 1. Because his sinnes are bound in Heaven . 2 He is delivered to Satan , 1 Cor. 5. 4. to all . 3. Christ saith he should be as an Heathen to all , and so is excluded from Church communion to all . Hence these visible acts of Church communion require a common law and discipline of Christ to regulate them , seeing they may offend in the excesse and defect one to another , but one common discipline they cannot have , except they may by authority conveene in one Synod in their principall members . Also Field , Bilson , Whittaker alleadge this place for Synods , all say if Pastors have authority every one within themselves and farre more when they are met in a Synod , for vis unita fortior , united force is stronger . Our eighth Argument is , from the constant practise of the Apostles , if all weighty affaires that concerne equally many particular congregations were managed , not by one single congregation , but by the joynt voyces and suffrages of Apostles , Pastors and selected Brethren of many congregations in the Apostolick Church : Then were Synods the practice of the Apostles , and n●t independent congregations , but the former is true . Ergo , so is the latter . The proposition our brethren grant . I prove the assumption by an induction . 1. The select Pastors of the Christian world , and select brethren , Act : 1. did elect and ordaine Matthias to be one of the twelve , because that concerned many particular Churches , the publick treasury of Apostolick Churches was committed to the Apostles , because that concerned them all , Act. 4. 33 , 34. When the Churches of the Grecians , and the Churches of the Hebrewes murmured the one against the other , one common Synod of the twelve Apostles authoritatively conveened , and ordained with praying and laying on of hands the seven Deacons , Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. and Walleus saith , the argument for ordaining Deacons , that the Pastors might attend the word and prayer , proveth also that there were then ruling Elders . Also Act. 20. 28. there is a Synod of Pastors at Ephesus , whom Paul warned to take heed to the flocke , and Act : 11. 2. Peter giveth a reckning and count of his going in to the Gentiles , before a Synod of Apostles and Brethren , for it was unpossible that the multitude of believers now growne so numerous could all meete in one house , and Act. 21. 18. an Assembly of Apostles and Elders orda●neth Paul to purifie himselfe , a Synod of Elders , 1 Tim : 4. 14. ordained Timothy . 9. Argument is from the care of Christ Iesus the head of the Church , in the end of excommunication . Hence if Christ Jesus take care that one particular congregation be not leavened , and sowred with the wicked conversation of one , then farre more will he take care that many Churches be not leavened , and hath ordained excommunication for many , as for one ; but our brethren grant he hath taken care that one lump leaven not one single congregation , 1 Cor. 5. 4. &c. I prove the proposition , For Christs remedy for remooving of scandals is hence argued to be unperfect , if excommunication doe not remove all offences , and prevent the leavening of many lumpes ; for he that careth for the part must far more care for a whole Church , and ordaine excommunication of a Church , for the edifying therof , 1 Cor. 4. 20 , 21. 2 Cor. 10. 8. That their spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. 4. 5. and since he tooke this care for a Nationall Church , Numb . 5. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Who can doubt , but he hath care of edifying and saving in the day of the Lord , Churches of Nations and Provinces under the New Testament , yea and a greater care , then for saving one single man , seeing the influence of his love is bounded first upon the body , bride and spouse by order of nature , before it be bounded upon one finger or toe or any particular member of the body , I meane one single person . They answer . God hath provided other meanes for whole Churches then to excommunicate them , for it wanteth precept , promise and practice to excommunicate a whole Church , th●y are to be rebuked , and we must pleade with obstinate Churches , Hos. 2. 2. and if they remaine obstinate , we are to with-draw our fellowship an● communion from them , and not to acknowledge them as sister-Churches that is we are to separate from them , but there is no warrant to excommunicate them . Answ. 1. I say this is a begging of the question , for we desire a warrant of Gods Word why sister-Churches may use some power of the keyes against sister-Churches , such as is to rebuke them , plead with them , Hos. 2. 2. and yet we may not use all power of the keyes , even excommunication ; now to rebuke and pleade against a Church , to Parker and our brethren is a power of jurisdiction , and a sort of closing and shutting of Heaven . 2. The Iewes did justly excommunicate the Church of the Samaritans , and Christ alloweth therof , Iohn 4. 22. ye worship ye know not what , salvation is of the Jewes , in which words , Christ pronounceth the Iewes to be the true Church , and the Samaritans , not to be the true Church . 3. I desire to know what excommunication is , if it be not to deny all Church-communion with those who were once in our Church , now if this be done by one Sister-church to another sister-church , it is no excommunication at all , seeing Christ hath not given the power of the keyes to one Sister-church over another , for one particular Church is not set over another in the Lord , but when the Eldership of many consociated Sister-churches denieth Church communion to one of these consociated Churches having turned obstinate in scandalous sins , I see not what this is els but excommunication and authoritative unchurching and ejection of such a Church . Also our brethren pleade for the peoples power in excommunicating , because all and ●very one of the beleevers are to eschew the company of the person excommunicated , therfore all and every one should have hand in excommunicating him , as all Israel and not the Judges onely were actors in putting away the leaven , so reasoneth Parker M. Best , so also the Separatistes , yea if it bee right taken , so also saith Beza , P. Martyr , Calvin , Marlorat : So Chrysostome , Augustine ; for all are to consent to the excommunication of one who is a member of that visible Church with themselves , but so it is that all consociated Churches are to eschew the company of an excommunicated by a single congregation supposed by our brethren to be independent : Because 1. if they admit him to the Lords Supper with them , they prophane the holy things of God. 2. They annull excommunication supposed by our brethren duely , & clave non errante , inflicted , and so they loose on earth kim whom God hath bound in Heaven , they hold him for a member of Christ , and a brother whom Christ hath delivered to Satan , and will have to be reputed as a Heathen and a Publican . Ergo , by this reason all should have hand in excommunicating such a person , but many Sister-churches consociated together in neighbourly and sisterly Church-fellowship ; as we heard before a cannot excommunicate in their owne persons being possibly twenty severall congregations . Therefore they must excommunicate in their Elderships synodically conveened , which is our purpose we intend . It is but a womanly evasion of the Femall authour who differenceth betwixt rejection of an offending Church and excommunication . We may reject ( saith she ) an offending Church , but not excommunicate : Saul rejected God , did he therefore excommunicate God ? ●or this is but a suting of the question , it is not simple rejection of an obstinate Church that we plead for , but an authoritative unchurching and not acknowledging of an obstinate Church to be any more a Church with whom we can communicate in the holy things of God , and this is more then simple rejection , or refusing to obey , as Saul is said to reject God. I grant we seldome find the practice of excommunicating Churches in the New Testament , because so long as a number of beleevers are in a Church , God leaveth them not all to be involved in one scandalous grosse sinne , therfore the presbytery is to censure particular persons and not the whole Church , therfore when we separated from Rome , which was an authoritative declaration that Rome is now no longer a Spouse of Christ , but a strumpet , we did not separate from the faithfull lurking amongst them . 10. Argument . That government is not from Christ that is deficient in the meanes of propagation of the Gospell to Nations and congregations that want the Gospell . But the government by independent congregations is such . The proposition is cleare , 1. Because Christs keyes are perfect and opens all lockes . 2. Our Divines hence prove Christ a perfect Mediatour , King , Priest and Prophet ; because he perfectly cureth our threefold misery . I prove the assumption , by the doctrine of independency . Pastors and Doctours may not preach the Gospell without the bounds of their owne congregation , neither can they exercise any pastorall acts else where , saith the English Puritanisme and M. Best , and so Pastors and Doctors have now , since Apostles are out of the world , and the Churches are planted , no authority pastorall to preach the Gospell to those who sit in the region , and shaddow of death , and if they preach the Gospell to those who are not of their congregation . 1. They doe it as private men , not as Pastours . 2. They have no pastourall authority or calling from Jesus Christ , and his Church so to doe . But certainely Papists , as Bellarmine , Suarez , Becanus , Vasquez , Gregor . de Valentia seeme to say better , who will have the authoritative power of sending Pastors to Nations , who want the Gospell , to be in the Pope , whom they conceive to be an universall Pastor to care for the whole Churches , so Christ hath left no pastorall authority on Earth in Pastors and Doctors to make those the Churches of Christ , and to translate them to the kingdom of grace , who are yet carried away with dumbe Idols , and howbeit the Apostles and their universall commission ordinary to preach the Gospell to all , their immediate calling , their extraordinary gifts be now out of the world , yet it is unbeseeming the care of Christ , that pastorall authority should be so confined at home , and imprisoned within the lists of every particular Church , consisting possibly of six or ten beleevers only , that the care for many Churches , 2 Cor. 11. 28. The pastorall care to gaine Jew and Gentile , those that are within and without , to be made all things to all men to save some , should be now in no pastors on earth , but dead with the Apostles , as if these places , 1 Cor. 10. 32. 1 Cor. 9. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. Rom. 1. 14 , 15. Rom. 9. 2 , 3. did not presse to all Ministers of Christ , the extending of their pastorall vigilancy to the feeding and governing of all the Churches in their bounds that maketh up one visible politick body , communicating one with another in the acts of Church-communion . Hence it must follow , 1. When the Grecian Church shall be wronged by the Hebrew Church , that the pastors may not synodically meet , and by joynt authority remove the offences betwixt Church and Church , as the Apostles did , Act. 6. 2. It followeth that all the meetings and convention of the Apostles and Pastours , to take care authoritatively for the Churches , as Act. 1. Act. 4 35. Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 11. 1. Act. 8. 14. Act. 14. 1 , 2 , 3 , Act. 15. 6. Act. 21. 18 , 19 , 20 , &c. Act. 20. 18. Act. 14 23. 1 Tim. 4. 14. were all meetings of Apostles , extraordinary , temporary , and Synods of Apostles as Apostles , and not meetings of pastors as pastors to joyn their authority in one for the governing of many Churches . 3. It followeth that Pastors and Elders and Doctors may now no more lawfully meet and joyne their authority in one for the feeding of the flock , then they may take on them to worke miracles , speake with tongues , and as Apostles goe up and down the earth and preach to all the world the Gospell . O that our Lord would be pleased to reveale his minde to our deare Brethren in this point of truth . For what be extraordinary and temporary in the conjoyned authority and pastorall care of the Apostles for all the Churches of the world , I see not , neither is it in reason imaginable , which doth not in conscience oblige Pastors , Doctors and Elders in the Church of Scotland , to conjoyne their authority in one Synodicall power for all the Churches of Scotland , O saith our Brethren , there should be too many masters , commanders and Lords over the free and independent visible Churches of Christ. I answer , seeing all these Pastors and Elders in a nationall Synod , are no other way over all the Churches of Scotland , then the particular Eldership in a particular congregation is over the believers , there be no more too many Lords and Masters over the whole Churches collectively united in a general Synod , then there be too many Lords over the particular congregations . For 1. in both meetings the beleevers choose their owne guides and commanders that are over them . 2. Nothing is done in either a Nationall or in a congregationall Synod without the tacite consent of believers . 3. In both , it is free for beleevers to refuse and not receive , what is decreed contrary to Gods Word , See Zipperus , and so there is no dominion here , but what you finde , Heb. 13. 17. 1 ●hess . 5. 14 , 15. Math. 18. 17 , 18. Nay , our brethren will have pastors so farre strangers to all congregations , save only to their owne , that M. Davenport and Mr. Best saith to the Pastours and Churches other Churches are without , and Pastors have nothing to doe to judge them , and they alleadge for this , 1 Cor. 5. 12. but by these that are ( without ) Paul meaneth not these who were not of the congregation of Corinth , but he meaneth Infidels and Heathen as in other Scriptures , a for Paul judged and excommunicated Hymenaeus and Alexander , 1 Tim. 1. 20. who were without the Church of Corinth , and if this exposition , stand Pastors can extend no Church censure towards these who are of other congregations , neither can they rebuke nor admonish them as Christians , for these are Acts of Church-censures , as our brethren teach . Our eleventh Argument is from the light of sanctified reason ; for sanctisied reason teacheth that the stronger authority of the greater politicke body of Christ should help the parts of the body that are weaker , as 1 Cor. 12. The whole body suffereth when one member suffereth , and so the whole body helpeth the weaker , and lesse honourable member , 1 Cor. 12. v. 23 , 26. So universall nature contendeth for the safety of particular nature , and helpeth it ; therefore the greater body and Nationall Church is to communicate its authority for the good of a particular Congregation , which is a part thereof : But the doctrine of independency maketh every Congregation an independent and compleat body within it selfe , needing no authority to governe it , higher then its owne authority , as if it were an independent whole Church , and no part of a greater visible Church : But suppose the greatest part of Corinth deny the resurrection , as often the worst are manyest , then I aske , whom to doth the Lord speake ? Take us the little foxes that spoile the vines : He speaketh either to greater Synods , which we say , that the greater body may help a part , and save a little daughter of Sion : Or to the soundest part of the Congregation ; but they are weakest and fewest , and shall the greater body looke and see a member perish , and not help ? Let them help ( say our brethren ) with advise and counsell , but not with command and authority . I answer , Take us the little foxes , is an act of authoritative and disciplinary taking enjoyned to the Church . 2. Our Argument is drawne from the greater authority in the politicke body to the lesser ; brotherly advise is not authority . Hence authority as authority by this meanes shall not help the weaker parts of the body , contrary to that which we have at length commanded , 1 Cor. 12. Neither doe some reply well ▪ that he speaks , 1 Cor. 12. of Christs invisible body , because it is said , v. 13. For by one spirit we are all baptized into one body , whether we be Jewes or Gentiles . Jewes and Gentiles ( saith he ) make not a visible Church , but an invisible Catholike Church . I answer 1. What can hinder under the New Testament , Paul a Jew to make a visible Church with the Ephesians who are Gentiles ? 2. That he speaketh of a visible politicke body is cleare while he alleadgeth , The eye exerciseth Pastorall acts of seeing for the foot , and that the eare heareth for the whole body , and when one member suffereth all suffer , which is principally true of a politicke visible body : For we are not baptized in one body visible , with those preachers who are long agoe dead , who never preached for the good of us who now beleeve in Christ , because we never heard them preach , and so they are not eyes seeing for us . Our twelfth Argument is from the practises of the Jewish Church in a morall duty . If Christ hath left the Churches of a whole Nation in no worse case then the Nationall Church of the Jewes were in , for their publike giving of thanks , for the turning away of Gods wrath , when the Land is defiled with bloud and other Nationall transgressions , for the bringing backe the Arke of God , for the renewing a Nationall Covenant and Oath with God in case of universall Apostasie from God and true Religion . Then hath Christ ordained to Churches in the New Testament Nationall Assemblies , which authoritatively onely can reach these ends and effects . But Christ hath left the Churches of a whole Nation in no worse case then the Nationall Church of the Jewes was in , for reaching the foresaid ends and effects , Ergo , &c. I have to prove 1. That the Jewes had their solemne Assemblies for these ends . 2. That these Assemblies were morall , and so concerne us . 3. That these ends cannot be attained without Nationall Assemblies , which being done , I trust the Argument shall stand strong . For the first I may prove both in the Iewish , and after their example in the Christian Church , Deut. 29. 20. All Israel were convened to enter in Covenant with the Lord. So Joshuah for the same end assembled all the Tribes of Israel , Iosh. 24 1. their Heads , Iudges and Officers . And Samuel , 1 Sam. 12. gathered all Israel to renew their repentance for their sinne in asking a King. So did Hezekiah , 2 Chron. 29. 4. in an universall Apostasie . And Iosiah , 2 Chron , 34. 29. And Asa , 2 Chron. 15. 9. gathered all Iudah and Beniamin , and they sware a Covenant to the Lord. And Ahab , 1 King. 22. gathered foure hundred Prophets to aske counsell about going to warre against Ramoth Gilead . And Herod , Mat. 2. 3. when Christ was borne . So Salomon did when the Temple was consecrated , and David assembled them to bring the Arke to it's place . The examples of these Kings did godly Emperours follow and convened generall Councels , what ever Iulius 3. usurpe in his Bull , ann . 1551. Decemb. 15. Constantine convened the Councell of Nice , as saith Theodoret , Ruffin , Socrates and Eusebius . Theodosius called the 2. generall Councell at Constantinople , as Theodoret saith : And Theodosius gathered the third generall Councell at Ephesus , as Socrates and Euagrius saith . Valentine and Martian called the Councell of Chalcedo● , and the Councell of Sardis in Illyrium , as Sozomen saith : And Iustinian called the fifth generall Councell at Constantinople , as Nicephorus saith . Constantine the 4. gathered the sixth generall Councell at Constantinople , as saith Martinus Polonus . I might adde many others , but these may suffice . I prove the second particular , that convening of generall Councels in the Iewish Church was morall : For 1. an oath and vow to keep Gods Commandements is a part of the third Commandement , according to that Psalme 119. v. 106. I have sworne , and I will performe , that I will keep thy righteous iudgements , and the maintenance of the true Religion in a Land is obligatory for ever : For Iud. v. 3. we are willed earnestly to contend for the faith once delivered to the Saints ; and it is obedience to the third Commandement , to avow God and his Sonne Christ before men , Mat. 10. 32. And so doth Moses commend it in Israel , Deut. 26. 17. Thou hast avouched . the Lord this day to be thy God , and to walke in his wayes , and to keep his statutes , and his Commandements , &c. Now what ever doth lay a bond morally binding on man , doth also morally bind a whole Nation . 2. It is most certaine that bloud defiled the land of Israel morally , as it was a Land , and not as the holy Land only , Num. 35. 33. Hos. 4 1 , 2 , 3. 1. Because it is a sinne against the Law of Nature , for man is made according to Gods Image , Gen. 9. 6. ( 2. ) Because bloud defileth the Land under the New Testament , as in the Iewish Church ; for if this were not , the Magistrate had no warrant from Num. 33. to use the sword against the murtherer , which is that very same that is taught by Socinians , Arminians , and Anabaptists . So teacheth Episcopius , Joan Geisteran , and Henry Slatius , so also Socinus , the Chatechise of Raccovia deny that the Magistrate now under the Messiah his kingdome should shed the bloud of any murtherer or malefactor : Yea if it be knowne ( saith Ostorodius ) that a man cannot be a Magistrate without shedding of bloud , and war , It is not lawfull for him to be a Magistrate , quia praecepta Christi non permittunt ulli homini adimere vitam . So also saith Smalcius , therefore need-force these precepts anent shedding of bloud are not judiciall . but morall , seeing the Magistrate carrieth the sword , as the Minister of God to execute judgement upon the evill doer , Rom. 13. 4 which being undenyably true , a Nationall Church must have meanes allowed of Christ to purge the land of bloud , Sodomy , and other Nationall sinnes , for the which Canaan spewed out seven great Nations . Also , Because of swearing the land shall mourne , Ier. 23. 10. And if the Arke be taken away , as it was out of his place , 1 Chron. 13. The Land is in a hard case , we see no meanes but an Assembly of the Nationall Church , that by authority of the Assembly all may be moved to renew their Covenant with God , to repent , and to bring ●acke againe the Gospell ; as David conveened all Israel , 1 Chron. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. from●ireath-jearim ●ireath-jearim : For the Gospels departure and universall Apostasie ( when we are as Israel , without the true God , and a teaching Priest , as 2 Chron. 15. and withall in great trouble ) is a case that concerneth not a particular Congregation onely , but the whole Land ; and therefore the whole Church of the Nation must be assembled in their heads and leaders to turne away Gods wrath , and bring backe the glory that is departed from the La●d by renewing our Covenant with God. Lastly , the whole hoast and armies of writers , antient and moderne , may be alleadged for the lawfulnesse of Synods , as witnesseth the Tomes of the Councels generall and Provinciall . CHAP. XVI . Whether or no it can be demonstrated from Gods Word , that all particular Congregations have of , and within themselves full power of Church-discipline without any subiection to Presbyteries , Synods , or higher Assemblies ? VEry reverend and holy men hold the affirmative part of this question , and deny all subj●ction of Congregations to Presbyteries and Assemblies . Their first Argument is , If Churches planted by the Apostles , such as Corinth , have power within themselves to exercise Church-discipline , as to rebuke , excommunicate , loose and relaxe from excommunication : Then ought not particular Congregations now to stand under any other Ecclesiastical authority out of themselves . But the former is true , 1 Cor. 5. 2 , 3. So M. Best , Parker , the Separatists , Robinson , Authors of Presb. govern . examined , prove that all beleevers in Corinth had voice in excommunication . 1. They amongst whom the fornicator was , they who were puffed up , and sorrowed not that he was not cut off , they were to be gathered together in one , and to iudge and excommunicate , v. 12. but the fornicator was not amongst the Elders only , but amongst all the beleevers , neither were the Elders onely pussed up , nor did they onely not sorrow that the incestuous man was not cut off , but the bel●evers also were puffed up , and did not sorrow that he was not cut ●ff , Ergo , all the beleevers had voices in iudging and excommunicating . 2. Of old not the Levites onely were to purge out the leaven , but all Israel also , Ergo ; here not the Elders only are to purge out this leaven . 3. Paul writeth not to the Elders onely , not to be mixed with the fornicators , but to all the faithfull . 4. The faithfull , and not the Elders only were to forgive , 2 Cor. 2. Answ. I will first answer these reasons , and withall shew how the people had hand in excommunication , and might prove that there was a Presbytery of many Pastors at Corinth , and not a single Congregation of one Pastor , and some few Elders and beleevers , who did excommunicate . I retort these Arguments : These with whom the fornicator did converse , and so leavened them , these who were pus●ed up , and sorrowed not at the mans fall , and at his not being cut off by excommunication , these were judicially to excommunicate with the Elders : But the fornicator conversed amongst beleeving women and children , and did leaven them , beleeving women and children were puffed up and sorrowed not , Ergo , Beleeving women and children did judicially excommunicate , but the conclusion is foule , and against the Argumentators , Ergo , so must some of the premisses be foule and false , but the assumption is most true ; therefore their major proposition must be false ; therfore they must first acknowledge a representative Church with us , and that men onely did judicially excommunicate , and not all the faithfull , except they make women ordinary Judges usurping the authority over men . Then the number of these who were puffed up , and sorrowed not at his fall , &c. must be more then the number of the persons who should judicially excommunicate . 2. The authors of Presbyteriall govern . exam . say , Elders are principally to iudge , and to be leaders and first actors in excommunicating , and people are to follow in the second roome and assent . So say our Divines , Walleus , Bucanus , Rollocus , Beza . Therefore Paul cannot rebuke private beleevers , because they did not excommunicate judicially in the first roome ; for then Paul should have rebuked the Elders and leaders for not excommunicating in the order answerable to their place and power , and because they did not judicially and authoritatively lead , and goe before as first actors and prime moderators in the judiciall act of delivering of the man to Satan , and so Paul cannot in reason rebuke all the faithfull amongst whom the scandalous man did converse , and who were pus●ed up , and sorrowed not at the mans fall , because they did not excommunicate judicially , at most , they can be rebuked onely for not excommunicating in the second roome , and in that orderly and subordinate way sutable to their place and power . 3. I see no foot-step of any tollerable ground in the Text , why it should be alleadged that all the faithfull men comming to age ( to speake nothing of beleeving women and children ) are rebuked for not excommunicating judicially the fornicator ; but rather the contrary , that the faithfull out of office were not to excommunicate judicially : For applying these words as a reproofe to beleeving men , v. 2. And ye are pu●fed up , and have not rather sorrowed , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the end that he that hath done this deed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may be taken from amongst you . He useth the passive verbe , not the active , whereby it appeareth that the beleevers were patients rather , then agents in the not judiciall and authoritative taking away of the man from amongst them , and that their fault was that they mo●ned not to God for the mans fall , and the remisse negligence of the Elders , by whose authority he might have been authoritatively delivered to Satan . Pareus saith , that he blameth the beleevers security ; Calvin , their not being humbled at the fall , and Cajetan , they boasted that the fornicator was the sinner , not they . 4. That great Divine Junius doth excellently observe that Paul ioyneth himselfe as an extraordinary Elder with the ordinary Eldership of Corinth , v. 4. When you are gathered together with my spirit : For , as I observed before , Paul requireth not only that they be gathered together in the name of Christ , which is required in all meetings for Gods worship in Prayers , Word and Sacraments ; but also here he requireth that they meet ( saith he ) with my spirit , that is , with my Presbyteriall power of the keyes , and , 1 Cor. 4. 21. with the authority which the Lord hath given us for edification , 2 Cor. 10. 8. as I am an Elder . So said the Prophet to Gehazi , 2 King. 5. 26. went not my spirit with thee , that is , my Propheticall power , Col. 2. 5. For though I be absent in the ●lesh , yet I am present in spirit . Now the beleevers out of office did not convene in this meeting , indued with Pauls Ministeriall and Pastorall spirit ; for single beleevers receive not Ministeriall spirit from God , neither is such a spirit promised to them : Give an instance in Scripture of this promise , and we shall lose this cause ; but this spirit for doctrine and discipline so given to Pastors , 1 Cor. 4. 21. 2 Cor. 10. 8. Col. 4. 17. 2 Cor. 4. 1. 2 Cor. 5. 18. 1 Cor. 12 28 , 29. v. 17. therfore the comming together with Pauls spirit , that is , with his ministeriall power of the keyes , as an Elder , must be restrained to the Eldership of Corinth , and cannot be applyed to single beleevers , men , women and children , who yet were puffed up and sorrowed not , v 2. therefore this is not a gathering together of an independent Congregation of beleevers , men and women meeting with Pauls spirit , and his presbyteriall power of the keyes in an authoritative and judiciall way to excommunicate , but it must be a gathering together of these who had such a spirit and power pastorall and ministeriall , as Paul had . I deny not but the faithfull conveened , or were to conveene in this meeting with the Eldership , for praying and hearing the word preached , which must be conjoyned with excommunication , but the meeting is denominated pastorall and presbyteriall with spirituall power from the speciall intended end in that act , which was authoritatively to deliver the fornicatour to Satan , and Vrsine thinketh not without reason that the man was excommunicated , and there being a space interveening betwixt Pauls writing of the first , and his second Epistle to the Corinthians , that Paul , 2 Cor. 2. writeth for relaxing him from the sentence of excommunication . Also Paul when he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have already iudged as present , meaneth not a popular or private judging , as we say , the Physitian judgeth of the disease by the pulse , and the Geometer judgeth of figures , as Marsilius speaketh , but understandeth a joynt authoritive judging with the Eldership , otherwayes he needed not to adde ( but present in spirit , as if I were present , have already iudged ) for whither hee had beene absent or present , hee might have given his private minde of the due demerit of so scandalous a sinne . 5. The maine thing that our brethren rest much on , is that one command of delivering to Satan , v. 4. and purging out the old leaven , v. 7. and the word of judging that Paul taketh to himselfe , v. 4. is given , v. 12. to all beleevers , and to all that he writeth unto ; but Paul would not say they command the beleevers to doe that which they had no authority and power from Christ to doe , if all beleevers had not power judicially to excommunicate . But I answer , beside that this is to bring in a popular government in Gods house ; they consider not that they presuppose as granted , what we justly deny , that all and every verse of this chapter is spoken joyntly and equally to all both Elders and people , which cannot in reason be said , as in other parts of the epistle , where sometimes he speaketh of all , as 1 Cor. 1. 1 , 4 , 5. both pastors and people , sometimes of the people , 1 Cor. 1. 12. 1 Cor. 4. 1. sometimes of teachers only , 1 Cor. 3. 12. 1 Cor. 4. 2. 2. One and the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to purge out the leaven , v. 7. applied to both Elders and beleevers have divers meanings , according as it is applied to divers subjects , so that the Elders did excommunicate , and purge out one way , that is authoritatively and with Pauls spirit , and ministeriall power ; I meane that same power in kinde and speech that was in Paul was in the Elders , for Paul was no Prelate above other pastors , and the people did purge out the leaven another way , by a popular consenting that he should be excommunicate , and this is well grounded on Scripture , see Acts 4. 27 , 28. Herod , Pilate , Gentiles and Iewes crucified Christ ; now it is certaine they did not cruci●ie him one and the same way , Pilate judicially , the people of the Iewes in a popular way of asking and consenting crucified him , so 1 Sam. 12. 18. All the people greatly feared the Lord , and Samuell ; that same verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jara , to fear , expresseth both the peoples fearing of God , which is a religious feare commanded in the first Commandement , and due to God only , and the peoples fearing of Samuell , which civill reverence given to Samuell as to a Prophet , is a farre inferiour feare , and commanded in the ●ift Commandement , so Prov. 24. 21. My sonne feare the Lord and the King , 1 Chro. 29. 20. And the people worshipped Jehovah and the King , the verbe is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shachah , which signifieth to bow and encline the body religiously , but the meaning cannot be , that the people gave one and the same religious worship to God and the King , for that should be idolatry : So howbeit Elders and beleevers were rebuked for not excommunicating , and both commanded to excommunicate and purge out the leaven , it will never follow that both hath one and the same judiciall power to excommunicate , but every one should purge out the leaven , according to their place and power ; and Israel is commanded to put out the leper ; yet the Priest only put him out judicially , and Israel is commanded to put to death the false Prophet , and so to put away evill out of the midst of them , Deut. 13. 5. and yet the Judge did put away evill judicially and authoritatively , and the people as executioners stoning him to death , v. 9 , 10. and what I say of excommunicating , that same is said of the authoritative pardoning of the fornicatour , 2 Cor. 2. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Vrsine observeth , is by authority to confirme their love to him , as Gal. 3. 15. the testament is confirmed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so doth Kemnitius , Calvin and Bullinger take the word . It is also more then evident that the Church of Corinth was not a congregation of believers onely , or a congregation with one pastor only , and so not an independent congregation , for there was at Corinth a colledge of pastors and so a presbytery of Elders , Doctors , teachers and Prophets ; for 1. Paul was but a founder of this Church , there were many others that built upon the foundation Christ Jesus , and some built gold and silver , that is good and sound Doctrine , some hay and stubble , 1 Cor. 4. 6. And these things , Brethren , I have in a figure trans-ferred to my selfe , and to Apollo for your sakes , that ye might learne in us , not to thinke of men above that which is ( written : ) whence I collect , howbeit Paul , and Apollo and Cephas , were not constantly resident teachers at Corinth , yet there were other pastors there , of whom Paul and Apollo were named as figures , that with the lesse envy he might rebuke them , and amongst these many teachers , some said this is the best preacher , others said nay , but another preacher liketh my eare better ; and so there hath beene so many choise pastours there , as the Proverbe was true amongst them , Wealth maketh wit to waver , which Paul sharply rebuketh as a schisme , 1 Cor. 1. 12 , 13. 1 Cor : 3. 4 , 5. So Paul saith , Though ye have ten thousand and instructors , yet have ye not many ●athers , 1 Co● : 4. 15. Then they had amongst them many teachers : And it is 2. cleare from 1 Cor. 12. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 28 , 29 , 30. that there were amongst them Apostles , Prophets , Doctors , Governments , or ruling Elders , and that this fault was amongst them , that the higher contemned the lower , which is , as if the eye should say , I have no need of the hand , and that they were not content of that place in Christs body , while as they would all be pastors , and all eyes , and so , where then were the hearing , v. 17. and to these especially Paul directed his re●uke , 1 Cor. 5. because of their neglect of discipline against scandalous persons , not excluding the multitude of believers , who also in their kind deserved to be rebuked . 3. We may see 1 Cor. 14. There was amongst them a good number of Prophets , who both propheeyed two or three , after other , by co●●e , and who also by the power of the keyes did pu●lickly judge of true and false doctrine , v. 29. which is indeed our presbytery . See v. 1 , 2 , 3. v. 12 , 13. v. 24 , 25 , 26. so that it is a wonder to me that any learned men should think that the Church of Corinth was one single and independent congregation , a●d that they met all in one house , where ● . the Lord had much people , 2. where we are not to thinke in such a plentifull harvest of Christ , that so many pastors and teachers , and so many Apostles and Prophets , as there were there , as you may gather from 1 Cor. 14. 24 , 31 , 32. and so many speaking with divers tongues , so many who wrought miracles , so many who had the gift of discerning , ver . 26 , 27. that all these were imployed to edifie one single congregation , who were all ordinary worshippers of God within the walles of one house , 4. We see how the false Apostles and teachers laboured to make Paul a despised Apostle amongst them , as is cleare in the 2 epist. ch . 10. ch . 11. ch . 12. and so their meeting together , 1 Cor. 5. 1 Cor. 11. 1 Cor. 14. must be expounded of their meeting distributively , not collectively , as though all met in one house ; and suppose that the paines of so numerous a company of Prophets should do nothing , but feed one single congregation which meet all in one house , yet there was here a Colledge of many Pastors , Prophets , Doctors and Elders , who have power of excommunication , so faith Robinson , that there were many Doctors and Teachers in this Church , and proveth it well from 1 Co. 12. for which , see what our own Divines say , as Calvin , Beza , Pareus , Bulling . Martyr . Pelican . Pomeran . So also Chrysost. Theoph. Oecumen . Ambros. Lyra. Caietan . So I thinke this place thus discussed is much against independent Churches , and for the presbyteries power . They object 2. Act. 14. 2. Then appointed they Elders by the peoples consent in every Church . Ergo , Every Congregation hath power to chuse their owne Pastors and Elders . Answ. 1. Paul and Barnabas the Apostles of Christ chose Elders in every Church , with the peoples consent . Ergo , a congregation wanting pastors who ordaineth Elders , can and may of themselves ordaine Pastors and Elders . What a weak consequence is this ? Pastors in an Apostolick Church ordained pastors . Ergo , the multitude have power to ordain Pastors . I rather inferre the contrary . Ergo , there are no congregations of believers independent , who have power to ordaine Pastours without a Colledge of Pastours , and observe ( saith Caietan ) on that place , That the fasting and prayers of the Apostles were at the Ordination of Presbyteries . 2. Suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were applyed to the people , I see not what can in reason be said against Vasquez , who saith , it will follow only they were created by the consent of the people , and a man more to be respected then Vasquez , Fran. Iunius saith , that lifting up of the hands may well be meant of Paul and Barnabas their hands . See also Tilen , Calvin , Beza and Bullinger . Ordinary Election ( saith hee ) is from this commended , and this forme of rite of lifting up of the hands was borrowed from the Grecians , who gave suffrages with lifted up hands . However the peoples free election is hence authorized , which forme was used in Cyprians time , Quando ipsa ( plebs ) maximè habeat potestatem , vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , quod & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate descendere , ut sacerdos plebe presente sub omnium oculis deligatur , & dignus , atque idoneus publico iudicio ac testimonio comprobetur . It is nought that Bellarmine saith , they had not jus eligendi , power of choosing , but jus ferendi testimonium de-vitâ ac moribus , power to give testimony of the life and conversation of the pastors chosen , but good man he seeth not that this is a power of Election , by Cyprians testimony , and no power of choosing , which is a contradiction , and so saith Theodoret , avouching this to be the minde of the Councell of Nice in an Epistle to the Bishops of Alexandria , and the first generall Councell at Constantinople . Only from the time of Frederick the ij . who died , ann . 1300. were the people excluded from the power of choosing Pastors and Elders , and this was the deed of Gregory the ix . as Krantzius reporteth . Vasquez defendeth Illyricus in this , whom Bellarmine refuteth , It is true some say the election of Alexander the iij. which was foure hundred yeares before , was made by the Cardinals only , without the peoples consent : But 1. What may the Antichrist not d● ? his deed is not law . 2. Who can beleeve such a dreamer as Radevicus , who alleadgeth this . Platine ( I grant ) saith , that Gregory the 7. was chosen 500. yeares before , by the Cardinals only : But to these I adde Gregory was a lawlesse man , and from lawlesse facts without the authority of Scriptures and Synods no lawfull election , without the consent of the people , can be concluded . But what can be said against Chrysost. Leo and Gregor . Magn. and many cleare testimonies for us , which are to bee seene in Gratian. all affirming that the ancient Church required the consent of the people to the ordination of Elders , but all these expresly speake of popular cognition of the good parts , gifts and holinesse of the chosen Elders , and doe still ascribe authoritative Ordination of Elders to the presbyterie of Elders , as all Ancients with one pen affirme . They object from Col. 2. 4. That the Church of Colosse had order , and so discipline within themselves , Ergo , Colosse was an independent Church . And that same they alleadge of the Church of Thessalonica , which had the power of Excommunication within themselves , 1 Thess. 3. 6. Answ. Seeing Epaphras , Col. 1. 7. and Archippus , Col. 4. 17. and others were their pastors at Colosse , it is no marvell that they had discipline within themselves , but what then ? therefore they had discipline independently , the Congregation not standing under subjection to the Presbiterie , it followeth no wayes . 2. They had discipline within themselves , not being compassed with sister-Churches in a Christian consociation , it will not follow therefore Churches conf●ciated with other Churches . 2. Churches in case of aberration . 3. Churches in points of discipline that concerneth many Churches . 4. In the case of difficulties that cannot be expedited and determined by the particular Churches , it will not ( I say ) follow , that they have power of discipline independently , and without subordination to superiour judicatures . 3. The conclusion to be proved is , that one pastor with some ruling Elders and beleevers is the most supreme ministeriall Church , subordinate to none other Church assemblies now in Thessalonica , 1 Thess. 5. 12 , 13. there were many pastours who warned and admonished them . The Syrian saith ( who stand before your face to teach you ) Beza saith they were teachers : so Erasmus , Calvin , Bullinger , so he stileth the pastors : so Marlorat , Sutlu . Brightman , Scultetus . 4. They object , The seven Churches of Asia are comm●nded , or rebuk●d by Christ for exercising or omitting discipline , every candle sticke stood by it selfe , and held forth her owne light , if they had had dependency one upon another , one message would have served them all ; but onely Thyat●ra is charged for sufferin● J●zabell to teach , if they were one Church , the whole would have beene gulty of the sinnes of the part , the whole being negligent to disciplinate the part , but every Church is rebuked for it's own fault , Ergo , every one was independent within it selfe . So M. Best , Author of Presb. gover . exam . and the femall doctrix Childley . Answ. The first of these seven , to wit , Ephesus was not a particular congregation , but had a presbytery of Elders in it , Act. 20. 17 , 36. Paul prayed with them all ; this is not said in the word , but of a reasonable good number of persons ; Brightman under the name of an Angell , he writeth to a colledge of Angels or Pastors . Bullinger he writeth to many Pastors . Didoclav . proveth by good arguments against Downam his Angell-Prelate that he writeth to a colledge of Angels in every Church . Augustine he speaketh to the Rulers ; so saith Gregor . Magnus , Primasius , Beda , Haymo , Fulk , Perkins , Fox : neither hath one single pastor the power of the keyes , but at the second hand , the beleivers have it as the prime ministeriall fountaine of all Church discipline , and so they by our brethrens learning , should have bin principally rebuked . 2. Also Asia was of the Roman Empire , and contained Phrygia , Mysia , Caria , Lydi● , Troas and Thessalonica , and every one of these must be proved to be single congregations , and suppose they were , they have many pastors in them , as Ephesus had , they had power of discipline in all points that concerned themselves , but in things common to all , they had it not , but in dependence , and what ? howbeit Synods could not so conveniently be had under the persecuting Domitian , no absurdity will follow , discipline may be exercised without provinciall Synods . 3. It is a weake ground , Every candlesticke stood by is selfe , and and held forth it 's owne light : For the light of the Candlesticke is a preaching Pastor shining in light of holy Doctrine : Wee dispute not about independency of preaching Ministers in the act of preaching ; but about independency of Churches in the acts of Church-discipline ; And so this is a weake ground ( I say ) for independent Churches ; yea neither is the Pastor in the act of Pastorall shining in sound Doctrine independent ; for our brethren teach that private persons by the power of the keyes ordaine him , call him to office , censure and depose , and excommunicate him , if nee● require , and this is no small dependency . 4. It is no lesse loose and weake to alleadge they are independent Churches , because every Church is reproved for it's owne faults ; reproofe is a sort of censure : What , because the fornicator , 1 Cor 5. is repr●ved for a sinne that is scarce named amongst the Gentiles , yea and iudged worthy to be excommunicated ? shall it hence follow that the fornicator is no member dependent , and in Ecclesiasticall subjection to the Church of Corinth ? So some of the Corinthians , 1 Cor. 15. 12. are reproved for denying the resurrection ; for this was the fault of some , and not of all : But will it follow , these some were no independent parts of the Church of Corinth , but an independent Church by themselves ? The faults of remisse discipline may be laid upon a whole Nationall Church in some cases , when it commeth to the notice of the Nationall Church , that such a particular Church faileth in this and this point of discipline ; but we teach not that these seven Churches made up one Nationall Church ; yet this hindereth not , but parts of an independent and subordinate Church may be rebuked for their faults , and yet remaine dependent parts . 5. They object , If Christ bid an offending brother tell the particular Church whereof he is a member , then that particular Church may excommunicate , Mat. 18. 19. and so hath power within it selfe of the highest censures , and is independent , but the former is true , Mat. 18. Ergo , Vrsine ( say they ) Zuinglius , Andrewes , Kemnitius , Aretius , Pelargius , Hunnius , Vatablus , Munster , Beza , Erasmus , Whittaker , &c. expound this of a particular Congregation . Answ. 1. We shall also expound this of a particular Church , but not of such an one as hath but one Pastor , neither doe these Divines meane any other Church then a Colledge of Pastors and Elders . 2. Your owne Parker , the learned Voetius , and Edmundus Richerius , and the Doctors of Paris cite this place to prove the lawfulnesse of Synods , yea even hence they prove Peter , and so the Pope is answerable to a generall Councell . 3. When an Eldership of a particular Congregation is the obstinate brethren , to be censured , I desire our reverend brethren to shew in that case a ministeriall , governing , and censuring Church , consisting onely of private persons out of office , to whom the offending person shall complaine ? I appeale to the whole old and new Testament , to all antiquity , to all Divines writings the word ( Church ) in this notion . See also G●rson . 6. They object , Every particular Church is the body of Christ , his Spouse , Wife , and Kingdome , and every one hath received faith of equall price , 2 Pet. 1. 1. and consequently of equall power , and right to the tree of Life , and Word of God , and the holy things , the keyes of the Kingdome , the promise and use of Christs power and presenc● , Rom. 12. 4 , 8. Therefore there is not one Church above another . So the Separatists . Best . Answ. 1. If this argument from an equall interest and right to Christ , the promise , life eternall stand good , not only one Church shall not be over another ; but also Pastors and Elders cannot be over the flocke in the Lord , nor have the charge of them , nor watch for their soules : The contrary whereof you shall reade , 1 Cor. 12. 17 , 28 , 29. 1 Thes. 5. 12 , 13 , 14. Heb. 13. 17. Ephes. 4. 11. and the reason is good , but truly better with Anabaptists , then with men fearing God ; because Pastors and people , King and Subject , Doctor and Scholler , being beleevers , have all received like precious faith , and right to the tree of Life , &c. for God is no accepter of persons . 2. By this Argument three beleevers in an independent Congregation consisting of three hundred shall be no dependent part in Ecclesiasticall subjection to three hundred , and every three of independent Churches shall be a Church independent , and twenty independent Churches shall be in one independent Church , because all the three hundred beleevers have received alike precious faith , &c ▪ 3. The consequence of the Argument is most weake , for precious faith and claime and interest in Christ is not the ground why Christ giveth the keyes to some , and not to others , but the ground is the good pleasure of Gods will. Christ gave not the keyes , nor any Church-authority to Judas , Demas , and the like , because of their precious faith ; but because he calleth to labour in his vineyard , whom he pleaseth , and whom he pleaseth he calleth not . 7. They object , Provinciall and Nationall Churches are humane formes brought in after the similitude of ●ivill governments amongst the Romanes , and there is no Church properly so called , but a Parish Church . See D. Ammes . Answ. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The lifting up of the hands in voicing at the election of Elders , Act. 14. 23. so taken from a civill forme of peoples giving their suffrages amongst the Lacedemonians , as our brethren say : Yet it is not for that unlawfull , or an humane forme , a Parishionall meeting of the people to heare the word , is taken from a civill forme of both Romanes and Grecians convening to heare declamations and Panygerickes , yet a Parishionall Church is not for that a humane and unlawfull Church . 2. We say not that a Synod is a properly so called mysticall Church , yet it s a proper ministeriall and teaching Church , such as is , Acts 15. 8. They object , The Popish superiority of one Church over another should be lawfull , if a Church be in bondage under a Church , better be under a great Lord Pope , and a little Lord Prelate , as under many Nationall Lords in a Nationall Church-Assembly . Answ. 1. We make no other subjection here then our brethren make ; for they make ten to be subject to ●●ve hundred in an independent Congregation : As the part is in subjection to the Lawes of the whole , so make we many Churches in Cities , Townes and Provinces subject in the Lord to all their owne Pastors and Elders convened in a Nationall Assembly : Papists make their Synods to lay bonds upon the consciences of men . 2. Their Synods cannot erre . 3. The Lord Prelate over ruleth them . 4. They make things indifferent necessary . 5. People may not examine Decrees of their Synods according to Gods Word . 6. People may not reason or speake in their Synods . We acknowledge no such Synods . 2. Papists , as Bellarmine , Costerus , Pierius , doe not thinke Synods very necessary , they call the Popes determination an easier way for ending controversies then Councels ; and therefore Pierius saith here , frustra sit per plura , &c. 9. They object , If a representative Church consisting onely of Pastors , Doctors and Elders , be a Church of Christs institution , it should have a Pastor over it , as all Churches have ; and if it be a generall Councell ▪ the Pastor thereof can be no other then the Pope , and there beh●ved to be also an universall Consistory of Cardinals . Answ I deny both these consequences , a feeding , governing and ministeriall Church doth not necessarily require a Pastor over it . Timothy is a Pastor to himselfe , and by preaching both saveth himselfe and others , 1 Tim. 4. 16. 2. Cardinals are degrees above Pastors and Prelates , our Synods are made up , as Acts 15 , of Pastors , Elders and Brethren , whereof we acknowledge no Pastor of Pastors but Christ Jesus , no Doctor of Doctors , no Elder of Elders , and so I see not what this consequence meaneth . 10. They object , That which concerneth all should be handled by all . Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet ; but matters of disci●line concerne the conscience and practise of all , Ergo , all and every beleever should handle matters of discipline , and not some few of a whole Nation who representeth the rest . Answ. That which concerneth all , one and the same way and the manner , should be handled by all . That which concerneth all , divers and sundry manner of wayes should be handled by all divers manner of wayes : If ten men be owners of a ship , nine of them cannot sell the ship without the consent of the tenth owner : If all both Elders or Ministers , and the whole company of beleevers had one and the same power of the keyes , we see not but all , Ministers and people should have a like hand in voicing and coucluding ; nor doe I well see , that if the keyes be given to all beleevers , upon our brethrens former ground , because they are the body and Spouse of Christ , how women and beleeving children can be excluded from joynt-governing and use of the keyes ( except in the act of publike teaching , 1 Cor. 14. 34. 35. 1 Tim. 2. 12. ) with Pastors , Doctors and Elders , seeing they are the body and Spouse of Christ , no lesse then men : God accepteth no persons , nor sexes , male or female , in these spirituall priviledges , Gal. 3. ●8 . 2 Cor. 6. 18. 1 Pet. 3. 4 , 5 , 6. But seeing discipline concerneth all divers wayes , according as God hath seated and placed persons in his Church ; some in higher , and some in lower places of Christs body ; therefore Ministers are to handle points of doctrine and discipline in Synods authoritatively . People also by electing Commissioners to Synods , by consenting , reasoning , proposing and advising , and according to their place , ●ot authoritatively . 11. They object , It is a Popish abusing of the people of God to exclude them from all government of Gods house , and all meanes of edifying one another , and leade on the people in an implicit faith and ●ind obedience . Answ. This objection toucheth the question anent the power of private Christians in edifying one another , where I must stay a little to cleare doubts , for divers run in extremities here . Hence our 1. Conclusion . We utterly condemne the doctrine of Separatists , who teach that private Christians gifted with knowledge , suppose they be out of office , are to preach the Gospell , and to prophesie publikely for the edefying of the Church . 1. Because by consent of all sound Divines , all antiquity and confession of party , and Pauls testimony , Eph. 4. 11. there are none given of Christ , when he ascended on high , for the publike edefying of the Church , and gathering of the Saints to Christs second comming , save only Pastors , and Doctors and Elders . But the private gifted men are to edefie by publike prophecying , and they be none of Christs officers , and they are unlawfull teachers . 2. To preach publikely as ordinary messengers . ( I say ) ordinary , because of our expectants of the ministery , who preach by the call of the Church , for a time , as the Sonnes of the Prophets , while they be ordained Pastors . To preach ( I say ) publikely , is a formall act of Pastors who are sent , Rom. 10. but these Prophets are not sent , Ergo , they ought not to preach . They answer but as Anabaptists and Socinians doe , who say to be gifted of God is to be sent ; but I answer , Paul Rom 10. 14 , 15. thinketh not so , because he understandeth such a sending , as is required in ordinary Pastors , who begetteth faith in their hearers , v. 14. and whose feet are beautifull upon the monntaines , by bringing glad tidings of peace , v. 15. Now these were such as both were gifted , and had authority to preach . 2. Christ , Mat. 10. clearly differenceth gifting of Pastors , v. 1. from authoritative sending , v. 5. v. 16. And also John 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. 3. Because God challengeth such as run , and the Lord sendeth them not , Jer. 23. 21. 4. Because no man taketh that honour on him , except he be called of God , as was Aaron , Heb. 5. Suppose he be gifted as our Saviour was . 6. Publike Preachers have power authoritative to binde and loose , and accordingly God bindeth and looseth in heaven ; but private beleevers have not this power but only Pastors , Mat. 18. 18. Mat. 16. 19. John 20. 23. 7. Such Preachers they dreame to be in the old Testament ; but the ●ld Testament speaketh of none but men in office , as Priests , Levites , Prophets , &c. M. Robinson saith , 1 Cor. 14. There were gifted ordinary Prophets not in office , who preached publikely . Answ. These Prophets were Prophets by office , and so b●side that they were gifted , they were sent with officiall authority to preach . 1. They are such as Paul speaketh of , 1 Cor. 12. 28. God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , Ergo , they were officers set in the body , as Apostles were at that time , Eph. 4. 11. 2. They are called Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. v. 29 , 32. But in all the old or new Testament , Prophets signifie over these that are in office , as the places in the margen cleare , a and a place cannot be brought where the word Prophet signifieth a man who publikely preacheth , and yet is no Prophet by office , but possibly a Fashioner , a ●lough-man , a Shoomaker ▪ 3. The formall ●ff●cts of publi●e edefying , comfe●ti●g , convincing , converting soules are ascribed to these . ●ophets , v. 1 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 12 , 24 25 , 31. which are ascribed to pr●●ching Pastors , Rom 10. 14 , 15. 1 Cor. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. 4. In this chapter , and in chap. 13. Paul doth set downe Canons anent the right use of the offices that he spake of , 1 Cor. 12. 28 , 29. 5. Paul must thinke them Prophets by office , while as he compareth himselfe who was an Apostle and Prophet with these Prophets , v. 37. If any man thinke himselfe to be a Prophet , or spirituall , let him acknowledge that the things that I write to you are the Commandements of the Lord. Also these Prophets were extraordinary and temporary , as were the gifts of tongues and miracles ; and therefore none out of office now are to prophesie publikely . M. Robinson saith , they cannot be extraordinary , because extraordinary Prophets are infallible , and cannot erre , else the Scriptures should have been written by Prophets , who could erre , but these Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. could erre and were not infallible , because their doctrine was to be judged , v. 29. Answ. This is a silly reason , Pareus , Bulling , Calvin , Beza saith all spirits are to be tryed by the word , and all Prophets , even Samuell and Nathan may erre , and looke beside the booke , and may speake of their owne spirit , how then were the pen-men of Scripture infallible , saith Robinson ? I answer , there are none simply infallible but God , every man is a lyar : The pen-men of the Scripture were infallible , because when they were actually inspired by the Holy-Ghost , they could not erre : And the spirits of all Prophets are to be tryed by the word , even of Paul preaching at Berea : But it followeth not that Paul then could erre . To this they answer , that false Prophets , as Balaam , could not erre when they were actually inspired , no more then Canonicke writers . Answ. In the case of infallibility all are alike , none are infallible by any infused habit of a Propheticall spirit ; but false Prophets were inspired with an habituall spirit of lying , which spirit is not in Canonicke writers . Robinson and others of his side thinke them not extraordinarily inspired . 1. Because these Prophets might have been interrupted and put to silence , that another to whom choiser things were revealed , might prophesie , v. 3. 2 Because Paul exhorteth to pray for the gift of interpretation , and to covet ( saith others ) to prophesie . Now we cannot seeke in faith from God an extraordinary and miraculous gift . 3. Others adde , this prophecying was subject to the free-will of the Prophets , for they might prophesie , or keep silence , as they pleased ; but the acts of extraordinary prophecying are not subjected to the free-will of the Prophets ; therefore this was but ordinary prophecying , to the which all gifted professors even out of o●fice are obliged for the edefying of the Church of Christ to the worlds end . Answ. All these three come to one , to wit , acts of extraordinary prophecying are under the determination of free-will . A little of this . 1. Conclusion , Pareus observeth well that there be two kinds of Prophets . 1. Some who foretold things to come , of these the Text in hand speaketh not . 2. Some extraordinarily inspired with an extraordinary grace of interpreting Scripture : The former were Prophets in the old Testament , the latter especially Prophets of the new Testament ; knowledge of both were given without study or paines . So there was a Propheticall spirit in Paul , Gal. 1. 12. I received it not of man , neither was I taught it , but by the revelation of Jesus Christ. 2. Conclusion . The act of foretelling things to come , especially things meerly contingent , which are determined onely in the free Decree of God , is not so under our free-will , as the acts of preaching and interpreting Scripture out of a Propheticall infused habit : For prophecying things to come seemed to have come on the Prophets of old , as a fire-●lash appeareth to a mans eye in the darke ayre , he cannot chuse but see it , Ezech. 2. 14. So the spirit lifted me up , and tooke me away , and I went in bitternesse , in the heate of my spirit , but the hand of the Lord was str●ng upon me , Jer. 20. 9. And I said , I will not make mention of him , nor speak any more in his name , but his word was in my heart , as a burning fire shut up in my bones , and I was weary with forbearing , and I could not stay , 2. King. 3. 15. The hand of the Lord came upon Elisha , and he prophecyed . See Ierom. Oecumen . Greg●r . and Thomas . The Propheticall spirit in the New Testament seemeth to be more swayed with free-will , and morall threatnings , 1 Cor. 9. 16. Woe unto me if I preach not the Gospell ; yet the habit from whence he preached was a Propheticall principle , Galath . 1. 12. 1 Cor. 14. 32. 3. Conclu . Hence prophecying is not a habit , and it is a habit . It is not an habit . 1. Because no Prophet can simply prophecy when he will , except the man Christ , especially of things to come by contingent causes ( the presence of which things ( saith Suarez ) is onely connaturall to God , and to no morrall man ) comming on men by a transient irradiation , while as the candle of Gods propheticall light glanceth upon the fancy , and from thence to the mind , that the man may see and reade the species and images , and when this light shineth not Nathan and Samuell reade beside the Bible and are widely out . Proph●cy also is an habit . For 1. something remaine in Isaiah and Jeremiah while they sleepe , and prophecy not , from whence they are named Prophets , and really are Prophets ; for when God hath once revealed himselfe to one as to his owne Prophet , even from by past revelation . 1 There remaineth a disposition to prophecy , 1 Sam. 3. 20. All Israel knew , even from Dan to Beersheba , that Samuell was established to be a Prophet of the Lord. 2. Because there remaineth a propheticall light , whereby the man gave ass●nt to the last propheticall revelation , and so the species and propheticall images must remaine in the fantasie , and with these a propheticall memory of by past predictions , and so some experimentall certainty , that what he fore-telleth shall come to passe : See Thomas and Caietan , now the object propheticall is knowne three wayes , 1. When the naked naturall images or species of the materiall object are only cast in by God and no more , and this is most in dreames , as Nebuchadnezar saw a tree in his dreame , but knew not that it was a King , Pharoah saw seven blasted reeds and seven leane kine , but knew not that they were seven yeares of Famine . And sometimes in a vision being in an extasie , as John , Rev. 1. saw 1. seven candl●sticks , but knew not that they were the seven Churches of Asia , while Christ revealed the meaning to him . 2. The images and species are knowne formally , as signes signifying thus and thus , as Joseph by a propheticall light saw the seven leane kine to be seven yeares of famine . 3. Now there is a third light , to judge of the act of seeing , which I take to be two-fold . 1. When the Seer and Prophet is perswaded that what he seeth is a propheticall vision , and not a delusion of Satan , this is ( as saith Pareus ) the very light of prophecy , or some extraordinary light ( as saith Anto , Walleus ) There is another light whereby the Seer beleeveth these things shall come to passe , which he seeth , either by a common light of historicall faith , as Pharoah might beleeve that seven yeares of plenty should come , and Balaam that Christ the starre of Jacob should certainly arise and shine upon the Church , or the Seer seeth and beleeveth by light of saving faith , as Isaiah and Daniel beleeved that the Messiah should be slai●e , and this latter light whatever good Schoole-men say on the contrary , is the light of faith ; for the three former lights might well be in Balaam . 1. He might see in his fantasie , the species of the starre of Jacob. 2. And know that they meaned no other thing , then the Messiah . 3. And be certainly perswaded that he saw so , and that he was not deluded , yea and historically beleeve that that blessed Starre should arise , and yet he had no light of saving faith to beleeve that the Messiah should come . So h●●e we cannot but distinguish betwixt a propheticall light , in the second and third sight , which is gratia gratis data , a free gift , and the light of saving faith , which is gratia gratum fa●iens , a saving grace of GOD in the sound beleever , onely in this last sight . 4. Conclus . Hence Separatists may see that extraordinary acts of prophecy may well be subjected to the determination of the Church , and yet be extraordinary inspirations , and that divers wayes . 1. Because the● were Prophets of the New Testament , and so grace being more aboundant now nor under the old Testament , it can bow and facilitate free-will to acts of prophecying , and Paul from more grace laboured more aboundantly then they all . 2. Prophecying at that time in Corinth might well be obtained by prayer upon the extraordinary impulsion of the spirit , as Daniel obtained by prayer the interpretation of a dreame , neither can it be proved from 1 Cor. 14. that Paul willeth them all without exception , to covet to speake with tongues and to prophecy , but only these that were extraordinarily moved to pray , except these ( v. 31. yea may all prophecy ) be contrary to these words ( 1 Cor. 12. 29. are all Prophets ? ) which we cannot say . 3. Because it was of old in the power of Prophets to use some meanes to dispose themselves to prophecy , for when the passion of anger overclouded the fancy and the species therin , then Elisha calleth for a minstrell to play , and dispose the minde better , as Ca●etan saith : Howbeit for all that the Text saith , the hand of the Lord only actuated these species , and caused him to prophecy . Neither are Robinsons arguments of great weight , I answer only these that have most apparency , 1 If the Lords giving of the spirit extraordinary to Eld●d and Medad made them Prophets both in office and exercise , by due proportion , gifts under the New Testament are sufficient to make men ordinary Prophets . Answ. The antecedent is false , because to Eldad and Medad were given both the spirit of prophecy , and from that gifted spirit , came a propheticall impulsion actually to prophecy without any farther call of the Church ; for God spake then by impulsion , as he doth now by his Word , els one may say the physicall and naturall power that Samuell had to kill Agag , was a calling sufficient to authorize him to kill ●gag , and an hability to discharge the office of the high-Priest in a man of the tribe of Iudah were a good calling for one so gifted to thrust himselfe in Aarons chair , which God tyed only to Levies Tribe . 2. This is that which Epi●copius , Se●inians and Arminians teach from Anabaptists , so The●phil . Nicolai● , And Radaecius , Catech. of Raccovia , Ostorod . Socinus the 〈◊〉 , 1. That the sending and calling of Ministers by the Church n●w when the Gospell is sufficiently promulgated , is not necessary . 2. That any gifted man hath a warrant , because he is gifted to be a Pastour without any call or authority officiall from the Church . And what ? will Robinson say , because these Prophe●s are gifted to baptize and to administer the Supper of the Lord , as well as they are to preach the Gospell , then by this goodly reason of his , they may be pastors without any calling of the Church , and certainly any man gifted to be a King , and a Magistrate , by the calling that the Word of God alloweth sh●ll by this reason have a call to leape up to the throne and the bench ; but our Divines as Calvin , Parcus , Zanchius , Iunius , Beza , make two dif●e●rent things in a lawfull calling . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gifts for the calling , which is not enough . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authority from the Church , which is also required . 2. He objecteth , 2 Chron. 17. 7. Jehoshaphat sent his Princes to teach the cities of Judah with the Levites , and all Princes and Ma●istrates are bound to expound , open up , and apply the law by which they governe , else they rule by tyranny . Hence the publick Sermon of Jehoshaphat , 2 Chron. 19. to the Iudges and Levites , and his prayer , and Hezekiahs Sermons , 2 Chr 29. and Nehemiah taught the people , Neh. 8. Answ. 1. Iunius and Ar. Mont●● . Iehoshaphat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shalach , Lesarou , read , he sent with the Princes , the Levites to teach , so that the Princes were not sent to teach . 2. It is said hee sent the Princes to teach not in their owne persons , but hee sent them to take care that the Levites should teach in time of that Apostacy . 3. The Kings and Judges were to teach according to the judiciall Law the equity of their sentence to the ill doer , as a Judge to convince a thiefe and a murtherer may lay before him the eighth and the sixt commandement in so farre as the breach of these disturbeth the peace of the common-wealth , not as they are Church scandals , and whither the male-factor be convinced or not , the Judge punisheth with the sword , so that the Judges handling of the judiciall law , and his handling of the morall law now is meerly civill and coactive , neither is he to labour the conversion and repentance of the Elder , and so ecclesiasticall edification ; but the handling of the law by the Separatist Prophets is meerly pastorall and for the conversion of soules , and they are the only preachers who gather the Church of Saints ; Pastors and Doctors are not to convert soules to Christ , but to confirme these who are already converted and made Saints by their Prophets , neither is the Prophets handling of the law civill , coactive or regall , all which they teach themselves : So are we to thinke of these exhortations of Iehoshaphat and Hezekiah , they taught indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , secundum quid in a civill and coactive and regall way , by a kingly and imperiall commanding , not by a servant way , or a ministeriall or pastorall way . Ergo , Kings are Prophets , and Seers and Priests , whose lips should preserve knowledge , and ergo , Kings are Ministers , by whom we beleeve , and sent to open the eyes of the blinde as Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. It is a most vaine consequence . So also from Jehoshaphat , a generall of an army his publick praying having the spirit of adoption , asking helpe from the Lord of Hoasts before the armies joyne in battle , can no wayes be concluded that Iehoshaphat was a publick Prophet , for then at all times , as in that extraordinary warre , hee should publickly pray for the people in all Church-meetings , as did the Priest. What he bringeth for publick preaching in the Synagogue by Christ , Paul and others , which ( saith hee ) were not Pastours , is not to any purpose . Christ and Paul had a calling , ordinary or extraordinary it skilleth not , it was more then naked gifts ; some private Christains , Act. 8. 4. preached the Gospell , but when ? in time of heavy persecution when they were scattered , v. 1. v. 4. Then all gifted Christians , trades-men or what else , not separated by Christ and his Churches calling may now preach the Gospell , yea be the ordinary and only converters of souls and gatherers of the Saints ; it followeth no wayes . 2. Many grave Divines thinke these were the seventy Disciples , and not private professours . Other doubts of this kind are of no weight , therfore I goe on to that which Christians may doe , and yet have they no power of the keyes . 2. Conclusion . They are to edifie , exhort , rebuke and comfort one another , and this they may doe , not one to one onely , as some say , but one to many , 1. So the Scripture saith , Proverb . 10. 21. The lippes of the righteous feed many , Ephes. 4. 29. They are to speak words ministring grace to the hearers : So saith Calvine , Bullinger , Beza , Davenant , Whittaker , Pareus , Zanchius , Musculus , Gualther . 2. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exhort one another , will not beare that one with one only should conferre , but one with many ( howbeit a multitude should evert the nature of private conference ) Iam. 5. 6. pray one for another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it were narrow charity to pray one for one onely , Iam. 5. 9. Grudge not one against another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; this forbiddeth not only grudging of one against one , but of one against many , Roman . 13. 9. Love another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gal. 5. 13. In love serve one another , and the same is to be observed in the Hebrew , Mal. 3. 16. They that feared the Lord spake oft one to another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every man to his neighbour , 2 King. 7. 9. The foure Lepers said one to another , this was not one to one , but one of three , 2 Kin. 7. 6. and the Syrians said one to another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This could not have been one man of the Syrians speaking to one only , for then how could the whole army ●ly , Gen 42. 21. And the Brethren of Joseph said every one to his brother , Vajomeru ●ish el-achiu , Gen. 37. 19. But some allow conference of one with many , but they deny that it ought to be indicted , fore-set or intended , but only occasionall : but these with ill logick distinguish , where the law distingui●heth not , for one and the same conference is both occasioned by the Lords chast●s●men●s upon Iob. ch . 1 ch . 2. and als● fore-set and intended by Iobs friends , who made an appointment to come together to mourne with him , and to comfort him , for the word , v. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jagnad is to indict , fore-set time and place , 2 Sam. 20. 5. So Amasah went to assemble the men of Judah , but hee tarried longer then the time which hee had appointed him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 25. 23. There will I appoint with thee or meet with thee , Job 9. 19. Who shall set mee a time to plead , Am. 3. 3. Numb . 10. 4. 2. If conference of many be lawfull , as it is Job 2. 11 Mal. 4. 16. Esa. 2. 2. Jer. 50. v. 4 , 5. Zach. 8. 21. Ps. 42. 4. Ps. 55. 14 Luk. 24. 14 , 15. Deut. 6. 7 , 8. 9. then the fore-setting of time and place is no essentiall ingredient in the action to make it of a lawfull action , to become unlawfull , except it were fore-set upon religious reason of some sacred or mysticall signification , as our holy dayes were : meere circumstances , doe not change actions that way . 3. All Divines , the Fathers as Augustine , Chrysostome , Ambrose , Hyeron . Thomas , Bannes , Suarez , Vasquez , Valentia , make private exhorting and rebuking our fallen brother a duety of the law of nature , such as to take our neighbours Oxe out of a ditch , to visit a prisoner , to give almes to the poore : now if to intend time and place to lift up a brother whom God hath cast downe , to reduce him whom wee understand God hath permitted to wander , be unlawfull , then to foreset time and place to visit a captive in prison , to give almes to the poore by that same reason were unlawfull , which no man , in reason , can say . 4. To intend and to appoint time and place for obedience to any Commandement of God doth rather make the action the more good and landable , as the more deliberation in an ill action the worse , and the more deliberation in a good action the better , Psal. 119. 30. v. 62 , 106 , 147. Neither is that Objection more against us then against the word of God , while some say , If private Christians may teach , exhort and rebuke one another , then may they preach and expound the word of God. I answer 1. For one private person to preach to one and that occasionally is no lesse unlawfull , then for one of intention and fore-setting time and place to preach to many . 2. The word maketh mutuall exhorting lawfull , and condemneth the mutuall preaching of private Christians . 3. Private exhorting and teaching differ . 1. The Pastor rebuketh swearing as a publick watch-man , with care for many , Ex officio specialis delegationis , and authoritatively by the power of the keyes , the private person rebuketh swearing out of charity , with care onely of these with whom hee converseth withall , by noe power of the Keyes . A Watch-man giveth warning of the approach of the enemy , and the common Souldier may doe the same , the Schoolemaster teacheth one lesson , the schoole-fellow teacheth that same , the one by office , the other of common Charity . 2. The Pastour interpreteth the word , the private person doeth but use , apply and accommodate the sense and interpretation of the word to his owne act of beleeving , and the acts of admonishing , rebuking , comforting his brother . Twelfthly they object against Synods . The Pope is the Antichrist , because he willeth men to appeale from their owne Churches to him , as Whittaker and Chamier . prove ; but the doctrine of the Synods teach men to appeale from particular Churches to Synods , and by no word of God have Pastors power over other Congregations , nor their owne . Answ. Antioch appealed from corrupt teachers , Acts 15. 2 , 3. and that is Apostolike ; but to appeale from a Church to a man of sin , as if he were the whole Church is Antichristian . 2. If sixe beleevers in a Congregation of forty beleevers should censure a brother , our brethren would say that brother should appeale from these sixe ( who yet make an independent Congregation ) to the Church of forty , yet should not this be Antichristian . 3. To appeale from a Church as an unlawfull judicatory is unlawfull , but to appeale from a lesser Church , as from a not competent Judge , to that same Church in a larger meeting is most lawfull . 4. That Pastors of divers Churches have power over many Congregations , being convened in a Synod is cleare , Acts 1. Acts 6. Acts 15. 13. They object , That this wanteth antiquity . Answ. This is said for the fashion , what meaneth then the tomes of Councels , the Councell of Sardis , Laodicea , Africa , Toledo 4. Canon Law , Cyprian , Augustine , Tertullus , Irene , Chrysostome , &c. CHAP. XVII . Whether or no some doe warrantably teach that a Pactor hath no pastorall power to preach and administrate the Sacraments , without the bounds of his owne Congregation ? and from whence essentially is the calling of a Pastor ? OVr brethren who teach that the ordination of Pastors is onely from that power of the keyes that they imagine to be in the body of beleevers must needs , holding such an humane ministeriall Church , fall in divers errors ; as 1. that he cannot officiate pastorally without that number of beleevers , from whence essentially he hath his pastorall calling . 2. When the Churches necessity shall call him to remove to another independent flocke : He is no Pastor while he be ordained and chosen of new by that flocke . So the English Puritanisme , and M. Best . We hold that a Pastor may officiate , as a Pastor without his owne congregation . 1. Arg. That which the brotherhood and communion of Sister-Churches requireth to be done , that Pastors may lawfully doe ; but this the brotherhood of Sister-Churches requireth to be done , Ergo , &c. the assumption is proved , 1. Because death , or necessary absence of Pastors , necessity of keeping the flocke . 2. Necessity of convincing the gainsayers if the present Pastor be weake in learning , yet able to cut the word aright ( saith M. Paget ) requireth this . M. Best answereth , Officers of Churches may be helpfull to other Churches , as Christians , but not as Ministers . Answ. This Argument presupposeth that Pastors not as Pastors , but as Christians either may administer the Sacraments lawfully , and so any Christian may administer the Sacraments , which is both Popish and absurd , or that it is not lawfull for Pastors to administer the Sacrament out of their owne congregation , or to any other of another congregation then their owne , and so yet communion of Sister-Churches , in these acts , is cleane taken away . 2. Our Argument is from Church-communion not in Christian acts as Christian , but in ministeriall acts as ministeriall . 2. Arg. If Ministers ( as M. Paget argueth ) may labour to convert unbeleeving strangers , and to adde them to their flocke , that they may enlarge Christs kingdome , then they may exercise Pastorall acts over , and above others then these of their owne charge ; but the former is true , Ergo , so is the latter . The assumption is cleare , because Prov. 93. Wisdome sendeth out her maids to call in these that are without ; and 1 Cor. 14. 24. the Prophets as Prophets were pastorally to convince ; and so to convert In●idels , who were not of their charge . M. Best answereth , These acts are not acts of a Minister as a Minister , a man and a wife , a father and a childe , a Pastor and a flocke are relatives , as I am a Father , I exercise not proper acts as a Father , but towards my owne children , what good I doe to others cannot be said to be the acts of a Father , but rather of a friend , a neighbour , a Christian , &c. Answ. He presumeth that a Pastor may preach and exercise pastorall acts , as a Christian , but so all Christians may pastorally preach though not called of God , contrary to the Scripture : a so women and private persons may invade the Pastors chare . 2. It is vaine to presse similitudes while they blood , for Christ properly is the bridegroome and husband of his Church , Eph. 5 6 , 27. John 3. 29 Rev. 19. 9. Rev. 21. 9. Is● . 54 5. Pastors are but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under suitors for the bridegroome , John 3. 29. This is Popish doctrine to make such a relation betwixt a mortall man and an independent Church . Pope Enaristus and Calix●us saith , while the Bishop liveth , the Church can no more bee given to another , without his consent , nor the wife can bee given to another then to her owne husband , without his consent . And so said Innocentius the third therefore at the consecration , after imposition of hands ( saith Vasquez ) and anointing of the Bishop , and delivering to him a staffe , a consecrated and blessed ring is put on his ring-finger in token he is married to the Church ; but what have we to do with such trash as this ? For in a word , the comparison of a marriage in this point is either Popish or unseasonable , or both ; because the mutuall consent betwixt A. B. and his wife , being essentially marriage , as the Canon Law , Divines , and sound Casuists acknowledge , it maketh A B. a husband , and also the husband of such a wife during their life-time ; but election of the people that A. B. be their Pastor , and A. B. his acceptation of the Church as his charge , maketh him not both a Pastor , and also the Pastor of that Church ; because the ordination of the Presbytery maketh A. B. formally and essentially a Pastor , I meane a called Pastor under Christ ; but the election of the people and his consent doth not make him a Minister , but doth only appropriate him after he is made a Minister to be the Minister of such a Church , and so the comparison halteth in the maine point for which it is alleadged ; therefore A. B. is made indefinitely a Pastor for the Church , and is obliged to labour the conversion of all , within and without the bounds of his Church , in as far as he is a Pastor : But forasmuch as the Church thinketh good to appropriate his Ministery to this particular congregation , for the more commodious congregating and gathering of the sheep of Christ , he is not so their Pastor , as he cannot exercise Pastorall acts towards others also , neither doth the place , Acts 20. 28. and 1 Pet. 5. 2. insinuate any such marriage-relation betwixt Pastor and Parish , as that he is a Pastor to none but his owne Parish , for as he is to seed specially , these over which the Holy-Ghost hath made him overseer , and amongst whom he is principally by the Churches speciall appropriation and application of his ministery to them : So also hath the Holy-Ghost made him an over-seer to feed indefinitely , and as Gods providence shall offer occasion , as many as God hath purchased by his bloud , Acts 20. 28. and as many as are the Lords heritage , 1 Pet. 5. 3. whether they be of his owne congregation or no , as the words clearly import , and he is a Pastor to them as they are the Lords heritage conquered with his bloud , and not because he is appointed Pastor over them , and no more . 3. Arg. Beleevers of divers congregations are members of a visible politicke body , and are to keep Church-communion together in exhorting , rebuking and comforting one another , and so may eate bread at the Lords Table , and be made one body , 1 Cor. 10. 27. but by this doctrine they may not eat at one Table of the Lord ; For if the Pastor may not administer the Sacrament lawfully to persons of divers congregations , neither may they receive the Lords Supper from him ; for if it be unlawfull for the Pastor to administer the Sacrament to these of other congregations , seeing he is to them as a Non-Pastor , and as a Christian only , they cannot lawfully receive the Supper of the Lord from a Non-Pastor : Yea , and Pastors baptizing Infants of other congregations doe sinne , and these Infants thus baptized are In●idels and non-baptized , because they are baptized by one who is a Non-Minister to the baptized . 4. Arg. That opinion must be reasonlesse and without ground , the speciall reason and ground whereof is false . But the speciall ground and reason of this opinion is false , Ergo , &c. I prove the assumption : The speciall ground thereof is , that ordination and election of Pastors are all one , and that Pastors have essentially their calling from the election of the people ; but there be wide differences betwixt ordination of a Pastor which essentially maketh him a Pastor , and the peoples chusing him to be their Pastor ; as 1. that all Divines according to Gods Word make them different things , as doe Theophylact , Cyprian , Athanasius , Ambrose , Chrysostome , Hyperius , Aretius , Professors of Leyden , Morneus , Plessaeus , Zanchius , Willet , Gers. Bucer , Zipperus . 2. The word of God restraineth ordination of officers to Pastors , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2. Tit. 1. 5. Acts 6. 6. Acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3. and ascribeth election of officers to the people , Acts 6. v. 5. 3. Ordination is an act of authority and supreme jurisdiction conjoyned with fasting , praying , and laying on of the hands of the Elders ; but publ●●●e praying and dedicating the Pastor to Christs service with imposition of hands is given to Pastors , Acts 6. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 14. Acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3. but never to the multitude of beleevers : Give an instance in all the Scripture of the ordination of Pastors and officers of the New Testament that way . No man ever alleadged any ; one place in Numbers they bring , where the children of Israel are said to lay on hands on the Levites ; but judge how six hundred thousand sighting men could all lay their hands on the Levites ? and these were not all Israel , but certainly these must be the heads and Princes of Tribes , who put hands on the Levites , as the word is often taken , as I observed before . Now ordination is an act of jurisdiction , such as is to send an Embassador ; but that an Embassador consent to goe ( such as is election ) is no act of jurisdiction : For a father to give his daughter in marriage to one is an authoritative act of a father ; but for the daughter to consent to the choise , is no act of authority , but an act of her private choise . 2. Ordination is that which formally makes the man and Pastor : The peoples election doth only appropriate the mans ministery to such and such a people : It is one thing to make a gold ring , this is an act of art , and another thing to propine and gift the ring to such a person . M. Jacob saith , the people hath power to reject a Minister who is unworthy ; True , they have power to reiect him from being their Minister , but their power of election or rejection hath no influence in either ordaining him to be a Pastor , or rejecting him from being no Pastor . Neither is it much that M. Best saith , that in this an Apostle differeth from the Pastor , that the Apostle is a Pastor through the whole Christian world , but the Pastor is tyed to a certaine congregation out of which he is not a Pastor . Answ. We allow of no Pastors ordained Pastors without a certaine flocke ; but this hindereth not , but ordination of a Pastor is one thing , and tying of a Pastor to be a Past●r of such a flocke is another thing , and that these two come from divers causes and grounds . An Apostle was a Pastor to all the world , yet might he exercise pastorall acts of preaching and praying towards these people who would not receiue his ministery , and against whom he was to shake off the dust of his feet , as a witnesse , and a Pastor is only the Pastor of that flocke over the which the Holy-Ghost by the Churches authority hath set him as their Pastor ; but yet so , as when he preacheth in another congregation , he ceaseth not to be a Pastor , howbeit he be not the Pastor of that flocke . They object , The essence of a Pastor is from something , but it can be from nothing but from the consent of the people . So M. Jacob. Answ. The pastorall calling is essentially from something , but it is not from the consent of the people ; because a man may exercise pastorall acts of preaching toward these who are most unwilling to receive his ministery , Ergo , the pastorall calling must be essentially from the ordination of Elders , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 3. They object , Whatsoever is essentiall at some times and places for the making of a Minister , is essentiall for ever ; but the peoples consent at some times and places is for the making of a Minister essentiall , and no other thing at that time can be essentiall : For example , when Christians came first out of Antichristian tyranny , when there are no lawfull Pastors , and in the first conversion of the Indies , where there are no Pastors . So Separatists and M. Jacob. Answ. I borrow this Argument , what is essentiall at some time and places for the making of a Pastor is evermore essentiall ; but ordination of Pastors by Pastors , and sending them to preach to the Indies , who are unwilling to receive their ministery is onely essentiall to make a man sent thither a Pastor ; for peoples consent in that case cannot be essentiall , where they will not give their consent at all , and non ens cannot be essentiall to the making of a Pastor . 2. What is essentiall for making a Minister who is extraordinarily called of God , is not ever more essentiall to the making of a Minister ordinarily called of God , in an Island where the Gospell is , if all the Pastors should dye , the people might chuse Pastors to themselves , but they could not then make Pastors , God onely without the ministery of other Pastors in that case should make Pastors ; but it followeth not hence that Pastors ordinarily have not their calling to be Pastors from the ordination of Pastors . 4. They object , When the Church electeth her Pastor , she saith , we give thee A. B. power to administer the word , seales and censures , and the Minister doth possesse and assume . Ergo , the people election is the essence of a Ministers calling . So John Smith . Answ. It is presupposed by order of nature , that A. B. is first called and ordained a Pastor by Christ , and 〈◊〉 laying on the hands of the Elders , 1 Tim. 4. 14. before the people can elect him for their Pastor : For if A. B. be no Pastor , people cannot chuse him to be their Pastor , neither doth the peoples election give any such power to A. B. That power is given by the Presbyteries act of ordination , by order of nature , before the peoples formall act of election : As the husband who in a Lapidaries shop chooseth a gold ring for his wife , and putteth it on her finger , presupposeth it was a gold ring before his chusing thereof , neither doth his chusing thereof make it a gold-ring , but onely make it his wifes gold-ring by application to her : Just so , peoples election appropriateth such a man who is already a Pastor to such a charge , but doth not make the Pastor a Pastor , but chuseth him only to be their Pastor . 5. Smith laboureth to prove that the ministery commeth not by succession from Ministers : For then ( saith he ) the ministery should be before there were any Church ; but the Church is before the ministery , and calleth the Ministers to office . Answ. The Church ministeriall , the governing Church , whereof we now speake , cannot be before there be a ministery ; for then there should be Ministers before there be Ministers , which is against common sense : The Church mysticall is before the Church ministeriall , I grant ; but a Church mysticall , or a Church of beleevers may chuse Pastors before they can ordinarily be their Pastors , but they cannot make Pastors : Yea , and God at same times supplyeth the want of popular election , while he calleth one to preach to a people , never consenting he shall be their Pastor , and so neither can the objector maintaine a succession of beleevers alwayes calling Ministers , nor doe we hold a constant ordination of Pastors in a continuall line of succession from the Apostles made by Pastors , the succession may be interrupted , but then God himselfe supplyeth the want of ordinary ordination appointed by himselfe , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Tit. 1. 5. 1 Tim. 5. 21 , 22. Acts. 6. 6. 6. They object , If a Ministeriall power come ( saith M. Smith ) , by succession from Presbyteries , then are Presbyters Lords of the Churches faith , in respect that the Church cannot enioy the holy things of God , howbeit she be of her selfe the body and Spouse of Christ , without the Presbyters consent . Answ. Any may here see right downe Anabaptisme , because the Church cannot enjoy pastorall preaching , and the Sacraments without Pastors appointed of Christ for that effect , Mat. 28. 18 , 19. John 20. 21 , 22 , 23. Mar. 16. 15. therefore Pastors are Lords of the peoples faith , so they may have Baptisme and the Supper of the Lord , because they are Christs Spouse and body , without Pastors . 2. By this goodly Argument , private beleevers preaching and baptizing are Lords of the faith of other private beleevers , who are their hearers , because notwithstanding that private beleevers be the body and Spouse of Christ of themselves ; yet can they not , by M. Smiths reasoning , enioy the holy things of God , without the ministery of private Christians preaching and administrating to them the Sacraments . 7. Smith objecteth , If ministeriall power come by succession from Ministers , then Ministers may excommunicate the whole Church of Christ. Answ. This is most weake , Illud tantum possumus quod de iure possumus . And by this reason the beleevers may excommunicate the whole ministery also , which is no lesse absurd . 8. Smith addeth , If the Eld●rs and Deacons dye , the succession faileth , and a mnisteriall power of Christ ●eing once lost can never be recovered againe , and so there shall be no Ministers in the world . Answ. Suppose in this or that Church all the Ministers should dye , yet it followeth not that a Ministery can utterly faile in the Church : It is contrary to Eph. 4. 11. and to the perpetuity of Christs kingly government and Thr●ne , which shall endure as the dayes of heaven : And what if God extraordinarily supply the want of ordination in this or that particular Church ? A ministeriall power is conferred in that case immediately upon some , in a Church removed from any Church-consociation from other Churches , and so Christs ministeriall power dieth not . 9. Smith re●soneth thus , to prove that beleevers may ordaine their owne officers , That which is given by Christ to the Church is in the power and possession of the Church , but officers and offices are given to the Church . Answ. What is given to the Church sinaliter & obiectivè , that is for the behoofe and good of the Church , for their edification and salvation as Gods proposed end , such as preaching and baptizing , that is in the Churches power and possession , is most false , and so I deny the maior proposition ; for preaching and baptizing is given by Christ for the good and salvation of women and private Christians ; yet women and private Christians may not preach , baptize and ordaine Ministers . Whatsoever is given to the Church , subiectivè , as to the proper subject , Mistresse and Spouse , to dispose and carve upon at her pleasure , is in the Churches power and possession : It is true , but now the assumption is false , because officers and offices are not so given to the Church of beleevers as to the subject . Christ ascending on high , gave Pastors and teachers for the Church of beleevers , for their gathering and perfecting , but not to the Church of beleevers . 10. If two or three ( saith M. Smith ) faithfull ones have power to make a Church , then have they power to make the Ministers of the Church , but two or three have power to make a Church . Ergo , two or three faithfull ones have power to make the Ministers of a Church . He proveth the major . They who can doe the greater can doe the lesse , to make a Church is greater ; for the Church is the Body , Spouse and Wife , the Ministers are but an ornament of the body , and so the lesse : The assumption he proveth , two or three faithfull ones have Christ , the holy things of David , the promises . Ergo , two or three have power to make a Church . Answ. These who can make a Church mysticall have power to make a Church ministeriall , or Ministers of a Church : that I deny : As for the probation , this proposition ( These who can doe the greater can doe the lesse ) must be right taken : It is true , in these same kind of works , and in the same kind of power . Christ can forgive sinnes , Ergo , he can doe lesse , he can say to a sicke man , take up thy bed and walke : So if by prayer Jacob obtaine a blessing from God , which is greater , then by prayer he will obtaine deliverance out of the hands of Esau , which is lesse ; but in powers of divers kinds it holdeth not true : A beleever by prayer may obtaine grace and perseverance , which is greater , but it followeth not , Ergo , hee can open the eyes of the blind , and worke miracles , which is lesse ; and therefore howbeit three can make a mysticall Church , which is greater , by a power of saving grace ( which is gratia gratum faciens ) It followeth not , that therefore they have a ministeriall and pastorall power of the keyes ( which is gratia gratis data ) to preach and make Ministers : For then , because Mary Magdalen hath power to beleeve that Christ buried shall rise againe from the death , which is greater ; therefore she hath power to preach and baptize , which is a lesser power : He who hath power to make a ship , hath not for that power to make a cup. 11. Smith reasoneth thus : These who have the true matter and forme , have the property which ariseth from the matter and forme , that is Christs ministeriall power to assume all the meanes of their edification to salvation ; but two or three faithfull ones are the true matter of the Church of the New Testament , and therefore have the true forme or covenant of the New Testament , and so have a ministeriall power arising from these two . Answ. These who have the true matter and forme of a mysticall Church of beleevers , these have the union and property of a mysticall Church resulting from matter and forme , is most true ; but they have not for that the true property of a ministeriall Church ; faith , and the covenant written in the heart is not the forme of a ministeriall Church , but of a mysticall Church of beleevers . Sixe borne Scottish men dwelling in Paris , make a body of Scottish men ; but they are not for that a politicke body of Scottish men living according to the Lawes of Scotland : Foure beleevers are a mysticall Church borne over againe by the Spirit of Christ ; but if they be no more but single beleevers , they are not for that a ministeriall Church , which is necessarily a politicke body governed by Christs Lawes , consisting of shepheard and flocke : But this man will have three beleevers , because they are beleevers , to be Ministers , and so taketh away all vocation and ordination of Church-officers by the Churches authority , which is flat Anabaptisme . CHAP. XVIII . Certaine Quaeres anent independencie of Congregations . Quaere 1. IF the independencie of Congregations stand , whether or no is a Democracie , and the actuall government of the Church in the peoples hands ? I answer affirmatively , seeing calling , ordination , censuring , depriving , and judiciall excommunication of Church-guides are in their hand , I see not what they want , and wherein Morellius erred . 2. Quaere . Seeing hence it followeth that single beleevers are to pray publikely , and exhort publikely , and authoritatively convince gainsayers at the ordination and deprivation of Pastors , if they may not also publikely preach and administer the Sacrament ? I answer : If you give to single beleevers one pastorall Act , you may with the like weight of reason give to them all . 3. Whether or no is a ministery necessary in a visible Church ? I answer : seeing all these eminent acts of the Pastorall charge by an ordinary power may be performed by single beleevers , I cannot see any necessity of a Ministery . 4. Whether or no then is every mysticall Church of beleevers , because it is such , a ministeriall Church , having the keyes both in use and power ? I answer : The former doctrine standing it is . 5. If every one borne of God be not by that birth borne also a Key-bearer to open and shut Heaven ? I answer , he is . 6. If hence a Senate of Elders who laid on hands at ordination of Ministers , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Acts 6. 6. be not then quite out of the Church ? I answer , in Churches independent it is quite gone . 7. If then all beleevers as well as the Apostles , and Paul , Timothy and Titus are not to lay hands on Pastors ? Answer , no doubt they are , but precept or practise therfore in the Apostolike Church I see none . 8. If the doctrine of refusing Baptisme to Infants , whose nearest parents are not , one of them , at least , beleevers , doth not inferre , that such a Church , where they are baptized is a false Church in the matter , and so in its constitution false ? Hence I leave it to be answered by authors of independencie , if they should not separate from such a Church ? 9. Seeing we judge Papists cruell in excluding from glory unbaptized Infants , when election and reprobation hath place in Infants not borne , Rom. 9. v. 11. If we can judge Infants borne of nearest parents unbeleevers , as the children of Pagans & Turks without the Covenant ; and if the sins of one unbeleeving Father , where many foregoing generations have been lovers of God , and keepers of his Commandements , doth exclude the Infants from the Covenant made with these beleeving forefathers ? Answ. We are to judge them in no Covenant with God by the former doctrine . Hence we require that places of Scripture where God is said to shew mercy on a wicked race of people : Yea , whose nearest parents were most wicked rejectors of Gods Covenant , and that for the Covenant made with Abraham , as Joshuah , 5. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Ezech. 20. v. 8 , 9 , 10. v. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. Psal. 106. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. and v. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , &c. v. 44 , 45 , 46. may be considered . 10. If children laden with iniquity , and the seed of evill-doers , Isa. 1. 4. doth beget in the visible Church a generation which is no more holy with externall and federall holinesse , th●n Indians and ●artarians who never heard of Christ : And seeing such a generation hath by the former grounds no right to the meanes of salvation , we aske with what faith we can keep any Church-communion with such , yea how the Gospell can be preached to them . 11. Whether or no we are to keep some Church-communion with an excommunicate person , who is to be rebuked as a brother , 2 Thes. 3. 15. and so is to be a hearer of the word , and for whose good we use the medicine of excommunication , that his spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. 4. We aske if ( the doctrine of Independencie standing ) we are not also totally to separate from an excommunicate person in the very externall Church-communion of hearing the word , seeing ten excommunicated persons joyned in Covenant for hearing of the word , are no Church , no Body , no Spouse of Christ. We see not how we are not by the former grounds totally to separate from them . 12. If we may rebuke a particular Church , and if she remaine obstinate , and will not heare , why may we not proceed acording to Christs order , Mat. 18 & tell the Church ? Answ. By the former grounds we are to stand at single rebuking , and proceed no farther . 13. Suppose the independent Congregation consist of ten Elders and an hundred beleevers : If the ten Elders abide sound in the faith , and the hundred beleevers erre in fundamentall points of faith : In that case we aske , 1. If Christ have appointed no pastorall or ministeriall act of discipline to reclaime these hundred who erre from the faith . I answer , none at all which may , authoritatively reclaime them , for they are the supreame independent Church . 2. Because it cannot be denyed but Pastors and Doctors of the s●id Eldership may preach against their errours , and shoot Heaven upon the pertinacious defendors of these p●rnicio●s errors , and that by the power of the keyes , Mat. 16. 19. Jo● . 20. 23. yet have they no power of discipline to shut Heaven upon them , who thus erre from the faith , nor to bind their sins on earth , because the Eldership is not the Church , neither hath power of j●●isdiction over the hundred erring beleevers . How can a power of binding and loosing by way of preaching , and that both in Gods Court and the Churches be in these who have no power of discipline to bind and loose . 14. Seeing the Sister-Churches of Colosse and Laodic●a , Col. 4. 16. and of Corinth , Macedonia , Achaia , Galathia , 2 Cor. 8. 1 , 2 , 3 , 18 , 19 , 23 , 24. chap. 9. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. are consociated together in a visible body , in externall acts of Gods worship , as to heare one and the same word of God , Col. 4. 16. and to doc Church-businesse and works of mercy toward the poore by their delegates and commissioners : We aske if consociated Churches tyed together in a visible Church-communion of acts of divine worship be not with as good reason a visible politick body of Christ , as many beleevers consociated in a Church-communion , if acts of divine worship doth make a particular Congre-gation . 2. If the former Church hath not the power of the keyes upon the grounds of a visible Church-communion among themselves , as a Congregation hath the power of the keyes upon these same grounds ? 3. If these consociated Churches be not a visible Body , Spouse , and covenanted people with God in Christ , as well as a little Congregation of sixe or ten beleevers ? 4. If such a greater body may not meet in their overseers , and exercise discipline , and governe the particular Congregations , as a Congregation doth meet in their principall members , and governe themselves , and all the members of the particular Congregation 5. We aske a reason , why in a Congregation of three hundred beleevers partaking one Word and Sacrament , a hundred of the three separated from the other two hundred cannot meet and exercise the power of the keyes by themselves alone , because one worship , and one government doth equally concerne them all , and by that same reason it should not be affirmed of ten Congregations , all partaking one Word and Sacraments upon occasions which neighbourly consociation doth furnish , that one cannot meet to exercise discipline in matters which in reason equally concerneth all the ten Congregations without subordination to the joynt authority of all the ten ? For if a hundred of three hundred cannot exercise discipline there alone , without the other two , reason would inforce one or two congregations of ten consociated congregations cannot meet , without subordination to the whole ten , wherof one or two congregations are part ; if ten be owners of one ship , six cannot meet and dispose or sell the ship , or repaire her cordadge , or any decayed part , without the power of the other foure , whom it concerneth ; so if ten congregations be visible owners and copartners of one Gospell one worship , one externall profession , and one communion with a brother , or separation from a scandalous person , we aske a reason how one congregation can meet and dispose of that common worship , government , and haunting familiarly with , or separating from a member of the Church , without subordination to all the ten congregations , whom it doth concerne ? 15. If the Eldership of one congregation make one visible representative Church ruling and governing the absents , we aske why the Eldership of six congregations may not judicially meet and rule six congregations also ? 16. If the power of the keyes be given to beleevers , as beleevers , because Christ is their King , Priest and Prophet , and all things are theirs , Paul , Apollo , Cephas , the world ? 1. It is asked , if none have the power of the keyes , but beleevers , and if all acts pastorall of preaching , binding and loosing , excommunicating performed by unbeleeving Ministers and Professours be not hence made null , as performed à non hab●ntibus potestatem , as if Turkes and Pagans had performed these ? We thinke they must be null . 2. We thinke children baptized by unbeleeving Ministers not baptized . 3. An unbeleeving pastor not essentially a pastor . 4. If , because Christ is given to the elect , and all things are theirs , and so all ministeriall power of the keyes , it is questioned , if amongst these all things given to the beleevers , we may not include the Magistrates sword , the Kings power , the masters power over the servant , the Captains power over the souldier , so that by that same reason there be no Kings , no Judges , no Masters , no Captains , save only beleevers , we see not how this followes not , as well as that the power of the keyes , and all things are given to beleevers , because Christ is given to them . 5. We aske if the power of the keyes in binding and retaining sinnes be not given to unbeleevers , or rather for them as Gods intended end , to declare the glory of his Justice in the vessels of wrath , as Rom. 9. 17. Esa. 8. 14. 2 Cor. 2. 16. 2 Cor. 10. 6 , 7 , 8. 17. Quere . If the distinction of a true Church . 2. A false Church , and 3. no Church can stand ? And if the distinction of true baptisme , 2. false baptisme , but valid and such as is not to be repeated , 3. and no baptisme can stand ? I answer , the doctrine of independency standing , we see not how a Church wanting the right matter and consisting of members who are not professed beleevers having saving faith , can be any thing but a non-Church , and such as is a non-Spouse , a non-body of Christ , and a non-covenanted people , and so wanting all power of the keyes . Qu●re . If the baptisme of that congregation can be valid baptisme , not to be repeated , I leave to the consideration of the learned . Yea , if the Minister be an unbeleever by the former grounds , it can be no baptisme . But some ●ay it is the baptisme of the Church , and so valid , suppose the Minister be an unbeliever , and so want power . I answer , the whole congregation may be unbelievers , as is the Minister , and so yet the baptisme comming from the Church , cometh from these who want power , and cannot be valid . 2. Suppose the congregation be a company of believers , yet I see not how by their authority they can make the baptizing of a Pastor wanting all power to be valid , for then if the Church should baptize by a Turke or a Woman , that baptisme should be valid , which no man can say . 18. What sort of an Assembly was the meeting , Act. 15. if it was a lawfull Synod of sundry particular Churches , or an extraordinary meeting , the practice whereof doth not oblige us ? If it was a meere Apostolick meeting obliging as Apostolick , and if it oblige us as Apostolick , how commeth it that the multitude spake , and gave their mind in that which obligeth us as Canonick Scripture ? For that the multitude spake our brethren collect from v. 12. and how is it that Elders and brethren determine in penning Canonick Scripture ? Except the first be said , there be many doubts here , of which the way of independency cannot cleare us ? Q. 19. How commeth it that the Lords Apostles , who were to goe through all the Nations of the world to preach the Gospell , doe so often assemble together to consult about the common affairs of the Church and discipline , as Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 4. Act. 6. 4. Act. 8. 14. Act. 11. 1. Act. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. Act. 15. Act. 21. 18. Act. 20. Paul and the Elders of Ephesus , v. 17 , 18. 1 Tim. 4. 14. it is questioned seeing these assemblies of many pastors from sundry Churches ( because the Scriptures saith they were occasioned by the present necessity of ordering things belonging to all the particular Churches ) if they were only temporary , extraordinary and Apostolick meetings , which oblige not us to the like practise , howbeit there be the like cause of meetings in the Church now , as errours and corrupt doctrine in many particular Churches , as were Act. 15. the murmurings betwixt Churches , as Act. 6. a suspitious practise of a pastor , which seemeth to be against Gods law , as Peters going in to the uncircumcised , Act. 11. 20. Whither or not Paul did not some things as an Apostle , as writing of Canonick Scripture , working of miracles . 2. And some things as a Christian , as Phil. 3. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. 3. And some things as an ordinary Elder and Pastor of the Church delivering some persons to Satan , 1 Cor. 5. 4. and whither or no is Pauls rod and authority , and his power of excommunicating , whereof he speaketh , 1 Cor. 4. 21. 1 Cor. 5. 4. 2 Cor. 10. 8. common to all believers ? Our brethren must say , it is common to all believers . 21. If the power of the keyes be given to all believers , a question is , 1. If Pastors have no other power of the keyes , but that same that believers have , seeing the ground of Christs gift is one and the same , to wit , alike interest in Christ , and if alike power of preaching , baptizing , excommunicating be in Paul , and all believers ? 2. Whither or no the calling of Christ and his Church doth not superadde and conf●rre to him who is made a pastour some farther power of the keyes , then h● had before he was cloathed with any such cal●ing , seeing , to rebuke , exhort and comfort one another , are d●ties of the law of nat●●e , and would oblige all , suppose Christ had given the 〈◊〉 of the keyes to none at all , wee see not , but our brethren must deny that the calling of the Church giveth any other power of the keyes then the believer had before he was called . 3. If there be not a greater power of preaching , baptizing and binding and loosing in the believers then in pastors , seeing believers give the power to pastours , and may take it away againe . 22. If six believers be excommunicated , and that justly , clave non errante , yet remaining believers , it is questioned , if they keepe not still the power of the keys ? they must keepe that power , and yet are no members of Christs visible body . 23. I desire a place may be produced in all the old or new Testament , where a ministeriall or governing Church is taken for a company of only believers ? This our brethren teach . 24. If all authoritative Assemblies , for renewing a covenant with God , restoring of the worship of God , be 1. A part of the paedagogy of the law of Moses , and removed by Christ ? 2. If these Assemblies in the Churches of Christ now be a species of Judaisme ? This we deny . 25. If believers exercising the most eminent acts of ordaining pastors , publick censuring , depriving and excommunicating pastors , publick convincing gain-sayers , be not formally hence made by our brethren , over-seers , watch-men for the soules of Pastors and guides , and so Pastors of Pastors ? We answer affirmatively , they are by the former grounds . 26. Let the godly and learned consider , if the Patrons of independent Churches are not to give obedience to Decrees and Canons of Synods , for the necessity of the matter , as a brotherly counsell from Gods Word obligeth in conscience the brother to whom the counsell and advise is given ; howbeit the tye be not authoritative by the power of the keyes , and if in that they are not to conforme . CHAP. XIX . Doubts against Presbyteriall government discussed , as about ruling Elders , Deacons , Widowes , the Kings power in things ecclesiasticall . Quest. 1. HOw doth Calvin and Cartwright deny that the Apostle speaketh of ruling Elders , Tit. 1. and yet Junius and Beza , that both a preaching and ruling Elder are there comprehended , So the authour of the survey of discipline . Answ. A great question anent the latitude of an haire ; how doth many Formalists make the Prelate an humane creature , and some jure humano , and yet Land of Canterbury and D. Hall maketh him , jure divino . 2. An office may be described two wayes . 1. Directly and expressely , as the Pastor , 1 Tim. 3. 2. Indirectly , as many things agreeing to the Deacon , as that he hold the mystery of saith in a good conscience , ●e be sober , grave , faithfull in all things , &c. all which are required in the Doctor and Pastor also . Quest. 2. How are the ruling Elders , 1 Tim. 3. omitted where the officers are named ? Paul passeth from the Bishop to the Deacon , omitting the ruling Elder : So is hee omitted , Ephesian . 3. 11 Philip. 1. 1. it is like they are not of Christs making , who are not in Christs rowle . Answ. Either the Prelate or the Presbyter is omitted , 1 Tim. 3. Phil. 1. not the preaching Presbyter , as is cleare by the description agreeing onely to him . Ergo , the Prelate is out of Christs rowle . 2. Doctors are omitted , Phil. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 3. and yet are set downe , Eph. 4. 11. yet are ruling Elders in other places , as Rom. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 3. Paul , 1 Tim. 3. is not describing offices , but giveth Canons , which generally agreeth to all Church-officers , howbeit he giveth instance in two , yet in such two as includeth all the rest , as he that laboureth in teaching and governing , and he that taketh care of the Church goods . When Moses describeth the Judge , he sheweth what a man the King , the Justice of peace , the Sheriffe , the Major of a City , the Lord of the privy Councell should be , howbeit these be not named in the Text. Hence , because they are not named , it followeth not that they are omitted , and not spoken of in the Text. Quest. 3. But Elders are not , 1 Cor. 12. 29. nor yet , Rom. 12. but only governours ( saith Whytgift and Dr. Field ) and it is an ill argument , à genere ad speciem affirmativè , he nameth gouernours , it followeth not therfore he nameth your governing Elders . Answ. 1. Where Paul setteth downe in order officers by their speciall names , ordinary and extraordinary , as first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly Teachers , &c. he cannot reckon out generals only , for so Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , should be also but generals , for the words in Scripture also signifie generals . 2. The enumeration should halt , which yet is orderly set down , if it were composed of a number of particulars and the generals of some easten in amongst them . Neither can some here well understand the civill Magistrate . 1. Because he speaketh of the Church as the body of Christ consisting of divers members ecclesiasticall , And God hath set some i● the Church , and also he speaketh of the Church , Rom. 12. 5. seeing wee being many are one body in Christ , and in that place the ruler is clearly differenced from the teaching Doctor , v. 7. from the exhorting Pastour , and him who showeth mercy in the Church , but the civill Magistrate is not a Church officer whom God hath set in the Church , as hee hath set Apostles , Prophets , &c. for God hath set him in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Common-wealth , and his influence in governing Gods house is meerely civill , coactive and regall , not pastorall , ecclesiastick and ministeriall . Neither yet can the place be meant of the governing Prelate . 1. Because the Prelate is thought to be the Apostles successour and is first in the roule , but the governours heere are some steps posterior to Apostles , Prophets , &c. 2. Because the Prelate giveth himselfe out to be a certaine preaching creature , such as it may be , 1 Tim. 3. 2. Tit. 1. 9. but the governours here in this lincke are contra-distinguished from Prophets and Teachers , and so the Prelate should either be a sole lord governor and no teacher , or then he shall be twise , yea thrice named in one verse , 1. under the name of an Apostle , next under the name of a Prophet , and lastly , should come in as a governour , so the Prelate , as in Church and State , so also in the Bible , he should carry too much booke . Now seeing here are governours in the Church , contra-distinguished from Prophets and Teachers , from a just enumeration they must be ruling Elders , and it is to be observed that the Apostle saith not , Are all Arch-bishops ? are all Primates ? And surely the Jesuites have no l●sse roome without th●ong to pinne in , in this wall , under the name of helpes and governments , their regular Canons and secular Priests , as Formalists can alledge for Prelates and their long tayle . What Tilenus saith against this place is fully answered by Didoclavius , for because the Apostle confoundeth or rather reckoneth together in one enumeration ordinary and extraordinary functions in the Church , will it follow he doth not here speake of ruling Elders ? If that reason be good , neither is the Prelate here , nor is the Pastor or the Doctor here , and if there be who excell in the gift of governing , who yet ar● not called to preach , who can deny the necessity of this office ? Many answers are given to elude the force of that place , 1 Tim. 5. 17. The Elders who rule well , &c. shall ever inforce that loytering Pastors , who labour not in the Word and Doctrine are commended by the Spirit of God , as worthy of double honour . For wee reason thus . If these sort of Elders who rule well , and especially these who labour in the Word and Doctrine are worthy of double honour , then are there two sorts of Elders , some who rule well , and some who labour in the Word and Doctrine . But the former is said , 1 Tim. 5. 17. Ergo , The latter must be true . The proposition in terminis almost is our thesis , if two sorts of Elders bee worthy of double honour , then are there two sort of Elders , for à qualitate & ab adjuncto subjecti ponitur subjectum ipsum : Also if Paul make the well ruling Elder worthy of double honour , and more especially the teaching Elder , then hee acknowledgeth some well-ruling Elder worthy of double honour , howbeit , hee labour not in the Word . A reason is ; because the positive and comparative are ever differenced , and maketh a number , when both are specified with particularities as here , they are by ( well-ruling ) and ( labouring in the word and doctrine . ) The Author of the Survay durst not looke this place in the face . Bilson , Field and Tylen deny our major proposition . If one should say ( say they ) a preacher is worthy of double honour , especially a painfull Preacher , he should not say there be two kinds of Preachers , some Preachers thus and thus , and some painfull Preachers , and a King is worthy of honour , especially a iust King , he should not make two sorts ; some are Kings , and some are iust Kings , as Deacons and Pastors are two sort of Offices . Answ. He who saith a Pastor is worthy of honour especially a painfull Pastor , should clearly insinuate that two sort of honours were due to Pastors two wayes considered ; For in the former part he should speake of the office , which indeed is worthy of honour ; In the latter part he should speake of the officer in concreto , laudably discharging his office ; but Paul speaketh not so ; for he speaketh not of the office , and the officer , of the abstract and concret , of the office , and the use and exercise of the office , as is here alleadged ; but he speaketh of officers in the exercise and use of their office in both : He saith not Elders are worthy of honour , for that might well beare this sense ; that the office of an Elder is worthy of double honour , which sense should be most true ; for the office of an Elder is worthy of double honour , which sense should be most true ; for the office of an Elder is worthy of honour . Suppose the man be wicked ; but the Apostle speaketh not of the office , but the officers , and the praise-worthy exercise of the office : The Elders who rule well are worthy of double honour , and so the example is not alike . 2. If Paul had put downe a generall onely in the former part , and said , an Elder is worthy of honour , this answer might have had some colour ( howbeit but a colour ) But now Paul putteth downe a speciall : Elders who rule well are worthy of double honour ; and with these another speciall sort of Elders , especially these who labour in the word and doctrine ; and so clearly he setteth downe two particular species and sorts of Elders : Now to make good the sense of the objectors of this , they must say , a worthy Preacher who ruleth well is worthy of double honour , but especially a worthy Preacher is worthy of double honour ; Therefore of necessity some Elders who rule well must be meaned in the former part , who are not meaned in the second , and these can in good reason be no other but ruling Elders and teaching Elders ; for these same sort of Elders cannot be understood in both places . 3. And this sense , suppose it should stand , should have but a colour of reason , because you shall never find the Spirit of God commend and praise the simple exercise of an office ; but the right and conscientious exercise thereof . Gods Spirit will not say , he who ruleth , and he who preacheth is worthy of double honour ; but he who ruleth well and preacheth well is worthy of double honour . 4. By this wild interpretation men may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , well-governing Pastors , who labour not in the word and doctrine , and so the dumbe Prelates , who hold it all one to be damned to a Pulpit , and to a man-mill , shall be Pastors worthy of double honour . Now Paul will not say this of a right Bishop , 1 Tim. 3. 2. Tit. 1. 9. because good governing in a Pastor includeth labouring in the word and doctrine , as the whole includeth the part : For preaching is a speciall act of overseeing and well-governing of soules , Jer. 1. 10. 2 Tim : 4. 2. Because the word is the instrument of pastorall governing , how can Pastors rule well by using aright the word of God , except they labour in the word , which is the shepheards staff : of right governing and painfull preaching , Heb. 13. 17. Acts 20. 28 , 29 , ●0 , 31. And so the Apostle shall say one thing twice ; to wit , these Pastors who rule well in labouring in the word are worthy of double honour , especially these Pastors who labour well in the word and doctrine . 5. To labour in the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 3. 8. 1 Cor. 15. 38. 1 Thes. 1. 3. Mat. 11 ▪ 28. is a word in the positive , and not in the superlative degree : And let it be a word of the superlative degree , if the well-governing Elder here signifie the Prelate ( as the currant exposition of Formalists is ) and the Elder labouring in the word and doctrine signifie the painfull preaching Presbyter , then the Presbyter who is a poore Pulpit-man is more worthy of double honor and double maintenance , and the Lordly benefice , then my Lord Prelate . This glose will offend the proud Prelate . Doctor Hall fetcheth from Scul●etus another poore interpretation : The Elders who rule well , that is , administer the Sacraments , make publike prayers , and privately admonish faithfull people are worthy of double honour , especially these who excell in the gift of teaching , which is more excellent then baptizing , 1 Cor. 1. 17. Answ. 1. We have a new office brought in in odium tertij , out of hatred to ruling Elders , and this is a creature who can baptize , administer the Lords Supper , and pray far off a print booke , and admonish in corners , but cannot preach ; but first I aske this fellowes name . 2. Where is such an officer in Gods word ? 3. By what warrant hath one power to administer the Sacraments , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , well as a well-governing Elder , who cannot preach the word and pray , this is but the reading Priest , who saith service for hire ; and yet he baptizeth ex officio , by his office : Christ conjoyneth the publike preaching and baptizing , Mat. 28. 18 , 19. as two parts of an office , and here they are separated and given to different officers . 4. How is a man called on that ruleth well , because he baptizeth well , and readeth faire in the booke ? and is not called on who ruleth well , because he preacheth well ? For it cannot be conceived how baptizing belongeth rather to well governing then good preaching . 3. Good governing is the Prelates element ; for so he saith himselfe ; but to preach base , it 's for his Chaplaine ; and by this , to read service , to baptize , to exhort privately shall make the Prelate a good governing Elder , but worthy of lesse honour then the preaching Presbyter : But the right Bishop , 1 Tim. 3. must both be apt to teach , and one who can governe well , and this maketh the Prelate in office only a Reader . But neither can Doctor Fields other glosse stand . The guides of the Church are worthy of double honour , both in respect of governing and teaching , but especially for their paines in teaching , so he noteth two parts or duties of Presbyteriall offices , not two sorts of Presbyteries . Answ. 1. By this it is the Prelates glory to preach , but he cryeth up courting and Lordly command , and in his practise cryeth downe preaching . 2. This interpretation wrongeth the Text : For the divers Pronounes must note divers persons , as is cleare in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it is all one as if Paul should say , That Archippus who ruleth well is worthy of double honour , especially that Archippus who laboureth in the word and doctrine , where as it is one Archippus who ruleth well , and laboureth in the word and doctrine . None use to speake so supersluously , or ignorantly , who understandeth the Greeke Language , except by way of excellency persons be noted which is not here : Also it should be untrue that any should be worthy of double honour for well governing , except only he who laboureth in the word and doctrine which is against reason , and the words of the Text. Neither can these words ( Tell the Church ) stand in a particular Congregation , if ruling Elders be removed , especially where there is a Pastor in the Congregation : For then the Church should either signifie the multitude of beleevers , which I have abundantly refuted , or the Pastor with the Deacons ; but Deacons have no jurisdiction in Gods Church by the word of God : Or thirdly the word Pastor it alone should signifie the Church which is Popish ; therefore of necessity there must bee some Rulers with the Pastors which make the ministeriall Church , of which our Saviour speaketh . Neither can the famous Councell at Jerusalem , consisting of Apostles , Elders and Brethren , exclude ruling Elders . D. Field citeth Cyprian , Tertullian , Hierom , Ambrose for ruling Elders , but doth no way satisfie the Reader ; for he maketh them all preaching Elders , and maketh all the Presbyters to be preaching Presbyters , that he may fill the field with Prelates . But 1. the Ancients by way of question , and as it were doubting at least polimickely determine that the Councell and voices of Elders should be had in governing the Church ; but seeing they all , and most expresly Hierom acknowledge , that Episcopus and Presbyter are all one , they must either understand other Elders then preaching Elders , otherwayes it was a question amongst them , if Bishops had voices in the government of the Church , which was never heard in all Antiquity . 2. Cyprian complaineth that seniores had been debarred in discipline , but acknowledgeth that Presbyters were so proud that they were Masters of all , and ruled all absque consensu seniorum ; therefore he acknowledged preaching Presbyters , and governing seniores to be diff●rent . 3. We are not to doubt but Hierom knew the mind of Antiquity better then D. Field , and that Hierom was not singular in this knowne to all : Quid facit Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter exceptâ ordinatione ? Hence Pastors have had in the ancient Church all power of jurisdiction with these who were , as Hierom saith , Bishops or Prelates , consuetudine , non dominicâ dispositione , by the Churches custome , Prelates above Pastors , and this is the judgement of all our Divines , who have ever judged the contrary Popery , and a step to the Popes Chaire . I might cite Calvin , Beza , Junius , Bucan , Pareus , Vrsine , Luther , Melancthon , Polan . Piscat●r , Sibrandus , Aretius , Danaeus , Fenerus , Kickerman , Rivet , Walleus , Professors of Leyden , Gil , Voctius , and many others . Now if Antiquity tooke Episcopus and Presbyter for all one , except in the sole act of ordination , and in all other points of jurisdiction they were equall , what meaned that word that the Ancients all approved , none gains●ying that ever I saw who are not parties or corrupted by Prelates : Episcopi nihil faciunt sine consilio Cleric●rum ; and nihil sine consilio Presbyterorum . The meaning must be ridiculous , except ruling Elders be understood . Pastors doe nothing without the advise of Pastors , and Bishops doe nothing without the counsell of Bishops ; for Bishops and preaching Presbyters are all one , except in the act of ordination . We never read 〈◊〉 soun● antiquity that Bishops domineered over Bishops , ; Yea it is knowne the Bishop of Constantinople , and the 〈◊〉 had the dignity above the Bishop of Rome , and the Ch●rch of Rome . Ambrose or as venerable a man. The Jewish Church or Synagogue , and after the Church had Seniors or Elders , without whose counsell nothing was done in the Church , which by what negligence it grew out know not , unlesse it were by the sloth or pride of the teachers , whilest they alone would seeme to be something . Here are Elders di●●erenced from teachers : It is ignorantly replyed by Field , that none were teachers but Prelates , and all others teached by permission from the Prelate , because Valerius Bishop of Hippo gave Augustine a Presbyter leave to preach . Answ. That none were teachers but Prelates is most false . What then , suppose we grant that ? were none called teachers but Prelates ? he dare not say that . Tertullian , Irenaeus , Hierom , Augustine , Cyprian , Ambrose , Chrysostome , Oecumenius , Theophylact , Cyrillus , Prosper . Hillarius a thousand times calleth all Pastors , Doctors , teachers : And what , howbeit Christ be the only Arch-doctor and teacher , and all others teachers by his grace and gracious permission , are not Apostles , Bishops , Pastors called teachers , a hundred times in Gods word ? and this man will not give the Ancients leave to call poore Presbyters teachers , and yet Paul giveth them this name , as they are contradistinguished from Apostles , Eph 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. 29. Q. 4. But the Ancients knew no Lay-Elders . Answ. Nor doe we de iure know them , they are Church-men , and should be for all their life-time entertained upon the Churches charges , what our Church , de facto , doth tolerate by reason of our Churches poverty , is another question . Q. 5. How is it that your ruling-Elders doe not give imposition of hands , and blesse Pastors , when they are ordained , and so the lesser should blesse the grerter ? So the author of Survay . So D. Field . Answ. If they judicially cons●nt to imposition of hands , it is sufficient . 2. There is no inconvenience that a ruling Elder , as a part of the Presbytery blesse one , who is not yet a Pastor , but to be ordained a Pastor : For the ordainer as he is such is greater then the ordained . Q. 6. Beza giveth the keyes to both Pastors and Elders . Cartwright denyeth the koyes to any except only to Pastors . But Daniel Ni●llius , the keyes ( saith he ) were given to Peter , ratione officij , by his office , and not to the Apostles only , but also to all who were to be sent to preach and govern● . Answ. The keyes by the preaching of the Gospell , Potestas concionalis clavium , were given to Peter as representing all Pastors and Doctors , tanquam subiecto adaequato : The keyes by way of disciplinary binding and loosing were given to Peter , ta●quam , subiecto virtuali , representing not only Pastors , but also Doctors and ruling Elders , who were to be called and sent of God. Q. 7. How can any voice in matters of Religion , but only Pastors , for ruling Elders are not Pastors . So Field . Answ. It is Jesaite-like to reason thus with Bellarmine , who saith , it is a pastorall act to define in Councels ; and therefore none should teach in Councell ( saith Panormitan in the Councell of Basill ) but Prelates who are the pillars and keyes of Heaven . So said Eccius . But the Councell of Basill thought not so , nor the Greeke Church , for whom Nilus speaketh alleadging others whom it concerneth , should voice also . 2. Matters of discipline concerneth all , Ergo , Elders representing the people should voice . 3. Suppose that the suffrage and voice of a Pastor , and of an Elder be voices different onely in diverse relatio●s to divers officers , to wit , the Pastor and the Eider ; yet in the matter of bearing weight in the conscience from force of truth , and not from the authority of men , they are equall ; and therefore ruling Elders having knowledge and light , and withall authority of office may well have voices : But it followeth not hence that these who have knowledge are formall Canon-makers , because the Decrees and constitutions of Synods lay two obligations upon the people : One for the matter , and so in respect that in the morall part thereof they m●●t be agreeable to the word , they bind the consciences to an obedience of conscience . 2. They impose an Ecclesiasticall tye from the authority of the Co●●cell and Canon-makers , and so they require subjection or obedience of reverence for the authority officiall that is in the Canon-makers : The second command layeth on the first bond or tye , and the first command layeth on the other bond and tye . Q. 8. Philip and Steven , who were Dea●ons , baptized ●nd preached , Acts 21. 8. Acts 7 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. but your Dea●ons may not preach nor baptize , that so they may be prepared for the ministery , according to that 1 Tim. 3. 13. For th●y who have used the office of a Deacon will , purch●●e to themselves a good degree , and great boldnesse in the faith . Answ. What Philip and Stephen did , in facto , in an extraordinary fact , nihil ponit in iure , it belongeth nothing to Law , but the 〈◊〉 , of it selfe , is a serving of Tables , and a taking of the burden of caring for the poore of the Pastors , that the Pastors may give themselves to the word and prayer , Acts 6. 2 , 4. Now if Deacons ex officio , turne Preachers , and give themselves to the word and prayer , then by the Apostles reason , Acts 6. 4. they cannot serve Tables , but they must have other Deacons to take the burden of the poore off them , that they may give themselves to the word . 2. Christ ordaineth , Mat. ●8 . 18. Apostles and Pastors their successors to preach the word , and not Deacons . 3. There shall be moe officers in Gods house given for the edifying of the Saints , then Pastors and Doctors , even preaching Deacons ; yea all the offices in Gods house shall be Preachers ; the Prelate to Formalists is a peece of a Preacher ; the Pastor and Doctor by their office must preach ( the ruling Elder is nothing to them ) and the Deacon is a teacher , and so all are teachers , ex officio , why then do●h Paul , 1 Cor. 12. difference betwixt Governours , helps and teachers , seeing all are teachers ? 4. Rom. 12. He who sheweth mercy , and he who distributeth are differenced by their specificke acts from the Pastor who exhorteth and preacheth . 5. Paul requireth , 1 Tim. 3. that the Pastor be apt to teach ; but he requireth no such thing of the Deacon , whose qualification he describeth at length . 6. The well using of the Deacons office is no more by , 1 Tim. 3. 13. a degree to the ministery or pastorall calling , then , much boldnesse in the faith is a degree thereunto , for he , who ex officio , doth preach and baptize , is not a degree to a Pastor , as he who discourseth is not in degree to be a man , or in preparation a man onely ; but he is formally a man , now to preach and baptize , are specificke acts of a Pastor , Mat. 28. 18. and so the Deacon must be formally a Pastor , as he is formally a a man who can and doth performe acts which proceed only from the specificke forme of a man. 7. It is a mystery that a Deacon may preach and baptize , but he may not administer the Sacrament of the Lords Supper : For 1. Philip an Evangelist as well as a Deacon might have done both . 2. Is the Sacrament of the Lords Supper holier then the Sacrament of Baptisme , that the Deacon may administer the one Sacrament , and not the other ? But this is a Masse-mystery , there is no Transubstantiation in Baptisme , and therefore a woman , a laicke ( as they speake ) may baptize ; but he must be a consecrated and orderly Priest who hath power to make and create the naturall body of Christ. So Greg. de Valentia , Suarez , Vasquez , Bucanus teacheth us . 3. The word of God knoweth not any who have power to baptize , and have no power to administer the Lords Supper . 8. The Popish Libeller in the Survay saith , when now contributions and collections cease , the Deacon may preach and baptize . Then Deacons ordained , Rom. 12. 8. Acts 6. 4 , 5. 1 Tim. 3. are now out of the world , and they have given to us for a well made Deacon , an ill made and a spilt Minister ; but the cause remaining the office should remaine , the Churches poverty remaineth : For the Prelate hath a singular faculty of creating beggars in his Officiall-Courts . Q. 9. How is it that you have taken away widowes , which was an office established by the Apostles ? Rom. 12. 8. For some say they should be gone , because they were temporary , and the heate of the Easterne Countries which caused sicknesse , required them , but they are not needfull now . So saith Cartwright . Others make them perpetuall , as Fenner , some make them to be women , as Cartwright , some men , as Travors , some neither men nor women onely , as Beza and Junius . Answ. The perpetuall use of that office we thinke continueth , that is , that there be some to shew mercy on the poore , which are captives , exiled , strangers , diseased , distracted , and that there be Hospitals for that effect , and Chirurgians , Physicians , aged men and women , but that widowes were officers in the Church , as Elders and Deacons are , we thinke no ; but that that service may be performed by men or women , as the Church shall thinke good . Cartwright thinketh no other then what I say . Fenner thinketh well that the sicke should alwayes be cared for , neither by men only , nor by women onely , as Beza and Junius thinke , but by both as need requireth . Quest 10. Presbyteriall government cannot consist with a Monarchy , you ioyne with Papists in oppugning the Princes authority in causes Ecclesiasticall . Cartwright , Viretus , Calvin teach that the authority of Kings commeth immediately from God the Creator , not from God in the Mediator Christ. So the Survay . Answ. It is the slanderous malice of Court-Sycophants , to say , a friend to Christ cannot be a friend to Caesar ; but we set downe our mind here anent thus . 1. Concl. Presbyteriall government , and the regall power of Monarchs doe well consist : Paul a favourer of this government , 1 Tim. 4. 14. commandeth that prayers be put up to God for Kings and all who are in authority , and so doe we teach . 2. Conclusion . Our adversaries here corrupt the mind of Cartwright , Viretus , Calvin , and others , who say that the authority of Kings come immediately from God as Creator , and not from God in Christ as Mediator : For the kingly power is considered two wayes , 1. In generall , as kingly , and in the person of heathen Princes , who know nothing of God as a Redeemer in the Mediator . And so the kingly power in generall as given for the good of all humane societies in generall , is from God the Creator for the good of all societies whither heathen or Christian. So Nebuchadnezzar , Darius , Nero , and Julian were essentially Kings , and yet had not their kingly power immediately from the Mediator Christ , except in this generall sense that the kingly power is a lawfull ordinance of God warranted by the word of God , and Testament of our Testator Jesus Christ , because these are essentially Kings and lawfull Magistrates who either never heard of Christ , nor any thing of God ; but onely that he is Creator of the world , or then who persecute and hate the name of Jesus Christ. It may be that the fruits of persecuting Princes , their government redound to the ●ood and salvation of the Saints , and that by accident , as all things worke out for the good to those who love God. Now ●ormalists denying such to be lawfull Kings , as either know not Christ , or beleeve not in him , joyne hands with Papists , and make way for Anabaptisticall Ana●chy , that a persecuting , or an unbeleeving King is no King , not to be obeyed , but to be turned out of his Throne : And to this meaning , Calvin , Viretus , and Cartwright teach that the kingly power floweth immediately from God the Creator , not from God in the Mediator Christ. But 2. th● kingly power is considered in a speciall manner , as it is in a Christian , whether professing onely the Gospell , or truly beleeving in Christ , and so in relation to Christs Church and to the soule of a beleeving Prince , the kingly power floweth from God in and through the Mediator Jesus Christ , as all common favours which in general● flow from God the Creator , are sanctified , and blessed to the beleevers in the Mediator Christ , as meat , drinke , sleep , riches , kingly honour . And in this meaning , Sauls kingly honour in respect of Saul himselfe is but a common favour flowing from the Creator ; howbeit to Gods Church , for whose good he did fight the battels of the Lord , it was a speciall favour flowing from God in Christ , as our Divines say that creation ( which in it selfe is a common favour to all ) is a meane in the execution of the Decree of El●ction to the children of God. 3. Conclusion . Hence our Divines say , that kingly authority is the same ordinance of God essentially considered in the heathen Princes , as in Christian Kings , as Cartwright and others say . Neither doth it follow as our unlawfull Canons teach , That the Christian Kings now have that same power in Causes Ecclesiasticall , which the godly Kings amongst the Jewes , as David and Salomon had : ●or David and Salomon were Prophets as well as Kings , and had power to pen Canon●cke Scripture , and to prophesie , which power in Ecclesiasticke causes no King now can have . Neither doth it follow which Whytgift saith , that we give no more authority to the Christian Magistrate in the Church of Christ then to the great Turke . Our Divines say , and that with good warrant , that the kingly power as kingly , is one and the same in kind in heathen Nero , and in Christian Constantine , As a heathen man is as essentially a father to his owne children , and a husband to his owne wife , and a King to his owne subjects ; as a Christian man is a father , husband , and king to his owne children , wife , and subjects . Neither doth Christianity superadde , and give of new any kingly power to a King , because he is now become by Gods grace of a Heathen King , a Christian King , Christianity addeth indeed a new obligation to imploy his kingly power , which he had full and entire before , now in its exercise and use to more regall and kingly acts , as to take care that the Gospell be soundly preached , the Sacraments and discipline of the Church kept pure , and heretickes punished according to that , he to whom much is given , from him much shall be required : But the same King , while he was a heathen King , had the same kingly power and authority to performe these regall acts ; but being yet a heathen , he wanted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supernaturalis , a supernaturall or reall and physicall power to performe these acts ; now this power which he wanted before he heard of the Gospell and beleeved in Christ , was not a kingly authority , for then he should not have been a compleat Heathen King before , which is against Gods word , commanding obedience to heathen Kings , Rom. 13. 1 , 2. 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. 1 Pet. 2. 17. but this power that he wanted is a Christian power to exercise regall and kingly acts : Neither is this an inconvenience , that power to exercise the acts of a calling in a Christian manner , be Christian and supernaturall , and yet the authority kingly , and not formally Christian , but such as is , and may be in a heathen King ; therefore kingly power and Christian power are here carefully to be distinguished , and a Christian Kings power as a Christian , is more then the Turks power in Church-matters . Hence our Adversaries here dethrone and degrade the King ; for they give the King a head-ship and dominion over the Church as he is a Christian man , and take that headship from him as a King ; because if the Turke by sword should conquer Britaine , and become our King , by their grounds he should be Head of the Church , no lesse then our Christian Prince who now re●gneth over us , and certaine it is a poore Headship that they give to the King , even such a Head-ship as a Heathen King and the Turke , hath over subdued Christian kingdomes ; and thus by their way Nero and Julian were heads of Christs Church . 2. If unbeleeving Kings cease to be Kings , then when they commit any fault that maketh them in Gods Court no members of the Church , they are to be dethroned , which is most seditious doctrine , and so Formalists herein joyne with Papists . 4. Conclusion . There be these distinctions here consider●ble : 1. The Kings power ordinary and extraordinary . 2. His power as a King. 2. and as a singularly graced Christian. 3. His power hortatorie as a Christian , and coactive as a King. 4. His power accumulative , not privative in Church-matters . 5. His power in actibus imperatis , in acts commanding to another , and his power in actibus elicitis , which he is to performe himselfe . If a King were a Prophet as a David , he might doe many things in an extraordinary way in Church-matters , which he cannot now ordinarily doe . 2. As a singularly graced Christian , he may write Sermons and Commentaries on holy Scripture for edifying the Church ; but this should be done by him by no kingly faculty . 3. As a Christian he may exhort others to doe their duty , but as King he may command that which Paul commanded Timothy and Titus , to commit the Gospell to faithfull men who are able to teach others , to preach in season , and out of season , to lay hands suddenly on no man , and reforme Religion , purge the Church of idolatry , and superstition , as Joshuah and H●zekiah did , all which Church-men and Synods might doe also ; but Synods doe this in an Ecclesiasticke way , upon the paine of Ecclesiasticke censures . The King doth it by a regall , kingly , and coactive power of the sword . 4. the Kings power is accumulative , in giving to the Church , and ayding and helping ; God hath given to the King the ten Commandements , and the Gosp●ll , as a pupill is given to a Tutor : The King holds his sword above the Law of God , to ward off the stroakes of wicked men who doe hurt the Law ; but the Kings power is not privative , to take any priviledge from the Law and the Church : so his power is as a tutor to keep , not as a father who may both give and take away from his son the inheritance ; his power is defensive , not offensive . 5. He hath power in actibus imperatis , to command that all preach sound Doctrine , decree just Canons , exercise discipline aright , but in actibus elicitis , in acts performed by an intrinsecall power in the agent , he hath no power : for the King as King cannot preach himselfe , nor baptize , &c. as the will may command the eye to see , the feet to walke , but the will doth not see nor walk : Here two errours are to be rebuked . 1. Whitgift saith , the King is not the head of the Church as it is a society of elect and believers , for so the government is spirituall , but he is the head of the Church , as it is a visible society in externall government , comprehending good and evill . For 1. The government visible and externall is meerly ecclesiasticall , by Christs spirituall lawes and censures , of rebuking , binding , loosing and excommunicating ; but the King is not an ecclesiasticall person , and so not the head who hath any intrinsecall influence as King in these acts . 2. He is the head of the persons who make the Church , and so is a politick head , but he is not the head of the Church visible , as it is such . The head visible and member● are of one nature , the King as King is a politicke and civill head , the visible Church is not a politick and civill , but an ecclesiastick body , so Camero erreth who will have all Church-men synodically constituting and decreeing Canons , and in all acts of externall government subordinate to the King as King , as the instruments and servants are subordinate to the principall cause and first commander . 1. Because then the King should be the principall ecclesiastick matter , and prime Canon maker , the King the first excommunicater when the Church excommunicateth ; but the members of a Church-Synod are immediately subordinate to Christ whose servants and instruments they are , and not the servants of the King. Nathan as a man was Davids servant , but as a Prophet he was Gods servant , and not Davids servant . Hence a third errour of court sycophantes must be rejected , that the King hath a negative voice in discipline , and in Church-Assemblies , which is most false . 1. Because Christ hath promised to lead his Church in all truth , to be with her to the end , to be in the midst of his owne assem●led in his name , and this promise Christ maketh and keepeth under Heathen Kings , who have no voice at all in Church-Assemblies , 1 Cor. 4 ▪ 5. Math. 18. 23. Act. 15. 28. 2. If the acts of Church-Assemblies have no ecclesiasticall power , without the consent of a Christian ●rince , by that same reason the acts of publick preaching , baptizing and administring the Lords Supper should lay no ecclesiasticall bond upon mens consciences , except the King should consent unto these acts ; but the latter is against the Word of God , Jer. 1. 10. Jer. 1. 18 , 19. 2 Cor. 10. 4 , 5. and most absurd . Ergo , so is the former . I prove the connexion , because that same power of Christ which is given to the Church conveened for acts of discipline is given for preaching , and the conferring of the seales of the covenant ; for the Church hath the keyes to bind and loose from Christ equally independent upon any mortall man in discipline , as in doctrine , so in discipline the Kings power cannot be to impede all acts of discipline or to make them null , except he consent to them . 3. Because these words are absolutely made good , without the interveening of any other authority . Whatsoever ye binde on earth , shall be bound in Heaven , and whatsoever ye loose on earth , shall be loosed in Heaven , els Christ would have said , whatsoever the King or civill Magistrate shall binde on earth , shall be bound in Heaven , otherwise nothing is ratified on earth or Heaven either , which the Church bindeth or looseth , because the King saith not Amen to it . 4. If a contumacious brother shall refuse to heare the Church , hee is not for that to bee excommunicated and to be reputed an Heathen and a Publican , because the civill Magistrate doth not repute him such an one . 5. Of that free grace , wherby God heareth the prayers of two or three agreeing to pray for one thing on earth , the Lord bindeth and looseth in heaven that which his Church bindeth and looseth on Earth , Mat. 18. 19. but the Lord heareth the prayers of two or three agreeing to pray for one thing on Earth , though the civill Magistrate doe not give his consent that these prayers be heard and granted of God ; because the Magistrate is no intercessour without whose consent God heareth not prayers . The proposition is cleare from Matthew 18. ver . 18 , 19. 6. If the Magistrate have such a joynt power of binding and loosing , and of forgiving and reteining sins with the Church , then also with the Apostles and their successours ; but Christ gave this power to his Apostles without any such condition , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. John ●0 . 22 , 23. and they practised this power without consent of the Magistrate , and preached and excommunicated against his will , 1 Tim. 1. 19 , 20. 1 Cor. 5. 4. yea , as the Father sent Christ , so should the Father have sent the civill Magistrate , for so are they sent who have power to forgive and retaine sinnes , John 20. 21 , 22 , 23. 7. That power which upon just reasons we deny to the Pope , that we cannot give to the King , but upon just reasons we deny to the Pope a negative voyce in Councels , to anull lawfull Councels conveened in the name of Christ , except he who is the virtuall Church say Amen thereunto , neither is the King the virtuall Church . 8. If a woe be due to a Pastor , if he preach not , suppose the Magistrate should forbid him to preach , then also is a woe due to the Church , which useth not the keyes , though the Magistrate forbid , then hath the Magistrate no such voyce , and if the Church of Pergamos be rebuked for not using the power of the keyes against these who held the Doctrine of Balaam and the Nicolaitanes even when the Magistrate was a killer of the witnesses of Jesus , then the Magistrat● hath no such negative voyce , for it should not be possible to censure the followers of such Doctrine , seeing , hee was against both Doctrine and Discipline , but the Lord reproveth P●rgamos in this case , Revelation 2. ver . 13 , 14 , 15. 9. There is no Word of God to prove that the Lord hath given the power of th● keyes to the King as the King , and therfore we are not to believe that he hath any such power . Also if the fore-said power of the keyes be given to the Church without any such power of the King , the Church by all the former arguments may conveene to exercise that power , in preaching , binding , loosing , excommunicating , suppose the civill Magistrate should discharge and inhibit these meetings , for if the power of the keyes be given immediately by Christ to the Church , then the power of meeting for the exercise of that power must also be given , though the Magistrate say not Amen , as is cleare , Mat. 18. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. 1 Cor. 5. 4 ▪ 5. 1 Cor. 11. 19 , 20. where the Church had her owne Synods without the consent of a civill Magistrate , but we are to repute it a speciall favour of God , when the King as a nursing-●ather will countenance Synods with his royall presence , God blesse our King. 5. Conclusion . The Kings royall power in adding his sanction to the ecclesiasticall constitutions , and in punishing such as are decreed to be hereticks by the Church is regall , and not ministeriall and servile . See for this the Con c. Chalced. A●t . 16. the Imperiall lawes , Cod. l. 1 tit . 8. leg . 2. Heretic . Vocab , & decret . p. 2. caus . 23. q. 8. c. 30. crossing Bellar. de pont l. 1. c. 7. So do their owne men goe against Bellarmine in this , as Sanderus de clavib . David . l ▪ 2. c. 13. Carerius de potest . sum . pont . l. 2. c. 23 Leo epist. 38. to Martian and Pulcheria , and Leo epist. 7. to Theodosius . Becanus erreth here with Bellarmine , making the King as a servant obliged to adde his sanction civill to ecclesiasticall Canons . Becan . in opusc . exam . conc . Anglic c. 7. 1. Because the use of the sword at Gods commandement is a kingly act commanded by God , and is service done to God , not to the Church . 2. Neither is the King so to execute the Churches will , as he should judge only of the fact , and of the assumption , yea he is to judge of the law , and of the major proposition . I or we see not in the Word of God , where a Judge is a Judge to punish a fault , and is not to know judicially that it is a fault : a Judge as a Judge should know such a thing to be heresie , and not tak● it upon the word of an Assembly of Church-men , Deu. 17. 18 ▪ 19. he is expresly to reade and know the law , and to know and remember the Decree , Prov. 31. 5. And the cause which he knoweth not he is to search out , Job 29. 16. all which is meant of a knowledge not of private discretion , which is required in all private Christians , but ( as I take these places ) of a knowledge judiciall and authoritative which agreeth to a Judge as a Judge . 3. If a Synod erre , and decree that man to be an heretick who is sound in the faith , the King is not obliged to erre with the Synod , and to punish the innocent , he is to decree righteous judgement , and so the King is to judge of heresie , but after a regall and civill way , and with a coactive pow●r , as the Synod or Church-Assembly is to judge of heresie after an ecclesiastick way , and with a spirituall power . 2. The King punisheth heresie as it troubleth the Common-w●alth , and the Synod as it is scandalous and infectious in the Church . Yea and the Christian King ruleth over men as men , and also as Christian-m●n ; he ruleth over them as men , with a dominion over their bodies , lives and goods by his civill lawes , he hath also dominion as King over men , as Christians and members of Christs kingdome and Church , not over their consc●ences ( for that is proper only to the father of spirits ) but he hath a coactive power over all men , even Pastors , as to cause them do their Christian duties , he hath power to compell Church-men in Assemblies to determine truth , and to use the keyes right , and to preach and use the Sacraments according as Christ hath commanded in his Word , and to punish them when they do otherwise . What then if the King discerne that to be truth , and absolve the man , whom the Church-Assembly doth condemne as an heretick , who shall judge betwixt them ? I answer , the infallible rule of judging for both is the Word of God , which speaketh home unpartially to both , if they will heare , but certainly the Kings civill , kingly coactive power to compell men to doe their duty remaineth the highest and most supream power on Earth , in genere potestatis politicae , in the kind of politick power , and pastors and all men may , by this power , be compelled to do right , as for the abuse of the power , it is no part of the power , and in this kind the King hath a negative politick and kingly suffrage and voyce in all Church Assemblies , no ecclesiasticall constitution hath the force of a law without the politick suffrage of the civill Judge . And againe the ecclesiastick power that Christ hath given to his Church remaineth : also the most supreme power under Christ in genere potestatis ecclesiasticae , and the King is subject to this power . The King is not excepted in this , He that despiseth you despiseth me , and in this , whatsoever ye shall binde on earth shall be bound in Heaven , and in this , whose sinnes ye remit , they are remitted , and whose sinnes ye retaine they are retained , and this ecclesiasticall power being the highest on Earth , Pastors may command Kings in the Lord , Jer. 1. 10 , 18 , 17. to doe their duty by an ecclesiastick power . Arminians and Formalists both aske which of the two powers are highest , and nearest unto the head Christ , whither the kingly power , or the ecclesiastick power , for two paralell highest powers on earth cannot be . I answer , by asking which of the two shoulders , in a mans body are highest , and nearest to the mans head ? Certainly one of them in a well proportioned body is not higher then another , and both are alike neare the head , as none of two pole-starrs are nearer to their Zenith and Nadir , none of two wheels in a right Chariot are higher then another . The Church power ( saith the Prelate Davenant ) is highest in teaching and directing ; the kingly power in commanding and compelling . Barclai compareth them to two shoulders under one head . Meisner saith , one of them is not above another . There is no absurdity ( saith Spalato ) that in two bodies formally different there should be two heads , yea it is necessary . The Roman Glosse saith , Patricius is the Popes father in things temporall , and the Pope is his father in things spirituall , as Cusan saith , Papists ( saith Spalat . ) have deleted that out of the Glosse . So Berengarius , Gelasius Papa , Nicolaius the I agree to these words , Sciendum quod nec Catholicae fidei , nec Christianae contrarium est legi , si ad honorem regni , & sacerdotij , Rex pontifici , & pontifix obediat regi . Spalato seemeth against Bellarmine , to make up the losses made by Papists in Kings honour , while he holdeth , that the King his person , and as he is a Christian man is subject to Church-power , but as King he is subject to none , but to Christ , from whom immediately he hath his kingly dignity , even as ( saith he ) when an Emperours servant , being a Physitian , the Emperour as Emperour is not subject to the Physitian , but only the Emperour as he is a wounded man is subject to the art of his owne servant who cureth him , and that of the Emperour ▪ free-will , not by coaction , so the Image-maker or he who maketh pourtracts , in his art is not subject to the King , neither is the King as King , Master of the art of painting , or pourtract-making , the art onely is subject to the precepts and principles of art , but the person of the painter is subject to the kingly power ; for the King , as Bellarmin saith , may forbid the Image-maker to draw obscene and filthy Images , or to waste too much gold or silver upon his Images , or to sell his images at too deare a price . Hence , saith he , the kingly dignity is not subject to the ecclesiasticall power , or to any other power on earth , but only to Jesus Christ. I answer , the Prelate doth well difference in the art of paintry these two . 1. That which is artificiall and is only ruled by art , that the King cannot command , another thing which is morall , as that he sell not his Images too deare , and hurt not the common wealth by spending vainly too much gold and silver on his Images , and in this the King may make lawes to limit the Painters morall carriage , but then he and his fellowes honour not the King , who call him judge over all persons , and of all causes , or in all causes : and that without any distinction ; for when two Shoomakers contend about a point of tanning leather , the King is not Judge in that cause , because it is a point of art which belongeth to the art , not the King. Also the right translation of the Bible out of the Hebrew and the Greeke in the vulgar language is a cause meerly ecclesiasticall , belonging to the Church Assembly , it were hard to make the King being ignorant of these mother languages , the Judge of that version , as he is made by them Judge in all causes ecclesiasticall , howbeit , de jure , he is a politick Judge , even in this judging by a coactive and kingly power , howbeit , de facto , and through ignorance he cannot exercise the kingly power that God hath given him in this act . 2. By this comparison , the Prelate putteth upon the King ●ut a course peece of country honour . O ( faith he ) as King , I make him above all , and subject to no power in Heaven or Earth , but immediately to God ; forsooth so make you the Painter , the Shoomaker , the Fashioner subject to no power in Heaven and Earth , no not to the King , but only immediately to God , only their persons are subject to the King , and so is the person of the King as a Christian man , not as a King , subject to Pastors , who may exhort him and rebuke him when he judgeth unjustly . But 3. saith the Prelate , The wounded Emperour is subject to his servant the Physitian who cureth him , not as Emperour , but as a wounded man , and that of his owne free-will and not by coaction . What meaneth this ( not by coaction ) but that a King , neither as King , neither as a Christian man is subject to Church-discipline , to the admonition of Pastors , by any ecclesiasticall coaction , or any law of God , but of the Kings owne free-will ? Consider how Court-parasites doe dishonour the Lord , for if Nathan by Gods commandement was obliged to rebuke David for his adultery and murther , and the man of God obliged to cry against Jeroboams Altar , and the Seer obliged to reprove King Asa , and Jeremiah commanded to speake against the Kings and Princes of the land , and if the Kings of Israel and Judah were plagued of God , because they would not heare and submit to the Prophets speaking to them in the name of the Lord , then the King as a Christian man is subject to the Ecclesiasticall power , not of his owne free-will , as this flatterer saith , but by such Ecclesiasticall coaction as God layeth upon all men , whose spirits are subject to Christs kingly power . 4. This comparison halteth fowlely . In the art of paintry , ye may abstract that which is morall from that which is artificiall ; but in a King as a King , there is nothing artificiall , or which is to be abstracted from justice and piety ; for all the acts of kingly authority as kingly , are morall acts of justice , and of piety in preserving both the Tables of the Law ( if a King command a stratagem of war , that which is meerly artificiall is not from the King as King , but from a principle of military art in him , as an expert souldier ) if then the King as King be a morall agent and a preserver of both Tables , then as King he is subject to the Ecclesiasticall power . 5. Spalato faileth farre in making the end of kingly government a naturall end , not life eternall , as the end of sayling is the desired harbour , and not the kingdome of Heaven , which is l●fe eternall ; nay , but if we speake either of the end of the worke , or the end of the worker , the end of kingly power is a morall end ; for the end of the worke called finis operis , is by Paul said to be , that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty , and this is de iure , also finis operantis , the end which the Ring is to intend , and so the dignity , office , acts and end of the King as the King is subordinated to Christs kingly power in Church-discipline , and yet he is the most supreme politicke power on earth , and in eo genere , solo Deo minor , and above the Pastors in that kind . But doe we joyne with Papists in this ? 1. Papists say Kings hold their Crownes of the Pope the Church universall virtually : We thinke Nero had not his kingdome from Peter , nor Domitian and Traian their kingdome from Clemens and Anacletus , nor Hadrian from Enaristus and Alexander . 2. Innocentius 3d. forbad obedience to Emperours : Bonifacius 8● . for hatred of King Philip of France forbad to pay tribute to the Emperors ? the Devill might blush to lay that upon us . 3. Was there ever amongst us the like of their 8 ▪ generall Councell ? A Prelate shall not light off his horse , nor bow to a King , nor shall a King seeke that of a Bishop , under the paine of two yeares excommunication ? 4. Did any of us thinke or write what Bellarmine hath spoken against the Lords anointed ? If Princes cannot be moved by Church-censures ; and if the necessity of the Church require , the ( Pope ) shall free their subiects from obeying them , ipsisque principatus abrogabit , and shall pull their Princedome from them . I say no more of this . CHAP. XX. Q. 20. Whether or no the government of the Church of Scotland can be proved by Gods Word to be lawfull ? 1. ARTICLE . Of the Doctrine and worship of the Church of Scotland . WE acknowledge the Scriptures of God contained in the Old and New Testament to containe the whole doctrine of faith and good manners , our Covenant rejecteth all traditions contrary , without and beside the word of God , and so it rejecteth all religious observances , all humane Ceremonies , all religious symbolicall signes , all new meanes of worshipping God , all Images , positive Rites which have any influence in Gods worship as will-worship , and impious additions to Gods word , Jer. 7. 7. 2 Sam. 7. 7. Deut. 12. 32. Deut. 4. 2. Lev. 10. 2. Heb. 1. 13. Heb. 7. 14. 1 Chron. 15. 13. 1 King. 12. 32. Mat. 15. 14. Rev. 22. 18. whereas they want warrant from Gods word . All actions of divine worship , all religious meanes of worship , all actions of morall conversation must be warranted by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) according as it is written , for the which cause our Church condemneth kneeling in the act of receiving the Lords Supper , all Holy-dayes dedicated to God or Saints , except the Lords-day , confirmation , bed-communion , surplice , corner-cap , &c. because they are acts of worship and religious meanes of worship , not according to the word , as is clearly shewne to the Reader by the following Categoricke Tables , where all right worship , morall acts of discipline and conversation that are lawfull will bide the tryall of this ( according as it is written ) even to the last specificke and individuall humane act , and where the last individuall act is proved , all the rest in that same Categorie is proved : As when I prove Peter to be a man , I prove him to be a sensitive creature , a living creature , a bodily substance , &c. which no man seeth in the Categorie of humane Ceremonies and unlawfull offices . Hence our first Categorie . as it is written , Mat. 26. 26. 1. The worship of God. 2. Sacramentall worship . 3. Partaking of the supper of the Lord 4. Partaking of the Lords Supper in this time and place by Peter , Iames , Anna. So in the officers of the New Testament . as it is written , Col. 4. 17. Phil. 2. 25 1. A lawfull Minister of the New Testament , 2. A lawfull Pastor , 3. Archippus Epaphroditus , So as it is written , 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5. 1. an act of discipline , 2. An act of Church-censure , 3. An act of the Eldership of Corinth excommunicating the incestuous man. The like may be said of an act of charity to the poore , 1 Cor. 16. 1. But come to the Categorie of Formalists , and you shall see a great defect , and this ( as it is written ) shall be wanting foure times , as the diagram following doth show plainly . not written . 1. Order and decency , as it is written , 1 Cor. 14. 2 Orderly Ceremonies of humane institution 3. Sacred symbolicall signes of Religions institution devised by men 4. Surplice , crossing , 5. A Surplice upon William , Thomas , the crossing of this Infant John , made by this Pastor Thomas , this day and place So the reason is cleare why we will have nothing undetermined by Scripture in either acts of the first , or of the second Table , except meere circumstances of persons , time , and place ▪ which adde no new morality to the actions , is because we hold the word of God to be perfect in doctrine of faith , and manners , and all points of discipline , which the Patrons of Ceremonies , and humane Prelates are forced with Papists to deny . 2. ARTICLE . Officers of the Church . THe ordinary officers of our Church are Pastors , to whom belongeth the word of exhortation , 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2 , 3. 2 Tim. 1. 7 , 8 Doctors , who in schooles expound the word of God , and convince gainsayers , Rom. 12. 7 , 8. Eph. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Governours , or governing Elders who rule well , Rom. 12. 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Acts 15. 23. and Deacons who care for the poore , Acts 6. 2 , 3 , 4. 1 Tim. 3. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. As for the Prelate who is pretended to be the Pastor of Pastors , and an Ecclesiasticall creature , having majority of power , both of order and jurisdiction above the Pastor and Doctor , the Church of Scotland did ever repute such an one the fifth element , and the sixt finger in the hand , as having no warrant in the word , and therefore unlawfull , Exod. 25. 9. Heb. 8. 5. 1 Chron. 8. 19. 11 , 12 , 13. 1 King. 6. 38. as also expresly condemned , Luke 22. 24 , 25 , 26. 1 Pet. 5. 3 , 4. Mat. 18. 18. 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5 , 6. Acts 1. 23. Acts 15. 24. In the first constitution and infancy of our Church there were some visitors , and superintendents for planting of Churches , because breasts and haire of our Churches were not growne , after the example of the Apostles , who sent such to plant , and visit Churches , and appoint Elders in Congregations , Acts 8. 14 , 15 , 16. Acts 13. 14. 15 , 16. Acts 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Acts 21. 17 , 18. but after the Church was planted there was no need of such . Titular Doctors who were Pastors onely , and taught not in the Schooles , but were onely previous dispositions to Episcopacy , as blew colour prepareth a cloth for purple , our Church never allowed , upon the grounds allowing lawfull Doctors , as the Scripture doth , Rom. 12. 7 , 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11. 3. ARTICLE . Calling of Officers , and especially Pastors . IVnius maketh according to Gods word three parts of the Pastors calling . 1. Election , some call it Nomination . 2. Presentation , or offering of the man. 3. Confirmation . When a place vacketh in the ministery , with us a Pastor maketh a Sermon of the necessity of a Pastor , shewing what a person the Pastor should be , after the example of Peter , Acts 1. 22. The looking out of a man is sometimes given to the multitude of beleevers , with us , according to that , Acts 6. 3. The Apostles say , Wherefore , brethren , looke ye out seven men . But ordinarily this beginneth at the Presbytery , or Colledge of Pastors , from whence things take their beginning , Acts 1. 15. And in those dayes ( when the Church wanted an Apostle ) Peter stood up , and said , Acts. 6. 2. then the twelve called the multitude . When they wanted Deacons , Acts 21. 18. the matter is brought first to the Eldership , Acts 11. 30. the Disciples charity is sent to the Eldership . Paul sent Timothy , Titus , Sylvanus , whom after the multitude did approve , Acts 14. 22. 2 Cor. 8. 16. and so doe we . 2. The person is tryed , 1. by Timothy and Titus , and so by the Presbytery . 1. his ability , that he be able to teach others , 2 Tim. 2. 3. that he be apt to teach , 1 Tim. 3. 2. Tit. 1. 9. else the Timothies of the Church lay hands suddenly on him , contrary to 1 Tim. 5. 22. So the Presbytery tryeth according to these Canons with us , his skill in the Tongues , Latine , Hebrew , and Greeke ; his ability of preaching popular Sermons , and interpreting Scripture , in controversies , in Chronology , and the history of the Church , and he must be proved and tryed by the people , by preaching sundry Sermons to them , 1 Tim. 3. 10. And let these first be proved , and let them use the office , what ever officers they shall be , Pastors , Doctors , Elders or Deacons . Also his grace and godlinesse is tryed by both people and Presbytery , 1 Tim. 3. 2 , 3. his ability to governe , v. 4 , 5. Acts 6. 3. Titus 1. 7 , 8 , 9. his fidelity , 2 Tim. 2. 2. and he must bring a Testimoniall or Christian Letters of recommendation , from those amongst whom he lived as 1 Tim. 3. 7. 3. When all this is done he is not yet a Pastor . Then a day is appointed , wherein an Edict is read and affixed on the Church-doore , and another day set for his ordination , at which day the Edict is called , all who have any thing to object against his life and doctrine are thrise publikely at the Church-dore invited to come and object : And this we thinke is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 1 Tim. 3. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 6. 3. to finde out , and to try the man. The day of ordination is a day of fasting and praying for Gods blessing to the ministery , as Acts 13. 23. And they ordained them Elders in every Church , and prayed with fasting , Acts 13. 3. and when they had fasted and prayed , they laid their hands on them . The Presbytery and people meeting , some Pastor , as Acts 1. 15. preacheth for the purpose in hand , as Peter doth there , v. 17. 18 , 19. After Sermon the Pastor calleth him up before the Congregation , and demandeth if he be willing to accept the charge , and he must testifie his consent as Isaiah , Isa. 6. 8. Jer. 6. v. 7 , 8. Acts 9. 20. Then the Pastor asketh the peoples consent , which they testifie by their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lifting up of their hands , as Acts 14. 23. and the man must please the whole multitude , as Acts 6. v. 5. Acts 1. 26. This being done , the Pastor commeth downe out of the Pulpit , and he with the Presbytery layeth their hands on his head , and prayeth that God would blesse him , as the Apostles did , Acts 6. 6. The Apostles prayed and laid their hands on them , Acts 13. 3. They prayed and laid their hands on them , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. all being done , the Eldership of the Congregation give him the right hand of fellowship , as Gal. 2. 9. The action is closed with thanksgiving , as all grave actions should be , 1 Thes. 5. 18. And this order in substance is kept in ordaining Doctors , Elders , and Deacons . Here are no popish toyes , which Papists use in ordination , no man is obtruded upon the flocke against their consent , and no man appointed a Pastor but of a certaine flocke , as Acts 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5. 2. of the Church , which receiveth the childe in her fellowship , as Rom ▪ 6. 3 , 4 , 5. 1 Pet. 4. 20 , 21. The presenter of the childe is the father , or some friend if he be dead or absent , because the childe is received in the Covenant because the fathers are within the Covenant , and so sealed with the same seale of the Covenant , Acts 2. 37 , 38 Rom. 11. 14. Gen. 17. 7 , 8. 9 , 10. and the action is closed with thanksgiving , as all grave , but especially actions of Gods worship should be ended , 1 Chron. 16. 7 , 8 , 9. and as the other Sacrament is closed , Mat. 26. 30. 6. ARTICLE . The Lords Supper . THese onely are admitted to the Lords Supper , who in the judgement of charity have tryed and examined themselvess 1 Cor. 11. 28. The prophane and scandalus are debarred from this Table , as Mat. 7 6. Psal. 50. v. 16 , 17. This Sacrament requiring a self-examination going before , 1 Cor. 11. 28. Therefore a Sermon of preparation is preached the day before , even as Christ prepared and dieted his guests with heavenly Sermons preceding the action , as is cleare , Luke 22. 14 , 15. Marke 14. 18 , 19 , 20. Mat. 26. 21 , 22 , 23. Iohn 13. v. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. A Table is covered , not an Altar erected , as is Luke 22. 21. Iohn 13. 28. A Sermon for the pupose in hand is preached before , as Christ doth , Joh. 13. 18 , 19 20. Mat. 26. 22 , 23. as a Sermon goeth before Baptisme , Acts 8. 35 , 39. Acts 19. 4 , 5 , 6. The banqueters sit downe at Table , even as Iesus sate downe with the twelve Disciples , as is Mat. 26. v. 20. and v. 28. Marke 14. v. 18. and 22. the Lord honouring them with Table-honour with himselfe , as is cleare , Luke 22. 21. Iohn 13. 24 , 28. The Pastor taketh the bread , and before he breake it , he giveth thanks , and prayeth for the blessing of the Elements , to the end and use appointed by Christ , even as Christ did , Mat. 26. 26 and thereafter taketh the bread , rehearseth the words of the institution , and breaketh the bread , and giveth to the banqueters , and they divide it amongst them , at Christs commandement , as also he taketh the cup , and saith , drinke ye all of this , this is the New Testament ; &c. as Christ did , Mat. 26. 26 , 27. Marke 14. 22 , 23. Luke 22. 19 , 20. v. 17. In the meane time while the people are eating and drinking , the Pastor is speaking of Christs love in dying for man , of the Lords death , of faith required in annuntiating the Lords death till he come againe , even as Christ all the while entertained his guests with heavenly Sermons , as is cleare , Mat. 26. 28 , 29. Marke 14. 25. Luke 22. 21 , 2● . Iohn 13. and having done , they sing a Psalme , as Christ and his Disciples did , Mat. 6. 28. Mar. 14 26 all the while Elders in reverend and decent manner attend the service of the Table as the banquet requireth ; for that some serve at that Supper is gathered from Mat. 26. 19. Marke 14. 15. where mention is made of a large upper roome furnished and prepared , which is a cleare warrant for a large Table , a cleane and faire Table-cloth , Basons , Cups , and vessels decent and comely for that service , and from Christ his guirding himselfe with a towell , and washing their feet , and standing as a servant , Iohn 13. 4 , 5 , 6. Luke 22. 27. The nature of the Sacrament requires thanksgiving , and therefore afternoone a Sermon of thanksgiving is preached , which is also warranted from Mat. 26. 30. 7. ARTICLE . Publike Fasting . THe Fast is indicted eight dayes before , and the causes laid open for preparing of the people for humiliation , as Ioel 2. 1 , 2 , 3. Isa. 22. 12 , 13. We have no anniversarie , and set Fasts or Feasts either , because God himselfe by his judgement imminent , or already inflicted , or by permitting his people to follow their owne wayes , calleth to fasting and mourning , Isa. 22. 13 , Joel 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. and so by his mercies and wonderfull deliverances calleth to extraordinary joy of thanksgiving , Psal. 118. 24. The doctrine of the Law is preached , as Ioel 2. and Isa 58. and the Fast observed with abstinence from meat and drinke , and carnall and ordinary pleasures . Ioel 2. 16. We thinke to deny the lawfulnesse of publike fasting on the Lords day , as if the Christian Sabbath were a day onely of spirituall feasting and rejoycing , because that day Christ ended the worke of redemption and second Creation , is a wronging of the Christian Sabbath , which is ordained for the whole publike worship of God , joying , sorrowing for sinne , learning Gods will in all and every point , as the Jewish Sabbath was not ordained onely for Meditation on the worke of Creation , but for worships of all kinde : The worship of this day , Acts 20. 7. is as large as preaching , and being in the Spirit , on the Lords day , and seeing the visions of God , Rev. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. and the whole ordinary worship publike . It is then too narrow to restrict all our Sabbath-worship to one single act of festivall rejoycing . 8. ARTICLE . Marriage . MArriage is no Sacrament , but because it is not a contract meerly humane , and God is said to joyne the parties together , Mat 19. 6. and God first married Adam and Eve. We thinke it fit that the Pastor , who is the Embassador of Christ , 2 Cor. 5. 20. should joyne them together , and instruct them in the doctrine of Marriage , as it is , Gen. 2. 18 , 19. Mat. 19. 3 , 4. Heb. 13. 4. 1 Cor. 7. expressed by God. For eschewing of scandals , harlotry , forbidden Marriages , for obtaining consent of Parents and vice-parents , and hearing of parties contracted to the parties to be married , proclamation of purposed marriage is needfull , that we give no offence , 1 Cor. 10. 32 , 33. 1 Cor. 7. 29. 9. ARTICLE . Buriall . AS comming in the world , so neither interring and buriall is performed in the Word of God with preaching , reading service over the dead , singing Scriptures ( as Papists ) which tend to superstition , therfore we use only with a company of Christians in decent manner to convey the corps to the Earth with moderate mourning , conference of our mortality , as Sarah , Gen. 23. 2 , 19. Abraham , Gen. 49. 31. and Joshua , Josh. 24. 30. and Samuell , 1 Sam. 25. 1 , 2 , 3. Josiah were buried . The place of buriall with us is not under the Altar , or the place of assembling , the Church , for the word or Sacraments , as Papists doe , but in some publick place either neare the Church or some inclosed field , because the Jewes buried sometimes in a cave , Genes . 25. 9. sometimes in a valley , Deut. 34. 6. sometimes in a garden , 2 Kin. 21. 18. Joh. 19. 41. ART . 10. Schooles and Doctors . THere are with us Doctors of Divinity who teach in Schooles and Vniversities , men tryed to be holy and learned , and then put in office , as 1 Tim. 3. 10. under whose instruction are students ayming at the holy mynistery called exspectantes , as in the Jewish Church in their Colledges , were young Prophets , or sonnes of the Prophets , as 1 Sam. 10. 5. 2 Kin. 2. 7. 2 Kin. 4. 1. 1 Kin. 20. 35. These Doctors and also the teachers of humane literature , who traine up children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord , Pro. 22. 6. Ephes. 6. 4. if they ayme at the Ministery , prophecie in our presbyteriall meetings , 1 Cor. 14. 29. ART . 11. Elders and Deacons . ELders helpe the Pastors in governing , but labour not in the Word and Doctrine , 1 Tim 5. 17. and yet visit the sick , over-see the wayes and manners of the people , and so rule with diligen●e , Rom 12. 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. and judge with Pastors and Doctors , Matth. 18. 18 , 19 , 20. Deacons are officer ; who judge not authoritatively , neither preach the Word nor administer the Sacraments , but attend Tables , or taketh care of the Churches rents , and sheweth mercy with chearfullnesse , Act. 6. 3 , 4. Rom. 12. 8. being tryed to be grave , sober , faithfull , are put in office , 1 Tim. 3 10. Vpon the first day of the weeke , every one layeth by in store , as God prospereth him , giving it in to abroad at the Church-doore , for the reliefe of the poore , as 1 Cor. 16. 2. It is provided that Ministers have competent stipends , as 1 Cor 9. 13. and that Hospitals be upholden , Mat. 25. 35 , 36. Eccl. 11. 1 , 2. and that the fabrick of the Church be upholden by the Patron and free-holders , as Mal. 1. 10. Hag. 1. 4. Hag. 2. 16. ART . 12. Church-Assemblies and the power of censures . THere are Assemblies in our Church , as were in the Apostolick Church , Act. 1. 15 , 16. Act 6. 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 11. 1 , 2 , 3. Act. 15. 6 , 7 , 8. &c. They handle only matters meerly ecclesiasticall , what is scandalous , and what may edifie , Mat. 18. 18 , 19 , 20. 1 Cor. 5. 5 , 6. but no things civill which belong to the civill Magistrate , Luk. 22. 25 , 26 , 27. Luk. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Rom. 13. 4 , 5 , 6. compared with Rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. Assemblies in our Church are of foure sorts . 1. Sessions of every particular Congregation who hath power of discipline in things belonging to themselves , such as is to rebuke publickly these who sinne publickly , as 1 Tim. 5. 20. to admit or not admit to the Sacrament , to order decently the publick worship , 1 Cor. 11. 20 , 21. 1 Cor. 14. 33 , 40. Tit. 1. 5. Hence there was an Eldership ordained in every Church , Act. 4. 23. Also seeing every particular Congregation is a visible ministeriall Church , having power of the Keyes in preaching the Word , though they be but a small number , as two or three assembled in Christs name , Mat. 18. yet have they a promise of Christ , of his presence for binding and loosing , Mat. 18. 18 , 19 , 20. in things which belong to themselves . The second Assembly is a Classis of many Pastors and Elders from sundry congregations who have power of excommunication , in respect that the person excommunicated doth keep company with many consociated Churches , and so as a leaven may infect many , 1 Cor. 5. 4. Mat. 26 , 59. Joh. 11. 47. Act. 20. 17 , 18. and for this cause one Pastor of a single Congregation not being able to ordaine a Pastor ( because it wanteth example in the Word of God ) therefore a Colledge of Presbyters , or a Presbytery of Pastors and Elders , who have power larger then a Session , even to excommunicate and ordaine Pastors is necessary in the Church , which ordaineth Timothy to be a Pastor , and so may deprive and excommunicate him , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Act. 20. 17 , 18 , 28 , 29. These are to assemble together , and to prophecy two or three by course , and others sitting by are to judge , that every mans gifts may be tryed by the Presbytery and the Church edified , 1 Cor. 14. 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. and howbeit these Prophets were extraordinarily gifted , yet their preaching by courses and the authoritative trying and judging of the gifts of the Prophets and Pastors cannot be extraordinary , for if that were extraordinary and temporary , there should be now in the Church no Colledge of Pastors who are to try the Pastors , that they lay not hands on them suddenly , 1 Tim 5. 22. and are to take care to commit the Gospell to faithfull men who are able to teach others , 2 Tim. 2. ● . Tit. 1. 5 , ● . therfore is this Presbytery in our Church , 1 Tim. 4. 14. The third Assembly is the meeting of many Pastors of a Province , or a greater number of Congregations , who handle matters of discipline which concerne the whole Province , and many moe Congregations , which differeth not from the Presbytery , but that it is a greater Presbytery containing moe Pastors and Elders : so we thinke , because there were many Pastors and Elders at Jerusalem then at Corinth , therfore the meeting of Pastors and Elders of Jerusalem and the Churches about , Act. 21. 18 , 19. was a Provinciall Assembly , so the meeting of the Elders of Ephesus , being more then an ordinary Presbytery , because of the multitude of that Church , Act. 19. was of the nature of a Provinciall Assembly , or a greater Presbytery , Act. 20. 17 , 18. The fourth Assembly is a generall Assembly of many Provincef , and is a cleare warrant of our Nationall Assembly , as Act. 1. 15. where the eleven Apostles were , Act. 6. 2. where the twelve Apostles were , and Act. 15. where Jerusalem , Antioch , Syria , and Sylicia are met in their principall guides , Apostles , Brethren , Elders : with us the King or his Commissioner is present , as in the Nationall Assembly of the Jews , was King David , 1 Chron. 13. 1 , 2. Asa , 2 Chron. 15. 9. Hezekiah , 2 Chron. 29. 4 Josiah 2 Chron. 34 29 for the King beareth the Sword , and is there as a politick President , and nursing Father , Esa. 49. 23. Rom. 13. 4. The members of the Councell are Pastors , Doctors , Elders , as Act. 15. 23. sent by the Churches for that effect , Act. 15. 2 , 3. All the Churches have place to speake , propound and reason in an orderly way , as there the multitude spake , v. 12 , 13. but none have decisive voices save only Commissioners , as Apostles and Elders , Act. 15. v. 2 , 6. Ch. 16. 4. Ch. 21. 25. The acts of the Assembly oblige all the absents , not present in all their members , as v. 23 24 , 28. Act. 16. 4. ch . 21. 25. not because of the authority of the Church , but because of the matter which is necessary and agreeable to Gods word , as Act. 15. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. In this Assembly a Moderator is chosen , who ordereth , propoundeth , and gathereth the voices , as Acts 15. either James or Peter . Silence is kept that one onely speake at once , as v. 7. first Peter , after him Barnabas and Paul , v. 12. after them James , v. 13. and these who speake are to speake to the Assembly or Moderator , not to parties , as v. 13. Men and brethren . Also a Clerke is chosen who writeth the acts of the Assembly , as v. 23. they wrote letters after this manner . The Commissioners carry home from the Scribe of the Assembly , the decrees of the Pastors and Elders to be observed by them , as Act. 16. 4. Christian prudency and natures light teacheth the time and place for the next Assembly to be appointed most conveniently , for the ●ase of all the Churches . Where matters are difficile to inferiour Assemblies , and parties wronged , and there is no small dissension , then references and appeales are made to the greater Assemblies , and they determine that Paul and Barnabas , or A. B. and S. ● . goe to Jerusalem , or the place of the next Assembly to the Pastors and Elders about this question , as 1 , 2. All our inferiour Assemblies have brotherly correspondence by mutuall advise and counsell one with another , but none have authoritative power over another , as 1 Cor. 16. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 2 Cor. 8. 1 , 2 , 3. Col. 4. 17. By reason of our Assemblies , no man though most eminent in gifts , piety , or authority , may play the Diotrephes , 3 John v. 10. or hath power to cast out the brethren out of the Church . 2. By Assemblies order of gifts , and subordination of the part to the whole is maintained , as Antioch is inferiour to both Antioch , Jerusalem , Syria , and Cilicia convened in a Synod , Acts 15. v. 23. compared with 28. Acts 6. both the Church of the Hebrewes , and the Church of the Grecians are subject to a Synod of Apostles and Disciples , v. 2. and Peter a pillar of the Church , and Paul inferiour to none of the greatest Apostles , are subject to Synods , Acts 11. 1 , 2 , 3. Acts 21. 19 , 20 , 21 , &c. 3. By Assemblies , schismes , dissentions , Acts 15. 2 and errors or heresies subverting the soules of these of particular Churches , Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia , ver . 23 , 24. are removed out of the Church , and unity preserved . In keeping of the Decrees of Assemblies particular Churches doe well , v. 28. and so are the Churches established in the faith , and increase in number daily , Acts 16. 4 , 5. and Religion is restored to it's purity , and the Land enters into Covenant to seeke the Lord God of their Father , and rejoyce at the oath , and seeke the Lord with their whole desire , and he is found of them , 2 Chron. 15. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. and this have we found , So long as we were as Judah , who ruled with God , and was faithfull with the Saints , Hos. 11. v. 12. and went not to Gilgal , nor up to Beth-aven , Hos 4. 15. In Church-censures , we proceed thus : In private faults if a brother offend a brother , he is admonished alone by the offended ; If that gaine him not , he is admonished before two or three ; If that prevaile not , the matter is brought before the Church , which hath power of the keyes ; If he obey not the Church , he is excommunicated , Mat. 18. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. in more hainous and publike faults the scandalous person is not so dealt with ; but where the fault is grosse and hainous , the offender more quickly is delivered to Satan , as 1 Cor. 5. 4. 1 Tim. 1. 19 , 20. Where obstin●cy and wilfull impenitencie is added to lesser scandals , the offender is excommunicated , as 1 Thes. 3. 14. yet with great meeknesse and longanimity ; for he is three Lords dayes publikely admonished , and three Lords dayes publikely prayed for , as this gentlenesse is required in the Lords servants , 2 Tim. 24 , 25 before they cut off any , 1 Cor 4. 21. The censures publike of the Churches are rebukes in publike as Paul requireth , 1 Tim. 5. 20. and that the rebuke may be publike , and the rebuked may make publike confession before the offended Congregation : He standeth in a publike place , which we call the stoole or pillar of repentance , which hath both a warrant by natures light , which requireth that he who speaketh to a multitude should stand in a place where all may commodious●y heare to whom he speaketh , as Judg. 9. 7. Deut 27. 12 , 13. And also in Scripture , by Salomons example , who on a scaffold spake to the people , 1 Chron. 14. 30. and the practise of Ezra , who read to the people the booke of the Law in a pulpit of wood , which they had made for the purpose , Nehem. 8. 4. which also is a warrant for a pulpit . 2. To this publike rebuking , there is a second censure adjoyned , which is a debarring of the offender from the Lords Supper , 1 Cor. 11. 28. which is our lesser excommunication . 3. Our third censure is the greater excommunication , which is done by the whole Congregation , as all other censures , but divers wayes by the Presbytery or Eldership judicially and authoritatively , by Paul his pastorall spirit , 1 Cor. 5. 4. the Minister in the Churches name pronouncing the sentence , 1 Tim. 1. 20. and and by the people , 1. consenting and approving , 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5 , 6. 2. Mourning and being humbled at the sinne , 1 Cor. 5. 2. 3. Abstaining from all brotherly fellowship and familiarity with him , 1 Cor. 10. 11 , 12. except where the law of nature require duties of us , as the sonne to the excommunicated father owes love and honour , and conversing with him , Exod. 20. 12. For a commandement naturall and simply morall obligeth more , and in the roome before the positive and lesser commandement , as Hos. 6. 6. Mat. 12. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. yet is the excommunicated excluded onely from the publike prayers and seales of the Covenant , not from private prayers and hearing of the word , 1 Thes. 3. 15. For the Church intendeth in that censure the saving of his spirit in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. 5. and the hearing of the word is that necessary meane of salvation , Rom. 1. 16. 1 Cor. 1. 18 , 21. Rom. 10. 17. 1 Pet. 1. 23. The contrary order not unlike to this is kept in confirming authoritatively the Churches love to the excommunicated person being penitent , and in pardoning and forgiving him when he heartily sorroweth for his sin , 2 Cor. 2. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. From this censure no member of our Church is exempted ; yea a scandalous Pastor is by the Presbytery deprived and excommunicated , as he was ordained by them , 1 Tim 4. 14. 2 Tim. 2. 14. and he who hath committed c●ying and hainous sins is scarce ever to be readmitted in the ministery , as being hardly found such an one as is described , 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1 ▪ 5 , 6 , 7. except it be seen to all that he hath obtained mercy in a conspicuous and large measure , as 1 Tim. 1. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. 13. ARTICLE . Private Worship . NOne may preach the word with us but Pastors and the sons of the Prophets , and such of their sort who aime at the holy ministery , and that authority Ecclesiasticall must warrant them is cleare by our Law and practise , as it was in the Jewish Church , 1 Sam. 10. 5. 2 King. 2. 7. 2 King. 4 ▪ 1. 1 King. 20. 35. The worship of God is commanded by our Assemblies to be in private families , as chatechizing by the Master of the Family , or some other better gifted in every Family , Deut. 6. 6. 7 , 8. Gen. 18. 19. Ephes. 6. 1 , 2 , 3. 2 Tim. 3. 15. praying , Zach. 12. 10. None by any act of our Church , whether Pastor or any other , in office , or out of office , is obliged to a stinted or read prayer , as the word of God alloweth , Rom. 8. 26 , 27. yea here it is free to all , having the spirit of adoption to expresse their particular necessities , which cannot well be booked , to God according to the present case of the Church , and person praying , as the Saints have done , Psal. 88 ▪ 9. Psal. 5. 7. Psal. 28. 2. Psal. 1 ▪ 21. 1. Psal. 123. 1. Ioh. 17. 1. Luk. 18. 13. and Psal. 3. Psal. 5. Psal. 25. Psal. 30. Psal. 34. Psal. 54. Psal. 57. Psal. 63. &c. yet did our Church never condemne , but constantly practise the praying of that divine and Canonicall prayer of our Saviour , called the Lords prayer , as being commanded , Mat 6. 9 Luk. 11. 2. in matter and manner , though affirmative precepts oblige not ad semper . Also singing of Psalmes is commanded by our Church in Families , as Exod. 29. 39. Psal. 55. 17. Eph. 5. 18 , 19 , 20. and house-discipline , as Job 1 ▪ 3. Deut. 21. 18. Psal. 101. 7. and private fasting in Families , Nehem 1. 4. Esth. 4. 16. Zach. 12. 11. Our Assembly also commandeth godly conference at all occasionall meetings , or as Gods providence shall dispose , as the word of God commandeth , Heb. 3. 13. 1 Thes. 5. 11 , 12. Levit. 19 ▪ 17. Zach. 8 ▪ 21. Mal. 3. 16. Col. 3. 16. providing none invade the Pastors office to preach the word who are not called thereunto by God and his Church , Heb. 5. 4 , 5. Rom. 10. 14. 15. 1 Cor. 12. 28 , 29. and by that same warrant the grieved in conscience is to confesse his sins , which troubleth and presseth downe his soule , to either an experienced Christian or Pastor , as Jam 5. 16. but this confession is free to the grieved party , I meane free from being canonically commanded in our Assemblies , and far from Sacramentall confession , or Auricular confession to a Priest. FINIS . TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE And truly noble Lord IOHN Earle of Lindsey , Lord Parbroth , &c. one of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Councell in the Kingdome of SCOTLAND . Errata . PAg 9. lin . 13. restr●●●ted . r restricted p. 10. l. 30. or r. are p. 38. l. 4. manifest , r●●●iest ●●●iest . p. 52 l. last guested ● . gifted p. 5● . l last 〈…〉 r. adequate p. 60. margen . 3. Arg. r. 3. Arg in the 6. l after . p. 94. l. 1. there be believers . r. three bel●evers . p. 100. l. ●0 cont r court ●a● averteth r●verteth ●verteth p 154 l. 6. and to that . r. and that the. p. ●65 . l 31. 〈◊〉 . r. circumcised and also r. a● . p. 200. l. 1 for . r. or . p 2 ▪ 6. l. ● . with . r which . p. 2●2 l 12. vo●ces r. votes . p. 33 l 33. 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 p. 2● 8. l 20. and they are 〈◊〉 they are p 249 l. 25 over . r. ever p 276. l 33. we thinke r. we thinke n●t p. 28● . l. 18. yet are r. so are . p 265. l. 15. and ▪ r. one . p. 315. l. 25. nature . r water . p. 324. l. 38 , ●ele and. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57976-e180 Eccles. 12. 12. Beza epist. 79. Brightman . Revelat. of Apoc . ch . 3. 7. History of the Church of Scotland p. 108 , 109 Corpus Confess fide● , p. 6. Esa. 23. 24. Cant. 6. 10. Ps. 48. 4. 3 Ioh. v. 9. Halls Remonstr●nce to the Parliament , an . 1641. Senec. sent . Ps. 45. 3 , 4. Ezech. 48. 35. Notes for div A57976-e870 Phil. 1 7. Bucer . Hier. Sophron. Seneca . Iob 16. 19. Phil. 3. 15. Ezech. 48. 35. Notes for div A57976-e2100 QUEST . 1. Matth 28. 18. Bucan . loc . 42 q. 2. Cartwright against Whitgist , pag. 139. Ames . English puritanisme , p 9. Parker de polit . Ecclesiast . lib. 3. cap. 1 ▪ Rhemens . in Mat. 16. Bellarmine . 〈◊〉 22. ●5 , 22. ●●●vel . 3. 7. Matth. 28. 18. Chrysost. in Mat. hom . 25. Gregor . lib. 4. Epist 32. Calvin . Institut . lib. 4. cap. 6. & Comment . in Mat. 16. Bucan . loc . 42. q. 2. Whitaker . to . 2. Controvers . 4. q. 2 ▪ ● 5. Petrus de Alliaco de Eccles. authoritat . part . 3. c. l. aliquid est in alio sub●ective & fo●maliter . 2. sin●liter & causaliter . 3. ut in exemplo . Gerson . de potestat . Eccles. consider . 11. Immediatio grat●ita donationis , vel . simpli●ts designationis . Iohn 20. 22 , 23. Mat. 28. 18 , 19. Marc. Antoni . de Domi. Arch. Spalat de Repub. Ecclesiastica . l. 5. c. 12. 11. 2. Parker ▪ de polit . Eccles. lib. 3. c. 2. Iac. de Almain● ▪ de potest Eccles. c. 7 Gerson . de au●er . pap . consid . 8 , 9. Ioan. Major in Mat. 16. Occam . l. 1. p. ● . n. 6. N. 1 Conclusion . 2 Conclusion . Acts 1. 21. Act. 6. 4. Aquinas ●2 . q. 81. 1 Thes. 5. 21. 1 Iohn . 4. 1. Iohn ▪ 10. 8. 27. 28. Heb. 5 ▪ 14. 1 Tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ▪ 6. Gerson de aufer . pa consid . 16. Almain de pote . laica & eccles . ● . 3. M. Best Churches plea against Pages . Henry Iacob Governm●● . by free consent of the people , p. 70. Presbyteriall government examined , an . 1641 p ▪ 10 , 11. Danaeus in 1 Timothy 5. 22. Vrsin . Cateches . p. 999. 800. an . 1587. Bucer . in Ma● . 16. Haecpotesta . est pe●es omnem ecclesi●m , authoritas modo ministerii penes prebyteros & episcopos . Martyr in 1 Cor. 5. Calvin . institut . l. 4. c. 5. Beza Epist. 83. & confes . 5. 34. Zuinglius ad Valen Viretus dialogo . 20. Luther de vocat . Ministr . p. 365. Tertul. in Apol. concenlum plebis requirit . Cyprian . 4. 2 Epist . 1. 2. Ambros. Chrysost. in Mat. 16. August . 3 Conclusion . Gerson de potest . eccles . consider . 4. Augustine . Matth. 18. Gerson ibid. Ephes. 4. 11. 4. Conclusion . Iac. Almainde potest . Eccles. c. ● . ad 2. Si Cardinales omnes ess●nt mortui , aut nollent ●igere , ad universalitatem fidelium spectaret elig●●e ( papam ) papam octam dia ● l. 1. p. 1. c. 31. adat . 3. potestas eligendi esset ad La●cos . ●ylvest . Sum ver . excom . 9. n. ● . Caj●tan . Opus● . to 1. Tr●ct . 1. Vasy . in 3 p. disp . 244. c. 3. ● . 30. 31. Iu●lus● 10. ● . lib sing . de . eccles . c. 8. 5. Conclusion . Chrysost. de sacerdo●● . Best Churches plea , arg . 8. p. 73. ●ravers de disci . eccles . fol. 11. 12. Parker de polit . eccles . l. 2. c. 4 , 5. Ames Fresh suit . pag. 29. 30. Iacob . governm . 12 , 13. Theodoret. in 1 Cor. 11. Cyrill in Ioan. 1. August . Psal. 119. Ambros. in 1 Cor. 7. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. Ioh. 20. v. 21 , 22. 23. 2 Cor. 5. 20. 2 Argument . Calvin in loc . Apostolos inaugurat Christus in officium , cui eos prius destinarat . Bullinger . ib. ●os orbis ecclesiae ministros decernit . 3 Argument . Mus●ul . mittit ea potestate qua a patre missus est . Beza in loc . Cajetan comment . ibid. Toletus to . 2. com . 26. Chrysost. Apostolos constituit hic legatos suos & vicarios . Cyrill lib. 12. in Ioan ca. 55. & Cyprian de unitate Eccles. prope initium . M●ttit hic ( inquiunt ) Apostolos cum ●mni pote ●ate Apostolico numeri conveniente . Ioh. Smith in his parallel . censures and observations . against M. Bernard , p. 52. 〈…〉 Amesius de cons. l. 4. c. 29. q. 11. Parker de Polit. l. 3. c. 18. Cyril . in Levit. l. 9. Chrys. Homil. in Hag. c. 1. Basil. moral . c. 14. August . contr . Faust. l. 3. c. 18. Beda . in 1 Pet. 5. Best Churches plea. Iacob Gover. p. 90. Robinson Iustific . Smith paralell ensures , p. 52 , 53 4. Argument . Parker de polit . eccles . l. 3. c. 2. English puritanisme , 9. Presbyter . Govern . examined . p. 12. reas . 1 , 2 , 3 Guide to Zion , pos . 58. p. 31. Mat. 16. 5. Argument . Almain de auth . eccles . c. 2. potestas ecclesiastica non est humanitus iustituibilis . Duvallius in 22. Thom. ●om . 2. de sum . pontif . tract . 4. q. 3. p. 1. Rom. 8. 32. Bellarm. de pont . Rom. l. 1. c. 6. 6 Argument . Duvallius 22. to . 2. tract . 4. de sum pontif . q. 3. Baines Dioce tryall q. 3. concl . 3. p. 84. Parker de polit . eccles . l. 3. c. 4. Presbyter Gover. examined , p. 23. 1 Cor. 12. 17. 24 7 Argument . Heb. 3. 17 1 Thes. 5. 12. 1 Tim. 5. 17 Ezek. 33. 7 Ezek. 34. 2 , 3 , 4. Ier. 23. 1 , 2 , 3 2 Cor. 5. 20. Mark 3 , 14 Acts 1. 8. 1 Cor. 4 1 , 2 1 Cor. 4. 15 1 Tim. 4. 16. Mark 12. 2 Mat. 13. 3 Mat 9. 38 ● Cor. 9 10. 〈◊〉 lib. sing . de eccles . c. 9. Francis. Iohnson . answer to the articles of divis . p. 42. 43. Smith parallels censures and observations . p , 66. Col. 4. 17. Smyth ib. p. 67. Tertul. de pudic . 8 Argument . 1 Cor. 4. 21. 2 Cor. 13. 10. Rev. 2. v. 14 , 20. Becanus in opus● . contra . M. Ant. de dominis . tom . 〈…〉 3. 〈◊〉 . 9. Argument . Esay . ●1 . 5. Esay 62. 6. Esay 60. 10 , 11 , 12. ●er . 1. 4. 1● . Exod. 4. 11 , 12. Esay . 6. 6. Ezek. 2. 1 , 2. Ioh. 20. 21. Act. 9. 1● . Necessitie of discipline p. 30. Exod. 3. 11. 1● . Deut 34. 9. Esay 61. 1 , 2. Esay 56. 10. Ieh . 23. 14 , 16. Ezek. 13. 7 , 8. Mat. 25. v. 25 , 26 27. 1 Tim 3 1 Cor. ● . 2 1 Pet 5 , 2 , 3 1 Tim. 4. 16 , 17 1 Tim 5. 19 , 20 2 Tim. 4. 1 , 2 , 3 Tit. 1. 5 , 6. 7 Iob 5. 27 Parker de polit . l. 3. c. 2. Iohn 6. 70. Mat. 7. 22. 23. Phil. 1. 16. 17 , 1● Polycarpus an . 143. praecipit Philippensibus ut presbyteris & diaconis , sicut Deo & Christo se subjiciant . Irenaus lib. 4. c. 43. & cap. 44. monet fideles ut cum presbyterii ordine Sermonem suum & conversationem sine offensa praestent . Tertullian apol . c. 39. ait , seniores excommunicationi & censuris praefuisse . Ignatius epist. ad Tinllanos , presbyterium definit caeu●m sacrum consiliarios & confessores , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Episc. & ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei & consociatum caetum Apostolorum , & ib. Sed & presbyteris subjects estote , tanquam Christi Apostolis . Origen . contra Cell vocat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiarum . Ruffin . lib. 10. c. 5. hist. eccles . Cyprian . epist. 14. ep . 33. ep . 10. ep . 68. ut s●cerdos peebe praesente , sub omni um occulis deligatur , & dignis atque idoneus publico judicio ac testimo . comprobetur , omni a●m ( inquit l. 3. ep . 11. ) ad me perlato , placuit contrahi presbyterium : Fi●milianus Seniores & propositi ordimandi potestatem habent . Clem. Alex. s●ro●n . lib. 7. penes presbyteros est discipline quae homine m●liores fac● . Basil. ad Noe Caesu . ep . 75. Interrogate 〈◊〉 vesto● , & annunci●tibunt vobis , quod e●ia usi paroe●i● loci citu divisae esse videbantur , coron●mento 〈◊〉 unita erant & una senten i● guberna●antur . Ath●nas epist : ● o●thodox Hyeren Eccles habet senatum 〈◊〉 presbyterio●um , 〈◊〉 epist. ● . ad Dunetria . 〈◊〉 in 1. Tim. A●equam diaboli instinctu communi presbytertorum consil●o ecclesia regebatur . Eusebias l. 1. de vita Constant. at the fa●●ous Councell of N●e , Nar. 250. Bishops multitudes of Elders and Deacons . So the Magdeburg cent 1. de g●ber . eccles . c. 7. Socrat. l. 1. c. 8. sheweth us that then Paph●utius , neither a Bishop nor yet a pastour opposed the single life of Church-men . Dionysi . Alexandrin . degmata quae grassabantur inter frat●es ( presbyteris ) discutienda offe●●hat . Synod Antic●h tom . Concil . Episcopi , presbyteri & diaconi dilectissimis fratribus in Domino salutem . Concil . Carthag . 4. ca. 23. Epis copus nullius causam audiat absque praesidentia clericorum suotum , aalioqui irrita erit sententia ejus . Ambros. in 1 Tim. S. Synagoga & postea ecclesia seniores habuit , sine quorum consilio nihil agebaturin ecclesia . Augustin . contr . Crescon l. 3. c. 56. & epist. 136. Eusebius histor . eccles . lib l. c. 5. Zonaras in Can. 5. conoil . Laodicen . The●doret . hist. Eccles. lib. 1. c. 9. Chrysoct . in 2 Cor. l●● . 26. Ordinatio est suff●●giis senatus . The Romanes say this in their ordination of the Pope by Cardinals . Nazianzen . in Apolog. pascere , moderar ; praecsie curare , &c. hujus nos curationis ministri esse debemus & adjutores , quicunque alliis praesumus . Confessio Waldenium an . 1535. Aeneas Sylv●us historiae Bohemicae cap. 35. Bellarm. de pontif . l. 1 c. 8. Concil . ●oletau . 8. Baronius tom . 1. anno . 34. Concil . Constan. sess . 4 , & 5. Vniversitie of Cullen . Of Ersord . an . 1440. Of Cracovia anno 1440. Of Paris Notes for div A57976-e8710 Parker de polit . eccles . l. 3. c , 2. n. 1. expounding Mat. 16. 19. Chrysost. August . Theophyl . Nomine discipulorum cum sequentium Christum . 2 Argument . Origen . tract . 6. in Mat. Hierom. in Mat. 16. Ambros. in Luc. l. 1. c. 24. Cyprian . de simplic . praelat . August . tract . ult in loan . Almain . de potest . Eccles. & laica . c. 16. Petrus de Alliaco ubi supra . Ioan. Major . dist . 24. fol. 2 13. Basil. l. 2. contr . Eun●m . Cyrill in Ioan. l. 2. c. 2. Athanasius ad Foelicem . Chrys. homil . 4. in ca. 6. Esa. Ambros. serm . 4● 1 King. 11. 38. 1 Cor , 12. 29. Origen tract . 1. in Mat. an vero soli Petro , & non aliis Apostolis . Synod . Coloniens . sub Adulpho . Medi. 6. c. 1. Promissio in omnes apostolor . 3 Ob. 4 Ob. Ho●ca 1. 11. Ezekiel 37. 24 ▪ Ezekiel 34. 22. Esay 9. 6. To us a sonne is given . Vasquiz . in p. 3. Tho. to . 3. disp . 144. c. 5. 6 Ob. Barrow . discoverie of the false Church , p. 35. Smyth patalles censutes . p. 36. Tit. 2. 2. Ob. 7. D. Parisien . de polit . eccl p , 2 Robins . justif . in Separat . Smith paral . p 38 Parker de polit . l. 3. c. 8. Ob. 9 Parker ib. 10 Ob. Smith paral . pag. 52. 53. Luk. 22. Mat. 7. 15. Smith ib. 11. Ob. Smith paral . p. 55. Ob. 12 1 Cor. 12. 1● . 29. Smith p 53. Ob. 14. Parker . Chrysost. de sace●d . l. 7. Hieron . in Mat ▪ 16. Gratian. 7. q. 1. 16. Almain de auth . eccl . c. 7. ●at . 4. Aquinas . Gerson . Ambrose . in Psa. 38. Quod Petro dicitur Apostolis dicitur . Augustin . tract . 124. ●n Ioan. ecclesia claves regni coelorum accepit in Petro. Lombard . l. 4. d. 19. out of Ierom. saith , habet omnis ecclesia claves in Episcopis & presbyteris . So Nilus for the Greeke Church , l. 2. de . primat . and the Confef . of Sweveland art . 15. and the confess . of B●he . c 14. give the keyes to the Church of Believers , but to them as ●o the end . 2. As to the consenters in all . Notes for div A57976-e11360 Quest. 2. Origen . in Mat. 1. Si autem super unam illam Petram arbitraris universam ecclesiam aedificari a Deo , quid dices de Iacobo et Ioaune ? Beda homil . in illud . ( Quem me dicunt ) Petro et caeteris Apostolis data est haec potestat ligandi et solvendi . Cyr●l . in Esay l. 4 orat . 2. Chrys. in Gal. c. 2. Cyprian . de unit . Eccles. Primit●s mystica seu Christiana , et primitas ecclesiastica seu ministerialis . See Amesii medulla l. 3. c. 31. sect . 2. et cap. 13. Eph. 4. 11. 12. Rom. 8. 28. 1 Cor. 1. 24. Act. 20. 28. Eph. 1. 25. Rev. 1. 5. Mat. 19. Eph. 2. 22. 1 Cor. 12. Eng. Puritanism . c. 2. sect . 1. Guide to Zion , p. 7. sect . 11. Parker de polit . eccles . l. 3. c. 12. Best Churches plea against Pag●t , sect . 8. p. 88. Discourse of troubles ▪ Frank. p 115. 116 Ho●ker against Paget● 20. quest . Answ. 11. Apologie of brownists against Vnivers . of Oxford . Art. 2● 24. Parker de Polit. eccles , l , 3. c. 12. 11. 3. a●g . 2. Quid igitur supremitas alibi quam in sonte 〈◊〉 ? in congregatione fidelium . ut ibi prob●t . P●otestation printed an . 1●16 . 〈◊〉 . 15. The separatists thi●d II petition to K. ●ames first position . Tertul. apol . c. 33 Orig in ● . hom . 7 Cypr. l. de pasto . c. 13. Chrys. de sacerd . l. 3. August . de doct . Christ. l. 1. c. 18. Epiphan . contr . haeres . 73. Hieron . ●d Gal. 9 ▪ 10. Cyrill . in Ioh. 20 21. Hilarius . Iun. l. sing . de eccles . c. 9. Chemnit . exam . concil . Trident. Martyr . in Cor. 5 Calvin . Comment . in ● Cor. 5. 21. Be●a ib. Fulk against Rhemist . 1 Cor. 5. 3. Willet syno●s papis . cont . 9 q 1. c. 9. Bayn . dioces . try . q. 3. Ames . medulla . l. 2. c. 32. thes ●7 Gerson . de potest● ecclesiast . consid . ● . Iu● . l. sing . de eccles . c. 9. 10. 2 1 Argument . 2 Argument . 3 Argument . Deut. 17 ▪ 8 19. 20. Col. 3. 21. Ephes. 6. 4. 9. ● 4 Argument . 5 Argument . as Act. 1. 15. Act. 6. ● . 6. Act. 14. 26. 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2. Tit. 1. 5. Revel . 2. 2. 14. 15. 16. v. 20. 6. Argument . 7 Argument . Argument . Notes for div A57976-e13180 Quest. 4. Parker de po●it . eccle . l. 3. c. 12 ●ecret . regn ju●●s 35. pa●s in toto contine●u● : minus in majore . Gerson . Aenea● Sylvius . Morton . Apol. part . 2. l. 4. c. 12. Parker 16. arg . de polit . 2 Argument . ● Argument . Parker . Bergens Apol. pa●t . 2. l. 4. c. 14. Gal. 4. 19. Whittaker . Ariste top . 1. l. 8 ▪ 4. Argument . Parker ib. arg . 9. Col. 4. 17. Ambr. Quid honor 〈◊〉 qua u● imperator ecclesiae filius 〈◊〉 Decret . p. 2. c. 25 Q. 8. Can. Nazian . orat . ad Bellarm. de pontif . Rom. l. 3. c. 14. Barrow discover of the false Church p. 166. 1 Tim 5. 22. Tit. 1. 5. 1 Tim 4. 14. 5 Object , ●uriscon ejusdem est dignitatem conferre cujus est aufer●e . & contra . Object ▪ 6. Keckerman polit . l. 2. c. 28. Hottomanm de jure reg●i 〈◊〉 l. 1. c ▪ 12. Gerson de pa● Cons. 12. Saravia lacet tutela inculpata 〈◊〉 , si malus 〈◊〉 ab ecclesia depon● nequ● Iunius Brutus q. 3. Bucherius l ▪ 1. 16 Althus . polit . c. 15. H●nonius polit . disp . 2. 11. ● , Isiodor l. 9. Orig. cont . Cels. c. 9. Aristo . polit . l. 1● c. 3. Plato de repub . c. 8. Livius l. 24. natu●am multitudinis fi●it . Plutarch in Aegid . in princ . Aenea● Silvius de Gest. concil . Basilens . l. 1. Gerson consid . 4 ver●t . 12. Arg. 7. 〈…〉 . 8. ●●g . Saravia . Morton . Bellarmine . 〈…〉 Obiect . 11. The Bretheren of the separation petitiō● to K James positi● 5. pag. 47. Beza Confes. Q. 43. Neque enim ijs assen●ior qui non nisi ex totius Ecclesiae consensu & rogati● singulu quemqu● excommunicari volunt . Pareus Vrsin , quest Catech 85. art 3. pag 47● . Si videant sequi maiora mala multos inter se dissentire , scindi Ecc●esiam , non debent procedere ▪ 1● . Argument . Parker 16. Gratian. Decr. part . 2. c. ● . q. 7. c. 4. Gerson de auss●rib . pa. cons. 1● . Best Churches plea , p 22. ●8 . Concil . Basil●●ns . Doctor Paris●●e polit . Eccles. p. 13. Jac. Almain . de authorit . Eccl c 7. Occam . Dialog . l 6. part 1 c. 60. Papa de nec●ssitate 〈◊〉 tenetur se purgare si grave scandalum oriatur apud Catholicos , probatur 8 ▪ ra● . Obiect . 13. Obiect . 14. Notes for div A57976-e16030 Porphyr . Isag. c. de Proprio . Facultas Paris . de polit . Eccle● . pag. 1 2 an 16●2 Vulgare est atque indul●tatum ●ides axioma Deum & naturam , prius atque immediatius ad totum suppositum , quam ad aliquam partem supposits , quamvis nobilissimam intendere , eamque ob causam fecultatem vi le●di . e. g. to●t d●tamesse homini , ut per ●●ulum ta●quam per organ●● & ●●●●sirum hominis exercer●u● , ●amoculus per & propter homin●●●xi●●it Schola Pa●i siensi● hoc infallibili 〈◊〉 firmamento , congruenter ad mentem om●iū ora●quorum d●ctorum Ecclesiae perp●tuo , constanter● docuit , Christum fundando Ecclesiam prius , immediatius atque essentials u● claves se●●●tsdictionem toti dedisse Ecclesiae quam Petro , ut per unum ministeri ●liter exercerentur & pag. 2. probant per textum , 1 Cor. 3. Omnia vestra sunt . Vide 16 page 3 , 4. pag. 7. pag 19 & expresse pag 6. Potestas essentiali●er Ecclesiae collata est , gubernatoribus quoad exercitium , Parisie pag. 3● . Aug ad Matt 1● , 7 Chrysost. de sacerdot . l. 3. Tertul Apol c 35 , 3● Madonatus Su●●u●a q. w. art . ● Ferus in Mat. 6 ●ansenius ib & Mat. ●8 Sutlu●ius de Pontif R l. 4. c 8 W●itak . Tō 2 contr . 5. q 2. M●rton apolog . p. ●lib 4 c 1● M. Anto●tus de Dom. Arch●epis . Spalat●ns . de rep● Eccl l. 5 c. c. 12. n. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 lib. 6 c 2 c. n 28 , 29. Gerson de ●userib . pap & de potest Ecc. 3 4 , 5 Almain de author Eccl. c 7. Petr. de Alliac . de Eccl anthorit . par : cap. 1. Simon Vigerius de Eccl●s . & polit . potest . Act. Mart against Vigerius . Duvallius 22. to 2. 〈◊〉 4 part . 1. contr . Vigor . Parker de Polit. Eccl l. 3 c 8. H●n● ac Goverina , p. 6. 8. Best ▪ against Pag●● ▪ Presbyter govern . examine● , ●n 16● 1 Almain de Dom. natur & civil . & Eccl Concil . 2 par . 1 M. Ant●n . de Dom. Archie Spala de rep . Eccl. l. 5. c. 3. n 11. Childley against M. Edwards , p. 10 , 11. Vasquez 10 3. in 〈◊〉 3 dis . 40. Sunt servi quia laborant pro Ecclesia , Heb. 1 , 14. 1 Arg. Reguta ●uris Non distinguendi● ubi Lex . non distingui● . Parker de Pol. l. c. 8. n. 4. 2. Arg. Bridges . l. 3. p ●32 . 3. Arg. 4. Arg. 5. Arg. 6. Arg. 7. Arg. A●ton de Dom. Arc●iepise . Spalat . de repub . Eccl. Eccl. l. 6 ▪ c. 2. n 23 , 24. 8. Arg. White against Flsh r , p. ●4 . Du●allius , m. 22. tom . 2. t●act . ● . Q. 5. Soto . Vict●r . Bay●es Dioces . 〈◊〉 Q 3. con . 3. Notes for div A57976-e17670 Plato in Polit. Arist. l. 4 Polit. c. 2 Vlut . in Aegid . Xenoph. de repub . Athen in p●inc . Beza de gra●d . Minist . Calvin in Mat. 1● , M●lancthon . Luther . Junius . Pareus . 2. Arg. 3. Arg. 4. Arg. 5. Arg. 6. Arg. 7. Arg. Smith . 69. M Best . A manuscript for independencie of Churches . Ainsworth against Bernard . Authours of Presbytery gover . examined . p. 23. Docto. Parisi . de pol●●●ia eccles . pag. 10 , 11. C●ncil . Co●stant . Parker de polit . eccl l. 3. c. 4. Best Church plea arg . 7. pag. 70. and pag. 88. English Puritanis ▪ art . 2 , 3 , 4. Authors of Presb. gover examined , pag. 2 , 13. Jacob. gover 70. Smith paralel . 65. 66 , 67. Arist●t . polit . l. c. 1. Bodin . l. 6. c. 74. Tholosan . histor . polit . l. 1. Junius de politcia , q. 4. Daveus polit . l. 4. c. 5. Keckerm system . Theo. l. 3 ▪ c 6. Cha●●ier . pa●strat . to 2. l. 9. c. 2. n. 4 , P. Martyr . loc , com , pag. 783. Musculus . Sadeel . Smith paralel . pa. 54 , & ▪ p. ●6 . Arnisaeus de rep . l. 2. sec. 5. c. 5. Spalato de rep . eccl●s . l. 1. proemio . Arnisa●us de rep . l. 2. sect c. 6. Duke of Venice . Ephori . Moderator of our assemblies in Scotland . Feild . Turrecremat . Concil ▪ Pa●isitus . Heb. 13 ▪ 17. 1 Thes. 5. 12. 1 Tim 5. 17. Act. 20 ▪ 28. Calvin . Instit. lib. 4. c ▪ 10. Sect. 10 , 11 , 12. Pareu● in Ca●●ches . Miscell . in Ephoris . Christian. Relig. Bucan . loc . 49. q 10 n. 2. Tilen Syntag. 1. par . disp . 45. in 5 precept . Profess . Leiden . in Synopt . purior . Theolog. disput 50. thes . 16 , 17 , 18. Ignatius Epist ad Phil●d 〈…〉 . Basil. de Spir. s●nct ▪ c. 16. Ambros. in 1 Cor. 11. Chrys●st . homil . in Ma● . 18. Cyprian . epist. 72. Tertul. Apolog. c. 35. O●igen . August . Hyerom . Theophylac . in Ioan , 20 , 21. Theodoret. Notes for div A57976-e19710 Piscetor . Thes. de Eccles. Iuni●● lib. sing . de Eccles. c. 10. Guide to Zion , p. 2. pos . 3 , 4. Ioh. Ball Tryall of Separation . ch . 12. pag. 170 , 171. Baynes . Dioces . tryall . q 1. Parker de polit . eccles l. 3. c. 13. &c. 14. Cartwright against Whytgi●t . Ames . Medul . Theol. l. 1. c. 3● n. 10 Isa. 405. Baynes Diocesantry . q. 1. p. 15. Refut . Tylen . Par. ad Scot. sect , 11 c. ●2 Herostratus . Par●us ▪ Perkin . on Gal. Iun. Eccles. l. 3. c. 1. Parker de Polit. Eccles. l. 3. c. 23. Discipline of Scotland . 2. book 7. c. Bucer against Dunam fortres . in I●edidocl . in alt . Dam●sc . Castal●o in l●c . Chrysost Hug. Cardinal . Junius Thes. The●l . dis . 47 Thes 2. Bucer . 〈◊〉 . D●wnam , p 495. Preslyteria futurerum saeculorum . Refut ●il . Parenes . ad Sectos . ca. 18. sect . 9. Rol ad praeside● & presbytoros ecclesiae . Oecumen summā Oeconomiae ecclesiasticae Chrysost. Augustin . Enthymius . Cyrillus . Obiect . 1. Assertion of government of the Church of Scotland , par . 2. c● 3. p. 141 , 14● . p. 150 , ● Act. 12 5. 1 Cor 15. 9. Act 8. 3. Act. 10. 11. Obiect . 2. Act. 7. 38. Lu , 12. Obiect . 3. Act. 9. 31. 1 Cor. 16 ▪ 1 , 19. 2 Cor. 8. 1. Act. 1● . 41. Robinson in his Apology for separatists . Bannes . Tom. 3. in 22. quest . 1. art . 10 , conclus . 3. Presbyter gov examined , p 10 , 11. Notes for div A57976-e23450 Septuagi●ta turn● it out of Syriacke . Aria●s . Mont. Tremel . Beza . Pare● , Mus●ul●● . Lyra. Hug. Card. Caieta● . Aquinas . Casta. dicito R●ipub . August . Cypr. Hier●n . Chrys. Dic Presul . Aug. dic . Episc. Hier dicendum multis . Cypr. l 3 Ep. 14. Concil . Anchy . c. 18 Ambran 2 Tim. 5. Ball●ryall of separa . c. 12. p. ●70 . Aethiop . Interp. domo Ch●istiano●ii . Boderian domo Iudiciorum ▪ Calvin com . Mat 18. Beza in Mat. 18. Parteus com . 16. Chemniti . Aretiu● . Erasm in Nov ▪ Te. Polan . Syn● . l. 7 Hemmig in Ro. 〈◊〉 Hyper in 1 Tim. 2. Musc. in l●● . co . 8. Iunius in disp . Theol. disp . 47 2. Piscator loc . com de Eccl. 23. Thes 9. Bucan . loc . com . loc . 44 , q. 13. Rivet Catho . Ortho , tom . ● . tract . 1. quest 8. 11. 6 , Tyle● Syntag. disp . 38. Thes. 10. 11 , 12. Cartwright against Whitgy●t , tract 17. c. 2. divis . 9. Mar●●ra●●● Mat. 18. Dan. Tossa●●● in past . Evang. 48 , Bucer in Rom. 12. Con●ess . Helvet . Gallic . Anglic. Vrsi● . Catech. exp . par . 2. pag. 534 Whittakerd . ●ontif . Rom. contr . 4 quest . 1. Emmanuel , Sa. Victor . in Mat. 18 , Doct. Paris . de Polit . Eccles. pag. 1 , ● . 3. Concil . Basil. Constant. Gerson , Alma●● , Vigor . Aquin. Occam , Duvalli●● , l 6. par 1 ▪ c. 60. Drus. ●ot Beza 〈…〉 in Mat 18. Fran. Iohnson exposition of this plac● Mat. 18. 2. Arg. 3. Arg. 1 Sam. 2. 25. Deut. 17. 12. Ier. 13. 10. Deut. 5. 1. Heare O Israel . Luk. 10. 16. 1 Ioh. 4 ▪ 6. Ioh. ● 28. Ioh. 8. 47. Ioh. 10 ▪ 3 ▪ 27. Acts. 3. 23. Heb. 3. 7. Heb. 13. 17. 4. Arg. Park de polit . Eccl l 3 c. 13. Answorth positions of the Church , Thes. 30. p. 121. ● and ●hes . 35. Presb. govern . exam . p 10 , 11. 6. Arg. Sup. cap. 1. q. 1. & q. 6. cap. 6. 7. Arg. 8. Arg. 9. Arg. Theoph. in Ioh. 20. Chry. Cyryl . Aug. in Psal 44. Hier. Epist. ad E●ag Cy●r ●p . 41. Arg. 10. Also Isa. ●0 9. O Sion that bringeth goodtydings , is an exhortation , as Junius saith , to the preaching Church whic ● is expounded , Isa. 51 ● . and Nah. 1 ▪ 15. and R●m . 10. 15. only of the Pastors sent of God to preach the Evangil of peace . Ainsworth counterpoyson against M. Berdnard , p. 113 Confess . art . 24. 13. Arg. Parker de politeia . l 3. c. 15. n. 1. Ex hu q●● eluctari cupit nobiscum , seutire necesse est ecclesiam fidelium à Christo intellectam esse ( Mat : 18. ) non qua simpliciter censi lera●●● , sed qua ais●●pli●●● excicet , iuxta temperamentum a●●l●ocroticum in pr● septerto , ecclesian quippe , primo loco , co●sideratam in his verbis dic ecclesiae , praec●se partem Aristocratic●m , ad est presbyterium , significare existimamus , quae vero postertore commemoratur , in his verb● , si ecclesian non audicrit , sic ( ut Downamus docet ) excommunicantem prepter contemptam ecclesiam includit , ac non decernentem tantum ac examinantem , tum & partem ecclesiae democraticam continet , quâ populi consensus ad excommunicationem necessarius est . 14. Ar. Bucer . com . ib. Muscul com . ib. Calvin . com . ib. P Paraus com . ●b . Vasque● . in 3. Tho. tom . disp . ●44 c. 5. Enchirid. Christia . instit . Synod provin . C●loniae . Iansen . Maldonat . in Math. 18. Notes for div A57976-e26540 Barrow disco of the false Church . p. 8 , 9 , 10 Guide to Zion . p. 10. Separat 3. pe●it to K. Iams ▪ pas p. 44 Confess . ar . 1● p 19 A●●sworth against Bernard reas . 5. er . p. 17● . M. Canne neces of Sepa● , sec. 3. pa. 174 , ●75 . Discovery of N. Light. printed an . 1641. 2 Tim 2. 20 , 11. Ainsworth against Bernard separ . ●ch . p. 174. 2. Conclusion . 3. Conclusion Ioh. 3. 18 , 36. M. Smith . paral . cens . obser , pag. ●2 Discov . of N. Light prin ▪ an . 1641. Ainsworth counterpoyson against Bernard p. 3. Declar. of Eccles. discip . p. 171. Dialog . of 2. Arg. Barrow dis●ov . fals Church , p 20. 3. Arg. ● . Arg. 5. Arg. 6. Arg. Co●fes art . 17. Calv. Ins●●it l. ● . c. 1. ●ect 8. 〈…〉 〈…〉 . Ainsworth counterpoyson , p. 10 , 11 Robinson . Simon Episcop . dis . 8. Th● s. 0. Remonst in Apol. ●ol 411. Catech. Racco● . ca. 1. fol. ●98 Socin . de Eccl●s . p. 98. Calv instruct . adversus liler● . E●ise . disp . 26. thes . 4 , 5. & ib 2 , 3. R●monst . Confess . 2● sect . ● . & Apol sol . 2●7 . ●●●onent non es●e p●●cise necessa●tam ad constituendum 〈◊〉 So●●n t●act d● Eccles . ad loc . Rom. 10. Socin de exter . reg . christ eccles so . 253 C●tech . Racco● de 〈◊〉 christ . c. 10 pa , 305. 306. 〈◊〉 Nicola●des Tract . de 〈◊〉 cap. 1. p. 144. & ib 〈…〉 Separat . co●fess art . 34 , 35. p. 25. Pastors as pastors conve●t ●●en to 〈◊〉 1 Arg , 2. A●g . 3 Arg. 4. Arg. 5. Arg. 1. Arg. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. M. Barrow . M. Ainsworth . M. Cann● . Object . Juniu● contr . ● . cont . Bell l. 3 ca. 6. Vo●tius despera . ca● Papa . l. ● . sect . 2. c. 12. Barr●w discov . p. 9 ●0 . Obiect . 1. Barrow disco . p ●0 〈◊〉 pa●a l. p. 28. 29. Muscul. com in Calvin . 〈◊〉 54. Hi●●o● . 〈…〉 . Obiect . 2. Obiect . 3. Guide to Zion . pos . 32. pag 16. Separatist 3. petitio . 3. posit arg . 2 , Barrow . d●sco . ●al . Church pag 22 4. Object . Guide place cited p●● 32. pag. 16. 5. Object . Geneses 3. 1 Cor. 6. 6. Object . Separatists ● . petition to K. James , 3. position , pag. 45. 7. Object . 8. Obiect . Notes for div A57976-e32280 Bell. de not . eccles . l. 4. c. 10. Ainsworth counterpoyson , p 8. A●ton Walleu●ne● . 〈◊〉 8. Eccles. pa. ● ▪ 10. Tylen . sytnag . theol . dis . 23. thes . 41 , 42 , 43. Bucan . loc . com . 42. quest . 47. Profess Leydens . dis 42. thes . 41 , 42 , 43. Obi. Ans. Origen , Homil 11. i● Num. 18. Franci● John ans . to ob of Separat , pag 62 , 63. Calv. iustit . lib. 4 cap. 2. sect . 11. Junius , lib sing● , de eccl . cap. 17. Whittaker , contr● , 2 quest 3. cap. 2. Rivet , in Catho . orthodox . 101. q. 7. tract . 2. 11. Gil● . vo●ti● desper . causae papatus lib. 3. cap. 7. sect . 2. Spalat●● . de . Rep. eccl . in osten e●r . Sua. c. 1. pag. 887. 888 , 1 Arg. Ainsworth conuterposs . pag. 8. Toletus in Ioh. 10. Calvin in loo . Iosephus antiq . Iud. lib. 18. cap. 3. 2. Arg. 1 ●am . 2. 3. Arg. 4. Arg. Robinson against Bernard . p. 100. Ainsworth counterpoyson p. 8 , Separatist confes . 〈◊〉 . 31. Guide to Zion , pos . 32. p. 16. Separat 3. petit to K. Iams . ; pos . 5. Arg. ●o● . 11. M. Canne neces ▪ of Sepa● . pa. 107. 6. Arg. 7. Arg. 8. Arg. 9. Arg. ● . Principall Arg. Barrow of a false Church , p 24. Separatists , con●ess . art 36. pag 26. 4. Principall Arg. ● ▪ Principall Arg. 6. Principall Arg. 7. Principall Arg. Barrow discov . pag. 30. August . cont . Julian lib. 4. cap. 13. & cont . Pesag & C●lest . lib. ● . cap. ●6 Prosper . cont . Collat . cap. 18. Armin. an●●berk . pag 244. ad a●t . 31. pag. 25● . Collat. Hag. pag. 250 , 251. Corv. cont Molin . cap. 38. Bellarm. de grat . & lib arbit . lib. 5. cap. ● . Suarez . de grat . lib. 1. cap. 21. Vasquez . in 12. tom . 2. disp . 8. Principall Arg. August . contr . Donatists . 9 Principall Arg. 10. Principall . Arg. 6. Conclusion 7. Conclusion ▪ 8. Conclusion Notes for div A57976-e39050 1. Obiect . Of Separatists . Ainsworth counterposs . pag. 8. Erasm. Sarcer . in loc . 2 Cor. 6. Calvin in l●c . Marloratus in 2 Cor. 6. Barrow . 2. Object . Obiect . 3. Ainsworth ib. Obiect . 4. Barrow di●cov of false Church p ▪ 39 , 40 Smith paral . cens . p. 29 , 30. Robinson against Bernard . p , 248. If this difference of ceremoniall & spirituall h●linesse betwixt the church of old , and the Church of the new Testament stand , then the Church of the new Testament , where there are any hypocrites s●●al be no true vis●b●e Church , because hypocritos in the new Testament hath but ceremoniall and external holines , not reall or spirituall , as the hypocrites of the old Testament . 3 Petition to K. James . 3. pos . Smith paral ▪ 60 , 61 Separatist 3. petition , 3 posit . 3 ▪ reas . p. 47. 3. Petit. 8 ▪ posit . Robinson . ●insworth . Smith . M. Canne . Thmomas Aquin. Ca●etan de authoritat pap . cap 19. S●to . 22. q. 1. a●t . 3. Durand . Almain de potest . eccl cap. 10. Gerson de vit● spir . lect . 4. lit . G. H. Navar. in sumin . cap. 27. ● . 57. Driedo de li●ert . Christ. li. 3. ca. 5. Maiorm . Pa●u ●a in 4. q. 3. Antonin . 3. 6. Obiect . Smith . paral . pag. 107. 7. Obiect . 1 Cor 1. 1 , 2. Col. 1. 1 , 2. 1 Pet. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. Col. 2. 18 , 19. 1 Pet. 2. 8. 2 Pet. 2. 1 , 2 , 13. 8. Obiect . 10. Object . 11. Object . Ezech 36 , 38. So Ainsworth . 12. Obiect . Obiect . 13. 14. Obiect . Notes for div A57976-e42840 1. Arg. Best Churches plea. arg . 3. and 4. pag. 61 , 62. 2. Arg. 3. Arg. 4. Arg. Camero prelec . de visib . eccles . 5. Arg. 6. Arg. 7. Arg. 8. Arg. 9. Arg. August 75. Bucan loc . com . 47. q 33. Calv Instit. Wall●● loc . com . de baptism p. 960 , 96● . Professor . Leyd . in synop . purior . theol , disput . 44 ▪ thes . 49. 1. Obiect . Best Churches plea p. 52 , 53. Separatists 3. petition ▪ positto ▪ p. 72. Guide to ●en . pos . 5● . p. 31. 2. Object . M. Best Churches ●lea . p. 60 , 61 ▪ arg . 1 Best 16. p. 64. Separatists 3 petit . 10. pos . at . 2 reas . 3. Cartwright against Whytgift , p. 172. Obiect . 4. Best 16. p. 56. Pro●es . Leyd . Synop. purior . Theol. Walle●● 16 disp . 44. thes . 49. in● Cor. 7 〈◊〉 . Pareus coment . 1 Cor. 7. Melanctho● loc . com . pag. ●83 ▪ Keckerman Syl'em ●heol l. 3. p. 4●3 . Beza in Colleg. Monpelg . p. 98. Presbyter govern . exam . anno 1641 Boniface 4. Best . Church plea , a●g 5. p. 63. 4. Obiect . Obiect . 5. Obiect . 6. Best Church plea , p. 63. 7. Obiect . 8. Obiect . 9. Obiect . Separatist●● pe●●● p●s . 10. Walleus in loc . com . 2. Conclus . Notes for div A57976-e47220 1. Arg. De P●●tif . l. 2. c. 1. p 64. Whittaker de conc . quaest . 5. p. 150. 2. Arg. 3. Arg. 4. Arg. English Puritanis . me , c 2 art . 1. p. 4. Light for the ●gnorant , printed , an . 1641. p. 20. Guide to Zion , pos . 11. p. 7. Separatist . 3. p●tit . to King James 〈◊〉 p 44. ●nglish Puritanis . c 2. art . 3 p. 4. Separatists confess . art . 34. p. 25. Episcop disput . 26. 23. Remonstr . apol fol. 246. Remonstran in confes . c. 21 sec. ● , 4. Cat●ches . Raccovie●s de eccles . C●●isti a ▪ 11. ●●l . 305. 306. & 16. fol. ●01 30● . Robinso● ▪ Childley . 5. Arg. Cap. 7. q 7. conc . 4. Notes for div A57976-e49120 Six Argument● against independēt congregations . Chidl●y . Epiph. Obiect . 1. 2. Object . Gilbert V●●●●us do classib . the● ▪ 7. Obiect . 3. Manuscript for independent Churc●●● . 4. Obiect . Manuscript for independent Church●● . ● . Obiect . M. Best plea for the Church . sect . 4. pag. 33. B●idgesias . Hugo Gr●tiet . De Polit. Eccles. l 3 c. 23. 6. Obiect . M. 〈◊〉 ▪ 16 P 34. M. Best . 7. Obiect . Object . 8. Obiect . 9. 10. Object . M. Best . Obiect . 11. 2 Pet. 3. 2. Suarez de trip . 〈◊〉 tract . 1 disp . 5. se●● . 4. Vasquez in 3 tom . 3 d ●p 2. 6 c 3. Bellarm de verbo m●n●script . Ca●●tan , Opus . 1. tract 37. Sotu● de 〈…〉 l 7. c. 6. a● . 1. Hooke● . polit . l. ● . p. 15● . Su●luvi●● de Pre●● c. 11. p. 67. Obiect . 12. Obiect . 13. Obiect . 14. Best . Parke● . Scotland disci●line 2. book chap. 7. 〈◊〉 . a●● . 6● . Beza Epi●t . 83. Cypr l. 4. ●●p 21 , 24. Whit. c●nt . 3. q. 3. c. 3. 〈◊〉 est no●●●ll●s ex ple●e 〈…〉 a Rom. ● 3. Ro● : 12. 3. Rom. 10. 1. 1 Cor. ● . 11. 1 Cor 3. 1. 1 Cor. 12. 1. 〈◊〉 . 3. 1. 1 Thess. ● . 1. 2 Thess. 3. 1. Iam. 3 ▪ 1. Parker de poli● l. 3. c. 18. 〈◊〉 ex donis interni ▪ pendet ▪ 〈◊〉 ex delegatione Ecclesi●e . 〈◊〉 in act . 1● . 6. Palam est ad Apostolicos vir●s rer●m ad fidem 〈…〉 C●lv . Com ●b v. 6. 〈◊〉 lucas tot●m Ecclesiam 〈…〉 . M Bell Church plea sect . 7. at 7. Parker de Pol● . l. 3. c 13. Whittaker cont 1. q 1. p ●2 , 23. 〈◊〉 Conslan . c ▪ ●9 Nanclerus Vo● . 1. gen 8. Conc● Constan. loc cit . Cardinals oath , ann . 1●03 . Iulius 2 his oath . 〈◊〉 of the Councell of Trent , c 1. p. 4 Br. 〈◊〉 de causa Dei. ●3 c. 53. 〈…〉 , ex●u●ge . quaeso , exime gladium . Pra● . de Arriba in Th●●l . spec in pref Concil Nicae . c. 6. Concil Trull . c. 8. Conc A●r● . c. 138. Concil . Sard c. 15. Notes for div A57976-e53680 Parker de Polit. l. 3. c. 24 Quid enim annon cla●si Synodi quaedam species est ? Am●s Be●lar . Enciv . to 2. l. ● . c. ● , Pro●ess Leyd . in Synop . di●p . ●9 . 〈…〉 Basil. epist. 10. Chrysost. August . Athanas. Licet longissime separat● . Cypr. l. 1. epist. 8. nis● omnes in ●num conveniamu● . Field on the Church . l. 5. c. 30. Bilson gover . p. 52. Whittak . de cont . q. 5 c. 3. 8. Arg. A●to . Walleus loc . 〈◊〉 . p. 893. 9. Arg. Parker . de polit . l. 3. c 4 M Best Church plea p. 50. Separatist 3. petit . 8. pos ar . 3 p 6● . Beza an . in 1 Cor. ● . 4. Martyr . com . Calvin in 1 Cor. 5. Marlor . Pareus . Chrysost. Augustin . a Col. 4. 16. 1 Cor. 16. 1 , 2 , 3. 2 Cor. 8. 1. Rom. 16. 27. K●therin Childley ag●inst M. Ed , wards , p. 18. 10. Ar. English Puritanis . c 2. at 6 p. 5. ● Best . Churches plea , arg . 8. p. 73 , 74 Bellar. de pontis l. 1 c. 9. Suarez de tripl . vi●t . disp . 18. sec. 1. n. 5. Becan . Vasquez . Greg. Valen. Zipper . de polit . l. 3. c 4. a Col. 5. 4. Cant. 2. 15. A manuscript for independent Churches , c , 1. p. 12 Arg. 12. Iulius ● . Bull , anno 1551. Theol. l. 1. c 7. Russin l. 10. c● . Socra● Irip. hi●● . l. 1. c. ult . Euseb. de vit . Con. l. ● . c. 6. Theod. l. 5. c. 6. Sec. l. 7. c 39. Euag l. 1. c. 9. Niceph. l. 14 ▪ c. 34. Sozo●en . l. 3. c. 9. Niceph. l. 17. c. ●7 . Martin Poli●us in Constant , 4. E●iscop . disp . 13. thes . 18. 19 Joan Ge●●eran . 〈◊〉 mag . 〈◊〉 Sla●us aper . dec●● 53. 〈◊〉 in d●sens . ver . sentent de mag polit . pa● . 2. f ●32 , 235 Cat. ch . R●●ov de Proc. Christi . c. ● . p. 146 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Institut . Relig c ●8 ●ma●c disp 7 de 〈◊〉 oper . contr . Frantz . Notes for div A57976-e57340 M. B●st Church plea ●ect . 7. at . 1. and 4. page 68. Parker de Polit. l 3. c. 4. Separat . 3 pet . pos 8 a● , 3. R. bi●s against Bernard , p. 70. Pres● , govern . examined , ann . 16●● . p. 12 , 13. Pag. 23. Ant. Walleus loc . com . p. 1012. Bucan . loc . com . 44. q 13. Rolloc . com . in 2 Thes. 3. Beza an . mai , in 1 Cor. 5. 4. Pateus com . ib. O●lvin . 〈◊〉 . Jactatis vos incu●pali●es esse . Iu●u● Eccl. l. 2. c. 1 , & 9. n. 14. V●●● in exp● Ca●e . de excom . Marsil . pata . p dict 1 c. 2. Vrs●●t . q. 85. p. 490 , art . 3. Kemnitius exam , conc . Trid. de indulg . par . ● . p. ●9 . Calvin con● , ib. Bulling . 1 Cor. 3 , 11 , 12 , 13. M. Rolins● against M. Yates , p. 28. Beza a● . in 1 Cor. 12. Calvin . Pareus com . in ● 1 Cor. 12. Bulling . Martyr . Pelican . Pomera . com . in 1 Cor. 14. Chryso . Theoph. Oec●men . Ambros. Lyram 1. Cor. 14. Caiet● . Obiect . 2. Caietan . in Act. 14. 23. Vasquez in 3. par . Thom. tom . 3 disp . 24 ● c. 5. Iun. de cloric . c. 7. n 61. T●len . disp 25 de voc . min thes . 15 , 16. Calvin . com●b . Beza . in mai ib. Bulling . ib. Cyprian l. 1. epist. 4. Bellar. Theod , l. 1. c. 9. Concil Nice . epist. ad episc . Alexand. Concil . Constantin● . Greg ●x . i● Missana de electione . Kran●zius l 8. Metrop . c. 3. Vasquez . in 3. Tho. tom . 3. disp . 244 c. 5. n. 55. Radevicus de gest . F●●de , 1 ▪ c. 50. Platinai● decret . elect . Greg●r . 7 Chrysost. de sacerdot . l. 3. sol . 14. Leo epist. 89. ad episcop . per V●ennensem provinc . Gregor . Mag epist. l 2 c. 69. Gra●ian , dist . 32 , 34 〈◊〉 , 63. Obiect . 3. Syrus ●inistror●● periphrasis . Beza . ib. Erasm. Calvin . Bulling . Marlorat . Su●●vius . Brightman . Scultetu● . Obiect . 4. M. Best . Pr●sb gov exam ▪ Kath. Childley , p. 19 Brightman . Apoc. c. 2. Bulling . ib. Didoclav . 11. alta Damasc. p. 132 , 133 , 135. August . hom . 2. in Apoc prapositis eccl●siaram . Gregor . mor. in Iob l. 34. c. 4. Primasius . Beda . Haymo . Fulk against Rh●mest . Rev. 1. 20. Perkins . Fox . 5. Obiect . M. Best . Parker de Poli● . 3. c 24. Gu●l . Voe● . de Pol. ●ccl . thes 7. Edmu●d , Richer . de Pol. & Eccles. potest , p. 14. Dost . Paris . de Pol. Eccl. p 13. Gerson de Potest . Eccl. consid . 4. Obiect . 6. 1 Cor. 12 20. 27. with 4. 17. and 5. 12. ●nd 11. 23. 26. and ●4 . 33. Mat 18 r. 7 , ●0 . 1 Tim. 1. 3. 15. Separatists 3. petit . ● pos . p. 43. Act. 10. 34. 7. Obiect . Ames . Medul . Theol. l. 1. c 32. ● thes . 22. Object . 8. Bellarm. 〈◊〉 Fuchr . P●e●●r in Exod 10. 9. Obiect . 10. Object . Obiect . 11. Separat 3 pet . 4. posit p. 5 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 . A●nsworth communion of Saints . R●binson against Tat●r , p 28. a Gen 10. 7. Exod 7 ● . Deut. 8 55. Iudg 6. ● . 1 Sa● . 3. ●0 . 1 Sam. 22. 5. 1 Sa● . 7. 2. 1 King. 1 8. 1 K●ng 1● . 29. 1 King 13 11. 2 Ki●g 3. 1. K●●g . 6 12. 2 King 20 , 1. 2 Chron. 12. 5. Psal 7● 9. Lam. 2. 20 , Hab. 1 1. Mat 1. 2 , M●● 2 17. 〈…〉 7. 6. Acts 〈◊〉 10. 〈…〉 8 , 〈…〉 15. Rev. 11 ▪ 10. Part●● com . Bulling . ib. Calvin . Pareus prolego in Hos. Hiero● . Epist. 125. trium questionum ad Damas q ● . in● Thes , Gregor . Mor. l. 2. c ult . Thom. 22. q. 172. a●t . 2. Suarez d● tripl . virt . disp 8. sec. 8. n 7. Thomas 22. q. 172. ar . 2 ▪ Ca●●tan . co● . in 22. q. 171. ar● . 2. Pareus prolog . in com●n Hos ●r . 1. Anton Walleus i● loc . com . de Theol p. 18. ● Kin 3. 15. 〈◊〉 com in 2 〈◊〉 3 ad 〈…〉 conseque●ter 〈…〉 ad De●m . Ro●i●s against Yales , p. 37 , 38. Epis●●p dis . 26. thes 2 , ● . 〈◊〉 trac de 〈◊〉 10. p. 88. & 〈◊〉 c 10. p 〈◊〉 87 , 88. 〈…〉 Nedo G●r . c. 1 p. 3. Cat●ch . 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 c. 11. p. 〈◊〉 , 306 〈◊〉 Insti c 42. Socin tract . de eccl . ad 10 c Rom. 10. 4. 15 & de exter . reg . 〈…〉 . fo 252. Rem●●str . confess . c. ●2 sec. 1. Apol ●o . 295. 2. Conclusion Heb. 3. 13 : Lev. 19. 17. 1 Thess 5. 11 , 12. Col. 3. 16. Heb. 10. 23. Mal 4. 16. Zach. 8. 21. Calv. com . Hos. 2. 〈◊〉 Bulling in ●cl . 46. Beza . ib. Dav●nanit . in Col. 3. 16. Whittak . Tom. 2. de auth . scrip . l. 3. c. 14. ad , 14. Parcus in Hos. 2. 2. Zanch. Muscul in Es. c. 2. 2. Gualib . hom . 17. Aug. de civ . D●i . l. 1. c. 9. Ch●ys . hom in ●x . 23. Ambros. in Lu● . 17. Hyer . in Mat. 18. Thom ● . q. 33. Barnes in 22. q. 33. art . 2. Suarez Vasquez ib Valentia Jesuita . Obiect . 13. Conc●l . Sa●d c 17. Con●●l . Laodic . c. 12 Con● , Africa , c. 127 Conc. Toledo . 4. c. 25 August . con . dona●●●● l. 2. c 3. Cypr. l. 2. ep . 3. Notes for div A57976-e65470 English Puritanis . c. 2. a● 6. p. 5. M. Best against Paget , p. 133 , 134. Pagets answer to Dave●port , p. ●35 . M. Best Church plea , p. 30 , 31. a Heb 5 4 , ● . Rom ● 14 , 15. 1 Tim. ● . 21. Acts. 23. Acts 6 5. Acts 13. 2. Acts 1● . 23. 2 Tim. 2. 2. 1 Tim 3 1 , 1. T it 1 5. Enerist ep 2. Cal●tu● ep 2 ad Epise . Gal c 3. 〈◊〉 3 c. de 〈…〉 Episc Vasquez in 3. Tho. To●● . de sacr disp . 240. c. 1. n. 2. 4. Arg. The●●● in . 1. Tim. 4. 14. Cypr. ep . 33. Athan ep . ad O●th . Ambros. com . in 1 Tim. 5. ●hrys . ●om . 13. in 1 Tim. Hyper. in 1 Tim. 4. Ar●● in 1 Tim. 4. Profess Leyd . disp . 42. ●n . 32. Ecc ▪ M. Plesseus de p. 30. Zanch in 4 praecep Wille● Synop. pap p. 2. cont . 5. q. 3 Gers Buce● degub . Eccl. sect 86. p. ●35 . Zipp●r . de Pol. Eccl. 2. c. 1● . n. 8 , 9 , 10. 1. Obiect . Mat. 10. Obiect . 2. Hen. Iac. of Chu● . govern . c 7 : p. 168. Obiect . 3. Separatist Protest . anno 1616. a● . 10. 3. pe● . pos 5. p. 47. M Jacob Church gov●●n . 〈◊〉 . 7. p. 47. Obiect . 4. Smith ce●s . paral ▪ p 112 , 113. Obiect . 5. Smith paral . ●2 . 6. Obiect . Smith . ib. ● . Obiect . 8. Object . Psal. ●9 . 36. 37 ▪ Psal. 72. v. 4 , 5 , 6. 9. Obiect . 10. Object . Notes for div A57976-e68890 Calv , in Tit. 1. ●artwright . l. 3. p. 35. Ju●us . 〈…〉 ●●vey c. 12. Til●● Par ad Scot. Dilo●l . alt . Da●●as . p. 918. Ruling Elders proved from 1 Tim. 5. 17. Hals humble Remonst . to the Parliament , an . 1641. p. 198 , 199. Field● . booke of the Church , c , ●6 . This speech where the article 〈◊〉 is doubled , an● the adverbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intervening signifie ever divers persons . Field 5. booke of the Church , c. 26. Cyp● . l. 4. ep . 4. l. 3. ep . ●1 . T●r● . in Apol. c. 39. Hier. in 3 ●sa . & in sit . 1. Ambr. in ● Tim 5. Ambr. in 1 Tim. ● . Surv●y , c. 16. p. 17 ; ●●ld Chur. l. ● . c. 26 Beza in M●t. 16. 19 ▪ Cartwright , l. 3. p 83. N●ellius . thes . Theol. p 243. Survay , c. 17● 〈…〉 B●llar . de con● . l ● . c 15. Concil . Basil. Ecc●us de concil . W●lus l. 2 de p●i●● . Deacons cannot baptize and preach . 2. Arg. 3. Arg. 4. Arg. 5. Arg. 6. Arg. 7. Arg. Valent. Suarez . Vasquez . Bucanus . 8. Arg. Survay , c. 18. p. 20● C●●twright l. 〈◊〉 p. ●●0 . 〈◊〉 defen . p. 135. T●av . dist . ●ccl . p. 118 , ●19 . ●un E●cl l 2 c. 4. Sarvay of discipl . c. 32 , 33. 1. Conclus . 2. Conclus . Cartwright , p. 1. p. 93. Vir●tus dial . 3. Calv admonitions to the Pa●l . 2. of Eng. p. 61. 3. Conclus . Cartwright , l. 3. p 163. Ob●ruded 〈◊〉 , c. ● . v. 2. Whytgift against 〈◊〉 . 4. Conclus . 2 Chron. 29. 2 King. 2● . Wh●tgift , tract 3 to the ad●● c. 6. 5. divil against Cartwright , p. 18● Cam●ro . 〈…〉 Magistrate hath ● no negative voyce in Synod● . 3. Arg. 4. Arg. 5. Arg. 6. Arg. 7. Arg. 8. Arg. 1 Cor. 9. 6. Act. ● . 19 ▪ 9. Arg. 5. Conclus . Davenant . de iud . controver . c. 13. p. 7● Barclaius de priest . c. 14. p. 110 Balth Meisnerus in sobr . Philo. par . 3. Sect. 2. c. 2. Anto Spal●●● de rep . ●c . l. 6. c. 3. ● . 17. Glossa . in C. Had●i . an . dist . 36 : 〈◊〉 art . Cusan . de conc . l. 3. c. 3. Berengarius l de myst sign . t●m . ● . Bibloth patr . Gelasius . Nicolaus I. M Anto. de Domin . Arth●epist . Spala . de rep . eccl . l. 6. c. 3. n. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Bellarm. contra Barcl . c. 2. Spal . ib. n. 9. Clemens 5. & temp●rales sua à nobis , & sub nobis tenet ( Rex ) Clemens l. ● . c 11. Azorius inst . mor. p. ● l. 4. c. 10 Papa subditos à Sacraments Religione erga Regem solvit . So Sander devi● . Monat . l. 2. c. 4. Concil . go● 8. c. 14. Bellar. contra Barclatum . c. 19. See more of this in Bosius d● sig . Eccles l. 17. c 3. and B●sius de ●uinis gentium , l 1. c. 18. Fazellus de reb Sion , l. 8. c ● . Sander . de visib . Monat . l. 2 c. 4 Papirius Masson de Epist. Vrb. l. 5. in vita B●nifacij 8. B●rrom . Anal tom 12. anno . 1106. n. 14. all Trumpets of Treason that the Pope may de●hron● Kings . Notes for div A57976-e75390 Assembly at Glask Assembly at Edinburg . Act at Edinburg Assembly , an . 641 
A88948	----	A reply to Mr. Rutherfurd, or A defence of the answer to Reverend Mr. Herles booke against the independency of churches. VVherein such objections and answers, as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by Mr. Samuel Rutherfurd, a godly and learned brother of the Church of Scotland, in his boke entituled The due right of Presbyters, are examined and removed, and the answer justified and cleared. / By Richard Macher [sic] teacher to the church at Dorchester in New England. 1646. Mather, Richard, 1596-1669. 1647 Approx. 445 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 67 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A88948 Wing M1275 Thomason E386_9 ESTC R201478 99861982 99861982 114129 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88948) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114129) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 61:E386[9]) A reply to Mr. Rutherfurd, or A defence of the answer to Reverend Mr. Herles booke against the independency of churches. VVherein such objections and answers, as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by Mr. Samuel Rutherfurd, a godly and learned brother of the Church of Scotland, in his boke entituled The due right of Presbyters, are examined and removed, and the answer justified and cleared. / By Richard Macher [sic] teacher to the church at Dorchester in New England. 1646. Mather, Richard, 1596-1669. [12], 80, 71-109 [i.e. 119], [1] p. Printed for J. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Rutherford, Samuel, 1600?-1661. -- Due right of Presbyteries -- Early works to 1800. Herle, Charles, 1598-1659 -- Early works to 1800. Church of Scotland -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Independant churches -- England -- Early works to 1800. Congregationalism -- Early works to 1800. Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. Church polity -- Early works to 1800. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A REPLY TO Mr. Rutherfurd , OR , A defence of the Answer to Reverend Mr. Herles Booke against the Independency of Churches . VVherein such Objections and Answers , as are returned to sundry passages in the said Answer by Mr. Samuel Rutherfurd , a godly and learned Brother of the Church of Scotland , in his Booke Entituled The Due Right of Presbyters , are examined and removed , and the Answer justified and cleared . By RICHARD MA●HER Teacher to the Church at Dorchester in New ENGLAND . 1646. LONDON , Printed for J. Rothwell , and H. Allen at the Sun and Fountaine in Pauls Church-yard , and the Crown in Popes-head Alley , 1647 , The Authors Preface to the Reader . Christian Reader , HAving published some yeares agoe , a small Treatise , in way of a brotherly Answer to reverend Master Herle ; I now present unto thy view a defence thereof against such objections and answers as have been returned to sundry passages therein , by reverend and learned Master Rutherfurd . In which undertaking it hath been farre from my intention to increase or uphold the differences that have appeared of late yeares in England amongst the servants of the Lord , about matters of Church government . For I had much rather bring Prayers and teares for the quenching of such fires , then fewell or oyle for the increasing thereof : neither shall the same I hope , be any thing at all increased by what here I present now thy view . At the least this I may say , that I intended no such thing but the contrary , even the promoting of truth and peace , if it were the will of God so to blesse my desires and endeavors . True it is , I have taken the liberty to consider and try some things delivered by that reverend brother whom here I have to doe withall , but this I trust cannot be justly offensive , in as much as the Spirit of the Prophets is Subject to the Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. 32. and the doctrine of the Apostle himselfe was examined by those noble Bereans , whom the holy Ghost commendeth for searching the Scriptures daily , whether those things were so Act. 17. 11. It is also true which our reverend brother saith in his Epistle to the Reader , before his Peaceable Plea , that there is great cause of sorrow that all the Lords people should not minde one thing , and sing one song , and joyne in one against the Children of Babel . Neverthelesse , this may be some comfort against this sorrow , that by the providence of the Lord this diversity of opinions and disputes , if it be Christianly carried as it may , may occasion and produce in the issue the further clearing up of truth . For as our author well observeth , from the Collision of opinions resulteth truth : and disputes as stricken flints cast fire for light . Due Right of Presbyt . Epistle to the Reader . The desire and hope whereof , together with the advice of such brethren as I consulted withall , was that which chiefely prevailed with me for the publishing of this reply , wherein the reader will finde sundry Scriptures and questions controverted in these times , discussed and considered so farre as the nature of a Reply or defence did lead thereto ; and I hope some or other through Gods blessing may receive some profit thereby . And if the humble Christian who desires to know , and love and practise the truth , shall receive any benefit or help for attaining these ends by meanes of this labour of mine , it is that which I intended and aimed at , and for which I desire that God alone may have the praise and glory . If any shall still remaine otherwise minded ; yet in due time I hope God shall reveale even this unto them . In the meane time , diversity of apprehensions in these points ought not to bred any alienation of affection amongst those that are otherwise Orthodoxe , and sincere . It were a thousand pitties , if it should . For my part , I cannot but approve what this reverend brother sometime professeth , that he doth both love and dispute , contradict and reverence at once : Peaceable Plea : Epist . Yea , he counts himselfe a debtor for love , charity , honour and all due respect in Christ Jesus , and a seat and lodging in his heart and highest esteeme to all those that be godly , lovers of the truth , and sufferers for the truth against Prelacy , though possibly they like not well of Presbyteriall government : ibid. In answer whereto ( for I would be loth that such love should be lost upon us , without due returne of the like ) I would for my part professe the like deare and due respect to all those that are qualifyed as here he doth describe ( of which sort I know there are many ) though possibly they may like better of the way that is called Presbyteriall , then of the Congregationall . For those that give apparent Testimonies that they are the Lord's , and so that they must live together in heavens , I know not why they should not love one another on earth , what ever differences of apprehensions may for the present be found amongst them in some things . As for bitternesse of spirit and tartnesse of contests , I never thought that to be Gods way of promoting truth amongst brethren , and therefore I have endevoured in this discourse to avoid the same . For I beleeve there is more hope of doing good by solidity of argument with a spirit of meeknesse and love , then by sharp and tart language , the fruit of bitternesse of spirit , wherein for the most part right of reason is wanting , the passions being there most vehement and stirring , where the intellectuals are most ●eeble and weake . Now if any aske why this defence hath been so long deferred , it being now two yeares and more since Master Rutherfurd his due right of Presbyt . came forth , such may be pleased to consider that New England being as 't is counted 3000 miles distant from old ; therefore many Books may be extant in England a long time afore we that are so remote can so much as heare any sound thereof : and those few that come to our knowledge , are commonly extant in England a matter of a yeares space afore , and sometimes longer . In which respect many things may be spoken and Printed against us , whereto it cannot be expected that we should returne any speedy Answer . And though it be now twelve moneths agoe or more since Master Rutherfurd his due right of Presbyt . came to my hands , yet at that time my few spare houres from my constant and ordinary employments were wholly taken up otherwise , so that I could not attend this businesse any sooner : which I desire may be accepted as a just apologie for the late coming forth of this Reply ; which as it may seeme late , so it is more large then in some respect I could have desired , by reason that I doe usually transcribe those words of Master Rutherfurd , whereto I d●e apply my Answer ; which course I confesse I did not unwillingly ( in some respects ) chuse , partly to save the Reader a labour of turning to the place in Master Rutherfurd which I am speaking too ; which else he must have done , or have taken things upon my report upon trust ; and partly that my candid and faire dealing with the Author , whom I have to doe withall might the better appeare . For when a mans words are not kept , but forsaken , and others substituted in their place , his minde and meaning may soone be mistaken , and represented amisse unto the Reader . Which is a practise that I have often seene , but never approved ; and therefore I have not used it . For I would be loth to wrong any man ; specially a man of such worth as I take Master Rutherfurd to be , by imputing to him what he doth not teach nor deliver : and for this cause it is that I have usually transcribed and expressed his owne words ; and by this meanes my booke is growne to the greater bulk . One thing more I would advertise the Reader of , and then I shall quickly have done : the figures from 185 and so forward , noting the number of the Pages in Master Rutherfurd his Treatise , are set downe twice therein , once in their proper place , and againe after the page 484. Wherefore if any of these pages be quoted in this Reply , as some of them are , if the thing that is alleaged be not found in the page that is named , looke for it in the other place of the booke where are the same figures , and there you may finde it . Courteous Reader , study the truth in a way of Piety and peace : Be zealous for it , but lose not love to the Saints : beware , when the world is filled with disputes about discipline , that thou be not drawne onely to erroneous opinions in maine matters of doctrine . Be sure to practise and expresse the power of Godlinesse in humility of minde , mortification of thy own corruption , faith in the Lord Jesus , and love to all his redeemed ; and be not by any meanes drawne away from these things , which doe so mainly conduce to thy salvation . Finally as the Holy Ghost saith , Phil. 4. 8 , 9. whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are lovely , pure , and of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , thinke on these things , and doe them ; and the God of peace shall be with thee . Improve I pray such interest as thou hast in God through the mediator , by affording the help of thy Prayers for me , who am Truly desirous of thy Salvation , R. M. Decemb. 10. 1646. A Table of the Contents of the ensuing Treatise . Chap. 1. OF Appeales from particular Congregations , and the true cause of Appeales , and whether by Mr Rutherford his doctrine in this point there must not be appeales to Generall Counsells , whose power of Iurisdiction he doth not yet deny . page . 2. Chap. 2. Of the power of Synods to give advite and Counsell , and whether from thence it doth follow that they have no power to command . page . 11. Chap. 3. Of the Assembly , Acts. 15. whether they did exercise any power of Iurisdiction , against the obtruders of Circumcision , and whether their rebuking of them does argue the Affirmative . page . 15. Chap. 4. Of the Dogmaticall power of Synods : And of the power of Congregations to determine matters amongst themselves , if ability serve thereto . page . 21. Chap. 5. Againe of that Assembly Acts. 15. whether their rebuking the false teachers do prove a power of Iurisdiction and excommunication in Synods : and whether preaching do prove the Assembly where it is , to be a Church . page . 24. Chap. 6. Whether the power of Synods be a power of Iurisdiction ; and of the dependance of the Synagogues upon the Synedrion at Ierusalem . page . 30. Chap. 7. Whether the lawfulnesse or necessity of Appeales doe prove a superiority of Iurisdiction in Synods over Congregations , and of sundry sayings of our Author which seeme to interfere . page . 39. Chap. 8. Whether Antioch Acts. 15. had right to have ended the controversie amongst themselves , if they had bin able , and whether their sending to Jerusalem for helpe , or their knowledge that other Churches were troubled with the like evill , or the party among themselves who were against the truth , do prove the contrary . And of Supremacy of power in Congregations . page . 49. Chap. 9. Whether the Congregationall way or the Presbyteriall do make the Gospel more defective , then the Law of Excommunication by a Church that hath onely three Elders , and of doing things suddenly . page . 66. Chap. 10. Whether the necessity of discipline be greater then of Sacraments : and whether a Congregation that hath neighbours may not exercise entirenesse of Iurisdiction , as well as one that hath none ; and whether a man may take on him the whole Minestry , having no outward calling thereto ; and may not as well take on him one act of baptising or ministring the Lords Supper . page . 75. Chap. 11. Whether the power of Iurisdiction flowing immediately from the essence of a Church , doe not agree to a Church that hath neighbours , as well as to a Church that hath none ; and whether otherwise neighbouring Churches be not a losse . And whether pretence of male-administration be a sufficient reason for neighbouring Churches to deprive a Congregation of its power . page . 93 Chap. 12. Whether it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be Iudge , and whether Mr Rutherford can safely say that none of them do so teach ; and whether this saying , that parties may not be Iudges , do make against entirenesse of power in a Congregation , any more then in a Generall or Nationall Councell . page . 104. Chap. 13. Whether the Churches at Thessalonica and Jerusalem , were each of them more then one Congregation , and of Mr. Baynes his judgement therein . Of the Assembly mentioned Luke . 12. and whether our Saviour did there speake to his Disciples onely , or to all the people also . page . 112. Chap. 14. Whether the Church at Corinth was one Church meeting distributively in sundry Congregations , or whether it was onely one Congregation . And whether 1 Cor. 14. 23. If the whole Church come together in some place , &c. doe make for sundry Congregations or for one onely . page . 123. Chap. 15. Whether the Church at Ephesus were more in number then Corinth and Jerusalem ; and the judgement of Mr Baynes whether that Church was many Congregations or one onely . page . 137. Chap. 16. Whether the Church at Antioch was onely one Congregation : and whether Acts. 14. 27. and 15. 30. doe not prove the affirmative . page . 140. Chap. 17. Whether or no liberties are given by Christ to the people , but women must exercise the same as well as men . And of the peoples liberty about ordination , or the calling of Ministers . page . 146. Chap. 18. Of Mr Rutherfords report of Synodicall propositions in New-England . page . 151. Chap. 19. Of the Appeales of Luther and Cranmer , and of the power of Iurisdiction in generall Councels denied by Mr. Rutherford ; whether therein be doe not contradict himselfe , and also overthrow the Iurisdiction of Classicall , Provinciall , and Nationall Assemblies . page . 153. Chap. 20. If it were granted that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in Monarchies , whether would it not follow that the Government of Churches must so end , as well as that Congregations must depend on the Government of Synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion in government to other societies . And whether the multitude of Grecians and Hebrewes , who ch●se the seven Deacons Acts. 6. were two Congregations , or one onely . page . 159. Chap. 21. Whether Congregations may be excommunicated by Classes and Synods , by vertue of those words ▪ Mat. 18. Tell the Church , as containing a rule and remedy for all offences , or at the least a Church remedy for the offences of Churches and Church members . And if yea , whether it would not thereupon follow , that a Nationall Church must have the benefit of this remedy as well as others ; and so have no independency of Iurisdiction within it selfe , but be subject to the jurisdiction of Generall Counsels , which yet Mr. Rutherford doth deny . page . 164. Chap. 22. When the supreame Magistrate is a professed enemy to Religion , whether then it be likely and usuall , that the greater part of the people are sincerely religious , and whether when the greater part are enemies with their Magistrates , it be then the duty of a few that are sincere , to assemble in a Nationall Synod , and there to enter into a Nationall Covenant , and also to injoyne the same unto that greater part . page . 170. Chap. 23. Whether the word Church be not given to a single Congregation : and whether a Congregation be a company or Church-meeting onely for word and Sacraments , and not for any other spirituall duties : and whether the divers duties , 1. of word and sacraments , 2. of discipline , &c. must needs argue divers Churches . page . 175. Chap. 24 Whether those children of Israell Numb . 8. 10. who laid hands on the Levites were Elders by office , and as so considered did lay on their hands . And whether this Scripture do not prove , that where there are no Elders to be had , there some principall members though no Elders by office , may impose hands on Church-Officers . page . 180 Chap. 25. Whether a Ministers calling consist in election or imposition of hands , and whether of these is greater , and whether is prior or posterior . Whether 1 Tim. 4. 14. Acts. 6 2 , 3 , 4. Acts. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. doe prove that the Ministers calling consists in imposition of hands by the Presbeterie , and that such imposition of hands is not a consummatory rite or benedictory signe . Also whether Rom. 10. 15. do prove that a man cannot be a Minister , except some Presbyterie ordaine him before the people choose him , and whether otherwise the people doe send a Minister to themselves . And whether the people of God may not as well discerne a mans fitnesse to be ordained , as his fitnesse to be elected . page . 196. Chap. 26. Whether the Epistles to Timothy and Titus wherein there are contained rules of direction in laying on of hands , do prove that this action may not in any case be performed by Non-officers , but must be performed onely by Presbyteries ; and whether the argument do not make as strongly for the appropriating of laying on of hands to the Prelates , as to the Presbyteries , and do not as well exclude the Presbyteries from medling therein , as exclude the people . page . 206. To the Christian Reader . IN the yeare 1643. there came forth a Treatise against Independency , under the name of my Reverend and learned Brother Mr. Charles Herle , the Pastor of Winwick in Lancashire . This Treatise , because it seemed to bee written with such a Candid and peaceable spirit as might witnesse for its Author that the thing he aymed at therein was meerly the disquisition of the Truth ; and because the Author thereof was many yeares agoe of my Reverend brother Mr. Tompsons acquaintance and mine ; therefore we thought it might not be in vaine if we should lovingly communicate to the learned Author such apprehensions of ours , whereby wee were detained from concurring with his judgement in the principall Question disputed in the said Treatise . And therefore in the latter end of the same yeare , there came forth a small Script under our Name in way of a brotherly Answer to that his loving and learned Treatise . Against this Answer Mr. Samuell Rutherford a learned writer of the Church of Scotland , hath alledged and published many Objections . Exceptions , and Answers , in his Booke entituled The due right of Presbyteries : I may call them many , because in that Treatise of his there are no lesse then 24 or 25 severall places , wherein he bring up by name the said Answer , disputing against sundry passages therein as if they were not sound ; which passages if they be indeed erronious and unsound , are a great many to bee contained and found in so small a Work the whole Booke as it is now printed containing in it 30. leaves : So that the leaves in the Booke are not much more then the places therein which this learned Writer doth object against ; which being considered , I thought it therefore needfull to peruse and weigh as the Lord should helpe , the severall places of his fore-mentioned Treatise , wherein he deales against the said Answer : And having so done , I here present my apprehentions to publike view , leaving the Prudent and judicious Reader to consider and judge ; whether this Reverend and learned Brother have sufficiently overthrowne or weak'ned the said Answer , or whether the same doe not still remaine agreable to the rule of Truth , notwithstanding his Objections against the same , or such Answers as he doth returne to severall passages therein . CHAP. I. Of Appeales from particular Congregations and the true cause of Appeales ; and whether by Mr. Rutherford his doctrine in this point there may not be Appeales to generall Councils , whose power of Iu●isdiction he doth yet deny . FIrst of all in his Page 315. ( for that is the first place wherein I find him medling with the Answer ) speaking of doubts concerning Math. 18. 17. Tell the Church ; In a 9 . th Objection about that Scripture , besides other particulers hee hath these words , viz. There is no reason to appeale to a higher Iudicature because the inferiour may erre , because all above a Congregation are Courts which may erre ; Presbyteries Provinciall , Nationall , the universall Councill of the Catholicke Church may erre : And then for author of this part of the Objection hee subjoyneth my Name , and Answer to Mr. Herle , Cap. 2. pag. 13 , 14. Answ . When hee is discoursing of doubts concerning that Scripture , Math 18. Tell the Church , I know no reason why hee should bring those words of mine at such a time or for such a purpose . For though I doe acknowledge that I wrote the words which hee hath set downe or such like , in the place by him alledged ; yet that they were brought by me for such purpose as hee doth report ( viz. For the cleering of Doubts concerning the meaning of Math. 18 17. ) that I doe utterly deny . He that shall looke upon the Chapter and Pages alledged , will find that I doe not there meddle at all with that Scripture , either for one purpose or another ; and therefore cannot be truly said to have used the words alledged , in way of cleering Doubts concerning the same . And albeit in another place , ( cap. 3. pag. 22. et sequ . ) I doe purposely speake to that Scripture ; yet in that place there is no mention at all of the words by him alledged nor of any such like , and where such words are to be found , there that Scripture is not mentioned at all . Now who knoweth not that a man may be much wronged , when the words which hee hath spoken are taken and applyed to such a purpose , for which he did never bring them nor intend them . But to let this passe , let us heare what our Reverend Author saith against the words alledged , in his Answer . The cause of Appeales , saith he , is not because inferiour Iudicatures may erre , for so wee might appeale from all Iudicatures , even from a generall Councill , for it may erre , Pag. 315. lin . ult . Answ . Is not this the very same that was said in the Answer , Pag. 13 , 14. The pages which hee here undertakes to answer , is it not there said ; As for Classicaticall Provinciall , and Nationall Synods , there is none of these but those Cases of deficiency and possibility of Partiality may befall the best of them ; and therefore if for these causes the single Congregations may not be indep●ndant , but there may be Appeales from them , the Synods being subject to the like , there may bee liberty of Appeales from them also — . For as the Congregations may be partiall and erre , so we suppose it will not be denyed but the Classis may erre , the Provinciall Synod may erre , the Nationall may erre , yea generall Councils may erre ; and so by this reason not Synods nor generall Councils may have entirenesse of Jurisdiction , but there may be liberty of Appeales from them also . These are our words in those very Pages which here Mr. Rutherford pretends to Answer and disprove or confute . But in stead of a Confutation we see we have nothing but a plaine Confession or affirmation of his owne , that the thing is even so as was affirmed by us before . Now why hee should make a show of taking away or weak'ning that which we had said , and then in stead of accomplishing what he undertakes , to doe no more but onely to say the same thing againe which wee had said before , what reason I say he had for this I know not ; but plaine it is that for the particular in hand , the Answer which he pretends to weaken , is not yet weakned at all , but rather strengthned and confirmed by his apparent yeelding the Cause , and affirming the same that was before affirmed by us . But saith hee Pag. 316. The true cause ( viz. of Appealing to higher Courts ) is , 1. Because they doe not so frequently erre . 2. They are not so inclined and disposed to erre ; for many eyes see more then one , and doe more seldome miscarry in taking up the right Object : 3. Because wee conceive more equality and lesse partiality in higher Courts . Answ . These three Reasons seeme much what the same , or to hang one upon another ; for therefore they doe more seldome erre because they are not so disposed and inclined to erre , and they are not so inclined because they are more in number , and because there is in them more equality and lesse partiality : So that upon the matter it is but one reason , viz. because though they may erre , yet not so frequently and likely as the Congregation . Yet ( be they three Reasons , or be they but one ) let us consider what force there is in this sa●ing to take away entirenesse of Iurisdiction from a Congregation , and to establish the necessity of appealing from the same unto a Synod , for this is the thing that should be cleared . First of all it may be a question , whether Synods doe more seldome erre then the Presbyteries of Congregations : And the reason of the doubt is ; because the Promise of the presence of Ch●●st is not made meerly to multitude or greatnesse of number ; but if they bee but two or three gathered together in his Name , his Promise is that hee will be present in the midst of them , Math. 18. 20. Now the Promise of his presence being to so small a number gathered together in his Name , why may not a Congregation and its Presbyterie being so gathered , though they be a lesser number then Synods and Councels ; yet bee partakers of the benefit of this Promise , for the preserving of them from Error , as well as those greater Assemblies ? 〈…〉 not but in multitude of Counsellers there is safety : nor doe I doubt but Synods and Council● gathered together in the Name of Christ , may expect the per●●●●ance of this Promise of our Saviours presence : But the thing I doubt of is this , whether a Congregationall Church of Saints , furnished with an able and ●aithfull Presbyterie ( for of such onely doe I speake ) may not by vertue of this Promise bee as frequently preserved fro● Error as those greater Assemblies of Synods and Councils , Posito that the Synods and Counci●ls did as frequently come together as the Congregation doth : For otherwise I grant , the Synods meeting more seldome may erre more seldome : but let the Comparison be equall in respect of the time of Assembling and comming together , and then I doubt whether Synods 〈◊〉 preserved from Error any oftener then the fore-mentioned lesser Assemblies . It is well knowne what N●zianzen said of Synods or Councils in his time , viz. That hee had never seene good and happie end of any of them , and that evils were not so much redressed as increased thereby . Epist . ad Procop●um , Quae Est numere 42. Referr . Whitak De Concill . Q. 1. cap. 3. True it is , Nazianzen lived as Dr. Whi●●● observeth , Pessimis & turbulentissimia Ecclesiae Temporibus , in very corrupt and troublesome Titues , when by reason that Valens the Emperour was averse from the Truth , H●retickes much prevailed and Corruptions greatly increased ; and this might make the good man something more to dislike all Councils then there was cause . Neverthelesse his words doe apparently witnesse , that in his time Synods and Councils did not seldome erre but very often ; so that hee for his part had never seene good that had come by any of them . Then which saying I suppose one would not speake more hardly of a particular Congregation and its Presbyterie ; and therefore by this testimony of his my doubt is increased ; whether the matter be in 〈…〉 Mr. Rutherford doth say , viz. That Synods and Councils doe Rariùs erra●● , more seldome erre then such a particular Congregation as here I am speaking of . But suppose it were so as hee doth affirme ( and I will not deny it , onely as I said I doubt of it ) yet I doe not see what great matter hee can gaine thereby for the furthering of his purpose , that there must be liberty of Appeales from particular Congregations unto Classes and Synods , as unto higher Courts . For if this be the reason 〈◊〉 such Appeales , because such Assemblies doe more seldome erre , because many eyes doe see more , and doe more seldome miscary in taking up the right object ; Then it will follow that the greatest Assemblies , in as much as they have the most eyes , doe of all others most seldome erre , and so to them there must bee the most Appeales . For the learned Author well knowes , à quatenùs ad Omni● valet consequentia . And so by this meanes the true cause and reason of Appeales lying ( according to Mr. Rutherford his apprehension ) in the rarenesse and seldomnesse of erring in such Assemblies to whom appeales are made , and the cause of this seldomnesse of Erring lying in the multitude and great number of eyes in such Assemblies , it must needs thereupon follow , that Vniversall or generall Councils as having in them the most eyes , are the Assemblies that doe most seldome erre , and so un●o them there must be most Appeales . Which if it be gran●ed , the Classicall , 〈◊〉 , and Nationall Synods , are all by this meanes deprived and stri●t of 〈◊〉 of ●●●●diction as well as the particular Congregations , the Synods by 〈◊〉 to generall Councils , as to those that doe ra●iùs c●rare , aswell as the 〈…〉 appeales unto the Synods : And so thera must be no entirenesse of 〈…〉 onely in the generall Councils , but from all other Synods there must 〈◊〉 liberty of Appeales , aswell as from the Congregation . This Consequence for ought I see doth unavoidably follow upon that which Mr. Rutherford lay undowne as the cause of Appealing from a particular Congregation : and so ou● Brethren by this meanes have spun a fine thred , drawing forth a Conclusion which is every what as prejudiciall to their owne Cause as to ours . If any aske why may not this Consequence be owned ? Why may wee not say , there must bee liberty of Appeales from all Synods and Presbyteries , except onely the generall Councill ? The Answer is , th●t wee may not so say ; because then Causes would be too long depending a●ore they could come to issue , yea perhaps would never come to issue as long as this world shall endure : For by this Rule they may by Appeales upon appeales be protracted untill they be brought to a generall Councill to be determined there . Now as there hath not beene any such Councill for many Ages by-past , so it is very uncertaine when there will be one assembled , whether ever or never whilst this world stands . But wee thinke Christ Jesus hath provided better for his Church then so , and hath not appointed such a necessitie of Appeales upon appeales , but that Causes may bee determined afore any generall Councill can be assembled . Besides , if such Assemblies might be frequently attained , yet it is not yet cleered , that when they are assembled they have any power of Iurisdiction at all ; but onely a Doctrinall power to cleare up the Rule , the power of Iurisdiction remaining in some other Assembly . Sure it is , Mr. Rutherford thus teacheth expresly , for his words are these ; Verily I professe I cannot see what power of Jurisdiction to Censure scandals can be in a generall Councill ; there may bee some meerly Doctrinall power if such a Councill could be had , and that is all . Due Right , &c. pag. 482. and in the end of the same Page and beginning of the next , speaking of those words , Math. 18. Tell the Church , hee saith thus ; Because ordinary Communion faileth when you goe higher then a Nationall Church , and Christ's way supposeth an ordinary Communion — ; therefore I deny that this remedy is needfull in any Church above a Nationall Church . By which sayings it appeareth , that he counts Christs remedy to Censure Scandals not needfull in a generall Councill , yea and hee seriously professeth , that hee cannot see that such a Councill if it could bee had , hath any power of Iurisdiction at all to censure Scandals . Which being so , it must needs follow , that Scandals must be censured , and Causes ended somewhere else , afore they can come 〈◊〉 such end to a generall Councill . And if this bee so , then how can that stand which here hee affirmeth , that the true cause of Appealing to Synods in this ; because they doe rariùs errare , more seldome Erre , then the particuler Congregation , and having many eyes doe more seldome miscarry in taking up the right object : For this Cause is most properly appliable to the generall Councill , unto whom notwithstanding hee denies any power of Iurisdiction to censure Scandals ; and if they h●ve no such Power , there can bee no Appeales to them for such purpose and end . And how these things can stand toget●er , That the true cause of Appeales to such or such Assemlies doth he in this , that they doe more seldome erre as having many eyes , and yet that to generall Councils there should be no Appeales at all , as having no power of Iurisdiction , though of all others this Cause be most properly ●ound in them , I for my part doe confesse I doe not understand . If any shall say , that as Mr. Ruthe●ford doth make that which I have mentioned the true cause of Appeales , so hee doth also hold a Power of Iurisdiction even in generall Councils ; and shall therefore doubt whether I doe truly report him 〈◊〉 touch the contrary , I would wish no more favour of such a one but to peruse the places which I have here above alledged , and then I hope hee will ●nd the words to bee no otherwise , but as I have set them downe . I know indeed there are some places in him which doe looke another way ; as that where hee saith , It is by accident and not through want of inuat● and intrinsecall power , that the Court of a Catholick Councill can not in an ordinary and constant way exercise that Power which now we are speaking of Due Right , page 308. And a little after hee saith , He seeth nothing to prove that a generall Councill hath not power to Excommunicate a Nationall Church . Yea and further , that if there were a generall Councill at this d●y , they might lawfully in a Iuridicall way ( so are his words ) doe that to the faction of Romish pretended Catholicks ; which hee saith , is Excommunication in the essence and substance of th● Act. And in the Page next ensuing he saith , This of our Saviour , Tell the Church , is necessarily to be applyed to all Churches and Courts of Christ , even to a Catholick Councill . These Places I confesse doe seeme to me not very well to agree with the either afore alledged : For in the one he plainly affirmes , there is in generall Councils power of Iurisdiction to censure Scanda●s , and in the other hee doth as plainly deny the same . But it is the former places and not these latter which I doe stand upon ; in which former as I conceive him to hold the truth , so for ought I see , that which hee saith in this place wee have in hand about the true cause of Appealing from Congregations to Synods is much infirmed thereby . For how can that be taken to be the true cause of Appeales , which is most properly found in such Assemblies ( I me●ne in generall Councils ) unto whom as having no Power of Iurisdiction , there must be no ap●eales at all ? To conclude this Chapter : When wee doe enquire about Power of appealing , and unto what Courts appeales must be brought , our way is not to seeke for such ●ourts as cannot Erre , for such wee shall never find ; nor for such as we thinke will more seldome erre , as Mr. Rutherford would have it ; for that Rule is also subject to much uncertainty and exception , as hath beene already declared . But the best way is to enquire where the Lord JESVS hath placed the Power of the last and finall censuring and determining of Causes , and when that is found therewith to rest contented . And as for Synods and Councils , it is neither their not Erring , nor their seldome erring that can bee a suffi●ient argument to place the Power of Iurisdiction in them ; unlesse the Lord Iesus had so appointed and ordained , which yet doth not appeare . And so much for this first place , wherein our Brother deales against the Answer . CHAP. II. Of the Power of Synods to give advice and Counsell , and whether from thence it doth follow , that they have no power to Command . THe next place wherein I find this learned Author dealing with the Answer , is in his Page 381. Where having in the Close of a 4 . th Objection in the prece●ent Page brought in these words , viz. A Synod in dogmaticall Power ariseth no higher then this ( viz. a man , or a single Congregation ) as that a divine Institution doth fall upon it . Amongst other things in his Answer to the Objection hee saith thus , viz. I would know if a Synods dogmaticall Power be above the power of single Congregations ; I think saith he , it is not by our Brethrens tenents ; for they say expressely that every particular Church hath right , jus , to decide Dogmaticall points : This right the Church of Antioch had ( Act. 15 ) an● laboured to end that Controversie within her selfe , which sheweth that they had Right an● Power : but they had not Ability ; and therefore in that case they seeke for Counsell , light , and advise from other Churches — . And then amongst other places for Proofe that this is our Tenent , hee alledgeth in his margent my Name and Mr. Tompson● in the Answer to Mr. Herle , Chap. 2. and after the words above rehearsed and some others to the like purpose , hee inferreth thus : Hence saith hee , the power of Synods is onely by way of Counsell and advise . Answ . To omit ( at least for this time ) the other Places alledged in his margent , and not to examine how farre his Answer reacheth to satisfie the Objection , as himselfe hath propounded it ; I will onely consider of such things as doe directly Concerne the answer , for that is the scope ●ayme at , and I endeavour to keepe close thereto . First therefore I have this to say , That for the Dogmaticall power of Synods above Congregations , for the Right and Power of the Church of Antioch in particular , and for the Power of Synods to bee onely by way of Counsell and advise , there is not in the Chapter alledged so much as one word about any one of those 〈◊〉 either one way or another ; so that I cannot but marvell why this reverend Brother should alledge that Chapter for such a purpose . 2. Although in another place of the Answer , viz. Page 4● . there be words to the like purpose with those which our Author here sets downe concerning Antioch , yet for the Conclusion and consequence which hee would thence inferre , viz. That the power of Synods is onely by way of Counsell and advice , as there is nothing said ● the Chapter by him alledged that lookes that way , so there is nothing in the Page or Chapter where A●tioch is spoken of , nor any where else in all th● Booke 〈◊〉 as I doe remember , that can any way serve for the proving of such a Conclusion and tenent to bee ours . The Author alledgeth no place that hath such a conclusion in it , either in direct words or by just consequence : and I professe that for my part I doe not know of any such . 3. But this I doe know that the direct contrary to what here is expressed is plainly to be found in another place of the said answer , viz. Pag. 7. where there are these words , viz. If a Synod may b● called a Church , and if Power by disputation and disquisition to cleare up the Rule , and then to Command Obedience thereto , may be called Government , then they ( viz. the Independants as they are called ) doe admit a Synod to bee a governing Church , for the Power here m●ntioned they doe allow unto Synods . Now the Power here mentioned being , as we see , not onely a Power by disputation to cleare up the Rule , but also a Power to Command obedience thereto , they allowing this power unto Synods as they doe exprestly say that they doe ; I know not why our Brother should say , that they allow unto Synods onely a Power of Counsell and advice . For power to Command Obedience , and power onely by way of Counsell and advice , I suppose are not the same ; and if they be not , I know not how this report in this particuler can bee made good . To me it seemes apparent and undenyable , that they who have Power to Command Obedience , have more then only a Power to counsell and advise ; and they who have onely this latter have no Power of the ●orme● at all . Even interiours , as Naamans servants , 2 King. 5. have power to counsell and advise their Master , and yet I hope they had no Power to Command their Master to yeeld Obedience . 4 Suppose it bee true ( which I deny not ) that the Answer in another place , ( ●hough not in the place by him alledged ) doth say , that A●tioch had right to have ended the matter amongst themselves , if ability had served thereto , and that by reason of Distention and through want of Light they were forced to send out to ●●rusalem for helpe , must it needs follow thereupon that his assembly at Ierusalem had no more Power but onely by way of Counsell and advise ? ( which is the Conclusion which hee endeavours to draw ●●om that which is said concerning Antioch ) I ●●●ceive there is no necessity at all of such a consequence . For whence must the same 〈◊〉 I suppose from one of these two , either from this , that Antioch is supposed and said to have had Right within her selfe , or else from this that Jerusalem gives Counsell and advise . Any other colour for concluding such a Conseptionce as is in question , the Answer affords none that I know of . 〈◊〉 for these two Particulers here mentioned , they are both insufficient for such 〈◊〉 purpose . For what should hinder but there bee more Power in the Synod of ●erusalem towards them of Antioch then only by way of counsell and advise , even power to command them to do what is their duty , though Antioch have right to end the matter themselves , if ability serves thereto ? Doth right in one Person or Assembly to end their ma●●ers if they be able , extempt them from being under the command of others ? Hoshoulders have right to governe and order their families , if so be that they be able : doth it follow therefore that Superiors in Church or civill state have no power to command housholders to do their duty herein , but only to give counsell and advise ? Or if housholdere have such right , doth it follow that therefore they are under no command , in Church and Common-wealth ? I suppose it will not follow at all . Or shall we say , that Classes and Provinciall Synods have no right to end their own matters within themselves , if a Nationall Synod have power to command them ? Or if they have such right , shall we therefore say they are not under the command of the Nationall Synod , and that the Nationall Synod hath no power over them but only by way of Counsell and advise ? Wee suppose Master Rutherford will not say so : and yet he might as well say it , as say as hee he doth , that because Antioch hath right to ●nd her own matter if they be able , therefore a Synod hath no power but only by way of Counsell and advise . And though the Synod is to give Counsell and advise ( which was the other ground whereon the conclusier afore mentioned seemes to be built ) yet neither will Master Rutherford his conclus●on , that the power of Synods is only by way of Counsell and advise , follow from thence at all . For who knoweth not that . Counsell and advise may be administred and given by them , who have also power to command ? Not every one indeed as may advise and Counsell , may forth with command and enjoyne : Neverthelesse , Counsell and Command are not so repugnant , but that they who may Command , may also advise . Paul had power to Command and enjoyne Phyl●mon to do what was convenient , and yet for loves sake would rather beseech him , Philem. 8. 9. The Lord Iesus to doubt hath absolute authority to Command , and yet we find him sometimes speaking to the Sons of men by way of Counsell or advise . Revel . 3. ●8 . I Counsell thee to buy of me Gold , that thou mayest he rich , &c. shall we now inferre from hence , that the power of the Lord Iesus is only by way of Counsell aud advise , and that his power cannot amount to the nature of a Command ? I suppose we would be afraid and abhorre to deduce such a consequence . And therefore , though a Synod may advise , yet their power to Command ( which is more then meere Counsell and aduise ) is not from thence concluded to be Null . And so much for Master Rutherford his second place , wherein he deales against the answer . CHAP. III. Of the Assembly , Act. 15. Whether they did exercise any power of Iurisdiction against the obtruders of Circumcision , and whether their rebuking of them do argue the Affirmative . IN his page 388. He laies downe this as a 2d. Object . viz. That there is no censuring of persons for Scandals , and that meeting , Act , 15. Because there is nothing there but a Doctrinall declaration of the falshood of their opinion who taught the necessity of Circumcision : and that all is done by way of Doctrine and by power of the Keyes of knowledge , not of Iurisdiction , is cleere from the end of the meeting , which was verse 2 & 6. To consider of that Question : Consideration of Questions being the end of the Synod , is a thing belonging to Doctrinall Power meerely . And then he s●●joyneth my name , and in the Margent alledgeth the answer , chap. 1. page 8. Ans . Whereto I first of all returne this answer . First , that the thing here in Question being about the power of that meeting Acts 15. There is nothing in the place alledged by Master Rutherford that can warrant him to frame such an Objection under Master Tompsons name and mine , as proceeding from us : And the reason is , because that meeting Acts 15 , is not mentioned at all in the place by him alledged , neither for that purpose which he sets down , nor for any other ; much losse is the Objection ours in Terminis . Now to frame an Objection , and to alledge chapter and page for proofe that the Objection is ours , when as neither page nor chapter aleadged do speake any thing at all of that matter , what reason can be given for this I know not . Neverthelesse , because the matter contayned in the Objection doth not much differ from my apprehension and judgement , and something in the answer elsewhere may possibly intimate such a thing , though but briefly touched , I will therefore consider of what he saith for removing the Objection as himselfe hath propounded the same . It is false , saith he , that there is no censuring of persons here , for — it is more then evident that the publike Synodicall censure of rebuke is put upon those who held and urged the necessity of Circumcision , and why not Excommunication also in case of obstinacy ? For the Synodicall censure of a publike Synodicall rebuke is only gradually different , not specifically from excommunication , & both must proceed from ou● & the same power . So then the summe is , the Synod had power of rebuking , and therefore of Excommunication also . Answ . The Consequence is not cleere , for who knoweth not that there may be power to rebuke , where there is no power of Excommunication ? Is it not the expresse Law of God , that every man shall plainly rebuke his Neighbour and not suffer sin upon him , Levit. 19. 17 ? And are not our 〈◊〉 words as plaine , if thy brother trespasle against thee rebuke him , and if he repent forgive him , Luke 17. 3 ? Whereby it is evident that one particular person hath power by the Law of God and Christ to put a rebuke upon another , if there be occasion for it . But will it follow hereupon that one particular Christian hath power to Excommunicate another in case of Obstinacy ? I suppose Master Rutherford will not say so ; and yet unlesse this be said , I know not how his Consequence can be made good , that if a Synod may rebuke , they may Excommunicate also . I know indeed he saith , the Synodicall rebuke is only gradually different from Excommunication , and not specifically , and that both must proceed from one and the same Power . But this would require some proofe , and should not nakedly be affirmed without any proofe at all . For of it selfe it is not evident , that where ●ver there is power to rebuke , there is power of Excommunication also . The contrary I suppose is evident from that which hath already been said from Levit. 19. 17. and Luke 17. 3. and from many other Scriptures , and reasons , which shew that one man alone hath power to rebuke , who cannot for that be concluded to have any power of Excommunication . I know the learned m●n is copious in proving from the words of verse 24. Certaine men went from us , and have troubled you with words , subverting your Soules , &c. That this Assembly doth not only in a Doctrinall way confute the false opinion and Doctrine of these teachers of Circumcision , but doth also rebuke them for another fault , to wit ; their obtruding their false way upon the Soules and Consciences of others , and for their wilfull and obstinate upholding that opinion and raysing a Schisme in the Church . But if all this were granted his purpose were not gained thereby , unlesse he would prove that which he doth but only affirme , to wit , That a Synodicall rebuke is not specifically different but only gradually from Excommunication , and that both must proceed from the same power , which ye● he hath not proved at all . But saith he , I argue thus : If the Apostles do not only in a Doctrinall way refute a false Doctrine in this Synod , but also in Church way and by a Juridicall power do rebuke and Synodically charge the Authors as subverters of Soules , and Lyers , then they doe not onely use a meere Doctrinall power in this Synod , but also a Juridicall power : but the former is true : Ergo , so is the latter . Answ . With favour of so learned a man , I thinke this kind of argu●ng is but a begging of the thing in question , and a proving of Idem per Idem . For if the Synod did not only in a Doctrinall way refute a false Doctrine , but also by a Iuridicall power rebuke the Authors of it , then it must needs be true indeed that they did not only use a Doctrinall power , but also a Iuridicall power ; that is , If they did so , they did so : if they did use such power , they did use it . But there still lyes the question , whether they did so or no : and whether they did use such power or not , and this kind of arguing doth not cleere it all . If we on the contrary should argue thus , if this Assembly did not put forth any power of Iurisdiction or Discipline , but only in a Doctrinall way con●ute a false Doctrine and rebuke the Authors of it , then they did onely put forth a Doctrinall power , and not any power of Iurisdiction , one of farre lesse abilities then our learned Author , would soone espy the loosenesse of such reasoning : at least himselfe , we doubt not , would soone espy it , for sometimes we heare him say , friend your Logick is naught , page 177. And yet ( be it spoke without offence ) the Logick which himselfe doth here use is not so good , as to be altogether without fault , no not for the forme of it ; and therefore , we do not see how any thing can be concluded th●reby . But to leave this mistake , and to consider of the matter it selfe . If it were granted that this Assembly doth not only in a Doctrinall way consute a false Doctrine , but also rebuke the Authors thereof , must it needs follow that this rebuking was done in a Iu●idicall way ? Is there no rebuking of offenders for their faults , but only in a way of ●●●●ction and Discipline ? I suppose much needs not to be said for the cleering the truth to be otherwise . For Master Rutherford himselfe confesses Page 394. That there is great odds to do one and the same action materially , and to do the same formally : and Page 393. That one Apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of Circumcision . Which being so , it followeth thereupon that though this Synod ( to call it so ) Act. 15. Had a Doctrinall power , yea and a power of rebuking these false teachers ; yet the thing that he from thence would inferre , viz. Their power of rebuking in a Iuridicall way , and their power of Excommunication , these are neither of them proved thereby . For if it should be said , that though rebuking do not alwayes imply Iuridicall power , yet if it be a Synod that doth rebuke , then the power here spoken of may be concluded thence to be in a Synod . The Answer is , that this will not helpe at all , because this is nothing but the bringing in of another Efficient , viz. The Synod , for effecting or acting the same effect . Now Master Rutherford confesseth pag. 393. That he doth not fetch the specification of this rebuke and of those Decrees from the efficient causes ; and gives that for his reason , which to me is unanswerable , to wit , because one Apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of Circumcision : And in the page next ensuing he confesseth also , that actions have not by good Logick their totall specification from the efficient cause . Which being so , then though it were granted that any Synod may , and that this Synod did performe this action of rebuking , yet the thing in question , to wit , that the power of a Synod is a power of Iurisdiction and of Excommunication is not at all gained thereby . At the least wise ( to end this passage ) this I may say , that if this Reverend Brother will be true to his own Principles , and not gainsay what himselfe hath already written , he for his part cannot conclude the Synods power to Excommunicate from this argument of their power to rebuke , nor yet from any other argument whatsoever : and the reason is , because he doth elsewhere confesse that Synods are not to Excommunicate any , and not this Synod in particular to Excommunicate these false teachers , but to remit the censuring of them to other Churches , Commanding them to doe it . His words as they are to be seene in his Page 413. are these , viz. I could easily yeeld that there is no necessity of the Elicit acts of many parts of government , such as Excommunication , Ordination , admitting of Heathens , professing the Faith to Church-membership , in Synods Provincicall , Nationall or Oecumenicall ; but that Synods in the ease of neglect of Presbyterycall Churches , Command these particular Churches whom it concerneth to doe their duty : and in this sence Act. 15. Is to remit the censure of Excommunication to the Presbytery of Antioch and Ierusalem , in case of the obstinacy of these obtruders of Circumcision . In which words we have two things concerning Excommunication ( to omit other particulars ) first , that there is no necessity that Synods should Excommunicate any , but only command the Churches to do their duty therein . Secondly , in particular concerning that Synod Acts 15. That they were to remit the censure of Excommunication to the Presbyteries of Antioch and Jerusalem , in case of the obstinacy of these obtruders or Circumcision . Which particulars being most true ( as I for my part so esteeme of them ) it followes thereupon , that what Master Rutherford saith in this place we have now in hand , is greatly weakned thereby . For how both these can stand together , that this Synod should have power not only to rebuke , but to Excommunicate these false teachers , and yet neither Provinciall , Nationall , nor Oecumenicall Synods to Excommunicate any , nor this Synod in particular to Excommunicate these false teachers , but to remit the censure to other Churches to whom it concerned , commanding them to do it , how these things I say can stand together , I for my part am not able to understand . CHAP. IIII. Of the Dogmaticall power of Synods , and of the power of Congregations to determine matters amongst themselves if ability serve thereto . IN his Page 396. alledging Mr. Tompsons name and mine , and chap. 1. page 9. of the Answer . He saith we there teach that there is a power of cleering truth dogmatically , & that ultimately where the controversy is ended : but he saith , we will have this Vltimate power not in a Synod only , but also in a Congregation ; and then no answereth three things which there ensue . Answ . Our words are these , by power of Decrees we understand power to cleere up the truth Dogmatically ; for the word translated Decrees is Dogmata in the Originall , Act. 16. 4. And this power we confesse is in a Synod , though not all in a Synod alone , but also in the Presbyterie of a single Congregation . Now these bring our words , if therefore this Reverend Brother would overthrow our Tenent in this particular , he should have proved that there is not any power as all in the Presbytery of a single Congregation to cleere up the truth Dogmatically : this indeed had been directly contrary to what we teach : But this be neither proveth , nor once attempteth to prove ; and therefore our Tenent herein doth yet stand good , for any thing he hath said to the contrary . And no marvell , si●h the expresse words of the text do witnesse that every Bishop hath power and is boand by his Office and duty , by sound Doctrin● both to exhort and convince gainsayets , Tit. 1. 9. And accordingly the Presbitery of Antioch did labour to cleere up the truth in that controversy about Circumcision ; and had much disputation about it amongst themselves , afore there was any speech of sending to Jerusalem for help , Act. 15. 2. Which sheweth that they had power or right to have cleered the matter amongst themselves , if ability had served , or else this indeavour had been sinful as being an attempting to do that whereto they had no right . So that for ought we yet soe , the power that we speake of , and which wee hold to bee in the Presbytery of a Congregation is there indeed by the appointment of the Lord. But let us heare Master Rutherfords Answer . First , saith he , they seeme to make this Dogmaticall power a Church power , and the exercise thereof formally an act of Church government ; and so it must be Church power and Church government in the Synod , as well as in the Congregation . Answ . Whence doth it seeme that we do so make it ? Are there any such words as here he sets down ? Or any words equivalent thereto ? Or doth the place make any mention of Church-power , and Church government at all ? Or is there so much as one word that looketh that way ? If there be , let our Brother say that we seeme to ●each as he doth report ; but if there be not , we are sorry he should report us to teach o● seeme to teach , that which to our remembrance we never said nor thought . And sure it is , we have expresly said the direct contrary in page 7 , the Page next save one afore this which heere he is dealing against , where wee have these words , It seemeth to us ( say we ) that this power , viz. By disquisition and disputation to cleere up the rule ( and then to command Obedience thereto ) is not properly a power and exercise of government and Jurisdiction , but a power of Doctrine , and so a Synod is rather a teaching then a governing Church . These are our words in the Page afore alledged ; wherein we plainly expresse what the power of Synods seemeth unto us to be , even the direct contrary to that which he saith we seeme to make it ; wee on the one side affirming and expressing , that it seemes to us , the power of a Synod is no power of government and Iurisdiction , but a power of Doctrine : And he on the other side reporting that we seeme to make the exercise of Dogmaticall power to be formally an act of Church-government , and so to place Church-government in the Synod . In which report we must needs say , wee are plainly mis-reported . His second answer is this . The last period and Conclusion of the controversie cannot be both in the Congregation by right only , and in the Synod by right only : For two last powers cannot be properly in two Subordinate Iudicatures . Answ . This is very true , but it toucheth not us at all . For we never said the last period of the controversie is both in the Congregation only , and in the Synod onely . If we have so said , let the place be produced where we have said it ; for the place by him alledged doth afford us no such thing , nor any place else that we know of . All that the place affords concerning this point is only this , that there is a power of cleering the truth Dogmatically in a Synod , though not in a Synod only , but also in the Presbytery of a single Congregation . And this Doctrine I hope our Brother will not deny . But whether this power be last in the Synod , or in the Congregationall Presbytery , of this we do not speaks at all ; much lesse do we say as he doth apprehend and report , that this power is both last in the Synod and last in the Congregation too . Wherefore our defence in this particular must needs be this ; that what here he confuteth to be outs , is such a thing as never fell from our mouths or pens , nor for ought we know did never enter into our thoughts . Thirdly , he saith . If a controversie concerne many Congregations as this doth Act. 15. I see not how a Congregation except they transgresse their line , can finally determine it . Answ . Neither doth this touch us , except we had said that a Congregation may finally determine controversies which concerne many Churches , which yet we have not said . As for that controversie Act. 15. It is plaine from verse 2 , that Antioch did endeavour to have ended it amongst themselves , so far as they were troubled therewith . For some teaching that corrupt Doctrine amongst them , they had much disputation about the point afore they determined to send out for helpe elsewhere . Now to what end was thus much disputation , if they had no right to determine the matter ? might they not better have spared their paines ? Or did they not transgresse their line in attempting what they did attempt ? Sure it seemes they did , if they had not right to determine the matter . But for our part , sith we do not find them in the least reproved by the Holy Ghost for this attempt , therfore we cannot but think they did well therein . And thereupon it followeth , that if Antioch was a Congregationall Church ( as it seemes to us it was , from Act. 14. 27. ) either this controversie did trouble no Church but Antioch only , or else when a controversie or corrupt opinion doth trouble many Churches , one of them may lawfully determine and end it , so farre at it concernes themselves . CHAP. V. Againe of that Assembly , Act. 15. Whether their rebuking the false teachers do prove a power of Iurisdiction and Excommunication in Synods : and whether Preaching doe prove the Assembly where it is , to be a Church . THe new place where I find him excepting against the Answer , it in his Pag. 410. Where he proposeth an Object . to this effect , to wit. Paul exercised the Keyes of knowledge upon Barbarians , and might have Preached to Indians , and did to scoffing Athenians — yea Paul by this power Dogmaticall rebuked the Athenians , Act. 17. 22. Yet Paul had no power to Excommunicate the Athenians . And then he subjoyneth my name , and cites in the Margent the 43 , and 44 pages of the Answer . Answ . This Objection being taken from Pauls rebuking the Athenians , our Brother had no reason to propose it under Mr. Tompsons 〈◊〉 and mine , for as much as in all that discourse of ours , the Athenians to my rememb●ance are not so much as once mentioned : sure in the Pages by him alledged there is no mention of the Athenians at all . And therefore why this Objection should bee proposed and reported by him as ours , wee doe not know . Which I doe not say , 〈◊〉 though I thought the objection so weake , as though the Authors of it may not well owne it . For from whosoever the Objection came , for ought that I yet perceive there is good weight therein . For which cause , and because in one of those Pages wee have delivered something concerning a Ministers power to Preach to Pagans in generall , ( though nothing concerning the Atheni●ns in particular , as hee reporteth ) therefore I am willing to consider what Mr. Rutherfor● saith , for the satisfying of the objection proposed , as not willing to passe by any thing without consideration , wherein our selves may seeme to be concerned or aymed at I deny not saith he , but there is a great oddes betwixt a concionall rebuking by way of Preaching , which may be and is alwayes performed by one , and a juridicall rebuking by a power Jurididicall of the Keyes , which is performed only by a Church society . Answ . If all this were granted , you the Objection is not satisfied , nor his purpose gained thereby . For the cleering whereof it is good to consider the thing in Question , and how this Objection comes in , and whereto it tends , and then we may better descerne how the objection is removed by Mr. Rutherfords answer : The thing in question is , whether a Synod have power of Iurisidiction and Excommunication . Mr. Rutherford his scope in that place is to prove the Affirmative ; and therefore for a dozen or 14 Pages together , hee hath these words in the top of every lease , The power of a Synod a power of Jurisdiction : and his medium to prove this Tenent is this ; Because a Synod hath Power to rebuke . Whereupon ensueth the Objection , that Paul might rebuke the Athenians and yet might not Excommunicate them ; and therefore enough a Synod may rebuke , it followes not that they may Excommunicate . This is the order of the Dispute , as is plainly to bee seeme by p●●●sing the place . And now comes in the Answer which Mr. Rutherford gives to the objection ; to wit , That there is a great odds betwixt a Concionall rebuking and a Juridicall , the one being performed by one , and the other by many ; Which Answer I conceive is not sufficient , because this Difference may hee granted and many more may be added if hee please , and yet the thing in question not gained , nor the Objection removed at all . For what though a Concionall rebuking be performed by one , and a Iuridicall by many ? Yet still it remaineth cleare , that there may bee rebuking where there is no Iurisdiction ; and therefore , though a Synod may rebuke , it followes not that they may Excommunicate , nor have power of Iurisdiction . If our Brother would have satisfied the Objection , he should not have satisfyed himselfe with alledging the difference mentioned betweene a Concionall rebuking , and a Iuridicall or Synodicall ; but should have proved that there cannot be any Concionall rebuking at all , at least wise not any rebuking of Athenians who are not subject to Excommunication , and if this had been proved , the Objection had been fully removed . But this he hath not proved at all , nor once attempted to prove it , but plainly yeelds the contrary ; and therefore for ought I see the Objection remayneth in its strength , and so the strength of his argument removed thereby , who would prove the Synod , power of Iurisdiction from their power of rebuking . But let as heare what he answereth in the words ensuing . It cannot be denyed saith he , but the rebuking of men because they subverted Soules , verse 24. Is not a meere Concionall rebuking which may be performed by one . First , it is a rebuking verse 24. Second , it is a rebuking performed by many , by a whole Synod , 6. 22. Third , it is performed by a politicall Society . Answ , And what of all this ? May it not neverthelesse be denyed that this rebuking was any other then in a Doctrinall way ? Be it granted , that it was a rebuking , and a rebuking performed by many ; and if were granted by a Politicall Society too ; must it needs follow that therefore it was Iuridicall , or in way of Iurisdiction ? I see no necessity of such Consequence . Nay , Master Rutherford himselfe doth confesse ( as we heard afore ) in his Page 393. That the specification of this rebuke must not be fetched from the efficient causes , because one Apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of Circumcision . If therefore it were granted that many persons , a whole Synod , a Politicall Society , or what ever else he will call them , were the efficient causes of this rebuke , yet all this is too little to prove that the rebuke was Iuridicall , unlesse the specification of it must be fetched from the efficient causes , which Master Rutherford himselfe disclaymes . Moreover , I would put this Case : suppose a Pagan or a Christian of another Nation and Kingdome , shall come into a Church Assembly , whether the Assembly be a Congregationall Church , or a Synod ; and in the Assembly shall openly and Scandalously misbehave himselfe in one kind or other , to the dishonour of God , and grieving of the godly , and the danger of corrupting others that shall behold such bad example . I would gladly know whether this Assembly be it Synod or other , may not lawfully rebuke this Scandalous practice and behaviour , and if they may , whether it would follow therupon that they may also lawfully Excommunicate the man , if his sin and impenitency shall deserve the same . If it be said they may , I would know : quo jure ? And who gave them such Authority to Excommunicate Pagans , or men of another Nation , being only there present at that time occasionally ? And if they may not so proceed against such a person , then the answer to Master Rutherfords alledgements in the Case we have in hand , is ready and plaine : For as he alledgeth , First , here is a rebuking . Second , a rebuking of many , even a whole Synod . Third , of a Politicall Society and Body ; even so the same may be said in this Case in all the particulars ; For first , here is a rebuking . Second , rebuking of many . Third , by a Politicall Society and body : and yet all this is too little to prove a power of Iurisdiction and Excommunication in the case proposed ; and therefore I see not how it can be sufficient to prove such a power in a Synod , for which purpose Master Rutherford brings it . Of necessity for ought that I see , one of these must be said , either that this Assembly have no power to rebuke the man , but must suffer his sin to be upon him , though God be dishonoured , and others endangered thereby ; or else it must be said they have power to Excommunicate him as well as to rebuke him ; ( neither of which I conceive can safely be said ) or if neither of these can be said , it must then follow that their may be power to rebuke , even in an Assembly of many persons , a Politicall Society ; and yet the same Assembly have no power at all to Excommunicate the persons so rebuked , and so this learned Brothers arguing is answered . Likewise , I suppose it will not be denyed , but one Congregation if need so require , may rebuke and reprove another Congregation , though neither of them be Superiour to other , but both of them equall and Independant of each other in regard of subjection , Mr. Rutherf . confesseth , p. 294. That Congregations and Churches may admonish and rebuke each other , And sure it is , that Scripture , Cant. 8. 8. We have a little sister , what shall we do for her ? Doth shew that Churches ought to take care one for the good of another . And if they must take care and consult for one another , there is the like reason that they should reprove and admonish one another , as need shall require . Now when one Church doth so practise towards another , it cannot be denyed , but here are the same things which Mr. Rutherford speakes of , First , a Rebuking Second , a rebuking performed by many . Third , a rebuking performed by a Politicall Society and Body . But can any man inferre from hence , that the Church thus rebuking another Church hath power to Excommunicate that other Church ? I suppose none will affirme it . And if this may not be affirmed , I do not see how rebuking performed by many even by a whole Synod , can be any sufficient ground to prove that the Synod hath power to Excommunicate . The Apostles and Elders ( saith our Author ) are not considered here as meerely Preachers and teachers in the act of teaching ; for why then should they not be formally a Church Assembly , if they be an Assembly meeting for Preaching the word ? Pag. 411. 412. Answ . When the text Acts 15 , doth mention sometimes the Multitude , verse 12. Sometimes the Brethren , verse 23. Sometimes the whole Church , verse 22. Besides the Apostles and Elders , we know no absurdity in it , if one should say , here was formally a Church and a Church Assembly ; in which Church-assembly the Apostles and Elders were teachers and Preachers , though they alone were not the Church . Yet though wee thinke heere was a Church , and a Church-assembly ; wee do not thinke Mr. Rutherford reason doth prove them so to be . For Paul and S●las were Preachers of the word in the Prison at Philippi , Act 16. And at Mar●hill , and the Market-place at Athens , Act. 17. And yet we thinke it hard to inferre thence , that these Assemblies were formally Churches . Yea but saith our Author , the exercise of the Keyes of knowledge in the hearing of a multitude , is essentially an act of Preaching of the Word , Page 412. Answ This is very true indeed , an act of Preaching the word it must needs bee , the word Preaching being taken in its utmost Latitude . But is not unavoidably and alwayes a Church-act , or an act that infallibly proves the Assembly , where such an act is performed , to be formally a Church ? This is the thing that should have been cleered , or else the thing is not cleered ; But this our Reverend Author doth not cleere at all ; and the contrary is very plaine from sundry instances in the Acts , where the Apostles did exercise the Key of knowledge in the hearing of multitudes in sundry places , where yet for all this there was not forthwith any Church ; and therfore , whereas he saith , The Apostles and Elders are not considered in this Assembly as Preachers and teachers in the act of teaching , because then the Assembly should have been formally a Church , We rather thinke they that shall consider it will find that the Apostles did , and other Elders in these dayes may put forth the act of teaching and Preaching in some Assemblies ( suppose Assemblies of Turkes and Indians ) and yet the Assemblies not thereby proved to be Churches . CHAP. VI. Whether the power of Synods be a power of Iurisdiction ; and of the dependance of the Synagogues upon the Synedrion at Jerusalem . NExt of all , in his Page 414 in a 16 . th Objection in this and the former Page he saith thus , Therefore was the Synagogue of the Jewes no compleat Church , because all the Ordinances of God cannot be performed in the Synagogue : and therefore , were the Jewes commanded only at Ierusalem , and in no other place to keepe the Passeover and to offer Offerings and Sacrifices which were ordinary worship : but there is not any worshiper Sacred Ordinance ( saith that worthy Divine Dr. Ames ) of Preaching , Praying , Sacraments , &c. prescribed , which is not to be observed in every Congregation of the new Testament , — and then he subjoyneth Mr. Tompsons Name and mine ; and in his Margent cites the Answer , Page 12 , 13. And further saith in the Objection , That others say because there was a representative worship of Sacrificing of all the twelve Tribes at Ierusalem , therefore all the Synagogues were dependant Churches , and Ierusalem the Supreame and highest Church . Answ . To leave what is alledged a● Objected by others , and to consider only of that which concernes our selves . Because the Synagogues in Israel were dependant on the great Synedrion at Ierusalem , therefore some would inferre that Congregations in these dayes must be dependant on the Iurisdiction of Synods . To this Argument we are endeavouring to give answer in the place alledged by Mr. Rutherford , where we shew that the Synagogues might be dependant and not compleat Churches , because the Sacred Ordinances of God which were of ordinary use , could not be performed in them ; but Congregations in these dayes compleat and intire as having liberty to enjoy the use of all the Ordinances within themselves : for both which particulars we alledge the testimony and words of Dr. Ames . The summe is thus much : If the Synagogues could not enjoy all the Ordinances within themselves , and our Congregations may , then though the Synogogues were dependant on the Synedrion at Jerusalem , it will not follow that Congregations in these dayes must be dependant on Synods . This is the 〈◊〉 of that which is said in the answer : in the place which Mr. Rutherford alledges . Now what answer doth he returne to this passage ? Truly none at all that I can find . None will you say ? How can that be ? Doth he not propound it in his 16 . th Objection , as that which he undertakes to answer ? I confesse he doth so , but neverthelesse all that he hath set down for answer is wholly taken up and spent in two other things , the Objection which he proposeth as ours , being wholly left untouched . Those two things are these ; the one an answer to another passage of ours in another place of the answer , the other an answer to the last part of his Objection , which himselfe doth acknowledge to bee the saying of others , and not ours ; and therefore hee brings it in thus viz. Others say , because there was a representative worship , &c. by those words , Others say , plainly declaring that what he thus expresseth , proceedeth not from us , but from others . And so though he returne answer to this saying of others , and to another saying of ours which we have written elsewhore , yet for this of ours which he proposeth in this h●s Objection , I find no answer thereto at all . And therefore I thinke the thing remaines as it was , unlesse wee shall take his meere proposing of it for a satisfying answer , which we see no reason to do . Neverthelesse , though he turnes away from this passage of ours without returning any answer thereto , yet there is another which he applies himselfe more directly against , and therefore to this sixteenth Objection hee begging his answer thus , Surely the aforesaid Reverend Brethren of New-England have these words , but it seemeth to us the power ( of a Synod ) is not properly a power and exercise of government and Iurisdiction , but a power of Doctrine , and so a Synod is rather a Teaching then a governing Church : from whence ( saith he ) I inferre , that our Brethren cannot deny a power of governing to a Synod , but it is not so proper governing as Excommunication and Ordination performed in their Congregations ; but say I , it is more properly governing as to make Lawes and rules of governing is a more Noble , Emin●nt and higher act of governing ( as is evident in the King and his Parliament ) then the execution of ●hese Lawes and rules . Answ . So then , th●se former words of ours proposed in the Objection , are wholly forsaken and left , and instead of answering them , he fals as we set upon other words which we have written elsewhere , and applies himselfe to deale against those other . By which dealing the considerate Reader may judge whether the former words being thus handsomly forsaken and left , do not still remaine in their strength : and whether it had not been as good never to have proposed them at all in his Objection , as having proposed them to turne away directly and immediately from them unto other matters , without returning one word of answer to the former . The wise in heart may consider what this doth import . But sich he is pleased to acquit the former and to apply himselfe to the other , let us therefore leave the former in its strength and unshaken , and consider of what he saith in this other . Wherein when he speakes of making Lawes and rules of governing , either he me●nes this making Lawes and rules properly so called , or else he meanes it onely of a Ministeriall power to cleere up the Lawes and rules of Christ , and in his name to com●and obedience thereto . And it seemes by the instance which he gives of the King and his Parliament , that he intends the former sence . And if so , then the answer is that this Noble , Eminent , and high act of governing as he cals it , doth not belong to any Synods upon earth , but only to the Lord Iesus Christ in Heaven , the Script●res abundantly witnessing , that he only is the Lord and Law giver to his Church , L●● . 4. 12. Isa . 33. 22. For the cleering of which point , much needs not to be said , considering that this learned Brother himselfe doth elsewhere directly and in expresse termes co●fesse as much as we desire in this matter . For in one place speaking in one place of a Power to prescribe rules and Lawes , he doth not only distinguish them from Lawes p●operly so called by the word Directive , calling them directive Lawes , but also for further explaining his Mind , annexeth these words . They are not properly Lawes which the Church prescribeth : Christ is the only Law-giver : Due Right , Page 395. And in the page following speaking of a Societies or a Synods power of making Lawes , he addeth for explanation thus , I take not here Lawes for Lawes properly so called , but for Ministeriall directories , having Ecclesiasticall Authority . So then the Church or the Synod hath no power at all to make Lawes properly so called , for Christ ●s the onely Law giver : And if so , then the governing power of Sy●ods which our brother would prove by this Noble and Eminent and high power of making Lawes is not proved thereby at all , in as much as this Noble and eminent power of making Lawes doth not belong to any Synods upon earth , but to Christ only . And this may be an Answer to what he saith or a Synods power to make Lawes , it Lawes be taken in their proper sense . But if he intend not this sense and meaning in the place we are speaking of , but only the latter , viz That Synods have power to cleere up the Lawes and rules of Christ , and to command obedience thereto , then I confesse the answer in the 7 . th page thereof doth acknowledge such power to belong unto Synods , but how this can prove their Power of Iurisdiction and government properly so called , which Mr. Rutherford would thence inferre , we for our parts do not yet perceive . For the power here described is but a meere Doctrinall power , and we have given sundry instances in the Answer , Pag. 43. 44. To shew that there may be a power by way of Doctrine to cleere up the rules and Lawes of Christ , and to command obedience thereto , where yet there is no power by way of Iurisdiction and Discipline to punish the breach of those rules ; which instance , this Reverend brother doth not satisfie at all . And therefore though Synods have power to cleere up the rules and Lawes of Christ , and to command obedience thereto ( which power we deny them not ) yet that which he from thence would inferre , that they have also a power of government and Iurisdiction , doth not follow from thence at all , unlesse we shall say , that Doctrine and Discipline , Doctrine and Iurisdiction or government are the same . Briefly thus : a power of mak●ng Lawes properly so called is a Noble and Eminent kind of government , but this power doth not belong unto Synods , but to Christ . A power of cleering up Christs Lawes , and commanding in his name obedience thereunto doth belong unto Synods , but this is no power of Iurisdiction and government , but a Ministeriall power of Doctrine , and so still our Tenent doth stand , that a Synod if it may be called a Church , is rather a teaching then a governing Church . Secondly , saith our Author , Our brethren incline to make a Synod a teaching Church . Answ . We never yet absolutely yeelded that a Synod might be called a Church , 〈◊〉 on the contrary , Wee have said , that unlesse it could be proved that in Scripture the name of a Church is given to a Synod , we are not to be blamed though we give not a Synod that name . Answ . Pag. 1. The most that we have yeelded in this point is this , that for the name we will not contend , and that if a Synod may be called a Church , then sith they have Power by disputation to cleere up the rule , they are rather a Teaching then a governing Church . Answer Pag. 1. & 7. This is all we have said , and we desire our words may not be stretched beyond our intent and scope therein . But let us heare what our Brother would hence inferre . I inferre , saith he , that Synodicall teaching by giving out Decrees , tying many Churches , as our brethren of New-England and the forenamed Authors teach , is an Ordinance of Christ , that can be performed in no single Congregation on earth , for a Doctrinall Cannon of one Congregation can lay any Ecclesiasticall tye upon many Churches , Ergo by this reason our Congregations shall be dependant as were the Jewish Synagogues . Answ . When he saith the Brethren of New-England and the Authors of the Answer do teach a Synodicall teaching by giving out Decrees tying many Churches , and aledgeth for proofe in his Margent , Answ . 7. to 32. q. 9. 14. page 43 , 44. and Answer to Mr. Herle , Chap. 4. Pag. 40. 41 with favour of so learned a man , wee must returne this Answer , that neither of the palces alledged will make good his purpose , in as much as neither of them doth make any mention at all of the thing which he reports them to teach , viz. Such Synodicall teaching as gives out Decrees tying many Churches . Let the places be viewed and the thing will be found as I say . And therefore how they can be said to teach that which they neither teach nor mention , doth surmount my ability to conceive . If the Reader would know what it is that is taught in the places , it is no more but this , that in some Cases it is requisite that Churches should seeke for light and Counsell and advice from other Churches , as Antioch , did send unto Ierusalem in a Question which they wanted ability to determine amongst themselves , and that there ought to be Synods , and that we thinke that meeting Act 15. might be such an one . The first of these is taught in the form●● of the places , and the other in the other . But for giving out Synodicall Decrees tying many Churches , this same be it within the power of Synods or otherwise , is 〈◊〉 taught at all in either of the places , except wee shall say ( which we thinke were unreasonable ) that there can be no Synods , nor consulting of other Churches for light and Counsell and advice , but there must be in those other Churches so consulted withall , a power to give out binding Decrees , yea Decrees that shall bind or tye many Churches . We thinke this latter doth no wayes necessarily follow upon the former ; and therefore though the places alledged do speake to the former , yet the latter which this Author reports them to teach , they do not teach at all . Secondly , I Answer further , that if such a Doctrine were indeed taught in the places by him alledged or any other , yet the inference which he would thence bring in , That then our Congregations shall be dependant as were the Iewish Synagogues , Th●s same doth not follow at all : and the reason is , because the Synagogues were dependant on the Supreame Synedrion not only for light and Counsell , no nor only for Doctrinall Cannons or Decrees , but also for Iurisdiction and Discipline , that Synodrion being their supreame Court , to whose sentence they were all bound under paine of Death to submit , as is cleere , Deut. 17. 11 , 12. And therefore if it were granted ( which yet we do not see proved ) that Synods may give out Decrees and Doctrinall Cannons , that shall tye many Churches , it doth not follow that our Congregations shall therefore be dependant as were the Iewish Synagogues , except it were also proved that they must depend upon Synods in point of Iurisdiction and Discipline , as well as in point of Doctrine , yea and so depend as that the sentence of those Synods must be obeyed under paine of death . Sure the Synagogues and every member of them were in this sort dependant upon the Supreame Synedrion : but we hope 〈◊〉 Reverend brother will not say that Congregations must in this sort be dependant upon Synods . At the least wise this we hope he will not deny , that every member of a Church is bound to depend upon the Pastor of that Church in point of Doctrine ; and yet it will not follow that he must depend upon one Pastor alone in point of Iurisdiction and D●scipline . And the reason is , because Doctrine may be dispenced by one Pastor alone , but Discipline must be dispenced by a Church , which one Pastor alone cannot be . And therefore if Congregations were to be dependant upon Synods in point of Doctrine , it would not follow that they must bee dependant in point of Iurisdiction and Discipline . Thirdly , saith he , It is a begging of the question to make Ierusalem the Supreame Church and the Synagogues dependant Churches ; because it it was lawfull only at Ierusalem to Sacrafice ; for I hold that Ierusalem was a dependant Church no lesse then the smallest Synagogues in all their Trybes . And so he proceedeth largely , to shew that sacrificing at Ierusalem did not make Ierusalem Supreame . Answ . It this were even so as is pleaded , yet that which we have said of the compleatnesse of the Synagogues and of their dependancie is not at all removed thereby : and the reason is , because we do not make the Synagogues dependant nor Ierusalem supreame , meerely upon this ground , because Ierusalem alone was the place of Sacrificing , but this is the ground upon which chiefly we go , that at Ierusalem was the Synedrion upon whom all Israell must depend for judgement , and from whose sentence there was no appeale , which ground wee still thinke doth prove both the incomplearnesse of the Synagogues , and the supremacie of the Synedrion , and the contrary to this must be cleered if our Tenent in this matter be removed . True it is , we thinke it some argument of the Synagogues incompleatnesse and imperfection that they were not permitted to enjoy all the Ordinances which were of ordinary use : but the supremacie of Ierusalem we do not place in this only , that there was the place for Sacrifice but in this withall that the supreame Iudicatory was there , upon which all Israell must depend , and from the which there must be no appeale . And yet this supremacie we do not place in Ierusalem considered a part from the Synedrion , but in the Synedrion it selfe . And therefore , whereas he saith , Pag. 415. That we might as well conclude that all the Cities and Incorporations of England are dependant upon London , inasmuch as the Parliament useth there to sit , I conceive the comparison doth not sute , because as we do not place the supremacie in London or in Westminster , considered apart from the Parliament , but in the Parliament which useth there to sit , so we place not the supremacie amongst the Iewes in Ierusalem considered apart from the Synedrion , but in the Synedrion it selfe , which was there seated . But because our Reverend brother in the latter end of this 16 . th Objection bringeth in this particular of Ierusalems supremacie by reason of the Sacrifices , with Others say , therefore I conceive he intends not us therein , but some body else , and therefore I will proceed to the next wherein our selves are concerned . CHAP. VII . Whether the lawfulnesse or necessity of Appeales doe prove a superiority of Iurisdiction in Synods over Congregations , and of sundry sayings of our Author which seeme to interfere . IN his page 422. he propounds a 19 . th Objection to this effect , If the Government of consociated Churches be warranted by the light of Nature , then this light of Nature being common to us in civill as in Ecclesiasticall causes , it will follow that every City governed with rulers within it selfe ▪ must be subordinate to a Classe of many Cities , and that Classe to a Nationall meeting of all the Cities : and the Nationall government to be a Catholike or Oecumenicke civill Court — . And because by the same light of Nature there must bee some finall and supreame Iudgement of controversies , least Appeales should be spun out in infinitum , it must be proved that this supremacie lyeth not in a Congregation . And in the Margent he citeth Mr. Tompson and my selfe in page 16 and page 10 , of the Answer , as Authors of this last bassis in the O●ectjection . Answ . It is true that in one of those pages alledged we speake to the like purpose as here is reported . For we there suppose it to be cleere by the light of Nature , that there must be some finall and supreame judgement of Causes , and that unlesse it be determined where that supremacie doth lye , ( which we account the very thing in question ) we say the usefulnesse and necessity of Appeales may be granted , and yet we shall be still at uncertainty about the thing in question , and as much to seeke as before , because that there ought to be appeales til you come to the highest is one thing , and that a Synod and not a Congregation is the highest is another . To this purpose we have written in one of those Pages , the summe whereof is this much ; that though the usefulnesse of Appeales till you come to the highest be granted , yet the supremacie of Synods over Congregations in matter of Iudicature is not concluded thereby . Now what doth our Reverend Brother returne in his Answer ? Doth he prove the contrary to what is here affirmed by us ? Doth he cleere it sufficiently , that if it bee once granted that there must be Appeales till you come to the highest , then the supremacie of Synods over Congregations must inevitably follow ? I conceive the necessity of this consequence had need to be cleered , if that which we have said be sufficiently answered . But doth our Brother cleere this ? Or doth he so much as once attempt the cleering thereof ? Surely to speake freely what I find , I find nothing that looketh that way , and therfore cannot but wonder why our opinion should be alledged in this Objection , and so his Reader be led into expectation of some sufficient Answer thereto , and then the answer which he returnes to be taken up in other matters , our opinion proposed in the Objection , being wholly in his Answer left untouched . If that saying of ours be not sound , why doth he not returne some answer ? If it be sound and good , why doth he make an Objection of it , and so breed an apprehension in weake Readers of its unsoundnesse , and put them in hope of a confutation , when no such thing is performed ? I leave it to the wise in heart to consider what this doth argue . Neverthelesse , let us consider of what he doth returne for Answer , Page 423. First he saith , Appeales being warranted by the Counsell which Iethro gave to Moses — cannot but be naturall ? Answ . Suppose this be so , what can there be concluded hence , that makes against us ? cannot appeales be Naturall , but the supremacie of Synods over Congregations must needs follow ? If there must be an highest , must it needs be yeelded that the Synod and not the Congregation is that highest ? I conceive this needs not to be yeelded at all , and therefore though Appeales be Naturall , I see not what is gained thereby . Againe , he saith , God hath appointed that the supremacie should lye within the bounds of every free Monarchy or State , so that there can be no Appeale to any Oecumenicall or Catholike civill Church , for that is against the independant power that God hath given to States . Answ . Let this be granted also , and are we not still where we were before ? Is there in this any thing at all that doth make for the removall of our opinion , as himselfe hath see it down in his Objection ? We may truly say we see it not . No , nor in that which doth follow , viz. But in the Church it is farre otherwise , for God hath appoynted no vissible Monarchy in his Church , nor no such independency of policie within a Congregation , Classicall Provinciall or Nationall Church . Answ . For that which is said of a visible Monarchy in the Church , I confesse it is true , God hath appointed none such . But for the rest , of these words , sith they containe an expresse denyall of the supremacie of all Ecclesiasticall Iudicatures , except it be the generall Councell , I would gladly know how our Tenent afore expressed is disproved , or how the necessity of that Consequence afore mentioned is at all cleered hereby . If there be no independencie of policie in Congregations , nor yet in any Synods exc●pt it be the Oecumenicall , doth this prove that the supremacie doth lye in Synods and not in the Congregation ? Nothing lesse : for how can our Brother prove that it lyes in the one and not in the other , by saying as here he doth , that indeed it lyes in neither ? Or how is that Consequence made good , that if there must be appeales till we come to the highest , then the Synod is the highest ? How is this I say made good by affirming , that neither the Congregation nor the Synod is the highest ? For my part I must confesse it passeth my understanding to conceive , how the denying of a thing should be the proving and cleering thereof . And yet except this be admitted , I know not how our apprehension in the matter we have in hand is at all disproved . For whereas we say , Appeales may be granted and yet the supremacie of Synods over Congregations will not follow , Mr. Rutherford for the disproving of what wee apprehend herein , doth bring nothing in the place wee have in hand but only this , that the Supremacie doth neither lye in the Congregation nor in the Synod . Which is no disproving of us all , except as I said , that the denying of a thing may suffice for the confirming and cleering thereof . For I conceive if we be disproved the supremacie of Synods must be proved and cleered , which here our Brother doth not , but on the contrary denies the same . Furthermore , if there be no independency of policie within a Congregation , a Classicall , Provinciall or Nationall Church , As here our Brother affirmeth , then what shall become of that which he tels us elsewhere , viz. Page 483. That that remedie of our Saviour , Tell the Church , is not needfull in any Church above a Nationall ? For sure if there be no independencie of policie in any of the lesser Churches , nor yet in the Nationall Church , one would thinke that of our Saviour should be needfull in some Church above the Nationall . Or if it be nor needfull in any Church above Nationall , then one would thinke there should be some indepencie of policie in the Nationall Church , or in some of the former . For my part I know not how this difficulty will be expedited , I meane how both these sayings of our Brother can stand good , except we shall say that which I suppose he will not say , viz. That independencie of policie is no where . And yet I cannot see but this must be said , if both the other sayings stand good ? For if independencie of policie be neither in the Nationall Church nor in any Church above it , nor in any Church below it , I know not where we shall have it . Againe , if there be no independencie of policie in any of the Churches afore named , what shall we say to that passage where our Brother doth verily professe , That he cannot see what power of Jurisdiction to censure Scandals can be in a generall Councell , affirming further , that there might be some meerly Doctrinall power if such a Councell could be had , and that is all , Pag 482. For if there be no Independencie of policie in any Church below a generall Councell , one would thinke there should be in the generall Councill some power of Iurisdiction to censure Scandals , yea and an independant power too ▪ Or if there be not such power in the generall Councill , nor yet in the Nationall Church , nor in any Church below the Nationall , we must then say there is no independant Power of Iurisdiction to censure Scandals in any Church upon earth . Which latter if it be not owned , as I conceive our Brother will no● , I know not how the other two can both stand . Though appeales be warranted both in Church and State by the light of Nature , yet appeales to Exotique and forraigne Judicatures is not warranted by any such light , but rather the contrary . Answ . Let this be granted also , and are we ever a whit neerer to the point , then before ? Is this good arguing , appeales to exotique Indicatures are not warrantable , Ergo a Synod and not the Congregation is the supreame Iudicature ? Is this Consequence strong and cleere ? If it be not , how is our Tenent removed ? If our Brother intend it not for a removall thereof , why is it brought in for answer to an Objection proposed by himselfe as ours ? Further , let this sentence be compared with the former immediately preceding , and more difficulties still arise . For in this he tels us we see , That appeales to forraigne Judicatures are not warrantable ; And in the other he tels us as wee heard afore , That there is no independencie of policie within a Congregation , a Classicall , Provinciall , or Nationall Church . Now to find how these things do agree , I am at a losse , for if there bee no independencie of policie in the Congregation , nor the other Churches mentioned , I should have thought , it might have been lawfull to have appealed from them to others . For why may there not bee appeales from them in whom no independen●ie of Policie is seated ? Yet now we are restrained from such appeales , for that all other Iudicatures are accounted forraigne and Exotique . So that of two sentences the one immediately following upon the other , the former tels us there is no independencie of policie in any of the Churches mentioned , which are Domesticque and neere , and the other tels us that other Churches are so Exotique and forraigne , that appeales to them are unwarrantable : and what to say for the reconciling of these things , I must confesse I find not . I grant it is true , Appeales to Exotique and forraigne Iudicatures are not warrantable . But why are we not certified what Iudicatures are to be accounted Exotique and Forraigne ? For here I conceive lyes the pinch of the question ; and unlesse this be determined , the thing in question is still left at uncertainty . For as in civill states there are many Cities and Townes which have independent power within themselves , as Geneva , Strasburgh , Zuricke , Basill , and many others , and Appeales from any of these , though to the City or Town next adjoyning , would be to a Iudicature Exotique or forraigne , so some are apt to conceive the like of Congregationall Churches . And therefore it had need to be cleered that Appeales from such Churches is not to Exotique and forraigne Iudicatures ; for if this be not cleered , the unlawfulnesse of Appeales to forraigne and exotique Powers may be granted , and the question will remaine uncleered . Church Appeales though warranted by the light of Nature , yet it is supposed they be rationall , and grounded on good reason , as that either the matter belong not to the Congregation , or then it bee certain or morally presumed the Congregation will be partiall or unjust , or the businesse bee difficill and intricate ; and if appeales be groundlesse and unjust , neither Christ nor Natures light doth warrant them . Yea in such case the supremacie from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth sometime in the Congregation sometime in the Classicall Presbytery , so as it is unlawfull to appeale for Illud tantum possumus quod jure possumus . Answ . The short summe is thus much , that appeales are then lawfull when there is just ground and reason for them , otherwise they are unlawfull . Now first of all how doth this prove ( for we would still keep to the point ) the necessity of that Consequence whereof we speak afore , viz. That if appeales be lawfull , then there is a supremacie of Syno●s over Congregations . I conceive it is not proved hereby all ; but contrarily appeales may be granted lawfull , when there is just reason and ground for them , and yet the supremacie of Synods over Congregations is still uncle●red . Nextly , it still remaines a question , who must be judge of the reasonablenesse of the Appeale and of those cases that are put to shew when they are reasonable , viz. That the matter belongs not to the Congregation and the rest that are named : and unlesse it be cleered to whom it belongs to judge these things , we are still left at uncertainty , in the maine matter , viz. In whom the supremacie doth lye , from whom we may not appeale . For to say as our Reverend Author doth , That in some case the supremacie from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth in the Congregation , and sometimes it doth not : Appeales when they are grounded upon good reason are warrantable , else they are not : when the matter belongs not to the Congregation or the Congregation will be partiall and unjust , or when the businesse is diffic●ll and intricate , then we may appeale from the Congregation , else we may not , These things I say doe not cleere the matter at all , because still the question remaines who must be judge of these things , whether the party appealing , or the Congregation from whom , or the Synod to whom the appeale is made : and unlesse this be determined , the things mentioned alledged by our Brother do afford us small help in the matter for the cleering of it . And therefore , what we said in the Answer doth still for ought I see remaine sound , viz. That there must be some finall and supreame judgement that controversies may not by appeales after appeales be spun out in infinitum , and to determine where that supremacie doth lye , is the maine question , which unlesse it be determined , the usefulnesse of appeales may be granted , and yet we shall be still at uncertainty about the thing in question and as much to seeke as before , because that there ought to be appeales till you come to the highest is one thing , and that a Synod and n●t the Congregation is the highest is another . Now whether our Brother in that which we have hitherto heard have sufficiently cleered it unto us , that we may know where this supremacie doth lye , I leave it to the Iudicious to consider . CHAP. VIII . Whether Antioch , Act. 15. Had right to have ended the controversie amongst themselves , if they had been able ; and whether their sending to Jerusalem for helpe , or their knowledge that other Churches were troubled with the like evill , or the party among themselves who were against the truth , doe prove the contrary . And of supremacy of power in Congregations . BVt though our Author doe not cleere it to us where the supremacie doth lye yet in this pag 423 , and 424. He useth an argument from the practise of the Church of Antioch , Act. 15. And our own Doctrine concerning the same to prove that it doth not lye in the Congregation , which argument we are willing to consider . His words are those . That supremacie of power should bee in a Congregation without any power of appealing , I thinke our Brethren cannot teach . For when the Church of Antioch cannot judge a matter concerning the necessity of keeping Moses Law , they by Natures direction , Act. 15. 2. Decree to send Paul and Barnabas and others to Jerusalem , to the Apostles and Elders , as to an higher Judicature , that there truth may be determined : and then he addeth that Mr. Tompson and my selfe do teach that the Church of Antioch had jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficulty , had not light to judge thereof ( alledging for this in the Margent the answer , Chap. 4. Page 42. ) Ergo saith he , they must acknowledge Appeales by Natures light warrantable , as well as wee . Answ . That appeales are warrantable , and warrantable by Natures light till we come to the supreame judicatorie , this we deny not , but have formerly yeelded no lesse . But for that our Brother here aymes at , viz. Appeales from a Congregationall Church ( as not being supreame ) to another Iudicatory , this we conceive is not proved by the example of the Church of Antioch , nor by any thing that we have written concerning the same And the reason it because Antioch had right and Authority to have ended the matter amongst themselves if ability had served thereto : and their sending to Ierusalem for helpe may argue want of agreement , or imperfection of light , but argues no want of Authority or right within themselves . For it is plain verse 2 , that Antioch did endeavour to have ended the matter amongst themselves , and had much disputation about it for that end , afore there was any speech of sending to Ierusalem . Now this endeavour doth argue their right ; for otherwise it had been sinfull , as being a presuming to do that which did not belong to them . This reason we have rendered afore in the place which our Author alledgeth , and he doth not at all remove it ; and therefore we are still of the same mind as before , that Antioch was not dependant upon the Iurisdiction of other Churches , but had independant power within themselves , as many may have who yet need the help of light from others , for their direction in using their power . Great Kings and Monarchs have received light from their Councellours without any impeac●ment of their independant power , which they have in themselves , and without any ascribing of that power to those their Counsellours . As we said in the place alledged , Antioch may send to Ierusalem for help , and yet this sending neither prove right of Iurisdiction in them who are sent unto , nor want of Iurisdiction in them who do send . And therefore whereas our Brother saith , Antioch because of the difficulty of the controversie , had not light to judge thereof , Ergo we must acknowledge Appeales to be warrantable , We would rather argue thus , Antioch wanted light , Ergo Counsell and light is to be sought elsewhere ; and thus we conceive the inference will hold : but to say , Ergo there must be Appeales from the Congregation to others in matter of Iurisdiction , this we conceive will not follow at all . No more then it will follow , Kings or other supreame civill Rulers must seek light and direction from their Counsellours , Ergo there lyes an appeale from them to those Counsellours , which Consequence none will maintain nor affirme . If the Scriptures had said that Antioch did never attempt to ●nd that controversie , as knowing that the ending thereof belonged not to them but to others : or if it had said , that the censuring of these obtruders of Circumcision had been performed by them of Jerusalem , and not by them of Antioch as not belonging to Antioch but to them of Jerusalem , then our Brother might have had some ground from Antioch to prove the necessity or warrantablenesse of appeales from Congregationall Churches to other Iudicatories : but such no such thing is said , we see not how this example can be any ground for the establishing of such appeales , or the taking away from Congregationall Churches their power of Iurisdiction within themselves . Especially , wee see not how this our Brother can alledge the same for such a purpose , considering what himselfe hath written elsewhere in this learned Treatise of his wherein he examines that answer of ours . Two passages in his treatise I propound to consideration , which seeme to me to make for that independant or supreame power in Congregations , which here he is disputing against , the one is that which we touched before in his Page 413. Where he saith that Synods in case of neglect of Presbyteriall Churches are to command the particular Churches whom it concerneth , to do their dutie , as in other particulars there named , so in excommunication of offenders ; and further that the Synod , Act. 15. Is to remit the censure of Excommunication to the Presbytery of Antioch and Ierusalem , in case of the obstina●ie of these obtruders of Circumcision . Which I conceive is very truly spoken , and thereupon it followes that there was a supremacie of Iurisdiction in that Church of Antioch , and no necessity of appealing from them to the Iurisdiction of others . For ●ith the Synods are only to command the Churches to do their duty , and to remit the censure of offenders to the Churches themselves to whom the offenders belong , it plainly appeareth thereby where the supremacie of Iurisdiction doth lye . The other place is in his Page 307. Where we have these words , viz. The power of Jurisdiction ordinary intensive and quo ad essentiam Ecclesiae Ministerialis , according to the intire essence of a Ministeriall Church , is as perfect and compleat in one single Congregation as in a Provinciall , as in a Nationall . Yea as in the Catholike visible body whereof Christ is the head . Now if there be such perfect & compleat power of Iurisdiction in a single Congregation , I know not how there can be such necessity of Appeales from them to the Iurisdiction of others as he is pleading for , nor how that supreame and independant power in Congregations can be denyed , which here he disputeth against . For let this compleat and perfect Power of Iurisdiction be acknowledged as due to such Churches , and appeales from them to other Iurisdictions will be of small necessity or use . I know indeed this Reverend Author sayeth in the Page last mentioned , and within a few lines of the words which I have here alledged , That a Congregation is so a part of the Presbytery that it hath not a whole intire compleat intensive power over its own members to Excommunicate them — . And therefore the consociated Churches must have a power over the members of a Congregation . Which words I confesse seeme not well to agree with the former , because in the one intire compleat intensive Power is denyed to a Congregation , and in the other the Power of Iurisdiction , ordinary intensive , is said to be as compleat and perfect in the Congregation as in the great Churches . But it is not the latter words but the former which I do stand upon ; and by them ( as I conceive ) the supremacie of Congregations is established , and the necessity of appeales from them to other Iurisdictions is cleerely takes away . For if the Power of Iurisdiction be as intire perfect and compleat in the Congregation as in the greater Churches , as our Brother expresly affirmes it to be , I know not the reason why there must be appeales from the Iurisdiction of the Congregation unto the Iurisdiction of those other Churches . If the Power spoken of were more imperfect and incompleat in the Congregation , then it is in the other Churches , then there might be more reason or ●ayrer pretence for those appeales : but sith our Author confesseth it is no more intire compleat and perfect in these then in the Congregation , but as compleat and perfect in the Congregation as it is in the other , I am yet to seeke of a sufficient ground for the necessity of appeales from the Iurisdiction in a Congregation . For is it reasonable to appeale from one Iudicatory to another , and yet the power of Iurisdiction be as intire compleat and perfect in the former from which the appeale is made , as in the latter to which the cause is brought by such appeale ? It seemes by such appeales we are not like to be much helper , nor much to mend the matter above what it was before , and therefore the usefulnesse and necessity thereof is still uncl●●●● . I thinke the Brethren erre in this to teach that Antioch had power to determine the controversie , Act. 15. When the Churches of Syria and Cicilia , to their knowledge were troubled with the like question as verse 24. may cleere , — I doubt much if they had power to determine a question that so much concerned all the Churches . Answ . It is not cleere from verse 24. nor from any part of the Chapter as farre as I can find , that Antioch did know that other Churches were troubled with this question ; and if they had known it , I see nothing therein but they might notwithstanding lawfully end the matter so farre as concerned themselves . For when this question was started amongst them by such as came from Judea and taught this corrupt Doctrine at Antioch , the text is very cleere verse 2 , that they had much disputation amongst themselves to have ended the matter , afore there was any speech of sending to Ierusalem : which disputation is an argument that they had right to have ended it , if ability had no● been wanting . And as for our Brothers reason for the contrary taken from their knowledge that the other Churches of Syria and Cicilia were troubled with the like question , there is not one word in the verse alledged to shew that Antioch had knowledge of any such matter , nor is Syria and Cicilia once mentioned therein : And though they be mentioned verse 23. Yet neither doth this verse declare that Antioch had any knowledge that this question had ever troubled those other Churches . Say it be true that indeed they had been troubled therewith , and that the Epistle from the Synod doth intimate no lesse , this may prove that when the Epistle came to be read at Antioch , then Antioch by this meanes might come to the knowledge thereof ; but all this doth not prove that Antioch knew so much afore . And therefore they might endeavour to end the matter amongst themselves , as not knowing for any thing our Author hath yet brought to the contrary , that any other Churches besides themselves were troubled therewith . But suppose they had known so much , I see nothing in this to hinder but Antioch might lawfully cleere up the truth in the question , and censure such of their Church as should obstinately hold and teach that false Doctrine , notwithstanding their knowledge that others had been troubled with the like Doctrine and teachers . Suppose a Christian family be troubled with lying Children , or servants , or such as are disobedient and undutifull in one kind or in another ; suppose they also knew that their neighbour families are troubled with the like , shall this knowledge of theirs hinder the Parents or Masters in such a family from censuring or correcting these that are under their government , according to their demerits ? If not , why shall Antioch be hindered from censuring offending members of their Church , only upon this ground because to their knowledge other Churches are troubled with the like offenders ? A City or Corporation is troubled with Drunkards , with theeves , or other vicious and lewd persons , and knoweth that other Cities or Corporations are troubled with the like : A Nationall Church , as Scotland for example , is troubled with obtruders of Ceremonies , Service booke , Episcopacie or other corruptions , and knoweth that England or other Churches are troubled with the like , shall Scotland now be hindered from removing these corruptions , and the obtruders of them from amongst themselves , only upon this ground , because England to their knowledge is troubled with the like ? Or shall the Corporation ●ee hindered from punishing theeves and such other malefactors , only for this reason , because to their knowledge other Corporations are troubled with the like lewd persons ? I suppose it is easie to see the insufficiency and invalidity of such Consequences ? And therefore if Antioch did know that other Churches were troubled with the like offenders , as themselves were troubled withall , this needs not to hinder but they may determine questions that arise amongst themselves , and may censure such of their members as shall trouble the Church or Brethren therewith , and obstinately persist in so doing . This being considered withall , that in thus doing they do not go beyond their line , nor meddle with matters any farther but as they are within their Compasse . For when divers Churches are troubled with the like corruptions in Doctrine or practise , and some one of those Churches by using the Key of Doctrine or discipline or both , doth endeavour the removall of these corruptions , they do not hereby attempt and endeavour to remove them out of other Churches ( which might be an appearance of stretching their line beyond their compasse ) but out of their own Church , and only so farre as concernes themselves , and in so doing no man can justly say they meddle further then their Power doth reach . But he gives another reason why Antioch had not right to determine the question , And this is taken from the strong party that was in Antioch against the truth , which was such as that they opposed Paul and Barnabas : concerning which he saith , that when the greatest part of a Church as Antioch is against the truth , as is cleere , Act. 15. 2. He beleeveth in that they loose their jus , their right to determine eatenus in so farre ; for Christ hath given no Ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for truth ; and therefore in this , Appeales must be necessary . Answ . How is it cleere that the greatst part of the Church at Antioch was against the truth ? The text doth not say so much , but only this , that certain men which came from Iudea , taught the Brethren and said except ye be Circumcised ye cannot be saved , and that Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension and disputation with them about the matter , and that in the issue they determined that Paul and Barnabas and certaine others should go up to Ierusalem about the question : Thus much the Scripture witnesseth , Act. 15. 1 , 2. But whether they that held that corrupt Doctrine at Antioch were the major or the minor part of the Church , the text doth not expresse , except we shall say that where a false Doctrine is taught by some , and greatly opposed and disputed against by others , there it must needs bee that the greatest part are tainted with that false Doctrine , which wee thinke is no good Consequence . And therefore whereas our Author saith , the greatest part of this Church was against the Truth , and that so much is cleere from verse 2. I answer , first that I do not perceive this cleerenesse , neither from verse 2 , nor from any other place of the Chapter . Nextly , suppose this were cleere , this may argue that they wanted ability and light to end the matter , but must it needs argue that they wanted right though they had been able ? Or shall we say that they who want ability to doe things as they should be done , do therefore want right to ●●al● in them at all ? I conceive it will not follow , and the reason is because this right in Churches is Naturall , or Connaturall to every Church , and this want of ability is only accidentall , and therefore this latter cannot totally hinder the former . That light of government is Naturall or connaturall to every Church , our Brother own words do testifie Page 341. Where he saith this , viz. Supposing that Christ have a visible Church it is morall that she have power of government also , in so farre as she is a Church ; yea , power of government upon this supposition is Naturall or rather connaturall . And in Page 307 , he saith as was alledged before , That the power of Iurisdiction ordinary intensive — . Is as perfect and compleat in one single Congregation as in a Provinciall , or in a Nationall ; yea , as in the Catholike visible body whereof Christ is the head . And in Page 383. He saith , That to a Congregation Christ hath given by an immediate flux from himselfe a politicall Church power intrinsci●ally in it , derived from none but immediately from Iesus Christ : And the like he saith of a Presbyteriall Church . Now whether Antioch was a Congregationall Church as we hold , or a Presbyteriall as is holden by this our Brother , yet it is cleere by those words of his here alledged , that being essentially a Church ; it had a politicall Church power intrinscically within it selfe , yet a perfect and compleat power of Iurisdiction , yea and such a power as was naturall or connaturall unto her , as she was a Church . But now the light of knowledge whereby they should be enabled well to use this power , did not adde any power unto them which they had not before , not did the want of it , being but accidentall , deprive them of that Power , which was intrinscicall , essentiall and connaturall unto them as they were a Church of Christ . Onely this want did hinder their ability to expresse their power well , but their right as being a thing Connaturall did still remaine . Our Brother hath a saying or two about the civill Power , which by proportion may well illustrate this that I am speaking o●●bo it the Church-power . In one place he saith thus , There is a two-fold power in a King , one in a King as a King , and this is a like in all , and ordinary regall , coactive : whether the King be an Heathen , a Turke , or a sound believing Christian : there is another power in a King as such a King , either as a Propheticall King as David and Solomon or as a Christian believing King. And of this latter he saith , that it is not a new regall power , but potestas execuliba , a power or gracious ability to execute the Kingly Power , which he had before as a King ; Page 387. &c. 388. ●ow why may it not be said in like sort , there is in a Church two-fold Power , one in a Church as it is a Church , and this is a like in all true Churches of Christ , whether the Church in this or that particular question have light to discerne , and hold the truth , or otherwise : another in a Church , as it is sound believing Church , holding the truth in such or such question ; and this is but only a gracious ability to exercise the power which they had before , not adding to them any new Power at all ? Againe , in his Page 393. he hath these words . Though the King were not a Christian Magistrate , yet hath he a Kingly power to command men as Christians , and it is by accident that he cannot in that state command Christian duties , and service to Christ ; because he will not , and cannot command those dutyes remaining ignorant of Christ ; even as a King ignorant of necessary civill dutyes cannot command them , not because he wanteth Kingly power to command these civill things , for undeniably he is a Iudge in civill things , but because he hath not knowledge of them . And may we not say in like sort , though a Church want the knowledge of the truth , in some particular question , yet they have a Church power to determine such questions , & to command obedience therein , and it is by accident they cannot in that state determine rightly , because they will not , being ignorant of the truth therein , not because they want Church-power to determine such matters , but because they have not the knowledge of them . Againe a little after in the same P. he tels us , That Christianity addeth no new fatherly power to a Father over his Children , nor giveth a new husband right to the husband , once an Heathen over his wife ; for an heathen Father is as essentially a Father over his Children as a Christian Father , and an heathen husband an heathen master &c. are all as essentially Husband , Masters , &c. as are the Christian husbands , masters , &c. And may we not as well say , soundnesse of knowledge in such or such a particular question addeth no new Church power to a Christian Church over their own members , nor giveth a new Church right over them which they had not before ; for a Church that wanteth such knowledge is as essentially a Church , invested with Church power over her members as is another Church ? For ought I perceive the cases are alike ; and if soundnesse of knowledge do not give to a Church their Church-right in this or that question , how can want of that knowledge deprive them of that right ? Sure one would thinke the whole substance of Christianity might do as much for the adding of Kingly right , Fatherly right , Husband right , &c. As soundnesse of knowledge in some one particular question , for the adding of Church right ; & that the want of all Christianity should be as available for taking away the Kingly right , the Fatherly right , &c. As the want of knowledge in one particular point for the taking away of Church-right ; and sith we have our Brothers own testimony cleer and full for the one , it seems to me the cases are so parallel and proportionable , that the other is unavoidable : I meane thus , sith in the one case the whole substance of Christianity doth not give power , nor the want thereof take away the same by our Brothers own teaching , I know not how in the other case soundnesse of knowledge in one particular question should give power or right , & want of such knowledge take away the same . And so for Antioch in particular , if it were as our Brother supposeth that the greater part of them did hold against the truth in that question about Circumcision , I see not how this could deprive them of their Church right which they had before . As for our Brothers reason that Christ hath given no Ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for the truth , This saying I confesse is very true , but doth not suffice for the purpose for which hee brings it , viz. To prove that Antioch being ignorant of the truth in that question about Circumcision , or holding against the truth therein did thereby lose their Church right to determine . For if this reason be good , then a man may conclude against that power in heathen Kings , Parents , and Husbands , to governe their Subjects , children and Wives ; which our Brother , as we heard afore , hath granted and taught : For suppose that Antioch were ignorant of the truth in that particular is it not cleere that the Kings , Parents , and Husbands mentioned are ignorant of the truth in many more matters ? And it Antioch do hereupon loose their right , because Christ hath given no power to determine against the truth but for the truth , how will it be avoided but by the same reason , ●he Kings and the others mentioned must likewise lose their right to governe their own subjects and families ? For the Lord gives no right , I hope , to Pagans against the truth , no more then he doth unto Churches . And therfore if the reason be valid and strong in the one case , and for the purpose , for which our Brother brings it , it seemes to be as strong in the other case also , which shall be contrary to what our Brother himselfe doth teach . In a word ▪ Churches and Antioch in particular have right to determine questions , and they ought to determine only according to the truth : They have formally a right to determine , and when their determinations are according to truth , then they will ●ind Vi mat●●i● which else they will not . They have right to determine in fore Humano , and if their determinations be for matter agreeable to truth , they will be ratifyed in foro Div●●o , but not else . Now our Brothers arguing doth seeme to confound these two ; and because of the latter which is freely granted , he would conclude against the former , which we thinke is not good reasoning ; but on the contrary do still thinke , that though Churches ought to give out no determinations but such as are agreeable to truth , and that otherwise their determinations , in respect of the matter of them will not bind before God , yet for all this they may have right formally and in Foro humano to judge , and to determine of such things . Moreover , if this were granted for true , that Antioch when they are against the truth do lose their right to determine Controversies , yet we are not hereby much neerer to an issue , unlesse it be determined withall who must be judge whether they be against the truth or no , and the reason is because if they be not against the truth but for it , then I hope , it will be granted that they doo not lose their right at all . The question therefore still remaines , who hath this Ministeriall Power to Iudge whether this or that Church , Antioch or any other be against the truth or for it ; and unlesse this be cleered we are but where we were before . But to draw towards an end of this passage about the Church of Antioch : whether they had right to determine Controversies when ability failed , or whether they did when lose that right , I will here transcribe a few words of our Brother as I find them in his second , 331. Page . Wherein he either cleerely yeeldeth the cause , and saith the same that we do or I am much mistaken . The words are these , There is a difference between ability to judge , and right or power to judge . A presbyteriall Church , ( and he disputeth in six Pages together to prove Antioch such a one , Page 470. 471. &c. sequ . ) may have right , jus , and Ecclesiastic●ll law to judge of a point , to the judging whereof they want ability : therefore de facto , it belongeth to an higher Synod where more learned men are , though de jure the Presbytery may judge it . These words I wish to be well considered . For whereas in the place we have been speaking of , he saith Antioch , the greater part of them being against the truth , did lose their jus , their right to determine , for which as wee have heard , he gives this reason , because Christ hath given no right and power to determine against the truth but for it , yet now wee see he grants distinction between ability and right , and saith , a Presbyteriall Church may still retaine this latter of their right , even then , when they want the other of ability . Which two sayings whether they do perfectly agree , and whether in the latter of them he do not plainly come up to us , against whom he hath been disputing in the former , I leaue it to the wise in heart , and especially to himselfe to consider . For , for my part I must confesse that these two sayings , A Presbyteriall Church as Antioch may have right , jus to judge a point , to the judging whereof they may want ability ; and , Antioch a Presbyteriall Church wanting ability did thereby lose their right , or jus to determine the point , these two I say , are such sayings as are not easie for me to reconcile . Lastly , if it be said our Brother doth not deny unto Antioch , or a Church in error all power simply to determine , but only to determine tali mode , that is , to determine against the truth ; for his words are , they lose their jus their right eatenus , in so far . I answer , he hath such a word indeed , as eatenus , in so farre : but if any shall say he meant no more in this dispute , but only that such a Church hath no right to determine against the truth , I conceive that he that shall so say , shall therein impute some fault unto our Brother , even the fault of wresting Mr. Tompsons Tenent and mine , and suggesting against us unto his Reader , as if we had held such a thing as we never wrote nor thought . For it is plain , that our Brother in his Pag. 424. is disputing against us ; For he saith , that we teach the Church of Antioch had jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficulty had not light to judge thereof , And sets down Master Tompsons name and mine as the men that so teach , in Answer , Page 42. And a few lines after he saith , I thinke the Brethren erre in this , to teach , that Antioch had power to determine the Controversie , Act. 15. And then hee gives two reasons for the contrary . So that it is manifest that he intends this dispute against us . Now what have we said in this matter ? Have we delivered any such thing , that Antioch had right to determine against the truth ? Let the Answer be viewed in the place which he alledgeth , viz. Page 42. And I am sure no such grosse Tenent will be there found , no nor any where else in our writing . That which we have said , is this , that Antioch had right to have determined the matter if ability had served thereto : but for right to determine against the truth , we never spake one word that soundeth that way . Our Brother therefore intending this dispute against us , and plainly expressing so much , and our Tenent being no other then as I have said , it must therefore needs follow that his intendment is , that Antioch had no right to determine that matter . But for right to determine against the truth , he cannot confute such a Tenent as ours , we never having delivered any such thing , but he must withall be culpable of manifest mistaking and mis-reporting of us to the World ; and we are , and must be slow to believe that a man of such worth would willingly do us such wrong . It remains therefore , that right to determine and not right to determine against the truth , is the thing which he oppos●t● as ours , and therefore it is that in this sence and meaning I have here applyed my answer . The 〈…〉 thus much ; That Antioch had right to determine against the 〈…〉 that may soone be con●uted , but the Tenent is none of ours : That 〈…〉 to determine , is indeed our Tenent , and whether this be con●uted 〈…〉 , let the wise and Iudicious consider . CHAP. IX . Whether the Congregationall way or the Presbyteriall doe make the Gospell more difficultive then the Law. Of Excommunication by a Church that hath only three Elders , and of doing things sudainly . IN the latter end of his Page 424 meaning Mr T●mpson and me , and alledging Page 17 , 18. of the Answer . He writes that we say our opposites do much Judaize in that they multiply appeales upon appeales , from a Congregation to a Classis , then to a Synod , then to a Nationall Assembly , then to an Oec●●●●nicke Councell ; and this way while the world endureth causes are never determined , and Synods cannot alwayes be had ; even as in Ierusalem the supreame Iudicature was farre remote from all Proselites , as from the Eunuch of Ethiopia , Act. 8. And from the remote●● parts of the Holy Land : but God hath provided better for us in the new Testament , where every Congregation which is at hand may decide the Controversie : And then , Page 425. He subjoyneth his Answer . Answ . Though I deny not but some of the things here alledged are written by us in the Pa●●● nam●d , yet that they are written for the purpose which our Brother expresseth , viz. To shew that our Brethren of the opposite judgement do much Iudaize , that I do utterly deny . For the places being viewed will plainly witnesse that wee bring the things alledged for another end , viz. To shew whether the way that is called Independencie , do make the people ( as some have thought of it ) more defective and improvident then their Law. For this being objected against that way , wee in answer thereto do shew by sundry particulars , that it is not that way that is justly culpable in this respect , but the way of our Brethren of the other Iudgement ; one way on the one side making the state of Christians in these dayes in some things equall to the Iewes , and in other things more excellent ; and on the other side the way of our Brethren making our condition in many things more defective then was the condition of the Iewes . So that ( not Iudayzing but ) making our condition more defective then the Iewes , is the thing which we here note in the Doctrine of our Brethren . Nor do I see how our Brother in his Answer doth free their Doctrine and way from being justly culpable in this respect . If we had intended the thing which he reporteth , we would never have used such a reason as he truly report● us to use , viz. That by appeales upon appeales causes according to our Brethrens way may be so protracted as never to be determined nor ended . For this reason hath neither strength nor colour of strength for such a purpose , as he saith we bring it for , inasmuch as it is well known , that the Iewes had a supreame Iudicatory for the finall ending of causes among them . And therefore to say that our Brethren do Iudaize , and then to give that for a reason which doth shew that the Iewes and they are very unlike , the Iewes having a supreame Iudicatory for the finall ending of Cruses , and they having none , were to shew our selves very irrationall or worse : end why our Brother should put such a thing upon us , we being no wayes guilty thereof , we do not know . But we desire that our reason may be applyed to our own conclusion , to which we did and do apply it , and not to this other expressed by our Brother , which indeed is none of ours , and then we are content that rationall and judicious Readers may judge whether or no there be any sufficient weight therein . Which that they may more readily do , I have here recollected the same into this short summe , that they may briefly behold it with one view , viz If the Iewes had a supreame Iudicatory for the finall ending of causes , and the Congregationall way hath the like : If the Iewes had a standing Iudicatory alwayes in readinesse for the hearing of causes , and the Congregationall way hath the like : and if the supreame Iudicatory among the Iewes was very farre remote from many of them , and in the Congregationall way be more convenient and neere at hand , then the Congregationall way is in some things equall to the Iewes and in other things more excellent . But the first is true in all the particulars , and therefore the second is true also . Againe , If the Iewes had a supreame Iudicatory for the finall ending of causes , and the way of our Brethren hath not : If the Iewes had a standing Iudicatory alwayes in readinesse for the hearing of causes and the way of our Brethren hath not : and if the supreame Iudicatory among the Iewes was very remote from many of them , and Synods among our Brethren are the same , then the way of our Brethren is in some things as defective as the Iewes , and in other things more defective then theirs . But the first is true in all the particulars of it , and therefore the second is true also . Both the Assumptions in all the branches thereof , I conceive are cleerely proved in the Answer in the Pages which our Brother doth alledge , and whether the Consequence be good let the wise judge . Having thus reduced our Argumentation to its own proper and genuine shape , let us now consider of Mr. Rutherfords answer thereto . First , saith he , The speedinesse of ending controversies in a Congregation is badly comprised with the suddainnesse and temerity of delivering men to Satan upon the decision of three Elders , without so much as asking advise of any Classes of Elders , and with deciding questions deepe and grave which concerneth many Churches , which is a putting of a private sickle in a common and publicke harvest . Answ . If advise from other Churches may be had , we never spake word for doing weighty matters without the same , but in such cases it is both our practise and advise to make use thereof , And therefore this delivering men to Satan in way of temerity or rashnesse toucheth not us whose opinion and practise is other wise . As for suddainnesse , I conceive if the same be sometimes accompanyed with temerity and rashnesse , and so worthy to be blamed , yet not alwayes : for in the Reformation of the House of God in the dayes of Hezekiah , it is said , that the thing was done suddainly . 2 Chron. 29. 36. Where suddainnesse doth not signifie any sinfull temerity or r●shnesle . But contrarily doth testifie Gods great goodnesle that had so prepared the people to so good a worke : for this cause this suddainnesse was to Hezekiah , and Gods people an occasion and ground of great joy and gladnesse , which temerity could not have been . And therefore suddainnesse and temerity must not alwayes be confounded and coupled together , as if they were the same . Though hasty delivering of men to Satan without due consideration be not good , yet overlong delay of due proceeding against Delinquents is bad also , for the Holy Ghost tels us because sentence against an evill worke is not executed speedily , therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set to do evill , Eccl. 8. 11. For which cause execute judgement in the morning , that is to say speedily is sometimes expresly required , Jer. 21. 12. Which being spoken of justice to be executed by civill Authority doth hold by proportion and like reason in Ecclesiasticall censures , for as much as speedinesle is a duty , and delayes are daangerous in the one case as well as in the other . Whereas our Author thinkes much that Excommunication should proceed upon the decision of three Elders , as we know nothing but a Congregation may have more Elders then the three , if God provide them fit men and the numerousnesse of the Congregation so require , in which case our Author saith nothing to the contrary , but they may have power to Excommunicate , so if they have but three , we know nothing in this , but they may have power to Excommunicate notwithstanding , since himselfe teacheth , Due Right . Page 61. That the Iewes had their Congregationall Churches as we have , and had their meeting in their Synagogues , not only for Doctrine , but also for Discipline and Excommunication ; Which if it be so , it seemes there might be Excommunication by as small a number as three , unlesse it could appeare that in every Synagogue the Elders and Rulers in it were a greater number then is here mentioned , which is more then I do remember to be expressed in Scripture . Yea and further he tels us , That the inferiour Iudicatures in Israel had power of life and death , Page 315. Now the Iudges in these inferiour Iudicatures though they must never be under that number of three , yet they did not alwayes exceed the same , for ought that doth appeare . And if three Iudges had power of life and death , why may not a Congregation with three Elders have power of Excommunication ? Moreover , in his Page 454. He gives us these words for a Proposition , That it floweth connaturally from a Church to which agreeth the essence of Church to exercise Jurisdiction over all its own members ; to which those words do also agree , Page 287. viz. The power and right to Discipline is a propriety essentiall to a Church and is not removed from it till God remove the Candlesticke , and the Church cease to be a visible Church : And in Page 302. Hee affords us these words for an Assumption , that a Congregation is a Church , wanting nothing of the being and essence of a Church : And hence the conclusion is obvious , that a Congregation may exercise Iurisdiction over all it own members : and in as much as a Congregation in which are but three Elders , is a Congregation , it followeth that a Congregation in which are but three Elders may exercise such Iurisdiction . This conclusion our Author cannot deny in as much as it necessarily and directly followeth from Premises which are both his own . Yea in his Page 302. H● saith , That this is a principle of Church policie , that every politicke body of Christ hath power of Church government within it selfe . Either therefore a Congregation with only three Elders is no politicke body of Christ , or else it must have power of Church government within it selfe . Besides , if the power of Iurisdiction ordinary intensive be according to the entire essence of a Ministeriall Church be as compleat and perfect in one single Congregation , as in a Provinciall , Nationall , or Catholike Church as our Author saith it is P. 307. It is then a marvell why such a Congregation having onely three Elders , may not have power to Excommunicate . Lastly , his words are expresse , Page 338. Where there are not many Churches consociated , then Ordination and Excommunication may be done by one single Congregation . If therefore a Congregation have not above three Elders , yet being not consociated with other Churches , it may lawfully Excommunicate , by his own grant . For deciding questions that concerne many Churches , if they decide them no further but onely as they concerne themselves , this is no putting a private sickle in a common and publike Harvest , but a medling with matters onely so farre as they doe concerne themselves . Secondly , he saith , All appeales without warrant from Christs will we condemne , as the abuse of Appeales to a Court which is known shall never be , Page 425. Answ . If appeales without warrant from Christ will be condemned , why are wee not told what appeales they are , that have the warrant of Christs will , and what Appeales have not ? For such a generall word a● this , of the warrant of Christs will , without some further and more particular explication doth leave the matter as darke as it was before . If the meaning be , that only such Appeales are unwarrantable as are made to a Court which is known shall never be , and that all others are warrantable , then it will follow that appeales to generall Councels and all other Courts , except only from a generall Councell are warrantable , for who doth certainely know that a generall Councell will never be ? And so by this meanes the Classes , 〈◊〉 Synod , and the Nationall Church are all deprived of supremacie , and independencie of Iurisdiction as well as the Congregacion . Thirdly , he saith , Antiochs appeale to a Synod 200 miles distant as our Brethren say , was no Judaizing but that which Paul and the Apostles were guilty of as well as we . Answ . Whether Antioch and Jerusalem were 200 miles distant or no as we have never affirmed so much , so I will not stand now to inquire . But this I stand upon , that no Scripture doth witnesse that Antioch did appeale to Jerusalem in the point of Iurisdiction , about which our question doth lye , if they did appeale to them for a Doctrinall decision or determination of the question , that nothing hindereth our cause who do not deny such a Doctrinall power in Synods . But their power of Iurisdiction is the thing that should be proved . Lastly , if this example of Antioch doe prove that there may bee and ought to bee appeales from Congregations to Synods , though those Synods be 200 miles distant , then that which wee said in the Answer is here confessed to be true : viz. That according to our Brethrens Iudgement the state of the Church in point of Discipline is as defective and burdensome in the time of the Gospell , as it was in the dayes of the old Testament . For as then the supreame Iudicatory at Jerusalem was many miles distant from such as dwelt in the furthest parts of the Holy Land , and specially from the Proselites that dwelt in other Countries , so here our Author seemes to yeeld that in these dayes of the new Testament there must or may be appeales to Synods , though they be 200 miles distant . I hope then if others blame our way for making the Gospell as defective and improvident as the Law , or more defective then it , yet this our Brother will not do so , but on the contrary will acknowledge for us and with us , that the way which himselfe pleads for , is more justly culpable in this respect . Fourthly , he saith , Matters concerning many Churches must be handled by many . Answ . This may be granted in a safe sence without any prejudice at all unto our cause , for we are well content that so farre as they concerne many they may be handled by many , so that each Congregation may have liberty to deale in them so farre as they concerne themselves . And thus you have all which Mr. Rutherford hath brought against that passage of ours wherein we say it is not our way but theirs , that doth make the Gospell more defective then the Law , instead whereof he is pleased to make us say that they doe Iudaize ; But for eleering their way from that which wee object against the same , or for convincing out way to be guilty thereof as by some hath been objected , which is the thing in question in the place by him alledged , for ought I perceive there is nothing in the foure particulars of his answer , that doth any thing availe to either of these : for if a rash delivering of men to Satan have more evill in it then speedy ending of controversies hath good ▪ If appeales without warrant from Christs will , be unlawfull : If Antioch did appeale to a Synod 200 miles distant , and if matters concerning many Churches must be ended by many , which foure particulars are the whole substance of his answer , what is there in all this ( for I would gladly apply his Answers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the thing in question , what is there I say in all this that 〈◊〉 convince our way to be more defective then the way under the old Testament ? Or that doth cleere the way of our Brethren from being truly culpable thereof ▪ Let all the evill that can be found in rash delivering men to Satan be extended to the utmost , and let the rest of the foure particulars be granted , doth all this sufficiently cleere it that the way which we plead for is more defective , or the way of our Brethren more perfect and excellent , then the way that was used under the Law ? If they do not amount to the cleering of this , they do not come up to cleere the thing in question , which for ought I perceive doth still remaine as it was notwithstanding all that our Brother here brings . CHAP. X. Whether the necessity of Discipline be greater then of Sacraments : and whether a Congregation that hath neighbours may not exercise intirenesse of Iurisdiction as well as one that hath none : and whether a man may take on him the whole Ministery having no outward calling thereto ; and may not as well take on him one act of Baptizing or Ministring the Lords Supper . THe next place where I find our Reverend Brother dealing with the Answer , is in Page 453 , 454. Where disputing that there was a Presbyteriall Church at Ierusalem , he saith it is Objected by us ( alledging the Answer , Page 6. ) That if a Church in an Iland by Divine institution and so the first Congregation as Ierusalem which did meete in Solomons Porch had once an intire power of Iurisdiction , though in an extraordinary case , the case is ordinary , as in the Dominion of Wales there is scarce a Congregation to be found within 20 , or 30 miles . 2. Suppose the case were extraordinary and rare , may they violate the ordinary rules of Christ ? For so some may thinke and say that though according to ordinary rules , Baptisme and the Lords Supper must be dispensed only by men and by Ministers , yet in the want of these the one may be dispensed by a woman or mid-wife , and both of them by such as are no Ministers . And then hee subjoyneth his Answer . Answ . Our Authors scope and intention being to prove a Presbyteriall Church at Ierusalem , I cannot apprehend a good reason , why now he should fall upon the place of the Answer alledged , in as much at the place makes not any mention of Ierusalem at all , nor of any Presbyteriall Church there , either one way or other . But it seemes he was willing to go something out of his way that so he might have a saying to the Answer , yet if it must needs be so , I could have desired that the words of the Answer might have been kept , without making alteration by leaving some things out , and putting others in of his own accord , and by mentioning others with another face then was ever intended by us . For though he is pleased to mention a Church in an Iland and the first founded Congregation at Ierusalem , in his Objection which he● brings in under Mr. Tompsons name and mine , yet he that shall peruse the place will find that neither of these are once mentioned by us at all , and why then they should be brought in as ours I do not know . And for the former part of our Answer , wherein we show that for a Christian Congregation to want neighbour Congregations to whom they may with conveniency have recourse , and not so unusuall as some may imagine , we do not only alledge for that end the Dominion of Wales as our Brother doth report , but also the remoter parts of the North , and specially the state of things in times and places of generall Persecution and generall prophanenesse , and new Plantations in Heathen Countries ; all which our Brother doth omit , as if wee had not mentioned any of them . And whereas we mention the scarcity of Congregations in the remoter parts of Wales and of the North , as intimated by our Reverend Brother Mr. Herle in that learned and loving discourse of his , whereto we doe apply our Answer , Mr. Rutherford concealeth that we do mention this , as the apprehension or intimation of another , and instead thereof makes bold to set it downe under our name , as if we had delivered it as our own . All which alterations , omissions and additions are such as wee for our parts would not willingly have made the like in any worke of his nor of any other man. For let such liberty as this be taken in repeating what men do speake or write , and misapprehension of their true ●ntent and meaning must needs be bred hereby in the minds of all those that shall read or heare such reports and beleeve the same . Neverthelesse , let us consider what our Brother doth returne in his Answer . We thinke saith he , a Ministery and Discipline more necessary to a Congregation in a remote Iland , or to the Church of Ierusalem before they increase to such a number as cannot meet for their numerous multitude in one Congregation , then the Sacraments when there be no Ministers to dispense them . Answ . Would not one thinke by th●se words , and the other laid down in the Objection , that we had spoken something of a Church in an Iland , and of the Church in Jerusalem ? Else why should these be objected , and answered as ours ? But th truth is we have not spoken one word either of the one or the other of these particulars : which will plainly appeare to him that shall view the place . Something wee have spoken in the generall of a Congregation that wants neighbours , which we did being thereunto led by our Reverend Brother Mr. Herle , but of a Church in an Iland , and of the Church at Ierusalem in particular , of which Mr. Rutherford heere speaks , of these we have said nothing . Second , the former part of our answer , that for a Congregation to want neighbours is not so unusuall as some may imagine , this Mr. Rutherford wholly passeth over in silence , only he propounds it in his Objection in such sort as we have heard , and so leaves it , whereby it seemes he yeelds the thing . And thereupon it followes , that intirenesse of Iurisdiction in a Congregation must be yeelded frequently lawfull , it being frequently seene , that Congregations want neighbours in which case their intirenesse of Iurisdiction is not denyed . Third , for the second part of our answer , we thus expresse our selves therein . viz. That we suppose it is good to take heed how farre we yeeld it lawfull in extraordinary cases to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , whereof wee render the reason , least some body doe thence inferre the lawfulnesse of ministring Sacraments by non-Ministers , in case Ministers be wanting . This is that which we have said in this matter . If therefore Mr. Rutherford would take away what we have said herein , he must say it is not good nor needfull to take such heed , but men may yeeld it lawfull in such cases to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , and never need to take heed how farre they yeeld therein . This indeed were contradictory to what we have said , and if this be once cleered for truth , then I must confesse our saying is cleerely disproved . But the cleering of this we hope our Brother will never attempt : Sure yet he hath not done it , and so our saying yet remaines as it was . Fourth , Whereas he saith he thinkes a Ministery and Discipline more necessary in the cases he speaks of , then Sacraments and there be no Ministers , though this be not directly opposite to what we have said , yet because I would consider of every thing wherein he seemes to ayme at us , therefore I am willing to consider of this also . Our Reverend Brother thinkes Discipline in the cases mentioned more necessary then Sacraments : and yet in his Page 287 , 288. handling that question , whether Discipline be a marke of the visible Church , and laying down sundry distinctions about the same , hee gives us these severall Propositions in termes : First , care to exercise Discipline may be wanting in a true Church . Second , right Discipline is not necessary to the essence of a visible Church as a City may bee without Wals , a Garden without a hedge . Third , the exercise of Discipline may be wanting , and the Church a true visible Church . Fourth , the Church may retaine the essence and being of a visible Church , and yet have no Discipline in actuall use or little , in which place he cites and approves the judgement of Parker , Cartwright and others ; who make Discipline necessary only to the wel-being of the Church , as being not indifferent but commanded in the word and necessary in respect of its end . Now if this be all the necessity that is in Discipline , how is Discipline more necessary then Sacraments ? For may not as much bee said of them as here is said of Discipline ? Are not Sacraments necessary to the well-being of the Church , as being commanded in the word , as well as Discipline is ? And serving for excellent ends , as well as Discipline doth ? I suppose it will n●● be denyed , and therefore the necessity of Discipline above Sacraments doth not yet appeare . Especially if that be considered withall which our Brother teacheth else-where . viz. In his second P. 211. & sequ . Where he tels us , That Sacraments are not only declarative signes , but also reall exhibitive seales of Grace , having a causality in them to make a thing that was not , and so excelling all civill Seales which do adde no new Lands to the owner of the Charter sealed therewith . Now if Sacraments be thus excellent and effectuall , how is it that in the place wee have in hand , Discipline is made more necessary then they ? For a greater Elogie then here hee gives to Sacraments , I suppose himselfe would not give unto Discipline . Yea in P. 302 he expresly affirmes , That Preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments are essentiall notes of the visible Church . But of Discipline I conceive he will not say the same , sure it is in the Page following distinguishing betwixt notes of the Church which are necessary ad●sse , To the very being of a visible Church , and such as are necessary only ad bene esse , to the well-being thereof , he expresly makes Discipline a worke or note of this second sort , and as we heard ere-while , he in Page 287 expresly affirmes it is not necessary to the essence of a Church . And therefore it is some marvell why now 〈◊〉 makes Discipline more necessary then Sacraments . But he gives us two reasons of this greater necessity of Discipline then of Sacraments . First , that intire power of Discipline in a Congregation that wants neighbours is not extraordinary Second , that there is no such morall necessity of Sacraments , as there is of Discipline , Page 455. Concerning the former his words are these , viz. That the Church be in an Iland it selfe alone may possibly be extraordinary , but that in such a case they have intire power of discipline whole and entire within themselves to Excommunicate Scandalous persons is not extraordinary . Wherein first of all I observe a difference between him and our Reverend Brother Mr. Herle , who having granted that where there is no consociation or neighbour-hood of Congregations , there a single Congregation must not be denyed intirenesse of Iurisdiction , doth presently adde that the case is extraordinary , and so fals not within the compasse of the question of the ordinary rule of Church-government : Independencie of Churches , P. 2. plainly confessing that the case is extraordinary , whereas Mr. Rutherford here saith it is not . Second , as he expresly differs from Mr. Herle , so it is considerable whether his words do well agree with themselves . For saith he , That the Church be in an Iland it selfe alone may be extraordinary , but that in such case they have entire power of Iurisdiction of Discipline within themselves , to Excommunicate Scandalous persons , is not extraordinary . Which saying needs good explication . For it seemes hard to conceive how the power and actions of any subject or efficient should be more usuall and ordinary then it s very being and subsistance : Which yet must needs bee , if this stand good that the being of a Church in an Iland is extraordinary , and yet the power of such a Church to Excommunicate is usuall and ordinary Third , If their power of Discipline , yea intire Power be in the case expressed or●●●ary , shall we then say that if the case ●e otherwise so that a Church be not alone but have neighbours , entirenesse of power in such a case is extraordinary ? It seemes a● must ●ay 〈◊〉 , or else wee must say that intirenesse of power in both cases is ordinary . If this latter be said , it is as much as we desire : for then I hope it must not be a small 〈◊〉 ordinary matter , that must hinder a Church that hath neighbours from exercising 〈…〉 ●●●●diction within themselves , no more then a Church that lives alone , 〈…〉 power being ordinary in them both . For if it be so in them both , in the one as well as in the other , I know not why any small or ordinary matter should hinder the one Church any more then the other from the use and exercise of such entire power . If we say that entirenesse of power in a Church that hath neighbours is extraordinary , though in a Church that is alone it be ordinary , besides that such a saying sounds harshly and seemes very improbable , we shall by this meanes make cases extraordinary to be very frequent & usuall , in as much as all men know it is very usuall for Congregationall Churches to have neighbours : and so if entirenesse of power in a Church that hath neighbours be extraordinary , it will follow that extraorninary power is very usuall and frequent ; so that inconveniences on each side do seeme inevitably to follow against our Brothers cause , upon this which here he affirmeth , that entirenesse of power in a Church that is alone is not extraordinary . But let us here his reason in the subsequent words , why this entirenesse of power in a Church that is alone is not extraordinary . For it floweth saith he , continually from a Church , to which agreeth the essence of a Church , to exercise Iurisdiction over all its own members . And I suppose he must meane this of Iurisdiction entire and compleat , for of this is the question , and a few lines afore , He expresly cals it entire power of Discipline , whole and entire within themselves . Now if this be true which here is said , as for my part I conceive no other of it , that it floweth connaturally from a Church , to which agreeth the essence of a Church to exercise entire Iurisdiction over all its own members , then it will follow that a Church that hath neighbours as well as a Church that hath none must have this entirenesse of Iurisdiction , sith the essence of a Church doth agree to the one as well as to the other , to a Church that hath neighbours as well as to a Church that is alone . Our Author tels us Page 302. That a Congregation in an Iland is a Church properly so called , and hath the essentiall notes of a visible Church agreeing to it , and wants nothing of the being and essence of a Church . And if this be true of a Church that is alone , shall we thinke it is not true of a Church that hath neighbours ? Doth the accession of neighbours to a Congregation take away from such a Congregation the essence of a Church which it had before ? I conceive none will so say . And if every Church to which agreeth the essence of a Church may exercise entire Iurisdiction over all its own members , as our Brother doth acknowledge , it followeth unavoidably thereupon that all Congregationall Churches , such as have neighbours and such as have none may exercise such entirenesse of Iurisdiction , sith the essence of a Church doth agree unto them all . Vnlesse he will deny the essence of a Church to a Congregation which hath neighbours , which hee freely yeeldeth to a Congregation which is alone , he must grant entirenesse of Iurisdiction unto them both , because he grants it to the one upon this reason , that the essence of a Church doth agree thereunto , which reason if it agree to both , how can i● be avoided but entirenesse of Iurisdiction must be in both ? And how can it be affirmed or imagined that a Congregation having the essence of a Church afore and have neighbours , should lose this essence of a Church when neighbours are added to it ? A family having the essence of a family now it is alone , doth not lose this essence by meanes of other families added . Nor doth a City that is such , as it is alone lose the essence of a City by the accesse of other Cities : and the same might be said of a Corporation , a Province , a Kingdome , or any other society whatsoever . And that it should be otherwise with a Congregationall Church , that it should lose the essence of a Church as other neighbours Churches do arise , doth seeme very strange and unreasonable . And let the essence of a Church be still retayned by such a Congregation , as I conceive it must , and then intirenesse of Iurisdiction must not be denyed to such a Congregation , sith it doth flow connaturally from every Church to which the essence of a Church doth agree . If there bee no more consociated with that Church that is by accident , and an extraordinary exigence of Gods Providence . As a Master of a family is to educate his children in the feare of God , but if God take all his children from him by death , he doth not transgresse the ordinary rule of educating his children in the feare of God , as he hath none . Answ . If this comparison doe suit the present purpose and case in hand , then this Master of a family is a Congregation , and these his children are the members of other Congregations : And so as a Master of a family needs not to educate his children in Gods feare , when they are all taken from him by death , so a Congregation needs not to governe the members of other Congregation as there are no other Congregation extant , but it selfe is left alone in an Iland . In which kind of arguing sundry things may be excepted against . As fir●● of all that there should be such power in a Congregation as in a Master of a family over his own children , which needs a good deale of proofe afore it may be yeelded , in as much as the power of the one is plainly and plentifully taught in the Scripture , as Eph. 4. 6. Col. 3. Deut. 6. 7. Deut. 21. And many other places . But I desire one cleere place of Scripture , in all the Book of God either old Testament or new , to shew the like power in a Congregationall Church , over the members of other Churches . Againe , when a Master of a family hath all his children taken from him by death , he hath then no children of his own to governe , but wants a Congregationall Church & is left alone in an Iland , the Presbytery of that Congregation is left alone , but have still the members of that Congregation whom they may and ought to guide and governe in the feare of God , which is another particular wherein the comparison failes . But though the similitude as Mr. Rutherford hath laid it down , doth not confirme his purpose , yet I conceive it may be ▪ so framed and applyed as that it may well serve for the weekning thereof , thus ; A Master of a family having ( when that family is alone ) entire power to governe his family in the feare of God , when other families do arise that become neighbours neere adjoyning , he is not by this meanes deprived of the power which he had before , but still retaines the same entire and compleate as formerly it was : even so the Presbytery of a Congregationall Church having ( when that Congregation is alone , ) entire power of Iurisdiction over its own members , is not when neighbour Congregation do arise , deprived by this meanes of the power which it had before , but still retaines the same entire as formerly it was . Againe , though when God takes away a mans children by death , he is no longer bound to educate and governe those children in the feare of God , yet as long as his children live with him in his family , it is not the sitting down of other families neere by him that can take away this power from him , or discharge him of this duty : even so , though when members of a Congregation be taken away by death or otherwise , the Congregation or its Presbytery doth no longer stand charged or bound with the oversight and government of such members yet as long as they live in the Congregation , it is not the arising of other Congregations neere to them that can free them from the power wherewith they were invested , nor from the duty wherewith they were formerly charged towards such members , Thus the comparison runs even , and we see our Brothers cause is not a little disadvantaged thereby . But as he hath laid it down , it doth so apparantly faile that I do not perceive how it can afford him any helpe at all . This argument supposeth that the Congregation hath no power of Excommunication at all , either compleat or incompleate , as the Midwife hath no power to Baptize , either compleate or incompleate . Answ . Suppose a Congregation have an incompleate power when they have neighbours , how shall it appeare that when they are alone their power is now compleat ? Or how will it be avoided but by the like reason , one Elder alone may Excommunicate in case there be no other Elders to joyne with him ? For plain it is , that one Elder when their is a full Presbytery or Classis hath an incompleate power , though not a compleat . And yet I hope this incompleat power in one Elder when there are other Elders joyned with him , will not warrant him to exercise a power compleat when he is alone , because such a power must be exercised by a Church , with one Elder alone cannot be . And if one Elder having an incompleat power when he is joyned with others , may not exercise a compleat power when he is alone , how will the incompleat power of a Congregation when they have neighbours ( suppose that in such case their power were indeed incompleate ) how will this I say warr●nt that Congregation when they are alone to exercise a compleat power ? For ought I see , the compleat power of the Congregation is no more warranted upon this ground , then the like power of one Elder upon the same ground , the cases being alike in both . Neither doth a Congregation transgresse any rule of Christ at all when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it self , whereas there be no consociated ●hurches to share with it in that power . Answ . This I grant is very true ; and I desire it may not be recalled , but may still stand as here it is expresly given to us ; and then I desire to know what rule of Christ is transgressed , if an other Congregation , I meane a Congregation that hath neighbours , do exercise the like power . For my part I know no such rule , nor any good reason but if that the one Congregation may so practise , the other Congregation may do the like , and that the grounds ( at least some of them ) which will warrant the one , will also suffice to warrant the other . Neverthelesse when any rule of Christ shal be produced that doth restraine a Congregation that hath neighbours of this entire power , which is so freely and plainly granted to the Congregation that is alone , I shall then grant that the former must have lesse liberty to exercise this power , then is here granted to the latter . In the meane time , that which here is yeelded to the one doth amongst other things induce me to thinke that the same ought to be granted to the other , and so that entirenesse of power is in them both . A Congregation ( viz. which is alone ) is capable of entire Jurisdiction because it is a Church . Answ . How will it then be avoided but a Congregation which hath neighbours , or a Congregation which was alone and now hath neighbours added to it , how will it be avoided I say , but such a Congregation as this is also capable of entire Iurisdiction ? For can it be denyed but such a Congregation is a Church , as well as the other ? Sure if Mr. Rutherford his Doctrine elsewhere delivered do stand good , this cannot be denyed at all . For in his Page 301 he saith , That is a Church , and hath the essence of a Church , to which agree the essentiall notes of a visible Church , and Preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments saith he are essentiall notes of a visible Church . Which if it bee so , then a Congregation that hath neighbours is a visible Church , and hath the essence of a Church , because Preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments are cleerely found in such a Congregation . And if such a Congregation be a Church , then by his own Doctrine in this place which we have in hand , such a Congregation is capable of entire Iurisdiction . For thus I argue from his own words Every Congregation which is a Church is capable of entire Iurisdiction . But a Congregation which hath neighbours is a Church . Therefore a Congregation which hath neighbours is capable of entire Iurisdiction . The conclusion is that which we stand for , and it makes directly against our Brother , and yet I see not how he can avoyd it , because both the premises are his own . For the Proposition is plaine from the words we have in hand , v●z . A Congregation is capable of entire Jurisdiction because it is a Church . Now if this be the reason why it is capable thereof , then looke to what Congregation this reason doth agree , every such Congregation must be so capable . For our Author well knoweth that à quatenus ad omnia consequentia . And for the Assumption , the same is confirmed by his words , Page 302 , Where he makes that to be a Church , and to have the essence of a Church , to which the Preaching of the word , and administration of the Sacraments do agree . And these agreeing to a Congregation that hath neighbours , it followeth that a Congregation that hath neighbours is a Church . Vnlesse hee will deny to a Congregation that hath neighbours power of Preaching the word and administring the Sacraments ( which I am perswaded he will not deny at all ) it will unavoidably follow from his own ground that such a Congregation is a visible Church . And if such a Congregation be a visible Church , then by his own ground also , such a Congregation must be capable of entire Iurisdiction : which conclusion if it bee granted we desire no more , for it is the thing that we hold . A woman in no case is capable of administring Baptisme or the Lords Supper , except she were extraordinarily and immediately inspired to bee a Prophetesse , but for the exercise of entire power of Jurisdiction by a Congregation in a remote Iland , I hope it hath no such need of immediate inspiration . Answ . Nor do wee thinke otherwise ; but ( that we may keepe to the points and bring up the dispute to the thing in questio ) if such a Congregation having no such inspiration may notwithstanding lawfully exercise intire power of Iurisdiction within themselves , and that upon this reason , because they now are alone , which if they had neighbours were not lawfull for them to do , then let it be well considered , whether by the like reason in the like extraordinary case , Baptisme and the Lords Supper may not be administred the one of them by a woman , and both of them by such as are no Ministers . For as in one case the plea , to make it lawfull is this , because such a Congregation hath no neighbours , so in the other the plea is because the Congregation hath no Ministers , nor perhaps there are no men at hand . And if the one which at other times were unlawfull , yet in such an extraordinary exigence of Gods Providence may be lawfully done , though there be no immediate inspiration to warrant the same , why doth there need such immediate inspiration to warrant the other , the extraordinary exigence of Gods Providence being alike in both . I desire I may not be mistaken in this passage , for I doe not affirme ( nor ever did ) that the dispensation of Discipline and of Sacraments in the cases mentioned are both alike unlawfull , or else both alike lawfull . The Answer will not witnesse that I have so affirmed , neither yet this present discourse t● much lesse do I hold that Sacraments may be dispensed by women or by men that are not Ministers . All that I have said in this matter is thus much , that it is good to take heed how farre we yeeld it lawfull in such extraordinary cases , as want of neighbours , to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , least some body do thence inferre that Sacraments may be dispensed by women or men that are no Ministers , in case that Ministers or men be wanting . This I have said indeed , as being tender and afraid to open a dore too far for liberty of transgressing ordinary rules , and conceiving that keeping close to those rules is the safest way . If any man be more bold and dare open the dore further then I dare adventure to do , and thinke he can easily shut the same againe , to stop the inconveniencies and ill consequents which I feare may thence ensue . I shall leave him to his discretion , and the guidance of God therein , onely craving thus much for my selfe that no more may be imputed to me , nor reported of me in this or other matters , then indeed I have affirmed or expressed . Concerning his second reason of the greater necessity of Discipline then of Sacraments , his words are these . There is no such morall necessity of Sacraments as there is of the Ministery of the word and consequently of the use of the Keyes , where a Scandalous person may infect the Lords flock : for where vision ceaseth the people perish . But it is never said where Baptisme ceaseth the people perish , Pag. 455. Answ . How shall we be sure that by vision , Prov. 26. 18. Is meant Discipline ? Yea Discipline not in a large sense as comprehending generally all order and behaviour concerning a Church and outward duties therein , but Discipline strictly taken for administration of censures ( for of this is one question ) how I say shall wee be sure that by vision is meant this Discipline ? The usuall Expositers Tremeli●● and Junius , 〈…〉 , and others doe expound the same of the Preaching and dispensing of the word , making no mention at all of Discipline as meant thereby . And the 〈◊〉 branch of the verse , He ●hat keepeth the Law is blessed , doth ●hew that by vision in the former branch is mean the Law , or Doctrine or word of God. And if the Scripture do not s●y , where Baptisme ceaseth the people perish , yet neither doth it say , where administrat●on of Censures ceaseth the people perish ; and therefore no necessity of censures above Sacraments can be concluded hence . Vncalled Ministers in case of necessity without Ordination or calling from a Presbytery may Preach and take on them the holy Ministery and exercise power of Jurisdiction , because of the necessity of the Soules of a Congregation in a remote Iland requireth so . Answ If they may do these things without Ordination ( as for my part I deny it not , so that the election or consent of the Congregation be not wan●ing , for that I suppose might be a good part of an outward calling ) then I demand whether one Minister alone may not thus do , I meane whether one alone may not in the case proposed take on him the holy Ministery and Preach the word as a Minister . If many may do it , then I suppose there is no question but one may do it much rather . And if so , then I demand further whe●her such a single Minister may not also administer the Sacraments to such a Congregation : I suppose it cannot be denyed , for if he lawfully take on him the Ministery and Preach as a Minister , what should hinder , but he may also Baptize , and minister the Lords Supper ? And if hee may thus doe , then I demand lastly , whether this single Minister may also administer Discipline and censures in that Congregation . If he may , then either the power of those censures must be in himselfe alone , or in the Congregation also , in himselfe alone it cannot be , because censures must bee dispensed by a Church , and one man alone cannot bee a Church , If it be in the Congregation also , then here is a power of Excommunication or other censures even in the people which is against our Brothers judgement . If it be said that this single Minister as long as he wan●s other Ministers joyned with him may not administer censures or Discipline , then it will follow that power of censures is not alwayes annexed to the Ministery as an inseparable adjunct thereof , nor are Censures to be preferred before Sacraments as more necessary , as our Brother would have it , for as much as here is a Ministery and the administring of Sacraments , the necessity of the soules of the Congregation requiring so , and yet for all this not any power of censures at all . Our Brother therefore may make his choyce , whether hee will grant the power of the Keyes of Discipline to bee in the people , or whether he will say the necessity of the soules in a Congregation doth require Sacraments more then Discipline ; For though these be both against himselfe , yet upon the ground which himselfe doth here lay , the one of the two is unavoidable . But I hope no necessity in any of the most extraordinary case requireth that a Midwife may Baptize , or that a private man remaining a private man may celebrate the Lords Supper to the Church , without any calling from the Church . Answ . Concerning the Midwife I thinke the same that he doth . And concerning the private man , I also therein ●●curre that without calling from the Church hee may not performe what here is spoken of . But here I would make this Quare whether 〈◊〉 man that never was a Minister may not as well in an extraordinary case performe 〈◊〉 act of administring of Baptisme or the Lords Supper , without any calling from the 〈◊〉 bytery or the Church unto whom the office of Ministery , as take on him without any such calling the whole Ministery , and so Preach and exercise the power of Iurisdiction as a Minister For as for the one of these , our Brother expresly grants a man m●y lawfully take it on him without any such calling , the necessity of the Soules of a Congregation in an Iland requiring so ; and if this necessity will warrant the one which is the whole and so the greater , why will it not warrant the other which is but one act and so the lesser ? One would thinke one act of dispensing Baptisme or the Supper were a lesser matter then the whole Ministery , and all the actions thereof . And marvell it is , that the necessity of the Soules of a Congregation should warrant this which is the greater , and yet the same necessity should not be sufficient warrant for the lesser , a mans calling being otherwise alike unto both , that is , having an outward calling to neither Himself doth sometimes reason thus , If wee give to beleevers that are not in office one pastorall act , wee may with the like weight of reason give them all : Peaceable plea , Page 272. Now if this reasoning be good from one Act to all , why is no this as good , from all to any one or to some one ? And why may we not in like maner argue thus , If persons uncalled may without Ordination or calling take on them the whole Ministery , why may not persons uncalled without Ordination or calling take on them to Baptize or Minister the Supper ? Not that I thinke such a practise to be lawfull , but only I intend to make quaere about the validity of our Brothers kind of arguing . Yea , it is elsewhere his arguing , that it persons not in office of Ministery may execute censures and Discipline , they may then administer the Sacraments . For saith he , What hinders by this reason but they may also without Ministers Prea●h and administer the Sacraments : Peaceable Plea , Page 196. Yea saith he , I s●e not but with a like warrant private men may administer the Sacraments : Vbi Supra , Page 196. This we see is his arguing elsewhere : And yet in the place we have in hand he grants that persons uncalled may in case of necessity without Ordination or calling take on them the Ministery in generall , and in particular may exerc●se the power of Iurisdiction , and yet for all this he sayes , that no necessity will warrant a man to celebrate the Lords Supper without a calling from the Church . Which two sayings for ought I perceive do not agree . For in the one it is affirmed that if they may exercise Discipline and censures , they may by the like reason administer Sacraments : and the other saith they may exercise Discipline and censures and yet may not administer Sacraments ; and yet both the sayings are expressed by the same Authors Pen. CHAP. XI . Whether the power of Iurisdiction flowing immediately from the essence of a Church doe not agree to a Church that hath neighbours as well as to a Church that hath none : And whether otherwise neighbouring Churches bee not a losse . And whether pretence of male-administration be a sufficient reason for neighbouring Churches to deprive a Congregation of its power . THe next place where I find Mr. Rutherford dealing with the Answer , is in his Page 455. Where he brings in these words under Mr. Tompsons name and mine , viz. If the power of Jurisdiction flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of a Church , and a Congregation be essentially a Church , then this power agreeth to all Churches whether consociated , or not consociated , and without respect of what neighbours they have , whether many or few , whether any or none . Second , a Congregation it selfe alone cannot have sole power of Iurisdiction and then be deprived of it , when God sendeth neighbours , for then neighbouring Churches which are given for help should be given for losse , the contrary whereof Ames saith no. Doe Synods saith he , Constitute a new forme of a Chur●h . Thus farre Mr. Rutherford who in his Margent alledgeth Mr. Tompson and me , 16. Pag. 4 , 5. Answ . In one of these Pages of the Answer , viz. P. 5. there is nothing at all to be found that looks toward such a purpose as our Brother hath in hand , and therefore this Page should not have been here alledged . The words of Dr. Ames are more imperfectly cited by our Brother , then they were alledged in the Answer , For the Answer alledgeth them thus out of Medull . Theol. Lib. 1. Chapter 3. Sect 27. That the combination of Churches into Classes , and Synods doth neither constitute a new forme of a Church , nor ought by any meanes to take away or impayer that liberty and power which Christ hath given to his Churches , sith it serveth only for the directing and furthering of the same . Wher●as our Brother expresseth only those first words that Synods do not constitute a new forme of a Church , but all the rest wherein the chiefe strength of Dr. Ames his testimony doth lye , them he doth wholly omit and leave out . He also leaves out the assent which is given by Mr. Paget , to this testimony of Dr. Ames , which assent as it is expressed in his defence P. 107. in these words , This we do willingly grant , is also in the ●ame words alledged by the Answer in P. 4. But this is wholly passed over by Mr. Rutherford in silence . Now two such men as these being alledged in the Answer , as plainly affirming that the combination of Churches into Classes and Synods must neither tollere nor minuere , take away not impaire or diminish the liberty or power of Churches , but only serve for the directing and furthering of the same , And the one of them being the chiefe Patron of the power of Classes and Synods , It is some marvell to me that no word of Answer is vouchsafed to them by Mr. Rutherford , but that their words are thus passed by with silence , and the name of one of them not so much as mentioned . How ever this is cleere , that he that gainsayes the Answer in this passage , hath not only the Answer , but also the Reverend Author here mentioned to be against him . But let us come to consider of Mr. Rutherford his Answer which he subjoyneth in these words , viz. Power of Iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a Congregation in an Iland , ergo a totall and compleat power of Iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a Church or Congregation consociated , it followeth no wayes . Answ I desire the reason may be laid down according to our true meaning therein , and in its full strength ; and then the former part thereof must not only speak of power of Iurisdiction flowing from the essence of a Church that want neighbours , but of entire power , for thereof is the question ; and in the latter part the termes must no : be a Church consociated but a Church that hath neighbours ; Now if entire power and Iurisdiction do flow from the essence of a Church , and therefore this essence of a Church being found in a Congregation that wants neighbours , this entirenesse of power mu●t thereupon be granted to such a Congregation ; I then demand why the like entirenesse of power must not be granted as well to a Congregation that hath neighbours , sith the essence of a Church is found in this Congregation , as well as in the other . For ought I see either the essence of a Church must be denyed to a Congregation that hath neighbours or else it will follow that entirenesse of power must be granted to such a Congregation , Risibility and power of reason flowing immediately and necessarily from the essence of a man , and power to defend it selfe and purge out excrements flowing in like sort from the essence of a humane body , and power to governe it self with family government flowing in like sort from the essence of a family ; therefore we must not grant these powers to be entire in such a man , such a body , or such a family as is alone , and deny the same to one that hath neighbours , but must grant them alike unto all , because this power flowes from their very essence , which is as truly found in such as have neighbours , as it is in those that are alone . And the like may be said in other cases . And why it should be otherwise in a Congregationall Church , that the power of the Iurisdiction flowing from the essence of such a Church should therefore be entire in such a Congregation as is alone in an Iland , and yet not entire in a Congregation that hath neighbours , though this Congregation hath the essence of a Church as well as the other , why these Congregations I say should thus greatly differ in their power , and yet be alike in their essence from whence their power doth flow , for my part I yet do not understand the reason . Nor doth that satisfy which Mr. Rutherford here alledgeth , That one Pastor in a Congregation hath as a Pastor power to rebuke sin and to administer the Sacraments , and yet when three Pastors are added to help him he hath not the sole power of rebuking sin , and the sole and entire power to administer the Sacraments , but these three Pastors have power with him : This I conceive doth not help the matter at all : For though it be true that these three Pastors being added to the first have each of them the like power as the first had , yet the power of the first for the performance of these things mentioned , is as comple●t in him notwithstanding this addition , as it was before , and not any whit abated nor impayred thereby : And the reason is , because matters of order flowing from the essence of a Pastor may bee sufficiently and compleatly performed by one Pastor singly , which acts of Iurisdiction cannot . Mr. Rutherford his own words in this case are these , viz. A single Pastor may Ministerially give out Commandements in the authority of Christ , but hee cannot himselfe censure or Excommunicate the contraveners of those Commandements : Due Right , Page 387. And againe , Page 387 , 388 It is proper is acts of Iuris●iction Ecclesiasticall that they cannot be exercised by one alone , but must be exercised by a society : but a Pastor as a Pastor himselfe alone without any collaterally joyned with him exerciseth his Pastorall acts of Preaching and administring the Sacraments . Now if a Pastor as a Pastor himself alone without any collatterally joyned with him , may thus exercise his Pastorall acts , then indeed the accesse or addition of other Pastors is not at all destructive of his Pastorall power , but he still retaineth the same as compleat and perfect as before , because hee doth these acts as a Pastor and remaineth a Pastor still . But how this example and instance can any thing further Mr. Ruth●rford his purpose , I do not understand . For his intention is to make good that a Congregation may have entire power when it is alone , a●d yet not so when other Congregations do arise ; and for the consuming of this hee brings this instance and example from a Pastor that hath a Pastorall power afore other Pastors are added ; who by the addition of others hath no lesse power then afore ; which example I conceive rather makes against him then for him . For saith he , Page 456. Their Pastorall power added to him is Cumulative and auxiliary , but not privative or destructive of his Pastorall power , and therefore that the first Pastor suffereth losse by the addition of these three to him , who , saith he , will say this ? Answ . I know none that will say it ; but if their power be Cumulative and auxiliary to his Pastorall power , and no wayes privative or destructive thereof , then what power he had afore they were added , the same he hath still in as great measure as formerly , and so his Pastorall acts are as perfect and valid as they were before . Now let the same bee granted to a Congregation that hath neighbour Congregations added , and we have what we demand : And if this be not granted , then though the power of those other Pastors be Cumulative and auxiliary to the other Pastor , yet the power of those other Congregations seemes not so to the former Congregation , but rather privative or destructive of its power , and then how can this example confirme our Brothers purpose , or how can it be avoided but the example which he produceth doth make against himselfe ? Sure if the power of these other Pastors bee not destructive to the former Pastors power , but auxiliary thereto , so that what power he had before , the same he retayneth still , and in the same measure , then it must bee so likew●se in a Congregation when neighbour Congregations are added , or else this example will not suit : But make the examples to agree and our cause is advantaged thereby . Our Brethren doe conceive the power of Congregations in its kind and essence to be Monarchicall , so as if any power from consociated Congregations be added thereunto , the Congregations power Monarchicall is diminished and the essence of it changed . Answ . The power of Congregations we ●old to be Ministeriall , as being delegated from Christ Iesus , and to be exercised according to his appointment ; and in him alone and in no other do we place this Monarchicall power ; according to what the Holy Ghost witnesseth , that there are differences of administrations but the same Lord , 1 Cor. 12. 5. And though our Brother is pleased to put this upon us , that we conceive the power of Congregations to bee Monarchicall , yet in truth the same is farre from us : Nor do I thinke that so much as one of us can be named , that at any time hath so spoken : Nor doth such a thing follow from any thing delivered by us concerning the power of Congregations . For as for that which here he intimateth and elsewhere expresseth more plainly , so that the power of Iurisdiction in Congregations is closely made void or destroyed by that power which some ascribe unto Classes , if this be holden by us , doth it thence follow that we hold the power of Congregations to be Monarchical●● It followes not at all . For then by the like reason I could prove that himselfe d●th hold a power Monarchicall in the universall or Provinciall Churches : For he expresly affirmeth , Page 337. That the Popes power destroyeth the power of the Church universall , and the Prelates power destroyeth the power of the Church whereof hee is pretended Pastor . And yet I hope he doth not hold a Monarchicall power in the one Chu●ch nor in the other , nor in any Church or Churches but in Christ alone ; nor can the same bee truly concluded upon that which hee affirmeth of destroying the power of Churches by the power of the Pope and Prelate . And if not , how then can any man conclude against us that we hold a Monarchicall power in Congregations , though wee should hold that the power of Congregations is destroyed or diminished by that power which some would give unto Classes● If our pr●mises will warrant him to fasten such a Tenent upon us , his own will give a warrant for the like against himselfe . And if the ground be insufficient to beare such a conclusion against him , as I confesse it is , I know no sufficient ground why the same should be imputed unto us . Compleat and en●ire power to rule both the Congrega●ion and members of consociated Churches in so farre as they do keep communion with that Congregation , and may either edifie or Scandalize them , floweth not immeaiately and ●ecessarily from the essence of every Congregation even in remote Ilands not consociated with others , that we never said . Answer . Indeed it were an absurd and grosse saying for any man to say , that a Congregation in a remote Iland not consociated with others should have power , yea compleat and entire power to rule the Congregation and members of Churches consociated and that this should flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of such a Congregation . But there is no need that our Brother should cleere himselfe from this saying , for I know none that imputes it to him . Neverthelesse , the saying here ●●joyned cannot be denyed , for they are his own verb●ti●● . First , the ordinary power of Iurisdiction because of neerest vicinity and contiguity of members is given by Iesus Christ to one Congregation in an Isle , because that Church is a Church properly so called : It is a little City , and a little Kingdome of Iesus Christ , having within it selfe power of the ●ord and Sacraments and that is a Church and hath the essence of a Church to which agree the essentiall notes of a Church : now Preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments are essentiall notes of a visible Church : Page 302. Second , a Congregation is a Church wanting nothing of the being and essence of a Church , Page 302. Third , where consociation is not , Ordination and Excommunication may be done by one single Congregation , Page 338. Fourth , that in such cases ( viz. When a Church is in an Iland it selfe alone ) they have the word Preached and entire power of Discipline whole and entire within themselves to Excommunicate Scandalous persons , is not extraordinary , Page 454. Fift , it floweth co●naturally from a Church to which agreeth the essence of a Church , to exercise Iurisdiction over all its owne members , ibid. Sixt , neither doth a Congregation transgresse any rules of Christ at all , when it exerciseth entire Power of censures within it selfe , whereas there be no consociated Churches to share with it in that power , ibid. Seaventh , a Congregation is capable of entire Iurisdiction , because it is a Church , Ibid. Such sayings as these himselfe hath delivered in the pages and places here cited , and in the words and termes here expressed ; and therefore from these he cannot cleere himselfe And if from these the entirenesse of Iurisdiction in a Church that hath neighbours may justly be deduced , as I conceive it may , and have above manifested , it will then but little availe him to wash his hands from the stayne of that other absurd saying afore mentioned , which no man that I know do charge him withall . For as long as these other sayings do stand unrecalled , so long wee have cleere grounds from himselfe and his own words , for entirenesse of Iurisdiction in every Congregationall Church , and so for the weakening of his cause , and for the strengthening of our own . A power to governe well and according to the rule of the Word added to an other power to governe well and according to the Word , is an auxiliary power and no way destructive to that power to which it is added . Indeed a power to governe well added to a power of male-administration in a Congregation is destructive of that power , and reason it should bee so , because Christ never gave any such power of male-administration to a Congregation . Answ . Here our Brother speakes of two cases , first of a Power of governing well added to a power of governing well . Second , of a power of governing well added to a power of governing ill ; but besides these , there is a third case which had need to bee considered also , viz. A power of governing ill added to a power of governing well , which may be the case when the power of Classis is added to a Congregation ; for it is not impossible but the Congregation may be in the right and the Classis in the wrong . Now what shall be said or done in this ●ase ? Shall the Congregation now have the free exercise of its power , or shall it not ? To say yea , would satisfie the minds of many , if the Congregation themselves may be judge that they are in the right , or if it were determined who must judge thereof . And to say no , and that the power must still be in this erring Classis , were to subject righteousnesse to wickednesse , and truth to falshood , and I conceive our Brother will not maintain such power in a compound or Presbytery or Classis . For in Page 335. speaking of this very case , and the greater Presbytery is wrong in their voicing , and the Elders of a Congregationall Church are right , and have the best in judging of a case before them , he plainly affirmeth , That the power which in this case the Presbytery exerciseth is not of Christ , and that de jure the power of the greater Presbytery in this case ought to be swallowed up of the voices of the Elders of a Congregation , though they be fewer in number . Now if this be so , then the thing in question is still as uncertain as before , and still wee are to seeke where the power of censures or Iurisdiction doth finally reside . For in the one place our Brother tels us , Christ never gave power of male-administration to a Congregation , and in the other he tels us the like of a Classis or great Presbytery , and that Christ hath given no power to any Church to erre . By which sayings we are left at great uncertainty : for still the question will be whether the Congregation doth erre or no , and so whether the Classis do erre or no , and unlesse it be determined who must judge of this , we are still but where wee were , and no neerer an issue then before . This indeed is most true and must be so acknowledged , that though the Lord Almighty have given a power unto Societies , whether they bee families , Common-wealths , or Churches , and have made sundry of them subordinate to none other the like Societies in the exercise of their power , but to have supremacy of power within themselves , yet he hath also given them just and holy rules in his word for the directing of them in the use of this Power , from which rules it is not lawfull for them to swerve or go astray ; but if they do , it will be sin unto them , and he will surely require it of them : But now between these two the power it selfe and the abuse or right use of the power , we must carefully distinguish , for though abuse of their power bee not given of God , from whom comes nothing but good , yet the power it selfe being good is given of him , and is so to be acknowledged . And though abuse of their power do justly deserve at his hands that they should be deprived of the power it selfe , ye● God doth not alwayes forthwith deale with men according to their deserts herein , but many times continues still to them their power , though they have abused the same , much lesse doth he allow others to deprive them of this power because of every abuse thero● : witnesse among others the examples of the Pagan Princes in the Apostles times , who through their ignorance , infidelity , pride and other sins , could not but in great measure abuse their authority , and yet the Holy Ghost commands the Christians to be subject and obedient thereunto , Rom. 13. 1 , 2. &c. T it 3. 1. Not to obey them indeed , in doing evill at their commands , for in such case they must obey God rather then man , as Act 5. 29. Yet still they must be subject to the powers either actively or pa●●ively , even then when the powers were sinfully abused . Even so , if a family shall abuse their power , it doth not follow that other families , may lawfully for this cause take away their power from them : Or if a Corporation shall so offend , it will not follow that other Corporations may deprive them of their power . And if it be so in Commonwealths , and families , why may wee not say the same of Churches ? Or how will it follow , if a Church shall abuse their power , that other Churches in such eases may take away the power from such a Church ? For ought I see , this will not follow at all , no more then the other . For though Christ have not given to any Church a power of male administration as Mr. Rutherford speaks , yet hath he given to every Church a power of administration , which if they manage not aright but do abuse the same , the Lord Iesus will be displeased with them for this abuse , and other Churches may and ought to advise them and admonish them and testifie against them for the same ; but for the power it selfe , as Christ himselfe doth not forthwith deprive them thereof , so much lesse may other Churches take it from them , for who gave them this authority ? Per in parem non habet potestatem : and Churches are all of equall authority , and not one superior or inferior to another , as therefore when children or servants in a family are not governed as they ought to be , yet neighbour families have not warrant because of this male administration to invade the rights and destroy the power of such a family , even so it is in this case of Churches ▪ this male-administration in a Church is not forthwith a sufficient warrant for neighbour Churches to invade the rights of such a Church , and to take away its power from it . Especially if we do consider that this male-administration in a Congregation may possibly be but pretended and not reall , and that the administration of the Classes may paradventure be really such ; in which case Mr. Rutherford saith the power of the Classis is not of Christ , but their voices ought de jure to be swallowed up by the Congregation and the Elders thereof . This argument therefore from male-administration of the power of a Congregation , which Mr Rutherford saith , it is reason should be destroyed by another power added to it , meaning the power of a Classis is of no sufficient force to take away the power of a Congregation at all , not to establish the power of the Classis over the same , being as justly applyable against the Classis it selfe : Therefore for ought that doth yet appeare , supreame Ministeriall Church power which I conceive must needs be somewhere , may as well be in the Congregation as in the Classis , and can neither by this argument of male-administration nor by any other that we have yet seene , bee placed in the Classis any more then in the Congregation . CHAP. XII . Whether it be against the light of Nature that the adverse party be judge ; and whether Mr. Rutherford can safely say that none of them do so teach , and whether this saying that parties may not be judges do make against entirenesse of power in a Congation , any more then in a generall or Nationall Councell . THe next place where Mr. Rutherford deales with the Answer , is in his P. 456. Where alledging Mr. Tompson and me , Page 5. he hath these words as ours , viz. If it be against the light of Nature that the adverse party be the sole Iudge , which must be if the sole power of Iurisdiction be in the Congregation ( as wee grant in an extraordinary case and the Congregation is in an Iland it selfe alone ) and so it shall be lawfull for a single Congregation to do that which is against all equity , and the very light of Nature , it must then follow , that it is not against the light of Nature that a Congregation though consociated with other Congregations have entire Jurisdiction within it selfe . Answ . Our words in the Page alledged are more prospicuous and cleere , then these which are here set down for ours : neither do wee make any mention of a Congregation in an Iland , nor yet of a Congregation consociated with other Churches , least of all do we say ( or report others to say ) that it is lawfull for a single Congregation to do that which is against all equity and the very light of Nature ; none of these things are ours . And therefore , that our true meaning may plainely appeare as it is , I will transcribe a few of our words , which are these , viz. Sure we cannot thinke that there can be such a case imagined , wherein you would grant it lawfull for a single Congregation to do that which is against all equity and the very light of Nature , and yet you grant that the case may be such that a single Congregation may have entirenesse of Jurisdiction within it selfe ; which seemes to us plainly to prove that for a Congregation to bee so independent as to be the finall Judge of offences within it selfe , is not against all equity nor against the light of Nature , as is intimated by you . These are our words , much differing from those which Mr. Rutherford sets down as ours , which I thought meet to relate out of the Answer , that our meaning might appeare as it is , and no otherwise . And now let us heare what our Brother subjoyneth for answer . None of us , saith he , Do teach that it is against the light of Nature that the adverse party be the Iudge : it might fall out in a generall Councell lawfully convened from which their is no Provocation : Yea and in a Nationall Councell ( for all Councels may erre ) the adverse party may Judge ; as it was a lawfull Councell according to a Church constitution that condemned Christ of Blasphemy and they were also his enemies . Answ . And may it not also fall out in a Provinc●all Synod , and in a Classis or Presbtytery of many Churches ? I suppose it cannot be denyed , but the Iudges in all these may be the adverse parties ; and so if the adverse party may not be Iudge , then neither generall nor Nationall Councels , nor Provinciall Synods , nor Classes , nor Presbyteries may be Iudges ; because there is none of these but possibly they may be parties . And so this argument , parties may not be Iudges , doth make no more against the Congregations power of judging , then against all Ecclesiasticall Assemblies whatsoever . Vnlesse therefore men would overthrow the power of all Ecclesiasticall Iudicatories whatsoever without exception of any , they can have no help from this Argument to overthrow the power of Iurisdiction in Congregations . Not to insist upon that which might also be truly alledged , that the Objection hath the like force , ( if any at all ) against civill Iudicatories . But is it so indeed as our Brother affirmeth , that none of them do teach that it is against the light of Nature that the adverse party be the judge ? I thinke he should not thus have spoken , for I am much mistaken if the contrary hereunto be not certainly true . For first of all , I alledge the words of Reverend Mr , Herle , in his Book of Independency Page 5. alledged in the Answer : Page 6 , the very Pag. which here Mr Rutherford is dealing against . In which place of Mr. Herle there are these words , viz. That there ought to be graduall Judicatories , wherein the agrieved party may appeale from the lesser to the higher , that against the very light of Nature the adverse party be not the sole Iudge and party too in the cause , there can be no Ceremony or Type in this , Next of all I alledge the words of the same Reverend Author in his Page 10 ▪ ( Which is also alledged in the forementioned place of the Answer ) Where the words are these , What if a Brother offend not a particular Brother , but the whole Congregation ? What if ten Brethren offend the whole or part ? Shall we thinke the offence fals not within our Saviours remed or complaint or Appeale here ? That the offended party be not against all equity the sole and finall Judge of the offence . In which places wee see it is plaine , yet this Reverend Author counts it against the very light of Nature ; that the adverse party should bee Iudge and party too in the cause , and that it is against all equity that the party offended should bee sole and finall Iudge of the offence . And therefore it is marvellous that Mr. Rutherford should say that none of them do so teach : Yea , it is the more marvellous inasmuch as both these places of Mr. Herle are expresly mentioned in that very page of the Answer which here Mr. Rutherford is disputing against . And therefore it he had not remembred that himselfe had read the same in Mr Herle , as like enough he had , yet finding the same alledged by us in that Scripture of ou●s , it is marvell hee would not turne to the places alledged to search and see whether the thing were so or no , afore he had denyed the same . Whereas on the contrary , whether he searched or searched not , this we see that he roundly affirmes , that none of them do so teach ; to which saying I know not how to assent , our eyes having so plainly seene and read the direct contrary , Yea and further , it is yet more marvellous that Mr. Rutherford should thus write , considering not only what hath been already said , but also what himselfe hath written elsewhere : I will mention a few of his own sayings , and then himselfe shall be ●udge , whether the thing we have now in hand was by him advise●ly and well spoken . In his Pe●ceable Plea , Page 218 he hath these words , When the Graecian Church offendeth the Hebrew Church , the Hebrew Church cannot complaine to the Graecian Church , for the Law forbiddeth the party to bee Judge . And what Law hee meanes may be perceived by his words in Page 208. of the same Treatise , where he saith , If one man be wronged and see truth suffer by partiality , the Law of Nature will warrant him to appeale to an Assembly , where there is more light and greater Authority , as the weaker may fly to the stronger . Now let himselfe be judge whether in these testimonies compared , he do not teach , that it is against the Law of Nature that parties should be Iudge● , and that therefore men may appeale from them . Againe , those words Page 27 of the same Book are so plaine as that nothing can be more , These words saith he what soever yee bind on earth , &c. Must be meant only of the Apostles , and of the Church , verse 18. Yea , and it must exclude Peter and his offending Brother , suppose they were both beleevers ; because parties by the Law of Nature and Nations cannot be Iudges . Las●ly , those words are expresse in his Due Right of Presbytery , in his see ●nd P. 338 , 339. Where hee writes thus , If according to the Law of Nature and Nations , no man can be Iudge in his own cause , then are appeales from the Eldership of one Congregation , when they are a party to the caused person , Naturall — but the former is reason , Nature , Law of Nations . Ergo so is the latter . In the Assumption of which Sylogisme he plainly affirmes that it is reason , Nature , and the Law of Nations , that no man may be judge in his own cause , and by all this I suppose t● is manifest that the thing which he saith none of them do teach is expresly and plainly taught by some of them , and among others even by himselfe , who therefore ought not to have denyed the same , nor can bee cleered from much forgetfulnesse in so doing . And if so great an oversight be found in him , I hope himself may thereby be intreated to be tender of agravating matters against us or others , at leastwise not so farre to agravate them , as to impute unto us matters which we do not hold : for a mans owne infirmities should make him more equitable and favourable towards others . And Christian Readers may be warned hereby not hastily to receive all that Mr. Rutherford hath written , afore they have duly examined and tryed the same , whether the things bee so or not , for wee see through forgetfulnesse or otherwise hee may greatly mistake himselfe , and misse of the truth , and give forth such sayings and expressions for truth , as are in no sort to be maintained but recalled , though neverthelesse he is otherwise a man of great worth , and so ever to be acknowledged . We teach that it is not Congruous to the wisdome of Christ , nor to the light of Nature , that Christ should have appointed all the ordinary Church Courts , so many thousand Congregations , who may rather crie then extraordinary and higher Synods to bee the onely ordinary Iudges in their own cause . Answ . These qualifications and limitations of the matter of parties being Iudges are such as to my remembrance I never heard given afore now . Now indeed it is said 1. That all Congregations being so many thousand . 2. May not be the only ordinary Iudges in their own cause , but it would bee against the wisdome of Christ and light of Nature if it should so be ; Yet formerly it was delivered absolutely and simply , that it is against the light of Nature for parties to be Iudges , without any such modifications and qualifications as now Mr. Rutherf . gives to help the matter withall . Neverthelesse by qualifying the thing in this sort , it seemes thereby to bee still granted that though so many thousand Congregations may not ordinarily be Iudge in their own cause , but the light of Nature will be against it , yet for some Congregations and at some times the thing may be allowed well enough : else why is the thing denyed only to so many Congregations , and ordinarily , if it be not thereby implyed that some Congregations and at some times may thus practise ? Now hereupon the question groweth , whether some at some times may bee allowed to do contrary to the light of Nature , though all may not : or whether the light of Nature bee changed when there comes to be many Congregations , and be not the same that it was before , when there was no more Congregations but one , whether I say some new light of Nature do arise with the rise of new Congregations , so that when they are many it would be against this light for them thus to bee Iudges , though it was not so when there was but one : or whether we must say the light of Nature remaining in the same , one Congregation remaining alone may be allowed to do contrary thereto , but many may not . It seemes to be inconvenient and ha●d to affirme either of these ; and yet the one or the other seemes unavoidable by this that Mr. Rutherford here teacheth . For let it be granted that a Congregation that is alone , yea a generall Councell , yea a Nationall Councell also may be Iudges in their own cause , and that no light of Nature is against the same , and yet many Congregations may not be so , but then the light of Nature will be against it , let these things I say be granted , which are all of them granted and taught by Mr. Rutherford , and then I desire to know how the inconveniences mentioned can be avoided ; I meane how it can be avoided , but either some men or Church Assemblies may lawfully do that which is against the very light of Nature , or else that the light of Nature is changed when many Congregations do arise , from that which it was when there was but one . Yea the difficulty and intrica●y in this way is yet more , if it be well considered . For first of all when a Congregation is alone , it is yeelded that it is not against Natures light for them to bee Iudges in their own cause . Secondly , when many Congregations do arise , now it is said it is against such light , that they should so be Iudges : Yet thirdly , when these Congregations do gather into a Nationall Councell , then this light of Nature will allow them to be Iudges , as in the first case of a single Congregation that is alone : And the same is also said of the generall Councell : so that here is strange varying and changing of the light of Nature , and of that which is against it , lawfull or unlawfull thereby . And when good reason and ground is given for the cleering of these things , we shall then consider further thereof , and see more then yet we do . In the meane time taking what is granted , that no light of Nature forbids a Congregation when it is alone , to have entirenesse of Iurisdiction within it selfe , nor forbids the same to the generall or Nationall Councels , I thinke it may thence be inferred , that the like must be allowed to Congregationall Churches that have neighbours , and that entirenesse of Iurisdiction in these is no more against the light of Nature , then in the other . For to say that one Congregation may have this entirenesse of Iurisdiction and the light of Nature allowe● it , and others may not but the light of Nature forbids it ; yea to say first the light of Nature allowes it , and then it forbids it , and then it allowes it againe , these are such abstruse and intricate things , yea so apparantly incongruous and inconsistent , that it passeth my understanding to perceive how they can stand together . CHAP. XIII . Whether the Churches at Thessalonica and Ierusalem , were each of them more then one Congregation ; and of Mr. Baynes his Iudgement therein . Of the Assembly mentioned Luke 12. And whether our Saviour did there speake to his Disciples onely , or to all the people also . IT is a wonder to me saith our Author Page 457. That Thessalonica was but one Congregation — yet the Apostle ascribeth to them that which is a note to worthy Baynes of the unmerous multitude of the Church of Jerusalem , from whence went the word of Ged to all the World. 1 Thes . 1. 8. For from you sounded out the word of the Lord not onely in Macedonia , and Achaia , but in every place your Faith to God-ward is spread abroad . Answ . All this doth not hinder but Thessalonica might be one Congregation , though perhaps a great one . For that the word did sound out from them to others , and their Faith to Godward was spread abroad , what is there in all this to prove they were many Congregations in one Church ? And for Mr. Baynes whom our Author worthily counts a worthy man , there is nothing in him that will serve Mr. Rutherford his purpose , but much that makes for the contrary . For it is well known in his Diocesans Triall he maintaines at large , that Churches by the appointment of Chr●st are Congregationall , and denyes that one Congregation may be one Church : and in the particular instances of the Church , at Jerusalem , at Co●i●th , at Ephesus , at Antioch and others , he holds the very same that we do , and the direct contrary to that which Mr. Rutherford stands for . And therefore whereas he wonders that Thessalonica should bee one Congregation , considering what the Apostle saith of them , and what Mr. Baynes hath said of Jerusalem , I may more justly wonder that he should once mention Mr. Baynes in this cause . For if ever there was man in this world that deny●d many Congregations to be one Church , and allowed onely such Churches to be instituted of Christ as may meete ordinarily in one Congregation , this Mr. Baynes was one of them ; and therefore a wonder it is to me that Mr. Rutherford should thinke to have help from him in this question . But let us consider what it is that Mr Baynes doth say of the Church at Ierusalem : Why , this which the Apostle affirmeth of the Thessalonians Mr. Baynes doth make a note of the numerous multitude of the Church at Ierusalem . But doth hee make it a note of many Congregations in one Church at Ierusalem ? If he do , this were something to the purpose , I grant . But I hope Mr. Rutherford will not so report of Mr. Baynes ; For it is plaine Mr. Bayne● doth not so speake , but expresly saith the direct contrary ; and therefore what ever numerous multitude might be in that Church , and what ever might be a note of such multitude , except Mr. Baynes had said that the multitude was such as made many Congregations and yet all but one Church ( which he never said but the contrary ) there is no help to be had from Mr. Baynes in this businesse . For who knoweth not that there might be a numerous multitude , and yet but one Congregation ? Sure in Mr. Baynes his judgement it might be so , and therefore though hee grant a numerous multitude in this Church at Jerusalem , yet Mr. Rutherford purpose for many Congregations in Thessal●nica and yet all but one Church , is not gained , nor at all holpen thereby . Which will better appeare if Mr. Baynes his Argumentation in the place which I conceive Mr. Rutherford aymes at , be considered in Page 3. of his Diocesans Tryall , he propounds an Argument of theirs who would have many Congregations to be one Church , taken from the example of the ancient Churches of Rome and Alexandria , laid down in these words : If the multitude of Christians did in Ierusalem so increase within a little time , that they exceeded the proportion of one Congregation , how much more likely is it that Christians in Rome and Alexandria did so increase in 200 yeares , that they could not keepe in one particular Assembly : But the first is true , Ergo also the latter . Now when he cames to answer this Argument , Pag. 18 , 19. What doth he then say . First of all he saith , The Proposition is not of necessary consequence , for there were saith he very extraordinary reasons of that which was effected in Ierusalem : And so he proceeds to mention 5 , or 6. reasons in particular , of which one is this which it may be Mr. Rutherford hath an eye unto , that the state of this Church was such as that it was to send out light to all others , a common aursery to the World. And therefore if the thing were granted that in Jerusalem there was a numerous multitude , yea such a multitude as could not be contained in one Congregation , yet saith he , It doth not follow from this particular to the so great increasing of these Churches , to wit , of Rome and Alexandria in tract of time . And even so may I say , it doth not follow to the so great increasing of the Church of the Thessalonians , there being such extraordinary reasons for that which was effected in Ierusalem , as neither Rome nor Alexandria , nor yet Thessalonica could alledge the same . And this is his Answer to the Proposition . But for the Assumption , where Mr. Rutherford his help must chiefly lye , to wit , that the multitude of Christians in Ierusalem did exceed the proportion of one Congregation , this Mr. Baynes doth expresly deny : not to mention , saith he , That we do deny the Assumption . Therefore , the Proposition being by Mr. Baynes not yeelded , and the Assumption expresly denyed , I see not how Master Rutherford can have any help to his cause from either of both . He denyes not , he saith , What Mr. Tompson and I do say , that 5000 may meet to hear the word , many thousands were gathered together , Luke 12 to heare Christ . Answ . If this be not denyed , then suppose there were 5000 or more in the Church at Ierusalem , it doth not follow therefore that that Church was many Congregations , and so our purpose is gained . But we , he saith , Leave out the inconveniences of thronging so all at once , for they trod one upon another . Second , Christ Preached not to all those thousands at once , for it is expresly said verse 1. Hee began to say to his Disciples ; so , Christ refusing to Preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , who could not heare , and his Doctrine being all for his Disciples , the very Sermon being Preached to his Disciples onely — evidenceth to me that Christ condemneth a numerous multitude to heare at once . Answ . The Question is not about the conveniency or inconveniency of such excessively great Assemblies ; but whether there be an impossibility in Nature , and reason , that so many as are said to bee in the Church at Ierusalem should assemble and come together in one Congregation ; for this is sometimes said for the proving of sundry Congregations in that one Church . Now if this be not impossible , then the plurality of Congregations in that one Church cannot bee concluded by those great multitudes that were therein . And that it is not impossible for such great multitudes to come together in one Congregation , the Scripture alledged Luke 12 , doth witnesse . If they trod one upon another , that might argue the Assembly was very great , and that they were very desirous to bee neere unto our Saviour for their better hearing , but doth not at all prove that such multitudes are so great as that they cannot possibly be spoke unto and heare in one Congregation . And therefore , whereas our Brother saith , Christ preached not to all those thousands at once , and that he refused to Preach to such a disorderly confluence of People , With favour of so worthy a man , I thinke the truth is otherwise . For though he began to speak to his Disciples , verse 1. And exhorted them against worldly carefulnesse , verse 22. Yet others who were not Disciples were present , and did also heare his Sermon : Witnesse that in verse 13. Where it is said that one of the company ( interrupting our Saviour as it seemes ) demands of him that hee would speake to his Brother about dividing the Inheritance ; to whom our Saviour makes answer , verse 14. Which plainly ●hewes that all the p●esent company were not Disciples . Yea whereas it is said , that hereupon our Saviour spake to them of bewaring and taking heed of Coveteousnesse , verse 15. And sp●ke a Parable to them of a certain rich man , verse 16. And after this said to his Disciples , verse 22. Take ●o thought for your life what you shall eate , &c. It appeareth hereby that these persons spoken to afterward verse 15 , 16 , &c. Were not the Disciples , who were spoken to afterward , verse 22. But were some other people besides . And what can be more plaine then that in verse 54. where it is expresly said , that Christ spake unto the people , rebuking them for their hypocrisie , that could discerne the face of the Skye , and of the Earth , but could not discerne that time ? And he said also to the people , saith the Text ; doth it not plainly appeare hereby that as Myriads of people were gathered together , ver . 1 So our Saviour spake the word unto those people ? I suppose the thing is manifest , and that therefore our Brothers words cannot stand , when he saith , That Christ Preached not to that confluence of people , but refused so to do , his Doctrine being all for his Disciples , For we see the Holy Ghost witnesseth that hee spake not onely to his Disciples , but to the people also : Chemniti●s hath these words , Neg●ri non potest ●n hac satis prolixi concione , &c. It cannot bee denyed that Christ in this long Sermon of his , directed his speech first to his Disciples , second to his friends , Third to one of the company . Fourth to Peter demanding a question . Fift to all the multitude , and it seemes the Ev●ngelist was willing as it were to reckon up these severall parts or members of the Sermon , Harmon . chap. 110. And the Refuter of Dr. Downams Sermon saith , The mention of many thousands in Jerusalem doth not make the number such as by no meanes could meete together in the publike worship of God , seeing it is apparent , Luke 12. 1. that the people which assembled unto Christ and partake his ' Doctrine were also many Myriads : and albeit he began at the first to speake to his Disciples verse 1. Yet afterward he spake to all the people assembled , ver . 13. 15. 54. Reply P. 2. P. 90. Wherefore though our Brother say Christ spake not to these multitudes of people but to his Disciples onely , yet sith wee have the ●ext it selfe , and the judgement of two Divines of chiefe note , expresly witnessing the contrary , therefore we cannot assent to him herein . Whereas Chrysostome saith 5000 did heare his voyce at once in one Congregation by meanes of Scaffolds and Galleries , and Mr. Mather is willing to yeeld 8120 were all assembled in one place to heare the word , and that all the multitude of Converts at Ierusalem were together in Solomons Porch Acts 5 12. I grant 3000 could heare at once , but alas &c Page 458. Answ . If Chrysostomes testimony be of any weight , or Mr. Baynes his testimony by whom Chrysostome is alledged Diocesans Triall , Page 16. Then a must be granted that not only 3000 , but a greater number , even 50●0 at least may heare the word at once . And if so , then 5000 members in the Church at Ierusalem will not prove plurality of Congregations in one Church , forasmuch as here are 5000 people and yet no more Congregations but one . But alas this is a great uncertainty for independant Congregations , but this is to be proved , first that 8000 ( Mr. Mather hath not added many other multitudes mentioned , Acts 5. 14. & 6. 17. ) did meete dayly in the Temple . Second , dayly or ordinarily from house to house . Third , to celebrate the Lords Supper dayly in the Temple and in every private house , and there were need of many Scaffolds and Galleries , to sit at one Table . Fourth , to make one Judicature , &c. Answ . He that shall look upon the Answer Page 34 will plainely see that I have here spoken to both those places of Acts 5. 14. & 6 1. Shewing that neither of them do prove a plurality of Congregations in this Church at Ierusalem , but rather the contrary . And therefore this Parenthesis which doth intimate that I have omitted to speake to these places , must not be assented to , but denyed . But why must these foure particulars be proved ? I suppose he meanes because of that which is said Act. 2 46. They continued dayly with one accord in the Temple , &c. But this doth not cleere it , that these foure particulars must needs be proved , and the reason is ; First , because Iudicature which is one of the particulars , is not mentioned at all in that Scripture ; nor is it said by us , that a dayly exercise thereof is necessary in every Church or in any . Second , the Lord Supper , which is another of the particulars , is not mentioned at all in that Text , at leastwise not in those words or termes which Mr. Rutherford sets down ; much lesse is it said as he expresseth it , that they did dayly celebrate the same both in the Temple and in every private house : nor can the same for ought I know be proved by this or by any other Scripture , nor was such a thing ever affirmed by us , so farre as I know . I suppose if they had celebrated it in the Temple alone , or in some private house or houses alone , that might have been sufficient , without any necessity of celebrating the same in both places upon one day , both in the Temple and in the houses too . Nay it is a question whether the Lords Supper bee at all intended in this place ; though I doubt not but they observed that Ordinance , and verse 42. may possibly teach so much . But for the verse we are speaking of , viz , Verse 46 ▪ there is no necessity that the breaking of Bread there spoken of , must needs be meant of that Ordinance . Sure he was a judicious expositor who understands it otherwise , Quod hic fractionem panis &c. That is , whereas some expound breaking of Bread in this place of the Lords Supper , it seems to me to be farre from Lukes intention : Calvin in Act. 2. 46. So then , of Mr Rutherfords foure particulars which he saith we must prove , there is not past the halfe of them that needs to be proved at all , the two last being already removed . And for a third which is of breaking of Bread dayly and ordinarily from house to house , understand this breaking of Bread as Calvin doth , of their civill repast , and then it hurts not our cause at all , though it be yeelded that they did dayly meet for such purpose in severall companies , in their private houses ; for this they might do and bee no more but one Congregation . There remaines therefore onely one that needs to be proved , namely the first , that they did dayly meete in the Temple ; and this may bee proved with case , because the plain words of the Text do affirme it , They continued dayly with one accord in the Temple ; so that yet we have found nothing that proves Ierusalem to be many Congregations in one Church . Nay I conceive , that one of these foure particulars , viz. The first , of their dayly meeting in the Temple , doth apparently shew that how great soever the number was , yet it was not exceeding the proportion of one Congregation , which might come together in one place ; For the Temple was but one in all the City , I meane there was but onely one individuall Temple , and not many Temples , which if there had been then our Brethren might possibly have said , that they met distributively in sundry lesser companies , but were to many too meete all in one Congregation ; for so they were wont to expound sundry other phrases used by the Holy Ghost , to declare their comming together . True say they , they come together , but how ? Not collectively all of them together in one place , they were too many for that ; but they came together distributively , some of them in one place , and some in another , and so they think they have answered sufficiently . But now to this of their meeting together in the Temple , they cannot answer so ; for then there should have been sundry Temples , in which they might have met , distributed into sundry companies ; but there being no more Temples but one , and the Text affirming plainly that they all met with one accord , in the Temple , it must needs be , that they met collectively , all of them together in one and the same place ; and hence it followeth , that they were not so many but still they might be one Congregation as well as one Church . So that of the foure particulars , which he saith we must prove , some wee see need not to be proved at all , and the first of them which we can prove with case doth make much for the weakning of his cause , and for the strengthening of ours . Yea Mr. Mather will have the whole containing as one independant Congregation , Act. 6. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. And the many Myriads or thousands of beleeving Jewes , Acts 21. 21 , 22 , 23. To meete as one Congregation . Answ . When in the Answer I speake of these places , the word Independant was not there used by me at all , but only is here added by himselfe , for what cause himselfe can best tell . But for the matter , I conceive the thing which I there delivered is cleere from the Texts themselves , that the multitude of those Iewes did assemble and come together , in one place ; for as for one of the places Act. 6. It is expresly there said that the Apostles called the multitude together to propose unto them the choice of Deacons , verse 2 ▪ and bad them look out from amongst themselves seaven Men , qualifyed as the Apostles do there describe , verse 3. whereupon it is said that the saying pleased the whole multitude and they chose seaven who are there named verse 5. and presented them unto the Apostles that they might lay their hands on them , verse 6. Which plainely shewes that the whose multitude how many soever they were , yet were not so many , but they might all assemble in one place , to heare matters proposed to them , to consider thereof , and upon liking to put them in execution , as in other things so in this particular , of making election of Officers , as there they are Recorded to have done . And as for the other place Act. 21. though it be a Question , whether those many thousand Iewes , that beleeved were all members , of that one Church at Jerusalem , yet it cannot be any question , whether they might come together in one place , sith Iames and the Elders do expresly there say unto Paul , the multitude must needs come together , for they will heare that thou art come . Nor can we say they might come together onely distributively , in sundry companies , but not all in one place , for the end of their comming together will not beare that exposition , which end was , that they might see , and heare Paul , and try what satisfaction he would give them , in the matter whereof they were informed of him , that he taught the Iewes , to forsake Moses , and to omit Circumcision and other Iewish customes . These things they were informed to have been taught by him amongst the Gentiles , and hearing that he was come to the City , they must needs come together to heare what he would say to the matter , and how hee would cleere himselfe . Now if this was the end of their comming together it must needs be that their comming was altogether unto one place , and not in severall companies ; for this could not answer their end , inasmuch as Paul being but one person , it was not possible they could see him , nor heare him in sundry places at once ; and therefore they might as well have staid at home , and not have come together at all , as come together in such sort . Plaine it is therefore , that the multitude spoken of in these two Scripures were not so many but they might meete in one Congregation . Which point as something hath been said in the Answer P. 34 , 35. For the cleering of it , so I am the more confirmed in it by Mr. Rutherford his dealing concerning these Scriptures . For though he make mention of them in this place , as we see , and of that apprehension of mine concerning those Scriptures , yet he doth not at all remove the grounds , which were given for that apprehension in the Answer , but doth wholly passe them by in silence . Now taking occasion to speak of the Scriptures , and relating what my apprehension was concerning the same , and yet saying nothing at all to the gronnds , whereon that apprehension was built , it seemes hereby to bee implyed that indeed he had nothing in readinesse to object against the same . So that I may still conceive of those Scriptures as I did before , for any thing yet brought to induce me to be of another mind . As for that which next followes , certainly the Apostles practice must be our rule , and then 500 or 1000 being so farre beneath 10 or 8000 , may well seeme a number for fewnesse not competent , and what shall wee then thinke of 7 only , or 10. Answ . The answer is , that the Apostles practise doth not at all condemn ours , though our Congregations have not in them the like numbers , but sometimes more and sometimes lesse ; for was it not so in that Primative Apostolike Church ? Is it not plain , that that Church was for number farre lesser at the first , then afterward , when they grew to 4000 or more ; and yet after this they grew to be fewer againe , when Persecution scattered them all abroad except the Apostles , Act. 8. 1. And therefore if 10 or 8000 , being once the number in that Church , be a rule condemning out Churches , as being for fewnesse not competent , when they are beneath that number , how will it be avoided but by the same reason the practise of that Church at one time , shall be a rule , for the condemning of it self at another time ? For sure it is , their number was not at all times alike , but sometimes more , and sometimes lesse ; as in the Sea it is not alwayes full tyde , but sometimes low ebbe , nor is the Moone alwayes at full , but sometimes at the Change ; Nay if the Apostles practise must be our rule , then inasmuch as their Churches , had not alwayes the like numbers of members in them , but sometimes the number was greater , and sometimes lesser , it will follow therefore that the number of members in our Churches needs not alwayes to bee the same , but though greater numbers be lawfull , yet the lawfulnesse of lesser numbers may not be denyed . CHAP. XIV . Whether the Church at Corinth was one Church , meeting distributively in sundry Congregations , or whether it was onely one Congregation . And whether 1 Cor. 14. 23. If the whole Church came together in some place &c. Doe make for sundry Congregations or for one onely . PAge 464. I cannot but thinke that weake which Mr. Mather and Mr. Tompson say ( Answer Page 37. ) the place 1 Cor. 14. 23. That speaketh of the whole Church comming together to one place doth unavoidably prove , that Corinth had their meetings and not by way of distribution into severall Congregations , but altogether in one Congregation : and it is plaine , that though they had variety of teachers and Prophets , yet they all used to come together to one place . Answ . If that which wee say be weake , it is more easie for one of such ability and strength as Mr. Rutherford to overthrow the same . Yet it is not words that will suffice , but weight of reason that must availe thereto . Let us heare therefore his Answer to this passage which he thinkes and censures to be so weake . The place saith he , 1 Cor. 14. 23. If the whole Church come together &c. Deth evince the contrary . For the Apostle doth there reason ab absurdo , from a great incongruity : it were incongruous saith he , and ridiculous that the whole Church of Corinth and all their guifted men speaking with Tongues ( so that they could not be understood by Infidels ) should all Convene in one place , and speake with divers Tongues : For the unlearned and unbeleevers would say they were madde ; therefore hee presupposeth that the whole Church should not all come to one place , but that they should so come to one place , in divers Assemblies . — Answ . And is it true indeed , that this place doth evince the contrary ? viz. That the Church at Corinth did not all meet in one Congregation : How shall we be assured that such a thing is evinced by the place ? For as for the reason given , &c. That the Apostle d●th there reason ab absurdo , or from great incongruity , this doth not prove the thing at all , partly because they might practise something that were not meete but had incongruity in it , and partly ( and more especially ) because the Apostle doth not lay the absurdity where Mr. Rutherford layes it , viz. In the convening of the whole Church in one place , but in their speaking with strange Tongues when they were convened and come together . Touching the former of these , Mr. Rutherford reasoneth to this effect . If it were an incongruous or un●it thing that the whole Church at Corinth should come together in one place , then they did not so come together : but the first is true , Ergo the second is true also . In which kind of reasoning ( such is our weaknesse ) we thinke neither part of the argument to be free from just exception . For as we wholly deny the Assumption , so we also thinke there is no sufficient strength of consequence in the maine Proposition , forasmuch as sundry things were practised in that Church which were no wayes fit not meet to be practised , and which the Apostle doth therefore reprove , and seekes the redresse of the same : witnesse their Factions and divisions : Chap. 1. & 3. Their neglecting Church censures against the incestuous person , and on the contrary being puffed up , Chap. 5. their going to Law one with another before the Infidels , Chap. 6. their abuses in Prayer and Prophesying , their women uncovered and their men covered , Chap. 11. their abuses in the Lords Supper , when they so came unto it that one was hungry and another drunken , Chap. 11. Now as it were an unsufficient kind of arguing to say , these things were unfit and unmeet , and therefore that Church did not so practise , even so Mr. Rutherford his arguing seemes to be no better , who would prove they did come together in one place , because the Apostle , as he thinks , did count such comming together unmeet . For if it were granted that such a comming had been unmeet , yet it doth not follow , but such might bee their practise notwithstanding : and therefore as hee counts our apprehension in this matter to be weak , so I leave it to himself and others to consider , whether in this consequence , It was not meet they should all come together in one place , Ergo they did it not , be very strong . I desire here not to be mistaken : for I do not grant that their comming together in one place was unmeet , nor that the Apostle doth reprove them for the same ; I have already said the contrary , in denying the Assumption afore mentioned , which I do still deny . But the thing I intend , is to consider the strength of Mr. Rutherford his reasoning , and for that cause to apply it to the thing in question , which I still desire to keepe close unto , if it may be . Now the thing in question , being this , whether the Church at Corinth , were so many at that they could nor meet together in one Assembly , but had many Congregations , and all but one Church , and Mr Rutherford maintaining the affirmative , and bringing this reason for it , taken from the Congruity of meeting all together , I therefore thought meet , to weigh the strength of this reason , which I do not perceive to be in any wise convincing : but supposing the Apostle had counted such meetings , inconvenient and unmeet , yet this reason as I conceive , is too weak to prove Mr. Rutherford his purpose , that their number was such as that they could not all possibly meet in one place ; for they might possibly do that which were unmeet to be done , in this particular as well as they did in many other things . But in this particular I do not thinke , they did any thing absurd , or unmeet at all ; and therefore for further answer to this reason I would say : that the Apostle doth not say the absurdity , where Mr. Rutherford layes it , to wit , in that the whole Church did convene , and come together , but in speaking with strange Tongues when they were convened , this latter being incongruous : and absurd indeed ; for the Infidels comming into the Church Assembly , and hearing them so speake , might thinke them madde , as the Apostle sayes ; but for assembling all in one place , I know no madnesse that was in that ; nor shew thereof ; nor do I yet beleeve that the Apostle doth place the absurdity there . For though Mr. Rutherford bee a worthy man and learned , yet such a thing as this had need of some further proofe then his bare word . If a Church should meet distributively in divers Assemblies , and being so met should speake with strange Tongues , I demand whether this manner of speaking , do prove such a way of meeting absurd ; I suppose he will say no , because it is the way of meeting which he holds the Apostolike Churches did use ; And if so , then suppose they should so speake with strange Tongues , when they meet collectively all in one Assembly , how can this manner of speaking conclude the absurdity of such kind of meeting any more then it did in the other ? For my part , though such kind of speaking have incongruity and inconveniency in it , yet I conceive assembling collectively and in one Congregation is no more prejudiced thereby , then assembling distributively in many . Hee ( that is the Apostle ) presupposeth that the whole Church should come to one place , in divers Assemblies , and all Prophecy in a Tongue known to the Infidels , as the unbeleever being convinced and judged of all the Prophets might fall down in his face , &c. Answ . If the Prophets were met in divers Assemblies at once , I marvell how the unbeleever should be convinced and judged of them all ; for I hope one singular and individuall unbeleever was not present in divers Assemblies at once , nor convinced and judged ( as here he is said to be ) by those Prophets , from whose Assembly he was absent . Eithe● therefore the Prophets were all met in one Assembly and not in divers , or else it is yet a Quaere how he could be convinced by them all . For sure the unbeleever could not be present in sundry Assemblies at once . Page 465. The whole Church is not the whole much people of Corinth that beleeved , that did ordinarily meet in one place , the Text saith no such thing , and that is to be proved and not taken as granted . Answ . Suppose it were true , that the whole Church was not the whole much people of Corinth that beleeved , this doth nothing prejudice our cause , for as much as our Question is not about the whole much people that beleeved , but about the whole Church . If therefore it be granted that the whole Church collectively did come together in one place , we have what we desire , and require no more . As for the whole much people that beleeved , whether this be the same with the former or no , wee shall have no need to prove or take for granted that these did in like manner come together , for as much as our question in the termes of it is not about these , but about the other . But why is not the whole Church the whole much people that beleeved ? Shall we say the whole Church is more then the people that beleeved ? Or shall wee say it is not so much ? I conceive it must be one of these , or else it must be the same . If it be said it is more , then still we have our desire , if not more then we demand . For if a company that is greater then all the much people that beleeved , were neverthelesse not so great , but they might and did assemble in one Congregation , then that much people that beleeved might so assemble much more . For if there be no impossibility but a company that is greater may so assemble , I suppose the same cannot bee denyed of a company that is lesser . Againe , to say this whole Church was a greater number then the much people that beleeved , is directly to gainsay himselfe , who in Page 460 , 461. Makes the much people a greater number then the Congregation meeting for the Word , Sacraments , and Church censures ; because such a Congregation , he saith , could not conveniently exceed one thousand , whereas the much people must bee much in comparison of thousands of Jewes who rejected Christ , for that otherwise it would not have beene much for Pauls comfort , for which end it is mentioned and brought . If it be said the whole Church be lesse then the people that beleeved , then it followes that some of those beleevers were not of the Church , and so what himselfe hath written , Page 125. 242. 251. will not stand . For in Page 125 , hee saith , That the Seale of Baptisme and the profession of the truth is that which makes one member of the visible Church — and by this are all the Citizens and domesticks in-Churched , and received into a visible Church . And Page 242. He saith any who blamelessely professe Christ is Ecclesiastically — in foro Ecclesiae , a true and valid member of the Church visible , having Ecclesiasticall power valid for that effect , and Page 251. he saith , a visible profession of the truth and Doctrine of golinesse is that which essentially constituteth a visible Church and every member of the visible Church . Now if these things be so , then it followes that this whole people that beleeved were all of them members of the Church , inasmuch as they were all partakers of Baptisme and profession , which he saith do essentially constitute the visible Church and every member thereof . And they were all members of the Church , then the Church was not a lesser company then they . Nor can hee say it was a greater company , for the reasons mentioned before . And if it was neither a greater company nor a lesser , was it not then the same . And if it was the same , then how can this stand which he affirmeth in the place wee have in hand , where hee saith the whole Church is not the whole much people that beleeved ? It seemes to me , that which way soever he shall take , his own pen will be witnesse against himselfe ; for in the place wee have in hand , hee saith the whole Church is not the whole much people that beleeved : and in another place hee tels us , that the much people that beleeved was a greater number then the whole Church meeting for Word , Sacraments , &c. And yet in a third place hee tels us , that in effect it was not greater , inasmuch as all Baptized professing beleevers , hee saith , are of the Church . Further , when the Text speakes of the whole Church comming together in some place , let the wise judge whether it be a good Exposition to say , by the whole is not meant the whole , but only a part . Which I conceive is Mr. Rutherfords Exposition , who will not yeeld that the whole did come together in any one place , but part in one place , and part in another , the whole being distributed into severall parts , and those parts into severall places . So that the whole Church comming together into some place , must have this meaning , the whole came not together in any place , but part in one place and part in another , which I feare is too much violence offered to the Sacred Text , which should be handled with reverence . But he brings a reason for this Exposition , and that is this , Because else we must say that at any one Assembly all the Prophets and teachers did Prophesy at Corinth ; for the Text saith , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all , whereas the consequence should bee absurd , it should bee a longsome and wearisome meeting , Page 465. Answ . And if they Prophesyed not all in one Assem●ly but divers , how could the unbeleever bee convinced and judged by them all ? It will not bee easie to conceive how it could be , they Prophesying in such a way : for the unbeleever sure could not be present in sundry Assemblyes at once , but in one onely . And therefore , those words , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all , will lay as much absurdity upon his Exposition of the words as upon ours , or rather a great deale more . For as for ours , there is no absurdity therein at all , for asmuch as by all the Prophets is meant all that Prophesied at the time , when the unbeleever was present , and not that all must Prophesy upon one day as Mr. Rutherford would have it . But the Text doth not so say , nor any Interpreter that I have met withall . Sure I am Beza saith , the expresse contrary , for upon verse 31. Ye may all Prophesy one by one , &c. He hath this note , Non eodem sane die , sed ternis &c. That is indeed not all upon one day ( which is Mr. Rutherfords Exposition ) but three at every moeing , having their turne to speak till all had spoken by course . Interpreters say they met in divers Assemblies , Page 465. Answ . Let those Interpreters be named ; and there words set down , and then by Gods help we shall consider of what they say , and of the grounds and reasons thereof ▪ in the meane time to say that interpreters say it , and yet neither to tell us the reasons nor the words of those Interpreters , nor so much as the names of any of them , how should this prevaile with us to turne us away from our former apprehensions in the point ? True it is in another place , &c. Pag 461. Speaking of verse 31. Yea may all Prophesy one by one , hee there tels us that Diodatus understands it that they might Prophecy , by course and in divers or sundry Assemblies ; And Essius , saith he , saith the same , to wit , that these Prophets were to Prophesy in divers Assemblies . Answ . For Diodatus I have him not at hand , and therefore I cannot peruse the place ; But for Estius , this I may say , that he neither saith what here is reported in his Commentary upon the verse alledged , nor upon any verse else in all the Chapter , as farre as I can observe , and I have read and perused him on purpose to see what were to be found in him : But though I cannot find him affirming that which Mr. Rutherford brings him for , yet I find sundry places , wherein he seemes to me to affirme the contrary ; for instance , Commenting upon the verse alledged , hee hath these words as the sence which he most preferres , viz. Quod si non unus tantum Propheta sed plures &c. That is , If not only one Prophet but sundry , yea all do speake in the Assembly in order , it will come to passe that those all may also learne , and receive exhortation , there being never a one of them , who is not also a hearer . Wherein we see he speaks not one word of Prophesying in divers Assemblies at the same time , but that they were so to Prophesy that all of them were to be hearers , and learners , as well as speakers . Which doth plainly imply , that there must be many Prophets in one Assembly at once . Againe , upon verse ●9 , he hath these words as the sense of the place , Quamvis forte multi suit in Ecclesiae — vestra Prophetae &c. That is , Although perhaps there be many Prophets in your Church , yet it will be sufficient if two or three do speake at one meeting , and for others it shall be their duty to judge , that is to say , to examine and try whether these things be true and sound which are spoken by them that speake . Wherein he plainly shewes his judgement to be that at one meeting they were to have many Prophets present , of whom two or three onely were to speake , and the rest to try and examine what was spoken . And to the same purpose he speakes upon verse 32. Which he counts to be the same with that of judging , verse 29. Further these words verse 23. Of the whole Church comming together into one place , he expounds thus , Alicujus loci totus populus fidelis , That is , all the faithfull or beleeving people of a place ; which is contrary to Mr. Rutherford who will not have the whole Church , to be the whole much people that beleeved . Finally , speaking of those words verse 24. if all Prophesy , he hath these words , Nec omnes inteligit absoluté , &c. That is , the Apostle understands not all absolutely but to this sense , to wit , if all that speake in the Assembly of the Church do Prophesy , that is , if Prophets only do speake , and they that have the gift of Tongues do hold their peace . Which is contrary to Mr. Rutherford who understands the Text so , that they were all to Prophesie at one time ; and because at one meeting there were but two or three to Prophesie , which two or three hee thinkes could not be all , hee will therefore have it that they were distributed into severall Assemblies , and so did Prophesie all at once , though onely two or three at one meeting . For which interpretation , though he alledgeth Estius , yet Estius wee see affords him no help at all . Whereupon I have marvelled why Estius should be alledged , sometimes thinking with my selfe whether his name might not bee mis-Printed by the Printer , instead of some other man ; sometimes thinking whether Mr. Rutherford his memory might not faile him in this particular , having read the thing in some other Author , and supposing it had been in Estius . But what ever might be the reason of this mistake , he that shall examine Estius will not find in him any help at all for Mr. Rutherfords cause in this particular , but the contrary . The Text saith expresly , verse 29 , that at one time they Prophesied but two or three . Answer . This is a mistake also : for the words are , let the Prophets speake two or three , and let the other judge . Now let them do so , doth not shew their practise , but their duty : not what they did , but what they should have done . The Text saith , if there be no interpreter let him that hath an unknown Tongue keepe silence in the Church , verse 20. And let your Women keepe silence in the Churches , verse 34. Now shall any man say , that these Texts do expresly prove that it was the manner of their Women and of their men that had unknown Tongues to keepe silence . I suppose no man can say it , the words being not a report of what their practise was , but a rule of direction to shew them how they ought to practise . And so wee say of the case in hand . But let it be supposed that it was not onely their duty , but also their practise to Prophesie at one meeting but onely two or three , what can Master Rutherford gaine heereby ? His words following do tell us , where hee saith , If two onely Prophesyed at one Assembly , as this Text will warrant cleerely . Answ . Not so , the Text allowes three , which is more then two onely . But go on , and let us heare the consequence . Then how doth this whole Church consisting of all the beleevers at Corinth , as is supposed by our Brethren , convince the Infidell , so as it may beare this sence , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all ▪ Can two Prophets be all Prophets ? Answ . Though wee suppose the whole Church consisted of all the Beleevers at Corinth , yet that the whole Church did convince the the Infidell , this wee never said nor supposed at all : For wee supposed and so do still , that hee was to bee convinced onely by the Prophets , besides whom there were many others that were of the Church . But for his demand , Whether two Prophets can bee all Prophets , The answer is , that though two bee not all where there are more then two , yet if there bee no more , there it is otherwise ; and so where there are but two or three that doe Prophesie at one meeting , there hee that is convinced by those two or three , may bee said to bee convinced of all , that is of all that doe Prophesie . This sence of the place must needs bee received , else how shall the Apostles words bee reconciled and stand together ? For as in one verse hee requireth , that the Prophets speake two or three at one meeting , and the rest to Iudge , verse 29. And in another verse affirmeth that the Infidell in the case there proposed , is judged of all , verse 24. So hee doth not onely suppose in the very same verse , that they did all Prophesie , if all , Prophesie saith hee , and there come in one that beleeveth not , &c. But moreover in verse 31. Hee expresly and plainely allowes them thus to Prophesie ; Yee may all Prophesie , saith hee , one by one , that all may learne and all may bee comforted . Which places compared doe evince the sence of the words heere given , and doe plainely shew that what hee saith verse 24. Of the Infidell being convinced of all and judged of all , may bee truely made good , if hee bee convinced of all and Iudged of all that Prophesyed at that meeting , though their number that so Prophesyed were no more but two or three . And therefore whereas hee concludes , Surely for my part I thinke it must unavoidably bee said , that they Prophesyed distributively and in severall Congregations , The Answer is , that this needs not to bee said at all , but may bee avoided with ●ase ; and the contrary may bee safely held ; to wit , that they Pro●●●cied collectively and in one Congregation . For first , they did so Prophesy , that one that beleeved not , and one unlearned might come in amongst them when they were Prophesying , and by that meanes might bee convinced of all and judged of all , verse 24. Which might well bee done , if they Prophesyed all in one Congregation , but otherwise it could not , for as much as one unbeleever could not bee present in severall Congregations at once . Secondly , they were so to Prophesie , that the Prophets when they Prophecied were to have the rest of the Prophets to bee 〈◊〉 , to heare and Iudge of that which was delivered , let the Prophets speake two or three , and the rest judge , verse 29. and the spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets , verse 32. The former of which sayings Mr. Rutherford himselfe doth understand of a Colledge Prophets , having a power Dogmaticall of judging , and censuring the Doctrine of the Prophets delivered . What they speake , saith he , Page 467. Is to bee judged and put under censure ; for the whole Colledge must judge ; for which he alledgeth verse 29. And a little after , this is not a Power of judging which every Christian hath , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Piscator doth relate to the Prophets , who are to judge ; but as ● take it a Propheticall judging , which may warrant the Iuridicall power of a Presbytery , &c. By all which it plainely appeareth that when the Prophets did Prophesy , the other Prophets were to bee present , to heare and judge of the Doctrines delivered ; and if so , how can it bee that they Prophesyed in severall Congregations at the same time ? For had it been so , they could not have judged of one anothers Doctrine , which they could not heare , being themselves at that time imployed in speaking in some other place . And therefore it seemes more likely , that they met in one Congregation , where they might all Prophesy , first one and then another , some at one time and some at another , and so all of them might also heare and learne , and judge of the Doctrine delivered by others . CHAP. XV. Whether the Church at Ephesus were more in number then Corinth and Jerusalem , and the judgement of Mr. Baynes ; Whether that Church was many Congregations , or one onely ? PAg . 470. Having suggested sundry things , to prove that Ephesus was many Congregations , and yet but one Church ; hee concludes this , viz. upon these considerations , I leave to our reverend Brethren their judgement ; if Mr. Mather and Mr. Thompson say right , we doe not thinke they were more in number at Ephesus then in Corinth and Jerusalem , where the Christians met all in one place . Answ . The exception then which in this place is taken against Mr. Thompson and me , is for this , that we doe not thinke the Christians at Ephesus , to be more in number then at Jerusalem and Corinth . Concerning which , I will not say much , but onely this , that as we have onely delivered what we think in this matter , without determining or asserting any thing peremptorily ; so we shall readily imbrace the contrary , when good grounds shall be shewed for the same : which though we doe not yet perceive to be performed in all that Mr. Rutherford hath said ; yet I will not here spend time in examining the same , because I do not count this point of so much importance concerning the principall thing in question . For whether the Church at Ephesus were more in number then Corinth and Jerusalem , or whether it were otherwise ; there is no great matter in this as touching the maine question . For if all of them were such Churches , as might usually meet together in one Congregation , as I conceive they were ▪ it matters not much which of them was most in number . But doth not M. Rutherford prove that the one Church at Ephesus was more then one Congregation ? I confesse , he hath sundry things in the precedent pages , which he intendeth that way . But in asmuch as they doe not concerne M. Tompson and me in particular , nor are by him applyed against any passage in the answer ; I will therefore passe them over more briefly , my purpose being chiefly , to consider of such particulars , wherein he takes exception against the Answer . Only , thus much I would advertise the Reader , that a good part of that which Mr. Rutherf . brings to prove many Congregations in one Church at Ephesus , hath been answered long agoe by Mr. Baynes in his Diocesans triall , pag. 5. which I the rather Commend to Mr. Rutherfords consideration , because , he counts him a man of worth , calling him worthy Baynes : And for the help of such Readers , as cannot readily come to the book it self , I will here transcribe a few lines out of the same worthy Baynes , as they are to be found in his Dioces . triall . p. 5 , 6. viz. The Church of Ephesus was but one flock ; First , it is likely that it was of no other forme then the other . ( Sir , Ierusalem , Antioch and Corinth , which he had before shewed to be each of them one Congregation . ) Secondly , it was but one flock , that which Presbyters might joyntly feed : they had no Diocesan Paster : If Presbyters onely , then none but Parishonall Churches in and about Ephesus : theremay be many flocks , but God ordained none but such as may wholely meet with those who have the care of feeding and governing of them : Peter indeed 1 Pet. 5. 2. calleth all those he writteth unto one flock , but that is in regard either of the mysticall estate of the faithfull , or in respect of the common nature , which is in all Churches one and the same : but properly and in externall adunation , one flock is but one Congregation . Thirdly , Parishes according to the adverse opinion were not then divided : Neither doth the long and fruitfull labours of the Apostle argue that there should bee Parish Churches in Diocesan wise added , but a great number of Sister Churches . But when it is said , that all Asia did heare , the meaning is that from hand to hand , it did runne through Asia ; so as Churches were planted every where , even where Paul came not , as at Collosse : there might be many Churches in Asia , and many converted by Peter , and others fruitfull labours , without subordination of Churches . CHAP. XVI . Whether the Church at Antioch was onely one Congregation , and whether Acts 14. 27. and 15. 30. doe not prove the Affirmative . THE Answer , having in pag. 5. alledged Acts. 14. 27. and 15. 30 , 31. to prove that the Church at Antioch was no more then might be gathered together into one place , Mr. Rutherford in Answer hereto saith , p. 472 , 473. That the place Acts 14. 27. is the representative Church , and that he beleeveth the Assembling of the multitude , Acts 15. vers . 30. must be taken distributively . Answ . This answer of Mr. Rutherfords , to the former place , was removed long ago by worthy Mr. Baynes , who also understands the latter place as we doe , and not as Mr. Rutherford : For in his Dioces . triall , maintaining this position , that the Churches instituted by the Apostles , were onely such as might meet in one Congregation ordinarily , and giving this very place and instance of the Church of Antioch , for one of his grounds , for confirming the said position , p. 5. Hee comes imediately thereupon to answer an objection , which is the very same that here Mr. Rutherford brings to the former place , viz. that the Church mentioned in that place , was the Ministers or representative Church : for the removing whereof Mr. Baynes returneth 4. things , 1. that the word Church , is never so used : 2. He argues by analogy from that Acts 11. where Peter gives account before the whole Church , even the Church of the faithfull , and therefore in like sort , Paul and Barnabas might report before the whole Church of the faithfull , what things God had done by them . 3. Saith he , they made relation to that Church which had sent them forth , with Prayer and Imposition of Hands ; and this Church stood of all those who assembled to the publicke service and worship of God , ( which is cleere , Acts 13. 2. ) 4. His fourth particular is this other place of Acts 15. vers . 30. where , saith he , the people of the Church of Antioch were gathered together , to consider of Decrees sent them by the Apostles from Ierusalem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In all which , we cleerly perceive the judgement of this worthy man to be the same with us , and as clearly against Mr. Rutherford , as can be expressed , which being so , and his judgement being delivered upon such reasons , as seem to me weighty , and which Mr. Rutherford doth not remove ; I therefore see no sufficient reason to think otherwise of the Church of Antioch then formerly . For as for M. Rutherford his reason to prove the place , Acts 14. 27. to be meant of a representative Church , viz. That they met for a matter of Discipline , at least for a matter that concerned all the Churches , to wit , to know how God had opened the doore of saith unto the Gentiles : The answer is , that this doth not evince the thing : 1. Because rehearsing , how God had opened the doore of Faith unto the Gentiles , being neither admission of Members , nor of Officers , nor any matter of censure , nor any thing else ; but onely a meer declaration of the gracious workings of the Lord , cannot be any matter of Discipline , as I conceive . 2. Suppose it were a meeting for matter of Discipline , must it needs be a meeting for Elders alone , without the presence of the faithfull ? Will Mr. Rutherford deny it to be l●wfull for any to be present at matters of Discipline , but onely the Elders ? I suppose he will not deny it at all , sure I am he hath heretofore written otherwayes ; Peaceable Plea p. 49. Where he granteth that all matters of Discipline must be done with the peoples consent , and alledgeth about 19. or 20. Divines old and new for the same Tenet . Now if matters of Discipline must be done with the peoples consent , then the people must be present thereat ; For else they give their consent blindefold . And if they must be present at such matters ; then suppose the matter mentioned in the Scripture we have in hand , had been of that nature , yet the Church that was gathered together about the same , needed not to be a representative Church of Elders alone , as Mr. Rutherford would have it , but might consist of the people also , who by his own grant may be lawfully present at such matters . 3. Be it a matter of Discipline , or a matter that concerned all the Churches , or what else Mr. Rutherford will have it ? It is plain that Paul and Barnabas when they were at Ierusalem , did declare such matters as here they do declare at Antioch , not onely to the Apostles and Elders , whom he perhaps would make a representative Church , but also to a Church besides them , I mean besides the Apostles and Elders ; for so it is said , Acts 15. 4. That at Ierus●lem they were received of the Church , and of the Apostles and Elders , and declared all things that God had done with them : and vers . 12. they declared to the multitude what miracles and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles by them . Now if they declared these things at Ierusalem not onely to the Apostles and Elders , as to a representative Church , but to the Church of the Faithfull also , as the Text saith , they did , what reason can be rendred that the Church , which was gathered together at Antioch , should be onely a representative Church ? And that the people there were not present ? For my part , I see no reason for it , but that they might declare these things to the Brethren a● Antioch , as well as to the Brethren at Ierusalem ; and as well to a representative Church at Ierusalem , as to a representative Church at Antioch . And therefore sith it is apparent that at Ierusalem they declared these things to a Church , which consisted of others besides Apostles and Elders ; the Church at Antioch to whom they declared the same things , might be also a Church of the like kinde , and not a representative Church , as our Brother conceives it to be . 4. The nature of the thing , which they doe declare to this Church was such , as that it was fit enough for the people to be acquainted therewith ; which the text mentions in two clauses ; first , more generally , all that God had done with them : Secondly , more specially , how he had opened the doore of Faith to the Gentiles . Now suppose the people had nothing to do in matters of Judicature by way of power therein , yet to be informed of other peoples conversion , and how God blessed the labors of the Apostles to that end , which are the things they declared to this Church , these are no such matters , but the people may bee acquainted therewith for their comfort , and that God might have praises from them all ; and therefore the Church to whom Paul and Barnabas declared these things , needs not to be understood of the Elders alone , but may well enough be a Church consisting also of ordinary Christians . 5. Paul thought it not unmeet to make known to all the Corinthians the grace of God bestowed on the Churches of Macedonia , 2 Cor. 9. 1 , 2. and declareth to them of Macedonia , the forwardnesse of the Corinthians in the grace of liberality , 2 Cor. 9. 2. shewing the good that came hereby , in that the example of Gods grace , in some provoked many others to the like , 2 Cor. 9. 2. your zeale , saith he , hath provoked very many ; and likewise in that , by this meanes , there redounded many thanksgivings unto God , vers . 12 , 13. And if upon these and other good causes he did thus practice towards the Christians of Macedonia and Achaia , I know no good reason why he and Barnabas should deal otherwise with the Christians at Antioch , and conceale from them the gracious workings of God by their Ministery amongst the Gentiles ; and make known the same onely to a representative Church of Elders . As for our Brothers answer to the other Scripture , Act. 15. 30. That the assembling of the multitude , there spoken of , must be taken distributively , I conceive the text will not beare that exposition : for the words are that they gathered the multitude together , then delivered the Epistle . Now if this multitude was gathered together not in one assembly but diverse , how could the Epistle being but one , be delivered to them all ? Can one Epistle be delivered to sundry or severall assemblies at one time ? I suppose it is not possible , except we shall imagine there be sundry Coppies , one to be read in one assembly , and another in another ; whereof in the present case , there is not so much as the least hint . And if we would imagine such a matter , for which there is small reason ; yet since it is , Iudas and Silas , by whom this Epistle was sent , and who were to tell the same things by mouth , and who also upon the delivering of the Epistle exhorted the breathren of Antioch , with many words , as is cleare , vers . 22 , 23 , 27 , 32. Iudas and Sila● , I say , being but two men could not be present , and speak , and act these things in many assemblies at once , but must of necessity be both in one assembly , or at the most in two : but the text makes no mention of their being in two , but plainly enough intimates the contrary , that they were both together : and yet where they were present , there was the multitude gathered together , to receive the Epistle by their hands , and to heare the report and word of exhortation at their mouth . Unlesse therefore we will imagine that Iudas and Silas could be present , and act in many assemblies at once , there is no reason to think this multitude among whom they were present and acted , to be many Congregations or assemblies . And therefore for his conclusion , pag. 475 , 476. That the mentioning of one multitude in the singular number , Acts 15. 30. can never prove that there was but one single Congregation at Antioch . The answer is , that we doe not lay the force of our reason in the mentioning of the multitude in the singular number , and therefore it can not thus be satisfied , or put off : for our words are these : The whole multitude of them were gathered together at the return of Paul and Barnabas from the Synod at Jerusalem , to heare the Epistle read , which was sent from that Synod : Answer p. 50. wherein it is easie to perceive , that we lay the force of our reason not in this , that the Church is called a multitude in the singular number ; but in this , that the whole multitude were gathered together , for such an end , as there is expressed : and this we still conceive may prove the point : For a Church , which is such a multitude , as is gathered together , for the receiving of one Epistle , which was sent unto them all , and which is gathered together to heare the Epistle read , and also to heare the same things by mouth , the men from whose mouth they must so heare , and from whose hands they must so receive , being no more but two ; such a Church as this can be no more , but one Congregation , or Assembly . Now Antioch was such a Church : and therefore was no more but one Congregation . If this conclusion be not granted , some way must be devised how many severall assemblies might all be receivers and hearers of one and the same Epistle at the same time , there being but one coppy of the Epistle , as also how they might at one time heare the same things declared to them by mouth , when there was but two men to declare the same . And when such a way is found out , we may then further consider thereof . But in the mean time , the grounds and reasons alledged doth induce me to think , that Antioch , where those things were thus done , was indeed , but one Congregation . CHAP. XVII . Whether no liberties are given by Christ to the People , but women must exercise the same , as well as men : and of the peoples liberty about Ordination , or the Calling of Ministers . IN the answer , p. 8. we have these words , viz. Governing properly so called we acknowledge not in any , but in the Elders alone , 1 Cor. 12. vers . 28. Rom. 12. 8. Heb. 13. 17. If that word be ascribed to the people , it must be understood in a more improper sense ; for that which impropriety of speech were more fitly called liberty or priviledge : and yet this liberty when it is exercised about Ordination , Deposition , Excommunication , &c. is of the whole body communiter , or in generall , but not of all and every member in particular , as you conceive us to hold ; for women and children are members , and yet are not to act in such matters , the one being debarred by their sex , and the other for want of understanding and discretion . This passage Mr. Rutherford having related ( though with some variation ) in his pag. 476 : in answer thereto , he saith thus , p. 477. If there be no governing power in women , nor any act at all in Excommunication , you loose many arguments , that you bring 1 Cor. 5. to prove that all have hand in Excommunication , 1. Because Paul writeth to all . 2. All were to mourne . 3. All were to forbeare the company of the Excommunicated : then belike Paul writeth not to all Saints at Corinth , not to women , and women were not to mourne for the scandall , nor to forbeare his company . Answ . If Mr. Tompson and I doe being such arguments from 1 Cor. 5. why is not the place quoted , where we doe bring them ? I suppose there is no such place at all that can be produced ; and therefore I desire so much favour , that what we never said , may not be imputed to us , nor divulged abroad , as ours . If others doe bring such arguments from 1 Cor. 5. they that bring them are able to speake for themselves , and to give account of their own arguments ; but I know no reason that doth require , that we should be drawn to defend such arguments as we never used ; nor that doth allow our Reverend Brother to report such arguments as ours ; which having never been used by us , I counted it therefore an impertinent digression , to spend time in the defence of them . The priviledge , saith he , being a part of liberty purchased by Christs body , it must be due to 〈…〉 for the liberty wherewith Christ hath made women free , cannot be taken away 〈…〉 of God from their sex , except in Christ Iesus there be a difference between Iew and Gentile , male and female . Answ . That which is in the people , we say , in propriety of speech , is more ●itly called liberty or priviledge : but of liberty purchased by Christs body or blood , we make no mention at all : and therefore our Brother might have spared speech thereof . But it is true indeed , that the people can have no liberty , but women also may exercise the 〈…〉 else their liberty purchased for them by Christ is taken away ? It seems , he so conceives : but then I desire to know how his own doctrine elsewhere , and the Apostl●s w●●ds can stand together : for in one place , he saith , that Acts 14. 23. Proveth that Elders ordaine Elder , with lifting up of the hands of the people , and this , saith he , is 〈…〉 doctrine , Due Right p. 190. and in another place , he saith , The people have Gods right to choose Ministers , for so the word prescribeth ; for which in his margent he alledgeth 〈◊〉 severall texts of Scripture , Acts 15. 22. 1 Cor. 16. 3. 2. Cor. 8. 19. Acts 6. 4. Acts 14. 23. and in his text alledgeth Tertullian , Cyprian , Ambrose , Origen , Chrysostome , the Councell of Nice , the first generall Councell of Constantinople , with other Councels and Authors witnessing the same : pag. 201 , 202. And in a third place , he grants that all matters in the Church must be done with the peoples consent , consentiente plebe , alledging a matter of 18. or 19. Authors for the same tenet . Peaceable Plea , p. 49. and in another place he alledgeth and approveth the judgement of Mr. Calderwood , and Mr. Cartwright affirming that this liberty is purchased by the blood of Christ : Due Right , Secondly , pag. 464. All which , do plainly shew that in his judgement , the people have some 〈◊〉 , or priviledge , or right in Church matters ; yea , as himself saith in this , they have divinum jus , Gods right : And yet for all this , the Apostles words do plainly forbid women to speak in the Church , 1 Cor. 14. 34. 1 Tim. 2. 12. which very prohibition to women doth also secretly imply , that men may have liberty to practise , though women may not . Now then , if the people have liberty , priviledge , right to consent , and act in Church matters ; yea , to speak in the Church , and yet women may not speak therein , how can this stand , which here M. Rutherford writes , That if the people have any liberty , this liberty must also be due to women ? If the Apostles words and our Brothers own doctrine in the places cited do stand , his saying in the place , we have now in hand , cannot stand , they being so contrary one to another . Thirdly , saith he , What priviledge the people have in Ordination to conferre a ministery , which they neither have formally , nor virtually , I know not . Answ . Neither formally , nor virtually ? then hear your own words , pag. 7. I deny not but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the Church of beleevers , to supply the want of ordination of Pastors , hic & nunc ; this power is virtuall , not formall , &c. Whereas in the place we have in hand , the virtuall power as well as the formall is denyed ; which things are not free from Interferring , or strong appearance thereof . Our words are not just the same which M. Rutherford sets downe , a priviledge in ordination to conferre a Ministery ; but these are our words , a liberty exercised about ordination , &c. And who knows not but there may be a liberty exercised about ordination , or any other Ordinance by way of consent thereto , or desire thereof , &c. without any authoritative acting therein ? And if this liberty about ordination be such a fault , then how shall he be justified , who doth give to the people a greater matter then this liberty doth amount unto , even a power to do that which shall stand for ordination it selfe ? which to do I conceive is more then to exercise some liberty about ordination . And when the reader shall have considered these ensuing words of M Rutherford : then let him be judge , whether M. Rutherford do not give this power unto the people in some cases . As a rose , saith he , caused to grow in winter by art , is of that same nature with a rose produced in summer by nature , though the manner of production be different ; so are they both true Pastors , those who have no call , but the peoples election , and those who have ordination by Pastors , p. 186. And in the page following , he gives two reasons to prove that in some cases election by the people onely may stand for ordination : 1. Because God is not necessarily tyed to succession of Pastors : 2. Because where men are gifted for the work of the Ministery , and there be no Pastors to be had , the giving of the Holy Ghost is a signe of a calling of God , who is not wanting to his own gracious intention , though ordinary means faile . Now if the people without Pastors may do that which shall stand for ordination , and if their election do make a Minister in some cases ; this seems to be more then onely to exercise some liberty about ordination , for as much as they may doe this latter , and possibly no Minister be made thereby ; whereas in the other case a man is made a true Pastor and Minister , as well as by ordination it selfe . Marvell it is therefore that the greater is allowed as lawfull , and not the lesser : that some liberty about ordination may not be allowed , and yet that can be allowed which may stand for ordination it self , and which makes a Minister● as truly as ordination doth . CHAP. XVIII . Of Mr. Rutherfords report of Synodicall propositions in new-England . NExt after this , our reverend Author falls to scanning , as he saith , pag. 476. some Synodicall propositions of the Churches of New England , as he calls them , together with a Table of Church power , which he calls the Table of New England . But with favour of soworthy a man , he doth greatly mistake the matter : for neither was there any such Synod , nor Synodicall propositions as he speaks of , nor any such Table of New England , as hee mentioneth . There was indeed at Cambridge in the year 1643. a printed conference of some of the Elders of that Country ; where sundry points of Church judgement were privatly discoursed of , and this was all . But as the meeting was not any Synod , as Synods are usually understood , so neither were there any Synodicall propositions there agreed upon , nor any table of propositions agreed upon to be given forth as the Doctrine of New England . This I am able to testifie , having been present at that meeting from the beginning thereof unto the end : and sundry others of the Elders of these Churches can testifie the same , upon the same ground : And knowing full well the truth of what I heare relate , I will not spend time in replying to what he hath written upon so manifest misinformation , and mistake . What information he goeth upon , I know not : per adventure some notes may have come to his view , which one or other might gather at that conference for his own private use : Peradventure some in their simplicity meaning no hurt , many have called that private conference by the name and tearme of a Syno● , and M. Rutherford might thereupon adventure to publish in print as here we see . But however they mistake a Rose , sure I am , Synodicall propositions there were none ; 〈◊〉 any Synod at all , not New England Table . And therefore I think himselfe and others may do well and wisely hereafter , to be informed by good and sufficient intelligence of such things as they publish to the world concer●ing the Churches in New England , or else not to beleeve the same , much lesse to divulge the same in print . For what comfort can it be to any Christian to receive , and publish to the world against a mans neighb●u● , specially against whole Churches of Christ , such reports as for the matter contained in them do not agree with truth ? CHAP. XIX . Of the Appeales of Luther and Cranmer : and of the power and jurisdiction in generall Councells denyed by Mr. Rutherford ; whether therein he do not contradict himselfe , and also overthrow the jurisdiction of Classicall , Provinciall , and Nationall Assemblies . IN his page 482. alledging Mr. Tompson and me , pag. 16 , 17. Hee reports us to say , that though some have appealed , as Luther and Cranmer from the Pope to a generall Councell , yet not from a Congregation to a generall Councell . Answ . As he one of these pages hath nothing at all concerning this matter , and therefore might well have been spared , so neither of them both doth make any mention of Luther , either of one purpose or other : and therefore it is some marvaile , why he should be mentioned as thus spoken of by us , who do not speak of him at all so much as one word , for any purpose whatsoever . Nor do the rest of the words of appealing from a Congregation to a generall Councell agree with ours , as we have set them downe in the 16. page alledged ; and therefore that our mind and meaning may appeare , let me relate our own words which are these , How this example ( sc . of Cramners appealing to Councell , related by Mr. Fox ) doth suit the present question , we do not understand ; for his appeale was not from a particular Congregation , but from the Pope : nor was it from a Synod , but to the next generall Councell , which from that day to this hath not yet been assembled nor called . If we must hold a necessity of appeales to such a Iudicatory as Cranmer appealed unto , then the supremacy of Synods provinciall , and nationall is utterly taken away . These are our words in the place alledged by Mr. Rutherford : now what doth he answer thereto ? In matters doctrinall , saith he , some as Luther , and others have justly appealed from Congregation to a generall Councell , though Luther and Cranmer did it not . Answ . Say it be true , that Cranmer did it not , yet for Luther how can it be that he should be an instance , both of such as did it not , and of such as did it ? for Luther and others have justly done it , and yet Luther and Cranmer are two of them that did it not , these are sayings which seem not to agree . Againe , if Luther did so appeale , why is no proof alledged for Confirmation of what here is affirmed ? which if there had been , we might have considered thereof . But sith there is not , we may be allowed to forbeare assent , till that which is here nakedly affirmed , be further strengthened by some proofe or other , to make it good . Lastly , if Luther or others have justly appealed from a Congregation to a generall Councell , then why will it not be lawfull for others upon like occasion to do the like ? And if so , then ( as we argued in the answer ) the supremacy of Classicall , Provinciall , and Nationall Presbyteries is utterly taken away : and so , by this meanes causes and controversies may still be depending , and never come to be determined so long as this world shall endure ; which whether it be agreeable to the wisdome of Christ , and good of his people let the wise judge . Though verily , I professe , I cannot see what power of Jurisdiction to censure scandalls , can be in a generall Councell ; there may be some meerly doctrinall power , if such a Councell could be had , and that is all . Answ . For my part , I am altogether of the same minde . But here I have a quere or two to propose to our reverend Brothers serious consideration ; first of all , how this passage doth agree with that which himself hath written , pag. 387. where he saith , It may be made good that a power Dogmaticall is not different in nature from a power of Jurisdiction , and that we read not of any society , which hath power to meet to make lawes and decrees , which have not power also to back their decrees with punishment . Yea , he saith further that if the Jewish Synodry might meet to declare judicially what was Gods law in point of conscience , and what not , farre more may they punish contraveners of the law : For Anomothetick power in a society , which is the greater power , and is in the fountaine , must presuppose in the society 〈◊〉 lesser power , which is to punish . Anomothetick power ministeriall cannot want a power of censuring . So that whereto in the place we have in hand , he saith , there may be in a generall Councell , some 〈◊〉 doctrinall power without any power of jurisdiction to censure , in this other place , he saith , these powers do not differ in nature , nor can the former be without the latter ; but doth alwayes presuppose the same , as that which is lesser , and which it cannot want . Now how these things do agree I am not able to understand : next of all how doth this passage we have in hand agree , with that which is written p. 308 , 309. Where he saith , it is by accident , and not through want of inate and intrinsecall power , that the court of a Catholick Councell can not in an ordinary and constant way exercise the power which Christ hath given to her ; and what that power is he expresseth in two or three lines proceeding , viz. A power of jurisdiction to Excommunicate and relax from Excommunication even nationall Churches . If the Lord should be pleased to give the Christian Churches a generall Councell this day , might lawfully in a jurisdictiall way declare the faction of the Romish pretended Catholicks to be mysticall Babylon — which in Excommunication in the essence and substance of the act . And againe , This of our Saviour , Tell the Church , is necessarily to be applyed to all Churches and Courts of Christ , even to a generall Councell . And in page 304. He tells in that a power of jurisdiction ( though he call it extraordinary and remote , and which is but rarely to be put forth in acts ) is given to the Catholick visible Presbytery , of the whole Catholick visible Church . In all which places he plainly affirmeth there is a power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls in a generall Councell , which in the place we have in hand he doth as plainly deny . Thirdly , if there be no power of jurisdiction to censure scandals in a generall Councell , then how shall it appeare that there is such power of Jurisdiction in the Classicall , Provinciall and Nationall Presbyteries , which are farre lesse ? Yea , and that there is in these Presbyteries a power Independent and Supreame , without appeale to any other . For such power there must be in some of them , if there be any power of jurisdiction in them at all , sith we are told there is no power of jurisdiction in the generall Councell to appeale unto . Now how shall it appeare that any such Independent supream power of jurisdiction is given to any of those Presbyteries ? where are the texts of Scripture that speak of such power ? For our parts we know of none , but do still think that this power is placed by Christ in a single Congregation and its Presbytery , and are the rather strengthened in this apprehension , for that the reason which is wont to be given against the Congregations power , and wherein our Brethren are wont to place their greatest strength , sc . that appeals are juris naturalis , and that defects , in the parts are to be supplyed and holden by the whole , this reason we see is now removed and utterly taken away , forasmuch as all power of jurisdiction is denyed to the generall Councell which is the inevitable . Now if there be no power of jurisdiction within the generall Councell , then there can be no appeals to such a Councell for such an end : and if no appeales to that Councell , then the rule doth not alwayes hold , that there must be appeals from the lesser assemblies to the greater : and if this do not alwayes hold , then there may be independent power of jurisdiction in a Congregation without appeals from the same , though it be a lesser assembly then the Classicall , Provinciall and Nationall Presbyteries , and thus our purpose is gained . For how can it be avoided , except this power of jurisdiction ( yea supream or independent power ) which is denyed to the generall Councell , could be proved to be in the Classes , Synods , or nationall Presbyteries , which we think cannot be done . Indeed to say on the one side , that 〈◊〉 is no independent power in the Congregation , and to say on the other side , that there is no power at all of jurisdiction in generall Councells , this doth inevitably lay a necessity of such Independent power in these intermediat assemblies of the Classicall , Provinciall and nationall Presbyteries ; except we shall say there is no such power at all appointed by Christ in any Church assemblies on earth . Now if such independent power be given to the Presbyteries mentioned , ( as it needs must if it be neither in the generall Councell , nor in the single Congregations ) then I desire to know upon what scripture or scritures , such power in the said Presbyteries is grounded and built ; and whether the said power belong unto them all , or only unto some of them , and which they be , and why not to the rest as well : yea , why not to the single Congregation , nor yet to the generall Councell , as well as to any of them . When this quaere is answered , and the answer sufficiently proved by scripture , then we shall see more reason for the jurisdiction of such assemblies over the particular Congregations then yet we have seen . In the mean , time this quaere with the rest I leave to our Brethrens consideration . CHAP. XX. If it were granted that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in Monarchies , whether it would not thence follow , that the government of Churches must so end , as well as that Congregations must depend on the government of Synods , because the light of nature teacheth a Communion in government to other societies . And whether the multitude of Grecians and Hebrews , who chose the seven Deacons , Act. 6. were two Congregations or one onely . PAG . 482. If Churches must be dependent on Synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , by the same reason Churches must end in a Monarchy on earth ; for which he alledgeth the answ . pag. 20. and then subjoyneth his answer , thus : I see this said without any approbation : Churches depend on many above them for unity ; but what consquence in this , Erg● they depend upon one visible Monarch ? It is an unjust consequence . Answ . With favour of so worthy a man , he greatly wrongs our words ( and thereby wrongs the reader ) by leaving out those words wherein the plainenesse and strength of our argumentation lyes . Therefore I am forced here to relate the order and progresse of the dispute in that script of ours , and to set down our words there used , because as Mr. Rutherford hath set them down , the strength of consequence is suppressed from the Readers knowledge , and so indeed his answer is made easie : but the naked truth lyes thus . Our reverend Brother to whose Treatise we return answer in that small piece of ours , having said , that communion and assistance in government is taught by the very light of nature to all societies whatsoever , whether Commonwealths , or Armies , Universities , or Navies ; he presently addeth by way of prevention . Not that therefore this government of Churches should ( as those ) end in a Monarchy upon earth . In answer whereto , besides other things , we have these words , pag. 21. If Churches must be dependent on the government of Synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government to all societies whatsoever , then we see not how it will be avoided , but by the same reason , Churches must end in a Monarchie on earth , if it were once cleared , that the light of nature doth teach all societies whatever so to end ; so there is as good reason for this as for the other . Which last words , if it were once proved &c. Mr. Rutherford wholy leaves out and suppresseth , and so makes his own answer more easie . But I desire so much favour , which I think is but reasonable , that he that will undertake to answer our writing , would represent our words and arguing as it is , and no otherwise , and then I am content that the same may come under tryall . Now our arguing is this ; If Churches must be dependent upon the government of Synods upon this reason ; because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government to all societies whatsoever ; then by the like reason let it be once proved ( which is by Mr. Herle affirmed ) that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in a Monarchy , and it will thereupon follow that Churches must likewise end in the same manner . If we yeeld thus much that what the light of nature teacheth other societies , the same must be observed in the government of Churches : I think it will then follow , that if the light of nature teach other societies to end in a Monarchy on earth , the government of Churches must do so also . This is our manner of arguing , in which the consequence is the same with that which our Brethren think so strong , viz. that because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , therefore there must be in the Churches a government of Synods . If any say the consequence is not alike necessary in both cases , because the ground doth not hold alike in both , for the light of nature doth not teach all societies on earth to end in a Monarchie , as it doth teach a communion and assistance in government The answer in that we have plainly said the same , in the place of the Answerer alledgeth , viz. p. 20 , 21. But the main question lyes not there , whether other societies do end in Monarchies , ( for though the reverend author whom we there doe answer , do seem so to judge ; yet we have there plainly declared , that we conceive of that matter otherwise : ) but here doth lye the main question , viz. Suppose it were granted , that light of nature doth teach all societies to end in a Monarchy on earth , whether would it not then follow that Churches must also so end : And that this is the thing in question wil plainly appear to any that shall peruse the place . And to this question , our answer is that the consequence for the affirmative is as good as in that other case , in which our Brethren do think it so strong : viz. for the government of Synods over congregations , from the communion and assistance — government taught by the light of nature to other societies : and our reverend brother granting that the light of nature doth teach the one as well as the other unto other societies , that is , that they should end in Monarchies , as well as have communion in government , our answer is that thereupon the consequence will be as strong for the one as for the other in Churches . In which arguing it is easie to perceive that we go upon the ground which was laid and given us by our author : and therefore for M. Rutherford to suppresse this ground which we have there so plainly expressed , and to represent and set down our arguing as if there had been no such matter ; this indeed may make way for himself to give answer to us with ease , but whether it be candid and faire thus to deale , I leave it to himself , and the godly wise to consider . In the same pag. 482. he alledgeth the answer pag. 26. and sets down these words as ours , viz. The Graecians and Hebrews made not two Churches , but one Congregation ; they called the multitude of the Disciples together , vers . 2. Answ . Here againe our words are set down unperfectly : for the question being , whether those Graecians and Hebrews , Act. 6. were two severall Congregation in one Church , or both but one Congregation , we for this latter do not onely alledge that one particular which Mr. Rutherford mentioneth , that the Apostles called the multitude of the disciples together , vers . 2. but moreover that this multitude must look out seven men duely qualified , whom they might appoint over that businesse , v. 3. and that the saying pleased this whole multitude , and that they thereupon chose seven who are there named v. 5. and set them before the Apostles , v. 6. who laid their hands on them : ibid. In all which , say we , there is no hint of two Congregations , one of Graecians and another of Hebrews , but all the businesse of chusing and ordeyning these Deacons , seems to be transacted and done in one Congregation . For when the text saith that the Apostles called the multitude of the disciples unto them , and made a speech to this multitude being assembled , and the whole multitude did hear what the Apostles spake , and well liked the same , and thereupon joyntly concurred in one act of chusing seven , and presenting them being chosen before the Apostles , it seems to me more rationall to look at these things as done in one Congregation , then to imagine there were two , one of Graecians another of Hebrews : for of two Congregations wherein this choise of Deacons should be made , the text for ought I perceive doth not afford the least hint . But let us hear Mr. Rutherford his answer . That the chiefe , saith he , of both Graecians and Hebrews were contained in one , to give their consent to the admission of the Deacons , I conceive . Answ . The chief are not so much as once mentioned in the story : but contrarily the text expressely mentioneth the multitude , vers . 2. and the whole multitude , vers . 5. Now to exclude the multitude , whom the text doth expresly mention , and to attribute the assembling and acting only to the chiefe , of whom the holy Ghost speaks not one word , this ( to say no more ) seems a violent forcing of the text . And if somthing had not forced him to it , I think he would not have used it ; for elswhere ( viz. p. 495 , 496. ) he alledgeth this very scripture , and that three severall times , within the space of a doozen or sixteen lines , to prove that the people , yea the multitude are to have the choise of Officers ; and saith he , If it please not the whol multitude , Act. 6. vers . 5. it is not a choise . And in pag. 190. He tells us , that the multitude Act. 6. are directed to choose out seven men , as being best acquainted with them ; and that accordingly they did look out seven men and chose them . In which places we see he can attribute this choise to the whole multitude , without any mention of the chief , or so much as the least intimation of the action to be performed by them , the multitude being excluded or absent ; yea , he gives a reason of this choise , which will reach the multitude , and not the chief only , except we shall say , that the chief only were acquainted with these seven : whereas in the place we have in hand , he would exclude the multitude , and ascribe the action to the chiefe onely . But that all the thousands of the Church of Jerusalem were here as in one ordinary Congregation , I judge unpossible . Answ . For asmuch as the text tells us that the whole multitude of the disciples were gathered together to act as here is recorded about the election of Deacons , therefore we judge that it was not unpossible for them so to do ; for how should we judge the thing unpossible , except we would judge the words of God to be unpossible to be true ? Besides , how many soever they were the text tels us Act. 2. 46. that they continued daily with one accord in the Temple : Now Temples we know there were none but one ; and therefore that they should all assemble in one Congregation , we dare not judge a matter unpossible , least in so judging we should seem to question the truth of Gods Testimony . CHAP. XXI . Whether Congregations may be excommunicated by Classes and Synods , by vertue of those words , Matt. 18. tell the Church , as containing a rule and remedy for all offences , or at the least a Church remedy , for the officers of Churches , and Churchmembers ? And if yea , whether it would not follow , that a nationall Church must have the benefit of this remedy as well as others , and so have no independency of jurisdiction within it self , but be subject to the jurisdiction of generall Councels , which yet Mr. Rutherford doth deny ? IN the same p. 482. He excepteth against another passage in the answer p. 27 , 28. where he sets down these as our words , viz. If our argument be good , If thy Brother offend and refuse to submit , tell the Church , because Christs remedy must be as large as the disease ; then if a nationall Church offend , you are to complain to an higher Church above a nationall Church ; and because offences may arise between Christians and Indians , you may complain of an Indian to the Church : and then he subjoyneth his answer . Answ . Yet againe our words are so imperfectly related , as that our scope and intent doth not sufficiently appear to his reader . I must therefore for the readers understanding , relate the passage according to the true and plain meaning thereof . The question between reverend Mr. Herle and us being this , whether Congregations must depend on the government of Synods , and this reason being brought for the affirmative , that Christs remedy , Matth. 18. Tell the Church , must be as large as the maladie , offence ; if therefore there arise offences between Congregations , there must be a Church of Synods above Congregations , and those Synods must judge and redresse those offences : to this we there answer that all offences do not fall within the compasse of this rule and remedy , tell the Church ; and so no dependency of Congregation upon the jurisdiction of Synods can be sufficiently proved by this text . First of all , we instance in the offences of nationall Churches , of which we suppose our Brother will not say that they fall within the compasse of our Saviours rule , Tell the Church , for then the independency of nationall Churches and nationall Synods is overthrown , as well as the Congregations ; which we suppose he will not grant ; and yet it cannot be avoided if his reason for the dependency of Congregations upon Synods do stand firm . And next of all we instance in the offences of Turks and Indians and other heathens , who may offend Christians and yet are not to be complained of to the Church , the Apostle expressely teaching the contrary , 1 Col. 5. This being the scope of that passage in the answer , which here Mr. Rutherford , excepteth against , let us now hear what it is , which he saith thereto . Because , saith he , ordinary communion faileth when you go higher then a nationall Church , and Christs way supposeth art ordinary communion , as is cleare , If thy brother offend , &c therefore I deny that this remedy is needfull in any Church above a nationall Church . Answ . 1. If this remedy be not needfull in any Church above a nationall , then the rule doth not universally hold true , that the remedy , complaint to the Church , must be as large as the malady , offence : and so our purpose is gained ; For our purpose in that place is to prove this very thing , by this same instance of the offence of a nationall Church ; wherein Mr. Rutherford we see doth come over to us , and affirms the same that we do . To what end therefore was it to make shew of removing or weakening what he had said , sith when it comes to the issue , he plainly concurs with us ? For by this means our tenent is not confuted , but confirmed with his attest thereto . 2. Though here he saith , this remedy is not needfull in any Church above a nationall , yet I am mistaken , if elsewhere he speak not otherwise . For in pag. 311. prepounding this objection , viz. Christ here spe●keth of a present and constant removall of scandalls — A Catholike councell of the whole visible Church is farre of , and cannot be had , he returneth this for answer thereto : That Christ , saith he , speaketh of a present and constant remedy only , and of no remedy against the scandall of whole Churches , is denyed . He speaketh of all remedyes to gain any offenders , persons or Churches . And in pag. 322. he saith , Christ giveth an instance only in an offending brother ; but the doctrine is for the curing of an offending Church also , and for all persons to be gained , Thou hast gained thy Brother : and saith he , we are to gain Churches , as we are not to offend Churches : 1 Cor. 10. 32. Again in his second pag. 332. speaking of five s●rts of Synods , of which he cals the fifth the generall and Oecuminick Councell , he saith , that all these differ not in essence but in degrees , and what word of God , as Matth 18. 16 , 17. proves the lawfulnes of one , is for the lawfulnesse of all the five sorts of Synods . Lastly , nothing can be more plain then those words pag. 39. This of our Saviour , Tell the Church , is necessarily to be applyed to all Churches and Courts of Christ , even to a Catholike Councell : ( The same is also to be seen in the Peaceable Plea p. 86. ) In all which sayings , he plainly understands the text we have in hand , to speak of a remedy , for all that are to be gained , yea a remedy for the offences of all persons and Churches that may give offence ; which Churches he saith may do , and expresly affirms that it is to be applyed to generall Councels , and that necessarily : and how these things do agree , with the place in hind , where he saith , he denyes the remedie is needfull in any Church above a nationall , let the wise and himself judge . For , for my part , except there be some difference between necessary and needfull , the sayings to me do seem inconsistent , one affirming the place is necessarily to be applyed to all Churches and Courts of Christ , even to generall Councells ; and the other denying that the remedy there mentioned is needfull in any Church above a nationall 2. Christs remedy , saith he , is a Church remedy for offences among the brethren , and members of the visible Church . And Indians are nomembers of the visible Church , and so being without they cannot be judged , 1 Cor. 5. 12. Answ . That Indians cannot be judged by the Church is very true , but nothing against us : for the very same that here is said by Mr. Rutherford , was said by us before , in the place which himself doth alledge , where we also brought the very same text of Scripture which himself doth bring . Now why should these things be brought as a confutation of us , which are nothing but a reception of that which we had delivered afore as our own judgement ? May not his reader be induced hereby to think that we had spoken otherwise ? But to let this passe . If Indians cannot be judged by the Church , then still our purpose is gained ; for by this it appeareth that an offence may be committed , where Christs remedy , Tell the Church , may not be applyed for the redresse thereof ; and so that universall proposition , Christs remedy is as large as the maladie , and where an offence may be committed , there to tell the Church , is the remedy for the redresse of the same , which our brethren do lay as the foundation on which to build the jurisdiction of Classes and Synods , the universality , I say , of this proposition is utterly overthrown by this instance of Indians ; and so that scripture , Matth. 18. appears to be too weak a bottome , to bear the building which our brethren would erect upon it . Nor is the matter much amended by that which our brother here brings for the helping and clearing of it , That Christs remedy is a Church remedy for offences among brethren members of the visible Church . For let this be granted , as I know none that denies it , yet still the question remains , what is that Church to which our Saviour here gives power to remove and redresse scandals by excommunicating the offenders ? we conceive this Church is only the particular Congregation , and its Presbytery ; and our brethren think it is also the Classes and Synods : but this apprehension of theirs is not confirmed by saying our Saviours remedy is a Church remedy for offences amongst members of the Church , inasmuch as the members of a nationall Church , as such are members of the visible Church in our brethrens judgement , and yet our brother holds here is nor remedy prescribed for a delinquent nationall Church . And if he can so understand this Church remedy , as that for all this , the nationall Church must not partake thereof , so as to be censured and excommunicated by any Church above it , why may not others understand it so , as that Synods and Classes , yea and Congregations too be exempted from the jurisdiction of Churches ? For my part , I know no reason , but if the Congregation be lyable to the censure of Classes and Synods by this Scripture ; because our Saviours remedy is a Church remedy , by the same reason the Classes and Synods must be lyable to censure also ; yea , and the nationall Church likewise , because this reason is applyable to all these as well as to the Congregation . So that this notion of a Church remedy doth not help his cause at all , nor hurt ours , any more then it hurts himself . If this reasoning be good , it is a Church remedy , therefore the Congregationall Church must be lyable to censure for their offences , then this reasoning is as good , it is a Church remedy , therefore the Classes , Synods , yea and the nationall Church must be lyable to censure for their offences : but this latter at least , for the nationall Church , our brother speaks against , and therefore he may not presse nor urge the former . If he or other shall say , that this Scripture contains a remedy even for a nationall Church , then it will follow that the jurisdiction of a nationall Church is not independent , but depends upon the Oecumenicall : but this our brother cannot say , unlesse he will gainsay himself , because he hath already said the contrary , and seriously protested it w●●h a verily , that verily be cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls can be in a generall Councell : onely a meer doctrinall power in all the power that he can see in such a Councell , pag. 482. So that let him hold to what he hath thus seriously protested , and this rule of Christ affords no remedy by way of censure for the scandalls of a nationall Church . Besides , if the jurisdiction of a generall Councell be established by our Saviour in this or other Scriptures , then it will not only follow that the independent jurisdiction of nationall Churches ; yea , and much more of Classes and Synods is overth●●wn , which I suppose our brethren will not grant , but moreover it will follow that Christ hath not sufficiently provided Church remedies for redressing scandal●s of Church members : the reason of the consequence is , because all other jurisdictions being subordinate one to an●ther , and all of them under the jurisdiction of the generall Councell , which alone is supream , there may therefore in all of them be appeals from the inferiour to the higher judicatories , till at the last ●atters and causes be transmitted from them all to the generall Councell ; and so by this means matters shall or may never be ended , nor scandalls remedied , till a generall Councell shall effect the same ; which generall Councels all know are rare , and difficult to be attain● 〈◊〉 and therefore there were small sufficiency in our Saviours remedy , if matters may or must depend till generall Councels shall be assembled for the hearing and determining thereof , and may not be ended sconer . Therefore we cannot see that this rule , nor any other , establisheth the jurisdiction of generall Cou●cels ; and then nationall Churches can have no benefit of our Saviours remedy of , Telling the Church ; no more then the Churches , which are congregationall ; and so whether is the saying universally true , that where there may be offence committed , there our Saviours remedy of Telling the Church , may be applyed for the redresse thereof , nor doth this saying hold , being narrowed according to Mr. Rutherfords minde , who would have it understood onely of a Church remedy , for the offences of Church members . For we see there may be offences in Churches , according to our brethrens judgement , which cannot be redressed by the help and remedy of this rule . CHAP. XXII . When the supream magistrate is a professed curing to Religion , whether then it be likely and usuall that the greater part of the people are sincerely religious : and whether when the greater part are enemies with their magistrates , it be then the duty of a few that are sincere , to assemble in a nationall Synod , and there to enter into a nationall Covenant , and also to enjoyn the same unto that greater part . PAG . 483. We say , that if the magistrate be an enemy to Religion , may not the Church without him conveen and renew a Covenant with God ? Mr. Mather and Mr. Tompsons answer p. 29. that if the supream magistrate be an enemy to Religion , it is not like , but most or many of the people will be of the same minde : Regis ad exemplum totus — and then the 〈◊〉 in the land with not be able to beare the name of the land or nation , but of a small part thereof , not can it be well contained how they should assemble in a nationall Synod , for that or any other purpose , when the magistrate is a professed enemy , nor doth God require it at their hands . Answ . The question between Mr. Hefle and us , as it is spoken to , by us , in this passage , is still about the meaning of our Saviours words , Tell the Church : which will plainly appear to him that shall look upon Mr. Herles Treatise and our Answer , and compare them together . And though we speak somthing of the Churches renewing a a Covenant with God , when the magistrate is an enemy to Religion , yet the question lyes not meerly so and no further ; but first , this Church is called the Land or the whole Church therein , or the whole number of Beleevers . Secondly , The thing inquired into concerning this Church , is whether they have not power to enjoyn a solemn renewall of the Covenant . In answer whereto we first of all say , that in case the magistrate be an enemy to Religion , the beleevers in the land are not like to be so many , as that they should bear the name of the land or nation , but of a small part therein . Second , that in such case , it is not like they can have such liberty as safely to meet in such great assemblies as nationall Synods : and hereupon we conclude that renewing of Covenant and enjoyning the same in national Synods , being not in the power of som few beleevers in a land , is not then required at their hands . This being said for clearing the scope and summe of that passage in the answer , let us now hear what Mr. Rutherford saith thereto . This saith he , is a weak answer . Answ . Sat magistrabiter : would it not do well first to disprove and confute , and then to censure , rather then to censure first ? But if it be so weak , it will be more easie to overthrow it : let us hear therefore why it is so weak . The Christians under Nero were not like their Prince : and it s not like , but sincere Christians will be sincere Christians and professe truth , even when the magistrate is an enemy . Answ . And what of this ? doth this strongly overthrow that saying , which was censured for so weak ? If sincere Christians be sincere Christians , when the magistrate is an enemy , suppose as bad as Nero , doth it follow thereupon , that in such times the sincere Christians will be so many in number as to bear the names of the land or nation , where they are , ( for there lyes the question ) and that it is not like to be otherwise ? I suppose no man can justly affirm it . For were they so many in England in the dayes of Queen Mary ? were they so many in Scotland in the dayes of popish Princes , afore the reformation ? Are they so many in Spain , in Italy , in Turkey at this day ? doth not the Scripture say , that when Rehoboam , forsook the Lord , all Israel did the same with him ? 2 Chron. 12. 1. And that Ieroboam did not only sinne , but made Israel to sinne ? and that when a ruler hearkneth to lyes , all his servants are wicked , Prov. 29. vers . 12. which sayings and many more that might be alledged , besides common experience do abundantly witnesse , that when the supream magistrate is an enemy to religion , often times ( if not alwayes ▪ ) sincere beleevers in those dayes are the smaller part of that land . If M. Rutherford can prove this apprehension weak , he must then prove the contradictory to be true , viz. that when the supream magistrate is an enemy to religion , it is not like that many of the people will be of the magistrates mind , but contrarily the greatest part of the land will be sincere beleevers , though the magistrate be an enemy . And when he hath confirmed this position which strong and convincing proofes ; he may then more freely take his liberty to condemne the other for weak : In the mean time , I think it were weaknesse in us to depart from this apprehension without some better grounds then yet are given to discover the weaknesse of it . 2. Saith he , If your meaning be , it cannot be conceived how they should assemble in a nationall assembly , when the magistrate is an enemy , because it is not safe for feare of persecution , then you say nothing to the argument , because the argument is drawn from a duty . Answ . Are those things duties , which are in nature impossible ? If not , how is it a duty of a few beleevers in a land ( for when the magistrate is a professed enemy , I doe still conceive the beleevers in that land to be but few , a small part of the land ) how is it a duty , I say , for these few beleevers , in a land to assemble in a nationall Synod , and there to enjoyn a nationall Covenant , to be entered into , not onely by themselves , which are but a few in comparison , but also by the rest of the land which are farre the greater number ? If this be a duty , it is more then I yet understand ? Suppose it be their duty to enter into covenant with God for their own part ; Suppose also it were the duty of others to doe the like , yet when the greater part will not so doe , but are enemies to the truth of God like their magistrates , is it neverthelesse a duty of this smaller number to assemble in a nationall Synod , and there to enjoyne a solemn Covenant to be taken by the land ? I mean not onely by themselves ; but also by others , who are farre more in number then they ? do they fall short of their duty , if they do not thus assemble , and impose the Covenant ? In the dayes of Ieroboam , when the generality of the land walked after his wicked commandement , Hos . 5. 11. who made Israel to sin , yet then there were some in Israel who retained their integrity , and set their hearts to seek the Lord , who also for that end came to Ierusalem , to sacrifice to the Lord God of their Fathers , 2 Chron. 11. v. 16. But I doe not remember that these few that were sincere in worship , did ever come together in a nationall assembly in Israel , to renew the Covenant with God , and to enjoyn the same to that great multitude of the backslyding Israelites , nor that such a duty was required of them , nor that they are blamed by 〈◊〉 Lord , nor any of his Prophets for the neglect thereof . And the case we have in stand is the same . If you mean that because the Princes power is against the Synodicall meeting , this is nothing against the power of the Synods that Christ hath given to his Church . Answ . We mean as we have said , that those few beleevers in a land , being overpowered with the Prince and People that are enemies , therefore this assembling of those few in a nationall Synod , and there enjoyning a nationall Covenant is now not in their power , and so not required at their hands . If your meaning be that , it is not lawfull to them to conveen in a nationall Synod to renew a Covenant with God , against the supreame magistrates will ; I hope you minde no such thing . Answ . If it be our meaning , how can it be hoped that we do not mind it ? Can our ●●●●ing be one thing , and our mind another ? But for his satisfaction and resolution , 〈◊〉 plain answer is this , that we neither had mind nor meaning to medle at all with that question ; whether Churches may assemble in nationall Synods against the supreame magistrates will. For we did not think that Mr. Herles treatise did lead us thereunto : 〈…〉 such a matter . Nor am I willing at this time to turn aside to the same , but to keep close to my scope and ayme , which is to consider of Mr. Rutherford his exceptions against the answer . And therefore for his discourse , which here he fals upon , maintaining at large against malignants , and namely against Tho : Fuller , that the reformation begun in Scotland and prosecuted in England , against the Kings will is lawful● and warrantable by the word● this discourse , I say , being altogether concerning others , and not us ; I will therefore passe it over , and come to that wherein our selves are concerned . CHAP. XXIII . Whether the word Church be not given to a single Congregation , and whether a Congregation be a Company or Church , meeting only for Word and Sacraments , and not for any other spirituall duties : and whether the divers duties , 1. of Word and Sacraments . 2. Of Discipline , &c. must needs argue divers Churches . PAG . 489. The name Church , 1 Cor. 14. 4 , 5 , 35. 27 , 28. is plainly given to that company that did assemble and come together for performance of spirituall duties , and for the exercise of spirituall gifts , as Act. 14. 27. and 11. 26. and 15. 4. 22. 30. and 1 Cor. 11. 18 , 20 , 22 , 23 , 3 John 6. which places do abundantly shew , that a company gathered together in one place , is called by the name of a Church , as Centhera , Rom. 16. 1. which could not contain many Congregations , being but the part of Corinth . And for this passage he alledgeth the answer . pag. 32. Answ . Mr. Herle having said , that the Scripture never useth the word Church for a single Congregation , unlesse happily , 1 Cor. 14. and that many Congregations in one Province or City are frequently called by the name of a Church , we in answer to the former of these doe give many instances , p. 31 , 32. where a single C●●●regation Is called by the name of a Church , not onely in 1 Cor. 14. which Mr. Herle acknowledgeth ( though with a perhaps ) but also in sundry other scriptures , which here Mr. Rutherford quoteth . Now let us heare his answer to this passage . Wee seek no more , saith he . Answ . Are we then agreed , that in scripture language the word Church is sundry times given to a single Congregation ? If so , then for this point the answer is not confuted but confirmed . If it be called a Church which conveeneth for performance of spirituall duties , as some of your places doe well prove , ergo , no assembly should have the name of Church , but such as assemble for Word and Sacraments , this now you cann●t affirm and it followeth not . Answ . If this follow not , what needs it ? we never affirmed it , and our purpose that the word Church is given in scripture to a single Congregation , is sufficiently gained without it . The Church spoken of Matth. 18. is not assembled to Word and Sacraments , but to binde and loose : the meeting 1 Cor. 5. is not for Word and Sacraments , but to deliver to Satan ; the word Church Act. 14. 27. is not an assembly for Word and Sacraments , but to hear how God hath opened the doore of Faith unto the Gentiles . — If to be received of the Church , Act. 15. 4. be matter of Word and Sacraments , let all judge : If to send a decree of a Synod , Act. 15. 22. be the act of a Church assembled for Word and Sacraments , let the world judge . Answ . Reverend Sir , keep to the point , we never said that discipline , and all other acts , whether performed by a Church , are Word and Sacraments : and therefore there was no need to prove they are not , and then to triumph as in a great victory : The thing in question is this , whether the name or word Church , be given in scripture to a single Congregation : and if this be proved ( as the instances given , I hope , do prove it sufficienly ) then it matters not what that particular spirituall Church action is , for which they do meet : For whether it be that they meet for Word and Sacraments alone ; or whether it be for the Word and Prayer alone , and not at that time for Sacraments at all , or whether it be for discipline , or for any other Church duty , yet still if they come together into one place , be it for all or for any of these ends , they are then a Congregation , ( for what is a Congregation but a company so assembled in one place ) and so our tenet stands good , and our purpose is gained : For if they that come together into one place for Church actions and ends , be called in scripture by the name of a Church , then the word Church is given to a company that so came together ; and such a company being a Congregation , it follows that the word Church is used for a Congregation . What this Congregation doth when they are come together , is not the question : but if a Congregation coming together for Church duties be in Scripture called a Church , we have our intent . If the word Church , be a meeting of persons assembled to one place for Spirituall duties , sometimes for Word and Sacraments onely , sometimes for acts of jurisdiction onely , then is the word Church by our brethrens argument taken both for the Congregation , and for the Elders of one , or of divers Churches , and so we have our intent . Answ . Let the antecedent be granted , yet the consequence is denied : For the word Church may be a meeting assembled , sometimes for Word and Sacraments onely , and sometimes for acts of jurisdiction only , and I adde , sometimes for the Word and Prayer only , without exercise of jurisdiction or Sacrament , and somtimes for some other act or acts , then any of these that are named , and yet for all this , it may not be taken for the Elders alone of one Church , and much lesse for the Elders of divers Churches ; the reason is , because all these acts may be performed by the Congregation assembling sometimes for one of them , and sometimes for another . And therefore your intent is not yet attained ; who would have the word Church to be taken somtimes for the Congregation , and sometimes for the Presbyters or Elders alone ? We desire our brethren to prove ( which they must if they oppose our principles ) that the word Church is never taken for the Eldership alore , in all the word of God. Answ . Must we prove a negative : and is that saying , Affirmanti incumbit ●●us probandi , now become unreasonable , unnecessary , or of no force ? For my part I am still of the mind , that he that affirms , must in equity and reason prove what he affirms . Besides for our selves we have this to say further , that If we prove what we undertook , we have done as much as can in reason be required of us , though we do not prove this that Mr. Rutherford would impose upon us : And what was that which we undertook to prove ? nothing in this place , but onely this , that the word Church is taken for a Congregation , in other Scriptures besides , 1 Cor. 14. and this we have performed and proved already . Mr. Rutherford himself allowing some of our proofs for good : And therefore having performed this point , it is more then needs to be required of us , to prove another also , which we never undertook to prove , as being quite besides our question , which we were and still are desirous to keep close unto , and not to wonder or be diverted from it by any means . Whereas our brethren say , a company gathered into one place ( which is nothing else but a Congregation ) are called by the name of a Church , I answer such a company is only ( I suppose this is misprinted , for is not onely ) called by the name of a Church , for a company meeting for discipline only , is a Church also . Answ . If a company gathered into one place , which is a Congregation , be called by the name of a Church , this is as much as we desire : for our tenent is herein expresly granted to be true : If a company meeting for discipline onely be a Church also , yet as long as the former is not denyed , the adding of this other doth no hurt to us at all . It is false that a company gathered into one place , are nothing else but a Congregation . Answ . Bona verba quaso : we had thought that as a company assembled , is an assembly , a company met , is a meeting , a company convocated , a convocation ; so a company gathered together or congregated , had been a Congregation : But this is peremptorily now condemned as false : yet let us hear why . As you take the word Congregation : for so your Congregation is an assembly of men and women meeting for Word and Sacraments , with the Elders of the Church . Answ . And what if they meet for prayer also , what if for the Word and Prayer without Sacraments , for this or that time ? what if they meet for the admission of members also , or for censuring delinquents ? Can Mr. Rutherford prove that either of us , I mean either Mr. Tompson or my self , or indeed any man else of that judgement , which he opposeth , have denyed an assembly meeting for such ends , as these to be a Congregation ? I suppose he cannot : And therefore it was not well done to impute unto us such a sence of the word Congregation , as we never spake nor thought of , and then to say , It is false that a company gathered into one place is a Congregation , as that word is taken by us . I appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren , if the Church , Matth. 18. assembled to to bind and loose , if the Church assembled , 1 Corin. 5. to deliver to Satan , ( and sundry others are there named to the like purpose ) be a Congregationall Church assembled for Word and Sacraments . Answ . If the Word and Sacraments be not mentioned in the places alledged , but other actions and duties , must it needs follow that the Churches spoken of in these places did assemble for Word and Sacraments ? may not one and the same Church assemble for diverse ends and actions ? yea , possibly for diverse upon one day ? At the least wise it cannot be denyed , but at severall times of assembling a Church may attend to diverse duties and actions , and yet still be one and the same Congregation or Church , at one time which they were at another . Or otherwise we must say ( which were a very unwise saying ) that a Church meeting for diverse actions to be performed upon one day , as the Word , Prayer , Psalms , Sacraments , &c. is not the same Church is one of these actions , that it was in another , but is one Church when they are at Prayer , another when they are singing Psalms , another when they are in exercise of the Word or Sacraments , &c. Or if they meet one day , for Word and Sacraments , and another day for Word and Prayer without Sacraments , that n●w they are diverse Churches , and not the same upon one of these dayes , that they were upon another , the nature and kind of their Church being altered according to the severall duties wherein they are exercised . This arguing I suppose Mr. Rutherford , would not own for good , and yet for ought I see , it is no worse , but the very same with that which himself doth here use , who because the Church mentioned Matth. 18. 1 Corinth . 5. and other places by him named , is said to meet for discipline or other duties , would thereupon have it thought , that the Church mentioned in those places was not a Church that did ever meet for Word and Sacraments , but was some other Church of another kinde : which arguing may be good , if these which I have here above expressed be good , but otherwise I conceive it cannot stand . CHAP. XXIV . Whether those children of Israel , Numb . 8. 10. who laid hands on the Levites , were Elders by Office , and as so considered , did lay on their hands . And whether this Scripture do not prove that where there are no Elders to be had , there some principall members , though not Elders by Office , may impose hands on Church Officers . THe children of Israel which were not the Church officers laid hands on the Levites , Numb . 8. 10. therefore when a Church hath no Elders , the people may conferre Ordination , and it is not to be tyed to the Presbyters only : And for this be alledgeth the answer . pag. 46. And then he addeth , that other of our brethren say , Ordination is but accidentall to a Ministers calling , and may be wanting if the people shall chuse , in defect of Elders , pag. 491. Answ . This latter clause should not have been added , as deserving a confutation , except our brother would confute himself : for as we heard afore , himself doth plainly affirm pag. 186 , 187. That both are true Pastors , those who have no call , but the peoples election , and those who have Ordination by Pastors ; and that election by the people only may stand for Ordination , where there be no Pastors at all : which if it be so ; why should the same thing in effect when it is holden by others , be here inserted in an objection as worthy to be spoken against , when himself doth cast the very same ? It is marvell that our reverend brother should thus go on in representing our words and mind amisse : for as here he sets down the objection under our name , some of our words are changed and altered , others being substituted in their place , some are wholly suppressed as if there had been none such , and others are added as 〈◊〉 which never came from us : Of the first sort , are those of the peoples conferring Ordination ; wheras our words are not so , but that the people may impose or lay on hands . Now between these two himself pag. 492. doth make a great difference , even as much as between the authoritative calling of a Minister , and a rite annexed to that calling : and further saith , that though he think imposition of hand● not so essentiall perhaps , at that a Minister can be no Minister without it , yet of Ordination he thinks otherwise , And if he make so great a difference between Imposition of hand● and Ordination , why should our words be forsaken which import the lesser matter in his judgement , and those other which he accounts do import much more , be substituted in the room ? was this to burden our opinion or apprehension with a greater odium then our words in his own judgement will beare ? or was it to make his confutation of us more easie , then it would have been , if our own words had been retained and kept ? what ever was the cause hereof , we cannot but think it had been better if it had been otherwise . For omitting and suppressing some words of ours ( which was the second particular ) I alledge those of the time and places where Elders cannot co●veniently be borrowed from any other Church : the whole passage is this : viz. by which , scripture , ( to wit Num. 8. 10. ) thus much is manifest , that when a Ch●rch hath no Elders , But the first Elders themselves are to be ordained , and this at such times and in such places , where Elders cannot conveniently be borrowed from any other Churches , in such case Imposition of hands may lawfully be performed by some principall men of the Congregation , although they be not Elders by Office : In which place , these words , at such times ●nd in such places , &c. though they contain a great part of the case , wherein we think Imposition of hands may be performed by non-Elders , yet they are wholy concealed by Mr. Rutherford , as if there had been none such ; for what purpose , himselfe best knows . But this is apparent , that by his concealment or omission , the way is made more easie and the ground more rati●n●ll for that passage of his in the following page , where he saith , What if there be no Elders in a single Congregation ? it will not follow therefore the people are to lay on hands , except saith he , there were no Elders in the land , or nationall Church to lay on hands . Now had our words been delivered and set down by him as they came from us , this speech and passage of his would have been uselesse , and apparently brought in without cause : For to what purpose should he bring in this exception , saying , Except there be no Elders in the land &c. when our selves had prevented him in this , by putting such an exception expresly into the prohibition , which we deduce and gather from that scripture of Numb . 8. 10. Sure this had not needed , but might have been spared , if our words had been fully related : But by this omission and concealement , his own speech hath more appearance of ground and reason in it , then otherwise it would have had , and our apprehension doth not appear to his reader as indeed it is , nor as himself received it from us in that our answer . Which we have reason to take somwhat unkindly from him , and the rather because it is not only once , but twise at the least , that we have thus expressed our selves in that answer : once in the words which I have here above repeated and transcribed , and again in pag. 49. where speaking again of this same scripture , Numb . 8. v. 10. We say thus , that we have shewed from that scripture , that if there be no Elders as at the first , nor any that can conveniently be gotten from other Churches , then imposition of hands may lawfully be performed by others : Neverthelesse though we have thus expressed our selves , once and a second time , yet M. Rutherford doth not once give notice hereof unto his reader , for ought that I can find ; but still passing by these words of borrowing Elders from other Churches , doth take advantage of the want thereof , which indeed are not wanting in our Churches , which he deals against , but twise at the least are plainly expressed therein , and would not have been wanting in this passage , which here he sets down as ours , if himself had not concealed and suppressed the same . Now to leave out those words of ours , which we have plainly expressed two severall times at the least , and then to make advantage for himselfe against us for want thereof , whether this be not such measure as we have cause to take unkindly , let himself and others consider . The third particular of adding words which never came from us , I will briefly passe over , because it is of lesse moment , as not so much misrepresenting our meaning ; yet I conceive those words , it ( by Ordination ) is not to be tyed to the Presbytery alone , which here are presented to the Reader as ours , are not at all to be found in our writing : but I will not insist on this , but come to consider of his answer . There is not , saith he , a place in all the word of God , where people conser●e Ordination to the Pastors of the New Testament , therefore our brethren flee to the Old Testament to prove it from the Levites , who received Imposition of bands from the Children of Israel . Answ . We have given a reason , why no such scripture can be expected in the New Testament , viz. because in those times Elders were not wanting ; for there were the Apostles and Apostolike men , who were Elders in all Churches : and say we , we do willingly grant , that where Elders are not wanting , Imposition of hands is to be performed by the Elders : Ans . p. 49. Now for our brethren to require of us an example of Imposition of hands performed without Elders in the Apostles times , in which times there were Elders to be had , this we think to be unreasonable , first it is our opinion , that when Elders are to be had , Imposition of hands is not to be performed without those Elders , but by them . Moreover , if it be such a disparagement to our cause , that the scripture of the New Testament affords no example of Imposition of hands by the people , how will Mr. Rutherford free his own way from another objection , which we think as sore and weighty against the same , as this which they think of so much weight against us ? The objection I mean is this , that there is not any place in all the scripture of the New Testament , where ordinary Pastors or Elders Imposed hands on ordinary Pastors or Elders ; but all the examples in scripture concerning this matter are such , where either the persons Imposing , or the persons on whom hands were Imposed , or both , were officers of extraordinary note and degree , such as now are not extant in the Church , but are ceased long again : Not that I deny , but an argument may be taken from those examples for Imposition of hands in these dayes : but the thing I stand upon is this , that no example can be given from scripture directly parallel , to the way which our brethren in these dayes do practise and allow , but some dissonancy will be found therein : from their way as well ( and perhaps as much ) as from the way of Imposition of hands performed by the people in some cases : let them tell us of Act. 6. v. 6. and 14. 23. and 1. Tim. 5. 22. and we answer the persons imposing hands in those places were Apostles and Evangelists , such as our brethren are not , nor do so account themselves . Let them name Act. 13. 3. and 1 Tim. 4. 14. and we answer , the persons on whom hands were there laid were the like , even Apostles and Evangelists , whatever the imposers were , and therefore neither will these places perfectly suit the case ▪ So that if we could give no example in the New Testament of Imposition of hands performed in some cases by the people , we think Mr. Rutherford and out brethren of his way might be favourable to us for their own sake . Yet for the justification of our way , and for further answer to this passage of Mr. Rutherford , we have this to say further , that an example in the Old Testament of a practise not abolished in the New as ceremoniall , typicall , or of some peculiar reason specially concerning those times and peoples , but of morall equity and reason ; such an example we think a sufficient warrant unto us , for the like practise upon the like occasion in these dayes : This I thinke Mr Rutherford must acknowledge , for else he shall loose many arguments which he frequently useth in this Treatise , from the example of Asa , Hezekiah , Josiah , and others in the Old Testament , for the proving of things to be practised in the New : And else himself and we all shall loose the argument for Pedobaptisme which is taken from Circumcision . Yea , and which is more , if it were not thus , the Apostles arguing would not be strong , who do frequently argue from the examples of the Old Testament to confirm and prove truth and vertue , and to reprove and to condemn the contra●y in the New : to instance in no more but 1 Cor. 9. 10. 2. Heb. 3. 24. which examples , together with that saying , Rom. 15. 4. Whatsoever was written in former time , was written for our learning ; and many more that might be alledged , do abundantly and plainly prove the point in hand : And therefore Mr. Rutherford should bear with us , if we somtimes argue from examples of the Old Testament . As for that which followeth , where he saith , But our brethren hold that the calling of the Levites and of the Pastors of the New Testament are different , as the officers and Churches of the Jewish and Christian Churches are different ; the answer is , that I do not remember that we have spoken one word of this matter , either one way or other ; nor doth he mention any place where we have spoken ought of these things . And for the thing it selfe , though many differences may be assigned between the Levites and Pastors of the New Testament , and between the Jewish and Christian Churches , yet I know no such difference between them , but that in things which are of generall and common nature concerning them both , in those we may lawfully argue from them and their times , unto our selves and our times . If Mr. Rutherford know we have given any such difference as will not suffer us thus to argue , when he shall expresse the same , we may consider further thereof . Our brethren grant pag. 49. that it wanteth all example in the New Testament that the people lay on hands . Answ . And we have also in the same pag. 49. rendred the reason hereof , viz. because Elders then were not wanting : Why then did not our brothers ingenuity so farre prevaile with him as to mention this , when he mentioned the other ? however yet this he may be pleased to observe , that as we grant the thing he speaks of , so themselves , I think must grant also , that it wanteth all example in the New Testament , where ordinary Elders do Impose hands on ordinary Elders : for my part I remember none , nor do I remember that themselves have yet produced any . These who laid on hands on the Levites Numb . 8. were Elders , and our brethren say it is like they were ; but 1. They did not as Elders : 2. But as representing the people ; not as Elders Civill , for that belonged to Aaron and his Sonnes , Levit. 8. else it will follow that where a Church hath no magistrates to lay on hands , there the Church may doe it : Nor did they lay on hands as Ecclesiasticall Elders , because what these which laid on hands did , they did as from the Congregation : For 1. these Levites were taken in stead of the first born of Israel , and not instead of the first born of the Elders only , Numb . 3. 40 , 41. 2 They were presented to the Lord as an offering of the Children of Israel , not of the Elders onely . 3. When the multitude brought an oblation , the Elders put their hands on the heads of the sacrifice , Levit. 4. 15. instead of all the multitude . Answ . In relating this passage , our meaning is exceedingly mistaken , and both our meaning and our words represented farre amisse unto the reader : the particulars which in this respect may be excepted against , are such as these . 1. That reporting us to say , it is like they who laid on hands were Elders , he there breaks off the speech ; and so suppresseth that which follows ; wherein we first of all do give an explication in what respect they might be said to be Elders , viz. as being the chiefe and principall members of the Congregation ; and next of all we do adde , that neverthelesse therein example doth prove the point , if two things be considered which there we do expresse . But both these particulars , I mean , both the explication and the addition or exception , are wholly suppressed by Mr. Rutherford , and so the concession ; It is like they were Elders , is left standing alone by it selfe . 2. He reports us to say , they did it not as Elders civill : for that belonged to Aaron and his Sons ; wherein he fathers on us a palpable errour , of accounting Aaron , and his sonnes to be Elders civill , or magistrates , which never came into our thoughts : nay it was so farre from us that we plainly said the contrary , in that very place , to wit , that they were Elders Ecclesiasticall . Our words are these , If they , ( that is , the children of Israel ) did it as Elders , then either as Elders and governours ecclesiasticall , or as civill governours : but not the first , for that charge belonged to Aaron and his sonnes : Levit. 8. and these Levites now ordained . In which words we plainly ascribe to Aaron and his sonnes the charge of Elders and Governours Ecclesiasticall , but not of civill governours , as Mr. Rutherford , is pleased to report . 3. In these words , Else it will follow , that where a Church hath no magistrates to lay on hands , there the Church may do it ; our words are so miserably mangled , that no tolerable sence can appeare : for here is expressed an inference or consequence , that must follow , and yet no ground or antecedent at all from which it should follow , which is to represent us to the world as men that were loesi cerebro . For men that were in their right wits , I conceive , would scarcely ever argue in this fashion , as here we are reported to do : But our words are these , If the second be said , viz. that the children of Israel did lay on hands as civill governours , then it will follow that civill magistrates , though no Church-officers may Impose hands in Ordination of Church-officers , and so the point is gained : ( viz. that Church-officers may be ordained by those that are no Church-officers ) which we do further manifest in the following words in this manner : If the magistrate may doe it , then it will follow that a Church that hath no magistrate may perform this action by other the fittest instrument● she hath ; For which we there give this ground , for that this is not a work properly tyed to the magistrates office , because then the Church in the Apostles times wanting magistrates , could not have had officers ; the contrary whereof we say is manifest in the Scriptures , Act. 14. 13. Tit. 1. 5. This is our manner of arguing in the place alledged , which is farre different from that which Mr. Rutherford reporteth as ours . 4. Whereas he reports us to say , Nor did they lay on hands as Ecclesiasticall Elders , because what these which lay on hands did , they did as from the Congregation ; in this he also reports us to speak quite besides our plain meaning and expresse words . For whereas , he so sets down this sentence , as that the latter clause or branch therein is made the reason of the former ; the truth is this , that these clauses in the answer , have no dependance the one upon the other at all ; but the former hath another reason given for it , which here is not mentioned , and the latter which is here mentioned as the reason of the former is not so mentioned by us , but for another end and purpose . Touching the former of these two , when we said that the children of Israel , did not impose hands on the Levites as ecclesiasticall Elders , the reason we give for this saying is this , because that charge was onely belonging to Aaron and his sonnes , and those Levites now ordained : which reason Mr. Rutherford never mentions , but mentions another speech , as our reason , which was delivered by us for another purpose . The like measure doth he afford to us in the second branch of the sentence by him expressed : For whereas we give two reasons of the main thing in question , that this example of the children of Israel , imposing hands on the Levites doth prove that in some cases , non-officers may impose hands upon Church officers , the one because what these children of Israel did , they did it not as Elders ; the other that what they did , they did it not for themselves alone , but for all the Congregation , Mr. Rutherford applies not these two reasons to the thing in question as they were applyed by us , but instead thereof makes one of them to be a reason of the other , which was no part of our meaning , nor could justly be gathered from our words . This being said for clearing this passage of ours from his manifold mistakes , let us now heare his answer . Pag. 49● . These who laid on hands did it as a work peculiar to the Elders , because the Elders were a part of the first borne , who by office were Elders , and in whose stead the Levites were assumed , Numb . 3. 40 , 41. Answ . If the Elders were but a part of the first born , then how could all the first born be Elders by office ? or if all the first born were by office Elders , then how could the Elders be but a part of the first born ? These things seem not to be here . But be it so , that the Elders were a part of the first born as here is affirmed , how doth this prove that they who laid on hands did it as a work peculiar to the Elders ? Is there any necessary or clear consequence in such a proposition ? For my part , I see it not : but on the contrary , I suppose it is certaine , that the Elders might be part or all of the first born , and yet they who did the work of imposing hands might neither impose as Elders , nor of necessity be Elders . Though in the sense expressed in the answer , I will not deny but there might be Elders , that is chiefe and principall members of the Congregation . But if this were granted in the sense expressed , must it needs follow that they imposed hands as Elders , and as Elders by office too ? Can a man sustain no relation , but all his actions must be actions of that relation ? Cannot a man be an husband , or a parent , &c. but his actions of plowing sowing , &c. must needs be performed by him , as he is a husband , or parent ? Cannot a minister pray in his family , instruct his children , or receive the bread and wine in the Lords supper in the Congregation , but all these things must be performed by him as a Minister ? I suppose that none will say that this doth follow : and if not , then suppose that these who imposed hands were Elders , how doth it follow , that when they imposed hands , they did impose as Elders ? Else the Church of Israel being a constituted Church before this time wanted officers , which is against all truth . Answ . Else , else what ? let the antecedent or ground of this inference be taken from the words preceding , or from any of them ( and whence else to take it I cannot tell ) and no necessity of consequence I think will appear . The words preceding are no more but these , These who laid on hands , did it as a worke peculiar to the Elders , because the Elders were a part of the first born , who by office were Elders , and in whose steed the Levites were assumed , and then comes in this inference , else the Church of Israel wanted officers . Now how this must needs follow upon any or all of those preceding , I see not . Not that I deny the truth of all those preceding words , for of some of them I think otherwise , but supposing that were all true , which is more then doth yet appeare , yet here is that which I am doubtfull in , whether this inference must needs follow upon the same ? For ought I see , the Church of Israel might have officers , and yet the particulars here mentioned not be all true , but some of them false notwithstanding . At least wise if they were true , yet the reason here used would not inferre so much . For , to consider a little of the particulars : The Church of Israel had officers , ergo , the Elders were a part of the first born ( which is one of the particulars ) The Church of Israel had officers ; ergo the first born were Elders by office ; ( which is another ) The Church of Israel had officers : Ergo , the Levites were assumed instead of the first born ( which is another of them ) is there any necessity of consequence in any of these ? For my part I see it not : but suppose they were in themselves true , yet , the medium here used doth not proove them so to be . And for that which is the first , and as I conceive the cheif , to wit , that these who imposed hands did it as a work peculiar to Elders , must this needs be granted , if it be granted , that the Church of Israel was not without officers ? I see no necessity of granting this neither , but the contrary to me seems possible enough , that thee might be officers afore this time in that Church ; and yet what was now done by them who imposed hands , not be done by them , as Elders by office , but as prime and principall members of the Congregation . For the clearing whereof a little further , we may observe that they who imposed hands on the Levites are not here called Elders , nor rulers , nor officers , nor first born , nor any such like , but the term whereby they are expressed is this , the children of Israel ; The children of Israel , saith the Lord , shall put their hands upon the Levites , Numb . 8. 10. Now this term being used in the 9. verse imediately preceding , and in the 11. vers . imediately following , yet in neither of both can it be meant of Elders and officers alone , but in both verses is undoubtedly meant of all the body of the Congregation : and therefore if the context and circumstances of the place be regarded , these children of Israel , who imposed hands on the Levites , v. 10. cannot in that act be considered under the not●on of officers . Sure it is when the verse before tells us that the whole assembly of the children of Israel must be gathered together , and the verse following tells us that Aaron must offer the Levites for an offering of the children of Israel ; in neither of these can the children of Israel be understand of the officers alone , but the whole Congregation is meant hereby in both verses : reason therefore requires that this tenth verse standing in the midst between the other two , the word children of Israel , being used therein should be taken in the same sense in this verse , in which it is taken in the verse before , and in the verse that comes after . Nay and further , he that shall peruse this chapter Numb . 8. may easily finde that this word , the children of Israel is used therein no lesse then fifteen or sixteen severall times ; and sometimes foure or five times in one verse ; and yet of all these , I think here is not so much as one , where it can be understood of the Elders and Officers as such , but is used to signifie all the Congregation . And therefore to give such a singular interpretation of this word , in v. 10. so far different from the sense of the same word , in all the rest of the verses both before and after , and those being not only one or two , but so very many ; this kind of practise and interpretation had need to be builded upon very plain and pregnant , very cleare and cogent reason and demonstration , or else our brethren may excuse us if we be not over hasty and forward to receive it . Again , the ninth and eleventh verses tell us plainly , that these Levites were to be offered to the Lord for an offering , not of the Elders alone , but of the children of Israel , even of all the assembly of the children of Israel , and other scriptures tell us as plainly that all offerings were to be presented with the imposition of his hands , whose the offering was , Levit. 1. 3 , 4 , and 4. 24 , 29 , 33. whereby it seems evident , that these children of Israel , who imposed hands on these Levites , at this time when they were offered for an offering , were the whole Congregation or some in your name and stead , sith these Levites were an offering of the whole Congregation . Wee grant the magistrates laid not on hands , but they who laid on hands , did it as Ecclesiasticall Elders . Reconcile this with that pag. 188 l. 1. where t is said , the Princes and heads of tribes laid hands on them : now what were these Princes and heads of tribes , but magistrates ? and if they were Princes and Magistrates how could they be considered in this act as Ecclesiasticall Elders ? The reasons against this conclude not . The first reason concludeth not . Ans . Here again our meaning is presented amisse to the reader ; for those three reasons of ours were given by us to prove another point , and not this to which Mr. Rutherford , applyes therein , as is plainly to be seen in answer , pag. 46 , 47. where the reader may perceive that those reasons were brought to shew , that when the children of Israel imposed hands , if these children of Israel were not all the Congregation , yet what they performed herein was for the Congregation , and not for themselves onely : And if those reasons prove this , as I hope they doe ; it is no great disparagement to them not us , if they prove not another point for which they were never intended . But let us hear the answer . The first reason concludeth not , because those who laid on hands were the first born , who by office were Church-men . Answ . How shall we be sure that those who laid on hands were the first born ? though I deny it not , yet a bare affirmation proves not . Again , suppose what here is affirmed were also sufficiently confirmed , how is the point in question proved hereby ? for , say they were the first born , they might notwithstanding do what they did for all the people , and not for themselves above . The other two reasons proves nothing . Answ . Let them be applyed to the thing , whereto they were intended and applyed by us , and then let the reader judge . The position was , that those who imposed hands on the Levites , did it for the Congregation or in their stead . The first of the two reasons is , that the Levites were the Congregations offerings , and all offerings were to be presented with the imposition of his hands , whose the offering was : The other is this , that it was an usuall thing when the Congregation were to present an offering , that the Elders should impose hands on the Congregations offering , in the Congregations stead , Levit. 4. vers . 14 , 15. Now let the Prophets judge , whether these reasons prove what they were brought to prove , to wit , that they who imposed hands on the Levites did it for , or in stead of the Congregation : or whether it be as our reverend brother affirms , that these two reasons proves nothing : yet let us hear why they prove nothing . Because these who laid on hands , did lay on hands as representing the whole Congregation . Alas it doth no wayes conclude that they laid not on hands , as it is a worke peculiar to them 〈◊〉 Elders . Ans . If it doe not , yet if our reasons do conclude that they did it instead of the Congregation , we have our intent : But to follow Mr. Rutherford a little in digressing from the point ; why , do not our reasons conclude this other ? The High-priest offered sacrifice , first for his own sins , and then for the peoples ; Heb. 7. v. 27. and so did represent the people ; but I hope it followeth not that therefore the Priest did not sacrifice as a Priest , and by virtue of a peculiar office , but only as a principall member of the Congregation . Answ . Mr. Rutherford himself gives us a distinction which may be sufficient for answer to this passage . A representer , saith he , standeth for another either objectively or subjectively . The former of these is he that doth a busines for another , or in rem ejus , for his behalf and good , as the eye seeth and the eare heareth for the whole body ; and thus objectively the Presbytery doth represent the people , that is , for your good and salvation of the people . The other representing another subjectively is when the representer hath its power from that which it representeth , as he who carrieth the room and person of a King as an Ambassadour : but thus , saith he , the Presbytery or Eldership doth not represent the People . Due right of Presbyt . p. 316 , 317. Now as the Presbytery represents the people , so may it be said of the Priest , viz. that he represented the people only objectively , for their good , but not subjectively in their room and stead , and therefore the cases are not alike ; for we think that what was done by those who imposed hands , Numb . 8. was not only done for the good of the children of Israel , but also in their room and stead , which he will not say of the Priest sacrificing for the people , having already said the contrary of the Presbytery . Pag. 493. You will say , in a Church , in an Iland , one may be a Pastor without any ordination if the people elect him , and there be no Elders to ordain ; I answer it is true . Answ . If this be true , then what becomnes of that which was said in the precedent page , That though imposition of hands be not so essentiall , as that a Minister can be no Minister without it , yet for Ordination it is otherwise , this being the authoritative calling of a Minister , and the other but a rite annexed to the calling . In which place he counts ordination so essentiall , as that a Minister can be no Minister without it , and yet in the very next page confesseth , as we see , that in some case one may be a Pastor without ordination : whereupon it must needs follow either that one may be a Pastor without any authoritative calling or else that ordination is in effect , but the same with imposition of hands , and so there is no such difference between them as is pretended . But so many Pastors send a Pastor to a Congregation , though that Congregation never chuse him . Answ . Take your own words for answer pag. 496. We never read that in the Apostles Church a man was obtruded upon the people against their will and therefore Election by the people in the Apostolike Church as Act. 1. 26. Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. Rev. 2. 1 , 2. Act. 20. v. 28. must be our rule . Any election without the peoples consent must be no Election , for if it please not the whole multitude as Act. 6. 5. it is not a choise . And in pag. 465. he tells us that all incorporations have power by the law of nature to chuse their own rulers and officers , and that Christ hath provided the same in an eminant manner for his Church . And therefore for this passage that many Pastor may send a Pastor to be Pastor to a Congregation , though that Congregation never choose him , we desire that he would take his own money for payment . CHAP. XXV . Whether a Ministers calling consist in Election or in Imposition of hands , and whether of those is greater , and whether is prior or posterior . Whether , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. do prove that the Ministers calling consists in imposition of hands by the Presbytery , and that such imposition of hands is not a consumatory rite , or benedictory signe . Also whether Rom. 10. 15. do prove that a man cannot be a Minister except some Presbytery ordain him afore the People chuse him , and whether otherwise the people doe send a Minster to themselves : and whether the people of God may not aswell discern a mans fitnes to be ordained as his fitnes to be elected . PAg . 493. If the people may elect Officers , then in some cases they may ordaine them also , because Ordination is lesse then election , and dependeth upon it as a necessary antecedent , and it is nothing but a consummation of election , or the admission of a person into the possession of that office , whereto he had right before by election . If then a single Congregation may elect , which is the greater , they may ordain , which is the lesse . And for this he alledgeth the Answer pag. 46 , 47. And then gives answer thereto in these words , Ordination is the more and Election the lesser ; for Ordination is an act authoritative of the Presbytery , 1. Tim. 4. 14. Answ . Take Ordination as we take it for Imposition of hands on a Church officer , and then we think it is lesse then Election , as being but a Rite or Ceremony used at a Ministers entrance into his Office , but not at all of the essence thereof . Nor are we alone , or the first that have so thought : For to omit others , he that wrote the book , called the unbishoping of Timothy and Tytus affirmeth pag. 114. That it is no essentiall , but a ceremoniall part of Ordination , which may be sufficiently made without it , and saith that Angelus de Clavasio , Peter Martyr and others both Papists and Protestants affirm the same . And in pag. 116. he saith it is an act of service or Ministery , not of Authority , and no more then an externall complement or Ceremony , alledging Dr. Ames & others for the same tenent . But now election is more then a ceremony that may be omitted , Mr. Rutherford himself being judge : for in his pag. 496. He tells us , that in the Apostolike Churches , a Minister was never obtruded upon the people against their will , but that they still had the election of their Ministers , and this he saith must be our rule , so that any election without the peoples consent must be no election , for if it please not the whole multitude it is not a choise . And in p. 202. he tells us out of Chrysostome that all Election of Pastors is null without the consent of the people . Whereby it seems that Election is something essentiall ; and so consequently more then imposition of hands , which is but a Rite or Ceremony , which may be absent , and yet a man have all the essentialls of a Minister notwithstanding . As for 1 Tim. 4. 14. the imposition of hands of the Presbytery there spoken of , I conceive , could not be any act of superior authority but onely an approbatory signe or rite which might be used by inferiours towards your superiours . For Timothy being an Evangelist , how could any ordinary Presbytery have authority over him , or give office or authority to him ? Besides it is not said that Timothy received his gift by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , but by the Prophesie , and by the laying on of Pauls hands , and with the laying on the hands of the Presbytery . Now between those two phrases , by the laying on of hands , and with the same , there is great difference , the one importing some cause or authority or power , the other importing no more but an approbatory rite , or a signe used in a solemne commending of one to God by Prayers : Altare Damascen . pag. 161. of which more is to be seen in the plea for the Churches in New England part of the second chap. 12. quest . 2 , 4. For ought I see the Authors might argue thus , The people may ordaine : Ergo , they may preach and baptise , for all the three are Presbyteriall acts given to men in Office. Answ . We read in Mornay de Ecclesia chap. ● . that of old time it was an argument rise in the Church , he may baptise , he may administer the Lords supper ; Ergo , he may lay on hands ; but such arguing as Mr Rutherford useth , they may lay on hands , ergo , they may baptise ; this we remember not that we have read in any authors , except in him : Nor doe we think the consequence the same , inasmuch as in the one the argument proceeds from the greater to the lesse , and in the other from the lesse to the greater , and yet affirmatively in both . Thus the argument is understood by the forenamed author of the unbishoping of Timothy and Tytus , who in pag. 100. speaking of these words of Mornay layes down the argument thus , He can baptise , he can consecrate and administer the Lords supper which are the greater and more honorable actions , Ergo , he may lay on hands which is the lesse : and this kind of arguing for my part , I think to be good ▪ but for that of Mr. Rutherfords , I see no more consequence therein , then if one should say , he that may doe the lesser , may doe the greater also ▪ in which I see , no strength of consequence at all . Pag. 493 , 494. Whereas some say Act. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. Election of seven men to be Deacons goeth before Ordination or Imposition of hands , v. 6. Answ . Election of the people goeth before Ordination in the relation of Luke , true ; Ergo , Election is prior by order of nature , it followeth not . Answ . The place cannot be so satisfied ; for the text is very plain , that these seven were elected by the multitude afore the Apostles laid their hands on them ; yea , and not onely afore in respect of priority of nature , but also in respect of time ; for otherwise , how could the Apostles say as they doe unto the multitude ; brethren look out seven men among you whom we may appoint over this busines ? Can any man imagine they would thus have spoken , if themselves had already found out the men , and likewise had imposed hands upon them ? for my part , I see no reason for such an apprehension ; but think it is undenyably plain in the text , that the election of these seven by the people was prior to their Ordination , by Imposition of the Apostles hands , not onely in the relation of Luke as Mr. Rutherford would have it , but also in nature and time , and that the contrary cannot be said without violence to the text , and injury and wrong unto the Apostles , who by Mr. Rutherfords exposition are made to have bidden the multitude to look out for the men amongst them of honest report , &c. with a profession that when the multitude had so done they would then appoint the men to the businesse , when as by this exposition they had already appointed them thereunto , and had imposed their hands on them , which kinde of dealing had been such , that I think that Apostles were farre from it . It cannot be that Election of the people is the whol calling of a man to the Ministery , and Ordination only a supplement & a consummatory rite , or a benedictory sign , which may be spared . Answ . Take Ordination as we do , and why cannot this be ? himself told us p. 492. That he thinks not Imposition of hands so essentiall , but that a Minister may be a Minister without it , and that to him it is but a rite annexed to the calling : which is just the same that we hold , and yet when it comes from us it cannot be accepted . Again , he told us pag. 186 , 187. That there are true and lawfull pastors , who have no call but peoples election : Which if it be so , doth it not then follow , that the election of the people with the mans acceptance thereof is his whole calling ? For if ●●ey be true and lawfull pastors , who have no more but this election , it seems it must needs be that this is the whole , and yet here this is denyed . But let us hear the reasons of this denyall . 1. Because by the Imposition of the hands of the Presbytery Timothy was made a Minister , 1 Timothy 4. 14. Answ . The text is not by the Imposition of their hands , but with it , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as was noted afore out of Didoclavius Altare Damascen . p. 161. who also sheweth in the same place at large , that this Imposition of hands upon Timothy was onely for a testimonall of the approbation of his calling , and for a ceremony used in commending him to God in their Prayers . And in asmuch as the office of Timothy was the office of an Evangelist , how could an ordinary Presbytery giving him either the gifts or the power belonging thereto ? When Mr. Rutherford hath satisfied Mr. Calderwood in these things ( a man of his own nation ) for I suppose Mr. Calderwood to be the authour of that treatise of Altare Damascen . then if we require more may be said of this place . In the mean time I proceed to the next . By this Imposition of hands Paul and Sylas were separated to preach to the Gentiles , Acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3. Answ . Paul and Sylas are not once mentioned in that place , but Paul and Barnabas ; But not to insist upon this mistake , let M. Calderwood answer for us concerning this scripture : Litigent , saith he , inter se pontifieii utrum impositio ista manuum fuerit ordinativa , &c. that is , let the Papists contend amongst themselves whether this imposition of hands was for Ordination , or onely for Prayer : we hold that it was for Prayer and Comendatory ( for they commended them to the grace of God , as it s said , Act. 14. 26. ) yet as they could not ord●●n them and call them to this Ministery they being Apostles , who were called extraordinarily , so neither could they appoint them to any certain imployment or place , for the holy Ghost did direct the Apostles in their troubles , and here it is expresly said , that they were sent forth by the holy Ghost Altare Damascen . pag. 160. and then speaking of certain words of Spalato , who saith , this Imposition of hands was a pious ceremony , and used at that time as a certain part of an efficatious Prayer ; he addeth , Rectius diceret fuisse , &c. he might more rightly say , it was a rite and gesture of one that prayed , shewing the person for whom he did implore grace , rather then to call it an efficacious part of prayer . Where we plainly see that he counts this Imposition of hands on Paul and Barnabas no ordaining of them to the office , as some Papists and it seems Mr. Rutherford would have it ; but onely a rite or gesture used when the Presbytery commended Paul and Barnabas to God by Prayer . This authour of Altare Damascenam also addeth , Cum assumendi erant Levitae , &c. That is , when the Levites were to be taken from amongst the Children of Israel , the Lord commands that they should be brought before Jehova● , and that the Children of Israel should lay their hands upon the Levites , Numb . 8. 9 , 10. Although the Lord had commanded to consecrate these Levites unto the Ministery ; yet he commands the Israelites to lay their hands upon the Levites , as if they had of their own accord in their name given them up to the Ministery , as Junius in his Analysis doth fitly interpret it : Thus far Mr. Calderwood whose judgement of this scripture Numb . 8. whether it be not the same with ours , which was formerly expressed , let Mr. Rutherford himself be judge . Mr. Rutherford addeth that by Imposition of hands the Deacons were ordained , Act. 6. and that this is enjoyned with the right manner of acting it to Timothy , 1 Tim. 5. 22. and 2. 2. 2. as a ministeriall act . Answ . Whereas , he saith , it cannot be that laying on of hands should be onely a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , and brings the example of these Deacons , Acts. 6. for proof , I desire no more , but that he would accept his own words for answer . Now in pag. 169. his words are these ; It is not said that the Deacons were ordained with Fasting and Prayer , as hands are laid upon Paul and Barnabas , Act. 13. 3 , 4. but simply that the Apostles prayed and laid their hands on them ; which seems to me to be nothing but a signe of praying over these Deacons , and no Ceremony or Sacrament conferring on them the holy Ghost . Now if it was nothing but a signe of Praying over these Deacons , then 1 the substance of their calling consisted not in this laying on of hands , but in some thing else ; and what should that be but their election by the people ? 2. If it was nothing but a signe of praying over then , then why is a consummatory rite and a benedictory signe gainsaid and opposed ? For what great difference is there between a sign of prayer and a benedictory signe ? And how shall he be reconciled with himself , that saith it was nothing but such a sign of praying , and yet will not yeeld that it was onely a benedictory signe ? And for the other particular where he saith , this laying on of hands was enjoyed to Timothy as a ministeriall act , if by ministeriall act he mean an act that could be lawfully performed by none , but onely by a Minister ; then I desire some proof that this was so enjoyned to Timothy . That it was enjoyned to him I grant , but that it was so enjoyned needs some better proof then a bare and naked aff●rmation ; specially sith many things were enjoyned to Timothy in those examples , which were and are justly applyable to all Christians . Furthermore suppose it were true that Imposition of hands were enjoyned to Timothy as a ministeriall act , how doth this reach to make good the thing in question ? what should hinder but the peoples election might contain the substance of a Ministers calling notwithstanding ? or how doth it therfore follow that Imposition of hands was not a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , but somthing more ? Is there any such necessary consequence here , that the one of these must needs follow upon the other ? For my part I see it not , nor see any thing to the contrary , but if Imposition of hands were such a ministeriall act , as he saith it is , yet it might still be meerly a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , and the substance of the calling consist still in the peoples Election . Himself doth say , as we hear even now , that Imposition of hands Act. 6. though here he call it a ministeriall act , was nothing but a signe of praying over the Deacons . And therefore these two , to be a ministeriall act ▪ and yet to be nothing but a signe of prayer or benedictory sign ( which to me are the same ) are not so inconsistent by his own doctrine , but that they may well stand together ; And himself doth also hold that the laying on of hands mentioned Numb . 8. 10. was a ministeriall act , and that they who did it , performed the same as Ecclesiasticall Elders ; and yet I hope , he will not deny that the substance of the Levites calling was in the immediate designement and appointment of the Lord , and not in the performance of this laying on of hands . And therefore it follows , that if laying on of hands were granted to be a ministeriall act , yet still it may be meerly a benedictory signe , and the substance or essence of the Ministers calling not consist in it , but in some thing else . A mini●●eriall calling standeth in an authoritative sending , Rom. 10. 15. and I see not well how the people do send a Minister to themselves . Answ . But it is not easie to see how they choose a man for a Minister to themselves , being sent unto them by God ? And if God doe furnish a man with gifts , and an holy propensity of minde to the work in generall , and to such or such a people in particular , and make way by his providence thereto , then who can deny , but such a man is sent of God unto that people ? And then if that people observing Gods sending of him in this s●●t , do hereupon elect and choose him , and promise to be obedient to him in the Lord , what is there now wanting to the substance and offence of such a mans calling to such a people ? and yet the man is not sent by them to themselves , but sent by God , and received and chose by them : Parcus understands this sending , Rom. 10. of Gods sending ▪ and so doth Piscator , and who not ? And to understand it otherwise would be to condemne the Prophets and Apostles , who were not sent by men at all , and yet did truely answer this scripture , in that they were sent of God : True it is , ordinary Ministers are not sent of God in such an extraordinary way as the Prophets and Apostles were , but in an ordinary way , and by ordinary means ; which way and means if they doe observe , they also may be truly said to be sent of God unto the people . But peradventure our brother means that the people may not lawfully choose a man for minister unto themselves , except he be first sent unto them , in an authoritative way by some other men , and that otherwise he is not sent unto them of God ; which if it were true , then it would follow , that the Apostles and Prophets , as I said , were not sent of God : for plain it is , that men sent them not . It would also hereupon be requisite to be cleared , that some men besides the Church have authority to send Ministers to the Church , and who these men are that have such authority had need to be cleared also ; which I for my part think will not be done in hast . And till this be done , I know no reason , but I may still retain this apprehension , that men who are qualified according to the rule of the word and duly elected and chosen to some office of the Ministery by Gods people , are truly sent of God unto that people . The people have not either formally or by grant of Christ virtually , the keyes committed to them , how then can they give the keyes to Pastors ? Answ . Yet in p. 7. He tells us that he denyes not but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the Church of beleevers , to supply the want of ordination of Pastors , or some other acts of the keyes simply necessary , hic & nunc : and this power , saith he , is virtuall not formall . Now to say they have this power neither formally nor virtually , and yet to say they have this power virtually though not formally , what is it but an apparent contradiction ? But suppose it were true that the people had not this power either formally or virtually , yet Mr. Ball and Mr. Bai●s afore him doe tell us , that ministerially they may give what they never had , viz. As ministring to him who hath power and virtue of deriving its as a man not 〈◊〉 a peny of his own may give an 100 l. if the King make him his Almoner . Thus the Church deriveth a● taking the person whom Christ describeth , and out of power will ●ave placed in this or that office in his Church . The power of the imperiall dignity is not in the electo● of the Emperours , nor the power of that office and authority , whereunto a Minister is elected , in the Church , who chuseth him to that office . Ball Tryall of Separat . pag. 239 , 240. Pag. 494 , 495. People may as the sheep of Christ discern his voice , Joh. 10. and so have a power of election of their own Pastors : nor doth this make good what our brethren say , that therefore they may judge of a ministers fitnes ? Answ . That which we say in this Answ . pag. 51. There must be some ability to discerne whether men be qualified according to the rule , afore they ought to be elected and chosen into office ; and the people of God have so much ability as is of necessity required afore there be preceeding unto ordination ? Wherein it is plain that our arguing is from the peoples ability to discern of mens fitnes afore they be elected , to their like ability to discern of their fitnesse afore they be ordained . They who have so much as to discern who are fit to be ordained : but the people of God may have the former . Ergo , they may have the latter . Now what saith Mr. Rutherford hereunto ? The assumption he denyes not , but in plain words grants it , saying , they may as Christs sheep , Joh. 10. discern Christs voyce , and so have a power of election of their own Pastors . It must then be the consequence that must be denyed , or the conclusion must be yeelded : what then brings he to overthrow the consequence ? Nothing but this , that there is a two fold knowledge , one of Christians not denyed to women and beleeving children , who cannot lay on hands , nor ordain Mi●isters , as the Presbytery doth . But what the other knowledge is he doth not plainly tell , except any thing may be gathered from the words following , where he saith , But for trying of Ministers if they be the sonnes of the Prophets apt to teach , able to convince the subtill hereticks , and gainsayers , and to put them to silence , there must be in a constituted Church a Colledge of Pastors and Prophets to try the Prophets with a Presbyteriall cognizance . Answ . But if Mr. Rutherford would have spoken to the point , he should have given some reason why the people may discern a mans fitnes for election , and yet not discern his fitnes for ordination , for this is the consequence of our argument which he denyes . But in all that is here said about a two fold knowledge , one of Christians , and the other of some body else , what is there in all this , that hath so much as the least shew of overthrowing or weakning the conseqence ? su●e nothing at all that I can finde : For as for that which is intimated , that Christians have not so much knowledge as to try Ministers whether they be apt to teach , &c. this makes nothing to the point in hand , that they can discern whether a man be fit to be elected , but not discern whether he be fit to be ordained ; but if it have any strength in it at all , it is as much against the ability of the people , which he expressely grants , as against that which he would deny ; as much against their ability of discerning his fitnes for ordination . And therefore how this should overthrow the one and not the other , I do not know : for to any mans understanding it makes no more against the one then against the other ; but either against both , which he will not grant , or else against neither which I conceive is the very truth ? To argue in this sort , they have not ability to convince 〈◊〉 Hereticks ; Ergo , they may not chuse their Ministers , this Mr. Rutherford will not own ; for he plainly grants they may chuse : and therefore how can this arguing be good , they want ab●lity to convince Hereticks ; Ergo , they may not impose hands in ordination ? How the one kinds of reasoning can be better then the other , I do not know , except we would say some may be lawfully elected and chosen to the ministery , who cannot lawfully be ordained , but this I suppose cannot be said with truth . CHAP. XXVI . Whether the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , wherein there are contained rules of direction in laying on of hands , do prove that the action may not in any case be performed by non-officers , but must be performed onely by Presbyters ; and whether the argument do not make as strongly for the appropriating of laying on of hands to the Prelates , as to the Presbyters , and do not as well exclude the Presbyters from medling therein , as exclude the People . THere is onely one place more where I finde Mr. Rutherford excepting against the answer ; and that is in his pag. 497. where alledging the answer pag. 59. which I conceive is misprinted for pag. 49. He sets down these words as ours , viz. If people may not meddle with ordination , because it is proper to Timothy and Titus , this may prove that they were Bishops who did ordaine Elders there alone , which Ministers may not doe there , for these Epistles are not written to them as Bishops alone , nor as Elders alone , but as to a mixt state including the People . Answ . The order of the dispute is this : Reverend Mr. Herle arguing for ordination of officers by a consociated Eldership , and not by a single Congregation with or without a Pastor , brings this reason for his judgement , viz. Rules of direction how to proceed in ordination , and the Epistles where those rules are laid down , are not written to the Churches or Congregations , but to Timothy and Titus . In answer whereunto we spoke to this purpose , that if this be a sufficient reason to prove that the people may not in any case meddle with Ordination , then by as good reason it will follow , that Ordination belongs not to the Presbytery or Synod , but onely to one man , as the Prelates would have it ; the reason we give is , because Timothy and Titus were each of them but onely one man. And we there further say , that we doe approve the answer given to this kinde of reasoning by the refuter of Dr. Down●●s sermon , at L●●beth , who shews that what was written in those Epistles , was not onely written for Timothy and Titus , but for other Ministers also , and also in some sort for all the Saints , and that therefore there is no more reason to appropriate those rules , onely to the use of Presbyteries and Synods , then only to the use of Prelates . Now what saith Mr. Rutherford to this ? Some parcell of these 〈◊〉 are written , saith he , to Timothy and Titus as Evangeli●ts . Something 's are written to them as Christians ; and finaditer & objective all is written for the Churches good , but the bulk of the Epistles is written to them as Elders , and especially . 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2. for these and the like they were to doe with the Presbytery as is cleare , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Answ . This Scripture 1 Tim. 4. doth shew that Timothy had a gift given him by Prophesie with the laying on the hands of the Presbytery ; but how doth it hence appear , that not only Timothy but Titus also was to dothings with the Presbytery ? Titus is not at all mentioned in that Scripture . And as for Timothy , Scripture tells what the Presbytery did to him , but what he must doe with the Presbytery it tells us nothing at all . Again , if the bulk of the Epistles be written to them as Elders , and the Churches be no otherwise concerned therein , but only finaliter and objectively , the Epistles being written for their good , then what shall be the meaning and reason of these words in the conclusion of the Epistle to Titus , and of the latter to Timothy , where it is said , grace be with you , and grace be with you all ? doth it not plainly appear hereby , that more then Elders , even all the Saints in those places are written unto in those Epistles ? Thirdly if there be rules in the Epistles that doe belong to Elders alone , yet sith it is confessed , and may not be denyed , that other things therein doe concern all Christians , how shall we be assured that such passages , as concern ●aying on of hands are of the former sort , and not of the latter ? For to say it is so , and it is clear , we think doth not clear it at all , unlesse some further proofe be added . Lastly , if all this were granted , which here is said by Mr. Rutherford , yet for ought I see , our answer is not removed thereby , but still stands fair and good : For in that place of the answer alledged , we say two things , 1. That these rules about ordination in Timothy and Titus may with as fair a colour be appropriated to one man , as to Presbyteries and Synods . 2. That the Epistles and the rules therein are not to be appropriated to Bishops alone or Ministers alone , but are indeed of generall concernment for all the Christians . Now neither of these two is discovered by Mr. Rutherford . For as for the former of them , he saith nothing thereto at all ; and the latter he doth in a manner grant , not only by saying that all here is written for the Churches good , but also by saying that somethings are written to Timothy and Titus as Christians which is in effect the same that we had said before . And how our answer can be disproved or satisfied , either by saying nothing at all thereto , or by saying the same that we had said before , I leave it to the Judicious reader to consider . FINIS . 
A69753	----	The generall demands, of the reverend doctors of divinitie, and ministers of the Gospell in Aberdene, concerning the late covenant, in Scotland together, with the answeres, replyes, and duplyes that followed thereupon, in the year, 1638 : reprinted in one book, by order of Parliament. 1663 Approx. 385 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 85 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69753 Wing C4226 Wing C4225 ESTC R6298 12379499 ocm 12379499 60691 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69753) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60691) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 655:2 or 655:3) The generall demands, of the reverend doctors of divinitie, and ministers of the Gospell in Aberdene, concerning the late covenant, in Scotland together, with the answeres, replyes, and duplyes that followed thereupon, in the year, 1638 : reprinted in one book, by order of Parliament. Forbes, John, 1593-1648. Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. [3], 36, [11], 40-168 p. : coats of arms. Printed by John Forbes, Aberdene : 1663. Added title page: Generall demands concerning the late covenant : propounded by the ministers and professors of divinity in Aberdene ... Aberdene : Reprinted by John Forbes, 1662. Each of the answers and replies has a special t.p. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland. Solemn League and Covenant (1643) Covenants -- Scotland. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Tonya Howe Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Tonya Howe Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GENERALL DEMANDS , Concerning the Late COVENANT ; Propounded by the Ministers and Professors of DIVINITY in ABERDENE : To some Reverend Brethren , who came ●●ither to recommend the late Covenant to th●● , and to those who are committed to their charge : TOGETHER With the Answeres of those reverend Brethren to the said Demands : As also The Replyes of the foresayd Ministers & Professors to their Answers . 1. PET. 3. 15. 16. Sanctifie the LORD GOD in your hearts , and be readie alwayes to give an answere to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you , with meeknes and feare : Having a good Conscience , that whereas they speake evil of you , as of evill doers , they may be ashamed that falslie accuse your good conversation in CHRIST . ABERDENE , Reprinted by JOHN FORBES , Anno Dom. 1662. GENERALL DEMANDS , Concerning the late Covenant : Together with Answeres to them , and Replyes to those Answeres . THE FIRST DEMAND . BY what Power , or Warrand , these our Reverend Brethren can sure of us , or of our People , subscription to this late Covenant ; not being sent by his MAJESTY , or by the Lords of Counsell , nor by anie Nationall Synode of this Kingdome , nor by any Judicatorie established in it ? And , how they can enforce upon us , or upon our People , who are no wayes subject unto them , their Interpretation of the Articles of the Negative Confession ? In respect whereof , as also in respect of that Band of mutuall Defence against all persons what-so-ever , this late Covenant is substantiallie different , from that which was subscribed by the KING and his Subjects , Anno 1580 , and 1581. ANSWERE . VVEE are not come hither , to usurpe the Authoritie of any Civill or Spirituall Iudicatorie , or to enforce upon our Reverend Brethren , and the People committed to their Charge , the subscription of the late Covenant , or the Interpretation of the Articles of that Confession which is called Negative , or what-so-ever else of that kynde : But are sent , to represent unto them , in all humility , the present Case and Condition of this Kirke and Kingdome ; crying for help at their handes also : and , in Brotherlie love , to exhort , and intreat , that they will be pleased , to contribute their best Endeavours , for extinguishing the common Combustion , which by joining with almost the whole Kirke and Kingdom , in the Late Covenant , we trust they may lawfully doe , without prejudice to the King's Majestie , or to any lawfull Iudicatorie , or to that Confession of Faith above mentioned : Since the sound Interpretation and Application thereof , to the Errours of our Times , can make no substantiall change , and the Band of Mutuall Defence , wherein we obliedge our selves , to defend the true Religion , and the King's Majesties Person , and Authoritie , against all persons whatsoever , is joined , at first , with the Confession of Faith. Lyke as his Majesties Commissioner objecting , That our Covenant was suspect , to be an unlawfull Combination against Authoritie , and to be the main hinderance of obtaining our desires , hath accepted , and was well pleased with our Declaration ; bearing , That we have solemnlie sworne , To the uttermost of our power , with our Means and Lives , to stand to the defence of the King's Majesty , as of GOD'S Vice-gerent , set over us , for the maintenance of Religion , and ministration of Justice . REPLY . VVE have , Reverend Brethren , sufficiently considered and examined your Answeres to our Demandes , by which we expected full satisfaction to all our Scruples and doubts concerning the late Covenant : But truelie , in Modestie and Brotherlie Love , we tell you , that your Answeres ( what-so-ever you thinke of them your selves ) have not given us that satisfaction which we expected . We know that some who rashly condemne every thing which is said or written contrary to the cause which they maintaine , will boldly say of us , that we have closed our eyes against a cleare and ingyring Light : But first , we say with Iob , Our witnesse is in Heaven , and our recorde is on high . That LORD who only seeth the secrets of hearts , knoweth , that we love His Trueth , and are ready so soone as it shall be shown unto us , to embrace and professe it before the World. Next , we appeale to the Consciences of all impartiall Readers , who shall have occasion to weygh and consider maturelie the weight of our Arguments , and of these Answeres which it hath pleased you to give us : wishing them , yea , most humblie and earnestly intreating them , to judge both of your writtings and ours , without prejudice , or any partiall respect . Yea , we are confident , that ye also , o● whose love to the Trueth of GOD we are perswaded , will after better advysement , and more mature consideration of the matters debated , acknowledge , that we are not against the Trueth , but for it . The LORD open your eyes , that you may clearly see , that Trueth for which we stand . WEE objected to you , Reverend Brethren , that you had not a Calling to urge us to the subscription of the late Covenant , from anie acknowledged Authority , or lawfull Judica●●rie established in this Church or Kingdome : to which Objection ye answere no● here particularlie , as we expected . And whereas you say , That you are come to exhort us , and our People , in all humilitie , to joyne with you ; how is it , that without our consent , and against our will , not having lawfull Authoritie , which you seeme here not to acclaime to your selves , you have publicklie preached to our People , within our Congregation ? which is a thing rep●gn●nt to those places of Scripture , in the which the Spirit of GOD recommendeth to Elders , or Pastors , the care of those Flockes , Over which the holy Ghost hath made them overseers , Acts 20. 28. 1. Pet. 5. 2 as also telleth us , That the Pastors whom the Flocke must know , and to whom they must submit themselves , doe watch over the Soules of that Flock , and must give account for them , 1. Thessal . 5. 12 Hebr. 13. 17. It is also con●rarie to the lawes of the Christian Church in all ages . For by the ancient Canons , Pastors are commanded , to containe themselves within the limites of their own Charge ; and not to presume to exercise Pastorall Office in another Pastors Diocesse , or Parioch , without leave : As also , they forbid Pastors , to receive to Divine Service , anie man of another Pariochin , that commeth in contempt of his own Pastor . Concil . Nicen. ● . Oecum . 1. Can. 16. Concil . 2. Oecum ▪ Constantinop . Can. 2. Concil . Carthag . 2. Can. 11. Concil . Carthag . 3. Can. 20. Concil . Chalced. Oecum . 4. Can. 13. Concil . Nicen. 2. Can. 10. Concil . Tribur . Can. 28. Concil . Nannet . Cap. 1. & 2. † 2. We did not without reason say , That you , and others of your Confederation , enforce your Interpretation of the Negative Confession upon others ; seeing we heare , that some Pastors and Prelates are forced to flee to forraygne Countreyes , for fear of their 〈◊〉 because they have refused the said Interpretation ; and those 〈…〉 ave stayed in the Countrey , dare scarcelie appear in the h 〈…〉 , or streets , and are threatned , that their Stipends shall not 〈◊〉 unto them , untill they subscrive your Covenant . † 3. Whereas you doe in Brotherly love exhort , and entreat us , to contribute our best endeavours for extinguishing the common Combustion , we praysing GOD , for your pious zeale , and for the lovingnesse and modesty of your speeches , ( wherein , by GOD'S help , we shall labour to keep correspondence with you ; that both we and you may show ●●● selves , to have learned of CHRIST , Meeknesse , and lowlinesse of heart ) we most willingly promise to doe so , by all means which our consciences will permit us to use , as also to joine our most humble and hearty Prayers with yours , that it may please GOD in this dangerous exigent , to doe good in His good pleasure , to our Sion , and to builde up the walls of our Ierusalem . † 4. We may justly say , that this new Covenant is substantially different from the Old , which was made Anno 1581. in respect it not onlie containeth that Old Covenant , or Confession , which was allowed by two Generall Assemblies , but also your interpretation of it , which , as yet , hath no such Authoritie , or Approbation . † 5. No Band of Mutuall Defence , Against all persons what-so-ever , is expressed in the Covenant made 1581. And altho it were , yet the case is very unlike : For Subjects may make such a Covenant of Mutuall Defence , by Armes , with the consent of the King , who only , under GOD , hath the power of Armes , or of the Sword , in this Kingdome . But they who made this late Covenant , had not his consent , as that former or olde Covenant had : which is a thing so evident , that no man can call it in question . † 6. As for that which you affirme here , that my Lord Commissioner his Grace was well satisfied with your Declaration , it becommeth not us , to pry narrowlie into his Graces doings : but truely we have more then reason , to pry most narrowlie into the words of a Covenant , which is offered unto us , to be sworne , and subscrybed , lest we abuse , and prophane the Sacred Name of GOD , and tye our selves to the doing of any thing which is displeasing unto him . Last of all ; whereas ye desire us , to joyne our selves to you , and to the rest of your Con●ederacie , who are ( as you affirme ) almost the whole Church and Kingdome , truely we cannot but reverence such a multitude of our Reverend Brethren , and deare Countrey-men , and are ready to be followers of them , in so farre as they are followers of CHRIST : But neither can we doe any thing agaynst the Trueth , neither can we attribute so much Authoritie to their multitude , as otherwise we would , in respect there hath been so much dealing for Subscriptions , in all quarters of this Kingdome , and so manie have beene threatned , to give their consent , as we are most credibly informed . The Second Demand . Whether or no we ought to subscryve the foresaid Covenant , seeing all Covenants of mutuall Defence , by force of Armes , made amongst Subjects of any degree , upon whatsoever colour or pretence , without the King's Majestie or his Successoures privitie and consent , are expreslie forbidden by King JAMES of blessed Memorie , and the three Estates of this Kingdome , in the Parliament holden at Linlithgow , Anno 1585 ? ANSWERE . The Act of Parliament forbiddeth in the first part , Leagues and Bands of maintenance privilie made , such as are called Bands of Manrent , as the act in Queen MARIES time , to which it hath relation , doeth beare . And in the second part , only such , as tend to the publick ▪ disturbance of the peace of the Realme , by moving sedition . But no act of Parliament doeth discharge , nor can any just Law forbid , Conventions or Covenants in the generall ; or such Covenants in speciall as are made with GOD , and amongst our selves ; not for any mans particular , but for the common benefite of all ; not to move Sedition , but to preserve Peace , and to prevent trouble : which by all probabilitie had been to many , before this time , too sensible , if this course had not been taken . Conventions and Covenants ( in the judgement of Jurisconsults ) are to be esteemed and judged of , according to their diverse ends , good or bad : which made King JAMES of happy memory to take it for an undoubted maxime , That pro aris & focis , & pro patre patriae , the whole body of the Common-wealth should stirre at once : not any more as divided members , but as one consolidate lumpe . Replye . In that second part of that Act of Parliament holden at Linlithgo , Anno 1585. are forbidden , All Leagues or Bands of Mutuall Defence , which are made without the privitie and consent of the KING , under the pain to be holden and execute as movers of sedition and unquietnesse , &c. Wherefore we can no wayes thinke , that any Bands or Leagues of Mutuall Defence , by force of Armes , are there permitted , ( that is , not forbidden ) seeing first the words of the Act are so generall , for in it are discharged All Bands made among Subjects of any degree , upon any colour what soever , without his Highnes , or his Successours , privitie and consent had and obtained thereunto . Next ; All such Bands are declared to be Seditious , and perturbative of the publicke Peace of the Realme : or , which is all one , are appointed to be esteemed so . And therefore , we can not see how any Bands of that kynde can be excepted , as if they were not seditious . 2. We doubt not , but the late Covenant being considered , according to the maine intention of those Pious and Generous Gentle-men , Barrons and others our dear Countrey men , who made it , especially our Reverend Brethren of the holy Ministery , is a Covenant made with GOD , and proceeding from a zealous respect to GOD His Glory , and to the preservation of the puritie of the Gospell in this Church and Kingdome : But we cannot finde a Warrand in our Consciences , to grant , that such Covenants , in so farre as they import mutuall Defence , against all persons what-so-ever , none being excepted , no , not the KING , ( as it seemeth unto us , by the words of your Covenant , but farre more by the words of your late Protestation , the 28 of Iune ; wherein you promise , mutuall Defence , against all externall or internall Invasion , menaced in his Majesties last Proclamation ) are not forbidden by any Band , nor justlie yet can be forbidden . For , first , we have already showne , that they are forbidden in the foresaid Act of Parliament , Anno 1585. 2. No Warrefare ; and consequentlie , no Covenant , importing Warrefare , is lawfull , without just Authoritie , which , we are perswaded , is only in the supreame Magistrate , and and in those who have power and employment from him , to take Armes : Yea , so farre as we know , all moderate men , who duely respect Authoritie , will say , that it is so in all Kingdomes , and Monarchies , properly so called : ( Of which nature is this his Majesties most Ancient Kingdome , ) And , that it is altogether unlawfull to Subjects in such Kingdomes , to take Armes against their Prince . For which cause , that famous and most learned Doctor Rivetus , in a late Treatise called Iesuita vapulans , speaking of the judgement of Buchannan , and others , who taught , that Subjects might take Armes against their Prince , in extraordinary Cases , and extreame dangers , of the Religion , and Common-wealth , professeth first , that he , and all other Protestants , condemne such doctrine . Secondly ; That this Errour did proceed from a mistaking of the Governement of the Scotish Kingdome , ●s if it were not truely & properly monarchical . Thirdly That the rashness of those wrytters , is to be ascrybed partlie to the hard and perilous times of persecution , wherein they lived , and partlie Sc●t●r●m praef●rv●do ingenio , et ad audendum prompto . Thus he wry●e●h in the 13. Chap. of the said Booke , Pag. 274. and 275. answering to the re●rimination of ● Iesuit , who had affirmed , that B●c●a●na● , Knox , and Goodman , had written as boldlie , for the Rebellion of Subjects against Princes , as any of their Order at any time load done . A thing much to be noted by us at this time , lest we any more give that advantage to Iesuites , to make Apologie for their rebellious Doctrines and Practises . 3. Not only making of Covenants , but also all other actions , are to be esteemed and judged of , first , by the equitie of the subject , and matter ; then , by the ende : For if the matter pactioned ( that is , which the parties mutuallie doe promise ) be justlie forbidden , by a lawfull Authoritie ; and consequentlie be unlawfull in it selfe ; then the goodnesse of the ende , or project , can not make the paction , or Covenant , to be good , or lawfull . The Third Demand . If it be alleadged , that in extream and most dangerous cases , such Acts of Parliament may be contraveened , Quaeritur , whether there be now such extream case , seeing we have his Majestie , in his former Proclamations , avowing , protesting , declaring , and in this last Proclamation taking God to witnesse , that he never intended any Innovation of Religion ; and also seeing He hath removed already all that which made men feare Novations , to wit , Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and the alleadged exorbitancie of the new high Commission . ANSWERE . If the removing of the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and the limitation of the vast power of the high Commission , contayning so much superstition , and tyrrannie of Prelates , be a benefite to this Kirke and Kingdome , we ought , under GOD , to ascrybe the same to the peacable Meettings , humble Supplications , and religious Covenanting of the Subjects ; which have given information to his Majestie , and have procured from his justice and goodnesse , so great favour , as is thankfullie acknowledged in the last Protestation : which doeth also expresse the many particulars , wherein his Majesties late Proclamation is not satisfactorie . And therefore , the Lords of his Maesties Privie Counsell , upon the Supplication and Complaint of his Liedges , were moved to rescind the Act of the Approbation , of the foresaid Proclamation , and to rent the subscrybed Missive , which was to be sent therewith to his Majestie , We are consident , that the Declaration wherewith his Majesties Commissioner was so well pleased , will also give satisfaction to our Reverend Brethren ; and that they will not thinke it convenient for them to give further approbation to the Proclamation , then the Counsell hath done , although all of us ought , with thankfulnes , to acknowledge his Majesties benignitie . Replye . We will not here dispute what hath been the maine or principall cause moving his sacred Majestie to discharge the Service-Booke , and other things which occasioned the present perturbation of our Church ; nor yet whether or not his Majesties Proclamation may give full satisfaction to all the feares and doubts of his Subjects . For our selves , we professe , that upon his Majesties Declaration , and gracious Promise contained in his Majesties last Proclamation , we believe , first , that his Majestie never intended Innovation in Religion : Secondlie , that he will maintain the true Protestant Religion , all the dayes of his life : which we pray GOD to continue long . Thirdly , that all Actes made in favours of the Service-Booke , &c. are discharged . Fourthly that he will never urge the receiving of the Service Book ▪ Book of Cannons &c. or anie other thing of that Nature , but by such a faire and legal way , as shall satisfie all his Subjects . And thence we doe collect , that which we affirmed before , to wit , that ther is no such extraordinary or extream case , as might give occasion to Subjects to make such a Band , as is directly forbidden by the foresaid Act of Parliament , and to contraveane it in such a manner , as may seem to import a resisting of Authoritie by force of Armes . The Fourth Demand . Concerning that Interpretation of the Negative Confession , which is urged upon us , & wherin the Articles of Pearth , & Episcopacy are declared to be abjured , as well as all the points of Popery , which are therein expresly and distinctly mentioned ; Quaeritur , Who are the Interpreters of that Confession ? that is , Whether all the Subscrivers , or onely those Ministers conveened in EDINBURGH , in the end of Februarie , who set it down ? If all the Subscrivers ; then what reason have we to receive an interpretation of that Confession from Laicks , ignorant people , and children ? If onely those Ministers conveened then in EDINBURGH ; then , seeing no man should take an honour to himself , but he who is called of GOD , as AARON , Hebr. 5. 4. what power and authoritie had they over their Brethren , to give out a judiciall Interpretation of these Articles of Faith , and to inforce their Interpretation of these Articles upon them . ANSWERE . The subscrybers are here misinterpreted in two poyntes , very materiall : One is , that they presume upon power , or Authority , which they have to give out a judiciall interpretation of the Articles of the Confession , and to enforce the same upon others : whereas they onelie intended , to make knowne their own meaning , according to the minde of our Reformers ; and in charity to propound and recommend the same to others , who might be made willing to embrace it : Although it be true also , that very great numbers of Ministers were conveened , and testified their consent at that time : and although the private judgement of those who are called Laicks , ought not to be mis-regarded : for it is confessed , that an Interpretation , which is private ratione personae , may be more then privat ratione medii . The other , which being observed , will answere diverse of the following Demands , that the Articles of Pearth , and of Episcopal Government , are declared to be abjured , as points of Popery , or as Popish Novations : wheras the words of the Covenant put a difference betwixt two sorts of Novations : one is of such , as are already introduced in the Worship of GOD and concerning those , whatsoever be the judgement of the Subscryvers , which to every one is left free , by the words of the Covenant they are onelie bound , to forbear the practise of them , by reason of the present exigence of the Kirke , till they be tryed , and allowed , in a free Generall Assemblie . The other sort is of such Novations , as are particularlie supplicated against , and complained upon , as the Service-Booke , and Canons , &c. which are abjured , as containing points of Poperie . And this we avouch , from our certain knowledge , to be the true meaning of the controverted words of the Covenant . And therefore , humbly entreat that no man any more , upon this scruple , with-hold his Testimony ▪ Replye . As for the first of these two miss-takings : If you have not given out that interpretation of the Negative Confession judicially , but only have made known your own meaning , according to the minde of the Reformers , as you alleadge , then , first , your Interpretation hath no obligatory power over others ; and consequently you ought not to obtrude your Interpretation upon us more then we doe our Interpretation thereof upon you . Neither ought any man to be molested , or threatned , for not receiving your Interpretation ; chiefly seeing all who are of your Confederation have so solemnly vowed , and promised , to be good examples to others of all Godlinesse , Sobernes , & Righteousnesse , and of every duty which you owe to GOD and Man. Secondly , as for the minde or judgement of our Reformers , we know no evidencie of it , having publicke Authoritie , to obliedge the Subjects of this Kingdom , except that which is expressed in our Nationall confession of Faith , ratified in Parliament twentie yeares before the Negative Confession was penned : wherein we finde no warrand or ground of such Interpretation as you bring . Thirdly , The Interpretation of the Negative Confession , set down in your Covenant , as it is not publicke ratione Personae , so also not ratione medii : for it hath no Warrand , for ought we could ever perceive , either from the Word of GOD , or from the Testimony of the Ancient Church , or from the consent of other reformed Churches , or from our Nationall Confession , registrated in Parliament . As for the second Misstaking , o● Miss-interpretation of the words of the late Covenant , first , We marvell , that a Generall Covenant appointed to be subscrived by all , learned and unlearned , should have been set down by you in such ambiguous tearmes . For , truely , all men here , even the most judicious , doe so take your words , as if the Articles of PEARTH were in them abjured . 2. Wee have again more attentively examined the words of the late Covenant , and doe evidently perceive by them , That in the said Covenant , the Articles of PEARTH , and Episcopacy , are condemned , and abjured , as erronious , and damnable corruptions . For where you professe , and before GOD , and his Angels , and the World , solemnlie declare , that you shall labour , by all means lawfull , to recover the Liberty and purity , of the GOSPELL , as it was established and professed before the foresaid Novations : We aske you , what is that period of time , to which your words have reference , when you promise to labour , to recover the Puritie and Liberty of the Gospell , as it was professed & established before the foresaid novations ? If you mean that period of time , when the Service-Booke , and Book of Canons , were urged upon you ; to wit , the last year by-past in Summer , then you acknowledge , that all that time you enjoined the Purity and Liberty of the GOSPELL ; and consequently , that you yet enjoy it ; for no new thing hath since that time been publicklie received , and practised in this CHURCH . If you meane ( as undoubtedlie we thinke you doe ) the time preceeding the bringing in of Episcopacie , and the Acts of Pearth , then you comprehend both Episcopacie and the Acts of PEARTH , under these Novations ; for the removing whereof , you promise , to labour , according to your power : and consequentlie doe dis-allow and condemne them , even before they be tryed in a Free Assemblie , and before they be heard who maintain & approve them as lawfull . 3. We may evidentlie demonstrate this , argumento ad hominem , as we say in the Schooles : For those Rites and Ceremonies , which are abjured in the Negative Confession , are also abjured in your late Covenant ; which , as you say , is all one with the Negative Confession , or with the Covenant made 1581. But the Rites and Ceremonies which were concluded in Pearth Assemblie , are abjured , as you say , in the Covenant made 1581. and therefore they are also abjured in this your late Covenant . The first Proposition is evident : for in your late Covenant , speaking of the Oath contained in that olde Covenant , which was made Anno 1581. you professe , That the present and succeeding Generations in this Land , are bound to keep the foresaid Nationall Oath , as you call it , and Subscription , unviolable . The second Proposition also cannot be denyed by you : For , these twentie yeares by-bast , you have accused those who conformed themselves to the Ordinances of Pearth , of Perjurie ; and that because they had violated the Oath made Anno 1581. in the which those Articles ( as you alleadge ) were abjured . But perhaps you will say to us , that wee thinke those things not to be abjured in that Oath made Anno 1581. and therefore wee may swear , and subscrive your late Covenant ; and , not-with-standing of our Oath and Subscription , be tyed onely to the Forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles for a time . We answere , first : The words of an Oath should be cleare , and plain : or , if they be any wayes ambiguous , the true sense of them should be so declared , and manifested , that all may know it . 2. An Oath is to be given , according to the minde and judgement of him that requireth it . And therefore , seeing you who require this Oath of us , thinke the Rites or Ceremonies concluded at Pearth , to be abjured in that Oath made Anno 1581. how can we sweare and sub●rive your Covenant , which reneweth the foresaid Oath , and bindeth us to it ? 3. If we should sweare , and subscrive the Negative Confession , as it is included in your Covenant ; then ye , who thinke the Articles of Pearth to be abjured , and condemned in the Negative Confession , will thinke us tyed , by our own Personall Oath , to condemne the Articles of Pearth . 4. Seeing this Covenant was penned by you , who have hitherto not conformed your selves to Pearth Assemblie , and have opposed Episcopacy , and seeing you all condemn Episcopacy , as if it were that Popish or wicked Hierarchy , mentioned in the Negative Confessiō ; as also esteeme the thinges concluded in Pearth Assemblie , to be Idolatrous , or Superstitious , how can we thinke , that you in your solemne vow made to God , for reformation of this Church , and resisting , in times to come , the Novations & Corruptions of it , have passed by these things , which are the onely Novations already introduced by Authority , and from which , as you affirme , the Church hath so great need to be purged : chiefly , seeing ye think them as Popish Superstitious & Idolatrous , as ye doe these other Novations , which are not as yet introduced . 5. If in all your Supplications , Plaints , and Protestations , ye have onelie sought the removing and discharging of the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and the new high Commission , not complaining of any other Novations ; and seeing his Majestie hath discharged the first two , & hath promised to rectifie the third , or last of them ; Then , what reason have ye to thinke , that his Majesty hath not satisfied your Supplications ? For , all the Novations , upon which you complained , are removed by his Majestie , and ye have his Princely Promise , that no further shall be urged upon us , but by such a faire and Legall way , as may fatisfie all his Subjects . 6. As for that which your Covenant , by your own Confession , requireth of us , to wi● , The forbearance , and abstinence , for a time , from the practising the Articles of PEARTH ; We professe sincerelie , and in the sight of GOD , that our Conscience will not suffer us , to subscrive that part of your Covenant ; and that because Lawes being standing for them , and our lawfull Superioures requyring Obedience from us , by practising them , to sweare Forbearance of the practise of them , is to sweare Disobedience , and , to wrong their Authority . 7. How can we , with a good Conscience , abstaine presenly from private Baptisme , and private Communion , being req●yred thereunto by sicke persons , and those Parents whose Children cannot be carried to the Church commodiouslie with their lives ; seeing we thinke it a thing very unlawfull , in such cases , to refuse to administrate those Sacraments in private houses . No● that we thinke , that GOD hath tyed Himself , or His Grace , to the Sacraments ; but because He hath tyed us unto them , by His Precept : and , not to use the means appoynted by GOD , when our People , or their Children stand in need of them , is a contempt of the meanes , and a tempting of GOD. The Fifth Demand . Whether or no we can sincerely , and with a good Conscience , subscrive the Negative Confession , as it is expounded and interpreted by the Contryvers or Authors of the late Covenant , seeing it maketh a perpetuall Law concerning the externall Rites of the Church , which GOD hath not made , as if these Rites were unchangeable ? And how they who both sweare the positive Confession , and the negative , thus interpreted , can eschew contradiction , seeing the positive Confession , Chap. 21. evidently declareth , that these Rites are changable , according to the exigencie of time ; and consequently , that no perpetuall Law may or ought to be made concerning them ? Likewise , we would know , how it can stand with trueth , to abjure all these Rites , as Popish ▪ which are used in the Church , without divyne institution , expressed in GOD'S Word ; seeing even these who urge the Covenant , practise some Ceremonies which are not mentioned in GOD'S Word , as the Celebration of Marriage before the Church , in the beginning , or at the end of divyne Service , with all the particulars of it , and the stipulation of Fathers and God-fathers , for the Childe in Baptisme , which are not meere circumstances , as they use to distinguish , but also Ceremonies , properlie so called ? ANSWERE . The late Covenant maketh not a perpetuall Law concerning the externall Rites of the Kirke , as if they were unchangable : but , as we have sayde before , onlie bindeth us , for a tyme , to forbeare the practise of Innovations already introduced , and doth not determine whether they ought to be changed , or not . 2. According to this true Interpretation , all appearance of contradiction betwixt the Confession of Faith insert in the Act of Parliament , and the latter Confession , is removed , beside that the Article 21 of the Confession of Faith , giveth power to the Kirke , in matters of externall Policie , and order of the Worship of GOD , is expounded in the first Booke of Discipline , distinguishing betweene thinges necessarie to be observed in every Kirke , and thinges variable in particular Congregations . 3. We declare againe , that the Covenant doeth not abjure Pearth Articles , as Popish , and thinketh not tyme now to dispute of significant Ceremonies , or other holy Rites , and whether the two particulars named be Ceremonies , or not : since the Confession condescended upon on both sides , abjureth Rites , which are added without the Word of GOD. Replye . First , we have already told you , that we can not subscrive your Oath of Forbearance of the practise of the Articles already introduced , without violation of Authority , and of wronging our own Consciences , who thinke private Baptisme and Communion , not to be indifferent , but also necessarie , in some cases , not indeed , necessitate medii , as if GOD'S Grace were tyed to the externall means , but , as we say in the Schooles , necessitate praecepti , because we are commanded to use these means . 2. This late Covenant leadeth and bindeth us to the old Covenant , made 1581 ▪ and that old Covenant bindeth us perpetually to that Discipline which was then ; that is , ( as ye alleadge ) to the whole Policie of the Church , comprehending all the externall Rites of it : and so , à primo ad ultimum , this late Covenant bindeth us to the whole Policie of the Church , which was then ; and consequentlie maketh a perpetuall Law , concerning externall Rites of the Church , as if they were unchangable , All partes of this Argument are sure : for by your late Covenant , you professe your selves bound , to keepe the foresaid Nationall Oath ( as you call it ) inviolable : and that Oath , or Covenant , bindeth us , to continue In the obedience not only of the Doctrine , but also of the Discipline of this Kirke . Where by the Discipline of the Kirke , ye understand ( as ye have in all your wrytings professed , especialie of late , in your Booke enti●uled , A dispute , against the English Popish Ceremonies . Part. 4. Cap. 8. Sect. 6. ) the whole externall Policie of the Church , as it was at that tyme ; to wit , Anno 1581. Yea , you confesse , that no other thing can be understood by The Discipline of the Kirke , but that which we have said already ; and consequently we shall be tyed by that Oath which you requyre of us , to admit and practise no other Rites and Ceremonies , but such as were then received in our Church . We can no wayes passe by this , seeing ever since the Assemblie of Pearth , in your publicke Sermons , and printed Bookes , ye have most vehemently accused us of Perjury , as violating the Oath , or Covenant , made Anno 1581. and that in respect we have admitted into the Church , some Rites , or Ceremonies , which were not in it the foresaid yeare of GOD. Is not this to make a perpetuall Law , concerning the externall Rites of the Church , as if they were unchangeable , and to abjure the practise of all Rites introduced in the Church since that time ; and consequently the practise of the Articles of Pearth , and that not for a time onelie , but for ever ? 3. Seeing the Negative Confession , according to your minde , and conception of it , maketh the whole externall Policie of the Church , as it was Anno 1581. to be unchangable and on the contrarie , the Confession insert into the Acts of Parliament , declareth , that the Rites belonging to the externall Policie of the Church , are changable ; how can you escape a Contradiction , if ye receive both these Confessions ? 4. Whereas by that distinction mentioned in your Answere , of things necessary to be observed , and of things variable in particular Congregations , ye insinuate that by the Keeping of the Discipline of the Kirke as it was then , to which we are bound in the old Covenant , ye understand the observation of those things which are necessary to be observed in every Kirke , and not of thinges variable in particular Congregations : We aske , Into which of the Members of this distinction ye referre Episcopacie and the Articles of Pearth ? that is , whether they most necessarilie be omitted in all Churches , and at all times , or not ? If ye say , that they must be necessarilie omitted , and that the Negative Confession , confirmed with an Oath , doth tye us to the omission of them ; then both ye would make us to sweare , and subscrive against our Consciences , ( for we are perswaded , that these things are lawfull ) as also ye would make us to abjure Episcopacy , and the Articles of Pearth , in perpetuum ; which is ●latlie contrary to your ▪ Declaration in your Answeres , 1. 5. &c. If you say on the other part , that we are not tyed by the negative Confession , to the omission of these things ; then , why have ye , in all your wrytings against us , exprobrate to us , Perjurie , in violating of the Oath con●ayned in the negative Confession ? 5. We would gladly have known your minde , concerning the lawfulnesse of such Rites as are nor of divyne Institution , expressed in GOD'S Word . For we ingenuously professe , that none of your Answeres ( which hitherto we have seen ) to the Instances , or Examples , brought by us , in our sift Demand , of Rites used by your selves ▪ in your Churches , as lawfull , without divyne Institution , ( to which we could adde many moe ) doe give us any satisfaction : nor yet , as we thinke , can give satisfaction to any indifferent man. As for example ; is Blessing of Marriages , a meere circumstance ? who can be so impudent , as to say ●o ? or , if it be a Ceremony , what praecept or practise have ye of it in GOD'S whole word ? If it be alleadged , that we have a warrand from that Blessing pronounced Gen. 1. 28. upon Man and Woman , after their creation ; we aske , by what consequence can that Solemnitie of blessing of Marriages used in our Churches , with all the Ceremonies of it , be drawn from that effectuall and operative Blessing of our first Parents , or rather of whole Man-kynde ? Is there here an institution of a perper●uall observance , or Rite , to be used in the Church , more then in the 22 verse of the same Chapter , when GOD blessed the Fowles , and Fishes , and said , Be fruitfull , and multiplie , and fill the waters in the Seas ? &c. If againe it be answered , that Pastorall Benediction , is mentioned in Scripture , first , what is that to Blessing of Marriages ? And secondly , why are not all other pactions , as well as Marriages , blessed in the Church , chiefly , seeing Matrimoniall Blessing hath been , & is , abused in the Romane Church , which holdeth , that Marriage is a Sacrament ; and consequently , Matrimoniall benediction ought , as it would seeme , to be secluded from the Church , rather then other Blessings ? The Sixth Demand . Whether or no it be fit to subscrive such an Interpretation , as in matters of lawfullnesse , and unlawfulnesse ; and consequently in matters of Faith , contradicteth the Judgement of so many Divines , most famous of the reformed Church , both Ancient and Modern , ( who did , and doe holde , that these Rites and Ordinances brought into this Church by the Assemblie of Pearth , are in their own nature lawfull , and such as ought not to make a stirre in the Church of GOD ) and also condemneth the venerable practise of the Ancient Church , and the most eminent Lights of it , even in those purest times , unto which we apeale against the Papists in our Disputes . ANSWERE . We trust , that no sound Divyne , Ancient or Moderne , would in this case denye the expediencie of the forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles . And further then this , nothing at this tyme is required . Replye . Your silence , in not answering that which we affirmed , concerning the judgement of Divynes , Ancient and Moderne , of the reformed Church , anent the lawfulnesse of the Rites and Ordinances , which were received in our Church , by the ordinance of the Assemblie of Pearth ; as also concerning the judgement and practise of the ancient Church ; doeth make us thinke , that ye acknowledge the trueth of that which we affirmed there . 2. We have already showne , that the Oath which ye requyre of us , importeth more then the forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles , for a tyme. 3. The forbearance of some of them , seemeth to us , to be meerly unlawfull , and contrary to that Pastorall duetie we owe to our Flocke . 4. The forbearance of any of them , considered with a relation to the Authority enjoyning them , in our judgement , is plaine disobedience . The seaventh Demand . Whether it be agreable to Charitie or Pietie , to requyre us to abjure these Rites as Popish ; which in the sinceritie of our hearts , following the light of our Conscience , ( whereof we take GOD to witnesse ) we have hitherto practised , as lawfull , and laudablie following the same light , doe yet practise them ? but suppose this might be requyred of us by any ; Quaeritur , Whether or no it becommeth them so peremptorilie , and upon such a suddentie , to urge us to this , who these by-gone twenty yeares , have desired earnestly to enjoy the freedome of their Consciences in their Ministerie , even in denying obedience to these things , and standing Lawes for them ; and when they were urged to obedience , did so often protest , and earnestly request , that they might have a tyme , to be well enformed , and maturelie advysed of the matter , which to the most part of them was most graciously granted ? Let them , therefore , looke to that naturall Maxime , Quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris , and to our Saviour's Precept of the same sense , and almost of the same wordes , Matth. 7. verse 12. ANSWERE . We hope , that such a Forbearance of the practise , will prejudge the libertie of no mans Conscience . Replye . It would much prejudge our Consciences , to sweare and subscrive the negative Confession , taking it according to your conception and meaning , who requyre our Oath . 2. How can we sweare , to labour , ( by all means lawfull , as ye require in your Covenant ) to expell those thinges , whereof we holde some to be necessary , and all the rest , to be lawfull , and laudable ? The Eight Demand . Whether it be fitting to sweare to defend the Kings Person and Authority , with this Limitation , In the defence and preservation of the true Religion , Lawes , and Liberties , of this Kingdome ? As if their Persons ought not to be defended against all Enemies , although as yet they embraced not the Trueth : or having before embraced it , yet have fallen from it ; or as if their Royall Authority were not to be acknowledged , although commanding thinges unlawfull ; and as if we were not subject thereto , in yeelding to suffer under them , when we give not active obedience to them ? ANSWERE . 1. The Answere of the first Demand , may give satisfaction here . 2. The Specification of the defending the Kings Person and Authoritie , in the defence of the true Religion , Lawes , and Liberties of the Kingdome , is warranded by the Confession ratified in Parliament , by other Acts of Parliament , by the other Confession , and by the generall Band joyned with it . 3. No man will with-holde his Subscription from the Covenant , because it doth not , as it intendeth not , to expresse ever●● duetie we owe to the Kings Majestie , as if the not naming , were a denying of the duetie . Reply . What ye have replyed in your Answere to our first Demand , we have examined , in our Confutation of your Answere . 2. If ye consider well all the Circumstances of the making of your Covenant , ye will finde that it had not been amisse , at this time , to have expressed more fullie the Loyaltie of your Intentions , to maintaine the KINGS Person and Honour . Next , it is necessarie to expresse it yet more fully , for our cause , whom ye require , to sweare & subscrive your Covenant ; lest we doe any thing , in this matter , with a doubting Conscience , ( which is a grievous sinne ) that is , Doubting whether or no we are tyed by our Oath , to maintain the KINGS Authority , onelie in so farre , as it is imployed in the Defence of the foresaid true Religion ; or , at lest , as it is not imployed against it . For it seemeth to us unlawfull , to sweare the maintenance of the KINGS Authority with this limitation precisely . And if ye be of a contrary mynde , we are most willing to confere with you of this point . The ninth Demand . VVhethere or no we can sincerely sweare to maintaine the Authority , truelie and properlie Monarchicall of the King ; and withall sweare also disobedience to these Articles , which are authorized by his standing Lawes , and to maintaine the meanest of his Subjectes against him , in their disobedience of his Lawes , as yet standing in vigour concerning these thinges ? ANSWERE . 1. The Answere to the first Demand , is usefull here also . 2. Forbearance of Practise , for a time , in such a case , is rather Obedience , then Disobedience : for example , Kneelling was thought convenient , because all memorie of Superstition was past , should it not therefore be forborne , because Superstition is now revived , and flagrant ? They who practise , keep the letter of the Law : but they who forbeare , keep the life and reason thereof . Replye . Your Covenant requireth more of us , then the forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles , as we have often times declared . 2. We have also showne , that the forbearance of Obedience , to standing Lawes , without licience of Superiours , and contrarie to their commandement , especially if it be done by deliberation , and if men tye themselves , by an Oath , to do so , is manifest Disobedience . 3. The Article of Pearth , anent Kneeling , was not grounded onelie , nor yet principally , upon that Narrative which ye mention ; but rather upon the conveniencie and decencie of the gesture of Kneeling , in the receiving of the holie SACRAMENT : which reason doeth yet continue ; as also the other reason which ye mention , holdeth yet : for the bodie of the People of this Church , were never Papists ; and , consequently , have no memorie of Popish Superstition , as those who lived in time of Reformation . 4. We can not see , nor conceive , how a Vow and Band , of maintaining the meanest Subject of this Kingdom , against all persons whatsoever ; and consequently , against the KING himself , as we have showne in our second Replye , in disobedience of his Lawes , can consist with that love , reverence , and subjection , which we owe to our KING . Neither have ye brought any thing in your Answere , to satisfie us in this point . And because ye alleadge , as we heare , that ye are mistaken in this point , and doe vindicate your selves , by those words of the Covenant , wherein ye promise to maintain the KINGS Authority ; we pray you to expresse your minde more fully , concerning it ; and to showe us , 1. What ye meane by mantaining the KINGS Authority , in that part of your Covenant , wherein ye expresse your loyall Intention , To maintain the KINGS Person and Authority ; and in speciall , Whether or no the maintaining of the KINGS Authoritie , be taken by you , as it excludeth all resisting of his Authority , by force of Armes , even although he should command thinges unlawfull , and contrarie to the Trueth ? For so we thinke it should be taken : and that it should be so taken , we are ready to demonstrate . Neither can we sweare it in anie other sense . 2. Whether your promise , of mutuall defence , In the same cause of maintayning the true Religion , and his Majesties Authority , &c. ought to be understood , of the maintaining the Kings Authority absolu●elie : that is , Whether he maintaine the true Religion , or no ? Or , on the contrarie ; if it ought to be understood , of the maintaining the Kings Authority conditionally , in so farre as he maintaineth the true Religion , and not any other wayes ? If you say , that it is to be understoode the first way , we assent to that part of your Covenant , and have no more scruple anent it , except that one , which we mentioned in our Reply to your second Answere : to wit , that the words of your Protestation , seeme to import more ; and , that your Paction , or Covenant , is made without the Kings privitie , and consent . If ye say , that it is to be understood the second way , then we continue urging our foresaid Demand : to wit , how a man can maintaine the Kings Authority , and withall maintaine the meanest of His Subjects , in resisting His Authority ? And how we can be said , to stand for the Kings Honour , when we vowe and promise , to doe that which hee himselfe professeth to be against his Honour ; and which , in the common judgement of men , is thought to be so ? The determination of this point , is more then necessary , at this tyme : and , therefore , let us in sinceritie , and Brotherly love , conferre of it ; that the Consciences of others who doubt of this , may receive satisfaction . The Tenth Demand . Whether or no we ought to sweare to such a Covenant , which taketh away from us all hope of a free Assemblie , or Parliament , to judge of the matteres presently debated ? for how can these vote freely of any matter propounded to the decision and deliberation of the Church and Estate ; who have already sworne to adheere to one part of the Question ? and how can those who dissent from them , submit themselves to their judgement , chiefly seeing they are Possessoures , and have Lawes Civill and Ecclesiastick , standing as yet for them ? ANSWERE . We perceive , that this tenth Demand , is made of the Articles of Pearth ; therefore we answere as before ; That we promise onely forbearance , which can prejudge no mans liberty in a Generall Assembly . Replye . We have showne , that your Covenant and Oath , importeth a manifest Abjuration of the Articles of Pearth : and therefore , the swearing of it doeth manifestly prejudge the liberty of Voting in a Nationall Assembly : For , how can they freely either reason in an Assembly , concerning Episcopacy , and the Articles of Pearth ; or else , give their judgement , without prejudice , concerning them who have already promised , sworne , and vowed , first , To adheere to the Discipline of the Kirke : that is , ( according to your Interpretation ) to the whole externall policie of the Church , as it was 1581. 2. To labour , by all meanes lawfull , to remove , and expell , all those Rites , and Ordinances , which have come into the Church since the foresaid Year of GOD ; that the Church may be restored , to the Liberty , and Purity , which it then had . Whereby ye declare , that the foresaid Articles and Episcopacy , are contrary to the Liberty , and Purity , of the Church ; and consequently , ye are tyed , by your Oath , to vote against them , if ye be called to the intended ASSEMBLIE . The eleventh Demand . Whether our subscriving , together with our People , to the Confession of this Nation , which is ratified and registrated in Parliamēt , Ann. 1567. may give full satisfaction to all who doubt of the sincerity of our Profession , if so be they have no farther aime , but only to know and see our willingnesse , and constant resolution , to adheere to the Religion presently professed , and to oppose all Erroures contrary to it , to our lives end ? Now , seeing we are willing to doe this , as we take GOD to witnesse , we are , how are we hated , maligned , and traduced as Enemies of the Trueth , only because our Consciences doe not suffer us to subscrive to that Interpretation of the Negative Confession insert in the Covenant , ( concerning which we can see no warrand of the trueth of it , nor lawfull Authority binding us to it ) and to the Politicke , or rather Military part of that Covenant , which is a thing without the compasse of our Calling , and not belonging to that contending for the faith once delivered to the Saints , of which S. Iude speaketh in his Epistle . ANSWERE . Since no other meane could be found so effectuall , for holding out of Poperie , and forbearing of dangerous Novations in Religion , such as the Service Booke , and Canons , which as yet are onelie discharged , till in a faire and legall way they may be introduced ; and are by no word of the late Proclamation disallowed although the Service Book , by the Proclamation , February 19. be highlie praised , as serving to edification , and to beat out all Superstition : and nothing in this Application is abjured , but what was abjured in the former ; why shall we fobeare to use a meane so just , and so powerfull , for the preservation of the puritie of Religion ? Replye . Here ye doe not particularlie answere to our Demand , and seem unwilling to give that Testimony of us , Your Brethren , concerning our sincerity in professing of the Trueth ; which , all who know and judge unpartially of us , doe thinke to be due to us . It is sufficientlie knowne , what paines we take , in disputing and writing against Papists , in confuting their Erroures in our Pulpits , in leading processe against them , according to the Order of the Church , and in doing all thinges against Romish erroures , which can be expected from the most zealous Professoures of the trueth . If ye , or anie other of our reverend Brethren , doubt of the sincerity of our Profession , then pose us concerning any Article contraverted , and we shall be most ready to declare our minde concerning it before all men , and give a sufficient proofe to the worlde , that we have pryed as narrowlie into the misteries of Romish Erroures , for refutation of them , as any of those who impiously , and uncharitablie traduce us , as favourers of Poperie . 2. We have other means , more effectuall , and lawfull , ( whereas we thinke this your Meane to be unlawfull ) for holding out of Poperie : and in which we ought to conside more , then in all the promises and vowes of men ; yea , also , more then in all the United Forces of all the Subjects of this Land : to wit , diligent preaching , and teaching of the Word , frequent Prayer to GOD , humbling of our selvs before him , amendement of our lives , and conversations , and arming our selves against our Adversaries , by diligent searching of the Scriptures , and using all other Means , whereby we may encrease in the knowledge of the Trueth , and in ability , to defend it against the enemies of it . 3. The Subjects of this Kingdom , at least a great part of them , either by their own inclination , or by the perswasion of others , have such an hard conceit of the Service Booke , and Canons , that if his Majestie use a faire and legall way of bringing them into this Church , especially such a way , as may give satisfaction to all his Subjects , in all appearāce , we need not to fear the in bringing of them . The Twelfth Demand . Whereas we heare of diverse Disorders , and violent miscariages , of those who have subscrived the Covenant , against our Brethren of the holie Ministrie , who continue in their obedience to the Lawes of the Church and Kingdome ; which miscariages being done without all form of Justice , or legall proceeding , are an exercising of Revenge , by private Authority , and consequently are forbidden in the sixt commandement ; which is one of the reasons which moveth us , not to joyne our selves unto their societie : we would gladely therefore know of our reverend Brethren , who have come hither , to recommend the late Covenant unto us ; first , whether or no they doe allowe these disorders ? 2. If they allowe them , what reason have they so to doe ? and if they allow them not , how is it , that these Disorders and miscarriages , are not publickly by them , and other Pastors of their Confederacie , condemned , and sharplie rebuked in their Pulpits ? Why are the Actors of them not tryed , and censured ? And why doe they delay to give out some publicke Declaration , either in Print or writ , to this effect , being long since exhorted to doe so ? ANSWERE . 1. Hardlie can a zealous people assembled in a Kirke for the Worship of GOD , be kept from tumult , when Bookes , and a Worship which they either know , or conceive to be Popish , are suddenlie , and imperious●ie obtruded upon them by the Leaders : and how farre the keeping of the materiall Kirkes from the pollution of Worship , belongeth to the People , and communitie of he Faithfull , should be considered . 2. Violence done in other places , and upon other occasions , we no more allow , then we doe approve the aspersions of Perjurie , Rebellion , &c. which some men doe put upon us . Replye . It belongeth not to the People , or community of the Faithfull , to contemne Authority , and the LORDS Service , done in his owne house , on his owne Day , so farre as to put violent hands in Praelates , and Pastors , in time of Divyne Worship , while they are practising those things which are enjoined by the King , and his Counsell . Such Disorders , and contemptuous carriages , doe not beseem those whom CHRIST inviteth to come to him , and to learn of him , meeknesse , and lowlinesse of heart ; chiefly , seeing there are many other wayes , whereby People may testifie their aversation of those Bookes , and Worship , which they conceive to be Popish . If it be a sinne in Parents , to provoke their Children to wrath ; much more is it a sinne in Children , to provoke their Parents , especially Patrem Patriae , the common Father of the Countrey , so to wrath . 2. The keeping of GODS house , from the pollution of Worship , belongeth to those who are cloathed with lawfull Authority . 3. We not onely asked of you , Whether or no ye did allowe the Miscarriages towards our Brethren of the holy Ministery , mentioned in our Demand ? but also , supposing that ye doe not allowe them , we asked , How is it , that those Disorders , and Miscarriages , are not publicklie by you condemned ; and rebuked ? Why are the Actors of them not tryed , and censured ? And why doe ye not give some publick Document to the world , of your aversation of such Miscarriages ? chieflie , seeing they are , as we have showne , a manifest transgression of the sixt Commandement . We can not sufficiently marvell , that ye have keept up your myndes in this matter , and not answered to so important , and necessarie a Demand . As for your Complaint , of Perjure and Rebellion , &c. if ye mean the Warning lately written to the Subjects in Scotland , ye shall knowe , that the Author thereof himselfe is much displeased with any offensive asperitie , which hath beene found in some written Copies thereof ; and hath already done that , for removing of that offen●● : which , we hope , shall give full satisfaction to all men . The Thirteenth Demand . How can we subscrive that Covenant , without incurring many grievous Scandals ; as first , the Scandall of Dissenting from other reformed Churches , and famous Divynes , the chiefe Instruments of the Reformation of the Church in EUROPE , who did hold these Rites which are abjured in this late Covenant , as meerly unlawfull , Popish , and Idolatrous , to be in their own nature , lawfull . Secondly , the scandall of dissenting from Antiquitie , and vilipending it altogether in matters of the externall Policie of the Church ; which we know , and have found by frequent experience , to be a thing that maketh manie Papists more averse from our Profession , then otherwise they would be . Thirdly , the scandall of Perjurie , which some of us can not escape , who did sweare obedience to the Articles of Pearth , and to our ordinarie , at our Admission to the Ministrie . ANSWERE . That threefold scandall ceasseth upon the right interpretation of the clause of the forbearance of the Novations already introduced . Replye . We have shown your interpretatiō of the clause of forbearance , not to be right , and have refuted it , we thinke , by the very wordes of your Covenant ; so that none of these three scandalls can be eschewed by us , if we subscrive to your foresaid Covenant . 2. Suppose the other two might be eschewed , by that interpretation of the clause of forbearance , yet the third can not be eschewed , seeing at our Admission we have sworne obedience to the Articles of Pearth , and to our Ordinarie : Wherefore , ye must either prove the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy , to be unlawfull , or else , we can not , without violation of our Oath , made at our Admission , forebeare the practise of the foresaid Articles , against the will of our Ordinarie , and other our lawfull Superioures . The Fourteenth Demand . Last of all ; We pray these Reverend and Worthy Brethren , to consider impartially , and charitably , seeing we have all these scruples in our minds concerning their Covenant , as also seeing we are yet most confident , and assured , of the lawfulnesse of the Articles of Pearth , together with the lawfulnesse and venerable Antiquitie of Episcopall Government , how we can , with a safe Conscience , give our consent that they should preach in our Pulpits , who come professedly to withdraw our People from that which we in the inmost thoughts of our soules doe embrace as lawfull ; and from that obedience which they doe owe to their Gracious and Pious Soveraigne therein ; Whos 's last Proclamation hath given full satisfaction to us all , and much rejoiced our hearts , in respect he hath therein most solemnly , and by his Oath declared , not onely his sincerity in professing the Trueth , but also his pious Resolution , to continue therein , and maintaine it constantly to his lives end , most graciously and wiselie removing these things which have occasioned the late perturbation of our Church . We wish them likewise , to consider , how they can requyre this of us , seeing they would not ( we appeale their own Consciences ) be content that they should be so dealt with themselves ; we meane , that any should goe up to their Pulpits , and condemne their Doctrine , and practise , and with-draw their People from that which hath been before recommended unto them as Trueth . We conclude : Exhorting earnestlie , entreating lovingly , and charging modestly , these , and all others , our Reverend Brethren , before GOD , and the LORD JESUS CHRIST , who shall judge the quicke and the dead at his appearing in his Kingdom , if there be any consolation in CHRIST , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the Spirit , if any bowells of mercies , to looke narrowlie to their own Consciences , in these weighty matters ; remembring that of JEREMIAH , The heart is deceitfull above all things , and desperatly wicked , who can know it : To judge charitably of us their Brethren ; remembering that of our Saviour , Iudge not , that ye be not judged : To deale with us in love and meeknesse , ( if so be they thinke us to have gone astray from the Trueth ; which , GOD knoweth , we no wayes doe perceive ) remembering that of S. PAUL , If a man be overtaken in a fault , ye that are spiritual , restore such a one with the spirit of meeknesse : as also that of S. JAMES , The wisdome that is from Above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated ; full of mercy , and good fruits , &c. And last of all , To seek Peace , and so to follow after it ; that this our deare native Countrey be not exposed to a dangerous Warrefare , and to all the wofull Consequents thereof ; of which our hearts can not thinke , without trembling and horrour . ANSWERE . 1. Nothing in the Interpretation of the Covenant , against the lawfulnesse of Pearth Articles , and of Episcopall Government . 2. We never intended to draw the meanest of the Subjects , from that Loyalty of Obedience , which they owe to their Soveraigne , and ours . 3. The Counsell hath rescinded the Approbation of that Proclamation . 4. His Majesties Religious and Righteous Disposition , hath been to us a Ground , and chiefe Argument , of our hope of the hearing of all our Petitions . 5. We have no desire to wrong our Reverend and worthie Brethren ; but rather to passe , in silence , the wrongs which we have sustained by them : and would approve our selves unto our GOD , and prove faithful in the imployments put upon us : earnestly desiring , that every eye may perceive the wonderfull worke of GOD in this Land : lest any of us be found fighting against GOD ; and , that all of us may joine Heart and Hand , for the Purity and Peace of the Kirke of ou● LORD IESUS CHRIST , Blessed for ever . JULIE 21. 1638. Mr. ALEXANDER HENDERSON , Minister at Leuehars . Mr. DAVID DICKSON , Minister at Irwing . Mr. ANDREW CANT , Minister at Petslig● . Replye . There is too much , as we thinke , in your Covenant , against the lawfullnesse of Pearth Articles . 2. Your Band of Mutuall Defence , against all persons whatsoever , may draw Subjects , perhaps , to take Armes against their King , ( which GOD avert ) and consequently from that Loyalty of Obedience , which they owe to their Soveraigne , and ours ; except ye declare , & explaine your selves better , then ye have hither-to done . 3. What the most honourable Lords of His Majesties Privy Counsell , have done concerning the Kings Majesties last Proclamation , is not sufficiently known to us , and farre lesse upon what Grounds and Motives they have ( as you say ) rescinded their Approbation of the late Proclamation . 4. His Majesties Religious and Righteous Disposition , hath been to us , and is , a maine ground wherefore we rest and relye upon his gracious Proclamation , perswading our selves , that he intendeth not , nor never intended , any Innovation in Religion . 5. We shall labour , by all meanes , to eschew every thing , which in the least degree may wrong you , our Reverend and worthy Brethren . As for the Wrongs already done by us to you , ( as yee pretend ) when-so-ever it shall please you to specifie them , we hope to give you full satisfaction , and to cleare our selves of that Imputation . 6. The worke of GOD towards any Nation , how strange and wonderfull so-ever it seem to be , is never contrary to his Word : and , therefore , we feare not to be found fighting against GODS Worke , so long as we fight not against his Trueth , revealed in his Word . That all-seeing LORD knoweth , that we mentaine his Trueth according to the light of our Consciences , and are ready to joyne Heart and Hand with you , for the Purity and Peace of this Church , in every lawfull way , & course , as sincere lovers of Trueth and Peace . And now , Brethren , before we conclude , againe we entreat you , and all others our deare Countrey-men , especially our reverend Bretheren of the holy Ministrie , to judge charitablie of us , and of our proceedings at this time ; and in particular , of these our Demandes , and Replyes ; which , GOD is our witnesse , neither hatred of any mans person , nor love of Contention , nor any worldly respect ; but only the Conscience of our Calling hath drawn from us . And as for our Arguments for not Subscriving , which are taken from our due subjection and obedience to our Soveraigne , and his Lawes , we protest , and declare , that they ought not to be so interpreted , as if we intended to accuse you , or others , our dear Countrey-men , of Disloyaltie towards our most Gracious KING ; or , as if our purpose were to lay any such Imputation upon you : for they are only used by us , to show what the wordes of the Covenant seem to us to import , and how we conceive of them ; as also , what maketh us so to conceive of them . We doubt not , reverend Brethren , but ye know , that as we owe to you , and to your Proceedings , the favourable judgment of Charitie ; so we ought to judge of those thinges , which we are to sweare , and subscrive , with the strict and inquisitive judgement of Veritie ; and consequently , we ought to ponder duely , and to propound particularly and fully to others , ( especially to those who requyre our Oath and Subscription , and undertake to satisfie our Consciences there-anent ) all the doubts and reasons which make us unwilling or afrayde to give our Subscription thereunto , IOHN FORBES OF CORSE , Doctor and Professor of Divinitie in ABERDENE . ALEXANDER SCROGIE , Minister at Old ABERDENE , D. D. WILLIAM LESLIE , D. D. and Principall of the KINGS Colledge , in Old ABERDENE . ROBERT BARON , Doctor , and Professor of Divinitie , and Minister at ABERDENE . IAMES SIBBALD , Doctor of Divinitie , and Minister at ABERDENE . ALEXANDER ROSS , Doctor of Divinitie , and Minister at ABERDENE . THE ANSVVERES OF SOME BRETHREN OF THE MINISTERIE , TO THE REPLYES Of the Ministers and Professoures of DIVINITY in ABERDENE ; CONCERNING THE LATE COVENANT 2. CHRON. 15. 15. And all Juda rejoyced at the Oath : For they had sworne with all their heart , and sought Him with their whole desire : and He was found of them . To the Christian READER . THat you may know our Proceedings , how we are brought upon the Stage , and contrary to our expectation , are put in Print . Comming to ABERDENE , on Fryday , the after-noon , we received the Demands of our reverend Brethren , that night late ; and , for the greater expedition ; without delay , we returned our summarie Answeres on Saturnday at night . On the LORDS Day following , we desired to expresse our selves to the People in presence of the Ministerie , but the Pulpits and Kirks were altogether refused ; and therefore in the most convenient place we could have , sub dio , and at such houres as were vacant from the ordinary exercises of publicke Worship , we delivered our Message in the audience of many . After our last Sermon , towards Evening , we found that our labour was not in vain in the LORD : for dyverse persones , of speciall note , both for place and wisdome , with willing heart , and great readinesse of minde , did publicklie put their hands to the Covenant . Having the weeke following seene some parts of the Countrey , [ where besides the Presbyteries Alforde and Deere , who had subscrived before , the Moderator , and dyverse of the Presbyterie of ABERDENE , the Presbyterie and People of Turreff , after they were satisfied in some scruples , did also subscrive ] we returned the next Saturnday to ABERDENE : where finding that some others had subscrived that weeke , we resolved to preach upon the morne . That night we received a Replye , unto which before our returne home , we have made an Answere . All these we desire may be unpartially considered : & if it shall please the LORD , that any light shall come from our Labour unto thy Minde , let it bee as●ryved not unto us , ( who neither had time nor helps for such a taske ) but to the brightnesse of the Trueth , and Cause it selfe , and to the Father of Lights : to whome be all Glorie . To our Reverend Brethren , The Doctors and Ministers of Aberdene . THat our Answeres ( reverend and beloved Brethren ) have not given you full satisfaction , as it may be imputed to our weaknesse , in the defence of so good a cause , so it may proceed also from your own prejudice against what could be said by us which we have some reason to suspect for two causes , one is , that your Demands which we conceived to have been intended meerly for us , and were sent unto us from you in write , were published before our comming , in Print , like as ye have now printed and published your Replies before ye had seen our Answeres unto that which we received from you last in write ; we having promised to the bearer , to returne an Answere shortly ere we departed the Countrey . This may seem rather to be a seeking of victory from prejudice , then a search of veritie for satisfaction . The other cause of our suspicion , is , that the groundes of our Answeres to you , have proven satisfactorie to others , who for Age and gifts of Learning and Understanding , are pryme men in this Kirke and Kingdome , and to whom modestly will not suffer you to preferre your selves . But whether our weaknesse or your prejudice be the cause , must be now judged by others , to whose view ye have brought us : whom therefore we with you heartilie desire unpartially to consider our first and second Answeres ; wishing and hoping that partiality , prejudice , and all worldly respects and feares , laide aside , the naked Trueth shall be seen of all her lovers . Concerning your confidence of us , as we in love judge , that ye thinke not your selves ●o be stryving against the Trueth ; so may ye conceive , that we can no more bee brought to your mynde , then wee can bee drawne from the profession of our Religion , as it hath been reformed , sworne , and confirmed by the late and preceeding Covenants , and from following the example of our religious Reformers , and the manie Worthies succeeding them in this Kirke , who would have been glad to have seen the dayes which we now doe see : and for which we pray , that both yee and wee may be thankefull ▪ so shall it not be imputed unto us , that we have not discerned and used the day of the LORDS visitation : so shall we all rejoice together in the Day of the LORD . To the First Replye . YOur experience in your Disputes against the common Adversary , wherein ye say ye are so frequent , hath ( no doubt ) taught you , how easie a matter it is to multiply Objections against the Trueth , and Cause of GOD : and your selves knowe , that your Objection against our Calling , and the Warrand of our comming to you , was framed , and published in Print , before it was propounded unto us , and ere our Answere could be had ; but so soone as we did heare your Demands , we answered incontinent , in the humilitie and trueth of our mindes , that we were to obtrude nothing upon you , or your flock , by any particular Authority , Civill or Ecclesiasticke ; but that we did come , in all meeknesse , to represent unto you the present case of this Kirke , and in love to intreat you , to joine with us , for the peace thereof ; for which we trust , without wronging any lawfull Authority , we may claim the warrand of the highest and greatest Authority , although we had not been sent from almost the whole Kirke and Kingdom , lawfully conveened at this time , for the preservation of Religion , and of the Liberties and Lawes of this Kingdom , so sore shaken , by the usurpation of the Prelates , and their Favourers . Let us consider one another , to provoke unto love , and to good works , &c. sayeth the Apostle , Hebr. 10. 24. And where ye object , that without your leave we preached within your congregation ; which is aggravated by you , as a heinous fault , both against Scripture , and against the Canons of ancient Counsels , which ye have laboriously quoted against us ; we intreat you , to be more sparing , lest the guiltinesse , if there be any , reflex upon your selves : For your Pulpits and Kirks being denyed us ( not from any injurie done by us , but by your own determination , before our comming ) a necessity was laid upon us , to deliver our message in such places , as your courtesie did permit ; wherein no man will find , that we have failed , if he consider , first , That there is as wyde difference betwixt Ecclesia turbata & pa●ata , the troubled and peaceable estate of a Kirk , as is betwixt Ecclesia constituenda , & constituta , and many things are necessary in the one , which perhaps are not expedient in the other . Ye speake of the Constitution of the Kirke this yeare , as if ye had beene speaking thereof many yeares before this time . 2. That the Word of GOD , and the Canons of Counsels , will have Pastors so to care for their owne flockes , that they forbid them not , to care for the whole Kirke , especially in the time of a common Combustion . When the house is on fire , every man ought to runne to all rowms , where hee may quench it : when a laik stricketh up in a Ship , every Mariner , yea , every Passenger , ought to labour to stop it . Even he who is not universall Pastor of the Kirke , is Pastor of the universall Kirke : & the Apostle hath taught us , That we are members one of another , Rom. 12. 4. As all the members of one bodie being many , are one body ; so also is CHRIST , 1 Cor. 12. 12. That the members should have the same care , one for another , vers . 25. If some members of this Kirk had not cared more kindly , in this time of cōmon danger , then other some have done , the whole body had been ere now dangerously , if not desparatly diseased . 3. That we made choise of such houres , for delivering our Message , that the people might attend your ordinary times of publick worship ; which maketh your charge , of the peoples contempt , or ours , of your Ministery , to be most unjust . In the second part of your Replye to our Answere to your first Demand , ye might have made choise of words witnessing more respect to the most part of the Kingdom now , ' and to the Kirke in former times , then of a Confederation , and negative Confession : we know no other Confederation at this time , but this same Laudable Covenant , which our Progenitors , and many yet living , made with GOD , and amongst themselves , at the Commandement of Authority , and according to the example of the people of GOD in former times . Neither is that short Confession meerly Negative , since the beginning thereof is affirmative , and doeth virtually containe the first large Confession ratisied in Parliament , 1567. 2. No Pastors , in our knowledge , have either been forced to flee to foraigne countreys , or have been threatned with the want of their Stipends , for the refusing their Subscription : but this we have heard , that some of them have of their owne accord , gone to Court , for procuring of protections against their Creditors , and against the Lawes , and duety of good Subjects , have made lies between the KING and his People . Others we know have wilfully refused , to abide with their flock ; and being earnestly intreated by them , to attend their Charge , have left them , and have gone out of the Countrey , for no reason , but because the people had subscrived ; and , as ye knowe , that Arguments have been taken from augmentation of Stipends , to hinder Subscription : so ye may knowe , That fear of worldly losse , rather hindereth men to subscrive , then scruple of Conscience . The Prelates flight , seemeth rather to have proceeded from inward furies of accusing Consciences , or for fear of a storme , ( which being procured by their owne doing , may be easily prognosticated by them ) then from the inforcing of subscription of the Covenant , which in our knowledge was never required of any of the Prelates , although they be grossly guilty of the breach of the Covenant , which they did sweare & subscrive before . 3. Your help , by your prayers , and other means , for extinguishing of the present Combustion , we still desire , but with all intreat , that you would both joyn with the rest of the Kirkes of the Kingdome , in publicke humiliation and fasting , which the LORD himselfe doeth proclaime and call for at this time ; so should your prayers be the more effectuall , and also ye be good instruments , according to your power , with your own people , and the countrey about , to joine in the Covenant , so should ye finde the worke of Pacification the more easie . 4. The reasons which we touched in our Answere , for proving , that ye might , without just offence to any , joine with us , in subsc●iving , are not yet answered : for , first , a sound interpretation of the Covenant , although proceeding from a private person , and altogether voide of externall Authority , can not make a substantiall difference : and if the interpretation be unsound , although it were confirmed by Authority , it maketh not a substantiall coincidence . 2. Why is it denyed , that the former Covenant containeth mutuall defence , since all are obliedged thereby to de●end Religion , according to their vocation and power , and the KINGS person and Authority , which can not possiblie be done , without mutuall defence : and since that clause of the Covenant , is so expounded , and applied upon grounds of perpetual reason , in the general Band drawn up , & Printed by Authority , An. 1590. 3. Ye must either prove this Covenant to be substantially different from the former , which is impossible , or ye must acknowledge this to have the same Authority with the former , since we are really obliedged in the former Covenant , and virtually the same warrand of KING , Counsell , and assemblie , remaineth , and was never yet discharged : by vertue whereof the Covenant might have beene renewed yearly , by all the subjects of the Kingdome , no lesse then it hath beene subscrived yearly by such as passe degrees in Colledges , and such as were suspect of Papistrie , from time to time . 4. What was done by his Majesties Commissioner , was no● done in a corner , that it needeth to be pryed into , or doubted of , and what was allowed by his Grace , who had so great power from his Majesty , to declare his Majesties will , and to receive Declarations from his subjects , and who was in every poynt so zealous and tender of his Majesties service and honour : who are ye , that it should be dissallowed by you ? Ye will have the Kingdome guilty of combination against Authority , and will not have the KING to be satisfied , when they have declared themselves to the contrary , and their Declaration is accepted by his Majesties Commissioner . This manner of dealing , is more sutable to Papists , and such Incendaries , then for you , who desire to prove good Patriots , in using all means of Pacification . 5. We are sory , that ye should be the first , who have accounted our Covenant to be a confederacie against the Trueth , since some of your selves , and all every where have been constrained , to acknowledge , that they aime ●t the same end with us , to maintaine the Trueth . And for that which displeaseth you in our way , that we deale after such a manner with people , to come in , we answere , that we have seen in this Land , the Day of the LORDS Power , wherein his people have most willingly offered themselves in multitudes , like the dew of the morning : that others of no small Note , have offered their subscriptions , and have been refused , till tyme should try , that they joine in sincerity , from love to the cause , and not from the feare of men : and that no threatnings have been used , except of the deserved judgement of GOD ; nor force , except the force of reason , from the high respects which we owe to Religion , to our KING , to our native Countrey , to our selves , and to the Posterity ; which hath been to some a greater constraint , then any externall violence ; and we wish , may prevaile also with you . To the Second . VVEE perceive , that ye passe in silence , that which we answered concerning the preventing of trouble , which by all appearance had been too sensible to many before this time , if the Conventions censured by you , had not been kept ; we desire , that ye would here declare your selves , whether ye would have rather received the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and other trash of that kind , tending to the subversion of Religion , and to the prejudice of the Liberties of the Kingdom , then to have conveened in a peaceable manner , to present Supplications to his Majestie , for averting of so great evils . Neither doe ye speak a word of the saying of K. Iames , which ought to be regarded , both for the witnesse sake , who is of so great authority , and for the testimony which containeth so great reason . For , shall not the whole body of a Kingdom stirre pro aris & focis ? or shall our Religion be ruined , and our Light be put out , and all men holde their peace ? We told you also , that the first part of the Act of Parliament , 1585 , is relative to another Act in Queen Maries time , which specifieth , what sort of Leagues and Bands are forbidden , and setteth us free from the breach of the Act : but yee have answered nothing to this , and still dispute from the Act of Parliament , rather then from other grounds , better beseeming your Profession , and ours ; and in this will so precisely adhere to the letter of the Law , that you will have no meetings , without the KINGS consent , even in the case of the preservation of Religion , of his Majesties Authority , and of the liberties of the Kingdome , which we are sure must be contrary to the reason and life of the Law ; since the safetie of the People is , the Soveraigne Law. Although it be true also that for our Covenant , we have the consent of Authority pressing upon all the subjects in the generall Band , and confession of Faith , formerly subscrived for maintenance of the Religion , their subscription and Oath as a note of their soundnesse in Religion , and of their loyaltie and fidelitie to the KING , and his Crown , wherein Iurisconsults , more skilled in this kinde , then we need to be , have given their Responses and Verdicts , in favours of us , and of our cause . 2. The poynt touching Authority , is so full of Thornes and Rockes , useth to be so vehemently urged , to procure envye against the Gospell of CHRIST , and can so hardly be disputed and discussed , except in a large Treatise , to the satisfaction of Kings and Kingdomes ; and all having interest , that for the present we only wish you to heare the testimonies of two grave Divynes , the one is Whittaker , in his Answere to Master Reynolds preface , pag. 6. Stirres and Tumults for matter of Religion , Reynold rehearseth , that hath been in Germanie , France , Bohemia , as though it were sufficient for their condemnation , that they once resisted , and did not by and by admit whatsover violence was offered , either to GODS Trueth , or to themselves , contrary to Promise , to Oath , to publicke Edicts , to Law , whereby they were warranded to doe as they did : more of this matter , will I not answere , being of another nature , and cleared long since from the cryme of Rebellion , not only by just defence of their doeing , but also by the Proclamations and Edicts of Princes themselves . The other is Bilson , in his Booke of Christian subjecton , in defence of the Protestants in other Countreys , against the objection of the Iesuit , Pag. 332. affirming , that subjects may defend their ancient and Christian liberties covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves , and were ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded , they may requyre their own right , save their own lives , beseech , that they be not used as slaves , but like subjects ; like men , not like beasts ; that they may be convented by Lawes , before judges ; not murdered in corners , by Inqusitors . This is also the judgement of Rivetus in his Commentarie , Psal. 68. which being looked upon by you , will furnish a full answere to what ye have cited at length from his Iesuita Vapulans . For betwixt Jesuiticall treasonable and pernitious doctrine , and practises against Princes and Magistrats , refuted by him , and the loyall and sound doctrine of Protestants , your selves know the difference and opposition , like as it is cleare as the Sunne , by that short Confession , by the Application thereof , to the times in this present Confession , by our publicke Protestation , and by the Declaration exhibited to his Majesties Commissioner , that we meane not only mutuall concurrence , and asistance in the cause of Religion , but also to the uttermost of our power , to defend the KINGS Majestie his Person and Authority . We would be glade , that ye and others were witnesses to our private Prayers , and the most secret of our thoughts and affections , concerning our loyaltie to our dread Soveraigne ; so should ye either cease to write in this sort against us , or be forced to write against your own Consciences . 3. When we justifie our Conventions and Covenants , from their purposed ends , we meane not only the last and most remote ends , but the nearest and immediate , and if nothing in these can merite just censure , the Conventions and Covenants no more in that which ye call the Object , nor in their ends , can be culpable : what Aspersions have been put upon our Reformation , and Reformers , by the malice of our Adversaries , can not be unknown to you . But we wish , that your engynes and penns may be better imployed , then to joine with them in so bad a cause , which we expect also from your prudence , considering the people and place where ye live . To the Third . YEE doe well and wisely , that ye search not curiously into the myndes of Princes , and Reasons of State : but whether all his Majesties subjects be satisfied with the last Proclamation , needeth , no deep search . For although possiblie some had been more pleased with a Proclamation , commanding the Service Booke , such especially who neither will see no errours in it , or have publickly professed , that they have been groaning for it , yet the Protestation of the Supplicants against it , as it giveth most humble and hearty thanks to His gracious Majestie , for what is granted ; so it testifieth upon undenyable evidences , that the Proclamation is not a satisfaction of our just desires : for , first , the Proclamation supposeth the Service Booke to be no Innovation of Religion . 2. That it is not contrary to the Protestant Religion . 3. That the Proclamation giveth not order for discharging all the Acts made in favours of the Service Booke , especially that of the 19 of February , which giveth unto it so high Approbation , as serving for mantaining the true Religion , and to beat out all Superstition , and no wayes to be contrary to the Lawes of this Kingdom ; but to be compyled and approved for the universall use and edification of all His Majesties Subjects . 4. It is so farre from disallowing the said Booke , that it putteth us in feare , that it shall be prest in a faire and legal way , and therefore , notwithstanding the Proclamation , the necessity of Covenanting , which containeth nothing contrary to the Acts of Parliament , nor to the duety of good Subjects ▪ but is the largest Testimony of our Fidelity to GOD , and loyaltie to our KING , ( whatsoever it may seem to you to import ) doeth yet continue , that His Majestie may be pleased , to grant the full satisfaction of our reasonable Petitions , and that our Religion , and Liberties , may be preserved for afterwards . Whosoever professe themselves , to be perfectly satisfied with the Proclamation , doe proclaim in the ears of all the Kingdom , that they are better pleased with the Service Booke and Canons , then with the Religion , as it hath beene professed in this Land since the Reformation . To the Fourth . VVEE were assured , that your Demand proceeded from a Mistaking , and therefore , according to our knowledge , did ingenuously , for your satisfaction , expound unto you the minde of the Subscrivers ; but finde now , that we have laboured in vain , at your hands , from which we have received this Reply ; unto which , concerning the first Miss-interpretation , we answere : 1. That although we doe neither use threatnings , nor obtrude our Interpretation upon you , as bearing any obligatory Power , yet pardon us , that we march you not , and put you not in the Ballance with the greatest part of the Kingdom , both Ministers , and others , in whose name we recommend this Interpretation unto you , by all faire Means , and force of Reason : and in so doing , wee are so farre from the breach of our Solemne Vow , and Promise , that we esteeme this to be no small proofe of that godlinesse , and righteousnesse , wherein we are bound , by our Covenant , to walke . 2. The autori●ative judgement of our Reformers , and Predicessors , is evidenced , not onely by the Confession of Faith , ratified in Parliament , but also by the Books of Discipline , Acts of Generall Assemblies , and their own Writs ; wherein , if ye will , ye may find warr●nd for this Interpretation ; and in respect whereof , it is publick ratione medii , besides those midses of Scripture , of Antiquity , and of the Consent of the Reformed Kirks , which are named for midses by you . Concerning the 2 Missconstruction , it is no marvell that Prejudices , and Preconceived Opinions , possessing the minde , make men to fall upon Interpretations of their own ; but in the South parts of the Kingdom , where many learned and judicious men , both Pastors , and Professors , were assembled , at the first subscriving thereof , we remember of none that did fall into that Misstake . And the two sorts of Novations , such as are already introduced , and such as are supplicated against , are so punctually distinguished , that there is no place left to Ambiguitie : but on the contrary , the Novations which we promise to forbeare for a time onely , cannot be supposed in the following words , to be abjured for ever , as Popish Novations . 2. Upon a new examination of the words , ye perceive , that the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy , are condemned as erronious Corruptions , because we promise , to labour , to recover the former purity & libertie of the Gospell : unto which our Answere is , that it appeareth , that you will have all the Covenanters against their intention , and whether they will or not , to disallow , and condemn , the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopall Government , lest they be tryed in a Generall Assembly : but it is knowne to many hundreds , that the words were purposelie conceived , for satisfaction of such as were of your judgement , that we might all joine in one heart , and Covenant , for establishing Religion , and opposing Erroures . And for your Argument , whether the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy , be against the purity and liberty of the Gospel , or not , which is not determined by these words of the Covenant : but it cannot be denyed , first , That if in a Free Assembly , they be found to be against the purity and liberty of the Gospell , they ought to be abolished : in the meane time , it being left free , by the words of the Covenant , to all , who will , to stand to the defence of their lawfulnesse . Secondly , how can it be denied , that many corruptions , contrary to the purity and liberty of the Gospell , were they never so innocent in themselves , have accompanyed these Novations , such as the superstious observation of Daies , feriation and cessation from worke , on those dayes , Feasting , Guysing , &c. many grosse abusses have entered in the Sacrament , upon Kneeling before the Elements , and upon the lawlesse usurpation of Prelates : in respect whereof , even they who allow of Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , may swear to recover the purity of the Gospell . And thirdly , who can be so great a stranger at home , as to deny , that many corruptions of Popery , and Arminianism , have entred in , in the Kirke , and have been vented , and defended , in schooles , and Pulpits ; by reason whereof , we are bound , every one of us , according to the measure of our light , to labour for recovery of our former Purity ? And therefore , if you had cast your eyes upon the condition of this poore Kirke , as ye have pryed narrowly , into the expressions of the Covenant , ye might have spared both your owne labour , and ours , and not laboured to skarre both your selves and others , with this shadow . In your Argument , ad hominem , you should have considered , that whatsoever be our judgement , as we are particular persons , yet , at this time , we were to be taken , as Commissioners , from the whole company of Subscrivers , who , about this point , are of different judgements : and if some of your own judgement , had either come alone in our place , or had been joined in Commission with us , we had anticipate your Objection : and this ye have been forced to see ; and so your selves , in propounding your Objection , have answered your own Syllogisme , in making us to say , that ye may sweare and subscrive seeing ye thinke not these things to be abjured in that Oath made Anno 1581 : neither was it for you , to inquire in our private Opinion , nor necessary for us , to make it knowne , but to have conceived of our minds , according to our Commission , and the will of those who sent us . Your Arguments need to be no impediments unto your swearing of the Covenant . For upon your grounds , ye would not have sworne the short Confession , any time bypast : yea , ye can not sweare the Confession of any Kirke ; nay , not the Articles of the Creed , because of the diverse Interpretations of the Article of Christs descent into Hell ; or swearing them in Scotland and England , ye behoved to sweare them in diverse senses . There be some words of the Lords Prayer , as Give us this day our daily bread ; and of the ten Commands , as the words of the fourth Command , which are diversly understood ; must Christians , therefore , forbeare to joine in saying the Prayer , or swearing Obedience to the Commandements ? Neither for this doe we admit any Ambiguity , or Equivocation : the words certainly have but one true sense , and signification , but diverse persons conceive and understand them , according to the different measures of their light . Since then your Disputation is builded upon such a Supposition , it must either fall to the ground , or hardly can any Confession of Faith , or religious Covenant , be sworne . Offend not , therefore , if we in modesty , present unto you , a dish of your owne dressing ; we meane , the like Argument , ad hominem . The Rites and Ceremonies , which are not abjured in the negative Confession , are not abjured in this late Covenant . But the Rites and Ceremonies , which were concluded in Pearth Assembly , are not abjured , as ye say , in the negative Confession , made Anno 1581 : therefore , they are not abjured in this late Covenant . The first Proposition is evident , because in the late Covenant we are bound no furder , concerning the negative Confession , but to keep it inviolable : and therefore , what Rites are not abjured there , are not abjured here . The second Proposition cannot be denyed by you ; for these twenty years by-gone ye hav● thouhgt your selves free of Perjury , notwithstanding of the Oath in 1581 , and of your conforming your selves , to the Ordinances of Pearth . And whereas ye alleadge , afterward , as before , that our Supplications are satisfied , the contrary is knowne , by our publicke Protestation , and by our last Supplication , and Complaint , presented to his Majesties Commissioner . And urging of the Service Booke , was a sufficient reason , for forbearance of Pearth Articles , till an Assembly ; at which time it may be determined , whether it be expedient , that this Kirke be any more troubled with them . Neither needeth your Conscience to hinder you to subscrive the forbearance of these Novations , as if swearing of forbearance , were a swearing disobedience to Authority : first , Because the swearing of forbearance of a thing in your opinion , indifferent , in the case of Scandall , and of sensible feare in others , of Superstition , is the swearing of Obedience the Commandement of GOD , which forbiddeth us , to destroy him , for whom Christ died , although man should cōmand the contrary . 2. Because the Articles of Pearth were concluded , for satisfying the KING , and not to presse any man with the practise of them , as was openly professed unto the Opponents , before the face of the whole Assembly : and because the Act it selfe giveth warrand , to forbeare the practise at this time , when the memory of superstition is revived which maketh us to thinke , that they who have forborne the practise of these Articles , since the superstitious service Booke was complained upon , make most truelie conscience of obedience of the Act of Pearth , and Parliament , ratifying the same , and are most conforme unto the Confession of Faith , ratified in Parliament , declaring , that Ceremonies ought to be changed , when they rather foster superstition , then edifie the Kirke , using the same . Last of all ; Ye say , ye can not sweare forbearance , because ye can not abstaine from private Baptisme , and private Communion ; where we perceive , that in your judgement , private Baptisme and Communion , are not any more things indifferent , but necessary , necessitate praecepti , in so farre , that the not using of them , is a contempt of the means , and a tempting of GOD. By this your Doctrine , first , The state of the Question , anent Pearth Arricles , is quite altered ▪ for ye , and your Associates , did ever , to this time , alleadge the Question , to be of thinges indifferent : but now ye finde some of them so necessary , that altho the generall Assembly of the Kirk , should discharge them , yet ye behoved still , for conscience of the Commandement of GOD , to practise them . If ye have the same judgement of kneeling before the Elements , and of festivall dayes , it commeth to passe amongst us , which hath been incident to the Kirke , informer Ages , that thinges have been first brought in , as indifferent , then urged as necessary . If confirmation also in your judgement , be not indifferent , but necessary , we desire to understand , with what conscience it hath beene slighted , and utterly neglected by the Prelates , these 20 yeares past ? and how it is , that ye have carried so small regard to the Canon of the Kirke , and Act of Parliament , and to the benefite of young Children , as not to requyre , urge , and presse the practise thereof , both in your own charge , and throughout the whole Kirke ? This would seem to be partiall dealing , to presse some Ceremonies , and neglect other some ; while both by the same Canon of the Kirke , and Act of Parliament , are appointed . 2. Ye doe hereby condemne the practise of the Kirke of Scotland , from the time of Reformation , till Pearth Assemblie , and put no small guiltinesse upon other reformed Kirkes , who use not that at all , but rather abstaine from it , as dangerous , which ye now doe professe , to be so necessary . 3. We wish you wisely to consider , whence it is , and what can be the true cause , that ye living in that part of the Kingdome , should be more pressed by the people , with the practise of private Baptisme , and Communion , then all the Kirkes in the Kingdome beside , where these twenty yeares past , rarely any such motion hath been made : is it not because that Popery prevaileth there , and the people have a superstitious conceat of Baptisme and Communion , as absolutely necessary to Salvation ; as if GOD had tyed his grace to the Sacraments ; and children dying without Baptisme , and others without their last Viaticum , did perish ? Thus ye minister the Sacraments in private , as necessary , Necessitate praecepti ; and the people seeme to desire , and receive them , as necessary , Necessitate medii : an Evill very curable , in that citie where the Assemblies of the people , for publicke worship , are frequent , wherein the Sacraments might be ministred frequently enough , with great solemnity , and edification , 4. And though we doe not deny , but Baptisme privatlie ministred , by the Minister of CHRIST , according to the Institution , be true Baptisme , and , that a childe thus privately baptized , be not to be baptized againe , ( although it be true also , that private Baptisme maketh way to this Errour of Re-baptizing : ) yet we hold , that the necessitie of the Commandement , standeth only for Baptisme in publick , since no precept requyreth Baptisme , but when the ministration thereof can be had orderly , with all the circumstances requisite ; whereof this is one , that it be ministred in the presence of that visible kirke , whereof the children are to be members : for not only the minister of Baptisme , and the parents of the children , but the Congregation also hath interest in the baptisme of every member that entereth in their communion : which therefore , ought to be a publick action , no lesse then the cutting off of a rotten member , by Excommunication , ought to be done publickly . 5. It is known , that private Baptisme hath bred , and fostred the opinion of absolute necessitie of Baptisme , of Baptisme by Women , and private persons , of Baptisme by supposition , &c. and , that the ministration of the Sacraments , in private places , hath been , and is , the ready way to bring people to the contempt and neglect of the Sacraments in publicke , and to the prophanation thereof in private . 6. When all the forms of ministration of Baptisme , shall be compared , both that of the ancient Kirke , keeping Easter , and Pentecost , for the solemne times of Baptisme , and the other of the Popish kirke , and other kirkes , not well purged of the dregs of Popery , ministring Baptisme and Communion at all times , in private places , and before few persons ; it shall be found , that no better course could be taken , then that which hath been wisely appointed and observed , in the Kirke of Scotland , since the Reformation ; that the Sacraments be ministred in the ordinary meetings of GODS People ; unto which they had regard , and not unto the places of materiall Kirkes : which we adde , lest any should thinke , that we entertained any superstitious conceat of places . To the Fifth . TO the first Exception , we have even now answered , and need to adde no farder , concerning private Baptisme and Communion . 2. We looked , that your Argument , ad hominem , had beene closed in the fourth Reply , and wish , what ye had to say , against the Dispute , of Popish English Ceremonies , or any other Treatise of that kinde , or any of us in particular , had been keept to another time : for , would any of us , refuse to sweare the short Confession , because ye have expounded some Articles thereof , contrary to our minde ? Our desire is , that ye keep your own meaning of the negative Confession , and we keep ours , according to our diverse measures of light ; and , that both sides promise , Forbearance , as is required in the Covenant , which may very well stand both with your meaning , and ours : of ours , there is no question ; and of yours , there needeth none to be moved by you , since ye thinke them indifferent : and therefore , in such a case , may promise , to forbeare them . From this ground , and from the different use of the word Discipline , and Policy , it is easie to answere , both your Sorites , and Dilemma : for the late Covenant bindeth you to keep the former , according to the common meaning of the Subscrivers ; and not according to your Interpretation or ours , in particular : and the horns of your Dilemma , may be turned about against your selves : for we aske of you , Unto which of the members of the Distinction doe ye referre Episcopacy , and the Articles of Pearth ? if they were abjured for ever , before Pearth ▪ Assembly , how is it that ye have admitted and practised them , since that time ; for this were Perjury ? And if they were not abjured , but by the short Confession were left indifferent , why may ye not , for any impediment ye have from that Confession , forbeare now the practise of them ? We looked not for Velitations of this sort , which the change of Commissioners sent unto you , might have prevented , but for some solide and grave reasons , why ye could not subscrive the Covenant , whether presented from our hands , or the hands of others , our Learned and reverend Brethren , of your practise and judgement , who might have beene sent unto you in our place . In the meane time , because manie are intangled with the word of Discipline , and Policie , we desire the Reader to remember , that sometime the word is taken for the Rule of Government of the Kirke , and censure of Manners , by Office bearers appointed by Christ ; and thus it is unchangeable : sometimes for the constitutions of Counsels , and Acts of Parliament , about matters of Religion ; and thus it is alterable , or constant , according to the nature of particular Obiects : and thirdly , it is taken for the ordering of the circumstances , to be observed in all actions Divine , and Humane ; and thus it is variable . We appeale with you , to the indifferent Reader , who is judicious , whether it be necessarie for your Subscription , to know our Opinion of such Rites and Ceremonies , as are not of Divine institution . We have reason , [ for any thing that ever we heard to the contrary , these twenty years past ] to cleave unto the words of the Covenant , concerning such Rites as are brought into the Kirke without , or against the word of GOD. The Blessing of Marriage ( now the second time instanced ) we conceive , neither to be circumstance , it being neither time , place , order of doing , nor any such thing , nor a Ceremony properly so called , more then the Blessing of the People , commanded in the Law , and practised before the Law , or praying for a Blessing upon the Ordinance of GOD , that it may be sanctified unto His People : we neither exalt Marriage so high , as with the Papists , to thinke it a Sacrament ; nor doe we abase it so low , as to thinke it a paction or contract , meerely Civill , it being the Covenant of GOD , which cannot be disolved by consent of the parties , as other civill Contracts may be : and therefore , as we will not use it superstitiously , according to the prescript of the Service Booke ; so will we not for the abuse of Popery , although it were a Paction meerely civill , it being so important , with-holde Ecclesiasticke Benediction from it . To the Sixth . SIlence carrieth sometimes the appearance of consent , sometime it is from weaknesse ; and since yee know also , that it may at sometimes come from wisedome , and moderation ; why doe ye not rather keepe silence your selves , then make such an interpretation of ours ? We deny not , but Divines , both ancient and moderne , are against us , concerning the lawfulnesse of the thinges contraverted : but we withall affirme , first , that Divines , both ancient and moderne , are against you also ; and both may be true , for both are but propositions indefinite , in a matter contingent . 2. That almost all Divines universally are for us , and for the forbearance of thinges indifferent , in such a case , which is the point urged by us , and cleared before . Secondly , we deny not , but the Oath containeth many other Articles but concerning that of the Novations already introduced , if ye could have believed us , and so many thousands as have subscrived , it containeth no more , but the forbearance of them , for a time ; neither can any farther be extorted from the tenor of the Covenant it selfe , according to your grounds . If ye will interpret it according to the meaning which ye thought it had the last year , and which we urge you not to change . and to promise forbearance , can neither be contrary to that duety which ye ow to your flock , nor be disobedience to Authority , but a meane to edifie GODS people , and obedience to GOD. To the Seventh . FIrst , The reason propounded in the seventh Demand , for refuseing your subscription , because ye supposed Pearth Articles to have beene abjured , as Popish , is answered to the full , and impediment put out of your way . This other that ye propound , concerning our conception and meaning of the short Confession , may be as easily removed , if ye will once believe , that we urge not upon you our meaning but leave you to your own , till the matter be examined in an Assemblie . 2. Ye call some of those Novarions , necessarie ; but without warrand of that Assembly which concluded then , as indifferent , and all the rest you will have to be laud●ble : thus by progresse of time , things formerly indifferent , become necessary ; and what was but lawfull before , and had much adoe to gaine that reputation , is now become laudable ; where ye plainly discover the cause of your unwillingnesse to subscrive , not so much to be the commandement of Authority , as the necessity and excellency of the things commanded . Till ye , therefore , change this opinion , ye cannot promise forbearance , neither upon our dealing , nor at the commandement of Authority , although forbearance should serve for the peace of the Kirke , and Kingdome . To the Eight . FIrst , we remit the reader to our Answere , and your Reply , which we hope , shall be found no confutation . 2. We observe , that ye have not answered our Argument , for our swearing the defence of the KING , and his Authority , with a specification , which ye call a limitation ; wherein we have followed the Confession of Faith , ratified in Parliament , the KINGS Confession , and act of Parliament ; upon which ye will not doe well , to fasten so foule Imputations , and put so hard constructions , as ye doe , upon us , for inserting in our Covenant , what they have said before us . If our specification be right , why censure you it ? If it be wrong , why fasten ye not your censures upon the fountaine from which it is derived ? the loyalty of our intentions , to maintain the KINGS Person , and Honour , is so fully expressed , that it hath given content to those who are nearest his Majesty : and we should wrong , not only them , but also the Covenant , and the subscrivers thereof , if we should make new Declarations to others , of greater distance , who wrong both the KING , and themselves , in craving them . 3. To doe with a doubting Conscience , is a grievous sinne ; but to make and multiply do●b●s , for hindring a good worke , and to oppose against a shining light , is no lesse grievous . Ye spake before of a limitation , and now ye have added precisly ; as if the n●ming of one duety , were the excluding of all other dueties . We all , by our Oath of Alleadgeance , by his Majesties lawes , and by other obligations , acknowledge , that we owe many other dueties to the KING , which were very impertinent to expres in this Covenant . 4 What kynde of conference ye meane , whether by word or write , we know not ; but ( while we were among you ) ye know what notice you were pleased to take of us ; and we have no delight , to resent it ▪ To the Ninth . FIrst , We are ashamed , to draw this Rug-saw of contention , to and fro , in a continuall Reciprocation , concerning the forbearance of Pearth Articles : and therefore , forbearing to doe so any more , we referre the Reader to our former Answeres . 2. We doe not affirme , that the only reason , why kneeling was appointed , was because all memory of superstition was past . There be indeed other reasons expressed in the Act , but such as the Authors thereof may be ashamed of , as both perverting the Text , Psal. 95. as making kneeling to be necessary , in every part of GODS Worship , and as giving matter to many Treatises , proving kneeling before the Elements , to be Idolatrie , according to the Act , unto which we now referre you : but this we say , ( which is manifest by the Act it selfe ) that in the case of present superstition , or feare thereof , all other reasons had not beene forcible , to enforce kneeling then , nor can have force to continue kneeling now . This feare hath beene great , this year by past , throughout the Kingdom , by reason of the many superstitions of the Service Booke , which , it may be , ye no more acknowledge , then ye doe the superstitious dispositiō of the people , because they are not that which they were at the time of Reformation . 3. We would heare what malice it selfe can say against the words of the Protestation , That it shall be lawfull unto us , to defend Religion , and the KINGS Authority , in defence thereof , and every one of us of another , in that cause of maintaining Religion , and the KINGS foresaid Authority , and to appoynt , and hold meetings , to that end ; like as our Proceedings have beene in themselves most necessary and orderly means , agreable to the lawes and practise of this Kirke and Kingdom , to be comended , as reall duties of faithfull Christians , loyall subjects , and sensible members of the body of the Kirke and Kingdome , and tende to no other end , but to the preservation of Religion , and maintainance of the KINGS Authority . To your interrogatoures , ( which ye seeme to propone , rather to be snares to us , then for satisfaction to your selves ) we answere once for all in generall , that if this were the opportunitie of that disputation , we shall be found to deny nothing unto Authority of that which the word of GOD , the law of Nature , and Nations , the Acts of Parliament , these Royalists , sound Divines , and loyall Subjects , give unto Kings and Princes GODS Vice-Gerents on Earth ; and that not from respect to our selves , but to the Ordinance of GOD , by whom Kings reigne . But seeing so oft and so instantly , you presse us in this point , ye force us mutually to propone to you such Questions , as , it may be , ye will have no great delight to answere . 1. We desire to understand of you , whether ye allow , or disallow , the Service Booke , and booke of Canons ? if ye disallow them , as an innovation of Religion , why have ye not either joined in supplication with the rest of the Kingdome , or made a supplication of your own , against them , or some other way testified your Dislike ? Next ; whether it be pertinent for men of your place and Qualitie , to move Questions of State , touching the Power of Princes , and Liberties of Subjects , after His Majesties Commissioner , and wise States-men , have received Satisfaction of the Subjects , for suppressing such motions as yours ? 3. Whether doe the Subscrivers more tender His Majesties honour , by supposing his constancy , in profession of Religion , and equitable Disposition , in ministration of Justice ; or ye , who suppose he shall fall upon his Religious and Loyall Subjects , with force of Armes , contrary to both ? 4. Whether the joyning of the whole Kingdom , in the Subscription of the Covenant , or the entertaining of Division , by your writing , preaching , and threatning of your People , otherwise willing to joine , be a more readie meane to settle the present Commotions of the Kirke , and Kingdom ? 5. If the Prelates , and their Followers , labouring to introduce Popery in the Land , make a Faction by themselves , or as the Guisians in France , did abuse His Majesties name , in execution of the bloody Decrees of Trent , ( which GOD forbid ) we aske , Whether in such a Case , the lawfull defence of the body of the Kingdom , against such a Faction , be a resisting of the Magistrate , and a taking Armes against the KING ? If ye affirme it to be , is not this to take part with a Faction , seeking their own ends , against the common-wealth of the Kirke , and Kingdom , and honour of the KING ? If ye say not , Why then sinde ye fault with our Protestation , of defending the Religion , Liberties , and Lawes of the Kingdom , of the Kings Authority , in defence thereof , and every one of us of another , and in that cause , as if it were an unlawfull Combination against Authority ? 6. Whether doe ye think Christian Magistrats to be of so absolute & unbounded power , notwithstanding of any promise or paction made with the Subjects at their Coronation , or of any Law made for establishing their Religion and Liberties , that there is nothing left , but suffering of Mar●yrdome , in the case of publick Invasion , of their Religion and Liberties ? If ye thinke , that any defence , is lawfull , why misconstrue yee the Subscrivers of the Covenant ? If not , how can ye be free of Flattery , and of stirring up Princes against their loyall Subjects , for such ends as your selves know best ? We verily believe , that ye shall report small thanks , either of so good and just a KING , or of so duetifull Subjects , for entering within these Lists . It is enough , that such Questions be agitated in the Schooles , and that with as great prudency , and as circumspectly as may be . To the Tenth . FIrst , ye take us in our fourth Replye to be the penners of the Covenant , and yet will rather wrest the words of it , to your owne meaning , then receive the Interpretation thereof from us : for wee prejudge not your liberty of conception of that short Confession , but permit it to your selves , whatsoever may be the private meaning of some who have sub●crived ; yet there is nothing in the late Interpretation that c●ndemneth the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy , as Popish Novations . Ye may voice and reason in an Assemblie as freely concerning them , and give your judgement of them , without prejudice , notwithstanding of your Oath , according to your own grounds , as you would have done at the Assembly of Pearth . 2. We hop● ye be not so ignorant of the estate of the Kirke , neither will we judge so uncharitably , as to thinke you so corrupt , that in your opinion there is nothing hath entred in the Kirke , since that time , designed by you , beside Episcopacy , and the Articles of Pearth , which can be thought prejudiciall to the Liberty and Purity of the Gospell . To the Eleventh . FIrst , ye finde fault with us , that we have not upon this occasion , given you that testimony which we owe to you , of your sincerity , in professing the trueth ; and therefore , to supplie our defects , have taken an ample Testimony to your selves , of paines in disputing , in wrytting , and preaching against Popery , in processing of Papists , and in doing all thinges which can be expected from the most zealous , of frequent prayer to GOD , of humbling your selves before him , of your holinesse of Life , and Conversation , &c. which have made us who were desirous to heare that Testimony , rather at the mouths of others , that we might be no more challenged as deficient in that kinde , but give unto you your deserved praise , to inquire in matters ; whereupon , if we would believe the report of others , wee heare , that for all your pains , Papists , and Persons Popishly affected , are multiplied , and Papistry increased in your towne , more then in any other town of the Kingdom , & no lesse under your Ministrie , then any time before , since the Reformation ; that there be in private houses Messes , Crucisixes , and other monuments of Idolatry ; that ye have not many converts from Popery ; that Jesuits , and Priests ; are countenanced there ; that your People at home , and your Magistrats abroad , complain , that ye are but too sparing of your pains in preaching , and often fill your places with Novices : but this we are sparing to believe , and wish , that the not imploying of your Tongues , and Pennes , in the defence of the Service Booke and Canons , which are so pestred with Popery , [ if the seeds of Romish Heresie , Superstition , Idolatry , and Papall tiranny , come under that censure ] and your willingnesse to joyne with the Kirke and Kingdom , in Fasting and Humiliation , had been also Testimonies of your sincerity against Popery . 2. The laudable means of Preaching , Praying , &c. which we wish may be still in all faithfulnesse used by you , may very well agree with the renewing of our Covenant with GOD ; and both being joined , have , in a short time past , produced more powerfull effects , to the comfort of many thousands , then all our Prayers and Preaching hath done for a long time before : which testifie , That , as it is warranded by the Word of GOD ; so the motion hath pr●ceeded from GOD. All the Arguments and Subtilties that can be devised , will never make a People , ( who at this time have found GOD dwelling , and working in their hearts ) to thinke the contrary . 3. The naturall inclination of people to Popery , and the perswasion of others , of their disposition , may make ▪ the people to conceive other wayes of the Service Booke , and Canons , that ere it be long , they may be brought in , in a faire and legall way : and therefore , it is necessary , for preventing of those , and other Evills of that kinde , that the Subjects joine in a Covenant , both for themselves , and their Posterity . To the Twelfth . FIrst ; we have ever preached according to our measure , and have given example of reverence to Authority , and the LORDS Service : but we neither acknowledge the usurped Authority of prelates , for lawfull Authority , nor the Service Booke , for the Lords Service . And therefore , it was so much the more intollerable for the Prelates , without Authority from the Kirke , or Parliament , to bring in the Service Booke into GODS own house , upon the LORDS own Day . Which maketh it nothing strange , that people zealous of the Trueth , and of the Service of GOD , were stirred up , to oppose : and we are very confident , that these who have opposed , doe beare as loyall respect to the KINGS Majesty , and will be as loath to provoke him to just wrath , as their opposites are . In the meane time , why doe ye not acknowledge , that the children were higher provoked to wrath , by the Prelates , whom ye account reverend and holy Fathers ? 2. As the preservation of our own private Possession , from Invasion of others , belongeth to our selves , under the KINGS Protection ; so the keeping of GODS House , from Pollution , and Superstition , belongeth to Authority , to the community of the Faithfull , and to every one in his own place , and order . 3. We told you before , that we did no more allow violences of that kinde , nor we did allow the ●oule aspersions of Rebellion , Heresie , Schisme and Perjury , put upon the Noblemen , ( and remnant Covenanters . ) And where ye aske of us , Why these tumults are not publickly by us condemned , and rebuked ? we aske againe of you , why ye did not condemne and rebuke such dealing , since that is no lesse transgression , both against the sixt and nynth Command , then the other is against the sixt ? And whereas ye are now so peremptorie , in drawing a Declaration from us , answearable to that which ye have given concerning the foresaid Aspersions and Calumnies , we having no commission , to declare the mindes of others in this point , or to give Documents , for our own private judgement , doe heartily disallow every wrong of that kynde . As for the Apologie of D. JOHN FORBES of Corse , seeing the wrong hath been done not unto some few particular persons , such as ye say have been wronged by some of the people ; but unto the body of the Kingdome , consisting of Noble-men , Barons ▪ &c. who are highly offended thereby , it were in us Presumption , and without the bounds of our Calling , to take upon us , to receive any Declaration of that kinde , especially wherein so many thinges are reprovable ; as first , That his bitter speaches were occasioned by some printed Bookes , affirming , that Episcopacy , and Pearth Articles , were Antichristian , and abominable . Supposing it were true , did he thinke the Noblemen , and whole Covenanters , to be the Authors of those Books ? And was this dealing agreable to that Christian meeknesse so much required of us before ? The Writers of those printed Books , are not the first who have spoken so : For Master KNOX spared not , ( in a Letter of his ) to call this kneeling , A Diabolicall Invention . Secondly ; The swearing of Forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles , and the Confirmation of the said Doctrine , which we neither deny , nor affirme , to be imported in the olde Covenant , but only in the Interpretation thereof , we declare , That Promise is only made , to forbeare for a time , doth not deserve so bitter a Censure as this apologie beareth upon us . 3. If the KINGS Majesty , Counsell , or the Subjects of Scotland , had asked his opinion , and advice , he might have used the greater liberty . 4. It is ill apologized , to call it a holie indignation , and worse defended , since it is such a wrath , as worketh not the righteousnesse of GOD. 5. Whereas he desireth to be accounted in the number of these , qui proficiendo scribunt , & scribendo proficiunt , we could wish , that he had profited better by writing , then he hath done by writing his Irenicum first , and now this his Warning , after his Irenicum : for which if he make no better Apologie , then confessing Asperity of words , proceeding from an holy indignation , it will come to passe of his Apology , as it fared with his Irenicum , unto which was applyed fitly , what was spoken in the like case , Aut fabrum forceps , aut ars ignara fefellit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluit cudere cudit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6. Whereas ye desire us , to doe the like , if ye meane of us personallie , we have declared our judgement , and shall be carefull to approve our selves to GOD , and the consciences of all men , in every such duety : and if ye meane us , and those that sent us , we shall not faill to report unto them , what ye desire , although our Commission from you had been the more acceptable , if ye had spoken more reverently of our Confession and Covenant , then ye have been pleased to doe , in the words of your desire , and had put your hand unto the Covenant ; which would presently have joined us in a greater Affection , and made way for union in judgement , and perfect peace , which is the desire of our Soules . To the Thirteenth . YEE pretended a threefolde Scandall , which should follow upon your Subscription : 1. The Scandall of Dissenting from other Reformed Kirks , and famous Divynes . 2. The Scandall of Dissenting from Authority . 3. The Scandall of Perjury . We answered , That the contraverted words of the Covenant being rightly conceived , and interpreted according to their true meaning , and not after the glosse which ye have put upon them , doe put you out of danger of all the three Scandalls , which ye seem to acknowledge of the first two , and may by the like reason acknowledge of the third , of Perjury . We dispute not of the lawfulnesse of the Oath given at your Admission , by what Authority it was exacted , with what conscience it was given , nor how ye can answere for the Scandall risen thereupon : but conceiving it according to your own grounds , none of you will say , that ye have sworne the perpetuall approbation and practise of these things which ye esteeme to be indifferent , whatsoever bad consequent of Popery , and Idolatrie , Superstition , or Scandall should follow thereupon : we speake here only of things indifferent , in your own judgement ; for ye have declared before , that ye thinke the Ministration of the Sacraments in private places , no more indifferent : & therefore , can not forbeare the practise of these , although your Ordinary , and other lawfull Superiours , should will you to doe so ; wherein Pearth Assembly , for which you stand , is wronged by you two wayes : 1. That ye differ in judgement from them , about the indifferencie of the five Articles : and next , that at the will of your Ordinary , and we know not what other lawfull Superiours , ye are ready to forbeare the practise of these things which the Assembly hath appointed to be observed . What Oaths ye have given at your admission , we know not , because there is no Ordinance made , Civill , or Ecclesiastick , appointing any such Oath , and because the Prelats , who arrogated that power , presented to the intrants diverse models of Articles , to be subscrived , dealing with some more hardlie , and with others more favourably , according to their own diverse motivs , & considerations . For some immediatly after Pearth Assembly , without any warrand from the Kirke or Parliament , were made to sweare at their Admission , that they should both in private and publick maintaine Episcopall Jurisdiction , and in their private and publicke Prayers , commend the Prelates to GODS mercifull Protection ; that they should subject themselves to the Orders that presently were in the Kirke , or by the consent of the said Kirke , should be lawfully established . The word lawfully , was not in the Principall first subscrived , [ as we have learned ] and if it had been exprest , it is all one , for the Superiours were judges to this lawfulnesse and unlawfulnesse . We will not labour to reconcile every Oath given by Ministers , at their entry with the present Covenant ; but wish , and exhort rather , that they may be recalled , and repented of , as thinges for which they can not answere before a generall Assembly . To the Fourteenth . IF the words of the Covenant be plaine , concerning the meere forbearance , and speake nothing of the unlawfulnesse , no mans thoughts can make a change . 2. By this Reply ye wrong your selves , in forging from the words of the Covenant , impediments , and drawing stumbling blockes in your own way , to hinder your subscription : ye wrong the subscryvers , in changing the state of the question , and in making a divorce betwixt Religion and the KINGS Authority , which the Covenant joineth together , hand in hand : and , most of all , ye wrong the KINGS Majesty , in bringing him upon the stage , before his Subjects , in whose mindes ye would beget , and breed , suspicions of opposing the trueth , of making innovation of Religion , and of dealing with his Subjects , contrary to his Lawes and Proclamations , and contrary to the Oath at his Coronation . We are not here seeking inscitiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or starting hole of ignorance , or of the smallest disloyalty of affection ; but would willingly decline that for the present , which neither his Majesties wisdome , nor the prudence of Statsmen , nor the modesty of good subjects , will allow you or us to dispute . The Crowns and Scepters of Kings , would be more tenderly touched , then the ordinary subjects of Schoole disputes . The naked naming , and bare proposall of certaine suppositions , such ( as some are made by you ) can not but reflex upon Authority , and sound harsh in the eares of all his Majesties good subjects , who wish , that he may long and prosperously reigne over us . 3. His Majesties most honourable privy Counsell , hath proven more favourable to this cause of maintaining the reformed Religion , then many Pastors , whom by reason of their place and Calling , it beseemed to goe before others ; and although according to their wonted custome , they gave warrand , to make his Majesties Proclamation , yet on good groundes , remonstrated unto them by the Supplicants , they willingly refused their approbation thereof ; hoping that his Majesty should be moved to give greater satisfaction thereafter : and this is not our saying , but a publicke doing , before many honorable witnesses ; of which number some were directed unto you ; whose report ye have no reason to call in question . 4. It becometh us , to judge charitably of the intentions of our Superiours ; and most of all , of the intentions of our dread Soveraigne . Yet , if that hold good which the supplicants have offred to prove , that the Service Booke , and Canons , containe a reall innovation of Religion , we must judge otherwise , de conditione operis , of the matters contained in the Booke , then de intentione operantis , of his Majesties intention ; although the intention of the Prelates , & their Associates , the Authors & contrivers of the Bookes , be most justly suspected by us . 5. It is no delight to us , and can be but small comfort to you , to mention the wrongs , which by you are done to us all who have joined in this Covenant , and doe adhere to the Religion as it was reformed in this land ; in your estimation & writings , we are Rebellious , perjured , hereticks , schismaticks , blind guydes , seducers , miserable interpreters , ignorants : shal such men as these be your reverēd Brethren . Is this your meeknesse and charity ? Is this the duety ye expect from us ? But setting these aside , ye have wronged us , in with-holding your hand and help from so good a Cause , of purging Religion , and reforming the Kirke , from so many grosse abuses , and opposing all those who have modestly laboured for Reformation . Your speaches in private , in your chambers , beds of sicknesse , and in your missives , and in publicke , at tables , and in Synods , which are come to our knowledge ; we wish rather should be remembred , and repented of , by your selves , then be recited by us , who desire not to worke you any trouble . 6. Although there be a perpetuall harmony betwixt the Word and Works of GOD , far contrary to that which we finde to be amongst the Children of men ; yet often it commeth to passe , that the Word and Warnings of GOD , which we heare with our ears , are not believed , till we behold with our eyes , the plaine Cōmentaries thereof , in His Works . Many Proofs , and notable Documents , have been observed of the Finger of GOD , in the Worke in hand , the Characters of the great Works of GODS , more then ordinary Providence , since the beginning , are legible here . Then did the LORD begin this work , when the Adversary was raised to a great hight , and become intollerably insolent . The beginnings were small , and in the eyes of the World , contemptible ; such as use to be the beginnings not of the works of men , but of the Magnificke works of GOD : the power of GOD sensible in the hearts of many , and manifested by the joy ; the tears and cries of many thousands , at the solemne renewing of this Covenant , hath been a matter of admiration , and amazement , never to be forgotten , to many wise and ancient Pastors , and Professors , who did also finde an unwonted flame , warming their own breasts ; the plots , and workings of the Adversary , have wrought against their own Projects , and have served for our ends , more then all that have been thought , or done by our selves ; that we may justly say , what they devised , for evill , the LORD hath turned to good ; many thousands conveened , diverse times , in one place , have been keept in such order , and quietnesse , without the smallest trouble , in such sobernesse , and temperance without excesse or ryot , that hardly can History furnish a Paralell : and what effects there be already throughout the Land , of Piety in Domesticke worship , in observing the exercises of Religion , in publick , of soberness in dyet and apparell , and of Righteousnesse and Concord , we trust shall be sensible by the Blessings of GOD upon us , and shall be examplary to the Posterity . These we present unto you , and unto all , as a Commentary , written by the LORDS own Hand ; wishing again , that neither ye nor others , be found fighting against GOD. Who so is wise , and will observe these things , even they shall understand the loving kindnesse of the LORD , Psal. 107. 43. LORD , when thy hand is lifted up , they will not see ; but they shall see , and be ashamed , for their envy at the People , Isai. 26. 11. Master ALEXANDER HENDERSON , Minister at Leuchars . Master DAVID DICKSON Minister at Irwin . DUPLYES Of the MINISTERS and PROFESSORS of ABERDENE , TO The second Answeres of some Reverend Brethren , CONCERNING THE LATE COVENANT . If thou take forth the precious from the vyle , thou shalt be as my mouth : Let them returne unto thee , but returne not thou unto them . JEREM. 15. 19. Honour all men : love the Brotherhood : feare GOD : Honour the KING . 1. Pet. 2. 17. To the Unpartiall READER . IT may be you have not , as yet , heard the true relation of our proceedings , and carriage , towards those two reverend Brethren , who came lately hither , to recommend to us , and our People , the late Covenant : We declare therefore to you , that we hearing of their comming , and intention , and being of a contrary minde , resolved , that before we should give consent , that they should preach to our people , we would propone to them , by way of certaine Demands , the chiefe reasons which made us to be averse from their proceedings ; promising to admit them to our pulpits , if they should give us satisfaction , concerning the late Covenant . We intended not to print these Demands at the first ; but afterwards considering how much our people might be confirmed by them , in that pious resolution which they have , to continue in the obedience of the Lawes of this Church and Kingdome , concerning Episcopacy , and those things which were concluded in Pearth Assembly ; we thought good to put them to the Presse , but determined not to make use of them , by divulgating them , except we saw that our people stood in present need of them ; which indeed came to passe : for upon Fryday , the twenty of Iullie last , these reverend Brethren came to this Town , and having that same night received our Demands in writ , they returned their Answeres unto them on Saturday following , late in the evening : but they came no● to our hands , who replyed unto them , untill Sunday in the morning . Neither had we leasure to reade , or consider , untill both the Sermons were ended in our Churches . Wherefore we did meet together that day , at foure houres afternoone , that we might peruse them . And at that same time , hearing that these reverend Brethren had preached in audience of dyverse of our people , conveened in the court of a Noble-man his lodging , not having obtained our consent thereto , and in their Sermons had used a forme of answering to our Demandes , which they did publickly reade , affirming , that they had given full satisfaction to us , in a written copie of their Answeres , which they had sent to us : and by that means , had laboured to disswade and draw our People from their obedience unto the Articles of Pearth , and the Lawes of this Kingdome ratifying them : we knowing how insufficient their Answeres were , to give satisfaction to any , who would duely ponder our Demands , gave licence to the Printer to devulgate them , and the next day did write our Replyes to their Answeres , intending to put them to the Presse on tuesday . But we were earnestly entreated by a noble Man , to send backe to them the copie of their Answeres , that they might revise and perfect them , and also to delay the printing of our Replyes untill Fryday following . Which we willingly granted . But wherefore this was desired of us , you may conjecture ; seeing they neither added , nor diminished , nor altered any thing in their Answeres . Upon the next Friday at night , we gave our Replyes to the Printer : and to these reverend Brethren , who returned not to this Citie , untill Saturday following , we sent a copie of our Replyes in write , on the LORDS Day : unto which we received not their Answeres , untill they came from the Presse , to wit , on Tuesday the fourteenth of August : that is , eyghteene dayes after they had received our Replyes . What successe these Brethren had in their Sermons , which they preached here , upon two severall LORDS Dayes , it is sufficiently known : neither have they reason to talke so much of it as they doe , in their Preface to the Reader . The first of these dayes , some few who were thought to be that way inclined before , subscryved their Covenant : But the next LORDS Day , they scarce prevailed with any at all . And a great many , who heard them both these dayes , professed , that they returned from their Sermons , more averse from the Covenant , then they were before . Now good Reader , we present to thee our Replyes , to their second Answeres ; which for shortnesse cause , we have called Duplyes : we pray you consider them unpartially . And if you reap any benefite by perusing them , let it no● be ascrived unto us , but to the invincible force of divine Trueth . We conclude with Zer●babell , saying , Blessed be the GOD of Trueth : And let all the People shout , and say , Great is Trueth , and mighty above all thinges . To our Reverend Brethren Mr. ALEXANDER HENDERSON ▪ And Mr. DAVID DICKSON . THat your Answeres , Reverend and Deare Brethren ; have not in any degree satisfied us , we impute it not to your weaknesse , whom we know to be able Men , and much exercised in the matters debated betwixt us : but we impute it to the weaknesse of your cause , and to that inabilitie which is in all men , as well as in you , to beare out against the Trueth . We are sory that ye are not so respective , and favourable , in your judgement of us : for ye plainly declare in your Preface , that ye suspect us of prejudice : and that for two reasons . The first is , that our Demands , which yee conceived had been meerely intended for you , were published before your comming in Print : as also , that our REPLYES were Printed before we received your last Answeres to them . When●e ye conclude , that wee were rather aiming at victory , moved thereto by prejudice , then at satisfaction by searching of the Trueth . This reason is grounded upon a mistaking : for although our Demands at the first , were intended for you onely , yet afterwards we resolved to Print them , as also our REPLYES , ( the Printing whereof did nowayes depend upon your second Answeres . ) not for love of contention , nor desire of vict●ry ( GOD knoweth ) but for such reasons , as we have expressed in our Preface to the unpartiall Reader , whom we hope we have satisfied in this point . Your other reason is , that the grounds of your Answers to us , have proven satisfactory to others ; who for Age and Learning , are prime men of this Kingdom : and to whome our modestie will not suffer us , to preferre our selves . Farre be it from us to be so presumptuous , as to preferre our selves to so many Learned and worthy Divines : and as farre be it from us , to measure the soliditie , and sufficiencie of your Answeres , by the Habilities or Induments of these , who have acquiesced in them . If this your reason were good , the Papists might more probablie accuse us of prejudice , ( as indeed they unjustlie doe ) because their Answeres to our Arguments , have proven satisfactorie to many thousands of those , who for profunditie , and subtilitie of wit , are inferiour to none of the World : but we regarde not this slender motive , remembring these words of our Saviour , I thanke Thee , O Father , Lord of Heaven and Earth , because Thou hast hid these things from the Wise and Prudent , and hast revealed them unto Babes : even so , O Father , for so it seemed good in Thy sight . Besides , if ye compare the Divines , Ancient and Moderne , who are of our judgement , with these who favour your opinion , either in number , or in the excellency of their gifts , ye shall finde that in this , the advantage is greatlie ours . In the meane time ye shall know , that we can bring far better reasons to free our selves of prejudice , then these which ye have brought against us , to wit , the soliditie of our Arguments , which have put you to such straits , ( pardon us to say that , which every one who have eyes may see ) that oft times ye doe not so much , as attempt to answere them , being glad to passe them by , with the show of an Argument in contrarium , or some other like shift : our humble & earnest attestations , in calling GOD , the onelie competent Iudge ; as witnesse of our sincerity , in the inmost thoughts of our soul ; our seriously professed Resolution , to concurre with you , if we should get satisfaction from you , the modestie , ingenuitie , and peaceablenesse of our writings to you , and on the contrarie , your too great disdainfulnesse and asperitie in your second Answeres ; bewraying not onelie the weaknesse of your mindes , farre by our expectation , but also the weaknesse of your cause to unpartiall Readers , who ascrive this to the pungent force of our Arguments ; judging , that they have made you somewhat more cholerike then you were before . To this wee will adde the great reluctance , which some of the most Iudicious Subscribents did finde in their Consciences , before they subscrived your Covenant ; together with the Limitations , and Reservations , wherewith they subscrived it ; evidently arguing their ▪ strong apprehension , of the dangerous ambiguitie and haske sounding of the words of the late Covenant : so that even these who are now joined with you , have been much affrighted with those things which terrifie us . As for your Protestation in the end of your Epistle , that ye can no more be brought to our minde , then ye can be drawn from the profession of our Religion , as it hath been reformed , sworne , &c. Although this importeth no small prejudice , possessing and over-ruling your minds ; yet looking to the invincible force of that Trueth which we mantaine , we even yet hope that at last it shall prevaile with you ; espe●iallie considering that our con●roversie is not concerning the Reformed Religion ; whereunto we as sincerelie adheare as any whatsoever , but concerning the equitie of that forme of Covenant which ye lateli● made . Wishing you and all others , to adheare truelie and sincerelie , to the same true Religion ; and to all the dueties which in it are recommended to you : we most humblie , and earnestlie pray the Almightie GOD , to pitie his Church in this Kingdom , and to unite all our hearts in Trueth and Peace , in these most dangerous dayes : which although they be to you dayes of gladnesse , as ye professe , yet to those who love the peace of Sion , and the tranquilitie of this Kingdome , they are sad and melancholious dayes , in respect of the blacke clowdes of GODS wrath , hanging over our heads , and threatning us with stormes of fearfull Calamities : which we pray the Almightie GOD ▪ to avert . THE FIRST DUPLY. IN our Disputes against the Papists , ( which have been frequent , and by GODS grace not unfruitfull , ) as we have learned , that to multiply objections against the Trueth , is a thing easie , as ye say , but fruitlesse and vain : so also we have learned , that to multiply Evasions , against solide Arguments brought for the Trueth , is a thing no lesse easie , but altogether unprofitable : which we pray you take heed to . How forcible are right words ? but what doth your arguing reprove ? JOB 6. 25. 2. Ye say , that our objection , against your calling , and the warrand of your comming to us , was framed and published in Print , before it was proponed unto you , and ere your Answere could be had . Indeed our Demands were at the Presse at your comming , that they might be in readinesse ; but were not published , before your selves in your Sermons did publickly read them , and dispute against them , in audience of such of our People as were there present for the time ; albeit that written copie of them was delivered to you onely , and not at that time communicated by us to any other . 3. Your Authority which ye acclaim , is neither from his Majestie , nor warranded by Act of Parli●ment , nor by the Lords of his Majesties Counsell , nor by any Nationall Synode of this Kingdom , nor by any Judicatory established in it . And both in your first Answere , as also now again ye professe , that ye came not hither to us●rpe the Authority , of any Civill or Spirituall Judicatorie . As for your multitude , ( which ye call almost the whole Kirke and Kingdom ) it being destitute of Authority foresaid , maketh no warrand of ordinary calling . Therfore , ye seeme to pretend an extraordinary calling from GOD , alleadging an extraordinary necessitie at this time , which truely we see not in any such degree , as may deserve and warrand so great a change from the received order , which is publickly by Lawes established in this Kirke and Kingdom . That saying of the Apostle ▪ Let us consider one another , to provoke unto love , and to good workes , which ye alleadge for your extraordinary imployment , importeth not an extraordinary calling , but an ordinary duety , to be performed by all Christians , according to their Callings . 4. The Word of GOD , and the Canons of Counsells , doe so permit to Pastors , the care of the whole Kirke , as they must remember to doe all things , decently and in order , and not to interpone themselves in their Brethrens charges , and against their will. And praised be GOD , there was not any Combustion , Errour or Confusion , in these places of our charges , as ye doe alleadge : Neither did our People stand in need , of such helpe from you . And if ye meane the Combustion of our Nationall Kirke , we doe thinke your remeed not convenient ; as being , in our judgement , not agreable to the right way of Trueth and Peace . 5. Whereas ye alleadge , that if some members of this Kirke , had not cared more kindly , in this time of common danger , then others have done , the whole body had been ere now dangerously , if not desperately , diseased ; we answere , that we most heartily wish , any disease of this Church , to be rymously prevented and cured . But with all we wish this to be done without a rupture , and such a dangerous division : chiefly seeing our Church is not infected with any such Errours , nor is in such dangers , as may give just occasion , of so fearfull a division : which in it selfe is a sore disease , and from which in holy Scripture , we are often , and very earnestly dehorted . Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria , in his Epistle to Novatian , recorded by Eusebius , Lib. 6. Historiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cap 37. worthily sayeth , You ought rather to have suffered any thing whatsoever , for avoyding of cutting as under the Kirke of GOD : and Martyrdome for keeping the Kirke from Schisme , is no lesse glorious , the● which is suffered , for not committing Idolatry . And in my opinion also it is greater ; for in suffering Martyrdom for not cōmitting Idolatry , a man suffereth for one , even for his own soul ; but here a man suffereth Martyrdome for the whole Kirke . 6. Ye affirme , that we have no reason to complaine of your carriage , here towards us , in respect ye for your Sermons preached to our People , made choise of vacant houres , that they might attend the ordinary times of Worship . But indeed this satisfieth not our complaint : for we justly complained of your preaching to our People , without our consent , at any houre ; and of your labouring , to make them subscrive the late Covenant , before ye had given satisfaction to us , concerning the equity of it . 7. Ye reprove us for these harmlesse wordes of a confederation , & negative Confession . That little Confession , was long agoe called negative , à parte majore . And as for that other word , it is well knowne to al those who are expert in our Mother tongue , & in the Latine , that covenanting , and confederation , doe signifie one , and the same thing : and therefore , both these wordes are alike respectfull , in our judgement . Whereas ye say , that your Covenant is made with GOD , and doe call it his Covenant : and likewise for justifying your swearing , and subscriving thereof , doe bring some places of Scripture , wherein mention is made of a Covenant , and Oath , betwixt GOD and his People ; we shall then allow the same name , and respect unto your Covenant , when ye shall make it manifest , that your Covenant in all points therein contained , hath no lesse warrand from the written word of GOD , then that Covenant which the Israelites did swear in the days of JOSHUA , Ioshua 24. verse 25. and in the dayes of JEHOIADA the Priest , 2. Kings 11. v. 17. and in the dayes of King ASA , 2. Chron. 15. v. 15. and that which is mentioned by Isaiah , 44. v. 5. 8. As we are still informed , that some have fled the Countrey , and some have subscrived for feare ; so no Pastors in our knowledge have gone to Court , for the causes alleadged by you . We doe not presume to judge of the Consciences of men , and we wish you to judge more charitably , of these reverend Prelates , then ye doe . The occasion of this present storme was pretended to be the introduction of the Bookes of Service , and Canons , and the high Commission . These causes are now removed ; and yet the storme continueth so vehement , ( as ye seeme to grant ) that the Bishops have just feares warranding their flight , to save their persons ; which we judge to be too great violence , for any such cause , against persons in so sacred a calling . 9. We shall assuredly , ( by the grace of GOD ) still contribute , as ye desire , our prayers , and all other means agreable to our consciences , for extinguishing of the present combustion . And for that effect , every one of us shall secretly , and humbly , mourne before the LORD , and shall search and trye our wayes , and turne unto the Lord. And as we have already humbled our selves publickly , with Fasting and Mourning for that effect , so are we readie in time to come , to doe the like , when it shall be indicted or allowed by Authority , according to the established order in this Kirke and Kingdome . Yea , also we are ready to joine with you in the late Covenant , so soone as we shall receive satisfaction to our consciences , concerning the lawfulnesse thereof ; which as we have protested before , so doe we yet protest , and professe . 10. The Reasons which ye touch in your first Answere , for proving that we might without just offence to any , joine with you in subscriving the Covenant , are sufficiently answered in our first Replye . For , First , It is not yet decerned in a Nationall Assembly , whether your Interpretation added to the old Covenant , be in all points sound or unsound ; and therefore we have reason to think , that this new Covenant , is not substantially one with the old : chiefly seeing it addeth to the old Covenant , not onely your Interpretation of it , but also a promise of forbearance of the practise of Pearth Articles , untill they be tryed in an Assembly ; and like-wise a Band of Mutuall Defence , by force of Armes , made without the KINGS privity and consent . Secondly , Your inference of Mutuall Defence , against all persones whatsoever , drawne from the words of the old Covenant , is meerly invalide . For nothing was pactioned or promised in the old Covenāt , without the KINGS Majesty his privity ; but the Band of Mutuall Defence , against all persons whatsoever , in this your new Covenant , is without the command or consent of the KING , to whom only the Sword is given in this Kingdom , immediatly by GOD. See to this purpose the words of KING Iames the sixth of blessed Memory , in his Booke entituled , The Law of free Monarchies , in the English edition of his royall workes , at London , Anno 1616. Pag. 206. That which ye adde concerning the Generall Band , is also little to the purpose , for that Band had the KINGS warrand , whereas his Majesty doeth now forbid your Covenant . Thirdly , Although the former Oath subscrived , did appertain onely to the persons of the subscrivers , all the dayes of their lives ; yet you have in your Interpretation , extended the Obligation thereof , to the present and succeeding Generations in this land , without any warrand either from publick Lawes , or from the words of the Oath it self : which also is a substantiall Difference betwixt that Oath , & your late Covenant . Whereas ye alleadge , that the warrand which the old Covenant had from KING , Counsell , and Assembly , remaineth virtually , and was never yet discharged ; we answere , it remaineth not , and that because KING Iames of blessed Memory , disalowed that little Confession , in respect of the inconveniency of the multitude of Negatives , as is cleare by his Majesties words , published in the printed summe of the conference holden at Hampton Court , Anno 1603. And no former Act of Counsell , made in the time of any former King , doeth sufficiently warrand our Consciences to subscrive any Oath now , which seemeth to us to be disagreable to the Act of Parliament ; and which our present Dread Soveraigne LORD , the KINGS Ma●esty , by his publick Proclamations ; and other Intimations of his Royall pleasure , forbiddeth us to subscrive . And as for the Acts of these two Assemblies , which did enjoine subscription to the said little Confession , they were relative to the KINGS Mandate , which is now expired by his own Declaration , and with his Royall breath , according to that cōmon Maxime : Morte mandatoris expirat mandatum . Extra . D● officio & potestate judicis delegati , Cap. 19. relatum est in glossa . For the injunction was given for that time onely , as we conceive ▪ being warranded by the words of these Assemblyes . 11. These that were suspect of Papistrie amongst us , have not been urged by us to subscrive that negative Confession ; but onely some Articles relative to the Nationall Confession . And as ●or such as receive degrees , in Philosophie , in our Colledges , they doe sweare onely to the true reformed Religion , as it is publickly professed and preached , according to GODS word , in this Kirke of Scotland , and established by publicke Authority , with a generall abjuration of all , both Popish , and other Heresies contrary thereto . And those who receive degrees of Divinity , doe more expresly sweare to the Orthodox determinations of the ancient Catholicke Kirke , as is evident by the words of the Oath , whereof the tenor followeth . E Go A. B. sancte & ex animo coram omniscio & omnipotente Deo consiteor & profiteo sidem eam quae de sancta Trinitate , & Mediatore Emmanuele à sanctis Patribus in sex primis OEcumenicis conciliis , contra Pauli Samosateni , Sabellii , Arii , Macedonii , Apollinaris , Nestori● , Eu●●chetis , & Mon thelitarum haereses proposita explicata & defensa est , esse vere Christianam , orthodoxam , Catholicam , ex sacris Canonicis scripturis ha●stam ; Symbolum quoque sancti A ▪ hanasii ut similiter orthodoxum me recipere . Item me ex animo de●estari haeresin Pelaginam , ejusque reliquias Semipelagianas , & eas haereses quae Imaginibus aut ulli merae creaturae religiosam concedunt ad●rationem . Item , me monarchiam Papae Romani in universam Ecclesiam , & ejus cùm in spiritualibus tùm in temporalibus primatum , & judicii Papalis in religionis controversiis infallibilitatem , tanquam antichristiana deliramenta rejice●e . Omnes etiam alias haereses tum ol●m invectas , tum recens sub Romani Pontificis tyranmde natas anathematizo . Agnosco Spiritum sanctum in Canonicis V. & N. Testamenti scripturis per Prophetas , Evangelistas , & Apostolos loquentem , esse nobis unicum , supremu● , infallibilem , & ordinarium omnium de fide vitaque Christiana contraversiarum Iudicem . Et S. scripturam Canonicis V. a● N. Testamenti libris comprehensam esse unicam , certam , stabilem , perfectam , totalem regulam fidei vitaeque Christianae , tum quoad textum , tum quoad interpretationem authenticam seu divinae authoritatis ; & hanc quae hodie in Ecclesia Scoticana palam & publica authoritate ex sacro D E I verbo proponitur decredendis , sperandis , amandis , doctrinam esse orthodoxam , Catholicam . Et ipsam hanc Ecclesiae Scoticanae doctrinam , ●e ad extremum usque vitae meae hali●um constanter per D E I gratiam professurum & pro ●●● vocatione defensurum sancte promitto , juro . Insuper almae h●i● Universitati c●i hunc scholasticum ( docturae Theologicae ) honore●● d●●ebo , me nunquam ingratum futurum , sed semper ei ex animo fa●turum , ejusque commoda , pie serio , sedulo , fideliter promoturum sanct● etiam ●oram eodem omniscio & omnipo●ente D E O promitto , juro . We , who were graduated here , did sweare this Oath , and now , for satisfaction of others , we all doe sincerly attest GOD , that we doe , and shall adh●are to it , constantly , all the dayes of our life . 12. Ye doe againe object to us , that we have presumed to disallow your expl●nation of the late Covenant , which hath beene publickly allowed by his Majesties Commissioner : adding thereto , that we will have the Kingdome guiltie of combination against Authority , & that we will not have the KING to be satisfied ; whence ye ●nferre , that our dealing is more sutable to Papists , and such incendiaries , then for us ; who desire to prove good Patriots , in using all meanes of pacification . But certainly ye wrong us : ●or what was done by his Majesties Commissioner , anent your Declaration and explanation of your Covenant , is evident by his Grace own letter , lately written to us of that matter ; whereby his Grace hath declared , that he was no wayes contented therewith , and that his Majesty hath not received any satisfaction thereby . The same is evident also , by his Grace own Manifesto , prefixed to our Demands , your first Answeres , and our first Replies ; reprinted at Edinburgh , by his Gr. speciall command . To the which Manifesto , or Declaration of his Majesties high Commissioner , we remit the Reader , for his full satisfaction , in this , and some other points of your Answeres . 13. We intend not to beare upon you , and your associates , ( who take to your selves the name of the Kingdom , here in this your Answere ) guiltinesse of combination against Authority , as we have protested and declared , in the end of our ●romer Replyes : but in the tendernesse of our Consciences , we doe uprightly ●ignifie to you our scruples , which hinder us from approving or subsc●iving your Covenant . And we are so free of that odious imputation , of taking part with any Incendiaries , or imitating any proceedings of that kinde ; as we heartily wish , and shall endeavour , to prove good Patriots , a●d Christians , in such evident love of trueth and peace , as it shall be manifest , that we neither have beene , nor shall be Authors , or Fomen●ers , o● this miserable combustion . 14. Ye are sory , ye say , that we should account your Covenant , to be a Confederacie against the trueth ; and ye affirme , that ye labour with men , to joine with you in sincerity , and not through humane feares . Now , reverend Brethren , in the feare of GOD , laying aside all humane feare , we doe sincerely declare , that if we thought your Covenant , in all points agreable to the ●rue●h , we should make no opposition there●o . And we doe heartily wish , that according as ye doe here professe , ●o indeed no man be threatned wi●h worldly terroures , to goe your way . We aim● indeed , at the same end which ye professe , to wit , at the Trueth and purity of Religion , and peace of Church and Kingdom : But we are not as yet perswaded , that your way is lawfull and convenient , for attaining to this end . The II. DUPLY. VVE desire al troubles to be prevented by allowable means , but are not perswaded to reckon in that number , this your covenanting , and conventions , which we esteeme to have been the occasion of much trouble . As concerning your question , whereunto ye so earnestly require our Answere , to wit , whether we would have received the B●okes of Service and Canons , or used such meanes , as ye have used for avoiding them ? ye shall know , that if we had been of your judgement , concerning those Bookes , we would neither have received them , nor yet used any meanes unlawfull for opposing of them , ( such we thinke your Covenant and conventions , prohibited by Authority to be , untill we be better informed ) but would have used humble supplication to his majestie , for removing those evills : and if we had found no remeed thereby ▪ would have resolved , according to the practise of ancient Christians , either to ●●ee his Majesties dominions , or else patiently to suffer what●oever punishment it should have pleased him to ins●ict . In the meane time , concerning those Bookes of Service and Canons , we rest content with his Majesties gracious Proclamation : and if hereafter our opinion of them shall be asked by Authority , we shall sincerely and unpartially deciare it . 2. Your urging of us again , with the saying of KING Iames , for●eth us to manifest his meaning by his own words , perhaps contrary to your wish or expectation . That most wise and religio●s KING , neare the beginning of his Booke , concerning the Powder Treason , writeth expresly , that such a rising up of the bodie , pro aris , & focis , & pro patre patriae , ought to be according to every ones calling and facultie . Which words at least doe import , that the moving of the Politick body , in whole , or in par● , ought not to be against the will & direction of the head . This is cleare by that which the same KING hath written in his Booke entituled , The true Law of free Monarchies , whereby many strong Arguments , he doeth a● length demonstrate , that in a free Monarchie , ( such he proveth this his ancient Kingdom of Scotland to be ) the Subjects for no occasion or pretext whatsoever , may take Armes , without power from the KING ; and much lesse against him , whether he be a good KING , or an oppressour ; whether godlie , or ungodlie ; although the People have might and strength humane . And comprehendeth the sum of all his discourse concerning this matter , in these words following . Shortlie , then , to take up in two or three sentences , grounded upon all these Arguments , out of the Law of GOD , the duety and alleadge●nce of the People to their lawfull KING : their obedience , I say , ought to be to him , as to GODS Lievtenant in Earth , obeying his commands in all things , except directly against GOD , as the commands of GODS Minister ; acknowledging him a judge set by GOD over them , having power to judge them , but to be judged onely by GOD , whome to onely he must give count of his judgement . Fearing him , as their judge ; loving him as their Father ; praying for him , as their Protector ; for his continuance , if he be good ; for his amendement , if he be wicked ; following and obeying his lawfull commands , eschewing and fleeing his furie in his unlawfull , without resistance , but by sobbes and teares to GOD , according to that sentence used in the primitive Church in the time of the persecution , Preces & lachrymae , sunt arma Ecclesia : that is , Prayers and Tears , are the armes of the Church . 3. Ye told us before , and now againe doe repeat it , that the first par● of the Act of Parliament 1585 , is relative to another Act in Queen Maries time , forbidding Bands of Manrent . We knew that sufficiently before ye told it , and passed by that part of your Answere , as not percinent for our Argument : so that ye needed not now againe , to put us in minde of it . But we may justly challenge you , for not answering that which we objected , concerning the second part of that Act ; for it reacheth farther , then that Act made in Queen Maries time , and of new statuteth and ordaineth , That in time comming , no Leagues or Bands be made amongst his Majesties Subjects of any degree , upon whatsoever colour or pre●ence , without his Highnesse or his successoures privity and consent , had and obtained thereto ; under the pai●e to be holden and exe●ute as movers of sedition and unquyetnesse , &c. Whereunto also is consonant the 131. Act made in the 8 Parliament of King JAMES the sixt , Anno 1584 ; where it is ●●atuted and ordained by the KING and his three estates , that none of his Highnesse Subjects of whatsoever quality , estate , or function they be of , spirituall or temporall , presume or take upon hand to convocate , conveane , or assemble themselves together for holding of Councells , Conventions , or Assemblyes , to treat , consult , and determinate in any matter of estate , Civill or Ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinary judgements ) without his Majesties speciall commandement , or expres licence had and obtained to that effect , under the pai●es ordained by the Lawes and Acts of Parliament , against such as unlawfully convocate the KINGS Liedges . And whereas ye finde fault , that we dispute from the Act of Parliament , and that we doe precisely adheare to the letter of the Law , we pray you to consider , that the nature of this question leadeth us to the Act of Parliament . Beside , it seemeth strange , that ye should challenge us in this kinde , since for justifying of your union ( as ye call it ) ye have amassed a great number of Acts o● Parliament , and inserted them in the booke of your Covenant . We omit the misapplying of these Acts , which were made against Popery , and not against all these things , which ye doe now resist as Popish . Neither can we perceive , how these Acts of Parliament adduced by you , to justisie your union , prove that point . Moreover , some of these Acts cited by you , as namely , the 114 Act made in Parliament Anno 1592 , in so farre as it is against Episcopall Government , and all other of that sort , are expresly rescinded by a poste●ior Act made in Parliament Anno 1612. How could ye in a legall dispute , for justifying your union , produce rescinded Acts , as if they were standing Lawes , and passe by the posterior Acts , which are yet Lawes standing in vigour , whereby these other Acts are rescinded ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Constitutiones tempore posteriores , po●●ores sunt his qu● ipsas praecesserunt . ●● ▪ de constitutionibus Principum , L. 4. 4. We doe adheare in our former Replye , not onely to the Letter , but also ( according to our conception , without prejudice of better information ) to the very reason and life of the Law. The sentence cited by you , to wit , Salus Reipub. suprema lex esto , or the safety of the Common-Wealth should be the chiefe Law , serveth for a good direction to Rulers , in making or changing of Lawes , or in judging according to them : whence in the Lawes of the 12 Tables , these words are applied to this purpose . This is observed by KING Iames of blessed memory , in his often mentioned Book of the true Law of free Monarchies : For albeit , sayeth he , that I have at length proved , that the KING is above the Law , as both the author and giver of strength thereto ; yet a good King will not onely delyte to rule his Subjects by the Law but even will conforme himself in his own actions thereunto , alwayes keeping that ground , that the health of the cōmon-Wealth be his chiefe Law. And where he seeth the Law doubtsome , or rigorous , he may interpret or mitigate the same , lest otherwise summum jus be summa injuria : But this sentence doth nowayes warrand Subjects to refuse obedience to standing Lawes , against the will of the Supream Law-giver , who is a speaking Law. For this were to open a doore to all confusion , which would not prove the safety , but the ruine of the Common-Wealth . As for that which ye said before of the Generall Band , and Confession of Faith , and which here again ye doe alleadge for your Covenant , we have signified our opinion thereof , in our preceeding Duply . The responses and verdicts of Juris-Consults concerning your Covenant , are not known to ●s , nor yet the reasons and inducements , which moved them to give out their declaration in your favoures , as ye alleadge . Of Obedience , due by Subjects , to Authoritie . 5. The point touching Royall Authority , is not so full of thorns and rocks as ye give out , if men would be pleased unpartially to hold the plain and patent way , laide before us by holy Scripture , and by Orthodox Antiquity , and by many Eminent Divines in the reformed Church , and learned Politicks ; which we shall here make manifest , after the vindication of those three famous Theologues , ( Whitaker , Bilson , and Rivet ) whom ye would have the Reader to esteem favourers of your opinion . 6. Doctor Whitakers words against William Raynold , translated into English , out of the Latine Edition at Oppenheme , Anno 1612. Pag. 51. are these , He relateth the timults and troubles , which were raised for Religion , in Germany , France , and Boheme : as if that one thing were sufficient to condemne them , because once they did oppose themselves , and resisted the violence offered to GODS Trueth , and to themselves : Whereas notwithstanding , Fayth , Oath , and publicke Edicts , & finally the Lawes themselves gave them warrand to doe the same . I will not say more of this matter , which is nowise pertinent to the present purpose , especially seeing not onely their just Apologie , but also the Edicts of the Princes themselves have liberated them from the crime of Rebellion . By these words of Doctor Whitaker , which ye have cited , the Reader may easily perceive , that he doth nowayes mantain or allowe taking of Armes by Subjects , without warrand of the publick Lawes , and approbation of the Prince ; but excuseth what was done in those warres , by the allowance of the Lawes and Edicts of Princes . 7. So also Doctor Bilson , in his Book entituled , The true differēce betwixt Christian subjection , and unchristian Rebellion , Printed at Oxford Anno 1585 , Pag. 382. in the wordes cited by you , declareth evidently , that he speaketh of such Republickes and States , as have defences warranded by fundamentall Covenant , in that Government . But what is that Doctors minde , concerning the duetie of Subjects , in a free and absolute Monarchy , is evident by his own words in that same book , Pag. 380 , where disputing against a Jesuit , he sayeth ; Warre for the Catholick Religion , is both lawfull and honourable , you say : you must adde , of the Subjects against their Prince , or else you range cleane besides our question . We strive not what causes may lead Christian Princes to make Warre on their Neighboures , but whether it be lawfull or tollorable for the Subject , to beare Armes against his naturall and absolute Prince . You prove , which is nothing to our purpose . But , Sir , in this enterprize , the person must b● respected as well as the cause : Be the cause never so just , if the person be not authorized by GOD to draw the Sword , they be no just nor lawfull Warres . Private men may not venter on Warres , unlesse they be directly warranded by him that hath the Sword from GOD. And again in that same Book , Pag. 502 , Our Saviour for teaching his , that they should be brought before Kings and Rulers , and put to death , and hated of all men for His Name sake : addeth not , as you would have it , and he that first rebelleth , but , he that endureth to the end , shall be saved ; and again , Not with violence restrain them , but in patience prossesse your own souls . This is the way for all Christian subjects to conquer tyrants ▪ & this is the remedy provided in the new Testamēt against all persecutions , not to ●esist powers , which GOD hath ordained , lest we be damned : but with al meeknes to suffer that we may be crowned . And Pag. 513. he showe●h , that manifold formes of Common-wealthes , make diverse men speake diversly of the Magistrats sword . And Pag. 518 he pleadeth , that the Subjects in England , have not that lawfull warrand , to draw the sword without consent of their Prince , as the Germans have without consent of the Emperour ; and this discourse he prosecuteth in ●ome following pages . 8. The same is the meaning of Doctor R●vet , ( as we take it ) in his commentarie upon the Psalm . 68. where he distinguisheth between an absolute principality , and such a principality as is only conditionall , pactionall , conventionall . Of this second sort are to be understood , his words of just and necessary defence . But of the absolute principality speaking in that same place , he recommendeth to Subjects , rather suffering of martyrdome . And this to be his meaning , appeareth more clearly by his last declaration concerning this question , in his late treatise entituled , Iesuita Vapula●s : where being pressed by an advesary , he handleth this question of purpose . In the mean time , we wonder very much , that ye have not directly answered to these remarkable wordes of Doctor Rivet , alleadged by us in our Reply , wherein he plainly averreth , that the doctrine of Bu●han●●● , Knox , and Goodman , concerning Subjects resisting their lawfull Princes , is not approved by any sound Protestant . We expected from you , a full and particular Answere , and now againe we would gladly heare , whether ye approve the judgement of Rivet , concerning that doctrine of these writers , or not . 9. Thus having vindicated these three divynes , which ye alleadge for you , we come now to those testimonies which we promised , for clearing of the plainness of the way touching Authority . First , it is evident by holy Scripture , that it is unlawfull for Subjects in a Monarchicall estate , ( such as is this Kingdom of Scotland ) to take Armes for Religion , or for any other pretence , without warrand and power from the Prince , and Supreame Migistrate . For the Scripture teacheth us , that the Sword belongeth onely to the KING , and to them who are sent by him , Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. 13. 14. That we ought to keep the KINGS commandement , and that in regarde of the Oath of GOD , Eccles. 8. 2. And , that we should be subject , not only for wrath but also for conscience sake ; because the powers that be , are ordained of GOD : whosoever therefore , sayeth S. Paul , resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of GOD , And they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation , Rom. 13. In the words of the Apostle S. Paul , there is a remarkable opposition betwixt subjection and resistance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; implying , that all militarie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether defensive , or offensive , if it be against the superiour Power , which GOD hath set over us , is forbidden . In like manner we reade Matth. 26. 52. that all they that take the Sword , shall perish with the Sword. Now certaine it is , that in a free Monarchie , Subjects have not the Sword from GOD , except by the hand of the KING , to whom only GOD hath immediately given it . And therefore whosoever taketh the Sword without his warrand , hath just reason to feare the foresaid warning of our SAVIOVR . Many other places of Scripture might be adduced to this purpose , which for brevity we omit , and doe proceed in the next rowme to some testimonies of ancient Fathers , and other writers . 10. T●rtullian , in his Apologeticke , chap. 30. and 33. and 37. telleth vs , that the ancient Christians in his time , although having a● heathen and persecuting Emperour , did honour him , as chosen of God , and second from GOD , and first after GOD , and did choose rather to suffer , then to make resistance by force of Armes , although they lacked not number , and strength to doe it . 11. The like example have we in that renowned Thebean Legion of 6666 Christian Souldiers , called Agaunenses , from the place of their suffering , who without making resistance , as they had strength of hand to have done , suffered themselves rather to be slain , for their Christian profession , by the Officers of Maximian the Emperour , executors of his cruell commandement against them . This fell out in the 18 yeare of Diocletian , as Ado Viennensis writeth in his Chronicle , which was the yeare of GOD 297 , as Cardinall Baronius reckoneth in his Annalls . And of that their Christian cowrage , and pious resolution , Venantius Fortunatus , an ancient Bishop of Poictiers , hath left unto us these Encomiasticke lynes , in the second book of his Poems ▪ Biblioth . Patr. Tom. 8. Edit . 4. Pag. 781. Queis , positis gladiis , sunt armaè dogmate Pauli , Nomine pro CHRISTI dulcius esse mori . Pectore belligero poterant qui vincere ferro , Invitant jugulis vulnera chara suis. 12. Gregorie Nazianzen , in his first Oration , speaking of the persecution by Iulian the Apostate , when the Christians were moe in number , and stronger in might of hand , to have made open resistance , if they had in their consciences found it agreable to their Christian profession , declareth plainly , that they had no other remedy against that persecution , but patient suffering for Christ , with gloriation in Christ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 13. S. Ambrose , having received imperiall commandement , to deliver the sacred Houses , or Churches , to be possessed by the Arians , declareth what he thought convenient to be done in such a case ; to w●t , neither to obey in that which he could not performe with a good conscience , no● yet to resist by force of Armes . His wordes to the people , ( Con●ione 1. contra Auxentium ) are these ; a Why , then , are ye troubled ? I shall never willingly leave you . If I be compelled , I can not gain-stand . I may be sory , I may weep , I may sigh . Against Armes , Souldiers , the Gothes also , my Teares are Armes : For such are the Guardes of a Priest. Otherwise I neither ought nor may resist . And in the second book of his Epistles , and 14 Epistle , to his Sister Marcellina , speaking of that same purpose , he sayeth ; b I shall not fortifie my selfe with a multitude of people about me . — We beseech , O Emperour , we fight not . — I may not deliver the Church ; but I ought not make resistance . 14. Such also was thē doctrine and practise of many other great Lights , which shined in the dayes of Iulian the Apostate , and in the dayes of the Arrian Emperoures , and Gothicke Arrian Kings . 15. S. Augustine , writing of a lawfull Warre , acknowledgeth that only to be lawfull , which hath authority from the Prince . For it is much to be regarded , ( sayeth he ▪ ) for what causes , and by whose authority , men undertake Warres : But that naturall order , which is accommodated to the peace of mortall men , requireth this , that the authority and counsell of undertaking warre , be in the power of the Prince . 16. The imperiall Lawes doe say the same , ff . Ad legem Iuliam majestatis . Leg. 3. Eadem lege tenetur , & qui injussu Principis bellum gesserit , delectumv● habuerit , ex●rcitum comparaverit . Et Cod. ut armorum usus inscio Principe interdictus sit . Nulli prorsus nobis insciis , atque inconsultis quorum libet armorum movendorum copia tribuatur . These are the words of the Emperoures Valentinian and Valens . Et Cod. de ●e militari , Leg. 13. Nemo miles . Nemo miles vel sibi vacet , vel aliena obsequia ●e nutu principali peragere audeat , &c. 17. Bodin , in his first Book de Republica , Cap. 10. Num. 155 and 156. ( Pag. 244. Edit . Latin. 4. Ursell . Anno 1601. ) reckoneth among the proper rights of Majesty , the right and power to make Warre : and this he showeth to appertain , in a free Monarchie , to the Prince onely . 18. To this meaning sayeth Peter Martyr ; As concerning the efficient cause , it is certain that Warre may not be made without the authority of the Prince . For Paul sayeth , that he beareth the Sword : therefore he may give it to whome he willeth , and may take it from whome he willeth . Loc. Com. Class . 4. Cap. 16. § 2. And a little after , to wit , § 7. he reciteth and commendeth a saying of Hostiensis to the same purpose . 19. Calvin , in the four●h Book of his Institutions , in the last Chapter of that Book , disputeth the Question at length , and by many strong Arguments evinceth , and concludeth , that it is nowise lawfull for Subjects , to resist their Prince by force of Armes ; whether the Prince be godly , and just ; or ungodly , and unjust in his conversation , and commandements : and , that nothing remaineth to Subjects in such a case , but to obey or suffer . Where understand , that Fleing is a sort of Suffering . Neither are his words subjoined in the 31 Sect. to wit , I speake alwise of private men , &c. contrary to this . For first Calvin in this Dispute , indifferently useth the names of private men , and Subjects : And therefore , in the 22 Sect. at the beginning of it , he termeth those of whose duety he disputeth , Subjects . And indeed , whosoever is a Subject , is also , in respect of the supream Ruler , a private man. Although Magistrats , who are under the KING , be publick persons , in respect of their Inferiours ; yet being considered , with relation to him that is Supream , 1. Pet. 2. 13. they are but private . As in Dialecticke , an intermediate genus , although in respect of the inferiour species , it be a genus ; yet in relation to the superiour genus , it is but a species . All Power of Governing , is so subjected to the Supream Power , that whatsoever is done against the will of the supream Ruler , is destitute of that Power ; and consequently , is to be esteemed for a private act . For , as we are taught by the Philosophers , Order can not be , but with a reference to that which is first . Hence King JAMES , in his Book of The true Law of free Monarchies , Pag. 206. affirmeth , that all the People are but private men , the authority being alwise with the Magistrate . Secondly , this is manifest from the very words of Calvin , in that same 31 Sect. for there he excepteth none from the necessity of obeying , or suffering , when Kings command things unjust ; but onely popular Magistrats , appointed for restraining the licentiousnesse of Kings . Now , where such Magistrats are erected , it is certain , that a King , in such a Common-wealth , hath not the supream power : For if he had the supream power , none could force him , since an Inferiour can not force his Superiour . This can not be done , but onely by him , who is Superiour , or at least equall . Thirdly , this is clear also by the examples adduced by Calvin ; namely , the Lacedamonian Ephori , the Roman Tribunes , and the Athenian Demarchi . When the Ephori were set up in Lacedaemon , the Kings of Lacedaemon , were but Kings in name , and had not the Supream power , as it is confessed by the Learned . So when the Tribunes had their full power in Rome , the Supream power was in the People : and in like manner it was in Athens , when the Demarchi had power . Therefore , from this nothing can be inferred for the lawfull resistance of Subjects , to a Monarch , or King , properly so called . Fourthly , Calvin applying this to the Kingdomes that now are , sayeth no more , but that peradventure the three Estates assembled in Parliament , have that same power , which the fore-mentioned Ephori , &c. had . Here it is to be marked , that he sayeth onely , peradventure it is so ; which can be no warrand to a mans conscience , in a matter of so great importance . For he that resisteth his Superiour by force of Armes , should not onely thinke , that peradventure he hath power , but should be assuredly perswaded , that he hath power so to doe . When there is no more said , but that peradventure such a thing is , it may be as reasonablie said , Peradventure such a thing is not . Neither doeth he give this power even peradventure , but to the three Estates assembled in Parliament . Hence the learned Rivet , speaking of Calvin his minde in this place , sayeth , that he giveth no power to people over Monarchs , properly so called ▪ The same also is observed , concerning Calvin his minde , by Albericus Gentilis , in his third Royal Dispute . 20. The same doctrine also is delivered by King Iames of blessed Memory , in his Book entituled The true Law of free Monarchies , by Hugo Grotius in his first Book de jure belli & pacis , Cap. 4. by Leonhartus Hutterus , in his common places , Loc. 32. Cap. 3. Iohannes Gerhardus in the 6 Tom. of his cōmon places , in his Treatise de mastistratu politico , Num. 483. where he discourseth accuratly of this matter : Zepperus in his 3. Book de Politia Ecclesiastica , in the last Section of the 13 Chapter , Pag 573. Edit . Herborn . 1595. Alberious Gentilis , in his regall disputations , disput . 3. de vi civium in Regem semper in●usta . Iohn Bishop of Rochester , in his work written against Bellarmine , de potestate Papae in rebus temporalibus , Lib. 1. Cap. 8. Class . 2. Where he adduceth a clowd of many moe Authors . M. Antonius de Dominis , in his Book called Ostensio errorum Prancisci Suarez , Cap. 6. § 27. Iohannes Angelius Werdenhagen , I. C. in his Politica generalis , Lib. 3. Cap. 10. Quest. 14. 21. By these Testimonies we intend not to lay upon you , or any of our Country men , any imputation , or to take upon us to give sentence concerning their proceedings : but onely being invited hereto by your last Answeres , we thought it our duety , to signifie to the Reader , that many ancient and late famous Writters are not of that opinion , either to think the question touching Authority , so full of Rocks and Thorns , as you call it , or yet to favour such a defensive taking of Armes , as you think to be allowed by Whitaker , Bilson , and Rivet . 22. Now to prosecute what remaineth of your Answere : whereas ye say , that when ye justifie your Covenants and Conventions , from their purposed ends , ye meane not onely the last and most remo●e ●nds , but the nearest and immediate ; we pray you tell us what ye meane by the nearest and immediate end : if ye meane the object it it selfe , ( which the Schoole-men call finem intrinsecum & proximum ) then the lawfulnesse and equity of the matter , vowed and promised in the Covenant , is all one with the goodnesse of the end of it . Whence we inferre , that seeing the matter promised by you in this your Covenant , to wit , your mutuall defence against all persons , none excepted , is in our judgement unlawfull , and forbidden by a lawfull Authority ; the end , of your Covenant is meerly evill : but if by the nearest end ye meane any thing which is diverse from the object , then we still affirme against the last part of your first Answere , to our second Demand , that Conventions , and Covenants , and all other actions , are to be esteemed and judged of , first or principally by the equity of the object , and then by the goodnesse of the ends of it , whether they be fines proximi , or fines remoti . 23. We doe not joyne with the Papists , blamers of our Reformation , ( as ye seeme to beare upon us ) because they hate and oppugne our reformed Religion , which we love and defend . Neither doe we take upon us to censure the proceedings of our Reformers : but we stryve , by the Grace of GOD , so to carry in our own time , and to walke wisely in a perfect way , as our adversaries the Papistes , may get no advantage to pleade for their unwarrantable doctrine and practises , by any pretence of our example . The III. DUPLY. IN your third Answere , passing lightly from our Reply , ye fall into some unexpected digressions , concerning the Service Book and our thoughts thereof : we esteeme it a matter beyond the compass of humane judicatory , to sit upon the thoughts of other men . As for those outward expressions , which ye alleadge upon some of us , of not seeing erroures in that Book , or groaning for it ; ye shall understand , that such multiplicity of Popish erroures , as was alleadged by some of you , to be in that Book , was invisible to some of us . Although to enter in a particular examination or cōsideration , of every poynt and sentence in that Book , is not now time nor place . Neither did any of us professe groaning for that Book in particular , but for an uniformity of divyne service throughout this Nationall Kirk , and a more perfect forme then we yet have , that the publick Service were not permitted to the severall judgements , and private choise of every Minister and Reader . Which also was thought convenient by the Nationall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , holden at ABERDENE , Anno 1616. 2. Whether that Service Book ( now discharged ) containeth any Innovation of Religion , or any thing contrary to the Protestant Religion , ( as ye alleadge ) we doe not dispute now . But we doe assuredly believe , the piety and sincerity of His Majesties intention , ever to have been , and still constantly to be , as it is graciously declared by His Majesties late Proclamation . And we are certainly perswaded ▪ that His Majesty hath given order , to discharge all the Acts of Counsell , made anent the Canons and Service Book ; and are credibly informed , that they are discharged by Act of Counsell , [ at Holy-Rood-House , the fifth of Iullie last ] according to the order given by His Majesty . Also , we see no such just cause of Fear , as may import your alleadged necessity of Covenanting ; seeing His Majesty will not presse any thing of that nature , but in such a faire and legall way , as shall satisfie all his loving Subjects : that he neither intendeth innovations in Religion nor Lawes ; as we declare in our former Replye , to which ye have not sufficiently answered . Neither was it necessary , for removing of any just Feares , that his sacred Majesty should disallowe that Service Book , as ye require ; but it was sufficient , to discharge it , in manner foresaid . 3. Ye doe conclude your Answere unto our third Replye , with an uncouth and incredible Position , whereof ye bring no proofe at all , but onely this bare Assertion ; Whosoever professe themselves , to bee perfectly satisfied with the Proclamation , doe proclaime in the ears of all the Kingdom , that they are better pleased with the Service Book , and Canons , then with the Religion , as it hath been professed in this Land since the Reformation . This your Thesis , is so evidently weak , that we need no more for the over-throw thereof , but to oppose thereunto this our playn and undenyable Antithesis ; Who professe themselves to be perfectly satisfied with that Proclamation , whereby the Service Book , and Canons are discharged , and the Religion professed in this Land since the Reformation , is established , doe proclaime in the ears of all the Kingdom , that they are better pleased with the Religion professed in this Land since the Reformation , then with the Service Book , and Canons . The IV. DUPLY. YE● alleadged before , and now again doe affirme , that we have mistaken your Interpretation of the old Covenant , as if it had been given out judicially by you , and , as if ye had intended to enforce it upon others . To free your selves of this imputation , ye said in your first Answere , that ye intended onely To make knowne your own meaning according to the mynde our Reformers , and in charity to recommend it to others . Hence we inferred in our Replye , that ye ought nor to obtrude your Interpretation upon us , nor molest any man for not receiving the same . To this now ye say in your second Answere ; Although you neither use threatnings , nor obtrude your Interpretation upon us , yet we must pardon you , if ye match us not with the greatest part of this Kingdom , in whose name , by all fair meanes ye recommend it to us . Truely , Brethren , we are not offended with you , for preferring the judgement of so many , to our judgement , who are but few in number : neither need ye to crave pardon of us for this . But concerning these faire meanes , and that force of reason whereby , ye say , ye recommend your Interpretation of the old Covenant to us , pardon us , if the experience we have , both of your writings and proceedings , make us to oppose this your assertion . For in your writings we expected indeed , but have not found that force of reason , whereof ye speake : and as for the proceedings of those who have subscrived your Covenant , we of all men have least reason to believe that they use no threatnings , seeing we hear daylie so much their threatnings against our selves . 2. Whereas for clearing of that which ye said before , concerning the minde of our reformers , ye affirme , that The authoritative judgement of our reformers is evident , not only by the confession of Faith ratified in Parliament , but also by the books of Discipline , Acts of Generall Assemblies , and by their own writes : First , we marvell , how ye can say , that the private writings of Master Knox , and others , who with him were instruments of that great worke of Reformation , have publicke Authority to obliedge the Subjects of this Kingdom . The legislative , and obligatory power of the Church , is only in Synods or conventions of Bishops and Presbyters , and not in particular persons expressing their minds apart . Next , this Church in the former age , by abrogating the office of Superintendants , established in the first book of Discipline , hath declared , that the statuts and ordinances contained in those books , are not of an authority perpetually obligatory , but may be altered or abrogated by the Church , according to the exigencie of tyme. The same likewise is manifest by the abrogation of summary excomunication , which this Church did abolish , although it was established in Generall Assemblies , wherein Master Knox , and other Reformers were present . We need not to insist much in this , seeing so many of you , who are Subscribents , mis-regard the ordinances of our Reformers , prefixed to the Psalm Book , concerning the office of Superintendants , or Bishops , Funerall Sermons , and set formes of Prayer , which they appointed , to be publickly read in the Church . Hence the Reader may perceive , that ye have no warrand for your Interpretation of the old Covenant , from the authoritative , and obligatory judgement , of the Reformers ; feeing ye can not ground it upon the Confession of Faith ratified in Parliament . As for those other meanes mentioned by us , to wit , Scripture , Antiquitie , and consent of the re●ormed Churches , that they truly make for us , and against you , the unpartiall Reader may perceive by these our Disputs . Whether or not Episcopacie and Pearth Articles , be abjured in the late Covenant . 3. As for the second mistaking mentioned by you in your Answere , we did show in our Replye , that in your Covenant , Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , are abjured . And for proving of this , we asked of you , what ye meaned by the recovery and liberty of the Gospell , as it was established and professed before the foresaid Novations ? and what is that period of tyme , to which your words there have reference ? that is , Whether it be that period of time , when the Service Book , and Book of Canons , were urged upon you ? or if it be the time , when Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , were received in this Church ? But , truely , your Answere to this , is nowise satisfactory , nor hath so much as a show of satisfaction . For ye are afraid to expresse that period of time , lest ye beforced to grant , that which we before objected . And yet your speach bewrayeth you : For seeing ye answere onely to that which we said concerning the last of these two periods , we collect , that by the recovery of the liberty and purity of the Gospell , as it was established before the fore-said Novations , ye mean the reducing of the Policy of this Church , unto that estate in which it was , before Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , were established . And hence we inferre , as we did before , that in that part of your Covenant , ye condemne and abjure Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , as contrary to the Purity and Liberty of the Gospell . 4. Ye seeme to answere , that in that part of your Covenant , ye condemne not , Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , but those abuses & corruptions , which have accompanyed them ; such as the Superstitious observing of dayes , cessation from work on those dayes , Feasting , Guysing , and the grosse abuses , which have entered in the Sacramēt , upon kneeling before the Elements : and , that in respect of these abuses , we who allow Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , may sweare without prejudice of our cause , to recover the Purity and Liberty of the Gospell , as it was established , and professed , before these Novations . 5. But , first , let any indifferent , or unpartiall man , who knoweth the state of our Church , judge , whether or not it be lykely , that your Vowe , of the recovering the Liberty and Purity of the Gospell , as it was before Episcopacy , and Pearth Articles , were introduced , importeth onely an intention of removing of the consequents of Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , and not of the removing of those things themselves ? Truely we are perswaded , that they who know the state of this Church , and your mind , concerning these things , will think this your Glosse of your own words , to be violent , and excogitated for eluding our Argument . 6. Secondly : Who can thinke , that ye , and others , contryvers of the late Covenant , who condemne P●arth Articles , and Episcopacie , as much as ye doe the consequents of them , have only vowed , to remove their consequents , and not remove themselves ? 7. Thirdly , is it possible , that any can promise and vow , to labour for the curing of so many , and so great pretended deseases of this Church , ( we meane these abuses which ye say , have accompanyed Pearth Articles and Episcopacie , ) and in the mean time promise , and intend nothing concerning the removing of the causes of them ? 8. Fourthly , how can we , without great prejudice of our cause , acknowledge , that these grosse abuses mentioned by you , have entred in the Sacrament , by kneeling before the Elements ( ye should have said at the receiving of the Elements ) for seeing kneeling at the receiving of the Sacrament , is confessed by us to be a matter indifferent ; if in our Oath , we acknowledge these grosse abuses to have entred in upon kneeling , it will probably follow in the judgement of some , and in our judgement , who recommend this Oath unto us , it will follow infallibly , that kneeling for the evill consequences thereof , ought to be removed . Doe ye not here cunningly deale with us ? For although ye urge us not , as ye say , to sweare and promise the removing of kneeling , yet ye urge us , by your own confession , to promise the removing of these abuses occasioned by kneeling : which being acknowledged by us , ye will then take upon you to demonstrate , that kneeling it selfe ought to be removed : for ye hold it for a Maxime , that things indifferent , being abused and polluted with Superstition , should be abolished . We cannot sufficiently marvell , how yee who are of this minde , can say to us , that we who allow Pearth Articles and Episcopacie , may sweare to recover the liberty and purity of the Gospell , as it was before , &c. For ye meane , that we may doe so , without prejudice of our cause . But we have already shown , that according to your judgement and doctrine , if we sweare that which ye would have us to sweare , our cause shall be much prejudged , yea , utterly lost . 9. Fiftly : How can we sweare , to remove those grosse abuses entered in upon kneeling , as ye alleadge ; seeing we thinke , that no such abuses have entered in upon it ? Yea , our People , try them who please , will show , that they are as free from all erronious conceits , concerning that holy Sacrament , as any living in these Congregations where kneeling is daylie cryed down . 10. Sixtlie , as for these abuses and corruptions , reckoned up by you , as the consequents of the observation of Festivall dayes ▪ to pass by that which before we marked concerning Kneeling , to wit , that the granting of this were a great prejudice to our cause , some of these are not abuses at all , as , cessation from work . Again , some of them have not come in upon the observation of the Articles of Pearth , as Guysing , and Feasting , ( ye mean excessive Feasting , for otherwise it is not an abuse ) which onely fall forth on Christmas Festivitie . For sure we are , that these abuses have not come by the anniversary commemoration of CHRISTS Nativitie , in the which by the ordinance of Pearth Assembly , all Superstitions observation , and Prophanation of that day , or any other day , is prohibited , and appoynted to be rebuked . This the reverend and learned Bishop of Edinburgh , in his defence of the Act of Pearth Assembly , concerning Festivities , Pag. 63. proveth , because ( sayeth he ) we have lacked preaching upon Christ-mas-day , these fifty seven years bygone , in our Church , yet Ryot , Prophannesse , Surfet , and Drunkennesse , have not beene wanting . 11. Seventhly , as for Superstitious observation of dayes , ( whereof hitherto we have had no experience ) we marvell , that ye can reckon it , amongst the consequents of the observation of dayes : seeing in your judgement , it is all one with the observation of dayes . For ye think the observation of any day , except the LORDS Day , to be , in the own nature of it , Superstitious , and Will-worship . 12. As for the last part of your Answere to our Argument , concerning the foresaid period of time ; where ye alleadge , that many corruptions of Popish and Arminian doctrine , have entered in the Kirke , &c. we aske you , Whether ye designe here another period of time , then ye did before ? or if ye design onely this self same period of time , in the which both the foresaid practicall abuses , and these Doctrinall corruptions , have entered into this Church , accompanying , as ye alleadge , Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy ? ) Or , last of all , If ye design no period of time at all ? If ye take you to this last , professing , that ye have here designed no period of time ; then ye answere not our Argument , wherein we particularly , and expresly posed you , concerning that period of time , unto which your words cited oft before , have reference . If ye design the same period of time , then look how ye can escape our preceeding Arguments , concerning that period of time . 13. But if ye design an other period of time , then we aske you , Whether it be prior or posterior , to the period of time already mentioned ; to wit , the time preceeding the bringing in of the Articles of Pearth ? Ye can not say , that it is posterior to it : for ye complained of Arminian corruptions , even before Pearth Assembly ; branding some of the most learned of our Church , with that Aspersion . And of Popish corruptions of Doctrine , ye complained , when Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy were established . For the Doctrins , of the lawfulnesse and expediency of these things , are , in your judgement , meerly Popish , and Antichristian . Neither can ye say , that it is prior to the foresaid period of time : for the time preceeding the inbringing of Pearth Articles , comprehendeth all that tract of time which interveened betwixt the Reformation , and Pearth Assembly . 14. But we will yet more evidently convince you , by two other Arguments , drawn from that part of your Covenant , of which we are now speaking , and from the words of this your Answere to our fourth Replye ; for first in your Covenant ye promise , and also will have us to promise with you , To forbeare for a time , the practise of Pearth Articles , untill they be tryed , as ye say , in a free Assembly . But this ●orbearance importeth a manifest prejudice , and wronging of our cause : for this is a fore-acknowledgement , either of the unlawfulnesse , or else of the inexpediency of the matters , concluded in Pearth Assembly . For wherefore ought we in this exigence of the Church , to forbear the practise of Pearth Articles , rather then of other Rites of the Church , except for some greater evill comprehended in them ? This will appear more evident , if we shall consider the reason alleadged by you , Pag. 17 , wherefore we ought now to forbear the practise of these Articles : to wit , because in the case of Scandall , and sensible fear of Superstition , we ought to doe so . Now this case of Scandall is not in your judgement , a temporary , but a perpetuall consequent of Pearth Articles . For ye think it will ever Scandalize the Papists , as if we were approaching to them : Likewise ye think every one of them , and especially Kneeling , to be inductive to sinne , ex conditione operis , by the very nature and quality of the work it self . Whence it followeth , that they are necessarily and immutablie scandalous ; for whatsoever agreeth to any thing , in respect of the nature of it , it agreeth necessarily and immu●ably . If therefore we in this respect , swear the forbearance of Pearth Articles , we shall be holden to forbear Pearth Articles , not for a time , but for ever . 15. Next , we pray you consider , what is meaned by the foresaid Novations , in that part of your Covenant , wherein ye promise to labour to recover the liberty and purity of the Gospell , as it was before the foresaid Novations . Certainly these words cannot be understood of Novations to be introduced , and which have not as yet entred unto our Church . For the liberty and purity of the Church is not as yet lost , yea , not impared by them , and so needeth not to be recovered by the removing of them . They must then be understood of the Novations mentioned in the Paren●hesis of your Covenant ; that , is of all innovations already introduced by Authority , and their alleadged consequents , which ye promise to forbeare , untill they be allowed , and tryed by a free Assembly . Hence any man may conclude , that although in your Parenthesis , ye promise only to forebeare these Novations for a time , yet in the words immediatly following , ye condemne and abjure them . For the recovering of the liberty and purity of the Gospell , as it was established before the foresaid Novations , importeth manifestly a removing of all these Novations , which either in themselves , or in respect of their consequents , are contrary to the purity and liberty of the Gospell . But all Novations already introduced , are in your judgement of this kinde , and therefore your vow , of the recovering the liberty and purity of the Gospell , importeth a removing of all the foresaid Novations . 16. To conclude this Argument : Ye may see , that we have pryed no more narrowly into the expressions of your Covenant , then we had reason ; and have laboured , not to scarre our selves , and others , with meere shadowes , as ye affirme . Of our Argument , Ad hominem , and the weak Retorsion of it , by the Answeres . 17. Now we come to our Argument , or Syllogisme , Ad hominem , which hath so pinched you , that ye have not attempted to answer● to any of the propositions of it . Our intention in that Argument , was to prove , that whether Pearth Articles be abjured in the late Covenant , or not ; yet ye [ who came hither , to give us satisfaction concerning the Covenant ] can not , with a safe conscience , averre , or declare to us , that they are not abjured in it . This we did evidently prove , reasoning thus : Whatsoever Rites are abjured in the old Covenant , they are also , in your judgment , abjured in the late Covenant . But Pearth Articles , and Episcopocie , are , in your judgement , abjured in the old Covenant : Ergo , they are , in your judgement , abjured in the late Covenant : and , consequently , if ye deale sincerely with us , ye must averre , that they are also abjured in the late Covenant . 18. To this ye say , first , that whatsoever be your judgement , as ye are particular persons , yet , at this time , ye were to be taken , as Commissioners from the whole company of Subscrivers . Truely we did take you so ; and did think , that ye who were Commissioners from such a multitude of good Christians , would have tolde us your minde sincerely , concerning the full extent of the late Covenant ; and , that ye would neither have affirmed any thing as Commissioners , which ye doe not think to be true , as ye are particular persons ; nor yet would have laboured , so to insnare us , as to have bidden us subscrive a Covenant , really , and indeed , in your judgement , abjuring those things , which we , with a safe conscience , can not abjure . For , in your judgement , Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are most really abjured in the late Covenant , although ye plainly affirme the contrary , in your Answeres to our fourth , fifth , and sixth Demand . And ( which is much to be noted ) in your Answeres to our tenth Demand , ye affirme , concerning your selves , that ye , in this late Covenant , have promised only forbearance of Pearth Articles . We wonder much , how ye can say so . For whosoever by their Oath have tyed themselves to a Confession , in the which they firmly believe Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , to be abjured , those have indeed abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy . But ye in the late Covenant , have tyed your selves by your Oath , to the little Confession , or old Covenant , in the which ye firmly believe , Episcopacy , and Pearth Articles , to be abjured : Ergo , in your late Covenant ye have abjured Pearth Articles , & Episcopacy : And not only ye , but all those who are of that same minde with you . Whence we inferred , in that tenth Demand , that none of you can vote freely in the intended Assembly , concerning Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie . 19. Secondly , ye say , that if others of the subscribents , who are of our judgement , ( that is , who are not perswaded that Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are abjured in the old Covenant , ) had come as Commissioners at this time to us , our Argument ad hominem , had beene anticipated , because it would not have been pertinent for them . But ye are deceived , for we have ever looked principally to these , who were the first contryvers of the late Covenant , or had speciall hand in it , that is , to your selves , and to others , who these many years bygone , have opposed Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , as Popish corruptions , abjured in the old Covenant ; and consequently have , in this late Covenant , [ in the which that former Covenant is renewed ] by your own personall Oath , abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie . If then that other sort of Commissioners had come unto us , we would have said to them , that we can not swear the late Covenant , because Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie are in it abjured . And this we would have proved by the like Argument ad hominem , that is , by an Argument grounded upon the judgement of the contrivers of the late Covenant : as ye may easily perceive . 20. Thirdly , ye say , that we have perceived the insufficiencie of our Argument , because we objected this to our selves : that seeing we think Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , not to be abjured in the old Covenant , we may subscrive the new Covenant , in the which that old Covenant is reuewed . Truely ye might have alleadged this , if we had propounded that objection , and had left it unanswered . But we answered it , and brought some reasons [ which ye wisely did passe by , perceiving the force of them ] to show , that we can not conveniently subscrive your late Covenant , notwithstanding of our judgement , of rather opinion of the meaning of the old Covenant . We say opinion : for to speak truely what we thinke , we doubt , and so doe others with us , concerning the meaning of some parts of the old Covenant , touching matters of Ecclesiasticall policy , and have not so full a perswasion in our mindes concerning those parts , as may be to us a warrand of our Oath . 21. Fourthly , whereas ye say , that it was not for us to inquire in your private opinion , concerning the meaning of the late Covenant , in that part of it , where it tyeth us to the inviolable observation of the old Covenant , no● was it necessary for you , to make it known to us ; We answere , that we inquired not your private opinion , but the common judgement of all those , who with you these twenty years bypast , have accused us of Perjury , for the alleadged violation of the old Covenant , sworne by our Predecessours . And truely we had more then reason to doe so ; because we most justly feared , that ye , who have so oft accused us of Perjury , for practising Rites and Ceremonies abjured as ye alleadge , in the old Covenant , sworn by our Predecessours , would much more vehemently ; yea , also with a greater show of probability , accuse us of Perjury , for violation of the old Covenant , sworn and ratified by our selves in this late Covenant , if we should stand to the defence of Pearth Articles in time to come . It became us therefore , for eschewing of this inconvenient , to inquire of you , and you also sincerely and plainly to declare to us , whether or not we may subscrive and sweare the new Covenant , as it includeth and ratifieth the old , and yet be really free from all abjuration , or condemning of Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? And likewise whether or not ye , and all others who are of your minde , will hold and esteem us free from abjuration of them , notwithstanding of our subscriving of your Covenant . These Questions require a punctuall Answere . For if our subscriving of your Covenant , may either import a real abjuratiō of Pearth Articles , or if it may make you to think , that by vertue of our subscription , we are really , and indeed , bound to reject them for ever ; neither can we , with a good conscience , subscrive your Covenant ; neither can ye , with a good conscience , require it of us . 22. Fiftly , from our refusing to subscrive the late Covenant , in so far as it reneweth the old Covenant , or little Confession ; because that Confessi● according to your Interpretation , or conception of it , importeth an abjuration of Pearth Articles , ye collect , first , that upon this ground we would not have subscrived the late Confession any time bypast . Secondly , that we can not sweat the Confession of any Church , no , not the Articles of the CREED , Petitions of the LORDS PRAYER , nor Precepts of the ten COMMANDEMENTS , in respect of the diverse Interpretations , which men give of them . We answere , first , that since the little Confession , is not of Divine Authority , and since the Humane Authority which it had , hath these many years bygone ceassed , ( as The Peaceable Warning , lately given to the Subjects in Scotland , proveth ) we would have refused our Subscription unto it , ever since we heard , that it importeth an Abjuration of all Rites , and Ceremonies , which were not received in our Church in the year 1681 ; except we had gotten some evidence to the contrary , sufficiently satisfying our minds . Secondly : As for the Creed , LORDS Prayer , and ten Commandements , your Argument taken from the varietie of mens Expositions of them , is far from the purpose . For , since we are perswaded , that the Author , or Pen-men of them , neither intended , nor yet delivered any thing in them , but Trueth : and that their expression is authentick , we are bound to embrace , and receive them , notwithstanding of the varietie of Interpretations , which men give of them : neither is it lawfull to us , to refuse our Subscription , or assent , to them , whatsoever be the judgement or assent of those who require it of us : being alwise bound to acknowledge the infallible Authority of them , even when we doubt of the true meaning of them . Thirdly : As for any of these later Confessions of Churches , if the case be such , as now it is in this particular of this late Covenant , that is , if we be not bound by any standing Law , to subscrive it , and if it be so lyable to the variety of Interpretatiōs , that it may probablie import that which we think to be contrary to the Trueth , and if these who require our Subscription , be , in our judgement , Opposers of the Trueth , in any point contained in that Confession , and may make advantage of our Subscription , alleadgeing , that we are tyed by it , to consent to their Doctrines , or Practises : we may justly , in such a case , deny our subscription to that Confession , for the ambiguitie of it ; and much more may desire those who urge us to subscrive it , to declare unto us , before we give our Subscription , Whether or not , that Confession , in their judgement , will tye us to their Doctrines and Practises . 23. Last of all : In modestie , as ye say , but with a jesting complement , ye present unto us , a Dish of our own dressing : ye mean , the lyke Argument , Ad hominem ; which is this : The Rites and Ceremonies which are not abjured in the negative Confession , are not abjured in this late Covenant : But the Rites and Ceremonies , which were concluded in Pearth Assembly , are not abjured , as ye say , in the negative Confession , made Ann 1581 ; therefore they are not abjured in this late Covenant . The first Proposition , as ye say , is evident , because in the late Covenant we are bound no farther , concerning the negative Confession , but to keep it inviolable : And therefore , what Rites are not abjured there , are not abjured here . Likewise ye say , that the second Proposition , can no be denyed by us , in respect these twenty years bygone , we have thought our selves free of Perjurie , notwithstanding the of Oath made 1581 , and of our conforming our selves to the Ordinance of Pearth . Good Brethren , ye have retorted this Argument very weakly upon us . For , first , we flatly denye the Major of your Syllogisme ; and withall doe repell the confirmation of it . For although Pearth Articles , were not abjured in the late Covenant , in so far as it reneweth the negative Confession ; yet they may be , and , as it is already proven , they are abjured in that other part of your late Covenant , where ye vow and promise , To recover the Liberty and Purity of the Gospell , as it was established and professed before the foresaid Novations . Next , as for your Minor , or Second Proposition , wee suspend our Judgement of it , untill wee bee better informed and advised : doubting , as we said before concerning the meaning of those parts of the old Covenant , which concerne matters of Rite or Ceremonie . Neither doeth the confirmation of your minor trouble us ; for we have thought our selves free of Perjury these twenty years bygone , not for any certain perswasion which we had , that Pearth Articles are not abjured in the old Covenant ; but because we did not personally swear that Covenant , and are not tyed to it , by the Oath of those who did subscrive it : which we are ready to demonstrate by irrefragable Arguments . Ye see then your Argument retorted upon us , pearceth us not at all : and the Reader , may perceive that our argument hath been so forcibly thrown upon you , that ye have not taken upon you to answere any part of it . If ye had had evidence of the trueth for you , ye would not only have retorted our Argument , but also by answering it punctually , shown , that it straiteth not you : and if ye had been exact Resolvers , ye would not have gone about to have satisfied us with a naked Argument in contrarium . 24. Before we leave this point , that it may be known to all , what reason we have to insist in this our Argument , ad hominem , and that we have proponed it , not to catch advantage of you , but to get satisfaction to our own mindes , concerning the Covenant , and your sincerity in urging us to subscrive it , we will collect out of that which hath beene already said , some interrogatories , which we pray you to answer punctually , if ye intend to give us satisfaction . The first is , whether or not your declaration of the extent of the late Covenant , to wit , that it extendeth not it self to the abjuration of Pearth Articles , be not only vera , true in it self , but also verax , that is , consonant to your minde , and to the minde of the chief contrivers of it ? The reason wherefore we propone this question , ye will perceive by these that follow . Secondly , seeing ye and others the chief recommenders of the old Covenant , have been ever of this minde , that Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , are abjured in it ; we aske , whether ye all tying your selves by this late Covenant , to the inviolable observation of the old Covenant ; have tyed your selves to it in all the particular points , which ye conceived to be contained in it , or only in some of them ? did ye by mentall reservation , except any part of that old Covenant , or in particular did ye except that part of it , in the which perpetuall continuance in the doctrine and discipline of this Church is promised ? Or if that part was not excepted , did ye put any new glosse upon it which it had not before ? And if ye did not , whether or not ye renewing the Oath of perpetuall observation , of the doctrine and discipline of this Church , as it was Anno 1581 , have not only really , but also according to your own conception of that part of the old Covenant , abjured all Rites and Ceremonies , added to the discipline of this Church , since the foresaid year ; and consequently , the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacie ? Thirdly , seeing ye so confidently averre , that Pearth Articles are abjured in the old Covenant , how can ye deny them to be abjured in the new Covenant , except ye acknowledge a substantiall difference , betwixt the old and new Covenant ? Fourthly , if ye grant that they are really and indeed abjured in the late Covenant , how can ye faithfully and sincerely say to us , or to any other , that they are not abjured in it ? Fiftly , how can ye , and all others , ( who with you have really , and also according to your own conception of the old Covenant , abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , by renewing of it ) voice freely , in the intended Assembly , concerning these ▪ things ; seeing ye are tyed by your Oath , to condemn and abrogate them ? Sixtly , How can we concurre with you in an Oath , wherein we are infallibly perswaded that ye have abjured Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? Seventhly , If we concurre with you in that Oath , will ye not ( as we objected in our Reply , but ye have not answered it ) think us bound by our Oath , to condemn Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie ? and will not ye thinke your selves bound in conscience to tell us , and all others , that which ye think to be trueth , and may make much for your cause , to wit , that the words of the Covenant have but one sense , and that in that one sense Pearth Articles are abjured ? 25. Ye , and all others , may now see , how injustly ye said , that we would have the Covenanters , against their intention , and whether they will or not , to disallow , and condemn Pearth Articles , and Episcopall Government , lest they be tryed in a free Assembly . GOD knoweth , how far we detest all such dealing , and this vindication of our two Arguments [ we added also a third , but ye have swallowed it ] brought by us , to prove , that Pearth Articles , and Episcopacie , are abjured in your late Covenant , will sufficiently cleare us of this imputation , to all unpartiall Readers . 26. We did not only alleadge , as ye say , that your supplications to his Majesty were fully satisfied by the last Proclamation ; but grounding an Argument upon your Answere , to our fourth Demand , we reasoned thus : If in all your supplications , ye have only sought the removing of the Service Book , book of Canons , and new high Commission ; not complaining of any other Novations , already introduced : and , seeing his Majesty hath granted this unto you , what reason have ye to say , that his Majesty hath not satisfied your supplications ? this our Argument , ye have turned to a meere alleadgeance , lest ye should have troubled your selves , with answering it . Whether , or not , we may forbeare the practise of Pearth Articles , untill they be tryed in a free Assembly . 27. We come now to the consideration of that , which your Covenant , by your own confession , tyeth us to ; to wit , The forbearance of Pearth Articles , untill they be tryed in a free Assembly . And first , whereas ye say , That the urging of the Service Book , is a sufficient reason for forbearance of Pearth Articles , till an Assembly ; we professe , that we can not see the equity , and force of this reason . For the Service Book may be holden out , albeit Pearth Articles were not forborne at this time ; yea , although they should never be removed . And the more obedient , Subjects were at this time , to his Majesties lawes already established , the greater hope might they have of obtaining their desires . 28. Ye bring two Arguments , to prove the lawfulnesse of the forbearance of Novations already introduced . One is , that the Articles of Pearth establishing them , were concluded onely for satisfying the KING , and not to presse any man with the practise of them : And because the Act it selfe ( ye mean the Act concerning Kneeling ) giveth warrand , to forbear the practise of them at this time , when the memory of Superstition is revived . But this reason doeth nowise satisfie our consciences . For , to begin with the last part of your Answere ; The Memory of Superstitious Celebration of the LORDS Supper , is not renewed in this Kingdom , for ought we know . And , if ye mean , that it is renewed by the Service Book ; suppone that were true , yet , ye know , the Service Book is discharged , by the Act of Counsell , at his Majesties commandement . Secondly , the Act of Pearth , giveth no warrand to forbear Kneeling ▪ upon every suspition or apprehensiō of Superstition , re-entring unto this Church . Your Argument , which ye brought to prove this , from the narrative of that Act , in your Answere to our ninth Demand , is confuted most plainly by us in our Replye to your Answere : and we shall again speak of it in our Duplye , to your second Answere concerning that Demād . 29. As for the other two parts of your reason , they are contrary to the very words of the Acts of Pearth Assembly . The first part is contrary to the Narrative of all these Acts , wherein no mention is made of satisfying the KING , but of other motives taken from the expediencie , or utility of the matters themselves . The second part is contrary to the tenor of the Decision , or Determination of these Acts : in the which by these formall words , The Assembly thinketh good : the Assembly ordaineth : Kneeling in the celebration of the Sacrament , Festival dayes , &c. are enjoined . 30. We hear of a childish , and rediculous concept of some , who think that these words , The Assembly thinketh good , import not an Ecclesiastick constitution , but a meere advice or Counsell . This apprehension proceedeth from ignorance : for that phrase is most frequently used by Counsells , in their decrees . In that Apostolick Counsell , mentioned Acts 15 , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are expresly used , verse 22. 25. 28. In the Counsell of Ancyra , Can. 1. & 2. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used . In that great and first OEcumenick Counsell of Nice , Can. 5. ye have these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Can. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Can. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the third Counsell of Carthage , Can. 1. 2. and 3. the word placuit is used , & in codice Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae Gr●co Latino , passim habetur vox Placuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Decrees of the Apostolick Counsell were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 16. 4. Yea , also the civill Decree of Caesar Augustus , Luke 2. verse 1. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , edictum , placitum . And in the Civill Law , the Constitutions of Emperours , are called Principum placita , Instit. de Iure naturali , § . 6. & 9. Quod Principi placuit , Legis habet vigorem , sayeth Ulpianus , ff . de Constit. Principum , Lege 1 : Where Quod Principi placuit , signifieth as much , as Quod Princeps constituit . 31. Your other reason , [ which ye bring to prove the lawfulness of the forbearance of Pearth Articles ] is , that it is lawfull to swear the forbearance of a thing indifferent , in the case of scandall , and sensible fear of superstition , in others . Yea , ye think , that by doing so , ye have sworn obedience to the commandement of GOD , which forbiddeth the doing of that whereby others may be scandalized . This reason moveth us no more then the first : for , as for your fear of farther superstition , it is now groundlesse , and causelesse , in respect of the gracious promises contained in his Majesties Proclamation . But although it were a fear justly conceived , and although the eschewing of an Evill justly feared , be a thing good and desirable ; yet we ought not ▪ for the eschewing of it , disobey the lawfull commandements of our Superioures . For this were to doe Evill , that good might come of it ; which the Apostle condemneth , Rom. 3. verse 8. Of Scandall ; and whether or not we may deny obedience to the Lawes of our Superiours , for fear of scandal causelesly taken ? 32. As for that other motive of scandall , for which ye alleadge , that we who think the matters concluded in Pearth Assembly , to be indifferent , and lawfull , may swear the forbearance of them ; we pray you , tell us , what kynd of scandall it is , which , as ye alleadge , is taken at the practise of Pearth Articles ? Ye know , that passive scandall , is either procured by the enormitie or irregularitie of the fact it self , [ to wit , when either it is a sin , or else hath a manifest show of sin ] or else it is not procured , but causelesly taken by some , either through malice , or else through weakness . Now , which of these two sorts of scandall would ye have us to acknowledge , in the practise of Pearth Articles ? If the first , then ye would have us to condemne Pearth Articles , before they be tryed in a free Assembly : which is contrary to your protestation , and no lesse contrary to our resolution . For , if we acknowledge any enormitie in the practise of Pearth Articles , ex ipsa conditione operis , we shall be holden to condemne them , and abstaine from them for ever . 33. If ye will have us to acknowledge , that the scandall following upon the practise of Pearth Articles , is of the second sort , that is , is causelesly taken ; and ▪ that for such a scandall , whether it be taken through weaknesse , or malice , we ought to abstaine from the doing of a thing indifferent , although it be enjoined by a lawfull Authority ▪ ( for ye generally affirme , that all things , which are not necessary , and directly commanded by GOD himself , ought to be omitted , for any scandall whatsoever , although it be causelesly , yea , and most maliciously taken , and that notwithstanding of any humane precept , or law , enjoyning them . See the Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 2. Cap. 8. Sect. 5. & 6. Item Cap 9. Sect. 10. ) then we protest , that we differ so far from you in this point , that we think , that for no scandall , causelesly taken , can we swear such a forbearance of Pearth Articles , as ye would have us . And we marvell from whence ye have learned this strange , and most haske doctrine , that for scandall , causelesly , yea , maliciously taken , a man may totally , and absolutely , deny obedience , to the lawes of Superioures . 34. The Author of the dispute even now cited , alleadgeth for his opinion , some Schoole-men , acknowledging the trueth of it : and he nameth Cajetane , and Bennez , who ( sayeth he ) affirme , that we should abstain , even à spiritualibus non necessariis , when scandall ariseth out of them . He might have cited for this tenet , Thomas , and all his interpreters , [ even although he had been but slenderly acquaint with them ] as well as these two : for they all doe say so . But truely he much mistaketh them , when he alleadgeth them for his opinion . For , first , none of them ▪ ever taught , that we ought to abstaine totally and altogether , from any spirituall duety for the scandall , either of the weak , or malicious . Secondly , when Thomas and others following him , say , That bona spiritualia non necessaria sunt dimittenda propter scandalum , they speak directly de eis quae sunt sub concilio non vero sub praecepto , of matters of Councell , and not commanded by any Authority , divine or humane : and the most which they say of them , is , that such things sunt interdum occultanda , vel ad tempus differenda , that is , may at some times , and in some places , be omitted , for eschewing the scandall of the weak . Thirdly , the most accurate Casuists , and interpreters of Thomas , differ much about this question , Whether or not , things that are commanded by positive Lawes , Civil , and Ecclesiasticall , may be omitted at any time , for eschewing Scandalum pusillorum , the scandal of the weak . Dyverse of them deny this , to wit , Navarrus , in Manual . Cap. 14. § 44. Vasquez , Tom. 5. Tract . de scandalo , dubio primo , § . 5. Becanus in summa Theologiae , Part. 2. Tom. posteriori , Tract . 1. Cap. 27. Quaest. 5. Ferdin . de Castro Palao in opere morali , Tract . 6. Disp. 6. Punct . 16. Duvallius , in 2am . 2ae . D. Thomae , Tract . de Charitate , Quaest. 19. Art. 5. And for their judgemēt they cite Thomas , Durandus , Almainus , Anton. Florent . and many others . Fourthly : Those of them who think , that things commanded by humane Lawes , may be omitted in the case of scandall , admit not as ye doe , such an omission of the thing commanded in the case of scandall , as is conjoined with a flatte disclaiming of the Authority of the Law. For they tell us , that we ought not , for any scandall of the weak , deny obedience to the Precepts , or Lawes , of our superioures , whensoever all other circumstances being considered , we are tyed , or obliedged , to the obedience of them . The omission , then , of the thing commanded , which they allow , is only a partiall and occasionall forbearance , and not a totall abstinence from obedience , or disclaiming the Authority of the Law. See Valentia , Tom. 3. Disp. 3. Quaest. 18. Punct . 4. & Suarez . de triplici Virtute , Tract . 3. Disp. 10. Sect. 3. § . 9. 35. But the forbearance of Pearth Articles , which ye require of us , is conjoined with a flatte disclaiming of the Authority of all the Lawes which established them . And ye will have us to forbear these Articles , at this time , when all the particular circumstances , which we ought to regard , being considered , we are tyed to obedience of them , especially , if we look to the will and minde of the Lawgivers , and of our present Superioures . We justly say , that you will have us to disclaime , altogether , the Authority of these Lawes . For whosoever resolve and determine , not to practise Pearth Articles , untill they be tryed in a new Assembly , & established by a new Parliament ; these are purposed , never to obey them , except they be tyed by new Lawes and Acts , concluded in a new Assembly , and Parliament : And , consequently , are resolved , never to regard and obey the lawes or Acts of Pearth Assembly , and the Parliament 1621 , which established these things . But so it is , ye would have us to resolve , yea , to promise , and sweare , not to practise Pearth Articles , untill they be tryed in a new assembly , and established by a new Parliament : Ergo , ye would have us to promise , not to practise Pearth Articles , except we be tyed , or obliedged , by new Lawes , to practise them : and , consequently , would have us , never to regard , or obey , the Acts of Pearth Assembly , and Parliament 1621. 36. This kinde of forbearance , to wit , which is conjoined with a plaine disclaiming of the authority of the Lawes made by our Superiours , can not be excused with your pretence of scandall causelesly taken . This we prove : First , by a position granted by your selves , and so evidently true , that no man can deny it . The Author of the Dispute , against English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 1. Cap. 4. Sect. 4. sayeth , That it were Scandall , not to obey the Lawes of the Church , when they prescrive things necessary , or expedient for the eschewing of Scandall : And , that it were contempt , to refuse obedience to the Lawes of the Church , when we are not certainly perswaded , of the unlawfulnesse or inexpediency of things commanded . Now , if such a refusing of obedience , be both a Contempt , and a Scandall , it followeth manifestly , that no man for eschewing of Scandall causelesly taken , ought in such a case to refuse obedience . Hence we reason thus : whosoever are not perswaded of the unlawfulnesse or inexpediency , of the things commanded by their Superiours ; and on the contrare think them to be expedient ad vitandum Scandalum ; these ought not for eschewing of Scandall , refuse obedience to the Lawes and ordinances of their Superiours . But so it is , we are neither perswaded of the unlawfulnesse , nor of the inexpediency of Pearth Articles : yea , on the contrarie , we think that the Acts of Pearth Assembly , enjoineth things very expedient for eschewing of Scandall : Ergo , we ought not for eschewing of Scandall causelesly taken , to refuse obedience to them . The Major of this our first Argument , is already proven . The Minor is conforme to the light of our own consciences , as GOD knoweth : and therefore so long as we are of this minde , we can not deny obedience to the ordinances of our Superiours , for any fear of Scandall causelesly taken . 37. Secondly , that which may be removed by information or instruction , can not be warrand to us , of a totall abstinence from the obedience of Lawes , or , which is all one , of an avowed disclaiming of the Authority of them . But the Scandall of the weake , taken by the practise of Pearth Articles , may be removed by information , or instruction : Ergo , it can not be a warrand to us , of a totall disclaiming of the Authority of the Lawes , whereby these Articles were established . 38. Thirdly : If for scandalls taken , especially by the malicious , we may disclaime the Authority of a Law , then we may ever disclaim the Authority of all Lawes , of the Church or Estate . For there is nothing commanded by Lawes , but some either through weaknesse , or through malice , may take offence at it . 39. Fourthly , we ought not for eschewing scandal causelesly taken , to injure or offend any man , by denying to him , that which is due to him , and therefore we ought not , for eschewing scandall causelesly taken , to offend and injure our superioures , in Church and Policy , by denying to them that obedience which is due to them . The antecedent is clear by many examples . For if a man be excommunicated , shall his Wife , Children , and servants slee his company , and so deny to him these dueties which they ow to him , for fear that others be scandalized , by their keeping of company with an excommunicate Person ? And if they may not for eschewing of scandall , abstaine from these dueties , which they ow to a private person , much lesse may we abstaine from that obedience , which we ow to our superioures , having publicke charges in Church and Policy , for eschewing of scandalls causelesly taken by others . 40. Fiftly , what if the thing commanded , be enjoined by the civill Magistrate , under paine of death , and by Ecclesiasticall Authority , under paine of excommunication , shall we for fear of a scandall causelesly taken , which may be removed by information , or for the scandall of the malicious , who will not be informed at all , abstaine from the doing of a thing lawfull and expedient , enjoined by Authority , and by so doing , incurre these most grievous punishments of Death temporall , and spirituall ? We believe , that your selves , who speak most of scandall , would be loath to take such a yoke upon you . 41. Sixtly , The denying of obedience , to the lawfull commandements of our superioures , is forbidden in the fift Commandement , and consequently it is a sin . Shall we then for a scandall causelesly taken , deny obedience to our superioures , and so incurre the guiltinesse of sin ? Ye commonly answere to this , that the negative part of the fift Commandement , which forbideth the resisting of the power , Rom. 13. verse 2. and in generall the denying of obedience to superioures , is to be understood with the exception of the case of any scandall taken by others . For if we see , ( say ye ) that any may , or will take offence , at the doing of that which is cōmanded by our superioures , we are not holden to obey them : and our denying of obedience to them in such a case , is not forbidden in that Commandement . 42. But , first , we aske , what warrand ye have to say , that the negative part of the fift Commandement , is to be understood with the exception of the case of scandall , more then other negative precepts of the second Table ? Secondly : As men may take offence , either through weaknesse , or malice , at our doing of the thing commanded ; so they are most ready to stumble at our denying of obedience to the lawfull commandements of our superioures : for they will take occasion , by our carriage , to doe that , unto which by nature , they are most enclined ; to wit , to vilipend Lawes , and the Authority of their superioures . Shall we , then , for the eschewing of a scandall causelesly taken , not only refuse to our superioures , the duety of obedience , which they crave of us ; but also incurre an other scandall , and that a farre more perilous one . Thirdly : we have already shown , that the negative part of the fift Commandement , is not all wayes to be understood with the exception of the case of scandall causelesly taken . For , Wives , Children , and Servants , must not deny obedience , and familiar conversation to their Husbands , Parents , and Masters , which are excommunicated , for fear that others , through weaknesse , or malice , be scandalized thereat . Fourthly : As ye say , that the precept concerning obedience to superioures , is to be understood with the exception of the case of scandall causelesly taken ; so we , with farre better reason , say , that the precept , of eschewing scandall causelesly taken , is to be understood with the exception of the case of obedience peremptorly required , by our lawfull superioures , as we shall show in our next Argument . Whether the Precept of Obedience to Superioures , or the Precept of eschewing scandall , be more obligatory ? 43. Last of all : when a man is peremptorly urged by his superioures , to obey their lawfull Commandements , and in the mean time feareth , that if he doe the thing commanded by them , some , through weakness , shall be scandalized , by his carriage ; in this case , he is not only in a difficulty , or strait , betwixt the commandement of Man , and the Commandement of GOD , who forbiddeth us to doe that whereby our weak Brother may be offended ; but also he seemeth to be in a strait betwixt two of GODS Commandements ; to wit , betwixt that precept which forbiddeth the doing of any thing , whereby the weake may be scandalized , and that other precept which forbiddeth the resisting of Authority ; and telleth us , that whosoever resisteth the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of GOD. Now , seeing GODS Precepts are not repugnant one to another , neither doeth GOD by his Lawes lay upon us a necessity of sinning , out of all question , in this case , we are fred from the obligation of one of these precepts : and that which doeth not so strictly tye us , or is lesse obligatory , must needs give place to the other , which is of greater obligation . Ye commonly say , that the precept of obedience to humane Authority , must give place to the precept of eschewing scandall , although it be causelesly taken : And , to confirme your Assertion , ye say , that the ordinance of a superiour , can not make that fact to be free of scandall , which otherwise would be scandalous ; and , that a fact , upon which any scandall followeth , ought not to be done for the commandement of Man. Whence ye collect , that , in such a case , we ought not to regard , or obey the Commandement of our Superiours . 44. This your Reason can not be good , because we can easily retort the Argument , and say to you , that in such a case we ought not to regard the scandall causelesly taken by our weak Brethren , so far , as to deny simplie , and absolutely , Obedience to our Superiours for it : and that because the sin of Disobedience ought to be eschewed and no Scandall of weak brethren causelesly taken , can make that fact , not to be the sin of disobedience , which otherwise , that is , extra casum scandali , would bee the sin of disobedience . For it is certain , that ( laying aside the case of scandall ) to deny obedience to the ordinance of our Superiours , enjoining , and peremptorly requiring of us , things lawfull , and expedient , is really the sin of disobedience . Ye will say , that the scandall of weak brethren , may make that Fact , or Omission , not to be disobedience , which otherwise would be disobedience ; because we ought not for the Commandement of man , doe that whereby our weak brother may be offended : and so the precept of obedience bindeth not , when offence of a weak brother may be feared . On the contrary we say , that the lawfull commandement of Superiours , may make that scandall of our weake brethren , not to be imputed unto us , which otherwise would be imputed unto us , as a matter of our guiltinesse ; because we ought not , for fear of scandal causelesly taken , deny obedience to the lawfull Commandements of our Superiours . 45. Again , ye say , that when scandall of weak brethren may be feared , the precept of Obedience is not obligatory , in respect the thing commanded by our Superiours , although it be in it self lawfull , yet it becometh unexpedient , in respect of the Scandall which may follow upon it . Now , ( say ye ) the ordinances of our Superiours are not obligatory , when the things commanded by them are unexpedient . We , on the contrary , say , that when our Superiours require of us obedience to their lawfull commandements , the precept of eschewing scandall , is not obligatory ; in respect we ought not , for Scandall causelesly taken , omit necessary dueties , which GOD in His Law requireth of us : In which number , we most justly doe reckon , The duety of Obedience . which we owe to the lawfull Commandements of our Superiours . 46. As for that which ye say , that when Scandall may be taken at the doing of the thing commanded , then the thing commanded becommeth inexpedient , and so ought not to be obeyed ; that ye be not more deceived by this errour , we pray you marke , that a thing comcomanded by our Superiours , in Church , or Policy , may be two wayes inexpedient , to wit , either in respect of some particular Persons , who through weaknesse or malice doe stumble at it , or else in respect of the body in generall , because it is contrary to Order , Decency , and Edification . If the thing commanded be inexpedient the first way only , we may indeed , in such a case , for eschewing the scandall of the weak , forbear the practise of the thing commanded hîc , & nunc , in some particular places , and times : providing alwise we doe this ▪ Without offence of our Superiours , and without the scandal of others ▪ who by our forbearance may be made to vilipend the Authority of Lawes . But we can not in such a case totally and absolutely , deny obedience to a Law , as we have already proven . Neither is your Argument brought to the contrary valide , in respect we ought more to look to the utilitie and benefite , which the body of the Church may receive by the thing commanded , and by our obedience to our Superioures , then to the harme which some particular Persons may receive thereby . 47. If the thing commanded , be in our private judgement inexpedient the second way , we ought not for that to deny obedience to the Lawes of the Church ; for when the inexpediency of a thing is questionable , and probable Arguments may be brought pro and contrae , concerning the expediencie of it , we have sufficient warrand to practise it , if the Church by her publick decree hath declared , that she thinketh it expedient . Your errour , who are of the contrary minde , is very dangerous , and may prove most pernicious to the Church , for it maketh the Church obnoxious to perpetuall Schisme , and disconformity in matters of externall Policy : in respect men ordinarily are divyded in judgement , concerning the expediencie of these things Suppon , then , that in a Synode consisting of an hundreth Pastors , threescore of them think this , or that particular Ceremony to be expedient for the good of the Church ; and in respect of the plurality of their voices , make an Act to be concluded for the establishing of it , shall the remnant four●y , who are of the contrary judgement , deny obedience to the Act of the Synode , because they are perswaded , that the thing concluded is inexpedient , and shal they by doing so , rent the body of the Church ? Truely , if we were all of your minde , we should never have Peace nor Unity in this Church . Ye will say , perhaps , that this our Argument , is Popish , and leadeth men to acquiesce , without tryall , or examination , in the decrees of the Church . We answere , that in matters of faith , the trueth whereof may be in●allibly concluded out of GODS word , we ought not , without tryall , to acquiesce into the decrees of the Church . And in this respect we dissent from the Papists , who ascrive too much to the Authority of counsells , as if their decrees were infallible . But in matters of Policy , if we be certaine , that in their own nature they are indifferent , and if the expediencie of them only be called in question , seeing no certaine conclusion , concerning their expediency , can be infallibly drawn out of GODS word , which hath not determined , whether this or that particular Rite be agreable to order , decency , and edification ; we ought to acquiesoe into the decree or constitution of the Church , although it be not of infallible Authority : and that partly because it is impossible , that otherwise we can agree in one conclusion , concerning matters of this nature , and partly , because if we deny obedience to the decrees of the Church in such matters , our disobedience shall prove far more unexpedient , and hurtfull to the Church , then our obedience can be . 48. Seeing , then , whatsoever ye have hitherto said , concerning the question proponed by us , may be easily answered , with a retortion of the Argument , upon your selves ; that we may eschew all such Logomachie , we must take some other course , and try which of these two precepts is in it self of greater moment , and obligation : for thence we may collect , which of these two precepts doeth obliedge us in the case foresaid ; the other giving place to it , and not obliedging us at all , in that case . If ye say , that the precept which forbiddeth us to doe that whereby our weak Brother may be scandalized , is in it selfe more obligatory , or doeth more strictly ty us to the obedience of it , as being of greater moment , ye must bring a solide reason for you , which we think ye will hardly find . We know ye say , that the precept concerning Scandall , is more obligatory , and of greater moment ; because it concerneth the losse of the soule of a Brother : But this reason is not valide ; first , in respect our Brother , if he be scandalized , by our obedience to our superioures , sinneth not by our default , who doe obey : for our carriage in giving obedience , is such , as may rather edifie our Brother . Secondly : the precept which forbiddeth disobedience , concerneth the losse both of our own soules , and of the soules of others , who may be entysed to that sin , by our denying obedience , to the lawfull commandements of our superioures . Thirdly , if that precept of eschewing scandall , causelesly taken , doe so strictly obliedge us , when our superioures require obedience of us , it may happen , that a man shall be in an inextricable perplexity , not knowing whether he shall obey , or deny obedience to the cōmandements of his superioures : in respect he may fear the scandall of the weak , whether he obey , or deny obedience . For , as we said before , many are most ready to be scandalized by our denying obedience to our superioures , in thinges lawfull , and otherwise expedient : and that because we by nature are most unwilling to be curbed , and to have our liberty restrained , by the lawes of our superioures . For this cause ( as Calvin judiciously noteth , Instit. Lib. 2. Cap. 8. § . 35. ) GOD to allure us to the duety of obedience to our superioures , called all superioures , Parents , in the fift Commandement . 49. But we , with good warrand , doe averre , that the precept which forbiddeth resisting of the Civil power , and in generall the denying of obedience to the lawfull commandements of our Superiours , is of greater obligation and moment . And , first , we prove this by an Argument taken from the diverse degrees of that care , which we ought to have of the Salvation of others : for this care tyeth us to three things ; to wit , first , to the doing of that which may be edificative , and may give a good example to all . Secondly , to the eschewing of that which may be scandalous , or an evill example to all ; that is , to the eschewing of every thing , which is either sin , or hath a manifest show of sin . Thirdly : to abstain even from that , which although it be lawfull , yet it may be , to some particular persons , an occasion of sin . Of these , the first two are most to be regarded , in respect they concern the good of all , which is to be preferred to the good of particular persons . Hence we inferre that the precept of obedience to Superiours , which prescriveth an Act edificative to all , because it is an exercise of a most eminent and necessary vertue , is more obligatory , and of greater moment , then the precept of eschewing scandall , causelesly taken , by some particular persons . 50. Secondly : That the precept of obedience to our superiours , is of greater moment , & consequently more obligatory , then the precept of eschewing scandal , is evident by these reasons which are brought by our Divines , to show wherefore the fifth Commandement , hath the first place in the second Table : to wit , first , because it cōmeth nearest to the nature of Religion or Piety , commanded in the first Table , whence ( as your own Amesius noteth in his Medulla , Lib. 2. Cap. 17. § . 13. ) the honouring and obeying of Parents , is called by prophane Authors Religion and Piety . Secondly : This precept , is the ground and sinewe , ( sayeth Pareus , in his Catechetick explication of the fift precept , ) of the obedience which is to be givē to al the rest of the precepts , of the second Table . Two reasons are cōmonly brought of this : one is , that all Societies , oeconomick , Civill and Ecclesiasticall , doe consist and are conserved , by the submission or subjection of Inferiours to Superiours , which being removed , confusion necessarily followeth . The other is , that the obedience of this precept , maketh way to the obediēce of all the rest . For our superiours are set over us , to the end , that they may make us to doe our duety to all others . And consequently our obedience to them , is a mean instituted by GOD , to procure our obedience to all the rest of the Precepts of the second Table . Now , would ye know what followeth out of this , let your own Amesius , whose words are more gracious unto you , then ours , tell you it : Seeing ( sayeth he , Cap. citato , § . 6. ) humane societie hath the place of a foundation or ground , in respect of other dueties , of Iustice and Charitie , which are commanded in the second Table of the Law : therfore these crimes which directly procure the perturbation , confusion , and eversion of it , are more grievous then the violation of the singular Precepts . Now we subsume : the denying of obedience to Superiours , enjoining such things as in themselves are lawfull and expedient , directly procureth the perturbation and confusion of humane society . And therefore it is a crime greater then the violation of other particular precepts of the second Table . For this cause , Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria , in his Epistle ad Novatum , cited before , declaring how much the unity of the Church ( which is most frequently marred by the disobedience of Inferiours to their Superiours , ) ought to be regarded , sayeth , that Martyrdom suffered for es●hewing of Schism● , is more glorious , then Martyrdom suffered for ●sch●wing ▪ Idolatrie . 51. Thirdly : These offices , or dueties , which we owe to others by way of Justice , are more strickly obligatory , then these which we owe to them , onely by way of charity . And consequently , these precepts which prescrive dueties of justice , are of greater obligation , then these which prescrive dueties of charity onely . But we owe the duety of obedience to our Superiours , by way of Justice , and therefore it is more obligatory , then the duety of eschewing Scandall causelesly taken , which is a duety onely of charity . The Major , or first proposition of this Argument , is clear of it self , as being a Maxime not onely received by the Scholasticks and Popish Casuists , but also by our Divines . See your own Amesius , in his Medulla , Lib. 2. Cap. 16. § . 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. where he not onely proponeth this Maxime , but also proveth it by two most evident examples . The Minor is likewise clear : For , first , the duety of obedience , which we owe to the publick Lawes of the Church and Kingdom , belongeth to that Generall Justice , which is called Iustitia legalis . For the legall Justice , as it is in Inferiours , or subjects , it is a vertue inclining them to the obedience of all Lawes , made for the benefite of the Common-wealth , as Aristotle declareth in his fift book of the Ethicks , Cap. 1. Secondly : Debitum obedientiae , the debt of obedience , which we ow to our superioures , is not only debitum morale ; a debt or duety , unto which we are tyed by morall honesty , and GODS Commandement , but also debitum legale , or debitum justitiae , ( quod viz. fundatur in propriojure alterius ) a debt grounded upon the true and proper right , which our superioures have to exact this duety of us ; so that they may accuse us of injury , and censure us , if we performe it not . There is a great difference betwixt these two sorts of debt ; and the last is far more obligatory , then the first : As for example , a man oweth moneys to the poor , by a morall debt , but to his creditor he oweth them by a legall debt , or debt of justice : and therefore , he is more strictly obliedged to pay his creditor , then to give almes . Such-like , by morall honesty , and GODS precept also , a man oweth to his neighbour , a pious carefullnesse , to impede sin in him , by admonition , instruction , good example , and by ommission even of things lawfull , when he foreseeth that his neighbour in respect of his weaknesse , will be scandalized by them . But his neighbour hath not such a right to exact these things of him , neither can he have action against him , for not performing of them , as our lawfull superioures have for our due obedience . In what sense the administration of the Sacraments , in private places , was thought indifferent ▪ in Pearth Assembly . 52. In our Reply we professed , that we can not abstaine presently from private Baptisme , and private communion , being required t● administrate these Sacraments to such persons , as can not come , or be brought to the Church . Hence , first , ye take occasion to object to us , that the state of the question concerning Pearth Articles , is quite altered , in respect we and our associates , did ever before alleadge the question to be of things indifferent , but now we think them to be so necessary , that although the generall Assembly of the Church should discharge them , we behoved still to practise them : We answere , first , that the Assembly of Pearth hath determined nothing , of the indifferencie or necessity of these things . Secondly : If any who allowed these Articles , did at that time in their discourses and speaches call them indifferent , they meaned only , that in the celebration of these Sacraments , the circumstances of place and time are things indifferent of their own nature : or , which is all one , that we are not so tyed to the administration of them in the Church , and at tymes appointed for Sermon , but we may celebrate them in private houses , and at other times . But judicious and learned men , even then thought the denying of these Sacraments to persons , who can not come , or be brought to the Church , to be a restraining of the means of grace , altogether unwarrandable by GODS word . Whence ye may collect , whether or not they thought it to be unlawfull . Thirdly : Ye have no warrand from our Reply , to say , that we would not abstaine from private Baptisme , and Communion , although our nationall Assembly should discharge them . For as we are very unwilling to omit any necessary duety of our Calling : so we cary a singular respect to lawfull Authority , and to the Peace , and Unity of the Church , abhorring Schisme , as the very Pest of the Church . But of this we shall speak hereafter in the thirteenth Duply . 53 , Next , ye say , if we have the same judgement of kneeling , in the receiving of the Communion , and of Feastivall dayes , it commeth to passe among us which hath been incident to the Church in former ages , that things have been first brought in as indifferent , then urged as necessary . Certainly , Brethren , none are so guilty of this , as your selves , and your associates : for ye have now made some things to be esteemed necessary by your followers , which have been accounted indifferent , not only since the Reformation , but these fifteene hundreth years bygone . And in some other things , which the ancient Church did wisely forbid , ye doe now make the Liberty of the Gospel to consist . As for us , we stand as we stood before , and doe yet think kneeling in the receiving of the Sacrament , and the five Festivall dayes , to be Rites indifferent in their own nature ; but indeed very profitable , and edificative , if Pastors would doe their duety in making their people sensible , of the lawfulness & expediency of them . 54. We are of the same judgement concerning Confirmation , which Calvin , writting upon Hebr. 6. 2. acknowledgeth , To have been undoubtedly delivered to the Church by the Apostles : and with the same Author , in the fourth book of his Institut . Cap. 19 , § . 14. we wish , that the use of it were again restored : so far are we from that partiall dealing with the Articles of Pearth , which ye object unto us . What hath moved our most reverend Prelats , to abstain hither●o from the practising of it , we know not : they can themselves best satisfie you in this point . And we modestly judge , that this omission hath proceeded from weighty and regardable causes . It was sufficient for us , to have a care of our own dueties , in our particular stations . But the urging and pressing of that practise upon the Bishops , requireth higher Authority , then ours . In the mean time , ye know the Bishops never disclaimed the Authority of the act of Pearth , concerning Confirmation , or of any other of these Acts , as ye have done , who have been hitherto professed and avowed disobeyers of them all . Wherefore we wish you , hereafter not to bring this omission of the Bishops , in the matter of Confirmation , as an Argument for that forbearance of Pearth Articles , which ye require of us : for there is a great difference betwixt the omission of a duety commanded by a Law , and an avowed , or professed , yea , sworne disobedience of the Law. 55. Last of all , whereas ye say , that we , by mantaining the necessity of private Baptisme and Communion , doe condemne the practise of this our Church , from the Reformation , till Pearth Assembly , and put no small guiltinesse upon other reformed Churches , who use not private Baptism and Communion at all , but abstain from them as dangerous : we answere , that we have , in all modesty , proponed our own judgement , concerning private Baptism , and private Cōmunion , nominem judica●tes ( as Cyprian said of old , in consilio Carthag . in praefat . ) nor taking upon us , to censure or condemne the practise either of this Church , in times preceeding Pearth Assembly , or of other reformed Churches . We can not indeed deny , but we dissent from them : and if this be a condemning of them , we may no lesse justly say to you , that you condemne the practise and doctrine not onely of our Reformers , in the particulars mentioned before in this same Duply , but also of diverse reformed Churches , and of the ancient Church , as we declared in our sixt Demand , and shall again speak of it in our sixt Duply . A Defence of our Doctrine and Practise , concerning the Celebration of Baptism and the LORDS Supper in private places . 56. Ye desire us , wisely to consider , whether the desire which our people have of Baptism and Communion , in time of sicknesse , be not occasioned by prevailing of Popery , and through a superstitious conceit that people have of these Sacraments , as necessary to Salvatiō . We are loath to come short of you in dueties of charity , especially in good wishes ; and therefore , we likewise wish you , wisely to consider , whether the neglect of these Sacraments in the time of sicknesse , which is in many parts of the Kingdom , proceed not from some want of a sufficient knowledge , and due esteem of the fruits of these high and Heavenly Mysteries . 57. It is well that ye acknowledge , that we minister these Sacraments in private , as necessary onely by the necessity of the Cōmandement of GOD ; but withall ye conceive , that our people imagine , or seem to imagine them to be so necessary means , as that God hath tyed his grace to them . We desire you to judge charitably of those who are unknown to you ; and withall we declare , that neither we doe teach our People , nor doe they think , for ought we did ever know , that Baptism is so necessary a mean unto Salvation , that without it GOD can not , or will not saye any : yea , on the contrary , we are confident , that when Baptism is earnestly sought for , or unfeignedly desired , and yet can not be had , the Prayers of the Parents , and of the Church , are accepted by GOD , in stead of the ordinary mean , the use whereof is hindred , by unavoidable necessity : and so in this we depart from the rigid tenet of Papists . On the other part , we likewise teach , and accordingly our People learn , that Baptism is the ordinary mean of our enterance into the Church , and of our Regeneration ; to the use whereof , GOD , by his Commandement , hath tyed us . 58. If the commandement of our Saviour , Matth. 28. 19. Goe ye , therefore , and teach all Nations , baptizing them , In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the holy Ghost , tye not Parents to seek Baptism to their Children , and Pastors to administer , when it is sought , then have we no commandement at all , for baptizing of Infants , which is an Anabaptisticall absurdity : But if Parents and Pastors , are tyed by this Commandement , then Parents ought to seek Baptism , to their dying Children , not baptized before ( for then , or never ) and Pastors must accordingly performe that duety then , which is incumbent upon them . This is that which KING Iames of blessed memory , in a conference at Hampton-court , Pag. 17 , reporteth himself , to have answered to a Scotish Minister , while he was in Scotland : The Minister asked , If he thought Baptism so necessarie , that if it be omitted , the child should be damned ? No , said the KING ; but if you being called to baptize the child , though privatlie , should refuse to come , I think you should be damned . 59. Ye say , ( to avoide the strength of this Argument ) that the necessity of the commandement , standeth onely for Baptism in publick ; and , that no precept requireth Baptism , but when it can be had orderly , with all the circumstances thereof : whereof ye say this is one , that it be administred in the presence of that visible Kirk , wherof the Children are to be members . Thus , first , ye condemne as unlawfull the administration of Baptism even in the Church , God-fathers , and God-mothers , being present , if the whole Congregation be not present there ; and the like doctrine we find in others , also cited on the Margin , which soundeth so harshly in the ears of some of your own adherents , that they can not be perswaded that this is your doctrine . Secondly : the Commandement of CHRIST tying us to Baptisme , hath no such addition either of the presence of the Congregation , or yet of the materiall Kirk . This belongeth but to the solemnity , and not to the necessary lawfull use of Baptisme . Where GOD hath tyed this solemnity to Baptism , ye can not show by holy Scripture : but where GOD hath tyed us to Baptism , we have already shown . It is true , solemnities should not be lightly omitted : but the Law sayeth , When evident equity requireth , they may be dispensed withe for according to that same Law , That which is chief and principall , should not be ruled by that which is accessory , but contrariwise . As for the place of Baptism , we may say of it , as Tertullian sayeth of the time thereof , in the 19 chapter of his Book of Baptism , Every day is the LORDS , every houre , day , and time , is fit for Baptism : it may want of the solemnity , but nothing of the grace . Neither is such a number , as ye require to be present , necessary in this case . Our Saviour hath taught us , Matth. 18. 19. That if two shall agree on Earth , as touching any thing that they shall aske , it shall be done for them , of his Father which is in Heaven : For sayeth he , where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am I in the midst of them . We beseech you , therefore , Brethren , to take heed , that ye prescribe not to mens consciences , Rites of necessity , without clear warrand from GODS word , by which ye will never be able to prove the necessity of this circumstance required by you in Baptism . 60. The practise of the primitive Church , both in the Apostles times , and thereafter , agreeth with this doctrine and practise of ours . Sainct Philip baptised the Eunuch on the way , Acts 8. Anantas baptized Saul in a private house , Acts 9. Sainct Paul baptized the Jaylour in his house , Acts 16. If ye answere as others doe , that the necessity of the infancy of ▪ the Church , excused the want of the presence of a Congregation : we reply , that the same necessity is found in the cases whereof we speak : for as unpossible it is for a dying insant , who about mid-night is at the last gaspe , to enjoy the presence of the congregation , as it was impossible for any of the afore mentioned , the Eunuch , Saul , or the Iailor , to have had a Congregation present at their Baptism , yea , more impossible ; and why should there not be the same effect , where there is the same reason ? 61. The practise of the ancient Church , in this , is also clear for us . This is manifest from the 76 ▪ Epistle of S. Cyprian , from the Oration of Gregorie Nyssen , against them who delayed their Baptism , from S. Basill , in his 13 Homilie , which is an exhortation to Baptism , Tom. 1. from Gregorie Nazianzen , in his 40. Oration , whose words we have cited upon the margine . Hence although two fet times were appointed , for solemn Baptism , yet the case of necessity was ever excepted . This is clear by the foresaid Testimonies , as also by these following , Sir c●us Epist. 1. cap. 2. Tom. 1. Concil . Gelas. Epist. 9. ad Episcopos Lucani● , Tom. 2. Concil . Conc. Antisiodor . cap. 18. Tom. 2. Conc. Matiscon . 2. cap. 3. Tom. 2. Concil . Conc. Meldens . cap. 48. Conc. Triburiens . cap. 12. Concil . in Palatio Vernis cap. 7. Conc. Wormatiens . cap. 1. Tom. 3. Concil . The learned Causabon , in his 16 exercitation , cōsidering all this , sayeth , Woe to them , that in the administration of this Sacrament , deny their duety to dying Infants , under pretence of I know not what Discipline . To this same purpose the learned Martin Bucer , in the 15 Chapter of his censure of the English Liturgie , considering Baptism of sick Infants privatly , sayeth , In this Constitution , all things are hol●ly set down . This same practise also is allowed by Doctor Whitaker , in his Book against Reynolds , Pag. 48. 62. The Congregation , say ye , whereof the child is to be a member , hath interest in this , and therefore ought to be present , no lesse then at excommunication , whereby a rotten member is cut off . In this case of necessity , there is no prejudice either to the child , or to the congregation , thorow the want of the congregations presence : for there is no neglect , nor contempt of the congregation in this case , or of any of the members thereof : and the child by Baptism , though privatly administred , is ingrafted into CHRIST , and so being joined to the head of the Church , becommeth also united unto the Church , which is his body . If excommunication require the presence of the whole congregation , because the power of binding and loosing , is delyvered by CHRIST to every particular Church , or congregation , collectively taken as it is affirmed in the Dispute against the English Popish ▪ Ceremonies , Part. 3. Cap. 8. Pag. 182. then it is not alike with Baptism , the power whereof is committed to the Pastors of the Church , Matth. 28. But although that ground be not true , as we think it is not , yet excōmunication is done in presence of the People . For this censure may not be inflicted , but onely for publick offences ; and therefore must be publick , as the offence is , That others also may fear , 1 Tim. 5. 20. and have no company with the delinquent , that he may be ashamed , 2. Thess. 3. 14. and so your similitude holdeth no● . 63. As for the administring of the Sacrament of the LORDS Supper , we say it is most profitable , for comforting of the Soules of men , sighting with the terrous of death ; and that the case may fall out , wherein they most ardently desire it , and consequently , that Pastors who are the Stewards of GODS House , ought not to deny to his Children , so hungring and thristing in this conflict , that heavenly refreshment : which we are not ashamed , with the ancient Fathers , to call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Viaticum , though ye seem to condemne this . It is manifest by the writtings of the ancient Fathers : Iustine Martyr , in his 2. Apology : Eusebius , in the 6 Booke of his Story , 36. Chapter , and others , that the Sacrament was administred to sick persons privatly . The famous OEcumenick Counsell of Nice , in the 13 Canon , and second part thereof , appointeth the same , or rather confirmeth the ancient Lawes thereanent . The like we may see in the 76 Canon , of the fourth Counsell of Carthage . See Balsamon also , upon the 20. Canon of the Counsell of Carthage , where speaking of dying persons , he sayeth , That the LORDS Supper should be carefully administred unto them ; and Baptism , if they be not baptized . Hence Bishop Iewel in his Dispute against Hardings , Pag. 32. sayeth , That certain godly persons , both men and women , in time of persecution , or of sickness , or of other necessitie , received the Sacrament in their houses , it is not denyed . The ancient Fathers also call this Sacrament viaticum , or a provision for our journey . So the Fathers , in the fourth counsell of Carthage , speak , Canon 78. So Gaudentius in his second Treatise on Exodus . So in S. Basill his Liturgie , we find this Prayer , that the participation of these sacred things , may be the viaticum of eternall life . So Concil . Vas. 1. Can. 2. So Paulinus in vita Ambrosii . Whence Causabon , in his answere to the Epistle of Cardinall Perron , Pag. 49. sayeth , The Church of England not onely distributeth , the mysticall bread to the faithfull in the publick Congregation , but also administrateth to dying persons this viaticum , as the Fathers of the Counsell of Nice , and all Antiquitie , call it . 64. Learned Calvin was of this mind : Many and weightie reasons , sayeth he , Epist. 361. move me to think , that the Communion should not be denyed to sick persons . Zepperus , in his first Book of Ecclesiasticall policy , and 12. Chapter , hath these words of this matter , One thing rema●neth yet to be resolved , to wit , concerning the cōmunion of sick persons . Albeit some think otherwise , yet it seemeth , that the holy Supper may not , nor ought not , to be denyed to them that seek it . For if it was appointed for the confirming of our faith , and increase of our Comunion with Christ ; if we ought by the use of it to testifie our faith & studie of repentance ; why should they be deprived of so great a good , who fight with long diseases , or are in danger of their life ? When doeth Satan labour more stronglie to ●hake ●●d brangle our faith , then when we are exercised with bodily diseases ? When dó our consciences tremble more , and stand in need , of the most ample corroboration of faith , then when we find that death is knocking at the doore , and that we are called to compear before the Tribunall of GOD ? Hieronymus Zanchius , is of the same mind . Thus he writeth in an Epistle of his to Iohn Crato , Physician to the Emperour , I have nothing to say of the question proponed by you , but that I subscrive to your judgement , providing this be done when necessitie requireth , and it be administred to them , who through sicknesse , cannot come forth with others in publick . For since CHRIST denyeth this to none of his D●sciples , how can we refuse it to sick persons , who desire it before they depart hence , and that not out of any superstition , but that their minds may be the more comforted , and raised up ? Martin Bucer , in the 22. Chapter of his forementioned censure , considering that part of the Liturgie , wherein the administrating of the Communion to sick persons is ser down , sayeth , Things here commanded , are agreeable enough to holie Scripture : for it availeth not a little , to the comforting of troubled Soules , to receive the Communion of the LORD . Yea , he hath written a particular and most devote Treatise , directing Pastors how to administer the Communion to sick persons : and yet we trust , ye will not call him a Papist , since he was ●o hatefull to Papists , that after he was dead , they raised up his bones and burnt them . Peter Martyr , writting upon the 10. Chapter of the 1. Epistle to the Corinth . speaking of the LORDS Supper , hath these words , They say it most be given to sick persons : I confesse sayeth he , but the mystery may be celebrated before the sick persons . It is to be remarked also , that often times it falleth out , that some persons are affixed to their beds by sickness , for the space of five or six , yea , ten yeares , or more : And how can we deny the comfort of this holy Sacrament to those all that space , especially when they earnestly long for it ? 65. This doctrine and practise of ours , tendeth not to the contempt of the Sacraments , ( as ye would bear upon it ) it is plaine contrary : for by this practise , we show , how much we reverence the Commandement of GOD , and how highly we esteem of his ordinances , which we so earnestly seek after ; whereas on the other parr , the practise of others , leadeth people to the contempt of the Sacraments , because they are moved the reby , to thinke , that there is no such necessity and efficacy in them , as Scripture , and the consent of Christians , hath ascribed thereunto . As for other abuses , rehea●sed by you , as fruites of private Baptism , since you bring no proofe for what ye say in this , we oppone our just denyall , to your bare and unjust assertion . 66. Lastly , ye advertise the Reader , that ye think not the materiall Churches , but the ordinary meetings , necessary to the lawfull administration of the Sacraments , lest any should conceive that ye entertaine a superstitious conceit of places . We think , ye might have spared this advertisement : for we find , that they who oppugne our doctrine and practise in this point , are so far from being in danger of the extremity mentioned by you , that on the contrary they ●each , that the Church is a place no more holy , then any other , and that it may be indifferently used to sacred or civil uses : which in our judgement is not agreable , either to holy Scripture , or to sound Antiquity . See Eusebius in his ecclesiastick History , Lib. 10. cap. 3. Ch●ysost . homil . 36. on the first Epistle to the Corinth . S. Augustine , in his first Book of the city of GOD , cap. 1. Codex Theodasianus , Lib. 9. Titul . 45. de his qui ad Ecclesias confugerunt . Conc. Gangrens . Can. 21. Sect. 2. Re-examination of the Articles of Pearth . pag. 143. The V. DUPLY. THe indifferent Reader may perceive , by our former Duply , that your Answere to our first exception , taken from the obedience , due to Authority , and from our judgement , concerning the administration of Baptism , and the LORDS Supper , to dying persons in private places , hath not given satisfaction . 2. We asked of you , in our fift Demand , how we can subscrive the negative Confession , as it is propounded by you , without contradicting the positive Confession , approved by Parliament ▪ holden A●no 1567 , since the positive Confession , chap. 21. declareth , that Rites are changeable , according to the ex●gency of time , and consequen●ly that no perpetuall Law , may or ought to be made of them , and the negative Confession maketh a perpetuall Law , concerning the externall R●●es of the Church ; at least according to your judgement , who urge the subs●riving of this Covenant and Confession upon us ? we urged f●r●her in our Reply , that the late Covenant bindeth us to the old Covenant made Anno 1581 ; for by your late Covenant , ye professe your selves bound to keep the fore●aid nationall Oath ( as ye call it ) inviolable : and that old Covenant , or Oath , bindeth us to the discipline which was then ; and that discipline comprehendeth all the externall Rites of it , ( as ye have in all your writings professed , especially in that late Book entituled , The dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies : whence in your Sermons , and printed Books , since the Assembly of Pearth , ye have been still accusing us of Perjury . ) So from the first , to the last , the la●e Covenant bindeth us to the policy which was then ; and consequently , maketh a perpetuall Law , concerning the Rites of the Church , as if they were unchangeable . 3. Your Answere to this Argument , is not sufficient , nor to the purpose . 1. Ye put off , without any Answere , that which we alleadge out of a Dispute , against the English Popish Ceremonies ; and , in stead of answering , wish , that what we have thence , or from any other Treatise of that kind , were keeped to another time . Pardon us , that we wish greater ingenuity , and a more direct Answere . Consider the words of that Treatise before cited , Part. 4. Cap. 8. Sect. 8. No man amongst us can certainly know , that the Discipline meaned and spoken of in the Oath , by those that swear it , comprehendeth not under it those points of Discipline , for which we now contend , and which this Church had in use at the swearing of the Oath . Shall we , then , put the breach of the Oath in a fair hazard ? GOD forbid . The same we find to be the judgement of others also , who have opposed the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopall Government . Since , therefore , we desire to be resolved , concerning the right meaning of the negative Confession , lest by it we condradict the positive Confession , approved in Parliament : Had we not reason to propone this difficulty to you , who require our subscription , and came hither , to resolve our Scruples ? If ye condemn the judgement of these your Brethren , who were Authors of these Treatises , why doe ye not openly profess , that ye , and the rest of the Authors of the late Covenant , disallow it ? If ye doe approve it , as we have great reason to think ye doe , since ye have still opposed the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy , and doe expresly referre us to those Treatises in your ninth Answere : How doe ye not see , that , with a good conscience , ye can not require us , to swear , and subscrive , that which ye know to be contrary to our minde ? Remember , we pray you , the words of the former Treatise , in the place before cited , put the case , it were doubtfull and questionable , what is meaned by the word Discipline in the Oath ; yet pars tutior , the safer way were to be chosen ; which is affirmed there to be this : that the points practised by us , are abjured in the negative Confession . 4. Secondly : whereas ye say , That none of you would refuse to swear the short Confession , because we have expounded some Articles of it contrary to your minde : we reply , that this answere satisfieth not : for you swearing the negative Confession , notwithstanding of the contrary Interpretation of them who differ in judgement from you , showeth not , how the apparent contradiction betwixt it , and the positive Confession , objected by us , is reconciled by you the propounders and urgers of it . Moreover , if we did urge you to subscrive the negative Confession , when in the mean time we were perswaded , that our interpretation of the Articles thereof , were contrary to your judgement ; we were bound to labour to informe your judgement , before we did exact your Oath : and , consequently , by the law of Charity and Equity , ye are obliedged , not to require our Oath , till first ye doe that , which is sufficient , to make our judgement conforme to yours : which as yet ye have not done . 5. Thirdly : ye say , your desire is , that both of us keep our meaning of the negative Confession , according to our diverse measures of light , and only promise forbearance : which , ye say , we may doe , because that we think the points controverted , to be indifferent : we answere , that ye still flee the point in question : for it is another thing for us , to keep our meanings , and another thing for us , to swear a Covenant , when we are not perswaded of the trueth thereof . Ye might , and may still enjoy your meaning for us : but how we can keep our meaning , and subscrive your Covenant , we see not ; since we think the one repugnant to the other . Neither is it forbearance only that is required , as we have shown before ; nor yet can we swear forbearance , the Law standing still in vigour , and Authority requyring obedience . Lastly : we think not all the points contraverted , to be indifferent , as was before declared . 6. Thus it may appear , how ye have dealt with our Sorites , as ye call it . The like dealing we find anent our Dilemma ; the hornes whereof , ( as ye speak ) ye labour to turn against our selves , by asking . To which of the members of the distinction , we referre Pearth Articles and Episcopacy ? If say ye , they were abjured in the negative Confession , we are perjured for the practising of them : and if left indifferent ▪ by that Confession , we may , notwithstanding of that Confession , forbear the practise of them . First , Your Question is not pertinent : For the distinction is not ours , but yours . And to what purpose is it to you , to know , to what member of your distinction , we referre the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy ? Secondly : There is no strength in either of the Hornes of your Dilemma : For , by turning it wrong , you have made it your own . The one horne is , That if the Articles of Pearth , and Episcopacy , be left indifferent , by the short Confession , we may forbear the practise of them . First , This meeteth not the horne of our Dilemma , which was , if we be not tyed , by the negative Confession , to the ommission of these things ; then why have ye , in all your writings against us , exprobrated to us , Perjury , for violating of the Oath contained in that Confession ? To this no word by you is answered here . Secondly : Suppone these things were left indifferent by the negative Confession ; yet may we not forbear the practise of them : because , since that Confession , Lawes have passed on them ; which remaining in vigour , require our Obedience as we said before . 7. The other horne of your Dilemma , is , that if these points were abjured for ever , before Pearth Assembly , then wee , who practise them , are perjured . To which we answere , That it followeth not : for we never did swear to that negative Confession . And therefore , though these points were abjured therein , yet are we free from all guiltinesse of Perjury . And in the mean time , ye have not resolved , how he who is perswaded , of the lawfulnesse of those points , can swear the negative Confession , if by it the Swearer be tyed , to the abjuring of those points , which was the other part of our Dilemma . Thus if ye will consider rightly , ye may perceive , that , our Dilemma standeth unmoved , with the hornes of it still towards you . Ye farther insinuate , that our Reasons , are not solide and grave , but velitations of such a sort as ye looked not for . Let the judicious Reader , pronounce his sentence of this ; only we wish , that ye had chosen rather to satisfie , then to contemn our reasons . That which ye here againe adde , concerning the change of Cōmissioners ▪ is answered in our fourth Duply . 8. To give light to your former discourse , ye subjoine a distinction of discipline , into three members : First , ye say , it is taken for the rule of Government of the Church , and censure of manners , by office bearers appointed by CHRIST : and thus , ye say , it is unchangeable . Secondly , for constitutions of counsells , and Acts of Parliament , about matters of Religion : And thus , ye say , it is alterable , or constant , according to the nature of particular objects . Thirdly : for the ordering of circumstances , to be observed in all actions , divyne , and humane : and so ye say it is variable . First , by these distinctions , the matter seemeth rather to be obscured , then cleared . For ye doe not expresse , in which of these senses the discipline mentioned in the negative Confession , is to be taken , which was the point required of you . 9. Secondly : ye seem by this distinction , to intangle your selves yet more . For , first , if ye take the name of discipline , in any one , or any two of these senses , what say ye to these following words of your dispute against the English Popish ceremmies , Parte 4. cap. 8. Sect. 8. The Bishop doeth but needlesly question , what is meaned by the discipline whereof the Oath speaketh . For howsoever in Ecclesiasticall use , it signifieth often times , that Policie , which standeth in the censuring of manners ; yet in the Oath it must be taken in the largest sense ; namely , for the whole Policy of the Church . For , 1. The whole Policy of this Church , did , at that time ▪ goe under the name of discipline : and those two Books wherein this Policy is contained , were called the Books of discipline . And without all doubt , they who swore the Oath , meaned by discipline , that whole Policy of the Church which is contained in those Books . 10. Secondly , when that little Confession was framed , the government of the Church was only by Presbyters , and not by Bishops : and , therefore , if ye think , that the name of discipline , in that Confession , comprehendeth under it the first part of your distinction , ( which , as we conceive , ye will no● deny ) ye may easily perceive , that we are urged by you , to sweare , and subscrive against our Consciences ; since we think the rule of the government of the Church , which then was to be changeable ; and , that the Government was lawfully changed , by following Assemblies , and Parliaments , from Presbyters , to Bishops . 11. Thirdly : If these Constitutions of Counsells , concerning objects alterable , mentioned in the second member of your distinction , be one , & the same , with ordering of variable circumstā●es ▪ mentioned in the third member ; why have ye distinguished the one from the other ? But , if they be different , then ye grant , that Ecclesiastick constitutions , may be made concerning some alterable matters of Religion , which are not bare circumstances ; which is repugnant to your ordinary doctrine ; whereby ye mantain , that nothing changeable , is left to the determination of the Church , in matters of Religion ; but onely circumstances of Actions . We can not see , how ye can mantain this doctrine , and yet oppose the determinations of the Church , concerning Ceremonies , which are indifferent . 12. We had reason to inquire your judgement , concerning Rites or Ceremonies , which are not of divine Institution , whether they be lawfull , or not , though ye still shun the declaring of it . Since by your Covenant , ye intend a reformation of Religion , and a recovering of the Liberty and Purity of the Gospell , as ye speak ; if ye in your judgement , condemne such Ceremonies , ( as ye insinuate ) we can not expect , but that , if ye obtain your desires , all such Rites shall be expelled and condemned , especially since by this your late Covenant , ye tye your selves to that old Covenant , wherein ye disclaim and detest all Rites brought into the Church , without the word of GOD. Now , we can not concurre with you , for promoving this end , because such a judgement , is plain contrary to ours , yea , contrary to the universall judgement and practise , of the Ancient Kirke , repugnant also to the judgement of the Protestant Churches , and most famous Divines therein , as may appear by the quotations on the margine . But if ye be of the same mind with us , and think , that there are some Rites of that kind lawfull , why doe you hide your minde from us , and others , since the acknowledgement and manifesting of this Trueth , would be no small advancement to your cause , by removing this great offence ? Of Matrimoniall Benediction , and God-fathers in Baptism . 13. As for solemn blessing of Marriage , we asked , what warrand ye had for it , by precept or practise , set down in GODS Word . In your Answere ye insinuate , that it is a blessing of the people commanded in the Law , and more plainly we find this set down in the Dispute , against the English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 3. Cap. 2. Sect. 10. Yet plain it is from Scripture it self , that Matrimoniall Benediction , ought to be given by a Pastor , for GOD hath commanded his Ministers to blesse his People , ( Numb . 6. ) First , who ever before you , did ground the necessity of solemne blessing of Marriage upon these words , Numb . 6. 23. Speak unto Aaron , and unto his sonnes , saying , on this wise ye shall blesse the children of Israel , saying unto them : the LORD blesse thee , and keep thee : &c. Learned Melanchton , was not so well versed in Scriptures , as to see this . For he sayeth in his Epistles , Pag. 328. Ye see that the Rite of the Ancients is , that the Bridegroom and Bride , are joined before the Altar , in the sight of GOD , and with the incalling of GOD. Which custome undoubtedly hath been ordained by the first Fathers , that we may consider that this conjunction was appointed by GOD , and is assisted by Him. 14. Secondly : By this commandement of GOD , to blesse the people , Numb . 6. either there is a necessity laid upon the Church , to blesse Marriages solemnly , or not . If ye say , there is not a necessity , then there is no Commandement of GOD there-anent , for it is necessary to obey GODS Commandement . If ye say , there is a necessity , what say ye then to your friend Didoclave , who in his Altar of Damascus , pag. 866 , affirmeth , that neither the presence of the Congregation , nor blessing of the Minister , is necessary to this action ? And if ye dissent herein from him , ye are holden to prove your opinion , by a necessary consequence from holy Scripture , which we are perswaded ye are not able to doe . 15. Thirdly : the commandement , to blesse the people , is no lesse , if not more generall , then that , 1. Cor. 14. 40. Let all thinges be done decently , and in order : on the which words , both ancient and recent Divynes , doe ground the lawfulnesse of the Ceremonies which we allow . 16. Fourthly : Since that commandement , of blessing the people , is generall , what reason have ye , for not including other civill important Contracts , especially that are performed with a Vow , or promissorie Oath ? A vow made to GOD , is a Covenant with GOD ▪ as well as the Matrimoniall Oath . All Vows and Oaths , are Acts of religious Worship , although they be joined to civill Contracts : and , therefore , if because of the Covenant with GOD , ye blesse Marriage solemnly , ye ought to doe the same , to other civill Contracts , wherein there is the like Covenant , by vertue of an Oath or Vow . 17. Fiftly : Whereas ye say , that though Marriage were a paction , meerly Civill , yet because it is so important , ye would not with-hold Ecclesiastick Benediction from it , notwithstanding of the abuse of Poperie : we would understand , how this agreeth with the current Doctrine of those that are of your minde : for we read in the Abridgement of Lincolne , pag. 17. that we should cast away even such things , as had a good originall , ( if they be not still necessary , and commanded of GOD ) when once they are known to be defiled with Idolatry , or abused by it . So in the dispute against the English Popish ceremonies , Parte 3. cap. 2. Sect. 2. it is affirmed , that Rites , ancient , lawfull , and agreable to GODS Word , should , notwithstanding , necessarily be abolished , because of their superstition , and wicked abuse . Ye adde , that ye will not use Marriage superstitiously , according to the prescript of the Service Book . Ye did not find the Service Book , neither in our Demands , nor in our Replyes ; yet we know not , how ye so often reach unto it . 18. Lastly : of the stipulation of God-fathers in Baptism , instanced by us , in our fift Demand , ye have spoken nothing particularly , either in your first or second Answeres . We have no precept , or example of it in holy Scripture : yea , some of our learned Divynes affirme , that it was instituted by Pope Higynus : and ye will not deny , that it hath been much abused in Popery . How commeth it to passe , then , that this Ceremony is allowed , and used by some of you ? we say , some ; for we are informed , that some of your minde , doe not use it at all . See D. Morton , in his defence of the three ceremonies , pag. 24. The VI. DUPLY. IN your first Answere to our sixt Demand , ye answered nothing to that , which we affirmed concerning the judgement of Divynes , ancient and moderne , who either have absolutely allowed these Rites , which were concluded in Pearth Assembly , or else have thought them tolerable , & such as ought not to make a stirre in the Church : neither did ye touch that , which we objected , cōcerning the venerable custom , and practise of the ancient Church , and the most eminent lights of it , which ye condemn in your interpretation of the negative Confession , contained in the late Covenant . Wherefore , in our Reply to that Answere of yours , we did hold your silence , for a granting of the trueth of that which we said , concerning so many Divynes , ancient and modern , who stand for us . Now in your second Answere to that Demand , ye labour to bereave us of this advantage , and granting that Divynes , both ancient and modern , are against you , concerning the lawfulness of things controverted , ( a thing to be noted by the Reader , and which should make you more sparing in your speaches of us who favour Pearth Articles , then ye are ) ye say , first , that Divines , ancient , and modern , are against us also : and that both these propositions may be true , in respect they are both indefinite in a matter cōtingent . But our proposition concerning the judgement of Divines who stand for us , was more then indefinite . For albeit we said , not , that all are for us ; yet we said , that many , yea , so many ; meaning , that a great many are for us , and against you , in matters of lawfulnesse , and unlawfulnesse , and , consequently , in matters of faith . This expression of the number , ye were glad to passe by : because ye can not say the like of these , who favour your judgement , concerning the unlawfulnesse of those things . For , scarce know we any modern Divines , without his Majesties Dominions , that peremptorly condemn these Rites , as unlawfull , which were concluded in Pearth Assembly : and of Ancients , we mean the Fathers of the Ancient Church , wee know none at all , who are of your minde . How is it , then , that for these your new positions , ye make such stirre , and doe take such dangerous courses in hand . Secondly : Ye say , that almost all Divines allow of such a forbearance , of things indifferent , as ye require of us . But ye will not be able to make this good : For , who of our Divines , have any-where allowed , in subjects such a forbearance of things indifferent , and lawfull , as is conjoined with a totall and sworn disobedience to standing Lawes , against the Prohibition of their Superiours . Thirdly : That which ye say , concerning Innovations already introduced ; to wit , that nothing is required of us , concerning them , but a Forbearance of them for a time ; and , that we may condescend to it , without either disobedience to Authority , or wronging of our Flock ; it is already refuted , in the two former Duplyes . The VII DUPLY. OUr Reason proponed in the seventh Demand , is not sufficiently answered , neither the impediment removed , as we have formerly made manifest , especially in our fourth Duply . Whereas , for removing of our scruple , concerning your interpretation of the short Confession , ye tell us , that ye urge not upon us your meaning , but leave us to our own , till the matter be examined in an Assembly : We answere ; we love not the swearing of an Oath , without clear interpretation thereof ; and we approve not subscription of such a Covenant , with diverse , or doubtfull meanings : neither doe wee think that a convenient mean , for solide Pacification . And as wee are free , in professing our meaning , concerning the Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy ; so we require of you the like plainnesse , or then the reason of your tetyrednesse . 2. The Pearth Articles ye doe unjustly call Novations , if by this name ye understand , things repugnant to our reformed Religion , or forbidden by our publick Lawes : for these Articles are not of this sort . Those of them which we call necessary , the Assembly of Pearth did not conclude as indifferent , ( as ye alleadge ) neither can any such thing be inferred from the words of the Acts of that Assembly . Therefore , we have no reason to change this opinion , as ye would have us to doe . We hold all the five points , to be lawfull , and laudable , and some of them more then indifferent , which also the words of the Synod it self doe imply : so that , without just reason , it hath pleased you to say , that things formerly indifferent , are become necessary ; and what was but lawfull before , and had much adoe to gain that Reputation , is now become laudable . Thus again , we do plainly declare unto you , that the cause of our unwillingnesse to subscrive , or promise forbearance , is both the commandement of Authority , and also the necessity and excellency of some of the things commanded : besides that , we think them all lawfull , and laudable . What we would doe , at the commandement of Authority , in the forbearance of the practise of those things , for the peace of the Church , and Kingdom , shall be declared in our Duply to your thirteenth Answere , wherein ye urge this point again . The VIII DUPLY. VVHereas ye doe remit the Reader , to your former Answere , and our Reply ; we also remit him thereto , and to our first Duply ; hoping that he shall rest satisfied therewith . 2. We have , in those places , answered your Argument , concerning your swearing , the defence of the KING , and his Authority , with a specification , as ye call it ; and have shown , that what hath not been looked to so narrowly , in this matter heretofore , is requisite now , for the reasons expressed in our eight Reply , and first Duply . Concerning the full expression , of the loyalty of your intentions , to mantain the KINGS Person , and honour ; whether , or not , ye have given just satisfaction , to those who are nearest to the KINGS Majesty , ( as ye say ) we referre you , and the Readers , to that , which ye , and they , will find near the end of our first Duply . We wonder greatly , ye should affirme , that we , by craving resolution , doe wrong the KING , and our selves ; or that ye , by giving of it , should wrong them who are nearest his Majestie , and also the Covenant , and the subscrivers thereof . For our requiring of resolution , in this matter of so great importance , is a pregnant Argument of our loyalty towards our dread Soveraigne , and of our care , to have alwise our own consciences voide of offence , towards GOD , and towards Men. And your giving of satisfaction unto us , would have served for farther clearing of your Covenant , and the subscriptions thereof . Your pretence , that by giving us satisfaction , ye should wrong them who are nearest his Majesty , is grounded upon a wrong supposition , as if they had already received satisfaction by your Declaration . 3. GOD is witnesse , we doe not wittingly and willingly multiply doubts , for hindring a good worke , or to oppose against a shining light , ( as ye would have the Reader to thinke of us ) but in all humility , and uprightnesse of heart , doe declare our minde , and doe intimate our unaffected scruples . And we thinke it very pertinent , at this time , to crave resolution of them , and to desire your answere , concerning this maine duety , which is not fully expressed in your Covenant ; wheras a more full expression of it , had been very needfull , at this time . 4. Lastly : Whereas ye complaine , that we took not sufficient notice of you , while ye were amongst us ; ye may easily consider , that our publick charges , and imployments , together with the shortnesse of the time of your abode here , doe sufficiently vindicate us , from any imputation of neglect in that kinde : and our doores were not closed , if it had pleased you , in Brotherly kindenesse , to have visited us : which we ought rather to have expected of you , seeing ye came undesired , to the place of our Stations , to deal with us , and also to deal with our people , against our will , before we had received satisfaction . The IX . DUPLY. AS ye doe referre the Reader , to your former Answers ; so doe we referre him to our former Replyes , and Duplyes . 2. The meaning of the Act of the Assembly of Pearth , citing the wordes of the Psalm . 95. is not ( as ye doe interpret it ) any perverting of the Text , neither tendeth it to inferr thereupon , absolute necessity of kneeling , in all worshipping of GOD , or in this part of his Worship , in the celebration of the holy Communion : but only to inserr the lawfullnesse , and commendable decency of kneeling , in divyne worship ; and that it is such a gesture , as our lawfull superiours may enjoine to be used , in GODS worship ; and that religious adoration , and kneeling , is to be done to GOD only , although they sin not , who use another gesture , where this is not required by Authority , but another appointed , or permitted . 3. We doe not kneel before the Sacramentall Elements , making them the object of our Adoration , either mediate , or immediate : neither doeth the Act of Pearth Assembly import any such thing . But all our Adoration , both outward , and inward , is immediately directed to GOD only , with Prayer , and thanksgiving , at the receiving of so great a benefite . Wherefore , your objecting of Idolatry , against us here , and in your other Treatises , is most unjust . We marvell also , how ye doe here refer us , to those Treatises , which in your twelfth Answer , ye seem to disclaime , finding fault , that any of us should lay hold on them , or build any thing upon them . As likewise ye here alleadge , that the Assembly of Pearth made Kneeling necessary in all points of GODS Worship ; and , consequently , in receiving the holy Eucharist : not remembering , that in your seventh Answere , ye said , the Assembly had concluded the five Articles as indifferent . 4. Concerning the Service-Book , ( which now is not urged ) we have already answered . Neither find we any reason , of your uncharitable construction of us , or of the disposition of the people , as if they were now become superstitious . Nor doeth this time give any just cause of such feares , as are sufficient to overthrow the reasons of that Act of Pearth Assembly . 5. We did not in malice , but in love , say , that such a defence as ye professe here , according to your Protestation , and such meetings and conventions doe require the KINGS consent , and Authority , to make them lawfull , according to our judgement : whereof some reasons we have expressed before in our second Reply , which as yet ye have not satisfied . 6. It seemeth , that ye are either not able , or not willing , to answere particullarly and plainly , to our interrogatories proponed in our ninth Reply : and we would understand some reason , why ye doe so , in such a free and brotherly conference ; seeing although ye doe otherwise interpret our meaning , yet truely we did not propone them to be snares to you , but to obtain satisfaction to our selves and others , for a peaceable end . As for your Questions , which ye throw against us , with plain profession to work us discontentment thereby , we shal here make an answere to them in meekness , and evident demonstration of our peaceable disposition . Questions Answered . 7. YOur first Question , concerning the Service-Book , and book of Canons , is nowise pertinently proponed to us . If we did urge upon you the said books of Service and Canons , as ye doe now the Covenant upon us , we should particularly and punctualy , declare our mind concerning them . 8. To your second Question , we answere , that it is our duety to enquire carefully , what is incumbent upon us by the Law of GOD , and man , towards our Prince . We doe not move questions of state , but doe answere to your propositions , resulting upon matters of state , and we doe labour , as it well becommeth all good Subjects , to be well informed , before we put our hand to any thing , which concerneth our due obedience to our Prince . As for that which here again ye alleadge , of his Majesties Commissioner , and wise States-men , as having received satisfaction from you , we referre you , as before , to our Answere made thereto , in our first Duply . 9. To your third Question , we answer ; our assertion concerning the unlawfulnesse of Subjects their resisting the Authority , of free Monarchs , by force of Arms , even although they were enemies to the Trueth , and persecuters of the professors thereof , can not in the judgement of any reasonable man , import that we have the least suspition of our KING , that either he shall change his Religion , or shall fall upon his religious and loyall Subjects with force of Armes . We have often declared in these our Disputs , that we are fully perswaded of our KINGS Majesties constancy , in profession of the true Religion , and equitable disposition in ministration of Justice . And in testification hereof , we rest satisfied with his Majesties Proclamation , against which ye have protested . 10. To your fourth Question , we answere , because that we doe esteem subscription to your Covenant , neither to be warrantable by GODS word , nor to be a convenient mean for pacification , we hold it our duety , both to with-hold our hands from it , and to dehort our people from it . 11. To your fift Question , we answere : 1. We hold it a wrong ●upposition which ye make , that the Prelates and their followers , are labouring to introduce Popery , and to make a faction . 2. We know our gracious KING , to be so just , and so wise , and so ripe in yeares and experience , that he will no● suffer any of his Subjects , to abuse his Majesties name , in the execution of any injustice . 3. To make resistance by force of Arms , against the KINGS publick standing Lawes , and against his Majesties publick Proclamations , is not ( in our judgement ) a convenient or lawfull way , for defending of the Religion , of the Liberties , and Lawes of the Kingdom , and of the KINGS Authority ; but on the contrary it bringeth scandall upon our profession . See our Reasons in our second Duply . 12. To your sixt Question , we answer , that in all free Monarchies , there is nothing left to subjects , in the case of persecution , by their own Soveraigne Princes , but patient suffering , with Prayers and Tears to GOD , or fleeing from their wrath , as we have at length proved in our second Duply . This doctrine did the people of Alexandria , learne of their holy Bishop Athanasius , as is evident by their own words , in their Protestation , subjoined to the Epistle of Athanasius , ad vitam solitariam agentes . If ( say they ) it be the commandement of the Emperour , that we be persecuted , we are all ready to suffer Martyrdom . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tom. 1. Oper. Athanas. Pag. 868. Edit . Paris . 1627. As for the nature of the Government of this Kingdom of Scotland , read the Book of King JAMES the sixt of blessed memory , entituled , The true Law of free Monarchies , and the Preface of the first Book of Regiam Majestatem ; where it is expresly said , of the KING of Scotland , that He hath no Superiour , but the Creator of Heaven and Earth , Ruler of all things . This our Answere , neither proceedeth from flattery , neither from any intention , to stirre up Princes against their loyall Subjects , nor from any aime at other worldly ends , ( as ye doe uncharitably judge ) but from our due fidelity to our KING , from our true love to our Countrey , and from our upright desire to the Glory of GOD , and the comfort of our own Souls , in the Day of our Accounts . The X. DUPLY. ALthough we take you to be of the number of those who penned the late Covenant , yet pardon us , to call your Glosses of it in question , so long as ye doe not satisfie our Arguments , which prove them to be contrary to the very words of your Covenant . We have shown , in our Replyes , and now again in our fourth Duply , that the words of the Covenant import a perpetual adherance , to the who●e externall Policy of the Church , as it was Anno 1581 ; and the removing of Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , as of things contrary to the Liberty and Purity of the Gospell . Whence we still inferre , that these who have sworn the Covenant , are tyed by their Oath , to vote against Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy : and , consequently , can not , without prejudice , either dispute , or give out a decisive sentence concerning them , in the intended Assembly . 2. Ye say , ye will not judge so uncharitable of us , as to think us so corrupt , that , in our opinion , since the time designed by us , nothing hath entered into the Church ▪ beside Episcopacy , and the Articles of Pearth , which can be prejudiciall to the liberty and purity of the Gospell . We are glad , that although ye judge uncharitably of us , yet ye judge not so uncharitably : and , although ye think us corrupt , yet ye think us not so corrupt , as not to be sensible of these things . We told you our minde before , in our fourth Duply , concerning these abuses , which ye think to have been occasioned by Pearth Articles : and now we tell you , that if Pearth Articles , and Episcopacy , for these their alleadged consequents , be altogether removed , the benefite which ye think our Church may receive , by removing of them , shall not , in any measure , equall her great losses . The XI . DUPLY. VVEe complained in our Demand , of the uncharitablenesse of your Followers , who calumniate us , as if we were favourers of Popery . And to show how unjust this calumnie is , we declared , that we are ready , to swear , and subscrive , our nationall Confession of Faith , ratified and registrated in Parliament : to which Declaration , we have now added our Oath , which we did swear , when we received the degree of Doctorate in Theologie , and have solemnly again renewed it , Pag. 81. 82. In your Answer to that Demand , ye slighted our complaint , and did not so much as once mention it ; which made us in our Reply , to complain also of you , who have shown your selves so unwilling to give us that testimony of our sincerity in professing the Trueth , which all who know us , think to be due to us . We expected , that in your second Answer to that Demand , this fault should have been amended . But , contrary to our expectation , we perceive , not only that ye are insensible of the grievous injurie done to us , by the calumnious reportes of others ; but also , that ye have busied your own wittes , to enquire , as ye say , in matters , to search , and to try our wayes , and to expisca●e what ye could against us , by the unfriendly testimony of some , who , perhaps , are displeased with us , as Achab was with M●ca●ah , for the freedome of our admonitions . Charity , ye know , thinketh no evill , 1. Cor. 13. 5. and covereth a multitude of transgressions , Prov. 10. 12. 1. Pet. 4. 8. But uncharitable inquisition , and prying into other mens doings , not only discovereth those infirmities , unto which GOD will have every one of us subject , for humbling of us ; but also bringeth even upon good men , a multitude of undeserved Aspersions . Brethren , we intend not to give you a meeting in this ; for our resolution is , not to be overcome of evill , but to overcome evill with good , Rom. 12. 21. And we are glad to suffer this for his cause , whose Trueth we mantaine , pitying in you this great defect of Christian and Brotherly compassion ; and praying GOD , not to lay it to your charge . Wherefore , we will not search and try your wayes , as ye have done ours : but we will reflect our thoughts upon our selves , and see whether or not we be guilty of these things , which ye here reprehend in us . 2. Ye say , first , That we have taken an ample testimony to our selves . But what , we pray you , have we testified of our selves ; but this onely , that in sincere and zealous profession of the Trueth , we are not inferiour to others ; and , according to our measure , have striven to be faithfull in all the dueties of our Calling ? Ye have , indeed , put more into our Apology , and say , that we have praised our selves , from our frequency of Prayer , extraordinary Humilations , and holynesse of Life , and Conversation , &c. For , as ye are loath to speak any good of us ; so ye would have the Reader believe , that we speak too much good of our selves . But in this , as ye wrong us , so ye make the Reader to see , how negligently ye have read and considered our words . For , whereas in the second part of our Reply , we told you , that we have other meanes , and more effectuall , then your Covenant , to use , for holding out of Popery ; mentioning in particular , extraordinary Humiliation , frequency of Prayer , amendement of life , diligence in Preaching , and searching the Scriptures , &c. Ye imagine , that we doe arrogate to our selves , some singularity , in using these means ; not considering , that it is one thing to say , that we may and ought to use these means , and another thing , to say , that we are singular , and eminent , above others , in the diligent use of them . 3. Next : Whereas ye say , that ye were desirous , rather to hear that testimony , at the mouths of others , ( as if ye had never heard our Pains and Labours , for the Trueth , commended by any ) who knoweth not , but in this case , in the which we stand for the present , it is lawfull , and most expedient to men , to vindicate themselvs , and their fidelity in their Callings , from the contempt and calumnies of others . We have in the Scriptures , notable examples of GODS dearest Saints , who in such cases , yea , in other cases also , without any derogation , to their singular humility , did fall out into high expressions , of their own vertuous and pious carriage . Who ever spake so humbly of himself as Paul , who calleth himself lesse then the least of all Saints , Ephes. 3. 8. & yet elsewhere he sayeth , that he was not a white behind the very chiefest Apostles ; and , that he laboured more abundantlie then they all , 1. Cor. 15. 10. 2. Cor. 11. 5. 4. The defects , which by your strict and curious Inquisition , ye think ye have found in us , may be reduced into two points : One is , that we are too sparing in our paines , in Preaching ; and , that we often fill our places with Novices . The other is , that the small pains which we have taken , are not fruitfull . And , to prove this , ye say , that Popery hath no lesse increased in our City , under our Ministerie , then any time before since the Reformation . As for the first of these , to omit that which modesty will not permit us to speak , either of our own paines in teaching , or of yours , it is very well known , that in the case of sickness , and extraordinary imployments in our callings , which but seldom doe fall foorth to us , it is both lawfull , and commendable to see , that our places may be filled , either with some actuall Minister , or , failing of that , with able students of Divinity , approven by publick Authority , whereof your selves can not be ignorant , in respect of your frequent Peregrinations , from your Stations . 5. As for the next point : Although it were true , yet the Parable of the seed sowen in diverse sorts of ground , and the dolorous complaints , which these most painfull and thundering Preachers , Eliah , 1. King. 19. 10. Isaiah , 53. 1. Paul Gal. 1. 6. and 3. 1. yea , of CHRIST himself , Matth. 23. 37. and Luke 19. 41. 42. made of the hard successe of their laboures , may learne you to be more beninge in your censures of us , then ye are . In the mean time , it is known to his Majesty , to the Lords of secret Counsell , and to all the Countrey here ; as also it is evident , by many publick extant Acts of the said secret Counsell , and of our Diocoesian Assemblies , that we have been as diligently exercised , in opposing of Popery , as any Ministers in this Kingdom . Neither hath our successe herein been so badde , as ye have given it out : for since our entry to the Ministry here scarce hath any man been diverted from the trueth , to Popery ; some Papists have been converted , to the profession of the Trueth , and others who were incorrigible , have been forced to depart from this Countrey . Yea , we think , that our successe , in dealing with the Papists , had been undoubtedly greater , if they had not been hardened in their Errour , by your strange and scandalous Doctrins , repugnant to Scripture , and sound Antiquity . 6. That which ye say in the second part of your Answer , concerning the powerfull effects of your Covenant , meeteth not with that which we did object , concerning the unlawfulnes of it . For , that which is not in it self lawfull , can never be truely profitable to any . And Solomon hath told us , that their is no wisdome , nor understanding , against the LORD , Prov. 21. 30. 7. As for the last part of your Answer , we have so often told you that your fear of the inbringing of the Service-Book , and Canons , is causelesse : and ye have so oft denyed this , that it were folly to wearie the Reader any more with this matter . In the mean time , we tell you , that if your Covenant be unlawfull in it self , ( as we still think it to be ) your fear , although it were justly conceived , will never free your Souls of the guiltinesse of it . The XII . DUPLY. TO justifie or excuse your omission , of publick disallowing and condemning the publick disorders , and miscarriages of some who have subscrived the Covenant ; especially the offering of violence to Prelats , and Ministers , in time of divine Service , and in the House GOD , whereof we spake in our twelfth Demand , and Reply : ye answer , first , that ye acknowledge not the Service-Book , for the LORDS Service . Ye might say the same of any Service Book , ( If ye allow the Reasons lately set forth in Print against the Service-Book ) for there a Prescript form of Prayer , is condemned , which directly crosseth the practise of the universall Church of CHRIST , Ancient , and Recent . 2. Ye alleadge , that ye acknowledge not the usurped Authority of Prelats , for lawfull Authority . For ought we can perceive , by the Doctrins of those with whome ye joine , ye acknowledge no lawfull Authority at all in Prelats , above your selves , and other Ministers : and ye seem so to insinuate so much here , by blaming us , for calling them , Reverend and holy Fathers . We are perswaded of the lawfulnesse of their Office , and therefore are not ashamed , with Scripture , and Godly Antiquity , to call such as are advanced to this sacred Dignity , Fathers , and Reverend Fathers . Neither should personall faults , alleadged by you , hinder our observance , till what is alleadged be clearly proven . For , so long as things are doubtfull , we should interpret to the better part , Luke 6 , 37. And it is a rule of Law , that in a doubtfull case , the state of a Possessor , is best ; and , consequently , of him that hither-to hath been in a possession of a good name : as also , that in things doubtfull , we should rather favour the person accused , then him that accuseth . 3. If ye be of this same judgement , with us , concerning the lawfulnesse of their Office , why doe ye not reverence them , as well as we ? But if their very Office seem to you unlawfull , we esteem your judgement contrary to holy Scripture , to all sound Antiquity , and to the best learned amongst reformed Divines . Hear what Melanchton sayeth , I would to GOD , I would to GOD , it lay in me , not to confirm the Dominion , but to restore the Government of Bishops : for I see what manner of Policy we shall have ; the Ecclesiasticall Policie being dissolved : I doe see , that hereafter will grow up , a greater tyrannie in the Church , then ever was before . And again , in another Epistle to Camerarius , he sayeth , You will not beleeve how much I am hated , by those of Noricum , and by others , for the restoring of Iuridiction to Bishops . So our Companions fight for their own Kingdom , and not for the Kingdom of CHRIST . So in other places . See Bucer , de Regno CHRISTI , Pag. 67. 4. Thirdly , Ye alleadge the zeal of the People ; by reason whereof ye say , that it was nothing strange , that in such a case , they were stirred up to oppose . Suppone they had opposed , yet , that they should have so opposed , as to have offered violence to sacred Persons , Prelats or Ministers , who are spirituall Fathers , seemeth to us very strange , for all that hitherto ye have said . There is no zeal , without the extraordinary instinct of GODS Spirit , which can warrand men destitute of Authority , to lay their hands on such persons . Touch not mine anoynted , and doe my Prophets no harme , sayeth the LORD , Psal. 105. Let all things be done decently , and in order , sayeth S. Paul , 1. Cor. 14. 40. GOD is not the author of confusion or timult , but of peace , sayeth that same Apostle there , verse 33. To this purpose Gregorie Nazianzen in his 26 Oration , speaking of the chief causes of division in the Church , sayeth , One of them is unrulie , ferventness without reason and knowledge , and that another is , Disorder and undecencie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. The Sonne should account the person of his Father sacred , ff . de obsequiis , Leg. 9. So we ought also to esteem of our spirituall Fathers : and , therefore , to offer injury to their persons , and that , in time of divine Service , must needs be a grievous sin . In the Novell Constitutions of Iustinian , Authent . Collat. 9. Tit. 6. Novella 123. de Sanctiss . Episcopis , &c. Cap ▪ 31. there is a remarkable Law to this purpose , cited upon the Margine . The like Law we find in Cod. Iustin. Lib. 1. Tit. 3. de Episcop . & Clericis Leg. 10. Now although in these imperiall Lawes , the sanction be severe , yet we wish no such severity to be used amongst us , but praying GOD , to forgive them who have transgressed : We desire them to consider , that anciently amongst Christians , such doings were greatly disallowed . 6. Chrysostom , speaking of the reverence due by people to Pastors , sayeth , A man may now see , that there are not so great s●offs and reproaches , used by the unfaithfull , against the Rulers , as by those that seem to be faithfull , and to be joined with us . Let us therefore inquire whence commeth this negligence , and contempt of pietie , that we have such a hostilitie against our Fathers . There is nothing , there is nothing that can so easilie destroy the Church , as when there is not an exact jointure of Disciples , to their Masters ; of children to parents , and of them that are ruled , with their Rulers . He that but speaketh evill against his brother , is debarred from reading the divine Scriptures , ( for what hast thou to doe to take my Covenant in thy mouth sayeth the LORD ; and subjoineth this cause , Thou sittest and speakest evill of thy brother , ) and thinkest thou thy self worthie to come to the sacred porches , who accuseth thy spirituall Father ? How agreeth this with reason ? For if they who speake evill of Father or Mother , should dye , according to the Law ; of what judgement is he worthie , who dare speake evill of him who is much more necessarie , and better , then those Parents ? Why feareth he not , that the Earth should open , and swallow him , or that thunder should come from Heaven , and burn up that accusing tongue ? See him also , Lib. 3. de Sacerdotio , Cap. 5. & 6. 7. In the next place , ye say , that the keeping of GODS House , from pollution and superstition , belongeth to Authority , to the community of the faithfull , and to every one in his own place , and order : but , certainly if every one , or all the community , keep their own place , and order , they can doe nothing in this , by way of force , without , far lesse against Authority . Hence Zanchius , in his first Book of Images , Thes. 4. sayeth , Without Authority of the Prince , it is lawfull to none in this Countrey , to take Idoles out of Churches , or to change any thing in Religion : he that doeth so , should be punished , as seditious . This he confirmeth by reason , and by the testimony of S. Augustin , Tom. 10. de Sermone Domini in Monte , Homilia 6. And a little after , he subjoineth ; Augustin handleth this Argument piouslie , he dehorteth his people , from such a practise , and sayeth , That it is pravorum hominum , & furiosorum circumcellionum . 8. As for your vehement accusations and threatnings , ( here , & Answer 14 ) against the writer of the late Warning to the Subjects in Scotland , ye may easily perceive , by the printed Edition of that WARNING , and by the Printed Editions of our Replyes , that , that offence is taken away . And now , reverend Brethren , why are ye pleased thus to digresse from the matter in hand , to waken and hold on foot , personall quarrels against your brother , by digging up buried words , and renewing haske interpretations thereof , contrary to his loving intentions , and after that himself , for satisfaction to all men , hath so publickly disallowed and abolished these words ? This uncharitable dealing , can bring no advantage to the cause which ye mantain , but rather maketh it the more to be disgusted , in consideration of your too great eagerness to stir up hatred against your neighbour , and to work him trouble ; whome ye ought not to persecute with implacable wrath , which worketh not the righteousnesse of GOD ; nor to exasperat against him his other dear Countrey-men : but rather , as well beseemeth your profession and calling , ye ought to exhort them to the most favourable construction of things , and to christian placability , and to the entertaining of their wonted loving affection towards him . As for these our present questions , we desire Theologically onely , and peaceablie , to conferre of them with you , or any other our reverend Brethren , of our own calling . 9. Ye say that Master Knox spared not to call Kneeling a diabolicall invention . If ye allow this saying , how can it be , that in your Covenant , intended for removing of Innovations , and recovering of the purity of the Gospell , ye expresly aimed not at the abolishing of this ceremony , which is so hatefull in your eyes ? But if ye doe not approve this his saying , why did ye not choose rather , in charity to cover this escape of so worthy a personage , then openly to blaze it abroade ? 10. Ye have needlesly drawn into your discourse , mention of Irenicum . Of which work , for mittigation of your unpeaceable censure , be pleased to take notice of the judgement , of that most worthy Pastor , and most grave and learned Divine , D. Iames Usher , Arch-Bishop of Armach , Primate of all Ireland , in this his Epistle written to the Author . VIR EXIMIE . SUmma cum voluptate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum perlegi : eamque Patriae tuae foelicitatem sum gratulatus , quod novum tandem produxerit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui eam ipsi praestitit diligentiam & virtutem , quàm olim exteris Ecclesiis ( quum non admodum dissimiles de adiaphoris obortae lites earum pacem perturbarent ) exhibuit ille vetus ; qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nulla salus bello : ipsique bello salus si qua sit , non alio quam pacis nomine ea continetur . Nam & de pace belli Uriam , opinor , à David● aliquando interrogatum meministi . I am verò , pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scriptum remitto tibi ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : sed quod jucundum praebeat spectaculum midianiticorum satellitum inter se manum conserentium , & mutuo isto bello Ecclesiolae nostrae , pacem promoventium . Tu quicquid , hoc est , munusculi , ut ab homine optimè ergate affecto transmissum suscipe , & me ( ut facis ) ama . Pontanae , in Hibernia , III. Id. Decembr . anno reparatae salutis 1632. Tuus in CHRISTI Ministerio conservus JACOBUS ARMACHANUS . Me juvat alma quies , gens haec fera bella minatur , Et quoties Pacem poscimus , arma crepat . ARTH. JONST . Paraph. Psal. 120. The XIII . DUPLY. YE repeat your former Answer , concerning your interpretation of the clause of forbearance , which we have already refuted in our former Replyes , neither doe ye bring here any new confirmation thereof : And therefore all the three scandals , mentioned in our 13 Demand , doe yet remaine unremoved . 2. Although your interpretation were admitted , which we can not admit , yet at least the third ▪ scandall were nowise avoidable therby , ( whatsoever may be supposed concerning the other two , ) and that because of the reason expressed in our 13 Reply ; to which your Answers here are not satisfactory . 1. Ye doe insinuate , that ye think our Oath of obedience to our ordinary , and Pearth constitutions , not lawfull in it self : which we are perswaded is very lawfull . 2. Ye would seem to infer the unlawfullnesse of it , by challenging , the Authority whereby it was exacted ; and alleadging that their is no ordinance made Civill or Ecclesiastick , appointing any such Oath . This reason ( although it were granted ) hath no strength at all , to prove that which ye intend , to wit , that either our Oarh is in it self unlawfull , or that we may now lawfully break it : for our swearing of that Oath is not against any lawfull Authority , either divyne or humane : and in such a case , Oathes concerning things lawfull , ought to be keeped , whether they be required by appointment of a publick ordinance , or not : which whosoever denyeth , he openeth a patent doore to the breaking of lawfull Oathes , in matrimoniall and civil Contracts , and many other cases , daylie incident in humane conversation . Also the exacting of that Oath , was clearly warranded by two Acts of Parliament , viz. Parliament 21. of King JAMES the 6. holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1612. Chap. 1. and Parliament 23. of King JAMES the 6. holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1621. Act 1. 3. Ye take upon you to call in question , with what conscience that Oath was given . How oft , Brethren , shall we exhort you to forbeare judging of other mens consciences , which are known to GOD onely ? Iudge not , that ye be not judged . Matth. 7. 1. 4. Ye alleadge , we can not answer before a generall Assembly for our Oath , and the scandall risen thereupon . No man needeth to be ashamed , before a generall Assembly , or any other judicatory , of his lawfull and due obedience , which he hath given to the publick constitutions of the Church of Scotland , and to his Majesties standing Lawes ; or of any lawfull Oath , whereby he hath promised that obedience . As for the scandall , it was not given by us , but unnecessarily , and unjustly taken , by you , and some others , upon an erronious opinion , obstinatly mantained against the lawfulnesse of the matters themselves . 5. Ye say , that conceiving the Oath , according to our own grounds , none of us will say , that we have sworn the perpetuall approbation and practise of these things , which we esteem to be indifferent , whatsoever bad consequent of Popery , Idolatry , Superstition , or Scandall , should follow thereupon . We answer , 1. These bad consequents are alleadged by you , but not proven . 2. Evils of that kind should be avoided , by some lawfull remedy . And we doe not esteem it lawfull for us , to disobey Authority in things lawfull , although in themselves indifferent : for obedience commanded by the fift Precept of the Decalogue , is not a thing indifferent . There be other means which are lawfull and more effectuall against such evils , as we have specified in our eleventh Reply : 3. We did not swear perpetuall approbation , and practise of indifferent things ; but knowing these things in themselves , to be approvable , we did swear obedience to the publick Laws , requyring our practise in these thinges , so long as the Law standeth in vigour , and our obedience thereto is required by our lawfull Superioures . 4. This course we hold to be more agreable to our duety , then upon private conceptions of scandalls unnecessarily taken , to break off our due obedience to that Authority which GOD hath set over us . 6. Out of our assertion ( Reply 4. ) concerning the administration of the Sacraments in private places , to sick persons , in case of necessity , ye doe collect , that we cannot forbear the practise of these , although our ordinary , and other lawfull superiours , should will us to doe so . And hence ye infer , that herein Pearth Assembly , for which we stand , is wronged by us two wayes : 1. That we differ in judgement from them , about the indifferency of the five Articles : and next , that at the will of our ordinary , and ye know not what other lawfull superioures , we are ready to forbear the practise of these things , which the Assembly hath appointed to be observed . 7. As for your maine Question , Whether a duety necessary by divyne Law , may be , or may not be omitted , in case , our ordinary , & other lawfull superioures , should will us to omit it ? before we answer to it , we must expound what we mean by our other lawfull superiours , because of your jesting pretence of ignorance hereof . We mean hereby , the Kings Majesty , the Parliament , the secret Counsell , and other Magistrates , and ecclesiasticall Assemblies , whereunto we owe obedience in our practise required by them , according to publick Lawes . 8. The Question it self ye doe express more clearly in your Answer to our 4. Reply , wher ye alleadge , that we find some of the Pearth Articles so necessary , that although the generall Assembly of the Church should discharge them , yet we behoved still , for conscience of the commandement of GOD , to practise them . Thus are we brought to this generall Question ; Whether , or no , any thing necessary ( or commanded ) by divine Law , may , in any case , without sin , be omitted when publick humane Authority dischargeth the practise therof ? For resolving of this question , we desire the Reader to take notice of these Theological Maximes , received in the schools , & grounded upon holy Scriptur . 9. Affirmative preceptes , doe binde at all times , but not to all times , but only as place and time require ; that is , when opportunity occurreth . [ Praecepta affirmativa obligant semper , sed non ad semper , nisi pro loco & tempore ; id est , quando opportunitas occurrit . ] But negative Precepts , doe binde at all times , and to all times . [ Praecepta negativa obligant semper , & ad semper . a ] As for example ; A man is not obliedged to speak the trueth at all times ; for he may be some time lawfully silent , but he may never lawfully lie . 10 Of Affirmative necessary dueties , some are the weightier matters of the Law , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as Judgement , Mercy , and Faith , Matth. 23. 23. Others lesse weighty , such as are those of the Pearth Articles ; which we call necessary , and ye doe reject . 11. The exercise of some affirmative necessary dueties , may be some times omitted , by Authority , without sin , for the publick peace , or some pressing necessity . Thus Moses permitted repudiation of a mans married wife , not fallen into adultery ; neither did he urge strictly the affirmative duety of adherence , and that for the hardnesse of their heart . Wherein Moses had respect to the peace and unity of the Tribs of Israell , as Alexander Alensis observeth in his Summe of Theologie , Part. 3. Qu. 46. Membro 1. Art. 1. & Art. 2. David did not execute , in his own time , judgment against Ioab , for his murthering of Abner , and Amasa , because the sonnes of Zeruiah were too hard for him . Circumcision was omitted , because of the uncertainty of their abode in one place , when the people were with Moses in the Wildernesse . 12. Exercise of ecclesiasticall Discipline , against open obstinate offenders , is an affirmative duety , incumbent , by divyne Law , upon the Pastors , towards those who are committed to their charge . Yet it may , and ought to be forborn , when it can not be used without an open rupture , and unavoidable Schism . Because in such a case the publick peace is rather to be looked to , lest in our inconsiderate zeal to seperate the Tares , we pluck up also the Wheat . And what we can not get corrected by censure , we can doe no more but mourn for it , and patiently wait till GOD amend it , as Augustin proveth at length , Lib. 3. contra Epistolam Parmeniani , Cap. 1. & Cap. 2. & Lib. de fide & operibus , Cap. 5. For in this time ( sayeth Gregory ) the holy Church doeth correct something by fervour , something she tolerateth by mecknes , some things by consideration she dissembleth , & beareth , so that often by bearing & dissembling , she compesceth ( or putteth away ) that evill which she hateth . And Prosp. saith ; for this cause therfor , they most with gentle piety be borne with , who for their infirmity , may not be rebuked . 13. When a doctrinall error ( not being fundamentall ) prevaileth by publick authority in any Church , a private Pastor or Doctor espying it , may lawfully and laudably , sorbear publick striving against it , when he evidently perceiveth , that unavoydable Schism would follow thereupon . In such a case he should content himself , to seed his hearers with that wholesome Milk of the Word , which they may receive , and delay the giving of stronger Food , unto them because of their infirmity : Considering that more necessary and weightier duetie , which he oweth for preservation of order and peace ; and labouring , in a milde and peaceable manner , to cure them . To this purpose belongeth that saying of Gregorie Nazianzen , Let no man , therefore , be more wise then is convenient , neither more legall then the Law , neither more bright then the Light , neither more straight then the Rule , neither higher then the Commandement . But how shall this be ? If we take knowledge of decencie , and commende the lawe of nature , and follow reason , and despise not good order . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) And that of the ancient Church of Lions in France , near eight hundreth years agoe ; Who doeth not calmlie and peaceablie moderate that which he thinketh , but is readie incontinent to contentions , dissentions , and scandalls , although he have not an hereticall sense , most certainlie he hath an hereticall minde . 14. Divine Institution , by the Ministery of the Apostles , craveth Deacons , ordained by imposition of hands , for all their life time , Acts 6. Yet in our reformed Church of Scotland we have no such Deacons . Which oecomenicall defect , necessitated by detention of Church mantenance necessary for their sustentation , we hope shall not be imputed to our Church , as sin , so long as she despiseth not that Institution , and acknowledgeth , and lamenteth , this deficiencie , and endeavoureth , by peaceable lawfull means , to have it ●emedied . 15. Although some affirmative Dueties , necessary by divine precept , doe give place , sometimes , to other more weighty , and more pressing dueties , ( as the saving of a stranger may be omitted , for saving my father or my brother , or my son , out of the same danger , when I am able onely to save one of them . And many such like examples doe occurre : ) yet it is never lawfull to condemn or oppugn such Dueties , as evill , or superstitious , or scandalous in themselves , neither to rank them amongst things in themselves indifferent . 16. Hence we doe inferre , that notwithstanding of the necessity of those of the Pearth Articles , which we call necessary , yet sometims the practising of them , may become not necessary , and the omission thereof not sinfull , publick authority , & necessity of the peace of the church , so requiring . Some time indeed , the omission of a thing prescrived by an affirmative Divine or Humane Law , may befaultlesse : But it is never lawfull for Subjects , to transgresse the negative part of the divine Precept , by resisting with force of Arms , that power whereunto GOD hath subjected them , and to which he hath forbidden them , to make such resistance . Neither is it at any time lawfull , for Pastors and Teachers , to teach erronious Doctrine . 17. Ye doe attribute to us , as a great absurdity , that at the will of our ordinary , and other lawfull Superiours , we are ready to forbear the practise of these things which the Assembly hath appointed to be observed . And this ye inferre from the necessity of administration of the Sacraments , sometimes in private places , according to our judgment . Certainlie , ye will have much adoe , to make good , by right Logick , this your inference from such an Antecedant . But to speak of the matter of the Consequent , for satisfaction to the Reader , we find no such absurdity in it , as ye seem to proclaim . For , if some Dueties appointed by divyne Law , give place sometimes to other weighty dueties , such as is the keeping of publick peace and good order , as we have already shown , much more may a thing , notwithstanding of any humane Law appointing it to be observed , befor these respects omitted , at the will & direction of those superiours , to whom we ow our obedience required by that humane law , & who have power to dispence with our practise in that part . The XIV . DUPLY. IF the words of the Covenant be plaine , ( say ye ) concerning the meer forbearance ▪ and speak nothing of the unlawfullness , no mans thoughts can make a change . But we have given our reasons , which justly move us to require greater plainness ; neither have we as yet received satisfaction , concerning those reasons . 2. In our 14 Reply , we said , that your Band of mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever , may draw subjects , perhaps , to take Aimes against their King , ( which God avert ) & cōsequently from that loyaltie of obedience , which they ow to their Soveraign , & ours ; except ye declare , and explaine your selves better , then ye have hitherto done . To this ye answer , that , by this Reply we doe a threefold wrong : one to our selves , another to the subscrivers , the third to the Kings Majesty . But ye have not directly answered to the point proponed by us . 3. The wrong which ye say , we do to our selvs , is in forging from the words of the Covenāt , impedimēts , & drawing stumbling blocks in our own way , to hinder our subscriptiō . This your wrongous asseveratiō , we justly deny , protesting , as we have often done , that we do walk sincerly in this matter , according to our light , not forging to our selvs impedimēts , nor drawing stumbling blocks in our own way ; but clearly showing the impediments , and stumbling blocks , which the contryvers of the Covenant have laide in our way , by their very incommodious expression , irreconciliable [ in our judgement ] with your exposition . 4. Ye say , we wrong the subscrivers , in changing the state of the Question , and in making a divorce betwixt Religion , and the KINGS Authority , which the Covenant joineth together , hand in hand . We doe nowise wrong the subscrivers , when we propone uprightly our just scruples , as we in our consciences doe conceive them , whereby we are moved to with hold our hands from that Covenant : whereof one is , the fear of unlawfull resistance to Authority , if we should hold to that Covenant ; howsoever ye will not suffer to hear patiently this objection , because in your Covenant ye doe professe , the conjunction of Religion , and the KINGS Authority : which profession of yours , doeth not sufficiently serve for a full answer to our objection , against those other words of that same Covenant , whereupon our scruple did arise ▪ To clear this , we wish you to answere directly ( to this our present Demand : ) whether or no , in case of disagreement , ( which Godavert ) think ye that the Covenanters as obliedged , by vertue of their Covenāt , to make open resistāce , by force of Arms ? If ye think they are obliedged to make resistance , then we desire your Answer to the Reasons and testimonies broght in our 2. Duply , proving the unlawfulnes of such resistāce . But if ye think that they be not oblidged , thē declare it plainly . 5. But most of all , ye say , we wrong the Kings Majesty , in bringing him upon the stage , before his subjects , in whose minds we wold ( as ye do 〈…〉 alleadge ) beget and breed suspitions of opposing the true 〈…〉 aking innovation in Religion , and of dealing with the s 〈…〉 , contrary to his Lawes and Proclamations , and contrary to the Oath at his Coronation . We answer ▪ ●e have not brought , but have found his Majesty upon this unpleasant stage , opposing himself openly to your Covenant , with solemn protestations , against all suspitions of opposing the trueth , or making innovation of religiō , or dealing with the subjects contrary to his lawes & proclamatiōs , or contrary to the oath at his co●●natiō . this his Majesties declaratiō against which ye have protested , we have willingly received , & do truely believe it . 6. What the most honourable Lords , of his Majesties privy Counsell have done , cōcerning his Majesties last proclamation , & upō what motives , their Hs. themselves do know , & his Majesties high Cōmissioner , hath publickly declared in his printed Manifesto , contrary to some of your asseveratiōs , cōcerning the proceeding of that honorable boord . 7. Ye profess here , that , it becōmeth you , to judge charitably of his Majesties intentions , altho ye disallow the Service Book , and Canons , as containing a reall innovation of Religion ; and doe affirme , that the intention of the Prelats , & their associats , the Authors and contrivers of the books , is most justly suspected by you . We have told you already , that , concerning the matters , contained in those books , it is not now time to disput , the books themselvs being discharged by his Majesties proclamation , and a royall promise made , that his Majesty will neither now nor herafter , press the practise of the forsaid Canōs & Service book nor any thing of that nature , but in such a fair & legall way , as shall satisfie all his Majesties loving subjects ; & , that his Majesty neither intendeth innovation in Religion or Lawes . As for the intentions of his sacred Majesty , we do heartily & thankfully acknowledge them , to be truely conforme to his Majesties gracious declaration , in that his last Proclamation . And , indeed , it becommeth both you and us , to think s● of them . Neither do we take upon us , to harbour in our breasts , any uncharitable suspition , concerning the intētions of those others of whom ye speak ; seeing they stand or fall to their own Master , and the thoughts of their hearts are unknown , both to you and us : and in a matter uncertaine it is surest to judge charitably . Yea , we have ma●●y pregna●● Arguments to perswade us , that those reverend Prelates , and their Associates , had no such intention , as ye judge . 8. Ye make mention of three wrongs , done by us to you : the one , in the Warning , whereof ye have an answer already given in our 12. Duply , where ye did use great exaggerations , then either the intentiō of the warner did merit , ●● became your chartiy and profession . And by your repetition of it in th●● place , ye show , that ye have too great delight to dwell upon such expostulations , wheras theologicall reasons of the matter in controversie , would better become you in such a Disput. The second wrong is , that ( as ye alleadge ) we have wronged you , in with-holding our hand and help from so good a cause , of purging Religion , & reforming the Kirk , from so many gross abuses , and opposing all those who have modestly laboured for Reformation . But certainly , the wrong is done to us by you , in that ye do , without warra●● of Authority , obtrude upon us , and those cōmitted to our charges , the swearing of an Oath , which is against our own consciences : and because of our just refusall & opposition , ye do wrong us also , in misinterpreting our pious and upright meanings , and in making and stirring up collaterall , and personall quarells against us , and threatning us therwith . Thus ( if GOD by his special grace did not uphold us ) might we be driven , by worldly terrours , to do against the light of our own consciences . 9. The third wrong , wherwith ye charge us , and for the which ye do infinuate , that we may fear trouble , is ( as ye alleadge ) in our speaches , in publick , and private , and in our missives , &c. Hereunto we answer , ●● in our former Replyes , that whensoever it shall please you , to specifie these speaches , we hope to give you , and all peaceably disposed christians , full satisfaction , and to clear our selves of that imputation ; so that none shall have just reason , to work us any trouble . In the mean time , if our ing●nuity would permit us , ( as it dothnot ) to think it a decent course , to make use of hearkeners , and catchers of words , and to wait for the haulting of our Brethren , some of your own speaches might be represented unto you , wherein ye would finde weaknesse . 10. As for these owtward , or externall Arguments , which ye bring here , to prove your Covenanting , to be the work of God , from the success of your enterprize , from the multitude of subscrivers , and from their contentment , & from their good carriage , ( which we wold wish , in many of them , to be more charitable , and peaceable , and so more christian , then it is ) we cannot acknowledge , to be a Cōmentary written by the Lords own hand , ( as ye pretend ) in approbation of your Covenant ; unless ye first clearly show us the text or substance of your Covenant , to be written in the holy Scriptures , in all points therof ; especially in those points , wherin ye and we do controvert , and which only , at this time , can be pretended against us , seeing we make oppsition only in those points . And we wish heartily , that leaving these weak nots of Trueth , to the Papists , chief acclaimers of them , amongst christians , ( that we speak nothing of aliens from christianity ) ye would be pleased to adhere , with us into the holy Scriptures , as the only sure & perfect rule of true Religion , and the heavenly Lamp , which God hath given us , to show us the way of trueth & peace : wherin the GOD of Trueth and Peace direct all our steps , for JESUS CHRIST our Saviour , who is our Peace : To him be Glory for ever : Amen . JOHN FORBES of Corse Doctor and Professor of Divinitie in ABERDENE . ROBERT BARON , Doctor and Professor of Divinitie , and Minister in ABERDENE . ALEXANDER SCROGIE , Minister at old Aberdene , D. D. WILLIAM LESLIE , D. D. and Principall of the KINGS Colledge in ABERDENE . JA : SIBBALD , D. of Divinitie and Minister at ABERDENE AL : ROSSE , D. of Divinitie , and Minister at ABERDENE . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69753-e9570 Lōd . edit . ann . 1616 pag. 200. 201. XII . Tabularum fragmenta de officio consulis . Regio imperio duo sunto : iique praeeundo , indicando , consulendo praetores , judices , cōsules appel lantor : militiae summum jus habento , ne mini paren to . Salus populi suprema lex esto . a Quid ergo turbamini ? volens nunquam vos deseram , coactus repugnare nō novi . Dolere potero potero slere , potero gemere ; adversus arma , milites , Gothos quoque , La●rhymae mea arma sunt . Talia enim munimenta sunt sacerdotis . Aliter nec debeo nec possum resistere . b Non ego mi vallabo circumfusione populorum . — Rogamus , Auguste , non pugnamus . — Tradere Basilicam non possum , sed repugnare non debeo . Interest enim quibque causis ▪ quibusque authoribꝰ homines gerenda bella suscipiant : ordo tamen ille naturalis , mortalium pa●i accomodatus hoc poscit , ut suscipiendi belli authoritas , atqu● , consilium penes Principem sit . Aug. Lib. 22. contra Faustum , Cap. 75. Hugo Grorius , de jure belli & pacis , l●b . 1 cap. 4. num . 6. Averroe● 5. Metaphys . comment . 6. See Hugo Grotius , de Iure belli & pacis , Pag. 66. where he citeth sundry anciēt Authors . Rivet , in his Iesuita vapulans , Cap. 13. Ambrose in obitum Val●tiniani . See Doctor Field in his 3. book of the Church . Cap. 32. Altare Da mascen , p. 828. and 853. Re-examination of the Assemblie of Pearth , pag. 227. In regulis juris in sexto Reg. 42. Gregorie Nazianz. Orat. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Upō these wordes , Nicetas his Interpreter , speaketh , thus ; Baptismum suscipe quamd●u minime circum te pugnant is qui te baptismi aqua tingere parat , & qui poecuniarum tuarum haeres futurus est . Ille videlicet studiose age●s atque contendens ut ea quae ad vitae exitum necessaria sunt , suppeditet , hoc est , ut te salutari aqua tingat & dominicum corpus impertiat , hic contra ut testamento haeres scribatur . Consilium Nicenum , Can. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Balsamon his wordes are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Altare Da ma●cen . p. 341. disp . against the English Popish Ceremonies , Part. 3. Cap. 1. See thē Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies , part . 3. cap 7. sect . 5. The late Confession of Helvetia , cap. 27 Confession of Bohem. cap. 15. English Confession , art . 15. Cōfession of Auspurg . art . 15. art . 7. Confession of Wirtemberg . art 35. Confession of Sweveland , cap. 14. Calvin . Institut . lib. 4. cap. 10. §. 30. Oecolampadius Epist. Lib. 4. pag. 818. Zepperus Polit. Eccles. pag. 138. 142. 143. Zanchius , in quartum praeceptum . Melanchton , in many places . &c. See Peter Mart. on the 6. chap of the Epistle to the Rom. & Gerardus , in Loc Theolog. Tom. 4. Altar . Da. masc . pag. 120. Disp. against the English Popish Ceremonies , part , 3. cap 8. digress . 1 Favorabiliores rei potiꝰ quā actores ha bentur . ff . Lib. 50. Reg. 125. Melan. in an Epistle to Camer . in Concil . Theolog. Melan. in an Epistle to Camer . in Concil . Theol. pag 90. Quo jure enim licebit nobis dissolvere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticam ? Si Episcopi nobis concedant illa , quae aequum esse eos concedere ? Et ut liceat , certe non expedit . Semper ita sensit ipse Lutherus , quem nulla de causa , quidem ut video , amant , nisi quia beneficio ejus sentiunt se , Episcopos excussisse & adeptos libertatem minime utilem ad posteritatem . So in an Epist. ad Episc. Augusten . Deinde velim hoc tibi persuadeas de me deque multis aliis nos optare ut pace constituta Episcoporum potestas , sit incolumis . Et hanc plurimum prodesse Ecclesiis judicamus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Si quis cū sacra mysteria celebrantur , in sāctam Ec clesiam ingrediēs , Episcopo , aut clericis aut Ministris aliis Ecclesiae injuriam aliquam inferat : jubemus hunc verbera sustinere , & in exilium mitti . Si verò haec sacra Ministeria conturbaverit , aut celebrare prohibuerit : capitaliter puniatur . Hoc ipso & in Litaniis , in quibus Episcopi , aut Clerici reperiantur custodiendo . Et siquidem injuriam solum fecerit , verberibus exilioque tradatur . Si verò etiam Litaniam concusserit , capitale periculum sustinebit : & vindicare jubemus non solum civiles , sed etiam militares judices . In his secod homilie upon these wordes salute Priscil la and Aquila . Tom 5. Edit . Savil . pag , 327. Aug. Lib. de unico Baptismo , Cap. 13. O quam de testandus est error hominum , qui clarorum virorum quaedam non recte facta laudabiliter se imitari putāt â ▪ quorum virtutibus alieni sunt . Euseb. lib. 5. Hist. Eccles. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. Sam. xi . 7. Judic . vii . xxii . a Thom 2a 2ae , qu. 71 art . 5. ad 3m Bonavent . in 1. sent . dist . 48. art . 2. qu. 1. in Resolutione . Scotus in 3. sent . dist . 9. qu. unica , num 4. Gregor . respons . ad 7. interrogationem Au gustim Cā tuariensis . In hoc enim tempo re sancta Ecclesia quaedam per favorem corrigit , quaedam per mansuetudinem tolerat , quaedam per considerationem dissimulat , at que portat , vt saepe malum quod adversatur , portando & dissimulando compescat . Prosper , Lib. 2. de vita contemplativa , Cap. 5. Propter hoc ergo , blanda p●etate portandi sunt , qui increpari pro sua infirmitate non possunt . Nazianz. Orat. 26. tom . 1. pag 446. and 447. Edit Graecol . pa ris . Anno. 1630. Eccles. Lugd. Lib de tenenda veritate Scripturae post mediū ( in Bibl. Patr. Tom. 4. Part. 2. Edit . 4. ) Qui non tranquillè & pacifice moderatur quod sentit , sed statim paratus est ad contentiones , dissentiones , & scandala , etiamsi non habeat Haereticum sensum , certissime habet Haereticum animum . Thom. 2a 2ae qu. 43 art . 7. prop ter nullum scandalum quod sequi videatur , debet homo praetemissa veritate , falsitatem decore ▪ Hieronym . Apologia adversus Russinum quae incipit Lectis literis , prope sinem . T●libus institutus es Disciplinis , ut cui respondere non potueris , caput auferas ; & linguam , quae tacere non potest seces ? Nec magnopere glorieris , si facias quod Scorpiones possunt facere , & Cantharides . Fecerunt haec & Fulvia in Ciceronem , & Herodias in Ioannem : quiae veritatem non poterant audire : & linguam veriloquam d●●riminali acu confoderunt . — Adversum impiissimos Celsum atque Po●phyrium quanti scripsere nostrorum ? Quis omissa causa , in superflua criminum objectione versatus est . 
A57857	----	The good old way defended against the attempts of A.M. D.D. in his book called, An enquiry into the new opinions, (chiefly) propogated by the Presbyterians of Scotland : wherein the divine right of the government of the church by Presbyters acting in parity, is asserted, and the pretended divine right of the hierarchie is disproved, the antiquity of parity and novelty of Episcopacy as now pleaded for, are made manifest from scriptural arguments, and the testimony of the antient writers of the Christian-church, and the groundless and unreasonable confidence of some prelatick writers exposed : also, the debates about holy-days, schism, the church-government used among the first Scots Christians, and what else the enquirer chargeth us with, are clearly stated, and the truth in all these maintained against him : likewise, some animadversions on a book called The fundamental charter of Presbytery, in so far as it misrepresenteth the principles and way of our first reformers from popery, where the controversie about superintendents is fully handled, and the necessity which led our ancestors into that course for that time is discoursed / by Gilbert Rule ... Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1697 Approx. 876 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 164 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57857 Wing R2221 ESTC R22637 12490261 ocm 12490261 62347 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57857) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62347) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 947:15) The good old way defended against the attempts of A.M. D.D. in his book called, An enquiry into the new opinions, (chiefly) propogated by the Presbyterians of Scotland : wherein the divine right of the government of the church by Presbyters acting in parity, is asserted, and the pretended divine right of the hierarchie is disproved, the antiquity of parity and novelty of Episcopacy as now pleaded for, are made manifest from scriptural arguments, and the testimony of the antient writers of the Christian-church, and the groundless and unreasonable confidence of some prelatick writers exposed : also, the debates about holy-days, schism, the church-government used among the first Scots Christians, and what else the enquirer chargeth us with, are clearly stated, and the truth in all these maintained against him : likewise, some animadversions on a book called The fundamental charter of Presbytery, in so far as it misrepresenteth the principles and way of our first reformers from popery, where the controversie about superintendents is fully handled, and the necessity which led our ancestors into that course for that time is discoursed / by Gilbert Rule ... Rule, Gilbert, 1629?-1701. [8], 316 p. Printed by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson ..., Edinburgh : 1697. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Errata: p. [7] Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Monro, Alexander, d. 1715? -- Enquiry into the new opinions (chiefly) propagated by the Presbyterians of Scotland. Sage, John, 1652-1711. -- Fundamental charter of presbytery. Church of Scotland. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2004-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE GOOD Old WAY Defended , Against the Attempts of A. M. D. D. in his BOOK Called , An Enquiry into the New Opinions , ( Chiefly ) propogated by the Presbyterians of SCOTLAND : Wherein the Divine Right of the Government of the Church by Presbyters Acting in Parity , is Asserted ; and the pretended Divine Right of the Hierarchie is disproved : the Antiquity of Parity and Novelty of Episcopacy as now Pleaded for , are made Manifest from Scriptural Arguments , and the Testimony of the Antient Writers of the Christian-Church : and the groundless and unreasonable Confidence of some Prelatick Writers exposed . Also , the Debates about Holy-Days , Schism , the Church-Government used among the First Scots Christians , and what else the Enquirer Chargeth us with , are clearly Stated , and the Truth in all these Maintained against him . Likewise , some Animadversions on a Book called the Fundamental Charter of Presbytery ; in so far as it misrepresenteth the Principles and Way of our First Reformers from Popery : where the Controversie about Superintendents is fully handled : and the Necessity which led our Ancestors into that Course for that Time is Discoursed . By GILBERT RULE , one of the Ministers of the City , and Principal of the College of EDINBURGH . EDINBURGH , Printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson , Printer to the King 's most Excellent Majesty , Anno DOM. 1697. To the Right Honourable , PATRICK EARL of MARCHMOUNT , Viscount of BLASONBERRY , LORD POLWARTH , of POLW ARTH , REDBRAES , and GREENLAW , &c. LORD High CHANCELLOR of the KINGDOM of SCOTLAND . My Noble Lord , I Have presumed to Prefix your Lordships Name to this Work , hoping that your Lordship will count it no dishonour for the Greatest of Men to Patronize the least of the Truths of GOD : and knowing your Zealous and Pious Concerns , as for the State , so for the Church of CHRIST , as now Established in this Nation . My Design in this Dedication is not to seek the Rul●rs Favour : having had for many Years , the Honour to be more Regarded by Your Lordship than ever I could deserve : nor to Engage your Lordship to own our Church against her open and secret Enemies ; knowing how steadily you have appeared for the True Interest of the Church , and of the Nation , In utraque fortuna ; and how fixed your Principles are with respect to both . But what I aim at is , to express the true Sense I have ( as I know my Brethren also to retain ) of your Lordships Wisdom , Zeal , and Fortitude , encountering the Greatest of Hazards , and enduring the most grievous of Hardships , for that Holy Religion that ye Profess ; and for the Liberties of your Native Countrey . The eminent Post your Lordship is now in , as it is a Token of your Princes Favour , and His Majesties Wise Choise of a sit Instrument for High and difficult Work ; So it is the LORD'S Reward for your hard Services ; and his giving you the Opportunity to do him further Service , of another Sort : and his Trying you whether ye will Eye GOD'S Glory above all things ( when ye have the Occasion , and Temptation of seeking your own Things ) as ye did when ye Ventured , and lost your All in this World for him . GOD expecteth that ye will now Pay your Vows made in your Trouble ; and that ye will be singly , and actively for him : the Time is short wherein we can Walk or Work , and Occasions are uncertain . There will be great Peace in Reflection ( when our Work is at an end● ) on sincere Endeavours , and Application of Mind , to the Work that the LORD hath put in our hand . That the LORD may long Preserve your Lordship , and continue your Capacity to do Him Service , and that he may Blessyour Noble Family with His best Blessings , is the earnest prayer of , Edinburgh , December , 20 , 1697. My Noble Lord , Your Lordships Devoted and most Humble Servant , G. R. TO THE READER . THat I again appear publickly in this Paper War , ( being , for my Age Miles emeritus ) needeth no other Apology than the Necessity that the Months that were so Widely Opened against the Truth , and right Ways of GOD , should be Stopped : and I knew of no other Endeavours this Way , when I entered on this Work , nor till I had finished it . After it was in the Press , and some Progress made in it , I read the Learned and Industrious Mr. William Jamesons Nazianzeni Quaerela , & Vo●um Justum ; wherein the same two Authors that I Deal with , are solidly Refuted , and the main Subject that I Treat off , is Handled : which made me think that B●ok might Supersede mine . Yet the Advice of others Wiser than my self , and my own second Thoughts , finding fewer Coincidences in them than might have been Expected : And that the one Work is more Historical , the other more Argumentative ; so that they may make up a complete Answer to what our Adversaries have now thought sit to say ; and Considering that some Debates are here insisted on which he hath not touched : and that two Witnesses are better than one : these Considerations ( I say ) determined me not to stop the Press , And indeed , the Unaccountable Confidence of these Authors , on the slenderest Grounds , should be exposed as much as may be : while they Build so Important Truths and Practices ( and press them so warmly ) on Phrases , Words , and Modes of Speaking used by the Ancients , which signified quite another thing then , than what now they are commonly applyed to . The Learned Clericus , in his Preface to Ars Critica , Sect. 3. at the end , hath these Words here very apposite . Quot & quanti viri crediderunt se Historiam Christianarum Ecclesiarum , & Opiniones eorum qui S. S. Patres vocantur , in numerato habere , qui revera Hospites ea in re fuerunt ? nempe , Vocabula nuda didicerant , aut Voces , quibus ex Hodiernis placitis Significationes tribuebant . If we lay such Weight on Ways of Speaking of old used , as sufficient Arguments for Prelacy , it is reasonable to allow the same with Respect to Popery : And in that Case , Thou art Peter , and on this Rock will I Build my Church : and , I will give to thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , &c. shall infer the Popes Supremacy with as good Reason , as the Fathers Ascribing Jurisdiction to the Bishop , without mentioning the Presbyters at the same time , doth infer his sole Power : seing , as our Lord in another Place , giveth the same Power to the rest of the Apostles , that here He seemeth to give to Peter alone ; so do the Fathers often speak of the Ruling Power of Presbyters , as well as they several times mention that of Bishops , without mentioning Presbyters . No Protestant will admit the Consequence in the one Case ; wherefore neither ought we so to Argue in the other Case . ERRATA . PAge 1. line 16. read Principle . p. 5. l. 25. r. Theorems . p. 50. l. 5. r. James . p. 136. l. 8. r. Matters of Fact. p. 146. l. 7. r. Praeses . p. 150. l. 36. r. them . p. 181. l. 37. r. approved . p. 186. l. 37. r. great . p. 194. l. 11. r. Struggling . p. 198. l. 38. r. Rank . p. 199. l. 2. r. the. p. 204. l. 15. r. Andabatarum . p. 207. l. 2. r. injoyn . p. 242. l. 36. r. Holy. p. 247. l. 1. r. Congregations . p. 247. l. 26. r. Religious . p. 257. l. 16. r. sound . p. 279. l. 33. r. Ceremony . p. 284. l. 37. r. Solemnities . p. 297. l. 13. r. acquainted . p. 309. l. 16. r. Things . p. 310. l. 35. r. Writings . If there be any other Mistakes of the Press , it is left to the Readers Candor to Correct them . THE Good old way defended , &c. IT hath been observed by some , who have read this Book , that the Author hath been much beholden to some of the Jesuits and other Papists , not only for his Arguments ; but even for his Invectives and Reproaches cast upon his Adversaries ( had he been so just as to acknowledge the true Authors of his fine Notions , there had been less blame in it ) and even the imputation of Noveltie , of the Opinions of Presbyterians , ( with which the Frontispiece of his Book is adorned ) is the same Reproach that the Romanists do constantly cast on the whole of the Protestant Doctrine , which in their ordinary cant , is , the new Gospel . If he hath proved , or shall prove , that our Principles for Paritie , and against Prelacy , is newer than the first settling of Gospel-Churches by the Apostles ; he hath some advantage against us : Yet if our way have been owned , and practised in Scotland , before the Papacy , and among the Waldenses , for many Ages ; The edge of his prejudice against it , will be a little blunted : The former I have already debated with some of his Partie , and may have occasion to resume that Dispute , before I have done with this Book . The other may be easily made appear ; For in their Confession of Faith ( after they had fled to Bohemia ) called Confessio Taboritarum , Joan. Lukawitz , Waldensia P. 23. They expresly deny , that By Scripture warrant , Ordination is to be performed only by Bishops ; and that Bishops have more Authority than single Priests . Perin . Hist. of the Vaudois , p. 53 , 62. ( cited by Owen of Ordination , p. 4. ) Sheweth , that they had no other Ministers for 5●0 . years , than such as was ordained by Presbyters . Walsing . Hist : of England . pag. 339. Telleth us , that the Lollards ( the same Sect with the Waldenses ) had their Ministers Ordained by Presbyters without Bishops . Now of this Sect , even their Enemies witness that they were very Antient. Reinerius , an Inquisitor , in his Book contra Haereticos , sayeth , that it had continued longest of all the Sects ; For some say , ( these are his Words ) they have been from the days of Pope Silvester . 1. ( who was in the time of the first Nicen Council ) others from the dayes of the Apostles . § 2. It may also be made appear , that his own opinion , of the Divine Right of Prelacy is much newer than ours , not only by the Fathers ( as will after appear , ) but even the Church of England , was not of that Opinion , till Bishop Lands time , and but few of them after it . Spellman , p 576. In the Canons of Elfrick and Wolfin , hath these words , Ambo siquidem unum tenent eundem ordinem quum sit dignior illa pars Episcopi . Catal. test . verit . To. 2. saith of Wicklif , tantum duos ordines min●strorum esse debere judicavit , viz. Presbyteros & Dia●onos . Fox . Act. monum . T. 2. Among the Answers that Lambert the Martyr gave to the 45. Questions put to him , hath these words , p. 400. As touching Priest-hood in the Primitive Church . there was no more Officers in the Church of God , than Bishop and Deacons , as witnesseth the Scripture full apertly . He citeth also Jerom , for this . After the Reformation , in the Book called , the Institution of a Christian man , made by the whole Clergy , 1537. Authorized and injoyned by King and Parliament , to be preached through the whole Kingdom , it is said , That the new Testament mentioneth but two Orders , Presbyters or Bishops , and Deacons . Cranmers , and other Bishops Opinion I have Cited . S. 2. § 2. Out of a Manuscript in Stillingfleets Ira. In the Book called the Bishops Book , it is said , that the difference between Bishops and Presbyters was a device of the ancient Fathers , not mentioned in Scripture . For the same Opinion , Owen of Ordination , p. 114 , 115. citeth Jewel , Morton , Whitaker , Nowell , and the present Bishop of Sarum . § 3. Yea that this our Opinion for Paritie , and against the Divine right of Episcopacy , is as old as the Reformation from Popery ; is clear from the Articuli Smalcaldici , signed by Luther , Melanchthon , and many other Divines ; as they are set down lib. concord . Printed An. 1580. Lipsiae art . 10. p 306. Where they plead their power of ordaining their Pastors , without Bishops . And cite Jerome saying , Eam ( Ecclesiam Alexandrinam ) primum ab Episcopis Presbyteris , & Ministris , communi operâ gubernatam fuisse . These articles were agreed on , An. 1533. After , p. 324 , 325. They affirm of Jurisdictio , & Potestas excommunicandi & absolvendi , that , liquet confessione omnium , etiam adversariorum nostrorum , communem esse omnibus qui presunt Ecclesiis sive nominentur Pastores , sive Presbyteri , sive Episcopi . And they cite Jerome , as holding the same Opinion , and from his words observe , hic docet Hieronymus distinctos gradus Episcoporum , & Presbyterorum , sive Pastorum , tantum humana authoritate constitutos esse : idque res ipsa loquitur , quia officium & mandatum plane idem est , quia autem jure divino nullum est discrimen inter Episcopum & Pastorem , &c. These Articles were subscribed by the Electoral Princes , Palsegrave , Saxonie , and Brandenburg , by 45. Dukes , Marquesses , Counts , and Barons , by the Consuls , and Senates of 35. Cities . Yea , to shew that this Opinion was not then disliked , even in England ; Bucer , and Fagius , who subscribed them , were brought into England by Cranmer , and employed in promoting the Reformation . The subscriptions of the Noblemen mentioned , you may find at the End of the Preface of that Book . It is , then a confidence beyond ordinary , to call the Presbyterian principle of Paritie a new Opinion . § 4. It is further to be considered , that as Antiquity is not , by it self , a sufficient Patrocinie for any Opinion ; So Noveltie is not alwayes a just prejudice against it . If our Adversaries plead Antiquitie for Prelacy , so may it be done for many principles which themselves will call Errors ; and this sort of Arguments , hath in all Ages of the Church been judged invalide : It is Divine Institution , not humane practice , Custome , or Antient Opinion , that must be a Foundation for our belief : and when they expose our way as new , they should consider , that what is Eldest in respect of its beeing , and Gods appointment , may be new in respect of its discovery and observation : What is old in it self , may be new to us ; because , by the corruption of many Ages , it hath been hid , and at last brought forth to light again : So Christianity it self was a Noveltie to the Athenian Philosophers , and by them treated with disdain and mocking , on that account ; more than with rational refutation , Acts 17. 19 , 20. Augustins Doctrine of Conversion , is looked on by some as what was new in that time . So was Luthers Doctrine , and Calvins , and that of the other Reformers in their day , respectivè . If my Antagonist can make it appear , that our Opinion about Parity , was never countenanced by Scripture , nor practised in the Christian Church , till of late in Geneva , or Scotland ; Let it then pass for a Noveltie , and on that account be condemned : but it may be more Antient than the Hierarchie ; tho for many Centuries ; it was not practised under the Reign , and in the Kingdom of Anti-Christ . We are very willing , according to the place of Scripture , he putteth before his Book , to ask for , and walk in the old paths : but these paths must be such as God of old prescribed to his People ( as some expound the place , of the way that Moses taught them ) and which they walked in , who , we are sure did not err . ( as Grotius expoundeth this place , of the way of Abraham , Isaac and Jacob ) we know that error hath been abetted under the Notion of the old way , Jer. 44. 17. Neither do we think our selves obliged to follow all the paths of some Antient good men , more then the Jews were to do as Aaron did , in making the Golden Calf , tho that was a very old practice , and that Calf worshipping had been before Jeremias dayes , both Antient and Universal . § 5. Some things are to be observed in his Introduction , and first , the ill words that he very liberally , and at 〈◊〉 random , bestoweth on these who are not of his way ; calling their Principles , and Writings , Lybels , Spiritual Raveries p. 2. He insinuateth that we have wickedly combined to defame them p. 3. If p. 4. it be not his business to complain of them , whom he supposeth , do persecute them , I am sure it should less be his work to Rail ; with such unmanly , and unchristian revilings , at them who no other wayes oppose him , and his Partie , but by dint of Argument . He doth p. 5 , 6. Suppose , The Antient Ministers of the Word to have been Bishops with Apostolical Authority , and telleth us , How in the Primitive times , they were opposed , by men chosen by the People , who calculate their Doctrine , to the fancies and humours of the Multitude , and prostituted the Gospel to promote error , and delusion , in stead of serving our blessed Saviour , they became slaves of the People , by whom they were originally imployed ; and because they were so unhappily successfull , as to gratifie their lusts , they were therefore voted the most Edifying Teachers . Whether this be to vvrite a Satyre , or to plead for Truth , to the conviction of them vvhom he dealleth vvith , vvise men vvill judge . It is rather to be lamented , than denyed , that there are such Ministers in the Christian , yea , in the Reformed Church : but I may confidently say , they are not more zealously disliked among any partie of men , than among the Presbyterians in Scotland : Whom it is evident , that by all this Discourse , he designeth to defame ; We preach against this Inclination , even as it is in mens hearts : and vve censure it , vvhen it appeareth in their practise , either to the promoting of Error , or disturbing the Peace of the Church . More of this he hath , p. 7. of Ministers reconciling the moralls of the Gospel to mens wicked practises , and looser theorms , and the severe Discipline of the Antient Church to all licence and luxurie , and true faith , that worketh by love , to airie notions and mistakes . Whether these vvords afford us the lineaments of this mans temper , or of the Presbyterian Ministers , I shall leave to others to determine . I am sure , they who know the Scots Presbyterians , and do not spitefully hate them , will not say , that either their Doctrine , or their Exercise of Discipline doth tend to promote Loosness and Luxurie . This Author is pleased to represent them under a quite contrary Character when he findeth it for his purpose . Whether the Presbyterian , or Prelatick Church Discipline , as they have been exercised in Scotland , come nearest to the severe Discipline of the Antient Church , it 's easie to determine , by them who have seen the one , and can judge of both , without prejudice . § 6. I gladly would understand what he meaneth by his Assertion , p. 6. That the primitive Ministers of Religion , had their immediate commission from heaven , and accordingly they endeavoured to restore the image of God in Men : To whom he setteth in opposition these ill men above mentioned . If he mean the Apostles , I shall not contradict his Assertion ; but must look on it as most impertinent : Seing the other , who he saith , had their Authority from Men , were distinguished from , and opposite to , not only the Apostles , but the ordinary faithful Ministers of the Church , who were in , or after their dayes . Also the Assertion , so understood , could make nothing for Prelacy , or against Paritie , in the primitive Church , which seemeth to be the design of this Passage . If he understand it of Bishops , who , he fancieth to have succeeded to the Apostles ; this is a new opinion , with a Witness ; and for any thing I know , himself first hatched it : and we shall allow him the honour of this new discovery , that Bishops have their Immediate Commission from Heaven : I know no Opinions held by Presbyterians , so new as this , of one who undertaketh to refute their new Opinions . Sure , if it be so , they must then shew their credentials from Heaven , and the signs of Apostles wrought in them . As 2 Cor. 12. 12. And these might supersede the King 's Congedelire , and their Consecration , and also , all the debate that is about their Prelation , and will excuse us from owning them , till we be satisfied in this matter , wherein we promise not to be unreasonably incredulous . § 7. He proceedeth in his Reproaches , and unaccountable Extravagancy ; while p. 7. He speaketh of the shaking of the foundations of Ecclesiastical Unitie , ( as if Unity were only found in the Prelatical way ) and trampling on Antient Constitutions with great Insolence , and Impiety . Supposing ( without any semblance of Proof● ) that then the hedge of true Religion is not only invaded but demolished , when Episcopacy is laid aside , and that without these sacred Vehicles ( viz. The Antient Constitutions about Prelacy , ) true Religion must evaporate into giddiness and Enthusiasm . If this wild talk be not spiritual raverie , ( to use his own words ) I know not what can be called by that Name . It is of the same strain , that the extravagance of these last dayes , ( which is wholly charged on Presbytery ) is boundless , and Sceptical , and Christianity is more dangerously wounded , by the delusions of some that are Baptized ( Presbyterians ) then by the open blasphemies of Infidels ; and that the first ( viz. the Presbyterians ) are altogether inaccessible by reason , that they pretend to extraordinary illuminations , and will not be instructed , their Errors are made stronger by their vanity . And much more is falsly and injuriously said to this purpose . To which I have no other Reply , but the words of Psalms 12. 3 , 4. The Lord shall cut off all flattering lips , and the tongue that speaketh proud things , who have said , with our tongue will we prevail , our lips are our own , who is Lord over us , and Psal. 120. 3 , 4. What shall be given unto thee , or what shall be done unto thee , O false tongue . We can answer his Arguments , and are willing to be Instructed by him , and attacked that way : But who can stand before this kind of Topicks ? I have not met with any Person who is of opinion that Presbyterians think to make their Calling and Election sure , only by Division and Singularitie , save this Author . p. 8. Who seemeth to take the same Liberty to himself , of speaking all the ill he can devise of Presbyterians , that the Author of pax vobis doth against Protestants of all sorts . I am not at leasure to enquire how much he hath borrowed from that Author ; But it is evident that the strain of both is the same : I shall take little notice of his confident insinuation . p. 9. That Prelacy was revealed by our Saviour , taught by his Apostles , and received by all Churches in the first and best Ages : For the truth of this is to be tryed in the following Debate ; But I cannot overlook his suposing , that we reject certain Ritualls and practises , which by the plainest and most undenyable consequences are agreeable to the general Rules of Scripture , and the uniform Belief of all Christians : If he can prove the Contraverted Ceremonies to be such , we shall correct our Opinion about them . § 8. He layeth some Foundations , p. 10. and 11. For his following Dispute , which we cannot allow , as first , that the first Christians were agreed among themselves about not only the great Articles of Religion ; but also about the General Rules of Ecclesiastick Order , and Discipline ; under which Head , he plainly includes the Rituals of the Church . It is to be lamented , that even in Doctrine , there was not that Unitie , that was fit , in the Primitive times : we read of many Heresies early broached : for Order , it was not the same among all , there were sad Schisms , as well as Heresies : and for Ritualls , we find no General Rule they agreed in , for Ordering them , save the Word of GOD , contained in the Scriptures . For General Councills , that medled most with these , were later than the times we speak of . And it is well known , what Fatal Contentions there were about some of them ; such as the time of observing Easter . Yea , the first Churches had different Ritualls , about which they made no Divisions , but used Christian forbearance . Socrates hath a whole Chapter to prove this ; which is , C. 21. of lib 5. of hist. Ecclesi . Iraeneus reproving Victor , for Excommunicating the Quarto Decimani , hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And at large sheweth , that the Primitive Christians did not censure one another , for difference of Rites and Customs observed among them . Every one knoweth how far the Churches of the first Ages were , from uniformity in their Fasting ; Some abstaining from that which others did not Scruple to eat : in the frequency of Communicating : about the time and manner of Baptising : about the time and degrees of publick penance , placing the Altar , or Communion Table , &c. It is evident then , that the first Christians did not look on Ritualls , as that about which Christian Concord should be judged of : They minded things of higher moment , and greater necessity . § 9. Another Paradox that he Advanceth is , that by this uniformity in Doctrine and Rituals , they ( the Primitive Christians , ) strenghned themselves against Infidels and Hereticks . This Assertion with respect to Rituals , is wild and absurd ; not only because such Uniformity was not found , nor much regarded among them , as hath been shewed ; but also , because this Uniformity in Matters so extrinsick to Religion , could afford them no strength ; more than an Army is the stronger , by all the Souldiers wearing Coats of the same Fashion and Colour . It was their Unity in the Truths of God , their Managing the Ordinances of God by one Divine Rule , and their Love and forbearance of one another , in the different Practice of such Rituals as were not Instituted by Christ , in these as the Means , did their strength ly . Yet another strange Position ; he supposeth the Constitutions wherein he and we differ to have been received among all Christians , ( which never hath yet been proved ) and affirmeth , that despising these overthroweth the Foundations of Peace and Charity ; and consequently , we exclude our selves from the visible Fellowship of Christs Houshold and Family . His Supposition ( which p. 11. and often else where , he considently layeth as a Foundation of his whole Debate ) is groundless ; as I hope , will appear in the Progress of this Disquisition . His Assertion is false and dangerous . For 1. There was Peace amongst the primitive Churches , where several of the Constitutions he talketh of , were practised by some , and neglected or despised by others ; as may be Instanced in the Trina Immersio , and many others . 2. Even about some Truths and Ordinances of God , there were Debates in the primitive Churches , and some differed from that which was generally held , and yet they were not Excommunicated , but dealt with by more soft Means , and born with , till the Lord should enlighten their Mind , according to the Apostles direction , Phil. 3. 15 , 16. 3. It is the way of the Antichristian Church , but of few others , to unchurch all Sister Churches who differ from them in any thing , even in Rituals : this is not the Spirit of the Gospel . If he understand that they only exclude themselves from the Church , who differ from what all and every one hold who are Christians , his Assertion cannot be contradicted ; yet it may be Ridiculed , for that is impossible for any who is a Christian , to do : but if he speak of what is commonly received , this very Assertion doth Sap the Foundation of all Peace and Unity in the Church : that all they were to be Treated as Apostats from the Church and Christianity , who have a singular Sentiment about any one Point of Doctrine , or Ceremony , even though they Dissent never so modestly : and this will Authorize all the Severities of the Inquisition . Whether will mens furious Zeal for Humane Devices carry them ? § 10. What followeth , doth surmount all that we have heard . p. 11. Whatever is uniformly determined by the wisest and best of Christians , ( their learnedst Bishops and Presbyters ) must be received as the infallible Truth of God ▪ else we have no certain Standard to distinguish the Catholick Church in former Ages , from the Combinations of Hereticks . And a little below , The uniform Voice of Christendem in the first and purest Ages , is the best Key to the Doctrine and Practice of the Apostles and their Successors . I make here two Observes , before I consider the thing that is thus boldly Asserted . The former is , that ( may be through oversight ) he giveth Presbyters a share in Determining , or decisive Power about what must be received as the infallible Truth of God , together with the Bishops : Ergo , Bishops have not the sole Authority in the Church ; but of this afterward . The other is , it is manifest that he here speaketh not of the Apostles , but of the ordinary and fixed Ministers of the Church , who taught and ruled the Church after the decease of the Apostles , and after the Canon of Scripture was finished . Now this Position containeth things worthy of our Observation . First , that this learned Author maintaineth an Infallibility to be in the Guides of the Church , so as they cannot erre ; seeing what they Determine must be received as the Infallible Truth of God. 2. That there must be an Infallible Judge of Controversies in the Church , beside the Scripture ; and without this , we have no Standard of Truth , but must wander in the dark , the Scripture being unfit and insufficient to guide us in the way of Truth , and to discover Heresie to us . 3. That this infallible Judge of Controversies , is the Bishops and Presbyters agreeing together , and uniformly Determining what is Truth . But here our Author leaveth us at a loss : What if some of these Bishops and Presbyters who meet to frame our Articles of Faith , or Canons for our Practice , be none of the Wisest , Best , nor Learnedst , yet have made a shift to get into the Office of Bishop or Presbyter ? Next , what if his wisest and best Christians , that is , the learnedst Bishops and Presbyters , do not Determine uniformly about our Faith , or what concerneth our Practice ; but some few Dissent , or are not clear to go along with the rest ? Whether in that case , have we any Standard for our Religion ? He would do well to give us Light in this , when he hath better digested his Notions , and writeth his second thoughts on this Head. If some other Person had written at this rate , we should quickly have had a whole Book , or a long Preface to one , exposing his Ignorance , Impudence , and other such qualities : but I shall impute no more to this learned Doctor , but that he hath not well Considered what he here saith . § 11. It may be it will have little weight with him , if I affirm and make it appear , that this is plainly and directly the Doctrine of the Roman Church ; yea , their darling Principle : and indeed the Foundation on which that Church is built ; and without believing of which , they affirm that we have no certainty for our Religion : even as this Author thinketh , we have no Standard to distinguish the Catholicks from Hereticks . That this is their Doctrine , I might prove by whole Shoals of Citations ; I shall single out a few . Eccius , Enchirid : de conciliis . Tollatur Patrum & Conciliorum authoritas , omnia in Ecclesia erunt ambigua , dubia , pendentia , iucerta . Melthior Canus , loc : Com : 7. C : 3. conclus : 5. In expositione sacrarum Literarum , communis omnium sanctorum Patrum intelligentia certissimum Argumentum Theologo praestant , ad Theologicas Assertiones corroborandas ; quippe Sanctorum omnium sensus Spiritus sancti sensus ipsi sit . Quanquam à Philosophis quidem rationem Philosophicae conclusionis jure forsitan postularis , in sacrarum autem literarum intelligentia , majoribus nostris debes , nulla etiam ratione habita , credere , & quas sententias de lege , de fide , de Religione ab illis accipisti defendere . Greg : de valent : Analys : fidei , lib : 8 : c. 9. Quod Patres unanimi consensu circa Religionem tradunt , infallibiliter verum est . Bellarm : lib. 2. de Christo , cap. 2 : & lib. 1 : de Purgatorio , cap. 10. Patres nunquam omnes simul errant , etiamsi aliquis eorum interdum erret , nam simul omnes in uno errore convenire non possunt . Here is a sweet Harmony , between our Authors assertion , and the Doctrine of these learned men , from whom it seems he hath borrowed it . But because ( as I said ) perhaps he will not be ashamed to own this , I shall bring an Argument or two , against these Principles that he asserteth , or are by just consequences , drawn out of his words : referring the Reader for full satisfaction , to the learned Protestant Writers ( whether Episcopal or Presbyterian ) who have defended the Reformation against the Papists ; for I am sure , many even of the Prelatical Party , differ from him in this Principle . § 12. For the 1. That there is not Infallibility in all Points of Faith or Practice , to be found among the Guides of the Church after the Apostles ; but that any of them , yea all of them , may in some of these Points , erre : I prove 1. No such Infallibility is promised to any , or all of the Guides of the Church , tu es Petrus : lo am I with you : and such like Promises , cannot bear the Weight of our Authors Opinion ; for the Church may be safe from the gates of Hell , and may have Christs presence , even though her Guides be under some Mistakes in lesser Matters . 2 This Infallibility is inconsistent with Experience : the Guides of the Jewish Church erred foully , when they condemned our Lord as a Deceiver : and yet that Church had the Promise of Gods Teaching , Upholding , and Presence , which was fulfilled upon the Remnant of true Believers that were among them . The Arian Church , and the Popish Church , have foully erred , and yet both of them did overspread the face of Christianity almost wholly ; but there was still a Remnant according to the Promise . 3. The Fathers ( whom I suppose he meaneth by his wise , good , and learned Bishops and Presbyters ) not only did each of them erre in some things , ( which I hope he will not deny , and how then shall Infallibility in all things , be found among them joyntly ? ) but they disown this Infallibility to be in themselves , or in others , as is clear from several Testimonies which I have cited to this purpose ; Pref. to Cyprianic Bishop examined , p : 2. To which I now add Clem : Alexand : Strom : lib : 7. sub finem : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we have the Lord for the Principle of our Doctrine , who hath taught us by the Prophets and by the Apostles . If any man thinks this Principle needs another Principle , he doth not truly keep that Principle . And a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. We do not rest on the Testimony of men , but we believe ( concerning what is in Debate ) the voice of the Lord : and a little before he telleth us , that we do not believe the Assertions of men , they must not only say , but prove ; and that from the Scriptures . Basil , Regula moralium 72. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. The Hearers who are Instructed in the Scriptures , must examine the Doctrine of their Teachers , they must receive these things which are agreeable to Scripture , and reject these that are contrary to it . Cyp. Ep. 63. ad Caecilium . Quod solus Christus debet audiri &c. that Christ alone should be heard , the Father witnesseth from Heaven . Non ergo attendere debemus , &c. We must not then consider what others before us have thiught should be done ; but what Christ did , who is before all : for we must not follow tho Custome of men , but the Truth of God. Chrisost . Homil. 13. in 2 Cor. sub finem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c : Let us not carry about the Opinion of the Multitude , but try things : ye have the Scripture , the exact Standard ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Index ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the Rule ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) leaving what this or that man thinketh about these things , enquire of all these things from the Scripture . Here is another Standard than what our Author mentioneth . Origen . Homil. in Jerom. It is necessary that we call in the Testimony of the Holy Scriptures ; for our Opinions and Discourses makes no Faith , without these Witnesses . Cyril . Catehes . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Do not believe me saying these things , unless I have them out of the Scriptures . Ambros. lib. 1. de fide . ad Gratianum . Nolo Argumento nostro credas , &c. I would not ye should believe our Reasoning ; let us ask the Scriptures , the Prophets , the Apostles ; let us ask Christ. § 13. To say that all this is to be understood , of what one or a few Fathers say , not of that wherein they all agree : This hath various absurdities in it ; for 1. It is falsly supposed ( as in the Progress of the Debate will appear ) that the Fathers are agreed about the Prelacy our Author contendeth for . 2. If every one of them may erre , why may they not all erre , seeing the Collective Body of them is made up only of infallible men ? Christs promise of being in the midst of two or three gathered together in his Name , doth not free them from all Mistakes . The Fathers together , and the same men apart , are the same persons under different Notions ; and therefore they cannot be both fallible and infallible . 3. The Testimonies above brought , do not only make single Fathers fallible , but whatever Combinations of them ye can imagine ; for they are still men , and the Fathers above cited , make infallibility to be peculiar to Christ speaking in his Word . Augustine doth often and plainly bar this Distinction : contra Faustum , lib. 11. c. 5. id genus , &c. We must read that kind of Writing , not with necessity of Believing , but with liberty of Judging . And Ep : 112 : ad Paulinam . Quod Divinarum Scripturarum , &c. That which is confirmed by the Authority of the Holy Scriptures , is without doubt , to be believed ; but for other Witnesses or Testimonies ( whether single or Combined , he maketh no difference as to this ) ye may receive or reject them , as ye shall judge they have more or less weight . Also , Tom. 2 : Ep : 19 : Solus Scripturarum libris , &c. I have learned to give this honour and reverence to the Books of Scripture only , to believe there is no errour in them : but I read others , however learned or Godly they be , ( see how exactly he meeteth with our Authors notion , of ascribing Infallibility to what is Determined by the most Wise , learned and Godly Bishops and Presbyters ) I so read them , that I do not believe any thing to be true because they thought so ; but because they prove it by the Scriptures , that it is so . This forced a Confession from Occam ( a Papist of profound Learning , a Disciple of our Country man Joannes Dans ) that Augustine here maketh no difference amongst other Writers , beside the Prophets and Apostles ; whether they be Popes or others ; whether they write in Council or out of it . I shall refer the Reader to the Protestant Writers , who have collected the Errours and Mistakes even of General , and also more private Councils . § . 14. The second Proposition that may be drawn out of this Authors words , is , that an infallible Judge of Truth and Errour is necessary in the Church , besides the Scripture ; for he telleth us , that without the uniform Determination of Truth , by the wisest , best and learnedst Bishops and Presbyters , we have no Standard whereby to judge of the Catholick Church , from the Combination of Hereticks : this Principle falleth with the former ; for if there be no Infallibility but in the Scripture , such a Judge cannot be necessary : for the Church doth de facto , subsist without such a Judge . Again , the chief ground on which his Partizans the Papists , assert the necessity of such a Judge , is , because the Scripture cannot hear Parties , nor can it pronounce a Sentence which the contending Parties may hear , and be obliged by : I ask him , if his wisest , best , and most learned Bishops and Presbyters , can hear him and me , and audibly pronounce a Sentence for either of us , they being now all dead , as well as the Apostles and Prophets , and nothing of them extant but their Writings , as are also the Sacred Writings ? The one is not a visible Judge more than the other ; and if we Appeal to the Writings of the Fathers , why not rather to the Scripture it self , which I have proved to be of more , yea , of the only infallible Authority . And indeed , there can be no visible Judge but the present Church , to which therefore the Papists flee . And even that cannot be such a Judge to all Christians ; for they cannot all hear the Pope , or Council , pronouncing a Sentence , and therefore must be content with their Writings , or Report of their Priests , who pretend to no Infallibility : and it is strange , that more certainty should be expected from either of these , than from the Divinely Inspired Scriptures . A visible Judge we own , to wit , the Guides of the Church lawfully conveened : an infallible Judge we also acknowledge ; vix . God speaking in his Word : but a Judge that is both infallible , and also now visible to us , we cannot find . The Protestants Arguments against this Popish Errour I shall not insist on ; they are , 1. That the Spirit of God in Scripture , sendeth us not to men , but to the written Word of God , for Decision in controverted , or doubtful Points . Isa. 8. 20 : Luk : 27 : 29 : Mat : 22 : 29 : John 5 : 39. 2. Christ and his Apostles , did always appeal to Scripture , and to no other Judge . 3. All men may erre , as hath been shewed ; and therefore they cannot be an infallible Judge . 4. If there were such a Judge , sure the Lord would have told us who he is , and that there is such a one : but not one word of either of these in the Bible . 5. Neither the Papists , nor such as this Author , can tell us where we shall find this infallible Judge : they are not agreed whether the Pope alone , or a general Council alone , or both concurring , must be this Judge . He telleth us of the wisest , best , and most learned Bishops and Presbyters , but leaveth us to guess who these were : it is a hard case , if our certainty of Faith must hang upon this Pin , who were the best , the wisest , and most learned among them who have Instructed the Cherch . The third Proposition above mentioned , cannot stand , the other two being taken away : it hath been made appear , that Scripture is the only Standard ; and therefore not the learned and wise Bishops . Also that they have disowned such Infallibility and Authority to be in themselves or any men ; Et collapsa ruunt subductis tecta columnis . SECTION II. The Question stated . THe first of the New Opinions with which this Author is pleased to charge Presbyterians , is that they are for the Government of the Church by Presbyters acting in Parity , and against Prelacy , or the Jurisdiction of a Bishop over Presbyters . He is pleased to examine some of our Arguments , and pretendeth to answer them , c : 1 , 2 : and then cometh to prove his Opinion , c : 3. Thus stating the Question p : 105 , whether the Rectoral Power , and Episcopal Jurisdiction that the Apostles had over subordinat Ecclesiasticks , was afterward committed to , and exercised by particular persons , or to a Colledge of Presbyters acting in perfect Parity and Equality . I do not fancy this Method , that a Dispute should be so copiously insisted on , and Arguments so much tossed for the one side , before we come to state the Question , and determine what we controvert about . Wherefore , though I intend to leave nothing in his Book untouched that is material , I shall use another Method . 1. I shall state the Question . 2. Bring more and plainer Arguments for our Opinion , besides these which he is pleased to take notice of . 3. Reinforce these our Arguments which he meddleth with . 4. Consider the strength of his Plea for Bishops , on account of their Succession to the Apostles . § 2. In order to stating the Queston , we are to consider , that there are different Sentiments about the Government of the Church , even among the Episcopal Party themselves , who talk so highly of Unity , and condemn others who differ from them , ( I mean the Presbyterians ) as Schismaticks ; and such in whose Communion people may not safely abide , as this Author doth more than insinuat , p : 11. The various Opinions of our prelatical Brethren , I have taken notice of Rational des : of Nonconform : p : 159 , 160 , 161. I shall not resume what is there discoursed ; but consider this Diversity somewhat more extensively . Some think that no one form of Government is held forth in Scripture , or was practised in the Apostolick Churches : I have seen this question learnedly Debated in a Manuscript ; if the Abetters of it mean , that sometimes the Apostles acted by their own sole Authority ; at other times they left the Management to the ordinary fixed Officers in the Church ; and on other Occasions , deputed Evangelists to Govern for them , for a time ; or that in some Circumstances of Government , they did not always observe Uniformity : I think all this may be allowed ; but if it be meant , that the Substantials of Government were not always the same , as acted by the ordinarie fixed Officers ; but that some Churches were then Governed by Bishops , others by a Colledge of Presbyters : I see no ground for such a Debate , nor to think that there was any such Variety in the Apostostolick Church . 2. I have some where found it denyed , that Apostles had Majority of Power or Jurisdiction over Presbyters : and Paul Bayn , dioces : Tryal , p : 73 : Arg : 5 : and p : 77. Conclus : 5. is cited for this Also Mr. Rutherf : Div : Right of Church Government , p : 21. I need not Debate this . And I find Bayn saith no more , but that the Apostles had not Majoritie of Directive or Corrective Power as Lords , but only as Christs Ministers ; and that no such Power is in the Church , save in the Person of Christ : but he expresly alloweth in them Ministerial Power , declarative and authoritative . Mr. Rutherf : I suppose , meaneth no more . This indeed is the Opinion of many , and our Adversaries cannot disprove it , that the Apostles did not usually make use of their Power in settled Churches , further than to declare the Mind of Christ to them ; but left the exercise of Church Power to the settled Officers of these Churches . 3. Some are of Opinion , that though the Apostles exercised Authority in Governing the Churches , and left Ecclesiastical Officers in the possession of it , to be exercised by them , during the want of the Christian Magistrat : yet as soon as the Church had a Civil Magistrat owning the Faith , that all ruling Power devolved into his hand . This is no part of our present Debate ; though our Brethren in the late Reigns , allowed much more of the Exercise of Church power to the Magistrate , than was warrantable . 4. We debate not now about the Popes Monarchical power over the whole Christian Church , though many think that Monarchical power of Bishops , over the Presbyters and People of a large District , now called a Diocess , hath no more Warrand in Scripture , than this hath . Nor 5. Do we now debate whether the Government of the Church be Democratital , and to be managed by the body of the people : or so Aristocratical , as to be managed by the Elders in every single Congregation , independent on superior Judicatures , to whom no Appeal may be from them , or who may call them to an account for their actings , and authoritatively Censure them . 6. Some hold that no one Form of Church Government is now necessary , or of Divine right , but that the Church or Magistrat in several Churches , may Appoint what shall be found most fit and sutable to the people among whom it is to be exercised . This Opinion was lately generally owned by our Episcopalians , and asserted strongly by Doctor Stillingfleet , now Bishop of Worcester : ( that learned Author doth also prove , out of an antient Manuscript , that this was the Opinion of Cranmer , and four other Bishops ) and it met with no Opposition from that Party , so far as we could hearof ; nay , not by this our Author who is now so highly become a Jure Divino man. It was then the way to Preferment , and suteable to the Oath of Supremacy , and more especially to the Test. But it is one thing with some men , to think that a Popish King may alter Church Government : and another thing to allow the same Power to a Protestant King. We are then agreed about the Jus Divinum of a species of Church Government , and the unalterableness of it : which maketh it seem strange , that this learned Author should make such Tragical Outcrys against our pleading a Divine Right , as if this were Enthusiasm , yea , much worse than speculative Enthusiasm , p : 14 : Visions and fancies , ibid : while he is as positive for the Divine Right of what he holdeth : which we shall not call by so ill names ; but think , that who hath the worse in matter of Argument , is in an Errour ; but such an Errour as is consistent with Sobriety , and good sense . § 3. The Question is not 7. What sort of Church Government is best , and nearest to the Scripture Pattern ? for that may be nearer to it , which yet doth deviate from the Scripture ; but less than another Form of Government doth : and though that Form of Government is more commendable , than another which cometh nearest to the Pattern in all the Steps of the Administration of it ; and we are willing that parity and prelacy be thus compared in all that they can charge us with , or we can charge on them ; ( which Comparison I cannot now stay to make in the Particulars in which it may be stated ) yet they contend that Prelacy is exactly what Christ willeth to be exercised in the Church : and we say the same of Parity : and herein lyeth the Question . 8. It is to be noted that our Controversie is not about the name , but the power of a Bishop . The Pastors of the Church are called Bishops , Acts 20. 28. 1 Tim. 3. 1. and else where : for the power of a Bishop , ( as this name is appropriated to one Presbyter . ) We deny not that very early in the primitive Church , the Praeses in their Meeting for Discipline and Government was fixed , and had that place during life , and due management of his Office : and he had a power of calling and ordering their Meetings , and was subject to their Censures . But our Brethren are not content with this ; but affirm , that by Divine Institution , and primitive Practice , the Bishop had a majority of power both extensively , that is over the Pastors and people , which other Presbyters had not : and that over the Pastors and people of many Congregations , which we call a Diocess : and also intensive , that is , that he hath power in some things wherein the other Presbyters have no such power : for they reserve to him the sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction . It is true , some of them shun the word of sole power , and call it but a Majority of power : which is but to cover the nakedness of their Opinion , and inconsistent with their own practice : for they will not say that the Presbyter is assumed by the Bishop in plenitudinem potestatis , but only in partem sollicitudinis : they make the Presbyters subject to the Bishop as a Rector , and as a Judge , in that they can do no act of power without his allowance : and he by himself may censure them , and cannot be censured by them , even in their collective Capacity : yea , they maintain that it is of the Bishops good will , not necessitie , or obligation , that he taketh the ad-Vice of the Presbyters in any act of Government : that he is the only Pastor of the Diocess ; and all the rest of the Clergy are his Curats . It is true , some are more modest in expressing their Sentiments in this matter , ; but these things are held by many in terminis , and particularly all this must be owned by this Author , ( though he giveth us no distinct account of his Principles ) seing he maketh Bishops Successors to the Apostles in their governing the Church , and that in their Rectoral Power , which he describes p. 97. to Preach , Govern the Church , give Rules and Directions to their Successors , and to all subordinate Ecclesiasticks , to inflict Censures , &c. This power Apostolical , he contendeth to have been communicated unto the Bishops , and not to all the Presbyters I. S. in his Principles of the Cyprianick age , talketh high of this Power ' of the Bishops Majesty , Monarchy , singular Prerogatives , which I have else where examined . § 4. It is to be considered , 9. That there are diverse Opinions amongst the Episcopalians , who ascribe this power to the Bishop , about the Foundation of it , or how he cometh by it : some of them say , that Christ while he was on Earth , Instituted this Authority in the persons of Bishops , and made this difference between them and Presbyters . This the Bishop of Worcester denyeth , while Iren : p : 197. he saith , that Christ gave equal power for ruling the Church , in actu primo , to all Ministers of the Gospel : others make it to be of Apostolick Institution ; affirming that the Apostles after Christs Ascension , did appoint it . About this we contend not ; but acknowledge it to be of Divine Right and unalterable , if either of these can be proved : for what the Apostles did in settling Church Order , was by the infallible Guidance of the Spirit of God. Others again hold , that this power was not settled till after the Apostles time , and that it was brought in by Custume , which obtained in process of time , and by degrees : but being of such reverend Antiquity , and practised by the Fathers , and all the primitive Churches , it may not be altered . There are also among them who say , it is only Juris Ecclesiastici , and was settled by the Church , and may be by her Authority changed . Our Opinion is , it hath none of these Foundations : that it was never settled by Christ , nor his Apostles ; but that they settled the Government of the Churches , by Presbyters acting in parity : nor gave power to the Church , or any man , or men , to alter this Constitution : and so that this Power is usurped and unlawful . § 5. Out of what hath been discoursed , our present Controversie turneth on this Hinge : whether the Government of the Church , which by Divine appointment , is to be used in all the ages and parts of the Christian Church , should be by one Prelate , managing it by his sole Authority , and the counsel of Presbyters , so far as he thinketh fit to ask or take it : or by the Presbyters of the Church in their several Classes or Combinations , acting with parity of power : the former part of the Question my Antagonist pleadeth for : I stand for the latter part of it : so that our Debate is not about the Accidentals or Circumstantials of Church Government ; nor about what is practised by this or that Party , ( for no doubt there are many things on both sides that want to be reformed , and which we can pretend no Divine right for ) but it is about the Essentials of it , Prelacy or Parity . § 6 : Be●ore I proceed to the Arguments pro or con , I shall briefly examine what my Antagonist is pleased to premise to his examining of our Arguments : which may possibly clear our way in some things to be after debated . I first notice an expression he uses in representing our Opinion ; that we hold , that in all Meetings of the Church , Presbyters act in perfect parity : so p. 12. I hope he will suffer us to explain the meaning of that Expression , ( if any have used it , which I do not remember ) we pretend not to such a parity as excludeth the ordinary power of a temporary Moderator , as hath been above expressed : neither to exclude the majority of Power that preaching Presbyters have above them that ●re only ruling ; nor of both above Deacons : nor do we by perfect parity , exclude that Influence that one by his Reason , may have on others who are not so well gifted . Wherefore , we own a perfect parity , in no other sense , but that preaching Presbyters are of the same order with a Bishop ; and that he cannot act in matters of Government , without their concurrence , more than any of them can act without him . 2. I take notice that p. 22. he saith that such a Doctrine ( the Divine right of parity ) must be of dangerous consequence ; because it is altogether new . What is to be thought of its noveltie , I have shewed Sect. 1. § . 1 , and 2. As also , how weak the consequence is from its noveltie ( such as I have acknowledged ) to its being false . The dangerous consequence of it is , in general asserted ; but he hath not told what hazard , in particular , ariseth to the Church from this way of Government : many think that the greatest and most essential concernments of Religion , have been more promoted under Parity , than under Prelacy : if he will prove his Assertion , making the contrary appear , we shall consider the strength of his Reasons . § 7. He asserteth , that our Opinion is not only different from the uniform Testimony of Antiquity , ( which we deny , and shall consider his proofs in the subsequent Debate ) but also the first Presbyterians among our selves ; who declare , in their Confession of Faith , that all Church Policy is variable : so 〈◊〉 one they from asserting that indispensible Divine and unalterable Right of P●…rity . He addeth , that they only pretended that it was allowable ; and more to this purpose . Let me a little examine this confident Assertion of matter of Fact. I suppose by the Confession of Faith of the first Presbyterians , he meaneth that Summ of Doctrine which they appointed to be drawn up 1560 , as that Doctrine that the Protestants would maintain : there , Artiole 22 , are these words : Not that we think any Policy , and an order of Ceremonies can be appointed for all Ages , times , and places : for as Ceremonies , such as men have devised , are but temporary ; so may and ought they to be changed , when they rather foster Superstition , than edifie the Church using the some . Here is not a word of Church Government ▪ neither can these words rationally be understood of Ceremonies in a strick sense , as contradistinguished from Civil Rites and natural Circumstances in religious actings : for Ceremonies peculiar to Religion , the reforming Protestants of Scotland never owned , but such as were of Divine Institution . But that they did not hold the Government of the Church , by Prelacy or Parity , to be indifferent , is evident , in that in the Book of Policy , or 2d . Book of Discipline , they do own only four sorts of ordinary and perpetual Office bearers in the Church : to wit , Pastors , Doctors , Elders , and Deacons , where the Bishop is plainly excluded : nor did they ever look on Superintendents as perpetual Officers ; but for the present necessity of the Church , not yet constituted . It is like this Debate may again occur : wherefore I now insist no further on it . § 8. He blindly throweth Darts at Presbyterians , which sometimes miss them , and wound his own party : as p : 13 , he hath this Assertion , when a Society of men set up for Divine , absolute , and infallible Right , they ought to bring plain proofs for what they say ; else they must needs be lookt on as Impostors , or at least self conceited and designing men ; and much to this purpose . Is it easie to subsume , but this Author and his Partizans set up for Divine , absolute and infallible right for Prelacy ; and yet they bring not plain proofs for what they say : therefore he and they are Impostors , self conceited and designing men : they indeed pretend to plain proofs ; and so do we : let the Reader then judge whose proofs are plainest , and best founded ; and who are to be judged Impostors , by his Argument . But in truth there is no consequence to a mans being an Impostor , from his owning a Divine Right , even though his Arguments be defective in plainness , and in strength : it only followeth that such do mistake , and understand not the mind of God in that matter , so well as they should ; and that their strength of Reason doth not answer the confidence of their Assertion : and if this be a Blame ( as I think it is ) no men in the world are more guilty than his party ; nor among his party , than himself : as will appear in examining his Assertions and Arguments . For self conceit , the Reader will easily see where it may be observed , if he consider the superciliousness with which his Book is written . If Presbyterians be the designing men , they are great fools : for there are no Bishopricks , nor Deanries , nor very fat Benefices to be had in that way : which might be the Objects of such designs . Who are the head strong men that will knock others on the head , unless they will swear they see that which indeed they cannot see , may be judged by the Excommunications , and the Capias's and consequents of these , which many of late did endure for pure Nonconformity . I am not acquainted with these Presbyterians , who say that none but wicked men will oppose our Government : this is none of our Doctrine : it is rather his own who excludeth from the Church such as are for Presbytery , and affirmeth it to be dangerous to continue in the communion of such : we do not Excommunicat any who differ from us about Church Government , for their Opinion , nor for not joining with us . Neither do we pronounce such a heavy Doom on the Prelatists who separate from us , as I. S. doth on them who separate from the Episcopal Church : Principles of the Cyprianick Age , p : 19. His calling our Arguments a labyrinth of dark and intricat Consequences , obscure and perplexed Probabilities , Texts of Scripture sadly wrested and Distorted , p. 15. This I say is a silly Artifice to forestal the Readers mind before he hear the Debate ; which will take with few , even of his own party . We are not ashamed to produce our Arguments , for all this insolent Contempt . SECTION III. Some Arguments for Parity , not mentioned nor answered by the Enquirer . IN this Enquiry our Author pretendeth to answer our Arguments : and thinketh he hath done his work when he hath taken notice of two Texts of Soripture , ( which yet he confesseth that our ablest Writers , such as Beza and Salmasius , lay little weight on ) one Argument from the Homonymie of the names of Bishop and Presbyter , and some Citations of the Fathers . Here we desiderate : Ingenuity , 〈◊〉 in his picking out our most doubtful Arguments , while he doth not 〈◊〉 these which were hardest for him to answer : also representing them in such a dress as we do not so make use of them , and they may be easiest for him to Debate . It had been fairer dealing if he had represented our cause in its full strength , and then answered what we say . Before I come to these Arguments which he is pleased to name , I shall propose some others which he , or some others , may consider , when next they think fit to write . § 2. Our first Argument shall be this : our Lord hath given power to Presbyters , not only to dispense the Word and Sacraments ; but to rule the Church , and joyn in the exercise of the Discipline of the Church : but he hath given no majority of power to one Presbyter over the rest , nor made this exercise of that power to depend on one of them ; therefore he hath not Instituted Prelacy , but left the Government of the Church to be exercised by Presbyters acting in paritie . The first Proposition many of the Episcopalians yield . yea , the Bishop of Worcester saith plainly , that Christ hath given equal power to them all ; which is the foundation of his Irenicum . But it may be this Author will deny it ; and therefore I shall prove it : to wit , that preaching Presbyters had power of Government and Discipline . 1. Preaching and ruling power are joyned , as given joyntly to the ordinary Pastors of the Church , Heb. 13. 7. The same persons who watch for the peoples souls ( as all Pastors do ) rule also over the Church , ibid : v. 17. they are called in both places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Leaders : the word is used to express any kind of Authority , whether Civil , Military , or Ecclesiastick : but Church Rulers only can be here meant , viz. who speak the word of God to the people , and watch for their Souls ; and such as they had at that time ; seing they are bidden salute them , v. 24. To understand this of Dyocesan Bishops , as some do , is most absurd : for the ground on which Obedience is here enjoyned is , Preaching and Watching , which are things not peculiar to the Bishop : wherefore not he only is to be obeyed : and thence it followeth , that not he only doth rule in the Church . 2. They who are sent to teach and baptize Authoritatively in the Name of the Lord , and have power to command and require people ( by vertue of their Commission from Christ ) to obey what they enjoyn them , have also power of Spiritual correction of them who ( professing subjection to Christ ) do not obey his Laws : for we do not read that Christ committed to some the one of these powers , and the other to others : neither is there the least foundation in Scripture for that Fiction , that Christ impowered Pastors to teach people and gather Churches , over whom he would afterward set some more eminent Pastor to rule them : the strain of Scripture seemeth to run contrary : That the Apostles gathered and settled Churches , and then committed the feeding and ruling of them to men of an inferiour Order . Yea , it were strange , if this had been designed , that no hint is given about that more eminent Pastor , that should afterwards be set over Pastors and people . Neither can it be imagined , that the Office of begetting of Souls to Christ , can be separated from a power of correcting , as spiritual Fathers , or that Presbyters should be Pastors without governing power . 3. 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. It is committed to the Elders that were in the Church , to feed the flock , and take the oversight of them , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and to beware of lording it over them , which plainly saith that they had Authority ; which they should beware of abusing , or stretching too far : now these Elders are told of their being accountable to Christ , but not a word of a superior Presbyter , or Bishop , to whom they must be answerable : and this power is given to as many as were Feeders , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which cannot be denyed to Presbyters . It is true , the word Elder may be applied to a Bishop , yea to an Apostle , and the Apostle here designeth himself by it ; tho he was more than an ordinary Elder : but that it cannot here be so restricted , appeareth , because the Injunction is to Pastors or Feeders in general , as hath been said . § 3. Our second Proposition of this Argument I prove , because all the grant of ruling that we meet with in Scripture , and all the Injunctions that are given to any to rule in the Church , do respect the people as the Object of that work ; we find no Commission to any man to rule over the Pastors of the Church : let our Adversaries shew us such a Commission given to any man , either directly and expresly , or by good consequence . We read of feeding the Flock , 1 Pet. 5. 2. and taking heed to themselves ( each of them ) and to the flock , over which the Holy Ghost hath made them overseers , Acts 20. 28. Here are Bishops of the Flock , but no Bishop of Bishops , or of Pastors : they were to be corrected , not by one set over them , but each by the Meeting of the whole . Again , if the power of the Pastors of the Church ( I mean them who dispense the Word and Sacraments to the people ) did depend on the bishop , is it imaginable that it should not have been told us that Ministers may not preach , nor baptize , &c. without the Bishops leave ? This was needful to clear the Consciences of Ministers : Christ hath charged them to preach , and that diligently ; 2 Tim. 4 , 1 , 2. If the exercise of this power depend on the Bishop , he may supersede this Charge ; neither can the Presbyter preach if the Bishop forbid him : now what Minister of the Gospel can satisfie his Conscience in this Matter , unless he see a clear warrand from the Scripture , that the Bishop hath this power over them . Further , this is to make all the Ministers of a Diocess to have their Commission from the Bishop , and to be in a proper sense his Curats : which ( tho I know some of our Brethren own , yet ) hath this absurdity following on it , that it maketh the Ministers of the Gospel contemptible in the eyes of the People , who depend on them ( not on the Bishop , whom , may be , they shall never see , nor hear ) for the means of their Edification : this is not the way to put Ministers in a Capacity to edifie the people , it is to make them the servants of one Man , not Rulers in the house of God , under their Master Christ. § 4. Our second Argument we take from the Apostles enumeration of all the Officers that , by Divine appointment , are set in the Church : whether extraordinary , which are now ceased ; or ordinary , which are to continue to the end of the World. But among all these there is no Bishop , with power over Presbyters ; ergo , no such Officer is appointed by Christ : but the Church must be Governed by Presbyters acting in Parity , and without Subordination to such a superior Officer . That there is a full enumeration of all Church Officers that are of Divine appointment made in the Scripture , is evident ; for an enumeration of them is often made , as Rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Ephes. 4. 11. This enumeration is either complete or defective : if complete , that is , what we desire : there can be no Church Officer owned , as Juris Divini , but what is in some of these places to be found : if any say that this enumeration is Defective ; not only in some one of these places , but in them all : that is , that there is a Church Officer of Divine appointment that is found in none of them ; he reflecteth a blame on the Holy Ghost , which an ordinary Writer ( who pretendeth to any measure of ca●…or & accuracy ) would be ashamed of . The design of these Scriptures is to instruct the Church , what officers Christ hath appointed to be in his Church , that people may know from what sort of men they should receive Gods Ordinances , to whom they should Submit , whom they should hear and own . Now if there be some Officers whom Christ hath appointed to teach and rule his Church , who are not in some of these Catalogues mentioned , this is a lame instruction in this matter : and we are still at a loss whom we should own as Christs Embassadors to us , and what should be our carriage toward them . § 5. I suppose the second proposition is that which our brethren will most controvert with us : which if they do , they must shew us where they find a Diocesan Bishop in any of these places , or in any other enumeration of Church officers ; if they know of any more . Here some of them have put their invention on the Tenter-hooks , to find my Lord Bishop among all these Church officers . If he be found Rom. 12. It must be v. 8. He that ruleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have met with none of them who insist on this place . The current of Interpreters either hold in the general : mentioning rulers . So Estius , Tolet , Hamond : or understand it of ruleing Elders , who were distinct from preaching Presbyters , as Vorstius , Gomarus , Beza , Parraeus : Grotius also saith , they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , de quibus Tertull : praesident probati quique seniores : horum erat diligenter attendere ad singulorum mores , monere titubantes , lapsos censura corrigere , Praescribere panitentiae tempus , & modum ; interdum & relaxare . No man will think that Grotius here meaneth a Diocesan Bishop , who hath many thousands of Souls under his Charge , whose manners he cannot particularly inspect . Some pretend that the Bishop is designed 2 Cor. 12. 28. Under the name of Governments , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but first , it is plain that here is meant a sort of Governour distinct from the Teacher , who is here also named : but this is not competent to the Bishop ; but to the ruling Elder . 2. Though an Argument drawen barely from the order wherein these Officers are mentioned , were not of much force ; yet in this place , where the Apostle doth accuratly note the order and dignity of these Officers , by a first , and secondarly , and thirdly ; it must needs be very significant . Especially seing our Opposites themselves do take notice of the Apostles words as marking out out the Degrees of the dignity of these Officers . Grotius , and Hamond , Estius also , observes the eminency of the Apostles , from their being first mentioned , with this Note , first ; the former two also on these words , Secondarly Prophets , call them Apostolis honore proximos . Let it then be considered , when the Apostle is so exact in setting down the order and dignity of Church Officers , whether it be consistent with this , that Governments , if by them were meant Diocesan Bishops , should be placed after the Pastors and Teachers ; that is Presbyters . If it be said that Helps , whom we take to be Deacons , are set before Governments , whom we make ruling Elders ; though the latter be of more respect in the Church than the former . I answer : after the Apostle hath ranked the chief Officers in the Church , both these who were extraordinarie , & who are ordinarie , he doth not use that exactness in these that are inferior of either sort : but while he doth expresly place the teachers ( who are Presbyters ) in the the third place of Dignity , it were absurd , either to take no notice of the place in which the Bishop should be ranked , or to put him behind the Presbyter . If any alledge that the Bishop is meant both by the teacher , and by Governments : this were to admit of an absurd tautologie in a very short list of Church Officers : beside that it were to exclude Preaching Presbyters , as no Officers in the house of God : for by this gloss no mention is made of any teaching Presbyter , except Bishops . § 6. Others fancy that they find Bishops under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Helps : so Grotius , and Hamond : the latter laboureth to establish his Gloss , first , in that Graeci complures , quod hic est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explicant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But he is neither pleased to tell us who these Greeks are , nor what reason they give for this Explication . 2. He seemeth to plead that here is expressed a part of the Episcopal power , cujus rei causa ( saith he ) est quod haec erat specialis pars muneris Episcoporum , quod ipsorum fidei commissa est cura pauperum , & dispensatio facultatum Ecclesiae : ut testantur Justin : Ignat : Polycarp : &c. Et Acts 20. 35. This Author rather than not find a Bishop in the Text , he will turn him to a Deacon : contrarie to the Institution of Christ , by his Apostles Acts 6. 2 , 3 , 4. what Justin : &c. Say in this point , I cannot examine , because he hath not pointed to the places : but I am sure Acts 20. 35. saith no such thing : nor can I understand what should move this Author so to expound the place , unless it be because he findeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that Text , and he will force that word to express the work of a Bishop : it is plain , even from the records of antiquity , as well as from Scripture , that the Bishops had no further the Dispensation of the goods of the Church , than that the Ministers and Elders had a directive power in that matter , and the Deacons did execute what was appointed by them . But for the Text Acts 20. 35. It is far from aiming at any such matter : the Apostle setteth before them his Example , in working with his own hands ; by which he did two ways support the infirm ; both by spareing the Poors Stock , in his not taking the maintainence that he might have demanded , and also by giving of what he gained by his Labour , for their relief : I do not exclude from the meaning of this Text , Acts of mercy toward Souls , by spiritual instructions , and Consolations , Administred to distressed Consciences . Menoch : Estius , Piscator , Vorstius , Sclater , Beza , apply this Tex● to both sorts of support . Aquinas in locum , maketh them to be , illi q●… ferebant opem Majoribus praelatis in universali regimine sicut Archi-Diacom Episcopis . But to expound it of distributing the Churches Money , when it is rather to be understood of giving of our own to the Poor , is a strange Gloss. Further , if this meaning of the Text were admitted , and if a Bishop had a hand in the Distributions to the Poor , is it imaginable that , when the Apostle is about to instruct the Church about Divine Warrand for the chief Officer in the Church , that he would give us n●… clearer Light about so important a Matter , and that the Government o● the Church and the practice of all her Members is so much concerned in , than by designing him by one of the lowest pieces of his Work ; and which is most extrinsick to his Character ? A Notion so absurd and i● founded , could hardly have been expected from a person of Doctor Hamonds learning . If the Bishop be here known by the name of Help , o● Supporter of the Poor by Alms : that is the meanest ( if any ) part of his work : if by the designation of Supporter of afflicted Souls , by spiritual Advices and Directions , that is common to him with the Teacher , before mentioned in this Text ; and so cannot be fit to distinguish him from other Church Officers . § 7. For Grotius's notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I oppose , first , by the Argument already brought from the Order of Dignity the Apostle doth so critically observe in this enumeration of Church Officers . 2. By the force of the word : the native and genuine signification of which is , to help , uphold , or support one who is in hazard to fall : which I am sure , is rather done to the Poor by a Deacons work , or to a troubled Soul , by the work that is common to all Teachers in the Church , than by that work that is held to be peculiar to a Bishop . That learned Critick saith , it signifieth curam alicujus rei gerere ; and referreth to his Commentary on Luke 1. 54. where I find he maketh it to answer to the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is to strengthen : and he saith it signifieth also manu ducere , because the seventy translated it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Here is a strange Argument , to proceed from a man of so profound Learning as is the great Grotius : for neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be turned manu ducere . It is a stranger Argument Jer. 31. 32. that Hebrew word is by the seventy turned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and Acts 23. 19. Heb : 8. 9. the same phrase is used for bringing the people of Israel out of AEgypt : for who knoweth not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have not the same signification : neither is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but when it is constructed with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the hand , laid hold on by another , being that by which one is supported , that he fall not as he goeth : and it is evident that the force of that word in these places , doth not so much import Gods guiding his people in their way , as his manutenency by which they are supported . From all which it is plain , that there is no sufficient ground brought by Grotius , why we should think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth any ruling power in them of whom it is to be understood . Further , if we should grant that this word signifieth to take care of a thing ; will it follow thence that this care must needs be ruling care ; when the word properly signifieth upholding , ( to which indeed care is often needful ) but it cannot be said that care is implyed in the word . I have been at the pains to look into all the places of the New Testament ( as far as Stephanus's Concordance could lead me ) where that word , in any of its derivata , is used ; and I cannot find one that hath any thing of the notion of ruling . Wherefore I must still abide in the Opinion which I have else where expressed , and have been by this my Antagonist severely censured for it , that this Criticism of Grotius is odd and groundless . § 8. These of our Episcopal brethren , who make the Bishops to be Successors to the Apostles in their Apostolick Office , will possibly say , that the Bishops are mentioned in the first place , in the Lists of Church Officers ; viz. under the name of Apostles . Whether the Bishops be Successors to the Apostles or not , will fall in to be debated when I come to consider the second Chapter of this Book , which I am now examining : what I have now to do is , to shew that they are not meant by the Apostles mentioned in the Scriptures that are now under debate : which may plainly appear , if we consider first , that none of their own Commentators do so expound any of these places ; nor can such a Fancy come into any mans head , when he considereth the Scripture without a present Byass on his mind , and laboureth to bring the Sense of the Scripture out of the words , and not into them . Yea , Grotius , and Estius , on 1 Cor. 12 : 28. speaking of the Apostles there mentioned , have these words , Illos nempe eminenter sic dictos , à Christo in id vocatos , ut prima Ecclesiarum fundamenta jacerent . And Doctor Hamond saith , these Apostles were called ut Ecclesias plantarent , & regerent , eadem potestate quam Christus à Patre habuit . I hope none will say that this can be said of Bishops , or any ordinary and perpetual Officers in the Church . 2. It cannot be denyed , even by them who make the Bishops a kind of Apostles , and allow a sort of Apostolick power to them , but that they are another sort of Apostles than the first Apostles were : none will say that they are wholly the same , more than the Pastors of the Church are the same with the Prophets that were in the Apostolick Church : they must then distinguish the Apostles into extraordinary , who were sent immediatly by Christ , to plant Churches ; and ordinary , who succeed to these , and whose work it is to rule the Churches that are already planted . Now to say that both these sorts are meant in these Lists , under the same name of Apostles , is to accuse the Spirit of God of darkness and confusion , in these Institutions where Light and Distinctness might be most expected : for in these Enumerations , he is instructing the Church what Officers she should own as of Christs appointment : but by the word Apostle she could never know that there are two sorts of Apostles to be owned : one sort all do acknowledge to be here meant ; they who would have us believe that another sort of Apostles is also here meant , must give us some better ground for believing this , than a Synonimous word : I do not know how many sorts of Officers they may bring in under this name . If they may be allowed to divide the Apostolick Office at pleasure , and call every one of them who have any part of Apostolick work to do , a sort of Apostles : this is to expound Scripture at pleasure , and indeed to make it speak what we fancy . I conclude then , that Bishops have no Divine right for them , seing the Lord hath of purpose told us what Officers he hath appointed to be in his Church , both at first for planting of it , and afterward for managing her Affairs to the end of the World , and no Diocesan Bishop , name nor thing , is to be found among them . § 9. A third Argument for Parity , and against Prelacy , I take from the Commandment that Christ gives about the Administration of Church Discipline , Mat. 18 : 17 : that the offended Party ( when other more private means of Redress do fail ) should lay the case before the Church : whence this Argument doth clearly result ; that Power which is by Christs Appointment to be exercised by many , is not Jure Divino , lodged in one person ; but Church Jurisdiction is a Power that by Christs Appointment , is to be exercised by many ; Ergo , it is not , Jure Divino , in the hand of one person , to wit , a Prelate . The major cannot be called in question : for if it were otherways , Christ should bid men act contrary to his own Institution ; which to imagine , is most absurd . For the minor Proposition : Christs Injunction is , tell it to the Church ; which word doth always signifie a plurality of men met about some common work ; never a single person acting by himself . I need not here debate with Erastians , who by the Church understand the Magistrate : nor with Independents , who hence argue for the peoples Church power : these my present Antagonists condemn , as well as I do . But our Debate is with them who are for Church Monarchy : whether over the whole Church , as Papists ; or over the several Districts in the Church , as Prelatists : both of them agree in this , that they place Church Jurisdiction in a single person ; and by the Church , must here understand such a person . Against this conceit many Arguments may be drawn from the Text it self . First , the Gradation that Christ here recommendeth , in dealing with Offenders for their Amendment : that the offended person must first deal with the Offender by himself alone : next ( that failling of its effect ) he must take the Assistance of two or three : if this prevail not , he must bring the Matter to a greater number , to wit the Church . The learned Drusius , on this Text , citeth the Passage out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which sheweth , that this Gradation was used in the Jewish Church , and that as their Discipline , as the name of the Book importeth . After the Author hath enjoyned the first and second Step ( as the Text doth ) he addeth ; Si nec hoc modo quicquam profecit , debet eum pudefacere coram multis , ejusque delictum publicare : which sheweth , that the third Step of Reprehension among them , was not to tell the Crime to a single person : wherefore when our Lords third Step is to tell it to the Church , it is not like he meant a single person , however of more Authority than the two or three . § 10. A second Proof of this is , the word Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is never so used ; but always signifieth a Plurality : why should it then be so used here ? 3. When Christ speaketh of a Ratification of the Sentence of this Church to whom the Complaint is made , and whom the stubborn Offender will not hear , he doth not speak of that Church as a single person : what ye shall bind , and what ye shall loose . 4. He speaketh of that Church which correcteth the Offender , as what may consist of a very small number , two , or three , v. 20. but giveth no hint that a single person can be so lookt on . 5. Chrysostom expoundeth this place of a Plurality ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sutlif : de Pontif : Rom : lib : primo c : 5. argueth against expounding this of the Pope , from such Topicks as will militate as much against understanding it of a Bishop , in his District : his words are , Per Ecclesiam non unus aliquis ( nam hoc verbi ratio prohibet ) sed plures Ecclesiae praesidentes , intelliguntur . Ut autem unus Ecclesiae summus Monarcha designetur per nomen Ecclesiae , fieri non potest , repugnat enim natura & nomen Ecclesiae , quae est congregatio ex pluribus ; & in uno consistere , si propriè loquimur , non potest : repugnat deinde & Patrum interpretatio , qui una voce non unum Pontificem , sed Episcopos & praesidentes Eccelesiae ; seu ut Patres synodi Basileenses loquuntur , Ecclesiae praesidentium concilium designari volunt : Here is a plain Confession out of the mouth of an Adversary . For it is evident that Complaints must be made to lesser Churches , and not to the Universal Church only : and why one man set over a Province may be called the Church , and one set over all the Christian Church may not get the same Designation , is unaccountable . It is here objected by some , that this place is to be understood of the Jewish Sanhedrim , not of the Christian Church : and this they pretend to prove , because the incorrigible Offender is to be lookt on as an Heathen or Publican . To this I reply , first , if in the Jewish Church , where was an High Priest , there was not a Monarchical Government ; much less is there ground for it in the Christian Church . 2. That Christ gave this Direction for the Christian Church , ( which then was presently to be set up ) is evident ; because this Injunction is given to the Apostles , who had no hand in the Government of the Jewish Church ; and the same power of binding and loosing which here is supposed to be in them , is expresly given , and called the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , Mat. 16 : 19 : John 20 : 23 : This alluding to Jewish Customes , and expressing New Testament Discipline by looking on scandalous impenitent Sinners as Heathens and Publicans , is no Argument against what I have said ; this being frequent with Christ and his Apostles ; yea with the Prophets , long before , to express Gospel matters by Old Testament terms . § 11. Argument 4. The Churches even in the time of the Apostles , were governed by Presbyters acting joyntly , without a Bishop set over them ; Ergo the government of the Church by a Bishop set over Presbyters , is not of Divine Right : The Consequence cannot with any shew of Reason be denyed : for the Apostles were more vigilant and faithful , than to suffer such encroachment to be made upon a Power that Christ had given to his Servants . It is a most irrational fancy , that the Apostles in their own time , allowed Presbyters to govern the Church under their Inspection ; but after their death appointed Bishops to rule alone . For first , this had been to allow the exercise of a power in Presbyters , that not only they had no right to , but which did belong to others by Divine Institution . 2. What ground is there to say , that this ruling Power in Presbyters was but temporary , or that it ceased at the death of the Apostles ? Especially considering that some of the Apostles did long outlive others of them ; how should the expiring of that Power of Presbyters be determined : nor do we read of any ceasing of what Power they once had . This is a Fiction that no account can be given of . Wherefore our Debate is about the Antecedent of this Argument ; which I must prove by Instances . § 12. And first the Church of Corinth was thus governed ; not only by the Apostles connivance , but by his express Direction and Approbation ; as in the case of the incestuous man , 1 Cor. 5. That a plurality of Church Rulers , and not a single person , had power to censure that man , is proved first ; the Apostle , v. 2. reproveth their Negligence in that they had not cast out this man from among them by Excommunication ; they were not duely affected with the Crime , and did not mourn for it ; neither did set about censuring of it : both these were the effects of thei● not being so sensible of the evil of it , as they ought to have been : In this sense Ambrose understands this place : for on this occasion he saith , Si autem quis potestatem non haber , qui scit reum abjicere , vel probare non valet ; immunis est . So also Chrysostom , on the place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : non accusat quod non ei significaret ; sed quod non deplorarent ut tolleretur : ostendens quod etiam sine monitore id fieri opportuit , propter peccati evidentiam . What can be more plain , than that these Fathers lookt on a Community of Church Rulers in Corinth , as having the power of Church Censures ? Yea , that the Apostle thought so too ; otherways he could not have charged them with neglecting this Matter . 2. The Apostle giveth his Opinion , that this scandalous person should be Excommunicated ( delivered to Satan ) by them assembled together ; ( not by one Bishop among them , and of this their assembling for this end , he saith two things ; which imply their power : that his Spirit should be with them ; that is his good Wishes , Approbation , and hearty Concurrance ) Menoch : in locum ; congregatis vobis quibus ego adsum praesens Spiritu , affectu , & Sollicitudine . Next , that this was to be done by them in the Name and Authority of Christ , and with his Power , or Vertue , by which he would bless this his own Ordinance , and make it effectual : none of these could be said of this Act , if it were done by a Company of men who had no power from Divine Institution . 3. The Apostle saith expresly v. 12. that they ( not thou Bishop , but ye ) judged them who were within ; that is the Church Members . 4. The Apostle speaking of this Excommunication when it was past , saith , that it was the rebuke of many , 2 Cor. 2. 6. not of one Bishop . 5. He after directeth the Church Rulers to take off this Sentence , the man being now truly penitent , 2 Cor. 2 : 7. which is an Act of Church Authority , and they could not take off the Sentence if they had not power to lay it on . § 13. Our Adversaries make some Exceptions against this Argument . First , that the Apostle doth not enjoyn the Corinthian Elders to Excommunicate the man ; because he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have judged : he passed the Sentence , and enjoyned them to publish , and execute it . This is said without ground : for it is evident , that the Sentence was not passed when this Epistle was written ; as is clear from the Arguments above adduced : the man was not yet purged out , he was not delivered to Satan : the Apostle saying he had judged already , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ signifieth no more but that it was his Opinion , in which , after deliberation , he was determined , that the thing should be done : beside , that his judging did not exclude the Presbyters judging with him , more than when James said Acts 15. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I judge , it barred the authoritative Judgment of that Council that sat with him . Again they except , that these Presbyters were not at libertie to excommunicate this man or not , seing the Apostle had commanded it ; Ergo , this Excommunication was not in their power . Reply : the Consequence is naught ▪ for this necessity did not proceed from their want of power , but from the plain discoverie of their Dutie , held forth to them by the Apostle . Any Minister of the Gospel may require any person to do that which is a plain Dutie ; and yet not deprive the person of his power in that Act. When the Prophets held forth the Mind of God to Kings about any Act , they did not take away their Regal power that they had for these Acts. 3. They alledge that this delivering the man to Satan , was not Excommunication ; but an extraordinary inflicting some bodily Punishment upon him , which only the Apostle , and others having the Gift of Miracles , could do : and therefore it cannot argue any power in the Presbyters of Corinth . Reply : This Exposition of the place ( though I deny not some of the Fathers have used it ) is without all ground , or example in Scripture ; and a pure Invention to serve a turn . Again , the Apostle reproveth the Corinthians that they had not done this ; bids them , with his Spirit joyning with them , do it : but it was never heard , that they who wrought Miracles did it with the Concurrence of others : Further , this Punishment was inflicted by many , to wit the Elders of Corinth ; but they had no power of working Miracles . Lastly , Erastus ( the chief A better of this Opinion in these latter ages ) held that this power was given to the Apostles , and some others , till there should be a Christian Magistrate in the Church , to punish Scandals : from this it would follow , that the Magistrate should now purge out by death , all the Scandals which the Apostle appointed to be purged out by Excommunication , or delivering to Satan ; such as Drunkards , Fornicators , Railers , &c. which are mentioned 1 Cor. 5. 11. which would make the Church like a Shambles . § 14. Another instance of a Church governed by a Plurality of Presbyters , and not by a Bishop , is that of Thessalonica . 2 Thess. 3. 14. where the Apostle enjoyneth them to note , or set a mark upon such as obey not the Apostles word , and to withdraw from them : this note , is the ignominious Mark of Excommunication , which should make a persons company be shunned by all Christians . Erasmus in locum , ut signamus boves cornupetas , quo vitentur : my Argument from this Text is this , the Colledge of Presbyters at Thessalonica had power , and that by the Apostles allowance , to Excommunicate them who were disobedient to the Rules of the Gospel ; Ergo , they , and not a single Bishop , did govern the Church . The Consequence is plain : the Antecedent is founded on the Apostles Injunction : he commandeth them to exercise this Discipline ; which he would not have done , if they had not had Authority so to do . Neither doth he here design the person or persons , who were to be Excommunicated ; but owneth them for proper Judges of that , and giveth a general Rule by which they should judge , telling for what Crimes this Censure should be inflicted . The Prelatists labour to take off the strength of this Instance , by another reading , and Gloss , on this Text : they read it thus , if any man obey not our word , note , or signifie that man by an Epistle , and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed . So that they make this to be the Apostles meaning : that they should write to him , giving him an account of the Scandals that should fall out among them , to the end that he might Excommunicate the guilty persons , and then the Church should shun their company : the Presbyters were to examine the Matter , and find it sufficiently proved ; and upon their Information the Apostle was to pass Sentence . § 15. To this I oppose , for strengthening our Argument ; 1. This reading of the Text is contrarie to the Current of the Greek Interpreters ; AEcumenius , Theophylact , Basilius , Ephrem Cyrus , all cited . Altar : Damasc : p. 201. Yea though Estius cite some who are for that reading , yet approveth our reading in these words ; Si quis non auscultat praecepto meo , quod per hanc Epistolam significo : he also , and Menochius , make the design of this Noteing to be ut vitetur ab omnibus ; which could not properly , nor immediatly result from their Complaint and Information sent to the Apostle : of which more after . The Syriack Version , as also the Arabick , doth read this place as we do . 2. The Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cannot bear this Interpretation : for it signifieth to set a Mark on a person , or thing ; not to give Notice , which is the signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Scapula rendereth the first word ( which is the word of the Text ) insignio , noto : and he citeth for it Graegor : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Athen : lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he turneth , signum do , significo : and giveth sufficient authority for that signification . In the New Testament I find not this word but in this place : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is used John 12. 33. and 18. 32. and 21. 19. Acts 11. 28. and 25. 27. And it is evident , to all who read these places , that it cannot signifie to set a Mark on a thing ; but to signifie , or hold forth . It must then be to put force on the Text , to draw it to express their giving notice , by a Letter to the Apostle , of the mans faults . 3. It is evident that the Apostle speaketh of this Epistle of his ; not of an Epistle to be written to him from that Church : for he saith not by an Epistle ; but by the Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the demonstrative Particle doth restrain the signification to that Epistle vhich he sent to them ; which Epistle brought to them the word that they should obey , but could not bring from them , to him , notice of what Scandals fell out among them . 4. Upon this noting of that man , did immediatly , and necessarly , follow their abstaining from the company of the person so noted ; as is clear in the Text : which cannot be said of their giving notice to the Apostle of any Scandal among themselves , because the Apostle ( notwithstanding of their informatary Letter ) might not think fit to Excommunicate the person accused , either because the Crime was not relevant , or the Proof not sufficient ; but it must needs follow on their setting the Mark of Excommunication on him . § 16. Argument 5. If even the Apostles in settled Churches , did not exercise any part of ordinary Church Discipline , or such as was to continue in the Church , by themselves , and without the Authority , or the authoritative ●oncurrence of the Presbytrie ; then Bishops may not do it : but the former is true , Ergo : I think the connection of the Major will not readily be denyed : nor can it ; unless our Brethren will exalt their Bishops higher than Christ did his Apostles , and give them a Power that is wholly boundless . They cannot alledge , that the Apostles might have used such a Power if they would . For that is to be proved : and further , their not using it , was a binding example to them who should come after them , from which they ought not to swerve . Before I come to the proof of the Assumption , I take notice of two Cases in which the Apostles used a singular Power , by themselves , in the matter of Church Discipline , or Correption , or other Church Acts. First , when a bodily Punishment was miraculously to be inflicted ; as in the case of Ananias and Sapphira . 2. When Discipline was to be exercised in a Church not yet constituted , nor furnished with them who had the ordinary Power ; as many think , in the case of Hymenaeus and Philetus . Saravia , a great Patron of Prelacy , defen . Cap. 20. § 2. hath these words : Apostolos & Evangelistas , rebus & Ecclesiis jam constitutis , & in Parochias Episcopis distributis , nihil quod ad communem Ecclesiae statum pertinuisset fuisse facturos inconsultis & invitis locorum Pastoribus , & Episcopis , me firmiter credere . That the Apostles in other cases did not act by themselves , but with the Presbyterie , I prove by Instances of their acting in conjunction with the Presbyterie : and I challenge our Brethren to bring Instances to the contrary . First , Paul did not ordain Timothy by himself ; but with the Presbyters : though the laying on of his hands be mentioned by it self : 2 Tim. 1. 6. yet , that the Presbyterie concurred is clear , 2 Tim. 4. 14. The effect of the Imposition of Hands is ascribed to that of the Presbyterie , as well as to that of the Apostle ; which is a clear Indication of a joint Power . 2. The Apostle did not , by himself , Excommunicat the Incestuous Corinthian ; as hath been shewed . 3. The Apostles did not judicially determine the Question about observing the Law of Moses ; Acts 15. by themselves , but with the Elders and Brethren . They object that the Apostle by himself delivered Hymenaeus and Philetus to Satan . It is to be proved by the Objecters , first , That these two men were Members of a settled and complete Church . 2. That if so , the Apostle did this by himself , without the Concurrence of the Presbyterie : neither of which can be proved . § 17. Argument 6. We find no Superiority of Power that one had over the rest , in any sort of Church Officers ; Ergo , it is not among the Pastors or Teachers of the Church neither . The Antecedent is clear ; if we go through all the sorts of Officers mentioned in the Scripture : there was no Apostle had power over the rest , as all confess who are not for Peters and the Popes Supremacy . No such Disparity among Prophets , or Evangelists , or among the Governments , or ruling Elders , nor among Deacons . I confess after Ages brought in a Disparity among all these Orders , and invented new ones : it was no wonder then , that an Arch-Presbyter , or Bishop , was brought in too : but no Foundation in Scripture ( which alone can found a Divine Right ) for any such Disparity or Subordination . The consequence cannot be denyed ; unless our Adversaries can prove , that this Disparity is Instituted by the Lord ; though no such Disparity in the rest of the Orders be : which they shall never be able to do . It were strange , if the Lord should intend a Majority of Power of one Pastor over another , and yet not Hint that Disparity , when he is setting down all the Officers in his House : and while that he hinteth no Majoritie among any one of the sorts of Church Officers , this only should admit of such Subordination . I have brought these few Arguments for Paritie , and against Prelacy , that the Reader might see how slightly , and unfairly , my Antagonist dealeth with us , when he will have the World believe that we have no sufficient Arguments , because he hath refuted one or two of them , which he was pleased to single out , as easiest for him to deal with . SECTION IV. The Arguments for Parity which our Author pretendeth to answer , Vindicated . I Took notice in the beginning of the former Section , that this Author singleth out some of our Arguments , and these none of the most evident , and with a great deal of Confidence triumpheth over them , as if he had laid our Cause in the dust : I shall now try if even these Weapons , rightly managed , be able to wound his Cause ; for as he representeth them , they can do us little service : but his unfair dealing will appear in this Conduct . Before I come to the Arguments themselves , I cannot overlook the general account that he giveth of the Arguments on our side , p. 15. That they may all be reduced to three Heads . First , either they pretend that this Parity of Presbyters is expresly commanded by our Saviour . Or 2. They endeavour to support it by Consequences from several Texts of Scripture . Or 3. from some Testimonies of the ancient Writers of the Church . The latter two sorts of Arguments we do indeed use , but who ever pretended to the first , I know not . I confess , I no where read in Scripture Paritie of Presbyters named , nor such words as these , that the Church shall be in all ages governed communi Presbyterorum consilio , nor that it hath been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 said , there shall be no Prelacy among Presbyters : and I am sure , the Scriptures that he mentioneth as containing our Arguments of this sort , were never said by any of us , to be an express Command for Paritie ; though we hold it to be a full and plain Command implyed , and which may be drawn out of the words by good Consequence . He saith p. 16. the Scots Presbyterians do more frequently insist on this ( arguing from express command in Scripture ) than any of the forraign Presbyterians : which appeareth to be an injurious Imputation , from what hath been said : for many of the forraign Presbyterians do assert the Divine Right of Presbytrie as fullyas we do , though I cannot reckon the frequency of either their , or our insisting on it , that I may compare them , I am sure many more of them have written for it , than have defended it so in Print , in Scotland ( I mean the Parity of Presbyters , which is the cardo controversiae ; whatever difference may be between some of them and us , in some other things ) Calvin . instit . lib. 4. c. 11. § 6. & alibi . Beza , de triplici Episcopatu contra Sarav . Paraeus , saepissime . Gers. Bucer . disser : de gub : Eccles. Blondell . apologia . Salmasius , Turretin , loc . 18. quaestion : 29. Leideck . de statu Eccles. Affric . Voet. passim . Vitringa , de syn . Vet. and many others . Likewise Smecttym . & jus div : regim : were not written by Scots Presbyterians : also Paul Bayn Dioces : Tryal . § 2. The Argument from express command in Scripture which he insisteth on , is Mat. 20. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. and Mark 10. 42 , 43 , 44 , 45. and Luke 22. 25. We think here is a strong and concludent Argument against Prelacy and for Parity ; though we did not call it an express Command . As a foundation for our Argument from this Scripture , let it be considered , that this Discourse of Christ is immediatly and directly to the Apostles , to whom he was then speaking ; and by consequence , it may be applyed to all other Orders of Church Officers , ordinary and extraordinay . It is a good consequence , Christ here forbiddeth Prelacy among the Apostles ; Ergo , among the ordinary Pastors of the Church likewise . And ergo , among the Elders , whose work it is to rule . And ergo , among the Deacons : our Lord is not here saying that there shall be no diversity of Degrees , or Orders of Officers , in the Church ; for he hath plainly Instituted the contrary , 1 Cor. 12. 28. But among the Apostles there shall be no Soveraignty , nor Subjection , neither among other Officers who are of the same Order , and whose work is the same . 2. Let it be also noted , that our Lord doth not here mention the Tyranny , or abuse of power , that was exercised among the Heathen Magistrats , over them who were subordinate to them ; but only Dominion and Authority , which they might lawfully exercise : so that what he aimeth at is , that there was Subjection and Superiority among the Heathen Rulers ; but no such thing should be among Church Rulers . 3. Though we deny not that there are , by Christs Appointment , divers Orders of Church Rulers ; yet we see no ground to think that one of these Orders is subject to another , or is to be commanded by it : we hold that Ministers have no Jurisdiction over the ruling Elders ; but they are co-ordinate in the Government of the Church . Before I state our Argument from this Text , I observe how groundlesly he bringeth this as the chief Topick that we use , and ( overlooking all of our side who have learnedly and fully pleaded that Cause ) he only citeth as pleading from this Scripture , Mr. David Dickson on Matthew who toucheth it very transiently , and on occasion of his commenting o● that Text : and my Book against Stillingsfleets Irenicum , where it is said expresly p. 98. I confess there be other places more unquestionable to our purpose : or do I there use that place as an Argument , further than to clear it from the Exceptions of my Antagonist ; which is here also my work I now draw this Argument from the words cited . That Dominion an● Authority that Civil Magistrats in their several Jurisdictions did , an● might , exercise over these Under-rulers , is not to be allowed in th● Church ; but the Jurisdiction of Bishops over Presbyters is such a Dominion and Authority , ( that is , the one is real Jurisdiction as well as th● other ) Ergo it should not be exercised in the Church . § 3. I shall now examine his Answers to this Argument . First , he saith that Christ here supposes Degrees of Subordination among his own Disciples , as well as other Societies ; and therefore , he saith , this Text referreth 〈◊〉 the Methods of attaining Preferment ; that it must not be by force , violence , and other Arts that are so fashionable in secular Courts : thus he p. 17 , and 〈◊〉 19. he commandeth them that they should not exercise their Jurisdiction as the Lords of the Gentiles , by a spirit of Pride and Domination . This and what followeth he seemeth to have borrowed from Grotius , de imp . summar potes . circa sacra . p. 339. who yet was as little for the Divine Right of Prelacy ; as of Parity . To all this I oppone first , That Christ supposeth here Subordination among his Disciples is grat is dictum . I deny not that there is Subordination among them ( taking his Disciples for all Christians ; but taking the word for the Apostles alone we deny it ) and that both in respect of Degree and Authority . The people are subject to the Rulers ; one sort of Church Officers is inferior to another ; which they may be , without being subject to their Authority : but there is no ground for inferring this Subordination from what is here said : for mens Ambition prompts them to make superior Offices in the Church , that themselves may enjoy them ; as well as to aspire to these Preferments that are extant and allowed . Again , Christ saith not , there shall be no Superiority in the Church ; but among them , the Apostles This is evident from the occasion of this Discourse ; which was the ambitious address of James and John presented to Christ by their Mother ; that they might be preferred to the rest of the Apostles , in that worldly kingdom that they imagined Christ was to have on Earth : they aimed at such Authority as Civil Magistrats have , the Superior over the Inferior : our Lord telleth them his Kingdom was not of that nature ; neither was there any such Subordinations to be among his Apostles . 3. That Christ here recommendeth Humility , and condemneth Ambition and Pride , cannot be denyed ; the occasion given for this Discourse led him to it : but that this is the only Scope of his Discourse , is said without all Warrant : for he forbiddeth that Dominion and Authority that was among Civil Rulers , to have place among them ; which yet might be exercised by humble men . 4. That his scope is to forbid the exercise of their Apostolick or Episcopal Jurisdiction by a spirit of Pride and Domination , is also said without Book : That this he condemneth , we acknowledge : but that he only condemneth this , and not Monarchical Jurisdiction it self , is a groundless fancy , and contrary to the words of the Text , which mention the one , but not the other . He telleth them also , Mat. 23. 8. that they were all brethren : where Camero observeth that Damnat rem tituli ; viz : magisterium & authoritatem . 5. It cannot be said , that all the Rulers among the Gentiles , were proud and tyrannical ; though not a few were such : but here Christ forbiddeth that Domination that was among the Heathen ( yea it may extend to Christian ) Magistrats , whether they obtain it ambitiously , and exercise it tyrannically , or not . It shall not be so ( as in the Civil State where Dominion and Authority is exercised ) among you . The two Brethren sought an Authority which they fancied would be in Christs Kingdom ; not which he intended or instituted : and our Lord not only told them that no such thing was to be expected by any person in his Kingdom , that one Apostle should be above another , or one of the ordinary Pastors of the Church should have Jurisdiction over another ; and so of the other Orders of Church Rulers : but he also reproveth their Ambition in so seeking such preferment , if any such thing were to be in the Church . § 4. His second Exception against our Argument is , p. 18. The Apostles exercised such Jurisdiction over inferior Ecclesiastics , therefore they did not so understand Christs words , as forbidding all Prelation in the Church . This is sufficiently obviated by what is already said : they did not understand it as forbidding all Prelation in the Church ; but among themselves : It shall not be so among you . Yea , they did not understand it as forbidding Superiority of Degree or Order ; but Jurisdiction over Church Rulers ; such as is in the Civil State , over inferior State Rulers . His third Exception , which he saith doth bassle and expose this , Argument to all Intents and Purposes ( big words , as his manner is , when the Matter is very improportionate ) that he ( our Lord ) did that himself among them , which now he commanded them to do to one another ; and therefore the doing of that toward one another , in obedience to the Command , should not infer a Parity ; unless they blasphemously infer , that Christ and his Apostles were equal . This is far more easily baffled , and more exposed ; if what hath been said be duely considered . But further that our Lord setteth before them an Example of Humility , and being far from ambitious Aspiring , doth no ways infer their Paritie with him ; unless he were here only discharging Paritie among the Apostles ; which we do not say , but have asserted the contrary . He is also condemning the Ambition and Pride that appeared in James and John , and which he well knew would be found in Church men afterwards ; and with respect to that , he setteth his own Example of Modesty and Humility before them . Hence it appeareth that there is no Infatuation in owning the Scheme of Parity ( as he fancieth p. 19. ) but rather than drawing such a Consequence from that Scheme , deserveth that Reproach . That the Apostle Paul , and the Fathers of the Church , carried as Servants under the Apostolical or Episcopal Dignity , proveth nothing against us : beside that we own no Episcopal Dignity in the Fathers ; but shall controvert it with him when he will , If Walo Messalinus ( as he saith p. 20. ) layeth no great stress on the Argument from th●● Text , and mean , that we have stronger Arguments ; I do not differ from him : and if Beza say , that here is not forbidden all Jurisdiction ; I have already said the same . He maketh yet a 4th Attempt on this Argument , p. 20 , 21. That in the Jewish Church there was a Hierarchie , and Subordination , by Divine appointment : and if our Saviour had pulled down that ancient Policy , and commanded an Equality among the Presbyters of the New Testament , he would not have stated the Opposition betwixt his own Disciples and the Lords of the Gentiles ; but between them and the Priests of the Mosaick Oeconomie : as he doth when he reproveth the corrupt Glosses introduced into the Church by the Scribes and Pharisees . The weakness of this Reasoning will plainly appear , if we consider 1. That it is too great sawciness in us , to teach our Lord how to reason : If he think fit to make use of one Topick , and if it be to the purpose ( as all that he saith must needs he , and what is here said is manifestly so ) we ought not to presume to say he would have used another Argument , if he had so meant . Indeed if our Adversaries can make it appear that this way of Reasoning was not here apt , we shall yield that Christ did not mean as we think he did : But that can never be done . 2. He falsly supposeth that we disown all Subordination in the Church , and that we think Christ here did intend to condemn it . 3. The Old Testament had not been so pertinent an Example here , because it was now to be dissolved , our Lord would no longer allow it in the Church ; whereas the Magistratical Authoritie , in the several Subordinations of it , was to continue ; and he would have a Difference between the Church and State , to be continually visible in this very thing . Beside that the Old Testament Hierarchie is no more a Pattern for Episcopacy , than for Parity ; unless our Author will say we must have a Pope , as they had a High Priest , with universal Authoritie over the Church . 4. Our Lords reproving the false Glosses brought in by the Scribes and Pharisees , is strangely drawn in here , and the Impertinency of it is unaccountable ; for how could he mention any other as bringing these Doctrines , than the true Authors of them : as he else where warneth his Church of Heathen Doctrines and Practices , and then he nameth them , and not the Teachers of the Jewish Church . The other Text p. 21. we never used by it self , as an Argument against Episcopacy : and we deny that the Text now considered , hath been understood in his sense from the beginning . Presbyter , where Authority and Jurisdiction is mentioned . I confess I am unacquainted with such Passages of Scripture : I wish he had named some of them for our Instruction . We bring to the contrary Acts 20 : 28 : Phil : 1 : 1 : 2 Tim : 3 : 1 : all which himself mentioneth . The first thing that he opposeth to our Argument is , that p : 23 : he proveth at great length , that the Jews , both in the first ages of that Church , and also afterward , did dichotomise their Clergy into Priests and Levites ; though there was a High Priest above the other Priests , who also had their Subordinations . And therefore ( saith he ) the Apostles and Apostolick men made use of the current Phraseology : thus he p : 25. I shall not contradict him in this Assertion : nor be much concerned what respect the Apostles had to the Phraseology used by the Jews . But nothing of this meeteth with our Argument ; unless he will affirm , and prove , that this Dichotomy was so used as that no Distinction was ever made , either by Name , or any other Character , of the High Priest from the rest ; or of the Heads of the several Orders of Priests : David , by the Spirit of God , distinguished them from these Priests that were under their Charge . If he prove not this , he saith nothing to the purpose . and this he will not , I hope , attempt , the Scripture being so full and plain to the contrary ; and that in all the ages of the Jewish Church , from Aaron to Christ. If he will let us see these special Masteries and Jurisdictions whereby Bishops were in the New Testament , distinguished from Presbyters , as he confesseth p : 26. The High Priest was distinguished from the other Priests , even in these times when he saith the distinction of Names was least noticed , we shall pass from this Argument as inconcludent : but this he can never do ; neither hath he attempted it : wherefore our Argument is not yet touched by him . I shall not adventure to list my self among his Ignoramus's , whom he setteth that mark on , that think he pleadeth that there ought to be a Bishop above Presbyters , because there was a High Priest among the Jews ; though some of his Brethren use this Plea , and himself in the very next words seemeth not to be very far from it , while he saith , but rather thus ( I plead ) that the Hierarchy that obtained in the Patriarchal and Jewish AEconomie , was never abrogated in the new . If it be not abrogated , sure it standeth in force , and is of Divine Right to this day : and if so , we must have Jure Divino , not only a Bishop over the Presbyters of every Province , but a Pope over all these , for so it was in the Jewish AEconomy . § 8. He saith p. 28. that the first Presbyter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Apostolick age , he that was vested with a Prostasia , was as much above the subordinate Presbyters , as the High Priest among the Jews was above other Priests . This is boldly asserted ; but we see no proof for it . We deny not that in their Meetings there was one who presided ; but that there was one distinguished from the other Presbyters who had this for his Work constantly , we find not : also that the Praeses in these Meetings , had the same power ( either Extensive or Intensive ) with the High Priest among the Jews , is an absurd and unproved Assertion . The Concession made by Salmasius maketh nothing against us ; viz. that there was a Praeses : but that that learned Author held , that in the Apostolick age there was one person to whom the proto cathedria was constantly due , we deny ; though we yield that in after ages this usage was brought in ; yet without Superiority of Power . He saith p. 29. that there are such manifest and palpable Evidences of this peculiar Honour and Jurisdiction due to one of the Ecclesiastical Senate , in the Apostolick age , that the learned Sticlers for Paritie cannot deny it . His proof of this he bringeth from the Apocalyptick Angels , from Timothy and Titus , and from the Succession of Bishops gathered about the middle of the second Century : and this proof he will have to be beyond all contradiction . Here were a large Field for Observations , if one were in the humour to expose this Discourse . I shall take no further notice of his gross Mistakes , than the Vindication of Truth maketh necessary . First , whoever they be that stickle for Paritie , and yet acknowledge a Jurisdiction due to some of the Ecclesiastical Senat ; either in the Apostolick , or the next following Ages , they are not only not the learnedst men ; but they cannot be reckoned men of a common measure of Understanding : what man of Sense will stickle for an Opinion , and yet expresly yield it to his Adversary : I deny not but some Presbyterians yield , that early in the primitive times there was a peculiar Honour given to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but that any of them do carry it so high as the Apostolick age , is more than I know : I wish he had named them , and pointed to the places where these Concessions are found in their Writings : far less do I know any that owneth a peculiar Jurisdiction ; for that were indeed to yield the Cause : for the main thing in Dispute is , whether one of the Presbyters hath Jurisdiction over the rest . 2. It had been more suteable to the design and high pretenses expressed in his Book , to confound us , and rout our Cause , with these manifest and palpable Evidences ; than to tell us of them in general : I profess I have hitherto seen no such Evidences in any of their Writings . 3. The Evidences that he mentioneth , the Angels in the Revelation , &c. are neither palpable nor manifest Proofs of such Jurisdiction : he knoweth that all that hath by his Party been brought from these Topicks hath been Disputed , and has , I judge , been abundantly answered : and that Sticklers for Paritie , both the learnedst and the less learned , have rejected these Evidences , and denyed the Conclusion they were brought for : and I intend to debate them with him as they shall fall in . 4. That the Catalogues of Bishops gathered in the midle of the second Centurie , should be a manifest and palpable Evidence for their peculiar Jurisdiction in the Apostolick age , is beyond my Comprehension : for the Catalogues do not determine what was their power ; and these who made these Collections , are not so infallible that their Assertion should be a manifest and palpable Evidence of the Truth of what they said . § 9. That nothing was ever done in Ecclesiastical Meetings , Canonically , without the Bishops particular Advice , and Authority ; ( as he argueth p. 29. ) is of no force : because first , we know not what he will call Canonically done : if he think nothing was canonically done without a Diocesan Bishop : this is to beg the Question , and not to argue for his Conclusion . 2. If he mean that nothing was done in their Meetings without a Moderator , who presided among them , and did , with the rest , authoritatively Consult and Determine ; this we grant : but it maketh nothing for him . 3. What he meaneth by the Bishops particular Advice and Authoritie , I cannot well guess . If he mean that he Advised and Determined with the rest ; that is what we hold . If , that he had a negative Vote ; so that all the rest could do nothing without his consent , he ought not to call for Proof from us against that ; the Probation is to be expected from him , who affirmeth it . If , that he determined by himself , and the rest were but his Council , this we deny also , and he must prove it . It is enough , that we prove that others with the Bishop , Moderator , or Praeses , did manage the Affairs of the Church : for which the Arguments above brought may be thought sufficient . What followeth in several pages , is to prove , that the Jews and Grecians did sometimes Dichotomize their Clergy ; yet at other times they mentioned the Distinctions of the High Priest from other Priests : so of the Bishops from the Presbyters . This would indeed weaken our Argument , if it had no more force than he giveth it ; If we had argued simply from the Church Officers being sometimes divided into Bishops and Deacons , without distinguishing Bishops , or Presbyters among themselves . But our Argument being taken not only from this indistinction of Presbyters in some , but in all places where they are mentioned ; and also from the Scripture not distinguishing them by their Offices , Work , Qualifications , or the Injunctions that are given them about their Work : these Distinctions of Presbyters that some of the Ancients use , make nothing against our Argument : unless he can prove that when they mean Bishops as distinct from Presbyters , they ascribe also a superior power to them , which he often asserteth , but never proveth . We confess that after the Apostles age , the name Bishop began soon to be appropriated to the Praeses in the Presbyterie ; but in the three first Centuries the Bishop did not rule alone , nor had superior power to the rest . I have lately defended against another of our Episcopal Brethren : and shall also endeavour it against the Assaults of this Author , when he shall please to attempt this proof . Mean while I am not concerned further to Answer what he insisteth on to p. 39. ( where he engageth with another of our Arguments ) than to examine some few Hints that seem to be intended as argumentative , wherewith his Discourse is interspersed . § 10. He telleth us p. 31. that Cyprian asserts the Jurisdiction and Prerogative of the Episcopal power , upon all occasions , with great Courage and Assurance . What my last Antagonist brought for this end , out of the Writing of that holy Martyr , I have endeavoured to Answer : with what success , it is not mine to judge ; if this Author will either re-inforce the same Citations , or bring new ones , I shall not decline the Debate with him . That Polycarp : ( as he hath it , p. 32. ) distinguisheth himself from the subordinate Presbyters , while he inscribeth his Epistle , Polycarp , and the Presbyters that are with him . Who ( saith our Author ) if he had stood on a Level with these Presbyters , would never have distinguished himself from the Community of his Brethren . This reasoning ( I say ) is so remote from Concludencie , that our Author hath not consulted his own Credite in using it . For first , whatever prioritie of Dignity may be hence inferred , as Polycarp being an older man than the rest , or Praeses in the Meeting ; it is ridiculous to infer from this , either Superiority , or solitude of power . 2. Polycarp might be the Author of the Epistle , and the rest Assenters to it ; that might give occasion to his being named . 3. Will any say , that when a Letter is thus directed to a Presbyterie , for N. Moderator , and the rest of the Brethren of the Presbyterie of E , that this inferreth Episcopal Jurisdiction in the person of him who is so named ? Such stuff is not worth refuteing . P. 33. He telleth us that Hermas reproveth some who strove for the first Dignity and Preferment : and if then was no such Precedency there in the Church , there was no ground for his Reprehension . Apage nugas . Have not some striven for unlawful Preferments , as James and John did for a Dominion in the Church , like that of the Lords among the Gentiles ? Yea , we deny not all preferment in the Church : may not some ambitiously strive to be a Minister , or an Elder , yea , or a Deacon ? All which are Preferments , if compared with the people : and may not a Presbyterian Minister strive to be Moderator , without designing Episcopal Jurisdiction . That Blondel , Salmasius , and Dally , laboured to support this Argument , as our Author represents it , is falsly asserted , p. 35. As is also , that this Opinion ( about Parity ) was never heard of before the days of Aerius . If he would attempt to prove all that he confidently asserteth , his Book would swell to a great Bulke Sir Thomas Craig ( whose Memory is venerable in the learned World ) must here also be lashed , as ignorant of Divinity , and of the Fathers , because he was prebyterianly inclined I find nothing more that is observable , or that can derogate from the strength of our Argument , as stated by us , in this his Discourse : only his unmannerly , as well as false , Assertion , p. 38. that the Ecclesiastical Levellers ( so in reproach and contempt he calleth the Presbyterians ) flee to this Argument as their first and last Refuge ; and yet nothing is more frivolous and trifling . He may see , if he will be at pains to read what he pretendeth to refute ; that they have other , yea better Arguments : and will find it hard to give a solide Answer to this Argument , represented in its full Strength . SECTION V. Testimonies from Antiquity which my Antagonist pretendeth to wrest from me , Vindicated . HE mentioneth these p. 9. as our third Argument for Parity . Whereas if he had thought fit to read what hath been written on our side ; he might have found thrice as many more , and of more strength than any thing that he maketh us to say . But this , and the two Arguments above debated with him , are all that he will allow us to have on our side . His Introduction to this piece of his Work smells rank of such a temper of mind as I am not willing to name ; while he calleth them who possessed the Government , and Revenues of the Church , Atheists and Enthusiasts ; and that without exception or Limitation . Thus are all the Presbyterian and Congregational Ministers of England ( as well as others ) charactered by him . We will not retaliate ; but the learned and religious world had , and have another Esteem of not a few who then were in the Ministry ; and judge that Atheism , and other sinful Evils , have been diffused into the Church after that time ; though we deny not that then it was too manifest among some . He saith that Blondel employed all his Skill to make the Antients contradict themselves , and all contemporary Records . This I pass as a piece of his usual and groundless Confidence . He saith , when Blondel's Book appeared , the Presbyterians concluded ( before ever they read it ) that it was all pure and undenyable Demonstration . And that his Countreymen ( the Scots Presbyterians ) think they need no other Answer to what is written against them , but to say that Episcopacy , and all that can be found for it , is quite ruined by Blondel , and Salmasius : and yet that few of them read them . It is not manly so to despise an Adversary whom one undertaketh to refute ; neither is it Wisdom to spend so many hours , as he hath done , to argue the Case with them who are so despicable : nor is it Christian so to undervalue others whose Praises are in the Gospel ; which I am sure may be said of some eminent Presbyterian Writers ; who now having served their Generation , enjoy their Reward : but it is his way thus to supply what is wanting in the strength of his Arguments . I wonder who told him that the Presbyterians did so extoll Blondel's Book before they read it ; or that few of them have read him , and Salmasius . Who of us ever said , that saying Blondel and Salmasius had ruined Episcopacy , was a sufficient Refutation of it ? May not we , without such blame , commend the Works of these learned Men , as well as he p. 40. telleth us that every Line of them is sufficiently exposed , and frequently ; and for this cryeth up the Bishop of Chester . He saith , we shut our eyes against the clearest Evidences : that we think that Blondel ' s Book may barre all Disputation on that Head : that we refuse to enter into closs Engagement with them . These are a parcel of Words in which there is no Truth : and if we should Retort every Syllable of them on himself ( I say not on his whole Party , among whom , I know , there are learned Men , who would be ashamed of this manner of pleading their Cause ) how should this Contest be decided ? Some who have spent more of their Years in Reading , than this Author hath done ; and also have given better proof of it ; have not so insulted over their Adversaries , as men of no Reading . There is also little ground given for his insisting on this , as one of our main Arguments ; for tho the Presbyterians will not part with the Suffrage of the Fathers , while the Controversie is about paritie of Church power , and the Jurisdiction of one Presbyter over the rest ; yet they use oftner to act the defensive part , with respect to Antiquity , that is latter than the Canon of the Scripture : and which is of more weight , they never laid the stress of their Cause on Humane Testimony ; but build their Opinion on the Sacred Writings . But seing he is pleased to lead us in this way , we are willing to engage with him ( as closly as he will ) on this Head : and to debate both on whose side the Fathers are , his or ours ; and whether their Testimony be so convincing as he pretendeth it to be . § 2. Although I do much dislike my Antagonists rude Treatment of so great a man as Blondel was , saying that he studyed to please the Independents , rather than the Presbeterians , because they were then more potent and numerous ; ( so p. 42. ) and calling his Arguments childish Reasonings : p. 43. Yet I do not undertake to make it appear , that every Testimony he bringeth from the Fathers is fully concludent , by it self . I observe also , that this Author , though he professeth to answer the Citations brought by Blondel , yet medleth but with a few of them , and these none of the most evident ; except what Blondel bringeth out of Jerom : The first Testimony that he mentioneth is , the Inscription of Clements Epistle to the Corinthians , written from Rome ; which is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That is , the Church of God dwelling in Rome , to the Church of God dwelling in Corinth . Blondel hence concludeth , that there was no Bishop in either place , seing no notice is taken of him . To this our Authors answer is , this would make for Independency , and that the Laity ( as he speaketh ) had an equal share in Jurisdiction with the Bishops and Presbyters . And that this would prove the equality of Softhenes , Timothy , and Sylvanus , with Paul ; because he sometimes joineth them with himself in the Inscription of some of his Epistles . And that it was the Humility of Clement that made him so write . Answer 1. He mistaketh the Opinion of Independents : they have their Church Rulers , and do not put the Exercise of the Government in the hand of the Multitude : though , I confess , many of them give the people somewhat more than their due . 2. If this was an Epistle of a whole Church to a whole Church ( as Blondel taketh it ) there was no need of mentioning either Bishop , or Presbyters ; and so equality of Jurisdiction of the people with them , cannot be hence inferred : but if it was an Epistle of a Bishop to a Church , where another Bishop governed , as this Author will have it : It is an unusual Stile not to mention the Bishop , at least of that Church to which the Epistle was directed : the Humility of Clement might make him not to distinguish himself from the people ; but our Bishops would count it no Humility , but Rudeness , so to treat his brother Bishop at Corinth . 3. The Apostle Paul nameth some of the Pastors of the Church with himself , in the Inscriptions of some of his Epistles , as his fellow Pastors , who had joint , though not equal , Authority in the Church with him : but he never assumeth a whole Church into that Society with himself . By the Church , in both places , it may be rationally thought , Clement meant the teaching or ruling Church , or the Church representative ; and in that case it might have been expected , if he were for Episcopacy , that the Bishop , at least in Corinth , should have had some peculiar mark of Honour : as when a Presbytery among us , is addressed , the Stile is , to the Moderator , and the rest of the Brethren , &c. though no special Jurisdiction be ascribed to the Moderator . But after all , I look on Blondel's Observation on this Passage , as rather an Introduction to what he had further to say from this Epistle , and a cumulative Argument , than to be fully concludent by it self . § 3. Another Passage out of the same Epistle of Clement , brought by Blondel , our Author taketh a great deal of pains about , from p 43. It so entangles him , that he cannot , with much strugling , get out of the Net. The words of Clement , cited by Blondel , are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is , wherefore they ( the Apostles ) preaching through Countries and Cities , placed their first fruits , whom by the Spirit they had tryed , to be Bishops and Deacons for them who should believe : neither was it a new thing ; for of old it had been written of Bishops and Deacons , I will make their Bishops in Righteousness , and their Deacons in Faithfulness . From this Passage Blondel observeth first , that in Clement's time there was Bishops in the Countrie , and in Villages , as well as in Cities . 2. That the City Bishops had no Authority over the chorepiscopos or Countrie Bishops . 3. That there were but two sorts of Church Officers , Bishops and Deacons ; besides some other things which are not so much to our present design . Our Author , in his Answer , overlooketh the two former , which tend most to ruine his Cause ( for the Bishops of that time could not be Diocesans , but Pastors of Congregations , if these two Observations hold , as they plainly follow from Clement's words ) and he insisteth only on the third , the Dichotomie of the Clergy : which hath less probative for●… than the rest : yet it hath more strength in it , than his Answers are able to enervate : which I now shall make appear . His Answer is , that he hath already answered our Argument taken from the Dichotomie of the Clergie . Reply . Though we do not make that an Argument by it self , in all cases where it is found ; yet in some cases ( and this in particular ) it is concludent . Clement is here giving account what Officers the Apostles settled in the Churches : and if they settled Bishops distinct from Presbyters , and Deacons , this account is very lame , and useless . His second Answer is p. 44 , &c. Clement , by Deacons , here understandeth all Ministers of Religion ; whether Presbyters in the Modernnotion , or Deacons , who , by the first Institution , were obliged to attend upon Tables ? And so by Bishops and Deacons , we may ( saith our Author ) understand Apostles , Bishops , Presbyters , and Attendents upon Tables . And then , at great length , he proveth that which no body denyeth , that the word Deacon , is used i● a great Latitude , for all sorts of Church Officers . Reply . The Question is not how the word Deacon may be used in some cases , & on some occasions , but what Clement here understandeth by it : I affirm , that it is absurd to understand it here in that Latitude that our Author fancieth . For first , his meaning should be , the Apostles appointed in the Churche● that they settled , Apostles , Bishops , Presbyters , and Attendents on Tables : so that every Church in every Village , must have its Apostle , and Bishop too ; beside inferior Officers . 2. If Clement had so meant , it was superfluous to mention Bishops and Deacons too : it had been enough to tell the Corinthians , that the Apostles settled Deacons ; that is , Officers in Churches ; seing all sorts are signified by Deacons . 3 : To say that Presbyters are to be understood by Deacons , rather than by Bishops , is without all imaginable ground : the word Presbyter is as largely used in Scripture , as that of Deacon : if we thus , at pleasure , expound Names , or rather Words , we may maintain what we will. 4. This Dichotomy being used on such a design , as to inform the people what were the ordinary Officers in the Church , by Apostolick Warrand , that they were to have regard to ; it would not answer its end , if there were Bishops whom they and the Presbyters must obey : for either they were to understand that the Presbyters were comprehended under the word Bishops ; but then they had no Instruction about the Ruling Bishop , and the Teaching Bishop , as distinct , and how they should regard each of them : or under the word Deacon ; and then they were at as great a loss , what sort of Deacons he meant ; whether the Rulers or Servants of the Church . 5. Though the word Deacon , be often applyed to any who serve God in publick Office in his Church , ( yea , or in the State ) yet that ever the Rulers , or Teachers of the Church are signified by it , when it is used distinctively from some other sort of Church Officers ( as it is here ) is more than I know . § 4. Another Answer he bringeth to this Passage of Clement , p 46. that Clement speaketh not of Ecclesiastical Policy , as it was at last perfected by the Apostles ; but of the first beginnings of the Christian Church , immediatly after the Resurrection of Christ. Reply . If it be granted , that at first the Aposties settled Churches to be ruled by Presbyters , and served by Deacons , as this Answer seemeth to yield ; they must let us know the Grounds on which they believe that the Apostles did alter this Policy , and set Bishops over the Churches that they had once thus settled : we find no Warrand in Scripture for this Conceit ; though I know that some of our Prelatick Brethren affirm , that the Churches were governed by Presbyters , under the Inspection of the Apostles while they lived ; but after their Death , Bishops were appointed to rule over them . We may rationally expect that they should give us good assurance for this Change ; which yet I have not seen : if they will bring Arguments for it , we shall consider them . A 4th Answer he bringeth p. 47. that Clement's words cannot bear such Parity as Presbyterians plead for ; because he doth also Dichotomise the Jewish clergy : among whom were the High Priest , Chief Priests , Priests , and Levites . Reply . If Clement , when he so divides the Jewish Clergy , were on purpose instructing us how , and by whom the Affairs of the Jewish Church were managed , this Answer were pertinent : but if this Distinction be used occasionly , without this design , it is not at all to the purpose : in the one case Distinction is required ; in the other case , it is enough to express the thing in general , and undistinguished terms . He bringeth yet a 5th Answer , p 47 , 48. That Clement exhorting the Corinthians to Order and Harmony , setteth before them the beautiful Subordinations under the Temple Service ; and immediatly recommends to them , that every one should continue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his own order . Reply . If this Reasoning be at all significant , it will conclude , there must be a Pope , as well as Bishops , in the Christian Church : as there was a High Priest over all the Priests , and other Jews . We must then understand Clement , that there must be Order in the Christian Church , as well as in the Jewish Church ; and every one must keep within the Station that God hath set him in : but it noways hence followeth , that there must be the same Degrees of Church Officers in the one that was in the other . What he citeth out of Jerome , Ep. ad Ewagr . admitteth of the same Exposition ; and is plain to be the whole that Jerome intendeth by these words , quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt , hoc sibi Episcopi & Presbyteri vendicent in Ecclesia : viz. That , as in the Temple , there was a Subordination of the Levites to Aaron and his Sons , so should the Deacon be to the Presbyter , whom Jerome , through that whole Epistle , proveth , to be the same with the Bishop . But it is like we may afterward hear more of this from our Author . A 6th Answer is p. 48 , 49. ( for this Citation galleth him sore , and maketh him look on all hands for Relief ) Clement himself distinguisheth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the last may signifie Office and Age both together . Reply . He no otherways distinguisheth them , than as the one word signifieth Office , or ruling Power ; the other , the Age of them who use to be put into that Office : and though Presbyter is often used to signifie the Office ; yet not when it is joined with , and distinguished from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And it is clear , that in that place Clement is exhorting them to be subject to the Presbyters , as he had done several times in the Epistle ; as they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rulers , ( not one , but more in the Church of Corinth ) and as they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder in years : wherefore he exhorts young men to Sobriety . § 5. It is unaccountable Tergiversation , that this Author , pretending to examine some of the most remarkable Testimonies brought from Antiquity by Blondel , insisteth only on that which is of least weight ; even in the Testimony already mentioned , as is above shewed : and likeways passeth over all the rest brought out of the same Fathers Writings , without so much as mentioning them . Blondel sheweth out of the Epistle of Clement already mentioned , that Clement telleth us , that the Apostles knowing per Dominum , by Divine Revelation , that there would be Contentions about the Name of Bishop ; therefore they appointed Presbyters and Deacons to manage the Affairs of the Church : so far were they ( saith Blondel ) from thinking Prelacy the best , or only Remedie against Schism ; as some did in after ages . He doth also shew , how Clement teacheth , that the Presbyters ( or Bishops , for he often interchangeth these two Names as signifieing the same persons ) were set in the Church by the Apostles , and after by other excellent men ( so that the Apostles made no Change in the Government ) that they were placed with the consent of the whole Church ( not by the Bishop and Patron ) and he pleadeth that such as had well done the work of a Bishop should not be turned out , for the holy Presbyters who have finished their Course , need fear no Change. And after sheweth , how absurd it was that the most ancient Church of Corinth ( it had then stood , as it is thought , about 25 years ) should move Sedition against her Presbyters : some turbulent Spirits among them withstood , not a single Bishop ( of whom not a word in all this Discourse ) but the Presbyters of the Church : and he adviseth the Seditious rather to depart , that the Flock of Christ might enjoy Peace , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; with the Presbyters that were settled in it : it seems he did not name the Bishop , nor provided against Sedition against him ; because he knew no such person at Corinth . And again he biddeth them be subject to the Presbyters . Now all this insisted on by Blondel , he passeth by ( which was his wisdom ) and insisteth only on the Dichotomie of the Clergy ; which hath far less weight than these Passages have . § 6. He next taketh to Task what Blondel citeth out of Polycarp ; which is , that writing to the Church of Philippi , he taketh no notice of their Bishop : that he biddeth them be subject to the Presbyters and Deacons , not mentioning the Bishop , but a plurality of Presbyters which was in that one Church . His Answer to all this is , first , that Blondel himself taketh notice that Polycarp distinguisheth himself from the rest of the Presbyters , while he saith , Polycarp and the Presbyters that are with him to the Church in Philippi : and that by this he assumes a kind of Prelation above the rest of the Presbyters at Smyrna . He fancieth that this is mighty uneasie to Blondel : but it had been more ingenious to tell us that Blondel brings this as an Objection against himself , and answereth it fully and easily , calling it nuda Conjectura , and giving several Reasons for Polycarp's naming himself , from his being the older man , and the older Minister : And being ordained by an Apostle ( which was a Dignity , though it gave no Superiority of Power ) as being better known to the Philippians : and Blondel bringeth abundance of parallel Passages , where no Superiority of Power can be imported . All this our Author passeth over in silence . Next he saith , this is still the Bipartite division of the Clergie , which is a mistake ; for here is Subjection required to Presbyters in Commune ; which could not all be Diocesans : and their Head , the Bishop , is not noticed : and his Dichotomie here is Argumentative ; because ( as was above shewed of Clement ) he is telling them what Church Officers they should respect : where the Bishop was chiefly to be mentioned , if such a person had been in that Church . He will prove , p. 51 : that this can be no Argument for Parity . Because first , Iren●… refutes the Heresies of the Valentians , from the unanimous D●… preserved among the single Successors of Polycarp ; which could be no Argument , if the Ecclesiastical Power of the Church of Smyrna had been equally lodged in the Colledge of Presbyters . I ask him , how doth the Parity of Church power weaken this Argument ? Do not Ministers in any Church , succeed one to another , as well as Bishops ? And if they be faithful , they will continue the true Doctrine , and hand it down to their Successors , as wel● as Bishops would do . Neither hath it any force , that single Successon are mentioned ; for if there were more Flocks and Pastors in Smyrna there was one Moderator in the Presbyterie ; who is mentioned as more eminent , though having but equal power . If there was but one Pastor and many ruling Presbyters ; he and his Successors did preserve the Truth by faithful Doctrine , not by Episcopal power . His other pro●… is , the Epistles of Ignatius are zealously recommended in that Epistle of Polycarp ; in which Episcopal Jurisdiction is asserted : of which our Author w●… speak in due time . When he shall please to speak of Ignatius , we sh●… consider what he saith ; and hope to find , that all the proof he ca●… thence bring is insufficient . Mean while it is an odd way of arguing an Author commendeth a Book , Ergo , he approveth all that is in it . 〈◊〉 he had said Polycarp commendeth Ignatius's Epistles , in that they ass●… Prelacy , that had been to the purpose ; otherways his Inference 〈◊〉 without all force . § 7. The next Father cited by Blondel is Hermas , in his Book calle● Pastor : on whom he layeth very little stress , as is evident to any wh●… will read Blondel , without prejudice : and I think Blondel needed not 〈◊〉 have mentioned him : both because he is of little Authority ; it bei●… most uncertain what Hermas was the Author of that Book ; whether 〈◊〉 mentioned Rom. 16. 14. or the brother of Pius : Blondel bringeth not few Authors on both sides . Also this Hermas saith little either for or against Parity . I observe several things of my Antagonists conduct wit● respect to Hermas . 1. He pretendeth to bring two palpable Evidences fro● him , that Episcopacy was the Ecclesiastical Government when that Book w●… written : which he laboureth to prove p. 5. because the sending circul●… Letters is insinuated to be the peculiar priviledge of Clement , then Bishop 〈◊〉 Rome . Answer . This Evidence ( and the other will be found to b●… like it ) is so far from being palpable , that it is not intelligible , ho●… this ( to a Protestant ) should be an Evidence for Episcopacy : for first if it prove any thing to his purpose , it will prove the Papacy : viz. tha● Clement Bishop of Rome had Authority over all the Churches , and by that power might write Circular Letters to them . 2. Circular Letters may be written containing Advice or Information , where there is no Authority : and this was very proper for Clement , who resided in the Imperial City , which had Correspondence with all places in the Empire . The 2d palpable Evidence is , that Hermas reproveth some who were ambitious to exalt themselves , & primam Cathedram habere : whence he wisely inferreth ; If there be no Power , there can be no abuse of it . To which I answer , I wish there were no Ambition but among the Prelatists . May not one who is a Presbyterian in his Profession , strive to set up Episcopacy , that he may be a Bishop ? Was there Episcopacy in the Church of Scotland anno 1660 , and 61 , when ambitious Men laboured , and prevailed to make a prima Cathedra , that themselves might possess it ? And might there not be such in the days of Hermas ; as there appeared to be afterward , and as was in the Apostles times , when Diotrephes was marked as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. There is a prima Cathedra even among the Presbyterians ; the Moderator's Chair , and there may be Ambition in seeking after even that pettie Preferment . The Principatus that he after mentioneth , may have the same signification : it doth not always signifie Authority ; but often a Superior Dignity . The next thing I observe is , he neglecteth ( as is customary with him ) that which seemeth to have the most strength , among the Passages cited by Blondel out of Hermas ; viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which last words Blondel translated , tu ante renunciabis Presbyteris Ecclesiae . Biblioth : Patrum , hath it thus , Tu autem leges in hâc Civitate cum Presbyteris qui praesunt Ecclesiae . Either way it maketh more for the Parity of Presbyters , and their Power , in ruling the Church , than what else our Author hath thought fit to take notice of out of Blondel . The other Citation brought by Blondel , and so laboriously answered by our Author , I lay little weight on : only I observe his charging that learned Author with a fraudulent Trick , p. 55. and distorting the words ; whereas the words , as cited by Blondel , and by him , are the very same . § 8. The Testimony of Pius Bishop of Rome , is next brought by Blondel , out of his Epistlle to Justus Bishop of Vienne : where he telleth him , Presbyteri & Diaconi non ut majorem ; sed ut Ministrum Christi te observent . My Antagonist taketh this only for an Exhortation to Humility . I know not whether his Superiors will think it inconsistent with Humility to be obeyed by their Presbyters ; or if any of them will be so humble , as to disown all Majority with respect to the Presbyters : that Humility is here insinuated , we grant ; but that no more is required , cannot be said without doing Violence to the words I shall not contend whether this Epistle of Pius be legitime ; or spurious ; but I suppose it may be safely asserted , that if it was written by a Presbyterian , that Opinion is much older than this Author will allow . Another Argument Blondel bringeth from Marcion , being rejected by the Presbyters at Rome ; and not admitted to their Communion : whence he inferreth , that the Church of Rome was then governed by Presbyters in common . Our Authors answer is first , they denyed to receive Marcion ; which is a better Precedent to regulate our Opinions and ●ractices by , than the Petition of a lewd and profligate Heretick . Reply . If they had denyed on account of their want of Power without their Bishop , ( for the See was then vacant ) this Answer should have some sense : but they pretended no such thing ; neither did they reprove him for his Address : if he had addressed to a single Presbyter to be received , he would surely told him that it was not in his power to Determine in that Matter : but when he addressed to a Colledge of Presbyters , they gave another Reason for their refusal ; of which anone He bringeth a second Answer , with his wonted Confidence : as if we were all out of our Wits who say not as he saith in this Matter : and indeed it hath need of this to strengthen it ; for it is very weak of it self : it is , that in the vacancy of the See , the Colledge of Presbyters might manage the ordinary Policy and Discipline of the Church ; though they never medled with such special Acts of Jurisdiction as were always reserved , by constant Practice , and primitive Institution , to the Episcopal Order : though they might have received Marcion upon Repentance , in the vacancy of the See , I hope no man will thence conclude that they would have enterprised any thing of this nature and consequence , if their Bishop were alive , or if another were chosen in his room . Reply . 1. Here the Question is manifestly begg'd : that there were reserved Acts peculiar to the Bishop , by constant Practice , and primitive Institution : the Practice is what we are debating : and such Institution we desire to be instructed in : we find it not in the Bible ; which can be the only ground of that Divine Right we are now contending about . 2. As the Question is begg'd on the one hand , ; so he yieldeth it on the other , by owning Governing Authority in the Presbyters without a Bishop : if they have power , they have it from Christ , Ergo , he hath not given all Ruling Power to the Bishop , and made the Presbyters only his Council . Or let him shew us by what Rule of the Gospel , Authority which they had not before , devolveth on the Presbyters when the Bishop dieth . This Government by Presbyters without a Bishop is not Episcopal Government , Ergo , it is not contrary to Divine Institution ( by this Answer ) if the Church be governed without Bishops , which is inconsistent with the Divine Right of that Government . 3. I know not what Act of Jurisdiction is higher than receiving or excluding , and casting out Church Members : wherefore if Presbyters have this , we must see some special Warrand from Scripture , before we can deny them another part of Church power . 4 That they would not have acted so without their Bishop , if he had been alive , is said without ground : if he had been absent they might have done it : as I have else where shewed that the Presbyters at Carthage did in Cyprian's retirement . If he could be with them it was irregular to act without him , as being their Praeses ; though having no majority of power . Before I pass from this Argument , I observe a greater strength in it , than Blondel hath mentioned , or my Antagonist hath attempted to answer : for clearing which , we must reflect on the History from which the Argument is drawn : which is Marcion , the Son of a Bishop in Pontus , for a lewd Act that he had committed ( ob illatum per summum nefas Virgini stuprum ) was driven away from the Communion of the Church , by his own Father ; on which occasion he came to Rome , and attempted to be received into that Church : he was rejected by the Presbyterie ; after which he preached his Errours in that City , and made great Disturbance . Now the Argument that we draw from this Passage is , not only that the Presbyterie did not reject his Petition as being incompetent Judges in that Case ; but their Answer implyeth a Recognition of their power in this Matter : for they tell him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we cannot do it without the permission of thy worthy Father ( nor this because of his Fathers Episcopal power , but ) because there is one Faith , and one Agreement ; the Bond of Unity between Rome and that Church in Pontus ( I think its Name was Sinope ) and was that which they gave as the reason of their Refusal : seing he was cast out of one Church , it was not reasonable that he should be received into another without her consent . Romes Headship was not then known . But what followeth is yet stronger for our Cause ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : we cannot go contrary to our excellent Collegue ( or Fellow Labourer ) thy Father : where Presbyters look on a Bishop as their Collegue , and in no higher Degree ; and that when they are speaking of the Exercise of Church Authority : they plainly suppose , that they had the same power to take in , that he had to cast out : but they would not irregularly exerce that power , as they must have done if they had recived Marcion . § 9. Another of Blondel's Citations , our Author answereth with a great deal of slighting and contempt ; it s taken out of Justine Martyr's Apology for the Christians ; where he giveth an account of the Church Order that was among the Christians ; and mentioneth no Officer in the Church but Praepositus & Diaconus . His Answer to this is , Justine's design was only to vindicate the Christians from the Reproaches cast upon them about their Meetings ; he had no occasion to speak of the Hierarchy : the Christians concealed their Mysteries as much as they could : and the Names of Bishop and Presbyter as well as their Offices , were known to the Heathen . How to make the parts of this Answer hang together , I know not : if the Heathen knew their way , why did they conceal it ? Neither is there any ground to think that they concealed their Mysteries , the Knowledge of which was the mean of convincing Heathens . Yea , the design of his Apology was to make their Mysteries known , that it might be seen how excellent they were . And to say that Justine had no occasion to speak of the Hierarchy here , is a mistake ; for he did mention some of the Church Officers , and because he mentioned no more , it is like he knew no more He seems now to be weary of his undertaking ( and no wonder , it hath succeeded so ill with him ) and therefore p. 60. he telleth us how nauseous it is to repeat more : and hudleth up some other Citations cited by Blondel in a general Answer ; that it is a silly Quible to found an Argumen● on Dichotomies : and telleth us , the Names , as well as the Offices , were distinguished in the earliest Monuments of the Church , and for this he citeth Usher , mentioning Acta Martyrii S : Ignatii : but is not pleased to name Book , nor Page , of that learned Author ; who hath written many things . The same he doth with Clemeus , Alexandrinus , Tertullian , and Origen ; but neither words nor place he mentioneth : such arguings are to be neglected . Blondel also citeth Papias , calling all the Ministers of the Word , Apostles , and others from whom he had learned what he wrote , Elders or Presbyters . This Author will have it to be meant of their Age , not Office. I lay not much weight on this Testimony , more than he doth . But that Papias doth not mean the Age only of them whom he mentioneth , may be gathered from what he saith of the second John , whom he mentioneth ( for after he had named John among the Apostles , he nameth another , John after Aristion ) and him he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This cannot be meant of his Age , when he saith John the elder ; for John the Apostle was older than he . It must then be understood of his Office. And Euseb : lib : 3 : c. 35. telleth us that there were two Johns buried at Ephesus , and that the Monuments of both remained in his time . Being now weary with arguing , and it seems fretted with what he could not well answer . He falleth to downright Railling , p. 61. he putteth on a Confidence beyond ordinary : this is the way of some when they are most at a loss . This Conduct will not take with wise and considering Men. He telleth of the unconquerableness of Prejudice ( in the Presbyterians no doubt ; because they will not yield to his Dictats , and what he looketh on as an Argument ) and of their miserable Condition in reading the Ancients , with no other design than to distort their words . Before he taxeth us for not reading them , now we read them , but with an ill design . I must tell him , it is too much for him , either to judge how we are employed in our Closets , and what Books we read , or what inward designs we have in our reading . We think he distorteth the words of the Ancients ( we judge not his designs in reading them ) he thinketh we distort them , let the Reader judge . Next he representeth us as having sold our selves to the Interest of little Parties ; and shut our Eyes against the express Testimonies of these Fathers , whose broken Sentences we torture and abuse , to support Novelties , and more of this Stuff ; which it is not fit to answer , because of the Wise Man's Advice , Prov : 26 : 4. § 10. Now he will p. 62. have the Reader to make an Estimate of the Presbyterian Candor from two Instances . The first is , Blondel citeth the Gallican Church sending Irenaeus to Rome , and calling him a Presbyter , when he was Bishop of Lyons . Our Author contendeth that he was not then Bishop ; and that Photinus his Predecessor , was not then dead . This piece of Chronology , though maintained by Eusebius , and Jerome , Blondel disproveth , by many Authentick Records , as he thinketh . And now where is the want of Candor in this case ? Is every man who after diligent search into History , doth mistake in Chronology , about a Matter of Fact so disingenious ; and that to such a Degree as this Author's Clamour would represent . This I say , supposing that Blondel doth mistake in this Matter . I think it not worth the while to examine the large Discourse he hath , and the manifold Citations to confirm his Opinion , finding that Debate somewhat Intricate ( whether Photinus was then alive or not , when Iraeneus was sent to Rome , and called a Presbyter ) and the Matter of it is of no great Consequence . It seems our Author hath been at as little pains as I am at leasure now to take , about this Debate , but referreth you to Dr. Pearson for satisfaction ; and yet he hath the confidence to charge so great a man as Blondel was , with perplexed Conjectures , and affected Mistakes : we think it neither Christian , nor Manly , nor Scholar like , so to treat the learned Men of his opposite Party . The other Instance , whereby he thinketh to prove want of Candor ; yea Impudence , in the Presbyterians , is p. 63. that we sometimes cite Cyprian on our side ; and can name nothing plausibly , but that wretched Quible of the bipartite Division of the Clergy . He thinks it needless to bring Testimonies against us out of Cyprian , there are so many : he calleth us also Schismaticks , and supposeth that we have not read Cyprian . Who can stand before such potent Ratiocinations ? He referreth the Vindicator of the Kirk to a Book then expected . I suppose he meaneth I. S. his Principles of the Cyprianick age ; which I saw long before I saw this Book of his : where indeed all that can be drawn from Cyprian ( and much more ) is carefully gathered together . And I refer him for satisfaction about Cyprian's Opinion in the point of Church Government , to the Answer to that Book under the Title of the Cyprianick Bishop examined . In which Book I shall take this occasion to confess a Chronological Mistake , ( this Author would have the Charity to call it the want of Candor , or what else he pleaseth to impute to his Adversary ) it is p. 20 , near the end , Basil , and Optatus , are said to live in the same Age with Cyprian ; whereas they lived in the next Century : this was occasioned by an over hasty Glance into the Chronological Tables : I hope the Reader will pardon this Digression . Thus my Antagonist leaveth Blondel in quiet possession of the far greatest part , and most evident Testimonies , that he bringeth out of the Fathers for Parity : some will think he had better not begun this Work , than thus leave it imperfect ; if others have answered all Blondel's Citations , what he hath done was needless , if not , he doth his Work but by halves . § 11. I shall add some other Testimonies out of the Fathers ; which our Author , at his leisure , may consider Chrysost : on 1 Tim. 3. asketh the Question , why the Apostle passeth from giving Directions in , and about , the Qualifications of Bishops , immediatly to Deacons , omitting Presbyters : and giveth this Answer , that there is almost no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter : and the care of the Church is committed also to Presbyters , ( which maketh it evident that Chrysost : did not think that Bishops ruled alone ) only he maketh the difference to be in Ordination ; which he is so far from looking on as of Divine Institution , that he maintaineth , saith Durham , that , in the Apostles time , Presbyters ordained Bishops . This same Author on Tit. 1. Homil. 2. by the Elders whom Titus was to ordain in every City , understandeth Bishops ; because ( saith he ) he would not set one over the whole Island : and after ; for a Teacher should not be diverted by the Government of many Churches ; but should be taken up in ruling one : where he maketh the Teacher and Ruler to be the same person : also assigneth but the Government of one Church to one man : both which are inconsistent with Diocesan Episcopacy . Ambros : in Tim : 3. 9. hath this Passage ; qui tanta cura Diaconos eligendos praecepit , quos constat esse ministros Sacerdotum ; quales vult esse Episcopos , nisi , sicut ipse ait , irrepraehensibiles : where he plainly supposeth all the Church Officers , who are not Deacons , to be Bishops : and a little after , Post Episcopum tamen Diaconatus ordinationem subjecit , quare ? nisi quia Episcopi & Presbyteri una ordinatio est ; uterque enim Sacerdosest ; Episcopus tamen primus est ; ut omnis Episcopus Presbyter sit , non tamen omnis Presbyter Episcopus ; hic enim est Episcopus , qui inter Presbyteros primus est : Denique Timotheum . Presbyterum ordinatum significat ; sed quia ante se priorem non habebat , Episcopus erat . All this seemeth to be a Description of a Presbyterian Moderator : for he giveth the Bishop no Prelation but that of Precedency , or Priority , to a Presbyter : and that , not by a new Ordination , which should give him a superior power ; but a Seniority , or Priority of Ordination , which was the way of a Moderator's being set up at first ; but was after changed into Election ; when it was found , that sometimes , the oldest man was not the fittest man for that Work. From all this , it is clear , that in the time of Ambros : ( which was in the fourth Century ) Majority of Power in a Bishop above a Presbyter , was not lookt on as Juris Divini ; nor that a Bishop must have ( after he is ordained a Presbyter ) a new Ordination , or Consecration ; whereby he getteth Jurisdiction over his fellow Presbyters , and their Flocks : I do not deny but that Ambrose doth , in some things , mistake the primitive Order of the Church : and misunderstand the Scripture account that is given of it , wherefore he ingeniously confesseth on Ephesians 4. 11. thus , ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta Apostolica ordinationi quae nunc est in Ecclesia : yet he giveth ground to think , that even then , the Distinction between Bishop and Presbyter was not arrived at a Majority of Power , or sole Jurisdiction . I observe here also , obiter , that ordinatio , in the primitive times , did not always signifie authoritative setting apart one for a Church Office ; which our Author else where doth with much zeal plead . If the Reader please to add to these , all the Testimonies cited by Blondel ( which out Author thought not fit to medle with ) he may see abundant cause to think , that our Opinion about Paritie is not so Novel , as this Enquirer fancieth it to be . Though I lay little weight on the Opinions of the School-men , in the controverted Points of Divinity ; and especially , in the Point of Church Government : yet considering , that they owned the Roman Hierarchy , a Testimony from them , or other Papists , seemeth to be a Confession of an Adversary , extorted by the force of Truth , Lombard : lib : 4 : Sententiar : dist : 4 : after he had asserted seven Orders of the Clergy , when he cometh to speak of Presbyters , p : 451. Edit : Lovan : 1567 , apud veteres ( saith he ) idem Episcopi & Presbyteri fuerunt , & p. 452. cumque omnes ( nempe septem ordines Cleri ) spirituales sunt & sacrae , excellenter tamen Canones , duos tantum sacros Ordines appellari consent ; nem●● Diaconatus & Presbyteratus ; quia hos solos primativa Ecclesia legitur habuisse ; & de his solum praeceplum Apostoli habemus . Cajetan , on Titus 1. 5. 7. hath these words ; ubi adverte , eundem gradum , idemque officium , significari à Paulo nomine Episcopi & nomine Presbyteri ; nam praemisit , ideirco r●liqui te in Creta , ut constituas Presbyteros ; & modo , probando regulam , dic● oportet enim Episcopum , &c. Estius , lib : 4 : Sententiar : dist : 24. when he i●… proving Episcopal Jurisdiction above a Presbyter , doth not refer it to Divine Right : quod autem ( saith he ) Jure Divino Episcopi sint Presbyte●is superiores , & si non ita clarum est è sacris literis , &c. And he provet● it by the Authority of some Popes , and Councils . As also Lombard . 〈◊〉 supra , fetcheth the Original of the several Degrees of Bishops from the Heathen Flamins , Archi-flamines , and ●roto-flamines ; not from Scripture Bellarm : citeth Medin : condemning Jerome as erroneously holding the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter : this Bellarm : hath lib. 1. c. 15. de Clericis : Object : 6. Medina doth there affirm , August . Ambros. Sedul . Prima●●us , Chrysost. Theodorat . AEcumen . and Theophylact. to be of the sam● mind : and he addeth , alque ita illi viri alioqui sanctissimi , & sacrarum literarum consultissimi ; quorum tamen sententiam prius in ●erio , deinde in Waldensib●● , postremo in Wiclefo damnavit Ecclesia , &c. It is here evident that others as well as the Scots Presbyterians , held the Opinion about Parity to be no Noveltie . Also Sixtus Senens . Biblioth : Sanct : lib : 6 : Annotatio : 324 : looketh on Jeromes Opinion as being for the Identitie of Bishop and Presbyter ; and citeth as agreeing with him , Ambros : Chrysost , Sedul : An selm : Thom : Valdens : against Wiclife : who refuteth him as being of Jeromes Opinion in this : and of Alfonsus Castrensis he saith , non veretur fateri Hieronimum hâc in parte errasse : to these Schoolmen I shall add some of the Canonists , as plainly against this Jus Divinum of Episcopacy . Gratian : dist : 60. cap : ult . Ad verbum Papa ; sacros ordines dicimus Diaconatum & Presbyteratum : hot quidem solos primitiva Ecclesia habuisse dicitur . Joan : Semeca : Gloss : in Jur : Can : dist : 95. Dicunt quidem quod in Ecclesia prima primitiva commune erat Officium Episcoporum & Presbyterorum , & nomina erant communia . Ibid. c. olim . Et officium erat commune : sed in secunda primitiva coeperunt distingui & nomen & officia . So Owen of ordination p. 108. who also citeth to the same purpose , Concil : Aquisgr : can : 8 Concil Hispal . c. 2. Canon . 7. and Concil . Constantiens . where Presbyters were determined to have decisive voices with Bishops ; because in the Law of God Bishops were no more than Presbyters . I am far from inferring from what hath been said , that all these were Presbyterians . But it is evident that some of them did not hold Episcopacy to be Juris Divini , as this Enquirer doth : and that none of them lookt on Paritie as so late an Invention as he doth . SECTION VI. His Answers to our Citations from Jerome and Augustine , examined . THis learned Author hath singled out the Testimonies brought by Presbyterians out of these two Fathers , and promiseth p. 65 , to examine them more narrowly , as being the chief strength of the Presbyterians , that is to be found in the Writings of the Ancients . I shall adventure to examine his Examination . He taxeth Blondel for inscribing his Book , Apologia pro Sententia Hieronimi , as if the Presbyterians Doctrine had been certainly espoused by Jerome ; and bringeth this Argument against this Conduct of Blondel . At this rate ( saith he ) his Contemporaries were very much to be blamed who placed Aerius among the Hereticks , and yet on all occasions make honourable mention of Jerome , if he taught the same Doctrine for which Aerius was condemned for a Heretick . This reasoning is of no weight : for it is well known on how small grounds some in the fourth or fifth Centuries were listed among the Hereticks . 2. It is no rare thing in the World , to heighten the same Action , or Opinion in one person , which they excuse or extenuate in another : We know how the Pope condemneth the same Principles as Heresie in Calvine , which he passeth no such Censure on when they are taught by the Jansenists : and how Alvarez chargeth Calvine with Heresie , for the same things that he himself holdeth : and is at much pains to shew the difference , where indeed there is none . Jerome was a man of great esteem , so as it seems Aerius was not . 3. It is thought by many , that Aerius managed his Principle more unpeaceably than Jerome did : that he opposed himself more fiercely to the growing Usurpations of that time ; and made a Schism about the Matter . And it is evident that many of them who are by Epiphanius called Hereticks , were at most , but Schismaticks . Neither do I by this yield , that Presbyterians now may be called Schismaticks ; for I know not that Aerius was justly so branded , on account of that Opinion . Nor do I think that Episcopacy was come to that intollerable height when Aerius opposed it , that it is come to in our days , and came to● soon after his time . 4. Magdeburg . cent . 4. c. 5. p. 399 , 4●0 . edit . Ba●… 1560. sheweth that Epiphanius maketh him an Arian . So August : a●… Basil● say he was the Author of the Heresie of the Syllabici ; which w●… indeed Arianism : from which Magdeb concludes , that we have litt●… certainty about him . 5. Some men of great worth excuse Aerius : 〈◊〉 Whitaker , Reinolds : and affirm , that he was innocent of these Heresies they charge him with , only he had angered some great men of t●… Age ; by questioning some of their Usurpations ; and also by zealou●… opposing some of the Superstitions that were then creeping into t●… Church ; and had too much Countenance from some eminent Men : such as Praying , and offering for the dead , and Praying to Saints . 〈◊〉 Aerius was not esteemed a Heretick by all the Fathers of that , or t●… following Age : none call him so but Epiphanius ; and Augustine , w●… implicitely took it from Epiphanius . Neither Theodoret , nor Socrat●… nor Sozomen , nor Euagrius , have any thing of the Aerian Heresie . § 2. He maketh a Collection of the Citations we bring out of Jerome , and then giveth us his Remarks on them . I must also transcrib●… them , that the Reader may have them before him , while he is upo●… this Debate about them . The first is out of Hieron : on Tit. 1. Diligenter ( saith Jerome ) Apostoli verba attendamus , dicentis , ut constituas per Civitates Presbyteros , sicut ego disposui ; qui qualis Presbyter debeat ordinari , 〈◊〉 sequentibus disserens , hoc ait , si quis est sine crimine , unius uxoris vir , &c. Postea intulit , oportet enim Episcopum sine crimine esse tanquam Dei dispens● tor : idem est ergo Presbyter qui & Episcopus ; & antequam Diaboli instinct●… studia in religione fierent ; & diceretur in populis , ego sum Pauli , ego Apollo , ego autem Cephae ; communi Presbyterorum consilio Ecelesia gubernabatur . Postquam vero unusquisque quos baptizaverat suos putavit esse , non Christi : in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de Presbyteris electus , superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis Ecclesiae cura pertineret , & Schismatum semina tollerentur . Of what followeth in Jerome the Enquirer giveth but a lame account ; telling us that Jerome proveth the Identity of Bishop and Presbyter from Phil. 1. Acts 20. 1 Pet. and Epistle to the Hebrews . But I shall give a more full account of his words ; He addeth to what goeth before , putet aliquis non scripturarum sed nostram esse sententiam , Episcopum & Presbyterum unum esse , & aliud a●atis , aliud esse nomen Officii ; relegat Apostoli verba ad Philipp : dicentis , Paulus omnibus sanctis in Christo Jesu qui sunt Philippis , cum Episcopis & Diaconis : Phili●pi ( these are Jerome's words ) una est urbs Macedoniae , & certe in una civitate plures ( ut nuncupantur ) Episcopi esse non poterant ; sed quia eosdem Episcopos illo tempore , quos & Presbyteros appellabant , propterea indifferenter de Episcopis quasi de Presbyteris est locutus . Adhuc alicui hoc videretur ambiguum , nisi altero testimonio comprobetur , in Actis Apostolorum scriptum est , quod cum venisset Apostolus Miletum , miserit Ephesum , & vocaverit Presbyteros Ecclesiae ejusdem ; quibus postea inter catera sic locutus , attendite vobis & omni Gregi in quo Spiritus Sanctus vos posuit Episcopos , &c. Et hic diligentius observate , quomodo unius civitatis , Ephesi , Presbyteros vocans , postea eosdem Episcopos dixerit . Si quis vult recipere eam Epistolam quae sub nomine Pauli ad Haebreos scripta est , ( for that Epistle in Jerome's days was controverted , whether it were canonical Scripture or not ) & ibi , aequaliter , inter plures , Ecclesia cura dividitur , siquidem ad plebem scribit , parote principibus vstris ( behold , Jerome calleth the Presbyters , principes , from their ruling power ; from which Title given to Bishops , our Brethren often argue for their sole Jurisdiction ) & subjecti estote , &c. Et Petrus , qui ex fidei firmitate nomen accepit , in Epistola sua loquitur , dicens , Presbyteros ergo in vobis obsecro , compresbyter , &c. pascite gregem Domini , &c. Haec propterea ut ostenderemus ( this our Author citeth ) apud veteres eosdem fuisse Presbyteros , quos & Episcopos ; paulatim vero ( ut dissentionum plantaria evellerentur ) ad unum sollicitudinem esse delatam . Sicut ergo Presbyteri sciunt se ex Ecclesiae consuetudine , ei qui sibi praepositus est esse subjectos , ita Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispensationis Divinae veritatis Presbyteris esse majores ; & in commune debere Ecclesiam regere : imitantes Mosen ; qui cum haberet solus praeesse populo Israel , 70 elegit , cum quibus populum judicaret : videamus igitur qualis Presbyter sive Episcopus ordinandus sit . § 3. He bringeth also Jeromes Epistle to Oceanus , where I confess I find nothing for our purpose , but what is more fully and clearly said by Jerome in the place cited ; and which followeth . Next he bringeth Jerome's Epistle to Euagrius , ( which is next to that to Oceanus ) in which he citeth the same Scriptures ; but to them he prefixeth ( which this Author passeth over ) audio quendam in tantam erupisse verecundiam , ut Diaconos Presbyteris i. e. Episcopis , praeferret : nam cum Apostolus perspicuè doceat , eosdem esse Episcopos quos Presbyteros , quis patitur ut mensarum & viduarum Minister supra eos se tumidus eff●rat , ad quorum preces Christi corpus sanguisque consicitur . Quaeris autoritatem , audi testimonium ; and so he citeth Phil. 1. and Acts 20. And then , ac ne quis contentiose in una Ecclesia plures Episcopos fuisse contendat ; Audi & aliud testimonium , in quo manifestissime declaratur , vel comprobatur , eundom esse Episcopum aut Presbyterum : and so he citeth Tit. 1. and also 1 Tim. 4. 14. where Timothy is said to be ordained by laying on of the Hands of the Presbyterie : and 1 Pet. 5. and taketh notice of the Emphasis of the Charge given to Presbyters in the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unde , ( saith he ) & nomen Episcopi est tractum : and then he citeth Joh. Ep. 2. and 3 , where that Apostle calleth himself Presbyter , or Elder . After all this , the words that the Enquirer citeth , do follow . Quod autem postea unus electus est qui cateris praeponeretur , in Schismatis remedium factum est , ne unusquisque Eeclesiam ad se trahens , Christi Ecclesiam rumperet . Nam & Alexandria à Marco Evangelista , usque ad Heracleam , & Dionysium Episcopos , Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collatum , Episcopum nominabant . Quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faciat , aut Diaconi eligant de se quem industrium noverint , & Archi-Diaconum vocent . Quid eum facit Episcopus , excepta ordinatione , quod Presbyter non facit : nec alt●ra Romanae urbis Ecclesia , altera totius orbis aestimanda est ; & Gallia , & Britannia , & Oriens , & Persis , & Judaea , omnes barbarae nationes , unum Christum adorant , unam observant regulam veritatis : Si authoritas quaeritur , orbis major est urbe . Ubicunque fuerit Episcopus sive Romae , sive Eugubii , sive Constantinopoli , sive Rhegii , sive Alexandriae , sive Thanis , ejusdem meriti est , ejusdemque Sacerdotii : potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas , vel superiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit . Caterum omnes Apostoli successores sunt . After this he proposeth an Objection against himself , from the practice that then was at Rome , that a Presbyter ordinabatur ad testimonium Diaconi : which seemeth to make for the preference of a Deacon before a Presbyter : which is that he opposeth through that whole Epistle ; and having answered that Objection , and condemned that Practice , he proceedeth thus , sciant quare constituti Diaconi ; legant acta Apostolorum : recordentur conditionis suae Presbyter & Episcopus : aliud aetatis , aliud dignitati● nomen est : unde ad Tit. & ad Tim : de ordinatione Episcopi & Diaconi dicitur , de Presbyteris omnino reticetur , quia in Episcopo & Presbyter continetur . Qui promovetur de minori , ad majorem prove●itur . Aut igitur ex Presbytero ordinetur Diaconus , ut ( not aut as our Author saith ) Presbyter minor Diacono comprobetur , in quem crescat ex parvo : aut si ex Diacono ordinetur Presbyter , noverit se lucris minorem sacerdotio esse majorem . Et ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de veteri Testamento ; quod Aaron & filii ejus , & Levitae fuerant in Templo , hoc sibi Episcopi & Presbyteri & Diaconi vendicent in Ecclesia . There is yet another place of Jerome which this Author hath not mentioned ( I shall not say he hath not read Jerome , though he cite him ; which he imputeth to these on our side , on less occasion given ) it is Ep : ad Heliodor : Tract : 3. tertiae partis , fol. ( mihi ) 284 , 285. This person being Jerome's intimate Friend , it seems was averse from an Eremetical Life , and desired rather to be in the Ministry . Jerome taketh much pains in this Epistle , to perswade him to go to the Desert , and there serve Christ ; and having occasion to speak of the Clergy , he saith of them , without Distinction ; absit autem ut quicquam de his sinistrum loquar ; qui Apostolico gradui succedentes ; Christi corpus sacro ore conficiunt : per quos & nos Christiani sumus : qui claves regni coelorum habentes , quodammod● judicii diem indicant . Qui sponsam Dei sobria castitate conservant . And a little after , mihi ante Presbyterum sedere non licet ( it seems neither he , nor Heliodorus were then ordained , though they both were afterward ) Ill● , si peccavero , licet tradere me Satanae , in interitum carnis , ut spiritus salvus 〈◊〉 in die Domini Jesu . § 4. Let us now see how my Antagonist answereth what he thought fit to cite out of Jerome . To which I premise that our present Debate is not whether what Jerome writeth be true or false , sound or unsound but what was Jerome's Opinion in the Matter now controverted ; and consequently whether Jerome be on our side , or on the opposite side . I observe also that our Author denyeth not that Jerome thought there wa● a time when the Church was governed communi Presbyterorum consili● But he thinketh Jerome mistook in this , and in that Period ( which he taketh to be in the Apostles time , before Bishops were setled in the Churches ) the Apostles governed the Churches which they had planted , by their personal and Apostolical Authoritie I must examine this before I proceed It is not to be denyed , that when the Apostles , by their preaching , had converted a Company of people to Christianity while they were not formed into Societies , and had no Officers to teach and govern them , they managed the Affairs of these people , by their own Authority ; and it could not be otherwise But here are three mistakes . 1. That the Apostles first setled Teaching Presbyters in these newly converted Churches , who might teach them , but not rule them ; and afterward set Bishops over them to rule them : this is a groundless Fancie , nor can any shadow of Authoritie be given from Scripture for it : if he shall offer any thing as a proof of this , we shall consider it . We think that the Apostles setled Presbyters among the new converted Societies , both for teaching them , and ruling them ; and that the Apostles gave these Elders Direction , by the infallible Spirit , both what they should teach , and how they should govern : the latter needeth no proof : the former we prove from Acts 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5. where we read of ordaining Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the other Scriptures above cited Sect. 3. § 12 , 14. by which it is made appear , that these Elders ruled the Church , as well as instructed her , as at Corinth , and at Thessalonica , and else where . Another mistake is , that the Apostles by themselves governed any particular Churches that were setled , and had Presbyters among them . The contrary is evident from what hath been proved of the Elders governing the Churches : and from this , that our Adversaries can produce no such Instance . Paul had indeed the care of all the Churches on him , whether they had Officers or none : but it doth not thence follow , that he ruled them all , or any of them , personally : his care was that they might be well taught and well ruled , by them who were appointed to that Work ; over all whom he , and every one of the Apostles , had a Superintendency . A third mistake is , that the Apostles in their time , made a change of the Government that they had setled in the Church ; by setting up Bishops , where formerly they had setled Teaching Presbyters , and had ruled the Churches themselves : and particularly that at Corinth upon the Divisions mentioned 1. Ep. Ch. 3. a Bishop was set up there , as this Author hinteth , p. 69. Can he , or any man else , give any thing that looketh like a Warrant for this Imagination ? Surely if such a Change had been made by the Apostles , we should have had some hint of it in their Writings , or in the History of their Acts. § 5. This Author hath an other observe , in the same page , as wilde , and wide from the Truth : that Jerome thought that the Superintendency of Bishops above Presbyters , was occasioned by the Contentions at Corinth ; so he thought that this Remedy of Schism , was appointed by the Apostles themselves ; and that it was not the Invention of after Ages : but the Apostles by their own experiance immediatly found the Inconveniency of Paritie ; and therefore appointed , that unus praeponeretur caeteris . This is strange Confidence , and little Evidence of that Candor which he so much desiderateth in Blondel , and other Presbyterians . Can he produce any Word , or Passage in Jerome , from which this may be inferred ? Yes , he pretendeth to prove it : after he hath stated this as the present Debate , whether it was Jerome ' s Opinion that the Apostles themselves set up Episcopacy as the Remedy of Schism ; or that Parity continued sometime after the Apostles ; and the Church in after Ages set up Prelacy , because Parity was apt to breed Schism . The former he maintaineth , we hold the latter . That Blondel saw , that Jerome thought that the Apostles turned the Government from Paritie to Prelacy , is a strange Assertion , when the great design of his Book was to prove the contrary . And the proof of it is yet stranger ; Blondel entereth a Caveat , that none should think that the Apostles themselves appointed the Remedy of Schism mentioned by Jerome . Is it not a good Consequence ? This is an absurd Thought , saith Blondel , ergo , I believe it was Jerome's Opinion . Blondel maintaineth , and so do I that not only it is not true that the Apostles in their time appointed the Remedie ; but that Jerome was not of that Opinion . § 6. His first proof , that such was Jerome's Opinion , is p. 7. Jerome thought that the occasion of the change that was introduced into the Ecclesiasti●● . Government , were the Disputes in the Church of Corinth ; and therefore 〈◊〉 change made must needs be Apostolical : they only had power to erect the Ecclesiastick Fabrick , and they were zealous to prevent Confusions . No other Decree could be meant by Jerome ' s toto Orbe decretum est , for no other De●… could oblige all , nor would have been so universally received : neither was th●… any Council that had so decreed . This Apostolical Constitution Jerome calleth 〈◊〉 his Commentaries on Titus , consuetudo Ecclesiae ; which he distinguishe●… from dispositio Divinae veritatis , meaning that the Prelacy of one Priest abo●… many , was introduced rather by Apostolical practice , than the personal mand●… of our Blessed Saviour . Such Discourse from a Presbyterian , would be exposed by this Author , with great scorn : but I shall shew the absurditie of it by Reason . 1. That Jerome did not say , nor mean , that the Apostles made this change in Church Government , is manifest . For 〈◊〉 He saith it was done paulatim ; whereas apud veteres , ●idem fuer●● Presbyteri qui & Episcopi : so on Phil. 1. as we cited § 2. These veteres canno● be the Apostles ; but they who lived in the first Ages after the Apostle are so called ; but whatever he in that ; an Apostolick Decree for Bishops , and bringing them in , paulatim , do not well agree . It is henc● plain , that Jerome thought , in the first Ages after the Apostles , the Church was governed communi Presbyterorum consilio : but Schism arising in process of time , like that in Corinth , while the Apostles lived ; tha● Paritie was by degrees and first in some Churches , after in others , turned into a Prelacy . Certainly if the Apostles in their Life-time , had made a Decree for Prelacy , all the Churches would presently have set up tha● way , in its due Height , and not brought it in paulatim . 2. The very design of Jerome , in the places cited , which he laboriously prosecuteth is to prove , by Testimonies of the Apostles , that Bishop and Presbyter are one : how is this consistent with his thinking that the Apostles decreed the contrary ? this were to make the learned Jerome to speak , yea to think , the most palpable contradictions . 3. Is it imaginable , if Jerome had thought that the Apostles first for a time setled Paritie , and then by degrees ( or otherwise ) changed it into Prelacy , that he would be at so much pains to tell us where the Apostles did the former , as in all the places he citeth : and yet not point to one place in all their Writings , where this Decree for a Change should be found ? He may believe what he will , who can be perswaded of this ? If Jerome had thought that the Apostles then decreed Prelacy when the Debates arose at Corinth ; and that it was done on occasion of these Debates , and as a Remedie of them , he had been very absurd , and pleased himself with a groundless Fancy : for when the Apostle was reproving these Schisms , and labouring to cure them , and prevent the like among Christians , he hath not one word of Prelacy as a remedie of them : but on the contrary , reproveth the Presbyters of that Church , for being defective in the exercise of their Church power , cap. 5. of that same Epistle ; and cap : 12. 28. telleth them what Officers were to continue in the Gospel Church , and no mention of Bishops among them . § 7. Another thing in this Answer is most absurd ; that he calleth this Apostolical Decree , consuetudo Ecclesiae : a Decree and a Custome are two different things : nor was it ever heard of ( till this new Master of words arose ) that a Decree was so called : Custome may follow on a Decree ; and the same thing may be decreed which hath antecedently obtained by a Custome ; but to say a thing ( ex : gra : the setting up of Bishops as the remedie of Schism ) had its Original from Custome , and to mean it had its Rise from a Decree , is to speak non sense : which no wise man will impute to that learned Father . Wherefore it is evident that Jerome , by consuetudo Ecclesiae , meaneth the practice of the Church after the Apostles ( for to say it was the practice in their time , is inconsistent with what he confesseth to be Jerome's Opinion , that the Church was then governed by Presbyters ) which came in by degrees , paulatim . 3. It is an unaccountable Absurditie , to make an Apostolical Decree , or Practice , so opposite to dispositio Dominicae veritatis , as are Parity and Prelacy . Were not the Apostles guided by the Spirit of Christ ? Is it then imaginable , that He appointed Parity , or did not appoint Prelacy ; and the Apostles finding Parity inconvenient , would appoint Prelacy . Neither could Jerome mean , that Bishops were not appointed by any Command given out personally by Christ while he was on earth ; but by the Apostles after his Ascension : for that had been impertinent , and nothing to his purpose . For what different influence could that have on Bishops , to keep them from undue exalting themselves above the Presbyters ( which is manifestly Jerome's Scope in these words ) whether they were instituted by a personal Command of Christ ; or by his Apostles guided by his infallible Spirit ; for the Sense would be , Bishops are not above Presbyters by Christ's appointment ; but they are above them by the Apostles appointment : which either sets these two Appointments in opposition the one to the other , or maketh the words to be ridiculous and absurd . 4. That the Apostles only had power to erect the Ecclesiastick Fabrick , and that there was no other obliging Decree at that time , is true but it doth not hence follow , that Jerome's toto orbe decretum est , is meant of such an Apostolick Decree . It is rather meant of a Resolution ( decretum est doth not always signifie an authoritative Sentence passed ) through the several Churches , in most parts of the World ( so toto orbe may we● be restricted ) to set up a constant Praeses , whom they particularly called the Bishop . The Phrase toto orbe decretum est , cannot be understood of a Decree made in one place ( as that of the Apostles must be ) though for the whole World ; but of what was done in the several places of the World. § 8. That Jerome only alludeth to the Divisions at Corinth , and did not look on them as the immediate occasion of the Change that we made , I further prove . 1 The Schisms that Jerome speaketh of , 〈◊〉 introducing the Change , were made by the Presbyters ; who had baptized the people , and every one set up a Faction with these whom he had baptized : his words are plain ; postquam autem unusquisque quos baptizaverat suos putavit esse , non Christi , toto orbe decretum est , &c. Now the Divisions at Corinth were among the people , not among the Pastors I hope he will not say that Paul , Apollos , and Cephas , fell out about dividing the people among them , as their Followers disagreed . Wherefore Jerome could not mean this Schism , though he allude to it 2. It is not to be imputed to the Apostles that they would setle one Church Order , and so quickly change it into another , as they must have done , if the change were on occasion of the Schism at Corinth , which fell out soon after the setling of that Church ; and while other Churches were not yet setled . They no doubt foresaw the Divisions that would be , and did , at the first setlement of Churches , provide what Remedie the Holy Ghost thought fit for that Church disease . Especially , is it imaginable , that after they had found how ill Paritie succeeded at Corinth , they would setle other Churches on that Lubrick Foundation , which must quickly be razed , and a new one laid . The Apostle wrote his Epistle to Corinth , wherein he reproveth their Schism , from Ephesus , in the year of Christ 51. as is commonly thought : and about that time ( for he stayed at Ephesus two years ) he was setling that Church in Paritie ( for we find many Bishops or Presbyters in that one City ; as Jerome observeth : calling them that were called from Ephesus to Miletum by the Apostle , Presbyteros Ecclesiae ejusdem ) now can any man think that he would have thus setled the Church of Ephesus , and not presently setled a Bishop in it , if at the same time he had found the want of a Bishop to be the cause of the Tumuits at Corinth ; and a Bishop to be the proper Remedy of them . § 9. The next Attempt that my Adversarie maketh on Jerome , is to prove that he held Episcopacy to be as old as the Apostles days , from his words , Epistola ad Luagrium ; Nam in Alexandria , à Marco Evangelista , usque ad Heracleam , & Dionysium Episcopos , Presbyteri unum ex se electum , &c. Here he saith , Salmasius leaveth Jerome , and doubteth of the Truth of this History : which he need not think strange ; seing himself also chargeth Jerome with a Mistake , p. 69. And I think none of us ever judged Jerome to have had an unerring Spirit to guide him in all that he wrote . But I shall not question the Truth of what he relateth ; it may be the peculiar Name of Bishop to the Moderator , or primus Presbyter , began at Alexandria , as the Name of Christian did at Anti●…h . And no more but that can be gathered from Jerome's words . What●…er may be said of the Evangelist Mark , who founded the Church of Alexandria , and it is like , by his extraordinary power , ruled it at first by himself ; and that but for a small time ; for he left Alexandria , and preached and planted Churches in Lybia , Marmorica , and many parts of Egypt , as Beronius sheweth . That Jerome did not include Mark ( as Dounam absurdly saith ) among the Bishops so chosen at Alexandria , is evident : for how could the Presbyters chuse him to be their Head , who had an extraordinary Commission , and had been the Instrument of converting them , and who by his extraordinary power , had setled them in a Presbyterie , for the rest , if our Author will draw any thing from Jerome's words for his purpose , he must make him flatly contradict all that he had said , and laboriously proved , concerning the equality of Bishop and Presbyters : wherefore , they who came after Mark , and were chosen by the Presbyterie , were only set in excelsiori gradu , they had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were Moderators , and had the Name of Bishops given them usually , whereas the rest were called Presbyters : but that they had , so early as Marci tempore , Jurisdiction over their Brethren , the Presbyters who chused them , Jerome doth not say , nor can it be gathered from any of his words . And I do not question , but that in other Churches , as well as Alexandria , the Presbyters chose a Moderator , and , may be , he continued during Life ; only Jerome thinketh that the Distinction was more taken notice of there than elsewhere ; or sooner had the Note of a peculiar Name given to the Praeses . If this Sense , that our Author dreameth of , were put on Jerome's words , they must either contradict the whole of his Epistle , which is to prove that Bishop and Presbyter were one , till Ministers contended among themselves , and a Superiority came in paulatim , upon that ; or it maketh Jerome to say , that Parity was observed in all other Churches till these Dissensions arose ; but at Alexandria was Prelacy : which we cannot impute to Jerome , without making him absurdly contradict all Antiquity ; which doth represent Uniformity in the Church in this Matter ; and not such Discord . It is further evident , that Jerome did not mean , that there was a Prelate , with sole , or superior Jurisdiction , set up at Alexandria ; in that he was chosen by the Presbyters from among themselves ; and ordained also by them : he had no Prelation above them , but what they gave him : whereas a Bishop must be ordained by other Bishops : again , this is not spoken of by Jerome as a thing that the Presbyters must do , as being of Divine Institution ; but what themselves chused . § 10. He hath another Exception against our Argument from Jeromes Authority , p. 74. that he asserteth that the Apostolical Traditions were taken from the Old Testament . Where saith he , two things are asserted . 1. That the Hierarchy of the Christian Church is founded upon Apostolical Tradition . This is an absurd Inference . Jerome did indeed think that the Government of the Church at first , was founded on Apostolical Tradition , contained in the Scripture : but he is so far from making it to be a Hierarchy ( in the Prelatical Sense ) that he opposeth that , and pleadeth for Parity . The second thing he observeth is , that the Apostles had the Model of the Temple in their view , when they erected this Plat-Form and Polity in the Church ; the Bishop was the same with the High Priest in the Temple : and our Saviour made no Change but what was done did necessarly result from the Evangelical AEconomy which he was to stablish in the room of Levitical worship . Hence the Ancients so often reason from the Jewish Precedents to regulate the practice of the Christian Church . Here are diverse things to be examined , 1. How far Christ and his Apostles had respect to the Jewish Model , when they framed the Government of the Gospel Church , I shall not now determine . I suppose they did as a man doth when he pulleth down an old House , to build a new one : he doth not tye himself to the Dimensions , the Form , nor number of Stories , or Rooms : yet what was in the old House that was for his design in the new , he will readily observe . We are sure the Gospel Builders neither intended to reform , or patch , the old Jewish Church Fabrick . Such methods in Building , use to impare the Beauty , as well as usefulness , of the Fabrick . It is certain that they did wholly demolish the Fabrick to the Foundation ; ( I mean , as to what was instituted , and not of the Law of Nature ) as the Apostle sheweth Heb. 7. 12. where he telleth us of the change of the Priesthood , and also of the Law. And it is certain that the use of Priests , and of Levites to ( whose Work was to serve the Priests in their Sacrifices ) ceased , as soon as Christ offered up his Sacrifice once for all . Wherefore , as there was a new Priesthood ( to speak in his Dialect ) to be set up ; which had another sort of Work to do ; to offer up spiritual Sacrifices : So our Lord and his Apostles accommodated their Institution to what was needful , and convenient for that design ; and had no further regard to what had been in the Jewish Church . Hence if he can shew that there is the same use of Bishops under the New Testament , that there was of the High Priest under the Old Testament , he gaineth this Argument : but this , I hope , he will not attempt . The High Priest was a Type of Christ , as He is the Head of the Church , and as He offered up that one Sacrifice , which all the inferior Priests under the High Priest's Conduct and Authority , were especially employed in . Must we therefore have a multitude of Bishops in the Christian Church , to represent a Saviour for every Diocess , under whom the Presbyters offer up spiritual Sacrifices ? 2. That the Bishop is the same with the High Priest , is not only said without all Scripture Warrant ; but is most absurd : for the High Priest was one in the whole Church of God ; but the Bishops are many in the Gospel Church of Christ. And indeed this way of Reasoning will either establish the Pope as Head of the Universal Church , or it is wholly insignificant . 3. That our Saviour introduced no Change but what was necessary for the Evangelical AEconomie , is first said without Book he used his Libertie , nor did he tye himself to the old Pattern . Next , the new AEconomie did require this change that there should be no High Priest : because one man could not so manage the Affairs of the whole Christian Church , as he could do of the Jewish Church . 4. Jerome doth not here infer a Prelacy among Presbyters , from the Subordination of Priests in the Temple : his whole purpose is to shew that Deacons , the Servants of the Church , were inferior to Presbyters , the Rulers of it ; and this he setteth forth by the Similitude ( not binding Pattern ) of the Levites being inferior to the Priests , whom they served in the offering of Sacrifices : wherefore he doth not tell us that the Bishops were what the High Priest was ; and the Presbyters what Aarons Sons were , and the Deacons what the Levites were ; but he sets Aaron and his Sons on the one side , and compareth them with the Bishops or Presbyters ( whom he had been proving to be the same ) and the Levites on the other side to whom he compareth the Deacons . 5. If he can shew us that any 〈◊〉 the Ancients do so reason from the Jewish , to a Christian Hierarchie , 〈◊〉 to infer that they should be alike , or that they infer any more from 〈◊〉 than diversitie of Degrees of Church Officers , we shall consider what they say . § 11. A further Effort he maketh against what we bring out of Jerome : he taketh notice p : 74 , 75. That , Jerome citeth the genuine Epistle of Ignatius ; in which the Divine Original , and Institution , of Episcopal Eminence and Jurisdiction above Presbyters , is frequently and plainly expressed And after , when we find him citing the Epistles of Saint Ignatius as the genuine words of that holy Martyr , it must be acknowledged that he never dreamed of any Interval , after the Apostles , in which the Church was governed by 〈◊〉 Parity of Presbyters . This is a strange way of reasoning : Jerome saith that Ignatius wrote such and such Epistles , Ergo , though he teacheth Doctrine flatly contradictory to what they contain , yet he taketh for certain Truth all that is said in them : neither will this follow from Jerome's believing that Ignatius was a good man , and a holy Martyr good Men may have different Apprehensions of things , and yet own the Writings of one another to be genuine . All that Jerome saith is , that Ignatius wrote an Epistle to the Ephesians , another to the Magnesians , &c. He doth not cite one word out of them for Episcopacy , nor can any man assure us that these Epistles now Extant are the same that Ignatius wrote , and that Jerome mentioneth ; or that they are not vitiated . 〈◊〉 will not digress to debate about Ignatius's Epistles , whether they be spurious or legitimate ; whether they were by Ignatius the Martyr , or by an other of that Name , long after : but I much question what our Author confidently asserteth , that the Divine Original and Institution of Episcopal Eminence or Jurisdiction above Presbyters , is , in them , frequently and plainly expressed . When he shall think fit to produce the places where this is done , we shall consider them . He bringeth another Evidence , as he thinketh , of what was Jerome's Opinion in this Matter , p. 77. out of his Commentaries on Mat : 23. Quod fecerunt & Apostoli per singulas Provincias Episcopos & Presbyteros ordinantes . I do not find that Commentarie among Jerome's Works , and therefore cannot judge by the Threed of his Discourse , of what he designed by that Expression : but the words contain no Argument ; for bare mentioning of Bishop and Presbyter doth not prove them to be distinct ; especially out of the mouth of one who had taken so much pains to prove them to be the same . Jerome might well say , in the Dialect of his Age that the Apostles ordained Church Rulers , whom we now distinguish by these Names . What he bringeth next is wholly against Sense and Reason ; that this Constitution ( setting Bishops over Presbyters ) followed immediatly upon the Confusions and Schisms that arose in the Apostolical Church ; because Jerome in Epistola ●…d Titum , saith , priusquam vero unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos puta●…it esse , non Christi , in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus , &c. The absurdity of this Fancy I have above shewed : if he would prove what he designeth from this Testimony ; he must assert that Paul , Apollos , and Cephas , 1 Cor. 2. thought that they whom they baptized were theirs , not Christs ; and that they were the Authors of the Schism at Corinth . which I hope he will not say : It is evident that Jerome speaketh of a Schism made by ambitious and selfish Church men : and after that Schism Bishops were set up ; which no man will say was in the Apostles time . He hath yet another proof of Jerome being for Prelacy : p. 78 , 79. out of his Catalogus scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum , where he giveth account of several Bishops ordained and fixed in places , by the Apostles themselves . The Answer is plain and easie : the Apostles did indeed fix Bishops in Churches ; that ●…s Ministers , who were to teach and rule them : but that these Bishops who are also called Presbyters ) had Jurisdiction over other Presbyters , ●…s the question , and is not determined by this Argument . § 12. He next citeth Jerome , Epistola ad Nepotium . Esto subjectus pontifici ●…o , & quasi animae parentem suscipe : quod Aaron & silios ejus , hoc Episcopum & Presbyteros esse neverimus . This Citation is lame : between the two Sentences which our Author conjoineth , there is , besides other things , this Passage ; sed Episcopi Sacerdotes se sciant esse , non Dominos : honorent Clericos quasi con-Clericos : Ut & ipsis à Cloricis quasi Episcopis hon●… deferatur : scitum est illud oratoris Domitii , cur ego ( inquit ) te habe●… ut Principem , cum tu me non habeas ut Senatorem . Then followeth , qu●… Aaron , &c. And he addeth , unus Deus , unum Templum , unum etiam 〈◊〉 Ministerium : and he citeth to this purpose , 1 Pet. 5 : 2 , 3. and addeth , pessimae consuetudinis est quibusdam Ecclesiis tacere Presbyteros , & praesentibus Episcopis non loqui ; quasi aut invideant , aut non dignentur audire . It is evident that Jerome is here speaking of what was the way and practice in his time , and not of what was the Apostles practice , or what was Divine Institution : and therefore nothing here said can serve my Adversaries purpose : for our present Debate is , whether Jerome thought the Episcopacy was of Divine Institution . Next , it is also manifest , that Jerome is here reproving the height that some Church men were the●… aspiring to ; not approving the way of that time . We deny not the in that Age , the paritie of Presbyters had begun to be encroached upon ; in some places more , and in some less ; though we see no cause to think , that Church Domination had then arrived at the height that my Antagonist pleadeth for . 3. It appeareth by a strict and unbyassed View of all that Jerome here saith , that no further Prelation is here hinted at , than that of any Minister of the Gospel , or of the Moderator of a Presbyterio : for every Minister may be called Pontifex , and Parens anime , ( as the Dialect then was ) and may clame Subjection from the people in the Lord. What is said of Aaron and his Sons , importeth no more but that all Ministers have Authority , as all the Priests had : it is a Similitude , and it must not be stretched to an exact agreement in all things 4. That Jerome maketh a Distinction between Episcopos & Clericos , ca●… be drawn to no more but this ; that in his time , there was an observable Prelation in matter of Dignity ; it no way proveth a Superiority of Jurisdiction ; though I deny not but that some were then aiming at i●… His Citation out of Ep. 54 , Hieron . I find not , he hath not told us to whom that Epistle was written . It seems these Epistles are not the same way ranked in my Edition and in his . That he saith there , Episcopi apud nos tenent locum Apostolorum ; cannot prove his point : for the same may be said of all Presbyters ; and Jerome saith so expresly of them , Ep. ad Ocean : as I cited § 3 : they succeed to the Apostles in that part of Church power that is competent to them : and he cannot prove that Bishops succeed to them in all the power they had : but the Dispute about this will fall in afterward . That Jerome speaketh about an Ecclesiastical Prince , or Governour , is also inconcludent : for the Fathers sometimes speak as big words of Presbyters . He citeth also Ep. ad Paulinum , Episcopi ( saith he ) & Presbyteri habeant in exemplum Apostolos & Apostolicos viros , quorum honorem possidentes habere nitantur & meritum . All that he can draw from this is , that there was such a Distinction in Jerome's time ; which is not denyed : but Jerome doth not here define what power the one of these had above the other . He had been telling Paulinus , how Men of other Professions laboured to imitate them who had excelled in their way ; and instanceth the Roman Captains , Philosophers , Poets , Orators ; and this he applieth to Church men ; that they also should follow the best Examples : it were ridiculous to strain it to this sense , that Bishops should imitate the Apostles , and Presbyters the Apostolick men : especially seing our Author will say that many of these were Bishops . His exors & ab omnibus eminens potestas , he mentioneth by so indistinct a Citation , that I know not where to find it ; and therefore shall say nothing of it . To his Recapitulation of all that he had said on Jerome p. 79 , 80. I oppose the Answers I have given to the several things he there mentioneth ; which duely considered , let the Reader judge what ground there is for his Triumph that he concludeth this Discourse with . § 13. Our Author proceedeth p. 80 , & seq : to vindicate Augustine , that he was no Presbyterian . And , pray , who ever said he was one ? That way was past its Meridian in the World a little before his time : only we bring his Authority to prove , that some great Lights of the Church did not look on Episcopacy as of Divine Right ; or to have been in the Church from the Apostolick Age. He prefaceth this Dissertation with a Digression ( as himself calleth it ) containing insolent Contempt of , and Reproach against the Presbyterians ; calling all that have written , beside Blondel and Salmasius , the little Bouffoons of the Party : he must here understand the London Ministers . the five eminent Men under the name of Smectymnus , Rutherford , Didoclavius , Gersom Bucer , and many others . If Presbyterians did incline to act the part of Bouffoons , this Book , and many others like it , might furnish them plentiful Matter . He chargeth them with Impiety , p : 82. calleth them factious and unmortified Men : their Opinions , Dreams : saith , they have nothing more in their view than to gratifie their Revenge , and other Passions : imputeth Impudence and Irreligion to them , on account of this their Opinion . And his Confidence swelleth so high as to tell us , how astonishing it is that so much is written for Parity : If we believe the Ecclesiastical Records , there remaineth no Debate that Episcopacy is Divine , Apostolical , received without Interruption , and that by the Universal Church . That Scepticism will ( by natural Consequence ) pull down things more sacred , than the outward Hedge of Government : If his Arguments prove to bear any Proportion to his big Words , there can be no standing before him . He had been wiser if he had asserted less , and proved more : and if he had managed this Controversie with a more sedate Mind , it may be his success had been no less . I will not contest with him in Railling , nor huffie and bold asserting what is in controversie : but am willing to reason the Matter fairly and calmly . The Passage out of Augustine which Blondel and Salmasius bring is , Ep. 19. which is ad Hieronymum : quanquam secundum honorum vocabula quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit , Episcopus Presbytero major sit , tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est . I freely yield to my Antagonist , that the design of that Epistle is to invite Jerome to use all freedom in their Epistolary Conversation : and I add that this was needful , considering the higher Character ( in the common estimation of that Age ) that Augustine sustained , above Jerome , a Presbyter ; and therefore I lay not the stress of our Argument on his owning Jerome to be in some things above him ; nor do I think that Augustine lookt on himself and Jerome as standing on a Level , in respect of Dignity , as then it was esteemed : but I place the force of our Argument on these two ; the one is , Augustine insinuateth no Prelation that he had above Jerome , even according to the Sentiment of that Age , but what was secundum honorum vocabula : he had a higher Title , he giveth no hint of a Superior Jurisdiction , that he , a Bishop , had above Jerome , a Presbyter : which had been much more pertinent , and full as consistent with the Modesty and Humility that he expresseth . The other is , that even that superior Honour , he doth not derive from Divine Institution , or Apostolical Tradition , or constant Practice from the beginning ; but from the Custome of the Church that then ( that is in that Age ) prevailed . § 14. After setting down at length this Testimony from Augustine , he undertaketh to shew that the latter Sectaries ( so he is pleased to dignifie the Presbyterians ) mistake his meaning , and that Augustine never thought that Parity obtained in the Christian Church . He endeavoureth then to prove , that by usus Ecclesiae , Augustine meant no other thing , than the universal Practice of the Christian Church from the beginning : and that this Notion is very familiar to him , that Catholick and universal Customes had their Rise from Apostolick authority . Before I consider what he saith on this Head , I shall suggest one Consideration that will make it wholly unserviceable to his Design : viz. that our Argument is not built simply upon the Phrase usus Ecclesiae : but partly in his distinguishing Bishops from Presbyters in respect of Dignity , not Jurisdiction ; partly on his mentioning usus Ecclesiae not which semper obtinuit , sed which jam obtinuit . He speaketh not of universal Practice , nor of perpetual Practice ; but for a Practice that in his time had become common . I shall now attend to what he pretendeth to bring for his Opinion about Austines meaning : he telleth us p. 85. that this Father complained that many Usages had crept into the Church that were burdensome and uneasie , of which they knew the Original ; but for such Customes and Constitutions as were received universally , in all Churches , from the very first preaching of the Gospel , these he always considered as Sacred , and inviolable , and of Apostolick Authority : and of this sort , he saith , Austine thought Episcopacy to be : and he bringeth in Augustine reasoning thus : that what was confirmed by universal Custome in the Christian Church , could have no beginning latter than the Apostles : his words are , quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum , sed semper retentum , non nisi authoritate Apostolorum traditum rectissime credimus . He telleth us again p 87. to make his Assertion surer , as much as repeating it can do ; that usus Ecclesiae in Austine's Language , signifieth nothing else than the universal Practice of the Christian Church , which obtained in all Ages , and in all places , and therefore must needs spring from no lower Original than Apostolick authority . And hence he pleadeth , that unless we can shew what Council , Provincial or AEcumenick , introduced Episcopacy , it must be purely Divine . To all this I oppose a few Considerations . First , that upstart Customes of whose Original we can give account and these that are immemorial , are not only to be distinguished , but differently regarded , I think it is very reasonable : and this learned Father did wisely observe it ; but that so much weight is to be laid on this Distinction , that every thing is to be accounted Divine , the first Rise of which we cannot account for , I cannot assent to that ; nor do I find that Austine was of that Opinion . There were Customes , even in the Apostolick Church , which he will not say were of Divine Institution , and yet he cannot tell when and by whom they began : such as the Love-Feasts ; to which I may add the osculum pacis , which though the manner of it was enjoyned by the Apostle , that it should be done holily , without Hypocrisie or Lasciviousness ; yet I think few will say , the thing was enjoyned ; for then all the Churches should sin in neglecting it . And if there were such Customes that then crept in , why might it not be so afterward ? § 15. I observe 2. From his Discourse , that there is no ground to think that Augustine thought every Custome Apostolical , of which the Original , or time of beginning , could not be shewed : because that were to make Custome , and not Scripture the Rule of our Faith and Practice : and it would likewise infer the Infallibility of the Church , not only in her Decrees , but in her Customes : which is a stretch beyond the Papists themselves . If this Doctrine be true , no Custome of the Church can be contrary to , yea , nor without Warrand from Apostolick Tradition : it is not to be thought that Austine thought so , who every where pleadeth for having Recourse to the written Word of God , where there is any Controversie about our Faith or Practice . The words cited cannot be so far stretched ; but are to be understood , in Subordination to the Scripture ; where a Custome hath always , and universally obtained ; and it is not inconsistent with the Scripture Rule ; that may be indeed lookt on as of Divine Original , if it be in a Matter that Religion is nearly concerned in . If we should yield this Doctrine about the Influence of Customes , as a Rule of Faith and Practice ; yet it must be understood to comprehend the Custome of the Apostolick Age , together with that of after times : for to say that after the decease of the Apostles no Custome could creep in which was not Divine , is a bold Assertion . If while the Apostles watched over the Church , some Weeds might grow ; much more after their decease , while men slept , it might be so : 4. If his Doctrine about Customes in general , were never so unexceptionable ; how will he prove that Episcopacy is such a Custome , or that Augustine lookt on it as such ? Herein lyeth our present Debate ; and he fancieth Austine is on his side , because he extolleth Custome ; if he can prove that Austine thought that universa Ecclesia semper tenuit , that a Bishop hath Jurisdiction over Presbyters , we shall part with this Argument , and lean no more to Austines Authority . This he hath not attempted , and we are sure he can never perform it . 5. We are not obliged to tell what Council introduced Episcopacy . But we can prove , first ; that it might come in an other way , as the Tares grew when Men slept ; he might with as good Reason , when we see Tares growing among Wheat , prove that these Tares are good Wheat , because we cannot tell when , or by what particular Hand , they were sowen . Did not our Lord foretell that Corruptions would insensibly creep into the Church , by this Parable of the Tares ? Sure Decisions of Councils are not the only way of corrupting the Church . 2. If we prove that Episcopacy is contrary to Apostolick practice , and to Scripture rule , it must needs be evil ; though it have come in by no Council : if we find a Thief in the House , or a Disease in the Body , we may look on them as such , though we cannot tell how the one got into the House , nor give account of the procatartick Cause of the other : now as to what we contest about , if we do not prove that it is not the way that Scripture commendeth , or that the Apostles allowed , we must yield the Cause . Before I proceed to what he further offereth , I must take notice of a word that he seemeth to smother , and yet it looketh like an Argument , p. 86. about the middle he saith , Austine intended no more , but that now under the Gospel , by the constant and early practice of the Church , from the days of the Apostles , the Character and Dignity of a Bishop , was above that of a Presbyter . He putteth , now , in a different Character , and expoundeth it by , the days of the Gospel . This Interpretation is a doing Violence to the Text ; for if now be so understood , he must tell us when the time was , that the Distinction of these honorum vocabula , Episcopatus & Presbyterium , were not in use . Were they one and the same under the Law ? Or is it imaginable that Austine would after 400 years , or there about , speak so of that Distinction , if it were no newer ? He citeth also 1 Cor. 11. 16. We have no such Custome , nor the Churches of Christ : doth he think this Scripture so clear and express an Assertion of his Conclusion , that he saith not one word for bringing it to his purpose : the Apostle is there speaking of things wherein Custome is indeed the Rule , as having the Head bare , or covered , wearing long or short Hair : it doth not thence follow ( if the Apostle did there make it the Rule ) that it must also be the Rule in other things , p. 88. he pretendeth to convince us further , that Austine distinguished the Custome of the Universal Church , from the Custome of particular places , and he maketh the one mutable , the other not so . He needed not be at pains to convince us of that Distinction . I know no body that doubteth of it , nor that reject the Customes that are truly Universal , unless they clash with Scripture . But he should rather have tryed his Skill in convincing us , that Episcopacy hath been so used in the Church , or that Austine meant such a Usage , by his usus Ecclesiae . § 16. Another thing our Author undertaketh , for vindicating Austine , is , to prove that he doth positively assert that the Succession of Bishops in the See of Rome , did begin at Peter ; and thence argueth against the Donatists ; that their Error was a Noveltie , because in all this Succession of Bishops there was no Donatist : if ( saith my Antagonist ) there was a Period in the Christian Church after the days of the Apostles ; in which the Church was governed without Bishops , by a Paritie of Ecclesiastical Officers , the Donatists might evite that Argument , by denying such a Succession . This is one of the silliest of all Arguments : it is captio ab homonymia : there was a Succession of faithful Men , who taught and ruled the Church of Rome for so long a time , among whom was no Donatist : it followeth indeed that the Opinion of Donatists was a Noveltie ; but doth it follow that in all that Interval , that Church was governed by Prelates , with Jurisdiction over Presbyters ? unless he can prove that every one named in that Succession ruled the Church by himself , without the joint Authority of the Presbyters , he saith nothing to the Purpose in hand . He cannot be ignorant , that the word Bishop , signified in the Scripture Dialect , and in the Age that followed , any Church Ruler : and therefore that these men are called Bishops , cannot prove their sole , nor superior Jurisdiction . Austines Argument from this Succession , is equally strong against the Donatists , whether these called Bishops , were such as do we now distinguish by that Name from other Presbyters , or were the Ministers of the Church of Rome ; or were Moderators of the Presbyterie there . If he had taken his argument from Austines naming but one Bishop in Rome at one time , it would have seemed to have more of sense . But even so , it would not be so concludent ; for naming of one who might be the oldest , the most eminent , or the primus Presbyter or Praeses in the Meeting , doth no ways infer that he had Jurisdiction over the rest . From this our Author inferreth , p. 90. that usus Ecclesiae , in Austines sense , is the practice of the Church from the days of Peter . I think none else can see this Consequence ; for in the one place he is distinguishing Bishops and Presbyters ; in the other place ( and they are different Books ) he hath no occasion to take notice of that Distinction : nor is there any Affinity between the one Passage and the other . He further argueth , that Austine reckoneth Aerius an Heretick , on account of his Opinion about the Identitie of Bishop and Presbyter . This I have taken notice of above , § 1. It is no way to our present purpose , Austine disliked the Opinion of Aerius , as contrary to the Sentiments that then prevailed , Ecclesiae usu : doth it thence follow that he thought Episcopacy was Juris Divini ? Whether his unseemly Reflection on Mr. Andrew Mellvil , be a better proof of our Authors Christian Temper , and Veracity , or of his Skill in close reasoning , I leave it to the Reader to judge . His repeating the Argument from Succession of Bishops , p. 91. doth not make it stronger . When he can say no more that looketh like Argument , he ( according to his laudable Custome ) concludeth this part of the Debate , with Railling and abusive Reflections ; and confidently asserting his Conclusion , ad nauseam usque . Few of the Scots Presbyterians read any of the Ancients : they consult Blondel and Salmasius , and go no further than Smectymnus : he telleth us of their incurable Peevishness : they think to understand the Fathers by broken Sentences , torn from their neighbour places , when they have neither the Patience , nor good nature , to consider what the same Author saith else where : he calleth them , bauling People , and their way Confusion , and aequality . It is not only new but absurd ; supported by Dreams and Visionary Consequences : their Doctrines contradict the common Sense of Mankind , as well as the universal and uninterrupted Testimony of all Christian Antiquity . Thus he bantereth his Adversaries , when he cannot beat them out of their Principles , by the force of Argument , in this way of Debating I am resolved he shall have the last word : which uses to be a pleasant Victory to Men , or Women , who fight with this Weapon . SECTION VII . The Authors Arguments examined , which pretend to prove the Succession of Bishops to the Apostles . MY Adversarie hath hitherto acted defensively . In his second Chapter p. 94. & seq . he beginneth to assault us with his Arguments for Episcopacy . He placeth his main strength in this , that the Bishops were Successors to the Apostles ; and that when the Apostles went off the Stage , they left Diocesan Bishops to rule over the Presbyters and People , as themselves had done . And now he pretendeth to fix the true state of the Controversy : which he should have done before he had so largely debated it : we might for him been fighting in the Dark all this time : and neither understood against whom , nor about what we contend . He sheweth his wonted Benignitie , and good Temper , in his Preamble to his stating of the Question ; when he saith , such as design no more than Confusion and Clamour , endeavour to darken the true State of the Controversy That the Presbyterians have such Designs we disown , ( and it may be presumed we know our own Designs better than he doth ) neither shall we take upon us to judge his design in this Book , but leave that to the unbyassed who read it , and consider his Strain and his Arguments . To his stating the Question he premiseth two things agreed on ; that 〈◊〉 Government is not ambulatory . I am glad that we are agreed about this it was not so when the Magistrate was on their side ; we were alway● of that Opinion , but so were not they generally ; otherways Dr. Stillingfleets Irenicum had not got such universal Acceptance among their as it did . He saith we are likewise agreed that there was a Hierarchy und●… the Old Testament : whence this Conclusion is necessary , that the Subordination of one Priest to another is not simpliciter unlawful . If I were a Papist , and disputing against A. M. D. D. for the Popes Supremacy , I would likewise pretend to this Concession from him , that under the Old Testament there was one Priest to whom the whole Church of God , Priest and People were subject ; whence this Conclusion is necessary , that or single person be Head of the Universal Church , is not in its self simplic●ter unlawful . This Author is in a great Mistake , if he imagine that 〈◊〉 say that Episcopacy is simpliciter , and in it self unlawful : we think that Christ might have set up Bishops , yea a Pope ( with such limited Power 〈◊〉 his Wisdom might have seen to be consistent with the Churches good in the Church , if so it had seemed good to Him. And if He had 〈◊〉 done , we should cheerfully have submitted to the one , or the other wherefore our Question is not , what was lawful antecedently to Christ Institution , but what He hath appointed , as the way how He will ha●… His Church governed . The other thing that he premiseth to his stating of the Question , is an Enquiry into the nature of the Apostolick Office : where he laboureth to separate the ordinary permanent , essential Pow●… of the Apostles , which he maketh to be perpetual ; from the extrinsick , a●… extraordinary Priviledges , and Advantages of that Power , sutable to the fi●… Plantations of Christianity ; which he maintaineth to be Transitory , and 〈◊〉 have ceased when they died . § 2. The Essence of the Apostolick Office he will have to be in the Rectoral Power , or spiritual Jurisdiction that they had over other Ecclesiastick and not in their extraordinary Gifts , nor Infallibility , nor in their immed●… Call ; nor in their being Witnesses of our blessed Saviours Resurrection : and h●… proveth of each of these , that others beside the Apostles , had these Priviledges . These things are asserted Dictatorie : but I see not from what Grounds he draweth these confident Decisions . It is not any where told us in the Word , what is precisely the Essence of the Apostolick Office , and what is accidental or extrinsick to it ; and therefore we must be very Wa●…e in determining so positively in this Matter . It might be expected that this Gentleman , who when the Presbyterians hold Paritie to be of Divine Right , requireth of them plain Proofs , else they must be lookt upon as Impostors , p. 13. should give us very plain and positive Evidence for what he doth thus magisterially Dictate ; and which he layeth for the Foundation of his Opinion concerning the Divine Right of Episcopacy : but here we are disappointed . He hath not attempted to prove that the nature of the Apostolate is not an Aggregate of all these , preaching Power , with Administration of the Sacraments , Supreme Jurisdiction in the Church , and that with Rule over all Churches , an immediate Call , extraordinary Gifts , Infallibility ; to have seen the Lord. If one should assert that they who have all these are Apostles , and none else are Apostles ; and so that these are the Properties of an Apostle , which agree to Apostles , omni , soli , & semper ; and consequently they complexly taken , are the most essential Attribute of an Apostle , by which we must judge of the Essence of that Office ( for we know not the Essences of things , but by their first , and essential Properties ) how will our Author disprove this Opinion to establish his own ? § 3. I shall set before the Reader the Opinions of others ( on both sides ) about the Matter of the Apostolate ; or the distinguishing Characters of an Apostle ; that he may be the better able to judge of this Authors Opinion about it ; which yet is not his , but is borrowed from the Papists . But I first observe , that Christs twelve Disciples , who are by way of Eminency called Apostles , arrived at that height of Church Dignity and Power , by degrees : they were first called to be Believers : and afterward were sent forth as Preachers ; Christ having bred them to that Work by their Converse with Him , for some time : in neither of these Degrees , had they any Church Power , except that of Preaching , and Baptizing : they were no Church Rulers ; for there was as yet , no Gospel Church to be ruled , but they were still subject to the Government that was exercised in the Jewish Church : at last our Lord , after his Resurrection , gave them their Apostolick Commission ; by which they were clothed with the Authority that belonged to that Office ; and sent them out , both with Authority to Teach , gather , and setle , and to govern Churches ; and their complete Ordination , or solemn setting them apart for that Office , by which also , they were furnished for the Discharge of it , above what they had been before , was when the Spirit was poured out on them , on the day of Pentecost : they got their Commission Mat. 28. 18 , 10 , 20. but the pouring out of the Spirit on that day , was as it were putting the Broad Seal of Heaven to their Commission ; as may be gathered from Act : 1 : 4 , 5. Luk. 24. 44. It is true , others , beside the Twelve , got some Drops of that heavenly Shower , but they had not the same Commission with them , and therefore the Measure that they got did neither authorize them , nor fit them for Apostolick Work. Another thing that I here observe is , that though the Name Apostle be given to others in Scripture , yet there were some to whom that Name was given in a peculiar manner ; though the Word is sometime used at large , yet it is applyed to them , so as by it they are distinguished from other Church Officers : hence the Apostle not only taketh that Designation to himself , in the Inscriptions of his Epistles , but taketh pains to prove that he was an Apostle 2. Cor 9. 1 , 2. Now our enquiry is , wherein consisteth the nature of that Office that they had , who by way of Eminence were called Apostles ; or what are the Characte● that they may be distinguished by from other Church Officers ? If we can arrive at any Light in this , it will help us to understand whether the Bishops be Apostles , as some plead , or their Successors , as others imagine . § 4 I begin with the learned Bishop of Worcester Iren. p 209. where he discourseth of the common use of the Word , but p. 210. he telleth us , that the Twelve were called Apostles , from their immediat Commission that they had from Christ , and that our Lord made use of the word Sending ( as applied to them ) in the proper and peculiar sense . And he is so far from making Apostles and Bishops to be the same , that he maintaineth , that 〈◊〉 Argument can be drawn for the Form of Church Government from Christs Actions towards his Disciples . Whitaker , against Bellarm : de Pontif : Roman● ( who hath the same Notion of the Power given to Peter , that our Author hath of that given to the Apostles , and maketh the Pope to succeed to Peter , not in his extraordinary , but his ordinary Power ; exactly as this Author saith of the Bishops , compared with the Apostles ) Whita●… I say , bringeth his Proofs against the Popes being an Apostle , from these Characters of an Apostle : and this he borroweth from the Apostle himself , proving his own Apostleship : that he was not called by men , Gal : 1. 1. Now saith he , the Pope is called by men ; so say we of Bishops ; that he had his Doctrine , not by mens teaching , but by Revelation , Gal. 1. 2. Eph 〈◊〉 . 3. This agreeth neither to the Pope , nor Bishops : that he had seen Christ ; 1 Cor. 9. 10. That the Apostles were Witnesses of Christs Resurrection , Acts 1. 22. You see then how our Writers maintain the Protestant Cause against Papists : that they gi●e other Characters of an Apostle , which they make essential to him : and that this Enquirer hath the same Notions of this Matter that the Papists have . Calvin : In●… lib. 4 : cap : 3. § 4. giveth these Characters of an Apostle : his universal Charge , and not being tyed to a particular Church : and for this citeth Mark 16. 15. and Rom. 15. 19 , 20. where he observeth , that there was no bounds set to their Labours , but the whole world was given them to labour in : and that when Paul would prove his Apostolate , he doth not tell us of his gaining one City to Christ : but how he had travelled through a great part of the World , preaching the Gospel . He mentioneth also another Character , that the Apostoli were tanquam primi Ecclesiae Architec●● , qui ●jus ●und 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 or be 〈◊〉 : They were the first Planters of Churches , of which afterward . If it be objected , that these things belonged to the first , and extraordinary Apostles , not to these that are secondary , and permanent , or ordinary Apostles . This is to suppose what is in Question the Scripture giveth us the Characters of the Apostles that were the first Founders of the Church ; but giveth no account of other Apostles ; therefore these other are not Apostles , except in the general Notion , as they are sent to do Church work : Gersom Bucer : dissert : de gubern : Eccles. Episceps : 70. p. 269. proveth , that the Apostolate was a distinct Office from all other Church Officers , from 1 Cor : 12. 29. are all Apostles ? so that it cannot be confounded with the Episcopal Office , nor differ from it only in these accidental things that this Author speaketh of : and Episceps 98. p. 383. he citeth both Whitaker and Polanus , making the Apostles such a distinct Office , to which there was no Succession in respect of their Degree , and making this a distinguishing Mark of that Office , that their Calling was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immediate . The same hath Paul Bay● , Dyoces : ●ryal , p. 52. Didoclav : altar : Damascen : C. 4. p. 141. citeth Whitaker , and Junius , to this purpose : and even Tilenus , who was no friend to Presbyterie , Petrum ( saith he , ) unius loci aut urbis Episcopum facere , est Apostolicam dignitatem ei detrahere . de . Pontif : lib : 2 : C. 4. Not : 6. and lib. 1. C. 25. Not ▪ 7. he hath these words , neque eam Apostolus ullus uni civitati , tanquam globae , ascriptus fuit , quod Gregarli est Episcopi , non Apostoli . Also lib. 2. C. 12. § 5. I have seen a Manuscript of a learned Minister of this Church , now deceased , which , by an accident , hath stuok in the Birth , ( I mean the Press ) for some time : the design of which is to prove ( and I think he doth it solidly ) that the proper distinguishing Character of an Apostle is , he was commissioned by Jesus Christ in an immediate way , to gather and to plant Churches ; and to institute all Christs Ordinances , in them : to teach them to observe all that he hath commanded . So he , p : 61. That Apostles were appointed for the erecting and building of the Church , as ordinary Officers are for the constant care of it , and administring the Ordinances of it . And p. 64. he maketh the Power of the Apostles , to be instituting the Ordinances of the Church , Ministerially , under Christ , whereas the Power of all other Officers lyeth in executing what is by them instituted . the Apostles Power of Executing these Institutions arose from this , that every superior Church Officer hath the Power of all inferior Officers . He further sheweth , that the Office of an Apostle differed from all the extraordinary Offices that were in the Church , in the beginning of the Gospel , particularly , the Evangelists ( whose Office had the most Resemblance of the Apostolate ) in that 1. They had not the same Mission with the Apostles ( the one was immediatly from Christ , the other was from Him , by the Apostles : though their Gifts were sometimes immediate , and extraordinary . ) 2. They were not under the infallible guidance of the Spirit , as the Apostles were ; but were directed and ordered by the Apostles . 3. They had not their particular Instructions from Christ immediatly , as the Apostles , as appeareth from the Epist to Tim : and Titus 4 They had not the Power of conferring the Gifts of the Holy Ghost by laying on of Hands , as the Apostles had . My design in all this is to shew , that we have little reason to take this our Authors Doctrine about the nature of the Apostolick Office , how ever confidently asserted by him , on his bare word ; seing so many of all sorts of Protestants are against him in this : for his talk of the uniform Testimony of Antiquity for what he saith , we look on it as a groundless Fancie ; that he can never make out . I find indeed that some of the Ancients call Bishops , and some of them call Presbyters , Apostles , in a large sense ; that is Christs Ambassadors : but that some of them think , or say , that the Office of them who now rule the Churches , is the same with that of them who at first planted them , I find not : when he shall please to produce some of these Testimonies that he pretendeth to be uniform , they shall be considered . § 6 I cannot pass over without correction , an Argument he hath p. 99. to prove that it was not necessary to make up an Apostle , that he be immediately called to the Apostolate by our Saviour ; for Matthias was not immediatly ordained by our Saviour , but by the Apostles ; who had power to continue that Succession to the end of the World. A. It is most absurdly said , that Matthias was ordained by the Apostles ; for if they had had power to ordain an Apostle , why made they use of Lots ? They did not so in the Election or Ordination of any other Church Officer . I think Lightfoots Opinion will find moe to assent to it , his words are , Apostoli non poterant Apostolum ordinare impositione manuum , prout Presbyteros ordinabant , sed sorte utuntur , quae erat veluti immediata manuum Christi impositio in eum . Nor doth it make against this , that it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for Dr. Hammond ( who was as great an Asserter of Episcopacy as this Author can pretend to be , and understood as well what could be said for it ) saith , constat Matthiam sorte delectum fuisse , non per hominum suffragia . And Corn : à Lapide in locum , verbum hoc loco Catachrestice usurpatur de qualibet electione ; idemque significat quod eligi , accenseri , annumerari . Not only Beza , but Corn à Lapide , expoundeth it , q. d. hic sortis eventus communi omnium sententia comprobatus fuit . And it is certain , that a Lot is a Divine Determination , Prov. 16. 33. Cartwright , Mellis : Hebraic : hath this Note on the Text , quod sortem appellat judicium , docet , non nisi in rebus gravioribus ad sortem esse recurrendum ; maxime cum per sortem Deus ipse in judicio sedeat . It was not then the Apostles , but Christ himself , who chose Matthias to the Apostleship : nor was ever any Apostle chosen or called by Men ; which the Apostle Paul denyeth of himself , as not agreeing to that Office , Gal. 1. 1. He telleth us , p : 100. that the ordinary and perpetual Power that Christ gave to his Apostles , was derived by them to their Successors . Here he supposeth that the Apostles had an ordinary and perpetual Power ; which is that we now contend about ; for we maintain that their Power was extraordinary , and ceased with them ; and that it was an inferior sort of Power which their Successors got . He telleth next , that the name also was derived to others beside the twelve . That hath been already granted , that that Name , in a large sense , was given to others : yet in another sense it was restricted to the Twelve . But he is very unhapy in his Proof of this uncontested Truth ; by Instancing Phil. 2. 25. where Epaphroditus is called the Messenger , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Church of Philippi : for it is plain from the Text , that he is so called as being sent by the Philippians to Paul , and not as sent of God to them ( tho we deny not but that in that sense he might be called an Apostle ) for in that he is said , with the same Breath , to be he that Ministred to Pauls wants ; and seeing it is as evident from the Text , that he was then with Paul and not at Philippi ; it appeareth that he had been sent by them to Paul with some token of their bounty , for the Apostles subsistance . Thus Grotius expoundeth this Place : who saith , that they who gathered and carried the sacred Money were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and likewise , he saith , that the Philippians had sent Money to Paul by Epaphroditus , which he received , because being in Bonds , he could not then work with his hands For the same interpretation are Beza , Piscator , Zanchius , Uorstius ; yea , Estius , who citeth Thomas Aquinas for it ; and Cajetan . But he undertaketh to prove his sense of the word , by this Assertion , that an Apostle , in the New Testament , never signifieth a Messenger sent by men to men ; but always a Messenger sent from God to men . This he extendeth to other places , as 2 Cor. 8. 23. This assertion is wholy groundless : yea , it is false , as I have already proved with respect to Epaphroditus . Phil. 2 : 26. for 2 Cor. 8. 23. The word is not so to be taken there neither ; for all his confidence in saying that our Translation is certainly a mistake . Grotius is here also against him ; and saith , they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of their carrying Aims to the Churches of Judea . And it is evident from the Context , which telleth us of Pauls sending Titus about this Affair v. 27. and v. 18 , 19. Another Brother is chosen by the Churches to travel ( viz. to Judea ) with this Collection : and v. 22. Yet another Brother is sent with Titus and that Brother formerly mentioned . Now the Apostle giveth a Character of these Commissioners ; as for Titus , as well known to the Apostle , being in high Station in the Church , and an Evangelist ; he telleth that he was his Partner , and Fellow Helper ; as for these other Brethren , he insinuateth that they must needs be very commendable persons ; being chosen by the Churches , and so entrusted by them ; in that they made them their Messengers . What he excepteth against this is frivolous ; for they are not called the glory of Christ on account of this Employment ; neither could they be called the glory of Christ , simply , on account of their being sent by him to the people ; yea , or being Bishops : but they are so called , because of their holy conversation , and faithful discharge of their Office , what ever it was , in the Church . Another Scripture he bringeth Rom : 16 : 7. where some are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where saith he , the Greek Phrase may be rendered , inter prima●ios Apostolos . This is a Blunder that he would have thought sufficient to ruine the Credit of a Presbyterian for ever , as ignorant of the Greek , and of good sense : for neither can the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie Primarius . or Chief ; but may well be rendered , of note , noted , or eminent : nor can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agree , as Substantive and Adjective , as this learned Author maketh them to do ; contrary to all Rules of Grammar . The meaning is plain , that these men were noted , or eminent in the Church , and so esteemed among the Apostles , or by them ; nor doth it at all import that they themselves were Apostles . So not only Beza and Piscator ; but Toletus , Vatablus , Grotius . The falshood of his Assertion , p. 100. That the word Apostle never signifieth a Messenger sent by men to men , but always one sent by God to men ; is evident from Joh. 13. 16. Neither is he that is sent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , greater than him that sent him ; where the word is taken at large , for any one that is sent by another . And the Verb whence it is derived , is often used for a Mans sending ; as Mat. 2. 16. and 21. 3 : and 27 : 19 : 2 Tim : 4 : 12 & passim . § 7. He took notice , it seems , that his Adversaries make Universality of Apostolick Jurisdiction to be one distinguishing Mark of their Office , which Bishops cannot pretend to ; and therefore Bishops have not the Substance of the Apostolick Office. Hence he laboureth to take this Scruple out of the way , p. 101 , 102 , 103 , 104. And 1. He telleth us the narrowness of the Limits of these Provinces assigned to the secondary Apostles ( he meaneth the Bishops ) did not alter the nature of their Office , from that of the twelve Apostles ; more than the Kings of Juda lost the Honour of sitting on the Throne of David , after the Revolt of the ten Tribes . Here is a gross Mistake of the Question , which is not , whether the largeness or narrowness of the Charge that a Church Ruler hath , do alter the nature of his Office ; but whether a limited and particular Charge do not so differ from that which is universal and extended to the whole Church of Christ , as that he who hath the one Charge and he that hath the other is not in the same Office. Will any Papist say , that the Univers●● Bishop who sitteth at Rome , hath the same Office in the Church , and no higher than any poor Bishop in Italy or elsewhere ? The Similitude brought from the Kings of Juda is impertinent to this purpose : if one had the Empire of the whole World , and lost that , and got the Crown of one particular Kingdom ; I think his Office is not what it was . Beside , if we should yield all that he here alledges , it were no loss to our cause : for we do not make universal Jurisdiction the only Character of an Apostle ; but that complexly , and in conjunction with others : as is above shewed . Another Consideration that he hath , is , the Apostles themselves had not equal Bounds and Provinces for their Inspection , but some travelled further than others ; yet this did not change their rectoral Power , or Jurisdiction : no more did the confining Bishops in the exercise of their Power , to narrower Limites , make their Power to differ from what the Apostles had : that Restriction not being by the nature of the Power it self ; but from the various Necessities and Circumstances of the Church , the Rules of Order , and the multitude of Converts , which obliged them afterwards to more personal Residence . I reply to this , 1. Here is a wide Door left for his Holiness of Rome to enter into the Church by : and it is observable , how naturally , and frequently , this learned Author , and some others of his Gang , do shew their Byass to that side . If nothing but Order , and Circumstances , and not Divine Institution , do confine Bishops to their Sees , whether larger , or less extended ; and every one of them have , actu primo ( as may be deduced from this Doctrine ) universal Jurisdiction ; why may not the exercise of it be committed to one of them ; and the rest be subject to him ? Some think that this belongeth to good Order , ( though ordinary Pastors be related actu primo , to the Universal Church ; yet they have not that Jurisdiction that the Apostles had , who needed no more but their intrinsick Power to warrant its Exercise in any particular place . ) 2. It is without all warrant to suppose that every Bishop hath universal Power over the Church of Christ , as every Apostle had : they have not that Commission , go teach all Nations : this was the peculiar work of Apostles , to travel and plant Churches : the work of Bishops ( if such an Office be in the Church ) is to stay at home , and feed that part of Christs Flock which is committed to them . 3. It is falsly supposed that the Apostles had so their several Provinces as that they were confined to these : the World was the Province of each of them ; though by mutual Consent , or by the immediat Conduct of the Holy Ghost , who guided their Motions , ( as may be gathered from Acts 17. 7 , 9 , 10. ) they went into several places of the World ; yet so as they observed not that Division very critically ; for we find them meeting sometimes ; and though Peter was the Apostle of the Circumcision , yet Paul often preached to the Jews 4. The confinement of the ordinary Pastors to their several Charges is not the effect of Prudence , and Agreement of them among themselves , alone ; but it is Gods Appointment , ( though the setting of the Bounds of their several Districts in particular , be a work of men ) for Christ hath not only set Pastors in the Church , but he hath set them over their particular Flocks , Acts 20. 18. so as they have the charge of them , and must give account of them ; and not of the Souls in all Churches . § 8. His Notion , p. 103. that the Apostles divided the World among themselves by Lot , I know is to be found in Eusebius , Dorotheas , and Nicephorus , and some others of the Ancients ; and some latter Writers have taken it on trust from them , as this Author doth : neither shall I be at pains to disprove it ; it is done learnedly and fully by Dr. Stillingfleet , Iren : p. 232. & seq . by eight Arguments , that this Author will not easily answer : and particularly he sheweth , that Acts 1. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cannot be understood of a District appointed at first for Judas , and he falling from it was alloted to Matthias : which our Author taketh for an uncontested Truth , p. 103. Another thing I observe is , p. 104. that he saith , neither the Apostles , nor their immediat Successors , were so confined to particular Sees , but that proportionably to the Exigencies of the Catholick Church their Episcopal care and Superintendency did reach the whole , as far as was possible ; and as Christian charity did require or allow , notwithstanding of their more fixed and nearer Relation they might have to particular Churches : which he proveth by their Epistles to other Churches , and by their Travels : and he concludeth , that the confinement to a particular See , doth not proceed from the nature of the Priesthood , but from the Rules of Prudence , Ecclesiastical Oeconomy , and canonical Constitutions . I first take notice , that this is still beside the Purpose , for it can never evince that the Bishops are Apostles , unless he make it out that no other Mark can be assigned in respect of which they differ . We say , that though Bishops and Apostles were Universal Officers in the Church , there are other things wherein they differ , as hath been shewed . 2 That the Apostles had a fixed and nearer Relation to one particular Church more than another , is denyed , and he can never prove it . The contrary is proved abundantly by the Author last cited . It is true , some of the Fathers do sometimes call James Bishop of Jerusalem : but that is with respect to his Residence , not to the confinement of his Authority : he was determined to stay there , as the place which Christians did resort to from all parts of the World ( not in Pilgrimage , but on many other Occasions ) that he might there superintend the Affairs of the Universal Church . Euseb . lib : 2. c : 23. and Jerome de viris illustribus , say , he was by the Apostles ordained the first Bishop of Jerusalem ; but this they take out of Egesippus ( as themselves confess ) a most Fabulous Writer , and both of them relate out of him , several things concerning the same James , that all do look on as idle Dreams . 3. It is also without warrant , that he asserteth , that the first Bishops were not confined to their Sees , more than the Apostles were . If he understand of the Evangelists , we shall debate the case afterward . If of ordinary Pastors of the Church , I deny not but that they had a regard to neighbouring Churches , which were not furnished with Pastors , or otherways had need of their help ( so do Ministers at this day , and ought to do ) and this is all that can be inferred from their Epistles , or their Travels , which he mentioneth : but that they had universal Jurisdiction , as every one of the Apostles had , we deny , and he hath brought no Proof of it . 4. Who ever thought that the Confinement of a Pastor to a particular Charge , doth proceed from the nature of the Priesthood ? if one Pastor could feed Christs Flock , more were superfluous : neither doth it proceed from mens Prudence , and Church Canons ; but from Christs Institution , built on natural necessity . He directed his Apostles to ordain Elders in every City , and in every Church . § 9. He cometh now p. 105. to discourse of Succession to these Apostles , whose Office he had taken so much pains ( to what purpose let the Reader Judge ) to describe : and fixeth the Debate in this Question , Whether the Apostles committed their Episcopal Jurisdiction and Apostolick Authority , which they exercised in particular Churches , to single Successors , duely and regularly chosen , or to a Colledge of Presbyters , acting in the Administration of Ecclesrastical Affairs , in perfect Parity and Equality ? And this he taketh to be the genuine State of the Controversie , and so do I ; if some of his Prejudices , and unwarrantable Suppositions be cut off from it . For correcting this State of the Question , let it be observed first ; that we will never own that the Apostles had any Successors in the whole of what was essential to the Apostolick Office : particularly , that rectoral Power that every one of them had over all other Ecclesiasticks : we deny that this was transmitted to Church Rulers who came after them . This our Author supposeth ; whereas he should have proved it . That all that Power that was necessary for the Church , was transmitted from the Apostles to their Successors , we acknowledge : such as Power of Preaching , Administring of Sacraments , Ordaining Ministers , Ruling the Church : this they left in the Church ; whether they left this Power to one in every Church to Rule the rest in these Administrations , or to many equally , is the Question . I join all these Powers together ; because our Brethren with whom we now debate , our Jure Divino Prelatists , put them all in the Bishops hands alone , to be parcelled out to his Curats as he pleaseth . So that Presbyters may not preach , baptize , nor do any thing else in the Churches , without his allowance ; they make the Bishop the sole Pastor of the Diocess . Wherefore our Author to this Question should have premised another , viz. whether the Apostles have any Successors at all , in the plenitude of that Power that they had over the Churches ? He taketh it for granted , we deny it : and prove what we say . 1. The Apostles had their Power both as to its being , and extent , and that toward persons and things or actions , by an immediat Call : The Lord by himself , without any act of the Church interveening , pitched on the persons , made them Church Officers , and told them their work , and set the bounds of their Power . Now if any pretend to succeed to them in the plenitude of this Power , they must instruct the same immediat Call , or shew that the Lord hath left Directions in his Word , for clothing some persons with all that Authority : but this neither the Bishops , nor none else can pretend to . Not to an immediat Call ; for then they must shew their Credentials . Nor to Scripture Warrant for all the Power of the Apostles ; where is their Warrant for going through the World , in their own personal and intrinsick Authority , to order Affairs in all Churches where they come , or for instituting Gospel Ordinances ; and appointing new Officers in the Church , that were not in it before : or even for ruling over their Brethren ? This last I know they claim : and we shall debate it with them ; but these others also belonged to the plenitude of an Apostolick Power . We have indeed sufficient warrant in the Word , for Men to Teach and Rule the Church ; and these things are necessary to be , and a Power for doing that was needful to continue in the Church to the end of the World ; but for other Powers that the Apostles had , they were only needful for planting the Gospel ; not for Churches planted : neither have we Directions about propogating such a Power in the Church . § 10. Another Argument . The Apostles in their own time , divided their Power and Work among several sorts of Church Officers : they appointed Elders , some for Teaching and Ruling , as hath been proved ; some for Ruling only , 1 Tim. 5. 17. They appointed also Deacons , to have a care of the Poor ; which was also a part of their Power but they appointed none to succeed in the whole of their Power . This Conduct they could not have used , if they had been to have such Successors . If they made diverse sorts of Church Officers to succeed them , every one in his share of that work that is alloted to him . All which was done by the Apostles : and if they have not told the Church , that every one of these Officers must act in dependency on one , who is over them , as the Apostles were over all : how can we imagine that there is one Officer in the Church ( by divine or Apostolick appointment ) who hath all the Power that they had , and to whom all must be subject as to them . 3. The Fathers do not only make Bishops to be Successors to the Apostles , but they say the same of all Church Officers , Ergo , they did not think that any person succeded to them in the plenitude of their Power . The consequence is evident , for parcelling out their Succession , and one enjoying it in solidum , are inconsistent ; the Ant. I prove by several Testimonies . Ignatius Ep : ad Trall : Presbyteros vocat conjunctionem Apostolorum Christi : & jubet , ut eos sequamur tanquam Christi Apostolos . Ep : ad Smyrnen : and Ep : ad Magnes . he saith expresly p : 33. edit : Vossi , that the Presbyters succeeded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the place of the Council of the Apostles . Irenaeus advers Haereseslib : 3 : c : 2. saith , traditionem quae est ab Apostolis per successionem Presbyterorum custodiri : and lib : 4 : c : 43. enjoineth , ut Presbyteris qui in Ecclesia sunt , & ab Apostolis successionem habent , auscultemus . And c : 45. Uhi ( saith he ) charismata Domini posita sunt , ibi discere oportet veritatem , apud quos est ea quae est ab Apostolis Ecclesiae successio . Cyprian lib : 4. Ep 4 : affirmeth , omnes praepositos ( and it is known that he giveth that Title also to Presbyters ) vicaria ordinatione Apostolis succedere . Jerome ( who was no Bishop ) owneth himself for one of the Successors of the Apostles , dist : 35 : cap. Ecclesiae in Apostolorum loco sumus , non solum sermonem eorum imitemur , sed & seorsum abstinentiam . And ad Heliodorum : absit ut de his quicquam sinistrum loquar , qui Apostolico gradui succedentes , Christi corpus sacro ore conficiunt ; & per quos nos Christiani simus . August ad fratres in eremo , calleth them expresly , among many glorious Epithets , Apostolorum successores . And Ser : 33. He hath these words , non Laicis spiritualia dona tradita sunt ; sed vicariis Domini , vicarii domini sunt qui vicem Apostolorum tenent : which ye see he saith of all the Clergy . § 11. Another thing I dislike in this state of the Question is , that he supposeth the Apostles exercised their Jurisdiction in particular Churches . I have above shewed , that this they did not ordinarily , in Churches already planted , and furnished with Officers . A third thing is , that he supposeth us to maintain a perfect Parity among Presbyters in the administration of Ecclesiastick Affairs . This I also cleared , S. 2. § 5. that we own a temporary Disparity , though not a Jurisdiction , in our ambulatory Moderator . These things being cleared , the Question is to be understood of that ruling Power that was in the persons of the Apostles , and is now necessary to continue in the Church . The Question is , whether , when the Apostles setled Churches , and committed the Government of them to Officers who were to continue in Succession in all the Ages of the Church , they committed that ruling Power to a single person , or to a Colledge of Presbyters ? He saith it was committed to a single Bishop , I maintain it was committed to a Colledge of Presbyters , without any Disparity of Power , or Jurisdiction among them . And I further add , that neither did the Apostles give more of this Power to one of the Presbyters above the rest , neither did they allow them to transfer that equal Power into the Hands of another , and suffer him to rule over them . Some light Velitations he hath ( before he came to his main arguments ) for proving his Point . And 1. From Christs promise , that the Apostolick office shall indure perpetually ; and this promise was made to them , not in their Personal , but in their Spiritual capacity I suppose he aimeth at Mat : 28 : 20. where there is not one word of the Apostolick office in the Plenitude of that power they had . It respecteth their power of Teaching , Baptizing and Ruling ; and the promise implieth that there shall be some to the end of the World who shall be imployed in that work ; and it ensureth Gods presence to them who are so employed ; but it saith nothing , directly nor indirectly , how much of the Apostolick Power these Successors shall have . His second Hint of an Argument is , that Christ loved the Church as much after the decease of the Apostles as before . A. It thence followeth that he did not let them want whatever spiritual Authority and Jurisdiction was needful for them : but it no way followeth , that the Apostolick Power , in all its Latitude , must continue ; because though that was needful for planting the Church , it is not needful for her watering , and her continuance . That the Testimonies he is to bring were universally received , and the Church knew no other Government for 1400 years ; as he saith , p. 106. is one of his bold affirmations , which must stand for Argument , to his easie Believers . § 12. He undertaketh to prove that the Apostles transmitted their Rectoral Power immediatly to single Successors , both by Scripture , and by the Ecclesiastical Records . The first Scripture Proof is , from Timothy being Bishop at Ephesus , and Titus at Crete . This his Argument he prosecuteth somewhat confusedly : but we must follow whether he leadeth . He bringeth nothing for proof of their being Bishops there , but that the Apostle besought Timothy to abide at Ephesus , when himself was going into Macedonia , 1 Tim. 1. 3. with Acts 20 : 3 , 4 , 5. And then , after taking off ( as he fancieth ) one of our Exceptions against his Argument , he proveth , that the work that they did was competent to a Bishop . The Exception that our Writers commonly bring , is from Timothies non residency at Ephesus , and travelling with Paul. His refutation of this , p. 107 , is , that Timothy after he was established Bishop at Ephesus , did often wait on the Apostle Paul , his spiritual Father , to assist him in the Offices of Religion but such occasional Journeyings cannot infer his being disengaged from his Episcopal Authority at Ephesus : Philip was as much a Deacon when he went and preached at Samaria , as when he served Tables at Jerusalem . The Presbyterians have not lost their Title to their particular Flocks , when they are imployed to visit the Court , or Forreign Churches . The Ancients laid no weight on this Objection , for Concil : Chalcedon : Act : 11 : reckoned 27 Bishops from Timothy to their own days . The Reply to all this is easie . 1. He doth not propose our Argument fairly , nor in its full Strength : for then ; this his Answer would appear trifling . We plead , that it cannot be made appear that ever Timothy was fixed at Ephesus , as Pastor of that Church ; but that he was only sent to it , as Pauls Deputy , for a small time , to do some Work there . I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus , 1 Tim : 1 : 3. cannot import a fixed Charge : but on the contrary ; that his being first sent to that Place was lookt on as a Temporary Imployment ; and the Apostle finding need of his being longer there than he at first thought , doth now lengthen out his Commission for some longer time . If he had been fixed at Ephesus as his particular Charge , and in a Pastoral Relation to that People , that was to end only with his Life , such a Desire for his staying longer in that Place had been very impertinent . Again , the Strength of our Argument lieth in this ; that we find Timothy not only now and then in other Places , Labouring in the Work of the Gospel ( that I confess is consistent with a fixed Charge ) but the Course of his Ministerial Labours was , to be imployed else where , and we have little , or no more of him at Ephesus than what is mentioned in this place . We find that as soon as Paul returned to Ephesus from Macedonia , that he sent Timothy thence to Achaia , himself staying at Ephesus , Acts 19 : 22 : After Paul came from Ephesus to Macedonia again , and returned thence unto Asia , we find Timothy with him ; not at Ephesus , Acts 20 : 1 , 4 : After which we never read that Timothy wrote , came , or returned to Ephesus . We find that Paul sent him to Corinth , 1 Cor : 4 : 7 : and 16 : 10 : 2 Cor : 1 : 19. And to Philippie , Philip : 2. 19. And to Thessalonica , 1 Thess : 3 : 2 , 6. Also he joyneth with Paul in Writing his second Epistle to the Corinthians , which was written at Philippie , and was sent , as also the first , from the same Place : and in that to Philippie written from Rome ; and in the first to Thessalonica from Athens : and in the second . He is also mentioned in these Epistles , as being elsewhere : but we read no more of his being at Ephesus . He joyneth with Paul in his Epistle to the Colossians , from Rome . He was at Corinth when Paul wrote his Epistle to the Romans , Rom : 16 : 21 : with the Postscript of the Epistle . He was in Italy when the Epistle to the Hebrews was written , Heb : 13 : 23 : But in the Epistle to the Ephesians , which was written from Rome , long after the time that Timothy was supposed to be made Bishop , no word of him , neither as being at Rome , saluting them ; nor as being at Ephesus , saluted by Paul. And it is strange , if when Paul speaks so much to the Elders of Ephesus at Miletum , Acts 20 : 17 , — that he taketh no special notice of him their Bishop . Beside , he telleth Timothy that he had sent Tychicus to Ephesus , 2 Tim : 2 : 12. and that about the same Work that he had enjoyned Timothy to do there ; and mentioneth him as sent to them , Ephes : 6 : 21 , 22. So that there is full as much ground to say that Tychicus was Bishop of Ephesus , as to assign that See to Timothy : and more ground to make Timothy Bishop of several other Churches above-mentioned , than of Ephesus . § 13. I hope , 2. These Reasons against Timothies being Bishop at Ephesus , are not taken off by telling us of Philip the Deacon Preaching at Samaria : for it is probable , that Philip was now Called to an higher Office ; and so might leave his Deaconship to another : or , he might return to his Work at Jerusalem , seing we read not of such a constant Course of his being elsewhere , as we find in Timothy . Neither is it paralell to a Presbyterian Ministers visiting the Court , or Forreign Churches . If they be constantly Abroad , and especially , if they were never more setled in a particular Place , save that such a Man was sent to Preach , and do other Ministerial Work there for a time , we think it a good Argument against their Pastoral Relation to that Place . If the Council of Chalcedon , Act 11. mention twenty seven Bishops in Ephesus ( which I find not in Caranza , nor is it said by the Council , Bibthoth . Concil . but by one Man , Obiter . Leontius Bishop of Magnesia , Tom. 4. p. 700. ) it signifieth no more than that Timothy setled that Church ( which he might do in the short time he stayed there ) and from that time there had been so many Bishops , that is , Ministers , or Chief Ministers who were Presidents in their Presbyteries , during that time . This can neither prove Timothy's fixed Pastoral Relation to that People ; nor the sole , or superior Jurisdiction of them who came after him . He next laboureth to prove that Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , from the Power he was to Exercise , and the Work he was to do there ; which he asserteth to be , all the Power and Work they claim for a Bishop . And he insisteth at length , from the Epistles written to Timothy , to shew what was his Power and Work. We do not contest with him about this ; as himself confesseth , p. 104. surely Timothy could do as much as any Bishop can lay Claim to : only we deny his being fixed there ; and we deny that he Acted as an ordinary fixed Officer ; but as the Apostles Deputy , set there for a time , to do what the Apostle might have done , if he had been personally there . He was an Evangelist , and as such Acted in Ephesus , and wherever else he was imployed . That these Epistles were Directed to Timothy ; only with Respect to his Work at Ephesus , is by some imagined , without all ground . He was imployed here and there by the Apostle , and where-ever he had Work , he was to manage it according to these Directions . It is an inconsequential Argument that our Author bringeth , p. 108. to prove Timothy's particular Relation to the Church of Ephesus , that 1 Tim : 3 : 14 , 15 : It is told him , that the Apostle gave him these Directions , that if he should tarry longer from coming to him , he might know how to behave himself in the House of God. For all this may agree to any Church , as well as to that of Ephesus : and it cannot be said ( which followeth ) of Ephesus alone , that that Church was the Pillar and Ground of the Truth : Wherefore , the Apostle intended these Injunctions not for Timothy alone ; but for all Pastors of the Church : far less for Timothy only while at Ephesus ; but for him in whatever part of the Lords Vineyard he should have Occasion to Labour . Neither do we now Debate , whether Timothy had a particular Relation to the Church of Ephesus ( which may be granted while he abode there ) but whether he had a fixed Relation to it , so as he had not afterward to other Churches whereto the Apostle sent him : or whether he was Related to it as an Itinerant Evangelist , or as as an ordinary and fixed Bishop . § 14. He argueth also p. 109. that his Power was not temporary or transient , but successive and perpetual , and derived to others in solidum , as he received it himself : and this he proveth , because he is injoyned to commit it to faithful Men who should be able to Teach others also . Here is still a Mistake of the Question ; which is not about the Perpetuity of Timothy's Power ; which I believe he had wherever the Apostle sent him about the Work of the Gospel : but the Question is about the Perpetuity of his Abode at , and Pastoral Relation to Ephesus : which is not proved by his Power of Ordaining Ministers . He demandeth p. 109 , 110. somethings to be granted to him : some of which I freely yield . 1. That this Power of Timothies was lawful . 2. That he exercised it at Ephesus ; viz. for a time . 3. That it was committed to him alone , and not to a Colledge of Presbyters . This I yield so far , that Timothy had a Vicarious Apostolick Power , that was superior to that of the Presbytery : but it is no Consequence , Timothy had such a Power at Ephesus for a time , Ergo , the Presbytery was not ordinary Rulers of that Church . I proved § . 7. That the Apostle setled a Colledge of Presbyters for the ordinary Government of that Church , and that from Acts 20. 28. 4. That there is no mention of a Colledge to which Timothy was accountable for his Administrations . The first part of this I deny : the grounds are mentioned in the place cited . Beside , it is like there was no such Colledge at Ephesus then ; for Timothy is Directed about Chusing and Ordaining them : 1 Tim 3. 1 &c. The second part I freely yield , that Timothy could not be accountable to any Colledge of Presbyters , nor to any Man , except the Apostle who sent him : but this maketh nothing for such Exemptions to a Bishop ; unless he could prove , each of them that they have a Personal Mission from an Apostle , or immediatly from Christ. 5. That the great Branches of Episcopal Power was lodged in Timothy's Person : this I yield , understanding it of that Power that Bishops pretend to . 6. That this Authority was 〈◊〉 in it self temporary , transient , or extraordinary ; but such as the necessities of the Church do make necessary in all Ages . This also , sano sensu , I yield : it must always be lodged somewhere : but that there must be a single Person endowed with such Power , I know no lasting necessity for that . I Answer to his Question p. 110. Why do they say , that in the discharging of an ordinary Trust , there is need of an extraordinary Officer . A. We say an extraordinary Officer was needful at first , till ordinary Men were by him Authorized , and Impowered to propagate this Trust ; but that being done , we plead for no such need ; but Debate against it . Against Timothy's Episcopal Relation to Ephesus further Arguments may be brought ; from the Apostles putting the Government of that Church in the hands of Elders , acts 20. 28. 28. which must be after they were setled by Timothy , and that in his presence , he being then with the Apostle . Also , from the Apostles declaring to these Elders all the Council of God , Acts 20. 27. and yet he told them nothing of so important a point , as of the chief Pastor whom they must obey : a point that our Brethren lay so much stress on , as that they make the Beeing of Ministers and Churches to hang on the Succession of Bishops . From the Apostles not mentioning Timothy when he writeth to Ephesus . From his telling them that they should see his Face no more , Acts 20. 25. and yet not a word of leaving Timothy to take care of them , but laying it on the Elders , but I shall not enlarge on these . § 15. He alledgeth , with the same Confidence , and as little Strength of Argument , that the same power was committed by Paul to Titus , in Crete . And here p. 111. he maketh a very faint Attempt against our Plea , that Titus ( we say the same of Timothy ) was an Evangelist : which he very discretly , more suo , calleth a ridiculous Subterfuge . I shall examine what here he bringeth to back this Confidence ; and then shew that Timothy and Titu were Evangelists . 〈◊〉 . Saith he , It is no where said in Scripture , that he was one of them who were called Evangelists . A. He should have described to us them who in Scripture are called Evangelists : The word is divers ways used in Holy Write : neither do we argue from the Name , that either he , or Timothy ( to whom this Name is expresly applyed , 2 Tim. 4. 5. ) were Evangelists : but we argue from their Work and Circumstances , together with the mention that is made of such an Office being in the Church , in the beginning of Christianity . There are others beside them , whom we can prove to have been Evangelists , who , may be , get not that Name expresly given them in the Scripture . Next he argueth , the Work of an Evangelist hath nothing in its nature opposit to , or inconsistent with the Dignity and Character of either Bishop , Presbyter , or Deacon . What if all this were yielded ? what gaineth he by it ? Titus being an Evangelist might do all the Work that our Adversaries ascribe to him ; tho he were no Bishop , and tho his being a Bishop were not inconsistent with being an Evangelist ; what we design is , that doing such Work doth not prove him to have been a Bishop ; seing he was an Evangelist ; who hath all that power that Titus is said to have . Beside , Saravia ( who hath said more for Episcopacy than this Author hath ) de Ministr . Evang. grad . C. p. Saith nam quemadmodum major Apostoli authoritas fuit quam Evangelistae , & Prophetae & Evangelistae major quam Episcopi vel Presbyteri , ita Titi & Timothei , qui Presbyteri & Episcopi erant , major fuit authoritas quam Presbyterorum quos oppidatim Apostolica authoritate crearant . He maketh Evangelists to be a higher degree than the Bishops ; if then Titus was an Evangelist , is it imaginable that he was afterward degraded to be a Bishop ? Do we ever read that an Apostle was turned to an Evangelist ; or a Bishop to a Presbyter ; or he to a Deacon : unless some of these were degraded for some fault . Wherefore if Titus had the Character of an Evangelist , it is not like he was setled at Crete as an ordinary Bishop . Further he describeth an Evangelist ; out of Euseb. lib. 3. C. 37. hist. Eccles. That he is a person that preached the Gospel to such as had not before heard of it ; at least were not converted by it . Eusebius is not by him fairly cited , C. 33. ( not 37. ) he is giving account of such as builded the Churches planted by the Apostles ( as his own words bear ; therefore they did not only preach to them who had not heard the Gospel ) he saith they fulfilled the Work of Evangelists , that is ( saith he ) they preach Christ to them who as yet heard not of the Doctrine of Faith ; and published earnestly the Doctrine of the Holy Gospel . Which sheweth that Eusebius calleth them Evangelists , whom the Apostles imployed to Water their Plantations ( as Apollo did after Paul , 1 Cor. 3. 6. ) also whom they sent to preach to the Unconverted ; or any way to preach the Gospel . His at last is his own addition to Eusebius , not the words of that Historian . It is evident then , that Eusebius hath said nothing that can exclude Titus from being an Evangelist . I do not deny that any ordained Minister may preach the Gospel to Infidels , and on that account be called an Evangelist , in a large sense ; as may also every on that preaches the Gospel : but we now speak of an Evangelist in the more restricted sense , as it signifieth a Church Officer whom Christ had set in his Church , distinguished from Apostles , Prophets , Pastors , Teachers , &c. Eph. 4. 11. That it is no where insinuated that Titus was such an Evangelist , he alledged p. 111. but we prove from the Work he was imployed about , that it is more than insinuated . He proveth that one may do the Work of an Evangelist who is much higher than an Evangelist ( which is a Truth , but very impertinent to his purpose ) because Daniel did the Work of the King ; who was no King but much lower than a King : a very wise Consequence indeed ; That Philip the Evangelist had no power to confirm , or ordain , he affirmeth , p. 112. which is both false ; he had power to ordain when any of the Apostles sent him about that Work : and Timothy and Titus had it not otherwise . ( For the power of Confirmation , we know none had it : there being no such Ordinance , in our Authors sense , in the Apostolick Church ) It is also wide from this purpose , for the Apostles might send the Evangelists clothed with what power they thought fit to impart to them . Paul might send Titus to Crete to ordain Elders , and Philip might be sent elsewhere , on another Errand ; and yet both be Evangelists . That most of the Primitive Bishops were Evangelists , is true , in the large sense , as before : but not in the strick sense : neither is this to our present purpose : for he saith nothing unless he can also make it appear that all the Evangelists , in the Primitive Times , were Bishops . But what followeth is wholly false : that any Bishop or Presbyter , who now adays converteth any Jew or Pagan , are as properly Evangelists as any of them who were so called in the Primitive Times . If it were so , every such Minister should be a Church Officer of a distinct ●…m all other Church Officers : for there were whom the Scripture doth particularly call Evangelists , Eph. 4. 11. as so distinguished . § 16. That we may more fully and distinctly take off what our Adversaries pretend to bring for Timothy and Titus being Bishops ; and not Evangelists ; I shal shew what is the true Notion of an Evangelist ; whence it will appear plainly , that Timothy and Titus were such : and that there is no ground from what is said of them in Scripture to think , that they were ordinary Officers in the Church , or Diocesan Bishops . I deny not that the word Evangelist is sometimes taken for any Preacher of the Gospel , who bringeth the good News of Salvation to Mens Ears . Yet it is often taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , 1. One who wrote the History of the Life and Death of Christ ; and that by the infallible Guidence of the Spirit ; and so Matthew , Mark , Luke , and John are called Evangelists . 2. For an extraordinary Officer who was imployed by the Apostles for planting Churches , and propagating the Gospel . That there was such an Officer distinct from all others , both extraordinary , or temporary , and ordinary , or permanent , is evident from that place already cited , Eph. 4. 11. Our work is then to enquire what is the distinguishing Character of this Church Officer , from all others . Also that some are called Evangelists peculiarly , and by way of Distinction from other Officers of the Church , as Philip , Acts 21. 8. Of whom Grotius in locum , saith , qui cum olim de numero Diaconorum fuisset , factus est Presbyter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nulli certae Ecclesiae affixus ; quales Evangelistae vocabantur , Eph : 4. 11. 2 Tim. 4. 5. i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esai . 40. 9. and 51. 7. Ita solent promotiones fieri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Tim : 3 : 17. Let us then see what Light we can get in this matter from Scripture , or from Antiquity , or by the help of later Writers . The Scripture not only giveth us account ( as hath been said ) that there was such an Officer in the Church ; but that some were sent hither and thither by the Apostles , and that about such a Work as could not be done but by Apostolick Authority ; as is evident in Timothy ( as is shewed § . 12. ) and Titus ; whom Paul made his Companion in his Travels , Gal : 2. Whose Journeys and Imployments the Reader may satisfie himself about , from Smectym : § : 3 : p : 38. ( That I may shun the pains of Transcribing ) Tichycus , Softhenes , Luke , &c. several of them are mentioned by Euseb : hist : lib : 3 : C : 33. It is evident that these Men can be Ranked into no other Class of Church Officers , neither ordinary nor extraordinary . Wherefore they must be Evangelists : and from the account that we have of them , we must gather what was the Power , the Work , and the Characteristick Note , of an Evangelist , that he was an extraordinary Officer in the Church , needful for the first planting and setling of the Churches , who was imployed by the Apostles , and by them authorized to do what ever work , or exerce what Acts of Power , the Apostles themselves , who imployed them , might have done . § 17. For what account of them is to be found among the Ancients , it is to the same purpose : they make them no fixed Officer , but itinerant . They ascribe to them Apostolick Power ; and make them subordinat to , and delegated by the Apostles ; for this see Euseb : hist : lib : 3 : C : 33 : ( or as some editions have it 37 : ) who telleth us of some who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : being sent Abroad , performed the Work of an Evangelist : and this Work of Evangelists he sheweth to have been , preaehing the Gospel , planting the Faith in strange Places , and ordaining other Pastors , committing to them the Labouring ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of them who were newly brought in : and he addeth , that they themselves went to other Countreys and People , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Can there be a more lively Description of Evangelists , in the Notion that Presbyterians have of them : Euseb : also hist : lib : 5 : C : 9 : speaking of Pantaeus , that he was sent as far as Judea , he hath these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. There were many of the Evangelists , who had a great Zeal after the manner of the Apostles ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to promote the Heavenly Word , and to plant it , and these Evangelists , he saith , they were prepared of purpose , which relateth to the Divine Institution of this Office. Augustine de tempore , Serm. 14 〈◊〉 calleth the Evangelists , suppares Apostolorum : which setteth them in very nigh degree to the Apostles , and far above the ordinary Bishops : with which if we compare council : Chalcedon : which saith , that it is Sacriledge to set a Bishop in the degree of a Presbyter ; they should more count it Sacriledge so to degrade an Evangelist , as to set him in the degree of a Bishop , or an ordinary Pastor in the Church , Chrysost : in Eph. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 3ly , Evangelists who went about every where preaching the Gospel , as Priscilla and Aquila . Later Divines , both of the Episcopal and Presbyterian side , tread in the same steps . Grotius not only is clearly for this Notion of Evangelist , on Acts 2 : 8 : above cited ; but on 2 Tim : 4 : 5 : he calleth them , adjutores Apostolorum ; quae ( saith he ) magna sane dignitas , Scultet : & Piscat : in 2 Tim. 4. Evangelistae proprie dicti erant , tempore Apostolorum , qui itinerum eorundam & laborum socii erant , qui ad diversas missi sunt Ecclesias , ut fundamenta jacerent , quales Philippus , Sylvanus , & alii . Estius in Eph. 4. 11. saith , they were praediti singulari dono Evangelium predicandi . Grotius , and Hamond on the same Text , they were adjutores , vel comites Apostolorum . From all this it may be concluded , that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists in the strict sense of that word : and considering the nature of their Office , and their Travels mentioned in the Scripture , they were not fixed to any particular Charge : and consequently were not Bishops , in the sense that we use that word . If my Adversary will prove them to be Bishops , he must bring Arguments to prove their Office to have been ordinary and permanent in the Church ; and that they were fixed in a particular Pastoral Relation , each to some Flock : which is no ways done by what he hath yet said . § 18. I now proceed with my Antagonist , who p. 112. bringeth a new Argument , viz. That James the Just was Bishop of Jerusalem , and he saith , it is not material to his design , whether he was one of the twelve Apostles , or not : One would think that this is more to his purpose than he is aware of : for he is proving the Succession of Bishops to the Apostles , and if James was an Apostle , this instance can never prove such Succession . But I pass this . I think he was one of the twelve , because he is so called , Gal. 1. 19. and 2. 9. Paul speaketh there of the Apostles in the strickest sense ; for he cannot mean he had seen no Preacher of the Gospel at Jerusalem , save Peter , and that he speaketh of that James , who abode at Jerusalem , when the rest of the Apostles left it , is not to be doubted . That James stayed at Jerusalem , and did not travel as the rest of the Apostles , I have acknowledged , § . 4. and there have given account how it came to pass . That he had all the Power that our Brethren give to their Diocesan , we deny not : The Apostolate included that , and more . That he might be called a Bishop , and was sometimes so stiled , we may easily grant : for that word is sometimes used generally : for all Church Rulers , and not only Apostles , but their , and our great Master is so called , 1 Pet. 2. 25. But none of these Concessions , nor all of them in Conjunction , will prove that James was Bishop of Jerusalem , in the sense of the word that is now current ; that is , that he was an ordinary Ruler of the Church , inferior to an Apostle , and an Evangelist , whose Jurisdiction was limited to one District , and not extended to all the World. Let us now hear his Proofs for James's Episcopacy at Jerusalem . 1. It is uniformly attested by the most ancient Witnesses , particularly , Clem. Alexandr . and Hegesippus . I can easily yield him a great many more Witnesses ; and persons of more Credit than Hegesippus , and of more Antiquity than Clem. Alexandr . tho I will not yield , that all his Adversaries grant it , in his sense . Salmasius ( whom he citeth ) saith nothing , but that he abode at Jerusalem . The Answer to this Argument is easie , the Ancients called James Bishop of Jerusalem ( as they also called some other Apostles who abode not so long in one place ) because of his Apostolical Authority which he there exercised ; which included in it all that Authority that any of the Ancients ( or Moderns either ) ascribe to a Bishop : and usually they began their Catalogues of Succession with some Apostle , or Apostolick Man : as Peter at Rome ; tho it is certain he did not reside there : and it is a Question whether ever he was there . And indeed it was usual with the Ancients to speak of things long before their time , in the Dialect that was current among themselves . His Argument from this Denomination is naught , unless he can make it appear , that James had his Authority , not from his Apostolate ; but by his being ordained a Bishop . I wonder to find that such a Learned Man as Downam asserteth that James , before his Ordination as Bishop , had Authority as an Apostle ; but had no Jurisdiction over that particular place ; but was a Pastor sine titulo : for this strange fancie will infer , that Paul and the rest of the Apostles never had Jurisdiction any where ; seing they were no where ordained Bishops : nor doth the Scripture give account of any such Ordination of James . § . 19. We have further Argument from p. 113. Peter when he was delivered out of Prison commands that these things be made known to James , Acts 12. 17. Where ( saith he very wisely ) the deference paid to Saint James is visible : and taken notice of elsewhere frequently , as Gal : 1 : 19 : and 2. 1 , 9. Truly the Papists have many Arguments that have a fairer shew than this hath for its Conclusion , for Peters Supremacy . I wonder that a Man pretending to Learning , is not ashamed of such an Argument . Was not all this respect due to James as an Apostle ; how then doth it prove him to have been a Bishop : is there any thing that looketh like Jurisdiction ( which yet we deny not to James at Jerusalem ) cannot Men be civil to a Person so eminent for Grace , Gifts , and his Character , but they must make him a Diocesan Bishop ? but the strongest Argument is yet behind : Act. 15. He pronounceth the Sentence by his Episcopal Authority . A. He might far rather do it by his Apostolick Authority : but there was no need of either of them ; he did it as being chosen Moderator of that Meeting : and that he exercised no Episcopal Authority in this Case , is evident ; for the rest of the Apostles were present , Act. 15. 2 , 4 , 6 , 22. And it was never heard of ( but among Papists ) that one Apostle had Authority over another , or over all the rest : much less that a Bishop should have Authority over Apostles . I am afraid this Author unawares doth so stretch the Episcopal Authority , that he will make it break , and be contemptible . He telleth us , Calvin holdeth all that he saith , on Gal : 2 : 9 : in saying that James was preferred to Peter , because he was Hierosolymitanae Ecclesiae praefectus . He disingenuously leaveth out Calvins , fortassis ; which sheweth that he was not positive in that matter . But I shall positively yield him what Calvin doth but doubtingly , and let him make his best of it . Let it be granted that James was chosen Praeses of that Meeting , because of his Residence at Jerusalem , and being the chief Governour of that Church where the Meeting was held , ( not as Bishop but as Apostle ) this can prove no Preference to any of the Apostles ; Presidency in such a case doth not infer a Superiority of Power . It rather sheweth that the Apostles did not there act in their Apostolick Capacity , but in a Parity with the other Elders ; with whom they are always joyned in that Chapter , when spoken of . Our Author now making a Transition to another Head of Arguments , cannot go out of his Road , in concluding with insolent Contempt of his Adversaries . I do not ( saith he ) now insist on these imaginary and superficial Exceptions that are made by our Adversaries . If they were such , they were well suted to some of the Arguments he hath last used . § 20. Another Argument he beginneth , p. 114. and prosecuteth it in some Pages following , is taken from the seven Angels of the seven Asiatick Churches ; by whom he understandeth the Bishops of these Churches : if they were so , the Consequence is , that Bishops were setled in the Churches by the Apostles : and that these Churches were not by Divine Right ruled by a Colledge of Presbyters . This Argument hath been much tossed ; and in my Opinion , urged with more Strength , by others of his Party , than he giveth to it . For clearing the Truth in this Matter , I shall give my Opinion , and lay down the Grounds of it ; and then Examine what he saith in Enforcing and Vindicating this his Argument . I find three Opinions among the Presbyterians about these Angels . The first is , that by Angel is meant the Collective Body of the Church ; for this our Author citeth Salmasius , Walo . Messal . p. 184. Ambrosius Ausbertus , is also cited by Smectym : and Aretas Caesariensis by Turret . his Words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Also Ticonius was of this Opinion , as is said by August . de Doct. Christian. lib. 3. c. 30. And it is certain , that not only all the Members of the Churches were concerned in what is written in these Epistles ; but John was commanded to write them to the Churches , Rev. 1. 11. And in the Conclusion of every Epistle , all the Church Members are excited to hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches , and not to the Ministers only , which yet doth not prove that by Angel is meant the Church : their Concernments in these times were entrusted to the Angel ; not that they were the Angel. Another Opinion is that of Beza , Reynolds , and others ; who take Angel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for a single person ; but maintain , that not a Diocesan Bishop is to be understood , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Moderator of the Presbytery , by whom the Epistle was to be communicated to the rest of the Pastors , and by them to the People : and indeed it is certain , that the Word may be so taken ; and if we should yield this to our Brethren , it cutteth the Nerves of their Argument , unless they can prove ; that these single persons had Jurisdiction over the rest of the Pastors of these Churches . Which they can never do from the Epistles themselves ; for all the Reproofs and Commendations may be intended for the Colledge of Presbyters , tho addressed to them by the Praeses . Nor can the Direction of the Epistle to a single person prove what they intend : there is nothing more ordinary than to address a Community by the Praeses of their Meeting : if a Letter be Directed to the Moderator of a Presbytery for the use of the Presbytery , doth this Entitle him to Episcopal Jurisdiction ? The third Opinion ( to which I most incline ) is , that Angel is here to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o● Collectively , for the Colledge of Presbyters ; so that to the Angel is ( in our Phrase ) to the Moderator and remanent Brethren . In the Contents of the old Translation of the Bible ( which expresseth the sense of the old Church of England , in this matter ) they are called Ministers So it was understood by Aretas , Primasius , Ambrose : Gregory the Great Beda , Haymo ; and many others , saith Owen of Ordination , C. 2. p. 35. § 21. I shall first prove that it may be so taken : next , that it mu● be so understood . For the former , it is usual in the Scripture , and particularly in the Mystical Parts of it ; in Types and Visions ( and th● most of the Book of Revelation is written in that Stile , every one knoweth ) to put the Singular Number for the Plural ; or to mean a Multitude when but one is exprest : how often is a People or Nation expressed by the Virgin or the Virgin Daughter of such or such a Place ? Th● Ram , Daniel 8. 3. is interpreted to be the Kings of Media and Persia , 〈◊〉 20. The whole Succession of the Apostate Bishops of Rome , is calle● Antichrist , the Man of Sin , the Son of Perdition . The Antichristian Church consisting of Priests and People , is called a Beast , the Whore : So an inferior Number is put for a great Multitude ; the Enemies of the Church are called four Horns , and her Deliverers four Carpenters , Zech. 1. 18 , 20. The Directions given to Judges are often in the singular number , thou shalt do so and so : hundreds of Instances of this nature may be given Whence it is easie to conclude , that there is no Absurdity , nor is any Violence done to the Text , if by Angel we understand the Rulers of the Church , or the Colledge of Presbyters . My next work is to prove that Angel must be so understood , for which I bring these Arguments , 1. The Lord here useth a Title that doth not signifie Rule , or Jurisdiction ; but Gods Messenger to the People : as also , Rev 1. 16 , 20. These Angels are called Stars , which importeth their Teaching , or holding forth Light to the People ; both which are common to the Presbyters : seing then he doth not use a word of Authority , whereby the Bishop is pretended to be distinguished from the Presbyters ; but of Embassy , and giving Light ; whereby the Presbyters are distinguished from the people ; this word cannot be taken for a Ruling Bishop , but for Teaching Presbyters . It were a strange thing , if our Lord designing to single out one person from all the rest of the Church , would design him by that which is common to him with many others , and not by that which is peculiar to himself . It doth also strengthen this Argument , that both in the Old and New Testament , they whom God sent to his People to reveal his Mind to them , are called Angels , Jud. 2. 1. Hag. 1. 13. Mal. 2. 7. 1 Cor. 11. 10. Yea the Legions of Angels who are imployed to Encamp about the People of God for their Safety , are called the Angel of the Lord , Psal : 34 : 7. § 22. Argument 2. It is not without a Mystery , that Rev : 1 : 20 : our Saviour in opening the Mystery of the Vision , speaketh twice of the seven Churches ; but shunneth calling the Angels seven : he saith not , the seven Stars are the seven Angels of the Churches ; but the Angels of the seven Churches : as by the seven Spirits , Rev : 1 : 4 : and 3 : 1 : is meant the Spirit of God , sufficient for the needs of all the seven Churches ; so here , the Angels of the seven Churches must be the Pastors whom the Lord hath provided for the use of his Churches ; tho they were not one only for every Church , but more . Argument 3. It is manifest from Acts 20 : 28 : ( and I have evinced it § 3. of Sect. 3. ) that there were more Presbyters , or Bishops at Ephesus than one : If then Christ wrote to the Rulers of the Church of Ephesus under the Title of Angel , he could not mean a single person . It cannot be denyed , that they who are called Overseers of the Church of Ephesus , Acts 20 : 28 : are they whom Christ here calleth Angel : the same thing is expressed in the one Place in a more plain Stile , in the other in a more Obscure and Mystical Stile . Argument 4. Our Brethren will not deny , that there were more Church Officers imployed in Teaching each of the Churches than one Bishop . Now these must either be comprehended under the Candlestick , or under the Star : they cannot be a part of the Candlestick ; for they give Light , as the Candlestick doth not , but by the Candlestick is meant the People to whom the Light shineth : they must then be comprehended under the Star , and consequently under the Angel ; whence it followeth that the Angel is a Plurality of Persons . So that we may conclude , that as by Candlestick i● understood the Collective Body of People , so by Star , or Angel , is understood a Body of Church Officers , and not a single Bishop . Argument 5. Many things are said in these Epistles , which cannot be Expounded with respect to a single person : as at Ephesus , the Angels forsaking his first Love is threatned with removing the Candlestick : that is , Unchurching that People : can we think that such a fearful Judgment could be threatned for the Sin of one Bishop , if the rest of the Elders and People were free : and this we must say , unless we acknowledge that the Angel to whom the Epistle is Directed is not a single person , but a Community . The same may be said of several other Churches ; would the Lord spu● out all the Presbyters and People of Laodicea , for the Hypocrisie of one Bishop . Argument 6. There are several Passages in these Epistles wherein a Plurality is expressed ; as that which is meant by Angel , to whom the Epistle is addressed : as the Devil shall cast some of you into Prison : can that be Expounded , some of thee Bishop of Smyrna , or some of your Pastors , and People ? and unto you I say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the rest in Thyatira : is not there a plain Intimation of a Plurality , under the Name of the Angel ? by the rest in Thyatira must needs be understood them who are distinct from the Angel , and the Angel must be who ever is distinct from these who are called the rest ? and yet beside the rest , there is a Plurality , you . My Antagonist hath an Answer to this Passage , such as it is ; which I shall consider , when I come to Examine his Vindication of his Argument . Smectym . Sect. 13. out of Fox , Meditation on the Revelation ( which I have not seen ) citeth August . Ep. 132. Sic enim ( saith he ) in Apocalypsi legimus , Angelus , &c. Quod si de Angelo superiorum Coelorum , & non de praepositis Ecclesiae velit intelligi , non consequenter dicat habeo adversum te , &c. And Homil. 1. in Apocaly● . Quod autem dicit Angelo Thyatirae , habeo adversum te pauca , dicit praepositis Ecclesiarum . And Greg. moral . lib. 34. in Job 4. Saepè sacra Scriptura praedicatores Ecclesiae , pro eo quod Patris gloriam annunciant , Angelorum nomine solere designare : & hinc est quod Joannes in Apocalypsi septem Ecclesiis scribens , Angelis Ecclesiarum loquitur , id est , praedicatoribus populorum . Also Primasius , Haymo , Beda , Richardus , Thomas , and others are cited by Mr. Fox , to this purpose . § 23. I shall now examine what my Adversary bringeth , offensively , or defensively , for his Opinion about these Angels , 1. He falleth on Walo Messalinus , who p. 184. interpreteth Angel , by Church : calling V. G. the Angel of Ephesus , the Church of Ephesus ; and he giveth the reason , because the Christians in each of these Towns were purior & sanctior pars urbis , atque adeo magis spiritualis ; therefore that part was compared to an Angel. Tho I do not owne this Notion of the Learned Salmasius , yet I judge our Authors calling it a silly Subterfuge , and his ridiculing of it , to be pretty ridiculous : he maketh the meaning be , the seven Stars are the Angels of the seven Churches , that is , the Churches of the seven Churches . By his favour , it hath no such sense ( Salmasius can hardly be Taxed with Nonsense , even by Men of more Critical Skill than this Author is ) it should be thus Paraphrased , the seven Angels are the Churches of the seven Towns : and it is evident , that according to the Opinion of that Learned Writer , the Angels are not distinguished from the Churches , but from the Towns wherein they were . Also , when the Epistle is addressed to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , the meaning is not , to the Church of the Church of Ephesus ; but to the Church which is at Ephesus : even as the Virgin Daughter of Israel , is not the Nation of the Nation of Israel ; but that Nation which is called Israel . Mystical Expressions must not be strained by Critical Wits : some Atheists , by this method , have endeavoured to draw Nonsense out of the most Profound , and Instructive Parts of Scripture . Our Author hath not dealt very fairly with Salmasius , in this matter ; for he understandeth by Angel , the Church Guides signanter , and also the whole Church ; his words are , per Ecclesiam ( having said that Angelus was Ecclesia ) non tantum Ecclesiasticum ordinem intellexit Joannes , sed universum in quaque civitate fidelem populum , ut mo● est Apostolis loqui . And if he will ridicule Salmasius , the same Censure must fall on Aretas Bishop of Cesarea Cappadociae , whom Salmasius citeth , p. 183. Discoursing at large to the same purpose . I cannot understand what he designeth by telling us , p. 115. That the Church cannot be called a Company , a Multitude , or a Colledge of Angels ; but one single Angel praesiding in their Ecclesiastical Meetings . For no Man doth so sense the word ; but by Angel some understand a Multitude of People , others a Plurality of Elders ; but none of them make Angel to be a Multitude of Angels . § 24. He next telleth us , that tho there be Instructions in these Epistles , in which others are concerned , yet the Epistles are no less to single Angels , tha● the Epistle to the Philippians is to the whole Church there , tho particular Compellations he used , as , I intreat thee true Yoke Fellow , Ch. 4. Here is an odd Consequence , there is an Apostrophe used to a single person , in an Epistle expresly Directed to a Community , and that in plain and proper Language , Ergo , when in a Mystical Speech an Epistle is Directed in the singular Number , in a borrowed Term , we may not understand a Plurality , tho when the Writer of the Epistle speaketh more properly , he speak expresly to a Plurality . What tho the Conclusion of the second Epistle to Timothy had been to a Plurality ; doth it thence follow , that a Mystical Word in the singular Number , may not be Plurally taken ? the contrary would seem to follow more natively . But he is guilty of a double Mistake here , one is , that the Conclusion of that Epistle is to all the Faithful ; the last words are , The Lord Jesus Christ be with thy spirit ; grace be with you Where he is mentioned expresly as the Person to whom the Epistle is Directed : and the People of God with him are remembred also expresly : it is not alike , when the Word is used in the Direction of an Epistle , which , tho singular , is capable of a plural Sense ; and in the Epistle a Plurality is expresly spoken to . His next Fancy is most groundless , that the Bishops of the Asiatick Churches are called Angels in Imitation of the High Priest , who was Dignified with that Name : and for this he citeth Mal. 2. at the 7. v. For tho we should grant that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be Translated Angel , as well as Messenger ; yet this is a Description of the Priests Work and Authority , telling us what he is ; it is not a Name by which he used to be Designed . Again , what Warrant is there to say , that this is meant of the High Priest peculiarly ? it is evidently to be understood of Priests in common : the Priest , that is , every Priest. For Deut. 27. 9 , 10 , 11. ( whence that Axiom seemeth to be taken ) Ascribeth this Priviledge to a Plurality of Priests ; and not to the High Priest alone . Further , it is a bad Consequence , the High Priest was called an Angel , and the Church Rulers are called Angels , Ergo , every one of them had the same Jurisdiction that h ehad : this is a loose way of Reasoning ; and either will fix the Pope in his Chair , or is Insignicant . He hinteth ( very superficially , and obscurely ) an Answer to one of our Exceptions , p. 116. That the Faults of the Churches are imputed to the Angels , because they had Spiritual Power to reform them . Reply , it cannot be so understood ; for some of the Faults are such as no Church Discipline can reach , nor any Ministerial Care prevent , or amend : as having a name to live when they are dead ; Hypocrisie is not properly the Object of Church Censures : but such Scandal as are the Symptoms of it : nor are Ministers always to blame when the Word doth not make People sincere . That this Hypocrisie was the Fault of the People as well as of the Angel , may be gathered from v. 4. where a few , and only a few , in that Church , are excepted from that blame . I add , that not only the Angel is blamed for the Faults of the Church ; but the Church is threatned for the Fault of the Angel : if the Epistle be Directed to him in his single Capacity . § 25. He hath a peculiar Answer to what we alledge from Rev. 2. 24. To you , and to the rest in Thyatira . 1. He borroweth an Answer from Doctor Hamond against Blondel , who not only blameth our Translation , but the Greek ; which he alledgeth to be corrupted , by adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he would have it read to you , the rest of Thyatira . His ground is , the most ancient Manuscripts ; particularly , that of Alexandria , preserved in the Royal Library , hath not this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ans. It is Confidence enough , if it be also Candor , to pretend to the Countenance of the most of the ancient Manuscripts , when but one can be instanced . Grotius , Ribera , and Beza , mention but three , which is far from the most part ; and Beza proveth the ordinary reading out of Aretas . I oppose to this bold Pretence , the Collections of various Readings made by Curcellaeus ( who hath , with no good Design toward the Scripture , gathered together what he could meet with ; and may be more than ever were extant ) where this is not to be found . Also the Laborious Work of the Learned and Industrious Walton , who in the Appendix to his Biblia Polyglotta , hath gathered the various Readings out of most ancient Manuscripts : ( which he there nameth ) and not a word of these in any of them . Likewise the Operose Notes of Lucas Brugensis , ( in the fore-mentioned Appendix ) where nothing of this appeareth . If his one Manuscript , be enough to Over-ballance all the Manuscripts , and Printed Copies extant , let the Reader judge . Because he could not but jealous this Shift as insufficient to his purpose , he hath a second Answer , which supposeth our Reading of the Text to be right : that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , relateth to all the Churches of Asia , which had been spoken of in the former v. This is his own Invention , and let him have the praise of it , ( Doctor Ham. in loc . maketh the rest to be the other Cities under Thyatira the Metropolis , which is better sense : but without all ground , unless what is in Question be yielded to him : ) his Party may applaud his Zeal , which will rather Distort the Scripture , and turn it to Nonsense , than not defend the Dignity of Bishops . For what sense could it make , I will make all the Churches of Asia to know that I search the Reins and Hearts ; but to you , the Churches of Asia , and to the rest in Thyatira , I say : these of Thyatira were a part of the Churches of Asia ; how then can they be called the rest , as distinguished from them . Beside , he had been speaking of the Churches of Asia in the third person : It were then strange , if with the same breath he should speak to them in the second person . I insist not on his calling Beza's sense of the Angel , that a Praeses is meant , ridiculous , and contrary to the sense of all Antiquity ; such Confidence and Contempt are the Flowers of his Rhetorick . Neither doth Beza speak of a Weekly , or Monethly Moderator , but pleadeth against his being perpetual : which this Author should have opposed with Reason , or Scripture , not with Taunts . We make no Argument of the seven Angels not being called Bishops : his refuting of it is idle work . That Polycarp was then Bishop of Smyrna ( as he saith p. 118. ) is no more certain than that Timothy was then Bishop of Ephesus : and if the Good that is said of Smyrna , sute to the one History , the Ill that is said of Ephesus , will as ill agree to the other . He telleth us of the Explications of the Sectaries ( the Presbyterians ) being spoiled by comparing the Epistle to the Angel of Smyrna with the most ancient Acts of the Martyrdom of Polycarp . But hath not thought fit to point at the Arguments that arise from this Comparison ; wherefore he cannot expect that we should Answer them : which might easily be done , if they be no stronger than what he hath hitherto brought from Antiquity . § 26. He hath now fallen on an easie way to determine the whole Question , p. 118. It is pity it came not sooner , that all this Labour might have been saved . But it may be this Birth also may miscarry . Parturiunt montes , — the Question seemeth to me to be in the same State , and his Opinion to labour under the same Difficulties , as before this Invention was hatched . His easie way lieth in three Enquiries . Whether the Ancients affirmed that the Apostolical Power was derived to the Bishops as their Successors . 2. Whether they insist frequently on this Succession of single Persons to the Apostles in Particular Sees , when they reason against Hereticks . 3. Whether we may not with Safety and Confidence lean on their Authority , and Tradition , in an Affair of this Consequence ? If ye will give our Enquirer leave to Dictat magisterially the Answers to these three Questions , our whole Debate will soon , but not soundly , be at an end : but if we contest every one of them ( in his sense ) with him , we cannot so soon conclude this Dispute as he imagineth : For his first Enquiry , it must not be made , nor the matter determined so indistinctly as he doth . It is not denyed that Bishops succeeded to the Apostles ; but the Question is , whether these Bishops had the same Jurisdiction over Presbyters and People , that the Apostles had ? The Ancients sometimes , with the Scripture , called all Presbyters Bishops ; sometimes , by a Custom that early crept into the Church , they restricted that Name to the Praeses in the Meeting of Presbyters : and the Question is , whether this Praeses had the Apostolick Power in his single person , or it was diffused equally among the Members of that Colledge in which he did praeside ? This being premised as the state of this Question about Succession to the Apostles ; I hold , that all that Apostolick Power that was needful for the Churches once planted , and must be continued to the end , was communicated , not to the Praeses alone , but also to the rest of the Presbyters : and that all of them were the Apostles Successors , in that respect : he is for the contrary Opinion . § 27. Let us now hear his Reasons , Two things he brings for Arguments , or what else I do not well know . One is , It is evident that the Ancients affirmed that the Apostolical Power was derived to the Bishops as their Successors , from the Catalogue of Bishops in the Apostolick Sees , by the most ancient Records of the Church . This is no dreadful Argument : for , 1. Among all the Sees he mentioneth ( I need not transcribe them ) there is not one in which an Apostle was said to sit , but that of Jerusalem : the rest indeed were excellent Men who first praesided in these Churches : but not Apostles ; and therefore their Sees can no more be called Apostolick , than that of Canterbury or York , &c. whose Bishops this Author reckoneth to be the Apostles Successors , tho not so immediatly as those mentioned . 2. These Catalogues that he mentioneth , were not so early made as he would insinuat : they do indeed begin with early things , and guess at what past in , or near , the Apostles Times : but we do not find that such Co●…ion of the Succession of Bishops was made for near three hundred years ●…er Christ ; except some little account by Irenaeus : and these that are ●…nt , are so perplext , and do so disagree with one another , that nothing can be concluded from them , with any certainty : particularly in the Succession at Rome , there is no certainty that Peter was there , nor who were after him ; the same might be shewed of others of them . 3. No more can be proved from these Catalogues , but that in the first Ages of the Church , there were such men who Ruled and Taught these Churches , whom after Ages called Bishops : but the Catalogues neither tell us what Power they had ; nor whether they ruled these Churches alone , or in Parity with the rest of the Presbyters . As Gers-Bucer expresseth it , p. 423. Non queritur an Episcopi continua successione usque ad Nicenum Concilium Ecclesias gubernaverint , sed quales Episcopi suerunt ; & quid imperii aut potestatis in Ecclesiam aut Presbyterium habuerunt . That one only is mentioned is no proof of sole power : for , 1. That is not always done , Irenaeus lib. 3. C. 3. beginneth the Succession at Rome with Peter and Paul. 2. In their Catalogues they mentioned the Eldest , or the Praeses of their Meeting , or the Man of most Fame for Grace or Gifts . For their Design was not to number all the Pastors of the Churches ; but to shew a Succession of Pastors , and of sound Doctrine . Neither do we find such Records of Succession in all Churches , but in some that were of most Note . § 28. His second Enquiry and Observation , p. 119. is , In what Language the Ancients spake of Bishops , who are said to have succeeded to the Apostles : where he bringeth a number of Citations litle to the purpose in hand . His first is Irenaeus : Et habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis , & successores eorum usque ad nos , qui nihil tale docuerunt , neque cognoverunt , quale ab his deliratur . What can be hence inferred , further than that there were Sound and Orthodox Men , whom Irenaeus calleth Bishops , from the Apostles time : which is not to our Question . That Irenaeus Reasons from this against the Valentinians , is not probative of our Authors point : what he addeth out of Irenaeus , Quos ( Episcopi ) & successoru relinquebant , suum ipsorum locum Magisterii tradentes ; is not concludent : for , 1. This is not spoken of a single Bishop in one place ; but of all the Pastors of the Churches : whom we maintain to have been a Plurality . 2. Or this Magisterium may well be understood of their Teaching Authority ; for that was to his purpose ; that they whom the Apostles Authorized to Teach the Church , Taught not the Doctrine of the Valentinians . For what he saith that Irenaeus carefully distinguishes between Bishops and Presbyters , he hath cited no place for it : and if he had , it importeth no more , but that special notice was taken of the Praeses , beyond the rest of the Presbyters : it can never prove sole , nor superior Jurisdiction . Another Citation out of Irenaeus ( that I may not transcribe all the words ) is no more , but that Apostoli illis tradiderunt Ecclesias : which we deny not : seing it may be understood of all Presbyters : and indeed Irenaeus saith the same of Presbyters , lib. 4. C. 43. Only our Author will have it understood of Bishops , because of their Age : on the contrary , I plead , that it should be understaod of Presbyters by Office ? because Preaching Power was committed to them , and not to Bishops only : and it is of that he is speaking ; as that by which the Valentinian , and other Heresies were condemned . Another Testimony out of Irenaeus , we must obey them qui successionem habent ab Apostolis — qui cum Episcopatus successione Charisma veritatis certum , secundum placitum Dei acceperunt . I see nothing to prove that all this may not be applyed to every Presbyter , or Pastor of the Church ; nor is there any Shadow of Ground for his Inference , viz. Ye see here , that the Episcopal and Apostolical Dignity are one and the same , in the Language of Irenaeus . None can see this , unless the Eyes of his mind be Tinctured with prejudice . For 1. Episcopatus successio is competent to all Presbyters , in our Opinion : which he should refute , not suppose it to be false . 2. Here is not the Apostolical Dignity mentioned by Irenaeus , but a part of it , to wit Charisma veritatis certum ; which I think he will not say is peculiar to Diocesans : the Church would be ill served , if they only had the Gift of Preaching the Truth : seing they cannot preach to all their People : and in our days seldom preach to any of them . He bringeth another wonderful Argument , which he speaks of as what may supersede his insisting on what he is discoursing : the Prophesy ( saith he ) which threatned that the Bishoprick possessed by a notorious Malefactor should be given to another , was literally fulfilled when Matthias was advanced to the Apostolate , in the Room of Judas . I am so slow as that I cannot perceive what he aimeth at by this , unless he would infer , Matthias succeeded to Judas , Ergo , the Bishops , and they alone , succeed to the Apostles : which is much more ridiculous , than what he a litle before he charged Beza with . If he lay stress on the word Bishoprick , it is captio ab homonymia . § 29. Cyprian is the next Father whom he adduceth , as a Witness that the Bishops succeed to the Apostles . All that he bringeth from the Writings of that Learned Father , and Holy Martyr , I have lately Answered , in a Debate on this Subject , with I. S. I am not willing to repeat : yet I shall point at Answers to what he citeth . Cyprian saith , Apostolos , id est , Episcopos & Praepositos , Dominus elegit . His Objection hath its own Answer ; Cyprian distinguisheth between Episcopos & Praepositos : the President Bishop and the Presbyter ; and he calleth them both Apostles ; because they succeeded to the Apostles . I hope he will not make Praepositos to be Exegetick of Apostolos , least he make Cyprians sense to be , Apostolos , i. e. Episcopos , i. e. Praepositos . Another Citation , quod enim non periculum metuere debemus de offensa Domini , quando aliqui de Presbyterie , nec Evangelii , nec loci sui memores , neque futurum Dei judicium , neque nunc sibi Praepositum Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub Antecessoribus nostris factum est , totum sibi vendicant . This may seem plausible to such as know not the occasion of these words ; which was : while Cyprian was retired from Carthage , because of the Persecution , some of the Presbyters , without the rest , took on them to absolve some of the Lapsed : this Cyprian complaineth of , as justly he might ; yea , he had cause to complain , that their Bishop ( that is , constant Moderator of their Presbytery ) was neglected in this matter ; for that cause should have been determined in consessu Presbyterorum ; which should have been called together by him ; as Praepositus illis , that is , by their Choice , made the constant Praeses of their Meeting : There is no proof here of a solitude of Power : nor of Cyprians Succession to the Apostles ( which is the thing that our Author citeth it for ) more than the rest of the Presbyters did . The special notice that is here taken of his being neglected , proceeded from the Genius of that Age , wherein perpetual Presidency had set the Bishop a little higher in Dignity above the Presbyters , than they had been from the beginning . Another Citation ( which also misseth the mark , viz. Succession to the Apostles ) is , that Cyprian saith , Ecclesia super Episcopos constituitur , & omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem gubernatur ; and saith , this is Divina lege fundatum . All this may be understood of Scripture Bishops , that is , all the Presbyters : and if ye will take it of the Cyprianick Bishop , that is , the Praeses , we assent to it as truth ; provided we understand not these Bishops in their single Capacity , but in Conjunction with their Presbyters : the Church is set on all Pastors who teach sound Doctrine , with respect to her Soundness in the Faith , and Edification in Holiness : on the Presbytery , or ruling part , ( among whom , in Cyprians time , the Praeses , or Bishop , was specially taken notice of , tho he did not rule by himself ) with respect to her good Order : and that all this is Juris Divini , I no way doubt . If our Author can make out sole Jurisdiction from these words , he must bring better Arguments than I have yet seen . Again , Cyprian saith , the Bishops succeeded to the Apostles vicaria ordinatione . This is also granted , and may be understood of all Pastors of the Church ; and we deny it not of the praesides Presbyteriorum , who were peculiarly called Bishops : they succeeded to the Apostles as Ministers of the Gospel ; but that they either had the Plenitude of Apostolick Power , or that their Presidency , as a distinct Office , or superior Degree , was by Succession from the Apostles , we deny ; and it is not proved from Cyprians words . Their ruling power they have , with the rest , by Divine , or Apostolick Institution : that there be a Presidency , is of the Law of Nature ; and hath Scripture example ; the person who should preside , is to be chosen by common consent ; nor do we find any warrant from Scripture , either that he should have power superior to the rest , or that this Presidency should always be in one person . He bringeth also Tertullian , saying , percurre Ecclesias Apostolicas , apud quas ipsae adhuc Cathedrae Episcoporum suis locis praesident : habes Corinthum , habes Ephesum , habes Romam . This Testimony importeth no more than that there continueth in the Churches , planted by the Apostles , a Government to this day . Gathedrae cannot be strained to signifie a Bishop with sole Jurisdiction : the Notion of that word is sufficiently Answered by a Judicature in the Church , where one presideth : which we say should be in every Church . He is so consident of his Conclusion , that he desireth us to read Cyprian himself ( we do it , Sir , and think not fit to take all on Trust that is cited out of him by your Party ) and he thinketh the Disingenuity of Blondel , and his Associats will appear to the highest Degree . I desire , on the other hand , that he would read him with an Unbyassed Mind , and then all this Airy Confidence will evanish . That he asserteth , p. 123. that the Authority of Bishops over Presbyters , Deacons , and Laity , will appear to them who read Cyprian , is denyed , except in the sense that I yielded in the Book above pointed at : they have joynt power with the rest of the Consistory over one another , and over the whole Church . § 30. I proceed with him p. 123. to his second Enquiry : Whether the Ancients insisted frequently on this Succession of single Persons to the Apostles in particular Sees , in their Reasoning against Hereticks . I acknowledge that they frequently Reasoned from the Doctrine that had been taught by persons succeeding to the Apostles in particular Churches : and that they named particular Men , or single Persons in that Succession : but that they laid any weight on their being single Persons whom they so named ; or that they lookt on these as the only Successors of the Apostles in these Churches , we deny ; and have not yet seen it proved . It is the same thing , as to the Strength of their Reasoning , whether one Minister , or more , had the Power of Governing these Churches . Wherefore , if we should yield him all that he is here enquiring for , it doth not advantage his Cause , nor hurt ours ; unless it be made appear that the single persons so named , were the sole , or supreme Rulers in these Churches : which I am well assured is not proved by any of the Testimonies that he bringeth . His first Citation is out of Tertull. whose Argument is plainly this , that the Hereticks could not shew the beginning of their Churches , as the Orthodox could do , from persons placed then by the Apostles ; as Polycarp was by John at Smyrna , and others in other places : and he addeth , perinde utique & caeterae exhibent , quos ab Apostoli in Episcopatum constitutos Apostolici seminis traduces habeant . Here is no one word of Singularity of Power : and it is certain , that the Apostolici Seed of sound Doctrine might be transmitted to Posterity by a Plurality of Presbyters , as well as by single Bishops : yea , and better too ; for if one erred , the rest might correct him ; but if the Bishop erred , there w●… none in that Church that might oppose him . That Polycarp in Smyrna and none else , is named , doth not prove that he alone Preached the true Doctrine , and far less that he Governed that Church by himself And indeed the Zeal and Unanimity that he mentioneth p. 125. was 〈◊〉 good mean of keeping the Doctrine of the Church pure : but as this Unanimity could not be in one Church , but among a Plurality of Tea chers , so the Unanimity of a few Bishops in several Diocesses , could not be so convincing in this matter , as that , with the Unanimity of Presbyters among themselves in these several Churches that they were to instruct . Another Testimony of Tertull. he bringeth , Ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus in Joannem stabit authorem . There is nothing here but what hath been already Answered : there was an Order , or Succession of Bishops , whereof John the Apostle was the Appointer of the first of them : but he doth not tell us of their sole Jurisdiction . He argueth p. 126. that if the imaginable Interval of Parity had been known , after the Apostles , and the Succession of single Bishops interrupted , this Argument had been weak , and the Hereticks might have insulted . A. I deny that either he , or the Hereticks could have any such advantage : because the Fathers did not argue from the Singularity of the Persons succeeding one to another , they had no occasion to consider that , in this Debate ; further than to instance in one person so succeeding in a Church , where there were more : it was enough to confound the Hereticks , that such Doctrine was constantly taught since the Apostles days , and they could tell them by whom . What followeth p. 126 , 127. is a Repetition of the same thing : about which I shall trouble him no more , let him tell it over again as oft as he will. He needed not tell us p. 128. that the Successions of single Persons Governing particular Churches , and their Jurisdiction and Preheminence , is acknowledged by some of the Gallican Church ; we know there are Worthy Men in that Church ; but we never thought them all infallible . § 31. His third Enquiry is , Whether we may safely lean on the Authority of the Ancients , in an Affair of this Consequence ? he saith , no doubt we may ; and ought . I affirm that this matter may admit both of further Distinction , and of some Doubting : and that it is blind Confidence to be so positive , without clearing the State of the Question . And there is the more need of distinguishing in this Case , because our Author seemeth , in pursuing this his Enquiry , to confound two different Questions : one is , whether we may lean to the Accounts they give of the Succession of Bishops since the Apostles days ? Another is , about the Antiquity of Episcopal Government , as he wordeth it , p. 131. It is one thing to owne a Succession of Teachers in a Church , whome some Men will call Bishops ; another to owne that the Government of the Church was managed by them alone . I shall here propose and apply five Distinctions . 1. The Ancients and their Writings are to be distinguished . Some of them lived in , or near to the Apostolick times : others of them some Ages after : the Credibility of the former , caeteris paribus , is far greater than that of the later : Because they had better causam scientiae ; and because , tho Tradition , without Writing , may , at first , and under the best advantages , soon , and easily be corrupted ; yet by length of time , and passing through many hands , it is more apt to be depraved ; and that even without design . For the Writings ascribed to the Ancients , some of them are Spurious , and only bear the Names of Famous Men. Others of them are corrupted , and interpolated ; tho they were really done by them whose Names they bear : others of them are Dubious ; so that it is sub judice , whether they be credible Testimonies , or not . A second Distinction is , of the things about which we debate : our Author indeed doth distinguish , in the Progress of the Debate , between Matters of Fact , and Matters of Opinion , or Principle : of which afterward . I distinguish things on which our Faith , or our Duty doth depend ; from these things that we are not so concerned in , being merely Historical Passages , or Debates about Natural or Politick Things ; in Matters of Fact of the later sort , we are to believe the Fathers as credible Historians ; and regard them ( at least some of them ) as Men of Learning ; yet so as not to believe their Histories , nor receive their Conclusions against Sense and Reason : for the former sort of things , I look on their Testimony as insufficient , to perswade the Mind , or clear the Conscience : Scripture , not the Fathers , must be the Rule of our Faith , and Religious Practice . Distinction third , These things that we Debate about , are either determined in Scripture , or not : if not , much regard is to be had to thess Holy and Learned Men ; who had much of the Mind of God in many things : yet , as was said before , we must not blindly follow them , over the Belly of Sense or Reason . If they be , Scripture light must be our Guide , not the Opinion of the Fathers . Listinction fourth , The Testimony of the Fathers is either Unanimous , or they are Divided : in the later case , we cannot follow them ; but must examine which of their Opinions is best founded . In the former , their Testimony may occasion a great prejudice , and may readily byass the Mind ; yet it should not determine us against Scripture Light , they all being fallible Men. Distinction fifth , The Opinions of the Fathers are either clearly delivered , or we must guess at them , from dark Hints . As the one sort can no way command our Faith : so neither the other is to be received implicitly . § 32. Out of these Distinctions , this State of the present Question resulteth , whether the Testimonies of the Fathers be a sufficient ground on which we may determine , whether Episcopacy or Parity be the Government of the Church that Christ hath instituted . My Antagonist is for the Affirmative , I am for the negative : for which I give these Reasons , 1. We have no concurrent , nor unanimous Testimony of the Fathers on either side ; for all the noise that is made of the Universality and Perpetuity of this Tradition , and Unanimity about it . If they can prove what they confidently affirm in this point , we shall quit this Argument . Many of the Fathers have said nothing on this head : few of them have have written on it directly , and of purpose ; and what they have said , is but indirectly , without considering the State of our Controversie ; which I am perswaded , was not brought into Debate in the Primitive Times : many of the Excellent Men of the first Ages have written nothing : many of the Writings of that time are perished : there are different Opinions in this Debate among them , whose Writings we have ; which arose from the Change of the Practice that had been in the Apostolick Age : whence then should we have this Harmony that they talk of ? for this last ( the rest are certain enough ) I refer the Reader to what hath already been said in this Disputation . 2. What most of the Fathers say on this head , is obscure , and hard to be understood : their Expressions being suted to the Customs and Dialect of that time , which was plain enough to them who then lived ; but not so to us , who know not their Idioms , nor the Customs that they relate to , as then known things : they also used words in a far different sense than we do : As Merit , Pennance , Bishop , and such like . It is sometimes far easier to clear the Point in Debate from Scripture , and Reason , than to clear the Expressions of some of the Fathers about it . 3. The Uncertainty that we are at about the Genuine , and Spurious ; the Pure and Corrupted Writings of the Fathers , make their Testimony unsafe to be the solitary ground of our Faith , or Practice , even in this matter . Who knoweth not what Debates are among Learned Men on this Head ? and how Conjectural all the Knowledge is that can be attained by the most diligent Search ? And surely it is no Wisdom to build our Opinion in a Matter of Religion , wherein we either please God , or sin against him , on such a Sandy Foundation : Of this Opinion was Theophilus Antiochenus who flourished about an . 130. and is said to be Sextus a Petro , in the Church of Antiochia , lib. 3. ad Autolycum , near the beginning : he is shewing the Certainty of what Christians believed ; compared with the Stories about the Heathen Gods , and hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. It was needful that Writers should be Eye Witnesses of what they affirmed : or that they have exactly learned the truth of things from them who were present when they were done : for they who write Uncertainties that they themselves know not , do as it were , beat the Air : his work is to be found Biblioth . Patr. T. 2. This Passage is , p. 151. of the Cologn Edition 1618. 4. It is acknowledged by the best Antiquaries , that the History of the Ages of the Church next to the Apostles , is defective , dark , and uncertain : This is not only found now , at this distance of time ; but it was early complained of by Eusebius , who had far more help to a certain and distinct knowledge of these things , than we have , lib. 3. C. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — But how many , and what sincere Followers ( or Successors ) have Governed the Churches planted by the Apostles , it cannot be confirmed , but so far as may be gathered out of the words of Paul. Where he layeth the Certainty of our Knowledge of what concerneth the Government of the Church , on Scripture , and not on the Fathers . And in his Preface to his History , he telleth us , he had gone in a Solitary and Untroden Path , and could no where find so much as the bare Steps of such as had passed the same Way ; having only some small Tokens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and there , as it were . Also , that he had not found any Ecclesiastical Writer , who unto this day ( and it was the Interval of three hundred years ) have in this behalf ( he is speaking of the Succession of Bishops ) imployed any Diligence . Is there not then great Certainty to be expected from this , or any other Writer , concerning these times ; that we should look on their Accounts as sufficient ground to build our Faith on , in a matter that Religion is so nearly concerned in ? The Learned Scalliger hath this Observation to our purpose : Intervallum illud ob ultimo capite actorum Apostolorum ad medium Trajani imperium , quo tracts Quadratus , & Ignatius florebant , plane cum Varrone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocari potest , is quo nihil certi de rebus Christianorum ad nos pervenit , praeter admodum pauca , quae hostes pietatis obiter delibant , Swetonius , Tacitus , Plinius ; quem hiatu● ut expleret Eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clementis , nescio cujus , ( non enim est ille eruditus Alexandrinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hegesippi , non melioris scriptoris , sine delectu ea deprompsit . Tilenus ( no Friend to Presbytery ) saith full as much ; he telleth us of the Lacunae and Hiatus of these times : and that a fine actorum Apostolorum , ad Trajani tempora , nihil habemus certi . Shall we then take the broken and uncertain Accounts that we find of these times , for a sufficient Foundation of our Faith , about what is the Will of God concerning the Government of his House . § . 33. Our fifth Argument we take from the Fathers disowning each himself , and all others , beside the Prophets and Apostles , from having sufficient Authority to determine in the Controversies of Religion ; not exempting that about Church Government . This our Writers have made so evident against the Papists , that it is a wonder that Protestants should use such a Plea. And indeed the Papists get much advantage by this Conduct : for the same Arguments that our Author , and his Complices , use in this Debate , they improve in the other Controversies ; and with the same advantage . For if the Scripture be not sufficient Light to us in this , I see not how it can be thought perfect in some other of our Debates : if unwritten Traditions be found necessary in the one case , it will be hard to lay the same aside in some others . I have adduced some Testimonies of Fathers to this purpose , Preface to Cyprianick Bishop Examined : to which I shall now add , August . lib. 2. contr Manichae . of the Scriptures he saith , 161. Si quid velut absurdum noverit non licet dicere , author hujus libri non tenuit veritatem ; sed aut codex mendosus est , aut interpres erravit , aut tu non intelligis . In opusculis autem posteriorum , quae libris innumerabilibus continentur , sed nullo modo illi sacratissimae Scripturarum Canonicarum excellentia conquantur , etiam in quibusdam eorum invenitur par veritas , longe tamen est impar authoritas . Jerom is much , and often in this strain , Ep. 62. ad Theoph. Alexandr . Scio me aliter habere Apostolos , aliter reliquos tractatores : illos semper vera dicere , istos in quibusdam ut homines errare : Et Ep. 76. Ego Originem propter eruditionem sic interdum legendum arbitror , quo modo Tertull. Novatum , Arnob. & nonnullos scriptores Ecclesiasticos , ut bona eorum eligamus , evitemusque contraria ; juxta Apostolum dicentem , omnia probate , quod bonum est eligite . The same he saith also of his own Writings , in Hab. & Zech. Si quis melius , imo , verius dixerit , & nos libenter melioribus acquiescemus . Ambros. de incarnatione , C. 3. Nolo nobis credatur ; non ego dico a me , quia in principio erat verbum ; sed audio , non ego affingo , sed lego , &c. Cyril . Hierosol . Cat. 12. Meis commentis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non attende ; possis enim forte decipi : sed nisi de singulis Prophetarum testimonia acceperis ne credas dictis , &c. Yea , the Papists themselves reject the Authority of the Fathers when they please , and teach in general , that they are not always to be followed : as Dally and Turretin shew , out of Cajeton , Canus , Maldonate , Petavius , and Baronius , who often reprehendeth the Fathers , even in the Historical Accounts they give of Matters of Fact : and doth not this very Author so far forget himself , as to say , that Jerom erred in his account of the practice of the Apostolick Age , p. 73. as I above observed : and if Jerom did mistake , why might not the rest also , the Opinion of the Learned and Excellent Bradward . de Causa Dei , lib. 2. C. 3. corroll . p. 601 , 602. is consonant to what I have said . He sheweth , that the Fathers did often seem , at least , to favour Hereticks : particularly Pelagius : and p. 602. E. Et quis theologus nesciat alias scripturas quorumcunque scriptorum non tanta firmitate semper muniri , sed posse quandoque ab hominibus emendari , and instanceth in Origen , Jerom , Cyprian , and Augustin . Our Authors Exception against this , in his Distinction of Matters of Opinion , and Matters of History , that the Fathers might mistake in the one not in the other , I am afterward to consider . § 34. For further Confirmation of this Truth , I shall transcribe a few heads of Arguments , out of a Manuscript written by a Learned Divine of this Church ; Entituled , Some Propositions collected out of the Writings of Divines about Church Government : because few can have access to read the Manuscript it self : He proveth , 1. That the Testimony of the ancient Historians is not in every thing , and particularly in that point of the Hierarchy , probably true , because , 1. Even Episcopal Writers of the best Note , deny their Testimony to be universally true : Sutliv . de Pontiff . lib. 2. C. 11. p. 148. Multa de Petre & Paulo & aliis sanctis hominibus narrantur fabulose , quibus nemo necessario tenetur credere : ibid. p. 153. About Peters being at Rome , Ad testimonia Patrum quod attinet expedita est Responsio : quae fama acceperant , narrant , sed dubia & incerta . Whitaker of Peter and Pauls being buried at Rome , Hoc totum nititur fidei humanae , & ex historiae veritate pendet : at fides & Religio nostra certiori fundamento nititur ; testimonio , scil . spiritus sancti : Baron Pref. p. 3. Nulla res hactenus in Ecclesia magis negligi visa est quam Ecclesiasticarum rerum narratio : quod si Historias consules , magnam eorum classem ess● intelliges , quae absque delectu perceperunt , & aniles fabulas . 2. They relate many things that are generally disbelieved , as the Letter of Abgarus to Christ , and Christs Answer : Peter being twenty five years at Rome , as Bishop of that Church , is questioned by most Protestants ; Sutliv . saith , Credo eum Romam nunquam vidisse . Reynold , Colla : with Hart , bringeth strong proofs that Mark was not Bishop of Alexandria . 3. Many of these old Histories are lost , as that of Egesippus , as Bellarmine confesseth : others are vitiated , some carelesly written , as Socrates testifieth of Eusebius's History , lib. 1. C. 1. That he took more care to praise the Emperor , than to describe the Acts of that time . Also several things are in Eusebius which he did not write , for he citeth Sozomen , lib. 3. C. 20. who lived an hundred years after him . 4. The Testimony of most Ancients about the Hierarchy , is in causa propria . 5. Many of them whose Testimony is brought , lived an hundred years after the Apostles times : and therefore had things by Tradition , which useth to grow by being often rehearsed ; for , saith Socrates , lib. 5. C. 9. Nulla fabula narratur bis quin duplo major evadat . 6. The Testimonies of the Ancients in this are not harmonious . He further proveth . 2. That these Testimonies cannot found a Theological Conclusion : For , 1. They are no part of the Canon of Scripture , on which ground Protestants reject Testimonies from Apocrypha . 2. Their Writings contain some things that neither Party assenteth to . 3. Their Sayings were not probative in their own time , Ergo , neither in ours ; seing we and they have the same ground of Faith. 4. A Theologick Conclusion must be built not on Topick , or uncertain grounds : Reynold Colla. with Hart , C. 6. Praeter authores sacros nullus Historicus certus esse potest , i. e. Idoneus ad faciendam fidem in Theologia . Sarav . de Pontif. l. 2. p. 151. Quis Ecclesiae status fuerit antequam Apostoli tradiderunt rationem gubernandi Ecclesiam , nemo dicere potest , nisi ex sacris scripturis . Sutliv . 12. T. Probatur nostra sententia ( that Peter was not at Rome , ) 1. Quia nusquam ex scripturis probatur , nihil ejus seripsit in Epistolis suis Petrus , nihil Paulus , nihil Lucas , qui res Apostolorum diligenter prosecutus est . A Theologick Conclusion must either be founded on some evident and clear Demonstration , or some infallible Authority : neither of which is in the Sayings of the Ancients for the Hierarchy . § 35. Let us now hear what he bringeth for this his Opinion ; where in he is so positive and confident : one might here expect strong Reasons ; but behold , pro auro paleas . He telleth us , p. 128 , 129. The Apostolical Churches had their own Fasti , in which were recorded the Succession of their Bishops , and the Names of the Martyrs : and that there are many Apostolical Monuments beside : in which Egesippus , &c. could not be mistaken . A. 1. Euseb. was of a contrary Opinion : he could find none of these Fasti : but was forced to go in an untroden Path , as I shewed § . 31. 2. He should have given some evidence for this confident Assertion : for we know not where to find these Fasti , without his Direction . I deny not that in some after Ages they began to keep Records in Churches ; but that in the Apostolick and next succeeding Age , they had them , we find not ▪ and these are times of which we , with Eusebius , and others , complain of , as to the Uncertainty and Defectiveness of History . 3. The Memory of the Martyrs was early Recorded : we do not find that the Succession of Bishops was so . 4. Suppose the Records of both had been early and exactly kept , this can give no Light in the present Debate , unless they had Recorded what Jurisdiction they whom they called Bishops did exercise : which he doth not so much as alledge out of these Fa●●i . 5. It is confessed by all , that Hegesippus was a very Fabulous Author , and took many things on Trust , which he neither found in the Fasti , nor any Apostolical Monuments . For Irenaeus and Tertull , they say nothing for his Cause but what we are ready to contest with him ; even supposing their Authority to be as great as he will make it . For Clement , he is mistaken about him , as I shewed before , out of Scalliger . § 36. Next he advanceth a Distinction ( and ingeminateth it ) of Theorems and Matters Fact : he confesseth , in the former that the Ancients might mistake ; but not in the latter : that it is impossible that they should mistake , and they would not impose upon Posterity ; seing such things were obvious to the Knowledge and Observation of the meanest Christians : we must not think that they Lied in these , or Conspired to propagate a Lie to Posterity : for they were Men of such Sanctity , defended the Truth with their Blood , many of them had miraculous Gifts ; they were Unanimous in delivering this their Testimony . A few Considerations will easily dissipate this Mist , 1. He supposeth the Unanimity of the Ancients bearing Testimony to Episcopacy being the way setled by the Apostles : which is utterly denyed : he taketh it also for granted , that that was universally practised in , and since the Apostolick Age , till of late : which is also said without all ground ; if he will prove either of these , we shall insist no more on either Arguments , or Defences from Antiquity . If he will take it for certain , and despise all that we bring out of the Fathers , and all our Exceptions to what he and his Party bring ; we must leave it to the Judicious Reader to believe as he seeth cause . 2. He doth most unreasonably suppose , that , if we think the Testimonies of the Fathers was insufficient to determine us in that matter , that therefore we impute Lieing to them ; or that they designed to impose upon Posterity . For one may mistake , and misrepresent a History , and yet not lie , or design to deceive others : because he speaketh as he thinketh ; the Error is in his Understanding , not in his Will. Doth this Author think that Jerom told a Lie , or designed to impose on others in that wherein he imputeth Error to him , as is above said ; I suppose he will not owne such Thoughts of that Holy and Learned Person : wherefore it is most absurd to impute to us that we count some of the Fathers , yea , or all of them , Liars , because we think they might err , even in Matter of Fact : It is well known that Matters of Fact are frequently misapprehended , and thence misrepresented , even by them who would be loath to tell a Lie : if this were so ; I could prove him , and some others of his Party , to be notable Liars ; which 〈◊〉 will be far from asserting : is there not much false History of things done in the time when they are reported or written ; much more it may be so at great distance of time , when Reports pass through many hands , viresque acquirunt eundo . Wherefore the Sanctity , Zeal for Truth , and other Excellencies of the Fathers are no ways impeached by rejecting them as insufficient to be the Rule of our Faith , or Practice , in the things that concern Religion . 3. For the Miraculous Gifts of the Fathers , about whose Testimony we now Debate , I think he will find it hard to prove them . I deny not that some extraordinary Gifts did continue in the Church some time after the Apostles , but can this Author tell us who had them , or that the Fathers who have left Writings behind them were so Gifted ? Beside , their Gifts , if they had such as he alledgeth , could not prove what he intendeth , unless he could make it appear that they had such infallible assistance as the Apostles had : which I think he will not attempt to prove . § 37. I fourthly observe on this part of his Discourse , that his Distinction is wholly impertinent to this purpose ; and that the Fathers were capable to be deceived in this Matter of Fact , no less than some Theorems , or Matter of Principle : because , 1. This matter doth contain in it a Principle , or Theorem , viz. That Episcopacy was instituted by the Apostles : now this might arise from misinterpreting some Passages of the Apostolick Writings : if they say the Church was governed by Bishops in the Apostles time , which is Matter of Fact : they must also say it was appointed by the Apostles , which is Matter of Jus or a Theological Theorem : and this must depend on their understanding some Passages of Scripture , as holding forth that Truth . For Example , I left thee in Crete , unto the Angel of Ephesus , and such like : now they might misunderstand some other Scriptures as is confessed ; why not these also . None of the Fathers is so positive as to say that he saw a Bishop exercising sole Jurisdiction in the Apostles time : wherefore their Assertion of the Factum ( if any such there be ) must have been built on their Misapprehensions of the Jus : and if they be not infallible in the one , they could not be so in the other . 2. This Factum , that Bishops alone governed the Church , and not Presbyters with them , ( for that is our Question ) and that in , and next after the Apostles times , must come to all , or at least to most of the Fathers by Tradition : for none of them could see the Practice of the Church in all these Ages , about which we dispute : but Tradition is very lyable to lead People into Error , as every one knoweth : if the Fathers might mistake about what is written in the Scripture , as is confessed , how much more might they err in that which they have but by Tradition ; which their Fathers have told them , and which is not so Recorded in Scripture , but that they might misapprehend it ? 3. Whereas our Author , p. 130. ascribeth Fallibility to the Fathers in Doctrines and Theorems , because these might depend on their Ratiocinative and Intellectual Faculties , and they had no Priviledge against Error of that Nature : may not the same be said of this Matter of Fact that we now debate about ? the Management of Church Government is such a thing as a Man cannot understand , nor rightly apprehend merely by Sense , and without the use of Ratiocination . How can we understand what is the Power and Jurisdiction of one Man over others , without inferring it from the Acts we see him do , with respect to them ? I find my Antagonist often out in his Reasoning in this very thing . He readeth of a Bishop set in a higher Seat than the Presbyters ; Church Acts spoken of as done by him , without mentioning the Presbyters : he findeth in Catalogues of Successions in Churches one mentioned and no more ; and such like : here his Intellectual and Ratiocinative Faculty inferreth , that one Bishop ruled these Churches , and the rest of the Presbyters had no hand in the Government , further than advising : here is ill Logick , and false Reasoning : and in that he will not say that he is infallible . It cannot then be denyed , but that the Fathers behoved thus to reason from what they saw and heard : if then they might err in the use of their Intellectual and Ratiocinative Faculty , what should hinder but that they might err in this matter : which maketh his Distinction wholly void . He saith , p. 131. We must either receive this Historical Truth , or say that no Age , or no Society of Men in any Age , can transmit the Knowledge of any Matter of Fact to the next Generation . A. 1. It is not absurd to say , that no Humane History about Matters of Fact can so transmit what was done in former Ages , as to be a sufficient Foundation for our Faith or Practice , in any part of Religion , without , or contrary to Scripture ; tho it may give ground for a Historical Certainty in things that are not of that Concernment . To apply this , we maintain that Episcopacy is beside , and contrary to the Scripture ( and if he will beat us out of that Hold , we shall yield him the Fathers ) wherefore , if all the Fathers in one Voice , and that plainly and positively , would say ( which yet they have never done ) that Episcopacy is of Divine Right , we are not obliged to believe it , because we know they may err , and the Scripture cannot err . 2. The Consequence is naught . There are Matters of Fact that are purely such ; that Men see , or hear ; and cannot mistake about them , if their Sense be sound , and other Requisits to right Sensation be not wanting : these may be so transmitted by Humane History , to Posterity , that we need not fear to be deceived about them ; but have a Moral Certainty : but it doth not hence follow , that such Matters of Fact , as must be known , not only by Sensation , but Conjoyned Reasoning , can be so transmitted to Posterity , by mere Humane Testimony , as that we are obliged on that Testimony alone , to build an Opinion , or engage in a Practice , that Religion is so nearly concerned in , as it is in the Matter under Debate . The Ordinances that we owne , must have surer ground than is necessary for many Historical Truths , that we do not , nor ought to Question . § 38. He affirmeth , p. 131 , 132. that Episcopacy was from the beginning , by Divine Authority , a Copy of the Jewish AEconomy , transmitted from the Apostles to single Successors , perpetually to be preserved in all Ages : that it was uniformly setled by the Apostles in all Churches . All this he hath said over and over again : but hath not proved one word of it . Neither is any thing here said to our present purpose , unless he prove that the Testimony of the Fathers alone , is a sufficient ground for us to believe all this : for that is the present Debate . He saith , nothing is answered to all this , but that they ( the Presbyterians ) say the Ancients were Erroneous in several things . And is that nothing ? I have shewed that they were no more under infallible Conduct in this , than in other things . That they who transmitted to us the Knowledge of the Polity setled by the Apostles , were sufficiently acquainted with the Apostolical Constitutions , and that these Customs and Constitutions were not only preserved in the Ecclesiastical Records , but conveyed to their Eyes in the dayly Practice of the Church : this he affirmeth , p. 133. I suppose to prove that the Testimony of the Fathers alone is sufficient ground for our Faith , that Episcopacy is Juris Divini . Most of this is already Answered , being but a Repetition of what he hath said before . I further A. 1. These Fathers were acquainted with the Apostolical Constitutions by their Writings ( for he will not say that they were Eye Witnesses to Apostolick Practices ; tho it is alledged that one of them saw John the Apostle ; that will not prove such acquaintance with his , or other Apostles way ) we have their Writings , as well as they had ; and seing it is confessed , that they were not infallible in Understanding and Expounding Scripture , it is reasonable that we should see with our own Eyes , and not with theirs , and we should not implicitly believe the Fathers in telling us that the Apostles meant so and so in their Writings . 2. We think the Apostolick Constitutions are best preserved , and most purely , yea infallibly , in the Apostolick Writings , these are the Ecclesiastical Records that we lay more weight on than the Fasti of the Churches that he saith , were in the after Ages . 3. That the dayly practice of the Church did convey to the Eyes of the Fathers the Constitutions of the Apostles , we utterly deny : for Practice and Institution are two different things : for the one is not always a good commentary on the other ▪ even in the Apostles times , the Mystery of iniquity began to work , Practice began to vary from Institution : and in the very thing we now speak of , there were Efforts to carry Practice beyond the Rule ; when Diotrephes did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , affected to be primus Presbyter : and we may rationally think , that this Ferment did ( when the Apostles were gone off the Stage ) gather strength among Men who were not so humble , nor mortified as they should have been . Practice doth often degenerate from Principles ( as we see in dayly Experience ) and it is probable that this very thing might deceive some of these Holy Men , and make them judge a miss of the Apostolick Constitution ; and consequently make their Sentiments no safe Rule for our Guidence in this Matter . Beside all this , we cannot yield that the Practice of the Church was such as our Author fancieth , in the times of the first of the Fathers : or , that they do so represent the Practice of the Church as he imagineth . He insinuateth another Argument , p. 134. That the Fathers found the Series of single Successors in all the Apostolical Churches , governing Ecclesiastical Affairs , and this Succession not asserted as a thing that was then opposed , but rather supposed ; and inferreth , that a Tradition so stated , and conveyed , is as Authentick and Infallible as any thing of that Nature can be . A. That the Fathers found this , or that they a●●erted it , is denyed : what he else where bringeth for proof of this is answered . Again , if the Fathers had found this , they had erred : we maintain that they were Men capable to mistake , and to find what was not to be found . Further , it is not probative , that the Fathers did not find this way opposed , but supposed : both because the Degeneracy from the Apostolick Constitution that there was in the Primitive Church came in insensibly ; it wrought as a Mystery , unobserved , 2 Thess. 2. 7. ( I do not understand that Scripture exclusively of other things , but inclusively of this ) and were as the Tares , when Men Sleep . Also because , if there were Opposition made , it might be suppressed , and not transmitted to Posterity , by the Influence of the Party which had the Ascendent . Yet for all this ; we deny that the Fathers of the first Ages had that Jurisdiction of Bishops that he talketh of to oppose , or that it was in their days . § 39. What followeth , p. 134 , 135 , 136. seemeth to be designed as a Herculean Argument : it is brought from the dangerous Consequence they run upon , who derogate from the Authority of this Traditional Conveyance , in a Matter of Fact : for by the same reason , we must question the most Sacred things in our Religion . And for an Instance of this , he sheweth that the Canon of the Scripture was not universally received before the Death of the Apostles , but some Books questioned , these Books were received upon Search made by the Church , and finding that they were agreeable to the Apostolick Standard ; and that the Original Conveyance of such Books was supported by the Testimony of Apostolical Persons , or Holy Men who Conversed with such . If we receive some Books of Scripture on the Testimony of the Ancients , how dare we dispute their Fidelity in a Matter of Fact , relating to the Polity of the Church ? So that , on the whole Matter , either we must receive their Testimonies in this , or we must question the Authority of some Books now received into the Canon : for it may be objected against this last Tradition , that it was so opposed by Men of great Name , but the other was always universally received : I have heard that A. M. D. D. hath been jealoused as inclining to Popery , tho his Accusers failed in their Probation : he here ( and in some other Passages of this Book ) seemeth to prove what they could not make out . This Medium Stapleton , and many others of the Romish Doctors , use , to prove that the Church , not the Scripture , is the Ground of our Faith , because without the Church we cannot know which Books of Scripture are Genuine , and which are Spurious : just as this Author telleth us , we cannot know this but on the accurate Search made by the Church ; upon which Scrutiny some books are received into the Canon which at first were doubted of . I advise him to read Whitaker against Stapleton ; especially his Duplicatio : lib. 2. C. 26. where this Controversie is solidly handled , as it is also in many other Protestant Writers . It is observable that Popery and Prelacy must be defended by the same Arguments : and that this Author hath no better Evidence for , nor firmer Faith of the Divinity of the Scriptures , than he hath of Episcopacy : that his Faith in both is built on the Authority of the Church . I mention the Divinity of the Scriptures , because the whole of it is made up of its Parts , the several Books ; and if our Belief , that this Book is a part of the Canon , Ex Gr. Ruth ; be built on the Churches Authority , so it must be with another Book , and another , and so of them all . I must here then digress a litle from defending Presbytery to the Defence of Protestantism , against this my Antagonist . Let me not here be mistaken , as thinking that our Certainty of the Christian Doctrine in general , were no greater than that we have about this or that Book of Scripture being Canonical : We have sufficient , though not equal Certainty of both : Or as holding that the Authentickness of the several Books of Scripture were alike evident : some of them bear more manifest Marks of Divinity , or Motives of Credibility , than others do : And yet in them all , there is what may satisfie us , that they are from God. Or thirdly , As of Opinion that the Testimonies of the Christians of the first Ages are of no use , not Conducive to our Certainty in this Matter : I owne with Chemnit . exam . Concil . Trident. pt . 1. p. 86. That as Scriptura habet authoritatem principaliter , a spiritu sancto ; deinde a Scriptoribus , so , postea a Primitiva Ecclesia tanquam teste . No doubt the Concurrent and Harmonious Testimony of the first Ages is a strong Plea : but we rest not on that Ground alone : for if we did , our Faith should be resolved into the Authority of fallible Man : Yea , we should reject some of these Books , which we now receive as Canonical ; which were for some time questioned : we affirm then against this Author , that the Books of Scripture were not received by the Church , upon the Testimony of Men singly : Which he either must mean , or his Argument is not to the purpose . I argue then against him out of his own words ; the Church having made an accurate Search into the Doctrine of these Books , and finding it was agreeable to the Apostolick Standard , and that the Original Conveyance of such Books was supported by the Testimony of Apostolick Persons , or other Men , &c. Here himself doth not make the Testimony of the Fathers a sufficient ground of our receiving these Books : but what the Church found in them by Searching : So that indeed he overturneth the Sufficiency of the Foundation that he would have us build on , by laying another beside it . If he will let us see Episcopacy to be suteable to the Apostolick Standard , we shall embrace it ; but cannot owne it without that , tho all the Fathers in one Voice , should plead for it . Again , the Church after her Scrutiny ; and these Apostolick and Holy Men who bare Testimony to the Conveyance of these Books , either had some ground for owning them as Divine , or none ; but because they thought so , the latter I hope he will not say : if he say the former , we shall receive these Books , not on their sole Authority ; but on these Grounds that they went upon . If he say the present Church received them from the Church of former Ages , he must needs sist somewhere , and not proceed in infinitum . Whatever Person or Church he sist in , the Argument recurreth with respect to them . Further , if we receive the Books of Scripture because of the Testimony of the Church , our Faith , both of their being from God , and of the Truths contained in them , must be resolved ultimately into the Veracity of fallible Men ; and not into the Veracity and Authority of the Infallible God : unless he will make the Church infallible , as his Complices in this Opinion do : and even that will not help him , seing this Infallibility cannot be proved . And if it could , I ask whether these infallible Persons , who , after the Apostles , searched what Books were Authentick , had the Knowledge of this by Means , or by Revelation ? the latter the Papists do not pretend ; the former will serve us , using the same Means for this Knowledge . Lastly , I ask , whether they who conveyed these Books to us could be deceived , or not ? The latter he will not assert , for he hath told us they may be deceived about Theorems , and that such a Book is Canonical , is such : if they could be deceived , it is not fit for us to build our Faith of a thing of so high Concernment on their Opinion . I conclude , that the Books of Scripture are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our Faith that they are Gods Word is built , not on the Testimony of the Church ; but on the Veracity of God who speaketh : and we know that God speaketh in them , from the Motives of Credibility that the Scripture it self affordeth ; of which our Writers against the Papists bring not a few . If he can give as good ground for Episcopacy as we can give for the Books of Scripture being the Word of God , we shall receive the one as well as the other . § 40. His next Work , which beginneth p. 136. is to consider the Concessions of the Learned Presbyterians in this controversie : which yield some Propositions that not only shake , but quite overturn the whole Fabrick of the new Doctrine . It is well that there are some Learned Men among them : he sometimes speaketh of them , without Exception or Discrimination , in another Strain : and even here , what he giveth with the one hand , he taketh away with the other : for it is no great Evidence of Learning for to overturn the whole of what one taketh pains to build . I , in the Entrance of this Contest with him , must enter my Protestation , that I will not owne any Proposition , tho advanced by the Learnedest of the Presbyterians , that hath a mischievous Tendency : and if any such Assertion should happen to drop from me , upon Admonition and sufficient Instruction , I shall retract it ; errare possum , haereticus esse nolo . He beginneth with Salmasius , Walo , Messal . p. 7. confessing , that even the ancien times ( except the Apostolick Age ) distinguished between Bishop and Presbyter : I acknowledge the same , and require this Author to shew how this overturneth the Fabrick of Presbyterianism , which he reckoneth the 〈◊〉 Doctrine . The Ancients early made difference in the Name ; reserving that of Bishop to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Moderator ; soon after , there was a difference made in their Dignity : but we deny that there was , in the first Antiquity , any difference in the matter of Jurisdiction : and so our Principle standeth firm , for all this Concession . What he next citeth , out of the same Author , p. 17. is so far from his purpose , that it sheweth litle Skill , or Consideration at least , that he mentioneth it : Salmasius saith the Apostles sometimes called themselves Bishops and Presbyters , that they might put the Honour on them to whom they committed the care of the Churches , to seem to be equal to them . May not this be meant of Presbyters , as well as Bishops , that the Apostles so honoured them . For our Argument from the Confusion of Names of Bishop , and Presbyter , which he thinks is here overturned : the Reader , before he come this length , will see this Cavill to be groundless ; if he consider how we manage that Argument . He citeth him also saying , that the Ancients called Timothy Bishop of Ephesus , and Apostle . I have above shewed in what sense both these are spoken , without any Inconveniency to our Cause , see Sect. 2. § 3. It is as litle to his purpose , that he further citeth from Salmasius , that he saith James , whom the Ancients say was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem , was over the lesser Bishops , as now one Bishop is over many Presbyters . He was over the Bishops that is Presbyters , in the Quality of an Apostle : that the Ancients called him a Bishop , I have shewed how that is to be understood , in the place last cited . He is at him again , in his p. 181. of Wal. Messal . that he confesseth the Form of Government was changed after the Death of Peter , and Paul , tho not soon after ; yet in the end of the first Century , and beginning of the second . If Salmasius mean ( as I am confident he doth ) that a Change unto perpetual a Praesidency , and Majority of Dignity and Notice , did then begin to creep in , I confess the same : let our Author make his best advantage of it : if he think that Bishops were then set up with sole or superior Jurisdiction , I dissent from him : tho even this would not overturn our Cause , which is built on Scripture , not on the Opinion or Practice of the Ancients that were after the Apostles . § 41. He next , p. 138. brings some concessions of Blondel , apol . p. 3. that Episcopacy of one over many Presbyters did not prevail before the year , 140 , This is a foul misrepresentation : Blondel is there speaking of the Divisions , in which one said , I am of Paul , &c. after the manner of the Corinthians ; that this could not be proved to be before the year 140. Now it is probable that Episcopacy , as the supposed remedy , was not presently applied on the first appearance of the Malady : but that other means were used . Blondel saith , Pref. p. 76. that in great Cities , where were many Thousands of Christians , they had but one Church ; this saith our Author , could not be without a Bishop over them . Which I deny : the contrarie is ordinary at this day : all the Congregations may be under one Presbyterie , and their Moderator ; which in that place he calleth unicum concessum . in some places many Meetings are counted one Parochial Church ; which I cannot so well understand . Yet neither way overturneth Presbyterie ; nor doth necessarily infer Episcopacy . He next Citeth Bocharti Phaleg . which is a Mistake ; the Words are in his Epistle to Dr. Morley P. mihi 34. nor are his Words fully Cited : he expresly assenteth to Jerome , Apostolorum aetate inter Episcopos & Presbyteros nihil fuisse discriminis ; & communi Presbyterorum Concilio Ecclesias fuisse administratas : then follow the Words Cited by the Enquirer , asserting the antiquity of Episcopacie . And a little after , proinde tam qui Presbyterialem , quam qui Episcopalem ordinem juris Divini esse asserunt , videntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So that it is plain that Bochart saith as little for his Cause as for ours ; Seing both are for a jus Divinum . So that if all whom he hath mentioned were sitting in Council ( it is his own conceit ) we should have two for his one , and allow Bocharts suffrage to be , non liquet . And let him raise what Batteries he will on this ground , which he saith the Adversary yieldeth ( supposing fondly four men who lived in Presbyterian Churches , to be the whole Partie ; and that some of them said what they never thought . ) His first Batterie is , a Question P. 140 & seqque Seing that Episcopy was the Government all over the Christian Church toward the beginning of the Second Centurie , quo molimine , quibus machinis , was the Ecclesiastical paritie of Presbyters ( which the Apostles left the Church in Possession of ) changed from that aequality into Prelacie , and here he hath a long harangue , and many tragical words , setting forth the impossibility of this Change , and the absurditie of asserting it . To all this the Answer is plain and easie , and I hope will be convincing to such as do not look on things with the prejudice that this Gentleman seemeth to be under the power of . § . 42. I Answer then 1. This his Supposition we will never yield , unless we see more reason for it than yet hath been proposed : we deny that the Authors he hath cited have made such concessions as he supposeth : and if any of them have , let him answer the Absurditie that followeth on it , we are not concerned , we cau yeild no further than , the Apostles , having settled the Government of the Churches in paritie among Presbyter , and Nature having made a reses necessarie in their Meetings ; soon after ( the remains of the History of these Ages causeth that we cannot t● how soon ) this Presidencie being constant in the same person , began 〈◊〉 be taken more notice of than was fit , and more deference to be payed 〈◊〉 the Praeses than was meet : and that after some Ages , some , in some places did Usurp , or grasp at more Power than was due : but that either the Solitude of Church Power , or the Superiority of it , was owned , 〈◊〉 practised avowedly , for the first three Centuries , we deny : yea , we 〈◊〉 not find that it became Universal for some time after . Wherfore , 〈◊〉 ground he buildeth his Batterie on failleth ; and so , his roaring Canon will prove but bruta fulmina ; and we are not obliged to account for neither so sudden , nor so great a Change , as he mentioneth . 2. We can easily give a rational dilineation of such a Change , as was indeed made from the Apostolick constitution , and practice of the first times . We do not ascribe it to a general Council , nor to a Conspiracie of all the Presbyters in their scattered and Persecuted State , to make that Change. Nor do we derogate from the Holyness and faithfulness of the first Pastors of the Church who were settled by the Apostles : let him please himself with all he saith to prove the Absurditie of thinking that a Change could be wrought that way . But 1. We are persuaded that a great Change there was , by compareing the Practice , and some Canons of Cent. 5 , 6 , 7. &c. with the Apostolick Writings . 2. We think there is no impossibilitie in such a Change as I have acknowledged : considering the corruption of Men , yea the sinful infirmities of good Men ; some of whom may be apt to Usurp ; and others to overlook evils that are not easily observable in their Progress . And considering how suddenly Changes to the worse have fallen out in the Church , see Moses Prae●icti● Deut. 31. 27 , 28 , 29. see also Exod. 32. 8. and the frequent Apostacies of Israel after the death of their good Kings made this so evident , that it can never be denied , nor ought to be wondered at . 3. This Change did not come suddenly , nor all at once , and therefore was not so obvious to everie ones Observation : that it was not complained of by any we cannot say ; not having the compleat and distinct Records of the first Ages : farre less can it be affirmed that it was not observed by some who might Lament it in Secret ; but for Peace sake , and because the things they had to Complain of were dark and doubtful , and but small , and almost insensible Declensions from what had been before , they would make little noise with their dissatisfactions . It is well known that thus Degeneracie hath grown in latter Ages of the Church : and I wish it be not at this Day . Verie often a well Reformed Church doth thus degenerate , whose Maladie is like latent Diseases which are little observed till they be past Remedy . § . 43. I adde 4. The true Account of this Change of the Church is given by way of Praediction , by our Lord himself on the Parable of the Tares of the field , Matth. 13. 24. &c. this with other Corruptions , grew while the Guids of the Church slept , which case , in some degree or other , is incident to the best of Men ; and as , in process of time , the Ministers of the Church grew more remisse , this evil had the more advantage to grow . Of this I have Discoursed else-where ; Rational Def. of non conformitie . I shall now attend my Antagonist , endeavouring to Run down this apprehension of things with many hard Words : which amount to no more but this , that it was impossible to be brought about , because of the observablenss and suddeness of the Change , and the Faithfulness of the Guids of the Church that then were set over her . All which is already Answered . His ingeminating his Question about the possibility of this Change , P. 142. his saying , that this cannot be imagined , if we believe the other parts of Evangelical History ; are but words that evanish into nothing , on supposition of the Account that I have given of it : for we deny that the Evangelical History , whether Sacred , or Humane , giveth us Account of such a constitution of Episcopacy as he imagineth , in the first Ages . That no Historian took Notice of it , though it was most memorable , p. 143. is still his rotten Hypothesis , that this Change should have been made suddenly , and all at once : and I adde the History of the time of the Rise and Progress of this is defective , and uncertain , as I have shewed , Sect. 32. We do not say that it was Agreed upon by some ambitious Ecclesiasticks , as he P. 144. such Men might carrie it on in their several places , without Consultation ; Nature , and a corrupt Heart , prompting them to it , and the World and Satan tempting them : yea , it might in some degree , be promoted by better Men than these , unawares ; taking that for their Due which was not so : for its being submitted to tamely ( which he mentioneth ibid. ) that was not to be wondered at , because of the Humility of some , and minding other work for the Peoples Edification , leaving the the Ruling part too much to them who inclined to it ; and their not observing this Change , which by in insensible Degrees , made its Progress so in the dark . § . 44. He p. 145 , &c. draweth some absurd Consequences , by which he laboureth to load our Assertion , that the Apostolick Government of Paritie , was in after Ages , changed into Prelacie . The 1. is , that they who were marked for the Sacred Function by the Lord Christ , after some Experience , Judged it necessary to Change Parity for Prelacy . 2. That this Change was brought about , not in any of the ordinary Methods by which things of that nature are transacted among Mankind , but instantly , and in a miraculous manner . 3. That the immediate Successors of the Apostles were all Presbyterians ( this we hold ) but that these Presbyterians ( most of them Martyrs for Christianitie ) preferred Prelacy to Paritie . 4. That in their Opinion , there was no other Remedie againstSchism and Confusion . He saith , these Conclusions are evident , and necessarie , if their ( the Presbyterians ) Hypothesis be allowed . Such Consequences from our Opinion we utterly deny ; and Challenge him to Prove their Dependance on it . The judicious Reader will easily see , that they all are Grounded on his fond Conceit , that we hold that this Change was made suddenly , openly , and all at once : if he find us Maintaing that , let him load our Opinion with as many absurd Consequences , as he can devise . And we neglect his triumphant Repetition of his continual Cant , p. 145 , 146. about the Universal Consent of the Christian Church , and its being received without Contradiction . But to establish this last Notion , he telleth us , that none before Aerius , opposed Episcopacy ; of whom , and his Actings , he taketh the liberty to give such Account as he thought sit for his design : that his Motive was Ambition , and missing of a Bishoprick : was dull , had no Parts : This ( in this learned Authors opinion ) must needs be the native Consequent of his being a Presbyterian : for he reckoneth them all such . I have given a more true account of Aerius , § . 16. of § . 6. Established on better Authority than he in this Narrative pretendeth to , which is none but his own . He needed not to spend a whole page to tell us what he meaneth by the Impossibility that he ascribeth to the Change we speak of , let him understand it as he will , we are not concerned , who have given account of that Change which maketh it both possible and easie to be understood . p. 148. He hath another Argument ( if it be different from what he hath said before ) we must not say that the primitive Church immediately Succeeding the Apostles so soon Apostatized from their Original Establishment , else we have no certain Standard to know what is Genuine , and what is Suppositions in the whole frame of our Religion : This he enforceth by telling us , they might Change other things ; and if the first and best Christians were not to be trusted in matter of Fact , they are less to be trusted in matter of Opinion . Here we have yet more plainly expressed , the Popish Principle , that the Churches Authority is the ground of our Faith : we do not so Trust the first and best Churches ( except the Apostles ) as to make them the rule of our Religion , either in their Historical , or other Writings : We give that Deference to the Scripture alone . Again , we impute no such Apostacie to the first and best Saints ; but to them who , at some distance , Succeeded them ; as hath been declared : and we know , that in after Ages , even among them who go under the name of the Fathers , other things were Changed , as well as Church Government . § 44. That our Reformers from Popery ( whom he calleth the first Presbyterians , p. 149. ) did not plead a Jus Divinum , is no Argument against us : for few of his Party , to this day , plead for a Divine Right to be on their side , as he and some few others do . And himself and his Complices , made no noise with it , when the Oath of Supremacy , and the Test were in Fashion : our Reformers did not disowne it , and they had not the Occasion , and may be , not the Light , to assert it , that after-times had . Whereas it is palpable , that Interest maketh some of his Side to change their Note . If Beza wrote smoothly to the English Episcopal Clergy , and some more freely to Mr. Knox , and Mr. Melvil ; I know no blame in that piece of Civility ( unless he can say , that Beza ceded in many of his Principles , to please the English Church ; which cannot be alledged . His imputing Force and Violence to us , and fancying that no Records can be true or genuine that are against us , we pass , as angry and empty Words , but no Arguments : we owne all genuine Records that can be made appear to be such ; whether they be for us , or against us : but build not our Faith on any of them , except such as are contained in the Scriptures of Truth . And here he bringeth in , p. 150. the Controversie about Ignatius's Epistles ; and imputeth to Dally and others , that they reject them on no other ground , but because they owne Episcopacy . It is not fair dealing to impute such Prevarication to a Person of Monsieur Daillies Worth , after he is laid in the Grave . He will not pretend , p. 156. to debate the matter about the Authority of these Epistles ; but p. 150. and what follow , runneth out in a high Commendation of Doctor Pearson , on that Subject , and many confident Assertions , that what he hath said cannot be Answered . I shall be far from derogating from the Learning and Critical Skill of that Author . But am not convinced by his Arguments . I am sure there is not that Evidence , nor Certainty in them , that is sufficient for us to build on , in a Matter that Religion is so nearly concerned in , as is the Government appointed by Christ in his Church . He telleth us Monsieur L'Arroque attempted to Answer the Bishop of Chester , but not to the Satisfaction of his own Party : and his Collections are Answered by Nourry . The truth is , L'Arroque was prevailed upon by some of the Episcopal Party , ( as witnesseth the Translator of L' Arroques Historie on the Eucharist , in his Life , p. 5. ) by some specious Arguments , from the Unseasonableness of Debates among Protestants , to desist from that Work , and it never was perfected : therefore it might be the more easily answered : and we cannot judge what Esteem it would have obtained : it seems they dreaded the Strength of it . Whether we ever were able to bring one plausible Argument for that Cause ; the Reader must judge ; we will not in this , stand to his Decision , which he confidently maketh p. 141. he declineth ( ibid. ) renewing the Debate about these Epistles : wherefore I hope I may be excused if I do so too . And he asserteth that their Cause loseth nothing by their being laid aside : as I also affirm , that our Cause may be maintained , if they be allowed to be really what he would have them to be . Some Citations out of them I have answered Cyprianick Bishop Examined . And if he had thought fit to produce moe , it is like they might be found to do no hurt to our Cause . Or if he had cited what he talketh of out of the Acts of the Martyrdom of Ignatius , he might have received what should satisfie about it . A Distinction between Bishop ( that is Moderator ) and Presbyter , and Deacon , we owne , as well as these Acts do , which is all he mentioneth as making for him , in these Acts. He citeth Wal. Messal . p. 153. asserting , that these Epistles were written in the beginning or middle of the second Century ( this is but the Guess of the Learned Salmasius ) but our Author doth not tell us that Salmasius , in the same place , setteth forth , that they could not be written by Ignatius ; from some Absurdities that he maketh appear to be contained in them . This Gentleman mistaketh , when he saith , he that wrote thom could not represent Ecclesiastical Policy different from what it was in the days of Ignatius , that is to say , he could not mistake . He should have proved this , by demonstrating that that Person , tho he knoweth not who he was , had the Gift of Inerrability : and if he ascribe that to a Person whos 's other Characters he knoweth not ; he might as well say , that no Writer of that Age could misapprehend what was the Principle and Practice of the former . Is it not possible , that this Person might be another Diotrephes ; who , while there was some Tendency to a Declension from Parity , did zealously forward it ; and run a little before the soberer and better Men of that time ; and that his Zeal for the Opinion he had taken up might make him misapprehend , or misrepresent , what was the Opinion of the true Ignatius ? it is a Dream , that it followeth from the Concession , or Guess , of Salmasias , that that Author gave 〈◊〉 a true Idea of the Ecclesiastical Policy of the beginning of the second Century : and another , that he must represent Church Policy as those in his own days thought it to be in the days of Ignatius : there was nothing in all the Presbyterian Writings so visionaire ( to use his own word ) as this is . For could not this unknown Person differ in the Apprehension of this Matter , from most , yea , from all his Contemporaries ? and it is strange that our Author should suppose that this personate Ignatius was a Martyr , or a Bishop ; as he doth p. 154. He pleadeth next for the Epistles of Ignatius , from the Diligence and Authority of Eusebius ; and saith , that he hardly could be imposed upon in an Affair of this Consequence . A. This is to beg the Question , to say that the Church was in this imposed upon : he should prove that the Churches then thought these Epistles to be written by Ignatius . for Eusebius , I think few , who are vers'd in Antiquity , will lay so much weight on his Historical Authority as this Author doth . Himself giveth ground to suspect some things that he wrote ; as I shewed before : and others have observed yet more ground for it . It is a pleasant Argument , the Church was careful to gather up some hard Bones of Ignatius , that the Lyons had left , Ergo , they were more watehful over the Remains of his Mind , viz. his Epistles . If we have no more Certainty about the Epistles , than we have about the genuine Bones of that Holy Martyr , and other Popish Relicks ; few wise Men will be much moved by Arguments brought from them . That Polycarp made a Collection of these Epistles , and Irenaeus cited them , proveth no more but that good Men may be imposed on by Forged Writings . Eusebius rejected some suppositions Books , after accurate Enamination ; were a good Argument , if it could be made out that he rejected all such : the contrary whereof is well known . For his Belief that the Orations of Cicero are genuine , let him enjoy it ; but if he build his Faith on any Article of Religion , or his Practice of Piety towards God , on that Certainty , I cannot do so too . Whether Cicero wrote these Orations or not , is neither a Matter of such Moment , nor so contested by plausible Arguments , as what we now Debate is . § 45. What remains of my Antagonists Discourse on this Controversie about Episcopacy , is a Recapitulation of what he hath already said ; in nine Questions : which he seemeth to set down as so many Trophies of Victory over all his Adversaries ; and a few other Hints for strengthning his Cause . His Questions need litle Animadversion : all that is contained in them being already Answered , and his Opinion in these things disproved : whether concludently and solidly or not , the Reader will judge . His first three Questions do all suppose that we are against Prelacy , merely from the Dichotomy of the Clergy used in Scripture , which is a false Supposition : I have proposed our Argument with more strength , Sect. 4. § . 5. so as it is no way touched by what he here saith : wherefore it is no loss to our Cause if we give a negative , or affirmative Answer , to these Questions , whether he shall chuse . To his fourth Question I Answer , that Apostolick Power , as to its permanent Branches , was perpetual and successive ( my Answer must be Tautological , because his Question is such ) but not so , as to all its Essential Branches . As to its necessary Branches ; if he mean what is necessary to the Beeing , or Idea of an Apostle , I deny these to be Perpetual and Successive . To the second part of this Question , I Answer negatively ; that this Power was not transmitted , in solidum , to single Successors in particular Sees ; but to a Colledge of Presbyters . Question fifth , Where Superiority is forbidden ; is most impertinent to our Debate : seing he pleadeth for a Jus Divinum for it ; he should bring either a Command for it ; or what is equivalent . The Popes Monarchy over the Church is not more forbidden , than the Superiority of one Priest ( as he speaketh ) over another ; both of them must be Juris Divini , in his Opinion . I retort his own Argument , if Parity be not plainly forbidden ( which I am sure he cannot shew ) then the Fancy of a Jus Divinum in favours of Episcopacy ( such as is exclusive of all other Forms of Ecclesiastical Government ) is Groundless and Chymerical . It is enough to us , that Christ hath instituted Parity , and he hath not allowed Men to change it : we think this a sufficient Prohibition of the Superiority that he pleadeth for . His sixth is a heap of Questions , to which I Answer , we deny the universal Tradition for Prelacy that he fancieth , and say , a more universal Tradition might be demanded . We deny also that the Argument from universal Tradition ( exclusive of Apostolick Tradition ; if he can bring that he hath done his Work ) is in this Case , either the most proper , or most necessary . Scripture Command , or Example , is both more proper , and more necessary . For the seventh , we do not pretend there was such a great Change so suddenly , as he fancieth we do ; and therefore are not concerned to Debate the Possibility of it . I have said enough on this head , § 41. To his eighth , we affirm , that Jeroms Opinion is fairly and truly represented by Presbyterians : and have answered what he saith to the contrary , Sect. 6. § . 7. & seq . His last Question about Ignatius's Epistles may be retorted on himself , whether there be any solid Argument brought for them : sub judice lis est . Himself declineth that Debate , as I also do . It is enough to us , that even the Testimonies out of these Epistles are not concludent : and if the Epistles were Authentick , their Authority is but Humane and Fallible : and cannot be a Prejudice against Divine Institution : and indeed cannot make Faith where the Question is de Jure Divino , as here it is . § 46. I now proceed to consider some immethodical and incoherent Notions , with which he concludeth this Chapter . He telleth us , p. 160. Presbyterians owne a Praesidency since the days of the Apostles ( he might have added , and in their days too ) so that the Quarrel is not so much against Episcopacy , as against the Extent of their Diocess , and Increase of their Power ; over what it was in the Primitive times . Now he will prove their Power over Presbyters to have been much more absolute , than now it is pretended to be : for nothing was to be done without the Bishop ; a Presbyter might not Baptize without his express Indulgence : as Tertull witnesseth . This Testimony of Tertull. I have answered , Cyprianick Bishop Examed , § . 49. By Bishop may either be understood the Moderator , not in his single Capacity , but with the Presbytery : none might act within their District , but by their Allowance : or a Parish Minister , none might Baptize , &c. in his Parish , but by his Consent . He next citeth Dyonisius Bishop of Corinth , writing to the Gnossians , exhorting Pinytus , their Bishop , not to lay the heavy burden of Caelibacy ( I suppose that he meaneth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) on the Brethren , that is the Clergy : whence he wisely inferreth the Power of Pinytus to have done this . And citeth on his Margin , Euseb. hist. Eccles. but neither Book nor Chapter , nor the place of Dionysius where the words may be found . A. Euseb. hist. lib. 4. C. 23. hath a part of an Epistle of Dionysius to Pinytus , and his Answer to him , where he checketh Dionysius for that Advice to him . But nothing of all this importeth the Power of Pinytus to forbid Marriage : he might say on this burden by preaching the necessity of Caelibacy , without Authoritative imposing it . Yea , he might impose it as Praeses , by the concurrent Authority of the Presbytery , without sole Jurisdiction . He mentioneth likeways the Canon . Apostol . and Ignatius's Epistles , but citeth nothing out of them : so that he cannot expect an Answer . As to the Extent of Diocesses , we no further make an Argument from it , than we maintain that a Pastor of a Church should have no larger Charge , than he can dispense the Word and Sacraments to ; and that he should not do this by Deputies under him . We lay no Stress on the word Diocess , nor on the unequal Extent of a Pastors District , provided he pretend to no Power over his Brethren ; nor have a Charge that he cannot manage without such Superiority over others . What he saith of Greg. Thaumaturgus proveth nothing , unless he can evince that the Presbyters , who were necessary for the growing Charge , were his Underlings , not his Collegues . § 47. A strong Argument for Diocesan Episcopacy ( as he thinketh ) he manageth , p : 164 : & seq : from James Bishop of Jerusalem ; who was over many Congregations ; for the Increase of Christians was such , as that they could not meet in one place . The Answer hath been before given ; James was no ordinary Bishop , but an Apostle : and had Jurisdiction , not only over the Christians in Jerusalem and in Judea ; but in all the World. He telleth us , that we use many Evasions ; but he thinketh it then only seasonable to Answer them , when he knoweth which of them we most trust to . If I had dealt so by his Book , no Answer had been given to it . I know neither which of his Arguments he most trusteth to ; nor which of them doth best deserve that regard . If he had answered all that we say , he could not have missed what we most trust to : he should deal with our Arguments and Exceptions , not according to our Esteem of them ; but according to the Influence they may have on the Debate now in hand . As for the Debate between Clarkson and Maurice , we are not much concerned in it ; it is not material whether there be more or fewer Congregations in a City , provided their Pastors be not subject to one , but Co-ordinate among themselves . His Information to him whom he calleth the Vindicator of the Kir● , was needless : he knoweth Attempts have been made to Answer Blondel , Dally , and Salmasius , yet that Author might modestly put him in mind , how unfit it was for him to pick out here and there a word occasionally spoken ; and when he had ( in his own Apprehension ) baffled that , triumph over Presbytery , as if never more had been said for it ; while he hath neither out of his own Store , nor from the Answers of thess Books , brought any thing against our main Arguments . SECTION VIII . Animadversions on the Book called the Fundamental Charter of Presbytery . I Had resolved not to meddle with the ill Natured Author of the Fundamental Charter of Presbytery , further than I have done in answering his malicious Preface ; Appendix to Cyprianick Bishop Examined ; judging it more proper for some States Man , or one who is versed in the Law : his Book being a direct Refutation of an Act of Parliament , which he treateth very saucily : but finding , that they neglected his Book , and think it below them , unless they could also find his Person ; and considering the affinity of what he treateth with what I have been now controverting with another ( if not the same ) Author , here speaking more dareingly , from behind the Curtain , on second thoughts , I judg'd it not amiss to take notice of what he sayeth , in some short animadversions ( such as I have already made upon his Preface ) in so far as he opposeth Presbyterian Government . I intend not to explain an Act of Parliament ( I know the hazard of that from the experience of others ) but I designe to shew how far the Presbyterians own what he opposeth : insisting only on what seemeth to be argumentative in his Book , and overlooking the Virulent Sallies of his Pen ; which touch not this matter . He divideth his discourse into eighth Enquiries : I shall consider what he saith on each of them . § 2. His first Enquiry is , Whether the Church of Scotland was Reformed solely by Persons Cloathed with the Character of Presbyters . I observe two Mistakes ( to give them no worse Names ) in thus stating the Question . First , it is enough to us , if our Reformers were mostly , though not solely Presbyters : if a Bishop or two joyned in the Reformation , it doth not hinder that Persons of inferior Degree in the Church that then was , were the Men on whom lay the weight of this Work. Secondly , it is not so much material what Character our Reformers bare when they were yet Papists , as what Station they had in the Reformed Protestant Church in this Nation : or what Order they endeavoured to set up in this Church , when they had withdrawn from Subjection to the Roman Hierarchy : for our Concernment is to know what were the Principles of our Reformers , being now Reformed , ( for before their Conversion they were all Episcopal ) and how they setled this Church with respect to her Government . But to gratifie my Adversary a little , I so far yield to the State of his Question , as to maintain , that few , if any , had an Active Hand in the Reformation , who had been Popish Bishops : but they moved in a lower Orbe in the Popish Church , who were helped of God to be Instrumental in that blessed Work. If he would have cleared the Question , he should have told us what he meaneth by Presbyters in the Popish Notion of that Word : For that Antichristian Society had left scarce either Name or Thing of the Order and Offices that Christ had appointed in his House , but confounded all , and builded a Babel of their own devising . To prove that our Reformation was not by Presbyters , he telleth us of eight Prelates in the Reforming Parliament 1560 , who all turned Protestants : this is little to the purpose ; for 1. The Reformation from Popery had made some Progress before that time , Preachers , and some private Men , did more for the turning Persons to the Truth , than Parliament Men did . 2. Eight in all Scotland was but a small Number : if there had been no more Hands at the Work , it had gone slowly on . 3. Among all these eight , there were but two Bishops , the rest were Prelates indeed , in the Popish Sense ; Abbots , and such like ; but I hope this Author will not say they were such as Protestants count Prelates ; or that they have superior Power in the Church , to Presbyters . 2. He telleth us , that they who laboured most in the Reformation , were not in Holy Orders , and nameth some of them . Ans. Then I hope they were no Bishops . It is true , many of these worthy Men had no Ordination in the Popish way , nor were they Presbyters in that Church ; but when they turned Protestants , they were made Presbyters , and not Bishops . Yea , Claud. historic . def . of the Reformation , part 4. page 15. saith , that in many Nations ( among whom he nameth Scotland ) the Reformation was made by the Consent of the greatest part of their Pastors : to wit Monks , Preachers , Priests , Curats , Canons , &c. And it is as certain as History can make it , that not a few of the inferior Clergy turned Protestants ; whereas himself confesseth there were but two Bishops , Argyle and Galloway . Some of them , and these of good Note , and who were eminently blessed with Success , were but Lay-Men , ( as he frazeth it ) who by their private Labours converted many , and were at last Authorized to Labour in the Gospel more publickly , by such Ordination as then could be had ; but they were never exalted to be Bishops . Let me digress a little , to observe that the Laird of Dun ( by this Authors account ) was after made a Superintendent ; but never received into Holy Orders , by any thing that appeareth : whence I infer , that in the Opinion of that time , a Superintendent was not the same with a Bishop : which our Brethren use to plead for . I shall not insist on the further Proofs he bringeth of his Answer to the first Enquiry : they amount to no more , but that there were but few Ministers : and many Reformers were Lay Men : to all which I Answer ; this sheweth that Presbyters , and Persons of an inferior Rank to Bishops , had a far greater Hand in the Reformation than Bishops had . It was far otherwise in England ; where the State carried on the Reformation ; whereas in Scotland , the greatest , both in State and Church , opposed it as long , and as much as they could : and even the two Bishops whom he mentioneth , did rather comply with the Reformation , than actively promote it : notwithstanding of all which , it is unbecoming a Protestant , to call our Reformation violent , and disorderly : as he doth , p. 7. out of Spotswood . § 3. The second Enquiry is , Whether the Scots Reformers , what ever were their Characters , were of the present Presbyterian Principles ? whither they were for the Divine Institution of Parity ; and the Unlawfulness of Prelacy among the Pastors of the Church ? here he taketh a great deal of Liberty to Comment , and try his Critical Skill , on the Article of the Act of Parliament which he had undertaken to baffle . In which it is not my Province to interpose : I am little concerned in this whole Enquiry : if it be granted that Parity , and not Prelacy ; was the Church Government that they chused . If this Debate have any Influence on the Controversie between us and our Brethren , it will make more against themselves than against us : for not only our Reformers were further from owning a Divine Right of Prelacy than of Parity ; but they chused this , and rejected that : notwithstanding that they had been bred in the owning of it , under Popery . We think it was a great Testimony given by them to Parity , that they shewed so much Zeal for it , as they did , though they had not that Light about it , that after times afforded . It is certain , that that Dispute which had so long , by the Tyranny of the Bishops , been buried and forgotten , ( except among the Church in the Wilderness , which few knew of , the Waldenses ) could not at first be so fully understood , as by further Enquiries it came to be . Notwithstanding , it is evident that our Reformers lookt on Parity as Juris Divini , though they did not much insist on the Debate about that : for in the Book of Policy , Chap. 1. they have these words , this Ecclesiastical Authority is granted by God the Father , through the Mediator Jesus Christ , unto his Kirk , gathered ( not to a single Bishop ) and hath ground in the Word of God , to be put in Execution by them , unto whom the Spiritual Government of the Kirk , by lawful Calling , is committed . Here it is plain , that they are not for Indifferency of the form of Government : and chap. 2. There is this Article ; and to take away all occasion of Tyranny , he ( that is God ) willeth that they should rule with mutual consent , as Brethren , with equality of Power , every one according to their Function . And after , there are four , ordinary Functions , or Offices , in the Kirk , the Office of the Pastor , Minister , or Bishop ; the Doctor , the Presbyter or Elder , and the Deacon . Where it is evident , that they own no Bishop Superior to any ordinary Minister ; but make the Identitie of them to be of Divine Right . § . 4. I think it not worth the while to make a strict Examination of the Proofs he bringeth , that our Reformers were not for a jus divinum of a Paritie , for if it were yielded , it doth not hurt our Cause . And his Arguments are verbose , tedious , and insignificant . I shall only point at them , and the Answers that may be made to them . There is , p. 9. &c. no such Controversie was then Agitated in Europe ; the Popes Supremacy was Debated , but not Prelacy ; Ans. nihil sequitur , our Reformers assert the Conclusion as I have shewed : but they and others were taken up in debateing greater Matters with the Papists : He doth falsly assert , p. 10. that Churches , when they are Reformed , set up a Church Government sutable to the Model of the State , as in Geneva , which was a Common-wealth , they set up Paritie . For who readeth Calvins Writings may see , that they built on another Foundation ; even Divine Institution , and our own Countrey is an instance to the contrary : Paritie was in the Church , and Monarchy in the State. He calleth it impudence to cite Calvine for this jus Divinum : but if the Reader be at the pains to look into the Citations that this Author hath scraped together , to shew Calvin to be for Indifferency of the form of Church Government , he will soon see on whose side the impudence is . He confesseth that Beza foundeth upon Scripture : 131. but alledgeth that he no where calleth Episcopacy absolutely or simply unlawful . If Christ hath instituted a Form , as it must be if one Form be built on Scripture ; I see not what is further necessary to prove an opposite Form , inconsistent with that , to be absolutely or simply unlawful . He telleth us , ibid. that Beza saith , that humanus Episcopatus is tollerable , if duely bounded , by the pure canons of the ancient Church : and I say the same : for then it would be no more but a Presidencie ; which doth not destroy Paritie . He citeth also a number of seeming concessions out of Calvine : but they amount to no more than the lawfulness of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Church ; which is not our Debate . If Beza was not for separating from a Church because it was Episcopal ; no more are we : unless that Episcopal Church impose unlawful terms of Communion on us . His second Proof is , our Reformers had no peculiar Motives , or occasion for adverting to the evil of Prelacy : nor interest to determine them to Paritie : nor were more sharp sighted to see the evil of Prelacie than other Reformers . Ans. a thousand such Arguments as this cannot conclude against a plain Matter of fact : I have shewed that they were for the Divine right of Paritie ; wherefore it is in vain to tell us that they had no Motive to be of that Opinion . He falsly supposeth that other Reformers were not of the same Sentiments ; seing most of them except England , set up the same Government . Thirdly , He argueth thus , none of the Confessors , or Martyers , or they who had most hand in bringing the Reformation to perfection , have given that as their Opinion . And here hath a long Discourse of some other Opinions that several of them vented , they Declaimed loudly against the Bishops of these times ; but what is that to the Order , p. 8. they Declaimed against the Shavelings as well as against Bishops ; against Presbyters as well as Bishops , p. 19. And he hath a long Debate , with some of our Historians , about the Opinion of John Knox in this matter , which , meerly to save time , I shall not concern my self in . Ans. It being evident , that in our first Setlement of Discipline , our Church declared for the Divine right of Paritie , negative Arguments from the Writing , or sayings , of private Men are insignificant : and it is less to the purpose , to tell us of their other Opinions which have no relation at all to this Matter . He cannot so much as alledge that any of them have said , or Written any thing to the contrarie , directly or indirectly . For his Debate about John Knox , I judge he hath said nothing that can satisfie any imbyassed Reader , that these Historians had not ground to think that Master Knox lookt on Prelacy as a sinful thing , and against Christs Institution ; That imparitie was Established by the first Book of Discipline , is falsly supposed , p. 22. Superintendencie is no sufficient Proof of it ; of which after . § . 5. His next Proof beginneth p. 38. and is managed in a large Historical acount , of what influence England had on our Reformation from Popery : whence he inferreth , that our Reformers proceeded on the same Principle with the Reformers of England . Here he undertaketh two things ; 1. To shew what influence England had on our Reformation . 2. That our Reformers were generally of the same mind with the Church of England , in several momentous instances relating to Constitution and Communion , the Government and Policy of the Church . For Ans. to this Argument ; it is wholly inconsequential , if he never so fully Prove all that he hath mentioned ; except the last , about the Government and Policy of the Church : and even that signifieth nothing , unless he Prove that by the influence of England our Reformers were for prelacy ; and not for Paritie ; and that as Instituted by Christ. Wherefore I pass over the laborious proofs he brings of the other things , and shall consider his last Article ; and what he saith for what he hath asserted about it . The Reader , without my Animadversion , will take notice of his unmanly depressing of his Native Countrey , and fawning on another Nation . This assertion that we oppose is not proved by our Reformers Communicating with the Church of England ( which he insisteth on from p. 7. ) it only proveth that they thought Episcopacy did not unchurch a Society that was otherwise sound in the Faith. And if some three or four of them did serve in the Church of England under Bishops ( for which we have no more but Arch-Bishop Spotswoods word ) this might either be by the Indulgence of the Reforming Bishops , not requiring of them these Terms of Communion that the late Bishops did of these who got Places under them : or it signifieth no more but that one or two Men of a Partie were of more Latitude in their Principles than the rest were . For what is said of some of them approving the English Lyturgy , is less to his Question , which is only about Government . We never thought that our Reformers , at first , were all of the same Principle with us in all things : I am sure they were far from being of all the Sentiments of the present Episcopal Church . Yea themselves had afterward , other thoughts of some things , than they had at first : as Luther held many Popish Opinions at first , which afterward he rejected . I observe further , that in many of his Historical passages about some of these Reformers , his best ground for what he affirmeth is , it is not to be imagined , that they did so and so : or it is to be presumed . We must then believe the Truth of Matter of Fact on his fancy , that so it must be . If I thought it worth the while , I would Examine these Histories more narrowly . But I could easily yield him all , without prejudice to our Cause : seing the Principles of our Reformers are better known by their publick Deeds , than by the private Sayings , or Practices of two or three of them ; and these not sufficiently attested . These good Men did much rejoyce in the Reformation of the Doctrine of the Church of England , as also in her casting off the load of humane Ceremonies , by which she had been burdened ; but that all , or most of them , were satisfied with their Government and Discipline , is the Question ; and is not Proved by what he hath said . It is least of all Concludent , that these of the Church of England had good Opinion of the Church of Scotland : which he laboureth to Prove , p. 80. and it is unaccountable , that p. 81. he layeth on so much stress on our Reformers saying of England , that they were of the same Religon with us : which he puteth in majusculis : we say the same of them at this day : and I hope they think not otherwise of us : and yet we think Paritie to be juris divini . If he can find a Contradiction here , let him try his Skill to discover it . It is an odd method that he useth , p. 85. he will prove that the Scots Reformers were for Episcopacy , because it was natural for the English , who had assisted in the Reformation to demand it . And I Prove they were not for it , because , de facto , they did not setle it , but a way inconsistent with it . Let the Reader judge whether of these two Arguments is most concludent . We do not find that the English made such a Demand , and if they did not , they acted like discreet Neighbours , not to impose on their Brethren , who had other sentiments of the Matter , and who agreed with them in the main points of Religion . And if they made such a Demand , the Event shewed that it was not listned to . For his Citation of Buchannan , p. 88. that Scoti ante aliquot annos Anglorum auxiliis è servitute Gallica liberati , Religionis cultui & ritibus cum Anglis communibus subscripserunt : himself confesseth that no other Historian hath mentioned it ; and he hath taken care that we shall not be able to Examine Buchannans words , by mentioning Buch. 7. 14. in a Book of so many diverse Editions : who can hope to find the place ? I know not what Buchannan could mean by it ; but it is evident , if the Scots did so subscribe , they did not act accordinglie ; which was no Sign of their Inclinations that way : It is nauseous to repeat , with him , so often , the Godly Conjunction , the Unity , Peace , and Christian Concord , that was then made between England and Scotland ; and to set forth this as a Demonstration : Yea , a Set of Demonstrations , that the Scots Reformers were Episcopal : nothing can be more ridiculous than to talk at this rate , in the Face of Matter of Fact , that they settled Parity as soon as they could settle any Order in the Church . § 6. He undertaketh , p. 96. and forward , to prove , that at the Reformation , the English Lyturgy was used in this Church . If this should be granted , it cannot prove that the English Church Government was used also : they wanted qualified Ministers , so that there was need of some help to them , in Praying and Instructing the People publikly ; and it may be , there was no other that they could , at that time , use , and they had not so fully discovered what might be , and afterward was , excepted against in it ; and therefore used it for a time : but I think he will not deny , that as soon as they could , they laid it aside ; and made use of that more Unexceptionable Form of Geneve ; till at last , that was difused also , as a Man layeth by his Crutches , when he getteth Strength to go by himself . He sheweth wonderful Skill in Logick . p. 98. Calderwood had said that the English Lyturgy , which was read in the new Colledge in Saint Andrews , was not of any continued Practice in time by past , since the Reformation ; Ergo , it was practised at the Reformation . Whatever may be said of the Consequent , the Consequence is no better than this , I never used to smoak Tobacco in any continued Practice since I was born , Ergo , I did it when I was born , p. 101 , &c. he telleth us of another Principle , wherein our Reformers agreed with them of England : that the Church had a great Dependence on the State : that it belonged to the Civil State to reform the Church : that the People might appeal from the Church to the Civil Magistrat , &c. this is still , extra oleas vagari . I shall not so far digress from the purpose in hand , as to consider what the present Presbyterians hold as to these Assertions : nor need I compare the Opinion of our Reformers with ours in this matter : if he can charge us with Hetrodoxy on this head , we shall Answer him when he will. This whole Discourse is impertinent : it doth not prove that our Reformers were for Episcopacie : and if it did , it is no good Consequent ; that we should be for it too . I have alreadie said , that we never thought our Reformers were , in all things , of the same Opinion with the present Presbyterians : and I am sure , that he hath far less cause to think that they were for all that the present Prelatists hold . Another thing more he sheweth ; that the Scots and English Reformers agreed in this , p. 105. that they took for the Rule of Reformation , the Word of God , interpreted by the Monuments and Writings of the Primitive Church . And here he enlargeth in the Commendation of this Rule , and obliquely chargeth the Presbyterians with all the Horrid Rebellions , and Unchristian Divisions , unaccountable Revolutions , both in Church and State , which have Unbinged all the Principles of Natural Justice and Honesty , and Disabled , nay eaten out , the Principles of Christianity among us ; that now we are not so much disposed for any thing , as for Atheism . Which Strain I find is common with Men of his Stamp : but it is most disingenuous Dealing : for the World knoweth where the Fault of our Divisions dothly : and whether Atheism , Immoralitie , and Injustice have thriven more under the Influence of Prelacie , or of Presbyterie . For the Revolution that he seemeth to be so angry with , the Presbyterians think it their Glorie to have Countenanced it : and the Bodie of the Prelatists ( in England I mean , not in Scotland ) will not disowne their Accession to it ; nor will they look on it ( as this Author and some others do ) to have Unbinged the Principles of Natural Justice and Honesty . The Rule of Reformation that he had mentioned , he saith he will bring in again by and by , where we shall attend him . § 7. He telleth us , p. 106 , &c. of his Performances , which he recapitulateth ; and concludeth , in the highest Measure of Confidence that Words can express , that our Reformers were not for the Divine Right of Parity . I am so dull that I cannot see this Point proved , for all that he hath said : and if it were proved , it is nothing to our main Cause ; we never said that they were in all things , either as Presbyterians , or as Prelatists are now , in their Opinions ; all that we assert is , that they were for Paritie , and practised it as the Government of the reformed Church of Scotland , and it is more than probable , that they were for its Divine Right . In what followeth , his Confidence ariseth yet higher , and that in the Entrance of what now he is attempting , and about which he maketh very large Promises , p. 108. where he pretendeth to give plain , positive , direct , and formal proofs of his Assertion , to as high a degree , as the nature of the thing is capable of , or can reasonably bear . For performance of this ; his first Attempt is , in a Petition of the Reformers to the Government ; this is one Article , as it is set down by Lesly , de rebus gestis , Scotor . lib. 10. p. 504. Ut Episcopi deinceps & Pastores , illi Dominorum ac Nobilium cujuscunque Diocesis , hi parochorum assentione , ac voluntate ad beneficia cooptentur . There is nothing Answerable to the Evidence so confidently promised by him : it is no positive , plain , &c. Proof : the matter could bear more , viz. if Lesly had said , that however , the Schismaticks , ( as he calleth them ) were for abolishing the old Doctrine , that they were for keeping up the ancient Hierarchie . But that this is no sufficient Proof of his Conclusion ; I shew , 1. Supposing Lesly's Veracitie , and fair Representation of the Address that the Reformers made , no more can be concluded from it , but that it is supposed , that the Revenues of Bishops could not quickly be alienated , and that some must be chosen to enjoy them , that they might be so and so chosen : here is not a Word of chusing Bishops to Exercise that Office over , or among the Protestants : and it is well known , that the Rents of Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and other Dignitaries of the Church of Rome , did continue ; and Men were chosen to the Name , and Rent , of these Places , who did not Exercise the Power that Men under these Names had in Popery . 2. Himself confesseth , that this Article of the Petition is otherwise rendred in Buchannan , and Spotswood ; viz. Ut Ministrorum electio juxta antiquam Ecclesiae consuetudinem penes populum esset . Here is no Word of Bishops : and one may think , that we have more Cause to Credit these two Protestant Historians than Lesly , a Papist ; who , on all Occasions , sheweth his Spite against Protestants : especially Spotswood , an Arch-Bishop , would not have neglected to make use of this seeming Countenance to his Cause . This Author hath no other Shift to take off the Edge of this Exception , but to tell us , that Buchannan minded Matters of State most in History : and Spotswood is very defective in many parts of his History : which is indeed to say , that neither of them is to be much regarded : but Lesly is the Man : if it be so , we must look on the whole of our Reformation , with a very unfavourable Eye . Whither this will seem absurd to this Author , or not , I know not . He is at a great deal of Pains to prove , that Lesly did not Forge this Article ; and bringeth no fewer than six Arguments to prove it : which I judge not worth my Labour of Examining them : only this Reply I return to them all : what if he Misworded the Article , though he did not Forge it ? the other Historians have the same Article , only they have not the Word Bishops , in which lyeth the whole force of our Authors Argument . § 8. His next Argument , which beareth positive , plain , &c. Evidence , is from another Petition of our Reformers , set down in the History commonly ascribed to John Knox , p. 131. a large Portion of which he Transcribeth ; I shall Compendize it , without taking any thing from its Strength on his Side : they require that the ill Lives of Prelates , and the State Ecclesiastical , may be Reformed ; and Declare that they envy not their Honours , nor covet their Possessions ; but desire their Reformation : and they add , that we are content , that not only the Rules and Precepts of the New Testament , but also the Writings of the Ancient Fathers , and the Godly and Approved Laws of Justinian the Emperor , decide the Controversie betwixt us and them : and they earnestly desire , that notwithstanding the long Custom they had to live at their Lust , they may be compelled either to desist from Ecclesiastical Administration , or discharge their Duties as becometh true Ministers . Let us now hear what Improvement he maketh of this Passage to his purpose : he telleth us , that here our Reformers lay down a Complex Rule for Reforming of the Church : and we refuse not to try it with our Opposites , in the Controversie about Prelacy , by this Complex Rule : but with these two Limitations , which cannot be made appear to be inconsistent with what is there expressed by our Reformers : one is , that all the Parts of this Complex Rule , be not lookt on as of Co-ordinat Authority ; but that the rest be subordinate to the Holy Scripture : we are not afraid of the Verdict of the Fathers of the first Ages ; but if they should be found in any thing to recede from Scripture , we reject them . The other is , that the Laws of Justinian , which our Reformers mention , be rather lookt on as a Rule concerning the Temporalities of Church Men , than their Spiritual Jurisdiction . He next saith , that our Reformers were content that the Clergy should live and rule , and discharge their Trust , as they did in the days of Justinian : and now , saith he , if they who so Petitioned , were for Parity , and not for the Continuance of Prelacy , I must confess my Ignorance to be very gross . Ans. I shall not determine whither Ignorance , or somewhat else hath led him into a gross Mistake of the Meaning and Design of these Petitioners : but a Mistake seemeth to be evident . They were not so absurd , as to make the Roman Civil Law the Rule of Religion : we know how that hath been altered , and reformed oftner than once ; whereas the Rule of Religion is unalterable by the Authority of Men ; wherefore they can mean no more , but that they are willing that Prelates should enjoy their Benefices , ( this for Peace sake they yielded too ) as they were setled by the good Laws of Justinian : ( where a Limitation even in that is insinuated ) and that the Lives and Authority of the Pastors of the Church , should be regulated by Scripture and the Writings of the Fathers in Subordination to that , Justinian lived in the sixth Century , when Prelacie was far advanced in the Church : wherefore they had Acted very absurdly , if they had been for that way , and yet so quickly settled among themselves ( contrarie to the Inclinations of their Friends in England , to whose Assistance they owed very much ) a way so opposit to that . Our Reformers , the Nobilitie , Gentrie and Ministers , were neither so unfaithful , nor so changeable , as to be influenced by one or two Men to such an absurd Course . I add to all this , that it is most absurd to say , that the Church of England took the Writings of the ancient Fathers for the Rule of the Reformation , or for any part of it : for indeed , by that Rule , there will be found a Canonical Nullitie in the Power of all their Bishops ; on account of their being chosen by the Magistrat , and sitting in Parliament : for Canon . Apost . ( confirmed by Concil . Constantinop . 6. Canon 29. revived by Con. ●il Nicen. 2. Canon . 3. ) condemneth the one , and Can. 6. and 80. the other . § 9. After mentioning another Petition of the Reformers , which containeth no new matter , he cometh from p. 119. to prove , that the first Church Government that our Reformers settled , was not Paritie , but Superintendency : All that he saith on this head , hath been often answered ; and it hath been made plain , to the Conviction of them who will see , that Superintendency , as set up in Scotland , was nothing like Episcopacy , that it was never intended to be continued ; but used for the present Necessitie : and that it was never lookt on as inconsistent with their being for Paritie in Opinion : but we must submit to the Drudgerie of Repetitions ; seing he will have it so . I take notice of his forgetting what he had said a little before ( as I observed § . 2. ) viz. that the Laird of Dun was made a Superintendent , though it doth appear that he was never in Holie Orders : whence it evidently followeth , that on this Authors Supposition , the Reformers lookt not on Superintendency as a Government any otherwise warrantable , but by the Force of Necessitie . Two things he undertaketh about Superintendency . 1. To shew their Power and Disparity from other Ministers . 2. To dissipate the Mists cast on this matter by Presbyterians . For the former , he telleth us of a considerable Stock of Prerogatives , or Preheminencies above other Church Men. As 1. They had larger Districts . 2. They were to be Nominated by the Council , and Elected by the Nobility and Gentry , &c. within their District . 3. They were not to be Censured , but by the Ministers and Elders of the whole Province , over which they were Appointed . 4. They were to be Admitted ( which our Author calleth Ordination ) by other Superintendents . 5. They were to be Translated by the whole Church . 6. They must be two years , at least , in the Ministry , before they be Superintendents . 7. He had a greater Benefice than other Ministers . 8. Every one of them was a constant Member of the General Assembly . 9. He was to try Candidats for the Ministry , and ●…eaders . 10. He had the Power of Collation , on Presentations . 11. He had Power to plant Ministers in the Churches where the People were negligent . 12. He had the Power of Ordination . 13. Ministers were subject to him , in all lawful Admonitions ; he was to be obeyed . 14. He had Power of Visitation of Churches . 15. He might depose Ministers . 16. He might translate Ministers . 17. He might nominat Ministers to be Members of the General Assembly . 18. He had Power to hold Diocesan Synods . 19. To appoint Fasts within his own Bounds . 20. To modifie Stipends . 21. To receive Appeals . 22. He had Power of Fineing , in case of undue Appeals . 23. To determine intricate Cases of Conscience , or Government . 24. To judge of Divorces . 25. To enjoyn Pennance to greater Criminals . 26. To restore Criminals . 27. He had the Power of Excommunication . 28. To delate attrocious Criminals to the Civil Magistrat 29. They had great Power over Schools and Colledges . 30. They were the Licensers of Books . § 10. Quae non prosunt singula , juncta juvant ; here is a large Muster Roll , to Fright the Reader with a numerous and long Train , that might have been , to as much advantage , drawn into a narrower Compass . I shall first , Make some general Observes on all this Heap of Prerogatives . Next , Examine them particularlie , but very succinctlie . For the former , I observe , 1. That the Power of Superintendents was at first more absolute , and independent on the rest of the Ministers , than afterward ; because at first there were hardlie any qualified Ministers ; but only Readers , or such as could Catechise the People , newly come out of Popery ; but when there was a better Stock of qualified Ministers , and yet the Church but meanlie provided , the Superintendent was obliged to rule with their Concurrence ; and was little other than a constant Moderator : and his Power was by every General Assembly , abridged , till that Office was at last abolished , as no longer needful in the Church . 2. It is not denyed , but that there was an Imparitie between a Superintendent and another Minister : but this was lookt on by our Reformers , not as a standing Office , nor as having any Foundation , but that of present Necessitie : so that it did no way derogate from that Paritie , that they lookt on as the Way that the Church should be Governed ; and as what they intended , when their Case should allow it . But of this more afterward . 3. All this cannot make the Superintendent and the Bishop , to be the same Officer in the Church ; because the one is pretended to be an Officer appointed by Christ , and his Soveraign power over the Presbyters , is by Divine Appointment ▪ the other is set up by Men , and more or less Power is given to him , as they think fit . The one is accountable to none but Christ , the other is accountable to the Presbyterie , and may be Censured , yea Deprived by them . The one is lookt on as what should always continue in the Church ; the other was designed but for that Exigency of the Church , to be laid aside when that was over . 4. Not a few of these Prerogatives are either asserted , without Ground ; or Misrepresented . To make out which , I proceed to the second thing I proposed ; viz. To Examine them particularlie : for the first , The Extent of their District is no Argument for such Disparitie as he pleadeth for : they had each of them , their proper Charge , as other Ministers ; where they were ordinarilie to Labour ; but had larger Districts for Visitation . 2. Their Nomination by the Council , and Election by the Nobility and Gentry , is asserted without Ground . Neither doth he Cite any Authoritie for it , nor do I find any thing to that purpose in any of our Historians . 3. A Superintendent could not be deposed , but by the Ministers of the whole Province : This necessarilie followed upon his Charge , or Power of Visiting , being of that Extent . In that he was deposeable by the Ministers , it is evident he was no Bishop , in the Notion that our Brethren have of a Bishop . 4. The same reason was for his being Elected by the Ministers of the Province . What our Author saith of the Ordination of the Superintendent , is a foull Misrepresentation ; as any one may see in the place he citeth , Spots . hist. lib. 3. p. 159 , 160. Nothing is there mentioned , but Election and Trial ; but on the contrarie , it is expreslie said , other Ceremonies than this Examination , the Approbation of Ministers and Superintendents , with the publick Consent of Elders and People , we do not admit . Whence it is evident , that he had no new Office , nor Ordination , above a Presbyter . § 11. His fifth Prerogative is , He was not to be Translated from one place to another , but by a Council of the whole Church . This is no Episcopal Jurisdiction . The Extent of his District , to a Province made this necessarie : there being no Judicature above his Province , but a General Assembly . 6. It is least of all Argumentative , that he was to give good proof of his Qualifications , by being some time in the Ministry : because the want of due Qualifications in the Generalitie of the Ministry , was the Rise of his Office : therefore he must be the best qualified that can be had . 7. His greater Benefice is no Argument : he had more Work , and Occasion for Expense , by Travelling to Visit Churches , than the rest had . It is falslie alledged , that Spots . p. 210. saith , it was agreed , 1567. that the Superintendent should succeed to the Beneflces of the Popish Bishops deprived : there is not such a word in that place : only there , and in the former page , it is agreed , that the Church should be restored to her Patrimonie . 8. There being constant Members of the General Assembly , saith no more , but that there being so few qualified Ministers , these few choice Men were needed in the Assemblies of the Church . 9. His trying Ministers and Readers , was from the present necessities of the Church , when Presbyteries could not be had to do it : 10. His giving Collation did follow on the former Power . 11. The jus devolutum for planting a Minister fell to him , and his Council . He could not place a Minister by himself , as our Bishops pretended to do : but by the assistance of such Ministers as were fittest to judge , these were his Council ; this also was for the present necessity , and want of Ministers to make a Presbytery . 12. His power of Ordination , our Author passeth very slightly , and with a general alleging of several Acts of Assemblies . It is like a Superintendent might Ordain by himself , when no other Minister could be had to joyn with him : but as soon as Presbyters could be had , it was not so . Our Reformers used no other Ceremonie in Ordination , but Nomination , and Tryal , and Approbation ; and it is evident that these were to be performed by the Superintendent , with the rest of the Ministers ; for Spotsw . p. 155. sheweth out of the Book of Discipline , that this Tryal and Approbation was to be performed by the learned Ministers appointed for their Examination , then not by one Man alone . 13. Subjection to him ( which our Author is pleased to call Canonical Obedience , was a necessarie consequent of his Office ; but it is to be observed , that in the Assemblie 1562 , out of which he allegeth this Passage , Superintendents were Tryed and Censured by the Assemblie : and it was appointed that at every Assemblie , they , and Ministers , and Elders should be Tryed , as to their Conversation ; which looketh not like Episcopacy . 14. His power of Visitation was indeed his main Characteristick ; but doth not prove Episcopal jurisdiction ; it being delegated to him by the Church , and he being Accountable to her for it . 15. His power of Deposing is expresly said to be given him by the Assemblie , and he is ordered to report his Diligence to the next Assemblie ; which last , our Author overlooketh . 16. His Translating of Ministers is no more , but that his Consent , or that of the whole Church must be had to a Transportation : it was then necessarie when there was no Presbyteries to Judge of such Matters . 17. He greatly mistaketh when he saith that the Assemblie Enacteth that Ministers for the General Assemblie should be brought with the Superintendents , &c. which he will have to be Nominating them , and he alloweth the rest of the Synod but a Consent : whereas Spotsw . p. 219. words it , such as the Superintendents shall choose in their Diocesan Synods . If he could choose them by himself , there needed no Synod for this end : that Expression can signifie no less than the Synods suffrage in the Election . My Lord Gla●… Letter that he mentioneth is not Authentick . 18. He held Diocesan Synods , because he was their Moderator . 19. They might appoint Fasts is their bounds , but with Advice of the Ministers . 20. Modifying of Stipend● is no Spiritual Power , and therefore , impertinently here brought in 21. Appeals was made to him , and his Synodal Convention : here is no sole Jurisdiction . 22. His power of Fineing is no Spiritual Power . 23. Determining Cases of Conscience , and otheir Questions , was never committed to him alone ; but in the Synod , and to them . Yea , Questions so determined were to be reported to the General Assemblie next ensewing ; so that Manuscript that he so often Citeth , p. 14. 24. To judge of Divorces is a civil Power : and not to our purpose ; 25. It is clear , by his own Relation , that the Injunction of Pennance ( as he calleth it ) is to be by the Superintendent with the Synod . 26. Restoring of Criminals , or Absolution , did the same way belong to him . 27. Notifying Criminals to the Magistrat is no part of Jurisdiction . 28. Excommunication was not to be done by his sole Authority ; but by his Advice . 29. His Power over Colleges . And 30. His Licensing of Booke ; both of them Depend on the Civil Power : and are not to our present purpose . These short Notes may shew how little cause there is for his Triumph , with which he concludeth this his Enumeration of the Superintendents Prerogatives . They prove a Disparity between him and other Ministers , I confess ; which the Church in that her State thought necessarie for a time : but on the other hand , it is evident that some of them Prove as much Disparitie from , and inconsistencie with the Prerogatives of a Diocesan Bishop , which our Brethren plead for , as belonging to him , Jure Divino . § . 12. His next Work from p. 140. is to dissipat the Mist wherewith the Paritie Men are so very earnest to darken the Prelatical Power of the Superintendents : he mentioneth Three of their Exceptions . The 1. Is , it was not intended to be a perpetual standing Office ; but was Temporary , and for the then Necessities of the Church . For this he Citeth Calderwuod , and Petrie asserting this ; with whom I do cordially joyn . Against this , he thus reasoneth . p. 142. whether it was Temporary or not , it was Prelacy , and this is all that I am concerned for ; And to Forti●e this , he taketh in by force , a Similitude from the Presbyterians making Address to King James ; a rare , but useless piece of Wit. Ans. If he be concerned for no more than this , we are agreed : And he yieldeth that our Reformers were not Episcopal , but Presbyterian : who in a case of extream Necessity , gave , for a time , more Power to one Minister , than another , but made them all equal assoon as that Necessity was over : It is such an Argument as if there were but one Congregation , with their Minister , and Elders , in an Island ; they manage Church Discipline by themselves ; but assoon as they encrease , and there are moe People and church Officers , and more Congregations , they set up a Presbyterie , to which all the Congregations and their Pastors are Subordinate ; will any say that they are Independents , because they were forced to Act Independentlie at first ? there is as little reason to conclude that our Reformers were Episcopal , though they were forced to use a kind of Prelacie for a time . Beside that I have above shewed some considerable Differences between the Prelacie of Superintendents , and that of Bishops , which our Brethren plead for . § . 13. His second Undertaking is , to shew that we have no sufficient Ground in the Records of these times , for pretending that the Office of Superintendents was designed to be Temporal . To prove his Assertion , he saith , he hath seen no more insisted on to make out this , but a Phrase in the first Head of the Book of Discipline , at this time . He transcribeth the whole Passage out of Petrie , Cent. 16. p. 218. and so must I , what was their ( the Superintendents ) Office , saith he , appears by the first Book of Discipline , wherein it is written thus , we consider , that if the Ministers whom God hath endued with his singular Graces among us , should be appointed to several places , there to make continual Residence , that then the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of all Doctrine ; which should be not only the occasion of great Murmure , but also dangerous to the Salvation of many : and therefore we have thought it a thing expedient , at this time ; that from the whole Number of Godly and learned Men , now presently in this Realm , be selected ten or twelve . ( for in so many Provinces we have divided the whole ) to whom Charge and Commandment should be given to Plant and Erect Kirks , to set , Order , and appoint Ministers ( as the former Prescribed , to wit , the former Head ) to the Countries that shall be appointed to their Care , where none are now . Afterward it is added , these must not be suffered to live as their idle Bishops have done , neither must they remain where they gladly would ; but they must be Preachers themselves , and such as may not make long Residence in one place , till the Kirks be Planted and provided of Ministers , &c. To this our Author replyeth , by giving us a Sense of his own of these Words in the first Book of Discipline , viz. that because there were then so few Qualified for the Office of Superintendencie , the Ten or Twelve were , by far too few for the whole Kingdom , yet at that time they thought it expedient to Establish no more : and though , when the Church should be sufficiently Provided with Ministers , it will be highly reasonable that the Superintendents should have Places appointed them for their continual Residence , yet in that Juncture it was necessary that they should be constantly travelling into their Districts , to Preach and Plant Churches . Before I Examine what he saith to Prove this to be the true Gloss of that Passage , I shall Prove it to be contrarie to , and inconsistent with the Passage it self . And 1. There is nothing in that Discourse that doth so much as insinuate the scarcitie of Men fit to be Superintendents , but of Ministers fit to Preach to the People ; they no way hint that this Setlement was fallen upon , because they could not get Men to Oversee other Ministers , but because they could not get Men to Preach to the People in every Congregation , Therefore , they resolve that the few well Qualified Men that they had should not only each of them , have a fixed Charge of his own , but should be obliged to Preach in other Parishes , and be Impowered to Place Ministers in them , assoon as they could be had . 2. It is a groundless Fancy that they thought Ten or Twelve Superintendents too few for the whole Kingdom ; for when Ministers increased they made no moe : yea , when afterward , in the times of Defection from our first Establishment of Church Order , they set up Bishops , the Church did not think Twelve too few for the whole Kingdom . 3. He doth exceedingly Mistake the Change that our Reformers did intend , as insinuated in that Passage : It was not that Superintendents should be continually Resident in one Place , wheras they were at present to travel within their District : for in this present Setlement they had their proper Charge , where they were to Preach , and might Reside there three or four Months , and enter upon their itinerat Visitation again : which Course , if they should Break off , they could not do the Work of a Superintendent ; which was chiefly to Visite and Plant Churches . When this was done , and Places generally provided with fit Pastors , their Work and Office was at an end . 4. At this time , doth evidently relate to the Peoples want of Preaching , as the Motive to this Appointment ; and to the Planting of Churches , as the End and Design of it . Wherefore , when this End is attained , and that time no more Existent ( I mean of that Exigence of the Church ) there was no more use for them : and the Event Proved , that as that End was by Degrees attained , their Power was gradually Lessened , till they were wholly laid aside . 5. The Words cited make it evident that this was not intended for a lasting Prelacy in the Church ; far less for an Episcopacy standing on a Jus Divinum ; For the Assembly where this Book of Discipline was Established , do give them Charge and Commandment : they do appoint their Work , set Limits and Bounds to their Power : they Command them in the very Circumstances of their Work ; this would be thought strange Presumption in a Meeting of Ministers thus to treat their Bishop . 6. To say that their Authority was designed to be perpetual , but these Injunctions about some part of their Work was to be Temporary ; is to speak at Random ; and to put what Sense we please on other Mens words ; it is to tell us what this Author would have the Reformers to mean , not what is the plain Import of their Words : For the Commandment and Charge ( these are the Words of the Book of Discipline ) by which they were made Superintendents , did include one part of what is Injoyned as well as another part of it : and when ever this Work that was Injoyned them ceased , their Commission behoved to be renewed : as is obvious to any who readeth the History of our Reformation : their Injunctions were often Changed , till they had no more Work to do , and then they were Abolished . § 14. Let us now hear how this Author will Prove that the Passage under Debate must have the Meaning that he hath put upon it . His first Argument : the Composers of the first Book of Discipline ( in which that Passage is ) were generally to their Dying day , of Prelatical Principles . Ans. 1. The Consequence is naught : for however the first Draught of it might be framed by the Six Persons whom he Nameth , out of Knox , p. 287. yet let the Reader turn over to the next page , where a Formula is set down according to which it was Subscribed , and he shall find that they Approved it conform to the Notes and Additions thereto : and it was well known , that some Papers being Amended and Licked over and over again , by many Persons , ( as this was ) have at last Differed much from what the first Compilers intended . Another thing also may be Observed in that Form of assenting to the Book o● Discipline : that they were careful to Reserve to Bishops , Abbots , and Priors , and other Prelats , and benefic'd Men , which else have Adjoyned themselves to us ( say they ) to brook the Revenues of their Benefices during their Lifetimes ; they sustaining and upholding the Ministry and Ministers , as is therein specified , for Preaching of the Word , and Ministering of the Sacraments . Here the Bishops ( even such of them as were Protestants ) are put in the same Categorie with Abbots and Priors ; and there is no Provision made for their Spiritual Power , but for their Temporal Goods ; and no Successors are intended for them : only they are provided for while they live : yea the Administrators of Word and Sacraments are here contra-distinguished from the Bishops , as well as from Abbots and Priors . Doth any thing here look like Prelatical Principles ? yea is not the whole Strain of this Passage contrarie to them ? therefore , whatever the first Compilers of the Book of Discipline might be , it is evident , the Approvers of it were not of the Episcopal Principles . Ans. 2. He sheltereth his Assertion under the Ambiguitie of Prelatical Principles : if he mean these Men were for Superintendents , who had a Temporarie Limited Prelacie , we shall not Debate that with him : if he mean that they were for a Jus Divinum of the Prelacie , that he and his Partie owne ; or for a Perpetuitie of any other sort of Prelacie , we shall consider his Proofs for that ; which are , Winram and Willock were Superintendents , and so was Spotswood ; of whom his Son saith , he was a constant Enemy to Paritie : this proveth nothing against what I have said ; except he can assure us that Arch-Bishop Spotswood could not , through Prejudice , and Respect to the Cause he had Espoused ; mistake and misrepresent his Fathers Opinion in that . Dowglas ( another of them ) was Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews . That proveth him an Apostate from the Way he had owned ; and we know how he , and his Way was disliked by the rest of his former Associats : John Row , another of them , defended the Lawfulness of Episcopacy , at a Conference appointed by the General Assembly , 1575. Here is a pitiful Shift , and foull Misrepresentation . The Truth of the Storie is ( even according to Spotswood , as well as Petrie ; not to name Calderwood , lest he alledge that I have read no other Historian ) a Question arising in the Assemblie about the Lawfulness of Episcopacie : six Brethren were appointed to Debate the Question in a Conference , three were appointed to be on the one side , and three on the other ; it was Master Rows Lot to be on the side of the Lawfulness of Episcopacie : can any Rational Man thence infer , that he was of that Opinion . And if he were of that Opinion , there is enough said to take off any Inference that could thence be made against us . John Knox was the other of these Compilers , whom he will make Prelatical ; now when he hath been dead a long time ; though he was known to be far from such Sentiments while he lived . § 15. For a second Proof of his Sense of the Passage cited out of the Book of Discipline , p. 145. Knox assignes a quite other Reason than the then Necessities of the Church , for the Establishment of Superintendency . Superintendents and Overseers ( saith he ) were nominated , that all things in the Church might be carried on with order and well : this reason is perpetual . Ans. How weak is this Consequence : for this reason is perpetual , that there should be Governours in the Church ; because all things might be carried with order and well : but it is no reason for that sort of Governours ; except in so far as the present case made them necessarie ; so that , compare this Passage with that of the Book of Discipline above cited , the Sense must be , Superintendents were , at this time , nominated , that all things in the Church might be carried with good order and well ; there being then no possibilitie to constitute Presbyteries , by which things could be so managed . He citeth another Passage out of the same Book , p. 289. that John Knox , in a Sermon , asserted the Necessitie ( and not the bare Expediencie ) of Superintendents . Ans. Doth this prove a perpetual Necessitie of that Office ? it was then not only expedient but necessarie ? and this was all that was asserted . Again John Knox's words are , there was a Necessitie of Superintendents or Overseers : that is , there must be a Government in the Church , and another they could not then attain that they could be satisfied with ; and therefore they must set up Superintendents . If we duly consider this Passage , it maketh much against him : for supposing the Necessitie of Governours , they might have thus reasoned , if they had been for Bishops , we must have Governours , nothing hindreth to set up Bishops ; therefore they are necessarie at this time ; but this they did not do : therefore they were not for Bishops . But they well reasoned ; there must be Governours ; but at this time we cannot have Ministers to set up Presbyteries , therefore at this time Superintendents are necessarie . He bringeth another Testimonie out of Knox , p. 110. ( it must be miscited , nothing to that purpose is in that place ) exhorting England that every one of their Bishopricks might be made ten : which he saith is a Comment on the Passage in Debate : and saith , hence it is clear , that he was for many Bishopricks . Ans. Nothing but Prejudice could suggest such a Sense of his Words : he is Writing to a People which had settled Bishops among themselves ; he did not attempt to alter their Settlement ( he knew it was in vain ) but he advised them to what might make that way most useful , and what might have brought it as near as possible to the way he was for . I could tell him of just such another Passage in Doctor Wild's loyal Nonconformist , though he was for no bishop at all , in our Modern Sense . § 16. He bringeth a third reason , that this Sense of the Period accordeth exactly with the whole Tenor of the first Book of Discipline : where , he saith , there is nothing more for the Temporaryness of Superintendency , but much to the contrary . Let us see then what we can further find ( beside the words at this time ) in the Book of Discipline , for Superintendents being set up early , for the present Necessitie of the Church . And first , the reason for setting them up , which the Book it self giveth , is temporarie : to wit , the Paucitie of Ministers , and the Necessitie of having the Gospel preached in all the parts of the Nation . If the Foundation be temporarie , so must the Superstructure : but this is made the Foundation of that Erection : as is expressed in these words , and therefore we have thought it expedient , &c. 2. The second Book of Discipline is a Proof of this beyond Contradiction : for it owneth no Officers in the Church but Pastors , Bishops or Ministers , every one of which was to be fixed in a particular Congregation : and Doctors , and Elders , and Deacons : and these are said to be such as ought to continue in the Kirk , as necessary , for the Policy and Government of it ; and no more Offices ought to be received or suffered in the Kirk of God , established according to his Word ; therefore all the ambitious Titles invented in the Kingdom of Antichrist , and 〈◊〉 his Usurped Hierarchy , which are not of these four sorts , together with 〈◊〉 ●ffices depending thereon , in one word , ought to be rejected . This second Boo●… Discipline was but an Amendment of the first , and a Suteing of it to the riper Age that the Reformed Church of Scotland had then attained : but , it is manifest , that settling Superindents by the first Book , was not designed for Perpetuitie . I shall now Examine what he bringeth against the designed Temporariness of Superintendents : the first thing alledged is , the necessity is brought for being not so strict in examining Superintendents as afterward must be : I see not wherein this is contrarie to the Presbyterian Gloss ( which he affirmeth p. 145. ) seing the necessitie of setting them up had been before asserted , viz. the Pau●itie of qualified Ministers for the Parishes : and now another necessitie is alledged for taking such Superintendents as they could get : where is the Inconsistencie of these two . Next , they appoint , that if su●…cient Men cannot be had , Provinces wait till they can be provided , rather than set up insufficient Men 〈◊〉 3. Rules are laid down for supplying the Vacancy , if a Superintendent die . ●…ns . To both these ; no more followeth but that Superintendency was to endure for some time : foreseeing that the present necessitie was like , in some degree , to continue for some years : but this is no Argument for its Perpetuitie , or necessitie in all Cases of the Church . 4. After the Church is settled , and three years past ; Directions are given for chusing Superintendents . Ans. This Passage is related only by Spotswood ; whom I might reject as an insufficient Witness , as well as he casteth Petrie , or Calderwood , when Spotswood doth not concur with them : But I need not such Defence : by the establishing of the Church the Reformers cannot mean the compleat Establishment , and being furnished with a sufficient number of well Gifted Ministers : for what needed three years delay after that , before they would require such Choise of Superintendents : wherefore , by the settling of the Church must be understood the peaceable Exercise of Church Government , as well as other Ordinances , allowed them by the Magistrat , which then they were contending for : or the peaceable Settlement of the Superintendency ; that now they were Erecting : that though at present , they must put into that Office such as they could find , they would after that three years , be more exact in their Choise , hoping that , by that time , more qualified Men might be found : this proveth a Design of Continuance for some time ; but not of Perpetuitie of Superintendency . 5. The Book of Discipline supposeth Colledges and Superintendents to be of equal Continuance : for the Superintendent was to have a hand in Election of Principles and Rectors , and in Auditing Colledge Accompts . Ans. If this Argument had any Force , it would prove that Apostles , immediatlie sent by Christ , must continue as long as Churches and Ministers ; because they were imployed to Erect the one , and Ordain the other : Yea , he needed no other Argument to prove their Continuance , but that they were to Visit Churches , and plant Ministers ; and therefore must continue as long as that were to be done : and so they should for ever shut out , ( in the Design of our Reformers ) not only Presbyteries , but the Diocesan Bishops : they were to do that Work in the present Exigence : it doth not thence follow that they must continue as long as that Work was to be done . § 17. He hath yet a fourth Argument , to prove that Superintendents were designed by our Reformers to be perpetual in the Church . It is taken from some Passages in Knox , and the old Scots Liturgy , about the Form and Order of the Election of Superintendents . 1. The Necessity of them is asserted : which I have answered before : Next , The People are asked if they will obey and honour him as Christs Minister so long as he is faithful : not ( saith our Author ) so long as the present Exigence requireth . The admitting of a Superintendent and of a Minister was one : the whole Form maketh the one to be of Divine Institution , as well as the other : he is said to be called of God , and owned as a Minister of Christ , they who will not submit to him , are said to rebel against God , and his Holy Ordinance . In the Prayer after his ●…stallment is this Petition , send unto this our Brother , whom in thy Name we have charged with the chief Care of thy Church within the Bounds of Lothian , &c. Thus ( saith our Author ) our Reformers lookt on Superintendency wh●… they composed this Form. Ans. 1. This is not a Form composed by the Reformers to be used on all such occasions : as appeareth by the History it self that he citeth : to which he ( Knox p. 289. ) prefixeth this Inscription ; The Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendent and all other Ministers ; at Edinburgh , March the 9. 1560. John Knox being the Preacher : also because , in the Prayer , Lothidn is mentioned , which could not be in a general Form : This Method John Knox at that time used . It i● like it was usual to proceed in this Method : to use these , or the like Questions , to Pray to that Purpose : and if there was then a prescribed Form in that Infancie of the Church , it neither helpeth his Cause much , nor hurteth ours . 2. He acknowledgeth that the Form of Electing and Admitting Ministers and Superintendents was the same : and it is evident from the Inscription but now mentioned : which is an Evidence that Superintendency was not then lookt on as a distinct Office from the Ministery : but it was an Application , or Modification , of the Ministerial Wor● which at that time was necessary . He will not say , that a Bishop needeth no other Ordination or Consecration , beside that which maked him a Minister : which is a good Argument to prove that our Reformer did not look on the Distinction of Minister and Superintendent as perpetual and of Divine Right , as the Prelatists do that of Bishop and Presbyter . 3. My main Answer is , the account that we have in the place cited is of the Election and Admission of a Person to the Sacred Office of the Ministry , whither he be to be a Superintendent or not : and th●… it is not by this Admission that he is distinguished from other Ministers further than that his Ministerial Charge is made larger and more extensive as to its Bounds : wherefore all the Expressions that my Adversa●… layeth hold on in this Form of Election , may fairly be understood wit●… respect to the Persons Ministery : to this Ministery he is called of Go●… with respect to it he is a Minister of Christ , it is that which is called G●… Holy Ordinance : it is that Charge which is laid on him in Gods Name : an●… indeed it was the Bounds of Lothian that the Person then admitted go●… the Chief Charge of , to be their Pastor . Now the Question is not whither this Pastoral Charge , whither in one or more Congregations be Gods perpetual Ordinance ; but whither it be such an Ordinance , that the Pastoral Charge of one Person should extend to so many Congregations , and whither this Pastor by himself should have Power to Plant Ministers : we say this last was a prudent Constitution of the Church , which that present Exigence did force them upon : by this Admission then he was made a Minister according to Christs Institution , and a Superintendent too , so far as that Office includeth the Ministry : but wherein it differed from the Ministerial Office , it was of Man and not of God. § 18. He hath yet a fifth Agrument , p. 150. which according to his wont , of using the highest Confidence , and biggest Words , when the Strength of his Reasons are lowest , he calleth Irrefragable . It is drawn from several Acts of General Assemblies : some of which address to the Council for Maintainance to them : others for Increasing their Number , and Placing them where none were before : and that when the Church was of four years standing ; and when the Number of Qualified Men were somewhat Increased . One Petitioned , that all the Popish Clergy should be dispossessed , and that Superintendents , Ministers , and other needful Members , should be Planted in their Places . Whence he very wisely inferreth , that Superintendents were needful Members of the Church , and that they were to succeed to the Popish Bishops . This is mentioned by Spotswood ; but by none else , as himself observeth . Some Superintendents in the year 1574. would have Dimitted , but the General Assembly ordered them to continue in their Function . I am so dull as not to see the Strength of this Irrefragable Argument ; I can see no Consequence that can be drawn from any thing , or all that he hath said , but that the Churches found the necessity , which occasioned the setting up of Superintendents , not to be over in four years ; nor wholly in fourteen years : though Qualified Men Increased , yet their Number was very unproportionate to the Necessities of the Church . I look on the Increasing of their Number ( which must be a Lessening of their Districts ) not as tending to perpetuate them ; but on the contrary , it was a reducing them by Degrees , to the State of other Ministers ; by restricting them to a fewer Number of Parishes , and so at last to one . That they were needful Members of the Church , at that time , I doubt not ; but this doth not prove their designed Perpetuity : that they were to succeed the Popish Bishops , is a wild Fancy ; that is no more said of them than of other Church Officers , who were to be Planted in the Places where these Bishops had been , and were to be Maintained by their Revenues . He concludeth this head , as is usual with him ; with Confident Rehearsing what he hath made evident . The Judicious will judge of his Performance ; and mine too . I agree with him in what followeth , p. 153 , 154. That the Superintendents , when Churches were provided , were no more to travel among them ; but I affirm , when they were sufficiently provided , their Work was Confined to one Parish ; and that Office ceased in the Church : of which before . § 19. He advanceth now , p. 154. to another piece of his Work ; to consider our Reasons for the Temporariness of Superintendency . The first of them , that he nameth is , the Force of Necessity , there being so few Men qualified for the Ministry , scarcely one in a Province : against this he bringeth several Replies , intermixed with an unbecoming Confidence , and bitter Reflections . The first is , this Reason is inconsequential , because that necessity might have been answered by dividing the Nation in as many Parishes as there were qualified Men , and Lessening them as moe qualified Men could be had . Ans. The course that was taken , was materially the same that he proposeth : only it was necessary , that within these great Parishes , the Minister , or Superintendent of it , ( call him as you will ) should have Power over the Readers and ill qualified Ministers who were set in the several little Parishes , and who could neither dispense the Word sufficiently , nor govern the Church ; and should have Power to plant qualified Men , as soon as they could be found in these lesser Parishes : and this was the Office of a Superintendent . I hope the Reader will see , that this Reply to our Reason is insignificant , and that our Reason is not shewed to be inconsequential . His second is , this Reason destroyeth Parity : for that could not be the Model that our Lord instituted , which cannot answer the ends of its Institution ; as in this case Parity could not do : for here the Church is reduced to that State that the Governours thereof forced by necessity , must lay it aside for a time , and establish a Prelacy . Ans. This is stranger Divinity than what he chargeth in his next Reply on our Reason . It supposeth , if it have any Sense in it , that all Gods Institutions and Injunctions , do so serve for all the cases that can fall out , that no necessity can excuse a temporal receding from the Observance of them . Which to be evidently false , shall be made appear in Answer to his third Reply ( which upon the matter is the same with this ) the Model of Government that himself , and other Prelatists , is for , is lyable to the same Inconvenience ; and according to his Logick , is none of Christs Institution . He , and the rest of them , maintain , that by the Laws of the new Testament , there can be no Ordination of a Presbyter without a Bishop , and yet they think themselves warranted by Necessity to allow Ordination without a Bishop : Downam , in his Sermon about Episcopacy , hath this Passage , posita enim Ecclesia , aut in universum Episcopo destituta , aut conferta Hereticis aut Idolatricis Praelatis , quales Papistici sunt , a quibus nulli Orthodoxi Ministri ordinationem sperare debent , dubitandum non est quin prisci Patres , in tali necessitatis casu ordinationem sine Episcopo fact a permiserint , licet non ut regularem , ordinarii Ecclesiae regiminis regulis respondentem , efficacem tamen , & quae justificari possit , ubi deest Episcopus . ( I have not his Sermon by me in English , and therefore use the Latine Translation ) And he citeth Concil . Antioch . C. 10. for it , and pleadeth for it by several Reasons . Here that Learned Person , had in great Esteem in the Episcopal Church , maketh two Cases of Necessity , in which the Model he pleadeth for as Christs Institution , must be receded from . And if Prelatists may allow Presbyters to Ordain in Case of Necessity , why may not Presbyterians allow a single Person to Ordain under the same Force and Cogency ? Also Forbes . Iren. p. 158. & seq . not only asserteth , but proveth the Force of Necessity to warrant such things : withal asserting the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy : and he insisteth at length to prove this Proposition , from Scripture and Antiquity ; that Presbyters may Govern and Ordain in want of a Bishop . § . 20. His Third Rply is , it is strange Divinity , that Paritie is of Christs Institution , and yet may be laid aside in case of necessity : and here he falleth heavily on , G R. for asserting what this may be inferred from : and taketh occasion to reproach him . I find no more shew of reason in this part of his Discourse ( though there be many bitter and harsh words in it ) but this , that if we may do so in one thing , we may do so in all things . Ans. I shall shew that this is no strange Divinity , and then Answer his Reason against it . It is not rare Divinity ; for I have already shewed that Dounham and Forbes ( Men of the first Rank among his own Partie ) teach the same . That it is is not against Scripture nor Reason ( and therefore not strange ) I Prove , 1. It is taught by Christ himself : it was Gods Command that the Sabbath should be strictly observed , the Law containeth no express exeption from this Rule : yet our Saviour maketh the case of Necessity to be a just Exception ; in that he Defended his Disciples plucking the Ears of Corn on the Sabbath day : and that by other Examples , where Necessity had the same influence : Luke 6. 1 , &c. David appoved by Christ , in the place cited , thought it no strange Doctrine : it was the Institution of God that none should eat the Shew Bread but the Priests : David and his Men were no Priests , and yet their Necessity did warrant their eating of it . The Apostles thought it no strange Doctrine : who ( though they knew that the Jewish Ceremonies were abolished , and become unlawful to be used after the Resurrection of Christ ; and though Paul told the Galatians when the case of Necessity was now over , that Christ should profit them nothing if they were Circumcised ; yet they enjoyned the Observation of some of these Ceremonies , and pleaded Necessity for it , Acts 15. 28. and 29 , verses . Paul Circumcised Timothy , Acts 16. 3. used the Ceremonies proper for the Jewish votaries , Acts 21. 23 , 24. enjoyned forbearance to them who observed the Jewish Ceremonies , Rom. 14. 1. though out of that case of Necessity , he severely condemneth that Observation . Gal. 4. 9 , 10 , 11. 2. Reason , as well as Scripture , doth plead for this influence of Necessity , on humane Actions . For 1. Necessity ( I mean such as the Providence of GOD without our sin , bringeth us into ) is a Declaration of GOD'S will ; now this cannot be contrarie to that Declaration of his will that is made in his Word ; when the Word and Necessity seem to clash ( for they can never be truely inconsistent , being both from GOD ) and if in that case we should sin by yielding to Necessity , we should be under a Necessity of sinning ; which no Divine will say a man can be under , without his own fault : To take the present case for an Example : let us suppose Church Government by Paritie is Christs Institution ; suppose also that there are so few Ministers that there cannot be Men got to supplie Places , but such as are palpably insufficient for the Work : here is a Dilemma , either Gospel Ordinances must be neglected , or unduely managed , by these Men ; or on the other hand , they who are Qualified must be set over these for a time , to Preach now and then in their Places ; to Direct and injoyn them what is right , to Plant the Places with Qualified Men when they can be got : all which is supposed to be cross to the letter ( I do not say to the Meaning and Design ) of the Institution ; in the first Case , the Church should sin in neglecting that which is the main Design of all Gospel Institutions , viz. Edification , and Saving of Souls ; therefore , she doth not sin on the other hand , by crossing the Letter of the Institution : otherwise she should be under a Necessity of sining , without her own fault bringing her under that Necessity . 2. Although our LORD did forsee all the Cases and Circumstances , in which his Church was to be unto the end of the World , and could have fully Provided for them all , by giving distinct Laws suted to every one of them ; yet infinite Wisdom thought fit to give Laws for regulating the ordinary cases of the Church , leaving these that are rare , and Extraordinary to be Managed according to the general Rules of Scripture , and sound reason , because distinct Laws for all possible Cases , would have swelled the BIBLE to a bigness which would have made it less useful to us ; and of this it may be said , as of a Case not unlike to it , John 20. 30 , 31. The World could not have contained , at least Men could not have Read , and Retained , the Contents of all the Books that should have been Written ; no doubt , when GOD made the Law forbidding that the Shew Bread should be eaten by any but by the Priests , he forsaw what case David and his Men would be in : but he thought it not fit to provide for that Case by an Express Exception from the Law ; but left it to be Ordered by his more general Laws : Even so it is in the Case that we Dispute about . § . 21. I shall now Answer his Reason brought against this yielding to Necessitie , in cases of Divine Institution which is , that if Necessitie can oblige Christians to forsake , or to cross Institution in one Case ; why not in all Cases . The Consequence that this his Question implyeth , we simply Deny . And I may Confidently say , that himself , in his cooler thoughts , will be ashamed of it at least he will have few Men of Sense , whether Learned or unlearned , that will allow such a Consequence . Farless , that will Joyn wit him in what followeth , viz. that crossing Institution when forced to it by the Law of Necessity ; what is it else than to open a door to Gnosticism , to Infidelity , to Apostasie ; and to all imaginable kinds of Antichristian Perfidie , and Villanie ? To clear this Matter , and to still this Noise , and that the Reader may understand this Debate about the Force of Necessitie better than this learned Author seemeth to do : I shall shew when Necessitie may warrant an Action , which without such Necessitie were unwarrantable , and when not . 1. It is not feigned or pretended Necessitie that can have this Force : we are far from thinking that it is a sufficient Excuse when on hath done an evil thing , to say there was Necessitie for it , I could not shun it ; if our Reformers did but pretend Necessitie for setting up Superintendents , or if we do but pretend it for them ; if my Antagonist can prove ( as he hath alleged ) that there was no Necessitie for it , but that if they had been for Paritie ; they might have Promoted the Gospel without thus diverting from it , for a time ; we shall quit this Argument ; GOD is Judge in that case , whether the Necessitie be real , or only pretended ; And in many cases , Man may Judge , and Punish them who break the Law , and pretend Necessitie for their Action . 2. It must be a Necessitie of GOD'S making , not of our own bringing on ; as I hinted before ; If either a Church , or a Person , do sinfully bring themselves under a Necessitie of Transgressing the Law ; the sinful Cause maketh the Action sinful which is consequential to it . 3. The Necessitie that we shelter our Actions under must not only be of the Means , nor only of the End , but of both . I suppose a Man cannot save his Life , his Libertie , or Estate , but by doing what is sinful , or omitting what is a Moral and perpetual duty , or is such hic et nunc Here is the Necessitie of Means , but it cannot excuse him because there is no Necessitie of the End , it is not necessarie that we should Live , be at Libertie , nor that we have Estates ; there is neither an absolute Necessitie of these nor comparative Necessitie : none of them is so necessarie as it is to keep a good Conscience , and to please GOD ; and shun sin . Again suppose the End be necessarie V. Gr. to advance the Interest of Religion ; but this End may be attained to by means that do no way cross any of GOD'S Institutions ; to do what is cross to Institution , in that case is no way Excusable : For there is no necessitie of the Mean. If my Antagonist can shew that either the End of setting up Superintendents , was needless ; or that that could be attained without encroaching a little on Paritie , for a time ; then shall we no more plead Necessitie for what they did ; but judge that they were not for Paritie in their Principles . 4. We distinguish , with respect to the Force of Necessitie , between these Actions which are Moral from their Nature , and these that are Moral only by Institution . How far Necessitie may Warrant , or not Warrant an Action against the Moral-Law , I shall not now Dispute ; our present Debate , not being concerned in that Question : it is evident that there are some cases in which Necessitie , even in such Actions , hath place , as Adam's Sons Marrieing their Sisters ; of which Lyra and Menochius in Gen. 4. 17. say , Initio mundi necessè fuit Sorores Fratribus nubere . And it is also certain that no Necessitie can dispense with some other Actions that are naturally Moral ; such as Blasphemy , Lying , &c. but in Matters of Institution , the LORD hath not so strictly bound his People , nor made his Institutions to clash with the natural and indispensible Commands that he hath laid on them : as is evident , in David's case above-mentioned : If Institution , in some Circumstances that the LORD hath cast his People in , do clash with the Moral Dutie of saving Life : this Moral Dutie superceedeth the Obligation of Institution , in that time , and in that case , much more when present Circumstances make Institution to clash with the great End of Institution ; as in the case in hand : without dispensing with Paritie in this case , the End of Church Government had been lost ; viz. the Edification of the Church , and Promoting the Reformation . If any should object , that this is a dispensing with the Law of GOD : I Answer , it is not Mans dispensing with GOD'S Law ; but his Judging that GOD , in that Case , dispenseth with his own Law ; or as Aquinas 2. 2. Q. 88. Art. 10. Fit ut hoc quod erat lex non sit lex , in hoc casu , and 1. 2. Q. 96. Art. 6. Qui in casu Necessitatis agit praeter verba Legis , non judicat de ipsa Lege , sed judicat de casu singulari in quo videt verba legis observanda non esse . And indeed , to denie all Influence of true , real , and innocent Necessitie , to change the Moralitie of some Actions , especially these that relate to Instituted Worship , were to put Mens Consciences on such a Rack , as there were some times , no possibilitie to attain to well grounded Peace . And on the other hand , I hope what is said will Defend this Opinion from the horrid consequence that he is pleased to draw from it : especially when we consider , that this influence of Necessitie must be but for a time ; not perpetual : because it is not to be thought , that any of GODS Appointments are so contrived , as to be always unpracticable : or that the LORD will bring his Church , or any Person , under such a lasting Necessitie , that they never can do what he hath Commanded , they using their utmost endeavours to observe all that he hath Commanded , as is injoyned Matthew 28. 20. I shall not Determine what Necessitie of Omission one may be perpetually under ; but I understand not how this can be with respect to possitive Acts contrarie to Institution . § 22. He dealeth with a Second Plea that he imputeth to us , p. 157 , &c. why our Reformers are not to be thought Episcopal in their Principles , notwithstanding of their setting up Superintendents , which is ; that these Superintendents did very much differ from Bishops , in the Notion that our Adversaries have of Bishops : The Author of the Ten Questions calleth that a New Modell of Episcopacy . To take off this Calderwood bringeth some Differences between them and Bishops : and Vindicat : in Answer to the Ten Questions , mentioneth also some of them , and Addeth what after he confesseth to be Material . All which he is pleased to ridicule , with his wonted Insolencie : but I am consident the judicious Reader will easily discern who is most Ridiculous ; he that Proveth a Superintendent not to be the same with a Bishop , from his Election , Examination , and Admission : that he had no new Consecration , as Bishops must have , and so was in no Superior degree to a Presbyter : that there were no Arch-Superintendents as there were Arch-Bishops , &c. or he who compareth these to the ordinary Habit of the one , with the State and Grandeur of the other in their distinguishing Marks : which yet , if not set down in such scurrile terms , as he useth , may make a great Difference between the Temper of the one sort of Men and that of the other ; though not of their Office or Power . If our Reformers had intended to continue that sole Jurisdiction of Prelats in the Church , which they found settled in it under Poperie , this Change that they made , even in these things , is unaccountable : nor can a Reason be given why they kept not to the old District that the Bishops had before Governed . It is as evident , as any thing can be made at such a distance of time , that the Superintendents never had that absolute Power in the Church that our Episcopal Brethren now allow to their Prelats . Though we denie not that they had a Frelacie , and more Power than We now give to single Presbyters ; and have given the Reason why it was so , and of its Consistence with the design of our Reformers , that the perpetual Government of the Church should be by Paritie . The main Difference between the two sorts of Church Rulers which we insist on , and which himself acknowledgeth to be Material , he falleth upon , p. 159. and sayeth he must be serious in it ; is , Superintendents were made obnoxious to the Tryal and Censures of Ministers within their own Dioces . The Truth of which , and that it neither was so with Bishops in the Primitive Church , nor should be so now , he doth freely Profess . But he putteth his Wit to its utmost stretch , to get a fair Answer to it . He bringeth no less than Five Answers , whereas one good one had been Worth them all . His first Answer hath some what of Ingenuitie in it . He condemneth our Reformers in this ; and sayeth , it was a great Error in their Constitutions , and declames against it with great Vehemencie , that Governours should be Subject to the Censure of their Subjects ; and sheweth a great deal of Zeal for absolute Government , both in Church and State : into Debate about which I shall not now enter : only I take Notice , that here he fairly gives up that part of our Controvesie , that he hath been at a vast deal of pains about ; that our Reformers were Episcopal in their Principles . With which I am sure , this is wholly inconsistent . If he had thought of this sooner , and Acted consequentially to it , after this Thought came into his Head , he he might have saved a greas deal of pains to himself , and Me : and near the Half of his long Book might have been spared . His second Answer is , this was put in their Constitution from a Principle about civil Government owned by them , that the King is Major singulis , but Minor omnibus : which he also Ridiculeth . Neither am I concerned to Debate this Principle , it doth not belong to our our present Controversie . But what he asserteth is a groundless Conjecture ; we have better ground to think that they lookt on this as according to the Laws of the Gospel ; which forbiddeth Church Domination . His Third is , they made also Ministers Censureable by their Elders ; and from thence taketh occasion to Reproach them , as having little Skill in Church Policy : nor will I degress into these Debates ; only I take Notice , that what he saith is no Answer to our Exception , but rather a Confirmation of it : if both a Superinintendent was Censureable by the Synod , and the Ministers by the Eldership ; it doth evidentlie follow , that the Superintendents and the Bishops power were not the same . A Fourth Answer is , this was never put in Practice . Reply , It will be very hard for him to Prove this Negative : but whether it was or not , it sheweth that our Reformers did not intend Episcopacy when they set up Superintendents . His Fifth is , this Constitution doth not infer Parity . Reply , We do not say that Superintendents were in absolute Parity with other Ministers ; we confess a disparity of Power , for that time . All we plead is , that our Reformers were not for Episcopacy , even in that case of Necessity : and the Imparity that they were then forc't to ; they did not intend should always continue . § . 23. The other Plea he mentioneth hath its Rise from his own fancie : it was not used by us : what he citeth for it , was not used either for its Advantage , or disadvantage , but an occasional Observation cast into a Parenthesis , to shew that it was merely the Deed of the Church ; however , it might afterward be taken notice of by Parliaments . Our Author now , p. 166. imagining that he hath dispelled all the Mists cast by Presbyterians on what he pleadeth for , about the Principles of our Reformers , with respect to Church Government ; proceedeth to give us Accompt of a second Modell that Church Government was cast into : But as an Introduction to this , he falleth on the Mistakes and weaknesses of the Reformers , with the Preface of a pretended unwillingness to expose them so ; the sincerity of which pretension the Reader may Judge of , if he consider that the whole of this Discourse is wholly Impertinent ; for we are to consider their Actions rather than guess at their Motives : if the Reader also reflect on his page 7. where he reproacheth our Reformation as a violent and disordered Reformation . Their weakness he exposeth in two things : one is , that they went on this Principle , that the best way to Reform the Church was to recede as far from the Papists as they could : to have nothing in Communion with them but the essentials , the necessarie and indispensible Articles and Parts of Christian Religion , what else was in its nature indifferent , and not positively and expresly Commanded in the Scripture , if it was i● fashion in the Popish Church , was therefore to be laid aside , and avoided as 〈◊〉 Corruption , as having been abused , as made Subservient to Superstition and Idolatry . Here is a false representation of our Reformers , and that in three things . 1. This Principle was never held nor Practised by them , in the Latitude nor extensiveness that he mentioneth : they indeed were against Religious Ceremonies devised by Men , as on other Grounds , so on Accompt of their being Symbols of Idolatrie and Superstition , and having been so used : but there were many parts of Religion that were not fundamental , but of inferior Note that they did not so deall with . 2. They never Rejected any thing that was truelie a part of true Religion , and was peculiar to it , whether it were of greater or lesser Moment , onlie on the Ground he mentioneth : but always were able to give other Reasons for their Opinion or Practice . 3. They always were willing to receive what could be , by good consequence , proved by Scripture , though it were not positively and expresly Commanded , I advise my Adversarie , if he have little regard to the reputation of the Reformers , that he would be more careful not to Wound his own , by speaking what is not Truth . For the Principle it self , duly stated according to what I have said , I am willing to Debate it with him ; but that is not his business , but rather to expose it by Invectives . The next thing that he Representeth them in as weak , is , they were for the Revenue that had belonged to the Church in Poperie , to be Imployed still for the Churches use . I think , this Debate is little to our purpose , and therefore I wave it , § 24. His next Attempt is , to prove that there was a second Model of the Government of the Church of Scotland , after the publick Establishment of the Reformation ; and that this was Episcopacy . And here he bringeth a Labyrinth of History , in which it is hard for any Man to follow him : rejecting what ever disliketh him ; and casting Dirt on all that have written the History of our Reformation , not sparing Spotswood himself , when he doth not please him : only he hath had the hap to light on a Manuscript , out of which he alters , adds , and contradicteth all the other Accounts that we have of the Affairs of our Church ; whence that Manuscript came , what Authority it hath ; whither it be his own , or any other Mans , he is not pleased to tell us . He calleth it his Manuscript , whether he would have us take him for the Author , or for the Owner of it , I cannot determine : nor do I see what Title he hath to it on either Account ; I have the present use of a Manuscript , which ( as I am credibly informed ) is the very individual Copy that he had , which now belongeth to the University of Glasgow : Whether any other Copies of it be extant , I am uncertain : It was Transcribed by William Laing Reader of Ebdie Kirk , in the year 1638. It containeth the Acts of the General Assemblies from 1560 to 1616 inclusive , and other things relating to Church Affairs . I shall in a few Words shew how little Advantage he hath by this Manuscript , by shewing that it is far from setting forth our Reformers as enclined to Episcoprcy : and by pointing at some of his false Citations out of it ; for the former , it will be evident to them who without Byass , consider the following Passages : Assembly 1562 p. 6. not the Superintendent alone , but they with the Ministers and Elders , are to expone to the Kirk , the State of the Kirk among them , and note Offences ; that the Kirk may find some Remeed for them ; p. 7. Superintendents as well as other Ministers are removed , and tryed in Order to Censure by the Assembly : so also p. 8. and almost every where : This looketh not like Episcopal Jurisdiction ; p. 7. Sess. 4. the Assembly giveth Power to Superintendents , to transport Ministers , but with this express Limitation ; that it be done in the Synod , and with Consent of the most part of the Ministers and Elders . Ibid. Sess. 3. Speaking of Inhibiting such as have unduly entered into the Ministry , it is said , this Act is to have strength as well against them that are called Bishops , as others , pretending to any Ministry in the Kirk : Where even the Name of Bishops ( as then used ) seemeth to be disliked , and their Prelation disowned , and their Subjection to the Ministers met in an Assembly supposed , so far were they from owning sole or superior Jurisdiction in them . Assembly 1565. p. 21. Ministers must be tryed ( at their Entry ) by Learned Men of the Kirk , such as are presently the Superintendents appointed thereunto : where the Perpetuity of the Superintendents Office , and Power is disowned : they for the present , not always , were to do that Work : also that their Power is derived from the Assembly , not Divine Institution , is plainly insinuated . Assembly 1566. A Petition to the Council with Expostulations against the Queens restoring the Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews to his Jurisdiction : where they affirm that the Causes for the most part judged by his usurped Authority belong to the true Kirk , Ibid. Bishops , Abbots , &c. warned by Superintendents within whose Jurisdiction they lived , to compear before the Kirk to answer for not waiting on their Flocks . Assembly 1567. Sess. 4. p. 44. The Bishop of Orkney deprived of all Ministerial Function of the Ministry , for Marrying the Queen to the Earl of Bothwell , a Divorced Adulterer : On his Repentance he is restored again to the Ministry of the Words No mention of restoring to Episcopal Jurisdiction . The Manuscript giveth a very short account of the Convention at Leith 1571. Jan. 12. where our Author beginneth his new Model of Episcopacy . Of the Assembly at Saint Andrews , in March 6. it hath but little . Assembly 1572. at Perth , a Determination against the Names of Arch-Bishops , Deans , &c. as scandalous : Also that the Articles at Leith be received but for an Interim . Assembly March 1. 1572. Bishops appointed ( as well as others ) to be at the first Meeting of every Assembly , under the Pain of Tinsel of half a years Stipend : Assembly March 6. 1573. Bishops admonished to joyn with the Kirk , in her Assemblies , which it seems some of these Aspiring Men thought below them . And it is Enacted , that the Power of Bishops should not exceed that of a Superintendent : And that Bishops should be subject to the Discipline of the General Assembly . Assembly 1574. The Bishop of Dunkel rebuked for Ministration of the Lords Supper on Work days . They were then so Shy of a fixed and perpetual Prelation among Ministers ; that it was Enacted , Anno 1575. p. 70. at the end , that to shun Ambition and Inconveniency to the Kirk , Commissioners for Visiting Provinces should be Changed every year . In the beginning of that Assembly , when the Tryal of the Doctrine and Conversation of Bishops , Superintendents , and other Ministers was mentioned , John Dury one of the Ministers of Edinburgh , Protested that the Tryal of Bishops prejudge not the Opinion , and Reasons that he , and other Brethren has to oppone against the Office and Name of a Bishop . This is the highest Pitch that his new Model of Episcopacy ( as he calleth it ) came to from 1571. to 1575 , when ( we deny not ) there was a Declension from the Purity of Church Government , endeavoured by some Courtiers , and Ambitious Church Men , their Tools . But from this time Presbytry began to Revive , and gather Strength , till at last it was fully setled : For in the Assembly 1575. it was questioned whether the Office of Bishops was Founded on the Word of God , p. 71. and some appointed to Debate on either Side . Bishops are appointed to chuse a particular Flock , where they must ordinarily Labour . Assembly 1576 ▪ p. 71. Adamson Presented by the Queen to the Bishoprick of Saint Andrews is called by the Assembly to be tryed , p. 77. The Bishop of Glasgow is required to take a particular Charge . Assembly 1577. p. 79. Adamson Summoned before the General Assembly for Usurping a Bishoprick , without the Kirk : Commissioners are appointed to Examine the Matter , and to Discharge him to Visit any more , till he be Admitted by the Kirk : Assembly 1578. p. 83. Ordained that Beshops he called by their own Names , and called Brethren , p. 84. The Assembly dischargeth Creating any more Bishops till the next Assembly ; because of great Corruptions in the State of Bishops . Assembly 1578. held in June , extendeth the foresaid Act to all time coming , till the Corruptions of the State of Bishops be wholly taken away ; And Commands all Bishops that now are , to Submit to the Assembly under Pain of Excommunication . Assembly at Dundee , July 12. p. 96. After Liberty to all to Reason , The whole Assembly in one Voice , did declare the Office of Bishops as now used in Scotland , to be unwarrantable in the Word of God , and unlawful in it self , and to the great Overthrow of the Kirk of God. All Bishops are Charged to Dimit , and to use no part of the Office of Pastors , without new Admission by the Assembly : Synods appointed within a Month after to Summon them , and proceed to Excommunication against the Refusers . Assembly 1581. Declared the above-mentioned Act to mean , that the Government of Bishops , as now in Scotland , is wholly Condemned . After which , Presbyteries were Erected through the whole Nation . For his false Citations out of the Manuscript , I shall mention but two ( tho the Reader may observe many moe , by Comparing his Book with the Manuscript . ) One is p. 127. that the Manuscript saith it was Ordained , Assembly 1562. that no Minister leave his Flock to come to the Assembly , unless he have Complaint to make , or be Complained of , or be Warned to it by the Superintendent ; whereas the Manuscript hath not a Word to that Purpose in that Assembly : The other is p. 128. out of the Assembly 1563. That none Vote in Assemblies but Superintendents , Commissioners , and Ministers brought with them , together with Commissioners of Shires , Burghs , and Universities : And that Ministers Commissioners be Chosen at the Synodal Convention , with Consent of the rest of the Ministers , and Gentlemen Conveened at the Synod . Whereas the Manuscript ( it is p. 10. ) saith , that every Superintendent within his own Jurisdiction , cause warn the Shires , Towns , and Parish Kirks , to send their Commissioners to the Assembly , declaring to them the Day and Place . Here is nothing like what he Citeth : and if it were so as he saith , it could not infer the Superintendents Nominating the Commissioners to the Assembly ▪ but it is plain that they were Chosen by the Synod : and that the Synods Consent was no less an Act of Authority , than if it had been said , it must be done by their Vote . These things out of that Manuscript , I have here cast together , because I had finished this Work before it came to my hand , and therefore could not so conveniently dispose them in their several Places . § 25. I shall not any further take notice of this Historical Controversie , than to make some short Remarks on it , hoping that a History of these Affairs may ere long be ready for the Press , from which we expect a full Account , with more Truth and Candor , than what is to be found in his Discourse . 1. I deny not ( nor do I know any that ever denyed ) but there was so much ground for his telling us of a second Model of the Government of the Church ; that the first Endeavours of the Reformers , for shunning the old Hierarchy that was under Popery , met with some Interruption and Opposition ; the Causes were evident , the Covetousness of some Courtiers , and other States Men ; and the Ambition and Unfaithfulness of some Church Men : there were Attempts to set up Episcopacy , and they had some degree of effect ; but they were always opposed ; and the Designs of the Prelatical Party could never succeed , as they wished ; but at last , after much Wrestling , Presbytery was settled in its Vigour , in the year 1592. Wherefore his tedious Citations to prove that the Church did some things that cannot well be reconciled with Parity , in that Interval of her Declension and Confusions , was needless Labour , which I do not envy him the Pleasure of , seing he was pleased so to imploy his Leasure Hours ; I have elsewhere Debated some of these Passages , with the same Author ( if I mistake not ) nor do I find any thing that now he bringeth which is new , save insolent Contempt , and ill Words ; which I can easily beat from a Man of his Temper ; nor will I make equal Returns to these his Complements . 2. I observe , that when p. 143. he is giving account of the Alteration that was endeavoured , toward the setting up of Episcopacy ; he bringeth Reasons for the States Men , and Reasons for the Church men , that might move them ; and that with as much Confidence , as if he had been at the Consult ; the States Men considered that Episcopacy was still established by Law ; the Ecclesiasticks made one of the three Estates ; and to take it away was to shake the Civil Constitution ; and they might have been called to an account for it , when the King should come to Age ; who was then Minor : But this is a pure Fallacy : the Bishops were still by Law possessed of their Temporalities , Revenues , and Parliamentarie Priviledges ; but not of their Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction : it was the preserving of these , not of this , that the Courtiers were accountable for , with respect to the Civil Constitution . That this was the best way to preserve the Right of the Church ; is said without Book ; unless he can prove that Christ gave her such Rights ; her Civil Rights might have been , and afterward were , otherwise preserved . It was very evident , that many of the States Men were Acted by other Motives , ( I do not say all of them were for a Jus Divinum , or Acted Conscienciously ) even to get the Revenues in their hands . Which he doth plainly enough confess , while page 189. he telleth us of their Playing their Tricks , and Robbing the Church . For the Reason that he maketh the Clergy go upon , viz. The ill Effects of the former Scheme , laid in the first Book of Discipline , that had arisen to the Church : there is no Hint given by him of any such ill Effects , as apprehended by the Men of that Time ; except that they who designed a Change for their own Ends , would readily pretend some such thing ; neither he , nor any else , can prove that any Detriment to the true Interests of Religion , did arise from it : It is evident , that some Church Men had a design to advance themselves ; though they were disappointed , as to the advantagious part of their design , they got the Titles , and the great Men got the Revenues ; which he would fain deny or dissemble : but it is so evident , that he must contradict our plainest Histories , if he deny it . 3. That another was Moderator in the General Assembly , than a Bishop , is brought as an Argument that Prelacy was not got to its height , even by the greatest Efforts the Party could make at that time . All he saith to this is , that George Buchannan was chosen Moderator in the General Assembly 1567. which yet inferreth not the Ruine of Presbytery . The Strength of this Evasion is soon taken off : the Episcopal Church look on Bishops as so far above Presbyters ; that it is Essential to them to Rule , and the Presbyters to be Ruled by them ; so that for a Bishop to be a single Member of an Assembly , and a Presbyter to be Moderator , is inconsistent with the Bishops Prerogative ; but Presbyterians hold no such distinguishing Principle ; they think a Minister is in a superior Order above a Non-Preaching Elder : but do not think that the one hath Jurisdiction over the other ; but that both have equal Ruling Power : and therefore , though it be now so Customary , that only Ministers preside in our Meetings , that it would be thought odd , if it should be otherwise , yet for a Ruling Elder ( such as Master Buchannan was ) and a Man of his singular Eminency , to preside in a Meeting , is not against any Principle of Presbyterians , that I know of ; ( tho the Way we use is most Rational , and Decent , and there is no Reason for receding from it . ) But to make this Observation yet stronger , Calderwood p. 56. ( if I may Name him without Firing this Gentlemans Choller ; and being Charged with Ignorance , and knowing no other History ) telleth us , that never one of them had the Credit to be Moderator of the General Assembly ; which is a Token ( I shall not speak in his Dialect , an infallible Demonstration ) that their Episcopal Jurisdiction was not then owned by the Church . § 26. A fourth Observation I make on his Historical Debate is , that he endeavoureth to prove , against Petrie and Calderwood ; that the Articles at Leith were approved by the General Assembly ; that Episcopacy was s● approved ; that it cost much Stuggling before it could be Abolished . What he gaineth by all this I know not . The Opposition that was made to that Way did soon appear , and it was soon abolished : that it is said , that it was not allowed by the General Assembly , is only meant of the first General Assembly that sat a few Weeks after the Agreement at Leith ; though afterward the Party grew stronger and got it approved ; I know none that asserteth that it was never approved in any General Assembly , though his Proofs that he bringeth for its being approved , might tempt one to think that it was never approved , viz. That they sat in Assemblies , and voted , and that even as Bishops : Their sitting and voting proveth that they were tollerated : what he meaneth by sitting and voting as Bishops , I do not well understand : that Reduplication must either import the Exercise of the Episcopal Authority , or it is a Word without Sense , or Signification : now that they Exercised Episcopal Authority in any of the Assemblies , I do not find , nor doth he attempt to prove it . The Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews , being present , and first named in a Committee , ( as p. 203. ) is such an Argument for Episcopal Preheminence , as the Papists use not a few for Peters Supremacy : that Superintendents are continued ( ibid. ) is a weak Argument , for the Assemblies approving Bishops of the second Model , as he calleth it . It is another such Argument , that the Assembly declare what they mean by the Names Arch-Bishops , Deans , &c. and wish these changed into Names less offensive : that the Articles agreed on at Leith ( which contain his second Model ) are voted by the Assembly to be received but for an Interim . These and some more of the same , or like Importance , are his Arguments for the Approbation of Episcopacy by the Church of Scotland at that time . I do not say they Acted as Men for the Divine Right of Parity : it was a time of Temptation , and many yielded too far : but there was a Party that did not thus Comply , and who prevailed to get this Yoke cast off at last : many of the Acts of the Assemblies that he citeth , do Direct the Bishops , and Limit their Power , and appoint them to be subject to the General Assembly ; and to have no more Power than Superin endents had : this looketh like no good Will to Episcopacy : but a Hedging it in , when they could not , for present , cast it wholly out . But he will prove , p. 212 , &c. That all this was out of no Dislike to Episcopacy : and that by a Petition consisting of nine Articles , drawn by the General Assembly , 1574. Wherein Bishops are several times mentioned , and that as Acting as Bishops , in Naming Ministers for Places ; ( where yet Superintendents and Commissioners are also mentioned , as equally concerned in that Work ) yea in one of these Articles , it is desired , that Qualified Ministers might be provided for vacant Bishopricks . This proveth no more , but that the major part of this Assembly thought fit , that seing Men , bearing the Name of Bishops ( for little more they had ) were for an Interim tollerated in the Church , their Places should neither be vacant , nor filled with insufficient Persons . All this may well consist with a Dislike of that Lordly Power of Bishops that some were Aspiring to , and that my Antagonist pleadeth for . § 27. Our Author thinks he hath now done his Work , and proved that Prelacy was privatly and publickly liked , from the beginning of the Reformation : it seems he hath argued himself into a Belief of it , ( such is the Efficacy of Prejudice ) which few else will be perswaded of . He thinketh his further Work needless ( and I think it had been more for his Credit to let it alone ) it is , to prove that Presbytery met with Opposition : and I could seldom observe that any good Design was carried on , but Satan raged against it , and found Instruments against it : his former Historical Discourse he justly calleth Nauseous , p. 216. But what followeth is much more so ; and yet worse : for he falleth to downright Railing against Master Andrew Melvil , in not only a nausebus Gingling Strain of Words , but with such Unmanly Bitterness , as a tender Conscienced Christian would abhor ; yea a Person of common Morality would be ashamed of : and is only fit for the Scolding Women that have lost all Shame . The foull Misrepresentation of Matters of Fact , which have some Semblance of Truth in them , that this Narrative aboundeth with , I leave to the History , that I hope may appear ere long , to correct them : I am no further concerned than with what is Argumentative : of which I can find nothing here : for we deny not that there was then , as now , an Episcopal Party , who were loath to let go their hoped for , or enjoyed Church Preferments . That after Master Melvil appeared was the first time that any appeared for Presbytery in Scotland , or against Episcopacy , is a daring Assertion ; after which we may expect whatever he shall think to be for his Interest ; considering what hath been already adduced out of the Book of Discipline . One who readeth this his Historical Discourse , may easily perceive what Shifts he is put to , for proving the Regent Mortons Change from Episcopacy , to favour Presbytery ; and to prove his Intentions in some of his Actings , and that by a long Train of Arguments . To prove that England , though Episcopal , did endeavour to promote Presbytery in Scotland . To prove the Ignorance of the Clergy of Scotland at that time . To prove Beza to be ignorant of the Government and Constitution of the ancient Church , ( p. 248. ) and that not out of his own Book , ( which it seems he had not read ) but out of his Adversary , Saravia : and indeed he proveth Beza's Ignorance by such Instances as will serve for any Presbyterian , and conclude them all to be Ignoramus's , which I know is this Authors Opinion , oftner than once or twice expressed . I pass with a transient Observation , his bitter Sarcasm against Days of Solemn Fasting and Humiliation , often appointed by Presbyterians , p. 254. It had been good his own Party had used them oftner ; and that they and we had improved them better . I take notice also of his making so very great a Difference , between the Meetings of Ministers and Elders for Exercises ( that is , for Interpretation of Scripture ) and Presbyteries which were set up : on account whereof , he representeth it as a great deal of Ignorance in one who affirmed , that the real Exercise of Presbytery , in all its Meetings , lesser and greater , continued , and was allowed , in the year 1572. I deny not but that there was a Difference between these two Sorts of Meetings , as there is between a Child and a full grown Man , viz. The Meetings for Exercise , or Presbyteries , ( call them what ye will ) did at first meddle with fewer Acts of Church Power than afterward : yet they Acted with Authority . For the Ministers and Elders met to interpret Scripture ; I hope the Elders were not Interpreters by publick Teac●…ng , as well as the Ministers : the People , no doubt , were also present at these Exercises , as Hearers , but the Elders are mentioned as Constituent Members of a Meeting , wherein the People had no Share , which must be an Authoritative Meeting . King James the sixth was far from his Opinion about these Meetings ; who in the Conference at Hampton-Court 1603. in the second days Conference , p. 78 , 79. when Doctor Reynolds moved that the Clergy might meet once every three Weeks for Prophesying : as Bishop Grindal and other Bishops desired of her late Majesty ; the King being stirred at this , said , that they aimed at Scottish Presbytery . He looketh on it as ridiculous that G. R. had reckoned that Presbyteries were from the beginning , and fancieth that he hath no other ground for so saying ; but that Calderwood had said , that the Kirk of Scotland had four sorts of Assemblies , ever since the beginning , of which this must needs be one . But I can tell him of other Grounds on which he might reckon this Meeting a Presbytery ; one is the General Assembly 1579. as the Manuscript he so often citeth , hath it , p. 95. did expresly determine that these Meetings were Presbyteries : another is , what is above said : and a third is , that even in times of Episcopacie in Scotland ; these Meetings were called the Exercise , and yet they pretended to Presbyterial Power in them ; though it was in Subordination to the Bishop . That Calderwood sayeth that Presbytries succeeded to these Meetings , importeth no more , but that Presbytries were after set up with more Power and Freedom than they then had under Superintendents , or Bishops . When he cannot contradict Matter of fact , with respect to the prevailing of Presbytrie ; he falleth to down right railing at the Assemblie , which condemned Prelacie , for boldness , folly , iniquitie , preposterous Zeal ; if more Reproaches had then occurred to his Fancie , it is like we should have had them ; it is neither good Manners , nor a token of a good Cause thus to fall from Reasoning to Scolding . I leave him now after he hath again mistaken the Question , to please himself with re-counting his Exploits , and to tell the World what he hath made appear , in not a few pages . After which , he bringeth two Witnesses for Confirming what he had so long insisted on ; The first of them is , an Author with whom I am not acquainted , but seemeth to be of his own Sentiments ; So that what he sayeth of the Opposition made to Presbyterie in Scotland ; is no more to us than what A. M. D. D. himself hath said ; especially seing we have not the Reasons , but the bare Assertion , of that Author . The other is King James the sixth , to whose Testimonie brought also by the Author of the Ten Questions , I did then Oppose , and still do , his own Explication of what he sayeth , in an after Edition of his Basilicon doron , that he meant none but such as Anabaptists , and Familists : And a contrair Assertion of that same Royal Author , whereby he highly extolleth the Presbyterian Government in Scotland ; by saying , and that frequently , that no Error could get footing there ( in Scotland ) while Kirk Sessions , Presbyteries , Synods , and General-Assemblies stood in their Force . He concludeth his Second Enquiry , with making a great Improvement against us ( as he thinketh ) of our saying that the Bishops set up , in that he calleth his second Model , had no more Power than Superintendents ; whence he Argueth , Superintendents had the essentials of Episcopal Power ; but the Assembly at Dundee , 1580 , Condemned Episcopacie ; and they Condemned also Superintendencie ; whence it followeth , that they ( and our present Presbytersans follow their Steps in this ) not only forsook , but condemned the Principles of our Reformers . This he seemeth to hug as a triumphant Argument , before which the Presbyterian Cause can never stand . But the Answer is plain and easie , and may be gathered from what hath been abov-discoursed . That Assemblie did , ( and the Presbyterians do ) condemn Superindendencie , as what ought not to continue in the Church ; nor ought to be in the ordinarie cases of the Church ; but they did not condemn it as what was never lawful to be used for a time , in an extraordinarie Exigent . And we affirm ( which our Author hath not yet disproved ) that our Reformers were not for Superintendents perpetual continuance in the Church . § . 28. Our Authors Third Enquire is , whether Prelacie , and the Superioritie of any Office in the Church , above Presbyters was a great and insupportable Grievance , and Trouble to this Nation , and contrair to the Inclinations of the generalitie of the People , ever since the Reformation . He hath verie just Sentiments of this Matter , when he sayeth that if his Determination of the former Enquirie be true , this Question will soon be dispatched ; for indeed it hath a great Dependence on what is already Discoursed . He might , if so it had pleased him , saved the labour of this tedious Debate , in which there is little else but a litigious Jangle , about what can hardly othewise be Determined than by what hath been alreadie said ; unless we could ( which is impossible ) have the Vote by Pole , of all the Individuals of the Nation , and that in all the Times , and Changes since the Reformation . The Parliament hath given us their Sentiments about this Matter , and if any be not willing to rest in the Judgment of so wise an Assemblie of worthy Patriots , come together from all parts of the Nation to consult about its weghtiest Affairs , he may , for me , abound in his own sense . I know this hath been generally the thoughts of Presbyterians , yea , of sober Episcopalians in some other Churches , and I could give the Opinion of some of the greatest ●…minencie for Vertue , Understanding and Rouk , ( and yet not Presbyterian ) that Presbyterie was the fittest Church-Government for Scotland . But if our Brethren will maintain he contrarie , I judge they mistake : but shall not think them Hereticks on this accompt . I would have him also consider ; that what ever might move the Parliament to make use of this Motive to Abolish Episcopacie , and Establish Presbyterie ; the Presbyterian Church of Scotland never thought the Aversion of the People from Episcopacie , nor their Inclinations to Presbytrie , to be the Fundamental Charter by which they have a right to that Government . We rejoyce that the State was pleased to allow , and countenance , by their Authority , this Government of the Church ; but we think , it standeth on a surer bottom , than either the Opinion or the Authoritie of Men ; and much surer than the Inclinations of the Mob : even the Institution of Christ declared in the Scriptures of truth ; which Grounds I have laid down in this Work ; if he can Beat us from these , we shall become his willing Proselyts ; and quit ( though we will not Revile it as he doth ) this Act of Parliament , as no sufficient Ground for our Faith and Practice in this Matter . I know not whether it favoured more of Contempt of the State , or of the Church , or was more designed to ridicule , or to refute Presbyterie , that he Choosed such a Title for his Book as he hath done ? but we are in utrumque parati ; to despise his Mocking , and to Answer his Material Arguments , though we have neither leasure nor Inclination to Blott so much Paper as he hath done , about Matters that be remote from the main Question . § . 29. His Proofs of the Peoples Inclination towards Bishops are much of a size of strength with what we have already heard , Petrie commends the State of the Church in the year 1576 : and Spotswood speaketh of the Respect that the Superintendents had : Beza also , and Knox rejoyced in that State of the Church : Ans. I believe , so should the Presbyterians of our days have done if they had then Lived : There was a Glorious Reformation that was cause of great Joy , and though Superintendencie was no desireable thing in it self , yet in that time of the Churches great Exigence , it was no small Mercie , and Matter of Joy , that there were a few worthy Men to manage the Affairs of the Church , when as many as were needed could not be had ; and it was just that these Men should be had in great Esteem : yet it is no good Argument , the People Inclined to have Superintendents when it was simply needful , therefore they inclined to have them , or Bishops , perpetuated in the Church . Another great Argument is , even in after times , and the more advanced State of Presbyterie , when Ten or Twelve were severely dealt with by the Magistrat and Six or Seven more called to London , for their forwardness in that way , yet all things went peaceably in Scotland : as if People were always well pleased with what passeth when they make no Disturbance to the Government : he must in Justice allow us the use of the same Argument for the Aversion of all Scotland from Episcopacie , and their Inclination to Presbyterie , seing the Nation have these years past , been in Peace , though he , and some of his Partie Complain of the hardest usage that can be . That Episcopacie prevailed , 1610 , Proveth no more for the one side , than the prevailing of Paritie , 1592 , and again , 1690 , Proveth for the other side . Yea , submitting to Episcopacie , so far as to sit in Synods , and Presbyteries with a Bishop , was no Argument of Approving it , in the case of the Church that then was ; when the Judicatures of the Church were in their Integritie , and Bishops thrust in on them : It was another Case at the last Erection of Episcopacie , when all Church Meetings were laid aside by Civil Authority , and were called again only by the Bishops Authority . He Chargeth Calderwood . ( and G. R. for the great Crime of following him in this piece of Historie ) that he had said , that it was Statute in Parliament , 1565 , that no other Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical be acknowledged within this Realm than that which is , and shall be , within this same Kirk , Established presently , or which floweth therefrom , concerning Preaching the Word , Correction of Manners , or Administration of the Sacrament . If I should Confess that I find not these Words in the Act which Calderwood citeth : yet our Author should not have so much Advantage against him , or G. R. either , as he Boasteth of ; unless he will Condemn his Darling Historian Spotswood also : who sayeth , p. 214. that the matter of Policy and Jurifdiction of the Church was refeered to the consideration of certain Lords delegated by the Estates : there is as little of this in the Act that he Citeth , as there is of what Calderwood had mentioned : whence these two Historians had their vouchers for what they say , it seems my Antagonist cannot tell ; nor could I , till I met with an old Edition of King James the si●ths Acts of Parliament , Printed by John Ross at Edinburgh , 1575. Where Parliament 1569 , Act 12 , the Words are expresly set down . It seems his Party dreaded the Force of this Citation ; and have taken care to stifle it : For in Edition Edinburgh , 1682 , called the little Acts of Parliament , that Act ( being the 12th Chapter , Parliament , 1567 ) is wholly left out . That Superintendencie was then in the Church ; is no Argument that Prelacie was settled in the Church ; as what was intended should continue ; but they were then intending another sort of Jurisdiction , as the event did shew . What he so critically carpeth at , p. 293. about a Citation out of Leslyes Historie ; is pure quibling ; it was not denied that Popish Bishops sat in Parliament , but rather acknowledged ; yet Lesly was cited to shew that it did not long continue so . If there be any material Change in that Citation from the Authors Words , let the Reader judge ; after all the frivolous Critticism he hath made . The Reader may observe how exact a Historian this Man is , who hussily Bantereth others with defectiveness that way : for he telleth us , that Meeting of which Lesly sayeth , that the Ecclesiasticks were Excluded , was not a Parliament ; but at most a Privy Council : Lesly supposeth it to be a Meeting that had the Legistative Power , which I thought had been in the King and Parliament ; and that they made such a Law as was the Fountain of all the Heresies , ( i. e. the Protestant Religion ) and other evils that followed . That he calleth it Concilium , is nothing contrarie to what I say ; seing Parliaments are often so called in Latine , § 30. For his fourth Enquirie , he manageth his Answer to it , with such undecent Reflection both on the Church and on the State ; that I judge others are meeter to deal with him about these things than I , or any in my capacity ; and the Matter ( as himself confesseth ) not being capable of Argument ; nor any publick Deed being extant ( except the Act of Parliament which he so petulantly exposeth ) by which it might be Determined : I see no ground here for Debate , but our Affirmation and his Denial ; and I know he will lay no more weight on the one , than we lay on the other . For what he is at a great deal of pains about , to refute what G. R. and another who writ the farther Vindication , had said very transiently , and without intending a laborious Paper combate about a Matter so remote from the vitals of our Controversie with the Episcopalians , I say , all that Rapsodie that he hath written on this Head , I am content to refer it to the judicious and unbyassed Reader ; to consider whether our Cause , or this Authors Reputation as a Wise Man , and one exercised in matters of solid Reason or Learning , do more Suffer by it ; it is Truth , and the Ordiances of Christ that I am set for the Defence of , not Men , my self , nor others ; unless it were in Matters that may reflect blame on the Cause that I own . Wherefore I shall wholly pass over this Enquirie : if any one who hath more leasure than I have ; or is more inclined toward Eristick jangle , will take him to Task , and deal with him at his own Weapon , he may do it . I say not this , as either being convinced by his Reasons , or seeing them to be Unanswerable . I am still in the Opinion I was in before , concerning the Inclinations of the People of Scotland ; especially the Soberer sort of them , and these of the best Lives , with respect to Episcopacie and Presbyterie . Only this I confess , that I believe there was never a time since the Reformation in Scotland arrived at any degree of Consistence , or Stabilitie , wherein the Inclinations of the Generalitie of the People were less cocerned about any thing of Religion , either the more Essential , or the less Substantial part of it ; on the one side , or on the other ; so Fatal impressions the Flood-gates of all manner of Profanness , and Looseness that had broken out in the late Times , under Prelacie , had made on the Minds of Men ; and to such height Irreligiousness arrived . Yet I Affirm , that the real Respect that Men had to Religion , in any of the concernments of it , were rather on the Presbyterian , than on the Episcopal side . I shall say less of his fifth Enquirie , for I freely confess , that neither the Inclinations of the People for Presbyterie , nor Episcopacy being a Grievance to the Nation ; nor our being Reformed by Presbyters , if all this were true , evident and certain ; none of these , nor all of them in conjunction , could by themselves , infer that Prelacie should be Abolished : nor ( I am confident ) did the Parliament ever intend to have them so considered Wherefore , if my Antagonist , or any for him , can prove that Prelacie is the Ordinance of Christ for the Gospel Church : we shall part with all these Arguments for its Abolition , and shall cordially own it : but if that cannot be done ( as I am sure it cannot ) and if these Propositions be true ; they afford an Argument for the Abolition of Prelacie , that he will never be able to Answer . And I shall dismiss this Enquirie ; and indeed this whole Book , after I have Noted a few things ( without insisting on Debates ) out on a Discourse that he beginneth afresh , p. 333. about the Principles of our Reformers : he pleadeth for their fallabilitie : he is not for all they held or did : we say the same of both . Only I take Notice , that here he overthroweth the Argument that he had so much insisted upon against us ; that our Reformers were not exactly for the whole of our Way . Though I do not pretend to Defend all the Principles that were held by our Reformers : yet many of these which he blameth them for might easily be Defended ; if it were not to Digresse from our present Controversie about Church Government . The Reproaches that he casteth on Master Knox deserve Correction ; I wish , some may undertake it . His Challenge to us , p. 344. to shew wherein they have deserted the Reformers , so far as they Agreed with the Primitive Church , or , what is an Approach toward Poperie , I say , Episcopacie is an Instance of both : but this being the Matter of our main Debate , the Decision must depend on that . He undertaketh to make it appear that the present Presbyterians have receded from the Principles of our Reformers , in 1. The Faith. 2. The Worship . 3. The Discipline . 4. The Government of the Church . In stead of this last , he insisteth on their laying aside the Bishops from voting in Parliament . I cannot now degresse to consider what here he sayeth ; though he insisteth on them at great length ; for I diverted into the Considerations of this Book , onely in so far as the Controversie I have with him ( or who ever is the Author in the other Book ) is concerned . And there are some of these that are also there Debated , which I intend to consider . I have alreadie said , that we reverence our Reformers ; but neither thought their Reformation at first Perfect ; nor themselves Infallible . I hope some , or other will take him to Task on these Heads , and Defend the Principles of this Church , from his insolent Obloquie : I wish him a more temperat Spirit than appeareth in his Discourses ; and particularly in his Ridiculeing of the Administration of the LORD'S Supper , as it is managed in the Church of Scotland . SECTION IX . Of Holy Days of Humane Institution . I Return now to the Enquirie into the New Opinions : and proceed to his Third Chapter ; wherein he pretendeth enquire into several new Opinions . The first of which is , that we are against the Observing the Holy Days , of CHRISTS Nativity , Resurrection , Assention ; and Commemorating the Piety , Faith , and Martyrdom of the Saints that are mentioned in Scripture . We do not denie the Charge , so far as being against the Anniversaries observation of these Days doth reach . That this is a new Opinion we denie : though at the same time we confess the contrarie Practice is verie old : yet we maintain , that no such thing was injoyned , or practised in the Apostolick Church ; which is older than the Church that he Appealeth to . He is too confident when he sayeth , it is certainly a new Doctrine ; for we are certain on the other hand , that there is Warrant for it in the Word of GOD ; as there is for no new Doctrine . He sayeth , it flieth in the Face of the whole Christian Church , Antient and Modern , Reformed , and Unreformed : and other harsh Words he is pleased to run us down with . This is Passion , not Reason . A modest Dissent from a Church or a Person , though of the greatest Veneration that is due to Men , is no flying in their Face . And if he will needs call it so , our Apologie is , if they flie in the Face of the Holy Scripture , we chuse rather to Differ from them , than with them to flie in its Face : but we put no such Construction on the Opinions , or Practices of other Churches , Antient or Modern . I am not without hope that it may be made appear , that he and his Complices , flie in the Face , both of Antiquitie , and of the Reformed Churches , by their Opinion about Holy Days ; and Differ from them more than we do , which will appear when we come to State the Question : which he hath never minded , though he engageth in the Debate with a great deal of warmth . This is Andalatarum more pugnare , to Fight in the dark . We are now but in the Threshold , considering the Opinion of other Churches . He will allow us none but the Church of Geneva , and that with Calvines dislike , For Calvines dislike of the Abrogation of the Holy Days by the Magistrats of Geneva , he Citeth two Epistles of his ; which he doth not distinguish by their Numbers ; so that I cannot find them : not being willing , nor at leisure , to turne over the whole Book for them . But I shall more distinctly point , him to other two of his Epistles , wherein , though he doth not fully declare for our Opinion , he doth plainly condemn that of our Prelatists . They are , ad Mons. Belgradenses , Ep. 51. p. 112. edit : Hanov. 1597. and Mansoni Poppio Ep. 278. p. 520. I say the same of our Reformers , and of the French Protestants . § 2. I shall now address my self to fixing of the true State of the Question . And 1. We do not , with the Anabaptists in Germany ( for some Anabaptists in this differ from them ) and with the Petro Brusiani , cited by Parae in Rom. 14. Dub. 4. out of the Life of Bernhard . lib. 3. cap. 5. disowne all Holy Days . The Lords Day we owne , as of necessity to be observed , being of Divine Institution . Pardon a small Digression : I see no ground to think that Peter Bruce was of this Opinion : all that I find ascribed to him , Cent. Magd. 12. cap. 5. and that even by Petrus Cluniacensis , his Antagonist , is , Die Dominica , & aliis , putabat licitum esse vesci carnibus . The Centuriators wish , Utinam vero ipsius Petri scripta extarent , ex quibus multo rectius facere judicium liceret , quam ex illis qui in defensionem Pontificiarum abominationum conspirarunt . He was one of these famous Witnesses for the Truth against Antichrist , who went under the Name of Waldenses , Albigenses , &c. It is like he might disowne other Holy Days ; but there is no ground to think that he disowned the Lords Day . 2. We maintain it to be unlawful , to observe the Jewish Holy Days ; I should bring Arguments for this : but I think our Adversaries will hardly contradict this Assertion : the Lord having of old appointed these Days , and all the legal Rites , for Prefiguring Gospel Mysteries ; and the Apostle expresly condemning this Observation : Gal. 4. 10. Col. 2. 16 , 17. where they are expresly called Shadows of Things to come . 3. We hold , that not only these Jewish Days are not to be observed as such , or on Jewish Principles ; but the Days ought not to be set apart as Anniversary Holy Days , on account of Decency , Policy , and Order , in the Christian Church . All the Arguments will have place here that were used by the Primitive Christians against them who keep Easter on the same Day with the Jews . 4. Our Adversaries are not one among themselves about observing the Holy Days : some count them more Holy than other Days , and hold that God's extraordinary Works have sanctified some times , and advanced them , so that they ought to be , with all Men that Honour God , more Holy than other Days . So Hooker Eccles. Polic , lib. 5. § . 60. where he layeth a Foundation for Believing that these Days are Holy , and to be observed , antecedently to the Churches Institution . Others of them , are of a contrary Opinion , Couper Bishop of Galloway , in his Resolution of some Scruples , about the Articles of Perth , which are set down in the History of his Life , p. 8. of his Works ; hath these Words : in my Mind , no King on Earth , no Church may make a Holy Day ; only the Lord who made the Day , hath that Prerogative : only he sheweth that a Day may be set apart for Preaching , as the Birth Days of Princes are for Publick Rejoycing , &c. Our Author hath not told us , which of these Opinions he owneth . 5 : It is one Question , whither a Day may be set apart for Commemoration of some Mystery of our Religion , by Men ; and as a part of Gods Worship . And another , whither such Days may be set apart for Worshipping God , merely as a piece of good Order and Policy . The first the Papists are for : the other most of our Prelatists owne : though some of them differ little from the Papists in this Matter . 6. The Question is not , whither a Day may be set apart occasionally for Religious Worship : that is , when any special Providence giveth occasion for Fasting and Humiliation , or for Thanksgiving and Rejoycing : seing in that Case , there is a special Providential Call to that Solemn Work : but , whither a Day may be set apart to be observed constantly , and as it recurreth every Year . The one maketh a Difference between that Day of the Year , and other Days ; and exempteth it altogether ; and constantly , from Civil Use ; the other doth not so ; the one maketh a Difference among Days ; the other maketh the Difference only in the Works , or Dispensations of God , which occasioneth such Work on that Day , and not on another . All that the Church doth in the one Case , is , whereas the present Providence calleth to the Work , as it is expressed , Isa. 22. 12. The Church only determineth the Circumstance of Time ; which must be done : in the other , the Church determineth more than a necessary Circumstance , viz. That there shall be such a Solemnity : Which the Lord hath not injoyned , neither do we doubt , but that the Church may appoint recurrent Days for Solemn Worship ; to wit , while the present Providence that calleth to such Work continueth . Weekly , or Monthly Fasts may be appointed under a lasting Calamity or Threatning . 7. One Question is , whither any Anniversary Holy Days should be allowed , or may be appointed by Man : another , whither any are to be allowed in Commemoration of the Saints : for some are for the great Days ; as they call them ; which respect Christ , and our Redemption ; such as the Nativity , Resurrection , Ascension , and some others : who are wholly against Holy Days that respect only the Saints . 8. It is a Question , whither Days may be Dedicated to Saints : as the Papists do : and another , whither the Commemoration of Saints may be made on set Days : this last our Brethren are for : though it will be hard to separate these two : of which afterward . § 3. I shall now set down our Opinion , and wherein we differ from others . And first , we maintain , that God hath instituted the Observation of the Weekly Sabbath , as a part of that Religious Worship we owe to him . I do not expect that our Brethren will directly , and expresly controvert this : though some of them teach Doctrine not very consistent with it : which belongeth to another Head than what we are now upon . Only I take notice , that they who are most for observing other Holy Days , do usually shew least Zeal for the strict observing of the Lords Day , either in their Principle , or their Practice . 2. I assent , that the Lord hath not instituted , under the Gospel , any other recurrent Holy Days , nor enjoyned the Observation of them . If any think otherwise , they must prove what they affirm . 3. The Church hath no Power to institute , or injoy the Observation of any recurrent , or Anniversary Holy Days , for Religious Use , without a special and present Occasion . 4. Any Days that the Church setteth apart occasionally , for Religious Work , are no further Holy , than that Holy Work is the Design of their Appointment : they have no Sanctity in themselves ; nor can Men impart it to them . 5. Though we are far from severe Censuring , either Ancient or Modern Churches , or Persons , who are for some of these Holy Days ; yet we cannot be of their Sentiment in this : nor look on these Days as indifferent things , as some of them do . 6. That the Reader may be undeceived about the Opinion of the Reformed Churches , which our Author talketh so much of , and blameth us for differing from them : he may know , that our Episcopal Brethren are at greater Distance from them , in this Matter , than we are : for they condemn the Saints Holy Days : so Paraeus in Rom. 14. Dub. 4. so Calvin , in both the Epistles cited , § . 1. The Helvetick Confession of Faith , cap. 24. in Cor. Confess . p. 54. Baldwin citeth Danaeus disowning all the Holy Days , in these Words ; Dies Christo dicatos tollendos existimo , judicoque ; quotidie nobis in Evangelii praedicatione nascitur , circumciditur , moritur , resurgit Christus . Turretin Theolog. Elentic . loc . 11. cap. 15. Though he allow Liberty enough for observing of the Holy Days that relate to Christ ; yet he determineth the Controversie about Holy Days far otherwise than our Episcopal Brethren do : I shall transcribe his Words : after he hath told us that we ought always to remember Christ and his Benefits , and should do it in the Word and Sacraments ; he addeth , sed ( questio est ) an ad singulorum illorum beneficiorum & mysteriorum recordationem certi quidem dies festi , Deo sacri , annuatim recurrentes , a Christianis quotannis celebrandi sint ? quod nos negamus . he also denyeth these Days to be more Holy than others , or a part of Gods Worship , or to be Celebrated sub ratione mysterii . Markius also Compend . cap. 12. § . 17. He condemneth the Difference of Days that was brought into the Church , from the first Christians yearly Commemoration of the Martyrs . When my Antagonist hath duly considered these things , I hope he will not find cause to represent us as so widely differing from the Reformed ; and himself so near to them , as he would now make the World believe . I do not pretend that they are generally , wholly on our Side , in this ; for many of them look on the Observation of these Days as indifferent ; in which we cannot assent to them . But I know of none of them who imposeth them with such Rigour , and talk so highly of the necessity of observing them , being recommended by the Church ; or of the Religion that is in this Observation , as the Episcopal Party in England and Scotland do . Our Brethren do also stand by themselves , in their keeping of Saints Days : and in the Number of their Holy Days ; which in England is greater than the Number of these that God injoyned to the Jews ; forthe Primitive Church , at some Distance from the Apostolick Times , may be they may have some Countenance there ; yet these Saints Days were not then so so injoyned , and urged , as they urge and impose them , nor made such a Yoke to the People ; as may be gathered from Socrates histor . Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 22. whose Words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. I am of Opinion , that as many other things crept in by Custom , in diverse places , so the Feast of Easter prevailed among all People , from a certain private Custom , and Observation ; in so much that ( as I said before ) not one of the Apostles hath any where prescribed to any Man , so much as one Rule of it ; it was observed , not by Canon , but of Custom ; and afterward he taxeth some , who count Fornication indifferent , and contend about Holy Days , as it were for Life and Death : they despise the Commands of God , and establish Canons of their own . I shall add the Opinion of our Reformers , and the Protestant Church of Scotland , in her first State , and that out of the hist. motuum in regno Scotiae , under the borrowed Name of Iraeneus Philaleth . p. 264 , 265. libro primo disciplinae , cap. 1. Censetur ; Festa Nativitatis , Circumcisionis , Epiphaniae , &c. Apostolorum , Martyrum , & B. Virginis Mariae penitus abolenda esse , cum eorum observatio nullibi a Deo in Scripturis imperetur ; rogandus itaque Magistratus , ut obnitentes civili authoritate coerceat : in Synodo Nationali Edinburgena , anno 1566. Major illa Confessio Helvetica in omnibus comprobatur , excepto Articulo de diebus Festis : porro cum Reformatae Helveticae Ecclesiae , licet Festa illa celebrent , a Superstitione Ponttificia sibi caveant ; evidenter colligitur , omnem omni modo dierum illorum observationem rejectam fuisse ab hujus Ecclesiae Reformatoribus ; quorum Vestigia presserunt Posteri ; nam anno 1575. in Synodo Nationale male acceptum fuit ; quod Pastores quidam & Lectores in tractu Abredonensi Populum convocarent ad Conciones & Preces publicas diebus illis Festivis ; ac in mandatis datum a Synodo Nationali , anni 1575. Ecclesiarum Visitatoribus , ut interdicerent Pastoribus Administrationem S. Coenae temporibus illis Festivis ; quasi majoris efficaciae sint Sacramenta tum celebrata . Denique constans haec fuit Pastorum omnium sententia ; solum diem Dominicum Festivum esse & Deo sacrum . Referebant alii Regem Jacobum in Synodo Nationali anni 1590. publice Deo gratias egisse , quod Rex esset in Ecclesia totius Orbis purissima ; imo quae Genevensem ipsam superet , nam ( inquit ) colunt Genevenses Festa Nativitatis & Paschatis , qua autem authoritate id faciant , ipsi viderint . This might allay our Brethrens fierce Zeal for their Holy Days . We judge not others that use them without Superstitious Opinions ( though we cannot well separate the Practice of them from External Superstition ) and we desire the like Forbearance from others , if we cannot use them ; for which I shall now give some Reasons , before I consider my Antagonists further Discourse on this Subject . § 4. Our first Reason is , these Days were not instituted by Christ , or his Apostles , nor did they injoyn them to be instituted , nor give Power , or Allowance to the Church to do it afterward : Ergo , there is no sufficient Warrant for them . And it cannot be rationally accounted for , that either the Church should impose , in the Matter of Religion especially , or People should be obliged to submit to , what hath no sufficient Warrant . That they were not instituted by Christ nor his Apostles , is beyond doubt : our Adversaries do not pretend that they were : for there is no apparent Ground for such a Thought ; and if it could be made appear , the Case were changed : for then they were not the Days that we Debate about . That Christ and his Apostles have given no Warrant to the Church to make such an Institution , we must believe , unless our Adversaries can instruct this Warrant by plain Scripture , or sufficient Consequence from Scripture , or strong Reason , ( if Reason can have place in such a Matter of Fact ) if it be Answered , the Church hath Warrant from Scripture to appoint what is for Edification , and for Decency and Order ; and these Holy Days are such . Ergo. I Reply : it is denyed that the Church may appoint whatever is thought fit for Edification ; the Lord hath appointed sufficient Means of Grace , and of Edification ; and the Church must not devise new Means for that End ; but faithfully use the Means that he hath appointed : or if any think that the Church may appoint Means of Edification above what Christ hath appointed , both they accuse Christs Appointments for that End as insufficient , in the Way of outward Means : And they are to shew what Warrant the Church hath for so doing . Beside , that Means of Mens devising are not like to be effectual for Edification , if Means of Gods Appointment be not so effectual , as is hinted , Luke 16. 30 , 31. If Moses and the Prophets , Gods Means , cannot perswade one to believe ; the Preaching of one risen from the Dead ( a Mean that a Man contrived ) could not do it . As for the Decency , Order , and Policy , that they alledge to warrant the Church to institute Holy Days ; these are a necessary , or needless Decency , &c. If this last , there can be no warrant for what may effect it ; if the first , the former Argument recurreth , that God , by his own Institutions , hath not sufficiently provided for the Necessities of his Church . Again , if we should grant that the Church hath Warrant to provide for all that is necessary to make the Worship of God decent , &c. They must also shew us a Warrant to judge what is so necessary ; if it be alledged , that the Holy Days are thus necessary , either they must instruct this , and shew us that Scripture , or Nature hath made them necessary , and that the Ordinances of God are undecent , disorderly , &c. without them ; or the Church doth so determine because she will : and in that Case we require a Warrant for such Lordly Domination over the People of God. If it be further Answered , that the Church hath the same Warrant for appointing these Days , as for appointing occasional Fasts , or Thanksgivings . Reply , Not so . For the Lord himself , by his Providence , calleth to these Exercises , to be Solemnly gone about , on such Occasions : but doth not tell us whither the Fast shall be on Tuesday or Thursday , in this Week , or the next : here is a Circumstance of Time , which must be determined by Men ; Nature it self maketh it necessary , supposing the Providential Call of God , to the Work on that Occasion : it is not so with the Holy Days : there is no special Providence occurrent , which calleth to these Solemnities at one time , more than at another . Obj. Why hath the Lord left the determining of the time of these occasional Solemnities to the Church , and not of the other also . Ans. Because the former could not be determined in Scripture , for all Times , Places , and Occurrences , without Swelling it to a Huge , and Burdensome , and less Useful Bulk ; the latter could easily have been determined in the Bible ; it is actually done in the Old Testament ; and if the Lord had thought such a Determination needful , it had been easie to do it also in the New Testament . § 5. Our second Argument : Either the Apostles had Warrant from God , to institute these Days , or not ; if they had not , how is it imaginable that the Rulers of the Church , who came after them , had such Power granted by God : Though some Exalt Episcopal Power to a Monstruous , and Absurd Height , yet I think none of them have the Confidence to say , that the Bishops , in that do , what the Apostles , in the same Case , might not do . If they alledge that the Apostles had such Power ; then I propose another Dilemma ; either it was for Edification , that such Days should then have been appointed , as much as it was in after times , or not ; if it was , the Apostles were Negligent , or Unfaithful , in not appointing them , which is Blasphemy to think , seing in all these things , they were infallibly guided by the Spirit of God : if it was not , our Adversaries are obliged to shew us what was the Necessity of it afterward , which was not in the Apostles Days . I know not what can be Answered to this Argument , except they alledge there was not Occasion in the Apostles Days , for these Appointments ; many of the great Things that are to be Commemorated on these Days , falling out afterward Reply , The greatest Things , for which these Days are kept , were then past : Christs Birth , Circumcision , Death , Resurrection , Ascension , the Effusion of the Spirit , also , the Conversion of the Apostles , Stephens Martyrdom ; and yet no Anniversary Day appointed for any of these : and for the Martyrs that came after , the Apostles could easily have given a Hint that they should be so Honoured : if they had set apart a Day for Remembring the Martyrdom of Stephen , and of James , this had been Apostolick Example for after Ages ; which is a good Warrant for our Practice : whence we may rationally conclude , that they had not received this Usage from the Lord , seing they did not deliver it to the Churches , neither by Precept nor Example : if it be said that there was less need of Commemoration when these things were recent , and Religion in its Vigour . Reply , The Apostles knew they would grow old things , and that all the Means that our Lord himself thought fit for the Remembrance of them , would be needed . Beside , Religion was fallen into some decay , and all the Means that ever were needful , were needed before some of the Apostles went off the Stage . Again , some of the Truths that are Commemorated on these Days , were controverted , and violently opposed , both by Heathens , and Apostate Christians , even while the Apostles lived : and therefore they thought of , and appointed other Means for Preserving and Propagating these Truths , but never minded this . § 6. Our third Reason is , the Apostle doth expresly condemn the Observation of Days , under the New Testament , as besouging to the Jewish Pedagogy , and unfit for the Christian Church State , Gal. 4. 9 , 10. Col. 2. 16 , 17. We know the Lords Day cannot there be comprehended , because it is injoyned by the ●ord himself : therefore we must understand this Prohibition of Days that have no Warrant from the Lord , that are the Appointments of Men. Here they have several Answers at hand , 1. These Places are to be understood of the Jewish Holy Days : these were not to be observed , being now abrogated , and because the thing designed by them is already fulfilled : and the Observation was , on the Matter , a denying that Christ is come . Reply , It is not to be denyed , that here are directly , and especially meant , the Jewish Holy Days : but that they are not the only Days forbidden , I prove , First , The Prohibition is general , and without Limitation : therefore no Limitation can be made by Men , but what the Lord himself maketh in the Scripture : which we do not find , except of the Lords Day . Non distinguendum est , ubi Lex non distinguit : Secondly , Seing the Jewish Days are here forbidden , and no other put in their Room , we have Cause to think that no other are allowed , more than they are : when the Jewish Sacraments were abolished , others are substitute to them : when the Jewish Sabbath was laid aside , another was put in its Place , by Divine Authority , as may be deduced by clear Consequence from Scripture ; because the Lord would not have the Gospel Church to be without Sacraments and a Sabbath . But when the Jewish Sacrifices were abolished , other Sacrifices to be offered by the Ministers of the New Testament , are not appointed in their Place , ( whatever the Papists say to the contrary ) and when the Jewish Days were laid aside , none other were brought in their Stead : because the Lord would have no other Sacrifices , nor Holy Days under the Gospel . Thirdly , if the Lord will not be served by the Observation of these Days , which once had the Stamp of his own Authority , is it like that he will be pleased with a Sort of Holy Days that he never injoyned , but are the pure Devices of Man ? Fourthly , These Days are forbidden on general Grounds , that will reach all Days which are not appointed by the Lord ; for Gal. 4. These Days are condemned as Weak and Beggerly Elements , that is , they have no Force to Edifie , being destitute of Divine Authority , and consequently of the Divine Blessing , And Col. 2. they are Comanded , not to let Men Judge them , that is impose on them , injoyn such things to be Observed , and Censure them as guilty if they observed them not . So Hamond in loc . again , their Submitting to these things is called a voluntary Humilitie , and will Worship : and it is said of all these Observations ( among which these ●oly days were ) that they were after the Commandments of Men , and their Doctrines , and that the Observers of them did not hold the Head , CHRIST ; this was a receding from him as the Head and Law-giver of his Church , and betaking themselves to other Law-givers . ( I say not that this Phrase importeth no more than this ? now all these Reasons of condemning the Observation of the Jewish Holy Days , do also reach other Holy Days that have no Divine warrant . Another Answer to our Argument is , the Apostle condemneth the Observation of these Days as if they were still in Force by Divine Command , and were not Abrogated by the coming of Christ ; but not simply as if they might not be observed for the Churches Authority injoyning them . Reply , This is to make a sense for the Text , not to find it in the Text it self : they are simply forbidden , without any such restricted sense . Again , if the LORD hath laid aside what himself hath once Appointed for a special use , it is strange that Men should revive that again , and bring it again into the Church for another use : especially , when the LORD himself hath Appointed other Means , and not these , for that other use : he hath laid aside the Jewish Holy days which Represented CHRIST to come : and he hath Appointed the Word and Sacraments to keep us in mind that he is come , and what he hath done for us : but our Episcopal Men are not content with that , but they will revive some of the old Jewish days , as Easter , &c. to keep us in Memorie of CHRIST alreadie come . Answer Thirdly , they say we must not observe these Days as the Jews did , with a Superstitious Opinion of Worship , or as if they were in themselves Holier than other days ? yet we may Observe them for keeping up Order and good Policie in the Church . Reply , The weakness of this Plea is alreadie discovered . All the Order , Decencie and Policie that the LORD requireth in his Church may be obtained without them ; as the Patrons of them do , on the Matter , confess ; when they tell us that these , and all the rest of the Ceremonies , are in themselves , and antecedently to the Churches imposing them , indifferent . Beside , not the Principle only , or the Opinion that Men have about these Days , is condemned in these Scriptures ; but the Practice it self . § . 7. Our Fourth Reason is , the imposing of the Holy Days doth derogate from that Christian Libertie that the LORD hath given to his People ; which the LORD doth not allow , Gal. 5. 1. They are contrarie to this Libertie two ways . 1. It is the Libertie of Christians to be under no Yoke in matters of Religion ( we refuse not civil Subjection to our Rulers in all lawful things ) but that of Christ ; to have him for their only Law-giver , James 4. 12. He hath not given Power to Men to make new Laws for his Church , but to declare his Laws ; and to Execute his Censures that he hath Appointed on the Breakers of them . Wherefore , when Christ hath given us one Holy day to be perpetually Observed , and no more ; if Men will enjoyn moe Days , they make Laws of their own , and bring the People under their Yoke ; which is not Christs . And the Places last Cited do evidently Import this : The LORD had now delivered his People from the Yoke of Ceremonies which himself had laid on them , and the false Apostles were endeavouring to wreath that Yoke still on their Necks : and it is as much Bondage , if any will wreath another Yoke upon them which is none of Christs : now that Scripture biddeth them beware of such Yokes . 2. The fourth Commandment alloweth the People of GOD six days of the Week for their lawful worldly Imployments : this Instituting of Holy days Abridgeth that Libertie , and that merely by the Authoritie of Men. It is not so when occasional Solemnities are Appointed ; because the Religious , Solemn Work ( on which abstinencie from Labour doth necessarily follow ) is determined by the Lord , and intimated to us by his Providence ; the Church doth no more but Chuse this Day , rather than that ; If it be said , that Magistrats may Restrain People from their Work for civil Causes ; why not then for Religious Reasons . Answer , Men have not the the same Power in Religion as in Civil Things ; though restraint from Work is the same in both ; so is not the occasion ; the one must be chosen by the LORD ; the other may by Men. Beside , that Magistrats must have some good Ground , for such Restraint ; otherwise they will not be appointed of GOD , though obeyed by the People , I might here add all the Arguments that we commonly use against Humane Ceremonies in Religion ; that it is an Addition to the Word or Rule that GOD hath managed the Affairs of His house by . A symbolizing with the Papists , without Necessitie . It is Superstition , being above and beyond what GOD hath Enjoyned , &c. I shall only adde that the Scripture calleth the weekly Sabbath , the LORDS Day , as a Name of distinction from other Days : but it could be no distinguishing Name , if the Nativitie , Circumcision , &c. were all Dedicated to our LORD ; for every one of these were the LORDS Day , as well as it ; And therefore , when John said he was in the Spirit on the LORDS Day , we could not know whether it was Christmass day , or Easter day ; or Good Friday , or the first of January , the Circumcision Day , or some ordinary first day of the Week . § . 8. I come now to Examine what my Antagonist bringeth for his Holy Days , and against our Opinion . He sayeth , p. 169. they were Originally appointed to Commemorat the Mysteries of our Redemption , with all possible Zeal , gratitude and Solemnity . If he can shew us that Christ or his Apostles appointed them for these Ends : we shall lay our hand on our Mouth , and not mutter against them ; but if they be so Appointed by Men , we ask quo warranto ? CHRIST himself hath appointed Ordinances for these Ends : particularly , the LORD'S Supper is Instituted as a Commemoration of the Mysteries of our Redemption : this do in remembrance of Me : if he hath said so of any of the Controverted Holy Days we shall receive them . But I desire to know what Power the ordinarie Pastors of the Church have to Institute special Ordinances for commemorating the Mysteries of our Redemption . I shall further Debate this with him , by and by . Mean while I observe , that he is beyond many of his Brethren , who disown the Mysterie of these Days , and all Religious Worship , in the Observation of them , and set them no higher , than that they are for Decencie , Order , and Policie ; And himself , some times when it is for his purpose , seemeth to be of the same mind , as p. 170. he frameth an Objection to himself ; from the Abuse of them ; which alas , is too notour , and gross , and frequent . His Answer is , so may the most Holy Exercises , and the highest Mysteries ; and there is nothing so Sacred in Religion , or so universally useful in Nature , against which some such Objection may not be started . I do much wonder that a Man of his pretensions to Learning and Reading , and who doth so superciliously despise others for defectiveness in both , should so superficially Propose , & so slightly Answer an Argument that hath been so much insisted on , and his Answer so fully refuted . Doth he not know , if he hath Read any thing of the Controversie about Ceremonies ; that the Presbyterians never pleaded that Holy Exercises , Mysteries of Religion , or things universally useful in Nature ; yea , or what hath the Stamp of Divine Authoritie were it never so small , should be Abandoned because Abused : The Abuse should be Reformed , and the thing retained : But this our Argument speaketh only of indifferent things , which have no intrinsick Necessitie , nor Command of GOD to injoyn them , these we say , ( and have often Proved it ) should be removed , when grosly , and frequently Abused ; and that the Holy Days are so indifferent , I think he will not deny , if he do deny it , he is obliged to prove the Necessitie of them , not only against the Presbyterians , but also against his own Partie , who reckon them among the Indifferent things , the Regulating of which , is in the Courches Power . § 9. I now Consider his Debate with the Vindicator of the Kirk , ( as he calleth him ) about this verie Matter ; and particularly , about observing the anniverssary Feast of CHRISTS Nativity , which we call Christmass . The Reader who is at pains to Compare that Book , from p. 27. with what my Antagonist here sayeth against it , will find , that the most part , and the most material Passages , and what is most Argumentative in that Book , to this purpose , are passed over in silence : and but a few things touched . The first thing he is pleased to Notice is , I had said , the Question is not about the Commemoration of it , ( the Nativity of CHRIST ) but whether this Commemoration should be by an Ordinance of GOD ; or by an Appointment of Men. The occasion of this State of the Question was , he had asked ; might not the Church take care that this Glorious Mystery should not be forgotten . I Answered , no doubt it might , and should : and I had mentioned the Word , and Sacraments , as GODS Appointment for this End ; on which followeth the Question above set down . His Answer in this Book , to that Question is long , and made up of a great many Sentences , which I cannot well see the Connection of , nor pertinency to the present purpose ( may be another may . ) He first sayeth , what the Church doth in this is agreeable to the Will of GOD. If it be so , our Controversie is at an End : and I will crave him Pardon for all I have written on this Subject , But it might have been expected that this Assertion , ( which is the Determination of our Question ; which he fairly beggeth ) should have been Proved ; but he thinketh not fit to attempt that . But instead of Proof , we have it over again , in other and moe Words , ( for he wisely considered , that saying it once , and so barely was not enough to perswade the Stubborn Presbyterians ) And if ( sayeth he ) the manner of Commemoration ( viz. by an Anniversarie Solemnity ) be the immediate result of Ecclesiastical constitution , the Church medled wi●h no more than what was left by our Saviour , to her Power to determine . Still I desiderate Proof for what is so confidently Asserted ; and is indeed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If he can shew , by any good topick , that CHRIST left such a Power to his Church , we shall Debate no more with him : that should in all reason Command our heartie Assent . What followeth I cannot refute , for I cannot understand it ( which , may be , is my Dulness . ) It is , things indifferent in their Nature do generally carry in them the Advantages , and Encouragements of Necessary things . If this be true , it is Mystical : it may possiby have a hidden Sense ; If I may adventure to guess at this Riddle , he supposeth , the Appointing of Holy Days to be an indifferent thing : I cannot reconcile this with what he sayeth in the former page , that they were originally appointed to Communicate the great My●eries of our Redemption , with all possible Zeal , Gratitude and Solemnitie . What is conducive to so great Ends , and is for so necessarie Uses , I see not how it can be in its own nature indifferent ; far less can I make it consistent with what he saith in his Apologie for the Clergie p. 41. 42. do not we see that all Nations agree in this , that publick Solemnities , and Anniversarie Festivities are necessarie to the Beeing and beautie of Religion : how he will reconcile necessarie to the beeing of Religion , and indifferent ; is beyond my Capacitie . As little can I understand how that can be indifferent in its own nature which hath in it ( that is in its Nature ) the Advantages and Encouragements of a necessarie Thing . I wish he had Instanced in some of the Things comprehended under his large Word generally , which have some Advantages and Encouragements in them . Many Instances may be brought to the contrarie ; as , whether he walk a Mile on foot ; or Ride on Horseback , or go in Coach : whether Tuesday or Wednesday be appointed for the Weekly Sermon : whether Sermon shall begin on the LORD'S Day at Nine or Ten of the Clock ; whether the Pulpit stand toward the East or West ; &c. what Advantage or Incouragement of necessarie Things is in anie of these ? If he will shew us anie Encouragement or Advantage of any necessarie Thing ( and if that Encouragement or Advantage to that necessarie Thing be it self Necessarie ) to be in the Holy Days ; we shall look on them , not as the Appointments of the Church ; ( for it is to be supposed that this Necessitie is Antecedent to that , and doth not flow from it ) but either of Divine Institution , or of Natural Necessitie : neither of which , I suppose , he will ascribe to the Holy Days . § . 10. Another mystical Sentence followeth ; GOD will have our Obedience approved in indifferent Things , as well as Necessarie ; for Necessarie Things are approved for their intrinsick Excellencie ; the other are by way of Consequence and Relation . Here also AEdipus himself might be puzled to find out the Sense . So far as I reach his Meaning , I shall Examine what is asserted I verie well understand that GOD will prove our Obedience to Himself in indifferent as well as in necessarie Things , ( if there be anie thing necessarie antecedentlie to His will ) but that our Obedience to Man , must be so Proved , or that our Obedience to Church-Rulers is approved of GOD , when they enjoyn indifferent Things , in the Matters of Religion , to that I cannot assent ; and if I could , I should not scruple the implicite Obedience that some require . Is it by Chance or by some inward Byasse that this Author stumbleth so often into Popish Principles ? Before I assent to him in this , he must Prove that the LORD hath given the Church Power to injoyn indifferent Things which are parts of Religion , as the Holy Days are : next that we are obliged to Obey in Matters of Religion , what GOD hath left indifferent , but Men have thought fit to impose . What he Meaneth when he saith , the other ( indifferent Things ) are by Consequence and Relation : doth yet more puzle me . What is that Consequence , or what the Relation , for which indifferent things are approved as Necessarie Things are for their intrinsick Excellencies : this I cannot guess at . He cannot Mean that they are approved , because they are only consequential to Necessarie Things : for if that Consequence be Necessarie , it maketh the Things to be Necessarie , and to cease to be indifferent : if it be not Necessarie , but the Necessarie Things may do well without them , it can no way make them more approved than if there we no such Consequence . For their Relation to Necessaries Things , how can it make them approved ? if this he Mean , and if this Principle hold , the Papists have a notable Foundation for the Holiness of their Relicts ; and indeed , on this Principle it is Built : they are therefore Holy , because the Persons to whom they were related were so : may not relation transfuse a Holiness into his Coat , his Shoe , or what else was about him , as well as either the Birth of CHRIST transfuseth a Holiness into all the recurrent Days of all Years that Answer to that Day on which he was Born : or if he make the Relation of these Days to be to the Holy Exercises performed in them : shall everie time and everie place where there hath been Preaching , Prayer , and Celebration of the LORD'S Supper , &c. be ever after that Holy and Approved of GOD : this is strange Doctrine . He goeth on : when we Commemorate the Nativitie , we Worship GOD and adore His Love that sent His Son into the World : and the Church Commands that this should be performed with all possible Solemnitie at some stated and fixed Seasons : all this is true : But how doth this Prove his Point ; we question the Churches Power to appoint fixed and stated Days for this Commemorating Worship , and maintain that Christ hath appointed Ordinances of his own for this Commemoration , and he telleth us , the Church hath Commanded it also to be done : and there is an End. § . 11. He next bringeth somewhat like Reason : the Church may appoint these Seasons ( which are but Circumstances of time ) as well as the Jewish Church appointed the Hours of Prayer : at which the Apostles were present , Acts 2. 15. and 3. 1. for which there was no immediate and express Institution of GOD , but were kept by an Appointment and Custom of their own . Ans. 1. He doth injuriously insinuate that we require an immediate and express Institution for the Days that we will observe ; where have we ever said so ? let him Prove an Institution , either by express Words , or good Consequence , or Apostolick example ; or by anie good Medium , and we shall acquiesce . 2. The Appointing Holy Days is more than determining a Circumstance of Time. It is a sequestering of these Days perpetually from Civil , to Sacred Use ; it is to give them a relative Holiness , as far as Mans power can reach ; by making a Connection between them and the Solemn Exercises of Religion : it is a Dedication of such a part of our time to GOD ; so as we do not Dedicate other Days of our time ; and so making a difference among Days ; which we think can only be done by Divine Authoritie : the Apostles , Rom. 14. 5. counted it a weakness in some , who did no more than what our Author putteth off thus slightlie ; what they did was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They distinguished days one from another ; and that with respect to Religion ; which could not be without judging one of them better , and more Holy than another ; and so it is Expounded by Erasmus , and Vatablus : Eslius turneth it , eligit unum prae alio , is this no more but determining a Circumstance ? Beside , the Lord hath not left it to us to determine Circumstances of Worship as we please , but when it is Necessarie that a Circumstance that relateth to Worship must be determined , and it is not determined by the Lord in Scripture , in that case Men may , and must Determine it ; but this is not the Case in hand : there is no need that a stated Day be determined for Commemorating anie of the Mysteries of our Redemption ; seing the Lord himself hath appointed his own Day for that End , and his Ordinances as the Means of that Commemoration . 3. For the Jewish Church , appointing hours of Prayer : It is to be Considered , that Prayer was joyned with the daily Sacrifice . And these Hours of Prayer were appointed by God , not the Church . It is true , Maimnoides giveth account of three times of Prayer that the Jewes were obliged to Observe everie day , and on their Festivities they added a Fourth : but this was in the degenerat times of their Church ; as the Papists have their Canonoical hours ; Maimonides indeed telleth us that Esdras made Forms of Prayer , and they appointed the Number of Prayers according to the Number of the Sacrifices : but it cannot be Proved that these Constitutions were of that Antiquitie . § . 12. He further reasoneth thus , p. 171. there is something Analogical in the Christian Church to the Free-will Offerings of the Jews which are not the less Acceptable because Voluntarie : but rather the more , as long as they are within the Circle of these things which he hath Commanded . Ans. If we give Scope to our fancie to frame Analogies , and make these a Warrant for modes of Religious Worship , there shall be no end of devising new Ways of Worshipping God , while yet Men keep within the Compass of what is Commanded , as to the Substance of their Service . In this case the most fancieful Contriver , and Inventer of what is New , fine , and gaudie , shall be the best Divine : and there shall be no end of Contention : for what this Bishop thinketh a fine way , and Anological to what is Commanded , another shall think unfit : We have cause to bless the Lord that he hath given us a more sure Rule for our Direction , even the Scripture . 2. These Days Invented by Men are not Analogical to the Free-will-offerings of the Jewes : for these were Commanded in general , and a Warrant given for them , and Directions given how they should be Managed . Levit. 1. 3. and 3. 16. and manie other places : nothing of this can be said of the Holy Days ; People may Pray as oft as they will , and so may the Church meet as oft as she will for Religious Service , as the Jews might Offer as oft as they pleased : but the Jews were never allowed to set up stated Days , and to separate them from other Days for their Free-will-offerings : no more are Christians allowed to do so with respect to Prayers and Praises . 3. If Modes of Worship , or stated Days for them , be not less Acceptable because Voluntarie , there could be no such thing as Will Worship ; which yet the Scripture condemneth : and it were not Worshipping GOD in vain to Teach for Doctrine , the Commandments of Men ( viz. about Religious Worship ) which is contrary to Ma●th . 15. 9. I confess , Prayer and Praises are not the less accepted because Voluntarie : for these are Commanded Duties : but to separate Days from Common use to these Exercises , and that without special occasion , and constantly , when GOD hath appointed a recurrent Day for that end ; this is not Commanded in general , nor in particular : nor hath any Analogie with the Jewish Free-will-offerings : this we Assert , not to be within the Power of the Church : if he think it is , he must Prove it . He sayeth , the Doctrine of Presbyterians is contrary to all Christian Churches , and he telleth us of Citations to this purpose by Durellus : No doubt there may be many Citiations brought of Churches differing from us : but such an universal Assertion cannot be Proved by a Thousand Instances ; if we can bring one instance to the contrary : and for this we adduce the Apostolick Church : I have also § . 4. mentioned Churches , and Learned Men in them , who are as far from his Opinion , in the Matter of Holy Days , as from ours . I shall now add some more : Luther . lib. ad Nobilitatem Germanicam , Art. 5. consultum esse ut omnia Festa aboliantur , praeter diem Dominicum . And lib. de bonis operibus , Utinam ( saith he ) apud Christianos nullum esset Festum nisi dies Dominicus . That Calvin was really against them all , though for Peace he yielded to some few of them , I have shewed above . Bucer , in Math. 12. p. 118. hath these Words , Ferias alias , sive Dei-pari Virginis , sive Christi , sive Sanctorum Nomine commendatae sint , optarem abrogatas universas . And he bringeth strong Reasons for his Opinion , while he addeth : Primum enim constat , nullo Dei verbo invectas : ubi enim in Apostolicis Scriptis aliquid de Natali Christi , de Epiphania , & similibus ? facile crediderim Zelo Dei a veteribus introductas , qua Ferias Ethnicorum , seu clavum clavo pellerent , sed quis dicet hunc Zelum secundum Scripturam , qui omni adeo verbo , & Exemplo Scripturae careat ; moreque rationem humanam secuta est : Alting . in Exeges . Confess . August . Art. 15. p. 93. giveth account that the Lutherans objected to the Zuinglians , that they had no Holy Days except the Lords Day . I hope here are some Christian Churches on our side : Danaeus ( beside what I have cited out of him before ) hath these Words , Eth. Christian. lib. 2. cap. cap. 10. Nobis hodie eosdem dies observare nihil necesse est . And after , Itaque , neque dies illos colere , aut observare necesse est , aut operae proetium . And below , Apparet quanta superstitio postea inducta sit , & multitudo istorum dicrum Festorum , ut omnino tolli satiùs sit . Thes. Salmur . in a Disputation on this Subject , by Capellus , commends these Churches , which in their Reformation , did quite abolish them , ( it is evident then , that such Churches there were : and we are not contrary to all Christian Churches ) and he giveth his Reason , in religione enim , quando vel tantillum a Dei praescripto disceditur ; & homines aliquid sibi licere volunt , aut putant , omnia tuta timenda sunt , siquidem experientià comprobatum est , a quam exiguis , & imperceptibilibus initiis , mirus facius sit in Idololatriam , & horrendam superstitionem in Ecclesia Pontificia progressus . And after , Ut satius esse videatur , bono aliquo utili , sed minus necessario carere , quam ex illius usu incurrere in grave grandis alicujus mali periculum . Here I confess this Author doth not expresly condemn the Holy Days as simply unlawful , yet he is far from allowing them : Rivet on the fourth Command discourseth to the same purpose . I find also cited , Constitutiones Dordraci , 1578. Where are these Words . optandum esset libertatem sex diebus operandi a Deo concessam in Ecclesiis retineri , & solum diem Dominicum feriatum esse ? What is said may sufficiently evince that Presbyterians in this , are not so Antarctick to all the World as he imagineth : though it is their Principle to take the Apostolick Church , and none other for their Guide ; yet with due respect to all other sound Churches , both Ancient and Modern . § 13. He passeth over in silence not a few of the most material Passages , and what is truly Argumentative , in the Book that he hath now under Consideration ; and pitcheth on two Instances that he had given , and I had Answered , of Anniversary Holy Days instituted by the Jewish Church ; whence he pleadeth that the Christian Church may do the like ; the first is the Fasts mentioned , Zech. 15. The Answer to this was given , 1. God disowned these Fasts , and if it be alledged that they were disowned , only on Account of Neglect of Seriousness in Managing them , that must be proved . His Reply is , He leaves us to Guess what Word of Scripture he buildeth this Fancy upon . I crave him Pardon for that Omission ; himself supplieth it , p. 173. it is verse 5. Did ye Fast to me . He saith , that imports only that they were Careless , &c. in their Publick Appearance before God ; and sheweth that as much , or more hath been said of Solemnities that Christ himself appointed ; all which we deny not ; neither do I doubt that so much is imported , yea and mainly aimed at , in that Passage . Their Profaneness and Irreligiousness did bear more Bulk in the Prophets Eye than their Superstition . I indeed call for Proof that no more is here reproved , but their wrong Way of going about these Fasts . And I give this Reason for that Demand : though it is a Negative that is to be proved , as he stateth it . He bringeth an Argument from a Practice which God expresly disowneth . It is evident that there was Sinful Evil in this Action ; he must then prove that there was also some Good in the Action ; otherwise he can draw no Argument from it to prove its Acceptableness ; the Management of this Solemnity was Evil ; that cannot prove these Holy Days to have been accepted ; for on that account expresly they are disowned : the Controversie is about the Authority by which they were appointed ; to wit , the Churches ; we say that could never make them Good : he saith it doth : here is then an Affirmative that he must prove : But to please him , for this once , I shall prove , that these Fasts are disowned on this account also : though it be not here expressed . This Action is simply condemned , viz. their Fasting : the Lord looketh not on it as done to Him : therefore all the Sinfulness that is in it ; is to be lookt on as the Ground of this Disowning : that want of Divine Institution was one part of the Sinfulness of it , I prove , because in general ( under which this Particular is comprehended ) all Religious Acts , or Solemnities which have no Divine Authority are condemned , Matth. 15. 9. and by other Grounds that I have above laid down . If there be two or more Sorts of Immorality in one Action : no doubt both are condemned in that Action , though but one of them be expressed ; as in this Instance , Jer. 7. 31. in that Infanticide , there was Idolatry , and most Unnatural Murther , and also Will-Worship , the Action is simply condemned ; but only the Evil of Will-Worship is mentioned , which thing I Commanded not , neither came it into my Mind : will any say that the other Evils of that Action are not condemned ; nor the Action for them , because they are not mentioned in that Place . Wherefore , from an Action so positively condemned , he can make no Argument for its Lawfulness , ( which is our Debate about the Fasts ) unless he can , aliunde , prove , that this was no Fault in that Action , that it had no Divine Authority ; for to suppose it , is to take for granted what is the Matter of our Debate . From all this it appeareth , that he hath no Ground to say , that if the Jews had had regard to the Moral Institutions , their Solemn Fasts had been acceptable to God , though appointed by Humane Authority : neither is there Cause to reject this Exposition as new , seing there is such Ground for it . He next taketh notice of another Answer given to his Objection , The Prophets had many things of greater Moment to reprove , and insist particularly on , that they contented themselves to comprehend such things as these under general Reproofs . Hence he infers , that these were not particularly reproved . What Advantage were it to him , if this were granted ; is it not enough that they are clearly condemned in general general Terms . But this Consequence we will not yield : it only followeth , that other things of more Moment are , in some Places of Scripture , mentioned , when these are not . But there are particular Reproofs of these in other Places , as hath been above shewed , and will more appear anone . § 14. I shall now adduce another Answer to his Argument ; which might take off its Force , supposing that these Fasts were not condemned by the Lord , ( which yet I do not grant ) but approved . They were appointed under a present Calamity , and Providential Call from the Lord , viz. the Captivity , and Desolation of Judea , and the Temple . Here was a Call to extraordinary Fasting on that Occasion ; and they only determined the Circumstance of Time , which was not determined by the Lord , nor any other Appointment was made by God , which might super●●de this recurrent Solemnity . Now that the Church appointed these Solemnities merely for that Ocasion , appeareth from their Enquiry about the Continuance of them , now that Calamity was over . Some might plead long Custom on the one hand , others with more Reason , might plead , that the Cause being taken away , the Effect should cease ; as Calvin , on the Place observeth : This cannot be said of our Holy Days , which are appointed to Perpetuity ; and without any determined End ; and also for the Ends these are designed for , ( I mean our Holy Days ) the Lord hath appointed other Ordinances , and not left it to Men to devise Ways to Commemorate these Mercies . I add yet another Answer , these Fasts were appointed in a very corrupt Time , and State of the Church , which cannot afford us a binding Example ; and we have no Ground to think , that in the Churches Recovery in Ezra's Time , these Fasts were continued : what Light we have from Zech. 7. inclineth to the contrary . I had brought two Instances of Solemn Times of Humane Institution being condemned , which he next examineth , p. 175. &c. 1 Kings 12. 33. Where Jeroboam is condemned for appointing a Holy Day , that God had not instituted . His Answer to this is , that this is to Disguise Scripture History : Jeroboam is reproved for Idolatry , and Worshipping the Calves ; but if he had appointed a Feast in Honour of the true God , and commanded the People to offer their Sacrifices at Jerusalem , he ought not to have been blamed . To this I Reply , that this is a very surprising Answer , and I know not that any beside himself , hath ever made bold with Religious Institutions at this Rate : for here is a wide Door opened for all the Devices of Men that do not directly Clash with any particular Appointment of God ; and that both in the Jewish and Christian Church . And if this Doctrine be received , no Ceremonies that either the Apostate Jewish Church , before Christ's Incarnation , or that the Antichristian Church in the Days of the Gospel hath introduced , can be condemned ; let them appoint and do what they will , only keep from a Sinister Opinion about the Value , or Necessity of these Devices of ●●n : And if this Principle be good , why might not Jeroboam appoint other Places for Sacrifices beside Jerusalem , not hindring Sacrifices to be offered there too as well as appoint Feasts beside these that the Lord hath appointed , not condemning the Observance of these of Divine Institution . Further , Jeroboams Feast is expresly condemned on this Formal Reason , that the Time was Devised ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Created ) of his own Heart , he made it of nothing , there being no Ground for it by Gods Authority . Now according to this Learned Author , Men may Create as many of these Days as they will , provided they design to Worship the true God on them . It is a strange Dream ( to use his own Word ) to clear Jeroboam from Guilt on that Account , for which he is so expresly condemned ; no doubt he Sinned highly in his Idolatry ; but that he was Innocent in Devising this new Feast , is a new Opinion , beyond these which this Author is Enquiring into . § 15. The other Scripture brought to condemn these Solemnities not instituted by God , and yet made Anniversary by Men , is , Matth. 15. 9 , In vain do they Worship me , Teaching for Doctrines the Commandments of Men. We think this a plain enough Scripture to condem all Humane Religious Ceremonies , in general , and Anniversary Holy Days that have no Divine Warrant , as a Species comprehended under that Genus . This my Adversary seemeth to Smile at , as Ridiculous ; and that from the Confidence he hath in an Exposition of this Scripture , wherein I think he is Singular ; and may be more exposed than any Comment given by others : which he superciliously rejecteth : it is this , Teaching for Doctrines , in the Language of the New Testament , is affirming such a thing to be the Command , or immediate Will of God , when it hath no other Original than Humane Institution ; and nothing else but what shall bear some Analogie to that , is the Crime here reproved . It seems his Confidence was mixed with some Diffidence of this his Comment on the Text : when he thinketh to Ward off a Blow by the uncertain Sound of , what beareth Analogie to that : what he will make to bear Analogie to calling that God's Command , which is but Mans Device , we cannot tell , unless he shall please , in his next Edition , to inform us . For his Exposition it self , it is no way to be admitted , nor can he prove , by Instances , that this is the Language of the New Testament : I am sure this Place cannot be so understood . For the things that Christ here calleth by that Name are , strict Observance of Washing the Hands when they came from the Mercat-Place , Religious Washing of Pots , Tables , Cups , &c. Dotations made to Corban , the Church Treasure , with Neglect of Relieving their Necess●tous Parents ; now that the Jews did ever pretend , or Teach , that these were the Commands , or immediate Will of God ; more than our Ceremonialists Teach their Ceremonies to be such ( for both pretend a general Command for obeying the Church ) I think he will never be able to prove : all that appeareth that they Taught about these Things ( so far as either Scripture , or other History doth inform us ) is , that these Things ought to be observed ; that it is Sin , and Schism , and therefore Censurable , to neglect them ; and that on account of the Churches Authority to impose them . And do not Prelatists Teach the same Doctrines concerning their Ceremonies , and the Holy Days , in particular . He citeth Hammond . Practi . Catechis . p. 203 ▪ but telleth us not what he saith , for indeed his very Words are borrowed from that Learned Author , in that Place he Citeth ; where he seemeth to speak in another Strain , in his Notes on this Scripture , his Words are , My Commands are not Heeded by them , but their own Constitutions set up in stead of them ; this is far from Teaching that they were Gods Commands immediatly , Luc. Brug●●● . docentes , id est , sequentes ipsi , & alios docentes ut sequantur . Also , Interpreters generally , and among them Hammond himself , look on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ as what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they Taught these Commands ; their Doctrine was , that they should be obeyed , and the Things practised ; but he giveth us no account of their Teaching that they were Commands immediatly given by God. He hath an incoherent Passage , p. 277. We do not pretend that we have any express Institution in the New Testament , for Celebrating the Christian Festivities . We know that they owe their beginning to the Piety and Wisdom of the Apostles , or their Successors . I gladly would know how he can know that the Apostles gave them a beginning , if they be not instituted in Scripture ; unless he will rest in uncertain Traditions , as a part of the Rule of our Faith and Practice , to supply what the Scripture is defective in . Neither shall we demand of him express Institution , if he can shew us Institution by good Consequence drawn from Scripture . § 16. His strongest Refutation of another Citation , viz. Jer. 9. 31. is to call it a Foolry . He maketh the Argument to be Foolish enough indeed ; as a Wise Man may be exposed as a Fool , by putting on him a Fools Coat , and Hood and Bells ; but they are neither Wise , nor Ingenuous Men who Treat him so . He maketh our Argument from that Text , to run thus ; God did not Command the Israelites to burn their Sons and Daughters in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom ; Ergo , to appoint a Time for the Solemn and Religious Performance of that Worship , which he himself commanded , falleth under the same Censure . This Way of Arguing is none of ours but his own . We thus argue , God condemneth that Worship of the Jews , as on other accounts , so on this ; that he Commanded it not , neither came it into his Mind , Ergo , no Worship devised by Men , and not instituted by God , is allowable . And we have above proved the Celebration of Holy Days to be , not only a determining of a Circumstance of Worship , which is not determined in Scripture , but must be determined by Men ; but to be an Addition to the Command of God , for setting apart some of our Time to his Solemn Service . If this Reason be Foolrie , Calvin as well as I , must be a Declared Fool , ( viz. by the Wisdom and Candor of this Author ) who on this Place , hath this Passage , Haec ratio diligenter notanda est ; quoniam his Deus ansas hominibus praecidit , ubi hoc solo titulo condemnat , quicquid tent abunt Judaei , quia non mandavit ipsis ; no● est igitur alia quaerenda ratio in coarguendis superstitionibus , nisi quod carent praecepto Dei. And a little below , Ergo , magnum pondus est in his verbis , ubi dicit Prophet● , Deum nihil tale mandasse , & nihil tale sibi venisse in mentem ; quasi diceret , nimium sapere homines , cum excogitant quae ipse nunquam quaesivit , imo nunquam voluit cognoscere . That the Phrase , I Commanded them not , hath in it a Meiosis , I shall not controvert , but this Meiosis doth not hinder , but that Literally , and in Propriety of Speech , this horrid Fact is condemned , as uncommanded Worship . No doubt , this Fact was not only not commanded , but forbidden , yea greatly abhorred by the Lord ; but it doth not thence follow , that it was not Evil , ●o nomine , because not commanded ; seing that Immorality of it is expresly mentioned . § 17. Another Scripture for Humane Holy Days had been mentioned in the Apology , p. 42. John 10. 22 , 23. where it is said , that Christ walked in the Temple at the Feast of Dedication . Which was none of these that God appointed . It was Answered , His walking in the Temple on that Day cannot be strained to signifie either Joyning or ●pprobation : this Answer he is pleased to represent , p. 179. as if it had been , that Christ went thither only to walk , which he calleth an Irreligious Fancy . This is not fair Dealing : it was neither said nor thought , that Christ went thither only to walk . We think he had a higher End , viz. To take Occasion to Discourse with the People , or to Preach the Things of Salvation , while they were assembled in the Temple . His Refutation of this ( beside what is said ) is , Christ was at the Feast of Dedication , who never separated from the Jewish Worship . Answer , That he was at the Feast , wanteth Proof ; he was in the Temple on the Feast Day , Ergo , he was at the Feast ; id est , joyned in that Solemnity , non sequitur : That he never separated from the Jewish Worship ; is said without Warrant ; we affirm , he did , and give our Reason for what we say , viz. he condemned all that Worship , that had not Divine Institution , as is before proved ; Ergo , he did not joyn in it . I think sober Men will judge this a good Consequence . Here was ( saith our Author ) the most proper Occasion to reprove Humane Religious Festivities . Answer , Our Lord knew betterwhat was the fittest Occasions for what he had to do than this Gentleman could Teach him . He had condemned them in general : on this particular Occasion , he had greater Things to Treat with them about , and things , that , being uncontroverted , were not so like to irritate them , and render his Doctrine ineffectual to them . That he quarrelled nothing in the Jewish Constitution , merely because it was of Humane appointment ; is to ●ly in the Face of a considerable part of his Doctrine , mentioned Matth. 15. from the beginning . He is con●ident to say that Christ complyed with such Usages , ( viz. Ceremonies of Humane Appointment ) among the Jews . And he bringeth two Instances of it ; one is , Christ kept the Passover , not according to Institution , but according to the Custom that then obtained in the Jewish Church , viz. With having the Loins girt ; having Shoes on the Feet , and a Staff in the Hand : and he asserts , that there is nothing in the Original Precept , that giveth the least Hint of its being Temporary , and Relative to their Itinerary State in the Wilderness : but rather , that it was of perpetual Force and Obligation , yet the Church changed that Ritual of Divine Institution , into another that signified more propperly Rest , as the other did their Travelling in the Wilderness . Here is plain Dealing ; whereby our Author giveth us yet further to understand his Principles . I shall not call this Parcel of Divinity simply New : but I am sure it is New among Protestants : nor did I ever meet with any of the Prelatick Party , who carried the Churches Power of instituting Ceremonies to this Height . For if this Reasoning have any Force , it will conclude , that the Church , may not only add to Gods Institutions ; but may abolish some of them , and put others , more sit , in their Room ; and if so , why should we blame the Church of Rome , who , though Christs Appointment was that Bread and Wine should be given to the People in the Lords Supper , yet have thought it sitter that they should only have the Bread , and the Wine should be reserved for the Priest alone ; and Kings , and some others , by the Popes Indulgence : and they give as good Reason for what they say , as he doth here for his Principle , viz. That Receiving both Elements was fit for that State of the Church ; but not for her more Multiplied and Numerous Condition , so the Council of Constance , Sess. 13. Licet Christus post coenam institueret , & suis discipulis administraverit sub utraque specie , panis & vini , hoc venerabile Sacramentum : tamen , hoc non obstante , sacrorum canonum Authoritas , laudabilis & approbata consuetudo Ecclesi● , servavit & servat , et licet haec consuetudo ad evitandum aliqua pericula & scandal● est introducta rationaliter , quod licet in Primitiva Ecclesia hujusmodi Sacramentum reciperetur a fidelibus sub utraque specie , postea a confecrantibus sub utraque , & a Laicis tantummodo sub specie panis recipiatur , &c. Also the Council of Trent , Ses , 21. chap. 21. Recognosceth the Councils Power in this ; that though Christ did Institute the Sacrament in both kinds , yet they make a Law against it , which cannot be changed but by the Church it self . Let the intelligent Reader judge , whether here be not a harmonie of Principles , in this Matter of the Churches Power , between these two Anti-Christian Councils , and this Author who owneth himself a Protestant ; let it be also left to the Judgment of all who regard the Authority of Christ , more than that of Man , whether it be not more rational to say , that seing it is evident , that some Rules about the Passover , which were at first enjoyned to the Israelites in the Wilderness , were afterward not observed by the Church , and even by Christ himself ( who was a strict Observer of the Mosaical Law while it stood in Force ) were appointed but for that present time , and that the ●hange that the Church afterward made was from her Knowledge of this Temporarie Institution , and not from any Power that the Church pretended to , to Alter what GOD had Instituted ? § . 18. Another Instance he bringeth of CHRIST'S complying with the Jewish rites not Instituted by the LORD is , the Jews used a postcoenium , of Bread and Wine , after the Paschal Lamb : This Christ not only complyed with , but he adopted it into his own Religion , and gave it a high Signification , and made it a Faederal rite of the New Covenant , &c. here is another piece of his Divinitie , which I confess is not so singular as the former ; for some pretenders to be Antiquaries , and great Criticks , have in this , trode the way before him . Answer , If we should yield what they here demand , as to Matter of Fact , viz. that the Jews used to eat Bread and drink Wine , after eating the Paschal Lamb ; and that Christ did the like ; will any rational Man say , that this is an Approving of their Adding to the Ceremonies of the Passover . For , 1. Can they prove that Christ did this in imitation of that Jewish Custom : or that he had any regard to it : may not we do the same Action that another doth , yet do it on other Designs than imitation of that Person ? or , is it imaginable that our Lord would build so great a Gospel Ordinance on such a Foundation , as is the Practice of such an Apostate People as the Jews then were ? sure he had a higher Design in this Heavenly Institution . Again , if there was such a Custom then in the Jewish Church ; there is no ground to think that it was of any great Antiquitie ; or that is was brought in while that Church continued in any measure of Puritie ; but it must have had its rise in the time of that Apostace that ushered in their rejecting the Messiah , and their being utterly rejected of God , for so doing ; for we read nothing of it before the Captivitie ; nor after it while the Maccabees lived : Now can any Man think that Christ , who had reproved their Religious Washings , and other Ceremonies , would be so fond of these , which stood on the same bottom with them ? I further Answer , that this Tradition of the Postc●nium is a groundless fancie : I find no such Custom among the Jews , of taking Bread and Wine after the Paschal Supper . Scaliger first broached this Opinion of a Postcaenium , or two parts , or Services in the Paschal Supper . And is reprehended by Buxtorf for it , but Defended by Capell de literis Hebrae : p. 167. who out of Maimonides , giveth a long Account of all the rites used by the Jews in the Celebration of it : Lightfoot also , and Grotius , give a verie critical Accompt of their Rites out of the same Rabbi : Addison also , in his Description of the present State of the Jews in Barbarie ; describeth that Feast , as Celebrated by them : but what our Author allegeth is found in none of them : but on the contrarie ; I find two things that they agree in , which maketh against his Postcaenium of Bread and Wine , and Christ imitating of it : The 1. Is , the Jews used many Benedictions at several Cups , and Morsels they took : so did not our Lord : he Blessed the Meat that they eat , no doubt , and we read of this Blessing Bread and Wine in the LORD'S Supper ; but to say that he repeated so many Benedictions ( which were no fewer than Eight or Nine ; beside several Instructions that that they read out of the Scripture , which Reading they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and other Composers of their own ) and all these Benedictions were by a set Form of Words . If my Antagonist will perswade us that our LORD conformed to all these Rites , he must prove it by good Arguments , and not Authoritatively impose on Peoples Credulitie . The 2. Thing that I observe out of the Accompt that these Authors give of the Passover is , that they begin with a Cup , then they take the quantitie of Olive of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or bitter Herbs , and dip it in Sauce made for that Feast , then they eat what each one listeth , and after some other Observations , they take the quantitie of an Olive dipt as before , and after they may eat nothing that Night : here is no concluding with Bread and Wine , for a Postcaenium . Yea , Capellus ( who seemeth to be too fond of our Authors Notion , that Christ had regard to the Passover rites in Instituting His Supper ) giveth yet a quite other Accompt of it than he doth : for he telleth us , that Christ took Bread and Wine in stead of that Morsel of the bigness of an Olive : whence it clearly followeth , that Christ did not appoint Bread and Wine in Imitation of the Postcaenium , consisting of the same Materials : If he have no better Argument to Prove the vanity of Presbyterian Speculations ( as he phraseth it ) their Opinions will be able to stand against all his Assaults . I adde the Observation of Buxtorf Synagog : Judaic : cap. 13. who after a full Accompt of the Jewish Passover , and all the Rites of it , hath these Words , p. 307. ex paucis istis facile perspici potest , Judaeos ●estum paschatis amplius ex Mosis , vel Dei praecepto , sed juxta Rabbinorum suorum Traditiones ●●lebrare , quas pluris faciunt quam Dei Precepta . § 19. His next Work is , to Justifie his high Extoling of the Holy Days : he had said , it is certain that nothing perserveth the knowledge of the Christian Religion among the Bodie of the People more than the Festivities of the Church : and this I called raving , the Word and Sacraments being more useful for that End. To this he Answereth two things , p. 181. 182. The first is , that he did not Attribute this effect to the Festivities without the Word and Sacraments , to which they are subordinate : as being the fittest seasons for Christian Exercises . I still think this is no sober Doctrine : for there is a fitter Season for these of Christs appointment , even the Christian Sabbath . Beside , it is evident that he Spake of his Festivities , though not in a separated Notion , yet in a distinct Notion , from the Word and Sacraments ; and I not only think that GOD'S Ordinances are more effectual without , than with Mans devices , I mean the Holy days ; because having no Institution , they have not the Promise of the Blessing , and are but vain Worship ; but that GOD'S Ordinances used with the Holy days ; if any Efficacie be to be expected from that Conjunction , have a greater Efficacie toward preserving Knowledge among the People , than the Holy days can have ; therefore , there is a more Efficacious mean for that end , what ever notion he take the Holy days in . But the Reader may know , that this Expression was not the only ground why raving was imputed to him ; but several others of that , or a higher strain ; which were Examined , but he is pleased to Pass what was said against them ; with this shift , he is not at leasure to follow the Vindicator every where , far less is he inclined to Examine all these Exceptions against the Author of the Apologi● . I find him at leasure for as needless Work , as it were to Clear to us these , and the like Passages , do we not see all Nations agree in this , that publicke Solemnities , and annversarie Festivities , and Fasts , are necessarie to the Beeing and Beautie of Religion , ( this is a soaring flight of his fancie ) they preserve and increase our Mortification . They oblige the most Stubborn and Impenitent to think of his Soul : and the visible Practices of the Church Preach Repentance more effectually , and make more lasting Impressions , than the loose and definite Homilies of self conceited Men ( all the Sermons of the Presbyterians , no doubt are here meant ) the Reformation of the Greek Church is hindred by neglecting of Fasting : the Holy days are the Catechisms of the People : all the Notes made on the Passages for exposing of them , he passeth over in silence ; the Reason is , if ye will believe him , not that he could not Answer all ; but because he was not at leasure . A second Answer he bringeth is , that the Festivities cannot be considered without the Word and Sacraments ; and other Exercises of Religion , and this he taketh a great deal of Pains to illustrate ; as it is usual in Disputing for one to say most when he hath least to say ; and he calleth it gross ignorance to think otherwise . I need not tell him how many of his Partie make more than a Metahysical Precision , either formal , or objective , of the Holy day , from the Religious Work of it ; while they Celebrate it , without going to Prayers , in idleness or that which is worse , I know this is not the intent of the Church ; yet , it is evident that these Days are capable of such an abstracted Consideration ; I mean , in Practice , what ever be in the speculations that Men have about them : All that he so laboriously sayeth about the Conjunction of the Holy days with Religious Exercise on them , will evanish , if we consider , that our Question is not , whether the Serious and Solemn Exercises of Religion be necessarie to these Great Uses , and Effects that he speaketh of , for that we are agreed in ; that these are necessarie to the Beeing and Beautie of Religion : they preserve and increase our Mortification : ●hey aw the most Stubborn and Impenitent , &c. ( that is , they are Means adapted to these Ends ) but that which we Debate is , whether these Ends may not be attained as well , by the Serious and Solemn Exercises of Religion in the use of these Means and Ordinances that GOD hath Appointed ; or if the Holy days be necessarie , or the Religious Exercises , as performed on the Holy days , be ne cessarie for that End. This we deny , and we require that they may Prove it . And the Question is not , whether the Holy days , separated from Religious Exercises , are abominable ; but whether Religious Exercise , or the times of GOD'S Appointing it , to wit , the Weekly S●bbath's , without the Holy days , be defective ? I take Notice of a Learned distinction he hath about the Holiness of these Days , p. 183. that they are not Holier than other Days , in themselves , or because the Sun is in such a part of the Zodiack : but such a time being separated for such an Exercise , receives its Denomination from the Authoritie , and Exercise it self , by which it is distinguished from other Days . This seemeth to be shuffling , and not the distinct plainness that ought to be in Disputation ; For 1. Some of his Partizans ascribed more Holiness to them than can be in extrinsick Denomination , even a relative Hol●ness by which Religious work on them is more Acceptable than at other times . So Hooker , above Cited . He should have told us , whether he understandeth this relative Holiness , or a mere Denominative Holiness ; that they are called Holy , but there is nothing of Holiness in them , even with respect to the Authoritie and Work that they have relation to . He doth indeed tell us ; that they are called Holy days by a relative , and extrinsick Denomination , which is a Metaphysical notion not easily intelligible ( he Chargeth others with non-sense , and gross ignorance , on less Ground , ) a relative Denomination must be a Denomination built on a Relation ; which supposeth a relative Holiness in these Days , which yet he seemeth to disown again . If the Authoritie by which they are Instituted , and the Exercises performed in them , can communicate a relative Holiness to them ; wherein doth their Holiness differ from that of the LORD'S Days ? It hath no more but a relative Holiness , resulting from Divine Authoritie injoyning it , and the Holy Exercises that the LORD hath Commanded to be performed in it . The Difference then , must be only this , that it hath a relative Holiness of GOD'S making : these a relative Holiness of Mans making : and so Man as well as GOD , shall have a Power to Communicate a relative Holiness to Days , and consequently to Places , and other Things : and how much of the Popish Superstition , and Power of Consecration , that will bring in , I know not ; neither , I suppose , was himself aware of it . I think it is evident , that the first Day of the Week ( which we own as the LORD'S Day ) hath no intrinsick Holiness of it self : the Sun being in such a Degree of any Sign of the Zodi●k as maketh up the Number of Eight , from where we begin to Count , doth not Communicate any Holiness to such a Day . Now if he think the Church can give the same sort of Holiness to these Days that the LORD giveth to the Christian Sabbath ; he must prove that such Power is granted to her ; I am sure some of his Party disown that Notion . What he Objecteth to himself from the abuse of these Days is confirmed , and his Answers refuted , § . 5. of this Section . § . 20. The Antiquitie of the Holy Days he next considereth , p. 185. He had in his Apologie , required that we should tell when they began to be Observed , and without that he will conclude that they were used since the days of the Apostles ; It was told him , this is Iniquum Postulatum ; and the Consequence is naught . Both because of the Defectiveness of History , and they came in by insensible degrees . Next , it was shewed from the silence of Scripture , and of the History the first Age● , that Christmass ( for of that was the Question ) was not Observed for 300 years after Christ ; which was Con●●rmed by Easter being much noticed , but it not ; and this was Confirmed from Cent. Magd. Spanhem . and ancient Histories cited by them : also Spondan speaketh but faintly for it : all this he thought fit to overlook ; only he Examineth the Assertion ; which he doth falsifie , by Extending it to all Holy days except Easter . And laboureth to prove out of Origen , and some others , that some of the Christian Feasts were mentioned sooner than 300 years after Christ. I am not much concerned whether it be so or not , for if they were then used , and injoyned by the Church , scripture silence of them is enough to us ; and laying so little weight on humane Authority for them , I searched no further ; but Trusted to them who had made it their Business to trie it . But now , when I have further considered that Matter , I ●●nd the proofs that he bringeth for this Antiquitie of Christmass very Lame ; he first citeth Origen , contra Cel● ▪ mentioning the Christia● Festivities : but he is not pleased to point to the Place of that Large Work , where this Passage may be found , that it might be Examined . The like Omission in another , about a Word of Augustin , he agregeth at great length , p. 195. though that Sentence be most frequently cited : may not one guess that Origen speaketh of the Weekly Sabbaths , which are not forbidden , Gal. 4. 10. as some might think them to be , because Sabbath-days are mentioned in a paralel Place . Col. 2. 15. also of Easter , that in , and before Origins days , was observed , and contended about . His other Citation , Origen on Math. Homil. 3. I cannot find ; though I lookt over that Homilie . May be he hath used some later Edition which hath been interpolated , as most of the Writings of the Fathers have . His next Author is Hippolitus , as he is Cited by Photius : all his Proof out Hippolitus is , he wrote Homilies in Sanctam Theophaniam , and a Conjecture that himself layeth ▪ no weight on : it is NIAC . is found in Gruterus his Ancient Inscription of the Works of Hippolitus , the rest of the Line being defaced . The Answer to all this is easie . 1. Hippolitus is an obscure Author ; I know not what weight is to be laid on his Testimonie , if he had it . 2. Photius , who lived ●n the Ninth Centurie , may be rejected , by an Argument Ad Hominem ; which he maketh use of to invalidate the Credit of the Scotish Histories , concerning our Conversion from Heathenism , p. 232. 3. Hippolitus writing Homilies in Theop●aniam cannot prove his Point : unless that he can Prove that that Word , from the beginning of Christianitie was not used to signifie the Incarnation , or GOD manife●● in the flesh ( which is the proper Import of it ) but only the Anniversarie Day of the Celebrating that Mystery ; which was its current Signification when Photius wrot . For his Niac , it is so wide and groundless , and a strained Conjecture ; that few wis● , Men will be fond of mentioning it : much less of making an Argument of it : he supplieth it ( I know not by what Authority ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He next citeth the Canons of the Apostles , the Authority of which we cannot own ; unless he give better Evidence that they are genuine than others have yet given . For what he sayeth of the Natalitia Martyrum ; I denie not that in Process of time , they did degenerate into Holy Days , such as he pleadeth for , and becoming so Numerous , they became a Burden to the Church ; and were di●used , till the Pope restricted the Observation of them to such as he had Canonized ; but , at first they were nothing but Commemorations of them , made after the ordinarie Service of the Church : and that Age , and some that followed , were so respectful to the Martyrs ( for Encourageing People to be Faithful in that Firey Tryal ) that they gave the Martyres extraordinarie Priviledges ; whence it may be Inferred , that from these Commemorations , to other Holy Days ; is no good Consequence . He hath not yet Proved that the Author of Def. of the Vindication is once mistaken in his Calculation ( though I do not think it impossible that he may so mistake ) nor yet that the Centuriators have not been Accurate in their Search into Antiquitie . It is no consequence , the First Christians did Commemorate the Martyres , who Succeeded the Apostles ; Ergo , they could not forget the Apostles themselves ; if they understand such a way of Commemoration ; the Reason I have already given . § 21. He Inferreth , p. 190. that the Feast of the Nativity was early Observed ; because Easter and Pentecost were so . The Consequence will not hold ; and the Reason was given Def. of Vindic. p. 28. viz. many of the Christians were very tenacious of the old Jewish Customs ( among which was the Observation of Easter and Pentecost , the Feast of Weeks may be added ) but had not then begun to devise new Holy Days of their own . He Answereth an Objection that was brought , that the Day of CHRIST'S Nativity is uncertain , nor can it be Proved that it was December 25. He Answereth , there was no need to determine that Question ; and all Christians ( he excepteth some Presbyterians ) are agreed that this Determination was not Ne●essarie ; and that Christians in different Nations , make no scruple to comply with the Chronological Accompts of that Countrey where they live , they Commemorate the Mystery ; but do not Impose on the belief of People in matter of Fact. He sayeth , the Vindicator left this Consideration al●ogether untouched . In this he is in the Wrong ; and is Guilty of what he blameth another for . There were Arguments brought to Prove that if such a Day was to be Observed yearly , it was needful that we should know what Day in particular it is ; all which he hath left untouched . They are , it was never heard of , that the Birth day of any Person was kept , but on the Day on which the Person was Born. That if this Determination be needless , the Church might appoint any Day of the year for this Commemoration , which none ever affirmed . It was also told him , that others , particularly Master Hooker , pleadeth with more cogencie for Holy Days ( which he mistaketh as if his Abilitie had been compared with Master Hookers , whereas no more was intended , but that Master Hookers Arguments , which are lookt on as the strongest on his side , are inconsistent with his Notion ) while he sayeth , Eccles. Polic. lib. 7. 3. 69. that GOD'S Extraordinarie Works have Sanctified some times , & Advanced them , so that they ought to be with all Men that Honour GOD , more Holy than other times ; and afterward , as CHRIST'S Extraordinarie Presence Sanctifies some Places , so His Extroordinarie Works Sanctifie some times ; from this the Author of D●●f . of Vind. inferred justly that the Church in chusing another Day , acteth Arbitrarily , and unwarrantably ; and Absurdly ; neglecting the ●ay so Sanctified It was also told him , that it is a probable Argument , at least , that the LORD would not have a recurrent particular Day Observed on account of CHRIST'S Birth ; seing He hath concealed from us what Day it was that CHRIST was Born ; especially seing He hath Instituted the observation of the Day of Christ's Resurrection , viz. the Weekly Sabbath ; He hath told that it was the First Day of the Week ; all this my Adversarie hath overlookt , as either not worthy of his Notice , or as easily Answered . I look on his Citation out of Austine as not to this Purpose , when he sayeth , nos & Dominicam diem , & Pascha Coelebramu● , & alias dierum celebritates ; sed quia intelligimus quo pertineant , non tempora observamus , sed quae illis Significantur temporibus , this indeed Proveth that Augustin thought that these were not to be Observed for themselves ; but for the Mysteries that were Commemorated on them , but it no way evinceth that he thought there was no need of chusing the Days themselves , on which the thingsCommemorated were Acted ; but one Day of the Year might be as fit as another , as the Church should Determine . § 22. It is unreasonable to put it on us to disprove that Christ was born Dec. 25. as he doth , p. 192. For that we cannot do so well as by fixing on some other Day , and proving that to be the Day of the Nativity : which we pretend to be uncertain : it rather is his part to prove , who affirmeth that our Lord was born on that Day . And yet , if it were needful for our Cause , probable Arguments might be brought , whic● may incline us rather to think , that he was born at another Season of the Year : some of no mean Learning have been at pains to prove that his Nativity was in September , or in October . But whatever may be the Concernment of our Adversaries , it is no Concernment to us , what was the Day : it is enough to us , that the Mystery it self is firm and sure . The Reader may find this Question about the Day and Moneth of the Nativity , Learnedly handled by our Countrey Man Master Bailly , operis historici , & Chronologici lib. 2. quaes . 7. p. 42. & seq . where he concludeth , with Spanhemius , Mensem & Diem Natalitium a nemine determinari debere , nec posse , cum de iis Scripturae silent , nec quicquam certi primis Ecclesiae Christianae seculis a quopiam prolatum sit . He had been charged by the Author of Def. of Vind. with Shu●●ling , in that he had pleaded God's Appointment for Holy Days , because God hath appointed that we should obey the Apostles and their Successors , as our lawful Ecclesiastical Rulers : because though we are to obey the Apostles , whom we know to have been Infa●●ibly Guided ; we are not to obey their Successors ( real or pretended ) further than they bring Divine Warrant ; which cannot be shewed for Holy Days . He endeavoureth to clear himsel● from Shuffling , by telling us that there was no more meant than that the ●hurch , may , by that Power which is perpetually lodged in her , Regulate the Publick Solemnitie● of Worship ; and when she enjoyneth nothing but what is lawful , we ought to obey . Here is Shuffling to Excuse his former Shuffling ; he is entangled by Wrestling to Extricat himself . For he supposeth the whole Question , that there is a Power perpetually lodged in the Church , to appoint Holy Days ; otherwise he saith nothing to the purpose . Again , he supposeth that appointing of Holy Days , is as much in the Churches Power , as other Regulating of Publick Solemnities ; whereas he should have considered , if he would have Explained , and not Confounded and Darkened the Matter , that there is a Regulating of Publick Solemnities , which lyeth in determining Circumstances , which must be determined , and yet are not determined in Scripture , such as the Time , Place , and Order of these Religious Actions , that the Lord hath appointed his Day to be spent in : there is another Regulating , which is adding to what the Lord hath appointed ; more Days to his Day , new Religious Ceremonies to these which are of Divine Institution ; or determining Circumstances , which neither are determined by God , nor need to be deterned ; such as are more Holy Days than Christ hath appointed ; the Churches Power about the first sort we do not controvert : her Power about the second is the Subject of our Question : and here he either supposeth the Question , viz. That the Church had such Power ; or he saith nothing to the purpose . Yet further , when he speaketh indistinctly of Apostolick Power , and that of their Successors , as to this Regulation ; if he mean no more than such Regulation as is always in the Churches Power , he giveth the Successors of the Apostles the same Regulating Power that themselves had ; the Consequence of which is , that their Successors ( I suppose he meaneth the Bishops ) may institute new Offices , new Government , new Discipline , and all other Ordinances in the Church , as the Apostles might : which is full as high as the Papists Screw up the Power of the Church , and is indeed , to make the Bishops absolute Lords over God's Inheritance . And this he confirmeth by telling us , that the Apostles made Constitutions that were laid aside by their Successors ; and other Usages came in their Room , but because he saw this lyable to Exception he distinguisheth betwixt greater Usages , that are variable unless they are equally subservient to the great Ends of Discipline , in all Ages and Countries ; & nisi consuetudine Ecclesiae universae sint roboratae : and lesser Usages , whose Continuance and Abrogation may depend on the Convenience of particular Churches ; and he giveth an Instance in the Deaconesses , which he saith are not in the Presbyterian Meetings , nor any Reformed Churches . If he would have Extricated himself from the Shuffling that was imputed to him , he should have given us some Rules , or Characters , by which we might discern , what Constitutions of the Apostles are to be accounted Great , and Unalterable ; and what Small , and Changeable by their Successors : if Marches be not clearly Rid here , we are at a Woful Uncertainty : yea , bold Men may dare to meddle with Episcopacy it self : and pretend that it is one of the lesser Apostolical Constitutions ; if they did at all appoint it . The Marks that he hath given us are very insufficient , their universal Subservience to the Ends of Discipline will be as much controverted , as whither they be great Constitutions or not : he saith Bishops and Holy Days are such ; we deny it ; and will Debate it with him ; and so we are still in the Dark , what Apostolick Constitutions may be laid aside , or must be retained ; for his consu●tudo universae Ecclesiae , first that dependeth on uncertain History to know it . Next it is to set the universal Church above the Apostles ; or to make her infallible , not only in Fundamentals ; but even on Government and Ceremonies . The Instance he bringeth proveth nothing ; if he can prove that Diaconesses were an Apostolick Constitution , I shall acknowledge the Presbyterian Churches to be Defective through the want of them . § 23. He Vindicateth himself , p. 194. from Pleading for blind Obedience , by telling us , that he only Pleadeth for Obedience in lawful Things , not for Obedience in Things Arbitrarily Imposed , as the Papists . If he prove the Observation of Holy Days to be lawful in it self , and that the Church hath Power to institute them ; I shall crave him Pardon for what was said of blind Obedience : but while he bringeth the Authority of the Church for the Ground on which we should obey in this Matter , and maketh it a sufficient Argument why they should be observed , that the Church Commandeth it : I must still think that this is either to Plead for blind Obedience , or Egregiously to Tri●●e . He hath next , a long Discourse about a Citation out of Augustine : of which before . In the Def. of Vind. p. 30. it had been said , that it is not a Day being Anniversary that we scruple , but that it is separated from Civil Use by Mens Authority , and Dedicated to Religion in an Anniversary Course . This he Treateth in Ridicule , not ( I suppose ) because he cannot , but because he will not understand it . We neither Scruple because the Day is Anniversary ; a Day for Civil Solemnity , appointed by men , may be such : nor because it is set apart for Religious Use ; an Occasional Day for Solemn Humiliation , when God by a special Providence calleth for the Work , and Man determineth the Day , is lawful , as is the perpetual recurrent Lords Day , appointed by God ; nor thirdly , do we quarrel these Days , merely because they want a special Divine Warrant ; because Anniversary Days for Civil Use , might be appointed by Men. But the Ground of our Scruple is , the Complex Nature of these Days ; that they are wholly separated from Civil Use , as the Lords Day is ; that they are perpetually Discriminated from other Days in the Year ; and that they are perpetually Dedicated to Religion , and all this , not by Divine , but by Humane Authority . If there be any Raving , or any thing unintelligible in this , I shall be content to be Instructed by him ; or any who is of his Opinion . Are there not many Actions that are Good and Lawful ; considered under several Circumstances ; which if ye consider all their Circumstances Complexly , are Unlawful ; for Instance , the Magistrat may appoint his Subjects to meet in Arms ; he may also appoint that this Meeting be Yearly , Monethly , or Weekly , if need be ; yea he may appoint this Meeting to be on the Lords Day , in Case of Necessity ; yet he cannot lawfully appoint that they should , without Necessity , meet every Year , every Moneth , or every Week , on the Sabbath Day . He complaineth that it is called Thrasonick Triumph , when he telleth us of Danger and Impiety in separating from the Church , in these excellent Constitutions that are received from the beginning , and in all Countries where the Name of Jesus hath been Worshiped : such Constitutions and Solemnities have been derived from the Apostles , or Apostolick times : These are his Words ; though in his Review of them here , he seemeth to Smooth them a little . He will have it only to be Thrasonick Boasting , when a Man admireth his own Wit or Performances . I love not to contend about Words ; nor need I to write a Dictionary on this Occasion : nor shall I judge what Opinion he hath of himself ; but I leave it to the Reader to judge , whither it may not be so Termed , when one insulteth over his Adversary , as having great and evident Advantage against him , when yet there is no Cause for so thinking ; and whither he be not guilty of this Boasting , ( or whatever he will call it ) while he insinuateth the Universality , the Antiquity , and the Apostolick Authority of the Holy Days , and that with charging his Adversarieswith dangerous Impiety , on account of their differing from them ; while all these are the things that he and I do controvert about . § 24. He taketh it ill that it was called a loose Reasoning , when he telleth us that the Knowledge of Christ doth not extinguish the Light of Reason ; therefore such Constitutions ( as the Reason of Mankind is agreed in ) have nothing in them contrary to the Purity of our Religion . This was called loose Arguing , because he taketh an Uncontested Truth for his first Proposition ; and the Conclusion that we Debate about is supposed , in place of the second Proposition . His Defence is ; No Society of Mankind ever thought Anniversary Holy Days unlawful ; but all of them thought them proper Means to Excite Religion : he telleth us that Clamours against them ( so he termeth our Reasons ) destroy all Unity and Order , about things not only Innocent , but Useful in their own Nature and Tendency : here is yet more loose Arguing , while he supposeth still the thing in Question . We deny their Innocency , also their usefulness ; and must do so , till we see better Arguments for what is asserted : the Apostolick Churches did not use them ; whence we may with Confidence conclude , that they did not think them proper Means to Excite Devotion ; yea , it is no weak Consequence , if we infer , that they thought them unlawful ; being none of these things which Christ had Commanded , nor his Apostles Taught . That they were not forbidden , is Answered above ; they are forbidden in general , and that is enough . That Reasoning against Holy Days of Humane Appointment destroyeth all Unity and Order , &c. looketh more like Clamour than any thing that we have said ; there was Unity and Order in the Apostolick Church , without them ; and so is there in the Presbyterian Societies . His Syllogism that he presenteth us with , p. 201. doth not Retrieve the Looseness of his former Reasonings : it is , whatever is agreeable to true Reason , is rather improved than condemned by Religion ; but such Constitutions ( he must mean the Holy Days ) are agreeable to true Reason ; Ergo , there is nothing in them contrary to the Purity of our Religion . I take no notice of the Form of this Syllogism ( of the Rightness of which he is confident ) it may easily be reduced to Form , by a little Change of the Conclusion ; here is indeed closs Reasoning ; but it is not concludent Reasoning : for we deny the Minor : though he attempteth its Proof , both in prosecuting the first , and the second Proposition . I am not fond of his Method of Probation ; he concludeth it after the Form of a Sorites ; whereas there is nothing like it in his Progress : but that is a small Matter : I except against his Proof in what is more material ; that all Nations are agreed in this ; and this is the best Evividence of what is agreeable to true Reason : I deny both these Propositions , 1. How will he prove that all Nations were agreed about the Necessity and Usefulness of Holy Days ? Or , I distinguish this Proposition ; all Nations are agreed in general , that there should be some Religious Holy Days : if I should put him to the Proof of this , it might puzzle him ; but for our part , we think it of great Use , and necessary also , necessitate praecepti ; whatever may be said of the necessitas medii ; we think it a Wise and Excellent Constitution of the Divine Will , that we have recurrent Days , ( I mean the Christian Sabbath ) and Occasional Times of Solemn Worshipping God : but that all Nations are agreed about the Necessity of Holy , Religious Anniversary Days of Mans Appointing ; this is yet unproved ; the Jewish Holy Days , ( till that Church fell into manifold Apostacy ) were appointed by God ; the Heathenish Religious Rites , ( and their Holy Days among the rest ) were appointed ( as they pretended ) by these whom they owned for gods ; which I could prove , if it were not to digress ; with that Pretension Numa , and others gained the People to submit to their Religious Rites . For his second Proposition ; it is utterly false , that the Agreement of Nations is the best Evidence of what is according to right Reason : this might hold , if Men were generally Perfect in Knowledge , and Holiness ; if their Mind , Will , and Affections had no way been hurt by the Fall ; but in the present State of Fallen , Corrupt , and Sinful Men ; it is a False , Dangerous , yea Pernicious Position : if understood ( as here it must be ) of Matters of revealed Religion ; such as instituted Worship is . His Proof of this Assertion is most absurd ; which is , two Maxims of the Civil Law , wofully misunderstood ; and misapplyed , viz. Quod major pars Curiae efficit , pro eo habetur , ac si omnes egerint ; and , Refertur ad universos quod publice fit per majorem partem . This is to be understood , of Humane Courts in any Nation , or Society ; not of the Consent of all Nations : otherwise one Nation could not make Laws for it self ; but must peruse the Volumns of all Nations , that they may know what Laws obtain in most Nations . Again , which is yet more to our purpose , these Maxims hold in Civil , not Religious Matters : to make the Consent of Nations to be the Rule of Religion , ( as this Author manifestly doth ) hath so many Absurdities wrapt up in it , that it is a wonder that such a Fancy could fall into the Head of one who owneth revealed Religion ; and is not far from Hobbism , or Deisin , with which he is not sparing to charge the Presbyterians , on far less Cause given . I am far from charging him with these horrid Opinions : but I advise him to beware of Zeal for Humane Holy Doly Days on such Principles as would lead Men into that Snare . If we must be determined by a Pole among Mankind ( as his Assertion doth plainly import ) in the Matters of our Religion ; Heathenism will clearly carry it against Christianity . Yea , Turkism will bid fair for it : and Popery will clearly Outvote Protestantism . This is a thousand times worse than what he ( or his Friend ) is so angry with a Presbyterian Parliament for , having regard to the Inclinations of the People , in settling Presbyterial Government ; we must now receive the Holy Days , because the Inclinations of the Apostate World , Heathens , Jews , Papists , &c. incline that Way . His distinguishing of such Constitutions , by considering their general , or abstracted Nature , and considering them with their Ends and Objects ; will not help him ; for corrupt Men will always be generally for what is worst , consider it as ye will ; neither can it be said , that this Rule of Judging of Religion holdeth not in the Essentials , and great Points ; but in the inferior Matters , and Rituals : for , the instituted part of Religion lieth more remote from Mans Reason , as a Contriver of it , than other things in Religion do : because these depend merely on Institution , and the Will of the Instituter ; as ye can less give a Reason , why Bread and Wine should signifie the Body and Bloud of Christ , ( except from the Wi●l of him who appointed this ) than ye can do why we should Pray to God , obey him , &c. § 25. He taketh it very ill , and calleth it strong Natural Nonsense , that the Holy Days ( and other Religious Ceremonies of Mans Devising ) are called new Means of Grace , which are not to be appointed by Mens Reason ; but by Gods Authority , He saith they are only appointed to increase our Devotion for the old Means of Grace ; they are but Circumstances of time determinable by the Church . All that is sufficiently refuted already : but he repeateth , and forceth me to do so ; First , That which is appointed to increase our Devotion toward Prayer , the Word and Sacraments , ( which are the old Means of Grace ) is a Mean of Grace it self ; for increase of Devotion is Grace ; therefore , the Means toward that End must be Means of Grace : and if these be appointed by the Lord , as the Sabbath is , for increase of our Devotion in Prayer , &c. this is one of these he calleth the old Means of Grace , viz. Means of Gods appointing ; if appointed by Men ; for the same end , they must be new Means of Grace appointed by Men ; and superadded to these of Gods Appointment . But the Holy Days are such , ex tuo ore ; being appointed to increase our Devotion , this cannot be said of mere determining a Circumstance of Worship ; as appointing a Week Day Sermon . 2. That which is necessary to the Beeing and Beauty of Religion : to keep us in mind of the Mysteries of our Religion , is the Peoples Catechism , &c. must be a Mean of Grace ; but all this , and more , he hath ascribed to the Holy Days ; not only to the Work to be done on them , but to it as done on such a Day ; they must then be new Means of Grace , beside what God hath instituted . 3. That they are but Determinations of the Time of Worship , is above refuted ; and himself refuteth it , by affirming that they are appointed for increasing our Devotion . I should allow him not only to Smile , but to burst out into Laughter , if it had been said ( as he pretendeth ) that Christmass was kept in Honour of Julius Caesar , before Christ was born ; he need never want Matter of Laughter , if he be allowed thus to Devise what may make him Merry . All that was said is , that Holy Day was so kept ; and thence called Yule in Scotland . The Import of which is no more but this ; that the same Day being kept by the Heathens on one Account , some Christians changed it into another Use , and Celebrated it as the Day of Christs Nativity ; as I could shew they did with many other , both Times and Places . His Criticising on the Word Yule , making it Noel , and then turning it to a nouvelle ; and Expounding it , a Day of Tidings , I might rather Smile at ; I think it not worthy a Laborious Examination . I need not take it very ill that he useth me with Contempt and Scorn , when he , p. 208. putteth the Excellent Buchannan among the highest Order of Devils . It was said that our Author saith as much as that the Holy Days are the Power of God to Salvation . He Answered , p. 209. he looketh on them as the Publick and Stated Seasons wherein the Power of God to Salvation is manifested . This is far below what he had before said ▪ that they are necessary to the Beeing of Religion , &c. and this Expression he Apo●ogizeth for , ibid. blaming his Antagonists ill Nature , because he understood it not of the External Profession of Religion ; and that it was meant that they are very useful for it , as the Exercises of Religion must be performed , sometimes with Ord●r , Uniformity , and Society . I confess neither is my Nature so good as to applaud this Answer , nor is my Understanding so good as to comprehend how this can be the Meaning of that A●●ertion . Would he have us so good Natured as to think all is sound that he saith , whither it can be reconciled to any sound Sense , or not ? I am sure he doth not set us a Copy of such good Nature . We have the Mercat fallen very low ; from the Holy Days being necessary to the Beauty , and Beeing of Religion : first , to this , that inward Religion may do well enough without them ; next , that they are not necessary , but only very useful to the External Profession of Religion . And then , that External Religion needeth them only sometimes . Further , that it may subsist always without them : but it will not , in that Case , be so Orderly as were needful . Yet again , it is but for the Uniformity of External Religion , that they are any way useful , so as the Beeing and Beauty of it may be kept where they are not observed : only these Churches are not like their Neighbours . And lastly , Religion , Internal and External , may have both its Beeing and Beauty , in particular Persons , though they observe no Holy Days ; only it is useful , that if they think fit to go to Church , and to Worship God , in Society , on these Days , that they should observe them . If he will allow us thus to understand all his big Words , it will tend much to Compromise our Differences . He taketh it amiss , that it was said ▪ that he Damned them all to Hell who do not observe Christmass ; and this he disowneth . The Ground of that Inference was ( for it was not charged on him , further than that it followeth from his Principles ) that he maketh the Observation of it necessary to the beeing of Religion . I think they who are without the Beeing of Religion , are in the Way to Hell ; yea though they understand it of External Religion , which they are capable to Practise ; what can we think of the State of Presbyterians , who do not , yea will not ; and think they ought not observe the Holy Days , if the Observation of them be necessary to the Beeing of Religion ? It is not imaginable that a Person of such Sentiments , can have any Degree of Charity to them , with respect to their Salvation , unless he think a Man may be Saved without all External Religion . SECTION X. Of Schism . THe Enquirer falleth next upon the Presbyterian notion of Schism , as one of the New Opinions ; the Opinion of the Presbyterians in this , he taketh from one Person , who never pretended to Write in the Name of all the Presbyterians ; neither did ever Write of Schism , of set Purpose , or fully ; but only endeavoured to take off that odious Charge that his Party had laid on Us , by Answering their Arguments : However , I am willing to Account for what he Opposeth in that Author , or to yield to the Force of Argument , if there be any thing which cannot be Defended . My Antagonist hath treated on this Subject so indistinctly , that there is a Necessity to give a more clear Account of the Nature of Schism in general ; without which we may wrangle , but not Dispute . It hath been an ancient Practice , and is frequent in later Times , and in ours ; for different Parties to brand one another ( and that with fierey Zeal ) with the odious Name of Schismaticks ; without considering , or at least Defineing what it is that they call Schism ; The bitter Epithets among the Ancients given to them whom they imputed this Blame to , did sufficiently shew their Zeal against Schism , but did more shew that there were Schisms among them ; and that they were Angry one with another , and hold ●urth some particular Causes of these Heats ; than lead us to a distinct Knowledge of the general Nature of Schism : Some modern Authors have Written more dis●inctly of it ; yet the particular Cause they were concerned for , hath distorted their Thoughts of the Nature of Schism into one side ; and wrested its Essence to serve their Hypothesis . It is Observed by the Learned and Reverend Stillingfleet , Irenic . p. 108. that the word Schism ( though it sound harsh , it being often taken in an ill sense ) as it importeth a separation from a Church , is not a thing intrinsically evil in it self ; but is capable of the Differences of Good and Evil , according to the Ground , Reasons , Ends , and Circumstances inducing to such a Separation ; the withdrawing from a Society is but the Materialitie of Schism ; the Formalitie of it must be ●etcht from the Grounds on which that is built . He citeth also another Author , Observing that Heresie and Schism as they are commonly used , are Two Theological Scarcrows , with which they who would uphold a Partie in Religion , use to fright away such , as making Enquirie into it , are readie to relinquish and oppose it , if it appear either Erroneous or Suspicious . § . 2. Before I come to search into the Opinion of the Fathers , and others , about the Nature of Schism ; it is needful to premise a few things ▪ 1. Schism is a Breach of Unitie ; and therefore , there can be no Schism where there ought to be no Unitie ; yea , where there need be no Unitie , or where there can be no Unitie . Wherefore that we may understand what Schism is , it is needful to Consider what Unitie should , and must be amongh Churches , and among Christians . There are several sorts of Unitie , that we cannot have with all Churches , as local Communion : some that we need not have , as Identitie of Rites : some that we ought not to have with some Churches ; as Communion in false Doctrine , or impure Worship . 2. The Unitie of the Church may be Considered in all the Notions in which the Church is considered ; or in all the sorts of Churches : In the Catholick Church , visible , and invisible , in all the Combinations of Chur●hes among themselves , National , provincial , classical , and in particular Comgregatious . It is an undue Notion of Unitie and Schism that Independents have , that they are only to be Considered as in a particular Congregation . 3. Unitie consisteth in Joyning with , and c●eaving to the Church in all these Acts of Communions with her that the LORD hath made our Dutie ▪ so that it is not only Schism to depart f●om a Church ( without just cause ) that we have been joyned to ; but not to joyn with some Societie of Christians , when it is possible for us ; and when we can do it without Sin ; the former may be called a ●ositive , this a negative Separation . 4. Schism may be also called Positive , or negative in another Sense ; the former , when a Partie in a Church , doth not joyn with the Church ; yet setteth up no Church in a separated way from that Church , whereof they were Members : the later , when they set up such a distinct Societie ; there may be just Causes for both : The first , When I cannot joyn with the Congregation I belong to , because of some Corruption that I must partake of , if I joyn ; but I partake with some other more pure Societie ; The second , When a Body of People cannot joyn without Sin , nor can they have the occasion of a Societie , where they might joyn ; they must either live without Ordinances , or set up another Religious Societie ; on this Ground Protestants did thus separate from the Popish Churches . 5. There may be a partial Separation , when one Ordinance is so corrupted , that we cannot joyn in it , and yet can joyn with the Church in all other Acts of Communion : and a total Separation , when either the Church will not suffer us to joyn with her in any part of her Service , unless we joyn in all ; or she is so Corrupt that we can joyn with her in nothing that is Religous . The former by most wise and sober Men , is not reckoned such a Schism ; as that any are to be blamed as Schismaticks on that account ; but the Author I now Debate with , aggravateth that even to a very high degree of Schism ; as also do many of ●is Partizans ; driving many Consciencious and good Men from them , for the sake of some Usages , which themselves count indifferent , and the others apprehend to be unlawful . 6. The Differences in Opinion about Religious matters , especially when Managed with heat , and animosities , may be called Schi●m , according to the import of the Word ; yet in the usual Ecclesiastical notion of Schism , they are not to be so reputed ; unless some kind of separation , or shuning the ordinarie Church Communion one with another , follow upon them . Diversitie of Opinion , and of Affection , are sinful evils ; but it is diversitie of Religious Practice , following on these , that maketh ChurchiSchism . 7. When a separation falleth out in a Church , the Guilt of it doth certainly ly on the one side or the other ; and often neither side is wholly innocent ; they who have cause to separate , may manage their Good cause by evil Methods , and in a way that is not wholly Commendable : now to know on which side the blame of the Schism ●ieth , we must not always conclude that they are in the fault . 1. Who are the fewer Number ; otherwise most Reformations of the Church were sinful : Nor , 2. Who separate from the Church Rulers , themselves being in Possession of Church Authority : for this should condemn our Reformation from Poperis ; Nor , 3. Who separate from that Partie that hath the countenance of civil Authority , and hath the Law on its side ; not only because it is the Gospel , not the Law of the Land , that is the Rule of our Religion , and Church Practice : but also because that is variable , and by that Rule , they who were the sound Partie one year , may be Schismaticks the other ; without any Change in their Principles or Practice ; which is absurd . Wherefore the blame of Schism , in that case , lieth only on them who hath the wrong side of that controverted Matter about which they divide ; or who , though their Opinion be better than that of the opposite Partie , yet depart from the Communion of their Brethren without sufficient Cause ; every thing that we may justly blame , not being sufficient for making a Rent in the Church . Hence it plainly followeth , that Mens assuming to themselves the name of the Church , is not sufficient Ground for them to Brand such as Schismaticks who depart from their Communion : Where Truth and Gospel Puritie is , there is the Church , and they who have most of these are the soundest Church . § . 3. Having laid this Foundation for Discerning what is truly Schism , and where the Blame of it lieth : I shall next enquire into the Opinion of the ancient Church , about Schism : it is evident that they did Oppose it ; and set forth its Sinfulness , and sad Consequences , with a great deal of Zeal , and that justly ; for it is not only a sinful thing on the one side , or the other , but is a great Plague and Judgment from the LORD on a Church , and tendeth to the of Ruine of Good Order , of the inward and outward Practice of Religion , and of Mens Souls ; and herein I shall make no Debate with my Antagonist in what he Discourseth , p. 211. 212. He is in a vast Mistake , if he reckon it among the New Opinions of Presbyterians , that they think well of Schism , that is truely such ; or speak diminutively of the Evil and Hazard , and Fatal Effects of it ; nay , our Principle is , that a Man should part with what is dearest to him in the World , to Redeem the Peace and Unitie of the Church ; yea , that nothing can Warrant , or Excuse it , but the Necessity of shuning Sin. It is also evident that the Ancients were very Liberal in bestowing on one another the odious Names of Schismaticks , as also of Heretick ; and that often proceeded from a true ( though mistaken ) Zeal for lovely Truth , and beautiful Unity : at other times it might arise from some sinful Infirmities , that they ( as all Men are ) were Subject to . Good Men may be Zealous for their own Opinions , because they take them to be the Truths of GOD. The Father 's called several Practices Schism , and shewed a great dislike of them all . As , 1. They blamed Dividing from the Universal Church , as Schism ; and there are many things wherein Men may be blamed , under this Head , which I shall not now mention ; it being my Work at present , only to Enquire into the Opinion of the Fathers in this Matter . I find they were not of my Adversaries Opinion in this ; many things he maketh a heavy out-cry about , and blameth People for , as Schismaticks , and Sectaries , which they laid no such stress on ; They bare with one another , though they Dissered in Rites , and several Customs . They did not fall out about what they counted indifferent , but maintained Peace , and Concord , notwithstanding of different Practices in one Church from another . Euseb. lib. 5. C. 23. citeth Irenaeus , reproving Victor of Rome ( where Usurpation , and imposing on others early began ) for Excommunicating other Churches which kept not Easter on the same Day with him ; and he setteth before him some Differences between Polycarpus and Annicetus ; so as neither could perswade the other to be of his Mind ; and yet they did lovingly Communicate together : The Words of Iren. as Eusebius hath them , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Some think they should Fast one Day ( to wit , before Easter ) some two , others 40 hours ; but yet still they retained Peace ; the Diversity of their Fasting Commended the Unity of their Faith : and in the same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they maintained Peace , and none was cast out for that Difference . Among Cyprians Epistles , one from Firmilian , sheweth the same thing , i● plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum varietate diversa fiunt , nec tamen ob haec ab Ecclesiae Catholicae ●ace atque unitate aliquando discessum est . § . 4. It is also very plain , that the Fathers , ( I mean of the first Ages ) did not place the Unitie of the Church Catholick in being of the same Opinion about all points of Doctrine ; but did bear with one another , and maintained Peace , even when they Differed about some of the lesser Truths ; yea , when some of them would impose their Opinions on others , and Censure them who Differed from them ; they were , by the rest , dealt with , not as Maintainers , but Disturbers of the Peace and Unitie of the Church . Justin. Martyr : dialog . cum Tryphon : speaking of these Jewish Converts who clave to the Mosaical rites ; if they did it out of weakness , and did not impose on other Christians , sayeth of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That we must receive them , and Communicate with them , as of the same Mind , or Affections , with us , and as Brethren . And we find that in the Difference between Stephen Bishop of Rome , and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage , about the Validitie of Baptism Administred by Hereticks , Stephen was by the rest of the Bishops condemned , as a Breaker of the Peace of the Church ; because he Anathematized Cyprian on this account . Firmilian in the Ep. above cited , hath these Words on this occasion , quod nunc Stephanus ausus est facere , rumpens adversum vos pacem quam semper antecessores ejus vobiscum amore & honore servabant . Irenae . lib. 4. C. 62. Condemneth them as makers of Schism , who used such Crueltie toward their Bretheren ; propter modicas & quaslibet causas magnum & gloriosum corpus Christi conscindunt , & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est , interficiunt ; pacem loquentes , & bellum operantes , vere liquantes culicem & camelum transglutientes . § . 5. But we find the ancient Fathers with a Holy Zeal , Charging such as Apostats from the Church , and breakers of her Peace , who held Opinions contrarie to the Essential , and Fundamental , or any of the great Articles of the Christian Faith ; so that they placed the Unitie of the Catholick Church , in a Harmonious consent to these great Truths . Irenae . lib. 1. C. 3. p. 53. edit . Colon ▪ 1625. having given a short Account of the chief Articles of the true Religion , hath these Words , hanc igitur praedicationem , & hanc ●●dem adepta Ecclesia , quamvis dispersa in universo mundo , diligenter conservat , a● si in una eademque domo habitaret , ac similiter iis fidem habet , ac si unam animam unumque & idem cor haberet ; atque un● consensu hoc praedicat , docet ac tradit , ac si uno ore praedita esset . Quamvis enim dissimilia sunt in mundo genera linguarum , una tamen & eadem est vis traditionis ; nec quae constitutae sunt in Germania Ecclesiae aliter credunt ; nec quae in Hispania , neque in Galliis ; neque in Oriente , neque in AEgypto , neque in Lybia , aut in medio Orbis terrarum fundatae sunt , sed quemadmodum Sol Creatura Dei unus & idem est in universo Mundo ; ita & praedicatio veritatis ubiquae lucet , & illuminat eos qui ad notionem veritatis venire volunt . Eusseb . Hist. Eccles. lib. 4. c. 27. Citeth Irenae , condemning Tatianus , the Author of the Sect of the Encratitae , and saying of him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ he reckoned his Opinions a falling from the Church , or a breaking her Unitie . The same Historian , lib. 4. c. 24. giveth Account of Egesippus narrating , how long the Church remained a Virgin , Teaching and Believing nothing but the Law and the Prophets , and what the LORD himself taught , and he mentioneth particularly the Churches of Corinth , Rome , and Jerusalem ; and then sheweth how Heresies arose , whose Authors he calleth false Christs , false Prophets , and false Apostles , and of them he sayeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they divided the Unity of the Church , by their corrupt Doctrines against GOD , and against his CHRIST . Several other Citations might be brought to this purpose ; but these may be sufficient . I do not Question , but that there might be other things which might be called Schism , even with respect to the universal Church , as if any should bring in Idolatrous , or Superstitious Worship , contrarie to the Rules of the Gospel ; or should violate any of the necessarie and landable Canons of general Councils , and should set up Societies in opposition , not only to one or few , but to all the Societies of Christians , or all the Soundest of them ; But of the first , we hear little of the first Ages ; neither could the second be , because they had no general Councils ; nor had the Church then begun to make so many Canons as afterward : for the Third , we find none guiltie of that except some Hereticks , who were Noted for their Heresie ; and their Schism little spoken of , as being the Consequent of the other , so it was with the Novatian Schism . § . 6. There is another sort of Unity much regarded among the Ancients , which though the Breach of it had as bad influence on all , or most Churches , and so on the Catholick Church : yet it properly respected Neighbour Churches ; either , which were united by the Bond of one Government , a Provincial , or lesser Synod , being made up of them : or only living in the vicinitie of one another , or having frequent occasion of Correspondence ; they who were not under any uniting Bonds , but these commune to all the parts of the Catholick Church , yet had an Unity of kind Correspondence , mutual Assistance , as occasion offered ; acquainting one another with their Affairs , so far as it was of any Advantage : admitting the Members of other Churches to Communion with them , on occasion ; refusing Communion with such Members of other Churches , as were by them Excommunicated : and this Unity was then broken when these Acts of Friendship were shunned , or refused ; especially when they who were cast out by one , were received to another : or when occasional Communion was either shuned by them who so joyned in another Church , or denied to such Sojourners , if they desired it : or , when one Church shewed Rage , Furie , and Bitterness against another ; because of what they differed about . Instances of this are many : the Difference betwixt Stephen of Rome , and Cyprian of Carthage , came to that Height , that they would not Communicate together ; one of them Anathematized the other : and it spread so far that the Churches of Europe , and these of Africk did concern themselves in it . Eusebi●● ( cited Catal. Test , verit . p. 26. ) ascribeth the Persecution under Dioclesian chiefly to the Contentions of Priests and Bishops . Basilius Magnus cited by the same Author , p. 27. maketh an Observation , that among Men of other Imployments there was much Concord ; in Sol● vero Ecclesia Dei , pro qua Christus est mortuus , & in quam Spiritum Sanctum abunde & opulenter ●ffudit , maximum dissidium , & vehementem multorum , tum inter ipsos , tum contra Divinam Scripturam dissentionem obs●rvari , & quod horrendissimum est , ipsos Ecclesiae pr●sides in tanto & Animi & Opinionum inter se dissidio constitutos , tantaque contrarietate mandatis Domini repugnantes , ecclesicam Dei crudeliter dissipare & gregem ipsius absque ull● commiseratione perturbare , ut & ipsis nunc si unquam , prodeuntibu● & florentibus iniquis , impleatur illud Apostoli , ex vobis ipsis exsurgent viri perversa loquentes , ut abstra●ant post se discipulos . The Learned Owen , of Apostacie , p. 500. observeth that the Scandalo●● Divisions among Christians , especially among their Leaders was the first ●tep of the visible Degeneracie of Christians ; and afterward because the Sport of the Heathen . § . 7. The Unity of Associated Churches who were Governed in Common , to which Government that of the several Congregations was subordinate , consisteth especially in the Agreement of the Rules in their Meetings for Managing the Publick and Common Affairs of the Churches , and each Member submitting to what was Determined by Common Consent of the Plurality ; whether it were Injunctions , Reproofs , or Censures . The Breach of this Unitie was when any , one , or moe , of that Ruleing Society took on them to Oppose or Contradict what was Determined as above-said : much more when they did that by themselves , which should have been done by the whole , as when Foelicissimus , and some others of the Presbyters of Carthage , absolved some of the Lapsed , neglecting Cyprian the Bishop , or Praeses , and the Body of the Presbyters : which Cyprian did Highly , and Justly Resent . Or when they , or any of the People , refused Subjection to the just Decisions of the Church Rulers Assembled . This sort of Schism is much of the same Nature with what followeth , I insist no further on it : for it is the same Thing , as to Church Unity , whether any Minister of the Church Rebell against the Bishop ; if that be the right Government of the Church ; or against the Synod , Presbyterie Classical , or Congregational ; if that be the way that CHRIST hath Appointed . Yea , it is the same Breach of Unity , to set up another Bishop , beside the true Bishop of the Church ; or a new Synod or Presbyterie , beside these which one was before a Member of , or Subject to ; yea , or to gather a Church , and to set up a Minister and Meeting in a Parish , beside what was orderly there settled . Wherfore the last sort of Unity , or Schism , is that which belongeth to a particular , Congregational Church . This Unity if we take Schi●m in a large Sense , is broken by Diversitie , either of Opinions , or Affections , among the Members of the Church ; when they Disagreee , and Manage their Differences with Strife and Contention ; even though there be no separation in their publick Exercises of Religion . At Corinth there was such a Schism ; they came together , and yet the Apostle saith , there were Divisions ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) among them . But Schisms in the Church , were of old , and now are , taken in a more restrained Sense for a causeless separation from the Church in the publick Exercises of Religion ; either by withdrawing only , or by setting up another Religious Society also . This the Fathers Expressed , sometimes by Rebellion against the Bishop ; or withdrawing from him ; that is Denying due Subjection to the Pastor of that Church ; and Obedience to him with the Presbyterie . So it is sometimes Expressed by them ; but even when the Presbyterie , or Church is not named ; it is so to be understood ; and the Bishop is so often Named , because he was ( in these times ) the constant Praeses of their Meetings ; and even this Praelation ( though without sole Jurisdiction , into which it did at last , Issue ) began early to be too much taken Notice of , as I have more fully shewed else-where . § 8. I shall first shew that Schism was often ( yea ordinarilie ) thus understood by the Ancients . Next , that they did not always blame this Disobedience and Separation as a Sinful Schism : but allowed it to be done in some Cases , and for some Causes . For the former , Cyprian in many Places condemneth this , as Schism : Ep. 40. § . 4. Edit . 1593. Deus unus est , & Christus unus , & una Ecclesia , & Cat●edra una , super Petrum Domini voce fundata ; aliud Altare constitui , aut Sacerdotium novum fieri , praeter unum Altare , & unum Sacerdotium non potest ; Quisquis alibi collegerit spargit , Adulterium est , impium est , quodcunque Humano Furore instituitur , ut Dispositio Divina violetur . Here it is evident that he speaketh of Separating from the Church ; also , Ep. 55. § . 6. Neque enim aliunde nata sunt Schismata , quam unde , quod Sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur ; nec unus in Ecclesia ad tempus Sacerdos , & ad tempus Judex vice Christi cogitatur . This also Pointeth at Deserting the Lawful Pastor of the Church ; and Setting up a Meeting in Opposition to him , and the Church . What he saith of one Priest , and one Judge , cannot be meant , that the Presbyters were no Priests ; for that was contrarie to the known Sentiments of Cyprian ; but it is to be understood of one Church Authoritie , in Opposition to Setting up Altar against Altar ; likewise , Ep. 64. § . 4. H● sunt ortus atque conatus Schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , ut Praepositum superbo tumore contemnant : sic de Ecclesia receditur , sic Altare profanum foris collocatur ; sic contra Pacem Christi , & Ordinationem atque Unitatem Dei rebellatur . Other Testimonies to the same Purpose might be brought , Ep. 69. § . 7. he calleth the Church , Plebs Sacerdoti unita , & Pastori suo Grex adhaerens : and Ep. 38. § . 1. saith of Schismaticks , ●um Episcopo portionem Gregis dividere ; id est a Pastore oves , & Filios a Parente separare , & Christi Membra dissipare . And de Unitate Eccles. § . 10. he saith of them , Conventicula sibi diversa constituunt ; so also Ignat. ad Mag ▪ nes . p. 32. Edit . Vossii , quarto , 1646. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they conveened not firmly ( that is , it would not hold in Law ) according to the Command ; and Ep. ad Smyrn . p. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : who doth any thing ( viz. in Religious Matters ) without the Knowledge of the Bishop : ( that is , in a Parish without the Pastor , or in a Presbyterie , without them orderlie met , with their Praeses ) he serveth the Devil . The second thing above-mentioned is , to shew that there were some Causes , for which the Ancients allowed People to separate from their Bishop , or the Church , that they were Members of . I find but three expressie mentioned , 1. Apostacie from the Christian Faith : as in the Case of Martialis and Basilides , who Sacrificed to Idols , Ep. Synodal . apud Cyprian . quae est , 65. § . 1 , 3 , 4. where , after many Words to this Purpose , are these , Propter quod Plebs obsequens praeceptis Domini , & Deum metuens , a peccatore Praeposito separare se debet , nec se ad Sacrilegi Sacerdotis Sacrificia mis●ere ; quando ipsa maxime habeat Potestatem vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . A second Cause was Haeresie , Irenae . lib. 1. c. 13. Opportet longe fugere ab eis ; speaking of Haereticks . Origen . Homil. 7. in Ezek. alloweth one to separate from his Bishop : Si habueris ( saith he ) occasionem Doctrinae p●ssimae , & aliena ab Ecclesia dogmata . Theodoret. lib. 1. c. 22. telleth us that at Antioch many of the Clergy , and People withdrew , and set up private Assemblies ; when three Arrian Bishops Eulalius , Euphronius , and Placentius were set over them . And lib. 2. c. 24. that they did the like when Leontius , who favoured the Arians , was set up : and that Flavianus and Diodorus took the Charge . Vincent . Lyrin . adversus Haer. c. 16 relateth of Photinus Bishop of Sirmium , a Man of great Abilities , that when the People discerned his Error , Quem ante● quasi Arietem Greg●s sequebantur , eundem deinceps veluti Lupum fugere coeperunt . Thirdly , The Scandalous and Wicked Life of a Bishop : which the Words cited out of that Synodal Ep. in Cyprian , a little above , do plainly bear ; and Irenae . lib. 4. c. 44. Qui vero Presbyteri serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt ●imorem Dei in cordibus suis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquo● , & principalis confessionis tumor● elati sunt , & in absconsis agunt mala , ab omnibus absistere opportet . I shall not now determine whither this was sound Doctrine ; if it be understood of Peoples deserting their Pastor for his Personal Immoralities , before the Sentence of a Church Judicatorie be interposed . I only relate the Opinion of the Ancients . Origen . indeed saith Homil. 7. in Ezech. that they should not , for his Scandal , desert the Faith that he Preached : But he speaketh nothing of their deserting his Ministrie , nor contradicteth the rest whom I have cited . § 9. I now come to consider what Apprehensions Modern Writers have had of Schism . And here were a large Field to Expatiat in ; If I should Examine all or most of them , so many have written on this Subject , and so different their thoughts are of it . Wherefore I chuse one , whom , I think my Antagonist will not except against , the Learned Bishop of Worcester , in his Irenic . p. 109. The Sum of whose Discourse is ; all are bound to joyn into some Church Societie ; and being so joyned , should continue in that Societie , till his Communion with them becometh Sin. Now for what maketh it Sin to continue in Church Communion , and consequentlie warranteth Separation ; he supposeth , that Corruption in the Essentials of the Constitution of the Church , may warrant it ; but where there are Corruptions crept into a true Church , yet remaining such , he saith the Question is , whither we may separate from such a Church , for purer Administrations ; particularly , whither we should separate from a Church , because of Corruptions in the ●xercise of Discipline : he determineth it , that one may separate where there are Corruptions in Doctrine and Practice , which are avowed ; and owning them , is required as the Terms of Communion with the Church : he alloweth in that Case , not only Noncommunion , but a total and positive Separation : but he telleth us , that where Soundness of Doctrine is retained , but some Corruptions in Practice are tollerated , but not imposed , Separation is unlawful on that Account . He saith thirdly , where Doctrine is sound , but some unlawful , or suspected Practice is required to be owned , and conformed to , denying of such Conformitie and Communion with the Church in these things is lawful , but positive Schism , or erecting Altare contra Altare is not lawful . These are Concessions of that profoundly Learned Writer . Against which I have nothing to object , but what I have elsewhere Debated with him , viz. Where some unlawful , or suspected Action is required to be done by Ministers or People , and if the Church so imposing , will not suffer them to have Communion with her in any of Gods Ordinances , unless they will conform in these , both they must do ( for keeping a good Conscience ) and he alloweth them a Negative , and Partial Separation : and the Church forceth them on a Positive and Total Separation : what shall they do in that Case ? either they must live without Gospel Ordinances ; or they must set up Meetings wherein they must have them : the former is unreasonable ; the latter , is , that Positive Separation which he condemneth . I with he , or any else , would tell us what is to be done in that Case . Let us then , improve that general , and indisputable Maxim ; that we ought not to joyn with any Church , however commendable she be in many things , when our joyning doth engage us in any Action that is our Personal Sin : and that other Truth , which cannot be denyed ; that when People are driven away from partaking of the Word and Sacraments with the Church , unless they will do that which is sinful , or that they , after their uttermost Diligence and Sinceritie in Searching , apprehend to be sinful ; they ought not wholly to live without the Word or Sacraments ; and it will clearly follow , that a positive Separation , even from a true Church ; and setting up a Church in a Church , is not only lawful , but is a Dutie ; and the Sin of that Schism doth not ly on them who so leave the Church , or are driven from her ; but on that Church which requireth such unlawful Terms of Communion , and imposeth them with such Rigour . § 10. Having thus Prefaced to our Debate about Schism . I proceed to Examine what my Adversarie bringeth to prove the Scots Presbyterians to be Schismaticks ; which he attempteth without making any Distinction among them : though he knoweth there were different Practices among them , with respect to joyning in Communion with the Episcopal Church . He saith , there is not a Church on Earth , with which they can joyn in Communion , without fear of being polluted . It was Answered , that we can joyn with the Churches of Holland , France , ( when the Protestants had their Assemblies there ) and Geneva . &c. It was not said by the Author whom he refuteth , that we dislike several things in these Churches ; but by him : and it was Answered , we can communicate with a Church that is not so pure as we wish : what we dislike we shun the Practice of it ; but do not , for that , refuse to communicate with the Church where it is found . His Refutation of this is , at this rate it will be hard to find Schismaticks in all the Records of the Church . This is most false : for some did cast off Communion totally with the Church , and set up separate Meetings , when they could blame no part of Church Practice : but had Quarrels with the Persons that governed the Church . As in the Case of Felicissimus , who quarreled with Cyprians Promotion , and several others who made Schisms , because they could not be made Bishops . Again , he argueth , we cannot be said to be Members of a particular Church , or to hold Communion with it , if we do not joyn in their Worship , as it is established among them . This is easily Answered by a plain Distinction ; unless we joyn in their established Worship , as to the greatest and chief Acts of it ; conceditur : as to all the parts of it , even to the least , negatur . I may joyn with a Church in the Word and Sacraments ; and yet if they have a Holy Day or two beside the Sabbath , may forbear , yea I may , without this , be a Member of that Church ( if they will suffer me ) which all the Reformed Churches do , except the Episcopal Church of England . I shewed before , that the Ancients did not place the Unity of the Church in an Uniformity in these Punctilio's , ( so they who owne them , do reckon them ) and the Modern Churches , mostly are of the same Sentiments , and Practice . In Confirmation of this his Argument , he hath these Words , p. 214 , 215. Since he forbears the Practice of these things he disliketh , why may he not be said to hold Communion with all visible Churches on Earth . And instanceth not only in the Churches of France ; but in the Roman Church . This is an Absurdity beyond what he is aware of ; for some Churches we are obliged wholly to flee from ; because of Fundamental Errors , Idolatry , and horrid Corruptions of all Ordinances : so we sep●rate totally from the Church of Rome , so the Orthodox of old refused to Communicate with , or be Members of the Arian Churches ; yet they did not shun Communion with some Churches , that differed from them in small Matters , as I have shewed above , § . 4. of this Section . And the Learned Stillingfleet ( as I have observed already ) alloweth of a Partial Noncommunion , where Communion is not totally cast off . What he saith , of our no more coming near a Liturgy than we would Sacrifice our Children in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom : these I say , are not the Words of Truth and Soberness ; nor have they so much of Argument in them , as of unreasonable Sarcasm ; and are not to be regarded . Cannot one dislike a greater and lesser Evil , unless his Aversion to both be equal ? § 11. He falleth next on the Doxologie , p. 216. and doth insinuate without any Shadow of Truth or Candor , that we turn out the Episcopal Clergy for presuming to retain it in Public● ▪ Worship : all Scotland knoweth the contrary . We do not use it , but we never laid such Weight on using it , as to forbear all Communion with a Congregation where it is used ; I called it a Humane Composure . He saith , the Matter of it is Orthodox and Unquestionable ; Ergo , it is no Humane Composure ; non sequitur ; I said ; there is no Warrant for constant Use of it . He saith , there is as good Warrant for it , as there is for Extemporary Prayer in Publick Worship . This is false ; we read of no Praying by a Book , or set Form ; but the Spirits Help , not that of the Book , is the Help we must look for , not only as to the Manner , but the Matter of our Prayers ; what we should Pray for ; Rom. 8. 26. But I insist not on this ▪ he confesseth it to be a Digression ; and but toucheth it slightly ; I judge it a very impertinent Digression , ( but I behoved to follow as he leadeth ) for I think neither Ancient nor Modern Divines will call them Schismaticks , who cordially joyn with the Church where they live in all of her Worship , except this ; and it seems he hath little Ground to prove the Presbyterians Schismaticks , that he bringeth in this to help out his Proof against us . It is false also , that all the Churches abroad have Humane Ceremonies so twisted with their Solemn Worship , that Presbyterians cannot joyn with them . We have often ( and do when occasion serveth ) very cordially , and to our Edification , joyned with them ; and yet partake in none of these : nor is so much of these among them as he would make us believe . Another of his Arguments to prove us Schismaticks is , p. 215. If the present Presbyterians had lived a hunder and fifty years before the Council of Nice , there was then a necessity ( by their Principles ) to separate from the Unity of the Church ; because all the things they scruple were then practised . It was Answered , that the Hierarchy was not then in the Church ; this he taketh no notice of , nor shall I , for we have already Debated it sufficiently . Neither do we make the Beeing of the Hierarchy the Ground of Separation ; but that Ministers , at least , must owne it , or have no Communion with their Church . But he telleth us of a great many other things that were then used , as Anniversary Days , Significant Ceremonies , the Sign of the Cross , &c. And beseecheth me to read some of the ancient Monuments of the Church . I thank him for his good Advice ; I have followed it , in some degree ( though I cannot Brag of my Reading , nor Vilifie others , as if their Reading were short of mine ) before he gave it ; and shall yet further , as I can ; and though I find that some of these crept early into the Church ; ( and yet , may be , not so early as he imagineth ) I do not find that the ancient Church placed her Unity in these things ; and I think , by the small Reading that I have attained , I have proved the contrary , and therefore if we had then lived , we might have been counted no Schismaticks . I further Answer , the Ancients placed Schism , with respect to the Universal Church , in her Heterodoxy , not in different Rites ; and therefore we maintain Unity with the Fathers , while we believe as they did ; for that Unity that should be in a particular Church ; we are not capable of it , but with that Church where we converse , not with that which was 1600 or 1700 years ago ; therefore it is improper to say we are Schismaticks , because of what we would have been in that possible Case that never was . § 12. His third Consideration to prove us Schismaticks is , that our Predecessors condemned the same Practices as Schismatical ; the Answer to this was given ; this Argument was used by him before , and I Answered it before : He saith ; I leave him to Guess where it was brought , and Answered : and truly I thought it was an easie Guess , being but in the end of the former page , viz. 33. If he had read heedfully what he undertaketh to refute , he could not have been at a Loss here . It was there told him , that as the former Presbyterians did not separate from the Episcopal Church , so nor did all of them of late : and they who did , were driven away by the Apostacy of his Party , from the way that they had engaged in ; and that by forcible changing of the Church Government , without her Consent , or any Means used to satisfie the Consciences of them who scrupled . I add , in former times Presbytery continued , only Bishops were superinduced ; therefore Ministers did not leave their Stations , till driven from them : but at the last Settling of Episcopacy , Presbytery was razed , ( so far as Men could ) and what Shew of it was left , stood on the Foot of the Bishops Authority , who Called and Impowered them to Act. This true Presbyterian Ministers could not submit to ; it being an owning of a Power in the Church , which they are convinced is unlawful . His fourth Argument is , No Schismaticks can be named in the Records of Ecclesiastical History , to whom that Name is more agreeable , than to the Presbyterians in Scotland . In Answer to this , the Donatists were mentioned , as Schismaticks , more justly reputed such , than the Scots Presbyterians can be . And the Novatians might also have been brought as another Instance ; to whom I confess , what was said agreeth more directly , viz. That they separated , because the Church admitted the Lapsed to Repentance . His Refutation of this is a long Discourse of the Original of the Donatists ; in many Circumstances , that do no way concern the present Purpose : and in which are some Mistakes , as far from the Account that we have in the ancient Records , as that Lapse of Memory is , ascribing somewhat to the Donatists , which agreeth better to the Novatians ; and yet there was great Affinity between these two sorts of Schismaticks ; they both had the same Rise ; Donatus in Africk ; and Novatus a Presbyter at Rome ; ( together with one of the same Name , who , upon Discontent , came from Carthage to Rome , and joyned with him in making a Schism ) both of them were , ( as they thought ) disobliged by the Election of a Bishop , the one , that Caeciliaenus was Elected ; who ( as he alledged ) was ordained by a Traditor ; yea , was a Traditor himself ; that is , in time of Persecution , had given their Bibles to the Heathen to be burnt ; the other , that Cornelius was made Bishop ; both of them pretended a greater Zeal for the Purity of the Church , than the rest of the Pastors had ; the one , that all the Churches had fallen into Apostacy , through their Communion with them who had been Traditors ; the other , that they who so had fallen , or otherwise , in time of Persecution , were not to be admitted to Church Communion again , nor get Absolution ; though he , nor his Followers did not deny , that they might obtain Mercy from God , upon true Repentance , ( the contrary of which some impute to them ) both of the Sects were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Puritans ; both of them separated from all the Churches of the World ; and managed their Separation with unreasonable Rigour ; especially the Donatists , and among them the Circumcelliones ; who were furiously enraged against all who differed from them ▪ Both of these Schisms spread far and wide . It is observed by some , that there were of both sorts , Men of strict Lives . Though some of the Ancients tell us of their Haeresies ; yet others acknowledged their Agreement with others in the Faith : of the Donatists Cresconius said , they confessed the same Jesus born , dead , and risen again ; they had the same Religion , and the same Sacraments , and there was no Difference about the Practice of Christianity . Augustine confesseth that their Difference was not about the Head , but about the Body , not about Christ , but about his Church . Augustin . de Unitat. Eccles. c. 4. and Epistle 45. saith , they were agreed in the Creed , in Baptism , and other Sacraments of our Lord ; also Ep. 162. he telleth us , that Miltiades in a Synod at Rome , and his Brethren , ●ffered to hold Communion with the Bishops that Majorinus ( whom Donatus and his Party had set up in Opposition to Cae●ilianus ) had ordained ; which Condescendence is also evident , from Collat . 1. Carthag . Art. 16. apud Optat. Milevit . p. 45. 6. Edit . Paris . 1631. § . 13. Our Author tells us , that we ought to have named Schi●maticks in the Primitive Church ; whose Pleas when Represented with all possible advantage , are not so fair and plausible as these of the Presbyterians . I Answer the Donatists and Novatians were Schismaticks in the ancient Church ; and their Pleas for their Separation were not so fair as these of the Presbyterians , which I shall shew in these Three things . 1. They had no good , nor sufficient Ground to separate ; we declare that we will never separate , because the Church admitteth scandalous Sinners to Repentance and Communion , as the Novations did : nor because some Ministers and People , are not so innocent as they should be , as the Donatists did : we condemn their Schism as much as he doth . What the Donatists alleged was false in matter of Fact , as was made appear . First , By some Judges appointed by the Emperour , to try the matter ▪ next by a Synod held at Arles : And lastly , by the Emperour , after a full Hearing of the Matter : and if it had been true ; it was no just ground of Separation ; though it had been a great Grievance . The Novation Plea had no weight in it at all , because the Church was not culpable in such Admission , which they did unreasonably bl●me . Can he Charge the Presbyterians with any thing that is so unreasonable . What we dislike is , an usurped Power set up in the Chuch ; and humane Ceremonies imposed on us ; and our owning of these formally in Words , or materially in our Practice , is made a condition of our Communion with the Church . It is true , if he can Prove our Scruples to be unreasonable ; and that what we dislike is Warrantable ; he may blame us , for none Complyance ; but what is the Question between him and us ; if we Scruple without cause , the blame lieth on us : if not , the Guilt of Separation lieth on them who impose such things . Wherefore the Determination of this Point , who is culpable in the Separation that is in the Church at Present , dependeth on the Question now under Debate , about Episcopacie and Ceremonies . 2. We always were willing to unite with them , if they will remove the Stumbling-blocks that lie in our ways ; which themselves confess to be indifferent . I mean the Ceremonies ; and if they will not require our owning of Episcopacie , directly nor indirectly . The Novations nor Donatists never offered such terms of Peace . It is not what they do that skareth us from them , but what they will needs force us to do . 3. We do not Exclude any of them from our Communion ; as the Schismaticks of old did . Who either of their Clergy , or of the People have been Excluded from the LORD'S Supper with us , on account of their Opinion in the things that are matter of our Debate . 4. We do not condemn their Church , as no Church ; as the Donatists did to all beside themselves ; we condemn only some things among them that are of inferior moment . 5. It is evident that themselves are the cause of all the Schism ; and they are not of the healling temper that the Church was of , which had to do with the Donatists : that Church was willing to forbear them , even in their most unreasonable Separation ; and to indulge such as were of a Religious Conversation ; but differed from the Church without cause , in matters of lesser moment ▪ The Episcopal Church had no Pity on such as differed in indifferent Ceremonies , acknowledged to be such ; but drave them away from their Communion unless they would comply in these , which they could not do without wounding their Conscience . If he can Prove that we deny Communion with the Episcopal Church , on on frivolous pretences , as he supposeth , p. 222 ; he gaineth what he contendeth for ; but he findeth it easier to suppose this , than to Prove it . It was said by his Antagonist , that the Donatists forsook their lawful Pastors ; which Presbyterians do not : the Bishops being none of our Pastors . He saith this is the very Crime of the Presbyterians , in their Erecting Altar against Altar . Answer , 1. That is not all that we plead for , as is clear from what hath been said . I have shewed § . 8. Cases in which , even lawful Pastors may be forsaken ; and ibid. that this may be done when they require unlawful conditions of Communion with them . But I say , 2. That the Bishops set up in Scotland were none of the lawful Pastors of the People over whom they pretended to Rule . And I am willing that Matter be Determined . 1. By the strength of Argument ; if he can Prove the Warrantableness of the Power that they Claim to , we must yield . 2. By the Suffrage of the ancient Church , which was positive , plain and unanimous in this , that the People should chuse their own Bishop , and other Church-Officers ; see Instances , Enquirie into the Constitution , &c. of the Primiiive Church ; c. 3. p. 63. Append. ad Catalog . Test , veritat . p. 33. The ancient Church did never own a Pastoral relation , in any Man , to a People , on whom he was thrust by the Magistrat , or any Power not Properly Ecclesiastical , and without their own Consent . This is our case , the Church of Scotland was in Peaceable Possession of Presbyterian Government , the Magistrat , not the Church , made a Change , and set Men over the People to be their Bishops , whose Office they could not own , and whose Persons they had no concern in : I Question whether the Primitive Church ( I mean the first Ages ) would have counted it Schism to disown such , and to cleave to their own lawful Pastors , who had been called by them , setled by Church Authority among them , and laboured among them , to their Comfort and Edification . His denying the Donatists to have taken their Name from Donatus a casis nigris , is contrarie to Petavius , rationar : tempor : lib. 6. p. 249. I know not what Vouchers he hath for him : his Assertion , p. 220. that Presbyterians have thrown Deacons out of the Church , is so false , that it is a wonder how he could have the Confidence to Affirm it : If he understand it of Preaching Deacons , he should have said so : and proved such an Officer to have been appointed by CHRIST to be in his Church . § . 14. His Fifth Reason to prove the Presbyterians Schismaticks , is from the Doctrine of Cyprian ; of which he is so confident ; that he maketh my asserting that a Bishop in Cyprians time was no more but a Pastor of a Flock , or a Presbyterian Moderator , not a Diocesan ; to be a plain Demonstration that I have never read Cyprians Writings . If I had read much more than either he or I have , I should not so often , nor so superciliously , vilisie others . If I have read little he will find it the easier to refute what I have Written . Another Learned Author of his Partie hath taken to task these few Lines in my Def. of Vindic. which he now undertaketh to refute : Which Book I have Answered ( with such reading as I could attain , both of Cyprian , and other ancient Writers ) in a Book Intituled the Cyprianick-Bishop Examined ; where I have endeavoured to Answer all that he hath here Written , before I saw it . I am not willing to Transcribe it , being the most part of that Book . He may read it , if he thinketh fit ; and if he , or any other , will refute what is there said of Episcopacie in Cyprians Age , I shall be willing to be Informed by him . His Triumphant Conclusion , p. 225. evanisheth into smoak , if what hath been said , be duly Considered . He begineth another Debate , about Preaching Moralitie ; which he passeth in a Word , overlooking all that had been said in Refutation of his former Book on that Head : While it was told him that not all the Clergy , but he , and such as he , was so blamed . Also , that Preaching Moralitie was never Censured , but Applauded , and lookt on as necessarie ; but what we Quarelled was , that some do only Preach Moralitie , and neglect holding forth to the People the aids of the Spirit , by which they should obey the Law acceptably , and the Righteousness of CHRIST , on account of which they , and their Works that are moraly Good , should be accepted ; and a great deal more to this purpose was Discoursed , to shew his Mistakes in that Matter : to all which he maketh no Return , but that his Antagonist had seen no Sermons of his in Print , nor heard him : and therefore could not tell what sort of Doctrine he preached . I think there was sufficient ground for thinking that he useth to Preach in that strain , seing he so doth Defend and Applaud it ; but much more occasion was given for so thinking , from a large Discourse in his Book ; that I was then Refuting , Vindicating their way of Preaching , in which their is nothing of that which is the Marrow of Gospel Preaching , viz. the imputed Righteousness of CHRIST , and the influence of his Spirit , by which we must do that which pleaseth GOD. His so often Rehearsing ( as he hath done the Third time ) an Error of the Press , which maketh a Passage that is unexceptionable to be Nonsense and Blasphemie , after it had been Solemnly disowned by the Author ; this , I say , sheweth the Mans temper : I am sure this silly shift will Reflect more on himself , in the Eyes of them who are not Malicious , than it will on the Person whom he would Defame . SECTION XI . Of the Government of the first Christian Church of Scotland . ANother Debate my Antagonist Engageth in , wherein what we hold must be reckoned among the New Opinions of Presbyterians is , what way the Christian Church of Scotland was at first Governed ; whether by Bishops , or the Pastors of the Church , acting in Parity ? We cannot give a distinct and paricular Account of their way , in this Matter , because of the Silence , and Defectiveness of the History of these times ; and therefore , it is a Mis-representation when he saith , that we hold that they were Presbyterians ; if he understand Presbyterian Government in the the usual Sense , as made up of Kirk-Sessions , Presbyteries , Synods , and General-Assemblies ; we suppose they had a Government in that Church ; and that it was Managed by Church Officers , and directed by the Word of GOD , as they then understood it ; for this we can bring no other Proof ; but that they were Christians , and we owe them that Charity , having no cause to think otherwise of them : and I think this will not be Contested between him and me . All the Question that remaineth is , whether the Teachers of the Church had equal Power , and Ruled in Parity , or had Bishops set over them , who had the Power of Ruling the Church ; the rest having only Power to Teach . We are for their Equality of Power ; my Antagonist for Episcopal Jurisdiction to have been , even then , in the Church of Scotland . I do agree with him that this is questio facti , and must be determined by Testimonie ; and that of Credible Witnesses , who might know the Truth of what they Assert . I have brought Credible History for what we say ; all which he Rejecteth as fabulous ; some of his Party ( particularly Spotswood ) bring Instances of Bishops in Scotland , at that time , without any to Attest the Truth of what he Writeth . Which of us , then , go on the best grounds ? Our Author had in the Apology ( which I take to be his ) pretended to Refute what I had Written on this Head ; First Vindic. Question . 1. p. 4. 5. all that he saith in the Apology , I Answered ; Deff . of Vindic. p. 36. 37. he doth in the Book now before me , endeavour to Answer part of what was said ( as he had also done in the Apology ) overlooking what he thought not fit to touch . I shall now Consider what he here saith ; omitting nothing that is Material : He hath not yet cleared his Assertion that Blondel took that History of the Culdees ruling the Church , from Buchanan and his temporarie Monks , Boetius and others , or such as were little removed from his own Age. For Blondel doth not mention one Monk contemporarie with Buchanan ; nor any Monk save Fordon , who was far removed from his Age ; wherefore the Objection from the Word Contemporarie is not Obviated , nor Answered , by any thing said in this , or his former Book . It was Objected that his Rejeing the Writers whose Testimonies were brought , as incompetent Witnesses , was to Raze the Foundation of the History of our Nation , which he Answereth , by shewing that it is the Establishing , not Razing of History , to require Competent Witnesses for what we Believe : This is to divert into another Question ; what was blamed in him was not , that Witnesses whose Testimony we receive , must be Competent ; but whether these adduced by me , in the Debate , were such . I only Mark here ; not Examine ( being aside from our present Debate ) what he saith , p. 230. that if History be Destroyed , and the Moral Certainty that is conveighed by Testimony ( he must mean Humane Testimony ) then the Authority of Revelation falleth , and Atheism is Introduced ; at least boundless Sceptecilm , and uncertainty . Whether this tendeth not to make Scripture , and all our Religion to Depend on the Churches Testimony , let it be Considered . If the Vindicator said , that we may believe a Matter of Fact without sufficient Evidence , let him be loaded with as many Epithets as he can Invent ; he Pleaded that Buchanan , Boetius , Major , Fordon , Usher , the Centuriators , Baronius , Beda , and Prosper , had given Account of the Affairs of the Scots Church , and if none of these be Competent Witnesses , our Historie is lost ; and cannot be made up by the Collateral Testimony of some of the Roman Historians , who spake of our Affairs obiter . § 2. Our Author is at a great deal of Pains , from p. 231. to Prove , that no History is to be Believed unless it be ●ttested by sufficient Witnesses , who had occasion to know what they Affirm ; I would gladly know who Opposeth him in this ; he fully Proveth what was never Denyed by any Body , so far as I know ; nor can it be Denyed by any Man in his Wits ; I mean , without this History cannot be Believed upon the Faith of these Witnesses , which are thus incompetent ; for by other Topicks a Matter of Fact , done 1000 years ago may be sufficiently Proved ; as the Learned Heideggerus Proveth both many Antediluvian , and Postdiluvian , Passages , by Consequences drawn from Scripture , in his Excellent Book , Historia Patriarcharum ; Wherefore I look on Du Lamy's Work , de Authoritate Argumenti negantis in Quaestionibus facti , to be of good use , and that the Popish legends are by that Argument solidly refused . I confess also , that there is much strength in Eusebius his neglecting of some Books as Spuroius , because not sufficiently Attested . Only I shall take Notice of a few things in his Managing of this his Discourse , though I fully assent to the Conclusion of it , viz. that History must be sufficiently Attested : and then I shall State this Question about the Credebility of History , a little more clearly than he hath done . And , 1. I observe , that p. 233. he denyeth that quaestio facti can be otherwise Determined . The contrarie of which I have already shewed , viz. that it may be Determined in some cases , by Consequences drawn from uncontested Matters of Fact. Next he saith , ibid. that the Presbyterians hold the Affirmative in the present Debate , about our ancient Church-Government ; this is Questionable , if it be not downright a Mistake : it is confessed on both hands that the Culdees taught the Church at that time ; the Question is either , whether they were Bishops , or not ; we hold the Negative ; or if he Word it thus , whether they were any more than Presbyters , we say , no : or , whether there were Bishops set over these Teaching Culdees , or not ; we are still for the Negative ; wherefore we might put him to Prove his Affirmative . I further Object , that , in the end of the same page , he insinuateth , that they against whom he Debateth do believe all things without Examining the Testimonies on which their Credibilitie is founded . We do not so with any thing of Moment ; far less with all things . Yea , we do not so in the Case now under Debate . Another Remark I make on what he hath , page 231. and 235. If a Matter of Fact be not Attested by any Credible Author living within 200 years of the Period in which such a Thing is said ●o have happened , it is to be lookt on as a Fable : and he addeth that Du Launy supposed that Orall Tradition could not carry any Matter of Fact further ; and to Ridicule any who might think otherwise , he hath devised a Ridiculous Storie of the King of China . This may suffer a little Correction ; and must not be taken as a Principle , neither on his Authority , nor Du Launy's ; more than a Storie of 200 years old can be . 1. It is hard to fix a Period , how far Orall Tradition can hand down a Storie to Posteritie ; especially , if it be not about the Credenda of Religion : If I can believe a Storie of 200 years old , from a grave and wise Author , whose veracity I do not Question ; I know not why the Addition of 50 , or a 100 years more , should make it incredible , if it come from the same hand . Wherefore this is too peremptorie a Decision : there are on the other hand , many cases in which , Oral Tradition may be very doubtful in far less time than 200 years . 2. If this Doctrine be received , what shall we think of the Histories of Eusebius , Socrates , and others , which our Author , as well as others , Citeth often and Considently ? It is true , they give us Vouchers out of ancient Writings ; but many of these may be Proved to be Fabulous , by this same Argument : and this they do not always . 3. He forgetteth and contradicteth himself , in the very next page ; while he sheweth , out of Sir George Mackenzie ; that the Bards repeated the Scotish Genealogies at their Marriages , Births , and other Solemnities , and calleth this an infallible Conveyance of true , constant , and perpetual Tradition : here is but Oral Tradition ; and it went beyond the Limits of 200 years ; otherways , it could not be a sufficient Evidence for all the Kings that were before Fergus the Second ; which is the Design for which Sir George bringeth it . 4. Good Historians , who make it their Business to Search into the Affairs of former Ages , may attain to some probable knowledge of what passed for more than 200 years , by Comparing one thing with another ; which others who have not made that their Study cannot easily reach ; yea , they do not always set down all the Grounds of what they Write , for that would oblige them , sometimes to write a Controversie , instead of a Historie . I say not this to Oblige any Body to take all on Trust that Historians , even of the best Note , do Write ; but to shew the unwarrantableness of Determining so dogmatically about the Credibility of History ; Neither do I think Defending our Opinion about the ancient Church-Government in Scotland needeth the help of this Observation . Before he had peremptorly Condemned the Historical Evidence that we bring ; he should have Answered what Sir George Mackenzie ( an Author that he seemeth to value ) hath Written against the Bishop of St. Asaph , p. 311. that History requires , nor admits , no Mathematical , nor legal Proof . But is satisfied with Moral certainty inferred from probable Tradition , old Manuscripts , credible Histories , the Testimonie of forreign Authors ; and probable Reasons . 2. That our Histories being already acquiesced in , and received by the Generality of Mankind , and especially by Criticks , Antiquaries , and Historians , the best Judges in such cases , need no Confirmation , nor further Proof . And he sheweth , p. 6. that Livies History hath no surer Grounds than Tradition , he Writing long after the time he speaketh of . All this he fully Proveth . § 3. He doth , p. 236. unjustly suppose , that I had asserted , that the History of our Nation must perish , if there was no Presbyterian Church in Scotland , so near the Apostolick Age. I said not so , nor had Words to that Effect . What I did , and do affirm is , that if none who have written the History of this Nation , are to be believed , our History is lost ; for the Collateral Proofs from the Roman Historians ; that he talketh of , could give us but a very lame Account of our Affairs . He maketh , p. 237. these Recitations of the Bards to be twisted with the Practice and Custom of the Nation ; and that by a constant , and uninterrupted Practice ; and that from the first Colonies that were planted here : now let me ask him ; what Authority he hath for this ; is not here an Oral Tradition ( for these Recitations are not extant , but are perished time out of Mind ) for much more than two hundred years , and thrice as many more . Nor doth Sir George Mackenzie give better Evidence for the Antiquity of our Kings , than we give for what we assert . He telleth us against Saint Asaph , p. 129. that the Tradition of our Nation might well be preserved for six hundred years , which is far beyond our Authors Period . That I Reasoned against Christmass from the Silence of the first Ages , is no way inconsistent with what I have , on this Occasion , written ; for if our Author can prove it from any other Topick , we shall not reject it . We shall tell him , whence the Historians had what we receive , and assert from them ; when we come to Debate with him , the Truth of things we hold ; we are now upon the general Argument , of the Credibility of a History . We are not obliged to give him Instances of other Presbyterian Churches before Calvin and Beza , others have done it . What he saith of the Waldenses I have disproved , Section 1. § . 1. I promised , above , to state this Question , about the Credibility of History , more clearly than he hath done ; for which there is much need ; for he neither distinguisheth Matters related , nor Persons relating , nor the Weight that is to be laid on what is related in History . 1. Then Matters that are of no great Moment , whither they be true or false , we may receive with a Historical Faith , on more slender Grounds than what is of great Moment , or , the Consequences of Believing which is of great Advantage , or in Convenience . Matters that we build an Article of Faith on , or that our Christian Practice , yea , or that any great Worldly Interest dependeth on the Truth or Falshood of what is told us , have need to have Credentials proportioned to the Stress that is to be laid on them . And therefore I yield so far to this Author , that he shall not be obliged to believe what we assert in this Matter , unless we bring such Evidences as the Matter requireth , and is capable of . 2. The Credibility of a Historian , must bear some Proportion to the Degree of Assent , that we are to give to the thing narrated . If our Author will have us to look on any History , as an infallible and irrefragable Ground of our Belief ; he must give us more than the Testimony of Men ; or the best Historians who are not Divinely Inspired . As I have shewed Section 3. § . 31 , 35. on the other hand , we talk not so high of the Historical Evidence that we bring , and therefore , a Probability of a lower Degree , than what he talketh of , may serve . 3. Tho the Credit of a Historian be not , by it self , sufficient to perswade us of the Truth of what he saith , yet if it be supported by the Probability of the Thing , by Circumstances that favour it , or the Testimonies of others ; or by any good Topick , from which the Truth , or the Probability of the Thing may be inferred , the History is not easily to be rejected . 4. The Persons who write the History are to be distinguished , some of them have given Evidence of their Ignorance , Negligence , Foolish Credulity , and Listening to Fables ; others have manifested great Learning , Industry , Care to Examine what they narrate ; or are Attested by others to be Men of Probity , Learning , Wisdom , and Exactness : certainly more Weight is to be laid on the one , tho living at some Distance from the Period he writeth of , than on the other , tho nearer to it . 5. They who live at great Distance from any Period of Time , may give great Light concerning what was done in it , if they do not barely Assert what they Fancy , nor Measure the Things of that Period according to the Opinions , Customs , the Dialect of their own Time ; as many of the Historians that our Author layeth much Weight on , have done ; but consider Things as then they were Stated , and bring probable Grounds , either from the Histories written by credible Persons in , or near that Time , or from any other Medium . § 4. I now proceed to the Vindication of our Argument from History , for the first Christians in Scotland being Governed without Bishops . He mistakes when he saith , that I bring Blondel as a Historical Witness of this : I mentioned him only , as Citing these Authors which assert it . Which are , Joan. Major . de gest . Scotor . lib. 2. c. 2. Per Sacerdotes & Monachos , sine Episcopis , Scoti in fide sunt eruditi ; and before him , Fordon Scoto-Chronicon , lib. 3. c. 8. Ante Palladii adventum , habebant Scoti fidei Doctores , & Sacramentorum Ministratores , Presbyteros solummodo , vel Monachos Ritum sequentes Ecclesiae Primitivae . It is true , Blondel citeth also Boet , who was later than either of them : But what he citeth out of him , seemeth not to be so much to his Purpose ; wherefore I wave that Testimony . Our Authors Answer to the other two Testimonies is , they were not competent Witnesses , living at so great a Distance from the Time they speak of . To which I Reply , First , they cannot be esteemed Partial Witnesses , being both of them Papists , and not Presbyterians : and it may be rationally thought , that if they had no sufficient Ground for what they said , they would rather have either said what made for the Way they owned , or at least suppressed what they had no good Warrant to assert , against their own Way . To this he saith , p. 245. that the Monks advanced this Fable to gratifie the Popes Design of Exempting the Religious Orders from Episcopal Jurisdiction . Reply , This doth not meet with our Case ; for Major was no Monk ; and so not concerned to tell a Lie to please the Pope in that Design . And for Fordon ; whatever Temptation he might have , to endeavour the Lessening of the Extent of the Episcopal Power ; he would not design to root out Episcopacy wholly out of Scotland , ( which this Testimony tendeth to , for the Period he speaketh of ) contrary to the universal Sentiments of that Church , whereof he was a Member . Wherefore that Consideration doth no way derogat from the Credibility of his Testimony . Secondly , We have no Ground to think that these Historians spake by Guess , or that they invented this Story ; for the contrary of it cannot be proved : and the thing it self is not impossible ; yea , Sir George Mackenzy , in his Advertisement before his Book against Saint Asaph , maketh it appear , that in our Countrey there were very Ancient Manuscripts , and that the Priests learned our ancient History from the Druids ; and he maketh it clear , p. 2. &c. that our Histories ( of which that of Fordon and Major are a part ) being received by the Generality of Mankind , especially by Criticks , Antiquaries , and Historians , ought not now to be called in Question . And I must still think , for all that he hath said in Opposition to it , that the History of our Nation falleth , if these Authors are not to be believed ; seing without them , he shall never be able to make up a Scots History out of Roman Authors . Thirdly , The same Author p. 5. sheweth that Men satisfie themselves in most things , with the general Belief and Tradition of a People ; that Manuscripts infer no Mathematical Certainty ; but the Authors of them might mistake ; that the Histories of all Nations are no better founded . All which sheweth how unreasonable it is to Question the Authority of these Histories ; especially when none do so , but one who is straitned with an Argument brought from their Testimony , against a Cause that he is fond of . It is also much to our Purpose , that the Learned Usher , de primord Eccles. Brit. 808. citeth the same Passages , with Approbation ; he citeth also Balaeus de scriptor . Britan. affirming that Palladius was sent , ut Sacerdotalem Ordinem Romano Ritu institueret , which we may rationally think : was to set up Bishops . Also the Learned Doctor Forbes , Iren. p. 157. citeth the same Passage of Major , and addeth of his own , adeo ut Ecclesia Scoticana plus quam 230 annos erat absque Regimine Episcopali ; and Forbes was Zealous for Episcopacy . § 5. The Testimony of these Historians is supported by other Historians , who shew Palladius was the first Bishop that Ruled in the Scots Christian Church ; and that Church had Subsisted , and had Government , and others of Christs Ordinances in it , above two hundred years , before Palladius came among them . This is Attested by Baronius and his Epitomator Spondanus , ad ann . 431. and by them taken out of Prosper , see Spondan . p. 592. this is more fully cleared , first Vind. p. 4. His Answer to this I now consider . He saith , p. 244. that the Controversie cometh to this , whether Prosper saith , that two hundred years before Palladius was sent to the Scots , there was a Presbyterian Church in Scotland , this is a ridiculous State of the Question , and made by none but himself : we affirm that Prosper said , that Palladius was the first Bishop sent to the Scots : and we , aliunde , prove that there was a Christian Church in Scotland , two hundred years before that time . Whence the Consequence is clear , that during that Space , the Scots Christians had no Bishops . I must ly under his Charge of Supine Negligence , in not Reading the Authors I cite . I only may be bold to require him to make that appear . That he thus attempteth . Baronius saith in the same Place of Palladius , Quem perductum etiam ad Hiberniam Insulam , sed cito mortuum , Probus in rebus gestis Sancti Patricii scripsit , dictum est superius . Hibernorum quidem Conversionem Deus Sancto Patricio reservavit . I hope the Judicious Reader will neither think it a Token of Supine Negligence , nor of my not Reading the Books I cite ; that I did not Transcribe this . For it was no ways to the Purpose in hand ; it might as well be so Constructed , that I did not write over all that followeth in Baronius , about Saint Patricks Descent , about his Ordination , his Instruction in Divinity , &c. But the Weight of his Objection lyeth in this , that Baronius and Spondanus understood Prosper so , as that Palladius was sent to Ireland ; and not to that part of Britain that we call Scotland . Here the Enquirer giveth me Occasion to return the Civility of a good Advice to him ; that he would consider what he Readeth , and what he Citeth out of Authors : for it is against all Sense and Reason , to make Baronius and Spondanus , either mean this in this Passage , ( or so to understand Prosper ) of a Mission to Ireland , and not to Scotland . It is to make a flat Contradiction between their Meaning and their Words : Whereas they say , Sanctus Prosper missum ait Palladium ordinatum Episcopum ad Scotos ; quem perductum etiam ad Hiberniam , &c. The Meaning then must be to our Author , tho he was Missus and Ordinatus ad Scotos ; he was not sent to the Scots , but to Ireland . Do not the Words bear it in their very Face , that he was sent to Scotland , and was their first Bishop : and after he had been there for some time , he was brought over to Ireland ; it is not said Missus , nor Ordinatus ; but Perductus : his Mission was to Scotland ; what Casuality or Design led him to Ireland , is not told us ; neither is it Prosper , but Probus that mentioneth his going to Ireland : and that he never was in Ireland , I have shewed in the Place Cited . § 6. He further endeavoureth to overturn our Argument from Prosper , as he is Cited by Baronius ; where he attempteth two things , 1. To shew that Palladius in Prospers Sense , was not the first Bishop , that was in Scotland ; but the first Bishop that was sent to them by the Pope . This he buildeth on Prospers Words , both as they are Cited by Baronius , and also are in the Augustane Copy ; the first are , Basso & Antiocho consulibus , ad Scotos in Christum credentes , ordinatus a Caelestino Papa Palladius , primus Episcopus mittitur . And the other Copy is , Basso & Antiocho consulibus , ad Scotos in Christum credentes , ordinatus a Caelestino Papa Palladius , primus Episcopus missus est . I see not what moved him to transcribe the Words twice ; unless he see a Mystery that others cannot observe , in the Difference that is between mittitur , and missus est ; but he will have mittitur , or missus est , primus Episcopus to signifie that he was not the first Bishop ; but the first Bishop of the Roman Mission ; if he be allowed to put what Sense on Mens Words he pleaseth , it must be so : Baronius and Spondanus did not so understand the Words ; neither can any Man so understand them , unless his Preconceived Opinion do Darken his Mind , that he cannot see things as they are . If Prosper had thought that there were Bishops in Scotland before , he should have spoken more plainly , and told us , that the Pope sent him to Rule over the Scots Bishops , or , that whereas Scotland was formerly Governed by their own Bishops ; the Pope would have them thenceforth Governed by such as he set over them . He telleth us of several Bishops sent to other Churches ; not to introduce Episcopacy ; but to bring them in Subjection to the Pope . This I deny not , ( tho he instanceth only in Austine the Monk , who was sent to England ) but this furnisheth an Argument against himself ; for none of them is called primus Episcopus of such a Nation , except he who was sent to Scotland . Augustine is neither called primus Monachus , nor primus Episcopus , though , as Beda , hist. lib. 1. c. 23. hath it , he was ordinandus Episcopus , si a Gente Anglorum susciperetur . He saith it is not evident from Prospers Chronicon , whether there was any Formed , Organized Church in Scotland , when Palladius was sent by Caelestine . This is wholly beside the Purpose : for Prospers Testimony is not brought for that End. Is it not enough that it is clearly proved out of Authentick Writers : that the Scots were Christians anno 199 , and Palladius came to them about 431. Now can he imagine , that the Scots Christians all that time , were not an Organized Church ; if he think that therefore they were Unorganized , because they wanted Bishops , this is to beg the Question . § 7. His other Answer is not a Refutation of me , but of Baronius , who took the Chronicon consulare for Prospers Work ; whereas our Author saith it is none of his ; and for this he produceth the Authority of Pithaeus : which is not sufficient against that of Baronius . And even Pithaeus himself confesseth that Chronicon per consules digestum , hactenus in omnibus Hieronomiani Chronici editionibus Prosperi nomine subjungitur . All the Ground he hath for denying it to be Prospers is , that the Stile differeth from what he calleth the true Chronicon , whereof a Fragment only remaineth . He telleth us also , that Doctor Cave saith , that the Chronicon consulare is much Interpolated : but that doth not prove the Book spurious ; neither doth it derogate from the Testimony we bring out of it ; unless he can say that it is one of the Interpolations , may be , Foisted in by some Presbyterian ; which if he say , it will make the Presbyterians older than our Author will allow . He quarrelleth , that I had asserted , that the Christian Faith was received in Scotland in the beginning of the second Century ; and calleth it a Dream ; because we have no certain Records of any Progress of Christianity made in the Island at that time . He should not have been so confident in this Matter , without Answering what was brought for that Assertion , or Dream , whatever he will call it . He should have disproved that Donald was our first Christian King : that he began to Reign anno 199 , that Palladius came to Scotland 431 , in all which Space the Scots lived without Bishops . If I have brought our Christianity any nearer to the beginning of the Christian AEra ; I shall confess an Error in Calculation , which I deny not that I may readily fall into . What he saith of Squeezing of his Words : I cannot Answer , for he neither tells where , nor wherein ; for my Book lying open to his Remarks ; the Reader must judge whether it be so , or not , and what Advantage he hath got against it ; the Error of my Title Page , putting of in stead of for the Clergy , is not such as he would represent ; if they do not owne it , he should crave Pardon for making it ; if they do , I have not Miscalled it ; tho I confess changing his own Word was an Oversight ; but I hope it is not a Beam ; but a Mote that he hath discovered , by his Critical Skill . SECTION XII . Of Ceremonies , and the rest of the Enquirers Quarrels with the Presbyterians , which have not yet been touched . THe last Effort made by this Author against the Presbyterians in his fifth Chapter , is made up of his Essay against our Opinion about Ceremonies , and other Miscellany Purposes , which hardly can be reduced to one Head : which I shall consider as his Discourse shall bring them in . Before I Examine his Dissertation , I observe two things in general concerning it . The first is , the course Treatment he giveth the Presbyterians , without Exception , as if he had them under his Feet , in this Conflict , before he enter on the Debate . He calleth our Opinion ( or rather his own mistaken Apprehension of it ; for it is none of ours , as will by and by appear ) a silly Theorem , on which he saith , we have broken the Unity of the Church , and filled the Heads and Mouths of People with a thousand Airy and Unaccountable Fancies : he calls what we say on this Head , Raveries , and a Labyrinth of Idle Talk , Fooleries . My other Observation is , his odd Representation of our Opinion , which he maketh to be altogether new , and our own : and indeed as he representeth it , it is wholly new , and none of ours , but his own : it is , that a Significant Rite in the Worship of God , not founded upon Divine Institution , is Superstitious , Unlawful , and Abominable , and such as may Legitimate a Separation from any Church , where it is enjoyned to preserve Order and Uniformity . Against this I have two Objections , 1. That we did never condemn all Significant Rites in Religion , even tho they be not founded on Divine Institution . Uncovering the Head is a Significant Rite , and we know no Divine Institution for it ; and yet we use it in the Worship of God , viz. Prayer , and several other Exercises ; and will separate from no Church because of it . That a Minister Preach in a Decent Garb , and not in a Fools Coat , is a Significant Rite used in Religion , not founded on Divine Institution , yet we shall not separate for enjoyning that . This loose and indistinct Way of Refuting an Adversary , cannot Instruct , nor Convince any Body . I shall not Retaliate his Harsh Words , by giving this Way the Epithet it deserveth . They who write on this Subject with Judgment and Understanding , use to distinguish three sorts of Modes of Mens Actions ; that are found in Religion , viz. Circumstances , Rites , and Ceremonies . Circumstances are Modifications of Actions , as Time , Place , Person ; or , a Circumstance is any thing that accompanyeth an Action which is not of its Essence , but is used with it , relateth to it , and is an Accident , or Adjunct of it : and it may be such , either with respect to the Physical or Moral Beeing of the Action : Circumstances use to be sorted in these Memorial Verses , Quis , quid , ubi , quibus auxiliis , cur , quomodo , quando . And forma , figura , locus , tempus , stirps , patria , nomen . Circumstance is a Word of larger Extent than Rite , and that than Ceremony ; a Rite is the Manner of going about any Action ( chiefly that which is Publick or Solemn ) confirmed by Law or Custom . In a more large Sense ▪ it is taken for any Action or Thing that belongeth to the Mode or Solemnity of another Action , rather than to the Substance of it : such Rites are used in Judicatures , Marriages , Burials , Inaugurations , &c. some of them are Civil , some Military , &c. and some also are Sacred ; when they are appropriated to Religion . A Ceremony is a Sacred Rite : the best Authors that I have seen , whether Heathen or Christian , Popish or Protestant , agree in this , that a Ceremony is peculiar to Religion : however the Word be sometimes , in common Speech , more largely taken . This applyed to our Purpose sheweth , that our Author doth widely mistake , when he representeth us as against Significant Humane Rites in Religion : we oppose only these of them which are appropriated to Religion , and so are Religious Rites , or Ceremonies . He cannot but know that there are many Actions used in Religion , which are not Religious . § 2. The second Thing that I Observe in his Representation of the Opinion of his Adverstaries , is , that they found separation on Ceremonies imposed to preserve Order and Unity . It is no so . Let them devise what Ceremonies they will ( which are not down-right Idolatry ) and impose them on the most plausible pretences they can think on : yea , let them use them as much as they will ; we do not think all this a sufficient Ground of Separation from a true Church whereof we are Members : but if they impose on us Religious Rites , or Sacred significant Ceremonies ; so as we cannot be suffered to Worship God with the Church , unless we either approve them , or use them , this we think a just Cause of Separation : seing such Complyance were our Personal Action , and sinful in the sight of God. And yet the Separation of them who thus scruple , is rather a passive Separation , than active : they are driven away , rather than run away . Let us now hear what he hath to say in Defence of the Ceremonies , the Question about which he hath so Stated . He will not gather together all our Raveries , but in a few Words , Vindicate the Practice of all Churches , &c. Those are but Words . He had done wisely if he had excepted the Apostolick Churches . And tho I deny not , but that some Ceremonies did early and unobservably creep into the Primitive Church , and that through the Zeal of some Good Men , who saw not the ●mportance , nor bad Consequences of such Observations ; it may be made appear that some of the Ceremonies that they now observe had no such early Original ; and that some of these which were observed in the first Ages are laid aside by them . Of the first Sort , I instance Kneeling in the Act of receiving the LORD'S Supper , the Cross in Baptism , and some of the Holy Days , of which before . Of the other Sort , I instance the Trin● Immersio in Baptism , the Aagapae , Baptising on Whitsunday , or Dominica in albis , rather than on any other Day ; the Osculum pacis , all the Steps of the Catechumeni , and Paenitentes , before they could be received into Communion with the Church ; and many other things which one may find in Albaspin ▪ Observ. Ecclesiast . which is Compendized by Keitembellius : there are also not a few modern Churches who are not for the Cermonies as they are Pleaded for by Him and his Party . If what I have said be Considered , his first Argument proposed by way of Question admitteth of an easie Answer . The Apostolick Church Worshiped GOD without Religious Ceremonies not Instituted by CHRIST ; and I hope he will own these as Societies of Men , who are to be more Considered than others . A sett of Arguments he next bringeth . 1. The Light of Nature teacheth us to Worship GOD , and all Men have Agreed in this , that Solemn W●rship of the DEITIE ought to be performed in Unity and Society . A. If he make the Consequence ( which he hath Suppressed ) to be , Ergo , we must have humane Religious significant Ceremonies ; we deny this Consequence , as not having a shadow of Reason . Again , if this Argument have any weight , humane Ceremonies must be necessarie : And GOD cannot be Worshiped without them : and all the Presbyterians are not only Defective in their Worship ; but there is a Nullitie in it through want of such Ceremonies : which looketh more like Raverie than any thing he can Charge us with . 2. Saith he , This publick Worship should be fixed and Established by the Wisdom and Authority of Competent Judges , as to the Manner and Method . Ans. 1. Are the Manner and Method of Worship Religious significant Ceremonies ? The Method is a Circumstance ; neither Rite nor Ceremonie : for the Manner , it is either some-what that is common to Religion , and other Publick and Solemn Actions ; and it consisteth in some civil Rites , therefore used in Worship because they have by Custom , Obtained in other publick Solemnities : this manner of Worship is not to be Determined by the Wisdom and Authority of any particular Judges ; but the Tacite Consent of the Nation bringeth it in by using it in all such Actions : So in the Apostles time , for a Man to Prophesie with his Head uncovered , and to wear long Hair ; was a Manner of Worship not determined by any Council , but brought in by civil Custom , and so made decent , that it was a fault to do otherways : so it were a fault among us , for a Minister to Preach in an Antick and ridiculous Garb , which Custom hath made such . Or the manner of Worship is something that is peculiar to Religious Worship ; and in that case it is Religion , or Worship it self ; being Designed , that by it GOD may be Honoured : tho it be a Mode of that Species of Worship : ( V. Gr. the Cross is a Mode of Baptism ) yet it is a piece of Worship it self ; being devised for a Sacred signification , and being peculiar to Religion : this sort of Manner of Worship must be fixed and Established by the Authority of CHRIST , neither do I know any lower Authority of any Judge that is Competent for it . § 3. His Third Argument , or Axiom , is , that we ought to express our Ad●ration in the publick Worship of GOD , by such significant Signs of Piety , and Devotion , as are known in that Nation where we live , to express our Reverence , and Esteem . The former Distinction will easily shew how little this will make for him . If he speak of natural or civil ●ites , that is , Actions , or Gestures , or Things , that Nature or civil Custom hath made so Expressive ; we yield all that he saith , but if he mean Religious Rites , or Ceremonies ; that is , such Things , Actions , or Gestures as have no place , nor are not lookt on as so Expressive , in any other Solemnity but in Religion ; I deny his Assertion : for what ever Custom hath crept into a Church or Nation , which is peculiar to Religion ; and tho it be never so well known in the Nation that the Church hath introduced it into Worship meerly by her own Authority ; So as it is neither made decent by Nature , nor by Custom , in other Solemnities or Actions ; nor enjoyned by Divine Authority , it ought not to be in the Church of CHRIST . Hence we can allow Sighing , lifting up the Hands , or Eyes in Worship ; Nature hath made them Expressive : also a grave and decent Garb ; because civil Custom hath made that ●it . Also using Water in the Baptism , and Bread and Wine in the LORD'S Supper ; because Divine Institution hath made them Significant and Useful : but the Cross in Baptism , the Surplice , &c. we cannot allow , because their Signification and Use in Religon ariseth from none of these ; but only from Mans will. His Fourth Assertion is , these significant Signs being indifferent in their Nature are variable according to the ●ge or Country with whom we have to do ; and may be Changed by the Authority and Wisdom of our Superiors , as o●t as there is sufficient Reason ; of which they only are the Judges . Other Ceremonialists use to Plead for the Churches Ceremonie-making Power with a little more Caution and Limitation ▪ so as they are careful to Shut the Door against the Popish Ceremonies : Some because of their ineptitude , the Bulk of them , because of their Number , being a Burden : but this Author is troubled with no such Scruples , or Fetters , he setteth the Door as wide open as the Pope , or any Church-Rulers ( yea , or Rulers of the State ) please to have it : no other thing but their Opinion , and Will , can keep out a Deluge of Ceremonial Fopperies . That the Ceremonies we Contend about ( I mean Religious Ceremonies ) are indifferent in their own Nature , he supposeth : but this is not to Instruct , but to Hoodwink the Reader : for he should have Distinguished the Nature of a Significant Ceremonies : It hath a general Nature , as it is such an Action , V. Gr. the Motion of the Finger , whereby the transient Sign of the Cross is made on the Fore-head of a Child ; let that pass for indifferent . It hath also a particular Nature , as it standeth in such Circumstances , viz. as it is Appointed to be annexed to Baptism ; as it is Stated in Religion , and appointed to it : and as a Religious Signification for a Spiritual end is put on it , and all this , not by CHRISTS , but by Mans Authority ; we deny it to be indifferent in its Nature , while it is thus Considered : as it must needs be in this Debate . But suppose we should allow an Indifferencie to be in the Ceremonies , as they are humane Actions to be used in Worship ; it is said without all Warrant , that our Superiors may Determine , and take away this Indifferencie , and Change their Injunctions about these Actions when , and as often as they see Reason so to do ; tho no Body else can see any such Reason . This is to make our Superiours absolute , and to give them an arbitrarie Power , in these things that we can make appear to be parts of Religion ; and which himself cannot deny to have a great influence on Religion , and in which it is nearly concerned . Beside to say that Superiors may Determine every thing that is in its Nature indifferent , wherein Religion is concerned , is to open a Door to so many Impositions as might make Gospel Worship a greater Yoke than that which the Jewish Church was not able to bear ; as the Apostle saith , Acts 15. 10. For Circumstances of Actions are innumberable , and few of them are Determined and Enjoyned by the LORD . We know the Church may determine the Actions in , and about Worship , which are not Determined in the Word , and yet must be Determined : but that she may Determine what ever she thinketh fit , is not to be Admitted . § 4. He telleth us , p. 152. that it is impossible to make Objections against the decent visible Motions of the Body in publick Worship , which may not be improved against the vocal Expressions of the Tongue . If he must be allowed to Determine what Motions of the Body are decent ; this his Assertion could be not Opposed : but there are who call most of these Bodily Motions decent , even in Worship , which are Learned at the Dancing School : which yet it were hard for the Church to Enjoyn : Wherefore these Motions that were made decent in Worship by Nature , by civil Custom other grave and serious Actions , or by Divine Institution , we make no Objection against them , but blame them who neglect them ▪ but for Motions that Men will call decent , without ground from any of these , we make Objections ( which yet have not been sufficiently Answered ) against their being Injoyned in ●●orship , which he shall never be able to Improve against all the Vocal Expressions of the Tongue . He saith we allow all these . VVhat he meaneth by so saying , I cannot Divine , we allow Vocal Expressions , and Bodily Motions too , that such of them as are fit should be used . But we do not allow that the Church , by her own Authority , without such Warrant as is above-mentioned , should enjoyn her Determinations either in the one or in the other . I hope he hath no ill meaning when he saith Nature led us at first to the Worship of the DEITIE . I think Revelation had as early , and as effectual a hand in it , after the Fall. I confess Nature alone will lead Men to Worship the DEITY ; but that Worship will not be such as even this Author will think sutable to Gospel Purity ; but will have worse Mixtures than those that we Contend about . He concludeth , that the Reverence we owe to GOD , must needs bring along with it these outward Significations of respect that are made Decent by Custom and Authority , to whose Decision alone GOD left these exterior Rituals of Worship . Thus he still endeavoureth to lurk under ambiguous Expressions : we confess the Decision of some exterior Rituals in Worship is left to civil Custom : and others to Divine Authority : but that the Decision of any Rituals in Worship is left to Church Custom , where the Thing hath no Decencie but in Religion ; or to Humane Authority : this is what we Question ; and he should Prove . He speaketh , p. 153. of Rites in the Worship of GOD ( among the Jews ) that were only Significations of Reverence and Uniformity which were still retained , as they were transmitted to them by Patriarchal Custom , and Traditions , though only founded on Humane Appointment . But he hath not thought fit to give us any one Instance of such Rites . If he mean Religious Ceremonies ; that is , Actions peculiar to Worship , I think he can give no Instance of such in the Jewish Church , before its great Apostacie , except these that were Instituted by GOD , and taught in the Law of Moses . § . 5. He cometh next , p. 154. to renew the Arguments he had managed in his Apology , p. 155. &c. and were Answered , Def. of Vindic. p. 38. He telleth us of a General Medium he had used , that there are several significant Ceremonies mentioned in , and alluded to in the Scripture , which were Practised in the Worship of GOD under the Patriarchal , Jewish , and Christian AEconomie , which had no other than Humane Appointment . The first Instance he giveth is , Discalceation , Exod. 13. 5. He had in his Apology , joyned with this , looking to our Feet when we go to the House of GOD ; Eccies . 5. 1. But he hath now wisely left out this last : and Insisteth only on Discalccation . What was Objected here , with some freedom , that was bad Logick , he representeth as reflecting on Mr. Mede , who discourseth of that Observation among the Eastern-Nations . I have as high Esteem of Mr. Medes Learning as he hath ; and have said nothing that can import the Contrarie . The Answer given to this Instance , was , this was Commanded of GOD ; and so is no Argument for Observing what is brought into the Worship of GOD merely by the Authority of Man. All the Reply that he bringeth is , that this Command was no new Institution of a Ceremonie , whereas he saith , what GOD said to Moses was only an Advertisement to Observe a Custom that he knew to be used in the Eastern-Nations ; so that had Moses put off his Shoes before that Advertisement , he had done nothing amiss : and so this is a strong Confirmation of Ceremonies that express our Reverence though founded on Humane Appointment . Here I remark . 1. Whether this was a new Institution of a Ceremonie or not , is not to our Purpose : Moses had express Divine Warrant for what he did : if he can shew the like for our Ceremonies we shall Observe them . The LORD might Enjoyn what he would , either for that time , or for perpetual Observation : either what was used among the Nations ; or what was not so used : Let us see an Approbation of any of our Ceremonies that is Paralel to this , and we shall lay our Hand on our Mouth . 2. It is evldent that this was a Civil Custom , and made expressive of Reverence by that Civil Custom ; and therefore , the LORD is not here either Instituting , or Approving , a Religious Ceremonie , but requiring to express profound Reverence in the Ordinarie way , and that on such an Extraordinarie Occasion . Corn. a lapide ; saith , Minus enim audacter & curiose accesserat Moses . That this was a Civil Custom , and had its Signification , not from Man's Authority Appropriating it to GOD'S Worship ( which is the Foundation of the Ceremonies we Debate about ) is clear from Mr , Mede , and what my Antagonist bringeth out of him . Also , the same Learned School-Man ( I mean A Lapide ) saith , his ritus a mancipiis descendit , qui nudis pedibus incedebant , in signum subjectionis , and therefore he Paraphraseth that Text , Exod. 3. 5. ut totus in Dei jus & obsequium transeas . It is Observed by Ainsworth on the same Text , that this was a Civil Sign of transferring our Right to another , Deut. 25. 9. Ruth 4. 7. It was also by Civil Custom , an Expression of Sorrow . 2 Sam. 15. 30. Isai. 20. 2 , 4. Ezek 24. 17 , 23. Now , if he can shew that the Ceremonies have , by Civil Custom , such aptitude to Signifie what we ought to express in the Worship of GOD , we shall not Oppose them . It is , 3. Evident from his own Words , p. 55. where to my Question , why do not they Observe it , if it be a fit Ceremonie to express our ●everence in Worship ; he Answereth ; what is so Expressive in one Age or Countrey may be not so in another . Surely this Change can only come from Civll Custom : what is peculiar to Religion is the same every where . If then this Action was broug●t into Religion by the Significancie and Aptitude it had been got by Civil Custom , it is no Praecedent for such Ceremonies as that cannot be Pleaded for . § 6. Another Instance he had brought was , Sackcloth and Ashe● , as signifying grief and sorrow in their Solemn Humiliation ; To these 2 Things were Answered ; The One , Why do not the Prelatists use these ? This he Rejecteth , as unparalelled Nonsense ; because , if they were still in use in our Countrey who would refuse them that was not resolved to be singular . A. I should be none of these singular Persons : If they had now Significancie by civil Custom : I should be willing that they should be used in Religion , when Humiliation and Sorrow were Solemnly to be exprest : but when they want that , I think our Brethren do well not to use them in Religion . Yet I must say still , that if they were Religious Ceremonies of Old ; that is peculiar to Religion ; they should be still used without any Dependence on the civil Custom of our Time. I see not what Nonsense is in this . If he did not look on them as Religious Ceremonies , but only as used in Religion from their Signification that they had by Civil use ; the Nonsense was in bringing this as an Instance of Religious Ceremonies of Humane Appointment , for they had no Authority but from Men ; therefore they never were , nor now should be , Religious Ceremonies . His next Instance is ( as he saith ) ad hominem . Lifting up the right hand to Heaven , in Swearing the Covenant . It was Answered , that this ●ite , not only hath Warrant from Scripture Example , but is the Civil Custom of the Nation , the like cannot be said of the Controverted Ceremonies . His Reply is , a Ceremonie being mentioned in Scripture maketh it not only allowable ; but sheweth , that it was in it self , before Lawful and decent . And it is Lawful to us , on the same Reasons that made it Lawful to them who first Practised it . In Pursuance of this his Reply , he allegeth , that we hereby Grant , that many such Usages are alluded to in Scripture , which are merely of Humane Appointment , and yet Deny their Lawfulness ; which is to make all Men that Lived before us to be Sottishly Superstitious . To this Purpose he Discourseth , p. 158. 159. Let it be Considered that we do not make bare Allusion made in Scripture to any Usage , to be a sufficient Proof of its Lawfulness : for some were Alluded to that were very far from being Lawful : Instances may be given of putting the Branch to the Nose , kissing the Hand , or kissing the Images that they worshiped , which ( and many more ) were Practised by Idolaters . Our Opinion in this Matter is , that what Rites are mentioned in Scripture , as used in the Worship of the True GOD , by His People , and are not any where Condemned , we ought to look on as Lawful , and Approved of GOD , that is , as they then were used . Now some of these Rites were of Divine Institution , as all the Jewish Ceremonies Enjoyned by Moses : these were then Lawful , but now are not so ; because they are Abrogated by CHRIST ; also all these Instituted by CHRIST are still Lawful . Others of them are Natural Expressions of the Acting of the Mind : such as Sighing , lifting the ●…yes , &c. these are always Lawful : others of them were Civil Customs , which by Use acquired a Significancie , and fitness to express our Affections that we should have in Religious Worship ; such as Sackcloth , renting our Cloaths , Incurvation , &c. these are certainly Lawful to be used in Worship , when , and where they have that Significancie , by the Force of Civil Custom ; but in Times and Places where that Significancie is not , the Ground of it being ceased , I see not how they can be Esteemed Lawful , having , then , and there , no Use or Significancie in GOD'S Worship ; but what they have from Man's will , which ought not to Regulate GOD'S Worship . Our Author Mistaketh when he saith , that we think some ceremonies Lawful which are mentioned , or alluded to in Scripture , though they had no other Original than Humane Appointment : this we Disown : for none of these Three ways by which Rites get their Significancie ( which 〈◊〉 have now mentio●…ed ) can be justly called Humane Appointment : Civil Custom is that which cometh nearest to it , but yet Differeth far from it : for Humane Appointment is an Act of Authority , i. e. a Law , or Injunction , or Declaration of the Will of one , or more Men , expresly Concluding that so it shall be : Custom is a Tacite Consent of People , whether Great or Small , whether Placed in Authority , or not ; in using such an Action , or Word , for such an End , or Signification . I shall not Debate , what Men in Authority may do , toward putting a Civil Signification on Words and Actions , and making them Current in Civil Selemnities : but 〈◊〉 Maintain that they cannot give a Religious Signification or Use to any Word , or Action , or Gesture : that is , they cannot Appoint it to be used so in Religion , when it hath no Aptitude for that Use or Significancie from its Common Use in other things : for this were to Dispose of the External Worship of GOD at their will. § 7. For the Rite of Lifting up the Hand , so often mentioned in Scripture , as Practised by good Men , by good Angels : yea , by God Himself , ( speaking of Him after the Manner of Men ) that it had its Original from Humane Appointment , is simply denyed . We have no Footsteps of such a Law , Antecedent to the Practice of it , either in Sacred , or other Records . I may with Confidence conclude , that this Usage had its Original , if not from Nature , as Lifting up of the Eyes to Heaven , yet from an Universal Custom , and that of all , or many Nations . It is true , other Rites were also used in Swearing ; but none of them so frequently mentioned as this . Wherefore it can be no Precedent for , nor give any Countenance to , Ceremonies peculiar to the Worship of God brought into it by the Authority and Appointment of Men alone . It is hence evident , that we are not guilty of counting all them Sottishly Superstitious , who used such Rites , and that even in Religion , tho we think Humane Religious Ceremonies unlawful . Our Author , p. 159. is pleased to make himself Merry with the Distinction I have used of Civil Rites , ( which he , with little Accuracy of Speech , calleth Civil Ceremonies ) and Religious Ceremonies ; that the one may be used in Religion , without Divine Institution ; the other not so . He calleth it a Metaphysical Distinction ; and new Phylosophy ; and Co-aeval with Presbytery in its last Figure . These Sarcasms are the Tokens of his Surprize , and Admiration ; not of his being much Conversant with their Writings who Treat of this Subject . Let us hear his Thundering Arguments after these silly Squib . If the Civil Authority can introduce a ●i●nificant Ceremony into the Worship of God , why may n●t the Ecclesiastick Authority do it ? A. He will not understand what we say : we deny that Civil Authority can introduce a Significant Ceremony into the Worship of God ; tho Civil Custom may make a Rite sit to be there used . If the Magistrat should appoint any Habite or Gesture to be used in Gods Worship , to signifie either Gods Will toward us , or our Duty to Him ; which hath no such Signification , nor Use , but by the Law , or Will of the Magistrat , we should disowne such a Religious Ceremony , as much in that Case , as if it were appointed by Church Authority . But it is a quite other Case ; when an Action , or Gesture , hath got a Signification by long and general Use in Mens other Actions ; so as that they are thereby made significant of what we are to express in Worship . This may be cleared by a parallel Instance : Words which have got their Signification by Use in other Things , may be well used in Religion : yet it doth not thence follow , that the Magistrate may enjoyn Words to be used in our Worshipping of God , which have no Signification , but from his Will : for if this were allowed , the Magistrate might not only enjoyn Latine Service , to be used among a People that understand not that Language ; but might enjoyn Words that now signifie Error , or Blasphemy : and give them an Orthodox Signification : which I hope our Brethren will not affirm . If Men may enjoyn a Surplice , because white Garments , in some Ages , and Places , were used commonly to signifie Purity or Gladness : why may he not enjoyn the Language to be used in Religion , that our Ancestors used many Hundreds of Years ago ; tho it may be now neither used nor understood : it would come , in Time , to be as Significant to us , and as Religious , as now the Surplice is , where it hath been long used . He Mistaketh , or Misinterpreteth the Vindicator , when he saith , that he alloweth of Civil Ceremonies in the Worship of God ; he owneth no such Ceremonies , if we speak properly : what hath its Use and Significancy from Civil Custom in other Actions is no Ceremony ; it is a Civil Rite , and may well be used in Religion : he repeateth also his former Mistake : as if we thought that Civil Authority might appoint Ceremonies for Religion , but not Church Authority : our Opinion in which , I have made plain to them who will understand what we say . I have also Answered his Question , how the Civil Rite used in Religion is Innocent , while a Religious Ceremony , appropriated to Religion , if it be of Humane Appointment ( whether by the Authority of Church or State ) is not so . I deny what he so confidently asserteth , p. 261. that Lifting up the Hand in Swearing , is of Humane Appointment : neither is his Proof of it sufficient , viz. that it hath no Divine Institution : for what is brought in , and gets its Use , and Significany , by Civil Custom ; is a Middle between these . 2. I am not at Leasure to repeat my Answer , as often as he doth his Objection taken from the Equality of the Civil and Ecclesiastick Authority to institute Ceremonies ; with which he filleth several Pages , with a nauseous saying the same thing , in Words little different . The Immemorial Possession of any Rite in the Church ( which he insinuateth as an Argument ) cannot justifie it , if it be appropriated to Religion , and had no Divine Original . We are not concerned to account for Kissing the Evangel in taking an Oath ; whether it came in by Civil Custom , or Ecclesiastick Authority . Let them who use it Answer such Doubts : or rather , let them shew us any Ground for it from Nature , from Civil Custom , or from Divine Institution : if it be destitute of all these , he should prove , not barely assert the Stubbornness that is in Refusing it . It is absurd to say , that the Ecclesiastical Ceremonies having the Civil Sanction , are , under that Reduplication , to be looked upon as Civil Ceremonies : for he might say the same of the Sacraments of the New Testament , when enjoyned by Law : it is not the Civil Authority , but Rites being used in Civil Actions , and not being peculiar to the the Worship of God ; it is their having their Use and Significancy from Civil Custom , that giveth them that Denomination . § 8. He Starteth a Scruple , p. 263. which hath no Rise from what any of his Adversaries had ever said ; nor any where else , that I know , but in his Imagination . It is , If a Ceremony have one Signification in Civil Actions , and another in Religious Worship ; Quaeritur , Whether it maketh it lawful in Worship ? A. No. Because its ●awfulness is founded on the Significancy that it acquireth in Civil Actions . I gladly would know what Ground was ever given him to say so confidently as he doth , that we hold that a Ceremony is lawful in Religion , if it hath been used in Civil Solemnities , tho in a different Signification . If he find any Body asserting that , let him call such Persons Absurd , Ridiculous , Foolish , &c. at his Pleasure ; as he very freely calleth us , on that Imaginary Account : but if no such thing have ever been held by any of us , I shall give him no Epithet , but leave it to the Reader to call him as he deserveth . He hath another Argument for the Lawfulness of Humane Ceremonies peculiar to Religion ; which he Ushereth in with that Degree of Confidence , and Insolent Contempt of his Adversaries , that might Fright us into Silence , as the Lion by his Roaring Terrifieth his Prey into a Consternation ; calling all our Exceptions against Significant Ceremonies in the Worship of God , little and idle frivolous Impertinencies . And no wonder he be so fond of his mighty Argument ; I believe it is the Birth of his own Brain . I never met with it before : and I have seen few that are of less weight . It is that the Apostle , Rom. 6. 4. maketh a palpable Allusion to the Significant Ceremony of Immersion ; when he saith we are Buried with Him by Baptism into Death , &c. To strengthen this Argument , he telleth us of Immersion being used by Jews , and by Christians ; that it is founded on no Divine Institution : but on the Practice of the Jewish Church , and thence derived to Christians ; and was never established by any other Authority , but what was purely Humane and Ecclesiastical . He telleth us this Custom was so known , that all their Learned Neighbours were acquaint with it ; and for this he very wisely citeth Tacitus hist. lib. 5. speaking of their Circumcision , but not one Word of Immersion . He calleth for the particular Text where this Ceremony is founded on express Institution ; also that we should shew where it was used in Civil Actions : That Scripture Example for it , is but the Consequence of it● being Prac●ised ; and supposeth it . At last , to make all sure , he condescendeth to the Jargon of the Schools ( with which this Soaring Eagle , thinks we Poor Worms are only acquainted ) that is to put his Argument into ●●gical ●orm and ●igure ; thus : a Significant Ceremony founded upon no Div●… Institution , and alluded to in Saint Pauls Reasonings , Rom. 6. 4. is lawful in it self . But the Ceremony of Immersion , in the Administration of Baptism was founded on no Divine Institution , and yet alluded to by Saint Paul , is a thing received in the current Practice of the Apostolical Church , Ergo , such a Significant Ceremony in the Worship of God , founded on no Divine Institution , is in it self lawful . I shall far more easily dispatch this Argument , than he hath framed it . If it were not to Hazard his further Despising us , as Conversant only with the School Jargon of Syllogising : I should observe that he flyeth so high , as to take little notice of Syllogistical Form , for all his pretending to it : for the Major Proposition is the very Conclusion of the Syllogism , only he hath altered the Word , putting such a Significant Ceremony , for a Significant Ceremony alluded to by the Apostle Paul : other Informalities in it I pass : it is below him to mind them : Aquila non captat Muscas . For a more material Answer , I first deny the Major , as thus universally proposed : Allusion to a Ceremony is no Proof of its Lawfulness : as I have proved § . 6. Next , I deny the Minor : I affirm that Immersion was founded on Divine Institution : which I prove , 1. Because it is here mentioned , as the lawful and approved Way of Administration of Baptism : which Ordinance Christ had appointed : it were a strange ●ancy to think that Christ had enjoyned baptism , and not told them who were to Administer it , what He meant by it , or what they should do . Next , Whereas he demandeth a particular Scripture for its Institution , ( tho we be not obliged to that Exactness , yet ) I adduce Matth. 28. 19. where Baptizing is Commanded : every one knoweth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth properly to Dip , or Plunge in Water : and that it is taken more largely for any Kind of Washing , or ●insing , as Mark 7. 4. it is not to be thought , that when ever the Jews came from the Mercat , they Plunged themselves over Head and ●a●s in Water , act . 1. 15. the Spirits Cleansing the Soul is expres●ed by that Word , so Act. 11. 16. 1 Cor. 10. 2. Hence it plainly followeth , that Christ enjoyneth a Sacramental Use of Water in Baptism , for a Mystical Washing ; and the Word being of so large a Signification ; and Christ not having determined how much Water should be used in Baptism : whether the Body should be wholly Dipt , or a part of it , or Water should be Thrown , or Sprinkled on the Body ; or what Quantity should be Cast on : that all these ways of Washing have Divine Warrant : and tho none of them be enjoyned exclusively of another ; yet every one of them hath Christs Warrant : the Consequence of which is , that this Dipping is no Humane Ceremony , especially considering , that every one of these ways of Baptizing , hath a Mystical Signification put on it , even in the Scripture : Dipping in the Text that he citeth ; and Sprinkling and Rinsing in the Old Testament , see Ezek , 36. 25. And this will be yet further confirmed , if we consider , that Christ Teacheth , that however applying Water to the whole Body may be a sit , and allowable Ceremony to express Spiritual Washing ; yet that is not necessary ; but a little may be as effectual for that Mystical Use , as the whole : Joh. 13. 10. What I have said precludeth the Objection , that Christ maketh the three ways of Baptizing only lawful , and alloweth the Church to determine which of them ought to be used : for the general Word implyeth a Disjunctive Command ; neither is it in the Power of the Church to determine one way , exclusive of another : nor should different Practices in this Case be Censured , as receding from Institution ; each of these ways is a Mode of Baptizing , which is within the Compass of Christs Institution . § 9. That this Immersion was used in the Jewish Church , ( yea , it may be proved to have been used among Heathens also ) is no Proof that it is not of Divine Institution , as it is used in the Christian Church ; for the same may be said of Baptism , which Christ made a Sacrament . Neither doth its Mystical Signification make it to be a Humane Ceremony ; seing it hath that from Christs Institution : nor doth that make it so necessary , as to exclude all other Modes of Baptizing ; seing other ways have their Mystical Significancy , as hath been shewed : yea , Casting Water on the Person may aptly signifie the same with Dipping , viz. being buried with Christ , a part of the Body under the Water , may signifie the being under it , as Washing the Feet signifieth Washing the whole Body , Joh. 13. 10. He inferreth , p. 268. that the Power of Rituals is still lodged in the Church , which she may vary and alter , to serve the Ends of Edification . This is a most absurd Consequence : for , 1. He doth not here distinguish Rituals , nor exclude these of Divine Institution ; but layeth them , in the Bulk , open to the A●bitriment of the Bishop● ; if they think it for Edification , they may dispose , even of the Sa●…ments as they will : for these also come under the general Head of Rituals . 2. It no way followeth , the Lord hath left some Circumstances of his Worship undetermined , and variable : Ergo , he hath left the Power of Rituals to the Church . For the Imm●…n he speaketh of , is no more than a Circumstance of Baptism , viz. what Quantity of Water should be used , and to how much of the Body it must be applyed : this is left variable : it doth not thence follow , that the Church may bring in new Rites , that have no Found●tion in the Word ; as for Example , the Sign of the Cross. He telleth us , p. 271. of the Protestants abroad , who have furthest receded from the Practice of the Roman Church ; that they never thought a Significant Ceremony in the Worship of God , was in it self Superstitious and Unlawful . And we in this agree with them . I have already often told him , what Ceremonies we owne , and what we reject . He instanceth in the Wald●nses retaining the trina immersio , and the trine Fraction of the Bread in the Eucha●ist . We never thought the Wald●nses perfect : tho it is very evident to all who know any thing of that History , that they were far from using the Ceremonies used in the Episcopal Church , and that they condemned them generally : and that the Simplicity of the Apostolick Church was very much imitated by them . § 10. Another Debate he commenceth , p. 272. about the Episcopal Church of England not admitting any to Labour in the Work of the Ministry am●●g them , tho they had been Ordained by Laying on the Hands of the Pre●by●ery , unless they will submit to be Re-ordained by a Bishop : which he very slightly passeth over : taking no notice of what had been said against that Practice : only he telleth us what Sol●cisms he could pick out of my Book , even more than a hundred : but is content with one Instance in the Title Page ; the Apology of the Clergy ; in stead of , for the Clergy : he is very Charitable who overlooketh ; and hideth the Shame of more than a hundred Solae●ism● , and cometh over this Passage now the second time , which is no Solaecism at all . What followeth is yet more f●i●olous , and is designed to Reflect on a Person of more Wo●th than I am , who had said , that he had paid Material Canonical Obedience to the Bishop ; but not formally ; by which he meant no more , but that he had performed the Duty of his Ministerial Office , when the Bishops enjoyned it , which he , would have done without it . And now , if that Assertion do not please our Author , he denyeth he payed Canonical Obedience at all . Also this is a false Accusation , and though this Author was challenged oft about his false Assertions against this Minister ; yet he had never the Confidence to Answer one of them , nor to Vindicat himself from being a false Accuser , but made a silly Quible on that ●xpression ; which he doth here again repeat , which needs no other Answer then the repeating that Reverend Brother's Words , which our Author c●●peth at , as they may be seen in the Postscript to the second ●indication of the Church , p. 2●0 . His Words are these , Thinking my self free to joyn in these Duti●s to which I was Authorized by my Office , altho there had been no Bishop in the World ; nor do I think that by this I payed Formal Canonical Obedience ; so that the asserting of this , may be accounted a thirteenth of our Authors Lies . I am no further concerned to take notice of his Discourse on this Head. He returneth now , p. 275. to resume the Matter about Presbyterian Ordination , and only telleth us that he will wave it , and will not tell us his Opinion about it : after he had been pretty plain in the Matter , in his former Book : it is Wisdom to medle no further in a Matter that hath been made to appear to be Indefensible : yet he will not dismiss this Subject , without a parting Blow to the Ordination of the later 〈◊〉 Presbyterians : which he saith , p. 277. is left naked , and destitute of all such Arguments , as might excuse the Ordination of other Forreign Churches . And he doth more than insinuate that Presbyterians have no Ordination . His Arguments ( so far as I can pick them out of his Discourse ) are , 1. They were under no necessity to separate from their Bishops in the Isle of Britain , A. 1. Want of Bishops might be the same Excuse for the want of Episcopal Ordination , that it was to other Protestant Churches for whom he pleadeth it : they might have had Bishops if they would , in France , Geneva , Switzerland , &c. , as well as we might . 2. The Necessity lay in this , that we thought , ( and still must think , till he , or some else , instruct us better ) that Bishops ought not to be in the Church . 3. He speaketh of separating from our Bishops in the Isle of Britain : that plainly insinuateth , that not only the Bishops in the Church of Scotland are ours , but the Bishops of England also , and that we are under their Jurisdiction ; as some of them have pleaded : this , from a Minister of the Church of Scotland , is Unworthy Flattery of that Clergy that he now dependeth on for his Bread. 3. If Ministers in Scotland have no Ordination , because , in want of Bishops among themselves , they went not to the English Bishops for Ordination , why is not the same Defectiveness imputed to these in France , who might have come over to England for the same End. But the Scots Presbyterians are the Men of his Indignation : and therefore , any Weapon that cometh to Hand , must be used to beat them down . Before I leave this Point , I shall make it evident that the other Reformed , who are without Bishops , can no more have a lawful Ordination than Scotland hath , 1. Because they might have had Bishops to rule them ; for what could hinder them ? their Magistrats did not ; for they are of Opinion with themselves : except in France , where the Popish Magistrats did not , nor would oppose that piece of Conformity with themselves . Yea , Thuan. blameth the Protestants for not setting up Bishops : the Primitive Church under Heathen Magistrats , had Bishops in our Authors Opinion : and we think they wanted no needful Church Officer , even in that State. 2. It is plain that the Reformed were against Episcopacy , as no Ordinance of Christ , as I have shewed : and it is evident from Confession of the French Church , Art. 30. and of the Belgick , Art. 31. which being read in the Synod of Dort , was not disliked by any of the Externi , save these from England . § 11. His second Argument that the Scots Presbyterians have no Ordination is , It is very uncertain , whether they retain such Solemn and Formal Words , when they impose Hands , as expresly declare , that the Priestly Power of Administrating Sacraments , and Absolving Poenitents , is then Conveyed to him that is Ordained . If there be no such Conveyance , there is no Ordination ; and if the Words made use of , doth not plainly and formally signifie such a Power , then there is no such Power Conveyed . A. This Uncertainty can be no good Medium to prove his Point . For such Words may really be used , tho both he and I be uncertain , whether they were used or not . Again ; how can he prove the necessity of such Words : what if Words be made use of , which do really and materially signifie the thing designed ; tho they do it not formally and plainly ? He is the first that I have met with , who layeth so much weight on the Form of Words . It is one of the new Opinions he hath broached , while he pretendeth to refute new Opinions . Against it I thus argue , 1. No Words are enjoyned in Scripture : which must needs have been , if the Nullity of Ordination , and consequently of the Ordinances Administred by such Ministers , had been the necessary Consequent of Words not sufficiently formal and plain . What a sad Uncertainty and Confusion should follow on this Necessity of such Words ? not unlike that which , in the Popish Church , followeth on the Opinion of the Necessity of the Priests Intention in his Administrations . 1. Can he tell us what Form of Words the Apostles used , when they Ordained Ministers ; how plain and formal they were ? if Uncertainty about that Nullify the Scots Presbyterian Ordination , it will by good Consequence , make void all the Ordinations of the Apostolick Church : I am sure he can give us no Account of their Words from any Authentick Records . 3. In the Administration of Baptism , no Church that I know of , useth Formal and plain Words that express either Admission into the Church , or Communication of Christian Priviledges , or Covenanting with GOD , or our Renouncing the Devil , &c. I am sure I Baptise thee in the Name of the Father , &c. are not Formal , plain Words , to express these Things ; tho I doubt not but that they Include them all : and if Baptism be valid without such a Form of Words , why not Ordination also ? He says , p. 278. that there are many of their Number in the West , who think Imposition of Hands unnecessarie . I suppose he hath no Personal knowledge of this : and he should be sure of his Informers before he cast such a Reproach on his Brethren : for my part , I know no Minister in Scotland , West , East , South , or North , who professeth that Opinion : tho mean while I can tell him of others who are not far from it : even the Church of France , in their Synod , at Paris 1565. C. 6. Quick. Synod . p. 62. but I far rather agree with Mr. Firmin , who hath Written a Treatise to prove the Necessity of it . He inferreth likewise , p. 279. from what he had Discoursed , that we have no Organical Church . We are not afraid of his Censures : we can Prove , not only that we have the Essentials of Ordination ; but that , for the Manner of it , it is nearer to the Gospel Pattern than what is Practised in that Church which he owneth . I find him to be of the same Sentiments with that Bishop in England that was mentioned to him , who said of a Presbyterian Minister that he was no better than a Mechanick , tho he had never been Bred to any Art but the Liberal Arts , and had Presbyterial Ordination . It is strange that he should Insinuate , that we derive our Power from the People : he cannot but know that we Disown that Principle : but Calumniare audacter , aliquid adhaerebit : he hopeth that some will believe what ever evil he saith of us . § . 12. His next Controversie is about the Presbyterian Church Discipline : which he had most Abusivly and falsly Reproached , Apolog. p. 22 , 23. and was Checkt for so doing by a Modest Answer , Def. Vindic. p. 17 , In which that which is most Material he wholly passeth over : bringing some what like an Answer to Two or Three Things . It was asked , what is that Discipline of the Antient Church ( which he wisheth were Restored ) which is not either the same with ours , or far more strict and Severe . He Answereth that he never found fault with our Discipline for its being strict ; but for being factiously Pragmatical , and endlesly Inquisitive , and from its having no Tendency to Edifie the Christian-Church , or to Reclaim wicked People . What can an unbyassed Reader understand by these Words , but that the Man is angry , and hateth the Presbyterians , and their Way : and would fain cast Dirt on them , if he could find it . These indefinite and gross Accusations must either be Proved , that thus the Presbyterians do Manage the Discipline of the Church ; and this must be in many Instances , and many Ministers and Elders ; and all this well Attested : or the Man who thus Writeth must pass for a Slanderer , rather than a Disputant . Our Discipline we Manage by the Rules of the Word , and the Principles of sound Reason ; we do not Indulge Sin in these of our own Way ; nor medle with Things that are without our Line : nor do we enquire into Scandalous Sins till they become such , by being openly known : and if Occasion be given for Enquirie , and nothing be found , we Desist , and leave Secret Things to GOD , to whom they belong ; for the Tendency of our Exercise of Discipline , we are sure it is for Edification ; and we can make it appear that sometimes it is Blessed with Success ; and if it Irritate some , or Harden others , or have no Fruit on many , we Lament it : but are not to be blamed for it ; for the same Thing may be said of Preaching the Gospel , and that in a Commendable manner . I Deny not but that some are short of that Dexterity that others have ; and that there is Imperfection in the best of us : and if they that blame us can say otherways of their own Church , either they are strangly Deluded , or the World is generally Deceived about their Way . He commenceth a new Debate , p. 283. about Non-resistance which he had raised , Apolog. p. 20. and yet waved , and of which very little was said , Def. of Vindic. p. 16. he now resumeth the Debate , and talketh more freely than before ; being behind the Curtain , and not in Hazard of Censure . I was then unwilling , and am still more so , to medle in that Matter ; both because it is a Controuerne that belongeth to the Politicks rather than to Divinity ; and Lawyers are sittest to Mannage it . Also , because it is not now between Prelatists and Presbyterians : the Generality of both having of late years Agreed in what is Inconsistent with the Prelatical Doctrine that was Current some years ago . § 13. Another of our new Opinions he will have to be , p. 289. that they ( the Presbyterians ) abhorre and cast off all Established Forms and Rules in the Worship of GOD , &c. we have under this Head a parcel of the most False and Impudent Assertions , in Matters of Fact , and the most unjust Calumnies , that ever the Press groaned under . And it is a wonder that a Person pretending to Conscience , or to Christianity , could give such Scope to his Passion , as to have no regard to Truth : and indeed here is little , or no Matter of Debate , nor place for Vindication , but by Denying what he Asserteth without any Attempt to give Evidence for what is Asserted . I Deny not but that there may be found some few among the People that own Presbytery , who through Ignorance , and a mistaken Zeal , run into some of these Excesses that he Taxeth : but I know none who are Guilty of all that he Imputeth to us , sine discrimine : and I am sure the more Sober and Intelligent sort of Presbyterians , abhorreth many of these things that he Chargeth them with . He Asserteth that the Presbyterians of Scotland abhorre and cast off all Established Forms and Rules in the Worship of GOD. I Challenge him to Prove what he saith : it is a palpable Falshood . For , 1. We neither abhorre nor cast off the Form of Sound Words , I mean the Scriptures of Truth , recommended by the Apostle for us to hold , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Tim. 1. 13. nor do we abhorre or reject the Form of Baptizing , and Administring the LORD'S Supper ; nor of Blessing the People at the Dismissing of the Assembly . 2. Even some Forms that we Reject , as needles , and therefore unfit to be used in this state of the Church , yet we do not abhor them ; such as Forms of Prayer , we think they were both Lawful , and necessarie , when the Church was not Provided with Qualified Ministers : yet we think they should now be laid aside , when they are not so needed : as a Man should not use Crutches when he is well Recovered from his Dameness . 3. To say that we abhorre and reject Rules in the Worship of GOD is beyond all bounds of Truth , and Modesty . We own , and use the Word of GOD as the Rule of Worshiping Him : neither do we abhorre or reject the Help of Humane Rules which are drawn out of that Supreme and Divine Rule : we have our Directorie , and many Good Acts of General-Assemblies , yea , of Synods , and Presbyteries , in their respective Districts . His next Assertion is shameles above measure : that since the Revolution , they Turn out the Episcopal Clergy out of their Livings , if they retain any of the Ancient forms , tho never so short , Catholick , or Orthodox . Pray Sir , when was this done , by whom , where , or to whom ? none of them were ever Turned out of their Livings on these Heads , either by Church or State ; and none by the Church except for Ignorance , Error in some Great Point of Faith , supine negligence , or Scandal in Things that are not Controverted among us whether they be Sins , or not . It is true , Uniformity , even in these little Things , is required of these who will Joyn with us , be Received into Ministerial Communion , and have a Share of the Government of the Church with us ( and much Tenderness , and Forbearance hath been used even in these , for some time ) but they who think not fit to Joyn with us , are suffered to follow their Ministerial Work in their Parishes , and Enjoy their Livings , without such Uniformity with us , as he Talketh of . And if we had Required this , or Turned them out , it had been but an Imitating of the Practice of his own Party . Whom do they Suffer to Enjoy Publick Livings who do not Conform to their Way , to the Height ? § 14. He persists in his false Assertions , while he saith , the Episcopal Clergy are Enjoyned to forbear the LORD'S Prayer , Reading the Holy Scriptures in their Assemblies , the Apostolick Creed , and the Doxology . This is far from any Semblance of Truth : no such Prohibition was ever given . He insisteth a little in Pleading for the Use of the LORD'S Prayer : but taketh no Notice of the State of the Question about it , as it hath been Proposed by his Antagonist . His Business seemeth to be , not so much to Convince , as to Accuse . It is False that we have Banished that Prayer . We duely use it as a Directory , and Pray according to it ; we Teach it to our Catchum●ni , we do not Judge , nor Blame any Man for using the Words : and if he can shew us a Command for using them , we shall Obey it . He saith , it was Enjoyned by CHRIST to his Disciples . If he mean , that the Words should be Recited , we desiderate the Proof : nor do we find that any of the Apostles , in their Publick Administrations so used it . It is true , the Presbyterians formerly used it ; and if they should do so still , I should not Reclaim : but I know that his Parties making it their Shibboleth , together with Conviction of the Indifferency of so using it , gave the first Occasion for disusing it . It is an unaccountable Fancy , that the Omission of these have no Tendency but to promote Atheism : this is the general ●●nt of the Partie concerning what ever is out of their Road. As this his Assertion is most unreasonable , and groundless in it self ; there being other means far more Effectual to keep out Atheism than the Use of these Forms can be supposed to be : so Common Observation and Experience sheweth , that the Atheism that we all should Lament , is no more visible , nor common , among that Party of Christians who do not use these Forms , than among them who are fond of them . I can draw no other Conclusion from what follows , p. 290 , 291. but that the Author was , when he Wrote these Things , in the Paroxism that he professed to be in when he Wrote another Book , viz. provocked to the Indecency of Passion , to see his beloved Forms neglected . Hence he telleth us of the Madness and Dreams of idle People , and the Humour of Schism : hindring the Holy Scriptures to be Read in the Assemblies as heretofore . whereas it is evident ( and the Reverend Mr. Boise hath made it appear , on occasion of the like Accusation against us by the Bishop of L●ndonderry ) that the Scripture is more Read in our Congregations , and People is made more acquained with them , than heretofore in the Episcopal Meetings . I mean where the Orders of our Church are observed : for them who Read but a verse or two for a Lecture , I cannot Answer for their Practice : and we make the People understand the Reading , as Ezra did , Neh. 5. 5. which was not done in the Episcopal Church of Scotland : but Men who had no Authority , nor were Teachers in the Church , were set up to dispence this Ordinance of CHRIST , the Reading of the Scripture in the Congregation . He next blameth us ( under the same Epithets of Madness , Dreams , Humour of Schism ) that when Children are B●ptized , the Parents are not allowed to know into what Religion or Faith they are initiated ; and this , because they are not made to repeat the Creed . I first ask him , what Faith do the Generality of Parents of his Partie understand their Children to be Intiated into by their Repeating that which we call the Apostles Cr●●d , which they cannot understand by our Conduct : seing some of them understand it not ; and seing it doth not sufficiently Discriminate the sound Faith which we own , from Socinianism , Poperie , Antinomianism , and several other gross Errors . Next , I Answer , that it is false and Calumnious that he Asserteth : they are not only allowed to know the Faith that their Infants are Baptized into ; but pains is taken so far as Ministers can , to make them understand that Faith ▪ and they are Solemnly taken Engaged to adhere to that Faith , and to breed their Children in the knowledge of it , and it is told them what Faith we mean , by designing it from the Scripture , the great Rule of it , and the Confession of Faith of this Church , drawn out of the Scripture . If any have no other Notion of Baptism but that it is an Engagement to be a ●ovenan●●r ( which he would have us believe , tho I am perswaded he knoweth better things ) we give no ground for such a Thought , but endeavour to present things otherwise to them . § 15. He saith we are so unfixed and variable , that not two in the Nation in publick follow the same Rule , &c. This is a horrid Abusing of the Reader , and can have no other Design but to make the Presbyterians odious where they are not known ; for in Scotland , even among his own Party , the contrarie is well known . But all this Noise is , because we have no stinted Liturgie : without which we follow the same Rules , both Divine and Humane , as I shewed before , we all teach the same Truths ; and Administer the same Ordinances ; and in the same manner , except that we use not the same Words : wherein yet we do not studie a diversitie , as he injuriously Asserteth . His Apology for the Episcopal Church of Scotland for wanting a Liturgie is odd ; the Clergy Composed Prayers for themselves from which they seldom varied . It may be some of them did so , either from insufficiency or lazieness : but I am sure neither the greatest , nor the best part of them did so : but what ever be in that , both on his side , and on ours , they who did not tie themselves to the same Words , at all times , managed their Work with as much plainess , gravity , and coherence of their Words , and left the People as little in the Dark as they did whom he so much Commendeth on these Accounts . His calling Praying without a set Form , Rambling , and Ascribing to it no Order , nor Dependence , but what is caused by the heat of the Animal Spirits : I neglect , as shewing a Temper of mind that is to be pitied rather than Redargued by Argument . He waveth the Debate about stinted Forms , p. 292. which any who Readeth this Discourse must understand that he intendeth not to Dispute by Scripture , or Reason , against him whom he Opposeth in this , but to Rail at him : And because I intend not to engage with him at that Weapon , I shall wave it too . Yet he bringeth Calvines Testimony for the Preference of a well Composed Liturgie ; out of one of his Epistles , which he so Citeth , as no Man shall find it , unless he happen to have the same Edition of Calvines Epistles that he used ; which I have not : had he named the Epistle by its Number , or the Person to whom Addressed , I might have found it by some pains . I oppose Calvine to Calvine ; he said of the English Liturgie ( and I suppose that will pass with my Author for a well Composed one ) that it had in it some Tollerabiles ineptias . He bringeth some what that looketh like Argument , even in this Debate that he waveth . The great things of Worship is not to be left to the Wisdom and Discretion of every private Administrator . A. This is provided against by the Churches trying Men well before they be Intrusted : by setting the Word , and the Acts of the Church before them , as their Rule and Directorie , and by Watching over them , and Correcting them for mismanagement . These are GOD'S ways of preventing Inconveniency ; a stinted Liturgie is a way of Mans devising , without any Warrant , or Footstep of it in the Scripture . Another of his Arguments : every Priest isnot wise enough to manage an Affair of such great Importance . A. That is so true that none is wise enough for it , as the Apostle saith , 2 Cor. 2. 6. And if so , who is fit to Compose a Liturgie for others ; which all Men must be tyed to ? On this Consideration , the Church ought to chuse the fitest Men she can get ; and when that is done ; both the weaker , and stronger Sort should beware of leaning to their own Wit and Parts in that Great Work ; and should take the Word of GOD for their Directorie , and Depend on the Spirit of GOD for His assistence : and this is a better Remedy of the Evil feared than a sti●ted Liturgy is ; and hath more Countenance in the Scripture , Rom. 8. 26. Another Argument . Though a Minister should be very Wise , yet at all times he is not in the same Temper , and it is not reasonable that the Worship of GOD should be less decent when his Intellectuals are clouded than when he is in perfect health . A. 1. If this Argument have any strength , we must have a Form of Preaching , as well as of Prayer ; and always tyed to it : for a Disordered mind may make sad work there . 2. Some have been out of Temper for Reading the Service , as well as for Extemporary Prayer ; when their Brain hath been clouded : and this hath as often hapened in the Reading Pue , as in the Presbyterian Pulpit . Wherefore , we must have another Remedy against it in both , than a Liturgie . 3. I confess a lesser Degree of decency in the Worship of GOD than should be , or hath been , is never reasonable : but how can it be prevented either in Praying , Preaching , or Reading , as long as , the Temper both of Mens Bodies , and of their Minds are variable . 4. If a Mans Intellectuals be at any time so clouded , whether by a Hypochondriack Distemper , or by Drinking too liberally , or by any other Sickness ; as that it is probable to make the Worship of GOD to be unduely Managed , that Man ( what ever have been his Wisdom or Abilities ) should not be suffered to Officiate at that time ; whether with , or without the Book : I am sure there was never any Church , Ancient or Modern , which appointed a Liturgie for such Men ; no● to countenance the Putting , or Keeping , such in the Sacred Fu●ction . 5. There is another Cause of Worship being better or worse Managed at diverse times , which our Author hath not thought on , nor will his Liturgie serve for a Remedie of it ; that is the better or worse Frame of his Soul , with respect to Heavenly things , and the Degrees of the Presence and Aids of the Spirit of GOD : therefore , however unreasonable it be , yet it is manifest , that there is not the same measure of Decency , and Spiritual Luster on the Worship of GOD at all times : nor can there be a Remedie for this , till we be better Men : nor even then , if the LORD for His own Holy ends , withdraw his presence : I know this will be slouted by some : but the Apostle himself had his unusual Inlargements , 2 Cor. 5. 11. and found it needful that the People should Pray for assistence to him , Col. 4. 3. § . 16. He bringeth yet another Reason : the spiritual necessities of the People ought at all times to be ●qually Provided for . A. 1. That is impossible for Man to do : unless we can find unchangeable Men to be Ministers . It is fair if they be always well , and sometimes , if they be tollerablly provided for . 2. This is the improperest Reason that he could have fallen upon ; for it cutteth the Throat of his Cause : because the Spiritul Necessities of the People are very various : diverse People have diverse Necessities : and the same Persons Needs may be far other , or greater , at one time than at another : they know little of the Spiritual state of Souls , who know not this ; now a ●●int●d Liturgie can never reach these , half so well as a Minister may do , who hath the Gift of Prayer ; and who endeavoureth , as much as may be , to be acquainted with the Cases of the Peoples Souls . Next , he Pleadeth Uniformity for the use of a stinted Liturgie , which is a weak Argument : for Uniformity in Words ( and that is all that we can have by a Liturgie , which can not be obtained without it ) is not so valuable . If we all speak the same things what great Matters is it if they be exprest in diverse Words . Again , what Reason is there for the Necessity of Uniformity in Prayer , more than in Preaching ? which yet our Brethren do not Enjoin . That the Forms he mentioneth are the Tessera's if Uniformi●y , is an absurd and groundless Assertion : there was Uniformity in the Apostolick Church , and is in our Churches , without them . If he deny this last , let him shew what Dissormity is among us , further than in Words , which he cannot shew to be among his own Partie ; yea , it is evident that such Discrepancie is in their Worship , in one Church from another , that he cannot Charge us with the like : for the Cathedral Service , and that in Countrey Churches , are more unlike to one another , than the Latter of them is to the Meetings of some Dissenters . He next Argueth , that a Litu●gie obviates Mens v●nting their own Conceits . A. This is far more readily and frequently done in Preaching than in Prayer : and therefore will either Prove that free Preaching , without a Book , should be Restrained ; or it Proveth nothing at all . And indeed the way to prevent Inconveniency in both , is not a Liturgie , but to be careful that none but well Qualified Men be in the Ministry , and Watchfully to look to the Administrations of them who are in that Office. § 17. Our Author , p. 295. & seq . Haleth in a Discourse by Head and ●ars , without Occasion given , or Coherence with what he was upon , concerning Superstition ; wherein he taketh it for granted that his Way , in all the Parts and Steps of it , is right , and ours wholly wrong : and on this Begged Hypothesis , he Declaimeth against the Presbyterians as the most Superstitious , yea , the most Atheistical Men in the World. This is an easy Way of Running down any Adversary whatsoever . Whether a Groundless Scrupulosity , either in Matters of common Practice , or in Matters of Worship , be Superstition or not , I know is controverted by some : I shall not now enter into this Debate ; knowing that it issueth into a mere Logomachy . Tho I think Superstition , being a sort of false Worship , or a Sin against the Worship of God , in Strickness of Speech , nothing should be called Superstition , but that whereby People intend , or pretend to Worship God. Scruples about what is not Worship may be very Sinful , because Unreasonable and Groundless , and yet not be Worship , nor Superstition . If he can prove that our Scrupling the Holy Days , Liturgy and Ceremonies , is without all Ground , and that these things are well Warranted , and Approved of God ; and that there is no Sin in Using them : we shall change our Opinion , and submit to what Censure he shall put on us . But while that is not done , ( as I am sure it hath not hitherto been performed ) we regard little his Railing Accusations that he ●●lleth his Pages with . Most of what he here Loadeth the Presbyterians with , may be evidently , and with good Reason , Retorted on himself , and his Party . For Instance , he saith when we represent the Deity , as one that is plea●ed with the imaginary Notions that we Groundlesly entertain of Things ; this is Superstition , that Poysons the Soul and all its Faculties . Now whether Presbyterians or Prelatists be more guilty of this , let the Reader Judge . The one think that God is pleased with nothing as Worship , but what He hath Prescribed in His Word : And that He hateth Will-Worship , and all Notions about that , which have no Foundation in Scripture . The other think God is pleased with a great many Things that Men have have Devised for Adorning His Worship ; and for an Order and Decency that they imagine to be such ; but the Lord hath never declared it to be such . Whether of the two entertain these Groundless Notions of the Deity , which are the Superstition that Poysoneth the Soul and all its Faculties ? Another Instance : to say that such a thing is forbidden of God , only because we forbid it our selves , is to teach for Doctrines the Commandments of Men : but to regulate our Actions in themselves indifferent , according to the Prudent Determination of our Superiours , cannot fall under that Censure . Let us see whether we , or his own Party be thus guilty . We disowne that we say of any one thing , that it is forbidden of God , because we forbid it : if we say of any thing , that God hath forbidden it , and do not prove that it is so ; we refuse not to bear the Blame of such Impiety : but it is manifest , that his Party use somethings , as if God had enjoyned them , when they cannot prove that it is so ; but only the Church hath enjoyned them : they Command People to obey , to Use their Ceremonies , they Urge them with Rigour , they do more severely Censure the Neglect of them , than they Punish Breaking of Gods plain Commands . And yet they cannot shew , nor do they pretend to , any other Warrant for them , but the Authority of the Church ; which he calleth the Prudent Determination of our Superiors . It were needless , as well as endless , to take notice of all the Fantastick Notions that he expresseth about Superstition , and his Ungrounded Suppositions , that the Presbyterians are of these Sentiments , in which he placeth it : what is said may give a sufficient Taste of his Way of Refuting his Adversaries : only I cannot pass , that p. 29● . he insinuateth , that the Presbyterians esteem the Means more than the End ; and separate the Ecclesiastical Laws from their Subordination and Relation to the Laws of God. It must be a strange Degree of Prejudice , that could seduce him into such Distorted Notions . Do we esteem the Means more than the End , because we would have the End , Edification , carried on by Means that God hath Appointed , and that He hath Promised a Blessing to , rather than by Means of Mans Devising , which have no Promise of a Bles●ing or Success ? It is not only Conscience of Pleasing God , but Concern for that End , that maketh us so Careful , that the Means we use be Approved of God. Or do we separate Ecclesiastical Laws , from their Relation and Subserviency to the Laws of God : we are so far from it , that we owne no Ecclesiastical Laws , which are without the Relation of Dependency on the Law of ●od ; or without due Subordination to it : and it is on this Head that we reject the Church Laws , that enjoyn Humane Ceremonics peculiar to the Worship of God ; because the Church hath no Warrant to make such Laws , ( if he say that she hath , let us see it ) and because these Laws are not Subordinate , but rather Co-ordinate to the Laws of God , setting up the Churches Institutions beside his . That the Negative Scrupulosity that he mentioneth from Coloss. 2. 21 , 22 , 23. is a great Evil , we doubt not : and if he will call it Superstition , we will not contend about Words ( tho the Reason of that Denomination is doubtful ; the Will-Worship that is mentioned , being rather to be referred to the Worshipping of Angels , spoken of v. 18. which is there , and also in Conjunction with this Will-Worship , called Humility ; that is a vain Shew , of it . ) But nothing of this maketh for his Purpose , unless he can prove , that our Scruples about the Ceremonies , are wholly Ground ▪ l●ss , as these Scruples were ; and as the rest of the Abstinc●ces are , that he mentioneth ; wherefore all that he , at great length Discourseth on this Head , is wholly impertinent . If he can prove the Ceremonies to be Excellent and Useful , as he insinuateth , p. 297. our Cause can●ot stand before him . § 18. He undertaketh to prove our Scruples to be more dangerous than these , in that the Scruples there mentioned , had a Shew of Wisdom ; but the Presbyterian Scruples have more dangerous Consequences , in that they co●demn those Solemnities of Religion , which have a direct Tendency to promote Religion , in all its most Excellent Branches . The import of this Ratiocination is , the Way of the Ceremonialists is right , Ergo , the Presbyterians are to be condemned . All this is purely Begging of the Question . We deny any such Tendency to be in the Ceremonies ; and cannot be perswaded of what he saith , by his Confident Asseverations , and Big Words . If I could find any thing in his following Pages , that is worth Answering , and hath not been already Answered , ( for he repeateth ad nauseam ) I should consider it . The Persons that he knew , who were so Fearful and Superstitious , that they would not Break up a Letter on Sunday , we do not approve ; nor do our Scruples Countenance such Misapprehensions : if we meet with any such , ( for I know none of them , but rather observe that an undue Liberty is taken generally , on the Lords Day ) we shall endeavour to instruct them better . He telleth us , p. 302. the fifth or sixth time , that Superstition leadeth to Atheism ; and addeth , that by the Power of Prejudice , and Faction , it maketh a Man Despise the Omniscience of God , and to Venture upon the most Daring Impieties , Tho I will not be an Advocat for Superstition , nor for Ignorant or Groundless Scrupulosity : yet this his Assertion I cannot understand : for it is the Apprehension of Gods Omniscience , that maketh these Poor Souls , who dare not Break up a Letter on the Lords Day , to Fear where no Fear is ; and it is want of all Scrupling , even where there is just Ground , that maketh People Venture on the most Daring Impieties ; it is because they are Stout Hearted , not because they are Fearful Hearted . And how Faction cometh in to make up the Scene , I cannot see ; but that Presbyterians , whom he hath concluded to be Factious , must be the Persons to be thus Loaded . His Probative Instance of what he had said , is yet less Accountable . It is , that the Covenanters , when they in their full Career against the ancient Constitutions of Church and State , ( thus his Prejudice against them , doth represent them to him , and his Hatred of them , maketh him so represent them to the World ) with Hands lifted up to Heaven abjured the Primitive Stations : and these Stations he highly extolleth ; and thinketh the Presbyterians know not what they are , and concludeth , that we are bound by the Covenant , never to be present at such Exercises of Mortifications , &c. The Stations were their Meetings on Wednesdays and Fridays , for Fasting till Nine of the Clock , and for other Spiritual Exercises . So Albaspin . whom he citeth , and his Adnotator Keitombellius , Observ. 16. p. 23 , 24. who also telleth us that this they did , primis i●is saeculis , quibus miseriis & persecutionibus undique , & quasi perpetuis stiparentur . I know no Presbyterian , who either hath Sworn against , or Condemneth these Stations ; so far as we have a distinct Account of them : have not we , in great Towns the same thing , on the Matter , with these Stations : Morning Exercises for Confession of Sin , Prayer , and Instructing of the People ; and that of●ner , in some Places , than Twice a Week . That the Primitive Stations are abjured in the Covenant , is falsly asserted : indeed in the National Covenant , or Confession of Faith , which was Subscribed by the King , the Nobility , and the whole Nation , they Renounce a great many of the Popes Doctrines , and Practices ; and his Stations are mentioned among them : but will any Man , who understandeth what he saith , or who doth not look on the whole of Popery as Pure and Primitive , say , that the Popish Stations , ( under the present Degeneracy of that Church ) and the Primitive Stations , were the same thing ? the best Account that I can find of what now is called Stations among the Papists , is from Onuphrius Panvinius , de stationibus urbis Romae : where he confesseth that their Original is obscure : he maketh them , in the Primitive Church , to have been Prayers with Standing , in Opposition to these with Kneeling : to which sometimes Fasting was joyned , and he sheweth how several Popes Limited them , and others appropriated them to certain Days : and sheweth how in his time they were fixed to Days ; and to Churches in the City of Rome : as it may be presumed was done also in other Churches . He sheweth also their Number , viz. in fourty seven Churches , ninety six Stations , on eighty three Days , and telleth us of Indulgences granted to these Stations by Pope Boniface . This Term may also be applyed to their Solemn Processions , for Perambulating any Piece of Ground : wherein they do often Stand at such a Cross , or at such a Turning , and Rehearse certain Prayers . This Supestition is what is renounced in the Covenant , and it is joyned with Peregrinations and such other Fopperies . He calleth Superstition a Bastard Kind of Worship , p. 305. but Scrupling at Ceremonies , hath nothing in it like Worship , whether Bastard or Legitimate : how will he then Reconcile this , with Calling our Scruples Superstition ? The Jewish Superstitions , the Murdering of A. Bishop Sharp , the Heathens Superstitions , that he hath Consulted Juvenal about , none of these touch the Presbyterians ; tho one of them was Acted by some who bare that Name , to the great Dislike of the rest of them . He further Argueth , p. 307 , 308. that we Contend for our own Opinions , he for the Church and her Catholick Constitutions . The same Arguments the Papists use against Protestants : the Name of the Church is the Shelter that some flee to , when they have no other Cover for the Nakedness of their Opinions . We affirm ( and our Assertion is as Probative as his is ) that we maintain the Opinions that we have Learned from the Scripture , and not such as we have Groundlesly Chosen for our selves . § 19. He next , p. 309. falleth on the Catechism which is owned and taught in this Church ; after he hath Loaded us with Servile Condescending to Popular Fancies , and Leaving the People in Profound Ignorance . This is his Strain , his Genius , and to be Neglected ; his Reproaches , and Praises are of the same Value with us . The Quarrel that he hath with the Catechism , is , it is Unintelligible by the People , ( which were a great Fault if true ) and that it is Adapted to serve the Hypothesis of a certain Order of School Men : he meaneth , as is evident by what followeth , the Dominicans , or Jansenists , in Opposition to the Jesuits : his Grievance is , our Catechism is not Pelagian , nor Arminian enough . I shall free him of a Fear that he expresseth , p. 315. that if the Vindicator ( as he calleth him ) take these Paragraphs to Task , he will most Zealously Undertake the Defence of all that Orthodox Stuff , that is Contained in their Publick Catechisms , and Write out a whole System to Confute his Adversary . Whatever be that Persons Zeal to Defend our Catechisms , as intirely Orthodox ; he need not Fear Writing of a System on this Occasion ; the Person he Aimeth at , will be more Sparing than so , of his Ink and Paper ; and yet more of his Time and Labour : unless he saw more Hazard to Truth , than can arise from this Authors Attempt : and unless there were none who could do it to better Purpose , as there are many : seing he intendeth not to Question the Orthodoxy of the Catechism , ( tho he often Lasheth it that Way by severe Innuendo's ) but only to Prove its Unintelligibleness : I shall engage with him only in that . He Talketh Big , of many Instances which might be brought , wherein our Catechisms are Unintelligible ; but he is pleased to pitch but on one ; which is that Question ; Wherein consisteth the Sinfulness of that Estate whereinto Man fell : to which the Answer is , The Sinfulness of that Estate whereinto Man fell , consisteth in the Guilt of Adams first Sin , the Want of Original Righteousness , and Corruption of his whole Nature , which is commonly called Original Sin , together with all Actual Transgressions which proceed from it . I shall An●madvert a few Things on this his Essay , before I consider particularly the Proofs of Obscurity and Unintelligibleness of this Doctrine . 1. If I should yield all that he here proposeth to himself , he falleth short of his Design ; which is to Reproach the Scots Presbyterians : for tho they owne that Catechism , and look on it as one of the best extant , yet it is not of their Composure ; it was done by the Divines Assembled at Westminster , few of whom were Presbyterians . 2. Few Men of Sense , who are Concerned about the Promoting of Religion , and the Salvation of Souls , will prefer it to the Church of Englands Catechism , which beginneth , What is thy Name ; Who gave thee this Name , &c. but will owne that there is more sound , plain , useful Truth , and what is necessary to be known by the ●eople , in our , than in their Catechism . As might easily be made appear , if I might Digress to State a Comparison between them , from the Beginning to the End. 3. We must not imagine , that whatever is put into a Catechism , must be so plain , that the meanest Capacity , without Help , can sufficiently understand it : for there are Truths needful to be known , which the People must be helped to understand , tho at first View , they Comprehend them not : yea , somethings must be taught to all the People , and are necessary to be known by Christians , which tho they are intelligible , yet are not so easily understood , nor so fully , as some other Things , can be . If this Author will take on him , to judge of the Labour of such a Grave and Learned Assembly , as was that at Westminster , and conclude , that they Acted Foolishly , in Proposing Unintelligible Doctrines to the People , let him give also his Censure of the Apostolick Catechism ; the Substance of which is set down Heb. 6. 1 , 2. where are Matters , that as many Difficulties may be raised about , as he Starteth on this Question and Answer . 4. I hope he doth not Dream , that no Truths are to be Proposed to the Catechumeni , but such as the meanest ( yea , or the greatest Capacity ) can fully Comprehend , and Solve all the Difficulties , yea , or Understand all the Debates , that arise in the Heads of Learned Men about them : for then , they must be kept in Profound Ignorance of all the Mysteries of our Religion , yea , of the Greatest , most Fundamental , and most Necessary Truths that the Scripture Teacheth us . If he were put to Frame a Catechism so Qualified , he would find it hard to get Matter for it . He should consider , that the Use of a Catechism , is not to make the People Polemick Divines at first Hand , but to Acquaint them with the Positive Doctrine of Salvation , and to Lay before them Scripture Grounds for Assenting to it . 5. The Doctrine of this Question and Answer , is very necessary to be known , as on other Grounds , so in Order to the Exercise of Gospel Repentance : which is hard to say any can have , who is wholly Ignorant of Original Sin , which is here , as plainly and fully Described , as hath been done by any , in so few Words . One may be Jealous , that Picking this Quarrel with the Catechism , ariseth rather from Dislike of the Truths here Taught , than from the Obscurity of it . If he allow Original Sin to be Taught to the People at all , let him ●ry if he can Frame a plainer Question and Answer about it . 6. It is the Care of Presbyterian Ministers , that People may understand the Grounds of our Religion , as well as may be , not only to lay down , even in the Catechism , the Scriptures where such Doctrines are Taught , that the Peoples Faith may stand on that sure Foundation , but also they Explain the Catechism , and all the Doctrines contained in it , to them , when they Catechise , and sometimes in Preaching : and do not content themselves , that the People can Repeat the Words of the Catechism : and therefore it is no sufficient Objection against the Catechism , that any Passage in it is not so Obvious to every Capacity , as might be wisht . Notwithstanding of all that I have said , I do not yield that this , or any other Passage in the Catechism , is Unintelligible by an ordinary Capacity , where Attention , and Diligence is used , toward Attaining of Knowledge . 7. Tho it were to be wished , that all the Lords People were Prophets , and that every one of them were able to Debate for the Truth , and to stop the Mouths of Gainsayers : yet we think it should be endeavoured , that cople generally should know the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of these Revealed Truths , which are Conducible to their Salvation , and to Direct them in the Way of Duty ; and if some cannot Attain such a Measure of Knowledge in them as is Desireable ; others who are more Docile , should not be Deprived of what Advantage they can attain . § 20. Our Author having set down the Question and Answer , saith , there is nothing in it but is Dark , and altogether beyond the Comprehension of Illiterate People : yea , that it cannot be understood without Acquaintance with the Language of the School Men : he calleth it Clouds of Unknown Language : all this is as easily denyed as it is asserted , and with far more Reason : for we can give the Instances of many , ( tho may be , they will not be willing to be Named , as he requireth ) who can give a good Account , without School Terms , of the Doctrine here Comprised ; who yet know no other Language , but their Mother Tongue . He telleth us that the first Difficulty is , de reatu peccati primi hominis : I confess , if he propose it thus in Latine , it will puzzle most of the Vulgar , ( whom he Despiseth under the Name of Plow Men ) but there are Plow Men , and others , who in their own Language , can tell you that thus it is with us , that we are guilty of Adams Sin ; and can bring Scripture Proof for what they say , out of Rom. 5. 12 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Our Countrey People can understand , that in that Passage of Scripture , it is plain , that we are guilty of Adams Sin , and that we are justified by Christs Righteousness : and so they will tell you , that Scripture holdeth forth the Imputation ▪ of both ; and they understand what is meant by that hard Word . His next Difficulty is , de privatione justitiae originalis ; and he Complaineth , that the English Word doth not determine , whether it be Privation or Negation : our People can tell , ( and some are Sensible of it , and Weighted with it ) that they have no Righteousness of their own , nor Rectitude in their Nature , that they are neither Born with it , nor can Acquire it , but must have it from Christ , or perish without it : for the Terms he mentioneth , they do not trouble themselves about these , nor do we think it necessary that they should . His third Remark seemeth to make the Answer to the Question , not only Obscure , but Erroneous : for he maketh it to insinuate , that the Rectitude of Mens Souls is wholly lost , and that there are no remains of the Divine Image left on the Soul of Man. It is no wonder that he thinketh the Vulgar cannot understand this Answer , when so Learned a Dr. doth so foully Misapprehend it ; I shall not impute this to want of Capacity , nor to the Objective Darkness of the Thing ; but to his Prejudice , or want of Attention : for it is plain to any who will understand , that this is neither said nor hinted and that it is manifest that the Corruption of all the Faculties , not the total Corruption of all , or any of them , is there Expressed . Such a Blunder as this , in another , he would have Insulted over . A further Evidence of the Obscurity that he would Prove , that our sinful Estate consisteth also in all the actual Transgressions that proceed from this Original sin . He must have a very dark mind to whom this is unintelligible . But the Great Matter is , that he that Answereth must Re-collect all these ●hings , ( and they are but 4. in Number ) before he understand this Matter . What mighty Difficulty is in that ? or wherein lyeth the Necessity of Metaphysicks for understanding these Particulars , or making Re-collection of them , I cannot Comprehend : nor can I understand how Peoples being I●cumbred with the Affairs of Humane Life , putteth them out of Case for attaining the Knowledge that we Debate about . What he further hath under this Head , is made up of Harsh Words and bitter Censures , not to be Answered : that the Catechism was only designed as the Badge of a Partie ( as if the Prelatists met at Westminster designed a Shibboleth for the Scots Presbyterians to be distinguished by ) this is wise talk : he calleth it such Words as Monks and ill natured Zealots pitched upon : it is nothing else but to lift up a Banner for Faction , Ignorance , and Superstition . They ( the People ) are Taught by their Leaders to baule against the Ancient Methods of the Christian Church , and that which they set up in Oposition to it , leads them naturally to Pride , and Enthusiasm : Let any Man whose Tongue is under any Restraint from the aw of GOD , or regard to Man , tell us how this can be applied to the Catechism . More stuffe of this Stamp , he hath , which I am wearie to Transcribe . He saith , this Charge may be fairly managed against the Catechism in general , as well as against this Question . And I am Confident all such Attempts may receive a full and plain Answer . He is pleased also to Reproach the Homilies of the Presbyterians ( so in Contempt he calleth their Preaching of the Gospel ) with the same strain ; he must mean unintelligiblness : from which he falleth into a new Fit of calling his Opposites by what ill Names he pleaseth . Such an Indefinite Charge as this is not to be Answered ; but by Denying it : and I am sure he can never Prove it , the Stories collected , or devised by his Friend , the Author of the Presbyterian Bloquence , are not Probative , where Sense or Reason , or Candor have place , no , not among his own Party , who know the Presbyterians . § . 21. His next Charge against us is , a Repetition of what he brought , and I Answered before : that the Scripture is not Read in Publick ; and this he saith , is pursuant to the Design of keeping the People in the Dark . He saith , the Canonical Scriptures , as well as the Apocryphal ( a double Grievance in his eyes ) are laid aside from publick use , which he calleth a bold stroke of Atheism , and Enthusiasm ▪ But wise Men will think that there is far more of Atheism in such a Bold , Publick , Unlimited Assirming of what is an Evidence of having no regard to Truth . If there were any thing Argumentative ( as the whole is most Abusive , and destitute of Truth ) in his Harangue that he seteth off these Falsehoods with , I should be at the pains to give them a fair Answer : see what is said of this § 14. He next , p. 317. Quarrelleth with our Ruling Elders : which he Introduceth with a Falsehood that is palpably such , viz. that we have put away Deacons , as well as Bishops : the World knoweth the contrarie : and if this Author do not know it , he is very unfit to talk of the Presbyterians , who is such a Stranger to their Way , and Constitution . We have Deacons , whose Work it is to take Care of the Poor , according to Apostolick appointment . It is true , our Deacons are not allowed to Preach and Baptize , as these who in the Episcopal Church go under that Name : for we find no Warrant for giving them that Power , except it be immediately , and extraordinarily given them by the LORD ; as it was to some ( not to all ) of the Primitive Deacons . It is also true , that in some places , the Office and Work of Ruling ●lder , and of Deacon , is in the same Person : which hath Warrant from the Word : but that we have no Deacons , is said without any Semblance of Truth . Tho he knoweth that , that Controversie about Ruling Elders , who have no Preaching Power , hath been much agitated between his Partie and us , and his Antagonist ( whose Writing he never failleth to Oppose , when he thinketh he can ) hath Written on that Subject ; yet he is pleased here to content himself with setting his Nigrum theta on this our Oppinion , without endeavouring to Refute it ▪ except he will call it an Argument , that he saith , it is a Sacrilegious Usurpation on the Ecclesiastical Authority . He hath Two Quarrels with them : One is , that they are not set apart by Imposition of hands . I have no other Answer to this , but that some among our selves are unsatisfied with this : but they are Solemnly and Pubickly set apart for their Work , and taken Engaged to it : and therefore , that want doth not Nullifie the Office. That such an Office should be in the Church by CHRIST'S Institution , I hold , tho I will not undertake to justifie the Practice of our own , or other Churches , in some things concerning these Elders . His other Fault that he findeth with them is , that the Preachers encroach so on them , that they never suffer them , whose sole Office is Government , to interpose in the most Essential Points of Jurisdiction , viz. the Solemn and Authoritative Imposition of hands , Administration of Sacraments , and Absolution of P●netents . This Objection amounteth to no more but this : Ruling Elders , by Divine appointment , have a Share in the Government of the Church for curbing of sin ( for they are Inspectores morum populi ) Ergo , they have also all the Authority that CHRIST hath given to the Pastors of the Flock , such Reasoning is not only in it self weak and fallacious , but it doth ill su●e the Principles of this Author : do not his Party , at their own hand , give some part of Church Authority to their Deacons , as Preaching and Baptizing ; and withhold from them all the rest of it : why then may not we ( with much more reason ) allow , that CHRIST hath given part of Church Power to these Elders , and yet not the whole of it ? But I consider his Objection more particularly : the first Power ( mentioned by him ) as denyed them is , Imposition of Hands on the Pastors of the Church . If he can Prove that any other than Pastors have that Power , by Divine Warrant , he shall gain this Point . Neither is it consistent with Reason that Imposition of Hands , by which the Authority for dispensing the Word and Sacraments is conveyed , should be done by them who have not that Power themselves : for nemo dat quod non habe● . The next is Administration of Sacraments , This is not due to them because they are not the Pastors of the Church ; and because they are only Rulers of the Church : whereas this Administration is no part of Government . The 3d. is Absolving of Paenitents : to which he might have Added excommunication , and other Church Censures . A. This belongeth to the Government of the Church ; they have a Hand in it ; nor is it done without them , for both Censures , and taking off Censures , are Decreed in the Consistorie , where they sit , and vote : only the Pronouncing , or Executing of these Sentences , in the publick Congregation , is the Work of the Pastor ; both because publick Administration of CHRIST'S Ordinances are in his hand : and because these Administrations are intermixed , or conjoyned with the Word , and publick Prayer ; which are the Work of the Minister , not of the Elder . § 22. Another New Opinion he Taxeth ( but will not be at pains to Examine or Refute it ) is , that we think the People have a Right to Chuse their Pastors . The Novelty of this Opinion is most absurdly Asserted : for it not only was the way of the Apostolick : but of the Primitive Churck for many Ages , as I have shewed Rational , Def. of non conformity , § 6. p. 197. &c. and should now further have Debated it with him , if he had insisted on it . He misrepresenteth our Opinion , while first he saith , we maintain this Right to be unalterable : whereas we think a People may lose it , as to its present Exercise , by their inhability or negligence , and it devolveth into the hands of the Rulers of the Church . While 2dly , He insinuateth , p. 320. that this Power is allowed in the Body of the People , without due Restrictions and Limitations . We think the People in this , as in all their other Religious concernments , are under the Inspection and Government of the Presbytery , Congregational , or Classical . Instead of Arguing against this Way , he laboureth to cast Dirt on it ; which easily may be wiped off . I have proved , in the Place Cited , that they who were designed for the Ministry were not only named in the Congregation for their Assent , or Objecting against them ; but they were chosen a Clero et Plebe : for the 36. Canon of the Apostles ( it is , Mihi , 37. ) which he Citeth : not only we Reject it , with the rest , as not Authentick , nor Probative : but it also Censureth the Bishop that doth not undertake the Office , and Charge : Doth it thence follow that a Bishop may be Imposed on a People without his own Consent , as well as without theirs ? that Canon seemeth to be meant of some incident Dislike , either on the part of the Pastor , or of the People , after Ordination ; which should not excuse them from mutual Duties : and so it is nothing to our purpose . How popular Election would hinder Uniformity , more than the Patrons Election doth ; iss hard to be understood . That People will chuse such as themselves for Intellectuals and Morals , doth not always hold : People generally think that their Pastors ought to have both more Learning , and more Religion , than themselves . And if they be of such perverse Inclinations , they are to be Over-ruled by the Presbytery . What he saith of the scandalous effects of Popular Election ( I suppose he meaneth Tumults and Divisions ) were far more visible , frequent . and horrid , when Bishops were otherwise chosen : there was never so much Blood-shed at Election of a Presbyterian Minister , as hath been at Chusing of some Bishops , in the Later Primitive times , after that Office was settled in the Church . What are we concerned more than his own Party is , in the Ridiculous Insinuation he hath of a Company of mean Mechanicks laying Wagers that such a one shall Preach better than another . Is any Church accountable for either the Follies , yea , or the Sinful Excesses of every one of her Members , further than to Rebuke , or Censure them , according to the degree of Offence given ; when they come to be known ? I know of no such Wagers laid among our People , tho may be , there is too much of being Puffed up for one , against another ; as it was in a Church that I hope he will have more respect for than for he hath for the Presbyterian Church , 1 Cor. 4. 6. That he Asserteth that the Talent of Preaching did not commend a Man in the Primitive time● , is most absurd , if he mean , that a great regard was not had to it , as one of the Chief Qualifications of a Pastor of the Church ; if he mean , that this Qualification only is regarded among the Presbyterians , and no more lookt after , it is false and injurious . § . 23. His next Work is quite out of his present Road : it is not to consider any new Opinions held by the Presbyterians : but to revive a Reproach he had before cast on one P●esbyterian , and which had been sufficiently wiped off : but he is resolved not to be satisfied . I am wholly indifferent whether he be , or not . And yet this Charge he only mentioneth ; and therefore I shall not insist on it neither : but it seems , this was but Introductory to what he intended : which is , he will Vindicat a Notion that Grotius hath about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Cor. 12. 28. who had Interpreted that Word as meant of Bishops . I have abundantly Cleared this Matter , and Vindicated that Text from the Exposition put on it by Grotius , in 3d. Sect. of this Work , § 6. 7. to which I refer the Reader , and shall now only Answer what our Author here bringeth afresh . He telleth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signisi●●h properly to help one that is ready to fall : this is the Duty of them who are Stronger in the Faith , and higher in Authority : of whom then could it be so well meant as of the Bishop , the Praeses . A most ridiculous way of Arguing : For , 1. It supposeth the Question , that Bishop , or the Praesides Presbyterii , are higher in Authority : which we cannot yield . 2. It can be far better applyed to Deacons , who relieve them who are ready to Perish . Next saith he : Grotius saw the Episcopal Authority in several Places that the Vindicator will not allow of . A. What Grotius saw , I know not , nor am concerned to know : Some fancy they see a Man in the Moon , which others cannot discern 3. The Apostles might make use of Words to signifie the Episcopal Jurisdiction which are not in use in our Days ; there are so many Allusions to the Temple and Syonagogue , that we must know these , that we may be acquainted with the Writings of the New Testament . A. This Reasoning may infer quidlibet ex quolibet : may be ( might one say ) the Apostles by Baptism , by casting out of the Church , &c. understood some other thing than we do : at this Rate Scepticism about the whole Doctrine of the New Testament may be brought in more effectually than by laying aside Religious Ceremonies of Mens devising . We know the Apostles Wrote in Greek : and we know what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth in that Language : if this Author allege that it had then another Signification than now , he should have Proved it , and not drawn his Conclusion from a May be . And if he thinketh that there is any Allusion here to the Practice of the Temple or Synagogue , he should have shewed it , and not thought us so ●ame Animals as to acquiesce in his Guess , built on a Possibility , where he cannot shew so much as Probability . His Advice hath been followed , before it was given , in Reading Grotius on the Places he mentioneth ; and yet nothing is found that maketh for his Design . He hath another Argument from the Context ( which yet is the same above-mentioned , and Answered ) that the Apostle having in the preceeding , v. ( he should have said in the same v. ) distinguished the several Offices , &c. that were then most Observable in the Apostolick Church . I suppose that the helping such as were ready to fall , did most properly belong to the Spiritual Governours . This is above answered : and it is not one whit stronger by being said over again . Further , he Asserteth , but hath not shewed us , how the Context leadeth to this Interpretation : his supposing it to be most proper to the several guids to help them that fall , doth not prove his design ; unless he could shew that there was an Officer in the Church who had his Designation from thus helping People : and when he hath done that , he must shew that this is peculiar to the Bishop , and that no other Church Officer is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from helping them who are ready to fall . That Grotius telleth us that the Antient Greeks interpreted the Word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a wronging of Grotius ; who saith not Graeci veteres , but Graeci complures : and it is nothing to his purpose : for Grotius saying it doth not prove it : nei●her doth Grotius cite any of the Graeci complures . Suiceri thesaurus Ecclesiae I can not get at present : but if he say what our Author alledges , his sole Authority must not carry it against all others , who have written Lexicons . Hamond , on the Place , Expoundeth it of Bishops ; not on Account of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Governing Power , but because they had the Care of the Poor , and the Dispensing of the Goods of the Church , as I shewed in the Place above Cited of this Book . Which , if it were granted , would make nothing for Episcopal Jurisdiction . We maintain that the Deacons are here meant , and if the Bishops be Deacons , let them have this Place in the List of Church Officers . For they had no Room in it before , nor on the Score of Jurisdiction over other Church Officers . I do not derogate from Grotius his Knowledge of the Signification of Words , nor of his Ability to have Written a Lexicon : but I do not look on him as beyond a Possibility of Mistake , even in that wherein he excelled . And indeed he speaketh very doubtfully of this Matter , as his Words Cited by my Antagonist do shew : nor doth he positively say , that the Bishops are meant by this Word . Another Proof of the Signification of the Word , is from Ps. 48. 3. where the seventy use it to signifie the Lords helping his People : what is this to the Purpose ? the Question is not whether this Word have the Notion of Help ; but whether it have the Notion of Government : but our Author Mendeth the Matter , making up , by his Latine Translation , what is not in the Greek ; for he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie , cum suscipiet cam , nempe Civitatem , in Tutelam : why must it signifie this : why may it not as well be turned , cum opitulabitur illi ? Chrysost. hath it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Munitionem . Aquila 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Exaltationem . None of all these signifie any thing of Government ; but of Defence or Support : so that nothing in this Word agreeth half so well to the Bishops , as to the Deacons Work. I hope he will not think , that because the Lord who is in this Psalm , said to Help His People , doth also Rule them , that it hence followeth , that every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is also a Ruler . The same Import hath what he Citeth out of AEmilius Portus , who from Suidas Translateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Propugnator , Defensor , Auxiliator . For none of these Words import Government , all that they signifie , may be applyed better to the Deacon , than to the Bishop . I hope I have ( with the Current of ●xpositors ) offered a better Exposition of the Word we Debate about , than Grotius hath Chosen : and yet shall readily Comply with my Authors Advice , in being far from Comparing my self with that great Man. § 24. What he further saith of that Exposition of Jerom , Quid facit Episcopus , &c. he hath often Repeated , and it hath been as often Answered : to which he had said something , if he had shewed the Consistency of what I said could not agree : but this he thinketh not ●it to Attempt : only Entreats me to give a Paraphrase and Commentary on the Conclusion of that very Epistle of Jerom to Euagrius , in which ( saith he ) Jerom affirmeth , that the Hierarchy of Bishop , Presbyter , and Deacon , was Founded on Apostolick Tradition : and that they Hold the same Place in the Christian Church : which the High Priest , Priests and Levites had in the Temple . For Satisfaction to this his Demand , I refer him to Sect. 6. § . 9 , 10. where what he Desireth is already Performed : and it is shewed that Jerom meant ▪ no such thing as he alledgeth . The hundred Things in my Book that he will not medle with , and which he is pleased to call Triffling Stories , or Personal Reflections , must stand as they are : let the Reader judge of what I have there said , and of his Censure of it . And yet he spendeth some Pages on a Story , that he and I had formerly Debated , which is of least Moment of any of them : his Reason I shall not Enquire into : nor do I intend to be any further Concerned in Jangle about Stories so variously told us , as that is ; and which may be many Ways Disguised : no part of which I was Witness to , nor know any thing of , but by Information . For the Personal Reflections he chargeth me with , he mentioneth but two ; I leave it to the Reader , who shall think sit to Compare the two Books , to Consider , whether any thing is said of him , but what to be Literally true , himself had given Ground to think : and they are Matters of Fact , and of no great Moment , save that they may derogate from the Strength of what he Writeth . And let all Men of Candor and Understanding Witness between him and me , whether in his Book now under Consideration , and in his former Apology , there be not many for one of mine , of not only Personal Reflections on his Antagonist , but Reflections on the whole Party , without Distinction or Exception : and that by Imputing to them the Worst of Evils ; and Treating them with the most Insolent Contempt that Words can express ; as I have here and there observed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and the Reader may find presently after this his Complaint , viz. 332 , 333 , 334. The Authority that the Presbyter●ans had over she Church of Scotland , and consequently , over the Episcopal Clergy , I had Debated with him before . I need say no more , till he Answer what hath been already Discoursed on that Head. What he saith , p. 332. of his Resolution not to continue this Debate , if not managed by greater Candor and Civility , I do much approve : if he will put that Condition on himself too . If he , or any else , Write in his Strain : yea , if they bring not somewhat that is not yet Answered , and is of Weight . I think our Side will not Trouble them with more Arguings on this Head of Government : there is enough said , if Men will Listen to Argument ; if they will not , what ▪ is said , is too much . For my Part , I am weary of such Altercations ; and shall not be easily drawn into this Paper War any more : th● ▪ I am Resolved , by the Help of God , never to Abandon the right Way of God , nor to withdraw my Poor Help from the Truth and O●dinances of Christ , when it shall be needed ; and I shall be in any Capacity to a●●ord ●t FINIS . 
A59435	----	The fundamental charter of Presbytery as it hath been lately established in the kingdom of Scotland examin'd and disprov'd by the history, records, and publick transactions of our nation : together with a preface, wherein the vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his habitual infirmities. Sage, John, 1652-1711. 1695 Approx. 932 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 308 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59435 Wing S286 ESTC R33997 13655503 ocm 13655503 101025 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59435) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101025) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1046:11) The fundamental charter of Presbytery as it hath been lately established in the kingdom of Scotland examin'd and disprov'd by the history, records, and publick transactions of our nation : together with a preface, wherein the vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his habitual infirmities. Sage, John, 1652-1711. [184], 422 p. Printed for C. Brome ..., London : 1695. Attributed to John Sage by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- Church history. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Fundamental Charter OF Presbytery , As it hath been lately Established IN THE Kingdom of SCOTLAND , Examin'd and Disprov'd , By the History , Records , and Publick Transactions of our Nation . Together with a PREFACE ; Wherein the Vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his Habitual Infirmities . LONDON , Printed for C. Brome , at the Gun , at the West End of St. Paul's Church-yard , 1695. THE PREFACE . THis Article , which I have now examined , was no sooner Established , in our Scottish Claim of Right , than I turn'd serious to satisfy my self about it . I thought it concern'd me as a Scottish man to understand , as well as I could , That which made such a Figure in the Original Contract between King and People . I thought I was no less concern'd as a Christian , to be Resolv'd about its Merits : I perceiv'd it might readily affect my practice ; And tho I abhor , as heartily as any man , all breaking of the Churches peace , for Rattles or Nutshels ; Yet I could not but reckon of it as a matter of Conscience , to me , to Endeavour to be sure that I built neither my Faith nor my Obedience , in a matter of such Consequence , as I take the Government of the Church to be , on a Deceitful bottom . Perhaps I was bound to be inquisitive by some other Reduplications , not needful to be Named . I had not spent much Application about it , when I was satisfied ; and thought I had Ground to hope , the Wisdom of the Nation , after more Deliberate Researches , might find it Reasonable , either to Restore to the Church , Her Ancient and Iust Government , or settle the New One , on some ( at least ) more Specious Basis. But I was Disappointed . For Three Sessions of Parliament are now over ; And the Article is so far from being either Retracted or Corrected ▪ that , on the Contrary , It hath been still insisted on , and Deem'd sufficient to support very weighty Superstructures . Each Session hath Erected some new thing or other , upon it . This , with the importunity of some Friends , at last , Determin'd me to Enquire more fully and minutely into the value of the Article ; And the Work hath swell'd to such a bulk as you see . I confess I cannot Apologize sufficiently for my adventuring to Expose such ane ill Composure to the publick view ; Especially Considering how Nice and Critical , if not Picq't and Humorsome an Age we live in . I ever thought that much of the Beauty , as well as of the Vtility of Books , lay in Good Method , and a distinct Range of Thoughts : And I cannot promise that I have observed That , so punctually , as Clearer Heads might have done . I have less Reason to be Confident of the Stile . 'T is hard for most Scottish men to arrive at any tolerable Degree of English Purity . Our greatest Caution cannot prevent the Stealing of our own Words and Idioms into our Pens , and their dropping thence , into our writings . All things considered , I have as little Reason to think I have Guarded , or could Guard against them , as any Scottish man : For not only have mine opportunities , all my life , been none of the best ; But , for finding Materials for the following Papers , I was obliged to Read so many Books written in Right Broad Scotch , and take so many Citations from them , that 't is little to be wondered , if my Book abounds with Scotticisms . I thought my self bound to be faithful in my Citations : ( and I can promise I have been that ▪ I could not Reason from the Authority of these Citations , without using the Terms and Phrases which are in them : This no doubt , makes the Scotticisms Numerous : And I shall not deny that my familiar acquaintance with these Books , together with the prejudices of Education , Custom , and Constant Converse in the plain Scottish Dialect , may have occasioned many more . Neither shall I be over Confident , that , where I have adventured to Reason any point , I have done it to every mans Conviction . I may have been ( as other men ) apt to impose on my self , and think I have advanced just propositions , and drawn fair Consequences , when I have not done it . No doubt , most men have such a Kindness for themselves , as , too commonly , inclines them to applaud their own thoughts , and judge their own Reasonings Just and Solid , when they are but Coarse enough ; And others may very easily discover where the mistake lies : Yet , this I can say for my self , I have done , what I could to Guard against all such prejudice and partial Byass . Sensible of these infirmities , I intreat the Readers favourable and benign Censures . This I can tell him ingenuously ; If I could have done better , I should not have Grudg●d him the pleasure of it . But , perchance , that which I am more concern'd to account for , is , what Assistances I had for what I have advanced , in the following Sheets . And , here , I must Confess , I had not all the Advantages I could have wished . Such are my present Circumstances , That I could not Rationally propose to my self , to have Access to the publick Records , either of Church or State ; And , no doubt , in this , I was at a Considerable loss : For he who Transcribes from Authentick Records , Doth it more Securely , than he who has things only from Second hands . Yet , I don't think this Disadvantage was such , as should have intirely Discouraged me from the Attempt I have made : For some of my Authors had Access to the publick Registers ; And I am apt to believe there was not much to be found , there , Relating to the Controversies I have managed , which they have not published ; So that , tho 't is possible , I might have been better , yet I cannot think I was ill provided of Helps : I cannot think any of my Presbyterian Brethren can be provided much better . The principal Authors from which I have collected my Materials , are these ; Buchanan's History published at Frankfort , Anno 1594 Ieslie's History , at Edenburgh , 1675. King Iames the Sixth's Works , in English , at London , 1616. Archbishop Spotswood's History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland , at London , Anno 1655. His Refutatio Libelli , &c. Lond. An. 1620. The True History of the Church of Scotland , &c. said to be written by Mr. David Calderwood , published An. 1678. Mr. Petrie's History of the Catholick Church , &c. Tom. 2. printed at the Hague , Anno 1●62 . Sir Iames Melvil's Memoirs . The Old Scottish Liturgy . The Lord Herbert's History of the Life of King Henry 8. Doctor Heylin and Doctor Burnet's Histories of the Reformation of the Church of England . Calvin's Epistles printed at Geneva , Anno 1617. Beza's Epistles till the year 1573. Acts and Monuments by Fox , &c. I have likewise considered our printed Acts of Parliaments . The printed Acts of the General Assemblies , from the year 1638. And as many Pamphlets as I could find , Relating to the Matters on which I insist : 'T is needless to Name them here : You may find them named , as Occasion required , in my Book . There are two Books which I must insist on a little . One is A Manuscript Copy of the Acts of our Scottish Assemblies from the year 1560 till the year 1616. Our Presbyterian Brethren may be ready to reject its Authority , if it Militates against them : I give My Reader , therefore , this brief account of it . It was transcribed in the year 1638. when the National Covenant was in a flourishing state ; For I find , at the end of it , the Transcriber's Name and his Designation , written with the same hand by which the whole M S. is written ; And he says , He began to transcribe upon the 15th day of Ianuary 1638. and compleated his work on the 23d of April , that same year . He was such a Reader as we have commonly , in Scotland , in Country Parishes . It is not to be imagined , it was transcribed , then , for serving the Interests of Episcopacy ; For , as Petrie , and the Presbyterians , generally affirm , The Prelates and Prelatists dreaded nothing more , in those days , than that the Old Registers of the Kirk should come abroad : And it was about that time , that Mr. Petrie got his Copy , from which he published so many Acts of our Old General Assemblies : Nor is it to be doubted but that , as several Copies , then , were , so particularly , that which I have perused , was transcribed for the Ends of the Good Old Cause . This I am sure of , the Covenant as required , then , to be subscribed , by the Green Tables , is set down , at full length in the Manuscript . Besides , The Stile and Language testify that there is no Reason to doubt , That the Acts of Assemblies , which it contains , have been transcribed , word for word , at first , from the Authentick Records : And if Calderwood's or Petrie's Accounts of these Acts , deserve any Credit , My M S. cannot be rejected , for it hath all they have published ; and , for the most part , in the same Terms , except , where these Authors have altered the Language , sometimes to make it more fashionable and intelligible ; sometimes to serve their Cause , and the Concerns of their Party . It hath Chasms , also , and Defects , where , they say , Leaves have been torn from the Original Registers : And I have not adduced many Acts from it , which either one , or both these Authors have not likewise mentioned in their Histories . Calderwood has indeed concealed very many , having intended , it seems , to publish nothing but what made for him ; tho , I think , even in that , his Iudgment hath not sufficiently kept pace with his Inclinations . Nay , His Supplement , which he hath subjoyn'd to his History , as well as the History it self , is lame , by his own Acknowledgment : For these are the very first words of it : I have in the preceeding History only inserted such Acts , Articles , and Answers to Questions , as belonged to the Scope of the History , and Form of Church Government ; Some few excepted touching Corruptions in the Worship of God , or the Office and Calling of Ministers . But because there are other Acts and Articles necessary to be known I have SELECTED such as are of greatest Vse ; passing by such as were TEMPORARY , or concerned only TEMPORARY OFFICES , &c. Here is a clear Confession that he has not given us all the Acts of Assemblies : Nay , that he has not given all such as concerned Temporary Offices ; and , amongst these , we shall find him , in the following Sheets , more confidently than warrantably , reckoning Superintendency and the Episcopacy which was agreed to at Leith , Anno 1572. I have mentioned these things , that the World may see , it cannot be reasonable for our Presbyterian Brethren to insist on either Calderwood's Authority or Ingenuity against my Mss. How ingenuous or impartial he has been , you may have opportunity to guess before you have got through the ensuing Papers . Petrie hath , indeed , given us a great many more of the Acts of General Assemblies than Calderwood hath done ; as may appear to any who attends to the Margin of my Book : But he , also , had the Good Cause to serve ; and therefore , has corrupted some things , and concealed other things , as I have made appear : However , he has the far greater part of what I have transcribed from the Mss. Spotswood hath fewer than either of the two Presbyterian Historians ; yet some he hath , which I find also in the MS. and which they have both omitted . In short , I have taken but very few from it , which are not to be found in some One or More of these Historians : Neither have I adduced so much as One from it , nor is One in it , which is not highly agreeable to the State and Circumstances of the Church , and the Genius of the times , for which it mentions them : So that , Upon the whole matter , I see no reason to doubt of its being a faithful Transcript : And I think I may justly say of it , as Optatus said of another MS. upon the like occasion , Vetustas Membranarum testimonium perhibet , &c. ( optat . Milev . lib. 1. f. 7. edit . Paris 1569 ) It hath all the Marks of Antiquity and Integrity that it pretends to ; and there 's nothing about it that renders it suspicious . The other Book , which , I said , required some farther consideration is , The History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland , containing five Books , &c. Commmonly attributed to Iohn Knox , by our Presbyterian Brethren . That which I have to say about it is , chiefly , That Mr. Knox was not the Author of it . A. B. Spotswood hath proven this by Demonstration , in his History , ( pag. 267. ) his Demonstration is , That the Author , whoever he was , talking of one of our Martyrs , remitteth the Reader for a farther Declaration of his Sufferings , to the Acts and Monuments of Mr. Fox , which came not to light till some twelve years after Knox's Death . Mr. Patrick Hamilton was the Martyr ; and the Reference is to be seen pag. 4. of that History I am now considering . Besides this , I have observed a great many more infallible proofs that Knox was not the Author . I shall only instance in some 3 or 4. Thus Pag. 447. The Author , having set down a Copy of the Letter sent by the Church of Scotland to the Church of England , ( of which , more , by and by ) Tells how the English Nonconformists wrote to Beza , and Beza to Grindal Bishop of London ; which Letter of Beza's to Grindal , he says , is the Eight in order , amongst Beza's Epistles : And in that same page , he mentions another of Beza's Letters to Grindal , calling it the Twelfth in Number : Now , 't is certain Beza's Epistles were not published till the year 1573. i. e. after Knox's Death . It may be observed also that he adds farther in that same page , That The sincerer sort of the Ministery in England , had not yet assaulted the Iurisdiction and Church Government , ( which they did not till the year 1572. at which time they published their first and second Admonitions to the Parliament ) but only had excepted against Superstitious Apparel , and some other faults in the Service Book . From which , besides that 't is Evident , Knox could not be the Author , we may Learn from the Authors Confession , whoever he was , That the Controversies about Parity and Imparity , &c. were not so early in Britain as our Presbyterian Brethren are earnest to have the present Generation believe . Again Pag. 449 The Author , Narrating how Henry , Queen Mary's Husband , &c was buried . Adds , in Confirmation of his own Veracity , Thus. If there had been any Solemn Burial , Buchanan had wanted Wit , to Relate otherwise ; Seeing there would have been so many Witnesses to testify the Contrary : Therefore , the Contriver of the late History of Queen Mary , wanted Policy , here , to convey a Lie. Thus , I say , the Author vouches Buchanans Authority ; And it must be Buchanans History that he Refers to ; For there 's not a Syllable , about Henry's Burial , to be found in any of his other writings , Now , Not to insist on the incredibleness of Knox's running for Shelter to Buchanans Authority , concerning a matter of Fact so remarkable in its self , and which happened in his own time , in that very City in which he lived and was Minister : Not to insist on this ▪ I say , Buchanan himself in his Dedication of his History to King Iames 6th , Clearly decides the matter . He tells his Majesty there were two Considerations which chiefly put him upon writing his History . First , He perceived his Majesty had Read and Understood the Histories of almost all other Nations ; And it was incongruous and unaccountable that he , who was so well acquainted with Foreign Affairs , should be a Stranger to the History of his own Kingdom . Secondly , He was intrusted with the Kings Education : He could not attend his Majesty in that important Office , by Reason of his Old Age and Multiplying infirmities ; He applyed himself , therefore , to write his History , thereby , to Compense the Defects of his Non-Attendance , &c. And from both Reasons it is evident , that Knox was Dead before Buchannan applyed himself to the writing of his History : For Knox dyed Anno 1572. K. Iames was , then , but Six years of Age : And is it Credible , that at that Age he had Read and got by heart , the Histories of almost all other Nations ? Indeed Buchanan survived Knox by ten years ; And , for a good many of them was able to wait , and actually waited on the King ; So that 't is clear 't was towards the end of his days , and after Knox's Death that he applyed himself to his History . And 't is very well known , it was never published till the year 1582. But this is not all The Author of that which is called Knox's History , adduces Buchanan's Authority for Convelling the Credit of the Contriver of the Late History of Queen Mary , which was written , I cannot tell how long , after Buchanan was Dead , as well as Knox. Further , Pag. 306. The Author discourses thus , The Books of Discipline have been , of late , so often published , that we shall forbear to print them at this time . Now , there were never more than two Books of Discipline ; and the Second was not so much as projected till the year 1576 , i. e. 4 years after Knox had departed this life . Once more , Pag. 286. We read thus , Some in France , after the sudden Death of Francis the Second , and calling to mind the Death of Charles the Ninth , in Blood , and the Slaughter of Henry the Second , did Remark the Tragical ends of these three Princes who had persecuted Gods Servants so cruelly . — And indeed the following Kings of France , unto this day , have found this true , by their unfortunate and unexpected Ends. Now Charles the Ninth died not till the 30th of May , Anno 1574. i. e. 18 Months after Knox. The following Kings of France who made the Vnfortunate and unexpected Ends were Henry the Third , and Henry the Fourth : Henry the Third was not Murthered till the year 1589. Henry the Fourth , not till May 1610. The former 17 , the latter 38 years after the Death of Knox. From this Taste it is clear , that that History at least , as we now have it , was not written by Knox. All that can be said with any Shadow of probability , is , that Knox provided some Materials for it . But Granting this , how shall we be able to separate that which is Spurious in it from that which is Genuine ? All I can say is this . 'T is plain to every one that Reads it , That he has been a thorough-paced Presbyterian , who framed it as we have it : By Consequence , its Authority is stark naught for any thing , in it , that favours Presbytery , or bespatters Prelacy : And if it ought to have any credit at all , it is only where the Controversies about Church Government are no ways interested ; or where it mentions any thing that may be improven to the Advantages of Episcopacy ; just as the Testimonies of Adversaries are useful for the interests of the opposite party , and not an A●e farther : So that , I had reason ( if any Man can have it ) to insist on its Authority , as I have frequently done ; But no Presbyterian can , in equity , either plead , or be allowed the same priviledge . I could give the Reader a surfeit of instances , which cannot but appear , to any considering person , to be plain and notorious Presbyterian corruptions , in it : But I shall only represent One , as being of considerable importance , in the Controversie which I have managed in my Second Enquiry ; and , by that , the Reader may make a Judgment of the Authors Candor and Integrity in other things . The English Non-conformists , zealous to be rid of the Vestments , and some other Forms and Ceremonies retained by the Church of England , which they reckoned to be scandalous impositions , wrote earnestly ( as is known ) to several Reformed Churches , and Protestant Divines , beseeching them to interpose with the Church of England for an ease of these burdens . It seems they wrote to some in Scotland also ; probably to Mr. Knox : He was of their acquaintance ; and they could not but be secure enough of his inclinations , considering how warm he had been about these matters at Francfort . However it was , the Church of Scotland did actually interpose . The General Assembly , met at Edenburgh , Decem. 27. Anno 1566 , ordered Iohn Knox to draw a Letter to the English Clergy , in favour of those Non-conformists . This Letter was subscribed and sent . Now , consider the Tricks of the Author of the History attributed to Knox. The Inscription of the Letter , as it is in Spotswood , Petrie , and the Manuscript Copy of the Acts of the General Assembly's , is this : The Superintendents , Ministers and Commissioners of the Church , within the Realm of Scotland , To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of England , who have renounced the Roman Antichrist , and do profess , with them , the Lord Iesus in sincerity , wish the increase of the Holy Spirit . Thus , I say Spotswo●d hath it ; ( pag. 198. ) And the MS. and Petrie ( Tom. 2. p. 348. ) have it in the same words ; only where Spotswood hath [ wish ] they have [ desire ] which makes no material Difference . But the spurious Knox has it thus . ( pag. 445. ) The Superintendents , with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God , in the Kingdom of Scotland , To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of Gods Church in England , who profess with us , in Scotland , the Truth of Iesus Christ. Now consider if there are not Material Differences between these two Inscriptions . By the Inscription , as it is in Spotswood , Petrie , and the MS. the Dignity and Superiority of the Scottish Superintenden●s , above the rest of the Clergy , is clearly preserved : By the other account it is sadly obscured ; and they are made ( at least very much ) to stand on a level with other Ministers , &c. By the Inscription as in Spotswood , &c. The Sentiments Our Scottish Clergy had , then , about the English Reformation , and Constitution , are very plain , genuine and charitable : They were satisfied , that the Bishops and Pastors of the Church of England had Renounced the Roman Antichrist , and that they professed the Lord Iesus in SINCERITY ; And they had for them , suitably , the Christian and Brotherly Charity , which the Orthodox and Sincere Christians of one Church , ought to have for the Orthodox and Sincere Christians of another Church : They wished , or desired to them , The Increase of the Holy Spirit . How highly this was agreeable to the sentiments of the then Protestants in Scotland , I have made fully appear in the Discussion of my Second Enquiry . But , To the Pseudo-Knox , it seems , it lookt highly scandalous , to own , That the Bishops and Pastors of England had Renounced the Roman Antichrist , or that they professed the Lord Jesus in sincerity : How could these things be said , so long as they retained Antichrists Hierarchy , or had so many Romish Mixtures ? And therefore , to wish them the increase of the Holy Spirit , was too bold a prayer ; It was founded on a false hypothesis : It supposed they had the Holy Spirit already . How suitable is all this to the Presbyterian temper and principles ? And , by consequence , is it not evident that these alterations were not the effects of negligence or inadvertencie , but of the true Spirit of the party ? But this is not all . In the body of the Letter , as recorded by the Pseudo Knox , there are several other Corruptions : I shall only point at one , but it is a considerable one . The General Assembly which sent the Letter , after a Digression concerning the care that ought to be had of tender Consciences , &c. Resume their main purpose , thus , We return to our former humble supplication , which is , that our Brethren , who , amongst you , refuse these Romish Rags , may find of you , who are the PRELATS , such favour as our Head and Master commandeth every one of his members to shew to another . So it is not only in the MS. Spotswood and Petrie , word for word , but also in a virulent Presbyterian Pamphlet , called Scotidromus , directed to all Noble Scots and kind Catholicks zealous for the Romish Religion ; written Anno 1638 , to cast dirt , at that time , upon Episcopacy , and render it odious to the People ; which Pamphlet I have by me , in Manuscript : But The Supposititious Knox has it thus , Now again we return to our former Request , which is , that the Brethren , among you , who refuse the Romish Rags may find of you ( not the PRELATES , but ) who VSE and VRGE them , such favour , &c How unfit was it for the world to know that a Scottish General Assembly had own'd the Bishops of England as PRELATES ? It was scandalous , no doubt , to the Godly : It was expedient , therefore , to falsify a little , and foist in more useful Epithets ; to call them , not PRELATES , but USERS and URGERS of the Ceremonies . I have insisted the longer on this Book , because our Presbyterian Brethren are so earnest to have the world believe that it was written by Knox : Particularly G. R. ( in his First Vindication , &c. in Answer to Quest. 1. § . 8. ) where , too , observe by the way , how extravagantly that Author blunders . His words are , [ Anno 1559. The Protestant Ministers and People held a General Assembly at St. Johnstown , saith Knox , Hist. Lib. 2. p. 137. ] Now there is not so much as one syllable of a General Assembly in the Text. Upon the Margin , indeed , there are these words [ The first Assembly at St. Johnstown ] But no Presbyterian , I think , ( unless he is one of G. R.'s kind ) will be so impudent as to say that all that 's on the Margin of that Book was written by Knox. And that Meeting which was then at Perth , was nothing like that Court , which we call a General Assembly : But enough of this . To conclude , tho' I am firmly perswaded that Knox was not the Author of this History , yet because it passes commonly under his name , I have still cited it , so , on my Margin . The Edition I have used , is that , in 4 to , published at Edenburg , Anno 1644. The other Treatises attributed to Knox ( and I know no Reason to doubt their being his ) from which I have cited any thing , are in ane Appendix to the History . I have not made it my work to cite Acts of Parliaments , and represent the favourable countenance Episcopacy hath had from the State , so much , as to consider the sentiments of our Reformers , and those who succeeded them , in their Ecclesiastical capacity ; partly , because the Acts of Parliament have been diligently collected before ; Particularly , whoso pleases may see a goodly train of them , from the year 1560 till the year 16●7 , in the Large Declaration pag. 333 , &c. Partly , because our Presbyterian Brethren , are in use to insist more on the Books of Discipline , and the Acts of General Assemblies , &c. than on Acts of Parliaments . One advantage , ( amongst many disadvantages ) I think , I have , it is , that the Authors I have most frequently cited , were Presbyterians , by consequence , Authors whose Testimony 's can , least , be called in Question by my Presbyterian Brethren . I do not pretend to have exhausted the subjects I have insisted on : Any Reader may easily perceive I have been at a loss as to several things in History . Perchance , I have sometimes started some things New and which have not been observed before . I wish I may have given occasion to those who are fitter , and better furnished with helps , for such Enquiries , to consider , if they can bring more light to our History . In the mean time , I think ▪ I have said enough to convince the Reader , that our Presbyterian Brethren have not reason to be so confident , as commonly they are , for their side of the Controversies I have managed . Yet , after all this , I am not secure but that they will endeavour to have my Book Answered ; for all Books most be Answered , that militate against them ; and they can still find some G. R. or other who has zeal and confidence enough for such attempts . Upon the supposition , therefore , that I must have ane answer , I do , for once , become ane earnest suiter to my Presbyterian Brethren , that they would imploy some Person of ordinary sense and discretion , to Answer me , and not their common Vindicator of their Kirk , G. R. for I have got enough of him , and I incline not to have any more meddling with him . Whoso reads the following papers , I think , may find such a sample of him ; such a swatch ( pardon the word , if it is not English ) of both his Historical and his Argumentative Skill ( a talent he bewails , much the want of , in his Adversaries ) as may make it appear just and reasonable for any man to decline him . But lest he is not represented , there , so fully as he ought to be , so fully as may justify my declining of him , I shall be at some farther pains , here , to give the Reader a fuller prospect of him To delineate him minutely , might , perchance , be too laborious for me , and too tedious and loathsome to my Reader : I shall restrict my self , therefore to his four Cardinal Virtues , his Learning , his Iudgment , his Civility , and his Modesty : Or , ( because we are Scottishmen ) to give them their plain Scotch names , his Ignorance , his Non-sence , his Ill-nature , and his Impudence . Perhaps I shall not be able to reduce every individual instance to its proper Species : 'T is very hard to do that , in matters which have such affinity one with another , as there is between Ignorance and Non-sence , or between Ill-nature and Impudence : But this I dare promise , if I cannot keep by the Nice Laws of Categories , I shall be careful to keep by the Strict Laws of Iustice : I shall entitle him to nothing that is not truely his own . So much for Preface , come we next to the Purpose . And in the 1. Place , I am apt to think , since ever writing was a Trade , there was never Author furnished with a richer stock of unquestionable Ignorance for it . To insist on all the Evidences of this , would swell this Preface to a Bulk beyond the Book . I omit , therefore , his making Presbyterian Ruling Elders , ( as contradistinct from Teaching Elders ) of Divine Institution ; his making the SENIORES , sometimes mentioned by the Fathers , such Ruling Elders ; and his laying stress on the old blunder about St. Ambrose's testimony to that purpose , ( vide True Represent . of Presbyterian Government prop. 3. ) These I omit because not peculiar to him . I omit even that , which , for any thing I know , may be peculiar to him ; viz. That his Ruling Elders are called Bishops , and that their necessary Qualifications are set down at length in Scrip. e. g. 1 Tim. 3.2 . and Tit. 1.6 ( ibid. Prop. 3.4 ) I omit his Learn'd affirmative , that Patronages were not brought into the Church till the 7 th or 8 th Centurie , or Later ; And that they came in amongst the latest Antichristian Corruptions and Vsurpations ( ibid. Answ. to Object . 9 th ) I omit all such Assertions as these , that the most and most Eminent of the Prelatists acknowledge that by our Saviours appointment , and according to the practice of the first and best Ages of the Church , she ought to be , and was Governed , in Common , by Ministers Acting in Parity ( ibid. Prop. 12. ) That Diocesan Episcopacy was not settled in St. Cyprian 's time ( Rational Defence of Nonconformity , &c. p. 157 ) That Diocesan Episcopacy prevailed not for the first three Centuries , and that it was not generally in the 4 th Centurie ( ibid. 158. ) That the Bishop S. Cyprian all alongst , speaks of , was a Presbyterian Moderator ( ibid. 179. ) That Cyprian , Austine , Athanasius , &c. were only such Moderators ( ibid. 175 , 176 , 177 , 178. ) I omit his insisting on the Authority of the Decretal Epistles attributed to Pope Anacletus , as if they were Genuine ( ibid. 202. ) And that great Evidence of his skill in the affairs of the Protestant Churches , viz. That Episcopacy is not to be seen in any one of them , Except England ( ibid. p. 10. ) Nay , I omit his nimble and learned Gloss he has put on St. Ierom's Toto Orbe Decretum , &c. viz. That this Remedy of Schism , in many places , began , then , ( i. e. in St. Ierom's time ) to be thought on ; and that it was no wonder that this Corruption began , then , to creep in ; it being , then , about the end of the fourth Centurie , when Jerome wrote , &c. ( ibid. 170. ) Neither shall I insist on his famous Exposition of St. Ierom's Quid facit Episcopus , &c. because it has been sufficiently exposed , already , in the Historical Relation of the General Ass. 1690. Nor on his making Plutarch , Simonides , Chrysostom , &c. Every Graecian speak Latin , when he had the confidence to cite them . These and 50 more such surprising Arguments of our Authors singular learning , I shall pass over ; And shall insist only , a little , on two or three instances , which , to my taste , seem superlatively pleasant . And 1. In that profound Book , which he calls a Rational Defence of Nonconformity , &c. in Answer to D. Stillingfleet's Vnreasonableness of the separation from the Church of England ( pag. 172. ) He hath Glossed St. Chrysostom , yet , more ridiculously than he did St. Ierom. The passage as it is in Chrysostom , is sufficiently famous and known to all who have enquired into Antiquity , about the Government of the Church . The Learned Father having Discoursed concerning the Office and Duties of a Bishop ( Hom. 10. on 1 Tim. 3. ) and proceeding , by the Apostles Method , to Discourse next of Deacons ( Hom. II. ) started this difficulty . How came the Apostle to prescribe no Rules about Presbyters ? And he solved it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . St. Paul , says he , did not insist about Presbyters , because there 's no great difference between them and Bishops : Presbyters , as well as Bishops , have received Power to Teach and Govern the Church : And the Rules he gave to Bishops are also proper for Presbyters ; For Bishops excel Presbyters , only , by the Power of Ordination ; and by this alone they are reckoned to have more Power than Presbyters . Vide Edit . Savil. Tom. 4. p. 289. Now , 't is plain to the most ordinary attention , That in the Holy Father's Dialect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the Power of conferring Orders , just as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify the Powers of Teaching and Governing : Consider , now the Critical Skill of G. R. Bellarmine had adduced this Testimony , it seems , to shew that there was a Disparity in point of Power , between Bishops and Presbyters , and had put it in Latin , thus , Inter Episcopum atque Presbyterum interest fere nihil ; quippe & Presbyteris Ecclesiae cura permissa est : & quae de Episcopis dicuntur , ea etiam Presbyteris congruunt ; Sola quippe Ordinatione Superiores illi sunt . So G. R. has it : I know not if he has transcribed it faithfully : 'T is not his custom to do so : Nor have I Bellarmine at hand , to compare them . Sure I am the Translation doth not fully answer the Original : But however that is , go we forward with our Learned Author . These are his words . What he ( Bellarmine ) alledgeth out of this citation , that a Bishop may Ordain , not a Presbyter , the Learned Fathers expression will not bear : For Ordination must signify either the Ordination the Bishop and Presbyter have , whereby they are put in their Office , to be different , which he doth not alledge : Or , that the difference between them was only in Order or Precedency , not in Power or Authority : Or , that it was by the Ordination or appointment of the Church , not Christs Institution : But it can never signify the Power of Ordaining . Are not these pretty pleasant Criticisms on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? But the best follows . He gives a Demonstration , that Ordination as mentioned by Chrysostom , can never signify the Power of Ordaining , For , then , ●says he ) Chrysostom ( who was sufficiently a Master of words ) would have said ( mark it beloved , he would have spoken Latin , and said Potestate Ordinandi , not Ordinatione . And have we not our Author , now , a Deep-learn'd Glossator ? I cannot promise a better instance of his Criti●al Skill : But I hope the next shall not be much w●rse . 2. Then , in that same Rational defence , &c. p. 199. Sect 4. He undertakes to prove the Divine institution of Popular Elections of Ministers . His first Argument he takes from Acts 14.23 . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must needs do it . Now , 't is none of my present task to prove , that that word cannot do it : Whosoever has considered how t is used in the New Testament , may soon perceive that ; and if our Author had but Read the Book called Ius ●ivinum Ministerii Evangel●i , written by a Provincial Assembly of his own friends , he might have seen , that even they were Confident it could not do it . Nay , He himself , in that same 4 th Section acknowledges , it cannot do it . I deny not ( says he ) that this word is some times used figuratively , for potestative Mission , the effect or consequent of Election , and that by one Person , without suffrages , as Acts 10 41. And I think , after this , it was pleasant enough to make it do it , for all that : But , as I said , 't is none of my present business to debate the force of the word with him : All I am concerned for , is to represent his superfine Skill in Critical learning . For , He tells us gravely , The word is most commonly used in his sence , viz. as it signifies to chuse by suffrages : And he proves it , but how ? These two wayes . 1. Of all the instances that Scapula , in his Lexicon , giveth of the use of the word , not one of them is to the contrary . Twenty disparate significations , you see , would have imported nothing : And who can doubt but Scapula's Lexicon is ane Uncontroverted Standard for the Ecclesiastical significations of words ? But our Author proceeds : 2. It cannot be instanced that ever the word is used for laying on of hands : Lifting up , and laying them down , being so opposite , it is not to be imagined that the one should be put for the other . And what needed more after this ? Yet , lest this was not profound enough , our Author plunges deeper : He will needs have both the suffrages of the People and the Imposition of the Apostles hands , to be signified by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that same Text Act. 14.23 . The Apostles appointed , by Ordination , Elders for the People , upon their Electing them by Suffrages . And then , in the close of the Section , I conclude , this being done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every Church , the People Respective chusing their Pastors , and the Apostles ordaining them , it is clear to have been , generally , the practice of these times , and so the Institution of Christ. I told when I began with him , there might be Instances , I might have occasion to adduce , which it might be difficult to reduce to their proper Categories ; And I am affraid this is one : The truth is , 't is very hard to determine whither Ignorance or Non-sense can plead the better Title to it : For my part , let them share it between them . I shall only insist , a little , on one thing more . 3. Then , one of his Adversaries , whom he took to task in his Second Vindication of his Church of Scotland ( the Author of the Second Letter ) had used the Phrase [ Christian Philosophy ] when G. R. thought he should have said [ Christian Divinity ] but , if I mistake not , G. R. when he wrote his Answer , thought it had been for that Authors credit to have foreborn using such a Phrase : For never did Cock crow more keenly over Brother Cock when he had routed him , than G. R. did , over the Letter-man , on that occasion . He told him ( 2 Vind. ad . Let. 2. § . 24. p. 62 , 63. Edit . Eden . ) He thought the Commendation of a Minister had been rather to understand Christian Divinity , than Christian Philosophy , but we must not wonder ( says he ) that men so strongly inclined to Socinianism speak in the Socinian Dialect . — For indeed that which goeth for Religion , among some men , is nothing but Platonick Philosophy put into a Christian dress , by expressing it in words borrowed ( some of them ) from the Bible : And the Preaching of some men is such Morality as Seneca and other Heathens taught , only Christianized with some words , &c. In short , he pursued the poor Epistler ( as he calls him ) so unmercifully , that he never left him , till he concluded him ane Ignorant Talker , for using that Phrase . Now , Judicious Reader , was it not , indeed , a Demonstration of Deep thinking , and a penetrating wit , to make such a plain discovery , of such a prodigious Spawn , of Heresies , crowded into one single Phrase consisting of two words , or rather in one Solitary Vocable ? I say one Vocable , for it was the word [ Philosophy ] which was the Lerna : I cannot think the word [ Christian ] was either Art or Part. Socinianism , Academicism , Stoicism ( consistent or inconsistent , was all one to our Author ) all throng'd together in one so innocent like ane expression ! Sad enough ! How sad had it been for sorry Epistler , if there had been a greater confluence of such — isms in our Authors learned Noddle when he wrote that Elaborate Paragraph ? Had they been in it , 't is very like , they had come out . However , even these were enough , especially , having , in their Society , the fundamental Heresie of Ignorance : And yet after all this , I am apt to believe the poor Epistler was Orthodox and Catholick in his meaning : I believe he lookt on it as a very harmless Phrase , and intended no other thing by it , than that which is commonly called [ Christian Divinity . ] 'T is twenty to one , he used it , as having found it used before him , by very Honest men , who were never suspected of any of these Dreadful Heresies : The Ancient Lights ( I mean ) and Fathers of the Church , who had scarcely another Phrase which they used more frequently , or more familiarly . Of this I am sure , If it was not so , it might have been so , with him . My present circumstances do not allow me to Cite them so plentifully , as might be done ; yet I think , I can adduce the Testimonies of half a dozen , whose Authority might have stood between the Epistler and all Hazard , e. g. Iustine Martyr in his Excellent Dialogue with Trypho the Iew , not only asserts the insufficiency of the Platonick , the Peripatetick , the Pythagoraean , the Stoick Philosophies , &c. But , expressly , makes the Ancient Prophets who were inspired of God , the only true and infallible Philosophers ( Iust. Opp. Graec. Edit . Rob. Steph. Lutet . 1551. p. 36. ) And having told how he himself came to the knowledge of Christianity , he subjoyns ( p. 37. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I have found Christianity to be the only infallible and useful Philosophy , and , on its account , I own my self a Philosopher . Photius in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Discoursing of the same Iustin , as may be seen at the beginning of Iustin's works , Describes him thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He was a man of our ( that is , the Christian ) Philosophy . Origen , in his Learned work against Celsus ( Edit . Cantab. 1658. p. 9. ) tells him , if it were possible for all men , laying aside the cares of this life , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to apply themselves to the Study of true Philosophy , what a blessing would it be to the world ! And the very next words Declare what Philosophy he meant : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. For there may be found ( says he ) in Christianity , most Noble and Mysterious disquisitions , &c. Again , Pag. 144. Celsus had alledged that the Christians took pains to Proselyte none but young People , Ignorants , Ideots , &c. And Origen Replys , it is not true : They call all men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wise and foolish , to the acknowledgement of Christ : And what evil is there in instructing the Ignorant ? Do not you Heathen Philosophers the same ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Or is it allowable in you O Heathens to call young men , and servants , and ignorant people to the Study of Philosophy ? But we Christians , when we do the like , must be Condemn'd of inhumanity ? Once more Pag. 146. Celsus had objected that the Christians taught privately , &c. And Origen Answers , they did not refuse to teach publickly , and if people would come to them , they would send them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be taught Philosophy by the Prophets of God , and the Apostles of Jesus . Whoso pleases to peruse that Excellent Apology for Christianity , may find much more to the same purpose . Nay farther , St. Chrysostom , one of G. R's good acquaintances , has this Heretical Phrase , ane hundred times over : e. g. In the page immediately preceeding that in which the Testimony is , which his Learn'dness Glosst so singularly ; the Holy Father , zealous against such as were Christians in profession , only , without a suitable practice , Argues thus , what can one say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. When he sees us , not in works , but in words only , pretending to be Philosophers ? Or ( for all is one with Chrysostom ) to be Christians ? In his sixth Hom. on St. Matt. He says , God permitted the Jews , for a time to offer Corporal Sacrifices , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Th●t by degrees he might lead them to the Elevated ( i. e. the Christian ) Philosophy . And doth not the same Father in the same Homilies on Matt. call our Saviours Sermon on the Mount 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Top of all Philosophy ? And in his 4 th Hom. on 1 Cor. He discourses elegantly how Christ by the Doctrines of the Cross , and Evangelical Polity , and true Godliness and the future judgment , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath made all men , Rusticks , Ideots , &c. Philosophers . Neither is this Phrase less frequent with the Latin Fathers : I shall only instance in two , but such two as most men use ( at least ought ) to Read , who have a mind to know any thing of Antiquity . St. Cyprian , I mean , and Vincentius Lirinensis . St. Cyprian in ane Epistle to Cornelius , the 57 in number , ( if I remember right according to Rigaltius ; Characterizes Novatianus to this purpose , Magis Durus Secularis Philosophiae pravitate , quam Philosophiae Dominicae lenitate Pacificus : And in his Excellent Sermon De Patientia , Nos autem , Fratres Charissimi , qui Philosophi non verbis , sed factis sumus , &c. We Christians who are Philosophers , not in words but in deeds , &c. And Vincentius in the 30 th Chapter of his Commonitorium admires the Coelestis Philosophiae Dogmata , the Doctrines of the Heavenly ( i. e. the Christian ) Philosophy . Indeed , Some of these primitive Glory 's of the Church , give us a Solid Reason for both the Orthodoxy and the Propriety of the Phrase . I cannot tell what notion G. R. has of Philosophy ; But I am pretty sure , according to S. Iustin's and St. Augustines notion of it , it is a most proper name for our Holy Religion . Iustin ( ut sup . p. 33. ) tells Trypho , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . True Philosophy is the Richest and most Honorable possession in the sight of God. 'T is that which brings us near , and commends us to him : And they are all truely holy , who apply themselves seriously and heartily to the practice of true Philosophy . And ( pag. 34. he defines Philosophy thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philosophy is the Knowledge of God and the acknowledgment of the Truth ( i. e. of Christ , as I take it ) and happiness is the reward of this wisdom and knowledge . And , St. Austin , ( with whose works G. R. should have been well acquainted , when he adventured to give him the Commendation of being the great Light of the Latin Church , as he doth in that same 24. Sect. ) in the first cap. of his 8 th Book De Civitate Dei , Discourses thus . Cum Philosophis est habenda Collatio quorum ipsum Nomen , si Latine interpretemur , amorem Sapientiae profitetur : Porro , si Sapientia Deus est , per quem facta sunt omnia , sicut Divina Authoritas , veritasque monstravit , verus Philosophus est Amator Dei. The word Philosophy ( says he ) signifies the Love of Wisdom : But God is Wisdom , as himself hath said in his word ; and therefore a true Philosopher is a lover of God. And , In the ninth Chapter of that same Book Philosophari est amare Deum — Vnde Colligitur tunc fore beatum Studiosum Sapientiae ( id enim est Philosophus ) Cum frui Deo Coeperit . i. e. To Philosophize is to love God : One is then a true Philosopher when he begins to enjoy God , &c. Nay , Tho G. R. should reject the Authority of these and twenty other Fathers , who have used and justified the Phrase , it were no difficult task to find enough of Modern Writers , who have used it , tho' they were neither Stoicks , Platonists nor Socinians ; But I shall only recommend to him two who were his Predecessors in that same Chair , which he , now , so worthily possesses . Doctor Leighton I mean , in his Valedictory Oration , lately published , and Mr Colvil in his Treatise about Christian Philosophy . And now , Let our Authors Ignorance and his Ill-nature debate it between them , to whither he was most obliged when he so fiercely scourged the poor Epistler , for talking so Heretically of Christian Philosophy . By this time , I think , the Reader may have got a sufficient Taste of our Renowned Vindicators singular Learning . Proceed we now II. To his next Cardinal Virtue . Profound Learning , such as our Authors , is a teeming Mother , and commonly produces Congenial Brood , plentifully . Indeed , never was Author's more Prolifick . His Learning has produced crouds of Mysteries ; But such Mysteries as plain speaking people , commonly , call Non-sense . It were Non-sense , indeed , to insist on all instances of this nature , which beautify his writings : Such as his pretty position , That all Ceremonies of Gods worship are worship themselves ( Animadv . on D. Still . Iren. p. 30. ) His pleasant Fetch about Ceremonies that stand in the place of the Competentes or Catechumeni , ( Rational Defence , &c. p. 72. ) His Judicious Conclusion , That the Affirmative part of the Second Commandment , is , that we ought to worship God in the way prescribed in his Word , ( ibid. 125. ) His sublime notion about the Vnity of the Church in the Case of the Lutherans ( ibid. 148. ) We shut not out the Lutheran Churches ( says he ) from all possibility of Vnion with them ; We can have Vnion with them , as Sister Churches ; But we cannot partake in their instituted parts of worship . His surprizing proposition , viz. That the two Governments ( Presbytery and Monarchy ) of Church and State , have suted one another , many ages , since the Nation was Protestant ( 2 Vind. § . 11. p. 14. It were to Vie with him for his own Talent , I say , to insist on all these , and many more , such , which are to be found in his Matchless writings . I shall , therefore , mention only three or four of his most Elaborate Mysteries . And 1. Our Judicious Author wrote Animadversions on Doctor Stillingfleet's ●renicum , and you may judge of the Metal of the whole by this one Specimen , which you have not far from the beginning . D. Still . ( p. 2. ) had laid down this Foundation , that difference of opinion about a point , and probable Arguments brought on both sides , by wise and able men , if it be not a matter of necessity to salvation , gives men ground to think that a final decision of the matter in Controversie was never intended as a necessary means for the Peace and Unity of the Church . Against this position G. R. Reasons thus ( p. 5. ) If any things not necessary to Salvation , be so Necessary to be clearly revealed , that we are to look upon them as not Christs Truth , if there remain a Controversie about them , managed with specious Arguments , on both sides , among wise and able men , much more , things necessary to Salvation must be thus clearly revealed , so that there is no truth in them , if they be so Controverted ; but the consequent is most false and absurd . Ergo , &c. Let the Reader try his skill on this Mystery , and fathom the depth of it , if he can . 2. The next Mystery I thought to have insisted on , is that grand one about the Decrees of God , ( 2 Vind. p. 66. ) viz. That God has a Decree that 's Praeteritum as ane Act of Soveraignty , and a Decree that 's Praedamnatum , as ane Act of Iustice. But I am told , this has been sufficiently represented already : And therefore I shall say no more about it , but this , that there is no Reason to think , it was a Typograhical Error : For , after it was thus Printed in Scotland , it was Reprinted in England without Alteration or Correction ; So that there 's all the Reason in the world to impute it to the Author : But , if so , was he not , at best , a Mysterious Theologue ? But 3. The next I shall produce , tho' not sounding so directly towards blasphemy , is every whit , as good Mystery . The Story is this . Doctor Stillingfleet , in his Vnreasonableness of the Separation from the Church of England , forbore to sustain the Lawfulness of Liturgies , &c. Because Doctor Falk'ner had done it so well before : But our Author had made some Collections on the subject ( Ration . Defen . &c. p. 222. ) And it was pity they should be stifled ; And therefore they behoved to be published . I am not to insist on every thing that is Mysterious in that Learned Disquisition on the subject of Liturgies , with which he has blest the Island . One thing shall suffice . In his burning zeal against Liturgies or Set forms , he advances this proposition ( among many others ) That it is Vnlawful to worship God by a frame of service , that is not warranted in the word , both as to its Matter and Manner . ( pag. 226. Sect. 8. ) This I prove ( says he ) 1. From Christs Condemning the Traditions of men , as vain worship , Matt. 15.9 . They taught these Traditions , i. e. ( saith Lucas Brugensis in Locum ) they followed them , and taught others to follow them . The same Author calleth these Mens Traditions , that are so , of men , that they are not of God , or are devised by man ; ibid. So also , Vatablus , Erasmus , Maldonate , Tirinus , Piscator , Calvin and Chemnitius , say , Here is meant whatever is brought into Religion without the word : Now it is Manifest that a frame of Divine service not warranted in the word falleth under this General Head. Thus you have all these Gentlemen , Lucas Brugensis , Vatablus , Erasmus , &c. ( tho' some of them were Papists , some of them Lutherans , and not one of them but own'd and used Liturgies ) strong against Liturgies , if not directly , at least by plain consequence . But our Author proceeds . Secondly , The Lord condemneth all worship offered up to him , that he hath not Commanded , Jer. 7.31 . ( turn to the Text and try if it is not pertinently adduced ) Where not being commanded , but devised by men , is made the ground on which that practice ( tho' otherwise evil also ) is Condemned : And Jeroboam 's Frame and way of service is Condemned because Devised ( Heb. Created ) of his own heart , 1 Kings 12.33 . Thirdly , Even Reason teacheth that God ought to chuse how he will be honoured , or worshiped by his Creatures . He best knoweth what will please him : And his Soveraignty in all things must especially appear in this that himself is so nearly concerned in . This is a principle so rooted in nature , that among the Heathens , they that contrived their Liturgies , or ways of worship , behoved to pretend Revelation from their Gods , to guide them in this . It was never heard of among the more Religious Heathens , that Religion , or the manner of worshipping their Gods was enjoyned only by Mans Authority , and divised only by him . Yea , in the so much magnified Rosary of the Virgin Mary , It is alledged that Saint Dominicus had it revealed by the Virgin her self , that this Form of service was most acceptable to her ; And it is added , That she was fittest to chuse what way she would be worshipped . I hope they ( the Papists ) and such as symbolize with them , ( those of the Church of England ) in ordering of the worship of God , will give us leave to say the same of her Blessed Son. Fourthly , For the Matter of worship , I think , it will not be Questioned , whither that must be appointed by God , or not ; — But even the FRAME , COMPOSVRE and MODE of Divine worship should have Divine warrant , otherwise , it is not acceptable to God , &c. Now , Not to make much needless work ; Consider 1. our Authors great business was to prove the Unlawfulness of Liturgies , or Set-forms of Prayers , &c. in the publick worship . Consider 2. that he ( as his Sect , generally , ) is against using the Lords Prayer , the only Prayer I can find of Divine Institution , in the New Testament , as to the MATTER , FRAME , COMPOSURE and MODE of it . Consider 3. that our Author would be very angry , and complain of horrid injustice done him , if you should charge him with Quakerism , or praying by immediate inspiration : For who so great enemies to Quakers , as Scottish Presbyterians ? Consider 4. if his Arguments can consist any better with Extemporary Prayers , which are not immediately inspired , and , by consequence , cannot be of Divine Institution , as to MATTER , FRAME , COMPOSURE , and MODE , than with Set-forms which are not of Divine Institution as to MATTER , FRAME , COMPOSURE , and MODE . Consider 5. in consequence of these , if we can have any publick Prayers at all : And then consider 6. and lastly , if our Author , when he wrote this Section , had his zeal tempered with common sense ; and if he was not knuckle-deep in right Mysterious Theology . But as good follows : For 4. Never man spoke more profound Mysteries , than he hath done , on all occasions , in his surprizing accounts of the Church of Scotland . He tells us of a Popish Church of Scotland , since the Reformation , and a Protestant Church of Scotland . He tells us , ( 1 Vind. Answ. to Quest. 1. § . 10. ) Presbyterians do not say that the Law made by the Reforming Parliament , Anno 1576 , took from them ( the Popish Bishops ) the Authority they had over the Popish Church — but it is Manifest , that after this Law , they had no Legal Title to Rule the Protestant Church . This same , for once is pleasant enough : The Reforming Parliament , while it defined the Church of Scotland ( and it defined it so as to make it but one , as is evident from Act. 6. which I have transcribed word for word in my Book , allowed of two Churches of Scotland , two National Churches in one Nation . But this is not all : He hath also subdivided the Protestant Church of Scotland , into two Churches of Scotland : The Presbyterian Church of Scotland , and the Episcopal Church of Scotland . He insists very frequently on the Presbyterian Church of Scotland . Thus , in his Preface to his First Vind. of his Church of Scotland , in great seriousness , he tells the world that , that which is determined concerning all them that will live Godly in Christ Iesus , that they must suffer persecution , is , ( and has long been ) the lot of the PRESBYTERIAN Church of Scotland . And in his Preface to his 2 Vind. § . 7. I have , in a former paper pleaded for the PRESBYTERIAN Church of Scotland , against ane Adversary , &c. And in Answer to the Hist. Relat. of the Gen. Ass. § . 12. his Adversary had said , that , General Assembly was as insufficient to represent the Church of Scotland , as that of Trent was to represent the Catholick Church . And G. R. readily replys , but he cannot deny that it represented the PRESBYTERIAN Church , and was all that could be had of a PRESBYTERIAN Assembly . He is as frank at allowing ane Episcopal Church of Scotland : Thus , ( in True Represent . of Presb. Governm . in Answ. to OB. 10. ) The Ministers that entered by and under Prelacy , neither had , nor have any Right to be Rulers in the PRESBYTERIAN Church — Whatever they might have in ANOTHER Governing Church ( i. e. the Episcopal Church ) that the State set up in the Nation , &c. And more expressly , in Answ. to the Hist. Relat. of the Gen. Ass. 1690. § . 3. Again ( says he ) tho' we own them ( the Prelatick Presbyters ) as Lawful Ministers , yet we cannot own them as Ministers of the PRESBYTERIAN Church : They may have a Right to Govern the EPISCOPAL Church , to which they had betaken themselves , and left the PRESBYTERIAN : yet that they have a Right to Rule the PRESBYTERIAN Church , we deny . By this time , I think , the Reader has got enough of Scottish National Churches , and their distinct Governours and Governments . The Popish Clergy ( even since the Reformation was established by Law ) have Right to Rule the Popish National Church of Scotland : The Protestant Episcopal Clergy have Right to Rule the Protestant Episcopal National Church of Scotland : The Protestant Presbyterian Ministers have only Right to Rule the Protestant Presbyterian National Church of Scotland . By the way , May not one wish , that he and his party had stood here ? For if the Episcopal Clergy have Right to Rule the Episcopal Churh , and if it was only Right to Rule the Presbyterian Church , which they had not , why was their own Right to Rule themselves taken from them ? Are not the Presbyterians unrighteous in taking from them all Right to Rule , when they have Right to Rule the Episcopal Church of Scotland ? But this ( as I said ) only by the way : That which I am mainly concern'd for at present , is , that the Reader may consider if there is not a goodly parcel of goodly sense in these profound Meditations . Yet better follows . After all this laborious clearing of marches between Scottish National Churches , particularly , the Episcopal and Presbyterian National Churches of Scotland , He tells you , for all that , they are but one Church of Scotland : But in such Depth of Mystery , as , perchance , can scarcely be parallell'd . Take the worthy speculation in his own words . ( True Rep. ad OB. 10. ) Let it be further Considered ( says he ) that tho' we are not willing so to widen the difference between us and the Prelatick party , as to look on them and our selves as two distinct Churches ; Yet , it is evident , that their Clergy and we are two different Representatives , and two different Governing Bodies of the Church of Scotland : And that they who are Members of the one , cannot , at their pleasure go over to the other , unless they be received by them . Well! Has he now Retracted his making them two Churches ? You may judge of that by what follows in the very next words . For thus he goes on . These things thus laid down , let us hear what is objected against this Course ( the Course the Presbyterians were pursuing with Might and Main , when he wrote this Book , viz. That the Government of the Church , might , primâ instantiâ , be put in the hands of the known sound Presbyterian Ministers , &c. ) First , this is to set up Prelacy among Ministers , even while it is so much decryed ; That a few should have Rule of the Church , and the rest excluded : Answ. It is not Prelacy , but a making distinction between Ministers of one Society , and those of another . Tho' they be Ministers , they are not Ministers of the Presbyterian Church ; They have departed from it , we have Continued in the good old way , that they and we professed ( for who can doubt that all the Scottish Prelatists were once Presbyterians ? ) It is not then unreasonable , that , if they will return to that SOCIETY , they should be admitted by it , &c. Now , What can be plainer , than it is , hence , that they must be still two Churches ? He makes them in express terms , twice over , two distinct SOCIETIES : He makes one of these Societies , the Presbyterian Church : Of necessity , therefore , the other must be the Episcopal Church : And is not this , unavoidably , to make two Churches ? Yet , neither is this the true yolk of the Mystery , as I take it : That lyes here . That the Episcopal Clergy and the Presbyterian Clergy are two different Representatives , two different Governing Bodies of the one Church of Scotland . I remember , our Author in his Rational Defence of Non-Conformity , &c. Exercised Dr. Stillingfleet to purpose for talking of something , which , he thought , lookt like two Convocations in England ( viz. the Vpper and the Lower Houses ) He seems above ( says G. R. ) to make such Convocations , and so there must be either two Churches of England ( and why not , as well as three of Scotland ? ) Or the one Church of England must be Biceps , and so , a Monster . Thus our Author , there , ( p. 195. ) I say , and it seems he was mindful of it when he wrote his True Representation of Presbyt . Governm . For he was careful , indeed , to avoid the making of his one Church of Scotland , Biceps , and made it something else : But what thing ? Your pardon for that : I have neither Latin nor English name for it : I thought once , indeed , on [ Bicorpor ] But I found it could not do : For he makes not his one Church two Bodies : What then ? I told you already , I can find no name for it : But , if I have any Idea of this his one Church , she is such a thing as this ; A Body Govern'd by two different Governing Bodies , without ane Head. That she is a Body , I think , cannot be Controverted , for all Churches are commonly own'd to be Bodies . That she is Govern'd by two different Governing Bodies , is clear from the Text : For thus it runs ; We will not so widen the difference between us and the Prelatical partie , as to look on our selves and them , as two distinct Churches ; Yet it is evident , that their Clergy and we are two different Representatives , and two different Governing Bodies of the Church of Scotland . That she is Govern'd by these two different Governing Bodies , without ane Head , is likewise evident , for there is not so much as one syllable about ane Head in the Text : And there 's all the Reason in the world for it ; For , besides the difficulty of joyning one Head , conveniently , with two Bodies ; to what purpose , ane Head for her , when she is so well stored of Governing Bodies ? Are they not received maxims , that , Non sunt multiplicanda entia sine necessitate , and Deus & natura nihil faciunt frustra ? The Definition , then , is unquestionable . Well! Perhaps the Reader may be curious to know how G. R. came by this super-fine Idea of a Church . I have had my conjectures about it ; And the most probable that offered was this . No doubt he is wondrously well acquainted with Plato , otherwise , how could he have made the singular discovery , that Socinians and Stoicks were Platonists ? Now Plato , ( Conviv . p. 322. Edit . Lugd. 1590. ) as I remember , has a pretty story about a certain Species of Rational Animals which were early in the world , and which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if you would say Man-woman , or so : This Creature had two Faces , two Noses , four Hands , &c. in a word , it was a round Body , which contained both Sexes in it , Man and Woman , as it were , united by their backs : It was a vigourous , sturdy kind of Animal , and Iupiter turn'd afraid of it , and therefore , to weaken it , and make it more toward and subdueable , he took ane Ax or some such sharp instrument , and clave it from top to bottom , in the very middle , as if you should cleave ane egg into two equal halves ; And then , being ( as you know ) a nimble Mountebank , he drew together the skin , on each back , in a trice ; and applyed some Soveraign Medecines ; and both backs were made sound immediately ; and the divided parts of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Man and Woman , and having the felicity to look one another in the face , they fell in Love with one another : And this was the Original of Love , and Courting , and Marriage , and all that . Now , I say , The most probable conjecture I can make of the way how G. R. came by his surprizing Idea of the one Church with the two different Governing Bodies , is , that when he Read this story in Plato , it made a deep impression on his imagination , and he labouring to out do Plato at nimbleness of design and invention , fell upon this stranger and more surprizing Notion of a Church . But however this was , I think our Author had Reason to say ( Animad . on Iren. p. 51. ) That a Church is a singular Society , and of another nature than other Societies , and therefore she ought to have a singular Government . For sure I am , he has given the one Church of Scotland a Government which is singular enough . One thing is certain . At this rate , she wants not Government nor Governours ; And , of all the Churches in the world , she is likest to have the best Canons and the justest Measures prescribed to her : For if the one Governing Body prescribes wrong , the other must readily prescribe right ; For never were two Governing Bodies of one Society in greater likelyhood of contradicting one another . 'T is true , the Governed Body may be sometimes puzled about its obedience , and reduced to a state of Hesitation about the opposite prescriptions , whither of them it should follow : But that 's but a small matter ; Our Authors invention is not yet so far decayed but that I can promise for him , if he pleases , he shall as easily extricate it out of that difficulty , as he can give ane intelligible account of this his one Church , with the two different Governing Bodies . Only one thing thing more I add . Our Learned Author tells us in his Preface to this his Book , in which he has this Mystery , that , it was a work not undertaken at first , of his own private motion , and that ( before it was published ) it passed ane Examen Rigorosum of not a few Brethren . Now , if he spake truth , here , as I am apt to believe he did not ) the world may judge of the accuracy of some mens Rigorosa Examina . And so much for a Taste of our Authors second Cardinal Virtue . Proceed we now to III. The third , which ( tho' it looks as like Ill-nature as ever egg was like another ) in complyance with our Authors generous inclinations , I am content should pass under the name of his Excessive Civility : I allow it this name , I say , because our Author himself hath so Dubb'd it . For thus he tells us ( 2 Vind. Pref. § . 6. ) I have treated the Adversaries , I deal with , as Brethren ; Desiring rather to EXCEED , than come short in CIVILITY and fair dealing with them . Never was Author more plentifully furnished with this Ingenuous Quality , than G. R. Take a Specimen of it , from his Second Vindication , &c. Edit . Eden . Anno 1691 ; And consider with what Excess of Civility he treats his Adversaries . The Author of the first of the four Letters , that Military Chaplain ( p. 14. ) that man of a vain mind ( p. 19. ) was Guilty of the Height of Disingenuity : ( p. 9 ) And it was the highest Impudence and Sawciness for a stranger ( such as he was ) thus to reproach the representative of a Nation , where he was so civilly treated . ( p. 12. ) And yet the whole Nation knows , the Gentlemen had asserted nothing but Truth , when he met with this Civility from our Author . The Author of the second and third Letters , was blinded with Rage . ( p. 22. ) Was guilty of shameful Hypocrisie twisted with Malice . ( p. 23. ) His words were full of Monstrous Hyperbolies , if not plain forgeries . ( p. ● ) He exposed his own folly , malice and silly credulity . ( p. 42. ) Was guilty of the highest efforts of Malice , blinding the mind , and depraving the apprehension of things . ( p. 45 ) His ignorant malice not to be answered but despised . ( p. 52. ) Judas Iscariot was his Predecessor . ( ibid ) He was a Cholerick Momus , whose Patron was Rabshakeh . ( 56 ) He Vindicated the Prelatists fron being Persecutors , with a confidence in asserting Falshoods , and denying Known-truths , beyond any degree , that any sort of men , except Jesuits , have arrived at . ( 67. ) He told things absurd above measure . ( 69 ) G. R. can convince the Reader ( if the Author of this Letter was the Person whom he guessed ) of his most absurd and habitual lying , known to most of the Nation , even to a Proverb . ( 71. ) But I am apt to think he guessed wrong ; But whoever he was , he wrote in such a violent and insolent stile as deserved ane answer of another nature than a Paper-Refutation ; i. e. the Gallows , as I take it . The fourth Letter was not inferior to any of the rest in abominable lies and reproaches : ( p. 81. ) the most bitter invectives that could be invented , filled up this Authors few pages . ( ibid. ) What he wrote , was not to be refuted more than the words of a mad man , or of one raging in a Feaver . ( ibid. ) In a word , this Letter was so unexaminable , so full of virulent reproaches , and so void of any thing that was Argumentative , that it was impossible for any man to Answer it , except his Talent for railing , and his conscience to say what he would , true or false , was equal to that of this Gentlemans . ( ibid. ) The Author of the Case of the afflicted Clergy , &c. spake rage and fury , ( 84 ) was a malicious Calumniator , ( 89 ) a common liar , ( 101 ) most petulantly reproached the Government . ( 110 ) Twenty more such excessive Civilities he pay'd him . The Author of the late Letter , I think , had done well , to have saved himself the labour of writing it ; for , if he got not his share of G. R's excessive Civilities , G. R. himself was mistaken . This piece was behind none of the rest in effronted and bold lies , and to say this might be a just Refutation of of the whole Book ; ( 117 ) This Author spake broad-faced lies ; ( ibid. ) Impudent and broad lies , gross and malicious lies ; bold Calumnies ; ( 118 ) shameless lies ; slanderous forgeries . ( 119 ) He maliciously belyed his Nation : ( ibid ) Spate venome : ( 121 ) Lying and misrepresentation were familiar to him ; ( 122 ) He most impudently obtruded upon peoples credulity ; ( 125 ) was perfrictae frontis ; ( 126 ) Nothing , tho' never so certainly and manifestly false , could choak his conscience . ( ibid. ) He spued out the most spiteful venome that could lodge in ane humane breast . ( 136 ) Forty more such Civilities he payed him : And it was reasonable to treat him so , for , The impudent accusations of this Scribbler , and the obligation that lay on Persons and Churches to necessary self defence , constrain'd G. R. to treat him thus Civilly . ( 137 ) The Author of the Memorial ( tho' I am apt to think G. R. knew he was dead before his Second Vindication was published ) got Civilities payed him , of the same stamp , and out of the same repository : For , the Memorial was a print full of bitter and unreasonable invectives , ( 137 ) full of malicious insinuations . ( ibid. ) 'T was nothing short of the rest for most gross falshoods , in matters of Fact , and most injurious representations of the Presbyterain way and principles . ( ibid. ) The Moral Qualities of the Author might be seen , by his Book , to be none of the best . ( ibid. ) It was a parcel of false and malicious History as ever was written in so few lines . ( ibid. ) It began and ended with lies and railing . ( ibid. ) A man who took Liberty to slander , at that rate of impudence , deserved rather chastisement than ane Answer . ( 138 ) The writer was but a Scribbler . ( 139 ) He wrote neither like a Christian , nor like ane Historian . ( 140 ) He wrote perfect railing . ( ibid. ) He accused the Presbyterians , with a bloody mouth , of what hath been a thousand times refuted as ane horrid lie , viz. That the Scottish Presbyterians did perfidiously give up their King to the English , who murdered him . ( ibid. ) Now , if there was Reason for being at the expence of such ane excessive Civility , on this occasion , let the world judge : And , indeed , it is a most surprizing Defence G. R. made for his Scottish Presbyterians in that matter , why ? He was the King of the English ( forsooth ) as well as theirs , and they could not withhold him from them . So that the whole matter was no more than if ane English Ox had strayed or been stolen , and falling into the hands of Scottish Presbyterians , they had restored him , and got so much for reward ; At most , it was not the Oxes price , it was only black meal as we call it . But to proceed , this Author of the Memorial advanced assertions beyond what Iesuitical Impudence it self hath ever arrived at ▪ ( 142 ) And , which is worst of all , worse than any thing that ever proceeded from the mouth of Platonist , Stoick , Socinian or Iesuit , He most wickedly reproached the Covenant . ( 146 ) The Author of the Annotations on the Presbyterian Address , &c. Quibbled more like a Buffoon than a Disputant , ( 147 ) and wrote so pure railing , as admitted of no other Answer , but to brand the whole of it with this Motto , that it was void of Truth and Honesty . ( 150 ) But God a Mercy on the miserable Author of the Historical Relation of the Gen. Ass. &c. What ane Heterogeneous piece of the Creation was he ! The most fit Refutation of this Pamphlet , were , to write on the margin of every page , LIES and CALUMNIES . ( 150 ) This Author spake broad lies ; ( 151 ) Was a delicious Scribbler ; ( 156 ) His fancy was tinctur'd with malice and prejudice ; ( 161 ) He advanced whole Fardels of lies and malicious representations ; ( 162 ) He gave no proof of either sense or learning in his Book , but many Demonstrations of spite and railing ; ( 165 ) His tongue was set on fire of Hell — and his kind respects to any man , were indeed a reproach to him . ( 166 ) He had abandoned all Reason and good nature . ( ibid. ) Had a brazen forehead . ( ibid. ) Nothing could escape the lash of his virulent Pen. ( ibid ) His tongue was no slander . ( 168 ) He was nothing but a Sciolist ; ( 169 ) A Cholerick Scribbler . ( 170 ) His Paper was loaden with lies . ( ibid. ) He was not ashamed to tell lies in the face of the Sun. ( 171 ) He had so inured himself to the foulest lies and calumnies , that he could hardly speak or write truth . ( 175 ) He was a Reviler ; ( 182 ) A railing Scribbler who Censur'd and Condemned all Presbyterians without wit or discretion . ( 114 ) In short , He was a snarling curr , ( 191 ) and a spirit of lying had possest him . ( 192 ) Thus , I think , I have given a Taste of our Authors excessive Civil●ties to the Adversaries , he Answered in his Second Vindication : What a formidable Author had he been if he had suffered himself to have Treated his Antagonists with such just , ( not to say excessive ) severities as they deserved ! What Authors have these been , to whom such Treatment was nothing else than excessive Civility ? So strangers might think who were not acquainted with G. R.'s nature . His nature , I say , for , indeed , it seems to be natural to him , to exceed thus in Civility towards all the Authors he ever dealt with ; at least , so far as I can learn by such of his Books as I have had the luck to be Edified withal . Thus , In his Preface to his first Vindication , he discharges thus against the Author of the Ten Questions , &c. Now when their ( the Prelatists ) hands are tyed that they can no more afflict her ( his Presbyterian Church of Scotland ) their Tongues and Pens are let loose to tear her without mercy , by the most virulent invectives , and the most horrid lies and calumnies that their wit can invent . And in Answ. to Quest. 4. § . 2. He adorns him with the honourable Title of Controversal Scribbler . And the first words of his Answer to the 6 th Quest. are singularly complemental . It may be observed from this Authors conduct ( says he ) in his Pamphlet , what it is to be fleshed in bold averring of what all the world knoweth to be manifest untruths : some by boldness and frequency in telling lies have come at last to believe them as truths , &c. I have also seen two Books written by him , against D. Stillingfleet ; One against his Irenicum , another against his Vnreasonableness of the Separation , &c. In both G. R. is excessively Civil to the Dr. after his wonted manner . In his Preface to Animad . on Iren. he says the Dr. exposed himself between principle and preferment . In the Book , he calls him ane Abettor of Scepticism . ( p. 5 ) For the most part he doth nothing but magno conatu nihil agere . ( 18 ) He evidently Contradicts himself , and G.R. wonders to meet with Contradictions , so often , in so Learn'd ane Author . ( 22 ) Contradictions are no Rarities in him . ( 27 ) It was impudently said by the Doctor that our Saviour kept the Feast of the Dedication . ( 124 ) His propositions are such Reflections on Scrip. that any but a Papist may be ashamed of . ( 132 ) These and twenty more such Regular Civilities he pays him . He is more Civil to him , yet , in his Learned Answer to the Doctors Vnreasonableness of the Separation , &c. The Doctor wrote unexpected incoherencies : ( p. 4 ) Used wonderful considence . ( 9 ) Ieer'd the zeal and warmth of Devotion , ( 16 ) was blinded with passion . ( 20 ) a Taunter . ( 21 ) Advanced fallacious , if not false History . ( 41 ) Would have things so , and so , in despight of History . ( 50 ) Woe to the world if such false and partial History carries the Day ! ( 52 ) ( Just the same upon the matter with his woe to posterity if the lying stories which some have printed , and , with bold impudence , avouched , pass with them for Authentick Histories . Pref. to 2 Vind. § . 1. So that the Readers of that Vindication need not be much amused with such Cant : It follows of Course with our Author . ) But to go on with his Civilities to Dr. Still . the Doctor used Ratiocinations that would better become Pharisees . ( 68 ) Asserted things so rashly and falsely , that G. R. had no name for such Assertions . ( 69 ) His prejudices darkned his understanding . ( 85 ) He made a mad exposition of the Second Commandment . ( 125 ) Stretched and forced Scripture . ( 126 ) Spake things beyond comprehension . ( 148 ) Made unbecoming Reflections on the word of God. ( 189 ) Vsed sorry shifts , &c. ( 204 ) Outfaced plain Light. ( 206 ) Wearied not of writing beside the purpose . ( 210 ) Advanced Conceits unworthy of a Divine , and only fit for Simon Magus . ( 214 ) He did not Act the part of a Disputant , or a Casuist , but of somewhat else , our Author thought shame to name . ( 275 ) These and God knows how many more such wonderful Civilities he payed the Doctor : Particularly two , for which , no doubt , G. R. stretcht his invention . D. Still . had said something concerning the English Ceremonies ( 't is no great matter ) what it was ) and G. R. Replys , wittily , ( p. 55 ) This is so indigested a notion that it doth not well become the Learning of Doctor Stillingfleet , tho' it be good enough for some to rant with , over a pot of Ale. How many good glasses of Forty-nine ( alias , good Sack ) has our Author got for this ! Again , the Doctor had said that the Cross in Baptism was a Ceremony of admitting one into the Church of England . But I doubt ( says G. R. ) it will prove but a Mouse brought forth by the long labour and hard throes of a Mountain . Was not this a pure Flight ! a lofty Paraphrase on Parturiunt Montes ! Thus we have seen a sample of his excessive Civilities to such single persons as had the Honour to be his Adversaries . What a pity had it been , if such Civilities had been only dispenced to half a dozen of Individuals ! Our Author , no doubt , was sensible of this , and therefore , he has even thought fit , when he had occasion to extend them to whole Churches , particularly , the Episcopal Church of Scotland , and the Church of England . Indeed , The whole Body of the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland have got a large share of his Civilities : Take this Specimen , only from his Second Vindication , &c. Presbyterians are all Iacob's , and Prelatists , Esau's . ( Pref. § . 1. ) Presbyterians , the seed of the Woman , Prelatists , the seed of the Serpent . ( ibid. ) The Prelatists are a spiteful and clamorous sort of men : ( § . 5. ) Men enraged by being deprived of the opportunity they had to persecute their Neighbours . ( Book p. 1 ) Their course is Diametrically opposite to Moderation . ( p. 2 ) They are men of mean spirits and Mercenary souls : ( 4 ) Vnfaithful men : ( 17 ) Men who use Vnmanly as well as Vnchristian shifts . ( 25 ) Most of them who were put out ( i. e. thrust from their habitations and the exercise of their Ministery , since the beginning of the late Revolution ) were put out by their own Consciences . ( 36 ) Arminians . ( 60 ) Socinians . ( 61 ) The contempt of the Ministery came from the Atheism and debauches of the Clergy . ( 64 ) Their immoral men may be counted by hundreds . ( 65 ) They are generally liars . ( 70 ) Men who exposed the Nation to the reproach of Barbarity . ( 24 ) Men of a restless temper , embittered in their spirits by what inconveniency they are fallen into , from the ease and dominion over their Brethren , which they lately had . ( 84 ) Men , justly loathsome and a burden to the People . ( 99 ) Instead of feeding their Flocks , they worried them . ( 103 ) Inciters to and Abettors of Persecution . ( 126 ) A Faction that indulged debauched men in their immoralities . ( 166 ) Hundreds of their party guilty of gross immoralities , for one Presbyterian . ( 166 ) Their debauchery tempts people to count all Religion a sham . ( 173 ) Generally favourers of Popery . ( passim ) Men who are wiser than to comply with the present Establishment of the Church , from which , 't is like , they would have been excluded for their immoralities or errors . ( 5 ) And God knows how frequently he makes them , generally , Ignorant , or Erroneous , or Scandalous , or Supinely Negligent . This I think may serve for a Tryal of his excessive Civilities to the Scottish Clergy . Well! But is he as Civil to the Church of England ? Take a Proof from his Rational Defence , &c. Those of the Church of England , seem wiser than Christ and his Apostles , from whom they do manifestly and confessedly differ , in the things Controverted , between them and the Nonconformists . ( p. 71 ) They are either strangers to England , or strangely byassed , who see not cause to complain of the Ignorance , Idleness , and Vicious Conversation of the English Clergy . ( 40 ) 'T is the spirit of the party still to Create trouble to the Church . ( 63 ) They are ane imperious Superstitious Clergy , that will be Lords over Gods inheritance , in despight of the Apostle . ( 80 ) And how often doth he call them , Liars , Misrepresenters , Calumniators , & c. ? ( vid p. 66 , 274.275 , 276 , &c. I shall only mention one instance of the English Episcopal Knavery which G. R. resents very highly . You may see it pag. 276. I have met with another instance ( says he ) of Episcopal ingenuity , for exposing the Presbyterians among the Foreign Churches . It is in a Letter of the famous Bochart , dated Nov. 2. 1●80 . in Answer to a Letter from Doctor Morley , wherein the Doctor representeth the Presbyterian principles in three positions , whereof the third is a GROSS CALUMNY — The position is , Reges posse vi & armis a subditis cogi in ordinem , & si se praebeant immorigeros , De Soliis Deturbari , in Carcerem Conjici , Sisti in jus , per Carnificem denique capite plecti . i. e. That Presbyterians maintain , that Subjects may call their Soveraigns to ane account by Force of Arms , and if they are stubborn , incorrigible Soveraigns , they may cast them in Prison , Iudge them Sentence them , and order the Hangman to give them a cast of his craft . And now , kind Reader , judge impartially , was not this a Gross Calumny ? What impudent lying Rogues must these English Prelates and Prelatists have been , who so Grossly Calumniated such Eminently Loyal Subjects , such True Friends to Monarchy , such unquestionable Pass●ve-obedience , and Non-resistance-men ? But , return we to our Author . One thing may be pleaded in his behalf ; It is , that this his Rational Defence , &c. ( as he says himself was written about the time that K. I. came to the Throne , i. e. some four years before the late Revolution ; and at that time it was excuseable in him to tell his mind freely about the English Clergy ; Because , he was , then , a Non-conformist in England , and suffering under their Yoke : But now that Presbytery is Established in Scotland , and he has got a Post there , in which he can live to purpose , his temper is become a little sweetned , and he will not any more be ane Enemy to the English Clergy . Nay , has he not published so much , lately , in his Second Vindication ? True ! He has : More , he seems to have promised , at least , professed so much , not only for himself , but for his whole party . He has told the world in his Answer to the first of the Four Letters , § . 12. That Scottish Presbyterians are far from interposing in the Church of Englands affairs : that they are not bound by the Covenant to Reform England , but to concur , when Lawfully called , to advance Reformation . That 't is far from their Thoughts to go beyond that Boundary : That they wish their Reformation ; but leave the management of it to themselves . And in his Answer to the Case of the Afflicted Clergy , &c. § . 1. he goes a farther length . The Author had said That the Church of England should bethink themselves how to quench the flames in Scotland , &c. And G. R.'s Answers , Thus , they sow discord among Brethren , and animate England to concern themselves in the affairs of our Church , when we do not meddle in their Matters . Here , you see , he owns the English Clergy , for no less than his Brethren : Are they not Cock-sure , now , that they shall never have more of his excessive Civilities ? Well! I cannot tell what may be , but I can tell something of what hath already been . This same Loving Brother to the Church of England published his Rational Defence , &c. Anno 1689 , i. e. since the beginning of the late Revolution : And it is evident , his Preface was written since , likewise ; For therein he Discourses Rhetorically , How God , by the late Revolution , hath made us like them that dream , and done exceeding abundantly for us , above what we could think , out-done our Faith , as was foretold Luk. 18.8 . Now , In that same Preface , he owns , he published his Book , then , because he thought it a fit Season , and it seem'd allowable , if not necessary , that each party should put in their Claim , and give the best Reasons they could for their pretensions . Which , how it consisted with designs for the peace of the Church of England , let herself consider . This I am sure of , if his excessive Civilities could be helpful for unhinging her , she got them in that Preface , with a witness . Take this for a Taste . He not only exhorts his Readers to purge the Church of England , of bad Men , ane Ignorant , Scandalous , Heady and unsober Ministery . But he farther Discourses thus , God will not be at peace with the Church , while such are countenanced ; and good men cannot , with any satisfaction , behold such scandals to Religion , and such effectual Instruments of the ruine of Souls continued in the Church : — while some effectual course is not taken to remove them ; The Church is like to have little peace , either with God or in her self : Let all then contribute their endeavours to have the unsavoury salt cast out — if this piece of Reformation be endeavoured , all ranks must put hand to it : The People , by discovering such , where they are ; And not calling nor countenancing them when they want a guide to their Souls : And Magistrates , by endeavouring the Regulating of such Laws , as do , in any wise , open the door to such men to enter . And again , Church Reformation must also truely be endeavoured by us , if we would have Church peace . It is no token for good when sinful evils , images of jealousie which provoke the Lord to jealousie ( such as Episcopacy , the Liturgy , Ceremonies , Holy-days , &c. ) are in the Church ; and yet all agree in these ways , none lament them , nor reprove them , nor take care to keep their Garments clean from the Corruptions of the time , &c. Now , that all this is directly intended against the Church of England , is evident from the whole Contexture of that Preface . By this time , the Reader , I think , has got enough of G. R.'s excessive Civilities to all Persons and Churches he has been pleased to take notice of . Proceed we now to the last of his Cardinal Virtues , viz. IV. His singular Modesty : And here a vast field opens ; for , except the aforesaid three , there is scarcely another of his Qualities , good or bad , that makes any considerable appearance . But so it is , that generally , the greater lights obscure the lesser . Nay such ane Awkward Quality is this in our Author , that one would think , It has been at feud with it self , and had designs for obscuring its own Lustre ; For you no sooner have found ane instance which you may be apt to apprehend , is the very brightest Impudence ; than instantly another casts up , twenty times more splendid , and before you have got through them all , you are at a loss again , and you cannot tell which was the most surprizing . But I shall only give a Specimen of this Vertue as I have done of the rest . 1. Then , the blot of impudence might have been charged upon him , tho' he had said no more than what he has said concerning the Prelatical Scribblers , ( Pref. to 1 Vind. ) viz. That they used a piece of cunning , in spreading their Books in England , only , where the things contained in them could not be known nor examined , but there was never one of them to be found in a Booksellers shop in Scotland , where most Readers could have discovered the falshood of their Allegations . And his Brother Mr. Meldrum in his Letter subjoyn'd to G. R.'s Second Vindication , insists on the same ingenious Speculation . And yet both of them could not but know very well , that these Prelatick Scribblers might have attempted to have pull'd a Star from the firmament , as plausibly , as to have got any thing that made against the Presbyterians printed in Scotland : One thing I can assure G. R. of ; his True Representation of Presbyterian Government had not seen the light , many days , when a Licence was sought for publishing ane Answer to it ; But it could not be obtain'd : And how many innocent Pamphlets have been seized by the Government , since the beginning of the late Revolution ? Did not both these Gentlemen know this sufficiently ? And was it not Impudence in them , especially in G. R. considering the Post he had , to publish such a Calumny , as that it was the Conscience of the falshoods were in them , that made his Adversaries publish their Books in England ? 2. Another instance of his Impudence might be , his so frequent insisting on the Loyalty of his party : Believe him , and no men can be more Loyal than Scottish Presbyterians . Nothing but malice can make any think that Presbytery is ane enemy to Monarchy . ( 1 Vind. ad Quest. 2. § . 2. ) Our Obedience to Magistrates in all their Lawful Commands , and our peaceful sufferings of unjust violence are notour to all that can behold us with ane unprejudiced eye . ( True Rep. ad Ob. 1. ) None maintain more Loyal principles towards Kings than Presbyterians do . ( ibid. ad Ob. 2. ) They always abhorred Rebellion . ( 2 Vind. p. 63 ) Yea , it is manifest , it is not their principle to bargain with their Kings about Allegiance . ( ibid. p. 99 ) Our principles are known , that we owe Loyalty , and have payed it , even to ane Idolatrous King. ( i. e. K. J. ibid. p. 115 ) Who can deny now that Presbyterians are true Passive-obedience and Non-resistance men ? Or rather who knows not that this is Bantering the Common sense of all Britain ? 3. There 's no less Impudence in the large Encomiums he makes on the Harmlesness and Innocence of his party : 'T is true , and 't is much , he acknowledges sometimes , They are men ; They have infirmities ; They have been guilty of Excesses , &c. But try him to the bottom , and you shall never find him descending below these Generals : You shall not find him acknowledging that any particular instance , wherein they exceeded , was not very excusable . Thus , he cannot endure to hear that they were , ever , Persecutors or Rebels . Not Persecutors , for if they had been Persecutors , 't is not to be doubted that the Prelatists had felt it . But what have they ever felt ? Hear him in his Pref. to 1 Vind. It may be thought strange that the men with whom we have to do , should make such Tragical out-cries about their sufferings , when it may be made appear , that , in the late times , when Presbyterians suffered from their hands , any one of many , who may be instanced , suffered more hardships and Barbarous Cruelty , than all of them have endured . I must confess , these men who suffered so , have suffered to purpose ; For , I think , it was pretty severe for one man to suffer the deprivation of 5 or 600 livelihoods and have 5 or 600 families , perchance 4 or 5000 persons to maintain on nothing . I know not how far our Authors skill in Algebra may reach , but , I think , in this , he was hard enough for Common sense . But this is not all ; Hear him again , in that same Vind. ( ad Quest. 3. § . 1. ) All unbyassed men who know and have observed the way of the one , and the other , while they Alternatively had the Ascendant , will say , that the little finger of the meanest Prelate and his underlings was heavier than the loyns of the greatest Assembly of the Presbyterian Church . What Sir , no not the Ass. 1645 , nor 1648 , nor 1649 excepted ? And 2 Vind. p. 23. The sufferings of the Prelatists are but flea-bites in comparison of the bloody lashes that others suffered . And p. 45. Their sufferings are but scratches of pins , &c. And you know , even the tenderest nurses ( such as our Presbyterians are to Prelatists ) cannot constantly preserve their dearest nurselings from such accidents . Who can say , now , that ever Presbyterians were Persecutors ? Believe him , and they were as little Rebels . Episcopacy ( indeed ) raised a Tumult in K. C. Ists time which ended in its own ruine . ( 1 Vind. ad Quest. 2. § . 3. ) And yet in Answer to that same Question § . 5. 'T is true they ( the Prelatists ) raised no Tumults : For if there is a difference between raising Tumults , and raising no Tumults , yet it is certain , that they are only Abstracts which raise them , and Concrets do not raise them . Well! were the Concrets , the Episcopalians innocent of Tumultuating ? Consider what follows , They did what they could to raise a war for continuing on the necks of the People , that Yoke that they had wreathed on them , and did effectually draw on a bloody war , &c. But what did the Presbyterians on that occasion ? Why ? How far were they from being Rebels ! For , thus saith our Author ( 2 Vind. p. 140 ) These things ( whatever the Presbyterians did ) were done by the Body of the Nation , met in the most orderly representative that the time and case could permit ; And I deny not that they were EXTRAORDINARY ACTINGS . Nothing , in these times like Perjury , or Treachery , or Treason , or Rebellion committed by Presbyterians , you see ; All were EXTRAORDINARY ACTINGS . In short , Presbyterians are beyond reproaches in the Consciences of all that know them , and do not hate them . ( 2. Vind. p. 37 ) Now , 'T was none of my designs to render the Presbyterians peculiarly odious , by adducing these instances : I know these Crimes are not peculiar to them . I doubt not , many of them are not violently inclined to Persecution or Rebellion : I doubt as little many of them will be ready to acknowledge they are peccable as other men ; and things have been done by many of their party , which , such as are Ingenuous will not offer to Apologize for : That which I was mainly concern'd for , was our Authors Impudence : For who ever saw greater Impudence than there is in these Ridiculous Defences he has been pleased to publish in Vindication of his party ? 4. Another instance might be his making his party , so frequently , the only Protestants in the Nation ; The only men that resisted , or could resist , or were willing to resist Popery . Thus , the Author of the Ten Questions had said ( and said truly ) That the Presbyterians accepted and gave thanks for ane Indulgince , notwithstanding that they knew that all the Designs of the Court were for advancing Popery . How our Author Justifies their Thankful Addressing to K. J. for such a favour , shall be considered by and by . That which I take notice of at present , is , his Apology for their accepting of that Indulgence . It had been a strange thing ( says he , 1 Vind. ad Quest. 8. § . 2. ) if they should have been backward to Preach and hear the Gospel when a door was opened for it , because some men had a design against the Gospel in their opening of it . ( The Gospel , you know , was neither Preached nor heard in Scotland before a door was opened for it , by that Indulgence : But this by the way . ) Surely their silence and peevish refusing on that occasion , had been much to the hurt of the Gospel ; For , then , Papists ( who would not fail to use the Liberty , for their part ) should have had the fairest occasion imaginable to mislead People without ANY TO OPPOSE THEM : On the contrary , their using that Liberty was the great mean by which ( with the blessing of the Lord ) so very few , during that time of Liberty , were perverted to Popery , in the Nation . Now who should doubt , after this , that all the Prelatists were silent Encouragers of Popery ? And that the Presbyterians were the only People who Preached against it zealously , and opposed it boldly ? Here is such a Master-piece of our Authors main talent , as I am confident no other Presbyterian in the nation will offer to extenuate , far less , justify . He insists on the same Theme , in his 2 Vind. p. 91. where he tells , That wise men thought that the best way to keep out Popery was to make use of the Liberty for setting the People in the right way , &c. As if there had been no possibility of keeping them from turning Papists , but by making them Presbyterians . 5. Near of kin to this , is that other Common Head he sometimes insists on , viz. That all are Papists or Popishly affected , who were not for the late Revolution . Thus , in his 1 Vind. ad Quest. 9. § . 4. in Answer to that Allegation , that the Presbyterians denyed the Kings prerogative of making Peace and War , &c. He tells the world , If this his Argument can cast any blame on Presbyterians , 't is this , that there are Cases in which they allow the States and Body of the Nation to resist the King so far , as to hinder him to root out the Religion , that is by Law Established among them : And one should think that he might have been , by this time , convinced that this is not peculiar to Prebyterians ; But that all the Protestants in Britain are engaged in the same thing . And in his True Represent . ( ad Ob. 2 ) He has these plain words , what was done ( in removing K. J. from his Throne ) was not by us alone , but by all the TRUE PROTESTANTS in the Nation , who were indeed Concerned for the safety of that Holy Religion . Now , 'T is none of my present business to justify or Apologize for such as were , or are , against the late Revolution . Let Iacobitism be as great ane Heresie as our Author pleases to call it : Let him rank it with Platonism or Socinianism , if he will : Only , I dare be bold to say that it was ane odd stretch of Impudence to make it Popery . I mentioned , a little above , his Apologizing for his party's Addressing so thankfully to K. I. for his Toleration . And truly his performances that way may pass , 6. For another instance of his having a good Dose of Brow , as himself commonly calls his own prime Accomplishment . For it was such ane Arrant mixture of Flattery and Hypocrisy , especially when enlightened by their subsequent practice , that no Sophistry can palliate it , so , as to make it seem innocent : But it has been so frequently tossed already that I need not to insist upon it : Far less , am I at leisure to examine all the ridiculous stuff our Author has vented about it . Only one thing I shall propose to the world to be farther considered . Whoso has Read any of our Authors Vindications of his Church of Scotland , cannot but have observed that , even to loathsomeness , he was precise in pursuing his Adversaries , foot for foot , on all occasions , when Impudence it self could afford him any thing to say : Yet one thing of very great consequence , was alledged by the Author of the Second Letter , to which he has Answered nothing . What else could move our Author to this sinful and unseasonable silence , but the Conscience , that it was not fit to meddle with it ? The Matter is this : The Author of that Letter , having Discoursed how amazed the Presbyterians themselves were at the Dispensing Power , upon the publication of K. I.'s first Proclamation for the Toleration ; How little forward they were , at first , to accept of it ; And how they complyed not with its designs , till they got a Second Edition of it , &c. Offered at conjecturing about the Reasons which might have induced them , afterwards , to embrace it so thankfully and unanimously as they did . Amongst the rest I find he insisted on this as one , viz. That they had got secret instructions from Holland , to comply with the Dispensing Power in subserviency to the ensuing Revolution : And he added , that for this , he knew there were very strong Presumptions . Now , G. R. I say , passed this over , in a profound silence ; which , to me , seems a considerable presumption that there was some truth in the matter , and the Epistler had gues●ed right : But if it was so ; I think the Presbyterian Address to K. I. for the Toleration , may now appear in blacker colours than ever . I am earnest not to be mistaken : I do not Condemn their keeping a Correspondence with the Court at the Hague , on that occasion : Let that have been done dutifully or undutifully , as it might : All I am concern'd for is this , that , If they kept a Correspondence there , at that time ; if they got encouragement or Advice , thence , to comply with the Toleration ; If they were instructed to comply with it in subserviency to the ensuing Revolution ; If these things were , I say , then , what a villany was it in them to Address to K. I. in such a manner ? If they had known nothing of any Designs for setting him beside his Throne ; If they had been privy to no intriques against him ; If it had been nothing but a surprize occasioned by such ane unexpected Liberty , that prevailed with them to Address to him in such Terms , as they did on that occasion ; something might have been pleaded to extenuate their guilt , at least , tho' they had complyed with the Designs of the Revolution , afterwards , when they saw it prevailing : Their Ignorance of Intrigues , and the Politick Designs were then on foot ; and the possibility of their having been sincere when they Addressed so , to him , might have been pleaded in Alleviation of the Dishonesty of their not performing what they promised in their Address ; And it might have passed on with the common croud of infirmities which usually surprize men of weak resolution in such Critical junctures . But to be on Plots and Intrigues against him ; To snatch at his Concessions that they might be in a condition to ruine him ; and in the mean time , to make such protestations to him ; to flatter and cajole him at such a rate , meerly , of Design to wheedle him into a deep security , that they might the more expeditely and effectually supplant and ruine him , was such ane instance of iniquity , of Antichristian craft , of rank and vile cheatry , as can scarcely be parallell'd in History . And so I leave it . Thus I have given half a dozen of instances , which might be sufficient , in all reason for exposing our Authors goodly Impudence : And yet they may be reckoned amongst the most innocent of many scores that might be collected in his writings . But 't is not my present purpose to pursue him in all his wild careers : I shall therefore , insist only on three or four things more , which , as I take it , may be sufficient to give the world a surfeit of him . The things I am to to take notice of , are some Impudent shifts he has betaken himself to , for extricating himself , when , at any time , he or his Cause was put to it , by any present difficulty . In such Cases , no Rule obliges him ; no Law binds him , no Equity bounds him , no Shame bridles him , no sense of Reputation over-aws him . Thus , e. g. 7. Before he shall be forced to yield in his Argument , or seem to be non-plus't he shall not fail to furbish his Talent , and make it keen enough for combating the Common sense of the whole Nation : It were ane endless work to trace him thro' all instances he has of this Nature . What possessions have any ( of the Episcopal Clergy ) been deprived of , unless for Crimes against the State ? ( 2 Vind. p. 6. ) now , who knows not that more than 300 who were outed by the Rabble , were deprived of their Possessions , and that by ane Act of Parliament , without so much as being Charged with any Crime or tryed by any Court ? Again , The Author of the Second Letter had called it K. I.'s Retirement , when he left England , and went to France : So he Termeth ( says G. R. 2 Vind. p. 23 ) that which the Parliament called King James's abdicating the Government . Now his Author was a Scottish man , and writing upon Scottish Hypotheses , and about Scottish affairs , so that , if G. R. spake sense , he spake of the Scottish Parliament : But I am satisfied , that the world reckon me as Impudent as G. R. is really , if there is so much as one syllable , or any thing that looks like ane intimation of King I.'s either Abdicating or Deserting the Government , in any Scottish Declaration , or Law , or Claim of Right ; In any publick Deed done by the Nation . Again 2 Vind. p. 36. He says , That most of them who were thrust out by the Rabble , were put out by their own Consciences : But after this , what might he not have said ? To trace him thro' all such instances , I say , would be ane endless work : I shall therefore confine my self to two ; One a Matter of Fact : Another , a Matter of Right ; or rather a mixt matter , in which both Right and Fact are concerned . The Matter of Fact , shall be that story , he so frequently insists on , about my Lord Dundee's 2000 men , &c. in his Second Vindication . About the time the Convention of Estates was to sit down , a Design was discovered ( framed by the Viscount of Dundee and others ) to surprize and seize the Convention , and for this end had secretly got together of K. J. 's disbanded Souldiers and others about 2000 strangers in Edenburgh . ( p. 11 ) This Plot did our Author a great many services : It occasioned those of the West to gather as many into Edenburgh to oppose them and secure the Convention . ( ibid. ) Mark here , they were those of the West who Gathered the Rabble into Edenburgh , and this Gathering was only occasional , and of their own proper motion ; Mark these things , I say , and compare them with what follows . Again , That there was a Design to fall on the Ministers of Edenburgh , is affirmed on no ground , and without any Truth ; Or that the Colledge of Justice Arm'd in their Defence : It was rather on the same Design on which the Viscount of Dundee had gathered forces into the Town , and it was for opposing of them , and not for Assaulting the Ministers of Edenburgh . ( ibid. 39 ) And ( p. 40 ) The thanks the Rabble got was for their zeal in Defending the Convention from that opposite Rabble , viz. the 2000 men Dundee and others had gathered into Edenburgh , to have seized the Convention Again , ( p. 96 ) That the Western Rabble which came to Edenburgh in the time of the Convention were in Arms against Law , ( says he ) is false , for they were called by the Authority of the Estates as their Guard , when their Enemies had gathered a formidable party into Edenburgh . And tho' they were together before the Earl of Levin got the command , yet not before they were called together by the Estates . ( ibid. ) And ( p. 110 ) He ( Dundee ) had gathered a formidable party to destroy the Convention of Estates , and they gathered a force for their own security . Now , One who is a meer stranger to Scottish affairs , finding this Plot of Dundee's , so confidently asserted , so frequently insisted on , made use of to serve so many turns , would seem to have Reason to believe that there was really such a Plot , and that all this was uncontrovertible Matter of Fact. For how is it to be imagined that one who undertook to be the Vindicator of the Kingdom of Scotland , should talk so boldly of such a Recent Matter of Fact , if there was no such thing really ? And yet , The whole Nation knows , this whole Matter is as Notorious Figment , as Arrant Poesie , as is in all Homer or Ovid's Metamorphosis : For my part , I never so much as once heard of it , ( and I was at Edenburgh for the most part , the whole year 1689 ) till I found it asserted by G.R. in his Second Vindication , i. e. toward the end of the year 1691. And let the world judge of its Credibility . Poets themselves should be careful to feign things Plausibly : But it seems our Author has never Read so much as the first ten lines of Horace , De Arte Poeticâ . That Convocation of the Rabble from the West , which was at Edenburgh when the Convention of Estates met , would not have amounted to above 6 or 700 men . I saw them actually drawn up between the Tolbooth and the Weigh-house of Edenburgh , upon the 18 th day of March 1689. I am confident they were not 800 , yet , tho' they were but a Rabble , raw and untrain'd men , they chased Dundee out of Edenburgh , tho' he had 2000 Train'd and Disciplin'd men under his command ; and yet the same Dundee with scrace 2000 Vntrain●d , Vndisciplin'd Highlanders routed near to 4000 Train'd and Disciplin'd men at Gillichranky : But this is not all . You may observe , he says , it was not to Defend the Ministers of Edenburgh , that the Colledge of Iustice Arm'd , but in pursuance of that same Design with Dundee , viz. the surprizing and seizing of the Convention . Now , be it know to all men , that the Convocation of the Rabble which occasioned the Arming of the Colledge of Justice was quite different from that Convocation which was made when the Estates met . The Western Rabble met first at Edenburgh , with a Design to have insulted the Ministers of that City , about the 24 th of Ianuary , and their numbers were daily increasing . The Colledge of Justice Arm'd and kept Guard about the 25 or 26 th of that month . About the middle of February , there was a Proclamation over the Cross of Edenburgh , Commanding all in Arms except the Garrisons , &c. to Disband . Upon this , the Colledge of Justice Disarmed immediately . All this while , Dundee was so far from having got together 2000 to surprize the Convention , that neither was the Convention so much as indicted ( for the Letters by which it was indicted bear date no sooner than Feb. 5. at St. Iames's , and some six or eight or ten days , I think , were gone , before they were delivered to all persons concern'd in Scotland . ) Nor was Dundee as yet come from England to Scotland . Well● Was not the Western Rabble , which was in Edenburgh in the time of the Convention , called by the Meeting of Estates for Counterplotting Dundee's Plot ? Pure Poesie still ! For did not our Author himself say ( p. 11 ) That Dundee's having got together 2000 men , &c. occasioned those in the West to gather as many into Edenburgh to oppose him ? Now if they were only occasionally Gathered by those in the West , how could they be called by the Authority of the Estates ? Were those in the West , who Gathered them , the Estates ? Besides , I would only ask G. R. if he can as readily produce the Order of the Estates for leavying these men for Defending the Convention against Dundee , as I can produce their Act for returning thanks to them ? Let him search all the Records and try if he can find such ane Order . In short , Who knows not that that Rabble was in Edenburgh as early as the Estates themselves ? The Estates ( as all Britain knows ) met on the 14 th day of March : The Rabble threatned Dundee on the 15 th or 16 th : He represented it to the Estates on Moonday's morning , being the 18 th : He could find no security for his person : He departed therefore from Edenburgh with some 28 or 30 persons in his retinue , that same day , and never saw it again . All this was done before Levin got his Commission from the Estates to Command the Rabble , or form them into Regular Troops . Besides , Let the world consider if it required not even Poetick Expedition , to have got that Rabble leavied by Order of the Meeting of Estates . There could not be ane Order of the Estates for leavying them , before the Estates met , as I take it : The Estates met on Thursday 14 th afternoon : on Moonday the 18 th , These men were in Rank and File , on the street of Edenburgh : And many , most of them lived at 50 , 60 , 70 , miles distance from the City . This , one would think , was no ordinary Expedition . And now let any man judge if G. R. was not inspired with a goodly dose of Poetick ( Fire shall I call it ? Or ) Fury , when he laid this foundation of Dundee's Plot , and raised so many pretty structures upon it . And so much , of his modesty in narrating Matter of meer Fact. But is he as modest at mixt Matters where both Right and Fact are concerned ? Consider him but in one instance , for brevity . The Author of the Second Letter had given ane Account of Doctor Strachan's Defence , when he appeared before the Committee of Estates , and was Challenged for not praying for W. and M. as K. and Q. of Scotland , &c. This , for substance : That the Estates had found in their Claim of Right , that none could be K. and Q. of Scotland till they had sworn the Coronation Oath : For this Reason , they had Declared that James by Assuming the Regal Power , and Acting as King , without having taken the Oath required by Law — had forfeited the Right to the Crown : That all the Estates had yet done , was only the Nomination of W. and M. as the Persons to whom the Crown should be offered ; But they had not yet actually made the offer : Far less had W. and M. accepted of it : It was possible they might refuse it : But tho' they should not , yet , they could not be K. and Q. of Scotland till they had solemnly sworn the Oath . This was not yet done : And therefore he could not see how he could Pray for them as K. and Q. of Scotland , nor how the Estates , in Reason , or in Consequence to their own principles could require it of him . One would think there was some force in this Defence . Yet , Our Author had such a Force of Impudence as prompted him to offer at confuting it . But how ? It is known ( says he ) that the Exercise of the Government had been , long before , tendered to the Prince , and that his Highness had Accepted and Exercised it . True ; It was tendered to him on the tenth of Ianuary 168 8 , and he accepted of it upon the 14 th . But what was this to M. ? Was the Exercise of the Government Tendered to Her also ? Or did this Tender made to W. and his Accepting of it make him King ? Was he King ever after the 14 th of Ianuary ? Observe here , by the way , when our Author had the Rabble to Defend , and the Estates to justify for not restoring the Rabbled Ministers ( and the Nation knows , hundreds were Rabbled after that 14 th of Ianuary ) He could tell it twenty times over that that was ane Interregnum , a State of Anarchy , &c. So that , if I mistake not , it may try his Reconciling Skill to make what he says here , and what he said on these occasions , piece well together . Proceed we now to what he has said more about Strachan's Defence . The Nations Representative ( says he ) had then own'd him ( W. ) as their King ; and therefore it was a contempt of the Authority of the Nation for any man to refuse to own him , when called to do so . Now , what could move our Author to such a stretch of his main Talent , as thus to say that the Representative of the Nation had owned him as their King ? I confess I am not able to fathom . For , how could they own him as King so long as he had not taken the Oath , nor Agreed to the Claim of Right ? If they own'd him as King before that , was he not King before that ? But if he was King before that , where is the use of the Oath , or the Claim of Right ? The Estates , indeed , upon the 11 th of April Declared W. and M. to be the Persons to whom they had resolved to Offer the Crown , upon such and such Conditions , as is evident from that day's Proclamation : But the ●etter of the Estates by which they actually made the Offer of the Crown , on these Conditions , was not written till April 24. and the return , bearing that They had Accepted of the Crown , on these Conditions , is dated May 17. And was not Doctor Strachan Deprived , even before the Letter of the Estates was sent to London ? Were not more than 24 Ministers Deprived before their Majesties return came to Edenburgh ? Besides , G. R.'s Impudence , as sturdy as it is , did not serve him , it seems , to give a faithful Account of D. Strachan's Defence , and grapple with all the force of it : For the Doctor ( if the Author of the Second Letter was right ) made the supposition , that W. and M. might refuse to take the Crown with such Conditions : This was so far from being ane Impossible , that it was truly a very Reasonable , a very Equitable , a very Dutiful supposition : Now , suppose they had done so , would they have been K. and Q. for all that , by vertue of the Declaration of the Estates of the 11 th of April ? If so , I ask again , what the Coronation Oath , or the Claim of Right signified ? Or were the Estates to make them K. and Q. whither they would or not ? If , upon that supposition , they had not been K. and Q. ( as , undoubtedly , they had not been ) then , what can be more evident than that the Proclamation of the 11 th of April , did no more than Nominate them to be K. and Q. upon their Agreeing to such Conditions ? So that G. R. was even himself , when he said that the Nations Representative had own'd them as K. and Q. before the 13 th of April . I add further , What tho' they had own'd them as K. and Q. by their Proclamation of the 11 th of April ? Did not the whole Drift , the whole Design , the whole Train , the whole Tendency , the whole Aspect , and the whole Circumstances of the Deliberations , Resolutions and Conclusions of the Estates evidently propose it to the dullest apprehension , that the Crown was not to be granted to them , but on such and such Conditions ? This Question I propose , for vindicating D. Strachan from the guilt of Contempt of the Authority of the Estates , with which G. R. charges him : For if the affirmative in the Question be true , ( and , I think , G. R. himself dares not to say , 't is false ) then , I ask how it could be called a Contempt of the Authority of the Nation to have refused , then , to own W. and M. as K. and Q. ? How can he be said to Contemn the Authority of the Nation , who Reasons upon the Nations Authority ? Who Reasons upon the Force of all the Deliberations , Resolutions and Conclusions of the Representative Body of the Nation ? If doing so , he doth yet Contemn the Authority of the Nation , I am apt to think , it cannot be his Fault : He doth but what a man must needs do , when the Nation makes Repugnant and Contradictory Determinations . But after all this , is it not pleasant that G. R. forsooth , should so zealously exaggerate the Crime of Contemning the Authority of the Nation ? Good Man ! He paid it a wonderful Dutifulness all his life : Far was it still from him to treat it with such Contempt as Dr. Strachan's amounted to . But he has not yet done . He Answers further , that it is a Material mistake of the words of the Claim of Right : ( that was alledged in Strachan's Defence ) which doth not say , none can be King or Queen , but that none can exercise the Regal Power till they have taken the Coronation Oath : It is certain that on the death of a King , his Rightful Successor is King ; and may be prayed for as such ; and such praying may be injoined even before taking of the Oath : The same may be said of one Chosen , and Proclaim'd by the Supreme Authority of the Nation , which is the Case now in hand . Here is a piece of as odd stuff as one would wish to see : For , if it was a Material mistake to say , none can be King or Queen , when it should have been said , none can exercise the Regal Power , it seems to me to have been a mistake made of very Mathematical Matter , not of the solid sensible Matter , which can be felt and handled : For my part I cannot forbear thinking it must be compounded of Negative Quantities , till I shall learn how one can be a King , ( i. e. a Person who has Right to Rule and Act as King ) who has , yet , no Right to exercise the Regal Power , or Act as King. I know , one may be Physically incapable of exercising the Regal Power , and Acting as King , by himself , in several Cases , such as that of Infancy , &c. yet even then , he has Right which is not a Physical but a Moral Quality . Now , I say , I would fain understand how one can be a King , without this Moral Quality ; or how he can have this Moral Quality , called Right , and yet be Morally incapable of exercising it . I shall own G. R. is good at Metaphysicks , if he can give ane Intelligible Account of these things . Well! But it is certain , that on the death of a King , his Rightful Successor is King , and may be Prayed for , as such , and such Praying may be injoyned even before taking of the Oath : All this is true ; But then I affirm it is as true that that Rightful Successor who is King , may and can exercise the Regal Power and Act as King , before he takes the Oath . So , I am sure , our Scottish Monarchs have done : So the Law allows them to do , so , of necessity they must do . For instance , they are not bound , by Law to take the Oath but at their Coronation : And ( not to speak of other things ) I think it is truly ane exercising of their Regal Power , and Acting as Kings to appoint the preparations for , the day , the place , the solemnities , &c. of their own Coronations : For , I think , none other can do it but the King , and , if so , he must do it as King , otherwise , another might do it . But then , Tho' I have granted our Author this much , that the Rightful Successor is King before he takes the Oath , I think no Reason can oblige me to grant what followeth , viz. That the same may be said of ONE CHOSEN , and Proclaimed by the Supreme Authority of the Nation , which is the CASE NOW IN HAND . For , ( not to insist on the Liberty our Author hath taken here , to call their Majesties Elective Soveraigns , in opposition to such as are Hereditary , tho' , I think , it was pretty bold in him to talk so ) I think this is one of the most notable differences , between ane Hereditary and ane Elective Monarchy , that in the Hereditary , the King never dies , i. e. In that same instant that the Regnant Kings breath goeth out , the Rightful Successor is King : Whereas in the Elective Monarchy the King dies with the Man , and there is no King till there is a New Creation . This , I think , makes the Cases pretty wide : And , I think , they are wider , yet when he that is to be the Elected King , is not to be King at all , till he Agrees to such and such Conditions : Who sees not a vast difference between the Hereditary and the Elective King in this Case ? But not to press our Author farther , and once for all to end this Controversie about Strachan's Defence , take what follows for undoubted Truth . Upon that same very eleventh of April 1689 , on which the Estates gave out their Proclamation , importing that they had Resolved that W. and M. should be K. and Q. of Scotland , they enacted their Declaration containing the Claim of Right , and their Resolution to Offer the Crown only on the Terms of that Claim ; and not only so , but they made this following Act , word for word . Forasmuch as the Estates of this Kingdom , by their former Acts Declared that they would continue undissolved until the Government , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom should be settled and secured ; and they having now proceeded to Resolve that W. and M. K. and Q. of England , be , and be Declared K. and Q. of Scotland : And considering that the Nation cannot be without Government until the said K. and Q. of England accept the Offer of the Crown , according to the Instrument of Government , and take the Oath required before they enter to the Exercise of the Regal Power ; Therefore the said Estates do hereby Declare and Enact , that they will continue in the Government , as formerly ; until their Majesties acceptance of the Crown , and their taking of the said Oath be made known to them . If this Act doth not make it evident that there was no Material Mistake of the words of the Claim of Right , in Dr. Strachan's Defence ; But that the Doctor pleaded and Reason'd upon the Manifest Principles of the Meeting of Estates : If it doth not Demonstrate that the Doctors Plea was Solid and Irrefragable ; and if it follows not by necessary consequence , that it was ane unaccoutable proceeding of the Committee of Estates to deprive the Doctor , and near to thirty more , for not praying for W. and M. as K. and Q. of Scotland , before they were , or could be K and Q. of Scotland , let the intelligent Reader judge . But if these inferences are notoriously just , then let him judge again , if G. R. by offering to invalidate the Dr. 's Defence , was not guilty of a palpable indiscretion , in refreshing the memory of such an unaccountable proceeding of the Meeting of the Committee of Estates , which had been far better buried in perpetual oblivion , and lastly let him judge , if it argued not more than ane ordinary Impudence in G. R. to have attempted the Defence of that Procedure ; And if such ane attempt was not , with a Fetch of his Talent , peculiar to himself , to offer violence to Reason and Law , to Iustice and Equity , to the Light of Nature , and the Common sense of Mankind . One would think , 't was Impudence enough in all Conscience , to have made so bold with common Humanity , and particularly , with the Universal Convictions of ones Native Country , as to a plain Matter of Fact : But such is our Authors share of that Daring Talent , that assisted by it , he could even flee in the face of his Dearer Relations , and leave them in the Lurch , rather than appear to have been worsted in his Argument : Thus , e. g. 8. When he was put to it , and could not , otherwise , make his escape , he never made scruple to flee in the face of the present Civil Government . He tells you , indeed , in his Preface to 2 Vind. § . 6. That one of his Designs in writing his Book was to Vindicate and Justify the Actings of the Civil Government . Believe him , on many occasions , and he is a most dutiful Subject ; there cannot be a greater Reverencer of Authority ; He tells you , 'T is a sawcy boldness for private persons to meddle with the Designs of Legislators . ( 2 Vind. p. 112 ) And God knows how frequently he exposes his Adversaries to the Resentments of the Civil Government : How zealous is he for stretching necks , & c. ? And yet , for all this , as much as he is obliged to it , as great a veneration as he pretends for it , it must not only shift for it self , but he must run through its sides , if he has not another hole to escape by . I shall only take notice of two instances of his behaviour this way . The first is in his 2 Vind. ( p. 22 ) His Adversary had laught at the Presbyterian Address , and their protestation of Loyalty to K J. But I would fain know ( says G. R. ) by what Topick either of these can be Condemned . I think , I have hinted , at least , at Topick enough about that : Go we on , now , with our Author : They gave thanks for restoring them to their just Right : Neither is this the Matter : They Professed and practised Loyalty towards their LAWFUL Soveraign , tho' of a different Religion from them . Here it is . For don't you hear him plainly affirming , that K. I. was a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN ? Now what was this less than striking at the very root of the present Establishment ? Is it not a direct Contradicting of the Claim of Right , which Declares that K. J. had forfeited the Right to the Crown by assuming the Regal Power , and Acting as King , without ever taking the Oath required by Law ? i. e. Manifestly , for not being a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN . If thus to Contradict its very foundation , strikes not at the root of the present Constitution , let the world judge . But so it was , that our Author could not otherwise justify the Presbyterian Address , &c. Again , One of his Adversaries had Argued , that Episcopacy was abolished by the Parliament as being contrary to the Inclinations of the People , and therefore , if the People should alter their Inclinations , it might be restored by another Parliament . One would think there was Reason here ; and it seems G. R. was sensible of it : And therefore finding no other way to avoid its Dint , he straight impugns the Power of King and Parliament . Take his own words ( 2 Vind p. 90 ) But he should have considered ( says he ) that whatever Motive the Estates went upon , it is Declared against in the Claim of Right as a Grievance , and therefore , cannot be restored without overturning the Foundation of our present Civil settlement . He is at this , again , in other places , upon the like occasions , particularly p. 152. Now , Not to insist on the Irreligion and Godlessness of that wild fetch , viz. That whatsoever the Motives were which induced men to Establish any thing , yet being once Establish't it cannot be altered ; Not to insist on the notorious unreasonableness of separating the Conclusion of the Estates from their Premisses , and saying the Conclusion must stand tho' the Premisses be rejected , tho' they Established the Conclusion on the strength they apprehended was in the Premisses . Not to insist on the the Ridiculousness of saying , that Episcopacy cannot be restored without overturning the Foundation of the present civil Settlement : Tho nothing can be more Ridiculous than to say that the foundations of the present civil Settlement are Subverted , if all Ecclesiastical Grievances are not Redressed . Not to insist that our Author spake very much at Random when he called the Abolition of Episcopacy , one of the Fundamentals of the present Civil Settlement , considering that the present Civil Settlement was not only Founded , but Finished , a good time before the Abolition of Episcopacy : Not to insist on these things , I say , However Momentous . Consider , only , how directly and plainly he Impugns the power of King and Parliament , by saying , They cannot Restore Episcopacy without Subverting the Foundations of the present civil Settlement . What is this less than that , if King and Parliament should Restore Episcopacy , they should break their Original contracts ? Than that both should forfeit their Titles ? Than that the King should be no more King , and the Parliament should be no more Parliament ? Is it not clear that , with our Author , the Articles of our present Claim of Right are unalterable ? Unchangeable Rules both to King and Parliament ? Now if this is not to impugn their power , I know not what can be . In effect it is to Evacuate the usefulness of all Soveraign power : For where lyeth its usefulness , if it is not able to rectify what is amiss , even in the Constitution ? But how can it rectify what is amiss , in the Constitution , if the Constitution , Right or Wrong , is unalterable . For my part , I cannot see but there is still that Supreme power in the Nation , which was , when the present civil Settlement was made : And as it might , while it was a making Settlements , have made either another , or the same , with twenty little varieties , so , it may still alter that which is made . I cannot think that it either Disabled or Exhausted it self , so , as to be no more capable of providing farther , or otherwise , for the Good of the Nation , when it shall find it necessary . In short , Is not that same power still in the Nation which established the Claim of Right ? if it is not , what is become of it ? How can the Nation subsist without a Supra-Legal , Supra-Original-Contract , Supra-claim of Right Power ? It had it once , otherwise how could it ever have had Laws , or Claims of Right , or Original Contracts ? And must it not have it still ? Has it lost it ? Or thrown it away ? Or has any body taken it from it ? But if it is still to the fore ; If the Nation is still possessed of it ; where is it ●odged , if it is not Lodged in King and Parliament ? Was there more power in the meeting of Estates than there is , now , in King and Parliament ? How came the meeting of Estates by it , then ? Or whether is it vanished now ? What is become of it ? Especially , I think , 'T was pretty bold to say that the same power is not in the present King and the present Parliament ; Considering that the present Parliament is that same very individual thing with the meeting of Estates by which the claim of Right was Created . Cannot the same , the very same Creators pretend to a power of Altering their own ill-made Creature , and make it Better ? Had they more power under One name than under Another ? Or have they weakened or lost their power by communicating it to their King , so that there is not so much power , Now , in him , and them both together , as there was once in them Singly ? And now let the Reader Judge if G. R. for avoiding a difficulty , has not impudently run himself into the Guilt of the most Atrocious , the most Criminal , the most Treasonable Treason ; The Treason of impugning the power of King and Parliament . This was odd enough , for one in his circumstances : But yet the next step seems to me a little more Surprizing : For. 9 On several occasions , he has not stood on disgracing his own dear party , the Presbyterians themselves , and most undutifully , as well as impudently , discovering their Nakedness . I shall not insist on all instances that might be adduced to this purpose , particularly his Loading the Cameronians with so much Guilt and so many hard Names , upon every turn : The Cameronians , I say , these Men of plain principles , these a vowed Covenanters , these most Orthodox and Honest Presbyterians in the Nation ; even them tho they are the true Champions of the Cause , and were the principal promoters of the Presbyterian interest in the beginning of the late Revolution , he has Lasht to purpose , when his Argument requir'd it ; as may be seen in every page almost of his Second vindication . But this I shall not insist on , I say , leaving him and them to reckon for it , if they shall think it fit . I shall take notice only of one very tender Secret of his own Anomalous Species of pretended Presbyterians which he has even needlessly , and by consequence , very foolishly and undutifully exposed . He has , in his Books , made many more inexcusable off●cious Lies , than if he had made One for covering such a Mighty Shame of theirs : But 't is hard for one of his prudence to avoid such escapes , when pressed with a pungent Argument . The matter is this . The Author of the Case of the afflicted Clergy had said , that the Presbyterian Ministers , never preached against the disorders of the Rabble : Now hear G. R. ( 2 vind . p. 97. ) This is False , tho we thought not sit to make that our constant Theme . Now , that Rabbling work was such a Barbarous and Vnchristian work , that one would think , it had not misbecome the Presbyterian Ministers themselves to have made it , at least , very much their Theme on that occasion . But the Secret is not here . He adds , And if but few did it ; It was because they , who were the Actors in that Scene , little Regarded the preaching of the Sober Presbyterians : A great many things may be observed here : For besides that he owns they were but few who prea●hed against the Rabbling , It might be of use to enquire at our Author , what kind of Scene he took it to be ? Whither was it Tragical or Comical ? or Both ? Tragical to the Prelatists , and Comical to the Presbyterians ? It were worth enquiring likewise , whom he meant , by Sober Presbyterian Preachers ? If there are any such in the Nation ? How many ? Where do they preach , &c. But I insist not on these things , because the Secret is not amongst them . Yet The next thing he produces is worth the Noticing . And they ( The Sober Presbyterian Preachers , if they had preached against Rabbling the Clergy ) Should have lost their SWEET WORDS . Now , here is subject afforded for several weighty Controversies : For it may be made a Question , Whither it be the duty of Sober Presbyterian Preachers to preach Righteousness to a Rebellious people , whither they will Hear , or whither they will Forbear ? It may be made another , Whither our Author , here , gave up all the Rabblers to a reprobate Sense ? 'T is possible he meant so . For the Sweetest words , the Soberest Presbyterians can utter in their preachings are not too precious to be spent on such as are in a state of Reclaimableness . But that which I take to be the most proper Question , the Question that ariseth most naturally from the Text , is , Whither Presbyterian Words are not Sweeteer than that they should be Spent on such needless purposes , as the Recommendation and Assertion of Righteousness , and the Condemnation of Iniquity ? Whither it had not been ane unaccountable prodigality in them to have lost their Sweet words , about such Trif●ing concerns as these ? But neither is the Secret here : But it follows now . These practices of the Rabble were publickly spoken against by Ministers , both before they were Acted , for preventing them , and after , for Reproving them , and preventing the like . Here it is , I say : Has he not , here , discovered ane important Secret of his party ? Has he not discovered that the Rabbling of the Clergy was not the product of Chance or Accident , but a Deliberated , a Consulted , ane Advised politick ? Has he not discovered that even the sober Presbyterian Ministers were privy to the plot of it ? Has he not told , that they spake against it , before it was Acted , for preventing it ? And doth it not follow clearly that they knew of it before it was Acted : for if they had known nothing of it , how could they have spoken against it for preventing it ? But tho they knew of it , that it was to be done , yet , it seems , They Consented not that it should be Done ; For they spake against it for preventing of it . But I am afraid our Author , here , turn'd weary of his Sincerity : For who spake publickly against these practices of the Rabble ? Or where , or when were they spoken against , before they were acted ? I dare challenge him to name one of his most sober Presbyterian Ministers who preached publickly against them for preventing of them . When I am put to it I can name more than One or Two , who pretend to be of the First Rank of the Sober Presbyterian Ministers , who knew of them indeed , and Consulted privately about them ; and said , It was the surest way , to have the Curates once dispossessed : Because , Once dispossessed , they might find difficulties in being Repossessed : But I never heard of so much as One who preached against them before they were Done. I am very confident G. R. cannot name One. Indeed , Seeing , as our Author Grants , they knew of the Rabbling before it was Acted ; If they had been so serious against it , as they should have been , and as our Author would have us believe they were ; how natural and easy , as well as Christian and Dutiful had it been , to have given Advertisements to the poor men who were to suffer it , about it ? Was ever any such thing done ? But it seems Presbyterian words were Sweeter to Presbyterian palates than Common humanity or Christian Charity : They were too Sweet to be Lost in such Advertisements . By this time , the Reader , I think , has got a proof of G. R.'s tenderness , even , to his own Herd , when the Argument of ane Adversary pinched him . But this is not the Highest stept . For 10. If ane Argument straitens him , He never stands to baffle , and expose , and contradict and make a Lier of his own Learned , Sensible , Civil Modest Self . And , here , again , One might write a large volume , but I shall confine my self to a Competent number of instances . First , then , you never saw a Prelatist and a Presbyterian Contradicting one Another , in more plain , opposite and peremptory Terms , than he has done himself on several occasions . Take this Taste In his Answer to D. Stillingfleet's Irenicum ( p. 64 ) He is at great pains to prove that where Episcopacy is , Presbyters have no power : Particularly , he has these two profound Arguments for it . 1. If Bishops be set over Presbyter , they must either be only Praesides , which is not contrary to Parity ; or they must have Authority above , and over their Brethren : And if so , They may rule without their Brethren ; Seeing they may command them , &c. 2. If Presbyters under a Bishop have ruling power , either they may Determine without , or against his consent , or not : if so , The Bishop is but a President : If not , The Presbyters are but Cyphers . Now who would think that one of G. R.'s Courage would ever have parted with such ane important proposition , especially , having such impregnable Arguments for it ? Yet . Consider if he has not done it , most notoriously in his Answer to the Doctors Vnreasonableness of the separation , &c. pag. 182. where he has these express words . He ( The Doctor ) Vndertaketh to prove that the English Episcopacy doth not take away the whole power of Presbyters — we do not alledge that it taketh away the whole power of Presbyters , for that were to reduce them into the same order with the rest of the people ; but wee say it usurpeth ane undue power over them , &c. Again , In his First Vind. of his Church of Scotland , His cause led him , in Answ. to Quest. 10. to say That K. Is. Tolleration was against Law : He was pressed with this Argument about the Inclinations of the people , That not fifty Gentlemen , in all Scotland ( out of the West did , upon the Indulgence , forsake the Churches to frequent Meeting houses : And his Answer was . They clave to the former way ( i. e. Continued in the Episcopal Communion ) Because the Law stood for it . Is it not plain , here , that the Meeting houses were contrary to Law ? Hear him , now , in his 2 vind . ( p. 43 , 44. passim ) when he was prest with the Scandal of his party 's Complying with the dispensing power , and erecting Meeting houses contrary to Law. He affirmed boldly , that the Dispensing power was according to Law , And K. I. was enabled by Law , to Grant his Toleration . Again , In his 2. vind . in Answ. to Letter 1. § 9. p. 12. when he had the Meeting of Estates to Apologize for , for suffering and allowing persons to sit as Members , who were not Qualified according to Law. He Granted some such Members sate there , but they had been most unjustly Forfeited in the Late Reign . Even Parliamentary Forfeitures , you see were most Vnjust Forfeitures , and there was no Reason that they should exclude these Gentlemen from their Iust and Antient Rights and Priviledges . But when he was pressed by the Author of the Case of the Afflicted Clergy , &c. with this That many Ministers Benefices were unjustly and illegally kept from them ; he got his Cloak on the other Shoulder , as we say , if the Authority of the Nation in the convention or Parliament have Determined otherwise , I know not where their Legal Right can be founded . ( p. 96. § 6. ) It was not so much as Knowable , to our Author , in that Case , that there might be most Vnjust Parliamentary Determinations . It were ane endless work to adduce all such little Squabbles as these , between himself and himself : I shall Insist , therefore , only on two more , which are a little more Considerable . And First , Our Author was not at more pains about any one thing in his Answ. to D. Still.'s Irenicum , than the Inseparableness that is between the Teaching and Ruling power of Presbyters : He spent no less than 8 or 9 pages about it , Stretching his Invention to find Arguments for it : Whoso pleases to turn to page 79 may see the whole Deduction He is as earnest about it in his True Representation , &c. These are his words ( prop. 13 ) There being no Disparity of power amongst Ministers by Christs Grant of power to them ; No man can make this Disparity by setting one over the rest : Neither can they Devolve their power on one of themselves : For Christ hath given no such warrant to men to dispose of his Ordinances , as they see fit : And power being Delegated to them by him , They cannot so commit it to Another to Exercise it for them , as to deprive themselves of it . Also , it being not a Licence only , But a Trust , of which they must give ane account , They must perform the work by themselves as they will be Answerable . Now , it is not possible for one to contradict himself more than he hath done both Indirectly and Directly in this matter . He hath Contradicted himself Indirectly , and by unavoidable Consequence , in so far as he hath owned , or owns himself a Presbyterian , and for the Lawfulness ( not to say the Necessity ) of Scottish Presbyterian General Assemblies of the present Constitution . For , are all the Ruling Officers of Christs appointment , Both Preaching and Governing Elders allowed to be Members of General Assemblies ? Do they all discharge their Trust , and perform their work by themselves , there , as they will be Answerable to him , from whom they got their Trust ? Doth not every Presbytery ( consisting of 12 , 16 , or 20 preaching , and as many Ruling Elders ) Send only some Three or Four Preaching Elders , and only One Ruling Elder to the General Assembly ? Do they not Delegate these , and Devolve their power upon them , and Constitute them their Representatives for the Assembly ? Let their Commissions be Inspected , and let it be Tryed , if it is not so : Now , How is such a Delegation Consistent with our Authors position about the Indevolvibility or Indelegability of such a power ? It were easy to pursue this farther in its Consequents . Now what an ill thing is it , for a man , thus , to sap and subvert all his own Foundations ? To Contradict the fundamental Maximes of his own Scheme by such unadvised propositions ? But this is not the worst of it . He hath contradicted himself most directly in that same Individual True Representation , &c. in Answ. to the 10th Objection ; and in his 2 Vind. p. 154 , 155. For in both places he endeavors to justify the Taking of all Ruling power out of the hands of the Episcopal Ministers , and the putting it , only , in the hands of the Known sound Presbyterians ; Reserving to the Episcopal Ministers , their Teaching power , only . 'T is true , 'T is evident that he found himself sadly puzled in the Matter , and was forced to bring in his Good Friend Necessity , and the Old Covenant-Distinction of Status Ecclesiae turbatus and paratus , to Lend him a Lift. I have considered his Friend Necessity , sufficiently in my Book , and thither I refer the Reader for satisfaction about it . But what to do with his Praesens Ecclesiae Status , I do not so well know : Only this I dare say , granting it to be so nimble as to break Scot-free through Divine Institutions , Yet it can , neither by itself , nor with Necessity to help it , reconcile notorious Contradictions . The other Instance I shall adduce is in a very important matter ; no less than the Presbyterian Separation from the Episcopal Church of Scotland . He was put to it , to defend it in both his Vindications of his Church of Scotland . First Vind. in Answ. to Quest. 4. 2 Vind. in Answer to Letter 2. § 3. All the Reasons he has for that Separation may be reduced to these Three , 1. Episcopacy . 2. The Episcopal Ministers were Vsurpers or Intruders : For 3. They had not the Call of the People ; and so the People were not bound to own them as their Ministers . These are his Grounds , I say , on which he justifies their Separation from us . Now , hear him in his Rational Defence , &c. published , as I have told , since the beginning of the Late Revolution , by Consequence , after the Scottish Schism was in its full Maturity : Hear him there , I say , and you never heard Man reject any thing , more fairly , more fully , or more directly , than he hath done these his own Grounds . Let us try them one by one . 1. For Episcopacy , turn first to pag. 95. And you shall find these very words , Whatever fault we find with the Ministers of the Church and the Hierarchy , we do not separate because of these ; we would joyn with you ( the English Church ) for all these Grievances , if you would but suffer us to do it , without sinning against God in that which is our personal Action . Turn next to pag. 150. There he offers at enumerating the Causes that cannot justify a Separation , and he talks particularly about Episcopacy , thus ; We are grieved with Prelatical Government , and taking away that Parity of Power that Christ hath given to the Ordinary Ministers of his Church . This we cannot approve , and therefore Ministers ought rather to suffer Deprivation of the publick Exercise of their Ministry than own it . And People also ought not to own that , their Lordly Authority that they Exercise ; Yet , because this is not Required to be acknowledged as a Lawful Power in the Church , by the People , I see not that we should withdraw from the Publick Assemblies , meerly because there are Diocesan Bishops set over the Church ; Except our owning them by submitting to their Iurisdiction is Required as one of the Terms of Communion with the Church . Who so pleases may find more to the same purpose , pag. 157 , 275 , &c. Nay , So condescending is he in that Book ( p. 159. ) that he can allow Bishops their Temporal Honours and Dignities . We meddle not with their Titles and Revenues ( says he ) These are the Magistrates Gifts , and do not cross Christ's institution , whatever inconvenience may be in them . 2. As to the Plea of the Vsurpation or Intrusion of the Prelatists , D. Still . had alledged that the Dissenters pleaded , That most of the present Ministers of the Church of England were Vsurpers , and that from such the People might lawfully separate . We deny both parts of the Assertion , ( says G. R. p. 115 , 116. ) Whatever Usurpation some of them may be guilty of , we know most of them have the ( Tacite , at least ) consent of the People , a post facto ; and therefore however they may be guilty of Intrusion in their Entry , in their continuing in their places they are no Usurpers : Neither do we own it to be lawful to separate from Every Minister that is ane Usurper , Meerly on the Account of his Vsurpation . And he discourses the point copiously ; as the curious Reader may find , ibid. Neither is he less positive about the 3. Thing , which , in his Scottish Management of the Plea , he insists on as the Great Reason of the former , viz. The Popular Call. For D Still . had adduced D. Owen as asserting , that the depriving of the People of the Right to choose their own Pastors was a just Ground of Separation . And G. R. answers , If Doctor Owen hath done so , Let it pass for a part of the Independent Iudgment which was a mistake of that Eminent Servant of God ; Others are not of that Mind . And a little after : The People by the Laws of the Gospel have the Right of Election of their own Pastors ; But it doth not follow that they ought not to bear with being hindered the Exercise of this Right for the sake of Peace and Vnity . And p. 151. Depriving the People of their Right of chusing their own Church Officers , is also Matter of Complaint , but we must bear it rather than separate for that , from a Church . And pag. 197. when he came to assert that Right of the People , He told he did Not make the Depriving of the People of that Power , a Cause of Separation . Nay , Not once , but very frequently , he lays the whole stress of the English Separation , Upon the sinful terms of Communion ( as he calls them ) imposed by the Church of England . Let the Church purge her Offices of humane Inventions , Let her lay aside the the Liturgy , the Cross in Baptism , Kneeling at the Receiving of the Eucharist , and Holy-days , &c. and he , and all his Party shall joyn with her chearfully , Vide p. 24 , 81 , 106 , 107 , 109 , 120 , 133 , 144 , 151 , &c. Now Let any Man , even of his own Sect , reconcile these things : Let him shew why Episcopacy , Vsurpation , and Depriving the People of their Right to choose their own Pastors , should be so every way sufficient Grounds for Separating from the Church of Scotland , and so no ways sufficient grounds for separating from the Church of England . What could move the Man to venture upon such lumpish , bulkish Contradictions ? For my part , I cannot guess at another Motive than that which I have frequently mentioned , viz. The present Argument . In England he had some other things to bear the Burden , but no other thing in Scotland ; and it was necessary for his Vindicatorship to justify the Separation : And therefore what could not do it in England , behoved to do it in Scotland . But perhaps he may endeavour to extricate himself by running for shelter to the Old Scottish Plea of the Covenant . For , Is not Prelacy abjur'd in Scotland ? Is not the Oath of God upon Presbyterians , nay on all the Nation , not to own Prelacy ? Are not all the Prelatists perjur'd , & c. ? And now may not the Presbyterians separate lawfully ? He seems indeed to betake himself to this Plea , in his Answer to the Historical Relation of the General Assembly , § 20. p. 189. The setting up of Episcopacy ( says he ) was more sinful in this Nation ( Scotland ) than it could be elsewhere , because of the Oath of God that the Nation is under , against it ; Not in latter times only , but in the times of King James the Sixth , who caused the whole Nation swear the Shorter Confession of Faith , called the National Covenant , where it is abjured . Now Not to insist on shewing that , upon the supposition , all this were true , it militates only against Episcopacy ; It could conclude it only , but neither the Vsurpation , nor the Depriving the People of their Right , &c. to be a sufficient Ground for the Separation . Nor yet to insist on the notorious falshood of the supposition , viz. That Episcopacy was abjured in King Iames the Sixths time . Not to insist on these things , I say , If he himself is strong enough for himself ▪ himself will not suffer himself to make the Abjuration of Episcopacy in Scotland , a sufficient Ground for separating from the Episcopal Church of Scotland . For in the 40th page of his Rational Defence , &c. Attempting to shew a Difference between complying with the Church of England at the Reformation , and complying with her Now , he opens thus : I might here alledge the Obligation of the National Covenant that we are under , as they were not to whom the Doctor would make our Case parallel ( i. e. those who lived at the Reformation ) Tho I never thought that that Bond made any Sins or Duties that were not such Antecedently . Now ( Not to insist on the Pleasantness of pretending that he might insist on a Topick , in which he instantly acknowledges there is no Force ; ) If Oaths and Covenants make no Duties nor Sins , which were not such Antecedently , I would fain understand , how the National Covenant , or whatever Covenant has been in Scotland , could make Episcopacy a sufficient Ground for Separating from the Church of Scotland ; if it was not a sufficient Ground for such Separation Antecedently to these Covenants ? Thus he himself hath cut off himself from all hopes of escaping by the Covenant . Indeed there is no possibility of Escape left him : It is not in the power of Nature to rescue one who is so plunged over Head and Ears in such a Sink of Contradictions . What hath been said might be sufficient , in all Conscience , for representing his own Vnnatural Unmercifulness towards himself : For what can be more Vnmercifully done to one , than to demonstrate him to all the world to be a Manifest Lier ? And who can be a more manifest Lier than he , who , upon every turn , vomits Contradictions ? Yet this is not all , perhaps it is not the worst . There is such an Intimate Relation between himself and his Books written by himself , That , I think , 't is reasonable to say , that whosoever treats his Books with any Degrees of Impudence , is every whit as Impudent towards himself . Now , it is not possible that Ranker , more Mercyless , or more Impudent injury can be done to any thing , than himself hath done to his Second Vindication of his Church of Scotland . At least , to near three parts of four of it : To it , so far as it Answers The Four Letters , The Case of the Afflicted Clergy , and the Late Letter . For he hath engraven on it such indelible Characters of Disingenuity , Partiality , Injustice , Unfair Dealing , Effrontery , Ridiculousness , &c. as perhaps never Book was injur'd or bespattered with , since writing of Books was in fashion . The Reader may think this is a very strange Charge : But I can make it good , to a Demonstration , by a very plain and obvious Deduction . Thus , Some of the Episcopal Clergy , thought themselves obliged for their own Vindication , to give some short Representations of their Circumstances , and the Unkindly Treatment they had met with from the Presbyterian Party , An. 1688 , 1689 , &c. The whole Nation knows , they were so far from feigning instances , or aggravating the circumstances of their Sufferings , that they told not the twentieth part of what they suffered ; nor represented what they told in all its proper Blacknesses : However , so much was told , as was enough to represent the Presbyterian Temper in no very Lovely Colours . The Party were sensible of this ; And therefore , it was necessary to try if there was a possibiltty of Collecting and Connecting some Rags to cover their Shame and Nakedness . The Expedient they agreed to was , that the Accounts given by the Episcopal Clergy should be Answered and Refuted : But then the Difficulty was to find ane Author , who had Talents proper for such a Task . It was committed , first to Mr. Alexander Pitcairn : But after he had thought some time about it , it seems , It stood with his Stomach : He had not so far abandoned all Principles of Truth , and Honesty , and Ingenuity , as was necessary for such ane Undertaking ; he resign'd the imployment , therefore into the hands of another General Meeting of the Party , and told them , He would have nothing to do with it . This , no doubt , was a Discouragement to all others of any Wit or Probity , to undertake it : For if it was to be done , to any good purpose at all , Pitcairn was as fit for doing of it as any of the Sect : And if he gave it over , after so much Deliberation about it , it was to be presumed , there was Frost in it ; it was not safe to meddle with it . Thus it fell to the share of G. R. as he tells himself both in his Preface , and in the Beginning of his Book . Such ane Odd Undertaking did , indeed , require a suitable Undertaker ; and now it had one as oddly qualified for it as the world has heard of . For if we may believe himself in his Preface to his Anim. on D. Stillingfleet's Irenicum ( for who but himself would have been at pains to write Prefaces to his Books ? ) He died a worthy and much lamented Author , Anno 1662. And , so far as I can learn , he continued thus in the state of the dead , till towards the end of the year 1688. i. e. about 26 years . Then , indeed he return'd to Life . Now , it is not to be imagin'd , his Soul , all this while , was either in the Regions of Eternal Rewards , or Eternal Punishments ; for , then , how should it have returned ? Doubtless , therefore , it was in some Purgatory : But what Purgatory , is not easy to determine . I am confident , it was not the Ordinary Purgatory , in which People are purg'd from the Dregs of Corruption they carry out of this world with them ; for he came alive again more corrupted and vicious than ever . Possibly , he has been in some New Purgatory , which the Pope built lately for keeping a Seminary of such as he lets out upon Occasion , for Plagues to the Protestant Churches . Whatever Purgatory it was , Our Author came out of it , purged pretty clean of all principles of Sense , or Shame , or Honesty . And now , who fitter than he to be the Vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland ? Before his Death he wrote only such Books as were little in their own Eyes ( Pref. to Anim. on Irenicum ) but he ventured on writing such Books as his Second Vindication , after his Resurrection . I have given this Account of our Author , and the Occasion of his writing the Book , for fixing the Readers attention , that he may consider it with the greater Application . Now , in this Book , ( His Second Vindication , I mean ) he rejected , by the Bulk , all the Matters of Fact , which were contain'd in the Four Letters , because they were not Attested ; as if , forsooth , the Writers of the Letters had had opportunity to have had all the particular Cases , Tried in formal Courts , before Indifferent Judges , and with all the Usual Solemnities of Process : As if it had been their Intention , by their Letters , to have made formal Pursuits for the Injuries had been done the Clergy . As if the World could not have easily Discerned , That all their purpose in writing these Letters , was not to sue Legally for Redress , but to represent to their Friends , Matter of Fact , in the common way of History . Well! To mend this , however , The Case of the afflicted Clergy gave him Attestations , enough , in all Conscience : But did that satisfy him ? No more than if he had got none at all , for they were not worth a Button , they were not probative , they were but partial ; he had reason to reject every one of them . Thus , When the Author of the Case , &c. cited D. Burnet , G. R. reply'd in these words ; He farther proveth our Persecution by citing some passages out of Doctor Burnet , whom , being a party , we are not to admit as a Witness against us . ( 85 ) What ? No not D. Burnet ? No not the Son of such a Mother ? No not the Nephew of such ane Vncle ? No not the Brother of such a Brother ? No not the Cousin German of such a Cousin German ? No not the Man who has all alongst advised the Scottish Prelatists ( particularly Mr. Malcome , one of the Ministers of Edenburgh ) to return to their Native Country , and submit to the Ecclesiastical Government Now Established ; Do you reject even him as a party ? But to proceed . If the person who was barbarously used by the Rabble , gave an Account of his own Usage , ( and who could do it better ? ) and subscribed his name to it ; This was such ane Attestation , as G. R. thought fit to reject with a Fie upon it . It was Teste Meipso , ( p. 88. ) and so , not worth ane half-penny : As if it had been possible for a Minister , when the Rabble surprized him , and came upon him unawares , still to have had witnesses at hand for Attesting all their Rudenesses ; as if it had not been enough for all the design of such Accounts , that a Man of known Probity and Reputation , subscribed his own Narration of a Matter of Fact which so nearly concerned himself , and thereby declared his Readiness to make the Matter appear , as far as he was capable . If the Rabbled Minister adduced Witnesses ( as was done in the Case , &c. in several Instances ) And they subscribed the Account , was he then satisfied ? Never ane Ace more than before . All of his Witnesses are the sworn Enemies of Presbyterians , and in a Combination to defame them , ( p. 88. ) And again ( p. 100. ) His first Collection is of Accounts that he hath had from his Complices , a company of Men avowed and malicious Enemies of all Presbyterians — and all this attested by themselves . Nay , Tho they were not Episcopal Ministers , but Laicks who attested , if it was done in favour of Episcopal Ministers , that was enough to prove them Friends to Episcopacy , and so they were no more Boni & Legales Homines , as he calls his Vnexceptionable Witnesses , ( p. 111. ) Thus , The Account which was sent to London immediately after the Second Tumult at Glasgow , which happened on the 17th of Feb. Anno 1688 / ● was subscribed by Iames Gibson , then One of the Magistrates of the City ; Iohn Gillhagie , who had been a Magistrate the year before ; and Patrick Bell , Son to Sir Iohn Bell , a discreet young Gentleman , and Merchant in the City . These three subscribed it , that it might make Faith ; it was directed to Doctor Fall , Principal of the Colledge of Glasgow , that he might shew it to the then P. of O. and crave , that now , that he had taken upon him the Government of the Kingdom of Scotland , he would interpose his Authority for discharging such Tumults for the future , &c. Doctor Fall actually addressed to his Highness , and shewed the Account . All this was done before the Scottish Estates met in March. Now consider G. R.'s Discussion of this Account . ( p. 94. ) Iohn ( he should have called him Iames ) Gibson was a Party , and made a Bailie by the Archbishop , and all know the Prelates Inclinations towards the present Civil Government . Have ye not here a goodly Specimen of both our Authors Law and his Logick . Iohn Gillhagie is lookt on by all as a Foolish and Rash Man , who little considereth what he doth . Now what was his Testimony worth after our Author had given him such a Character ? Patrick Bell and his Brother were soon after seized for Treasonable Practices , were long in Prison , and are now under Bail. And is not G. R. now a potent Author ? How easily and readily he can reject Testimonies ! And these three once thus rejected , There was never such a thing as that Presbyterian Tumult at Glasgow : No not tho there are Hundreds in Glasgow who can attest , that every syllable of the Account was true . Again , Pag. 109. in Mr. Gellies Case , How easily could he reject all the Testimonies that were adduced ? Why ? They that testify for him are of his own party : And then let them testify that they saw a Nose on G. R.'s own Face , and for any thing I know , he should cut off his own Nose to have them Liers . And now , Let the World judge of this way of disproving Historical Relations and Attestations of Matters of Fact : Is it not plain that according to this Standard , it is impossible to Attest any thing ? For as I take it , the whole Nation is so divided between Prelalatists and Presbyterians , or those who favour One of the sides , that you shall not find many Neutrals . Now , who is obliged to take the Testimonies of Presbyterians , in Matters of Fact , more than the Testimonies of Prelatists ? Have they any Divine , Natural or Municipal Law for the Validity of their Testimonies beyond other Men ? If they have not , as I shall still be apt to believe till G R. produces the Law , then I would fain know how G. R. by his own Standard can allow , That Presbyterian Witnesses should appear before any Court Ecclesiastical or Civil against Episcopal Ministers . Nay , may not the Presbyterians themselves reject even G. R. s Testimony ? Nay I say they ought to do it : Why ? He stands nearly related to Episcopacy . How ? Let it be enquired into and I 'le hold him two to one , if he was Baptized at all , he was Baptized either by a Bishop , or by a Presbyter that submitted to Bishops . But if so , then good morrow to his Testimony : For thus the Argument runs , G. R. was Baptized by a Prelate or a Prelatist , and all know the Prelates inclinations , &c. Why this Reasoning should not hold in G. R.'s Case , as well as in Iames Gibson's Case , I desire to learn of G. R. when he is at Leisure . But this is not all . As he rejected all the Attestations in that Book , without any shew of Reason , so he did some in Despight of the Common Sense of Mankind . For setting this in its due Light , it is to be Remembred , that , in that Book , there are Accounts of the Insolencies committed by the Rabble upon such and such Ministers in the Presbyteries of Glasgow , Hamilton , Irwing , Air , Paisley , Dumbarton , &c. Now these Accounts were occasioned thus , When the Rabble was in its fury , and making Havock of all the Clergy in the Western Diocess of Glasgow , some of them met at Glasgow upon the 22 of Ianuary , 1688 / 9. to consider what might be proper for them to do for their own Preservation , and Protection against the Rage of their Persecutors : And the best Expedient they could then fall upon , was to send Doctor Scot Dean of Glasgow to London , to represent their Condition to his Highness the P. of O. who had then assumed the Government of the Nation ; and crave protection according to Law. And that the Doctor might be the better instructed , it was resolved , that particular Accounts of the Violences had been done to the Clergy within the abovenamed Presbyteries should be digested by such Ministers as lived within these Presbyteries , respectively : This was done . The Account of the Violences done to those who lived within the Presbytery of Air , was digested and signed by Mr. Alexander Gregory , Mr. William Irwine , and Mr. Francis Fordyce ; that for Paisley , by Mr. Fullerton , and Mr. Taylour , Ministers at Paisley ; that for Glasgow , by Mr. George , and Mr. Sage , &c. And that the Truth of these Accounts might be the more unquest●onable , the Subscribers ( in some of them , at least ) undertook to make all the particulars appear to be true , upon the greatest peril , if they should get a fair Hearing . What greater Evidence of Truth and Ingenuity could have been expected or required of People in such Circumstances ? Yet , Even these accounts G. R. rejected , as readily and con●idently as he did any other ; he rejected them I say , indiscriminately , and without taking notice of any difference between them , and such as were not written upon any such Occasion , such as were only vouched Teste Meipso . Was this like either the Sense or the Discretion that were proper for the Vindicator of a Church ? I do not incline , so much as in the least , to insinuate , that any of the Accounts contained in The Case of the afflicted Clergy , were false ; I am satisfied they were all very true : All I intend , is to represent G. R.'s impudent Rashness in rejecting all Accounts with the same facility : And certainly , whosoever considers this seriously , cannot but reckon of his Book as written with as little Wit or Discretion , as Truth or Ingenuity . And all this will appear more evident still , if it be considered , that , All this did not content him ; but he was such a Fool , as to stumble upon the same Methods , himself condemn'd most , in his Adversaries , when he had any Matter of Fact to Attest . He was very careful , as he tells frequently , to have his particular informations from all Corners , concerning all the Instances of Rabbling which were represented in the Prelatick Pamphlets ? But from whom had he these Informations , mostly ? From the very Rabblers themselves . It were both tedious and unprofitable to trace him through all instances : One may be sufficient for ane example . And I shall choose the very first that is to be found in his Book , viz. That of Master Gabriel Russel Minister at Govean . The Author of the Second Letter had given a brief and a just Account of the Treatment , that poor Gentleman had met with . And G. R. convels it thus , To this , I oppose , says he , The Truth of the Story , as it is attested by the Subscriptions of Nine Persons who were present , i. e. Nine of the Rabblers ; for so Mr. Russel himself assured me , repeating over these very names which G. R. has in his Book . And is not this a pleasant Attestation ? Is it not pleasant , I say , to rely upon the Testimony of such barbarous Villains , and take their own word for their own Vindication ? Yet there 's one thing , a great deal more pleasant yet , in the Story . The Author of the Second Letter had affirmed , that Mr. Russel was beaten by the Rabble ; But they ( the nine whom he adduces ) utterly deny , That any of them did beat him . And 't is true indeed , none of these nine did beat him ; but 't is as true that he was beaten : And one Iames Col●uhoun was the person who did it ; and therefore his Name was concealed , and not set down with the other nine . And now I refer it to the Reader , if it is not probable , that he has got a parcel of sweet History from G. R. in his Second Vindication . But I go on . As he thus adduced the Rabble witnessing for themselves ; so when he was put to it , he never stood on adducing the Testimonies of single Presbyterian Ministers , witnessing for the Honesty and Integrity of the Rabblers , or in opposition to the Prelatical Relations . Thus , In White 's Case ( p. 32. ) he adduces five Men , testifying that the Accounts of White 's Sufferings were false , &c. And for the Honesty of these five he tells us , They have all their Testimony from their Minister that they are credible and famous Witnesses . And P. 105. He rejects Bullo's account , who was Episcopal Minister at Stobo , in one word , thus , In this Narrative are many Lies , which is attested by Mr. William Russel ( Presbyterian ) Minister at Stobo . But the best is , After he had run down all the Prelatical Accounts by this Upright Dealing of his , and concluded them all most horrid Liers and Calumniators , and all their Relations most horrid Lies and Calumnies : He tells you gravely in his Preface , § 6. That the Truth of Matters of Fact , asserted in his Book is not to be taken from him , but from his Informers . That he pretends to personal Knowledge of few of them : That therefore , not his Veracity , but theirs , is pledged for the Truth of the Accounts he has published ; That if they have deceived him , or been deceived themselves , he is not to Answer for it . Let the World judge if this was not a sure foot for supporting such Superstructures as he rais'd upon it ; and if his Second Vindication is not a pleasant Book . Was it possible for him to have Farced it with more bare-faced Iniquities ? What picqu'd the Man , so , at his own Book , as to publish it with so many fair Evidences of Disingenuity , Partiality , Effrontery , and Downright Ridiculousness , about it ? What could move him to treat his own Brat with so little compassion ? Was not this , even in a Literal sense Male Natum exponere foetum ? Or rather what meant he by treating himself so unmercifully ? For who sees not that all the Infamy terminates on the Author , in the Rebound ? But , perchance , now that he is a profound Philosophick Head of a Colledge , he may fall on a way to distinguish between his own and his Books Credit : Perchance he may think his own Credit secure enough , whatever hazard his Books may run . Well! He may try it if he will ; but I would advise him not to be rash in falling out so with the Book ; For , as sorry a Book as it is , yet , I perceive , that with the assistance of a Neighbour Book , it can serve him a Trick , that may be sufficient to put even his impudent self a little out of Countenance . I 'll be so kind to him as to let him see where the Danger lies . He may remember , That the Author of the Second Letter ( which , by the most probable Calculation I can make , was written in December 1689 , or Ianuary 1690. ) endeavoured to make it appear as probable , That the Leading Men in Government were , then , very much inclined to Iustify the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble , and sustain their Churches vacuated by that Expulsion ; and thereby cut off these poor Men from all hopes of being restored to their Churches or Livings , tho they had neither been Convicted of any Crime , nor Deprived by any Sentence . Now There 's another Book , called Ane Account of the Late Establishment of Presbyterian Government by the Parliament , Anno 1690. which gives a full and fair Account , how the thing was actually Done , how the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble was actually Iustified by that same Act of Parliament which established Presbyterian Government . If G. R. has not seen that Book , or is resolved to reject its Testimony because probably written by a Party : I can refer him to the Universal Conviction of the whole Nation , that such a thing was Done , by that Act of Parliament : Nay I can refer him to the Act of Parliament it self . That Book tells also a shrewd story concerning a Presbyterian Minister , called Mr. Gilbert Rule , who preached a Sermon before the Parliament on the 25 of May , being the Sunday before the Act was Voted in the House ; And , before he published it , wrote a Preface to it , after the Act was Voted , in which he thanked the House very heartily for Voting such ane Act : And if G. R. distrusts that Book , I refer him to Mr. Rule ▪ s printed Preface to his Sermon , where I am confident he may find satisfaction . Nay , I dare appeal to G. R. himself , if he knew not all these things to be true , before he wrote one Syllable of his Second Vindication : For these things were transacted , every one of them , before the middle of Iune 1690 , and his Second Vindication came not abroad till more than a year after . Well! But what of all this ? how can this assist G. R.'s Book against himself , if it should be irritated to serve him a Trick ? Why ? turn over to p. 43 , 44 &c. and consider how it discovers in him such a Brawny Impudence , as never Ghost appearing in humane shape was guilty of , before him . For Tho the Letter-man was fully justified by the Event ; tho what he said seem'd to be intended by the Government , appear'd undeniably to have been intended by them in the Execution ; tho they Iustified the Expulsion of the Clergy by ▪ the Rabble ▪ as plainly and positively as ane Act of Parliament could do it ; So plainly and positively , that the whole Nation was sensible of it , and cried shame upon it ; That some Members , in the very time , resented it highly , calling it ane indelible Reproach upon the Justice of the Nation ; That many Members to this very minute will frankly acknowledge , there was never greater or more notorious iniquity established by a Law. Tho G. R. knew it so well , and was so much pleased with it , that he thanked the Parliament with all his Soul for it , telling them , He and his Party were filled with Ioy , while they beheld the Religious Regard which the High and Honourable Court of Parliament had shewed to the Mountain of the Lords House , above other Mountains ; in the Great Step towards the Establishing thereof that they had made by their Vote . ( Whereof that Justification of the Rabble was a great part ) Tho he prayed , That the Lord would reward them for their good Deeds ( whereof this was one ) towards his House . Tho all these things were , and are , clear as the Light , and uncontroulable as Matter of Fact can be ; yet G. R. lasht the Letter-man till he had almost flea'd him ; made him a Railer , one who Vnderstood no Logick , a Strainer at Silly Quibbles , one who had ane Extraordinary Dose of Brow , and whose Wit was a Wool ▪ gathering , &c. And all this for telling this plain Truth , That the Government had a design to Justify the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble . Thus I think , I have made it appear how little tender G. R. was , even of his own beloved self , when he was straitned in his Argument : I might have easily adduced more Instances ; but the Truth is , I am now very weary of him ; and he himself has done himself the Justice , to represent himself to any Mans Satisfaction , who shall not be satisfied with the Representation I have given of him : For he hath fairly own'd , that he sets himself in opposition to those whom he acknowledges to be the Soberest and Wisest of his party . I don't love to be unjust to him ; I 'le give it you in his own words , as I find them , 1 Vind. Ans. to Quest. 5. § 6. He was complaining of the Persecutions his Party had met with for keeping Conventicles , &c. And amongst other things , he discourses thus , There might have been some shadow for such severity against Meeting ( at Field-Conventicles ) with Arms , tho even that was in some Cases necessary ; but that was always disallowed by the Soberest and Wisest Presbyterians Now t is plain , there are here these two Affirmatives . 1. That Meeting with Arms at Field Conventicles was in some Cases necessary : This is our Authors sentiment . 2. That Meeting with Arms at Field Conventicles , was always disallowed by the Soberest and Wisest Presbyterians : This , I say , he plainly affirms to have been always the sentiment of the Soberest and Wisest . By Consequence ; are not both these Affirmatives joyned together E●●●pollent to this Complexe Proposition , Tho the Soberest and Wisest Presbyterians did always disallow of Meeting with Arms , &c. Yet , in my Iudgment , it was sometimes necessary ? And now have you not , from his own Friendly self , a Fair Demonstration of his own Folly and Futility ? For who but a Futile Fool would have said , that he differed in his Sentiments from the Soberest and Wisest ? And now , to bring all home to my Original purpose . By this time , I think , I have given Reason enough for my refusing to accept of him for ane Answerer of my Book . No Man on Earth , I think , would willingly enter the Lists with one who is so singular for four such Cardinal Talents . Tho Incureable Ignorance and Incorrigible Nonsence , may be something pitiable , as being the Vices of Nature rather than Choice ; yet , 't is no small Persecution for one to be obliged to grapple with them . What must it be then to be committed with the other two ? Rank Ill-nature , I mean , and the most stubborn Impudence ? Some Ill Natures may be cured : Men may be either cajol'd or cudgel'd out of them . Agelastus himself laught once ; so did Duke D Alva : But what hopes can there be of one whose Common Sense is so intrinsecally vitiated , that he can avouch the coursest , and most Scurrilous Scolding to be Excessive Civility ? But this is not the worst of it : If there had been any thing Venust or Lepid , any shadow of Concinnity or Festivity , of Iollity or Good Humor , any thing like Art , or Life , or Wit , or Salt , in any One of Fifty of his Excessive Civilities ; if they had had the least Tincture of the Satyre , nay , if their Mein had resembled so much as the Murgeons of ane Ape , I could have pardon●d him , and let his Talent pass for Tolerable . There is something delightful in Marvelism , in well humor'd wantonness , in lively and judicious Drollery : There may be some Enormous Strokes of Beauty in a surprizing Banter ; some irregular Sweetness in a well cook't Bitterness : But who can think on drinking nothing but Corrupted Vinegar ? What humane patience can be hardy enough for entering the Lists with pure Barking and Whining ? with Original ●ullness ? who can think on Arming himself against the Horns of a Snai● ? or setting a Match for Mewing with a Melancholy Cat ? But What can be said of his Impudence ? his Master-Talent ? Why ? to tell Truth of it , I am not able to define it , and so I must let it alone ; I know nothing in Nature like it : 'T is too hard for all the Idea's or words I am Master of . Were I to talk any more of it I should design it his Vndefineable Attribute . And now I think our Author may be sensible , that it is not a good thing to cast a bad Copy to the world , lest some , for Curiosity , try if they can imitate it . For my part I do acknowledge , that I have crossed my temper to make an Experiment , if it was possible to be Even with him : To let him see , that others , as well as he , if they set themselves for it , may aim , at least , at Arguing the Case Cuttingly , as he phrases it ( Pref. to 2 Vind. § 6. ) One thing I am sure of , I have been faithful in my Citations from his Books : And I am not conscious that I have , so much as once forced ane Vnnatural sense on his words : For this , I am satisfied , that what I have said , be tried with the greatest and most impartial Accuracy . But , if he is such ane Author as I have truly represented him to be I hope the world will allow that I had , and still have Reason to refuse to have any Dealing with him . Nay farther , I think 't is nothing for the Honour or Reputation of his Party , that he was ever imployed to be the Vindicator of their Kirk . If they can imploy any civil , discreet , ingenuous person to write for them , I shall be heartily satisfied ; and for his Encouragement , I do promise , if he falls to my share , I shall treat him suitably . Nay After all , if even G. R. himself will lay aside such Qualities , as I have demonstrated adhere to him ; if he will undertake to write , with that Gravity and Civility , that Charity and Modesty , that Honesty and Ingenuity , which may be thought to become One of his Age and Character ; I can as yet admit of him for my Adversary , ( for I think the Party cannot assign me a weaker one ) And I do hereby promise him ane Equitable Meeting . FINIS . ADVERTISEMENT . THis Book was designed for the Press December 1693. The Article . That Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters , is , and hath been , a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation ▪ and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the people , ever since the Reformation ; ( they having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters ) And therefore ought to be Abolished . THis Article was Established in our Claim of Right , April 11 , 1689. By vertue of this Article Prelacy was actually Abolished by Act of Parliament , Iuly 22. 1689. Upon the foot of this Article Presbyterian Government was Established , Iune 7. Anno 1690. This Act Establishing Presbyterian Government was Ratified in the whole Heads , Articles and Clauses thereof , Iune 12. 1693. It is indisputable then , That This Article is the Great Foundation of that Great Alteration which hath been made in the Government of the Church of Scotland , since the Beginning of the Late Revolution . Whether , therefore , This is a Solid or a Sandy Foundation ? cannot but be deem'd a Material Question : And , I think , I shall bid fair for the Determination of this Question , if I can give clear and distinct Satisfaction to these following Enquiries . I. Whether the Church of Scotland was Reform'd solely , by persons cloath'd with the Character of Presbyters ? II. Whether our Scottish Reformers , whatever their Characters were , were of the present Presbyterian Principles ? Whether they were for the Divine institution of Parity , and the unlawfulness of Prelacy , amongst the Pastors of the Church ? III. Whether Prelacy and the superiority of any Office in the Church , above Presbyters , was a great and insupportable Grievance and trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the generality of the people , ever since the Reformation ? IV. Whether it was Such when this Article was Established in the Claim of Right ? V. Whether , supposing the premisses in the Article were True , They would be of sufficient Force to infer the Conclusion , viz. That Prelacy , and the Superiority of any Office in the Church , ought to be abolished ? The Determination of the main Question , I say , may competently result from a perspicuous discussion of these five Enquiries : And therefore I shall attempt it as fairly as I can , leaving to the world to judge , equitably , of my performance : And without further prefacing , I come to The First Enquiry . Whether the Church of Scotland was Reformed , solely , by persons cloath'd with the Character of Presbyters ? IF the Framers of the Article meant that it was in these words , They having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters , I think , I am pretty sure they meant amiss : For there is nothing more obvious to one who reads and compares our Histories , than That persons standing in other stations , and cloath'd with other Characters , had a very great hand , and were very considerable Instruments in carrying on our Reformation . Particularly , 1. There were Prelates who concurred in that work as well as Presbyters . Knox says there were present in the Parliament holden in August , 1560. ( which Parliament gave the first National Establishment to our Reformation ) The Bishop of Galloway , the Abbots of Lundoris , Culross , St. Colmes-inih , Coldingham , Saint Mary-isle , and the Subprior of St. Andrews , with diverse others : And of all these , he says , That they had Renounced Papistrie , and openly professed Jesus Christ. (a) Spotswood reckons up no fewer than Eight of the Spiritual Estate , all Protestants , chosen , at that time , to be Lords of the Articles : Namely , (b) the Bishops of Galloway and Argyle , the Prior of St. Andrews , the Abbots of Aberbrothoik , Kilwinning , Lundors , Newbottle and Culross . Lay these two Accounts together , and you shall have , at least a Round Dozen of Reforming Prelates . 'T is True Spotswood says , The Popish Prelates stormed mightily at such a Nomination for the Articles , alledging that some of them were meer Laicks . But what if it was so ? I am apt to think , our Presbyterian Brethren will not be fond to make much advantage of this : I am apt to think they will not say , That all those whom they allow to have been Reforming Presbyters , were Duely and Canonically Ordained : That they were solemnly seperated for the Ministery , by such as had Commission and Power to Separate them , and in such Manner as had Universally obtained , from the Apostles times , in the Separation of Presbyters for their holy Function . The plain truth is , 2. Our Reformation was principally carried on by such as neither Did , nor Could pretend to be Canonically promoted to Holy Orders . Knox himself (c) tells us , that when the Reformation began to make its more publick Advances , which was in the Year 1558. there was a great Scarcety of Preachers : At that time ( says he ) we had no publick Ministers of the word ; Only did certain Zealous Men ( among whom were the Laird of Dun , David Forress , Mr. Robert Lockhart , Mr. Robert Hamilton , William Harlaw , and others ) Exhort their Brethren , according to the Gifts and Graces granted to them : But shortly after did God stir up his Servant Paul Methven , &c. Here , we have but a very Diminutive account of them , as to Number : And such an Account , as , in its very Air and Countenance , seems to own they were generally but Lay-Brethren : They were but Zealous Men , not Canonically ordained Presbyters : And if we may believe Lesly , Paul Methven was , by Occupation , a Baker , and William Harlaw a Taylor . (d) The Laird of Dun , that same very year , was Provost of Montrose , and , as such , sent to France , as one representing , not the First or the Spiritual , but the Third Estate of Parliament , the Burrows ; to attend at the Celebration of the Queens Marriage , with the Dauphine of France : (e) He was indeed a Gentleman of good Esteem and Quality , and he was afterwards as Superintendent , but it no where appears that he was ever Received into Holy Orders . Nay , 3. After the pacification at Leith , which was concluded in Iuly 1560 , when the Ministers were distributed amongst the several Towns , we find but a very small Number of them . Iohn Knox was appointed for Edenburgh , Christopher Goodman for St. Andrews , Adam Herriot for Aberdeen , Iohn Row for Perth , William Chrystison for Dundee , David Ferguson for Dunfermline , Paul Methven for Iedburgh , and Mr. David Lindesay for Leith . Beside these , Five were nominated to be Superintendents ; Spotswood for Lothian and Mers , Winram for Fife , the Laird of Dun for Angus and Merns , Willock for Glasgow , and Carsewell for Argyle and the Isles . These are all who are reckoned up by Knox and Spotswood : (f) And Spotswood adds , With this small Number was the Plantation of the Church , at first , undertaken . And can we think , tho all these had been Presbyters duly ordained , That they were the only men who carried on the Scottish Reformation ? Farther yet , 4. Petrie (g) tells us , that the First General Assembly , which was holden in Dec. 1560 , consisted of 44 persons ; and I find exactly 44 Names Recorded in my Mss. Extract of the Acts of the General Assembly's , as the Names of the Members of that Assembly : But of all these 44 , there were not above Nine , at most , who were called Ministers ; so that , at least , more than Thirty , were but Lay-Brethren according to the then way of Reckoning : probably , they were generally such , if you speak in the Dialect , and reckon by the Measures of the Catholick Church in all Ages . In short , 5. There is nothing more evident to any who considers the Histories of these times , than , that they were generally Laymen , who promoted our Violent and Disordered Reformation , as Spotswood justly calls it . (h) And 't is Reasonable to think , the Sense of this was One Argument , which prevailed with our Reformers to Declare against the Antient , Catholick , and Apostolick Ceremony of Imposition of Hands in Ordinations ; as is to be seen in the 4 th Head of the First Book of Discipline , (i) and as is generally acknowledged . Thus I think I have sufficiently deduced Matters , as to my First Enquiry : It had been easy to have insisted longer on it ; but I had no inclination for it , considering that there is a kind of Piety in Dispatch , when , the longer one insists on a subject of this Nature , he must still the more Expose the Failures of our Reformation , and the Weaknesses of our Reformers . Proceed we now to The Second Enquiry . Whether our Scottish Reformers , whatever their Characters were , were of the present Presbyterian principles ? Whether they were for the Divine Institution of Parity , and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy amongst the Pastors of the Church . THis Enquiry , if I mistake not , is pretty far , in the interests of the main Question : For , the Article , as I am apt to take it , aims at this , That our Reformation was carried on , with such a Dislike to Prelacy , or the Superiority of any Office in the Church , above Presbyters , as made Prelacy , or such a Superiority , ever since , a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation , &c. But if this is the Sense of the Article , what else is it , Than that our Reformers were Presbyterian ? But whether or not , This was truly intended , ( as 't is truly very hard to know what was intended ) in the Article , This is Certain , this Enquiry is material and pertinent ; And if it faces not the Article Directly , Undoub●edly , i● doth it , by fair Consequence . 'T is as certain , our Presbyterian Brethren use , with confidence enough , to assert that our Reformers were of their Principles . This is One of the Main Arguments by which they endeavour , on all occasions , to influence the Populace , and Gain Proselytes to their Party : And therefore I shall endeavour to go as near to the bottom of this Matter as I can , and set it in its due Light ; And I hope , It shall appear to be competently Done , to all who shall , attentively and impartially , weigh the following Deduction . And I. Let it be considered , That while our Reformation was on the Wheel , and for some years after its publick Establishment , there was no such Controversy agitated , in Europe , as this , concerning The Divine Institution of Parity or Imparity amongst the Pastors of the Church . The Popes pretended universal Headship was Called in Question , indeed ; And , Called in Question , it was run down with all imaginable Reason , some years , before the Settlement of our Reformation . That Controversie was One of the First , which were accurately ventilated by the Patrons of Reformation . And it was very natural that it should have been so , considering what stress was laid upon it by the Pontificians . 'T is likewise true , That the Corruptions of the Ecclesiastical Estate , were Enquired into , in most Provinces , every where , where the Truth began to Dawn , and the Reformation was Encouraged : And it was not to be imagined , but in such Scrutinies , Bishops would be taken notice of , for their general Defection from the Antient Rules and Measures of the Episcopal Office , and the vast Dissimilitude between them , and those of the same Order in the primitive times , both as to the Discharge of their Trust , and their Way of Living : And who doubts , but in these things the Popish Bishops were too generally culpable ? 'T is farther true , That some Countries , when they reformed Religion , and separated from the Church of Rome , did set up New Models of Government in the Churches they erected , as they thought their civil Constitutions could best bear them : And having once set them up , what wonder if they did what they could to justify them , and maintain their Lawfulness ? Thus , for instance , Mr. Calvin erected a Model of the Democratical Size at Geneva , because that State had then cast it self into a Democracy . And the Protestants in France , partly for Conveniency , partly in imitation of Calvins Platform , fell upon a method of governing their Churches without Bishops ; And so it fared with some other Churches , as in Switzerland , &c. while in the mean time other Churches thought it enough for them to Reform the Doctrine and Worship , without altering the Ancient form of Government . But then 'T is as evident as any thing in History , that all this while , from the first Dawnings of the Reformation , I mean , till some years after the publick Establishment of our Reformation , That there was no such Controversie insisted on , by Protestants , either in their Debates with the Papists , or with one another , as that , about the Divine and Vnalterable Institution of parity or imparity , amongst the Pastors of the Church . And I dare confidently challenge my Presbyterian Brethren to produce any One Protestant Confession of Faith for their side of the Question : Nay more , I dare challenge them to instance in any One Protestant Divine , of Note , who , in these times , maintained their side of the Controversy ; who maintain'd the Vnlawfulness of Imparity amongst Christian Pastors , before Theodore Beza did it , if he did it . Sure I am They cannot , without the greatest impudence , pretend that Mr. Calvin ( the only Transmarine Divine , I can find , consulted by our Reformers about matters relating to our Reformation ) was of their Principles , For whoso shall be pleased to consu●t his Commentaries on the New Testament , particularly on 1 Cor. 11.2 . ; Or some Chapters in the beginning of his 4 th Book of Institutions ; Or his Book about the Necessity of Reforming the Church ; Or his Epistles , particularly his Epistle directed to the Protector of England , dated Octob. 22. 1548. Or to Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury ; (k) To the Bishop of London ; (l) To Ithavius Bishop of Vladislavia , dated Decem. 1. An. 1558 ; (m) Or his Resolution of that Case , if a Bishop or Curate joyn himself to the Church , &c. (n) Or lastly , his Epistle to the King of Poland (o) , wherein he tells him , That It was Nothing but pride and ambition that introduced the Popes Supremacy ; That the Ancient Church , had , indeed her Patriarchs and Primates , for the Expedition of Discipline , and the Preservation of Unity : As if , in the Kingdom of Poland one Archbishop should have the precedency of the rest of the Bishops , not that he might Tyrannize over them , but for Orders sake , and for Cherishing Unity amongst his Collegues and Brethren ; And next to him there should be Provincial , or City Bishops for keeping all things orderly in the Church . Nature teaching ( says he ) that from every Colledge , One should be chosen who should have the chief Management of affairs . But , 'T is another thing for one Man , as the Pope doth , to arrogate that to himself which exceeds all humane abilities ; namely , The Power of governing the whole Universe . Whoso shall perpend these writings of Mr. Calvins , I say , shall find that he was very far from maintaining the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy . Nay , farther yet , I challenge my Presbyterian Brethren , upon their ingenuity to tell me , weither it was not a good many years after 1560. that Beza himself ( the true founder of their Sect ) condemn'd Prelacy , if he did condemn it . I say , if he did maintain the Necessity of Parity , and condemn'd Prelacy ; For however he may seem , upon several occasions , not only to give the preference to Presbyterian Government , and represent it as the most eligible , But to endeavour to found it on Scripture ; And represent Episcopacy as an humane invention , yet I have not observed that , any where , 〈◊〉 calls it absolutely or simply Unlawful . On the contrary , he says in express terms , That it is Tolerable when it is duely Bounded ; when the pure Canons of the Ancient Church are kept in vigour to keep it within its proper Limits . Sure I am , he was not for separating from a Church ( as our modern Presbyterians are ) upon the account of its Governments being Episcopal , as might be made appear fully from his Letters ; so that whatever greater Degrees of Dislike to Episcopacy he may have discovered , beyond his Predecessor Mr. Calvin , yet it is not unreasonable to think , that his great aim was no more , than to justify the Constitution of the Church , he lived in ; and recommend it as a pattern to other Churches . The Scope of this whole Consideration is this , That if what I have asserted is true ; if there was no such Controversie agitated , all the time our Church was a Reforming , nor for a good many years after ; Then we have one fair Presumption , that our Reformers were not Presbyterians : It is not likely that they were for the Indispensibility of Parity , that being the side of a Question , which , in these times , was not begun to be tossed . And this Presumption will appear , yet , more ponderous , if II. It be considered , that we have no reason to believe , that our Reformers had any peculiar Motives , or Occasions , for adverting to the pretended Evils of Prelacy ; or any peculiar interests to determine them for Parity , beyond other Churches ; or that they were more sharp-sighted to espy faults in Prelacy , or had opportunities or inclinations to search more diligently , or enquire more narrowly , into these matters than other Reformers . The truth is The Controversies about Doctrine and Worship , were the great ones which took up the thoughts of our Reformers , and imployed their most serious Applications . This is obvious to any who considers the accounts we have of them ; so very obvious , that G. R. himself fairly confesses it in his First Vind. ad Quest. 1. where he tells us , That the Errors and Idolatry of that way ( meaning Popery ) were so gross , and of such immediate hazard to the Souls of People , That it is no wonder that our Reformers minded these First and Mainly , and thought it a great step to get these Removed ; so that they took some more time to consult about the Reforming of the Government of the Church . From which , 't is plain , he confesses , the Reformation of the Churches Government was not the subject of their Main Thinking ; which indeed is very true ▪ and cannot but appear to be so , to any who considers what a Lame Scheme was then drest up by them . But however this was , 't is enough to my present purpose , That our Reformers were more imployed in reforming the Doctrine and Worship , than in thinking about Church Governments . From which , together with the former presumption , which was , that our present Controversies were not begun to be agitated in these times , one of two things must follow unavoidably , viz. either 1. That if they were for the Divine and indispensible Right of Parity , 't is no great matter ; their Authority is not much to be valued in a Question about which they had thought so Little ; Or 2. That it is to be presumed , they were not for the Divine Right of Parity , That being the side of a Question , which was not then agitated in any Protestant Church , and as Little in Scotland , as any . To be ingenuous , I think both inferences good , tho 't is only the Last I am concerned for at present . But this is not all , For III. So far as my opportunities would allow me , I have had a special eye on all our Reformers , as I found them in our Histories . I have noticed their sentiments about Church Government as carefully as I could ; And I have not found so much as one amongst them , who hath either directly or indirectly , asserted the Divine and Vnalterable Right of Parity . By our Reformers , here , I mean such as were either 1. Martyrs , or 2. Confessors for the Reformed Religion , before it had the countenance of Civil Authority , or 3. Such as lived when it was publickly established , and had a hand in bringing it to that perfection . Such , I think , and such only , deserved the Name of our Reformers : And , here , again I dare be bold to challenge my Presbyterian Brethren , to adduce clear and plain proof that so much as any one man of the whole Number of our Reformers , was of the present principles of the party . Some of them , indeed , seem to have laid no great stress on Holy Orders , and to have been of opinion , That personal Gifts and Graces were a sufficient Call to any man to preach the Gospel ; and undertake the pastoral Office. Thus that excellent person Mr. George Wishart , who , in most things , seems to have juster notions of the Gospel Spirit , than most of our other Reformers , when , at his Tryal , he was charged with this Article , That every man was a Priest , and that the Pope had no more power than another man , answered to this purpose , That St. Iohn saith of all Christians , He hath made us Kings and Priests . And St. Peter , He hath made us a Kingly Priesthood . That , therefore , any man skill'd in the Word of God , and true Faith of Christ , had power given him of God ; But he that was unlearned , and not exercised in the word of God , nor constant in the Faith , whatever his state or order was , had no power to bind , or to loose , seeing he wanted the word of God , which is the Instrument of binding and loosing . (p) And 'T is probable , This was a prevailing opinion in those times , from the too common practice of it . But hath this any relation to the Divine Right of Parity ? Doth it not strick equally against both Orders , that of Presbyters , as well as that of Bishops ? Is it not plainly to set up the Ius Laicorum Sacerdotale in opposition to both ? And who can say but this Opinion might have been in a Breast , which entertain'd no scruples about the Lawfulness of Episcopacy ? No doubt it might ; and no doubt it was , actually , so with this same holy Martyr : For , he was not only willing that the then Bishops , tho Popish , should be his Judges ; He not only gave them still their Titles , and payed them all the Respect that was Due to their Order and Character ( homages infinitely scandalous with our modern Presbyterians ) as is to be observed thro all the steps of his Tryal : But in his last Exhortation to the People , at the very Stake , he bespake them thus ; (q) I beseech you Brethren and Sisters , to exhort your Prelates to the Learning of the Word of God ; that they may be ashamed to do evil , and learn to do good ; and if they will not convert themselves from their wicked Errors , there shall hastily come upon them , the wrath of God which they shall not eschew . Here you see the Dying Martyr was earnest , that the Popish Prelates might quit their Errors , not their Prelations . What is there here that looks like a Divine-Right-of-Parity-man ? Indeed he was none of that Principle : He had had his Principles from England , as we shall find hereafter . Only one thing more about him , here ; He was not for Club law Reformations : He was neither for violent Possessions of Churches , not for propagating the Cause by Rabbles , if we may belie●● Knox's accounts of him . Others , again , of our Reformers , Declaim'd loudly against the Bishops of these times , and condemn'd them severely , and perhaps too deservedly : But what is this to the Order ? Doth every man condemn the Office , who condemns this or that Officer ? If so , then , sure , the Order of Presbyters was as bad as the Order of Bishops , in the judgment of our Reformers ; For instance , hear Walter Milne in his Exhortation to the People , at his Martyrdom : Therefore as ye would (r) escape Eternal Death , be no more seduced with the Lies of ( whom ? of Bishops only ? No , but of the whole collection of ) the Priests , Abbots , Monks , Friars , Priors , Bishops , and the rest of the Sect of Antichrist . But 't is needless to adduce the Testimonies of private persons : we have the publick Deeds of the Protestants of these times , very clear to this purpose . Thus , They directed a Declaration of their minds to the Popish Clergy , under this Title , To the Generation of Antichrist , the pestilent Prelates and their Shavelings within Scotland , &c. (s) And were not Presbyters of the number of these Shavelings ? And what can be more part to this purpose than the Supplication which was presented by our Reformers to the Parliament , Anno 1560 ? There they tell the Estates , That they cannot cease to crave of their Honours , the Redress of such Enormities , as manifestly are , and of a long time have been committed by the Place-holders of the Ministery , and others of the Clergy — They offer evidently to prove , that , in all the Rabble of the Clergy , there is not one Lawful Minister — And therefore they crave , that they may be decerned unworthy of Honour , Authority , Charge , or Care , in the Church of God , &c. (t) Whoso pleases may see more of their publick Representations , to this effect , in Knox's History . (w) Now , what can be more clear than that all this work was against Presbyters , as much as against Bishops ? and by consequence , against Both Offices , or against neither ? as , indeed , it was against neither , as I shall afterwards demonstrate from this same Petition . In short , nothing can be more evident to ane attentive Reader , than that in all these Efforts of the Zeal of our Reformers , against the Popish Bishops , it was only the Popery , and , not at all , the Prelacy , that was aim'd at . They never condemned Bishops as Bishops , but only as Popish Bishops . I have insisted the more largely on these things , because , I know , People are apt to mistake in this matter , who do not sufficiently attend to the Dialect of these times ; Especially when they read the History which is commonly called Iohn Knox's . I return now to my purpose , and repeat my assertion , viz. That our Presbyterian Brethren cannot adduce so much as one of our Martyrs , our Confessors , or those who had any remarkable hand in the Establishment of our Reformation , in the year 1560 , who was of the Modern Presbyterian Principles . Three Authors have indeed attempted it ; The Author of the Pamphlet entituled , The Course of Conformity ; Mr. Calderwood , and Mr. Petrie . The Author of the Course of Conformity in his 4 th Chap. reckons up a full Dozen of such as ( he says ) gave Evident and full Testimony against Bishoprie , as he calls it . But he has not recorded the Testimony of any One , except Knox. All the rest he proves to have been enemies to Prelacy , by this one Argument : They preached zealously against Popery , And Bishoprie is one of the greatest Errors and Corruptions of that . He neither offers at proving his Subsumption , nor at adducing any other Topick : And has he not proven the point demonstratively ? Besides , some of his Dozen were not heard of till several years after the Reformation , and so , cannot be brought in Barr against my Challenge . Further , He has had the ill Luck to name such for the half of his Dozen , as would have laught heartily to have heard themselves cited as Patrons of the Divine Right of Parity : Particularly , Mr. Willock , who lived and died Superintendent of Glasgow ; Mr. Pont , who died Bishop of Cathnes ; Mr. Row , who was one of the Three , who stood for the Lawfulness of Episcopacy , when it was first called in question , at the Assembly in August 1575 ; (u) Mr. Craig , whom Calderwood himself censures severely for his forwardness to have the Brethren subscrive , That they should give obedience to their Ordinary's ; and charges with making bitter invectives against the sincerer sort , as he calls the Non-Subscribers . (v) I may add Mr. Knox , as shall be made appear , by and by . But I have taken but too much notice of The Course of Conformity , which is , truly , one of the weakest Pamphlets was ever seen in print : And if that part of it which is against Episcopacy was written by Mr. Iames Melvil , as Calderwood affirms , (x) It is a Demonstration , That whatever his Zeal was against Prelacy , it was not according to much Knowledge . Mr. Petrie mentions only two of our Reformers , as Divine Right-of Parity Men : The Earl of Murray , who was Regent , and Mr. Knox : Calderwood insists on Knox , but doth not mention Murray . Petries Evidence about Murray , is , That he hath read of him , that by his Letter , he did inform Queen Elizabeth of the Honor and Happiness that would attend her Crown and State , upon the Establishment of Christs Government ; And of the profitable Vses whereunto the Rich Benefices of Bishops might be applied . But I. He tells not in what Author he read this ; And none who knows Mr. Petries Byass , will think it unreasonable to require some other thing to rely on , than his own Bare Authority . 2. If we should rest on his Authority , and allow that Murray wrote so , because Mr. Petrie said it , yet how will it follow , that his Lordship was for the Divine Right of Parity ? Might not he have been against the Temporal Dignities , and the rich Benefices of the English Bishops , without being against Prelacy ? How many have been so ? Indeed 3. There is all the Reason in the world to believe , That if Murray did write so to the English Queen , this was all he aim'd at : For , had he been for the Divine Right of Parity , would he ever have so much countenanced Imparity in the Church of Scotland ? Was not he one of the Subscribers of the First Book of Discipline ? (y) wherein Imparity was so formally established ? Was not he Regent in December 1567 ? And did not he , then , give the Royal Assent to some Acts of Parliament , made clearly in favour of Imparity ? Or did he extend the Royal Assent to these Acts in Despight of his Conscience ? 'T is true , indeed , Time has been , when some Men have had such Ductile Consciences , that picq't , the one year , for not having so much favour at Court , as they thought they deserved , they could boldly stand up in Parliaments against iniquous Laws , and tell their fellow Members , That such Laws reflected on the Iustice of the Nation , and what not ? And yet , the next year , when the Court smiled on them , and gave them Preferments and Pensions to satisfy their Ambition , or their Avarice , they could retract all their former Niceness , so much , that if they had got the management of the Royal Assent , they would have made no scruple to have Applied it for the Ratification , Approbation , and perpetual Confirmation of the same Laws , in their whole Heads , Articles and Clauses , which seemed , to themselves , so scandalous and wicked : But the Earl of Murray , while Regent , had no such temptations : I believe he had no such yielding Conscience ; if he had , I don't think his Authority was much to be valued . Once more , I think 't is very strange that he should have been for the Divine Right of Parity , and yet should never have spoken so much out , considering his occasions , except in his private Letters to Queen Eliz. The only person now to be considered is Iohn Knox. He was certainly a prime instrument in the Advancement of our Reformation : His Authority was great , and his Sentiments were very influential ; And it is not to be denied , but it is of some weight in the present question , to know what was his judgment . I shall therefore endeavour to account for his principles a little more fully ; and ● shall do it by these steps . 1. I shall shew the insufficiency of the arguments that are adduced , by our Brethren , to prove him Presbyterian . 2. I shall adduce the Arguments which incline me to think he was not . The great Argument insisted on by the Author of the Course of Conformity , and Mr. Petrie , (a) is taken from a Letter of Knox's , directed to the General Assembly , holden at Stirling , in August 1571. The words are these . Vnfaithful and Traitors to the Flocks shall ye be , before the Lord Jesus , if that , with your consent , directly or indirectly , ye suffer unworthy men to be thrust in within the Ministry of the Kirk , under what pretence that ever it be : Remember the Iudge before whom ye must make an Account , and resist that TYRANNY as ye would avoid Hell fire : So the Author of the Course of Conformity , without the least attempt to let the world see where the Argument lay . Mr. Petrie is indeed a little more discreet . He tells us where it lies : Iohn Knox in his Letter to the Assembly , by the word Tyranny meaneth Episcopacy : So he , but without any fuller deduction . And is not this a Demonstration , that Knox was Presbyterian ? And yet , after all this , it is not possible to make more of the Letter , when it is narrowly consider'd than , That Knox deem'd it a pernicious and Tyrannical thing , for any person or persons whatsoever to thrust unworthy men into the Ministery of the Church ; and Ministers who would make Conscience of their Calling and Trust , must resist such encroachments with all possible concern and courage . No man , I say , can make more of the Letter : And who doubts but Mr. Knox was so far in the right ? But then , let any man who looks not through Mr. Petries Spectacles , tell me what this has to do with Parity or Imparity ? The next argument is insisted on both by Petrie and Calderwood : (b) It is , that Knox was at St. Andrews , in Feb. 1571 / 2 , when Douglas was advanced to that See ; That he refused to inaugurate him ; Nay that in the Audience of many then present , he denounced Anathema to the Giver , and Anathema to the Receiver ; And if you ask Calderwoods Evidence for this , he tells you , He found it in a certain Manuscript , than which what can be more Apodectick ? To be short , tho we had reason to give credit to Calderwood , and his uncertain Certain Manuscript , and to believe that the Matter of Fact is true , and that Knox said and did so ; yet , by what consequences will it follow , that he was for the Divine Right of Parity ? To deal frankly , 't is like enough that Knox said so , and 't is very probable he had reason to say so , in that instance : For at that time dreadful Invasions were made upon the Patrimony of the Church ; None more deep in that Iniquity than the Earl of Morton , then Chancellor ; by whose influence Douglas was preferred to that Archbishoprick : And so 't is like enough that Knox , who , all his life was singularly Zealous for the Rights of the Church , upon suspicion , if not certain knowledge , of some dirty Bargain between Morton and Douglas , expressed suitable Resentments . But that it was not from any perswasion he had of the Unlawfulness of Prelacy is clear , even from what Calderwood and Petrie themselves have recorded , within a pag. or two (c) For both tell us , that when the next Assembly continued Douglas in the Rectorate of the University of St. Andrews , a Station he had been in before he was raised to the Archbishoprick ; Iohn Knox Regrated that so many Offices were laid on one Old Man , which scarcely 20 of the best gifts were able to bear . For ( as Petrie adds ) He was now Archbishop , Rector of the Vniversity , and Provost of the New College of St. Andrews . From this , I say , it is plain , That Knox did not resent Douglas his advancement , from any opinion of the Vnlawfulness of Episcopacy , for no such word , so much as once mutter'd by him ; but from a perswasion he had , that no one man was fit for such a Multitude of Offices . And I shall readily grant , that Knox was not for Largo Diocesses ( such as St. Andrews was then ) , as we shall learn by and by , tho I am afraid , little to the comfort of my Presbyterian Brethren . But I have not yet dispatched the whole Argument ; 'T is said , He refused to inaugurate the Bishop : Be it so , but may not the grounds I have laid down already , make it reasonable for him to have done so , tho he had no quarrel with imparity ? What ane Argument is this , Iohn Knox , a Presbyter , refused to consecrate a Bishop , Ergo he was a Presbyterian ? This is upon the supposition , that Calderwood and Mr. Petrie have told us true Matter of Fact : And yet I must confess , I see not the probability of its being true , That Knox was desired to inaugurate him : For how is it imaginable , that he would be desired to perform that Office , when there was a Bishop and a Superintendent at hand to do it , and who actually did it , as both Authors acknowledge ▪ But that is not all . There is another Argument insisted on by both Authors , (d) viz. That Mr. Iohn Ruther-foord , Provost of the Old College alledged , that Mr. Knox 's repining proceeded from Male-Contentment , And Knox purged himself , next Sunday , saying I have refused a greater Bishoprick , than ever it was , which I might have had with the favour of greater men than he hath his ; I did and do Repine for Discharge of my Conscience . Now , what more is there in all this than , That Knox his Conscience would not have allowed him to take a Bishoprick , with so much prejudice to the Rights of the Church , for any mans feud or favour , as he suspected Douglas had done in compliance with the Earl of Morton ? Can the world see any thing here that lookt like the Divine Right of Parity ? But Calderwood has yet a more wonderful Argument (e) to prove Mr. Knox one of his party : Mr. Beza , forsooth , being informed by Mr. Knox , as appeareth , of the Intention of the Court to introduce Bishops , wrote a Letter to him , wherein he told him , That as Bishops brought in the Papacy , so false Bishops , the Relicks of Popery , would bring in Epicurism to the world , and therefore prayed him , that Episcopacy might never be re-admitted into Scotland , &c. Petrie indeed mentions the same Letter , but he had not the courage , it seems , to say , that it appeared to have been occasioned by a Letter of Knox's to Beza , concerning the intentions of the Court to introduce Episcopacy . Indeed no such thing appeareth from any sentence , phrase , or syllable , in all Mr. Beza's Letter : How it came to appear to Mr. Calderwood , whether by some certain or uncertain Manuscript I know not ; but however it was , make the supposition , That Knox did write so to Beza , where is the consequence of the Argument ? And if he wrote not ( and 't is impossible to make it appear from Mr. Beza's Letter that he did ) Why was Calderwood at such pains to give the world a citation out of Beza's Letter against Episcopacy ? was that a good proof that Knox was Presbyterian , that Beza sent him such a Letter ? The truth is , if any thing can be collected from that Letter , concerning Knox's sentiments , it seems rather , that he was for Prelacy . For Beza seems clearly to import , that Knox needed to be caution'd against it : For thus he writes ; One thing I would have you , my dear Knox , and your Brethren to advert to , as being very obvious , it is , That as Bishops brought forth the Papacy , &c. But if Knox needed this Commonitory , I think 't is no great Argument that he was Presbyterian , so much , at least , as Beza would have had him . But to do Mr. Calderwood justice , he seems to have laid no great stress on this Argument , and so I leave it . So much for the Arguments insisted on to prove , that Mr. Knox was for Parity . I come now to the Arguments which incline me to think he was not . When we are enquiring after ones sentiments about a point in controversie , It is not reasonable to build much on far fetcht consequences ; or refine upon incidental sayings , which may be , very frequently , the Results of Negligence or Inadvertency : It is not proper to fasten on indirect propositions , or snatch at this or that indeliberated phrase or expression , which might have dropt unwarily from his tongue or pen. Following such measures , we may easily strain mens words , beyond their meaning ; and make them speak Nonsense , or innumerable Contradictions when we have a mind for it . The solid measure is to weigh a mans deliberate and serious thoughts , if , any where , he has exprest them ; To consider his Reasonings , when he treated directly on the controverted Subjects , or any thing that stands so nearly related to it , that one cannot readily discourse the one , without reflecting on the other ; To trace him through his life , if the controverted point is Relative to Practice , and try what was his Behaviour , when he had occasion to declare his mind concerning the matter in question . This , as I take it , is the true Rule . Now allowing this Rule to take place , I am very much mistaken if Knox shall be found to have been for the Divine Institution of Parity , and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy . Had he been so perswaded , how seasonable had it been for him to have spoken out so much , when he was brought before King Edwards Council ? (f) The question was then put to him , Whether he thought that no Christian might serve in the Ecclesiastical Ministration , according to the Rites and Laws of the Realm of England ? Here was a proper opportunity for him to have declared himself against Prelacy , if he had been really against it . How natural had it been for a sincere Parity man , on that occasion , to have told that Council , That no Christian could , the● serve with a safe Conscience , as a Pastor of the Church of England , because according to the Laws of that Realm , he behoved to serve as a Member of ane Vnlawful Hierarchy ? yet he answered nothing , but that No Minister in England had Authority to separate the Lepers from the whole , which was a Chief Part of his Office : Plainly founding all the Vnlawfulness of being a Pastor of the Church of England , not on the Vnlawfulness of the Hierarchy , which he spoke nor one word about , but on the Kings . Retaining , in his own hands , the Chief Power of Ecclesiastical Discipline , as , it is known , he did . When was it more opportune for him to have expressed these sentiments , if he had had them , than when he was at Frankfort ? Yet not one word of the Divine Right of Parity , or the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy in all these controversies (g) He was warm enough then , and eager enough , to have found faults in the English Constitution ; yet he never charged her with the horrid guilt of Prelacy : Not so much as one word of that in any Account I have seen of these Troubles . How suitable had it been for him to have declared himself in this matter , in his Appelation from the cruel , and most unjust sentence , pronounced against him , by the false Bishops and Clergy of Scotland ; as he calls them , published by himself Anno 1558 ? yet , in all that Appellation , not one syllable to this purpose : On the contrary , he plainly supposes the Lawfulness of the Episcopal Office ; all alongst , throughout it : He appeals to a Lawful General Council ; (h) Such a Council , as the most Ancient Laws and Canons do approve : And who knows not that the most Ancient Laws and Canons made Bishops the Chief , if not the only Members of such Councils ? He says (i) if the Popish Clergy , his Adversaries , are for it . He is content that Matters in Controversie between him and them , be determined by the Testimonies and Authorities of Doctors and Councils . Three things being granted him , whereof these are two , 1. That the most Ancient Councils , nearest to the Primitive Church , in which the Learned and Godly Fathers examined all matters by Gods word , may be holden of most Authority . 2. That no Determinations of Councils , nor Men , be admitted against the plain verity of Gods word , nor against the Determinations of the four chief Councils . Would he , if he had been Presbyterian , have agreed so frankly to have stood by the Determination of these 4 Chief Councils ? Could he have expected , they would have favoured the Divine Right of Presbyterian Parity ? Will any Scottish Presbyterian , now adays , stand to the Decision of these 4 Councils ? Farther , In that same Appelation , (k) he requires of the Nobility , that the Bishops be compelled to make answer for the neglecting their Office ; which plainly supposes the Lawfulness of the Office , and charges Guilt only on the Officers . When had it been more seasonable , than in his Admonition to the Commonalty of Scotland , published also Anno 1558 ? His great design , in it , was to excite them to a Reformation , by loading the Papistical Clergy with every thing that was abominable : Yet not a Syllable of it here , neither ; nothing but a farther and a clearer Supposition of the Lawfulness of Prelacy . You may ( says he (k) in a peaceable manner , without Sedition , withhold the fruits and profits , which your false Bishops and Clergy , most unjustly receive of you , until such time , as they shall faithfully do their Charge and Duties , which is , To preach unto you Christ Jesus truly ; Rightly to minister the Sacraments , according to his Institution ; And so to watch for your Souls as is commanded by Christ , &c. If this supposes not the Innocency of the Episcopal Office in it self , I know not what can . Had he been for the Divine Right of Parity , how unfaithful had he been in his Faithful Admonition to the true Professors of the Gospel of Christ within the Kingdom of England , written Anno 1554 ? His great work there , was to ennumerate the Causes , which , in Gods righteous judgment , brought Queen Mary's Persecution on them . But he quite forgot to name the Sin of Prelacy , as one . Assuredly he had not done so , had he been of the same sentiments with our Famous General Assembly 1690. (l) How unfaithfully was it done of him , I say , thus to conceal one of the most Crimson Guilts of the Nation ? But this is not the worst of it : In that same Admonition he has a most scandalous Expression ; sure he was not then sufficiently purg'd of Popish Corruption . God gave ( says he ) such strength to that REVEREND FATHER IN GOD , Thomas Cranmer , to cut the Knots of Devilish Sophistry , &c. (m) To call an Archbishop a Reverend Father in God , what was it else , but the plain Language of the Beast ? How Rankly did it smell of the Whore ? How seasonable had it been , in his Letter to the Queen Regent of Scotland , written , Anno 1556 , and published by himself , with additions , Anno 1558 ? He talked very freely about the Popish Bishops in it ; but never a Tittle of the Vnlawfulness of the Office. It is plain from that Letter he never dream'd of the Doughty Argument , so much insisted on , since , against Prelacy , viz. That it is a Branch of Popery , and Bishops are Limbs of Antichrist . For having stated it as one of the Popish Arguments , (n) That their Religion was ancient , and it was not possible , that that Religion could be false , which , so long time , so many Councils , and so great a Multitude of Men had authorized and confirmed ; He gives his answer thus : If Antiquity of time shall be considered in such Cases , Then shall not only the Idolatry of the Gentiles , but also the False Religion of Mahomet be preferred to the Papistry ; For both the one , and the other , is more ancient than is the Papistical Religion ; Yea Mahomet had Established his Alcoran before any Pope of Rome was crowned with a Triple Crown , &c. Can any man think , Iohn Knox was so very unlearned as to imagine , that Episcopacy was not much older than Mahomet ? or knowing it to be older , that yet he could have been so Ridiculous , as to have thought it a Relict of Popery , which he himself affirmed to be younger than Mahometism ? whoso pleases may see more of his sentiment about the Novelty of Popery in his conference with Queen Mary , recorded in his History (o) . One other Testimony to this purpose I cannot forbear to transcribe ; All that know any thing of the History of our Reformation , must be presum'd to know , That Superintendency was Erected by Mr. Knox's his special advice and counsel . That it was in its very height , Anno 1566 , is as indubitable : Now , we are told that Knox wrote the 4 th Book of his History , that year . Hear him , therefore , in his Introduction to it . (p) We can speak the Truth , whomsoever we offend ; There is no Realm that hath the Sacraments in like Purity : For all others , how sincere that ever the Doctrine be , that by some is taught , Retain in their Churches , and in the Ministers thereof , some Footsteps of Antichrist and Dregs of Popery . But we ( all Praise to God alone ) have Nothing within our Churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin. Let any man judge , now if Mr. Knox lookt upon imparity as a Dreg of Popery . Thus we have found Knox , when he had the fairest occasions , the strongest temptations , the most awakening calls , when it was most seasonable for him , to have declared for the Divine Right of Parity , and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy , still silent in the matter ; or rather , on all occasions , proceeding on suppositions , and reasoning from principles fairly allowing the Lawfulness of Prelacy . But is there no more to be said ? Yes . More with a witness . In his Exhortation to England for the speedy Embracing of Christs Gospel , dated from Geneva , Ianuary 12 , Ann. 1559. Amongst many other Reformations , He is for Reforming their Bishopricks indeed : But how ? By abolishing them ? Nothing like it : How then ? Take it in his own words , (q) Let no man be charged in preaching of Christ Iesus above that a man may do : I mean , That your Bishopricks be so Divided , that of every one ( as they are n●w for the most part ) may be made ten : And so in every City and Great Town there may be placed , a Godly Learned Man , with so many joined with him , for preaching and instruction , as shall be thought sufficient for the Bounds committed to their Charge . So he : And let our Parity-men , if they can , give this Testimony a Gloss favourable to their side of the Question , without destroying the text : The Truth is , this Testimony is so very nicking , that I am apt to apprehend , it might have been for its sake , That this whole Tractate was left out of the Folio-Edition of Knox's Works , printed at London , Anno 1641. However , the Inquisition , it seems , has not been so strict at Edenburgh ; for , there it escap'd the Index Expurgatorius . And yet tho it had not , the Good Cause had not been one whit the Securer . For Knox's practice would have sufficiently determined the matter : For , Did not he compile the First Book of Discipline ? (r) And is not Imparity fairly Established there ? Did not he write and bear the Letter sent by the Superintendents , Ministers and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland , to their Brethren , the Bishops and Pastors in England , Anno 1566 ? Did not he , in that same Title of that same Letter acknowledge , that these Brethren , Bishops and Pastors of England had renounced the Roman Antichrist , and professed the Lord Iesus in sincerity ? And doth not the Letter all alongst allow of the Episcopal Power and Authority of these English Bishops ? Did not he publickly and solemnly admit Mr. Iohn Spotswood to the Superintendency of Lothian , Anno 1561 ? (t) Did not he Concur , at the Coronation of King Iames the Sixth , with a Bishop and two Superintendents , Anno 1567 ? (w) Was not he , some time , a Commissioner for Visitation , as they were then called , i. e. a Temporary Bishop ? And did not he , then , Act in a Degree of Superiority above the Rest of his Brethren , within the bounds of his Commission ? Did not he sit , and vote , and concur in many General Assemblies , where Acts were made for performing Canonical Obedience to Superintendents ? In fine , doth not Spotswood tell us (v) That he was far from the Dotages , wherein some , that would have been thought his followers , did afterwards fall ? That never man was more obedient to Church Authority than be ? That he was always urging the Obedience of Ministers to their Superintendents ; for which he caused diverse Acts to be made in the Assemblies of the Church ? And , That he shewed himself severe to the Transgressors ? I have insisted the longer on this instance of Knox , because he made a Singular Figure amongst our Reformers . Besides , having so fully evinced that he ( whom our Brethren value so much ) was no Divine-Right-of-Parity-Man ; I think it may readily pass for credible , that neither were any of the rest of our Reformers of that opinion . And now , to bring home all this to my main purpose , if not so much as one of our Reformers , no not Knox himself , was for the Divine Right of Parity , I think it may amount to an undeniable evidence , at least , to a strong Presumption , That they were not of the present Presbyterian Principles , and all this will appear still farther unquestionable , when it is considered in the IV. place , How much reason there is to believe , That our Reformers proceeded generally on the same principles with the Reformers of England ; where the Government of the Church , by imparity , was continued , without the least opposition . This is a Consideration , which , I am afraid , may not relish well with the Inclinations of my Presbyterian Brethren ; yet , withal , may be of considerable weight with unprejudiced people ; and bring light to several things about our Reformation , which , even those who have read our Histories and Monuments , may have passed over , inadvertently ; And therefore I shall take leave to insist upon it somewhat fully : And I shall proceed by these steps . 1. I shall endeavour to represent how , our Reformation , under God , was principally Cherished and Encouraged by English influences . 2. I shall endeavour to represent how , in Correspondence to these Influences , our Reformers were generally of the same mind , with the Church of England , in several momentous instances relating to Constitution and Communion , the Government and Polity of the Church , wherein our present Presbyterian Principles stand in direct opposition and contradiction to her . If I can make these two things appear , I think , I shall make a Considerable Advance towards the Determination of the Second Enquiry . 1. I say , our Reformation , under God , was Cherished and Encouraged , principally , by English influences . That Scotland , barring foreign influences , is Naturally dispos'd for receiving English impressions , cannot but be obvious to common sense . We not only live in the same Island , separated from all other Neighbourhood ; we not only breath the same air , and speak the same language , and observe the same customs , and have all the opportunities of Reciprocating all the Offices , which can result from daily Commerces , and familiar acquaintances , and easy Correspondences , and Matrimonial Conjunctions , and innumerable other such Endearing Relations , and Allectives to Mutual Kindness ; but also , Scotland is the lesser , England the larger ; Scotland the more barren , England the more fertile ; Scotland the poorer , England the richer ; Scotland the more penurious of people , England the more populous ; Scotland every way the weaker , England every way the stronger Kingdom ; and , by consequence , Scotland every way the more apt to receive , and England every way the more apt to give impressions . And Nature , in this , is fully justified by Experience : For what Scottish man knows not , that , when the late Revolution was a carrying on , as England cast the Copy to Scotland , so it was used and prest , as one of the most popular and influential Topicks to perswade the Scots to follow the Copy , That England had done it ; and why should Scotland follow a separate Course ? Was not England a powerful and a wise Nation ? what Defence could Scotland make for it self , if England should invade it ? And how was it to be imagined , that England would not invade Scotland , if Scotland did not follow England's Measures ? So that , to stand by K. I. when England had rejected him , what was it else , than to expose the Nation to unavoidable Ruine ? Who knows not , I say , that this was one of the most prest , because one of the most plausible Arguments , in the beginning of the late Revolution ? And who sees not that the Force of the Argument lay in Scotland's obnoxiousness to England's impressions ? Let no true hearted Scottish man imagine , 'T is in my thought , to dishonour my Native Country : I have said no more than all the world knows to be true , and what cannot be denied . If we could contend with them for Virtue , and Integrity ; for Honour and Gallantry ; for Civility and Loyalty ; for Glories that are truely manly ; 'T were for the Credit of our Nation ; And it were our own fault if we were inferiour to them , in such Competitions : But 't is Arrant Vanity to contend with them for Wealth , or Strength , or Multitude . Now , to bring this home to my purpose . God had so ordered , in his wife Providence , that , for many Ages before , Scotland had not been so free of foreign influence , as a little before , and all the time , our Church was a reforming : The French were the only foreign Influences which were wont to find Entertainment in Scotland : And , in those times , the French had treated us very basely and dishonourably . I shall deduce the matter with all convenient brevity . King Henry the Eighth of England had resolved upon a War with France , Anno 1512. The French King perceiving this , applyed to Iames the Fourth of Scotland , his old Confederate , to engage him in ane Alliance against Henry . His Application was successful : a private League was made betwixt them in November that year . (a) Two of the Articles were , That if England should invade Scotland , France should wage War with all its might , against England ; Scotland should do the like , if England invaded France . And neither of the two should take Truce with England , without the other gave his Consent , and were comprehended therein , if he pleased . In pursuance of this League , Iames raised a potent Army , invaded England , incurred the Popes Displeasure , to the very Sentence of Excommunication , (b) fought the fatal Battle of Flowdon , Sept. 9. 1513 , (c) Lost his Life , and the Flower of all the Scottish Nobility and Gentry , and left behind him , Iames the Fifth , ane Infant , exposed , with his whole State , to the not very tender Mercies of King Henry . Here was serving the French interests with a witness . Well! How did Lewis requite this ? The next year , he patcht up a Peace with Henry , without comprehending Scotland , without Respect to his Faith and Promise , without Pity to those who were reduced to such Extremities on his account : If this was not , what can be called , Disobliging ? But this was not all . The Scots , reduced to these difficulties , and sensible , that it was not possible for the Nation to subsist , under ane infant King , without a Regent , became humble Suppliants to the French King , that he would send them Iohn Duke of Albany , then in the French Service ; a Man of great Abilities , and next by Blood to the Scottish Crown , that he might be their Governour , during their Kings Minority ; But Henry's Threats , for a long time , prevailed more with the French King (d) than Scotlands Necessities , or his Obligations to it ; For Albany came not to Scotland , till May 1515. (e) so that , for near two years , thro the French Coldness and Indifferency towards Scottish affairs , the Kingdom had no setled Government . The War brake out again betwixt France and England , Anno ..... and a new Peace was concluded Anno 1518. And Albany our Scottish Regent was present , in person , when it was concluded ; but the English Obstinacy , not to comprehend Scotland , was more effectual with Francis the First ( who had then got upon the Throne ) than all the Intercessions of Albany , or the Merits of our Nation . (f) Nay , if we may believe Herbert , It was one of the main Articles of that Treaty , that Albany should not return to Scotland ; (g) Nor did he return , till Octob. 1521. (h) And returning then , Henry reckoned it a Main Breach of Treaty , nay and plain Perjury in Francis , that he gave way to it . (i) Thus were we treated , then , by France . Let us now consider , if Henry was at any pains , all this while , to make ane Interest in Scotland . And if we may believe the unanimous voice of our own Historians , or my Lord Herbert in the History of his Life , (k) never was man more earnest for any thing , than he , in that pursuit , and he had brave occasions for it : For not only were the Scots highly ( and justly ) irritated by the degenerous and undervaluing slights France had put upon them , ( as I have just now made appear ) But Henry had surprized them with ane Unexpected and Unaccustomed Generosity , after the Battel of Flowdon . He had not pursued his Victory , but had listned gently to their Addresses for Peace ; and told them that tho he might , yet he would not , take advantage of their circumstances : He would treat them frankly ; if they were for Peace , so was he , if for War , they should have it . A Response so full of true Honour and Gallantry , as could not but work on their affections . Besides , His Sister Margaret , the Queen of Scots , a Lady of rare Endowments , was all alongst working to his hand , and making a Party for him . Iames the 4 th by his Testament , before he went to Flowdon , had nominated her , Governess of the Realm , during her Widowhood . This gave her once the principal hand in affairs . 'T is true , she was young and lively , and married within a year after the King's Death , and so lost her Title to the Regency . But then she married the Earl of Angus , the choice of all the Scottish Nobility , and one who was in great Repute with all Ranks of People , (l) so that , however her Marriage annulled her Title , it did not so much weaken her Interest , but that she had still a great Party in the Nation ; So great , That tho Albany was advanced to the Regency , she was for the most part able to over-ballance him in point of power and following . In short Such was Henry's and his Sisters influence , That all the time Albany was Regent , the Nation was divided into two Factions ; The one French , headed by Albany ; the other English headed by the Queen Dowager ; and hers was generally the more prevalent ; so much , that tho Albany was perhaps one of the bravest Gentlemen that ever was honoured with the Scottish Regency , he was never able to prosecute , to purpose , any project , he undertook , for the French Service . Thus , Anno 1522. He raised ane Army to invade England ; But with what success ? Why ? The Scottish Nobility waited upon him to the Border indeed , but they would go no further . They told him plainly , they would hazard lives and fortunes in defence of their Country ; but it was another thing to invade England . (m) And Lesly plainly attributes all this Refractoriness in these Nobles to the Queens influence . Nay , 't is evident from the same Lesly , that the Baseness and Ingratitude of the French in the forementioned Treaties , was one of the principal Arguments that moved them to such Backwardness : And Albany was sensible of it , and therefore went to France , and told the French King so much , and asked a swinging Army of Frenchmen , five thousand Horse , and ten thousand Foot : with such a force , he promised to Act something against England ; but from the Scots , by themselves , nothing was to be expected . And this his absence was a new opportunity to Henry to play his Game in Scotland . Indeed he neglected it not ; he used all arts imaginable , further , to advance his own , and weaken the French interest ; he harassed the Borders , without intermission , that , in the Miseries and Desolations of War , the Scots might see the Beauties and Felicities of Peace , on the one hand ; resolving , as it were , to Cudgel them into ane Accord , if no other thing could do it : And on the other hand , he had his Emissaries and Instruments busie at work , in the Heart of the Kingdom , and about the Helm of Affairs , imploying all their Skill and Interest , all their Wit and Rhetorick , all their Eloquence and Diligence , to perswade the Nation to a perpetual Amity with England , the Queen being the Chief Actrix . Neither did this seem sufficient ; He sent Ambassadors , and wrote Letters , and represented things in their fairest Colours , and made most charming Overtures , &c. If they would break the League with France , and enter into one with England , the world should see , and they should find by Experience , that it was not Humour , or Ambition , or Love of Greatness , that had moved him to treat them so , but Love of Concord , and Concern for the Prosperity and Happiness of the Nation ; That he had but one only Child , a Daughter , Mary ; Her he would give to Iames in Marriage ; hereby the English would become subject to the Scottish , not the Scottish to the English Government ; and a great deal more to this purpose . Whoso pleases may see this whole matter transcribed by Herbert (n) from Buchanan . I go on . The French King was not at leisure , it seems , to afford Albany such assistances as he required ; so he was obliged to return without them . And returning , found the French interest still weaker and weaker , and the English stronger and stronger , as appears from his Success . For , Having return'd to Scotland in September 1523 , (o) He instantly gave out his Orders , That the whole force of the Kingdom should meet in Douglas-dale , against the middle of October . He found Obedience so far , indeed , that they met ; but when he had marched them to Tweed , and they found , he design'd to invade England , they would not move one foot further , but sounded , aloud , their old Carol. They knew by experience what was to be gain'd by invading England : It was enough for for them that they were willing to defend their own Country , &c. (p) Here they stood , I mean , as to their Resolutions , not , their Ground ; for they left that , and instantly return'd within their own Borders ; so hastily , and with such strong inclinations , it seems , to be at home , That , with great difficulty , he got them kept together , some days , till he should fall on some pretext , which might give a fair colour to his Retreat , and cover it from appearing , downright , dishonourable . 'T is true his luck was so good that he found it : But how ? By the Art and Interest of the English Faction . q Thus , Queen Margaret , to wait her opportunities , had come to the Border , and lodged not far from the Scottish Camp. The Earl of Surry commanded the English Army , with whom she kept secret Correspondence ; and it was concerted betwixt them , it seems , that the English should by all means avoid Fighting , and she should be imployed as a Mediatress to bring matters to some honest accommodation . The Plot succeeded ; a Truce was readily patcht up , to the satisfaction , no doubt , of both Parties . Albany had reason to be glad of it , for , he could make no better of the Bargain ; and 't was with much difficulty he brought his Expedition to so honourable ane issue . And 't is plain , the English Faction had reason to be as glad , for they had gained two points : They had got Albany to understand the temper of the Nation , and the weakness of the French interest : And they had treated the Scots , who were so averse from Fighting , so discreetly , by shunning all occasions of Engaging , and thereby shewing that they were no Enemies to the Scots , unless it was on the French account , that they could not have fallen on a more successful politick for Gaining King Henry's great purpose , which was , To disengage the Scots of the French , as much as he could : And the Success was agreeable . For , After that , Albany's Authority , and the French interests , decayed so sensibly , and the English Faction manag'd their designs , so successfully , that , within a few months , Albany was turn'd out of his Regency ; and the young King ( then but twelve years of age ) was perswaded to take in his own hands , the Government . It was the English Faction , I say , that wrought this Revolution , as is evident from the whole thred of the History : And Lesly (r) tells us plainly , that Albany was sensible of it , and was perswaded , it was in vain to endeavour any more , to gain them to the French side , and therefore he took his leave and departed the Country . This was in the year 1524. The King , so young , all know , was not able to manage the Government by himself ; but stood in need of Counsellors ; They were English who had got him thus Early to assume the Government in his own person : 'T is obvious to collect , therefore , they were English enough , who were his Counsellors . And such they were indeed , For , as Lesly has it , a Parliament was indicted to meet in February thereafter , wherein , a Council was nominated for assisting the King in the Administration of the Government , but so as that the Queen was to have the Soveraignty , so far as nothing was to be done without her special approbation and allowance . Albany , the great Opposer of his interests in Scotland , thus dispatched , King Henry's whole Soul was divided betwixt Gladness and Kindness : He was Glad , almost to excess , that he had got rid of such ane eye-sore . (s) He was kind to the highest degree , to his Sister , and Nephew , and the Scottish Nobility : He dispatched two Ambassadors , with all Expedition , for Scotland , by whom he offered to establish a Lasting Peace ; and in the interim , agreed to a Truce for a year , till a fond for a solid settlement might be maturely considered . (t) On the other hand Our Queen ( without doubt , with her Brothers fore-knowledg and allowance ) having now the Reins in her hands , sends three Ambassadors to England ; The Earl of Cassils , the Bishop of Dunkeld , and the Abbot of Cambuskeneth , to propose to Henry , in the name of the Scottish Nation , that there might be a firm and perpetual Amity establisht betwixt the two Crowns ; and , to this great End , that a Match might be agreed to , betwixt Iames and Mary . Henry entertain'd the proposition with all imaginable shews of Satisfaction , but demanded two things , That the Scots might break the League with France , and make one of that same Nature with England ; And , That James might be educated in England , till ripe for Marriage . But the Scottish Ambassadors were not Plenipotentiaries enough for adjusting these Matters : Cassils therefore comes home ; a New Meeting of the States is called ; and Cassils is return'd to England , with Commission to tell Henry , That the Scottish Lords are content to Relinquish the French , on Condition the Match with the Princess Mary were secured . (u) 'T is true , nothing followed upon this Treaty but a Truce for three years ; for what reason I know not . But from the Deduction I have briefly made , it may sufficiently appear how weak the French , and how strong the English interest was then in Scotland ; so very strong , as , clearly , to overcome , and , almost , quite extirpate the other . Well! did Francis nothing to recover the Scottish amity ? Alas ! at that time , he had greater matters to imploy his thoughts . He lost his Liberty at the Battel of Pavia , Anno 1525 , and became the King of Spain's Prisoner ; and was not Restored to his Freedom , till Henry interposed with a powerful Mediation : For which , He entered into another League with Henry 1527 , without minding the Scots , or being concern'd for their security . This was a third slight put upon the Scots by the French , in their Treaties with England . 'T is true indeed , Francis did not enter into this League with Henry , over-awed by his Threats , but constrain'd by his Kindness and Good Offices , in his Liberation from his Spanish Captivity : But it was all one to the Se●ts , for what reason it was , if they were Deserted . 'T is true indeed , When Iames came to full age , he had strong inclinations for renewing the Old Amity with France ; and no wonder , considering how much he was manag'd by the Clergy , who abhorred Henry , for shaking off the Popes Authority ; and thought themselves concern'd , with all their Might , to guard against Henry's contagious influences , as they deem'd them . But however the King and Clergy were inclined , 't is evident , the Body of the Nation continued constant in their so frequently provoked Coldness to the French interests ; and in their good Affection towards England , so much , that they would never thereafter , ( at least all the time our Reformation was a carrying on ) follow either King or Regent to invade England . Thus , When Iames the Fifth , Anno 1542. was very earnest for it , the Nobility generally declined it ; and he was forced to dismiss them : And when , shortly after that , his Earnestness that way , it seems , increasing , he ordered ane Army to meet at Carlaverock , intending therewith to enter England ; so soon as Oliver Sinclare was declared Chief Commander , and the Kings intentions were made known , all threw away their Arms , and suffered themselves to be taken prisoners . (v) And When the Earl of Arran Regent , Anno ..... went with a goodly Army to besiege the Church of Coldingham , which the English , for the time had fortified , he was forced to run for it , abruptly ; fearing ( as Buchanan says (w) his friends pretended ) lest his Army should betray him into the hands of the English. And Anno 1557 , when the Queen Regent ( Mary of Lorrain ) was most earnest to have had England invaded , thereby to have made a Diversion , and eased France of the English Force , which was assisting Philip the Second of Spain against Henry the Second of France , the Nobility could by no means be gain'd to do it , as all our Historians tell us . I could have insisted on this Deduction far more largely , but I think , what I have said , may be sufficient for my purpose , which was to shew how much Scotland was disengaged of Foreign Influences , and by consequence , how much it was disposed to receive English impressions from the very Dawning of our Reformation , till its Legal Establishment 1560. Let us next try , if according to these Dispositions , the English influences were Communicated ; and made suitable impressions . And , I think , in the 1st place , No man can reasonably doubt but that 't is fairly credible , they did : For no man can deny that the Reformation made a considerable figure in England , more early , than it did in Scotland : When Light was thus arising in the Isle , it was natural for it to overspread both Nations : And it was as Natural , that the more and sooner Enlightned Nation should be the fountain of Communication ; that is , in plain terms , that Scotland should derive it , under God , from England ; Especially considering , how , at that time , they were mutually disposed towards one another . Indeed 2. 'T is certain , Books deserve to be reckoned amongst the prime Vehicles of such Light as we are now considering ; and 't is as certain , That the first Books which enlightned Scotland were brought from England . Tindal translated the New Testament into English , Anno 1531. And Copies of it were dispersed here in considerable plenty ; and other useful Books were then written also in the Vulgar Language , which was common to both Nations ; which coming from England , had great success in Scotland , as is evident even from Knox's History : (a) But this is not all . The truth of all this will appear more fully , if , 3. We consider , That King Henry had no sooner begun his Reformation ( such as it was ) in England , than , he Endeavoured to transmit it into Scotland . He shook off the Popes Supremacy , Anno 1534. And he sent the Bishop of St. Davids to his Nephew Iames of Scotland , Anno 1535. (b) with Books written in English , containing the substance of Christian Religion ; Earnestly desiring him to read them , and joyn with him in carrying on the Reformation . And Herbert says , (c) Henry was vastly sollicitous , To draw James on his side , as knowing of what Consequence it was to keep his Kingdom safe on that part ; And therefore Laboured still to induce him to abrogate the Papal Iurisdiction in his Dominions : And tho this Embassy of St. Davids had not success , yet Henry gave not over ; but continued to write Letters to Iames , insisting still upon the same Requests . Petrie has transcribed one from Fox (d) wherein Henry Premonishes , requires , and most heartily prays , Iames to consider the Supremacy granted by the Holy Scriptures , to Princes , in Church matters : To weigh what Gods word calleth a Church : To consider what Superstitions , Idolatries , and blind abuses , have crept into all Realms , to the high Displeasure of God ; and what is to be understood by the Censures of the Church , and Excommunication , ( for the Pope had then Excommunicated Henry ) and how no such Censure can be in the power of the Bishop of Rome , or of any other man , against him , or any other Prince , having so iust ground to avoid from the Root , and to abolish , such ane execrable Authority , as the Bishop of Rome hath usurped , and usurps upon all Princes , to their Great Damage : Requesting him for these Reasons , to ponder , of what hazard it might be , to Iames himself , if he agreed to such Censures , and , by such example , gave upper-hand , over himself , and other Princes , to that Vsurper of Rome , to scourge all who will not Kiss and Adore the foot of that Corrupt Holiness , which desires nothing but Pride , and the universal Thrall of Christendom , &c. Here was Earnestness , for Reformation in Scotland , with a witness . And can it be imagined that Henry , who was so serious with the King of Scots , was at no pains at all with his Subjects ? with the Nobility and Gentry , with such as might had influence , either at the Court , or in the Country ? No , certainly , as may be evident , if we consider 4. That , when , in the year 1540 or 1541 , Henry was earnest for a Congress with Iames , to try , no doubt , if meeting face to face , and personal and familiar Converse and Conference might prevail with him ; All our Scottish Protestants were mighty zealous that the Interview might take effect , and both time and place ( which was York ) might be punctually observed . Is not this a Demonstration , that they understood Henry's project , and approved his designs ? and that they were in the same Bottom with him , in pursuance of a Reformation ? 'T is true Iames followed other Counsels , and disappointed the Interview ; and therefore Henry turn'd angry , and raised War against him : But then , 't is as true , that Iames found his Subjects so backward ( as I shewed ) and was so unsuccessful in the management of that War , that he contracted Melancholy , and soon after died . Add to this 5. That after Iames's Death , Henry persisted , in his Concern to advance the Reformation in Scotland , as well as in England . To this end , He was careful , that those of the Scottish Nobility and Gentry who were taken Prisoners at Solway-moss , might be lodged with such persons as could instruct them in the Reforming Principles . And so soon as he heard that Iames was dead , and had left a Daughter , some few days old , yet Heiress of the Crown , He dispatched them for Scotland , to promote his interests , in the Matter of the Match , he was zealous to have made , betwixt his Son Prince Edward , and our Infant Soveraign . Indeed they were as diligent as he could have desired : They got it carried in Parliament ; and that they did it from a prospect of carrying on the Reformation of Religion , by that conjunction , cannot be doubted , if we may believe Dr. Burnet , in his Abridgment of the History of the Reformation of the Church of England : For there (e) he not only tells , That Cassils had got these seeds of Knowledge at Lambeth , under Cranmer ' s influences , which produced afterwards a Great Harvest in Scotland . But also , That the other Prisoners were instructed to such a degree , that they came to have very different thoughts of the Changes that had been made in England , from what the Scottish Clergy had possessed them with ; who had encouraged their King to engage in the War , by the assurance of Victory , since he fought against ane Heretical Prince , &c. And a little after , They were sent home , and went away much pleased both with the Splendor of the Kings Court , and with the way of Religion which they had seen in England . And that we have reason to believe this Author in this matter , is evident , because he is justified , herein , by all our Historians , especially Buchanan , as my appear by the sequel . Here was Success of the English influences : Seven of the Supreme Order , i. e. Noblemen , and 24 of inferior Quality , considerable Gentlemen , all enlightned in England , for so Buchanan numbers them . (f) And here , by the way , it will not be amiss to consider the strength of the Protestant Party in Scotland , when in this Parliament , wherein the Match , by the influence of the English Converts , was agreed to , They were so strong , that they carried the Regency for the Earl of Arran , prompted thereto , chiefly by the perswasion they had of his affection to the Reformation , as is evident from the consentient Accounts of Buchanan , Knox , and Spotswood . (g) They carried it for the Match with England in opposition to all the Popish Party , as I have just now represented . Nay , which is more , because more immediately concerning the Reformation of Religion , they procured ane Act to be made , That it should be Lawful to every Man , to take the Benefit of the Translation , which they then had of the Bible , and other Treatises containing wholsome Doctrine , &c. (h) Indeed , at that time , the Reformation was so far advanced , That the Regent kept his two Protestant Chaplains , Guillam and Rough , both Church of England men , as we shall hear , who preached publickly to the Court (i) and declaim'd boldly against the Roman Corruptions . So far advanced , that it stood fair , within a short space , to have got the publick establishment , if Arran , the Regent , to keep the Popes Cover on his Title to the Succession , wherein , without it , there were a Couple of sad Chasms , and for other worldly ends , had not play'd the Iade , by renouncing his Profession , and returning to the Popes Obedience . Observe further , by the way , That this first Parliament of Queen Mary's , was holden , in her name , and by her Authority , upon the 13th of March 1542 / 3 , as is clear , not only from our Historians , but , the printed Acts of Parliament ; and she was not crowned till the 20th of August thereafter , if we may believe both Lesly and Buchanan ▪ (k) And yet there was not so much as the least objection made , then , against the Legality of the Parliament ; no such thing was thought on : So that 't is no new , nor illegal thing , for Scottish Monarchs to hold Parliaments before their Coronations . But this , as I said , by the way . Such was the strength of the Reforming Party , then , and this strength , under God , advanced so far , principally , by English influences . And all this will appear more convincing still , when it is considered in the 6th place , That all alongst the Popish Clergy were very sensible of it , and very much offended with it , and were at all imaginable pains to disappoint it , and oppose it . Thus , When Henry sent the Bishop of St. Davids ( as we have heard ) Anno 1535. to treat with Iames about Reforming , the Clergy were in a dreadful pother , how to keep off the Interview ; and used all imaginable Arguments with the King , to disswade him from listening to it ; Telling him , it would ruine Religion , and that would ruine his Soul , his State , his Kingdom , &c. Nay The Pope himself was extreamly solicitous , how to prevent so great a mischief , as he deem'd it ; For , as Lesly tells us (l) His Holiness finding that Henry had cast off his Yoke , and fearing lest Iames should transcribe his Uncles Copy , sent his Legates to Scotland to confirm him in the Faith , and fortify him against Henry's impressions . And Buchanan (m) says , He allowed him the Tenths of all the Benefices within the Kingdom , for three years time , to keep him right . Again , When Henry , Anno 1540. insisted the second time for ane Interview , the Clergy were in a whole Sea of troubles ; They used all arts , and tried all Methods to impede it . At last they sell upon the true Knack , ( and a true Demonstration of their Concern , seeing , it was a Knack that lookt so unkindly on their Pockets ) which was , to promise him Money , largely , no less than 30000 Crowns yearly , says Buchanan ; Knox calls them 50000 , out of their Benefices , besides a vast sum which might arise out of the confiscated Estates of Hereticks . 50000 Crowns was a good round summ in those days in Scotland . Further , How were they alarm'd ? what fears were they under ? what shapes did they turn themselves in ? what tricks did they play , when the Match betwixt Edward and Mary ( spoken of before ) was in Agitation ? The Cardinal forged a Will in the Kings Name , nominating himself , the principal , of four Conjunct Regents , for managing the Government during the Queen's Minority : intending , thereby , to secure the Popish interests , and prevent the coming of the Nobility from England , who , he knew , would lay out themselves with all their Might to oppose him , being his Enemies upon the account of Religion , and advance the Designs of England . This not succeeding , ( for the forgery was manifest ) His next Care was , that all the Popish Party should tumultuate , bawl and clamour , confound and disturb , the Parliament , all they could ; which , indeed , was done so successfully , that nothing could be done to purpose , till he was committed to Custody : (n) Neither did this put an end to these practices of the Party , but so soon as the Parliament ( having concluded the Match ) was over , and he set at Liberty , with the Queen Dowagers advice ( who was all over French and Papist ) He convenes the Clergy , represents to them the impossibility of their standing , the certain Ruine of the Catholick Religion , every thing that could be frightful to them , unless that Confederacy with England were broken ; obliges them therefore to tax themselves , and raise great Sums of Money , for Bribing some of the Nobility , that were not proof against its Charms and Beauties ; And to use all their Rhetorick with others , to the same purpose : And lastly , it was concluded in that Religious Meeting , That the Match and Alliance should be preacht against from the Pulpits ; and that all possible pains should be taken to excite the Populace to Tumults and Rabbles , and treat the English Ambassador , with all affronting Tricks and Rudenesses . (o) In short , the Faction never gave over till they had cajol'd the weak Regent into ane Abjuration of Protestancy ( as was told before ) and reconciled him to the French , which , then , in Scotland , was all one with the Popish Interest . Nay His Holiness himself again interrested himself in this juncture , as Lesly tells us ; (p) sending Petrus Franciscus Contarenus , Patriarch of Venice , his Legate , into Scotland , to treat with the Regent and the Nobility , in the Popes Name , and promise them large assistances against the English ▪ if they would break the Contract of Marriage betwixt Edward and Mary ; which had so fatal ane aspect towards the Catholick Religion . By this Taste , 't is easy to discern how much the Popish Party were perswaded , of the great influence , England had on Scotland in order to a Reformation of Religion : And laying all together that hath been said , 't is as easy to perceive , they wanted not reason for such a perswasion . Having thus given a brief Deduction of the State of our Reformation in King Henry's time , and made it apparent , that it was much encouraged and quickened by English Influences , then , I think , I need not insist much on the succeeding Reigns . Briefly then 7. As Edward the Sixth had the same reasons for interesting himself in our Scottish affairs , which his Father Henry had before him , so we find his Counsels were suited accordingly . No sooner was Henry dead , and Somerset warm'd in his Protectoral Chair , than the Demands about the Match were renewed . And being rejected by the Popish Party , here , who had our weak Regent at their Beck , and were then the governing Party , the Matter ended in a Bloody War. Somerset raised a great Army , and entered Scotland : But before it came to fighting , he sent a Letter to the Scots (q) written in such ane obliging stile , and containing so kind , and so fair , so equitable propositions , That the Regent , advis'd by some Papists about him , thought fit not to publish it to his Army , but to give out , that it tended to quite contrary purposes than it really contained , That it contain'd Threats that the English were come to carry off the Queen by force , and Ruine and Enslave the Nation , &c. Dreading , no doubt , that if he had dealt candidly , and shewed the Letter to such men of interest in the Nation , as were there , it would have taken so with them , that they would have laid aside thoughts of Fighting . Indeed ! this was no groundless jealousie , the matter was above-board : For , as Buchanan tells us , In the next Convention of Estates which was holden shortly after that fatal Battel of Pinkie , those who were for the Reformation , being of the same Religion with England , were zealous for the English Alliance , and against sending the Queen into France ; and that they were the Papists only who were for sending her thither . 8. When Edward died , and his Sister Mary ascended the Throne , a heavy Cloud indeed did hang over both Nations , and threatned a dreadful storm to the Reformation of Religion . Mary , according to her surly humour , fell to downright Persecution in England : And our Q. Dowager having shouldered out Arran , and possest herself of the Scottish Regency , in her subtle way , was as zealous to maintain the Superstitions of Popery , using less Cruelty , indeed , than Mary , but more policy , and to the same purposes . And now the purgation of Christianity , seem'd to be brought to a lamentable stand , in both Kingdoms , and the hopes of those to be quite dasht , who were breathing for the profession of that Holy Religion in its purity . Yet God , in his kind providence , did otherwise dispose of things , and made that a means to advance Religion amongst us , which , men thought , should have utterly extinguisht it : For some of those who fled from Mary's persecution in England , taking their Refuge into this Kingdom , did not only help to keep the light which had begun to shine , but made the Sun to break up more clear than before , as Spotswood hath it from Knox. (r) For then came into Scotland , William Harlaw , Iohn Willock , Iohn Knox , &c. of whom more hereafter . Thus we were still deriving more light and heat from England . 9. Mary died , and Elizabeth succeeded , in November 1588. our Queen was then in France : It was morally impossible to recover her thence : The English influences , which in Henry and Edwards time , had cherished our Reformation , ( except so far as God sent us Harlaw , Willock and Knox , by his special providence , as I told just now ) were quite cut off all the time of Mary's Government . Our Reformers , therefore , to make the best of a bad hand , were earnest to be amongst the foremost Courtiers with the Queen Regent : They were ready to serve her design with all possible frankness : particularly , they were amongst the most forward for carrying on the Match with the Dauphine of France , and voted chearfully that he should have the Matrimonial Crown conferred upon him , after the solemnization of the Marriage . In consequence of this their frankness , the Earl of Argyle and the Prior of St. Andrews , two first-rate Protestants , were the persons nominated to pass into France , to honour the Dauphine with that complement : And they undertook it cordially . But , in the very instant , almost , they were informed that Mary of England was dead , and Elizabeth on the Throne , and withal professing Protestancy . This altered their whole Scheme : They presently considered , The English Influences , so long stopt in their Courses , might now begin to Drop again : And there were hopes of Assistance from that Female Soveraign : So , these two Lords ( no doubt , with the advice of the rest of the fraternity ) gave over thoughts of their French Voyage : The Dauphine might purchase a Crown for himself , or wait till his Father dyed , if he could not do better : They resolved to carry him no Matrimonial Crowns from Scotland . Indeed their hopes of Assistance from England to carry on the Reformation of Religion , were better grounded then than ever . For , Upon the Death of Queen Mary of England , by French advice , our Queen , as Next Heir to that Crown , had assumed the English Titles . 'T is not to be thought Elizabeth lik'd this well ; and resolving to continue Queen of England , she had no reason : For who knows not that her Title was Questionable ? But our Queens Descent was Vncontroverted . What wonder then if Elizabeth thought herself concerned to secure herself as well as she could ? And what more feasible and proper way for her security , than to have the Affections , and by consequence the Power of Scotland on her side ? And what measure so natural for obtaining that , as to cherish the Reformation of Religion in Scotland , and weaken the Popish , and by consequence , the French interests there , and get the Rule of that Kingdom put in the hands of Protestants ? The politick was obviously solid ; all the work was to set it a going : But that difficulty was soon over ; for no sooner did she employ some private instruments , to try the Scottish pulses , than they smelt the matter , and relisht it immediately . The least intimation that she was so inclined , was to them as a spark of fire amongst Gun-powder , it kindled them in a thought : They addrest her , quickly beg'd her protection , and plighted their Faith that they would depend upon her , and stand by her , and to the outmost of their power , secure her interests ; if she would grant them suitable assistances . Thus the bargain was readily agreed to on both sides ; and both perform'd their parts successfully . For who knows not that our Reformation was carried on by Elizabeths Auspices ? by English Arms ▪ and Counsels , and Money in the year 1560 ? And who knows not , that by the Treaty at Leith in Iuly , that same year , after the French were expelled Scotland , when our Reformers , by her help , had got the upper hand , her Crown was secured , as far as the Scottish Protestants could secure it ? Who knows not , I say , that it was one of the Articles of that Treaty , That the Queen of Scotland and King of France , should not , thereafter , usurp the Titles of England and Ireland , and should delete the Arms of England and Ireland out of their Scutchions ? and whole Houshold-stuff ? (s) By this time , I think , it may competently appear , how much our Scottish Reformation , under God , depended on English influences . But I have two things more to add 10. Then , It is considerable that some of our Chief Luminaries , of those , who had a principal hand in preaching and planting the Gospel in Purity among us , had drunk in these principles in England , and brought them , thence , to Scotland with them . Thus the excellent Martyr Mr. George Wishart , ( of whom in part before ) as Spotswood tells us , (t) had spent his time in Cambridge , and return'd to his own Country to promote the Truth in it , Anno 1544. And Mr. Iohn Spotswood , that worthy man who was so long Superintendent of Lothian after our Reformation , was one of Cranmers Disciples , as you may see in the beginning of the Life of Archbishop Spotswood his Son , and also in his History . (u) And Iohn Willock and William Harlaw had both lived in England , before they preacht in Scotland , as I have already accounted ; and perhaps a strict Enquiry might discover some others . 11. and lastly , On the other hand , ( except so far as Iohn Knox was Calvinist , and a Lover of the Forms of Geneva , for which , perhaps , I shall account hereafter ) none of our Historians give so much as one particular instance , of a Scottish Reformer who had his Education in any other foreign Church , except Mr. Patrick Hamilton , who , I think , cannot be proven to have been a Presbyterian ; and tho it could be done , it could amount to no more than the Authority of a very young man , considering he was but 23 years of age when he died . Neither do they mention any Foreigner , who came here to Scotland , to assist us in our Reformation : Lesly , (v) indeed , says , that the Scottish Protestants sent Letters and Messengers to Germany , to call thence Sacramentarian Ministers , as being very dexterous at fostering Sedition , and subverting Religion ; but no other Historian says so ; and he himself says not that ever any such came to Scotland . Thus , I think , I have accounted competently for the first thing proposed , viz. That our Reformation , under God , was principally Cherished and Encouraged by English Influences , I proceed to the 2. Which was , That , in Correspondence to these Influences , our Reformers were generally of the same Mind with the Church of England , in several momentous instances relating to the Constitution and Communion , the Government and Polity of the Church , wherein , our present Presbyterian principles stand in direct opposition and contradiction to her . That our Reformers agreed with those of the Church of England , in the Common Articles of the Christian Faith , in their Creed , was never called in Question . But it is not my present purpose to consider the sentiments of our Reformers in relation to the Church as it is a Sect , but as it is a Society , neither shall I be curious to amuse many particulars ; I shall content my self with two or three of considerable weight and importance . And ▪ 1. Our Reformers , generally , or rather , unanimously , lookt on the Church of England , as a Church so well constituted , that her Communion was a Lawful Communion . For this we have two as good Evidences as the nature of the thing is capable of , viz. The constant and uniform practice of our Reformers joining in the Communion of the Church of England , when they had occasion , as those of the Church of England did , with the Church of Scotland ; and their open profession in their publick deeds that they thought it Lawful . 1. I say it was the constant practice of our Reformers to joyn in the Communion of the Church of England , when they had occasion , as those of the Church of England , did , with the Church of Scotland . Thus , we find all such of our Reformers , as , in times of Persecution , fled into England , still joyning with the Church of England ▪ e. g. Friar Alexander Seaton , (a) when he was forced to flee , in King Iames the 5th's time , went to England , and became the Duke of Suffolk's Chaplain , and died in that service . Alexander Aless was in great favour with King Henry , and called the King's Schollar . (b) He was a Member of the English Convocation , and disputed against Stokesly Bishop of London , and maintain'd there were but two Sacraments , Baptism and the Eucharist , Anno 1536 , or 37 : (c) And he it was that first turn'd the English Liturgy into Latin , for Bucer's use , Anno 1549 , as both Heylin and Burnet , in their Histories of the English Reformation , tell us . (d) Iohn Fife , and one M' Dowdal stayed as long in England as Aless did . (e) And 't is not to be doubted that they were of the same principles . Iohn M' Bee during his abode in England , was liberally entertained by Nicol. Saxton Bishop of Salisbury , who made much account of him , (f) which is no argument , I think , that he was a Presbyterian . Sir Iohn Borthwick was charged with Heresie , Anno 1640 , for maintaining , That the Heresies , commonly called the Heresies of England , and their New Liturgy , was Commendable , and to be embraced of all Christians : And , That the Church of Scotland ought to be govern'd , after the manner of the Church of England , (g) i. e. under the King , and not the Pope , as Supreme Governor . Friar Thomas Guillam , the first publick Preacher of the Reformed Religion , in Scotland , He , by whose Sermons Iohn Knox got ▪ the first lively impressions of the Truth (h) , This Guillam , I say , after Arran , the Regent , Apostatized , withdrew , and went into England , (i) and we hear no more of him ; From which 't is reasonable to conclude , That he kept the Common Course with the other Reformers , there . Iohn Rough was the Regents other Chaplain , while he was Protestant ; He likewise fled to England , tho sometime after Guillam : He preached some years in the Towns of Carlisle , Berwick and Newcastle ; and was afterwards provided to a Benefice by the Archbishop of York , where he lived till the Death of King Edward . When Mary's Persecution turn'd warm , he fled , and lived some time in Freesland . He came to London , about some business , Anno 1557. was apprehended , and brought before Bonner ; Questioned if he had preached any , since he came to England ? Answered he had preached none : But in some places where godly people were Assembled , He had read the Prayers of the Communion Book set forth in the Reign of King Ed. VI. Question'd again , what his Judgment was of that Book ? Answered , He approved it , as agreeing in all points with the word of God ; And so suffered Martyrdom . I think this man was neither for Parity , nor against Liturgies . But to proceed . The excellent Mr. Wishart , as he had spent some time in England ( as was told before ) so , it seems , he returned to Scotland , of English ( I am confident , not of Presbyterian ) Principles : For , he was not only for the Lawfulness of Private Communion , as appeared by his practice ; but Knox (k) gives us fair intimations , that he ministred it by a Set-form . I know King Edward's Liturgy was not then composed : But it is not to be imagined , That the Reformers in England , in Wishart's time administred the Sacrament without a Set-form . The Extemporary Spirit was not , then , in vogue : And why , else , could Sir Iohn Borthwick have been charged with the Great Heresy of Commending the English Liturgy ? However , I shall not be peremptory , because I have not the opportunity of enquiring , at present , what Forms the English Reformers had , then . All I shall say , is , if they had a Liturgy , 't is very probable , Wishart used it ; For , as Knox tells us , when he celebrated the Eucharist , before his Execution , After he had blessed the Bread and Wine , he took the Bread and Brake it , and gave to every one of it , bidding each of them , Remember that Christ had died for them , and feed on it spiritually ; so taking the Cup , he bade them Remember that Christs Blood was shed for them , &c. So Knox , word for word , which account , I think , seems fairly to intimate , that Wishart used a Form , but if he did , what other could it be than such as he had learned in England ? I have accounted already how Iohn Willock and William Harlaw had served in the English Church , before they came to Scotland , (l) I might perhaps make a fuller Collection : But what needs more ? Even Knox himself lived in Communion with the Church of England , all the time he was in that Kingdom : He went not there to keep Conventicles , to erect Altar against Altar , to gather Churches out of the Church of England , to set up separate and schismatical Churches , as some of our present Parity-men have sometimes done : No , he preached in the publick Churches , and , in subordination to the Bishops ; and he preached before King Edward himself , as he himself tell us , in his Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England ; (m) which , it is very improbable , he would have been allowed to have done , if he had Condemned the Communion of the Church of England , as it was then established : For who knows not , that , in King Edwards time , all Schism and Non-Conformity were sufficiently discouraged ? And , through that whole Admonition , he , still , speaks of himself as One of the Ministers of the Church of England . Nay If it be Reasonable to Collect mens Sentiments from their Reasonings , I am sure , in that same Admonition I have enough for my purpose : For , he reasons upon suppositions , and from Principles , which , clearly , condemned Separation from the Church of England , as then established . For , when he gives his thoughts of that fatal Discord which happened between the two great men ( Somerset , and the Admiral , as I take it ) He discourses thus ; God compelled my tongue ( says he ) openly to declare , That the Devil and his Ministers ( the Papists ) Intended only the Subversion of Gods true Religion , by that Mortal Hatred amongst those who ought to have been , most assuredly , Knit together by Christian Charity — And especially that the wicked and envious Papists ( by that ungodly Breach of Charity ) diligently minded the overthrow of him ( Somerset ) that , to his own Destruction , procured the Death of his innocent friend ( and Brother ) — All this trouble was devised , by the Devil and his instruments , to stop and lett Christ's Disciples and their poor Boat ( i. e. the Church . ) What can be more plain ( I say ) than , that Knox , here , proceeds on suppositions , and reasons from Principles , which condemned Separation from the Church of England , as then established ? Doth he not suppose , that the Church of England , as then established , was Christ's Boat , his Church ? And that the Sons of the Church of England were Christ's Disciples ? Doth he not suppose , that these two Brothers , as Sons of the Church of England , ought to have been assuredly knit together , by Christian Charity ? That the Breach between them was ane ungodly Breach of that Charity , by which , Members of that same Church ought to have been assuredly knit together ? And that it was a contrivance of the wicked and envious Papists , thereby , to Ruine the Church of England ? Doth he not suppose all these as unundoubted Truths , I say . Or rather , doth he not positively or expresly assert them ? And now , if Separation from the Church of England , and condemning her Communion as ane Vnlawful Communion can consist with these principles and suppositions ; or , if he who reasons on these suppositions , and from these principles , can be deem'd , at the same time , to have been for the Vnlawfulness of the Communion of the Church of England , I must confess I know not what it is to collect mens sentiments from their Principles and Reasonings . Whoso pleases may find more of Knox's sentiments to this purpose , in his Exhortation to England for the speedy receiving of Christs Gospel ; Dated from Geneva , Ianuary 12. 1559. For , there , he calls England happy , In that , God by the power of his verity , of late years ( i. e. in King Edward's time ) had broken and destroyed the intolerable yoke of her spiritual Captivity , and brought her forth , as it had been , from the bottom of Hell , and from the Thraldom of Satan ( in which she had been holden blinded by Idolatry and Superstition ) to the fellowship of his Angels , and the possession of that rich Inheritance , prepared to his Dearest Children with Christ Iesus his Son. And a little after , he says of the Church of England , that in that same King Edward's days , she was a Delectable Garden planted by the Lords own hand . (o) And in his Letter to Secretary Cecil , from Diep , April 10 , 1559. he tells him , He expects that same favour from him , which , it becometh one Member of Christs Body to have for another . (p) And in his Letter to Q. Elizabeth from Edenburgh , 28 Iuly 1559. He renders thanks unfeignedly to God , That it hath pleased him of his eternal Goodness , to exalt her Head to the Manifestation of his Glory , and the Extirpation of Idolatry . (q) Is this like the Clamour which has been ordinary with our Presbyterians , about the Idolatry of the Church of England ? And in the conclusion of that Letter , he prays , that the Spirit of the Lord Iesus may so rule her , in all her Actions , and Enterprizes , that , in her , God may be Glorified , his Kirk Edified , and she , as a lively Member of the same , may be ane Example of Virtue and Godliness of Life , to all others . Are these like the sayings of one , who , in the mean time , judged the Communion of the Church of England , ane Unlawful Communion . 'T is true , indeed , Iohn Knox was displeased with some things in the English Liturgy : He thought she had some Modes and Ceremonies there , which were scandalous , as symbolizing too much with the Papists ; and it cannot be denied , that he disturbed the peace of the English Church at Francfort : But , if I mistake not , he did so , not that he thought the terms of her Communion truly sinful ; but , that he judged his own , ( or rather the Genevian ) Model , purer ; For , 't is reasonable to think , he proceeded on the same principles , and was of the same sentiments with his Master , Calvin : And nothing can be clearer , than , that Calvin did not condemn the things scrupled at , as impious or unlawful , but as not agreeable to his Standard of Purity , as appears from the Citation on the Margin , and might easily be made appear more fully , if one were put to it ; but 't is needless , now , considering that all , I aim at , is , that it cannot be inferred from what Knox did at Francfort , That he judged the Communion of the Church of England , ane Vnlawful Communion , tho , I must confess in making these stirs , he proceeded , not according to the true Catholick Principles of Christian Communion . But enough of him at present . To proceed , As our Reformers thus generally looke upon the Church of England , as a true Church , and her Communion , as a Lawful Communion , so , after our Reformation was established , those of the Church of England , had the same sentiments of the Church of Scotland : The Ambassadors , who , at any time , for many years , came from England to the Scottish Court , made no scruple to live in the Communion of the Church of Scotland , and joyn in her publick Worship . Thus the Earl of Bedford (r) who came to assist at the Solemnization of the Princes ( afterwards K. Iames the Sixth's ) Baptism , Anno 1566. went daily to Sermon , i. e. ( by a Synecdoche very familiar in Scotland ) to the publick Worship . Neither did I ever observe the least intimation , in any monument of these times , I have seen , of these two Churches having opposite Communions , till many years after the Reformation . But I have insisted long enough on this Consideration . The sum whereof is , briefly , this : Our Reformers so far as can appear from their private sentiments and practices , lookt upon the Church of England as a true Christian Church : They lived in her Communion when they had occasion to be within her Bounds ; not one of them condemned her Communion as ane Vnlawful Communion ; not one of them set up Conventicles in England , when they were there , nor erected separate Churches , &c. From all which , it seems to follow , at least , very probably , That they reformed , generally , upon the same Principles ; intirely , upon the same , as to Church Communion . The reason why I have insisted so long on this argument , is , that it smooths the way for the next , which is 2. That our Reformers , in their publick deeds , openly and solemnly profest that they were of one Religion , one Communion , with the Church of England . This , as I take it , is a point of considerable importance , and therefore I shall endeavour to set it , at least , in a competent Light. 1. Then , Unity of Religion ( and by good Consequence , I think , Oneness of Communion ) between the Scottish and the English Protestants , was the great Argument insisted on by the Scots , in their Addresses to England for Assistance to turn out the French , and establish the Reformation in Scotland , Anno 1559 : And it was one of the main Grounds , on which all that great Revolution was transacted , that year , and the next , viz. 1560. Take the account , as I have it from that which is commonly called Knox his History . When the Lords of the Congregation , found it would be necessary for them to implore foreign Assistance for driving out the French , then , the great Obstacles to the Reformation ; They resolved , in the first place , to apply to England , and the Reason , given for this Resolution was , That ENGLAND WAS OF THE SAME RELIGION . Or , if ye please take it in the Authors own words (a) We thought good to seek aid , and support , of all Christian Princes , against her ( the Queen Regents ) Tyranny , in case we should be more sharply persued , AND BECAUSE THAT ENGLAND WAS OF THE SAME RELIGION , and lay next unto us , it was thought expedient first to prove them , &c. It was rational enough to try , there , first , indeed , considering what I have already observed concerning Queen Elizabeth ; And , Tryed it was , and found successful ; For Secretary Cecil , no sooner heard of their intention , than he sent them word , That their Enterprize misliked not the English Council (b) . Upon the sight of this great Ministers Letter , which brought them so comfortable news , they instantly return'd ane Answer : Knox has it word for word ; (c) I shall only take ane Abstract of what is proper for my present purpose . In short then ; They perceive their Messenger , Master Kircaldie of Grange , hath found Cecil ane unfeigned favourer of Christ's true Religion : — As touching the Assurance of a perpetual Amity to stand betwixt the two Realms , as no earthly thing is more desired by them , so , they crave of God to be made the Instruments , by which , the Unnatural Debate which hath so long continued between the Nations may be composed , To the Praise of Gods Name , and , the Comfort of the Faithful in both Realms : If the English Wisdom can foresee and devise how the same may be brought to pass , they may perswade themselves not only of the Scottish Consent and Assistance , but of their Constancy , as Men can promise , to their lives end ; And of Charge and Commandment to be left by them to their posterity , that the Amity between the Nations ( IN GOD ) contracted and begun , may be , by them , kept inviolate for Ever : Their Confederacy , Amity and League shall not be like the pactions made by worldly men , for worldly profit , but , as they Require it , FOR GODS CAUSE , so , they will call upon his Name for the Observation of it : As this their Confederacy requires Secresy , so , they doubt not , the English Wisdom will communicate it only to such as they know to be favourers of such A GODLY CONJUNCTION ; And , in their opinion , it would much help , if the Preachers both in perswasion , and in publick prayers ( as theirs in Scotland do ) would commend the same unto the people . And thus , after their most humble Commendation to the Queen's Majesty , ( whose Reign they wish may be prosperous and long , to the Glory of God and Comfort of his Church ) they heartily commit him to the Protection of the Omnipotent . Given at Edenburgh , Iuly 17. Anno 1559. Before I proceed further , I must tell my Reader , that all our Historians are extreamly defective as to this great Transaction between Scotland and England , I am now accounting for . None of them ( neither Buchanan , nor Lesly , nor Spotswood ) hath this Letter except Knox , and he calls it , the first Letter to Sir William Cecil from the Lords of the Congregation , which imports there were more , as no doubt there were many , and yet he hath not so much as a second . Besides , I find by Knox , Buchanan and Spotswood (d) that , in November 1559 , Secretary Maitland was sent by the Lords of the Congregation , to treat with the Queen of England . I find likewise that he managed the matter so , and brought it to such maturity , that , immediately upon his return , the League between the Queen of England , and the Scottish Lords was transacted and finished ; and yet I can , no where , find , what Commission he had , nor what Instructions ; how he manag'd his business , nor upon what terms the Queen of England and He came to an Agreement ; and several other such lamentable defects I find , so that it is not possible for me to give so exact a Deduction of such ane important Matter as were to be wished . Tho , I doubt not , if it had been clearly and fully deduced , it might have brought great Light to many things about our Reformation , which , now , so far as I know , are buried in Obscurity . Any man may readily imagine how sensible one , that would perform my present task , must needs be , of so great a disadvantage : However , when we cannot have what we would , we must satisfy our selves the best way we can . And so I return to my purpose , which , tho I cannot dispatch so punctually as might be desired , yet I hope to do it sufficiently , and to the satisfaction of all sober , tho not , nicely critical Enquirers . To go on then . By the aforementioned Letter , you see , The Lords of the Congregation , referr'd it to the Wisdom of the English Council , to foresee and devise the Means and Assurances ) they are the very words of the Letter ) how ane effectual Confederacy might be made , between them , for Gods Cause . Now let us reason a little upon the common principles of prudence , where Matter of Fact is so defective . What was more natural for the English Council to Require , than , that ( now that the English Reformation was perfected and legally established , and the Scottish was only in forming ) the Scots should engage to transcribe the English Copy , and establish their Reformation upon that same foot , i. e. receive the Doctrine , Worship , Rites and Government of the Church of England , so that there might be no difference between the two Churches , but both might be of the same Constitution , so far as the necessary distinction of the two States would allow ? The point in Agitation was a Confederacy in opposition to Popery , and for the security of the Reformed Religion in both Kingdoms . It was obvious , therefore , to foresee , that it would be the stronger , and , every way , the better suited to that great End , if both Churches stood on one bottom : For who sees not that Different Constitutions are apt to be attended with Different Customs , which in process of time may introduce Different Sentiments and Inclinations ? Who sees not that the smallest Differences are apt to create jealousies , divisions , cross-interests ? And that there 's nothing more necessary than Vniformity for preserving Vnity ? Besides , Queen Elizabeth was , peculiarly , concerned to crave this . There 's nothing more necessary to support a State , especially a Monarchy , than Vnity of Religion . It was for the Support of her State , the Security of her Monarchy , that she was to enter into this Confederacy . She was affraid of the Queen of Scotland's pretensions to the Crown of England ; For this cause she was confederating with the Queen of Scotland's Subjects , that she might have them of her side . It was her concern , therefore , to have them as much secured to her interests as possibly she could : they were , then , at a great Bay without her succour ; and had referred it to her and her Council , to foresee and devise the terms on which she would grant it . And now laying all these things together , what was more natural . I say than that she should demand , that they should be of the same Religion , and their Church of the same Constitution , with the Church of England . This politick was so very obvious , that 't is not to be imagined , she and her wise Council could overlook it ; And tho it had been no where upon Record , that she craved it , yet the common sense of mankind would stand for its Credibility ; what shall we say then , if we find it recorded by ane Historian , whose Honesty is not to be questioned in this matter ? And such ane one we have , even Buchanan himself , tho he misplaces it , and narrates it , a long time after it was done , and as it were only by the by . The occasion on which he records this , is , when in the year 1569. ( the tenth year after this Confederacy between the Scots and the English was concerted , as I take it ) the Earl of Murray , then Regent , had gone to the Northern parts of the Kingdom to settle matters there , Accounts were brought to him of the Duke of Norfolk's Conspiracy , which was so well compacted , and so deep laid , that it was judged morally impossible to disappoint it ; and Murray's friends were earnest with him to retreat in time , and disengage himself of the opposite party , with whom he had hitherto sided ; and so when Buchanan comes to give the History of this juncture , he , to find a just rise for his Narration , returns no less than ten years backward , discoursing thus , The State of English affairs oblige me to look back a little ; because , in these times , the interests of both Kingdoms were so twisted , that the concerns of the one cannot be represented without the other : The Scots , some years before , being delivered from the Gallican Slavery by the English assistance , had subscribed to the Religious Worship and Rites of the Church of England ; and that surprizing change , in Affairs , seem'd to promise , to Britain , quietness , and rest from all intestine Commotions , and Factions , &c. Here , you see , the thing is plainly and undeniably asserted : Yet , so careless , ( to say no worse ) have all our Historians been , that not one of them mentions it , but he , and he does no more than mention it ; and , to this minute , we are , generally , in the dark , when , how , by whom , and with what Solemnities it was done . Buchanan's words would seem to import that it was done after , that our Deliverance ( as he calls it ) was accomplisht . But not one word of it in the Treaty concluded at Leith , and proclaim'd Iuly 8th , 1560. which succeeded immediately upon the back of that Deliverance ; not one word of it ( I say ) in that Treaty , as it is ether in Buchanan , Knox or Spotswood , or any other Historian , I have had occasion to see ; neither have we any other publick Transaction or Deed that mentions it . I find it told by several Historians (e) that the Earls of Morton and Glencarne were sent to England , after that our Deliverance , to return thanks to Queen Elizabeth for her assistance : 'T is possible it might have been done then ; for , as Spotswood has it , After the Professors heard of the cold Entertainment that Sir Iames Sandilands , who went to France to give ane account of the Treaty , had got at that Court , their minds were greatly troubled ; for , they were seasible of their own weakness , and doubtful of Support from England , if France should again invade , because of the Loss the English had received in the late Expedition ; Neither , ( says he ) had the Earls of Morton and Glencarne , who upon breaking up of the Parliament , were sent into England , to render thanks to the Queen , and to entreat the Continuance of her Favour , given any advertisement of their acceptance . If , upon this occasion , Commission was sent to these two Earls , to subscribe , in name of the rest of the Protestants , to such ane Vnion in Religion , it exactly answers Buchanan's Account ; but no such thing is so much as insinuated to have been done on that occasion . For my part , I humbly offer it to be considered , whither it is not possible , that Buchanan intended not to lay any such stress upon the word [ LIBERATI ] as thereby to import , that it was after the Accomplishment of our Deliverance , that the Scots subscribed : But , bringing in the whole matter , occasionally , where he mentions it , and intending to dispatch it in as few words as he could ; he did not stand nicely upon the wording of it . And if t is holds , the most Rational and Natural Account will be , that Secretary Maitland , and Sir Robert Melvil , who were sent by the Scottish Lords , in the beginning of November 1559. to implore the Queen of England's Assistance , were impowered to agree , in name of the whole body , to this Union of Religion , if it should be demanded . That the Secretary had power to treat , and agree to , and sign Articles , is certain ; for , amongst the Instructions given to the Commissioners for concluding the Treaty at Berwick , dated at Glasgow , Feb. 10. 1559 / 66. I find this as one , (f) Item , If it shall be desired of you to confirm , for us , and in our Name , the things past and granted , by our former Commissioner , the young Laird of Lethington , ye shall , in all points , for us , and in our Name , confirm the same , so far as it shall make either for the WELL and CONJUNCTION of the two Realms , or this PRESENT CAUSE , or yet , for the security of our part for fulfilling of the same (g) . This , I say , is one of the Articles of these instructions ; from which it is evident , that Lethington , had signed Articles in England ; tho we are no where told what they were . And may it not pass for a probable conjecture , that that concerning Vnity in Religious Worship and Ceremonies was one of them ? But whensoever , or by whomsoever it was done , is not the Critical Hinge of the Controversie . We have Buchanan's word for it , that it was done ; and I hope , my Presbyterian Brethren will not hastily reject his Authority ; especially considering , that his Veracity , in this matter is so much assisted and made credible by the strain of the Letter directed to Secretary Cecil , on which we have already insisted . Neither is this all , For 2. The publick Thanksgiving , and Prayers made with great Solemnity , in St. Giles's Church in Edenburgh , (h) after the Pacification at Leith , in Iuly 1560 , amount to no less than a fair Demonstration of ane intire Vnion between the two Nations as to Church Matters , and Religion ; for on that occasion it was thus addressed to Almighty God , with the common Consent , and as a publick Deed of our Scottish Reformers . — Seeing that nothing is more odious in thy presence ( O Lord ) than is Ingratitude and Violation of ane Oath and Covenant made in thy Name ; and seeing thou hast made our Confederates in England , the Instruments by whom we are now set at this Liberty , and , to whom in thy Name , we have promised mutual Faith again ; Let us never fall to that Vnkindness ( O Lord ) that either we declare our selves unthankful unto them , or Prophaners of thy holy Name . Confound thou the Counsel of those that go about to break THAT MOST GOGLY LEAGUE CONTRACTED IN THY NAME ; And retain thou us so firmly together , by the power of thy holy Spirit , That Satan have never power to set us again at Variance nor Discord . Give us thy Grace to live in that Christian Charity , which , thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ hath so earnestly commanded to all the Members of his Body ; that other Nations provoked by our Example , may set aside all Ungodly War , Contention and Strife , and study to live in Tranquillity and Peace , as it becometh the Sheep of thy pasture , and the People that dayly look for our final Deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Iesus , &c. Thus it was prayed , I say , in great Solemnity , at that time ; and every Petition , is a Confirmation of Buchanan's Fidelity and my Assertion . Further yet , 3. In the Old Scottish Liturgy compiled in these times , and afterwards used publickly in all the Churches , There is a Thanksgiving unto God , after our Deliverance from the Tyranny of the Frenchmen , with Prayers made for the Continuance of the Peace betwixt the Realms of Scotland and England , wherein we have these Petitions offered . Grant unto us , O Lord , that with such Reverence we may remember thy Benefits received , that , after this , in our Default , we never enter into Hostility against the Realm and Nation of England . Suffer us never , O Lord , to fall to that Ingratitude and detestable Vnthankfulness , that we should seek the Destruction and Death of those whom thou hast made instruments to Deliver us from the Tyranny of Merciless Strangers : Dissipate thou the Counsels of such as Deceitfully travel to stir the hearts of the inhabitants of either Realm against the other : Let their malicious practices be their own confusion ; and grant thou of thy Mercy , that Love , Concord and Tranquillity may continue and increase amongst the Inhabitants of this Isle , even to the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ , by whose glorious Gospel , thou , of thy Mercy dost CALL US BOTH TO UNITY , PEACE AND CHRISTIAN CONCORD , the full PERFECTION whereof we shall possess in the fullness of thy Kingdom , &c. Here is a set of Demonstrations to the same purpose also : And now , let any man lay all these things together ; The Letter to Cecil ; The Confederacy betwixt Scotland and England ; Buchanan's Testimony ; and these Thanksgivings and Prayers , and then let him judge impartially whither or not , there is reason to believe , that , in those days , there was a good Agreement between the Scottish and English Protestants , as to Religion and Church Matters . Thus , I think , I have sufficiently cleared that our Reformers , Generally , if not Vnanimously , lookt upon the Church of England , as so well constituted , that they acknowledged her Communion to be a Lawful Communion . But before I proceed to other things I must try , if I can make any more advantage of what has been said : And I reason thus , Was there not here truely and really , a Confederacy , ane Oath , A Solemn League and Covenant , betwixt the Scottish and the English Protestants ? Were not these English Protestants , then , united in that Society , which , at that time , was , and , ever since , hath been called The Church of England ? And was not the Church of England of that same very constitution , then , that it was of in King Charles the First his time , for example , Anno 1642 ? But if so , then , I ask again , was not this Solemn League and Covenant , made , thus , by our Reformers with their Brethren in England , as much designed for the Security , the Defence , the Maintainance , of the Church of England , as then by Law established , as for the Establishment of our Reformation ? Did not our Reformers promise Mutual Faith to the English , as well as the English promised to them ? Would it have been consistent with the mutual bonds and obligations of this Confederacy , this Solemn League and Covenant , for the Scottish Reformers , to have raised ane Army , at that time , against Queen Elizabeth to invade her Dominions , in order to ruine the Church of England ? I cannot imagine , any sober person can grudge to grant me this much also . But if this be granted , then I ask in the third place , Did not that Solemn League and Covenant , made by our Reformers , with those of the Church of England , run in a direct opposition to the Solemn League and Covenant , made by our Scottish Presbyterians with a Factious Party in England , for destroying the Church of England , in King Charles the First 's time ? Nay did not our Scottish Presbyterians in that King's time , by entering into that Solemn League and Covenant , directly , and effrontedly , break through the Charge and Commandment , which our Reformers left to their Posterity , That the Amity betwixt the Nations , in God contracted and begun , might by them , be kept inviolate for ever ? Nay , further yet , did not our Reformers solemnly pray against those who made the Solemn League and Covenant in the days of King Charles the First ? Did they not address to God , that he would dissipate their Counsels , and let their Malicious Practices be their own Confusion ? And now , let the world judge what rational pretences these Presbyterians , in that Holy Martyrs time , and , by consequence , our present Presbyterians , can make for their being the only true and genuine Successors of our First Reformers ? Expecting solid and serious Answers to these Questions , I shall now advance in the prosecution of my main undertaking on this Head , which was to shew , how our Reformers agreed with the Church of England in several momentous matters Relative to the Constitution and Communion , the Government and Polity of the Church , &c. But because I have insisted so long on this general one , which I have just now taken leave of , I shall only instance in two or three more , and dispatch them as speedily as I can . 2. Then , it is evident , and undeniable , that our Scottish Protestants , for some years , used the Liturgy of the Church of England in their publick Devotions . Indeed , The very first publick step , towards our Reformation , made by the Lords of the Congregation , was to appoint this Liturgy to be used : It was ordered upon the third day of December , 1557. as both Knox and Calderwood have it . (a) Take the Ordinance in Knox his words : The Lords and Barons professing Christ Iesus conveened frequently in Councel , in the which , these Heads were concluded . First , It is thought expedient , advised and ordained , That in all Parishes of this Realm , the Common Prayer be read , weekly , on Sunday , and other Festival days , publickly , in the Parish Churches , with the Lessons of the Old and New Testament , conformable to the Book of Common Prayers : And if the Curates of the Parishes be qualified , that they read the same ; And if they be not , or if they refuse , that the most qualified in the Parish use and read the same , &c. (b) Spotswood and Petrie give the same account . But such is the Genius of Mr. Calderwood , that you are to expect few things , which may make against the Presbyterian Interest , candidly and sincerely represented by him . For instance , in his overly account of this matter , he quite omits the mention of other Holy days , besides Sundays . These consistent Testimonies of all those four Historians , are so full and plain a Demonstration of the Matter of Fact , that I cannot foresee so much as one Objection that can be made , or one Evasion that can be thought on , unless it be , That it is not said by any of them , that it was the Book of the Common Prayers of the Church of England . But this difficulty is soon removed . For 1. It was either the Book of the Common Prayers of the Church of England , or the Genevian Liturgy : For we no where read of a Third , ever pretended to have been used , in those times , in Scotland : Now that it was not the Liturgy of Geneva , is plain ; for besides that it is utterly incredible , that there could have been so many Copies , of the Genevian Form in the vulgar Language , then , in Scotland , as might serve so many Parish Churches ; Nay , that 't is highly probable , there was not so much as one . Besides this , I say , in the Genevian Form , which was afterwards used in Scotland , there is no Order for , no footstep of , the observation of other Holy-days , besides Sunday : Neither is there any Order in it for Reading of Lessons of the Old and New Testament , except in the Treatise of Fasting , which was not compiled till the year 1565. There , indeed , Lessons are appointed , such and such Psalms , and such and such Histories , in the Old , but not so much as one Tittle of the New Testament : In all the rest of the Book a deep Silence about Lessons ; than which there cannot be a clearer Demonstration ▪ that the Book appointed to be used in December 1557 , was not that of Geneva . Indeed 2. None of our Presbyterian Historians , neither Petrie , nor Calderwood , have the confidence to pretend , nay to insinuate the possibility of its being the Common Order of Geneva ; which , 't is very probable , they would have done , if they had had the smallest hopes of making it feasible . On the contrary , Calderwood seems fairly to acknowledge , that it was the English Liturgy ; but then this acknowledgement lies at such a distance from the year 1557. that , no doubt , he thought himself pretty secure , that few Readers would reflect upon it as ane acknowledgment ; he doth not make it till he comes to the year 1623 , when he had occasion to tell how the use of the English Liturgy was brought into the New Colledge of St. Andrews . Take it in his own words (c) Upon the 15 th of January , Master Robert Howie , Principal of the New College of St. Andrews , Doctor Wedderburn , and Doctor Melvin , were directed by a Letter from Doctor Young , in the Kings Name , to use the English Liturgy , Morning and Evening , in the New College , where all the Students were present at Morning and Evening Prayers : Which was presently put in execution ; notwithstanding they wanted the warrant of any General Assembly , or of any CONTINVED PRACTICE OF THE FORM in time , by-past , since the Reformation . Where , you see , he lays the stress of his Argument against it , on its nor having had a continued Practice , since the Reformation , which is a clear concession that at the Reformation , it was in practice , tho that practice was not continued . But whither he acknowledged this or not , is no great matter ; we have sufficient Evidence for the point in hand , without it : For 3. Buchanan's Testimony , which was adduced before about the Scots subscriving to the Worship and Rites of the Church of England , is unexceptionable : And yet it is not all . For 4. The Order , as you see it appointed by the Lords of the Congregation , Decem. 3d , 1557. is , That the Book , there authorised , be used in all Churches from that very date : but we find by the First Book of Discipline , (d) That the Order of Geneva was only coming in to be used , then , in some of the Churches , i. e. 1560. And it had nothing like a public Establishment , till the General Assembly holden at Edenburgh , Dec. 25 , 1652. For then , and not till then , It was concluded , that ane Vniform Order should be kept in the Ministration of the Sacraments , Solemnization of Marriages , and Burial of the Dead , according to the Kirk of Geneva . So it is in the Mss. and so Petrie hath it ; (e) But Nature works again with Calderwood ; For he has no more but this , It was ordained that ane Vniform Order be kept in the Ministration of the Sacraments , according to the Book of Geneva : (f) Omitting Marriage , and the Burial of the Dead ; Marriage , I believe , to bear the other Company ; for the Burial of the Dead , was the Dead Flee : Why ? The Book of Geneva allowed of Funeral Sermons , as he himself acknowledgeth : (g) A mighty Superstition ! in the opinion of Prerbyterians ; so that it would have been offensive to the sincerer sort , as he commonly calls those of his own Gang , and inconsistent with the Exigences of the Good Cause to have let the world know , that A General Assembly had ratified the Order of that Book about Burials , and thereby had justified the Superstition of Funeral Sermons . Nay 5. It seems this Act of the General Assembly , Decem. 1562. has not been strong enough for turning out the English Liturgy , and introducing the form of Geneva : For if we may believe Calderwood himself , (h) The General Assembly holden at Edenburgh , Decem. 25. 1564. found themselves concerned to make another Act , ordaining Every Minister , Exhorter , and Reader to have one of the Psalm books , lately printed at Edenburgh , and use the Order contained therein , in Prayers , Marriage , and Administration of the Sacraments . Where observe further , that Prayers , not mentioned in the Act , 1562. are now put in ; from which it may be probably conjectured , that , as much as Knox was against the English Liturgy , he found many difficulties to get it laid aside ; so many that , it has not only been used by some ( few or many , I cannot tell ) in the Ministration of the Sacraments , &c. after the Act 1562. But the Clergy have not found themselves obliged to forbear the use of it , in the publick prayers ; so that it was needful , in this Assembly 1564 , to make a New Act , restricting them both as to Prayers and other Ministrations , to the Order of Geneva . And if this holds , we have the English Liturgy , at least , seven Years in continued practice in Scotland . But it is enough for my main purpose , that it was once universally in use , which I think cannot be denied by any who impartially considers what hath been said : And now 6. May not I adduce one Testimony more ? 'T is true it is of a latter date : But it is very plain and positive , and what I have adduced already is security enough for its Credibility : It is the Testimony of the Compilers of our Scottish Liturgy , which made the great Stir in the year 1637. And was made one of the main pretences for the first Eruptions of that execrable Rebellion which ensued ; The Compilers of that Liturgy , I say , in their Preface to it , tell us , That it was then , known , that diverse years after the Reformation we had no other Order for Common Prayer , but the English Liturgy . A Third Principle wherein our Reformers agreed with the Church of England , and which stands in direct contradiction to the Principles of our Presbyterians , is , that they own'd , the Church had a great Dependance on the State ; That it belong'd to the Civil Magistrate to reform the Church ; That People might appeal from the Church , to the Civil Magistrate , &c. I am not now to enter into the Controversie concerning the Dependence or Independence of the Church upon the State , that falls not within the compass of my present Undertaking : Neither will I say that our Presbyterians are in the wrong , as to the true substantial Matter agitated in that Controversie . All I am concerned for at present , is that , in these times , those of the Church of England own'd a great Dependence of the Church upon the State , and that our Reformers agreed with them in that Principle ; and I think I may make short work of it : For That that was the Principle of the Church of England in these times , I think no man can readily deny , who knows any thing about her , at , and a good many years after , her Reformation . All my business is to shew , that our Reformers were of that same Principle . And I think that shall be easily made to appear : For As to the Civil Magistrates power to reform the Church what can be more clear , than the Petition presented to the Queen Regent , in November 1558 ? There our Reformers tell her Majesty , (i) that Knowing no Order placed in this Realm , but her Majesty and her grave Council , set , to amend , as well , the Disorder Ecclesiastical , as the Defaults in the Temporal Regiment , they do most humbly prostrate themselves , before her Feet , asking Iustice , and her Gracious Help against such as falsely traduced and accused them as Hereticks and Schismaticks , &c. In which Address , we have these two things very clear and evident , 1. That they own'd , that the Civil Magistrate , had power to amend Ecclesiastical Disorders , as well as Temporal . 2. That , in consequence of this , they applied to the Civil Magistrate for protection against the pursuits of the Church . And in their Protestation given in to the Parliament about that same time , They most humbly beseech the sacred Authority to think of them as faithful and obedient Subjects , and take them into its Protection , keeping that Indifferency , which becometh Gods Lieutenants to use , towards those , who , in his Name , do call for Defence against Cruel Oppressors , &c. Meaning the then Church-men . (k) Indeed , None clearer for this than Knox himself , as is to be seen fully in his Appellation from the cruel and most unjust Sentence , pronounced against him by the False Bishops and Clergy of Scotland , ( as he himself names it ) For there (l) He lays down and endeavours to prove this Assertion , That it is lawful to Gods prophets , and to Preachers of Christ Iesus to appeal from the Sentence and Iudgment of the visible Church , to the Knowledge of the temporal Magistrate , who , by Gods Law , is bound to hear their Causes and to defend them from Tyranny . And in that same Appellation , (m) he largerly asserts and maintains the Dependance of the Church upon the State : The Ordering and Reformation of Religion , with the instruction of Subjects ( he says ) doth appertain especially to the Civil Magistrate . For why ? Moses had great power in the Matters of Religion : God revealed nothing particularly to Aaron ( the Church-man ) but commanded him to depend from the Mouth of Moses ( the Civil Magistrate ) : Moses was impowered to separate Aaron and his Sons for the Priesthood : Aaron and his Sons were subject to Moses . Moses was so far preferred to Aaron , that the one commanded , the other obeyed . The Kings of Israel were commanded to read the Book of the Law all the days of their Lives , not only for their own private Edification , but for the publick preservation of Religion ; so David , Solomon , Asa , Iehosophat , Hezekiah , Iosiah understood it , and interested themselves in the Matters of the Church , accordingly . From which it is evident , ( saith he ) That the Reformation of Religion , in all points , together with the Punishment of false Teachers , doth appertain to the power of the Civil Magistrate : For what God required of them , his justice must require of others , having the like Charge and Authority ; what he did approve in them , he cannot but approve in all others , who with like Zeal and Sincerity do enterprize to purge the Lords Temple and Sanctuary . Thus Knox ( I say ) in that Appellation . I do not concern my self with the truth or falshood of his positions ; neither am I to justify or condemn his Arguments ; All I am to make of it is , to ask my Presbyterian Brethren , whither these Principles of Knox's suit well with declining the Civil Magistrate as ane incompetent Iudge in Ecclesiastical matters ? with refusing to appear before him prima instantia for the tryal of Doctrines preacht in the Pulpit ? with the famous distinction of the Kings having power about Church matters Cumulative but not Privative ? &c. I am affraid it shall be hard enough to reconcile them . I shall only instance in one principle more , which seems to have been common to our , and the English Reformers , but it is one of very weighty consequence and importance to my main design : It is Fourthly , That Excellent Rule of Reformation , viz. That it be done according to the word of God , interpreted by the Monuments and Writings of the Primitive Church . That antient , solid , approven Rule : That Rule so much commended by that excellent Writer Vincentius Lirinensis : That Rule which the common sense of mankind cannot but justify , when it is considered soberly and seriously , without partiality or prejudice . A Rule , indeed , which , had the Reformers of the several Churches , followed unitedly and conscientiously , in those times , when the Churches in the Western parts of Europe were a Reforming ; we had not had so many different Faiths , so many different Modes of Worship ; so many different Governments , and Disciplines , as , Alas ! this day , divide the Protestant Churches , and by consequence , weaken the Protestant Interest : A Rule , which had the pretenders to Reformed Religion , in Scotland , still stood by , we had not , possibly , had so many horrid Rebellions , so many unchristian Divisions , so many unaccountable Revolutions , both in Church and State , as , to our sad Experience , have , in the Result , so unhing'd all the Principles of natural justice and honesty , and disabled , nay , eaten out the principles of Christianity amongst us , that now we are not disposed so much for any thing as downright Atheism . But were our Reformers , indeed , for this Rule ? That shall be demonstrated by and by , when we shall have occasion to bring it in again as naturally , to which opportunity I now refer it : in the mean time , let us briefly sum up all that hath been hitherto said , and try to what it amounts . I have , I think , made it appear , that , while our Reformation was a carrying on , and when it was established Anno 156● , there was no such Controversie agitated , in the Churches , as that concerning the indispensible necessity of Presbytery , and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy , concerning the Divine Right of Parity , or the Vnallowableness of imparity amongst the Governors of the Church . I have said enough to make it credible , that our Scottish Reformers had no peculiar occasions , opportunities , provocations , abilities , for falling on that Controversie , or determining of it , more than the Reformers of other Churches : In consequence of this , I have further shewed , that , from all the monuments of these times , I have seen , not so much as One of our Reformers can be adduced , as asserting the Presbyterian side of this Controversie . Lastly , I have , I think , made it evident , that our Reformers went very much upon the same Principles , on which the English Reformers went , who still continued Episcopacy ; unquestionably , on many Principles of great weight and importance , as to the Constitution and Communion , the Government and Polity of the Church , which staid in direct opposition and contradiction to the Principles of our present Presbyterians . And now , let any judicious and impartial person lay these things together , and then let him ingenuously determine , whether it be not highly incredible , that our Reformers were for the divine institution and indispensible Right of Parity , and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy , which is the Principle , at least , the Profession of our present Presbyterians . Yet after all this , I must tell my Reader , that I have insisted on these things , so much as I have done , principally for smoothing the way for the Evidences I am yet to produce for the certainty of my side of the Second Enquiry . And I am content , that these things I have already discoursed , should pass for no more than Rational Presumptions , till I have tried if more strength can be added to them , and they can be rendered more cogent and concluding by a succession of plain , positive , direct , and formal proofs of my Assertion : And , to engage my Readers attention , I dare adventure to promise him that , to as high a degree as the nature of the thing is capable of , at least , can reasonably bear . And so , without further address , I thus proceed . Before our Reformation was established by Law , our Reformers addressed to the Government by several Petitions , that Religion and the Church might be reformed . I shall take notice of Three , all pertinent to my purpose . One of them is no where ( that I have seen ) set down at length ; the other two are in Knox his History . That which is no where set down at length , is to be seen abridged in Buchd●a● , Lesly , and Spotswood , (a) but with some little variation ; For Buchanan has given that Article , which I am at present concerned about● according to his way , in general terms ; Thus , Vt Ministrorum Electio , juxtà antiquam Ecclesiae consuetudinem , penes populum esset , Spotswood has translated Buchanan's words faithfully enough , in this matter , as he doth in many other things ; but Lesly gives it a little more distinctly thus Vt EPISCOPI deinceps , & PASTORES , illi , Dominorum ac Nobilium cujuscunque DIOICESIS , hi , PAROCHORVM assensione ac voluntate , ad BENEFICIA cooptentur . That this Petition thus abridged by these three Historians was a Petition different from that which we have published at length in Knox , seems unquestionable ; for that which is in Knox , has not one syllable about the Election of Ministers ; and beside , Buchanan fairly insinuates , that there was another , distinct from that which he had abridged , tho not much different : For thus he discourses (b) Papani , Edinburgi , ad eadem FERE postulata quaeper Nobilitatem ad eam ( Reginam proregem ) sunt delata , PENE paribus usi sunt Responsis . Now if it had been the same Petition , why would he have said , ad eadem FERE postulata , and PENE paribus Responsis ? This I take notice of , that my Presbyterian Brethren may not have occasion to ●avil , at the Article as it is in Lesly , as if it were not genuine , because it is not in the Petition recorded by Knox , and , from him ( most imperfectly ) abridged by Calderwood , their two great and authentick Historians . For , as for Mr. Petrie , he was so wise , as not to trouble himself with either of these Petitions ; perceiving , belike , that neither of them was favourable to his beloved Parity . To proceed , now , with the Article as it is in Lesly . If he has set it down faithfully , I think we have a fair account of the sentiments of our Reformers , concerning Mother Parity ; (c) so very fair , that he who runs may read it . The Question then is , whither Lesly has faithfully transmitted this Article to us ? And for the affirmative , I offer these Reasons . 1. There 's no reason to doubt of his integrity in this matter ; he was a zealous Papist , and a Bishop to boot : And it is evident , as he was either of these , it was not his interest to make our Reformers such friends to Episcopacy , if they were not such , really : For if they had not made that Distinction between Bishops and Presbyters , if they had professed the Divine Right of Parity , he had had good ground for accusing them of receding from the undoubted principles , and universal practice of the Catholick Church , in all times , and in all places , in a point of so great weight and consequence in the Government of the Church : Ane occasion which one of his Zeal for his party would not probably have neglected to take hold of ; far less would he have lied so palpably to save the Reputation of his Adversaries . 2. As he had no temptation to falsify in this matter , so , he had all other Qualifications of a credible Witness . He lived in these times ; he himself was a Clergy man , then ; probably , he was a Member of that same Convocation to which the Petition was offered ; and I think no man will doubt of his Abilities to comprehend such a matter . Indeed 3. If he forged this Article , he was ridiculously impudent at Forging ; for as he did it without any imaginable necessity , without any shadow of a degree of subserviency to his Cause , so he put himself upon a necessity of forging more , even , a good long Answer , which , he says , was return'd to that Article by the Convocation , viz. That it was not reasonable , they should alter the Method of Electing Bishops and Presbyters , prescribed by the Canon Law , especially in the time of the Queens Nonage : Her Prerogative was interested in the matter : She with the Popes Consent had power to nominate the Prelates ; and to take that Power out of her hands without her Consent , or before she came to perfect Age , was notoriously , as well as undutifully to invade her Royalty . Ane Answer , indeed , exactly fitted for the Article , as he hath transmitted it . But the truth is , 4. That he neither forged the Article , nor the Convocations Answer to it , we have further undoubted Evidence ; for I have seen ane Old Manuscript Scottish History ( which I can produce if I am put to it ) which exactly agrees with Lesly , as to the Article ; for thus it hath it , The Election of the Bishops and Kirkmen , to pass ▪ by the Temporal Lords , and People , of their Diocesses and Parishes . And , Buchanan , upon the matter , gives that same account of the Convocations Answer , affirming , that , As to the Election of Ministers they answered , That such Matters were to be regulated by the Canon Law , or the Decrees of the Council of Trent . 5. Neither will it be found of any force , to say , that Buchanan has not the Article ; nor Spotswood , whose interest it was to have had it , if such a thing had been , considering his Principles , and what was one of his principal designs in writing his History . This is of no force , I say , for 1st as for Buchanan , it is evident from the whole tract of his History , That he aim'd , principally , at Matters of State , bringing in Church Matters only by the by , as we say , so that it is no wonder , if he did not record them accurately , and with all the preciseness of Nicety : And yet , even as he summs up the Petition , he has something in it which plainly imports , the Petitioners had no thought to interrupt the Continuation of Imparity ; for thus he puts the last Article , If , by the Negligence of former times , ignorant or wicked men had been advanced to Ecclesiastical Dignities , they might be removed , and others substituted in their Offices . In which words , 't is plain , that as there had been HONORES , Ecclesiastical Dignities , and MINISTERIA , different Offices amongst the Clergy before , so now , there was nothing like petitioning , for abrogating any of them . But that these Dignities might be better bestowed , and these Offices better provided : The Dignities and Offices were to continue , no Change to be made but of the Dignitaries and Officers . 2. As for Spotswood , as , I grant , it had been very proper for his purpose to have taken notice of the Article as it is in Lesly ; so , that he took no notice of it , is no argument that Lesly was in the wrong ; for , besides that there is no colour of reason for discrediting one Historians accounts , because another is silent about them ; the truth is , whosoever reads Spotswoods History , and compares it with the rest of our Histories , will find a very great many such Defects : And we shall have a very clear , as well as a very considerable instance by and by , when we come to the next Petition . In the mean time , let me add another irrefragable Evidence ( so I think ) of Leslies integrity , as to this Article . It is 6. That when our Reformers had carried the day , and so came to establish the Government of the Church ; they exactly reduced to practice , that which they had petitioned for in the Article , in the Election of Superintendents ; as is clear both from the First Book of Discipline , and the Form of Electing Superintendents , as it is to be seen both in the Old Scottish Liturgy , and in Knox his History . In the Fifth Head of the First Book of Discipline , it was appointed (d) That the Council should nominate the Superintendents , or give Commission to men of best Knowledge , and who had the fear of God , to do it ; the Gentlemen and Burgesses of Towns , within the Diocesses , being always made privy to the Election . And In the Order for Electing Superintendents , as 't is both in the Old Liturgy , and Knox's History (e) we are told , that the Council having given charge and power to the Churches of Lothian , to choose Master John Spotswood , Superintendent , sufficient warning was made , by publick Edict , to the Churches of Edenburgh , Linlithgow , Sterling , Trenent , Hadingtown and Dumbar ; as also to Earls , Lords , Barons , Gentlemen , or others that had , or might claim to have , Voice in Election , to be present , &c. This was done in the beginning of the year 1561. Now Lay these two things together , and what is the Result ? what else , than giving power to the Nobility and Gentry of the Diocess to elect their Bishop , according to the Article , as Lesly hath it in his Breviate of the Petition ? Thus we have found Lesly honest , and his account just and genuine ; and thereby ( as I take it ) this proposition fairly demonstrated , that our Reformers were so far from being Presbyterian , so far from being for the divine institution , and indispensable right of Parity , that , on the contrary , they were clear for Imparity , for Episcopacy . But this is not all . The Second Petition which I mentioned , and which is set down in full form in Knox's History , tho it doth not name Bishops , is every whit as plain and decretory , that the sentiments of our Reformers were no ways inimicous to Prelacy ( if I may make use of a word made fashionable , by a Nobleman of the fashion . ) But , on the contrary , that they were plainly for it . This I take to be so fully and fairly exprest in the fifth and last Article of that Petition , that I will here transcribe it word for word . (f) Lastly , we require most humbly , that the wicked , slanderous and detestable Life of Prelates , and of the State Ecclesiastical , may be reformed , that the people , by them , have not occasion ( as of many days they have had ) to contemn their Ministery , and the preaching whereof they should be Messengers . And if th●● suspect , that we rather envy their Honours , or covet their Riches and Possessions , than zealously desire their Amendment and Salvation , we are content , that not only the Rules and Precepts of the New Testament , but also THE WRITINGS of the ANCIENT FATHERS , and the GODLY and APPROVED LAWS of JUSTINIAN the EMPEROR , decide the Controversie betwixt us and them : And if it shall be found that , either malevolently , or ignorantly , we ask more ; than these fore-named have required and continually do require , of able and true Ministers , in Christs Church , we refuse not Correction as your Majesty , with right Iudgment , shall think meet : But if all the fore-named shall condemn , THAT which we condemn ; and approved THAT which we require ; then we most earnestly beseech your Majesty , that , notwithstanding the long Custom which they have had to live at their lust , they be compelled either to desist from Ecclesiastical Administration , or to discharge their Duties , as becometh True Ministers . So that , the GRAVE and GODLY FACE of the PRIMITIVE CHVRCH being REDVCED , Ignorance may be expelled , true Doctrine and good Manners , may once again appear in the Church of this Realm . Here our Reformers lay down a complexe Rule , according to which they crave the Church , and the Ecclesiastical State may be Reformed : This complexe Rule , is made up of the Rules and Precepts of the New Testament , the Writings of the Antient Fathers , and the Godly and Approved Laws of the Emperor JUSTINIAN . This is that solid , orthodox , proper , and adequate Rule of Reformation , which I mentioned before ; as Vincentius Lirinensis his Rule , and the Rule wherein our Reformers agreed with the English Reformers : By this Rule , our Reformers are content , that all the Controversies betwixt them and the Papists , be de●ided ; they refuse not Correction , if they ask more than this Rule requires ; they condemn no more than this Rule condemns : This Rule approves all they are asking . In short , they require no more than that according to this Rule , the grave and godly Face of the Primitive Church may be restored , as it was in JUSTINIAN's time ; Let the Ecclesiastical State be reduced to that Frame and Constitution , and the Clergy live , and rule , and discharge their Trusts and Offices , as the Clergy did then , and they are satisfied : And now , if these Reformers who thus petitioned , and , in their Petition , thus reasoned and agreed to such a Rule of Reformation , were for the divine institution of Parity , and the sacred Rights of Presbytery ; nay if ▪ they were not , not only for the Lawfulness , but the Continuance of Prelacy ; I must confess my ignorance to be very gross , and so I refuse not Correction . For this Evidence , as I said we are beholden to Knox , and to Knox only : 'T is true indeed , Calderwood (g) gives us the Abstract of this Petition , but he conceals and suppresses the whole pith and marrow of this Article , summing it up in these few ill-complexion'd words , That the slanderous and detestable life of the Prelates , and the State Ecclesiastical may be reformed ; which , at first view , one would imagin , lookt kindly towards Presbytery ; but I am not surprized to find him thus at his Tricks ; 't is but according to his Custom : To have set down the full Article , or to have abridged it so as that its force and purpose might have been seen , had been to disserve his Cause , and do ane ill Office to his Idol , Parity . And Petrie ( as I have said ) was so wise , as not to touch it at all , lest it had burnt his Fingers : but that Archbishop Spotswood should have overlookt it both in his History , and in his Refutatio Libelli , &c. seems very strange . For my part I should rather think we have not his History intire , and as he design'd it for the Press ( for which , I have heard other very pregnant presumptions ) than that so great a man was guilty of so great ane Oscitancy . But whatever be of this , Knox has it , and that is enough ; and Calderwood has abridged it , and that 's more than enough for my Presbyterian Brethren . The Third Petition which I promised to adduce , is that which was presented to the Parliament which established the Reformation Anno 1560. for which we are obliged to Knox alone also ; at least , so far as the present Argument is concerned . (h) For tho both Spotswood and Petrie (i) make mention of the Petition or Supplication , yet neither of them has recorded that which I take notice of ; and Calderwood is so accurate ane Historian , as to take no notice of the Petition . That which I take notice of in it , as it is in Knox , is , That when our Reformers came to crave the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical State , they bespoke the Parliament thus . And lest that your Honours should doubt in any of the premisses ( they had affirmed before , That the Doctrine of the Roman Church contained many pestiferous errors ; that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ were most shamefully abused and profaned by the Roman Harlot ; that the true Discipline of the antient Church , amongst that Sect , was utterly extinguisht ; and that the Clergy , of all men within the Realm , were most corrupt in life and manners , &c. ) we offer our selves evidently to prove , that in all the Rabble of the Clergy , there is not one Lawful Minister , IF GODS WORD , THE PRACTICES OF THE APOSTLES , THE SINCERITY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHVRCH , AND THEIR OWN ANCIENT LAWS SHALL IVDGE OF THE ELECTION . Here , I say , our Reformers insist on that same very Rule , for finding if there be Corruptions in , and by consequence for reforming of , the Church , on which they insisted , in the aforementioned Petition ; from which , 't is evident , they persisted of the same sentiments , and 't is easy to draw the same inferences . Such were the sentiments of our Scottish Reformers , before the Reformed Religion had the countenance of the Civil Government , and Acts of Parliament on its side , and was made the National Religion . Let us try next what kind of Government they did establish , when they had got Law for them ? Whither they established a Government that was to be managed by Ministers acting in Parity , or in Imparity ? And , here , I think , the Controversy might very soon be brought to a very fair issue . The First Book of Discipline , the Acts of many General Assemblies , the Acts of many Parliaments , Both , without interruption ; the unanimous Consent of Historians , and the uncontroverted Practice of the Church for many years ; all concurring to this Assertion . That the first Establishment was of a Government , which was to be managed by Superintendents , and Parochial Ministers , Elders and Deacons , acting in Subordination , not in a State of Parity with , but in a State of inferiority in Power and Iurisdiction to these Superintendents . This Establishment , I say , is so clear and undoubted from all these fountains , That no more needed be said upon the whole Argument . But because our Presbyterian Historians and Antiquaries , , tho they cannot deny the thing , do yet endeavor with all their Might and Cunning to intricate it , and obscure it ; I shall , further , undertake two things . I. I shall give the world a fair prospect of the power of Superintendents , as they were , then , established , and of the Disparities betwixt them and Parish Ministers . II. I shall endeavour to dissipate these Mists , whereby our Presbyterian Brethren are so very earnest to involve and darken this Matter . As for the I. The world may competently see , that Superintendents as established in Scotland , at the Reformation , had a considerable stock of Prerogatives , or Preheminencies ( call them as ye will ) which raised them far above other Churchmen , far above the allowances of that Parity , our Presbyterian Brethren contend for so eagerly , from the following Enumeration . 1. They had Districts or Diocesses of far larger extent than other Churchmen : Private Ministers had only their private Parishes , and might have been as many as there were Churches in the Kingdom : But according to the Scheme laid down by our Reformers in the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (a) only ten or twelve Superintendents were design'd to have the Chief Care ( as it is worded in the Prayer at the Admission of a Superintendent ) of all the Churches within the Kingdom : Indeed ten are only , there , design'd , but it was because of the scarcity of qualified men , as we shall learn hereafter . 2. As they had larger Districts than Parish Ministers , so , there were correspondent Specialities in their Election . Parish Ministers were to enter to such Churches as had Benefices , by presentation from the Patron , and Collation from the Superintendent , as is evident from Act 7. Parl. 1. Iam. 6. and many Acts of Assemblies , as shall be fully proven afterward . If they were to serve where the Benefice was actually possessed by a Papist , they were to be chosen by the People of the Congregation , by the appointment of the First Book of Discipline , Head 4. (b) But the Election of Superintendents was quite different ; they were to be nominated by the Council , and elected by the Nobility and Gentry , &c. within their Dioceses , as hath been already considered . 3. There was as great a difference in the matter of Deposition , if they deserved it . Parish Ministers by the First Book of Discipline , Head 8. (c) were deposable by the Superintendent of the Diocess , and the Elders of the Parishes , where they were Ministers ; but of this more hereafter . (d) But by that same First Book of Discipline , the Superintendent was to be judged by the Ministers and Elders of his whole Province , over which he was appointed ; and if the Ministers and Elders of the Province were negligent in correcting him , one or two other Superintendents , with their Ministers and Elders were to conveen him , providing it were within his own Province , or Chief Town , and inflict the Censure which his Offence deserved . Of the Reasonableness of this afterward . 4. There was as remarkable a difference in point of Ordination , which in the then , Scottish stile was called Admission . Private Ministers were to be admitted by their Superintendents , as we shall find afterwards . But by the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (e) Superintendents were to be admitted by the Superintendents next adjacent , with the Ministers of the Province . 5. In the case of Translation , the General Assembly holden at Edenburgh , Decem. 25. 1562. Gives power to every Superintendent , within his own bounds , in his Synodal Assembly , with consent of the most part of the Elders and Ministers of Kirks , to translate Ministers from one Kirk to another , as they shall consider the Necessity ; Charging the Minister so translated to obey the Voice and Commandment of the Superintendent , (f) But according to the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (g) No Superintendent might be translated at the pleasure or request of any one Province , without the Council of the whole Church , and that for grave Causes and Considerations . 6. A special care was to be taken of his Qualifications and Abilities for such ane important office , for thus it is appointed by the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (h) That after the Church shall be established , and three years are past , no man shall be called to the Office of a Superintendent , who hath not , two years , at least , given a proof of his faithful Labours in the Ministry . A Caution simply unapplyable to Parish Ministers . 7. He had a living provided for him by the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (i) about five times as much , yearly , as was alotted for any private Minister . And it is to be observed , that this was in a time when the Popish Bishops still brooked their Benefices . But when the Resolution was , Anno 1567 , to deprive all the Popish Clergy ; it was agreed to , in the General Assembly , by the Churchmen on the one hand , and the Lords and Barons on the other , That Superintendents should succeed in their places , as both the Mss. and Spotswood have it expresly . (k) 8. Superintendents , by vertue of their Office , were constant Members of the General Assemblies : Therefore the General Assembly holden at Perth , Iune 25. 1563. statuted , That every Superintendent be present the first day of the Assembly under the pain of , 40 sh. to be given to the poor without Remission . So it is in the Mss. but Petrie has it barely , That they shall conveen on the first day of every Assembly . (l) And it seems , because that punishment had not sufficient influence on them , it was , again ordained by the G. Ass. at Edenburgh , March 6. 1573. That they shall be present in the Assembly , the first day , before noon , under the pain of losing one half of their stipend for a year , &c. So both the Mss. and Petrie . (m) But as we shall find afterwards , such presence of Parish Ministers was not allowed , far less necessary . 9. It belonged to them to try those who stood Candidates for the Ministery , thus , 1. B. of Disc. Head 4. (n) Such as take upon them the Office of Preachers , who shall not be found qualified therefore , by the Superintendent , are by him to be plac●d Readers . And again , Head 5. (o) No Child , nor person within the age of 21 years , may be admitted to the Office of a Reader ; but such must be chosen and admitted by the Superintendent , as for their Gravity and Discretion may grace the Function that they are called unto . And the Ass. at Edenburgh , Dec. 15. 1562. Ordains , That Inhibition be made against all such Ministers as have not been presented by the people , or a part thereof , to th● Superintendent , and he , after Examination and Tryal , has not appointed them to their Charges . So the Mss. and so Petrie ; (p) and Spotswood cites another Act of the General Assembly at Edenburgh 1564. to the same purpose . (q) 10. As appears by that Act of the Assembly , Decem. 25. 1562. just now cited , and the 7 Act Parl. 1 Iac. 6. cited before ; also Superintendents had the power of granting Collations upon presentations . And the Assembly at Perth , holden in Iune 1563. appoints , That when any Benefice chances to vaik , or is now vacant , that a qualified person be presented to the Superintendent of that Province where the Benefice lyeth , and that he being found sufficient be admitted , &c. So I find it cited by the Author of Episcopacy not abjured in Scotland . 11. A Superintendent had power to plant Ministers in Churches , where the people were negligent to present timeously ; and indeed that power devolved much sooner into his hands by the First Book of Discipline , Head 4. (r) than it did afterwards into the hands of either Bishop or Presbytery ; for there it is ordered , That if the people be found negligent in electing a Minister , the space of forty days , the Superintendent with his Counsel may present unto them a man whom they judge apt to feed the flock , &c. And as he had thus the power of trying and collating Ministers , and planting Churches in the case of a Ius Devolutum . So 12. He had the power of Ordination , which , as I said , was then called Admission , as is evident from the First Book of Discipline , ( cap. 5. ) and several Acts of Assemblies already cited . 13. All Presbyters or Parish Ministers , once admitted to Churches , were bound to pay Canonical Obedience to their Superintendents . Thus in the Assembly at Edenburgh , Iune 30. 1562. It was concluded by the whole Ministers assembled , that all Ministers should be subject to the Superintendents in all lawful admonitions , as is prescribed , as well in the Book of Discipline , as in the Election of Superintendents . So the Mss. And by that aforecited Act of the Assembly at Edenburgh , Decem. 25. 1562. Ministers translated from one Church to another , are commanded to obey the Voice and Commandment of the Superintendent . Indeed , it was part of ane Article presented by the Church to the Council , May 27. 1561. That ane Act should be made appointing a ( civil ) Punishment for such as disobeyed or contemned the Superintendents in their Function . (s) 14. He had power to visit all the Churches within his Diocess , and in that Visitation ( they are the words of the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (t) To try the Life , Diligence and Behaviour of the Ministers , the Order of their Churches , the Manners of their People , how the Poor are provided , and how the Youth are instructed , &c. And further , In these Visitations he had power , particularly , to take account of what Books every Minister had , and how he profited from time to time by them . By Act of Assem . at Edenburgh , Iune 29. 1562. So 't is in the Mss. 15. He had power to depose Ministers that deserved it ; as appears from the First Book of Discipline , Head 8. already cited . And by the Assem . at Edenburgh , March 6. 1573. It is statuted that , if any Minister reside not at the Church where his Charge is , he shall be summoned before his Superintendent , or Commissioner of the Province , to whom the Assembly gives power to depose him , &c. So the Mss. and Potrie . (w) 16. He had power to translate Ministers from one Church to another , as appears from the Act already cited , Num. 4. and by ane Act of the Assembly at Edenburgh , Iune 25. 1564. It is concluded , that a Minister , being once placed , may not leave that Congregation without the Knowledge of the Flock , and Consent of the Superintendent , or whole Church : ( i. e. a General Assembly ) So the Mss. had so Pet. (v) These are all powers , methinks , scarcely reconcileable with ane opinion of the Divine Right of Parity ; but there are more , and perhaps , more considerable , as yet to follow . For 17. He had power to nominate Ministers to be Members of the General Assembly . This is clearly asserted by the Acts of two General Assemblies : The first at Edenburgh , in Iune 1562. where it was ordained , That no Minister leave his Flock for coming to the Assembly , except he have complaints to make , or be complained of , or at least be warned thereto by the Superintendent . So 't is in the Mss. and Spotswood cites it in his Refutatio Libelli , &c. The other Act was made by the Assembly holden at Edenburgh , Iuly 1. 1563. which I find thus worded in the Mss. fairly agreeing with Spotswood . (x) Anent the Order hereafter to be used in General Assemblies — They all voted and concluded as followeth , viz. That if the Order already received , pleases not , by reason of the Plurality of Voices , it be reformed in this manner . First , That none have place to vote , except Superintendents , Commissioners appointed for visiting the Kirks , and Ministers brought with them , presented as persons able to reason , and having knowledge to judge ; with the aforenamed shall be joyned Commissioners of Burghs and Shires , together with Commissioners of Vniversities . Secondly , Ministers and Commissioners shall be chosen at the Synodal Convention of the Diocess , by Consent of the rest of the Ministers and Gentlemen , that shall conveen at the said Synodal Convention , &c. From which it is plain , that the Superintendent or Commissioner ( who was a temporary Superintendent ) nominated the Ministers they brought with them to the Assembly ; and that the rest of the Ministers , &c. had only a power of consenting ; and so it was , thereafter , practised unquestionably . And if there were need of more Light , it might be copiously received from the Lord Glamis his Letter to Mr. Beza , Anno 1576. wherein he tells him , that it had been the Custom , ever since the Reformation , that the Superintendents , or Bishops , still nominated the Ministers , who met in the General Assemblies , than which , nothing can be more distinct and plain . And this Testimony is the more considerable , that it was not Glamis his own private deed , but that which was the Result of a considerable Consult ; as we shall learn hereafter . This was such a Branch of Episcopal power as mightily offended our Presbyterian Historians , it seems , for they have endeavoured to obscure it as much as they could : Neither Calderwood nor Petrie mentions the first of these two Acts ; they mention the second , indeed , but how ? Calderwood (y) huddles it up thus , It was thought meet , for eschewing of Confusion , that this Order be followed — That none have place , nor power to vote , except Superintendents , Commissioners appointed for visiting of Kirks , Ministers , Commissioners of Burghs and Shires , together with the Commissioners of Vniversities . Ministers and Commissioners of Shires shall be chosen at the Synodal Convention of the Diocesses , with consent of the rest of the Ministers and Gentlemen , &c. Leaving out intirely these words [ brought with them ( i. e. with the Superintendents and Commissioners of Kirks ) presented as persons able to reason , and having knowledge to judge ] whereby the power of the Superintendents and Commissioners for visiting of Kirks , is quite stifled , and the whole sense of the Act perverted ; for what sense is it , I pray , to say that the Ministers were to be chosen by consent of the rest of the Ministers , when you tell not who was to choose , or who they were , to whose Choice or Nomination the rest of the Ministers were to give that consent ? But it is no strange thing with this Author to let sense shift for it self , if the good Cause cannot be otherwise served . Neither is Petrie less unfaithful , for , he not only draws the Curtain over the whole power of the Superintendent , &c. so that you cannot have the least Glimpse of it from his account ; But he intermixes lies to boot ; only he stumbles not on Nonsense . He accounts thus , (z) Because heretofore all Ministers , that would come , were admitted to vote ; ( not one word of this , in the Narrative of the Act , as it is in the Mss. or any other Historian ; and it is directly contrary to the Act 1562. already mentioned ; so that 't is plain it is a figment of his own ) And now the Number is increased , and Commissioners of Shires were chosen in the Sheriff Court ( no other Historian , or Record I have seen , has one syllable of this either , tho 't is probable enough it was so ) This Assembly makes ane Act of three parts , concerning the Admission of Members : 1. That none shall have place to vote , but Superintendents , Commissioners for visiting Churches , Ministers and Commissioners of Shires and Burghs , chosen as follows , together with Commissioners of Vniversities . 2. Ministers and Commissioners of Shires shall be chosen at the Synod of the Bounds , by the Ministers and Gentlemen conveening there , &c. Not , with the consent of the rest of the Ministers , &c. you see , as Calderwood ridiculously had it , but , chosen by the Ministers , &c. without the least syllable that might import the Superintendents having any ( and far less the principal ) power in that Election . This is clean work of it . Thus , I say , these two Historians of the Party treat this notable branch of the power which our Reformers thought reasonable to confer on Superintendents ; but we shall not want occasions enough , for admiring their ingenuity . Return we now to our task . 18. They had power to hold Diocesan Synods : Ordains further ( they are the words of ane Act of the Ass. holden in Decem. 1562. as 't is both in the Mss. and Pet. (a) ) That the Superintendents appoint Synodal Conventions twice in the year , viz. in the months of April and October , on such days of the said months as the Superintendents shall think good . Whereby two things appear , 1. That he had the sole appointment of the day of meeting . 2. That he alone was Praeses of the meeting ; indeed they are frequently , or rather constantly , called his Synods . 19. Superintendents had power , within their own bounds , to appoint Diocesan Fasts , granted to them , by ane Act of the Assembly holden at Edenburgh , March 5. 1570. For there it is enacted , That all Superintendents and Commissioners to plant Kirks , in their first Synodal Conventions , hereafter following , with the advice of their Ministers , shall reason and appoint publick Fasting , if it shall be thought necessary . So the Mss. and Petrie . (b) 20. Another considerable instance of the power of Superintendents , was that of modifying or assigning to Parish Ministers , their Stipends or Livings . This is clear from ane Act of the General Assembly , holden at Edenburgh on the seventh of Iuly 1569. as it is both in the Mss. and Petrie (c) wherein , The Kirk presently conveened found it most needful and expedient that all Superintendents , Ministers , Exhorters and Readers , should have their own particular Assignations ( out of the Thirds of Benefices , as shall be more fully discoursed hereafter ) appointed them , to be received from the hands of the Labourers respective , or others addebted in payment of the Thirds . And therefore the Kirk in one voice by this their Act , gave their full power and commission to every Superintendent and Commissioner , within their own bounds , with Advice and Consent of their Synodal Conventions , to give to every Minister , Exhorter and Reader , particular assignations ad vitam , as they should find the same expedient , under the Superintendents Subscription , and Ministers aforesaid , with all Clauses needful and expedient thereto ; which shall be as sufficient , as if the same were sped by the General Assembly of the Kirk ; and as concerning the Superintendents and Commissioners of Kirks , their Provision and Assignation to be made by the General Assembly . 21. Appeals were to be made to them from inferior Iudicatories . Thus , by the Assembly at Perth in Iune 1563. (d) Concerning the Order of Appellation , it is statuted and ordained , that , if any person find himself hurt , by any Sentence , given by any Minister , Elders or Deacons ( i. e. by any Kirk Session , as we call them ) It shall be lawful for the person so hurt , to appeal to the Superintendent of the Diocess , and his Synodal Convention , within ten days , next after ; and the said Superintendent shall take Cognition , whether it was well appealed or not , and give his sentence thereupon . 'T is true indeed , ( and it was reasonable ) by the same Act , the person , if he thought himself injured , by the Superintendents sentence , might appeal to the General Assembly . Nay , 22. If the Superintendent found it Male Appellatum he had power of Fining ; thus it is ordered by the same Assembly . If the Appellant justifies not his Appellation , before the Superintendent and his Convention aforesaid ; then the Superintendent shall impute a pain upon the said Appellant , as ●e shall think good , beside the expence of the party . That he had this power is all I am concerned for ; let others judge whether it was purely Ecclesiastical . And as the Superintendent had this power of receiving Appeals made from inferiour Courts , so agreeably 23. He had the power , with the advice of his Synod , or such of the Ministers of his Diocess as he should choose for that purpose , to determine intricate Cases of Conscience or Government . Thus , by the Assembly at Edenburgh , Decem. 25. 1564. (e) It is ordained , that no Questions be proponed by any Brother till the affairs of the Kirk , and the Order thereof be first treated and ended ; and thereafter , if any Brother have a Question , worthy to be proponed , that the same be presented in writ ; and if the same requires hasty Resolution , it shall be decided in the present Assembly before the end thereof ; otherwise , the Decision of the same shall be referred to every one of the Superintendents , within whose bounds the Question is proponed ; and they , and every one of them , with a certain number of Ministers , as they shall think meet to appoint , for assisting , shall hear the Reasonings of the aforesaid Questions , and thereafter present the Reasons in writ affirmative , or negative , which every one of them shall report to the next Assembly . Again , by the Assembly holden at Eden . in Iuly 1568. (f) It is statuted and ordained , that Ministers , Exhorters , Readers , or other persons , hereafter , trouble not , nor molest , the General Assembly , with such things as Superintendents may , and ought to decide in their Synodal Conventions ; and if any chance to do hereafter , in the contrary , their Letters shall be rejected . Which Act , as is obvious , extends both to Cases of Right and of Fact ; and extending to Cases of Fact , it clears a little further , the former Head of Appeals , intimating fairly , that they were not to be made per saltum , neither yet Delations ; but doth in their proper Gradation , were to be brought , first , before the Superintendent , and by him , only , if he thought it needful , to be advanced , before the General Assembly : But most home to the present point , is the Act of the Assembly March 5. 1571. (g) by which it is statuted , That all Questions be first proponed to Superintendents , or Commissioners , in their Synodal Conventions , and , there , receive Solution ; and if they think them too hard , that they bring them to the General Assembly ; but that no private Ministers bring Questions to the Assembly prima instantia . 24. It belonged to the Superintendents , particularly , to judge of Divorces ; a point of great intricacy , as well as importance : Thus , I find , the Assembly at Edenburgh , Decem. 25. 1562. ( as it is in the Mss. ) ordains , That no Ministers , nor others bearing Office in the Kirk , take in hand to cognosce or decide in the Actions of Divorcement , except the Superintendents , and they , to whom they shall give special Commission . 25. It was a branch of their power also to injoyn P●nnance to greater Criminals : So the General Assembly holden at Edenburgh , Iune 25. 1564. ( as it is in the Mss. ) where it is thus , Touching such as relapse the third time in any kind of crime , such as Fornication or Drunkenness , it is statuted and ordained , that no particular Minister admit such persons to Repentance , but that they send them to the Superin●endent of the Diocess , where the crimes are committed , with information ; who shall give them such injunctions , as they think may make the offence to be holden in horror ; but chiefly that they compel the Offender to satisfy where the Offences were made , more days than one , as the Superintendent shall think good . And by the Gen. Ass. at Eden . March 5. 1571. (h) It is ordained that Adulterers , and other such scandalous persons , shall hereafter be called by the Superintendent or Commissioner of the Province , to compear before their Synodal Convention , and there receive their injunctions . And accordingly we find the Custom of the Church in those times , particularly , in the Case of the Countess of Argyle , Anno 1567. She had been guilty of a mighty scandal in being present at the Christening of the Prince , ( afterwards , Iames the Sixth ) which was performed after the Popish manner ; she behoved therefore to give satisfaction to the Church : And was ordered to do it , by the General Assembly , in such manner , and at such time , as the Superintendent of Lothian , ( within whose bounds the Scandal was committed ) should appoint . So both Spot . and Pet. (i) 26. Another branch , was , to restore Criminals to the Exercises of their Offices , if they had any dependance on the Church , after they had performed their Pennance , and received Absolution . Thus Thomas Duncanson , Reader at Sterling , had fallen in the Sin of Fornication ; for this he was silenced : He had performed his Pennance , and was absolved . Then the Question was put to the General Ass. met at Eden . Decem. 25. 1563. Whither having made publick Repentance , he might be restored to his Office ? And the Assembly determined , He might not , till the Church of Stirling should make Request to the Superintendent for him . (k) 27. To the Superintendents was reserved the power of Excommunication , in Cases of Contumacy , &c. Thus it is statuted by the Gen. Ass. at Eden . Iuly 1. 1562. That in Cases of Contumacy the Minister give notice to the Superintendent , with whose advice Excommunication is to be pronounced . So the Mss. and both the Mss. and Petrie have another long Act of the Assembly holden at Eden . Sept. 25. 1565. to the same purpose . (l) 28. It belonged also to them to delate Atrocious Criminals to the Civil Magistrate , that condign corporal punishments might be inflicted on them . To this purpose , I find it enacted by a Convention of the Kirk ( as it is called in the Mss. ) met at Eden . Decem. 15. 1567. to wait on the motions of the Parliament , That Ministers , Elders and Deacons make search within their bounds , if the crimes of Incest or Adultery were committed , and to signify the same to the Superintendent , that he may notifye it to the Civil Magistrate . Such was the power of Superintendents in the Government of the Church , and her Discipline . But because , several things may have relation to the Church , tho not formally and directly , yet reductively , and by way of Analogical Subordination , their power extended even to these things also , I shall only instance in two . 29. Then , because Vniversities , Colleges and Schools , are the Seminaries of Learning , and by consequence Nurseries for the Ministry ; the power of Superintendents over them , was very considerable . Thus by the First Book of Discipline , Head 5. (m) if , e. g. The Principal , or Head of any College within the University of St. Andrews died , the Members of the College , being sworn to follow their Consciences , were to nominate three of the most sufficient men within the University : This done , the Superintendent of Pife , by himself , or his special Procurators , with the Rector and the rest of the Principals , were to choose one of these three , and constitute him Principal . And when the Rector was chosen , he was to be confirmed by the Superintendent , (n) by that same Book : And again , by that same Book (o) The Money collected in every College for upholding the Fabrick , was to be counted and employed at the sight of the Superintendent . Further , the Gen. Ass. conveened at Eden . Ian. 25. 1565. presented this Article in a Petition to the Queen , That none might be permitted to have charge of Schools , Colleges , or Vniversities , &c. but such as should be tryed by the Superintendents . So 't is in the Mss. 'T is true it was not granted at that time ; but it shews the inclinations of our Reformers , as much as if it had been granted . And because it was not granted then , it was proposed again in the Ass. in Iuly 1567. and consented to by the Nobility and Gentry , and ratified by the Eleventh Act of the First Parliament of King Iames the Sixth , in December , that same year . And accordingly we find the Laird of Dun. Superintendent of Angus and Mearns , in Iuly 1568. holding at Visitation of the University of Aberdeen , and by formal sentence turning out all the Popish Members . The very air and stile of the Sentence , as Petrie hath it (p) is a notable Evidence of the paramount power of Superintendents ; for thus it runs , I , John Areskin , Superintendent of Angus and Mearns , having Commission of the Church to visit the Sheriffdoms of Aberdeen and Bamf , by the Advice , Counsel , and Consent of the Ministers , Elders and Commissioners of the Church , present , decern , conclude , and for final Sentence pronounce , That Master Alexander Anderson , &c. 30. Because bad Principles may be disseminated by bad Books , and thereby both the Purity and Peace of the Church may be endangered ; the Revising and Licensing of Books was committed to the Care of the Superintendents , by the General Ass. holden in Iune 1563. whereby it is ordained , That No work be set forth in Print , neither yet published in Writ , touching Religion or Doctrine , until such time as it shall be presented to the Superintendent of the Diocess , and advised and approven by him , or by such as he shall call , of the most learned within his bounds , &c. (q) Thus I have collected no fewer than Thirty Disparities betwixt Superintendents , as they were established in Scotland , by our Reformers , and private Parish Ministers ; each of them a Demonstration of inequality either of power or figure ; perchance a more nice and accurate Enquirer may find out more : But methinks these may be sufficient for my purpose , which was to give the world a fair prospect of the Preheminence of Superintendents , and of the Differences betwixt them and other Churchmen . And having thus perform'd the first part of my Undertaking , it is obvious to all who can pretend to be of the thinking part of mankind , that the second part is needless . For if these 30 Disparities amount not to ane invincible proof , that our Church , at the Reformation , was not govern'd by Ministers acting in parity , I may justly despair of ever proving any thing . Yet because I know many simple and less thinking people , are imposed on by the Noise and Dust our Presbyterian Brethren have raised about this matter ; I shall proceed to the next thing I undertook , which was II. To dissipate these Mists , wherewith our Parity-men are so very earnest to involve and darken this Prelatical power of Superintendents . They may be reduced to these Three . 1. The Establishments of Superintendents was only temporary , and for the then Necessities of the Church ; Superintendency was not intended to be a perpetual standing Office. 2. It was not the same with Episcopacy . 3. It was never established by Act of Parliament . 1. 'T is pleaded that Superintendency was only design'd to be a temporary , not a perpetual standing Office in the Church . Thus Calderwood (a) speaking of the First Book of Discipline , we may safely say ( says he ) the whole was recommended to be perpetually observed , except some few things , as the Office of Superintendents — whereunto they were forced , as they thought , by necessity , &c. And in his Breviate of the first book of Discipline (b) he offers at a Reason why it was so . They make a Difference , at this time among Ministers , some to be Superintendents , some to be ordinary Ministers ; not because Superintendents were of divine institution , as ane Order to be observed perpetually in the Kirk , but because they were forced only , AT THIS TIME , to make the Difference , lest , if all Ministers should be appointed to make continual Residence in several places , when there was so great Rarity of Preachers , the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of the preaching of the word : And G. R. in his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland , printed at Edenburgh 1691. in answer to the first of the ten Questions , following Calderwood exactly , ( as , indeed , he doth all alongst ; and it seems he has never read another of our Historians , so that he had some reason to call him , THE HISTORIAN , ibid. ) delivers it thus : 'T is true the Protestant Church of Scotland did set up Superintendents , but this was truly , ( and declared so to be ) from the Force of Necessity , and design'd only for that present Exigency of the Church , &c. And more pointedly in his true Representation of Presbyterian Government , printed at Edenburgh 1690. prop. 18. where he lays it down as ane undoubted truth , That Superintendency was only established throught necessity , when a qualified Minister could scarcely be had in a Province , &c. And Petrie seems to aim at the same way of Reasoning . Now (c) 1. Supposing all this true , what ground have they gained by it ? Do they not fairly acknowledge , that the Prelacy of Superintendents was established at the Reformation ? And is not that all I am concerned for ? For the Question is not whither Superintendency was design'd to be perpetual or temporary ? but whither it was a Prelacy ? And if it was a Prelacy , the Church of Scotland was not , then , govern'd by Ministers acting in parity . The Perpetuity , or Temporariness of it doth not affect its nature : If it was a Prelacy at all , it was as really a Prelacy , tho it had lasted but for a Day , as it had been , tho it had lasted till the Day of Iudgment . Just as our Presbyterian Brethren were as really Addressers to K. I. by addressing once , as they should have been , tho they had continued addressing to him till this very minute . This alone , in all conscience , might be enough for discussing this Plea. Yet , that I may not offend the Party , by seeming to think so meanly of this mighty argument ; I shall insist a little longer , and consider 2. If they have any sufficient Fund , in the Records of these times , for this pretence ? And 3. What Force or Solidity is in the reason insisted on to make this pretence seem plausible ? As to the first , viz. Whither there is any sufficient Fund in the Records of these times for this pretence ? All I have observed insisted on for this , is only one phrase in the fifth Head of the First Book of Discipline , AT THIS TIME . Take the whole period as it is in Petrie ; for he censures Spotswood for curtailing it . As Petrie has it , it runs thus . If the Ministers whom God hath endued with his singular Graces , among us , should be appointed to several places , there to make their continual Residence , the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of all Doctrine ; which should not only be the occasion of great Murmur , but also dangerous to the Salvation of many ; and therefore we have thought it a thing expedient AT THIS TIME , That from the whole number of Godly and Learned Men , now , presently , in this Realm , be selected Ten or Twelve ( for in so many Provinces we have divided the whole ) to whom Charge and Commandment should be given to plant and erect Kirks , to set , order , and appoint Ministers to the Countries , that shall be appointed to their care , where none are now . (d) This is the whole foundation of the Plea , for the Temporariness of Superintendency ; but , if I mistake not , the true Gloss of this period , will amount to no more than this , That because there were , then , so few men qualified for the Office of Superintendency , tho Ten or Twelve were , by far , too small a number for the whole Kingdom , yet , at that time , they thought it expedient to establish no more : And tho , when the Church should be sufficiently provided with Ministers , it would be highly reasonable , that the Superintendents should have places appointed them , for their continual Residence ; yet , in that juncture , it was necessary that they should be constantly travelling thro their Districts , to preach and plant Churches , &c. That the period will bear this Gloss is obvious to any who considers it impartially . And that this , and not the Presbyterian , is the true Gloss , I hope , may competently appear , if these things be considered , 1. It is notorious , that the Compilers of that First Book of Discipline , were generally , to their dying day , of Prelatical Principles . They were six , as Knox tells us : (e) Mr. Iohn Winrame , who died Superintendent of Strathern ; Iohn Spotswood , who was many years a Superintendent , and a constant Enemy to parity , as appears from his Sons account of him . (f) Iohn Willock , who died Superintendent of the West . Iohn Dowglas , who died Archbishop of St. Andrews . Iohn Row , who was one of the three that defended the Lawfulness of Episcopacy , at the Conference appointed by the General Assembly 1575 ; and Iohn Knox , of whom we have said enough already . Now , I ask , is it credible , that these men , all , so much for Prelacy , all their Lives , without any constraint on them ( As 't is certain , there was none ) should , while digesting a Model of Policy , have been only for a Prelacy that was to be laid aside , within , God knows , how short a time ; so soon as the Parish Churches could be planted with Ministers ? I know nothing can be said here , unless it be , that Knox was not so prelatical as the rest , and he would have it so , and the rest have yielded : But there 's no ground for this . For 2. Even Knox himself , if he was the Author of the History which bears his Name , amongst our Presbyterian Brethren , assigns a quite other reason than the then Necessities of the Church , for the Establishment of Superintendency : Superintendents and Overseers were nominated ( says he ) (g) that all things in the Church , might be carried with order , and well . A Reason , which , as it held since the Apostles times , will continue to hold so long as the Church continues . And is it not told again in that same History , (h) That , at the Admission of Spotswood to the Superintendency of Lothian , Iohn Knox in his Sermon asserted , the Necessity of Superintendents or Overseers , as well as Ministers ? The Necessity , I say , and not the bare Expediency , in that juncture . Further , now that I have Knox on the Stage , I shall repeat over again , a Testimony of his , which I have once transcribed already from his Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of Christs Gospel . Let no man be charged in preaching of Christ Iesus ( says he (i) above that which a man may do : I mean , that your Bishopricks be so divided , that of every one , ( as they are now for the most part ) may be made ten ; and so in every City , and great Town , there may be placed a godly learned Man , with so many joyned with him , for preaching and instruction , as shall be thought sufficient for the bounds commited to their Charge . Than which testimony , it is not possible to find a better Comment upon that period of the First Book of Discipline , ( penned also by Knox himself ) which is the subject of our present Controversie ; and it agrees exactly with my Gloss : For , from this Testimony it is clear , that he was for a great number of Bishops , and little Diocesses ; and that in a Church sufficiently provided with Ministers , the Bishop should not be obliged to travel from place to place , for preaching ; but might stay at the Chief City or Town of his Diocess . What I have said , might be sufficient for preferring Mine , to the Presbyterian Gloss : But I have more to say . For 3. This sense of the period accords exactly with the whole tenour of the First Book of Discipline ; in which , there 's not another syllable , the most partial Reader can say , favours the mistaken Conceipt about the Temporariness of Superintendency , but much to the contrary . Thus In the Head of the Election of Superintendents (k) the very first words are , Such is the present Necessity , that the Examination and Admission of Superintendents cannot be so strict as afterwards it must . Clearly importing , that , as Necessity forced them to establish a small number at first , so also , to take them as they could have them ; but that a stricter accuracy in their tryal would be needful , when the number of qualified men should increase , which runs quite counter to the whole design of the Presbyterian Gloss. Again , (l) If so many able men cannot be found at present , as Necessity requireth , it is better that these Provinces wait till God provide , than that men unable to edify and govern the Church be suddenly placed in the Charge , &c. Another Demonstration , why , at that time , they established so few Superintendents . Again , (m) If any Superintendent shall depart this life , or happen to be deposed , Rules are laid down for supplying the Vacancy . But to what purpose , if Superintendency was to be of so short continuance ? Farther yet , (n) After the Church shall be established , and three years are past , no man shall be called to the Office of a Superintendent , who hath not , two years , at least , given a proof of his faithful Labours in the Ministery of some Church . What could more plainly import , that the Office was to be durable ? Once more , (o) When this Book of Discipline comes to the business of the Vniversities , it supposes that Superintendents and Colleges were to be of equal continuance ; for the Superintendent was still to be at the choosing and installment of Principals and Rectors : and the Moneys collected for upholding the Fabrick , were to be counted yearly upon the 15th day of November , in the presence of the Superintendent of the bounds , and imployed with his advice , &c. Neither is this all yet ; For 4. The Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendent , to be found both in Knox's History , (p) and the Old Scottish Liturgy , is every way as patt for the continuance of the Office , as the First Book of Discipline . For the first thing we meet with there , ( as I have already observed ) is , The Necssity of Ministers , and Superintendents o● Oversecrs without any Exception or Speciality about the one more than the other . And as our Reformers had petitioned the Government for the Establishment of a Method , to be observed in the Election of Bishops and Presbyters , without any intimations of the Temporariness of either Office ; as we have shewed before ; so , here we find it put in practice ( as hath likewise , before , been observed ) without so much as one syllable , favouring the Presbyterian side of the present Controversie ; but on the contrary , all alongst for mine . Thus , The People are asked , If they will obey and honour him as Christs Minister , and comfort and assist him in every thing pertaining to his Charge ? And their Answer is , They will , and they promise him such Obedience , as becometh Sheep to give unto their Pastor , ( not so long as the present Necessity forceth , or , the present Exigence requireth , but ) so long as he remaineth faithful in his Charge . In short , the Order or Form for admitting a Superintendent , and a Parish Minister , was all one ; and there was nothing in it importing the one Office to be temporary , more than the other . And , however Calderwood thought fit to affirm , That Superintendents were not , then , established as of Divine Institution ; yet , in all this Form the divine Institution of their Office , is as much to be found as the divine Institution of Ordinary Ministers . The People , as we had it just now , were asked , if they would obey him as Christs Minister ? And he himself was asked , If he knew that the Excellency of this Office , to the which GOD CALLED HIM did require that his Conversation should be irreprehensible ? And again it was asked the People , Will ye not acknowledge this your Brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus ? Your Overseer and Pastor ? Will ye not maintain and comfort him in his Ministry and Watching over you , against all such as wickedly would rebel against God , and HIS HOLY ORDINANCE ? And in the Prayer after his Instalment , we have this petition , Send unto this our Brother , whom , IN THY NAME , we have charged with THE CHIEF CARE of thy Church within the bounds of Lothian , &c. Thus our Reformers thought of Superintendency when they composed this Form. Now , if they lookt upon it as Gods Ordinance , &c. with what reason can it be said , they design'd it meerly to be temporary , and for the , then , Necessities of the Church . I think it will be hard to prove , that it was the Divinity of these times , that men might dispense with divine Institutions ; but of this more afterwards . In the mean time , proceed we to a further , and indeed , ane irrefragable Topick for confirming my side of the present Controversie ; and that is 5. That , as the First Book of Discipline , and the Form of admitting Superintendents , do both fairly import , that our Reformers intended nothing less than the Temporariness of Superintendents , so 't is as clear from a vast number of Acts of General Assemblies . Most of these Acts I have already adduced for shewing the Disparities between Superintendents and Ordinary Ministers , when they are seriously considered , will be found uncontrovertibly to this purpose : But there are many more ; for example consider these following . The Assembly May 27 , 1561. (a) addressed to the Council , That special and certain provision might be made for the Maintenance of the Superintendents , Ministers , Exhorters and Readers ; and that Superintendents and Ministers might be planted where none were . The Assembly at Eden . Decem. 25. 1562. ( as the Mss. has it ) enacted , That , notwithstanding the proponing and nominating of the Superintendents for Aberdeen , Bamf , Jedburgh , and Dumfries , appointed before in the Third Session : and the days appointed for the Election of the same ; the further Advisement and Nomination of the persons should be remitted to the Lords of the secret Council ; providing , always , that the days appointed for their Election be not prolonged . Observe here that Aberdeen and Bamf were now design'd , each to have their Superintendent , whereas both were to be under one by the first Nomination , in the Book of Discipline ▪ One of the Articles ordered by the Assembly at Eden . Decem. 25. 1564. to be presented to the Queen , was , To require that Superintendents might be placed in the Realm , where none were , viz. in the Mers , Teviotdale , Forest Twedale , and the rest of the Dales , in the South , not provided ; with Aberdeen , and the other parts of the North , likewise destitute : So it is in the Mss. Petrie (b) has it only in short , That Superintendents be placed where none are . But as it is in the Mss. it shews plainly that , now that the Church was of four years standing , and the number of qualified men was increasing , the Assembly were for increasing , proportionably , the number of Superintendents : As is demonstrated thus ; by the Establishment in the First Book of Discipline , the Superintendent of Lothians Diocess comprehended the Sheriffdoms of Lothian , Stirling , Mers , Lauderdale , and Twedale . (c) Spotswood was set over this Diocess in March 1560 / 1. He was still alive , and in the Exercise of his Office ; and yet here , now , the Assembly craves that Superintendents may be placed in the Mers and Twedale , and the rest of the Dales . From which it follows , that that which was but one Diocess , Anno 1560. when qualified men were few , was design'd by the Assembly , Anno 1564. when the number of qualified men was somewhat increased , to be divided , at least , into three or four . Exactly agreeable to what I have all along asserted . In the Assembly at Eden . Iuly 20. Anno 1567. That famous Assembly , whereof Buchanan was Moderator , and which tumbled Queen Mary from her Throne , it was agreed , by the Nobility and Barons on the one hand , and the Church on the other , That all the Popish Clergy should be dispossessed , and that Superintendents , Ministers and other NEEDFUL MEMBERS of the Kirk , should be planted in their places . So it is in the Mss. and so Spotswood hath it : (d) But both Calderwood and Petrie , tho they mention the thing , yet , labour to obscure it ; for they do not so much as name Superintendents , far less , take notice that , they are reckoned amongst the Necessary Members , or were to succeed the Popish Bishops . (e) Farther , by the Ass. at Eden . Iuly 1. 1568. it is resolved , To advise with my Lord Regent his Grace and Council , that in the Rowms and Countreys where no Superintendents are , they may be placed . So the Mss. and Pet. (f) Nay Doth not Calderwood himself tell us , that , the Ass. holden at Eden . March 1. 1570. when it appointed the Order to be observed thereafter , in handling affairs brought before General Assemblies , ordained , in the sixth place , That the Complaints of Countreys for want of Superintendents should be heard and provided for , &c. (g) Further , doth not the same Calderwood record , that , when in the year 1574. the Superintendents of Angus , Lothian , and Strathern , would have dimitted their Office , the Assembly would not admit of their Dimission , but ordered them to continue in their Function ? (h) For what reason they offered to demit , perhaps , we shall learn hereafter . All I am concerned for at present is , that the Assembly would needs continue them in their Office now , fourteen years after the first legal Establishment of the Reformation . The truth is , this Assembly was holden in March , and Master Andrew Melvil , the Protoplast Presbyterian in Scotland , came not to the Kingdom , till Iuly thereafter . By this time , I think , I have made it appear , that our Reformers intended nothing less than to make Superintendency only temporary , and subservient to the then pretended Necessities of the Church . And likewise I have sufficiently made it appear , that it was merely for scarcity of qualified men , that so few Superintendents were at first design'd , by the First Book of Discipline ; which was the one half of my Gloss upon the controverted period in that Book . The other half , which was , that when once the Church was competently provided with Parish Ministers , the Superintendents were no longer obliged to their Evangelistical way of travelling constantly through their Diocesses , to preach , &c. is plain from what both Petrie and Spotswood agree in , as contained in the Book , viz. That they were to follow that method no longer than their Kirks were provided of Ministers , or , at least , of Readers . (i) Thus I have dispatched the first thing which was proposed to be enquired into , viz. Whither there was any sufficient fund in the Records of these times , for believing that our Reformers intended , that Superintendency should only be temporary . It remains now that we should consider the 2. viz. What Force or Solidity is in the reason insisted on by our Presbyterian Brethren , to make this pretence seem plausible ? The reason insisted on , by them , is , The Force of Necessity , there being so few men , then , qualified for the Ministery ; scarcely one in a Province , &c. Now who sees not that this so often repeated reason is intirely naught and inconsequential ? For , what tho , in these times , there were few qualified men for the Ministery ? How follows it , that therefore it was necessary to raise up Superintendents , and set them above their Brethren ? If the principles of parity had , then , been the modish principles , could not these few , who were qualified , have govern'd the Church , suitably to these principles ? Suppose we Twenty , Thirty , Forty men , in the Kingdom , qualified for the Office of the Ministery ; could not these 20 , or 30 , or 40 , have divided the Kingdom into a proportionable number of large Parishes ? And , still , as more men turn'd qualified , could they not have lessened these greater Parishes , till they had multiplied them to as great a number as they pleased , or was convenient ? It was easy to have done so : so very obvious , as well as easy , that , it is not to be doubted , they would have done so , if they had been of these principles . Why might not they have done so , as well as our Presbyterian Brethren , now adays , unite Presbyteries where they have a scarcity of Ministers of their Perswasion ? Where lies the impossibility of Vniting Parishes , more than uniting Presbyteries ? Indeed This way of reasoning is more dangerous than it seems our Presbyterian Brethren are aware of , for it quite cuts the sinews of Parity , and demonstrates irrefragably , that it cannot be the Model , our blessed Lord instituted for the Government of his Church . For who can believe he would institute a Model of Government for his Church , which could not answer the ends of its institution ? And is it not plain , that Parity cannot answer the ends for which Church Government was instituted , if the Church can be reduced to that State , that the Governors thereof , forced by Necessity , must lay it aside , and , for a time , establish a Prelacy ? Besides , What strange Divinity is it to maintain , that Parity is of divine Institution , and yet , may be laid aside in Cases of Necessity ? 'T is true G. R. in his True Representation of Presbyterian Government , cited before , is bold to publish to the world , such Divinity : But let him talk what he will of the Case of Necessity , the Force of Necessity , the Law of Necessity , let him put it in as many Languages as he pleases , as well as he hath done in Latin , telling , that Necessitas quicquid coegit , defendit : ( tho , I must confess , I have seen few Authors more unhappy at Latin ; ) And all that shall never perswade me , ought never perswade any Christian , that any Necessity can oblige Christians to forsake , far less , to cross Christs institutions ; for if it can oblige to do so in one Case , why not in all Cases ? Indeed to talk of crossing Christs institutions , when forced to it by the Laws of Necessity , what is it else , than to open a Door to Gnosticism , to Infidelity , to Apostacy , to all imaginable kinds of Antichristian Perfidy and Villany ? But enough of this at present . That which I am concerned for , is only this , that , being it was so very obvious and easy for our Reformers to have cast the very first Scheme of the Government of the Church , according to the Rules and Exigencies of Parity , if they had believed the divine and indispensable institution of it ; and being that they did it not , we have all the reason in the world to believe , that they believed no such principle . For my part , I am so far from thinking it reasonable , that Prelacy should be only needful , where there is a scarcity of men qualified to be Ministers ; that on the contrary I do profess , I am of opinion , that Prelacy seems to be every whit as needful and expedient , if not more , ( supposing we had it in our power to cut and carve ( as we say ) on Christs institutions ) where there are many , as where there are few Ministers . Sure I am , Experience hath taught so , and teaches so daily : and as sure I am , it can , with great reason , be accounted for , why it should be so ; but if it is so , I think , it is only help at a dead Lift ( as we say ) to say , that Superintendency was established at our Reformation , only , because of the Scarcity of men qualified to be Ministers . And so I proceed to our Brethrens next Plea , which is , SECONDLY , That Superintendency was not the same with Episcopacy . Calderwood assigns seven or eight differences between Superintendents and Bishops ; (a) and his faithful Disciple G. R. in his First Vindication , in answer to the first Question , resumes the same Plea , and insists mostly on the same Differences . Calderwood reckons thus , 1. In the Election , Examination and Admission of Ministers , the Superintendents were bound to the Order prescribed in the 4 th Head of the First Book of Discipline ; which is far different from the Order observed by Prelates . 2. Superintendents kept not the bounds , nor the limits of the old Diocesses . 3. Superintendents might not remain above twenty days in any place , till they had passed through the whole bounds ; must preach , at least , thrice in the week ; must stay no longer in the Chief Town of their Charge , than three or four Months at most , but must re-enter in Visitation of the rest of the Kirks in their bounds . Bishops think preaching the least of their Charge . 4. The Election , Examination , and Admission of the Superintendent , is set down far different from the Election , Examination and Admission of Bishops now adays , &c. 5. Superintendents were admitted without other Ceremonies than sharp Examination , &c. To the Inauguration of a Bishop is required the Metropolitans Consecrations . 6. There were no degrees of superior and inferior , provincial and general Superintendents : It is otherwise in the Hierarchy of the Prelates , &c. I have set down these six huge Differences , without ever offering to consider them particularly ; are they not huge Differences ? Behold them , examine them carefully ; is not each of them as essential and specifick as another ? Think not , courteous Reader , it was Malice or Ill-will to Episcopacy , made our Author muster up these Differences : These make but a small number ; if he had been acted by passion or vicious Byass , if his Malice had been vigorous and earnest to discharge it self that way ; he could have easily reckoned six hundred , every whit as considerable Differences : He might have told them , that Bishops wore Black Hats , and Superintendents Blue Bonnets ; that Bishops wore Silks , and Superintendents Tartan ; that Bishops wore Gowns and Cassocks , and Superintendents Trews and slasht Doublets ; and God knows , how many such differences he might have readily collected . And if he had adduced such notable differences as these , he had done every way as Philosophically , and as like a good Difference-maker . But in the mean time what is all this to Parity or Imparity amongst the Governors of the Church ? Do these differences , he has adduced , distinguish between Bishops and Superintendents as to preheminence of power , and the essentials of Prelacy ? Do they prove that Superintendents had no Prerogative , no Authority , no Jurisdiction , over Parish Ministers ? I have treated him thus coursly , because I know no other way of treatment Authors deserve , who will needs speak Nonsense rather than speak nothing . 'T is true indeed : One difference he has mentioned , which seems something material , and therefore I shall endeavor to account for it with some more seriousness . It is that by the Constitution , as we have it , both in the First Book of Discipline , and the Form and Order of electing Superintendents , Superintendents were made obnoxious to the Tryal and Censures of the Ministers within their own Diocesses . This I acknowledge to be true ; and I acknowledge further , that , herein , there was a considerable difference between them and Bishops ; as Bishops stood eminenced above Presbyters in the primitive times , and as they ought to stand eminenced above them in all well constituted Churches . But then I have these things to say , 1. I shall not scruple to acknowledge that , herein , our Reformers were in the wrong ; and that this was a great Error in the Constitution . I do avowedly profess , I don't think my self bound to justify every thing that was done by our Reformers : If that falls to any mans share , if falls to theirs who established this Article in the Claim of Right , which gave occasion to this whole Enquiry . That our Reformers , herein , were in the wrong , I say , I make no scruple to acknowledge ; and I think it cannot but be obvious to all , who have spent but a few thoughts about matters of Policy and Government . Indeed , to make Governours subject to the Censures and Sentences of their Subjects , what is it else than to subvert Government , to confound Relations , to sap the Foundations of all Order and politick Establishment ? It is ( as King Iames the sixth has it in his Discourse about the true Law of Free Monarchies , (b) and I cannot give it better ) to invert the Order of all Law and Reason ; to make the commanded , command the Commander ; the judged , judge their Iudge ; and them who are governed to govern , their time about , their Lord and Governour . In short , to give a just account of such a Constitution , it is very near of Kin , to that bantering Question I have sometimes heard proposed to Children or Ideots , If you were above me , and I , above you , which of us should , be uppermost ? I add further 2. That , as I take it , our Reformers put this in the Constitution , that they might appear consequential to a principle , then espoused and put in practice by them , about Civil Government ; which was , that the King was superior to his Subjects in their distributive , but inferior to them in their collective Capacity . † This principle , I say , in those days was in great Credit : Knox had learned it from the Democratians at Geneva ; his Authority was great , and he was very fond of this principle , and disseminated it with a singular zeal and confidence . Besides , our Reformers were , then , obnoxious to the civil Government ; the standing Laws were against them , and the Soveraigns perswasion , in matters of Religion , jumpt with the Laws . This Principle , therefore , ( had it been a good one ) came to them most seasonably ; and coming to them in such a nick , and withal , meeting , in them , with Scotch Mettal , † they put it in practice ; and being put in practice , God suffered it to be successful ; and the success was a new Endearment , and so it came to be a Principle of Credit and Reputation . Indeed , they had been very unthankful to it , and inconsequential to boot , if they had not adopted it into their Ecclesiastical , as well as their Civil Systeme ; and the Superintendents , having had a main hand in reducing it to practice against the Prince , could not take it ill if it was made a Law to themselves ; it was but their own measure . This , I say , I take to be the natural History of this part of the Constitution . Nay , 3. So fond , it seems , they were of this principle , that they extended it further , so far , as even to make Ministers accountable to their own Elderships . So 't is expresly established by the First Book of Discipline , Head 8. (c) The Elders ought also to take heed to the Life , Manners , Diligence and Study of their Minister : And if he be worthy of Admonition , they must admonish him ; if of Correction , they must correct him ; and if he be worthy of Deposition , they , with the Consent of the Church and Superintendent , may depose him . Here was a pitch of Democracy which , I think , our Presbyterian Brethren themselves , as self denied as they are , would not take with , so very kindly . And yet I am apt to believe , the Compilers of the Book , never thought on putting these Elders in a state of parity with their Ministers ; tho this is a Demonstration , that they have not been the greatest Masters at Drawing Schemes of Policy . But to let this pass . 4. Tho this unpolitical stroke ( to call it no worse ) was made part of the Constitution by that Book , as I have granted ; yet I have no where found , that ever it was put in practice . I have no where found , that De Facto a Superintendent , was judged by his own Synod ; whether it was , that they behaved so exactly , as that they were never censureable , or that their Synods had not the insolence to reduce a Constitution so very absurd , and unreasonable , to practice , I shall not be anxious to determine . But it seems probable it has been as much , if not more , upon the latter account than the former ; for I find Superintendents frequently tried , and sometimes censured by General Assemblies ; and there was reason for it , supposing that General Assemblies , as then constituted , were fit to be the supreme Judicatories of the National Church : For there was no reason that Superintendents should have been Popes , i. e. absolute and unaccountable ; so that , if I am not mistaken , our Brethren raise Dust , to little purpose , when they make so much noise about the Accountableness of Superintendents to General Assemblies , as if that made a difference between them and Bishops : For I know no man that makes Bishops unaccountable , especially when they are confederated in a National Church . But this by the way : That which I take notice of is , That seeing we find they were so frequently tried by General Assemblies , without the least intimation of their being , at any time , tried by their own Synods , it seems reasonable to conclude , that it has been thought fit to let that unreasonable Stretch in the first Constitution fall into Dissuetude : But however this was , I have all safe enough . For 5. Such a Constitution infers no such thing as parity amongst the Officers of the Church . Those who maintain , that the King is inferiour to his Subjects , in their Collection , are not yet so extravagant as to say , he is not superior to every one of them in their Distribution : They acknowledge he is Major Singulis ; and there 's not a person in the Kingdom , who will be so unmannerly as to say , that he stands upon the same Level with his Soveraign . But what needs more ? These same very Presbyterian Authors , who use this Argument , even while they use it , confess , That Superintendents , and ordinary Parish Ministers , did not act in parity ; and because they cannot deny it , but must confess it , whether they will or not , they cannot forbear raising all the Dust they can about it , that unthinking People may not see clearly that they do confess it . And had it not been for this reason , I am apt to think , the world had never been plagued with such pitiful jangle , as such Arguments amount to . Neither is the next any better , which is , 3. That Superintendency was never established by Act of Parliament . This is G. R.'s Argument in his learned Answer to the first of the ten Questions ; for there he tells us , That Superintendency was neither brought in , nor cast out , by Act of Parliament . And what then ? Doth he love it the worse that it was established , purely , by Ecclesiastical Authority ? How long since he turn'd ●ond of Parliamentary Establishments ? I wonder he was not affraid of the Scandal of Erastianism . But to the point : 'T is true indeed , it was not brought in by Act of Parliament ; but then , I think , he himself cannot deny , that it was countenanced , allowed and approven , by more than half a Dozen of Acts of Parliaments ; which , if our Author understands any thing either of Law or Logick , he must allow to be , at least , equivalent to a Parliamentary In-bringing . I have these Acts in readiness to produce , when I shall be put to it : But I think his own Act which he cited ( tho most ridiculously , as shall be made appear afterwards ) in the immediately preceeding paragraph , may be good enough for him . For , He concludes it as evident , that Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Protestants , was condemned by Law in the Parliament 1567. because it is , there , statute and ordained , that no other Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical be acknowledged within this Realm , than that which is , and shall be , within this same Kirk , established presently , or which sloweth therefrom , concerning preaching the Word , correcting of Manners , administration of Sacraments ; and Prelatical Jurisdiction was not then in Scotland . So he reasons . Now I dare adventure to refer it to his own judgment , whither it will not , by the same way of reasoning , follow , and be as evident , that the Iurisdiction of Superintendents was allowed of , by this same Act , seeing he himself cannot have the Brow to deny , that it was , then , in its vigor , and daily exercised ? I think this is Argument good enough , ad hominem ; But , as I said , we shall have more of this Act of Parliament hereafter . Thus I have dispelled some of these clouds our Presbyterian Brethren use to raise about the Prelacy of Superintendents ; perhaps there may be more of them , but , considering the weakness of these , which , certainly , are the strongest , it is easy to conjecture what the rest may be , if there are any more of them . And thus , I think , I have fairly accounted for the Sentiments of our Reformers , in relation to Parity or Imparity amongst the Governors of the Church , during the First Scheme into which they cast the Government of the Church . BEFORE I proceed to the next , I must go back a little , and give a brief Deduction of some things which may afford considerable Light , both to what I am now to insist on , and what I have insisted on already . Tho I am most unwilling to rake into the Mistakes or Weaknesses of our Reformers , yet I cannot but say , that our Reformation was carried on , and , at first established upon some principles , very disadvantageous to the Church , both as to her Polity and Patrimony . There were Mistakes in the Ministers on the one hand , and sinister and worldly designs amongst the Laity , on the other : and both concurred unhappily , to produce Great Evils in the Result . There was a principle had , then , got too much sooting amongst some Protestant Divines , viz. That the best way to reform a Church , was to recede as far from the Papists as they could ; to have nothing in common with them , but the Essentials ; the necessary and indispensable Articles and Parts of Christian Religion ; whatever was , in its nature indifferent , and not positively and expresly commanded in the Scriptures , if it was in fashion in the Popish Churches , was therefore to be laid aside , and avoided as a Corruption ; as having been abused , and made subservient to Superstition and Idolatry . This principle Iohn Knox was fond of , and maintained zealously ; and the rest of our reforming Preachers were much acted by his Influences . In pursuance of this principle , therefore , when they compiled the First Book of Discipline , they would not reform the Old Polity , and purge it of such Corruptions as had crept into it , keeping still by the main Draughts and Lineaments of it ; which undoubtedly had been the wiser , the safer , and every way the better course , as they were then admonisht , even by some of the Popish Clergy : (a) But they laid it quite aside , and instead thereof hammered out a New Scheme , keeping at as great a distance from the Old one , as they could , and as the Essentials of Polity would allow them ; establishing no such thing , however , as Parity , as I have fully proven . And no wonder ; for as Imparity has , obviously , more of Order , Beauty and Vsefulness in i●● Aspect , so it had never , so much as by Dreaming , entered their Thoughts , that it was a Limb of Antichrist ; or a Relique of Popery . That our Reformers had the aforesaid principle in their view , all alongst , while they digested the First Book of Discipline , is plain to every one that reads it . Thus , In the First Head , they condemn Binding Men and Women to a several and disguised Apparel ; to the superstitious observing of Fasting Days — Keeping of holy days of certain Saints , commanded by Man , such as be all these THE PAPISTS HAVE INVENTED , as the Feasts of the Apostles , Martyrs , Christmas , &c. (b) In the Second Head , The Cross in Baptism and Kneeling at the Reception of the Symbols , in the Eucharist . In the Third Head , they require not only Idolatry , but all its Monuments and Places to be suppressed ; and amongst the rest , Chappels , Cathedral Churches , and Colleges , i. e. as I take it , Collegiate Churches . And many other such instances might be adduced ; particularly , as to our present purpose : They would not call those , whom they truly and really , stated in a Prelacy above their Brethren , Prelates or Bishops , but Superintendents : They would not allow of Imposition of hands in Ordinations : They made Superintendents subject to the Censures of their own Synods ; they changed the bounds of the Diocesses ; they would not allow the Superintendents the same Revenues which Prelates had had before : They would not suffer Ecclesiastical Benefices to stand distinguished as they had been formerly ; but they were for casting them all , for once , into one heap , and making a new Division of the Churches Patrimony , and parcelling it out in Competencies , as they thought it most expedient . In short , A notable instance of the prevalency of this principle we have , even in the year 1572. after the Restauration of the Old Polity was agreed to . For , then , by many in the General Assembly , Exceptions were taken at the Titles of Archbishop , Dean , Arch-Deacon , Chancellor , Chapter , &c. as being Popish Titles , and offensive to the Ears of good Christians ; (c) As all Historians agree . Bu● then , As they were for these and the like alterations , in pursuance of this principle ; so they were zealous for , and had no mind to part with , the Patrimony of the Church . Whatever had been dedicated to Religious Uses ; whatever , under the notion of either Spirituality or Temporality , had belonged to either Seculars or Regulars , before , they were positive , should still continue in the Churches hands , and be applied to her Maintainance and Advantages ; condemning all Dilapidations , Alienations , Impropriations , and Laick Usurpations , and Possessions of Church Revenues , &c. as is to be seen fully in the Sixth Head of the Book . (d) Thus , I say , our Reformers had digested a New Scheme of Polity , in the First Book of Discipline , laying aside the Old one , because they thought it too much Popish . And now that we have this Book under consideration , it will not be unuseful ( nay it will be needful for a full understanding of what follows ) to fix the time when it was written . Knox ( and Calderwood follows him ) says , (e) it was written after the Dissolution of the Parliament , which sate in August 1560. and gave the legal Establishment to the Reformation . But Petrie (f) says , it is expresly affirmed in the beginning of the Book it self that the Commission was granted for compiling it on the 29th of April , 1560. and that they brought it to a Conclusion , as they could for the time , before the 20th of May ( a short enough time , I think , for a work of such importance . ) So Petrie affirms , I say , and it is apparent he is in the right ; for , his account agrees exactly with the First Nomination of Superintendents , which both Knox and Spotswood affirm to have been made in Iuly , that year . (g) And , besides , it falls in naturally with the Series of the History ; for the Nobility and Gentry's having seen the Book , and considered it before the Parliament sate , according to this account , makes it fairly intelligible , how it was intirely neglected , or rather rejected , not only , so far , as that it was never allowed of nor approven by them , as we shall learn by and by ; but , so far , that , in that Parliament no provision , at all , was made for the Maintainance and Subsistence of the Reformed Ministers . For understanding this more fully , yet , It is to be considered , that there had been Disceptations and Controversies the year before , viz. 1559. about the Disposal of the Patrimony of the Church . This I learn from a Letter of Knox's to Calvin , ( dated August 28. 1559. to be seen amongst Calvin's Epistles , Col. 441. ) wherein he asks his sentiments about this question , Whither the yearly Revenues might be payed to such as had been Monks and Popish Priests , even tho they should confess their former errors , considering that they neither served the Church , nor were capable to do it ? And tells him frankly , that he had maintained the negative , for which he was called too severe , not only by the Papists , but even by many Protestants . From which 't is plain , not only that there were , then , Controversies about the Disposal of the Patrimony of the Church , as I have said , but also , that Knox ( and by very probable consequence , the Protestant Preachers , generally ) was clear , that the Ecclesiastical Revenues had been primarily destinated to the Church for the ends of Religion ; and therefore whatever person could not serve these ends , could have no just Title to these Revenues : By which way of reasoning , not only ignorant Priests and Monks , but all Lay men whatsoever , were excluded from having any Title to the Patrimony of the Church . Now , While this Controversie was in agitation , as to point of Right , the Guise was going against Knox's side of it , as to matter of Fact. For , in the mean time , many Abbeys and Monasteries were thrown down , and the Nobility and Gentry were daily possessing themselves of the Estates that had belonged to them ; and so before the First Book of Discipline , ( which was Knox's performance , and so , no doubt , contain'd his principle ) was compiled , they were finding that there was something sweet in sacrilege , and were by no means willing to part with what they had got , so fortunately , as they thought , in their Fingers . Besides , They foresaw , if Knox's project took place , several other , which they judged considerable , inconvenients would follow : If the Monks and Priests , &c. who acknowledged their former errors , should be so treated , what might they expect , who persisted in their adherence to the Romish Faith and Interests ? Tho they were blinded with Superstition and Error , yet they were Men , they were Scottish men ; nay they were generally of their own Blood , and their very near Kinsmen : And would it not be very hard to deprive them intirely of their Livings , and reduce them , who had their Estates settled upon them by Law , and had lived so plentifully and so hospitably , to such ane Hopeless State of Misery and Arrant Beggary ? Further , by this Scheme , as they behoved to part with what they had already griped , so their Hopes of ever having opportunity to profit themselves of the Revenues of the Church , thereafter , were more effectually discouraged , than they had been even in the times of Popery : The Popish Clergy , by their Rules , were bound to live single , they could not marry , nor , by consequence , have lawful Children to provide for . The reformed , as the law of God allowed them , and their Inclinations prompted them , indulged themselves the Solaces of Wedlock , and begot Children , and had Families to maintain and provide for ; there were no such Expectations , therefore , of easy Leases , and rich Gifts , and hidden Legacies , &c. from them , as from the Popish Clergy . Add to this , the Popish Clergy foresaw the Ruine of the Romish Interests ; they saw no likelihood of Successors , of their own Stamp and Principles . They had a mighty spite at the Reformation . It was not likely , therefore , that they would be anxious what became of the Patrimony of the Church , after they were gone . It was to be hoped they might squander it away , dilapidate , alienate , &c. without difficulty ; ( as indeed they did ) And who but themselves ( the Laity ) should have all this gain ? Upon these and the like Considerations , I say , the Nobility and Gentry had no liking to the First Book of Discipline ; And being once out of Love with it , it was easy to get Arguments enough against it : The Novelties , and the numerous needless Recessions from the Old Polity , which were in it , furnished these both obviously and abundantly . So it was not only not established , but , it seems , the Nobility and Gentry , who have ever the principal sway in Scottish Parliaments , to let the Ministers find how much they had displeased them , by such a Draught , resolved to serve them a Trick . Indeed they served them a monstrous one ; for tho in the Parliament , 1560. they established the Reformation , as to Doctrine and Worship , &c. and by a Legal Definition , made the Protestant the National Church , yet they settled not so much as a Groat of the Churches Revenues upon its Ministers , but continued the Popish Clergy , during their Lives , in their possessions . 'T is true , indeed , thro the importunity of I. Knox , and some others of the Preachers , some Noblemen and Gentlemen subscribed the Book in Ianuary 1560 / 1. (h) But as they were not serious , as Knox intimates , so , they did it with this express provision ( apparently levelled against one of the main designs of the Book ) That the Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and other Prelates , and Beneficed Men , who had already joyned themselves to the Religion , should enjoy the Rents of their Benefices , during their Lives , they sustaining the Ministers for their parts , &c. But it was never generally received ; on the contrary it was treated in Ridicule , and called a DEVOVT IMAGINATION , which offended Knox exceedingly . (i) Nay , it seems , the Ministers themselves were not generally pleased with it , after second thoughts , or , The Laity have been more numerous in the General Assembly holden in December 1561. For ( as Knox himself tells us (k) ) when it was moved , there , that the Book should be offered to the Queen , and her Majesty should be supplicated to ratify it , the Motion was rejected . The Reformation thus established , and through the Badness , or , at least , the Disagreeableness of the Scheme laid down in the Book on the one hand , and the Selfish and Sacrilegious Ends of the Laity on the other , no provision made for the Ministers ; it was unavoidable that they should be pincht . And pincht they were , indeed , to purpose ; For , for full Eighteen or Nineteen Months , after the Reformation was established by Law , they had nothing to live by , but Shift or Charity ; and , which heightned the Misery , all this time of Want , they had little or no prospect of the end of it : For when a Parliament , so much Protestant , as in the Queens absence , to establish the Purity of Doctrine , &c. had treated them so unkindly , what was to be expected , now that she was at home , every inch Popish , and zealously such ? Tho a Parliament should now incline to pity them , yet how could it meet ? Or what could it do without the Soveraigns Allowance ? And what ground had they to hope that she would be friend them ? Indeed , nothing was to be attempted that way ; it was not to be expected that the Popish Clergy should be dispossessed of the Revenues of the Church , and the Reformed entituled to them , by Act of Parliament . Another project was to be fallen upon . The Project fallen upon was , That the Council , then , intirely Protestant , should deal with the Queen to oblige the Popish Clergy , Possessors of the Benefices , to resign the Thirds of them , into her Majesties hands , that they might be a fond for the Maintainance of the Protestant Ministers , The Nation was , then , generally Protestant , and that Interest was too strong for the Queen , so that they were not to be too much provokt : Besides , one Argument was used which prevailed much with her Majesty . The Revenues of the Queen were , then , very low , and she loved to spend ; and pains were taken to perswade her that , beside what would be subsistence enough for the Ministers , she would be sure to have what might considerably relieve her own Necessities . This was a taking proposition , so , the project succeeded . The Popish Clergy were put to it , and resign'd the Thirds . (l) Collectors were appointed to bring them in to the Exchequer : The Ministers , were , thence , to receive their Allowances . Well! Were they well enough provided now ? Alas ! Poor Men ! It was but little that was pretended to be provided for them ; the Thirds of these Benefices which the Laity had not already swallowed : And yet far less was their real portion . They found by sad experience that it was not for nothing , that the Thirds were ordered to be brought into the Queens Treasury . For when they came to be divided , how mean were their Allotments ? Ane hundred Merks Scottish , i. e. about 5 l. 11 sh. English , to ane ordinary Minister in the Country . Three hundred ( saith Knox (m) ) was the highest that was appointed to any , except the Superintendents , and a few others . All this , the Ministers , indeed , resented highly . Iohn Knox (n) said publickly in his Sermon , If that Order for maintaining the Ministers ended well , his judgment failed him — for he saw two parts freely given to the Devil , ( the Popish Clergy ) and the third must be divided betwixt God and the Devil , i. e. betwixt the Protestant Ministers , and the Popish Queen . And , no doubt , her Share was truely considerable . But neither did the Misery end here : As poor as these small Pittances were , they could not have them either seasonably , or fully paid . The Thirds came in but slowly , and the Queens Necessities behoved to be first served ; by which means , the Ministers were forced to wait , many times , very long , for their Money : And , sometimes , to take little , rather than want all : In short , their sense of the treatment they met with was so lively , that this turn'd to a Proverb , amongst them : The Good Laird of Pittaro was ane Earnest Professor of Christ ; but the Great Devil receive the Controller . (o) Thus , poor Men ! they were hardly treated : they had great Charges , and a weighty Task ; and they were ill provided , and worse paid . This bred them much work in their Gen. Assemblies : For , scarcely did they ever meet , but a great part of their time was spent in forming Petitions , and importuning the Government for Relief of their Necessities ; but all in vain , they were never the better , no not so much as heard , almost , till Iuly 1567. Then , the Nobility and Gentry , resolved to lay aside the Queen from the Government , and finding it necessary to have the Ministers of their side , began to bespeak them a little more kindly . Then , indeed , it was made the Second Article of that League , into which they entered , That the Act already made ( by the Queen and Council ) concerning the Thirds of the Benefices within this Realm , principally , for sustaining the Ministers , should be duely put in Execution , according to the Order of the Book of the Appointment of Ministers Stipends , as well of them that are to be appointed , as of them who are already placed , and that the Ministers should be first duely answered , and sufficiently sustained , of the same , to the Relief of their present Necessity , ay and while a perfect Order might be ta'ne , and established , towards the full Distribution of the Patrimony of the Kirk , according to Gods word , &c. So I read in the Mss. and Spotswood (p) has the same upon the matter . But this was not all , Burnt Bairns Fire dread . The Ministers sensible , it seems , of the mean and uncertain way of Living , they had had before , resolved now to make the best advantage they could of that opportunity ; and so they obtain'd this likewise for another Article of that Confederacy , and the Nobility promised , That how soon a lawful Parliament might be had , or that the Occasion might otherwise justly serve , they should labour at their uttermost , that the Faithful Kirk of Iesus Christ , professed within this Realm , might be put in full Liberty ( i. e. possession ) of the Patrimony of the Kirk , according to the Book of God , and the Order and Practice of the Primitive Kirk , and that nothing should pass in Parliament , till the Affairs of the Kirk were first considered , approved and established ; and also , that they should reform themselves , in the Matters of the Church , for their own parts ; Ordaining the Contraveeners and Refusers of the same to be secluded from the Bosom of the Kirk , &c. So the Mss. and Spotswood also . (q) Here were fair promises indeed ! Were not the Ministers well enough secured now ? Was not the Patrimony of the Church , now , to run in its Right Channel ? Alas ! All promises are not performed . No sooner had these Nobles and Barons carried their main point , which was the dethroning of the Queen , ( to which also the Ministers were forward enough ) than they quite forgot their promises . For , tho the Parliament met in December , thereafter , and tho the Restitution of the Patrimony of the Church was promised to be the first thing that should be done in Parliament , yet nothing like performance ! Nay , tho ane Act was made for putting the Articles about the Thirds in Execution ; yet , the Ministers were forced to wait long enough , before they found the effects of it . In short , they continued in the same straits they had been in before , for full two years thereafter , that is , till Iuly 1569. at which time , I find by the Mss. and Mr. Petrie (r) the Church was put in possession of the Thirds ; for which their Necessities made them very thankful , as appears from the Narrative of ane Act of their Assembly at that time , which runs thus , as I find it in the Mss. For asmuch as this long time by gone , the Ministers have been universally defrauded and postponed of their Stipends , and , now , at last , it hath pleased God to move the hearts of the superiour power , and the Estates of this Realm , &c. A Narrative , which , it is probable , they would not have used when the Thirds were , at first , projected for their Maintainance : Sure , I am , of a quite different strain from Knox's Resentment , which I mentioned before . But by this time , Experience had taught them to thank God for little ; and that it was even Good to be getting something . However , All this while they continued still to have the same sentiments concerning the Patrimony of the Church ; that , unless God by immediate Revolution , should dispense with her Right , it belong'd to her unalienably ; that it was abominable Sacriledge to defraud her of it ; and that neither Church nor State could be happy so long as it was so much in the hands of Laicks . And as they had still these sentiments , ( and no wonder , so long as they had any sense of Religion ) so , they were still using their best endeavours , trying all experiments , and watching all opportunities to bring the Nobility and Gentry to a reasonable Temper ; and to put the Church in possession of her undoubted Revenues ; but all in vain . On the contrary , these Leeches having once tasted of her Blood , were thirsting still for more , and daily making farther Encroachments . For A Parliament met in August 1571 , and made ane Act , obliging all the Subjects , who in former times , had held their Land and Possessions of Priors , Prioresses , Convents of Friers and Nuns , &c. thereafter to hold them of the Crown . This was ane awakening , ane allaruming Act. These who , heretofore , had possest themselves of the Churches Patrimony , had done it by force , or by connivance ; without Law , and without Title ; so there were still hopes of recovering what was possest so illegally . But this was to give them Law on their side ; As things stood then , it would be easy to obtain Gifts , now , that the King was made immediate Superiour ; and then , there was no recovering of what was thus colourably possessed . So , I say it was ane awakening Act of Parliament ; and indeed it rouzed the Spirits of the Clergy , and put them in a quicker motion . Now they began to see the Error of Drawing the New Scheme of Polity in the First Book of Discipline , and receding from the Old one : Now they perceived sensibly that , that making of a New one , had unhinged all the Churches Interests , and exposed her Patrimony , and made it a Prey to the Ravenous Laity ; and that it was therefore , time , high time , for them to bethink themselves , and try their strength and skill , if possibly a stop could be put to such notorious Robbery . (s) And so I am fairly introduced to THE SECOND MODEL into which the Government of the Church was cast , after the publick Establishment of the Reformation . For The General Assembly of the Church , meeting at Stirling , in that same month of August 1571. Gave Commission to certain Brethren , to go to the Lord Regent his Grace , and to the Parliament , humbly to request and desire , in Name of the Kirk , the granting of such Heads and Articles , and redress of such Complaints , as should be given to them by the Kirk , &c. So it is in the Mss. and so Spotswood and Petrie have it . (t) Before I proceed , there is one seeming difficulty which must be removed ; it is , that this General Assembly met before the Parliament . How then could it be that Act of Parliament which so awakened them ? But the Solution is easy . In those times , Parliaments did not sit so long as they are in use to do now ; but all things were prepared , and in readiness , before the Parliament met . Proclamation was made a month , or so , before the Parliament was to meet , requiring all Bills to be given in to the Register , which were to be presented in the succeeding Session of Parliament , that they might be brought to the King , or Regent , to be perused and considered by them , and only such as they allowed were to be put into the Chancellors hands to be proponed to the Parliament , and none other , &c. Whoso pleases may see this account given by King Iames the Sixth of Scotland , and First of England , to his English Parliament , in his Speech dated 1607. Indeed the thing is notorious , and Calderwood himself gives a remarkable instance of this method , (u) for he tells how , in the end of April , or beginning of May 1621. A Charge was published by Proclamation , commanding all that had Suits , Articles , or Petitions to propone to the Parliament , to give them into the Clerk of the Register before the twentieth day of May , that by him they might be presented to so many of the Council , who were appointed by his Majesty to meet , some days before the Parliament , and to consider the said Bills , Petitions and Articles with Certification , that the same should not be received , read , nor voted in Parliament , except they were passed under his Highness hand . And yet the same Calderwood tells us , (v) That the Parliament was not appointed to meet till the Twentieth and Third of Iuly ; so that here were two full months between the giving in of the Bills , &c. and the Meeting of the Parliament . This being the Custom in those times , it is easy to consider how the General Assembly , tho it met some days before the Parliament , might know very well what was to be done in Parliament ; for if this Bill was allowed by the then Regent to be presented , there was no doubt of its passing . And that it was very well known what the Parliament was to do in that matter , may be further evident from Iohn Knox's Letter directed , at that time , to the General Assembly , wherein he is earnest with them , that with all Vprightness and Strength in God , they gainst and the mercyless Devourers of the Patrimony of the Church , telling them , that if Men will spoil , let them do it to their own Peril and Damnation ; but it was their Duty to beware of communicating with their sins , but by publick protestation to make it known to the world , That they were innocent of Robbery , which would , e're long , provoke Gods Vengeance upon the Committers , &c. From which nothing can be clearer , than that he had a special eye to that which was then in agitation , and to be done by the Parliament . (*) Having thus removed this seeming difficulty , I return to my purpose . The Earl of Lennox was , then , Regent : He was murthered in the time of the Parliament : So , at that time , things were in confusion , and these Commissioners from the General Assembly could do nothing in their business . The Earl of Mar succeeded in the Regency ; Application was made to him . It was agreed to between his Grace , and the Clergy who applied to him , that a Meeting should be kept between so many for the Church , and so many for the State , for adjusting matters . For this end , ane Assembly was kept at Leith , on the 12 of Ianuary 1571 / 2. By this Assembly , Six were delegated to meet , with as many to be nominated by the Council to treat , reason and conclude , concerning the Settlement of the Polity of the Church . After diverse Meetings , and long Deliberation , ( as Spotswood has it , (w) ) they came to an Agreement , which was , in effect , That the Old Polity should revive , and take place ; only with some little alterations , which seemed necessary from the Change that had been made in Religion . Whoso pleases may see it more largely in Calderwood , (x) ( who tells us , that the whole Scheme is Registred in the Books of Council ) more briefly , in Spotswood and Petrie (y) In short , It was a Constitution , much the same with that , which we have , ever since , had , in the times of Episcopacy . For by this Agreement , those who were to have the Old Prelatical power , were also to have the Old Prelatical Names and Titles , of Archbishops and Bishops ; the Old Division of the Diocesses was to take place ; the Patrimony of the Church was to run , much , in the Old Channel ; particularly , express provision was made concerning Chapters , Abbots , Priors , &c. That they should be continued , and enjoy their Old Rights and Priviledges , as Churchmen ; and , generally , things were put in a regular Course . This was the Second Model ( not a new one ) of Polity , established , in the Church of Scotland , after the Reformation ; at a pretty good distance , I think , from the Rules and Exigencies of Parity . The truth is , both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge , it was Imparity , with a witness . The thing was so manifest , they had not the brow to deny it ; all their Endeavours are only to impugne the Authority of this Constitution , or raise Clouds about it , or find Weaknesses in it . So far as I can collect , no man ever affirmed , that , at this time , the Government of the Church of Scotland was Presbyterian , except G. R. who is truly singular for his skill in these matters : But we shall have , some time or other , occasion to consider him . In the mean time let us consider Calderwood's and Petrie's Pleas against this Establishment . They may be reduced to these four . 1. The Incompetency of the Authority of the Meeting at Leith , in January 1571 / 2. 2. The Force which was , at that time , put upon the Ministers by the Court , which would needs have that Establishment take place . 3. The Limitedness of the power , then , granted to Bishops . 4. The Reluctancies which the subsequent Assemblies discovered against that Establishment . These are the most material Pleas , they insist on , and I shall consider , how far they may hold . The 1. Plea is , the Incompetency of the Authority of the Meeting at Leith , Ian. 12. 1571 / 2. which gave Commission to the Six for agreeing with the State to such ane Establishment . It is not called ane Assembly , but a Convention , in the Register . The ordinary Assembly was not appointed to be holden till the 6 th of March thereafter . (a) As it was only a Convention , so it was in very great haste , it seems , and took not time to consider things of such importance , so deliberately , as they ought to have been considered . (b) It was a corrupt Convention , for it allowed Master Robert Pont , a Minister , to be a Lord of the Session . (c) These are the Reasons they insist on to prove the Authority of that Meeting incompetent . And now to examine them briefly . When I consider these Arguments , and for what end they are adduced , I must declare , I cannot but admire the Force of prejudice and partiality , how much they blind mens Eyes , and distort their Reasons , and byass them to the most ridiculous Undertakings . For , What tho the next ordinary Assembly was not appointed to meet till March thereafter ? Do not even the Presbyterians themselves maintain the Lawfulness , yea , the Necessity of calling General Assemblies extraordinarily , upon extraordinary occasions ? pro re nata ( as they call it ) ? How many , such , have been called since the Reformation ? How much did they insist on this pretence Anno 1638 ? And , What tho the Register calls this Meeting a Convention ? was it therefore no Assembly ? Is there such an opposition between the words , Convention and Assembly , that both cannot possibly signify the same thing ? Doth not Calderwood acknowledge , that they voted themselves ane Assembly , in their second Session ? Doth he not acknowledge , that all the ordinary Members were there , which used to constitute Assemblies ? But what if it can be found that ane undoubted , uncontroverted Assembly , own'd it as ane Assembly ; and its Authority , as the Authority of ane Assembly ? What is become of this fine Argument then ? But can this be done indeed ? Yes , it can ; and these same very Authors have given it in these same very Histories (d) , in which they use this as ane Argument , and not very far from the same very pages . Both of them ( I say ) tell , that the General Assembly holden at Perth , in August immediately thereafter , made ane Act which began thus , Forasmuch as the Assembly holden in Leith , in January last , &c. But if it was ane Assembly , yet , it was in too great haste , it did not things deliberately . Why so ? No Reason is adduced , no Reason can be adduced , for saying so . The Subject they were to treat of was no new one ; it was a Subject that had imployed all their Heads for several months before : Their great business , at that time , was to give a Commission to some Members to meet with the Delegates of the State , to adjust matters about the Polity and Patrimony of the Church . This Commission was not given till the Third Session , as Calderwood himself acknowledges . (e) Where then , was the great haste ? Lay it in doing a thing in their Third Session , which might have been done in the First ? But were not these Commissioners in too great haste to come to ane Agreement when they met with the Delegates of the State ? Yes , if we may believe Petrie , for he says , (f) That the same day ( viz. January 16. ) the Commissioners conveened and conclued , &c. But he may say , with that same integrity , whatever he pleases . For , not to insist on Spotswood's account , (g) who says , it was after diverse Meetings and long Deliberation , that they came to their Conclusion ; not to insist on his authority , I say , because he may be suspected as partial ; doth not Calderwood (h) expresly acknowledge , that they began their Conference upon the Sixteenth of Ianuary , and (i) that matters were not finally concluded and ended till the First of February ? But was it not a corrupt Convention ? Did it not allow Pont , a Minister , to be a Lord of the Session ? A mighty Demonstration , sure , of its Corruption ! Well! Suppose it was a Corruption , was it such a plag●y one as infected all the other Acts of that Convention ? Is one corrupt Act of ane Assembly enough to reprobate all the rest of its Acts ? If so , I think , it will fare ill with a good many Assemblies . Whither was it a Corruption in ane Assembly to oblige men to do pennance for doing their Duty ? to declare against the Kings Negative Voice in Parliament , and so to Unking him , & c. ? But to go on , why should this Assembly bear the whole Blame of this Corruption , if it was one ? was it not ratified by a subsequent Assembly ? And should not it bear its share ? Both Authors knew this very well , for both of them record it : (k) It was the Assembly holden at Eden . March 6. 1573. The Regent craved some learned Men of the Ministery ( they are Calderwood's own words ) to be placed Senators of the College of Iustice. The Assembly , after reasoning , at length , voted , that none was able to bear the said two Charges , and therefore inhibited any Minister to take upon him to be a Senator of the College of Iustice , Master Robert Pont only excepced , who was already placed with advice and consent of the Kirk . Petrie gives the same account , only he ends it thus , By Advice , &c. He thought it expedient , it seems , to conceal the mention made of the Kirk . And no doubt he did wisely , i. e. suitably to his purpose ; for Calderwood added it but foolishly , considering that there could not be a clearer Acknowledgement of the Authority of the Convention at Leith , than giving it thus the name of The Kirk ; but what needs more ? If this was a Corruption , it was one , even in the times of Presbytery , after the year 1580. For did not Pont , even then continue to be a Lord of the Session ? Or will our Brethren say , that 't is a fault to introduce a Corruption , but it is none to continue it when it is introduced ? All this is said upon the supposition that it was a Corruption ; tho I am not yet convinced that it was one , at least so great a one as might have given ground for all this stir about it . I doubt , if the Members of this Assembly at Leith , had been through paced Parity-men , vigorous for the Good Cause , it should , no more have been a Corruption in them to have allowed Pont to sit as a Lord of Session , than it was in the Kirk , once upon a day , to allow Mr. Alexander Henderson to sit as a Member of a Committee , you know for what . And so much for the first Plea , proceed we to the 2. The Force , the Court , at that time , put upon the Clergy , to accept of that Establishment . Calderwood is mighty on this Plea. The Superintendent of Angus ( who had a principal hand in the Agreement at Leith ) a man too tractable , might easily be induced , by his Chief , the Earl of Mar , Regent , for the time , to condescend to the Heads and Articles of this Book . (l) And , It was easy to the Court to obtain the Consent of many Ministers to this sort of Episcopacy — Some being poor , some being covetous and ambitious , some not taking up the gross Corruption of the Office , some having a Carnal Respect to some Noblemen their Friends . (m) And how often doth he impute it all to the Earl of Morton ? And Calderwood's faithful Follower G. R. in his First Vindication , &c. tells us that the Convention of Churchmen met at Leith was too much influenced by the Court. (n) Now for answer to all this , in the first place , what if one should allow all that is alledged ? will it follow from that allowance that Prelacy was not , then , agreed to ? The Question is not how it was done ? but if it was done ? For if it was done it is ane argument that the Clergy , then , thought little on the indispensibility of Parity ; or that they were very bad men , who , tho they believed that indispensibility , did yet agree to Prelacy . 'T is true , indeed , Calderwood makes them , here , every whit as bad as that could amount to : He makes them a pack of poor , covetous , ambitious , ignorant , Carnal Rogues , who were thus Court-ridden . But behold the Difference between Mercat days , as we say ; the same Author , when he comes , afterward , to tell who were appointed to compile the Second Book of Discipline , ( a task agreeable to his temper ) gives the same Men , who were Commissioners , at the Agreement at Leith , ( for they were generally nominated for that work ) a far different Character : Our Kirk hath not had worthier men , since , nor of better Gifts . (o) This might be enough ; yet I will proceed further , because what I have to say may be useful for coming by a just sense of the state of affairs in these times . I say therefore , That all this Plea is meer groundless Noise and Fiction . The Court had no imaginable reason for pressing this Establishment , which was not as proper for the Clergy to have insisted on ; and the Clergy had one Reason more than the Court could pretend to . The great Reasons the Court could , then , insist on , what else could they be , than that Episcopacy stood still established by Law ? That according to the fundamental Constitution , which had obtained time out of mind , the Ecclesiasticks had made one of the Three Estates of Parliament ? That such ane Essential Alteration , in the civil Constitution , as behoved necessarily to result from the want of that Estate , being the First of the Three , was infinitely dangerous at any time , as tending to turn the whole Constitution loose , and shake the very Foundations of the Government ? That it tended to the Subversion of the High Court of Parliament , and naturally , and necessarily , inferred Essential Nullities in all the Meetings , the other two Estates could have , and all the Acts they could make ? That it was more dangerous , at that time , during the Kings Minority , to have the Constitution so disjoynted , than on other occasions ? That whosoever was Regent , or whosoever were his Counsellors , might be called to ane account for it , when the King came to perfect Age ? And it was obvious that it might easily be found High Treason in them , that they had suffered such Alterations ? That the best way to preserve the Rights of the Church , and put her , and keep her in her Possession of her Patrimony , was to preserve that Estate ? That the best way to preserve that Estate , was to continue it in the old , tryed , wisely digested , and long approven Constitution of it ? What other arguments , I say , than these , or such as were like them , can we conceive , the Court could then make use to perswade the Clergy to agree to the Old Polity ? Is it to be imagined they turn'd Theologues , and endeavoured to indoctrinate the Clergy , and convince them from Scripture , and Antiquity , and Ecclesiastical History , &c. that Episcopacy was of divine Institution , or the best , or a lawful Government of the Church ? If I mistake not , such Topicks , in these times were not much thought on , by our Statesmen . But if they were such Arguments as I have given a Specimen of , which they insisted on , as no doubt they were , if they insisted on any , then I would fain know , which of them it was that might not have been as readily insisted on by the Clergy , as by the Statesmen ? Nay , considering that there were no Scruples of Conscience then , concerning the Lawfulness of such a Constitution ; how reasonable is it to think , that the Clergy might be as forward as the Statesmen could be , to insist on these Arguments ▪ Especially if it be further considered , that , Besides these and the like Arguments , the Clergy had one very considerable Argument to move them for the Re-establishment of the Old Constitution , which was , that they had found by Experience , that the New Scheme fallen upon in the First Book of Discipline had done much hurt to the Church , as I have already observed ; that by forsaking the Old Constitution , the Church had suffered too much already ; and that it was high time , for them , now , to return to their Old Fond ; considering at what losses they had been since they had deserted it . And all this will appear more reasonable and credible still , if two things more be duely considered . The First is , That the Six Clergymen who were commissioned by the Assembly , on this occasion , to treat with the State , were all sensible men ; men who understood the Constitution both of Church and State , had Heads to comprehend the consequences of things , and were very far from being Parity-men . The Second is , The Oddness , ( to call it no worse ) of the Reason , which our Authors feign to have been the Motive which made the Court , at that time , so earnest for such ane Establishment ; namely , that thereby , They might gripe at the Commodity . ( as Calderwood (p) words it ) That is , possess themselves of the Churches Patrimony . What ? Had the Clergy so suddenly fallen from their daily , their constant , their continual Claim to the Revenues of the Church ? Had they in ane instant , altered their sentiments about Sacrilege , and things consecrated to Holy uses ? Were they now willing to part with the Churches Patrimony ? Did that which moved them to be so earnest for this Meeting with the State , miraculously flip out of their Minds , so that they inconcernedly quate their pretensions , and betrayed their own interests ? Were they all fast asleep when they were at the Conference ? So much asleep , or senseless , that they could not perceive the Court intended them such a Trick ? On the other hand , If the Court had such a design as is pretended , I must confess , I do not see how it was useful for them to fall on such a wild project for accomplishing their purposes . Why be at all this pains to re-establish the Old Polity , if the only purpose was to rob the Church of her Patrimony ? Might not that have been done without , as well as , with it ? Could they have wished the Church in weaker circumstances for asserting her own Rights than she was in , before this Agreement ? Was it not as easy to have possest themselves of a Bishoprick , ane Abbacy , a Priory , &c. when there were no Bishops , nor Abbots , nor Priors , as when there were ? What a pitiful politick , or rather what ane insolent wickedness was it , as it were , to take a Coat which was no mans , and put on one , and possess him of it , and call it his Coat , that they might rob him of it ? Or , making the uncharitable supposition , that they could have ventured on such a needless , such a mad fetch of iniquity , were all the Clergy so short-sighted , that they could not penetrate into such a palpable , such a gross piece of Cheatry ? But what needs more ? 'T is certain that by that Agreement , the Churches Patrimony was fairly secured to her , and she was put in far better condition than she was ever in before , since the Reformation . Let any man read over Calderwoods account of the Agreement , and he must confess it : And yet perhaps the account may be more full and clear , in the Books of Council , if they be extant . 'T is true , indeed , the Courtiers , afterwards , played their Tricks , and robb'd the Church ; and it cannot be denied , that they got some bad Clergymen , who were sub●ervient to their purposes : But this was so 〈◊〉 from being pretended to be aim'd at , by 〈◊〉 Courtiers , while the Agreement was a m●k●ng ; It was so far from these Clergy-mens minds , who adjusted matters at that time with the Laity , ( these Courtiers ) to give them the smallest advantages that way , to allow them the least Scope for such Encroachments ; That , on the contrary , when , afterwards , they found the Nobility were taking such Methods , and plundering the Church ; they complained mightily of it , as a manifest breach of the Agreement , and ane horrid iniquity . But whatever Truth is in all this Reasoning , I have spent on this point , is not much material to my main purpose : For , whither , at that time , Episcopacy was imposed upon the Church or not ; or , if imposed , whither it was out of a bad design or not ; affects not , in the least , the principal Controversie . For however it was , 't is certain the Church accepted of it , at that time , which we are bound , in Charity , to think , a sufficient Argument that she was not then of Antiprelatical principles ; She had no such Article in her Creed , as the Divine Right of Parity ; which is the great point I am concerned for in all this tedious Controversie . 3. The Third Plea , is , The Limitedness of the Power which was , then , granted to Bishops . They had no more Power granted them by this Establishment , than Superintendents had enjoyed before . This all my Authors insist upon with great Earnestness . (q) And I confess it is very true : This was provided for both by the Agreement at Leith , and by ane Act of the Assembly holden at Eden . March 6. 1574. But then 1. If they had the same power which Superintendents had before , I think they had truly Prelatic Power ; they did not act in Parity with other Ministers . 2. Tho they had no more power , yet it is certain they had more Privilege : They were not answerable to their own Synods , but only to General Assemblies , as is clear , even from Calderwoods own account of the agreement at Leith . (r) In that point , the absurd Constitution in the First Book of Discipline was altered . 3. One thing more I cannot but observe , here , concerning Mr. Carlderwood . This judicious Historian , when he was concerned to raise Dust about the Prelacy of Superintendents , found easily 7 or 8 huge Differences between Superintendents and Bishops . And now , that he is concern'd to raise Dust about the Prelacy of Bishops , he thinks he has gain'd a great point if he makes it the same with the Prelacy of Superintendents . What a mercy was it that ever poor Prelacy out-lived the Dint of such doughty Onsets ? But it seems it must be a tough-lived thing , and cannot be easily chased out of its Nature . There is another considerable Thrust made at it by Calderwood , and his Disciple G. R. (s) which may come in as a Succedaneum to the former Argument : What is it ? 〈◊〉 is even , that in the Gen. Assembly at 〈◊〉 . March 6. 1573. David Ferguson was chosen M●●●rator , who was neither Bishop nor Superi●ten●ent . And so down falls Prelacy ! But so was 〈◊〉 George Buchanan in the Assembly holden in Iuly 1507. who was neither Superintendent , Bishop , nor Presbyter , and so Down falls Presbytery ! Nay Down falls the whole Ministery ! Is not this a hard Lock , Prelacy is brought to , that it shall not be it self , so long as one wrong step can be found to have been made by a Scotch General Assembly ? I have adduced and discussed all these Plea's , not that I thought my Cause in any hazard by them ; but to let the World see , what a party one has to deal with in his Controversie : Whatever it be , Sense or Nonsense , if their Cause requires it ; they must not want an Argument . But to go on . But 4. The Fourth , and greatest Plea , is , That this Episcopacy was never owned by the Church : It was never allowed by the General Assembly . (a) It was only tolerated for three or four years . (b) It was protested against as a Corruption . (c) As these Articles were concluded without the Knowledge of the Assembly , so the whole Assembly opposed them earnestly . (d) They were obtruded upon the Church , against her Will. (e) The Church from the beginning of the Reformation opposed that kind of Bishops . (f) The Church did only , for a time , yield to Civil Authority , yet so that she would endeavour to be free of these Articles . (g) These and many more such things are boldly and confidently asserted by Calderwood , Petrie , and the strenuous Vindicator of the Church of Scotland , who seldom misses of saying what Calderwood had said before him ; and I shall grant they are all said to purpose , if they are true : But how far they are from being that may sufficiently appear , I hope , if I can make these things evident . 1. That the Agreement at Leith was fairly and frequently allowed , approven , and insisted on , by many subsequent Assemblies . 2. That after Episcopacy was questioned , and a Party appeared against it , it cost them much strugling , and much time , before they could get it abolished . 1. I say , The Agreement at Leith was fairly and frequently allowed , approven , and insisted on , by many subsequent Assemblies . This Assertion cannot but appear true to any unbyassed Judgment , that shall consider but these two things . 1. That , in Every Assembly , for several years , after that Establishment , or Agreement , or Settlement at Leith , Bishops were present , and sate , and voted as such ; and , as such , were obliged to be present , and sit , and vote , &c. As both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge , and shall be made appear by and by . 2. That these two Authors have been at special pains , to let the world know , how punctually they were tryed , and sometimes rebuked and censured for not discharging their Offices , as they ought to have done . Both Authors , I say , have been very intent and careful to represent this in their accounts of the subsequent Assemblies . I know their purpose , herein , was to expose the Bishops , and cast all the Dirt , they could , upon Episcopacy . But then , as I take it , their pains , that way , have luckily furnished me with a plain Demonstration of the falsehood of all they have said , in this Plea , I am now considering : For Would these Assemblies have suffered them to be present , and sit , and vote as Bishops ? Would they have tryed and censured them as Bishops ? Would they have put them to their Duty as Bishops , if they had not own'd them for Bishops ? And was there any other Fond for owning them for Bishops , at that time , except the Agreement at Leith ? This alone might be sufficient , I say , for dispatching this whole Plea. Yet 3. To put this matter beyond all possibility of ever being , with the least colour of probability , controverted hereafter ; I recommend to the Readers consideration , the following Series of Acts made by subsequent Assemblies . The Agreement at Leith as was observed before , was conclud●d 〈◊〉 the First day of February , Anno 1571 / 2. 〈◊〉 Ordinary Assembly met at Saint Andrews , on the Sixth of March thereafter : The Archbishop of St. Andrews ( newly advanced to that See , by the Leith Agreement ) was present , and the first person named ( as Calderwood himself hath it , (h) to be of the Committee that was appointed for Revising the Articles agreed upon at Leith : And ane Act was made in that Assembly , ( as it is both in the Mss. and Petrie (i) ) Ordaining the Superintendent of Fife to use his own Iurisdiction , as before , in the Provinces not subject to the Archbishop of St. Andrews ; and requesting him to concur with the said Archbishop , in his Visitations , or otherwise , when he required him , until the next Assembly — And in like manner , the Superintendents of Angus and Lothian , without prejudice of the said Archbishop , except by Vertue of his Commission . By the Assembly holden at Perth , August 6. 1572. this Act was made : Forasmuch as in the ASSEMBLY ( not the Convention ) of the Church holden at Leith , in January last , Certain Commissioners were appointed to deal with the Nobility , and their Commissioners , to reason and conclude upon diverse Articles and Heads , thought good , then , to be conferred upon ; according to which Commission , they have proceeded in sundry Conventions , ( is this consistent with Petrie's assertion , that , the same day , they met and concluded ? ) and have concluded for that time , upon the Heads and Articles as the same produced , in this Assembly , proport : In which , being considered , are found certain Names , as Archbishop , Dean , Archdeacon , Chancellor , Chapter , which Names are thought slanderous and offensive in the Ears of many of the Brethren , appearing to found towards Papistry ; Therefore , the whole Assembly in one voice , as well they who were in Commission at Leith , as others , solemnly protest , that they mean not , by using such Names , to ratify , consent , or agree to any kind of Papistrie or Superstition ; wishing rather the said Names to be changed into other Names , that are not scandalous and offensive ; and , in like manner , they protest , That the said Heads and Articles agreed upon , be only received as ane Interim , until farther , and more perfect Order be obtained , at the hands of the Kings Majesties Regent and Nobility : For the which , they will press , as occasion shall serve . Vnto the which Protestation the whole Assembly , in one voice , adhere . So the Mss. Spot . Cald. Pet. (k) This is the Act , on which , Calderwood , Petrie , and G. R. found their assertion , That Episcopacy , as agreed to at Leith was protested against , and earnestly opposed , by a General Assembly ; but with what Shadow of Reason , let any Man consider : For , what can be more plain , than , that they receive the substance of the Articles , and only protest against the Scandalousness of the Names used in them ? What reason they had for that , besides the over-zealous Principle I mentioned before , let the curious enquire : That 's none of my present business . But , They protest that they receive these Articles only for ane Interim : True ; But how doth it appear that they received them only for ane Interim , out of a Dislike to Episcopacy ? Had they believed the Divine Right of Parity , how could they have received them so much as , for ane Interim ? How could they have received them at all ? The Truth is , there were many things in the Articles which required amendment , even tho the Gen. Ass. had believed the Divine Right of Episcopacy . And that they did not receive them , for ane Interim , upon the account of any Dislike they had to Episcopacy , shall be made evident , by and by . In the mean time , we have gained one point , even , That they were received by this Assembly ; unless receiving for an Interim be not receiving : But if they were received , I hope it is not true , that they were never allowed by a General Assembly . And if Episcopacy was not protested against at all , and if there was no such word or phrase in the Act , as had the least Tendency to import that they judged it a Corruption , I hope , it may consist well enough with the Laws of Civility , to say that G. R. was talking without Book , when he said , It was protested against as a Corruption , by this General Assembly . I doubt , if he had found any of the Prelatists talking with so much Confidence , where they had so little ground , he would have been at his beloved Lies and Calumnies . But enough of this , proceed we in our Series . By the Vniversal Order ( so it is worded in the Mss. ) of the General Ass. holden at Eden . March 6. 157● / 3. It was Statuted and Ordained , that all Bishops , Superintendents , &c. present themselves in every Gen. Ass. that hereafter shall be holden , the first day of the Assembly before Noon , &c. (l) Again , It is thought most reasonable and expedient , That Bishops , &c. purchase General Letters , without any delay , commanding all Men to frequent Preaching and Prayers according to the Order received in the Congregations , &c. (m) In the Ass. holden at Eden . Aug. 6. 1573. The Visitation Books of Bishops , &c. were produced , and certain Ministers appointed to examin their Diligence in Visitation . (n) In that same Assembly , Patoun , Bishop of Dunkeld , was accused that he had accepted the Name , but had not exercised the Office of a Bishop , not having proceeded against Papists , within his bounds . He was also suspected of Simony and Perjury , in that , contrary to his Oath , at the receiving of the Bishoprick , he gave Acquittances , and the Earl of Argyle received the Profits . (o) If these things were true , he was a foolish , as well as a bad Bishop . But then it was evident , that this Assembly fairly own'd Episcopacy . Further , that by the Agreement at Leith , express provisions were made against Simony and Dilapidation of Benefices ; and that Bishops should swear to that purpose , &c. which , I think , is not well consistent with the Plea insisted on , before , viz. That the Agreement at Leith was forced on the Clergy , by the Court , out of a design , it had , upon the Revenues of the Church . I find these further Acts made by this Assembly , in the Mss. Touching them that receive Excommunicates , the whole Kirk , presently assembled , ordains all Bishops , &c. to proceed to Excommunication against all Receivers of Excommunicate persons , if after due Admonition the Receivers rebel and be disobedient . The Kirk ordains all Bishops , &c. in their Synodal Conventions , to take a List of the Names of the Excommunicates , within their Iurisdictions ; and bring them to the General Assemblies , to be published , to other Bishops and Superintendents , &c. That they , by their Ministers , in their Provinces , may divulgate the same , in the whole Countries , where Excommunicates haunt . The Kirk presently assembled , ordains all Bishops and Superintendents , &c. to conveen before them , all such persons as shall be found suspected of consulting with Witches ; and finding them guilty , to cause them make publick Repentance , &c. That Vniformity may be observed in processes of Excommunication , It is ordained that Bishops , and Superintendents , &c. shall direct their Letters to Ministers , where the persons that are to be Excommunicated dwell ; commanding the said Ministers to admonish accordingly , and in Case of Disobedience , to proceed to Excommunication , and pronounce the Sentence thereof , upon a Sunday , in time of Preaching ; and , thereafter , the Ministers to indorse the said Letters , making mention of the days of their Admonitions , and Excommunication , for Disobedience aforesaid , and to report to the said Bishops , &c. according to the Direction contained in the said Letters . (p) Petrie has the substance of most of these Acts , but has been at pains to obscure them . And no wonder ; for here are so many Branches of true Episcopal power , established in the persons of these Bishops , that it could not but have appeared very strange , that a General Assembly should have conferred them on them , if there was such ane aversion then , to the Order , as he and his Fellows are willing to have the world believe , there was . But Honest Calderwood was wiser , for he hath not so much as ane intimation of any one of them . And Calderwood having thus concealed them , nay , generally , all alongst , whatever might make against his Cause , as much as he could ; what wonder if G. R. who knows nothing in the matter , but what Calderwood told him , stumbled upon such a notable piece of Ignorance , in his first Vindication , as to tell the world , That Nothing was restored at Leith but the Image of Prelacy ? That these Tulchan Bishops had only the Name of Bishops , while Noblemen and others had the Revenue , and the Church all the power ? Nay , That , notwithstanding of all , was done at Leith , The real Exercise of Presbytery , in all its Meetings lesser and greater , continued and was allowed ? But of this more hereafter . The Assembly , holden at Eden . March 6. 1574. Concluded concerning the Iurisdiction of Bishops , in their Ecclesiastical Function , that it should not exceed the Iurisdiction of Superintendents , which , heretofore , they have had , and presently have : And that they should be subject to the Discipline of the General Ass. as Members thereof , as Superintendents had been heretofore , in all sorts . And again , This Assembly Ordains , That no Bishop give Collation of any Benefice within the bounds of Superintendents within his Diocess , without their Consent and Testimonials , subscribed with their hands : And that Bishops , within their Diocesses visit by themselves , where no Superintendent is ; and give no Collation of Benefices without the Consent of three well qualified Ministers . Here indeed both Calderwood and Petrie (q) appear briskly , and transcribe the Mss. word for word : Here was something like limiting the power of the Bishops ; and that was ane opportunity not to be omitted . But , as I take it , there was no very great reason for this Triumph , if the true reason of these Acts be considered , as it may be collected from Spotswood and Petrie (r) which was this , The Earl of Mor●on , then Regent , and sordidly covetous , had flattered the Church out of their Possession of the Thirds of the Benefices ; the only sure Stock , they could as yet claim , by any Law , made since the Reformation of Religion ; promising , instead thereof , to settle local'd Stipends upon the Ministers ; but having once obtain'd his end , which was to have the Thirds at his Disposal , he forgot his promise ; and the Ministers found themselves miserably trickt . Three or four Churches were cast together , and committed to the Care of one Minister ; and a Farthing , to live by , could not be got , without vast attendance , trouble and importunity . Besides , the Superintendents , who had had a principal hand in the Reformation , and were Men of great Repute , and had spent liberally of their own Estates in the Service of the Church , were as ill treated as any body : For when they sought their wonted allowances , they were told , there was no more use for them ; Bishops were now restored ; it was their Province to govern the Church : Superintendents were now superfluous and unnecessary . The Superintendents thus Mal treated , what wonder was it if they had their own Resentments of it ? So , when , the General Assembly met , Areskin , Spotswood and Winram , three of them ( and , by that time , 't is probable , there were no more of them alive ) came to the Assembly , offered to dimit their Offices , and were earnest that the Kirk would accept of their Dimission : They were now turn'd useless Members of the Ecclesiastical body ; their Office was evacuated ; they could serve no longer . The whole Assembly could not but know the matter ; and as they knew for what reasons these ancient and venerable persons were so much irritated , so their own concern , in the same common interest , could not but prompt them to a fellow-feeling ; they knew not how soon the next Mortonian Experiment might be tryed upon themselves ; they , therefore , unanimously , refuse to accept of the Dimission , and whither the Superintendents will or not , they continue them in their Offices ; and not only so , but they thought it expedient to renew that Article of the Agreement at Leith , viz. That Bishops and Superintendents stood on the same Level , had the same Power , the same Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ; and were to be regulated by the same Canons : Importing thereby , that both were useful in the Church at such a juncture ; and that the Church had not received Bishops to the Exauctoration of the few surviving Superintendents ; and now , in their old age , rendring them contemptible . And who could condemn the Assembly for taking a course that was both so natural and so obvious ? Nay , it was even the Bishops interest , as much as any other Assembly-mens to agree to this conclusion ; For the great business in hand , was not about Extent of Power , or Point of Dignity ; had no Incentive to Iealousie or Emulation in it ; but it was about the Revenues of the Church : To secure these against the insatiable Avarice of a Griping Lord Regent . A point the Bishops were as nearly concerned in as any Men : For if these three Superintendents , who had so long born the heat of the day , and done such eminent and extraordinary services to the Church , should be once sacrificed to Mortons Covetousness , how easy might it be for him to make what farther Encroachments he pleased ? How easy , to carry on his project against other men , who perhaps , had no such Merit , no such Repute , no such Interest in the Affections of the People ? This , I say , was the Reason for which these two Acts were made in this Assembly ; and not that the Assembly were turning weary of Bishops , or were become , any way , disaffected to them . So that Calderwood and Petrie had but little reason to be so boastful for these two Acts. That it was not out of any Dislike to Episcopacy , that these two Acts were made , is clear , as Light , from the next Assembly , which met in August 1574. For therein the Clergy manifestly continuing of the same Principles , and proceeding on the same Reasons , order a Petition consisting of Nine Articles , to be drawn , and presented to the Regent . Calderwood , indeed , doth not mention this Petition . But it is in the Mss. and Petrie (s) talks of it , but disingenuously ; for he mentions it only Overly , telling , That some Articles were sent unto the Lord Regent ; and he sets down but two , whereas , as I said , there are Nine in the Mss. and most of them looking the Regents Sacrilegious inclinations even Staringly in the Face . I shall only Transcribe such of them as cannot , when perpended , but be acknowledged to have tended that way . They are these : 1. That Stipends be granted to Superintendents , in all time coming , in all Countreys destitute thereof ; whither it be where there is no Bishop , or where there are Bishops , who cannot discharge their Office , as the Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow ; who had too large Diocesses . This Article Petrie hath but Minc'd : Indeed it is a very considerable one ; For here you see , 1. That , in contradiction to the Regents purposes , the Assembly owns and stands by the Superintendents : They are so far from being satisfied to part with the Three , they had ; that , on the contrary , they crave to have more , and to have provisions for them ; and that , in all Countries , where Bishops either are not ; or are , but have too large Diocesses . 2. They crave these things For all times coming ; a Clause of such importance to the main Question , that Petrie has , unfaithfully , left it out : And truly , I must confess , if it were lawful for Men to be Vnfaithful , when it might serve that which they conceived to be a Good End , he had great Reason , to try it , in this instance : For this Clause , when ( not concealed , but ) brought above board , gives a fatal Overthrow , to all these popular Plea's of Episcopacy's being then obtruded on the Church ; forced upon her against her Will ; tolerated only for a time , &c. For , from this Clause , it is as clear , as a Clause can make it , that this Assembly entertain'd no such imaginations . They supposed Episcopacy was to continue for all time coming , For , for all time Coming , they petition that provision may be made for Superintendents , where no Bishops are , or where their Diocesses are too large for them . 2. The Second Article is , That in all Burghs , where the Ministers are displaced , and serve at other Kirks , these Ministers be restored to wait on their Cures , and be not obliged to serve at other Churches , &c. Directly striking against the Regents politick of Uniting three or four Churches under the Care of one Minister . The 4. ( Which Petrie also hath ) is , That in all Churches destitute of Ministers , such persons may be planted as the Bishops , Superintendents and Commissioners shall name ; and that Stipends be assigned to them . Ane Article , visibly , levell'd as the former . 5. That Doctors may be placed in Vniversities ; and Stipends granted them ; whereby , not only they who are presently placed may have occasion to be diligent in their Cure ; but other learned Men may have Occasion to seek places in Colleges . Still to the same purposes , viz. the finding reasonable Uses for the Patrimony of the Church . 6. That his Grace would take a General Order with the poor , especially in the Abbeys , such as are Aberbrothoick , &c. Conform to the Agreement at Leith . Here , not only the Leith-Agreement insisted on ; but farther pious Vse for the Churches Patrimony . 9. That his Grace would cause the Books of the Assignation of the Kirk , be delivered to the Clerk of the General Assembly . These Books of Assignation , as they call them , were the Books , wherein the Names of the Ministers , and their several proportions of the Thirds were Recorded : It seems they were earnest to be repossessed of their Thirds , seeing the Regent had not kept promise to them . But The Eighth Article , which , ( by a pardonable inversion , I hope ) I have reserved to the last place , is , of all , the most considerable . It is , That his Grace would provide Qualified persons for Vacant Bishopricks . Let the candid Reader judge , now , if Episcopacy , by the Leith-Articles was forced upon the Church against her Inclinations ? If it was never approven ( when Bishops were thus petitioned for ) by a General Assembly ? If it be likely that the Assembly in August 1572. protested against it as a Corruption ? If the Acts of the last Assembly , declaring Bishops to have no more power than Superintendents had , and making them accountable to the General Assembly , proceeded from any Dislike of Episcopacy ? If this Assembly , petitioning thus for Bishops , believed the divine and indispensible institution of Parity ? If both Calderwood and Petrie acted not as became Cautious Pretbyterian Historians ; the One , by giving us None , the other , by giving us only a Minced account of this Petition ? Well! By this time , I think , I have not intirely disappointed my Reader : I think , I have made it competently appear , That the Agreement at Leith was fairly and frequently allowed , approven , and insisted on , by not a ●ew subsequent General Assemblies . I could adduce some Acts more of the next Ass ▪ which met at Eden . March 7. 1575. But , I think , I have already made good my Undertaking , and therefore I shall insist no further on this point : Only One thing I must add further ; It is this . After the most impartial , narrow , and attentive Search , I could make , I have not found , all this while , viz. from the first publick Establishment of the Reformed Religion in Scotland , Anno 1560. so much as One Indication of either publick or private Dislike to Prelacy ; But that it , constantly , and uninterruptedly , prevailed , and all persons , chearfully as well as quietly submitted to it , till the year 1575. when it was first called in Question . And here I might fairly shut up this long , and perhaps nauseous Discourse , upon the Second Enquiry which I proposed : For , whatever Men our Reformers were , whatever their other principles might be ; I think I have made it plain , that they were not for the Divine Right of Parity , or the Vnlawfulness of the Superiority of any Office in the Church , above Presbyters : No such principle was prosessed , or insisted on , or offered to be reduced to practice , by them , Before , At , or full fifteen years After the publick Establishment of the Reformation : And if this may not pass for sufficient proof of the truth of my Resolution of the Enquiry , I know not what may . However , because THE SECOND thing I promised to shew , tho not precisely necessary to my main design , may yet be so far useful , as to bring considerably more of Light to it ; and withal , give the world a prospect of the Rise and Progress of Presbytery in Scotland , I shall endeavour to make good my Undertaking ; which was , that , after Episcopacy was question'd , it was not easily overturn'd ; Its Adversaries met with much Resistance , and Opposition , in their Endeavors to subvert it . I shall study brevity as much as the weight of the matter will allow me . In short then ; take it thus . Master Andrew Melvil , after some years spent at Geneva , returned to Scotland in Iuly 1574. He had lived ▪ in that City , under the influences of Theodore Beza , the true parent of Presbytery . He was a Man , by Nature , fierce and fiery , confident and peremptory , peevish and ungovernable : Education , in him , had not sweetned Nature , but Nature had sowred Education ; and both conspiring together , had trickt him up into a true Original ; a piece compounded of pride and petulance , of jeer and jangle , of Satyr and Sarcasm ; of venome and vehemence : He hated the Crown as much as the Mitre , the Scepter as much as the Crosier , and could have made as bold with the Purple (a) as with the Rochet : (b) His prime Talent was Lampooning and writing Anti-tami-Cami-Categorias's . In a word , He was the very Archetypal Bitter Beard of the Party . This Man thus accoutred , was scarcely warm at home , when he began to disseminate his sentiments , insinuate them into others , and make a party against Prelacy , and for the Genevian Model . For this I need not depend on Spotswoods Authority , tho he asserts it plainly : (c) I have a more Authentick Author for it , if more Authentick can be : I have Melvil himself for it , in a Letter to Beza dated Novem. 13. 1579. ( to be found both in Petrie (d) and in the Pamphlet called Vindiciae Philadelphi , from which Petrie had it ) of which Letter , the very first words are , we have not ceased these five years to fight against Pseudepiscopacy , &c. Now reckon five years backward , from Novem. 1579. and you stand at November 1574. whereby we find that within three or four Months , after his arrival , the Plot was begun , tho' it was near to a year thereafter , before it came above-board . Having thus projected his work , and formed his party , the next care was to get one to Table it fairly : He himself was but lately come home ; he was much a Stranger in the Country , having been ten years abroad : He had been but at very few General Assemblies , if at any ; his influence was but green and budding ; his Authority but young and tender : It was not fit for him , amongst his First Appearances , to propose so great ane Innovation . And , it seems , the Thinking Men of his Party , however resolutely they might promise to back the Motion , when , once , fairly Tabled , were yet a little shy to be the first Proposers : So , it fell to the share of one , who , at that time , was none of the greatest Statesmen . Iohn Durie , one of the Ministers of Edenburgh , was the person ; as Spotswood describes him , (e) A sound hearted Man , far from all Dissimulation , open , professing what he thought , earnest and zealous in his Cause , whatever it was ; but too too credulous , and easily to be imposed on . However , ( that I may do him as much justice , as Spotswood has done him before me . ) A Man he was , who thought no Shame to acknowledge his Error , when he was convinced of it . For so it was , that , when , after many years Experience , he had satisfied himself , that Parity had truly proved the Parent of Confusion , and disappointed all his Expectations ; and when , through Age and Sickness , he was not able , in person , to attend the General Assembly , Anno 1600. he gave Commission to some Brethren to tell them , as from him , That there was a Necessity of restoring the Ancient Government of the Church , &c. Such was the Man , I say , to whose share it fell to be the first , who , publickly , questioned the Lawfulness of Prelacy in Scotland ; which was not done till the Sixth day of August 1575. as I said before , no less than full fifteen years after the first legal Establishment of our Scottish Reformation . And so I come to my purpose . On this Sixth of August 1575. the Gen. Ass. met at Edenburgh , according to the Order , then , observed in General Assemblies ; the First thing done , after the Assembly was constituted , was , the Tryal of the Doctrine , Diligence , Lives , &c. of the Bishops and other constant Members : So , while this was a doing , Iohn Durie stood up and protested , That the Tryal of the Bishops might not prejudge the Opinions and Reasons , which he and other Brethren of his Mind , had , to propose against the Office and Name of a Bishop . (f) Thus was the fatal Controversie set on foot , which , since , hath brought such Miseries and Calamities on the Church and Kingdom of Scotland . The Hare thus started , Melvil , the Original Huntsman , strait pursued her : He presently began a long , and , no doubt , premeditated Harangue ; commended Durie's Zeal , enlarged upon the flourishing State of the Church of Geneva , insisted on the Sentiments of Calvin and Beza concerning Church Government ; and , at last affirmed , That none ought to be Office-bearers in the Church , whose Titles were not found in the Book of God : That the the Title of Bishops was found in Scripture , yet , it was not to be understood in the Sense , then , current : That Iesus Christ , the only Lord of his Church , allowed no Superiority amongst the Ministers , but had instituted them all , in the same Degree , and had endued them with equal power : Concluding , That the Corruptions , which had crept into the Estate of Bishops were so great , as , unless the same were removed , it could not go well with the Church , nor could Religion be long preserved in Purity . (g) The Controversie thus plainly stated , Mr. David Lindesay , Master George Hay , and Master Iohn Row , three Episcopalians , were appointed to confer and reason upon the Question proponed with Mr. Andrew Melvil , Mr. Iames Lawson , and Mr. Iohn Craig ; two Presbyterians , and one , much indifferent for both sides . After diverse Meetings , and long Disceptation saith Spotswood , (h) after two days , saith Petrie , (i) they presented these Conclusions to the Assembly , which , at that time , they had agreed upon . 1. They think it not expedient , presently , to answer , directly , to the First Question . But if any Bishop shall be chosen , who hath not such Qualities as the word of God requires , let him be tryed by the General Assembly De Novo , and so deposed . 2. The Name Bishop is common to all them who have particular Flocks , over which they have particular Charges , to preach the Word , administer the Sacraments , &c. 3. Out of this Number may be chosen some to have power to Oversee and Visit such reasonable Bounds , beside his own Flock , as the General Kirk shall appoint ; and , in these bounds , to appoint Ministers , with Consent of the Ministers of that Province , and of the Flock to whom they shall be appointed . Also , to appoint Elders and Deacons in every principal Congregation , where there are none , with Consent of the People thereof ; and to suspend Ministers , for reasonable Causes , with Consent of the Ministers aforesaid . So the Mss. Spot . Pet. Cald. (k) 'T is true , here are some things , which , perhaps , when thoroughly examined , will not be found so exactly agreeable to the Sentiments and Practice of the Primitive Church . However , 't is evident , for this Bout , the Imparity-men carried the day ; and it seems the Parity-men have not yet been so well fixed for the Divine and indispensible Right of it , as our Modern Parity-men would think needful ; otherwise , how came they to consent to such Conclusions ? How came they to yield that it was not expedient , at that time , to answer directly to the first Question , which was concerning the Lawfulness of Episcopacy ? Were they of the Modern Principles , G. R's Principles ? Did they think that Divine institutions might be dispensed with , crossed , according to the Exigencies of Expediency or Inexpediency ? What ane Honour is it to the Party if their first Hero's were such Casuists ? Besides , is not the Lawfulness of imparity clearly imported in the Third Conclusion ? Indeed both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge so much . Calderwood (l) saith , It seemeth that by Reason of the Regents Authority , who was bent upon the Course ( i. e. Episcopacy ) whereof he was the chief Instrument , that they answered not directly , at this time , to the Question . Here , you see , he owns that nothing , at this time was concluded against the Course , as he calls it ; whither he had reason , to say , It seemed to be upon such ane account , shall be considered afterward . Petrie (m) acknowledges it too ; but in such a passion , it seems , as quite mastered his Prudence , when he did it ; for these are his words . Howbeit in these Conclusions they express not the Negative , because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council , seeking security of the Possessions , by the Title of Bishops ; yet these Affirmatives take away the pretended Office. Now let the world consider the Wisdom of this Author in advancing this fine period . They did not express the Negative , ( they did not condemn Episcopacy ) because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council , seeking Security of the Possessions , &c. Now let us enquire who were these , They , who would not , for this reason condemn Episcopacy , at that time ? It must either belong to the Six Collocutors who drew the Concusions , or to the whole Assembly : If to the Collocutors , 't is plain , Three of them , viz. Row , Hay , and Lindesay were innocent ; they were perswaded in their Minds of the Expediency ( to say no further ) as well as the Lawfulness of Episcopacy , and I think that was reason enough for them not to condemn it . The Presbyterian Brethren , then , if any , were the persons who were moved not to condemn it , because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council , &c. But if so , hath not Master Petrie made them very brave fellows ? Hath he not fairly made them such friends to Sacrilege , that they would rather baulk a divine Institution , than interrupt its Course , and offend its Votaries ? If by the word , They , he meant the General Assembly ; if the whole Assembly were they , who would not express the Negative , because they would not oppose , &c. I think , Mr. Petrie , were he alive , would have enough to do , to prove that that was the Reason they were determin'd by . What ? Had the whole Church quate all their pretensions , they insisted on so much , on every Occasion ? Had they now given over their Claim to the Revenues of the Church ? Shall I declare my poor opinion in this matter ? I am apt to believe that it was one of the great Arguments insisted on by the Three Episcopalian Collocutors , at that time , That if Episcopacy should be concluded unlawful , and , by consequence , overturned , the Patrimony of the Church would undoubtedly go to wreck ; The hungry Courtiers would presently possess themselves of the Revenues belonging to the Bishops : Sure I am , as things then stood , there was all the Reason in the world for insisting on this Argument : But to pass this . Petrie it seems was not content with giving the quite contrary of that , which in all probability , was the true Reason , at least one of the true Reasons , for not overturning Episcopary at that time ; But he behoved to add something more Extravagant : He behoved to add That the Affirmatives in the aforesaid conclusions took away the pretended Office of Episcopacy . What might he not have said , after this ? It seems , that in this Authors opinion , all is one thing , to assert the Lawfulness of ane Office , and thereupon to continue it , and to take it away . But perhaps I may be blamed for taking so much notice of ane angry mans Excesses , For no doubt it was anger that such conclusions should have been made , that hurtied him upon such Extravagances ; and therefore I shall leave him , and return to my threed . By what I have told , it may be easy to judge , how cold the first Entertainment was , which Parity got when it was proposed to the General Assembly : and so much the more , if it be further considered that , by this same Assembly , some 8 or 9 Articles were ordered to be presented to My Lord Regents Grace , whereof the First ( as I find it in the MS. and in Petrie himself (n) tho' neither so fully nor so fairly ) was this . Imprimis , for planting and preaching the word , thro' the whole Realm , It is Desired , that so many Ministers as may be had , who are yet unplaced , may be received , as well in the Countrey , to relieve the charge of them who have many Kirks , as otherwise , throughout the whole Realm , with Superintendents or Commissioners within these Bonnds where Bishops are not , and to help such Bishops as have too great Charges : And that Livings be appointed to the aforesaid Persons : and also payment to them who have travelled before , as Commissioners , in the years of God 1573. and 1574. and so forth , in time coming , without which , the travels of such Men will cease . This I say is the First of many Articles ordered by this Assembly for the Regent ; From which it is Evident , not only , that Mr. Melvils Project made little , or no progress , at this time , but also that the Assembly continued firm and stedfast in the same very intentions , and of the same very Principles , which had prevailed in former Assemblies , viz. to stop the uniting of Churches ; to multiply the number of persons cloathed with Prelatick power ; To continue that power in the Church ; and by all means to secure her Patrimony and guard against , and Exclude all alienations of it . Melvil and his Partisans , thus successless in their first attempt , but withal , once engaged and resolved not to give over , began , it seems , against the next Assembly to reflect on what they had done , and perceive that they had mistaken their measures : And indeed it was a little precipitantly done , at the very first , to state the Question simply and absolutely upon the Lawfulness or Vnlawfulness of Episcopacy , in the General , as they had stated it . It was a new Question which had never been stated in the Church of Scotland before : And it could not but be surprizing to the greatest part of the Assembly . Thus to call in Question the Lawfulness of ane Office which had been so early , so universally , so usefully , so incontestedly , received by the Catholick Church . This was a point of great importance : For , to Declare that Office Vnlawful , what was it else than to condemn all these Churches , in the primitive times , which had own'd it and flourish't under it ? What else than to condemn the Scottish Reformation and Reformers , who had never Question'd it , but , on the contrary , had proceeded all , alongst , on principles which , clearly supposed its Lawfulness , if not its Necessity ? Nay , was it not to condemn , particularly , all these General Assemblies which , immediately before , had so much Authorized and confirm'd it ? Besides , as hath been already observed , to Declare Episcopacy Vnlawful was , unavoidably , to stifle all these projects , they had been so industriously forming for recovering the Churches Patrimony : And not only so , but to expose it more and more to be devoured by the voracious Laity . It was Plain , it could no sooner be declared Vnlawful , than it behoved to be parted with ; and turn out the Bishops , once , and what would become of the Bishopricks ? Nay , to turn them out , what was it else , than , to undo the whole Agreement at Leith , which was the greatest security , the Church , then , had for her Patrimony ? For these and the like reasons , I say , laying aside the impiety , and insisting only on the imprudence of the Melvilian Project , it was , no doubt , precipitantly done , at the very first , to make that the State of the Question : And it was no wonder if the Assembly was unanimous in agreeing to the conclusions which had been laid before them by the six Collocutors : Nay , it was no wonder if Melvil and his Party , sensible of their errour , and willing to cover it , the best way they could , yielded , for that time , to the other Three , who had , so visibly , the advantage of them , at least , in the point of the Churches interest : And therefore , At the next Assembly , which was holden at Edenburgh , April 24. 1576. they altered the State of the Question , as Spotswood observes , (o) and made it this , Whether Bishops , as they were then in Scotland , had their Function warranted by the word of God ? But even thus stated , at that time , it avail'd them nothing : For , ( as it is in the MS. ) The whole Assembly , for the most part , after Reasoning and long Disputation upon every Article of the Brethrens ( viz. the six Collocutors ) opinion and advice , resolutely approved and affirmed the same , and every Article thereof , as the same was given in by them . And then the Articles are Repeated . Calderwood and Petrie do both shuffle over the state of the Question , (p) but , upon the matter , they give the same account of the Assembly's Resolution : However , I thought fit to take it in the words of the MS. the very stile importing that they are the most Authentick . And in this Resolution we may observe these three things . 1. That whatever the Melvilian Party might then be , They were but the smaller Party : The whole Assembly for the most part , that is , as I take it , the far greater part of the Assembly was against them . 2. That the whole Assembly for the most part seem to have been seriously perswaded they were in the right , and did not approve and affirm these Articles either indeliberately or faintly ; For it was after Reasoning and long Disputation , that they approved and affirmed them , and they were sufficiently Keen in the matter , for they did it Resolutely . 3. The Melvilian Party were over-voted , even as the Question was , then , Stated : The whole Assembly for the most part , stood for Episcopacy as it was then established in Scotland , and would not declare it Unlawful . From all which , I leave to the world to judge , if Presbyterian parity did not meet with opposition , with very great opposition , at its first appearances in Scotland : Neither was this all . As this General Assembly did thus stand its ground , and appeared for Imparity , so it continued of the same sentiments and Resolutions with former Assemblies , in the Matter of the Churches Patrimony ; For , By it , it was resolved also , That they might proceed against unjust possessors of the Patrimony of the Church , in respect of the Notorious Scandal , not only by Doctrine and Admonition , but with the Censures of the Church , and that the Patrimony of the Church , whereupon the Church , the Poor and the Schools should be maintained , was ex jure divino . So 't is in the MS. and so Petrie hath it : (s) Well! Did the Parity-men gain no ground in this Assembly ? Yes , they did : Two things they obtained , which were very useful for them afterwards . They obtained 1. And Act to be made That the Bishops should be obliged to take the charge of particular Congregations . 'T is true , the Assembly could not get this refused after they had approved and affirmed the above-mentioned Articles . For , it was fairly deduceable both from the second and third : But then , it is plain , this Act did militate nothing against the Essentials of Episcopacy : It was highly consistent with Imparity amongst the Governours of the Church : and the Articles evidently import as much : However , as I said , this proved very serviceable to the Melvilian Party , afterwards , as we shall hear . But this was not the worst of it : For 2. The Earl of Morton , then , Regent ( whatever the Presbyterian Historians talk of his being so much for Episcopacy ) made a very ill-favoured , as well as a very fatal step in the time of this Assembly : Take it in Spotswoods words , (t) The Regent hearing how the Church had proceeded , and taking ill the Deposition of Master James Patton Bishop of Dunkeld , who was , in the former Assembly , deprived for Dilapidation of his benifice , sent to require of them ( this Assembly met in April 1576 ) whether they would stand to the Policy agreed unto at Leith ? And if not , to desire them to settle upon some form of Government at which they would abide . The Champions for Parity had fairly met with a second repulse from this Assembly , as I have discoursed , and if all concerned had acted their parts , as they might and ought to have done , and as the cause required , 't is highly credible , that Mother of confusion might have been quit crush't and stifled for ever : But that was not done ; The Prelates themselves were negligent and unactive , as Spotswood intimates , (u) and here , the Regent made this proposition . A proposition , than which , none could be made more surprizingly obliging and acceptable to the Presbyterian Party . All things considered , it was the very thing , the common principles of conduct might have taught them to have askt , next , if they had had things for the asking ; For what can fall out more luckily for those who have a mind to innovate , than to have the old foundations shaken , and leave allowed to erect new Models ? So ill-favoured ( I say ) was this step , which , at this time , was made by Morton , who , by the exigencies of his station , was bound to have guarded against all innovations , especially such as had so natural a tendency to disturb the publick peace ; and therefore I must ask my Readers allowance to make a little digression , if it may be called a digression , and discourse this Question , Whether it may not be thought probable that Morton made this proposition Deliberately , and from ane Intention to Cherish the Presbyterian Party , and encourage their humor for innovating , and confounding the Peace of the Church ? This , perhaps , at first sight , may seem a bold Question , as not only being New , but apparently Crossing the received accounts of our Presbyterian Historians ; But if I can make the affirmative very probable ( if not evident ) I am apt to think , it may bring no small accessions of light to the present subject I am insisting on , viz. how Presbyterianism was first introduced into Scotland ? I will therefore lay down my Reasons for it , that the world may judge of them ; and 1. That which I have already descoursed , seems to be a very fair Argument that Morton made this proposition , intentionally , to give scope and slackened Reins to the Presbyterian Party ; For if he had not made it ; if he had resolved to stand by the Agreement at Leith ; if he had been serious for the Established Government and Peace of the Church ; It had been easy for him to have supprest all Melvil's Projects for innovation . He had visibly , the major part of this Assembly , of his side , if that had been his Aim ; No appearance that the Body of the People was then infected with the principles of Parity . The Nobility were generally for the old constitution , as is evident from no less Authority than Melvil's own , in his Letter to Beza cited before , in which he tells him , He and his Party had many of the Peers against them ; (v) where , then , was there the least difficulty of Crushing the Coccatrice in the Egg , if he had had a mind for it ? Besides , how inconsistent was the making of this proposition with the Integrity and Honesty of a Regent ? The King was , then , a Minor ; The Nation had but just , then , emerged out of a vast Ocean of civil broyls and troubles , which had long harassed it , and kept it in confusion ; nothing more improper for it than to be involved again , instantly , in jarrs and discords ; So that if he had no such Plot , as I am endeavouring to make probable he had , he was , certainly , very unfortunate in granting such a Liberty ; For , considering all things , it looks so very like a Plot , that it cannot but be very hard to perswade a thinking man that there was none . Especially if it be considered 2. That he was a Man , who had latitude enough , to do ill things , if he thought them subservient to his interest . He was wretchedly Covetous , as all Historians agree : And that vice alone disposes a Man for the worst things . He hath observed little of the affairs of the world , and the extravagances of Mankind , who has not observed Avarice and a sordid temper to have put Men on the most abominable courses : who hath not observed , who hath not seen , that Men have sold Religion , Honour , Conscience , Loyalty , Faith , Friendship , every thing that 's sacred , for Money ? Now by making this proposition , He projected a very fair opportunity for gratifying this his predomining appetite . He had so anxiously coveted the Emoluments of the Arch-Bishoprick of St. Andrews in the year 1571 ( as Sir Iames Melvil tells us in his Memoirs (w) that meeting with a repulse , he forsook the Court , and was so much discontented , that he would not return to it , till Randolf the English Ambassadour perswaded Lennox , then Regent , to give it to him ; Promising that the Queen of England should recompence it to him with greater advantage . How much of that Bishoprick he had continued still to possess , after the Agreement at Leith , and Douglass's advancement to that Arch-Bishoprick , I cannot tell ; But it is not to be doubted , whatever it was , it sharpened his stomack for more of the Churches Revenues ; and now , the juncture made wonderfully for him ; For , as he had found by experience , and many Acts of Assemblies , &c. That the Church , careful of her interests , and watchful over her Patrimony , was no ways inclined to sit still and suffer her self to be cheated , and plundered , according to his hungry inclinations ; but was making , and like to continue to make vigorous opposition to all such sacrilegious purposes , so long as she continued united , and settled on the foot on which she then stood ; So he found , that , now , Contention was arising within her own Bowels , and a Party was appearing zealous for innovations , and her peace and unanimity were like to be broken and divided ; and what more proper for him , in these circumstances , than to lay the reins on their necks , and cast a further bone of Contention amongst them ? He knew full well what it was to fish in troubled waters , as Sir Iames Melvil observes of him , (x) and so 't is more than probable he would not neglect such ane opportunity , still so much the more , if it be considered , 3. That whatever professions he might have made , in former times , of good affection to Episcopal Government , yet there is little reason to think that his Conscience was interested in the matter ; For besides that covetous , selfish , subtle men , such as he was , use not to allow themselves to stand too precisely upon all the Dictates of a Nice and tender Conscience ; The Divine Right of Episcopacy , ( the true fund for making it matter of Conscience ) in these times was not much asserted or thought on : That was not , till several years afterwards , when the Controversies about the Government of the Church came to be sifted more narrowly : It is commonly acknowledged that the main Argument which prevailed with him to appear for Episcopacy , was its aptitude for being part of a fund for a good Correspondence with England . Spotswood tells us , (y) that one of the Injunctions which he got when he was made Regent , was , That he should be careful to entertain the Amity contracted with the Queen of England . And Calderwood saith thus expressly of him , (z) His great intention was to bring in conformity with England , in the Church Government , without which , he thought , he could not Govern the Countrey to his Fantasie , or , that , Agreement could stand long between the two Countreys . And again , (a) He pressed his own injunctions and Conformity with England . Now this being the great motive that made him so much inclined , at any time , for Episcopal Government ; It is to be considered , 4. That , however prevalent this might be with him , when , first , he was advanced to the Regency , civil Dissentions raging then , and the Party , of which he was the Head , being unable to subsist , unless supported by England ; Yet now , that all these Dissentions were ended , and the Countrey quieted , and things brought to some appearance of a durable settlement ; His Dependance on England might prompt him to alter his scheme , and incline him to give scope to the Presbyterian wild-fire in Scotland . To set this presumption in its due light , Two things are to be a little further enquired into ▪ 1. If it is probable that Queen Elizabeth was willing that the Presbyterian humor should be Encouraged in Scotland ? 2. If Morton depended so much on her , as to make it feasible that he might be subservient to her Designs , in this Politick ? As for the First , this is certain , it was still one of Queen Elizabeth's great cares to Encourage confusions in Scotland . She knew her own Title was Questionable , as I have observed before ; and tho' that had not been , yet , without Question the Scottish blood had the next best Title to the English Crown : and as 't is Natural to most People to worship the rising Sun , especially when he looks Bright and Glorious ; when he has no Clouds about him ; I mean , the Apparent Heir of a Throne , when he is in a prosperous and flourishing condition ; So , 't is as Natural for the Regnant Prince to be jealous of him . Therefore , I say Queen Elizabeth , for her own security , did still what she could to Kindle wildfire in Scotland , and keep it burning , when it was Kindled . Thus , in the year 1560. She assisted the Scottish subjects against their Native Soveraign ( her jealoused Competitrix ) both with Men and Money , as I have told before : And Anno 1565. She countenanced the Scottish Lords who began to raise tumults about the Scottish Queens Marriage with the Lord Darnley ; She furnisht them with money , and harbour'd them when they were forced to flee for it . And how long did She foment our Civil wars after they brake out Anno 1567 ? What dubious Responses did She give , all the time She Vmpir'd it , between the Queen of Scotland and those who appeared for her Son ? And is it not very well known that She had ane hand in the Road of Ruthven 1582 , and in all our Scottish seditions , Generally ? Sir Iames Melvil in his Memoirs gives us enough of her Practices that way : He lived in these times , and was acquainted with intrigues ; and he tells us , (b) That Randolf came with Lennox ( when he came to Scotland , to be Regent , after Murray's death ) to stay here as English Resident : That this Randolf's great imployment was to foster discords , and increase Divisions among the Scots , particularly , That he used Craft with the Ministers , (c) offering Gold to such of them as he thought could be prevail'd with to accept his offer : 'T is true he adds , But such as were honest refused his gifts : But this says not that none took them ; and who knows but the most Fiery might have been foremost at receiving ? It hath been so , since ; Even when it was the Price of the best blood in Britain . But to go on ; Sir Iames tells further (d) that Morton and Randolf contrived the Plot of keeping the Parliament at Stirling 1571. to forefault all the Queens Lords , thereby to Crush all hopes of Agreement : That he was so much hated in Scotland for being such ane Incendiary , that he was forced to return to England ; Mr. Henry Kellegrew succeeding in his stead , in Scotland ; (e) that this Killegrew , at a private meeting told himself plainly , (f) that he was come to Scotland with a Commission , contrary to his inclinations , which was to encourage Faction , &c. Thus practiced Queen Elizabeth , and such were her Arts and influences in Scotland , before she had the opportunity of improving the Presbyterian humour to her purposes : And can it be imagined she would not encourage it when once it got sooting ? Certainly she understood it , better than so : The Sect had set up a Presbytery at Wandsworth in Surrey in the year 1572 , four years before Morton made this Proposition , seven years before a Presbytery was so much as heard of in Scotland ; No doubt she knew the Spirit well enough , and how apt and well suited , it was for keeping a State in disorder and trouble . Nay , I have heard from knowing Persons , that , to this very day , the Treasury Books of England ( if I remember right , sure I am , some English record or other ) bear the Names of such Scottish Noblemen and Ministers , as were that Queens Pensioners ; and what allowances they got for their Services , in fostering and cherishing seditions and confusions in their Native Countrey ; From this sample , I think , it is easy to collect at least , that it is highly probable that Queen Elizabeth was very willing that the Presbyterian humour should be encouraged in Scotland . Let us try 2. If Morton depended so much on her , as may make it credible that he was subservient to her Designs in this Politick ? And here the work is easy ; For he was her very Creature : he stood by her , and he stood for her . Randolf and he were still in one bottom , (g) The whole Countrey was abused by Randolf and Morton . Morton and Randolf contrived the Parliament 1571. Mentioned before . When Lennox the Regent was killed ; Randolf was earnest to have Morton succeed him , (h) Randolf had no Credit but with Morton , (i) Killegrew told Sir James Melvil at the Private Meeting , mentioned before , (k) That the Queen of England and her Council built their course , neither on the late Regent Lennox , nor the present Mar , but intirely on the Earl of Morton , as only true to their interests . Morton after Mar's death was made Regent , England helping it with all their Might . (l) And again in that same page , Sir Iames tells that those who were in the Castle of Edenburgh , and stood for Queen Mary's Title , were so sensible of all this , that when Morton sent the same Sir Iames to propose ane accommodation to them , He found it very hard to bring on ane Agreement between them and Morton , for the evil opinion that was then conceived of him , and the hurtful marks they supposed by proofs and appearances , that he would shoot at , being by Nature Covetous , and too great with England . And to make all this plainer , yet , Sir Iames tells us that Morton entertaind a Secret Grudge against his Pupil , the Young King. He was ever jealous that the King would be his Ruine . (m) And England gave greater Assistances to Morton , than to any former Regents , for they believed he aim'd at the same mark , with themselves , viz. to intricate the Kings affairs , out of old jealousies between the Stuarts and the Douglases . (n) Now , Let all these things be laid together , and then let the judicious consider if it is not more than probable , That as England had a main hand in the advancement of our Reformation , so it was not wanting to contribute for the encouragement of Presbytery also ; and that Morton playing England's game , which was so much interw●●e● with his own , made this ill favoured Proposition to this Gen. Ass. But however this was , ●l●●her he had such a Plot or not ; It is clea● that his making this proposition , had all the effects he could have projected by being on such a Plot. For No sooner had he made this Proposition than it was greedily entertain'd ; It Answered the Melvilian wishes ; and it was easy for them to find colourable Topicks for obtaining the consent of the rest of the Assembly ; For most part of them were ready to acknowledge that there were Defects , and things to be mended in the Agreement at Leith : And it had been received by the General Assembly in August 1572. for ane Interim only : The revising of that Agreement , might end some Controversies ; and the Regent having made this Proposition , it was not to be doubted , but he would Ratify what they should Unanimously agree to , &c. These and the like Arguments I say , might , ( 't is clear , some Arguments did ) prevail with the Assembly to entertain the Proposition : For A commission was forthwith drawn to nineteen or twenty Persons , to Compose a Second Book of Discipline ; (o) a step by which at that time the Presbyterian got a wonderful advantage over the other Party ; For not only were Melvil and Lawson the two first Rate Presbyterians nominated amongst these Commissioners ; But they had their business much pr●meditated ; They had spent much thinking about it ; and it is not to be doubted , they had Mr. Beza bespoken to provide them with all the Assistance , he and his Colleagues , at Geneva , could afford them : Whereas the rest were Generally very ignorant in Controversies of that Nature : They had all alongst , before that , imployed themselves mainly in the Popish Controversies ; and had not troubled their heads much about the Niceties of Government ; They had taken the Ancient Government , so far , at least , as it subsisted by imparity , upon trust , as they found , it had been Practiced in all ages of the Church ; perceiving a great deal of Order and Beauty in it ; and nothing that naturally tended to have a bad influence , on either the principles or the life of serious Christianity : And with that they were satisfied : Indeed even the best of them seem to have had very little skill in the true fountains whence the solid subsistence of the Episcopal Order was to be derived ; The Scriptures I mean , not as Glossed by the Private Spirit of every Modern Novelist , but as interpreted and understood by the First ages ; as sensed by the constant and universal practice , of Genuine , Primitive and Catholick Antiquity . This charge of Ignorance , in the Controversies about the Government of the Church , which I have brought against the Scottish Clergy , in these times , will certainly leave a blot upon my self , if I cannot prove it : But if I can prove it , it is clear , it is of considerable importance in the present disquisition , and helps much for coming , by a just comprehension , to understand how Presbytery was introduced into Scotland . And therefore I must again beg my Readers patience , till I adduce some evidences for it . And First , The truth of this charge may be obviously collected from the whole train of their proceedings , and management , about the Government of the Church , from the very first Establishment of the Reformation : For however they Established a Government which clearly subsisted by imparity , as I have fully proven , and which was all I still aim'd at , yet , it is easy to Discover they were very far from keeping Closely by the Principles and Measures of the primitive constitution of Church Government . This is so very apparent to any who Reads the Histories of these times , and is so visible in the Deduction I have made , that I shall insist no longer on it . Secondly , The truth of my charge may further appear , from the Instance of Adamson , advanced , this year 1576 , to the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews . That Nature had furnished him with a good stock , and he was a smart Man , and cultivated beyond the ordinary Size , by many parts of good Literature , is not denyed by the Presbyterian Historians themselves ; They never attempt to represent him as a Fool or a Dunce , tho' they are very eager to have him a Man of Tricks and Latitude . Now this Prelates ignorance in true Antiquity is Remarkably visible in his subscribing to these Propositions ( Anno 1580 , if we may believe Calderwood , (p) The Power and Authority of all Pastors is equal , and alike great , amongst themselves . The Name , Bishop , is Relative to the Flock , and not to the Eldership ; For he is Bishop of his Flock , and not of other Pastors , or fellow Elders ; As for the Preheminence that one beareth over the rest , it is the Invention of Man , and not the Institution of Holy Writ . That the ordaining and appointing of Pastors which is also called the laying on of hands , appertaineth not to one Bishop only , so being , Lawful Election pass before ; but to those of the same Province or Presbytery , and with the like Iurisdiction and Authority , Minister at their Kirks . That in the Council of Nice for eschewing of private ordaining of Ministers , it was statuted , that no Pastor should be appointed without the consent of him , who dwelt or remained in the Chief and Principal City of the Province , which they called the Metropolitan City . That after , in the latter Councils , it was statuted , ( that things might proceed more solemnly and with greater Authority ) that the laying on of hands upon Pastors , after Lawful Election , should be by the Metropolitan , or Bishop of the Chief and principal Town , the rest of the Bishops of the Province voting thereto ; In which thing , there was no other Prerogative , but only that of the Town , which , for that cause , was thought most meet both for the conveening of the Council , and Ordaining of Pastors with common Consent and Authority . That the Estate of the Church was corrupt , when the name , Bishop , which before , was common to the rest of the Pastors of the Province , began , without the Authority of Gods Word and ancient Custome of the Kirk to be attributed to one . That the power of appointing and ordaining Ministers , and Ruling of Kirks with the whole procuration of Ecclesiastical Discipline , was , now , only , devolved to one Metropolitan ; The other Pastors no ways challenging their Right and Privilege therein , of very slothfulness , on the one part ; And the Devil , on the other , going about , craftily , to lay the ground of the Papistical Supremacy . From these and such other Propositions , sign'd by him , at that time , it may be judged , I say , if this Prelate did not bewray a very profound ignorance in true Ecclesiastical Antiquity ? Ane Arrant Presbyterian could not have said , could not have wished more Indeed , 't is more than probable ( as perchance may appear by and by ) that these Propositions were taken out , ( either formally , or by collection ) of Mr. Beza's Book De Triplici Episcopatu . Now if Adamson was so little seen in such matters , what may we judge of the rest ? But this is not all , For Thirdly , There cannot be a greater Evidence of the deplorable unskilfulness of the Clergy , in these times , in the ancient records of the Church , than their suffering Melvil and his Party to obtrude upon them , The Second Book of Discipline ; A split new Democratical Systeme ; a very Farce of Novelties never heard of before in the Christian Church . For instance ; What else is the confounding of the Offices of Bishops and Presbyters ? (q) The making Doctors or Professors of Divinity in Colledges and Vniversities a distinct Office , and , of Divine Institution ? (r) The setting up of Lay-Elders , as Governours of the Church , Jure Divino ? Making them Iudges of mens Qualifications to be admitted to the Sacrament ? Visiters of the Sick , &c. (s) Making the Colleges of Presbyters , in Cities , in the primitive times , Lay Eldership ? (t) Prohibiting Appeals from Scottish General Assemblies to any Iudge Civil or Ecclesiastick ? (v) and by consequence to Oecumenick Councils . Are not these Ancient and Catholick Assertions ? What footsteps of these things in true Antiquity ? How easy had it been for men skilled in the Constitution , Government and Discipline of the Primitive Church to have laid open , to the Conviction of all sober Men , the novelty , the vanity , the inexpediency , the impoliticalness , the uncatholicalness of most , if not all , of these Propositions ? If any further doubt could remain concerning the little skill , the Clergy of Scotland , in these times , had , in these matters , it might be further Demonstated . Fourthly , from this plain matter of Fact , viz. that that Second Book of Discipline , in many points , is taken word for word from Mr. Beza's Answers to the Questions proposed to him , by The Lord Glamis , then Chancellor of Scotland . A fair Evidence that our Clergy , at that time , have not been very well seen in Ecclesiastical Politicks ; Otherwise , it is not to be thought they would have been so imposed on , by a single stranger Divine , who visibly aimed at the propagation of the Scheme , which by chance , had got footing in the Church where he lived . His Tractate De Triplici Episcopatu , written of purpose for the advancement of Presbyterianism in Scotland , carries visibly in its whole train , that its design was to draw our Clergy from off the Ancient Polity of the Church ; and his Answers to the Six Questions proposed to him , ( as I said ) by Glanus , contain'd the New Scheme , he advised them to . Now , let us taste a little of his skill in the Constitution and Government of the Ancient Church , or , if you please , of his accounts of her Policy . I take his Book as I find it amongst Saravia's works . He is Positive for the Divine Right of Ruling Elders . (a) He affirms that Bishops arrogated to themselves , the power of Ordination , without Gods allowance . (b) That the Chief foundation of all Ecclesiastical Functions , is , Popular Election ; That this Election , and not , Ordination , or Imposition of hands makes Pastors or Bishops : That Imposition of hands does no more , than put them in possession of their Ministry , ( in the exercise of it , as I take it ) the power whereof they have from that Election ; That , by consequence , 't is more proper to say that the Fathers of the Church are Created by the Holy Ghost , and the suffrages of their Children , than by the Bishops . (c) That Saint Paul in his first Epistle to the Corinthians , in which he expressly writes against , and condemns the Schism which then prevailed there , as foreseeing that Episcopacy might readily be deem'd a remedy against so great ane evil , joyn'd So●thenes with himself in the Inscription of the Epistle , that by his own example he might teach how much that Princeliness was to be avoided in Ecclesiastical Conventions , seeing the Apostles themselves , who are owned to have been , next to Christ , first , in order , and supreme , in degree , did yet Exercise their power by the Rules of Parity . (d) Who will not , at first sight , think this a pretty odd fetch ? But to go on , he further affirms , (e) That Episcopacy is so far from being a proper remedy against Schism , that it has produced many Grievous Schisms , which had never been , but for that Humane Invention . That the Papacy was the fruit of Episcopacy . (f) That the Council of Nice by making that Canon about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Ancient customes should continue , &c cleared the way for the Roman Papacy ▪ which was then advancing apace ; And founded a Throne for that Whore that sits upon the seven Mountains . (g) That the Primitive Churches were in a flourishing condition so long as their Governours continued to Act in Parity ; And had not yeilded to Prelacy . (h) And yet he had granted before , (i) That humane Episcopacy , as he calls it , was in vogue , in Ignatius his time &c. So that I think they could not flourish much , having so short a time to flourish in . These few● of many such learned Propositions , I have collected out of that Book , which was so successful , at that time , in furthering and advancing the Presbyterian Principles , in Scotland ; And could they be a learned Clergy ? Could they be great Masters at Antiquity and Ecclesiastical History , who swallowed down these Propositions , or were imposed on , by the Book that contain'd them ? 'T is true this Book came not to Scotland till the end of the year 1577 , or the beginning of 1578. But I thought it pardonable to anticipate so far , as , now , to give this account of it , considering how proper it was for my present purpose . We shall have occasion to take further notice of it afterward . Thus , I think , I have made it appear how advantageous Morton's Proposition was to the Presbyterian party : They had occasion , by it , to fall upon forming a New Scheme of Church Governmet and Polity ; They were as well prepared , as they could be for such a nick ; and they had a set of people to deal with , who might easily be worsted in these Controversies . However it seems , the common principles of Politicks , which God and Nature have made , if not inseparable parts , at least , ordinary concomitants of sound and solid reason , did sometimes make their appearances amongst them ; For , that there have been Disputations and Contests , and that some , at least , of the many propositions , contained in the Second Book of Discipline , have been debated and tossed , is evident from the many Conferences , were about it , and the long time was spent before it was perfected and got its finishing stroke from a General Assembly , as we shall find , in our progress . Proceed we now in our deduction . Tho' the Presbyterian Faction had gain'd this advantage in the Assembly 1576 , that they had allowance to draw a new Scheme of Polity , to which they could not but apply themselves very chearfully ; yet , it seems , they were so much humbled by the Repulses they had got , as to the main Question , viz. the Lawfulness of Episcopacy , that they thought it not expedient to try the next Assembly with it , directly , as they had done , unsuccessfully , twice before ; But to wait a little , till their party should be stronger ; and , in the mean time to content themselves with such indirect blows as they could conveniently give it ; such , I say , their deliberations seem to have been , at the next Assembly which was holden at Edenburgh , Octob 24. 1576. For not so much as one word , in that Assembly concerning the Lawfulness , or Unlawfulness of Prelacy , either , Simply , and in it self ; Or , Complexely , as , then , in use in Scotland . 'T is true , Certain ●re●hren , says the MS. some Brethren , says Calderwood ; some , says Petrie ▪ (k) ( without Question , the Melvilians ) proposed that , now , that Mr. Patrick Adamson was nominated for the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews , He might be tryed as to his sufficiency for such a station , according to ane Act , made in March 1575. But it seems the major part of the Assembly have not been for it , for it was not done , as we shall find afterward . Nay , another Act was fairly dispenced with by this Assembly , in favour of Boyd , Archbishop of Glasgow : For , being required to give his answer , if he would take the Charge of a particular Flock , according to the Act made in April before ? He Answered , That he had entered to his Bishoprick according to the Agreement at Leith , which was to stand in force , during the Kings Minority , or till a Parliament should determine otherwise : That he had given his Oath to the Kings Majesty in things appertaining to his Highness : That he was affraid he might incur the Guilt of Perjury , and be called in question , by the King , for changing a member of state , if he should change any thing belonging to the Order , Manner , Priviledges , or Power of his Bishoprick : That therefore he could not bind himself to a particular Flock , nor prejudge the power of Iurisdiction , which he had received with his Bishoprick , &c. Thus he answered , I say , and the Assembly , at that time , satisfied themselves , so far , with this answer , that they pressed him no further , but referred the matter to the next Assembly , as even both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge . (l) A fair evidence , that in this Assembly , the Presbyterian party was the weaker . However , One indirect step they gain'd in this Assembly also . By the First Book of Discipline , Hedd 9. (m) It was appointed that the Country Ministers and Readers should meet , upon a certain day of the week in such Towns , within six miles distance , as had Schools , and to which there was repair of Learned men , to exercise themselves in the Interpretation of Scripture , in imitation of the practice in use among the Corinthians , mentioned 1 Cor. 14.29 . These Meetings , it seems , had been much neglected and disfrequented in most places . It was therefore enacted by this Assembly , That all Ministers within eight miles , &c. should resort to the place of exercise , each day of exercise , &c. This , (n) I say , was useful for the Presbyterian designs ; For these Meetings were afterwards turn'd into Presbyteries , as we shall find when we come to the year 1579. And so 't is very like , the motion , for reviving them , was made by those of the Faction ; For no man can deny that they have still had enough of Draught in their Politicks . The next Assembly was holden April 1. Anno 1577. No direct progress made , now , neither , as to the main Question : And only these indirect ones : 1. The Archbishop of Glasgow was obliged to take the charge of a particular Flock ; if we may believe Calderwood , (o) but neither the MS. nor Petrie hath it . 2. The Archbishop of St. Andrews being absent ; full power was given to M. Robert Pont , M. Iames Lawson , David Ferguson , and the Superintendent of Lothian , conjunctly ; To cite him before them , against such day or days as they should think good ; to try and examine his entry and proceeding , &c. with power also to summon the Chapter of St. Andrews , or so many of that Chapter as they should judge expedient , and the Ordainers or Inaugurers of the said Archbishop ( observe here , the Bishops , in these times were Ordained or Inaugurated ) as they should find good , for the better tryal of the premisses : And in the mean time , to discharge him of further visitation , till he should be admitted by the Church . (p) Here , indeed , the Melvilians obtain'd in both Instances , that which was refused them by the last Assembly : However , nothing done Directly ( as I said ) against the Episcopal Office : On the contrary , Adamson ▪ it seems , might exerce it , when admitted by the Assembly . May I not reckon the Fast appointed by this Assembly , as a third step gained by our Parity-men ? A successful Establishment of perfect Order and Polity in the Kirk , was one of the reasons for it . (q) And ever since it hath been one of the Politicks of the Sect to be Mighty for Fasts , when they had extraordinary projects in their heads ; and then , if these Projects ( however wicked , nay tho' the very wickedness which the Scripture makes as bad as witchcraft ) succeeded ; To entitle them to Gods Grace ▪ and make the success , the Comfortable Return of their pious Humiliations , and sincere Devotions . I find also that Commissioners were sent by this Assembly to the Earl of Morton to acquaint him that they were busy about the matter and argument of the Polity ; and that his Grace should receive Advertisement of their further proceedings ; and that these Co●●issioners , having returned from him , to the Assembly , reported , That His Grace liked well of their travels and labours , in that matter ; and required expedition and haste ; Promising , that when the particulars should be given in to him , they should receive a good Answer . (r) So Calderwood and the MS. From which , two things may be observed : the First , is , a further Confirmation of the suspicion I insisted on before , viz. That Morton was truly a Friend to the Innovators . The second , that the Second Book of Discipline had hitherto gone on but very slowly : Why else would his Grace have so earnestly required Expedition and hasty Outred ( as the MS. words it , i. e. Dispatch ) and promised them a good answer when the particulars should be given in to him ? The truth is , there was one good reason for their proceeding so leisurely in the matter of the Book : Beza's Answer to Glamis his Letter was not yet returned . Thus two General Assemblies passed , without so much as offering at a plain , a direct Trust against Imparity : Nay , it seems matters were not come to a sufficient Maturity for that , even against the next Assembly . It was holden at Edenburgh , Octob. 25. 1577. And not so much as one word in the MS. Calderwood or Petrie , relating either directly or indirectly to the main Question . But two things happened a little after this Assembly , which animated Melvil and his Party to purpose . One was , Morton's quitting the Regency : For , whatever services he had done them , he was so obscure and Fetching in his measures , and so little to be trusted , that they could not rely much upon him : And now that he had demitted , they had a fair prospect of playing their game to better purpose than ever : They were in possessions of the Allowance he had granted them to draw a New Scheme of Policy ; They had a Young King who had not yet arrived at the twelfth year of his Age , to deal with ; By consequence they were like to have a divided Court and a Factious Nobility ; and they needed not doubt , if there were two Factions in the Kingdom , that one of them would be sure to Court them , and undertake to promote their Interests . The other encouragement , which did them every whit as good service , was Beza's Book , De Triplici Episcopatu , Divino , Humano , & Satanico , with his Answers to the Lord Glamis his Questions , which about this time was brought to Scotland : as is clear from Calderwood . (s) Beza , it seems , put to it , to Defend the Constitution of the Church of Geneva had imployed his wit and parts ( which certainly were not contemptible ) in patching together such a Scheme of principles , as , he thought , might be defended : That 's a method most men take too frequently , First , to resolve upon a Conclusion , and then , to stretch their inventions and spend their pains for finding Colours and plausibilities to set it off with . Beza , therefore , I say , having been thus at pains to digest his thoughts the best way he could on this subject ; and withal being possibly , not a little elevated , That the Lord High Chancellor of a Foreign Kingdom , should Consult him , and ask his Advice concerning a point of so great importance as the constitution of the Government of a National Church ; Thought it not enough , it seems , to return an Answer to his Lordships Questions , and therein give him a Scheme ; which was very easy for him to do , considering , he needed be at little more pains , than to transcribe the Genevian Establishment ; But he applied himself to the main Controversie which had been started by his Disciple , Melvil , in Scotland , ( and 't is scarcely to be doubted that it was done at his instignation ) and wrote this his Book , wherein , tho' he asserted not the absolute Vnlawfulness of that which he called Humane Episcopacy ( he had not brow enough for that , as we have seen already ) , (t) yet he made it wonderously dangerous , as being so naturally apt to Degenerate into the Devilish , the Satanical Episcopacy . This Book , I say , came to Scotland , about this time , viz. either in the end of 1577. or the beginning of 1578. and ( tho' I have already given a Specimen of it ) who now could hold up his head to plead for Prelacy ? Here was a Book written by the Famous Mr. Beza , the Successor of the great Mr. Calvin ; the present great Luminary of the Church of Geneva ; our Elder Sister Church ; the Best Reformed Church in Christendom ; Who would not be convinced now that Parity ought to be Established and Popish Prelacy abolished ? And ▪ indeed , it seems , this Book came , seasonably , to help the good new cause ( for it behoved to take some time before it could merit the name of the good old one ) for , we have already seen how slowly and weakly it advanced before the Book came : But now we shall find it gathering strength apace , and advancing with a witness . Nay , at the very next Assembly it was in a pretty flourishing condition . This next Ass. met , Apr. 24. Anno 1578. And Mr. Andrew Melvil was chosen Moderator ; the Prince of the Sect had the happiness to be the Praeses of the Assembly , and presently the work was set a going . Amongst the first things done , in this Ass ▪ , it was enacted , That Bishops and all others bearing Ecclesiastical Function , should be called by their own names , or Brethren , in all time coming . (u) No more Lord Bishops ! and it was but consequential to the great Argument , which was , then , and , ever since , hath been in the mouths of all the party , The Lords of the Gentiles , &c. Matt. 20.25 . Luke 22.25 . This was a step worthy of Mr. Andrew's Humility , which was not like other mens Humility's , consisting in Humbling themselves , but of a new species of its own , consisting in Humbling of his Superiours . Indeed , after this , he still treated his own Ordinary the Archbishop of Glasgow , in publick , according to this Canon ; Tho' when he was at his Graces table , where he got better entertainment than his own Commons ( for he was , then , in the College of Glasgow ) he could give him all his Titles of Dignity and Honour . (v) But , Another more important Act was made , by this Assembly ; Take it , word for word from Calderwood who agrees exactly with both the MS. and Pet. (w) Forasmuch as there is great corruption in the State of Bishops , as they are presently set up , in this Realm , whereunto the Assembly would provide some stay , in time coming , so far as they may , to the effect that farther corruption may be bridled ; The Assembly hath concluded , that no Bishop shall be Elected or Admitted before the next General Assembly ; Discharging all Ministers and Chapters to proceed , any ways , to the Election of the said Bishops , in the mean time , under the pain of perpetual Deprivation ; And that this matter , be proponed first in the next Assembly , to be consulted what farther Order shall be taken therein . Here was ground gain'd indeed ; However , this was but preparatory still ; Nothing , yet , concluded concerning the Vnlawfulness of the Office ; It was consistent with this Act that Episcopacy should have continued , its corruptions being removed . Neither are we , as yet , told what these corruptions were ; It seems , even the Presbyterians themselves , tho' in a fair condition , now , to be the prevailing party , had not yet agreed about them . Indeed . another Assembly must be over , before we can come by them . Leaving them , therefore till we come at them ; proceed we with this present Assembly . Another Fast was appointed by it ; The Nation , it seems , was not yet sufficiently diposed for Presbytery : Rubs and difficulties were still cast in the way ; and the good cause was deplorably retarded . So 't is fairly imported in the Act for this Fast : The corruption of all Estates : Coldness in a great part of the Professors : That God would put it in the Kings heart and the hearts of the Estates of Parliament , to Establish such a Policy and Discipline in the Kirk , as is craved in the word of God , &c. These are amongst the prime Reasons in the narrative of this Act for Fasting . (x) Indeed , all this time the Book of Discipline was only in forming ; It had not yet got the Assemblies Approbation . The next General Assembly met at Stirling , Iune 11. this same year , about six weeks or so , after the Dissolution of the former : But the Parliament was to sit ; and it was needful the Assembly should sit , before , to order Ecclesiastick business for it . And , now , it seems there was little struggling ; For the Assembly , all in one ▪ voice ( as it is in MS. Calderwood and Petrie , (y) concluded , That the Act of the last Assembly , discharging the Election of Bishops , &c. should be extended to all time coming : And here Petrie stops ; But the MS. and Calderwood add , ay and while , the corruptions of the Estate of Bishops , be , all utterly , taken away . And they ordained , That all Bishops already Elected should submit themselves to the Gen. Ass. Concerning the Reformation of the Corruptions of that Estate of Bishops , in their Persons ; Which , if they refused to do , after Admonition , that they should be proceeded against to Excommunication . This Ass. met , as I said on the 11 th of Iune , and indeed it seems the weather has been warm enough : Yet neither , now , did they adventure again upon the Main Question , nor ennumerate the Corruptions of the Estate of Bishops . By this Assembly , a Commission was also granted to certain Persons to attend the Parliament , and Petition that the Book of Discipline might be Ratified ; Tho' all the Articles were not , as yet , agreed to . A pretty Odd overture , to desire the Parliament to Ratify what they themselves had not perfectly Concerted . The next Assembly met at Edenburgh , Octob. 24. of that same year 1578. And it was but reasonable to have three Assemblies in six Months , when the Church was so big with Presbytery . And , now , the Corruptions , so frequently talk't of before , were ennumerated ; and the Bishops were required to Reform them in their Persons . They were required , 1. To be Ministers or Pastors of one Flock . 2. To usurp no Criminal Iurisdiction . 3. Not to vote in Parliament in Name of the Kirk , without Commission from the General Assembly . 4. Not to take up , for maintaining their Ambition and Riotousness , the Emoluments of the Kirk , which ought to sustain many Pastors , the Schools , and the Poor ; But to be content with reasonable livings , according to their Office. 5. Not to claim the Titles of Temporal Lords , nor usurp Civil Iurisdiction , whereby , they might be Abstracted from their Office. 6. Not to Empire it over particular Elderships , but be subject to the same : So the MS. Calderwood and Petrie have it , tho' Spotswood has the word , Presbyteries ; (z) Which I take notice of , because the unwary Reader , when he reads , Presbyteries , in Spotswood , may take them for these Ecclesiastical Judicatories which now are so denominated , whereas there were none such as yet in the Nation . 7. Not to usurp the Power of the Pastors ( says the MS. ) nor take upon them to visit any Bounds not committed to them by the Church . 8. And lastly , If any more Corruptions should , afterward , be found in the Estate of Bishops , to consent to have them Reformed . These were the Corruptions : and particularly at that same very time , the two Archbishops were required to Reform them in their Persons . What Adamson , Archbishop of St. Andrews did , or said , on this occasion , I know not ; But , it seems he submitted not : For I find him , again , required to do it by the next Assembly . And that it was particularly laid to his charge that he had opposed the Ratification of the Book in Parliament . But , Boyd Archbishop of Glasgow did certainly behave at this Assembly like a Person of great worth and a Man of Courage , suitable to his Character , giving a brave and resolute Answer : You may see it in Spot . Cald. and Pet. (a) I have not leisure to transcribe it : But it pleased not the , now , too much Presbyterian Assembly ; and no wonder , for he spake truely like a Bishop . The next Assembly was holden at Edenburgh , in Iuly , Anno 1579. The King sent a Letter to them , whereby he signified his dislike of their former proceedings , and fairly advised them to shew more temper , and proceed more deliberately . Calderwood calls it ane Harsh Letter : It is to be seen , word for word , both in him and Petrie . (b) But what had they to do with the Kings of this World , especially such Babie Kings as King Iames was , then ; they , I say , who had now the Government of Christs Kingdom to settle ? However , no more was done against Prelacy , at this time , than had been ordered formerly . Indeed there was little more to be done , but to declare the Office abolished ; But that , it seems they were not yet Ripe for ; Perchance the Corruptions mentioned before had proved a little Choaking , and peoples stomachs could not be , so soon , disposed , for another dish of such strong meat in ane instant ; so , that was reserved till the next Assembly . Nevertheless , In the mean time take we Notice of one thing which we never heard of before ; which started up in this Assembly ; and which must not be forgotten . It was proposed by the Synod of Lothian ( saith Calderwood , (c) That a General Order might be taken for Erecting of Presbyteries in places where publick exercise was used , until the Polity of the Church might be Established by Law. And it was Answered by the Assembly , That the exercise was a Presbytery , (d) A Presbytery turned afterwards , and , now , is , one of the most specifick , essential and indispensible parts of the Presbyterian constitution . Provincial Synods can sit only twice in the year , General Assemblies , only once , according to the Constitution . 'T is true , 't is allowed to the King to Convocate one extraordinarily , & pro re natà as they call it : And the Kirk claims to have such a power too , as she sees occasion . But then 't is as true , that Kings have been so disgusted at such meetings that they have hindred General Assemblies to meet for many years : So that their meetings are uncertain ; and in innumerable cases , there should be too long a Surcease of Ecclesiastical Iustice , if Causes should wait , either on them , or Provincial Synods . The Commission of the General Assembly , as they call it , is but ane accidental thing : The suddain dissolution of a General Assembly can disappoint its very being ; as just now there is none , nor has been , since the last Assembly , which was so surprizingly dissolved in February 1692. When there is such a Court , it commonly sits but once in three Months ; and it meddles not with every matter ; Besides , many of themselves do not love it ; and look upon it as ane error in the Custome of the Kirk , for it was never made part of the Constitution by any Canon of the Kirk nor Act of Parliament . But A Presbytery is a Constant Current Court ; They may meet when they will ; Sit while they will ; adjourn whither , when , how long , how short time soever , they will. They have all the substantial Power of Government and Discipline ; They have really a Legislative Power ; They can make Acts to bind themselves and all those , who live within their Jurisdiction ; and they have a very large Dose of Executive power ; They can Examine , Ordain , Admit , Suspend , Depose , Ministers ; They can Cite , Iudge , Absolve , Condemn , Excommunicate whatsoever Criminals . The Supreme power of the Church , under Christ is Radically and Originally in them ; It is in General Assemblies , themselves , Derivatively , only , and as they Represent all the Presbyteries in the Nation ; and , if I mistake not , if a General Assembly should Enact any thing , and the greater part of the Presbyteries of the Nation , should Reprobate it , it would not be binding ; and yet how necessary , how useful , how powerful so ever , these Courts are , tho' they are essential parts of the constitution ; tho' they may be really said to be that which Specifies Presbyterian Government ; This Time , this seventh or eighth or tenth of Iuly , Anno 1579 , was the first time they were heard of , in Scotland . That which was called the Exercise before , was nothing like a Court ; had no imaginable Iurisdiction ; Could neither Injoyn Pennance to the smallest Offender , nor Absolve him from it ; It could exert no Acts of Authority : It had not so much Power as the meanest Kirk-session : It was nothing like a Presbytery : and , however it was said , in this Assembly , That the Exercise was a Presbytery , yet , that saying ( as omnipotent as a Presbyterian Assembly is ) did not make it one . That was not a Factive proposition . There were no Presbyteries erected at this time : The First that was erected , was the Presbytery of Edenburg : And if we may believe Calderwood himself , (e) That Presbytery was not erected till the thirtieth day of May 1581. more time was run before the rest were erected : They were not agreed to by the King till the year 1586. They were not Ratified by Parliament till the year 1592. And now let the Impartial Reader judge if it is probable that our Reformers , who never thought on Presbyteries , were of the present Presbyterian principles ? Were they Presbyterians who never understood , never thought of , never dream'd of that , which is so Essential to the constitution of a Church , by Divine Institution , according to the present Presbyterian principles ? But doth not G. R. in his First Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to the First Question , § . 8. tell us that the Real Exercise of Presbytery in all its meetings , lesser and greater , continued and was allowed in the year 1572 , &c. True , he saith so : But no Man but himself ever said so : But I know the Natural History of this Ignorant blunder ; His Historian Calderwood had said that the Kirk of Scotland ever since the beginning , had four sorts of Assemblies , (f) and this was enough for G. R. For what other could these four sorts of Assemblies be , than Kirk-Sessions , Presbyteries , Provincial Synods , and General Assemblies ? But if he had , with the least degree of any thing like attention read four or five lines further , he might have seen that Calderwood himself was far from having the brow to assert that Presbyteries were , then , in being : For having said there were four sorts of Assemblies from the beginning , he goes on to particularize them , thus , National , which were commonly called General Assemblies ; Provincial , which were commonly called by the General Name of Synods ; Weekly Meetings of Ministers and Readers for interpretation of the Scripture , whereunto succeeded Presbyteries , that is , Meetings of many Ministers and Elders for the Exercise of Discipline ; and the Eldership of every Parish , which others call a Presbytery . In which account , it is evident , that he doth not call these weekly Meetings for interpretation of the Scriptures , Presbyteries ; But says , that Presbyteries succeeded to these weekly Meetings ; and he gives quite different Descriptions of these weekly Meetings and Presbyteries ; making the weekly Meetings to have been of Ministers and Elders for the interpretation of Scripture ; and Presbyteries to have been ( as they still are ) Meetings of many Ministers and Elders , for the Exercise of Discipline . 'T is true , he might have , as well , said , that Presbyteries succeeded to the Meeting of the Four Kings against the Five , or of the Five against the Four , mentioned in the 14 th Chapter of the Book of Genesis ; For the Meetings of these Kings were before our Presbyteries , I think , in order of time : And these Meetings of these Kings were as much like our present Presbyteries , as those Meetings were , which were appointed at the Reformation for the inte●pretation of Scripture ; So that even Calderwood himself was but tri●ling when he said so : But tri●ling is one thing , and impudent founding of false History upon another Mans trifling , is another . But enough of this Author at present ; we shall have further occasions of meeting with him . This Assembly was also earnest with the King that the Book of Policy might be farther considered ; and that farther Conference might be had about it ; That the Heads , not agreed about , might be compromised , some way or other . (g) But the King , it seems , listned not ; For they were at it again , in their next Assembly . And now that I have so frequently mentioned this Second Book of Discipline , and shall not have occasion to proceed much further in this wearisome Deduction ; Before I leave it , I shall only say this much more about it . As much stress as the Presbyterian party laid on it , afterwards , and continue , still , to lay on it ; as if it were so very exact a Systeme of Ecclesiastical Polity ; yet , at the beginning , the Compilers of it , had no such Confident sentiments about it ; For , if we may believe Spotswood , (h) ( and herein he is not contradicted by any Presbyterian Historian ) when Master David Lindesay , Mr. Iames Lawson and Mr. Robert Pont , were sent by the Assembly to present it to the Regent , Morton , in the end of the year 1577 , They intreated his Grace to receive the Articles presented to him , and if any of them did seem not agreeable to reason , to vouchsafe Audience to the Brethren , whom the Assembly had named to attend . Not , that they thought it a work complete , to which nothing might be added , or from which nothing might be diminished ; for , as God should reveal further unto them , they should be willing to help and renew the same . Now , upon this Testimony , I found this Question ▪ Whither the Compilers of the Second Book of Discipline , could ▪ in reason , have been earnest that this Book , which they acknowledged not to be a work so complete , as that nothing could be added to it or taken from it , should have been confirmed by ane Oath , and sworn to , as ane Vnalterable Rule of Policy ? Are they not injurious to them who make them capable of such a bare faced absurdity ? Indeed whatever our present Presbyterians say , and with how great assurance soever , they talk to this purpose , this is a Demonstration , that the compilers of it , never intended , nay could not intend , that it should be sworn to in the Negative Confession . That it was not sworn to in that Confession , I think , I could prove with as much evidence as the nature of the thing is capable of , if it were needful to my present purpose : But not being that , I shall only give this further Demonstration , which comes in here naturally enough , now , that we have mentioned this Book so often . The Negative Confession was sworn to and subscribed by the King and his Council upon the 28. of Ianuary 1580 / 1. (i) Upon the second of March thereafter the King gave out a Proclamation , ordering all the subjects to subscribe it . (k) But the King had never approven , never owned , but on the contrary , had constantly rejected the Second Book of Discipline ; Nay it was not Rati●ied , got not its finishing stroke from the General Assembly it self , till towards the end of April in that year 1581. By necessary consequence , I think , it was not sworn to in the Negative Confession . And thus I leave it . Proceed we now to the next Assembly . It met at Dundee upon the twelfth of Iuly 1580. full twenty years after the Reformation ; For the Parliament which Established the Reformation , ( as the Presbyterian Historians are earnest to have it ) had its first Meeting on the tenth of Iuly 1560. This , this was the Assembly , which , after so many fencings and strugglings , gave the deadly Thrust to Episcopacy . I shall transcribe its Act word for word from Calderwood , who has exactly enough taken it from the MS. and both Spotswood and Petrie agree , (l) It is this , Forasmuch as the Office of a Bishop , as it is now used and commonly taken within this Realm , hath no sure Warrant , Authority nor good Ground out of the Book and Scriptures of God , but is brought in by the Folly and Corruptions of mens invention , to the great overthrow of the true Kirk of God , The whole Assembly , in one voice , after Liberty given to all men to Reason in the matter , none oppening themselves in defence of the said pretended Office ; Findeth and Declareth the same pretended Office , Vsed and Termed as is abovesaid , Vnlawful in the self , as having neither Fundament , Ground nor Warrant in the word of God ; And Ordaineth , that all such Persons as brook , or hereafter shall brook the said Office , be charged simpliciter to dimit , quite , and leave off , the Samine ; as ane Office whereunto they are not called by God ; and sicklike to desist and cease from preaching , Ministration of the Sacraments , or using , any way , the Office of Pastors , while they receive , de novo , Admission from the General Assembly , under the pain of Excommunication to be used against them ; Wherein , if they be found Disobedient , or Contraveen this Act in any point , The sentence of Excommunication , after due admonition , to be execute against them . This is the Act. Perhaps it were no very great difficulty to impugn the Infallibility of this true blue Assembly , and to expose the boldness , the folly , the iniquity , the preposterous zeal , which are conspicious in this Act ; Nay , yet , after all this , to shew , that the Zealots for Parity had not arrived at that height of Effrontery , as to Condemn Prelacy , as simply and in it self Unlawful : But , by this time , I think , I have performed my promise , and made it appear that it was no easy task to Abolish Episcopacy and Introduce Presbytery ; to turn down Prelacy , and set up Parity in the Government of the Church , when it was first attempted , in Scotland : And therefore I shall stop here , and bring this long Disquisition upon the Second Enquiry to a Conclusion ; after I have Recapitulated and represented in one intire view , what I have at so great length deduced . I have made it appear , I think , That no such Article was believed , professed or maintained by the body of any Reformed or Reforming Church , or by any Eminent and Famous Divine in any Reformed or Reforming Church , while our Church was a Reforming ; No such Article , I say , as that , of the Divine and indispensible Institution of Parity , and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy or Imparity amongst the Governours of the Church : I have made it appear that there is no reason to believe that our Reformers were more prying in such matters than the Reformers of other Churches : I have made it appear that there is not so much as a syllable , a shew , a shadow of ane Indication , That any of those who Merited the Name of our Reformers , entertain'd any such Principle , or maintain'd any such Article : I have made it appear that our Reformation was carryed on , much , very much , by the Influences , and upon the principles of the English Reformers , amongst whom that principle of parity had no imaginable footing : These are , at least , great presumptions of the Credibility of this , That our Reformers maintain'd no such principle . Agreeably to these presumptions , I have made it appear that our Reformers proceeded de Facto upon the principles of Imparity : They formed their petitions for the Reformation of our Church , according to these principles : The first Scheme of Church Government , they erected , was Established upon these principles : Our Superintendents , were notoriously and undeniably Prelates : The next Establishment , in which the Prelates resumed the old Names and Titles of Archbishops and Bishops , was the same for substance , with the first : At least , they did not differ as to the point of Imparity : I have made it appear that this second Establishment was agreed to , by the Church , unanimously , and submitted to calmly and peaceably ; and that it was received as ane Establishment which was intended to continue in the Church : At least , no Objections made against it , no appearances , in opposition to it , no indications of its being accepted , only for ane Interim upon the account of Imparity's being in its constitution : I have made it appear that Imparity was received , practised , owned and submitted to , and that Prelates were suitably honoured and dutifully obeyed , without reluctancy , and without interruption , for full fifteen years after the Reformation ; and I have made it appear , that , after it was called in Question , its Adversaries found many Repulses , and mighty difficulties , and spent much travel , and much time , no less than full five years , before they could get it Abolished ; and if the Deduction I have made puts not this beyond all doubt , it may be further confirmed by the Testimonies of two very intelligent Authors ; The first is that ingenious and judicious Author who wrote the accurate piece , called Episcopacy not Abjured in Scotland , published Anno 1640. Who affirms positively , (m) That it was by Reason of opposition made to the Presbyterians , by many wise , learned and Godly Brethren , who stood , firmly for the Ancient Discipline of the Church , that Episcopacy was so long a condemning . It appears from his Elaborate work that he was ane ingenuous as well as ane Ingenious Person , and living then , and having been at so much pains to inform himself concerning not only the Transactions , but the Intrigues of former times , it is to be presumed , he did not affirm such a proposition without sufficient ground : But whatever dust may be raised about his Credit and Authority ; Sure I am , my other witness is unexceptionable . He is King Iames the Sixth of Scotland , and the First of England ; This Great and Wise Prince lived in these times in which Presbytery was first introduced ; and I think it is scarcely to be Questioned , That he understood , and could give a just account of , what passed , then , as well as any man , then , living ; and he in his Basilion Doron , (n) affirms plainly , That the Learned , Grave and Honest Men of the Ministery , were ever ashamed of , and offended with , the Temerity and Presumption of the Democratical and Presbyterian party . All these things , I say , I think , I have made appear sufficiently ; and so I am not affraid to leave it to the world to judge , Whither our Reformers were of the present Presbyterian principles ? Only one thing more , before I proceed to the next Enquiry . Our Presbyterian Brethren , Calderwood , Petrie and G. R. ( as I have already observed ) are very earnest and careful to have their Readers advert , that when Episcopacy was Established by the Agreement at Leith , Anno 1572. the Bishops were to have no more Power , than the Superintendents had before ; and , indeed it is true , they had no more , as I have already acknowledged ; But I would advise our Brethren to be more Cautious in insisting on such a dangerous point , or Glorying in such a Discovery , hereafter ; For thus I Argue . The Episcopacy Agreed to at Leith , Anno 1572 , as to its Essentials , its Power and Authority , was the same with the Superintendency Established at the Reformation , Anno 1560. But the General Assembly holden at Dundee , Anno 1580. Condemned the Power and Authority of the Episcopacy , Agreed to at Leith , Anno 1572. Ergo they condemnd the Power and Authority of the Superintendency Established by our Reformers , Anno 1560. Ergo , the Assembly 1580. not only forsook , but Condemned the principles of our Reformers : But if this Reasoning holds ; I think our present Presbyterian Brethren have no Reason to Claim the Title of Successors to our Reformers : They must not ascend so high as the year 1560 , They must stand at the year 1580 ; For , if I mistake not , the Laws of Heraldry will not allow them to call themselves the True Posterity of those whom they Condemn , and whose principles they Declare Erroneous . In such Moral Cognations , I take Oneness of principle to be the foundation of the Relation , as Oneness of Blood , is in Physical Cognations . Let them not , therefore , go farther up than the year 1580. Let them date the Reformation from this Assembly at Dundee , and Own Master Andrew Melvil and Iohn Durie , &c. for their First Parents . When they have fixed there , I shall , perchance , allow them to affirm that the Church of Scotland was Reformed ( in their sence of Reformation ) by Presbyters , that is Presbyterians . Proceed we now to The Third Enquiry . Whether Prelacy , and the Superiority of any Office , in the Church , above Presbyters , was a great and insupportable Grievance , and trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People , EVER since the Reformation ? Considering what hath been Discoursed , so fully on the former Enquiry , this may be very soon dispatched : For , If Prelacy , and the Superiority of other Officers in the Church , above Presbyters , was so unanimously consented to , and Established at the Reformation ; If it continued to be Owned , Revered , and Submitted to , by Pastors and People , without interruption , without being ever called in Question for full fifteen years after the Reformation ; If , after it was called in Question , its Adversaries found it so hard a task to subvert it , that they spent five years more , before they could get it subverted and declared Vnlawful , even , as it was , then , in Scotland ; If these things are true , ( I say ) I think it is not very Credible , that it was a great and insupportable Grievance and trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People EVER since the Reformation . This Collection I take to be as clear a Demonstration as the subject is capable of . But beside this , we have the clear and consentient Testimonies of Historians to this purpose . Petrie (a) delivers it thus , Mercy and Truth , Righteousness and Peace , had never , since Christs coming in the Flesh , a more Glorious Meeting and Amiable Embracing , on Earth ; Even so , that the Church of Scotland justly obtain'd a Name amongst the Chief Churches and Kingdoms of the world — The hottest Persecutions had not greater Purity ; The most Halcyon times had not more Prosperity and Peace ; The best Reformed Churches , in other places , scarcely Parallel'd their Liberty and Vnity . Spotswood , (b) thus , The Superintendents were in such Respect with all Men , as , notwithstanding the Dissensions that were in the Country , no Exception was taken at their proceedings , by any of the parties ; But all concurred in the Maintainance of Religion ▪ And in the Treaties of Peace made , That was ever one of the Articles : such a Reverence was , in those times , carried to the Church ; The very form of Government purchasing them Respect . I might also cite Beza himself to this purpose , in his Letter to Iohn Knox , dated , Geneva , April 12. 1572 : wherein he Congratulates heartily the happy and Vnited state of the Church of Scotland . Perhaps it might be no difficult task to adduce more Testimonies : But the truth is , no man can Read the Histories and Monuments of these times without being convinced that this is true ; and that there cannot be a falser proposition , than , That Prelacy was such a Grievance , then , or , so contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People . Further , even in succeeding times , even after it was Condemnd by that Assembly 1580 , it cannot be proven that it was such a Grievance to the Nation . 'T is true indeed , some Hot-headed Presbyterian Preachers endeavoured , all they could , to possess the People with ane opinion of its Antichristianism , forsooth , and that it was a Brat of the Whore , a Limb of Popery , and what not ? But all this time , no account of the Inclinations of the Generality of the People against it . On the contrary , nothing more evident , in History , even Calderwoods History , than that there was no such thing . Is it not obviously observable , even in that History , that after the Civil Government took some 12 or 14 of the most forward of these Brethren , who kept the pretended Assembly , at Aberdeen , Anno 1605 a little Roundly to Task , and some 6 or 8 more were called by the King , to attend his will , at London , all things went very peaceably in Scotland ? Was not Episcopacy restored by the General Assembly at Glasgow , Anno 1610 , with very great Unanimity ? Of more than ane hundred and seventy voices , there were only five Negative and seven , Non liquet . Nay Calderwood himself hath recorded that even these Ministers , who went to London , after their return , submitted peaceably to the , then , Established Prelacy . And there are few things more observable in his Book , than his Grudge , that there should have been such a General Defection from the good Cause . Indeed I have not observed , no not in his History , that there were six in all the Kingdom , who , from the Establishment of Episcopacy , Anno 1610. did not attend , at Synods , and submit to their Ordinaries ; I do not remember any except two , Calderwood himself , and one Iohnston at Ancrum ; and even these two pretended other Reasons than Scruple of Conscience for their withdrawing . It is further observable that the Stirs which were made , after the Assembly , at Perth , Anno 1618. were not pretended to be upon the account of Episcopacy ; Those of the Gang , could not prevail , it seems , with the Generality of the People to tumultuate on that account . All that was pretended were the Perth Articles : Neither did the Humour against these Articles prevail much , or far , all the time King Iames lived , nor for the first twelve years of King Charles , his Son and Successor ; It fell asleep , as it were , till the Clamours against the Liturgy and Book of Canons , awakened it Anno 1637 : And all that time , I mean , from the year 1610 , that Episcopacy was restored , till the year 1637 , that the Covenanting work was set on foot , Prelacy was so far from being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ; that , on the contrary , it was not only Generally submitted to , but , in very good esteem . Indeed , it is certain , the Nation had never more Peace , more concord , more plenty , more profound quiet and prosperity , than in that Interval . Let no man reckon of these things as naked Assertions : I can prove them ; And hereby I undertake ( with Gods allowance and assistance ) to prove all I have said , and more , if I shall be put to it . But I think my cause requires not that it should be done at present . Nay further yet , I don't think it were ane insuperable task , if I should undertake to maintain , that , when the Covenanting Politick was set on foot , Anno 1637. Prelacy was no such Grievance to the Nation . This I am sure of , it was not the Contrariety of the Generality of the Peoples Inclinations to Prelacy that first gave life and motion to that Monstrous Confederation . Sure I am , it was pretty far advanced , before the Leading Confederates offered to fix on Prelacy , as one of their Reasons for it : So very sure , that it is easy to make it appear , that they were affraid of nothing more , than that the Generality of the People should smell it out , that they had designs to overturn Episcopacy . How often did they Protest to the Marquis of Hamilton , then , the Kings Commissioner , that their meaning was not to Abolish Episcopal Government ? (c) How frank were they to tell those , whom they were earnest to Cajole into their Covenant , that they might very well swear it , without prujudice to Episcopacy ? (d) Nay how forward were the Presbyterian Ministers themselves to propagate this pretence ? When the Doctors of Aberdeen told the Three , who were sent to that City to procure subscriptions , that they could not swear the Covenant because Episcopacy was abjured in it . Are not these Hendersons and Dicksons very words , in their Answer to the fourth Reply , You will have all the Covenanters , against their intention , and whither they will or not , to disallow and condemn the Articles of Perth , and Episcopal Government ; — But it is known , to many hundreds , that the words were purposely conceived , for satisfaction of such as were of your Iugment , that we might all joyn in one Heart and Covenant ? Many more things might be readily adduced to prove this more fully : But 't is needless , for what can be more fairly colligible from any thing , than it is from this Specimen , that it was their fear , that they might miss of their mark , and not get the people to joyn with them , in their Covenant , if it should be so soon discovered , that they aim'd at the overthrow of Episcopacy . 'T is true indeed , after they had , by such disingenuous and Iesuitish Fetches , gain'd numbers to their party , and got many well-meaning Ministers and People engaged in their Rebellious and Schismatical Confederacy , they took off the Mask ; and condemned Episcopacy in their pack't Assembly , Anno 1638 ; Declaring with more than Iesuitish impudence , that , ( notwithstanding of their protestations so frequently and publickly made to the contrary ) it was abjured in their Covenant . And yet I dare advance this Paradox , that , even then , it was not ane Insupportable Grievance to the Presbyterians themselves , far less to the whole Nation . I own this to be a Paradox , and therefore I must ask my Readers allowance to give my Reason for which I have dared to advance it . It is this . Considering how much Prelacy affects the Church as a Society ; Of how great consequence it is in the Concerns of the Church ; whatever it is in itself , it cannot , in Reason , be called ane Insupportable Grievance to such as are satisfied , they can live safely and without sin , in the Communion of that Church , where it prevails . If such can call it a Grievance at all , I think they cannot justly call it more than a Supportable Grievance : I think it cannot be justly called ane Insupportable Grievance , till it can Iustify , and , by consequence , Necessitate a Separation from that Church which has it in its Constitution . How can that be called ane Insupportable Grievance , especially in Church matters , where Grievance and Corruption , ( if I take them right , must be terms very much equivalent ) to those who can safely support it ? i. e. Live under it without sin , and with a safe Conscience , continue in the Churches Communion while it is in the Churches Government ? How can that be called insupportable , which is not of such Malignity in a Church as to make her Communion sinful ? How can that be called insupportable in Ecclesiastical concerns or Religious matters , to those who are perswaded they may bear it , or with it , without disturbing their inward Peace , or endangering their Eternal Interests ? Now , such , in these times , were all the Presbyterians , at least , Generally , in the Nation ; They did not think upon Breaking the Communion of the Church ; upon separating from the solemn Assemblies under Prelacy , and setting up Presbyterian Altars in opposition to the Episcopal Altars : They still kept up one Communion in the Nation : They did not refuse to joyn in the Publick Ordinances , the Solemn worship of God and the Sacraments , with their Prelatick Brethren : all this is so well known , that none , I think , will call it in Question . Indeed that Height of Antipathy to Prelacy had not prevailed amongst the party , no not when Episcopacy had its fetters struck off , Anno 1662. for then , and for some years after , the Presbyterians generally , both Pastors and People kept the Vnity of the Church , and joyned with the Conformists in the publick Ordinances : And I believe there are hundreds of thousands in Scotland who remember very well how short a time it is since they betook themselves to Conventicles , and turn'd avowed Schismaticks . I Confess the reasoning I have just now insisted on cannot militate so patly against such : For if they had reason to separate , they had the same Reason to call Prelacy ane insupportable Grievance ; No more and no other : But I cannot see how the Force of it can be well avoided by them , in respect of their Predecessors , who had not the Boldness to separate upon the account of Prelacy . But it may be said that those Presbyterians who lived Anno 1637. and downward , Shook off Prelacy , and would bear it no longer ; and was it not , then , ane insupportable Grievance to them ? True , indeed , for removing the pretended Corruptions of Prelacy , they , then , ventured upon the ; really , horrid sin of Rebellion against their Prince ; they embroyled three Famous and flourishing Kingdoms ; They brake down the Beautiful and Ancient Structures of Government both in Church and State ; They shed Oceans of Christian blood , and made the Nations welter in gore ; They gave up themselves to all the wildnesses of rage and fury ; They gloried in Treason and Treachery , in Oppression and Murther , in Fierceness and Unbridled Tyranny ; they drench't innumerable miss-led souls , in the Crimson guilt , of Schism and Sedition , of Rebellion and Faction , of Perfidy and Perjury : In short , they opened the way to such ane Inundation of Hypocrisie , and Irreligion , of Confusions , and Calamities , as cannot easily be Parallell'd , in History ; And for all these things they pretended their Antipathies to Prelacy ; and yet , after all this , I am where I was ; Considering their aforesaid principles and practices as to the Vnity of the Church , they could not call it ane Insupportable Grievance ; They did not truly find it such ; Had they really and sincerely , in true Christian simplicity and sobriety , found or felt it such , they would , no doubt , have lookt on it , as a forcible ground , for separating from the Communion , in which it prevailed ; as the Protestants , in Germany , found their Centum Gravamina , for separating from the Church of Rome . To have made it that , indeed , and , then , to have suffered patiently , if they had been persecuted for it , without turning to the Antichristian course of Armed Resistance , had had some colour of ane Argument that they deem'd it ane insupportable Grievance ; But the Fiercest fighting against it , so long as they could allow themselves to live in the Communion which own'd it , can never infer that it was , to them , ane insupportable Grievance ; at most , if it was , it was , to wanton humour and wildfire , only , and not to Conscience , and real Christian Conviction . And so I leave this Argument . I could easily insist more largely on this Enquiry , but ▪ to avoid tediousness , I shall advance only one thing more ; It is a Challenge to my Presbyterian Brethren , to produce but one publick deed , one solemn or considerable Appearance of the Nation , taken either Collectively or Representatively , which by any tolerable construction or interpretation , can import that Prelacy or the superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters , was a great and insupportable Grievance and trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People , for full thirty years after the Reformation . The Learned G. R. thought he had found one , indeed , it seems , for he introduced it very briskly , in his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Answer to the first Question , § . 9. hear him . It is Evident ( says he ) that Episcopal Iurisdiction over the Protestants was condemned by Law , in that same Parliament , 1567 , wherein the Protestant Religion was Established . What ? No less than Evident ! Let us try this Parliamentary condemnation . It is there Statute and Ordain'd , That no other Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical be acknowledged within this Realm , than that which is , and shall be , within this same Kirk , Established presently , or which floweth therefrom , concerning Preaching the word , Correcting of manners , administration of Sacraments . So he : No Man who knows this Author and his way of writing will readily think it was ill manners to examine whither he cited right ; I turn'd over , therefore , all the Acts of that Parliament which are in Print ( and I think his citation shall scarcely be found amongst the unprinted ones ) but could not find this citation of our Author's . What was next to be done ? I knew that full well ; I turn'd to the 43. page of his Historian , Calderwood , and there I found it word for word . Well! But is there no such Period to be found in the Acts of that Parliament ? Not one , indeed . 'T is true , there is ane Act , the sixth in number ; Intituled , Anent the true and Holy Kirk , and of them that are declared to be of the same ; which Act I find insisted on by the Covenanters , Anno 1638. in their Answer to the Marquis of Hamiltons Declaration , at Edenburgh , in December , that year , ( as is to be seen in the large Declaration , ) (e) as condemning Episcopacy . 'T is very probable this might be the Act Calderwood thought he abridged in these words , borrowed from him by G. R. I shall set it down , word for word , that the world may judge if Episcopacy is Condemned by it . Forasmuch as the Ministers of the blessed Evangel of Iesus Christ , whom God of his mercy hath now raised up amongst us , or hereafter shall raise , Agreeing with them who now live , in Doctrine , and Administration of the Sacraments , ( as , in the Reformed Kirks of this Realm , they are publickly Administrate ) according to the Confession of Faith ; Our Soveraign Lord , with advice of My Lord Regent , and three Estates of this present Parliament , has declared , and declares , the aforesaid Persons , to be the only true , and Holy Kirk , of Iesus Christ , within this Realm ; And Decerns and Declares , that all and sundrie , who , either , gainsay the word of the Evangel , received and approved , as the Heads of the Confession of Faith Professed in Parliament , before , in the year of God 1560. years ; As also specified in the Acts of this Parliament , more particularly doth express , and now Ratified and approved in this present Parliament ; Or that refuses the Participation of the Holy Sacraments , as they are now Ministrate , to be no Members of the said Kirk within this Realm , presently Professed , so long as they keep themselves , so divided , from the Society of Christs Body . This is the Act : Now , here , not one word of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , either Foreign or Domestick ; Not one word of any Iurisdiction within this Realm , or in the Kirk within this Realm , or that should ever flow from the said Kirk ; Not one word of Correcting of Manners : From which it is evident that , if this was the Act , Calderwood aim'd at , he gave the world a very odd abridgement of it : And G. R. should consider things , a little better , and not take them upon trust , to found Arguments on them so Ridiculously . But doth not this Act condemn Episcopacy ? Let the world judge if it doth ; what can be more plain , than that all this Act aims at is only to Define that Church , which , then , was to have the legal Establshment , and the countenance of the Civil Authority ? This Church , it Defines to be , that Society of Pastors and People which professed the Doctrine of the Evangel , &c. according to the Confession of Faith then Established : 'T is plain , I say , this is all , that Act aims at : Not one word of Iurisdiction or Discipline , of Government or Polity , of Episcopacy or Presbytery , of Prelacy or Parity , of Equality or Inequality amongst the Governours of the Church : Whatever the Form of Government was , then , in the Church , or whatever it might be , afterwards , was all one to this Act , so long as Pastors ( whither Acting in Parity or Imparity ) and People , kept by the same Rule of Faith , and the same manner of administting the Sacraments . What is there here like a Condemnation of Episcopal Iurisdiction ? Is this the way of Parliamentary Condemnations , to Condemn ane Office , or ane Order , or a Jurisdiction , ( call it as you will ) without either naming it , or describing it , in terms so circumstantiated as the world might understand , by them , that it was mean't ? To Condemn a thing , especially a thing of so great importance , without so much as repealing any one , of many Acts which Established or Ratifyed it , before ? Surely , if this Act Condemned Episcopacy , this Parliament happened upon a New Stile , a Singular Stile , a Stile never used before , never used since . Besides , If this was the Act G. R. intended , I would earnestly desire him to name but any one Man , who lived in these times , and understood Episcopacy to have been Condemned by this Act. How blind was Master Andrew Melvil ? How blind was all the Presbyterian Fraternity , that , all the five years , they were fighting against Prelacy , could never hit on this Act , and prove that it ought to be no longer tolerated , seeing it was against ane Act of Parliament ? Were they so little careful of Acts of Parliamant , that they would not have been at pains to cite them for their purpose ? Mr. Andrew Melvil in his so often mentioned Letter to Beza , dated Novemb. 13. 1579. writes thus : We have not ceased , these five years , to fight against Pseudepiscopacy ( many of the Nobility resisting us ) and to press the severity of Discipline — We have many of the Peers against us : For they allege if Pseudepiscopacy be taken away , one of the Estates is pulled down , &c. Now , how easy had it been for him to have stopt the mouths of these Peers , by telling them that it was taken away already by this Act of Parliament ? What a dunce was the L. Glamis Chancellor of Scotland , ( by consequence , one , obliged by his station , to understand something , I think , of the Laws of the Nation ) and all those whom he consulted about the Letter he wrote to the same Beza , that neither he , nor they knew any thing of this Act of Parliament , but told the Gentleman bluntly , that Episcopacy subsisted by Law ; That the Prelates made one of the three Estates ; that nothing could be done , in Parliament without them ; and that the Legal Establishment of the Order , and its lying so very near the foundation of the Civil Constitution , made it extremely dangerous to alter it , far more to abolish it ? But what needs more ? Let the Reader cast back his eyes on the Articles agreed on betwixt the Church and the Nobility and Barons in Iuly 1567 , that same year , by which it was provided that all the Popish Bishops should be deprived , and that Superintendents should succeed in their places . And then let him consider if it be probable that Episcopacy was Condemned by this Act of Parliament . But G. R. continues : I hope ( says he ) none will affirm that Prelatical Iurisdiction then , was , or was soon after , Established in the Protestant Church of Scotland : Was not our Author pretty forward at hoping ? Will none affirm it ? I do affirm it : and I do affirm that if our Author had but lookt to the very next Act of that Parliament , the seventh in number , nay if he had but cast his eye some ten lines upward in that same 43. page of Calderwoods History , he would have seen the Prelacy of Superintendents , expressly own'd , and supposed in being by ane Act of that same Parliament , in the matter of granting Collations upon Presentations : And now I leave it to the world to judge , if G. R. has not been very happy at citing Acts of Parliaments against Prelacy . But , Being thus engaged with him about Acts of Parliament , I hope it will be a pardonable digression , tho' I give the world another instance of his skill and confidence that way . The Author of the ten Questions had said ( in his Discussion of the first Question ) That the Popish Bishops sate , in the Parliament which settled the Reformation : A matter of Fact so distinctly delivered by Knox , Spotswood and Petrie , ( but passed over by Calderwood ) that nothing could be more unquestionable : Nay even Leslie himself has it , for he tells us that the three Estates Conveened ; (f) and I think , in those days the Ecclesiastical Estate was one , the first , of thee three : I think also , That Estate was Generally Popish , Yet , however plain and indisputable this matter of Fact was , our learned Author could contradict it : Take his Answer in his own words ; To what he saith of the Popish Bishops sitting in a Reforming Parliament , I oppose what Leslie Bishop of Rosse a Papist hath , de Gest. Scotorum lib. 10. pag. 536. that Concilium a Sectae Nobilibus cum Regina habitum nullo Ecclesiastico admisso , ubi Sancitum , ne quis quod ad Religionem attinet , quicquam novi Moliretur ; Ex hac lege ( inquit ) omne sive Haereseos , sive inimicitiarum , sive seditionis malum , tanquam ex fonte fluxit . Now , in the first place , I think it might be made a Question , for what Reason our Author changed Leslies words ? Might he not have given us the Citation just as it was ? Leslie has it thus , Convenientibus interim undique Sectae Nobilibus , Concilium , nullo Ecclesiastico viro admisso , Edinburgi , initur . In eo Concilio in primis Sancitum est , ne quis , quod ad Religionem attineret , quicquam novi moliretur : Sed res in eo duntaxat Statu quo erant , cum Regina ipsa in Scotiam primum appulisset , integrae manerent . Ex hac Lege , tanquam fonte , omne sive haereseos , sive inimicitiarum , sive Seditionis malum in Scotia nostra fluxit . Because Leslie was a Papist , must his very Latine be Reformed ? If this was it , if , I mistake not , a further Reformation may be needful ; for if Leslie was wrong in saying , in eo Concilio , I think our Author has mended it but sorrily , by putting , ubi , in its stead ; i. e. by making ane Adverb of place the Relative to Concilium ; And let the Criticks judge whither G. R's . attinet or Leslies , attineret , was most proper : But perhaps the true Reason was , that there was something dark in these words , Sed Res in eo duntaxat Statu quo erant , cum Regina ipsa in Scotiam primum appulisset , integrae manerent . 'T is true , indeed this Sentence quite subverts our Authors purpose ; for it imports that there had been some certain sort of Establishment of Religion before the Queen came to Scotland , which was not judged fit then to be altered . Now that this Learned man may be no more puzzled with such ane obscure piece of History , I will endeavour to help him with a Clue . Be it known to all men therefore , and particularly to G. R. the Learned and renowned Vindicator of the Church of Scotland , That the Parliament which Established the Reformation , and in which the Popish Bishops sate , was holden in August 1560 ; That Queen Mary returned not to Scotland till August 1561. That this Council , which Leslie speaks of , met after the Queens return , as is evident from Leslies words ; and that it was , at most , but a Privy Council ; and nothing like a Parliament . Have we not G. R. now , a very accurate Historian ? And so I leave him for a little , and proceed to the Fourth Enquiry . Whither Prelacy , and the Superiority of any Office , in the Church , above Presbyters , was a great and insupportable Grievance , and Trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People , when this Article was Established in the Claim of Right ? THis Enquiry is about a very recent matter of Fact ; the subject will not allow of Metaphysical Arguments ; It is not old enough to be determined by the Testimonies of Historians ; It cannot be decided by the publick records or Deeds of the Nation ; For , if I mistake not , there was never publick deed , before , founded , mainly , and in express terms , upon the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ; and I do not think it necessary , by the Laws of Disputation , that I should be bound by the Authority of a publick deed , which I make the main thing in Question . The Method , therefore , which I shall take for discussing this Enquiry , shall be to give a plain Historical narration of the Rise and Progress of this Controversie , and consider the Arguments made use of , on both sides , leaving it to the Reader to judge whither side can pretend to the greater probability . The Controversie as I take it had its Rise , thus ; The Scottish Presbyterians , seasonably forewarned of the , then , P. of O.'s designs to possess himself of the Crowns of Great Britain and Ireland , against his coming , had adjusted their Methods for advancing their interests , in such a juncture ; and getting their beloved Parity Established in the Church ; They were no sooner assured that he was in successful circumstances , than they resolved on putting their projects in execution : The first step was , in ane hurry to raise the Rabble , in the Western Counties , against the Episcopal Clergy , thereby , to Confound , and put , all things , in Disorder : The next , it seems , amidst such confusion , to endeavour , by all means , to have themselves elected members for the Meeting of Estates , which was to be at Edenburgh , upon the 14 th of March 168● . In both steps the success answered their wishes ; and it happened that they got , indeed , the prevailing sway in the Meeting : and in gratitude to the Rabble which had done them so surprizing service , they resolved not only to set up Presbytery , but to set it up on this foot , That Prelacy was a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People . If this was not , it , that determined them to set up their Government on this foot ; I protest I cannot conjecture what it might be , that did it . Sure I am , there was no other thing done , then , that , with the least shew of probability could be called ane Indication of the Inclinations of the People . They could not collect it from any clamours made , at that time , against Prelacy , by the Generality of the People ; There were no such clamours in the mouths of the twentieth part of the People . They could not collect it from the Peoples separation from the Episcopal Clergy , during the time of K. I.'s toleration ; The tenth part of the Nation had not separated . They could not collect it , from any Covetous disposition , they could reasonably imagine , was , in the Generality of the People , to make themselves Rich by possessing themselves of the Revenues of Bishopricks ; They could not but know that 6 or 7000 l. ster . was a sorry morsel for so many appetites ; and they could not but know , that when Prelacy should be abolished , few , and but a very few , could find advantage that way . They could not collect it from any suspicions , the People could possibly entertain that the Bishops or the Episcopal Clergy were inclining to turn Papists ; They could not but know that such had very far outdone the Presbyterian Preachers in their appearances against Popery . The Members of that Meeting of Estates had received no instructions from their Respective Electors , either in Counties or Burghs to turn down Prelacy and set up Presbytery ; I could name more than one or two , who , if they did not break their trust , did , at least , very much disappoint their Electors , by doing so . There were no Petitions , no Addresses presented to the Meeting , by the People , craving the Eversion of Prelacy , or the Erection of Presbytery . They never so much as once offered at Polling the People about it . Shall I add further ? After it was done , they never received thanks from the Generality of the People , for doing it . There was never yet any thing like ane Vniversal Rejoycing amongst the People , that it was done . They durst never yet adventure to require from the Generality of the People , their Approbation of it . And now , If the Article was thus Established , at first , intirely upon the foot of Rabbling the Episcopal Clergy in the West , I think I might reasonably superceed all further labour about this Controversie ; For , not to mention that they were but the Rascally scum of these Counties , where the Rabbling was , who perform'd it ; and that even in these Counties there are great numbers of People , who never reckoned Prelacy a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble ; but lived , and could have , still , lived , peaceably , and contentedly under it , particularly the most part of the Gentry . Not to insist on these things , I say , but granting that all the People in these Counties had been inclined , as is affirmed in the Article ; yet , what were they to the whole Nation ? Is it reasonable to judge of a whole Kingdom by a corner of it ? To call these the sentiments of all the Kingdom , which were only the sentiments of four or five Counties ? But lest I have mistaken , in fixing on the Performances of the Western Rabble , as the true foot of this part of the Article ; I shall proceed further , as I promised . The Article ( however founded ) thus fram'd and published , surprized the Generality of the People ; It was thought very odd , not only that Prelacy should have been Abolished upon such weak Reasons ; But that the Inclinations of the Generality of the People should have been pretended , at all , against it ; Considering how sensible , all People were , that they had never been , so much as once , asked how they stood inclined in the matter . It came , therefore , to be very much the subject of common discourse , if it really was so ? And many , who pretended to know the Nation , pretty well , were very confident , it was not so : And began to admire the wisdom of the Meeting of Estates , that they should have asserted a proposition , so very Positively , which was so very Questionable . In short , the noise turn'd so great about it , that it could not be confined within the Kingdom , but it passed the Borders , and spread it self in England , particularly at London . This being perceived , one of the Presbyterian Agents , there , ( I know not who he was ) fell presently on writing a Book , which he Entituled Plain Dealing , or , A Moderate General Review of the Scottish Prelatical Clergy's , Proceedings in the Latter Reigns . Which was published in August , I think , or September 1689 ; wherein , having said what he pleased , sense or nonsense , truth or falshood , as he found it most expedient , for coming at his Conclusion , toward the end he gave his Arguments for his side of our present Controversie . They were these two : Take them in his own words . 1. There being 32 Shires or Counties , and two Stewartries ( comprehending the whole body of the Nation ) that send their Commissioners or Representatives to Parliaments , and all General Meetings of the Estates or Conventions : Of these 34 Districts or Divisions of the Kingdom , there are 17 intirely Presbyterians ; So that where you will find one , there , Episcopally inclined , you 'll find 150 Presbyterians : And the other 17 Divisions , where there is one Episcopally inclined , there are two Presbyterians . 2. Make but a calculation of the valued Rent of Scotland , computing it to be less or more , or computed , argumentandi gratia to be three Millions , and you will find the Presbyterian Heritors , whither of the Nobility or Gentry , to be proprietors and possessors of two Millions and more , so that those that are Episcopally inclined cannot have a third of that Kingdom : And as for the Citizens or Burgesses and Commonalty of Scotland , they are all Generally inclined to the Presbyterian Government , except Papists and some Remote wild and Barbarous Highlanders , &c. And all this ( he saith ) is so true that it can be made appear to a Demonstration . I am not at leisure to take so much impudent trash to task : Only , he himself , if he knew any thing of Scotland , could not but know that , with the same Moderation , he might have asserted that all Scottish Men were Monsters , and all Scottish Women , at every Birth produced Soutrikins : And indeed , as he had the hap to stumble on two such Demonstrations , so I believe , to this minute , he may have the happiness to claim them as his property ; For I have never heard that any other of his Party ( no not G. R. himself ) had the hardiness to use them after him . However , so far as I have learned , He was the first Author , who published any thing about this Controversie . The Presbyterian party having this adventured to Exercise the Press with it , one who intended to undeceive the world concerning some Controversies between the Episcopalians and the Presbyterians in Scotland , digested his Book into ten Questions , and made the tenth concerning our present subject : viz. Whither Scottish Presbytery was agreeable to the General Inclinations of the People ? Arguing to this purpose , for the Negative : That the Nobility of the Kingdom ( a very few , not above a dozen excepted ) had all sworn the Oath commonly called the Test , wherein all Fanatical principles , and Covenant Obligations , were renounced and abjured ; That not one of 40 of the Gentry but had sworn it also ; And not 50 in all Scotland ( out of the West ) did , upon the Indulgence ( granted by King Iames , Anno 1687. ) forsake their Parish Churches to frequent Meeting-houses ; That the Generality of the Commons live in Cities and Marcat Towns ; That all who could be of the Common Council in such Corporations , or were able to follow any ingenious trade , were obliged to take the Test ( and had generally done it ) That the Clergy stood all for Episcopacy ; There being of about a thousand , scarcely twenty Trimmers betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyterian Moderator ; which twenty together , with all the Presbyterian Preachers , could not make up the fifth part of such a number as the other side amounted to : That in all the Vniversities , there were not four Masters , Heads or Fellows , inclined to Presbytery : That the Colleges of Iustice and Physick , at Edenburgh were so averse from it , that the Generality of them were ready , last Summer ( viz. 1689 ) to take Arms in defence of their Episcopal Ministers , &c. This Book was published , I think , in the beginning of the year 1690. What greater Demonstration could any Man desire of the truth of the Negative , if all here alleged was true ? And what greater Argument , of the truth of every one , of the Allegations , than the Confession of a right uncourteous Adversary ? G. R. I mean , who in Answer to this Book wrote his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland , as it is now by Law Established , as he calls it ; Published at London , about the end of the year 1690 , and Reprinted at Edenburgh in the beginning of 1691. But did he indeed acknowledge the truth of all the Allegations ? Yes , he did it Notoriously . He yielded to his Adversary all the gang if the Clergy except a few ; The Vniversities , and the College of Iustice , at least , as lately stated : He was not so frank to part with the Physicians , indeed , because , if we may take his word for it , There are not a few worthy Men of that Faculty who are far from Inclinations towards Prelacy : But he durst not say , it seems , that either the major part or any thing near the half was for him . He also yielded the Generlity of the Burgesses . All the dust , he raised , was about the Nobility and Gentry : But what nasty dust it was , let any sensible man consider : As for the Nobility , he granted there were only , a few who took not the Test : But then , he had three things to say , for them who took it . 1. They who took the Oaths , did not , by that , shew their inclination so much , as what they thought fit to comply with rather than suffer : But what were they to suffer if they took not the Oaths ? The loss of their vote in Parliament , and a small fine , which was seldom , if at any time , exacted : But if they were to suffer no more , could their Fears of such sufferings , force them to take Oaths so contrary to their inclinations ? Abstracting from the impiety of mocking God , and the wretchedness of crossing ones light , which are conspicuous , in swearing against mens perswasions , could such sufferings as these incline any man to swear to support ane interest which he lookt on as so great and insupportable a Grievance and Trouble to the Nation ? But this is not all , for he added : 2. How many of these , now , when there is no force on them , shew , that it was not choice but necessity that led them that way ? I know he meant , that many of these Nobles have now broken through these Oaths : Let them Answer for that : But what had he to do , in this case , with his old friend Necessity ? What Necessity can force a man to do ane ill thing ? Besides , can he prove that it was Choice , and not that same kind of Necessity , that led them in the way they have lately followed ? That men can be for this thing to day , and the contrary to morrow , is a great presumption that they do not much regard either ; But I think it will be a little hard to draw from it , that they look upon the one as a great and insupportable Grievance more than the other . But the best follows ; 3. Many who seem to make Conscience of these Bonds , yet shew no inclination to the thing they are bound to , except by the constraint that they brought themselves under . After this , what may not our Author make ane Argument , that Prelacy is such ane ill-lik't thing , as he would have it ? Seeing he has got even them to hate it , who are Conscientiously for it ? Neither is he less pleasant about the Gentry ; He acknowledges , they , as generally , took the Test ; which was enough for his Adversary , as hath appeared . But how treats he the other Topick , about their not going to the Presbyterian Meetings , when they had King Iames his Toleration for it ? Why ? A silly Argument ! Why so ? Many did go ; But did his Adversary lie grossely or calumniate , when he said , that not 50 Gentlemen in all the Kingdom ( out of the West ) forsook their Parish Churches and went to Conventicles ? Our Vindicator durst not say he did ; And has he not made it evident that it was a silly Argument ? But , Most other clave to the former way ( he means the Episcopal Communion , ) Because the Law stood for it , and the Meeting-houses seem'd to be of uncertain continuance . But would they have cleaved to the former way if they had thought it a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble ? Would they have so crossed their Inclinations , as to have Adhered to the Communion of the Episcopal Church , when it was evident the sting was taken out of the Law , and it was not to be put in Execution ? Were they so fond or so affraid of a lifeless Law ( if I may so call it ) that they would needs conform to it , tho' they had no inclination for such conformity ? Tho' what they conform'd with , in obedience to that Law , was a great and insupportable Grievance to them ? Did our Author and his Party reckon upon these Gentlemen , then , as Presbyterians ? And what tho' the Meetings seem'd to be of uncertain continuance ? How many of the Presbyterian Party said , in those days , that they thought themselves bound to take the Benefit of the Toleration , tho' it should be but of short continuance ? And that they could return to the Church , when it should be retracted ? Might not all men have said and done so , if they had been as much Presbyterians ? 'T is true our Author has some other things on this subject in that first Vindication : But I shall consider them afterwards . This was G. R.'s first Essay on this Controversie . Another Parity man finding , belike , that neither the Plain Dealer nor the Vindicator had gained much credit by their performances , thought it not inconvenient for the service of his Sect to publish a Book , Entituled , A further Vindication of the present Government of the Church of Scotland ; And therein to produce his Arguments for Determining this Controversie : It was Printed in September , I think , in the year 1691. 'T is true he wrote something like a Gentleman , and spake discreetly of the Episcopal Clergy ; He had no scolding in his Book , and was infinitely far from G. R.'s flat Railwifery : And I think my self obliged to thank him for his civility . But after all this , when he came to his Arguments for proving the point about the Inclinations of the People , I did not think that he much helped the matter . They were these two , (a) 1. Tho' the Bishops were introduced in the year 1662 and did continue till the year 1689. During which time , the far greatest part of all the Ministery in Scotland was brought in , by themselves , and tho' they had obtained a National Synod formed for their own interest , yet they durst never adventure to call it together , so diffident were they even of these Ministers . And can there be a greater Demonstration ( says he ) of the General inclination of this Nation against Prelacy ? But who sees not how many things are wanting , here , to make a probable Argument , much more , a Demonstration ? For who knows not that it was not in the Power of the Bishops , but of the King , to Convocate a National Synod ? And who knows not , that Presbyterian National Synods , had committed such extravagances , as might have tempted any King , almost , to have little kindness for National Synods ? Again , supposing the Bishops might have obtain'd one , if they had been for it , but would not ask it , was there no other imaginable Reason for their forbearing to ask one , but their Diffidence of the Ministers ? One living 24 or 28 years agone might possibly have slipt into such a mistake ; But for one who wrote only in the year 1691 , after it was visible , nay signally remarkable , that of near to a thousand Presbyters , not above twenty had fallen from the Episcopal principles ; But all had so generally continued to Profess them , and not only so , but to Profess them amidst so many discouragements , to Profess them and suffer for them ; After this . I say , for any man to found a Demonstration for proving that Prelacy is contrary to the inclinations of the People , on the Bishops averseness to a National Synod ; and to found that averseness , on the diffidence they had of the Presbyters , as if they had dreaded , or had ground to dread that the Presbyters would have subverted their order if they had got a National Synod , seems to me a very singular undertaking . Sure I am , if there is any Demonstration here at all , it is that there was no great store of Demonstrations to be had for our Authors main Conclusion . Neither was his other Argument any stronger , which is this ; 2. This National aversion is yet further Demonstrated from this , that albeit Prelacy had all the Statutes that the Bishops could desire on their behalf , and had them put in Execution with the outmost severity , yet there was ever found a necessity to keep up a standing Army to uphold them , and to suppress the Aversion of the People ; And notwithstanding thereof there were frequent Insurrections and Rebellions . Now who sees not the weakness of this Demonstration ? For who knows not that a small part of a Nation by their notorious Vngovernableness , and their habitual Propensities to Rebel , may oblige the Government to keep up a little standing Army , such as ours in Scotland was , for suppressing them , if , at any time , they should break out into a Rebellion ? The party , I think , can have but little credit from such Demonstrations : For this Demonstration must either suppose that none in the Nation are apt to Rebel , except Presbyterians , and they , too , only upon the head of Church Government ; Or it can conclude nothing : For if Presbyterians can Rebel upon other Reasons , tho' they make this the main , the specious , the clamourous Pretext , as , I doubt not , their Democratical principles may incline them to do , upon occasion ; Or , if others than sincere Presbyterians can venture on the horrid sin of Rebellion , there is still Reason for the standing Army . Besides , what gain'd they by these their frequent Insurrections and Rebellions ? Were they not easily and readily crush't by the rest of the Nation ? But if so , I think , if there is any Argument here at all , it concludes another way than our Author design'd it . But it is not worth the while to insist longer on this Argument . Only , If it is a good one , the Bishops and their Adherents have Reason to thank our Author for shewing them the way , how they may have their Government restored ; For by this way of reasoning they have no more to do but fall upon the Knack of raising frequent Insurrections and Rebellions , against the present Government ; And then their work is done : For thus a Demonstration shall befriend them ; this , when there is a necessity of keeping up a standing Army to support Presbytery , because of frequent Insurrections and Rebellions , raised on its account ; It is a Demonstration that it is a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People , and therefore it ought to be Abolished . The truth is , such reasonings are not only Sophistical , but dangerous ; They are founded upon the principles of Rebellion ; and they tend directly and naturally towards Rebellion ; And they ought to be noticed by every wise Government : And so I leave this Author . The next Paper-combat I shall take notice of , was between the Author of the third Letter in the Pamphlet , called ane Account of the present Persecution of the Church in Scotland , &c. published Anno 1690. And G. R. in his Second Vindication published towards the end of the year 1691. The Epistler , as G. R. is sometimes pleased to call him , had craved a Poll , deeming it , it seems , the only proper method for coming at a sure account of the inclinations of the generality of the People ; and I think he had Reason : For if matters must go by the inclinations of the People , it is just to ask the People about their inclinations . But would G. R. allow him this Demand , which had so much of plain equity in it ? No , His talk ( says he ) of putting the Matter to the poll I neglect as ane impracticable fancy . (b) But who sees not that this was plain Fear to put it upon such ane Issue ; What imaginable impossibility , or absurdity , or difficulty , or inconveniency could make polling , upon this account , Impracticable ? Was it not found practicable enough , in the days of the Covenant , when the veriest child , if he could write his own Name , was put to it to subscribe it ? What should make it more impracticable to poll the Kingdom , for finding the Peoples inclinations , about Episcopacy and Presbytery , than it was to levy Hearth-money from the whole Kingdom ? Is it not as practicable to poll the Kingdom about Church Government , as to poll it , for raising the present subsidy , which is imposed by poll ? I am apt to believe , the inclinations of the Generality of the People would have been as much satisfied , if polling had been reduced to practice on the one account , as the other . That same Epistler , in that same Epistle , adduced another Argument which was to this purpose : That in the years 1687 and 1688 , when the Schism was in its Elevation , there were but some three or four Presbyterian Meeting-houses erected on the North side of the Tay , i. e. in the greater half of the Kingdom ; And these too , very little frequented or encouraged ; and that on the South side of that River ( except in the five Associated Shires in the West ) the third man was never engaged in the Schism . This was Matter of Fact : And if true , a solid Demonstration that Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church , above Presbyters was not , then , a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the generality of the People : For had it been such , how is it imaginable when there was such ane Ample Toleration , such ane Absolute and Vnperplex't Liberty , nay so much notorius encouragement given by the , then , Government to separate from the Episcopal Communion , that so few should have done it ? Whoso pleased might , then , have , safely , and without the least prospect of worldly hazard , joyn'd the Presbyterians : yet scarcely a fifth or a sixth part of the Nation did it . I am not sure that the nature of the thing was capable of a clearer evidence , unless it had been put to the impracticable Fancy . Let us next consider G. R.'s Answers , and judge , by them , if the Epistler was wrong as to the matter of Fact. He hath some two or three : we shall try them severally . The First , to the purpose , is , If there be many in the Northern parts , who are not for Presbytery , there are as few for the present settlement of the State. To what purpose is the present settlement of the State forced in here ? Was the Controversie between him and his Adversary concerned in it , in the least ? What impertinent Answering is this ? Is there so much as one syllable here that Contradicts the Epistlers position ? But 2. We affirm ( says G. R. ) and can make it appear not only that there are many in the North , who appeared zealously for Presbytery , as was evident by the Members of Parliament , who came from these parts : Very few of them were otherwise inclined , and they made a great figure in the Parliament for settling both the State and the Church . If one were put to it to examine this Answer particularly and minutely , I think he might easily make even G. R. himself wish that he had never meddled with it : It were no hard task to give a just account how it only happened that there was so much as one Northern member ( who was not such by birth ) of the Presbyterian perswasion , in the Meeting of Estates : It were as easy to represent what Figures some of them made , or can readily make , Vncouth Figures , truly : All this were very easy , I say , if one were put to it : But as it is not seasonable , so it is not needful : For 't is plain , nothing , here , contradicts the Epistlers position : Tho' the Northern members , of the Presbyterian perswasion , had been twice as many as they were , and tho' they had made greater figures than can be pretended ; yet , it may be very true that there were so few , separatists in the Northern Counties , as the Epistler affirmed there were . And for the respect G. R. owes to his Northern Friends and Figure-makers , I would advise him never again to insist on such a tender point ; And so I leave it , and proceed to what follows . 3. There are very many Ministers in the North ( and People that own them ) who , tho' they served under Episcopacy , are willing to joyn with the Presbyterians , and whom the Presbyterians are ready to receive when occasion shall be given , and those of the best Qualified among them . How such Ministers as have joyn'd , or are ready to joyn with the Presbyterians , can be called the best Qualified amongst the Episcopal Clergy , so long as integrity of life , constancy in adhering to true Catholick Principles , ane hearty abhorrence of Schism , Conscience of the Religion of Oaths , Self-denyal , taking up the Cross patiently and chearfully , and preferring Christian Honour and innocence to worldly conveniences , can be said to be amongst the best Qualifications of a Christian Minister , I cannot understand . I understand as little what ground our Author had , for talking so confidently about these Northern Ministers : Sure I am , he had no sure ground to say so ; And I think the transactions of the last General Assembly , and the unsuccessfulness of Mr. Meldrum's Expedition to the North , this Summer , are Demonstrations that he had no ground at all to say so ; But whatever be of these things , I desire the Reader to consider , impartially , whither ( supposing all were uncontroverted truth , our Author asserts so confidently , here , ) this Answer convells the Matter of Fact asserted by the Author of the Letter ? What is there here that looks like proving that the Schism was greater in the North , than was asserted by the Epistler ? Or what is there here that can by any colour of consequence infer that Prelacy in these Northern parts was a great and insupportable Trouble and Grievance , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ? Doth not our Author acknowledge that these Ministers served under Episcopacy , and that their People own'd them , without any Reluctancies of Conscience ? But the Epistler had said there were not above 3 or 4 Presbyterian Meeting-houses on the North side of the Tay , and the Vindicator says they far exceeded that number . How easy had it been for the Vindicator to have given us the Definite number of Presbyterian Meeting-houses , in these parts , during the time of the above-mentioned Toleration ? He who was so very exact to have his informations from all corners , might , one would think , have readily satisfied himself in this instance , and fairly fixt one lie on the Epistler : And is it not a great presumption that the Epistler was in the Right , and that the Vindicator , who was so anxious to have all his Adversaries Liers , was hardly put to it in this Matter ? When he could do no more than oppose ane Indefinite number to the Epistlers Definite one ? For my part I think it not worth the while to be positive about the precise number ; But I can say this without Hesitation , that all who separated from their Parish Churches , on that side the River , would not have filled four ordinary Meeting-houses . From what hath been said , I think 't is clear , the Epistler was honest enough in his reckoning for the North side of the Tay. Can all be made as safe on the South side ? The Epistler had said , that ( except in the West ) the third Man was never engaged in the Schism : G. R. Answers , We know no Schism but what was made by his party : But that the plurality did not suffer under the horrid persecution raised by the Bishops , Doth not prove that they were not inclined to Presbytery ; But either that many Presbyterians had freedom to hear Episcopal Ministers , or that all were not resolute enough to suffer for their principle ; So that this is no Rational way of judging of the Peoples inclinations . I will neither engage , at present , with him , in the Question , who is the Scottish Schismatick ? Nor digress to the point of the horrid Persecution raised by the Bishops : Another occasion may be as proper for them : But I desire the Reader again , to consider this Answer , and judge , if it keeps not a pretty good distance from the Epistlers position ? Is any thing said , here , that contradicts , that looks like contradicting the Matter of Fact ? What new fashion of Answering , is this , to talk whatever comes in ones head , without ever offering to attack the strength of the reasoning he undertakes to discuss ? By this Taste the judicious Reader may competently judge which is the right side of the present Controversie ; and withal , if I mistake not , he may guess if the Presbyterian Kirk in Scotland was not well provided when it got G. R. for its Vindicator . Shall he furnish thee , O patient Reader , with any more divertisement ; If thou canst promise for thy patience I can promise for G. R. This Learned Gentleman found himself to puzzled , it seems , about this part of the Article , that he was forced to put on the Fools-cap , and turn Ridiculous to mankind : However , it was even better to be that than to yeild in so weighty a Controversie ; than to part with the Inclinations of the People , that Articulus Stantis & Cadentis Ecclesiae : But is there a Play to succeed worthy of all this Prologue ? Consider and judge . He has so limited and restricted the Generality of the People , to make his cause some way defensible , that , for any thing I know , he has confin'd them all within his own doublet : At least , he may do it , before he shall need to yeild any more , in his Argument : He is at this trade of limiting in both his Vindications . (a) I shall cast them together , that the world may consider the Product . 1. There are many ten thousands who are inconcerned about Religion , both in the greater and the lesser truths of it ; And it is most irrational to consider them in this Question . 2. There are not a few who are of opinion , that Church-Government , as to the species of it , is indifferent : These ought not to be brought into the reckoning . 3. There are not a few , whose light and conscience do not incline them to Episcopacy , who are yet zealous for it , and against Presbytery ; Because , under the one , they are not censured , for their immoralities , as under the other ; These ought to be excluded also . So ought all 4. Who had a Dependance on the Court ; And 5. All who had a Dependance on the Prelates . 6. All Popishly Affected , and who are but Protestants in Masquerade . 7. All Enemies to K. W. and the present Government . I am just to him ; all these Exclusions out of the reckoning he has , if he has not more ; And give him these , and he dares affirm , That they who are Conscientiously for Prelacy , are so few in Scotland , that not one of many hundreds or Thousands is to be found ; 1 Vind. They who are for Episcopacy are not one of a Thousand in Scotland ; 2 Vind. Now , not to fall on examining his Limitations singly , because that were to be sick of his own disease . In the first place , one would think , if he had been allowed his Limitations , he might , in all Conscience , have satisfied himself without begging the Question to boot ; Yet , even that he has most covetously done ; For , I think the Question was not , who were Conscientiously for Prelacy or inclined for Episcopacy ? But , whither Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters was a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People ? And there is some difference , as I take it , between these Questions . But let him take the State of the Question ; if he must needs have it , I can spare it to him : Nay , if it can do him service , I can grant him yet more : When the Matter comes to be tryed by this his Standard , I shall be satisfied that it fall to his share to be judge ; He should understand his own Rule best ; and so may be fittest for such Nice Decisions , as a point so tender must needs require ; Tho' , I think , He may take the short cut , as we say , and give his own judgment without more ado ; For thither it must recur at last ; Only I cannot guess why he excluded all Popishly affected , &c. Was it to let a friend go with a fee ? I think he might have learned from History , if not , from Experience , that Papists have been amongst the best friends to his Interest ; and very ready to do his party service upon occasion , which , it is not to be thought they would have done for nothing . But however this is , Having granted him so much , I think , he is bound to grant me one little thing ; I ask it of him only for peace ; I can force it from him , if I please : It is , that all his Limitations , Restrictions , Exclusions , Castings-out , Settings-aside , or what ever he pleases to call them , were adduced by him for setting the Article in its Native and proper light , and as it ought to be understood ; But , if so , I cannot think he himself can repute it unfair dealing , to give the world a fair view of the Article as thus explained and enlightened : And so digested , it must run to this purpose , as I take it . That Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters , is , and hath been , a great and insupportable Grievance , and Trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People ; Excluding from this Generality of the People , 1. All these many ten thousands of the People , who are unconcerned about Religion both in the greater and lesser truths of it . 2. All these many of the People who are of opinion that Church-Government , as to the species of it , is indifferent . 3. All these other many of the People , whose Light and Conscience do not incline them to Episcopacy , who are yet zealous for it , and against Presbytery , because , under the one , they are not censured for their immoralities , as under the other . 4. All such of the People as had any dependance on the Court. 5. Or on the Prelates . 6. Or are Popishly affected , and Protestants only in Masquerade . And 7. All such as are Enemies to K. W. and the present Civil Government ; Ever since the Reformation : ( They , i. e. such of the People , as are not excluded , from the Generality of the People , by any of the aforesaid Exceptions , having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters ) and therefore it ought to be Abolished . So the Article must run , I say , when duely Englightned by our Authors Glosses ; and when a New Meeting of Estates shall settle another New Government , and put such ane Article in another New Claim of Right , I do hereby give my word , I shall not be the first that shall move Controversies about it : But till that is done , G. R. must allow me the use of a certain sort of Liberty I have , of Thinking , at least , that his wits were a wool-gathering ( to use him as mannerly as can be done by one of his own Complements ) when he spent so many of his sweet words ( another of his Phrases ) so very pleasantly . Thus did G. R. defend this part of the Article against the Arguments of his Adversaries : But did he produce none , for his own side of the Controversie ? Yes , one , and only one , so far as I can remember . It is in his Answer to the first of the four Letters , § . 7. The Letter written by the Military Chaplain , as he was pleased to call him . This Military Chaplain had said , That the Church Party was Predominant in this Nation both for Number and Quality . That it is not so ( says G. R. ) is evident from the Constitution of our Parliament : This is the Argument . Now , not to enter upon dangerous or undutiful Questions about Parliaments ; I shall say no more at present but this ; When G. R. shall make it appear that all the Acts and Deeds of the present Parliament have been , all alongst , agreeable to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ; or when he shall secure the other part of the Article against the Dint of this his own good Argument ; I mean , when he shall make it appear that such reasoning is firm and solid , in the present case , and withal , shall make it appear , that the Deeds and Acts of twenty seven Parliaments ( he knows well enough who numbred them to him ) Ratifying and consuming Episcopacy , cannot , or ought not to amount to as good ane Argument for the Inclinations of the Generality of the People in former times : When he shall make these things appear , I say , I shall , then , think a little more about his Argument . This I think is enough for him . At present I shall consider it no more ; Only , now that he hath brought the present Parliament upon the stage , I will take occasion to propose some few Questions , which the minding of it suggests to me : and I seriously desire ( not G. R. but ) some truly sensible , ingenious , and sober person of the Presbyterian perswasion ; Some person who had opportunity to know how matters went , and a head to comprehend them , and who has Candour and Conscience to relate things as they truly were , or are ; To give plain , frank , direct and pertinent answers to them , speaking the sense of his heart , openly , and distinctly , without mincing , and without ●ergiversation . My Questions shall not , in the least touch the Dignity or Authority of the Parliament : All I design them for , is to bring Light to the present Controversie . And I ask , 1. Whither the Presbyterian party did not exert and concenter , all their Wit and Force , all their Counsel and Cunning , all their Art and Application , all their Skill and Conduct in Politicks , both before and in the beginning of the late Revolution , for getting a Meeting of Estates formed for their purposes ? 2. Whither the Universal Vnhinging of all things , then , and the general Surprize , Confusion and Irresolution of the rest of the Nation , occasioned thereby , did not contribute extraordinarily for furthering the Presbyterian Designs and Projects ? 3. Whither , notwithstanding all this , when the Estates first met , they had not both great , and well-grounded fears that their Projects might miscarry , and they might be outvoted in the Meeting ? 4. Whither very many , very considerable Members had not deserted the House before it was thought seasonable to offer at putting the Article about Church-Government in the Claim of Right ? 5. Whither , tho' they got this Article thrust into the Claim of Right , and made part of the Original Contract between King and People , in the Month of April 1689. They were not , to their great grief , disappointed of the Establishment of their Form of Church-Government in the first Session of Parliament holden in Iune , &c. that same year . 6. Whither in the beginning of the next Session ( which was in April 1690. ) they were not under very dreadful apprehensions of another disappointment ? And whither they would not have been very near to , if not in , a state of Despair , if all the Anti-Presbyterian Members had unanimously conveen'd ▪ and sate in Parliament ? 7. After they had recovered from these fears , and when they had the courage to propose the Establishment of their Government , and it came to be voted in the House , I ask , if it was any thing like a full House ? Plainly , if a third part of those who might have s●te as Members , were present ? 8. Whither all those Members who voted for it at that time , can be said to have done it from a Principle of Conscience , or a firm perswasion , they had , that Prelacy was a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ? Or whither it may be said without Breach of Charity , that not a few ( of the few ) voted so mainly from other principles , such as Complyance with some Leading Statesmen ? &c. 9. Whither those of the Presbyterian perswasion , after they found that they had prevailed in the Parliament , did not proceed to make the Act , obliging all Persons in publick Stations to sign the Declaration called the Assurance , as much , if not more , for securing the Government in their own hands , and keeping out Anti Presbyterians , than for strengthning K. W.'s interests ? 10. Whither they had not in their prospect , the great difficulty of getting Presbyterian Ministers planted in Churches , if Patronages should continue , when they made the Act depriving Patrons of these their Rights ? And whither they had not in their prospect the as great difficulties of getting such Ministers planted , if ( according to the true Presbyterian principles , at least pretensions ) the calling of a Minister , should have depended upon the plurality of voices in the Parish , when they consented to such a Model for calling of Ministers as was Established in that same Session of Parliament ? 11. Notwithstanding that Act of Parliament which Abolished Patronages did notoriously encroach upon the Peoples power , Legated to them by Christ , in his Testament , according to the Genuine Presbyterian principles , by putting the Real power of calling Ministers in the hands of the Presbytery , for the greater Expedition and security of getting Presbyterian Ministers planted in Churches ; notwithstanding all this , I say , I ask , whither they did not meet with many difficulties , and much impediment and opposition in the plantation of such Ministers in very many Parishes ? In consequence of this , I ask , 12. Whither it was not the sense of these difficulties and oppositions which so frequently encumbred them , that made the Presbyterian Ministers , so notoriously , betray their trust which they pretend to have , as Conservators of the Liberties and Privileges of Christs Kingdom and People , when they consented , that , in the last Session of Parliament , Christs Legacy should be so clogg'd and limited , as that none shall have Power of giving voice in the calling of Ministers , till they shall first swear the Oath of Allegiance and sign the Assurance . 13. And lastly , I ask , whither our Presbyterian Brethren would be content that all that has been done in reference to Church Matters , since the beginning of the late Revolution , should be lookt upon as undone ; and that the settlement of the Church should , again , depend upon a new , free , unclogg'd , unprelimited , unover awed Meeting of Estates ? I am very much perswaded , that a plain , candid , impartial , and ingenuous Resolution , of these few Questions , might go , very far , in the Decision of this present Controversie : And yet after all this labour spent about it , I must confess , I do not reckon , it was , in true value , worth threeteen sentences : As perchance may appear , in part , within a little . And so I proceed to The Fifth Enquiry . Whither , supposing the Affirmatives in the proceeding Enquiries had been true , they would have been of sufficient force , to infer the Conclusion advanced in the Articles , viz. that Prelacy , &c. ought to be Abolished ? THe Affirmatives are these two ; 1. That Prelacy was a great and Insupportable Grievance , &c. 2. That this Church was Reformed by Presbyters : The purpose of this Enquiry is to try if these were good Reasons for the Abolition of Prelacy ; without further Address , I think they were not ; Not the First , viz. Prelacy's being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People . Sure I am , 1. Our Presbyterian Brethren had not this way of Reasoning from our Reformers ; For , I remember Iohn Knox , in his Letter to the Queen Regent of Scotland , (a) rejected it with sufficient appearances of Keenness and Contempt ; He called it a Fetch of the Devils , to blind Peoples eyes , with such a Sophism ; To make them look on that Religion as most perfect , which the Multitude , by wrong custom , have embraced , or to insinuate , that it is impossible that that Religion should be false , which so long time , so many Councils , and so great a Multitude of men have Authorized and confirmed , &c. For ( says he ) if the opinion of the Multitude ought always to be preferred , then did God injury to the Original world ; For they were all of one mind , to wit , conjured against God , except Noah and his family . And I have shewed already that the Body of our Reformers , in all their Petitions for Reformation , made the word of God , the Practices of the Apostles , the Catholick Sentiments and Principles of the Primitive Church , &c. and not the inclinations of the People , the Rule of Reformation . Nay , 2. G. R. himself is not pleased with this Standard ; He not only tells the world , That Presbyterians wished and endeavoured that that Phrase might not have been used as it was ; (b) But he ridicules it in his first Vindication , in Answer to the tenth Question , tho● he made himself ridiculous by doing it , as he did it . The Matter is this : The Author of the ten Questions finding that this Topick of the inclinations of the People , was insisted on in the Article as ane Argument for Abolishing Prelacy , undertook to Demonstrate that , tho' it were a good Argument , it would not be found to conclude as the Formers of the Article intended ; Aiming , unquestionably , at no more , than that it was not true , that Prelacy was such a great and insupportable Grievance , &c. and to make good his undertaking ; He formed his Demonstration , as I have already accounted . Now hear G. R. It is a new Topick ( says he ) not often used before , that such a way of Religion is best , because , &c. This his Discourse will equally prove that Popery is preferable to Protestantism ; For in France , Italy , Spain , &c. not the Multitude only , but all the Churchmen , &c. are of that way . Thus , I say , G. R. ridiculed the Argument , tho' he most ridiculously fancied , he was ridiculing his Adversary , who never dream'd that it was a good Argument ; But could have been as ready to ridicule it , as another : However , I must confess G. R. did indeed treat the Argument justly ; For 3. Supposing the Argument good , I cannot see how any Church could ever have Reformed from Popery : For I think , when Luther began in Germany , or Mr. Patrick Hamilton in Scotland , or Zuinglius or Oecolompadius or Calvin , &c. in their respective Countreys and Churches , they had the inclinations of the People generally against them : Nay , if I mistake not , our Saviour and his Apostles found it so too , when they at first undertook to propagate our Holy Religion ; and perchance , tho' the Christian Religion is now Generally Professed in most Nations in Europe , some of them , might be soon Rid of it , if this Standard were allowed to take place . I have heard of some who have not been well pleased with Saint Paul for having the word , Bishop , so frequently in his Language ; and I remember to have been told that one , ( not ane Vnlearn'd one ) in a Conference , being prest with a Testimony of Irenaeus's ( in his 3 Cap. 3 Lib. Adversus Her. ) for ane uninterrupted Succession of Bishops in the Church of Rome , from the Apostles times at first , denyed confidently that any such thing was to be found in Irenaeus ; and when the Book was produced , and he was convinced by ane ocular Demonstration that Irenaeus had the Testimony which was alleged , he delivered himself to this purpose , I see it is there , Brother , but would to God it had not been there ! Now , had these People , who were thus offended with St. Paul and Irenaeus , been at the writing of their Books , is it probable , we should have had them ( with their Imprimatur ) as we have them ? Indeed , for my part I shall never consent that the Bible , especially the New Testament , be Reformed according to some Peoples inclinations : For if that should be allowed , I should be very much affraid , there would be strange cutting and carving : I should be very much affraid , that the Doctrine of self-preservation should justle out , the Doctrine of the Cross ; That Might should find more favour than Right , that the Force and Power should possess themselves of the places , of the Faith and Patience of the Saints , and that ( beside many other places ) we might soon see our last , of ( at least ) the first seven verses of the 13 th Chapter to the Romans . I shall only add one thing more , which G. R.'s naming of France gave me occasion to think on : It is that the French King and his Ministers , as much as some People talk of their Abilities , must , for all that , be , but of the ordinary Size of Mankind ; For , if they had been as wise and thinking men , as some of their Neighbours , they might have easily stopt all the mouths that were opened against them some years ago , for their Persecuting the Protestants in that Kingdom ; For if they had but narrated in ane Edict , that the Religion of the Hugonots , was , and had still been a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to their Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People , ever since it was Professed amongst them , their work was done . I believe G. R. himself would not have called the Truth of the Proposition in Question . How easy were it to dwell longer on this subject ? But I am affraid , I have noticed it too much already ; To conclude then ; What is this Standard , else , than the Fundamental principle of Hobbism , that Holy Scheme for Brutalizing Mankind , and making Religion , Reason , Revelation , every thing that aims at making men Manly , to yeild unto , at least , to depend on , the Frisks of Flesh and Blood , or , which is all one , Arrant sense and ungovernable Passion ? And so I leave it . But is the Second Reason any better ? If this Church had been Reformed by Presbyters , would that have been a good Argument for Abolishing Prelacy ? Who sees not that it is much about the same Size with the former ? Indeed I am apt to think , had the several Churches in the world erected their Governments , by this Rule , we should have had some pretty odd Constitutions ; Thus , the Church collected , of old , amongst the Indians , by Frumentius and Aedesius , should have been Govern'd still by Laicks ; For Frumentius and Aedesius were no more than Laicks when they first converted them . Thus all Xaverius's Converts and their Successors should have been always Govern'd by Iesuits ; For 't is past Controversie Xaverius was a Iesuit . Thus the Churches of Iberia and Moravia should have been Govern'd by Women ; For if we may believe Historians , the Gospel got first footing in these parts , by the Ministery of Females . Indeed , if the Argument has any strength at all , it seems stronger for these Constitutions , than for Presbytery , in Scotland , inasmuch as it is more to Convert Infidels , than only to Reform a Church , which , tho' Corrupt , is allowed to be Christian. Nay , which is more and worse , more contrary to the Inclinations of Scotch Presbyterians , and worse for Scotch Presbytery . By this way of Reasoning , Episcopacy ought still , hitherto , to have continued , and hereafter , to continue the Government of the Church of England ; Because , that Church was Reformed , by her Bishops . But , if so , what can be said for the Solemn League and Covenant ? How shall we defend our Forty-three-men and all the Covenanting work of Reformation , in that Glorious Period ? And if it must continue there , what constant Perils must our Kirk needs be in , especially so long as both Kingdoms are under one Monarch ? What I have said , I think , might be enough , in all Conscience , for this Fifth Enquiry ; But because it is obvious to the most overly Observation , that the Framers of the Article have not been so much concerned for the strength and solidity of the Reasons , they choosed for supporting their Conclusion , as for their Colour and Aptitude to catch the vulgar , and influence the populace ; and because our Presbyterian Brethren have of a long time been , and still are , in use , to make zealous Declamations and huge noises about Succession to our Reformers ; Because the clamour , on all occasions , that those who stand for Episcopacy have so much forsaken the principles and maximes of the Reformation , that they Pay our Reformers so little Respect and Deference ; That they have Secret Grudges , at the Reformation ; That they would willingly return to Popery ; And what not ? Whereas , they themselves have a Mighty Veneration for those who Reformed the Church of Scotland ; They are their , only , true , and Genuine Successors ; They are the only Men who stand on the foot of the Reformation , the only sincere and heart-Protestants , the only Real Enemies to Antichrist , &c. For these Reasons , I say , I shall beg the Readers patience till I have discoursed this point a little farther . And to deal frankly and plainly , In the first place , I own , those of the Episcopal perswasion in Scotland , do not think themselves bound to maintain all the principles , or embrace all the sentiments , or justify all the Practices of our Reformers . 'T is true , I speak only from my self ; I have no Commission from other men to tell their sentiments ; Yet I think the Generality of my Fathers and Brethren will not be offended , tho' I speak in the Plural number , and take them into the reckoning . And therefore , I think , I may safely say , Tho we think , our Reformers , considering their Education and all their disadvantages , were very considerable men , and made very considerable progress in Reforming the Church , yet we do not believe , they had ane immediate allowance from Heaven for all they said , or did : We believe they were not endued with the Gifts of infallibility , inerrability or impeccability : We believe ( and they believed so themselves ) that they had no Commission , no Authority , to Establish new Articles of Faith , or make new Conditions of Salvation ; We believe they had no Power , pretended to none , for receding from the Original and immovable Standard of Christian Religion . In consequence of this , We believe and are confident , that where they missed ( and being Fallible , it was very possible for them to do it ) of Conformity to that Standard , we are at Liberty to think otherwise , than they thought ; to Profess otherwise than they professed ; We are not bound to follow them . To instance in a few of many things . We own we cannot allow of the principle of Popular Reformations , as it was asserted and practised by our Reformers . We own , indeed , 't is not only Lawful , but Necessary , for every Man to Reform himself both as to Principles and Practice , when there is Corruption in either ; And that , not only without , but against publick Authority , whither Civil or Ecclesiastical . Farther , we own , 't is not only Lawful , but plain and Indispensible Duty in the Governours of the Church , to Reform her , Acting in their own Sphere , even against humane Laws , in direct opposition to a thousand Acts of a thousand Parliaments ; I say , Acting and keeping within their own Sphere , i. e. so far as their Spiritual Power can go , but no farther ; Keeping within these their own bounds , they may and should condemn Heresies , purge the publick worship of Corruptions , continue a Succession of Orthodox Pastors , &c. In a word , do every thing , which is needful to be done , for putting and preserving the Church , committed to their Care , in that State of Orthodoxy , Purity and Vnity , which Iesus Christ , from whom they have their Commission , and to whom , they must be Answerable , has Required by his holy Institution . But we cannot allow them to move Excentrically , to turn Exorbitant , to stir without their own Vortex . We cannot allow them to use any other , than Spiritual means ; or to make any other than Spiritual Defences : We think , they should still perform all dutiful submission to the Civil Powers ; Never Resist by Material Arms ; never absolve subjects from their Allegiance to their Civil Sovereign ; Never Preach the Damnable Doctrine of Deposing Kings for Heresie ; never attempt to make those whom they should make good Christians , bad Subjects : But to teach them the great and fundamental Doctrine of the Cross , and Exemplify it to them , in their Practice when they are Called to it . This we Profess : And we do not think it Popery . But our Reformers taught a quite different Doctrine . Their Doctrine was that it belong'd to the Rabble to Reform Religion publickly , to Reform it by Force ; To Reform the State if it would not Reform the Church ; To Extirpate all false Religion by their Authority ; To assume to themselves a Power , to overturn the Powers that are Ordain'd of God ; To depose them , and set up new Powers in their stead , Powers that would Protect , that , which they judged to be the best Religion : Whoso pleases may see this Doctrine fully taught by Knox , in his Appellation , (a) and he may see the same principle insisted on by Mr. Hendersone in his Debates with K. C. I. And who knows not that our Reformation was but too much founded on this Principle . Herein , I say , we own we have forsaken our Reformers : And let our Presbyterian Brethren , if they can , Convict us , in this , of Heresie . In short , our Reformers maintain'd that the Doctrine of Defensive Arms was Necessary : That Passive Obedience or Non-resistance was sinful , when People had means for Resistance . (b) That Daniel and his Fellows did not Resist , by the Sword , Because God had not given them the Power and the means . (c) That the Primitive Christians assisted their Preachers , even against the Rulers and Magistrates , and suppressed Idolatry , wheresoever God gave them Force . (d) They maintain'd that the Iudicial Laws of Moses ( tho' not adopted into the Christian Systeme ) in many considerable instances , continued still obligatory ; Particularly that the Laws punishing Adultery , Murther , Idolatry with Death , were binding ; That in obedience to these Laws , that Sentence was to be executed not only on Subjects , but on Sovereigns ; (e) That whosoever executes Gods Law , on such Criminals , is not only innocent , but in his Duty , tho' he have no Commission from Man for it . That Samuel's slaying Agag the fat and delicate King of Amalek ; And Elias's killing Baal's Priests ; and Iesabel's false Prophets ; and Phineas's striking Zimri and Cosbi , in the very Act of filthy fornication , were allowable Patterns for private men to imitate . (f) That all these and more such strange Doctrines were Common and Current amongst them , I am able to prove at full length , if I shall be put to it . Besides , they had many other Principles relating to other purposes , which I am perswaded , were not founded on Scripture , had no Countenance from Catholick Antiquity , were not aggreeable to sound and solid Reason , which we own , we are so far from maintaining , that we think our selves bound , both to Profess and Practice the contrary . And how easy were it to Confute as well as Represent some of Master Knox's principles which perhaps were peculiar to him ? He fairly and plainly condemned St. Paul and St. Iames , the first Bishop of Ierusalem , for their practice , Act. 21.18 , 19 , &c. (g) He esteem'd every thing that was done in Gods service , without the express command of his word , vain Religion and Idolatry . (h) He affirmed that all Papists were infidels , both in publick and private ; (i) I cannot think he was right in these things . He had , sometimes , Prayers , which do not seem to me to Savour any thing of a Christian Spirit : Thus in His Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England , after he had insisted on the Persecutions in Queen Mary's time , he had this Prayer , (k) God for his great Mercies sake stir up some Phineas , Elias or Jehu that the blood of abominable Idolaters may Pacify Gods wrath , that it consume not the whole Multitude , Amen . I must confess it was not without some horrour that I put his own Amen to such a petition . In that same Exhortation he prays , also , thus , Repress the pride of these blood-thirsty Tyrants ; Consume them in thine anger , according to the Reproach which they have laid against thy Holy Name . Pour forth thy vengeance upon them , and let our eyes behold the blood of the Saints required of their hands : Delay not thy vengeance , O Lord , but let death devour them in haste ; Let the Earth swallow them up , and let them go down quick to the hels ; For there is no hope of their Amendment ; The Fear and Reverence of thy Holy Name is quite banished from their hearts ; And therefore , yet , again , O Lord , consume them ; Consume them in thine Anger . (l) Let the world judge if such Prayers Savour of a Gospel-spirit . Was this loving our Enemies , or Blessing them that Curse us , or Praying for them who despitefully use us , or Persecute us ? Was this like forgiving others their trespasses as we would wish our own trespasses to be forgiven ? Was this like Father forgive them for they know not what they do . Or Lord lay not this sin to their charge ? Did Master Knox consider or know what manner of spirit he was of , when he offered up such petitions ? I shall only give one other Specimen of Master Knox's Divinity , and because 't is about a point which of late has been so much agitated , I shall not grudge to give his sentiments somewhat fully : Because , perchance , he may come to have some credit by it ; He may chance to be honoured as a Father by the Providentialists . The Story is this . He wrote a Book against the Regiment of Women , as he called it : His aim was principally against Mary Queen of England : When Queen Elizabeth , was raised to the Throne , some body having told her that he had written such a Book , she resented it so , that she would not allow him to set his foot on English ground , when he was returning from Geneva to Scotland , Anno 1559. This grated him not a little : However , he could not endure to think upon retracting the Positions in his Book ; having once asserted them , he deem'd it point of Honour , it seems to adhere to them ; for thus he told Secretary Cecil in a Letter from Diepe , April 10. 1559. (m) He doubted no more of the Truth of his Proposition , than he did , that it was the voice of God , which , first , did pronounce this Penalty against Women . In dolour shalt thou bear thy Children . And in a Conference with Mary Queen of Scotland , Anno 1561. He told her , that , to that hour , he thought himself alone more able to sustain the things affirmed in that Book , than any ten Men , in Europe , could be , to confute them . (n) But for all this , Queen Elizabeth ( as I said ) was raised to the Throne of England ; and it was needful her Majesty should not continue to have quarrels with him : Her Kindness and Countenance , at that time to him and his Projects , were worth little less than a Deanry ; Some Knack was , therefore , to be devised for making a Reconcilement between his Book and her Regiment ; Well! what was it he fix't on ? Why ? The Providential Right serv'd him to a Miracle : For thus he wrote , in his aforementioned Letter to Cecil ; If any Man think me either Enemy to the Person , or yet to the Regiment of her , whom God hath now promoted , they are utterly deceived in me ; For the MIRACULOUS work of God , comforting his afflicted by ane infirm Vessel , I do acknowledge : And I will Obey the Power of his most potent hand ( Raising up whom best pleaseth his Majesty to suppress such as fight against his Glory ) Albeit that both NATURE and GODS MOST PERFECT ORDINANCE REPUGNE to such Regiment . More plainly to speak : If Queen Elizabeth shall Confess that the EXTRAORDINARY DISPENSATION of Gods great Mercy makes that LAWFUL unto HER , which both NATURE and GODS LAW do DENY unto all Women , Then shall none in England be more willing to maintain her Lawful Authority than I shall be : But if ( GODS WONDROUS WORK set aside ) She ground ( as God forbid ) the justness of her Title upon Consuetude , Laws and Ordinances of Men , then I am assured , that , as such foolish presumption doth highly offend Gods Supreme Majesty , so , I greatly fear , that her Ingratitude shall not long lack punishment . This was pretty fair , but it was not enough . He thought it proper to write to that Queen her self , and give her a Dish of that same Doctrine . His Letter is dated at Edenburg , Iuly 29. 1559. (o) In which having told her , He never intended , by his Book to assert any thing that might be prejudicial to her Iust Regiment , providing she were no● found Unfaithful to God , he bespeaks her thus : Ingrate you will be found in the presence of his Throne , if you transfer the Glory of that Honour in which you now stand to any other thing than the DISPENSATION of his Mercy , which ONLY maketh that Lawful to your Majesty which NATURE and LAW denyeth to all Women , to command and bear Rule over Men — In Conscience I am compelled to say that neither the consent of People , the Process of time , nor Multitude of Men can Establish a Law which God shall approve , but whatsoever he approveth , by his Eternal word that shall be approved , and stay constantly firm : And whatsoever he Condemneth shall be Condemned , tho' all Men on Earth should travel for the justification of the same : And therefore , Madam , The only way to retain and keep the Benefits of God , abundantly of late days , poured upon you , and your Realm , is , unfeignedly . to render unto God , to his Mercy and undeserved Grace , the whole Glory of all this your Exaltation : Forget your BIRTH and all TITLE which thereupon doth hang — It pertaineth to you to ground the JUSTICE of your Authority , not on that LAW which from year to year doth change , but upon the ETERNAL PROVIDENCE of him , who CONTRARY to the ORDINARY course of NATURE , and without your deserving , hath exalted your Head. If thus in Gods presence , you humble your self , I will , with Tongue and Pen , justify your Authority and Regiment , as the Holy Ghost hath justified the same in Deborah , that Blessed Mother in Israel : But if you neglect ( as God forbid ) these things , and shall begin to Brag of your Birth , and to Build your Authority and your Regiment upon your own Law , flatter you who so listeth , your Felicity shall be short , &c. Let Contentious People put what Glosses they please on Bishop Overal's Convocation Book , sure I am , here is the Providential Right so plainly taught that no Glosses can obscure it . Here it is maintain'd , in plain terms , and Resolutely , in opposition , to all the Laws , not only of Men , but of God and Nature . Thus I have given a taste of such principles as the Prelatists , in Scotland , profess they disown , tho' maintain'd by our Reformers : It had been easy to have instanced in many more ; But these may be sufficient for my purpose , which was not in the least , to throw dirt on our Reformers ( to whom I am as willing as any man to pay a due reverence ) but to stop the mouth of impertinent clamour , and 〈◊〉 the world have occasion to consider if it is such a scandalous thing , to think otherwise , than our Reformers thought , as our Brethren endeavour on all occasions , to perswade the populace : For these principles of our Reformers which I have mentioned in Relation to Civil Governments , are the principles in which we have most forsaken them : And let the world judge , which set of principles has most of Scandal in it : Let the world judge , I say , whither their principles or ours participate most of the Faith , the Patience , the Self-denyal , &c. of Christians : Whither principles have least of the love of the world , and most of the image of Christ in them : Whither principles have greatest affinity with the principles and practices of the Apostles , and their immediate successors , in the most afflicted , and , by consequence , the most incorrupted times of Christianity : Whither principles have a more natural tendency towards the security of Governments and the peace of Societies , and seem most effectual for advancing the power of Godliness , and propagating the Profession and the life of Christianity . I further , subjoyn these two things . 1. I challenge our Presbyterian Brethren to convict us of the Scandal of receding from our Reformers in any one principle which they maintain'd , in Common , with the Primitive Church ; the Universal Church of Christ , before she was tainted with the Corruptions of Popery : And if we have not done it , ( as I am Confident our Brethren shall never be able to prove , we have , ) our receding from our Reformers , as I take it , ought to be no prejudice against us . I think the Authority of the Catholick Church , in the days of her indisputed Purity and Orthodoxy , ought , in all Reason to be deem'd preferable to the Authority of our Reformers ; especially considering that they themselves professed to own the Sentiments of the Primitive Church , as a part , at least , of the Complexe Rule of Reformation , as I have already proved . 2. I challenge our Presbyterian Brethren to instance in so much as one principle , in which we have Deserted our Reformers , wherein , our Deserting them can , by any Reasonable , by any Colourable construction , be interpreted ane approach towards Popery . I think , no Man who understands any thing of the Popish Controversies can readily allow himself the Impudence to say , that , to dislike Tumultuary Reformations , and deposing Sovereign Princes , and subverting Civil Governments , &c. upon the score of Religion , is , to be for Popery ; Or that the Doctrine of Submission to Civil Authority , the Doctrine of Passive Obedience or Non-resistance , or ( which I take to be much about one , in the present case ) the Doctrine of the Cross , are Popish Doctrines ; Or that to Condemn the Traiterous Distinction between the Person and the Authority of the Civil Magistrate , as it is commonly made use of , by some People , and as it is Condemned by the Laws of both Kingdoms , is , to turn either Papistical or Iesuitical . Let our Brethren , if they can , Purge their own Doctrines , in these matters , of all Consanguinity with Popery . And now , after all this , 3. I would desire my Readers to remember , that this Artifice of Prejudicating against principles , because different from , or inconsistent with , the principles of our Reformers , is none of our Contrivance ; Our Presbyterian Brethren , not we , were the First , who set on foot this Popular , tho' very pitiful way of Arguing ; By all the Analogies , then , of equitable and just Reasoning , they ought to endure the Tryal of their own Test. And this brings me to Enquire whither they have stuck so precisely by the principles of our Reformers , that they are in Bona Fide to insist on such a Topick ? And I think they will not be found to be so , if I can make it appear that they have Notoriously deserted the principles of our Reformers . I. In the Faith. II. In the Worship . III. In the Discipline . And IV. In the Government of the Church . I. I say they have forsaken our Reformers as to the Faith of the Church . Our Reformers digested a Confession of Faith , Anno 1560. They got it Ratifyed in Parliament that same year ; It was again Ratifyed , Anno 1567. and in many subsequent Parliaments . It continued still to be the publick , Authorized Standard of the Faith of this National Church , for more than eighty years . Our Reformers design'd it to be a perpetual and unalterable Standard of the Faith of this National Church , for ever . When the Barons and Ministers gave in their Petition , to the Parliament , for ane Establishment of the Reformation , Anno 1560. They were called upon and Commandment given unto them , to draw into plain and several Heads , the sum of that Doctrine , which they would maintain , and would desire the Parliament to Establish , as wholesome , true , and only necessary to be believed , and to be received within the Realm : And , they willingly accepted the Command , and , within four days , presented the Confession , which was Ratified , (a) and that its Establishment might pass with the greater solemnity and formality of Law , The Earl Marshal protested that it might never be altered . (b) Yet , now , Our Presbyterian Brethren have set up a quite different Standard of Faith , namely , the Westminster Confession , and have got it , now , Ratifyed by this current Parliament , Anno 1690. ( it was never , before , Ratified by Act of Parliament ) I call it a quite different Standard of Faith : Indeed , whosoever diligently compares both Confessions , shall readily find it such ; He shall not only find many things kept out of the Westminster Confession , which are in the Confession of our Reformers ; and many things put in the Westminster Confession , which were not in the Confession of our Reformers ; and many things , nicely , minutely , precisely and peremptorily determined , and that in the most Mysterious matters , in the Westminster Confession , which our Reformers thought fit ( as was indeed proper ) to express in very General and Accommodable Terms : But he shall meet with not a few plain , evident and irreconcileable Contradictions : And now , by this present Parliament , in its Last Session , particularly , upon the twelfth day of Iune , Anno 1693 , it is statuted and ordained , That no Person be admitted , or continued , for hereafter , to be a Minister or Preacher , within this Church , unless he subscribe the Westminster Confession , declaring it to be the Confession of his Faith ; and that he owns the Doctrine therein contained to be the true Doctrine , to which he will constantly adhere . And by unavoidable consequence , he is bound to subscribe to , and own , God knows how , many propositions , not only not required nor professed by our Reformers ; but directly contrary to their Faith and principles : And now , let the world judge if our Presbyterian Brethren are the Successors of our Reformers in point of Faith. II. They have forsaken them , yet more , in the point of Worship : and here a vast field opens ; For to this head I reduce ( artificially or inartificially , is no great matter , if I adduce nothing but wherein our Brethren have deserted our Reformers ) the publick Prayers , the publick Praises , the publick Preaching of the word , the administration of the Sacraments , &c. with all their Ceremonies , Solemnities and Circumstances , &c. Generally , whatever uses to be comprehended in Liturgies . 1. In the General , our Reformers were far from Condemning Liturgies , or Set-Forms in the publick Offices of the Church . There 's nothing more plain , than that they preferred publick Composures to these that were private : Composures digested by the publick Spirit of the Church , to Composures digested by the private Spirit of particular Ministers ; and Premeditated and well digested Composures , tho' performed by private persons , to the , too frequently , Rash , indigested , incomposed performances of the Extemporary Gift . They preferred Offices which were the productions of grave , sedate , well pondered thoughts , to Offices which were mostly the productions of Animal Heat , and warmth of Fancy . Iohn Knox himself ( one who had as much Fire in his temper , and was as much inclined to have given scope to the Extemporary Spirit , I am apt to think , as any of our Reformers ) had even a set form of Grace or Thanksgiving after meat , (c) he had a set-form of Prayer for the publick , after Sermon , (d) and he had set-forms of Prayers read , every day in his Family . (e) In conformity to this principle , ou● Reformers for seven years , together , used the Liturgy of the Church of England , as I have fully proven . When ( by the importunity and perswasions of Iohn Knox , principally , I am sure , if not only ) they resolved to part with the English Liturgy , they continued still as far as ever from Condemning Liturgies . They did not lay it aside to take up none ; They choosed another to succeed it ; they choosed that which went , then generally , under the name of the Order of Geneva , or the Book of Common Order ; Since , under the name of Knox's Liturgie , or the Old Scottish Liturgie : This Liturgie continued in use , not only , all the time , the Government of the Church subsisted by Imparity , after the Reformation ; But even , for many Decads of years , after the Presbyterian Spirit and Party turn'd prevalent . It was so universally received and used , and in so good esteem , that , when it was moved by some in the Assembly holden at Burnt-Island , in March , Anno 1601. That there were sundry Prayers in it , which were not convenient for these times , and a change was desirable , the Assembly rejected the motion , and Thought good , that the Prayers , already , contained in the Book , should neither be altered nor deleted ; But if any Brother would have any other Prayers , added , as more proper for the times , they should first present them to be tryed , and allowed , by the General Assembly . (d) Here , indeed , was caution and concern about the publick worship worthy of a General Assembly . Nay , The First-Rate Presbyterians themselves used the Book , as punctually , as any other People . When Mr. Robert Bruce ( of whose zeal for the good cause , no Man , I think , can doubt ) was relegated to Innerness , Anno 1605. He remained there four years , Teaching every Sabbath , before noon , and every Wednesday ; And exercised at the Reading of the Prayers every other night . (e) And Master Iohn Strimgeour ( another prime Champion for the cause ) when he appeared before the High Commission , March 1. Anno 1620 , and was challenged for not putting in practice the five Articles of Perth ; Particularly for not Ministering the Eucharist to the People on their knees , answered , there is no warrantable form directed or approven by the Kirk , besides that which is extant in Print , before the Psalm Book , ( i. e. the old Liturgy ) according to which , as I have always done , so now , I Minister that Sacrament . (f) In short , It continued to be in use even after the beginning of the Horrid Revolution , in the days of King Charles the First , and many old People , yet alive , remember well , to have seen it used indifferently , both by Presbyterians and Prelatists . But it is not so now . Our Modern Presbyterians do not only Condemn the Liturgie of the Church of England ( used as I say by our Reformers ) calling it a Dry , lifeless service , a spiritless , powerless service ; ane unwarrantable service ; ane ill-mumbled mass ; a farce of Popish Dregs and Reliques ; a Rag of Romish Superstition and Idolatry ; and God knows how many ill things : But they Generally Condemn all Liturgies , all set-forms of publick worship and devotion ; They will admit of none : All to them are alike odious and intolerable . Herein , I think , there is a palpable Recession from the principles of our Reformers , about the publick and solemn worship of the Church ; and that in a most weighty and material instance : But this is not all ; They have not only deserted our Reformers , and Condemn'd them as to Forms ; But they have made very considerable and important Recessions from them , as to the matter , both in the substance and circumstances of Liturgical Offices ; and here I must descend to particulars . 1. Then , our present Presbyterians observe no Forms in their publick Prayers , either before , or after Sermon ; For the most part , they observe no Rules ; They Pray by no Standard ; Nay they do not stick by their own Directory : All must be Extemporary work ; and the newer , the odder , the more surprizing both as to matter and manner , the better . If any Brother has not that fire in his temper , that heat in his blood , that warmth in his Animal-spirits , that sprightlyness and fervour in his fancy , or that readiness of elocution &c. If he wants any one or two of these many Graces , which must concur for accomplishing one with the ready Gift , and shall adventure to digest his thought , and provide himself with a Premeditated Form of his own making ; He shall be concerned likewise to be so wise and wary , as to provide himself , either with a variety of such Forms , or many disguises for his one form , or he shall run the hazard of the success of his Ministery , and his Reputation to boot ; He is a Gone-man if the Zealots of the gang smell it out , that he prayed by Premiditation . Fore-thought Prayers are little less Criminal , than fore-thought Felony : He wants the spirit , and deserves to be ranked amongst the Anti-Christian Crue of Formalists . Nay , so much are they against set-forms , that 't is Popery , for any thing I know , to say the Lords Prayer . Our Reformers never met for publick worship , but they used it once or oftner ; And they used it as in obedience to our Saviours Commandment . Take , for a taste , these instances , which I have collected from the old Liturgy . The Prayer for the whole Estate of Christs Church , appointed to be said after Sermon , is Concluded thus , In whose name we make our humble petitions unto thee , even as he hath taught us , saying , Our Father , &c. (g) Another Prayer to be said after Sermon , has the Lords Prayer in the very bosom of it . (h) The Prayer to be used when God threatens his Iudgements , concludes thus , — Praying unto thee with all humility and submission of minds , as we are taught and commanded to Pray , saying , Our Father . &c. (i) The Prayer to be used in time of Affliction , thus , Our only Saviour and Mediator , in whose name we Pray unto thee as we are taught , saying , Our Father , &c. (k) The Prayer at the Admission of a Superintendent or a Minister , thus — Of whom the perpetual increase of thy Grace , we crave , as by thee our Lord , King , and only Bishop , we are taught to Pray , Our Father , &c. (l) The Prayer for the Obstinate ( in the order for Excommunication ) thus , — These thy Graces , O Heavenly Father , and farther , as thou knowest to be expedient for us , and for thy Church Vniversal , we call for , unto thee , even as we are taught , by our Lord and Master Christ Iesus , saying , Our Father , &c. (m) The last Prayer before Excommunication , thus , — This we ask of thee , O Heavenly Father , in the boldness of our Head and Mediator Iesus Christ , praying as he hath taught us , Our Father , &c. (n) The Confession of sins , &c. in time of publick Easts , thus , — We flee to the obedience and perfect Iustice of Iesus Christ our only Mediator — Praying as he hath taught us , saying , Our Father , &c. (o) The Prayer of Consecration in Baptism , thus , — May be brought as a lively Member of his Body , unto the full fruition of thy joys , in the Heavens , where thy Son , our Saviour Christ Reigneth , world without end ; In whose name , we Pray , as he hath taught us , saying , Our Father , &c. (p) So many of the Prayers used by our Reformers , were concluded with the Lords Prayer : And it is obvious to any body that sometimes 3 or 4 of them were to be said at one Assembly : And still when the Lords Prayer is brought in , you see , 't is plainly in Obedience to our Saviours Command , from which , 't is clear our Reformers lookt on the using it , as , not only Lawful , but , Necessary . Our present Presbyterians will not only , not use it , but they Condemn and writ against the using of it . Indeed , They have not retained so much as one Form , except that of Blessed use by Saint Paul , 2 Cor. 13.14 . This indeed they commonly say ( tho' I am not sure they say it in the Form of a Blessing ) before the Dissolution of the Assembly : But why they have kept this and rejected all other Forms ; or , how they can reconcile the retaining of this , with the rejection of all other Forms , I confess I am not able to tell : Let themselves answer for that , as well as for , retaining set-forms of Praise while they Condemn set forms of Prayer . 2. Our Reformers , in their publick Assemblies , never omitted to make a solemn and publick Confession of their Faith , by rehearsing that which is commonly called the Apostles Creed : It was said after the Prayer for the whole Estate of Christs Chruch , and it was introduced thus , Almighty and Everliving God , vouchsafe we beseech thee , to grant us perfect continuance in thy lively Faith , augmenting the same in us dayly , till we grow to the full measure of our perfection in Christ , whereof we make our Confession , saying , I believe in God the Father , &c. Herein they are intirely deserted by our present Presbyterians also . 3. The Preaching of the word may be performed two ways ; By the publick Reading of the Scriptures ; and by Sermons , &c. founded on the Scriptures : Our present Presbyterians , in both these , have Receded from our Re●●●mers . 1. As for the Reading of the Scriptures , our Reformers delivered themselves thus , in the First Book of Discipline , Head 9. (q) We think necessary that every Church have a Bible in English , and that the People conveen to hear the Scriptures Read and Interpreted ; that by frequent Reading and Hearing , the gross ignorance of the People may be removed ; And we judge it most expedient , that the Scriptures be read in order , that is , that some one Book of the Old and New Testament be begun and followed forth to the end . For a good many years after the Reformation there was ane order of men , called Readers , who supplyed the want of Ministers in many Parishes : Their Office was to Read the Scriptures and the Common Prayers : The Scriptures continued to be Read in Churches for more than eighty years , after the Reformation : In many Parishes , the old Bibles are still extant , from which the Scriptures were Read : Even the Directory it self , introduced , not before the year 1645. appointed the Scriptures to be Read publickly in Churches , one Chapter out of each Testament , at least , every Sunday before Sermon , as being part of the publick worship of God , and one mean● Sanctified by him for the Edifying of his People Yet , now , what a Scandal would it be to have the Scriptures Read in the Presbyterian Churches ? The last days Sermons , taken from the mouth of the powerful Preacher , by the inspired singers of Godly George or Gracious Barbara , in some Churches of no mean Note , have been Deem'd more Edifying than the Divine Oracles . The Scriptures must not be touched but by the Man of God , who can interpret them ; And he must Read no more than he is , just then , to interpret : What shall I say ? Let Protestant Divines Cant as they please about the Perspicuity of the Scriptures , 't is a dangerous thing to have them Read publickly without Orthodox Glosses , to keep them close and true to the principles of the Godly : And who knows but it might be expedient to wrap them up again in the unknown tongue ? But enough of this . 2. As for Sermons , &c. The First Book of Discipline gives us the sentiment of our Reformers , thus , The Sunday , in all Towns , must precisely be observed ; before and after noon ; before noon , the word must be Preached , Sacraments Administred , &c. After noon , the Catechism must be taught , and the young Children examined thereupon , in audience of all the People . (r) This continued the manner of the Church of Scotland , for full twenty years , after the Reformation : For I find no mention of afternoons Sermons , till the year 1580 , that it was enacted ( by that same General Assembly which Condemned Episcopacy , ) That all Pastors or Ministers should Diligently travel with their Flocks to conveen unto Sermon , after noon , on Sunday ; Both they that are in Landward , and in Burgh , as they will answer unto God. (s) The whole Kingdom knows , Lectures before the forenoons Sermon , were not introduced , till the days of the Covenant and Directory ; Yet , now , a mighty stress is laid upon them , and I my self have been told , that they were one good Reason for forsaking the Episcopal Communion , where they were not used , and going over to the Presbyterians , where they were to be had . I am not to condemn a diligent instruction of the People : But to speak freely , I am very much perswaded the Method of our Reformers , in having but one Sermon , and Catechising , after noon , was every way as effectual for Instructing the People in the substantial knowledge of our Holy Religion , and pressing the practice of it , as any method has been in use since ; Much more might be said on this subject ; But from what I have said , 't is plain there is a great Dissimilitude between our Modern Presbyterian and our Reformers even in this point ; and that is enough for my purpose . 4. They have as little stuck by the Pattern of our Reformers in the Office of Praise : Our Reformers , beside the Psalms of David had , and used , several other Hymns in Metre : They had the Ten Commandments , the Lords Prayer , the Creed , Veni Creator , the humble suit of a sinner , the Lamentation of a sinner , the Complaint of a sinner , the Magnificat , the Nunc Dimittis , &c. They never used to conclude their Psalms without some Christian Doxology : The Gloria Patri was most generally used : In the old Psalm Book , it is turn'd into all the different kinds of Measures , into which the Psalms of David are put , that it might still succeed , in the conclusion , without changing the Tune : It was so generally used , that , ( as Doctor Burnet in his Second Conference , (t) tells us ) even a Presbyterian General took it in very ill part , when it begun to be disused : Yet , now , nothing in use , with our present Presbyterians but the Psalms of David ; and these too , for the most part , without Discrimination . The Gloria Patri , recovered from Desuetude , at the last Restitution of Episcopacy , and generally used in the Episcopal Assemblies , these thirty years past , was a Mighty Scandal to them ; So great , that even such as came to Church , hang'd their Heads and sate silent , generally , when it came to that part of the Office. Having mentioned Doctor Burnet's Conferences , I will transcribe his whole Period , because some other things than the Gloria Patri are concerned in it . When some Designers ( says he ) for popularity in the Western Parts of that Kirk did begin to disuse the Lord Prayer in worship , and the singing the conclusion or Doxologie after the Psalm , and the Ministers kneeling for Private Devotion , when he entered the Pulpit , the General Assembly took this in very ill part ; And , in the Letter they wrote to the Presbyteries , complained sadly of a Spirit of Innovation was beginning to get into the Kirk , and to throw these Laudible practices out of it , mentioning the three I named which are commanded still to be practiced , and such as refused Obedience , are appointed to be conferred with , in order to the giving of them satisfaction ; And if they continued untractable , the Presbyteries were to proceed against them as they should be answerable to the next General Assembly . Thus he ; and this Letter , he said , he could produce , Authentically Attested : I doubt not , he found it amongst his Uncle Waristown's Papers , who was Scribe to the Rampant Assemblies from the year 1638 , and downward . I wish the Doctor had been at pains to have published more of them ; If he had imployed himself that way , I am apt to think he had done his Native Countrey better service , than he has done her Sister Kingdom by publishing Pastoral Letters to be used , he knows how ; But even from what he has given us , We may see how much the disusing of the Lords Prayer , and the Doxologie is a late Innovation , as well as a Recession from the Pattern of our Reformers . And as for the decent and Laudable custom of kneeling for private Devotion , used by the Minister when he entered the Pulpit ; It may be reckoned 5. Another Presbyterian late Recession . It is certain it was used by our Reformers ; It is as certain , it continued in use , till after both Covenants were sworn ; The National I mean , and the Solemn League and Covenant ; It was not turn'd Authoritatively ( I intend no more than the Equivocal Authority which Schismatical Assemblies pretend to ) into disuse till the General Assembly 1645. Even , then , it was not Condemned as either superstitious or indecent ; It was laid aside , only , in complyance with the English Presbyterians . By that Assembly , a Committee was appointed , to give their opinion , about keeping a greater Vniformity in this Kirk , in the practice and observation of the Directory , in some points of publick worship : And the fourth Article to which they Agreed , was this ▪ word for word , It is also the Iudgment of the Committee , that the Ministers bowing in the Pulpit , tho' a Lawful Custome in this Kirk , be , hereafter , laid aside , for satisfaction of the desires of the Reverend Divines in the Synod of England , and Vniformity with that Kirk so much endeared to us . And then followeth the Assembly's approbation of all the Articles digested by the Committee . Here , 't is evident this Assembly own'd it to be a Lawful Custome : A former Assembly called it Laudible . And yet it is Scandalous if not Superstitions to our present Presbyterians . Let me add as ane Appendage to this , 6. Another ( in my opinion ) very decent , and commendable Custome , which obtain'd in Scotland , generally , till the latter times of Presbytery . This , when People entered the Church , they commonly uncovered their Heads , as entering into the House of God ; And generally they put up a short Prayer to God ( some kneeling , some standing , as their conveniency allowed them ) deeming it very becoming to do so , when they came thus into the place of Gods special presence and his publick worship . This custom was so universal , that the vestiges of it may be , even yet , observed amongst old People , educated before the Donatism of the Covenant , who continue to retain it ; Now adays , 't is plain Superstition to a Presbyterian , not to enter the Church , with his Head covered . Mas Iohn himself doth it as mannerly as the coursest Cobbler in the Parish . In he steps , uncovers not till in the Pulpit , claps streight on his Breech , and within a little falls to work as the Spirit moves him . All the Congregation must sit close in the time of Prayer ; Clap on their Bonnets in the time of Sermon , &c. This is the way ; and it brings me in mind of ane observe , ane old Gentleman has frequently repeated to me , which was , that he found it impossible to perform Divine worship without Ceremonies ; For ( said he ) the Presbyterians themselves , who pretend to be against all Ceremonies , seem , even to Superstition , precise , in observing the Ceremonies of the Breech , &c. But — Thus I have represented , in some instances , how our Presbyterian Brethren have deserted our Reformers in the ordinary stated parts of publick worship . I proceed now to the Sacraments . 7. Then , our Reformers had not only a set form for Administring the Sacrament of Baptism ; But , beside the Father of the Child , they allowed of Sureties or Sponsors . This is plain from the conclusion of the discourse concerning the nature and necessity of Baptism , in the Old Liturgy ; For , the Minister , there , addressed to the Father and the Sponsors , thus ; Finally to the intent that we may be assured that you the Father and the Sureties , consent to the performance hereof ( of the conditions mentioned before ) Declare , here , before the Face of this Congregation , the sum of the Faith wherein you believe , and will instruct this Child . After this there is this Rubrick ; Then the Father , or , in his absence , the God-Father , shall rehearse the Articles of his Faith , which done , the Minister expoundeth the same as followeth . That which followeth is , a large explanation of the Apostles Creed , &c. Thus it was appointed in the old Liturgie ; and thus it was practiced Universally for some scores of years . But our Modern Presbyterians do not only abhor all Set-forms , as I have said , but , to name Sponsors or Godfathers , to them is to incur the Scandal of Popery . The Apostles Creed is no agreeable Standard of the Christian Faith , into which one is initiated by Baptism . They cannot endure to hear of it , in this Office. Whoso presents a Child to them to be Baptized , must promise to bring up the Child in the Faith , as it is contained in the Westminster Confession , and the larger and shorter Catechisms . This they Require Generally : Not a few Require that the Child be educated in the Faith of the Solemn League and Covenant . 7. About the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , I find many considerable alterations . Take these for a Taste . 1. It was Administred by our Reformers , by a set-form , contained in the Old Liturgie : It continued to be so Administred for more than 60 years , by Presbyterians themselves , as I have observed already in the instance of Scrimgeour . 2. As for the frequency of this most Christian Office ; The First Book of Discipline , Head 9th , (v) Determined thus : Four times in the year , we think sufficient , for Administration of the Lords Table — Albeit we deny not , but every Church for Reasonable causes , may change the time , and Minister the same , oftner . The General Assembly holden at Edenburgh , Decemb. 25. 1562 , Ordained , the Communion to be Ministred four times in the year in Burghs , and twice , in Landward , (w) The First Rubrick in the Office for the Lords Supper , in the Old Liturgy , intimates it was oftner administred , for thus it runs ; Vpon the day that the Lords Supper is Ministred , which commonly is used once a Month , or as often as the Congregation shall think expedient , &c. 3. Our Reformers had no preparation Sermons on the Saturndays immediately before the Adminstration of the Sacrament : No vestige of any such Sermons in the Old Liturgy , nor in the Acts of the Old Assemblies , nor in any of our Histories . It is plain , such Sermons were not required by the Authority of any ( even Presbyterian ) Assembly till the year 1645. Then , indeed , amongst the Articles prepared by the Committee , mentioned before , I find this the seventh Branch of the Third Article , which was about the Lords Supper , That there be one Sermon of Preparation , delivered in the ordinary place of publick worship , upon the day immediately preceeding . And it is clear from the stile of these Articles that this was new ; and had not been practiced , at least generally , before . 4. Our Reformers thought as little on Thanksgiving Sermons on the immediately succeeding Moondays . Indeed such were not required , no not by that Innovating Assembly , 1645. All it has about Thanksgiving Sermons , is in the 8 th Branch of the aforesaid Article , which is this , That before the serving of the Tables there be only one Sermon delivered to those who are to Communicate , and , that , in the Kirk , where the service is to be performed : And that , in the same Kirk , there be one Sermon of Thanksgiving , after the Communion is ended . 5. No Vestige of Assistant Ministers at the Administration of this Sacrament , in the practice of our Reformers ; So far as I can learn , it was that same Assembly 1645 which first allowed this , also , in the Sixth Branch of the aforesaid Article , which is this ; That when the Communion is to be Celebrated in a Parish , one Minister may be imployed for assisting the Minister of the Parish , or at the most two . Indeed , as our Reformers digested the matter , there was no use for any ; The Minister of the Parish , was sufficient , alone , for all the work ; for they were careful that it might be no insupportable task ; as , sure , it ought not to be . They neither made it such as might exhaust a mans Spirits , nor over-burden his Memory , &c. Particularly . 6. In the time of Celebration , they had no Exhortations at all , neither Extemporary nor Premeditated ; But the First Book of Discipline appointed thus , During the Action we think it necessary that some comfortable places of Scripture be Read , which may bring in mind , the Death of the Lord Iesus , and the benefits of the same ; For seeing , in that Action , we ought Chiefly to Remember the Lords Death ; We judge the Scriptures , making mention of the same , most apt to stir up our dull minds , then , and at all times . The Ministers at their disoretion may appoint the places to be Read as they think good . And in the Old Liturgy , the Rubrick appoints thus ; During which time ( the time the Communicants are at the Table , and participating of the Elements ) some place of Scripture is Read , which doth lively set forth the Death of Christ , &c. This continued the custom of the whole Church for more than eighty years , after the Reformation , without any attempts to Innovate , till the often mentioned Assembly 1645. Then , and not till then , it was Enacted , That there should be no Reading in the time of Communicating ; But , that the Minister making a short Exhortation at every Table , thereafter , there should be silence , during the time of the Communicants Receiving , except only when the Minister should express some few short sentences , suitable to the present condition of the Communicants , in the Receiving , that they might be incited and quickned in their Meditations , in the Action . 7. Our Reformers never so much as once dreamed of keeping Congregational Fasts , some day of the week , before the Celebration of the Sacrament ; Nor of shutting the doors of all the neighbouring Churches , that day , it was to be Celebrated in any Parish Church ; Nor of having so many Sermons in the Church-yard where the Office was performed . Indeed , no such customes entered the thoughts of the very Assembly 1645. At least , if they thought on them , it was rather to Condemn , than Approve them . Nothing at all , indeed , about the Preparatory Fast. But the other two are expressly discharged , or , at least , guarded against : For the ninth Branch of the Committees Article is this , When the Parishioners are so Numerous that their Parish Kirk cannot contain them , so that there is a Necessity to keep out such of the Parish , as cannot conveniently have place ; In that case , the Brother , who assist the Minister of the Parish , may be ready , if need be , to give a word of Exhortation , in some convenient place appointed for that purpose , to those of that Parish , who , that day , are not to Communicate , which must not be begun till the Sermon delivered in the Kirk be concluded . And the eleventh this , That the Minister who cometh to assist have a special care to provide his own Parish , lest , otherwise , while he is about to Minister comfort to others , his own Flock be left destitute of Preaching . Thus the Eucharist was Celebrated by our Reformers ; and thus , it was Innovated by the Presbyterian General Assembly , Anno 1645. Well! what is the Method of our present Presbyterians ? Whether do they keep by the Measures of our Reformers , or their own Assembly 1645 ? Or have they receded from both ? I shall give ane account of their Method , as just and faithful as I can , and let the world judge . The Practice of our present Presbyterians is this . In many places , particularly in the West , a Fast is kept on some day of the week , before the Sacrament is Celebrated : The Congregation Meets : A Lecture , and two long Sermons are Preached : Long enough , Good enough ; But if they are not long , they are good for nothing . In all Parishes , on Saturnday , afternoon , another long Sermon in the Church , and , in most places , a long one too , in the Church-yard , Preached by some Neighbour-Brother . On Sunday ( the day on which the Communion is given ) six , seven , eight , ten or twelve Ministers , leaving their own Churches empty , that day , and without Divine Service , conveen at the Church where the Sacrament is to be Administred : The People of their Parishes , deprived of the publick worship , at home , resort thither , frequently also . If the Minister who gives the Sacrament , is a Gracious Man , a man of renown'd zeal for the good Cause ; most of the First-Rate zealots , both Masculine and Feminine , especially , the Females of the first Magnitude , the Ladies , who live within 6 , 10 , 16 , 20 , 30 miles distance , must be there also . In the morning , pretty early , some two or three hours sooner than ordinary , they fall to work . The Minister of the Parish himself , commonly Preaches a long long Sermon in the Church ; After some two hours and ane half , sometimes three full hours , spent in hard labour ( too hard for sides that are not very substantial ) He descends from the Pulpit , to the Communion Table , there he has another long Discourse , before he Consecrates the Elements ; That done , he Consecrates , not by a form , that were highly scandalous and unspiritual , but , as the ready Gift serves him . After that , ane Exhortation , which wants nothing but the Formality of having a Text Read , to make it a pretty long Sermon . Then the Elements are destributed to those who are set about the Table ; and that is called , the First Table . These , having participated , arise and remove ; Others plant themselves about the Table : Sometimes the Parish-Minister serves this Second Table also ; But if he does not , a fresh Brother succeeds , with another long Exhortation ; and so onward , so long as there are People who have not sate down , at every Table ( and sometimes there may be 10 , 12 , 14 Tables , more or fewer , as it happens ) there is a new long Exhortation , before the Destribution of the Elements ; and shorter ones in the time the Communicants ( who receive not from the Minister , but from one another , sitting 50 , 60 , 70 , 80 , &c. about the Table ) are eating and drinking . After all the Tables are served the Minister of the Parish ascends the Pulpit , again declaims another long Harangue , then Prays , &c. and all this , without Papers , from the Magazine of his Memory , unless it be sometimes supplyed from the stores of the Extemporary Spirit . But this is not all . All this time , the Sermons are thundering in the Church-yard , sometimes by pairs together , if the Confluence is great : Brother succeeds after Brother , and there is Sermon upon Sermon , indeficient Sermoning , till the Congregation within the Church is dissolved , which is not , for the most part , till much of the day is spent , indeed cannot readily be , considering what work there is of it . The Congregation dissolved , there is a little breathing time ; Then the Bell rings again , and the work is renewed : Some other Brother than the Parish Minister mounts the Pulpit in the Church , in the afternoon ; and Preaches a Thanksgiving Sermon , and the rest are as busy in the Church yard as ever : And then on Moondays morning the Preaching work is fallen to a fresh and pursued vigorously , one Preaching in the Church , another in the Church yard , as formerly . I am sure I am just in all this Account ; I could prove it by many instances , if it were needful , but I shall only name two . Thus , Last year when this Sacrament was Celebrated at St. Cuthberts , where the renown'd Mr. David Williamsone Exercises , on the three dayes , viz. Saturday , Sunday and Moonday , in the Church and Church-yard , there were no fewer than 12 or 13 formal Sermons , besides all the Incidental Harrangues , and all the Exhortations at the Tables , &c. And when the Sacrament was given in the New Church in the Canon-gate in September , or the beginning of October 1692 , there was much about the same number . I my self overheard parts of some three or four which were Preached in the Church-yard : And that which made me have the deeper impressions of the unaccountableness of this their Method , was , that all who were in the Church-yard , on Sunday , at least , and four times as many , might , that day , have had room enough in the Churches of Edenburgh , which were at no great distance : But , it seems , the solemnity of Church-yard Sermons , is now become necessary on such occasions . I have narrated nothing in this strange account ( I say ) but what is Notorious Matter of Fact : All this Parade they have , ordinarily , even in the Countrey ; and tho' there are but some scores , or , at most , but some hundreds to Communicate , yet the Communion is not Solemn enough , there 's a Cloud upon the Ministers reputation , something or other is wrong , if there are not some thousands of Spectators . I doubt not , when strangers Read this account , they will think it a very surprizing one : And no wonder , for , not to insist how much they have receded , not only from the Rules and Practices of our Reformers , but even from the Determinations of their own General Assembly 1645 ; not only receded from them , but , almost , in every particular , run quite Counter to them : not to insist on what occasions , may be given to much scandal , and many wickednesses , by such indigested , disorderly , confused , and mixt Convocations : For who knows not that hundreds , generally , strangers to one another , who have no sense of , no concern for , no care about serious Religion , may meet , on such occasions , for Novelty , for Curiosity , for Intrigues not to be named , for a thousand such sinister ends ? Not to insist on these things , I say , tho' they are of no small consequence : What a vast difference is there between such Communions , and the Orderly and Devout Communions of the Primitive Church ? What would the Ancient Lights and Guides of the Christian Church , who would suffer none to stay in the Church but such as were to Participate , say , if they saw such promiscuous Routs assembled , and mostly , for no other end , than making a Spectacle of such a Venerable Mystery ? Is not such unaccountable Parade much liker to the Popish Processions , than the Devout Performances of the purer times of Genuine Christianity ? How impossible were it , at this rate , to Celebrate the Sacrament , once a Month in every Parish Church ? How much more impossible to restore it to its due and proper frequency ? How far is this from looking on this Holy Sacrament , as ane ordinary , tho' a very signal part of Divine worship ? Or rather is it not to make a Prodigie of this Divine Mystery ? Certainly , when People observe how seldome , and withal , with what strange Pomp , with what , ordinarily , impracticable solemnity such ane holy ordinance is gone about , it cannot but work differently upon their different dispositions , It stands fair to be a Scare-crow to the weak Christian ; He dares not approach , where there is so much frightening Address ; It stands as fair for being a scandal to the strong and understanding Christian , when he sees so much vain shew , so much needless ostentation , so much odd , external tricking ▪ about it ; And the Hypocrite can hardly wish any thing more useful for him ; For who should doubt of his being a Saint , when he approaches , amidst so much solemnity ? Besides , Every body may easily see what is aim'd at by all this ; It is , as they think , a proper Method for catching the Populace ; It is to make them admire the Devotion , the Religion , the Abilities of the Party . How Glorious and August are their Communions ! What singular preparations have they ! How many Powerful Prayers ! How many Soul-searching Sermons ! Who can compare with them for fervour and zeal , for Graces and Gifts , for special marks of Gods peculiar favour and assistance ! Must not their way be Gods way ! Must not those of their way be the true , the only People of God! I ask God and my Presbyterian Brethren pardon , if this is not at the bottom of the Matter ; But if it is , I wish they would consider from what principles it proceeds ; How easy is it to discern in such Arts and Methods , the clear Symptomes , the lively Signatures , of a Schismatical temper ? How easy to perceive the plain features of Faction , and the Lineaments of a preposterous Fondness to have their way and party had in Admiration ? How easy were it , more fully to expose such dangerous and dreadful Methods ? But I am affraid I have digressed too much already . There is 8. Another very considerable instance of their Deserting the principles of our Reformers in the Matter of this Sacrament ; Such ane instance as may make another strange Figure , when seriously considered . Our Reformers , having once Established the Confession of Faith , as the Standard for this National Church , required no more for qualifying private Persons for the Sacrament of the Eucharist , than , that they could say the Lords Prayer , the Articles of the Belief , and the summ of the Law , and understand the use and Vertue of this Holy Sacrament ; So it is expressly delivered in the ninth Head of the First Book of Discipline . (x) Supposing the Person free from scandal , this was certainly a Genuine Measure , and agreeable to the Rules and Principles of Catholick Vnity . For However expedient it may be , upon some Emergent Occasions , or Necessities , to require suitable Obligations of Office-bearers in the Church , yet , no man , I think , who loves Christian Simplicity and Vnity , but will acknowledge , 't is proper and prudent , to make the terms of Communion as Catholick and Comprehensive , as Christs institutions will allow them to be made . Now , not to insist on our Brethrens separating , from the Communion of those , who keep by the terms of Communion required by our Reformers , whereby they expressly Condemn the Communion of our Reformers : not to insist on this , I say , tho' it might be more than enough , to prove their Recession from the principles of our Reformers , in this Matter : Our Presbyterian Brethren are bound by ane Express Act of the General Assembly 1648 , not to give the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to any who do not , first , swear the Solemn League and Covenant . The occasion was this . In the beginning of that year 1648 , most part of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland having come to a sense of the Miseries and Calamities , the Kingdomes had been involved in , by the horrid Rebellion , which had , then , prevail'd , too long , and too successfully ; and willing to acquit themselves , for once , as dutiful subjects , for the relief of their suffering Soveraign , at that time , most sadly oppress'd , and kept in prison , by a prevailing party of his most undutiful subjects , entered into a most Dutiful Confederacy , commonly called Duke Hamiltons Engagement ; by the Presbyterians , the Vnlawful Engagement : And in pursuance thereof , made suitable preparations , provided Arms , levied men , &c. to form an Army . The Presbyterian Preachers were generally against it ; Preached and Prayed Damnation and Ruine to the undertakers , Condemn'd the undertaking as Unlawful and Perjurious , as Traiterous to the Cause of God , and a Breach of Solemn League and Covenant , and what not ? Particularly , The Presbytery of Edenburg , the leading Presbytery , the Presbytery which sate upon the Watch-Tower , of the Nation , shewed , I must say , Remarkable , tho' I cannot say , Good Example to the Rest of the Presbyteries , in the Months of May and Iune ; They rack't their inventions for falling on methods to crush and disappoint the Designs of the Engagers . For instance , they set on foot this Politick in the Respective Parishes , within their District , that the Ministers and Kirk-Sessions should form supplications against the Engagement , and give them in to the Presbytery , who were to give them in to the Committee of Estates , and thereby , to represent to them how much their undertaking was contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People . The Device took effect in some Parishes : The Kirk-Sessions of Edenburgh , Holy-Rude-chouse , Duddingstown , Liberton , Rutho , Curry , Cramond , gave in their supplications , declaring that they could not be satisfyed in their Consciences about the Lawfulness of the Engagement . I have instanced in the forwardness of the Presbytery of Edenburgh , to give my Reader a Taste of the humour of these times ; nor is it to be imagined that others were asleep , while they were so diligent . The General Assembly met on the twelfth of Iuly , they justifyed the endeavours and diligence used before , against the Engagement , with a witness : They approved all the Declarations , Remonstrances , Representations , Petitions , &c. against it , which had been made by the Commission of the Kirk : They Declared there was no possibility of securing Religion , so long as this Unlawful Engagement was carried on . They made Acts and Declarations against Acts of Parliament ; and Threatned all who should Obey them , with the wrath of God and the Censures of the Kirk : They gave out their publick warnings against it , and wrote to their Covenanted Brethren in England , shewing their utter abhorrence of it : They made their Act Declaring silence about it , a Crime , and requiring all Ministers to make the main current of their Applications in Sermons against it , under the pain of being Censured by their Presbyteries . And to shew their sincerity and real zeal in all this , and for preventing all such ungodly Engagements , for the time to come , &c. They made this Act , That hereafter all Persons , whatsoever , should take the Covenant , at their first Receiving of the Lords Supper , requiring Provincial Assembly's and Presbyteries to be careful , that this Act should be observed , and account thereof taken , in the visitation of particular Kirks , and the tryal of Presbyteries . If this was not to streighten Christian Communion , if this was not to impose strange terms , on all who desired this Holy Sacrament , let the world judge : And it is very well known that for some years thereafter this Act was observed . Perhaps it were no difficult task to give ane account of many strange things which happened in pursuance of this Act : But I shall content my self at present with one instance . In pursuance of the Politick , of the Presbytery of Edenburg , mention'd before , the Ministers of South Leith , proposed , to that Kirk-Session ▪ the overture of supplicating , against the Engagement . The Plurality of the Elders rejected it : This was in May or Iune ; The Engagement , as every body knows , was unsuccessful ; The Army was Routed at Preston , &c. and the Kirk had opportunity to be avenged of Malignants . The Presbytery of Edenburgh , therefore , on the sixth of December , that same year , kept a Visitation at the Church of South Leith ; they made diligent Enquiry , who of the Elders , refused to supplicate against the Engagement ; They Deposed them from their Office , and they ordered the Ministers to go about ane Election of a New Session . But this was not all . Upon the 8 th of December , they met again , to digest a Method for Renewing the Covenant , in obedience to the Assemblies Act ; and particularly , they Ordained that such Seducers as disswaded others from petitioning against the Engagement should be debarred from the COVENANT . Nay upon the 24 th of Ianuary 1648 / 9 it was ordered , particularly , That those in South Leith who had accession to the Paper drawn in Captain Ramsey's house , ( which Paper , so far as one can Conjecture , from the Depositions of the Witnesses about it , was nothing but ane Apologetick , for their not supplicating ) as also those who were sent from the Corporations ( the Town , as I think , is divided into four Corporations ) to the Ministers and Session , to desire them to forbear supplicating , against the Engagement , should make publick acknowledgement of their Offence , before they should have permission to take the Covenant : So that at last , as is obvious , the matter resulted in this : The Elders of South Leith , and those who came from the Corporations to the Session to Disswade from supplicating , could not have the Sacrament without first taking the Covenant ; and they could not have the Benefit of the Covenant ( as it was then Deem'd ) till they should make publick acknowledgement of the Heinous Guilt of not supplicating , and , as Seducers , Disswading others from supplicating , against the Unlawful Engagement . For the Truth of this I Appeal to the Faith of the publick Register of that Presbytery . I know , our Presbyterian Brethren will be ready to say , that this was only a Deed of the particular Presbytery of Edenburgh , so that , if there was any thing amiss in it , it ought not to be imputed to the whole party : If this be said , I have these things to reply ; 1. What did the Presbytery herein that was not in pursuance of the publick Spirit of the times , and the Acts of the General Assembly ? But then 2. as extravagant as the Presbytery of Edenburgh was in this matter , They came not up , it seems , to the full Measures of Rigiditie , which the Spirit of the Assembly , required : For whoso pleases to turn over , in the Register , to the 31 st of Ianuary 1648 / 9 , shall find that the Commission of the Kirk ( the Authentick Vehicle of the publick Spirit of the Kirk , during the Interval between Assemblies ) wrote a Letter to the Presbytery , Requiring , greater accuracy in the Tryal of Malignants , and admitting People to the Renovation of the Covenant , prohibiting Kirk-Sessions to meddle in such Matters , and Ordering all to be done by the Presbyteries themselves ; Except very difficult Cases , which were to be referr'd to the Commission of the Kirk . And to secure this side also , let him turn over to the Acts of the General Assembly , Anno 1649 , and he shall find First Act Intituled , Approbation of the proceedings of the Commissioners of the General Assembly ; by which Act that Assembly ( Acted by that same Spirit , with the former ) found that the Commissioners appointed , Anno 1648. had been zealous , diligent and faithful in the discharge of the trust committed to them , and therefore did unanimously Approve and Ratify the whole Proceedings , Acts , and Conclusions of the said Commission ; Appointing Mr. John Bell , Moderator pro tempore , to return them hearty thanks , in the name of the Assembly , for their great pains , travel , and fidelity . If it be said , farther , that our present Presbyterians require not , now , that condition of taking the Covenant of those , they admit to the Sacrament : I reply , 1. do not the Cameronians , who , in all true Logick , are to be reputed the Truest Presbyterians observe it punctually ? 2. How can our present Regnant Presbyterians justify their Omission of it ? By their own principles the Act binds them ; for it stands as yet unrepealed by any subsequent General Assembly : By the common principles of Reason they are bound , either to obey that Act or Reprobate the Assembly which made it . This I am sure of , they can neither plead the Dissuetude of that Act , nor any Peculiarity in the Reason of it , for their neglecting it , more , than many other Acts which they own still to be in vigour : But I am affraid my Reader has too much of this . Thus I have shewed , in part , how much our Presbyterian Brethren have Deserted the Rules and Rites of our Reformers about the Sacraments , proceed we now to other Liturgical Offices . 8. Then , our Reformers not only appointed a form for the Celebration of Marriage , ( to be seen in the Old Liturgy ) but in that Form some things agree word for word with the English Form ; Particularly , the charge to the Persons to be Marryed to Declare if they know any impediment , &c. A Solemn Blessing was also appointed , to be pronounced on the Married Persons ; and after that the 128 Psalm to be sung , &c. Besides it was expressly appointed , by the First Book of Discipline , that Marriages should be only Solemnized on Sunday , in the forenoon , after Sermon , Cap. 9. (y) And this was so Universally observed , that the Introduction of Marrying , on other days , is remarkable : For it was proposed to the General Assembly , holden at Edenburg , Iuly 7. Anno 1579 , as a doubt , whither it was Lawful to Marry on week days , a sufficient number being present , and joyning Preaching thereunto ? and the General Assembly Resolved It was Lawful . (z) But Our present Presbyterians , if I mistake not , make it rather a Doubt , whither it be Lawful to Marry on Sunday : Sure I am , it is inconsistent with their principles to do it by a Form : As sure I am , tho' they were for a Form they could not well digest the Form of our Reformers ; which smell'd so rankly of the English Corruptions : I know not if they use , solemnly , to Bless the Married Pair : If they do it not , I know they have Deserted their own Second Book of Discipline . I think they will not deny but the singing of the 128 Psalm in the Church , immediately after the Persons are Married , is out of fashion , with them . 9. They have also forsaken our Reformers in the Burial of the Dead : 'T is true , indeed , the First Book of Discipline seems to be against Funeral Sermons , neither doth it frankly allow of Reading suitable portions of Scripture , and singing Psalms at Burials ; Yet it was far from Condemning these Offices : We are not so precise in this ( say the Compilers ) but that we are content that particular Churches , with Consent of the Minister , do that , which they shall find most fitting , as they will Answer to God , and the Assembly of the Vniversal Church , within this Realm . (a) But the Old Liturgy , which was Authorized by two General Assemblies ( which the First Book of Discipline could never pretend to ) has not only a Form for visiting the Sick ( not observed , I am sure , by our present Presbyterians ) but expressly allows of Funeral Sermons . These are its very words about Burial . The Corps shall be Reverently brought to the Grave , accompanyed with the Congregation , without any further Ceremonies ; which being Buried , the Minister , if he be present , and required , goeth to the Church , if it be not too far off , and maketh some Comfortable Exhortation to the People , touching Death , and the Resurrection ; Then Blesseth the People , and dismisseth them . To our present Presbyterians , Funeral Sermons are as the worshipping of Reliques ; They are every whit as ill as Praying for the Dead , and the Doctrine of Purgatory . One thing more I shall take notice of in the Old Liturgy . It is 10. The Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendent , which may serve , in Election of all other Ministers . I shall not repeat what I have already observed as to this point , concerning our Presbyterians Condemning the Office of Superintendents ; and their forsaking our Reformers , as to the Ceremony of imposition of hands , in Ordinations ; a point wherein our Reformers , I confess , were somewhat unaccountable . That which I take notice of now , is , that that Form continued , at least , for sixty years , to be used in Ordinations : Particularly it was in use , even with the Parity men , Anno 1618 , as is evident from Calderwood , (b) and it was insisted on by them , then , as a Form , which was to be reputed so venerable , and of such weight , that any Recession from it , was ane intollerable innovation : And yet I refer it to our present Presbyterians themselves , if they can say that they have not intirely Deserted it . Because the Designation of the Person to be Ordained is Prior in order of nature to his Ordination ; I shall add as ane Appendage to this Head , the Discrepance between our Reformers and our present Presbyterians , about Patronages and Popular Elections : of Ministers . Our present Presbyterians , every body knows , are zealous for the Divine Right of Popular Elections : The Power of Choosing their own Ministers , The Persons who are to have the charge of their Souls , is a Priviledge which Christ , by his Testament , hath Bequeathed to his People : It is his Legacy to them ; ane unalienable part of their Spiritual Property ; It cannot be taken from them without a Direct crossing of Christs institution , and the horrid sin of Robbing his People of their indisputable Priviledge . Patronages are ane Intollerable Grievance , and Yoak of Bondage on the Church : They have been always the cause of Pestering the Church with a bad Ministery ; They came in amongst the latest Anti-Christian Corruptions and Vsurpations , &c. This is their Doctrine , tho' , 't is obious to all the world , they put strange Comments on it by their Practice : Well! What were the sentiments of our Reformers in this Matter ? The First Book of Discipline , indeed , affirms ( Head 4. ) That it appertaineth to the People and to every several Congregation to Elect their own Minister : But it has not so much as one syllable of the Divine institution of such a Priviledge : On the contrary , in that same very breath , it adds , and in case they be found negligent therein , the space of 40 days , the Superintendent with his Council may present a Man , &c. If this Man after tryal is found qualified , and the Church can justly reprehend nothing in his Life , Doctrine or Utterance , then , We judge ( say our Reformers ) the Church , which , before , was destitute , unreasonable , if they refuse him , whom the Church doth offer ; And that they should be compelled , by the Censure of the Council , and Church , to receive the Person appointed and approved by the Iudgment of the Godly and Learned ; unless that the same Church hath presented a Man better , or as well , Qualified , to Examination , before that the aforesaid tryal was taken of the Person , presented by the Council of the whole Church . As for Example , the Council of the Church presents a Man unto a Church to be their Minister , not knowing that they are otherwise provided ; In the mean time , the Church hath another sufficient , in their judgement , for that charge , whom they present to the Learned Ministers , and next Reformed Church to be examined : In this case , the presentation of the People to whom he should be appointed Pastor , must be preferred to the presentation of the Council or greater Church , unless the Person presented by the inferiour Church be judged unable for the Regiment , by the Learned . For this is always to be avoided , that no man be intruded or thrust in upon any Congregation . But this Liberty , with all care , must be reserved for every several Church , to have their voices and suffrages in Election of their Ministers ; Yet we do not call that violent intrusion , when the Council of the Church , in the fear of God , regarding only the salvation of the People , offereth unto them , a man sufficient to instruct them , whom they shall not be forced to admit before just Examination . So that Book . Add to this , this consideration , That at that time the Popish Clergy were in possession of all the Benefices ; the Reformed Clergy had not , then , so much as the prospect of the Thirds , which I have discoursed of , before : These things laid together , 't is obvious to perceive , 1. That it was only from Prudential Considerations , our Reformers were inclined to give the People so much Power at that time ; It was much for the Conveniency of the Ministers , who were to live by the Benevolence of the Parish , &c. They did not grant them this Power , as of Divine Right ; No such thing so much as once insinuated , as I have said ; 'T was plainly nothing but a Liberty . And no injury , no violence was done to a Parish , even in these circumstances of the Church , when the Council of the Church gave them a Minister without their own Election . 'T is as plain , 2. that ( so far as can be collected from the whole Period above ) our Reformers ( the Compilers of the Book I mean ) abstracting from the , then , circumstances of the Church were more inclined , that the Election of Ministers should be in the hands of the Clergy , than of the People ; Which I am much inclined to think was not only , then , but a long time after , the prevailing sentiment ; And all the world sees , I am sure , it was a sentiment utterly inconsistent with the opinion of the Divine Right of Popular Elections . I have been at pains to set the First Book of Discipline , thus in its due light , that our Brethren may not complain , it was neglected , not that my Cause required it ; For that Book was never Law , either Civil or Ecclesiastical , and so I might fairly have omitted it . Let us try next what were truly the publick and Authoritative sentiments of our Reformers . The first which I find of that nature , is the sentiment of the General Assembly , holden in September 1565. The General Assembly holden in Iune immediately before , had complained , that some vacant Benefices had been bestowed by the Queen , on some Noblemen and Barons . (c) The Queen answered , She thought it not Reasonable to deprive her of the Patronages belonging to her : And this General Assembly in September answer thus : Our mind is not that her Majesty , or any other Person , should be defrauded of their just Patronages , but we mean , whensoever her Majesty , or any other Patron , do present any Person , unto a Benefice , that the Person presented should be tryed and examined , by the judgement of Learned Men of the Church ; Such as are , for the present , the Superintendents : And as the presentation of the Benefice belongs to the Patron , so the Collation , by Law and Reason , belongeth to the Church . (d) Agreeably , we find , by the 7 Act 1 Parl. Iac. 6. Anno 1567. ( The Parliament holden by Murray Regent ) It was enacted ( in pursuance ( no doubt ) of the Agreement between the Nobility and Barons , and the Clergy in the General Assembly , holden in Iuly that year ) That the Patron should present a qualified Person , within six Months , to the Superintendent of these parts , where the Benefice lyes , &c. And by the Agreement at Leith , Anno 1572 , the Right of Patronages was reserved to the Respective Patrons . (e) And by the General Assembly holden in March 1574 , it was enacted that collations upon presentations to Benefices should not be given without consent of three qualified Ministers , &c. (f) The General Assembly in August that same year , supplicated the Regent that Bishops might be presented to vacant Bishopricks , as I have observed before . By the General Assembly holden in October 1578 , It was enacted , that presentations to benefices be directed to the Commissioners of the Countreys where the Benefice lyes . (g) 'T is true , indeed , the Second Book of Discipline , Cap. 12. § . 10. Condemns Patronages , as having no ground in the word of God ; as contrary to the same ; and as contrary to the Liberty of Election of Pastors , and that which ought not to have place in the Light of Reformation . (h) But then 't is as true ; 1. That that same General Assembly , holden in April 1581 , which first Ratified this Second Book of Discipline , Statuted and Ordained , That Laick Patronages should remain whole unjoynted , and undivided , unless with consent of the Patron . (i) So that , let them , who can , reconcile the Acts of this Presbyterian Assembly . For to my skill ( which I confess is not very great ) it seems , as we use to say , to have both burnt and blown Patronages ; blown them by this Act , and burnt them by Ratifying the Book which Condemn'd them . But whatever is of this , that which I observe 2. is far more considerable ; For tho' the Book Condemned Patronages , yet our Presbyterian Brethren , of the Modern Cut , have no great advantage by it , for it had nothing less in its prospect , than to Condemn them , for making way for Popular Elections . Indeed it gave no countenance to such Elections , far less did it suppose or assert them to be of Divine Right . This is its Determination in the 9 th § of that 12. Cap. The Liberty of Electing Persons to Ecclesiastical Functions , observed without interruptions , so long as the Church was not corrupted by Anti-Christ , we desire to be restored and retained within this Realm ; So as none be intruded upon any Congregation , either by the Prince , or any other inferior Person , WITHOUT LAWFUL ELECTION , and THE ASSENT OF THE PEOPLE , over whom the Person is placed , according to the Practice of the Apostolick and Primitive Church . Now , 1. considering that it was the common talk , of the Presbyterians , of these times , that Antichristian Corruptions , began to pester the Church , so soon as Episcopacy was introduced , It is clear , that that which they call the Vninterrupted Practice of the Church , must have descended , according to themselves but for a very few years : and I shall own my self their humble servant , if our present Presbyterians shall prove that Popular Elections were in Vniversal uninterrupted Practice , during that interval , of their own making ; the interval , I mean which they make between the Apostles times , and the first Introduction of Episcopacy . Indeed , 2. the Book plainly distinguishes between LAWFUL ELECTION , and THE ASSENT OF THE PEOPLE , and all the world knows they are naturally distinguishable ; and whosoever knows any thing of the Monuments of these Primitive times , knows they were actually distinguished ; and that all the Peoples Priviledge was to ASSENT , not , to ELECT ; They were not in use of Electing , if I mistake not , till towards the end of the third Century : So that , if we can believe the Compilers of the Book ; if they were for restoring the Primitive Practice ; 't is easy to understand that they meant no such thing as to restore Popular Elections . Especially , if 3. it be considered that we have one very Authentick Explication of this 9 th Article of the 12. Cap. of the Second Book of Discipline , handed down to us by Calderwood himself . (k) The story is this . King Iames the Sixth , continually vext with the Turbulency of the Presbyterian temper , caused publish 55 Questions , and proposed them to be sifted , thinking that clear and distinct Resolutions of them , might contribute much for ending many Controversies , agitated , in those times , between the Kirk and the Crown . They were published in February , or Ianuary 159● . They are to be seen both in Spotswoods (l) and Calderwoods Histories . I am only concerned , at present , for the third Question , which was this , Is not the Consent of the most part of the Flock , and also of the Patrons necessary in the Election of Pastors ? Now , Calderwood says , that there were Brethren delegated from every Presbytery of Fife , who met at St. Andrews upon the 21. of February , and , having tossed the Kings Questions , sundrie days , gave Answers to every one of them , particularly , to the third , this was their Answer , The Election of Pastors should be made by those , who are Pastors , and Doctors Lawfully called , and who can try the Gifts , necessarily belonging to Pastors , by the word of God : And to such as are so chosen , the Flock and Patron should give their Consent and Protection . (m) Now this , I say , is a very Authentick Explication of the words of the Book , for these Delegates Meeting at St. Andrews , it is not to be doubted , but Mr. Andrew Melvil , at that time , principal of the New College , was with them , probably they met , in that City , that he might be with them ; for sure I am , it was not otherwise the most convenient place of the County for their Meeting : And having him with them , they had one , than whom , none on earth was capable of giving a more Authentick Sense of the words of the Book . It were very easy to adduce more Acts of General Assemblies to this purpose : But I am affraid I have insisted too much on this subject already : In short then , the Groundless Fancy of the Divine Right of Popular Elections , is more properly ane Independent than a Presbyterian principle . The English Presbyterians of the Provincial Assembly of London , wrote zealously against it , in their Ius Divinum Ministerii Evangelici : It is truly inconsistent with the Old Presbyterian Scheme ; It obtain'd not generally amongst our Scottish Presbyterians till some years after 1638. It was not adopted into their Scheme till the General Assembly 1649. Patronages were never taken away by Act of Parliament till of late , i. e in the year 1690. 'T is true G. R. in his True Rrepresentation of Presbyterian Government , (n) says , they were taken away by Law , meaning , no doubt , by the Act of the pretended Parliament , Anno 1649. But he had just as much Reason for calling that Rout , a Parliament , or its Acts , Laws , as he had for making the suppressing of Popular Elections of Ministers , a just Cause for separating from the Communion of a Church . Thus I have insisted on the Recessions of our present Presbyterian Brethren from the sentiments of our Reformers about the publick worship of the Church and some of its Appendages ; Perchance I have done it too tediously ; if so , I shall endeavour to dispatch what remains , more curtly . III. They have also Deserted our Reformers in the Discipline of the Church ; The particulars are too numerous to be insisted on ; Let any man compare the two Books of Discipline ; The First compiled by our Reformers , Anno 1560 ; The Second , by the Presbyterians of the first Edition , and Ratified by Act of the General Assembly , holden in April 1581 , and he shall find no scarcity of differences ; He shall find Alterations , Innovations , Oppositions , Contradictions , &c. Let him compare the Acts of Assemblies after the year 1580 , with the Acts of Assemblies , before , and he shall find many more . Indeed , Our present Presbyterians have made not a few notorious Recessions from the Second , The Presbyterian Book of Discipline . To instance in a few . The Third Chapter of the Second Book of Discipline is thus Intituled , How the Persons that bear Ecclesiastical Function , are admitted to their Offices . This Chap. treats of such Persons in the general ; The particular Orders of Pastors , Doctors , Elders , &c. are particularly treated of , in subsequent Chapter● . This Third Chapter treating , thus , of Ecclesiastical Officers in the general , makes two things necessary to the outward call , Election and Ordination , § 6. It defines ordination to be the separation and sanctifying of the Person appointed by God , and his Church , after that he is well tryed and found qualified . It ennumerates Fasting , Prayer , and imposition of hands of the Eldership , as the Ceremonies of Ordination , § 11 , 12. Now the whole Nation knows , no such thing as either Tryal , Fasting , or imposition of hands , are used by our present Presbyterians in the Ordination of Ruling Elders . The Sixth Chapter is particularly concerning Ruling Elders , as contra-distinct from Pastors or Teaching Elders . And it determines thus , concerning them , § . 3. Elders once Lawfully called to the Office , and having Gifts of God fit to exercise the same , may not leave it again : Yet nothing more ordinary with our present Presbyterians , than laying aside Ruling Elders , and reducing them to a state of Laicks ; So that , Sure I am , if ever they were Presbyters , they come under Tertullians Censure ( De Praescrip . ) Hodie Presbyter , qui cras Laicus . A Presbyter to day , and a Porter to morrow . By the 9 th § . of that same Chapter , It pertains to them ( these Ruling Elders ) to assist the Pastor in examining those that come to the Lords Table , and in visiting the Sick. This Canon is not much in use , I think , as to the last part of it ; as to the first , it is intirely indesuetude . Indeed some of them would be wondrously qualified for such ane Office . The Seventh Chapter is about Elderships and Assemblies . By § 2. Assemblies are of four sorts , viz. either of a particular Congregation , or of a Province , or a whole Nation , or all Christian Nations . Now of all these indefinitely it is affirmed , § . 5. In all Assemblies a Moderator should be chosen by common consent of the whole Brethren conveened ; Yet no such thing observed in our Kirk-Sessions , which are the Congregational Assemblies spoken of § 2. But Ma● Iohn takes the Chair without Election ; and would not be a little grated if the best Laird in the Parish should be his Competitor . Crawford himself , the First Earl of the Kingdome , had never the Honour to be Moderator in the Kirk Session of Ceres . The 14 th Canon , in the same 7 th Chapter is this , When we speak of Elders of particular Congregations , we mean not that every particular Parish Church can , or MAY have their particular Elderships , especially to Landward , but we think three or four , more , or fewer particular Churches may have a common Eldership to them all , to judge their Ecclesiastical Causes . And Chapter 12. Canon 5. As to Elders , there would be in every Congregation , one , or more , appointed for censuring of manners , but not ane Assembly of Elders , except in Towns and Famous Places , where men of Iudgement and Ability may be had : And these to have a common Eldership placed amongst them , to treat of all things that concern the Congregations of whom they have the Oversight . But as the world goes now , every Parish , even in the Country , must have its own Eldership ; and this Eldership must consist of such a number of the Sincerer sort , as may be able to out-vote all the Malignant Heritors , upon occasion ; as when a Minister is to be chosen , &c. So long as there is a precise Plough-man , or a well-affected Webster , or a covenanted Cobbler , or so , to be found in the Parish , such a number must not be wanting . The standing of the Sect is the Supreme Law : The good cause must not suffer , tho' all the Canons of the Kirk should be put to shift for themselves . IV. The last thing I named , as that , wherein our present Presbyterians have forsaken the principles and sentiments of our Reformers , was the Government of the Church : But I have treated so fully of this , already , that 't is needless to pursue it any farther . I shall only therefore , as ane Appendage to this , represent one very considerable Right of the Church , adhered to by our Reformers , but disclaim'd by our present Presbyterians . It is , her being the First of the three Estates of Parliament , and having vote in that great Council of the Nation . It is evident from the most Ancient Records , and all the Authentick Monuments of the Nation , That the Church made still the First , of the Three Estates , in Scottish Parliaments , since there were Parliaments in Scotland . This had obtained , time out of mind , and was lookt upon as Fundamental , in the Constitution of Parliaments , in the days of the Reformation . Our Reformers never so much as once dream'd , that this was a Popish Corruption : What Sophistry can make it such ? They dream'd as little of its being unseemly or scandalous , or incongruous , or inconvenient , or whatever , now adays , men are pleas'd to call it . On the contrary , they were clear for its continuance , as a very important Right of the Church . The First Book if Discipline , Head 8 th , allowed Clergy-men to Assist the Parliament when the same is called . 'T is true Calderwood both Corrupts the Text , here , and gives it a false Gloss. Instead of these words [ when the same is called , ] he puts these [ if he be called , ] (o) and his Gloss is , Meaning with advice , ( says he ) not by voice , or sitting as a Member of that Court. I say this is a false Gloss. Indeed , it runs quite counter to all the principles and practices of these times : For not only did the Ecclesiastical Estate sit , actually , in the Reforming Parliament , Anno 1560 , and all Parliaments , thereafter , for very many years ; But such stress , in these times , was laid on this Estate , that it was generally thought , that nothing of publick concern could be Legally done without it : The Counsel of the Ecclesiastick Peers was judged necessary in all matters of National Importance . Thus Anno 1567. when the Match was on foot , between the Queen and Bothwell , that it might seem to be concluded with the greater Authority , pains were taken to get the consent of the principal Nobility , by their susbcriptions . But this was not all ; that all might be made as sure as could be , All the Bishops , who were in the City , were also Convocated , and their subscriptions required , as Buchanan tells us . And Anno 1568. when the Accusation was intented against the Queen of Scotland , before the Queen of England's Arbitrators , that it might be done with the greater appearance of the Consent of the Nation ; That it might have the greater semblance of a National Deed , as being a matter wherein all Estates were concerned , the Bishop of Orkney , and the Abbot of Dunfermline were appointed to represent the Spiritual Estate . (p) Again , Anno 1571. when the two Counter Parliaments were holden at Edenburg , those of the Queens Faction , as few as they were , had the Votes of two Bishops in their Session holden Iuly 12 , as is clear from Buchanan and Spotswood compared together . (q) In their next Session , which was holden at Edenburg , August 22 , that same year , tho' they were , in all , but five Members , yet two of them were Bishops , as Spotswood tells . (r) But Buchanan's account is more considerable (s) For he says , one of these two was there unwillingly , so that it seems he was forced by the rest to be there , out of a sense they had of the Necessity of the Ecclesiastical Estate . Now 't is to be Remembred that those who appeared for the Queen , were Protestants as well as these who were for her Son. No Man , I think , will deny but the subsistence of the Ecclesiastical Estate , and their Vote in Parliament was confirmed and continued by the Agreement of Leith , Anno 1572. Indeed , When the Project for Parity amongst the Officers of the Church was set on Foot by Melvil , Anno 1575 , and some of the Clergy were gained to his side , and they were using their utmost endeavours to have Episcopacy overturned , it seems this was a main difficulty to them , a difficulty which did very much entangle and retard their purpose ; This , I say , that the overturning Prelacy , was the overturning one of the three Estates of Parliament . This is evident not only from Boyd , Arch Bishop of Glasgow , his Discourse , to the General Assembly , Anno 1576. mentioned before , but also from the two Letters I have often named which were written to Mr. Beza : the one by the Lord Glamis , Anno 1576 , or 1577 , the other by Mr. Melvil , Anno 1579. Because they contribute so much light to the matter in hand , I shall once more resume them . Glamis was then Chancellor of Scotland ; It is manifest he wrote not indeliberately , or without advice : Undoubtedly he stated the Question , according to the sense , the Generality of People had , then , of it ; Now he states it thus . Seeing every Church hath its own Pastor , and the Power of Pastors in the Church of Christ seems to be equal ; The Question is whither the Office of Bishops be Necessary in the Church , for convocating these Pastors , when there is need ; for Ordaining Pastors , and for Deposing them for just Causes ? Or whither it be better , that the Pastors Acting in Parity , and subject to no Superiour Bishop , should choose Qualified Men , for the Ministery , with consent of the Patron , and the People ; and Censure , and Depose , & c. ? For Retaining Bishops we have these two Motives ; One is , the stubbornenss and ungovernableness of the People , which cannot possibly be kept within Bounds † if they are not over-awed by the Authority of these Bishops , in their visitations . The other is , that such is the constitution of the Monarchy * which hath obtain'd time out of mind , that as often as the Parliament meets , for consulting about things pertaining to the safety of the Republick , nothing can be determined without the Bishops , who make the Third Estate of the Kingdom , which , to change or subvert , would be extremely perilous to the Kingdom . So he , from which we may learn two things : The First is , a farther confirmation of what I have before asserted to have been the sentiment of these times concerning the Election of Pastors , namely that it was , that they should be Elected by the Clergy , and that the People should have no other Power than that of Consenting : The other is pat in Relation to our present business , namely , that the Ecclesiastical Estate was judged Necessary , by the constitution of the Monarchy ; It could not be wanting in Parliaments : It was to run the hazard of subverting the constitution , to think of altering it or turning it out of doors . And Melvil's Letter is clearly to the same purpose : We have not ceased these five years to fight against Pseudepiscopacy ( many of the Nobility resisting us ) and to press the severity of Discipline : We have presented unto his Royal Majesty , and three Estates of the Realm , both before , and now , in this Parliament , the form of Discipline , to be insert amongst the Acts , and to be confirmed by publick Authority : We have the Kings mind bended towards us , ( too far said , I am sure , if we may take that Kings own word for it ) but many of the Peers against us : For they alledge , if Pseudepiscopacy be taken away , one of the Estates is pulled down : If Presbyteries be erected , the Royal Majesty is diminished , &c. 'T is true , Melvil himself , here , shews no great kindness for the third Estate : But that 's no great matter ; It was his humor to be singular ; All I am concerned for , is the publick sentiment of the Nation ; especially the Nobility , which we have so plain , for the Necessity of the Ecclesiastical Estate , that nothing can be plainer . Nay . So indisputable was it , then , that this Ecclesiastical Estate was absolutely necessary by the constitution , that the Presbyterians themselves never called it in Question , never offered to advance such a Paradox as that , it might be abolished : After they had abolished Episcopacy by their Assembly 1580 , the King sent several times to them , telling them , He could not want one of his three Estates . How would they provide him with ane Ecclesiastical Estate , now that they had abolished Bishops ? Whoso pleases to Read Calderwood himself shall find this point frequently insisted on . What returns gave they ? Did they ever in the least offer to return that the having ane Ecclesiastical Estate in Parliament was a Popish Corruption ? That it was ane unwarrantable constitution ? That it was not Necessary ? Or that the constitution might be i●●ire enough without it ? No such thing entered their thoughts ; On the contrary , they were still clear for maintaining it ; They had no inclination to part with such a valuable Right of the Church ; Their Answer to the Kings Demands was still , one and the same ; They were not against Churchmens having vote in Parliament ; But none ought to vote in name of the Church without Commission from the Church . And this their sentiment they put in the very Second Book of Discipline , for these are word for word the seventeenth and eighteenth Articles of the eleventh Chapter . 17. We deny not in the mean time that Ministers MAY and SHOVLD assist their Princes when they are required , in all things agreeable to the word of God , whither it be in Council or Parliament , or out of Council ; Providing always they neither neglect their own charges , nor , through slattery of Princes , hurt the publick Estate of the Kirk . 18. But generally we say , that no Pastor under whatso●ver Title of the Kirk , and specially the abused Titles in Popery , of Prelates , Chapters and Convents , ought to attempt any thing , in the Churches name , either in Parliament , or out of Council , without the Commission , of the Reformed Kirk within this Realm . (t) And It was concluded in the Assembly holden at Dundee , March 7. 1598. That it was NECESSARY and EXPEDIENT for the well of the Kirk , that the Ministery as the third Estate of this Realm , in name of the Church , have vote in Parliament . (u) So indubitable was it in these times , that the Ecclesiastical Estate was necessary , and that it could not be wanting without the notorious subversion of the constitution of Parliaments . Indeed , it was not only the sentiment of General Assemblies , whatever side , whither the Prelatical or the Presbyterian prevailed , but it was likewise the sentiment of all Parliaments : It were easy to amass a great many Acts of a great many Parliaments to this purpose : I shall only instance in a few . Thus The eight Act Parl. 1. Iac. 6. holden in Decemb. 1567 , appoints the Coronation Oath to be sworn by the King : And it is one of the Articles of that Oath , That he shall Rule the People committed to his Charge — according to the loveable Laws and Constitutions received in this Realm , no wise repugnant to the word of the Eternal God. Now , I think , this Parliament made no Question , but that the Fundamental Law of the Constitution of Parliaments , was one of these Loveable Laws and Constitutions , received in this Realm , no wise repugnant to the word of the Eternal God. Indeed The 24 th Act of that same Parliament is this , word for word ; Our Soveraign Lord , with advice and consent of his Regent , and the three Estates of Parliament , has Ratified , and Ratifies , all Civil Priviledges granted and given by our Soveraign Lords Predecessors to the Spiritual Estate of this Realm in all points , after the form and tenor thereof . Than which there cannot be a more Authentick Commentary , for finding the true sense and meaning of the Coronation Oath , in Relation to our present purpose : I shall only adduce two more , but they are such two as are as good as two thousand . The 130 th Act Parl. 8. Iac. 6. Anno 1584 , is this word for word ; The Kings Majesty considering the Honour and the Authority of his Supreme Court of Parliament , continued , past all memory of Man , unto these days , as constitute upon the free votes of the three Estates of this Ancient Kingdom ; By whom the same , under God , has , ever , been upholden ; Rebellious and Traiterous Subjects punished ; the good and faithful preserved , and maintained ; and the Laws and Acts of Parliament ( by which all men are Govern'd ) made and Established ; and finding the Power , Dignity , and Authority of the said Court of Parliament , of late years , called in some doubt , at least , some ( such as Mr. Andrew Melvil , &c. ) curiously travelling to have introduced some Innovations thereanent ; His Majesties firm will and mind , always being , as it is yet ; that the Honour , Authority and Dignity of his saids three Estates shall stand and continue in their own integrity , according to the Ancient and Loveable custome by-gone , without any alteration or diminution : THEREFORE , it is Statuted and Ordained by our Soveraign Lord , and his said three Estates , in this present Parliament , that none of his Leiges and Subjects , presume or take upon hand to impugne the Dignity , and the Authority of the said three Estates ; or to seek or procure the Innovation or Diminution , of the Power and Authority of the same three Estates , or any of them , in time coming , under the pain of Treason . Here I think the necessity of the three Estates , whereof , the Ecclesiastical was ever reckoned the first , is asserted pretty fairly . Neither is this Act , so far as I know , formally repealed by any subsequent Act : And whosoever knows any thing of the History of these times , cannot but know that it was to crush the Designs set on foot , then , by some , for innovating about the Spiritual Estate , that this Act was formed . The other which I promised , is , Act 2. Parl. 18. Iac. 6. holden Anno 1606. Intituled Act anent the Restitution of the Estate of Bishops . In the Preamble of which Act we are told , That of late , during his Majesties young years , and unsetled Estate , the Ancient and FUNDAMENTAL Policy , consisting in the Maintainance of the THREE ESTATES of Parliament , has been greatly impaired , and almost subverted ; Specially by the Indirect Abolishing of the Estate of Bishops , by the Act of Annexation of the Temporality of Benefices to the Crown — That the said Estate of Bishops is Necessary Estate of the Parliament , &c. Such were the Sentiments of these times ▪ So Essential was the Ecclesiastical Estate deem'd in the Constitution of Scottish Parliaments . And no wonder : For no man can doubt , but it was as early , as positively , as incontestedly , as fundamentally and unalterably in the constitution , as either the Estate of Nobles , or the Estate of Burrows . There is no Question , I think , about the Burrows : As for the Estate of Nobles , 't is certain all Barons were still reckoned of the Nobless : The lesser Barons in Ancient times , were still reckoned a part of the Second , never a distinct Estate of Parliament ; and they must quit all pretensions to be of the Nobless , when they set up for a distinct Estate : Setting up for such , they are no more of the Nobility , than the Burrows . And then , If two Estates can vote out one , and make a Parliament without it ; If they can split one into two , and so make up the three Estates : Why may not one split it self as well into three ? Why may not the two parts of the splitted Estate joyn together and vote out the Estate of Burrows ? Why may not the Nobility of the First Magnitude joyn with the Burrows to vote out the smaller Barons ? Why may not the smaller Barons and the Burrows vote out the greater Nobility ? After two have voted out one , why may not one , the more numerous , vote out the other , the less numerous ? When the Parliament is reduced to one Estate why may not that one divide and one half vote out the other ? And then subdivide and vote out , till the whole Parliament shall consist of the Commissioner for Rutherglen , or the Laird of or the Earl of Crawford ? Nay why may not that one vote cut himself and leave the King without a Parliament ? What a dangerous thing is it to shake Foundations ? How doth it unhinge all things ? How plainly doth it pave the way for that which our Brethren pretend to abhor so much , viz. a Despotick Power , ane Absolute , and unlimited Monarchy ? But enough of this . To conclude this point ; there 's nothing more notorious than that the Spiritual Estate was still judged Fundamental in the Constitution of Parliaments , was still called to Parliaments , did still Sit , Deliberate , and Vote in Parliaments till the year 1640 , that it was turned out by the , then , Presbyterians : And our present Presbyterians following their footsteps , have not only freely parted with , but forwardly rejected , that Ancient and valuable Right of the Church : Nay , they have not only rejected it , but they declaim constantly against it as a Limb of Antichrist and what not ? And have they not , herein , manifestly Deserted the undoubted principles and sentiments of our Reformers ? It had been easy to have ennumerated a great many more of their notorious Recessions from the principles of the Reformation : e. g. I might have insisted on their Deserting the principles and practices of our Reformers about the Constitution of General Assemblies ; about Communion with the Church of England ; about the Civil Magistrates Power in Church Matters ( justly or unjustly is not the present Question ) and many more things of considerable importance . Nay , which at first sight may seem a little strange , as much as they may seem to have swallowed down the principles of Rebellion and Arm'd Resistances against Lawful Soveraign Princes , maintain'd by our Reformers , yet even herein , there is difference ; Considerable difference . Our Reformers , as much as they were inclined to Rebel against Kings , did yet maintain that they held their Crowns immediately of God. Iohn Knox in his Sermon preached on the 19 th of August 1565 , and afterwards published , hath this plain position , That it is neither birth , Influence of Stars , ELECTION OF PEOPLE , Force of Arms , nor , finally , whatsoever can be comprehended under the Power of nature , that maketh the distinction between the Superiour Power , and the Inferior , or that doth Establish the Royal Throne of Kings ; But it is the only and perfect Ordinance of God , who willeth his Terror , Power and Majesty , in a part , to shine in the Thrones of Kings and in the Faces of Iudges , &c. Neither was this only his private sentiment . The 24 th Article of the Confession of Faith , compiled by our Reformers , and Ratified by Act of Parliament , is every whit as plain and Decretory ; For there , They Profess to believe that Empires , Kingdoms , Dominions and Cities are Distincted and Ordained by God : That the Powers and Authorities therein , are Gods Holy Ordinance ; That Persons placed in Authority are to be Loved , Honoured , Feared , and holden in most Reverend Estimation , because , they are Gods Lieutenants , in whose Session God sits , as Iudge ; to whom , by God , is given the Sword , &c. That therefore whosoever deny unto Kings , their Aid , Counsel , or Comfort , while they vigilantly , travel in the executing of their Office , they deny their help , support and Counsel to God , who , by the presence of his Lieutenant , craveth it of them . So it was professed by our Reformers : How this principle could consist with their practices , is none of my present concerns . That is no more than to shew how our Presbyterian Brethren have deserted them in this matter : Now Our Presbyterian Brethren make Kings , as such , not Gods , but the Peoples creatures , by consequence , not Gods , but the Peoples Lieutenants ; The People sets them on their Thrones ; They have their Power from the People ; They are the Peoples Trustees ; They are accountable to the People ; So that whosoever denys his Aid , Counsel or Comfort to them , while they vigilantly travel in executing their Office , in true Logick can be said to deny them only to the People . Even here then there is this great difference , our Reformers maintain'd one good principle in Relation to Soveraign Powers : Our present Presbyterians have even rejected that one good principle . 'T is true indeed , our Reformers seem to have been inconsequential in substituting Rebellious practices in the retinue of ane Orthodox principle ; And our Presbyterian Brethren seem to be consequential in having their principle and their practice of a piece ; But doth this mend the matter ? Nothing , as I take it ; for all ends here , That our Reformers believed Right , tho they practiced Wrong . But our Presbyterian Brethren are altogether Wrong ; They neither believe , nor practice Right . Thus , I say , it had been no difficult task to have instanced in many more of our Presbyterian Innovations ; But the taste I have given , I think , is sufficient for my purpose ; For laying together so many undeniable Innovations , so many palpable and notorious Recessions from the principles and practices of our Reformers , as I have adduced ; and these in so weighty and important matters , as the Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , Government , and Rights of the Church , I may fairly leave it to the world , to judge , if our Brethren have just reason to insist so much upon the principles of our Reformation , or to entitle themselves ( as , on all occasions they are so sollicitous and forward to do ) the only Real and Genuine Successors of our Reformers . Neither is this all that may justly pinch them . They have not only Receded from our Scottish Reformers , but from all other Reformed Churches . What Reformed Church in Christendom maintains all the Articles of the Westminster Confession ? What Reformed Church requires the profession of so many Articles , not mainly for Peace and Vnity , but as a Test of Orthodoxy ? What Reformed Church , except our Kirk , maintains the Divine Institution of Parity among the Pastors of the Church , so , as to make all kind of Prelacy simply unlawful ? What Reformed Church , except the Scottish , wants a Liturgy ? What Party in Europe that assumes the name of a National Church , Condemns Liturgies , set Forms of Prayer , &c. as Vnlawful , except Scottish Presbyterians ? What Transmarine Reformed Church , that is not Lutheran , Condemns the Communion of the Church of England ? What Reformed Church maintains the Divine institution and the Indispensible Necessity of Ruling Elders in contradistinction to Pastors ? What Reformed Church maintains the Divine institution and the unalienable Right of Popular Elections of Pastors ? What Reformed Church ever offered to maintain that the Government of the Church , by Bishops , or a publick Liturgy , or want of Ruling Elders , distinct from Pastors ; or choosing Pastors , otherwise , than by the voices of the People , or using some innocent and unforbidden Ceremonies , as circumstances or Appendages of Divine worship , or observing some days besides Sundays , were sufficient grounds for breaking the Peace of a Church , and dividing her Unity , and setting up Altar against Altar ? What Reformed Church was ever Bound by her Rules and Canons to require of all such as she admitted to the participation of the Lords Supper , the Subscription of such terms as are contained in the Solemn League and Covenant ? What Reformed Church doth not satisfy her self with the Profession of the Faith contain'd in the Apostles Creed at Baptism ? What Reformed Church requires the Profession of such a vast , such a numberless number of Articles and Propositions as are contained in the Westminster Confession , and the larger and shorter Catechisms , of all those , whom they receive into the Catholick Church ? What is this less , than to make all these Propositions Necessary terms of their Communion ? And how impossible is it , at this Rate , ever to think of a Catholick Communion among Christians ? Is not this , needlessly , and , by consequence , very Criminally and Vnchristianly , to lay a Fund for unavoidable , unextinguishable and everlasting Schisms ? Neither yet is this all the Misery : For Considering the Measures our Brethren steer by , there is little ground to hope that they shall ever turn weary of Innovating . The first Brood of Presbyterians , the old Melvilians , inverted ( as I have told ) almost the whole Scheme of our Reformers : The next Birth , the thirty-eight-men , made innumerable Recessions from their Progenitors , the Melvilians : The present Production have forsaken most of the Measures of the thirty-eight-men : And what hopes of their fixing ? When shall it be proper for them to say , we have done innovating ? Hitherto we have innovated , but we will innovate no farther ? How dreadful a thing is it for men to give loose Reins to the Spirit of Innovation ! But I shall not pursue this farther : I know the temper of our Brethren ; 't is but too too probable , they may impute it to Malice or Revenge , or ane imbittered Spirit , to some ill thing or another , that I have pursued this matter so far ; But if they shall , I pray , God forgive them , for they are injurious to me . The principle which prompted me to represent these things , was truly , that of Fraternal Correption . My main Design was to soften , not irritate them ; not to exasperate them , but to bring them to a more Manageable and Considering temper . For I can , and do , sincerely , protest , that it is daily the earnest desire of my Soul , that all men may be saved and come to the knowledge of the Truth . I wish all Men Christians , and I wish all Christians , Christians Indeed ; In a special manner I wish our Presbyterian Brethren , and we , may , yet , be so much Honoured and blessed of God , that in the sincerity of Brotherly kindness , we may be all Vnited in one Holy Communion . I wish we may all earnestly contend , with all Christian forbearance , fellow-feeling , and Charity , as becometh the members of the one Church , whereof Christ Iesus is the Head , to have the poor , divided desolated Church of Scotland restored to that Peace , Purity and Unity , That Order , Government and Stability , which our Blessed Master hath instituted and commanded . May Almighty God inspire us all with the Spirit of his Son , that our hearts being purified by ane Humble and a Lively Faith , the Faith that worketh by Love , and our Lives Reformed according to the Laws and great purposes of our Holy Religion , we may be all unanimously and dutifully disposed , for so Great , so Glorious , so Desireable a Mercy . And with this I end this Fifth Enquiry . And now , I think , I have competently answered the ends of my undertaking , which was to Examine this Article of our new Claim of Right , and try its firmness and solidity . I think , I have comprized , in these five Enquiries , every thing that is material in it , considered , either in it self , or as it supports the great alterations have been , lately , made in the Church of Scotland . It might have been more narrowly sifted ; and sifted more narrowly it might have been found lyable to many more exceptions . For instance , 1. It may seem somewhat surprizing that such ane Article should have been put into a Scottish Claim of Right ; That it should have been made so seemingly Fundamental , at least , in the Constitution of the Scottish Monarchy , which is so famous and has been so much renowned for its Antiquity . Was ever such ane Article in a Scottish Claim of Right before ? No Man , I think , will say it was in the Original Contract made with Fergus the First ( if any Original Contract was made with him ) for if he was , he was advanced to the Throne , 330 years before our Saviours Birth , if we may believe our Historians : And , I think , it was not ane Article in the Original Contract , then that the Christian Church should be so or so Governed . Few men , I think , will say , it was part of the Original Contract made with any Scottish King before the Reformation . No man can produce any such Article in any Original Contract , made with King Iames the Sixth , King Charles the First , or King Charles the Second , unless it was the Solemn League and Covenant , or the Act of the West Kirk . It cannot be said that it was in any Original Contract , made with King Iames the Seventh , for all the Nation knows it was Declared by the Meeting of Estates , that he forfeited his Right to the Crown for having made no Original Contracts . These are all the real or pretended Kings we have had since the Reformation , till the late Revolution . Is not this Article , therefore , a New Fundamental , added to the Constitution of the Ancient Scottish Monarchy ? This is all upon the supposition that it is , truly , a part of our new Claim of Right . Tho' indeed , 2. It may be made a Question , whither it can be justly called a part of the Claim of Right ? It is very possible for one thing to be in another without being part of that other . And one would think , this Article lookt very unlike a part of a Claim of Right : It seems not to run in the stile that is proper for Claims of Right : 'T is certain , it runs not in the stile of the rest of the Articles . All the rest of the Articles tell us either what is contrary to Law , or what are the undoubted Rights of the People : This Article imports nothing like either the one or the other . It only Declares Prelacy to be a Grievance , &c. This doth not say that it was contrary to Law : For Laws themselves may be , and actually were Declared to be Grievances by the Meeting of Estates , in another paper ; And the Articles Declaring that Prelacy ought to be Abolished , is ane Argument that it subsisted by Law , and it was abolished as subsisting by Law , for the Act which abolished it Repealed the Laws by which it subsisted . Neither is Prelacy declared by the Article to be contrary to the Rights , but only to the Inclinations of the People ; and I think , it requires no Depth of Metaphysical precision to distinguish between Rights and Inclinations . Indeed , it seems obvious to any body that this Article had had its situation more properly and naturally amongst the Grievances , which were digested in another paper ; and therefore , I say , being only praeternaturally , and by apparent force , thrust into the Claim of Right , it may be made a Question , whither its being , so , there , be enough to make it part of the Claim of Right ? Or whither its nature should not be regarded rather than its post . And , it should be constructed to have no more weight than if it had been Regularly ranked in its own Category ? But such Questions are too hard for me , and more proper for Lawyers to determine . Neither shall I meddle 3. With many other obvious difficulties which must necessarily result from this Article , being made truly a part of the Original Contract , between King and People ; Such as its making the settlement of the Crown to depend , not on Right of Inheritance , or Proximity of Blood , or any such Ancient , Legal , Solid , Hereditary Title , but on the , every day , changeable Inclinations of the People , for these are the main fund of the Article , and by the supposition , the Article is intrinsecal and fundamental to the present settlement . This , I say , ( and many more such , which might be easily named ) seems a very considerable difficulty that might be urged on such a supposition : But I shall not insist on them . Farther , 4. Besides all these Awkward exceptions , whither it is , or is not , a part of the Claim of Right , the stile of it might deserve to be considered : Particularly , that Phrase , of Prelacy's being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation . 'T is true I have in my Third Enquiry , guessed at its meaning ; But I do sincerely acknowledge it was but guessing ; and even yet , I can do no more but guess about it . Doth it not , at first sight , appear a little too big and swelling ? Is it not hard to find , for it , a certain and determined sound ? To call a thing a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble , seems a little too flashy and fanciful . Is it not liker to the flights of the Rhetoricians design'd for popular amusement , than to the plain , solid significant stile which is proper for the Grand Council of a Nation ? For Original-Contract , and Claim-of Right-makers ? 5. Seeing , 't is plain , the Article was formed for the abolition of Prelacy , and the Introduction of Presbytery , it seems a little strange , that such ane important Revolution , in the Church , should have been founded on such Vntheological Reasons . It seems to lye at the bottom of this Article , that the Government of the Church is Ambulatory and Indifferent ; That there is nothing of Divine Institution about it ; that the State may alter it when it pleases ; and , as it thinks expedient , set up , Alternatively , either Prelacy or Parity , or neither , but plain Erastianism , if it has a mind for it . These are suppositions , which , I think , ought not to be very relishing even to our Presbyterian Brethren : Tho hitherto they only have got advantage by the Article , yet it seems not honourable for their Government , to stand on such a foot , nor can they be secure but that it may be very soon turn'd down again . Tho' , in consequence of this , 6. By G. R's Measures , the Framers of the Article , were incapable of Voting about the Establishment of any Form of Government in the Church : For they proceeded in voting this Article , clearly upon the principles of Indifferency . But according to him as I have already observed , such , tho' they may be persons both Religious and Learned , are not to be brought into the Reckoning , with those who have Right to vote about Church-Government . Indeed according to his Scheme , the Nation , by this Article , is brought to a very lamentable state . For thus ane Article is imposed on it , by such as had no Right , no Power to impose it , because they have fairly declared themselves to be for the indifferency of particular forms of Church Government . And yet by another proposition , in his Scheme , this Article cannot be altered : For this is one of his positions , that the Deed of a Meeting of Estates is to be interpreted the Deed of the whole Nation : From which it follows by unavoidable consequence , that the whole Nation , hereafter must be excluded from voting about the Government of the Church : For the whole Nation ( even Presbyterians themselves not excepted ) by Establishing this Article have declared themselves indifferent , as to the Species of Church Government . Now as I said , is not this a Lamentable state to which the Nation is reduced ? It lyes under the burden of ane ill-contrived Article , imposed by such as were not Competent , had no Right , to impose it ; and yet it must lye , Remedilessly , under this burden , because those who imposed it , by imposing it , while they were not Competent nor Qualified for imposing it , have rendred the whole Nation incompetent , and unqualified for altering it , or freeing it self of such a burden . Was ever Nation so miserably intricated ? But enough of G. R. These , I say , and several other things , might have been farther considered and insisted on : But having already answered the ends of my undertaking , I shall proceed no farther : I conclude with this . If these Papers shall have the Fortune to come to the hand of any Scottish Noblemen or Gentlemen , and if they shall think it worth their while to peruse them , I earnestly beg one piece of Justice from them : It is , that they would not apprehend , I had the least intention or inclination to cast disgrace on such of them as concurred either to the framing or the voting of this Article . I love my native Country : I honour all Persons of true honour in it : I have no where impugned the Authority of those who Established this Article ; I had no such purpose ; My undertaking required no such performance ; All I designed was to do service to my Countrey , according to my poor abilities : I cannot think any Ingenuous person , any person of true honour , can deny , that it is good service done to mankind to tell them truth Civilly , and endeavour Dutifully to recover them from mistakes , if they labour under any . We are all fallible , and capable of taking things by the wrong handle ; and a very mean Person may be sometimes a seasonable Monitor . If I have said any thing false or amiss , I crave all men pardon : But if I have advanced nothing but Truth , if I have done nothing but Iustice to this Article ( and I protest seriously , I think , I have done no more ) I cannot think it will be Iust or Generous , in any Man , to harbour Picques against me , for doing what I have done ; The Genuine use ( I am sure it is Genuine ) I wish , my Countrey-men , of whatever Station or Character , may make of my Examination of this Article , is , to suffer themselves to be put to thinking by it , and Enquiring whither there may not be some other Articles , every whit , of as great importance to the Nation , in our new Claim of Right , as ill-founded as this ; And if any such are found , to contribute their joynt endeavours , as becometh true Scottishmen and good Christians to have all Righted . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59435-e34380 (a) Kn. 260. (b) Spot . 149. (c) Kn. 127. (d) Lesl ▪ 496. (e) Lesl. 494. Spot . 95. (f) Kn. 259. Spot . 149. (g) Pet. 222. (h) Spot . 60. (i) Spot . 154. (k) Calv. Epist. Col. 134 , 135. (l) Col. 316. (m) Col. (n) Col , 466. (o) Col. 190. Sleut hoc Natura dictat , unum ex singulis Collegiis deligendum , cui praeeipua Cura incumbat . Humanus Episcopatus tolerabilis quidem esset , Modo veteres puri Canones , Impediendae Oligarchiae constituti , in usum revocarentur . Beza in Resp. ad 1 Quaest. a Dom. Glam . propositam . (p) Kn. 64. (q) Kn. 70. (r) Spot . (s) Kn. 146. (t) Kn. 260. (w) p. 135 ▪ & 143. (u) Spot . 275. Cald. 69. (v) Cald. 167. & 187. (x) Cald. 536. Pet. 366. (y) Kn. 283. Spot . 175. (a) Course of Conform . p. 32. Pet. 375. (b) Pet. 55. Cald. 374. (c) Cald. 57. Pet. 875. (d) Cald. 56. Pet. 375. (e) Cald. 57. Sed & istud , M. Knox , te caeterosque fratres velim meminisse , quod jam oculis pene ipsis obversatur , sicut Episcopi papatum pepererunt , &c. Beza Epist. 79. pag. 315. (f) Life of Knox. Cald. p. 3. (g) Knox ▪ Life . Kn. Hist. 102. Heyl. Hist : Ref. Burn. hist. Ref. Cald. 3. Calv. Ep. Still . Unreasonableness of Separation . part 1. Sect. 3. (h) pag. 2● (i) pag. 32. (k) p. 40. (k) p. 40. (l) See Act for a National Fast. (m) p. 51. (n) p. 90. (o) Kn. 318. (p) Kn. 308. Cald. 401 (q) p 110. (r) Spot . 1●4 . Spot . 198. Per. 348. Cald. 41. Kn. 445. (t) K● 289. Old Liturgy . (w) Spot . 211. (v) Spot . 266. (a) Lesl. 343. Herb. 27. (b) Herb. 29. (c) Lesl. 349. Herb. 44. Pax pacta est , quae res non tantam tranquillitatem Regno Galliae peperit , quantam Regi Notam Inussit , quod , in illa percutienda , Scotorum , qui illlus Causa , Anglis , Bellum intulerunt , nulla omnino facta fuerit mentio . Lesl. 355. (d) Herb. 50. (e) Buch. 488. (f) Lesl. 372. (g) Herb. 122. (h) Buch. 496. (i) Herb. ibid. (k) Herb. 49 , 59 , 60 , 65 , 99. passim . Henricus , animo magno & vere Regio , respondit , sibi cum Scotis pacatis , pacem , cum bellantibus , bellum fore . Buch. 485. (l) Buch. 484 , 489. (m) Buch. 487. Lesl. 386. Regina etsi absens , hujus tamen consilli Nobilibus auctor fuit . Lesl. 386. Albanius cum intellexerat Scotos Nobiles a bello gerendo abhorrere , quod non Relp . suae utilitate sed Regis Franci voluntate , tanquam susceptum illud putaverint , in Franciam ●ransmittit , &c. Lesl ▪ 387. Hostis autem Consilium eo spectabat ut feroces Scotorum animos , malis fractos ad paciscendum secum cogeret . Buch. 499. Nec Segnius etiam Scoti , factionis Gallis adversae laborabant ut perpetuum cum Anglo foedus iniretur , Regina Principe . Buch. ibid. Si Scoti in animum Inducerent , Soluto cum Gallis foedere , &c. Buch : ●b . (n) Herb. 148 , 149. (o) Buch : 499. (p) Buch. 501. q Lesl. 390 , 391. fuse . (r) Lesl. 393. Hinc intellexit Gubernator se apud quosdam Nob●les non esse gratiosum , qui Regis pueri imperitiam , suo excusso imperio , volebant subire , atque nullum bellum ( quod , Franci causa , acriter urgebar Albanius ) cum Anglis justum esse putabant . Lesl. 393 : Ita tamen ne qu●d horum Consilio omnino flatueret vel antiquaret Rex , quod Regina tanquam . Regni Princeps , antea , sua authoritate non fixer●● aut resixerit . Lesl. 397. (s) Inc●edibili quadam laetitia elatus . Lesl. 394. (t) Lesl ▪ ibid. (u) See for all this Lesl. 394 , 395. Herb. 163. Gillus studio , maxime & diligentia Angli , in libertatem , ex Hispanorum manibus restitutus , foedus adeo amplum cum iis fecir ut multum Scotico foederi derogaretur . Buch. 519. Rex mirum in mod●m cupiebat praelio decernere , adversa Nobilitate ; a quibus id impetrare non poterat . Buch. 52 o. L●sl . 435. (v) Lesl. 437. Buch. 529. (w) Buch. 544. (a) Kn. 38. (b) Buch 520. Spot . 70. (c) Herb. 396. (d) Pet. 176. Factio Sacerdotlbus iniquior toto Conatu , atque animi viribus , co incubuerunt , ut Rex tempus locumque colloquli petitum obiret , Buch. 525. (e) Burn. 279 , 280. (f) Buch. 532. (g) Buch : 531. Kn. 36. Spot . 71. (h) Kn. 38. Spot . 72. (i) Les● . 443. Kn. 36. Spot . 72. (k) Lesl. 444 , 445. Buch. 537. Sacerdotes qui pro aris & focis sibi certandum videbant fremere ; Religionem hoc congressu prodi . Buch. 521. (l) Lesl : 415. (m) Buch. 517. Id cum Sacerdotes rescissent , actum de Ordine suo Rati , nisi Congressum Regum impedirent , &c. Buch. 525. vid. Lesl. 431 , 432. Occasio item supremae potestatis Invadendae , & celeritatis egere visa est , ut Captivorum & Exulum , ex Anglia , Red●tum , praeveniret , ne quid in approbatione sui honoris , eis , integrum Relinqueret , quorum & potentiam & Gratiam formidabat , & mentem a se alienam , ob diversum pietatis cultum non dubitabat . Buch. 531. vide Kn. 35. Spot . 71. (n) Buch. 533. (o) Vide Buch. 533 , 534. Spot . 73. (p) Lesl. 445 , 449. Studebat enim avertere illorum animos a Nuptl●s cum Anglo contrahendis , quod suspicaretur , per illam Conjunctionem , aliquam fieri potuisse , in Scotia , Religionis eversionem , &c. Lesl. 449. (q) Buch 561. Spot : 88. Knox. 87. Erant qu● ob Religionis Consensum Anglorum oblatam amicitiam censerent amplectendam — Galliae factioni favebant omnes Papani . Buch. 566. Spot ▪ 89. (r) Spot . 92. Kn. 99. (s) Spot . 149. (t) Spot . 76. (u) Spot . 344. (v) Lesl. 492. (a) Spot . 65. (b) Spot . 66. (c) Burnet ad An. (d) Burn. ad Ann. Heylin . p. ●9 . (e) Spot . 66. (f) Ibid. (g) Spot . 70. Pet. 180. (h) Life of Knox. (i) Spot . 73. (k) Kn : Hist. 69. (l) Spot . 93. (m) p. 52. (o) p. 102. (p) Kn. Hist. 224. (q) ib. 231. In Anglicana Ecclesia , qualem describitis , multa● video ●uisse tolerablles inept●as . His duobus verbis ex primo , non fuisse eam puritatem , quae optanda fuerat : Quae tamen , primo statim die , corrigi non poterant vitia , cum NULLA SUBESSET MANIFESTA IMPIETAS , ferenda ad tempus fuisse . Calv. Angl. Francoford . inter Epist. Col. 213. (r) Kn. Hist. 440. (a) Kn. 170. (b) Kn. 228. (c) Kn. ib. (d) Kn. 218. Spot . 140. Buch. 604. Status Rerum Anglicarum , hic , nos paulum divertere cogit , quod , eo tempore adeo utriusque Regni prospera & adversa , conjuncta erant , ut , altera sine alteris explicari nequirent : Scoti , ante aliquot Annos , Anglorum auxiliis , e Servitute Gallica , Liberati , RELIGIONIS CULTUI ET RITBUS CUM ANGLIS COMMUNIBUS SUBSCRIPSERUNT : Ea subita rerum mutatio spondere videbatur Brittaniam universam ad omni Domestico tumultu conquleturam . E continenti vero , &c. Buch. 714. (e) Buch. 614. Kn. 284. Sp●t . 1●1 . (f) Kn. 236. (g) Kn. 244. (h) Kn. 259 , &c. in the Scot. Liturgy . (a) Kn. 112. Cald. 5. (b) Kn. Ib. Spot . 117. Pet. 192. (c) Cald. 800. (d) Spot . 153. (e) Pet. 233. (f) Cald. 32. (g) Ib. 24. (h) Ib. 39. (i) Kn. 130. Spot . 118. (k) Knox : 136. Spot . 120. (l) Kn. Ap. 4. (m) p. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , &c. Al●ter namque illam ( scrip●uram ) Novatianus aliter Sabellius , aliter Donatus , &c. exponit : Atqui idcirco multum necesse est , propter tantos tam varij erroris anfractus , ut Propheticae & Apostolicae interpretationis linea , secundum Ecclesiastici & Catholici sensus Normam dirigatur . Vin. Lin. Commonit . cap. 2. (a) Buch. 586. Lesl. 504. Spot . 119. (b) Buch. 587. (c) K. Jam. Bas Dor. 160. calls Parity the Mother of Con●usion , &c. De Episcopis quoque ac Pastoribus el●gendis , aequum imprimis esse , ut , quae jure canonico caventur , ea Sarta tecta maneant , neque novi quid , abrogatis veteribus , ullo modo surrogetur , id quoque prudentur adjecerunt , cum praelatorum Electio , in Regia potestate , suffragante summo pontifice , esser , de ea , in tenella Reginae aetate , contra , quisquam staturi , sine aperta temeritatis no●a , ae Regiae potestatis imminutione , nullo modo posse , Lesl. 504. Hoc etiam amplius , ad eam partem , quae erat de Ministrorum Electione ; in hoc genere Quaestionum , aut juris Canonici , aut Concilii Tridentini Decretis standum , Buch. 587. Si per superiorum temporum Negl●gentiam , indocti flagitiosive ad honores obrepsissent , ut iis a Ministeriis Ecclesiae remotis , alii sufficerentur . Buch. 586. (d) Spot . 159. (e) Kn. 289. (f) Ib. 131. (g) Cal. 5 (h) Kn. 261. (i) Spot . 150. Pet. 219. (a) Spot . 158. (b) Ib. 154. (c) Ib. 168. (d) Ib. 160. (e) Ib. 159. (f) Mss. Pet. 233. (g) Spot . 160. (h) Ibid : (i) Ib. 157. (k) Ib. 210. Art. 11. (l) Pet. 237. (m) Ib. 379. (n) Spot . 157. (o) Ib. 158. (p) Pet. 233. (q) Spot . 190. (r) Ib. 154. (s) Kn. 297. Pet. 223. (t) Spot . 159. (w) Pet. 378. (v) Ib. 340. (x) Spot . 219. Post Reformatam Religionem Consuetudine recep●um est , ut Episcopi , & ex Ministris Pastoribus ac Senioribus , tot quot iidem Episcopi jusserint , unum in locum conveniant , cum praecipuis Baronibus ac Nobilibus , Religionem veram profitentibus , & de doctrina & de moribus inquisituri . (y) Cald ▪ 45. (z) Pet. 359. (a) Ib. 233. (b) Ib. 369. (c) Ib. 365. (d) Mss. Pet. 237. Cald. 33. (e) Mss. Pet. 341. (f) Mss. Pet. 360. Spot . 219. (g) Mss. Pet. 369. (h) Mss. Pet. 369. (i) Spot . 214. Pet. 359. (k) Mss. Pet. 242. (l) Pet. 346. (m) Spot . 162. (n) Ib. 163. (o) Ibid. (p) Pet. 362. (q) Mss. Pet. 237. (a) Cal. 25. (b) Ib. 26. (c) Pet. 218. (d) Ibid ▪ (e) Kn. 283. (f) Spot . 344. (g) Kn. 260. (h) Ib. 289. (i) p. 110. (k) Spot . 1●9 . (l) Ibid. (m) Ibid. (n) Ib. 160. (o) Ib. 162 , 163. (p) Kn. 289 , &c. (a) Kn. 297. Pet. 223. Mss. (b) Pet. 341. (c) Spot . 158. (d) Ib. 210. (e) Pet. 356. Cald. 42. (f) Pet. 360. (g) Cal. 46. (h) Ib. 65. (i) Pet. 219. Spot . 1●9 . (a) Cald. 26 , 27. (b) K.J. his Works , p. 202. † Major singulis , minor universis . † Praefervidum Scotorum ingenium . (c) Spot . 167. (a) Spot . 174. (b) Ib. 153. (c) Spot . 260. Pet. 376. Cald. 58. (d) Spot . 164. (e) Kn. 283. Cald. 24. (f) Pet. 218. (g) Kn. 259 , 260. Spot . 149. Haec , quia nego , plus aequo severus judicor , non a solis Papisticls , verum etiam ab ijs qui sibi voritatis patroni videntur . (h) Kn. 282 , 283. Spot . 175. (i) Kn. lb. Spot . 174. (k) Kn. 323. (l) Kn. 324 , 325 , 326 , 327 , 328 , &c. fuse . (m) p. 329. (n) Ib. (o) Ibid. (p) Spot . 209. (q) Ibid. (r) Pet. 363. (s) Vide Spot . 258. (t) Spot . 258. Pet. 371. (u) Cald. 759. (v) Ib. 764. (*) For this Letter see Spot . 258. and Pet. 370. (w) Spot . 260. (x) Cald. 50 , &c. (y) Spot . 260. Pet. 273. (a) Cal. 49. Pet. 372. (b) Cal. 50. Pet. 373 , 374. (c) Cal. 50. Pet. 375. (d) Cal. 57. Pet. 376. (e) Cal. 49. (f) Pet. 353. (g) Spot . 260. (h) Cal. 50. (i) Ib. 55. (k) Cal. 62. Pet. 379. (l) Cal. 55. (m) Ib. 56. (n) p. 7. (o) Cal. 73 ▪ (p) Cal. 55. (q) Cal. 51 , 55 , 56 , 66. Pet. 374 , 383. G. R. 1 Vind. p. 8. (r) Cal. 51. (s) Ca● . 61. G. R. 1 Vind. 7. (a) Cal. 56. Pet. 389. G. R. 1 Vind. 7. (b) Cal. 56. (c) Cal. 58 , G. R. 7. (d) Pet. 376. (e) p. 383. (f) p. 387. (g) p. 376. (h) Cal. 56. (i) Pet. 375. (k) Spot . 260. Cald. 57. Pet. 376. (l) Mss. Pet. 379. (m) Mss. Pet. ibid. (n) Mss. Pet. ibid. (o) Pet. ib. (p) Ib. 380. (q) Cald. 66. Pet. 383. (r) Spot . 272. Pet. 383. (s) Pet. 384. (a) Cald. 329. (b) Ib. 548. (c) Spot . 275. (d) Pet. 401. (e) Spot . 457. (f) Mss. Pet. 385. Spot . 275. Cald. 68. (g) Spot . 275. Pet. 387. (h) Spot . 275. (i) Pet. 386. (k) Spot . 275. Pet. 386. Cald. 69. (l) Cal. 69. (m) Pet. 387. (n) Pet. 385. (o) Spot . 276. (p) Cald. 72. Pet. 387. (s) Pet. 387. (t) Spot . 276. (u) Spot . 276. (v) Pet. 401. (w) Mel. Mem. 110. (x) Mel. Mem. Ibid. (y) Spot . 276. (z) Cald. 66. (a) Cald. 80. (b) Mel. Mem. 135. (c) Ibid. 109. (d) Ibid. 113. (e) Ibid. 115. (f) Ibid. 116. (g) Ibid. 110. (h) Ibid. 115. (i) Ibid. (k) p. 116. (l) Ibid. 118. (m) M. Mem. 118. (n) Ibid. 123. (o) MS. Cald. 73. Pet. 387. (p) Cald. 93.94 . (q) Cap. ● . §. 9. (r) Ibid. & Cap. 5. per. tot . (s) Cap. 8 ▪ per tot . (t) Cap. 7. §. 16. (v) Cap. ●2 . §. 8. (a) p. 8. (b) p. 29. (c) p. 30. (d) p. 41. (e) p. 43. (f) p. 46. (g) p. 58. (h) p. 71. (i) p. 45. (k) Cald. 74. Pet. 38● . (l) Cald. 74. Pet. 389. (m) Spot . 170. (n) MS. Cald. 76. Pet. 388. (o) Cald. 76. (p) MS. Cald. 76. Pet. 390. (q) MS. Cald. 79. Pet. 391. (r) Cald. 77. (s) Cald : 79. (t) In the page of these papers . (u) MS. Cald. 81. Pet. 394 ▪ (v) Spot . 303. (w) Cald. 81. Pet. 394. (x) MS. Pet. 394. Cald. 81. (y) MS. Cald. 82. Pet. 395. (z) MS. Cald. 85. Pet. 397. Spot . 303. (a) Spot . 303. Cald. 84. Pet. 396. (b) Cald. 86. Pet. 398. (c) Cald. 88. (d) MS. Cald. 88. Pet. 400. (e) Cald. 116. (f) Cald. 29. (g) MS. Pet. 399. Cald. 87 , 88. (h) Spot . 277. (i) Cald. 96. (k) Cald. 97. (l) Cald. 90. Spot . 311. Pet. 402. (m) p. 97. (n) p. 160 ▪ of his Works printed at London 1616. (a) Pet. ad An. 1576. p. 352. (b) Spot . ad Anno 1571 ▪ pag. 258. (c) See large Declar . 114 , 115. (d) Ibid. 69. & 173. (e) p. 352. Leges Regni longo usu & inveterata consuetudine Receptae , ut quotles de rebus ad Reipublicae salutem pertinentibus in publicis Regni Comitiis agitur , nihil sine Episcopis constitui potest , quum ipsi tertium Ordinem & Regni Statum efficiant quem aut mutare , aut prorsus tollere , Reipublicae admodum esset periculosum . (f) Ineunte Augusto , Edinburgum convocati sunt tres Regni Ordines . Les● . 529. (a) p. 32. (b) 2 d. Vind. ad Lett. 3. §. 5. (a) 1. Vind. ad Quest. 10.2 . Vind. Answer to Letter 3. §. 4. (a) Kn. Ap. 90. (b) 2. Vind. in Answ. to Lett. 3. §. 3. (a) p. 22 , 23 , 24 , &c. (b) Kn. Hist. 389.396 . App. 25.107 . Passim . (c) Ibid. 317. (d) Ibid. 393. (e) Ibid. 391 , 392 , 393. Passim . (f) Ibid. 356 , 357. (g) Ibid. 100. Spot . 93. (h) App. 2. (i) Kn. Hist. 363. (k) Kn. App. 68. (l) App. 78. (m) Kn. Hist. 226. (n) Ibid. 315. (o) Kn. Hist. 231 , 232. (a) Kn. 262. Pet. 220. (b) Kn. 279. (c) Kn. 366. (d) Kn. 384. (e) Spot . 266. (d) MS. Cald. 456. Pet. 558. (e) Cald. 496. (f) Cald. 748. (g) Scot. Liturgy page 27. (h) 39. (i) p. 53. (k) p. 56. (l) p. 74. (m) p. 104. (n) p. 109. (o) 170. (p) p. 189. (q) Spot . 170. (r) Spot . 168. (s) MS. Pet. 40● . (t) Edit . Glasg . p. 182. (v) Spot . 169 , 170. (w) MS. Pet. 233. (x) Spot . 170. (y) Spot . 169. (z) MS. Pet. 400. (a) Spot . 173. (b) Cal : 712. (c) MS. Pet. 342. (d) MS. Pet. 344. Spot . 193. (e) Cald. 52. (f) Cald. 66. (g) MS. Pet. 396. Cald. 84. (h) MS. Spot . 301. Cald. 114. (i) MS. Pet. 410. Cald. 99. (k) Cald. 383. (l) Spot . 434. Cald. 38● . (m) Cald. 383. (n) p. 15. (o) Spot . 168. Cald. 28. Postridie , quod in Urbe fuit Episcoporum Convocatur in Aulam , ut & ipsi , quidem , subscriberent . Buch. 667. (p) Buch. 698. Spot 219. (q) Buch. 756. Spot . 254. (r) Spot . 256. (s) Buch. 760. † Qui vix ac ne vix quidem in officlo contineri potest . * Leges Regni longo usu & inveterata consuetudine Receptae . (t) Spot . 299. Cald. 112. (u) MS. Pet. 545. Spot . 449. Cald. 420. 2 Vind. ad Let. 3. §. 4. 
A39999	----	Rectius instruendum, or, A review and examination of the doctrine presented by one assuming the name of ane [sic] informer in three dialogues with a certain doubter, upon the controverted points of episcopacy, the convenants against episcopacy and separation : wherein the unsoundnes, and (in manythinges) the inconsistency of the informers principles, arguments, and answers upon these points, the violence which he hath offred unto the Holy Scripture and to diverse authors ancient and modern, is demonstrat and made appear, and that truth which is after godlines owned by the true Protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland asserted and vindicated. Forrester, Thomas, 1635?-1706. 1684 Approx. 1372 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 369 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39999 Wing F1597 ESTC R36468 15699183 ocm 15699183 104445 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39999) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104445) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1592:49) Rectius instruendum, or, A review and examination of the doctrine presented by one assuming the name of ane [sic] informer in three dialogues with a certain doubter, upon the controverted points of episcopacy, the convenants against episcopacy and separation : wherein the unsoundnes, and (in manythinges) the inconsistency of the informers principles, arguments, and answers upon these points, the violence which he hath offred unto the Holy Scripture and to diverse authors ancient and modern, is demonstrat and made appear, and that truth which is after godlines owned by the true Protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland asserted and vindicated. Forrester, Thomas, 1635?-1706. [74], 283 [i.e. 269], 136, 200, [16] p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : 1684. Attributed to Forrester by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Errata: p. [1-16] at end. Contains numerous errors in pagination. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Apologetic works. Church of Scotland -- Government. Episcopacy. Presbyterianism. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Rectius Instruendum Or A REVIEW and EXAMINATION Of the doctrine presented by one assuming the Name of ane Informer , in three dialogues with a certain Doubter , upon the controverted points of Episcopacy , the Covenants against Episcopacy , and Separation . Wherein The unsoundnes , and ( in many thinges ) the inconsistency of the Informers principles , arguments , and answers , upon these points , the violence which he hath offred unto the holy scripture , and to diverse authors ancient and modern , is demonstrat and made appear . And that truth which is after godlines , owned by the true protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland , asserted and vindicated . Prov 19. 27 Cease , myson , to hear the instruction that causeth to erre from the words of knowledge . Printed in the Year , 1684. THE PREFACE to the reader Christian reader THat which the wiseman long since offered to their consideration who observe the revolving course of providence , is ther any thing wherof it may be said , this is new , hath its signal accomplishment , in the renewed collisions of opinions and debeats . The conflicts betwixt truth and error or not of yesterday , but as early as the morning of time , when he who is a liar from the beginning assaulted with a horrid calumny the truth and faithfulnes of God , and having by a lie mad a breach in our first parents integrity , by inducing them to believe it , instilld his poison into our nature , a love of darknes rather then light . The eye of the understanding ( like natures bodily organ when its cristalin humor is vitiat ) cannot see and receive the impression of its object , ( truth and duty ) in its lively colours and nat●… simplicity ; and if sometimes the clear beames of truth force a passage for it self , & make some impression upon the perverse & dark mind of man , O how quickly is that litle Victory lost , this begun signature obliterat , by the rebellious will & affections . The carnal mind is not subject to the Law of God nor can be , hence truth is detaind in unrightiousness , convictions stiffled , and the convincing spirit of God counteracted and grieved . Hence all the renewed pleadings for , & discoveries of truth , begets in most men ( by a wofull antiperistasis ) nothing but renewed contradiction & spurnings against it , While ( as the suns vigorus influence upon the vapors of this dull earth ) by its irradiations it attracts , and condenses thick foggs , dark clouds of peruerse disputings the more to obscure it self . Yet a holy seed there is and hath been in all generations , children of light and of the day , whose work ; and honourable badge it is to contend and be valiant for the truth ; who under the conduct of Michael that great prince who stands up for his people ( truths sincere lovers and asserters ) have from the beginning warred this good warfare against that old apostat , and his followers . So that the warr which John saw in heaven , betwixt Michael and the Dragon , was not then only begun , but a new battel and encounter of that old warr proclaimd in paradise betwixt the seed of the woman and the serpent . All men are inrolled in one of these two armies , imbarques in one of these interests according as they are regenerat , or unregenerat , as they have the seed of God in them or not ; & discovries of truth have various effects accordingly , either of more intense love , or violent hatred , as the sun shining upon the flowers & dunghil , draws equally forth a sweet & stinking savour . The erecting of this royal stand art of Zions King and lawgiver ingadges his faithfull witnesses to flow unto it , and come under it , and excits such who have but the spirit of that world in them , to a counter-muster against it . Who would not have thought , that the longed for appearances of that Immanuel , and desire of all nations , that eternal word and wisdom of God in the flesh , should have put an end to all rebellion of wretched sinners aga●… him ; but it never grew more , then by his convincing discovries of himself . Eternal truth and holines suffred contradiction of sinners against himself , he oft silenced enemies reasonings , not their malice , and the most admirable actings of his effectionat condescending love to men , the giving of himself to death for them , was intertained with the most virulent and hellish eruptions of their wrath against him , in murthring him . The rulers opposed this great ruler of Israel , the learned scribes and rabbies with all their literal knowledge of Moses and the Prophets , could not yea would not see and acknowledge this great Prophet , the covenanted people would not receive this great messenger of the Covenant ; and they who boasted to be Abrahams seed , rejected this promised seed , could not see him when among them , but hated him , whom Abraham saw a far off , and rejoyced in the discovery . Yet this wisdom of God was then , and still is , justified of all children of God , and such as are of the truth will see its beauty throw all the mists of mens calumnies and contendings against it . The angry cloud wherwith God hath now of a considerable time covered the daughter of Zion in our land , challenges in this as much as in any thing else , our mournfull observation , & simpathizing compassion , that men have taken the boldnes , with perverse disputings to infest her true sons and children , to assault her precius ordinances and priviledges , and with a barefac'd impudence to indeavour the removal of the ancient land marks which our fathers have set , nay which the great God hath established . Yea to cajoll us with poor sophistry into a carless disregard and abandoning of the magnalia Dei , the great things of gods Law ( important truths and dueties ) as if they were meer trifles and indifferencies ; to cast the aspersions of supercilius scrupulositie upon true zeal for God , of rebellion , upon true loyalti and faithfulness to the King of saints , of devisive humor , upon sincer indeavours after the union and true order of the house of God , is it not to put light for darknes and darknes for light , bitter for wee●…t , and sweet for bitter , yea cru●… percilius mockrie . Yet at this rate are we treated by our prelatick pamphleters . The authority of the second great moral precept anent the receiving and maintaining of all gods ordinances , the doct . worsh. disc . and governm . of his house , the weight and importance of the third anent the observation of most sacred solemn oathes and vowes to him for this great end , weighes but light in these mens ballances ; but he whose hand holds the plummet and line judgeth otherwise , their ballances are false , not the ballances of the sanctuary . Their new plagiary divinity depending in a great measure upon the camelion-rule of worldly wisdom , and steering its course by the versatil rule of human lawes , is calculat for any meridian , but that of canaan & immanuels land , where all must go to his Law and testimony , and is pronounced base mettal , which is reprobat by that touchston , where every pin of the tabernacle must have its samplar from the holy mount , ere it get his approbation , and have the cloud of his glorious presence created upon it . The golden , preface giving a lustre & beauty unto the prophets message was , thus saith the lord , but these mens ordinary Anthem is thus saith the Law , presenting their dishes under that leaden cover . Our new Ashodits have lost the language of Canaan , or at best do but ( like those mungrels mentioned by Nehemia ) speak half the Jewes language , half of ashdod , debasing thus the golden rule , by a heterogenens mixtur of human testimonies & principles . O How is our wine mixt with Water , the beauty of the virgin Daughter of Zion defaced . That Gebal , Ammon , Amalek & such like do in●…est & take crafty councel against Gods Church , is nothing so amazing or dangerous as when there is a conspiracy of her prophets within her walls . 'T is a great question whither these mens malice in wounding our Church , and taking away her vail , while pretending to act the guardians and watchmen , or their treachery in superficial flight healing of her wound , will be found the deepest challenge when the great shepherd comes to plead with them . But sure , both the one and the other will make make up a dreadfull impeacement . Who ever saw this house of God in our married land , in its pristine glory & integrity , can but mourn over the present desolation . These gates once called praise , have now desolation set upon their threshold . These walls once called salvation , are laid in dust & rubbish . The joyfull sound and voice of the turtle ( echoed with the singing of birds , and vigorus heart motions towards the glorious bridgroom ) are turned into the harsh sound of enemies roarings , and direfull threats , crying raze it raze it to the foundation . To see Bethel turned Bethaven , and men , yea pretended builders , lifting up axes not upon the thick trees to advance the building of the house , but upon the carved work , to destroy it , may make ane impression of sorrow upon any heart , but that of adamant . Israel wept at the sad newes of Gods refusing to go with them unto the promised land , but especialy when they were brought back from the very borders of Canaan for their disobedience and unbelief , & doomed to return and die in the wildernes , spending the remainder of their dayes and yeares in vanity and trouble . 'T is long since the glorious cloud is withdrawn to the threshold of our sanctuary , and the darke , not the auspicius light some side , turned unto us , yet who are following the glory , who are found crying out a penitent [ Ichabod ] over its departing . The building was so far advanced , that we were ex●…pecting to see the headston brought forth with shoutings and acclamations of grace grace , to see the glorius accomplishment of a work of reformation in Britaine and Ireland , but ah ! we are brought back from the borders of this great hope of a compleated reformation , into this wilderness of the must dismall desolation that ever the work of God hath been exposed unto since the foundation thereof was laid . What means the heat of this great anger , and where will it issue ? Afire is kindled in his anger , afire of angry Jealousie , but shall it burn for ever , is there none to make up the breach and stand in the gap . Ezekiel saw the healing waters issuing from the temple , and upon a desirable auspicius advanc , first to the ankles , then the knees : then to the loins , and at la●… 〈◊〉 great river . But now the waters of ou●… Mara , the Serpents flood of errour ca●… out after the fleeing Woman , and of prophanity flowing from our defiled sanctuary , have been long flowing apace , & are become of a prodigious grouth . Our Presbyterian Church-judicatories , are not straitnedonly bytheinvasion of the ancient Prostasie , or fixed moderator , ( which cost K. James some pains to effectuat ) but their root must be plucked up , either as Presbyterian , or as Ecclesiastick courts ; all their decisive power contracted into a Prelats ipse dixit ; and all his pretended spiritual authority , resolving into the sic volo of a civil papacy , regulable by it self onely , no superiour rule . How deeply we have drunk of the whoors cup ; and what a deluge of monstruous wickedness , hath overwelmd us since this idol of jealousiewas set up , ought rather to be weept over then written . Thenameof our Church is nomore Iehova Shamma , the Lord is there , nay that glorious motto is turned unto the dolefull inscription of Lo-ammi Lo-ruhama not any people , not having obtained mercy And , which is strange , this monstruous Dagon of Erastian Prelacy like a Medusa hath charmd the generation into ane amazing stupidity , yea the most unto an adoration of it , though it hath oftner then once faln before Gods Ark , and its head and hands have been cutt off upon the threshold of the sanctuary , a convincing proof that it is not a God. But that it might not want the dedication and adoration of its fellow set up in the plain of Dura , it hath been attended with the menacing Heralds voice — to you it is commanded - and who Worships not &c , - And the melodious Harmony of charming musitians . The quills of our Prelatick pleaders and Pamphleters have struke up their best notes and measures to gain the designe . But the Menaces , and the Idols golden mettal have far ut done the musitians in persuading , whose treeples of old & of late , have met with such baffling Contra's that the sagacius eare is not fond of ther shril sounds . Which have long since krakt the strings of our sound Protestant principles . For this late Pamphleter , who hath drest up minc't-meat of soom old fragmens to please childish Pallats , I suppose few or none who have pierc't into the bowels of our present controversies , have judged him so considerable , as to deserve a formal encounter , there being nothing which he or any of our late Scriblers hath offered , but what is already sufficiently answered . So that these litle toying mean Dialogues , were like to passe along as securely in their own want of worth , as Bessus in the Comedy . Yet in one point or two I cannot but commend him , first that the substance of this book answers its inscription of the differences of the time , these 3 points being indeed the chief cardines of our present differences , in which had he satisfyed all the Presbyterian ar-arguments he had done much to cut the sinnews of their cause . But how far are we at a losse in this Expectation , when the book is lookt over , not one of these great questions fairly stated , scarce one Argument of Presbyterians so much as fairly proposed , but enfeebled by silly disguises , and the answers to them such poor and ridiculous evasions , as if he had intended in this discovry of the weaknes of his cause to proselyt his Readers into Presbyterians , if they were not such before , in stead of weakning that party by this new assault ; the great point of Erastianism not so much as once toucht : And so notwithstanding of all his defence of the Diocesian Bishop , the Erastian Bishop Lying opene to all the weapons , & wounds of such as have impugned those principles . And upon the debate about the Covenants , and Separation , the only presents us with soomwhat of their old musty store , who have appeared in this cause of late , whose notions are more crude after all this mans re-cocting , a convincing proof that there was in the first con●…oction , ane indigestible error . Next I find some what more of a seren temper , lesse of the sarcastick scolding strain , then what hath tinctured his fellew-actors upon this sceen , who have bravely scolded it out against the Presbyterians , even to a non ultra of that Thersites - artifice , although now and then he puts out his litle sting too this way . In soom things also his Ingenuity deservs its praise , in advancing Prelacy so neer the popes miter , both in his pleadings from the Iewish Priesthood , & from antiquity , wherein he hath purtrayed the beast in exacter lineaments , then soom moresmooth pleaders . His Character of the term [ Curat ] viz on that serves the cure though not the Minister of the place , and of their preaching upon shorter texts , that it is a racking of the Text and of their brains to find out matter , is honest and apposit , for which the Presbyterians do owe him thanks ; but thereby their doubts in the point of Prelacy , & the present Separation , are so strengthned , and like to grow , and especially by his feeble resolutions , that they verily judge he shall never prove the Aedipus , but is in extreme hasart to be devouted in this encounter , & Actaeon-like , to be torn in pieces by the kennell of his own pretended resolutions and Arguings , retorted and hunted back upon him . They do also look upon the Dialogizing Method , so much pleasing him & some of his fellowes , as a cover ( but now very dilucid and transparent ) to hide the childish sophistry , of disguising the true state of questions , and the strength of Presbyterian Arguments , while they must fight with no weapons , but of their adversaries choice and measuring : When the Knight enters the lists with a huge invincible gyant , the encounter looks very unequall , and fatall like to the sprightly litle Combatant ; but the Romance maker can so order the seene , that he shall be sure to lay his adversary all a long , and come off victorious . Our Adversaries have too long ridicul'd our serious Theologicall debates , with their play-bookes ; wherein they do but render themselves ridiculous . what hath the chaff to do with the wheat ? When will they offer a fair and formall enucleation of this controversy , and discusse our Arguments long since offered unto them , which do stand to this day unanswered ? How long will they beg Principles , beg concessions , and rear up soaring like Arguments upon a Chimaericall fundation , and then Accost their credulous hearers or readers with Thrasonik boasts and Rhetoricall Rhodomontadoes , which are as insipid and tastlesse to the discerning , as the Artificiall fruit to the hungry pallat . Reader , for the design of this undertaking , I have this to say , that although I have as litle as many men coveted such appearances , yet have been perswaded to be thus publick upon this occasion , that having casually met with this Pamphlet , after it had for a considerable time travelled up and down , I judged it expedient to employ upon it some solitary houres , wherein I was taken offfrom other employments , both to prevent languishing , and to satisfy the desire of a friend , whom I highly esteem ; as likewayes to undeceive some simpler and lesse discerning readers , who seem'd to be taken with this piece ; which essay after a considerable times lurking coming into the hands of some welwishers to our Zion . I did at last yield to their importunity in reference to the publication . Whatever entertainment this may meet with , and how keen soever the darts of malicious reproach may prove which are levelled at me , Hic murus Aheneus esto , I have this shield , that I can say it before the heart searcher , without heart condemning , that as I intended herein a vindication of Truth and duty , and according to my measure and capacity to give this testimony for it , to the strengthning of a poor afflicted remnant contending for the same , so in writing these sheets , I had an eye upon the father of lights for his help and presence , and dare not deny but that this was found in some good measure accordingly . And in the perusal of what is here offered unto publick view ( which was not at first directly my intention ) I would have thee looking after these with other emprovements . First , thou may discover what a honourable cause wee now contend for , even the Crown dignity and Royal prerogative of Jesus Christ , his glorious supremacy over his own house , in appointing its officers , lawes , ordinantes ; for the true frame of his tabernacle according to the pattern shewed upon the mount , for that Government of his house delivered in his perfect and glorious testament , sealed with his blood , for fealty & loyalty to this King of Kings , in keeping his Covenant into which this nation and Church so solemnly entered ; for the walls and bulwarks of this City of God in opposition to antichristian underminers and invaders thereof , for these solemn Assemblies of his saints upon the ancient grounds and principles of our Reformation ( so much now aspersed by devouring tongues ) the ceasing wherof in our Zion ought to engage to sorrow , and a lamenting after our provoked Lord , now hiding himself from us . Enemies have often invaded him upon his his throne of grace , and professed friends have not sincerely aproach'd unto it . Next , As to our adversaries pleading against us in this quarrel , thou mayest discover first , that they are snar'd , as by the works of their hands , so by the Words of their lips , and fall before the rebound of their our Arguments ; this mans pleadings against us , especially upon the point of separation , levelling so clearly against himself , that such who impartially read him upon his point may straight entertain this reflection , It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks , and that its easy to pull this Egyptians spear out of his hand and kill him with his own spear . Secondly , thou may see , what monstrous issues they are driven unto in the defence of their cause , what a chain of contradictions & absurdities they have twisted to wind themselves out of their inextricable Labirinth , that they hatch cockatric eggs ; obstinat maintaining of one absurdity begets a hundred ; so true is that saying & prophecy , evil men shall waxe worse & worse deceiving , & being deceived . How palpably have they wrested the holy Scriptures to shift the convictions thereof , and make some shift of answer ? How laxe and absurd are their new principles in point of Oaths , resolving their strength into the Magistrates arbitriment and Lawes ; besides other odd posterns which they have opened to escape allobligations thereby , if their matter be not indispensably necessary , which with them is in a great measure determined by the Law. What a monstrous Chaos of more then Infidel-barbarity and confusion shall this world become , if these mens faith-banishing principles be once admitted . Thirdly , to evince , that our Prelats puppets and new pleaders are Babe●… true brood and builders , thou mayest see , how sweetly they joyn with the Papists in their glosses upon these Scirptures , pleaded against them . Whenc it is evident , even to a demonstrative certainty , that the cause of popry and prelacy , are of ane inseparable affinity , and stand or fall together . If this mans glosses whereby he shifts off our Scripture Arguments , striking at the Bishops mitre , be once admitted , the popes triple crown is equally shielded against the weapons of all Protestants . Our learn'd Protestant divines in confuting the popish evasions do so manage their dispute , as if they were directly pleading against this Informer in defending our Prelacy . And who heares his glossings , pleadings and answers , would imagine that by some Metempsuchosis , Bellarmine or Eccius were now acting the Informer to proselyt the Presbyterians to our Prelacy or a papacy rather . Besides , 't is clear he embarques , with the Papists in his endeavour to bring in antiquity and the Churches practice , as the infallible comment upon the Scripture in the Episcopall debate , consequently in all debats in Theology . Nay we must measure the Temple and the Altar , mould our Arguments in this point of truth by Scripture standard ; but for the utter court of Antiquity , wee leave it out , for it s given to the Gentiles . It s many soul principles and practices will not be gotten within the Holy Scripture verge . This man in his Scripture pleadings is very sparing , for a few pages measure will do it . But for Antiquity ware he mets us out large and full , to the great part of all the book ; and in this he deals honestly giving the courser stuff the larger yard . In fine , thou may see these men discovered beyond all their hiding pretences of love , peace and unity ; their large spacious charity ( extended to the dimensions of a Metropolitans pallace ) hath fine entertaining rooms for Papists , Quakers , Arminians , &c. but the poor Presbyterians will scarce get such a room in it as Bishop Bonners colehouse wherein he lodged the martyrs ; they cry out one Presbyterian Ministers as refusing all Christian fellowship with them in worship : but when shall we see them open their pulpits to our Ministers , after they have banish'd them from their own flocks ? They vili●… all our differences unto meere punctilioes ; yet they contend about them tanquam pro aris & focis , and had rather all Presbyterians were harassed and persecuted , even to a consuming desolation , then one fringe of their Garments , ( As Bishop Lighton call'd the points debated ) were cut off and let go . They declame zealously in their pulpits and Pamphlets against sanguinary Principles . How can these cruell men , say they , looke up to the God of love ? But now after they have drunk pretty largely for many years of Presbyterian blood , and are gaping for more as fast as the bloody whore of Rome who in a great measure influences them , these devout Burrio's , can wipe their mouths , and pretend they have peace offerings with them . Mistery Babylon ! Mystery Prelacy ! What ane abysse of deceit is here . In the third place , thou may see , that the cause wee contend for , as it hath the first and pure Scripture Antiquity , so the next ensuing Antiquity also , and the patrociny of the purer ages , and the auspiciously Harmonious consent of reformed Churches and divines ; So that our present Testimony is the same with that of the witnesses against the beast , and our adversaries stand arranged under Antichrists banner , in the whole series at least & complex farrago of their principles . A Diocesian Erastian Prelacy , underprop't by blood and Perjury , headed by a civill papacy , embracing in its bosome all foul errours , is a hideous Monster , a bowing wall , a tottering sence , and lookes in face and feature so unlike to Christs bride , held out and pourtrayed in Scripture , and once gloriously shining in this land , that no disciple of Christ no friend of the Bridegroom , can mistake the one for the other ; So that our adversaries charge of novell heterodoxy is a new minted calumny , a frighting buk bear and scar-cnow . fit to fright children in knowledge , to be the derision of the knowing , and for nothing else . Fourthly , thou hast here set before thee , a looking glasse representing our sin and punishment in these later dayes . Wee have not suitably emproven a faithfull Ministry ( once our Churches crown and glory ) now that crown is falling apace , how many stars hath the dragon cast from heaven to earth . Wee have not not studied personall reformation , while publick Nationall reformation was owned ; therefore the holy Jealous God hath given us up to an avowed disouning of that reformation . Wee endeavoured not , while Gods candle shin'd upon our tabernacle , to get our case discovered and search'd , our hearts sprinkled from an evill Conscience , therefore most of us are given up to Conscience - Wasting sins . We have not drawn with joy , from our wells of salvation , while they were open and running in a plenty of powerfull & pure ordinances ; now God hath suffered Philistines to stop these Wells ; and while wee endeavour to dig them again , such are the counter endeavours of this man and his fellowes by their pleading and practices , that they are called Ezek and Sitna , strife and contention . Wee are like to dig and strive long ere wee get the well called Rehoboth , and faithfull Ambassadours of Christ shall find their old rooms again in the house of God. Wee ●…ave not keept up a due impression of the 〈◊〉 ●…lidging force of our National & solemne Covenants with God ; who of us have endeavoured to perform our vowes to God therein ? Therefore God hath given most of us up to a palpable disowning and shamelesse renunciation and abjuration of these great and sacred Oaths . Wee hid our selves from discoveries of our practical breaches and many whorish departings from God pointed at by our faithfull Seers ; now he hath given us up to a legall avowed departing . The accursed thing which was before secretly with us , is now pleaded for , disputed for , by pretended Seers and wathmen ; even the remnanm have dealt treacherously with God ; therefore he hath given them up to treacherous dealers , who have dealt very treacherously with them . Wee were wearied of reformation , wearied of God , and said to our faithfull seers , see not , prophecy not right things , but deceits , get you out of the way , cause the holy one of Israel to cease from before us . Ourwhorish hearts lusted after a sinfull liberty and Egypts flesh-pots , neither were wee throughly ●…ged from our old sins our iniquities of 〈◊〉 Therefore God hath answered us 〈◊〉 cording to the Idols of our heart , an●… hath said to us ( after wee have set up ou●… Calves ) go to Bethel , transgresse at Gi●… gall , &c. He hath given us our desire and sent leannesse into our soul. Our noble Vine , because so dreadfully degenerat , is now whithered and wasted , plukt up in fury , planted in the wildernesse and fire going out of it self to devour its own fruit . This is a lamentation and shall be for a lamentation . Fiftly , Thou mayest in the perusal of this reply , discover somthing also of light arising in darknesse , the strength and solidity of our principles demonstrate in the plain and easy repulse of these assalliants . The indigested chattered congeries of their new notions do appear but meer vanity , a deceitfull nothing , when levelled against these great truths which wee contend for , notwithstanding of all their clamorous boasting ; as the threatning billowes having made a waterish battery upon the rock fall off again in empty froath ; so that we may see it accompli●… of our cause and principles which 〈◊〉 Jobs hope as to the issue of his troubles ●…en they are tryed they come forth as ●…ld . And our adversaries light empty ●…akets cannot by thousands of degrees counterpoise them , when both are laid together in the even Scripture Ballances . Truth under all stroakes Virescit Vulnere the bruising of it by dispures diffuses it scent and makes it ( as the breaking of that Alabaster box did the oyntment ) the more fragrant . Thus our holy wise God brings meat out of the eater ; it s the Priviledge of Truth , in relation to perverse disputes against it , which was promised to Zion , when enemies were gathered together , that it doth arise & thresh them The Horns of this honourable cause are found horns of Iron and its hooves brasse : it can thresh ( as it hath done before ) even the mountains : ( For what are they before Zerubbabel ) and sift and fann themas dust . This is a signal token for good in the dark and cloudy day , that these great truths , which are now become the Shibboleth , the speciall object of our Testimony , and adherence thereunto , the chara●… stick of the Lambs followers , are co●… firmed and shining in a heart engad●… ing beauty : if we hold fast this Testimo●… wee are sure to come off victorious , to g●… the white stone & the new name : If wee quit and cast off this fortifying girdle of Truth , we will succumb , and be written in the dust , not among the living in Jerusalem . For the manner and Method of this reply , it will , I suppose be found very suitable to the scope . The language is plain and accommodat to polemicks , which do reject all extravagant ornaments of speech . The Informers Arguments are proposed vivida , vegeta , ad amissim oft times verbatim , and nothing of seeming strength or nerves in his reasoning declined , but fully weighed and examined . The Presbyterian Arguments , which he hath disguised , are presented and offered in their genuine strength , and fully improven against him ; Wherin this trifler is called to the orders , and his tergiversation check't and made appear . The state of every one of these questions is likewayes proposed , and Arguments drawen ●…th thereupon , which do abundantly ●…tify the Presbyterian cause and Princi●…s , and in a great measure obviat all his Exceptions , and this in the beginning of every Dialogue before any formall encounter with him . So that if any shall endeavour again to underprop this tottering wall and to draw this saw back again , they must be tyed to the same Methode ; weighing all that is offered in the sound ballances of Scripture and reason , and not in such a faint , superficiall , dispute-deserting Methode as the Answer to the Dialogues betwixt the Conformist and Non-conformists hath been plyed with ; whose replyer doth but ( like the dogs at Nilus ) leape here & there superficially thus measuring out the dimensions of the whole book with litle or nothing of a formall encounter with the Answerer his Arguments and reasons . Some things there are , that do require a litle touch of Apology ; if any quarrel the prolixity , 't is easily granted that a sufficient answer might have been contracted into far lesse bounds ; yet as every writers head or hand is not so skilful as to put ane Iliad into a nut , so every rea●… hath not the tooth to crack that nut ; ma●… row is nauseating rather then nourishing to many stomaks . And as the stronger co●… densed light of the Sun , whither in its direct , or refracted beams , hurts weaker eyes ; so all eyes are not for the small print of the Laconick stile , nor can every judgement readily digest too much epitomized arguings , especially in such subjects wherein the spissitude and variety of the matter , requires a more dilated stile and method . The fair stating of these great points ( now the axletree , about which our religious differences are turn'd ) the giving of light unto them by solid Arguments may well bear the charge of some little paines in reading in order to satisfaction therein ; and the man is a wretched miser who would b●… scant as to the affording of time and diligence in this endeavour . If any desiderat a more particular Examen of the Testimonies of the Fathers and some other Authors cited by the Informer ; there are several grounds which may take off this exception . First , since , upon both sides it is professedly agreed at the scripture is the only judge in this ●…bate , and since both parties now con●…nding ( as also the fathers themselves and all sound Christians ) have professed to subscribe ane absolute appeal to this judge in matters of religion ( whatever deviations from this rule and profession , this man and his fellowes are guilty of in their arguings and pleadings , especially in this point ) matters , I say , standing thus in this debate among professed Protestants , who are disputing from scripture , certainly a critical scanning of , or litigiouscon test about the sense ofevery humanewriter , they must in their principles acknowledge to be but a digladiation de lana cap●…ina , a spending of money for that which is not bread . When any disputant hath with much critical travel among the fathers , brought home their suffrage to his cause , or by the same diligence taken it out of an adversaryes hand as it were with his sword and this bow , what is all the victory ? a humane testimony brought to fortify a divine truth ( which was before strong and impregnable in its own light and authority and a testimony apt to a wired●… by a subtiler Critick to a different or contrary sense . Next , the scriptures decision in this debat , being ( as it is hoped ) convincingly made appear , and the chief testimonies of fathers for our cause vindicated against this adversary , no rational or ingenuous reader will judge it expedient , after the scripture decision is made appear and the testimonies of eminent fathers also , and the adversaryes contrary humane testimonyes , as to the main , dispelled , to pursue every stragling citation . Thirdly , 't is evinced that as upon the one hand all his testimonyes upon the point of Prelacy , though admitted , do but amount to demonstrat the factum , which is not the question , and not all the Ius , which only is , so upon the other hand they are as far short of reaching any patrociny to the present Diocesian Erastian Prelat as the Pigmees arme is to fetch down Ulysses helmet . Now what superfluous wast of time were it to insist in scanning of testimonyes adduced to prove that which is not the question ? the disputant hath but a mean labour in trying whether his adversaryes conclusion is deducd according 〈◊〉 rules , and followes on the premises , when the conclusion it self is a long dayes journey out of the lists and ranges of the question , and not the negatum or the principle which the adversary undertakes to prove . If any man will from this Informers testimonyes draw out our Diocesian Erastian Prelat , in the nature and extent of the power now exercised by him , he may give a defie to all the Virtuosi to match him in chymical extractions , and may have the chief chair for invention . All the fathers cited by this disputant are as ambiguous as the Delphick Oracles in our debate . In fine , this piece is chiefly addressed to the plain simple searcher for truth , to furnish him with stones from mount Zions brook ( with plain scripture Arguments ) to encounter and overcome our Philistine braggards : not to charge his unskilful weake shoulders and armes with Sauls unwieldy armour . How tastlesse and uselesse to the unlearn'd , a dispute about the sense of humane writers is , when the inquiry and debate is about a divine truth , wherein the conscience must he satisfied upon divine warrand , need●… not my pains to prove , it being obvious to the meanest reflection . If any shall yet except upon the want of a full examination of some Commentators upon scripture , whom the Informer appeales unto , 't is answered , that if the sense of controverted texts be evinced from parallels , and the scope and contexture , and the Adversaryes argument repelled , the humane testimony or sense of some Interpreters must vail to this in the judgment of all Protestants ; and besides , neither the suffrage of Commentators is wanting to our sense of these scriptures we plead , nor can this mans glosses be reconciled to the sense of sound Protestants . Which wee suppose the reader will find aboundantly clear in the Perusal . The learn'd do know that wee might muster up as many commentators suffrages to patronise our sense of text controverted , as would spatio conficere immensum aequor . The truth is , that with some , wee will need an Apology , in that , this piece is swelled to such a bulk upon this ground , & that so much of it is taken up in presenting and scanning the sense of authors ; besides , the many testimonyes of reformed Churches and divines for Presby●…erian Government which wee have presented in a short view in the last Chapter upon the first Dialogue , do , consequently give sentence for us , as to the sense of the texts scanned in this controversy , and more then counterballance any whom this man appealls unto . Some , 't is probable , may think strange , that the Informer hath so far got the start of this corrector , and travelled so long before this appeared ; but such may be quickly satisfyed as to this punctilio of a time-ceremony , when they are made to understand that as this piece was a long time abroad ere ever I did see it , so after some sight of it , it was a considerabletime before I had the least intention of imparting my thoughts of it , & after I had this imparted them much more time did interveen before my intention did fully correspond with the presse motions , & accesse where it could be had . But however , the knowing reader will not so much value who replyed , or when ; as what and how . Satcito si sat bene , is a sound proverb : although ( if this matter did deserve any more Apology ) it might be truly averred that the substance of this reply , all to a very little was written in the moneths of June and July in the Year 1681. since which time these sheets were much lurking and out of my hands . And but little opportunity offered for boring them through exactly after the writing thereof . Yet upon some renewed desires , as to the publication I did again hastily look them over amidst many avocations , dividing the whole into Chapters for Methods sake , with suitable inscriptions containing the summ & series of the chief points treated of ; having also accesse to peruse some Authors which were not by me at first writing , some inlargements were made which have much encreased it to this bulk , and 't is probable may make it prove rugged in several places , and not so intelligible to the plainunlearned reader , for whom at first writing it was principally , if not only , intended ; yet for his advantage the Citations of Authors are all Englished , and some times rendered only in English , and often upon repeating some few of the Authors words , the sentence is broken off & the rest presented in our own language : which if it seem strange to any other ; as the ground assigned will , I hope , satisfy , so a view of the Authors will be my vindication as to the truth of the testimonyes themselves . Upon the point of Separation ( which is a difficult and comprehensive question ) I have not undertaken any large scrutiny into its nature and degrees , nor to scann the severall incident cases and subordinat questions , which the full discussing of that great point would require ; desiring only to maintain the antithesis of the Informers principle and fundamentall Topick in the third Dialogue , and in so far only to enquire into this point as to vindicat this practice of presbyterian Ministers and professours their owning and following their respective duties , from his imputation of a sinfull and Schismatick separation ; and therefore have not directly spoken to these cases , viz. what may be said for , or against Conformists Ministerial mission ? What difference is in this our case betwixt a fix'd or stated , and ane occasional hearing . In what cases it might be abstracted from a formall ow●… ing of Curats as Ministers of this Church ? Whether a protestation at first hearing might be a sufficient salvo to free the practic from that complyance which is pleaded from the narratives and declared design of the Acts which do enjoyn it ? And upon the affirmative solution of this case , what might be the nature , extent and circumstances of such a protestation ? Whither the diverse cases and dispensations of severall places of our land , will import such a difference as to sin or duty in this point , as there might be a diversity of practice and union keeped therupon ? These and several such like cases I have not taken upon me formally to state and clear ( whatever light about them may follow upon what is here asserted ) not finding it necessary in order to the scope of this defence , as the question with this Informer is stated and limited , norbeing desirous to render this reply of too great a bulk , or to be forward and presuming in difficult points . If the learned and Judicious desiderat here many things both as to matter and manner , as I doubt not , they will , let not the Presbyterian ●…ause and interest fall under the worse Character with them ; this being but ane essay upon these great questions offered by a very mean person of that number , and not their joynt - polities and form'd thoughts ; addressed also mainly to the plain and unlearned readers . Yet for its scope and substance , I doubt not , but it will be found such as is able to speake with the Enemy in the gate , and succsesfully to undergoe their assaults , if any such be made upon 't . One thing is indeed to be regrated , wherof I could not but acquaint the reader in this place , that Because of many difficulties which the overseer of the first part , in Answer to the first Dialogue , at the presse , did labour under , Both in respect of the Copy and several other wayes , there are some considerable Tipographical errours which have creept into it , and several Latine and Greeck words misrepresented ; of which errors , such as do considerably marr the sense are noted among the Errata . The other parts t' is hoped will not be so bad , & create the Reader such difficulty . I shall also here acquaint the Reader that I have seen a manuscript entituled Positions relating to publick worship maintained by Presbyterians In former times , and contradicted by the practice of many in these dayes , driving the same design with this Informer in his third Di. alogue , and upon the same grounds , whereof I had written a considerable time since a full Examen , but cannot here present it : both , because that pasquil is not extant ; and especially , because it is for substance fullyanswered in this reply . The Author upon these general acknowledged grounds of the obligation , lying upon all Church-members to attend the ordinances : the unlawfulnesse of separating from publick worship for the sins of Ministers or fellow-worshippers ; the condemning of the Brounists in England by the old Non-conformists there , because of a totall Separation , though themselves did separat in part : their acknowledging of the lawfulnesse of Episcopal ordination for substance , &c. drawes out a strange and remote conclusion against Presbyterian Ministers of this Church , their officiating in their present case & circumstances , and peoples adhering to them in the exercise of their Ministry . The absurdity of which inference , and what a sand-rope connexion it is , needs not any renewed discovery here , which were but Actum agere . The impertinent and groundlesse suppositions upon which this inference is founded , and the confused shufling together of thatwhich in this question is to be distinguished , being aboundantly above evinced , and also the apparent inconsistency of this way and Method of Arguing : since from all these grounds a destroying conclusion may be drawn out against this pasquiller , in reference to the owning of Presbyterian Ministers in their Ministry : since the ordinances administred by them are really ordinances of Christ , their mission and ordination warrantable , the worship not corrupted by their supposed scandals , and consequently they are highly guilty who disown their Ministry , or plead for it ; or else to evite the deadly rebound of his own weapons and Arguing , he must state the question of new , and restrict and limit to the particular state and circumstances of this Church ; but then he must confesse his arguing upon these generall positions , to be but beating of the air and poor childish babling . It were not unpleasant to trace the many grosse contradictions incident to this way of arguing and apparent to men of an ordinary reach who have read this paper . First , [ attending of ordinances ] add [ receiving them from Conformists ] are all one and identified with them , yea tyed with adamantine chains ; yet in the case of Presbyterian Ministers , these two are as far separat , as east & West . Secondly nothing but a substantial corruption of ordinances administred by Conformists can warrand a withdrawing from them , & this principle sayes the Author hath strong Scripture grounds to warrand it , But take this principle over to Presbyterian Ministers , and then it loses all its vertue , and he will find grounds of separating from them , were ordinances never so pure , and this is no strange thing , the sharpest sighted eye cannot see it self . Thirdly , a man can never be reconciled to himself , who confesses the Episcopal ordination lawful , and yet disowns Conformists . But once turn the Tables , and the game runs crosse ; a man may acknowledge the Presbyterian Ministers have a lawfull ordination , and never crosse that principle ; though he totally disown them . There are also several grosse inadvertencies , besides these that are common with his fellowes in this way of arguing , which are peculiar to the Author of that Pasquil. Such as , his cutting the sinews and overturning the fundation of his arguing , in granting all to be true which Nonconformists charge prelatists with , id est , that they are Schismaticks &c. So in the second position . Yet holding , that this position viz. That ordinances are not polluted by their Scandalls , will inferr a conclusion of hearing them hic & nunc ; Wheras this very ground of Schisme is that upon which he mainly pleads for disowning Presbyterian Ministers , his confounding in the matter of Aerius his supposed censure by the ancient Church our acknowledgment of the factum and of the Ius . His denying in answer to the objection anent the Covenant , that any act under a General head of duty , considered Physically or materially , may become hic & nunc , and in its present circumstances sinful exaccidente , yet walking all along upon this very ground , in condemning the preaching of Presbyterian Ministers and peoples hearing them : In calling ( in answer to another objection ) the Prelatick party the Church of Scotland as now constitute ; Yet in the premised concession acknowledging them Schismaticks from this Church : Thus stealing back a principle to make shift of answer , which he hath already given away to his adversary in this debate . In granting to the Presbyterians that this frame of prelacy is worse then the former , and gives more to the Magistrate then Gods Word allowes , yet calling this establishment of it , the prerogatives of Authority & the commands of submission thereunto lawful commands . These & many such like absurdities are obvious to any that have read that chattered Pasquil : which might be made further convincingly appear if wee could dilate upon it and present the pasquil it self . But this litle toutch may abundantly discover its vanity and insufficiency in the present dispute , and that the cause , which our Prelats puppets are pleading for , is so desperat and tottering that it needs many concessions of its adversaryes and beg'd sup . positions to under-prop it withal , & yet sorotten is this fabrick and bowing wall , that it must notwithstanding fall to the ground . Reader , I shall detain thee no longer from the persual of these sheets , save only to tell thee that as the strengthning of the hearts of the Lords remnant in following their duty and amidst their present sufferings , is the intendment of this appearance , so there is no patrociny intended , nor can be drawen by the most remote consequence from what is here pleaded upon the point of separation , unto these dreadfullly presaging anti-●… nisterial principles and practices , tha●… several in this land are sadly precipitating themselves into ; which wee hop●… will be aboundantly clear to the understanding peruser of what I have offered upon that head , and the state of the question as It is exhibited : how clear and full our confessions and principles are in asserting the due right of Magistracy , as well as of a true Gospel Ministry , and how harmoniously wee join to the confessions of all the Reformed Churches herein , is sufficiently notour to the unbyassed and judicious ; and consequently , that no precipitations or strayings from the scripture path upon these heads , can be charged upon our cause and principles . Great and manifold have been the assaults of Satan upon this poor Church , and reproaches of that grand accuser of the brethren upon our Reformation and the faithful promoters thereof . And the plowers have long plowed upon her back , and enemyes of all sorts have many time afflicted her from her youth . O that our provoked jealous God would shew us , wherefore he contends , and give both Ministers and People a heart-affecting sight and sense of the true grounds of this controversy , and shew unto us our transgressions , wherein wee have exceeded and provoked him thus to lengthen out our desolation ; that he would excite Ministers to make full proof of their ministry , and open up to them an effectual door and engadge his people to a due and suitable subjection to their Ministry that this word might run swiftly and this sword of the Lord eut the cords of the wicked , that wee were all excited to encompase his throne with strong crying and tears in order to the returning of the Ecclipsed departing glory that this great Shepherd ▪ Israel , would shew himself the only wise of God and the only Potentate in dissappointing and crushing the crafty , cruel stratagems and designes of Satan ( now acting both the roaring lyon and subtile old Serpent ) and of his grand Lieutenant Antichrist and his Artizans . That this our Isle , upon which , the ●…ay-spring from on high did early shin●… and which did early wait for his Law●… who is Zions great Lawgiver , was rec●… vered from Popish darknesse , and fro●… decayes after the times of Reformation , may have a restoring healing visit and being made a maried land may be upon this ground a land of desires . That Christs Tabernacle , now fallen down , may be rear'd up according to the pattern , and planted among us untill his glotious appearance to accomplish his Churches warfare and to make up his jewells . This is the Expectation of the prisoners of hope , and in this expectation let us turn in to the strong hold , even to his name which is a strong tower and go on in his strentgh keeping his good way which hath alwayes been strenth unto the upright . Let us contend for the faith once delivered to the saints and be stedfast , unmoveable , alwayes abounding in the work of the Lord , since he comes quickly , who is our head and judge and his reward is with him so that neither our labour nor suffering shall be in vain in the Lord. The Contents FIRST PART . Chap. 1. page 2. THat the prelat now established in this Church is both Diocesian and Erastian cleared . By the present standing acts hereanent page 2 , 3. A twofold state of the question proponed accordingly , Arguments from Scripture against the Diocesian Prelat as a pretended Church officer such as 1. appropriating the term Episcopus common to all Pastors , to a Prelat . The absu di●…y of this discovered Calvines remarkeable Testimony on Titus 1 : 7. page 4. 2 making it relate to Pastors which hath the flock for its immediat object . Cleared from 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Invading and nulling the Authority allowed to Presbyters . The matter of fact cleared from the principles of Prelatists and the absurdity hereof from severall Scripture grounds page 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 4. Impeaching Christs Kingly office as head of his Church and the perfection of his word in obtruding an officer on his Church of a different mould from those described and allowed by him cleared from the nature of the prelats office and some Scripture grounds page 13 , 14 , 15. Chap. 2. page 16. Some more Arguments against the Diocesian Prelat . that his office debases the acts and exercise of the power of order , cleared from the matter of fact and Severall Scripture grounds page 16 , 17 , 18. It maimes and diversifies the Pastorall office , by Anti-Scripturall new invented degrees thereof cleared at large page 19 , 〈◊〉 His office many wayes contrare to thevery nature 〈◊〉 the gospell Church Government , cleard also at larg●… from the nature of the Prelats office and several Scripture grounds page 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Cap. 3 , page 25. The Diocesian Bishops office debases extraordinary offices , in consounding them with ordinary , cleared from the Scripture-account of these extraordinary offices , and the nature of the Prelats office , according to the principles and pleading of the Episcopall party . Pag 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. 30. The derivation of the Prelats office from the Apostolical Authority and the power of Timothy and Titus , loaded with absurdities . ibid. Chap. 4. page 30. The Diocesian Prelats office takes away the peoples right to call their Pastor . This right proved from Scripture and divine reason page 31 , 32 , 33. It excludes the office of the ruling elder proved from the practice of Prelatists as likewayes the preceeding charge the divine right of this office proved from several Scripture grounds , especially 1 Tim. 5 : 17. And some chief exceptions of the prelatick party examined Page 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38. Chap. 5. page 39. That the present Prelacy is grosse Erastianisme , proved , from the matter of fact , some Arguments against it under that notion . It excludes and denyes all Church Government in the hands of Church officers distinct from the civill ; contrary to the Churches priviledge both under the Old and New Testament , which is demonstrat at large . Page 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , Is in many points ane incroachment upon the liberties of the gospel Church and upon Christs mediatory Authority over the same ; which is cleared page 45 , 46. Chap. 6 : page 47. Erastianisme denyes the compleat constitution of the Apostolick Church in point of Government . Removes the Scripture land marks , set to distinguish the civil and Ecclesiastick powers , which is cleared in several points page 47 , 48 , 49 , 50. It is lyable to great absurdities ibid. Chap. 7. pag. 51. The Informers shifting and obscuring the true state of the question anent Episcopacy , and flinching from the point debateable discovered several wayes page 52 , 53 He declines a direct pleading for the Prelats civill offices , yet offers some arguments in defence thereof wherin his prevarication and contradiction to himself is made appear . His pretended Scripture Arguments from the Instances of Eli and Samuel , and the Priests concurrence in that Court 11 Numb . to fortify the Prelats civil state offices , ad examined page 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. He is contradicted by interpreters in this point , Antiquity full and clear against him . The grounds of the Assembly 1638 Sess. 25. Against the civill offices of Ministers page 63 , 64. The Informers endeavours to bring in the Diocesian Bishop under that command of decency and order as lawfull though not commanded and necessary . That the Bishop cannot he warranted on this ground but must as a supposed Church officer , instruct his institution : and mission from Scripture , cleared from several Scripture grounds and the acknowledgment of some adversaries page 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 , 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 , 73. Chap. 8. page 73. misprinted Chap. 9. The Informer undertakes to answer the Arguments of Presbyterians against Episcopacy , his answers to our Arguments from Matth. 22 : 25 , 26. Wherin having misrepresented it , he is notwithstanding forced to embrace the evasions of Papists , falls in diverse inconsistencies , and walks crosse to the sence of sound divines upon this Text : Yea of some of the ancients which cleard at large page 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82. his answer to our Argument from 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Wherein he also offers violence to the text and joines issue with the Papists , his evasions examined and this Text ( as also the preceding ) Improven against him page 84 , 85 , 86 , 87 , 88. Chap. 9. misprinted Chap. 10. page 88. The Informers Answers to our Argument from acts 20. and Titus 1 : 5 , 7. These Texts emproven against him , and his answers fully examined page 89 , 90 , 91 , 92 , 93 , 94 , 95 , 96. His answers to our Argument from Philip. 1 : 1. His absurd and inconsistent shifts discovered and confuted page 98 , 99 , 100 , 101 , 102. Arnoldus and Chamier do classe him with the Papists in his answers to this text , he walks crosse to the Dutch , and English Annotations , and to Calvin . page 103 , 104 , 105. His answers to our Argument from Ephes. 4 : 〈◊〉 . Examined page 106 , 107 , 108. Chap. 10. misprinted Chap. 12. page 109. The Informer offers Scripture warrand for Bishops . His Argument from the Government of the Church under the old Testament , the subordination of the Priests and Levites . The remoteness and absurdity of his consequence anent the lawfulnesse of the present diocesian Erastian Prelats office , asit is deduced from this principle , discovered several wayes , page 110 , 111 , 112. That there is no image of our Prelacy in the Jewish Church Government , cleared , The Informer walks crosse to Iunius , yea Bishop Bilson himself , and in the series of his reasoning , introduces a pope into the Christian Church , page 113 , 114 , 115 , 116 , 117 , 118 , 119 , 120. His Argument from the Apostles superiority to the 70 disciples , examined . He begs the question in supposing Prelats to succeed the Apostles immediately , and Pastors the 70 Disciples , and from a superiority among officers of different kindes , groundlesly concludes a superiority among officers of the same kind . No Image of our prelacy in the Apostles superiority over other Church officers , page 121 , 122 , 123 , 124 , 125 , 126. Chap. 11. misprinted Chap. 10. page 127. The Informers great Argument for Prelacy from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus . Their Episcopall office disproved , from the office of Evangelist , ascribed expresly to the one , and by good consequence to the other , from many circumstances of the sacred text , and the judgment of interpreters . page 128 129 , ( misprinted 127 , ) 130 ( misprinted 128 ) 131. ( misprinted 129. ) The Informers answers anent the strict and large sense of an Evangelist , his reasons of deny 〈◊〉 to Timothy , the Evangelistick office in a strict sense , 〈◊〉 amined : and found inconsistent with themselves , a●… contrare to Scripture , 132 , ( misprinted 130 ) 13●… misprinted 131 , ( 134 misprinted 132 ) 135 ( misprinted 133 , ) 136 , misprinted 134 , 137 misprinted 135 , 138 ( misprinted 136 ) he denies the powe●… in ordination and Jurisdiction to be the proper work of an Evangelist . How absurdly and inconsistently page 139 , 140 ( misprinted 137 , 138 ) his contradiction to Saravia discovered in severall points page 141 , 142 ( misprinted 139 , 140 ) 143 ( misprinted 151 ) . His answer to the Doubters Argument anent Timotheus his not being fixed at Ephesus , but occasionally left there examined , as also his answer to that Exception of the Doubter [ anent Pauls giving the Episcopal charge to the elders of Ephesus , not to Timothy ] our Informer pityfully bruilied with this Text , page 144 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 ( misprinted 142 , 143 , 144 , 145 , 146 ) he walks crosse to Bishop Hal , Dounham and Hooker , to Chrysostome , Jerome , Theodorus . His grounds upon which he pleads for Timothy and Titus their Episcopal power , particularly examined . the first taken from Pauls giving direction to Timothy and Titus , how to cary in ordination and Iurisdiction , generally examined page 149 , 150 , ( misprinted 146 , 147 ) his arguing from these directions particularly examined anent their not laying on of hands suddenly , anent rebuke and censures . page 151 , 152 ( misprinted 148 , 149 ) the Informers next Argument , from the concernment of after ages in these rulers . That neither this , nor the adressing of these rulers to the Evangelists will affoord any help unto him , cleared . The London Ministers vindicat . That Timothy and Titus power at Ephesus and Crete , was not voided after some elders were ordained there , a sandy foundation to support their Episcopacy . The Informer is pityfully in the bryars , in answering his Doub●…ers exception anent Timothies ordination , by the laying on 〈◊〉 the hands of the Presbytery . The practice of after ages a ground to support the Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus 153 , 154 , 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 , 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 , 163 , 164 , 165 , 166 , 167 , 168 , 169. ( misprinted 150 , 151 , 152 , 153 , 154 , 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 , 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 , 163 , 164 , 165 , 166. ) Chap. 12. misprinted Chap. 11. according to the misprinted Method ( which shall be followed hereafter except in some few pages ) page 167. The Informers pleadings for Prelacy from the seven Asian Angells , discussed . That the stile of prophetick , writings and of this book do strongly conclude a collectivesense in the term , Angel , proved by several Arguments page 168 , 169 , 170. Whatever he can alledge is the Characteristick of this angel , proved to be in Scripture apropriat to Ministers . page 171. Many divines ancient and modern for the collective sense of the Word ( Angel ) , yea some episcopal men themselves , page 172 , 173. The admitting of the Angel to be one single person will nothing help the Informer , page 173 , 174. His answer to the exception from Rev. 2 : 24. examined . Ibid. His Argument from the pretended Testimonies of the ancients and the Catalogues of succeeding Bishops . examined . Page 175 , 176 , 177 , 178. The addressing of the Epistle to the Angel. Will not help him ▪ as neither Doctor Reynolds , nor Beza their taking the Angel for a single person . Page 178 , 179 , 180 , 181 , The Informers new Argument for prelacy [ taken for Diotrephes his love of preheminence ] wherein he embraces Bellarmines evasions , and offers violence to this , and parallel texts page 181 , 182 , 183 , 184 , 185 , 186 , 187. Chap 13. misprinted Chap. 12. page 187. The Informers appeal to Antiquity in the point of Episcopacy . That Antiquity is not the Judge in this debate , although he could instruct the matter of fact , proved . Page 188 , 189 , 190 , 191. The Scripture ( even by the Confession of the Fathers ) the only judge in matters of faith and practice , not Custome and Antiquity . Ibid. The Informers reasoning on this head reduced to a formal syllogism . The Major proposition , the Informer though oblidged offers no proof of . It is scannd , and likewayes the assumption ; and the unsoundnesse of both discovered . Page 192 , 193 , 194 , 195 , 196. The Informers Arguments from the Catalogues of Bishops , largely scannd , and the insufficicy thereof discovered , in the Judgement of sound divines . Several things do invalidat Eusebius Testimony . page 197 , 198 , 199 , 200 , 201 , 202. That the first purest Church was governed by Presbyters without Bishops . Jeroms Testimony in his commentary upon Titus , and the Epistle to Evagrius , for the Identity of [ Bishop ] and [ Presbyter ] , and a Presbyteriall Government in the Apostolick times , largely vindicated from the exceptions of this Informer , which are discovered to offer violence to Jeromes Words , to be inconsistentent with themselves , and contrary to that sense of Jeromes Testimony which is exhibit by learned Protestant divines , yea some adversarys themselves . Page 204 , 205 , 206 , 207 , 208 , 209 , 210 , 211 , 212 , 213 , 214 , 215 , 316 , 217 , 218 , 219 , 220 , 221 , 222 , Chap. 14 , misprinted Chap. 13 page 223. The difference betwixt our present Prelacy , and the ancient Episcopacy , stated and evinced in many points . Such as 1 : The power of ordination and Iurisdiction above Presbyters , cleared in several particulars . And from the Testimony of the Ancients , and eminent Protestant divines . Chrysostomes Testimony on 1 Tim. I. Homely II. explaind . 2. That they were set up by the Presbyters free choice and election . Proved from Antiquity 3. In referen●… to the peoples Interest in their choyce . 4. That they could not , ordain alone . 5. That they did not invade Presbyters decisive suffrage . Cleared also from Antiquity , page 223 , 224 , 225 , 226 , 227 , 228 , 229 , 230 , 231. 6. In the point of their ciuil state-offices ; which is proved to be contrary to the canons called Apostolick , & other canons of ancient Councills . 7. That metropolitan Primacy is a stranger to antiquity , also cleared . 8. So likewayes Erastian Prelacy , page 232 , 233 , 234. 9. Our Prelats exclusion of the ruling elder from Church Indicatories crosses Antiquity . 10. Their large and Provincial inspection . 11. Their laying aside the preaching of the Gospell , renders them Monsters to pure Antiquity , and exposes them to the censure of Ancient Canons page 235 , 236 , 237 , 238 , 239 , 240 , 241 , 242. 12. In their fastuous pomp and sumptuous grandeur ibid. Chap. 15 , misprinted Chap. 14. page 243 The Informers pretended Testimonyes out of Calvin , Beza , Blondell &c. For Episcopacy , examined . Their Anti-episcopall Judgement cleard from their ings , particularly Calvines , from his Commentari●… upon the controverted Scriptures in this point , severall passages of his Institutions and Commentaries vindicated . page 243 , 244 , 245 , 246 , 247 , 248 , 249 , 250 , 251. As also of some Epistles page 252 , 253 , 254. As also of Beza page 255 , 256 , 257 , 258 , 259 , 360. The Informers two absurdities which by way of 〈◊〉 Dilemma he offers unto us from our assertion of the unalterablenesse of Presbyterian Government , and our concession of a Pro●…stos early brought in , scannd and retorted upon himself . Page 260 , 261 , 262 , 263. Some passages of Blondel vindicated , and of Chamier , and Moulin , page 264 , 265 , 266 , 267 , 268. ( misprinted 236 ) the Authors of jus divinum Ministerii anglicani vindicated at some length , and in special from imputations of a contradiction imposed upon them by the Informer , page 269 , 270 , 271 , 272 , 273 , 274 ( misprinted 237 , 238 , 262 , 263 , 264 ) a passage of Bucer vindicate ibid. Chap. 16. misprinted 15. page 275. ( misprinted 265. Severall Testimonyes of the fathers offered by Mr Durham in his commentary upon the revelation , for evincing the identity of Angel , Bishop and Presbyter , vindicated from the exceptions of the Informer his Exception to Mr Durhames testimony of Augustine examined , as likewayes to that of Ambrose and Chrysostome . Page 275 , 276 , 277 , 278 , 279 , 280 , 281 , ( misprinted 265 , 266 , 267 , 268 , 269 , 270 , 271 ) the Informers inconsistences noted , page 281 , 282 , 283 ( misprinted 271 , 272 , 273. ) Chap. 17. misprinted 16. page 284. ( misprinted 274. ) The Harmonious consent of ancient fathers , modern divines and confessions of reformed Churches , for Presbyterian Government in its essential points of difference from Prelacy , exhibit . 1. That there is no diffence betwixt a bishop and Presbyter Iure divino . Page 285 , 286 , 287 ( misprinted 275 , 276 , 277. 2. In their point of ordination & jurisdiction that these are not in the hand of a single prelat , but that Presbyters have essentiall joint-interest therein page 288 , 289 , 290 ( misprinted 278 , 279 , 280. ) 3. In point of the peoples interest in the election and call of Ministers . Page 290 , 291 ( misprinted 280 , 281 ) 4. In relation to the ruling elder , as appointed by Christ. Page 292 ( misprinted 282 ) 5. As it stands in opposition to Erastian principles and the present prelacy in that respect , and maintains a spirituall Authority in the hands of Church officers , distinct from , & independent upon , the civil powers of the world , ibid. SECOND PART . Chap. 1. pag. 2. A Twofold state of the question proposed , the one touching the abjuration of this Prelacy in either or both Covenants , the other concerning the obligation of these Oaths against it . That prelacy is abjured in the national Covenant , proved from severall clauses of it , page 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , That it is also abjured in the solemn league and Covenant , proved from several passages thereof , and the then state of our Church . page page 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. The standing force of these Oaths upon the present and succeeding generations proved . 1. from their nature and essenc , page 11 , 12 , 13. 2. From the subject they affect . 3. Their matter and object . 4. Their end and scope , and even as to Presbyterian Government , page 13 , 14. Chap. 2. page 16 , The Informers Arguments against abjuration of Prelacy in the National Covenant . Some reasons of his against an Oath in general , or this Oaths obligation upon the posterity , weighed , page 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 Mr Croftons Testimony ( in his Analepsis ) for the obligation of the Covenant upon the posterity , page 21 , 22. The Informers reasons against the abjuration of prelacy in the National Covenant , examined . The Author of the Apologetical relation vindicated , together with the Assembly 1638. page 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41. Chap. 3. page 42. The Abjuration of Prelacy in the solemne league and Covenant vindicat from the exceptions of the Informer . The Informer alledges it is only the English Prelacy that the Covenant oblidges against , how im pertinently , cleared . page 43 , 44 , 45. That Timorcus affords no help to him in this answer , cleard ibid. Nor Mr Crofton , which is also cleard ; page 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50. From several passages of Mr Crofton in his Analepsis . The Covenant excludes our Prelacy , and oblidges to Presbyterian Government in his principles , proved ibid. His objection anent [ the sense of the 2 Article offered by the Parliament of England ] Answered . As also his Exceptions to our Argument taken from our obligation [ to preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland ] page 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. His fancied contradiction which he imputes to us as to the sense of the first and second article , refuted . The Informer stands in opposition to Mr Crofton . The sense of the English Presbyterians as to the first Article not different from our own , ibid. That the English Presbyterians did looke upon themselves , as oblidged to reform according to our pattern , which is the Scripture pattern , proved at large from several passages of Mr Crofton page 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , The Informers allegeance [ that the first Article is ambiguous , and that our Church and state being but a part of the imposers of the Oath , their sense cannot determine its meaning ] vain and impertinent . pag 65 , 66 , 67. Chap. 4. page 67. The grounds upon which the Informer undertakes to prove that the obligation of the Covenant ceaseth , although its oblidging force for the time past , were supposed , examined . He begs a supposition of the indifferency of prelacy , how poorly and impertinently cleard , page 68 , 69 , 70. His first ground taken from [ the command and authority of Rulers ] generally considered , and found impertinent to support his conclusion , though his supposition were granted . page 71 , 72. His 2d ground touching [ the alteration of the matter sworn ] as also his third taken from [ the hinderance of a greater good , by the performance ] resolving ( in his sense ) wholly upon the Magistrates command , absurd when applyed , to our case which is fully cleared . page 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78. His absurd and inconsistent reasoning about a [ greater command overruling the lesse ] and our obligation to obey the rulers , as prior to that of the Covenant . page 7. ibid. also page 79 , 80. His Argument taken from Num : 30. examined at large he contradicts Casuists , and the text hath manifold incosistencies in his reasoning , while resolving all his rules into the Magistrates lawes , the Informers rules pleaded against him , and according to the mould of his ple ding doth cast dirt upon the Magistrate , page 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 , 86. His impertinent repetitions , some further absurdities wherewith his Explication of the second rule in reference to the Magistrate is lyable . page 87 , 88. His Argument from Eccles. 8 : 20. weighed . page 89 , 90. His limitations of the third rule anent the Oaths hindering a greatergood , resolving still upon the command of the powers , absurd , and contradicted by Casuists , and many wayes crosses his design and pleading , cleared at large , page 91 , 92 , 93 , 94 , 95 , 96. His reflection upon Ministers in leaving their charge , examined , as also his Arguments from the Rechabites . page 97 , 98 , 99. Chap. 5 , page 99. The Informers answer to our Argument for the Covenant obligation taken from the Oath to the Gibeonites . His trifling way of moulding our Argument . And in what sense wee plead this passage . page 100 , 101. The Informers absurdity which he endeavours to fasten upon us in this Argument viz : [ that an Oath can bind against a command of God , impertinent to the point , and such as the Informer himself stands oblidged to answer , in maintaining the Authority of the sacred text . page 102 , 103. he is contradicted by Jacksonand , inconsistent with himself in this point . Page 104 , 105 , the violence which he offers to that passage Deut. 20 : 10 ▪ discovered and cleared from Interpreters , and many circumstances of the sacred text and parallel Scriptures . page 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , 110. His grosse and foolish distinguishing in this transaction of Joshua . the league and the peace discovered . page ibid. as also his opposition to learned interpreters here . He supposes , but doth not prove a limitation in Gods command to cutt of the Canaanites . His absurd supposition that Joshua brake his league with them when he know them to be such . page 111 , 112. his instance anent Rahab to prove the limitation of Gods command to destroy the Canaanites considered and emproven against him . As also his Argument from the 11 of Joshua 19 examined . And Solomons imposing bond servants upon these nations pleads nothing for him . page 113 , 114 , 115 , 116 , 117 , 118 , 119. The manyfold inconsistencies of his answers upon this point observed . page 120 , 121 , 122 , 123 , 124. The impertinency of all he answersup●… this point though granted . His answers to our Arguments from Zedekiahs Oath to the King of Babylon , examined . As also to the Argument taken from Psal. 15 : 4 , Page 125 , 126 , 127 , 128. His reflection on the Assembly 1638. In declaring the nullity of the Oaths of the Intrants under Prelats , groundlesse and impertinent to the point , ibid. His argument offered by way of retorsion [ Comissaries though abjured in the Covenant are owned by us , and why may not also Bishops without hazard of perjury ] largely scannd . The vast difference betwixt the one and the other practice cleared in several points , both in respect of the officers owned and of the manner of owning them page 129 , 130 , 131 , 132 , 133 , 134 , 135 , 136. THIRD PART Chap. 1 , pag. 2. THe question stated and cleared , from our Churches state before , and since the introduction of prelacy ; and the different condition of Presbyterian Ministers and Conformists page 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. The different grounds which the presbyterian and prelatick party ( and this man particularly ) plead upon , for the peoples adherence exhibited . [ Separation ] in many cases not [ Schism . ] The many groundlesse suppositions that this charge of [ Schisme ] is founded upon , exhibit , and cleared page 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. The state of the question largely drawen forth upon a true account of the matter of fact , and of our principles , a●… Arguments offered to acquit this practice of the charge of [ Schisme ] , such as 1 That the Presbyterian party are this true Church . 2. That they are under no obligation to joyn to the prelatick interest . 3. They have a ground of retorsion of all that is pleaded by the prelatick party on this point . 4. The Covenant obligation engadges to the practice controverted ; which is cleared in severall particulars , page 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. 5. It falls under Scripture obligations , which is cleared in several particulars page 18 19 , 20 , 21. 6. That the Prelatick party will be found in their persecution , the grand renters and dividers of this Church . 7. This practice controverted hath nothing of the ingredients of a sinfull separation from this Church which is cleared in 7 particulars at large , page 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. Finally this practice cannot be that [ Schisme ] abjured in the Covenant . The Informers Argument hereanent emproven against him and that the disowning of presbyterian Ministers falls under the imputation of such a Schisme , cleared page 27 , 28 , 29. Chap. 2 , page 29. The Informers charge of [ internall Schisme ] upon non conformists , his Elogies of Schism , and Testimony of Cyprian considered , and this charge [ retorted upon him page 30 , 31 , 32 , 33. His charge of condemning all Churches for a thousand years who have owne Bishops , liturgies &c. ] examined , found groundlesse , and impertinent to the point . His Argument from Rom 14. Examined and retorted upon him . His charge of [ Externall Schsme ] in separating in acts of Worship , fortified by that passage Heb. 10 : 25 , Examined , page 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. The doubters argument from 1 Cor. 12 : v. 31. [ that wee ought to seeke the best & most edifying gifts ] advantageously for himself , but fraudulently proposd by the Informer . Considerations to clear and enforce this Argument . The Informers answers examined at large page 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 42 , His Argument for adhering to Conformists taken from the reciprocall tye betwixt a Minister and people Ezek. 33 : 8. Heb. 13 : 17. Mal. 2 , 7. 1 Thess. 5 : 11 , 12. As also from Mr Durham on the revelation page 105 , 106. examined at large , page 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. the premised texts impro●…en against Conformists plea from this supposed tye and relation . ibid. Chap. 3 , page 58. The doubters argument from Curats not entering by a call from the people , and that passage Acts 14 : 23. cleared and emproven . page 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63. The Informers first answer , that several whom we refused to own , entered by this call . ibid. his exception upon the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 examined . his first answer touching the use of the word , to expresse the action of onesingle person , proved from Acts 10 : 41. examined . the use of the word cleared from parallels , criticks and Interpreters . page 64 , 65 , 66. His second Answer , that Greek writers use this Word to signifie ordination without suffrages , and that this was the action of Paul and Barnabas , examined . The granting that this was the action of Paul and Barnabas , distinct from the Churches suffrage , will not help the Informer . Page 67 , 68 , 69. He walks crosse to interpreters in this answer page . 70 , 71 , 72. His third answer [ that wee will thus give advantage to independants for popular election of Ministers ] examined , wherein the difference betwixt the independents and us in this point is cleared , from the Judgement and principles of Presbyterian writers . page 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77. His last answer is that if wee disown Conformists for want of this call we null the Ministry of the Christian world for above a thousand years & upward , and the Ministry of this Church to the year 1649. examined , even the later Antiquity clear for this call , by the testimony of Marcus Antonius de Dominis the Council of Paris anno 559 , the examples of Eradius , Ambrose &c. Yea of Bishop Bilsone . page 78 , 79 , 80 , 81. That patronages are abjured in the Covenant , cleared against the Informer , and his exception an●… our Churches perjury , because of the use of patronages after the Covenant , repelled . In what sense the prelatick ordination is pleaded by us in disowning conformists . of the term , Curat . The Informer honestly grants that it signifyes one who serves the cure , though not the Minister of the place , but the substitute of another . page 82 , 83 , 84 , 85. His answer anent the charge of Perjury , and reasoning anent the lawfulnesse of disowning Ministers , because of Scandals , who are not censured , examined . His reasoning found frivolous , and retorted upon him . page 86 , 87 , 88. his great argument from Math. 23. Anent the supposed command of hearing the Scribes and Pharisees , examined . Several circumstances of the sacred text offered to discover how very difficult , it is to prove that there is a command of hearing them , as Church officers . The consequence from hearing of them , though granted , to the hearing of them , denyed upon five grounds : As also his reasoning from Simeon & Anna , Joseph and Mary their attending the Temple-Worship , examined . page 89 , 90 , 91 , 92 , 93. Mr Durham on Revel . 3. pleads nothing for the Informer in this point . page 94 , 95 , 96. His reasons to prove there is a command of hearing Matth. 23. as above described , examined and repelled . page ●…7 several answers of the Informer to our charge of intrusion and the queries that he propones thereupon ; as also his retorsion upon this charge , examined and found vain and frivolous . page 98 , 99 , 100 , 101 , 102. His answers to the doubters Argument anent the abjuration of Episcopall Ministers in the Covenant as dependent upon the hierarchy confuted . His retorsion [ that wee were bound upon this ground to disown all the Ministers at the taking of the Covenant , who had been ordained by Prelats , unlesse they renounced their ordination ] ane empty knack , reflecting on the reformed Churches , & justifying the popes plea against them ; page 103 , 104 , 105. Chap. 4 , page 105 , The Informers answer to the doubters Argument anent [ separation from a corrupt Church . ] In what respects and how far this separation is owned . His answer anent [ the not separating from the Churches of Corinth and Galatia , and the asian Churches Rev. 2 : 3. Though tainted with most grosse corruptions &c : ] examined . The discrepancy of our case from theirs in this point cleard in some particulars , and our cause fortified from Scripture directions to these Churches , page 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , 110 , 111 , 112 , 113. The impertinency of these instances to our case , cleared from hence several wayes , ibid. The Informers answer to these Scriptures 2 Cor. 6 : 14 , 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 5 : 11 , 2. Thess. 3 : 6. Rev. 1●… : 3. Examined , and found contradictory to his concession anent [ a necessary separation from a corrupt Church ] , when highly corrupted ] page 114 , 115 , 116 , 117. His answer to the retorted charge of Schisme upon Conformists [ for seperating from this Church , examined , and found naught : He therein cuts the sinnewes of his arguing against us , page 118 , 119 , 120. His answer and reasoning concerning lecturing examined . God never appointed a dumb reading , the Levites gave the sense of the Law &c. the exceptions anent [ the disuse of our first Method of lecturing ] and [ the want of Circumcision and the passover for a considerable time in the Jewish Church ] help him not in this point , page 121 , 122 , 123 , 124 , 125. Chap : 5. page 126. The Informers answer and reasoning upon the point of scandal and offence , in reference to the owning of Conformists considered . The Informers groundlesse supposition anent the duty of hearing Conformists . Our Orthodox sense of Rom 14. and 1 Cor. 8. in the point of Scandal , cleard at large from the exposition of Chrysostome on the first text , and Pareus on the second . page 126 , 127 , 128 , 129 ; 130 , 131 , 132 , 133. The Informer upon supposition that a practice is lawfull , and offence flowes from it , holds that the command of the powers will loose the giver of offence from guilt ; and remove this liberty of the practice and the nature of offence , how absurdly , cleared in fyve points . page 134 , 135 , 136 , 138. He is herein contradicted by Amesius . The instances of the Brazen serpent , and Gideons ephod improven against him , ibid. His absurd glosse upon Acts 15 : 28 , [ that the things before indifferent were made necessary by the meere determination of the Concil , ] largely repelled . Calvin classes him with the Papists herein . His manifold inconsistencies observed , and absurd exposition of [ scandalum acccptum ] and [ datum ] which do destroy that distinctione . Mr Gillespie ( Eng : Pop : Cerem : ) Ames : ( Consc : Lib : 5. Cap. 11. ) Mr Durham ( on Scandal part 3. Chap 1 ) discover the futility of his doctrine on this head . page 139 , 140 , 141 , 142 , 143 , 144. The Doubters Argument for presbyterian Ministers preaching in the manner contraverted , taken from [ Christ and his Apostles preaching in the fields and houses . ] The Informers general answer [ anent Christs not separating people from the Synagogue ] weighed and found frivolous . page 145 , 146 , 147. Some special reasons wherefore our Lord did not separate the people from the Synagogue , ibid. The special grounds of our Lords practice , offred by him to enervat our Argument , considered and Answered . Such as his bringing in the doctrine of the Gospell as the Messiah , his being head of the whole Church page 148 , 149 , 150 , 151. What actions of our Lord were mitable . Rules hereanent ( allowed by sound divines ) applyed to the case and practice controverted . [ That the law allowes the gospell to be preached purely , and faithfully by some ] though granted to the Informer , will help him nothing . ibid. The Informers answers and exceptions to our argument from Acts 14 : 19. examined . His answer from the Apostles extraordinary callfrilous , as also from the tendency of the rulers prohibition to silence gospell page 152 , 153 , 154 , 155. His reasoning upon Solomons thrusting out Abiathar from the priesthood , examined ; as also his citation of Bezaes letter to the Non-Conformists in England . Page 156 , 157. Chap : 6. page 159. The nature of Presbyterian Ministers relation to this Church , and their call to officiate therein , vindicat from the Informers simple cavils . Mr Rutherfoord and Mr Durhames acknowledgement that a Minister isnotmade a Catholick Minister of the Catholick Church but by his ordination restricted to a flock , will not help the Informer , which is cleard in six points : page 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 His Dilemma which he offers to us viz. that our call to preach , is either ordinary or extraorninary answered & retorted upon him . His Cavills in relationall to the Acts of Councils condemning this encroachment ( as he calls it ) and the Doctors of Aberdeen their charging Presbyterian Ministers therewith , repelled . ibid. His charge anent [ our ordaining others to perpetuat our Schisme ] a manifest groundlesse calumny . page 163 , 164. His passage cited out of Mr Baxters preface to the cure of Church divisions , answered , page 165 , as also his 5 healing advices to his half-proselyted Doubter . page 65 , 166 , 167 , 168 , 169 , 170. Mr Baxters rules in his cure of Church divisions which he after commends unto us , shortly viewed , & their impertinency to his purpose discovered . page 171 , 172 , 173. 174. his testimonies out of the jus divinum Ministerii anglicani , and of Mr Rutherfoord in his due right of Presbytery anent unwarrantable separation , in sufficient to bear the weight of his conclusion . The difference between the case they speake to , and our case cleared in 4. Considerations , page 175 , 176 , 177. His citations from the first author particularly considered , and their insufficiency to bear the weight of his conclusion discovered . page 178 , 179 , 180 , 181 , The citations of Mr Rutherford particularly examined in so fa●… relating to his scope . page 182 , 183 , 184 , 185 186 , 187. In his citations from both these authors , and arguing therefrom , he is found inconsistent with himself , to walk upon groundlesse suppositions , and lyable to a manifest retorsion . ibid. The Informer drawes out no conclusion upon these citations , save this general one at the close viz : That real , much lesse supposed corruptions in the Worship , or administrators will not warrand separation . The impertinency of this position to help him cleard , ibid. He pleads for retractions , and presents at the close a character of Schisme , which is retorted against him page 187 , 188. Chap : 7. misprinted Chap : 6. page 189. Animadversions upon the Informers preface and title page , prefixed to this Pamphlet . He pretendes conscience & a design of union in this undertaking , how unsoundly , discovered . page 189 , 190. 191. His Testimonies out of Zanchy and Blondel to evince their approbation of Prelacy , left by him untranslated , ( though he pretends for the advantadge of the English reader to translate all other testimonies ) answered . A Confutation Of the First DIALOGUE , Upon the point Of EPISCOPACIE . Wherein it is demonstrat , that the Episcopacie now existent , both in its Diocesian & Erastian cutt , is contrare to the Scripture , to the first and purer Antiquitie , the Doctrine and Confessions of Reformed Churches & sound Divines . And the Informers Reasonings for it , from Scripture & Antiquitie , are weighed , and found wanting . CHAP. I. That the Prelat , now established in this Church , is both Diocesian and Erastian , cleared . The Informer is engaged to defend both . A twofold State of the Question propounded accordingly . Some Arguments from Scripture against the Diocesian Prelat , as a pretended Church-officer . Such as , 1. Perverting the Scriptural term , Episcopus , commune to all Pastors ; in appropriating it to a Prelat . 2. Making it relate to Pastors , which hath the flock for its immediat object . 3. Invading & nulling the Authority allowed unto Presbyters , which is demonstrat at large . 4. Impeaching Christs Kingly office , as Head of his Church , and the perfection of his Word , in obtruding ane Officer upon the Church , of a different moold from those described and allowed by him . THE state of the first Question in the first Conference is , whither the Episcopacie now established by Law in Scotland , be warranted or condemned by the Word of God. For clearing this , it must be understood , what that Prelacie is , which is now existent , and which this Author pretends is consonant to Scripture and Antiquitie . As to matter of fact , it is undenyable . 1. That the Parliament 1662. did expresly raze Presbyterian government , in all its preexistent Courts , Judicatories and Privileges , declaring it voide and expired . 2. They did Redintegrat the Bishops [ to their Episcopal function , presidencie in the Church , power of ordination and censures , and all Church discipline to be performed by them , with advice ( only ) and of such of the Clergie ( only ) as they shall find , ( they themselves being judges ) of knowne Loyaltie and prudence . ] And they redintegrat them to all the pretended Privileges possessed be them in Anno 1637. What time their power was at the greatest height . Since , of themselves they framed the Book of Canons , which doth establish their sole power and dominion over all Church Judicatories , razing classical Presbyteries and Parochial Sessions , and drew up the Liturgie and Book of Ordination without the least shaddow of advice from this Church ; Threatning even excommunication against the opposers of that course . 3. It is also evident , that all this Power and Authoritie of our Prelats , is fountained in , derived from , and referable unto the Supremacie ; As is evident by the Act restoring Prelacie , after the declaration of the Supremacie , as his Majesties Commissioners in the exercise of his Ecclesiastick Government , and , in the administration of all their pretended spiritual Authoritie , as accountable to him , their Head and supreme Legislator in all Church matters . Hence , it is evident , that this Author is obliged ( if he would answer his undertaking in pleading for the present Prelacie ) not only to evince the warrantablenes of the Diocesian Bishop in all his pretended spiritual power over Church Judicatories ; But likewaves of the Erastianbishop , deriving all his Authoritie from the Civil Magistrat . Wee shall then ( befor wee come to examine his pleading upon this Head ) offer , I. Some Arguments against our Diocesian Prelat , as a pretended Church-officer , and shall shew his office to be contrare to Scripture . 2. As ane Erastian Prelat deryving all his spiritual power from the Magistrat . I. As a pretended Church officer , the Diocesian Bishop is contrare to Scripture , in many respects . I. In narrowing and restricting the Scripture term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to ane office and officer , distinct from , and Superior to , a Presbyter or Pastor . For since the Spirit of God in Scripture appropriats this term to Presbyters , and consequentlie the work and office therin imported , Tit. 1 : 5 , 7. Act. 20 : 28. 1 Pet. 5 : 2. 3. Sure it must be ane anti-Scriptural and Sacrilegius robbing of Presbyters of their right and due designation , to make this proper and peculiar to a Diocesian Bishop onlie , as the Characteristick of his office . Episcopal men themselves ( and this Author particularely ) doe acknowledge this term to be in Scripture applyed to Presbyters . Let them then shew a reason why they have made it peculiar to a Prelat as distinct from Presbyters ; Or , let them shew where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denots such ane officer as they have shappen out ( viz. ) A diocesian Prelat having sole power of ordination and jurisdiction over a wholl diocess , with a negative voice and a sole decisive suffrage in the Church Judicatories thereof . Should they appropriat the term Pastor , or Minister , to a diocesian Prelat onlie ? Who would not call this ane Anti-scriptural usurpation of the Presbyters due ? And why also , shall it not be thought such ane usurpation when they appropriat the term Episcopus or Bishop , to such a pretended distinct officer : Since this term is as much given to Presbyters in Scripture , as the terme of Pastor or Minister . Judicious Calvin hath some remarkable passages to this purpose in his Comentaries . On Tit 1 : 7. Having observed that Bishops and Presbyters are all one , He calls the appropriating of the name , Bishop , to the Prelat , a profane boldnes and ane abrogating of the holy Ghosts language Abrogato Spiritus Sansti sermone usus hominum arbitrio inductus praevaluit — nomen officii quod Deus in commune omnibus dederat in unum transferri reliquis spoliatis & injurium est & absurdum . Deinde sic pervertere Spiritus sancti linguam — nimis profana audaciae est . Act. 20 : 28. He collects the identitie of the name & office of Bishop & Presbiter , from the elders being called Bishops , And having observed the same on Philip. 1. And that after , the name [ Bishop ] became peculiare to one . He adds , id tamen ex hominum consuetudine natum est , Scripturae autoritate minime nititur . Telling us that under this pretext of giving the name to one , ane unlawful dominion was brought in . But of this againe . II. The office hereby designed , doth alwayes relate to the Flock , and hath them for its immediat object and Correlat , as much as the word Pastor . The Bishops of Ephesus were made by the holy Ghost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over the flock of God whom they were to feed . Whereas our supposed Diocesian Episcopus , or Bishop , His office and inscection relates immediatly to the wholl Pastores of his diocess , who are alse much , his flock and the object of his oversight , care , direction , correction and censure , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or layetie . Peter , bids the Episcopountes feed the flock & act the Bishops over them ; But our diocesian Prelat , pretends to feed and rule the Pastores themselves . The Scripture Bishop is Populi Pastor but the Diocesian Prelat is Pastor Pastorum , Presbiter Presbiterorum , And therfor is ane Antiscriptural Monster . III. The Diocesian Prelat usurpes and takes from Presbiters that authoritie allowed them of God in his Word . For both power of ordination and jurisdiction is soly and properlie in the Diocesian Prelat according to Episcopal men , and likewise according to our Lawes , As we saw above in the act anent Prelacy . For according thereto the Prelat is a Superior ordinar Church officer above Presbyters , he is sole as to ordination , may doe it alone , and assumes Presbiters onelie proforma . Which no more lessens his Principalitie and Supereminencie in this pointe , then a Prince in assumeing Counsellors ( saith Dounam , Def. lib 5 , Cap. 7. ) weakens his princely power and authoritie . Presbyters exercise all their Acts of the power of order in a dependance upon him , he only is the proper Pastor of the diocess ( as shall be afterward cleared ) Presbiters are but his substitutes and helpers . They are likwayes Subject to him as their proper Sole judge and censurer by Ecclesiastick censures of suspension , deposition , excommunication , the decisive power in Church judicatories is properlie his . For the most unanimous Acts and conclusions of the diocesian Synod falls unders his cognisance , to be ratified or Cassat at his pleasure . He is the Sine quo non , and hath a Negative voice in the judicatories : the law allowing his Presbiters only to give him advice , Nay and not that either , unles he judge them of known layaltie and prudence . Now , in all these , he usurps over Presbiters authoritie allowed them of God. For I. Wee find the Scripture atributes the power of order & jurisdiction , equalie to all Presbiters , who have both keys of doctrine & discipline given them immediatlie by Christ. In that I. They are command 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Pet. 5. 28. Act. 20. 2. which comprehends the authoritie and exercise of both the keys of doctrine and discipline . 2. In all commands relating to the exercise of this power , ther is not the least hint of ane equalitie among them , which were very cross to the Lords Scope , if the Diocesian Prelats Superioritie were allowed and appointed . The Presbiters or Bishops of Ephesus , and those of the Churches which Peter writs unto , are commanded to feed and rule jointlie , equallie , and with the same authoritie , but non of them in dependance upon , and deryving a precarious authoritie from another , in feeding and ruleing . 3. In all the commands relating to peoples Subjection & obedience to Church Rulers in the exercise of their power , their is not the least hint of disparitie among these Rulers . 1 Thess. 5 : 12. People are commanded to obey them that labour among them , and are over them in the Lord , and to esteem them highly . And Hebr. 13 : 17. They are commanded to obey them who have the rule over them and watch for their Soules : but nothing of a special degrie of obedience to this supposed highest & supereminent watch man is heard of in these or any such like precepts . And no wonder , for thes simple Gospel times knew no Bishops who watched not over Soules , and laboured in the word and doctrine . When the Apostle Peter commands Christians to obey civil Rulers : He distinguishs the King as Supeream , and Governours sent by him , that a Chief subjection may be yeelded to the one , and a subordinat to the other . But nothing of this is heard of , in enjoining peoples subjection to Ministers . Ane honour must be allowed by Timothey ( by the people of God consequentlie ) to elders that rule weil , yea and a double honor , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especialy , to those that labour in the Word and Doctrine . The Apostle in stating a distinction in the degries of honour allowed to elders , and in this different character of the one from the other , diversifies elders higher & lower . Now by the same reason , upon which Divines doe rationaly build this conclusion , it must be granted , that the enjoyning obedience to all Pastores promiscuusly and without any Note of distinction , will inferr their equal office and authoritie . And by the same reason that the Apostle added this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or especialy , in this place , he should have added , in these , or some such comands relating to the peoples obedience , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or especialy , to distinguish the Diocesian Prelat from other Pastores , and expressed it thus , esteem them all highly obey them , be subject to them that teach and watch over you , All your Pastors , but especially the Supereminent Pastor or Bishop who hath the cheifinspection , and from whom all the rest derive their authoritie . Likwayes in enjoining the pastoral duties , he should have been especially noticed , who had the cheif hand and authoritie therin ( which is a Topick improven by this informer ) but nothing of this is seen in Scripture , as shall be after , more fully cleared . 4. Wee find accordinglie , A practical Equalitie , among Pastores or Bishops in the exercise of this governing power , abundantlie held out and exemplified in Scripture . The judging and censuring of the incestuous man , is by the Apostle enjoyned to the Church Officers or Ministers of Corinth joyntlie . 1 Cor. 5. Chap. compared with 2 Cor. 2. Chap. The Apostle all along supposeth ane inherent authority in these Ministers to put forth this grand juridical Forensical Act ; ●…ydes them for so long neglecting it , and shewes its object ( viz. ) This person under the formalis ratio of wicked or scandalus . Again he shews its nature to be Ajudging , or puting from among them , and delivering to Satan , upon this judging previous thereunto : He also shews , that this authoritie touches , all Church Members , not them that are without , whom God judgeth , but those that are within . Now , as hee supposes ( I say ) ane authority of this Nature and extent inherent in these Church officers , so he speaks to them indefinitly and universally all along , which were very cross to his Scope , If he had set up or allovved , the Diocesian Prelat whose sole prerogative this were : And the inflicted Censur he calls , with the samine indefinitnes , A punishment inflicted by many , who accordingly are commanded with the same indefinitnes or universality of expression , To receave & absolve him upon his repentance . The exercise of the binding and ●…owsing power , being in the representative juridicall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church , to whom scandales must be delated , and to whom the promise of ratification of her juricall Acts in Heaven , is made . Matth. 18 : 17. Besids we find the exercise of ordination in a Presbitry , 1 Tim. 4 : 14. And that even in relation to ane Evangelist Timothy . The Presbitry here , must be a juridicall Senat and meeting , for the Office can lay on no hands : And ordination is ane hie authoritative juridicall Act. Pauls presence and laying on of hands together with them , confirmes their authoritie , as being cumulative thereto , not privative therof , even as his countenanceing of , or concurring , with , our Adversaries pretended Diocesian Prelat ( let us suppose it in his Act of ordination ) would not infringe his pretended right herein . Ergo. By their own Confession , and by paritie of reason , it cannot infringe or Impeach this power which is attributed to the Presbitery . Had the Apostle in stead of Presbyterie , put in Pr●…at and expressed it , thus , By the laying on of the hands of A Bishop , or Diecesian-Bishop : I suppose our Adversaries would have thought the Episcopal power of ordination invincibly demonstrat ther from , notwithstanding of Pauls saying , 2 Tim 1 : 6. By the laying on of my hands , ( viz ) together with the Bishop . Pauls extraordinare Apostolicall imposition of hands , being no white derogatorie unto the supposed Episcopal ordinarie power , now , verte tabulas , the Apostle sayes , by the laying on of the handes of the Presbitry , Ergo , the ordinary and equal power of Pastores , and its equal exercise in ordination , is herin convincingly made out . Nixt , The Prelats monopolizing thus in himself , the decisive suffrage of Judicatories , is cross many wayes to Scripture . For , I Its a stepping up ( in a peice of Diotrephese-lik , or rather papal-pride ) above the Apostles themselves , who in Churches constitut , did alwayes take alongst with them , the advice , consent and authoritative concurrence of ordinary Ministers and Elders in Government : As is evinced in the premised Scriptures , wherin it is convinceingly clear , that Paul , though ane Apostle of all the Churches , indewed with extraordinarie unconfined inspection over the same , and Pastor thereof , in actu exercito , having extraordinary Miracolous-gifts , & being the Master Builder and Spiritual Father , who by the Gospel had begotten both Pastores and flocks of many Churches , Yet would neither excommunicat the incestuous Corinthian alone , but put it upon the Church Officers as their duty to doe it by a judicial , decisive , joynt suffrage : Nor yet did he exclud the presbyters in ordaining even ane Evangilist , but took in their judicial and presbyterial concurrence . And in Act. 15. In that meeting or Counsel at Jerusalem , where was a wholl Colledge or Presbitery of Apostles , and mett about ane Act or decision of a high Nature , wherein was put forth both Adegmatick , critick & diatactick authority or power , in relation to the clearing of that great pointe of truth , anent the abrogation of the Mosaicall ceremonies , and censuring the opposers of Paul and Barnabas herin , who had disturbed the Churches and belied the Apostles Doctrine : And accordingly in order to the restoring and establishing truth and order in these disturbed Churches : The ordinary Ministers or elders concurr with the Apostles in every step : viz , In the conferrence & disquisition , the authoritative decision , the drawing forth of the sentence and decree , the sending out of the decreeing and censuring Epistle , the imposeing of the decrie upon the Churches to observe and keep the same &c. 2. This cutts the throate of that juridical forensical joynt decision of Church Judicatories , which the Scriptur doth so clearly hold forth . Where is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the censureing juridiall court , drawing sorth a joynt decision or censure ? Wher is the Presbiteries forensicall Act in ordination of Timothie ? To what end must the Corinth Church Officers Meet together , and authoritatively and joyntlie punish or censur the incestuous man ? Wher is that pleasing of the Apostles and elders as the foundation of the Synodical decree and letter , together with , it seemed good to the HolyGhost , and to us , And to us , Mett with one accord . Wher is , I say , this joynt decisive power of Church Judicatories , thus clearly held out in the premised Scriptures , if the Act and Ecclesiastick decision thereof , be soly the Prelats , sic ●…olo , sie jubeo , masked with advice of Presbyters , of whose advice he may make what use he pleases , and with a simple nego . make their judgment and suffrage evanish into smoake . 3. This power of the Prelats cuts of from Ministers one half of their authoritie and commission receaved in their ordination . They are made therein ( as is clear in Scripture , & our adversaries grant it ) Rulers , Governours , Overseers , Pastors & Stewards in the Church ; Have both the Shepherds bagg & staff , the key of doctrine and the key of discipline intrusted to them . By what warrand then must they give up all their power in government & their decisive suffrage in Church Judicatories , unto the domineering Prelat , and as to spiritual power in Church Judicarories , become meer Ciphers ? They watch and rule as they that must give account of all their administration to Christ. Peter exhorts the Elders suteablie to exercise their Episcopal Authority over the flock , that they may get the Crown from the chief Shepherd . Stewards ( of God especially ) must be faithful , and imploy well all their Talents receaved from the great Master , that they may get his approbation and reward as faithful Servants . The Elders of Ephesus were obtested by Paul to take heed to themselves , and to all the flock over which they were made Bishops by the Holy Ghost , to feed and rule the Church which God hath purchased with his blood . Now all thes exhortations directed to Ministers , are to no purpose , if they have no inherent immediat Rule , essentially included in their office , And to be exercised accordingly , but must only preach as a Diocesian Prelats Deputes , and be in the exercise of their ruling governing power , absolutly subject to him and at his disposal . Finally , This usurped authoritie in the Prelat sets him above the reach of all censure by Church Indicatories ; So that though Ministers are absolutly and at his beck , censurable by , and subject to him , both as to their doctrine , conversation and discipline ( and every one of them thus censurable and jointly ) yet this hie Pop , who judges All , will be judged by none himself , Either as to his Doctrine , Life or Government . Some have said of the Prince , that though major singulis , yet he is minor universis , less then the whole body of the people , though greater then every one aparte . But the Prelat exercises a greater principalitie in Church Judicatories , & is therein major universis , greater then the whole meeting , so that thogh he can stop the Votes and Censures of the whole Synod , yet they cannot either by suffrage or censure in the least put a check to him , in any of His most wicked Acts or Antichristian Exorbitances . Now , how contrary this is to Scriptur , any may judge . The Prophets after their prophesying must be judged by the rest , as to their doctrine , 1 Cor. 14 : 29 , Ergo , a fortiori , much more as to their conversation & government , are lyable to be judged , and consequentlie censured if deserving it : For he were a great Critick , that would distinguish these , so as those who have power to judge , have no power to censure or pass sentence upon their judging : And this is founded upon a general comprehensive ground , viz. the Spirits of the Prophets ( that is the gifts and exercises of the Ministery in all Church Officers without exception ) are subject to the Prophets , viz. to their disquisition , and censure in any peece of their work or official Acts. Now unles our Prelats would deny themselves to be Prophets and Ministers , or the Presbyters to be Prophets , they must acknowledge this subjection to their censure enjoyned in the Scripture premised , and consequently , that their exeeming themselves from the same , is an anti-scriptural usurpation . I remember , while a writting , that proposing once this Argument to ane Episcopal Clergie man , I enquired to what Church Judicatorie in Scotland was Mr Sharp subject , as to either his life or doctrine ? He answered that he was subject to a general Counsell , and this was very apposit and consequenter to their principles : So that our Prelats ( at least the two Arch - ) are in no fear , but of a general Council if the Court froune not . In our Act of Parliament touching the mould of our National Synod , the Primat is the essential President , & sine quo non , and so is sure enough , from being censured there ; so are the rest of the Prelats as to all their Synods , according to our Lawes . But what think these exleges Episcopi , or hie Court Prelats , of such a humble Bishop as the Apostle Paul , who had hands laid upon him , and was authoritativelie sent out by that Presbitery of Prophets and teachers at Antioch . Act. 13. together with Barnabas , ( about ane eminent Gospel-Legation ) and was by the same Church and Presbytery sent ( together with Barnabas and certain other commissioners of the Churches ) to that Synod at Jerusalem , Act. 15. Why did not Paul make use of his Negative voice and command them all silence in this debate ? How comes it , that his hie Bishop subjects himself to the authoritative blessing and mission of some pettie Prophets and teachers . Ane amazeing looking glass , this is , ( no doubt ) to our aspyreing Prelats . 4. The holding of the Diocesian Prelat , and obtruding him upon the Church , as ane ordinary Church officer , distinct from , and superior to Presbiters , doth many wayes Impeach Christs Kingly office as head and law give●… of his Church : whose faithfulnes above that of Moses ( who ordered , according to the Patern shewed upon the Mount , the least pine of the Tabernacle ) must needs reach the appointment of the officers , offices , qualifications , work and gifts of these officers , who are to officiat in his house , as our Confession of Faith and Catechisim doe assert . For according to our Prelatical Clergie , and according to the Lawes , the Prelat hath a distinct Work from that of a Presbiter ( viz. ) to govern a diocess , he hath the Actus primus of a State ruler , to sitt in Council or Parliament . Nixt , he hath a distinct solemne Consecration or inauguration to his Office. And 3. Must needs be supposed to have likwise distinct qualifications and Gifts from those of a preaching Presbiter , conferred by this solemne imposition of hands and blessing at his Consecration , wherby he must be supposed to have a superior distinct mission , and to be in all the forementioned particulars , distinct from , and superior to a Presbiter . Now , if non of all these points of his superioritie can be found in Scripture , this Officer patched up thereof , must either be unwarrantable , or , Christ the Churches head and lawgiver , his Lawes and rules in point of Church Government , and in relation to the duties , gifts , ordination , and work of Church Officers , are not full and perfect , but mank and deficient as to such ane eminent Church Officer . And where is then the perfection of his word and Testament , to make not only the ordinarie Christian but even the màn of God , the Minister of God , perfect and throughly furnished to every good work . That non of all the formentioned particulars as to this Officer distinct from and superior to a Presbiter , can be found in Scripture , but are contrarie therunto . I prove thus 1. The Scriptur mentions no name , qualification , work , dutie or ordination of any or dinary Church Officer superior to presbiters , and which are not likewayes appropriat to them , who are called Rulers , Governours , Bishops ; and both ordination and Jurisdiction ar apropriat to them in a perfect paritie 1 Thess. 5 : 12. with 17. v. and 1 Tim. 5 : 17. Hebr. 13. v. 7 , 17. 1 Cor. 5 : 13. 1 Tim. 4 : 14. 3 Epist. Ioh. 9. v. — 2. In all the Holy Ghost his purposed recitalls of ordinarie Church officers , and purposed declaration of their gifts and duties , ther is not the least hint of the premised ingredients of the office of this supposed Diocesian Bishop , as thus distinct from and Superior to Presbiters , ( 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Eph. 4 : 11 , 12. Rom. 12. 7 , 8. In these places wee have besyds the Apostles , Prophets & Evangelists ( whose Office , as extraordinaire , is ceased ) Pastores , Elders , Deacons ; But no hint of the Office , name , qualifications or Mission , of ane ordinarie Church Officer Superior to the Pastor , is either heire or in any Scripture else , which notwithstanding is express as to the Office and qualifications even of the Deacon , the lowest Officer . Strange ! the server of Tables his Office and ordination clearlie set down in Scriptur : And yet Altum silentium , as to either , name , Office or ordination , of the Diocesian Bishop . If the argument of our divines be good from hence against the Pope , because not mentioned in these Catalogues of Church Officers , Ergo , a pari , It must hold good against the Prelat . And as to that , that the Prelat hath the Actus Signatus of a State Ruler , how cross this is to Scripture , we may after shew . Sure , since Christ set all these his Officers in the Church , and commands them diligentlie to wait upon , and attend their work and Ministery therein ; He never made or allowed them to bee State Rulers CHAP. II. Some more Arguments against the Diecesian Prelat . That his office debases the Acts and exercise , of the power of order , cleared . It maims and diversisies the Pastoral office , by anti-scriptural now invented degrees thereof . His office , many wayes contrare to the very nature of the Gospel-Church-Government . THe Diocesian Bishop , his office is in this contrare to the Word of God. V. In that it Debases the highest Acts and exercise of the power of order , in a Gospel Ministery . For all do grant preaching of the Word and the Administration of the Sacraments and Seals of the Covenant of grace to be such : So that he who can do thes Acts , hath the badge of the highest Ministerial Authority as ane ordinarie Church Officer , these being among the most emnient Acts of the Apostles there office and Authoritie — Go teach , baptize , &c. They must have some to serve Tables that they may give themselves continually to the Ministery of the Word . Timothy , our prelatical mens Supposed-Bishop , must preach the Word , and be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long suffering and Doctrine 2 Tim. 4 : 1 , 2. The great Apostle of the Gentiles who had the care of all the Churches coming upon him , and therin a great ruleing work , Yet pronunces a woe upon himself , if he preach not the Gospel 1 Cor. 9 : 28. — And he tells us this was a speciall trust committed to him : In this he admires the rich grace of God that he was putt into the Ministery , and honoured to preach the unsearchable riches of Christ. Peter , that great Apostle of the circumcision , when by the Lord restored to his office , and encouraged to its exercise , by a Threefold renovation of his Mission ; is thryce enjoyned ( as the great badge of his love to his Master ) to feed his Lambes and Sheep . Accordingly , the Scripture Bishop must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apt to teach ; and he that teacheth ( by office scilicet ) must waite upon teaching , and the wise and faithful Steward appointed by the Lord to give the children their meat in dew Season , must be found So doeing when the Lord comes to reckon with him ; and not lay up this noble Talent in a Napkine . To this , the key of diseiplin is inferior and Subordinat , as themean to its end . the higher honour above ruleing only being allowed to the labourer in the word & doctrine , 1 Tim. 5 : 17. This being clear , I say the office of the Diocesian Bishop debases and tramples upon , these highe and noble Acts of a Pastor , and consequently upon the premised Scriptures asserting the same , and that in these wayes . I. In that the quondam Presbyter only , when made a Prelat , leaves off , The feeding of the flock , and layes by the preaching talent , the Church wher he did preach or officiat , it may be , shall never see or hear him againe , but is ipso facto , voyde to be possed by another , nor by his now-office is he oblidged to preach or Minister the Sacraments any more at all , these petty peeces of work being below his new Lordship . Trew , he may preach if he please , and at the Church wher he reseeds , but that is per accidens ex abundanti , and out of courtesie : but by his office , Qua Prelat , he is bound to preach no more to any frock , nor is he in the least judged faultie or deficient in his Episcopal office if he be wholly silent . Nay , in England preaching Prelats have been highely upbraided and reproached by their fellowes , and called preaching Cox Combes . Wee all know , what ane odd peece of work Mr Lightoun's preaching was esteemed by the generalitie of the Prelatick partie when he turned Prelat . Now , let any of commune Reason or ingenuity judge , what ane office that must be , which putts a Minister intrusted with the Lords great commission to preach the Gospel , under pretence of advancement to a higher Sphere in the Ministery , to lay by this work which is the noblest and highest of the Ministerial Authoritie , wherin the Apostles themselves mainely laboured and gloried , as the most noble meane of the conversion of Sonles : and consequentlie of the glorie of Christ therin ; Nay , to lay by this noble work under pretence of new burdene of Government . Wheras the Apostles who had the wholl Churches to plant and Govern , most enixely plyed this work still . If this man become not a dumb dog and a sloathfull unprofiteable servant , let any judge . 2. The Diocesian Prelat debases and tramples upon this noble work , in that be makes it in all the Pastores of the Dioces , to depend upon his Lordly disposal , and the authoritie thereof to be deryved from him as the sole proper Pastor of all the Diocess , whose deputs the preachers are in this work , although himself is obleiged to feed no flock . 3 He maks these high and noble Acts of the power of order , [ preaching and administration of Sacraments ] a lower and subordinat work and office , to the work and office of ruleing only , which is his Characteristick whereby he holds himself Superior to all the preachers of the Diocess ? whereas the Scriptur doeth ( as we heard ) appropriat the highest honour to the labourer in the word and doctrine as the nobler employment and office , above the Ruler only . 6. In this the Diocesian Prelats office is contrare unto , and reprobat by the Scriptur , in that by Apocriphal , Antiscriptural , new invented , Degrees and orders . It diversities and cutts asunder what God hes made one and the same , I mean the Pastoral Office , and by consequence other offices mentioned in Scripture , as that of Prophets , Evangelists , Deacons ; non of which offices admites of Subordinat Spheeres and degrees , but all the persons that are Intrusted with these offices , are of the same degree and authority therin by the Word of God. No Evangelist , Prophet , or Apostle is found of a Superior office or order to other Apostles , Evangelists , &c. Whence comes this diversity then in the Pastoral office , that one Pastor must have a Lordly Dominion over some hundreds of his fellowes ? If it be said , that the Episcopal office succeeds that of the Apostles or Evangelists ? besides that wee shall disprove this afterward , and shew that these offices taken formaliter as superior to that of the Pastor , are expyred , as sound Divines doe almost universally grant ; I answer that most , if not all Prelatists ancient and modern , doe hold the Diocesian Prelat to be no officer Specifially distinct from the Presbyter or Pastor , but only gradually distinct , as being a Pastor with a more amply extended authority for order of Government . Mr Burnet , in his pretended vindication of the present Prelacie , 4t . Conference , pag. 310 , 311. tells us , that he is not clear anent the notion ( as he calls it ) of the distinct offices of Bishop and Presbyter and akonowledges the Presbyter to be of the hiest office in the Church , telling us that the Prelat is but a different degree in the same office . Although in this he and the rest doe speak most inconsequently , the forementioned ingredients of the Prelatical function , being such , as doe certanly amount to make up a new species of ane office , such as a different work , consecration or ordination , the actus primus of a State Ruler , different qualifications ( by consequence ) above and beyond these of a Presbyter . The diversitie of these distinguishes the Scripture offices of Apostles , Evangelists , &c. which Paul setts in several Classes , as , first , and second . 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Mr Burnet his reason is the same with that of others herine ( viz ) the Pastors authority to administer the word & Sacraments which are the highest acts of the power of order . He tells us [ that since the Sacramental actions are the highest of sacred performances : he cannot but acknowlege that such as are impowered for them , must be of the hiest office , in the Church ] now I say , since they will needs have the Diocesian Bishop to be only a different degree of the Presbyterat or Pastoral office , they cannot with any shaddow of reason make him Successor to the Evangelists or Apostles in their formal office , which they will not dare to affirm to be only a different degree of the Presbyterat or Pastores office , and will affirme it to have been specifically distinct from the same . The Ancients and Schoolemen held that the Pastor in his ordination receaved the same Power of Government that the Prelat hath , but that the Prelat is the [ primus Presbyter , ] who hath the raines of all the exercise , in his hand . But how cross is this to Scripture , that any Church officer hath a power and authoriritie which he cannot exercise ? To whomsoever God hath given the power , he hath certainlie commanded the exercise of it ; and particularly Pastores or Presbyters are ( as we have heard ) enixely commanded to exercise all their Pastoral authority and power , as they shall answer to their great Master . Besyds , if the Pastoral office , or its official power of order and jurisdiction , may be warrantably thus divided and cutt out in Shreeds and parcells , and divyded among different recipients , then it were lawful to divyde preaching and administration of the Sacraments , so as one Presbyter ( notwithstanding of his authority and mission , in relation to both word and Sacraments , receaved in his ordination ) might have preaching only allowed to him , but no administration of Sacraments : Another might be allowed to administer Sacraments , but not to preach . One Presbyter upon the pretence of order or union ( pretences are never wanting to humane inventions ) might be sett a part and authorised to Baptise all the Children in a wholl Province , doing nothing else of the Pastoral Office , And this power by the same authority might be taken from all the Pastoures of the Province , Sure all would acknowledge this to be a most wicked divyding and diversifieing what God the conjoyned . And such is this Prelatical divyding of the Pastoral charge in relation to order and jurisdiction , or the keys of Doctrine & Government ? the power wherof , the Pastor receaves intirely in his ordination , as well as the Authority of administrating Sacraments . 7. In this the Diocesian Bishop is contrare to Scripture . In that his Office is in many respects cross to the very nature of the Gospel-Church Government , and is ane Office which the man that exercises , cannot but in so farr cease to be a Gospel Church-ruler , Which I prove thus . 1. Since all authority in the Diocess , as to either the Word or Disciplin , is deryved from the Bishop , as its proper fountaine and subject , this power of the Bishop is properlie and of its own nature , not a Gospel Ministery , But a dominion and principalitie , discharged to Church Officers of what ever sorte , whose authority is not a despotick , nomothetick , or architectonick power , but a Ministerial Stewardship only . Matth. 20 : v , 25 , 26. 2 Cor. 1 : 24. 1 Cor. 4 : D. 1 Pet. 5 : 2 , 3. 3 Epist. John. 9. The work of all Church Officers , is called a Ministery , Pastours , Doctores , yea Apostles , Evangelists were appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the worke of the Ministery , Ephes. 4 : 12. 2 Cor. 4 : v. 5. Paul calls himself a fellow servant with Epaphras , Collos. 17. with Tichicus Collos. 4 : 7. And calls Ministers his fellow-souldiers and fellow-labores Philip. 4. 3 . -2 . 25-Rom . 16 : 3 . -2 . The Bishops power inverts Christs rule , as to the gradation in point of censures and appealls , which is from one one to more , from the lesser number to the greater , from the Presbytery to the Synod , as from the Presbytery at Antioch , to the Synod at Jerusalem : Not to any one Apostle , Pop , or Prelat ; Whereas the last appeal and reference in this Diocesian Mould , is to the Bishop . Our Lords rule is this in relation to the removeing of Scandales . First , tell the offending Brother Alone , then take two or three more , then if he be farder contumacious , tell the Church , the greater embodied court or Judicatorie , who have the official power of binding or lowseing . He bidds not toll it , uni , to one , but unitati , a multitud gathered into one , for so the Greek word doth necessarly Import , whereas in the Diocesian sea , the gradation is from many to one Prelat , whose sole prerogative this highest censure , is . And with Prelatists the rule runns thus , tell two , or three , lastlie and finallie one Lord-Bishop : Which is point blank contrare to the Scripture rule . 3. The Diocesion Bishops power , and Ministerial Pastoral pretended duties , as Diocesian Bishop are such as falls within he compass of no command , and which it is impossible to performe according to Scripture rules , which I prove thus . 1. The Prelat according to their principles is the proper Pastor of the whole Diocess , for he being peculiarly Bishop of it , and consecrat in order to his Episcopal inspection over the same ( for to the participation of his power & office , denoted by this term [ Bishop of Edinburgh ] &c. He admitts non in the diocess , it being the characteristick of his Superioritie over Presbyters ) & withall , it including the wholl Ecclesiastick Authority both of order and Jurisdiction with in the Diocess ; It followes of necessity that he is the sole and proper Pastor thereof according to this mould of Government . Now it being so , let it be considered . 1. That the trew Scripture etimon of Episcopus or Bishop , imports all the Pastorall duties of feeding and ruling , and layes a●…e obligation upon the person under this relation and cloathed with this Office , to perform all these duties accordingly to these to whom he stands in that relation . 2 That its impossible the Bishop can feed , Rule , Oversee , and perform the Pastoral duties unto , and watch for the souls of all that large flock , in which , some hundereds of painful ▪ Pastores will find their hands full of work . So that the Bishop assumes a charge , which it is impossible he can dischag or perform . 3. The Scripture allowes no Derivation or Deputation of the Pastores work and Office to which he is called of God , unto other subserviant Officers . Because God intrusts no man with any peece of Stewardship in his Family , but what he must both oversie and execut immediatly by himself , and is likewayes disposed and enabled to manage and overtake . God still conjoyneing the Office , gifts , and call together , for every peece of his work : Which the man that is intrusted with ; and called unto , must himself immediatly waite upon and attend Rom. 12. 7. and not intrust it to others for him . Hence 4. By clear consequence , it followes , that the Diocesian Bishopes work qua talis , is such , as he can neither mannage nor hath warrand from the great Shepherd to exercise or assume . In the 4t . Place , the present Diocesian Bishop is a Person who is authorised to sitt in Parliament , Council , and other civil Judicatories , as a constituent member therof : For they are restored to their places in Parliament & civil pretended dignities , which places they a●… by there Office bound to manage , as civil Rulers . But so it is that all civill dominion , & Magistraticall Rule , is expresly prohibit to Church Rulers , so that the Church Officer who is installed in these Offices , falls from Heaven to Earth . The Princes of the Gentiles exercise Dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authotie upon them , but it shall not be so among you . Matth. 20 : 25 , 26. This charge our Lord gave to his Apostles and their Successors Pastores or Bishops , who are here forbidden all civill rule or Magistracy , the nature wherof is properly a Dominion , and thus distinct toto coelo from the nature of Ecclesiastick Offices which is a Ministerial service or stewardship only . All our divines impugne from this text the popes civil Dominion and the amphibius civily ruleing or domineering Prelat falls under the lash thereof . Non who goe Christs errands and his warrfare must be in●…angled with these things that are temporal . The Minister must waite upon his Ministrie . So the civil Magistrat is Gods Minister in civiles , attending Continually upon this employment Rom. 13 : 4 , 6. Now , those being in their nature so disparat employments , and both requireing a constant waiting and attendance , he is a strange man , That can be called and sufficient for both : Who is sufficient for these things said the great and highly gifted Paul , speaking of his Ministerial employments : Are our Prelats beyond his sufficiencie , who can act the Pastor of a wholl Diocess and guide State affaires too ? Christs Kingdome is not of this World , and so are not its Officers , the weapons of whose warrfare must not be carnal . Who made me a judge , said the great Shepherd himself , when desired but to giue a deciding advice in a civil cause Luk , 12 : 14. Where is there any thing like the work or qualifications of the Magistrat in all the New Testament Rules and instructions anent the work , Office and call of Church Officers . CHAP. III. The Diocesian Bishops Office debases extraoadinarie Offices , in confounding them with the ordinary . That Timothy and Titus power layes no foundation for Prelacy , cleared at large . The derivation of Prelacie from them , loaded with gross absurdites . VIII . THe Diocesian Bishops Office , is in this contrare unto the word , in that It debases the Apostolical and Euangelistick Offices , and confounds the ordinarie & extraordinarie functions & administrations , which Scripture , Reason , & all sound Divines doe diversifie & distinguish . The Prelats Advocats , & this new informer particularly , pleads for and derives the Episcopal preheminence from the office and inspection of the Apstles and Euangelists , whom they affirme to have been properly & formally Bishops , in the sense they take the Diocesian Bishop , and that the formal power and offices , which they exercised are to be continued still in the Church . That Timothy was formally constitut Bishop of Ephesus , Titus of Crete , Iames of Ierusalem . And that the Prelats office , is the same , and properly Succeeds them , and is as it were , A continuation of their office in a formal sense . Timothy's authority is is one maine ground which the Episcopal men at the Isle of Wight , and this Auther also do plead to legittimat the Prelats office . This being clear , I say , this pretended Mould of the Diocesian Bishops Office and Authority , is lyable to the charge & censure of debasing these holy extraordinarie functions , and confounding them with the ordinary , which I prove , thus . 1. All sound protestant Divines do harmoniously assert the extraordinary nature of the Apostolick office as such , and likewayes of the Euangelists , reckening the Apostles , Prophets , and Euangelists as the extraordinary New Testament Officers , whose proper formal Office , died with them , and admits of no succession : for thus they ordinarily defyne the Apostles , that they were Christs immediatly called and extraornarily gifted universal Ambassadours , sent out , to lay every where the foundation of the Gospel Church , and to plant the Gospel government therein : Particularly Polanus in his Syntagma reckens up these as their extraordinary expired prerogatives ( to which we will find this Informer in parte give assent . ) 1. Their immediat institution by Christ. 2. Their immediat mission to teach , ( Paul had his from heaven . ) 3. Their universal legation to found and plant Churches throw the world . 2 Cor. 11 : 28. — 4. It s visible badge , ( viz. ) the conferring of the Spirit by the laying on of hands . 5. Their extraordinary authority beyond any of their Successors , as being set over the whole Church &c. Hence all the ingredients of their formal Office , as such , must needs be expired , And no Church Officer can be said to succeed them therein . Their Call was immediat , sure , non can succeed them in that . Their special or proper work , was to plant Churches and the Gospel-government in them , and set up their Officers , of all which Churches they were Ministers in actu exercits , sure no Church Officer could succeed them in this . Their Qualifications as such Ambassadours , were correspondent to this great work , ( viz. ) their gifts of miracles , gifts of tongues , Prophesie , infallibility in Doctrin ; Sure now can pretend to succeed them in this . Nixt , for the Euangelists , their Office was equally extraordinary , it consisting in a planetary motion , from place to place , to water where the Apostles planted , to bring reports of the Churches state to the Apostles , and commissions from the Apostles to them . Their various motions , pro re nata , upon & down , even after these Epistles ( wherein they are supposed to have receaved their Episcopal charge ) were written to them ; and the Scriptures absolut silence as to their ever returning to these Churches againe , besides the Apostle Pauls shewing expresly in these Epistles , their occasional transient employment in this places , and express recalling of them therefrom , to the further prosecution of their extraordinary employment , and in these very Epistles identifying the Office of the Bishop and Elder : All these clear grounds , I say , do evidently demonstrat that the work and office of Timothy and Titus as Euangelists , is expired , and cannot be pretended unto by any ordinary Church Officer , it being an appendix as it were of the Apostolick charge , and supposing its exercise and existance , and the Churches then - infant state and condition . Now , to make these high and extraordinary functions , ordinary , and thus confound the two together , must be a very gross usurpation . 2. Hence it is manifest , that the Episcopal function ( as above described in the quality , and mould of the Diocesian Bishop ) will never be found in these extraordinary functions , either formaliter , or eminenter , and consequently it must be a gross belying of the Spirit of God , to pretend this in the assuming of this usurped Office. First , The Episcopal Office will not be found in that of the Apostles or Euangelists formaliter . For these were universal unfixed Officers , set over no particular Church or Diocess : But were pro re nata to officiat to the whole Church as being ( the Apostles especially ) Officers thereof in actu exercito . Nixt , the Episcopal function is not included in these Offices eminenter , or in the ordinary power whi●… the Apostles or Euangelists exercised , or transmitte 〈◊〉 the Church . And that for these Reasons . 1. Neit●… the Apostles nor Euangelists in respect of their perpet●… ordinary Ministerial authority transmitted by them in 〈◊〉 Church , did exercise Superiority Episcopal over other Ministers , but as to the perpetual Pastoral Charge , they held them their equals , and in the ordinary power of government , as wee saw above in the Apostles practise in ordination and Jurisdiction amongst Churches constitut , and farr less can we suppose that the Euangelists were in such Churches to exercise any single or Episcopal preheminence in government . For it were strange if Timothy who was ordained by a Presbytrye wherein Paul himself was present , should notwithstanding usurpe preheminence over a Presbytery though inferior to ane Apostle . And that whereas Presbyters did concurr pari passu with a whole Presbytery of Apostles in every peece of a judicial Act and decree , yet that ane Euangelist inferior to any of the Apostles , should take Episcopal preheminence over a Presbytery . 2. The Apostles planted no such ordinary Officers in the Church , as had that Episcopal Power , therefore the Episcopal Power was not transmitted by them in the Church : And by further consequence it is not included in their Office eminenter . For it is evident , that in the first plantation of the Churches they fixed Presbyters , or Pastors , as their immediat Successor's in the Ministerial power , and likewise in their last farewel's into Churches , they committed unto these Pastors the ordinary power of government , without the least hint of a Super-institution of any officer of a higher order . Act. 20 : 28 , 29. Compared with 25. 1 Pet. 5 : 2 , 3. with 2 Pet. 1 : 14 — 3. It was in respect of Paules ordinary Ministerial power , and in that Capacitie , that he had hands laid upon him by that Presbytety at Antioch , and was sent out with other commissioners to that Synod at Jerusalem by them , which looked like a humble submission pro tanto , unto them , and is far from the Episcopal preheminence : since the Prelats dissoune all Subjection to the Prophes in greater or lesser assemblies . 4. The Prelats authority is this , he is upon the mater the only proper Pastor of the Diocess , whose Episcopal inspection reaches Pastores and flocks both , as is above cleared . He is the fountaine from whom the power of order and Jurisdiction in the wholl Diocess , is deryved , and the exercise of both depends upon his Lordly disposal . Now , this is contrare both to the Apostles and Evangelists their ordinary and extraordinary power , contrare to its very nature in universum , their office being a declarative executive Ministerie onlie : And Dominion or Lordship being discharged to all Apostles , and all Church Officers whatsoever . Hence in the 3d. place , This Episcopal pretence , a●…nt the derivation of their Lordly grandour , from the Apostolick Office , fastens a grosse charge of unfaithfulness upon them . 1. In assuming a power in its nature distinct from what there Lord allowed and enjoyned them ( viz. ) a Lordly dominion , not a ministerial Stewardshipe & service only , & such a dominion as Princes of the gentiles exercise , even to have the actus primus of a civil Lord-peer , yea Chieff-peer , or Parliament man. 2. In debaseing and Straitening their Apostolick Inspection , and carrying ane Office incompatible with it , and thus unfaithfully tearing out a parte of their commission . For , in becoming Diocesian Bishops , they should be fixed to particular diocesses , and therin exercise ane ordinary fixed poever , wheras their commission was to exercise ane extraordinary unfixed ministery towards all the Churches , planted , and to be planted . 3. In setting up up no such ordinare officers to succeed them in this so necessarie a work , but committing the wholl governement to meer presbyters as is said . 4. In ommiting in all their rules & prescriptions anent Church government , & the offices and officers therof , the least intimation of this officer , and giving no rules for either the qualifications or ordination of any higher officer then a meer presbyter , 5. In express dischargeing of Lordly dominion & preheminence among ordinary Church officers . Now , if this be not a debasing of , and hie reflection upon , these eminent extraordinary Church officers , both to make them carry ane office contrare and inferior unto , and inconsistent with ther holy functions , intrusted to them by the Lord , and likewayes in their practice to contradict their doctrin in relation to Church government , yea and in both their Doctrin and practice , to contradict & crosse the Lords great commission and instructions , If this be not , I say , a horrid reflection upon their faithfullnes , Let any judge . CHAP. IV. The diocesian Prelats office , taks away the peoples right , to Call there Pastor . This right proved from Scriptur and divine Reason . It excludes the office of the Ruleing elder . Some Cheiff exceptions of the prelatick party to that 1. Tim. 5. 17. Ansuered . IN the 9●… . place . The Episcopal government is in this contrare unto the word ; In that it cutts off Congtegations from all interest and right , in Calling there Pastor . For in this government , the Ministers mission , Call , Ordination , and Relation to such a people , over whom he is to officiat , flowes all from the Prelat . The Congregationall eldership have not the Least interestin it . Hence this power of calling Pastores was ranversed by our Parliament when prelacie was set up , and the old popish Custome of patronages was restored . The Prelat sends a man to the poor people as their Minister , whom possibly they never sawe in the face . Now , this is contrare both to Scriptur and reason , contrare , to the practice of the apostolick Church . For 1. Even the deacons were looked out , and chosen by the people . Act. 6. 3. That the Apostles might ordaine and lay their hands upon them , and install them in their office with a publick blessing : And if the people were to have so great ane Interest in choosing these men ( though even the Apostles , who had infallible knouledge of qualifications , were present to ordaine them ) that this trust of disburseing their Almes or charitie , might be committed to non but upon their consent & choyce . Ergo , a fortiori , People have a far greater Interest as to their Consent and choyce of the man , To whom they are to Intrust their Soules conduct unto another world , which is of infinit more worth then all the Earthes treasures , And while the are no such infalible discerners of fitt persons to officiat , as the Apostles were . If the Apostles would not set apart men for this meanest employment , without the Peoples-Consent & looking them out , How absurd is it , that the highest ordinary officer [ the Pastor ] should be sent to officiat in that eminent office with out ther knowledge or Consent . 2 Wee find the chooseing and sending out of Church officers in this hie ministeriall employment , To have been upon the peoples consent and choyce : for Act. 14. The Elders or Ministers who were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Church by Church , were thus ordained and sett apart to their office , Compared with Tit. I. 5. Berause ( not to stand here upon the import of the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which imports a hand suffrage , and consent of the people , as shale be made good upon the Third Dialogue and the exceptions of this pamphleter , upon that passage , examined ) this is clear , that this ordination was to be performed in the Church , Ergo , of necessity , with the peoples Consent and choice : And Nixt , If the Apostles would not ordaine the Deacons , but after this manner , much lesse Ministers unto such a weighty employment , since in ther faithfullnes the people are ( as is said ) infinitly more concerned . Besydes , the very Intimation , and litte , of the men out of whom a Successor to the Apostleshipe in the place of Judas , was by God immediatly to be chosen , was with the peoples Consent , Therfor much more ought this to be in the ordination and admission of ane ordinary officer whose call is mediat and ordinarie . 3. The Scripture doeth clearly hold forth a congregational Church & juridical eldership , representing that Church . Which ( besyes many other reasons add●…cible , and accordingly pleaded by our writ●…ers ) is evident in this , That as the Scripture makes mention of greater Churches , such as that of Corinth , Jerusalem &c , Who were certanly presbyterial , because , 〈◊〉 they are found , thogh consisting of many officers and Rulers , and of lesser Societies , yet to be all poynted cut as one Church , which must needs Import a Classicall or presbiterial unitie of these lesseSocieties . So the Spirit of God doth also●…all these lesser Societies Churches , in the plural . Let the Woman beep Silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Churches 1. Cor. 14. 34. Which must needs Import the Single Congregations of that one Church of Corinth . And moreover , through thes Churches Rulers , Elders , & Gouvernours were sett and established 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church by Church , that is , throw all particular Churches Act. 14. 23. With Tit. I. 5. For if the Church is found to have had both ruleing and teaching Elders , Rom. 12. 8. 1. Cor 12. 28. 1. Tim. 5. 17. And upon the other hand , if these lesser Societies are called [ Churches ] It certanly followes that they had ane eldership & rule in them . If ane eldership , and rulers , be allowed to rule and represent the Congregation in matters Ecclesiasticall , then by necessary consequence it followes , that the Call of the Pastor and Chieff elder and his choice , as most suteable to their condition , must fall within the compasse ofther Spiritual authority . Finally , the denying of this unto Congregations , & the Episcopal arbitrarie obtruding of Ministers upon them without their call and consent , is in two great points , contrare unto divine Reason . 1. Unto that spiritual and near relation , which is betwixt a Minister and his flock , ( which we will find this pamphleter after plead ) which is certainly marriage like and very straite . And there being many peculiarduties , which they owe unto him beside others Ministers , all flowing from this relation , particularly a special reverence , obedience , and subjection ; These must certanely suppose a voluntarie consent and call , and cannot be bottomed upon the meer will and pleasure of another , which cannot make up this relation 2 , This denying of the peoples right to call their Pastor , is contrare unto that Iudgment of discretion , that spiritual discerning , and trying of the Spirits , which is allowed , yea & enjoyned to the people of God ; If in any thing a spiritual discerning must take place , surely in this especially , to whom a people doe intrust their soules direction and guidance ; If in any thing a Christian must Act in Faith , and not give up his perswasion to ane implicit conduct , and thus become a servant of men , sure it must be , in a mater ofso great weight as this is ? If Christs sheep have this for their Character , that they knowe the voice of the trew Shepherd from the voice of the hyreling and stranger , from whom they will flie , Joh. 10 : 4 , 5. Sure their knowlege and consent must interveen , in order to their acceptance of , and subjecton to their Shepherd ? If they must not belive every Spirit , buttry the Spirits , sure this caution and tryal must be especially allowed in this case , that they admitt not a false Prophet instead of a trew ? So then the Episcopal Government , is in this , as in other pointes , chargeable with antichristian and anti-scriptural tyrannie over Christs flockes . 10. The Episcopal Government is in this contrare unto the Word of God ( viz. ) In denying , and cutting off from his administration , and the totall laying asyde of a singularely usefull Church officer appointed by Christ in his House ( viz ) the ruleing elder . That Government which denies and layes aside , any of the great Master of the vine yeard , his servants and officers whom he hath authorized and appointed , must needs be highly derogatorie to his glory and contrare to his word ; But such is Prelacie . The Prelats are like that sloathfull wicked servant who smites and beats away there fellow-servants , while they eat and drink with the drunken . That Prelats disoun and exclude this officer , is evident both from their principles and practise . They all deny the divine warrand of this Church officer : And where Prelacy is established , he is excluded from Presbyteries and Synodes , and upon the mater also , from the congregation : For they deny and exclude all decisive suffrage there , and take away all Authority of congregational elderships , as we seen . Now that this ruleing elder , distinct from both the preaching Presbyter , and Deacon , Is appointed by God , our Divines have made good from severall Scriptur grounds . Such as 1. From Rom. 12 : 6 , 7. Where among severall other Church officers which the Apostle doth enumerat , there is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or he that ruleth . Here is ane ordinary Ruler , distinct from all other Rulers , and Church officers , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Rule and authoritative power . Againe , he is ranked among ordinarie Officers , and so must needs be ane ordinary standing officer , yet stands distinguished from other ordinary officers , haveing both a distinct name from all the rest , likewayes a distinct worke , as being diversified from the teacher , the exhorter , and the giver . And moreover , a peculiar direction , as have likewise all the rest . So that from the circumstances of this place , the divine right of this officer , is clearly demonstrate . Nixt , That passage is pertinently improven for this purpose , 1 Cor. 12 : 28. Where we read of helps , Governments , under distinct paragraphes , clearly pointing out ordinary Governing Church officers , distinct from the elders that preach , and the Deacon , and all other Church Governoures whatsoever . They cannot be Governoures in the General , for what doth this among a particula enumeration of officers ▪ These are distinct from helps , distinct from the teaching elder , for he is already mentioned in this same vers . So here is a Rule , and Government , distinct from all governoures either civil or ecclesiastick , except this ruleing elder , yet set by God in the Church under the new Testament . But the third and most pregnant passage from which our divines doe demonstrat the divine right of this Church officer is that of the 1 ▪ Tim. 5 : 17. Let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and Doctrine . Here is a ruleing Church officer , distinct from the preaching elder : For here is a general , elders , Nixt , we have two distinct branches of these elders ( viz ) the ruleing elder , and the elder that both rules and laboures in the word and Doctrine , in the word as the Pastor , In the Doctrine as the teacher . Again they are diversified in two distinct participles and epithets , [ ruling ] is made the marke and characterick of the one ( viz ) Ruling only : And [ both Ruleing and teaching ] is made the marke of the other , whereby they are distinguished in their nature and office . But in the 3d. place , the forementioned distinction eminently appears in the discretive [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially ] which is set betwixt these two kynds of elders , intimating that as there were some of these ruling elders who did labour in the word and Doctrin , so there were others who did Rule and not labour in the Word : Both were worthy of double honour , but especially the labourer in the word , over and above this ruling . And to this purpose it is well observed , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially , is allwayes in the new Testament made use of to distinguish one thing from another . As when it is said Gal. 6 : 10. Let us doe good to all men , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expecially , to these of the houshold of faith , hereby distinguishing soom that were of the houshold of faith , and some that were not . In which sense it is also used Phil. 4 : 22. and 1 Tim. 5 : 8 , This precept , saith P●…scator ( Anal : in Locum ) he first illustrats by a distribution and comparison of things different and unlike ; for he distinguishes elders into those who were sett over Ecclesiastick Disciplin , yet so asthey did not publickly teach , & those who did teach also : Wherein he clearly gives sentence for us against the Prelatick partie , in this point . Wee may hence Collect , that ther were two sortes of elders at that time ( saith Calvin , on 1 Tim. 5 : 17. ) For all were not ordained to teach ; for the words doc manifestly hold forth that some had governed well and faithfully , to whom notwithstanding , the office of teaching was not committed . And trewly from among the people their were grave and good men chosen and approved , who did together with Pastores , by commune Councell & authority administer Church Government , and were in some sort , censors for correcting of manners , which oustome Ambrose compleans to have worme out of use , by the negligence , or rather the pryde of teachers while they covet to rule alone . The pregnancy of this Scripture tramples into the dust the pitiful evasiones of all the Prelatists in denying the divine right of this officer : Some of which we shall here take notice of , and the confutation of the same , offered by our divines upon this point . Some , by Ruleing well will have living well , to be understood : But the Apostle is speaking of the office of ruling in a Church officer , ruling over others , not of ruling over a mans ●…eif in a privat capacitie . Neither is the Churches Honorarium . double honour , double maintinance , due to living well , as here it is allowed to [ ruling well ] And this will say that the Minister that preaches not , is worthy of double honour for living well , which will make very harsh sense . Some understand this ruleing elder , of the [ Deacon , ] but the Deacon is no where called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or elder , his work being to help , to distribut , not to rule . 1 Cor. 12 , 28. Rom. 12 , 8 Some would being in under this [ Ruler , ] The ancient Superannuat Bishop ; But this gloss will in honour preferr unto him , the diligent preaching Minister , which will wound their cause to death . Some , by the [ Ruler ] will have such understood as did administer Sacraments , but preached not : But Paul knew non of these non preaching or seldom-preaching Ministers , far less would he allow them a double honoure , who rather deserved the contrary . Paul will have all Ministers apt to teach , and able to convince . Some by the [ ruling elder , ] would have Inferior Magistrats understood , who were appointed for ending civil Striffes ; but the Apostle is here prescrybing rules to Church office bearers , not civile rulers , and teaching Timothy how to cary in the Church . Againe , they had then no Christian civil Magistrats , as all doe grant , and for their going to Heathens to compose their civil differences , Paul himself dissallowes it 1 Cor 6. Some againe will have the laboring in the word & doctrine to be nothing else but ane explanation of rulcing well ; but this inadvertant gloss will set asyde My Lord Bishop as no good ruler . Againe , as is said , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , or the word [ especially ] is discriminating , and discretive , distinguishing one thing from another , not explaining one thing by another . If 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were thus sensed , what odd work would it make in other places . 1 Tim. 4 : 10. Who is the Saviour of all men , especially [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of them that believe . This gloss will sense it thus , the Saviour of all men greatly believing Others yet , by [ labouring in the word and doctrine ] will have a higher degree of labouring as to diligence , understood , yet so as both branches speak of labouring in the word and doctrin ; But ( as the Leyden Professoures doe well answer ) this will allow double honour to the less-labouring or lazie elder , who deserves rather a double rebuke , the Lord requiring the the utmost faithful diligence , of all labourers in his vineyarde . Besides that this gloss justles out , and makes Superfluous , that clause of the verse viz in the word and doctrine , which according to this exposition , should either have been totally omitted , or added unto both the branches of this sentence . Some , to escape the dint of this text , invent yet another Shift [ all Sort of Rulers ; whither civil , ecclesiastick , or domestical , are worthy of double honour ; so they sense the first branch , and say they , this General proposition the Apostle might premise to enforce the honour he enjoyns to the labourer in the word , &c. ] But the context fully rejects this gloss , since the Apostle speaks not generally of Rulers , but of elders that rule well , and of such elders and rulers to all which he allowes double honour . So that this gloss will mak pitiful work , both in allowing the Churches honorarium , double honour , or honourable maintinance , to domestick Rulers ; and likewayes will allow more honourable maintinance to Ministers then Magistrats . Some woulde , by the labourer in word and Doctrine , as distinct from the ruling elder , take in transient visiting Presbyters , distinct from fixed preaches ; but where will they shew us any such who were not Evangelists ? Wee find that meer ordinary Presbyters , were ordained for several cities and places as there peculiar charges , whom they were fixedly to feed , Act. 14 : 23. Tit. 1 : 5. Act. 20 : 28. But where find they such Presbyters as had no fixed charge . Neither can Evangelists be meaned ( as Dr Burnet would gladely shift it in his first Dialogues ) the Apostle all along speaking of ordinary preaching Presbyters . These , and several such like exceptions , the evidence of this text hath long since refuted ; So that we may conclude solidely from what is said the divine right of this Church officer , and by consequence the horride Sacriledge and usurpation of Prelacie , in robbing Christs Church of the same : And likewise the Babilonish confusion , which this Antichristian Hierarchie hath introduced into our Church : both in divyding and maiming the Pastoral office , in bringing in offices which the Great Shepherd hath not allowed , and in excluding and thursting our offices and officers which the hath ordained ; upon which grounds , and upon all the preceeding , wee hope we may now safely conclude the Diocesian Prelat , existing among us , to be a plant which the father never planted , and consequently as a poisonus weed , to be rooted up . CHAP. V. That the present Prelacie is grosse Erastianisme . Some Arguments against it , under that notion . It excludes and denies all Church Government in the hands of Church officers , distinct from the civil ; contrar to the Churches priviledge , both under the Old and New Testament , which is demonstrat at large . Is in many points ane Incroachment upon the liberties of the Gospel-Church , and upon Christs mediatorie authority over the same . HAving thus farr impugned the Diocesian Prelat , as a pretended Church officer . Wee shall nixt , offer some Arguments against him in his Erastian Mould , as deriving all his power from the civil Magistrat . Althogh the office of the Diocesian Bishop were acknowledged warrantable , yet this will help nothing the Erastian Prelat , these being very distinct theams and questions . [ What is that Species of Church Government , allowed and commanded in Scriptnre ] ? and [ whither there be any inherent Church Government , allowed her , distinct from that of the Civil Magistrat ? ] and whither Church officers , or the Civil Magistrat , be the proper Subject therof ? that the Present Prelacie is gross Erastianisme , is manifest ; for after all Church Judicatories were in Anno 16 62. discharged untill they were authorized by the Bishops nominat by his Majestie — the disposal of the Government is declared to be the Crown-right , and inherent p●…rpetual prerogative : and thereupon the Bishops are restored , not only to their civil dignities , but to their Episcopal function , presidencie in the Church and over all Church discipline , &c. And it is expresly declared , that there is no Church power , jurisdiction or Government , in the Church office bearers or meetings , but what depends upon , and is subordinat unto the Supremacie , and is authorized by the Bishops , who are declared accountable to his Majestie for their administration . In the Act for the National Synod , the constituent members thereof , the maters to be treated of , the authorizing of the constitutions as Church Canons , is soly in the Civil Magistrat , there work being only to give advice to him , without any decisive inherent suffrage . By vertew of which Ecclesiastick Supremacie , his Majesty puts excommunication and Spiritual censures , and consequently the power of the keys , into the hands of persons meerly civil , in the Act for the high commission . Hence it is aparent , that his Majesty as the fountaine of all Church Government , impartes this Authority to such as he pleases , and the Bishops are nothing else but his Majesties Commisioners in the exercise of that Ecclesiastick Power , which is originally in himself . Now , that this Erastian Prelacie , or Church Government , is a stranger to the Scripture , is many wayes evident . 1. This Erastian Prelacie , Denyes all Church Government in the hands of Church officers , distinct from civil Magistrace : which is ane error fully confuted and largely bafled by all who have written against Erastus and his followers , and is contrare many wayes to Scripture . I. To that distinction betwixt the Ecclesiastick and civil Sanbedrin under the Old Testameet , asserted and cleared by many Scripture Arguments by our divines , paraicularly Mr Gillespie in the Aarons rode . I. From the institution of that Court of elders , supposed in Exod. 24. Who were not those elders chosen for the government of the Commonwealth , Numb . 11. For this was done at Sinai shortly after they came out of Egypt But on the 20 day Of the 2d . Moneth in the 2d . Year they tooke their journey from Sinai to the ●…dernes of Paran Numbr . 10. 11 , 12. And there pitched , when the Seventie elders were chosen to relieve Moses . They were not the judges chosen by advyce of Iethro , for he came not to Moses till the end of the first year , or the begining of the Second after they came out of Egypt ; Nor could they be judges , who judged befor he came ; for he observed that the burdine lay upon Moses alone . So they must needs have been Ecclesiastick Rulers under the presidencie of Aarone and Hur. vers . 14. Who were called up as the representatives of the Church of Israel , after the Judicial lawes were given , Chap. 22. 23. In this 24. Chapter there is a transition to the Ceremonial lawes , concerning the worship of God , and the Structur of the Tabernacle . Deutr. 17. 8 , 9 , 10. All grant there a Supream Court of judges , therfor also the text must be granted to hold forth a Supreme Ecclesiastick Court : For it caryes the authority & sentence of the priests , as hie as the authority & sentence of the judges , & that in adisjunctive way as Two distinct powers , each binding respective in their oun proper Sphere . 3. From these judges & officers 1. Chr. 23. 4 , & 26 : 29. Supposed , & set to their work when the Levits were divyded to there Charge , who were not tyed to service & attendances in the Temple , but to judge & give sentence concerning the law & its meaning : and this saith the text , over Israel , coming to them from any of the cities of the land . 4. From Jehoshaphats reformation . 2. Chron. 19. 8 , 10 , 11. Who restoring the government of the Church , did sett in Ierusalem levits , priests , Chieff of the Fathers of Israel for the judgment of the Lord , & for controversies Here is 1. A Court of priests & Levits with power of Suffrage & thus consisting of Ecclesiastick membres . 2. In Ecclesiastick matters , Maters of the Lord , distinct from Maters of the King 3. For ane Ecclesiastick end ( viz. ) to warne that they trespasse not , not only against one another , but against the Lord. 4. All causes of their Brethren that dwelt in the Cities , were to come to them unto Jerusalem . 5. They have Ane Ecclesiastick Moderator , or president , Amariah the chieff priest , over them in all Maters of the Lord , ●…istinct ( as is said ) from Maters of the King. These & many such Arguments are made use of by him & others , To clear this poynt of the Two distinct Sanhedrins , which fully overthrowes this Erastian Confusion of these two powers & governments . 2. This fountaining of all Church power in the civil , and denying of Church government in the hands of Church officers , distinct from the Civil government , is Cross to that distinction of the Gospel Church her government , from that of the Civil power , wich is clearly held out in the new Testament . Wherin it is evident 1. That the visible Church is Christ the Mediator his visible kingdome as Mediator . And so its Officers , Lawes , & Censures falls with in the compasse of his Mediatorie appointment and inspection . Matth. 16. 19. — & 28. 29. Joh. 18. 36. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11 , 12. — 2. That the gospel Church was Compleated in her being & essence , both as to Rulers & Ruled , Members & officers , and in rules & directions for the exercise of her government accordingly , when no Magistrat was so much as a member of her . — 3 That in all the precepts anent the exercise of this power , it is enjoyned to the Church , & to these Church officers , as such , with the same freedome & independancy upon the Civil power , as at the first , & without the least restriction & limitation , in case of the Magistrats becoming Christian ; All the grounds made use of in pressing the exercise of this power , being moral & perpetual , & respecting the Church her condition as a Church , whither the Magistrat be friend or enemie . In the 2d . Place , This Erastian prelatick mould of government brings in many grosse encroachments upon the liberties of the gospell Church . As 1. Denying her liberty to exercise her power & Key of Censure without the Magistrat : Contrare to all the New Testament instances of the exercise therof with out him . 2. Introduceing a dominion , & arbitrary power upon all her government ; Contrare to her liberty & the very nature of her government , which is a Ministerial Stewardship , not a dominion ; for thus the Church is the proper object of the Magistrats dominion that being the Nature of his power Rom. 13. And the present prelatick Church ounes the Supreme Civil governoure as her Chieff Church officerer . — 3. Giving to the Magistrat qua talis ( for this power in Church matters , is by Prelats and their adherents aknowledged to be a perpetual Croun-right ) the proper & Sole decisive suffrage in all causes falling under Ecclesiastick cognisance : for Prelatists onely meet to advise him in there Suprem Court or national Synod , according to the forementioned Act. Now , this Cutts off all Church judicatories ther decisive suffrage as Church judicatories , which ( as is cleared above ) they did fully at first exercise of themselves , without the Magistrat . 4. This mould will make the Civil Magistrat the proper immediat subject of the Keys , and Impartes all Church government to One , who , as such , is not so much as a Church member , and impowers him to give out this supposed fountaine power to no Church members , or to here enemies at his pleasure , As his Majesty gives to persons Civil the power of excomunication ? Yea it gives him a power , by his oun proper clicite acts , to dispense all her [ external government ] as the law terms it , which ( if we look upon it as including all externall ordinances contradistinct from the internal government of the inward man , & the Church invisible ) will necessarely import & include the exercise of both the Keys , & all the external dogmaticke , diatactick , & Critick authority & power , intrusted to the Church representative : Which is a meer Civil papacie & the grossest of usurpations which the Church can be exposed unto , as shall be afterward touched . Finally , This will inferr , that Children , Heathens , yea women , may be chieff Church officers and heads of the Church too , since they may possesse the Crown of these Kingdoms , to which this Headship and Supremacy is annexed . But of this also againe . 3. This Erastian government is a gross encroachment upon Christs prerogative over his Church . And that in these wayes . 1. In assumeing a power over the Church which is proper to Christ only , I mean a Magisterial , architectonick power . That this is assumed by this Erastian mould of government , is evident ? He who can dispose of government , and governoures of the Church arbitrarly , and dispose of all Church meetings , and Church maters , as he pleases and thinks fitt , Hath certanly this power ; but that this Magisterial , architectonick , power and dominion over the Church , is Christs Sole prerogative , is abundantly clear by manifold plaine , positive , Scripture assertions . To Christ is all power given in Heaven and Earth , Matth. 28. 18. And he , as Mediator , is given to be head over all things to the Church , Ephes. 1. 21 , 22. To h●…m is all judgement ( over her ) committed , John. 5. 22. Hee it is also who possesses these high tittles , to be the Governoure ( over his Church ) by way of eminencie , Matth. 2. 6. That great shepherd of the sheep . Hebr. 13. 20. the shepherd and Bishop of Soules . 1. Pet. 2. 25. Hee is that one Master over all Church officers , who are but Brethren , Matth. 23. 8 , 10. To us there is but One Lord Iesus . 1. Cor. 8. 6. Hee it is , to whom onely the imperiall acts of power are ascribed : as , the giving of lawes to his Church , the gospel precepts are his law . Gal. 6. 2. Hee it is who gave commandments to his Apostles , Act. 1. 2. there is but one law giver who can save and destroy . Jam. 4. 12. The Lord is our judge , the Lord is our lawgiver or Statute maker , the Lord is our King , I say . 33 22. He it is who Constitutes her ordinances , preaching of the word Matth. 10. 7. 1. Cor. 1. 17. administration of the Sacraments , as of baptisme , John. 1. 33. the Lords Supper , 1. Cor. 11. 20. dispensing of Censures , Matth. 16. 29. Hee it is who appointes his Officers , Prophets , Pastores , Teachers , Ephes. 4. 11 , 12. 1. Cor. 12 , 28. In his name onely all ordinances are dispensed : Not in the name of Magistrats , or of any Mortall . The Apostles spake and taught in the name of Jesus . Act. 4. 17 , 18. In his name we are to Ask Joh. 14. 13 , 14. In his name onely Ministers are to preach and baptize , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. 2. Cor. 5. 20. In his name onely they are to Censure , to deliver to Satan . 1 Cor. 5. 4. In his name only Church assemblies are to be gathered , which seems the Smallest Act. Matth. 18 , 20. ( See jus divinum Regim : Eccles : Appollon : Revius . &c. — 2. This Erastian government incroaches upon Christs prerogatives , In taking and using the Keys against Christs donation and authoritie Christ is the only Lord giver of both the Keys , and all their power . But , in this Usurped power , the Kevs are 1. Divyded , against his prescription , who gave both the Keys of Doctrine and Discipline joyntly to the proper recipients the●…of ( viz. ) Church officers . Matth. 16. 19. This Erastian government ●…ches away One Key ( viz. of government ) from such to whom Christ the great Master of the House , hath Intrusted both . Christ in this donation of the Keys , making no mention of the Civil Rulers , but only of Church Officers then appointed , who were distinct from the Magistrat . Hence 2. The Key of disciplin is taken and used against his mynde , by these to whom he hath not Intrusted it , which is a great encroachement upon his authoritie . In the 3d. place , this Erastian government encroaches upon Christs authoritie over his Church , In superadding Ane officer to theseChurch officers institut and appointed by him . For in all the Scripture rolls of Christs Church officers , the Civil Rulers are not found . Eph. 4. 10 , 11. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Rom. 6. 7 , 8. — 4. This encroachment appeares in making Church officers , as such , imediatly subject to the Magistrat in all their Spirituall administration , which is a hie Censure of the Primitive exercise of this power independantly , as we shal shew . 5 ▪ In exeeming him from all Spiritual subjection unto , and censure by , Church Rulers . For where , ●…pray , shal we find the Magistrat excepted , and the hi●…herCivil powers , if within the Church , from Christs lawes and rules anent subjection to Church censures and to his Spiritual office bearers intrusted therewith ? CHAP. VI. Erastianism denyes the compleat constitution of the Apostolick Church in point of Government . Removes the Scriptur Land-markes , set to distinguish the Civil and Ecclesiastick Powers , which is cleared in several points . It is lyable to great absurdities . IN the 4th place : This Erastian Government presumes to impeach the primitive Apostolick Church , her compleat constitution and faithfulness of Administration in relation to Government , and makes here to have had but a defective maimed constitution and authority thereanent , while the exercise of the civil power in her , was wanting . Which charges a gross deficiency upon Christs prescriptions in relation to her Lawes and Officers : Which are found in Scripture , very full , and suited to her state and condition in all times until all the Elect be made up , and here warfare is accomplished ; and consequently , it impeaches Christs saithfulness and authority as Mediatour , whose proper work this holy constitution is 5. This Erastian Prelacy takes away all the Scripture Landmarks and Limits , which are fixed therien by God , to distinguish the Civil and Ecclesiastick Powers and Governments , and makes them every way the same , in all things wherein Scripture and Reason do distinguish them , both as to their Nature and Acts , and likewayes as to their Causes . 1. As to their Nature , this Erastian Government doth confound them . 1. In that it makes the Church and Commonwealth , the Political and Ecclesiastical Societies , one and the same , which are formally distinct . It being a visible profession that make a Church member , and outward habitation and subjection to the civil power , that makes a Subject ; Which may be where there is no profession , and consequently no Church-membership . For in this mould , the Kings Government Civil , is Church Government , for it is his Government as King , in which capacity this Ecclesiastick Supremacy is his prerogative , and his Ecclesiastick Government is also Civil Government , for it is his Government as the Supream Civil Magistrat : And thus the Church , respected by his government , is the Common-wealth , & vice versa . 2. This confounds the Officers of Church and State , which the Scriptur doth aboundantly distinguish . For , as is said , The Church had all her Officers of Christs appointment , when no Magistrat was a Member thereof ; and on the other hand , Common-wealths had all their civil Rulers , before they became Churches ; But in this Erastian Prelacy , this order is confounded , The chief Officers of this Church are the Magistrats Commissioners to Church and State ; whereas Church Officers are given by Christ as Mediatour to his Church as a Church , 1 Cor. 12 : Ver. 28. — 3. The actings of civil and Ecclesiastick authority are thus confounded , Spiritual church Rulers Act onely in Spiritual matters by Gods appointment , and civil Rulers there immediat proper Acts are only in matters Civil . But here Church Officers are Parliament Commissioners , and civil Rulers in the high commission do excommunicat . Againe in the 2. place : This Erastian Prelacy confounds these two powers in their causes , which are wholly diverse . 1. The efficient cause is diverse , God as Creator , is Author of Magistracy , Rom. 13. But Christ as Mediatour appoints Church Government , Matt. 28 : 18. But here , the Magistrat qua talis , is a suprem Church Ruler ? And thus is supposed to have his power from Christ as Mediator and Head of his Church : Which is ane opinion fully confuted by those who havewritten against Erastus , particularly Mr Gillespie in the Aarons Rod. 2. They differ in the material cause , the matter on which the two powers do act , are diverse : Ecclesiastick power doth act in the exercise of the Keys , the administration of the Word and Sacraments , having this for its proper Object and matter . The civil power consists in the civil and secular Sword ; the one reaches the inward , the othere the outward man. But in this Erastian Prelacye , the , Sword and Keys , are made one , promiscuously used , and put into the same hands . 3. The two powers differ in their formal cause : the civil power is put forth in political punishments , the Ecclesiastick in spiritual censures . But here , the same power is the first Radix and Fountaine of Spirituall Censures , and Civil punishments , and gives them their formal essence and being , as such . Finalie . The proper immediat end of Civil power is the Temporal , External , political peace of the commonwealth . Rom. 13. 1 , 2. 3. But the proper end ofEcclesiastick power , Is the Churches Spiriual good and edification as such , Matth. 18. 15. 1 Cor. 5. 5. 2. Cor. 10. 8. and 13. 10. But here , the Magistrat quatalis , being the Churches head , these ends are Confounded . These and several such like arguments are made use of by our writers against Erastus , which doe fully evince the unlawfulnes of this Erastian prelacie . Whosoever shal peruse Apollonius His jus Majest : Circ : Sacr : the jus Div : regim : Eccles : the Aarons rod , wallaeus against Vtenbog : and such like , will find this abundantly clear . To sh●…t up all with One word more . Ther are these 3. horride absurdities , in relation to Church government , which the premised mould of this Erastian prelacie will necessarly inferr . 1. That a man may be borne , not only a Church member , but a Chief Church Ruler : Nay , that a Heathen , and a man that never professed the true religion , but lives and dies ane ingraind enemie to it , and so hath neither mater nor forme , of Church membership , may be a Chieff Church officer . For his Majesties present authoritie herine ( acknowledged by our prelats , and which is the Fountaine of their power ) is the proper Croune dignitie of all that ever shall possesse and wear it : and so here is a monstrous Church officer , who 1. hath no qualifications of any Church officer whom ever Christ appointed . 2. A Church officer who is not Set in the Church ( which is the essential marke of all Church officers 1. Cor. 12 28. ) for that supposes he must be a Church member A 2d . absurditie is this , That Children and women ( who may have a lawfull lineal right to the Croun ) may be Church officers , Yea the Fountaine of our prelats authority , and of all their Under●…ings , and the chieff governoure of this Church ; and thus , they who are forbidden so much as to speak in the Church , shall be Chieff Church Rulers , and likewayes such as have not the use of Reason . 1. Tim. 3 5. 1. Cor. 14. 34 , 35. — A 3d. absurditie is , That the Church government upon earth may be Monarchical , and that One man may be her Supream head , legislator , And architectonick Monarch and Ruler , for aquatenus , ad omne , valet consequentia . Upon the same ground that the Suprem Civil Ruler is Chieff head and Ruler over the Church in his dominions , the Church in all other places , being a body of the same nature , Should the Christian Church be contracted within his dominions , he were her Supreme universall head ? And it were so , if his Civil dominion should be extended over all the Churches : By this same reason of his headship over One , he may be head over all , and exercise ane arbitrary at least a legislative power over all her ordinances and officers . And if this will not Clearly set the popes Treeple Croun upon his head , and disowne all that ever the protestant Churches have writen and acted against his blasphemous Supremacie , let common discretion judge , Ambrose ( Epist : 33. ad valentinianum imperatorem ) Saith , noli gravare imperator , ut putes in ea quae divina sunt , aliquod imperiale jus habere , opliticorum tibi munerum jus concessum est , non Sacrorum . Grieve not O Emperour , so as to think that you have any Imperial authority over these things which are divine , the right or authority of politicall offices is committed unto thee , but not of Sacred . CHAP. VII . The Informers deceitfull shifting and obscuring the true State of the Question anent Episcopacie , and flinching from the point debatable , discovered Severall wayes . He declines a direct pleading for prelats civil offices , Yet offers some arguments defence therof : Wherin his prevarication , and Contradiction to himself , is made appear . TO come now to examine what this new Dialogist , hath produced in defence of the present prelacie established amongst us , And to examine his answers to our plea against it ; We shall not stand upon the trifling debate about the personal good qualities of some that have been prelats , with which Hee prefaces this Dialogue , it being altogether extrinsick to the Question anent the lawfulnes of the office it self , And would be no argument in our case against him , as this man cannot but acknowledge , else Hee must give up the cause , upon his concession of the Unquestionable eminent pietie , and integritie , of many burning and Shining lights , who have been the Lords Constant witnesses against prelacie . That which is here mainely considerable , Is his prevarication in Stating the Question anent prelacie , ( viz. ) [ Whither the ancient Bishopes had a Superioritie over other Ministers ] wherin he utterly ●…ches away from the pointe debeatable . 1. In making this the State of the Question [ what Bishopes were in the primitive Church ] wheras the true State of our Question , is , whither the prelat now existent in this Church , be a Scripture Bishop and consonant therunto , Or , ane officer appointed by Christ in his house , Yea or not . And not whither there have been Bishops , or such as we now have , in the ancient Church . The Question is not of the mater of fact , but of the right , yea and the divine right of the present prelats in relation to their power . 2. In stating the difference betwixt the Bishop he pleads for , and the Pastor , Hee Smoothes it over in this general , [ whither there have been such Bishopes , as have had a Superioritie over ordinarie Ministers ] but doth not explaine what that Superioritie is which he pleads for , whither of order or jurisdiction , or both ; whither specificall , or graduall ; Whither a Superiority of meer presidencie , or of principality ; The [ Episcopus preses , and princeps ] sharing in this general name . Dolus latet in generalibus : Since there have been various Superiorities , de facto , He should have particularized that Superiority which He undertaks to defend . 3. His Doubter suggesting [ that they were not Lord Bishopes ] He must needs make him referr to 1. Pet. 5. 3. Discharging to Lord it over Gods heritage ; But how poor is his evasion from and solution of this difficultie , in starting this notion [ whither there have been , De facto , Bishops with a Superioritie over Presbiters , Or Bishops who had Civill dignities in ancient times ? ] The pinch of this debate lying in this , whither the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Or Lorship ] discharged in that Scripture , will not stryke against such a Superiority or dominion , whither in Ecclesiastick , or Civil rule , as our prelats now assume ? and not what sort of Superiority in Ecclesiastick , or Civill government , prelats have formerly had . The present prelat existent in Scotland , having such a dominion over Church Judicatories , and likwayes in Civils , as is above exprest , and derving all his power from the Magistrat in Ecclesiastick , as well as in Civil rule , He should have Stated his Question thus distinctly , and then fenced for his great Diana . But the man probably found this a taske which be durst not undertake : which appears immediatly after , in his declining the debate anent the Bishopes Civil rule , telling us , [ That he will make it none of his worke to debate with us , their acting in Civil affairs , Sometimes ] But 1. Since he undertaks the patrocinie and defence of Episcopacie now established among us , And in his preface professes it his designe to prove it lawfull , and therby to take off one of our arguments for withdrawing from Conformists , And it being likewayes Certaine that the present prelats are Civil rulers . He must either undertake this debate , or acknowledge them unlawfull pro tanto at least ? And that he proves but a maimed pleader for their present office , and falls short of a great part of his designe in this pamphlet . 2. He pitifully Snakes away from this debate also , in min●…hing their State-medling , thus , ( viz. ) Their acting in Civil affaires Sometimes , which may be said of any man or Minister , His rare transient , occasional , accidentall or privat actings , and even in domestick affairs . But cannot this man distinguish betuixt this , and a Stated official acting , 〈◊〉 constituent and constant members of Civill judicatories , as prelats are according to our lawes , and that even ex natura officij as they are prelats ; Sure , he cannot distinguish the Mountaine from the Molchill , that cannot see a difference betuixt these . Either this Informer must account the prelats present State actings lawful , or not ? If He account them lawfull , then He falls under a Three fold premunire in this point . 1. In de●…lyning the defence of one of the prelats Unquestionable legal privileges ( disouned by presbyterians , and by him esteemed lawfull ) notwithstanding of his undertakeing to plead for them . 2. In Undertaking only tos plead for their acting Sometimes , which ( as I said ) i far from the point and matter of fact , which he must defend . 3. In confessing at the foot of the page [ That Church men should not needlesslie , or of Choice , intangle themselves in these incumberances ] wherin he palpablie contradicts himself as to his Scope . For doe not our prelats of most free choice and deliberatly assume State Imployments ? Or are their shoulders burdened against their will with these State honoures ? Besydes , He cites 2. Tim. 2. 4. In acknowledging this intanglement in wordly affaires , to be unlawfull in Church men ; The text sayes , no man that warreth entangleth himself in affaires of this life . Now , if this text discharge universally , and absolutly , a Ministers intanglement in wordly affaires , How comes he to foist in his limitation of [ needlesly , or of Choice ] where is this limitation in the text ? If all intanglements or in cumberances , as such , be unlawfull , as is here expressly asserted , as being inconsistant with the nature and importance of the Ministers Spirituall function , which requires the greatest abstractednes from all worldly things , and the mans constant waiting upon , and giving himself wholly unto the things of God ; Then surely whither he intangle himself by choice , or not , it is still ane intanglement , and consequently sinful ; his acting deliberatly is butane agravation . Againe , since He maks ane intanglement Of choice , to be a needles intanglement , and consequently sinful , He must needs acknowledge that such is the present prelatick medling , which , as is said , He cannot deny to be most deliberat and of choice . But nixt , If He account our prelats State-actings unlawfull ? Then 1. Why doth He not interminis acknowledge so much , and not lisp it half out ? 2. Why doth He alleadge something from Scripture precedents to prove it warrantable ? But Let us hear his Scripture arguments wherby He would prove this State acting lawfull . His first Reason is [ That the jewish Sanhedrin made up of the Sevinty elders , Moses assistants in Civill government , did consist partly of priests ] where 1. Wee see He overstraines his point , and overstretches himself in his pretended proofe , for the These he undertaks to prove , is , [ That Church men may act in State matters , though not of Choice , and so that it be Sometimes only ] which he cannot but distinguish from a Constant official medling , if he speak sense . And to prove this , He brings ane instance of priests under the old Testament-dispensation , their being constituent members of a civil court ? Now , how doe these quadrat ? Were not these priests to act deliberatly and of Choice ? If this prove any thing at all it will prove that Ministers ( as being such members ) may deliberatly and of choyce involve themselves in Civill affairs , which this man holds to be discharged 2. Tim. 2. 4. And so this Reason , because proving too much , and beyond his assertion , proves just nothing . 2. As we cleared above , the difference betuixt the Civil and Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin , and that those Sevinty , mentioned in the 11. Numbr . who were chosen for the government of the Commonwealth , are distinct from those mentioned Exod. 24. Who were Ecclesiastick and not Civil officers ; So it is more then this Informer hath offered proof of , that there were priests in that Civil Court , since as is said , the Two Sanhedrins Civil and Ecclesiastick , did consist of distinct members , and there was not one Sanhedrin only , as this man seems to suppose . But 3. Though the concurrence of some preists in that Civill Court , were granted , Our writers have abundantly cleared the inconsequence of any argument drawn from that instance as to this point , In that though the Civil and Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin , were distinct originaly , Yet the judiciall Civil law being given immediatly by God to the jewes , as well as the Moral and Ceremonial , the priests by consequence , under that dispensation , had a most necessary interest as to its interpretation & decision in many cases , for the law was to be sought at their mouth . The difference of which condition of the jewish , from that of the Christian Church ( Spread over the world , and in Countreys where are different moulds of Civil government and lawes , and which are not tyed to that judicial law ) doth cast the ballances and overthrow his argument . As for that of deutr . 17. Wee have seen how it holds out a Twofold Sanhedrin which had distinct members , acts , and objects . In a word , if his argument from this instance were good ( upon his supposition that priests were members in that Court ) it would prove that Christians could not have a lawful civil Supreme Judicatorie , unles Ministers were constituent members thereof ? And that Ministers were essentially & necessarly ex natura officii ( as these priests ) constituent members of civil Judicatories ? which is more then he dare assert , and the absurdity thereof is above cleared . His 2d . Ground is drawn from [ the examples and instances of Eli the Priest who judged Israel fourty years , and of Samuel the Prophet , who , though lent to the Lord from his birth , yet went in circuit yearly judging the people ] But 1. The force of this reason leaning upon ane example meerly , of Church officers under the old dispensation , and the gratis supposed imitablenes thereof , it is ( like the other argument ) very unsound and lax . He will not dare to averr that every deduction a facto ad jus , is sound ; All scripture examples , are for our improvement , but not for our imitation . Even good and laudable Acts of the Saints , are of this nature , many of them . Some were heroical , as Elias bringing fire from heaven , which the Lord discharged James and John to imitat . Phinehas his Act , he will say with his Master the surveyer , was of this nature . Some Acts did flow from ane extraordinarie emergent of Providence , and a call flowing therefrom , as Abrahams attempt to offer his Son , Israels borrowing from the Egyptians and not paying . Some Acts had their issue from a ●…ansient and occasional junctur , procuring a necessity pro tunc , as Pauls preaching gratis , and working with his hands . Some acts were to confirme a special extraordinary call , So our Lords fourty dayes fast , and that of Moses his tipe . Now , to conclud from the premised instances , the lawfulness of these Acts ( viz ) Sacrificing Children , borrowing and not paying , the popish quadrantum &c , This Informer will grant to be very poor and childish Sophristrie , yet such is his reasoning here . 2. Divines doe tell us that these examples only are imitable , whose ground and scope are of a moral nature , which the persons did , as saints or Christians : such are all examples of morall standing duties enjoyned in the commands . They tell us . 3. That there are two Rules necessarly to be observed ( and which this Informer must of necessity grant ) as to a conclusion , ab exemplo ad factum , or a facto ad jus , which cutts the sinnews of his argument here . 1. No example which crosses a morall precept can ground a Rule , for this would make the Rule crosse it self . And to bring this neer the point in hand , I will shew , that this Informer fights against himself , and must needs admitt this answer , from the very mould of his argument : For he thinks to imforce the Instance from Samuel his civill actings , by telling us that he was lent to the Lord from his mothers womb : Which will say , according to his pleading , That a man though singularly devoted to God in the sacred Ministry , yet may deliberatly and of choice become a civil judge , yea a supreme civil judge ; and then I would know , how he will reconcile this with the great gospel precept 2 Tim. 2 : 4. Which himself pleads as discharging deliberat medling in civil affairs , because the sacred Ministery is a warfare , or a dedication of the Minister to the service of Christ ? And what will he say if one shall argue thus , if a Minister , though dedicat to the Lord from his mothers womb , may notwithstanding become a civil judge , then the Ministry its being a warrfare under Christ , cannot hinder a mans medling by choice in civill affaires , which notwithstanding he denyes : So that either he must disown this Instance , or his sense of that Gospell precept . But of this againe . 2. No examples of Acts done from ane extraordinary calling & gifts , are to be imitated by such as have neither the one , nor the other . Wee will find our Informer afterward grant this in relation to the Apostles , & that there are many things depending upon special emergents that are not imitable in them . And if he should deny this Rule , as he will contradict himself , so he will not evite a great inconvenience from the fact of Phinehas , from Ehud , &c. Incase some person of a boistrous heart , and unruly hand , should plead these instances to offer violence unto him . Be side , if this rule be not admitted , he will brangle the boundarie and limits of different ordinary callings , ( and relations by consequence ) which the God of order hath fixed . The examples of Magistratical or Ministeriall duties , obliges not privat persons to ane imitation ; The Apostolick Acts of working Miracles , giving the Spirit by laying one of hands , universal unfixed preaching ( he will grant ) are not imitable ( as neither the peculiar duties of Relations among privat persons , doe obleige every one ) because these extraordinary gifts and callings are now gone : And so say I of these examples of Eli , and Samuel , who are by all sound divines ranked among the judges whose call and office is acknowledged to have been extraordinary ; God keeping at that time the regal rights in his own hand . , befor he set up any fixt ordinary Rulers and Kings , and creating , & calling extraordinarly , his owne deputies in the Government , sometimes out of one tribe , and sometimes out of another , whose authority died with themselves and admitted of no succession . Wherefore Gideon told the people that God was their King , and refused that office when offered ; and the peoples guilt in wearing of this holy immediat Government of God himself , and desiring a King , is aggravated from this , That they had rejected God who was their King. So that his argument from these extraordinary instances , is wholly inconcludent ; it being from ane extraordinary , to ane ordinary calling , from ane extraordinary factum , to ane ordinary jus ; which is consequence we will find himself afterward disown . And if he straine these instances , they will prove too much , ( viz. ) That Ministers may be Kings , or supreme civil judges ; which I believe he will not adventure to plead for , since what ever thanks he may merite for this from the Pope , yet Royalists will allow him none . If , in a matter so plain and evident , it were needfull to adduc testimonies of writers and commentators ( as this informer doth to no purpose ) how harmonious would their consent appear unto this truth . The English Annot : in their preface upon the book of judges , will tell him that the judges were not ordinary Magistrats , but extraordinarly called of God in times of great extremity &c. And in their preface on the first book of Samuel , they shew , that it containes rhe History of the two last judges , Eli , and Samuel , and of Saul the first King of Israel . And upon that place , Chap. 7 : 15 , 16. Anent Samuels judging of Israel , notwithstanding of his being lent to the Lord from his birth , 1 Chap. 28. They will Inform this informer [ thatas thiswas the jurisdictionof a judge , whichGod called him unto all the time of saul , — so , he was quo bound by his Mothers vow , Chap. 1. Whereby he was devoted to the service of the sanctuary , to continue his residence there , both because God had forsaken it for the sins of the Priests , and also , because the Lord himselfhad taken him off from that levitical service , and called him to another imployment , namely , to be a holy Prophet and a judge over his people , which places he could not discharge , if he had been confined to a settled place . ] The du ch . Annot : in the argument of the book of judges , describe them [ to be such persons , not ( who administred the ordinary function of judges among the people , as the Word is other where taken , but ) whom God now and then as the state of Israel required , sometimes out of on tribe , sometimes out of another , extraordinarly raised , called , and with his Spirit of wisdome and couradge endewed &c. In the argument , of the first book of Samuel , they shew that therin is described the Government of Samuel as judge over Israel &c ] So that until our Informer shall instruct the Prelats extraordinary call from God , and also their extraordinary enduements for civil Government , these instances of Eli and Samuel , will not [ in the Judgment of these divines ] afford them the least shaddow of warrand for there civil offices . So this man may be ashamed that he ever mentioned such an argument . Finally , That Hee is in the breers of a contradiction here , is ( as is hinted ) evident , in that to prove that Church men should not ofChoice medle inCivil affaires , he gives this reason , for , no man that warreth intangleth himself with the affaires of this life . 2. Tim. 2. 4. Now , if this [ for ] or illative here , signifie any thing , and be not nonsense , this He must be supposed to hold , that , this text forbids Church men all deliberat medling in Civil affaires . But will He dare to say that Samuel and Eli their judging of Israel was not deliberat and of Choice , Ergo , It was sinfull by this rule ; Yet he pleads for its imitablenes as lawfull ; though a deliberat involving themselves in Civil government , yea a Supreme rule ; and thus holds it not cross to this gospell precept . So that to escape this Scylla or Charybdis , He hath no imaginable refuge but one ; ( viz. ) To assert with us , their extraordinarie Calling for what they did , and that singular old Testament-dispensation under which they stood . But then He must quit his plea for prelats civil Imployments from this Instance , and confesse it to be inconcludent . But for the new Testament times , he tells us . How much Bishops were employed in Civill affairs , when Emperours became Christian , as Smectymnuus confesses . But 1. Since he pretends Scripture Instances under the old Testament , his new Testament Instance is very apochryphal and heterogeneus therunto , being of Bishops medling three or four hundered years , after the Canon of the Scripture was closed . Humano Capiti cervicem pingere equinam . But his new Testament precept 2. Tim. 2. 4. Chased away the Instance of Bishops medling in civill affaires , Three or four Hundred years forward . Nixt , I would know whither our Informer holds these Bishops medling in Secular affairs , to be lawfull or unlawfull ? Iflawfull , and consisting with their Calling ( which He would seem to insinuat in telling us , that Saravia defends at large , ( even simply and absolutly ) Church mens medling in state affaires ) Why then doth he tell us in the nixt page That the fathers compleaned of this as aburden ? Sure they were very froward to fret under a peece of lawfull imployment . If it was unlawfull , or a deliberat sinfull intanglement , why obtruds he it upon us as a regular precedent ? And what will Smectymnuus acknowledgment of the factum import , to infert His , or Our acknowledgment of the jus . He tells us likwayes , That ancient Councells [ upon the ground mentioned , 2. Tim. 2. 4. of a Ministers sinfull intanglement ] discharged them to follow Militarie imployments , or to take ferms &c. Hence I inferr , then these Councels held , that deliberat medling in state affaires , ●…or worldly incumberances , is inconsistent with a Ministers calling , and a sinfull intanglement discharged in that text ; for since they discharged Militarie employments and ferms upon this ground , they doe consequently discharge all such Intanglement . For , a quatenus , ad omne , &c. This he cannot but grant . And from hence I infer , two things against him . 1. He setts these Councils by the eares with his Scriptur instances . For since they condemne these formentioned civil employments upon that ground , 2 Tim. 2 : 4. As a sinful intanglement in a Church officer 3 he must either say , that they condemned these old-Testament Instances of the Priests , of Samuel and Eli , as sinful : Or else acknowledge , that they held them ( with us ) to be extraordinary , and no regular precedents . 2. It will hence follow , that these Councils doe condemne Saravia , who ( he tells us ) doth at some length defind Church mens acting in State assaires . And Saravia condemnes and disputs against these Councils ; and then , it will be a pussing problem to him , to which of them he will adhere in this contest ; since he holds , with these councels , upon that ground , 2 Tim. 2 : v. 4. the unlawfulness of Ministers deliberat involving themselves in civil affaires , it seems be quites there great Advocat Saravia , and all his pleading upon this point ; For he tells us of no limitation in Saravia his pleading for Ministers meddling in State affaires . As for what followes in this page , he obscures and shifts the point here inquestion , in saying , That it is hard to call it simply unlawful , and in every case , to medle in these things . We know there is a lawful Concional medling , & also in way of Ministerial advice , unto the Magistrat in order to the satisfaction of his conscience , the Ministerial direction whereof is the Pastours work , at whose mouth Gods mynd must be sought , and likewayes by way of ministerial testimonie against what is sinful in state Rulers , which is all that our principles do own as to Ministers interposing in state affaires in our late times ; but he that cannot distinguish this , from accnstant official medling as a civil Iudge , and constituent Member in civil Indicatories , is very blinde ; And as stupid that man were , who could not distinguish this from the privat domestick care mentioned , 1 Tim. 5 : 8. Which is a part of that Eiconomie founded uonp the Law of nature , and competent to a Minister as a Master of the Family , who is to govern and rule his house under that notion . Yet we must here tell him , that Gods allowing the Minister his honorarium , or maintenance , is for this very end , that he may not by any overstretch of the domestick case , be taken off from his holy imployment . Here , we shall offer to this Informers grave judgment , the Reasons of the Assembly 1638. Sess 25. against the civil Offices of Ministers . [ 1. Christs notable example Luk. 12 : 14. Refusing to deal in a civil cause ; Ministers are his Ambassadours sent by him , as he was by the Father , Joh. 20 : 21. Joh. 8. He would not sentence that woman who deserved death . 2. Civil Rule is discharged to Apostles , Matth. 20 : v. 25 , 26. not only Supreme which is competent to Princes , but subordinat also : Citing that passage of Bernard to Eugenius , Lib 2. Apostolis interdicitur dominatus , ergo , tu tihi usurpare aude , aut dominans , Apostolatum aut Apostolicus , dominatum Dominion is discharged to Apostles , Go thou therefore and dare to usurp to thy self , whither the Apostleship , if holding a civil dominion , or being Apostolick a civil dominion . Where theyrefute the ordinary Episcopal & Popish evasion as to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. That Ministers having given up their names to this holy warfare , they ought not to be involved in things of this life , as the law denyes this to souldiers . C. d. Lib : 2. T it 13 , So the Apostolick law , 2 Tim. 2 : 04. This work tobe heavier then that any man can be sufficient for it alone 2 Cor. 2 : 16. Hence Ministers are called watchmen , labourers , souldiers , fishers , &c. 4. The Apostles , for all their extraordinarie gifts , were not fit for serving tables and preaching the word both , Act 6. although these were both ecclesiastick functiones ; therefore farr lesse can any Minister now assume both ecclesiastick and civil offices . Gregorie the 1. ( cited by Gratianin Decreto dist : 89 — Cap. Singula . ) proves that two ecclesiastick offices are not to be committed to one , from that place of the Apostle Rom. 12 : 6 : 7. As it is unbeseeming that in mans bodie , one member should Act the part of another . The 6th . of the Canons called Apostolick , appoints that the Bishop or Presbyter assuming civil places , be deposed ( which will make fearfull Mass●…cre among our Prelats , that day the Parliament rides ) so Can. 81 : and 83. Cyprian . lib : 1 , Epist. 9. sayes , that long before , It was appointed in a Councel of Bishopes , that none appoint in his Testament , one of the Clergie , a Tutor or Curator , Quando singuli divino sacerdotio honorati , non nisi altari & sacrificiis , precibus & orationi vacare debent . Since every one honoured with the divine priesthood , ought not to attend but to the Altar and Sacrifices , to prayer and preaching , for it s written , no man that warrs &c. Clemens the 1. ( whom many make Bishop of Rome , and out of whose writings , the defect of ecclesiastick history after the Actes of the Apostles , they affirme , must be made up ) in the Epistle to James the brother of the Lord , whom they make a Bishop , hath these words , neque judicem ▪ aut cognitorem secularium negotiorum , te ordinare vult Christus , ne praefocatus presentibus hominum curis , non possis verbo Dei vacare , & secundum veritatis regulam , secernere bonos a malis . impietatis tibi crimen est , neglectis verbi Dei studiis , sollicitudines suscipere seculares . That is , neither will Christ ordaine thee a judge and arbiter of civill affaires , lest being involved in the present cares of men , thou be not able to attend the word of God , and according to the rule of verity , to separat the good from the evill ; It blotts thee with the Crime of impietie to take up secular cares , neglecting the Studjes of the word of God. Synesius , Bishop of Ptolemais , cited by lipsius in politicis , said , that it is unlawfull to joyne the Civill power with the priesthood-nam hoc esset miscere non miscenda , hoc est Sacris civiliaconfu●…dere . For this were to mix together things which cannot be mixed , that is , to confound Civill maters with Sacred . See severall others cited by the assembly , and recorded in the Historiamotuum , pag. 283 , 284. Where there is ane Answer to the objection drawen from Augustins practise , and from that of 1. Cor. 6. 4. The informer comes nixt ( page 5. ) to his defence of the Episcopall office it self , But still goes on in the mist of confused generalls , never condescending upon the nature , power , and extent of the diocesian Bishopes office , as it is now established by law . However , let us remember that our present prelat is , according to our law [ Ane ordinary Church officer , assuming the government of some Hundereds of Congregations , as monopolized in him , and conveyed according to his pleasur , unto the Ministers therof ; Having sole power in ordination , and jurisdiction , and a negative voice in Church judicatories , & whose proper worke is Ruleing only , not feeding by doctrine ] This is the Bishop which all his pleading must be commensurat unto , else He but beats the Air. 1. The Doubter alleages [ The unlawfullnes of the Episcopall office for want of ane expresse warrand for it in the word ] To which He answers [ By granting that this will prove it to be not simply necessare , but not unlawfall , since it may be lawfull and expedient as falling under some generall ; as the command of decencie and order , will warr and a Moderator and Clerke , although this be no where commanded . That many learned men have thought prelacie lawfull , though not commanded , nor warranted by any particular Scripture precedent , nor yet prohibited , but left to Christian prudence at it is found expedient and conduceing to the good of the Church . ] To which I answer . 1. He grosly mistaks the Import of these relatives , a command , and the necessitie of a thing flowing therefrom , when restricting it to ane expresse warrand or command : there being many things necessarie , necessitate precepti , which have no expresse warrand or command . Divines doe tell us , that Scripture commands are either immediat , or mediat ; the immediat , are either explicit , or in expresse terms , enjoyning a thing : as [ honour thy father and thy mother ] or implicit , holding out , either that which is comprehended in the command , as suetable midses leading to the dueties enjoyned , or deduced by consequence from what is expressed ; As Ministers preaching is deduced by consequence from the command thereanent which the Apostles got●… : the Circumstances of the command pointing out this to be a perpetuall duetie of Church officers . Againe 2. There are divine commands which are mediat , comming mediatly from God , but immediatly from men , by a determination of the generall divine principle , and ane application therof to particulares : which they illustrat by that passage where Paul sayes , to the rest speak I , not the Lord , applying Gods generall command anent divorce , to the Corinthians particular case . There are likewise [ mediat accidental commands , ] deduced from Gods generall Rule , upon rare transient occasiones , yet necessitating to such a determination : So the abstaining from blood and thinges strangled , was enjoyned ( Act. 15. ) to the gentiles , and as necessarie upon the ground of Charitie when the use grew scandalus , although the law hereanent was abrogat , as being originallie Ceremoniall . Hence we may Inferr , that this Informer in denying the necessitie of what is commanded only under some generall head , Cutts of from the Categorie of things necessarie , all the duties in the decalogue , which are subserviant to the duties expressly named : and thus destroyes the Spirituality and extent of the law , acknowledged by all divines ; yea Cuts off all necessarie Scripture consequences , and duties founded therupon : as Ministers preaching the gospell , administring the Seales , Infant baptism , womens receaving the Sacrament , the Christian Sabbath &c. But ( to come neerer him ) in the Nixt place , I suppose this man will not deny , That there are many things sufficiently discharged , and consequently unlawfull by Scripture rule , because theyare not commanded either mediatly or immediatly , and that all ordinances of worship , Sacraments , and the substantialls of government also , doe require clear divine commands and institutions , by the acknowledgement of all protestant divines ; So that the not commanding of any part or supposed ingredient therof , is a sufficient discharge , discovering the thing superadded to be sinfull . Not that which seems good unto thee , shalt thoudoe to the Lord thy God but what He hath commanded , thou shalt add nothing thereunto , nor diminish from it . adde thou not to his words lest He reprove thee , and thou be found a liar . In vaine they doe worship me teaching for doctrines the commandements of men . See , deut . 4. 2. prov : 30. 6. rev : 22. 18. deut : 12. 32. Isay. 29 : 13. These Scriptures do clearly fortifie this principle : Otherwayes if he deny this , He will open a door to all popish superstition , yea & deny the very definition of it assigned by all sound divines , in calling it , ane opposite extrem ( in the excess ) to true religion , adding to Gods worship beyonde what is commanded . Our Lord reprehended the pharisees their washing of hands befor dinner ( a decent ceremonie in it self ) as simply unlawfull , when they made it a point of Religion , Because it was beyond the command . That text Isay. 29 : 13. In vaine they worhsip me , teaching for doctrinés the commandements of men ] is applyed in this case unto them . Our answer to the Papists demand [ Where finde we their bastardSacraments , and other Superstitiones discharged ] is , That they are discharged as sinfull in Gods worship , because not commanded : Should they rejoyne with this man , that this will prove them to be not simpy necessarie , but not unlawfull , upon the ground which He alleages , let him conjectur what his answer would be , and correct himself . For the substantials of government , He cannot but grant that they fall under the same consideration ; It being most certain , and universally acknowleged , that the Scripture layes down rules as to the excercise of both Keyes of Order and jurisdiction , the officers and censures of the Church . Nay , himself asserts page . 118. That the substantials of government and policie of the Church are utterly necessarie and unalterable . Now it being thus , the Question is [ whither the diocesian Bishop , or Episcopal government , be among those things which must either have a clear Scripture institution or warrand , or else is to be rejected as sinfull and unlawfull ] That the diocesian Bishop is such , I prove it thus : the Bishop which He pleads for , is supposed by him to be a Church officer distinct from , and Superior to a Pastour or presbyter , haveing a distinct worke , ordination , and qualifications ; Therfore , say I , Hee must either have clear warrand or institution in the word , or Hee is unlawfull . The consequence leans upon these clear Scripture grounds . 1. This officer cannot but fall in among the substantials of government , wherin the Scripture is full and perfect ( as himself acknowleges ) So as to make even the man of God , perfect : It is full in setting down all administrations relating so the Key of order , as prayer and thanksgiveing , 1. Tim. 2. 1 , 2. 1. Cor. 14. 14 , 15. Singing of Psalmes , preaching of the word , publick reading of it , and Cathechiseing , falls within the compasse of Christs commands and regulations , Collos. 3. 16. 1. Cor. 14. 15 , 16. Ephes. 5. 19. 2. Cor. 3. 14. Matth. 28. 19 , 20. 2. Tim. 4. 2. Hebr. 6. 1 , 2. So doth the administration of Sacraments , Baptisme and the Lords Supper , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. 1. Cor. 11. 23. And as these administrations of the Key of Order , so all the administrations relating to the Key of jurisdiction or discipline , falls under Christs clear institutions . Such as Ordination . Tit. 1. 5. 1. Tim. 4. 14. The dogmatick power , as to Ministeriall judgeing of doctrine . Act. 15. The critick power , as to the publick rebuke and purging out of the Scandalous , and receaving of the penitent . Matth. 18. 15 , 16. 1. Thess. 5. 14. Compared with Matth. 16. 19. John. 20. 21. So the diatactick power , in relation to Ritualls and and alterable Circumstances , is clearly asserted and rules laid downe anent its exercise 1 Cor. 14. And as the administrations , ordinances , and acts of Church government , So the administratores , officers , yea and Courtes falls under clear Scripture warrands and institutiones . Pastoures , Doctores , Elders , Deacons , their severall works , the greater and lesser Church judicatories , have their clear warrand , 1. Tim. 4. 14. Matth. 18. 17. Act. 15. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Ephes. 4. Now let this Informer shew me a reasone of this distinctnes , If not to point out all the substantialls of government ? and if it be lawfull to add any new officers , or administrations , or ordinances , to these expressly warranted ? He dare not say but is unlawfull ; therfore say I , upon the same ground , that hee shall acknowledge this to be unlawfull , this eminent officer , the Bishop or Arch-Bishop , must either produce his warrand and institution , among the forementioned Rules , or he must be holden unlawfull . 2. The Scripture coming this length in the forementioned condescendencie in point of Church government , as to Ordinances , Officers , Lawes , Censures , Courtes &c , it must needs amount to determin Some species of government , and presbitery , and Episcopacie , being of contrary moulds , it must needs appointe and authorize the One , and discharge the other . For all Church offices and officers have a positive institution . 1. Cor. 12. 28. God hath sett &c. Ephes. 4. 11. God hath given &c. Rom. 12. 6 , 7. The office not given is not a gift of grace . And surely the command [ not to add to the word ] includes a command not to add new spirituall officers , who must have a new work &c. And the Bishops authority must either be comprehended among the rules anent these officers enumerat , and the exercise of their power , or he is an●… apocriphal officer and unlawfull : Or he must say we may add new officers , and offices , and institutions in poynt of government , to these contained in Scripture ; and so our divines argument against the pope , from the Scriptures silence anent him , in its enumeration of officers , is naught . 3. Christ exercising ane external visible kingdom over his Church visible , and all Church officers , and their administrations , being in his name and authoritis as is above cleared , every Church officers mission and warrand must be found in his word , other w●…yes he runs unsent , and cannot expect his blessing ; all that come be for him , and anticipat his call , are theeves and robbers . 4. All Christs officers , and their gifts are Christs royall and mediatorie donations to his Church , and by him peculiarly set and authorized therein . Ephes. 4. 〈◊〉 , 7 , 8. &c , 1. Cor. 12. 28. He , as the great Master of the house , gives all his Stewards their Keys , their Orders ; Now , how Christ the king and head of his Church , his donation , his commission , his giving his Keyes , Should be instructed other wayes , then by his clear warrands and institutiones in his word and Testament , I would gladly learne of this Informer . Is there any officer of State , any subordinat Magistrat allowed in a kingdome , which hath not the clear warrand of the lawes ? Surely not , and so the case is here . Finallie . The ground and reasone which he builds this shifting evasion upon [ viz. That many things are not otherwayes commanded , then under some generall : as that all things be done decently or to edification , instancing in the moderator and Clerk of a meeting of Ministers ] is very poor : For since the authority which God gave Paul was to edification , & all ordinances which have the most clear institution , must be thus qualified , and to this end , that which is not Otherwayes commanded then under this generall , must needs be the alterable circumstances only , commone to Civill and Sacred actions , and such as supposes the thing it self , cloathed with these circumstances , to be [ that which is to be done , ] and by consequence falling Hactenus under the Compasse of a command or institution ; for it is these only which are left to the regulation of Christian prudence , according to the generall rules of the word . But , as we have above cleared , such ane eminent Church officer as the Bishop is supposed to be , or any Church officer , can be no such circumstance , but is such a substantiall point of government as requires a clear and positive warrand , or else must be holden unlawfull ; and this he must acknowledge or contradict himself , for He dare not say but that Church officers are other wayes commanded then under this generall , and himself alledges the prelats divine institution : & so He can be none of these things which hath only this generall warrand . Besides , I would know , if He will say that this officer , the prelat , must be sett up and Act with decencie and order ; surely He will not deny this : If then the prelat himself is but a peece of [ decentie , and order ] ( as being only commanded under that notion , and a species under that generall ) then he sayes that [ order and decencie ] must be managed & cloathed with [ order and decencie ] which will be very hard to reconceale to sense ; or He must say , that the prelat must act with disorder and confusion , or ( to evit these rockes ) that the prelat must be warranted under another notion then that of a circumstance of meer order , and so must have a particular warrand . His instance of the Moderator and Clerk is very foolish , the Clerk not being necessarly [ a Church officer ] and the Moderator [ no distinct Church officer ] from the rest of the members , and so is utterly Impertinent to this pointe and question , anent a Church officer distinct from and Superior to a presbiter , whither he ought to have a particular Scripture warrand . Besides that the same divine warrand that a judiciall procedor by disquisition , votes , and suffrage hath , and is exemplified in that Synod Act. 15. ( this being the necessary frame of judicatories , as such , and consequently of all Church judicatories ) the moderator hath the same foundation of his office ; but He will never let us see a shaddow of this for the prelat . Now to shew what good Harmonie this Informer keeps in this point with some chieff men of his way ( & others also ) let us hear what they hold , Institutum Apostolorum de regimine Ecclesiastico — & ea gubernationis ratio quae aetate Apostolorum fuit &c. — The Apostles appointment as to Church government , and that way and method of government which was in their time , is perpetuall , and can no more be changed then the priesthood of Aaron could , saith Saravia con tra bezam Whitaker controv . 4. Quest : 1. Cap. 9. Tells us , That the Church must not be governed-vt humano ingenio arriserit , as pleases mens fancie , sed ut Christo Ecclesiae domino so lique principi placet , But as it pleases Christ her only head and Lord. Hence he concludes that the forms which He hath institut must be held fast as the best . Matth. Sutliv : de Pontif : Roman : lib. 1 Cap. 1. Answering Bellarmins argument from Civil to Ecclesiastick Monarchie , tells him that-sicut unus Ecclesiae summus princeps &c As thereis one chieff Prince of the Church , so there is one true essential forme therof , differing from the various moulds of commone wealthes ; & that as she hath but one head , so but one frame of policie , which those who resyle from Christi leges transgrediuntur-they transgress the lawes of Christ , and blotts her true government . Field , of the Church , lib : 5. Cap : 45. Argues thus against the popes temporal power , that among men non hath power of chaingeing any thing but he alone to whom in an eminent degree it belongs , and from whom it is originally derived ; but to govern the Church as such is not eminently in the Magistrat . ] It is a Bad omen , cespitare in limine ; our informer we see , in his first answer to his doupter , is so anhappie , as therin to justle with soom chieff champions of his cause . CHAP. IX . The Informer undertakes to answer the Arguments of Presbyterians against Episcopacy . His answers to our Argumets from Matth. 20 : 25 , 26. and Petr. 5 : 3. Examined at large . The genuine strength and nerves of our reasoning upon these Texts , which he dare not medle with . His answers found inconsistent with themselves , the same with Papists answers for the papacie , and contrare to the sense of sound divines . THe doubter in the nixt place [ alleages Prelacy to the forbidden , and therefore unlawful : bringing for proof Matth. 20 : 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. And the Argument from this text , he makes his poor doubter slenderly and curtly to represent thus , That Christ forbids any of his disciples to he greater then another . This passage with its parallel Luk. 22 : 25. Is much scanned betwixt the Papists and us , in relation to the popes Dominion , and as it striks clearly against Prelacy , so Papists and Prelats doe as clearly joyne issue in their answers . In both passages it is apparent , that upon occasion of a sinfull and ambitious emulation àmong the Disciples , which of them should be greatest , our Lord did sharpely reprehend them , dischargeing them expresly the Lordly grandour of Earthly Rulers or Princes , and to exercise Lordsnipe or Dominion over one another , commending instead thereof , and in opposition thereto , a humble Ministerial service , and spiritual diligence in their spiritual stewardship or Ministery , pressing both , from his own exemplary humility in his converse with them . Now , our Argument against Prelacy is very strong from this text , and hath these Nerves . 1. The Lord most expresly discharges Superiority and inferiority among officers of the same kinde : Non are greater then another in their office ; no Apostle above another , but a compleat parity in their official power is here holden out ; ergo , by necessary consequence , he commands a parity among Pastoures , and discharges superior and inferior degrees among them . 2. Whatever priority of order among officers of different kindes , be allowed , yet he discharges Dominion or principalitie in any of them , all masterly power , such as is allowed in civil Government ; there being but one Master or Lord over the Church , and all Ministers being Brethren . This is clear , in that he mentions the civil Lordshipe of Rulers who are called benefactors in exemplyfiing what he discharges them , and likewayes in opposition therunto , commends a humble Ministerial service , not a sort of warrantable Dominion , as that parallel 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Makes it evident ; So that he gives two deadly blowes here to the Diocesian Lord Prelat . 1. In that he makes himself a higher order and degree of the Pastorall office , whereas the Lord discharges this among officers of the same kinde . 2. In Lording it over his brethren ( other Pastoures ) both in a pretended spiritual capacitie , arrogating to himself a sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , and a masterly power and principality over Church judicatories , ( as is cleared above ) and likewayes in his assumeing the Earthly Lordship , place and grandoure , of civil Magistrates , which is here expresly discharged . This being premised , let us hear what this new Advocat sayes to this Text. 1. He tels us that [ It is a great mistake to think , that all superiority among Church men is here forbidden , which he fortifies 1. With this Reason , that the twelve , though equall among themselves , yet were superior to the seventy Disciples who were also sent to preach , & this He proves , because Matthias who was chosen to succeed Judas in the Apostleship , was one of them . ] Ans. 1. It is here convincingly apparent , that this man shiftes , but dare not grapple with this Scripture , and the argument drawn from it , while he shuffles in this glosse and mistake ( which is his own , not oures ) viz , that all superioritie is here discharged among Church men , as our inference or medium ágainst prelacie from this text , as is evident from what is said . We grant with all sound divines , that among Church men or Church officers , there are superior and inferior degrees . First Apostles , secondarly Prophets &c. But we say , that hereby superiority among these of the same degree is forbidden , and likwayes principalitie and lordship in any of them of whatever order or degree , over another . So that we are not concerned to enquire , whither the Apostles were Superior to the seventy Disciples , or whither they were sent to preach , and not rather ( as some doe judge ) intrusted with a transient mission to prepare our Lords access to those places whither he was to come , with out any formall Ministeral mission above ordinarie Disciples . Only I must say , his proofe of this Superiority of the Twelve above the Seventie , is very odd ( viz. ) Matthias was chosen ane Apostle , though one of the Sevintie . Now , to give Scripture light and proofe of this topick , both branches of this assertion must be proved from Scripture , not only that Matthias was chosen in Judas roome , but also and mainely , that he was one of the Seventie , wherof the Scripture is utterly silent : and instead of Scripture proof of this , wee must take Clemens and Dorotheus , their Said so , which maks up a heterogenious proofe , like the feet and toes made of iron and clay . 2. He tells us , That ambition , and not inequality , is here discharged . This ane old shift of Bellarm : and the Papists , we say that both ambition , the root and principle of this desire , and the thing it self which was the object of this ambitious desire ( viz. ) Dominion , Principality , and Lordship one over another , is here forbidden : Subordinata non pugnant , 't is strang sottishnes in this man to imagin , that ambition , the inward principle of this unlawful primacie or inequalitie , should be forbidden onely , and not the inequalitie or primacie it self , the outward act and accomplishment of this ambition . Bellarm : answer to our divines argument against the popes Supremacie from the text , is , that dominion is no : here discharged , but rather supposed , and that it is only such ane ambitious lust of overruling as is among the Kings of the Gentiles , that is forbidden . Whittaker ( de Pontif : Cap : 1. ) Answers him , that this dominion it self , not the ambitious affectation only , is discharged . Bernard writing to Eugenius , & expounding this passage , & that of 1. Pet. 5. Understands them both as striking against dominion , and enjoyning a Ministeriall care in opposition therunto , Dominion ( saith hee ) is discharged and Ministery is enjoyned , So at length he concludes after severall things to this purpose . Thus Bernard clearly teaches ( saith Whittak : de Pontif : Quest : 1. ) that humilitie is not required in dominion ( as our Informer distinguishes with Bellarm : ) but dominion it self is discharged . But Bellarmin admitts to play the Lords if they be modest and humble in their dominion . Christus de re ipsa &c. ( saith Iunius , de pontif : lib : 1. ) Christ said of the thing it self , they exercise dominion but he spake not of the maner , they exercise dominion after this or that maner ; they exercise dominion , saith he , but not so yee that is , yee shall not exercise dominion : it is a plaine denyal of the thing proposed . So we see his shift here as to prelacie , is the same with that of the Papists in defending the papacie . But his Reason of this his glosse must be considered , [ viz. ] Because otherwayes , our Lords argument taken from his own example v. 28. Would not suite his purpose , since he was in power and authoritie above the Twelve . Ans. ( Not to stay here to tell him , that this defence and gloss will equally serve the popes turne , and bear the blow of this text off his head in Correspondance with Bellarmins Notion above touched ) Our Lords scope in proposeing his own example , is to antidot their inward pride , the root of their desire of this dominion , and powerfully to commend to them humility and low lines , as the most excellent remedy therof : And his argument runns a fortiori thus . If I your Lord and Master be as on that serves , and am such a pattern of selfdenial and humility among you , much more ought you to studie humility , and to guard against all usurped authority and dominion , over on another , who are fellow Disciples , and servants . So he reasoned Joh 13. If I your Lord & master have washed your feet , you [ viz , much more as being equalls ] ought also to wash one anothers feet ; so that which he imagines doth mak Christs argument not sute well , maksit the more forcible & suite the better . 2. He here contradicts himself , while making the argument from Christs example , v. 28. to suite the discharge of ambition only , not of inequality ( the terms in which he impertinently states the difference and opposition , as to what is discharged and not discharged ) for he grants there was to be no inequalitie among the Apostles ; and when he thus limites his general answer [ that all supeiroritie among Church men is not here discharged ] he grants that some superioritie ( viz ) among the Apostles themselves , was discharged , and consequently discharged upon this motive Christs own example How then , I pray , will he make this argument from Christs example , who was in dominion and principality above the Twelve , and their , and all the Churches monarch and head , suite his purpose of discharging Inequality , Superioritie , or primacie among the Apostles ? His reason he explaines , thus further , that taking Christ onely to speak against ambition , or a sinful desire of superoritie , which was Diotrephes fault , the reason from his own example suites well who , though above all , yet was , a pattern to all in humility . Ans. 1. Wee have heard that Christs argument suites best in the sense we have propounded , which is the sense of all sound divines . 2. If it was only a sinful desire of a superioritie in it self lawful , such as he sayes Diotrephes had ( how rationally we shall after see ) which our Lord dehorted from by his own example , then all our divines have mist the marke in pleading from this text against the object of this desire , not the sinful maner of desiring only , and the Papists gloss holds good against them , viz : that Christs example will plead only against ambition . 3. Our Informer yet againe falleth here into a twosold contradiction . 1. He makes the Superiority , the object of this ambitious desire , to be in it self lawful , and their fault only to lie in the ambitious or sinful desire ; yet in answer to the nixt obiection he grants , that Christ discharged dominium civile & despoticum ; Now , he must either say , that this was the object of their desire , & consequently that it was sinful in the object , or else that our Lords discourse and exhortation was not to the purpose ; Againe , this domineum civile & despoticum , is more then a meer superioritie . But 2. the superioritie here discharged was among the Apostles themselves , & this was the object of their desire ; the ambitions question and debate was , which of them should be greatest , and highest above all the rest ? Now he grants that there was to be no superioritie , far less principality among them ; How then can he say that Christ discharged only ane ambitious affectation of a superioritie in it self lawful ; such as Diotrephes had , whom we will find him after assert to have endeavoured to put himself into a lawful pre-existent office . Surely if there was to be no inequality among them , their desire of inequality was most sinful in the object , upon that very ground . Againe , he grants that Christ speaks to the Twelve , and likwayes cannot deny , but clearly insinuates a concession with the text , that the Apostles were striveing about inequality , which he acknowledges was unlawful in them , yet in the second answer , he will not have this discharged ; which how inconsistent it is , let any judge . Beside , since . Christ spoke this to the twelve , among whom there was to be [ no inequality in respect of power ] as he sayes , & consequently discharged this , since he is rebuking them for striving about a primacy , the highest degree of inequality in respect of power , how absurd & nonsensical is his 2d answer , which denies [ that Christ discharged inequality ; ] could Christ discharge them an inequality of the highest pitch , and yet not discharge inequality ? Or could [ all inequality in respect of power ] be unlawful among them , and yet not be discharged when our Lord discharged [ a primacy of power ? ] he will prove a strang critick if he distinguish these . He tells us lastly here that humility & imparity can well consist . But can humility , & a forbidden imparity consist ? can humility in a Churchman , & [ Dominium civile and despoticum ] consist ? Both which he acknowledges were discharged to the Apostles here . So he insinuats that their desired imparity , was still lawful in it self , since it may be possessed even humbly , & thus heaps up inconsistencies . He objects to himself That Christ in denying to them , the Dominion of the Princes of the gentiles , discharged all superiority among Church men . To which he answers That he onely discharges [ Dominium civile , & despoticum ] a princely Lordly power , such as they exercise : but the power of the Church is of another nature . Ans. 1. [ Not to meedle with his makeing Dominium civile , and despoticum , adequat termes , there being a Dominium politicum , ordinately contradistinguished from despoticum , which is also a Dominium civile ) He grants here , that it was more then a simple desire of a lawful superiority , which the Apostles were tainted with , forgeting what he said immediatly before . Nixt , if Christ discharged this civil Lordly power to Churchmen , he discharged them to be Parliaments Lords , and to hold civil state offices , contrare to what he pleades from the instances of the Priests Numb . II. and from Eli & Samuel ; and so he must grant the new Testament Church and its dispensation , to be in this different from the old , since he acknowledges that Church power was here allowed the Apostles and their successors , and civill power discharged . Thus our Informer must grant , that Christ did here rid marches betwixt these things which he before confounded , and their Erastian Prelacy confounds . Again , this is the very shift of Bellarmin to save the popes supremacie : The Lord , saith he , In forbidding them , to rule as the Princes of the Gentiles , signified they were to rule , but not after that manner [ viz. ] Ecclesiastically ; So he thinks it touches not the popes Ecclesiastick supremacy , and the Informer in this stryks hands with him . For if our Lord discharged only here that kind of Dominion as he sayes ; But allowed a Church power or dominion of another nature , surely for anything that is here discharged , ane Ecclesiastick pop or patriarch his mytrestands sure , and is never touched by any prohibition which the Disciples here got , against the sense and pleading of all Protestants . Moreover , will this Informer adventur to say that the popes primacy , or ecclesiastick Monarchy , even as abstracted from his civill Dominion , is not here discharged ; And if it be [ as all our divines assert it is ] then our Lord understood another sort of abuse of power then invadeing a Dominium civile , even all despotick or Lordly power , whither civill , or pretended ecclesiastick in Church officers . Besids , if he discharged Lordly power , he discharged that which Peter discharged 1 Pet. 5. Even to Lord over Gods heritage . What ? will he dare to say that it is only a civill Lordship which is there discharged & not rather ane ecclesiastick dominion , Which bath Gods heritage or Church for its object : And if so , then the Prelats Dominion is expresly stricken against , since ( as we have above cleared ) his power is a meer despotick Lordship or rule ; For to be the proper object & fountaine of all ecclesiástick authority in the Diocess , to have sole power in ordination & jurisdiction ; the sole decisive suffrage in Judicatories , is either a despotick Dominion and Lordship or it is nothing ; and if the Churches power is of another nature then this civill Dominion , as this man tells us , of what nature is it ? Only of another nature , because it touches spiritual objects ; Then for any thing that is here forbidden , a papall ecclesiastick monarchy is never touched . Or is it of another nature because in it self Steward-like and Ministerial , not despotick or Princely , like that of the Magistrat ( which is the sense of all sound divines , and must be his too , if he speak sense ) then who sees not that the power of the Prince-or Lord-Prelat is most formally discharged ? It being evidently of this nature . Yet againe , it is in this apparent that he shiftes and shuffles the question , and its terms here , anent the power of the Prelat and the power discharged in this text . For in saying in the beginning of his Answer , that Christ discharges that kind Dominion of onely which civil Princes exercise , he must needes be supposed to contradistingush from this , ane ecclesiastick Dominion which is allowed , yet when he speaks of this he alters the terms , telling us [ that the Churches power is of another nature ] he should have said the Churches reserved Dominion , if he had spoken consequently , as that other kind of Dominion which he allowes , and by the consequence of his discourse , holds that the Text will allow ; In a word , that all sort of [ Dominion ] whither pretended ecclesiastick , or civil , is here discharged to Church officers , and consequently his offering violence to the Text , is apparent from the context two wayes . 1. In that the strife among the Apoles , flowing from this desire of unlawful greatnes , and which drew forth this exhortation and prohibition under debate , was not about a civill despotick rule ; properly , or onely , but anent a Lordship & chief rule in the Church , and in matters ecclesiastick , under Christ as their head ; So that though the Lord exemplified the greatnes which he discharged them , in that of earthly princes , ( there being no other then existent and apparent ) yet it was not this primarily , but ane ecclesiastick Lordship or dominion , which he strycks against ; Since he is directing them both negatively and positively anent the nature , And exercise of their spiritual and ecclesiastick Authority and Rule . 2. The positive parte of his injunction touching a Ministerial service , or humble Ministery , excludes all sort of dominion in what ever sense it can be taken , and not a civill dominion onely . Our Informer tells us , nixt . That sundrie interpreters , interpret Christs words , as discharging only Tyranny , such as earthly Princes exercise . And in this he Informers us right ; Onely he should have been so ingenuus as to tell us that they are interpreters beyond our line , that is popish interpreters , for this is directly Bellarmins shift , to which , since he stands here upon the same ground with him , I shall return learned Whittakers interpretation and answer , which hitherto I believe hath passed current with all sound Protestants . Christ sets before them the example of the Kings of the Gentiles , not to the end they may flie ambition on'y ( as this man shifts it ) but to let them understand that they have nothing to doe with a kingly rule . — For ( saith he ) though the words translated [ exercise dominion or authority ] which Matthew maks use of , doeth sometimes signifie immoderat dominion , yet Luke Omitts the preposition in both these Words : But so it is that the simple verb , is attribut to these who obtaine power and dominion , not to these who insolently and tyrannically overerule ; for all those who among the gentiles obtained principality did not reigne tyrannically or unjustly , nay the Clemency of many such , and their justice is praised . Thus he , de pontif : Quest : 1. To which I may add , that our Lord speakes of such Princes as were called Benefactoers or gracious Lords , a very unsuiteable designation for Tyrannes . How easie is it from the Informer reasoning here , and with his net to fish out a papacy . That which the Apostles here desired was in it self lawful , and the fault was onely in the ambitious desire , as it was with diotrephes who desired a lawful preexistent office : This he clearly asserts : I subsum : But that which they desired , and were striving about , was a primacie or papacie , Ergo that office is lawfull in it self . The pope will thank our Informer for this . The nixt text objected by the doubter , is that pregnant passage 1 Pet. 5 : 3. Be not Lords over Gods heritage . And from this he maks him mutter out this slender argument , [ is not superiority among Church men there clearly forbidden . ] Still we see our Informer keeps him under the covert of his own groundless supposition , that we doe from this and such like texts Impugne , Superiority among Church men , as he terms it , whereas wee allow ( as he cannot but know ) with all sound divines , and scripture it self , superiour and inferiour degrees among Church officers : And he cannot shew that any Presbyterian did ever draw forth from this text such ane insignificant notion as this against Prelacy ; But hee behoved to make the knot easy , since himself must loose it . Our Argument from this text , is this , That the Apostle here injoyneing Ministers their duty [ both negativil and positively , he first dehorts from evills they are lyable unto , such as heart reluctancy at their laborius employment , covetusness and usurpation or Lordship and Dominion , whither over their fellowes , which Dietrephes affected , or over the people , by taking ane arbitrarie masterly imperious way with them , or a way of force and rigoure , as these reptehended Ezek. 34 : 4. He nixt , positively exhortes them to lead or rule in a holy exemplarie , Shepherd-like Method , expressing the word of grace in their practise . Now [ I say ) from this genuine sense and scope of the place , wee argue against Prelacie , thus . 1. The Apostle exhorts these elders or Ministers as their [ fellow-elder ] supposeing them his immediat Successors in the highest Spheere of ane ordinarie Ministery , for he supposes them to have non higher over them now when he was shortly to put off his Tabernacle . 2. He enjoyns them to feed and take the oversight , or exercise Episcopal authoritie over the flock , as Paul did likewayes the Presbyters or elders of Ephesus , in his last farewel . ( Act. 20. ) a scrybing a compleat Episcopal authoritie to them , both as to jurisdiction and ordination . 3. Yet he discharges any of them to Lord it over Gods heritage , commending instead thereof , ane exemplarie humble service or ministery , Hence wee inferr against the Diocesian Prelat . 1 That there is no higher officer then a Presbyter , left by the Apostles as their ordinary Successor , since the Apostle as their follow Presbiter , exhorts themas the highest ordinary officers , and therfor the Prelat , pretending to be ane higher ordinary officer , is Apocriphal . 2. All Episcopali authority is in Presbyters , both as to ordination and Jurisdiction , and they have both name and thing of a Scripture Bishop , and therefore the Prelat , arrogating this name solely to himself , & all the Episcopal power of ordinationand Jurisdiction as his solely , and denying it to Presbyters , is ane Anti-scripturall Monster : Since these Presbyters had this in a compleat parity 3. Non of these Elders must exercise a masterly power and dominion over the flocks , therefore the Lord Prelats imperious Lordly power is palpably condemned , which he exercises over both Pastores and flocks . Now , this being our argument from this text , let any man judge of this Informer ingenuity , while representing it in such a disguise , that he may seem able to grapple with it ; Whereas we shall find that his answers to his Argument presented thus in its genuine strength , are like the conflict betwixt the giant and pigmee . But what sayes he to the Argument as in his own mould . 1. He answers That superiority among Churchmen is not discharged . By [ Churchmen ] if he understand in General , [ Church officers ] ( though the terme be some what odd ) we shall easily Admitt that this Text discharges not superior and inferior degrees among them , but this will nothing help his cause , as is evident . If he mean superiority among preaching Presbyters , or Elders , we have proved it to be here discharged , since the Apostle attributes episcopal Authority to these elders in common , and discharges Lordly preheminenc in any of them . Well , what is it that our Informer will admitt to be here discharged ? domineering and Tyranny , saith he , which may be the fault of ane ordinary Minister towards his flocke . This is the old popish song made new again , to which I repon two things . 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is parallel with that of Matth. 20. and Luk. 22. Where peter learned the prohibition , and ( as is said ) imports indeed Dominion but no Tyrannical domineering it being made use of by the seventy interpreters to express Dominion unquestionably lawful . 2. The positive parte of the precept refutes this gloss , he sayes not , Not Tyrannically domineering , but using Dominion moderatly ( which ought to have been the other alternative branch , if this mans gloss were true , and the Apostle had allowed a lawfull Lordshipe ) but He adds for the other branch in expressing what is injoyned being examples to the slock . Injoyneing thus to feed by example , and a humble Ministery ; And this is opposit to all Dominion and Lordship whatsoever , and doth not discriminat only one Dominion from another ; which is also apparent in the alternative branche , and positive precept of the above mentioned paralel texts . Besides we might here tell him , That the Episcopal preheminence , being so many wayes cross to the Scripture rules in pointe of Government , may be truely called a most TyrannicalDomineereing . But the reasons of his gloss follows . He tells us ; That this domineering and Tyranny may be the fault of ane ordinary Minister towards his flock , and that the Apostle is not here speaking of Church mens carriage towards one another , or of their equality or inequality among themselves , but of their behaviour towards the people , who are called the flock , or Gods heritage . Ans. This is a strange reason , and very hard to comprehend , only Tyrannical domineereing must be understood because it relates only to the flock . Can there not be a Tyrannical domineering over the Clergy also ? And because the Apostle forbids to Lord it over the flock , therefore he forbids not Dominion over the Clergy ; The quit contrare conclusion will better follow : If the Apostle forbids them to Lord it over the flocks , who were subject to them as their spiritual guides , therefore , a fortiori , he much more forbids them to Lord it over their fellow Presbyters , who were their equalls in this Spiritual trust and Authority over the flocks ; And if it be unlawful to play the Domineering Prelat over one poor flock , it must be much more unlawfull to Act this Tyranny over some Hundreds of both pastores and flocks . So that Ministers , or ( if he will ) Churchmens carriage towards one another , must be here clearly pointed out by a very necessary consequence from the less to the greater , and the equality of Ministers in their spiritual Government and Rule , by he same topick strongly inferred from this place . It strange that the Apostle should discharge to Lord it over the flocks , and yer allow a Lordship over both Clergy and flocks . But another wonder is , how he comes to excludMinisters from that tittle of Gods heritage , which his party ( from whom our Informer here proves a separatist ) do often make peculiar unto [ Church Rulers ] one would thinke that they should have a special Interest and share in that which grounds this denomination ; Are they not the Lords purchase , as well as the people Act. 20. Nay they are in a singular manner such , and Christs glorie ; Are they not such as he will never cast off and alienat Psal. 94 : 14. They are the starrs which Christ holds in his right hand ; nay , as being singularly dedicat to him , they are singularly his : as the Levits had the Lord for their Inheritance in a speciall way ; So they were singularly his , set aparte for him beyond all the rest of the tribes . And are not Ministers taken from among the people for his Priests and Levits — And called therefore men of God , stewards of God , Ministers , Servants , Ambassadoures of Christ , because of their singular relation to him : And as this is a strong disswasive from Lording over the people , that they are Gods heritage , who therefore most not be the servants of me●… , So upon the ground of Ministers speciall interest in this denomination , the Apostles argument as to them , is the more forcible . Againe , since he so expresly forbids any of these Pastoures to Lord it over Gods Heritage ( enjoyning them a humble exemplary Ministery ) and far less to exercise a Lordly Rule over one another , he establishes by clear consequence ( as I hinted ) ane equality among them , in their pastoral official power and authority ; Withall , the Apostle speaking to them indefinitely in this precept without the least exception and reserve as to any one of them : and making their episcopal inspection relate to the flock ( as this man himself pleads ) both these grounds hold out their equality among themselves , and inferrs a discharge of inequality . This Informers likewayes would remarke that the Spirit of God here commands Presbyters to act the Bishopes , thus indentifying the Bishop and Prisbyter , but without Lording it over Gods heritage , the prohibition not to Lord it , is remarkably joyned with the command to Act the Bishop : And referring their office to the flock , he must confess the Apostle acknowledged no Bishops whose inspection was over Pastours themselves . Thus we see hisanswer to the Argument against Prelacy from this Text is contrare unto the scope and sense of the Words , yea and inconsistent with it self . CHAP. X. The Informers answers to our Argument from Act. 20. and from Tit. 1 : 5 , 7. Philip. 1 : 1. Ephes. 4 : 11. For the identitie of [ Bishop ] & [ Presbyter , ] win nowed , the insufficiencie , and inconsistencie thereof , together with his begging of the question , discovered ; and these texts at some length improven against him . THE Doubter in the nixt place objects [ That in the new Testament , Bishop and Presbyter signifie one and the same office bearer , that in Act. 20 : the elders in the 17. v. are called Bishops in the 28. v. So in Tit. 1 : 5 , 7. And therefor Bishop and elder are the same in Scriptur , and the word elder signifies no more then a Minister of a particular Congregation ] Heer he touches a parte but not the strength of our argument from these texts . We argue not meerly from the Samenes of the Names , but the identitie of all the essentiales of the office , Duties , and Qualifications of the office bearer expressed by these names , when applyed to ane ordinarie office bearer ; Particularly f. om Act. 20. We draw forth these weapons . 1. The Apostle speaking to the elders , tells them that the holy ghost had made them [ Bishopes over the flock , ] shewing that the Scriptur Bishop set up by the holy ghost , is the Minister or elder who feeds and rules over the flock . 2. The Apostle gives them not only the Name of Bishop , but also the thing , commanding these elders or Ministers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which takes in all the power of order and jurisdiction , and whatever the Diocesian Bishop may pretend unto . 3. ( Which is very remarbable ) he gives this Charge so these elders befor Timothy , who was now present with the Apostle , and after the first Epistle was written to him , for it was writtin when Paul was at Macedonia , and after this Paul haveing Timothy with him came to Miletum , and gave the elders of Ephesus this charge . Finallie . This was Pauls last charge to them , for they were never to see his face more ; So that we have here a pattern of the mould of the Gospel-Church in relation to Government as this great Apostle of the Gentiles left it , and consequentlie as all the rest left it ; which is convinceingly apparent by comparing this with the parallel 1 Pet. 5. compared with 2 Pet. 1 : 14. Hence we exterminat the Diocefian Prelat thus . 1. The Holy Ghosts Bishops were Ministers which he set up to feed and rule the flock immediatly . These , and these only , the Apostle and the Apostolick Church knew , therefore he dissownes the Prelat , who pretends to be set over some hundreds of Pastoures and flocks , and is bound to feed no flocke himself . 2. These who watch over the flocks immediatly , and only , have all the Episcopal power , both the key of doctrine , and Government committed to them by the holy Ghost : Therefore the Diocesian Prelat , taking and arrogating to himself the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , and leaving Presbyters nothing but the Doctrinal key , as his deputies , while he himself preaches to no flock , is ane Antiscriptural Sacrilegious robber . 3. The elders or Pastoures of Ephesus got all Episcopal authority as to order and jurisdiction , committed to them by Paul as the Holy ghosts Bishops , & the highest ordinarie officers of that Church , in the presence of Timothie , without the least hint of any interest that Timothie had in or over them , as their Bishope or Overseer therein , or the least hint of any direction anent their dutie to Timothie as in that Capacitie , and this after he had gotten all his directions in the 1. Epistle written to him . And therefore Timothie was never set up as a Diocesian Prelat over that Church ( as this Informer would perswade ) and the inspection which he is supposed to have in that Epistle , was occasional , transient , and extraordinarie , and by conseguence layes no ground for Prelacie . Finallie , Paules directions here were his last and farewel directions , therefore this Church was to continue thus governed by these elders or Bishops in common : and the Prelatists Plea [ that the Apostles set up Presbyters at first , keeping the reyns of Government in their own hands , till towardes the end of their life , and then sett up Prelats over these Presbyters ] is here convict of falshood , since neither Paul , nor Peter , the great Apostle of the Gentiles , or the great Apostle of the Circumcision , doe in the least hint any such Super-institution , but both of them in their last directions to the Churches , commit the wholl power both of order and jurisdiction , to the Pastoures of the flocks , in common , as the only Bishops set up by the Holy Ghost . From 1 Tim. 1 : 5 , — 7. The great Argument is not only from the promiscuouse use of the Name [ Bishop ] & [ Presbyter ] but from the forme and mould of the Apostles reasoning ; which inferres not onely the identitie of names , but of the office also . For the Apostle shewing Titus how the elders are to be qualified , gives this reasone for a Bishop must he blameles . This [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or causal For ] expressing the knot and connexion of the Apostles argument or reason , doth clearly Import that the office , expressed by both these words , is one and the same ; for there is neither sound matter or forme , in such reasoning as this [ Presbiters must be so and so qualified , because a Bishop , of a Superior order and degree must be so qualified ] So that from hence it is evident that the [ elder ] is the [ Bishop ] , & vice versa , and that no higher Bishopes were by the Apostles constitut in the Churches . Here then , as in the preceeding text , we have not only Bishops and elders getting the same designation by the Holyghost ( who knew best the nature of the things themselves , and how to express himself thereanent ) but likewayes the same qualifications , work , and office ; and so the office is supposed to be every way one and the same . Now let us hear , what he sayes to the argument . [ He grants that the two words oftentimes doe point out one and the same officer , but denyes that the officer meaned by these words , is never understood above the degree of ane ordinarie Minister . Or that the word [ Presbiter , or elder ] signifies only the Minister of a single Congregation , & no more . ] The insufficiencie and prevarication of which answer euidently appears . For 1. He grants that these two words Bishop and elder signifies one and the same officer , oftentimes , supposeing that sometimes they express diverse officers , but where can he shew us that the word Episcopus signifies one officer , and Preshiter another , when the Spirit of God is pointing out therby the Churches standing Officers and Ministers , and not when either the one or the other is in a generall sense applyed to ane Apostle . 2. The state of the Question is [ whither the scriptur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 designe a higher ordinary officer then a Presbyter ] And this Informer should have adverted , that the drift of the argument from the texts mentioned , is to prove the Apostles promiscuous use of these words in describing the office of the highest ordinary office bearers in the Church . Moreover , the Diocesian [ Episcopus ] is ane ordinary officer , haveing the inspection over some handereds of flocks , and the sole power of jurisdiction and ordination in the diocesse , & is by him held to be ane officer of Gods appointment , & by this designation of Bishop , as the Characteristick of his office , is distinguished from Pastoures or elders . Now , if presbyterians doe prove that wherever the word Bishop is used to point at ane ordinary standing officer in the Church , it imports a pastor or presbyter & no higher officer , they sufficiently over throw the diocesian Episcopus or Bishop of his mould , as having no scripture warrand . And if he grant that in the forementioned Scriptures , & other passages where the word Bishop is used to point at a necessarie standing Church officer , it signifieth no higher officer then ane elder or ordinarie Minister , he grants enough against himself , & all that the presbiterians desire : for there from it followes necessarly that their diocesian Episcopus or Bishop contradistinct from , & superior to the preaching presbyter , is apochriphal & antiscripturall : Since the preaching presbyter & Bishop , are the same ordinarie highest officer in all the Holy Ghosts expressions theranent . 3. Whereas he denyes that we con prove [ That the officer meaned by these words , is never understood of any above the degree of ane ordinary minister ] Let him add this necessary limitation [ when the words are applyed to designe ane ordinary standing officer ( which he must admit , if he speak to purpose ) and the proofe is very easy ] since the forementioned Texts , and all the parallels where elder or Bishop is thus used , doe evince it . Again 4. Since this Informer with his followes have diversified the Bishop from the elder in the manner above exprest , we challing him as the affirmer , to shew in all the new Testament where the officer meaned by this Word Episcopus or Bishop , when pointing at ane ordinary standing officer in the Church , is to be understood of any above the degree of a Presbyter or Pastor of a congregation ; This lyes upon him to mak good , else if Episcopuss denotte only a Presbyter , sure the cause of the Diocesian Prelat is lost . He fortifies his answer with two Reasons . 1. We find the name [ elder ] given to the Apostles themselves 1 Pet : 5 : 1. Iohn . 2. 1. & Epist. 3 : 1. And if Apostles be called [ elders ] why not also [ Bishops ] . Ans : 1. The pointe debeateable is [ whether the word [ Bishop ] and [ elder ] doe Import the same , officer , when applyed to a constant standing officer in the Church . ] His Presbyterian doubter offers the forementioned Texts to prove this , and he answers , That one of these names are sometimes attribut to ane extraordinary officer whose formal office is ceased . Now how impertinent this is to the pointe and Queston let any judge ? To prove that Episcopus or Bishop , imports ane ordinary standing officer above [ a Presbyter , ] and that the Word Bishop and Presbyter signify not the same ordinary officer , because sometimes the Word elder may be applyed to ane Apostle , is a consequence , as we use so say , a baculo ad angulum , and known to no logik . 2. We told him already that we prove enough against him when we prove that the Scripture-Episcopus , or Bishop , is never found to Import any ordinary officer above the Presbyter , and that the Office , Work , Qualifications , & Duties of these officers , as ordinary standing officers , are one and the same . 3. The Instance of the Apostles assumeing the name of elder , doth in this further appear to be ane impertinent exception to the Argument adduced , in that the office of ane Apostle , is in Scripture both by a proper name , work , qualification , call , &c. diversified and distinguished from that of ane ordinary elder ; so that though in a general sense the Apostles be called elders , their Specifick difference from the ordinary elder is apparent : But this Informer will never shew the least vestigies of the Diocesian Bishops distinction from the preaching elder or Presbyter in any of these respects ? And therefore his reason added here viz. The Bishop may be called ane [ elder ] as well as ane Apostle , and yet be ane officer superior to him , is a begging of the Question , since he cannot shew that there is a higher ordinary officer then a Pastor or Presbyter , appointed in the Word , nor can he shew any designation , qualification , work , or ordination of his Diocesian Bishop , as distinguished from the Presbyter by the Prelatists ; And therefore the Apostles being called elders can no more ground a distinction betwixt the Bishop and the elder , then betwixt the Pastor and the elder , whom he acknowledges to be one and the same , or betwixt the Minister and the elder . I suppose one should alledge the Pastor to be a higher officer then the preaching elder and Presbyter , notwithstanding that in Scripture their names , and qualifications are one , as of the Bishop and Presbyter , and should ground his opinion on this Informers reason here , ( viz. ) [ that though the two words are promiscuosly used often times of the same officer , yet the officer meaned by one of these may be somtimes understood of one above the degree of ane ordinary Minister ] what will he say to his own reason , pleading for this foolish distinction ? Would he not say that the [ Apostle ] and [ elder ] are elsewhere clearly distinguished on Scripture , not the Pastour and the elder , which answer he must here bestow upon himself . Sure this man will not deny but that the various Church officers both ordinary and extraordinary have their proper formall office is deciphered , and distinguished from other offices and officers , As Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors : and particularly he will not deny that there is such ane ordinary Church officer as the Pastor or Presbyter , distinguished by his proper designation from others , notwithstanding that the Apostles took this name in a general sense : So that from this it followes that if the Bishops proper designation , work , ordination , qualifications , as distinct from a Presbyter , cannot be produced , he must be alwayes understood in that sense ( viz. ) ane ordinary Pastour and no more : And not as the Apostles when termed elders , whose distinct Superior office , and proportioned designation , is clearly extant in Scripture . His 2d . Reason and exception to the Argument is that with us the word [ elder ] signifies both the preaching , and ruling elder , and that he can , upon as good , and better ground say , that it signifies the [ Bishop ] & the [ Minister ] both being elders , but of different dogrees Ans. 1. When he shall make as evident from Scripture , the Diocesian Bishopes distinction from , and Superiority unto the Pastor or Presbyter-Bishop or Minister of a congregation , as we have shown the superiority of the preaching elder , abov●…●…he ruleing elder , and the distinction of the one from the other , then his parallel will pass current , but till then it is a meer non-sequitur . The Scripture clearly distinguishes , as we have seen , the elder that rules only , and the elder that both laboures in the word and doctrine , and rules also , clearlydiversifying the offices , and allowing honour to the one above the other . Now , let this , or any thing like this , be shown as to the Diocesian Bishop and Presbyter-Bishop ; where will this Informer point us to such a distinction of Bishops , & their office and honour as there is here of the elders ? Nay , since in all directions as to peoples obedience to Pastors , their is not the least intimation of his supposed different degrees of pastours we strongly con - the contrare : So that we inferr the distinction betwixt the preaching and ruleing elder , from the Scriptures clear specifying of different offices , Acts , and degrees of honour accordingly , among elders , but the sucks out of his fingers the different degrees of Pastors , and the distinction of the Bishop from the Presbyter without the least Scripture-warrand . 2. He grossly belies our princples and the truth , when he maks his Presbyterian doubter alledge That the word [ elder ] signifies no more but [ a Minister of a particular congregation ] which he forged to bring in , and give some colour unto , this his 2d . Answer or reason . But saltem mendacem opportet esse memorem . A liar , they say , should have a good memory ; He be contradicts himself , while suggesting in the objection , that we hold that elder signifies no morethen a Pastour , yet telling us for his answer , that we hold the Word elder to signify , sometimes the preaching , sometimes the ruleing elder . It is enough for our purpose that neither the word Bishop , nor Presbyter , doe signify any ordinary standing Church officer higher then a Pastor or Minister of the gospel labouring in the word & doctrine ( whither indiscriminatim , or in fixt particular congregations , in the Apostolick ●…s , we need not determin as to our defence here ) an●… untill he prove that either of the names doe signifie a higher ordinary officer ( which will be ad calendas Graecas ) the argument stands good against him . We may here mind this Informer that hereafter he alledges that 2 Tim. 4. The Deaconta or Diaconship is in a general sense attribut to Timothy ane Evangelist , yet he would reject it as ane absurd inference to conclude from this that there are different degries of deacons allowed or appointed in Scripture Which notwithstanding is his own consequence here , and the strength of his answer to the premised Argument . As for what he adds . That Bishops were afterwards sometimes called Presbyters of their Churches , thogh unquestionably Bishops in his sense , in rembemberance of the indifferencie of the names in the times of the new Testament , though they were ordinarly called Bishops , We say it is certane that the first supposed Bishops , named in the pretended Catalogues from the Apostles and Evangelists ( of which afterward ) were meer Presbyters ; and if they were called Presbyters in rememberance of the new Testament tymes , the more guilty were they who afterward made the word Bishop ( contrare unto the new Testament times and language ) the Characteristick of ane office Superior to a Pastor or Presbyter , and the rather in that whereas the word Presbyter or elder is severall times assumed by the Apostles in a general sense , the word Episcopus or Bishop alwayes denots ane ordinary Pastor ( if we except that Episcopatus in Act 1. Which our translators on the Margin renders office or charge in a general sense ) so that when Prelats ambitious invention was upon the wheel , it seems they should rather have appropriat to themselves the word Presbyter or elder , a fit designation for Fathers of the Church , as this man calls them . The doubter , nixt offers ane Argument against prelacie from Philip. 1. [ where the Apostle speaks of Bishops in the plural number in that Church , who were only Ministers , since there could not be many Bishops over Ministers in that ●…nChurch . ] we shall take up here with this hint of argument , only adding , that by confession of Prelatists , there was never in one city more then one Bishop even when the inhabitants were all professed Christians , much more here where the generalitie of the inhabitants were Heathens and the Christians but a small remnant . So that the Apostles saluting here the ●…ishops in the plurall number . Bishops of that one Church of Philippi , and contradistinguishing them from the Deacons whom he immediatly subjoyns to them , he must needs be understood of the Pastoures , and Presbyters , as the highest ordinary officers of that Church . To answer this Argument , the Insormer hathgathered together several scrapes and some very odd and inconsistent notions . 1. He tells us that Ambrose takes these Bishops , not to be the Bishops at Philippi , but certan Bishops present with Paul when he wrote , & in whose name he writs to the Philippians , joyning them with himself . But this gloss , as it is cross to the current of expositores , so to common sense . Paul , who only was the Spirit of Gods penman , joyns here Timothie with himself in the inscription , as in severall other Epistles , and having taken to himself , and Timothie , the designation of Servants of Christ , he doth nixt after this description of himself and Timothie , according to his usual Methode , describe these to whom he writes , ( viz. ) [ to all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons ] viz , there , at Philippi , not with Paul , they being ranked among these to whom he writes , who are contradistinguished from Paul and Timothy , the directors of the Epistle , and supposed to be with these saints at Philipp ; Otherwayes there is no sense in the Text to read it thus , Paul and Timothius , to the saints at Philippi , with the Bishops with Paul. Had the Apostle joyned them with himself , as he doth Timothy , in the inscription , they would have been mentioned in that branch of the verse together with him , and not cast after the adress , and the description of these to whom he writes . The Apostle in Gal. 1. After he hath described and asserted his Apostolick authoritie , he nixt adds , and all the brethren that are with me , to the Churches of Galatia . Thus he takes in many with himself in this inscription , before he describe these , to whom the Epistle is addressed . And should not these supposed eminent Bishops , have been after this manner joyned with him ; Besids , will any say that the Deacons , joyned with these Bishops in the period of this verse , were not at Philippi , or belonging to that Church , but with Paul ? But they are mean men , and their credit needed not to be saved by such a conceit as this . All the fear of that Father was , ●…east these Bishops at Philippi , be found meer Presbyters of that Church ; And how to ward off this blow , hoc opus hic labor ese . Well , what further answers he ? He tells us nixt . That others think they were Bishops of theChurches about , conveened at Philippie , which Paul knowing of , salutes them with the Church : Since he first salutes [ the Saints ] as intending mainely to write to them ; and then [ the Bishops . ] So wee see the Prelatists saile every point of the compasse , to save the credit of these Bishops . If Bishops cannot be gotten sett beside the chaire with Paul , when addressing the Epistle ( this gloss standing clearely antipod to the Text ) the nixt shift is , rather then these Bishops be degraded to meer Presbyters , to send for some other Bishops to Philippi at this tyme of Paules Writing , that this casual Mustere of Bishops of other Churches , may warde off the deadly blow which the cause will gett , by seating all these Bishops at Philippie , as officers of that Chuch ; and to compass this designe , they must be but occasionally saluted here , and not as fixed members or officers thereof ; upon the Apostles Information ( comeing to late to his ears from our Informer and his fellows ) that there were several Magnates there , besides the ordinary Presbyters at Philippi . But , which also odd , they must become so humble as to fall behind the Saints , the persons mainely written to . Had our Informer left out this clause ( which notwithstanding his answer did require ) Our Prelats Parliaments order , Who are before , because behind the most , would have saved their reputation still . But many of the Ancients are more ingenuous . Thodoret confesses that Presbyters are here understood , because their could not be many Bishops in one-city , on Philip. 1. Oecumenius , on Philip. 1. Tells us , That we are not so to understand it as if there were many Bishops in one citty , but that the Apostle calls the Presbyters , Bishops . Chrisost. ibid. acknowledges , That they were Presbyters who were called thus , because the names were then common and the Bishop , himself was called Deacon , and that the distinction of names came afterward . This conjecture is sib to that other shift to take off the strength of our argument . from Act. 20. viz. [ That these Elders were not Church Officers of Ephesus onely , but the Bishops of all Asia mett together at Ephesus , and sent for by Paul from thence ] least if the Episcopal authority be found seated in these Elders of Ephesus , at Pauls last farewel , it breake the Diocesian Prelat all in peeces . But as it is well replyed that since Paul sent to Ephesus for the Elders of the Church , it is a groundless conjecture to call them any other Elders then of that Church to which he sent , and that there is no hint in the text of any other Elders there at that time So this fancie is as fond when applyed to this passage , and may receave the same reply . What shaddow of proof can be produced that therewere any other Officers there at this time then the Bishops or Ministers of this Church ? And what Logick , I pray , or sense is there in this inference , that because the Apostle first salutes , all the Saints or the Church collective in bulke , and then the Church Officers , Bishops and Deacons , or the Church representative in special , that therefore he salutes these Church Officers as casually there , and not as Officers of that Church . Beside , had the Apostle saluted them as casually present , they would have been saluted with every Saint in Christ , Chap. 4 : 21. rather then in the inscription . The English Annotations thus sense it [ That by the Bishops and Deacons , we are to understand the whole Ministery at Philippi consisting of Presbyters , to whom the government of the Church was committed , and Deacons , who not only had the care of the poor , but also assisted the Ministers in their Ecclesiastick function . ] But our Informer hath a third Answer , wherein , He grants that these Bishops and Deacons were [ Officers of this Church ] and askes where were the ruling Elders ] here , and if we say they are included in the word Bishop , then he tells us that upon better ground he can affirme , that Bishops here signifies both the superiour Bishop and the ordinary Minister , who may be called Bishop as well as Epaphroditus is called ane [ Apostle . ] Answ. 1. Our Argument from this place and such like , beside the Scriptures silence as to the Diocesian Bishop , is , That the Scripture Bishop doth therein stand so described and qualified , that it is impossibe to understand him of any other officer then a meer Presbyter , which is most manifast here , It being impossible that a multiplicity of Bishopes could be at Philippi , as is universally acknowledged . And if he grant that these Bishops were officers , of that Church in Philippi , he must either say they were meer Preebyters , which is all wee seek , and the yeelding of his cause , or he must prove that either here or els where , the word Episcopus or Bishop designes the diocesian Bishop , and place a multiplicity of such Bishops here against the old Cannons , particularly that of Nice . But 2. As to what he sayes of the ruleing elders , it is utterly impertinent and answered already . We proved the ruling elders office , as distinct from the preaching elder , by clear Scripture grounds , and did shew that the Scripture points out two sorts of elders , giving them both this generall name of elder , & then distinguishing them into such as rule , and such as labour in the word and doctrine : But this Informer will never prove that [ Episcopus , or Bishop ] . designes two sorts of Pastors a higher and a lower , or that there is any difference of degrees in the pastoral office : So that he cannot include here his Superior imaginarie Bishop of whose office the Scripture is utterly silent . As we may , the elder in the Bishop . And till he make the Diocessian Prelat appear in Scripture , we must still hold that when Ministers are called Bishops , they get the proper specifick designation , and characteristick of their office , & are not called ●…o in a general figurative , sense or Catachrestice , as Epaphroditus is called the Philippians Apostle , or messenger . But how ? viz. their messenger sent to Paul , who ministered to his wants . Phil. 2 : 25. So 2 Cor. 8. v. 23. Titus and others are called the Apostles and messengers of the Corinthianes viz ( as it is there inumar ) in that bussines of the collection for the Saincts at Jerusalem , for which end they were sent to the Corinthians . So the Spirit of God in Scripture , both in holding out the distince office of Apostle properly so called ( for I hope our Informer will not upon this ground make different degrees of Apostles as he doth of Pastors ) and likewayes in the very manner of these designations , and their circumstances , when atribut to such inferiour officers , doth state the distinction betwixt them and ane Apostle in his proper acception , clearly holding out that they had neither name nor thing of the apostolick office properly so called , but that Ministers are so improperly only called Bishops , He will never prove . But now what is his last shift ? It maybe ( saith he ) their were no Bishops settled as yet at Philippie , & so it may very well be . But our Informer here supposes two things in Question which he will prove ad calendas graecas 1. That their were Bishops , superiour in office & degree to Presbyters , appointedby the Apostles . The first and second Answer tells us of Bishops ( he means diocesian Bishops ) either with Paul when he wrot to Philippi — Or come from their diocesses ( forsooth ) and present accidentally there : And haveing told us that the diocesian Bishops were among the rest of the Presbyters Bishops in his third answer , His last shift is , that they were not it may be , yet sett up at Philippy , But remark , that as all these proteus like shifts and answers contradicts one another , So they all lean upon this Egyptian reed , that the Diocesian Bishop is ane officer divinely appointed , and then existant . Now , how impertinent dealing this is , let any judge . We prove from this and many such like texts , that the scripture Bishop is a meer presbyter , they in all there answers doe coyne glosses of these Texts , which doe suppose the Jus & existence , of the diocesian prelat , which is the very quaesitum , & the thing in Question . 2. He supposes that the Bishop over presbyters ( the Chimaera of his own braine ) though he was not settled at this tyme , yet was to be Settled afterward at Philippi . But how proves he that the Apostle was to setle after ward such a prelat there ? This is another of their shifts , that the Apostles first sett up prebyters , keeping still the government of the Churches in their oun hand , till at last towards their end they sett up prelats , committing the government to them . But how doth he or they prove this after-institution of the diocesian Bishop ? we have already abundantly evinced the Contrary , both that the presbyters were the highest ordinary officers established by the Apostles , & that without any such fancied reserve as this is , the wholl power both of order & jurisdiction was committed to them , & exercised by them , & supposed by the Apostles to continow so in their last farewelles to the Churches : and therfor may conclude that the Bishops of Philippi were meer presbyters : and that Paul acknowledged , & knew no other . Arnold : in his Lux in Tinebr . : ( on Act. 20. 17. He called the elders , &c. represents the Orthodox opinion , thus , Episcopos & Presbyteros , &c. — That Bishops and Presbyters are not names of diverse gifts in the Church , but of one and the same office , because they who are here called Presbyters , verse 28. are called Bishops . The Papists object ( saith he as this Informer that in these times the names were common , but yet the [ office ] of Bishops and Presbyters diverse . he answers 1. This is to affirme , not to prove . 2. When offices are distinct , there also the names are diverse , 3. there was one office both of Bishops and Presbyters viz. the office of teaching . 4. Upon the Papists supposition there can and ought to be only one Bishop in one city , but so it is that there were here many , therefore [ Bishops ] signifie [ Presbyters . ] Thus Arnold . classes our Informer among the Papists in this point , and represents our principles as the Orthodox principles of the Protestant Churches , and so in several other passages as we may after shew . Chamier , ( de Oecum : Pontif : lib. 10. cap. 3. ) Haveing represented the Papists glosses upon Matth. 20 . -25 [ the Kings of the Gentils ] &c. the same with our Informers , viz. That our Lord discharged only that sort of Tyrannical Domination , & haveing answered and confuted them , as we heard Iunius and Whittaker did before ; and haveing prefixed to the 7. chap. this cirle , An jure divino &c. [ Whether the Bishop be greater than the Presbyter by divine right ] he represents the affirmative answer as Bellarmins , together with his arguments and confuts them , and haveing proved Presbyters power in ordination , from [ their imposeing of hands upon Timothy ] , he afterward confuts the Papists , ( & this Informers ) pretences for Prelacy from the Government of the jewish Church , & the Apostles Superiority to the seventy disciples : and adducing Bellarmin's argument from this passage ( act . 20 : 28. ) to prove that the Holy Ghost sett up Bishops , he answers thus - locus exactis alienus est , &c. — that place of the acts is impertinently cited , for from thence it is evident that Bishops and Presbyters are the same , Witnes Ierom. and others , for they whom Luke before called elders , or Presbyters of the Church , those Paul afterward affirmes to have been made Bishops by the Spirit , and indeed for feeding , and ( as the latine Interpreter ) for governing the Church . ] So we see Chamier : classeth also our Informer among the Papists in those his prelatick principles and glosses upon those Scriptures . Calvin upon Tit. 1 : 7. Collects the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , from the Apostle's calling them Bishops , who were before called Presbyters , and ( as we heard above ) reprehends , upon this ground , the distinction placed betwixt them , as profane and anti-scriptural . The same he inferrs upon Act. 20. where the Presbyters of Ephesus are called Bishops , makeing our Informer's great topick anent the calling of such Ministers Bishops , qui primas tenebant in singulis civitatibus , or had a precedency in every city , a corruption and sin of those times . The Dutch annot : on Act. 20 : 28. observe that those termed Bishops in this verse , being called elders in the 17. verse [ it doth then appear that in the Holy Scripture there is no difference made betwixt elders and Bishops . ] referring us to Phil. 1. 1. verse , upon whch passage they assert the same thing : and especially from the plurality of such Bishops in one and the same Church , conclude this , referring us to 1 Tim. 3. 1. verse . and Tit. 1 chap. 5 , 7 , v. upon which places they obserue , that by Bishops and Elders one kinde of Ministry is signified , viz. the labourers in the word and doctrine , citeing 1 Tim. 5 : 17. 2 Pet. 5 : 1 , 2. and from the Apostles description of the Bishop in the 1 Tim. 3. they conclude that by Bishop we are to understand all teachers of the Church without difference , referring again to the forementioned places . The english annot . expresse the same sense of these places under debate , and upon Acts 11. 30 , v. adduce both fathers and councells to prove this point . The Nixt Scripture argument which the Doubter bings against prelacie , and the Last too , is taken from Ephes. 4. 11. [ where the Apostle reckons up Church officers , & makes no mention of Bishops ] . Our argument from the Scripture enumeration of Church officers here , and in the parallels 1. Cor. 12 : 28. Rom. 12 : 6 , 7 , 8 , Is this [ That the Holy Ghost therein describing purposly the various kindes of Church officers , and speaking of the office of the pastour , makes no distinction of a higher and lower pastour , nor gives the least hint of either Name or thing of a diocesian prelat , although both ordinary and extraordinary officers , be enumerat , even the ruleing elder and the deacone : from which silence of the Scriptur , as to this imaginarie Bishop , we conclud him to be no plant of the heavenly fathers planting , by the same reason that our divines conclude the pope to be such . To this our Informer answers . 1. That it is ill reasoning , that because such ane officer is not in such a particular place , or , enumeration , that therefor he is no where to be found in scripture , for how prove we that the Apostle intended in that place , a cempleat enumeration Ans : he is guilty of a palpable forgerie here , whillmaking his Doubter instance in this place only , as if we held , that there is here a full enumeration , wheras he cannot but know that presbyterians in this argument against prelats , as also protestants in opposition to the papacie , doe , together with this passage , joyn the parallels . 1. Cor. 12 : 28. Rom. 12 : 16. In which places collated , there is found a compleat , enumeration of all Church officers ordinary , or extraordinary , and adiscoverie of their duties , and gifts who are ordinary officers , even of the very Deacon . Lykwayes , we take in with these Texts , the several descriptions of ordinary officers , and particularly of the Bishop , & his gifts and duties , found in any other places of the new Testamament . And since this Informer cannot deny the Apostles , or rather the Spirit of God his intention of a full enumeration in these places Collated ( Such a full Catalogue of Church-officers being therein found ) our argument from the Scriptures utter silence of the Diocesian prelat in all these places , stands firme by his own Confession , until he shall disprove this silence and prove the Contrary . 2. Wee might tell him also , that upon his own ground , even the Silence of this Text as to the Prelat , will prove our point ; for it being upon the one hand the Apostles scop to enumerat the most illustrous excellent gifts and offices given by Christ to the Church , for her grouth and edification , as his royal Mediatorie Donations upon his ascention into heaven : and upon the other hand , the Apostle descending as low in his enumeration ; as the Pastor , and teacher , whom this man holds to be officers inferiour to the Diocesian Prelat , Certainely upon both these grounds , he would have mentioned him in order to this scope , had such ane officer been allowed or apappointed . And as for this Text , it is enough if we prove that the Apostle intended therein though not a compleat enumeration of all , yet of the most excellent functions and officers given by Christ to his Church , amongst which the Diocesian Bishops office hath the prime place in this mans Judgement . How then ( I pray ) can he be here ommitted , and ane inferior officer named , His 2d . Answer is . That Bishops are comprehended under [ pastoures ] and teachers Bishops being such though of a Superior degree to ordinary Pastoures . Ans. first that Scripture Bishops are comprehended under the pastor and teacher , is certan , but that the Diocesian should be so , is Impossible , and by him gratis dictum . For. 1. he cannot shew that in these enumerations , the Superior officer gets the designation of the inferior , now he holds the Diocesian Prelat to be ane office and order Superiour to the Pastor . Nixt this were no proper enumeration , as he acknowledges there is here , of distinct & officers offices , if they had not all there proper distinct names and designations . And since Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors , are proper designations of distinct officers ; and offices , why ought not the Diocesian Bishop to have had his proper epithet , and to have come in between the Evangelist , and the Pastor , for this was his proper Classe as the higher Church officer . Againe , This answer and shift is the same with that of the Papists to save the pope , for they answer our divines Argument from this Text , that he is included in the office of the Apostle . But as we tell them that according to there account and Character of him , he ought to have had a more peculiar designation , So we may say to this Informer here . Besides , may not Patriarches , and all the rabble of the popes locusts have this pretended for them , that they are included in some of these officers ? Sure we may in Charity suppose that if a Papist were pleading thus , This man would tell him , that it were no defence to shape out officers of their own devising , & then alledge they are included in some of these scripture designations , which answer suites his own case , Since he cannot make it appear that the Diocesian Bishop is appointed in Scripture , And we have proved his office to be contrary unto it . Lastly . Hetels us [ That if we will have here ane perfect enumeration of all Church officers , we must comprehend [ ruleing elders , and deacons ] in some of these words , and why may not he doe so with [ Bishops . ] Ans. 1. We need not , in order to our scope nor argument from this text , alledge either a full enumeration of all officers , or goe about to includ [ elder ] and [ Deacon ] under some of these words , It being , enough if wee con shew that the most eminent Church officers given for the Churches edification , are here enumerat , & that the enumeration comes the length of ane officer inferior to the Prelat , in this mans esteem●… , down from ane Apostle ; which renders our Argument from this Text impregnable . 2. If we should include the elder and Deacon , in one of these words , we should but include therein inferiour officers of divine appointment in the designation of Superior , which he will acknowledge to be no unusual thing in Scripture . But his including the Diocesian Bishop is both the including of a forged anti Scriptural officer of his own deviseing : and likewayes , if he includ him under the Pastor and teacher , ane including and comprehending of a Superiour officer under the designation of ane inferiour , both which differences doe cutt the sinnewes of Reason and answer . CHAP. XII . The Informer offers Scripture warrand for Bishops . His Argument from the Government of the Church under the old Testament , and from the Apostles superioritie to the seventie disciples , examined . The first Argument concludes , a lawful subordination of Church-offiers ; in general , but reaches no help to the Diocesian Erastian Bishop . The second beggs the question in supposing Prelats to succeed the Apostles immediately , and Pastoures , the seventy disciples ; and from a Superiority among officers of different kindes groundlesly concludes a superiority among officers of the same kind . No Image of our Prelacy in the Iewish-Church-Government , or in the Apostles superioritie above other Church-officers . The Informer contradicts his fellowpleaders in this cause and himself also . THE Doubter over come by this Informers mighty Answers ( forsooth ) [ Confesseth Episcopacie not to be unlawful , and only pleads that it may become inexpedient , and a better put in its place ] Whereupon he promises [ That if we will not stand out against light , he will let us see warrand in the word for Bishops ] and so he may easily doe . But the Bishop he must let us see the warrand for is the Diocesian Erastian Bishop , haveing sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , bound to preach to no flock , and deriving all his power from the civil Magistrat . Now , when he hath given us Scripture warrand for such ane ordinary Church-officer , as is of this mould under the new Testament , erit mihi magnus Apollo . Wee see he still walks in darknes as to the State of the Question , and dare not exhibit to us the mould of the present Bishop now existent , when he offers to produce Scripture warrands for him . His 1. Warrand is ; that under the old Testament ( setting aside the hie Priest who was a Typ of Christ ) there was a subordination among the rest of the Priests , mention being made of chief Priests 2 King 19 : 2. Ezr : 8 : 29. &c. Matth. 2 : 3. Act. 19 : 14. And over these againe a chief priest under the hiest preist , who only was Typical , since two hie priests are sometimes mentioned , Luc. 3 : 2 , So there was a subordination among the Levites Exod. 6 : 2. Numb . 3 : 18 , 19. with 24. 30. v. Neh. 11 : 22. One is set over the Levites , called by the Greek , Episcopus , and another over the Priests v 14. From all which places he concluds , That subordination among Churchmen is no such odious thing as some believe ] Ansr. 〈◊〉 . If this be all the Conclusion which this man drawes out against us from the premised trite argument of Bellarmin and others , viz. that there is a subordination among Church men , It will never help him , nor wound our cause in the least ; for as we grant without the least preiudice thereunto , that there is a subordination , both of Courts and Church-officers under the new Testament , Pastours being above ruleing elders , and they aboue Deacons . Presbyteries also being above Kirk Sessions , Synods above Presbyteries , National assemblies above Synods , as the jewes had there Supreme Sanhedrin , Exod. 24. 2 Chron 19. And also betwixt the Sanhedrin and Synagogue , a middle Ecclesiastick Court called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Pre●…bytery Luk. 22 : 66. Act. 22. 5. and also their least Sinagogue-Iudicatorie , wherein was both ruleing , and censures . Act. 26 : 11. Compared with Act. 9 : 1 , 2. And with Mark. 5 ▪ 35 , 36. Act. 18 : 8. Answerable to our Kirk Sessions . which is largely demonstrat by Mr Gillespie , Aar . rod. lib. 1. Cap. 3. pag. 8. to 38. As this ( I say ) is clear , so it is evident , that it is much more then a meer subordination of Courts or officers , which he most prove if he will conclude any thing to purpose against us , viz , The Prelats sole decisive power , and negative voice in judicatories , and their deryvation of all their authority from the Magistrat as his deputs , in their administration . Now , from the subordination of Courts , or officers , mentioned under the old dispensation , to conclude [ the lawfulness of a Prelat ( a pretended Minister of the new Testament ) his taking from other Ministers all the power of Government , contrary to our Lords express command , his laying , aside the preaching Talent , and giving up all the ecclesiastick authority which he pretendes unto , to one who is not , Qua talis , so much as a Church member ] is a wide and wilde conclusion : yet that this is the conclusion which he must infer to prove his point , is beyond all Question . 2. Giveing , not granting to him that there was under the old dispensation such a Hierarchy as he pleades for , and such a difference of degrees among Church officers , as he represents , how will he prove this consequence [ that the Government of the Church under the New Testament must be thus moulded , and have the same degrees of Ministers , as the Jewes had of Priests and Levits ] this Connexion he supposes here , and offers afterward some smatterings in proof thereof , but with what success we shall see with in a little . Will he say that it is lawful to bring into the christian Church every point of the jewish policy ? Bilson , ane English Bishop ( even in pleading for Prelacie ) will give him the lie if he say so , and shew him the disparitie betwixt their Church government and oures : Perp : Gov. Chap. 2. [ for the tribe of Levi ( saith he ) was neither subjected to the Government , of another tribe , nor without manifest confusion could it want all Government , wherefore as all the rest , so this tribe also had its proper Magistrats , to wit , it s , Pinces Elders , judges &c. — He adds , that the Jewes Law contained in the books of Moses , comprehended the mould of their civill Government , and the Priests and Levits being most skilful in this knowledge , we need not wonder that they were placed in the same benches with the judges ] ( this we offer to our Informers observation , to snew how this Bishop Pulles his care in argueing from the Priests sitting in civill courts numb . 11 , To Justifie our Prelats civill rule ) but now to our purpose in relation to Church government , he adds further [ that the offices of the Sanctuarie , and rites and ceremonies of the Sacrifices , from which all the other tribes except the Levites were restrained , were not of one kinde ; So that it needs be no wonder that these degrees of the administrators were distinguished according to the diversitie of offices and services . But in the Church of Christ , the Word and Sacraments concredited to all Ministers without distinction , as they are of one kinde , neither admitts any difference of administration , or celebration , so neither doe they require different degrees of Ministers ] Thus he . Sure had our Informer listened unto this information of this Father of the Church ( as he speaks ) he would have spared this Argument as not worth the repeating . The Ministry of the Levites who served in the sojourneing Tabernacle , is compared to warrfare Numb . 4. Because of the Militarie order which the Priests and Levits observed in their externall Ministry . Where there was one common Temple , a common Ministry of the priesthood , a thousand administrators in every family ( the twenty four families who served each their week in the Temple being called courses by Luke , & stationes by the Talmudists , the term being borrowed from warrfare , as Scaliger observes ( in Canonibus isagogicis ) it is no strange thing if in this Ministry , and Priesthood , their were such degrees of administrators ; but the Prieststood being changed , there is made of necessity a change of the law , saith the Apostle Hebr. 7 : 12. And the policie suitable to the state of that Church must by necessary consequence be changed also . 3. The antecedent of the Argument from that policie , will be a harder taske then he imagines , and this Informer would be quite out if put to draw us the Image and lineaments of our present prelacie in the Jewish Church Government . For 1. We cleared above that the Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin was distinct from the civil , and that the priests had a distinct independent authority and ministery : But the prelats derive all their spiritual authority from the Magistrat . 2. He cannot shew that either the Highpriest , or any inferiour priests had the sole decisive Suffrage in their ecclesiastick Courts , or such a negative voice as the prelats exercise & assumein their pretended Synods and presbyteries . The learned Iunius will informe our Informer ( De Cler. Cap. 24 Not 13. ) That , par consortium honoris & potestatis fuit inter sacerdotes , sed ordine impari , qua familiarum , qua temperis respectu . Penes concessum sacerdotum ex lege fuit ordinaria jurisdictio ecclesiastica That is , Among the priests there was a like participation of honour and power , though in a different order : partly in respect of families , and partly in respect of times , the ordinarie ecclesiastick jurisdiction belonged to the assemblie of the priests according to the Law. Thus he ▪ Sure then it belonged not to the Highpriest alone , farr less to any inferiour priests , and therefore none of them all had our prelats negative voice in judicatories , or a sole decisive Suffrage , so that they were farr from our prelats principality as to directive and corrective power . And therefore though we should grant that his argument will hold as to our being oblidged by the policie of the Jewes , and to have the government of the Gospel Church this moulded , yet our present hierarchie is so different from it , that it will not help his cause in the least . But the doubter objects [ that there ought not to be such a subordination under the new Testament . ] To which he answers , [ That the Old Testament-subordination being to maintaine order and unitie in the in the Church , there is the same reason for it under the new , and stronger , because the Christian Church is of larger extent then the Iewish , and the danger of schismes , and the necessity of preventing them , the greater : And what better way for this then Gods way thus exemplary pointed out to us , although the New Testament gave no other ground , Gods own model being best for the Church . ] I answ . 1. He must plead for much more then a meer subordination of Officers , if he speak to the point , as is clear from that is said . And his Doubter , ( if he had dealt fairely ) should have objected [ that the New Testament Church ought not to have the same mould of government that the Jewish had , and that there is a vast disparitie betwixt their prelatick Erastian Hierarchie , and the Jewish Church-Government ] Both which grounds doe break the force of his argument . But it is good that our Informer hath the doubters arguments and objections of his own moulding . 2. Though he know reason of a subordination under the Old Testament ( he should have said of that particular mould of government which the Iewish Church had but his general one , to maintaine order and union in Gods Church ( he should have said in that Church , under that special dispensation , ) yet we have showen him some Reasons of their particular policie which doe not reach us . And shall onely resume to him that we have neither . 1. Such a distinction of tribes . Nor 2. A common Temple , and common Ministry in one Temple for the universal , or for any National Church , as they . Nor 3. Have we such types and shaddowes , from which ( as upon the former grounds ) this mould of government did flow . Nor 4. Such various sanctuarie offices , and degrees , and varieties of administrations , requiring ( as Bishop Bilson hath told him ) such varietie and different degrees of Administratores , the Word and Sacraments being concredited to all Ministers without distinction &c. Besides , hath not the Apostle in the forementioned passage , Hebr. 7 : 12. Given this Informer a sufficient Reason why wee are not tyed to the same Policie , viz because that the Priosthood is changed , ( i. e. ) their particular frame of Church officers , & that therefore there is made a change of the Law , that is , of the legal ordinance , both of worship & Government . 3. Darene say that Christs Church under the New Testament , may have every mould of government which may be in it self , or in respect of some circumstances , commendable , and subservient to these ends of order and union ? Where is Christs faithfulness as a Sone over his own house , beyond that of Moses ? Where are all the New Testament prescriptions in point of government , Officers , Lawes , Censures , if the Church thereof like a Tabula rasa may have any government introduced into it , which may be in its own time and place good , and Ministers framed according to the Old Testament dispensation ? 4. How will our Informer extricat himself as to the Jewish High priest in maintaining this Answer to his doubter ? Was not his office a special mean of order and unitie in that Church , and to prevent schisme ▪ s and divisions ? And is there not the same reason that the Christian Church should be thus kept from that evil by a supream Highpriest or bishop ? What better way for this , then Gods owne way ? And what better pattern for modelling the New Testament-Church in point of her government , then this pattern ? Surely the Pope will thank him for this . I know he sets aside ( in contradiction to Saravia , as I shall shew ) the Highpriest in his argument , as a Type of Christ , the man forsaw that this would cast his argument in to ane intire Popish mould ; but he is not so forseeing as to prevent his being snared by his own reason , & caught in the brieres of contradictions . For 1. He dare not deny that this Officer was a singular Mean of their order and union . Hence he must grant that his answer to the doubters objection is naught , and that Gods way of preserving order and union in the New Testament Church , is different from his way , and the means of preverving it under the Old , and that the Samenes of the end of Gods ordinances and institutiones under both dispensations , will not plead for holding the same institutiones . Was not order , union , and the edification of the Church , the great end of all the Mosaical Ceremonies and Pedagogie . Were not the Jewes for this great end of order and union to keep their solemne Feasts ? To go up to Jesusalem solemly and joynly three tymes in the year ? To have one common Temple , one Altar , &c. And must therefore the Christian Church observe the same ordinances and institutions ? 2. How will he prove that the inferiour Priests were not Types of Christ as well as the Highpriest ? Dare he say that their praying for the people , and their sacrificeing , were not typical of Christs intercession and sacrifice , as well as the praying and sacrificing of the High priest , though not in the same degree of eminencie ? I grant that the Apostle ( Heb. 5. ) speaking of the authority and honour of Christs Priesthood , presentes the legal type thus ; Every Hiepriest taken from among men , &c. Yet if we shall consider that Hebr. 10. discoursing of the efficacie of Christs sacrifice in opposition to the legal , he sayes in the 11 , & 12. Ver. And every Priest ( simply , not evrie High-priest ) standeth dayely ministering & offering the Same sacrifices , which can never take away sin , but his man after he had offered one Sacrifice for sins , &c. It will be evident that the inferiour priests were also Types of Christ. So that he should either have taken in the High priest into his argument , or excluded together with him , the inferiour priestes upon the same ground . For majus & minus non variant speciem rei . If he say that he is not speaking of their Sacrifices , but of their Government , which was not typical . Answ. Why might he not then have taken in the High-priest upon this ground , since these are as well distinguishable in him , as in the inferiour Priests ? So that he might have been excluded from having any thing to do with the Type in pointe of his government as well as they . And for his single eminencie , it drew along with it those degrees of inferiour priests and Levits , ( in his principles ) which are mentionedso that if the one must evanish as a Type , in the same manner must the other . 3. It will much puzele this Informer to prove , that the Highe priest in respect of his government was a Type of Christ ; Sure he will find this denyed by his fellow brother in the cause , Tilen in his Parenes : ( Cap. 2 ) in summo Sacerdote ceu pontifice , non typi solum sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio conspicua & — [ In the highpriest , the type is not only conspicuous , but the reason of order , for he bore not a type or resemblance of Christ in resspect of the Kingely and judiciary power which Christ hath , who otherwayes should haue had the dignitie , both according to the order of Aaron , and the order of Melchisedeck , that is , both of a King and a priest . ] Iunius , a greater then he , ( de Pontif. lib. 1. cap. 6. ) distinguishes these in the Highpriest . — in summo Sacerdote consideranda , non solummodo ratio typi , sed etiam ordinis & politiae , — [ We must consider in the High priest not only the reason of the type , but like wayes of order and policie , &c. ] then he addes the abovementioned : reason ; So that in this argument , and his way of pleading for prelacie upon the ground of the Jewish policies . He will of necessity introduce a pope into the Christian Church : Which will be convincingly clear , If we shal in the 4t . place consider , that our Informer in this argument hauing set aside the High priest , as onely typical , tells us of another single Chief and High priest under him , and tels us in answer to the premised objection , that this method of the Jewish government ( with this Chief or high priest ; distinct from the typical priest ) is exemplarlie pointed out to Christians as Gods patterne for moddeling the gospel-Church government . So that without all shaddow of evasion his argument pleads for a chief patriarch over the Christian Church , as being a parte of the Jewish policie oblidging us , and exemplarly commended to us for our imitation . Moreover , I would know what he would say , If one should plead for retaining of all the judicial lawes of the Jewes upon his two grounds . 1. As not being typical . 2. As being Gods excellent means for order and union , and commended exemplarly unto Christians to the same end , what better patern for modelling our government and lawes then this patern ? Likewayes will he say that every peece of the Jewish antiquated pedagogie was properly typical : And that we are bound to reteane as of a moral perpetual nature whatsoever thing in their policie was not such . Surely there were many things depending upon the particular exigences , and state of that people , both as a Church under that old dispensation , and as a Commonwealth regular in its civil Lawes immediatly by God , which no found divines doe call Typical , and yet doe hold that they oblidge no Church or state under the New Testament . For a conclusion of this argument , I shall tell this Informer that he grossly mistaks these Scripture expressions ( at least in the judgment of some learned ) anent the Chief Priests 2. King. 19 : 2. &c. When taking them to denot different ecclesiastick degrees among the priests in their spiritual function : these chiefness ( to speak so ) or principality among the priests , being meaned of a civil principality existent in that Tribe before the priesthood was therein established : and that they were called Chief-priests , or Elders of the priests , did flow from this that this Trybe ( subject to the same Princes as at the first ) was afterward set apart for the priesthood , for Aaron and his Soones were chosen to be priests Exod. 28. but the whole . Tribe was not assumed unto the priesthood before Numb . 1. Yet in the meane while the tribe of Levie ( Exod. 6. ) had the Heads of their families & their Princes . The Scripture then speaking of the tribe of Levie as a Tribe simply , ascribes to it the same policie with the rest of the tribes , & Princes of the several families by the right of primogenitur : Thus both priests and Levits had their chiefe men and presidents . But as a Tribe separat to holy things , it had its peculiar policie . One was chief priest onely by Gods appointment , at whose hand all the rest of the priests were . 1 Chron. 24 : 24. And at the hands of the priests were the interior Levites , in their several services . David in distributing them in their several Temple offices , did not set the Princes over them as such , but onely having numbered them after the Heads of their families , and by their lotts or Courses , did assigne to them their service of the Temple , upon Gods command by the mouth of Gad and Nathan , the more to facilitat this Sacerdotal tribe , their comeing unto , and returneing from the Temple . The Chief of the families then , are not upon this ground Princes or Chief as to the Holy Ministerie ; for there was but one onely high priest , all the rest as well the heads , as the families themselves , were at the hand of the highpriest in the Ministery of the House of the Lord , 1 Chron. 24 : 19. Where the Chief or head in matters sacred , had no more power then the wholl body . So was it in the distribution of the Levits into their several classes by their Heads Chap. 23 : 27 , that they might beat the hands of the Sons of Aaron in the Temple Ministery . So that none of his citations doe amount to any proof of his fancied degrees and subordination among either the priests or Levits in their spiritual functions , or any other waye then in their civil capacitie as a Tribe ; neither had the two high priests ( mentioned Luc. 3. ) The least warrand in Gods institution , but this is acknowledged to be a corruption in their Government then creept in among other corruptions : and since he drawes his first instance of the Levits subordination from Exod 6. before that tribe was set apart at all to the Holy Ministery , that passage at least , and ( as I said , in the judgment of some ) its parallels also aftermentioned by him , doe speak of the Civil Government and subordi nation of the Levites in that capacitie ; and that any of their Chief rulers are by the Greeks termed Episcopus , is a very poor argument to conclude their Ecclesiastick rule , it being notourly known that the best Greek Authores put his designation upon Civil Governoures . This subordination among the Levites in Exod. 6 : 15. is unquestionably civil upon the ground assigned . And numb . 3. It is evident that the heads and princes of Families are numbered . And accordingly the heads and Chief of the families , 1 Chron. 24. and in Neh : 11 : 14. He that is set over the priests , is the son of one of the great men ( Haggedolim ) , or eminent in paris and place as many take it . 1 Chron. 24 : 4. before the division and order is set down , it s said , there were more Chief men found of the sones of Eleazar , then of the sones of ●…thamar , &c. all which doth much plead forthis assertion , but we need not be peremptor in pressing this , since the weight of our answer lies not upon it . Our Informer comes nixt to his New Testament proofes for Bishops and produces first , the superiority of the twelve Apostles above the seventy Disciples . Where 1. Wee see , He is still in the clouds of a general superiority , which is farr from the Prince-like Arbitrary , and Erastian superioritie of the Diocesian Prelat now existent , and whom he undertakes to plead for , which this Informer ( Had he intended to have informed right ) should have condescended upon . Had the Apostles such a superioritie over the seventy Disciples ? Were they subject to the Apostles as their Rectors and judges ? Did the Apostles ( as our Prelats ) assume a Sole Decisive , conclusive suffrage , and a negative voice over Church Judicatories , notwithstanding of their extraordinary and high prerogatives ? Did we not see the contrary exemplified in that meeting of Apostles with ordinary Ministers , Act. 15 ? Had the seventy onely a derived precarius Ministry under the twelve Apostles , as their Vicars & Substitutes in their Ministration ? Had they no Interest in the Church-Government but upon the Apostles meer pleasure . As Curats are now in all these respects subject to their Prelats ? Had not the seventy their mission , their institution , immediatly from Christ as well as the Apostles themselves ? Were they not consequently to exercise their Ministery upon this ground , without such a servil dependance upon the twelve as Prelats doe arrogat to themselves ane arbitrary principality over Ministers ? Were the twelve to rule only , and to committ the preaching worke to the seventy as their deputes , as our Prelats now doe ? Or were they not rather to help forward the great harvest , and the work of the Ministery , together with the Apostles themselves ? So that this Informer will never find the least shaddow of ane Episcopall superiority here . But 2. Granting that the Apostles were officers in asuperiour degree to the seventy , which is the utmost Conclusion which he can draw from Scripture , how will this infer a superiority among officers of the same degree . We grant the Apostles were superior to Evangelists , they againe to Pastoures , Ergo , one Pastour may be a diocesian Prelat over hunderds of other Pastours , is a consequence known to no logick . Christ appointed both extraordinary , and ordinarie officers in their severall degrees , as Apostles , Evangelists , Pastours : Ergo , he appointed different degrees of Pastours , hath no connexion imaginable . 3. Tht basis of his argument lyes in this [ that the Prelats are immediat successours of the Apostles in their degree of superiority to the seventy Disciples , and Pastours come after the seventy in their supposed subjection , and are not the Apostles immediat successours in the ordinary Ministery ] but this , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the quesitum or question , must be proved , not begged and supposed by him . We did already evince the contrary , viz , That the Pastour to whom is committed the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments , and both the keys , immediatly from the Apostles , are the highest ordinary officers , and the Apostles immediat successorus as to both order and Jurisdictione . But the doubter and I object furder [ that the Apostles superioritie over the seventie , was extraordinary , personall , temporarie , and to cease with themselves . ] In answer to this , He grants that in some things their priviledges were extraordinary , and to cease with themselves , such as their immediat cas . ling , their sending to all nations their infallibility , gifts of tongues , or whatever was necessary for the first founding of the obristian Ch●…rch . but in other things wherein they were superior to other Ministers , their power was not extraordinary and temporarie , but still to be continued , such as ordination of Ministers , and governeing them by ecclesiastick authority ; in which power the Bishops succeeds them , who are [ the children in stead of the Fathers ] as Augustin applies that of Psal. 45 , v. 19. Ans. 1. Then it seems that with him the Episcopal office properly succeeds to that of the Apostles , and is a continuation of their power in ordination and jurisdiction over Pastours , which contradicts his second answer to our Argument from Ephes. 4 viz [ that Bishops in that place may be comprehended under the the office of Pastours & teachers ] For here he makes their office the same with that of the Apostles as importing ane authority in ordination and Jurisdiction over Pastors and teachers , and so he should have said rather that it is comprehended under the Apostolick office 2. He yet againe contradicts himself in this answer whill granting [ that whatsoever was necessary for the first planting of the Christian Church is a priviledge ceased with the Apostles ] and yet making their power of ordination of Ministers , and in governing them , to be still necessary , he must understand it as performed and done by them , since therein he imagins the pattern of episcopall power to ly : For other wayes the Presbyterians doe hold and prove that ordination by the Presbytery , and Government by Presbyters collegiatly , is still continued and necessarie ; This he will not allow , and so must understand it of the manner wherein the Apostles performed this at first . Now I say , their Apostolick power in ordination and Government as exercised by them at first , was necessarie for the first founding of the Church . For 1. Their power of ordination was of equal limits and extent with their mission to all nations — Goe disciple all nations , I hope he will grant was extraordinary , as being necessary for the first founding of the churches , Ergo , say I. so was their power in ordination and Government of Ministers , since it was of a like nature , and of the same extent ; for to what ever nations they were sent together a Church therein , there they were to ordaine Ministers , & governe them by ecclesiastick Discipline , which he makes to be the Bishops office . 2. Their sole power in ordination and Government , here supposed , by him , did certainly presuppose the Christian Church in fieri , whereof they were to be founders . First They were , as Christs immediat extraordinary Ambassadours , to convert and bring in Churches , then to plant officers , & the Gospel Government in them ; Now , who will say but this power was necessary for the first planting of the Churches , and so comes under the Character of these things which this man acknowledges to be expired : Surely where no other officers were to concurre , the Apostles of necessity behooved to ordaine solely , and their Apostolick Inspection over them did necessarly depend upon , and flow from , their Apostolick extraordinary mission and infalibilitie , So that this power in so fare as Episcopall like , was indispensibly needful for the first founding of the Churches and consequently must be expired by his own confession , the nature and exercise of this power supposeing , and requiring their peculiar mission , infallibilitie , and gifts of tongues , which are acknowledged by this man to be expired privileges , necessary ry onely at that time . Moreover , the Apostles power in ordination and government did include extraordinary miraculous rodes and censurs , & a power in coerceing the rebellious , thus Peter stroke Ananias and Sapphira dead for their lying which was a fearful Apostolick Censure , put forth by his Apostolick authoritie at that time , Paul stroke Elimas the sorcerer blind for withstanding the truth ; besides , their power in ordination at that time , included their miraculous conferring of the Spirit by the Imposition of hands . 2 Tim. 1 : 6 Act. 19 : 1 , 2 , 6. Now , all these Apostolick priviledges ( which this man must needs acknowledge upon his own ground to be expired and extraordinarie ) being necessarily included in , & essential unto the Apostolick power , the nature and exercise thereof must be expired also . Wee shall offer here to the Informer a distinction of the learned Iunius , who in his answer to Bellarmins argument for the Apostles Episcopal singular power , from that word Shall I come to you with a rod , distinguishes the ordinary and extraordinary rod , secundum illam , &c. ( de Concil . lib. 2. Cap. 16. ) — that is , according to the commone ordinary rode . Peter was a fellow Presbyter 1 Pet. 5. But according to the singular and extraordinary , he stroke dead Ananias and Sapphira . In respect of this commonrode ( saith he ) Paul saith 1 Cor 5. — [ You being gathered together with my Spirit in the name of our Lord Jesus ] but as to this singular one , he saith [ Shall I come to you with arode 1 Cor 4 , 21 ] this common rode he denyes to have him in the hand of any one man whither Apostle or other , or that they had any sole or singular preheminence in Churches constitute . And this cutts the winde pype of our Informers topick and argument here for the prelats power . Which leads to a 3d. Answer . 3 We proved already that the Apostles exercised no singular Episcopal preheminence in Churches constitut , and what they did in churches not as yet constitut and infieri , is not to the purpose by his own confession , since it falles in among those things necessary for the first planting of the Churches , which priviledges the acknowledges are gone , That the Apostles exercised no such single preheminence in churches constitut , is abundantly cleared in the 2. Argument against Episcopacie , where we shewed that neither in ordination , nor excommunication , nor in Ministerial decision of controversies , the Apostles assumed ane Episcopal power in Churches constitut , but had the ordinary Church-officers Presbyterialy concurring with them . Wee likwayes proved in the 8. Argument , that the Episcopal power is neither formaliter , nor eminenter , contained in the Apostles authority , but is inconsistent there with , and contrary therunto , there sole directive , corrective power over the diocess , as being the proper sole pastoures thereof , their sole decisive suffrage , and Lordly dominion over Church-judicatories , besides their civil rule , like that of the princes of the gentiles ; rendering our prelats power ex sua natura , & in universum , different from the very nature of the Apostles authority , and the authority of a Gospel Ministery altogether : and consequently it could not be transmitted by the Apostles , to the Church , as any peece of the Gospel Church Government ; and by further consequence they are none of the Fathers or Children whom the true church , or the Apostles brought forth , but the Spritus brood of Satanical Antichristian pride . As for what he addes of the Fathers making Bishops Successours to the Apostles Iunius will tell him ( De cler . cap 14. Not. 15. ) That this is not to be understood of a Succession from Christs institutionquia nunquam instituit Christus ut Apostolis secundum gradum in ecclesia succederetur , because Christ never appointed Successors to the Apostles in the Church according to degree — And that the fathers understood it of a succession ex simili , non ex pari , a succession of similitude , not of paritie and of a similitude secundum quid , or imaginary , according as Prelats were then moulded . CHAP. X. The Informers great argument for Prelacy , from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus . Their Episcopal office disproved , from the office of Evangelist , ascribed expresly to the one , and by good consequence to the other , from many circumstances of the sacred text , and the judgement of Interpreters . The Informers pleadings from there power in ordination and jurisdiction , supposed in the precepts addressed to them there anent ; from the necessity of this power , the concernment of of after-ages therein , &c , examined . The unsoundenes and inconsistency of his arguing and answers upon this head , several wayes discovered . THe Informer presents unto us Nixt , the pretended Episcopacy of Tymothy and Titus at Ephesus and crete , and the Douhter alledging [ that Paul calls all the Miniters at Ephesus and crete , Bishops , ] He rejoynes That Tymoth and Titus were Bishops as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Bishop was afterward taken , that is , had a power in ordination and Iurisdiction over and above inferiour Ministers . This argument from the pretended Episcopacy of Timothy and Titus , as also the nixt , taken from the supposed Episcopal power of the seven Asian Angels , hath been so fully answered and baffled by many , That it is , a wonder how he hath the confidence to repone to us these oft sodden coleworts . We gave already a hint in the St A●…gument ; of the acknowledged extraordinary function of Tymothy and Titus , which is abundantly cleared by many , from their unfixed motion and officiating , their occasional transient imployment in these places , Paules actual revocation of them both there from , the condition of these Churches , as being but in fieri as to their organick settlement and constitution : Particularly , that their power in ordination and Jurisdiction was not episcopall , I prove from these grounds . 1. In Churches already constitut , this Authority was not solely resident in Tymothy and Titus Falluntur , qui putant ( saith Calvin , Instit : lib : 4. Cap. 3. ) &c. that is , they are mistaken who judge either Timothy at Ephesus or Titus at crete to have exercised any impite or Dominion to dispose of things each at his own pleasure , they were set over the people ( no word of their being set over Ministers ) to go before them in good and wholsome Counsells in relation to the placeing of Ministers , not that they might doe as they pleased excluding others . Since Paul himself neither imposed hands nor did excommunicat alone , and since ( as I said above ) a wholl colledge or Presbytery of Apostles acted nothing pro imperio , but in Churches constitut had elders going along with them in all that Sinodal procedour Act 15. Farrless would Timothy and Titus assume this episcopal preheminence , who were inferiour to any of the Apostles , therefore their power in this was not episcopall . 2. That authoritie which was intrusted to the elders and Ministers in commone , / was not intrusted to any one officer , such as Timothie ; But so it is that after the Church of Ephesus was exedified and compleated in its organick being , and after Timothy had gotten his charge as to ordination and Jurisdiction in Ephesus , Paul committed the wholl episcopal power to the elders ( as is said ) before Timothies face in his last farewell , Act. 20. therefore he intrusted him with no episcopall preheminence in or over that Church when compleated in its organick being . 3. They whose power stands so circumstantiat as to ordination and jurisdiction over these Churches , that it excluds Episcopale preheminence , properly and formally such , their power in ordination and jurisdiction , cannot be prelatical , nor ground ane argument for prelacie : but such is the power of Timothie and Titus . For 1. As Diocesian Bishops they ought to have been determinatly and designedly set and fixed there , as the officers of these Churches , but the contrary appears in the text [ I befought the to abide at Ephesus ] and againe [ I left thee at Crete , and to set in order things that are wanting ] which words point at ane occasional transient , employment there , not a fixed instalement . 2. In these Epistles they are both Called back without the least intimation of their returneing . 3. If their power was Episcopall and ordinary , then in the apostles prescriptions and rules anent their Successours , their power and authority ought to have been described , and rules given touching the gifts , Call , ordination &c. of the diocesian Bishop , but the Apostle prescribes no rules for any officer higher then a Pastour , & supposes still that he is the highest ordinary officer , in all his directions as to Church government . 4. Add to this , That Paul never calls Timothy , or Titus , Bishops , though frequently making mention of them , but Ministers , Souldiers of Christ , workmen , the Churches messengers &c. 1. Tim. 4. 6. 2. Tim. 2. 3. and 15. 2. Cor. 8. Supposing them his attendants in his Apostolick function ; Their accompanying Paul in his Travells is largely described by the divines at the I le of wight . 1. Timothy is found at Berea with Paul , Act. 17. 14. then at Athens 15. Thence Paul sends him to Thessalonica 1. Thess. 3. 1. Then , hav●…ig been at Macedonia with Paul , he came to him to Corinth Act. 18. 5. Then he is with him at Ephesus , and thence sent into Macedonia Act. 19. 22. Whither Paul , went after him , and was by him accompanied into Asia Act. 20. 4. He is with him at Troas 5. v. and at Miletum 17. v. where Paul gave the elders his last charge as the Bishopes of that Church . And after this , he is found either in journeys , or absent from Ephesus . Forafter he is found a prisoner with Paul at Rome , being mentioned as his companion in these epistles written while Paul was at Rome ; as that to the philippians , Philip. 1. to philemon . 1. 1. and to the colloss . 1. 2. and he is never found againe at Ephesus , & neer the end of the Apostles pilgrimage , he is sent for to Rome . So Titus is found at Ierusalem , befor he came to Crete , Gal. 1. 2. thence is sent for to Nicopolis , Tit. 3. 12. then to Corinth , then he is expected at Troas 2. Cor. 2. 12. and meets with Paul in Macedonia . 2. Cor. 7. 6. whence he is sent againe to Corinth 2. Cor. 8. 6. & after this , neer the time of paules death , is found at Rome , from whence he went not to Crete , but unto Dalmatia , 2. Tim. 4. 10. And after this is not heard of in Scripture . So that from their various journeys , the order of them , the time spent in them , the nature of their employment , which was to be the Apostles Copartners in their Apostolick function , and negotiat the affaires of the Churches where the Apostles traveled , and the Sciptures silence touching their being Beshops of any one Church , These divines conclude that they could not be diocesian Bishops . Others doe remarke severale other pregnant Circumstances in the sacred text , specially relating to Timothy which doe evince him to be neither Bishop at all , nor particularly at Ephesus in the prelatical sense . As 1. That paul stirres him up to diligence upon this motive , that thus he shall be agood minister of Christ , not a Bishop of Christ , 1. Tim. 4. 6. He was therefore a Minister Bishop , but nothing else . 2. That when Paul wrote this first epistle to him , he was but newly entered into the ministery . 1. Tim. 1. 3. with Act. 16. 1. 2. 3. &c. And Paul will not have a Novice to be a Bishop . 3. He is commandes to intreat elders as Fathers . 4. To Honour them doubly that rule well , therefore he was not to be a Father over these elders 5. That he had his gift by the laying one of the hands of the presbysery , which could not be ane episcopall function . 6. That Paul appointes him to reside there only untill his owne return from Macedonia , to instruct the people for someshorte time until he came to him againe 1. Tim. 3. 14. 15. — 7. That assoone as Paul came from Macedonia to Ephesus , he sent Timothie into Achaia , himself staying at Ephesus and Asia for a season . Act. 19. 22. to 40. v. and from thence he returned to Macedonia , and through it unto Asia , accompanied with Timothy and others , after which we never read that he returned to Ephesus . 8. That Timothie was sent to many churches to confirme and strengthen them , as , to Macedonia Act. 19. 22. To Thessalonica . 1. Thess. 1. 2. 3. To philippi . chap. 2. 19. 20. but never to Ephesus after his first departure . 9. That though he is joyned with Paul in the Inscription of some Epistles . Collos. 1. philip . 1. and frequent mention is made of him in the epistles to severall Churches , 1. Cor. 4. 17. Philip. 2. 19. 20. 1. Thess. 3. 2. 6. Hebr. 13. 23. Yet there is [ altum silentium ] of him in the Epistles to the Ephesians , his own supposed diocess . 10. That Paul laid hands upon the disciples who were ordained in that church after his supposed episcopacie . That as Timothie was sent to confirme . Instruct and Comfort other Churches , as Philippi , Troas . So Paul writes to him . 2 Tim. 4. 12. that Tychicus was for this same end . sent to Ephesus : and that he wrote the Epistle of Paul to the Ephesians from Rome , whom the Apostle ( chap. 6. 21. v. of the Epistle directed to that church ) sent to them as a faith full Minister , who therefore lookes liker their Bishop then Timothie . That the same is supposable of Titus is also apparent , both in that he is called ( as Timothy ) , not Bishop , but Pauls fellow helper , and that concerning the Corinthians , not the Cretians , and likewayes in that he is imployed to the church in corinth , after he was left by Paul at crete , as his fellow helper in that church , 2. Cor. 2. 13. and was fixed to no one place of residence . That being charged to come to Paul at Nicopolis , his stay is found very short at Crete , so that after half a years residence there he was sent to Corinth and Dalmatia &c. But the Doubter acknowledging [ Timothy and Titus , their power over Ministers at Ephesus and crete , since they are taught how to ordaine them , what qualifications are requisite , how to proceed in their tryalls and censures , alledges that this they had , as evangelists & companiones to the Apostles in their laboures and as appointed to settle and water these Churches which they had planted . ] In what respect these things are attribute to these Church officers , will be after examined , when we shall consider how our informer pleads for their episcopall power upon these grounds . But to this exception of the Doubter , he answers That this supposes them to be extraordinarie officers , whose office was not to continue in the Church . And the Doubter affirmeing this . [ Because Timothy is called ane Evangelist 2. Tim. 4. 5. and that therefore he could not be a Bishop ] To this our Informer Rejoynes That in a large sense , he was ane Evangelist or a preacher of the gospell , but that he was ane Evangelist in astrict sense , can no mor be proved from that scripture ; then that he was a deacon : Because the Apostle in that same place sayes , fulfill thy deaconship , as the Greek signifies . Or that Philip was ane extraordinary evangelist , because he is called ane evangelist Act. 2. 8. for he was a deacon Act. 6. and Act. 8. 5. did preach the gospell , but was not therefore one of these extraordinary evangelists whose office was to cease in the Church . And Finallie , He tells us that ordination and jurisdiction is properly no worke of ane Evangelist but rather preaching and spreading the gospell ] Ans. 1. This man casts up but a mist of Insignificant words in this distinction , whereby he endeavoures to elude so clear a scripture . Timothies Evangelistick office , wee see , is a gripping argument which our Informer would faine Elude , but with what success shall presently appear . He grantes he was ane Evangelist in a large sense or a preacher , but not in the strict sense , but what that strict sense is , in which he denyes Timothy to be ane Evangelist , he doth not clear , and so his strict sense is left without sense , and his distinction must flie with one wing . He knew that his assigneing ane explication of his strict sense , would have so palpably included Timothy , that his evasion would be presently shut up : therefore he left the other branch of his distinction , a meer mute under the clouds , and gives us a distinction which stands upon one leg . 2. If he will take Eusebius sense ( Hist. lib. 3. cap. 33. o●… 37. with some ) he will tell him [ that this title is taken but two wayes , either for such as wrote the Gospel , ( in which sence we grant that none of them were Evangelists , or such as taught the Gospel , and these againe were either such as had ordinary places or gifts , or whose plaees and giftes were extraordinary , that is , who were not settled upon any one charge , but were Apostolorum vice , having a vicarius care of all the Churches , as the Apostles had the principal care . ] The Evangelists ( as Ambrose phrases it ) did Evangelizar sine Cathedra , or preached without a fixed charge . Here , by the way I cannot but admire the inconsistant subtilty ( may I call it so ) of Saravia ( de divers . grand . minist . cap. 6. ) who , in answer to Beza , pleading [ that the appellation of Evangelist is given not to every on who preached , but to the Apostles temporary coadjutors in watring the Churches , not yet fully constitut &c. ] tells him that Apostolus nunquam Timotheum — Euangelistae nomine compellat . That the Apostle no where puts the Title of Evangelist upon Timothy , and that this title was given to none but Philip. Yet immediatly addes-Evangelistae nomen non nego Timotheo , quem Paulus Evangelistae ●…pus sacere jubet , I deny not the name of Evangelist to Timothy , whom the Apostle bides , do the work of ane Evangelist . If he deny not this name to him and the thing therein imported , how can he quanel the Apostles not putting this title upon him , or deny him the title , and the peculiar office therein imported . Calvin takes the word hereto Import that special extraordinary office mentioned . Ephes. 4. Now that Timothy was such ane Evangelist , is already fully proved and by consequence that the objection stands untouched and unanswered by him . viz. That he was ane unfixed extraordinarie officer , and not to continue , and therefore any authority which he is supposed to have over this Church , layes no foundation of Prelacie . For he sayes nothing to this consequence , but admitts it upon the supposition that Timothy was ane Evangelist in a strict sense , and ane extraordinary officer . Cartwright answering the Rhemises upon this place , takes it in the strict sense mentioned , telling the Jesuites that Paules calling Timothy once ane Evangelist , hath more pith in it then all denominations of Pishop that others can give him . 3. The Informers reason of denying the special office of Evangelist to be here imported , viz That he might be as well called a Deacon , as being enjoyned to fulfull his Miuistery or Deaconship in the Greek , is very poor . For 1. It being clear that the Scripture holdes out such ane office as that of Evangelist , specifically distinct fromother offices . Ephes. 4. ( as this man acknowledges ) and it being equally certain that this or any other office and relation hath a work and dutie proper andpeculiar therunto and likewayes that the office layes ane obligation upon the person who carryes it , to perform the duties thereof . And Finallie . Jt being evidently the Apostles Scope , from the consideration of the office , to exhort to the duties suitable thereunto , its destrable by its own light that Timothy is here stirred up to the duties of that peculiar station & office which we have proved he sustained ; & thereforit cannot be understood of a general Ministery or service . Will any doubt what the sense of such phrases is , [ do thework of a parent ] [ do the work of a Master ] [ do the work of a Pastour ] who knowes what the office and relation of a parent , master , and Minister is , and that this phrase importes , this precept enjoynes the duties proper to such relations and offices . So the case is here , which none will doubt of but this Informer who starts needles doubts , when he cannot answer his presbyterian Doubter . 2. The Deacons office haveing in Scripture its limites drawn , the circumstances of the place where the word Diaconia stands , discovers when we are to take it in a generall sense , and when this inferiour officer is pointed out . So it were absurd when Archippus is bidden fullfill his Ministery , or when the Apostle calls himself a Minister , to imagine that the proper formall office of Deacon is ascribed to the one or the other : But the service there meaned is ane Apostolicall and Pastorall service , not the service of Tables . Now , fulfill , or make full proofe of thy Ministery ( as our Translatores doe weill render it , giveing the deacon a peculiar Inglish terme according to the greek sound of the word to avoide confusion ) is exigeticall ▪ the Ministery he is to fulfill , is his Evangelistick Ministery , the latter expounds the former , so that in the very phrase it self , the evangelistick office is asserted and the deaconship denyed . The phrafe of Evangelist , & especially the workof ane Evangelist , determins his peculiar office ; there being no other Evangelists in the scripture sense , but either those that wrote or published the gospell in that extraordinary way , and Timothy being clearly one of such , it must needs import the Evangelist in a peculiar sense , and is distinct from the generall phrase of Ministery in the latter branch of the words , which stands limited and restricted by the first part as Isaid . Again , since he includes in the generall terme [ Episeopus ] his diocesian Bishop , as distinct from a presbyter , in philip . 1. and Act. 20. Wee may with farr better evidence take in the peculiar evangelist here , the office properly taken , being both a scripture office , and likewayes so clearly applicable to the person to whom this precept is given , non of which he can say in his case . Moreover , I wonder whither he would admitt this his gloss , if this phrase were directed to a Pastour as it is here to Timothy [ doe the worke of a Pastour , make full proofe of thy Ministery ] would he think this a good argument or reason to deny him to be a Pastour , because the latter branch of the sentence expresses a deaconship ? Sure he would not : or had the Apostie expressed the first branch of the precept thus , doe the worke of a ●…ishop , would he have taken this answer from us , that Timothy might be as well proved a deacon from that place ? Sure , he would here tel us that th●… fi●… r●…trictive phrase , determines the subsequent generall one , and that different offices may well share in generall names . 3. The phrase of doeing the worke of ane Evangelist , if we compare scripture with it self , will appear upon Two grounds to import a peculiar Evangelist . 1. Such a sense must needs be admitted in paralleel phrases where the Syntax and construction is like ●…o this , As [ the signes of ane Apostle ] 2 Cor. 12 : 12. [ commands of Apostles ] 2 Pet. 3 : 2 [ foundation of Apostles ] Ephes 2 20. who will deny but that the word Apostle is here peculiarly designeing the office , & why not also [ the workeof aneEvangelist ] especially it being his scope to stirr up Timothy to diligence from the consideration of the office , and others to the greater reverence of him . 2 The terme of Evangilist occuring only thrice in the new Testament ( viz ) Act. 21. 8 Ephes 4. 11. and in this place under debate : since the first Two places , doe ●…yond all question speak o●… the Evangelist in a strict and proper sense , h●… ( I pray ) & why doth it change its signification here ? Extraordinary functions communicats with inferiour offices in the general names , as when the Apostles are called pres byters in a general designatione , but extraordinary names are not made use of to point at ordinary functions , at least when the office is so distinctly pointed at as in this place 4. He stumbleth yet againe here into a materiall contradiction , whil telling us , That Timothy was ane evangelist in a large sense , that is , One who proached the Gospel , which he contradistinguishes from ane Evangelist in a strict sense , denying Timothy to be such , and that strictly termed Evangelist had it for his work to preach and spread the Gospell , as he seems to insinuat in the close of his answer , if at least he mean it of his strictly called evangelist ( for his way of expressing it is very indistinct . ) But however he will not say that Timothy was no otherwayes ane Evangelist then in the sense wherein any ordinary Minister is such . And if he understand him to be ane Evangelist as haveing a more large unfixed or universal office of preaching the gospel with extraordinary gifts , and as coajutor of the Apostles , as Hooker himself , together with Eusebius do take it , as being thus contradistinct from writers of the Gospel , how comes he onely to acknowle●… h●… ane Evangelist in a general sense , as a preacher of the Gospel simply ? I would know what this Informer calls ane Evangelist in a strict sense , sure he will not say that it is meerly preaching the Gospel which makes up this office , for that he makes the large sense ; is it preaching and spreading the gospell with extraordinary gifts ad unfixedly ? ( as he seems to insinuat by making this the proper worke of ane Evangelist ) then surely he will not deny but this was Timothy's worke , and so he must be ane Evangelist in the strict sense , against what he first asserts . He acknowledges the ordinary Evangelists or preachers , were to preach and spread the Gospell within their Sphere , and so the strict Evangelist must be distinguished from them by unfixed preaching and spreading the Gospell : which ( besides what is mentioned ) will bring a new inconvenienc upon our Informer and dash him against his principle of fixing Timothy Bishop of Ephesus . Yet againe , though Philip preached the Gospell upon the dispersion and spread it unfixedly , yet he denyes him to be one of these extraordinary Evangelists whose office was to cease : So that he doth ( as to this ) distinguish preaching and spreading the Gospell from the proper worke and characteristick of the Evangelist strictly taken Thus it is hard to know what he calls ane Evangelist or how he understands it : For neither will he admitt power in ordination and jurisdiction to be ane ingredient in this office , and thus it is neither fixed nor unfixed preaching or government either , that with him will make up this office properly taken , if we consider the whole structure of his reasoning . 5. As for what he sayes of philip , That it will not follow , he was ane extraordinary Evangelist , though termed ane Evangelist , since he was a Deacon . I answer , that Philip was not ane Evangelist properly so called , is by him poorly and gratis asserted , and worse proved ; Learned Calvin upon the place tells us That his Deaconship was a temporal and transient function , then expired , because otherwayes it had no been free to him to leave Jerusalem and go to cesaria ; And that he is not here proposed as a voluntar deserter of his office , but as one who had a more excellent office intrusted to him , Which two grounds will put faire to prove that he was not a deacon still . Then he adds [ Evangilistae meo judiciointer Apostolos & doctores medii erant , munus enim obibant Apostolis proximum ut passim Evangelium praedicarent , nec praeficerentur certae Stationi — That is , Evangelists were sett in the middle betwixt Apostles and Doctours , had ane office nixt to that of the Apostles and Doctours , had ane office nixt to that of the Apostles , that they might every where preach the gospell and were not fixed to any Station . He gives this reason of his description of the Evangelist , Because , ( Ephes. 4. ) the Apostle describing the order of the Church doth in such manner substitut them to Apostles , as he shews that they had a more inlarged office of teaching intrusted to them then to Pastours whose worke was tyed to certain places . Hence he concludes that Philips deaconship at Jerusalem , was onely temporall . And for some time there exercised by him , and that he was afterby the Church assumed to be ane Evangelist . In which words wee see . 1. He doth upon weightie grounds prove him to have been no Deacon at that time wherein he is called ane Evangelist . 2. That he was ane Evangilist in the strict and proper sense as it is taken . Eph. 4. — 3. That Evangelists are officers above ordinarie teachers or pastours , and in this distinct from them ( in the judgement of this great divine ) that they were fixed to no certan charge , as they , but as being nixt Apostles had ane indefinit unfixed Ministery ; all which is cross to this mans blunt confused discourse of this mater , and cutts the sinews of Timothy's supposed Episcopacy . Lastlie , Where he affirms that ordination and jurisdiction were no proper worke of ane Evangelist , but preaching and spreading the Gospell . 1. I urge him thus , if preaching and spreading the gospel was the characteristick of the Evangelist ( He must mean it in a more extensive way then ordinary Pastours if he speak sense ) then sure he cannot deny but that Timothy thus preached and spread the gospel as the Apostles Coajutor in many Churches , as is cleared above . Whence it followes by his own Confession . 1. That Timothy's office was extraordinary and is ceased , for he affirmes that the office of ane Evangelist whom he calls extraordinary was to cease in the Church . 2. That he had no Episcopall authority in ordination and jurisdiction , He being ane Evangelist in a sense beyond any ordinary preacher , and upon the other hand ordination and jurisdiction by his confession , not being his proper worke who is ane Evangilist . So that Pauls calling him ane Evangelist must lay him by from being a Prelat , and consequently all the Informers pleading from his supposed power in ordination and jurisdiction in the 1. Epistle written to him , is frivolous and vaine . For in his sense he could not Act both the worke of evangelist and Prelat , these being according to his pleading , inconsistent . But nixt , the wonder is , how this man comes to divide [ preaching and spreading of the gospell ] from [ the power of ordination jurisdiction ] since he cannot but acknowledge that the Apostles did both these , and affirms that their office was episcopal , as we heard above . And after he will tell us that Catalogues of Bishops are drawen from the Apostles , and by Ierom , from marke the Evangelist who was Bishop of Alexandria . Then it seems this power in ordination ( wherein , with him the Chief part of my Lord Bishops office lyes ) was very well consistent with both the Apostles and Evangelists their unfixed inlarged preaching and spreading of the gospell ; The Apostles unfixed preaching & spreading of the gospell , sure he will not deny : nor can he deny to marke , the Evangelists office in the strictest sense he can imagine : so that both are with him compatible . Thus we see in withstanding the truth , hee is still in the briers of Contradictiones . The Doubter excepts aganist his reason [ That philip might be both a deacon and Evangilist ] To which he answers [ That by the same Reason Timothie and Titus might be both Bishops and Evangelists ] I answer 1. We have showen already , That philip ceased to be a deacon at Jerusalem when he became ane Evangelist . 2. Supposing he were yet the Informers answer and parallel , is naught . For 1. Philipes becoming ane Evangelist was ane advancement to a higher office , holding still ane inferiour , which is eminenter included in it , as he will grant , but making ane Evangelist a Bishop is a degrading of a high extraordinary superiour officer , to ane ordinary inferiour . 2. As ane Evangilist properly so called , his work was to preach and spread the gospel unfixedly , as a Bishop , his work he will say , was ordination and jurisdiction , which Two we heard him affirme to be incompatible . Besides , in separating the power of ordination and jurisdiction , from the Evangelistick office , he is contradicted by Saravia , who in many places mantaines the contrary ( degrad : cap. 1. — and Cap. 16. and cap. 23 ) And here I shall shew our Informer how he hath run cross to his great Master in his glosses upon several of these Texts under debate , that it may appear , what babellike builders our prelates Advocates are . Upon that passage ( Matth. 20 ) I finde he is a little more ingenuous then this is Disciple , and plainely speakes out what he but mutters ( exam : tract : de episc : tripl : quest : 1. pag : 70. after he hath repeated that Text with its parallel in Luke , he adds . Ex his verbis quaero num cuiquam sano videri possit D. Iesum sustulisse aut prohibuisse primatum aut principatum ? & non potius docuisse quid eum deceat , qui in Ecclesia primus & princeps futurus erat &c that is , From these Wordes I demand whither any that is sound can judge , that the Lord Iesus did take away primaci and principality , and did not rather teach what becomes him , who was to be first and Prince in the Church — and thereafter he tells us that Christ by his own example did shew what sort of primaci it is that the allowes in his Church , so that he doth in downright express terms plead for a supreme patriarch or pope representing Christs pritcipality over the Church , & what harmony this keeps with the judgment of protestant divines upon that passage , any may judge . The Informers holdes That there was to be no inequality of power among the 12 Apostles ( although he is not consistent with himself in this , as is already observed ) but Saravia runs so far cross to him in this assertion that he mantaines a primaci of power among them . That the Bishops , saluted with the deacons , ( Phil : 1. ) were meer Presbyters , he is forced to acknowledge , and so condemnes our Informers shifts , about Extraneus Bishops accidently there , or with the Apostle himself , or that the Diocesian is included in the word [ Bishop ] — in epistola ad Philippenses salutem dicit Episcopis & diaconis , unde quemadmodum intelligitur Philippensium ecclesiam habuisse Presbyteros & diac●…nos &c. ( de Grad : Cap : 8. ) In the Epistle to the Philippians Paul salutes the Bishops and deacones , hence as we are given to understand , that the Church of the Philippians had Presbyters and Deacons , &c. Again , the Informer layes aside the Highpreist , as a type of Christ , when he pleads for prelacie from the Jewish Church-government . But in this Saravia gives him the lie for t . He holds the inferiour priests to have been in there administration types of Christ as well as the high priest . And 2. That the Government , whether of the inferiour or high priests , is not abolished as typical ( de honor : praes : & prysb : deb : cap : 10 , & de Divers : grad Miniser : cap 14. ) Besides , the Informer holds that that place 2 Tim. 2 : 4. Commandes Churchmen to be as Abstract as possible from publik civil imployments , and not intangle themselves therein . But Saravia adstricts the affairs of this life spoken of in that Scripture , unto the endeavours which belonges to the nourishment and mantainance of this life , and holds that it doth not at all speak of nor discharge Churchmens holding of publick state imployments under Princes . He minces not the matter as this man. Vitae negotia ( saith he ] sunt ea quibus , quae ad hujus vitae victum pertinent , comparantur , non quae sunt principis aut civitatis publica . And [ de ●…on : praesul . & Presbit : deb : ] he praefixes this title unto : Cap : 26. As that which he undertakes to prove — Idem Homo tanquam episcopus curam ecclesiae Domino Iesu , & fidem ac obsequium regi tanquam ipsius beneficiarius reddere potest . That the same man may perform his duety to Christ as a Bishop , and attend the Church , and also render faith and obedience to the King as his vassal &c. The doubter nixt excepts to better purpose That they could not be Bishops , because they were not settled at these places , especially Timothy , had he been Bishop at Ephesus , he had been fixed to his charge , but he was left only there upon occasional imployment , and for a season , 1 Tim. 1 : 3. To this he answers 1. That they were rare and singular persons usefull for the Apostle at that time , and therefore it is no wonder that they were called from their particular charge when the Churches good required it . Philip. 2 : 19 , 20 2 Cor. 8 : 23. As with us a Minister may be called from his charge for a season when the good of the Church else where requires it . To which I rejoyne 1. This answer supposes the thing in Question ( viz ) [ That Timothie and Titus were once fixed as Bishops in these Churches ] But the ground of the exception is , That because their occasionall transient Imployment in these places , is so clear & expresse , therefor they were never fixed to these Churches as their particular charge , but had it for their charge to water all the Churches which the Apostles planted , and attend their planetarie motion from Church to Church . So that they cannot be in their worke and duty paralleled to a Pastours transient Imployment from his particular charge for the Churches greater good , whose fixed charge is supposed . But we have proved that Timothie and Titus their ordinarie Imployment was this transient and unfixed Ministery : which is clearly holden out in scriptur both befor and after their officiating in these Churches . 2 , It is also cleared above , that as the scripture is utterly silent of their return to these Churches againe , after Pauls recaling them from the same , and after their transient Imployment therein : So we have made it likewayes appear , that they did officiat thereafter in many other Churches , performing to them the same duties of Evangelists as in Ephesus and crete . And that in Ephesus , elders were called Bishops , and had the whole Episcopal charge before Timothie , committed to them in paules last farewell . In a word , it can never be made good that any who were fixed to particular charges , did so travell up and down as these Evangilists are proved to have done . Againe he t●…lls us That Gerard thinks they were first Evangelists , then made Bishops by Paul at Ephesus and Crete . Ans. If he think so too , he must quite all his plea for their Episcopacie from these Epistles : for Paul calls Timothy to doe the worke of ane Evangelist here , and Titus worke was the same : And he must understand this in the strict sense ( if he offet Gerards exception to any purpose ) which , according to him , secludes power in ordination and jurisdiction . So that a worke and office being enjoyned Timothy in this Epistle , which hath nothing to doe with ordination and iurisdiction , he was not yet made a Bishop , and if not yet , it will be hard to find out his commission and patent afterward in scripture , since he was in perpetual evangilistick Imployments , and sure if Paul ever designed him Bishop over Ephesus , he would not have called the elders of Ephesus , Bishopes , befor Timothy in his last farewell . We heard Saravia plead that Paul intitles not Timothy an Evangelist [ non compellat nomine Evangelistae ] how did he not see that [ that Paul , numquam compellat nomine episcopi , never puts upon Timothy or Titus , the title or name of a Bishope , neither in the inscriptiones of the Epistles writen to them , nor in any place of these Epistles , or else where in scripture , nor injoynes any of them to do the work of Bishop . As he injoynes one of them expresly to do the work of ane Evangelist . And since the Apostle , disertis verbis , in 〈◊〉 these elders of Ephesus , Bishops , and ( to use Saravia's phrase ) compellat nomine Episcoporum , and that with the signal emphasis , of being made Bishops by the Holy Ghost , his reason from epi●…hets and compellations , will the more strongely evinc them to be such . 2. This is a great degrading of ane Evangelist , and derogatorie to his high function , to make him a Bishop . The Councel of Chaldecon judges it sacrilegious to degrade a Bishop to a Presbyter , such must he acknowledge this degrading to be , and therefore that being once Evangelists , of necessity they behoved to continue so . Next , the Doubter objects , what we have been saying , that Paul gave to the elders of Ephesus the Charge , not to Timothy , which he would not have done , had he been Bishop , since it is probable he was present at this time , for v. 4. He was in Pauls companie . Here he gingerly nibbles at this Argument least it prick him , omitting these pregnant circumstances of the context . 1. That this was Pauls last and farewell exhortation . 2. That he not only gives these elders the Charge over that Church before Timothy , and not to him , but also the wholl Episcopal charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed and rule as the Holy Ghosts Bishops set over the same , which comprehends both ordination and jurisdiction . But what sayes he to this Argument . 1 : It may be he was not ●…et settled Bishop as Gerard thinks . But sure he had all the 〈◊〉 as Bishop which the first Epistle afoords him , from which this man derives his Episcopacy , and power in ordination and jurisdiction : and if , for all these , ●…ur Informer will grant that he might have been not ●…s yet Bishop , but ane Evangelist . Then 1. he must acknowledge that all his pleading for his Episcopac in the nixt pages , from the power he is supposed 〈◊〉 have in the first epistle , is but a beating of the aire an impertinent , since it might be Antecedaneous to h●… Episcopacie : and by the Informers confession , he mig●… have had yet no more Episcopal relation to the Church , then any who was never Bishop there . Henc●… 2. Not being yet Bishop , but ane Evangelist still , ( a●… Gerard takes him ) in a traveling posture up and down with the Apostle ( as also Bishop Hall , Downam and Hooker acknowledge him ) I wonder how this man wil sustean his denyal , that he was ane Evangelist in the proper and strict sense , such as his was . Sure , if this his supposition , or [ may be ] will hold good , timothies office , as suc●… ane Evangelist , was to cease in the Church , as he expresseth it , and Pauls bidding him doe the work of ane Evangelist sufficiently Unbishops him at least pro tunc , which notwithstanding we heard him deny . 2. He tell us ] that Irenaeus who lived not long after the Apostles thinks there were Asian Bishops mingled with the elders of Ephesus , and with Timothie their Bishop to whom in common Paul made that exhortation comprehending the [ Bishops ] under the name of [ elders ] as Apostles were sometymes called ] Ans. We may be much in love with this scripture in the present debate , since it forces adversaries upon such simple incoherent shifts . First , it may be he was not yet made Bishop — then least that concession prove too gripping , there must be other Bishops of Asia , minglcd with these elders , and Timothie of necessitie must be now ▪ Bishop , or hardly well after , and their own Bishop and the extraneous ones , must be all shuffled up unde the name of elders , and exhorted in common , a he shifts the argument from Philip. 1. But th●… text it self sufficiently discovers the folly of this poo●… shift . For 1. Paul called the elders from Ephesus , an●… the elders of the Church there , not imaginary elders or Bishops from other places . 2. He sent for the elders of the Church , in the singular number , not of the Churches , and so all he sent for had a particular relation to that Church , for had there been elders of other Churches there , It would have been expressed elders of the Churches : If other elders or Bishops of Asia had been there , they would have receaved the Scripture denomination of provincial Churches , which are expressed in the plural . So we read of Churches of Asia , Revel . 1 : II. Churches of Iudea Gal. 1 : 22. Next , This answer still supposes [ The existence of the diocesian Bishop over Presbyters at that time ] which is a poor begging of the question . Wee prove from this and such like texts , that the Bishops of Asia , and Ephesus were meer Pastours , who had in Common the Epicopal charge over the Church , and that the Holy Ghost set up these , and none else . Infine , This is but a meer shift in the Iudgment of Chrysostom , Hierom , Theodoret , and the Current of Interpreters , who take these elders for meer Presbyters , and is contrare to the Syriack translation , which reads it , Presbyteros ecclesiae Ephesinae . So the Concilium Aquisgravense . But now comes his proofe of Timothie , and Titus , their Episcopacie from these Epistles . His first Reason in general , is That in these Epistles more fully then any where else in the new Testament , Paul gives direction to Timothie and Titus how to carry in ordination and jurisdiction , which Two comprehends the Episcopall office . Ans. 1. With him there is a possibilitie , or may be , that forall these directions , Timothy and Titus were evangelists still , and not yet Bishops ; and so these directions might be given to them as extraordinary officers , who , according to him , were to cease , and consequently though comprehensive of the Episcopal office , yet the office might cease with their persons as exercised in that manner , and the power of ordination and jurisdiction be deryved to different recipients , to be exercised in another maner , ( viz ) by presbyters in common . 2. By what consequence will he infer ane Episcopall authority and inspection , from the Apostles prescribing rules to them anent ordination and jurisdiction ? May not all Ministers be herin directed , as well as Timothy and Titus ? or will his giving directions to them in this poynt infer their sole and singular authority therein ? Surely not at all in Churches constitute : and as for what they did in the frameing and constitution of Churches yet in fieri , as to their organick being , is not to the purpose . 3. We did shew above that the prelats power , and their way as to ordination and jurisdiction , is in its very nature , different from that which either Apostle or Evangilist exercised , as being a dominion and arbitrary power , yea including in it a civil dominion , and derived from the civil Magistrat . None of which can be said of any authority which Timothy and Titus are here supposed to have : In a word , as it is clear that the elders of Ephesus , at Paul's last farewell , were intrusted with the whole power of ordination , and jurisdiction , and as the Episcopi were commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed and rule with out any respect to Timothy : which clearly demonstrats that he ( and consequenly Titus ) had no Episcopal power of ordination and jurisdiction , over these Churches , established in their persons , by any prescriptions here delivered ; So it is as evident that the same prescriptions might be delivered to any Moderator of a Synod , or vnto a transiently visiting Minister , though even in relation to a province , which being necessarly to be understod Salvo jure Ecclesiae , would import no Episcopall or sole authority , and thus the case is here . But what were these directions importing this power ? He instances 1. [ In the qualifications which they must require in such as were to be ordained-not suddenly to lay on hands , which respects ordination , next , the rules anent government , how to rebuke offenders , not to receave ane accusation , but before two or three witnesses , how to deal with heretikes , &c. Ans. 1. These Apostolik directions in point of Government , are good & excellent , but how doth he prove that the adressing of these directions , to Timothie , will infer his Sole and single authority in all these , so as to seclude Presbyters from their share therein ? And if he prove not this , it will say nothing to evince ane Episcopal authority . What if such directions were adressed to a Moderator ? would that infer his Authoritie over the Synod ? Nay , since a Presbytry laid on hand 's upon Timothy himself , Since the Presbyters of this Church of Ephesus , had the Episcopal power in Common , committed to them as the Holy Ghosts Bishops , Since the Corinth-Presbytery did excommunicat the incestuous , we may clearly infer , that these directions , though immediatly addressed to Timothy , yet belonged to Presbyters of that and Other Churches , as well as him . 2. Supposing that this adress will give him a speciall Interest herein , yet how will the Informer prove that it respects Timothy any other way , and in any other Capacity , then of ane Euangelist , which he sayes it might be , he yet was , and not a Bishop ? He dissallowes not of Gerards opinion , who sayes , that he was not yet made Bishop ; Now , if these Rules were to be observed by him , and this his supposed singular Authority exercised [ as ane Evangelist , whose office was to cease , ] It will plead nothing for the Episcopal power . Surely upon our supposition , that he was a fellow-helper and assistant of Paul , in his Apostolik function , and had a transient occasional Imployment here , as is clearely held out in the Text , these rules are very suitable unto him in that capacity . Besids , these Directions are for instruction of every man of God , or Minister , in point of Church-Government 2. Tim. 3 : 16. 1 Tim. 4. 6 : But doth not give them Episopal power . Or will he say that every man hath the formal office , or place , in the nature whereof he is instructed ? The dedication of a book to a man anent rules of kingly Government will not make the man , or suppose him , either King or Governour . In the 3d. place . As to these Directions themselves , particularly as to Timothies direction , as to laying on of hands , 't is Answered , that laying on of hands in ordination , is found in Scripture a Presbyterial Acte competent to meer Presbyters , which ( as I said ) they exercised upon Timothy himself , though Paul was present , 1 Tim 4 : 14. 2 Tim. 1. 5. And therefor Timothy could have no single , or Episcopal authority therein in Churches Constitute So that the precept directs Presbyters as well as him in that point . Nay , this addressed direction mainly respected them , as the proper subject of this power , and the Presbytery received their lesson here ( not to lay on hands suddenly ) rather then Timothy . Nixt , As for his Authority and directions anent rebuking and Censures . I answ . That neither can this be Timothy's sole prerogative , for either it is meaned of a Privat rebuke , and this every Christian hath authority in : Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him . Levit. 19 : 17. Prov. 9 : 8. Or of a ministerial rebuke : and this is competent to every Minister of the word , Isa. 58 : 1. 2 Tim. 41 , 2. Ti●… . 1 : 13. 2 ; Sam. 12 : 8. And besides , Institutions and reproofs of Church officers , will not prove a fixed Episcopal power . Prophets rebuked , but had no jurisdiction over Priests , nor Paul over Peter , though he reproved him . As for that which he particularly mentions about receiving ane accusation against ane Elder , It is answered . That this also belongs to the official juridical power of Elders , since Ruling & Government attribute to them in Scripture , doth necessarily import ane authority to receive accusations , and correct delinquents by reproofs and censures , Matth. 8 : 16. 17. There is ane accusation to be delated ecclesiae , to the Church , or the juridical Court , not to one Prelat , as is above cleared ; and therefore the direction anent the receiving of the accusation , respects them who were to judge upon it , and not the Prelat . Compare this with 1 Cor. 5 : 4 , 5. The Presbyters must meet together to rebuke the Incestuous there and they that are Spiritual must restore the delinquent , Gal. 6 : 1. The Church officers , or Ministers of Thessalonica must note and admonish authoritatively the disobedient Brother , 2 Thess. 3 : 14 , 15. To which I may add , that as upon the one hand Timothy is forbidden to rebuke ane elder , and positively enjoyned [ doubly to honour them , when faithful ] So , the receiving ane accusation , is no more then that which every privat Christian and Minister is capable of , even against the superiour , whither in state , or age , in relation to admonition , Counsel or Comfort accordingly . Levit. 19 : 17. Gal. 6 : 1 , 2 Joh. 10 , 11. None in whatever capacity are exeemed from this precept , not to receive accusations lightly . Hence the 4th . Council of Carthage ( cited by Blond . Apol. Sect. 4 ) enacted That no Bishop should hear ane accusation without the Clergie , and that without their assent , the sentence should be voyd . where was the negative voyce here . Whittaker , thus answers the Popish pleading upon this text , and our Informers too ( controv . 4. Quest. 1. Cap. 2. ) That Timothy is commanded not rashly to receive ane accusation , proves not that he had dominion over Elders , which according to the Apostles minde is to bring a crime to the Church , to bring the guilty into judgement , openly to reprove , which not only superiors may doe , but also equals and inferiors . In the Roman Republick , the Kings did not only judge the people , but also the Senators and patricii ; and certainly it seems not that Timothy had such a ●…sistory and Court as was afterward appointed to Bishops in the Church , what this authority was may be understood by that which followes , [ those that sin rebuke before all ] , which equals also may doe . Thus bishops heretofore , if any elder or Bishop had ane ill report , referred it to the eeclesiastick Senat or , Synod , and condemned him if he seemed worthy , by a publick judgement , that is , did either suspend , excommunicat , or remove him , the Bishop condemneing nocent elders or deacons , not by his authority alone , but with the judgment of the Church and clergie — & in case of appeals , even to the Metropolitan he could doe nothing without the Synod & what they did was ratified . The same is the answer of Bucer de vt & usu , Sacr. Minister : Willet . Sinops . Papis Contr. 5 , Ques . 3 ▪ part 3 , In the appeudix Eucer . de Gub. pag. 300. to 398. The Informer tells us in the next place that these directions concern after , ages and are of ordinary use : and therefore they cannot be extraordinary officers in these Acts — that in calling Timothy and Titus , extraordinary officers in these Acts , we lead the way to their errour , who call ordination and jurisdiction , extraordinary . Answ. As we have proved , that none of these directions will infer in Timothy ane Episcopal Power properly such , but that any power he had above Presbyters ; was by his special Evangelistick Legation , so the concernment of after ages in these directions , and their being of constant use , is a pitiful argument to prove the continuanc of the power in that manner . Are not all the old Testament precepts anent the antiquated ceremonies , all the acts & directions given to extraordinary officers , both under the Old and New Testament , of perpetual use in after ages ? But are they therefore to be imitated and retained ? What will he say to the Papists , pleading for the anoin●… of the sick upon the Apostle James his precept [ let the elders anoint the sicke with oile , and pary ] this is ane Act enjoyned to ordinary officers , viz , to elders , and joyned with with prayer , a constant standing dutie : and he will not say that this Apostolick precept is to be ex punged as useles . What ? must we therefore retean anointing ? would he not in this case distinguish betwixt that which is a constant dutie , and a temporarie concomitant and appendix . Acted not the Apostles extraordinarely in their very preaching , both as to its extent , its confirmation by miracles , their gifts of tongues , and are not the Acts of preaching and baptizing of constant use in the Church ? Must not this Informer grant that these Apostolick Acts of preaaching and baptizing are perpetual , though the mould and maner is extraordinary and gone , in so far as their extraordinary Apostolick power interposed therein . Thus the Acts of ordination and jurisdiction are moral , but the modusrei , is extraordinary , in so farr as their Evangelistik authority , and special legation , interposed therein . He must either acquiesc in this , and acknowledge this his argueing Sophistick and pueril , or he will contradict what he said before , anent the Apostles extraordinary Priviledges , which are gone with them , viz , infaillibilitie , their immediat call , sending to all nations , and what else was necessary for the first founding of the Church . Now , is not that which was thus necessary , of perpetual use ? Are we not built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets ? Are not the ordinances and Ministery receaved from them , of perpetuall use ? And their most extraordinary Acts , if we mean it of improvement . Nay , did not the new-Testament Church receave the Law of God , and ordinances from the Jewes ? Must we therefore Judaize ? 2. How will he prove that the asserting , that any officer hath ane extraordinary authority conversant about such ane Act , will give ground to say , that the Act it self , is extraordinary , or the ordinance touched by that Act , expyred ? Will his asserting , that the Apostles exercised ane extraordinary authority which is now ceased , in their preaching unfixedly , by ane immediat call , and confirming their doctrine with miracles , and strange tongues , give ground to conclude that the ordinances of preaching and baptizing are expired also ? I trow he will not grant this . How then will our asserting , that Timothy and Titus put forth ane extraordinary Evangelistick authority in ordination , and jurisdiction infer , that the Acts of ordination and jurisdiction , or these ordinances themselves , are expired ? can he not distinguish betwixt the power it self , and the different subject , and manner of its exercise , ordinary or extraordinary ? can he not see in Scripture ane extraordinary power derived , and cut out in a succession of different and ordinary channels , and diverslie exercised ? Sayes he not that the Apostles had ane extraordinary power , of both ordination and jurisdiction , and both the keyes . But I trow he asserts that , there are different recipients , who bring down ane ordinary power by succession . Some ( Prelats forsooth ) have the key of Governmant , others ( viz , ) Presbyters , have preaching for their work , but no rule properly . And sayes he not that the extensive authority , in which the Apostles exercised their Ministry , is gone , and a limited ordinary Ministry derived from them . If the extraordinary Mission of twelve Apostles , hath derived from it a Ministery and ecclesiastick authority spread throw all Church-officers in the world , who succeed them not into the same office , let this Informer shew me , why may not Timothies Evangelistick extraordinary power in ordination and jurisdiction , be deryved by , and seatted , in a Presbytery , though the Evangelistick Office is extraordinary , and ( as such ) not succeeded unto . The service , and worke of teaching , and governing to continue in all times , doth not render the Apostolick mission or commission , ordinarie , nor infer their being succeded in idem officium , & eundem gradum , the ordinary power being institut and settled in the hands of ordinary officers , by a new warrand and commission , according to the Scripture rules of ordination . The office of Moses was not rendered ordinary , because many works of Government exercised by him , were recommitted to the Elders of Israel ; and so the case is here . The Evangelists extraordinary office and commission ( necessary , as that of the Apostles , for the first founding of the Churches , and watering and building them up in their organick being , & for settling all their ordinary officers ) is changed into the Presbytery their ordinary Collegiat power of ordination & jurisdiction ; which we find was in the Apostolick Churches exercised , and even in this of Ephesus . His 2d Reason to prove them Bishops , is , Because their commission at Ephesus & Crete , was n●…t voyded upon the first settling of Ministers in those places , therefore their office was to be constant , since if meerly as Evangelists they were to settle a Church there , then they were to give place to the Presbytery when some Ministers were ordained : but they did not so : — ●…itus needed not ordain Elders in every city , if some few ordained might ordain the rest . Ans. 1. This is a poor argument , and hath no twist of a connexion [ their commission at these places was not voyded upon the first settleing of Ministers , ] ergo , [ they were not extraordinary officers , but had a standing Episcopacie there ] which is a meer rope of sand . The Apostles office and commission was not voyded over all Churches when settled , Ergo , they had no extraordinary inspection , office , or commission , towards all these Churches . What consequence is here ? So may it be said of these Vicarious Apostles , their commission to these or other Churches could not be voided or expired , though they were never so much settled , but they were prore nata to visite and water all the Churches , and bring Apostolick instructions to them , and reports from them anent their case . We have proved that Timothie and Titus exercised their extraordinary office , and commission , towards many other Churches , after their return from these of Ephesus , & Crete , so that their commission towards these or other Churches , could be no more voided whil the Apostles Imployed them therin , then their office . Besid , this Informer should advert , that Timothy is left To charge some that they teach no other doctrine which was a commission beyond the meer settling of Ministers , and supposing some already settled . 2. Will he say that Timothy and Titus were ordinary standing officers or Bishops , over these severall Churches , where they might reside some time , and have Imployment therin , even after they had officers of their own ? did they not visite and water many other Churches , were they therefore their Bishops ? if so he must quickly transport them to be Bishops of other Churches , after they were Bishops here : & exalt them to metropolitan's as some of the ancients make them . 3. Their Evangelistik inspection , direction , and assistence , even after some ordinary officers were settled , could no more prejudge the ordinary power and authority of these officers , then the Apostles extraordinary inspection , and infallible universal directive power , could prejudge the Churches ordinary authority , in ordination and jurisdiction . The Apostles power ( which could not be voyded , nor expyre , whil they were alive ) being Cumulative unto , but not privative of , the Churches ordinary power , so it is here . I would ask our Informer , was Pauls apostolick commission to Crete and Ephesus , voyded , after Bishops were set up there ? Nay , he will not say it . But did this Null the Episcopall power of Timothy and Titus , over these Churches ? I trow not . Well , no more could Timothys extraordinary inspection make voyd the ordinary power of presbyters . 4. We told him already that how long soever Timothy and Titus were resident there , they were to doe nothing pro imperio , and were not to lord it over the presbyters . 5. Although elders once ordained , have power to ordaine others , yet the bene esse , did call for the Inspection and direction of such highely gifted and extraordinary officers herein , as these were . And Moreover , in that Infant-state of the Church , Apostolick precepts and rules in reference to Church government , and the exercise of both the keyes , were to be delivered by these extraordinary officers , & consequently might call for , & protract their continuanc therein , even after ordinary officers were ordained . Infine . He cannot deny but that the Apostle recalled both Timothy and Titus from these places , to the further prosecution of their employment in other Churches , and that their transient imployment therein is held out , after their return from Ephesus and Cret ; as likwayes their occasionall employment in both these places , which will in so farr voyd their commission in relation to them , as clearly to refu●… the supposed episcopal ordinary charge which he alledges they exercised . Next , from the Authores of jus divinum Minist : evangel : [ concluding against the peoples power of ordination , upon Timothy and Titus being left at these places to ordaine elders ] The Informer inferrs against them thus , why was Timothy or Titus left to ordaine elders , after some were ordained by Paul , If Ministers so ordained could ordaine the rest ? and after some were ardained by Timothy and Titus , they were left still upon that imployment . I answer , his inference touches not these Reverend authors in the least . The ordaineing of elders in relation to the beue esse , even after some elders were there , and the furder directing and compleating of these Churches in their members and officers , did require ane Evangelistick inspection , though the ordinarie power of ordaineing , remained with the ordinary elders and Church officers , as the scripture doth clearly hold out . Paul haveing after committed to the elders of this Church of Ephesus the whol power of government . But the scripture gives not the least hint of the peoples power to ordaine , but attributs this still to Church officers as proper to them . So that this Inference stands good in the generall [ though some were converted to Christianity there , yet they could not ordaine officers , but Church officers were sent upon that Imployment ] ergo . Church officers must ordaine , and not the people : but the speciall inference will not hold , ergo , Biohops must only ordaine for the reasons already given , no more then from Paules ordaining the first elders , it will follow [ ergo Paul , or ane Apostle only , must ordaine ] which is a Consequence our Informer dare not admitt , else he will contradict himself . It is a good consequence [ Paul , a Church officer , preached and baptized ] ergo [ none but Church officers must preach and baptize ] but [ ergo , none but ane Apostle must preach and baptize ] is bad logick . So his inference is neither logicall nor theological . His 3d. Reason to prove Timothy a Bishop , is taken from Pauls solemne Charge 1. Tim. 6. 13. to keep . what he had commanded him , till the appearing of Iesus Christ. That presbyterians ( particularly , jus divinum Minist . pag. 74. ) hold these Directions to be for all ages of the Church , making them paralleel with Matth. 28. 20. anent Christs promised presence to the end and 1 : Tim. 5. 7 , 21. Anent Pauls Charge to observe these things . Whence he concludes that they were to have successors in their office , and were not extraordinary officers , since these divines say , page 160. [ That Apostolick examples in things necessary for the good of the Church , and which cary a perpetuall equiry and reason in them , have the force of a rule ] and the Apostles setting Timothy and Titus , over these Churches , is ane example Apostolick for the good of the Church , and hath a perpetuall reason and equitie in it . Ans. 1. Wee have made it appear that no directions given to Timothy will amount to demonstrat any episcopall dominion over this Church , and that he had no sole or arbitrary power either in ordination or jurisdiction , & consequently that the charge of [ keeping that which was commanded him ] will Import & inferr no keeping of ane Episcopall charge . 2. Wee have also shewed what a bad consequence it is , to argue from the perpetual use of precepts or directions , given to extraordinary officers , in relation to extraordinary acts , towards the Churches imitating of these acts , and retaineing these expired functions , which is palpably a non-sequitur , as this man can not deny , else he will swallow horrid absurdities . Every thing which is for our constant use and Improvement , is not likwayes for our Imitation . Againe , 3. I would ask this Informer , if the Command 1. Tim. 6. 13. joyned with the promise Matth. 28. 20. Will not reach and include every peece of the Apostolik and evangelistik office ? Sure he cannot deny this , and yet he acknowledges there were severall peeces of their work temporary and expyred . Will he dare to say that what the apostle commanded Timothy in this Epistle , was confined within Ephesus , or reached him only as oversieing that Church , and not in relation to his Evangilistick office throw all the Churches ? and that the promise Matth. 28. did not reach the most extraordinary Apostolick Acts ; So that himself must distinguish ( unless he be inconsistent with himself ) betwixt what is moral , and extraordinary , in this command and charge , and accordingly reached by the promise . 4. His citation from the Ius divin . Minist : &c Cuts the throate of his cause : for argueing thus against privat persons intrudeing into the ministry [ That the scripture layes down rules for calling men to that office ] they instance in the qualifications of the person , Citeing 1. Tim. 3. 2 , 3. anent the properties of the scripture Bishop or presbyter . Then they add [ That the Scripture directs as to the maner of his calling , viz , who are to ordaine , how hee is to be ordained , citeing 1. Tim. 4. 14. viz , that the presbytery is to ordaine , and ordaine by the laying on of hands — adding , that these directions are for all ages , and citeing . ●…1 Tim. 6 : 13 , 14. ] Now , if these perpetuall directions for all ages , be touching no other Bishops but these in 1 Tim. 3 : 1. And anent ordination by the hands of the Presbytery , surely those are Presbyterial not Episcopal directions , and doe palpably exclude Timothy●…s standing Episcopacy ; So that he did not well to raise this Ghost . Next , ane Apostolical example for the good of the Church , is not that which they hold to have the force of a rule , as the Informer belies them but ane example in things necessary for the good of the Church . And as this , so the next citation out of that book , burnes his fingers . For the authores having cited . 2. Tim. 2 : 2 , In order to their scope of pleading for ordination as a perpetuall standing ordinance , Timothy being in that place enjoyned to commit those things which he had heard from Paul , to faithfull men who shall be able to teach o●…hers . They infer . 1. A necessity of setting apart some to be teachers in Christs Church . 2. The qualifications of such , viz , they must be faithfull men , and able to teach . 3. That Timothy is enjoyned to committ what he had heard to faithful men , which they understand of ordination of ministers , that there might be a perpetuall succession of teachers . And comparing it with the former citation , it appears that they hold these precepts to import the deryvation of the ordinary power of teaching and Government to ordinary Ministers . And when the Anti-Ministeriall party object [ that these are but examples , which doe not amount to make up a rule ] they give . this answer [ that Apostolick examples in things necessary for the Church , and which have a perpetuall reason and equity in them , have the force of a rule ] now , this example is anent the committing of ane ordinary power of ordination , and jurisdiction , to faithfull Ministers and teachers , which quit justles out the prelatical power . For since they hold Timothy's singular way in this , as ane Evangelist , was to cease ( which they must needs doe upon the forementioned ground , the Presbyterial , and the singular power being inconsistent in the same subject ) they must needs place this Evangelistick power among these examples which doe not obleidge , and it is ordination it self , and its continuance in this manner by ordinary teachers which they expresly plead for , as the Apostolick example , which hath a perpetual reason and equity , and the force of a rule ; not Timothies singular power herin which they hold to be expired . So that the Informers assumption viz ; That Timothies Evangelistick Inspection by the Apostles apointment over this Church , as also that of Titus , is such ane exemple , as hath a perpetuall reason and equity in it . He might have found to be rejected by these divines ( had he read that peece attentivly ) as no way following from ( yea contrare unto ) their assertion and it is still left at h●…s door to prove and make good . His Last Reason , to prove the Episcopacy of Timothy and T●…us , is taken from Testimonies . That Polycrates and Eusebius affirme Timothy to have been Bishop of Ephesus . — That Leontius Bish : os Magnesià in the generall Council of Calcedem Act 11. points out a Series of Tuentie Seven Bishops in Ephesus , from Timothy &c : Ans : Since the scriptures doe clearly hold out his extraordinary Evangilist●…k function , and there is nothing therein which can in the least infer his having ane ordinary episcopall power , The Informers pleading upon this head being found frivolous and leaning upon that known fallacy viz , to argue from [ The singularity of ane extraordinary officer ] to the [ Singularity of ane ordinary perpetuall officer ] in Church government which will as well set up ( upon the ground of the Apostles universall inspection ) patriarchs , or popes as prelats : Surely the improper styles and designations which the Ancients put upon Timothy or Titus , who spoke in the language of their owne times , is a very insignificant proof to Counter ballance Scripture light in this mater . Tertullians saying ( cited by park , l 2. C , 7. ) is here remarkable , Si constat id verius quod prius id prius quod ab initio id ab initio quod ab Apostolis &c : that is truest which is first that is first which is from the beginning , that is from the beginning which is from the Apostles . Their opinions who call them Bishops , are for most part borrowed from Eusebius , of whose hallucinations Scaliger gives large prooses , and yet all that he sayes is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is reported ; and this report he had from a fabulus Clemens . The ancients likewayes call the Apostles themselves Bishops , peter of Rome , James of Jerusalem . Yea Theodoret Calls Timothy and Titus Apostles of Asia and crete , which the Informer will not justifie . Yea some call them Motropolitanes , Arch Bishops , patriarchs , and this because ( saith Walo Messalinus ) they did these Acts which afterward by human Custome , were appropriat to Bishops , which ( saith he ) they did as Evangelists , as one of them is expressly called . As for jerom , it is certain that he both mantaines and proves the Bishop and elder to be one in Scripture , when disputing that point in his Commentar upon Titus : and therefore when at any time he gives these evangelists such appellations he doth it allusively , and improperly , according to the degenerat custome of his time . As for the Catalogues of Bishops , from Scriptur times , they are found to terminat upon Apostles or Evangelists , as that of Ierusalem , comes up to Iames the Apostle : that of Antioch , to peter : So that of Rome , to peter , and Paul : that of Alexandria , unto mark &c : Now , they were not ordinary officers , nor succeeded in eundum gradum . And besid , there are ecclesiastick customes traced up by some to the Apostolick tymes , which not with standing are acknowledged not to be of divine oppointment . Some first Bishops were but primi presbiteri ( as we shall after shew ) How lost they the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , which their first founders had , in so short a time ? This sole power in ordination and jurisdiction ( which our prelats now acclaime , and this man pleads for ) will not be found till Three hundred years after Christ , if at all then . The gross mistak of many ancients in their constituting of Bishops , appears in this instance . That many fathers affirm peter to have been Bishop of Rome , and to have continued Bishop there for many years . Yet Marsilius patavinus pars : 2. c : 16. Carolus Molinaeus , Scen : Consult : franc : contr : abusus &c : Paparum ) proves by scripture and reason that peter was never at Rome . In a word , the ancients call them ●…shops , as likwayes Apostles such , not properly ( saith Bucer . de Gub : Eccles : p. 432. So fox , Act mon : p. 11465 ) but in a large or general appellation , because they first preached the gospel to these Churches — and to this end , To prove a perpetuall succession of sound preachers , and sound doctrine , in those particular Churches from the Apostles tyme to their own ; nameing the eminentest Ministers for parts and gifts , the Bishops of these Churches : which Method & scope of Catalogues , appears by Irenaeus , Tertullian , cited by Mi●…prin . ( un Bish : of Tim : and Tit : p. 34. ) The Doubter objects against Timothies Episc. That he was ordained by the layingon of the hands of the presbytery 1. Tim 4. 14. and therefore could not be a Bishop , Since a Presbytery which is a company of Ministers , cannot make a Bishop . To this the Informer returns , 1. That Calvin thinks that by presbytery is meaned the office . I answer , Suppose Calvin think so what will that say to the argument it self ? Againe Calvine upon the place , doth not wholly dissoun the ordinary comment , which takes the presbytery for a company of elders , but thinks it may well sustean Presbiterium qui hio ( saith he ) Collectivum nomen esse putant , pro collegio presbiterorum positum , recte Sentiunt meo judicio . Such as esteem the presbitery here to be a collective word put for the assembly of elders , doe rightly judge in my judgement . Besids that the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyterie , especially as it stands here constructed , cannot in any tollerable sense import the office , for the office hath no hands to lay on . 2 The Informer flies to his old shift of sh●…uding the diocesian Bishops under the lapp of these presbyters , which he tells us we need not think strange of since he hath shewed that the [ Apostles ] are called elders or [ presbyters . ] Ans. Wee have already disproved what he alledges from the Apostles being called elders ( in agenerall sense ) here , as befor , he but begges the Question in supposing his imaginary different degrees of preaching presbyters or Pastours to be at this tyme existent , which ( untill he make it appear from Scripture ) is as easily denyed by us , as affirmed by him . What a pitiful cause must that be which needs the support of such vaine shifts ? In phil : 1. and Act. 20. Bishops ( diocesian Bishops ) must be set up among the presbyters . So here they must be brought into this presbytery , whereas the very Question is anent the being and existence of any such Bishops at all at this tyme. Next , If hi-man were posed upon it , why he maks the presbyters here to be of his imagined hiest class of diocesian Bishops , and not also in all plac●…s where they are mentioned , as Dr. Hamon doth : And how it comes that there were so many Bishops so early here befor Ephesus , Crete , and other Churches had even his inferiour elders or ordinary Ministers ? He could give no answer but what would render him rediculous , in his running the Circlestick , and begging the Question . Besides Timothy was yet no Bishop , for he was advanced to this office when set over Ephesus in the Informers judgement : and he was now only ( with him ) a sort of unfixed preacher of the gospell , or ane Evangelist in his large sense . And Hooker sayes the Evangelists were presbyters of prime sufficiency assumed by the Apostles to attend them . This resolver will have him to be no other wayes ane Evangelist , then Philip , who , he supposes , was still a deacon when so termed . Thus it evidently appears that Timothy , according to him , and upon the sequel of that answer , receaved at the utmost but a meer presbyterat in his ordination ; and then I wonder what needs a number of Bishops be mustered together for ordaining him ? Might not Paul and the Inferiour presbyters ordaine such ane one ? Thus we see he is still inconsistent what himself in all his shifts . But he hath a 3d. Answer taken from the laying on of pauls hands , mentioned 2. Tim. 1. 6 which ( he sayes ) gave the substance of the ordination , although the presbyters might share in the Ceremonial pare of is . Ans : 1. If it were denyed that the Apostle 2. Tim. 1. 6 affirmes That Timothy was ordained by the laying one of his hands since hementiones onely [ the gift conferred by the laying on of his handes which ] Paul might confer upon him antecedaniously to his ordination , since he laid on hands in order to gifts of the Spirit abstracting from ordination as other Apostles did Act. 8. 17. And also because the different maner of expression in 2. T●…m . 1. 6. and 1. Tim. 4. 14. viz , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the one place , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other , diversifies the conferring of gifts , and the ordination , or at least wil plead that Pauls laying on of hands was in order to the Conferring of the gifts , and not necessarie for the ordination it self , which he receaved intirely by the laying on of the presbyteryes hands , even supposeing that they were both contemporarie ; If I say , Some presbyterian Doubter should suggest these difficulties to our Informer , he would be puzled to come liquide off with this his answer . Surely [ the Charisma ] the gift , is a differing thing from the office . And the Apostles laying on of hands as ane Apostle , being in a speciall way in order to the end mentioned thouh contemporarie with the presbytryes action , yet mig●…t be temporary and expired . 2. What Calls he the cemonial part ( distinguished from that substantial pat of his ordination , which Paul gave ) which he admitts the presbyters unto , if we will. Nay Sir , we will not ; 't is known your party are much in love with ceremonies , and we quite them unto you , where they want substance . Was it the Ceremonial part to lay on hands ? Then I would propose to our Informer . 1. That since this was neither in order to the gifts , which Paul gave , nor any part of the sacred authority and mission as a Church officer , which Paul only gave according to him , what signified their laying on of handes at all ? Was it only to signifie their consent ? Where can he shew in all the scriptures , where laying on of hands is mentioned , that it Imports onely consent , and not authoritie ? this Ceremonie , borrowed from the old Testament , doth alwayes present a badge of ane Authoritative blessing , flowing from Prophets , Patriarchs and others , to which though there were many assenters , yet none of these assenters laid on hands . Next , since this Ceremonie was used by our Lord , towards his Apostles , and thereafter by them , and particularly in this work : & withall , since it must needs Import here a solemne blessing of , a setting apart unto God , and sending out into his vineyeard , the person thus ordained ( not to debate whither this Ceremonie be of the essence of ordination , as some judge , yea or not ) let our Informer shew me , why it may not , upon all these grounds be looked upon as a badge of Ministerial authority , and supposing this authority inherent in the presbyters . I would ask him , 3. Since Paul commended the whol official power of ordination & jurisdiction , to the presbyters , Act. 20. & Peter . 1. Epist. 5. Ch : Imputs ane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or actuall exercise of Episcopall authority , to the elders , who were ( as himself acknowledges ) set over the flocks onely , and so none of his imaginary Prelat elders ? With what sense or reason , can he or anyelse say that they could not share in the substantials of ordination . many no doubt concurred with the publick blessing at Timothies ordination : for I suppose it was done in the view and presen ce of the assembly , But did any of them lay on hands ? Besyds , we might here tell him that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbytery , doth alwayes Import a juridicall authoritative Court , so the word is taken Luk. 22. 66. and Act. 22. 5. As likewayes the word [ presbyter . ] Imports ane officer cloathed with authority , so that this Court of elders , must needs have ane interest in much more then the rituales of ordination . His Last Exception , is , That upon our supposition , That Timothy was ane extraordinary officer and Evangelist , he could not be ordained by ordinary inferiour officers or Ministers . Ans. 1. As some say of the Prince , that though Major Singulis , greater then every single person , yet he is , Minor universis , lesse then the whol body , so it may be said , that though Timothy , as ane Evangelist , were superiour to any meer elder ; yet ane eldership , the juridical Court , the Church representative , might be above him ; if at least such a superiority was here necessary ; else let him say , whither the Prophets at Antioch , were in Capacity to Impose hands upon Paul , and Barnabas , and send them out upon a gospel legation . Himself is bound to answer this , whither these Inferiour officers , in that act , were greater then he , yea or not , and how these ordinary officers and teachers could authoritatively bless , and lay hands upon ane Apostle . And when he hath cleared this , he will easily exped our difficulty in this point . 2. Though it were granted , that a presbytery , consisting of meer ordinary officers , could not ordain ane Evangelist , yet I hope he will grant , that a presbytery , where such a one as paul was , might doe it , who as ane Apostle , might ordaine alone . If he say , what is then become of our presbyterial ordination , which we draw from this text ? I answer , it is much confirmed , but not weakened by what is said , for if the Apostle Paul took along in this high Act [ the ordination even of ane Evangelist ] the authoritative concurrenc of a Presbytery , therefore much more doth this power of ordination belong to the Presbytery now , in relation to ordinary Church officers or fellow Presbyters , when the office of Apostles and Evangelists is ceased . 3. If the ground and topick of our Informer's argument [ They who ordaine must be greater then he who is ordained ] were denied , he would be more puzeled to make it good , then he Imagines . Because 1. The blessing in ordination being only ministerial and instrumental by way of service but not by ane original primative authority ( as a learned man distinguishes here ) God and Christ alone ordaining thus , whose servants and Ministers , both the ordained and ordainers are . Ephes. 4 : 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Matth. 9 : 37 , 38. 2 Cor 4 : 5. 1 Cor. 3 : 5. 21 , 22. Act. 13 : 1 , 6. The ordination will no more infer a superiority over the ordained , then peoples blessing of God will make them greater then Hee , Jacobes blessing of Pharaoh , will make him greater then Pharaoh , the peoples blessing of Solomon , greater then Solomon . The Kings Acturney ( saith he ) who drawes the noble-man or officer of state , His patent and commission , is not greater then hee , But the King who is the original of temporall honour . So Ministers in this work doe only draw out the Kings patent and apply it , but Christ only is the original proper ordainer . As for that text , Hebr. 7 : 7. He sayes i●… is meaned of Christ himself who by Melchisedeck his type , blessed Abraham by his own inherent authority and power . 2. Admitting that the ordainers , behoved to be greater then the ordained before the ordination is execut , yet it will not necessarly follow , that they must be still greater after the ordination is past & finished , the very end of it being to conferr upon the ordained a like Ministery with that which themselves have . Hee instances Matthias and Paul , who were inferiour to the Apostles , before they were called and ordained : But being called , they became equal with other Apostles in Apostolick power , dignity , degree , &c. Wee might exemplitie this in other instances , ( if intending to Press it ) As the armie Creats the Emperor , which of the two is greater ? Three Bishops creat a Metropolitan , the Council of Cardinals a pope &c. But enough is said to rectifie our Informer's thoughts of Timothy and Titus and so we proceed unto h●…s next Argument . CHAP. XI . The Informers pleadings for Prelacy from the seven Asian Angels , discussed . That the stile of Prophetick writinges , and of this book , doe strongely conclud a collective sence of the term Angel , fully proved . The admitting the Angel to be a single person , will not help the Informer . his reasonings from the pretended Catalogues of succeeding Bishopes in these Churches , frivolous and vain , as also his new Argument taken from [ diotrephes's love of preeminence , ] wherein he imbraces Bellarmins evasiones , and offers violence to this , and parallel Texts . OUR Informers next great Argument for Prelacy , is taken from the seven Asian Angels Revel . 23. Whom he holds to be Diocesian Bishops : Because though there were many Ministers at Ephesus Act. 20. Yet when that Church long after this is written to ; and when increased there is but one Angel addressed , and commended , or blamed , according to what was well , or amisse in the Church : And in all the rest whatever is commended or discommended , is directed to one Angel , who by his place and authority , was mainely concerned therein . Ans : This man , if he had been so ingenuous and seen in this debate , as he would appear , might have found all this , and much more then he hath offered , fully removed and answered by many Godly learned . But they must still tell over and over , their old baffled arguments , to which satisfying answers have bein often returned . But to the point , the weaknes of this proofe ; is many wayes evident . 1. It is grounded upon a Misterious Metaphorick terme of Angel , and starrs ; Revel : 1 : 20. the mistery of the Sevenstarrs , so must the expression of Angel , be likwayes a part of this mistery . The Maxim is known , ●…heologia Symbolica non est argumentativa . Far less can this be rationally opposed unto so many pregnant clear scriptures , as are produced for Presbyterian Government . Besides that , the word [ Bishop ] is no where in Johns writings , made use of ; who calls himself a Presbyter , and never mentions superiority of one Presbyter over another , but in condemneing Diotrephes . He calls Christ the word , and the Sabbath , the Lords day ; these are expressions not found before in Scripture ; Surely he should have made mention of a new office , as well as of a new phrase , had any such thing as a Bishop , been allowed by him . Besides , the Metaphorical terms of Starrs , or Angels , doe import the qualities of light , heavenlines of frame &c : which are proper and suiteble to all Ministers of the Gospel : and therefore they cannot ground the peculiar preheminence of a Bishop over many Ministers . 2. The great topick of his argument is [ that one is named , though many are spoken to , and where many Presbyters are supposed to be , as at Ephesus , who threfore must needs be a Bishop . ] but this ground will not hold good . Because , 1. This is no more then what is suitable unto the stile of this book , which is by mistick visional representations , to include many individuals as one singular : So all the individuals of the Church , both members and officers , are represented by one candlestick : and why not also all the Ministers , by one angel , which is a terme that of it self , and in this place , imports no jurisdiction properly , but is immediatly referred to the qualities of Ministers , above expressed . 2. This is also suitable to the stile of this book , as it is epistolar , the addresse may be to one , but it will give no Authority to that one , over the rest , no more then ane addresse from the King , to a speaker of the Parliament , will give to that person , jurisdiction and authority over them ? Or then our Lords saying to Peter only expressly , not to the rest of his fellow disciples , I will give unto thee the keyes &c. Will conclude that he was Prince or primat over the Apostles , and that they had not equal authority with him , in the use of the keyes . Our Informer and his fellows here , doe justifie the Papists pleading for the Pope . 3. This is suitable unto Scripture prophetick writings , and to this book , as such , to represent many individuals by one singular , The four beasts , and twentie four Elders , are not four individuall persons , or twentie four single Elders . The singular names of Woman , Beast , Whoor , Dragon , signifie a collection of many individuales . So the one Spirit of God is called the seven Spirits , in the 1 Chap : With reference to his manifold operations . Dan. 8 : 20. One Ram signifies many Kings of the Medes and Persians . He that will not hearken to the Priest. Deutr. 17 : 12. That is , the Priests , in the plurall . So the Priests lips should keep knowledge and the Law is to be sought at his mouth Mal. 2 : 7. That is the Priests . Blessed is that servant , whom his Lord &c. that is , those servants . Particularly , as to this term Angel , It is said Psal. 34. That the Angel of the Lord encamps about the Godly , that is , many Angels . 4. It is suitable to Scripture , and to this book , To represent ane indefinet number , by a definit . Thus all Judas Adversaries are represented by the four ho●…es , Zachr . 1 : 18. All the Godly , and the ungodly , are represented by the five wise , and the five foolish Virgines Matth. 25. and in the 8. Chap of this book , The Seven Angels standing befor God , represent all the Angels . Fo●… in the 7 Chap : Mention is made of all the Angels who doe thus stand . So we are to understand with the same indefinitnes ofttimes the Septenary number , as the Seven pillars which wisdom hewes out Prov. 2. The seven Pastours or shepherds Mic. 5. The Seven eyes Zachr , 3. And in this very book the Seven condlesticks , Lamps , and vials , Revel , 4 : 5 , 15 — 5. As wee find the scripture , and this same Apostle first naming a multitud , and then contracting it into a singular , as 2 Joh. 2. many deceavers are come into the world — then — this is a deceaver and ane Antichrist . And sometimes the individual in one sentence ; turned into a multitud : as 1. Tim. 2 : 15 Shee shall be saved , that is , the woman bearing Children — if they abide in faith and Charity that is such women in General , as Beza tells us all writers doe take it : So it is as certain that this single Angel is turned into many in one and the same Epistle in this book , and spoken to in the plural , as when it is said Revel . 2. 24. to you and to the rest in Thyatira . and in Revel . 2 : 10. we find John changing in one sentence , the singular Angel into a multitude : fear none of these things which thow shal suffer , Behold the devil shal cast some of you into prison that yee may be tryed &c. as in 2 ●…oh . 2 : He changes many into One. Finaly , Wee have proved that the Scripture allowes of no Angels Standing-Church officers or Bishops above the Pastours or Presbyters , who have in Scripture the whol Episcopall power given them . So that whatever this Informer shall produce as the Characteristick of this Angel , we find it applicable to Presbyters . 1. Is it the work of this Angel to preach and baptize ? This Commission he will grant belongs to all Pastours . 2. Is it the power of ordination ? The Scripture shewes us that this is Seated in a Presbytery . 1. Tim. 4 : 14. with Act. 22 : 5. Luk. 22 : 66. Matth. 18 : 17. Or , 3. Is it the ruling Governeing power ? Surely all Ministers are such Angels , All that watch for the peoples soules have a joynt rule over them , Hebr. 13. 17. And therefor none can challenge it solely to himself . In the Church of Thessalonica the laboures in the word and doctrine , joytlie and indiscriminatim fed , joyntlie censured and admonished , and were joyntly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Rulers , to whom consequently the people were indiscriminatim ( or with out any difference of one of them from another ) to submitt themselves , 1 Thess. 5. 12. There was therefore no sole Angel or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ruler , but this Prostasia or ruleing power was in many . So was it with the Church of Ephesus Act. 20. So with these elders or Bishops 1. Pet 5. And we offer to this , or any mans serious thoughts , whither it be suiteable to divine rules , to cross so many clear Scriptures upon the ground of a metaphorial mistick expression : and to expone them in that sense , rather then to explaine the Metaphor and mistick expression by plaine Scriptures . And whi●…her it be not more suiteable to understand the Angel of Ephesus , of the Ministers : to whom in a plaine Scripture , the whole Government is found intrusted , rather then to expound that plaine text , ( Act. 20 ) by a Metaphor , and contrary to that plain text , to set up one Angel or Diocesian Bishop over that Church , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction . But the Doubter objects what have been saying , viz , That the Angel is to be taken collectively , and not for one single person , but for all the Ministers . To which ( in a peece of petulant folly ) he Answers That he hath oft wondered at this reply , that it seems this Scripture pinches us sore , when we flie to such a shift — That Scultetus , a learned Protestant , affirms that the most learned interpreters understand the Angel thus , and that without offering violence to the Text , it cannot be otherwayes understood . Ans. 1. We hope is evident from what is said that the most native scriptural acception is to take the Angel collectively . To which we may adde , that although the Lord Jesus ( the best interpreter of these Angels ) doth expound the Seven candlsticks , to be the Seven Churches , yet in expounding the Seven Starrs , he losses the number of Seven , and calls them not the Seven Angels ( as he should have done according to this mans meaning ) but indefinitly the Angels of the Seven Churches ; from which it is convincingly apparent that though there were Seven Churches written unto , yet there were not Seven diocesian Bishops , according to the number of the Seven Angels : but that all the Ministers or Angels are thus collectively understood . And wheras this man professes ( in the deept of his witt for sooth ) to wonder at this answer and taks it to be a shift . He should wonder at Augustin ( Homil. 21. upon this booke , ) who thus taks it , expounding the Angel of Thyatira , the proepositi ecclesiarum , the governoures of the Churches . He should wonder at Aretas , lib. 1. Cap : 1 , 2 , 9 , 10. Wonder at Primasius in Apoc : C : 2. At Ambrosius , Anbertus , To : 1 , 6 p : 1. Anselm , Pererius , Victorinus , Tirinus , Haymo , Beda , perkings , Fox , in his Meditationes upon the Revel . p : 7 , 8 , 9 , 17. who cites also many Interpreters thus expounding him . Yea more , he wonders at King james and the Episcopal clergie in England , under and by whom , in the contents annexed to the Bibles of the last translation , the contents in the 2. chap : are represented [ what is to be written to the Angels , that is , to the Ministers of the Church of Ephesus , Smyrna &c ] Its pitie they had not this grave dictator to correct their mistake , and to present them with his new spectacles , to discover therewith , the Bishop in these Epistles . He should have wondered at Pilkington Bishop of Durham ( in his exposition upon Hag : Chap. 1 : v. 13. ) who expoundes the Angel thus collectivly . See Gers. Buc. de Gub. Eccl. p. 1. 205 , 393 , 408 , 419 , 422 , 433. Now , what pinched all these Authors to embrace this Silleptick exposition of the Angel ? As for Scultetus , although a Protestant , yet he is a high Prelatist , and a partial witnes in this point , & cannot conterballance these Authores mentioned . But next , what wil our Informer gain though it were yeelded that this Angel is ane individual or single person ? Some learned men doe so take it , as Beza , and Reynolds , who notwithstanding were far from thinking him a Prelat . Because I. He may be the Angelus Preses , or the moderatour Angel , not the Angelus Princeps , or Lord Angel , yea , and the Preses and Moderator for the time , as a speaker in the Parliament . Ephesus had many elders . ( Act 20 : 27. 1 Tim. 5 : 17. ) of equal authority , who were made Bishops , and they are spoken to in the plural , though the Angel is named in the singular number . 2. This Angel is said to have no jurisdiction and superiority over the rest of the Ministers . And we challeng our Informer to shew where this Angel is spoken unto , with reference to Ministers , as subject unto him , which notwithstanding is his supposition , & petitio principii , all along in this Argument . 3. The Parochial , and Diocesian division of Churches , were long after this and not until 260. Years after Christ. 4. Nothing is required of this Angel , but that which is the common duty of all Ministers . Finally , Suppose it were granted to him , that a superiority were imported in nameing this Angel , It may be a Superiority of Order , Dignity , or Gifts , not of power and Jurisdiction But the Dcubter Object 's [ That ( Revel . 2 24. ) Christ by Iohn speakes to the Angel in the plural [ or You ' ] and that therefore he means all the Minist●…rs . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To this he answers That Beza by this phrase understands the president and the company of Ministers with the rest of the people , tabing the Angel still for a single person , and h●…lds that more then the Angel are spoken unto . He tells us , that the words are ane Apostrophe , wherein the speaker amplifies his speech , turning it to some others then those who are first spoken unto . Ans. 1. We have already shown that this , and the other parallel phrase mentioned , doe strongely plead for the Angels being understood Collectivly : since the Lord makes a Plural of the singular Angel , as 1 Tim. 2. 15. Shee shall be saved if they continue &c. especially the above evinced equal power , and authority , of the Angels or Presbyters , who where in these Churches , being pondered . Besids , how doth this remove the objection , that Beza understands it some other wayes then collectively , what sayes that to the reason and argument it self ? But 2. If Beza understand by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or yow , the moderator or president Angel with the rest of the Ministers , wherein ( I pray ) is our argument infringed ? viz , That this Angel is not a Diocesian Prelat , since other Ministers are taken in with him here as of equall authority in this compellation . In Beza's sense this is no other language then what might have been said or writen to a presbyterian Synod with its Moderator all being equally concerned therein , and supposed equaly Angels in this Church . And if this Cutt not the sinnews of this mans designe and argument here , let any judge . 3. Non can rationally call it a turneing of the speech to any other then such as were first speken to , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But to yow I Say is a continuanc of the speech to the same persons , with ane exegitick explication of the [ Angel ] by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or [ yow , ] especially since they are distinguished from [ the rest ] or the ordinary Presessores , by the Copulative , and. In our ordinary language , we usually reinforce our speech to the same persons , and to the same purpose , with ane emphatick [ I say ] as it is here . Some Prelatists have a Knack ( which I wonder our Informer stumbled not upon ) in alledging that some copies leave out the Conjunction — Reading it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , to yow , the rest in Thyatira ; making the terme [ yow , ] all onewith [ the rest in Thyatira . ] but the plaine reading of the 23. v. confutes this . But that which the Informer thinkes should put it out of question wich us , That these Angels were Diocesian Bishops , [ Is the Testimonies of the Ancients , who came immediatly after them , and condescend upon some of their names . Then he repeats to us againe the storie of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , borne neer the Apostles times , who , numbers Se●…n of his Predecessours before him and tels us That Leontius Bishop of Magnesia , Numbers Tuenty seven Bishops of Ephesus from Timothy . That these Seven Bishops of Asia are at the Council of Neice designed by their styles Ephesus , Smyrna , &c. That Eusebius , Tertullian , Irenaeus assert that Iohn made Policarp Bishop of Smyrna . That he is thought to be the Angel to whom John wrote . That Ignatius writes to him as such , &c. These he thinkes as acomment upon this and such like scriptures , should convince us . ] Ans. 1. He forgot one maine point of this argument from Antiquity ; before it convince us , he must condescend upon the mould , and power , of the Bishops which these Ancienas speakes of ; he holds that the word [ Bishop ] is variously taken in Scripture , and why not also by the ancients ? But if he had offered us Testimonys speaking of sole power of these Bishops in ordination and Iurisdiction , leaving nothing to Presbyters but the key of doctrine , of Bishops with a negative voice in judicatories , haveing sole Dominion over a diocess , the only proper Pastoures thereof ; and Prelats of Erastus his Cutt , Then I should confess there were early such Bishops as he pleads for : and we should acknowledge their power to be a commentary upon the Scriptures he pleads from ; But with this proviso , that he could quiparat them with their first progenitours , and shew us these priviledges in the scripture-Escutciones of their founders . But till then , I thinke our conviction must be suspended . That Presbyters have the key of Doctrine , he will not deny , That they have the power of ordination , and jurisdiction , and that key likewayes entrusted to them , hath been proved from Scripture . 1. Tim. 4. 14. Luk. 22. 66. Act. 20 : 28. 1. Pet. 5 : 2 , 1. Cor 5. 5. Now let him say , did these first succeeding Bishops ( in their supposed diocesses ) alwayes take this power in ordination and jurisdiction from the first Scripture Bishops , and stood invested therwith in after tymes ? How then comes jerom to say [ That even in his time ] elders were subject to the Bishop only by Custome , not by Dispensation from the Lord. ( In his Coment : on Tit : ) and , ( on Isa. 3. ) That they had even in his time , a caetus presbiterorum , a meeting or Court of Presbyters , and ane Apostolick senat . ] How comes a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbytery to be mentioned , Councancyr . Can. 18. How comes Ambrose , ( a father of the Church ) upon Ephes. 4. to assert [ That after the Church was enlarged . , Cepit alio ordine Gubernari . It began to be governed after another maner then at first , — and that non per omnia conveniunt , &c. That the Government then in the Church , was not every way suitable to the Apostles appointment ] me thinkes these assertions might convince the Informer of the folly of this argument . But 2. What if some of these first successours , be found but meer Constant moderators ? What is then become of his Series of a Succession of Diocesian Bishops from Timothy ; and Titus , and the Asian Angels ? saith not jerom ( ad Evagrium ) Alexandriae Presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu Collocatum Episcopum nominabant , &c That the Bishop at Alexandria was only a Presbyter Chosen to preside . &c. Ambrose sayes that this distinction betaixt Bishop and Presbyter ; cam in by Couns●…l ( Cubi prius ) therefor he holds it was not derived from divine 〈◊〉 , ( and therein gives the lie to our Informer : ) for that he sayes was different from their present custome . Augustin ( Epist : 10. ) sayes ( with jerom ) that by Custome of the Church , Episcopatus , was ; Major presbyterio , the Episcopacy was greater then the presbyterat . How comes ●…irmilianus ( apud Cypr. ep : 78. ) to assert that the presbyters , possident ordinandi potestatem , posseses the power of ordination , and these presbyters he calls praepositi , the presidents or rulers . Ierom sayes , quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus quod nonfacit presbiter . what does the Bishop except ordination , which the presbyter doth not , — yet even in this , presbyters then concurred with them , and shared in that power . Saith not Chrisost : upon 1. Tim : inter Episcopum et presbyterum , interest ferme nihil-between the Bishop and presbyter , there is almost no difference . As for his lines of Succession , they will say nothing untill he prove these Bishops to be Episcopos principes , Prince-or Lord Bishops , and nor Episcopos presides or Moderator Bishops , which will be a hard task , since he must answer Blondel , who largely proves , that before the year 140 ▪ there was not a Bishop over presbyters , even the Constant president , far from the power of the present dioces●…an . Policarp himself , his supposed Bishop of Smyrna , makes but Two orders of Ministery , Bishops and 〈◊〉 , in his Epistle to the Philippians . Dr. Reynolds in his conference with Hart , proves that the first Bishop who came in after the Apostles , was nothing but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Moderator of the presbytery . In a word , as many learned men doe prove the discrepancy of the ancients among themselves , and their variety of names , and speech in relation to these first supposed Bishops , and that several authores are Spurius and counterfit who are Brought in to give Testimony in this point . So it is certain that this man and his fellowes in pleading thus for Timothies Episcopacy , doe put the blott of dread full Apostacy upon him , in making him fall ( as the Angel of Ephesus is charged ) from his first love ; so that , if they will not runn on this inconvenience , and stage this eminent Saint for such ane Apostat , contrary to the Scripture account of him , they must wholly quit this plea. As for what he adds [ of Several writers acknowledging the Angel a Single person ] we have shown how vaine a reason this is , to prove his point . But the Doubter objects to some purpose [ that Beza and others might take the Angel to be but Moderator . ] To this he answers [ that the Angel must needs be a Bishop , because he is cheifely commended or discomended , as haveing a cheif hand in what was right , or amiss , in these Churches . That the power found in Timothy and Titus , proves it was so with these Angels . — That Beza sayes these Angels power was more eminent then the rest of their fellowes . ] Ans. 1. As for Beza , its true he expones [ the Angel ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ to the president ] — but adds — [ Sed hinc statui episcopalis ille gradus &c : — that is , But that Episcopal degree , which was after ward by human invention brought into the Church of God , nether certainly can nor ought to be hence concluded , nay not so much as the office of a perpetual president , should be of necessity , as the thence ariseing oligarchical tyrranny ; ( let our Informer marke this ) whose head is the Antichristian beast now at length with the most certan ruine , not of the Church only , but of the world also , maks manifest . And this also is all which Dr. Reynolds acknowledges . Now I think he will find no advantage nor credit here to his Diocesian Bishop , since Beza maks him but a human invention , yea and the poysonous egg out of which Antichrist was hatched . 2 As for his Reason [ That this [ Angel ] is chefly reproved or commended , as haveing the Chief hand , in what was right or amisse . ] He must prove , ( before this Reason wil pass current ) that one single person is Chiefly reproved or commended , and likewayes that his having the commendation , or reproofe adressed to him , will evince a Chief authority , or Chief hand , ( as he calls it ) in government . Wee told him that in Beza's , and Dr. Reynolds judgment , the [ Angel ] is only the preses Mor●…derator receaving the Epistle or address . Now , will ane Epistle containing commendations or reproofes of a Synod , and addressed to the Moderator , make him Chief as to what is commended , or taxed , in all that Synodall assembly or Church ? Surely not at all . The Moderator may be a man as little concerned therein , and possibly less , then any of the meeting : Or will the Kings Message or Charge to a parliament , adressed to the speaker , containing reproofes and commendationes of that great body and assembly , fix the guilt or commendation principally upon the speaker , or president ? He will not say it . As for Timothy and Titus , we have proved that they had no such power , as he pretends , and that their inspection was extraordinary and Evangelistick , which cannot with any shew of reason be said of these Seven Angels . As for Beza [ his acknowledgment of a more eminent Authority in government , which these single persons had ] this man cannot with any shew of reason alledge Beza to understand thereby any other thing beyond the eminency of his Episcopus divinus , which with Beza is the Pastour , among whom jure divino , he will not a●…mit so much as a perpetual president , far less a Bishop : for the perpetual president or Moderator , is with Beza , the Episcopus humanus , which he distinginshes from the divine , or scripture Bishop ; and the diocesian prelat ( pleaded for by this Informer ) who hath the Chief , and sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , is the Satanical Bishop . ( In his Treatise de triplici Episcopatu ; ) So that Beza cannot Imput to these single persons any authority over their brethren , or ascribe to them any other eminency , then what the eminency of a Moderatorship will give , If Beza doe not compare them with the Elders of the Inferior sort , who rule only , as some would readily admit , who take these Churches to be Congregational . As for Mede , it is no great matter whither he take the Angels Collectivly , or for Single persons , if he Imput not to these Asian Angels ane Episcopal Authority , which this Informer proves not , in telling us , [ Tha●… the Tuentie four Angels about the Thron , doe with him , represent the Bishops ] unless he can shew that he means his Diocesian Bishops : for he may mean the Bishops indefinitely , according to the genuine scripture acceptation . He holds there are Seven Bishops of Asia here only written unto , where are the Tuentie four Bishops , if Mr Mede take them in his sense ? As for Mr. Brightman , his exponeing ordinarly the Angel , of a single person , as the Informer alleadges . Let us hear Brightman himself . [ To the Angel &c. ] The Epistles are intituled ( saith he ) one by one , to the Pastours , Becaus the safety of the Congregation depends upon the soundnes of the Pastours : for there was not one Angel alone at Ephesus , but many , Neither yet any prince among these , as is manifast by Paul , who to Miletum sent for the Elders or Bishops of Ephesus , — adding , that nothing is spoken of their obedience to any one Chief Bishop — That a Prince hood came after the Apostles , and was not yet borne , save only that Diotrephes gave some shew of it . hence he concluds thus [ therefore under the name of one Angel , the Epistle is written to the whol order of Pastours &c : ] And by this account of Brightmans acce●…tation of the word Angel , Let any judge of our Informers fidelity . But now comes his last Argument for Episcopacy ( which surprises not only his Doubter , but I believe , Most , if not all else , who have seen it ) taken from [ Diotrephes his loveing to have the preeminence , 3. Joh. 9. who ( he sayes ) ambitiously loved to be first , and to have the Chief place : and that this ambition only John speaks against , — he adds , that ane office may be good and lawfull , though ane ambitions seeking of it , be sinfull . — That Beza renders it , qui primatum ambit — that our Inference of the unlawfulnes of the office he aimed at , will not follow from his seeking of this chief place , but rather that their was such ane office at this time in the Church , and now void , into which he meaned to put himself , or had already done so , out of ane ambitious desire to be great , which was a sinful end : that , he looked after himself , not the good of the Church . ] Ans. 't is long since we had this answer , and gloss from Romanists , though not as ane argument . Wee see popri and prelacy in despight of all con●…radiction will strick hands . When Luk. 22. Touching our Lords forbidding a Dominion , or primacy among his Disciples , is objected to Bellarmin , he resolves it just as this resolver . viz. That the Lord rather institut and established a primacy in the Church , then removed it : And commanded his vicar to preside , but not as the Heathen , who seek themselves , and their own glory and commodity . de Pontif , Ques . 1. Chap. 3. Sect. 3. ) Yee shall not rule as the Princes of the Gentiles ( saith he , ) Imports , that he admitts one to preside but not after that manner . He presses the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies a Prince or Captaine ( just as this man doth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or loving of preeminence ) to shew that such a Prince or primat was designed , de Pontif. Lib : 1. Ch. 9. Thus the Papists glosse generally the Text under debate . Tilen [ in his Not. 67. ] answering him [ That if it were so , then Christ rather inflamed then quenched their ambitious thoughts , which they ●…hil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or loving preeminence , intertained ] makes this sin of diotrephes the same with theires which the Lord reprehended , viz. A sinful desire of ane unlawfull forbidden primacy . Adding , [ That the Lord said not , he who by my appointment shall be Chief●… , but he who from his sinfull desire would be Chieff . Bellarmin and the Papists fine notions , and old exploded evasions , we see stands these men in much stead : And doe furnish usefull materials to dress up Prelatick pamphlets . But what will this man say ? Will he indeed owne this popish Argument and answer upon Luk 22. Which the topick of his argument here will necessarly inferr ? Was their a lawfull primacy supposed among the Apostles , & the ambitious desire only forbidden ? Bellarmin presses that ane exorbitant dominion or tyrannicall only was forbidden since the Princes of the Gentiles are mentioned ( which this man also taks hold of ) which seems to put a restricton upon that prohibition , but there is no such restriction in this place under debate : So that he is cut off from Bellarmins evasion . We heard before he admitted a lawfull Church Dominion as not discharged in Luk. 22. And here he admitts a lawfull primacy over this Church , and in his pretended antiquity we will find him not to di●…owne a Chief patriarch if not directly to plead for him ; And then I see not why he may not take in the High Priest into his old Testament Argument , in relation to a morall standing primacy in Church-Government , and merite a co●…l in some Popish order ●…r it be long . Now it is evident that the Apostle simply dissounes this lover of preeminence , and censures him upon the account of the preeminence he desired . And the Informer himself ( though , as I observed before , he is not one with himself in it ) acknowledges that the Lord discharged all inequality , and especially a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or primat , among the Apoles ; and therefore , why his scoler John censured not likewayes a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or primacy - affecting Minister ; seeking the same principality over his Brethren or fellow Ministers , which our Lord discharged among the Disciples , will puzell him to shew the disparity . Surely , when our Lord said , [ It shall not be so among you , ] and when he discharged a protos or Chief among the Disciples , recomending to the desirer of this to be their servant over whom this was affected , he spoke to them as Ministers , and in that capacitie : and therefore discharges this among all Ministers . For aquatenus ad omne — I wonder if this man will say that if any of the Seventy Disciples had affected to be a protos over the rest , our Lord would not have given them the same injunction . Or if he will say that they did not hold themselves concerned in the same rule , and the prohibition which the Disciples here got . Surely he cannot deny this , and therfore it is Certan that John discharhes the very protos or prostacy self for what reason will it : he invent wherefor a preeminence or primacy should be disgarged to the Apostles , and allowed among the Seventy ( who he thinks represents the Pastours ) or any Inferiour order of Church officers ? Besides , what was it which Peter discharged to these Bishops 1 Pet. 5. Was it not a preeminence , or masterly primacy , and to be a protos ? learned he not this prohibition of his Lord ? and will it not be a Critical distinction to distinguish lordship from preeminence ? Now the first we find universally discharged to Pastours , even over the flock●… , as this man acknowledges , and therefore why this preeminence , is not likwise in it self and simply stricken against , will be Impossible to shew the disparity . I must presume that the Apostle understood the sence of this prohibition of his Lord , much better then our Informer : and we see he applyes to inferiour Pastours and Bishops , that which was discharged to himself , and the rest of his fellow disciples . And , ( as I said befor ) if none of these scripture-Bishops were to lord it over the flock , farr less over their fellowes . So that to be a protos or Chief over them , was inhibit , as by the lord befor , so by the Apostle here , and consequently this lover of preeminence is simply condemned . The Inglish Annot : make the two places of Peter & John , parallel , & the same evill to be discharged in both . So doe the dutch annot expressing that which diotrephes sought , in the Apostle Peters terms , of lording it over his brethren . Now I hope he will not say , that when Peter discharges Ministers to be lords over Gods Heritage , he discharged only ane ambitious affectation and Supposed a la●…ll Lordship over the flock●… , abstracting from this ambitious affectation . Surely then this Prohibition of the Apostle Iohn , where Diotrephes is supposed to be practising , what is by Peter discharged , can admit of no such evasion either ; unless he would make these Apostles to interfer together in this matter : for it were strange clashing of weapones , and contradiction of the tongues and pens of these Apostles , if Peter should discharge all Lording even over the flocks , in any Pastour , and yet Iohn should allow unto a Pastour , a preeminence , and primacy , both over the flocks , and his fellow Ministers and labourers with him in the Lords vineyeard . Infine , If to be a primat or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a lawfull office , to be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lover of it ( which is all that the word will Import ) could deserve no censure . The Informer knowes who said [ He that desires the office of a Bishop , desires a good work ] but our Lord who spoke this by the pen of Paul , said also himself immediatly to the Apostles , & by the Apostle Iohn in this place , he that desires to be a protos or Chief , must quite that desire . Hence these are different objects of desire , to be a scripture Bishop , and a protos or primat . To affect the office of a scriptur Bishop , and a primacy , are Antipods : so that it was not a lawfull , nor consequently praeexistent office in the Church , allowed by Iohn , which this man desired , and therefore he is simply condemned by the Apostle , both as to the desire it self , and the object of it . Hee who thus affects to be first , deserves to be called least in the Kingdome of God , and who thus exalt themselves , shall be abased . To all which I might add , that diotrephes Imperious lordly carriage in casting out and censureing , and not admitting into this Church , such as the Apostle appointed to be therein receaved , is a lively effigies of an●… Episcopal primacy or preeminence , and of that arbitrary prelacy , that sole power in ordination and censures , which this Informer pleads for . Against which disorderlines of this early primat , the Apostles threatning of his holy censure , is a thunder-clapp which may terrifie all who carry this usurped office : and may make his Supposed Angels or Prelats , for this their aspyreing , fear the stroake and punishment of those Angels , who keeped not their first estate , but left their own habitation . I shall dimiss the Informers last argument , with one remarke further , which is this , if the affecting to be a protos or Chief , tainted the Apostles themselves , while the Christian Church was in its first Infancy , if in Pauls time the mistery of Iniquity , and of propry , was working ( the monstrous embrio of a papacy , and consequently of a Prelacy ) If peter found it needfull to disscharge Covetousnes and lordship , to ministers , If the holy Apostle John was contradicted and counteracted by ane aspiring primat , Surely we need not wonder at that universal Change of the Apostolick Holy , humble Church Disciplin and parity among Ministers , which overspread the Christian Church not long therafter . And to our prelatists ordinary question [ When began the Change of preshyterian parity among Ministes ] ? Wee may answer , That the bitter ●…ootes of a Primacy or prelacy , were sprouting in the Apostles times ; and therefore it is no strange thing that this destroying weed grew up so quickly thereafter the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or evill one , did quickly sow his Cocle among the wheat , and blew up this fire of ambition , primacy pride and ( his own proper sin ) till it came to the flam , first of a human proftasie , then of a Hierarchy , and unto the Culmen or tope , of a chief universal primacy at last . For that which he adds of Blondel his granting [ That diotrephes sought to be first Presbyter , & such a president as had authority over the rest . ] Surely none who ha●…e read Blondel can but acknowledge , that he distinguishes all along the Presbyters set over others from the Episcopus divine jure institutus , So in his 1 , 2 , 3. and 4t . Arguments , page . 190 : 191 , 192 , 193 &c. So that he maks the very constant fixed president ( much more such a president or primat as diotrephes affected to be ) distinct from the Divinely appointed Bishop ; And therefore whatever he might suppose to be creeping in at that tyme , he must needs , upon this ground , interpret it to be a recesse from the divine appointment , and in so far a Corruption . As for what our Informer repeats here againe ad nauseam [ That Bishops were immediatly the Church before all the Apostles were gone and imediatly after , which is a commentary upon Timothy , and Titus , and the Asian Angels , and Diotrephes . ] I answer , I beleive indeed , as to his last instance , that there were Diotrephesies , earely enugh , and Beza's Episcopus humanus or fixed president , but that there was either in the Apostles time , or ane hundered years , and more afterward ( I speak far within compass ) his Diocesian Prelat , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction in a Diocess , he will assoone joyn the poles together , as prove it by any faithful and authentick Testimony . CHAP. XII . The Informers appeal to antiquity in the point of Episcopacy . That antiquity is at most , testis facti , but not judex veri , may witness matter of fact , but is no judge of what is right therein , proved from the Testimony of Scripture , and the fathers . The Informer's reasoning on this head , reduced to a formal Syllogisme and discussed . That in the first purest age the Church was governd by Presbyters withtout Bishopes , proved by Testimonys of the fathers , particularly of Ierome . His Testimony at Large vindicated from the exceptiones of the Informer . OUr Informer hath by this time got out of the straites of his Scripture Arguments for prelacy , and his pretended replyes to Scripture arguments against them . Wherin we have seen how pittifully he lies been Bruillied in his endeavours to put the fairding of some Scripture Characters upon this Monster , The Diocesian Prelat ! Now he wil lanch out in to the vast Ocean of Antiquity wherein he supposes ( and not altogother amisse ) that this Leviathan can swim much better . And therefore he fills up the Third part of the pamplet , with a tedious legend of human Testimonyes in relation to Bishops . But in this his argueing from antiquity , he playes the same petty Sophister as in his pretended Scripture proofes . For he is still pleading for a versatil Chimaera of his own braine , and dare not state the Question , as to the Prelat now existent in his Diocesian and erastian mould , like to whom if he will shew me but one Prelat among all his ragged Testimonies , I will yeeld the Cause to him . So that we are not concened in his Testimonies , They being all Mute or Ambiguous as to our debate . Wee shall therefore proceed to Consider the substantials of his Argument on this head , and add some Chapters which will be found abundantly to cutt the sinne●…es of his reasoning from pretended Testimonies of the Fathers , and vindicat our Cause even in point of Antiquity . 〈◊〉 I Suppose this man ( if he will not renounce his protestant profession ) cannot but grant , that it is not Antiquity as he call it , or human Testimonies , but the Scriptures of truth , which most judge in this debate . So that I hop I may suppose that he lookes upon his Antiquitity as ane accessorie appendix onely to his Scripture arguments , and that the Scripture is not for him , but against him , I hope it is conuincingly apparent from that is said above ; we must to the law and the Testimony in this and all other points of faith . Antiquity without the first Scripture antiquity , deserves not the name . Id adulterum quod posterius , id verum quod pri nium , said Tertullian . That is adulterat which is Last , and trere which is first . I am the way , the truth and the Life , said Christ , but not I am Custome And Cyprian tells us , that Consuetudo sins veritate est vetusias erroris ; Antiquity without truth , is but a mouldy error . Our Lord himself rejected this argument [ it was said of old ] and apposes unto it [ but I say ] Well may we then oppose the Scripture sayings to our Informer's [ it was said of old ] and by our Lords warrand , reject his pretences from Antiquity , to warrand any thing which the word condemnes : and for this we have good warrand of antiquity it self : for the fathers universaly doe hold that onelie the Scriptures must judge in points of faith . Sunt libri Dominici quorum authoritati utrique consentimus , utrique credimus ( there being in them all things to be believed and practised ) utrique servimus , ibi quaeramus ecclesiam , ibi discutiamus causam nostram , is great Augustins advice . The books of the Lord are they to whose Authority we both consent , which we both beleive , To which we both submit , There let us seek the Church , There let us discusse our Cause . Jerom on Chap. 23 of Matth. tells us quod de scripturis authoritatem non habet , eaedem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur . That which derives not its authority from Scripture , the contemneing of it is as ready as the proof is offered , and ( on the 1. ) Chap. of Hag Quae absque athoritate & Testimoniis scripturarum quasi traditione Apostolica sponte reperiunt atque confingunt , percutit Gladius Dei Such things as men of there own accord find out & forge upon pretence of Apostolick tradition with out the authority and Testimonies of Scriptures , the sword of God strikes throw the same . Besides this discovers the plea from Antiquity to be very Impertiment in this debate : Because the Question betwixt us is not defacto , but de jure , not what sort of Bishops have been as to matter of fact , introduced into the Church of old , or of late , but by what warrand and right they have possessed their places ? We alledge and prove that the present Prelat now existent stands condemned by Christ , the great lawgiver , his rules in point of Church Government , set down in his Testament . Now , to answer this Charge with humane Testimonies , as to Custom or practise of the Church , ( even granting that his Testimonies did prove the matter of fact , viz , That our present Prelat is exemplified in the ancient Bishops ) what is it but to oppose , humane corruption to Gods ordinance , The practise of men to Gods rule , and mens Testimonies who are liars , to the divine Oracles of the God of truth . This man thinkes it a Herculean argument , when he drawes his human Testimonies , as to prelacy neer the Apostles time ( as if he had travelled to Hercules pillars ) and wonders how we can suppose , that the Church could so soon alter the divine institutions . But I pray , how long was it after Gods Holy law was proclaimed from heaven , by his own terrible voice , that the wholl Church of Israel , together with Aaron himself , set up and worshiped the golden Calf , contrary unto the very express letter of the Second command ? Now , suppose that idolatry several hundered years afterward had pleaded this Antiquity , or ancient Custome of the Church of Israel , ( after frequently imitated , and which had its plausible pretexts of intention to worship God , for the seasi was proclaimed to Iehova , and to have a visible signe of his presence ) Wil the Informer say , that this had been a good argument to warrand the breach of the Second command , though this Practise was but fourty dayes younger then the promulgation if self . So the case is here , Though he could shew us human clear Testimonies , nay more , even Scripture Testimonies , as to the factum , that the diocesian ; yea , and Erastian Prelat , had been existent and set up in some Churches in the Apostles own time ; yet if we can from our Lord , and his Apostles doctrine , and practise , prove this officer to be a plant not of a divine plantation , and contrary to the divine institutiones , He must needs grant ( that though esteemed golden ) it ought to be Nehushtan , rejected and pluckt up by the roots . The Papists , who hold the Scriptures to be but a half-rule , made up by traditions , yet will not dare to own ( professedly at least ) any principle , or practise , condemned in the Word . suppose he could bring thousands of Testimonies from ancient writers , touching his Prelat he pleads for ; they are but h●…man Testimonies , and therefore cannot beget a divine faith , which is founded upon the word only . Surge veritas ipsa Scripturas tuas inter retare , quam c●…nsuetudo non nooit ▪ nam si nosset non-esset , saith Tertullian . Arise o ! truth it self , and expone they Scriptures , which custome hath not known , for had it known them , it had not been . The Informer's Testimonies may induce to believe that there were Bishops in the Church ; but whither the office which these Bishops are supposed to hold , be of God , yea or not ; this queston must be brought to a higher tribunall ; and Gods Oracles must determine therein , before the Conscience can be satisfied , as to the owning of such a Church officer : And if God dissowne him , I may be ane Athanasius contra orbem , in withstanding him , It being still certain that these human witnesses are testesfacti at most , but not judices veri & recti , Attesters of matters of fact , but not judges of what is right and equal therein . Thus we have seen , that though all our Informers pleading from antiquity , were granted , his cause , profliga by Scripture weapons lyes grovelling in the dust . wheras he alleadges [ Testimonies as to the existence of Prelats in the Christian Church , neer the Apostles times , or contemporary with them , & that Catalogues of a Succession of Prelats , down from Apostles and Evangilists , have been keept in Churches , which he thinkes speakes convincingly for the Episcopacy of Timothie , and Titus &c. I Ans. Although this be the very Marrow and strength of all his argument from Antiquity , yet when tryed , it will be found many wayes defective , and unsound . For clearing whereof I shall offer some things , both to the Major , and assumtion of this argument , which will be found quite to breake the force of al his pretences this way . For thus the argument must run . If Diocesian Bishops , by the Testimonies of the ancient fathers , did exist in the primitive times , and Catalogues of them are drawn by these ancients , from Apostles , and Euangilists , then I must believe these Bishops to be of divine institution : but thus it is by the Testimony of the ancient fathers : Ergo , I must believe Diocesian Bishopes to be of divine institution . Now this being the argument in its genuine strength , this pitifull pleader offers not a jott in proofe of the major proposition , whose connexion he cannot but know , the we all deny . All that he offers is in proofe of the assumption , which is also denved , & will be found very maimed . I. To the Major , I say , that it is of very dangerous consequence , to make that which men call antiquity , or [ ancient custome , ] the infallible rule , and commentary , as to the nature and office , of Church officers , mentioned in Scriptur . Because 1. If mens practise must be the key and comment in this case , so as we must not contradict or counteract it , then why may not also human practise , and profession of succeding ages , determine as to every Scripture truth , and duty therein held out ? 2. This were to set up a higher rule , and tribunal , then the Scriptures , and to make our faith to stand in mans wisdome , not in Gods , and to make the Scriptures of a privat interpretation , as if the Prophecy had come by the will of man. For if I must believe no otherwayes anent the Scriptures relating to the offices of Timothy , and Titus , then according to the practise of supposed Bishops , their successores , and that they held no other offices , but such as these supposed successores are said to have had , then the Custome and practise of fallible men , becomes to me , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ratio a priori , and the chief ground , why I believe these Scriptures to have such a sense and no other ; and so I give men a dominion over my faith , and my faith herein resolves ultimatly into a human practise , and Testimony of fallible men , which is a principle no protestant will allow . Next , as to the asumption of the argument , I would demand of this informer , how I must be infallibly assured anent this universal judgment and practise of the ancient Church , and of this true succession ; and how he will instruct the universal harmonius judgement of all the ancient Fathers in this great point , ( viz. ) [ That such prelates as we have now , were the first recipients of the ordinary power of government , from the Apostles and Evangelists , as their only immediat & ordinary successors . ] The topick of our Informers argument doth suppose the certanty of this mater of fact . But to clear this will be found a hard peece of work . Because 1. It is certan that many of the ancients wrote nothing ; many of their writings are lost ; many writings going under their name are counterfit , & most especially to this debate . It were possibly none of the hardest Tasks to discover some writings here cited ; to be meer countersites . How shall I know , that the Testimonies of those who have written , are not contradicted in this point , by such men of their times , who either have not written , or whose writings are perished ? 2. There are many things , which the Ancients speak of as derived from the Apostles , and have had ane universal consent ( as farr as the knowledge thereof hath come to us ) which are acknowledged to be contrary to the word of God and the Apostolick doctrine ; as , the error anent the vision of God , [ that the Saincts sie not his face till the last day . ] the error of [ free will , ] which until Augustin opposed it was universally receaved ▪ the [ Millenary error , ] anent Christs personall reigne upon the Earth a Thousand years ; called by Lactantius , [ the doctrine of the holy prophets , and christian wisdome , which christians follow . ] Iustin Martyr , holds them to be no christians that dissown this ▪ and this is owned as ane Apostolick tradition . So [ childrens partaking of the Lords supper ; ] and [ the necessity of baptisme ] was by Augustin and others owned as such a tradition ( lib : 1. de pecc : mer. ) Basil names four Apostolick traditions , signeing with the cross ; praying to the east ; anointeing with oyle ; praying in the standing postur from Easter to whitsuntyd . See the Appendix to jus divinum minise . Evan ( prop. 2. ) The informer and his fellowes , make a great bustle anent the condemneing of Aerius , for holding that Bishops and presbyters are all one . But Beza could have informed him , de grad : ( 346. ) that Epiphanius ( Haeres : 75 ) imputs to him , as great heresies , these Tenets , 1. That he held it unlawfull to offer and pray for the dead . 2. That he held that Saincts departed were not to be invocat . 3. That there were not fixed fast dayes to be keept . 4. That the jewish pascal was not to be observed , because ourpassover is already offered . Now , if our Informer condemne him for these also , we weed care the lesse for his condemning him in the point of prelacy . 3. It is certain , that the account of the first times immediatly after the Apostles , is , as to mater of fact , very dark & uncertain , & consequently a very slippery rule . Hegesi pus ( apud Euseb : lib : 3. Cap : 28. ) tells us , [ that immediatly after the Apostolick age was gone , tunc impii erroris conspiratio , per seductionem eorum qui alienam doctrinam trad ▪ ant , initium caepit — Then the conspiracy of wicked error , but the seducings of those who delivered another doctrine , took its begining . Eusebius himself the prime writer , ( from whom in a manner is the wholl of all that is delivered anent Church Government and Bishops , and who presents these fragmens of writers out of which our episcopal men ga●…her up their proofes ) in the proem of his History acknowledges that he is in that worke entered into a dark desert , therein he hath no footsteps of any goeing before him , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some litle occasions , or some pitty narations , which every one in their own time hath left and delivered . let any read haumer ( ane Inglish Bishop ) , his translation of Eusebius , wherein this will be found very clear . Scalliger ( prolegom in Chron. Euseb. ) Saith , Intervallum illud ab ultimo capite actorum &c. the nterval from he last chotter of the Acts of the Apostles , until the midst of the reigne of Trajan , in which tract , Quadratus and a Ignatius flourished ( let our informer observe this as to Ignatius ) may be truly called with varr●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or obscur , wherin nothinthat is certan , hath come to our hand concerning the affairs of Christians , except some very few things , which the enemies of godlines carches up by the way , such as Suetonius , Cornelius Tacitus , Plenius Cecilianus , which gap that Eusebius might fill up , he drew some things without discretion and choise out of the upotiposes or exemples of I know not what Clement ( for he is not that learned Clement who wrote the Stromata●…●…nd out of the fyve books of hegesippus a writer no better . Tilen himself ( a great pleader for the Episcopal cause ) yet tells us ( Contr : 3 : l. 2 : c. 2 : Not. 39. and c. 3. Note . 6 ) That , the history of these first times hath great blacks and gapes , which the Spurius Clements and other writers of the same stamp , filled up with petty fables drawen from their own braine . — That from the end of the acts of the Apostles , until Traian's times , thereis almost nothing extant which is certain : hence ( he saith ) occasion was taken by men of bad dispositions to make hold to faine anything , whom even the Apostles times wanted not . Not to insist upon the many things written and observed of Eusebius , which may invalidat the credit of his history , and his many gross errors therein , and in other poynts , observed by Scalliger and others . How fabulous is that history of Christes Epistle to Agbarus , rejected even by pope Gelasius in a Councel of Seventy Bishops at room . That which Philo the jew wrote of the Essae Ans , a Sect among the jewes , Eusebius affirms that he wrot it of Christian mmks , which Scalliger shewes to be false out of Philo himself ( in elencho tribaeresii . ) He proves peters crucifixion at Rome by a tomb proofe : — In the computation of times , Scalliger observes his gross errors . Nay , which is more considerable , he discovers gross ignorance of Scripture , in saying that the Cephas reprehended by Paul , was not the Apostle peter , but another of the number of the Seventy disciples . Besyds , many things in his personall cariage and qualities , which may weaken the Credit of his History , as his presideing in the councel of Tyre against Athanasius , and standing upon the Arrians side . Scalliger ( in his Thesaurus temporum . Animad : p : 268 ) Setts down the testimonies of the Ancients concerning his errors & Arrianisme , wherein some affirme that he died . When he wrote the history he was ane Arian . Moreover , Admitt his Testimony were abeve all exception , yet that his history hath been corrupted by some ignorant impostor , is demonstrated from this by Didocl : ( cap. 4. p. 119 ) [ that he maks mention of Sozomen , who was born ane hundred years therafter . ] Lastly , As to the Catalogues of Bishopes , which our Informer , and his masters befor him , exhibit to us from the Apostolick times , he might have found them aboundantly invalidat by many of the learned , whose judgement and Testimonys are collected by Didocl : ( cap : 4 p. 121 : 122 , 123 , 124 , &c. ) Which we may well challeng this man to answer . Therefore we shall dismiss it with these observes . 1. That Tertullian , Irenaeus , and others , who make use of this Argument of Succession , against hereticks , designe only to shew a derivation of true doctrine from the Apostles against them , and that the Church had the Traduoes Apostolici Seminis , a derivation of the Apostles Doctrine , but never meaned it of a Succession of men of the same office every way . Tertullian saith , [ Arise o truth and expone they Scriptures &c. ] Iren●…us in his time , speaking of this Succession from the Apostles , & pressing adherence to the truth which they delivered , makes mention of Presbyters [ opportet adhaerere iis &c : We must adhere to them who keeps the Apostles doctrine , and with the order of [ presbitery ] mentain the word . And again , therefore we must obey these [ presbiters ] who are in the Church , who have their Succession from the Apostles , as we have showen . Then he adds qui cum Episcopatus Successione , charisma veritatis certum , Secundum placitum patris acceperunt . That is , who with the Succession of Episcopacy , have receaved from the father the sure gift of truth . ] thus he , ( l. 4. c. 44. ) And because this Informer singes their old song who before him , will still Shuffle in Bishops , when the Ancients speak of Presbyters . Let him remarke what he sayes ( lib : 3. cap. 2. ) Speaking of the contumacy of the adversaries of truth [ quum autem ad eam iterim traditionem , quae est ab Apostolis , quae per Successiones presbyterorum in Ecclesiis custoditur , provocamus eos &c : — But when wee apeall them again to that tradition , which from the Apostles , is preserved by Succession of Presbyters in the Churches — They will alledge that they are more wise then the Apostles themselves or these Presbyters ] dare this man say , that Irenaeus meaned that it was only a Succession of Bishops in these Churches who keep that Apostolick truth . That Presbyters are successoures of Apostles properly and immediatly in the power of the keyes , is evident by a full Testimony of ancient fathers . ●…gnatius ( about whom our Informer makes a great bustle in several places of his Pamplet ) in the Epistle ad Trallianos , calles the caetum Presbyterorum , the Assembly of Presbyters , Con●…unctionem Apostolerum Christi , a meeting of Apostles of Christ. ●…rinaus , ( lib : 4. Cap. 43 ) holds Presbyteros in Ecclesia ab Apostolis successionem habere , that Presbyters in the Church have there succession from the Apostles . Cyprian ( lib. 4. epistol . 9. ) asserts , omnes praepositos vicaria ordinatione Apostolis succedere , that all overseers ( so he calls Presbyters ) succeeds the Apostles by a vicarious ordination . Ierome , on 2. Chap. of mica , ( cited by Cratian in decretis distinct 5. cap ) speaking of himself a Presbyter , saith si in Apostolorum loco simus , non solum sermonem eorum imitemur &c. If we be in the Apostles place , let us not onely imitat there doctrine , but also their conversation . Augustin ( serm : 36. to the fratres in Eremo ) and these too Pre●…byters , call them sal terrae , Apostolorum successores , the salt of the earth and the Apostles successours . 2. As it is certan , that these Catalogue-drawers , did not understand veri nominis ep●…copos , or diocesian Bishops properly suoh , thogh speaking after the manner of their times they gave them all one name : So it is equally certain , that the Testimoyns out of which these Catalogues are patch●…d up , are most inconsistent and contradictory to one another ( as the divines at the I le of Wight , and many learned men have made appear ) and still the nearer the Apostles times , the Catalogues are the more darke and various . They make Peter Bishops of Rome ( a fable contradicted by many of the learned & proved to be such ) but whither Clemens was first or Third , and who or in that order next after Succeed them , whither Linus , or Anacletus is never yet cleared , Some make Titus Bishop of Crete , some Archbishop . Some Bishop of Dalmatia . Timothy and John are made by many Bishops at the same time . Some say Policarp was first Bishop of Smyrna . Some make him succeed one Bucolus . some make Aristo first . Some give Alexandria one Bishop , some tuo at once . See appendix to jus . divin . min. Evangel . And wheras our Informer replyes [ that notwithstanding of this , yet all agree that a Succession of Bishops was , and that these different relations cannot impeach the certainty of the Succession it self , no more then difference about the Succession of princes will invalidat the certainty of the History ] I answer , if he could prove that they understood Bishops properly so called , or his diocesians in all these Catalogues of Succession , this evasion might have some Shew of truth , but it is certain that they did not . Patres cum Iacobum Episcopum vocant &c. the Fathers , saith Whittak . ( de pontif . quest : 2. c. 15 se : 2. When they call James Bishop or Peter , take not the name of Bishop properly , but they call them Bishops of these Churches , wherein they stayed for some time — and againe — [ if spoken of a Bishop properly , its absurd to say the Apostles were Bishopes , fore he that is properly a Bishop cannot be ane Apostle , Because the Bishop is set only over one Church , but the Apostles were founders and overseers of many Churches ] . After he tells us , that non procul distat ab insania &c. it differs little from madnes to say that Peter or any other Apostles were Bishopes . And to this purpose he speaks afterwards at large ( Q : 3. c : 3. Sect : 9. [ proveing this from the unfixed extraordinary nature of their message or mission , who were to follow the Spirits conduct towards all places whither they were called . Which argument reaches evangelists upon the same ground . So that Whitaker will send our Informer to Bedlam , if he mend not this information , and revocke not this principle anent the Episcopacy of Apostles and Evangelists , and the Succession of Bishops from them . The learned Iunius also ( Contr : 3. lib : 1. cap. 23. not . 3. ) mantaines ane aequivocall acceptation of the word [ Bishop ] in this matter , so that his paralleel holds not , as to a difference about the Succession of Kings , when a Monarchy all a●…e Supposed such , but here the difference and equivocation is , as to the authority of these Succeeding Bishops . When he shall read Scallig . ( Animadvers : 277. ) The Informer may possibly suspect Hegesippus his naration anent James ; yet jerom and Eusebius depend upon him . Scalliger holds Clemens Romanus to be no better . likwayes jerom ( : Catol : Scrip : ) is a Counterfit , not the true jerom , since he mentions pope hilary , who lived long after jerom was in his grave . And wheras the Informer maks a great outcry of jerom [ that jerom begins at the Evangelist Mark , in the Alexandrian Catalogue , which our w●…itters leave out in their citations ] its easily answered that it needs not be putt in , since the Author , sayes [ A marko , from , or after him , the Presbyters choosed ▪ out one whom they made president ] wherein it s evident , that he speaks of this custom , after Mark and excluding him , who was ane Evangelist before , and needed not be set up by the Presbiters . And surely if the first Bishop was ane Evangelist , the rest were very heterogenious to their first pattern . Besides , in that jerom sayes Presbitiri a marco unum [ ex se ] electum , &c. Hee clerly insinuats that it was the Presbyters thereafter , no Mark that it , for if by Marks Apointment these Bishops wereset up , he could not attribute it to the Presbyters etion ▪ Should one say , in Scotia , a regimine presbit : Anno. 62. Episcopi introducti , Ergo , ab isto regimine introducti , were ●…t not a bad consequence . Here I will offer to him the remarke of a learned author ( Repl : to Dun : 143. ) anent the Circle , which he and his fellowes doe ryde in this argument . Timothy and Titus &c. had ane Episcopal authority , why ? because their authority was not Evangelistick . Why so ? because it was not to die with them , why that ? Because it was ordinary and perpetually necessary . And how is that proved ? Because , if the Apostles being alive , they behooved to instruct Timothy and Titus with Episcopal authority , much more being dead , this was necessary to the Churches . But when it is inquired , how this Episcopal authority is proved , it is fairely assumed againe , as if it were granted , [ that the Apostles made them Bishops of Ephesus and Crete . ] So the last medium is still that which is in Question . Let him ponder also what Didocl : ( p. 125. and 139 ▪ ) hath produced , anent the confusion and contradictions in this Alexandrian Succession . Tilen himself ( de pontif : l. 1. c : 24. not : 1. ) acknowledges that [ De Alexandrinae Ecclesiae primordijs , nihil ex Scriptura , im●…ne ex patribus quidem , qui ante Synodum nicenum floruerunt , quicquam certi demonstrari potest , That nothing certanly can be made appear concerning the beginings of the Church of Alexandria from Scriptur , no not from the Fathers who florished before the council of Nice . Baronius ( Anno. 44. 11 : 42. ) saith cum Apostolorum nomine tam facta quam scripta reperiantur esse suppositia , &c. — Since there are suppositious both words and Acts under the Apostles name , & since what is related by true writers , remaines not incorrupt , it may make one dispair to reach that is true and cer●…in . So much is the great popish historian forced to confess . The Informer should likewise have done well to have put into the mouth of his doubter , Joseph Scalliger , his grave difficulty about the succession of the Bishops of the Church of Jerusalem . ( Related by Didocl . Cap : 4 : p. 123. ) Wherin he proves Eusebius relation to be contrary to our Lords prophecy anent the destruction of Jerusalem , and to Josephus his History . To this I add , that he will find many learned men doe hold , that the first successors after the Apostles in these supposed Catalogues , were meer Presbyters , [ who according as they were more eminent in the Churches , and consequently their memories referved therein , whose Natales ( as Iunius speaks ) that is their dayes of banishment , martyrdome , or death were keept in the Churches records ; accordingly they were cull'd out by the Fathers to fill up these Catalogues , though they were contemporary , & those they named [ Bishops ] , in conformity to their own times . For this I recomend Franciscus Iunius his learned discourse to this purpose Cont. 3 : l. 2 : c. 5. not . 18 ▪ — [ errori causam prebuit , &c , the cause of the error ( he means in those contradictory confused Catalogues of Bishops ) was that there were many Bishops or Presbyters at once appoyinted by be Apostles in the Churches &c. ] It s then evident ( which is the Collection of Diocl. upon what is premised ) 1. That the Ancientes without examination having from their progenitors receaved many fabulous stories , delivered to the posterity such thinges as can neither be reconciled to Scripture , nor with themselves . 2. That they might fill up their Tables of Bishops , and conforme the first ages to their own , they culld out the most famous Minister for zeal , piety &c and put them into their Catalogués . 3. Whom they thus put in , they called them [ Bishopes ] in conformity to their own times , though they were [ meer Presbyters . ] For ( as we saw upon Phil. 1. ) himself acknowledges , that the Fathers used the names indifferently . So by this time wee suppose it is convinceingly evident , that ou●… Informers great argument from his Testimonies is lost . There is a great consent of the learned in this that for the first purest age , the Church was governed by Presbyters . without Bishopsblondel ( Apol : Sect : 3 : p : 3 : 14. 3 : 5 — p. 308 : 378. ) Shewes the consent of the learned heerin . For this Church of Scotland , we have the Testimony of Ioanes Major ( de Cest. Scot : l. 2. ) of Fordon ( Scoto-chronicon , lib. 3. Shap. 8. ) likwise of Blond . ( Sect. 3. ) All shewing , that this nation ( haveing imbraced the Christian faith Anno. 79. ) till the year 430. ( When the pope sent Palladius as our first Bishop , ) was governed only by Presbyters with out Bishopes ; so that we had our union to the see of Rome together with Prelacy . Clemens , of the first century , in his Epistle to the Philippians , maks but two orders of Ministery , Bishops and deacons , these only he sayes the Apostle set up to propogat the ordinances to believers . And this to be a remedy to end all contests about Episcopacy . ( page . 57. &c. ) The same we heard of policarp ( in his Epistle to the Philippianes ) we heard of Augustins Testimony ( Epist. 19. to Jerom. ) Dr. Reynolds ( in his Epist. to Sr Francis Knolls ) cites Chrysostom , Ierom , Ambrose , Augustin , Theodoret , and many others ancient and modern , to prove , that in Scripture , Bishop and Presbyter are all one . Jeroms Testimony upon Titus , is famous for this point , who assertes , and proves at large ; from Philip. 1. Act. 20. Hebr. 13 : 17. 1 Pet. 5. That by Gods appointment , and in first Apostolick times & afterward , the government was by Presbyters , communi concilio Presbyterorum , [ by the common councel of Presbyters . ] that by divine appointment , Bishops & Presbyters are one , that the difference betwixt them had no better ground then contudo or Custom . That divisions by Satans instinct occasioned the difference afterward made betwixt Bishop and Presbyter . That their equality was not his privat Judgement , but a Scripture truth . The same he hath in his Epistle to Evagrius . But now let us hear what ou●… Informer hath Scraped together from his masters , Saravia , Dounam , Tilen , &c. To infringe this Testimony . 1. He ●…ayes [ That Ierom speaks onely of the first gospel times , when mentioning the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , when the Apostles did by their own presence & industry Supply the rowme of Bishops , but as they began to fail by death , or their bussines called them elswhere and upon the Churches inlargement , & the Schisme that arose upon the Presbyters equality , Bishops were set up over Presbyters . This he proves , because , jerom sayes , that from Mark the Evangelist . The Presbyters choosed out one , and called him Bishop , even to the Bishops heraclius and Dionisius , but Mark died before Peter and Paul. Then he compleans of Smectimmuus as dealling defectively in leaving out this in their Citation — And of Mr. Durham ( on the Revel . pa●… 225. and thatMr . Durham takes no notice of jeroms similitud in speaking of this Election of Presbyters in relation to their Bishop , viz , As the army doth choose the Emperor ] Thus far we have our Informers first great defence , Which brings to minde a remarkable saying of Marcus. Anton. De Dom. De repub Eccl. lib. 2. cap. 3. Numb . 46. Sunt qui Hieronimum in rectam sententiam vel invitum velint trahere ille tamen dum consuetudini Sole ecclaesiasticae , ecclaesiaeque humano decreto tribuit quod ab Apostolis jure divino , est factitatum , aliquantum certe deflexit — neque in hoc aut excusari potest , aut in alium contrarium sensum trahi verba ejus , neque aliam Sententiam neque defensionen neque excusationem , admittentia sunt haec in Epist. ad Titum : &c Some would ( he saith ) draw jerom to a contrary minde against his will , but whil he doth ascribe only to Ecclesiastick Custome , and the Churches human deccree , what was done by divine right , he went out of the way , and in this he cannot be excused , nor can his words admitt of any other sense , or meaneing . So much was this mans ingenuity beyond that of our Informer . But to the point , I Ans. 1. Wee have nothing here but the old Song , which hath been answered by many . Iunius [ decler : c. 15. Not. 16. ] tells him [ That tria distinguit tempora Hieronimus . Primum , quo Ecclesiae communi presbyterorum concilio gubernabantur . Secundum , quo studia in religione facta sunt , ac dictum est in populis , ac non corinthisolum &c : nam quum primum illa corinthi dicerentur , adhuc communi presbyterorum concilio ecclesiae gubernabantur , ut patet ex icor . 5. & 2. cor . 1. tertium demum quo unus de presbyteris electus caeteris fuit superpositus . Atque haec singula tempora suam , ut cum vulgo loquar , latitudinem habuerunt . Ierom distinguishes , Three periods of time . 1. When the Church was governed by the Common Council of presbyters . The 2d . Wherin there were divisions in religion , and it was said among the people , not at Corinth onely ; I am of Paul &c : for when these things were said at Corinth , the Church ( saith he ) was as yet governed with the Common Council of presbyters , as it appears 1. Cor. 5. and 2 Cor. 1. The 3d. and last , wherin one chosen out from among the presbyters , was set over the rest . And every one of these times ( saith he ) that I may speak with the vulgar hade their own latitud . here in this one judicious account of this learned author , our Informer might have seen his error , and the violence which he offers to jerome words for jerom drawes his proofes for the first period from many texts of Scripture , from Phil. 1. Act 20. &c when Paul took his last farewell of that Church , never to see their faces more . Yea he drawes his proofes from John the Surviver of all the Apostles , for the identity of Bishops and Presbyters , and in relation to the Churches being governed by their Common Councill . And as to the choise of the constant president he addes quod autem postea unus electus , that their was one afterward chosen to preside , for the remedie of Schism &c , and to be Episcopus preses , this period he fixes after Iohns time , and so after all the Apostles . 2. Wheras the Inform●…r ( following Downam defens . lib. 4. cap : 3. Sect : 10. ) alledges That the Presbyters in jeromes senc did in the beginning of the gospel govern the Churches [ Modo privato ] , in a privat way & [ in foro conscientiae ] feeding with the word and Sacrament ; the Apostles themselves , by th●…r own presenc supplying the roume of Bishops ; and that thereafter Bishops were set up by them to prevent schism among Presbyters . I answer . He will assoone squize water from a flint , as this meaneing out of jeroms words . Fori jerom speaks of a frame of government , yea a divine frame , which postea and Paulatim , afterward and by degrees , came to be altered and changed : but this privat government of Presbyters in foro interno , was never changed 2. jerom in speaking of that government which was afterward changed , and by degrees , proves its divine right from many scriptures as a Disp●…sitio divina , or a divine appointment . Now I beseech him , did the Apostles first practise a divine f●…ame of Government , and then changed it into a human custome ? ( which is the Character that jerom puts upon the Episcopacy which afterward came in . ) will any of common sense or discretion , say so ? Far less so learned a man as Ierome was . 3. If the Apostles themselves did supply the roum of Bishops , before the change which Jerome speaks of , then Ierome could not say of that period of time before the change , that , communi consilio Presbyterorum ecclesiae gubernabantur , the Churches were governed by the common Council of Presbyters , but according to this gloss of his words , before the change , the Government was episcopall . But so it is , that jerom sayes , idem episcopus & Presbyter , the Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same , by divine right , and that before the change which came in by a human custome ( which he distinguishes from that dispositio divin●… or divine frame , which first took place ) the Presbyters Governed theChurches by common Counsel , according to divine appoiniment . 4. If the Apostles upon their with drawing , or the increase of Churches , set up Prelats , let the Informer shew me why and how Ierom could draw his proof for the identy , of Bishopes and Presbyters , from Act. 20. Where Paul was taking his last farewell of the Churches ? was he to supply the roume of a Bishop by his presence with them , when never to see their faces more ? how could Ierome plead for the divine right of , Presbyters Episcopal , Scriptural , GospelGovernment , from Paules calling them Bishops at his last farewell , and committing the whollGovernment to them , if this had been his meaning ? Besides , were not the Churches increased a●… this time ? why then were no●… Bishops set up , since this man holds the increase of Churches to have grounded such a necessity of Prelacy ? Nay , since Jerom drawes his proofes against the Prelats divine right , from the 1 Pet. 5 , And from John , could he suppose that this was but the beginning , while the Apostles had the power still in their own hand ? Againe , our Informer would doe well to resolve this doubt , how Jerom could call a Government which he asserts to be brought in by the Apostles according to Gods appointment , a human custome opposite to the Lords appointment ? Or how could this answer Jeroms scope , [ to prove Presbyters to be one with Bishops ] to say that the Apostles first governend them , episcopally themselves , and then set up Bishops over them ? And how will he make this corres●…ond with what Jerom sayes as to the originall of this change viz. the studia in religione , or factions in Religion ? Will the Informer say ( which is his own argument afterward ) that the Apostles immediat episcopall Government , had influenc upon this Schism ? Was not likwayes the Schism at Corinth , ( from which this man drawes the change in Jeroms sense ) long before severall of Jeroms proofes from 1 Pet. 5 Act. 20 And from John , for the divine warrand of this common Government of Presbyters ? And was this the change which Ierom speaks of , as toto orbe decretum , & postea , or a change afterward through the World ? Appage inneptias . 3. As for what he adds , That Ierom drawes the Alexandrian Episcopacy from Marke , which he compleans that Mr. Durhame and Smectimmuus take no notice of . Ans. Wee have showen already , that it is not worth the noticeing in this matter , and any notice can be taken of it , makes rather against him , then for him for if Marke was ane Evangelist in the strict sense , as Ierom calls him , he doeth ( as chamier answers Bellarmin in this point ) cut him of from the Series of Bishops properly so called . The Informer must grant this , or contradict what he said before of the inconsistency of these offices in a strict senc , in on and the same person ; for he said nothing against this consequenc , Timothie is called ane Evangilist in astrict sense , ergo He could not be a Bishop . Now I say Ierom calls Marke ane Evangilist , for he tells us that a Marco evangelista from Marks the Evangilist , the Presbyters at Alexandria set up one to preside . Ergo he speaks exclusively , and cannot put Mark among the series of them , for Mark was ane officer of a higher nature . Moreover , the Informer tells us , that Mark died before Peter and Paul ; hence I infer against him , ergo , Ierom could not reckon Mark among these Bishops of Alexandria : for Ierom drawes his proofes for the Presbyters divin right of governing in Common , from Act. 20. phil . 1. 1. Pet. 5. And from Iohn the last of the Apostles , and maks this divine Presbyterial government run along all the Apostles time , and tells us that the Bishops who were set up , came in by custome , and afterward , and by degrees when it was toto orbe decretum , decreed through the world ; to put the power upon one ; ergo these Bishops of Alexandria behooved to be sett up long after Mark was in his grave , according to jeroms calculation . And wheras he compleans that Mr Durhame leaves out that Clause [ Where jerom maks use of a simile anent the armies choosing ane Emperor — That he may make the Bishops power when brought in , as little as can be . ] It s answered , that passage will as little help him as the other , for jeromes scope is , to shew That the Bishops first rise and power over Presbyters , was by their own free election , not by divine disposition , as the Army chooses the Generall . Now no simile must be strained and hold in every poynt , else it were not a simile . Scripturparables themselves mast not be strained beyond the scop . And besides , jerome cannot be supposed to give at that time , even de sacto , far less jure divino , an Imperial or Lordly power to these Presbyters thus chosen out by their brethren , and made Bishops over them , unless he would Cross his own doctrine , since he maks this choic and Election of the Episcopus●…reses , to be the hum●…n Custome , posterior unto , and different from the divine appointment of governing in a parity , which first took place . Likewayes jerom sayes in his own time quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter . What doth the Bishop except ordination which the Presbyters doth not . So that they had not then arrived at any imperiall power . And because this man tells us even ad nauseam of this passage , a Marko Evangilista . I will turn here the weapons point upon him , and demand , Since Ierome make these Alexandrian Bishops from Mark , to have been sett up by Presbyters free election , how comes the Prelats he pleads for , to be Elected and set up at Court , while the poor Creatures , the Curats , over whom they are set , to play the little emperoures , have no more Interest as to their choice and Election , then the silliest Monck in choosing the pope I add here , that this supposition of his [ that Ierom holds the Apostles to have supplied the Bishops rowme for a time , though no fixed ordinary Bishops , untill the Churches growth , and their necessary absence , did necessitat to set them up for preventing schism , ] will Crosse what himself and Downam also doe plead , defens . l. 4. c. 5. Sect. 3. ( If at least they will not make Ierome oddly to contradict himself , viz. ) that Ierom [ in Catal. Scrip. Eccles ] . holds that Iames immediatly after the Lords suffering , was Constitut Bishop of Ierusalem . Besids that neither of them will prove that to be the true jerom . But now the Informer will resolve the great doubt against what he hath said , viz. That Ierome proves from Scriptur , Bishop and Presbyter to be all one and that schismes by Satans instinct , gave occasion to change the government from the Common Council of Presbyters , to another mould of setting up one over the rest , to whom the whole Care should belong &c. To which he answers , that Ierom speaks of the power which Bishops in his time had come unto beyond what the first Bishops had , viz. That at the first Presbyters had a hand in government , but after , omnis Ecclesiae cura ad unum de lata , that is , the wholl care was put upon the Bishop . But if we take Ierom to speak of the first introduction of Bishops , then he must be understood as speaking of the Apostles own times . Ans. 1. Upon this ground the Informer must grant , that in Ieroms sense , Bishops who only in ordination , were superior to Presbyters , had a greater power then the Bishops first set up by the Apostles ; which will clearly exclud his diocesian Prelats , who have sole power in ordination and jurisdiction , as no divine Bishops . And Next , it will follow that the ishopes set up a Marco , or after Mark , were meer presidents , or Moderators ; since they were less in power then these Bishops , who onely in ordination , differed from Presbyters . So we see the rebound of this answer will strik his cause dead . And he must feel another rebound of his own blow , as to his Complaint of our leaving out what maks against us in Ieroms words . For I ask why he lea●…es out here Ieroms scripture proofes , evincing that Bishops & Presbyters are one jure divino ? Why leaves he out Ieroms Collection upon all these scriptures ( which runes along the through Apostolick age ) viz. That the Bishops are more by Custom , then by any true dispensation from the Lord set over Presbyters ? for although he after bringes in this as ane objection , yet it ought to have been set downe here , as the main conclusion of Ieromes arguing : and his testimony is very blunt without it . Again , how comes he thus to disguise what Ierome sayes of Presbyters governeing [ Communi Councilio ] , or by common Councill , as if it Imported no more , then haveing a hand in government , which he maks Compatible with prelacy , wheras Ierom maks it distinct from , and anterior unto , even the first human prostasy . Beside , their governeing , Communi Concilio , Imports particularly , their joynt decisive suffrage in government ; which he doth but meanly express by their governing in Common . 2. What a rediculous conceit is this That Ierom speaks of the power of Bishops in his time , beyond the first Bishops Ierom speaking of Presbyters expressly , as contradistinct from Bishops , and of the Presbiters existent in the Apostolick Churches , while the Apostles were alive , as himself just now explained i●… , in saying [ that the Apostles by their presenc and industry supplied the want of Bishops over these Presbyters . ] So that he compares not the Bishops in his time , with the first Bishops who came in by Custome , but these human Bishops who thus came in , with the first scripture Bishops . we know not wher to find this versatil proteus in his answers here , and may truely alleadge , that this Testimony pinches him and his fellowes . Next , will he stand to this exposition of Ieroms words , which he here offers , viz , [ That the first Bishops admitted Presbyters to governe with them , and the after Bishops in Ieroms time , governed alone . ] Then he must grant , that the first and second Bishops , were of very different cutts ; and so he breaks his Argument from the Catalogues , all in peeces ; and must grant that the word episcopus , or Bishop , is variously used by the ancients , And that our present Lord-prelats can receave no Pratrociny from Bishops of the first ages , wherein Presbyters governed by common Council , and had a decisive sufferage in Government , whereas the Prelats now are beyond what their predecessors had come unto , even in Ieroms time : For then except ordination , the Bishop did nothing , beyond what the Presbyter might doe , whereas our present Prelats are sole both in ordination and Jurisdiction , and assume a negative voice in Church Judicatories , Yea a decisive suffrage in Parliament : which he dare not say that any of these Bishops did ever pretend unto . Well , But if we shall say that Ierom speaks of the first introduction of Bishops into the Church , then ( he tells us ) Ierom must understand it of the Apostles times . What means he by the first introduction of Bishops ? Can he give the least shaddow of reason for it , that Ierom speakes of any other introduction then that introduction of human custom , which he distinguishes from the divine appointment of Presbyterian paritie ? But how proves he [ That Ierom maks Bishopes to have been introduced in the times of the Apostles ] ( yet I must tell him by the way , that introduceing them in the times of the Apostles , is one thing , & by the Apostles , is anotherthing . Diotrephes sought his primacy in Iohns time , but was disowned by him therin . So that if we can prove that what jerom cites for the parity of Bishops & Presbyters jure divino , will conclud the point , these Bishops are in themselves , & in jeroms judgement , condemned by the Apostles . ) his 1. Reason is [ That jerom makes the thing , which gave occasion to this Introducing of Bishops , to be the peoples saying Iam of Paul and I of Apollo , and this was the Schism spoken of I Cor. I. ] But this notion of Saravia , and others , he might have found long since answered . Ieromes scop is evidently , to prove that by Scripture warrand , Bishop and Presbyter are all one , wich he clears by many Scripture Testimonyes , even to Iohns time ; and therefore he could not be so brutish , as to make this Schism at Corinth , the occasion of the Change , so long before Johns Testimony , yea before Paules farewell Sermon to the Elders of Ephesus , from which he drawes another of his proofes . But he speakes of a human Custom comeing in Paulatim , postea , peece and peece and by degres , long after these times : and but alludes unto that Division I Cor. I. Expressing it in the Apostles words , not of their times ; for the Apostles never appointed this prelatik excrescent power of Bishops over Presbyters as a remedy of Schisme , among all their prescriptions of the Cure of this evill . Rom. 16. 7. I Cor. 3 : 3. 11 , 18. Moreover famous whietaker will tell him , that this remedie is worse then the disease . The mistery of iniquity was then working ; the Apostles therefore would not lay a step under Anti-Christs foot , to get in to his Chair . Besides ; these factions in religion were not at Corinth onlie . Iunius ( de cler . Cap. 15. not 16. ) will Informe him that [ jerom asserts not , that it was said at Corinth , I am of Paul , &c. But among the people , &c. malum non Corinthi solum , &c. It was a Publick evill — Paul himself prescrybed no such remedy ( saith he ) unto the Corinthians . — and afterward [ Not. 17. ] Jerom saith , after it was said among the people , he saith not that this human Prostasia , began at that tyme , viz , of the schism , but after that time . Compare it with Wittaker , ( de pont . Q. 1. c. 3. Sect ▪ 29. [ he saith not , it was decreed by the Apostles , that one Presbyter should be set over the rest , this he sayes , was by the Churches Castome ; not the Apostles decree — Then he adds ( Ierom , viz , ) Let the Bishops know , that it is rather by Custome , then the divine appointment , that they are set over Presbyters . Had the Apostles changed the first order , and set Bishops over Presbyters , and forbidden the Churches to be governed by the Cammon ▪ Council of Presbyters , truly that had been the Lords appointment , because proceeding from the Apostles of Christ , unless we will ascrib to Custom , not to divine appointment , what they decreed . But the Apostles being alive , there was nothing changed in that order , for this Epistle was written when Paul was in Mac donia , &c. ] Let our Informer read this learned author , who at large will cure his error in this poynt , if it be not incurable . Wheras he adds [ That Ierom●… comment upon Tit. I. Imports only his opinion , anent the Community of names of Bishop and Presbyter not of their office at that time ] I beseech him what will this say to Ieromes scope , which is to prove Presbyters superiority to Deacons ? for the deacons name was in a generall sense , attribut both to Apostles , and to the Evangelist Timothey , as himself pleads . Besides , what signifies Ieroms in ferenc from all his Citations , viz , [ That Bishops had not their superiority over Presbiters , by divine appointment ] If only a communitie of names , was his proofe from these texts . The Informers 2 Reason , to prove that Ierom makes Bishops , to be introduced in the times of the Apostles , is [ That had the decree wich Ierome speaks of , been after the Apostles , it would have been extant in antiquity , where , and in what Council , it took place , but this is not found . Ans Ierome by , toto orbe decretum , or prospiciente concilio , cannot mean any formal Council , either in the Apostles times , or afterward . But the meaning is , that when through the world , it was said among the people , I am of Paul , &c. It was decreed among the people , or in , and among particular Churches , through the whole word , that is , distr●…butively , though all places of the world , not representatively , in any aecumenick Council of the whole world . Decreed through the whole word , is all one with , Decreed by the whole world , which is distributily to be taken . Ieroms words convince this , for the Councils decree , representing the world , would be all at once ; but Ierom sayes this Chance came not in Simul & Semel , but paulatim ly degrees ; And that the Prostasia came in by Custome , which points at a graduall comeing in . Besides , the Apostles changing the first mould of government , to prevent Scism , will say they made themselves wiser then the Lord. His 3 Reason is [ That this will suppose the worlds universal defection , from the Apostolick Government , against which there is , no footstep of a Testimony . ] Ans. we We have seen ( as he cannot deny ) as great , and more sudden changes of the divine institutions , exemplified in Scripture ; and that ane universall defection , hath been through the Christian world , from both the Apostolick Doctrine , and Government , he will not deny : and many Testimonies there might have been against this , though they have not come to our hands . He knowes how our divines answer such a Question of the Papists , as to the beginnings of their Corruptions , and their universall spread . Moreover , this mistery of Iniquity , and affectation of primacy , began in the Apostles owne time , and therefore we need not wonder that it spread shortly thereafter . Ierome tells us that this change was Paulatim , by degrees , and upon specious pretences of order and union , and therefore it is no wonder that this monster in its nature and dreadfull effects , was not seen at first . His 4t . Reason is [ That Ierom makes this change to have been for remedy of Schism , and it is absurd to say , that the Government of the Apostles was lyable to this evil But this inconvenience is salved , if we say , that the Apostles for preventing Schisme which parity breeds , set up Bishops over Presbyters . ] Ans. 1. To begin at his last part , he eschews not this inconvenienc himself ; for he makes the Apostles to have Governed the first Curches Episcopaly , keeping the Episcopall reyns of Government stil in their owne hand ( in Ieroms sense ) till their absene and Schism procured that change which Ierom speaks of . So that , with him , the root of Schism was sown in that Church which they Governed Episcopally ; the Presbyters with him , ab initio , yea first or last not haveing a power of ordination , and jurisdiction ; and he maks jerome to reflect upon the Apostles , as if they had bettered Christs appointment , as to Government : I pray him , how grew up the Corinth Scism while Paul acted the Bishop over that Church ? as he and the rest of hisparty doe plead . The men of his way say that the Apostles keept the reyns of Government in their own hand , until they were about to die , before wich time there were schimes in their Churches . Did not the Apostles foresee this ? and if the Apostolick Episcapacy was by lyable to schismes , much more that of their substituts . 2. It is too gross ane Inferenc to say that [ Because Ierome holdes that for preventing schismes which were at that time , the Government was changed , therefore Ierome charges it upon the Apostles Government , ] he may as well say , that a mans asserting Corruptions to be in the Church , will infer his imputing them to the ordinances . Was there nor discord among the disciples , under Christs own immediat Government ? but did that reflect upon his Holy Government that this recorded ? Did not Paul and Barnabas divid & part asunder ? but did Luke in relating this , Charge it upon the holy Apostolick Government . 3. The absurd [ reflexion upon the Apostles Government ] which he speaks of , lyes upon his party , and these who first brought in , and now ( after its evil effects are discovered ) uphold this hierarchy , which is so crosse to the Apostolick parity . Ierom sayes [ they brought in this imparity for remedy of schisme ] but leaves the charge of [ reflecting upon the Apostolick government ] upon the Authores of this innovation , and upon its promoters still it mustly . His 5t . Reason is That Ierom in his writtings derives Episcopacy as high as from the Apostles , making Iames Bishop of Ierusalem , Titus of Crete , Mark of Alexandria : and Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons to be that which Aaron and the levites were in the old Testament . Then he adds , that if we make him contradict himself , it must be with advantage to Bishops . Ans. Wee have heard already , that it is past doubt with many godly learned , that the Fathers used the terme Bishop , in a various and general sense , and spoke of the Apostles , and of extraordinary officers , after the mode and custome of their own times , wherein these offices and designations were prevalent . It is this Informer , who puts a contradiction upon Ierome , while he maks him assert Episcopacy to be set up by the Apostles , upon occasion of the Corinth Schism , in contradiction to his Scriptur proofes of the parity of Bishop and Presbyter from the Apostles doctrine , and brings him in here as asserting the Apostles , to have been formaly Bishops from the begining . Wheras our answer hath none of these inconveniences ; and tho it were granted , that it is the true Ierome who asserts this of the Apostlés ( which we put this Informer to prove ) yet we accommodat this with his other doctrine , by what is said of the aequivocall sense of the word . Aaron and the Levits authority might , in Ieroms judgement , be as to Church government in general , derived in the n●…w Testament , and also as to a distinction of Church officers therein . But if he should alledge , that Ierom assimilats here , the one government and the other ; he will mak him plead for a gospell Aaron and pope . In a word , Ieroms judgement , as to the divine right of Presbyterian parity , being so clear , and by him founded upon the Apostles writings ; ought to preponderat any other general , or ambiguous expressions , anent Bishops ; and as a rule , to expound the same , in the sense most suitable unto this his judgement : especialy since the Fathers usage of speech , as to Bishops , is thus general and ambiguous as is said . But the Doubter objects to purpose [ That Ierom letts the Bishops know that they have their power , more by Custom , then by divine right ] To this the Informer repones his recocted crambe againe viz , [ Ierom speaks of the power which Bishops in his time were invested with , beyond the first Bishops — And that Ierom in that same Epistle expones [ Consuetudo , or Custom ] by [ Apostolical tradition ] — That if we understand him of Consuetudo , or custom after the Apostles , this will fastten upon him a contradiction . That he sayes of the first Bishops , who governed by commoune Council with the Presbyters ; that they differed onely from them in ordination , but of these in his owne time , ad unum omnis cura delata , the wole charge was put upon one . ] Ans. As for this conceit , of Ieromes distinguishing here onely [ Bishops of his own time , ] from [ these of the Apostles time , ] we have confuted it already , and shown its absurdity , and that it is most crosse to Ieroms scope and words , who proves a compleat parity among Ministers , and ane identity of Bishop , and Presbyter , in Name and thing , all alongst the Apostles times , and writings , even to Iohn , the surviver of all the Apostles , So that it is most absurd to fancy him to speak of Bishops in the Apostles timet . The Informer offers but a gross distortion of his words , for he sayes of the Bishop who differed only in ordination , from Presbyters : quid facit , what doth the Bishop except ordination &c in the present time , but of these who have all the Care , he sayes Paulatim ad unum cura delata , the wholl care was put upon one , in the preterit time , pointing out these who came in upon that schism , which , with the Informer , was in the Apostles time : The objection tells him , that Ierom applyes the Bishops mould whom this man calls [ first Bishops ] to [ his owne time ] when he sayes what doth the Bishop , except ordination &c : And haveing proved Bishopes and Presbyters to be all one , he sayes Sciant , that is , let the present Bishops know , that they have their power more by Custom , then divine appointment . 2. As for Ieroms expounding Consuetudo or Custome , by Apostolick tradition , it receaves the same answer with what is said , as to his calling Apostles , Bishops . For with Ierome , Apostolick tradition , and Ecclesiastick Custom are all one ; as that instance clears anent the observation of lent , which he calls Apostolica traditio , or Apostolick tradition , writing to Marcellus , and yet writing against the Luciferians , he calls it Ecclesiae consuetudo , o●… a Custom of the Church : therefore by Apostolick tradition , he meaned not Apostolick appointment , for this were ane implicantia in terminus , a flat contradiction , since he denyes this to these Bishops , but only Ecclesiastick Custom , upon which he sayes their office was founded . The Informers 2d . Answer o this exception is ( with Davenant ) That by [ tru●…h of divine appointinent ] Ierom meaned Christs express command , by [ Custom ] the Apostles practise , begun by them , and after continued . For proveing this he adduces the Instance now given , anent Ieroms making [ Apostolick tradition ] , and [ Ecclesiastick Custome ] , all one . Hence he thus senses the words , That Bishops were brought into the Church , not by Christs express command , but by a Custom , introduced by the Apostles into the Church , and continued in their Successors . Ans. 1. This fine conceit maks Ierom reflect oddly upon the Apostles , as if they taught one thing , and practised another ; for Ierome proves from their writings , that all along they make Bishops and Presbyters one , Now if they in practice set up Bishops distinct from Presbyters , what Harmony makes this ? 2. He thus maks him reflect upon Christs express command , in relation to government , as if it were altered ; and opon his government Apostolick , in saying that it was the ground of schismes . How will this man guard against this , which he imputed to us before ? 3. What will Davenant or he make of these Three periods of time in Ieroms discourse , observed by learned Iunius and others , to clear his words . 1. Presbyters and Bishops all one and governing by Common Council all the Apostles time . 2. Scismes arising . 3. Paulatim and postea , in process of time , and by degrees , a new mould of government projected , and immutata ratio , the order changed , as Ambrose saith to the same purpose . Now this glosse of his words , will make the Apostolick government and practise , not only the rise of scismes , but to be Changed , for a change its sure Ierom speaks of from the first order of government appointed by the Apostles ; and making yet the Apostles practise in government to continue , the answer contradicts it self , as well as Ierome . As for the instance adduced , it cannot quadrat here in this place , when Ierom opposes th●… consuetudo or Custom , unto disposition of divine truth , for the Apostles practise , seconded by their Doctrin , ( as the Informer holdeth that both will patroniz prelacy ) is most formaly a divine appointment , and their giveing unto the Churches what they receaved of Lord in their commission ; and therefore cannot with any shew of Reason , be apposed unto a divine appointment , as Ierome opposes this Consuetudo , or Custom . In Fine . How wil Davenant or he , separat and distinguish that which Jerome cites [ Act. 20. ] for the parity of Bishop or Presbyter , and to prove Presbyters their common joynt government , viz , [ That Paul gave the whol Episcopal Charge to these elders in his last farewell as the Holy Ghosts Bishops , not noticing Timothy in the thing . ] How will hee ( I say ) distinguish this from ane Apostolick practice and a practice to be continued ? So that here was ( in Ieroms sense ) a Presbyterian practice of this great Apostle , a practice founding that Government and to be continued so . But the Informer dismisses this discourse of Ierom with some remarkes . The 1 is That he speaks at least of ane Apostolick right , as in many other his writings , in relation to prelacy . Ans. wee have proved that Ieroms words in these Tuo places mentioned ( the clearest account of his judgement in this mater , since he is disputing this point ex professo ) doe evince the contrary . his 2. Remark is That suppose he makes Bishops laiter then the Apostles , yet he maks them needful to prevent Schism . Ans. Ierom onely Narrats rem Gestam , or the mater of fact , viz. The ground that moved to bring them in , but gives not his approbation of it . Besides , the Informer would take home his own argument here , and bewar of making Ierom reflect upon the Apostolick Government , and contradict himself , in approving of a government as a remedy of schism , which he disputs against from Scripture . His 3d. Note is [ That Ierom submitted to Episcopacy ; and that Mr. Durham sayes that Aerius was condemned for brangling this order to the hazard of union . ] Ans. Ieroms keeping fellowship wi●…h the visible Church in his time ( tainted with this Corruption , and which was but then are embrio of that grown Monster now among us , ) is a poor argument to plead for the best and purest ( and in so far the most considerable ) part ●…f Minsters and professo●…s in this Church , heir complying with a Scismatick backslyding par●…y , introducing this Corruption after it hath been universaly cast out and vowed against , and the same may be said of Aerius Neither contradict wee Ierom in this , for he maks not prelacy necessary for keeping out shisme , as we have alteady told him , and we heard that learned Whittaker calls it a remedy worse then the Disease . Before ●…e can mke either Ieroms practise heranent , or Mr. Durhams assertion as to Aerius , bear any conclusion against us , he must prove that the prelatick party are the onely visible organick Church of Scotland , else Ieroms practise will fortify more the Presbyterians plea against him , for breaking down the wall of Gods house , and seperating from the Presbyterian Government of this nationall Church . But of this when we come to examine the third Dialogue . CHAP. XIII . The difference betwixt our present Prelacy and the Ancient Episcopacy stated and evinced in 12. Instances . Hence all the Informers pleadings from Antiquity for our Prelats , is found a beating of the Aire and impertinent . ALthough this Informer would make the world believe , that our Prelacy is nothing discrepant from that of the ancient Bishops , yet there are many remarkable differences betwixt the one and the other , which renders all his pretences from antiquity meer words and winde . 1. In general its clear from a great consent of the learned , that the Bishop who first came in after the Apostolick age was nothing but Episcopus preses or Moderator , and had no power of ordination and Iurisdiction above Presbyters . This Moderator fixedly set up durante vita , during life ; And Indued with a higher honour upon this ground , is Beza's Episcopus humanus , or human Bishop , whom he distinguishes from the divine Bishop of Gods appointment . Ambrose in his time , acknowledges [ on 1 Tim. 3. ] [ That Bishops and Presbyters had the same essentiall office and ordination . ] Dr Reynolds , in his conference with Hart , proves , that at first the Moderator or president among Ministers in their meetings , is he whom the Ancients in after times called Bishop . So he holds that the Bishop at his first rise was only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Moderator of the Presbytery . Blondel at large mantains the same , only he holds that the next in degree succeeded him when dead . Hence Musculus after he hath from the texts alledged by Jerome , proved that Bishop and Presbyter are all one ▪ adds That thereafter Ambition begetting strifes about precedencie , one was set up to be Moderator in a fixed orb . And least our Informer or any else alleadge , that prelacy therefore is necessary to prevent Schisme . This eminent light of the reformed Church adds . but whither that device of man profited the Church or no , the times after could better judge , and that the effects issueing upon it , dicovered , that it was not the Spirit of God his remedy to take away Schisme , but Satans project to destroy a faithfull Ministery . The same saith Sadael viz , that this difference betwixt Bishops and Ministers which was introduced to remedie Schisme , opened a gap to ambition . So Dr Whittaker haveing out of Jerome shewed [ That faction occasioned the change of the Ancient Apostolick parity among Ministers , ] — adds — That many wise and godly men have judged the change and remedy more pernicious then the disease it self , which though at first it did not appear , yet experience after proved that it brought the Antichristian yoake upon the neck of the Church . See the appendix to jus ▪ divin . Minist . Evangel . In which Testimonies of these great men we may observe two things . 1. That they admitt the first Bishops to have been nothing else but fixed Moderators . 2 : That even this much they doe condemne as a deviation from the first appointment , and as that which gave a rise to the Antichristian Tyranny . Now the difference and disproportion betwixt this fixed Moderator , and our present diocesian erastian prelat , is so plaine and obvious , that nothing further needs be said to clear it . Therefore his Argument from the Catalogues and those early first Bishops who tooke place in the Church , is pitifully claudicant as to a conclusion of the ancient Churches approbation of our Prelats . To clear it further , its evident ( if we lay weight upon the Judgement of the ancient Bishopes themselves in point of Church Government ) that 1 , They held not their consecration or ordination to be distinct from that of Presbyters , Episcopi & Presbyteri una & eadem est ordinatio . [ That the Bishop and Presbyter have one and the same ordination , ] we heard is Ambrose assertion . 2. No delegation of externall jurisdiction to Presbyters was acknowledged by the ancients . As it is by our new hierachical pleaders . The Prelatists hold that the Bishop is properly the [ Pastour of the whole diocess , ] and that all the Ministers thereof have but a derived precarius Ministry under him ▪ so D●…wn . ( defens . lib , 2. c. 4. p. 67. ) Field . ( of the Church 56. c. 27 ) Sarav . ( de trip . epis . p , 87. ) Spala●… . l. 2. c. 9 Num. 15. and yet Ambrose [ on 1 Tim. 5 ▪ And Chrisostom [ Hom. 17 on Matthew ] calleth Presbyters expresly Christi vicarios , Christs vicars . Cyprian . [ lib. 4. Epist. 8. ] sayes , Dominum sacerd●…tes in sua ecclesia — &c. That the Lord condescended to elect & constitut to himself Priests in his Church . 3. The Ancients held that the power of externall jurisdiction was common with Bishops and Presbyters . Ignatius ( in his Epistle to the Trallians , ) Calls the Presbyters senatum Dei , Gods Court , or Senat. Et non consiliarios solum , sed & assessores Episcopi . not Councellours only ( as are our Curats , and scarse that ) but the Bishops assessors . Irenaeus . ( lib. 4. Cap : 44. ) Calls them Principes , Princes or Chieff . Augustin . ( Serm : 86. ) Calls the Brethren ineremo , Patronos rectores terrae , Patrones and Rectors of the Earth . Chrisostom expressly shews ( on 1. Tim. 1 , Hom : 11. ) Ecclesijs praesidisse sicut Episcopi , &c : That they presided over the Churches as the Bishops , and receaved together with them the office of teaching and governing the Church . The homily begines thus , postquam de Episcopis dixit , eosque formavit , quidnam illos habere conveniat , a quo item abstinere necesse sit dictans , ommisso interim Presbyterorum ordine ad diaconos transiit . Cur id quaeso ? quia scilicet inter Episcopum atque Presbyterum interest ferme nihil . quippe & Presbyteris Ecclesiae cura permissa est : & quae de Episcopis dixit , ●…ea etiam Presbyteris congruunt : that is , after he hath spoken of Bishopes and formed them , injoyning what thinges it becomes them to have , and from what it is necessary they should abstain , omitting the mean whil the order of Presbyters , he passes over to deacones . Why so , I pray ? even because that betuixt a Bishope and Presbyter there is almost no difference . Because unto Presbyters also the care of the Church is allowed : and what he said before concerning Bishopes , the same thinges also do agree to Presbyters . I know he addes — sola quippe ordinatione superiores illi sunt , atque hoc tantum , plus quam Presbyteri habere videntur . That the Bishopes only in ordination are superiour to Presbyters , according to the latin interpretation followed by Dounam , and Bilson , and by Bellarmin before them . But the more learned interpreters have observed that the greeke will bear a farr other sence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sola enim suffragatione horum ascenderunt atque hoc solo videntur Presbyteris injuriam facere . that is , that onely by the Presbyters suffrage they have ascended , ( viz to this power ) and in this onely they seem to do injury to Presbyters . The learned Iunius ( de cleric . cap. 7. not . 611. ) tels us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( hic ) Presbyterorum non Episcoporum ; quod si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est ordinatio , ergo Presbyterorum est ordinatio . The hand suffrage , is here the Presbyters . but if it be meaned of ordination , then ordination belonges to them . And having proved this construction & sence of the greeke from Suidas , he shewes that Chrisost. places not the difference in ordination betuixt the Bishop and Presbyter , but in this that the Bishopes ascendunt supra Presbyteros in gradum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doe ascend into there degree of Episcopacy above the Presbyters — although , because they stepp up by their suffrage , they seem to wrong them when they assume any power to themselves , who upon the ground of order , not of power , ( saith he ) are set over them by there owne suffrag . He also tels Bellarm. ( de cleric . ca. 15. not . 29. ) That granting his sence of Chrysost. Wordes , yet the Bishop ordained onely signo & sermone declaring the sacred institution or inauguration of the person ordained , but not ordinatione veritatis , or by the true ordination which that signe represented . Some add , that if Chrisost. be thus understood in the sence of Bellarm. and his Episcopal sectators , he did not rightly expound his text , while distinguishing that which he acknowledges the Apostle makes one & the●… same ▪ Ierome tels us of their common Government of the Churches together with the Bishops ; from whom Gratian ( in decretis caus . 16. Quest. 1 cap. ) shewes that Ecclesia habet senatum Presbyterorum &c : That the Church hath a senat of Presbyters without whose counsel the Bishop can doe nothing . 2. We heard that these Ancient Bishops were sett up by the Presbyters as their fixed Moderator and had all their Episcopall power from their free choice and election . And that any prerogative which they had over Presbyters , they ascribe it to Custom , and to the Presbyters own choic , consuetudini . , non dominicae dispositionis veritati , to Custom not the truth of divine appointment , as Ierome speakes . Irenaeus , ( who lived ann . 180 ; lib 4. cap. 43 ) tells us that we must adher to those Presbyters , qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis acceperunt . — Who have succession from the Apostles , and together with the succession of Episcopacy have the gift of verity . Ambrose ( in cap 4. Ephes. ) affirmes that — non per omnia conveniunt &c. — [ the government in his time agreed not in al points with scripture ] he means it of any excrescent power which the Bishop then had above Presbyters . And Augustine ascribes al his difference from Ierom ( who was a Presbyter ) unto Ecclesiae usus , the Churches Custome , and grantes that in this onely Episcopatus Presbyterio major est , the Episcopacy is greater then the Presbyterat . ( Tom. 2. operum . Epist. 19. ad Hieron ) And Ierome holds ( in his Epistle to Evagrius ) Primatum hunc Episcoporum Alexandriae Primum caepisse &c. That this primacy of Bishops began first at Alexandria , and , post-mortem Marcae Evangelistae — after the death of mark the Evangelist . And thus gives the lie to our Informer who would make us believe that it came from Markes personal practise and appointment while a live . he tels us also that it was [ paulatim ] & by ●…ent degrees , that omnis sollicitudo ad unum delata , The episcopall care was put upon on . Sozom. ( lib. 1. cap. 15. ) calls it civitatis consuetudinem a custome wh●…ch prevailed with other cites ▪ 't is remarkable , that by Ephiphanius confession ( Haeres 87. ) non habuit Alexandrie duos episcopos ut aliae urbes . Alexandria had not two Bishopes as other cities . But the Informer wil not dare to say , that our Prelats now have their power by Presbyters election as these ancient Bishopes 3. It is also clear , that in these first times when the Episcopus ▪ praeses was set up , and for some ages afterward , not only the Presbyters but the people also had a great interest in their choice . Cyprian ( epist. 68. — ) speaking of the choice of Bishops sayes That pleb●… maxime habet potestatem , the people have mainely a power — and that [ plebe presente , ] that is in the peoples presence , they were set up : Which he sayes was a power they had descending upon them de divina auctoritate ▪ that is , from the divine Authority . And this had the approbation of ane African Synod consulted by the Churches of Spaine as to Election . Athanas : ( epist. ad Orthodox . ) condemned the comeing in of a Bishop without the peoples consent as a breach not only of ane [ Ecclesiastick constitution , ] but ane [ Apostolick precept . ] See Smect : ( page 26. ) proveing this at large that Bishops were elected by the people . Cyprian . ( lib. 1. Epist. 4. nomine Synodi africanae ) videmus , de divina authoritate descendere ut sacer ▪ dos plebe presente sub omnium oculis deligatur &c. [ That the Priest was chosen under the eyes of all the people being present , and approved as fitt and worthy by a publick Testimony . ] This ( he sayes ) we see descends from divine Authoritie , & ( ibid ) diligenter de traditione divina & Apostolica traditione tenendum est quod apud nos fere & per provincias universas tenetur ut episcopus deligatar plebi cui ordinatur presente &c. [ That it was to to be held from the divine and apostolick tradition , as almost through all provinces it was observed , that that the Bishop was chosen in the peoples presence over whom he ] was ordained &c. ] He testifies that thus Cornelius was chosen Bishop of Rome ( lib. 4 epist. 2. ) Grat. ( dist . 62. Can ) nulla ratio fuit ut inter episcopos habeantur qui nec a clero sunt electi , nec a plebibus sunt expetiti . No reason permitts that they should be holden Bishops , who are neither chosen by the clergy nor desired by the people . ] So Ambrose was chosen by the citticens of Millan , Flavianus by those of Antioch , Chrisostom , by the Constantin●…politans . This Custome was so rooted , that when Emperors afterward obtruded Bishops without the previus election of the clergie and people , the most famous Bishops much stomached it . Ubi ille Canon , ( saith Athanasius Epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes ) ut a pallatio mittatur is qui futurus est Episcopus . Where is that canon , That he who is to be Bishop , should be sent from the court ? Let our court prelats mark this : And our curats answere this quere . Now I hope our Informer will not alledge that the people have any the least Interest in the choise of our Prelats , so that they are but novell & none of the ancient Bishops in this point . 4. Non of the first Bishops could ordaine alone . This is beyond debate as to the first [ Episcopus preses . ] But even in after times also when Bishops power was farther advanced they could not thus ordaine . That their power of ordination was not singular appeares from the 4th Councel of Carthage ( Can. 22 ) which decrees that the Bishopes ordain not without the Clergy ; and [ Can. 3. ] they are not to impose handes without them . The Presbyters in Cyprians time had the power bartisandi , of baptizing , manum imponendi , or of laying on hands , & ordinandi , that is , of ordaining . ( epist. 78. ) and in Egypt , in absence of the Bishop they ordained alone . see Smect . ( p. 27. ) upon this ground Ambrose said , that betwixt the Bishop and presbyter there is almost no difference . Now have not our prelats power to ordaine alone ? and have they not de facto frequently done so ? so that upon this account also they are new minted Gentlemen . 5. The power and Government of the ancient Bishops in Church judicatories was [ not sole and singular , ] as that of our prelats , [ nor did they invad or inhanse their decisive conclusive suffrage ] as they doe , who are Princes in all the present Church meetinges which must only give them advice , and not that , unless this high priest judge them of known loyaltie and prudence , and may doe with their advice what he pleases . Wheras Cyprian ( Epist. 6. and 28 ) professes that he neither could nor would doe any thing without the Clergie . And the 4●… . councill of carthage condemnes the Bishops decision unless fortified by the sentence of the Clergie ( Can. 23. ) where was the negative voice here ? see Ruffin . hist. lib. 10. Cap. 9. Smectim . proves from Canons of ancient Councills & the Fathers , That neither 1. In censuring presbyters . Nor 2. In judgeing of the conversation or crimes of Church members . Nor 3. In excommunication , nor receaving of penitents , Bishops could doe any thing without presbyters . And that there was no delegation of their power . Downam himself confesses in reference to Ambrose time , and long after it . So that for 400 Years our prelats present Prince like power was not known in the Church . The ancient Bishops made themselves sole in no pointe of ecclesiastick disciplin as our prelats , who have excommunicat alone . Tertull. ( Apoleget . ) shews that the exhortations , castigations , and censuradivina , the divine censure among which he takes in excommunication , were performed by the probati quique seniores , all the approved elders . Befor him Iraenus [ haeres : lib : 4 cap. 44. ] Will have these Presbyters obeyed . Qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , have succession from the Apostles — And that ad correctionem aliorum , for censure of others as well as for sound doctrine . Basilius magnus Archiepisc. Caesariens . affirms , that jus ligendi & solvendi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex aequo , omnibus pastoribus & doctoribus &c. That the power of binding and lowsing is equally and together given by Christ to all Pastours and Doctors . Which even Lombard denieth not [ sentent . lib 4. dist . 19. ] It is also demonstrated that elaborat piece that the oath ex officio is a Monster to Antiquity . 6. Our Prelats Civil & State offices are also a Monster to pure antiquity , as they are Cro●…se to our Churches Authority ; who in her general assemblie hath condemned this . ( Assemb : 38. sess : 25. ) The forsaid author proves this also at large , to whom we refer the Reader , So that our Informer must acknowledge that our Prelats in this point also are different from the Ancients . Whosoever shal peruse the Canones called Apostolick , and of ancient councels , will find Bishopes medling in state-affairs , and especialy their holding of state offices , so harmoniusly condemned , that its a wonder that any who pretends to the knowledge of antiquity , and to plead for prelacy upon this ground , should have the considenc to justify it . The 6. canon of those called Apostolick passes the sentence of deposition upon bishops who assume secular imployments . [ Episcopus vel Presbyter , vel diaconus seculares curas ne suscipiat , alioqui deponatur . ] Balsamon upon this canon , referrs us to 13. cap. 8. Tit. Where there is exhibit a full collection of canons to this purpose . The 81 canon . diximus non oportere Episcopum vel Presbyterum seipsum ad publicas administrationes demittere , sed in Ecclesiasticis negotiis versari . Vel ergo ita facere persuadeatur , vel depon●…tur . That is , we have appointed that a Bishop or Presbyter must not stoop to , or debase himself with publick ( that is , civil ) administrationes or offices , let him therfor be either perswaded so to do , or let him be deposed . ●…alsamon upon this canon , observing that it lenifies the first , referrs to XVI Canon Carth. Syn. Again Canon 83. runes thus , Episcopus vel Presbyter , vel diaconus , exercitui vacans ; & utraque obtinere volens , remanum scilicet magistratum , & Sacerdotalem administrationem , deponatur , quae sunt enim caesaris , Caesari , & quae sunt Dei , Deo. That is a ●…ishop or Presbyter or deacon who bears office in an arm●… , and will needs hold both offices , to wit the Roman magistracy , and the sacerdotal administration or ministry , let him be deposed ; for ●…uch things as belong to Caesar must be rendred to Caesar , and the things that are Gods unto God. Balsamon upon this canon referrs us to VII . Can. chalced . syn . — tales ( saith he ) anathemate ferientem si non penitentiam agant — Which strickes them with [ anathema ] ( the last extremest curse or ex communication . ) who assume military imployments and repent not . And having moved ane objection , whether the formentioned clause [ cesset vel deponatur , let him leave off this office , or let him be deposed . ] is here also to be understood , he tels us in the close of his answer , that omnia publica eandem rationem habent , that al publick civil offices fals under the same consideration as thus discharged . And begins his gloss upon this canon thu●… , diversi canones Apostolici prohibuerunt sacris initiatos publica negotia administrare . That is , diverse Apostolick canones have forbidden such as are entred into sacred functiones to handle or administer publick ( or civil ) affaires . In the beginning of his gloss upon the 6 canon , he represents thus the crime of church officers holding of civil places which is censured therin ▪ De hominibus consecratis qui seculares servitutes exercent &c : concerning men consecrat to god who exercise wordly slaveries . — such a Character do the Canons put upon our Prelates state offices . That VII . Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon puts the formentioned censur upon such as — [ secularia negotia exercent divinum ministerium negligentes ] — who manadge wordly places and offices neglecting the divin ministry . The XVI . Canon of the second Council of Nice forbidding Bishops or presbyters to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , actores or procurators , doth it upon this ground . — debent enim ad id quod scripium est respicere nemo Deo militans seipsum implicat secularibus negotiis . For they ought to take heed to that which is written no man warring for god , or who is his souldier should involve himself in secular affaires , see Balsamon , comment . in Canon . Apost . concil . & patrum , & in Photii nomo can pag. ( mihi ) 39 : 108 , 127 , 178 , 167 , 319. Whenc we may collect . 1. how constant and sever the ancients were in their censour of this guilt 2. That they held this to be a debasing of the holy ministry , to which the pastor or Bishop most give himself 3. That upon the ground of that gospel precept ( 2. tim . 2 : 4. ) No man that warreth , intangleth himself With the affaires of this life , and that other ground of giving Caesar what is Caesars , and to God what is Gods , they do condemne , not military imployments only , in a Pastor or Bishop or taking farms ( as our Informer would make us believe ) but also also all secular and civil offices without exception . 4. That they held the sacred function of the ministry to be utterly inconsistant with publick civil imployments . And the civil office of a state-ruler incompatible with the ministerial office , in one and the same persone ; since they are opposed & contradistinguished as thus inconsistant , in the forementioned Canones and the grounds thereof . So that there is not a shaddow of defence for prelates state offices . Whil these Canones do sit in judgement , especialy the scripture grounds hinted therein , and many others which have been adduced . 7. What ever generall expressions of the ancients he may plead , yet is it not certain , that in the first pure ages even after the [ Episcopus humanus , ] and the fixed presidents were set up , the archbishops , primats , metropolitanes , were Monsters and unknowne , yea even the diocesian mould and cast of Churches , let any peruse Mr Bains , his diocesians tryall tryall against Downam , and this will be convincingly clear . 8. Where will the Informer shew us our erastian prelacy in all his antiquity ? A prel●…y deryoing all its power both of ordination and Jurisdiction absolutly from the civill Magistrat , having no intrinsick spirituall authority , and in all its administeration , acting by way of deputation and commission from the Magistrat as accountable to him in every piece thereof immediatly and solely as other inferiour civil Governours . Dar he say that these Bishops in the first ages exercised not ane inherent Ecclesiastick spiritual power , distinct from and independant upon the Magistrat ? Was all their meetings and all matters cognoscible in them , given up to be , pro libitu , disposed of by any Prince or potentat whither heathen or Christian ? Did not all Ministers and Bishops of these times exercise ane Ecclesiastick independant authority , as being totally distinct from , and not a part of the civill Government ? Was ever there Erastian Government heard of in the Christian World till Thomas Erastus of Heidleberge brotched it ? And hath it not since that time been Impugned by the most famous lights of the reformed Churches as contrary to the Rules of the Gospell Church Government ? So that our Informer must acknowledge the present Ecclesiasticocivil , or linsy-wolsy-Prelacy to be a speckled bird of new fashioned coloures , never before seen , to which he will not find a paralleel among all the Fathers or Bishops of former ages . 9. Let me add , how will our Informer make it appear That in the first purer ages , any of the ancient Bishops did deny & wholly exclud [ ruling elders ] from Church Iudieatories . We have proved this officer to be juris divini from Scripture . And the full consent of Antiquity , & also of reformed divines is abundantlie clear , & exhibit by many of the learned for the divine right of this officer . Ambrose is brought in compleaning of the disuse of these officers ( on 1 Tim. 5. ) As a devation from the Scripture-patern , & proceeding from the pride & negligence of Doctors . Origin . his Testimonie ( lib : 3. contr : Celsum ) is remarkable , who shewes that among the more polite hearers who were above the Catechumenists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Non nulli praepositi sunt qui in vitam & mores eorem qui admittuntur , inquirunt , ut qui turpia committunt , eos communi caetu interdicant , qui vero ab istis abborrent . ex animo complext meliores quotidie reddant . There are some set over the rest who inquires into the life and manners of those who are admitted , that such as committ these things that are vile , they may discharge them from the publick assembly , and embracing from their heart such as are farr from these things , they may render them every day better . Here are censurers of manners found in the ancient Church , though not Ministers , and designed and constitut to their work with authority in their hand to interdict the scandalous , and what are these but ruling elders ? So Augustin ( Epist. 137. ) writeing to his Charge directs it thus dilectis sratrbus , clero , Senioribus , & universae plebi Eccle●…ae hippo ensis , To the beloved brethren , the Clergie , the elders , and the wholl people of the Church of Hippo. So ( Contr. Crese . Gramattic . ) omnes vos . Episcopi , Presbyteri , diaconi , & Siniores Scitis . All you ' Bishops Presbyters , deacons and elders , doe know . Here are Tuo sorts of elders mentioned in one comma , who can be nothing else but ruling elders . For the same purpose , the learned in handling this theam , doe cite Barronius ( Ann : 103. ) Where he enumerats Episcopi , Presbyteri , diaconi , Seniores . Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , Elders . So also Tertullian ( Apolleget . adversus gentes c. 39. ) Cyprian ( Epist. 39. ) ( Optatus ( lib. 1. p. 41. ) and many others . See assertion of the government of the Church of Scotland . Christoph . justell . observ . & not . in Cod. Can. Eccles. affric . p. 110 , 111. jus divinum Regim . Eccles. Smectim . &c : 10. The Ancient Bishops were not set over whole provinces , but city by city for most part , yea severall Cities had more , which sayes they were not at all Bishops properly . Clemens ( in Constit. l. 7. c. 46. ) shews that Evodius and Ignatius had at once the Episcopacy over the Church of Antioch , and what was this but a meer Collegiat Ministery . Council . African ( Cap. 21. ) appoints that to examine the cause of a Presbyter , sex Episcopl ex vicinis locis adjungerentur , 6 Bishops from neighbouring places be adjoyned . Poor dorps had their Bishops as is clear in History . Nazianzon , a little towne neer Caesarea , yet was all the Episcopall See of Gregory Nazianzen . In Chrysostoms time , the diocess contained but one citie . Homil. 3. ( in acta ) nonne terr arum orbis imperium tenet imperator &c. [ doth not the Emperour ( saith he ) Govern the World , but this man is a Bishop only of one city . ] Sozom. ( Hist. Bcclesiast . lib. 7. cap. 19. ) Tells us that he found with the Arabians and those of Cyprus , Bishops in little Dorps . 11. The Ancient Bishops placed [ preaching ] among the chief partes of their office , and were not idle drones as ours are ? Theophilact . on 1 Tim. 3. tells us that docendi officium omnium precipue ut insit episcopis est necesse , that the office of preaching , which is the chieff of all others , its necessarie that the Bishop be indewed with it . As ours Court-prelats , so our non-preaching Prelats , are strangers unto , and condemned by the ancient Canons . Photii Nomocan . tit . 8. cap 12. [ de Episcopis , qui non convertunt haereticos , & de Episcopis & clericis qui non docent populum . ] he presents and digests the Canons against Bishops and clergy men who convert not haeretiks , and teach not the people . some of these Canones are as followes . The 58. canon of those called [ Apostolick ] , runes thus , Episcopus vel Presbyter , qui cleri vel populi curam non gerit , & eos piet atem non docet segregetur : & si in socordia perseveret , deponatur . The Bishop or Presbyter who takes no care of the people or clergy and teaches them not piety , let him be set aside : and if he continue in his folly let him be deposed . Balsamon upon this Canon , tells us that , Episcopalis dignitas in docendo consistit , & omnis Episcopus debet docere populum pia dogmata &c : The Episcopal dignity consists in teaching , and every Bishop ought to teach the people holy statutes for the Bishop is for this end established to attend the people &c : therafter he shewes that the presbyters ought to be so imployed , quia etiam prope Episcopos sedent in superioribus cathedris , [ because they sit beside the Bishops in the higher seats ] they were not then the prelats underlinges as our curats are now ; hence he concludes that the Bishop or priest who neglected this duety , were to be set aside , and if continuing , to be deposed . The 36. of these Canons puts this censour upon the Bishop who neglects this duty , Si quis ordinatus Episcopus non suscipiat ministerium & curam sibi commissam sit segregatus &c : That the ordained Bishop shal be set asid sured who goes not about his ministry and the duty intrusted to him &c. Balsamon expoundes this part of the Canon , and summes it up thus . Decernit itaque praesens Canon , ut si quis Episcopus , vel Presbyter ad docendum pertinentem manuum impositionem acceperit , & suum munus non implea , segregetur . The present Canon discerns that if any Bishop or Presbyter hath received imposition of hands relating to teaching , and fulfilles not his office , that he be set aside &c. Where its evident that he makes the Bishops ordination , or imposition of hands , relative unto the great duety and office of preaching the gospel , aswel as that of the Presbyter , and accordingly expoundes the Canon . The XXXIX . canon intrusts the Bishop with the Charg of the peoples soules , in correspondence with the preceeding . In the forecited cap : XII . Photii , we are referred to the Syn. Carthag . can . CXXIII . Syn. VI. can . XIX . LXIIII. See also Syn. Sexta in trullo can . XIX . quod opportet eos qui prasunt Ecclesiis , in omnibus quidem diebus , sed praecipue dominicis — docere pietatis & rectae rationis eloquia , ex divina scriptura colligentes intelligentias &c That all such as are set over Churches , on all dayes , but especialy on the Lords dayes most teach the oracles of piety and pure religion , drawing instructions from the divine scriptures &c : Balsamon begins his commentary upon the canon thus , Episcopi Ecclesiarum doctores constituuntur , & propterea dicit canon cis omnino necesse esse , eum cui praesunt populam semper docere , & multo magis in diebus dominicis &c : That is , The Bishops are constitut teachers of the Churches , and therefor the canon sayes unto them , that its absolutely necessary alwayes to teach that people over whom they are set , and much more on the lordes dayes wherin all are almost present in Churches and artificers ceases from ther work &c. So that our non-preaching , or seldom preaching prelates , who by a new consecration ( forsooth , ) superadded unto their Presbyterial ordination to preach the gospel , get a bill of ease from this great duety , to act state games , except when their Lordships please to step into the pulpit , to supererogat , stands arraighned , stigmatized , and deposed by the ancient Canones , as unworthy of any office in the house of god . Vide can . Apost . conc general & partic . Sanct. Patr. Photii nomocan . cum Balsam . comment . pag. ( mihi ) 39 : 116 , 117 , 121 , 207. Unto this account and censure of antiquity , and of the ancient canons , past upon our non-preaching prelates , I wil here subjoyn a remarkable passage of a learled divine whose praise is in all the Churches . Whittaker ( de Eccles. contr . 2. cap. 3. ) being about to prove that the Church of rome is no true Church of Christ. Presents this for his first argument . Pontifex Romanus non est verus Episcopus : Ergo Ecclesia Romana non est vera Ecclesia . Nam Ecclesia non potestesse sine episcopo . The Pope of Rome is no true Bishop : therefore the Church of Rome is no true Church : because the Church cannot be without a Bishop . But least this last assertion cheer up our Informer and his fellowes , he addes , disputo ex eorum placitis . That he disputs upon his popish adversaries principles ; and thus classeth them among the popish party in this point . But how proves he the pope to be no true Bishop — propter praecipuum munus episcopi ( saith he ) quod in illo desideratur , because of the Chief office of a Bishop whcih is wanting in him . And what is that , olim episcopi Romani diligenter docebant ecclesiam ; & nulli facti sunt episcopi nisi qui in hoc munere fideles erant . Olim hoc ad se pertinere , & praecipuum suum munus esse putabant , ut populum sibi commissum docerent atque instituerent ; adeo ut monstri simile esset , per Annos post Christum plusquam sexcentos , episcopum aliquem in ecclesia esse , qui aut nollet , aut non posset populum docere . that is , of old the Bishops of Rome diligently taught the Church , and none were made Bishopes who were not faithfull in this office ; of old they lookt upon this as the Chief duety incumbent upon them to teach and instruct the people committed to them ; so that fore more then six hundred Yeares after Christ , it would have been lookt upon as a monster , if any such Bishop were in the Church who either was not willing or able to teach the people . He addes , That all the Apostolick Bishopes were such . And that the Apostle requires it in a Bishop that he be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apt to teach 1 Tim. 3 : 2. hoc est ( saith he ) non ejusmodi , qui curet ●…antum , & det operam , ut alii doceant , & hanc authoritatem docendi aliis tribuat : sed qui ipse sufficiat alios docere . Not such a one who is diligent onely to provid , others to teach , and gives this authority to others , But who is himself sufficient to teach others . This he proves because the Apostle is in that place shewing , how the Bishop most be indued and gifted befor he be chosen , and that therfore by [ being apt to teach ] we most understand a personal care and ability and not a deputed care , quis enim hoc praestare non posset ? ( saith he ) who is he who may not perform this . This he further cleares from 2. tim . 2. 2. where the Apostle injoyns Timothy to commit what he had heard of him to faithfull men , qui essent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , themselves able to teach others . Reprehending Turrian ( and with him our Episcopal men ) in interpreting that first passadge of a deputed care as to teaching . And shewes that the old interpreter translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a doctor , or teacher . And a doctor ( saith he ) is such a one as can teach himself . Thereafter he cites Oecumenius , and Chrysostom thus expounding the premised scripture , and even soom of the popish scoolmen , as Aquinas upon this text , who cals this the proper work and duety of a Prelat . And shewes us that Aquinas pertinently applyes to this purpose that passage , Jer. 3. 15. I wil give Pastors according to my own heart who shal feed yow with knowledge and understanding . And that Cajetan , and Catharinus do thus expound this text . In all which we see with how full a consent of ancient and modern Churches and divines our non-preaching or seldom preaching Prelates are condemned , and how fully our scripture-argument against them upon this head , is fortified and confirmed . 12. As in other points of difference , so the ancient Bishopes were as farr from our Prelats fastuus pompe , and sumptuus grandeur which they assume . Ammianus Marcellinus ( lib. 27. de habitu vitae beatorum episcoporum , ) tells us of their tenuitas edendi , potandique parcissime , indumentorum vilitas &c. Their spare eating and drinking , their meanenes of apparrel , their lovely countenance , as that which commendes them to God and his true worshippers . Paulus Samosatenus , his fastuus pompe and attendants , although a great Bishop , is highly condemned , as exposeing our faith to envy and hatred . Euseb. ( lib. 7. cap. 29. ) The Canon of the 4 Councell of carthage ( insert by Gratian in the body of the decree distinct . 41. ) provides that , Episcopus non longe ab ecclesia hospitiolum , vil emsupellectilem , &c. That the Bishop have his little manse not far from the Church that he have meane houshold stuffe &c. Et dignitatis suae Authoritatem fide & meritis quaerat , and purchase Authority to his office or dignity by faith and good works . Sozom. ( lib , 6. Cap : 16. ) Relats of Basilius Magnus , Bishop of Caesaria , that he answered the Imperours praefect who threatned the Confiscation of his goods , thus , Horum nihil me Cruciari potest , equidem opes non habeo , preterquam laceram vestem , & Paucos libros . None of these things can torment me , truely I have no goods but a torne garment and some books . See the historia motuum [ page 143. to 174. ] Now from all that is said , I think common ingenuity will acknowledge ; ( and this Informer himself , if he be not ane utter stranger to it , ) that our present Episcopacy is as far discrepant from that of the Ancient Christian Church , as east from west , and by consequence that this pleading from the ancient prostasie , or even the after Bishops to legittimat and patronize our present prelacy , is a most gross nonsequitur and notorius fallacy . CHAP. XIV . The Informers pretended Testimonies out of Calvine , Beza , Blondel , &c. For Episcopacy , Examined . Their anti-Episcopall judgment , cleared from their writings . The Informer crosses Bishop Spotswood , and Tilen . His two absurdities which by way of Dilemma he offers to us , from our assertion of the unalterablees of Presbyterian Government , & our concession of a Proestos early brought in , Scanned , & retorted upon himself . The Authores of jus divinum Ministerii Evangelici , vindicated at some length . WHereas the Informer is bold to affirme that Calvin●… Beza , Blondel , and other eminent divines who have written against Episcopacy , are reconcilable to it , yea to a hierarchy of the highest stamp . Wee answer 1. The full and harmanious consent of Ancient and modern divines and reformed Churches , for that which we plead for in point of Church-Government , shall be exhibit in the last Chapter . 2. As for Calvin's judgment in relation to Presbyterian Government , It is so fully known to the world in his writings , that we think there needs no more to put a brand of impudence upon any , then to deny it . And we doe appeal to his judicious commentes upon all the controverted places of the new Testament betwixt them and us ; wherein all that we plead for , either as to the identity of Bishop and Presbyter , in name and thing , the Presbyteryes power in ordination and jurisdiction , the extraordinary Evangelistick Power of Timothy and Titus , the divine right of the ruling elder , the peoples right in the call of Ministers , the unlawfulness of Prelats sole power and dominion over their brethren , the unwarrantablenes of Ministers state offices , &c , is clearly asserted . Let any consult him upon Matth. 18. 17. Matth 21 : 22. Luk. 22 : 25. Act. 6 : 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 14 : 23. Act. 20 : 17 , 28 , 29 , 30. 1. Cor. 5. 1 Cor. 12. 28. with Rom. 12 : 6 : 7. 2 Cor. 2 : 6 , 7. Eph 4 : 11 , 12. 1 Thess. 5 : 12 , 13. 2 Thess. 3 : 14. Heb. 13 : 7 , 17. 1 Tim. 1 : 3. &c. and 4 : 14. 2 Tim 2 4 : 2 Tim. 1 : 6. Tit. 1 : 6 , 7. &c. and such like places , where he will be found to give sentence for us against the Prelatik party , and expounding them just as we doe . 3. These adversaries doe grant that the Government in this Church , which famous Mr. Knox owned , and all his dayes contended for , was Presbyterial Government . And it is as well knowne and acknowledged by themselves , that he had the sense and judgment both of Calvin and Beza in that great bussiness . Spotswood in his history tells us that [ John Knox framed our rules of disciplin in imitation of what he had Seen at Geneva . ] Tilen ▪ in his petulant piece intituled Paraensis ad Scotos Genevensis discipline Zelotas , makes this undenyable . He calls Calvin and Beza all along our Masters , and alledges that we can hear of nothing but out of their scool &c. But that they owned Presbyterian Government , as the onely Government appointed in the house of God , he never took the confidence or had the forehead to deny . When John Knox was desired by some to write to Calvin , and others about a certain difficulty , he answered that he came not here without all their Iudgments in what he had done , and that they might think him unconstant in writting for a resolution in that matter . Now John Knox look't upon Episcopocy as a limb of Antichrists Hierarchie , and as haveing aliquid commumune cum Anti Christo. Something in it common with Antichrist . So that what the Informer mentions of Measson , and Bish : Andrews their asserting of Calvin and Beza's Episcopall Government at Geneva , and their preeminencie in ordination and jurisdiction , is a gross calumny . The eminent parts of these famous divines might make their judgement have great influence in determining others , but that either Calvin or Beza , did ever incroach upon the decisive power of their fellow Presbyters , or acted any thing pro imperio or solely , is a calumny which any who ever read their lives can sufficiently disprove . Their laboures and practise as well as their writings was for mantaineing the due right of Presbyterian Government against enemies of all sortes . In the life of Galleaceus Caracciolus , It is reported , That Calvin being consulted by him in a case of conscience requireing secrecy ( in a great measure ) would give him no determinat answer ( tho a ruleing elder in that Church ) without consulting his Brethren . As for that which the Informer cites out of Calvines Inflit. [ l. 4. c. 4. Sect. 2. ] where [ He acknowledges that Jerom teaches that the proestos is ane ancient institution , and that he repeats what Jerome sayes , a Marco &c. ] It s a pitiful proofe to conclud therupon that Calvin acknowledges diocesian Prelats as Ancient as Mark. For Calvine knew well that Jerome speaks but of the proestos first set up , and the Informer hath not proved that either Calvin or Jerom gave their approbation to the setting of him up . And for what he adds [ That Calvin sayes ne ex equalitate ut fieri solet dissidi●… orirenter . That they were set up least from equality discord should arise as usuallie there doth . ] granting that he acknowledges they were more then meer Moderators , that is fixed Moderators . What then ? Are our Prelats no more ? Or will his acknowledgment of the factum , prove his acknowledment of the jus ? and though mans corruption abuse parity to discord , what then ? our corruption will abuse the best ordinance of God. As for what he cites from Instit. ( l. 4. c. 5. Sect. 11. Our Informer hath not proved . That Calvin by [ Episcopi ] and [ paraeciarum rectorcs ] doth understand diverse Church officers of Gods appointment , as he distinguishes the Bishop and Presbyter . That Calvin did not acknowledge the Episcopus distinct from the paraeciae rector his comment on Tit. 1 : 7. makes it evident — [ For a Bishop &c. ] locus hic abunde docet nullum esse episcopi & Presbyteri discrimen , quia nunc secund●… nomine promiscue appellat quos prius vocavit Presbyteros . Imo idem prosequens argumentum utrumque nomen indifferenter eodem , sensu usurpat , quemadmodum & Hieronimus tum hoc loco , tum in Epistola ad Evagrium annotavit . Atque hinc perspicere licet quanto plus delatum hominum placitis fuerit , quam decebat , qui abrogato Spiritus Sancti Sermone , usus hominum arbitrio inductus , praevaluit . That is , This place abundantly shewes that there is no difference betuixt a Bishop and Presbyter because now again he promiscuusly calls them by the seccond mane , whom befor he called Presbyters , nay prosecuting the same argument he maks use of both the names indifferently in the same sense , as also Ierom both in this place and in his Epistle to Evagrius , hath observed . And hence we may perceive how much hath been ascribed to mens pleasure , & inventiones more then did become , because ane use brought in at mens pleasure hath prevaled while the language of the holy ghost is laid aside — and after he hath spoken of the first Moderators earlie brought in , he adds — verum nomen officij ( N. B. ) quod Deus in communi nibus dederat , in unum solum transferri , reliquis spoiliatis & injurium est & absurdum , deinde sic preve●…tere Spiritus sancti linguam , ut nobis eaedem voces , aliud quam volue●… 〈◊〉 significent , nimis profanae audaciae est . That is , But that the name of the office which God gave in common to all should be transferred to one only , robbing the rest thereof , is injurious and absurd . More over to pervert thus the language of the holy ghost , that the same words should signifie another thing then he pleased is too profane boldnes . Thus Calvin puts this censure upon our Informer , in making the name [ Bishop ] signifie any more then [ a Presbyter . ] And upon Act. 20. 28. De voce Episcopi hic notandum , omnes Ephesinos Presbyteros sic vocari indifferenter , unde colligimus Secundum Scripturae usum nihil a Presbyteris differre Episcopos . That is , Concerning the name of Bishop , we must observe this , that all the Presbyters in Ephesus are so called indifferently , hence we conclud that according to the scripture language , Bishops doe nothing differ from Presbyters . Now let any judge if Calvine make not the Name and thing of the scripture Bishop proper to every Minister of a parish , and if he judged a Diocesian Bishop , thus differenced from the parish Minister , to be a warrantable office which he holds to be so crosse to Scripture . So that in the passage which this man hath above cited , he would have all Bishops contending for and reteaning the true scripture function , for none else he can call eximium munus , or ane excellent gift . So that those of these places will help our Informer . The Context and tenour of that 4 chapter obliedgeth as to think that this is really the meaning , that whatever titles these Ancients used , yet they designed not thereby to wrong that Presbyteriall Government grounded upon Scripture , which , Calvin , is there defending . And moreover , even straniing that place [ Chap. 5. par . 11. ] to the out most advantage , it will Inferr nothing but this , that Bishops , and Parishpriests in those dayes , had the essence of the Pastorall office ; which is not denyed , or that their Pastorall acts , when rightly performed were valid . The Pastorall office Calvin cals pium & eximium munus as the ensuing words doe convince . As for his citation from Sect : 13. it were very absurd to think that Calvine by [ the heirarchy which the Fathers commend as handed down from the Apostles ] should understand the prelatick hierarchy which this man pleads for . Since 1. Many Fathers , as Ierome , never saw such a hierarchy set up , but by [ Bishops ] understand either the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at first set up , or the Bishops of whom we now heard , who governed with Presbyters joyntly , and had no sole power in ordination and jurisdiction . 2. Calvin speaks of the Fathers commending a Hierarchy , not like the papall , but he tells not what his judgement of that hierarchie is . 3. How could Calvin commend a hierarchie ( such as the Informer pleads for ) or so much as acknowledge it as handed doun from the Apostles , who shews from their Doctrine that they owned no Bishop higher then a Presbyter , as is clear from what is said . To which we may add Calvins words on Philip : 1. Episcopi nomen omnibus ministris est commune . Sunt igitur synon●…ma Episcopus & Pastor . Postea invaluit usus ut quem suo collegio praeficiebant in Singulis Ecclesijs , Presbyteri , Episcopus vocaretur Solus . Id tamen ex hominum consuetudine natum est , scripturae authoritate minime nititur . That is , the name of Bishop is common to all Ministers , Bishop and Presbyter then are one and the same . — Afterward the Custome prevailed to call the Minister whom the Presbyters set over their meeting , in evry church the Bishops only , but this had its rise from mens Custome , but is not at all grounded on the Authority of Scripture . — And after he hath spoken of the advantage of one to preside for orders sake , he adds this limitation — de Singulis corporibus loquor , non de totis provincijs &c : I speak of single incorperations , not of whole provinces , adding , prestaret spiritum Sanctum linguarum autorem in loquendo sequi , quam formas loquendi ab ipso positas in deterius mutare , nam ex corrupta verbi Significatione hoc malifecutu●… est , quod per inde ac si non essent omnes Presbyteri collegae ( N. B. ) adeandem vocati functionem , unus , sibi pretextu no●…ae appellationis , dominium ●…n alios arripuit . That is , it were better in our speech to follow the holy ghost the author of languages , then to change into the worse the forms of speaking set downe by him . For from this abused signification of the word , this evill hath followed , that as if [ all Presbyters ] were not Colleagues called to [ the same function , ] one hath usurped to himself a dominion over the rest under pretext of this new appellation . As for what he objects [ p. 78. ] from Calvin upon Tit. 1. 5. [ That unus authoritate praeest &c : ] I Ansr. After he hath said that every city had severall Presbyters — and asserted that there are Two sorts of elders , and that these elders were the Bishops appointed to teach — He moves ane objection — Had Titus this Princely power and alone , and answers — Non permitti arbitrio titi ut unus possit omnia , & quos voluerit Episcopos Ecclesiis imponat , sed tantum jubet ut electionibus praefit tonquam Moderator . That is , It is not permitted to Titus pleasure to doe all things alone , and impose upon the Churches what Bishops he pleased : but he only bides him oversee the Elections as Moderator . Paralleling this with Act. 14. 23. where he saith that Paul and Barnabas acted not soli , & pro imperio , that is , solely and imperiously to put Pastores upon the people who were not expetiti or electi , desired and chosen , but only probatos & cognitos , men approved and known . Now let this man say himself , doth not Calvin here clearely assert our principles , and kill the diocesian Prelat with the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ? So that nothing can be hence Inferred , but that Church consistories were not then without order , and that one did praeside among them ; for Calvine sayeth on the 7. verse , porro locus hic abunde docet nullum esse Presbyteri & Episcopi discrimen . And he who praesided here was Titus , whose Episcopacy we have aboundantly disproved . As for that which he tells us Calvin adds , [ that one was in authority over the rest at that time , ] ergo , what ? Had not Paul , Barnabas , & Titus ane extraordinary authority & commission ? for he sayes , tunc , or at that time wherein these offices did exist ; but will any think that Calvin could mean , a Diocesian Prelats ordinary power which ; immediatly befor he was disputing against from the text ? He adds presently nihil tamen hoc ad prophanum & tirannicum collationum morem . This hath nothing to doe with the profane and tyrranicall Custome of Collations , longe enim diversa fuit Apostolorum ratio , for the Apostles case and ground was far different from this . As for that which he addes [ of Calvins letters to a Bishop in the Church of Rome , anent Episcopacy it self , as being of God ] I can appeall this mans conscience , if Calvin thought the Episcopall hierarchie with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , far less the popish hierarchy , to be of God , and whither he doth not in his Commentaries Particularlie in the places cited , speak against the diocisian Prelat as such . Besides , we shall here tell the Informer that this passage which he cites as in the volume of his [ opuscul a page 72 ] upon a search of two several editions , hath not been found . As for his letter to the King of Pole , approveing all the degrees of the hierarchie ] it is so grosly contrary to Calvins principles and writings , that the Informer must excuse us , not to take it upon trust from him , Especially since he exhibits no part of that letter . For his letter to the Duke of Somer set ( citted by Durel , and the more to be suspected as coming from the hands of such ane enemy to his principles . ) [ anent some fantastick ones fludiing to bring in confusion under the name of the gospell ] we think it a fantastick inferenc of our Informer , to conclude therupon , that he calls the asserters of Presbyterian governement such . Although in that Epistle there is no express advice to remove Episcopacy , what then ? there is no express advice for removing severall other Corruptions . But the Consequence that therefore Calvine did not disowne these Corruptions , the Informer himself will grant to be a gross non sequitur . And some Considerationes of prudence might move to wave the express touching upon this head at that season , when light was but dawning as to a Doctrinall reformation , and the scales of the gross cimmerian darkness of popery , were but begining to fall off from the eyes of that people . Yet when the Informer shall peruse that Epistle again , he will find that Calvine Leaves it not altogether untouched , when heuseth these wordes , habeat sane hoc locum In rebus istius vitae — atqui alia prorsus est ratio regiminis Ecclesiae quod spirituale est , in quo nihil non ad Dei verbum exigi fas est , non est inquam penes ullum mortalem quicquam hic aliis dare , aut in illorum gratiam deflectere , — that is , let this truely have place in affaeires of this life — but the Church Government , which is spirituall , is of a far other nature , wherin there is nothing but what most be brought unto the touchstone of the word of God , here I say it is not in the power of any mortall to gratify any thing unto others , or to decline for their favour . A passage which compared to Calvi●…s principles in point of Church Government , doth fully Antidot the Informers waspish extraction from this Epistle . For his treatise to the Emperor Charles the 5i . anent imbracing of a hierarchy tyed by a brotherly society among Bishops and by the bond of truth , and united only to Christ ] I see nothing discrepant in it to Calvines , or Presbyterian principles , If [ Hierarchie ] be rightly taken , and for this ( if their be indeed such a passage whereof I have no certainty ) I think we can in no reason suppose Calvine to owne the popish Government , even as abstracted from false doctrine , since he holds the very Diocesian Bishop , to be contrary to the Apostolick Government , far more the Hierarchy ; will any man say , that Calvin did owne all the Locu●…s of the profane popish orders which are parts of this Hierachy ? so that Calvin by hierarchy , and spirituale regimen , doth indigitat the most simple and primitive Episcopacy which the fathers speake of ; and withall since the embracing of the gospell simplicity and truth which Calvin there desires ( as he sayes , ) would quickly sned off all Luxuriant branches of humane invention in point of Government , and like wayes since Calvin ownes the Church Government set down in Scripture as our pattern ( which doth as much reprobat the popish hierarchy , as the doctrine therein set down , doth their errors ; ) all this will preponderat towards Calvins meaning only a gospell Ministery , which is equally distinct from Bishops in the popish and prelaticall mould . As for the difference [ betwixt the primitive and popish Episcopacy ] I think there is indeed a great difference , & we have proved our present hierarchy to be as much different from it , and soom what more if its erastian mould be taken in as the Informer must . The treatise to Charles the fifth , entituled de necessitate reformanda Ecclesia is so Generally cited by the informer , without quoting , either page or section that himself seemes half convinced of the Impertinency therof . For Saravia his asserting , that he defended Calvins opinion against Beza , he said in this as in the rest , more then he could prove . For what he adds of Hooker and Durel who assert [ That Presbytery was settled at Geneva , because another Bishop could not be gotten after the popish was away , and that it was settled not out of a dislike to the hierarchie , but because they were in ane equality and stood so , being bent on reforming the doctrine ] I Answer . His Authores in this assertion stand upon a very slippery and sandie fundation . What ? Were there no able men to be Bishop after the popish Bishop was gone ? and had they not leasure sufficient to doe this after the doctrine was reformed ? Why lived they so long without a beloved hierarchy ? and ( which is yet more strange ) why Imployed they their pens and their paines so much for Presbyterian government , and not rather for the hierarchy ? why were both Calvin and Beza so active in that which Iohn Knox did here in opposition to prelacy ? But stay , hath not the Informer told us , that Masone and Bishop Andrews doe assert [ That Calvin and Beza assumed ane Episcopall power at Geneva ] How comes Durel and Hooker then [ To suppose a compleat parity among the Ministers to havt begun and continued at Geneva for want of a Bishop foresooth ] He must grant that some of these accusers are ingrained liars and accusers of the brethren in this point , So he must deliberat whither he will bestow this upon Mason and Bishop Andrews , or Hooker and Durepl . For what he adds of these , that have written for Presbyterian government , that they designed only to prove it lawfull , it is a gross Calumny , their designe is to prove it a divine frame of government appointed in the new Testament , which I hope he will say is necessary as well as lawfull , since Christ promises to the end his presence with those officers cloathed with his commission . And him self holds that the end of that Government practised in the new Testament , and its grounds are Moral and perpetual . For Blondel his calling Episcopal preeminence an apostolical constitution , which the Informer cites page 84. no such wordes being in the printed copy , ( as he acknowledges ) who will be so foolishly credulous as to take it upon the Informer or Durells bare word that it was in the written on , Unless we will admitt the Informer ( as the Papists doe by the Scriptures in their unwritten traditions ) to add his unprinted patchments to any author , and thus to dispute pro libitu , and make his weapons from testimonies of authors , ( as once a certain Chiftain's sword is said to have done ) to wound and kill a great way before the point . He distinguishes the Government he pleads for , as divinitus institutus , or of divine appointment , from any other frame as humane only , which will say that this divine institution must stand , and all other frames of Government give place to it . The same may be accomodat to that which he cites out of Beza ( pag 85. ) who looked upon the very Episcopus humanus as he calls him , or the first proestos , as the first rise of all the popish Hierarchie and mischeiffs . That sentence of Beza de min. grad . Cap. 21. pag. 343. stands Intirely thus , imo C●…nctos sic [ id est Archiepiscopos & Episcopos ] hodie appell●…tos , modo sanctissimorum illorum Episcoporum [ meaning Timothy and Titus , &c , whom Saravta termed . Bishops ; Beza allowing the designation in a sound & scripture sence ] exemplum imitentur & tam misere deformatam domum Dei ad amussim ex verbi divini regula pro viribus in●…aurent ut Ecclesiae Christianae fidos pastores , cur non agnoscamus , observemus & omni reverentia prosequamur ? Nedum ut quod falsissime & impudentissime nonnulli nobis objiciuut euiquam uspiam Ecclesiae , &c. certainely there walking up to such rules and patterns as are here prescribed , as the proviso's upon which Beza Proefesses to reverence and owne them , would so sned off the Episcopal heteroclyt excrescencies of our diocesian Erastian Prelats , and smooth them to the Scripture Episcopacy , as quite to destroy their power and office , pleaded for by this pamphleter . As his acting , so his writing for Presbyterian Government accordingly , was not to prescribe his owne , ( which Beza disclaimes , ) but Gods example . How will the Informer prove , that Beza's denying his prescribing of their example of Church Government at Geneua , meerly as such , will infer his not commending a divine frame of Church Government ? This was not to prescribe his example simpliciter . And how will he prove that Beza looked upon a Government which he held to be [ the egg from which Anti Christ sprung ] as Dei beneficentia , or Gods beneficence , He makes him a very gross ignoramus , for what man of the meanest capacity would say so ? And if Beza held the first Episcopacie or proestos to be a recess from the divine institution , he certainly condemned it [ in so far . ] And the diocesian Prelat he holds to be Satanicall . Therefore when he seems to condemne the desowning of all order of Bishops , he must understand it of a condemning scripture order , & the beautiful subordination among Church officers , or that divine order that is among them . But here again I must needs take notice , that in this passage of Beza in his dispute with Saravia , the Informer hath sned off that which wounds his cause to death , for the words following doe discover another ground of this distinction of Bishops from Presbyters ( viz Beza and Jeroms humane Custome ) then what the Informer would persuade . For it followes immediatly , neque hoc scelere tenentur , qui de episcopalis muneris sive prostasias finibus regendis , & de discrimineinter ordinem & gradum . postulant , ut ex verbo Dei decidatur . Whence it is evident that he does not understand Bishops set over Presbyters to be Iure divino or speaks of them in this place . As for the passages of Beza's letters to Bishop Whitegift , and Grindal , which the Informer after cites , ( pag. ●…6 . ) I say 1. That certainly Beza's principles so largely expressed from Scripture anent Church Government , and the contrariety of the episcopus humanus or humane Bishop , ( far more the Diocesian Satanical Bishop , ) to the divine rule in his principles , will necessarly infer , that in this great mans Judgement none of these Prelats had qua tales or as such , a lawfull spirituall authority from God , 2. It is as certaine that all Beza's pleading and arguments strikes against the diocesian Prelat or Arch prelat as in that capacity , and against this office and policy in it self , abstracting from its union unto the pope , so that he could own no authority that way committed to them of God. 3. It followes , that since he judged the episcopall hierarchy unlawfull , he held the first parity unalterable , since he pleades for it upon morall perpetuall Scripture grounds and institutions . And by these his solid Scripture grounds , when ex professo handling this point and theologically , we are more to determine of his Judgement then by Missives . Wherein the circumstances of time , and severall exigences , might engadge to some insinuations in point of a civill deference , and respect . But however that be , we are to look unto intentio and natura operis in his writings , or the native designe thereof , rather then critically to scanne or straine every practical conformity or disconformity therunto . And the Informers answer to what we offer anent the assertions of Bishop Mortoune , Bilson , Iewel , who write for the parity of Bishop and Presbyters by divine right viz , [ That they held the Episcopall office themselves ] charging them thus with a practical breach of their principles , most make him retract this argument , as signifing any thing against us , Since the retortion thereof is so manifest ; and therefore nothing he hath said will impeach Calvine and Beza's impugning of Episcopacy , whose impugnations of it will stand to all generations . Moreover in this citation of that epist. to Bishop Grindal , the Informer hath sued off the half of the sentence viz , quod tu igitur coram istam quorundam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tamdiu pertulisti reverende vir , ineo sane insigne patientiae ac lenitatis Christianae specimen dedisti , quo majori &c. — and neer the close of the same letter Beza faithfully adviseth , as the fittest remedy for removing offences , ut in legitimo — caetu , ex uno Dei verbo , abolitis semel papisticae tyrannidis vestigiis , ea constituatur administrandae Ecclesiae ratio , non quae huic vel illi adlubescat , non quae veteri aut recenti consuetudine ( — ) sed quae — firmo verbi Dei fundamento superstructae piorum Conscientiis fatisfaciat , & in eternum perseveret ; that is , that in a lawfull A ssembly from the Word of God onely , all the footsteps of popish Tyranny being once abolished , that Method of Church Government be established , not which shall please this or that person , not which is founded upon new or old Custom or the wisdom of the flesh , but which being built upon the sure foundation of the word of God , may satisfie the consciences of the godly , and endure for ever . Which rule and mould of Bishops would no doubt cashier and raze to the foundation the diocesian Erastian prelate whom he pleades for , yea all the Prelates in Brittain . For what he adds ( p. 87. ) It may be easily , and without prejudice to our cause granted , that God by his providence had made him a Iudge . The Informer will not owne such ane Atheisticall principle , as to deny that the Bishops civil government in England , or pretended Ecclesiastick , is not the object of divine providence , or be so brutish as to conclude Gods approbation of usurping Tyrannes , from his permissive providence in reference to their tyranny or usurpation , else he will for ever destroy his loyalty and fealty , either to the King or his Lordbishop . That passage of Calvins letter to Cardinal Sadolet , after citedby him ( p. 88. ) though admitted , is a poor proof that he held Church Government to be alterable . Certainly Calvin held the scripture - parity to be the most ancient Government Vetustissimae Ecclesiae , or of the most ancient Church , for such no doubt he held the Apostolick Church to be . Beside , wee must tell him that this passage upon search is not found , and as it is here expressed is very insignificant ; since by Vetus Ecclesia , he may understand the Church after the Apostles time , which early began to Corrupt the Government . As for Salmasius his retracting his opinion as to Church Government , it will no more Impeach the truth it self which he asserts , then any other mans defection will weaken the sound Doctrine which he once held . Would the Informer take this argument from the Papists if they should plead from the retractiones of protestants , and from their writing for popery , that the protestant Doctrine were not sound ? would he not say that their first practise , or writings for truth , will stand good and witnesse against them in their defection ? Though it may be a question whither that retraction be reall or not which Durel mentions , and the Informer out of him . ( p. 89. ) Especially this being another of our Informers mute citations which he keeps ( as he doth the state of the questions in these Dialogues ) under the Clouds , pointing us to no page in that Answer of Salmasius to Milton . We will not here stand to shew how that Salmasius eyes were blinded with Court-gifts and pensions , having receaved no small summe from King Charles the second for his encouragement to that worke , and several learned divines who best knew him , think his literature more Considerable then his divinity was solid . As for that place of Salmasius in his Walo . Mess. ( c. 4. p. 253. ) cited page 90. the Intire sentence is Epistolae illae viz ; ( quae Ignatii dicuntur ) natae & suppositae videntur circa initium aut ▪ medium secundi saeculi , quo tempore primus singularis Episcopatus supra Presbyteratum Introductus fuit . Whatever time this was , it appears by what followes that place in Salmasius , that about this time Church power began exceedingly to be Corrupted , and Bishops exalted almost to ane equality with Christ ; and men began to plead a jus divinum for them ; for Ignatius , ( In Epistola ad Trallenses ) asserts , Episcopum venerandum esse sicut Christum quemadmodum Apostoli praeceperunt , that the Bishops must be had in veneration as Christ , as the Apostles have commanded , and he cites the Apostles words , but such as do no where occurr in our Bibles . And certanly if there be no more truth in that relation anent his retraction , mentioned by that author , then their is soliditie in that ground of it which he alledges , it is not worth the noticing . For the confusions in England cannot with any shew of Reason be charged upon Presbyteriall Government , which was never yet settled there . And this Informer dare not deny the blest effects of truth and unity & godlines , which it hath had in this land , as is acknowledged by Churches abroad , and particularly in that passage of the Syntagma confessionum which he cites in the last dialogue , If Blondel in callng Episcopacy most ancient , doth except the more ancient Apostolick times , which he pleads as exemplifying Presbyterian parity , he gives it but the spurious after-birth of humane antiquity . The same we say as to his passage cited out of Moulin ( p. 90. ) and if something of the [ humane proestos ] were granted to have creeped in ere Iohn went oft the stage , will that commend it any more then that mistery of Iniquity , and love of preeminence which the Scripture assures us was in Paules time and his ? Surely by no meanes . Besides , we must here again tell our Informer that this Citation out of Moulen is among the rest of his Mutes , since he hath neither noted booke nor page . But now from our opinion of the unalterablenes of Presbyterian government , and our acknowledgment of the bringing in of a Proestos so early , the Informer will involve us ( he sayes ) in one of Two great absurdities . Parturiunt montes ! What are these ? the 1. is [ That that generation who lived shortly after Iohn , was altogether ignorant of Christ and his Apostles minde anent Presbyterian parity , else they would not have adventured to change the government ] But this absurdity is easily discussed , for it lights equally upon the Instance already given of Israells defection in worshipping the golden Calf fourtie dayes ( sooner then 40. years or more ) after the holy patterne of doctrine shewed them upon the mount . How often doe we find suddener changes in scripture of the divine Institutions ? How quickly after Ioshua and the elders did all Israell depart from Gods way and ordinances ? How quickly did they relapse after deliverances , both in the times of the Kings and of the judges , yea and after solemne vowes of Reformation ? How quickly after Hezekias death did they turne aside ? How quickly after Josiahs death ? How quickly after Solomons death did Rehoboam forsake the law of God and all Israell with him ? I think these scripture instances of as universal , & far greater defections then this was anent the proestos , might have made this man ashamed to bring this as ane absurditie . Now what will he say to his own Question here ? I ▪ it possible , is it probable that Gods Israell could be ignorant of his minde , and adventure so quickly to change his ordinances ? Heard not all the Churche of Israel Gods voice from mount Sinai ? Had not these departers afterward known or seen his eminent seers , heard his word and seen his works ? Could they be altogether ignorant of his minde who thus suddenly departed from him ? How could they then adventure to make such a change ? Alace ! What a poor querist is this ? I think indeed He and his party have given the Instance in our generation , that such a sudden defectione is both possible and probable . Was ever a nation more solemnlie and universallie ingaged unto God , and had seen more of his greatnes , power , and glorie , then wee did in the late worke of reformation ? How long is it since Scotland not onely knew and imbraced Presbyterian Government ; but also solemnlie vowed to mantaine it ? But he knowes how universally this work and cause of God is now rejected , his Covenant abjured and disowned . And the Informer himself ( who for what I know , might have seen our first beautifull house ) is pleading for this perjurius change of Gods ordinances and lawes , and breaking his everlasting Covenant . Read he never the 106. Psal. 7. vers . They provocked him at the sea even the red sea , and vers 11. The waters covered their enemies and there was not one of them left — Then believed they his words , they sang his praise , they soon frogat his works , they waited not fr his counsell . The Informer bluntly supposes ane impossibility of a peoples crossing light in apostazing changes , and that all that generation most needs give a formall consent to this change of government in order to its introduction ; both which are groundless suppositions , and they render this horne of his Dilemma very pointlesse . Besides , this change ( as we said before ) was but small at the first , onelie a fixed Moderator , and far from his Prelacy , which even in Ieroms time was but come the length of taking from Presbyters ordination , or rather the rituall part of it . And the change had plausible pretexts of order , and union , as every innovation hath its own pretences , besides that this change was not all at once but by degrees . Wee must also here tell him , that the same very suggestion is his 3d. Reason to prove Ieroms bringing in Bishops in the Apostles time , and so a nauseating repitition . But if we decline this absurdity , the next he thinks is worse viz , That that generation went over the belly of light in changing the Government , and conspired against Christ and his Apostles Government , and none are found testifying against it . Answer 1. This absurdity doth like wayes fall upon the former Scripture instances of greater , and more sudden , and as universal defections of the Church of Israel . What will he say to these questions in relation thereunto ? Were all ignorant ? Did all sin against light , and adventure presumptuously to change the divine ordinances ? And as for a Testimony against these evills , the Informer himself and his party ( for all their clamoures against us ) falls under ane obligation to answer this , in relation to many corruptions and erroures , which as early creept into the Church as Prelacy ; Wherof we gave Instances already , and no Testimonies are recorded against them . He seems to have forgot , or to be ignorant of our divines answer to this argument of Papists , calling for our producing of Testimonies against such and such evills , or dating their first rise , viz. That there might be , tho we have not known them , and that it is bad arguing from the defect of the History , or the darknes of the first original of such a corruption , to deny the plaine mater of fact , and the corruption itself to be such . How many Thousand eminent persons and acts of these times ( which we told him , the learned doe acknowledge , to be very dark as to matter of fact ) have never come to our knowledge ? And since we have often told him from Ierom that this change was lent , and by considerable degrees , and intervalles of time , and Method of its procedor , some might be overtaken with weaknes , others puffed up with ambition , and upon this ground the one might endeavour , & the other give way to this change , especially its first degrees being small in respect of what followed . Knowes not this man , that the evill one sowes his tares while men sleep ? And this hierarchie being as in its nature , so in its rise , a Mystery ; Mystery of Iniquity ! Mystery Babylon ! Yea and a Mystery which was working long before this change , even in Pauls time ; upon all these grounds his absurdity evanishes , and reflects a greater absurdity upon himself , who would have us shut our eyes against Scripture light upon such pretences as these , & rather embrace 2 corruption contrary unto it , then acknowledge that the Church did erre . We know very well what a wicket this notion hath opened for obtruding and retaining popish innovations , and these men are fast warping in to that Method . As for that which he adds of Blondel ( p. 94 ) who asserts that the Presbyters made him proestos , or fixed Moderator , who was first ordained . Wee told him already that this fixed president , tho a deviation from the Scripture rule , yet is farre from the diocesian Prelats sole power in ordination and Jurisdiction , So that his confidence ( some will be apt to say impudence ) is strange in calling this a power episcopall now existent , since notwithstanding all its after growth , it was not in Ieromes time come the length of our present Hierachical power of Prelats , by many dayes journey . Neither is it probable that Blondel could suppose this to be allowed of John , which he holds to be crosse to the divine pattern . As for Blond ( Apol : pag : 25. ) the Informer hath been mistaken in this citation , no such words being found in that place . But in page 52. after that he hath abundantly proven this ( thesis ) initio Presbyter & Episcopus synonyma fuerunt , [ that in the beginning Bishop and Presbyter were one and the same . ] he begins the next sect . thus . Ubicumque Primum nascente Chistianismo Presbyterorum aggregari Collegium caepit , Antiquissimum ( rectius Antiquissimo ) inter Collegas Primatus Contigit ut concessus totius Caput , fratrumque tandem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jure quodam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fieret . Which onely a mounts to thus much , that first a moderator , among ministers being established , grew by peecmeal to a fixed prostasie and after he hath Confirmed this , he addes in the next sect : Cum itaque Collegium id est ordinatus ratione utentium caetus fine ordine nec institui , nec Conservari , nec agere , nec agi , ( amplius dicam ) nec cogitari potest ; aequabilis inter ejusdem muneris Consortes , ac sese honore mutuo praevenientes sanctos paritas , divina propemodum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & commune Consilium , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nequaquam degenerabant : stabant enim aequo ( in eodem gradu & ordine ) jure omnes sed suo quisque loco ; erantque in familiâ quaque Ecclesiasticâ , post primo genitum secundo , tertio &c. Geniti , qui majorem natufratrem ( secundum Patrem caelestem ) colebant , eique nec ambienti nec poscenti ( invidioso nunc ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In singulis communis regiminis actibus jure volentes cedebant , acprimas ubique partes deferebant ; ut si quando novus Cooptandus esset Collega , Cleri totius jam consistentis plebisque Consentientibus suffragiis & judicio Comprobatis , ( N. B. ) totius Presbyterii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( praeunte tamen ac reliquorum nomine solemnia benedictionum verba pronunciante promotione antiquissimo ) in possessionem muneris mitteretur , priorum per Consecrationem quoddamodo filius factus , qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratione aequo cum aliis omnibus jure ( licet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) frater erat , ubi vero quaestionis in Ecclesiae regimine quicquam emergeret , consultantium in commune fratrum disceptationibus ( quasi naturae jure favore omnium firmato , ) praeesset Senior ; non gradu alio major ( N. B. ) non nativa gradus communis potestate potior , sed adventitiâ ob aetatis meritum delegata , superior . Which is this in summ [ that though the colledg of the ordained were all alike as to their official power , yet least their joynt councel should fall under anarchical confusion , the first ordained minister ( although of the same degree & juridical power with his colleagues ) had a sort of veneration and precendency as to some acts , but stille in their name , & by their consent who were his brethren . Which will reach a patrociny to the diocesian Erastian Prelat , with his sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , his negative voice in Church judicatories , and his delegation of Ecclesiastick power to the whole synod , his civil state office &c. When east and west shal meet together . Then he addes . Hanc originalem Ecclesiasticae politiae formam sub Apostolorum oculis natam , non immerito putavit Hilarius , quid enim pietati , naturae rationibusque dictamini consonum magis , quam ut priorum canitiem reverenter habeant aetate posteriores ? fac tamen Apostolis non modo nonimprobantibus , sed palam laudantibus ortam ; ego sane libere ab initio observatam Christianisque sive ab Apostolis sive ab eorum discipulis traditam , sed ut mutabilem & pro usu & arbitrio Ecclesiae mutandam ( prout in causa consimili piae memoriae Crakanthorpus sensit ) crediderim . In which passage he pleades onely for this fixed moderatour , and doth not positivly assert the Apostolik institution for it , but comes neer Bezaes expressiones in reference to the [ Episcopus humanus . ] As for Blondels confessing this primus Presbyter to have had authority with his precedency , as the Informer is bold to assert , he had done well to point us to the place where these wordes are found [ quis enim praesidentiamsine authoritate somniet ? ] for upon search they are not found ; but it seems the Informer puts this sense upon his words which follow these cited above ac forte consistorialium omnium qui Pastorum Ecclesias quasque in commune regentium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 urgent , calculos evertit , quod ab ipsa Apostolorum aetate collegii cujusque Presbyterialis singulare quoddam caput fuit . Qui vero ? an nostrum ullus synedrium sibi ( N. B. ) vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hactenus somniavit ? an non eodem inter nos jure modoque , vel per vices , pares inter compares , vel delegata a paribus ad tempus potestate praesunt , quo inter christianismi primordia ae●…o honoris inter conseniores primas fuit ? Where he denyes that this singular head of the consistory , or moderator his power did justle with , or evert the common votes or Episcopacy of the Pastoures , and consequently their joynt Presbyterial government , because the consistory or meeting could neither be without a head , ( or mouth ) nor have many heads , which he assimilates to the then power of their moderators , chosen from among his equals and co-presbyters , either by turns , or a delegated power of presidency for some time . The Informers citation of Chamier ( p. 35. ) [ acknowledging from the beginning a [ primus Presbyter ] with a [ nova potestas and jurisdictio ] ne esset Episcopatus mere titulus : Or a first Presbyter , with a new power and jurisdiction &c. ] Burns his fingers , and rebounds a deadly blow upon himself ; for in calling this jurisdiction and power , Nova or new , he makes it later then the first scripture patent anent that Presbyters Authority , which was the same with that of his Brethren before this humane supperadded power . And consequently he must look upon him onely as Beza's humane Bishop , supposing ane anterior divine Bishop which is the Pastour or Minister . And here again the Informer puts us to tell him that this his citation of Chamier attributinge a new jurisdiction from the beginning to the primus Presbyter , or first Minister , is so general , without pointing at either book or page , that it seemes he resolved that in this ( as in other passages ) none should trace him , to know whither he cited true or false . However the place he means is , lib. 10. de oecum . pont . c. 5. Where Chamier grants primum Presbyterum accepisse novam potestatem , that the first Presbyter receaved a new power . But that it was so from the beginning , is our Informers incrusted eekement , which ( as in another passage of Blondell ) we must suppose his lyncian eyes discovered in some written copy of Chamier , which the printer was so uncivil as not to put in , because this our great doubt-resolver was not overseer at the presse . Any who looketh upon that chapter may discover that Chamiers scope is to prove that ab initio regimen Ecclesiae fuit Aristocraticum , that from the beginning the Church government was Aristocracy , and that the disparity which after came in use , was ane innovation . As for what he adds of Moulin , ( pag. 76. ) If he hold [ The Episcopall power in ordination to be among these things , which , though in the Apostles time , yet were alterable ] He may be probably supposed to include it among the Apostles extraordinary expired prerogatives , which this man must acknowledge will lay no foundation for prelacy . As for Stillingfleet , we are not concerned in his principles , or any debat betuixt him & them . For that which he calls ane evasion [ Anent the alteration of some things in the Apostolick Church ] As wee disowne Stillingfleet , in making the frame of government which the Apostles established in the Church , versatile , various or alterable . So we disowne this Informer in resolving it solely upon the Churches decision , [ what Apostolick practises are imitable or morall , and what not . ] A dangerous popish principle , and wherein he will be found inconsistent with himself . But for the apostolick government by the Common Concell of Presbyters , wee hold it morall and perpetual , upon the same grounds of the Churches union and edification which himself doth plead . As for the shifts and bad issues which he alleadges Presbyterian writters are driven unto , Neither he nor any of his party can make it appear , but his own pitifull shifts , and of others of his way , in pleading for this Hierarchy , wee hope by this time are sufficiently apparent . As for Durells offer [ To get Episcopacy ane approbation from all forraigne divines ] we lett it pass as a peice of prelatick pageantry fitt to fill pamphlets . Ad pompam non ad pugnam — quid tanto tulit hic promissor hiatu . Durel and the Informer cannot stand befor their evidences , who have made the Contrary appear . For what he adds anent our Superintendents , as haveing upon the matter ane Episcopal power , I referr him to the defence of the Epistle of Philadelphus against Spotswoods Calumnies , printed at the end of Didoclavius page . 30 , 31. Where he will find the difference betuixt them and Prelats cleared and stated in 12. Particulars to his Conviction , unless he hath resolved — Ne si persuaseris , persuaderis . So that worthy Mr. Knox gave no patrocinie to prelacy in Countenancing the admission of Superintendents . How he hath deryved his Prelacie from Scripture , and through antiquitie to reformed times , & Churches , in their confessions , Let the impartial judge by what I have answered from the beginning . As for the Authors of jus divinum Minist : Anglic : [ Their proof of the identitie of Bishop and Presbyter , at length cleared from Fathers , Schoolemen , & reformed divines , even from Episcopall divines in England ] the Informer had done better not to mention that peice , then to have made such a simple & insipid returne , [ Anent the Scoolmens notione , whither Episcopacy be a different order from Presbytery , or a different degree of the same order ] for though this were granted that the scoole-men tost such a question , dare he say that the Ancient Fathers both greek and latine , and late reformed divines cited in that learned peice , in their clear and positive assertions of the parity of Bishop & Presbyter jure divino , intertained any such notion as this ? Againe , had he been so ingenuus and true to the learned authores of that peice , and unto himself , ●…s he ought to have been , he might have found cited therein a passage of Cassander in his book of Consul●… . ( Artic. 14 ) Which breaks this his answer all in peices , and because his squeemish eyes lookt asquint upon it , I shall here sett it downe , that it may appear what a great charge this is which he brings against these divines . An Episcopa●…us inter ordines ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter theologos & canoni●…as non convenit ; convenit autem inter ownes in Apostolorum aetate inter episcopos & presbyteros nullum discrimen fuisse , sed post modum schismatis evitandi causa episcopum Presbyteris fuisse praepositum &c : That is , Whither Episcopacy is to be placed among the Ecclesiastick orders , It is not agreed between the Theologues & Canonists , but it is agreed among all , that in the Apostles age there was no difference between Bishops & Presbyters , but afterward upon the ground of eviting Schisme , the Bishop was set ever Presbyters , &c. Now whither these disputants did agree That alwayes from the Apostles time , there were Bishops distinct from Presbyters , as this Informer is not ashamed to affirme . Let the greatest adversarie judge by this account of such ane impartiall witnes . How could he say , that these Fathers might be of this mind , and likwayes these later divines , that alwayes from the Apostles there were Bishops set over Presbyters . What a selfcontradicting tenet is this for any rationall man to intertaine ? viz , Bishops and Presbyters , re & nomine , in name and thing , the same in the Apostles times , and in their doctrine : and yet [ that Bishops were set over Presbyters by the Apostles , and distinct from them in their times . ] What will he make of all Ierome Scripture proofes through the Apostles times , and writings , anent this compleat parity of Bishops and Presbyters ? of the saying of Ambrose [ That , Non per omnia conveniunt seripta Apostolorum ordinationi quae nun●… est in Ecclesia . The writtings of the Apostles agree●… not in every thing with the ordinance or appointment ( he means of government ) which is now in the Church . ] What will he make of Bishop Iewel telling Harding , in his defence against him ? [ That in calling it a haerefie to affirme Bishops and Presbyters to be one , He reflects upon Ierome and other Fathers whom he cites against him , yea upon the Apostle Paul , and makes him also a Haeretick ] What will he make of that assertion of Beza , Episcopus papam peperit . The Bishop brought forth the Pope . Of Whittaker [ That the setting up the Prelat , yea the first proestos or president to prevent Schisme , was a remedy worse then the disease . ] Now if he will reconcile these sayings and assertions with their holding Bishops distinct from Presbyters , to have been in , and from the times of the Apostles , he will prove a wonderfull Oedipus . But our Informer hath not yet done with these Authors , and hath another reflection upon them anent what they say page 64. [ That Eusebius and Iraeneus were deceaved themselves , & deceaved others ] he tells us 1. [ They are hard put to it when seeking to relieve themselves by discrediting these authores ] But this man is hard put to it , if he deny that which is so Noto●…ly true , & made good by so many of the learned . Were Iunius and Scalliger ( who are approved herein by Dr Reynolds ) hard put to it , who demonstrats Eusebius gross errors & mistakes . 2. He sayes Though in some things Eusebius was mistaken , most he be so in every point wherin he maks Bishops superior to Presbyters , & drawes their succession from the Apostles . Ans. For the Catalogues of Bishops from the Apostles , we spoke to it already , and for Eusebius speaking alwayes in that straine , the reverend authors of that peece , ( with others ) doe tell the Informer that all that Eusebius sayes , is that it is reported — that his learned censurer Scalliger , maks it appear that he read ancient histories parum attente , ( not attentivly , ) & that he takes his measures in this point , & his relations upon trust , from Clemens fabulus , & Hegesippus not extant . 3. The Informer thinks it strange [ that they can suppose Irenaeus ( Iohns contemporarie and disciple ) to be deceaved as to Church government . ] Answer . Had he but looked upon the 4. proposition of their appendix , he might have seen this objection fully removed . For therein they make good from many places of Irenaeus ( which were tedious here to transcribe ) that by Bishops he understood meer Presbyters , and not Bishops distinct from Presbyters . From which places of Irenaeus they collect . 1. That he calls Presbyters Successors of the Apostles . 2. That he calls them Bishops . 3. That he holds the Apostolick doctrine to be derived by their succession . 4. That what in one place he sayes of Bishops , the same he sayes elswhere of Presbyters ; which sense and account of him they back with pregnant Testimonies of Dr. Reynolds , & Whittaker , & other learned protestant divines , and lights in that Church . And in proposition 7. anent the pretended Succession of Prelats from the Apostolick times , they cleare it that these Successions are drawen from meer Presbyters , viz , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Minister first ordained , as among the Athenians their were 9. Archontes or Chief Rulers , equall in Authority : yet the Succession of Governours in Athens , was derived from one of them who was the first Archo●… , ut compendiosior ac minus impedita esset temporum enumeratio , that the Calculation of times might not be hindered , but be the more compendious . 4. He sayes it is more likly that Ierom was deceaved , If we understand him to speak of Bishops who were introduced after the Apostles times , then Eusebius or Irenaeus who lived before ] Ans. That Eusebius was deceaved , is not only alleadged , but proven by the learned , and Ierom proving so clearlie from Scripture the identity of Bishop and Presbyter both in name and thing , doth convincing lie inferr that the Bishops set over Presbyters , are discrepant from the scripture pattern . That Irenaeus by Bishops understood these first Moderators , is made good from his writings . Next , wheras these reverend authores ( pag. 114 , 115. ) say that Irenaeus by Bishops meaned [ Presbyters , ] and ( page . 65. ) That the Fathers spoke of Church officers of former times after the stile of their owne , and that the Bishops in the Catalogues are onlie the first ordained Presbyters , for the more expedit reckoning ] this man thinks these Answers inconsistent ; Because 1. they say that Eusebius & Irenaeus were deceaved when they spoke of Bishops , And Next that by Bishops , Irenaeus meaned only Presbyters . Ans. Had the Informer attended better the places he points at , he would have keepd off this fantastick reflection . For they shew that these first Proestotes or Moderators , who were in themselves , and upon the Mater , meere Presbyters , were by former times and writers presented under ane Episcopal notion , and the power of Bishops then prevalent , unto Eusebius and Irenaeus ; whom Eusebius especially , too credulously following in his Character and accounts of them , occasioned the deceaving of others , and that he and Irenaeus speaking of them in that manner and stile in the Catalogues , might deceave others , by naming them so , who were upon the mater meer Presbyters ; whom the succeeding writers following ( as they shew out of Iunius . Contr. 2. Ch : 5. not : 18. ) and fancying to themselves such Bishops as then had obtained , fell into these snares of tradition , because they supposed that according to the Custome of their times , there could be but one Bishop in a Church at the same time . And to cleare it , that the persons whom Irenaeus speaks of , were upon the mater , Presbyters , in answer to that objection from Irenaeus ( lib : 3. Cap : 3. ) where Bishops are named as set up by the Apostles , They answer that the word Bishop hath a various acceptation : and that Irenaeus names Anicetus , Higinus , Pius , Presbyters of the Church of Rome , the words being then promiscuouslie used . So that whatever impression Irenaeus might have of them according to the language and Custome of the time , yet upon the matter they were Presbyters only : and therefore they put the Episcopall partie to prove that those whom they named Bishops , were veri nominis Episcopi , or Hierarchicall Bishops . They doe not speak so much of the Impression which Irenaeus or Eusebius had of them , as of the true nature and State of these Church-officers , whom according to the Custome of their times they call Bishops . By Irenaeus his calling them sometimes Presbyters , according to the promiscuous use of the names , even handed down to him , they prove that his expressing them under ane Episcopall notion then receaved , or any such impression of them which he might entertaine , was wrong : since according to the scripture language the Bishop and Presbyter imports no other office then a Pastour . What inconsistency will our Informer shew in this , that Irenaeus and others were deceaved in representing the first Proestotes under ane Episcopall notion , upon a Credulous report from their forefathers : and yet that the persons whom they thus represented were upon the mater Presbyters . As for what he adds ( p. 102 , ) [ from Bucer ( de animarum cura ) anent a Proestos , or the Election and ordination of one who went before the rest , and had the Episcopal Ministerie in the Chief degree , even in the times of the Apostles , by the Testimony of Tertullian , Cyprian , Irenaeus , Eusebius , ancienter then Ierom . ] Wee say that any who knowes Bucers judgment in Church government , and are acquaint with his writings theranent , will acknowledge that the Proestos is the utmost length he goes as to Episcopacy ; and a Proestos during life , hath no doubt something of ane Episcopal Ministerie , and is above his Brethren : and we are to expone his summus gradus , or Chief degree , by the word praecipue or Chiefly , that goes before . Who will doubt but the constant fixed Proestos is in so farr set over the rest ? But here we must minde the Informer of Two things . 1. That this Proestos chosen by the Presbytery , is ( as we said ) farr short of the Diocesian Prelat who owns no Presbyters in his election , & hath ane arbitrary power over them . 2. That it being thus defacto , is farr from amounting to a proof of the jus , and who will say that Bucer could take the Apostle James to be formalie Bishop of Ierusalem , or chosen to be a fixed Moderator by Presbyters , whose Apostolick office both Bucer and the Informer will acknowledge to have reached the whole world , in relation to the watering & planting of Churches . Next , if these words will plead for a Hierarchie , even in the Apostles times , and that Bucer took upon the Testimonie of Tertullian , Irenaeus &c , the Apostle James and others for Hierarchicall Bishops , surely he was oblidged to have taken notice of Ieroms proofs for the parity of Bishops & Presbyters in the Apostles times ; which since he doth not , it s most probable that he means to assert the factum only , of exalting Presbyters to such a degree at that time , but not the jus as is said : else I see no consistencie in the words if he reckon the Apostle James in this account . For he sayes Apostolorum temporibus unus ex Presbyteris electus . That in the Apostles times one was chosen from among the Presbyters . Now surely the Apostle James was not of the Presbyters meerly , or chosen from among them ; But to undeceave our Informer as to Bucers judgment in this point , and to fortify the answer adduced , I shall present unto him that which Bucer asserts ( De Gub : Eccles : p : 432. ) viz , That the Fathers call these first Proestotes or Moderators , yea even the Apostles themselves , Bishops ( N. B. ) [ in a large & generall appellation ] Becaus they first preached the gospell to those Churches , and that to prove a succession of the true doctrine , they named the most eminent Ministers the Bishops , to shew that there was in these Churches a Constant tract from the Apostles both of sound doctrine , & faithfull teachers thereof ; Eminent , I say , for gifts , and zeale , or suffering for the gospell ( N. B. ) not in any Episcopall authoritie except what was in that prostasie often mentioned . Now whither Bucer was for ane Episcopacy in the highest degree even in the Apostles time , and the Episcopacy of Iames , Let any judge . And whither or not this Informer hath acquitt prelacie of being both a groundlesse , and godlesse usurpation in Gods Church ( as his now prosyleted Doubter sayes he was taught to call it ) the appeal is likwayes made to the judicious and impartiall , to judge from what is offered from the begining hereanent . CHAP. XV. Mr Durhams citations of the Fathers for evincing the identity of Angel , Bishop , and Presbyter , vindicat from the exceptions of this Informer . Mr Durhame in his excellent commentary upon the revelation ( pag. 223. ) having gone throw the Epistles , and embraced the sylleptick sense and acceptation of the word , Angel , presents in a digression several weighty and unanswerable arguments , both from these Epistles , and parallel texts , to prove the identity of angel , Bishop , and Presbyter . Which this Informer passes over sicco pede , finding them no doubt pills of too hard a digestion for his stomack . But Mr. Durham adding to his scriptureproofes of this important truth , Several clear testimonys of most eminent Ancient fathers , asserting the very same thing , then Seria res agitur with our Informer , and he bestirrs himself amain to take these weapons out of Mr Durhams hand , offering several exceptions against his testimonys , which ( in vindication of the memory of so great a Seer from this pampleters imputations , and for the more full confirmation of this truth ) we shal now examine and repell . Mr Durhame sayes That not only Ierome , but likewise others of the Ancients , such as Augustin , Ambrose , Chrysostom , were of Aerius minde hereanent . To this he answers [ That Mr Durhame brings this as Medina's assertion , as he is cited by Bellarmin . But knowes he not that Medina is cited for this by many others , as Dr Reynolds particularly . And likewise why would he not examine these Ancients cited by Medina , and examine what truth is in his citations , if he intended to repell this Testimony . Well , but what sayes our Informer to these Testimonies offered by Mr Durhame . He answers . 1. That though these fathers be of Ieroms minde , i●…is n●… great prejudice that will hence ensue to Bishops , as he hat●… already cleared . Ans. We have made it appear tha●… Ierome makes the first Bishops , meere fixed Moderators , and likewise ane humane invention or custom , discrepant from ihe first divine Bishops , who are proved by him to be in Scripture the same with Presbyters . And i●… this be no prejudice to his Diocesian Prelat with sole power of ordination and Iurisdiction , let any judge . 2. The Informer wonders how Mr Durhame coul●… cite Augusti●… as of Aerius minde , since Augustine hold him to be erroneous upon this ground . ( Haeres . 53. A●…s . Why doth he not answer to that passage of Augusti●… cited by Mr. Durhame , as he pretends to answer to som●… of the rest of these fathers . What sayes he to Augustin●… words ? are they not his ? Or doe they not clearly assert the identity of Bishop & Presbyter ? To say that Augustin accounted Aerius a heretick for this , while he offers not to remove Augustins cleare assertion of the same thing , is but to sett him by the ears with himself , not to answer his Testimony . Next , as for Augustin's accounting Aerius a heretick for this , he should know that the learned doe Consent that Augustin in this followes Epiphanius , who first imputed heresie to Aerius , and made but very simple-insipid answers to Aerius arguments for his opinion . And moreover that Augustin relates his opinion anent the parity of Bishop and Presbyter , or rather his denying that their ought to be ane Ecclesiastick constitution anent their difference , as that which Epiphanius put among the roll of heresies , himself not positively determining , that this was a heresie . For ( as is consented unto by the learned , and particularly by Dr. Reinolds in his letter to Sir Francis Knolls , touching Dr. Bancrofts Sermon about the difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter ) Augustin aknowledges himself ignorant how farr the definition of heresie doth extend . He enumerats the heresies which he found noted by other writers , but applyes not the definition of heresie to every one of them . Far lesse could he doe so in this point , which was his own judgement , as the passage cited by Mr. Durham doth evince . That Ierom and Augustin were of Aerius minde as to Bishops , is the judgment of very many : sane cum Aerio sensit Hieronimus ( saith Whittak . Contr. 4. Q. 1. Cap. 3. Sect. 30. ) Ierom truely was of Aerius minde , on which ground we need care the less that Aerius is so oft objected to us by blockish men . See how rude Whittaker is again to our Informer . Saravia himself ( de Grad . cap. 23. ) acknowledges that Ierom dissented from Epiphanius in this . Dr. Reynolds in that Epistle to Knolls about Bancrofts Sermon , asserting with the Informer [ That Aerius was for his opinion condemned of heresie by the whole Church ] proves from Ierom and other writters who were contemporarie with Epiphanius or flourished after him . That Augustin Presents that assertion anent the identite of Bishop and Presbyter , a●… hereticall , only as he found it related by Epiphanius , wheras himself knew not how farr the name of heresie was to be extended , as he testefys in his preface concerning heresies . But that Augustin himself was of the judgement that by divine right , there is no difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter , he proves from his words Epist. 19. he cites also — Iewell against Harding the jesuit ( asserting likwise with the Informer that Aerius was condemned for his opinion as a heretick ) who proves that Jerome , Augustin , Ambrose , were of the same minde . Thus wee see Augustin made in this point consistent with Ierome , & also with himself , whom this man makes to speake contradictions , so as he may come faire off . 3. He answers That Ambrose and Chrysostoms Testimony will not come Mr. Durhams length , Becaus , Though Ambrose [ or one Hilary ] sayes that Episcopi & Presbyteri una est ordinatio , that they are both priests , yet the Bishop is the first , So that every Priest is not a Bishop , for the Bishop is the first priest . Ans. The Informer hath left out wittily ( whither honestly or not , let others judge ) in his translation of this sentence , the inference which Ambrose Drawes from this identity of the office , viz , that they have both one ordination . He maks the office one , and the ordination one consequently , and gives this reason why they have one ordination , viz , because , every one of them is a priest or Minister , uterque enim Sacerdos , sath he : Their ordination , is terminat upon , and relative unto , one and the same office . Now what greater length would he have Ambrose assertion come then this ? That there is no diff●…rent ordination of the Bishop and Presbyter , and consequently no officiall differences doth he not plead for ane officiall specifick difference ? betwixt Bishop and Presbyter ? Makes he not the Bishops succeed the Apostles and Evangelists in their officiall power , and the Presbyters to come after the Seventy Disciples or meer ordinary Pastoures ? Are their not many essential differences , which this mans principles , & the present practise , fixes betwixt the Bishop & Presbyter , wherof we have spoken above ? How can Ambrose then assert , that they have the same office and ordination ? Where is the Consecration ? Where is the Bishops sole power in ordination and jurisdiction ? Where is his negative voice among the Presbyters , making them in all their officiall power certain deputs under him , if their office be one , and their ordination the same with his ? 2. As for the difference here assigned , viz , That the Bishop is the first priest , and that every Presbyter is not a Bishop in Ambrose sense , this will nothing help our Informer ; Becaus 1. This is fitly applicable to the Proestos then in use , yea to the Moderator of a Synod , who ( as such ) hath a sort of Prostasie while the Synod sits , and every Minister is not Moderator , though the Moderator be no more then a Minister in his officiall power ; nay , this is applicable to the least accidentall difference Imaginable . Every man is not white or black , yet every such is a man. Every Parliament man is not speaker , though the speaker is a Parliament man only as to his authority . Blondel his first ordained Minister , who , with him , is the first Bishop or Proestos , hath this properlie applicable unto him . 2. He must be minded , that Ambrose sayes , when speaking of the Scriptur - parity of Bishops and Presbyters , non per omnia conveniunt scripta Apostolorum ordinationi quae nunc est in Ecclesia . That the writings of the Apostles did not in every point agree to the order which was then in the Church . Now this preter - scripturall or new order of government , what is it but that anent the primus or first among the Presbyters ? so that this very primus or prostasie ( tho farr from the present Hierarchie of our Prelats as is said ) yet comes after the scripture appointment — with Ambrose , and is unlike to that paritie betwixt Bishop & Presbyter , which is therein held forth . The Informer Next offers something in answer to Chrisostoms Testimony , who asserts That almost there is no difference betwix a Bishop and Presbyter . And his great Answer is That notwithstanding these Fathers acknowledge a difference , and themselves were Bishops ] Ans. If the difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter come to a ferme nihil , or almost none , Surely it decays and is ready to vanish away . And what this difference is , and wherein placed , we have already heard ; and surely that prostasie in Chrysostoms time ; behoved to be very in considerable , since it came to make upno greater difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter then a ferme nihil , upon the borders of a non ens . As for what he sayes of their being Bishops themselves . I answer , they are the more impartiall witnesses in this mater ; They tell us oft that Ierome was a Presbyter , and therefore no friend to Bishops . Now here is a Testimonie of eminent Bishops for this very truth which Ierom asserts , and which this man would make us believe , was condemned as a Heresie . And surelie we are more tender of their reputation , who interpret any Prostasie or Episcopacie which they held , to be according to this their judgement anent Episcopacie , and assert that what overplus of power they had or might possibly exercise , beyond that of a Presbyter , was by them lookt upon as founded on Ecclesiastick Custome or Ecclesiae usus , As Augustin speaks , but not to flow from a divine right , Then this Informer and his fellowes , who make them maintaine one thing and practise another ; yea and contradict themselves so grossly in maintaining as high a jus divinum , as Apostolick doctrine , and practise , in relation to the Hierarchicall Bishop , and yet assert a ferme nihil as to the difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter . But the Informer adds , That they might think Bispop and Presbyter to differ Gradu , not ordine , in degree not in order , which is still a debate in the Schools . Ans. This assertion is so improbable , that he dare but lisp it out , and faintly asserts it with a might be ; But sure he must needs acknowledge this distinction of the Schooles to be much later then these Fathers , and any graduall difference which they place betwixt Bishop and Presbyter , it is clear , that they found it upon Ecclesiastick Custome , as we heard both Ierome , Augustin and Ambrose assert . But how long will this man involve himself in contradictions , and these Fathers also ? Told he us not ( page 15. ) That Augustin upon Psal 45 : 16. affirms , That the Bishops are properly the Successors of the Apostles unto their office . And saith he not immediatly thereafter , That Ambrose upon 1 Cor. 12 : 28. affirms of the Apostles first named in that Classe of Church officers , that ipsi sunt Episcopi firmante illud Petro , episcopatum , ejus accipiat alter . That the Apostles are the Bishops by Peters assertion , let another take his Bisheprick . Tells he us not likewise here that Augustin makes James the first Bishop of Ierusalem , and Peter , the first Bishop of Rome ? Tells he us not , that they transmitted ane Episcopall power in that traine of Successors , proved by Catalogues of Bishops ? Did we not hear him plead , that the seventy Disciples , placed in ane inferiour orb to the Twelve Apostles , are properlie succceded by Presbyters ; that Matthias behoved to be ordained ane Apostle , tho one of the Seventy disciples , is his great argument to prove this . Now I beseech him per omnes musas , will he say that Apostles and Presbyters differ only ordine and not gradu , in order , not in degree ? or that these fathers doe hold this opinion ? how come their successors then to coalesce into one , after such a manner as to differ only in a ferme nihil , or almost nothing ? Saith not Ambrose , Episcopi & Presbyteri una est ordinatio , the Bishop and Presbyter have the same ordination . But the Informer will not adventure to say that the Apostle and Presbyter have one ordination . For Matthias one of the Seventy must be solemnlie by God ordained ane Apostle : And the Prelats must be solemnlie consecrat by their fellowes — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their new episcopall order . In a word , we heard from Cassander , that the Canonists and Theologues who dispute this Question , doe both accord , that as to a jus divinum or divine right , there is no difference betwixt Bishop and Presbyter either in order or degree . And so though it were granted ( which yet the Informer himself dare not positively assert ) that the Fathers tossed this question , it will nothing help him , nor prejudge Mr Durhams quotation , which speaks of a jus divinum . As for what he adds , That the Fathers cited by Medina might hold the same notion , Let him hear how Bellarmin ( no friend to Presbyterian Government ) represents his assertion ( de Cler. Cap 15. ) Michael Medina lib. 1. De sacrorum hominum origine & eminentia ( Cap. 5. ) Affirmat sanctum Hieronimum idem omnino cum Aerianis sensisse , neque solum Hieronimum in ea haeresi fuisse , sed etiam Ambrosium , Sedulium , Primasium , Chrysostomum , Theodoretum , Oecumenium , & Theophylactum , atque ita , inquit Medina , isti viri alioqui Sanctissimi , & Sacrarum Scripturarum consultissimi , quorum tamen sententiam prius in Aerio , deinde in Waldensibus , postremo in Joanne Wickleffo , damnavit ecclesia . That is , Michael Medina in the first book concerning the originall and eminencie of sacred men 5. Chap. Affirms that St Jerome was every way of the same judgment with the Aerians , And that not only Jerome was in that Heresie . But also Ambrose , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostom , Theodoret , Oecomenius , and Theophylact ; And thus ( saith Medina ) these men otherwayes most godly , and most expert in the holie Scrptures , whose judgment notwithstanding the Church condemned , first in Aerius , Next in the Waldeneses , And lastly in Iohn Wickleff . ] Let our Informer note here . 1. That it is beyond debate with Bellarmin that with Medina at least , all these Fathers were Aerians . 2. That his holy Catholick Church of Rome is the grand condemner of this Heresie . 3. That this is one of the Heresies of the old Waldenses , these famous witnesses against Antichrist : And of John Wickleff , and such like eminent reformers . Afterward he adds [ That in Jerome and these Greek Fathers , that opinion was of old dissembled out of reverence to them , But contrarily in the Hereticks alwayes condemned . ] So we see the Presbyterian Principles , are with him , one of the Heresies of Protestants . Peter Swav . ( in the History of the Council of Trent , pag. 664. edit . Francfort . ) relates . [ That when the Authoritie of Ierom and Augustin was brought to prove episcopacie to be but ane Ecclesiastick constitution , Michael Medina answered — That it was no wonder that Jerom , Augustin , and others of the Fathers , fell into that heresie , not having throughly searched the matter , & that he maintained pro virili this to be their opinion . Finallie , to make these Fathers one with themselves ( whom this man enforceth in his next passages , cited page 71 , 72. Anent the derivation of Episcopacie from the Apostles and higher , to speak palpable contradictions ) we must say , with Whittaker , that they call the Apostles so , because they did that upon the matter which Bishops then did . And because their power quadam similitudine , or by a certain similitude or likenesse ( as Junius expresseth it ) was like to that of these extraordinarie Church officers , whom notwithstanding they could not succeed in the same office , nor could these Fathers think so upon the grounds formerly mentioned . Tilen . in his Specul . Antichr . ortum aperiens ( Aphoris . 88. ) Tells us that [ episcopos & Presbyteros re & nomine eosdem fuisse , non Hieronimus solum in 1. Tim. 3. Sed etiam scriptura perspicue docet Tit. 1. Act. 20. Phil. 1. Proinde humani instituti , sive positivi , ut vocant juris , est illa sub diversis nominibus munerum distinctio . That Bishops and Presbyters were the same in name and thing or office , Not only Jerome on 1. Tim. 3. But the Scripture also doth evidently teach , Tit. 1. Act. 20. Phil. 1. And therefore that distinction of the offices under diverse names is of human institution , as they call it , or of positive right ] A fitt looking-glasse , this had no doubt been to the same Tilen when he wrote , his paraenesis , and changed his note . And likwise it is a fitt looking glasse for this Informer : CHAP. XVI . The harmonius consent of ancient Fathers , Modern divines , and confessions of Reformed Churches for Presbyterian Government , in all its essentiall points of difference from Prelacie , is exhibit . IT is clear that Presbyterian Government ( the pure , ancient , and genuine Government of this Church ) in every essentiall ingredient of it , as it stands in opposition to prelacie , is approved by , such a consent of antiquity , and modern diuines , that it would take up almost as much roome as this Informers pamphlet , to reckon up their names . That we may present them in 〈◊〉 compendious view take it thus . 1. That jure divino , there is no difference betwixt a Bishop and Presbyter , hath a very large consent of antiquitie collected by many of the learned , whose testimonies we may see in Bishop Jewel against Hardin , edit : Ann. 1570. p. 243. And Reynolds in the forementioned Epistle at large cited ( Petries Hist. part . 3. p : 469 , 470 , 471. ) Where there is exhibit a full consent both of the Greek , and Latin Fathers , for this point of truth . The Doctor in his conference with Hart , holds That the president chosen out at first to moderat , is be whom afterwards the Fathers called Bishop , and that the name Bishop common to all Ministers , was by them thus appropriat to this president . Next for modern writers , the same Dr Reynolds tells us in the formentioned Epistle , that those who have laboured about the reforming of the Church these 500 Years , have taught that all Pastours be they intituled Bishops or Priests , have equall authoritie and power by Gods word . Citing the Waldenses in Aen. Silv. hift . of Bohem. Chap. 35. Pich . Hierarch . Ecclesiast . lib. 2. Cap : 10. Marsil . Patavin . Defens . pacis part . 2. Cap. 15. Wickleff . in Thom. Waldens . Doct. Fil. Tom. 1. lib : 2. Cap : 60. and Tom : 2. cap : 7. And his Schollers Husse and the Hussits , Aeneas Silvius Loccit . Luther . Advers . falso : nomin : Scot : Epise . & adversus Papat . Rom. Calv. in Epist. ad Phil. Tit. 1. Erentius Apolog. Confess . Wittenberg . — Cap. 21 : Bulinger . Decad. 5. Serm : 3. Musculus Loc. Com : Tit : de Ministerio Verbi . Then he adds Jewel , Pilkington , Dr. Humphrey in Campian . & Duraeum Jesuit . Part. 2. Ra●… : 3. Whittak . ad rationes Campian . 6. & Confut Durae . lik . 6. Mr Bradfoord , Lambert , Fox ( Act. Mon. ) Fulk . ( Ansr. to the Rhemeflits . ) To these may be added Cartwright against the Rhemists . Bishop Bilson himself against Seminartes lib. 1. p : 318. Bishop Morton in his Catholick Apologie Part. 1. Cap. 33. Erasmus upon 1 Tim. 4. To which add , that in the O●…cumenick Coun●…les of Constance & Basile , it was concluded that Presbyters should have decisive suffrage in Councils , as well as Bishops , because that by the Law of God Bishops were not greater then they , and it is expreslie given them . Act. 15. 23. To which we may add the Concil . Aquisgravense sub Ludovico Pio Imperatore . 1. Anno 816. Which approved it for sound divinity out of Scripture , that Bishops and Presbyters are equal ; bringing the same texts that Aerius doth . To these mentioned the learned Reynolds doth add , the common judgement of Reformed Churches , viz. Helvetia , Savoy , France , Scotland , Germanie , Hungary , Poland , the Low Countries , citing the harmonie of Confessions . Yea their own Church of England ( Chap : II. of the harmonie . ) Therafter he learnedly refutes our Informer as to what he sayes anent Ieroms ( so often repeated ) a Marco Evangelista — shewing both by the decree of the 4t . Council of Carthage Cap : 3. Anent Presbyters interest in ordination ( which , saith he , proves that the Bishops ordained not then alone in all places , although Ierom sayes , quid facit excepta ordinatione &c : ) and by Ieroms proving Bishops and Presbyters to be all one in scripture , and even in the right of ordination 1. Tim. 4. 14. That Ierom could not mean Bishops in Alexandria to have had that Episcopall power since Mark , about which the question is . Where also he vindicats Calvin ( Jnstit : 〈◊〉 : 4. c : 4. Sect : 2. ) cited by Bancroft ( as likwayes by our Dialogist here ) as consenting to the establishment of ane Episcopacie since Mark at Alexandria . He saith [ That Calvin having showen that Ministers choose out one to preside , to whom especially they gave the name of [ Bishop , ] Shews that notwithstanding this Bishop was not above them in honour and dignitie , that he should rule over them , but was appointed only to ask the votes , to direct and admonish — and see that performed which was agreed upon by their common consent — And having declared , that Ierom shews this to have been in by the consent of men upon Tit. 1. He adds , that the same Ierom other where shews , how ancient ane order in the Church it was , even from Marks time to Heraclius &c : In which words of Calvin ( saith the Doctor ) seeing that the order of the Church which he mentions , hath evident relation to that before described , and that in the describing of it he had said , The Bishop was not so above the rest in honour that he had rule over them : It followes that Mr. Calvin doth not so much as seem to confess upon Ieroms report [ that ever since Marks time Bishops have had a ruling superioritie over the Clergie ] A contradictorie Conclusion to that of our Informer . The Doctor proceeds thus . Wherfore to use no more proofe in a thing manifest , which else might be easily proved more at large out of Ierom and Mr. Calvin both , it is certain that neither of them doth affirme , that Bishops so long time have had such a superioritie , as Dr. Bancroft seems to father upon them . To all this adde , that Dr. Holland the Kings professor in Oxford , at ane Act ( Iully 9. 1608. ) Concluded against Mr Lanes question [ an Episcopatus sit ordo distinctús a Presbyteratu , eoque superior jure divino . That is , whither Episcopacie be a distinct order from the Presbyterat & superiour thereunto by divine right ] That the affirmative was most false , against the Scriptures , Fathers , the doctrin of the Church of England , yea the very Schoolmen themselves , Lombard , Thomas , Bonaventur . A 2d . Essentiall point of Presbyterian government in opposition to Prelacie , is in the mater of ordination and jurisdiction , viz , that these are not in the hand of any single Prelat , but that Presbyters have ane essentiall joynt interest therin . And this also hath a large Consent and Testimonie of the learned both ancient and Modern . For this the 4t . Council of Carthage is adduced Can. 5. and the Councils of Constance and Basile , anent Presbyters decisive suffrages in Council . Cyprian Epist. 33. and 78. Council of Antioch , Can●… : 10. of Aneyra . Can. 13. Ruffins hist. lib. 10. Cap. 9. Sozom . l. 2. c. 23. and many such . Smectim . pag. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31. cites many Testimonies for this . See Blondel . Apol. Sect. 3. pag. 120. to 130. Prins un-Bish : of Timothie and Titus from pag. 52. to 83. Where the full Consent of reformed divines is adduced , such as Ioannes Luckawits in his confession of the Taborits against Rokenzana Cap : 13. the Wald●…nses and Taborits apud Fox acts . Monum . p. 210. Illyric . Catol . testiumveritatis . Tit. Waldenses 455. Melanchton , Arg. & Respons . par . 7. De Potest . Episcopi Arg. 2. Hiperius on 1. Tim. 4. 14. Hemmingius ibid. Gerardus Loc. Theol. de Ministerio Ecclesiastico proves this at large . Peizelius , Arg. & Resp. Par. 7. de Ordin . Ministrorum in Arg. 1. Musculus , Loc : Com. de Ministerio verbi . Morn●…y Lord of Pless . de Eccles. Cap 11. Nay Canonists and Schoolmen themselves , Summa angelica ordo , Sect : 13. and Innocentius there cited . Filiu●…ius Iesuit ▪ de Casibus Consc. Par. 1. Tract . 9. Alexander Alensis Sum. Theol. par . 4. Quest. 9. M. 5. Artic. 1. Cajetan . on 1. Tim. 4. 14. and many others . Likwise it is made good that the Bishops swallowing up this power of Presbyters , and reserving it only to himself comes from Popish Authority . Leo primus ( Epist. ●…8 . ) on complaints of unlawfull ordinations writing to the German and French Bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the Bishops , and among the rest Presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio , the consecration of Presbyters and deacons . Then adds , quae omnia solis deberi summis pontificibus authoritate Canonum praecipitur . That is , All which things are commanded to be reserved to the cheife priests by the Authority of the Canons . For this see also Rabanus Maurus de Instit. Clericorum . l. 1. c. 6. And to this truth of Presbyters power in ordination , the Confessions of reformed Churches gives a harmonious echo . The latter confession of Helvetia ( Harmon . of Confess Chap. 11. pag : 232. ) asserts , That the holy function of the Ministery is givin●… the laying on of the hands of Presbyters , no word of Pre lats hands . So the 18. Chap : ( pag. 236. ) they are to be ordained by publick prayer and laying on of hands , which power they say is the same and alike in all , citing that passage Luke . 10. he that will be great among yow , let him be your servant . So Act. 15. and Ierom on Tit. 1. — therfor ( say they ) let no man forbid that we return to the old appointment of God ( so they call the Presbyterian way of ordination ) and rather receive it then the Custome devised by men , ( So they call the Episcopall Method ) . Thus the Confession of Bohem. Chap. 9. ( Harm . Sect : 11 pag. 246. 247. ) after setting down the qualifications of Ministers — As to ordination they say , that after prayer and fasting they are to be confirmed and approved of the Elders by the laying on of their hands . So the Confess . Sax : Chap : 12. ( Harm : Conf : par . 2. ) affirme that it belongs to Ministers of the word to ordaine Ministers , lawfullie elected and called . Where we have asserted both the Presbyters power in ordination , and the peoples interest in the Call of Pastors , in opposition to prelacy . So the Confession of the French Church . Credimus veram Ecclesiam &c : We believe that the true Church ought to be governed by that policy which Christ hath ordained , viz , that there be Pastours , Presbyters or Elders and Deacons . And again we believe that all true pastours wherever they be , are endued with equal and the same power under one head and Bishop Christ Iesus , which strikes our Diocesian and Erastian frame of government starke dead . Which is seconded thus by the Belgick Confess . ( Art : 30. ) All Christs Ministers of the word of God have the same and equal power and authority as being all Ministers of that only universall head and Bishop Christ. To thesewe might adde many other Testimonies of reformed divines , as Calvin , Piscator , Marl●…rat on 1. Tim : 4. 14. Tit. 1. 3. Zanch. de Statu . P●…ccat . and Legal . in 4tum . praecep . Chemnitius Loc. Com. Part. 3. de Eccles. Cap. 4. Exam. Concil . Trid. part . 2. de Sacram. ordinis pag. 224 , 225. proving also that Election and vocation of Ministers belongs to the whole Church . Antonius Sadael , Resp. ad repetita Turriani Sophismata , par . 2. lo●… . 12. Beza ( de divers : Ministrorum gradibus . ) Iunius [ Controv. 5. l. c 3. N : 3. ] Chamierus [ Panstratia Cathol : Tom : 2. de Occum : Pontis : Cap : 6. A 3d. Great point of Presbyterian Government in opposition to prelacie , is the peoples interest in the election and call of Ministers . And for this there is as full a consent of divines , and Churches , both ancient and Modern . Severall of the forementioned Confessions clears this , the peoples election and call being taken in together with , Presbyters ordination , Cyprian ( Epist. 68. ) is full to this purpose . Plebs ipsa maxime habet potestatem , vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , quod & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate descendere ut Sacerdos sub omnium oculis , plebe presente deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus public●… judicio ac Testimonio comprobetur . That is , The people themselves have Chiefly the power , either of Electing , worthy priests , or refusing the unworthy : which mater we see even of it self to descend from the divine authority , that the priest be set apart under the eyes of all in the peoples presence , and as worthy and qualified be approved by a publick judgment and Testimony . So lib : 1. Epist : 4. is full for the Churches libertie and right in elections . The 4t . Council of Carthage [ Can. 22. ] Requires to the admission of every Clergy man , civium assensum , & testimonium & convenientiam , The consent of the citzens , their testimonie , and agreement Socrat [ l. 4. c. 25. sayes that Ambrose was chosen Bishop of Millan by the uniform voice of the Church . In the pretended Apostolick , but truely old constitutions of Clement [ lib. 8. cap. 4. ] The Bishop who must be ordained is appointed in all things to be unblameable , chosen by all the people ; unto whom let the people being assembled on the Lords day ( N. B. ) with the Presbytery and the Bishops there present , give their consent : And a Bishop askes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Presbytery , & the people●… , if they desire such a man to be set over them . The Helvetick confession told us , that the right choosing of Ministers is by consent of the Church . So the Belgick confession tells us [ that Ministers , Elders , and Deacons , are to be advanced to their office by the lawfull election of the Church . ] Greg. Nazian . ( orat . 31. ) commends Athanasius his calling as being after the Apostolical example 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the suffrage of all the people . Blondel clears this from a large consent of antiquitie ( page , 379. to 473. ) And this is cleared also by a large consent of protestant divines . Luther ( de potest . Papae . ) Calvin ( on Act. 6 : 3. ) Beza ( confess . Cap. 5. Art. 35. ) Musculus ( in Loc. com . ) Zanch. ( on 4t . com . ) Junius ( Animadvers . on Bellarm . Controv. 5. l. c. 7. ) Cartwright ( on Act. 14. v. 23. ) Wallaeus , Bullinger , Wittaker . See Mr Gilesp . Misc. quest . pag 18 , 19. Our first book of Discipline appoints to the people their votes and suffrage in election of Ministers . ( in the 4t . head . ) And the 2d . book ( Cap 3. ) discharges any to intrude contrary to the will of the congregation — or without the voice of the eldership . A 4t . Essential point of Presbyterian Government in opposition to Prelacie , is in relation to the office of the ruleing elder , as appointed by Christ. This we cleared from Scripture , and there is as cleare a consent of antiquitie for it , and of modern reformed Churches and divines , exhibited by our writers . For this Ignatius ( Epist : ad Trallianos , ad initium pag. 66. edit . oxon . An. 1644. ) is cited . Likewise Baronius ( in his Annals Anno 103. in the Gesta purgationis Caeciliani & Felicis . ) Tertul. ( Apolog. Advers : gentes . Cap. 39. ) Origen . ( ontra Celsum lib. 3. ) Cyprian ( Epist. 36. ) Optatus ( lib. 1. pag. 41. edit : paris : An. 1631. ) Ambrose ( comment . on 1 Tim. 5 : 1. ) And for modern writers , Whittaker ( contra Duraeum lib : 9. Sect. 47. ) Thorndicks discourse of religious assemblies ( cap. 4. pag. 117. ) Rivet ( Cathol . Orthodox , Tract . 2. quest . 22 , Sect. 4 ) . Finally . Presbyterian Government , as it stands in opposition to the present Prelacie in its Erastian mould , and maintaines a spirituall authoritie in the hands of Church officers , distinct from , and independent upon the civill powers of the world , hath as full a consent of the learned . As Erastianism was first hatched by Thomas Erastus Physician in Heidleberg about the year 1568. — And much catched up , and pleaded for by Arminians since , so it hath been impugned by a full consent of reformed divines , who have fully proved it to be contrary to the rules of Church Government set down in the Scripture both in the old and new Testament , and utterly eversive of the Gospel Ministrie and Church . The eminent divines who have written against it , are Beza ( who encounters with Erastus himself upon this point ) Zachriasursin , Wallaeus , Helmichius , Triglandus , Dr Revius , Dr Voetius , Appollonius , and many others , Especially the famous and learned Mr Gillespy in that elaborat peice , entituled , Aarons rod blossoming ; wherein the consent of the ancient , and modern Church , as to this great point of truth , is exhibit . See 2. book . 1 Cap. p●…g . 167. Now , from all that is said , Whither Presbyterian Government hath not the patronage of the purest Scripture antiquity , and a full consent of the after purer times , and of reformed Churches and divines , in all the forementioned points of its opposition to the Prelacie now established : Both in holding , 1. The identity of Bishop and Presbyter , as to name and things 2. Presbyters right of ordination , and Jurisdiction . 3. The peoples interest in the Election , and call o. Ministers . 4. The ruleing Elders office . 5. The Churches intrinsick power of Government , I leave to the Impartiall to judge . And consequently of the vanity of this new Dialoguist , His pleading upon this point . A Confutation Of the Second DIALOGUE , Anent the Covenants Against EPISCOPACIE . Wherein , the Informers reasonings against the abjuration of the present Episcopacie in the National and Solemne League and Covenant , and the obligation of these oaths in opposition thereunto , are examined . CHAP. I. Atwofold state of the Question proposed , the one touching the abjuration of this Prelacie in either or both these Covenants , the other concerning the obligation of these oathts against it . That Prelacie is abjured in the National and Solemne League and Covenant , proved at large . And arguments offered to evince their oblidging force upon the present and succeeding generations . THE state of the Question in the Second Dialogue is twofold , 1. Whither the Prelacie now established by Law in this Church , be abjured in the national , and solemne league and Covenant ? 2. Upon supposition that it is abjured in both the one and the other , whither the obligation of these Oaths stands against it , yea or not ? Wee shall a litle touch . For the 1. Our National Covenant , sworne by King Iames in the the year 1580 , and by the Estates of this land , and many times thereafter , solemnlie and universally renewed , both by our Church and State , doth clearly exclude Prelacie . The passages thereof pleaded against Prelacie , and wherein our obligation lyes , are these . 1. In General , wee professe to believe the word of God to be the onlie rule , the Gospel contained therein to be Gods undoubted truth , as then received in this Land & maintained by sundrie reformed Kirks & States , chiefly by our own . Whereupon we renounce all contrary doctrine , and especially all kind of Papistrie in generall & particular heads , as confuted by the word of God and rejected by the Kirk of Scotland . 2. After a large enumeration of many points of poprie , disowned upon this ground and vowed against , as contrary unto the word of God , and the gospel of Salvation contained therein . Wee renounce the Popes worldly monarchie , and wicked Hierarchie , and whatever hath been brought into this Church without , or against the word of God. 3. Wee vow to joyne our selves to this reformed Kirke in Doctrine , faith , religion & Discipline ; Swearing by the great name of God to continue in obedience to the doctrine , and Discipline of this Kirke , and upon our Eternall perill to maintaine and defend the same according to our vocation , and power , all the dayes of our life . Now the obligation of this engadgement against prelacie is evident these wayes . 1. All doctrines contrary unto , or beside the word of God , are here rejected and disowned : All doctrines contrary to the simplicity of the Gospel , recived and believed by the Church of Scotland , and whatever hath been brought into this Church without or against Gods Word . But so it is that the present hierarchy is contrary unto the Word of God , both in its Diocesi●… and Erastian mould , as hath been proved at large . And we heard that this Church of Scotland , since it received Christianity , did stand for a long time under Presbyterian Government , and untill Palladius was sent unto us from Pope Celestine , never knew a Prelat , Ergo , Prelacie in its Diocesian Erastian mould is here abjured . 2. Our Prelacie is condemned in that clause of the Popes wicked hierarchie , whereby the Prelatick Government is most clearly pointed at , which is evident thus . 1. That the Government of the popish Church is prelaticall : this man will not deny , it is by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Primats Deans &c : and it being distinct from his Monarchie , for else the naming of his worldly monarchie had been enough : and moreover , it being ranked among these things which are brought into the Church against the Word of God , and into this Church against her pure Doctrine which was clearly the sense of it , that assemblies , and the body of this Protestant Church entertained ; assemblies declaring that the Word [ Bishop ] was not to be taken as in time of Papistrie . And Iohn Knox ( whose sense and Judgement herein was certanlie retained , and upon all occasions manifested by our Reformers ) accounting Prelacie to have quid commune cum Antichristo . Ergo , Prelacie is here vowed against simpliciter and in it self considered . 2. If he grant a hierarchie to be here abjured , sure it must be abjured with the rest of the corruptions enumerat in that large list of them exhibited in this Oath . Now these are abjured in themselves simpliciter , as contrary unto the Word of God and the doctrine of this Kirke , ergo , So must a prelacie or hierarchie be in its self abjured under the same formalis ratio , as thus brought in , whither by the Pope or any other . 3. This hierarchie is supposed in this Oath to be contrary unto the Discipline of this Church , as well as the popish Doctrine is therein supposed contrarie to her pure Doctrine . Now ( as we shall shew ) the Discipline which this Church then owned , was Presbyterian . So that that Discipline or Hierarchie , which stands in opposition to Presbyterian Government , is here abjured : but so it is that prelacie ex se , & sua natura stands thus opposit unto it , ergo , by the hierarchie , all prelacy is abjured . 3. Prelacy is abjured in that clause where we professe to joyne our selves to this reformed Kirk in her Discipline , as well as her Doctrine , and vow and sweare adherence unto both . Now that the Discipline then owned by this Church , was Presbyterian Government or discipline , Is evident these wayes . 1. Discipline by generall assemblies and Synods having compleat parity of all Ministers , with a joynt decisive suffrage , is Presbyterian Discipline ; but this was that Discipline owned by our Church : For her first Nationall Assembly ( compleatly Presbyterial in its mould ) was in the Year 1560. After which time untill 1580 When this Covenant was sworne , there were many assemblies exercising their power . 2 , That is presbyterian Discipline , which did judicially condemne prelacie as having no warrand in the Word , and ownes no Church officers as lawfull but pastours , Doctors , Elders and Deacons . But so it is that this was the judiciall decision of our generall assemblies , long before this Covenant ; for the first book of discipline , containing the Basis of presbyterian Government , was approved and subscribed by this Church in the year 1560. And the Second book of discipline in Anno 1578. Which two books compleatly overthrow Prelacie , & layes down a mould of Presbyterian government . And therafter in the assembly at Dundie ( Anno. 1580. Sess. 4. ) The office of a Prelat was particularly condemned by a solemne act , and abolished as unlawfull , and void of Scripture warrand , ordaining under paine of excommunication such as brooked the said office to lay it aside , as ane office to which they are not called of God , and cease from preaching and administring Sacraments , under hazard of the same Censure ; or using the office of a Pastour till they receive admission [ de novo ] from the generall assemblie . Now in the nationall covenant , this existent discipline being sworne to be maintained , who can say but that Prelacie is most formallie abjured therein ; Especially if it be considered , that in the same year 1580 This national covenant was sworn , at which timethese things were so fresh & recent . 3. That discipline which the takers and framers of this cov●…nant , at the taking of it , and in pursuance of its ends , did carry on and establish , that discipline it must needs include and engadge unto in their sense : but that was Presbyterian-government . For ( to omit many preceeding discoveries heirof mentioned in the Apology ) in the year 1580. The assemblie after their judiciall declarator , that Prelacie is contrary to the word of God , sent Commissioners to the King to desire the establishment of the book of policie by ane Act of Council , untill a parliament were conveened ; and what this book of policie contained , we did already hint . Then in this same year , the national covenant and confession is sworn by the King and Council . In the assemblie 1581. it is subscribed by all the members , and the Act of the Assemblie at Dundie explained . And it was again judicially declared that the Church did thereby wholly Condemne the estate of Bishops as they were in Scotland . At which very Nick of time the Confession of faith ( Sworn before in the year 1580. ) is presented to the assemblie by the King and Council , Together with his Letter to Noblemen and Gentlemen for erecting Presbyteries Compleatly through the nation , and dissolving Prelacies , all the three , viz , both the King , the Estates and the assemblie , fully agreeing in this judgement as to Church government , and this oath for its maintenance . And according to this joynt authoritative determination of Church and State , Presbyteries were erected . Likwise in this assemblie according to the forsaid joynt conclusion , the Second book of discipline containing the mould of Presbyterial Government , and likewise this National Covenant and oath for its perservation , are ( as the two great Charters of our Churches government and liberties ) insert into the Churches records ad futuram rei memoriam , And that posterity might not be ignorant of the discipline sworn in that covenant . Upon which , and many such like grounds , the Assemblie 1638 did again judicially declare this sense of this National Oath , which accordingly was received with ane expresse application to prelacy , and the other Corruptions attending it , and taken by the whole land with a full concurrence of the civil Sanction and authoritie , Anno. 1640. The 2d . Great engadgement pleaded against prelacie , is that of the Solemne League and covenant : Wherin we vow the preservation of the reformed religion of the Church of Scotland in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and government according to the word of God , and the example of the best reformed Churches . In the Second Article , Wee sweare the extirpation of poprie and prelacie , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , their Chancellours and Commissaries &c. And all Ecclesiasticall officers depending on that Hierarchie — of whatever is found contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godliness . Which engadgement hath been likwise taken by all rancks , by Parliaments , Assemblies , and the body of the people . Now that the Prelacie at this time established is abjured in this engadgement , is these wayes Evident . 1. Prelacie being razed in Anno. 1638. according to our national covenant , and ane engadgement being framed of adherence to the Religion established in Doctrine , worship , discipline and Government , in opposition unto all innovations formerly introduced , and upon both grounds , Presbyterian government , in its exact paritie being sett up , and judicially enacted , both by Assemblie and parliament : that the Solemne league must needs strike against Prelacie , is in this apparent , because this league is clearlie referable to the great ends of the national covenant , as it stood then established , explained and Sworne by this whole nation ; and therfor is ane accessorie engadgement , commensurat unto , and to be explained by the preceeding : and consequently none can doubt that it strikes against prelacie , and engadgeth to Presbyterian government , who knowes how former engadgements stood . 2. The preservation of the Doctrine , worship , Discipline and goverment then existent in Scotland , referring to the then establishment therof , in opposition to the former prelacie and all its corruptions ; It s evident that all sort of prelacie & whatever corruption in Government is inconsistent with Presbyterian simplicity and parity , is here abjured and covenanted against . As we engadge the preservation of the Doctrine and worship as then reformed , from Prelatick innovations , so likewise we sweare to preserve our Churches ancient and pure discipline as it stood then recovered from prelatick encroachments . That discipline & government is here sworne unto , as the discipline and government of the Church of Scotland , which the Church and State of Scotland at this time established and owned : But so it is , that that was Presbyterian government , then fully ratified both by Church and State , Ergo , the preservation of Presbyterian government is sworne ; and by further consequence that government which was by Church and state extirpate , as abjured in the nationall covenant , and contrary unto this Presbyterian frame , was likwise abjured and covenanted against in this league . But such was prelacie , Bishops , Arch-Bishops &c : ergo . Again . 3. The great ground upon which our adversaries deny the national Covenant to strike against prelacie , is , that they hold that the then existent discipline , to which in that Oath we vow adherence as the discipline of this Church , was not Presbyterian government , & that King Iames did not own it . Ergo , ( by ane argument a contrariis , and ad hominem ) since its undenyable with them that de facto Presbyterian government was now enacted , ratified , established and sett up , both by Assemblies and King and Parliament , that goverment we must stand oblidged unto by the solemn league , as the reformed discipline and government of this Church , and contrarily that government which was then de facto by assemblies , King and Parliament razed as inconsistent with Presbyterian government , and as abjured in the nationall Covenant , that government wee cannot deny , but the solemne league stricks against . But so it is that prelacie was at this time razed by Assemblies , King and Parliament , as inconsistent with the nationall covenant , and Presbyterian government then established , ergo this solemne league stricks against Prelacie . 4. The word preserve here used — and the expression of common enemies cleares this further : preserving ●…relates to that which one is in possession of , the common enemies of this possession , in the sense of all , both Imposers and engadgers , are the Prelats and their Malignant Agents , so that the holding fast of what was attained in point of reformation &c : Presbyterian government in all its established priviledges against Prelats , Prelacie , and all the incroachements thereof , is here most evidently engadged unto . 5. That engadgement and oath which they who have set up prelacie in our Church , did Cassat and remove , as inconsistent therewith , that must needs , by their own confession strike against it : but so it is , that our Parliament and Rulers did wholly Cassat this solemne league , in order to the establishing of Prelacie . Ergo , by their own confession it strikes against it . They cassat the nationall covenant onlie as interpreted against Prelacie , supposing that it will not in its self strike against it , but the league they simply abjure , and disclaime its obligation as to a change of this Prelacie : Ergo they doe upon the mater acknowledge that it stricks against it . Finaly , Our adversaries doe grant that it strikes against Bishops , Arch-Bishops , Deans &c : That we are bound therby to extirpat such officers , though its onlie that specifick complex forme expressed in the Second Article , which they think is properlie abjured . But 1. Is it not a prelacie inconsistent with Presbyterian government ( which we engadge to preserve in the First Article ) which wee abjure and engage to extirpat in the Second , and under this formalis ratio , as thus inconsistent , in the sense and judgement of our Church and State ( the Imposers of the Oath ) ? And are not Bishops , Arch-Bishops , Deans &c : contrary to Presbyterian government , then in being ? 2. Dare this man or any of that partie deny but that the former prelacie which we had in Scotland was intended to be abjured by our Church and State , and the Imposers and renewers of this oath , and doe not all engagements bind according to the sense of Imposers , in the judgement of Casuists ? 3. Is not our Government now by two Arch-Bishops and twelve Bishops ? Have not these their Deans , Archdeacons , Chanters & c ? 4. Are not our Prelats restored to all their pretended priviledges , taken from them by the Parliament who Imposed this oath ? Nay redintegrat to a more absolute possession of pretended Spirituall authority then ever any befor them possessed since our reformation ? 5. Are we not engadged to extirpat all Eeclesiastick officers depending upon that hierarchie , as we are engaged against whatsoever is contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godlinesse not in bulk onlie , but every thing Sigillatim upon this ground , and formalis ratio ? And dare any of them deny that in the sense of Imposers , a diocesian Bishop or Arch-Bishop ( especially as their power now stands enlarged and qualified ) is contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godlines ? Dare he say that any of the Imposers judged ane Arch-Bishop , or Bishop , especially in such ane Erastian mould as he is now , to be consistent with the word of God ? Sure he were very Impudent who would assert it . This being clear then , that these engadgements leavells against the present Prelacie , let us point out Next , their obliging force . This will be clear , if we consider these oaths . 1. In their forme or formalis ratio , or nature and essence . 2. In relation to their subject whom they affect . 3. In their mater and object . 4. Their end and designe . 1. In their Forme , and that either in relation to severall sorts of tyes included in them . Or 2. The Qualifiations of these tyes . For the 1. They are oaths wherin God is invocked as a witnesse of our sinceritie , and as a swift witness against us if we breake . The Scripture is full in pointing at the Sacred nature of oaths . The Third command of that fiery law which Gods own voice pronounced from Heaven ; and which his finger wrote upon the Tables , and which he commanded to be keept within the Ark , is , thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vaine , and with this severe Certificat , that he will not hold them guiltlesse who thus profane his name . He threatens to be a swift witnesse against the false swearer . [ Thou shalt performe to the Lord thy oaths , ] is amongst the grand and morall precepts frequentlie inculcat in Scripture . See levit : 6. 3. 19. 12. Numb . 30. 2. Psal. 15. 4. In this egagement the debt accrews to God , and the absolution consequentlie must have his speciall warrand . Quia religio juramenti pertinet ad forum divinum . Hence the Scripture is full of Instances of the Lords dreadfull punishing the sin of perjurie , witnesse that of Saul and Zedekiah whereof afterward . Now in both these engadgements , there is expresse mention made of Swearing by , and unto God. 2. These engadgements are promises or promissory oaths , whererein we express our purpose , and resolution , as to important duties both to God and man , invocking himselfs as a witness of our sinceritie : we have opened our mouths to God , and to one another in reference to great and weighty duties , relating to the first and Second Table . O what strong bonds are promises , especially of this nature ; what conscience did even heathens make of them , where of instances are abundantly adduced in the Apologie ( pag : 334 , 335. &c. ) 3 : These engadgements are vowes unto God , that is promises made to God in the things of God , such as publick and personall reformation : God here is not only invoked as a witness , but is the proper Correlat and partie in this engagement , and O but it is a fearfull thing to fall into his hands , to be punished for the breach hereof . The Scripture is full as to commands and precedents to pay and performe our vowes , see Numb : 30 : 2. 1. Sam : 1 , 21. Ps. 76 , 11. Ecc : 5 , 4. 5. 4. They are Covenants , and that both with God and man , viz : engadgements to God for performance of duties revealed in his word , such as the people made , when upon the lawes promulgation , they said , whatsoever the Lord commands we will doe , Exod. 19. 8. cap. 24 : 3 , 7. Deut. 5 , 27. and 26 , 17. and therefore are so often charged with breach of Covenant in their after disobedience . We have engadged to God ( in these vowes ) speaking to us in his word from heaven , touching nationall and personall reformation . Here is also a mutuall stipulation betwixt the nations , and with one another touching important duties of the 2d . table in relation to there mutuall rights . Now , the Scripture is full in pointing out the weight and importance of such engadgements , see Ezek : 17. Jos. 9 : 18 , 19. Neh : 9 : 38. Jer : 34 : 18. So that in these Sacred bonds there is the tye of an oath , from the reverence we owe to God , whose name we must not take in vain . The obligation of a vow , from the homage and fealty we owe unto him , the strength of a promise , both to God and man , from the influence of truth and righteousnesse , all concurring to render the same Sacred and inviolable . The binding force of these engadgements does further appear in their qualities , as 1. they were solemnly taken on : It s a Maxime that the obligation grows ▪ with the solemnity of ane engadgement ; and the Scripture aggregeth the breach from the solemnity , such as the cutting the ealfe in twain , and Zedekiahs giving of the hand &c. For this imports deliberation and resolution in the engadgers , and renders the breach more scandalous and infamous . These oaths were taken by solemn assemblies , and Parliaments , after conference , prayer , fasting &c. 2. These are holy and most weightie engagements in the great concerns of Gods glory and our own salvation , the crown and kingdome of Christ against Anti-christ . 3. They are large and extensive , including duties of the whole word of God , all duties we are tyed to in his holy law . 4. They are universall engadgements , all were given up to God in them , representatives and members of Church and state . 5. perpetuall and reall , as that betwixt David and Ionathan 2. Sam : 9 : 7 : 21 : 7. That betwixt Ioshua and the Gibeonites , Ioshua 9 : 18 , 19. And that Covenant Dent : 29 : 14 , 15. Secondly the binding force of theseengadgements appears in the subject they affect , as first , our Church in her representatives , and in their most publick capacity , the solemne assemblies in both nations . 2. State representatives & Parliaments , thus all assurances are given , that either civil or Ecclesiastick lawes can affoord , and the publick faith of Church & state is plighted with inviolable tyes : So that they must stand while we have a Church or state , in Scotland ; both as men and as Christians , as mmbers of Church & State , under either a rereligious or civill consideration , we stand hereby inviolably engadged : and not only representatives but the incorporation of Church and State are under the same . Thirdly their binding force appears in the matter and Object , 1. The immediatformall object is the Word of God & the Truths and duties therein contained , and whatever is contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of Godlinesse , under that formalis ratio , is here abjured , the eternall Truth of the Gospell as holden out in the Word , and received in this and reformed Kirks being the grand rule in this engadgement , whatsoever is approved by it , is embraced , and what is condemned by it , is rejected under that notion . 2. The more remote or materiall Object , are the publick , necessary , great and important Truths and duties therein enumerat , both of the 1 and 2 Table , and the errours and sins therein abjured : To the observation , faith and obedience of the one , and abhorrencie of the other , under the formentioned consideration as either consonant unto , or dissonant from Gods eternall Word and truth , we stand perpetually and inviolably oblidged : So that this Oath hath ane objective , as well as subjective necessity contained therein , a necessity of the matter in its own nature , prior to the engadgement , as well as a necessity of performance flowing from the engadgement it self , which may take place in things indifferent . Finaly the constantly obliging ends and scope of these engadgments , joyned with the importance of the Matter subservient to these ends , further discover their inviolable obligaions . There is here both necessitas precepti , necessitas medij , & finis . The matter sworne to be performed , falls under divine precepts , the sins and evills abjured , falls under divine prohibitions , and these engadgements are both in respect of the matter it self , and as to the professed scope of the swearers and engadgers , levelled at continually obliging ends , such as Gods glory , the advancing of Christs Kingdom , the publick good of Church and State , the preservation and propagation of publick and personall reformation , truth , unity &c. Now both these Oaths and Covenants are professedly entered into as perpetual engadgements , and in order to these great ends for ever to be promoted , as their tenor clearly holds out . If any say what is all to the speciall obligation for Presbyterian Government , and in opposition to Prelacie●… ? the Oath may be temporary or cassat and made void as to that point , though there be never so great duties otherwayes engadged unto therin . Ans This particular engadgement in relation to the maintenance of Presbyterian Government , and in opposition to Prelacie , runs along in the forementioned particulars . 1. It falls under the obligation of the Oath , vow , promise , and Covenant , and under the forementioned qualifications of solemnity , universality , and importance . Again 2. the publick faith of Church and State reaches this most evidently , and is engadged for it . And 3. as Gods great ordinance holden out in his Word , Presbyterian Government falls within the compass of the object of these Oaths , and under that consideration is sworne to be maintained , and Prelacie as contrary therunto is abjured , which contrariety hath been already cleaed . Again Presbyterian Government is here engadged unto as subservient to these great ends mentioned , and Prelacie is abjured as hindering the same , as both the Word of God and experience hath convincingly discovered . CHAP. II. The Informers arguments against the abjuration of Prelacy in the nationall Covenant fully examined . Some reasons of his against an Oath in generall , or this Oaths obligation upon the posterity , weighed . The Apologeticall narration , and the Assembly 1638 , vindicated . WE come now to examine what this new absolver or pretended doubt-resolver , hath presented to us against the oblidging force of these great engadgments . The defence which he hath patcht up out of the survey of Naphtali , and that pamphlet called the seasonable case , consists of 2. parts . 1. He denys that the bond of either the national , or solemne league and Covenant , doth strike against the present Prelacie . 2. Upon supposall that the solemne league and Covenant doth strike against it , he denys its obligation . In both points we shall examine his grounds and trace his Method . I the doubter alledges that Prelates are abjured in the Covenant , so that none may warrantably owne the Ministry of such as preach under them , as being perjured . To this consequence he repones nothing , but seems to admitt it , and therefore we need not speak unto it . Only he quarrells with the antecedent & tells us that we would act more Christian Like , if we were sparing in judging another mans servants , who stand or fall to their own Master . But the judging there forbidden , being a rash felfish judging of others in things indifferent , as meats or drinks , and ( as Calvin paraphraseth the words ) de hominium factis pronunciare extra verbum Dei de factis aliorum non licet statuere secundum nostram ipsius estimationem , sed ex verbo Dei. That we are not to judge of mens practises by our own opinion , but according to the rule of the Word , and not without its limits . Telling us further , that Iudicium quod a verbo sumitur , neque humanum est neque alienum that it is no human privat judgement which is drawn from the Scriptures , the impertinent application of this passage & premised Scripture to our case , which is a practicall disowning of palpable perjury , and turning away from such , whose instruction causeth to erre from the words of knowledge , is obviously evident . This is no judging without Gods word , but according to it , to say that perjury is perjury , sin is sin . Our Informer by this new knack would take away all christian judgement of discretion , yea by this his wide glosse , all judiciall decisions whither civill or ecclesiastik . Besides , is not his pamphlet a judging of another mans servants , Ministers and people , as schismaticks and what not , for disowning Curats upon the forementioned grounds . Doth he not and all his party judge , despise , and persecute the people God , for that which he calls indifferent , and a disputable point , at the foot of the page . But to proceed , his Doubter alledging [ that all stand bound against Bishops in the Covenants which doe abjure them ] he cryes out at , all Bound ! as a paradox , and tells us that many Ministers and people never took it , and asks if we think them bound . Yes we think them bound as we do judge them bound in Gods covenant ( Deut : 29. ) who were not there , as well as these who were there , young and old , wives , little ones , from the hewer of wood , to the drawer of water . It seems this man either hath not read that chapt : or understands not the import of nationall compacts even among nations themselves ; which do certainlie oblidge all members in the incorporation , although not personally sworne by every individuall . Will he say that no subject as a born subject oweth fealty and alledgeance to his Majestie , but such as have personally sworn the oaths of supremacie or alledgeance . If so , then a man could not , be guilty of treason , which is certainly a breach of this fealty , unlesse he had personally sworn , which I know not who will assert . But the doubter alledging That it obligeth even the posterity , he tells us that this is a strange fancy , Iuramentum being with casuists , vinculum personale , binding those that took it only , that accordingly the Covenant sayes , [ we every one for ourselves ] and not [ for our selves and others ] — That the father who was against Bishops , his swearing should not prelimit his sons judgement ( who is for them ) in a disputable point , or oblidge him to act contrary , to his judgment . Ans : 1. That there are covenants and oaths reall and hereditary , as well as personal , is evident in scripture ; and if this man were not more led by fancy then truth he would not deny it , which is not only thus evident , but acknowledged also by Casuists . Was not that oath and Covenant , Deut : 29. made with them who were not there and belonging unto ( and by consequence engadging ) their seed for ever . Deut : 5 : 2 , 3. Moses tells the people emphatically that God made the Covenant with them who were then alive , even that Covenant at Horeb , though they were all near dead with whom it was made . Neh 9. 38. all entred into Covenant but only some sealed it . Was not that oath of Josephs brethren anent the carrying up of his bones from Egypt to Canaan , the oath to the Gibeonites , such as did reach and oblidge their posteritie ? So that oath betwixt David and Jonathan . 2. Sam : 9. 7. Now that the nature of this oath is such , cannot be doubted , it being about matters of perpetuall and everlasting importance , which no time can alter , evacuat or limit , and having the publick faith of Church and state interposed therin , by a vowand Covenant with God and man over and above the oath : And likewise being in its nature promissory , in relation to duties , midses and ends perpetually necessary and oblidging , it is palpably evident that it is reall , and not personall only . 2. For that expression , every one for our selves , it is very impertinently here alleadged to exclude the posterity : for the end and motive of the oath before this is expressed to be , the glory of God , the advancement of Christs kingdome , the happiness of the King and his posterity , the true publick liberty , safety of the kingdomes &c. wherin every ones private state is included ; which of necessity includes the posterity and designes the obligation for them . Next , in the close of the first article , the posterity is expresly taken in , when the end and designe of the matters therin contained is said to be , that we and our posterity after us may live in faith and love &c : And in the close of the 5. article we engadge to endeavour that the Kingdomes may remaine conjoined in a firme peace and union to all posterity : and therefor his negative inference viz : for our selves , and not for our posterity , is opposit unto the very sense , scope , and words of this oath : so that this clause is cleary referable unto the various capacities , conditions , and relations , wherein , in order to the work of God , the then engadgers stood . 3. his notion about prelimiting the son by the fathers engadgement , is a poore shift . For this might be objected against any nationall mutuall compact , in matters of a farr lower nature then this . This might have been objected against Josuahs oath to the Gibeonites . Might not the posterity look upon it as a disputable point to keep unto them , and might not Zedekiahs posterity look on it as a disputable point to keep that oath of his to the king of Babylon ? I wonder if this man would think it ane unlawfull Covenant and vow to engadge for prelacie as now constitute , and oblidge for our selves and posterity , that it shall stand in this posture . Sure he will not deny the warrantableness of this , since he looks upon prelacie as the ancient apostolick frame , owned by the primitive Church . But shall the sons judgement who is other wayes minded , be prelimited by the father , or els must he act contrary to his judgement ? let the Informer see to this . If he say it s not a disputable point to hold the present prelacie , and that therefor the son is oblidged to informe his judgement and act rationally , the obligation to the dutie carrying in its bosom a prior obligation to know it : surely he must acknowledge that this is our case and answer as to the Covenant ; and that consequently his objection is naught , and the horns of his horned argument are crooked , so that it pushes us with neither of them . We might also here tell him that a prelimitation as to practice , in many things not indispensably necessary : will fall under the fathers paternall power over Children , witnesse that case of the Rechabites : And that this will not in every thing inferre a prelimi , tation in judgment as to the object simpliciter : Nay who knows no●… that the great morall precept [ honour Thy Father and thy Mother ] imports a very extensive obligation upon Children as such , in order to obedience to parents , and gives unto parents a large , and extensive authority hereanent . But shall the son be prelimit in his judgment anent all these , or act contrary to it ? so this objection ( in the Informers sense , and according to his scope ) will blurre out a great part of the 5t . Command . But what needs more , the matters here engadged unto , are important truths and dutys , not disputable points , as he and the rest of his adiaphorist latitudinarian party would make them : and therefor we are under perpetuall obligations to owne and mantaine the same . But if this man will abide a quere here , and a litle retortion of his notion further , thinks he it not hard to prelimit the faithfull ministery and professors of this nation , in their judgement about his disputable points of the present conformity , by so many laws and acts , or else oblidge them to act contrary to their judgement ? Sure fathers have at least as great , if not a greater authority to limit their children , then the Prelats and their party to prelimit the Presbyterian Ministers of this Church . Especially ( which is our advantage in this comparison ) the children being supposed under no previous contrary obligations to that which in this case the fathers put upon them in relation to prelacie , as the non-conformists are under counter obligations to that which is now demanded of them by their persequutors . Mr Crofton . ( in his analepsis , pag. 145. ) tells us that considering the Covenant as made by the people of England , as a Kingdom and a Politicall body , professing the reformed religion , it looks like a nationall obligation , that the confluence of publick assent and authority by the people collectively and distributively considered , the accession of Royall assent , makes it a Publick and nationall Covenant , binding all persons of the nation ( that sware , or sware not personally ) and our posterity after us , in their particular places , and all that shall succeed unto the publick places , and Politick capacities of this kingdom , to preserve and pursue the things therein promised , so long as it remaines a kingdom , under one king , and in the profession of one reformed religion . He enforces this with the lord chief Barons speech , to the condemned traytors at the old baylie [ you were bound to beare allegance to your king , yea though you may not have taken the oath of alleadgance your selves , yet yow were bound by the Recogintion of king James and his posterity made at his first coming to the crown of this Realme , by the whole parliament , being the whole collective body of the kindom ] hence he inferrs , that they and their posterity , must needs be bound , who themselves have [ universaly ] by the authority of such who were intrusted for them engadged the faith of the nation : for I see not ( saith he ) how they can give away our estates or take pardons in the name , and to the security of the nation if they may not in our name make oaths , promises , and Covenants to bind us and our Succeeding generations and posterities , in sense whereof I cannot but desire all that wish well to England to consider the Covenant , the Solemne League and Covenant . So that with Mr Crofton it is an uncontrovertible point , that the obligation of this Sacred oath reaches the posterity , which he makes good from the sense and pleading of the Lord chief Baron in the point of alledgance and fealty to his Majesty which is the sentiment of all Lawers , and of the law itself . So that what our Informer calls ane odd fancy , appears to be a most solid truth , consonant both to Scripture , reason and the law of nations . As for the next objection of his doubter anent the fathers oblidging for the child in Baptism it is not our argument , nor is sutable to the state of this question , which is concerning a Covenant taken for our seed al 's well as for our selves ; and if he acknowledge that the father binds not , in the name and room of the childe , then it toucheth not our point , for our question is about fathers taking on engadgements for themselves and their posterity . As for what the Informer adds here , its good that he acknowledges that ane oblidging force flows from the binding mater in that baptismall Covenant , and that the childs obligation is strengthened by his vow , which is enough in our case against him , since the matter of our Covenants , and vows fall under divine precepts , to which the obligation of the oaths and vows is accessory . So that having sworne to keep these holy engadgements unto God , we must performe , and here he contradicts his forleader , the author ▪ of the seasonable case , who will have us either acknowledge the matter of the Covenant indifferent , or not plead the force of an oath or vow as superadded to that which was duty before . The doubter next objects That having sworne against prelacie we must not any more dispute , or question the obligation , citing , Prov : 20. 25. This objection he advantagiously for himself , but foolishly propones , that he may make way for some discourse ( forsooth ) upon this Scripture . We acknowledge as well as he , that we are not forbidden to enquire into an oath and vow in what cases , and how farre it is binding . Nay this is commanded , since we must both sweare and performe in Iudgement , which requires a knowledge and inquiry as we saide before ; and when an oath of vow is found materialy unlawfull , and vinculum Iniquitatis , it is no transgression of this precept to quite it . Such an inquiry as is in order to the understanding and performance of this vow in faith , we will allow whither to young or old . Only for what he sayes of many who were put to sweare at schools and colledges , and engadge in this Covenant , who could not do it in judgement , it is a calumnie which he cannot justifie , all being exhorted and instructed therein who were come to Years of discretion , so as to be in capacity to enter into this Covenant , with judgement : and if lesser young ones present in congregations where it was sworne , did signifie a spontaneous consent , it was no more , then what Israels litle ones did by their presence before the Lord , Deut : 29. Well , but what is forbidden ehre to make inquiry ( saith he ) how the vow may be eluded . This is ingenuouslie saide , and hereby his own lips condemne him and all his party , who have been now for many years , racking their wits to finde out evasions how to elude this Sacred vow . Witnesse the many pamphlets on this Subject since his Majestie 's returne , and this mans among the rest . But the Doubter alleading that upon enquiry we will finde our selves bound against prelacy both by the nationall & solemme League . He falls upon his impugnation first of the nationall Covenant , telling us as touching it [ that the terme of the Popes wicked hiearchy will not include prelacie , as the survey of Naphtali fully proves ] well , let us hear these proofs . The first is because king Iames and his counsel ( the imposers of that Covenant , and the takers of it , Anno 1580 ) did in anno 1581 : ratifie the agreement at Leith , made betwixt the Commissioners of the state and Church anno 1581. which was in favours of episcopacy . And would the king and counsell the next year have acted so contrary to it , if they had thought all episcopacy to be abjured therin Ans. Is this the great demonstration , which the Survever , and he have drawen out to prove this point , this being nothing but the old musty store of the Seasonable case , better propounded therein , then it s here . To this I say , first , it is a very weak or rather wilde proof to conclude that such a corruption as prelacie could not be imported in that expression , Because the takers and imposers did some time after counteract and contradict their engadgement : must the sense of a promissory oath and Covenant be measured by the after practice of engadgers ? Sure he will not darre to admit this rule , and yet it s the very topick of his argument . I would but ask him , if we could clearly demonstrat from the words of this oath , and from this expression , that episcopacy is therein abjured , must he not grant that this argument taken from their after practice who took it , will signifie nothing , since it cannot stand good against the sense of the words , and the obligation natively resulting therefrom . Sure he cannot deny this , else he will swallow monstrous absurdities . And therefor unlesse he can disprove our arguments , which do prove prelacie to be abjured in that oath , and by the words in their genuine sense , he must grant that this practicall argument will signifie nothing . 2. He might have found that the Apologist outshoots the Surveyer and him , as also the Seasonable case in their own bow , and breaks this argument with a wedge of their own setting : for whereas they alledge that about a year or lesse after this Covenant was imposed and taken , King James ratified that aggreement at Leith . He retorts that at the assembly 1581. which had declared prelacie utterly Unlawfull , and without warrand in the word , the Kings Commissioner presented to them ( together with the Covenant subscribed by the King ) a plot of presbyterys to be erected by him through the Kingdom , together with his letter to noblemen and gentlemen to be assistant therein , and for dissolving prelacies , to make way for these judicatories made up of Ministers and Elders . Hence ( Saith he ) how could King James intend prelacy by this confession since the self same day ( a shorter time then half a year ) wherein this confession ( subscribed by him and his houshold ) was presented to be subscribed by the assembly , he presented a plot of presbyteries to be erected through the Kingdom . Now let our Absolvers Medium come in here , would King and counsell have acted so much for presbytery , and in opposition to Prelacie , in that very day wherein this nationall Covenant was presented by him , If he had not judged prelacie to be therein abjured , and presbyterie engaged unto . And ( if this assemblies carriage will have any weight in this argument ) would they have recorded this oath as the Test and badge of this their nationall engagement , after they had immediatly before judicially declared against prelacie , if they had not looked upon it as abjured therin , and understood this oath in a sense opposit thereunto . The Informers next reason is , that in their strivings with the King to get prelacie away , they never used this argument ; that it was abjured in the nationall Covenan●… , which they would have done , had they thought it to be included in that expression , of [ the Popes Hierarchie . ] This , our Informer hath very justly copied out of the Seasonable case . What ? had the Surveyer in all these pages which he cites , no new notions to furnish him with , that this proctor is still feeding on the old store . But to the matter , first , how ( I pray ) runs this argument , [ Ministers pleaded not this obligation at that time with King James : Ergo , There was no such meaning in the nationall Covenant ] surely this is a wide consequence . 2. this is yet wider [ we know not of any such pleading at that time : ergo there was none ] besides , he might have found that the Apollogist tells him out of Petries hist : pag. 448. That Mr. Melvin in anno 1584. writing to divines abroad anent our Church , shews them that three years since , the discipline of this Church was approved , sealed , and confirmed with profession of faith , subscription of hand , and religion of oath , by the King and every subject of every state particularly . And that ( pag ; 570. ) he shews that when some Ministers ( anno 1604 ) were accused by the Synod of Lothian as to a designe of overturning the government , the synod presented the confession of faith to them , as containing ane abjuration of prelacie , and a vow for presbyterian government , And that Mr. Forbes one of the impannelled Ministers for holding that meeting at Aberdeen in anno 1605. in his discourse to the gentlemen of the assize , shewed that they were bound by the nationall Covenant to mantaine the discipline of the Church , and having read it to them , he told them that they would be guilty of perjury , if for feare or flattery they discernd that to be treason which themselves had sworne and subscribed . Who also desired the Earle of Dunbar to shew the King what followed upon the breach of the oath to the Gibeonites , and that they feared the like should fall on him and his posterity . The Seasonable case ( pag : 13. ) acknow ledges that Ministers at that time lookt upon themselves as obliged against prelacy , by the national Covenant , as well as we by the League , in plaine contradiction to this Informer . As for that which he adds [ of Beza's intention in writing against prelacie ] we spoke to it already upon the first dialogue . And seeing this man objects to us Beza here again , we will offer to his consideration , Beza his 79. epistle written to John Knox , and dated at Geneva , Aprile 12. 1562. Wherein he sayes , This is the blessing of God that ye brought into Scotland , together with the sownd doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or good discipline — he obrests him to keep these two , since if the one be lost , the other cannot long continue — thereafter he imputes it to this cause , viz the want of this pure discipline , that the gospell is preached to many in judgement , not in Mercy . Then he adds , I would have thee ( my Knox ) and the rest of the brethren remember ( which is now as befor our eyes ) that as the Bishops brought in the papacie , so these false Bishops the relicts of papacie , will bring Epicurisme into the Church . Let them beware of this whoever wish the safety of the Church : and seeing ye have once banished is out of Scotland , receive it never again , albeit it doth flatter with the shew of retaining unity , whereby many of the best ancients were deceived . See Petries hist. part . 3. pag. 376. The Doubter next enquiring what is meant by the Popes hierarchie . He answers , not all Bishops , but these who actually depended upon the Pope , and that all Bishops can no more be understood , then reformed Presbyters , who renounce their dependance upon him ; Presbyters and Deacons being a part of his hierarchie , as the Council of Trent determines . Ans. This is already removed when we did shew that prelacy is here abjured simpliciter , and absoluty , abstracting from this dependance , it being here abjured as other corruptions are abjured , not mainly or only , because the Pope brought them in ( as the assembly at Glasgow in the year 1638 clears it in their explanatory act , and likewise the Apollogist pag. 396. ) but as a corruption , ●…ex se & sua natura of its own nature , contrary to the word of God , and the pure received doctrine of this Church . It is His wicked hierarchie as the rest of the corruptious therein enumerat , are called [ his ] such as invocation of Saints , dedications of altars &c. Because introduced by him , not to distinguish these corruptions , from a lawfull dedication of altars , worshipping of Images &c. Doth this man think that these Reformers would have admitted such corruptions presented under another notion then the Popes authority , and obtruded by this Argument ; that their dependance upon him being broken off , they were no more to be accounted his corruptions ? ] or that they would have embraced extreme unction , or some other of his Sacraments , and the inferiour orders of Lectors , Acoluthi , Exorcists &c : upon some other consideration then his Sacraments or orders ? surely he dare not assert this , and so the case is here . 2. As for his reason that otherwise all Ministers and Deacons should be abjured . It is very impertinent , Because 1. Ministers and Deacons , are officers of divine appointment , so that the abuse being removed , this divine officer stands ; but prelacie is , exse , or of it self , contrary to the word of God , as we have proved . 2. The Hierarchie is abjured in that Covenant , as contrary to the then discipline of this Church , but so are not Presbyters and Deacons . 3. We have proved that the Hierarchie , and the speciall prerogatives which prelates arrogate to themselves , ar originaly papal , and they in a speciall manner are looked upon by him as his creatures . 4. as the Papacy cannot subsist without prelacie , and any otherwayes then upon its shoulders , so neirher prelacie nor the Papacy can consist with Presbyterian government , and Presbyters divine right and power . The Doubter next objects [ that all Bishops depend on the Pope , citing Appol : pag. 395. And that therefor all Episcopacy is abjured in this oath . ] He answers , the Apologie sayes they depend upon the Pope , in esse & operari , but asks how he proves it , and tells us that to say it is so because the Pope acknowledges they depend upon him alone , is a poor because , evident to any ordinary capacity , resolving this upon the Popes [ ipse dixit ] like a Papist , and gives the Papists that advantage over Protestant Churches , that a Bishop depends upon the Popes supremacie , now and from the beginning , wherein he saith , protestants do oppose the Pope and prove that his supremacy was contradicted by Councils and Fathers . Anf : The silly Impertinency of this new agent of the tottering cause , is here very evident , in thus reflecting upon that Author , whose answers to these poor arguments of the Seasonable case , he dare not touch . For that Pamphleter alleging [ that Prelates are not abjured in that Covenant , but as they depend on the Pope , as it abjures the five bastard Sacraments , as he makes them Sacraments , and that therefor the corruptions only of these offices which flow from him , are abjured , and as a part of his blasphemous priesthood . ] The Apollogist taking this concession , inferrs thereupon , That if these offices be abjured as a part of his Hierarchie , and as confirmed by , and depending upon him , then Prelates are abjured , who depend upon him in esse & operári . The Prelate as such being no officer of divine appointment , as the Presbyter and deacon , which if they were , then this Casuists argument would hold good , that we were to remove the corruption , and retain the institution and ordinance of God. But since we do suppose the office it●…self to be a corruption , and he hath not proved the contrary , his paralled as to the bastard Sacraments is naught . And to clear this matter of fact that they are a part of the Popes hierarchie , by the Popes acknowledgement , that Author cites Peter-Suave in his history of the council of Trent , where the Pope would not have it determined , whither Prelats were Iuris Divini , lest they should not depend upon him after this as formerlie . Now the question here being , whether the Pope lookt upon Prelates as a part of his hierarchie , as in the capacity of Prelates : in order to the clearing of this other question depending betwixt this reverend author , and the Author of the Seasenable case , viz. whither our Reformers intended to abjure Prelats in that Covenant , as a part of the Popes hierarchie . To clear this matter of fact , what could be more pertinent then the Popes own acknowledgement , and judiciall declarator ; that de facto they depend upon him , and areowned as parts of his hierarchie , is in this convincingly apparent . That de jure they have no divine warrand , this author supposed it as his principle , the contrary wherof neither that Pamphleter , nor any other hath proved : So that the Popes [ ipse dixit ] in this , is sufficient to prove this matter of fact . That he made not the Popes , [ ipse dixit ] the rule to decide whither this officer be juris divini , or not , is in this convincingly evident ( and by consequence this mans obvious folly in imputing to him such ane assertion ) that he grants , that if this Casuist had proved the Prelate to be juris divini , and institute by Christ or his Apostles , then the abjuring [ of the Popes wicked Hierarchie ] , would import only the abjuring of [ the corruption of this officer ] , whose lawfull office might be still retained : but this casuist taking this for granted that he is so institute , and reasoning upon that supposition , the author had good ground , until his Antagonist as the affirmer shouldpro vehis supposition , to hold fast his own principle viz , that the prelats Episcopal being is papal : which is cleared by many of the Learned from convincing Testimonies . Let this Resolver read Leo ( epist. 86. ) and Swave ( Tom. 4. pag. 465. of the Council of Trent , sess . 23. cap. 4. de Sacram. ordinis ) where Anathema is pronounced upon any that denyes Prelates power of ordination . &c. over Presbyters . I suppose he were alleging against a Papist that some of the Popish orders are essential pieces of his hierarchie , and should prove it by the Popes acknowledgment and constitutions , would he think the Papists rejoynder good , ergo , ye owne the Popes authority , and make his , [ ipse dixit ] judge . Say it were a question anent ths Acoluthi or Exorcists &c. Whither they are a part of the Popes Hierarchie ? would he not think the Popes acknowledgment and owning them for such , to be a sufficient argument to prove this ? Since he supposeth ( and rationally ) that they have no other right either in esse , or operari . Do not all our divines draw Arguments from the Pope and his councils acknowledgment , to prove their owning of many corruptions , and that they are properly theirs . But do they justifie the Popes [ Ipse dixit ] in proving this , or in this method of arguing ? since they do suppose aliunde , that they have no divine right , as the Apologist in the point of prelacie rationally doth . 2. as for what he adds of protestant Churchet , or Prelates , their opposing the Popes pretended right and Supremacy hereanent , we say that they impugne his supremacy best , who lay an axe to its root [ prelacie ] . And to grant that prelacy is of its self a part of his Hierarchie , will no more justify his supremacy , then Pauls saying that the mysterie of iniquity was working in his time would do it . And al tho the first Proestotes or Bishops did not formally depend upon him , yet as a humane device they made way for him , and eatenus , are a part of his Hierarchie , which the opposition of some Bishops when he first attempted supremacy doth nothing invalidat . Besides that the question here betwixt the Apologist and that Pamphleter , was about prelacie as it appeared befor the Reformers in its then being and would , but not of the first proestotes or moderatours . What he adds here anent Calvin [ his owning of a hierarchie , and pronouncing Anathema upon them who would dissowne it , if cut off from its dependance upon the Pope ] is answered already upon the 1. Dialogue . He●…e I shall only adde , that if Calvin in that passage , opposed unto the [ Popish Bishops ] Such as take Christ for their head , what curse will he not judge them worthy of , who owne and plead for such Bishops as pretending to renounce the Popes headship , take for their immediat head a civill Pope , and make him as to all spirituall maters , a more absolute head then the Pope himself . As for his argument from these Ministers who reasoned with the Doctors of Aberdeen [ their declaring that the Doctors might take the Nationall Covenant , and yet debate and vote in relation to episcopacie in the ensuing assembly ] I wonder what blurred this mans eyes , that citing pag. 395. of the Apollogy , he could not look back , to pag. 393. where he might have found this argument of his Master the author of the Seasonable case answered , which this casuist drew from that pamphlet emitted anno 1638. under the name of his Majesties Commissioner ; so that we have it here in the 3●… concoction , and yet it is as raw as at the first . The answer in short is ( I remit it at length to his reading in that peice ) that it was not the nationall Covenant it self that the Doctors scrupled to subscribe , and consequently anent which that debate was stated betwixt the Ministers and them , but the addition containing , the application to the present times , which as to prelacie was expressed thus [ a forbearing the approbation of the corruptions of the publick government of the Church ] by this they thought they were expresly specifically bound against prelacie : this these Ministers denyed , but never said that prelacie was not abjured in the nationall Covenant it self , or the negative Confession . Let this Absolver read the answers of the Ministers , wherein this will be cleared . The Doubter next objects [ that the decision of the assembly 1638. put it out of doubt that prelacie was abjured in that Covenant , and that all Episcopacy was meant by the Popes hierarchie ] . To which he answers . 1. That prelacie being of divine , or Apostolick right , that decision is null from the beginning . Ans. wheras he sayes he hath proved prelacie to be of divine or apostolik right , I will presume to say I have proved the contrary ; so that the Covenant is so far from being null upon this ground , that it is rather an accessorie tye to disown a corruption , to the disowning wherof , wewere before by scripture grounds preoblidged . But passing this , he next alledges that it was more then that assembly could do to declare this . Who so ? 1. ( sayth he ) how could they put a sense upon ane oath taken 58. years before , and few or none of the first takers alive , or if alive , few or none members of that assemblie ? how could they know that their exposition was according to the mind of the first imposers ? But why will this Plageary tell us still over and over the arguments of the Seasonable case , without noticing the answer therof already exhibit unto him ? did not the Apologist tell him , that this reason supposeth the sense of that Covenant to perish with the first framers . And whereas that casuist added , to make the argument stronger ( which this his disciple forgot ) that the oath being vinculum personale , they could not give the sense of dead men . To this the Apologist answers , that there is also a vinculum reale , as this nationall oath was , and that it oblidging all the Land , and the posterity , we were accordingly in order to performance , bound to Search into its meaning , and that this was the proper work & duty of a general assembly . That that casuist himself acknowledged ( which this borrower should have noticed ) that this was the judgement of Ministers concerning its sense when prelates were first obtruded upon this Church , so that its true meaning from hand to hand was come to them , and that they were the more in tuto to judge of it . And whereas the argument of the Seasonable case had a Limitation in it which this man forgott , viz : [ unless that assembly could produce authentick evidences that this was the meaning of Imposers ] the Apologist told him that they did produce authentick expresse evidences , that such was the meaning of the first takers . I would know how this man comes to descant upon the sense of ancient writers in this pamphlet , and to determine anent sentences of private writers , dead severall centuries of years agoe ? He is very confident in fastning his Glosses upon Jerom's words . I trowe that Author is dead more then 58. years agoe . And for as clear as his words are against the divine right of prelacie , yet this man thinks he is Cock sure that this was not the meaning of Jerom's words , which presbyrerians alledge . Quis talia fando , temperet a risu . But the Seasonable case goes on to object next ( and this resolver followes up at his heels . ) That all which that Assembly produceth ( Sess. 16. ) to prove this to be the meaning of that Oath , amounts only to this , that the Church about that time of taking the Covenant , and also afterward , was labouring against Bishops , but proves not that episcopacie was abjured in the words of the oath . Now why would he not do his Doubter such a small piece of justice , as to put into his mouth the large answer of the Apollogist to this argument , from ( pag. 406. to 409. ) But this would have made him too stiffe a Doubter for this Resolver or Informer : but had he nothing in the Surveyer to resolve this ? Well , the Apollogist here tells him and his Leaders in this argument , that the Covenant supposeth a Government then in being , to the defence of which it oblidgeth : that that Government was not prelacie , but presbytery , he clears by a large induction of our assemblies acts and procedour , as the Assembly 1638. did before ; so that , that matter of fact being clear , there is No doubt but that the nationall Covenant binds to defend and preserve presbyterian Government then owned and existing ; even as its engadgement to defend the King must needs be understood of King James who was then reigning . That this was the government then Existent and owned by this Church , we cleared in short already , and need not here repeat it . But 3. this Informer ( passing over a more plausible objection of his Master the Seasonable case ) enquires by what warr and that assembly could put upon others their sense of the Covenant ; they might declare their own sense ( saith he ) which possibly was not right , but how could they oblidge others to their sense , who had taken it before , the first imposers having given them no such power . The Apollogist here told him , that this assembly put no sense of their own upon any who took it either before or after , but as the representatives of this Church gave a judiciall interpretation of it , and by authentick evidences made it appear , that this was the sense of the imposers , and of the Church of Scotland when it was taken , and that such as sware it before with an explicatory addition [ to forbear the approbation of prelacie , untill the assembly should try whither it was abjured in that oath ] did consequently commit this unto , and were accordingly depending upon the assembly to declare the meaning therof ; besides that the judicial interpretation of this nationall Church her oath , did of right belong unto this her supreme judicatory as is said . Here the Doubter objects [ that those who took the Covenant after it was thus sensed by the assembly , have abjured Episcopacy ] . To this he answeres that the assembly did intend to put no other sense upon it , then the sense of the words , and of the first imposers . Very true , but what then ? the first imposers having no such meaning ( sayth he ) as to abjure Episcopacie , the assemblies ground failes , and their posterior meaning could not bind against the first meaning . This last is easily granted , but the great pinch lyes in this , how proves he that the first Imposers never meaned it against Episcopacie . This he sayes is already shewed , but where ? we must waite it seems for a new pamphlet to get an account of this great proofe . The Doubter next alleadeth to purpose [ that we engadge our selves in that Covenant to adhere to this Church in doctrine , faith , religion and discipline , — and to continue in the doctrine and disciplin thereof , which is Presbyterian discipline . ] To this he answers . That by discipline , cannot he meant Presbyterian government . Why so ? because ( saith he ) at the first imposing of the Covenant there was no such government in Scotland nor for a confiderable time after . Ans. we have made it appear that Episcopacie was judicially declared unlawfull , and that both the books of discipline were received , which overthrow prelacie , and asserts Presbyterian discipline , before ever that Covenant was taken ; and that at the very time of taking it the old mould of prelacies were dissolved , and Presbyteries erected both by the King , and assembly . But how proves our Informer that there was no such government in Scotland at that time ? because ( saith he ) the King , for all Ministers essayes to introduce Presbytery , yet owned Episcopacy . But how proves he this , that at the imposing of the Covenant , he owned episcopacy ? did he not owne the assemblies power , and the power of Synods ? presented he not to that assembly 1581 , a plot of Presbytries , and his letter enjoyning their erection , & to dissolve prelacies , together with the subscribed Covenant ? how did this own episcopacy ? let Royalists take notice what an ingrained dissembler this man makes King James , in saying that he still owned episcopacy , when so palpably disowning it to the sense of all reasonable men . And if king James came all this length as to the introducing of Presbytrie , surely Ministers essayes with him for this end , were very effectuall . Besides , it s a poor argument to prove that this protestant organick Church was not at that time owning Presbyterian government , or exercising it ( and by consequence that the Discipline as then existent , sworne to be mantained in that oath , is not Presbyterian ) to say that king James owned episcopacie . Nay , in granting these essayes of Ministers for Presbytry , he grants that Presbyterian government was owned . For sute I am what was their sense and endeavours as to Presbyterian government from the beginning , the same were the sense and endeavours of the body of this protestant Church . But his 2d answer to the premised objection of his Doubter is ushered in with a therefor●… — what next ? therefor the government meant in it must be Episcopacie , if any particular mode of government be understood . This is well stept out , a piece beyond his Master the Seasonable case , who hardly comes this length . The man that will let us Episcopacie in this Church at that time , as the Government imbracd by her , must have odd prospectives , and of a like quality with these of our Informer , which have descryed Diocesian Bishops in Scripture . We heard that the Seasonable case grants [ that Ministers then lookt on themselves as oblidged against episcopacie , both by the nationall Covenant , and by the word of God ] pray Sir , be tender of these Ministers reputation , were they so principled and still owning episcopacie too ? this is strange , yea and owning it and promising to defend it in this Covenant . Besides , how will he reconcil our Churches labouring now against Bishops , acknowledged by him pag. 118. with her practising Episcopacy , which he asserts pag. 118. But his answer hath a proviso [ if any particular mode of government was understood . ] But why will this latetudinarian Informer cast the mist of a hesitating [ if ] upon a clear and plaine truth ? strange ! Speaks not the Covenant of an existent frame of Government embraced by this Church ? What! Were they embracing a Proteus ? was it an existent individuum vagum , or materia prima , some Embryon that had received yet no forme ? But how proves he that Prelacie was sworne unto in that Oath ? Because ( saith he ) the Year after , the King ratified the agreement at Leith in favours of Episcopacie . This we heard before , and did shew what an insignificant reason it is , from King James practice a year after , to inferre what is the sense and intendment of this Oath , and the takers of it . A topick and reason which none who are solid and rational will admitt . Yet the Informer still beats upon this Anvill . Besides , the Apollogist tells him ( pag. 15. ) that this treaty at Leith , anno 1571 , was opposed and censured by the Nationall Assembly , the very next year ; So that this national Church in her suprem judicatory , gave no consent unto , but opposed that treaty , and whatever recesses from her Presbyterial Government , were therin begun ; But this mans sqeemish eyes , stil overlooks what he cannot answer . Now remark our Informers profound and subtill reasoning in this point . King James did not abjure episcopacy in the Nationall Covenant , why so ? Because the next Year he acted for Episcopacie . And when we allege that the Government to which that Covenant oblidgeth , was Presbyterian Government which was then existent ; he tells us that the Government then existent was episcopall . And when he is put to the proofe of this paradox against such clear evidences , he just recurrs again and tells us ( for his proof ) that King James then acted for episcopacie ; fine circular reasoning this is , and the Informer shall thus never want a Medium , & knows exactly to answer the solidest argument against-him with turning , according to the Souldiers dialect , asye were . But what is meant by [ discipline ] in that Covenant ? The substantialls of it ( sayth he ) and necessary policie as exprest in the first dook of discipline , 9. Cap. which is unalterable , tho particular formes ( as some think ) may be changed . But 1. Why will this versatil Informer bemist his reader what dark and generall expressions . Whither means he the [ essential necessary Policy , ] according to that phrase of the book , or a necessary Policy exprest and asserted in that book ? If the first , I would ask him . 1. Why condescends he not upon that essential and necessary policy , and gives no account of its nature and extent , as it is contradistinguished from that which is not necessary , but mutable . 2. If by substantials of Government●… , he mean all Church-officers of divine appointment , according to the Scripture account of their qualifications , their authority , and its due exercise , with what sense or reason can he suppose , or any els , that this wil not determin a particular form , & cansubsist without it ? how can a particular form be more formaly and explicitly described then thus ? But , next , if by necessary Policy , he understand the Policy held out and asserted in that first book , I would ask him . 1. Why excludes he the second book , which was at this time extant and received , and which doth in severall chapters viz. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. treat of the Pastor , Doctor , Elder , and Deacons office , which he will no doupt own as substantiall peeces of Church-policy , being so clearly asserted in Scripture . 2. Why answers he not to the account & character of that first book given by the Apoll : ( pag. 10. ) who tells him that it overthrowes prelacy in the establishing of Church-sessions , the way of election and triall of Ministers , and severall other things contrary to the episcopall method ; will he by this silence consent , that prelacy stands in opposition to the substantialls of Church Government , and the utterly necessary Policy therof ? to a policy indeed unalterable ; ( to use his time phrase ) ? if he say , that he understands by this phrase , that policy which is necessary in either or both these books , but not the intir . Policy delineated therin ; how will he prove that the Covenant-obligation in the Intention of the imposers , reaches the on and not the other ? Next I would ask this Informer , whither thinks he that particular forms of Government are alterable , yea or not ? if not , how comes he to distinguish them in this , from the essentiall necessary Policy which he cals unalterable ? if he think them alterable , why doth he not positively assert this , but presents this opininion as the thoughts of some only , and censurs Stilling fleets opinion herin ( pag. 76. ) Besides , if by [ substantials of Government ] he unstand [ the disciplin asserted in that book , ] he justles and deals stroaks what his reverend father B. Spotswood , in his character therof exhibit in his History , pag. 174. For first , he sayes it was framed in imitation of the Government of the reformed Church in Geneva , which all know was Presbyterian . 2dly . He sayes it it could not take effect as being but a Dream . And did he call the [ substantialls of Government ] but a Dream , thinks this man ? Surely either the Bishop or our Informer dreams . 3dly . He wisheth Iohn Knox had retained the old policy , and therefore in his sense this policy was distinct from Prelacie . On the other hand the framers ( the Ministry owneing it ) supplicat the Parliament after it was drawn up for [ the restauration of the Discipline of the ancient Church , ] and for discharging the Popes usurpation , and of all that Discipline that did flow therefrom , as inconsistent with the Discipline of the ancient Church , and the Disciplin contained in that book . How absurd is it to suppose that it was only substantialls which was at this time existent , and no particular forme ; it being a forme of Government and the Discipline of this Church , which the Covenant oblidges unto ; and the Apologist as , well as the Assembly 1638. could have given him a large account and proof of a particular forme at this time existent . In a Word , let us have all the substantialls of Government , i. e. AllChurch officers divinely appointed , with their due power and Assemblies higher and lower , and it will quickly justle his prelacie to the door , and make him him and hisFathers feest he dint of the true Church of Scotland , her sword and censures for what they have done , if they repent not . CHAP. III. The Abjuration of Prelacie in the solemne League and Covenant , vindicat from the exceptions of this Informer . Also Mr Crofton and Timorcus acquit of affoording any Patrociny to his cause . Dr Sanderson stands in terms of contradiction to him in this point . BUt now this our Oedipus and doubt resolver who hath acquit himself so dexterously in absolving us from the nationall Covenant , marches up after the Seasonable case , to try how he can play the absolver as to the solemne league . And his Doubter making a wide step to the 2d . Article [ wherein he allegeth Bishops are abjured , and that Protestant Bishops are meant ] . To this he answers , That it s not every kinde of Protestant Bishops that is there intended , and that Timorcus ( pag. 14 , 16. ) holds that all episcopacy is not abjured , but that they could in England freely Submit to the primitive episcopacy viz , the precedencie of one over the rest ; without whom nothing is ordinarly to be done in ordination and jurisdiction — that they assert its only the English kinde of prelacy ( expressed in the Article for that end ) that is abjured , which we have not in Scotland . That Mr Vines and Gattaker assert , that its only that complex frame consisting of all the officers there mentioned , that is abjured — that the Assembly of divines was reconcilable to moderate episcopacie , — — That Timorcus holds that the English parliament & our commissioners were not against all Episcopacy , ( citing likewise Mr Crofton pag. 70 : 71. ) hence he concludeth that the English preshyterians would not cry out against conformists as guilty of perjury . Ans. I. It is a very pityfull shift to measure our obligation in Scotland against Prelacy , by the 2d . Article of the league , which relates to the Church of England , wherein only that prelacy was existent . For since Scotland , from the time of our reformation never had such a Prelacie as the adversaries acknowledge , they must consequently grant that the prelacie which that article engadgeth to extirpat , is not solely or mainly the Prelacie which we stand oblidged against in that Covenant , but a Prelacy inconsistent with Presbyterian Government ( and under that formall consideration ) which in the first article we are engadged to preserve . In order to which preservation of our reformed discipline from our own Prelacie , the 2d Article , which doth relate to the extirpation of Prelacy in England and Ireland , is subservient as a mean to its end . This is convincingly clear , for I. Extirpation and Preservation being opposite terms , and the last being made use of as to our Church of Scotland , must needs relate to Presbyterian Government as then established , in all its previledges , which clearly excludes the episcopacy formerly existent therein ; And the extirpation , and reformation ingadged to in the 2d . Art. must relate to the then existent Prelacy in England and Ireland , and that by way of mids leading unto , and for execution of the ends of preserving our own established reformation , engadged unto in the first Article . 2. We said already that our Parliament did rescind all acts against our episcopacy , together with the solemne league , and restore Prelats to the sole possession of Church Government under the King , declaring clearly that the preservation engadged unto in the first article , cannot consist with our Prelacie . Again , as this duty of extirpation is engadged unto in so far as is necessary in order to the preserving of our own established reformation , by this Church principally vowed and intended , so that clause in the end of the 2d . Article , viz. [ to extirpate whatsoever is found contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godliness ] amounts both as to us and England , to such an extensive engadgement in opposition to Prelacie , that it totally excludes it even in our adversaries mould , under this formalis ratio as thus opposit to sound doctrine &c. Which hath been cleared upon the first Dialogue . Next , will this man deny that these officers , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , Chapters , &c. are not in themselves and simply abjured in that 2d . article , or that the Presbyterians in England would not disowne them as inconsistent with the Covenant ? Sayes he not that it is only a fixed presidency of order which they are for ? and is this all that Arch-Bishops and Diocesian Bishops do possess ? have we not in Scotland Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans and are we not engadged to extirpat these in the 2d . article ? how then can he say that it is only that complex frame with all these officers which we are oblidged against . Do not two remarkable clauses contradict this gloss ? I we engadgeto extirpate all Ecclesiastick officers depending on that Hierarchie , what ? is it only all in bulk , and not all and every one ? this were equivalent to such a wilde assertion , as if one should say that after the enumeration of these evills schism , heresie , profannesse , — which are thus Summed up , whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness , this engadgement did only relate to all these evills complexly , and not to every one sigilatim or apart . 2. Whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine in our principles , is there abjured as I said : but such are Bishops , Arch-Bishops , and I adde , whatsoever is inconsistent with our established reformation and with Presbyterian government , is also here formally abjured . In the 3d place , Timorcus is clearly against our Informer , for in explaining what is that prelacy which is abjured , he distinguisheth a Prelacie of jurisdiction , and of meer order . The prelacie of jurisdiction , he saith is twofold , the first is , whereby the Bishop hath sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ( such as is our prelacy now in Scotland ) in which government Timorcus saith that Ministers , do meet with the Bishop only ex abundanti , to give him advice , which is all that our Curats are allowed by law , as is said above , and scarce that . The 2d sort of prelacie he calls paternall , wherein the colledge of Presbyters have a constant Prelate or President , who must concurre with them ordinarly in ordination and acts of jurisdiction . He interprets the Covenant expresly to strick against the Prelate with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ; which prelacy he calls Popish even though the Bishop admit Presbyters to concurre with him in ordination and government . Now let this man say , since Timorcus ( whom he will not assert that these others divines do contradict in this point ) together with the parliament of England according to Timorcus , do disowne such a prelacie as is here described , and interpret the Covenant obligation as reaching the extirpation thereof , doth not this articlé of extirpation according to their sense , clearly reach and cut off the present prelacie of diocesian Bishops and Arch-Bishops , obtruded upon this Church ? can he deny that they have the sole power of ordination & jurisdiction , that all the power which Curats have according to our Law , is to give the Bishops advice , yea and not that either , unlesse he judge them to be persons of Known loyaltie and Prudence . And surely if this precedency of meer order , here exprest , be the only primitive Episcopacie , it is far short of what our Informer pleads for , and will never come up to justifie the prelacie now existent . And if in the sense of Timorcus , and the other divines mentioned , and in the sense of the imposers of that oath , the extirpation engadged unto , cuts off whatsoever is beyond this precedency of meer order ; it is incontrovertibly clear that even in their sense , the prelacie now existent is abjured . That Mr. Crofton , and the Presbyterian Covenanting partie in England according to him , are not reconcilable to our prelacie , nor the Covenant in their sense , appears evidently by his pleadings for the Covenant , against the Oxford men and others . In his Analepsis ( pag. 74. 75. ) he mentions a breviary of reasons to prove [ that the prelatical government in its formality is a plaine and clear papacie , and that a Diocesan Bishop , and ane universal Metropolitan or Pope differ only in degree and limites , not in kind ] citing , and approving of Salmasius and Beza's , calling episcopacie a step to the papacy ; so that the very office of a diocesian Bishop as such , is as unlawfull as the Papacie in Mr Croftons judgment , it being with him a part thereof . Again ( pag. 78. ) whereas the Oxford men plead [ that they cannot swear against episcopall government , which they conceive to be of divine or apostolick institution ] he chargth them and Dr Gauden , with sophistick concealment of the ratioformalis objecti , and not describing of episcopall government : And tells him that episcopall government may denominat a government , communi concilio Presbyterorum , with a Moderator or Chaireman , ordinis causa , which he sayes is of divine institution , and exemplified act . 20. where Bishop and Presbyteter are terms synonimous denominating persons invested with the same office and authority . This he sayes the Covenant strikes not against , and the prelacie which is abjured he describes to be a government wherein one person is advanced into a distinct order of Ministrie above other Ministers , and is invested with Prince-like power over them , enjoying an authority peculiar to him eo nomine as Bishop , of sole ordination and jurisdiction , unto whom all other his fellow Ministers are subject , and must swear obedience to him &c. I wonder if our Informer will deny this to be the characteristick of our present Prelats , or affirme that they possess no more authority in Church judicatories but a meer precedency , ordins causa , which is all the Episcopacy which Mr Crofton holds that the Scripture , and the Covenant according therunto , will allow . Thereafter , ( pag. 72. ) He tells these Masters , that Christ gave his Disciples charge that they should not affect superiority one over another , or princely power over Gods heritag●… ; and puts them to prove , that the office of the Ministry , may in ordination be divided , or that there are more orders of the Ministry then one ( which our Informer still begs a supposition of ) viz. Bishop or Presbyter , or more officers in the Church then Elders and Deacons appointed by Christ , or his Apostles by their apostolick authority . That the Presbyter ( in whom are required the same qualifications , to whom is to be yeelded the same obedience , subjection andrespect , who recives the same ordination , and is charged with the same duty , and invested with the same power of feeding and governing the Church of God , with the Bishop , and none other ) is an order distinct from , and subject to the Bishop , to be ruled by him , and not to exercise his office but by the Bishops licence , and that the Presbyter must swear obedience to the Bishop as his ordinary . Which are the grand postulata and topicks of all this mans reasoning in point of prelacy . The autitheses of which tenets we see Mr Crofton most evidently maintaines as the sense of the Covenant in point of episcopacy ; he further describes ( pag : 80. and 81. ) the prelacy covenanted against , and anent which he challengeth these Masters proof of a jus divinum , to be such wherein one Minister or Bishop doth stand charged with all the congregatious and pastors — — of a Countie , or many Counties making one di●…cess — who is by office bound to a pastoral correction and government of them — that these Bishops may be subject to one Metropolitan Church and Archbishop , to whom they shall swear obedience — adding , that if the Word of God conclude such superiority , over the Church in one Kingdom , it will conclude a Catholick superiority over the universall Church , and advance the Pope as warrantably above the Archbishops , as the Archbishops are above the Bishops , and the Bishops above the Presbyters , these not being differences of kind , but degree . Adding further , that no more is pleaded for Prelats divine or Apostolick right in the Church of England , but what is pleaded by Bellarmine , & the Council of Trent , for she Papacie . Now from what is said , I darre referre it is this Informer himself , whither Mr Crofton doth not clearly disowne all the essentialls of our present prelacy , and hold it to be abjured in the Covenant ; the office of our present Bishops and Arch-Bishops being incontravertibly such as he here describes . And whither Mr Crofton holds not our prelacy , arch-prelacy , and metropolitan primacy , to stand upon the same basis with the papacy , and to be equally with it , excentrick to the Scriptures ; and that he esteems consequently the Bishops and Arch-Bishops ( which I hope he will not deny to be abjurd in the Covenant ) to depend ( as such ) upon the Pope as a part of his hierarchy . Next ( pag. 81 ) he sayes that it is not the first sort of episcopall government formerly described , wherein all Ministers are invested with equal power and auhority or dignity , are all of the same order , and governe by common counsel , but the specificall prelacy last described , which presumes it self to be a Hierarchie : So that with Mr Crofton our present prelacie falls within the denomination of the Hierarchy abjured in the solemne league , and of the Popes wicked Hierarchie abjured in the nationall Covenant — for he tells us in the preceeding page that none can deny that a quantenus ad omne , &c. He tells them moreover in that same pag. that had he lived in the Churches of Ephesus , Antioch , Phillippi , Creet , or the seven Churches of Asia , invested with the same ministeriall authority which he then enjoyned , he might have stood up a Peer to any Bishops therein ; so that he esteemed no Bishop there , but Presbyters . Besides ( pag. 82. ) he cites severall writers to prove that the authority and distinction of Episcopall and Archiepiscopall chaires & metropolitan primacies , owe their institution to the Church of Rome , or politick constitutions of Princes . He tells us ( pag. 84. ) out of Cartwright and Whittaker — that the Church in respect of Christ its head ( not his vicar , or superiority of single prelats ) is a monarchy ; in respect of the ancients and pastors that governe in common ( all the Presbytrie ) with like authority among themselves ( not a superiority over them ) it is an Aristocracie , and in respect the people are not excluded , but have their interest , it is a Democracy . The inserted parentheses are Mr Croftons ; and let any judge whither he assert not with these authors , a Presbyterian frame of government opposit to diocesian Bishops and Arch-Bishops . In his Analepsis , in answer to Dr Gauden ( pag. 2. ) he charges him ( as before the Oxford men ) with an uncertain proposall of the object , and the ratio formalis of the Covenant obligation as to prelacy , under the general terme of Episcopacie ( therein also las●…ing our Informer for the same laxness and ambiguity ) telling them that by good demonstration [ Bishop ] and [ Presbyter ] have been asserted to be synonimous titles of Church officers , and are found to have been so used in the primitive times of the Church and of the Fathers — adding , that the government of the Church by its Ministers — in their severall assemblies , with a Moderator Ordinis causa , to dispose and regulat what belongs to order — is the primitive episcopacie — which he grants to the Doctor , that the Covenant will not strike against — then ( pag. 3. and 4. ) he describes the Episcopacy which the Covenant strikes against . And pag. 5. summeth it up thus — that the Covenant cannot be accomplisht by the removal of Prelats pride &c. Whilst the Preeminence , prerogative , Paternal power , and juridicall authority assumed by them as distinct from , and above all other Ministers of the gospel , as the only immediat successors of the Apostles ( So our Informer makes them ) &c. — are continued . What will this Oedipus answer to Croftons assertion ? Have not our Prelats this preeminence above Presbyters , as a distinct order from them ? and have they not a juridicall authority over them , by our law and practise , and his pleading too ? doth not Mr Crofton in terminis assert , that the Covenant obligation can never be satisfied untill such be removed ? are they no more in Church judicatores , but Moderators and Chairemen , set up Ordinis causa to order the actions of the meeting ? doth not our law give them a negative voice in the meeting , and alloweth Presbyters only to give them advice , if their Lordships do judge them prudent and loyall . Again , wheras the Dr , ( pag. 18. ) did conclude that the Hierarchy being dead , must rise in another qualitie . Mr Crofton tells him ( pag. 6. ) That if it arise according to the Covenant , it must be in the establishment of Congregational , Classical , Provincial and National Assemblies or Synods of Church officers , Communi consilio Presbyterorum ( this phrase of Jerome he frequentlie useth ) to debate and determine the affaires of the Church , and Exercise all acts of discipline and Ecclesiastick power — each having a Prefident to propone questions , gather suffrages &c. and no more . Which mould of government , whither it would not smooth our prelacie to a compleat Presbyterian parity , let the Informer himself judge . It is incontrovertibly clear from these passages of Crofton , that even in their sense whom our Informer alleges to stand on his side , the present prelacie is abjured . Finally , as for the authors after cited , and that declaration of the sense of the 2d article which he mentions , we say , as it is not clear ( nay the contrary is evident ) that such proposals in explication of that article , were either mad or approven by all , or the soundest Presbyterians there present , so it is al 's evident that if prelacy even as by them reserved , be found contrary to sound droctrine , and the power of godliness , that article of exti●…pation doth most clearly and formally reach it . Neither are we so much concerned in the problemarick glossings or disputes of any persons in England ( they not having tendered that oath unto us ) as in the obligation of this oath , and that of the Nationall Covenant lying upon us , to preserve our reformation as it stood then establisht . Moreover this man would take Dr Sandersons advice here that an oath being stricti juris — the meaning is to be kept when clear from the words — but if it be doubtfull , every one is to take care that they indulge not their own affections and inclinations , or give way to too large a license of glossing , to the end they may with more ease loose themselves from the obligation , or give such a sense to others , or take it to themselves — as the unconcernd do see that the words will not bear , both for fear of perjury and ensnaring of others . Thus he , de jur prom . praelect . 2. parag . 9. The Doubter objects next [ that we are not concerned in the parliament of England sense , but in the sense of the Church and state of Scotland , who imposed the oath , and meant it against all sort of prelacie . ] To this he answers , that it being a common league of the three Kingdoms , the meaning must be determined by all the three ; and that Timorcus shews that the Parliament of England their sense mas with concnrrence of our Commissiners . Ans. 1. We have already made it good , that giving the Informer the advantage of the sense of the 2d . article which he alledges , it will notwithstanding clearly exclude our present prelacy . Timorcus telling us expresly ( pag. 16. ) that the Covenant , aperily oblidges against Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans &c. which termes he sayes are lyable to no ambiguity , and particularly against all such exercise of prelacie , as is by one single person , arrogating to himself sole and single power in ordination and jurisdiction . Darre this man deny that our present prelates have this legall prerogative expresly allowed them by our lawes ? is not all Church government to be managed by them with advice only of such of the Clergie , as their Lordships ( forsooth ) shall judge loyall ? so that the prelacie which Timorcus and the English are for , is point blanck cross to the present hierarchie ; and the three nations sense of that article will ( as we have proved ) never be reconciled to his sense and pleading in this point . 2. We told him also that it is not the 2d . Art. Whereby mostly or principally our obligation against prelacy is to be measured , it being that which relates especially to England , where Prelacy was then existent ; and whatever sense any there do put upon that Article , yet they never offered to put any glosses upon our great engadgement to preserve our reformation then established , and never imagned nor offered the least limitation of our obligations both by the National Covenant as then particularly applyed against prelacie , and likewise our obligation in the first part and article of the League , to preserve our establisht reformation , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government , which consequently stands inviolable according to its native and necessary meaning , in contradiction to our Prelacie or any Prelacie whatsoever , as he dar not deny that this Church and Nation at the imposing did understand the same . Our Informer permits now his Doubter to tell him [ that we are engadged to preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland , which was Presbyterian , and that therefor in the 2d . article we swear against all kinde of Prelacie , Prelacie and Presbytery being inconsistent . ] To this he answers that if we are in the 1. Article bound to maintain Presbyterie , and in the 2d left at libertie for some kinde of Prelacy , and with all if Presbyterie and Prelacie be inconsistent , then we have sworne contradictions , viz , to admit of no kinde of Prelacie , and yet admit of some kinde of it . Ans. 1. He hath it yet to prove that either we or England are left to a latitude ( according to the Genuine sense of that Article ) as to any prelacy , or whatever government else is inconsistent with Presbyterian Government , because , 1 the generall oblidgements [ to endeavour a reformation according to the Word of God — and to extirpat what ever is found contrarie to sound Doctrine and the power of Godliness ] will ( as I have said ) necessarily import , both as to us & them , ane engadgement against all kind of Prelacy under this notion and upon this ground . 2. As for [ Englands reserving a latitude for a proestos ] which he here alledges , Timorcus will tell us ( out of Doctor Sanderson ) of this rule as to the interpretation of promissory Oaths that tho it s granted that promissory imposed Oaths must be interpret according to the sense of Imposers , as our private Oaths according to our sense , yet both these rules are to be limited , so that neither our private sense of our spontaneous Oaths , nor yet the sense of those who impose Oaths upon others , must be other then will comport , with the just signification of the words and phrases , in the Oath , vow , or Covenant , for this were to destroy [ saith he ] the simplicity necessary to every Oath , and indeed not to interpret , but to coin ane Oath or new obligation . Now the obligation of both Nations in this Oath , is to endeavour reformation according to the Word of God , and to extirpat whatever is contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godliness . If therefore a fixt Moderator , or any supposed moderat mould of Prelacy be found contrary thereunto , no mans glossings whatsoever , can ( according to this necessary rule ) prejudge the native import , signification , and extent of these generall clauses . In the 2d . place , his contradiction here imputed to us , is but his owne airie imagination , for it is not ad idem , and eodem modo . Wherein he imagineth the contradiction to lye . Our duty to preserve , and our obligation thereanent , being relative to the establisht Government of the Church of Scotland , and the extirpation engadged unto , being relative to another nation and Church , wherein that species of Prelacy particularized in the Article , was existent ; so that there is no liberty left for any kinde of Prelacy in Scotland ; and for Englands reserving , I have told him that what ever glosses any may put upon that 2d . article , yet if the generall clauses and expressions mentioned will exclude all kinde of prelacie , their glosses will not comport with the simplicity and genuin sense of the oath , and therfor are not to be admitted . Since if it can be made good from the scripture that all kinde of prelacy is unlawfull , dissonant to the divine rule , and repugnant to the power of godliness , the oath doth most clearly strike against it . Mr Crofton pag. 110. in answer to the Author whom he calls Dr Featly's ghost , objecting that in the Covenant , the Church of Scotland is set before the Church of England , tells him that it is in relation to different acts , the Reformed Religion of Scotland to be preserved , of England to be Reformed ; that it is no Solecism to put the factum before the fieri , to sweare the preservation of good acquired , before ane endeavour to obtain the same or better , to prefix the pattern to that which is to be therunto conformed . He adds , that his Antagonist hath little reason to grudge that Scotland should be propounded as a pattern of Reformation to England , since Beda reports that this nation did as first communicat the science of divine knowledge without grudge or envy unto the people of England , citing his Eccles. hist. gent. Ang. lib. 5. cap. 23. Hence he infers , that it is no folecisin to propound us as a pattern of Reformation , who had first obtained it , and from whom Christianity it selfe was ar first transmitted to them . Here let out Informer informe himself , first , that in the sense of the English Presbyterians , [ the preserving of our establisht Reformation ] is that article wherin our obligation to Presbyterian government is properly included ; and that the article of Reformation yet in fieri , relates properly to England . 2. That they state a distinction betwixt preserving and reforming as distinct acts , the one relating to our Reformation in Scotland already obtaind , the other to that in England yet in fieri , wherin they check this mans blunt measuring our obligation against prelacie first and principally by the second article , and his denying our obligation to preserve Pretbyterian government containd in the first , and his blunt confounding the obligation of the two articles , to give some shadduw of his fancyed contradiction which he would fasten upon us , viz. [ That we are bound against all Episcopacie in the first article , and yet the second can admit of some . ] For as we have before answered , so Mr Crofton tells him here again , that the acts and objects are different . The preserving of the Reformation , government and discipline of this Church ( which we see he holds to be Ptesbyterian government , according to our two books of discipline , and opposit to diocesan prelacie as such ) is a different act and object , from these of extirpating Prelacie out of the Church of England . And thirdly , that with Mr Crofton , and the English Presbyterians , it is no such paradox as this man afterwards endeavours to perswade us , that the Covenant obligeth them to Reforme England according to our pattern , which we see they hold to be the Scripture pattern . For Mr Crofton tells his Adversary that our factum was to be their Fieri , and our acquired good in point of government , the measure of their good to be obtaind , and that the good they were to obtain ( according to the Covenant ) was the same with ours , and tells him in terminis and expresly , that our pattern is in the first article prefixed , to which they are to be conformed . From what we have said out of Mr Crofton touching his sense of the Covenant , and the sense of the English Presbyterians , who adhere thereunto , it is evident that it strikes against all prelacy including the priority and power of diocesan Bishops and Arch-Bishops ; That prelacy disputed against by Gerson Bucer in his dissertations de Gub. eccl . Didoclavius in his Altare Damascenum . Cartwrights Exceptions . Paul Baines his Diocesans tryall . Smectymnuus . Mr Pryn in his publick and positive challenge for th●… unbishop●…g of Timothy and Titus , cited by Crofton , pag. 83. as unanswerable pieces . Yea all Bishops whose office and authority is such as Mr Crofton ( to use his own expression ) might not stand up a Peer to them in officiall power , tho a simple Presbyter ; so that our Informer is quite out in telling us that in their sense the Covenant is reconcilable to our prelacy , and strikes only against that of England . Again , Mr Crofton in the Analepsis , ( pag. 129. ) answering the charge of Ambiguity put upon that clause of [ the best reformed Churches ] tells the Masters of Oxford , that the sense is [ in endeavouring the reformation of England , the word of God shall be our rule , and the best reformed Churches our pattern . ] Wherein he clearly asserts with us , that the obligation of the Covenant , reaches the extirpation of whatever Prelacie is found contrary to the Word of God : But so it is that the Apostolick Churches ( as we shall finde Mr Crofton here assert ) owned no Bishops but such as he might stand up a Peer unto , so that the Scripture rule , and by consequence the Covenant according thereunto , strikes against , and cuts of all Prelacy of Diocesian Bish : of whatever Goverment doth admitt of any Church officers , above Presbyters . And in his sense they are oblidged to reduce Englands prelacy or hierarchy , to a compleat presbyterian parity . The Scripture makes ( with Mr Crofton ) the Bishop and presbyter meerly Synonima ; So that no prelacy wherein a distinction is admitted , can consist with the Covenant in his judgment ; nor can any glossings of men prejudge this rule , and the obligation resulting from this clause to extirpate Prelacy foot and branch . Our Informer might have seen this his notion further refuted by the Author of that peice intituled [ The case of the accommodation examined , pag. 39. 40. ] who shews that in so farre as England had attained we might close with them in a particular Oath , for extirpating an evill discovered , and yet for a further advance , rest upon the more general tyes so surely cautioned , till God should give further light — so that the engadgement of both parties expresly only to extirpat that species , did no way hinder the setting up of Presbyterian Government , and rejecting of all prelacy to be Covenanted unto under the General provisions — That , it was aggreeable to truth and righteousness for us to concurre , with that Church convinced of evills , but not so enlightened as to remedies , in Covenanting against the evills in particular , and also to endeavour a reformation according to the Word of God , and by vertue of this general oblidgement , become bound to make a more exact search anent the lawfullnes or unlawfullness of things , not so fully clear in the time of entering into the Oath , and after the discovery to reject what seemed tolerable . So that no hesitation among them , doth hinder England and Scotlands respective obligations to extirpate all episcopacy as contrary to that doctine which is according to godliness . What inconsistency will the Informer shew us in this , that one nation vow adherence to its owne establishment in point of reformation and Church Government , and likewise vow assistance of another nation in the removal of a corruption therein , tho the removall will not amount to such a compleatness of reformation at first , as will be every way like unto this establishment , both nations being notwithstanding oblidged respective , under generall clauses to make this reformation compleat . The Informer next tells us , that it is doubted by the learned , whither in the first Article there be any obligation to maintain presbyterian Government . His first reason is , because there is no express mention of presbyterian Government therin , but only of our reformed religion in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government . Ans. this reason of the Seasonable case which he hath borrowed , is very insignificant . Our Church , after long wrestling being recovered from corruptions both in Doctrine and Worship , which Prelates had introduced , and her Discipline and Government according to the Scripture pattern set up , in Presbyteries , synods , and Assemblies , and all the priviledges of these her courts , authorized and establisht both by civill and ecclesiastick constitutions and laws , will any doubt ( but the sceptick who will dispute that snow is not white ) that the discipline then reformed and establisht , is in that oath sworn to be maintained . He may al 's well alledge that it is not the doctrine and worship then established , which we Covenant to preserve , as to doubt of the government , since this reformation then established , takes in all the three together , and in the same sense . Besides his Master the Seasonable Casuist , grants that there was then in Scotland no such officers , as are enumerate in the 2d article , but an establisht reformed government was then existent . Now dare any of these new absolvers or resolvers say , that it was not Presbyterian government , or that this was not the sense of the imposers of that oath . His 2d reason is , that Independents took that Covenant , and had a hand in wording that article , that it might not import any particular forme of government . — That the words import no one forme of government , but with this proviso , as reformed . The Seasonable case said this already , to which the Apologist returned answer That the government of this Church at that time being Presbyteriall ( as he acknowledged ) there could be no other government understood , then what was then existent , established and reformed . That to say Indendepents understood it of their government , will no more reflect upon the Covenant , then upon the Scripture it self , which Independents do alledge will plead for their government . Next , I would ask this man , why may not the same insignificant quirk be also objected as to the doctrine , and worship , viz. that only the doctrine and worship with this proviso as reformed , but not the then established doctrine , and worship , is understood in that article , and so sectaries may lurk under this generall also . Thus he may alledge that no engadgement or oath in relation to his Majesties authority will binde , except his name and Sirname be in it , because some may entertaine a chimera of their own under his Majesties general titles . Alas ! what ridiculous conceits are these . The Doubter next objects [ that the English parliament , who together with our Scots Commissioners imposed that oath , did by [ the reformed government ] understand Presbytrie which was then settled here , and that therefore we are to understand the oath in their sense who imposed it , whatever Independents think . ] He answers , by denying that the English parliament understood the 1. article of Presbyterian government , for then they would have thought themselves bound to reforme England according to our pattern , but on the contraire in anno 1647 they toid our Commissioners , that they could never finde Presbytrie necessary by any divine right , and charged them with Superciliousness in judging that there is no other lawfull Church government , but what they call so , and with misinterpreting the article anent Church government . This the Seasonable case also said before him , and this hungry casuist catches up his cibum praemansum , but could not see the answer returned to this in the Apology . To this I say first , that the Parliament of England tendered not that oath to us , nor is their sense therof , principally to be eyed by us , as in his mould of the objection and answer , he seems to suppose . The parliaments of both Kingdomes imposed the oath upon their own subjects , framed by the consent of both according to their own condition , and exigence ; so that we are to look mainly to the procedour and sense of our Church and state , for a discovery of the genuin sense and meaning of that oath . Now it is most evident that the designe of our Church and state in framing and imposing of this oath , was to establish and preserve our Church government then in being , which , he who denyes to have been Presbyterian , in its compleat formes , and courts , he may deny any thing . 2. We told him alreadie , that whatever defection or liberty of glossing any might be guilty of , yet the words and clauses of the Covenant , as to that 1. article , are clear and abundantly significant , and will admit of no evasion . And in relation to the total extirpation of prelacie out of that Church where it was existent , the 2d Article , is as clear and convincing . And therefore whither they lookt upon themselves as oblidged to follow our pattern yea or not , we have proved that they stood oblidged , both by that particular enumeration in the 2 Article , and also in the more generall clauses mentioned , to extirpate Prelacie root and branch . This man will make a meer Proteus of oaths , if their sense and obligation must vary , turne ambulatory or ambiguous , according as men do shift or turne aside . We told him of Dr Sandersons rule , anent the import of the words of an oath , in their genuin sense in reference to its obligation , whatever liberty men may take to glosse , or interpret , which is the judgement of all sound Casuists . 3. Dare he say , that ever the parliament of England denyed , that de facto Presbyterian government was compleatly established in the Church of Scotland , or will he make them so irrationall as to deny this necessary consequence , that therefore the 1. Article of the Covenant doth clearly oblidge this Church to its preservation as the reformed Government then existent ; and if his consequence cannot but be admitted , surely whither they looked on themselves as oblidged to follow our pattern yea or not they held no sense of this article contrary to our own sense , nor denyed our obligation to maintain our established Presbyterian Government . And besides , they never denyed their obligation to reforme the Church of England according to the Scripture pattern ; and that of the best reformed Churches , in conformity to that pattern . And that the Church of Scotland , and other Churches where Presbyterian Government was existent , were such , was and is the sense and acknowledgement of the reformed Churches themselves , as from their confessions we have made appear . For confirming this further ( because the Informer hath told us frequently of MrCrofton ) let us heare how he will bespeak him in this point . In that piece intituled [ The fastening of S Peters Fetters pag. 40. ] He tells the Oxford men of the Church of Scotlands Philadelphian purity — in delivering in writting , and excercising in practice that sincere manner of Government whereby men are made partakers of salvation , acknowledged by Mr Brightman on Apocalyps 3. and the Apology to the Doctors of Oxford , and of Beza's epistle 79 to Mr Knox , exhorting him to hold fast that pure Discipline which he had brought into Scotland , together with the Doctrine . And ( pag. 41. ) he cites the corpus confess . ( pag. 6. ) Where the collector layes down this as the ground of that Churches purity of doctrine , and 54 years unity without Schisme [ that the Discipline of Christ and his Apostles , as it is prescribed in the word of God , was by litle and litle received , and according to that Discipline , the Government of the Church disposed so near as might be ] which he prayes may be perpetually kept by the King & Rulers of the church . These English Non-conformists , Beza , the Author of the syntagma , in Croftons sense , and himself together with them , thus clearly avouching Presbyterian government , which Mr Knox introduced , to have been the government of this Church since the reformation , and which King Iames also owned . For after he hath told us in the same page of Arundel , Hutton , and Matthews , three English Arch-Bishops , their approving the order of the Church of Scotland , he tells the same Oxford men of the joy which King James profest in the assembly 1590 that he was born to be a King of the sincerest Church in the world . Again ( pag : 39. ) he makes mention of this Churches two books of discipline , as the great badge and Test of her government ; and in answere to the Oxford mens exception against that article of the Covenant , which binds to preserve the discipline and government of the Church of Scotland [ viz. that they were not concerned in , and had litle knowledge of that government ] he tells them , that he wonders how an university conversing in all books , could profess they had no knowledge of these books . So that in Mr Crostons sense and in the sense of the Presbyterian covenanters in England , the government engadged unto in that article , is that platforme of Presbyterian government contained in these 2 books of discipline , which adversaries themselves do grant to comprehend an intire frame of Presbyterian government . Again ( pag. 141. ) he gathers from the tenor of the Kings coronation oath at Scone , that the royall assent was given unto Presbyterian government in pursuance of the obligation of the solemne league and Covenant , and that , in his Majesties most publick capacity as King of great Britain , France and Ireland , for himself and Successors : and asserting clearly the equity of the obligation , he asks the learned in law [ whither the royall assent by such expressions publickly made knowne ( as here it was unto acts and ordinances of parliament in his other dominions to be past here anent ) be not sufficient to make an act of parliament a perfect and compleat law by the equity of the statute 33. Hen. 3. 21. &c. ] So that Mr Crofton clearly asserts our obligation to Presbyterian government to be contained in the Covenant , and to reach all his Majesties dominions . For he tells us in the preceeding page , that to all such as apprehend the constitution of England to be Merum imperium , wherein the King hath supremam Majestatem , it is evident that his Majesties ratifying the Covenant thus , hath rendred it nationall . Again Timorcus ( pag. 70. ) asserts that the parliament who imposed the Covenant ( anno 1648. ) sent propositions to the King wherein was demanded the utter abolishing of episcopacie . Which is point blanck cross to the character of that piece obtruded by the Informer , and doth evidently demonstrat ( compared with these passages of Mr Crofton ) that the whole body of Presbyterian covenanters in England , both imposers and takers , parliament and people , understood that article of Presbyterian government . The Doubter here poorly grants [ that England and Scotland did not understand that article in the same sense , but alledgeth that since our Church understood it of Presbytry , we are bound to it in that sense . ] Upon this he assumes , That it will not follow that we are bound to it in the sense of our Church and state , but rather that in relation to government it is with out sense , since the imposers themselves were not aggreed as to its meaning . Ans. we have already made it good , both from the sense and scope of the national Covenant , the judicial interpretation and application of it to our former prelacie expres●…ie , the nations universall taking it so , and the authorizing thereof both by King and parliament , as well as by the recommendation of the assembly , from the total extirpation of prelacy , and setting up Presbyterian government in all its courts , in consequence hereof , that that article of the solemne league which relates to the preservation of the then existent Reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , cannot without extreme impudence be distorted to any other sense , then a preservation of the Presbyterian government then existent . Especially the league being framed and entered into by us , for our further security in relation to what we had attained . And this being the article framed by the Church and state of Scotland at that time , and this being also their scope and designe , discovered in their treaties with England , when that Covenant was entered into , I dare appeal this mans conscience upon it , whither ever any demurre here anent , or any other sense of this article , was offered by the English when the nations first entered into this oath ? or whither , the imposers thereof in Scotland , would have engaged in that league with the English , upon any other termes then these , and in this their sense of that 1. article . Thinks the Informer that if any such thing had been muttered in the first transaction of this business , that the English did not look upon the Presbyterian government as the reformed government of this Church , that the Scots nation would have transacted with whem in this league ? Nay , when ( as Timorcus tells us ) it was debated branch by branch , phrase by phrase in the convention house , in the parliament , in the assembly of divines , was there ever such a notion as this of our Informer started , that by the reformed government of the Church of Scotland , Presbyterian government was not to be understood ? in a word , dare he deny that the godly conscientious Ministers and people of England , did in the sense of this oath , and even in imitation of the Scottish , or rather the Scripture patterne , plead for , and had begun to set up Presbyterian government , and are closs to their principles to this day . But he adds , that it is irrationall to say we are bound to it in the sense of the Church and State of Scotland , because they were but a part of the Imposers and the least Part. Ans. I told him already that in relation to the engadgers in Scotland they were the proper imposers , the authority of the respective rulers of both nations , in relation , to their own subjects being first and immediately to be lookt unto , and their sense & scope therein to be mainly eyed , and each Nation being properly and immediatly judges , as to their own national end in this stipulation . Thinks this man , that the then representatives of Church and State , did eye any other end as to Scotland , then the preservation of the reformation in Doctrine , Discipline , Worship and Government , as at that time therein establisht . Moreover , the sense and scope of the article it self being convincingly inclusive of Presbyterian Government , it can admit of no other glosse without manifest distortion , and frustration of the imposers designe therein . Next he tells us , that suppose Presbytery were meant in the 1 Article , yet the 2d will admitt some episcopacie . What poor stuffe is this . Suppose the Article of extirpation relating only to England and Ireland , would comport with some episcopacie ( which the Informer hath not yet proved ) what hath that to do with Scotland ? Or how can that enervate our engadgement to preserve the reformation as then establisht in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government ? Because in relation to the extirpating of Englands Prelacy after the reformation in Scotland is compleated and sworn to , we are to bear with the English Church in some remaines of Prelacy , till God give further light , must we therfor be oblidged or allowed according to the sense and scope of this Oath to corrupt or raze the Fabrick of that establisht reformation , and bring in again prelacy into that Church out of which it had been totally eradicate ? Nay , this is too dull inadvertancie . As for what he adds that Presbytery is not inconsistent with any kinde of prelacie . I answer that the presbytery establisht and sworn to be maintained in Scotland , is , and Beza is so farre from disowning this , that ( as we heard ) he exhorteth John Knox to keep that Church and house of God clean of prelacy , as he loved the simplicity of the Gospel . CHAP. IV. The grounds , upon which the Informer undertakes to prove that the obligation of the Covenant ceaseth , although its oblidging force for the time past were supposed , examined at large . As also his reasoning upon Numb . 30. Wherein his begging of the question , his contradicting of Dr Sanderson and other Casuists , and manifold inconsistencies are made appear . OUR Informer having spent his Master pieces , and the cheife products of his invention , or rather of those who have gone before him , upon this difficult task of reconciling the Covenant to Prelacy , doth next ( as a liberall bold disputer ) undertake to loose the Covenant , even upon supposall of its pre-existent obligation against it . And therefore making his Doubter tell him [ that he bears off the acknowledgement of anyobligation against episcopacie , either in the national , or solemne league , lest he fall under the charge of perjurie ] . In answer to this he will suppose that episcopacy is abjured in both Covenants , and yet undertake to defend that they arenot perjured who now submit to prelacie . The Doubter thinks this strange Doctrine , and so do I. Because [ to swear against episcopacie and yet acknowledge it is to do contrary to their Oath . ] To this doubt he returns a large resolution , but still follows up the Seasonable case closs , for fear of miscarrying . And first , he begins with a threefold partition , either prelacy ( saith he ) is an unalterable necessary Government of divine or Apostolick warrand , or it is sinfull and contrary to the Apostolick Government , or thirdly of a middle nature , neither commanded nor forbidden , but left to Christian prudence as found expedient to be used or not . Here I must stope him a little , and minde the reader , that we did upon the first Dialogue , disprove this indifferent Proteus-Prelacie , as a monster to Scripture , since the Scripture condescending so far as to its institution of officers , ordinances , Lawes , censures ; and ( as we heard himself acknowledge ) setting down all substantialls of Church Government , prelacie must of necessity be either consonant or dissonant therunto , and by consequence necessary or finfull , commanded or forbidden . So that he is to be limited to the first two , and any supposal anent the indifferencie of presacy , is but his petitio prnicipii ; and the gratification of his adversary for further clearing of this question : now proceed we . If it be the Apostolick Government derived from their times to all ages of the Church , he hopes we will grant that no Oath oblidges against it . This I willingly grant to him , but what then ? Why , we must not cry out perjurie till what he hath offered on this head be solidly answered . Let this bargaine stand , I hope I have made his Scripturae pretences , appear to be vaine , and proven the contrariety of that prelacie now established , both to the Scripture and pure antiquity , and till he hath answered what is offered upon this point , we may impute perjury to him by his own acknowledgment . What next , what if it be sinfull ? Then he sayes we need not plead the Covenant obligation . No ? may we not plead the Covenant obligation against Schisme , heresie , and profanness ? May not the Oath of alledgance be pleaded against treason , because before this Oath treason is a sin ? Said he not already that the Baptismall vow is a superadded obligation , though the matter it self doth binde ? did not the Oath and Covenant ( Neh. 8. ) containe an abjuration of many sins , against which the people stood before preoblidged ? But he adds , its true a supervenient Oath makes the obligation the stronger . Right , why then may not we plead that which makes it stronger ? Especially against this man and his fellows , who have such a mighty faculty of resolving and absolving all S Peters fetters . Sure they had need of Double nets who would catch a Proteus . Then he tell us , That the ablest champions for Presbytrie dar not assert episcopacie to be unlawfull . What champions are these that prove it to be contrary to Scripture , and yet dar not assert it to be unlawfull ? Sure they are very faint disputants . We heard that Beza ( whom our Informer will sure call a champion for Presbytery ) called episcopacy dia●…olicall and the egg out of which Antichrist was hatched . Was not that near the march of calling it unlawfull ? But how will he now absolve us ? Why , it must be indifferent , neither lawfull nor unlawful , and then the question is with him , if we could by our own Oath , make it absolutely and in every case unlawfull , so that we can never after submit unto it . He adds , that we are mistaken if we think that an Oath against a thing indifferent will in every case bind . Here I shall only tell him that since all his resolving skill goes upon this supposition , he should have travelled to Utopia with this resolution , since we do suppose and have proven Prelacie to be unlawfull , and so are not in the least concerned in what he saith upon this point : Since he is still arguing ex ignoratione elenchi . But let us see how he will absolve us upon this supposition , which he must in pity be gratified with , before he can draw forth his weapons . Our Informer still stricks hand , with the Seasonable case and the Surveyer , telling us first , that the oath ceases to bind , if the thing sworn against , be a matter wherein our superiours have power to command us , they by their authority given them of God , may require obedience of us in any thing lawfull , and so may in that particular , command us to do or use what we have sworn against , it being a thing in it self lawfull , and in this case our oath ceases to binde . Ans. this simple notion , by our Informer poorly propounded hath no taste in it , and cannot reach our case , even though he had won over that insuperable mountain of the unlawfullness of prelacy , and had proven , or his adversary had granted it , to be indifferent , for 1. his supposition runs thus . That episcopacy is indifferent to be used in the Church or not as it shall be found expedient . Now , I beseech him , who is the proper judge , what frame of Church government best sutes her condition ? is not the Church representative , to whom is intrusted the power of the keys ? by what warrand will he bring in the Magistrate primo instanti to alter and set up Church government as he thinks fit , even granting it were indifferent ? he sought at first but a grant that prelacy was indifferent , but ere he can produce one reason for his point , he must have a further grant of Erastianisme , and that the Magistrate is the proper competent immediat judge in matters ecclesiastick . Who can stope the mouth of this hungry cause of his , that must have multiplied concessions of the adversary , and yet cannot subsist , but starves with its own weakness when all is done . For 2dly , although this were also granted , what will he say in this case , wherein the superiour hath bound and engadged himselfe with the same Oaths , vows , and bonds that the subject is tyed with , and hath solemnly vowed to God against such a frame of Government ? Sure this will tye up his hands if we may beleeve the maxime asserted by Dr Sanderson and other Casuists that juramentum tollit libertatem even in a thing indifferent . Had we not the ratification of the Nationall Covenant with the band and explication against the Scots Prelacie , in plain Parliament by King Charles the first , under his hand writing 1641 ? Did not the King who now is in the Year 1650 and — 51 , swear and subscribe both this oath , and the solemn league and Covenant , and gave all imaginable assurances for upholding Presbyterian Government , and in opposition to Prelacy ? suppose he had power to command in this matter , sure his commanding power is tyed up , when he hath vowed and Open'd his mouth unto God , and lifted up his hand to the most high , That Prelacy shall never be allow'd within his dominions , far less commanded . Whatever power God hath given to Magistrates over their subjects , sure he hath given them no power to loose themselves from his oath and vow upon them is . Thirdly , it is too laxe a principle , to hold that in every thing , in it self indifferent , the Magistrates power reaches to supercede or loose , the obligation of an oath or vow of the subject . For a subjects freedome and liberty , as in that capacity , and the Magistrats authority , being coordinate , as the subjects liberty must not justle with the Magistrat's lawfull Command , suited to the ends of government , so neither must the Command of the Magistrate incroach upon this reserved liberty of the subject , who hath many things in his own power and without the reach of any lawfull command of the Migistrate . A Subject , and a slave , are quite distinct things . God restrained & set bounds to the power of Kings , and Magistrates whom he set over his people , so that they might not command such and such things . Therefor in what things soever , the exercise of a subjects liberty , crosses not the designe and end of the Magistrates power exprest in Scripture , his vow is without the reach of the Magistrates suspending or loosing power . Naboth would not give Ahab his Vineyard , no not for money . What if a man in a parentall capacity , interpose a vow as to his childe in reference to some occupation or inheritance , which are supposed , before th●…s vow , to be things indifferent ? Sure the Magistrates suspending power will not reach this vow . This will be clear , if it be considered , That the preservation of the Subjectes liberty , is one of the great ends of the Magistates Authority . The Second case wherein the Informer tellsus , that ane Oath in things indifferent binds no●… , is when the thing sworn is so altered in its nature , that it becomes sinfull and cannot be lawfully performed . He tells us that Casuists say , That cessat juramenti obligatio cum res non permanent in eodem statu Ans. This other case generally byhim propounded here , shall be considered & spoken to , when we shall see how hereafter he explaines and applyes it . Therefore we shall in this place dismiss it with one word , That Prelacy is now the same , and worse thn formerly , And therfor the premised maxime cannot reach his Conclusion in the least . His Third case wherein he tells us , that the Oath in things indifferent ceaseth to bind , is , when it is impeditivum majoris boni , which he sayes the Seasonable case and the survey of Naphtali , do apply to this Oath . And how he applyes it we shall after hear , He tells us , they do prove ; that supposing Episcopacie lawfull , though i●… were meant in the Covenant , none should think themselves bound to stand out against it , our Superiours having commanded us to obey and submit to that government . And that he solidly repells what is brought by the Apologie or Naphtali to the contrary . But how insignificantly either he , or these new Casuists , do loose the Covenant upon this Pretence , hath already in part , and shall yet further appear . What a laxe Adiaphorist is this , who by his new divinity , first takes this great duty of vowing or swearing quite away ; For , no Oaths must be pleaded in things necessary , in this man's judgment , They canno in things that are sinfull or unlawfull have place , and so all the subject thereof must be things lawfull ; and for this , there needs no more to make all Oaths and vows evanish , but a command from the superiour , and then they are gone . Secondly , he makes the Magistrat's posteriour and supervenient command , no●…only loose all his subjects from the obligation of what is lawfully sworn , but also himself from his personall Oath : Though he hath sworn and vowed never so deeply , he hath no more to do but to make a Law against it , and then the Oath , as impeditivum boni , ceasethto bind either himselfe or his subjects . Thirdly , he makes all the reserved liberty of the subject ( which Government is for preservation of ) a meer nullity and Chimaera , so as this liberty it selfe , or any vow or Oath in things which are properly within it's sphere , evanishes at every arbitrary command of the powers . Hence a subjects liberty resolves into a meer nothing or slavery . Fourthly , thus the Judgement of all Churches in Brittain and Ireland under this Oath , must in relation to the expediency of this supposed lawfull Episcopacy , and its present suitableness to her edification , be at the meer beck of this arbitrary command of the civill power , as the sole and proper judge of this matter . And so . First , the Magistrate is not only the immediatjudge of all ecclesiastick Government , or what is most suitable to the Churches State and edification in point of Government . But 2dly , all judgement of discretion is taken away from the people of God , in relation to this matter of so high importance , and their acting in faith consequently , in this supposed obedience . So that men are made absolutly Lords over their consciences . Yea 3dly , all regard to the eshewing the offence of the weak , and the Scripture Rules in relation to their scandal , and stumbling , are made void ; the meer command of the powers determining that matter , in the principles of this Informer . Yea Moreover , all our Christian libetry in things indifferent , which Christ hath purchased with his precious blood , and which we are commanded so much to hold fast , is close swallowed up , so that both judgement & practise , in matters wherein God hath given a liberty , are tyed unto , and only regulable by , the arbitrary command of the powers : And what monstruous absurdities these are , the meanest capacity may judge . As for what he adds here , that an Oath about matters not sinfull , is alwayes to be understood with this restriction , [ so long as lawfully I may ] which the matter thereof requires , because the taker is under prior and greater obligations ( viz obedience to his superiour and the like ) then that of the Oath in a thing indifferent , and therefor when the prior obligation crosseth this latter of the Oath , its obligation must cease . Ans. This prior obligation the Informer makes relative to the Magistrats command interposing , which according to his laxe and unrestricted supposalls , makes all Oaths no stronger then a threed touched with the fire , and when applyed to our case , is utterly impertinent , because ; first , there are things in their own nature indifferent , yet within the sphere of the subjects reserved liberty ; and Consequently not within the reach of any lawfull command of the Magistrat , nor of any anterior obligation , to that of the Oath by further consequence ; and that the matters in debate are not such , he hath not proved . 2ly , The Magistrate himselfe hath by his own Oath ( in this case ) superseded and tyed up any right of commanding , which the Informer may suppose he had . 3ly , upon both these grounds , the performance of this great engadgement , can never justle with any lawfull command of the Magistrat . And by further Consequence , 4ly , There is no greater or prior obligation in this case lying upon the Swearer , from the Magistrat's right , to breake or cut short the obligation of this vow . All which is yet further convincingly clear , if it be considered , that this great supposition of the lawfulnes or Indifferency of Prelacy ( which is the grand Topick bearing the weight of his Argumentation ) is but begged by him , and as an almes , given by his Adversary . But the contrariety of Episcopacy to the Scripture , which we have alreadie proved , being once supposed , it followes , that there is an obligation Prior to all Oaths , lying both upon King and subjects for it's Extirpation , but which is much more strengthened by the Supervenient Oaths and vows of God upon them , for this great end . The Informer adds further , that our obligation to our Superiours , is Gods tye — our Oath a knot of our own casting , and that when two duties at once seeme to require performance , and we cannot get them both satisfyed , the lesser should give way to the greater . Ans. 1. The same God who hath enjoyn'd obedience to Rulers , hath reserved the subjects liberty , and Christian liberty , and by his authority salv'd and authorized Oaths and vows which are within the compass of that reserv'd liberty , so the last knot is of Gods casting as well as the first . And such Alexander-like absolvers or Cutters as our Informer and his fellowes , will find that they are hewing at divine cords , when the curse due to perjury shall enter into their houses and soules , if they repent not . 2ly , Hence in this case and question under debate , our obedience to the Magistrat ( especially upon our true supposition of the unlawfullness of Prelacy , and of the Oath against it , lying upon the Magistrat himself ) is sinfull ; and so the comparison is betwixt duty , and sin , not a greater and lesser duty , which this man must grant is ever to be preferred . And besides , the Informers supposition , that this Oath is a meer voluntary deed of our own , which had so full a ratification of the Magistrates Authority , is among the rest of his gratis supposita and Beggings of the question , which we must send back to him with a lash , untill it be return'd with a due Testimonall of better proof then of his Ipse dixit . 3ly , Even upon his own supposition , Dr Sanderson will tell him , that any law made against an Oath , which is but spontaneous , if the law be alternative , to obey or suffer , the Oath will bind against the active part , and oblige not to obey the power in that supervenient command or Law , which is contrary even to the privat spontaneous Oath , de Iur Promis . Prel . Sect. 9. But a fortiori much more will this oblige not to obey that Law , if the Oath be not only spontaneous , but hath been fortifyed by the Legislative power , yea and vow of the Superior himself , who Pretends to loose it by his after-Law . 4ly , Whereas he alledges , Gods putting us under the commands of the powers in this case , and his freind Dr Burnet in this Argument , tells us that [ our Oath being a voluntary deed of our own ( as he gratis supposeth with the Informer ) cannot prejudge the commands of our superiours , which are Gods own immediat commands . ] They should know ( as Timorcus long since Informed them Chap. 6. sect . 35. ) That the Topick of this Argument being , The dominion of the superiour over the Inferiour , if the command or Law be the exercise of a dominion in things wherin he hath no dominion , the Oath will bind against such lawes . This man and his fellows are still talking of the prior obligation of obedience to the Magistrat , but they must know that the Magistrats dominion in this point must be instructed by a Patent from God the supreme Legislator , before we can acknowledge it . And if our Oath interferre with the exercise of a dominion which is without its due sphere , sure it interferres with no prior obligation which God hath lay'd upon us . Even Azorius ( Mor. Quest. l. 11. cap. 6. ) will tell him , that an Oath will bind Contra mores jure civili institutos , if the divine Law be in any thing crossed thereby . Nay , Casuists , even such as Abbas , Silvester , Azorius , Molina , Lessius , Leyman , Sanohes , Swares , do grant . That an Oath will bind against any civill Law , if it oblige ad paenam non ad culpam necessario , to punishment , and not necessarly to sin . And further most of them admit the binding force of Oaths against the Laws or commands of superiours , ubi materia legibus opposita sine peccato fieri potest , where the matter of the Oath , which is contrary to the lawes , may be performed without sin it being non contra jus naturale aut divinum , that is , not against the Law of nature or the divine Law. See Timorcus ubi supra . 5ly , Even putting episcopacie in the category of things indifferent , this Oaths obligation against it , will countervaile & oversway our obligation to obey the Magistrate , and submit to his laws , In such a case , wherin it is found inexpedient for the Church , and particularlie for this Church , as by its apparent dreadfull effects is evident ; such as the desolation and wasting of this Church , the spreading of poperie and Arminianism , the Casting out of many of the godlie Ministry , the fixed division therin , the endless Confusions and broiles , and therby the wide door opened to all Popish invasions &c. For since the Magistrats simple Command cannot determine what Government is expedient or inexpedient for the Church , this must be supposed that Prelacie is best , before the Command can be , so much as supposed Lawfull , els the Magistrat may injoyne an Hundred Oaths this year in such and such things as he calls expedient , and null them all the next year , though himself be engadged therin , upon pretence of inexpediency of the Matter , because of occurring circumstances , which will make mad work of Oaths , and hang them all at the Magistrats sic volo sic jubeo , as to their obligation . It s true that the greater duty ( as is clear Math. 9. 13. ) counter-balances the less , but I Pray , shall the meer will and Command of the power , determine the greater dutie ? and be the sole and supreme rule to determine the Conscience , as to the expediency of a thing hic & nunc . And though ( as he sayes ) every positive precept oblidge not ad Semper . Yet he must acknowledge , first , that it oblidges semper , and though not as to the act , yet as to the eshewing the Contrary therof . And Secondly , to act semper , except when Gods command superseds it , as to other duties in their seasons . So that till he clear this in the point of prelacie , and that the renouncing of our Covenant , and presbyterian Government at the Magistrats Command , is in our case the greatest duty , this rule makes against him . The Doubter , as to his first rule , anent the authority of superiours interveening , objects , that its hard to say that mans authority can loose the Oath of God , since in this Case we must say , that we have opened our mouth unto God , and cannot go back ] . To this he answers . 1. That the law of God in the 5th Command layes the first and Primarie obligation upon us to obey our superiours , which Command we cannot bind up our selves from obeying . Ans. 1. the same God who gave that Command , did by the third Command oblidge both superiours and inferiours , to be a ware of taking his name in vain , and therfor not to presume to break their Oaths and vows in any Lawfull matter , unlesse insuch Cases as himself the blest and supreme Lawgiver , excepts ; which he hath not yet letten us see as to this Oath , wherin both superiours and inferiours have entered , and therby oblidged themselves to God against what he pleads for . So that Gods reserved Supremacie , and Dominion , which ( to use his own argument against him ) is the primarie and fundamentall tye , upon which this 5. Command is bottomed , and according to which our obedience therto must be Regulat , will cut short the obedience to the superiour in this case , wherin we cannot obey him in the Lord , and without violating our fealty and alleadgeance to the God of Gods , and wronging his suprem dominion . 2ly , In this same 5. Command , God hath limited the Power of superiours , and tied them under many bonds of duties to their subjects or inferiours , which , in none of their Commands they must transgress , and if they do , their Commands oblidge not Inferiours to obey . Now , that this Loosing the obligation of these Oaths is in our case an encroachment upon the subjects right and reserved Libertie , as well as christian Libertie , and an encroachment upon Gods sovereign right , is above Cleared . Next he sayes , this were a way to frustrat the superiour of all obedience , and every man might pretend , I have sworn against such a thing commanded , therfor I cannot do it . Thus privat persons might prelimit themselves from obeying in everie thing . Ans. in our case there is no such hazard , for the superiour hath prelimit Himself by his own oath , and this will not prelimit him upon such a pretence , from obedience in any thing that is Lawfull , or which falls within the Compass of his Power As a Magistrate and is suitable to the great ends of his Power , to say , that he cannot Arbitrarly loose people from a Lawfull Oath , sworn also by himself . But on the contrary , this pretended Informer his doctrine herein prelimtes and cuts short Subjects Libertie , and Christian Libertie , and Libertie of Conscience , subjecting it , and all Gods rules theranent , all scripture Rules of Expediency and Edification , and all Oaths and vows superadded to matters subordinat to these ends , unto the Magistrats arbitrary disposal and laws , which is a prelimitation equally if not more dangerous . Our Informer in the next place for proof of this his doctrine , sends the Doubter to Numb . 30 : where ( he sayes ) the husband or parent is vested with a Power to null and make void the vow of the wife or daughter , and by Proportion the King , who is Pater patriae , hath the same authority . Ans. it will be a harder task then this man can well mannage to bring in the King here within the Compass of the father and husbands right , as to this absolving Power . For first , the Magistrats Power is far different from the Marital and Parental , and the relation betwixt King and subject is nothing so strait , as betwixt husband and wife , parent and Children , the one being natural , the other Political , the one changeable , the other not . A man may chuse to Live under what Magistrat he pleases , but the woman cannot cast off her husband , nor the Child shake off his relation and dutie to the father . Besides , subjects set up their Magistrats and Limite them : But so it is not as to the Marital and Parental relations . The husbands authority flows not from the wife her donation , nor the parents from the Children . So that a parallel argument can hardly be drawen from the Power of husbands and parents , supposed in this text , in relation to Oaths and vows of the Children and wife , to that of the Magistrat in relation to his subjects . 2ly , in the beginning of that Chap. the Lords way of Laying down this great Sanction touching vows , seems to exclude the Magistrat from this absolving Power . For after the propounding of the Law touching the keeping of voluntary Oaths and vows , viz. that the person vowing shall not break nor profane his Word as the Hebrew signifies , but do according to all that Proceeds out of his mouth . 1. The Case of the wife and the Daughter not foris-familiat , is Gods great and only exception ( exprest in the Text ) from his own rule , and Law , touching the strick observation of voluntarie Lawfull vows . So that , the rule and Law seems to reach all other Cases , as to free vows , except only this . 2ly , in the Beginning of the Chap. we find that Moses spoke this to the Rulers and heads of the tribes , but the text is silent as to his applying of this exception anent the father and husbands Power in absolving vows , unto these heads & Rulers , which should have been especially intimat to them . Hence it may be probaby Concluded that the Rule and Law touching the observation of vows , stands fast in all other Cases except these here expresly excluded , by the Great Lawgiver . So that ere his argument can reach us , he most give in Sufficient proof that the Magistrat stands vested with this Power , and falls within the Compass of this exception , in relation to his subjects . Not to detain him here in tasking him to prove , that this Judicial statute , as others of the like nature , doth belong unto the Christian Chùrch . But in the second place , Granting that the Magistrat is here meant , it will never speak home to his Point , but much against him , for 1. the dominion of the Superiour being the ground of this discharge , wherin the husband and Parent have Power , if the matter of our vow be found such as is excepted from the Magistrats dominion , the Informer must grant that this text will not reach our Case . And supposing the matter , antecedaneously unto the vow , to fall under divine Commands , this is evident beyond exception . But because he beggs our concession , that it was before indifferent , I adde , if it be within the Limits of our reserved Libertie as free subjects , or of our Christian Libertie , it s still on both grounds , beyond the reach of his dominion , and consequently excluded from this exception , and the vow must stand and oblidge according to the Grand precept here set down ; so that a hundred discharges of the Magistrat will never touch it . We heard him acknowledge , that by [ discipline of this Church ] in the nationall Covenant , the substantialls of Government is understood , and that consequently it binds therunto ; So he must acknowledge that our solemn Covenant will inviolably bind to this divine Frame of Government , & no earthlie power can loose therfrom , no more then from Scripture institutions . And Doctor Featlie acknowledgeth that people may Covenant , without their Superiours , to fulfill Gods Law. Now , give us all Scripture Church officers , and their Rules of Government , & Prelacie shall be quickly gone , So that upon his concession that the national or solemn league do reach the substantialls of Government , or what is necessary for the ends of Government set down in Scripture , it will amount to that which we plead for ; and he must grant it falls not under the Magistrats Dominion , and that his argument from this text is lost . 2dly , this dissent which looses the vow , must be both ane open dissent , and also presentlie in the verie day he heares of it . Qui sero se noluisse significat putandus est aliquando voluisse . That is , he that declares a late dissent , may be presumed sometimes to have given his consent , saith Dr Sand. de jur . prom . This he cannot say as to our King. 3ly , It most be constant , the dissent suspending , but not loosing the obligation . The oblidging vertue being naturall , and inseparable to the vow ( as Dr Sand. tells us de jur . prom . pag. 3. Sect. 10. ) when ever the consent comes , the obligation returns . Now have not our King and Rulers consented unto , and ratefied all our vows both in the nationall , and solemn league and Covenant ? 4ly , This consent of the superiour once given , can never he retracted by a dissent again . Whither it be before or after , he can never make it void , as the Text doth clearlie hold out . See Sand. 16. Prel . 7. Sect. 6. Now have not both the nationall and solemn League , the Consent & vows of all our superiours ratifying the same . So that this text every way pleads for the obligation therof ; for this their consent , once given , they can never revoke , far less their Oath and vows , but the vows of the inferiours , are thereby rendered for ever valid ; as Casuists in setting down these rules doe grant , so Aquinas , Filucius ( Tract . 25 cap. 9. ) Azor. ( Moral . inst . lib. 11. cap. 10. ) Sanches ( lib. 3. Cap. 9. ) Amesius ( cas . lib. 4. cap. 22. Quest. 11. ) Sand. ( Juram . Prom. Prel . 4. Sect. 16. ) But the Doubter objecting [ this consent and ratification of our superiours , which therefore they cannot make void . ] He answers , that by comparing the 12. and 15. verses it appears , that after the husband hath by silence confirm'd his wifes vow , yet he hath a power of voiding it again , and she is exonered of her vow , and bound to obey her husbands Commands . Ans. Although this were granted ( as the Text stands in clear contradiction to it ) that the husband might null the vow , after he hath confirmed it by a silence or tacit confirmation , yet it will not follow that his nulling power will hold , after he hath given not onlie a formall consent positive , but also solemnlie vowed and bound his soule to the Lord , in the same vow , which is most evidentlie our case . Have we not the solemn vows , subscriptions and Oaths of both King and Rulers , concurring with the vows of the subjects in this case ? How then shall they loose their own vows . 2ly , this wilde gloss is expresly cross to Dr Sanderson , and other Casuists , their sense of this case and text as we heard , who hold that if once the superiour hath either tacitly or expressly , precedaniously or subsequently consented , he can never by his dissent again either discharge from the Oath or ( so much as ) suspend the obligation of it . Dr. Sand. saith ( 16. Prel . 7. Sect. 6. ) it s a true rule , quod semel placuit amplius displicere non debet , what once in this case hath pleas'd the superiour , ought never to displease ; Gods Word declaring it established for ever . If he hath consented ( saith the Dr ) either before or after , be can never afterwards take away its obligation . 3. He makes the text contradict it self , for ( ver . 7. ) upon the husbands tacit consent , and holding his peace in the day he heard his wifes vow , the Lord declares that her vow shall stand , & the bond wherewith she bound her soule shall stand . And ( vers . 14. ) The husbands holding his Peace , establishes her vows and confirms them . Now then , God having declaire that the vow stands , is confirmd , and established as soule-bond upon their soules , by this consent tacit or expresse how shall it be null , and not stand , by ane after dissent ? Sure [ to stand ] is here opposed unto [ not to stand ] upon the termes of the present open dissent in the day he heard of it , which is the onlie exception . That which God declares to be confirmed , and to stand , upon the father or husbands consent , admits of no nulling afterward by them ; but so it is , that the wife or daughters vow upon the first consent and ratefication , stands and is confirmed , as a soule-bond : ergo , it admits of no loosing by ane after dissent . I prove the major two wayes , 1. standing and Confirming here are opposed , to nulling and making void . And 2ly , this would make more Limitations then God makes , as to the Loosing of the vow ; for there is no exception but that one , of the husbands open dissent , or the parents , in the day he hearts of it . This is the onlie exception from the rule in the 2d vers . anent the binding of the vow . But this mans gloss brings in another limitation cross to the very scope and express sense of the words viz. the husbands dissent , after he hath by a previous consent ratefied the vow . That God admits the vow to stand , upon this express or tacit consent , is evident in the text . As for the reason which he adds , viz. That the wife is under a prior obligation to obey her husband ; it is absurd and ridiculous , for will he carve ou●… ane obligation in this point beyond what God hath so expresly limit and declard . This were to give the husband a power , not over the wife onlie , but over God himself , and his express declarator . As for that clause ( ver . 15. ) that if he shall any wayes make them void , after he hath heard them , then he shall bear her iniquitie . What a wilde inference is it , from hence to conclude ane absolving power , in express contradiction to the text , and the limitations previoussie set down . To say that the vow cannot be loosed , unless the father or husband declare his dissent in the day he heares of it , And that if he hold his peace he hath confirmed it , and the bond and vow shall stand ; And yet that after all this , he may loose it by ane after dissent , is so plain a contradiction , that none can be plainer . If we will make the text then consistent with it self , the plain meaning is , that he shall bear her iniquitie , or the guilt which otherwise would have Iven upon the wife or daughter , if not hindered in the performance . That the guilt and punishment of the non-performance shall ly upon him who hindered the same , doth clearlie import the non-performance of it self to be a guilt ( which contradicts his pleading and argument . ) But the poor votarie being hindered , it lyes upon the hinderer as I said . So that we strongly inferr from this , the binding force of the vow , since the Lord terms the non-performance a guilt : as violent men hindring Ministers to preach , shall bear their guilt and punishment , which otherwise they were exposed unto if neglecting this great work . All do know , what these Scripture-Phrases of bearing his judgement , bearing his iniquitie , being partakers of Other mens sins , do import . Which Confirms this answer . His comments upon this phrase are verie vain [ first he shall bear her sin ( saith he ) if a guilt ] what is that ? bear a guilt , if a guilt , sure a repugnantia in adjecto . His next gloss makes the husband ane expiator of the guilt because she did her dutie in obeying him , who revoked-his Confirmation upon just grounds . What , upon just grounds contrary to Gods command ? this is ane odd exposition . Doth God give the least warrand here to absolve and null the vow , after it is ratefied by his previous consent . Mr. Poole in his annotations renders thus the sense of this 15. verse [ after he hath heard them &c. ] and approved them by his silence from day to day , if now after that time spent , he shall upon further thoughts dislike and hinder it , which he ought not to do . Her non-performance of her vow shall be imputed to him , not to her : Where , as he doth clearly assert ( with us ) that her iniquity , mention'd in the close of the verse , is the iniquity of the non-performance of the vow , which is imputed unto the husband , so , that he ought not to hinder the votarie , or stop this performance after that he hath confirmed the vow by silence ; in plain contradiction to the Informers phantastick glosses and inferences . Wherin altho he pretend a concurrence of Interpreters , expounding this verse of the husbands Lawfull voiding of the wifes vows after his previous confirmation , yet he hath produced none of their names . The Doubter enquires next how he applies his Second rule , anent things sworn their not abiding in the same state , to the Covenant . He answers , that upon supposition that Prelacie is Lawfull , and abjured in that Oath , the great change now is , that Prelats are again Established , and submission to them commanded . So that we are now bound to obey authoritie herin , and not to keep the Oath . And this is verie sutable to his large absolving glosses , which we have alreadie heard and refuted , and which is Likewise removed by what we have said , anent the matter of this vow , which is not capable of any such absolving trade as is now set up . These mens plagiary faith and divinitie , makes all vows no stronger then straws . Though the Magistrats and subjects universallie vow , yet a Law ( if the matter be not absolutlie necessarie , though never so expedient and edifying ) makes it ipso facto null and void . If he had letten us see any greater good , expediencie , or necessitie of prelacie , then in keeping this vow , he had spoken to the purpose . But this neither he nor any of his party will ever do . In a word this lax rule as here interpret by him , will inferr many absurdities , as 1. that the meer Law looses the obligation of the vow and Oath , though the matter therof falls not under the dominion of the Ruler . Which , 2ly , it doth not if it be either expedient or necessarie , and yet the meer Law ( with him ) robs it either of expediency or necessity . And thus , 3dly , mans law stepps up above the divine Law , authorizing the matter of the Oath upon the forementioned grounds . 4ly , He makes the expediency of the Law , and its being wholsome or no , cognoscible by no anterior or superiour Rule , but its self , and the meer will and power of the Magistrate , and to be obeyed upon that sole ground . 5ly , hence the obedience therof in faith , is excluded , and no acts of obedience can flow from spirituall knowledge . The Doubter next objects [ that his Oath against Bishops had the first obligation , and therfor he cannot be loosed by the after Law. ] To which he answers , that the 5th . command , and submission to the ordinance of man , had the first obligation , and that obedience to authoritie comes under the baptismall vow — that to say our Oath will oblidge against the Magistrats Command to the Contrary , will elude the express precept Ecl. 8. 2. to obey the kings command in regard of the Oath of God Ans. This is nothing but what we have heard , repetitions ad nauseam , and still idem per idem . Our obligation in the 3d command , not to take Gods name in vain , and to keep and stand to all Lawfull Oaths , and vows , unless in cases which God himself excepts , is surly a verie arlie , and a baptismall obligation , prior to any Law of the Magistrat , and such as no authoritie and Laws of men can evacuatand enervat ; and our obedience to the ordinance of man , or the higher and Lower Powers , being for the Lords sake , that is upon the motive of his authoritie , doth infer , that we must not dare to cross his authority , under pretence of obedience to the powers , in breaking lawfull Oaths and vows which he has commanded us to keep . Sure no Laws of men can supersed this obligation . That the Oath under debate is such , hath been already made good , and needs not be here repeated . As for that of Eccl. 8. 20. It makes clearlie against him ; the English annotations having upon that text , mentioned the mutuall tye , oath , and Covenants betwixt King and subject , instancing 1. Chron. 11. 3. do tell us that this is not only ane enforcement of the duty of subjects , but likewise , that the clause contains a limitation , by which our obedience to men is bounded : And thus they sense the precept , keep the Kings command , yet so that thou do not violat thine Oath and obedience due unto God. Our service to the one ( say they ) must be such as will consist with our fealty to the other . We are bound to God and his service by Oath and Covenant , and no subordinat obedience to others , must make us forget our duty to him . Which clearlie crosses this Miss-Informers scope who would perswade to perjurie and breach of Covenant with God , upon pretence of fealty to the Magistrat . Mr Poole in his annotations having told us That the first branch of the verse is not to be understood universally , but of such commands as do not crosse the commands of God , expones this Oath of God mentioned in the second part of it , either of the Oath we are under to keepe all Gods Laws , or the subordinat Oath of fealty and allegiance . But adds , that this also may be understood , and is by learned Interpreters taken , as a limitation of their obedience to Kings , the words being thus rendred , as the Hebrew ( faith he ) will very well bear , but according to the Word of the Oath of God , obey the Kings commands , with this caution that they be agreeable and not contrary to the Laws of God , which thou art obliged by thy own and thy parents Oaths oft renewed , to observe in the first place . As for what he adds ( out of the grand case ) anent Iesuites Oath in Rome to preach in England Catholick doctrine , and of a Law made in England against the same . It is , so palbablie impertinent and unsuteable to the point , that I wonder at the mans confidence in presenting to the world such poor trifling fopperies in so weightie a matter . Dare he say that the matter of our vows , which our Rulers themselves have taken , is in any measure like to this . Nay , doth he not suppose the Matte●… of this Oath to be Lawfull , he must then confess this instance to be most impertinent . But the knack is , That abstracting from the unlawfullness of the Matter , it was declair'd , that ane Oath cannot bind against a Law , although the Law be made even after the Oath is taken . This was no doubt a lax determination , And such as he dare no●… himself subscribe unto in everie case ; what , an●… Oath cannot bind against a Law in universum , and simply ? what if the matter be necessarie , or falling under divine Prescriptions or institutions ? What if convincingly expedient in its circumstances ? Will thi●… Law , yea and after the Oath is taken , overrule th●… divine Law determining the same ? Well resolve●… Mr. Informer . You may go sell absolutions ano●… of a high rate . Come we now to his third case , anent the Oath hindring a greater good , then the performance it ill amount to and the dissolution therof upon that ground . This the Doubter thinks [ will furnish people with a readie excuse to free themselves of Oaths , by alledging that some greater good is hindered thereby . ] To this he answeres 1. That Casuists admit this rule with these limitations viz. when that greater good is certain , and no otherwise attainable , but by the discharge of our Oath , and a good to which we are pre-obliged before we took the Oath . Ans. We shall not much contend about these rules & limitations of this Maxime in thesi , or in the generall , only I shall adde some more limitations here . That 1. This greater , certain , & no otherwise attainable good , must be such , not in our apprehension only , but according to the Rule of the Word , for otherwise we are just where we were as to the hazard of perjurie , if every mans [ thinks so ] , or the Magistrats [ arbitrarie Laws ] shall be the only Rule to determine this , as this Informer makes all resolve thereunto which he pretends in this case , in relation to that greater good , which he offers in breaking this Oath . Hence Gregorius Sayrus ( clav . reg . l. 5. cap. 8. n. 15. ) having determined that every man hath a power to commute ane oath for something better , is opposed by Silvester and others , who say , that the Pope must determine the good to be better . So rationall and Consequent to their Principles are even Papists in this point . And must not Protestants be ashamed to refuse this limitation , that the Scripture ( with us the onlie , and supreme rule ) must determine this greater good . Next , Timorcus will tell him , that the Oath thus irritat , must be onlie made to God , for if it be to our brother , and for his advantage , we must have his consent as necessarie towards the commutation . This he tells us , is agreed upon by Casuists , as well as the other limitations . To these we adde Dr. Sand. rule ( de jur . prom . Prel . 3. Sect. 12. ) that , precise ob hoc quod videtur impeditivum majoris boni , obligandi vim non amittit . Id est , That the Oath loseth not its obliging force , meerly because it seems the bindrance of a greater good , unless other circumstances also concurr ( as usuallie there do ) which either evince it unlawfull , or not oblidging . His reason is because in all cases it is not true that everie one is oblidged to do what is best , he means , simpliciter , and abstracting from the present circumstances ) since this would open a flood-gate for all manner of perjury . As for that limitation ( presented with an especially as the main one ) anent the Oaths hindering the greater good , to which we were preoblidged , which this man foists in , to make way for his nauseating repetition , anent the Magistrats power , it may be alledged that it is not consistent with it self : for if we stood Preobliged to this greater good , it renders the Oath ab initio null , for the same cause on which it is loosed upon the prospect of that greater good . The greater obligation ( as he sayes ) still overruling the lesser , & ane Oath in prejudice of a greater obligation , and contradictorie therto , can lay on no obligation , for so we might be under contradictorie obligations according to his way of reasoning about the Magistrats power . [ I will have mercie and not sacrifice ] is one of his illustrating instances . So that the obligation of the Oath , according to his reasoning in this matter , was like unto this inverted rule , viz. Sacrifice and not mercie , and being such ab initio , it could not bind . I know ( as Dr Sand. saith ) that which is abstractedly and simplicer a greater good , may hic & nunc , and in such a complex case become the lesser , consideratis considerandis all circumstances taken in . But this he admits not , for he adds unto the known rule anent the greater and certain good in its time and circumstances , that other limitation anent the vower his being preobliged unto it , which can no otherwise be understood then in opposition to the obligation of the vow , unless this his added limitation be redundant , or non-sense . But 2dly , let us come to the assumption , what is that greater good , attainable in breaking this Oath and vow rather then in keeping it . This he tells us is obedience to authority ( that 's the panacea curing allwounds the universall topick , and primum mobile ) avoiding of Schisme , Ministers serving God , in the work of the ministry to which they are called ; these he sayes are greater and better goods then adhering to the Oath in a thing indifferent Then he adds , that Ministers should consider , whither is be better to lay aside their Oath , then their Ministerie . ( Especiallie ane Oath about a thing indifferent ) and incapacitat , or do that which by consequence incapacitates them for the Ministerie — that Ministers think that by their Oath they are obliged not to continue in their stations , as matters now stand , and yet divines hold that the lesser duty gives place to the greater , as David did eat the shew bread rather then starve , Paul and those with him , did cast their goods into the sea &c. In Answer to this , we need not much enlarge , it being nothing but what is upon the matter already objected and answered . 1. If the Oath , for its matter contain important duties falling under divine commands , and unalterable obligations , if Prelacie be contrary unto divine prescriptions in point of Government , & the disowning of it consequently be a standing necessarie duty ( which we do suppose and have proved , and he cannot disprove ) then this man himself will grant that all this tatle about the greater good in breaking the Oath , is to no purpose . 2ly , say prelacie were but indifferent , yet upon the supposall of the greater expediencie of Presbyterian Government for this Church then Prelacie , and upon the certain supposition of all the Rulers engadgement in this Oath and vow to God against it , ( the first of which suppositions he hath not disproved , and the 2d he cannot deny ) it is certain , that both Rulers and Ruled their keeping the Oath , is a far greater & more certain good , then their breaking it . 3ly , let Dr Sand. limitation here again come in viz. That the Oath is not precisely loosed because it seems to contradict a greater good , unless Other circumstances do also occurr , which either evince it to be unlawfull , or not oblidging , and that it s not true that in everie case we are bound to do what is best , that is unless omnibus pens●…is , and caeteris Paribus , all circumstances duelie pondered , it be found best ; and then the Question is whither it were best for Rulers or ruled to keep this Oath for these great ends which he mentions , than to break it . Whither it be a greater good to keep a Lawfull Oath , though I suffer under authoritie levelling against it , or break it to please men ▪ or whither I shall chuse the evill of suffering or sinning ? ( for he hath not yet proved that the interposing of the Rulers meer Law or authoritie , will make this Oath unlawfull , & we have shewed that Casuists mantain the Contrary . ) Whither peace with God be a greater good in keeping his Covenant , then peace with men and with the world in breaking it ? This Question was soon resolved with Elias . The children of Israel have forsaken thy Covenant — and I onlie am left &c. 4ly , This greater good , he acknowledges must be such , as is no Otherwise att●…inable then by breaking the Oath . Hence the Question will be , whither the Gospel might not have been preached , schisme avoided , and God served in the Ministerie of the word , by keeping this Oath and Covenant with him ? This man will come to a great height of impudence if he deny this . Nay , if he deny that this good might have been thus beter obtain'd . He alledges we have now a great Schisme by Presbyterian Ministers departing from their party , and he will not deny that many excellent preachers are Laid aside , the Magistra●… is displeas'd and disobeyed , all filled with confusion and disorder , poperie like to creep in &c. Now , had not all this been eshewed by keeping our Covenant with God ? The gospel had been preached by Presbyterian Minist●…rs , and he will not deny that all his party of Conformists too , had keeped their ownstations , this schisme had been avoided , and the Magistrat obeyed while commanding for God. So that this rule everie way makes against him . And in stead of obtaining a greater good by breach of Covenant , we have lost the greatest good , the gospel and peace with God , and incurred much sin and miserie . I know he will say that he speaks upon the suposal of the Rulers disowning the Oath , and Establishing prelacie . But then I urge him thus , 1. Since he cannot but grant that the keeping of the Oath , or holding fast Presbyterian government , would have had the forementioned advantages following upon it , shall the meer pleasure of the Rulers cast the ballance , and disprove its native tendencie sua natura towards the formentioned effects ? the matter of the Oath is still of it self , or of its own nature , more productive of these good effects ; & Consequently the keeping is to be preferd to breaking of it , which is attended with evils counterballancing these apparent good effects , which he imagins to attend this breach . 2ly , if the Oath cannot be commuted or changed , but for a greater good , and all these good effects mentioned , might have been better , & more certainlie attaind , by keeping then breaking it , then the Rulers commuting the Oath , or altering or breaking of it , he must acknowledge to be sinfull upon his own ground . Since they might have attaind these good effects of obedience , preaching the gospel , and unity , by keeping this Oath , and might have more surelie and better eshewed the forementioned evils then by breaking it . And then , let him in the third place seriously Consider , whither the Rulers sin in commutting or breaking this Oath , for neither a greater , nor more certain good , will warrand my breaking of the Oath to follow them in that sinfull course ; and loose me from my obligation . 4ly , It will hence follow , that he playes the petty sophister here , in calling disobedience to the Magistrat , in this one point of a sinfull command in relation to this Oath , ( which on the formentioned grounds is proved Sinfull ) a disobeying of authoritie . For he dare not say that disobeying a sinfull command can come under this character . And the true state of this Question is not , whither it be a greater good , to obey the Magistrat or keep ane oath ? but whither it is a greater good in this particular to obey him , in Embracing abjur'd Prelacie , or to stand to the Oath ; and the issue of this is , whither it be best for the Church of Scotland to have or want Prelats ? which , from what is said is soon determined . 5ly , What if these pretended good issues , be countervaild by greater evills : such as persecution of many thousands , godlie faithfull Ministers and Professors , laying waste Gods heritage , Blood , miserie , confusion , schisme , ( the godlie adherers to this Oath , being without all question this Pure Church ) famine of the word &c. Nay , according to Dr Sand. rule mentioned , where is the Relaxation of all parties engadged in Covenant one with another , as well as with God ? were not the Churches of both nations nay in all the three Kingdoms , engadged to one another in this Oath ? now thinks he not that this prospect of a greater good in breaking this oath , should have been laid to the eye of the representative Church in the three Kingdoms , in order to the change of government . And should not all parties engadged in this Covenant , have dispensed with it , and with one another in contemplation of this greater good , and for obtaining this better government ? thinks he that such a great question as this : What is this greater good in point of Church Government ? And that other Question . Whither such great and solemn Oaths may be laid aside in order to the obtaining of it ? Are Finally decided by the Magistrats Law without the least owning the Church representative ? and besides , he dare not say that all are bound to obey the Magistrat in all things indifferent . Is not subjection ( by the acknowledgement of most , and even of his Master the surveyer ) different from active obedience . Finally , as for what he sayes of Ministers , the Apologist told him , and his master the Seasonable case , and I do tell him again , that God calls no man to preach the gospel by such ane unlawfull meane as perjurie and breach of Covenant , and that in this case Ministers suffering for truth , is a Confirmation of the gospel Phil. 1. 12. That in deserting and not preaching , they are meerly passive : being persecute for their integritie ; so the charge and guilt of not preaching lyes upon their persecutors . Besides , the state of the question in truth , and in our principles importing a competition betwixt sin and suffering , and duty and sin , not a lesser and greater duty , the folly and impertinency of his instance , anent the lesser duty over-ruled by the greater ( exemplified by that , I will have mercy and not sacrifice , repeated here ad nauseam ) as also that instance of Paul and those with him , their casting their goods in the sea &c , is most evident . The sin and perjurie of this course of conformitie , being our principle , which he cannot disprove , even though we should grant all his pleading here ( which goes but upon a begged supposition of prelacies indifferencie , and the indifferencie of the matter of the Covenant ) what a flat folly is it , to tell us of preferring greater to lesser duties ? wheras with us the question and case is , anent Ministers duty when the Magistrat refuseth to admit to preach , but upon sinfull terms ; which one consideration makes all his tatle here evanish in wind . Suppose the Rulers of a land discharge all preaching , but upon the terms that Ministers should commit some horrid act of wickedness , would this man admit any to plead as he doth for doing evill that good may come of it , and to tell what a weightie duty it is to preach the gospel , and that the lesser duty of forbearing that evill commanded , is overruld by the greater obligation to preach , &c. Well , he and his partie ( like the pharisaik teachers , twixt whom and us he insinuats a comparison ) are sure blind Informers and leaders , and may be set to learn better ( thou that teachest another teachest thou not self ; ) For they have vented such principles anent sacred Oaths , as some heathens would be ashamed of , and which banishes all faith out of the world . For what he adds anent the Rechabites , when he shal equiparat the matter of their vow , a thing meerly civil , relating to their abstinence from wine , and the manner of their dwelling , with the weighty and great duties of a Covenant with God , for publick and personal reformation , and withal prove that hazart will equally plead for the laying aside of the last , as in some cases it may warrand a dispensing with some part of the first , the parallel shall be admitted , but till then , it must pass among the rest of the Informers gratis dicta . The Dutch annot . ( on Jer. 35. 7. ) Shew that Ionadab probably put this ingadgment on his posterity , upon his foresight ( by a prophetick spirit ) of the judgments and desolations to come upon Israel , in order to their inoffensive walk , and for inuring them to parsimony . And as for their dwelling at Jerusalem in case of hazard they shew ( on . 11. V. ) that the Rechabits , laid aside in this one thing their fathers command , because it was but a humane ordinance , which in obedience to the law of God , they might in some cases wave , which was also Ionadabs intention , and acceptable to God. And that in giving this account to the prophet of their practise in reference to their dwelling now at Jerusalem upon the Assyrians invasion , they do shew that their fathers charge , and their vow was not to be extended to this case . So that in their sense there was no breach of the vow properly and strictly taken , but onely the laying aside of a part of a humane ordinance , in case of extreme hazart , and this according to the nature and designe of the vow it self , and the first institution therof . CHAP. V. The Informers answers to our Argument for the Covenant obligation , taken from the Oath to the Gibeonites , and Zedikiahs Oath to the King of Babylon , weighed . Upon the first argument after a foolish traverse about the consonancy of the Oath to the Law of God , he yeelds the cause in granting that the Oath did oblige the first takers , and their posterity . Upon the second he begs the question and admits its chief scope and nerves . Likewise his answer to Psalm . 15. 4. His reflection on the Assembly 1638 , and his argument offered by way of retortion anent our owning of Comissaries though abjur'd in the Covenant , largly scanned . THus we have seen into what a fascination and labyrinth of absurd inconsistent notions this new proctor hath involved himself , while endeavouring to loose these sacred bonds of our solemn vows and Covenants with God , and that he hath run cross to the scripture , to Cafuists , yea to himself , in this enterprise . We shal now proceed to examine what strength is in the remnant of his reasonings upon this head ; And how he acquits himself in his answers to some pregnant passages of scripture pleaded for the Covenant . The first that follows in this dialogue is that remarkable transaction of Joshua and Israel with the Gibeonites , largly and unanswerably pressed and improven by such as have written for theCovenant ; which this man thought he could not for very shame passe over ; but sure he had better done so , then to have made such a pitifull and superficiall return . Well , let us hear it . The Doubter now assaults him as to this notion anent the greater good in quiting the Oath , with that instance of the Oath to the Gibeonites , [ whom God had commanded to make no peace with , but enjyond Israel to root them out , to whom Josua and the Princes might have said , Gods command Looses us from our Oath , and it will hinder a greater good , yet in that particular they rather dispensed with Gods command , then with their Oath ; the acceptablness wherof to God , appeard in his punishing Saul a long time after for killing these Gibeonites , to whose predecessors Joshua & the princes had suorn . ] In answer to this , he runs out a great length anent that transaction , to infringe this argument . Which I shall now examine . But before I enter upon this , I would premise two things , first , that this trifling Informer hath so moulded our argument from this text as quite to divert it from its true channel and scope , which is to prove the oblidging force of ane Oath or Covenant ( Lawful upon the matter ) both upon the takers , and their posterity , notwithstanding of many circumstantiall sinfull aberrations from the divine rule , in the manner of entring into it . As is most evident in this instance as I shal after shew . And this man could not be ignorant , that this text is thus Improven by Timorcus and Others , who have written for the Covenant , and this argument , and improvement of the text which he presents , is but a man of straw of his ownupsetting . Secondly , that we are not concerned in order to the evincing the premised truth for the proof wherof we adduce this text , peremptorly to determine this question , whither this Oath did contradict Gods positive Law , and how far any piece or circumstances of the divine precepts anent the destruction of the Cannanites , making no leagues with them , justles with this Covenant and Oath , and are found over-ruled by its oblgation : for our argument stands good and intire , tho we abstract from any positive determination in this point . So that in tracing our Informers extravagant discourse in answer to this objection of his own moulding , we shal rather discover the slippery grounds he walks upon , and the inconsistencies wherin he is involved by his answers , and confident assertion of the Oaths conformity to the divine Law , then positively to resolve and determine any thing in this debate , which this man hath no less ridiculously handled , then impertinently brought in . But to the point . First , he wonders that we make use of this argument to prove the obligation of our Oath against Bishops . But sure it is ane argument verie Sutable , if ane Oath into which Joshua and all Israel were cheated , ane Oath to heathens , and which had at Least-wise a verie apparent inconsistencie with Gods command , to root out these Canaanites , and not to pitie or spare them , is found so highly obligatorie , and even binding the posterity , how much more the nations Covenanting with God , and with one another for publick and personall reformation . But he sayes , That we mistake this place . Why so ? First , if we think Ioshua was forbidden upon any termes to make a Covenant with these Canaanites , but to root them all out , and yet because of this Oath spared them , then ( he sayes ) we run in a most wild and gross opinion . Severe censure ! why so , what is that opinion ? that ane Oath ( saith he ) can bind against a command of God , whither it be a morall or particular Command , it s all one . So that as we said before , that ane Oath can bind against commands of men in authority , now we go a greater length , in making them bind againste Commands of God. But I answer , first , that there was a command of God to cut off these Canaanites , without pitying or sparing them , I hope he will not deny , and if he do , it is easie to be produced , Exo. 23. 32 , 33. Exo. 34. 12. Deut. 7. 2. Nay more , Gods command herein was so peremptory , that where he appointed his people to tender peace to other cities , before they proceeded to destroy them , there is ane exception made ( as Iackson observes upon Joshua 9. 7. ) of the cities of Canaan Deut. 20. 15 , 16. thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee , which are not of the Cities of these nations . But of the cities of the People which the Lord thy God hath given thee for ane inheritance , thou shall save alive nothing that breatheth . To this place Jackson points us to clear this matter . 2ly , It s as evident that these Gibeonites had their saftie from this Oath and Covenant . For upon this we have the judgement of all the princes of the congregation , ( Josh. 9. 19. ) in determining that question about their saftie , we have sworn unto them by the Lord , therfor we may not touch them , because of the Oath which we sware unto them . Yea more , when many hundered yeares after , the injury of Saul is mentioned in slaying them , the ground of their right to Live and dwell among the Lords people , rather then the other Canaanites , is attributed expresly and solely to this Oath ; 2. Sam. 21. 2. Now the Gibeonites were not of Israel but of the Amorites , and the children of Israel had sworn unto them , and Saul sought to slay them , wherfor David said what shall I do for yow . Now the command being so express to cutt them off , and upon the other hand , their saftie being first and last attributed so clearlie to the Oath , that which this man calls a wilde and gross opinion , he must either impute to the Scripture-account of this matter , or resolve and accommodat this difficulty , which he is ( in maintaining the Scriptures authority ) oblidged unto as well as we . 3ly , that which he calls a wilde and gross opinion , is the Judgement of Learnd Divines , particularly of Jackson , who upon the twenty vers . of that 9 of Joshua , having moved this objection , that what the Princes sware was against the express command of God , who had often enjoind to destroy all these Canaanites . Returns this answer . That though one Oath or vow doth not bind men for doing of any thing that is absolutely unlawfull , yet in this case it was not so , because the charge which God gave for slaying the inhabitants of the Land , was a particular command , and so far only to bind their consciences , as it might be obeyed without any breach of the morall Law , as in Rahabs case it is also evident . But , here they could not obey that command of God concerning their destroying all the Inhabitants of Canaan , without perjurie , which is against the Law and light of nature — he adds , that their perjurie would have given great occasion to the enemies of Gods people to blaspheme — So that ( saith he ) there lay a strong bond upon the consciences of the Israelites , though they were deluded by the Gibeonites . Now I think the account of this difficulty exhibit unto us here by this learnd divine , may make him ashamed of his assertion in this point , & we may retort his objected absurditie thus , if the morall Laws obligation in opposition to perjurie , stood against and counter-ballanced a particular command of God in this matter , much more will the force and obligation of ane Oath , in a matter of far greater importance , stand good against any positive Laws and statutes of men . And if even Gods positive Particular command , could in this case gound no dispensation with their Oath , but God would rather dispense with the particular command , than with it , how much more absurd must he be , who pretends a dispensation with , and a nulling of , such selemn Sacred Oaths and vows to God as we are under , and in such weighty matters , upon the arbitrary commands of men , especially men under the same Oaths themselves . In the premised distinction of Mr Jackson , the Informer might have discovered the folly of his bold unrestricted assertion ; no Oath can bind against a comand , no not a particular command . For Jackson distinguishes ( which this man admits yea and positively asserts ) betwixt that which is simply and absolutely unlawfull , and that which is unlawful only upon the ground of a particular positive precept , which in some circumstantiat cases may-come to justle with the absolutly binding moral Law , as in the instances adduced by the Informer himself is evident . 4Ly , His own rule anent the lesser obligation over-ruled by the greater or Prior , will plead for this , and his instances , of Mercie and not Sacrifice , of Paul and those with him , their casting the goods into the sea , Davids eating the shew-bread to keep from starving , do confirme the answers above set down . For here particular positive precepts , are overruled by the greater and Prior morall obligations of the 6th Command anent self Preservation . What absurditie then is there in this assertion , that the great morall precept of Not taking Gods name in vain , did over-rule a particular positive precept ? Doth he not here see Gods great morall Commands ( in the premised instances ) binding against lesser positive precepts . And when he saith that whither the command be morall or particular which the Oath binds against , all is one as to his fancied absurditie , he discovers ignorance , and inconsistency with himself , for in all his formentioned instances , moral precepts do overrule positive , particular and lesser precepts . And why shall not also the great morall command anent not taking Gods name in vain , over-rule that positive and particular precept anent the staying of these Gibeonites , and far more our solemn vows , the present statutes of men . Sure , he will never be reconciled with himself here , or assigne a disparity . Hence Iackson having said that the bond of this Oath lay strongly upon the consciences of the Israelites to observe it , though they were deluded by these Gibeonites , addeth that in this the Rule holds good , I will have mercie and not Sacrifice , and from his own argument concludes that which he here denyes . So that this case of the Gibeonites ( according to Jacksons solution of this difficulty , and that sense of this scripture followed by him and Other learned divines ) strongly repells his rule , from the hindrance of a greater good to loose the Covenant , especially since this greater good doth with him still resolve into obedience of mens Laws . Had not the Israelites this ground more strongly to plead against the keeping of their Oath to these Gibeonits , since not only they were cheated into it ( and dolus aufert consensnm say Casuists ) but it seemd to hinder a farr greater good viz , the obeying of Gods express command to root them out ; yet Joshua & the Princes knew not this new knack for loosing Oaths . But the interposing the sacred name of God in ane Oath , was with them so weighty a matter , that it overruled all these pretences . Thus we have seen how he acquits himself as to his first charge of [ a mistake of this place ] and that what he calls a gross and wilde opinion , is the sense of the scripture embraced by learnd divines and consonant to his own pleading ; so that in this charge he discovers too bold ignorance . What more hath he to say ? he tells us 2ly , that we are mistaken if we thank , that Ioshua had no warrand to make peace with any of the Canaanites , but was commanded without once treating with them , to root them all out : because in Deut. 20. 10. he is commanded to proclaim peace indefinitly to any citie he came to fight with , the Canaanites not excepted . Ans. How can this man say that the Canaanites are not excepted , from that offer of peace there injoyned , when as he doth not so much as offer to answer to these pregnant circumstances of the text , pleaded by Iackson and Others to prove the contrary . For , after the Lord hath commanded them to proclaim peace to a city before they assauted it , there is ( verse 15. ) a limitation . Thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee , which are not of the cities of these nations ( viz : who were devoted to destruction ) therfor in the 16. vers . after the Lord hath thus ridd marches , as to the Canaanites they get this precept , But of the cities of these people which the Lord thy God doth give thee for ane inheritance thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth . Can any restriction and exception be more peremptory ? and that we may know , who these are who are thus excepted from mercy , and from these offers of peace mentioned , the 17. ver . clears it . But thou shalt utterly destroy them , namely the Hittites , and the Amorites , the Canaanites , and the Perizites , the Hivites and the Iebusites , as the Lord thy God hath commanded thee . This additional motive of Gods command is here remarkably inserted ; which is the more remarkable if compared with the 2. of Sam. 21. 2. The Gibeonites were not of Israel but of the Amorites , and the Children of Israel had sworn to them . When the spirit of God , is reminding us of this story in pointing at Sauls guilt , we are first told that they were of the Amorites , a people devoted to destruction by Gods command , but excepted from the rest that were destroyed , upon the ground of this Oath , and upon this ground solely . Jackson upon this passage , holds that the offer of peace , is not to be understood of any city of Canaan upon these grounds , first , because they were expresly charged utterly to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan , to the end they might dwell in their room and might not be ensnard by their dwelling among them ; and secondly , we do not read that ever Joshua tendered peace to any of the cities , tho it be mentioned as a strange thing , and a signe of Gods hardning their hearts , that never any of those people , did of their own accord crave peace , save the Gibeonites Josh. 11. 19. — Yet we never find that there was peace profered them , and it seems that the Gibeontes did therefore seek it by craft , because Otherwise they saw it would not be granted them ; and 3dly , it is expresly noted as a fault in the Israelites , Judges 1. 28. that they put the Canaanites to tribute , and did not utterly drive them out . Hence he concludes , that this is only to be understood of such cities as they should besiege that were not of the land of Canaan . And upon the 15. vers . Thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee , which are not of the cities of these nations , He adds , but these must neither have peace offered them , nor must their women and little ones and cattell be spared when their cities are taken by force ; for the following reason ( saith he ) doth manifestly exclude them from both these favours ( citing vers . 18. ) That they teach you not to do after all their abominations &c. Sure it had become this Magisteriall Informer to ponder these reasons ere he had obtruded upon us his bold and inconsiderate assertions in this point . The Dutch Annot : on this 15. vers . expresly assert that the cities of the Land of Canaan are excluded from offers of peace , because the Lord had commanded them to be banned ( that is devoted to destruction ) as is related in the sequel . Mr Poole upon this 10. vers . asserts that this seems to be understood not of the cities of the Canaanites , as is manifest from vers . 16 , 17 , 18. who were under ane absolute sentence of utter destruction , Ex. 23. 32 , 33. Deut 7. 1 , 2. Whence they are blam'd that made any peace or league with them , Judges 2. 2. but of the cities either of other nations who injur'd or disturbed them , or commenced war against them , or aided their enemies , or oppressed their friends and allies or of the Hebrews themselves , if they were guilty or abettors of Idolatry or apostacy from God , or of sedition or rebellion against authority , or of giving protection and defence to capital offenders . Citing Gen. 14. Judges 20. 2. Sam. 20. The English annot . upon this 10. vers . do also assert that this offer of peace is not to be understood of the cities of Canaan , for they were to be more severly dealt withal vers . 16 , 17. and for shewing them more favour Israel is blam'd Judg. 1. 28. but of cities without the land of promise vers 15. So that our Informer is here runnig crosse to the plain sense & scope of the text , and the current of Interpreters . But he adds , that there was a difference betwixt these Canaanites and the nations a far off in relation to this allowance of peace to them . First , it was to be upon the termes of relinquishing their idolatry , yeelding up their Lands , and becoming servants . That therfor leagues with them are forbidden , they reserving their heathnish worship . But where will he shew us this restriction , or difference in Scripture ? non est distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit . We have seen Gods peremptory precepts to cut them off , to save alive none that breatheth of these excepted cities and nations . We find also peremptory commands to make no leagues with them , no not for civill commerce , as they might with other heathens afar off , Exo. 23. 32 , 33. — thou shalt make no Covenant with them — they shall not dwell in thy land , as these Gibeonites were permitted ; so Exo. 34. 12. Deut. 7. 2 we have the same precepts renewed . Now , where is this exception , as to these leagues ? it lyes upon him as the affirmer to prove and instruct this limitation , which he here affirms , out of the text . God who gives the law must himself also give the exception . And this man must be charged with malapert intruding into what he hath not seen , in presuming to put in his exceptions , unless he can instruct them , which yet he hath not done . I confess God who is above the Law might allow an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in certain cases , especially such as this anent their Oath , but looking to his own precept we find no such exception from it . 2ly ; he sayes , there was this difference betwixt them and other nations , that if they refused peace , they were to be worse dealt with then any other city that was not of the Canaanites , because ( Deut. 20. 16 , 17. ) in ease of their refusal , nothing was to be saved alive while , other cities were but to lose the lives of the Males only . vers . 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Now , the violence which he offers here unto the text , is obvious to any that but reads it . For after that ( ver . 10. ) the lord hath laid down this Law in generall , anent their proclaiming peace to a city before they assault it , and showen ( in the 11. ver . ) That if the city yeeld , they shall be tributaries — ( vers . 12 , 13. ) God injoyns that if the city refuse peace , every male must be cut off — and ( ver . 14. ) the Women , little ones , and the cattel must be saved , and its spoile taken . Then ( vers . 15. ) to ridd marches , and to shew whom all these prescriptions relate unto , and whom not . The lord adds — thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee which are not of the cities of these nations . And then ( as I said ) in relation to them the severe command followes ( 16. ver . ) but of the cities of these nations which the Lord thy God gives thee , thou shall save alive nothing that breatheth . And that these excepted cities and people may be known they are particularly named as in above expressed . He sayes , in the case of their refusall , nothing was to be left alive , and they were to be worse deal ; with than others , who refused peace , who were to lose the males only . Wheras the text appeares express , that the Law anent offering peace , and dealing thus according as it was accepted or refused , did not belong to them at all , but that they are very clearly and peremptorly excepted from it . As for his long confused parenthesis here foisted in anent the difference betwixt the peace and a league , and that Ioshua first made a league with the Gibeonites , but knowing them to be Canaanites-brake it , because contrary to the command of God ( citing Josh. 9 , 21 , 22 , 23. ) and meerly allowed them a peace . It is fl●…tly contradictory to the text , for ( vers . 15. ) it is said , he made peace with them and made a league with them ( and this league was ) to let them live , and the Princes of the congregation sware unto them . Lo here is the Identity of the peace and league , and the designe and contents of it [ to let them live . ] The Dutch annot . upon 15. v. [ the princes of the congregation sware to them ] tell us , that they ratified by Oath that which Joshua had promised them , viz. that they should remain alive . The English annot . in stating the question and difficulty concerning the contrariety of this transaction to Gods command , express it thus , whither Ioshua in making peace with them , and the Princes in confirming it by Oath , did Lawfully or not . And speak to the Lawfulness , or unlawfulness of both Ioyntly without any distinction , but make no exception in the least of the league as if distinct from the peace confirmed by Oath , which certainly in statingthe question they would have expresly excluded , had they imagined any such distinction . That Joshua keept the peace and the league , and that this league & peace was to let them live , is accordingly set down in the same termes when the Princes ratefied it ; and all along where the peace is mentioned , The Oath ( and by consequence the league which was therby confirmed ) is proposed as its ground . They smote them not because they had sworn by the Lord ( 18. vers . ) And ( vers . 19. ) the Princes determine they must not touch them , because they had sworn to them . And ( 20. vers . ) we will let them live lest wrath be upon us because we have sworn unto them . And ( vers . 21. ) the Princes said to the People let them live — as they had promised unto them . Lo all along the Oath is most consciencioussly observed , and that as accessory unto , and confirming this whole transaction , both the peace and league , the , scope and sum wherof is still expressed thus [ to let them live . ] As the text makes no distinction , betwixt the peace and league in this ratefication , so the intendment therof is never extended byond their life and saftie first or last . How then can this man say that Joshua brake the league , since the termes therof were to let them live ( ver . 15. ) which is acknowledged by the Princes & faithfully performed . The league and peace and Oath here are still one , and fall under the same consideration as consonant , or dissonant to the command ; if the peace was contrary to the command so was the Oath , and if the league was contrary to the command so was the Oath also . For it is most evident , that the text speakes of the peace and league indiscriminatim or without distinction in relating this transaction , and of the Oath as accessory both unto the one and the other ; so that the Oath was unlawfull , if either the peace or league was unlawfull , and if either was broken the Oath was broken , and Joshua and the Princes were perjured : Wheras the text records their faithfull performance of the Oath as ratefying all that transaction . But it is no strang thing to see men so notoriously blotted with perjury seek precedents in scripture Saints if they could finde them . But this instance will stand in judgement against them if they repent not . Whereas he saith , that Ioshua brake the league as contrary to the command of God when he knew them to be Canaanites , giving this as a reason why he allowed them a peace only . It is such a flat contradiction to the text , and to it self , as none can be more plain . For according therunto Joshua could not break this league without breaking his Oath which confirmed it , and could break neither the one nor the other , and allow them a peace . Since this peace was the import both of the league and Oath , and all that the Scripture mentions as their demand of Joshua , was peace and their life , and nomore ; and this all along Joshua and Israel keept , and precisely because of the Oath . As any who reads the text may see . The Dutch Annotations upon Josh. 9. 15. expone that branch that relates to the Princes swearing thus , that they ratified by Oath that which Joshua had promised them , viz , that they should remain alive . Wherin , as they clearly hold that the Oath was accessory to this whole transaction , so they make it intirely to terminate in this that they should have their life . And upon 2. Sam. 21. 1. Where Sauls guilt in slaying these Gibeonites is mentioned , they paraphrase it thus , that it was contrary to the promise made to them & ratefied by Oath . Josh. I. 15 , 18. And whereas we are put in minde in the 2. ver . that [ the Gibeonites were not of Israel But of the Amorites ] — they paraphrase it thus , that they were remaining of the heathen nations whom God had commanded to destroy — and the other clause of the verse wherein we are put in minde [ that Israel had sworn to them and Saul is said to have sought to slay them in his zeal ] they paraphas●… it thus , that it was irregular fained zeal whereby he thought to mend what Joshua and other godly Governours , according to his opinion had neglected or ill done , but it was directly against the Oath made by Gods name , by his special providence , for which thing God was now greatly provocked , as by this pleague upon the land , & Gods answer appeareth . Wherein , how evidently they stand in opposition to this mans glosses and pleading upon this head , is obvious to themeanest reflection since onely for thatOath they charge guilt on Saul . The English annotations upon ( ver . 18. ) say , that abstracting from the Princes Oath it had been cruelty to have slain them seeing they had violat a lawfull Covenant . Now how this aggrees with this mans gloss of [ Joshuas breaking the league , as contrary to the commandment ] let any judge . Jackson thus senses ver . 23. — the curse , which God had pronounced upon the people of this land requires that you be cut off as well as the rest , yet because of the Oath which we have taken this curse shall be upon you in bondage and not in death . His next instance to prove his supposed limitation of Gods command to destroy the Canaanites is that of Rahab her being spared Josh 6. 17. Which clearlie crosses his pleading & argument here ; for 1. the spies upon very strick terms state their Oath : and told Rahab not only that if she should make the least discovery of their busi ness , but likewise that if she or her friends , even so much as one of them , were out of the house when the city was taken ; this Oath should not reach them , whatever submission she had made . And 2dly , All Joshuas ground when he commands the spies to secure her and her friends , is their Oath : they are commanded to bring out the Woman , [ as they sware to her ] and for no other reason . 3ly . I pray , what saved her friends and her relations as well as her self from this common destruction ? Surely , they made no peace nor any such submission as this man supposeth necessary to exeem them from the commanded destruction , nor was there any assurance the spies could have touching them , and therefore they could not be upon any other ground saved , but because included in this Oath . Besides , what power had these two men to transact a peace without Joshuas advice and knowledge ? the ground of , their transacting with her , is their necessity , and the Womans offer of their saftie . Now I retort his argument here against him ; to prove that they were spared upon other terms then the Oath , he adduceth this instance of Rahabs preservation upon the submission mentioned , viz. her making and accepting of peace , and hence concludes that she ( and by consequence the Gibeonites ) together with her friends , were saved upon other terms , then meerly upon the Oath , and that abstracting from it Israel was obliged to save them . But one might argue thus , if Rahabs friends ( at least ) might have been Lawfully cut off upon the ground of Gods command to cut off the Canaanites who made or accepted no terms of peace , and were only saved by the spies Oath , then the Oath ( according to the Informers own principles ) did bind in opposition to a positive precept to cut off the Canaanites : but so it is , that upon the ground of this Oath only her friends wer spared , as this man cannot deny : ergo , the Oath did bind here in opposition to a positive precept . He dare not say that her friends were proselyts , or did in the least directly or indirectly submit . Nay for any thing that the spies knew they might be as cursed heathens as were in all Jericho ( for what was Rahab her self before God extraordinarly touched her heart ) and consequently by Gods positive precept devoted to destruction with the rest . Yet this Oath , made even to another for them , yea an Oath which had a seeming extortion of fear in the spies hazard , saved and exeemd them from this stroak & curse , so that in this case himself must confess that the Oath did bind in opposition to the positive precept . And this one clear Scripture instance seemes enough to prove the point that the Oath did over-rule a particular , positive precept , though all that he sayes of the Gibeonites were admitted . He adds , that it is evident , from Iosh. 11. 19. that if other cities in Canaan , had submitted , as Gibeon , Ioshua might have spared them . I answer ; the Text sayes that de facto they made no peace , and that God hardened their hearts that they might come against Israel and fall . But this will be too weak to bear the weight of his conclusion that Ioshua might have spared them all . For 1. How can this consist with the plain positive command as to their utter off cutting ( often renewed ) and with Gods promise of giving Israel their inheritance , to spare them all . For the Psalmist tells us , that he did drive out the heathen with his hand and planted his people , he did afflict the people and cast them out . Psal. 44. 2. And Psal. 78. 54 , 55. He brought them to the border of his Sanctuary , even to this mountain which his right hand had purchas'd . He cast out the Heathen also before them , and divided them an inheritance by line , and made the tribes of Israel to dwell in their tents . Hence as they were frequently enjoyn'd to cast them out least they should become a snare to them Exod. 23. 33. Deut. 7. 16. Ex. 34. 12. So Israels sparing them when they were planted in that land is frequently reprehended as their great guiltiness Judges 1. 27 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 33. And Judges 2. 1 , 2. Upon which ground the Lord threatens as a punishment that he will not drive them out : But that they shall be thorns in their sides . And this threatning we find execute , and the same very guiltiness presented as the cause of it , viz. That they did not destroy the nations concerning whom the Lord commanded them . Psal. 106. 34 , 35. which confirmes this assertion ; and therefore this historicall clause in that passage of Joshua , is to be expounded in correspondence with the plain and positive command , which we have already seen clear . 2ly . Jackson upon that 19. ver . [ there was not a city that made Peace with Israel &c. ] tells us , that this is added as a reason why the wars with the Canaanites lasted so long — because the Inhabitants did obstinately stand out — and attempted not to procure conditions of peace save only the Gibeonites — Which is far from coming up to his scope and designe . For it is one thing to say that de facto ●…he wars lasted long — because none offered to yeeld but Gibeon , and another thing to say that Ioshua was not oblidged nor commanded to cut off any but those who thus warred and resisted . Which will be the more weighty , if it be considered in the third place , that as in the command to cut them off , no such restriction appeares , but upon the contrary the Canaanites are excepted from mercy , so we do not find that Joshua offered terms of peace ( as this man alleadges he was obliged ) unto any of these that were cut off , but assaulted them as those whom God had devoted to be destroyed , in obedience to his holy , though severe command , As we heard Jackson hath observ'd . This will be more clear , ( and therin the Informers adversary might puzle him ) If we shall again reflect upon the remarkable circumstances of that transaction with the Gibionites . In the 6. ver . of that 9. of Joshua , they propose the matter thus , we are come from a far country , therefore make a League with us . Whatever they had understood of Gods command to cut off the Cananites , this surelie was a strong argument with Joshua . Now remark the answer in the 7. ver . the men of Israel said peradventur ye dwell among us , and how shall we me make a league with you . Sure their offering terms of peace and submission , might have stopped this question and demurre according to his opinion , who holds that upon their submitting to terms of peace , They might have been spared and even incorporat among Gods people , as he tells us from Josh. 11. 19. that all these Canaani●…es might have been spared , had they thus submitted So that in his sense their first offer was a ground of peace . Especially since ( as is observed by learned Interpreters from their offer in the 8. ver . ) they sought peace from Joshua and Israel upon their own termes , and offered to accept any conditions proposed by them . Which was the lowest step of submission . And when they further answer that demurr about the place of their abo●…e with this general , we are thy servants , i. e. We offer our selves to thee & all that is ours , which was enough in this mans Judgement , to except them from the stroak threatned , and commanded to be execute upon the rest of the Canaanites . Yet this doth not satisfie Joshua , but again he particularly interrogats them upon these two points , who are ye ? and next , from whence come ye ? This their free and general concession ( as some do judge ) giving Joshua just cause to suspect that they were of the cursed Canaanites whom he was to destroy ; and then they tell him that wherin the dolus lay , we come from a far countrey . Now , I suppose they had answered to these two Questions thus , we are Amorites , and we dwell here . Thinks this Informer that Joshua would have lookt on himself as obliged by Gods Law to transact with them . What needed then his peremptory Interrogations ( after their declared submission ) anent their stock and lineage , and the place of their abode ? What needed the people murmur , and desire to cut them off , after the contrary of what they pretended was discovered , notwithstaning hereof ? Nay thirdly , why is it , that again and again their saftie is attributed solely to the Oath , without the least hint of their submission as having any influence thereupon ? Finallie that passage Joshua 11. 19. [ no citie made peace — For it was of the Lord that they might have no favour ] seems to import no more but this , that favour might have been shown them had they submitted , but how ? Even by God the supreme lawgiver ( whose mercy is over all his Works ) his dispensing with his own Law , and severe positive precepts , ( as in the case of the Gibeonites he did ) and in what Method it seemd best unto him , but it will be hard to inferr from this a limitation of the precept it self for the reasons already given . So that all that seems to follow from this passage is , that had they submitted , God might have spared them by a speciall dispensing with his own Law , ( For he will have mercie and not Sacrifice ) and Joshua upon Gods appointment . But not that the Law it self did dispense with them . As for what he adds in further confirmation of this opinion , anent Salomons imposing bond service upon the remains of these cursed Nations , and their posterity afterward , whom the children of Israel were not able to cast out ( which , in ane odd phrase , he calls a kindness ) and anent these Children of Solomons servants , mentioned Ezra . 2. 55 , 58. ] Jackson will tell him [ That it contradicts not the Law ( Deut. 7. ) anent utter smiting them , and shewing them no mercy , since , that Law may be meant of the inhabitants that were in the Land at their entring first into it , not of their posterity . Especially these who had their lives previously secured . ] Which fully cuts off his argument from this Text. And this is also the answer of Mr Poole and other learned interpreters upon this passage . Besides , that the Nethinims were probably the Gibeonites issue , and were however all of them , by a long tract of time Proselyts incorporat among Gods people and professing the true religion , which providentiall title might abundantly secure their lives The Dutch Anotations upon Josh. 29. 27. do inferr from the nature and mould of that phrase which signifies [ a delivering them over . ] that hence it is thought they were called Nethinims i. e. given and delivered over which confirms the answer adduced . However the person who should directly impugne the Informer as to what he maintains in this question ( which he hath impertinently brought in without any ground , to make some shift of answer ) might further tell him that this being but a practice , cannot be pleaded against a rule , but must be measured by it , which is a principle acknowledged by all . And here I shall exhibit some remarkable inconsistencies of this man with himself upon this point 1. he supposeth that Joshua and the princes their Oath to the Gibeonites stood inviolable as to this transaction both now and herafter ; for he sayes ( page 143. ) that Sauls slaying the Gibeonites moved God to wrath , because it was contrary to Ioshuas Oath made to their fathers . Now Joshua & the Princes Oath ratefied all the Transaction with them , & was accessory therunto as the text most clearly holds out , viz. both the league and the peace ; yet he tells us ( page 141. ) that as soon as Ioshua knew them to be Cananites , he brake the league as contrary to the command of God , and consequently his Oath confirming it according to his doctrine as being Likewise contrary to the command . 2ly , In that same page he tells us that no peace was to be concluded with the Canaanites , unless they became servants & renounced their heathnish idolatries , and that with the same proviso leagues were discharged with these Canaanites . Yet immediatlie after he makes a distinction in this point betwixt a peace , and a league , and tells us , that Ioshua had first made a league with them , but when he knew them to he Canaanites , he brake it as being contrary to the command of God , and only allowed them a peace . Now both the peace , and the league , were equally allowed and commanded upon thir termes of yeelding up their Lands , and relinquishing their Idolatrie , and both were equally discharged if they did not so , according to the series of his reasoning , as is obvious to any Reader . How then ( I pray ) could Joshua break his league with them as contrary to the command of God , more then the peace , both which he holds to have been allowed them with this proviso . 3ly . He sayes Ioshua and the Princes sware nothing but what God commanded ( pag. 142. ) Now the text is most express that they sware the league ver . 15. and Ioshua made peace with them , and made a league with them to let , them live , and the princes of the congregation sware unto them . This league he sayes Ioshua brake as contrary to the command of God , in his second answer ; yet in his 3d answer he tells us , that the Oath contained in it nothing contrary to the command . Again , he sayes God commanded to make no peace with them , But upon the termes of submission , relinquishing their idolatrie , and giving up their Lands . To this only he restricts the Princes stipulation , as falling under the command , yet acknowledges the command will include a league also upon thir terms , which els where ( as I said ) he dstinguishes from the peace , which he holds was not to be allowed them even upon thir termes . And likewise , in his second answer he tells us that they had peace only upon their submission , without mentioning these other termes . Likewise he sayes that on these termes he transacted to spare Rahabs friends , but where was this assurance as to her friends ? 4ly , He acknowledges ( pag. 143. ) that Gods wrath for slaying the Gibeonites was because of Ioshuas Oath , made to their fathers . Yet page 108. he cries out upon his Doubters assertion anent ane Oath binding the posteritie , as a strange fancy , and tells us that Casuists say , that Iuramentum est vinculum personale , binding these only who take it . Now wheras this man wonders much at our argument from this text anent the Gibeonites , let any judge whether his own shattered inconsistent discourse be not rather an object of wonder . But to proceed , his third answer to the premised argument of his Doubter , from this instance of the Gibeonites , is that Ioshua did nothing contrary to Gods command , which was to spare them upon their submission . Ans. ( Besides what is touched anent his inconsistency with himself in this , and what we are to add , anent the impertinency of this unto the point , though granted . ) I say first , that Joshua and the Princes were bound to spare them abstracting from this stipulation and Oath , is more then he hath proved , and appears contrary to the command above expressed , and the current of the context where this Oath and stipulation is set down ; whether we consider Joshuas peremptorie demands and demurres anent receiving them to peace , after they had expressed their submission , or the Oath its being again and again mentioned , both in setting down the stipulation its self ( ver . 15. ) and the reason why they were not smitten ( ver . 18. ) and the Princes judicial determination . ( ver . 19. ) as the sole ground of Joshuas and the Princes obligation to them , without the least hint of any other , which certainly might have been ( and consequently if true would have been , might his impugner say ) very pertinently and strongly pleaded by Joshua and the Princes , to quash the peoples murmuring at the sparing of them . 2ly , I might say , that this stipulation and Oath , although cross to a particular positive precept , yet notwithstanding , as matters here stood circumstantiat , was consonant to a generall moral rule of Gods mercy , who loves it better then Sacrifice . And the sparing of these Gibeonites was grounded upon this great moral precept [ of the reverence due to Gods name , interposed by a Sacred and Solemn Oath . ] Which answer is the verie determination of Joshua and the Princes in this matter . His impunger might here adde that it is utterly improbable , that in the Princes determination of the question [ whether these Gibeonites were to be saved , and the stipulation with them held as valid ] their submission would have been omitted , if they had understood Gods command with this limitation , which is a doubt that would much puzle this Informer to resolve . His 4t , Ans. is , that God was angry at the slaying of the Gibeonites , because it was contrary to his command , to give them peace upon their submission , and unto Ioshuas Oath to their fathers , and not meerly because it was contrary to the Oath . Ans. Joshua and the Princes Oath is both in that 9. of Joshua , and the 2. of Sam. 21. mentioned as the only ground of their right to their life , without the least hint of any command anent their having peace upon their Submission , which notwithstanding this antiscriptural Informer ( who will be wise here above what is written ) sets in the first place , as the principal cause of their right . When the reason is rendered ( 2. Sam. 21. ) why these Gibeonites had a right to live among the Israelites , though they were not of Israel , but of the Amorites , it is expressed thus , the children of Israel had sworn to them , and Saul sought to slay them . Again , since he grants that God was angry at the slaying of these Gibeonites upon the ground of Joshua and the Princes Oath to their fathers , he confequently grants that this Oath , notwitstanding of the cheat by which Joshua and the Princes were brought under it , was still binding and did oblige the posterity , which is the Chief point that this instance is adduced to prove against him , as we shall presently shew . For what he adds after , it is not much noticable . The reasons of the English annotations as touching this Oaths consonancie to Gods Law , we are not in this point concern'd to scanne , since our argument stands good even upon their supposition . As for these who say , that Ioshua and the Princes Oath , was contrary to Gods Law , and do therfore assert that it did not bind . We have shown that as herin they are not ours , so in this assertion they clearly cross the Scriptures , as is evident from what is above touched . Here we shall again minde the Reader for a conclusion to this argument and instance anent the Gibeonites , that all this mans clamour , about the consonancy or dissonancy of this Oath to Gods Law , is out of the way , and never meets our reasoning from this passage , even as it s moulded by himself , so that we may without losing our argument as to its main scope , grant all that he sayes anent the consonancy of the Oath to the divine precept about cutting off these Canaanites , and that it did admit these restrictions which he speaks of . But our argument for the Covenant is here twofold 1. That this Oath and Covenant with these Gibeonites though its matter were of a far lower nature then our Sacred Covenants , and vows , yet did not only oblidge that , but all succeeding generations , And therefore much more our solemn sacred vows , so solemnly and universally sworn , and about the great concerns of Publick and personal reformation , do oblidge all the posterity . Now this being our main Argument , he is so far from denying it , that he grants it upon the matter , in asserting and yeelding unto us , that this Oath consonant to Gods Law , did bind the posterity ; for thinkes he that we doe not suppose and hold the matter of the Covenant to be consonant to Gods Law ' Why then wanders he out of the way , while pretending to answer this argument , and pleaseth himself , and leads his Reader off the way with unprofitable talk not to the purpose ? The consonancy of our Oath to the Law of God , being even his own supposition in this argument . 2ly . From this instance we argue ( as I said ) for the binding force of the Covenant even upon the adversaries supposition anent the coaction , deceit , fear , or such like irregularities in the manner of entring unto it , ( which they use to make a great clamour about ) and from this text we conclude that all these will not loose the Oath , when once it is taken . Since here there was a notable cheat whereby Joshua and all Israel were brought under this Oath , taking away both a rationall assent of the Iudgment , and the free sutable election of the will , quia dolus aufert assensum that is , deceit takes away assent , say Casuists , Yet all this did not irritat this Oath when taken . And even as himself states the objection , his Doubter alledges , that the pretence or appearance of a greater good in breaking the Oath , was not wanting , — and particularly pleads , that this Oath did bind the posterity . Now what his roaving discourse anent the Oaths consonancy to the Law , sayes to all this , let any rational man judge ; Since both his Doubter and he , do suppose the matter of this Oath lawfull . He knew that his stating the question aright and speaking to it , would have made the vanity of his answers appear , and therfore he started this notion anent the Oaths binding against a precept , that tossing it a little upon his forked pen , the unwarrie Reader might beleeve , he had return'd a full answer to this argument : Whereas he but beats the air in ane airie discourse out of the way , and yeelds the cause when he hath done . Next he sayes , we use to plead Zedekiahs breach of Oath to the King of Babylon , which the Lord was so much displeased with . But how , and to what scope we plead that text , he durst not set down , nor put into the mouth of his Doubter any formall argument from it ; Which if rightly propounded , he knew well his cause would quickly fall before it . This man could not be ignorant how Timorcus , and others , improve this text , viz. that Zedekiah who was of the Kings seed , the son of Josiah ( Ezek. 17. 13. ) had ane Oath put upon him by the King of Babylon anent his , and the Kingdoms fealty and subjection to him ( 2 Chron 36. 13. ) after he had overrunn the land , and made prisoner Jehoiachin his Brother , and keept Zedekiah himself under his power . That he could neither have the crown , nor his libertie without this Oath of fealty to the King of Babylon , which was forced upon him out of fear , and as a prisoner — yet for the breach hereof ( Exek . 17. ) he is threatned with the losse of all . Shall he break the Covenant and be delivered — as I live saith the Lord surely my Oath and Covenant that he hath broken even it will I recompence upon his head . And in the midst of Babylon he shall die . Here was ane Oath , forced upon a prisoner , and a King of Judah , and upon the matter inconsistent with Israels Laws , made that the Kingdom might be base , yet the breach of it was thus terribly revenged : Therfore much more dreadfull is the breach of our solemn vows , whose matter is of such high importance , and their end so excellent , and the power imposing so native and Lawfull &c. What sayes he to this Argument ? he tells us , that the Iews were commanded to submit to the King of Babylon ( Ier. 27. 6. &c. ) so that the breaking of the Oath was disobedience to Gods command . But who denyes this , and what doth this arguing reprove ? doth not his Doubter and himself also suppose the matter of the Covenant to be consonant to Gods command . But how takes he away these nerves , and t●…ckling points of this instance and argument for the Covenant . 1. That this Oath was forced upon him as a prisoner . 2ly , taken by Zedekiah out of fear . 3ly , had a very apparent Inconsistency with a greater good , viz. to free Gods Church and people from a heathen slavery . 4ly , was cross to many standing Laws of Israel , yet neither the force of this heathen Invader , in imposing this Oath , nor the fear and bondage of this King of Israel when he did take it , nor the apparent inconsistency of its matter with a greater good , and its certain inconsistency with the standing Laws of Israel , did loose the Oath when taken , nor exeem the breaker of it from wrath and Judgement . And all this because it was upon the matter warrantable , and allowed of God , as we hold the Covenant to be . And therfore neither force , fear , bondage , the greater apparent good in breaking it , nor the inconsistency of it with our present Laws , none of all these pretences ( we say ) will loose the Oath of our Covenant , the matter of it being warranted of God , and of such high importance as is said . Sure it is obvious to any that this answer of his , sayes nothing to the antecedent or consequent of this argument for the Covenant , nor touches it in the least . The Doubter objects next [ the mark of the blessed man ( Psalm 15. 4. vers . ) swearing to his own hurt and not changing . ] In answer to which this Informer grants , that in many things a man may swear to his hurt and not change . This is sound , and in so far he must grant , that the Oath may hinder many goods and yet not for all that be violat . And in recompence of this concession I readily yeeld to him , that ane Oath will not bind to a mans hurt in every thing , as to take away his own life . And that such ane Oath binds only to repentance , as being iniquitatis vinculum . But what will he say to this argument which he makes his Doubter here mutter out ? Why , when it hurts ( saith he ) those in authority and peoples soules , it will not bind . True , but how doth the keeping of the Covenant hurt peoples soules , or these in authority ? we read much in Scripture of the hurt that breach of Covenant hath brought upon both these . But how a peoples keeping Covenant with God wrongs either their soules or these in authority , we would gladly hear . Dare he say that every disobedience to the command of Rulers , impeaches their authority ? or that peoples want of the means and ordinances of life , is to be imputed to Godly suffering ministers , whom for keeping Gods Covenant they have chased away from their flocks & families ? As for familie hurt , or in relation to things of this life , ther 's no question but that ane Oath in many cases will bind notwithstanding therof ; Which is the Judgement of all Interpreters . But now the Doubter having spent all his arguments , hath only one poor General left , viz. that we are tender of Oaths . To this he answers first , by acknowledging , that we ought to be considerate before we enter into ane Oath . Very true , and had we all been so , there had not been so many contradictory and ungodly Oaths , standing upon record against Scotland , as this day there are . Withall he sayes , we should be well advised before we thinke our selves discharged of an Oath . And no doubt if he and his party had advised this better with God , with his word , with sound Casuists , and their own consciences , they had not upon such poor grounds as we have seen , first perjured themselves , and pleaded for others doing the like . But yet ( saith he ) to think we cannot be at all discharged of an Oath , in a thing not necessary , is to be more tender then we ought to be . True : but not to take every matter of an Oath for not necessary , which he may have the confidence to call so , but cannot prove it , and not to admit every ground of discharge as lawfull , which such Adiaphorists as he may pretend , is to be no more tender then we ought to be . But here , our Informer will reach a blow again at the Assembly 1638 , because of their loosing Ministers , who entred by the former Prelats , from their Oaths to them . But where is his discretion and tenderness , who objects this as a fault of that assembly , and yet dare not exhibit , nor offer to scanne their grounds mentioned in their act , in reference to these engadgements ? wherein , because that Prelacy is condemned in the word ( and consequently the matter of these Oaths , ) and likewise found contrary to the priviledges and reformation of this Church , to maintain which , the se Prelats themselves who exacted such Oaths , stood engadged , and such like grounds , they prove them to be Materially sinfull , iniquitatis vincula , and from the beginning null or never obliging , and do not pretend ( as he ) to loose from Oaths antecedently lawfull and binding . Besides , Prelats being removed , this Oath supposing their existing power and office , was ipso facto null and void , as the souldiers military Oath to the captain upon the disbanding of the armie , and so its root was plucked up . Sublata causa tollitur effectus . Sublato relato tollitur Correlatum . So that he gets but a Wound to his cause , in kicking thus against the pricks . But he tells us , that he will come yet nearer with an other argument , and so he had need , for the preceeding have never yet come near our cause nor his designe . Well what is this ? Commissaries ( he saith ) were abjured in the Covenant , as officers depending upon the abjured bierarchy , yet we ownd them , before Bishops were restored , and why may not he , the abjured Bishops also . But will he suffer a Reverend father Bishop Lighton to answer for us , and shew him the disparity of our Commissariot ( a meer civil administration , influenced and authorized by superiour civil Governours , as a part of the politicall constitution of the Kingdom ) with a Church office . In his first letter anent the Accommodation , printed in that piece entituled , The case of the accommodation examined , he will tell him , that though we have the name of Commissaries yet they excercise not any part of Church discipline . Which he sets down , expresly to distinguish them from the Commissaries abjur'd in the 2d Article of the Covenant . Now , the difference of this owning our Commissaries in Scotland , from owning and swearing fealty to the Bishop as a Church officer , in all his Spirituall usurpations , is so palpable , that any may see the impertinency of this instance even in Bishop Lightons Judgement . Moreover , we abjure in the Covenant all Ecclesiastical officers depending upon that hierarchy . But will he dare to say that the Commissary , whose administration is properly Civil , and when the Covenant was taken had not the least dependance upon a Prelat , was an Eclesiastical officer depending upon that hierarchy . Surely the meanest capacity may discover the vanity of this argument . The Doubter objects this , [ that the Commissaries did not then depend upon the Bishops , and therfore might be ownd as not contrary to the Covenant . ] To this he answers , that upon this ground of a non-dependance upon Bishops , we might have ownd a Dean at that time , or a Bishop , as having no dependance upon an Arch-bishop ; and that he cannot see why any member of the hierarchy under the highest , might not have been owned and retaind on this ground , as well as the Commissary . Ans. The disparity is manifest to any of Common sense ; the Dean sua natura is an Ecclesiastick officer , and the very office denotes a relation unto , and Ecclesiastick dependance upon a prelat , in spirituall administrations : so that Prelacie being laid aside , and the hierarchy smoothed to Presbyterian Parity and Government , the Dean is a meer Chimaera , and so is the diocesan Bishop , and can no more subsist , the basis and fountain of his very office qua talis , or as such , being removed and extinct . But the Commissary ( a civil officer and Magistrat ) his administration , of its own nature civill , depends upon , and is regulat by , superiour civil Rulers , and so in that case subsists intirely as a part of the civil Government , where prelacie is abolished ; and can no more be scrupled at , because a prelat did somtime usurpe an authority over that office , then the office of the Lord high Chancellour , or any other civil office of state , and inferiour offices theron specially depending , because somtime a Prelat was Chancellour , and usurped authority in these matters , ought to be disowned or scrupled at upon this account . 2ly , He sayes , this answer comes near to what he said before , anent the English divines who hold , only that complex frame to be abjured in the 2d article , which consists of all the officers there enumerat . Ans. 1. It is more then he hath proved , that the English divines do owne ( even sigillatim or apart ) all these officers , or looke upon themselves as only obliged against that complex frame consisting of all the officers enumerat in that article . We heard before out of Timorcus ( whom Bishop Lighton in that letter , and the Informer himself cites , as holding that our Prelacie is consistent with the Covenant , and whom they appeal unto in this debate ) that they disowne all Prelacie , where one single person exerciseth sole power in ordination and Jurisdiction , all Prelacie beyond a Proestos , and particularly the name and thing of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , Chapters , Arch Deacons . Timorcus in the 7. Chap. adds , — all Bishops not Chosen by the clergie and people — all Bishops who act by Deans , prebends , and exercise their power by Chancellours , Commissaries &c. Doth not the article it self abjure , all ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy . So that though we did come near to what they say in this answer , we come never a whit nearer him . 2ly , we told him already that the Commissaries office is properly Civil , though usurped upon by the Prelat , so that when purged from this usurpation , and running in the channell of a meer civil administration , influenced and authorized by Superiour civil Governours , as a part of the political constitution of the kingdom , it falls not within the compass of an Ecclesiastical officer depending on the hierarchy , by his own Confession , and Bishop Lightons . How then was the owning of him before the introduction of Prelacie , contrary unto the Covenant . But because he suffered not his poor Doubter to tell him that the Commissary , besides that in our late times , he did not depend upon the Bishop , is really and upon the matter with us a Civil , not a Church officer , he thinks to surprise him with a third answer . That now the Comissaries do actually depend upon the Bishops , yet we scruple not , nor decline their Courts and authority , and if we decline them not ( as according to our Principles we are oblidged ) how are we free of perjury ? and if we can acknowledge a Commissary notwithstanding the Covenant , why may not he also a Bishop . Ans. What poor tatle is this ? we told him already that the Commissariot is of it self a lawfull Civil administration , not ane Ecclesiastical function , and the prelats usurped authority cannot render this civill office unlawfull . Wheras the dicoesan Bishops office , is a pretended Ecclesiastical function , and in its very nature a gross corruption , and contrary to the word of God , as is above cleared . Which disparity is palpable to any that will but open their eyes . Do we abjure any Civil courts or officers in that article ? are they not termd expresly Ecclesiastical officers who are there abjured : Nay , doth not Timorcus tell us that in England the Commissaries exercise a power in Church discipline by a delegation from the Bishop . And doth not Bishop Lighton deny this to be competent to our Commissaries here . For in that passage of the letter now cited , he sayes we have nothing but the name of Commissaries , he means in respect of these in England , who exercise ecclesiastical discipline under the Bishops . Didoclavius pag. 458. Cites Cowellus in Interprete , about the office of the Bishops Commissary in England , speaking thus , Commissarij vox Titulus est Ecclesiasticae Iurisdictionis ( saltem quousque commissio permittit ) in partibus Diocesios a primaria Civitate tam Longe dissitis ut Cancellarius subditos ad principale consistorium Episcopi citare non potest &c. That is , that Commissary in England is a title of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction so faras his commssion will allow in places which are so far remote from the cheif city of the diocess , that the Chancellour without great molestation cannot cite them to the Bishops cheif court . Didoclavius tells us ( ubi supra ) that according to the Statutes of England , the Chancellour is the Bishops principal officiall , & the Commissary the Bishops foraneous officiall . To conclude , 1. The Bishops power as to Civills , and their deputation of this their power to Chancellours is a most gross usurpation , Contrary to the Scripture , which forbids the Minister to entangle himself with things of this life . Our Lord himself would not so much as be an arbiter in a civil Cause . Paul speaking of the ministerial duties , saith who is sufficient for these things . The Apostles must Give themselves continually to the Word . Cartwright against the Rhemists upon 2. of Tim. 2. 4. Proves that pure antiquitie Knew nothing of prelats thus medling , citing Jerome ( super Sophon . cap. 1. ) who expounds that place against Ministers medling in Secular affaires . And Cyprian , who applies this place against one who took upon him to be executor of a Testament : Lib. 1. Epist. 9. concil . Carthag . 4. Cap. 20. Apostol . can . ( Can. 6. ) Seculares Curas non Suscipite . Likewise Ambrose , who affirmes that Worldly Government is the weakning of the priest . ( Lib. 5. Epist. 33. ) Smectimnuus ( pag. 32. Sect. 10. ) cites concil . Hispall . 2. Cyprian Epist. 28. against this deputation of prelats power to Chancellours , Commissaries &c. and Brings in Bishop Dounham aknowledging ( Defens . Lib. 1. ) that in Ambrose time and a good while after , which was about the year 400. till presbyters were wholly neglected , the Bishops had no ordinaries , vicars , Chancellours , Commissaries , that were not Clergie men . But this restriction they affirme to be a meer blind , and Challeng him to shew any such under-officers of Bishops in those times . So that they hold this to be one main point of difference betwixt their Bishops , and the primitive Bishops . 2dly , in England , not only hath the Commissary a Civil administration under the Bishop , but hath Likewise power of Spiritual censures , and a great part of the Bishops ecclesiastical administration , committed unto him both over Ministers and others ; such as suspension , deposition , excommunication : See Didoclav . ( pag. 464 , 465. de officialibus ) Cartwright ( 2. repl . part . 2. pag. 69. ) who shews that the prelats not only exercise Tyrrany themselves over the Church , but bring it under subjection to their very Servants , yea their Servants Servants such as Chancellours , Commissaries &c. 3ly , it is clear that since the reformation we never had in Scotland such Commissaries ; but our Law and practice since that time , and since Popish Prelacies were dissolved , hath much reduced them to the state & Quality of other civil officers , whose administration of its own nature depends upon superiour civil officers . For this we have ( as I said ) Bishop Lightons own Confession , that we have but the name of Commissaries here , who have nothing to do with Church discipline ; Only their civil power is invaded again by the Prelats . 4ly , B Lighton and this Informer do both plead , that its only the officers enumerat in the 2d Article of the Covenant , and the Commissaries as then moulded & Existent in the Church of England , that this Oath oblidges against . And so according to their Principles and pleading , our Commissary here , so vastly discrepant from theirs , falls not within the compass of the Covenant abjuration . Hence finally , the owning of the Commissary in his Lawfull civil administrations , can be no acknowledgement , either , 1. of the English Commissaries Power , which he hath not . Nor 2dly , of the Prelats usurpation upon this civil office ; no more then the simple using of our civil Laws , and the ordinary civil courts during Cromwells usurpation , was a homologating the wickedness therof , which this man will not dare to assert . An usurper may be in titulo , and such submission and improvement of the civ●…l power invaded by him , as doth acknowledge the providentiall Title , and his being possessed of the power de facto , and having as they use to say jus in re , or actual providential possession therof , If there be no active concurrance towards his Establishment , is , as to civills , free of any guilt of the usurpation , and will import no acknowledgement of the usurper his Pretended jus . Which is the Judgement of all sound divines and Casuists . But the case is far different as to our Informers deriving his deputed Ecclesiastical Ministery or spiritual authority from the Bishop ; because , 1. the Prelats office it self is a gross usurpation , contrary to the Scripture , so is not the Commissaries office . 2dly , the Pelats usurped possession of unlawfull power over the Church , which is Christs Kingdom , cannot give him so much as a providentiall Title ; and therfore all acknowledgement therof is unlawfull . Thirdly , his submission to prelacy as now it stands Circumstantiat , is an acknowledgement both of the possession , and jus , which this man will not deny , and this is far dictinct , from an act which doth but indirectly acknowledge the usurpers possession . So that his Conformity is ane express acknowledgement and owning of a gross encroachment upon Christs Kingdom ( his Church ) which is toto Coelo different , from acknowledging a possession de facto of , and a Providential title unto , a part of the civil administration of the Kingdoms of the world , which are mutable . And as for a testimony against this usurpation , I suppose that had the people of God disowned these civil courts , upon this ground of the Covenant obligation , his party , for the preceeding reasons , had signally cried out against it , as an AnaBaptistical rejecting of Lawfull civil Government , more then he doth upon this Pretence , alledge a homologating of Prelacie , in this acknowledgement . But however , we say , that the people of God their notour and standing testimony against Prelacie it self as now Established , doth sufficiently reach this among other its usurpations , although this piece of civil Government be eatenus or in its own nature and as such , owned as formerly . But now our Informer charges us with another breach of Covenant , upon the ground of schisme , which he sayes , we are carrying on in opposition to the peace and liberty of this Church , which Christ has bequeathed to her in legacie . This heavy charge we would gladly know how he will instruct , and because he cannot stay to discuss that point in this dialogue , we will therfor supersed our enquiry here , and pass over to his third dialogue , and Examine therin the grounds of this accusation , which we doubt not to discover , to be as Irrational , as these examined in the preceeding Dialogues . A Confutation Of the Third DIALOGUE , Upon the point Of SEPARATION . Wherein upon exhibiting the true state of the Question , the practise of adhering to Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry , and denying of a subjection to Conformists as the lawful Pastours of this Church , from vvhom Gods people are bound to receive the ordinances , is vindicat from the charge of a sinfull Schismatick separation , the true and solid grounds of this practise offered , and the Informers arguments against it , fully ansvver'd . CHAP. I. The question stated and cleard , from our Churches state before , and since the introduction of Prelacy , the different condition of Presbyterian Ministers and Conformists ▪ Separation in many cases not Schisme . The Informers groundless suppositions . Arguments presented and prosecuted at some length , whereby this practise is acquit of the charge of a sinfull separation , and discovered to fall under Scripture precepts and obligations as duty . THE state of the Question in the third Dialogue , is anent sinfull separation and Schism ; whether the people of God be guilty of it in adhering to such Ministers as contend for our Reformation , rather then Curats or Conformists ; And whether they stand in this case of our Church ) oblig'd to adhere to the one or the other , as their true Pastours , from whom they are to receive the gospel ordinances , and to whom they owe subjection , reverence , and obedience accordingly . This state of the Question our Informer cannot in the least pick a quarrel at , it being most suitable unto his pleading , which is all along grounded upon this supposition , that conformists do stand in a Ministerial relation to this Church , and professours therein : from which he concluds peoples obligation to adhere unto them , as their only true , and proper Pastours . And in correspondence to this principle and inference , doth universally and absolutely fasten the charge of intrusion and Schism upon Presbyterian Ministers , and people , as to their respective acts of preaching , and hearing in their present state and circumstances So that if we can overturn this his grand topick , & fortify the antithesis therof , he must grant that all his reasoning in this Dialogue falls to the ground . For clearing this let us take a litle view , first , of our Church of Scotland her case at Prelacies introduction . 2ly , of her present case . 3dly , of the different grounds which the Presbyterian and Prelatick partie plead upon , for the peoples adherence . 4thly , on whose side the separation stands . Schism is a sinfull separation from a Church , with whom , & in what acts we are bound to adhere . So that when this Question is cleared , who are that Church to which we stand under obligations to adhere , it will go far to clear this debate . First , As to the state of our Church at Prelacies Introduction , I shall l●…y down these three suppositions in relation to the matter of fact . First , that our Church from the infancie of her Reformation , together with popry rejected Prelacy , and in her National capacitie , and in her supreme Judicatories disowned it as contrary to the Word of God , as a piece of Antichrists wicked Hierarchy : And in her National capacitie abjured the same often , solemnly , and universally . This hath been already clear'd upon the preceeding Dialogue . 2ly . Presbyterian Government hath been look't on by our Church , as the only Government of the Church appointed by Christ in Scripture , and as the hedge of her reformed Doctrine . Nay the owning of it hath been the great badge and Criterion , to try her true members ; the subscribing the books of Discipline , and the nationall Covenant of old , and the solemn league of late , with engadgements of adherence to Presbyterian Government , have been the ordinary door of entry into her Ministry . This , as to mater of fact , is clear and undeniable . 3ly , Our Church hath Judicially condemned E●…astianisme , and Ministers their state offices , and appointed Judicially the censuring of the opposers of this her establishment as scandalows , Assembly 38. Sess. 16 : 17. Confirmed and renewed in Assembly 39. So Assembly 40. Sess 5. In the 2d place , as to our Church her present condition , these things are clear and undeniable . 1. That all the legall right of the late work of Reformation is removed in the act rescissory . 2. Presbyterian Government is raz'd , and the Church-Government monopliz'd in the Arch Bishops and Bishops , obtruded upon this Church : And the right and liberties of Presbyters and all our former Church-Judicatories is removed and taken away . 3ly , Ane arbitary and Erastian Prelacy is set up in opposition , both unto our Churches intrinsick power of Government , and likewise her particular frame of Presbyterian Government . 4. All her vowes and great Oaths both in the National Covenant , as explaind An. 1638. And in the solemn League against Prelacie , and for maintaining her reformation , are disown'd , raz'd , and cassat , as far as legall enactings can reach . 5. Ane express bad●…e is appointed as to both Ministers and people their owning this course of defection , and disowning the late reformation viz. ministers submitting to Erastianism and Prelacy and owning their new courts ; and peoples hearing their vi●…ars and substitutes , for the same scope in th●… rulers diclaird designe . 6. Ministers betwixt three and four hundred disown , and stand in opposition to this course , and a great part and body of the professours of this Church have likewise disownd the same , & stood their ground . Hence upon what is said , it followes in the 7th place , that ane ax is laid to the root of her reform'd Doctrine , Worship and Government ; The great hedge thereof is removed , viz : her solemn vows : and beside , her doctrinall principles anent the Antichrist and his Hierarchy , the Churches intrinsick power of Government , Christian libertie , the unlawfulness of significant ceremonies in Gods Worship ; her Doctrine anent Justification , the Imperfection of obedience , Christs certain , determinat , and full satisfaction for sinners , in opposition to the Socinian and Arminian errors ; The morality of the Sabbath &c. are opposed by this innovating prelatick partie . And next , for her Worship ( beside what corruptions are already introduced , and others pleaded for , as the perth Articles &c. ) It is , upon the matter , subjected to mens arbitrary impositions ; And our National Covenant and Conf●…ssion is disownd , ae stricking against popish corruptions , and also our late confession as asserting the above-mentioned Doctrine & principles . And for Government , the Curats are meer slaves of Prelats , in all their meetings by his negative voice , and the Prelats themselves are but the Magistrats creatures . And thus as our late consession is disownd in relation to several doctrinal points of Christian libertie , moralitie of the Sabath , free election , &c so likewise in relation to its principles as to Church Gobernment , and Christs appointing Officers , lawes , and censures , as head of his Church , his not giving the keys to the civill Magistrat &c. Wherein our prelatick party are come so great a length that the late theses from St Andrews an . 81 , daines that Assembly of Divines whose confession is authorirized by the generall Assembly of this Church , with no other name then that of a conventicle . 8ly , Our Churches case is now worse then when prelacy was introduced by King James . The Limitations of Erastianism by the Act of Parliament An. 1592. in relation to her priviledges concerning heads of religion , heresy , excommunication , and censures , clear this . Next , Church-Judicatories were not discontinued , but sat upon their old ground ; and Prelats were restored by Parliament to their civil dignities only . Hence 9ly . It s clear that this pure Presbyterian Church hath been meerly passive as to all these innovations lately introduced ; her true representatives or lawfull Assemblies never having consented to this course of conformity , as appears by the Assembly 38. Their act anent these meetings , at Linlithgow 1606 ; at Glasgow 1610. at Aberdeen 1616. At St Andrews 1617. at Perth 1618. Which consented to Prelacie ; All which meetings they demonstrat to be contrary in their frame and constitution , to the priviledges of this Church . And at prelacies late erection Presbyterian Judicatories and Synods were preparing a Iudicial Testimonie , before they were raisd . So that the voice of our lawful Assemblies is still heard in opposition to this course ; & since Prelacies erection we have never had so much as a shadow of ane Assembly &c. For the 3d point , viz. the different grounds which the Presbyterian and prelatick party ( and this man particularly ) do plead upon , for the peoples adherence ; take it shortly thus , the prelatists do plead first , that they are Ministers , and in that relation to this Church . 2lv . That corruptions in administrators will not ( according to our own principles ) warrand separation from ordinances . 3ly , they plead order , and union , which ( they allege ) is broken by peoples withdrawing . These are the cheif topicks they insist on . On the other hand Presbyterian Ministers plead for disowning them according to the forementioned state of the question , first , from this that the body of Presbyterian Ministers & professours adhering to our Churches reformation , principles , and priviledges , are the pure genuine Church of Scotland , tho now fled into a wilderness ; whose voice we are called to hear as her true Chiidren . 2ly , that this course of conformity is a meer intrusion on this Church , and invasion of Christs Kingdome , prerogatives and ordinances , subjecting the lawes , officers and censures of his Church unto men , exauctorating & putting in officers without his warrand ; that Prelats , and their deputes consequently , have no right to officiat as Ministers in this Chuich . Since both the one and the other are arrand intruders upon the same , and promoters of this Schismatick destroying course of defection . 3ly , that our Churches divine right and claim to her priviledges stands fast , notwithstanding the present encroachments and invasions thereof ; and her Childrens obligation of adherence to the same accordingly . 4ly , That hence it followes , because of the nature and tendency of this course of defection , that all are obliged to keep themselves free from the least accession to it , and therefore to disown Curats ; both as maintaining principles contrary to the principles and doctrine of this Church , and as standing in a stated opposition to her , & likewise as the obiects of her censure , if she were in capacity to draw her sword . That the people of God have both corrupt doctrine to lay to their charge , beside the corruption Worship ; and also their going out from the fellowship of this Church , and leading the people away from our vowed reformation &c. In the 4th place , to come to clear ths great point on whose fide the separation stands , let us premise these things . 1. Every separation is not sinfull , even from a Church which hath the essentialls , yea and more then the essentialls , a man may go from one Church to another without hazard of separation . But further , in these cases separation is not schism . I. It if be from those ( tho Never so many ) who are drawing back , and in so far as drawing back , from whatever peice of duty and integrity is attaind . For this is still tobe held fast , according to many scripture comands , as we shall shew . So Elias when Gods Covenant was forsaken , was as another Athanasius ; ( I , and I only am left ) in point of tenacious integrity . 2ly , if we separat in that which a Nationall Church hath commanded us as her members to disown by her standing acts , and authority , while those from whom we separat own that corruption . 4. If Ministers their supposed separation be ane officiating as they can have access , after a National Churches reformation is overturnd , and they persecute from their watchtowers by these overturners . For in this case the persecuters separat from them , and chase them away . 4. There is a Lawfull forbearance of union and complyance with noto ious backsliders , in that which is of it self sinfull , or inductive to it , which is far from separation strictly taken ; The commands of abstaining from every appearance of evill , and hating the garment spotted with the flesh , do clearly include this . 5. Many things will warrand separation from such a particular Minister or congregation , which will not warrand separation from the Church National ; nor infer it , by Mr Durhams acknowledgment ( on scandal pag. 129. ) For if scandals become excessive , he allowes to depart to another congregation . 6. There is a commanded withdrawing from persons and societies even in worship ; the precepts , to avoid them that cause divisions and offences contrary to the received Doctrine , Rom. 16. 17. to come out from among the unclean & be separat . 2 Cor. 6. 17 to cease from instruction that causes to erre from ehe words of knowledge , Prev . 19. 27. to save our selves from the untoward generation . Act. 2. 40 , will clearly import this by consequence . 2dly , This charge of sinfull separation which they put on Gods people supposes many thigs which must be proved , as first , that the Prelats and their adherents , are the only true organick Church of Scotland , which is denyed ; her frame and constitution being such as it said ; surely the Ministers and professours adhering to her reformation must be the true Church of Scotland tho the lesser number , as they should have been , if this prelatiok defection had been intirely popish . These souldiers who keep the Gen●…rals orders are the true army , not the deserters of the same . Either the Church in this Nation as lately reformd & constitute , and to whose constitution many Conformists vowed adherence , was not the true organick protestant Church of Scotland , or this partie , whose constitution , Principles , Doctrine & practice , are point blank contrary therunto , is not . 2. It supposed that there is no lawfull use of ordinances among Presbyterian Ministers , as persons who have no Lawfull call to officiat in this case . Hence this man pleads for disowning them universally and absolutely ; but we affirm they are Ministers standing in that relation to this Church , and under the obligation of Christs comand to officiat , which Conformists have not yet disproved 4. He supposes that every thing which may be expedient as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and order of a Church , when enjoyning her full peacable constitution , will equally oblidge in her broken and persecute condition , when a prevailing backsliding party is in her bosome . Now ; scripture and reasen will disprove this : circumstances of order must give place to important duties in extreme necessity as this is : the scattered officers of the Church of Jerusalem , went every where preaching the gospel ( Act. 8 , ) so did Ministers in the beginning of the Reformation . 4. It is supposed that our change is only as to government : and such only as was in King Iames time , both which we have showen to be false . 5. He takes for granted that their personal faults who are conformists , and a supposed pullution of the worship therby , is our ground of non-union ; and that our granting them to have the essence of a Ministeriall call , and that their scandals will not pollute the worship , will infer the hearing of them in this our case , which is also false . For even upon this supposition , we are not bound to owne them no more then ane ingraind Schismatick , obtruded forcibly by a party of the congregation upon the rest of the people , might be ownd on this ground . 6 This man begs the question in supposing that the constitution and frame of the Prelacy now establish't , is the same with that of the ancient Church , for he often tels us that we would have separat from the ancient Church , upon the same grounds for which we disown Conformists . Whereas we have shewed the difference of our prelacy from theirs in many points . That our prelats both as Diocesian & Erastian , are wholly discrepant from the ancient Bishops . 7. He takes it for granted , that Ministers who disown this course of backsliding their relation to their flocks is cut off , in the present posture of our Church , and that the Prelats and their substituts , ( the Curats ) are the onely proper representative Church of Scotland , who accordingly have onely the lawfull power and exercise of the keyes as to either admission or censure of Ministers . A principle alwayes disowned by our Church . See Protesters no subverters ( pag. 96. ) Rutherfoords due right of Presbyt . [ pag. 430. 431. ] Altare Damasc. ( pag. 23. ) 8. He supposes that its unlawfull in this our case to officiat , ren●…tente Magistrat●… ; that this very violence and the present Lawes will render Ministers officiating unwarrantable [ pag. 205. ] which is a great mistake , for the Magistrat cannot loose from the pastoral relation which he gave not , ejusdem est constituere & destituere . A●…esmedull . [ cap. 30. thes . 14. And hence the Ministers relation to the Church Nationall stands , tho he restrain the exercise thereof in any one place ; and consequent ly the tyes and commands to officiat ; so that disobeying the Magistrats command not to officiat , is no disobedience to his lawful authority . Nay Apollonius thinks that the divine relation of a Minister to this Church , tho banisht from his native country , doth stand . Ius Majestatis circasacra part . 1. pag. 331. ( 9. ) He still supposes that , what will not exse , or of it self plead for disowning the hearing of the gospel , or of a Minister simpliciter , will plead nothing in this our case for disowning Conformists . The mans weakness , personal faults , not lecturing &c. are not of themselves sufficient to cut us off from hearing absolutely . But tho this be granted , we have the pure genuine Church of Scotland , and her faithful Ministry to adhere unto , and over and above these grounds mentiond , conformists schismatick practice , and corrupt Doctrine to lay to their charge , which will make this ground in our case very weighty and preponderating ; and this the Informer himself must grant , for he will not say that such like pretences or arguments in our case , were valid as to the owning of Nonconformists and des●…rting of Curats . Moreover he will grant , that Presbyterian Ministers might Lawfully be heard , if Conformists were not standing in their way . Now so the case is in relation to Presbyterian Ministers pleading ; for that none of these things which he mentions were valid to infer peoples disowning of Conformists , were there no other Ministers in Scotland , and if this Church had universally , both Ministers and people faln into this cou●…se of backsliding , will be readily granted ; But without any advantage to his cause , as is evident . To these many discoveries of his begging the question in this debate , our plea and arguments will be clearer if we add a short view of our suppositions in this case and question . Such as 1. our principle of the unlawfulness of prelacie . 2. The binding force of our covenants . 3. Our Churches divine tight to her Reformation and priviledges once establisht . 4. that this is a case both of defection , and persecution . 5. of competition betwixt Ministers & professours contending for our Reformation , and a party of backsliders overturning it . 6. The tendency of this course of Prelatick defection , to raze our Reformation ; and that if not prevented ; it will end in propery . 7. That Presbyterian Ministers relation to this Church , and their obligation to duty founded upon that relation , is not extinguished but subsists notwithstanding of the present violence and persecution , which they with their weeping mother are exposed unto . Having premised these things , from what is said we may draw forth at length the great state of the question thus , whether , when the Reformation of a National Church in Doctrine , worship , discipline and government , is by a backsliding party overturnd , and a course-carryed on to raze it , God having left a considerable body of Ministers & professours , who stand in opposition to that course , and are in their capacities testifying against it , are these Ministers and professors who preach and hear in opposition to that course , or the complying Ministry and hearers , the scismaticks ? This being clearly the state of this question , we shall offer these arguments to fortifie our principle of disowning conformists in this our case , and denying a subjection to them as the Ministers of this Church , and adherence to Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry , and acquit this principle and practise from the Informers charge of sinfull separation . 1. Whoever of the two partiss adhere unto the true genuine Church , owning her constitutions , authoritie and priviledges , its certain the contrary party must be the schismaticks ; here it must be seen who are the first departers , who have first broken the hedge , who have first disownd and opposed the Covenants , the Government , the sound and pure doctrine of this Church , in complyance with persecuters , surely they and they only are the schismaticks . Had not this invasion been made upon our Church and her priviledges , what would have been her Judgement of the present principles and practices of Conformists in any of her Lawfull courts ? would they not have been judged censurable as the worst of Schismaticks ? Now , what is the difference here , except , that this party makes the greater number ; but will this take away the charge of schism ? suppose a party of notorious schismaticks should cry ou●… upon such as withdraw from them as schismaticks , were not this a ridiculous charge ; and Just so is that of Conformists in this case . 2. Every schism supposes ane obligation of adherence to that Church from which the separation is made . Now then , let him prove ministers obligation to joyn into this Prelatick course ( without which they will not admit them to officiat ) and disprove our prior obligations to opposeit ; or else Ministers obligation to preach , and peoples consequently to hear in opposition to this course of defection , will stand good on the old grounds , and all the scripture comands ( founded on Pastours of this Church their Ministerial relation ) to set the trumpet to their mouth , and give a Ministerial testimony against this defection , and peoples obligation to hear and take warning , will press and plead for that which he calls schism and a sinfull separation . 3. Hence Presbyterian Ministers , and professors are in this their practise never toched , by all his arguments and defences , but these are weapons in their hands against him and the conforming party . 1. Whereas he pleads the essence of the ministeriall call , which conformists lay claim unto , Presbyterian Ministers answer , that Nonconforming Ministers have this , that they are Ministers of this Church , and have a better right to officiat as her true pastours then Prelatists . And if this will not plead for hearing Non-conformists , why shall this argument be thought valide for hearing Curats ? is not the same way from Athens to Thebes , and from Thebes to Athens ? if his concession touching the essence of their Ministerial call , will not ( with him ) infer hearing Non-conformists , because of their supposed schism : Ergo a fortiori it will not infer the hearing of Curats , who really are such . 2. he pleads that corruptions , and failings in administrators , or even some corruptions in ordinances , will not infer disowning of Ministers . Why then pleads he for disowning Presbyterian Ministers and ordinances adminis red by them , to whom this is so clarly applicable . 3ly , he pleads union . But let him say , what was the order and union of this Church before these innovations ? was it ane union under Prelacie , Erastianism , and persurious breach of Covenant ; was not our Churches Reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline and Goverment , a beautiful order and union ? Now who broke this ? supppose we should Plead union , against his withdrawing Presbyterian professours from Presbyterian Ministers , will he owne this pleading ? or not rather disowne it , because he thinks our union is schismatical ; well , so we hold and do prove the prelatick union to be : & therefore untill he disprove our charge against his party , this pleading is null . 4. Divines , do tell us ( particularly Timorcus chap. 7. page 32. ) that a sinfull separation which falls within the compass of schism , is from the communion of a Church as walking according to the divine rule ; otherwise , if the Churches deviation specially be great , there is no fear of any guilt by schism in departing from it ; and hence infers , that unless absolvers can instruct that prelacy is juris divini , disowning and abjuring it cannot be schismatical . Moreover this man himself grants , that schism in its ordinary acceptation , is taken for a causless separating , and that where communion with a Church cannot be held without sin , in that case separation is necessary . Now then if we can prove , that our non union is not causless , and that communion cannot be held with Conformists ( in our case and circumstances ) without sin , we are not Schismaticks by his oun confession . To clear then this great point of the sinfulness of owning them in their demanded conformity ; we offer these considerations . 1. Owning them and subjecting our selves to their Ministry as the Pastours of this Church , hath a palpable breach of Covenant in it as the case now stands , for all along we must suppose its binding force , and that there is a considerable body of Ministers & professours contending for it , and that the question is , to which of the parties contending we are bound to adhere , and that according to our principles anent its binding force , and the unlawfulness of Prelacie , which this man cannot disprove . The owning of them in the manner above expressed is a breach of Covenant many wayes . specially as this man pleads for it , with a totall disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in their Ministry . In this case it is a resiling from what we have attain'd in point of reformation , contrary to the first article , wherein we are bound to maintain purity of worship and Doctrine as then establisht . Now their preaching is for the most part consisting of corrupt doctrine contrary to our Reformation ? And their prayers have severall petitions with which we cannot joyn , such as for prospering Prelats and their courses ; Not to speak of the abrogating the lecture , repeating of the creed at baptism , singing a set forme of conclusion , or what innovations in worship are introduced . Again , this is a concurience with promoters of this course of backsliding , and a suffering our selves to be withdrawen from our union engadged unto , and a denyall of suteable assistance to faithfull Ministers contending for the Covenant against backsliders , all which are contrary to the other articles thereof . This will be specially clear , if it be further considered . That 1. The body of presbyterian Ministers being ejected , if disown'd in the manner and extent pleaded for by this Informer , the presbyterian interest , and our Reformation according to the Covenant , will be extinct , sold and betrayed . 2. Hearing Curats and peoples subjecting themselves to their Ministry as the Pastours of this Church . is by the Rulers required as a direct badge and Test of owning Erastianism and prelacie , in opposition to the Covenant & work of Reformation : So that its a case of confession , now to adhere to a faithfull Ministry contending for it . 3. Ther 's no other way to exoner our consciences before God and the World , and Declare our nonconformitie to this course of backsliding , but by this practice , there is no getting of wrongs redrest , or corruptions in the Ministry removed . Thus the Apology pag. 272. 4. We are in the Covenant engadged against Indifferency , in this great work of Reformation , and is not this the way to fall into it more and more . 5. We engadge that we shall endeavour , that this work of Reformation shall remain inviolable to posterity . But what memory shall the posterity have of this work if prelats and curats be thus submitted unto ? 6. We engadge opposition in our capacity to all prelatick malignant enemies of the Lords worke and interest ; but how is it performd when we thus strengthen their hands , in their avowed opposition therunto . 7. How assist we and Defend in this common cause of Religion and liberty , such as enter into this league , when we thus Divide from our suffering brethren , wound and offend them and shake off a faithfull Covenant-keeping Ministry . 8 How maintain we our reformed Doctrine , worship , and union , when thus owning false prophets , and the instruction that causeth to err from the words of knowledge , and such as cause Divisions and offences contrary to the Doctrine we have Learnd . Prov. 19. 27. Rom. 16. 17 , 18. 9. How maintain we the priviledges of our Church and her Reformed Government ? when owning intruding prelats and their creatures as Ministers of this Church , and disowning her true Ministers , now taking her by the hand . This practice is ane approving of Curats call and mission , rather then that of presbyterian Ministers , which no man will deny to be contrary to the Covenant . Next , owning and adhering to Curats in this our case , and according to our principles , hath an accession to much guilt otherwise , such as . 1. The owning of a palpably blasted , and Disowning a palpably sealed Ministry . 2 A high reflection on the sufferings of many Godly upon this ground . 3. A shutting of our eyes against Ministerial Discoveries of the sin and duty of the time . 4. A casting of our selves on tentations of greater complyance . 5. A breaking of fellowship with these that are contending for Gods worke and denying a sympathy with them , yea a trampling on their blood which has been shed on this ground . 6. A disowning the Ministeriall authority , and tearing the commission of Christs faithfull Ambassadours , and depriving our selves of the blessing and benefit of their Labours &c. 5. This practice of denying a Subjection to the Ministry of Conformists , and of our Rulers demanded conformity therin unto the present course of defection , will be found to fall under great scripture obligations , such as 1. The obligation of persevering in integrity , and holding it fast . Colos. 1. 23. Heb. 10 : 23. Psal. 25. 21. Supposing prelacy unlawfull , and the binding force of the Covenants in reference to all the work of reformation as it stood establisht , this practice is clearly cross to the premised obligation , both as ane acknowledgement of prelacy and Erastiani me , and also as a Disowning of faithfull Ministers . 2. The obligation of keeping at the greatest Distance from sin , exprest Jude 23. 1 Thess. 5. 22. 1 Tim. 5. 22. will infer Disowning Curats in this case . 1. All Direct , or interpretative consent to sin , is here Discharged . 2. A practice otherwise lawfull , will on this ground become inexpedient hic & nunc . We must not eat in the case of offence , tho we may freely eat all meats Rom. 14. 14. 1 Cor. 10. 25. Now on the forementiond Suppositions , the owning of Curats hath an accession to their sin , beyond that of ane apearance or a touch , It being both a Deserting the presbyterian Ministry , and a badge of conformity to Erastian prelacy , and all the corruption and defection of the time , which is therby advanc'd & promoted , 't is also in this case of competition , a deliberat adherence to the prelatick rather then presbyterian interest . 3. The great obligation of a testimony to truth and Duty , exprest Heb. 10. 23. Mat. 10. 32. will plead for this practice , All truth must be avowed , & practically avowed . We must walk circumspectly , or exactly as the Word imports , & we must avow truth & duty on the greatest hazard ; even the smallest mater is great , when a testimony is concernd in it , were it but the circumstance of an open window , Daniel durst not ommit it upon the greatest hazard . And as this testimony must be full , so must it also be constant . Demas shame is , that the aflictions of the gospel made him forsake the Apostle after great appearances for Christ , and embrace this present world . And beside , whatever truth or duty is opposed , that becomes the speciall object of this testimony . Hence Ministers and Professours in their capacity are called to contend for this Work of Reformation ; and Ministers silence as to a Ministerial testimony against this course of backsliding , and people's disowning them , and adhering to Conformists , is so palpably cross therunto , as nothing can be more . 4. This practice is inferd from the scripture obligation , to guard against the slumbling and offending our brethren , exprest 2 Cor. 6. 3. Math. 18. 6. 1 Cor. 10. 32. Here is Discharged any Dictum vel factum quo alius deterior redditur , saith Polanus . Whatever practice gives occasion of our brothers sinning , of calling truth in question , of acting with a Doubting conscience , or which weakens his plerophory or assurance , is here discharged . And neither the lawfulness nor Indifferency of the thing it self , nor mens Authority commanding it , Nor the weakness , yea or wickedness of those in hazard to be stumbled , will warrand the Doing of that out of which offence arises . Paul Declares all meats lawfull , yet will not eat in case of offence 1 Cor. 10. 25. 1 Cor. 8. 13. This Declaring of the lawfulness of that practice , is equivalent to any civill Declarator or Law which alters not the nature of scandal . Paul will not have the weak stumbled Rom. 14. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 Cor. 8. 11 , 12. Nor give occasion to the malicious who desired occasion 2 Cor. 11. 12. Now owning of Curats as the case is now circumstantiat doth harden them in their apostacy , and hath a tendency to wound the peace of the godly who dare not owne them , or may provoke them to act against their light ; and therefore unless owning them could be proved a necessary duty , as matters now stand , the premisd scripture obligation will infer it to be sinfull . 5. disowning conformists will clearly follow from the scripture obligation , to turn away from seducers , and such as turn aside from Gods way . 2 Tim. 3. 1. The apostle having given a large Induction of evills adhering to these in the last dayes , putting among the rest of their black Theta's , Covenant breaking , concludes his discovery with this grand precept ( ver . 5. ) from such turn away . We must beware of false prophets , the concision , and of such as walk not according to the received ordinances , Math. 7. 15. Rom. 16. 17. Philip. 3. 2. 2 Thess. 3. 6. Christs sheep do flee from the stranger , and hear not his voice . Iohn . 10 , 27. 1. All promoters of wayes contrary to the simplicity of the gospel , are here commanded to be eschewed . 2. We must know and discover such by their fruits and practicall unfaithfulness , as well as false Doctrine , Mat. 7. 16. compared with 2 Tim. 3. These that practically act the foxes Cant. 2. 15. are to be taken away , and consequently eschewed , the saints must be fortifyed against these that ly in wait to deceive , God disowns these that make sad the hearts of the godly and strengthen the hands of evill doers . Ezek 13. 22. such as stand not in his counsel Ier. 33. 22. & cause people to err by their lies and lightness . Ier. 26. 32. Now upon the forementiond suppositions its clear that Conformists are leading aside from our Reformation , opposing the principles & priviledges , of this Church ; they are Covenant breakers from whom we are to turn away ; they are speaking peace to the wicked , and healing the wound slightly , and are ruling with force and rigour Ezek. 34. 4. 1 Pet. 5. 3. Witness their present violence . 6. This practice of Presbyterian Ministers officiating in opposition to this course , and peoples adherence to their Ministry , is inferr'd from the scripture obligation of many terrible charges and adjurations laid upon Ministers , in reference to a faithfull diligence in their Ministerial function , and a suteable Ministerial testimony concerning the sin and duty of the time , which is necessarly inclusive of their peoples reciprocal diligence , in attending their Ministry , and their obedience and faithfull adherence accordingly . They are commanded to cry aloud and shew the people their sin Isa. 58. 1. and as they would not have the blood of souls upon them , to give faithfull warning touching sin and duty , and their peoples case and hazard , especially in times of great sin and judgement , when God is terribly pleading his controversy with them Ezek. 3. 17. hence they are enjoyned to be instant in season and out of season , reproving , rebuking and exhorting with all long suffering and Doctrine 2 Tim. 4. 1. And as faithfull watchmen on Ierusalems walls , never to hold their peace day nor night till she be establisht , and made a praise in the earth Isa. 62. 6. to fulfill and make full pro●…fe of their Ministry Colloss 4. 17. And as these comands in order to Ministerial diligence , do singularly oblige herunto in this case , so the scripture woes and threatnings thundered against Ministers negligence and unfaithfulness , are very convincing and awakening . See Ezek. chap. 3. and chap. 13. 5. 6 : Hence on the forementiond suppositions it clearly followes . 1. That Ministers are oblidged to be constantly instant in season and out of season , in their Ministerial testimony against this course of defection . 2. This case of defection and persecution ampliats and extends this duty to all to whom they can have access , as the scattered preachers Acts. 8. Went every where preaching the gospel , after that persecution that arose about Stephen . 3. This Ministerial testimony upon the forementioned grounds , must be levelled at all the corruptions of the times , and all the branches and degrees of our defection . 4. The duty and obligation of the people of God , is reciprocall and commensurable therunto . And if hearing Curats and disowning Presbyterian Ministers , be not inconsistent with this great obligation , let any Iudge . 6. That part●… in a Reformed Church , which having overturnd her Reformation , hath shut out , laid aside , and persecute away sound adherers therunto both Ministers and professours , and will not admit Ministers to officiat , but upon the sinfull terms of complyance with their way , cannot charge the sound party with schism in standing where they were , & owning and prosecuting their respective duties , as Ministers and flocks , in opposition to these overturners and backsliders . For this would justify the most ingraind schism that ever was heard of ; Now so the case is here , for all Presbyterian Ministers are cast out , and they and all sound professours adhering to them persecute , unless they will retract their principles , and conform to prelacie . Ministers , in taking up a new tenour and exercise of their Ministry in a precarious servile dependence upon Erastian prelacy , headed and influenced by a meer civil papacy ; And people , in subjecting themselves to the Ministry of the servile deputes of Erastian prelates , as a badge of their hearty complyance with , and submission unto , this blasphemous supremacy , and consent to the overturning of the pure constitution and reformation of this Church . So that the Presbyterians their plea is an owning of duty against Schismaticks disowning it . Do not our Divines tell the Romanists on this ground , that they have seperat and persecute us away from them , and that therefore the schism lyes upon themselves , not on us : So the case is here . Let this man say , what would have been the judgement of our Church in any of her former judicatories , anent a party owning such principles as Conformists do , and persecuting or casting out all that oppose them , and dare not concurr in their course of backsliding in overturning the sworn Reformation of this Church ; I dare appeal to the Informer himself , if such would not have been judged censurable as the worst of Schismaticks . And he can assigne nothing now to turn or cast the scale , no ground of disparity , unless he place it in this , that prelatists are the greater number , and have the civil power on their side . And if this pityfull plea will carry it , the Romanists have long since outweighed the protestant Churches in this debate , which this man will not for very shame admit . 7. This practice of adhering to Presbyterian Ministers , and disowning Curats , hath nothing of the ingredients of schismor , sinfull separation from this Church , included therein , as matters now stand , and as the question is stated on the forementioned hypotheses . Which will appeare in these cleare positions in the point of schism ( which are evident in their own light ) being applyed and brought home to our present case . 1. Schism is a starting out from under due relations to a Church and from her Ministry , and duties accordingly . But in this our case , and practise under debate , Ministers and professours are pursuing the duties of their respective relation to this Church , as it stood reformed and establisht before these innovations , and the Apostat prelatick party are doing the contrary . 2. In a sinfull Schismatick separation , it is alwayes supposed that the withdrawing , is from those who are holding the communion of the true Church , otherwise we lose the basis and fundation of all sound definitions of schism . But here the persecute party are owning the Reformation of this pure Church against a party of separatists , who have broken her order , union , and National vows ; and who are also censurable by all her standing acts . 3. In a proper Schismatick separation , the principles and practice of these from whom the separation is made , are supposed to be subservient to that Churches union , right establishment , and for maintaining her communion ; but to separat from those whose principles and practice is a stated opposition ( and in so far as an opposition ) to her purity and Reformation , is to maintain her true union and communion , and not sinfully to separat from it . The Assumption as to this practice under debate , might be cleard by a large induction of particulars . If we take a view of the two parties ( Presbyterian and prelatical ) their carriage in relation to this Church : It will be evident , 1. In general . That Conformists their principles and practice , is a direct impeachment of our establisht reformation , and that Presbyterians are maintaining and adhering to the same . 2. Conformists do avowedly disowne and abjure our Covenants , Presbyterians adhere unto and owne the same . 3. Conformists are breaking and dissipating our Churches establisht order and union , Presbyterians are in this practice contending for both ; the one party is wounding our Church both by persecution and reproach , the other is taking her by the hand , endeavouring her help and comfort in this her deep distresse , and so the Covenant obliges to disowne the first , and adhere to the second . 4. The one is censurable by her , the other deserves her praise . Now can there be any question in this , to which of these parties people are obliged to adhere according to the principles of our Reformation . In the 4th place , In a sinfull separation as to communion in worship , it must be supposed , the worship of that Church ownd and establisht therein , because a party innovating herein , as well as innovating in doctrine and government contrary to that which is establisht , are hactenus , and ipso facto ( in this their practice , and upon this very ground ) schismaticks both in their worship and government . Therefore to disowne them therein can be no schism ; for this would involve a palpable contradiction , that these withdrawers in this same practice , and in the same respects and circumstances therof , were Schismaticks and not Schismaticks . Now prelatists their doctrine is new and odd , and not the voice of this Church . And their worship , ( over and above the corruption adhering to it ) is the worship of an innovating party , and contrary to our Churches establisht order . And therfore to disowne them therein is no sinfull separation from this Church her fellowship and worship , while existing in her sound and purer part , and opposing these innovations . 5. In Schismatick separation , the rent is made in the bowels of the true and genuine Church . So that when a schism and rent is stated betwixt a godly Ministry contending for a pure Churches Reformation , against an apostat party of the Ministry : the sound professours stand preobliged to adhere unto , and strength●…n the sounder part , upon this very ground of holding the union and communion of that pure Church against these backsliders ; supposing they will rent and ruine her , if not opposed : and so the case is here . The union and order of this Church , is already broken by the prelatick innovators and backsliders , and by them only ; so that upon the supposal of this fixed schism , the people of God must adhere to the sound Church and Ministry . And in this extreme necessity , the lesser obligation as to parochial order , must give place to the greater duties of preserving and maintaining the Churches union and reformation , when a course is carried on tending to ruine it . 6. Every sinfull separation is , from the fellowship of a Church either in her Ministry , lawfull courts , or Worship and ordinances , according to the various relations , state and condition of Separatists , whether Church officers or others . But in this our case , Presbyterian Ministers and professours separat in none of these respects from the genuine Church of Scotland . 1. Ministers separat not from her courts ; for none of her lawful courts are now publickly own'd or existent . 2. People separate not from her Worship , as it stood reformed and vowed unto , when they owne the ordinances dispensed by her true pastours , for that only is the true Worship of this Church . Nor 3. from her Doctrine , and a due subjection to her faithfull pastours in the Lord : And therefore neither from the fellowship of her faithful Ministers and professours . Where is then the Schism ? Since both the Doctrine , Worship and Government of this true Church are ownd , and backsliders and Schismaticks only ( and as such ) are disownd . 7. Schism supposes that these whom we withdraw from , are such to whom we are under obligation to adhere : for it is a breach of union , which is cemented and conglutinate by the obligations and duties of those who are concerned to hold it fast ; So that where the obligation to the duty in subserviency to this union cannot be demonstrate , to be incumbent upon such and such persons , and in such acts , By whom and wherein this union is to be upheld , the charge of Schism upon these acts , which are supposed to violat that union , evanishes and falls to the ground . But if the person ( tho a Minister supposed ) from whom the separation is made , wants that which immediatly grounds this obligation of owning h●…m hic & nunc , as the case stands circumstantiat , in that respect withdrawing or non-union can be no Schism , for else the most ingraind Schismaticks might be owned ; the Informer himself must of necessity admit this , for otherwise he will crosse and cut the sinews of all his pleading and arguments which he presents in this Dialogue for disowning Presbyterian Ministers in this our case , for I am confident that out of this circumstanciat case he will grant that it is no breach of any of his rules or reasons to hear them . That [ they are Ministers ] and [ are preaching faith and repentance ] that [ they have a lawfull Ministeriall call and ordination &c. ] All these he thinks will plead nothing , as the case is now circumstantiat , for adhering to them , because of that in their present condition , which outweighs all this , and looses peoples obligation to owne them , which he thinkes is no Schism but duty : Now , let our Informer turn the tables ; if there be first that in Curats present state , which preponderats as to our disowning of them now , tho all that he pleads as to their ordination , and ministerial call were granted , it s no Schism in this our case to disowne them according to his own principles and pleading in this point . 2. He must grant that denying to hear hic & nunc , and in such a complex case , is different from a denying to hear simpliciter , or disowning such a mans Ministry simpliciter , or absolutely , as he will grant that out of this case Presbyterian Ministers might be heard , and that disowning them is not simpliciter a disowning a true Ministry or Church , or them as Ministers ; So that its this case of competition with Conformists , which with him casts the ballance . Hence as matters now are stated and circumstantiat , and upon our principles and premised Hypotheses , he must grant there is that in conformists case , which hic & nunc will loose our obligation to receive the ordinances from them as the ministers of this Church , which is the white in the marke wherat all his arrows are shot . Such as 1. that we are preobliged by a lawful Oath to extirpat and disowne them . 2. That they are promoters of a Prelatick designe to ruine our Reformation . 3. That they have avowedly disownd our Covenants , and that we are commanded by the overturners of our Covenanted Reformation , to hear them as a badge of our renouncing it ; and concurring in this course of backsliding . 4. That they are intruders , and not entring in at the door , and in the way and order of this Church ; That they are violently thrusting out , and persecuring her faithfull Pastours , that they perjuriously renounce a call from the people , and ordination by the Presbyterie . All which grounds he must either grant will supersede our obligation to owne conformists hic & nunc according to our principles , or quite his plea and pleading as to the disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry . 8. He pleads in the close of the preceeding Dialogue , that the covenant abjures Sel isme . Now let us stand to this Decision ; the Informer will not be dissatisfyed if I shall borrow one of his topicks , and shoot ane arrow from his own bow ; I would offer then to him this syllogisme . That Schism which he pleads against is a Schism abjured in the Covenant : but disowning Conformists in their present state & circumstances , & refusing to be subject to them as the Ministers of this Church , is not a schism abjur'd in the Covenant ; Ergo , &c. The assumption I prove thus . If the disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in their present state and circumstances , and withdrawing from them in the exercise of their Ministerial function and their Ministerial testimony against prelacy and for the Covenant , be that schism which is abjurd therin then a refusing to be subject to Curats ( against whom they are testifying as the Covenant breakers , and upholders of prelacy ) ad not owning them as the Ministers of this Church , cannot be that scism . Unless he will mak this scism , such a Janus as will cast a maligne condemning aspect upon both the contending parties , and bring adherers unto either of the two , under this imputation . But so it is that disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in the exercise of their Ministry , is condemned in the Covenant as schism this we have already made appear , it being a disowning of that establisht order and union of this Church which therin we do swear to maintain , and a schismatical withdrawing from her faithfull Ambassadours and others contending for the ends of the Covenant , to adhere unto whom , and keep up an union wi●…h them herein , the Covenant layes upon us an express obligation , putting the imputation of schismatick division , and detestable indifferency upon the contrary practice . Ergo , upon the whole it follows evidently , that the owning of Conformists which he pleads for in this Dialogue ( viz. subjection unto , and receiving ordinances from them as the Ministers of this Church , and denying this to Presbyterian Ministers ) is abjurd in the Covenant as Schismatical . CHAP. II. The Informers charge of internal and external Schisme , put upon Non-conformists : ●…f impeaching the Churches constitution , and her practice in point of Worship for more than a 1000 Years , examind . His argument from Rom. 14. Heb. 10. 25. answered , and retorted upon him . His answer to the argument taken from the command of seeking the best gifts , considered . As also his argument from ancient canons , from the Act of the Assembly 1647. from the reciprocal tye betwixt a Minister and his flock , to fortify his charge of Schism , repell'd . HAving thus cleard our question and plea , & fortified our practice with these arguments ; We come now to examine the grounds on which this new Casuist imputes sinfull separation to us therein , We acknowledge the evil of Schism upon these Texts mentioned by him , which might have caused sad reflectings on himself and his party , who are guilty of divisions and offences contrary to our received ordinances , and the doctrine of this Church : And so are lashed by that Scripture Rom. 16. 17. And who would have have us saying I am of this or that Rabbi or Prelat , contrary to 1 Cor. 1 : 12. It 's they who have disownd a spirituall pure unity with this pure Church , and are seeking a perjurious union in departing from God , contrary to that precept Ephes. 4 : 3. And are so far from esteeming others in Lowliness of mind better then themselves , as we are enjoynd . Phil 2. 2. That their Rabbies trample on all Ministers ; and their underlings do most insolently persecute and despise faithfull Pastours for adhering to the Reformation , authority , and union of this Church , against their innovations . Schism is no doubt an evill which hath much infested the Church , and our Church : and the Scripture sufficiently discovering the evill thereof we need not Cyprian , nor Jeroms elogies anent unity , to persuaed it . Only where he insinuats from that saying of Cyprian , which he mentions . Who asserts from 1 Cor. 13. [ that who are slain in their Schism , their inexpiable sin is not purged by their blood , and that they are not Martyrs ] that such is the case of the suffering people of God at this time ; we may discern the cruell venome and sting of this mans malice , for all the sobriety which he pretends unto ; I shall only tell him , that as its more then he will be ever able to prove , that the Lords remnant are guilty of this sin , and are assembling out of the Church , when attending the Ministry of Christs faithfull Ambassadours in this Church , so he and his fellows setting these murderers upon them in this duty , will ( if they repent not ) be exposed to that vengeance which the cry of their souls under the altar , who have been slain for this their Testimony , doth plead for . He would also do well to resolve this doubt upon Cyprians Testimony , viz. Whether Cyprian did ever hold , or if himself will dare to assert , that the blood and sufferings of the best of martyrs did expiat their guilt . As for Jeroms assertion [ that Schism . and Heresy , or some degree of it go together . ] I think it is fitly applicable to himself and fellow Conformists , who since their departing from the unity of this Church , and her sworn Reformation , have not only , to justify their course vented gross errours in point of Oaths , and otherwise , but are now ( as every one sees ) posting fast to Rome , in denying many and great points of our Protestant profession . We accord to Augustines saying [ that separatists ( as such ) receive no life from the body ] & the unquestionable godliness , & fellowship with the Father and the Son , to which many Presbyterians are admitted , and wherein they shine , compared with the abominable prophanity of the whole of those almost that owne Curats , will by this rule declare who are the Schismaticks , and separatists from Christs body . The comment of the Thorn which rents the lili●… Cant. 2. 2. Is very suteable to him , and those of his way , who have now of a long time rent the Lords faithfull flock , wounded our Church , and taken away her vail : esteeming themselves Christians of the first magnitude , so he esteems his most reverend Arch-Bishops and reverend under-fathers ; What pitifull preambles are these . The Doubter alleadges [ that every separation is not schism . ] This ( as we heard ) he acknowledges , and that when communion with a Church cannot be held without sin , separation is necessary ; wherein he yeelds all that we plead ; since we have proved that in this our case , joyning to their way and party is in many respects sinfull ; and since he Instances the protestants plea for separating from Rome on this ground , knowes he not that the Papists tell us such stories anent union with the Church , and that suffering without the Church is no Christian suffering , to Iustifie their bloody persecutions , which very well sutes his case . And no doubt the protestants answer , viz. [ That we are in Christs Church , because owning his truth , tho separat from their syn●…gogue , and that notwithstanding this pretence , the blood of protestant Martyrs is in their skirts ] doth sute the case of Presbyterians in relation to their persecuters . But the great charge followes , viz. That we are guilty of as groundless and unreasonable separation , as we shall read of in any age of the Church . Bona verba ! How is this made good ? first , ( saith he ) in casting off Christian love which is heart Schism . 2. He chargeth with external Schism in separating in acts of Worship . Now what if we recriminat in both these , and retort this double charge upon himself . Have they not disownd the Worship of Presbyterian ministers & Professours , and charged all to separat from them , meerly for non-complyance with their perjured Prelats ? 2. Have they not for many years glutted themselves with their blood , I may say sweemd in it , upon the same very ground of forbearance as to prelatick complyance , and endeavour by multiplyed lawes and Acts , to root them out of the very nation ? Good Sir , Pull this beam out of your own eye , that you may see a litle clearer in this point . But as to the first he sayes , that we make difference in Iudgement as to lesser matters ( Church Government ) a ground of difference in affection , as if they were no Christians who are not of our persuasion in these things , putting thus lesser points into our creed , and un unchurching and unsancting all who are not of our persuasion therin . Ans. As to the first general charge , I know none more guilty then themselves , who are contending with fire and sword tanquam pro aris & focis , for these their lesser points , and with unheard of rage , seeking the ruine of all who dare not comply in Judgement and practice with them therein . 2. I thinke Christian affection to their souls , is best seen in opposing and testifying against their soul-destroying sins . Thou shalt by any means rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him is an old standing rule . Levit. 19 : 17. And if they be even hated in so far as owning pernicious wayes , it s no more then what David avowes , Psal 139 : 21 , 22. do not I hate them that hate thee , I hate them with a perfect hatred . I account them my enemies , I hate the work of them that turn aside , it shall not cleave unto me . 3. As we have not so learn'd Christ , to call every thing lesser or small po●…nts , which his latitudinarian party have the confidence to term thus , so we know no point of truth reveald and commended to us in the word , as the object of our faith and matter of our practice , which should be keept out of our creed , lest our saith become much shorter then the Scripture pattern . And we acknowledge not the new patchment of mens Lawes , which this man and his fellow-Conformists have annext to their creed , and which can pro arbitrio make or unmake these his lesser points . But he sayes , that we unchurch and condemn all Churches in all ages who have ownd Bishops , Liturgies , festivals and oth●…r ceremonies — And if we make the removal of these things necessary to a Church , there hath not been a a Church for above a 1000 yeares together Ans. To make the last part of this argument not to contradict the first , he should have said that there has not been a Church without these things mentioned these 1600 years , but the man seeing his first flight or Rodomontade too fierce ; he did well to clap his wings closser . Upon a review of this page , I find our Informer in this charge playes but the pityfull Camelion and versipellis : for finding that this assertion of his , that Christians of all ages since Christs time and in all places have own'd Bishops , Liturgies , Festival dayes and other ceremonies , would have drawn upon him the heavy burthen and task of a proofe , he lightens himself of this burthen , by a prudent [ almost ] which in this point is very significant . But his confining the liturgies , Festivals , and other ceremonies within the compass of the last thousand years ( sullied with all popish abominations ) appearing too simple inadvertency , within the compass of two or three lines , he secures it with a [ much above . ] But lest this prove too broad reckoning , he instances the second or third century from whence he sayes , we beginne our reckoning as to Bishops , festivals , liturgies , and other ceremonies . But 1. why mends he the matter so inadvertently , as to run in such a wide uncertainty as the the length of 200 yeares in that calculation which he imputes to us . 2. I challenge him to shew what presbyterian writter did ever commence the original of liturgies and festivals , with his blind &c. of other ceremonies ( which will travell who knowes whither , and include who knowes what ) from the third , far less the second century . I affirm that its more then he or any for him can prove , that the Church hath had Bishops , liturgies , and festivals since Christ. Our writters have abundantly proved the contrary ; and we challenge him to shew either his Diocesan Bishops , liturgies , or festivals and the &c. of his ceremonies , in the first Apostolick Church , or in these two ages mentioned by him . That there were not diocesan Bishops then or long after , we have already proved , and far less Erastian Prelats . For holy dayes , let him shew by divine appointment any other then the Christian Sabath , in the Apostolick Church if he can , or in the first succeeding ages . As for the feast of Esther , it is acknowledged to have come in by custome after the Apostolick times . For liturgies , we assert that the Apostolick Church and age knew no such thing as set & impos'd liturgies and formes , other then Christs prescriptions as to baptism & the Lords supper , and that they pray'd as was suteable to the present action and circumstances of time , place , and persons ; If he betake him to the liturgies which are ascribed to Peter , James , Mathew , Andrew , Clement , Mark , Dionisius Areopagite , and other Disciples : protestant writers will stigmatize him for embracing that which they have abundantly proved to be counterfit . That liturgies had no place for a long time in the Church , is proved by clear testimonies ; Tertullian ( Apol. cap. 30. ) shews that in their publick Assemblies christians did pray sine monitore quia de pectore , that is , without a prescription because from their heart . And in his treatise de Oratione sayes , that there are somethings to be asked according to the occasions of every man — that the Lords prayer being laid as a fundation , its lawfull to build on that fundation other prayers , according to every ones occasion . Agustine epist. 121. tells us that liberum est , It s free to ask what was in the Lords prayer alijs atque alijs modis , some times one way somtimes another . Likewise Justin Martyr Apol. 2. tells us that he who Instructed the people pray'd according to his ability 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We might also tell him of Bishop Andrews success , or rather disappointment in seeking an old Jewish Liturgie , which when sent to Cambridge to be translated , was found to be composed long after the Jews rejection , so the Bishop being asham'd , suffered this notion to die and the Liturgie never saw the light . See Smectim and Didoclav . pag. 615 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. & seq . 2. What consequence is this , that because we disowne a Schismatick party of Innovators introducing these corruptions mentioned : Ergo we disowne them as no Churches wherein these have been admitted . Must we bring in , or comply with every corruption once purged out , the retaining wherof may be consistent with the essence of a true Church ? what consequence or reason is here ? Again , doth not he and all his brethren stand in direct opposition to the order and government of the Presbyterian Church of this Nation , and unto all that own 's the same : will he then admit this consequence that he unchurches her before prelacie came in , and other reform'd Churches govern'd Presbyterially . So we see himself must acknowledge this his reasoning naught . The Doubter alledges [ that these things mention'd , are of later date then the Apostles . ] To this he answers that Bishops were from the Apostles time . The contrary wherof we have proved either as to diocesan or Erastian Bishops , such as he means , yea even a proestos which in the Apostolick age had no place , as we have made appear . Next , He tells us that Polycrates in the debate about keeping of Esther with Victor Bishop of Rome , alledged Iohns authority . But how proved he this , is the Question , not what he alledged ; surely bare alledging , as in other cases , so specially in divinity is bad probation ; Then he asks , if we will hence infer that they were no good christians who used these things suppose that they came in after the Apostles times ? I answer we thinke that in so far as innovating they were not Sound Christians , and so must he thinke unless he will be wise above what the Apostles have written ; Then he tells us , that from Rom. 14. It appears that albeit some thought ( he should say understood and knew ) that by their Christian liberty they were fred from the ceremoniall Law and therefore made no distinction of dayes or meats yet Paul enjoyn'd them to bear with the weak , to account them brethren , and not despise them , and the weak were not to Iudge the strong . Ans. 1. How proves he , that the points in controversy viz. prelacie , laying aside our vows and Covenants , Erastianism , liturgies , and festival-dayes for mystical ends and uses , are such nothings or indifferent matters , as meats or dayes were at that time , wherin pro re nata the Church might use her liberty . As for diocesan Erastian prelacy , we have made its antiscriptural complexion to appear , so that it is not within the compass of any Lawfull liberty of the Church to embrace or establish it ; We have also made the binding force of the Covenants appear , and that the laying aside of them consequently , is a horrid guiltyness , which this liberty can never be extended unto . Likewise the liturgies and imposing of set formes of prayer , and adstricting publick Worship therunto , have been sufficiently impugned from Scripture and divine reason , by several of the godly learned , and discovered to impeach the spiritual liberty of Gospel Worship . The holy dayes also have with the same evidence been impugned by our divines , who have proven that they do impinge upon our Christian liberty , are contrary to the fouth command enjoyning worke all the six dayes , except on such occasionall fasts and feasts as are held out in the word , & likewise are reprobate by the New Testament prohibitions about superstitious observation of dayes : The Jewish dayes being abrogat ( as the Informer cannot but grant ) how dare we impose upon our selves a new yoke ? If it were here pertinent to dilate upon these points , our principles herein might be abundantly fortifyed , and the truth cleard to his conviction , and by consequence the impertinency of this parallel argument , and his pityful p●… . 1. 10 principii , in equiparating the points now controvered with these things which are the object of Christian liberty . The Informers gives us nothing here but magisterial dictates . Again , that tolerance which the Apostle speaks of as to dayes and meats , relates to that time and case only of the weak Jews , when the ceremonies tho dead were not yet buryed ( as they were to be honourably ) especially while the temple of Jerusalem stood , and the legal worship therein by Gods providence was continued . But as these observances were ever discharged to the Gentiles ( except as to blood and things strangled for that exigence only of the weak Jews ) so after when christian liberty was known , and this particular exigence was over , and the ceremonies buried , It is within the liberty of no Church to unbury them , or tolerat these or such like observances in others . Finally this very text condemns him , tho his begged supposition were granted . For 1. The eater must not despise him that eats not : why then do Conformists pursue Nonconformists , with such grievous punishment and Lawes ? they not only despise but persecute to the death , and vilely reproach them ; who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? why then do they Judge & censure Nonconformists so highly in their pulpits and pamphlets ( and the Informer in this ) as Schismaticks , of as deep a dye as ever the Church was infested with ? 2. He that but Doubts is damned if he eat , saith the Apostle . Why then do they so violently press consciencious Doubters to their way ? 3. If thy brother be grieved ( saith the Apostle ) with thy meat , thou walks not charitably . Why then are they so uncharitable as to grieve Nonconformists with prelatick exactions ? if the Judging and despising the forbearer be forbidden , much more are their cruell edicts and constraining Lawes , whereby they burden the consciences of tender forbearers in this case . The practice of Victor as to the Asian Churches , was no doubt highly uncharitable , but it was so mainly because of his censuring about such a trifle as Esther-observation ; & we see from this schism the sad effects of innovations ; and that the Churches unity & peace is best keept by adhering to the simplicity of the gospel : and so our departing from the gospel simplicity in point of government , and introducing abjured prelacy , is the chief ground of the present schism , and confusions in this Church . But now followes our Informers main charge of external schism , in s●…parating from the Churches communion in word and sacraments , contrary to the apostles direction , Not to forsake the assemblies Heb. 10. 25. It seems ( saith he ) that some then out of pride and singularity for sooke the ordinary and orderly assemblies of Christians . Ans. In this accusation his so much boasted of charity is evaporate . What! No assemblies for worship in this Church but among Conformists ; doth he not thus unchristian and unchurch all the Assemblies of Presbyterian Ministers and professors for worship ? why persuades he people to forsake these Assemblies ? and who now Iudges another mans servant as he , who brands withself-conceit , ignorance , and schism all these Assemblies of Nonconforming Ministers and professours , who dare not comply with prelats . Again , how proves he that no assemblies are orderly except the Prelatical ? we avow our meetings for worship , to be the most orderly according to our Churches established Reformation , and that their Assemblies are cross to her constution , order , and union , both in respect of Curats perjurious intrusion , the doctrine which they deliver , and their manner of worship , which is cross to this Churches practice and appeintment ; his charge of schism and disorderliness is still begged , but not yet proved ; and orderliness is ( with him ) described from Church-walls ; and as for unity , why have they east out hundreds of Ministers from officiating , because they durst not joyn with Conformists , in their perjur'd course of defection ? if this man be not here self convict , let any Judge . Let him produce ( if he can ) in our Assemblies for worship , that which is contraire unto the nature , constitution , and worship of the assemblies mentioned in that scripture ; and untill this be , we may on better ground recriminat this charge upon his withdrawing people from the Assemblies of Presbyterian ministers and professors . The Doubter alledges poorly that all do not forsake their parochial Assemblies , but some do now and then keep them . He Answers , that tho all withdraw not in alike degree , yet the least degree is unwarrantable — that people advance from step to step , that some after withdrawing from them , hear only the Indulged , or those who have still preached without conformity in their own Ch●…rches , and within a little will hear none of them ; that some hear in their own Churches but will not communicat , the reason whereof he cannot understand , since the efficacy of Sacraments depends not on the Minister , that the lest degree of separation makes way for a greater — that Baxter in his cure of Church divisions , tells of some turning separatists , who dyed Infidels . Ans. He hath not yet proved that the withdrawing which he mentions , is a Sinfull Schismatick separation ; and we hope we have made the contraire appear . As for these degrees he mentions , we say . 1. His cruell uncharitablness to Presbyterian Ministersis here very conspicuous , since he will not allow them to be in the least heard or own'd in their present case and circumstances . Certainly to tye up people from occasional improvement of the various gifts which God hath bestowed upon his ministers , even in a setled state of the Church , and in her right constitution , is cross to that interest in one anothers gifts and graces , which the members of Christs mystical body ( upon the ground of their union and communion with the head , and among themselves ) are priviledged with . And in impeaching this the Informer blotes himself with scismatick uncharitablenes of the deepest dye . 2. As it s no strange thing that in such a time of darkness , desertion , and defection , peoples recovery be gradual , and sometime attended with Infirmities in the manner of duties incident to us while in time , so the contrary influences of love to truth and duty , and fear of hazard , may be easily productive of such variety in the carriage of poor tender souls in this matter . In a word , the Lords supper being a special badge of our union and communion in and with Jesus Christ , It s no strange thing that tender souls scruple to pertake thereof from men at so palpable a distance from him , as Conformists , especially while this ordinance may be enjoyed more purely elswhere . He tells us , that Schismaticks ar cut off from the body , and receive no life from it , and ( if we may drawan inference and retortion from this assertion ) the people of God must judge Conformists to be such . For these effects of separation which Baxter mentions , we bless the Lord the contrary effects of sound piety , in many who were prophane while owning the Ministry of Conformists , are convincingly apparent , since they separated from them : and the effects of backsliding from Gods truth , viz. gross prophanity , or atheisticall Indifferency in the matters of God , are as sadly evident in those who having once own'd Presbyterian Ministers , have return'd to Conformists again . As for what he objects and answers , anent some of their own party going to others then their own parish-Curats , whom unless insuperable le ts hinder to attend their own parish-Church , he would have his fellows not to owne . We are not much concernd to notice any further , then to tell him that parvo discrimine refert , which of them people go to , the best of them being as a briar , and the most uprights as a thorn-hedge , and all of them blotted with such Schismatick opposition to this Church her pure constitution and principles , as may put it beyond debate with tender souls , ( lovers of truth and duty ) that they ought adhere to Christs faithfull ambassadours rather then any of them . The Doubter objects , [ that its hard to hinder to go where we may be most edifyed ; since we must Cover the best gifts . 1 Cor. 12. 31. ] He answers 1. that the Apostle is not directing private Christians , what gifts in others to seek after for their edification , but shews that though there are diversities of gifts , and every one should be content with his own , given for the edification of others , yet that he should seek after better , not in others , but in himself . Ans. Our Informer doth but trifle and deal deceitfully in his way of representing this , and some objections ensuing ; for 1. He supposes that this is lookt upon in it self , as a sufficient ground of adhering to Presbyterian Ministers , without previous consideration of all the circumstances of our present case ; and also in supposing that nothing casts the ballance ( in the Judgement of the objecter ) as to profiting or not profiting , but difference of gifts ; whereas we grant , that the soveraign Influence of Gods Spirit , ( who teaches to profit ) renders the means and ordinances effectual to salvation , whether the Ministers gifts be great or small . 2. We grant , that tho people have a discretive Iudgement as to gifts , and their own profiting , and are to try the spirits , yet in a setled state of the Church , they are not to shake off the due regulation and guidance , of a faithfull Ministry set over them in the Lord , so as to be wholly at their own disposal herein : since there is no Justling betwixt the privat discretive , and publick Ministerial judgement , in this matter . 3. As in the tryall of Intrants , not only the sufficiency , but suteablenes of gifts for such a people , is to be eyed . So when a faithfull Minister is thus duely called and setled , people are obliged to owne his Ministry , by a due attendance upon the ordinances administred by him , which is all that decency , union , and order , and that act of our Church after mention'd , doth call for ; which notwithstanding cannot be supposed to exclude all occasional usemaking of other gifts bestowed upon faithfull Ministers , which were ( as I said ) cross to the communion of Saints , and beleevers interest in one anothers gifts and graces . But 4. our question here being stated upon the supposition of the greater part of this National Church their apostacy & defection from our sworn Reformation , and a great part of Ministers and professors adhering to their principles , viz. to which of the two parties on this supposition people are to adhere in worship ? sure the Lords palpable blasting the backsliding party their gifts , as to any saving success , and on the contrary his as palpable owning and sealing with his blessing the Ministry of his faithfull servants adhering to his truth , is a loud call ( in this broken state of our Church , and case of defection and persecution ) to come out from the one party and way , and adhere to the other . So his Doubter in this and the next objection , should have argued thus . In this case of defection and overturning of our Reformation , God being pleased to seal with a palpable blessing on our souls , the word from Ministers adhering to their principles , we may safely look on this as a call from God to hear them , rather then the prelats perjurd hirelings , whose Ministry we have found palpably blasted since they complyed with ●…his course of perjurious back siding , and opposition to Gods work . In this case certainly its an argument very pungent , and founded on that of Jer. 3. 31 , 32. Where the Lord threatneth the prophets who caused the people to err by their lies and lightness , and whom he hath not sent nor commanded tho they prophesie , with this , that therefore they shall not profite the people at all . So the Argument going upon the supposition of our Churches broken and persecute state ; and a competition betwixt a faithfull Ministry , and a party of Schismatick Innovators , and overturners of our Reformation , will infer nothing against our Churches setled order under Presbyterian government , nor the assemblies act . 1647. presupposing the same ; and it s not meerly the gifts , but Gods saving blessing attending the same , which is the ground of this argument , and that practice pleaded for , thereby . Now as to his answer , It s palpable that it meets not this argument in the least , and besides his exclusive gloss is very impertinent , viz. because we are to seek the best and edifying gifts f●…r our selfs in our siation , therefore we are not to seek the best in others also . What consequence is this ? Sure the Informer will not deny simpliciter , that people are to seek after the most edifying Minister , and this will follow on the very ground of our edification , which we are to design in seeking the best gifts , in and for ourselves . Nay , the one is the great mean subservient to the other ; a faithfull edifying Ministry is Gods Method for winning to the best gifts for my self ; and therefore as a mean leading to this end , fals within the compass of this command , to seek and Covet the best gifts . So a greater then he , Voetius , concludes it a duty to seek the best edifying Ministry , on this ground De politeia Eccles. pag. 52. And likewise on these Scriptures , Luk. 8 , 18 : 1 Thess. 5. 22. And removes objections to the cotraire . His 2d answer is , That the Apostle is there pressing unity , and not to despise the meanest gifts , more then the meanest member , and to avoid Schism verse 25. Ans. Then it followes , that in the sense of this precept , which we have explain'd , seeking the best gifts , is consistent with unity , and avoiding Schism , and consequently in this our case , it s no wayes inductive to schism , but consistent with a due esteem of the meanest gifted Minister who is faithfull , to withdraw from scandalous innovators , who have already fixt a Schism in this Church , by opposing her sworn reformation , order , and unity . Nay as matters now stand , this is the surest way to keep our Churches union and integrity ; Since this their course has such a clear tendency to the ruine of her Reformation and pure constitution , in doctrine , Worship , discipline and Government , as is above clear'd . His 3d Answer is , that edification is to be sought in an orderly way , not in a way that marrs the Churches peace — and that though our sense of this generall direction were granted , it s thus to be understood . Ans. Let our sworn establisht Reformation , its principles , rules , and design , sit in Judgement and determine , who are greater enemies to this Churches peace and order , they or we . Was not this Church priviledged with a beautifull order of Government , pure Gospel-Worship , and sound doctrine , before Prelacy was introduced ? Well then , the way to this Churches true peace , Union , and order , must be in opposing their pretended order , who are letting in the enemies , and have broken her walls and hedge . Many of them said and swore that the Presbyterial Government of this Church , was a beautifull order , unto which since they stand in opposition , they are the most orderly , who disowne them . As for that which he adds , of peoples neglecting Ministers set over them in the Lord , he must prove that Conformists are such Ministers , who are both scandalous for the far greatest part in their carriage , having no visible badge of the Lords call , and do owne principles , and carry on a designe point blank contraire to our reformation , have left the peoples conduct , in the way of truth , given up all their Ministeriall authority to abjured prelacy , and make it their work to destroy , and waste the Lords vineyard . Tho it were granted that they had been so set over people , yet since they are tracing wayes of Schism , and innovations condemned by our Church , Christs flocks cannot owne , or be subject to them , as their soules spiritual guides , they being men that have corrupted the Covenant of Levi , and made many stumble at the Law : And besides since that complyance ( in subjection to conformists , and disowning of Presbyterian Ministers ) which he doth here plead for , is in very deed a despising faithfull Ministers set over their flocks by the Lord , and standing in a Ministeriall relation to them ; and whom consequently the Lords people are called to honour and obey , this same reason whereby he would persuade to adhere to the conforming party , pleads more strongly against them . And his rule aftermentioned not to do evill that good may come of it , will conclude that we should not under pretence of keeping parochiall order , or for eviting confusion , deprive our selves of the blessing of the Ministry of Christs faithfull Ambassadours , to adhere unto whom in this case we are under so many obligations . As for the Canons after'cited by him , against Ministers receiving these of another congregation to the Worship , We say , that according to the Informer himself its clear that such rules of decency and order , are not calculat for every meridian , every time and case of the Church : extraordinary cases must have suitable remedies , and circumstances of parochial order , cannot in this case be pleaded , when our main order of Government is already destroy'd , and a persecuting party is in our Churches bosome , tearing out her bowels ; when a besidged city hath within her walls a party of professed defendants betraying her to the enemie , they are the most orderly and faithfull watchmen who resist them , and run to the posts which they have betrayed . Again , should the many Ministers now persecute ( let us suppose they are residing in the bounds ) plead parochial order , for their parishes adhering to them , and disowning their Curats incumbent , the Informer will not say , that parochial order , will plead for owning them in this case . Or in the case of conforming Ministers turning enemies to Prelats , and by consequence Schismaticks in his account , he will grant that the people ( whom we will suppose they are breaking off from the union of the Prelatick Church ) ought not to owne them , but were concern'd to go else where to hear . Now , the case being so with us this argument by his own confession , cannot now have weight until all that we plead against them on this ground , be answered . Next , he cites the Act of the Assembly 1647. Against them who withdraw usually from the Worship in their own congregation , except in urgent cases made knowen unto , and approven by the Presbytery . Concluding , that therefore they thought not this a fit method of edification , & that this act was made to prevent Schism . But had he set down the narrative of that act , it might have coverd him with blushes , and would expose him to the censure of every Reader ; for it is grounded upon the then compleat establishment of the work of Reformation , this Churches comely order of Presbyterian Government then exercised , her Presbyterian unity and peace , the purity and liberty of the Gospel ordinances then righly enjoyed . But what will this say to the present case of defection and persecution , wherein the faithful Ministry are thrust from their flocks , and that work raz'd dare he say this assembly did intend to stretch their act to such a case as this , or to stop Ministers from officiating in such a distrest & destroyed condition of our Church Suppose this case had been stated in that Assembly , What if Presbyterian Government shall be razed , Prelac●…e erected , the Covenant and the work of Reformation overturned and disowned by a number of Ministers , while a stedfast body of the Ministry stands against them , shall this act reach the people in relation to their faithfull Pastours , ejected perjur'd intruders ? I dare refer it to this man himself to say to it , what their resolution would have been , and if they would have concluded it the people's duty to adhere to these destroyers in that case , rather then the faithfull contenders for the work of Reformation . In the 7th Article of their directions for family Worship past that same day , they suppose this Church to be then blest with peace and purity ; and therefore do except from the compass of these directions , the case of corruption and trouble , wherein they say , many things are commendable , which are not otherwise tollerable ; And dare he say that they would not call this such a case . He makes the Doubter yet again poorly except , [ that men have different gifts ] which is here a meer nauseating repetition , to fill up idle pages . Upon this our Informer very discreetly and charitably tells us , that we can litle judge of an edifying gift , and do call railing at Bishops , or at the civil powers , and a tone in the voice so . Just as Dr Burnet said before in in his roaving Dialogues . What is the Judgement of Gods people as to edification , and the evidence of the Masters presence with Presbyterian Ministers in preaching to his people , depends not on this Character , it being comprobat by clear proofs , and sufficiently notour to such as can spiritually taste and discern . But he will offer some considerations about diversity of gifts , and edification by them , which is to no purpose ; since our plea is not meerly grounded upon the gifts of preachers whether Conformists or others ; but abstracting from this , we say first , there is much more then meer gifts , yea and an edifying gift , requisit to ground a peoples owning a Minister hic & nunc , or in every circumstantiat case , as their pastour : what if he be in a schismatick course ? what if he be violently thrust in , and hath shut out their Lawfull pastour standing in that relation to them , to whom by this mans concession they owe special subjection , reverence and obedience in the Lord ? ( for this we will find him hereafter plead ) are the people bound in this case to owne the Intruder , because of his gift ? Nay he will not say it . Now the case is Just so with us . 2. We told him that our case is a case of competition betwixt the betrayers and destroyers of our Reformation , and a faithfull Ministry adhering to , and contending for it : so that its this great Ministerial qualification of faithfullness , ( opposit to Curats ●…reachery ) beside Presbyterian Ministers gifts , and Gods blessing attending the same : and the Curats intrusion , unfaithfulness , destructive principles , and design in their officiating ( besides their insufficiency , prophanity , and blasted gifts ) which determine us in this matter ; and the Lords call consequently that for our edification , and to prevent our Church her ruine , and our perishing in their sin , we come out from among them and be separat , as we would come out of Babylon to which their party is runing post : so that all he saith here , may be granted without prejudice to our cause . But let us hear his considerations anent edification and gifts ; first , ( saith he ) all Ministers have not alike gifts , therfore we must not undervalue the lowest 1 Cor. 12. I told him our quarrel is not meerly gifts , & a man may be hic & nunc disown'd , and yet no undervaluing of his gifts , which the Informer must either grant , or contradict all that he intends in this pamphlet . For I ask him , what if I plead this for Presbyterian Ministers , whom for all their excellent and edifying gifts he and his party will not owne , and whom be is in this pamphlet striving might and main tanquam pro ●…ris and focis , to get universally disown'd by all professours in Scotland ? why quarrells he with the Almighty ( to use his own expression ) in undervaluing their gifts , and would teare their commission ? I know our Informer will say that they are disorderly , and so disowning them , is no despising their gifts . Well then , he grants that men of excellent gifts may be hic & nunc or in some cases disown'd , and no hazard of this undervaluing and despising their gifts , or quarrelling with the Almighty , & so the rebound of his own blow in this retortion strikes his argument stark dead ; and he must grant that the question is , which of the two contending parties , have best right to officiat as Ministers in the Church of Scotland , according to her principles and Reformation ? and according thereto it will not be difficult to determine who are the most orderly & to be heard , & the disorderly have no reason to complain . 2. He sayes we must not think the meanest gifts , useless . But he must grant that men may sinfully render them useless , as he alleges Presbyterian Ministers do and we prove that conformists do so . 3. He tells us that the best gifts cannot work without the spirit , and that to do●…e on gifts , is to idolize men , as those 1 Cor. 1. 3. Then he tells us , how Zanchius was offended with that frenchman of Geneva , who said he would leave Paul , should be come there , and hear Calvine . But what will this arguing reprove ? must they be stigmatiz'd as Idolizers of men and gifts , who will not Idolize abjur'd prelacy , and perjur'd apostats , and in owning them while wasting and destroying a purely reform'd Church , discountenance a faithfull Ministry contending for her reformation , and signally bless'd therein ? surely his instance anent Zanchius , may be well apply'd to such as will hear none but Curats , and wholly disowne Presbyterian Ministers ; Again , if the best gifts cannot work without the spirit , and the spirit works ordinarly and best with those who entertain him , and as having their senses exercised , habitually wait for his breathings in duty , what hope is there that profane men , and greivers of the spirit in walking contraire to God , his people , way and interest , ( as are most Conformists ) should have the spirits seal attending their Ministry . What more ? He tells us 4. That sometimes the spirit will act with the mean gifts more then the greater as Peter Acts 2. is found to have converted more in one sermon , then we read that our Lord himself did , tho he spoke as never man spoke . That Christ 〈◊〉 complain'd of small success , Isa. 49. 4. & 53. 1. & upbraided people for unbelief Math. 11. 21 , 22 , 23. Ioh. 5. 40. — that after the sermon on the mount we read not that many were converted tho they were astonisht — that the Centurions faith was commended above that of Israel : and from the east and west many will sit down with Abraham while the children of the kingdom are cast out . Ans. 1. He must grant that this argument , taken from the spirits working great things by smal means , will not plead for owning Presbyterian Ministers , to whom many of his Scioli Rabbies impute weakness of gifts , because they think that aliunde or upon other grounds , such Ministers are not in this case to be heard . Well then let him take home his argument as insufficient , untill he prove that hic & nunc Conformists are to be heard rather then Nonconformists , and prove his groundless suppositions above mentioned ( wherein he begs the question ) and disprove our true suppositions above also rehearsed , or this argument will signify Just nothing . 2. For his Instances , as this man would be sober in such comparisons , so we must tell him ther 's a great difference betwixt little , & no success , a Ministry with small effects ; and a Ministry palpably blasted as to any saving issue ; and betwixt sincere designing of success , and mourning over the want of it , making it a complaint ( as our Lord wept over Jerusalems impenitency and disobedience ) and the Ministers designing himself , and no such thing , and wanting this impression mentioned . Sure as it will be hard for him to point us to any of their constant hearers who have been converted by their Ministry , so it will be as hard to point out any of their preachers , who have the peoples spiritual profit for their design , or their unprofitableness as their burden & complaint to God. And since both these are conspicuous in Presbyterian Ministers , It s quickly resolved which of the two are standing in Gods counsel , and travelling in birth to beget souls by the gospel , and to have Christ formed in them . But he would have us praying for Conformists , and laying aside prejudice . Ans. I think we are Indeed called to lay aside prejudice at their persons , and to pray for their repentance ; but to pray for a blessing on their Ministry , who are in such direct opposition to the Lords people , work , and Interest , were a mocking of God , and hardning them in their sin , and consequently hearing and receiving the ordinances from them as the Ministers of this Church were a strenght ning of their hands in their disobedience . Beside , will he allow people upon their praying for Presbyterian Ministers to hear them ? I trow not , then it seems ▪ laying aside prejudice and praying for Curats , may consist with not hearing them . His next childish objection put into the mouth of his Doubter [ that tho some withdraw all will not ] is not worth the noticing . It were good for our Church all her members did so understand their duty and obligatons , as to deny that subjection to Conformists which he pleads for . And that such pastours as they who destroy but feed not , had no flocks : For they have not brought back the straying , nor heal'd the sick &c. But he tells us , he hath proved that none ought to withdraw . How insignificant his preceeding proofs are , hath been discovered , and if his ensueing be no better , It s certain that Successus defuit ausis , and that he hath overshote his marke , in this undertaking . The Doubter enquires next [ what obligation lyes on him , to be an ordinary hearer in his own congregation . ] In answer to which the Informer tells us first , of our obligation showen by him to maintain union , and of the Acts of the ancient Church , and our own . Which I have already answered . Next , he tells us , of the reciprocal obligation betwixt a Minister and his congregation which cannot be so easily broken ; the Minister is to labour diligently and faithfully , among the people of his charge Ezek. 33. 8. Heb. 13. 17. the people of his charge are to attend his Ministry to esteem him highly , and love h●…m for his works sake Mal. 2. 7. 1 Thes. 5. 11 , 12. Heb. 13. 17. He asks how we obey this charge , when we disowne , discountenance , and turn our backs upon our Ministers , and will not receive the Law from their mouth . Ans. That there is a reciprocall tye betwixt a Minister and his flock , is easily acknowledged : but the Informer forgot the main and necessary point here ( to make this weapon strike home , and the argument run straight without a byass ) viz. What makes up this tye according to the Scripture pattern . This he should have condescended upon , and made it good in the case of Conformists , and then his arguing had been pertinent , and formidable to the Non-Conformists . But what will this poor general say , that there is a reciprocal tye betwixt a Minister and his flock , while he hath not made appear , what is the Scripture foundation and basis of that tye , & but begs the question in the application thereof to his case . I suppose a Presbyterian Minister should plead this to warrand his officiating among his people , in opposition to the Curat incumbent , that the people are bound to owne him as their Minister , because of this reciprocal ●…ye : That the Scripture obligations ( mentioned by the Informer ) lyes on him to be faithfull and diligent , which while he is endeavouring ( according to his duty , founded on his relation to his people ) the people are therefore bound to attend on his Ministrie to esteem him , love him , receive the Law from him , and and not to discountenance nor discourage him by withdrawing to another . Now let this man shew what he will answer to this pleading , and his argument will quickly evanish before his own answer ; If he say that the tye is loosed , let him instruct what that is which has in this case loosed it . Sure neither the Magistrates violence , nor Prelatick censures , according to our Principles , and the Doctrine of sound divines , when this case is truely stated . And if this divine tye stand , what will he say ? Will it not 1. follow ( according to him , ) that a Minister may be under a standing tye to his people , and they to their Minister , and yet the people for all this may not be obliged to hear him but another hie & nunc , and that warrantably , without hazard of disobedience to these Scriptures ; and then he hath with his own hand cut the throat of his bare generall argument from the reciprocal tye . Sure in some cases the tye may stand , and yet the actuall reciprocal exercise , or obligation to the exercise of duties may be hic & nunc warrantably suspended in very many supposable cases as of Physicall impediments in the people and Minister , hostile invasion , Pestilence , Imprisonment &c. 2. If the tye or relation do stand , and likewise all things which do immediatly dispose to the exercise of duty , then the Prelatical incumbent is in this case an intruder , and not to be own'd . For I suppose he will not say , that a Presbyterian Minister might lawfully officiat in his own Parish , after the Curat is setled there , for this would quite cross the scope of his Argument . Now the Question betwixt the two competitors is , which of them hath the prior lawfull , and standing tye ? will he dare to deny , that Presbyterian ministers had this ; and since he cannot shew how it is loosed , nor prove it to be loosed , this argument will militat not for him , but against him . Next , as for what he cites out of Mr Durham on Revel . pag. 105 : 106. anent this tye , It is still extra oleas , and nothing correspondent to his purpose , untill he instruct that which is the basis and foundation of this Relation in the case of Conformists , which he neither doth nor offers to do . Mr Durham speaks of a special delegation from Christ , of his speciall warrand and appointment to such a man to treat with such a flock . Now sure this most be instructed from his Word and Testament , as to Curats , before he can from this make any shew of Argument . For Presbyterian ministers do upon better ground lay claim to this special appointment in relation to their flocks , upon which conformists have intruded : yet this man thinks these ministers are not to be owned . And since this deputation and appointment is , with Mr Durham , the foundation of the duty betwixt minister and people , it must be cleard from the word in the case of Conformists , before this passage of Mr Durham will afford any patrociny to his cause . Then he tells us , Tha●… Mr Durham holds that this obligation is not founded on meer voluntary consent . Well let him mark this , and then he must acknowledge , that it s not meerly the Curats gaping consent for the fleece and filthy Lucre , nor the peoples blind consent , that will make them Ministers of these Congregations where they officiat . What is it then that founds this relation ? The Scipture-commands ( saith Mr Durham ) 1 Thes. 5. 12. Know them that labour among you and are over you in the Lord. Heb 13. 14. Obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that most give account , &c. But will this man deny that Mr Durham speaks upon the supposition of the Minister his having the Ministerial call and mission according to the rule of the Word , to ground his pleading these Scripture commands , and his special commission to such a people : And that he look't upon the Presbyteries mission , and ordination , and the peoples call , together with due qualifications , and the visible evidences of Christs call in the person thus admitted , as the foundation of this special relation to such a flock , according to the Scripture pattern , and the order and Government of this Church then established . I durst pose his conscience upon the truth of this ; and whether Mr Durham did ever dream of a speciall relation to a flock in this Church , resulting from a Prelates mission in a Method of perjury , in opposition to our Covenant and sworn reformation , without the mission and ordination of a Presbytry , or the peoples call , and in a way of intrusion upon the charges of faithfull Ministers violently thrust out by persecuting Prelats , the men thus obtruded being for most part such as have nothing that may ground a reasonable or charitable construction of them , that they are sent of God , but palpable evidences of the contrary , While in the mean time the faithfull Ministers are willing to cleave to their flocks , and the flocks to them ? If he say that all the Ministers he pleads for are not such . I Answer , he makes no limitation of this Argument , but pleads the foremention'd Scriptures , and Mr Durham's Testimony universally , and tells us in the next page , that Mr Durham binds the people fast to the Ministers of their own congregations by this discourse , he means to the Ministry of all the Conformists . As for that passage of Mr Durham's Testimony after cited by him anent the Sympathy betwixt Ministers and flocks , and the reckoning that will be made in relation to mutuall duties . We think it pleads very strongly for that Sympathy that ought now to be betwixt Presbyterian Ministers and their flocks , which Conformists have usurped upon , and the mutuall performing of duty to each other upon all hazards , in opposition to the Curats intrusion . And if Paul aggreaged particularly the Gentiles slighting and grieving him , by his particular delegation to them , which was , even as to the Apostle himself , by the imposition of the h●…ds of the Presbytry Act. 13. 13. Presbyterian Ministers delegation to their flocks , which was in this manner , must needs stand , and may be much better pleaded upon this ground then that of Curats Who are sent to flocks by Prelats as their own underlings , and have nothing like Pauls delegation in their mission . So that Mr Durhams arguments , and the Scriptures cited by him , are so far from tying congregations to conformists , as this man alleages , that they tye them to their own faithfull Presbyterian pastours , and by consequence to disowne prelats and their intruding hirelings , as none of the lawfull Pastours of this Church . I might here add that the account of the Pastours duty , and the ground of the people's subjection and obedience exhibit to us in these scriptures which he mentions , doth sufficiently exclude their party from any claim therunto . What ? do they hear Gods word and warn the people from him , who are generally so ignorant of his word walking contrary to it themselves , and hardning others in rebellion against him ? are they watching for souls as they that must give account ? who are loving to sleep and slumber ; and dare not say most of them , that ever they enquird at any soul how it is betwixt God and them ? do their lips keep knowledge , who have departed out of the way , and caused many stumble at the Law ? are they labouring and admonishing as to sin and duty , who are ringleaders in a course of defection ? Sure if the duties of subjection , reverence , and obedience , suppose such characters of Ministers , and such qualifications as are here exprest , people are hereby abundantly discharged from such subjection and obedience as to Conformists , who are so palpably destitute of these qualifications . So that the Informer falls utterly short of his intended advantage by this citation of Mr Durham , and the scriptures therin mentioned do wound his cause t●… death , and cut the sinews of his reasoning . This man is so unhappy as to fall still by the rebound of his own arguments , and the scripture-weapons ( which in pleading for this cause will never be found the weapons of his warfare ) wounds him every time he handles them : which as it hath before , so it shall presently appear further , in some more of his arguments and answers upon this point , which we now present . CHAP. III. The Doubters argument from Curats not entring by a call from the people , and that passage Acts 14. 23. cleared and improven . The Informers exceptions upon the terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fully examined , and the peoples right in the call of Pastours cleared therfrom . His reasonings about Patronages , and the prelatick ordination , and peoples disowning of Scandalous Ministers not censured . As also his great argument from Math. 23. 1. and the owning of the Temple-worship , scanned and retorted upon him . Mr Durham in this point pleads nothing for the Informer . His answers and reasonings anent the charge of Introsion examined . Our Informer upon this point of separation ( which he holds to be his fort-royal in the present differences ) having plyed his Doubter with offensive weapons , will needs shew his skill and just dealing in acting the defendant for some time . But I doubt that his defensive armour and answers shall be found as thin and penetrable in this debate , as his impugning weapons are bluntand pointless . Well , this fair disputant , will hear some of our arguments against the owning of Conformists , but be sure they must be of his own mould and digesting , for these can best suit the design of that pretty piece of pageantry , which he is acting in this pamphlet . The first argument which his Doubter offers , is [ their not entring by a call from the people as all Ministers should ( citing Act. 14. 23. ) but by a presentation from the patron . ] In answer to this , he spends some discourse upon that text , which we shall examine . But to clear this point the more fully , I will premise three things . 1. That the people have a divine right to call their pastou●… , we proved before in the 9th argument against Episcopacy , and from other scripture-grounds beside this , although it be a weighty ground also , unto this we refer the reader . 2. That upon supposal of this divine rule and pattern of a Ministers Lawfull call , it doth clearly follow , that the patronages are a corruption , rendring the Ministers call in this respect maimed , and not so consonant to scripture as it ought to be . 3. Though it be granted that a Minister presented by the Patron , and not called by the people , hath the essence of the Ministerial office , and might in some cases be owned as a Minister , yet this will plead nothing for the owning of Curats as the case is now circumstantiat : Because 1. It s certain that according to the principles and reformation of this Church , as establisht before these innovations , a Ministers entry by imposition of the hands of the Presbytery , without the usurping Prelate , and by the call of the people without the Patron , is the more pure and scriptural way of entry into the Ministry ; and moreover the only way of entry own'd and authorized by her supreme Indicatories , and by consequence its most suitable to Presbyterian principles , when there is a competition betwixt the one and the other , and Ministers thus Lawfully called , are violently ejected by men reestablishing prelacy , and patronages , formerly cast out and vowed against , that people do adhere to their faithfull pastours rather then these Innovators and intruders ; which will be convincingly clear , if it be also considered particularly , that as prelacy & allits corruptions & usurpations now existent and introduced , were fully removed and abjured by this Church , so laick patronages in speciall were upon most weighty grounds removed by the parliament 1649. in correspondence to our Churches declarator as appears in the Narrative of their 39. act . viz. The sense of the obligation lying upon them , both by the National and solemn league & covenant , by many deliverances and mercies from God , & by the latesolemn engadgement to duties , to preserve the doctrine and to maintain and vindicat the liberties of the Church of Scotland — to advance the work of Reformation — and considering that patronages & persentations of Kirkes is an evill and bondage under which the Lords people & Ministers of this land have long groan'd . That it hath no warrand in Gods word , but is founded only on the Canon Law , that it is a popish custom brought into this Church in time of ignorance & superstition , that its contrary to the 2d book of discipline , wherein upon solid grounds it s reckon'd among abuses that are desired to be reformed , and Contrary to several acts of general assemblies , prejudicial to the liberty of the people , and planting of Churches , to the free call and entry of Ministers to their charge &c. This act the parliament 1662 did ranverse among other pieces of our Reformation : Ordaining all Ministers that entered since 49. to have no right to the benefice , till they obtain a presentation from the Lawfull Patron , and collation from the Bishop . Now upon supposal of the Covenant obligation , and our engadgement therein to separat from any corruption contrary to our Reformation , to give a testimony to that work , to with-draw from backsliders , is there any doubt but that people are oblidged ( upon these grounds ) to adhere to that body of faithful Ministers , who are standing to our principles and sworn Reformation ( whereof these points mentioned are one main piece ) rather then such as have turn'd aside to this course of perjurious defection . Sure our obligations mentioned do every way include Presbyterian Ministers , & exclude Conformists . Presbyterian Ministers are maintaining the peoples right and liberty to call their pastour , Conformists are selling away this peice of her reformation & liberty , and thus crossing the scripture-pattern , the first are adhering to this Churches vowes ( and people are obliged to owne these Ministers that are pursuing the ends ) the other are casting them away &c. Again 3. all the motives mentioned in the premised act of parliament , and in our Churches publick acts in opposition to patronages , and prelatick usurpations in a Ministers entry , are still binding and in force , according to our principles , as the Informer will not for very shame deny , and he must admit this supposition since in this point he professeth to argue against us upon our own principles , and so what did then engadge to restore this peice of our Churches libertie and Reformation , the same doth now bind to adhere therunto , and consequently to owne the Ministers that contend for this Reformation rather then the backsliders and deserters thereof . 4. This man dare not assert , that the granting conformists to have the essence of a Ministerial call , will in every case infer the conclusion of hearing them , or that the granting a Minister to have this , is the only & adequat ground which will in all circumstantiat cases make hearing necessary . For 1. What if he be violently obtruded by a part of the congregation upon the previously call'd Minister his labours , to whom the people stand oblig'd to adhere ? Again 2. What if he be promoting a Schismatick course , setting up an altar against an altar ( as some of these men tell us in their Pamphlets ) will a people cross their principles as to his having the essence of a Ministeriall call , if they refuse to follow him in that Schismatick course ? Nay he will not say it . 3. What will our Informer answer to Presbyterian Ministers plea for peoples adherence to them upon their lawful call , mission , and entry to their charges ? will this infer a necessity of the people's owning them , and deserting conformists ? If it will not ( as he must here say , or yeeld the cause ) then he must confess , that acknowledgment of the essence of Curats call , will not absulutely plead for hearing them untill before the Scripture barr , and by the constitutions and reformation of this Church , they can prove their claim to be better then that of Presbyterian Ministers to officiat as her true Pastours , which will be ad Kalendas Graecas ; & whatever he can pretend here , as to disowning of Presbyterian Ministers in their administrations , notwithstanding of their having a lawfull call , and pastoral relation to this Church , will be easily retorted upon himself , and abundantly counterballanced by that which in the case of conformists may be pleaded to supersede , and stop the peoples owning of them in this circumstantiat posture of our Church . So that the state of the question here being this , whether Ministers ordained by Bishops , and presented by Patrons , or those who are ordained by the Presbytry , and called by the people , have best right to officiat in this Church , as her Pastours , according to the Scripture rule , her reformation and principles , and to be own'd or disownd by the people accordingly . The decision will be very easy and favourable to Presbyterian Ministers , and exclusive of all his fraternity . And whatever he doth here alledge anent P●…esbyterian Ministers schism , intrusion , or disorder , will be easily retorted upon himself , reputando rem in universum & ab initio . Or tracing matters to their true originals . But now what sayes our Informer to this argument of his Doubter , as he slenderly propones it to make it foordable . 1. He tells us that sundry whom we refuse to hear , entred by the peoples call . But tho it were granted that such might be heard , who are but a few , how will this plead for all the rest , and loose his Doubters argument as to them ? 2. we told him that it s not the want of the peoples call , simply and abstractedly from the circumstances of our case , that we ground upon in disowning them , no more then it is Presbyterian Ministers want of an Episcopal ordination which he pleads simply as the ground of disowning them : But our ground is their standing all of them in a direct stated opposition to the Reformation , union , and order of this Church , and driving on an interest and design tending to overturn it , and by consequence being lyable to her highest censures ; and likewise their persecuting and opposing faithful Ministers contending for her Reformation . 3. All those who he alledges entered by the peoples call , havng by their conformity to this Prelacy and Erastianism , disowned their first entry in this manner , and obtained presentation from Patrons , and collation from prelats , according to their new acts and orders , are now of the same stamp with the rest , as to their principles and carriage , and consequently the peoples disowning them upon the fore-mentioned grounds in this our case , falls under the same obligations with their disowning others , and the rather because their apostacy is an aggravation of their guilt . But now what sayes our Informer to this text Acts. 14. 23. which is brought by his Doubter to prove the peoples right in the election of Pastours . He grants , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is borrowed from the custom used in some of the ancient Greek states , where the people signifyed their election of Magistrats , by the stretching forth of their hands , because the word so signifies . Well , what then hath he to quarrell at in this argument , for the peoples right in the call of Ministers from this text ? 1. He tells us that Doctor Hamond and other Criticks shew , that the word is oftenused by writters to express the action of one single person , as it s taken by Luke Acts 10. 41. Speaking of Gods chusing or appointing , So that the word is not necessarly to be underst●…od of the action of many chsiung by snffrages . Ans. That the Greek Word in its ordinary and constant acceptation doth import , and is made use of to signify a chusing by suffrages , and lifting up or extending the hands , Presbyterian Writers have proven from a full consent of Criticks , Interpreters , and the best Greeck authors . The Syriack version shewes that the word is not to be understood of the Apostles ordination of Elders , but of the Churches election of Elders in rendering the text thus , Moreover they made to themselves , that is , the disciples mentioned in the former verse , made to themselves , ( for such as were made , were not Elders or Ministers to Paul & Barnabas , but to the multitude of the disciples ) in every Church while they were fasting with them & praying , & commending them &c. Which election could not be but after the Grecian form by the Churches lifting up , or stretching out of hands , thus Mr Gillesp. Misc. quest . page 9. Who also cleares this from Criticks and Interpreters asserting this sense of the word . He shews that where Iulius Pollux hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 4. Gualther and Wolf S●…berus render it manuum extensio , and that Budaeus interprets the word plebiscitum , suffragium , H. Stephanus , manum porrigo . Because ( he saith ) they did in giving votes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thence the word came to be used , for scisco , decerno , ●…reo . Iustin. Martyr . Quest. & Resp. ad orthod . Resp. ad quest . 14. distinguishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as of a different signification . Arrias Montanus in his lexicon , doth interpret this word manum elevare , eligere , creare Magistratum per suffragia . Again 2. The manner of election among the grecians clears this metaphore , & signification of the word . Demosth. Cicero and others make this appear ; they had a phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnium suffragijs , obtinet , and another phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no man gives a contrary vote . The approving votes , in chusing Grecian Magistrats in the theatre , was by holding up , or stretching forth of hands . See page 10. 11. 12. Where this is learndly and at large made good . 3. This is also made good from the ordinary method wherin the scriptures do express the setting apart of Church officers to their sacred functions , which is by the Churches election and consent , see 1 Cor. 16. 3. 2 Cor. 8. 19. 1 Tim. 3. 7. Acts 1. 23 , 26. and 13. 3. and 15. 22. And since the holy ghost doth here intend by Luke to express the manner of the establishment of Elders , it is utte●…ly improbable that the churches suffrage should be here omitted . 4. Protestant writers draw the Churches suffrage in election of Ministers , from this word , Magd. Cent. 1. lib. 2. cap. 6. Zanch. in 4. precept . So Beza , Bullinger decad . 5. Serm. 4. Iunius contrav 5. lib. cap. 7. Gerard. Tom. 6. pag. 95. Danaeus 1 Tim. 5. Wallaeus in his treatise quibusnam competit vocatio pastorum . Cartwright , against the Rhemists , objecting ( with our Informer ) That in scripture this word signifies imposition of hands , answereth , That its absurd to imagine , that the holy Ghost by Luke speaking with the tongues of men , and to their understanding should use a word in that signification , in which it was never used before his time , in any writter holy or profane . For how could he be understood ( saith he ) if using the note and name , he had fled from the signification whereto they used it , therefore unless he purposed to write what none could understand or read , it must needs be that as he wrote , so he meant election by voices . Then he proves this from Oecumenius the greek scholiast , from the Greek Jgnatius , and tells us , there were proper words to signify the laying on of hands , had the holy ghost intended this , and that its absurd to thinke that Luke ▪ who straitneth himself to keep the words of the seventie Interpreters , when he could have uttered things in better terms then they did , should here forsake the phrase wherewith they noted the laying on of hands , being most proper and natural to signify the same . Next , As for what he objects from Acts 10. 41. had he been sincere or diligent in this debate , he might have found that the above mentioned learned Presbyterian writer with others doth here tell him first , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used there , is not the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but is as it were a preventing of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a prior designation . 2. That its atribute to God metaphoric●… or improperly , shewing that in the council of God , the Apostles were in a manner elected by voices in the trinity , which he clears by that parallel Gen. 1. Let [ us ] make man. Adding , that this hinders no more the proper signification of the word , when applyed to men , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ascribed to God can prove , that there 's no change in men , when they repent , because there is none in God. The Informers 2d answer is , That Greek wri ters do ordinarly use this word to signify ordaining a person to a charge , without voices and suffrages . And that here it s so to be understood , he proves from this , that Paul and Barnabas are said to do this work exprest by this Greek word , and not the people ; That we will not say that Paul and Barnabas elected Ministers to these Churches , which were to yeeld the question . That therefore our translation reads it , they that is Paul and ●…arnabas , ordained them elders &c. they pray'd and commended them to the Lord ; So that it was not the action of the people , but of Paul and Barnabas . Ans. All this is nothing but his petio principii and what is answered already 1. That this word signifies ordinarly the ordaining of a Person to a charge without votes and suffrages , is most false , and contrary to the sense of the word in Greek authors contrary to the Scripture acceptation of the word , & to sound divines as we have heard . And to this may be here added ( which is also the observation of the above mentioned learn'd writters ) that we find extraordinary Officers in the Apostles times not put into their functions without the Churches consent , hence we may conclude , that far less ought there to be an intrusion of ordinary Ministers without their consent . Paul & Silas were chosen of the whole Church to their extraordinary delegation , Acts. 15. 22. Pauls company were chosen by the Church 2 Cor. 18. 19. The Commissioners of Corinth were approved by the Church 1 Cor 16. 3. Matthias an Apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simul suffragiis electus est , as Arrias Montanus turn's it , was together chosen by suffrages , viz. of the 120 Disciples . 2. How prove's he that Paul and and Barnabas did this work exprest by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we told him that the Syriack version understands it of the Disciples . Mr Gillespy ( lococitato ) proves that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be rendred ipsis not illis , shewing that Pasor in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 renders Acts 14. 23. quumque ipsis per suffragia creassent presbyteros ; so saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he proves because the Greeks use the one word sometimes for the other , as he clears from Scripture parallels . So he thus senseth the verse and context , the Churches of Lystra , Iconium and Antioch , after chusing of Elders who were also solemnly set apart with prayer and fasting , were willing to let Paul and Barnabas go from them to the planting and watering of other Churches , and commended them to God to open to them an effectu●…ll door , Eph. 6 ▪ 18 , 19. or for their saftie and preservation Luk. 23. 46. Again , what inconsistency with our sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will it be , if all that is mentioned in the 23. verse be taken as joint acts of Paul & Barnabas , and of the Churches together with them , viz. That they all concurr'd in making them Elders by suffrage , and in prayer and fasting , and commending themselves to the Lord. 3. How proves he , that the relative [ they ] in our translation is referred to Paul and Barnabas only , rather then the Churches ? sure , this is a blind proof , and ( as we use to say ) a Baculo ad angulum ; they ordain'd elders : Ergo Paul and Barnabas only ordain'd by Imposition of hands ; since the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it s resolved by the learned , cannot hardly in propriety of speech import laying on of hands in ordination , which was proper to Paul and Barnabas ; and the Septuagint whom Luke followes , expressing the laying on of hands by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our Informer must acknowledge this from the sequel of his own reasoning , for he tells us , that Paul and Barnabas could not elect Ministers , very true , and therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in its native acceptation signifies election by suffrage , as he hath acknowledged , must relate to the people ; Since there could be no hand-suffrage betwixt Paul and Barnabas 4. Giving and not granting that this was an act of Paul and Barnabas ; distinct from the Churches suffrage , our argument stands good and this will not in the least yeeld the question as this man foolishly imagines ; for to read it thus , Paul and Barnabas ordained elders by suffrage , is all one with this , that they ordained such to be elders as were chosen by the Chuch . The people declared by hand-suffrage whom they would have to be Elders , and Paul and Barnabas ordained them Elders : As the Consul who held the court among the Romans , created new Magistrats , that is , did receive the votes and preside in the elections . Since ( as I said ) the hand-suffrage cannot in any propriety of speech relate to Paul and Barnabas alone . See Calvines Institut . lib. 4. cap. 53. paragr . 15. and Mr Gillesp. ubi supra , who further tells us , that this may be either an action of the Church only , as the Syriack makes it , or a joint action both of the Churches and of Paul and Barnabas , as Iunius makes it , or an action of Paul and Barnabas in this sense , that they did constitute elders to the Churches by the Churches own voices , in all which senses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands good for us . To which we may add , that Calvine renders the word cu●… suffragiis creassent , when the had made by votes . Adding , that Paul and Barnabas ordained Ministers to the Churches , for they did preside over , and moderat the people's election . Presbyteros dicuntur eligere Paulus & Barnabas an soli hoc privato officio faciunt quum potius rem permittunt omnium sugragiis : Ergo in Pastoribus creandis libera fuit populi electio , sed ne quia tumul●…uose fieret , praesident Paulus & barnabas quasi Moderatores . That is , Paul and Barnabas are said to ebuse Elders , but do they this solely and by themselves , and do not rather remit this to the suffrages of all , therefore in the making of Pastours the people had a free election and choise , but left any thing should be done tumultuously Paul and Barnabas do preside as Moderatours . So he sayes we are to understand the decree of the Council of Laodicea , which seemed to inhibit the people's elections . The Dutch Annot. upon this passage do tell us , that this was a custome among the Greeks in chusing their Magistrats , that the people by lifting up their hands give to understand their voting , so it seems that from thence this custome was also used in the primitive Church , that the setting forth of Ministers of the Church , being done by Apostles or those that were sent by them for this purpose , was approved by the Church by the lifting up of their hands ; which use long continued in the Church ; as the Ecclesiastick histories testify . And having told us that others understand this of imposition of hands ( which they set down as the secondary and less probable opinion ) they add that this also was done with consent of the church as appears by the fasting and praying which was done by the whole Congregation , and was also done in this chusing of the Elders , referring to 1 Tim. 5. 17. Acts 10. 41. upon which passage they shew , that the Greek word in Acts 14. 23. signifies properly by lifting up of hands to choose or ordain , and is here used concerning the choosing of ordinary Ministers by the suffrages of the Church , to which this extraordinary choosing of Apostles is here opposed , as being done by lifting up or stretching forth of Gods hand alone . Upon Acts. 6. 6. where mention is made of laying on of hands , they tells us , that as this was usual in blessing Gen. 48. 14. in sacrifices Lev. 1. 4. and in installing into offices Numb . 27. 18. Deut 34. 9. So the Church ( pointing at the Apostolick Churches practice ) in investiture of Ministers , did thus dedicate them to God his service , and used thus to wish his blessing 1 Tim. 5. 22. The English annot . upon this text under debate do shew , that the word signifies making of such a choise , as was made or confirmed by lifting up of hands , to signify suffrages or consent , and having told us of the general signification of the word in reference to ordination or appointing chap. 10. 41. they add , that the Syriack reads the text thus , [ and they appointed to them Elders in every Congregation . ] Whence they collect that Paul and Barnabas did not all alone in ordaining & Church-government ; other Christians shew'd their consent or approbation of the persons who were ordained Elders by lifting up their hands ; as very wee l knowing , of what behaviour they had been among them : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ( say they ) to disallow by some act , election , or decree . Adding , that Suidas interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which his Interpreter renders electio , delectus , per suffragia confirmatio , populi totius consensus , an election , choosing , a confirmation by voices , consent of all the people . Let our Informer here observe 1. That the choosing of Ministers by suffrage , and consent of the Church , is imported and held out in this passage under debate , in the consentient judgment of Interpreters , and that this greek word , as in its ordinary , so its special acceptation in this place , will clearly infer so much , whatever authority in ordination and election as to Paul and Barnabas , and of Ministers consequently , the circumstances of this text will bear out and infer . 2. That this interest of the people in the election and call of Ministers is comprobate by the judgement and consentient practice of the ancient Church , as the history therof doth verify . 3. That that passage Act. 10. 41. doth ( in their sense ) nothing invalidate this right of the people , held out in this text , the one place speaking of an immediat choosing by God , the other of mediat and ordinary by men , the one , pointing at ordination and appointing of the Apostles to their office in a general sense , the other of the special or specifical mould of the call and election of Ministers . 4. That this right and interest of the people in Ministers call , as it is founded upon the ancient practice and unrepealed priviledge of Gods Church under the old Testament , so it hath besides this , and such like instances , and exemplary recommendations of the new-testament , a constant moral warrand of the peoples knowledge anent the case and behaviour of their spiritual guides . His 3d answer to this text is , That if we understand it of a hand suffrage we lose by it . Why so ? because we give advantadge to the Independents for popular election of Ministers wherea ; we give this power not to all the people , but to the session . And he tells us , that therefore understanding Presbyterians have forborn to pressthis text . Ans. 1. We have proven that a congregational Eldership is Iuris divini , & that by consequence this election strictly taken must be their priviledge , See 9 Argument against Prelacy on the 1. Dialogue . Who these understanding Presbyterians are , who do not understand this place as warranding the people's interest in the election & call of Ministers , the Informer hath not given us an account , since his Doubter is none of them , and if he mean the Authors of jus divinum Ministerii Evangelici , he will finde that they do clearly assert this truth ( propos . 1. ) so as it do not exclude the due right of Ministers herein . See pag. 127. and 129. And the Assembly of divines in their directory for ordination of Ministers 4. Branch , do require the people's consent and approbation , as necessarily antecedaneous to the ordination . Besides , could the Informer be ignorant that there are several other weighty Scripture grounds & arguments pleaded by our writters to fortify this right of the people ; why did he not then put these also into the mouth of his Doubter , and give us an account of his own , and his Episcopal Masters ' skill in dissolving them ? Moreover tho it were granted , that all here did concurr in this suffrage where no Eldership was yet constitute ( as Mr Gillespy Judgeth probable miscell . pag. 14. ) it will nothing infringe the power of the Eldership in Churches constitute , there being a vast difference betwixt the modus rei , in Churches constitute , and these in fieri or that are to be constitute . Again 2. We told him that the word imports a judicial suffrage by extending of hands , and that in commitiis , among courts , senats , and representatives of the people , as in the Roman senate , in which the Consuls presided . And that among the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Magistrat created by suffrages , in the courts solemnly held for that purpose . That the Roman senate did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Chrysostome saith , which Doctor Potter expones , made their Gods by suffrage ( Charity mistaken page 145. ) Again , supposing Elderships here existent , this phrase may be well referr'd to the people , as importing their consent and approbation , reserving still to the Eldership their Juridical suffrage , and decisive vote in election . Mr Gillespy ( ubi supra ) clears this , shewing that in Athens it selfe the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they did but like well the persons nominated , as when a Thesaurer offered some to be surety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom the people shall approve . This he proves from Demosth. advers . Timocr . from which oration he makes it good , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Assembly , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the court of Iudges , are plainly distinguished so far , that they might not be both upon one day ; and that tho the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet not they but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or judges did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordain or appoint a Magistrat . In a word , we give in this mater [ the Ministers call ] the suffrage and election to the Eldership ( I mean in a Church constitute ) and the consent ( which is distinct from the decisive voice as the learned acknowledge , Gamachaeus in primam 2dae ou●… of Thomas quest . 15 shewes this ) to the whole people , and the formal authoritative mission , and imposition of hands , making the man a Minister , and giving him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who had it not before , to the Presbytery , according to the Scripture pattern ; which is toto coelo different from the Independents principles in this point . If any object that the giving the suffrage and election of Ministers to the Eldership , excluding the people , makes the breach greater betwixt the Independents and us then needs , it being sufficient to clear us from their principles , that we allow not either to the Eldership or congregation , the formal authoritative mission and imposition of hands . And that our arguments upon this head seems to give to the people not onely consent , but suffrage in election . I shall desire first , that Mr Gillespies answer be considered ( Miscell . page 24. ) to an objection about our homologating with Independents in this point . Who sayes that in this point of election we do not homologate with them , who give to the collective body of the Church ( women and children under age onely excepted ) the power of decisive vote or suffrage in elections , we give the vote onely to the Eldership or Church representative , so that they carry along with them the consent of the major or better part of the congregation . So that he makes the attributing of this decisive voice & suffrage in elections , unto the people , to be down right Independency & the march stone of their difference from us . He tells us afterward , that the consent and knowledge belongs to the whole Church without which Ministers may not be intruded , & the counsel and deliberation , ( which is distinct from this consent ) to the ablest & wisest of the congregation , especially the Magistrates . But he distinguishes from both these the decisive vote in Court or judicatory , & the formal consistorial determination in the case of election , and this he sayes , belongs onely unto , and consists in , the votes of the Eldership . And that the Independents contrarily give the conference and deliberation to the Eldership ( as we use to do in Comittees ) but the decision to the whole Congregation . Adding further , that such as have written against Independents do thus state the difference betwixt them and us in this point , viz. not whether matters of great importance and publick concernment ought to be determined with the peoples free consent ( for this we grant ) but whether the cause must be brought to the body of the Congregation to give their voices therin together with the officers of the Church , citing Laget in his defence of Church-government , chap. 1. and Mr Herle Prolocutor of the Assembly of Divines in that piece intituled the Independency on scriptures of the Independency of Churches page 3. where he sets down this forementioned consent to the Minister who is to be chosen , as that which we allow to the members of the congregation in common . Adding further , that Independents place the whole essence of a calling in election , accounting ordination to be but a solemnizing of it , wheras we place the potestative mission , not in the Churches election but lawfull ordination . So that in the judgement of these Divines the reserving to the Presbytry the formal authoritative mission is the not the sole point of difference betwixt the Independents and us , nor can a man be cleard from Independent principles in their judgement , who extends the decisive juridical●… vote in election beyond the Eldership , and gives this decisive , suffrage strictly taken to the people Besides , the absurd and dangerous consequences following upon this opinion , allowing the formal juridical elective suffrage to the people , are evident , such as 1. That this goes in some respect beyond Independents opinion as to the peoples power in elective suffrage , who though they give it to the collective body , yet ●…with a restriction excluding women , children and persons under age , not to every individual . 2. That this will inferr that every point of government and every cause , relating immediatly to the congregation , must be brought to the multitude or body of the people , to give their voices therin together with the officers of the Church , for upon the same ground that the elective suffrages belong to them , so must every piece of government . Now Mr Laget ubi supra expresly states this as the Independents principle , and as that wherin they differ from us 3. This cuts off all right and power of a juridical eldership , which is by our writters asserted and made good from the scriptures , and makes all their authoritative decisive suffrages , in this and other points of government , in reference to the congregation , an invasion of the peoples right , and unlawfull usurpation of their power ; for if this formall decisive suffrage belong to all the collective body jure divino , how can they give it away ? 4. This will by consequence bring the collective body to have their formal decisive juridical suffrage , in superiour Church-judicatories , Presbytries , and synods , in every point wherin the congregational eldership and session have an immediat interest . Again , since consent and knowledge , is allowed by our writters to the whole congregation , and deliberation and counsel to some eminent members , the elderships elective suffrage , ( which in their judgement is necessarly connected with this ) cannot be said to impeach the due right of the collective body of the congregation in this point ; unless ( as I said ) we step over the march-stone , and bring in the whole collective body of the congregation to have a decisive suffrage in government . In a word , the scripture arguments , and other grounds here hinted , which do clearly conclude the people and congregations right as to a call in general , will not infer that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belonges to every one of the people or the whole collective body , so far as to import a formal decisive suffrage , for it being the due right of the peoples representatives , the Eldership ( in whose choise and election the people have a great Interest , and to which they give a formal consent ) the congregation doth in and by them give their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suffrage , and what is proper to some part of this organick body the Church , may be well said to be the due right and action of the whole in a general sense , each part concurring suo modo . A man is said to see , though the eye onely be the proper organe of sight , because the eye subsists in and with the body , and cannot act without , or separated from it . So the people in a general sense and mediatly elect by the eldership , the whole collective body concurring in what is proper to them herein . We heard from MrGillespy [ ubi supra , ] that among the Greeks , the people in consenting to a choise of governours were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that although , upon the supposal of the divine right of a juridical eldership , representing the congregation ( which right is abundantly proved from scripture ) the formal Cousistorial 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by juridical suffrage belongs to them , yet the whole collective body their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the manner formerly explained , stands good . His last answer is , that if we think the peoples election s●… necessary that none can be a Minister without it , then we null the ministry of the whole Christian world for above 1000 years upward , and the Ministry of this C●…rch ever till the year 1649. For untill then patronages were not taken away . Ans We have proved that the People's right in the call and election of Pastours is the pure Scripture pattern continued in the Church of God for diverse ages , which is enough to prove that as it ought to be endeavoured after and established , by Churches who would imitat this pattern of the Lords tabernacle shewed upon the moun●… ▪ So where it is obtained it ought to be held fast against any contraire innovations . That the people's interest in the election and call of Ministers and teachers had place from the Apostles even unto his own time in a good measure , may be proven ( besides what we have said already to clear this ) by a very unsuspect witness Marcus Antonius de dominis de Repub. Eccles . lib. 1. cap. 22. Num. 10. he saith , in electione ministrorum etiam Apostolorum tempore & ipsorum instituto , plebem & totam multitudinem magnam habuisse partem . And lib. 3. cap. 3. Num. 12. Iam vero post concilium Nicenum in electionibus eundem prorsus veterem morem perpetuo Ecclesiam ad nostra pene tempora servasse , ut a clero & popul●… fieret ex patribus ac rebus gestis , & conciliis & juribus : ex Romanorum Pontificum attestationibus & decretis jam sumo comprobandum . That is , that after the Council of Nice the same ancient custome was own'd to his times by the Church , as to the peoples interest in this election and call of Ministers , he undertakes to prove from the Fathers , from history , and Councils and Laws , and the very decrees of Popes . In the Council of Paris Anno 559. There was such a decree , Quia in aliquibus crivitatibus consuetudo prisca negligitur . &c. Because the ancient Custome and decrees of the Canons are neglected in some cities — they appoint the decrees of the Canons to be keept , and the ancient Custom , ut nullus civibus invitis ordinetur Episcopus , nisi quem populi & clericorum electio pleni●…ima quaesierit voluntate &c. That none be ordained a Bishop without the will of the citizens , but such onely whom the people and Clergy shall chuse with full consent . That the people had a right to require , call and elect their Pastour in the ancient Church , Didoclav . proves from the Example of Eradius , Ambrose , Flavianus , Nectarius &c. From pag. 3●…6 . to 331. shewing that Cyprian saith of Rabbinus that he was chosen Bishop , de universae fraternitatis suffragio , lib. 1. Ep. 2. By the chose of the whole Brethren . From the Epistle of the Council of Nice , to those of Alexandria , Lybia , &c. which is extant with Theodoret Hist. lib. 1. cap. 9. Where he shews that those who succeed in the room of the dead Prelat must upon these terms succeed , si digni viderentur , & populus eligeret , if they appear worthy and the people shall chuse ; That Chrysostom succeeded to Nectarius ; postquam in hoc Clerus & populus suffragia sua contulissent , after he was called and chosen by the Clergy and people . Sozom. lib. 3. c. 8. That Evagrius was chosen suffragiis , or by votes and suffrages , Socrates lib. 6 cap. 13. That Augustine called again and again for the people's consent as to his successour , Hic mihi v●…stra assentatione opus est . F●… . 11. To which may be added , a very impartial witness Bishop Bilson ( Perpetual Government Chap. 15. page 434. ) Where he shewes that the people had their right in chusing their Pastours . Onely , to prevent mistake upon these passages , we would take notice , that this suffrage here atribute generally and indiscriminatim , to the people and clergy , must be understood pro uniuscujusque modulo and according to every ones capacity , for the reasons above rendred . Since both Ministers right in ordination , and also the right of a juridicall eldership in churches constitute in reference to the election of Ministers , hath ( as we have shown ) a clear foundation in Scripture and antiquity . But of this enough . 2. We have also proven that we are not concerned , nor in the least constrained by our principles and practice in this case , to null a Church or Ministry where this call is wanting , it being enough for us , that the want of it is a corruption rendring a Ministry not so pure as it ought to be , and that our case being a case of competition betwixt Ministers holding fast this piece of our Covenanted Reformation , and a party of Schismatick Innovators opposing and rejecting it , and turning back to the vomit of this and other corruptions , after they have been seen , cast out , and vowed against : We are upon the grounds of our Reformation and vows , sufficiently warranted to leave these innovators , and adhere to the faithfull Ministry . 3. As we did shew that the granting of Curats their having the essence of a ministerial call , will not infer our hearing and owning them in every case , and especially in ours ( which himself must grant , unless he fall in a palpable contradiction ) so it s more then he can prove , that this Church of Scotland from its first beginning , till 1649 had pratronages ; Which being founded on the Common law , and several ages posterior to the pure Church in this Nation , planted ( as we heard ) without Prelats by some of Johns Disciples , how absurd is it to assert that it had Patronages from the beginning . Finally , whatever tollerance of these corruptions before they be removed may be pleaded for , yet such as have embraced them now , yea & as a badge of owning this deformation of our once glorious Church , are certainly to be disowned by all who would hold fast their integrity . For what he adds , anent our owning Presbyterian Ministers adhering to our Reformation , tho they have been presented by Patrons , It 's both impertinent to the point and already answered , For it s not this simpliciter , or only , which we ground upon in this practice , as is often said , but the principles , state , practice , and design , of Conformists in this complex case Beside , who sees not the difference betwixt a Minister owning the principles of our Reformation , and disowning this with other corruptions , although the times necessity did constrain to make use of patronages in their first entry , when our Church was as yet groaning under this bondage , and such as owne this corruption both in judgment and practice after it is rejected , and the Church delivered from it , yea and owne it as an express badge of Conformity to abjured Prelacy . Sure they are very blind who see not the difference betwixt these . The Doubter alleadges [ that patronages are abjured in the Covenant ] and the Informer desires to see in in what place . But if he will open his eyes and but read either our National or solemn league , he will easily see this ; for patronages being a popishcorruption contrary to the Word of God ( as we have proved ) it 's abjured among the rites or Customs brought into this Church ; without or against the word ; And likewise in being condemned in the 2. book of discipline , to which we vow adherence as unto the discipline of this Church , it must be in that respect also abjured ; And as contrary to sound doctrine , the power of godliness , and Government of this Church exprest in the 2. book of Discipline , it is abjured in the solemn League , wherein we likewise vow adherence to that discipline . But ( saith he ) Since patronages were in use aster the Covenant , why was not this breach discerned , and was this Church perjured all that time . Ans. The forecited act of Parliament shewes that this corruption had been long by this Church groan'd under , and long before that time declared and testified against , both in the 2. book of discipline , and by assemblies thereafter , and if ( the interposing of the civill Magistrat being necessary to remove this ) the Church still untill that time groan'd under this burden , where can he fixe his challenge ? The next argument of his Doubter for not hearing Curats , is [ that they are ordained by Bishops . ] To which he answers 1. That all whom we refuse to hear , were not ordained by Bishops . He means those who were ordained by the Presbytery , and have conformed , Ans. 1. We have already told him that it is not the Episcopal ordination simply and abstractedly from our case , which is our ground of not owning them , but the Episcopal ordination of perjured intruders breaking our union and reformation , and ejecting our faithfull Pastours , and testified against by our presbyterian protestant Church which they have thus intruded upon . 2. We have told him that the concession of their lawfull ordination for substance , will no more plead for our owning them in this complex case , then their concession of the lawfull ordination of Presbyterian ministers , will infer an obligation upon Conformists to owne them , which is a consequence that they all deny . And that they must grant , that owning of the episcopal ordination in this complex case , is different from a simple owning of it , in relation to hearing . Even as Presbyterian ministers are acknowledged by conformists to have a lawfull ordination for substance , whom notwithstanding they will not suffer the people to hear . 3. Those who were so ordained and have conformed , having ( as I said ) eatenus or in so far , renounc'd their Presbyterial ordination , and adhering to the prelatical as the more perfect , this their disowning of our reformation ( especially aggreged by their perjury and apostacy ) puts them in the same , yea a worse condition as to our hearing them , then those that are meerly ordained by the prelats . 3. He tells us , That on this ground we would not adhere to these whom Timothy and Titus ordained , nor would we have heard a minister for many ages of the Church ; Then he tells us of Jeroms , quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus , and that ministers have now a hand in ordaining Conformists . That on this ground we would not have heard the members of the Assembly 1638. who were thus ordained , and some now though non-conformists , who were ordained before the year 1638 by Bishops , the valitidity of which ordination is vindicat by ●…us dicinum minist . Ang●…ie : Ans. We have already proven , that Episcopal ordination is not in the lest warranted by the Authority of Timothy and Titus supposed in these Epistles , but rather a Presbyterial ordination , which is the pattern shewed upon the mount . 2. We have also proven that his prelatick ordination , whereof the Prelat hath he sole and proper power according to this constitution , is a stranger , in the first purer ages , and even in Jerom's time . 3. We have also proven that the granting of the essentialls of their ministerial call who are ordained by Bishops , will plead nothing for owning Curats , who are both scandalous and perjured intruders and have nothing for the most part which may in the least ground a charitable construction that they were ever called of God ; and are standing in opposition to a faithful ministry , by them excluded and persecute from their watcthowers , none of which can be said of the instances which he mentions . As for that concurrence which he pretends Conformists have with the Bishops in ordination of ministers , it is according to our Law , meerly precarious and pro forma . And therefore utterly insufficient to found his conclusion . The Doubter objects , [ that tho some of them were ordained by the Presbytery , yet they are now turn'd the Bishops Curats . ] He might have added , and turned court or Erastian-Curats , since the all of our present Conformists authority , is derived from the court and subordinat to the supremacy , as is evident in the act of restitution and other subsequents acts . In answer to this he alleadges weakness of Iudgement , strength of passion in the objecter , but really shews both in himself , by telling us , that we may fear Christs threatning ; he that despises you despises me , since he hath not yet made , it appear that the men he pleads for have a relaion to this Church as her true Pastours , according to the principles and tenor of our Reformation . Then he tells us , that Curat signifies a cure of souls . But the True Non-conformist , told his fellow Dialogist , that this term owes its invention to mens vanity , loathing the lowly Scripture style of Minister , and is in effect nothing but the issue of the corrution of the Churches humility , and that what they pretend herein while destroying in stead of feeding , is like to stand in Judgement against them at the great day . For his next interpretation of [ Curat ] viz. he that serves the cure tho not the Minister of the place , but the substitute of another , We owe him thanks , for one egg is not liker another , then they are to such vicarious substitutes . But he will not have them called the Bishops Curats , as if he were Pastour of the diocess , and they deputed , under him , and Bishop ( he saith ) hath such thoughts of ministers . What their thoughts are , is best seen by their deeds . We have proved that according to this frame of prelacy the Bishop is properly the sole Pastour of the Diocess . In the 7. Argument against Prelacy . The Doubters next objection is , [ that they are perjured persons , and therefore not to be heard . ] He answers 1. That many of them never took the Covenant , and therefore are not perjured , which is already removed , when we did prove from Deut. 29. that it oblidges even those who did not personally swear . It s remarkable that Deut. 5. 2 , 3. God is said to have made a Covenant with his people in Horeb , even with us ( saith Moses ) and all of us alive here this day . They were dead who engadged at Horeb , and many there present were not then born . So Neh. 9. 38. all entered into Covenant , but some only did seal it . Sure the intention , and relation of the Covenanters , and the matter of the Oath it self , will make it thus extensive . Next he sayes , Ministers that took it , and comply with prelacy are not perjured , for the reasons which be gave in the last conference . Which reasons I have there answered , and proved that there is nothing in our case , which may in the least limit or invalidat its obligation , and upon the grounds which are offered to evince the standing obligation of that Oath , I do affirme that they are perjured . 3. He tells us , That scandalous faults tho deserving censure , yet while it is not inflicted , and the person not convict , his Ministry ought to be waited upon , as Iudas who came cloathed with Christs commission to preach , so long as he was not convict , yet was to be heard . Ans. 1. He grants that scandalous faults , specially of an high nature , and if the man be impenitent , do deserve deposition . Now their faults are both scandalous and of a high nature , such as prophanity , perjury and apostacy , in all which they are most impenitent and avow the same ; and as for their being convict and censured , which he requireth as needfull for disowning them , I answer they stand upon the matter convict by clear scripture grounds , and by the standing acts and Iudicial decision of this Church in her supreme judicatories and assemblies , which have condemned and made censurable with deposition their present principles and practices , in opposition to her vows and government . Again , there is a great difference betwixt what ought to be people's carriage toward scandalous Ministers when a redress by Lawfull Church Judicatories may be had , to which people may have recourse , and what the duty of a people is in that case , wherin a prevailing backsliding party , and a persecuting Magistrat owne such Ministers ; so that the true Church can have no access for censuring and removing them . In this last case supposing their scandals to be of a high nature , this inevitable necessity of the Churches incapacity for present , may supply the defect of a formal censure ( in the judgment of some ) and ground a disowning of them , as if they were already cast out , especially if their entry be by perjurious intrusion , and their profanity and scandals therafter notour to all . Now how applicable this is to Conformists , needs not my paines to subsume . We might also here tell him that there are scandals which are officiall , rendring the man coram Deo no officer , and that in case of their becoming very atrocius Mr Durham will allow to depart to more pure ordinances . On scandal page 129. Although we will not take upon us to determine , how & in what cases , during the Churches incapacity , & discomposed state , a Ministers atrocious scandals after his entry , and perjurious usurpation in the way and manner therof , may supply the want of a formal censure , yet absolutly to deny that in any imaginable case , whether of the scandals and intrusion of the minister , the Churches incapacity to censure , or the peoples clamant necessity , and apparent advantages for their edification otherwise they were oblidged to own him still , and that nothing but this declarative sentence , could loose their tye , would , infer very dangerous consequences obvious to the meanest reflection . Specialy that in performance of supposed duties , flowing from the tye and relation , they would crosse many scriptur-precepts enjoyning the contrary . Shall Christs sheep follow the hireling and stranger , and not beware of wolves and false prophets , strengthen Covenant breakers , and scismaticks , because a perturbed Church cannot draw forth her censure . If it be said that this will open a door for separation , since every one displeased , may pretend that scandals are of an highnature . Ans. 1. The sinful abusive pretences of men , is a poor argument to infringe any truth or duty . 2. This absurdity may be retorted in the other extreme , and under pretence of the mans exterior call who is not ( nor can be in a Churches disturbed state ) censured , Christs sheep may ( as I said ) be given up to destroying wolves , the means and opportunities of their edification lost , and their soules exposed to most imminent hazard of perishing . 2. There is a pure Ministry and Church free of their scandalls , and testifying against them , so that adherence to them rather then Curats is only a non-union to corruption , or a scandalous party of Innovators who have gone out from the fellowship of this Church , and such a separation negative or non-union , as Mr Rutherfoord allowes , Due right of Presbyt . pag. 253 , 254. such as he sayes was the carriage of the faithfull in relation to the Donatists in Augustines time , or a separation from the most and worst part not the least and best part , as he there distinguishes , calling the greatest corrupt part the Schismaticks ; As before the Jewes came to blaspheme , there was no reason to joyn to them rather then the Gospel Church , planted by the Apostles , to which Mr Rutherfoord sayes , converts were to adhere . 3. We have heard that according to our principles and the tenor of our Reformation , we are to look upon them as Schismaticks from this Church . So that upon this very ground of holding and mantaining this Churches purity and union , they are to be disowned by Gods people . Our Informer will grant that abstracting from a Ministers being otherwise either censured or censurable , he ought not to be followed in a Schismatick course to the ruine of a pure Churches union , but is ipso facto to be left : for upon this ground he pleads for disowning Presbyterian Ministers abstracting from their being any otherwayes censured . 4. Are there not many Presbyterian ministers neither convict nor censured , and whom he dare not call scandalous , whose conversation and walk is both convincing and shining , and such as discovers that Christ is in them , that they have the masters seal and call to preach the Gospel , who have entered into this Church by the door , and are standing in a ministrrial relation to her , yet he pleads for disowning them , meerly because their Ministry is cross to the prelatick union and order . So he must grant that Ministers may be disowned on this ground of Innovating upon , and standing in opposition to a Churches establisht union and order , abstracting from this formal censure . As for what he adds of Judas , it s very impertinently alledged here , for his theft and other wickedness was as yet secret , and not become open and scandalous , which excepts him from the compass of this question , which is anent Ministers guilty of open and avowed scandalls , intrusion into the Ministry , violent ejection of faithfull pastours , and persecution of a pure Church . None of which can be said of Judas . But now followes in the next place , his main objection and argument from the Scribes and Pharisees , he tells us , what great exceptions might have been made against their life and doctrine , Math. 23. that they were ●…mies to Christ , neglected Iudgement , mercy and faith : that they were proud hypocrites , and that tho all which Naphtali sayes of Conformists were true ( and all sees it to be true and consequently that he gives them no other characters then what they put upon themselves , and cannot more be charged with distemper for this , then our blessed Lord in calling these Pharisees , serpents and vipers , or Paul in calling the Impostours of whom the Philippians were in hazard , dogs , evil workers , the concision , whose God is their belly , whose glory is in their shame though they were ( as these pharisees ) gross in their lives , and there were leaven in their doctrine , they were not to be disowned , since altho the Pharisees for doctrine taught the commands of men ; and took away the key of knowledge , Christ in his sexmon on the mount purged the Law from their corrupt glosses , yet Simeon and Anna turned not separatists , Ioseph and Mary went up to keep the passover , and Christ bids bear them , tho with a c●…veat 〈◊〉 beware of their leaven , and their ill example . Here he also tells us , that he hath no pleasure to make a parallel betwixt the Pharisees and our preachers in long prayers , and devouring widowes houses , compassing sea and land to make proselytes , tho we have given too much ground for these comparisons . Ans. 1. To beginne with this last invective ( which he insinuats , and Dr Burnet prosecutes at large in his trifling dialogues ) If I should rejoyn that its a foming out their o●… shame , to make such comparisons , and renders them too like these wandring stars to whom this is attrib●… , It were no great overstreach . Dare he say that our Lord did simply condemn long prayers , because he condemned making a shew of them ; or that faithfull ministers their travells to keep poor souls upon the solid foundation of our sworn Reformation , and recover them from this plelatick corruption and apostacy , is to proselyte them to be children of hell ? It may be with better ground averred that prelatists who are enemies to either long or short prayers in the spirit , and plead for dead formes and lyturgies , and who have d●…oured not widowes houses only , but Gods house and Church in this land , and who compass sea and land to proselyte this poor Church to the Synagogue or Rome , are much liker these precedents in the above mentioned characters . But 2. To his argument , The pharisees were scandalous in their life , corrupt in their doctrine , yet the saints separat not from ordinances , and Christ allowed to hear them . This man might ( if he had been ingenuous ) have found this objection solidly answered and removed by severals . I answer 1. It s more then he hath proved , that the owning of the Pharisees ministry is here enjoyned , because 1. The command of observing what they enjoyned , will not necessarly infer this ; we may observe what morall Philosophers , or papists bid us do under such like restrictions and limitations , upon which people are enjoyned to observe what the Pharisees prescribed ; we may observe what civil Rulers bid us do , but not own them as teachers . 2. There are many things in the context , which seem utterly to repugn to this inference that our Lord enjoyned the owning or attending of their instructions as ecclesiastick teachers . 1. He bids beware of their leaven or doctrine Math. 16. 12. joyning them with Sadducees who denyed the resurrection , and erred fundamentally , sure not to hear them was the best way to evite their leaven , 2. It will be hard to prove that they were Priest Pharisees , since all the Pharisees were not such , as Nieodemus and Ioseph of Arimathea , who were civil Rulers , and consequently any command to obey them , will no more infer hearing them preach , then such a command as to council or parliament . The thing commanded is not hearing them as teachers , but only obebienc●… which may be very properly enjoyned as to civil Rulers . 3. The qualities ascribed unto them , such as their sitting in Moses chair , who was King in Jesurun , not Aarons who was the Piest , their loving the chief seats in synagogues , ( whereas , if teachers , their chief seat was knowen , and appropriat to them ) their paying tithes ( whereas , if priests tithes were payable to them ) these qualities ( I say ) seem to import that they were not priests and teachers by office , that hearing of them , or attending their ministry as such , is enjoyned hearing of and atteding their Ministry as such . 15. 4. Christ bids let them alone , which sounds like , owne them not as teachers . He calls them blind leaders of the blind , nay he calls them the stranger whose voice the true sheep hear not , but rather the true shepherd Math. 15. 13 , 14 , Joh. 10. 4 , 5. and such as shut up heaven against men , and hindred such as were entring ; all which seem very inconsistent with a command of hearing them . 5 Christ spoke to the disciples as well as the people in this precept . Now its certain that neither the disciples did eyer hear them , nor could they leave his Ministry , nor is it found that Christ who came to fulfill all righteousness , taught them to do so , by his example . Finally the words of this precept have for their scope to engadge to beware of the Pharisees infectious evills : so that this command to do & observe what they delivered as sitting in Moses seat , which they did then possess , is but by way of concession , which supposes only that which he intended shortly to abolish , and now would have improven for the best advantadge . 2. Granting that they were to be heard , I deny his consequence , that therfore Curats in this our case are to be heard also ; the cases are very different , and the disparity when cleared will discover his consequence to be naught , from the hearing of the Pharisees , to the hearing of Conformists . I offer it then in these particulars . 1. These Pharisees Ministry was not of it self actually exclusive of , and a direct intrusion upon the Ministry of faithfull teachers . Suppose they had chased away all Israels Lawfull teachers , and by perjurious violence thrust themselves into their rooms , would our Lord have bidden own or hear them ? If our Informer say so he will contradict himself , and overturn the scope of his reasoning in this dialogue , for he thniks that the ministry of Presbyterian ministers , is intrusion , and therupon pleads for disowning and not hearing them . 2. He pleads for owning Curats as Christs ambassadours cloathed with his authority to deliver his message , but Christ doth here ( at least for any thing he hath said from this text ) only enjoyn to hear the Pharisees interpretation and decision of that nations Municipal or civil Law , anent the rules of external righteousness and civil policy , which two are very different . 3. Christ having guarded the Law from their corrupt glosses , and the disciples from their snares , shewes in this precept how to make the best advantage of that dispensation , now ready to vanish away , since he was shortly to erect a gospel ministry , and remove all that legal dispensation , and then none of them were to be heard : But this man pleads for disowning our faithfull sent gospel ministers under a standing relation to this Church , and the obligation of Christs standing command , and commission to officiat , and this in favours of intruding hirelings usurping their places , and opposing these faithfull Ambassadours in their masters work and message . Now who sees not the difference betwixt these . 4. They were not in a stated opposition to a faithfull body of teachers , acknowledged and owned by the sound Church of Israel and testifying against them , seeking to root them out , and together with them a reformation , to which all had recently vowed adherence . 5. There was no badge or Test of complyance w●…b all their abominations particularly appointed and enjoyned by the Rulers , in this act of hearing them , as there is in our case in relation to the hearing of Curats , rendring ( as I said ) the not hearing them , and adherence rather to a faithfull Ministry testifying against them , a case of confession , especially this difference will be apparent , if our National vows and Covenant , expresly obliging to adhere to these faithfull ministers , in opposition to them and their course of backsliding , be duely pondered . Next , as for what he sayes of Simeon and Anna ; Joseph and Mary , their attending the temple Worship at that time ; as his argument there from is removed by what is said , so to clear this further , I add 1. That its wide reasoning from the godly their lawful concurrence with that Church ( now under the rust of old corruptions ) in what was good and sound , to our deserting a sound Church and ministry to comply with abjured corruptions , and Schismatick innovators , reintroduced after they have been cast out . 2. It s as wide reasoning , from their not separating from Gods ancient Church upon the ground of corruptions , to conclude against non-complyance with a party who are not our Church ( tho they usurp her name ) but are opposed and testifyed against , by our true Church and ministry . We in this case ( as I have said ) do not separat from the Church of Scotland , her Doctrine , Worship , or ministry , but only from Schismatick backsliders from the union & reformation of this Church . But in the case of these old saints & worthies , separation from the temple , would have imported an absolute separation from the ministry & Church of Israel . In a word , the utter impertinency of all his pleading in this argument , and from these instances , appears in this , that he supposes that its meerly for Conformists personal faults we disowne ordinances administred by them , as if they were ther●… by polluted ; which has no more truth in it , then that its meerly for Presbyterian ministers personal faults as pulluting the worship , that he pleads for disowning them , but upon the grounds of the present case and circumstances , wherein they stand , he pleads for disowning Presbyterian ministers , and they more justly because of Conformists present case , plead for disowning them , as is said and cleard above . After this he cites Mr Durham on Revel . 3. inferring from what is said of the Angel of Sardis and Laodicea , that a minister as to his case unsound , may be owned and esteem'd as such . But how impertinent this is to our purpose any may see , for their scandalous carriage in their walk is much more then unsoundness as to their case , which notwithstanding we acknowledge will not of it self , and primo instanti warrand separation from ordinances in every case . But we have cleared that we have much more to lay to the charge of Conformists , then either inward unsoundness , or outward scandalls simply considered ; even their corrupt Doctrine , their intrusion , their stated opposition to this Church her principles , union , and Reformation . As to what Mr Durham adds , and our Informer cites in relation to the ordinances their not suffering derogation in whatsoever hands they be anent a due ministerial respect to the Pharisees tho their rottenness was discovered by our Lord : that Judas was to be received as an Ambassadour with other Apostles — that God makes usefull Instruments sometimes — and that edification doth not necessarly depend upon the holiness of the Instrument , Act. 3. 12. Matth. 7. 23. It s utterly remote from our purpose , as is clear from what is said , for neither can he prove that this practice is a separation properly such , nor doth that case of an Improvement of the pharisees teaching during that time of the legall dispensation , now shortly to be abolisht , meet our purpose , nor the case of Judas hid abominations , correspond with that of avowed perjury and apostacy from the vows and Reformation of our Church . Nor is there here a supposed prior obligation of adherence to conformists ministry , preponderating any objection as to their scandalls . What can this man say , if we shall plead these reasons of Mr Durham , for adhering to Presbyterian ministers , viz. that ordinances ought not to be despised in whatever hands they be , that even the pharisees and Judas himself might be heard , and therefore much more Presbyterian ministers of this Church , that God can make even graceless men Instruments of good ; that the efficacy of means depends not on the holyness of the instrument . Now will he admit a conclusion of owning Presbyterian Ministers from these principles ; nay , he thinks that maters stand so with them because of their supposed Schism and disorder , that for as applicable as these things are to them , yet they ought not to be heard . And so by his own confession and pleading this will conclude nothing for him , untill his above mentioned groundless suppositions be made good . Now let me retort of our Informers angry Querie here , how can they Justifie withdrawing people from Presbyterian Ministers , since not so bad as the scribes and Pharisees , if they have either knowledge or moderation . He must then of necessity grant , if he will not contradict himself , that all these grounds will not plead for hearing in some cases , & that the London Ministers assertion anent the validity of the Episcopal ordination for substance ( repeated here again ad nauseam ) falls utterly short of proving his conclusion . Those Ministers do assert , that the Presbyterian ordination is the more pure and conform to the scripture pattern , what will he then say to this conclusion , that upon this ground ( and especially because Conformists themselves owne the validity of Presbyterian Ministers ordination ) they are inconsequent to themselves , as well as going cross to scripture and sound reason , in disowning the ministry of the Presbyterian ministers of this Church , and withdrawing people from hearing them . Let him pull out this beam from his own eye , and his answer shall easily serve for us . The Doubter alledges , that in Math. 23. [ We are not bidden hear the scribes and Pharisees , and that the words will not bear that . ] He answers that he forbids not to hear as we forbid to hear Conformists . Ans. 1. We have seen that there is more may be alledged from the Scripture as to a prohibition to be their ordinary and constant hearers at least , ( which he pleads for as to Conformists ) then he can alledge as to a command of hearing . 2. That the tollerance or allowance of a hearing of them during that shortly to be abolisht legall dispensation , is far from coming up to his conclusion of owning curats in this our case . 〈◊〉 . He answers , that Mr Durham speaks of a ministerial respect due to these Pharisees , and that without hearing , this ministerial respect is Lame . Ans. Mr Durhams reason anent a Ministerial respect is in relation to the Improvement of their teaching , & tho granted in the greatest latitude he can imagine , will not inferr his conclusion of owning Curats in this case as is already cleared . Admitting that a due Ministerial respect , will infer hearing in Mr Durhams sense and instance , yet in our case , ( which I told him Mr Durhams assertion will not speak unto ) acknowledgment of a man to be a Minister , and capable of a Ministerial respect in so far , will not bear this conclusion , else the Informer hath in a clap devoured and eaten in again all this Dialogue in pleading against this Ministerial respect in hearing Presbyterian Ministers , whose Ministerial authority he acknowledges . 2ly , He answers , that our Lord enjoyns obedience to that which they bid do , and that as sitting in Moses chair — and how could that be except the people heard them teach from Moses chair — he that bids obey a Ministers injunctions from the word of God , consequently bids hear him deliver his doctrine from the word . Ans. We told him that for any thing that he , or any of his fellow pleaders , have yet offered from this text , these Pharisees might be civil national doctors and interpreters of Moses Iudiciall Law , and of 〈◊〉 municipal Law , from his civil chair , who was King in Iesurun , which will no more infer a hearing them teach and preach as Church officers , then our obedience to the King , Council , parliament and Session , will infer that conclusion . 2. His parallels as to the command of obeying a Ministers doctrine from the word its inferring an injunction of hearing him deliver these doctrines from the word , is ( in this case and question ) pityfull sophistry and begging of the question , in supposing that these anent whom this injunction was given , were Ecclesiastick Ministers , which he hath not yet proved . 2. That teaching from Moses chair , is in this case equivalent to Ministerial gospel teaching and preaching from the word of God , which he has not proved either , since ( as I said ) Gods word contained the Jews municipal Law , which civil Judges might in that capacity deliver and interpret , in relation to external righteousness betwixt man and man in things of this life . Finally , granting they were to be heard teach and expone , which he hath not yet made good from the text , it will nothing help his cause for the reasons often given : so that the separation which he improves this place against , being his groundless supposition alledged but not proven by him , and by us disproved by what is said above , and likewise the application of this hearing the Pharisees to our hearing Curats , being his bare petitio principii , his assertion after subjoyned viz. that this passage will stand against us to our conviction as against the seperatists in Queen Elizabeths time ; is but a piece of his ignorant arrogant confidence ; there being a vast difference betwixt our case , and that of those separatists at that time , as shall hereafter appear . And beside , Presbyterian Ministers of this Church have much more to say from this text , for their people's adhering to them , then prelatists can plead . The Doubter next alleadges , [ that many Episcopall men have entered upon honest mens Labours , and therefore ought to be disowned as intruders . ] He answers 1. That all are not such , that some Conformists have keep●… their places they bad before the change , others have entered in to the labours of those that are dead and transported elswhere . Ans. Our Informer doth miserably pinch and narrow a sinfull intrusion by this description ; which himself must acknowledge . For should a Presbyterian Minister step into his own Church upon the death or transportation of one of the Curats , who will question that this man will call it an intrusion according to his principles anent the prelatick Church , and so he must acknowledge that notwithstanding what he here pleads , the Curats entry is intrusion according to our principles ; beside that the Ministery of those who have conformed , and were Presbyterially ordained , being an express owning of the principles ▪ practices and design , of this prelatick schismatick destroying party , and by their acceptance of collation and presentation , and concurring in the Prelats pretended Judicatories , a ministry compleatly of the prelatick mould , its reductive , if not formaliter , an intrusion ; or partaking with the general intrusion and usurpation upon the pure reformed Ministry and Church of Scotland , even as a state officer or Magistrat his taking his office from Invaders , while an army is in the fields against them , doth fully and fitly denominate him an Invader in the exercise thereof , tho it be materially the same office and imployment which he had before . Or as an inferior officer in an army taking his office and a new commission from an usurping General , and other usurping superior officers , who are dissolving and betraying the true army , expelling the true General and officers contrary to their first commission , doth partake in that usurpation . Considering the Church of Scotland as it stood establisht in doctrine , discipline , worship , and government , and her National and solemn vows , surely this course of Conformity is a most gross intrusion upon her , without so much as a shadow of consent ; and so is all partaking therein by consequence , which no Conformist can acquit himself of ; and therefore according to the tenor and principles of our Reformation , cannot be lookt upon as any of our true Church her Sons and Ministers . But here our Informer poseth us with some great queries forsooth 1. Whether Conformists were active in utting Presbyterian ministers , or came in before they were out , and their places declared vacant . Ans. Whoever is active or passive in outting them , one thing is sure , they are violently thrust out contrary to the word of God , and the rules , order , and Reformation of this Church . So that come in who will , they are Intruders . 1. Because they have come in upon a charge to which faithfull Ministers of this Church have Christs Keyes and commission . 2. Because come in and obtruded by those who are ingrained usurpers , thieves and Robbers ; I mean perfidious Prelats ( often abjured and cast out of this Church with detestation ) and not in the order of this Church , Nor by her door . A poor man is by a number of Robbers dispossest of his house , they put in a seeming neutral , to keep house for them ; the poor owner seeks his possession , & complaines of this usurpation , O saith the new tennant and Robbers depute , I am no Intruder , I have a good right , I put you not out , but found your house empty . Now let the Informer use a litle honest application and answer his weightie Querie . 2. He asks , why will those dispossest ministers suffer the people to starve , because they have slept out of their charges . Ans. The people are starved & poysoned too by those that come in ; & these Ministers are concerned upon their faith to the great shepherd , to endeavour what they can to save his lambes from the wolves , and give faithfull Ministerial warning of their flocks hazard . Next , he tells us , though a minister be transported against his will , yet the people should submit to his successor . True , when for the Churches greater good , he is transported to another watchtower by her faithfull guides , and true Church Judicatories , but not when the true pastour is chased away by usurping perjured Prelats ; and an intruding hireling brought in as their vicar . It s this mans perted self ( to use his own phrase here ) that blurrs his eyes to draw a similitudinar argument from such an absimilar instance . One thing he did well to add as a proviso , viz the successors coming in upon an orderly or fair call . And doth this man think that Conformists have this orderly call according to the Reformation and doctrine of this Church ? Nay , is he not disputing against this call , and so if this be a necessary condition of a Ministers Lawfull succession , the Informer is in the briers of a palpable inconsistency near of kin to a contradiction . As for what he adds of the necessity of a Ministry , and making the best of what we cannot help in our superiours , we say , that were the Rulers using their power for giving one Lawfull pastour for another , and in the method of this Church , and according to the scripture pattern , by Lawfull Church Indicatories , these reasons would say something ; but when they have overturned the Reformation of a Church , and contrary to that Churches vows and their own , are obtruding abjured prelats , and a number of profane hyrelings as their deputes , to exclude and ruine a faithfull Ministry , his reasons in this case are naught , and speak nothing to the point . As for what he adds afterward of Ministers , in the year 1648 ejected for asserting their duty to the King , and their submitting while others were put into their charges . I Answer , he will never while he breaths be able to prove , that they were deposed for asserting their duty to the King , and not rather for promoting an ungodly course tending to the Kings ruine , and the ruine of our Reformation , and for other pieces of their scandalous miscarriages , by the true Lawfull Judicatories of this Church . So that upon both grounds , the flocks were concerned to submit to such faithfull pastours , as were set over them in the way and method of this Church , and according to the scripture pattern . His last answer to this argument of his Doubter anent Conformists Intrusion is , that Presbyterian Ministers intrusion , is from parish to parish over the Labours of all the Ministers of Scotland , whereas Conformists intrusion ( if it be so ) is but over one parish . Ans. We told him before , that Presbyterian Ministers , notwithstanding the prelats violence and usurpation , are Ministers of this Church of Scotland continuing still in that relation to her ; So that the present presecution and violence , as well as backsliding of the Prelatick schismaticks and Innovators , warrands their more enlarged officiating by the same grounds , upon which the presecute officers of the Church of Jerusalem went every where pre●…ching the gospel , and on the same ground that Ministers enlarged officiating in the time of our Reformation , was warranted ; to which this case of defection is parallel and correspondent . So that their ministerial obligation , and the many scripture commands as to diligence in their testimony , Being by the present state of our Church extended to their officiating in this manner , their Ministry is no Intrusion , but the Lawfull exercise of their office , received from the great shephered , nor is it upon the flocks who are under a tye and relation to the present Incumbents as their pastours , but toward poor starved flocks committed to wolves , who destroy but feed not ; and the Curats pretended Ministry being neither of Christ , nor for him , is still an usurpation though over the smallest flock ; so that his Instance of the pyrats word to Alexander , and citation of the Apostle's caveat Rom 2. 21. is extra ole●… and reaches himself a rebounding stroke . For who ( I pray ) have usurped the name and authority of this Church , and endeavoured to have it compleatly moulded in their way , and to extirpat all faithfull Ministers and professors within the Nation , is it not 14 usurping Prelats and their underlings , this is a robbery indeed , and with a witness . Now follows another argument of his Doubter [ that Episcopal Ministers are abjured as depending upon the hierarchy , and therefore cannot be heard without breach of the Oath . ] In what respects the owning of Conformists , especially as that practice is now circumstantiat , is a breach of Covenant , we have cleard above , and need not again repeat it . He answers . 1. That Ministers are not mentioned in that article . But if they depend upon that Ecclesiastical hierarchy as Church Officers , why are they not mentioned . Next , it s enough for our purpose , that the owning of their Ministry as depending upon prelats , is in this our case abjured . 2. He tellsus , that dependance on that hierarchy doth suppose , and is to be understood of a hierarchy , made up of all the officers enumerate in that Article , as the English Presbyterians sense it , which hierarchy we have not in Scotland . This conceit I have already confuted , and proved that beside this Article , we are by the first bound to preserve the establisht Reformation and Government of this Church , and to adhere to all that enter into this Oath , in the pursuing of its ends ; and not to suffer our selves to be withdrawen from this Reformation , and our union therein by terrour or persuasion , is an obligation lying upon us in the 6. Article , which doth abundantly ( as we have said , ) reach the disowning of Conformists . In the next place he tells us , that to binde our selves to disowne Ministers depending upon Bishops , is to binde our selves to sin . I Answer whatever may be said of such an engadgement simpliciter and absolutly considered , yet certainly to engadge our selves against the reintroduction of Prelacy into a pure Church reformed from it , and against all dependers upon , and promoters of that Interest in such a Church , in the capacity of Church officers , and eatenus as promoting and depending upon it , is both a lawfull and necessary engadgment , necessarly flowing from & dependent upon the abjuration of prelacie it self . That Ministers tho faulty may be heard , will ( as we have oft demonstrate ) nothing help his conclusion . Since he can not deny that their faultiness in some cases may barr their being heard , as he supposes Presbyterian Ministers faults puts a Lawfull stop in the way of people's hearing them . Then he tells us , that he hath showen episcopacy to be a Lawfull government which none might Lawfully adjure , for this we referr the Reader to what is answered on the first Dialogue where we have proven the contrary , and that it is a government contrary to the word of God , which therefore we were obliged to abjure . Lastly he tells us , that by this exposition of the 2. Article we were bound not to owne Ministers who were in office at the taking of the Covenant , but to extirpat them since they depended upon Bishops as to their ordination still , even after they had taken the Covenant , unless they renounced their ordination received from Bishops , and had been ordained a new by meer Presbyters , which they thought themselves not bound to do by the Covenant , or they were Ministers without a true ordination all that time , and then all their Ministerial Acts were null since they proceeded from that ordination . And yet ( he sayes ) we never serupled to hear such Ministers notwithstanding of this dependance upon Bishops in part , if they disowne Bishops for the future . Ans. What a silly knack is it which all this tatle is founded upon , viz. Ministers who received ane ordination from Bishops , or Bishops with Presbyters , in a Church upon which they had usurped , are still to be lookt upon as Ministers depending upon Bishops , even after Prelacy is abolished , and Presbyterian Government established in that Church . So poor a notion that I am sure the least reflection may discover its vanity , ordination being Gods ordinance and appointment , and the Bishop qua Presbyter being vested with a power in it , ordination by the Bishop with Presbyters ( tho maim'd in respect of the Bishop's arrogated power , which is a corruption adhering to it ) cannot by any good consequence be said to depend in its esse or nature upon the Prelat , and far less in operari or esse after that corruption is removed and abjured , and Presbyterian Government set up . Doth a souldier or Officers commission or Military power slow still from a Colonel after he is disbanded ? Nay this is too gross inadvertency . Were Zuinglius , Luther , and other of our Reformers dependents upon the papacy or popish Prelats after their cleaving to , and embracing the Reformation ? Do not all our divines distinguish the essentials of their ordination from these corruptions adhering to it , and assert that they had a Ministry Lawfull for substance , and an ordination to their Ministry , tho coming to them through that impure channell . This man Justifies the Pope's plea , where is your Ministry ( saith he and the Romanists ) you have no Ministry but what you have from us ? do not our Divines tell them that the Ministry and ordination it self being Gods institution , we have them from the Lord , now restored and recovered from their corruptions , and are not dependers upon them for our Ministry ? did all our Reformers Ministerial acts flow from the pope or papal ordination as such ? Let our Informer take heed of this praemunire , for this dangerous error which he hath fallen into , will expose him to the severe censure of all protestant Churches . 2ly , Hence Ministers who were ordained by Prelats with Presbyters concurring , were no more bound ( yea less bound ) to renounce their ordination simply , then Zuinglius or Luther were obliged to renounce theirs ; especially since their ordination was in a protestant Church , and under Prelats owning the protestant profession ( which our Informers charity will no doubt esteem a considerable difference ) and their not renouncing it simpliciter will no more make them still dependent upon the Prelates as to their Ministry , when prelats are removed , then Zuinglius and Luther were dependent upon the Pope as to their ordination , and the acts flowing therefrom , after their separation from the Church of Rome , or infer that they did owe their baptism to the Pope , or the ordination of the popish priest who baptized them , and were concerned to be rebaptized . So that the popish cause and interest is much obliged to our Informer , if his pleadings for our prelacy wil hold good ; and it is no bad omen that both interests are thus embarqued together in this man and his fellows reasonings for them , and must stand and fall together , which fortifies our hope and confidence , that as the first hath begun to fall , so the other shall gradually decay , wither , and fall with it . CHAP. IV. The Informers answer to the Doubters argument anent separation from a corrupt Church , and the retorted charge of schisme upon Conformists , examined . OUr Doubt-Resolver will seem ingenuous in offering an answer to some chief objections against the owning of Conformists , and therfore puts into the mouth of his personat Doubter , some more arguments , in such a mould as he supposes is for his best advantadge , which I shal now consider , and deal faithfully with him and his supposed Doubter , in presenting these arguments , ( which he hath disguised ) in their genuine strength , and shall examine his answers , which when weighed in the scripture ballances and according to the true state of this question will no doubt be found as empty and insignificant as any of the preceeding . The Doubter hath another argument [ that we are warranted by the word to separat from a corrupt Church . ] This objection he curtly and advantagiously propones , making his Doubter suppose 1. a confessed separation in this practice , from a Church to which we are bound to adhere , which this new advocat has not as yet made good . 2. That any corruptions generally , or such as may denominate a Church in some measure corrupt , will warrand a separation , which is a principle we do not owne . We acknowledge a Church may be joyned with Lawfully wherein there are great corruptions , and this with Mr Durham and others on that subject . But as to corruptions , we say , if the contraverted joyning be in that which is clear and necessary duty in the present circumstances , there can be in this joyning no stain , but in so far as a concurrence with that which is duty out of that complex case , cannot be performed without a direct complyance with , or stain of these corruptions , then a proportioned separation is needfull in so far as suitable to that exigence ; and yet even in this case we assert that other duties in the fellowship with that same Church may be owned : and that fellowship is not intirely to be broken off ( upon the preceeding ground ) in these things wherein there is no such hazard . But now what sayes he to this argument , 1. He tells us , we are mistaken if we think the Bishops a corruption , and that this will not be granted . Ans. I hope I have made it evident that they are a corruption , and therefore to be disowned . The 2 answer is , that its a mistake to think that for corruptions , and even great corruptions , a Church is to be separat from . Then he tells us , of the corrupted of the Church of Galatia ; that in the Church of Corinth an article of the creed was denyed , that there were great faults in the Asian Churches Rev. 2. 3. and of the great corruptions that were in the Church of Israel , as is evident in the books of the Kings and Prophets , yet the people of God were not commanded to separat as long as the substance of the worship was not corrupted , as it was by Ieroboams calves . Ans. 1. What if Presbyterians shall borrow this argument from him , and from these instances of not separating from a Church , notwithstanding of great corruptions , shall plead for all professors in Scotland their adhering to Presbyterian Ministers and this Presbyterian Church , as having a worship not substantially corrupted , whatever other personal faults , or corruptions they may be lyable unto , that yet they are a true Church as to the main , and that therfore they ought to be joyned with , as the Churches of Corinth and Galatia ( wherein there were great corruptions ) were still adhered to by professors . What will he say in this case ? I know he will say that its ridiculous for such a party of Schismaticks to call our selves the Church of Scotland . But what if we return this answer to him again , that according to the Reformation and principles of our Church ( out of which Prelats were ejected , vows against them universally taken on , and Presbyterial government compleatly setled therein ) Its ridiculous to call a party of Prelats and their adherents the Church of Scotland , or for them to usurp her name , who have thus overturned her Reformation . So that untill he make good the above mentioned hypothese : or suppositions , viz. that Conformists are the true organick Church of Scotland , that this our practice is a separation properly such ; that its meerly because of Conformists personal faults that we withdraw ; that we are under prior obligations to adhere unto Curats with all their corruptions rather then our Presbyterian Ministry and Church , which is both free of them and contending against them ; untill these and such like suppositions be made good , his argument from the preceeding scripture Iostances as to joyning with a Church that hath corruptions , is a meet petitio principii , and will not help his cause in the least . Which will be further evident if we consider in the 2d place , that the case of these Churches and professors therein was far from ours in relation to corruptions . For 1. The Doctrinal corruptions of Galatia as to the legal Ceremonies , ( by the bad influence of judaizing teachers ) tho they were of a large , yet the Informer will not prove they were either of such an universal spread and tincture , or strengthned by such an universal acknowledgment , as to make the state of that Church correspond with his hypothesis in this argument . 2. That error in the Church of Corinth in relation to the resurrection , appears not to have been owned by their teachers and Church officers , far less publickly avowed and obstinatly and presumptuously maintaired by them or any considerable number of hearers , which makes their case wide from ours , wherein so many preachers who call themselves Pastours of this Church , & many others , obstinatly and avowedly maintain our abjured corruptions ; the Church of Corinth was in capacity to censure any handfull that owned this error , & to purge out this leaven , but so is not our Church in this case as to the mantainers of Prelacy and its other corruptions , so that there is here no remedy but for the sound part to keep themselves pure from their contagious and destroying course . The account of both these Churches in the point of corruptions , which is exhibit by Pareus in his Comment . ●…n the 1 Cor. is considerable to this purpose , upon the 12. verse of the 15. chap. he tells us that the Apostle accuseth not them all , but some only , freeing the rest of this crime . Neque enim accusat omnes sed quosdam inter eos . Reliquos igitur a culpa li●…erat . Neque enim paucorum culp ▪ omnibus est imputanda . Therafter he shewes that some do judge that this was Hymen●…us and Philetus , others , some of the Jewishs Saduces or Heathen Philosophers who had instilled this poyson about the resurrection . And a little after answering Bellarmines cavill , [ that because of these Churches their corruption in doctrine , therefore pure doctrine is not the marke of a Church ] as the Churches of Corinth and Galatia were without the faith of the resurrection , and sound faith as to justification . He answeres by denying this assertion . Neque enim ( saith he ) tota Ecclesia Corinthiorum negabat resurrectionis fidem : sed aliqui tantum , quos redarguebant alij . Idem de Galatarum Ecclesia sentiendum : qui nec omnes , nec tam 〈◊〉 errabant in fundamento , nutabant saltem , utrum fides Christi ad salutem sufficeret — dicit enim ibidem , ut & Corinthijs : modicum fermenti fermentat totam mass●…m . Ergo fermentum , non erat omnium sed aliquorum tantum : a quibus tamen omnibus imminebat periculum , quod Apostolus tentat ab eis avertere . That is , this whole Church of Corinth denyed not the resurrection , but some only who were opposed by others , the same we must judge of the Church of Galatia , who did neither all , nor so hainonsly err in the foundation , but by the persuasion of false Apostles were hesitating , whether the faith of Christ was sufficient to salvation , or if the circumcision was also needfull , for he sayes in that same place as also to the Corinthians , a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump . Therefore this leaven was not of them all but of some only , by whom notwithstanding all were in hazard , which the Apostle endeavours to prevent . The Dutch annot upon the same place [ How say some among you &c. ] observe that this error was not common of the whóle Church , but of some only whose names are not exprest , as 2 Tim. 2. 17. that by shaming them he might not fright them from conversion . And upon Gal. 5. 9. they shew that this little leaven spoken of , may be either understood of the false doctrine it self , or the men who promoted this doctrine , who although they were few yet did much hurt , — and therefore were to be eshewed . Now , how disproportioned for extent and infection , these corruptions were unto these of our Church about which our debate is , is obvious to the meanest reflection , and consequently the Lameness of our Informers similitudinary argument from the one to the other . Which will be yet further evident , if we consider . That 3. He cannot make appear , that in any of these Churches there was a formal legal Iudicial enacting authorizing and commanding of these corruptions , and endeavours used , to exclude and root out all who would not submit to them , by Barbarous violence and persecution , particularly faithfull Ministers for testifying against the same . Nor can he prove that adherence to these erroneous corrupters in their Worship , was appointed and enjoyned as an express Test and badge of owning their errours , and renouncing the truth , and all the sound party adhering thereto , which is so casting a difference , that it quite invalidats these Instances as to any argument against our practice , for this destroying backsliding Innovating party of this Church have laid down courses either to engadge to a formal owning of their corruptions , especially the faithful Ministry of this land , or else to exterminat and root them out & all sound professours together with their Testimony . In a word whatever concurence in duty these corruptions he mentions may be consistent with , it is certain that the sound professors were called to keep themselves free of the contagion thereof by all means , and the Church was to use all endeavours to purge out and rid her self of these corruptions and corrupters too if obstinat , Paul wished they were cut off who troubled the Churches of Galatia , that is censur'd and laid aside as rotten members who were in hazard to grangrene the whole body . The Officers of the Church of Corinth are commanded to purge out the old leaven , since a litle would quickly leavent the whole lump . And the Apostle reprehends them for not casting out the Incestuous man , & enjoynes the sound professors in that Church to come out from among the unclean and be separat , as they exspect to be received of God. And our Lord reprehends the Church of Pergamus for not casting out them that held the Doctrine of Balaam , and the Nicolaitans — and the Church of Thyatira for suffering Jezabel to seduce and infect with scandalous errors and practices the Lords servants . Now the scope of these precepts will say , that when the case is so circumstantiat , that the Church and sound part can have no access for removing and censuring destroying corrupters , especially while by violence endeavouring ( after they have departed from a pure Church her sworn Reformation and constitution ) to force all to a concurrence with them , or exterminat the impolluted remnant , that this sound Church ( I say ) are to keep themselves free of their contagion , to follow their duty in opposition to them , and mutually to strengthen one another therein ; which is enough to Justifie our practice in this case . In like manner , the many commands of the Prophets to abstain from the pollutions of the time , and threatnings for accession thereto , will by proportion infer this our practice mentioned , and that when a case is such that no concurrence can be had with Innovators in their worship without the stain of their sin , and when they are persecuting all that will not concur with them , a non-union and forbearance is most necessary . Had any corrupting treacherous Prophets or others of the Church of Israel in concurrence with persecuting Rulers , enacted universal complyance with some gross corruptions , and ejected all the faithfull non complying teachers priests or prophets , admitting none to officiat except these corruptions had been formally acknowledged , Let any say what would have been the faithfull prophets decision in this case , and whether upon the same ground on which they so oft dehort from the least complyance with any sin , they would not have allowed and commanded the faithfull prophets and members of that Church to oppose them , and cleave unto their respective duties , and unto one another in the following thereof . As for what he adds , that there was then no command to separat from the worship while it was not substantially corrupted . I wonder if he will charge a corruption of the worship it self , or in the substance thereof upon the duties now owned and performed by Presbyterian Ministers and professors , from whom he notwithstanding thinks its duty to separat , so that untill he prove ( as I said ) Conformists their better claim to officiat as Ministers of this Church , then Presbyterian Ministers , this argument lights heavy on himself , and the censures put upon Novatians and Donatists falls upon their dividing and destroying party . The case of these Schismaticks being as far from ours as east from west ; were Novatians or Donatists first cast out by a violent backsliding party for not concurring in a course of backsliding , in overturning a Churches sworn reformation , and were they enjoyned & commanded , to owne the course of these backsliders ? I think the Donatists & Novatians their violence against adherers to the union of the true Church , is a fit emblem of the present practice of Conformists , how can this Man say , that there were then greater corruptions them now . Can there be greater corruptions in government then a papacy of the highest degree , as is their premacy and hierarchy ? can there be greater corruptions in practice , then perjury and such grosse prophanity as Conformists are blotted with for the most part ? greater corruption in principles , then Popish Arminian errors &c. The Doubter objects , [ that if we may not separat from a corrupt Church , what mean these scripture commands enjoyning separation , such as 2 Cor. 6. 14 , 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 5. 11 2 Thes 3. 6 Rev. 18. 3 ] We have already said that he deals deceitfully in making his Presbyterian Doubter assert that we may separat from a corrupt Church in every case , but this we say , that in whatever case , and in how far soever ; we cannot joyn with a corrupt Church without the contagion and stain of its corruptions , in so far and in that case , a separation is necessary , and falls within the compass of these scripture commands . And that in this our case , the demanded conformity as to Presbyterian Ministers and professors cannot be yeelded , without the stain of prelatists their sin , is above cleared . So that he needs not tell us here , that every corruption is not a sufficient ground of separation . For we have heard our Informer acknowledge that a Church may be in that degree corrupted , as will render a separation warrantable ; yea and necessary . I could wish he had condescended upon that degree of corruption , and showen us here the maximum quod sic , & minimum quod non , as to the ground of this separation , and how far these corruptions may strike at a Churches vitals , and yet her life and essence as a Church subsist . And here I would close in a litle with this Man , and enquire , that since a Churches corruptions will ( with him ) in some cases render a separation necessary , upon what ground is it necessary , and from what prior principle is this concluded ? sure it must be upon this ground , left union with that Church blott the soul , and make us share in her sin . So that in this case , we are not obliged to hold union and fellowship with her when it is infectious , as is most clearly imported in that command 2 Cor. 6. and if separation be upon this ground allowed , whether the corruption be lesser or greater , eatenus or in so far , we are obliged to separat , for Majus & minus non variant speciem rei . Next , I infer that a non-union to a corrupt party who cannot be called the Church , or at lest whose being the Church is magnalis & sub judice , will be a fortiori warranted , and upon lesser grounds then separation which supposes an anterior obligation of union , and actuall union out of this case , and abstracting from it . But for these scriptures mentioned , he sayes they will not prove our point , and to that of 2 Cor 6. 14. he answers , that our Lord is speaking of separating from ungodly fellowship with Idolaters , not of withdrawing from christian assemblies . But doth he not enjoyn that separation because of the hazard of Infection by their sin , and why not also from christian assemblies where there is the same hazard of this Infection ? did he not acknowledge that the case of a Church or christian Assembly may be such , as will render even a separation necessary . Now if in this case the tender separater should plead this text , and that corrupt Church or assembly of Christians give our Informers answer , viz. that it pleads only for separating from fellowship with Idolaters , not of withdrawing from christian Assemblies , how will he extricat himself , and reconcile this answer with his concession . But for these texts 1 Cor. 5. 11. and 2 Thess. 3. 6. he sayes , they are meant only of needless fellowship in privat converse with scandalous persons , but allowes not to withdraw from the publick worship because of the presence of such scandalous ones , as if this did pollute the worship , though it may be the fault of Church guides not to keep them back . Ans. The ground here is the same ( and acknowledged by him ) whatever be the withdrawing which is more immediately enjoyned , viz. lest their fellowship prove contagious , scandalous or in any measure sinfull , & so if fellowship with a Church in her Assemblies be thus infectious , these scriptures do enjoyn a separation upon the same ground ; and by necessary consequence from what he hath acknowleged : And therefore this answer is nothing to the purpose , unless he will retract his concession , that there may be corruptions in a Church and her assemblies , which will render a separation necessary . Next , as for what he adds , that ordinances are not polluted by the presence of scandalous ones . It is not for him , nor against us ; since he acknowledges , there may be a Lawfull yea necessary separation from a Church & her assemblies in worship , tho not upon this ground of the ordinances their pollution by the presence of scandalous ones : because of the reason which we have already heard ; and we do also upon other grounds then this of a pretended pollution of the ordinances by their scandals , maintain our disowning Conformists in their worship to be a duty ( as we have heard ) even that they are forcing all to a sinfull complyance with them , in a schismatick departing from the unity of this Church and perjurious overturning the work of reformation , and will neither suffer Ministers nor professors to joyn with them in worship , but with an express aknowledgement ( in the intent of our Laws ) and owning of this defection . Sure we are commanded to withdraw from every Brother that walks disorderly , ( which our Informer pleads as a sufficient ground to disowne Presbyterian Ministers & withdraw from them because of their supposed disorder and schism , tho the ordinances in their hands are not polluted with their supposed guilt , ) and from all fellowship with scandalous brethren , which is contagious and may pollute us , Now , are not they walking disorderly & cross to the doctrine , discipline , & Reformation of this Church ? are they not consequently schismaticks ? are not their scandals infectious , when they will suffer no Ministers to possess their charges , or officiat either with , or without them , or people to enjoy ordinances among them , without direct owning their defection , and overturning our Reformation , and a professed submission to their abjur'd prelacy , as is clear in the acts enjoyning Ministers preaching , and peoples hearing in conformity to prelacy and the supremacy . For that of Rev. 18. he sayes , that it enjoyneth a separation from Rome's corrupt doctrine and Idolatrous worship , but warrands not a separation from a Church where no such corruption is . I answer , The ground of the command is the danger of Infection by Rome's sins , as is expressed in the text , which will consequently hold wherever this danger is , whatever be the the particular sins from whence this danger flowes , for ( as I said ) majus & minus non variant speciem and we may add , that other Known rule , a quatenus ad omne valet sequela . In whatever case an union is unwarrantable and infectious , a proportioned separation is upon this ground enjoyned . Nay , if the conjunction have but mali speciem or be inductive to sin only , the command of eshewing , every appearance of evill , will reach this withdrawing , unless the conjunction be on other grounds an indispensible duty . Now our Covenant obligations , and our Reformation as itstood established being duely pondered , it will be clear that Conformists are schismaticks and destroying Innovators , and there is no prior obligation to joyn with them , but rather to disowne them in this course . Sure this man holds that fellowship with Presbyterian Ministers in their assemblies for worship is contagious , and that people are obliged to leave , and come out from them , tho he dare not lay Idolatrous worship nor corrupt doctrine to their charge , and so he must acknowledge , that this and such like commands will warrand a separation upon the general ground here intimat , abstracting from that special case of Romes Idolatrous worship and corrupt doctrine . It s very sophistical reasoning from the denyall of the special ground and nature of Romes contagion , from which christians are called to separat , to deny a separation upon any other contagion to fall within the compass of that precept , which is to reason from the denyall of the species to the denyal of the genus . His Doubter in the next place retorts his charge of separation upon himself , and alledges [ that we have better ground to charge Conformists with schism because of their departing from the government of this Church , to which we are still adhering , so that they have gone out from us , not we from them . ] We proved this charge already from the constitution and Reformation of this Church as it stood established , and our universal vows of adherence therunto , so that such as have overturned this work of Reformation , ( not Presbyterian government only ) they are properly the first dividers and deserters . But let us hear how he acquits himself of this charge . 1. He sayes that their submission to prelacy is in obedience to the commands of superiors , whom we are bound to obey in things not sinfull , So that their obedience is duty , and Presbyterians their non submission is disobedience to authority , and Schisme from the Church . But 1. His Doubter alleadging that Presbyterial Government is the Government of this Church , and inferring thereupon that departing from it is Schism , and that Prelatists have gone out from Presbyterians , not they from them , which is a very clear consequence , and will clearly infer the departers to be Schismaticks upon any description of Schism which he can assigne ; And moreover , this being the great ground upon which this man and his fellows do charge Presbyterians with Schism , viz. That they are separat from the present Prelatick constitution , since he offers no formal answer either to the antecedent or consequent of his Doubters argument , what will the interposed command of Rulers signify to alter the Nature of Schism , or to make that practice which is Hactenus upon Scripture grounds Schismatical , to be no Schism . This I must say is strange divinity , but like enough to that of these men who make the Magistrate a Pope over the Church , her ordinances , and over sacred Oaths and vows . 2. We have proved that their submission and obedience in this point , is a high rebellion against God , in disowning at mens arbitrary command , the Government of his house appointed in his word , and embracing an abjured Hierarchy contrary to it , and against which all the nations were engadged . So that our practice is obedience to God , and a keeping of the union of Christs body , and theirs is both perjury and Schism . He tells us , that he hath proved in the first conference Episcopacie to be the only Government left by Christ , and practised by his Apostles : So that our disowning it is Schism from the Scripture Church Government , and that of the primitive Church , as well as from them . To this I only say , that I hope we have made the prelacy he pleads for , appear to be a stranger both to Scripture and antiquity . Again he tells us , that in this charge of Schism , he means it not only or mainly in respect of Government , but of separating from their Assemblies for Worship , which is Schism tho the Government were wrong . I answer 1. If he acknowledges that separating from the Government is Schism , why answers he not our countercharge , that their party did first separat from the Government of this Church , and that therefore the Schism lyes first and principally at their door ; for that which he sayes of the Magistats command , is ( as we have heard ) utterly insignificant to wipe of this charge . 2. This charge of the first Schism on his part standing good , for any thing he hath said , that which he here adds of our being Schismaticks , because of our separation from their Assemblies for Worship , is like wise naught . For upon this ground of his Doubter , which he cannot disprove , viz. That they have made the first breach and separation , they are Hactenus Schismaticks , and so are to be disown'd in their worship upon that very account and ground , upon which he pleads fot disowning Presbyterians Assemblies for Worship tho he can lay nothing else to their charge , or alleadge any substantial corruption of the worship . And so the recocted crambe which he here presents to us again anent the Scribes and Pharisees , Simeon and Anna their attending the Temple Worship , Zacharias and Elizabeth , Joseph and Mary their not separating there from &c. Pleads as much for his Presbyterian Doubter in relation to the owning of our Presbyterian Assemblies for Worship ( and much more ) then for him . Since he dare not say that they are more corrupted then the Church of the Iews was at that time , and so we may echo back his alas how will you justify this separation of yours , with an enquiry how he and his party will justify their separation from the true Ministry of the Church of Scotland ? What if a party of corrupt Priests and Levites had risen up and pursued a course of defection , tending to raze and ruine all Gods ordinances , casting out all such Priests and Levites as would not concurr with them , and had appointed an acknowledgment of and concurrence with their wicked defection , to be the only condition upon which they will admit either priests or people to share in the ordinances ? In the mean time a great body of Priests and people adhering to Gods ordinances , and contending against them , had been keeping their possession of the temple Worship as long as they could ? I dare refer to our Informer to give judgment in this case and shew , what Simeon and Anna , Joseph and Mary would have done , and to which of the parties they would have adhered ? And let our cause be judged by this . His Doubter in the next place objects [ that Conformists lecture not , & therefore may not be heard . ] Here he but trifles to insinuat that this is solely lookt upon by us as a ground of not owning them . But in so far as in this our case it s a piece of their apostacy from our establisht reformed Worrhip , and an expresse badge of conformity to prelacy , and in both these respects , flat perjury and breach of Covenant , we look upon it as having its own influence with other grounds to warrand a non-union to them while standing in a stated opposition to faitfull Ministers mantaining , this with other pieces of our Reformation . To this objection our Informer answers , 1. That some Conformists lectured , and ye●… were separat from . And so might all of them be upon the forementioned grounds thus disowned and separat from , Altho they had keept a form of this , but I beleeve they are for signs and wonders among them who keep the lecture , or owne it at all . Next he tells us , of the ancient reading of the Scripture in the Jewish Church , and of Moses and the prophets in the Synagogues , Acts 13. 15 , 27. and 15. 21. and likewise in the Christian Church . But what then ? who denies this , why , they have ( he tells us ) the Scriptures publickly read in their Churches . But I trow the reading is the better of expounding , and he might have found , that the Levites ( Neh. 8. 8. ) read the Law of God distinctly , and gave the sense , and caused the people understand the reading ; And he dare not say that the ancient publick reading of Scriptures among the Jews was by Gods appointment a dumb reading without exposition . Why gave God prophets and teachers unto his Church if not for this end ? and faith comes mainly by hearing the Word preach't . Why then grew his reverend Fathers and their conforming Sons , so angry with this Churches laudable practise of giving the sense together with the reading ( comprobat by that ancient Practise of the Jewish Church , which he pretends ) since otherwise the Text read ane 100. times is still like a kernell under a hard shell . Nay but he sayes , if we separat upon this ground we would have separat from the Church in all ages . Sure not from that Church where the law was expon'd and its sense given , as well as read , beside that our non-union to our prelatick Innovators , ( or withdrawing too if he please ) hath this as an appendix with other grounds , that Conformists in withholding our former lecture or expository reading from the people , and substituting a bare reading in its place , discover themselves to be teachers who are keeping close and not opening the seals of Gods book , & are afraid that their hearers should learn too fast . In the 3d place , he tells us a tedious storie , anent the disuse of our first authorized method of Lecturing , which was at first only to read one chapter in the old testament and another of the New with brief explication of occuring difficulties , but that thereafter we held with one chapter , then with a part of one , and raised observations — making it a short sermon , so that its all one to separat for this , as to separat for shorter sermons , which are , caeteris paribus , thought better then a long . Then he tells us further ( to cloak this their laziness ) that variety of purposes are hardly retained , and procures a wearying , and that one thing puts out another &c. But what fruitless talke is all this ? If our Churches appointment was of this nature at first to open up difficulties upon the reading , did she therefore intend to cut off the exercise of that gift anent practical observations , which is found in experience so eminently edifying as himself acknowledges in the next page , and the method of preaching abroad , to which method we are beholden for some excellent commentaries upon the Scripture , which would probably have been by this time Intire through the whole bible according to the design and mould projected by the Reverend brethren and Ministers of this Church , If our Prelats lazy reading tribe , had not invaded the pulpits of the Lords faithfull labourers . Again , suppose there was as to this method some deviation from the first appointment , yet since our Church gave a tacit approbation & universally used it , his censure is too critical & saucy ; beside , to plead from the variation in the practice to a total disuse , is dull reasoning ; and whatever the lecture was at first this is certain , that this universal practice and eminently edifying piece of publick duty , owned by our Church , was presently disused and discharged by prelats , and its disuse became one of the badges of conformity , and a part of their mark upon their creatures , and therefore eatenus in all reason it ought to have its own weight with other grounds , as to disowning them , in their present state and circumstances . The experience of all the true seekers of God can disprove sufficiently what he adds , of a tedious nauseating as the issue of variety of purposes ; variety rather taking off , then begetting tediousness whence the Scripture is composed for this end of such a sweet variety of purposes and methods . His story of Pembo's defiring to hear one word or sentence at once , and no more till after a long time , is calculat well to patronize a reading or non-preaching Ministry ; but the many scripture precepts given to christians anent growth in Knowledge , and leaving the first principles , and not to be alwayes children in understanding , and likewise the scripture precepts straitly charging and enjoyning Ministers to be instant in season and out of season preaching , exhorting with all long suffering and doctrine , sufficiently discovers the ●…diculous tendency of this story . 4. He tells us , that suppose it were a fault , every fault will not warrand separation . We say not that every fault , nay nor this simply considered , will warrand separation , but that this with many others presumptuously maintained and avowed , will warrand a non-union unto a schismatick party of Innovators destroying and overturning a well reformed Church , and rooting out a faithfull remnant of adherers thereto . As for the want of the circumcision and the passover for sometime in the Iewish Church , which he next pleads as that which did not cause a separation , not to stand upon the particular impediment of circumcision while in the wilderness or an inquiry into what speciall lets might have had an influence ( or a sinfull influence ) upon the disuse of the passover , yet Conformists case , who are but a schismatick unsound part of this Church , rejecting an approved ordinance and duty , in complyance with and subserviency unto a perjurious course of defection , is so far discrepant from this , that any may see the disparity . As for that of 2 Kings 23. 22. That there was not holden such a passover ( as that of Josiah ) from the dayes of the Judges that judged Israel , nor in all the dayes of the Kings of Israel , nor of the Kings of Judah . It s only spoken comparativly in respect of the spirituality and s●…lemnity of that passover , and doth not suppose ane absolute disuse of this ordinance through all that time . A learned Interpreter upon this passage doth paraphrase the verse thus , that there was no passover celebrat with so solemn care , great preparation , and universal joy , the greater because of their remembrance of their miserable times under Manasseh and Amon. — And that from the dayes of Samuel the last of the Judges , as it s exexpressed 2 Chron. 35. 18. None of the Kings had with such care prepared themselves , the Preists and people to renew their Covenat with God as Josiah now did . And as he will not be able to prove that out of the case of persecution , invasion , dispersion or captivity , and the inevitable necessity flowing from these , there was a warrantable disuse of these holy ordinances , so professors their not separating from that Church even upon a sinfull disuse ; will never come home to his purpose , as is already oft cleared 5. He adds , that upon this ground we would separat from all other Churches , and from our own Church before the year 1645. And then he would please us again by telling us , that he could wish all sermons were as Lectures , the chief points of a long text being propounded , which would be more edifying , then when they rack thè text and their brains ( a native and kindly character of his party , and their preaching ) to seek matter from their text to hold out the time . But we have oft told him that it s not this defect only , or without the circumstances of our present case , that we plead as a ground of disowning them . And if he account the Lecture-method of preaching the more edifying , with what conscience have they deprived Gods people of this exercise & method of preaching , upon my Lord Bishops orders ? It seems his ipse dixit is the first rule of edification with our Informer and his fellows , a principle well suited to lawless and Lordly prelacy , which must have all ordinances mancipated to its arbitrary commands . So that our Informer giving the supreme Magistrat a papal power over Church-Government , and solemn sacred Oaths and vows , in the preceeding Dialogue , and the Bishops a dominion over Worship in this , puts pityful fetters upon Christs glorious bride ; and as in this point and most of his reasonings , in begging the question , he but skirmishes with his own shadow , so in thus wounding our Church , by his dangerous laxe principles in his pretended healing , but truely hurtfull and trifling Dialogues , he shewes himself to be a physician of no value . CHAP. V. The Informers answers and reasoning upon the point of Scandal and offence , in reference to the owning of Conformists , considered . His dangerous principles both as to civil and Ecclesiastick power in this point . His answer to the Doubters argument for Presbyterian Ministers preaching in the manner controverted , taken from the practice of Christ and his Apostles , examined . His absurd principles ●…nent the Magistrats coercive power over the exercise of the Ministerial office . Having discovered this mans unsoundness in the points above examined , wherein we have seen how in opposing the Lords work , his faithfull servants their laboures in promoting it , he hath dashed against the Scripture and sound divines , and stated himself in opposition to both . We shall next discover , some more of his errors , which , are the issues of the former , & of the wicked designe for promoting wherof , they are presented . The first that offers it self to be considered , is in the point of Scandal . From which we argue against the owning of Confor●…ists as is above exprest . And this grand doubt-resolver will needs discusse it , but with what success we shall presently see . His Doubter in the next place offers to him an argument against hearing Conformists , [ taken from the offence and stumbling of many godly , flowing from this practice of hearing them , since they look upon it as a sin ; and tells him that the Apostle sayes we must not give offence nor lay a stumbling block before others . ] We have already proposed , and some way improven this argument from the scandal of the weak in this case . To this he first answers , that when we are forbidden to give offence , It s meant of not doing that which is of itself sinfull , whereby we grieve the godly , and lay a stumbling block in the way of others by our evill example ; but when we do our duty in obeying God , we cannot give offence to any , and if they take offence Its their own sin and weaknes , but none is given . As here ( he sayes ) it s their weaknes to offend at maintaining unity and peace , that this rather gives a good example , and to ly by from hearing Conformists for fear of offence of the weak , is to omit duty and harden them in sin . Ans. The Informer offering this reply from the sense of that scripture generally hinted by his Doubter , seems at first view to restrict the command of not giving offence , to that which is in it self sinfull , wherin it might easily be made appear that he contradicts sound Divines , scripture and himself . Especially the passage to which the Doubter referrs being of a far other sense and scope . But lest this censure should appear too Critical , and upon consideration of his second answer , I shall not medle with what he sayes here in thesi , or this assertion in it self considered . But to the assumption & application of this passage in his answer , I return to him this in short , that he doth but here still beg the question in supposing that the owning of Curats is in this our case a duty and a maintaining of peace and order in the Church , wherof we have made the contrary appear : and that maintaining the true union and peace of this Church , is to owne her true and faithfull Ambassadours , contending for her reformation , true order , and union against their course of defection : and so this practice is both sinfull in it self and scandalous to others . His 2d Answer to this premised argument of his Doubter is , That the Apostle ordinarly when forbidding to give offence ; speaks of the use of liberty in things indifferent , that it must not be used to the offence of the weak brother , lest contrary to his conscience he be emboldned to sin , 1 Cor. 8. 10. Or be grieved because he thinks we sin in doing what we should not , Rom. 14. 15. Ans. We shall not much stand upon this , only we here see that the lawfulness of a thing in it self , will not ( according to him ) Justify it in that case wherein , either the weak is emboldned to sin , grieved , or made more weak and his plerophory hindred . And that the sincere enquirer for Truth may be confirmed in this sound persuasion , and guarded against what he after subjoyns , I shall here offer unto him the sense and Judgment of an eminent Father , and Reformed divine upon this point . Chrysostome upon Rom. 14. Homily 25. Expones all the Apostles Arguments to the same scope , of the unlawfullness of offending the weak in things indifferent . Particularly upon verse 13. Si non salvare fratrem ( saith he ) culpam habet , id quod & Evangelici talenti de●…ossor indicat : Quid non faciet datum etiam scandalum ? Sed inquies quod si suopte vitio scandalizatur infirmus ? propter hoc ipsum aequum fuerit , ut illum feras , Nam si fortis esset , tali cura opus non haberet , nunc vero quia imbacillior est multa etiam curandi diligentia opus habet , that is , if it be faulty not to save our brother , as the hider of the talent maketh it evident : What will not even the giving of Scandal do . But you will say , what if the weake be scandalized by his own fault ? Upon the same very ground it is just that you beare with him . For if he were strong then he would have no need , of such care , but because he is weak he stands in need of much diligence for his cure . In the next homily , he hath many things upon the rest of the Apostles argument to the same purpose . Upon the 14. ver . I know nothing is unclean of it self . He offers an objection to the Apostle for clearing the words . Quid igitur non corrigis fratrem , ne putet aliquid immundum esse ? ●…t quid non illum ab ista consuetudine omnibus viribus abducis Why do you not with might and main withdraw your brother from that opinion and practice ( a thing that our Informer and his fellows make no bones of as to dissentients . ) To this he answers in the Apostles name . Ver●…or inquit , ne moerore illum afficiam unde & subdit : Verum si propter cibum frater tuus contristatur , non jam secundum charitatem ambulas . Vides quo●… 〈◊〉 familiarem interea sibi faciat infirmum Auditorem ostendens tantam illius rationem halere se , ut ne moestum reddat , etiam quae vehementer erant necessaria , praeciperere non audeat , sed indulgentia illum ●…agis ac dilectione attrahat ? Neque enim postea quam vanu●… exemerat metum , potenter illum tra●…it aut cogit , sed sui ipsius Dominum esse permittit , that is . I am afraid lest I make him sad , and hence he subjoins , but if thy brother be grieved with thy meat , now walkest thou not charitably . See how tenderly he deals with the infirme hearer , shewing that he hath so great a regard to him , that lest he make him sad he dare not command these things that are most necessary , for he he doth not draw and force him after he hath taken away the groundless fear , but permits him to be his own Master . And upon the 1 Cor. 8. v. 20. He hath things to the purpose . On verse 9. Non dixit quod licenti a vestraoffendiculum sit , neque certo asseveraverit ne impudentiores faceret . Sed , inquit , videte : timore eos abducit , & ne faciant prohibet : Et non dixit scientia vestra , quod majoris esset laudis , neque perfectio vestra : Sed licentia quod suberbiae & stultitiae — non dixit fratribus sed infirmis sratribus , ut gravius eos reprehenderet quod nequeinfirmis parcunt & maximefratribus . That the Apostle imputes folly and pride unto them who offend the weak brethren . Upon the 10. verse — the conscience of him that is weak shall be emblodned to eat &c. He shews that the offender of the weak cannot charge the guilt upon his weakness — tu enim imbecilliorem facis duo sunt quae te privant venia , & quod infirmus & quod frater — addatur & tertium maxime horrendum — quod Christus neque mori propter illum recusavit , tu autem neque ei indulgere pateris . That is , the offender makes them yet weaker , that two things render such as offend them inexcusable , the one that they are weak , the other that they are brethren , and a third crime may be added , which is most horrid — that thou ●…fuses so much as to spare those for whom Christ refused not even to dye . Upon 12. vers . When ye so fin against the brethren & wound their weak Conscience ye sin against Christ. He hath these words , quid homine inhumanius existimari potest , qui ●…grotum verberat ? Etenim omni plaga gravius scandalizare est , nam saepenumero & mortem adfert . Et quomodo in Christum peccant ? Uno quidem modo , quod quae servorum sunt ipse pro se accipit . Altero autem , quod in corpus ejus & membra faciunt qui percutiunt . Tertio quod opus ejus , quod propriamorte absolvit , ii propria ambitione destruunt . What can be more i nhumane then that man , Who beats one that is sick ? for to scandalize is more grievous then all strokes for it oftentimes brings death . And how sin they against Christ ? One way , because he takes to himself what concerns his servants ; another way , because they wound his body and members , Thirdly , in that the work which he accomplisht by his own death , they destroy by their own ambition . Upon the last verse of the chapter , If eating of flesh make my brother offend I will eat none while the World stands . He saith , Hoc Magistri optimi est officium , suo exemplo erudire quae dicit , Et non dicit sive juste , sive injuste : sed quomodocunque . Sed non dico , inquit , Idolothytum , quod & propter aliam causam prohibetur : sed si quod licet & permittitur scandalizat , etiam illis abstinebo , neque una aut altera die , sed tot●… vitae tempore . Non enim manducabo , inquit ▪ carnes in aeternum . Et non inquit , ne perdam fratrem : Sed simpliciter , ut non scandalizem : That is , this is the duty of the most excellent Master to instruct what he sayes by his own example . And he saith not I will not eat whether justly or injustly : But whatever way I will not . As also he saith not that he will not eat of the Idolothytwhich is forbidden for another cause . But if that which is lawful and permitted give scandal , even from these things I will abstain , and not for a day or two , but during my whole life . For he saith I will not eat flesh while the world stands . And he saith not lest I should destroy my brother : But simply lest I should offend him . And a little afterward having shown , that what the Apostle speaks belongs unto us . he saith , dicere enim quid mihi curandum est , si ille scandalizatur , & ille perit ? Crudelitatis illius atque inhumanitatis est : Atque tunc quidem ex eorum , qui scandalizabantur , infirmitate id contingebat . In nobis autem non itidem ; Talia namque peccata committimus , quae etiam fortes scandalizant : Nam cum percutimus , cum rapimus cum trahimur cupiditate , & tanquam servis liberis abutimur , nonne haec sufficientiasune ad scandalizandum ? Neque mihi dixeris illum calceorum sutorem esse , alterum Corearium Statuarium vero alium : Sed considera fidelem illum esse & fratrem . Illorum namque sumus discipuli Piscatorum , Publicanorum , tentoriorum Opificum : Christus einm in fabrili domo educatus est , & fabri sponsam matrem habere non est dedignatus , & ab ipsis incunabulis in praesepi ●…acuit , neque ubi caput inclinaret , invenit : Et tantum iteneris confecit ut fatigaretur & ab alijs victum accepit . That is , for to say , what am I concerned if such a man be scandalized , and such a man perish ? is his inhumanity and cruelty : But some of those who then were scandalized , were offended through weaknesse , But soit is not in us : for we commit such sins which do even offend the strong . For when we strike , and offer violence to them , and are drawn by our own lusts , and abuse free men as if they were slaves , are not these sufficient to scandalize them ? Say not to me , this man is a Shoemaker , the other a Tanner , the other a statuemaker , but consider that he is faithfull , and a Brother . For we are the Disciples of those fishers , Publicans , and tentmakers . For Christ was educat in a tradsmans house , & disdained not that his mother was betrothed to a tradsman , and himself lay in a manger for his cradle , neither found he where to lay his head : Was wearyed with his journey , and received maintainance from others . In which passages , it is evident that Chrysostome upon the great moral and Apostolick grounds , of the weak their interest in Christ , his tenderness of them , his dying for them , their spiritual hazard while their conscience is wounded , their liberty in Christ , the cruelty and uncharitableness of offending them , demonstrates the hainusness of , & vehemently inveighes against this sin , and clearly asserts with the Apostle , that the lawfulness of the practice in it self , affords not the least warrand for doing of that out of which seth , or whereby the weak brother it made more weak . Next , I shall offer the sense of an eminent Reformed divine upon this point . Pareus upon this chapter doth fully confirme our principles on this head . Let the Informer read his analysis of the chapter , where he will find him digest the Apostles reasons and arguments against the giving offence in matters lawful , and learndly prosecutes them in his exposition , which he will find to be such as do cut the sinnews of the new and dangerous principles in this point , which the Prelatick formalists do maintain , citing Chrys. in some of the passages mentioned . Which purpose he also prosecutes in his commentary upon Rom. 14. and 15. Chap. Upon the 7. verse anent the pollution of the weak conscience , he sayes that this pollution is not so much to be imputed to themselves , as unto those that did induce them to eat by their ill example . Upon the 9. verse he shews that the lawfulness of their practise excuseth not abuse in this case , calling scandal , dictum vel factum quo alius deterior redditur , citing Rom. 14. 21. Upon the 10 vers . he shews that the danger and guilt there pointed at , is the inducing of the weak to imitat the practice with a fluctuating conscience . Upon the 11. He shews that the Apostle puts together aggreging circumstances of this sin of giving offence in things lawful viz. that we ought to edify and not destroy by our knowledge , next that the person scandalized is our brother . 3. An infirm brother , whom to wrong must be extreme malice , 4. Which is the greatest of all , that Christ hath dyed for the infirm brother . The same he resumes upon the 12 , vers . and explains the sense of Chrysost. and Beza as to the wounding of the weak conscience . Upon the Apostles conclusion vers . 13. He shewes that he expresseth a resolution of the same nature and extent with that Rom. 14 , 21. viz. not to do that whereby our brother stumbles , or is offended or is made weak . Adding , idem vult intelligi de toto genere rerum mediarum & licitarum , potius in his se libertate sua cessurum , quam ut fratrem offendat . Sic the sin tacite ingerit quae est presentis loci doctrina praecipua : In casu scan dali etiam a rebus licitis abstinendum esse : Quia tunc sunt illicitae & peccata , per accidens quidem sednostra culpa , quando quod facere possumus ac debemus , ( N. B. ) offensionem infirmorum non cavemus . That is , the same he will have to be understood of all things lawfull & indifferent , that in these we ought rather to cede from our liberty then offend our brother . Thus he tacitly enforceth that point which is the chief Doctrine of this place . That in the case of scandal we must abstain from things lawfull , Because then they become sins and unlawfull by accident , yet by our fault when we guard not against the offence of the weak , which we can and ought to do . In the close he sayes , that the Apostle will have us in things lawfull not simply to eye what is our right , but what charity and edification do require , But now let us come to the assumptian and application of our Informers concession , to the present case and question , are there not many weak brethren who may be embolded to sin , or ( may we suppose ) condemn me sinfully if I hear Curats ? Suppose the practice were lawfull in it self , what will cure this malady ? Behold a Catholicon presently , We must know ( saith he ) that if the command of Authority interpose & enjoin the thing Indifferent , then it s no more in my liberty pro tunc . Because ( forsooth ) I am restricted by Authority , which makes the thing necessary . Ans. 1. This man charges a great defect upon the Apostle Paul who in all his discourses upon guarding against offence in things indifferent , makes no mention of this new case & knack , anent making the indifferent thing necessary , by the command of Rulers , and exeeming thus the giving of offence from guilt ? But all along he pleads by many arguments in the places mentioned , that if the thing be indifferent , the case of offence makes it unlawfull . And all his arguments in these passages , which do press the eshewing of offence are moral and constantly binding ( and consequently admit no such restriction as this ) such as Christs tenderness of the weak , their redemption purchased by his blood , Christian liberty , the evill of my brothers doubting , whatsoever is not of faith is sin &c. And he moves objections against his doctrine , such as , I have knowledge ; I have faith — And shall I be limited of my liberty , because anther is weak or wilfull &c. Such like objections he moves and answers , but of this exception and restriction anent a command from Rulers altering the nature of the thing , and loosing all his arguments in relation to offence , the Apostle mentions nothing . 2. This puts a blasphemous authority , upon the Magistrat ; we know the terrible interminations and threatnings thundered against giving offence , and discoveries of the dreadfull tendency thereof , wo to them by whom offence comes , Again , better be cast into the sea then offend one of the little ones — destroy not him , saith Paul ( with thy offensive carriage ) for whom Christ dyed . Now will the Magistrats command give me sufficient warrand and security in and for a thing indifferent , to destroy my brother , and , will it list off Christs wo and make it lighter then a feather , which is more dreadfull then to be cast into the sea with a milstone tyed about ones neck . 3. I would know if this Informer will deny that the Apostolick precepts in relation to offence & scandal , pressed with important and great motives in the premised Scriptures ; are of ane universal and moral nature , and do reach and oblige all that owne the profession of Christianity in their several relations and capacities . These precepts founded upon the everlasting and constantly binding grounds and motives of union , charity and love to the brethren ( the great gospel command ) edification , the communion of Saints , ( the very bonds and ligaments compacting and strengthning Christs mystical body ) none can deny to be of an universal extent , and to be among the grand rules of Christian practice limiting and directing our carriage in whatever relation we stand , whether Ministers or people , Masters or servants , Parents or children &c. And the superiour being under the obligation of these great rules ( unless we will make God a respecter of persons ) it necessarily followes that they do direct and limit him in the exercise of his power , so that this being one Regula Regulans as to all the Magistrat Laws ; it s must absurd to imagine that his counter-practice and Laws can loose himself or others from this divine superiour obligation , unlesse we will deiesie him and make his Law & practice the soveraign and supreme rule in every point as well as in this . Whence it followes by necessary consequence that the practice which is offensive , scandalous , and destructive to our brother , in its present circumstances , and upon the constant unerring scripture grounds & rules , cannot be altered in its present quality and state by mens commands crossing the divine Law , but remains a sinful scandalous practice though a hundred Lawes enjoyn and authorize it . 4. Was not Pauls Apostolick declarator that evry thing sold in the shambles might be Lawfully eaten , as powerfull to exeem that action of eating such things from the compass of offence as the Magistrats Law and authority ? Sure he had at least as much , if not more authority in this point , then the Magistrat , especially as this Informer expones authority afterward from Acts 15. 28. yet that same practice , Lawfull in it self , and by the Apostle declared to be so , and accordingly enjoyned and authorized by him , must not be used in this case of the offence , even of the weak and ignorant , but the Apostle himself , though thus declaring and , ( may I say ) authoring the lawness of the practice , declares he will never use nor take it up in this case of offence . I beseech him , was not the warrantabliness of this practice in it self by the Lords word , declaring all things to be clean to the clean , and Pauls Apostolick declarator in this place , as valide to render it , of indifferent , necessary to the users , as the command of our civil Rulers in relation to this practice under debate , and a litle more , he having the mind of Christ , and being a Master builder of the Churches . Yet the offending of the weak , ignorant yea or wilfull , will in his Judgement cut short this liberty , and render the practice sinfull upon that ground . But moreover the instance of the brazen serpent will here bite and sting his cause and argument to death ; for it was an eminent type of Christ , and reserved ( and sure our Informer will say warrantably ) as a signal monument of that rare typical cure of the people stung by the fierie serpents in the wilderness , yet when the people were stumbled , and it became an occasion of their sinning and committing Idolatry , good Hezekiah brake it , called it Nehushtan , and is commended for it by the Spirit of God. Now in this mans principles the interposing of authority for its preservation was sufficient to keep it from being destroyed , though all Israel should have been never so much stumbled , and ensnared to Idolatry by it , but the keeping of this monument God would dispense with in this weighty case . Sure that which rendred the preservation of it highly provoking , and Hezekiahs breaking of it commendable , was its stumbling and ensnaring tendency and effects , whatever authority and acts might have interposed formerly for its preservation . Will the Informer say that Gideons ephod ( which in his intention was only designd for a monument of that victory over the Midianites ) was lawfully preserved when it became thus ensnaring as the brazen Serpent , or that the preservation of it was lawfully authorized in this case ? surely he will not for shame assert this , and so the case is here ; and he may see in these instances ( if his eye be single ) that a practice though in it self lawfull or indifferent , yet , when become offensive in its present circumstance and inductive to sin , cannot in that case be rendred warrantable by any Laws of the Magistrat . Finally , our Informer in this as●…ertion cosseth found Divines and Casuists as well as the Scripures , yea and fights with himself . For we have heard from Chrysostom and Pareus ( who are herein accorded by all our writers ) that the action which is in its preseut state and circumstance , scandalous , is , while cloathed with these Circumstances , necessarily evill , and upon many weighty grounds severely prohibited by the spirit of God in the Scriptures forecited . So that no power and Laws men of can remove these scripture limits & march-stones . Next , the great ground and rule anent a scandalous action , and upon which the scripture motives against it are grounded , is the state , condition and freedom of the conscience , lest it be hindred in its plerophory , emboldned to judge without ground ; and the person hindred to act in faith , or induced to act against it &c. So that to assert that the Magistrats command can invalidat these grounds and principles , and render the action not sanda●…ous which is such otherwise , is to give him a Dominion over the conscience , and subject it immediatly and absolutly to his Laws , which is a principle disowned by all Protestants . Moreover the Informer himself defines the offence of the weak brother in things indifferent , an emboldning him to sin contrary to his conscience , or to judge that we sin when we sin not , citing 1 Cor. 8. Rom. 14. Now if the action be upon this ground & principle necessarily sinfull in its present circumstances , how ( I pray ) can the Magistrats command render it not only Lawfull ; but necessary , as he is bold to assert . Can the Magistrat by his Law embolden a mans conscience to sin , and yet neither the Magistrat sin himself , nor the man sin in obeying him ? Amesius a better Casuist then he will tell him ( de Consc. lib. 5. cap. 11. Quest. 6. R. 6. ) that nulla authoritas humana , vel tollere potest scandali rationem , ab eo quod alias esset scandalum , vel peccati rationem a scandalo dato . That is , no humane authority can take away the nature of scandal from that which otherwise were a scandal , or the nature and cause of sin from scandal given . And his ground is very considerable , which doth confirme what I have now said . Nullus enim homo ( saith he ) potest vel charitati & conscientiis nostris imperare . vel periculum scandali dati praestare . That is , for no man can put imperious commands either upon charity or our consciences , or exeem from the hazard of scandal given . But now to fortify this raw & ignorant assertion as to scandal , our Informer brings Act. 15. 28. — these necessary things — from which words of the councils sentence , he drawes ane argument thus , that though of themselves they were not necessary , but somtimes indifferent , yet by the Authority of the council they were made necessary for the good of the Church , so [ he sayes ] obedience to authority preponderats the not giving offence , as the greater duty of the two , as divines and Casuists shew , and in this case the man who thus obeyes gives no offence , but doth duty , and if any take it , its causeless on his part , and occasioned through the brothers weakness , so that its scandalum acceptum non datum , groundlesly taken but not given , and when the Apostle forbids to use , our liberty to the offence of the weak , he speaks to those who were not determined by Authority . Ans. What poor ignorant and incoherent reasoning is this , 1. It s a strange sottish , or rather popish Assertion , that the necessary things Acts. 15. 28. were made so by the councils authority : For the text is most express , that the Apostles enjoyned this upon weighty scripture-grounds , and what seemed good to the holy ghost ( speaking in the word ) as well as to them , so that the holy ghosts grounds and commands touching the maintaining of love , and union in the Church , and the great rule of edification , and not stumbling the weak Iews , were the great and standing Scripture principles upon which this decree was grounded . Now to shew how our Informer takes the papists here by the hand in this glosse , let us hear Calvine upon the place — [ praeter haec necessaria ] Hujus vocis praetextu superbe triumphant Papistae , quasi hominibus liceat ferre leges quae necessitatem conscientiis imponant — quia quod deccrnunt Apostoli necessario servandum esse pronuntiant — i. e. the Papists triumph proudly upon pretext of ●…his this place , as if men might make Laws imposing a necessity upon Consciences because what the Apostles decree , they affirme , must be necessarly kept . — Then he adds , atqui expedita &c. But the Answer is easy to such a foolish cavil ( so he censures our New Casuist and his fellowes in this point ) for this necessity was no longer vigent then there was hazard of dissolving union , so to speak properly it was an accidental or extrinsick necessity , which had place not in the thing it self , but in guarding of offence — which [ saith he ) is evident in the speedy laying aside of this decree . Then he tells us , that when the contention ceased — Paul shewes that nothing is unclean , and again establishes this liberty Rom. 14 : 14. And commands to eat freely what ever is sold. Adding , that the papists in vain do snatch an occasion to bind consciences from this word and to conclude the Churches power to statute any thing beside the word of God. Telling us further , that from the word of God the Council drew this ground of exercising charity in matters indifferent . Then ( saith he ) in summa , the summ is , if charity be the bond of perfection , and the end of the Law , if Gods command be that the faithfull study mutual unity and concord , and that every one please his nighbour to edification , none is so rude who may not perceive , that what the Apostles here commanded is containd in the word of God. — And at the close he tells us , Apostol●…s ex verbi Dei sinibus minime egredi . — That the Apostles would not step beyond the limits of the word of God. But 2. This mans Babylonish tongue still wounds himself as well as the truth , for 1. he acknowlegeth that what the Apostles here decreed , was for the Good of the Church ; which ( if he understand any thing ) he must needs take it according to the grounds laid down in this disquisition , specially that which the Apostle James proposes immediatly before his and the rest of ths Apostlee decision vers . 21. viz. that Moses had in every city , them that teach him , being read every Sabath day . So that it was needfull at that time upon the grounds of charity , union , and aedification , to beat with the weak Jews in abstaining from these things discharged by Gods Law , till the ceremonies were honourably buryed . Hence it followes clearly that this abstinence was made necessary upon these weighty grounds at this time , and not by the authority of the council only . Neither was the matter enjoynd , of a thing indifferent , made necessary , by their determination , but upon these grounds , and for the great end of the Churches good , which he mentions , this abstinence was at this time , and in this case necessary ; And by the Apostles declared to be so upon divine warrand for what else will he make of that expression . It seemed good to the Holy ghost . Again , Paul and the other Apostles had no power but to edification , nor any dominion over the faith of Gods people , and so acted nothing here pro arbitrio or imperio . So that their sentence , was only a declarator of Gods mindeanent that which was antecedaneously to their decree hic & nnnc a necessary duty , although we deny not that the Apostles decision was to have its own weight in determining the Churches obedience . 2. He brings this passage to prove that obedience to authority will preponderat the not giving of offence . But so it is that the great ground of the Apostles decicision here is the guarding against the offence of the weak Iews , and obedience to this sentence was in not giving offence , and upon this very ground Christians were to abstain from these meats , whereas he foolishly distinguishes in this point betwixt obedience to authority , and not giving offence , as distinct duties , and makes the first to over-rule the second , in plain contradiction to the text , which makes the not giving offence , to be the great duty , and the foundation of this obedience . 3. This charge will be the more conspicuos , and the Informers inconsistent prevarications , in this point , if we consider these things in the point of offence : 1. That every offence through weakness is not sinless upon the offenders part . The Inform●…r himself doth ( with the Apostle ) assert this , who in the very preceeding page from 1 Cor. 8 : 10. & Rom. 14. tells us , that the Apostle will not have that which 〈◊〉 indifferent●… or lawful in it self , used to the offence of t●…e weak , or imboldening of their conscience to Sin. 〈◊〉 That upon this ground it follows that , the Scandal●… acceptum , or offence taken , as contra distinguish●…d by our divines from Scandalum datum , or offen●…e given , is badly and to narrowly described from ●…e groundless taking thereof , as if upon this account it were faultless upon the offenders part , it being certaine , that neither the lawfullness of the thing out of which offence arises , the good intention of the doer , nor mens commands , nor the weakness , yea or wi●…kkedness of the takers of offence , will free the giver thereof from guilt , unless the action be in its present state and circumstances a necessary duty : for thus the distinction could have no place , and there were no Scandalum datum at all there being no ground to take offence , upon the takers part , and takeing this phrase in the Scripture acceptation as there can be no reason of a sinfull action properly . Nay though the effect should not follow , the giver is still guilty , as Peter was in giveing offence to our Lord , though that action could produce no sinfull effect in him , for he said to him thow art ane offence unto me . So that it is beyond debate with all sound divines and casuists , that any dictum or sactum , action or word , upon which the formentioned effects may follow , if it be not hic & nunc necessary , is a scandalum datum . 3. That accordingly all sound divines treating on this subject , in describeing a passi●…e scandal in opposition to that which is given , do not draw their measures or description meerly from the weakness or othere bade disposition of the taker of offence , but from the state and condition of the action it self , out of which offence ariseth , which if not necessary in its present ●…tate and circumstances , they hold the scandall to be is well active as passive ; Thus Mr Gilespie Engl ▪ ●…op : cerem . Thus Ames : de Consc : lib. 5. cap , 1. 〈◊〉 , quest 3 , Resp. 1 , 2. tells us , that , in omni scandalo ●…ecesse est ut sit aliquod peccatum , in every scandal of ne●…essity there is some guilt , because it hath a ten●…encie to the spiritual hurt and detrime●… of our bour . And describing passive scandal , which is without sin upon the givers part , he sayes that this falls out , cum factum unius , est alteri occasio peccandi , praeter intentionem facientis , & conditionem facti , that is when the fact of one is the occasion of anothers sinning , beside the intention of the doer , and the condition of the deed it self . He draws not his description from the intention of the doer only , but from the condition of the deed it self , which if tending to the spiritual hurt of our neighbour , is still an active scandal , and no authority of men can alter its natur or remove its guilt , as we heard him before assert . Mr Durham on scandal , part . 1 , chap 1. describeth scandal , that is taken only or passive offence , that it is such when no occasion is given , but when a man doeth that which is not only lawful , but necessary , exemplifieing this by the Pharisees carping at Christs actions Matth. 15 : 12. and by that of Prov. 4. 19. where the wicked are said to stumble at they know not what . Thus clearly asserting that the lawfulness of the practice , will not wholly lay the guilt on him that takes offence , unlesse it be also necessary . 4. The Informer cannot deny , that this necessity of the action , must be evinced from clear Scripture commands and cannot be rationally inferred either from the assertion of the practiser , or the commands of the Magistrat simply , or any supposed Ecclesiastick canon , since this would evert the Apostles reasoning on this head . So that he is obleidged to evince the necessity of this practice controverted from other grounds then he hath mentioned , or this charge stands good against him , esspecially since ( as we have said ) the Apostles injunction which he mentions as to the free use of meats , was a greater authoritative determination ; then any which he now alledges to render the practice necessary . And if a practice lawful in it self , and corroborated by ane Apostolick precept enjoyning it , could not be lawful in the case of offence , farre lesse can the constitutions he mentions make this practice lawful in such a case . So that our Argument , a Scandalo , stands good against him upon this point , in answer to which he hath brought nothing but what is contrary to Scripture , casuists , yea and himself . The charge which he after exhibites against us , of erecting separat meetings in the houses and fields — and of our being Schismaticks if ever the Christian Church had any , we let pass among the rest of this mans petulant assertions , the grounds whereof we have examined and confuted . The people of God in obedience to Christs faithfull Ambassadours ( by Prelats perjurious violence thrust from their watchtowers ) assembling to hear the great Shepherds voice , erect no seperat meetings , but keep the assemblies of this Church driven by them to a wilderness , whereof ( if the Lord open not his and the rest of his tribe their eyes ) they will bear the sin and punishment for ever . The Doubter object next , [ Christs preaching in privat houses and fields , and peoples hearing therein , inferring that so likewise may we . ] This argument our Informer ( according to his usual candor ) disguises , we say not that in a setled peaceable state of the Church , Ministers may preach and people hear in this manner , but upon supposal of this Churches disturbed persecute condition by a party of prevailing backsliders , Ministers preaching and peoples hearing , is warrantable upon the formentioned grounds ; both Ministers ( upon whom our Prelats hands have been very heavy of a long time , yea ( I may say ) their litle finger thicker then their predecessours loins , ) sters and people being in this broken destroyd state of our Church chased , harassed , and denyed all ordinary places appointed for divine worship , nay scarce any place of residence in their native land free from the fulmina & thunderbolts of Prelats mad rage . But what sayes he to this argument , he tells us 1. That tho Christ preached thus , yet it was not to separat from the Iewish Church , nor did he disowne the hearing of their teachers , but allowed to hear Scribes and Pharisees with a ( proviso ) to beware of their leaven — that he sent those who were miraculously heald to the Priests , and did not bid disowne them . Ans. 1. Whatever be concluded as to Christs disowning , or seperating the people from the teachers of the Church of the Jews at that time ( wherin the Informer hath offered nothing which will amount to a demonstration of what he affirmes , and his assertion tho granted will not fortify the conclusion he aimes at ) yet this is certain and undenyable , ( and in so far his Doubters parallel argument stands inviolable against him ) viz. that our blessed Lord preacht after this manner which he condemns . Since he condemns in universum & simply Presbyterian Ministers preaching , and peoples hearing them in this manner , abstracting from the disowning of Curats and their Ministry , so that this answer meets not the objection as levelled against his principles . And he cannot deny but that in so far as Christ and his Apostles were owned , their ordinary Jewish teachers were separat from and disowned , but he condemns all owning of Presbyterian Ministers , and withdrawing from Curats , as ingraind Schism and sinfull separation . This answer is the more forcible , if it be considered that our Lord had liberty of their Synagogues to preach in , yet he frequently left them , and preacht in privat houses and in the fields , and therefore Presbyterian Ministers may use this liberty , whom ( in a peice of cruelty beyond that of the Scribes and Pharisees to Christ ) they have banish't from pulpits . 2. As for our Lords not putting people to separat from that Church or the teachers thereof , we have already shown how far it is from his purpose , and what a wide consequenceit is , from a non-separation from the Jewish Church , and teachers tho corrupt , ( while that legal dispensation stood , which was shortly to be removed , and the Gospel Ministry erected in its place ) and from our Lords tollerance thereof as Gods ancient Ministry , though now corrupt , to which he was to put an honourable close , to conclude that a people are to disowne a faithfull Gospell Ministry and Church , in complyance with a number of destroying Innovators ejecting them , and razing a sworn Reformation , which all that Church are bound to defend . This is such a palpable inconsequence , as any may upon first view discover it . 3. There was ( beside what is said ) this reason in special , wherefore our Lord would not have the Jewish Ministry at first universally left , because he came as a Minister of the circumcision to confirm the promises made to the fathers ; he was to come to the temple as the Kings Son and Lord of all the Prophets who went before him , the Law being to go forth from Zion , and the word from Jerusalem , Jesus came first to his own . Therefore the Jewish Ministery and teaching , was to stand for a time to make this apparent , and as Christs great witness for his authority , and the Doctrine of the gospel , either for their conviction or conversion ; hence he appeald unto the Scriptures which they heard dayly read , and preacht , Search the Scriptures for they testify of me . And when he enjoynd the healed leper to go and shew himself to the Priest , it was to offer the Sacrifice which Moses commanded for a testimony unto them . So that to make the substituting of the Gospel to the legal dispensation and ordinances apparent , and its Ministry to the Jewish Ministry and Priesthood , to which Christs death and resurrection only was to put a final period , it was necessary it should be own'd in some measure . And Christ could not wholly disowne it without stopping a great part of his mediatory fulfilling of all righteousness , for he was as head of the circumcised people , and as of the seed of Abraham according to the flesh , to obey the Judicial and ceremonial Law , and therefore he duely attended the passover and all the solemn feasts , which could not subsist in their exercise , without the standing of that old Ministry ; Now how far this is from our Question , and inferring the owning of Curats in our case , is obvious to the meanest capacity . What he sayes of hearing the Scribes and Pharisees , is already answered . But now this Informer will offer some special reasons of Christs-preaching after this manner , to cut short our argument here ; the first is , Because he was to bring in the Doctrine of the gospel , and preach himself the true Mes●…ah , which was needfull to be done , and because of the opposition of his doctrine by the Jewish teachers . Ans. 1. Altho he was to bring in the doctrine of the Gospel into the world , yet as he was sent first and immediatly to the lost sheep of the house of Israel , and to exercise his Ministry toward them mainly ( upon which ground at his first sending forth the Disciples , he commanded them to go to these lost sheep , not in the way of the gentiles ) so he had the synagogues and Temple to preach in , and frequently did so ; and yet notwithstanding went to the fields with great multitudes , and to other places then these appointed for their ordinary and publick Worship ; and therefore Presbyterian Ministers may do the like , who are denyed our Conformists Synagogues or ordinary places of Worship , they being upon important grounds obliged ( as our blessed Lord was ) to officiat and bestirre themselves in the exercise of their Ministry . And therefore . 2. Since he reasons from the necessity of the Work which Christ was about , and the opposition which he met with therein from his enemies , these samegrounds pleads strongly for Presbyterian Ministers officiating in the manner contraverted , because the preaching of the gospel by Christs faithfull Ambassadours , was never more necessary , and never met with greater opposition from its enemies ; and therefore upon his own grounds it followes , that Ministers ought to embrace all occasions of preaching and in any place where they can have accesse . Sure he dare not restrict the necessity of the work , and the persecution , from which he infers the Lawfulness of preaching after that manner , to that particular necessity and persecution attending the first planting of the gospel , or affirm that these grounds may never again recur for legitimating of this practice , since thus he would condemn ou●… first Reformers . Come we to the 2d Reason which is this , Christ was head of his whole Church , and was not to be limit in the manner of his . Ministry as ordinary teachers , but might preach where and when he pleased , since all belonged to his Ministry , and that none will say that he is pastor of the whole Church , but the Pope , nor can any meer Man do what Christ did in every thing . But our meetings ( he sayes ) are in despite of the Law , and we add disobedience to our schism . Ans. 1. We shall easily acknowledge that all Christs actions are not imitable , such as those of divine power , as working of Miracles , and the actions of divine prerogative , as the taking of the ass without the owners liberty , the actings of his special Mediatory prerogative , such as the enditing of the scriptures , giving of his spirit , laying down his life , instituting Church officers , Col. 3. 16. Joh. 10. 15. Mat. 28. 18 , 19. These are not imitable , nor yet such actions as were meerly occasional , depending upon circumstances of time and place , as the unleavened bread , the time , and such like circumstances of his supper . But we say there are actions imitable , as 1. in general Christs exercise of graces , which have constant and moral grounds , and are commended to Christians for their imitation , every christians life ( as such ) ought to be an imitation of him the precious mirrour of grace , Mat. 11. 29. Learn of me for I am meek . &c. Eph. 5. 2. Walk in love as Christ also hath loved us . Joh. 13. 15. I have given you an example that ye should doe as I have done . The christian must walk as he walked . 1. Joh. 2. 6. 2. In particular , Actions on Moral grounds , flowing from the relations wherein Christ stood , do oblige , and are examplary unto , those that are under such relations , viz. Christs subjection and obedience to his parents , and paying tribute to cesar , do exemplify children and subjects their duty as in that capacity ; so his Ministerial acts and faithfull diligence therein , do exemplify Ministers duty . Now the question is , as to this manner of Christs preaching in this case , that is , not in the ordinary and authorized assemblies of that Church but in the fields , and in houses , whether the grounds of it will not sometimes recur , and oblige ordinary Ministers ? for it s ratio exempli we are to look unto , rather then the meer circumstances of the Individual act , as Chamier tells us , Tom. 3. lib. 17. de Jejunijs . And for evincing this in our case our Informers own answer is sufficient , if we shall but suppose ( which neither our Informer nor any of his fellows have ever been able to disprove ) that Presbyterian Ministers are under a relation to this Church as her true Pastors , and under the obligation of our Lords commands to officiat accordingly . His grounds are the necessity of the work and the bitter persecution of Christs enemies ; both which grounds are still vigent in relation to Presbyterian Ministers as is said . For what he adds of Christs acting this as head of his Church , and not limit in the exercise of his Ministry , as ordinary Ministers , none of which is an universal postor . It is very insignificant here . For 1. every piece of Christs Ministry , his very teaching , and teaching in the temple , was as messenger of the Covenant , who was to come unto that temple , and in the capacity of head of his Church , yet are examplary for Ministers duties according to their measure . 2. He dare not say , that our Lords preaching after the manner instanced in the objection of his Doubter , or his preaching while fleeing from persecutors , was meerly founded upon this ground , and did flow from no other cause and principle but this viz. that he was not limited in the way and exercise of his Ministry , for he hath already assigned other Reasons of this , viz. the necessity of the work , and his persecution simply considered , so that if he should assert this , his 2. answer would contradict his first : and besides , he will not deny , but that such as were not heads of the Church , and who were in an ordinary peacefull state thereof , limited in the exercise of their Ministry , did preach after this manner , for the officers of the Church of Jerusalem Acts. 8. in that scattering and persecution , went every where preaching the gospel . So did our first Reformers ( not to stand upon that moral precept given to the Apostles , who were not heads of the Church , viz. when they persecut you in one city flee to another ) and the Informer will not say that they were not to carry the gospel-message with them in this flight Now that which those who were not heads of the Church , but Ministers , yea and ordinary Ministers have done the parallel of and warrantably , surely that Christ did not upon any extraordinary ground now expired : But such is this way of preaching , Ergo &c ▪ In a word as its easily granted that ordinary Ministers are fixt and limit to their charges in a setled state of the Church , so he dare not deny , that a Churches disturbed persecute condition will warrand their unfixt officiating upon the grounds already given ; and he should know that others then the Pope were universal pastours , and even in actu exercito , of the whole Church , viz. the Apostles as himself acknowledged , nor can he deny that ordinary Ministers are in actu promo related to the whole Church , as her Ministers given to her by Christ , and set in her . As for what he adds of our meetings , that they are against the Law , he knowes that all the Jews appointed that any who owned Christ , should be excommunicat . From the violence and persecution of which Law , himself infers our Lords , officiating in the manner contraverted , and he can easily make the application to our case , and answer himself . The Doubter thinks it hard [ to be hindred by the Law from hearing the word of God and other parts of worship , or that Ministers be hindered to preach , i●… being better to obey God then men . ] He answers 1. that the Law allowes and commands us to hear the word preach●… in our own congregations in purity , and defends it , which is a great mercy , and that its better to worship God purely with the Laws allowance then in a way contrary to it . Ans. 1. Granting that the Law did allow some to preach faithfully what saith this for their robbing so many thousands of the Lords people , of the Ministry of some hundreds of faithfull Ministers ? will a piece of the Rulers duty in one point excuse their sin in twenty others , and loose the people from their obligation to duty towards Christs Ambassadours ? This is new divinity . 2. The law allowes none to preach ( in the manner he pleads for ) but with a blot●… of perjury in taking on the Prelats mark , and complying with a perjurious course of defection , and allowes none to deliver their message faithfully in relation to either the sins or duties of the time , which is far from allowing to preach in purity , and in this case we must rather adhere to Christs faithfull shepherds upon his command , tho cross to mens Law , then follow blind unfaithfull guides in obedience thereunto , and this upon that same ground of Acts 4. 19. which he mentions . But he sayes , that answer of the Apostles will no way quadrat with our case , why so ? 1. Because the Apostles had an immediat extraordinary call from Christ to preach in his name , and so were not to be discharged by any power on earth . Ans. 1. That the Apostles answer suites our case , will be apparent when it s considered , that our answer and Apology which we offer to our adversaries , who do now accuse and persecute us upon this ground , is one with theirs , their grounds in their answer , compared with the context , are [ that they are Christs Ministers and witnesses , employed about the great gospel message , cloathed with his authority , and under the obligation of Christs commands lying upon them . ] Now will not this quadrat with our case as to the substance of this answer , dare he say , that the Magistrats Laws can exauctorat a Minister of the gospel , or take away that ministerial authority which he received from Christ , might not thus the ministry be put out of the world ; Dare he deny that he is a minister still notwithstanding of the Laws restraint , and standing under a ministerial Relation to the Church , as the Apostles were , and under commands and obligations consequently in order to the exercise of the ministry ? can the Rulers meer prohibition loose either ministers their relation pastoral , or the obligations flowing therefrom ? 2. Altho the call of the Apostles was immediat and extraordinary , yet this will not prove that their answer will not suite the ordinary and mediat call in such a case as theirs , when a minister is under a legal prohibition to preach : for first , we do not find that the Apostles did plead their extraordinary or immediat call mainly or only , if at all in this case , but their ministerial gospel call and message quatalis , the authority of the one , and the weight and importance of the other , in relation to all Ministers , are constant moral grounds bearing the conclusion of the same duty and apology as to them : since the substance of this Apostolick apology lyes in this , that they were Christs Ministers , cloathed with his commission to preach the gospel , which any faithfull Minister may plead in such a case . 2. Tho their call was immediat and extraordinary , upon which ground they were singularly out of the reach of the Rulers restraint as to their ministry , yet they were so likewise as Christs messengers and ministers simply in a general sense , for majus 〈◊〉 minus &c. 3. As the Apostles had their power immediatly from Christ and not from the Rulers , which is the great ground why they could not be Lawfully prohibit to preach , and would not submit their ministerial authority , its acts and exercise , to the Rulers disposal , especially the gospel-message being of so great importance , so there is derived from them a ministerial authority in the Church , independent in its nature and exercise upon the magistrat , as theirs was , tho the Apostles ( as I said ) had singular prerogatives beyond ordinary ministers , and in that respect were singularly beyond the reach of their restaint . Now this authority was exercised by the Church renitente Magistratu for several generations , upon the same ground of this independent spiritual power and the weight of the gospel-message which the Apostles did here plead ; The Informer answers aly , that this prohibition tended to the absolute supressing of the gospel , and there was then no other way for propagating it through the world , but by their preaching , but now tho some be silenced , others are allowed to preach . Ans. 1. This piece of the apology for not obeying the Rulers mandat , is of his bold putting in , but nothing of it is in the text , viz. that there were no others to preach the gospel but they . Their Apology as I said is drawn from their authority , and message simply . 2 I ask him , could any one of the Apostles have submitted to this prohibition , upon an insinuation or assurance that the Magistrat would not hinder others to promote the gospel ? if they could not , then he must grant that this anwer is naught , that the Apostles refused , because the prohibition tended to suppress the gospel : For the gospel was preacht and propagat , though one of them was a little after taken oft the stage , if he say that any one , or more of the Apostles would have submitted to the prohibition upon thir terms , then . 1. He contradicts his first answer , that their extraordinary immediat call could not be discharged by any power on earth , and 2. He charges them with unfaithfulness to Christ in laying up his talents , and laying by his work upon mens command not to preach . Sure Christs command and commission tyed all his Apostles conjunctly and severally : Paul said , too to [ me ] if [ I ] preach not the gospel , and one Apostles diligence , could not loose the obligation of the other , and excuse his negligence . 3. We have proved that there is no warrand from God for Rulers their immediat arbitrary discharging Christs Ambassadours to officiat , and consequently faithfull Ministers are not obliged to obeye . And upon the same ground that one apostle could not warrantably suffer the Magistrat to impose a silence upon him , be cause others were permitted to preach , It s unlawfull for ordinary Ministers to be silent , because others are preaching , and much more when those who are preaching are declaring themselves unfaithfull , and destroying but not feeding . So that our Informer doth but mock God , if not blaspheme , while blessing him , that authority , is opposit to our disorders , not to the gospel . The Doubter next asks him [ if the King and Laws can silence a Minister that he shall not preach the gospel . ] He should have added , by his own proper elicite acts as King or Magistrat , or formally and immediatly . But this man must still shrewd himself in the mist and clouds of deceitful generals , and mould our arguments in his own disguise , that his simple evasions may appear answers . Well , what sayes he to this doubt ▪ His answer is , ( I ommit his insignificant reflection ) that Solomon thrust out Abiathar from the priesthood 1 Kings . 2. 27. which was a restraining his priestly power as to its actual exercise , to which he was bound to submit , so a King may discharge a Minister to exercise his Ministry within his dominions , which he must not counteract , suppose he think the King and law wrongs him , especially , when others do preach tho he be silent . Ans. This reason and instance is a baculo ad angulum , Solomon punisht Abiathar civilly for a capital treasonable crime , which deserved death , telling him ( as the text saith ) that he was a man of death , or one who deserved capital punishment , according to the nature of the hebrew phrase , which sentence of death Solomon ( upon the grounds mentioned in that passage ) did change into a sentence of banishment , and by this civil punishment did consequenter put him from the exercise of his priestly office , which he could not in that case perform : Ergo he formally and immediatly deposed him , and the civil magistrat may so immediatly and formally depose ministers , this is a consequence utterly unknown to all rules of Logick , or solid divinity . The Instance indeed proves , that the Magistrat may civilly punish a Minister for crimes , and consequently cut him off from the exercise of his Ministry , but that he can simply and immediatly , or by proper elicit acts , discharge the exercise thereof , can no more be proved from this instance , then that the man who gives bad physick , or hurts the Ministers person , and eatenus stops the exercise of his Ministerial office , hath an authority to inhibit the exercise of his Ministry . As for our Informers restriction , anent the Kings inhibiting a minister to preach in his dominions , 't is a very poor and transparent sophistical cheat , for no man ever said that he can exercise any magistratical power upon those who are without his dominions , whether ministers or others . And thus should his dominion in Gods providence be streached over all the christian Church , he hath authority ( by this courtdivinity ) to silence the gospel sound in a clap , and extinguish a gospel ministry when he pleaseth , and then this man would do well to ponder how this consists with the nature and designe of Christs great commission to his first ambassadours ( his Apostles ) in reference to the gospel message , and unto all ministers untill the end of the world , and his promised presence accordingly ; as also whether the Apostles , and ordinary ministers afterward , did warrantably counteract the Magistrats opposition in this exercise of their Ministry ; and what our lords answer would have been , in case such an objection anent Princes discharging the exercise of their Ministry , had been offered by the Apostles at the first giving out and sealing of their great patent and commission to preach to all nations , and whether our Lord would have told them that their commission did not bind in that case . The Informer is afraid to set his foot on such slippery ground as to assert that the King can depose absolutely , but yet averres that he can restrain the actual exercise of the Ministerial office , and surely if this be granted ( in that extent he pleads for ) it will abundantly secure self-seeking polititians from the trouble of a faithful Gospel-Ministry , & they will be content to part with this nicety of a simple deposing . But if , in the Judgment even of some of his Rabbies , whom I could name , the most formal ecclesiasticall censures do amount to no more then this legal restraint of the exercise , he doth but pityfully resarciat his lapse , and mend the matter by this whimsey . As for what he adds of [ Beza's letter to the non-Conformists in England , not to exercise their Ministry against the Queens authority and the Bishops . ] The often mentioned difference betwixt the then State of that Church , and our present condition , doth quite invalidat his proof , since certainly in some cases the counteracting the Princes command as to the exercise of the Ministry , requires a very cautious consideration , but had our case in its present circumstances and latitude as above delineat been propounded to Beza [ touching the overturning the Reformation of this Church ( so fully setled by civil and Ecclesiastick Authority , and confirmed by Oaths of all ranks ) by Prelats and their adherents ejecting all faithfull Ministers , who will not be subject to that course . ] Sure Beza who ( as we heard ) requested John Knox never to let Prelacy be introduced into Scotland , and all faithfull Ministers to contend against it after it was cast out , would have judged Minsters obliged in this our case , especially after Prelacy is thus vowed against , to keep their possessions , to preach the gospel , and testify against such a wicked course , as well as it was the duty of our first Reformers to preach against the will of the then Bishops and persecuters ; Besides , it s the Doctrine and principles of our Church , that neither the Magistrate nor Prelats censures can loose a Minister from the exercise of his Ministry ; which is above cleared . So that our Informers great Diana , which he is all this time declaiming for , viz. The imposing of an absolute silence upon the true Pastors of this Church , that Conformists onely may be heard and ownd , doth so stoop and bow down , that the underpropings of his slender artifice , and poor mean pleadings , cannot prevent its precipice and ruine . CHAP. VI. The nature of Presbyterian Ministers relation to this Church and their call to officiat therin , vindicate from the Informers simple cavills . Mr Baxters rules for the cure of Church-divisions impertinently alledged by him . The Testimonies of the jus divinum Minist . Anglic. And of Mr Rutherfoord in his Due right of Presbytery anent unwarrantable separation , insufficient to bear the weight of his conclusion . THE appearances of our Lords Ambassadours in his message and for promoting his Interest , have been much opposed by Satan in very various Methods and versatile disguises in all ages , but that Presbyterian Ministers of a pure Apostolick Presbyterian Church should be opposed in the exercise of their holy function and Ministry received from Christ , and this exercise impugned from pretended Scripture grounds and Presbyterian principles may seem strange , if these latter days had not produced many such prodigies of errors and wickedness . The progress of this personat doubt-resolver his impugnations will discover so much , which we now proceed to examine . This Informer next alleages That Ministers among us make themselves Ministers of the whole Church , and the Doubter alledging [ That a Minister is a Minister of the Catholick Church ] he Answers from Mr Rutherfoord Due right of Presb. page 204. That tho a Minister is a Minister of the Catholick Church , yet not a Catholick Pastor of it , that by ordination , and his calling he is made Pastor and by election he is restricted to be ordinarly the Pastor of his flock . And that Mr Durham on Rev. page 106 , 107. thinks there is odds betwixt being a Minister of the Catholick Church , and a Catholick Minister of it , as the Apostles were and the Pope pretends viz. to have immediat access for the exercise in all places — that ●…ho actu prime they have a commission to ●…e Ministers of the whole Church , yet actu secund●… they are peculiarly delegated to such and such posts , But we have made our selves Ministers of all the congregations of the Countrey . I answer , this doctrine crosses not our principles nor practice in the least . For first , when we assert that a Minister is by election restricted to be ordinarly the Pastor of a flock , and especially delegat , and fixt to such a post & particular watchtower , it is not so to be understood , as if there could be nolawful exercise of his Ministry elsewhere : for first , this were flat independency &c. 2. All ( save they of this perswasion ) grant that the Minister receives no new authority as to his Ministerial acts and officiating in other places , but a new application only . Hence in the 2d place , is to be understood of the Church her ordinary settled state under a settled Ministry but when there is a destroying enemy within her bosome wasting her , and the fathfull Ministry are put from their Watchtowers and posts , by a number of Schismatick Innovators , who are dissolving her union , and impeaching her Authority : In this extraordinary case , Ministers more enlarged and unfixt officiating , is no breach of this Rule ; Because 1. In this case the Parochial constitution is impossible to be held , and God calls not to impossibilities , and yet his call to preach the Gospel stands and binds , and by consequence to preach to others then the Ministers parish . The common rule will plead for this viz. necessitas non habet legem , which this Informer himself doth hold will in some cases warrand the laying by of that which otherwise were a duty ; he knows what his inference is from Davids eating of the shew bread to keep from starving , and Paul , and those with him their casting their goods into the sea to preserve from perishing . So that of necessity he must admit this rule and answer , upon his own ground . 2. The reasons which did warrand our first Reformers officiating in this manner ( a practice which he dare not say that the authors mentioned , or any reformed divines do condemn ) will warrand this our practice in this persecute state of our Church , it being clear that the case of Reformation is parallel to that of a Churches defection , and persecution , in relation to this practice contraverted , as we cleard from Acts 8. 3. The same great end of the Churches greater good and edificaton , which warrands fixing of Ministers to their posts in a Churches setled peacefull state will warrand their officiating more largely and at other posts , when put from their own in her disturbed , persecute and destroyed coondition by a prevalent Schismatick , backsliding party . The faithfull watchmen seing the city betrayed by a party of professed defendents , who are letting in the enemy , do their duty to the city best in resisting them and running to help . 4. If faithfull Ministers their necessary keeping their posts and the unlawfulness of exercising their Ministry any where else , were in this case asserted , then it would follow that a Minister standing in that relation to a disturbed and destroyed Church , and all his gifts and graces , were useless in that case , which notwithstanding are given for the good of the Church , but this is absurd ; Shall not the weeping Church be taken by the hand by her true Sons , when she is wounded and her vail taken away by smiting watchmen . 5. By our Principles the Prelatick party are Schismaticks who have already broke and overturned our Churches order , and Reformation . Now this Informer will not deny , that in such a case , the Church may send forth her Ministers to officiat among such backsliders and Schismaticks , for their healing and recovery ; he knowes upon what ground Mr Lightoun not long since , sent out some of his brethren to preach in the West of Scotland . Beside Mr Gillespie will tell him , Miscell . page 23. That a Schismatick Church hath no just right to the liberty of a sound Church , as to the calling or setling of Ministers . So that in our principles no Conformists are duely or lawfully called and settled . 6. Our divines do grant that in extraordinary cases , even the want of ordination it self will not hinder to officiat Ministerially but that there may be a necessity which will sustain and comport with the want of it . Mr Gillespy Misc. ch . 4. page 63. tells us , that in extraordinary cases when ordination cannotbe had , and when there are none who have commission & authority from God to ordain , then and there an inward call from God stirring up , and ●…ing with the people's good will and consent whom God makes willing , can make a Minister authorized to ministerial acts — That at the first plantation of Churches , ordination may be wanting without making void the Ministry because ordination cannot be had . And if necessity will plead this in relation to ordination it self , Ergo a fortiori this necessity of our Churches destroyed perturbed condition , may much more comport with ordained Ministers their more enlarged officiating for the help and recovery of a perishing remnant , by Wolves in sheeps cloathing . Next , this Informer going on in his nauseating repetitions , charges intrusion upon our Ministers , and enquires , what warrand they have to preach and administer Sacraments to those of another Ministers charge , being neither called nor desired by these Minsters . I answer , they have Gods call to preach the Gospel as Minsters of this Church , and as this call would warrand their officiating in other parishes upon the lawfull Ministers desire or invitation in a settled serene state of our Church , so in this her ruined and destroyed condition , the same call abundantly warrands their helping of these congregations , and such poor Macedonians , who desire their help while under destroying Schismaticks , who have no lawfull call to be their Mininisters from God or this Church . But here our Informer assaults us with a dilemma ; either Presbyterian Ministers call is ordinary , or extraordinary . Ordinary they have none , since they are not invited by the Ministers of the congregations to whom they preach , extraordinary they will not pretend unto . I Answer by a counterdilemma , and retort his argument thus , either the pretended Ministers of these congregations have an ordinary or extraordinary call to officiat therein , ordinary they have none according to the Doctrine , Reformation , and principles of this Church , being neither called by the people , nor ordained by the Presbyteries of this Church , if we speak of the generality who are ordained and obtruded by the Prelats , upon these congregations where they officiat , and for those who were otherwise ordained and have conformed , we have told him that by accepting presentation from Patrons and collation from Prelats , they have renounced their Presbyterian call and ordination and the call of this Church consequently , and thus do fall under the same consideration with the rest ; and for the exraordinary call neither the one nor the other , will pretend unto it . And when he answers this dilemma , and by the Scripture-rules , and the Principles , and reformation of this Church , ( which the Informer hath not disproved , yea admits us to suppose in this question ) justifies the Curats call to of ●…iciat in these congregations over which they assume an authority we shall produce ours as to this practice which he condemns . Beside , what answer will he give to such a dilemma in the mouth of Schismatick congregations , offered unto such Ministers as the Church sends from their own congregations to officiat among them ? And whatever his answer be , it will suite our case . Then he tells us of acts of councils condemning this encroachment , as he calls it , But when he shall exhibit a case parallel to ours , which these acts speak unto , we shall consider it . For what he adds of the Aberdeen Doctors their charging the Presbyterian Ministers who preacht in their congregations , with a practice repugnant to the Scripture and Canons of ancient Councils , he should have done well to have produced these Scriptures which the Doctors alleaged : And for ancient Canons , I think all things in their case considered , it would be a hard task to produce these Canons stricking against that practice as it stood circumstantiat , considering their Schismatick withstanding the Reformation of this Church , their Arminian principles , and defending popish ceremonies which errors they had openly vented and obstinatly maintaind . His next charge of ordaining others to perpetuat our schism , is a manifest calumny , this true organick Church is by this practice , only propagating a lawfull pure Ministry in opposition to their destroying Schismatick course , the blessed fruits whereof , and its seals upon the hearts of the people of God , have been conspicuous , and we hope yet further will. And no less gross is that calumny which follows , anent our great mixt communions , and admission of ignorant vitious persons unto them , who ( he sayes ) by our way cannot be kept back , there being none admitted at any seasons of this nature ( which have been very rare ) but upon sufficient testimonies from faithfull Ministers or elderships . But is he not ashamed to object this to us , whereof his party is so notoriously guilty , who are knowen to admit , yea call promiscuously , to fill their empty tables , ( which tender souls dare not approach unto ) both gross ignorants , and notoriously profane to the shame and scandal of Religion , and the contempt of that holy ordinance ; our persuading people not to owne Conformists as the Ministers of this Church we hope doth now appear better grounded then all this Informers persuasives to the contrary . And that we have been in any measure succesfull in this , speaks out Gods purpose not to leave wholly our married land . For that which he cites out of Baxters preface to the Cure of Church divisions anent the odiousness of Sacrifices presented to God , without love and reconciliation to brethren , and of making a peoples communion in worship , the badge and means of uncharitablness and divisions , we th●…nk reconciliation and unionin the Lord needfull to acceptable worship , but an association with scandalous Schismaticks and backsliders in their wickedness , we think is no less dangerous and obstructive to reall fellowship with God in duty ; especially since God presses our coming out from among such , and our being separat from the contagion of their sin , with this motive , that he will receive us . And as there is a holy brotherhood which we must associat with in order to communion with God , so there is a congregation of evill doers which we must hate . Yea we have Davids precedency ( as is before observed ) to hate them with perfect hatred , and count them our enemies . But who can sufficiently admire these mens talk of unity and love who having first broken and divided this poor Church have been these so many years persecuting to the death , yea sweeming in the blood of the faithfull Ministers and professors therof because hey durst not joyn to their way , and conform to their supposed trifles and indifferencies . Surely prelacy being the grand Idol of Jealousy provoking God against us , and the fire which hath kindled all our combustions , and hath opened the veins of the Lords servants and people to bleed for many years , occasioned such horrid dispersion and unheard of oppression 〈◊〉 the Lords Church and people in our Land , with what f●…ces can these upholders of this course look up to the God of Love and peace , and how can they lift up suc●… bloody wrathfull hands to him . But now his poor half proselyted Doubter confesses that [ there is much truth in what he has heard from this sound Informer forsooth — And takes leave with a profest resolution to reflect upon what he has heard from him , ] Whereupon he dismisses him with some of his healing advices , prefacing with an admonition to seek illumination from God. But had this man been serious in seeking this from God , he had not vented in these trilling Dialogues such weak notions and reproaches against Gods truth and people . But since his Doubter returns him no answer therunto , I shall make up his want and shortly offer my thoughts upon them . His first advice , is not to be too confident of our own opinion as undoubtedly right , but consider what he hath said in his three conferences . Ans. If it be truth which we hold , sure we most hold it by faith in a pure conscience , and not be wavering and ●…ossed children . We acknowledge not the Cartesian principle , and the popish doubting way as found divinity , and a confidence of truth is far from a self confidence . As for what is offered in his three dialogues , I hope it is sufficiently antidoted by what is said above , so that it needs not in the least demurr our persuasion . 2. He will not have us think the matters of difference to be the substantialls of Relegion , since persons of both persuasions may keep love and fellowship without renting the Church and neglecting ordinances , because greater differences have been ; and communion not broken thereby . Ans. If these matters contraverted be not substantialls , why then have they made such a substantiall bloody contest for them ●…anquam pro aris & focis , for so many years , and if communion must not be broken in a Church upon this account , why have they rent and overturned our Church , and persecute away so many godly Ministers and professors for these things , denying all fellowship with them in their worship , for adhering to their principles , and disowning this course of conformity ? had prelatists suffered Presbyterian Ministers and professors to stand as they were in this Church , to enjoy their principles , and to follow their respective duties according to their stations , faithfull Ministers to preach , and Gods people to enjoy the fruits of their Ministry , he might with some colour have pretended to this desire of union and fellowship , but since prelatists have cast them out , and do so cruelly persecute them for adhering to their principles , and owning these duties , this pretence is nothing but deceitfull hypocrisy . He adds , that the difference is but a matter of government , and if we separat for this , we would have separat from all Churches since christianity began and if Christ held no comunion with a Church , where prelacy was , he hath then seldom had a Church , and hath been for many years a head without members . Ans. This is nothing but a renewed repetition of groundless assertions : for how proves he that our plea is a matter of government only ? surely their course strikes at the whole of our Reformation , as hath been cleared . Again , how proves he that we would have separat upon this ground from the Church for so long a time , tho it were granted that our plea were only a matter of government , since he hath not yet produced instances of such a prelacy as we have , in any Church . Besides , since the Informer pleads for prelacy upon pretended Apostolical precepts and practices , and yet doth here vilify it unto a meer punctilio , and makes it such a sorry business as persons may come and go upon it at their pleasure , we may easily discover what nimble Sophisters , and slippery fingered Gentlemen he and his fellows are as to the retaining and holding of divine institutions , and that they can easily expose them to sale , for obtaining easefull serenity and other worldly designs . Or how proves he that its the government of our Church which they have introduced ? or that they are the Church ? or that we are in this practice separating from our Church ? Hath not Christ a mystical body in Scotland without prelats ? or finally , how proves he that there is alike ground for Joyning to prelacy , introduced by an Apostat party , after it is cast out , and abjured by all , as there is for Joyning in fellowship with a Church continuing Long under that corruption , and not purged and reformed from it . The Joyning with them in their worship , being demanded as a badge of our consent to prelacy it self and all the corruptions attending the same . 3. He pleads for charity , and that we say not Conformists are graceless because of this difference , he tells us , that for all Corinths corruptions , the Apostle spends a whole chapter upon Love , and that such as have least truth , have least charity , that the weak christians who understood not their liberty Rom. 14. in being loosed from the ceremonial Law , had least charity as they had least truth , and so papists to protestants . Ans. This charge lyes most directly home to himself , and those of his way . Let more then 20. years Law & practice , in relation to the ruine of a faithfull remnant of Ministers and professors who adhere to the reformation and government of this Church , and their vows for promoting the same , discover what hath been the charity of our Prelatical party . Beside , whatever be our thoughts as to their state with God , and without judging their eternal condition , it s no breach of charity to know such as are seducers from Gods way , to beware of sin , and the ensnarings of such seducers , for which we have so many scripture commands as we have heard , and the Judgment of discretion in relation to evils which we are to eshew , is not that uncharitable judging in matters Lawfull and Indifferent , which is condemned , Rom. 14. 3 , 4. for else we could not act in faith . And the same Corinthians whom Paul exhorted so much to Love , he enjoyned also to come out from among the ungodly 2 Cor. 6. and to flee the contagion of their sin . 4. He advises to consider the danger of divisions Gal. 5. 15. Mark 3. 24. since the enemy mocks religion upon this ground , and while each fights with another , all are overcome , which he illustrats with the story of Scilurus his sheaf of arrowes Ans. Divisions indeed among Gods people are sad , and have had sad effects , but union must be in truth and duty , and cemented with these bonds , since it is the unity of the spirit which we must seek Eph. 4. 3. and therefore not in a way of defection and Rebellion against God and in breaking his Covenant , which is nothing else but a combination against him ; It is in the Lord , that we must be of the same mind , Phil. 4 2. and Christ who prayed so enixly , for his disciples union , Joh. 17. 21. prayed also for their sanctification in and by the truth , 17. ver . and that they might be kept from the evill of the world , 15. ver . And the Apostle Paul who is so great a pleader for Love and union , would not give place by subjection to deceitfull workers , no not for an hour Gal. 2. 5. The best way to mantain union & preserve the Gospel ( which their dividing innovating course of backsliding hath exposed to so much prevalency and reproach of Papists ) is to keep our garments free of their defilements , & to put away that accur sed thing which hath made us so weak before enemies . 5. He advises his Doubter to acquaint himself with the writings of the old Non-conformists in England , such as Cartwright , Bradshaw , Ball , &c. Who testify against the Brownists for their separation from that Church ( for which he sayes much more might have been alledged then for ours . ) Ans. We acknowledge that these worthy men have done well upon this subject , and that separation which they wrote against ; But our case [ anent a Church purely reformed from corruptions of doctrine , worship , discipline and Government and under universal oaths of adherence to that reformation infested , encroached upon , and invaded by a party of Schismatick overturners of her reformation , standing in opposition to a faithful Ministry , and professors adhering to them , ] is so vastly discrepant from their case , [ anent keeping up fellowship with a Church universally tainted with corruptions , from which she had never been purged , ] that by no imaginable grounds , can a consequence be drawen from the one to the other . And any consequence relating to us , or application of the pleadings of these Divines against the Brownists , will properly strike against his dividing party , who have gone out from the fellowship of this pure Church , to which they were Joyned , and did vow adherence to her constitution and reformation , yet notwithstansting by them thus miserably rent and destroyed for many years . As for these Rules of Mr Baxter in his Cure of Church divisions , which this Informer doth afterward commend unto us , we are not much concerned in their explication or application , since they do not in the least-strike against what we maintain , therefore we shall briefly run over them . For the first here mentioned , [ anent not making communion with a Church stricker then Christ hath made it ] when we disowne dividers and Schismaticks renting and destroying a pure Church , and introducing abjured innovations , we do not narrow these terms of communion , which Christ hath given . For he hath commanded us to withdraw from such as cause divisions and offences , contrary to our received ordinances , and not to have fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkness , to turn away from Covenant-breakers ; And it s their dividing party who fall under the censure of this rule , who make complyance with abjured prelacy the terms of their communion , and so cruelly persecute all who will not conform to their course of backsliding . There is no doubt equal danger on the other extreme in making the terms of our communion laxer then Christ hath appointed . For the 2 rule which he mentions [ anent a due impression of the evill of division and discord , and the reasons and necessity of union . ] I think indeed had this Informer and his party , kept up a Scripture impression of this , they had not for the punctilio's of their trifling Conformity , so miserably rent this poor Church , and overturn'd her Reformation . For the 3. [ anent not engadging too far in a divided sect , ] it reaches Conformists , another blow , who have so far engadged for Prelats and their Interest , that for many years it hath been the great work of our Laws ( by the instigation of them , and their Rabbies ) to root out all Ministers and professors of this Church , who do not conform , and owne this course of backsliding . Dare this petulant Informer call adherence to this Church , her sworn Reformation , principles , and faithfull Ministry , adherence to a divided Sect. For the 4. [ anent the difference betwixt a sound and sinfull zeal , and that we be suspicious of our Religious passions ] we say , zeal for the Gospel , for keeping Covenant with God , for reformation from popry and prelacy ( which is the the Test of our zeal as stated in opposition to them ) doth convincingly evidence its soundness . For the 5. [ anent not being over tender of our repute , or impatient of mens censures , ] we say , to be tender of truth and duty , and our good name in maintaining it , which is as precious ointment , and to be tender of not offending and displeasing all who are thus tender , is nothing but a true and Gospel-tenderness . For the 6. [ anent eshewing needless fellowship with the more censorious Christians ] we say , we stand oblig'd to keep fellowship with all the godly in all duties , and this charge of over censoriousness we deny as to our plea against Conformists , neither hath he Informer yet made it good . For the 7. [ that we lay not too much weight on doubtfull opinions , nor begin with them ] we bless God that in this pure Church , Gods people have been taught the solid beginnings and first principles , and do build on that foundation ; But we have not so learned Christ , as to put into the Category of things doubtfull , breach of Covenant , abjur'd Prelacy , and a Schismatick sinfull complyance therewith , For the 8. [ anent not admiring or favouring a preacher for his voice , affectionat utterance , &c. Without solid understanding , ] we say , Gods people with us have been helped not to regard mens speech , but their power . And as they know Christ the great shepherd his truth , by his voice from them , accordingly as his sheep to follow them . For the 9. [ anent not rejecting a good cause , because owned by bad men ] we say , the cause we disowne is bad in it self , and we disowne the owners of this bad cause , upon this ground ; And are confirmed in our disowning of it , by the fruits which we see the owning of it produceth in its supporters and abbetors , which are such as do warrand us according to our Lords command , to avoid and beware of them . For the 10. [ not to follow the bad examples of Religious persons , ] we bless the Lord we are taught to walk by the rule of Gods Word , not by examples of men , and not to follow even a Paul further then he is a follower of Christ. For the 11. [ anent keeping an eye on the state of all Churches upon earth , and pondering how Christ keeps fellowship with them , lest while we think we separat only from these about us , we separat from almost all Churches ] we say , that we have lookt upon our own Church deservedly , as among the purest and best reformed , and by the same rule are concerned to keep up fellowship with her , as knowing that such as renounce fellowship with her , would renounce it with all Churches . And this we do with a due charity for all Reformed Churches , and whatever Churches do hold the foundation . But upon these grounds we are bound to disowne destroying Schismaticks , as are our Conformists , who have introduced abjured innovations contrary to her pure constitution and Reformation , and have gone out from her fellowship , and by the same consequential reason , from the fellowship of all Churches . For the last rule which he mentions , [ that we count it as comfortable to be a martyr for love and peace by blind zealots , as for the faith by infidels ] we say , that we owne no zeal which is not according to knowledge , and are contending for the union and reformation of our Mother against a party of blind fiery zelots , for ane abjured hierarchy contrary to the Word of God and this Churches vows , in which honourable quarrel that many have suffered even to bonds , imprisonments , yea death it self , it is our Glory . As for what he adds [ of the English nonconformists , their testyfing against separation , as a way which God never blessed with peace and holiness though they dissented from the Ceremonies ] I nothing doubt , but that they would have put the same Character upon the practice of the Prelats and their followers , had they seen and known all the circumstances of our case . They dissenting from fellowship in the ceremonies , and eatenus from fellowship in the Worship , though that Church , had never been purged from them , how much more then are we concerned to disowne innovations introduced into this Church , after they have been cast out and vowed against . Suppose that Church , had been ( as ours ) Reformed in doctrine Worship , discipline and Government , and a party had risen up destroying that pure constitution , contrary to all their vows , admitting none to fellowship without acknowledging of their wicked course , persecuting and casting out all Ministers and professors , who would not concur ? And then let them tell us what these nonco●…ists would have done in this case , surely upon the same ground that they eshewed a contagion in communicating with the Ceremonies , they would have eshewed this piece of contagious conformity also . Especially the express vows of adherence to that supposed reformation in every piece of it , and of disowning all recesses , all backsliders , and of owning all adherers to these vows in prusuing the ends thereof , being taken in , and duely pondered . After the close of this Dialogue , our Informer will needs strengthen his plea in presenting unto us , by way of Apendix , some passages of the English Presbyterians , their Jus divinum Ministerij Anglicani , and likewise in Mr Rutherfoord his due right of Presbytery , anent the unwarrantableness of Separatio●… , which as they are utterly alien from our purpose , so ( as would seem in the conviction hereof ) he doth not so much as offer to draw an argument from any of them , while propounding these his grand supposed topicks , except a general hint at the close , which is utterly insufficient to fortify his conclusion , as we shall after shew , but leaves the favourable conclusion to be drawn by his half-proselyted Doubter , or friendly partial reader . However ( altho upon the matter any seeming conclusion he might draw from them is answered , yet ) we shall view them briefly , having premised ( 1. ) That he supposes but hath not yet made good , the charge of a sinfull separation upon the people of God in this case , which we have shown to be more applicable to himself . 2. That the case of separation from that Church at that time because of her corruptions , is far wide from this case of our disowning Conformists now , and consequently all his citations will never come home to our purpose , because . 1. Not to separat from a Church upon the ground of corruptions which have been long setled in her ; is very far distinct from this practice of disowning an Innovating party introducing corruptions to the ruine of a pure Church , after they have been seen , and universally cast out , which is the practice he now pleads for ; a stop as to an advance in Reformation , is much different from backsliding in this case , and especially the joyning to a backsliding party who are not the true Church , is much different from adherence to a Church tho backslidden . It s a far different case not to leave the communion of a Church because of some corruptions , and not to joyn with an unsound party of a Church drawing back from her Reformation : So that upon a due consideration of the matter of fact , and Presbyterian principles , its evident that these Testimonies do levell against Conformists . 2. It s a far different case to owne the Ministry of a corrupt Church wherin prelacy is universally owned , and wherein there hath been no other way of entry into the Ministry for many generations but by Prelacy : and to owne a party of Schismatick Intruders introducing Prelacy over the belly of a Presbyterian Church , and shutting out her faithfull Mininistry , surely these Intruders are in this case the Brownists . 3. It s a far different case to submit to a Ministry meerly Episcopal , and to keep the Worship in a Church long under this Government , and to submit to an Episcopal Erastian Ministry , and a Church Government fundamentally corrupt , deriving all its power from an Antichristian supremacy , and meer civil papacy , after it hath been eminently and universally disowned by that Church , and vowed against , Especially when a backsliding party only do thus usurp over the sound Ministry , and have ejected them , and this Erastian abomination is set up to raze this true spiritual Government of the Church once universally setled and owned . 4. It s a far different case , to submit to an Episcopal Ministry so far as pure , while Episcopacy is universally ownd , and no obligation is upon any to disowne it , further then its own corruption in that case will amount to and infer : and to owne and submit to an episcopal Erastian Government introduced by an Innovating party into a Presbyterian Church against her standing acts , solemn Oaths and vows universally taken on by that Church against the same , while a faithfull Ministry , and the great part of the people are in Conscience of their vows contending against it . Surely this superinduced obligation requires a higher degree of zeal against that defection , and renders it the more hainous . The high places permitted to David and Solomon before the Temple was built , are censured in after times ; greater light and obligations do in this case cast the ballance . These considerations do clearly repell any argument which he would draw from his citations to our case . But now to view them , The English Presbyterians in that piece do first assert page 10. [ that all in the same bounds most be under the care of the same Minister , and that these limits ought not to be brangled Ans. This shall be easily accorded , give us our beautifull Church-order and a lawfully called Ministry and this parochial order shall be observed , and obeyed . 2. ( page 11. ) [ A man under a wicked or Heretical Minister must remove his habitation rather then brangle parochial order . ] Ans Then it follows in their principles , that when the order and union of a Reformed Church is already brangled by Innovating Schismaticks , whose wickedness and errors are palpable , men may attend a more pure Ministry without Schism , by clear consequence , sure he is a loser by this . 3. ( page 12. ) [ to appoint Elders in every Church , and every city , is all one , and converts in the city must joyn with the congregation in Churchfellowship . ] Ans. But what if a party in the city call themselves the Church , shut out the true Minister , and bring in one of their own , must not the true converts own their first Minister , and oppose these Innovators ? Surely this Testimony rebounds another blow upon our mis Informer . 4. ( page 25. ) [ evil men defacto have been officers , Hophni and Phineas , Scribes and Pharisees , whose Ministerial acts were not null , and Christs commission authorized Judas . ] Ans. This will as much plead for owning Presbyterian Ministers as Conformists : And if he alleadge that they are disorderly , Schismatical , &c. and therefore must not be ownd in this case . I answer ●…he must prove this which he hath not yet done . 2. He must acknowledge , that the granting that the Ministerial acts of Church-officers , are not null by their sins , will not plead for hearing Ministers in every case , untill aliunde , and from other grounds , our obligation to owne such men as our Ministers hic & nunc be made good , which he hath not yet done as to Curats . Neither Hophni or Phineas , nor the Scribes and Pharisees , were rooting out the faithfull Ministry of the Church of the Jews , who would not concurr in a course of defection , after they had laid down a course to overturn the ordinances : which is the case of Conformists in relation to us , as is evident . Again , state the question so that Hophni and Phineas , and the Pharisees Ministry could not be owned without partaking in their sin , then this man must needs grant , that Gods people were obliged to disowne them , and had disowned them . Now we have proven this to be our case as to the owning of Conformists . 5. ( page 42 , 43. ) [ Israel is called the people of the Lord , even after the Calves were set up at Dan and Bethel , and Cajaphas was own'd as high priest , though they came to the office by bribry and faction , and the highpriest had an hand in crucifying Christ. ] Ans. The same reply and retortion recurs as formerly ▪ what will he say if we plead this for presbyterian Ministers , whom he will not call worse then these mentioned , nor will he say that our Presbyterian Church is worse then that Church . So that he must grant this will not reach his conclusion , till more be supposed and proved in this point . Again , tho God in his soveraign dispensation had not as yet cast off the ten tribes , having a faithfull remnant among them , yet I hope he will not from this plead for owning the Calves , or the Priests Ministry whom Jeroboam had obtruded , and set up contrary to Gods institution , and for keeping up that wofull breach in Gods worship , and in Israel , which was therby promoted , and this is a fit emblem of their Innovating prelatick Ministry . Beside that the high priests were men in a considerable measure deciders and Interpreters of the civil Law , and might in that respect be owned . But however , it is ( as we have said ) bad arguing from the comporting with corruptions in that old dispensation and Ministry especially when drawing near an end , to the receiving of abjured corruptions into a Church which has been rid of them , and from a non-separating in the first case , to conclude against a non-union or non complyance in the second . And thus neither will Pauls carriage toward the high prist , Acts 23. plead for adhering to Curats upon the same grounds . For he will not say that Paul understood not his office in a spiritual sense to be now expired , and that he was not to be owned as a teacher , who was every way destitute of the truth of the gospel , and an enemy unto it . Jackson thinks with sevral others , that Paul said , I knew not that he was the high priest &c. ironically , it being very improbable , that Paul knew not the high priest , and suppose it were so , he knew him to be a ruler as his own words discover , so that it was no excuse to say he knew not the high priest , because as a judge it was against the law to revile him . Therfore ( saith Jackson upon Exod. 22. 28. ) though they understood Paul as excusing himself , yet he spoke by way of derision as disdaining he should be accounted Gods high-priest , who carryed so . Which ( saith he ) is the more probable , when it s considered how far he was from having any true right to that place and power to which he pretended , when Christ had abolished the legal priest hood . Calvine on that place of the Acts sayes , It s not credible that Paul-gave him his wonted honour . — Cum abolita esset adventu Christi sacerdotij Majestas , & secuta turpis prophanatio , Paulum quasi integra vigeret , solito honore prosecutum fuisse , qui tunc sub Pontificum titulo nullo jure dominabantur , after the majesty of the priest hood was abolished by the coming of Christ , and vile prophanity attending it , that Paul , as if the priesthood had been standing intire , would have allowed the wonted honour to such who under the title of Priests were governing without any right or just title . And having objected to himself , that we must not contemn civill Magistrats , in his answer he puts a difference betwixt civil Mahistrats and Church rulers — Inter civiles Magistratus ( saith he ) & ecclesiae praesules aliquid est discrimenus — there is a difference betwixt civill Magistrats and Church officers , tho the administration of civil Rulers be perverse and confused yet ( he tells us ) the Lord will have subjection remain intire . — Sed ubi spirituale regimen degenerat sol●…untur piorum conscientiae , ne injustae dominationi pareant &c. spirituall government being degenerat , the consciences o●… the faithfull are loosed from obedience to an unjus●… domination . But our Informer will say , that I thu●… set the authors of jus divinum minist . anglic . by the ear●… with Calvin and Iackson as to the sense of this place . I answer , they do not peremptorly and positively assert that Paul acknowledged him as high priest , bu●… onely , that many think he did . 2. Hence the weight of their conclusion subjoyned , viz. that corruptions cleaving to Gods ordinances null them not , is not laid upon this solely , nor positivly at all , even as a partial , but onely as a probable ground . And the conclusion it self when admitted , will never reach his designe as is above cleared . Again , admitting that Paul acknowledged his providential title , or jus in re as to a civil office and administration at that time , as it may well have its own weight in reference to the premised conclusion , civil rule , as such , being Gods ordinance , which is not made null by corruptions , so upon the the difference of civil from sacred rule this concession will not legitimat or infer an acknowledgment of the spiritual part of his administration . Thus we have seen how well our Informer hath acquit himself in his arguing from the English Presbyterians . Let us next consider , how he reasons from Mr Rutherfoord in that peice forecited , if at least we may call that which he here offers a formal reasoning , since he offers not ( as I said ) any argument from these citations , but sure we will find that these passages will burn his fingers . In that piece [ scil . Due right of presb . page 220. to 256. ] There are several passages which this man takes hold of , as 1. [ He asserts that separation from a true Church where the orthodox word is preached , and sacraments duely administrat , is unlawfull , and vindicats 2 Cor. 6. ] Ans. This in Mr Rutherfoords sense will plead more for the Presbyterian Ministry & professors then for Conformists , whom he will not say that Mr Rutherfoord will look upon as our Church , in such a case as this , since ( as we heard ) he holds that in case of such a breach as we have now , the pure Church remains with the smaller stedfast number , and that the backsliders from truth and purity , tho the ●…reater number , yet really are the Schismaticks . And ●…n this sense we are to understand him when he sayes that this separation as to worship , will not infer an absolut separation , And his allowing non-union , where there is not sufficient cause of separation , in the case of purer to be joyned with , and his admitting a partial separation , because of a partial corruption of ordinances ( Peacable plea page 121. ) will much more plead for a total non-union in this our case ; and I dare appeal this Informer if Mr Rutherfoords words ( Peaceable plea page 122. ) doth not suite our case and express such a sense therof as we have explaind ; and if he would not have applyed that which follows unto our present prelatick party , had he seen our Church in this posture and in her present circumstances , viz. we separat not from a true Church or her Lawfull Pastors , when we separat from hirelings and Idolshepherds , who will not go before us , and whether he would not have thought and called Conformists so ? Thus ( page 148. concl . 6. ) he tells us , we may separat from the worship when we separat not from the Church . So that its evident , that in Mr Rutherfoords sense we separat not from the Church of Scotland , nor her worship , while withdrawing from Curats , in attending the Ministry of Christs faithfull ambassadours . In the Next place this Informer presents to us these passages further in that peice mentioned , viz. ( page 233. ) [ the personal faults of others , are not sufficient ground for separation — That the disciples thought not the society unclean for Judas sin , though they knew one of them had a Devil . ] Again ( page 250. ) [ It was not Lawfull to separat from the Pharisees preaching truth . ] ( page 253. ) [ The Godly separated no●… from the Church , when the altar of damascus was se●… up , things dedicat to Idols , as Lutheran images , are called Idolatry , 1 Cor 10. 34. Idolatry by participation , and the cup of devils , yet Paul command●… not separation , and the table of the Lord was there . ] I answer , this is already removed by what is said above , as to any conclusion for his cause , which thi●… loose disputer doth not so much as offer to draw ou●… upon these citations . 1. Unless he prove the Conforming party to be the true Church of Scotland , to which in this case we are obliged to adhere , or 2. If we can prove , that according to our Churches Reformation , Presbyterian ministers and professors are the true organick Church of Scotland , though the persecute smaller number ( which according to Mr Rutherfoord is very easy , for he sayes that in case of defection , truth as life recools to the smaller hidden part , ( Due right page 253. ) In either case I say this will plead more appositly for adherence to Presbyterian Ministers and their Assemblies . Next , Mr Rutherfoords scope is to prove , that personal faults corrupt not the worship , which wee deny not , but as we have above cleared this falls utterly short of reaching his conclusion , as to the owning of Curats , untill he first prove his forementioned suppositions , wherein he begs the question , and this principle or assertion of Mr Rutherfoord will plead more strongly for not disowning Presbyterian Ministers untill this Informer prove his suppositions , and disprove ours in this debate . In a word , the impertinency of all his citations here appears in this , that there is no reason whereby he can ward of this argument its reaching adherence to Presbyterian Ministers , and inferring a conclusion of owning them , but it will either , first be retorted upon himself , or secondly , the universality of the argument , and the conclusion deduced there from , so limited , as utterly to irritat his design ; since he must acknowledge , that there may be a Lawfull separation from a Ministry and ordinances , altho not polluted by personal scandals . And therefore this principle in every case will not infer a separation to be unlawfull , far less a non union , and he must acknowledge that to argue the unlawfulness of a separation or non-union in every case , or meerly , from this ground [ that there is no pollution of ordinances by the personal faults of Worshipers or administrators thereof ] is a gross petitio principii & ignoratio elenchi ; and which his case , supposeth many things which are to be proved , as 1. That Conformists are this Church . 2. That this practice of disowning them as now circumstantiat , is properly a sinfull separation . 3. That Prelatists have the best right to officiat as Ministers in this Church . 4. That we have no other reasons for a non-union but this pretended pollution of ordinances , and that we stand obliged upon this supposition that the ordinances are not thus polluted , to joyn to them rather then Presbyterian Ministers . And since this principle will prove them all to be Schismaticks who disowne Presbyterian Ministers in preaching the Gospel , it will follow therefrom that our Informer is in this pamphlet pleading for Schism , or else he must so limit this position , as thereby his conclusion against us shall be utterly cut off as is said . Fourthly , he presents unto us that passage ( page 254. ) where he shews [ That the godly in England tho separating from Bishops and Ceremonies did not separat from that Church ; and approves their doing so , and in keeping communion therwith in unquestionable duties , the contrary whereof he charges upon these separatists against whom he reasoneth , telling us ibidem , that if a Church be incorrigible in a wicked conversation , and yet retain the true faith , it s to be presumed that God hath some there to be saved , — that Christ himself is where his ordinances are , and some union with him the head — that though a privat scandalous brother ought to be cast off , yet not an Orthodox Chuch . ] Ans. 1. The Presbyterians have all this to plead for pleoples adherence to them , untill this Informer prove that the prelatick party are our nationall organick Church , which will be ad Kalendas Graecas . 2. Mr Rutherfoord all along states his question as to separation , from a Church so and so polluted . Ergo he spaks not of a Schismatick destroying Innovating party , or a separation from them rather then a sound Church contending against them , which would quite invert his scope and arguing , and the ground and hypothesis thereof . For I pose this man what if a party of acknowledged Innovators cast out the true Ministry , and should plead this passage of Mr Rutherfoords for their schism and the peoples adherence to them , sure he would charge them with begging the question , as we do Consormists in this point , and would acknowledge that Mr Rutherfoord pleads nothing for them . Fiftly , Mr Rutherfoord sayes ib idem [ We may separat from the Lords supper where the bread is ador'd — and from baptism where the sign of the cross is — yet we are not to separat from the Church . ] Ans. We may hence collect that in Mr Rutherfoords principles 1. We are to separat from all contagious Worship , tho not absolutly corrupt . 2. That this is no separation from the Church while there is a purer Church & Ministry to be joyned with , and to which we were joynd . 3. That a fortiori a non-union unto , and disowning of a backsliding party , who are not our Church , is warrantable because of their contagious corruptions , especially when ( as is said ) the opposition of that party to the true Church is so virulent . Mr Rutherfoord tells us there , that we separat not from the Church when we profess to hear the word , and allow the truth of Doctrine , and do not Presbyterian professors owne the true Doctrine of our Reformed Church , while hearing and and adhering unto her faithfull Pastors . Beside , Mr Rutherfoord tells us , that there may be cause of non-union where there is not sufficient cause of separation , as Paul separat not from the Jews till they blasphemed , yet , saith he , there was no cause why people should joyn to that Church before that time , since they had the cleaner to joyn with viz. That of the Apostles — Ergo in case of a true Reformed Church her being divided , and rent by a backsliding destroying party opposing her Authority , union and purity , introducing Innovations into her , contrary to her Reformation and vows , and casting out her faithfull Ministry who dare not comply with their wicked course , a non-union to them and adherence rather to that faithfull Ministry contending against them , is no sinfull separation from the Church , nor a separation at all by Mr Rutherfoords doctrine . Sure the Presbyterian party are in our principles the cleanest Church , to whom therefore Mr Rutherfoords allows to adhere . ( page 253. ) But here the Informer presents us another passage in that same place to repell what is said , viz. that he asserts [ there is no just cause to leave a less clean Church ( if true ) and to go to a purer , though one who is a member of no Church may joyn to that which he conceives purest . ] Ans. This makes as little for him as any of the rest , for 1. He is still speaking of a Church , thus intirely less pure , in comparison of a more pure . But blessed be God their prelatick impurity , has not infected all our Church , their being 1000 of Ministers & professors who adhere to the truth . This man will not say that this will plead for a peoples adherence to a party of Schismatick backsliders Intruding upon a pure Church , Introducing Innovations into her , and ejecting her faithfull Ministry as Conformists are now doing ; which will be yet more convincingly clear , if we consider 2. that Mr Rutherfoord layes much weight upon this , that a man is already a member of that Church which is less pure , but we cannot be said to be hactenus members of , and on this ground under a prior obligation of adherence unto , a party of Innovators and backsliders , who are destroying and ruining the pure Church , but in this case our prior obligation is in order to adherence to that pure Church and her faithfull Ministry , thus opposed as is said . But now at last our Informer who hath been hitherto silent as to any inference from his citations , drawes out a general conclusion from them , that in Mr Rutherfoords Iudgment and the English divines , neither the personal faults of Ministers , Nor real faults about the Worship ( much less supposed only ) will warrand a separation , which when admitted lifts not his cause one hair breadth off the dust , as is clear from what is said ; since he hath proved none of these three , either 1. That they are the Church of Scotland to which we are bound to adhere according to the tenour and principles of our Reformation , nor 2. That this practice of disowning them in this our case , is a sinfull separation . Or 3. that we disowne then meerly for personal scandals , or some corruption in Worship . Whereas we have proved that abstracting from both these , we have ground of disowning them as Schismatick Innovators destroying this Church ; and himself must grant that there may be a non-union unto , yea a separation from a party ground lesly assuming the name of a Church , though neither their personal faults do pollute the worship , nor the worship it self be simpliciter disowned , or else he must yeeld the cause when this is pleaded in behalf of Presbyterian Ministers , and for not separating from them : since it is upon this ground , that all along he pleads for people's disowning them , though he dare not say that the ordinances are polluted by their supposed scandals . After this our Informer exhorts his Doubter , to try all things — and not to be ashamed to retract what is amiss , as Augustin wrote books of retractions and Ierom exhorted Ruffinus not to be ashamed to confess an error . Ans. I think indeed , we are to search all things by the rule of the word , and had he with a single heart and an eye to the God of truth , searched better , he had not obtruded upon Gods people ( in defence of so bad a cause ) such insignificant arguments for demonstrations . But why exhorted he not his Doubter to hold fast what is good , as well as to try all things ? It is not fit to be ever learning , and fixe in nothing . And no doubt this latter part of that scripture precept , justifies our opposing their Innovations . But he pleads for retractions , and it s no wonder to see men who have Justified the casting aside such solemn Oaths and vows unto God , plead for retractions . But if he and his party retract not such monstrous retractions ( the very naming whereof would have made Augustin and Jerom astonished ) the wo threatned against perjury , backsliding , & breach of Covenant is very near them . His concluding prayer that God bless us with truth and peace , is good , and heartily accorded , and surely when our Jerusalem shall have this spiritual prosperity , peace , and truth ( which this man pretends to pray for ) within her walls , prelats and their wofull train and corrupt principles , which have made such sad breaches in her walls , will be without them . And the prosperity of such as love her , will ruine her enemies . His Doubters Resolution [ to hold fast what is good upon the proof of all things ] makes up his lame advice . And having thus fortifyd the Knowledge of the serious Doubter in that which this man hath been misinforming him about , and antidoted this poyson , we pray that all the sincere enquirers for truth , may hold it fast against the times errors and defection . The character of schism presented to us at the close of the pamphlet , is verifyed in the party he pleads for : since their proud usurpation of the name and authority of this Church , after they have thus rent and separat from her , demonstrats this their schism to be superbiaeproles . And in their taking up such grosse unheard of principles anent Oaths , anent Magistracy &c. to maintain and uphold this usurping hierarchy , they are like to fall under that other branch of the character of schism , that male perseverando fit haeresis . And because of the corruptions which it is like to be more & more productive of , It may very probably become also mater haereseos . The Lord awake for judgement , and send a plentifull rain to water his in heritance , and revive his work in the admist of the years , and make his face to shine upon his sanctuary in these lands , which is disolat , for his names sake . CHAP. VI. Animadversions Upon the PREFACE , And title Page . HAveing thus examined what this new Casuist hath offered in these Dialogues , we shall here subjoyn some Animadversions upon the Preface prefixt to this pamplet ( 1. ) His profest design is to let people see the sin and unwarrantableness of separation as the Epidimicall desease of the time . Ans. I think indeed it is so . and upon whose side this separation lyes , and who hath brought in this flood as he calls it , not since 78 but 62 I hope may be now no doubt to the impartiall discerner . It s no strange thing to see men charge upon others , that whereof themselves are so eminently guilty , Papists call themselves the only Catholicks and charge Protestant Churches with separation , just as this man and his Innovating party deal with us , they only must be the Church of Scotland , and we the Schismaticks , though not many years agoe it would have been thought ( I beleeve by many of these men themselves ) as strange a●…e absurditie and paradox , to term such a party owning such principles and practices as they now doe , the Church of Scotland , as to affirm that nihil was aliquid , non ens , ens , or that Zenith was in the situation and place of Nadir : such ane intoxicating thing is backsliding and sinfull self love . 2. He praises Magistrats in the bounds where he is , whose authority together with his mightie convictions ( forsooth ) brought back people who went once to hear Presbyterian Ministers out of noveltie . Ans , ●…s no small peice of our sin and desolation that the Magistrats sword given him for protection of the Lords faithfull Ambassadours in following theire duty , according to there solemn vowes to God , should be improven in such a sinfull opposition to them . What peace and order in this Church hath attended their monstrous perperjurious backsliding , were 20 years experience may discover especiallie to those who have seen and known the beautifull order of our first glorious ●…temple , the verie rubbish , whereof is yet refreshfull in any remains of a faithfull Ministrie that is left . 3. Against his modest reluctancie ( forsoo●…h ) some of authoritie and learning among his party thought it fitt that these his Dialogues should see the light , because schismatick principles and practices are not laid aside but carried on and this Informer thou ht it a mater of conscience to discover to such as are willing to be informed , how unwarrarantable such cours●…s are , if Scripure and even the Doct ine of Presbyterians may be admited to judge . Ans. How he hath fastned this charge of Schismatick principles and practices upon Presbyterian Ministers and Professors , I leave it to the Impartiall to Judge from what is here replyed . And how far any thing which he hath affered either from Scripture , or the principles of Presbyterians , is from reaching the conclusion which he aims at in these trifling Dialogues ; which all who are conscientious are ( we hope ) shy this rejoynder , and a respect to truth and dutie , sufficiently antidoted against , and the learned as well as conscientious may wonder at such prodigiously bold ignorance . 4. He wonders that so many of good note and not of the comons only are drinking in the principles of Brounists , which have been zealously disputed against by old nonconformists . Ans. How h●… hath made good this charge I refer it to the persusall of what is here replyed , and how far the pleadings of these Non-conformists whom he mentions are from helping his cause . I must here add , that its astoninishing to find this man pretending a principle of conscience for this undertaking , when his conscience could not but tell him , that both upon the poynt of Episcopacie , the Covenants , and separation also , he might have found all and more then he hath said fully answered , and that he pitifully snakes away from our arguments & dar not propose them in there genuin strength . Nay he doth not so much as offer fairly to state the question in any of these three great points which he pretends to inform us about , but confusedly shuffles them up for his own advantadge . And upon the point of the Covenant obligation , he poorly followes the arguments of the Seasonable case , and some hints from the Surveyer without so much as offring any return unto what the Apologist hath long since repelyd unto them . If this was conscientious dealing let any Judge ? and yet he is not ashamed to tell the world , that because Episcopacie and the covenants are by people made the great grounds of separating , therefore he premised his two dialogues concerning Episcopacie and the Covenants , to shew what a sandy ground they are for separation , if prelacie be found at least Lawfull , and the Covenants in evry case not obligatorie , whereas he hath offered nothing either to prove prelacie lawful , or the Covenant not obligatorie , but what is by severall of the godly learned abundantly answered and fully bafled , sevrall of which ( viz. the Apollogist , and jus divinum Ministery Anglican , he seems to have had before him in writeing these Dialogues , and yet nather doth he touch the answers of the Apologist to his arguments anent the Covenant , nor dar he scan the pungent arguments of the London Ministers against prelacie , and likwise there answers to sevrall things which he has offered for it , and particularly there learned Appendix in the poynt of Antiquitie , which cuts the sinnews of all his tedious legend of testimonies , he durst not medle with . Beside It wold seem he hath seen Smectymnus upon this subject , whose learned confutation of the Episcopall plea as well from scripture as antiquity he passes over sicco pede . And as for Erastian prelacie , he offers not a jot indefence of it , though his conscience could tell him that this is one main poynt of our plea against him . So that suppose Episcopacie were in its self found Lawfull , as he sayes , yet if Erastian Episcopacie be found unlawfull , his cause and pleading is lame and lost . After this he would amuse his reader with a testimonie of Zanchie and another of Blondell which parts the hoofs of his page first as for Zanchie he cites a passage of his Obser : in suam ipsius confessionem cap. 25. aphor : 10. 11. wherein he saves first his faith is simply built upon the word of God , Next In some measure upon the commun consent of the antient Catholick Church , and that he beleeves what has been defyned by holy fathers gathered together in the name of the Lord — citra ullam Scripturae contradictionem that these things are from the Spirit of though not of the same authoritie with Scripture , then he adds that nothing is more certain from counsells Histories and writeings of the Fathers then these orders of Ministers of which he has been speaking to have been received into the Church , with her intire consent , and what is he to condemn what the whole Church has aproved . I answer , beside that he should have set doun these gradus Ministrorum which Zanchius speaks of , that his reader might have known what these degrees were , or whither they were prelatick degrees or not , which no doubt he would have done had he not found that this would have marred his intent , ( for which cause he doth not so much as offer to English any part of this or of the ensuing testimony ) we say , first , that any who knowes Zanchies learning , and what the voice of the first and pure antiquity is , and how far from giving a testimony to the present Diocesian , much less the Erastian prelat , of whom none can without extrem impudence assert that Zanchie is speaking , will esteem this perswasion [ that the prelacy now existant with us hath the universall consent of all histories councills and fathers ] to be as far from the thoughts of Zanchie , as its necessary to prove his poynt 2. Zanchise ayes his faith simply and mainly leans upon the word of God , and so whatever the word is found to condemn ( as we have proved it doth the present prelacie in many respects ) Zanchie will make no bones to condemn it likwise , own it who will. The next passage he cites is of Blondell ( Apoll. pag. 193. ) who asserts that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs absolutly to the government of the Church — and it s anext 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the maner & order of its government , which the Church alwayes thought permitted to her arbitrement ; Nather must we think every thing unlawful which humane custom of professors hath brought into the use of divine things — That in such things christian prudence must act its part , that no Church must be drawen into ane example , that from the generall precept 〈◊〉 Cor. 14 : 40 ▪ the Church hath full power to follow what is more decent and commodious . Ans. 1. We have before cleard that with Blondell their diocesian Prelat stands absolutly condemned in scripture , and in his principles is diametrally opposit to the divine Scripture Bishop , which evidently concludes his condemning the present Episcopacie with sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction , — much more the Erastian prelat , altering fundamentally the government it self , which he dar not say that Blondell ever dreamed of . So that though we should grant because of this testimonie , that Blondell will befound to admitt a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and constant Moderator , which Its well knowen is the outmost length he goes , and that the Churches example and practice here anent may be variable , it falls utterly short of reaching the lest patrociny to his cause . 2. he cites 1 Cor 14. 40. anent alterable circumstances of order and decency , about which the Churches exercise of Christian prudence is convérsant , so that he must understand what he pleads for to be of that nature , but we have shewed upon the first Dialogue how far its contrary to Scripture & reason to include a diocesian Bishop or Arch bishop within the compass of decencie and order there commanded , since decencie and order points only at circumstances of actions already commanded and circumstances commun to civil and sacred things . And this according to the generall rules of the word , so that none can think Blondell so sottish as to take in among these , the Diocesian or Erastian Bishop and Arch-Bishop . 3. Since the profest scope of Blondells learned Appology is to plead for sententia Hieronomi — which is that in Apostolick times communi concilio presbyterorum Ecelesiae gubernabantur , surely whatever Blondell may admitt as to the Churches libertie in relation to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet the admission of the diocesian prelate with sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction ( which this man pleads for ) and much more the Erastian prelate , would evert both his hypothesis and scope . Again , he dare not deny that with Blondell the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Ministeriall scripturall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyterat , so that what he calls the modus rei cannot in its self , ( and consequently in Blondells meaning ) be supposed such a modus rei as destroyes the thing it self , & the subject which it affects , as certainly by the Diocesian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much more the Erastian , doth the very substantialls of Presbyters divine power , which this learned author is in that piece pleading for . And in a word I dare pose this Informer , whither Blondell would not have thought a national Churches liberty in this point of Custome or alterable circumstances of decencie and order ( even tho we should grant that he puts Episcopacy among these ) is tyed up and restrained , by sacred solemn Oaths and vowes universally taken on against the same ; so that his cause is never a whit bettered by these blind Testimonies which ( as is said ) he he durst not translate , as he professeth to doe in the rest of his citations , for the advantage of the unlearned . The assertion after subjovned by him viz. that the unlawfulness of Episcopacie was questioned by none of the ancients except Aerius , and rarely by any of the modern except some of our British divines , that antient and modern divines think that prelacie was the primitive Government left by the Apostles ] we have proved to be a manifest untruth . Specially when applyed to the prelacy existant with us ; and that it is the consentient judgment of the far greatest part , both of ancient and modern that there is no difference jure divino betwixt a Bishop and Presbyter . And that our Prelats now in Scotland are as far different from the antient Bishops as east from West , so that no patrocinie can be drawen from the one to the other . That Blondell professes to vindicat Jerom from that which he calls Aerianism , who will believe , taking Aerius opinion to be for the premised Identitie of Bishop and Presbyter ; since we have made it appear by Testimonies of the learned , that both Greek and Latine Fathers held this same opinion with Aerius . How he hath proved Episcopacie [ to be the Government which hath best warrand in the word , and hath continued without interruption for many years ] we refer it to the reader to judge by what is above replyed , wherein we have made it appear , that as his pretended Scripture proofs for prelacy , and his answers to our Arguments against it , are most frivolous , so none of his pretended Testimonies from antiquitie doe reach his conclusion , nor any shadow of a patrocinie for our present Prelat now established , whom we have fully disproved from Scripture , both in his diocesian and Erastian mould . What poor shaddowes for proofs doth this man grasp at Blondell thought the Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lawful , and its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to belong to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and good order . Ergo , he pleaded for the Diocesian Bishop with sole power of ordination and Jurisdiction , and a Bishop deriving all his power from the civil Magistrat as immediatly subject unto him , which is a very antilogical proof and a meer rop of sand . Lastly he mainly commends to his reader this Dialogue anent separation [ wherein he sayes all the reasons brought for it are propounded and answered without passion which doth but alienat the minds . Ans. How poorly this man hath answered the true grounds of disowning conformists , or rather past them over , and how pityfully he all along begs the question in supposing what he hath to prove , we hope is made sufficiently appear to the Judicious and impartiall . As for passion , its true there is less of this in his Pamphlet then in some other of this stamp which his fellowes have flung out among the people , yet he hath his signal flashes of it [ in Iustifying Dr Burnets parallel of nonconformists with Scribes and Pharisees , and in calling them as great and causeless Schismaticks as ever the Church had in any age , nay in his grosse malitious reflecting upon the sufferings of poor Innocents in this land , telling us under the covert of Cyprians words [ that their in expiable sin of discord is not purged by their sufferings — that forsaking Christs Church , they cannot be martyres nor reign with him , ] which , with what a tincture of malice it presents its self , let any judge . His conferences he sayes do bring water to quenchour flames , but they bring rather fewel to the fire , and wood and hay to uphold Babell . The Rabbies whom he pleads for have kindled our flames , and the best way to quench them Is to put these incendiaries to the door . Next he cites the preface of the Syntag. Confess . edit . Genev. [ wherin the Church of Scotland is commended for her unity as well as purity of Doctrine , and then he cryes out O how have we lost our good name , and the staff of bonds is broken in the midst of us ] but he should have been so ingenuous as to have told us that we are in the preface of that Syntagma commended for our reformed Presbyterian discipline as the great bond and cement of our unity , and the guard of our pure doctrine , and who have broken this bond and sacred hedge I need not tell him , and what hath been the distress , confusion and desolation of our Church since it was broken , every one now sees ; so that he might lament the loss of our good name upon this ground , and especially of our Integrity where he a true son and watchmen of this Church . The consequences of our sad divisions , through the violence and Schismatick intrusion of abjured perjured Prelats and their underlings have indeed hazarded the standing of Christs Kingdome among us according to that of Mark 3. 24. And the biting & devouring wolves , the Prelats for whom he pleads have hazarded the consuming of Gods poor remnant Gal. 5. 19. Our Churches dissolution & corruption , & were he as tender to prevent this , as to preserve there worldly peace and sinfull union , he would have seen Prelacy to be the Idol Iealousie , the wedge driven by the popish artisans to divide and break this Church , and as the true cause of all our breaches to be removed in order to healing . The popish invasion doth indeed plead for union of the true Prorestant Church and interest against them , and consequently to hold out and oppose such arrant upholders and promoters of that Antichristian interest as Prelats have first and last been found and never more then now , since popry hath never more prevaild then since they were established ( by the confession even of our Rulers ) and that without control . While they are enflaming the powers to the out most height of rage against poor Innocent nonconfomists , so that union with them who are at so palpable an union with Rome is not the unity of the spirit which is to be keep in the bond of Peace , and to be ownd by any that favour the Protestant Interest . The texts which he presents unto us upon the frontispeice of the Pamphlet will be found to rebound a deadly blow upon his cause . For that ●…assage Psal. 122. 6. 7. pray for the peace of Ierusalem &c. We also pray for this peace , and in order to the obtaining of this suit , that the Lord would make up the breaches in her walls , and remove the treacherous breakers thereof , who , we may say again and again that in this they have dealt very treacherously , but what peace with Conformists while their whoordomsare so many . The next text is Psal 133. 1. behold how good and pleasant a thing it is for brethren to duell together in unitie . It is so indeed and therefore woe unto them ( if they repent no●… ) who have broken this bond of holy brotherhood , have rent Aarons garment , corrupted the Covenant of levi , and do avowedly owne principles and wayes upon which hermons dew ( heavens blessing ) cannot be exspected . Therefore this command of Lovely union engadges to disjoyn our selves from them . For the next text Mark 3. 24. a kingdome divided against its self cannot stand &c. We say , Gods Church hath stood amidst great divisions , is one and intire in it ●…f , and will at last be delivered from all divisions and offences ; and therefore upon the same ground we are to avoid prelatists who have caused them . For that of heb 10. 25. anent not forsaking the Assemblies , we blesse the Lord that such as are sorroufull for our Churches true Assemblies , and to whom this man and his fellowes reproaches thereof are a burthen , have had the Assemblies of Christs ambassadours to attend , and that the great Master of Assemblies hath not wholly left them , but hath covered a table in the wildernes in this our Churches fli●…ht unto it , to these who with perill of their life are seeking their soul food because of the sword of the wildernesse , drawen out by Assemblies of Schismatick destroying Intruders , from whom we must depart , and who have persecut us away for adherance to our sworn Reformation and Covenant with God , which they have dissound . The sentence next subjoyned viz opinionum varietas & opinantium unitas non sunt asustata , doth highly reflect upon himself , and the party he pleads for , who doe persecut with fire and sword all who differ in judgement from them in these things which they aknowledge but tricae & maters indifferent , so that in this they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For us , we are chased out from them , and can be admitted to no union with them except we unit in there sin , which throw grace we are fixtly resolved against . His design [ to quiet peoples minds , and setle them in more peace and unitie ] is of it self to good to be presented as a porch here to such a shattered pasquill , and to be pretended to so bad a cause & in this place may be not unsuitably assimilated to Solomons ring of gold in a swines snout . No doubt solid peace and unitie is only to be found in Gods way , in keeping his Covenant and owning his Messengers of peace ( whose feet have been beautiful even on these reproached mountains & other places where Gods people assembled , since they have his call and seal to preach the gospell ) and not in following the foxes in a way of perjurie and breach of Covenant as this pamphleter would perswad . FINIS . Curteous Reader . There being several considarable Typographicall erroures in the first part especially , thou art desired ere thou readest , or in the reading to amend with thy pen these ensuing , or such like as will occurr unto the in the perusal . First Part. PAg. 5. l. 15. read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 6. l. 25. r. 28. l. 29. r. inequality . p. 8. l. 18. r. chides . p. 9. l. 2. r. juridical . l. 8. r. high . p. 10. l. 6. r. Pastors . l. 16. r. dogmatick . l. 35. r. juridical . pag. 11. for [ as the foundation of ] r. influencing . p. 13. l. 30. r. this . p. 17. l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 24. r. posessed . p. 18. l. 17. r. he . p. 19. l. 32. r. qualifications . p. 21. l. 7. r. hath . p. 22. l. 11. r. tell . l. 20. r. the. p. 25. l. 23. r. with . p. 26. l. 31. r. none . p. 27. l. 1. r. up . l. 7. r. these . p. 28. l. 24. r. unto . p. 29. l. 26. r. power . p. 31. l. 17. r. there . p. 32. l. 32. r. it . p. 36. l. 26. r. worn . p. 37. l. 9. r. bring . p. 39. l. 13. r. he . p. 12. p. 46. l. 23. r. Rom. 12. p. 51. l. 1. r. Gravari . l. 2. r. Politicorum . Chap. 7. Tit. l. 5. add . in . p. 59. l. 10. r. wearing . l. 16. add . a. l. ult . r. not . p. 63. l. 9. r. Oecononemy . l. ult . add . shewes . p. 68. l. 7. r. simply l. 33. r. to . p. 73. l. 22. r. be . p. 76. l. 9. add . is . p. 81. l. 10. r. subject . l. 30. r. of dominion . p. 82. l. 25. r. Informes . p. 84. l. 1. r. negatively . p. 85. l. 9. r. this . p. 86. l. ult . r. the. p. 89. l. 13. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 80. p. 92. l. 4 . -l . 32. r. can . p. 94. l. 33. r. in . p. 95. l. 1. dele . is . p. 96. l. 4. r. he . p. 99. l. 27. add . is . p. 102. l. 10 for . [ the Corinthians ] r. Churches . p. 104. l. 13. dele , [ as we may after shew ] 107. l. penult . r. officers and offices . p. 108. l. 30. r. can . p. 109. l. 9. add , his . p. 114. l. 10. r. thus . l. 32. add . no. p. 116. l. 11. ad●… according to the series of his reasoning . no. p 119. l. 9. r. this . l. 29. r. inferiour . p. 120. l. 30. r. this . p. 123. l. 4. r. Christian. p. 124. l. 9. r. to gather . l. ●…30 . dele ry . p. 125. l. 24. r. been . p. 126. l. 22. r. Spurious . p. 129. l. 1. r. commanded . l. 4. r. Presbytry . p. 131. l. 13. supple . in the proper Scriptural senc . l. 32. r. grad . p. 137. l. 1. dele . had ane office next to that of apostles and doctours . p. 139. l. 20. r. his . p. 140. l. 21. r. for . p. 148. l. 12. r. supple . Taking it in ane authoritative Juridical senc . p. 150. l. penult . r. pray . p. 157. l. 14. dele , apostolik and. p. 162. l. 27. r. circle stil. p. 163. l. 9. r. with . l. ult . r. ceremonial . ibid. r. part . p. 164. l. 31. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. dele . ane . p. 167. l. 5. r exemplify . p. 170. l. 14. r. Prov. 9. p. 171. l. 14. r labourers . l. ult . add . wee . p. 174. l. 34. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 177. l. 10. r. ubi . p. 177. l , 31. for , even , r. except . p. 178. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 183. l. 30. Ar. it self . p. 186. l. 16. r. and pride . l. penult . add , in . p. 188. l. ult . r. true . p. 191. l. 30. r. profligat . p. 195. l. 16. r. interval , the , l. 21. r. nothing . p. 196. l. 3. r. bold . p. 198. p. 199. l. 5. r. what . p. 200. l. 2. dele message , or . l. 13. add . in . p. 201. l. 33 , p. suppositia . l. 33 , r. suppositious . l. ult . what . p. 203 , l. 17. r. till . 204. l. 6. r. consuetudo . p. 206. l. 24. r. for . 1. p. 211. l. 21. through the. p. 215. l. 25. r. distributively . 217. l. 9 , dele , by . l. 19. add , is . p. 219. l. 6. r. or . p. 221. l. 24 , add , the. l. 25. r. opposed . p. 222. l. 25. r. of . p. 226 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 227 , l. 12 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 229. l. 24. r. deligatur plebe p. 231 , l. 30. r. ligandi . l. ult . in . p. 236. 11. r. ●…rum . p. 238 , l. 26. r. fit segregatus . l. 27. r. set aside or cesured . p. 241 , l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 25 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 142 , l. 10. r. lowly . p , 143. l. 10. r. unalterablenes . l. 19 , r. harmonious p. 245 , l. 7. r. commune p. 246. l. 28. r. name . p. 247. l. 28. r. office . ibid. r. none . l. 30 , r. us . p. 252. l. 3. r. 5. l. 33. supple , and besides . l. 34 , r. this . ibid. supple , which is p. 261. l. 28. r. forgat . 29. r. for . p. 261. l. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : p. 265. l. 10. dele , as to soom acts . p. 272. l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 281. l. 9. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Part. pag 2. l. 15. supple . both . p. 7. l. 24. supple , anno 40. and 41. p. 24. l. 17. r. 1671. p. 62. l. 4. r. this p. 73. l. 2. r. then l. 20. r. cannot . p. 99. l. 18. r. commissaries p. 117. l. 4. dele . me . p. 124. l. 4. r. consonant . p. 132. l. 19. r. Diaeceseos . l. 21. supple . the. Part. 3. Pag. 2. l. 13. r. our . l. 14. r. or . p. 4. l. 29. r. declared p. 12. l. 13. supple . and are . p. 14. l. 28. r. doe . p. 26 , l. 15 , supple . ane . p. 28 , l. 28. r. and. p. 29 , l. 16 , r. of . p. 35 , l. 31 , supple . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 32. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 36 , l. 1 , r. motion . p. 37 , l. 28 , r : fourth . p. 39 , l. 32 , r. constitution . p. 40 , l. 32 , supple comparing this with what he pleads from the instance of Solomons deposing Abiathar . p. 48 , l. 9. r. by . p. 53 , l. 2. r. obligations . p. 59 , l , 8 , r. intrusion . p. 61 , l. 32 , add . therof . p. 64 , l. 27 , r chousing . p. 67 , l. 15 , r. petitio . p. 69 , l. 25 , r. they . p. 73 , l. 32 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 78 , l ult . r. Sabinus . p. 81 , l. 15 , r. the p. 83 , l. penult r. relation , p. 84 , l. 15 , r. no Bishop . p. 90 , l. 21. r. Priest. l. 27 ; dele . hearing of . p. 28 , dele . and attending their Ministry as such 15. p. 94 , l. 11 , adde , graceless men . p. 95 , l. 4 , dele . of . p. 103 , l. 18 , r. ofl . 23 , r scruple . p. 113 , l. 1 , r. supremacy . p. 127 , l. 28 , r. inquies . p. 130 , l. ult . r. calceorum . p. 134 , l. 12 , r. another , p. 138 , l. 26 , r. authority . l. penult . r. our . p. 160 , l. 1 , add . this . p. 162 , l. 27 , r. Presbyterian . p. 165 , l. 17 , r. they . p. 167 , l. 27 , r. for , or , r. againe , p. 168 , l. r , adde , especially . p. 170 , l. 10 , r. which notwithstanding is . 179 , l. 29 , r. Magistrats : p. 181 , l. 12. r. a purer Church . p. 183 , l. 16 , r. and which doth . p. 186 , l. 2 , r. thousandes . l. 16 , r. this . p. 190 , l. 11. r. more then . l. 28 , r. offered . p 162 , l. 8 , r. Smectymnuus . p. p , 162 , l. 25 , r. the Holy Spirit , dele of ibid. p. pe - command . p. 76. l. 19. After Ambition , r. The text being most expresse in it , that the inequality which they were striveing about , included a dominion and primacie . p. 77. l. 13. after [ touched ] adde , since our Lord was now exerciseing , an absolute supremacie over his Church , how then ( I pray ) will this argument taken from his example , Suite his Scope & purpose of dischargeing a Supremacie . p. 79. l. 20. 21. r. thus , did not Christ discharge ane inequality , in dischargeing a primacie ; an inequality of the highest pitch . p. 79 : l. ult : r. Seeming to make . p. 80. l. ult . After [ power ] adde ( to use his way of speaking ) p : 81. l : 20 : r. and neither despotick nor princely . p. 83. l. 28 : 29. r. That Church-officers are of superiour or inferiour orders or kinds . p. 84. l : 26. r. A preaching Presbyter or Pastor . l. 31 , 32. r. Such Presbyters have the Scriptural Episcopal authority . p , 85. l. 17 , r. Superiour and inferiour kindes or orders . p. 87. l. 6 , r. After [ Church rulers ] adde , we , all know how Prelatists and the popish Church apply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Clerus . l. 9. after [ denomination ] adde , considered in its true extent & import , p. 89. l. 5. r. To the highest ordinary office bearers , intrusted with the Power of the keys , l. 14 , r. Whatever Power of order or jurisdiction , the Scripture Bishop can lay claime unto . p. 90 , l. 1. r. The Scripture Episcopal Power , l. 9 : r. All this Episcopal Authority . l. 25 , r. Elders or Bishops in a perfect parity , and in common , So , l. ult . after [ flocks ] . p. 91. l. 3. after , [ Presbyters ] adde , when applyed ( as is said ) to the highest ordinary officers entrusted with the Power of the keyes , l : 12 , r. preaching Presbyters or Pastors . So l. 18 , l. 32. after [ elder ] adde ( he must understand the preaching elder or Pastor if he speak to the point . ) l. ult . and pag. 92. l. 1. r. When God is pointing out thereby the highest ordinary officer intrusted with the word and doctrine . l. 5. r. preaching Presbyter , l. 15 , r. preaching elders . l. 17. r. this highest ordinary standing officer often mentioned , p. 92. l. 17. r. When the Word [ Bishop ] is applyed to the highest ordinary Church officer entrusted with the Power of the keyes . l. 24. r. preaching elder or Presbyter , l. 30. r. the same highest ordinary officer . l. 37. r. preaching Presbyter , So p. 94. l. 5 , and 7. and 19. So p. 95 , l. 5 , & 9. p. 97. l. 5 , r. preaching Presbyters or Pastors . So , l. ult . and p. 99. l. 4 , & 16 , 26. So p. 101 , l. 14 , and 18. l. 34. r. that the Pastoral office admitts of different orders , p. 102 , l. 28. r. preaching Presbyters . So. p. 103 , l. 6. 21 , and 28. So also , p. 104. l. 23. p. 111 , l. 30 , r. Such different orders of Church officers , l. 34. r. different orders , p. 120. l. 14. r. his fancied Ecclesiastick Officers specifically different . p. 122 , l. 8 , r. of a Superiour order and function , l. 11 , r. of the same function . l. 16 , r. Several functions , l. 18 , r. different functions . p. 124 , l. 24. r. as appearing to the Informer Episcopal like . p. 131. l. 13. r. thus ( or of the Scripture sense imbraced by our divines , viz. for the Apostles extraordinary unfixt assistants in their Ministry . So Calvin on the place . Bucan , loc . 47. de Minist . , Muscuius , loc . de minist . verb. pag. 362. &c. and the latter part of his Answer seems to admitt this ) l : 21. r. ( which the Informer will easily grant is not that strict proper sense of the Evangelist , supposed either in his doubters objection or his answer . ) p. 133. l. 31 , 32 , 33. r. Thus , in the Scripture proper sense , but those that preach the Gospel in that extraordinary way above exprest , for , as for those that wrote the Gospel , the Informer will not say they are intended here , and although such may be in part called Evangelists upon this ground , as Marke , & Luk , Sensu Augustiore , as Bucan expresseth it , ubi supra , yet this is not acknowledged to be the proper and adequate ●…round of this office and denomination , as contradistinguished in Scripture from Apostles , two Apostles themselves , Matthew and Iohn , being such Evangelists , p. 139 , l. 33 , 34. r. So that he doth in these words clearly plead &c. l. ult unto p. 140. l : 6. after [ among them ] adde , if we consider the intire Series of his reasoning , not only from Christs primacy and Supremacy as exemplified in the Aposties ( whatever he doth inconsistently here adde , as to the division of this princehood among them , since thus the Apostle John was sole primate , over the Church when the rest were gone ) but also from the morall standing Authority of the Jewish P●…hood , and such a single Supremacy of the High-Priest which he denyes to be typicall , but of constant use in Government , and his express asserting th●… equality of the same Ministry , may admit of inequality ( consequently principality , or primacy as he expresseth it ) in Government . Thus he [ de divers . grad . ●…p . 14. pag. 145. ] l. 16. r. Had in a prefect parity and in common ; so pag. 147. l 13. p. 148. l. 31. after elder , adde , takeing it in an authoritative juridical sense , as competent to Church officers . p , 149. l. 13. after accuse , adde , taken generally and in its full latitude . p. 152. l. 21. After properly , adde , and immediatly intrusted to them . p. 157. l. 12. r. will the Informer deny that in his sense , or of these divines , these precepts , 1 Tim. 6 : 13. and 1 Tim. 5. 21. Joyned with the promise mentioned , will not reach , and include every peice of the Apostolick and Evangelistick office respective , p : 158. l. 10. r. is not that which simply and absolutely in it self considered they hold to have the force of a rule , p. 162. line 10. r. different offices and functions , 25 : r. before Ephesus Crete and other Churches were settled in their organick being and their ordinary and inferour elders . p. 164. l. 13. r. is mentioned in such ane act of Solemn blessing , thus circumstantiate both as to its subject and object as this . p. 176. ( misprinted 149. ) r. From the first Scripture Bishops or preaching Presbyters , p. 177. l. 30 , 31. r. That this Episcopal power over Presbyters , though farre from the Diocesian Bishops power was not till the year 140. p. 190. l. 18. r. Aaron himself [ mediatly at least and upon the matter . ] p. 194 l. 12. r. Hanmer p. 197. l , 13. r and expound thy Scriptures which custome hath not known &c. Disowning thus all customary or traditionall innovations . p. 200. l. 27. r. from Mark the Presbyters , l. 29. r. speaking of this custome he excludes him . p. 201. l. 2 , r. thus , to the Presbyters election as their act simply , but would have plainely asserted that it was by Mark 's appointment : the simple observing of this practice or custome , & observing it by his appointment , being quize distinct things ; beside that we shall after shew , that Jerom never intended to assert any such thing . p. 203. l. 16. r. The Church in this Nation . p. 207. l. 7. r. Common counsell , or in a joint parity and equality , so , l. 1●… . ibi●…m after . 4 figure , r. if in Jerom's sense the Apostles &c p. 208. l. 3. r. preaching Presbyters . From , l. 11 : to 17. r. thus , can he make it appear that the Schisme in Corinth ( from which he drawes the change in Jeroms sense ) was anterior to his proofs from . 1 Pet. 5. and Acts. 20. Much more his proof from John , for the divine warrand of this intire parity and common joynt Government of Presbyters , or that this Schisme was not attended with such absence of the Apostle , as he supposes did influence this new Episcopall Government in Jeroms sense . p. 209. l. 1. After the word [ nature ] adde , besides that the passage it self , will never prove either Marks practice or appointment in relation to this supposed Bishop as is said , p. ●…11 . l. 11. r. Upon the ground of this first evasion and glosse , l. 20 r , which in the two collated passages of Jerome , 212 l. 5. r. that the Apostles in Jeroms sense did , l , 24. r. by common counsel , or in a compleat parity , ( thus also . p. 214 , l. 24 ) p. 213. l. 22 , r. preaching Presbyters , p. 216 , l. 29 , 30 , to 32 , after [ Jerome speaks of ] r. thus . So that this Schisme was bred while there was no Presbyterian parity to breed it . He tells us , that in Jeroms sense the Corinth Schisme gave a rise to this change , while Paul was present in Spirit and Governing them Episcopally ( for he will not say that he let go his reighns of Government upon every personal absence ) and therefore it took its original according to his pleading from the Apostolick Episcopacie . p. 220 , from l. 33 , to p. 221 , r. he makes him reflect upon Christs immediate commands and institutions in point of Government , whereof severals can be produced in the Evangelick History , as if they were not only altered , but stated in-opposition to the Apostles institutions and practice therein . For Jerom doth thus clearly oppose to one another , the Dispositio Divina , and Ecclesiae usus or custome in this passage , as two contrary and inconsistent things , thus he also reflects upon Christs institutions as at first practised by the Apostles before this change . p. 225. l. 17. r. no such delegation . p. 231. l. 17. r. the present prince-like power of our Prelates , as Diocesian B. farre less their Erastian usurpations . p. 237 , l. 8 , 9 , &c. r. the ancient Bishops were not all sett over whole provinces , but city by city for the most part ( yea several cities had more ) who certainly were not Bishops in that sense , wherein we heard Theodoret and Oecomen●…us denyes a multiplicity of Bishops in one city , which also proves a great variety in the Moold and denomination of Bishops spoken of by the fathers . p. 238. l. 23 , r. sett aside , separat , and suspended , So , p. 239 , l. 2 , p. 247 , l. 11 , r. a preaching Presbyter or Pastor . l. 35 , r. Sect. I●… . p. 250. l. 9. must begin thus . Besides , what can he inferre from Calvin's assertion of the precedency of one at that tyme ? had not Paul &c. p. 251 , the Parenthesis l. 5 , 6 , 7. r. thus ( no lesse foolishly then maliciously here improven by Durel , no friend to his principles . ) p. 252 , the penult line must be contiguous with the preceeding , and run thus , besids that this treatise intituled &c. p. 258 , l. 15 , and l. 19 , of pag. 259 are to be joyned as contiguous , p. 261. l. 17. after [ Government , ] adde , and received and submitted to our Churches pure constitution in point of doctrine and worship , p. 262 , l. 25 , r. which as early crept into the Church , as the prelacy he pleads for yea much more early . p. 263 , l. 33 , 34 , 35 , r : thus ; nor hath the Informer proved that this Proestos , cast in the moold of the present Episcopacie which he pleads for , was allowed of Blondel , since he holds it to be cross to the divine pattern , and from Scripture disputes against it . p. 238 , l. 21 , r. from the tymes of the Apostles , and appointed by them . p. 262 , from , l. 22 , to l. 29 r. thus : presented under an Episcopal notion to Eusebius , and the Power of Bishops which then had obtained , whom he too credulously following in his Character and accounts of them , and ( as Irenaeus also doth ) calling them Bishops in the Catalogues , might deceive others in nameing them , so , p. 263 , from , l. 9 , to 11 , read , what ever impression of them Irenaeus might be supposed to have upon the ground of his expressions of them , or might thereby beget in others , because of the language and custome of their time , yet &c. from l. 14 , to 16 , r. the nature , and state of these Church-officers , whom termeing [ Bishops ] they were supposed to be such as had then obtained , l. 18 , to 25. r. thus ; in that Irenaeus calls them [ Presbyters ] according to the promiscuous use of the names Bishop and Presbyter in his tyme , they prove that these expressions of them which seem to savour of an Episcopal notion , or what impression he might have , or others take from him , was a mistake : since according to the Scripture language &c. l. 26 , to 32 , r. that what impression Irenaeus might possibly have of the first moderators , or what Episcopal notion Eusebius might present them under , upon his credulous reports taken up upon trust ( as he sayes himself ) from his forefathers , were a mistake : and this because the persones , whom they thus represented , and of whom they meaned and speake , were upon thematter meer Presbyters . p. 264 , l. 21 , r. next , if the Informer will strain these words to plead for his hierarchie even in the Apostles tyme , and will affirme that Bucer &c. l. 25 , r. he must needs grant that Bucer was obleidged to take notice &c. l. 30 , r. els there will be no consistencie in the words , if Bucer reckon &c. p. 271 , l. 5 , 6 , r. but as the Informer will finde it hard to prove thisdistinction of the schools to be as ancient as these fathers , so though it were granted that it was , it is certain that what gradual difference they admitt betwixt the Bishop and Presbyter , they found it &c. p. 281 , l. 3 , r. collected by one under the name of Clemens . 2d . Part. p. 5 , l. r , r : haveing no tincture of Prelacie , but intirely Presbyterial in its mold & members , according to the then degrees and State of our Reformation . p. 23 , l. 7. after [ Seasonable case ] r. ( and himself in objecting the same afterward , p. 69. ) p 29 , l. 8 , r. in their nature , and originally flowes from the Pope , p. 64 , l. 30 , after [ Government ] adde , whatever defection or liberty of glossing any of them might fall into or plead for . p. 76 , l. penult . read . prael . 3 , parag . 9. p. 78 , l. 3 , r. of all Oaths of this nature . p. 82 , l. 3 , 4 , 5 , r. Not to detain the Informer in tasking him to prove that this Statute as not being judicial , but moral , doth belong unto the Christian Church : l. 28 , 29 , r. this divine frame of Presbyterian Government , which both as to its courts and officers , comprehends the substantials of Government : p. 83 , l. 15 , r. prael . 3 , parag . 9 , 10 , l. 23 , r. prael . 7 , Parag. 6 : p. 92 , l. 27 , r. but such cannot be the Inf●…rmers meaning in this place , nor will his moold of arguing admitt thereof : p. 98 , l. 14r . a matter not only of it self indifferent , but a domestick and private concerne l. 22. after [ gratis dicta ] r. Besides , upon the supposal that the matter of both Oaths is alike or equal , and that the matter of the Covenant is indifferent , the parallel will not hold as to a dispensation with the matter of the one and the other . p. 101 , l. 11 , after [ obligation ] adde , for whither we conclude the lawfulness of the matter of this Oath , from its conform 〈◊〉 to the divine positive Law , or from the overuling of this positive precept in this case by a Superiour moral command , all is one as to our defence and argument for the Covenant from this text , p. 115 , l. 18 , r. The Informer hath not reconc led this either with the command or with the promise &c. p. 117. l. 15 ; 6 , 7 , r. Sure in his opinion their offer of a league , if strangers , admitted a demurr , and if Canaanites their offering to admitt of terms of peace might have stopt this question , even though inhabitants of Canaan &c. l. 11 , r. So their first offer was a ground of peace , if strangers , l. 13 , r. especially these continued demurrs and renewed interrogatures recorded in this contexture are considerable , if we consider what is observed by learned interpreters from v. 8. that they sought peace , &c. l. 17 , and when . r. for when . Par. . 3. p. 35 , l 32 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 45 , l. 28 , r. Presbyterian Government and the establisht Reformation of this Church , p. 47 , l. 28 , r. the work of the Reformation then establisht , p. 50 , l. 3. for , pamphlet r. Dialogue : p. 54 , l. ult . r. and such things as upon our , and the Scripture grounds ( which the Informer cannot disprove ) do immediatly in a moral sense dispose &c : p : 56 , l : 33 , r : ( besides that as to the maine of this Character , they are all such as we have cleared ) he makes &c : p : 57 , l : 14 , r : which even as to the Apostle himself , was solemnly sealed , confirmed and commended to the gentile Church : p. 73 , l. 10 , r. extending hands , and that not only among the people , but also in commitiis &c. p. 75 , l. 27 , r. independents and us in this point of a ministerial call . p. 76 , l. 8 ▪ r. that this electiv suffrage strictly taken or ju●…dicially , may be pleaded for as belonging to them . p. 77 , l. 8 , 9 , &c. r : thus : and as that which is proper to some part of this organick body ( the Church ) may in a General sense be said to be the due right of the Church it self : in like manner , I may this call and election be said to be the right of the wholl congregation , as including the body of the people and the eldership , the juridical decisive suffrage belonging to the eldership , and the Consentient to the rest of the people , as is said . p. 18 , l : 9 , r. they are abjured , p. 90 , l : 17 , 18 , r. againe , 't is obedience that is enjoyned , which is more General and extensive then hearing them as Ecclesiastick officers , and will not necessarily include it , l. 20 , 21 , r. sitting in Moses chaire who was King in Jesurum , appears distinct from sitting in Aarons Priestly chaire , p. 91 , l. 10 , 11. r. hence the concession [ that they were to be heard ] will not bear a conclusion of hearing Curats , in this our case . For 1. ( here adde what is under the second head ) then proceed thus , next , say they were to be heard as Ecclesiastick teachers , the cases are very different &c. then proceed to 1 , 3 , 4 , 5. head . p. 97 , l. 9 , r. teach and expone in the sense and extent he pleads for , which he hath not &c. p. 103. l. 29. 3. depending as to their ordination , p. 104. l. 24 , r. did the ministerial acts of our Reformers now mentioned flow &c. p. 105 , l. 6. r. did owe the validitie of their Baptisme , &c. p. 115. l. 27. after [ defection ] adde , and deeper staine of more and more practical acknowledgements thereof , as to the designe and endeavours of the Law-makers , p. 118 , l. 2. r. Since in this his first reply , taken from their obedience to the rulers , he touches neither the Antececedent nor consequent &c. l. 30 , 31 , &c. r. thus , Since he acknowledges separation from the Government to be Schisme , Sure our counter charge stands good against him , that the first Separation lies at his Door , it being made good that Presbyterian Government is both the Scripture Church Government , and also the reformed established Government of this Church , & this retorted charge , neither he nor any of his party are able to disprove . For &c. p. 119. l. 30. r. absolute unavoidable condition : p. 128 , l. 33 : r. that are very necessary , but allures him rather by love and tender forbearance : p. 119 , l. 6. r. — Sed licentia , quod temeritatis ; & superbiae & stultitiae ( in margine arrogantiae ) majoris videbatur . p. 130 , l. 18 , r. but I say not ( sayth he ) the I dolothyt &c. p. 131. l. 10 , r. thus , at that tyme this came to pass through their weakness , &c. p. 133 , l. 10. r. that in these things he will rather cede from his liberty ( or intermit its exercise ) then offend &c. p. 141. l. 33 , r. no more indifferent , but duty , p. 142 , l. 15 , r. takeing this phrase in a moral sense , and in the Scripture acceptation . p , 150 , l. 16 , 17 , after [ Ministry ] adde , and did necessarily suppose the same : p : 155. l. penult . r. Ergo. by his Magistratical Power , he did properly and immediatly silence and depose him , and the civil Magistrate may thus immediatly and formally by his Magistratical Power restraine the exercise of the ministrie . p. ●…57 , l. 2. r. that he can by his Magistratical Power and by elicit acts immediatly restrain ministerial duties , or that the Magistrate hath ane immediate Power over the exercise of the Ministerial office , to discharge it at his pleasure . p. 164 , l. 14 , r. 1 one anent whom an inquiry might be stated . Praef. p. 24. l. 24. r. contention and hatred . p. 26. l. 6. r. come to Bethel . p. 35. l. 16. r. after the firs●… anent view which I had of it . Several such might possibly beyet glean●… up : if some passages of Authors seem to●… generaly cited , or not translated ad verbum . the notoriety of the places themselves may excuse the first , and the condition of Readers , to whom this is mainly addressed , may plead for the second . The Pages here quoted are numbred according the printed Method , but the true Method exhibit in the Index , will direct the Reader aright . 
A62502	----	Three treatises concerning the Scotish discipline 1. A fair warning to take heed of the same, by the Right Reverend Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Derris : 2. A review of Dr. Bramble, late Bishop of London-Derry, his fair warning, &c. by R.B.G. : 3. A second fair warning, in vindication of the first, against the seditious reviewer, by Ri. Watson, chaplain to the Right Honorable the Lord Hopton : to which is prefixed, a letter written by the Reverend Dean of St. Burien, Dr. Creyghton. 1661 Approx. 1068 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 195 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A62502 Wing T1122 ESTC R22169 12363157 ocm 12363157 60305 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62502) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60305) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 900:8) Three treatises concerning the Scotish discipline 1. A fair warning to take heed of the same, by the Right Reverend Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Derris : 2. A review of Dr. Bramble, late Bishop of London-Derry, his fair warning, &c. by R.B.G. : 3. A second fair warning, in vindication of the first, against the seditious reviewer, by Ri. Watson, chaplain to the Right Honorable the Lord Hopton : to which is prefixed, a letter written by the Reverend Dean of St. Burien, Dr. Creyghton. R. B. G. A review of Doctor Bramble. Bramhall, John, 1594-1663. Fair warning to take heed of the Scotish discipline. Baillie, Robert, 1599-1662. Watson, Richard, 1612-1685. Creighton, Robert, 1593-1672. [2], 36, [8], 91, [9], 16, 204, [12] p. Printed by Samuel Brown ..., Hagh : 1661. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. "A fair warning, to take heed of the Scottish discipline ... by Dr John Bromwell ..." has special t.p. dated 1649. "A review of Doctor Bramble, late Bishop of Londenderry, his Faire warning against the Scotes disciplin, by R.B.G." has special t.p. dated 1649. "Akolouthos, or, A second faire warning to take heed of the Scotish discipline in vindication of the first ... by Ri. Watson ..." has special t.p., dated 1651. Imperfect: letter by Dr. Creyghton missing in filmed copy. Index: p. [6]-[12] at end. Errata: p. [5] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Controversial literature. Solemn League and Covenant (1643) Scotland -- Church history. 2003-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THREE TREATISES Concerning the Scotish Discipline . 1. A Fair Warning to take heed of the same : By the Right Reverend Dr. Bramhall , Bishop of Derrie . 2. A Review of Dr. Bramble , late Bishop of London-Derry , his Fair Warning , &c. By R. B. G. 3. A Second Fair Warning , in Vindication of the First , against the Seditious Reviewer : By Ri. Watson , Chaplain to the Right Honorable the Lord Hopton . To which is prefixed , A Letter written by the Reverend Dean of St. Burien , Dr. Creyghton . HAGH : Printed by Samuel Broun , English Book-seller . 1661. A FAIR WARNING , To take heed of the SCOTISH DISCIPLINE , As being of all others most Injurious to the Civil Magistrate , most Oppressive to the Subject , most Pernicious to both . By Dr JOHN BROMWELL Lord Bishop of London-Derie in Ireland . LUKE 9. 35. No man having drunk old wine straight-way desireth new , for he saith , the old is better . HOSEA 2. 7. I will go and return to my first husband , for then was it better with me than now . Printed in the Year 1649. A FAIR WARNING , To take heed of the Scotish Discipline , as being of all others most Injurious to the Civil Magistrate , most Oppressive to the Subject , most Pernicious to both . CHAP. I. The Occasion and Subject of this Treatise . IF the Disciplinarians in Scotland could rest contented to dote upon their own inventions and magnifie at home that Diana which themselves have canonised , I should leave them to the best School-Mastresse , that is , Experience , to feel where their shoe wrings them , and to purchase Repentance . What have I to do with the regulation of forreign Churches to burn mine own fingers with snuffing other m●…ns Candles ? Let them stand or fall to their own Master : It is charity to judge well of others , and piety to look well to our selves . But to see those very men who plead so vehemently against all kinds of tyranny , attempt to obtrude their own dreams not onely upon their fellow-Subjects , but upon their Sovereign himself , contrary to the dictates of his own conscience , contrary to all Laws of God and Man , yea to compel forreign Churches to dance after their pipe , to worship that counterfeit image which they feign to have fallen down from J●…piter , and by force of arms to turn their neighbours out of a possession of above 1400 years , to make room for their Trojan horse of Ecclesiastical Discipline , ( A practice never justified in the world but either by the Turk or by the Pope ) This put us upon the defensive part , They must not think that other men are so cowed or grown so tame , as to stand still blowing of their noses , whilst they bridle them and ride them at their pleasure . It is time to let the world see that this Discipline which they so much adore , is the very quintessence of refined Popery , or a greater Tyranny than ever Rome brou●…he forth , Incon●…t with all forms of civil Government , destructive to all sorts of Policy a rack to the conscience , the heaviest pressure that can fall upon a people , and so much more dangerous , because by the specious pretence of Divine Institution , it takes a way the sight , but not the burthen of slavery . Have patience Reader and I shall discover unto thee more pride and arrogancie through the holes of a threed-bare coat , than was ever found under a Cardinals Cap or a triple Crown . All this I undertake to demonstrate not by some extraordinary practices justified onely by the pretence of invincible necessity ( a weak patrociny for general Doctrine ) nor by the single opinions of some Capricious fellows but by ●…heir books of Discipline , by the acts of their general and provincial Assemblies by the concurrent votes and writings of their Commissioners . I foresee that they will suggest that through their sides I seek to wound forreign Churches . No , there is nothing which I shall convict them of here , but I hope will be disavowed , though not by all Protestant auctou●…s , yet by all the Protestant Churches in the world . But I must take leave to demand of our Disciplinarians , who it is they brand with the odious name of Erastians in the Acts of their Parliaments and Assemblies , and in the writings of their Commissioners and reckon them with Papists , Anabaptists , and Independents ; Is it those Churches who disarm their Presbyteries of the Sword of Excommunication which they are not able to weeld ? so did Erastus ; or is it those who attribute a much greater power to the Christian Magistrate in the managery of Ecclesiastical affairs than themselves ? So did Erastus , and so do all Protestant Churches . The Disciplinarians will sooner endure a Bishop or a Superintendent to govern them , than the Civil Magistrate . And when the Magistrate shall be rightly informed what a dangerous edg'd-tool their Discipline is , he will ten times sooner admit of a moderate Episcopacy , than fall into the hands of such hucksters . If it were not for this Disciplinarian humour , which will admit no latitude in Religion , but makes each nicity a fundamental , and every private opinion an Article of faith , which prefers particular errours before general truths . I doubt not but all reformed Churches might easily be reconciled . Before these unhappy troubles in England , all Protestants both Lutherans and Calvinists did give unto the English Church the right hand of fellowship ; the Disciplinarians themselves though they preferred their own Church as more pure , ( else they were hard-hearted ) yet they did not , they durst not condemn the Church of England , either as defective in any necessary point of Christian Piety , or redundant in any thing that might virtually or by consequence overthrow the foundation . Witnesse that letter which their General Assembly of Superintendents , Pastours and Elders sent by Mr. John Knox to the English Bishops , wherein they stile them Reverend Pastours , fellow-preachers , and joynt opposers of the Roman Antichrist . They themselves were then far from a party , or from making the calling of Bishops to be Antichristian . But to leave these velitations and come home to the point . I will shew first how this Discipline entrencheth most extreamly upon the right of the civil Magistrate , secondly that it is as grievous and intollerable to the Subject . CHAP. II. That this new Discipline doth utterly overthrow the Rights of Magistrates , to convocate Synods , to confirm their Acts , to order Ecclesiastical affairs , and reform the Church within their Dominions . ALl Princes and States invested with Sovereignty of power doe justly challenge to themselves the right of Convocating National Synods of their own subjects , and ratifying their constitution . And although pious Princes may tolerate or priveledge the Church to convene within their territories annually or triennially , for the exercise of discipline , and execution of constitutions already confirmed , ( neverthelesse we see how wary the Synod of Dort was in this particular , ) yet he is a Magistrate of straw , that will permit the Church to convene within his territories , whensoever , wheresoever they list , to convocate before them whomsoever they please , all the Nobles , all the Subjects of the Kingdom , to change the whole Ecclesiastical pollicy of a Common-wealth , to alter the Doctrine and Religion established , to take away the legall rights and privileges of the Subjects , to erect new tribunalls and courts of Justice , to which Sovereigns themselves must submit , and all this of their own heads , ●…ue of a pretended power given them from heaven , contrary to k●…own laws and lawfull customs , the Supreme Magistrate dissenting & disclaiming . Synods ought to be called by the supreme Magistrate if he be a Christian , &c. And either by himself , or by such as he shall please to choose for that purpose , he ought to preside over them . This power the Emperours of old did challenge over General Councels , Christian Monarchs in the blindnesse of Popery over National Synods , the Kings of England over their great Councels of old , and their Convocation of later times , The Estates of the united Provinces in the Synod of Dort , this power neither Roman Catholick or Protestant in France dare denie to his King. None have been more punctual in this case then the State of Geneva , where it is expressely provided , that no Synod or Presbytery shall alter the Ecclesiastical pollicy , or adde any thing to it , without the consent of the civil Magistrate . Their elders do not challenge an uncontrolable power as the Commissioners of Christ , but ate still called the Commissioners of the Signiory . The lesser Councel names them with the advise of the Ministery , ( their consent is not necessary ) The great Councel of 200 doth approve them or reject them . At the end of the year they are presented to the Signiory , who continue them or discharge them as they see cause . At their admission they take an oath , to ke●…p the Ecclesiastical Ordinances of the civil Magist●…ate . The finall determination of doctrinal differences in Religion , ( after conference of , and with the Ecclesiasticks , ) is referred to the Magistrate . The proclamations published with the sound of trumpet registered in the same book , do plainly shew that the ordering of all Ecclesiastical affairs is assumed by the Signiory . But in Scotland all things are quite contrarie , the civil Magistrate hath no more to doe with the placing or displacing of Ecclesiastical Elders , than he hath in the Electoral Colledge , about the Election of an Emperor . The King hath no more legislative Power in Ecclesiastical causes than a Cobler , that is a single Vote in case he be chosen an Elder , other wi●…e none at all . In Scotland Ecclesiastical persons make repeal , alter their Sanctions eyery day , without consent of King or Councel King Jon●…s proclaimed a Parliament to be held at Edenburgh , and a little before by his letter required the Assembly to abstain from making any Innovatio●…s in the Policy of the Church , and from prejudging the decisions of the States by their conclusions , and to suffer all things to continue in the condition they were until the approc●…ing Parliam●…nt . What did they hereupon ? They neglected the Kings letter , by their own Authority they determined all things positively , questioned the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews upon their own Canons , For collating to benefices , and Voting in Parliament , according to the undoubted Laws of the Land. Yea to that deg●…ee of sawcines they arrived , and into that contempt they reduced Sovereign power , that twenty Presbyters ( no more at the highest sometimes but thirteen , sometimes but seven or eight ) dared to hold and maintain a General Assembly , ( as they miscalled it , ) after it was discharged by the King , against his Authority , an Insolence which never any Parliament durst yet attempt . By their own Authority , long before there was any Statute made to that purpose , they abolished all the Festivals of the Church , even those which were observed in memory of the Birth , Circumcision , Resurrection and Ascension of our Saviour . By their own Authority they decreed the abolition of Bishops , requiring them to resign their offices , as not having any calling from Gods word , under pain of Excommunication . And to desist from preacbing until they had a new admission from the General Assembly . And to compleat their own folly , added further , that they would dispose of their possessions as the Churches Patrimony in the next Assembly , which ridiculous Ordinance was maintained stifly by the succeeding Synods , notwithstanding the Statute , that it should be Treason to impugn the Authority of the three Estates , or to procure the innovation or diminution of any of them . Which was made on purpose to control their vain presumption . Notwithstanding that themselves had formerly approved , and as much as in them lay established Superintendents , to endure for term of life with their numbers , bounds , salaries larger than those of other Ministers , indewed with Episcopal power , to plant Churches , ordain Ministers , assign Stipends , preside in Synods , direct the censures of the Church , without whom there was no Excommunication . The world is much mistaken concerning Episcopacie in Scotland : for though the King and Parliament were compelled by the clamours and impetuous violence of the Presbyters to annex the temporalities of Bishops to the crown , yet the Function it self was never taken away in Scotland , from their first conversion to Christianity , until these unhappy troubles . And these very temporalities were restored by the Act of restitution , and their full power was first established Synodically , and afterwards confirmed by the three Estates of the Kingdom in Parliament . By their own Authority when they saw they could not prevail with all their iterated indeavours and attempts to have their book of discipline ratified , they obtruded it upon the Church themselves , ordaining that all those who had born or did then bear any office in the Church should subscribe it , under pain of Excommuication . By their own Authority or rather by the like unwarrantable boldnesse they adopted themselves to be heirs of the Prelates and other dignities and orders of the Church suppressed by their tumultuous violence , and decreed that all tythes , rents , lands , oblations , yea whatsoever had been given in former times , or should be given in future times to the service of God , was the patrimonie of the Church ; and ought to be collected and distributed by the Deasons as the Word of God appoints . That to convert any of this to their particular or profane use of any person , is detestable Sacriledge before God. And elsewhere , Gentle-men , Barons , Earls , Lords , and others must be content to live upon their just rents , and suffer the Kirk to be restored to her libertie . What this libertie is follows in the same place , all things given in hospitalitie , all rents pertaining to Priests , Chanteries , Colledges , Chappelries , Frieries of all orders , the Sisters of the Seens all which ought to be retained still in the use of the Ki●…k . Give them but leave to take their breath and expect the rest . The whole revenues of the temporalities of Bishops , Deans , and Arch-Deans lands , and all rents pertaining to Cathedrall Kirks . Then supposing an objection , that the Possessours had Leases and Estates , they answer , That those who made them were theeves & murtherers & had no power so to alienate the common Good of the Kirk . They desire that all such Estates may be anulled and avoided , that all Collectours appointed by the King or others , may be discharged from intermedling therewith , and the Deacons permitted to collect the same : yea to that height of madnesse were they come , as to define and determin in their Assembly , ( judge whether it be not a modest constitution for a Synod . ) That the next Parliament the Church should be fully restored to its Patrimony , and that nothing should be past in Parliament until that was first considered and approved . Let all Estates take notice of the●…e pretensions and designs If their project have not yet taken effect , it is onely becau●…e they wanted sufficient strength hitherto to accomplish it . Lastly by their own Authority , under the specious title of Jesus Christ , King of kings , and Lord of lords , the onely Monarch of his Churc●… , and under pretence of his Prerogative Royal , they erected their own Courts and Presbyteries in the most parts of Scotland , long before they were legally approved or received , as appeareth by their own Act , alledging that many suites had been made to the Magistrate for approbation of the Policy of the Kirk , which had not taken that happy effect which good men would crave : And by another act acknowledging that Presbytertes were then established ( Synodically ) in most parts of the Kingdom . And lastly by the Act of another General Assembly at Edenburg , ordaining that the Discipline contained in the acts of the General Assembly should be kept , as well in Angus and Mernis as in the rest of the Kingdom . You see sufficiently in point of practice how the Disciplinarians have trampled upon the Laws , and justled the civil Magistrate out of his Supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs . My next task shall be to shew that this proceeds not from Inanimadvertence or Passion , but from their Doctrine and Principles . First , they teach that no persons , Magistrates nor others , have power to Vote in their Synods , but onely Eccl si●…tical . Secondly , they teach that Ecclesiastical persons have the sole power of convening and convocating such Assemblies , All Ecclesiastical assemblies have power to convene lawfully together , for treating of things concerning the Kirk . They have power to appoint times and places . Again , National Assemblies of this Countrey ought alwayes to be retained in their own liberties , with power to the Kirk to appoint times & places . Thus they make it a Liberty , that is a Priviledge of the Church , a part of its Patrimony not onely to convene , but to convocate , whomsoever , whensoever , wheresoever . Thirdly for point of Power , they teach , that Synods have the judgement of true & false Religion , of Doctrine , Heresies , &c. the election , admission , suspension , deprivation of Ministers , the determination of all things that pertain to the Discipline of the Church . The judgement of Ecclesiastical matters , causes beneficiary , matrimonial and others . Jurisdiction to proceed to excommunication against those that rob the Church of its patrimony . They have legislative Power to make rules and constitutions for keeping good order in the Kirk . They have power to abrogate and abolish all Statutes and Ordinances concerning Ecclesiastical matters , that are found noisom and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . And all this without any reclamation , or appellation to any J●…dge , Civil or Ecclesiastical Fourthly , they teach that they have these priviledges not from the Magistrate or People , or particular Laws of any other Countrey . The Magist●…ate can not execute the censares of the Church , nor prescribe any rule how it should be done , but Ecclesiastical power floweth immediatly from God , & from the Mediatour Jesus Christ And yet further , The Church cannot be governed by others , than those Ministers and Stewards set over it by Christ , nor otherwise than by his Laws . And therefore there is no power in earth that can challenge to it self a Command or Dominion upon the Church . And again , It is prohibited by the Law of God and of Christ , for tho Christian Magistrate to invade the Government of the Church , and consequently to challenge to himself the right of both Swords spiritual and temporal . And if any Magistrate do arrogate so much to himself , the Church shall have cause to complain and exclaim , that the Pope is changed , but the Papacy remains . So if Kings and Magistrates stand in their way , they are Political Popes as well as Bishops are Ecclesiastical . Whatsoever these men do , is in the Name of our Lord Jesus , and by Authority delegated from him alone . Lastly , they teach that they have all this Power , not onely without the Magistrate , but against the Magistrate , that is , although he dissent , & send out his prohibitions to the contrary , Parliamentary ratifications can no way alter Church canons concerning the worship of God. For Ecclesiastical Discipline ought to be exercised , whether it be ratified by the civil Magistrate or not . The want of a civil Sanction to the Church , is but like Lucrum cessans , non damnum emergens . As it addes nothing to it , so it takes nothing away from it . If there be any clashing of Jurisdictions or defect in this kind , they lay the fault at the Magistrates door . It is a great sin or wickednesse , for the Magistrate to hinder the exercise , or execution of Ecclesiastical Discipline . Now we have seen the pernicious practices of their Synods , with the Doctrines from which they flow ; it remains to dispel umbrages wherewith they seek to hide the uglinesse of their proceedings & principles from the eyes of the world . We ( say they ) do give the Christian Magistrate a political Power to convocate Synods , to preside in Synods , to ratifie the Acts of Synods to reform the Church . We make him the keeper of both tables . Take nothing and hold it fast , here are good words , but they signifie nothing . Trust me whatsoever the Disciplinarians do give to the Magistrate , it is alwayes with a saving of their own stakes , not giving for his advantage but their own . For they teach that this power of the Christian Magistrate is not private and destructive to the power of the Church but cumulative , and onely auxiliary or assisting . Besides the power which they call abusively authoritative , but is indeed ministerial , of executing their decrees , & contributing to their setlement , they ascribe to the Magistrate concerning the Acts of Synods that which every private man hath , a judgement of discretion , but they retain to themselves the judgement of Jurisdiction . And if he judge not as they would have him , but suspend out of conscience the influence of his political power , where they would have him exercise it , they will either teach him another point of Popery , that is an implicite faith , or he may perchance feel the weight of their Church censures , and find quickly what manner of men they be , as our late gracious King Charls , and before him his Father , his Grandmother , & his great Grandmother did all to their cost . Then in plain English what is this political Power to call Synods , to preside in Synods , and to ratifie Synods , which these good men give to the Magistrate , and magnifie so much ? I shall tell the truth . It is a duty which the Magistrate ows to the Kirk , when they think necessary to have a Synod convocated , to strengthen their summous by a civil Sanction , to secure them in comming to the Synod , & returning from the Synod , to provide them good accommodation , to protect them from dangers , to defend their Rights and Priviledges . To compel obstinate persons by civil Laws and punishments to submit to their censures and decrees . What gets the Magistrate by all this to himself ? He may put it all in his eye , and see never a whit the worse . For they declare expresly that neither all the power , nor any part of the power , which Synods have to deliberate of , or to define Ecclesiastical things , ( though it be in relation to their own Subjects ) doth flow from the Magistrate , but because in those things which belong to the outward man , ( mark the reason ) the Church stands in need of the help of the Magistrate . Fair fall an ingenuous confession , they attribute nothing to the Magistrate , but onely what may render him able to serve their own turns , and supply their needs . I wish these men would think a little more of the distinction , between habitual and actual Jurisdiction . After a School-master hath his license to teach , yet his actuall Jurisdiction doth proceed from the Parents of his Scholars . And though he enjoy a kind of Supremacy among them , he must not think that this extinguisheth , either his own filial duty , or theirs . Like this power of presiding politically in Synods is the other power which they give him of reforming the Church , that is when the State of the Church is corrupted , but not when it is pure , as they take it for granted , that it is , when the Jurisdiction is in their own hands . Although godly Kings and Princes , sometime by their own Authority , when the Kirk is corrupted , and all things out of order , place Ministers , and restore the true service of the Lord , after the example of some godly Kings of Judah , and divers godly Emperours and Kings also in the light of the New Testament ; yet where the Ministery of the Kirk is once lawfully constituted , and they that are placed , do their office faithfully , all godly Princes and Magistrates ought to hear and obey their voice , and reverence the Majesty of the Son of God speaking in them . Leave ●…his jugling ; who shall judge , when the Church is corrupted ; the Magistrates or Church-men ? if the Magistrates , why not over you , as well as others ? If the Church-men , why not others as well as you ? here is nothing to be answered , but to beg the question , that they onely are the true Church . Hear another witnesse , in evil and troublesome times , and in a lap ed state of affairs ; when the order instituted by God in the Church , is degenerated to Tyranny , to the trampling upon the true Religion , and oppressing the Professours of it , when nothing is sound the godly Magistrate may do some things , which ordinarily are not lawfull &c. But ordinarily and of common right , in Churches already constituted , if a man flie to the Magistrate complaining that he is injured , by the abuse of Ecclesiastical Discipline , or if the Sentence of the Presbyteries displease the Magistrate , either in point of Discipline or of Faith , he must not therefore draw such causes to a civil trib●…nal , nor introduce a Political Papacy . And as the Magistrate hath power in extraordinary causes , when the Church is wholly corrupted , to reform Ecclesiastical abuses ; so if the Magistrate shall Tyrannize , over the Church , it is lawfull to oppose him , by certain wayes and means , extraordinary ; how ever ordinarily not to be allowed . This is plain dealing , the Magistrate cannot lawfully reform them but in cases extraordinary ; and in cases extraordinary they may lawfully ●…eform the Magistrate , by means not to be ordinarily allowed , that is by force of arms . See the principles from whence all our miseries ; and the losse of our gracious Master , hath flowed ; and learn to detest them ; They give the Magistrate the custody of both tables , so they do give the same to themselves , they keep the second table , by admonishing him ; he keeps the first table by assisting them : they reform the abuses , of the first table by ordinary right , of the second table extraordinarily . He reforms the abuses against the second table ; by ordinary right : and the abuses against the first table extraordinarily . But can the Magistrate according to their learning call the Synod to an account for any thing they do , can he remedy the errours of a Synod either in Doctrine or Discipline ? No , if Magistrates had power to change , or diminish , or restrain the Rights of the Church ; the Condition of the Church , should be worse , and their liberties lesse , under a Christian Magistrate , than under an Heathen . For ( say they ) Parliaments and supreme Senates , are no more infallible then Synods , and in matters of Faith and Discipline more apt to err●… ; And again , the Magistrate is not judge of Spiritual causes controverted in the Church . And if he decr●…e any thing in such businesses , according to the wisdom of the flesh , and not according to the rule of Gods Word , and the wisdom which is from above , he must give an account of it unto God. Or may the supreme Magistrate oppose the execution of their disciplin practised in their Presbyteries , or Synods , by Laws or prohibitions ? No it is wickednesse , If he do so far abuse his authority , good Christians must rather suffer extremities , than obey him . Then what remedy hath the Magistrate , if he find himself grieved in this case ? He may desire and procure a review in another National Synod , that the matter may be lawfully determined by Ecclesiastical judgement . Yet upon this condition , that not withstanding the future review , the first sentence of the Synod be executed without delay , This is one main branch of Popery , and a grosse incrochment upon the right of the Magistrate . CHAP. III. That this Discipline robs the Magistrate of the last appeal of his Subjects . The second flows from this . The last appeal ought to be the Supream Magistrate , or Magistrates , within his or their Dominions , as to the highest Power under God. And where it is not so ordered , the Common-wealth can injoy no tranquillity , as we shall see in the second part of this discourse . By the Laws of England , if any man find himself grieved with the sentence or consistoriall proceedings of a Bishop , or of his officers , he may appeal from the highest judicatory of the Church to the King in Chancery , who useth in that case to grant Commissions under the great Seal to Delegates expert in the Laws of the Realm , who have power to give him remedy , and to see Justice done . In Scotland this would be taken in great scorn , as an high indignity upon the Commissioners of Christ , to appeal from his Tribunal , to the judgement of a mortal man. In the year 1582 , King James by his letter , by his messenger , the Master of Requests , and by an Herald at Arms prohibited the Assembly at Saint Andrews to proceed in the case of one Mongomery , and Mongomery , himself appealed to Cesar , or to King and Councel . What did our new Masters upon this ? They sleighted the Kings letter , his Messenger , his Herald , rejected the Appeal , as made to an incompetent Judge , and proceeded most violenlty in the cause . About four years after this another Synod held at Saint Andrews , proceeded in like manner against the Bishop of that See , for Voting in Parliament according to his conscience , and for being suspected to have penned a Declaration , published by the King and Parliament at the end of the Statutes , notwithstanding that he declined their judicature , and appealed to the King and Parliament . When did any Bishops dare to doe such acts ? There need no more instances , their book of Discipline it self being so full in the case , from the Kirk there is no reclamation , or appellation , to any Judge Civil or Ecclsiastical , within the Realm . CHAP. IV. That it exempts the Ministers from due punishment . THirdly , if Ecclesiastick persons in their Pulpits or Assemblies , shall leave their text and proper work to turn incendiaries , trumpeters of sedition , stirring up the people to tumults and disloial attempts , in all well ordered Kingdoms and Common-wealths , they are punishable by the civil Magistrate , whose proper office it is to take cognisa●…ce of treason and sedition . It was well said by a King of France to some such seditious Shebas , that if they would not let him alone in their Pulpits , he would send them to preach in another climate . In the united provinces there want not examples of seditious Oratours , who for controlling their Magistrates too sawcily in the Pulpit , have been turned both out of their Churches and Cities , without any fear of wresting Christs Scepter out of his hand . In Geneva it self , the correction of Ecclesiastical persons ( qua tales , ) is expresly reserved to the Signiory . So much our Disciplinarians have out-done their pattern , as the passionate writings of heady men out-do the calmer decrees of a stayed Senate . But the Ministers of Scotland have exempted themselves in this case from all secular judgement , as King James ( who knew them best of any man living ) wirnesseth . They said , he was an incompetent judge in such cases , and that matters of the Pulpit ought to be exempted from the judgement and correction of Princes . They themselves speak plain enough . It is an absurd thing , that sundry of them , ( Commissaries ) having no function of the Kirk , should be judges to Ministers , and depose them from their rooms . The reason holds as well against Magistrates , as Commissaries . To passe by the sawcy and seditious expressions of Mr. Dury , Mr. Mellvill , Mr. Ballcanquall , and their impunity . Mr. James Gibson in his sermon taxed the King for a persecutor , and threatened him with a curse , that he should die childlesse , and be the last of his race , for which being convented before the Assembly , and not appearing , he was onely suspended during the pleasure of his brethren , ( he should have been suspended indeed , that is hanged . ) But at another Assembly , in August following , upon his allegation , that his not appearing was out of his tender care of the rights of the Church , he was purged from his contumacy , without once so much as acquainting his Majesty . The case is famous of Mr. David Blake Minister of St. Andrews , who had said in his sermon , that the King had discovered the treachery of his heart , in admitting the Popish Lords into the countrie . That all Kings were the devils barus , that the devil was in the Court , and in the guiders of it , And in his prayer for the Queen he used these words , we must pray for her for ●…ashion sake , but we have no cause , she will never do us any good He ●…aid that the Queen of Englan●… ( Queen Elisabeth ) was an 〈◊〉 eist , that the Lords of the Session were mi●…creants and bribers , that the Nobility were degenerated , godless , dissemblers , and enemies to the Church , that the Councel were holly glasses , cormorants , and men of no Religion . I ap eal to all the Estates in Europe , what punishment could be evere enough for such audacious virulence ? The ●…ish Ambassadour complains of it ; Blake is cited before the Councel . The Commissione●…s of the Church plead , that it will be ill taken , to bring M●…ers in question upon such trifling delations , as inconsistent with the liberties of the Church . They conclude that a Declinatour should be used , and a Protestation made against those proceedings , saying it was Gods cause , whe●…ein they ought to stand to all hazards . Accordingly a Declinatour was framed and presented . Blake desires to be remitted to the Presbytery , as his O●…dinary . The Commissioners send the copie of the Declinatour to all the Presbyteries , requiring them for the greater corroboration of their doings to subscribe the same , and to commend the cause in hand in their private and publick prayers to God , using their best credit with their flocks for the maintenance thereof . The King justly incensed herewith , dischargeth the meeting of the Commissioners . Notwithstanding this Injunction they stay still and send Delegates to the King , to represent the inconveniences that might insue . The King more desirous to decline their envy , than they his judgement , offers peace . The Commissioners refuse it , and present an insolent petition , which the King rejects deservedly , and the cause was heard the very day that the Princ●…sse Elisabeth , ( now Queen of Bohemia ) was Christened . The witnesses were produced , M●… . Robert Ponte in the name of the Church makes a Protestation . Blake presents a second Decli●…atour . The Councel decree that the cause being treasonable , is cognoscible before them . The good King still seeks peace , sends messengers , treats , offers to remit ; But it is labour in vain . The Ministers answer peremtorily by Mr. Robert Brace their Prolocutor , that the liberty of Christs Kingdom had received such a wound , by this usurpation of the rights of the Church , that if the lives of Mr. Blake and twenty others had been taken , it would not have grieved the hearts of good people so much , as these injurious proceedings . The King still woos and confers . At last the matter is concluded that the King shall make a Declaration in favour of the Church , that Mr. Blake shall onely make an acknowledgement to the Queen , and be pardoned . But Mr. Blake refuseth to confesse any fault , or to acknowledge the King and Councel to be any judges of his Sermon . Hereupon he is convicted , and sentenced to be guilty of false and treasonable slanders , and his punishment referred to the King. Still the King treats , makes propositions unbeseeming his Majesty , once , or twice . The Ministers reject them , proclaim a fast , ●…ai e a tamult in Edenburgh , Petition , prefer Articles . The King depa teth from the Citie , removeth his ●…rts o●… J●…uice the people repent , t●…e Ministers persist , and seek to ingage the Subjects in a Covena●…t for ●…utuall defence . One M●… . Wa●…sh in his Sermon tells the people , that the King was possessed with a devil , yea with seven devils , that the subje●…s might lawfully rise and take the sword out of his hands . The Seditious incouraged from the Pulpit , send a letter to the Lord Hamilton , to come and be their General He noblv refuseth , and sheweth their letter to the King. Hereupon the Ministers are sought for to be apprehended , and flie into England . The Tumult is declared to be trea on by the Estates of the Kingdom . I have urged this the mo●…e largely ( yet as succinctly as I could ) to let the wo●…ld see , what dangerous Subjects these Di●…ciplinarians are , and how inconsistent their principles be , with all orderly Societies . CHAP. V. That it subjects the supreme Magistrate to their censures , &c. FOurthly , they have not onely exempted themselves in their duties of their own function from the tribunal of the Sovereign Magistrate , or Supreme Senate , but they have subjected him , and them ( yea even in the discharge of the Sovereign trust ) to their own Consistories , even to the highest censure of Excommunication , which is like the cutting of a member from the body Natural , or the out-lawing of a Subject in the body politick . Excommunication , that very engine , whereby the Popes of old advanced themselves above Emperours . To discipline m●…st all the Estates within this Rcalm be subject : as well R●…lers , as they that are ruled . And elswhere , all mea , as well Magistrates as Inferiours , ought to be subject to the judgement of General Assemblies . And yet again , no man that is in the Church , o●…ght to be exempted from Ecclesiastical censires . What horrid and pernicious mischiefs do use to attend the Excommunication of Sovereign Magistrates , I leave to every mans memory or imagination . Such cour●…es make great Kings become cyphers , and turn the tenure of a crown copie-hold , ad voluntatem Dominorum . Such Doctrines might better become some of the Roman Alexanders or Bonifaces or Grego●…ius or Plus Quintus than such great Professours of Humility , such great disclaimers of Authority , who have inveighed so bitterly against the Bishops for their usurpations . This was never the practice of any orthodo●… Bishop , St. Ambrose is mistaken , what he did to Theodosius was no act of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , but of Christian discretion . No , he was better grounded , David said , Against thee onely have I sinned , because he was a King. Our Disciplinarians abhor the name of Authority , but hugge the thing , their profession of humility , is just like that Cardinals hanging up of a fishers net in his dining room , to put him in mind of his discent , but so soon as he was made Pope he took it down , saying , the fish was caught now , there was no more need of the net . CHAP. VI. That it robs the Magistrate of his Dispensative power . FIfthly , all supreme Magistrates do assume to themselves a power of pardoning offences and offenders , where they judge it to be expedient . He who believes that the Magistrate cannot with a good conscience dispence with the punishment of a penitent malefactour I wish him no greater censure than that the penal laws might be duly executed upon him , until he recant his errour . But our Disciplinarians have restrained this dispensative power , in all such crimes as are made capital by the judicial Law , as in the case of Bloud , Adultery Blasphemy , &c. in which cases , they say the offender ought to suffer death , as God hath commanded . And , If the life be spared as it ought not to be to the offenders , &c. And , the Magistrate ought to prefer Gods expresse commandment before his own corrupt judgement , especially in punishing these crimes which he commandeth to be punished with death . When the then Popish Earls of Angus , Huntley , and Erroll , were excommunicated by the Church , and forfeited for treasonable practices against the King , it is admirable to read with what wisdom and charity and sweetnesse his Majesty did seek from time to time to reclaim them from their errours , and by their unfeigned conversion to the reformed Religion to prevent their punishment . Wherein he had the concurrence of two Conventions of Estates , the one at Falkland , the other at Dumfermling . And on the other side to see with what bitternesse and radicated malice , they were prosecuted by the Presbyterics , and their Commissioners , sometimes petitioning , that they might have no benefit of law , as being excommunicated , Sometimes threatening , that they were resolved to pursue them to the uttermost , though it should be with the losse of all their lives in one day . That if they continued enemies to God and his Truth , the Countrey should not brook both them and the Lord together . Sometimes pressing to have their est●…es confisea●…d , and their lives taken away . Alledging for their ground , that by Gods Law they had deserved death . And when the King urged that the bosom of the Church should be ever open to penitent sinners , they answered , that the Church could not refuse their satisfaction , if it was truly offered , but the King was obliged to do justice . What do you think of those that roar out , Justice , Justice , now a dayes , whether they be not the right spawn of these Bloud-suckers , Look upon the examples of Cain , Esau , Ishmael , Antiochus , Antichrist , and tell me , if You ever find such supercilious , cruel , bloud-thirsty persons , to have been pious towards God , but their Religion is commonly like themselves , stark naught , Cursed be their anger for it was fierce , and their wrath , for it was cruel . These are some of those incroachments which our Disciplinarians have made upon the rights of all supreme Magistrates , there be sundry others , which especially concern the Kings of Great Brittain , as the losse of his tenths , first-fruits , and patronages , and which is more than all these , the dependence of his Subjects ; by all which we see , that they have thrust out the Pope indeed , but retained the Papacy . The Pope as well as they , and they as well as the Pope , ( neither barrel better herrings , ) do make Kings but half Kings , Kings of the bodies , not of the souls of their Subjects : They allow them some sort of judgement over Ecclesiastical persons , in their civil capacities , for it is little ( according to their rules ) which either is not Ecclesiastical , or may not be reduced to Ecclesiastical . But over Ecclesiastick persons , as they are Ecclesiasticks , or in Ecclesiasticall matters , they ascribe unto them no judgement in the world . They say it cannot stand with the word of God , that no Christian Prince ever claimed , or can claim to himself such a power , If the Magistrate will be contented to wave his power in Ecclesiastical matters , and over Ecclesiastical persons , ( as they are such , ) and give them leave to do what they list , and say what they list in their Pulpits , in their Consistories , in their Synods , and permit them to rule the whole Common-wealth , in order to the advancement of the Kingdom of Christ. If he will be contented to become a subordinate Minister to their Assemblies , to see their decrees executed , then it may be they will become his good Masters , and permit him to injoy a part of his civil power . When Sovereigns are made but accessaries , and inferiours do become principals , when stronger obligations are devised , than those of a subject to his Sovereign , it is time for the Magistrate to look to himself , these are prognosticks of insuing storms , the avant curriers of seditious tumults . When supremacy lights into strange and obscure hands , it can hardly contain it self within any bounds . Before our Disciplinatians be well warmed in their Ecclesiastical Supremacy , they are beginning , or rather they have already made a good progresse in the invasion of the temporal Supremacy also . CHAP. VII . That the Disciplinarians cheat the Magistrate of his Civil Power in order to Religion . That is their sixt in croachment upon the Magistrate , and the verticall point of Je●…uitisine . Consider first how many civil causes thev have drawn directly into their Consistories , and made them of Ecclesiastical cognisance , as tra●… in Bargaining , false w●…ights and measures , opp essing one another , &c. and in the case of Ministers , bribery , perjury , theft , fighting , ●…sury , &c. Secondly consider that all offences whatsoever are made cognoscible in their Consisto●…ies in case of candal , yea even such as are punishable by the civil sword with death : If the civi sword foolishly spate the life of the offender , yet may not the Kirk be negligent in their office , which is to excommunicate the wicked Thirdly they ascribe unto their Ministers a liberty and power to direct the Magistrate , even in the Managerie of civil affairs : To govern the Common-wealth , and to establish civil laws is prope , to the Magistrate : To interpret the word of God , and from thence to she v the Magistrate his duty , how he ought to govern the Common-wealth , and how he ought to use the Sword , is comprehended in the office of the Minister , for the holy Scripture is profitable to shew what is the best government of the Common-wealth . And again all the duties of the second table as well as of the first , between King and Subject , parents and children , husbands and wives , Masters and servants , &c. are in difficult cases a subject of cognisance and judgement to the Assemblies of the Ki●…k . Thus they are risen up from a judgement of direction to a judgement of Jurisdiction , And if any persons , Magistrares or others dare act contrary to this judgement of the Assembly , ( as the Parliament and Committee of Estates did in Scotland in the late expedition ) thev make it to be an unlawfull ingagement , a sinfull War , contrary to the Testimonies of Gods servants , and dec●…ce the parties so offending to be 〈◊〉 sper●…ed from the communion , and from their offices in the Kirk . I confesse Ministers do well to exhort Christians to be carefull honest , indust ious in their special callings : but fo them to meddle pragmatically with themysteries of particular trades and much more with the mysteries of State , which never came within the compasse of their shallow capacities , is a most audacious insolence , and an insufferable pre umption . They may as well teach the Pilot how to steer his course in a tempest , or the Physitian how to cure the distempers of his patient . But their highest cheat is that Jesuiticall invention , ( in ordine ad spiritualia , ) they assume a power in worldly affairs indirectly , and in order to the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. The Ecclesiastical Ministery is conversant spiritually about civil things . Again must not duties to God whereof the securing of religion is a main one , have the Supreme and first place , duties to the King a subordinate and second place ? The case was this . The Parliament levied forces to free their King out of prison . A meer civil duty . But the commissioners of the Assembly declare against it , unlesse the King will first give assurance under hand and seal by solemn oath , that he will establish the Covenant , the Presbyterian discipline , &c. in all his Dominions , and never indeavour any change thereof , least otherwise his liberty might bring their bygone proceedings about the League & Covenant into question , there is their power in ordine ad spiritualia . The Parliament will restore to the King his negative voice . A meer civil thing . The commissioners of the Church oppose it , because of the great dangers that may thereby come to Religion . The Parliament name Officers and Commanders for the Army . A meer civil thing . The Church will not allow them because they want such qualifications as Gods word requires , that is to say in plain terms , because they were not their confidents . Was there ever Church challenged such an omnipotence as this ? Nothing in this world is so civil or political , wherein they do not interest themselves , in order to the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. Upon this ground their Synod enacted , that no Scotish merchants should from thenceforth traffique in any of the dominions of the King of Spain , until his Majesty had procured from that King some relaxation of the rigour of the inquisition , upon pain of excommunication . As likewise that the Munday market at Edenburgh should be abolished , It seems they thought it ministered some occasion to the breach of the Sabbath . The Merchants petitioned the king to maintain the liberty of their trade , He grants their request but could not protect them , for the Church prosecured the poor merchants with their censures , untill they promised to give over the Spanish trade , so soon as they had perfected their accounts , and payed their Creditors in those parts . But the Shoemakers who were most interested in the Munday markets with their tumults and threatenings compelled the Ministers to retract , whereupon it became a jest in the City , that the Souters could obtain more at the Ministers hands , than the King. So they may meddle with the Spanish trade or Munday markets , or any thing in order to Religion . Upon this ground they assume to themselves a power to ratifie Acts of Parliament , So the assembly at Edenburgh enacted , That the Acts made in the Parliament at Edenburgh the 24 of August . 1560 , ( without either Commission or Proxie from their Sovereign , ) touching Religion , &c. should have the force of a publick Law. And that the said Parliament , so far as concerned Religion , should be maintained by them , &c. and be ratified by the first Parliament that should happen to be kept within that Realm . See how bold they make with Kings and Parliaments , in order to Religion . I cannot omit that famous summons which this assembly sent out , not onely to entreat , but to admonish all persons truly professing the Lord Jesus within the Realm , as well Noble-men as Barons and those of other estates to meet and give their personal appearance at Edenburgh the 20 of Iuly ensuing , for giving their advise and concurrence in matters then to be proponed , especially for purging the Realm of Popery , establishing the policy of the Church , and restoring the patrimony thereof to the just possessours . Assuring such as did absent themselves that they should be esteemed dissimulate professours , unworthy of the fellowship of Christs flock , who thinks your Scotish Disciplinarians know not how to ruffle it ? Upon this ground they assume a power to abrogate and invalidate Laws and Acts of Parliament , if they seem disadvantagious to the Church . Church Assemblies have power to abrogate and abolish all statutes and ordinances concerning Ecclesiastical matters , that are found noysom and unprofitable , and agree not with the times , or are abused by the people . So the Acts of Parliament 1584. at the very same time that they were proclaimed , were protested against at the market crosse of Edenburgh by the Ministers , in the name of the Kirk of Scotland . And a little before , whatsoever be the Treason of impugning the authority of Parliament , it can be no Treason to obey God rather than man. Neither did the General assembly of Glasgow 1638 , &c. commit any treason , when they impugned Episcopacy , and Perth-Articles , although ratified by Acts of Parliament , and standing laws then unrepealed . He saith so far true , that we ought rather to obey God than man , that is , to suffer when we cannot act ; but to impugn the authority of a lawfull Magistrate , is neither to obey God nor man. God commands us to die innocent rather than live nocent , they teach us rather to live nocent , than die innocent Away with these seeds of sedition , these rebellious principles , Our Master Christ hath left us no such warrant , and the unsound practise of an obscure Conventicle is no safe patern . The King was surprized at Ruthen by a company of Lords and other conspirators ; this fact was as plain Treason as could be imagined , and so it was declared ; ( I say declared , not made ) in Parliament . Yet an Assembly Generall ( no man gain-saying ) did justify that Treason in order to Religion as good and acceptable service to God , their Soveraign , and native Countrey , requiring the Ministers in all their Churches to commend it to the people , and exhort all men to concurre with the actors , as they tendred the glory of God , the full deliverance of the Church , and perfect reformation of the Common-wealth , threatning all those who subscribed not to their judgement with Excommunication . We see this is not the first time that Disciplinarian Spectacles have made abominable Treason to seem Religion , if it serve for the advancement of the good Cause . And it were well if they could rest here , or their zeale to advance their Ecclesiasticall Soveraignty , by force of Armes , and effusion of Christian blood , would confine it self within the limits of Scotland : No , those bounds are too narrow for their pragmaticall spirits : And for busie Bishops in other mens Diocesses , see the Articles of Sterling , That the securing and setling Religion at home , and promoting the work of Reformation abroad , in England and Ireland , be referred to the determination of the General Assembly ( of the Kirk ) or their Commissioners . What , is old Edenburgh turned new Rome and the old Presbyters young Cardinals , and their Consistory a Conclave , and their Committees a Juncto for propagating the faith ? Themselves stand most in need of Reformation ; If there be a more in the eye of our Church , there is a beam in theirs . Neither want we at home God be praised , those who are a thousand times fitter for learning , for piety , for discretion , to be reformers , then a few giddy innovators . This I am sure , since they undertook our cure against our wills , they have made many fat Church-yards in England . Nothing is more civill , or essentiall to the Crowne , then the Militia , or power of raising Armes : Yet we have seen in the attempt at Ruthen , in their Letter to the Lord Hamilton , in their Sermons , what is their opinion . They insinuate as much in their Theorems , It is lawfull to resist the Magistrate by certain extraordinary wayes or meanes , not to be ordinarily allowed . It were no difficult task out of their private Authors , to justifie the barbarous acts that have been committed in England . But I shall hold my selfe to their publike actions and records . A mutinous company of Citizens forced the gates of Halyrood-house , to search for a Priest , and plund●…r at their pleasure . Mr. Knox was charged by the Councell to have bin the author of the sedition ; and further , to have convocated his Majesties Subjects by Letters missive when he pleased . He answered , that he was no preacher of Rebellion , but taught people to obey their Princes in the Lord ; [ I fear he taught them likewise , that he and they were the competent judges what is obedience in the Lord. ] He confessed his convocating of the Subjects by vertue of a command from the Church , to advertise the brethren when he saw a necessity of their meeting , especially if he perceived Religion to be in peril . Take another instance , The Assembly having received an answer from the King , about the tryall of the Popish Lords , not to their contentment , resolve all to convene in Armes at the place appointed for the tryall ; whereupon some were left at Edenburgh to give timely advertisement to the rest . The King at his return gets notioe of it , calls the Ministers before him , shewes them what an undutifull part it was in them to levy Forces , and draw his Subjects into Armes without his Warrant . The Ministers pleaded , That it was the cause of God , in defence whereof they could not be defieient . This is the Presbyterian wont , to subject all causes and persons to their Consistories , to ratifie and abolish civill Lawes , to confirm and pull down Parliaments , to levy Forces , to invade other Kingdoms , to do any thing respectively to the advancement of the good cause , and in order to Religion . CHAP. VIII . That the Disciplinarians challenge this exorbitant Power by Divine Right . BEhold both Swords spirituall and temporall in the hands of the Presbytery , the one ordinarily by common right , the other extraordinarily ; the one belonging directly to the Church , the other indirectly ; the one of the Kingdome of Christ , the other for his Kingdom , in order to the propagation of Religion . See how these hocas p●…cases with stripping up their sleeves and professions of plain-dealing , with declaiming against the tyranny of Prelates , under the pretense of humility and Ministeriall duty , have wrested the Scepter out of the hand of Majesty , and jugled themselves into as absolute a Papacy , as ever was within the walls of Rome . O Saviour , behold thy Vicars , and see whither the pride of the servants of thy servants is ascended . Now their Consistories are become the Tribunalls of Christ. That were strange indeed ! Christ hath but one Tribunall , his Kingdome is not of this world . Their determinations passe for the Sentences of Christ. Alas there is too much faction , and passion , and ignorance in their Presbyteries . Their Synodall Acts go for the Lawes of Christ. His Lawes are immutable , mortall man may not presume to alter them , or to adde to them ; but these men are chopping and changing their constitutions every day . Their Elders must be looked upon as the Commissioners of Christ. It is impossible ! Geneva was the first City where this discipline was hatched , though since it hath lighted into hucksters hands . In those dayes they magnified the platform of Geneva , for the pattern sbewed in the mount . But there , the Presbyters at their admission take an oath , to observe the Ecclesiasticall Ordinances of the small , great , and generall Councels of that City . Can any man be so stupid , as to think , that the high Commissioners of Christ swear fealty to the Burgers of Geneva ? Now forsooth their Discipline is become the Scepter of Christ , the Eternall Gospel . ( See how successe exalts mens desires and demands . ) In good time , where did this Scepter lye hid for 1500. yeers , that we cannot finde the least footsteps of it in the meanest village of Christendome ? This world drawes towards an end ; was this discipline fitted and contrived for the world to come ? Or how should it be the Eternal Gospel ? When every man sees how different it is from it self , in all Presbyterian Churches , adapted and accommodated to the civill policy of each particular place where it is admitted , except onely Scotland , where it comes in like a Conqueror , and makes the Civill Power stoop and strike topsaile to it . Certainly , if it be the Gospel , it is the fifth Gospel , for it hath no kindred with the other foure . There is not a Text which they wrest against Episcopacy , but the Independants may with as much colour of reason , and truth , urge it against their Presbyteries . Where doth the Gospel distinguish between temporary and perpetuall Rulers ? Between the Government of a person , and of a corporation ? There is not a Text which they produce for their Presbytery , but may with much more reason be alledged for Episcopacy , and more agreeable to the analogie of faith , to the perpetuall practice and belief of the Catholick Church , to the concurrent Expositions of all Interpreters , and to the other Texts of holy Scripture ; for untill this new modell was yesterday devised none of those Texts were ever so understood . When the practise ushers in the doctrine , it is very suspicious , or rather evident , that the Scripture was not the rule of their reformation , but their subsequent excuse . This ( jure divine ) is that which makes their sore incurable , themselves incorrigible , that they father their own brat upon God Almighty , and make this Mushrome which sprung but up the other night , to be of heavenly descent . It is just like the doctrine of the Popet infallibility , which shuts the door against all hope of remedy . How should they be brought to reform their errors , who beleeve they cannot erre , or they be brought to renounce their drowsy dreams , who take it for granted , that they are divine revelations ! And yet when that wise Prince , King Iames , a little before the Nationall Assembly at Perth , published in print 55. Articles or Questions , concerning the uncertainty of this Discipline , and the vanity of their pretended plea of divine right , and concerning the errours and abuses crept into it , for the better preparation of all men to the ensuing Synod , that Ministers might study the point beforehand , and speak to the purpose ; they who stood affected to that way were extremely perplexed . To give a particular account , they knew well it was impossible ; but their chiefest trouble was , that their foundation of divine right , which they had given out all this while to be a solid rock , should come now to be questioned for a shaking quagmire . And so without any opposition they yeelded the bucklers . Thus it continued untill these unhappy troubles , when they started aside again like broken bowes . This plant thrives better in the midst of tumults , then in the times of peace and tranquillity . The Elme which supports it , is a factious multitude , but a prudent and couragious Magistrate nips it in the bud . CHAP. IX . That this Discipline makes a monster of the Commonwealth . VVE have seen how pernicious this Discipline ( as it is maintained in Scotland , and endeavoured to be introduced into England by the Covenant , ) is to the supreme Magistrate , how it rob●… him of his Supremacy in Ecclesiasticall affaires , and of the last appeals of his own Subjects , that it exempts the Presbyters from the power of the Magistrate , and subjects the Magistrate to the Presbyters , that it restraines his dispensative power of pardoning , deprives him of the dependance of his Subjects , that it doth challenge and usurp a power paramount both of the Word and of the Sword , both of Peace and War , over all Courts and Estates , over all Laws Civill and Ecclesiasticall , in order to the advancement of the Kingdom of Christ , wherof the Presbyters alone are constituted rulers by God , and all this by a pretended divine right , which takes away all hope of remedy , untill it be hissed out of the world ; in a word , that it is the top-branch of Popery , a greater tyranny , then ever Rome was guilty of . It remains to show how disadvantagious it is also to the Subject . First , to the Common-wealth in generall , which it makes a Monster , like an Amphis●…baina , or a Serpent with two heads , one at either end . It makes a coordination of Soveraignty in the same Society , two supremes in the same Kingdom or State , the one Civill , the other Ecclesiasticall , then which nothing can be more pernicious , either to the consciences , or the estates of Subjects , when it falls out ( as it often doth ) that from these two heads issue contrary commands , If the Trumpet give an uncertain sound , who shall prepare himself to the battel ? Much more when there are two Trumpets , and the one sounds an Alarm , the other a Retreat . What should the poor Souldier do in such a case ? or the poor Subject in the other case ? If he obey the Civill Magistrate , he is sure to be excommunicated by the Church ; if he obey the Church , he is sure to be imprisoned by the Civill Magistrate ; What shall become of him ? I know no remedy , but according to Solomons sentence , the living Subject must be divided into two , and the one half given to the one , and the other half to the other . For the Oracle of Truth hath said , that one man cannot serve two Masters . But in Scotland every man must serve two Masters , and ( which is worse ) many times disagreeing Masters . At the same time the Civill Magistrate hath commanded the Feast of the Nativity of our Saviour to be observed , and the Church hath forbidden it . At the same time the King hath summoned the Bishops to sit and Vote in Parliament , and the Church hath forbidden them . In the year 1582. Monsieur-le-mot , a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost , with an associate , were sent Ambassadours from France into Scotland : The Ministers of Edenburgh approving not his Message , ( though meerly Civill , ) inveigh in their Pulpits bitterly against him , calling his White Crosse the badge of Antichrist , and himself the Ambassadour of a Murtherer . The King was ashamed , but did not know how to help it ; The Ambassadours were discontented and desired to be gone : The King willing to preserve the ancient Amity between the two Crownes , and to dismisse the Ambassadours with content , requires the Magistrates of Edenburgh to feast them at their departure ; so they did ; But to hinder this feast , upon the Sunday preceding , the Ministers proclame a Fast to be kept the same day the Feast was appointed ; and to deteine the people all day at Church ; the three Preachers make three Sermons , one after another without intermission , thundring out curses against the Magistrates and Noblemen which waited upon the Ambassadors by the Kings appointment . Neither stayed they here , but pursued the Magistrates with the censures of the Church , for not observing the Fast by them proclaimed ; and with much difficulty were wrought to abstaine from Excommunicating of them ; which censure , how heavy it falls in Scotland , you shall see by and by . To come yet neerer , the late Parliament in Scotland injoyned men to take up Armes for delivery of their King out of prison ; The Commissioners for the Assembly disallowed it ; and at this present how many are chased out of their Country ? How many are put to publike repentance in sackeloth ? how many are excommunicated , for being obedient to the Supreme Ludicatory of the Kingdom , that is , King and Parliament ? Miserable is the condition of that people where there is such clashing and interfereing of Suprem Judicatories and Authorities . If they shall pretend that this was no free Parliament : First , they affirm that which is not true ; either that Parliament was free , or what will become of the rest ? Secondly , this plea will advantage them nothing ; for ( which is all one with the former ) thus they make themselves Judges of the validity or invalidity of Parliaments . CHAP. X. That this Discipline is most prejudiciall to the Parliament . FRom the Essentiallbody of the Kingdom we are to proceed to the repraesentative body , which is the Parliament . We have already seen , how it attributes a power to Nationall Synods to restrain Parliaments , and to abrogate their Acts , if they shall judge them prejudiciall to the Church . We need no other instance , to shew what small account Presbyteries do make of Parliaments , then the late Parliament in Scotland . Notwithstanding that the Parliament had declared their resolution to levy forces vigorously , a●…d that they did expect as well from the Synods and Presbyteries , as from all other his Majesties good Subiects , aready obedience to the commands of Parliament , and Committee of Estates . The Commissioners of the Assembly not satisfied herewith , do not onely make their proposalls , that the grounds of the Warre and the breaches of the Peace might be cleared , that the union of the Kingdomes might be preserved , that the popish and prelaticall party might bee suppressed , that his Majesties offers concerning Religion might be declared unsatisfactory , that before his Majesties restitution to the exercise of his Royall power , he shall first engage himself by folemn Oath under his hand and Seal , to passe Acts for the settlement of the Covenant and Presbyterian Government in all his Dominions , &c. And never to oppose them , or endeavour the Change of them , ( An usurer will trust a bankrupt upon easier tearms , then they will do their Soveraign , ) and lastly , that such persons onely might be intrusted , as had given them no cause of jealousie , ( which had been too much , and more then any estates in Europe will take in good part from half a dozen Ministers , ) But afterwards by their publick Declaration to the whole Kirk and Kingdom , set forth that not being satisfied in these particulars , they do plainly dissent and disagree , and declare that they are clearly perswaded in their consciences , that the Engagement is of dangerous consequence to true Religion , prejudiciall to the Liberty of the Kirk , favourable to the Malignant party , inconsistent with the union of the Kingdom ; Contrary to the word of God and the Covenant , wherefore they cannot allow either Ministers or any other whatsoever to concu●… and cooperate in it , and trust that they will keep themselves free in this businesse , and choose affliction rather then iniquitie . And to say the Truth , they made their word good . For by their power over the Church-men , and by their influence upon the people , and by threatening all those who engaged in that action with the censures of the Church , they retarded the Levies , they deterred all preachers from accompanying the Army to do divine offices . And when Saint Peters keyes would not serve the turn , they made use of Saint Pauls sword , and gathered the countrey together in arms at Machleene-Moore to oppose the expedition . So if the high court of Parliament will set up Presbytery , they must resolve to introduce an higher court then themselves , which will overtop them for eminency of authority , for extent of power , and greatnesse of priviledges , that is , a Nationall Synod . First for authority , the one being acknowledged to be but an humain convention , the other affirmed confidently to be a divine instistution . The one sitting by vertue of the Kings writ , the other by vertue of Gods writ . The one as Councellers of the Prince , the other as Ambassadours and Vicars of the sonne of God. The one as Burgesses of Corporations , the other as Commissioners of Iesus Christ. The one judging by the law of the land , the other by the holy Scriptures . The one taking care for this temporall life , the other for eternall life . Secondly for power , as Curtius saith , ubi multitudo vana religione capta est , melius vatibus suit quam ducibus paret , where the multitude is led with superstition , they do more readily obey their Prophets then their Magistrates . Have they not reason ? Pardon us O Magistrate , thou threatenst us with prison , they threaten us with hell fire . Thy sentence deprives us of civill prorection , and the benefit of the law , so doth theirs indirectly , and withall makes us strangers to the common-wealth of Israel . Thou canst out-law us , or horn us , and confiscate our estates , their keyes do the same also by consequence , and moreover deprive us of the prayers of the Church , and the comfortable use of the blessed Sacraments . Thou canst deliver us to a Pursevant , or commit us to the Black Rod , they can deliver u●… over to Sathan , and commit us to the prince of darknesse . Thirdly for priviledges , the priviledges of Parliament extend not to treason selony , or breach of peace , but they may talke treason , and act treason , in their pulpits and Synods without controlment . They may securely commit not onely petilarciny but Burglary , and force the dores of the pallace Royall . They may not onely break the peace , but convocate the Subjects in armes , yea give warrant to a particular person , to ●…onveen them by his letters missives , according to his discretion , in order to religion . Of all which we have seen instances in this discourse . The priviledges of Parliaments are the Graces and Concessions of man , and may be taken away by humane Authority , but the priviledges of Synods they say are from God , and cannot without Sactiledge be taken away by mortall man. The two Houses of Parliament can not name Commissioners to sit in the intervalles , and take care ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica , that the Common-wealth receive no prejudice ; But Synods have power to name vicars Generall , or Commissioners , to sit in the intervalles of Synods , and take order that neither King nor Parliament nor people do incroach upon the Liberties of the Church . If there be any thing to do , they are ( like the fox in Aesops fables , ) sure to be in at one end of it . CHAP. XI . That this Discipline is oppressive to particular persons . TOwards particular persons this Discipline is too full of rigour , like Dracos lawes that were written in blood . First in lesser saults , inflicting Church censures upon sl ight grounds , As for an uncomely gesture , for a vain word , for suspition of covetousnesse or pride , for superfluity in raiment , either for cost or fashion , for keeping a table above a mans calling or means , for dancing at a wedding , or of servants in the streets , for wearing a mans hair a●…la mode , for not paying of debts , for using the least recreation upon the Sabbath , though void of scandall , and consistent with the duties of the day . I wish they were acquainted with the practise of all other Protestant Countries . But if they did but see one of those kirmesses which are observed in some places , the pulpit , the consistory , the whole Kingdom would not be able to hold them . What digladiations have there been among some of their sect about starch and cuffes , &c. just like those grave debates which were sometimes among the Franciscans , about the colour and fashion of their gowns ? They do not allow men a latitude of discretion in any thing . All men , even their Superiours must be their slaves or pupils . It is true they begin their censures with admonition , And if a man will confesse himself a delinquent , be sorry for giving the Presbyters any offence , and conform himself in his hair , apparrell , diet , every thing , to what these rough hewen Catos shall prescribe , he may escape the stool of repentance , otherwise they will proceed against him for contumacy , to Excommunication . Secondly , this discipline is oppressive in greater saults . The same man is punished twice for the same crime first by the Magistrate according to the lawes of God and the land , for the offence : then by the censures of the Church for the scandall . To this agrees their Synod , Nothing forbids the same fault in the same man to be punished one way by the politicall power , another way by the Ecclesiasticall ; by that under the formality of a crime with Corporall or pecuniary punishment , by this under the formality of scandall with spirituall censures . And their book of Discipline , If the civill sword foolishly spare the life of the offender , yet may not the Kirk be negligent in their office . Thus their Liturgy in expresse termes , All crimes which by the law of God deserve death , deserve also Excommunication . Yea , though an offender abide an assise , and be absolved by the same , yet may the Church injoyn him publick satisfaction . Or if the Magistrate shall not think sit in his judgement , or cannot in conscience prosecure the party upon the Churches intimation , the Church may admonish the Magistrate publickly . And if no remedy be found , excommunicate the offender , first for his crime , and then for being suspected to have corrupted the judge . Observe first that by hook or crook they will bring all crimes whatsoever , great and small , within their Iurisdiction . Secondly , observe that a delinquents triall for his life is no sufficient satisfaction to these third Cato's . Lastly , observe that to satisfie their own humour , they care not how they blemish publickly the reputation of the Magistrate upon frivolous conjectures . Thirdly , adde to this which hath been said , the severity and extreame rigour of their Excommunication , after which sentence no person ( his wife and family onely excepted ) may have any kinde of conversation with him that is excommunicate , they may not eate with him , nor drink with him , nor buy with him , nor sell with him , they may not salute him , nor speak to him , [ except it be by the license of the Presbytery , ] His children begotten and born after that sentence , and before his reconciliation to the Church , may not be admitted to baptisme , untill they be of age to require it , or the mother or some speciall friend being a member of the Church present the childe , abhorring and damning the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the Father . Adde further that upon this sentence letters of horning ( as they use to call them in Scotland ) do follow of course , that is an out-lawing of the party , a confiscation of his goods , a putting him out of the Kings protection , so as any man may kill him , and be unpunished ; yea , the party excommunicate is not so much as cited to hear those fatall Letters granted . Had not David reason to pray , Let me fall into the hands of the Lord , not into the hands of men , for their mercies are cruell . Cruell indeed , that when a man is prosecuted for his life , perhaps justly , perhap●… unjustly , so as appearing and hanging are to him in effect the same thing ; yet if he appeare not , this pitifull Church will Excommunicate him for contumacy : Whether the offender be convict in judgement , or b●… fugitiv●… from the Law , the Church ought to proceed to the sentence of Excommunication ; as if the just and evident fear of death did not purge away contumacy . CHAP. XII . That this Discipline is hurtfull to all orders of men . LAstly , this Discipline is burthensome and disadvantagious to all orders of men . The Nobility and Gentry must expect to follow the fortune of their Prince . Vpon the abatement of Monarchy in Rome , remember what dismall controversies did presently spring up between the Patricii and Plebci . They shall be subjected to the censures of a raw heady novice , & a few ignorant Artificers ; they shall lose all their advowsons of such Benefices as have cure of soules , as they have lately found in Scotland ) for every Congregation ought to choose their own Pastour . They shall hazzard their Appropriations and Abbey-lands : A Sacrilege which their Nationall Synod cannot in conscience tolerate , longer then they have strength sufficient to overthrow it . And if they proceed as they begin , the Presbyters will in a short time either accomplish their designe , or change their soyle . They shall be bearded and maited by every ordinary Presbyter , witnesse that insolent speech of Mr. Robert Bruce to King Iames , Sir , I see your resolution is to take Huntley in favour ; if you doe , I will oppose ; You shall choose whether you will lose Huntly or me ; for us both you cannot keep . It is nothing with them for a pedant to put himselfe into the ballance with one of the prime and most powerfull Peers of the Realme . The poor Orthodox Clergy in the meane time shall be undone , their straw shall be taken from them , and the number of their bricks be doubled : They shall lose the comfortable assurance of an undoubted succession by Episcopall Ordination , and put it to a dangerous question , whether they be within the pale of the Church : They shall be reduced to ignorance , contempt , and beggery ; They shall lose an ancient Liturgy , ( warranted in the most parts of it by all , in all parts of it by the most publike formes of the Protestant Churches , whereof a short time may produce a parallel to the view of the world , ) and be enjoyned to prate and pray non-sence everlastingly . For howsoever formerly they have had a Liturgy of their owne , as all other Christian Churches have at this day ; yet now it seems they allow no prayers , but extemporary . So faith the information from Scotland , It is not lawfull for a man to tye himself , or be tyed by others , to a prescript form of words in prayer and exhortation . Parents shall lose the free disposition of their own children in marriage if the childe desire an husband or a wife , and the parent gainst and their request , and have no other cause then the common of men have , to wit lack of goods , or because the other party is not of birth high enough , upon the childes desire , the Minister is to travail with the parents , and if he finde no just cause to the contrary , may admit them to maerriage . For the work of God ought not to be hindered by the corrupt affections of worldly men . They who have stripped the father of their Countrey of his just right , may make bold with fathers of families , and will not stick to exclude all other fathers , but themselves out of the fifth commandement . The doctrine is very high , but their practise is yet much more high , The Presbyteries will compell the wronged parent to give that childe as great a portion as any of his other children . It will be ill newes to the Lawyerrs to have the moulter taken away from their Mills upon pretence of scandall , or in order to Religion , to have their sentences repealed by a Synod of Presbyters , and to receive more prohibitions from Ecclesiasticall Courts , then ever they sent thither . All Masters and mistresses of families , of what age or condition soever , must come once a year before the Presbyter , wish their housholds , to be examined personally whether they be fit to receive the Sacrament , in respect of their knowledge , and otherwise . And if they suffer their children or servants to continue in wilfull ignorance ( What if they cannot help it ? ) they must be excommunicated . It is probable , the persons catechised could often better instruct their Catechists . The common people shall have an High-Commission in every parish , and groan under the Arbitrary dec●…ees of ignorant unexperienced Governours , who know no Law but their own wills , who observe no order but what they list ; from whom lyes no appeale but to a Synod , which for the shortnesse of its continuance can afford which for the condition of the persons wil afford them little relief . If there arise a private jar between the parent and the child , or the husband and the wife , these domesticall Iudges must know it , and censure it . Scire volunt secreta do●…us , atque inde timeri . And if there have been any suit or difference between the Pastor and any of hi flock , or between Neighbour and Neighbour , be sure it will not be forgotten in the sentence . The practice of our Law hath been , that a Iudge was rarely permitted to ride a circuit in his owne countrey , least private interest or respects might make him partiall . Yet a Country is much larger then a Parish and a grave learned Iudge is presumed to have more temper then such home-bred fellowes . Thus wee see what a Pandoras box this pretended holy Discipline is , full of manifold mischiefes , and to all orders of men most pernicious . CHAP. XIII . That the Covenant to introduce this Discipline is void and wicked , with a short Conclusion . BVt yet the conscience of an Oath sticks deep . Some will plead , that they have made a Covenant with God , for the introduction of this Discipline , Oaths and Vowes ought to be made with great judgement , and broken with greater . My next task therefore must be to demonstrate this clearly , that this Covenenant is not binding , but meerly void , and not onely void but wicked ; so as it is necessary to break it , and impious to observe it . The first thing that cracks the credit of this new Covenant is , that it was devised by strangers , to the dishonour of cur Nation , imposed by Subjects , who wanted requisite power upon their Soveraign and fellow-subjects , extorted by just feare of unjust sufferings . So as a may truly say of many who took this Covenant , that they sinned in pronouncing the words with their lips , but never consented with their hearts to make any vow to God. Again , error and deceit make those things voluntary to which they are incident , especially when the errour●…s nor meerly negative by way of concealement of truth , when a man knowes not what he doth , but positive , when he beleeves he doth one thing , and doth the clean contrary , and that not about some inconsiderable accidents , but about the substantiall conditions . As if a Physitian , either out of ignorance or malice , should give his Patient a deadly poyson under the name of a cordial , and bind him by a solemn oath to take it , the Oath is void , necessary to be broken , unlawfull to be kept ; if the patient had known the truth , that it was no cordiall , that it was poyson , he would not have swom to take it . Such an errour there is in the Covenant with a witnesse , to gull men with a strange , unknown , lately devised platforme of Discipline , most pernicious to the King and Kingdom , as if it were the very institution of Christ , of high advantage to the King and Kingdom , to gull them with that Covenant which King James did sometimes take , as if that and this were all one , whereas that Covenant issued out by the Kings Authority , this Covenant without his Authority , against his Authority ; that Covenant was for the Lawes of the Realm , this is against the Lawes of the Realm ; that was to maintain the Religion established , this to overthrow the Religion established : But because I will not ground my Discourse upon any thing that is disputable , either in matter of Right , or Fact ; And in truth , because I have no need of them , I sorgive them these advantages , onely with this gentle memento , That when other forraign Churches , and the Church of Scotland it self ( as appeares by their publike Liturgy used in those dayes ) did sue for aid and assistance from the Crown and Kingdom of England , they did not go about to obtrude their owne Discipline upon them , but left them free to choose for themselves . The grounds which follow are demonstrative ; First , no man can dispose that by vow , or otherwise , either to God or man , which is the right of a third person without his consent : Neither can the●…nferiour oblige himselfe to the prejudice of his Superiour , contrary to his duty , without his Superiours allowance : God accepts no such pretences , to seem obsequious to him , out of the undoubted right of another person . Now the power of Armes , and the defence of the Lawes , and protection of the Subjects by those Armes , is by the Law of England clearly invested in the Crowne . And where the King is bound in conscience to protect , the Subject is bound in conscience to assist . Therefore every English Subject owes his Armes and his Obedience to his King , and cannot dispose them as a free gift of his owne ; nor by any act of his whatsoever diminish his Soveraignes right over him , but in those things wherein by Law he owes subjection to his Prince , he remaineth still obliged , notwithstanding any Vow or Covenant to the contrary ; especially when the subject and scope of the Covenant is against the known Lawes of the Realm . So as without all manner of doubt , no Divine or Learned Casuist in the world dissenting , This Covenant is either void in it selfe , or at least voided by his Majesties Proclamation , prohibiting the takirg of it , and nullifying its obligation . Secondly , It is confessed by all men that , that an Oath ought not to be the bond of iniquity , nor doth oblige a man to be a transgressour . The golden rule is , in malis promissis rescinde fidem , in turpi voto muta decretum , To observe a wicked engagement doubles the sinne : Nothing can be the matter of a Vow or Covenant , which is evidently unlawfull . But it is evidently unlawfull for a Subject or Subjects to alter the Lawes established by force , without the concurrence , and against the commands of the Supreme Legislator , for the introduction of a forraign Discipline . This is the very matter and subject of the Covenant . Subjects vow to God , and swear one to another , to change the Lawes of the Realm , to abolish the Discipline of the Church , and the Liturgy lawfully established , by the Sword , ( which was never committed to their hands by God or man , ) without the King , against the King , which no man can deny in earnest to be plain rebellion , And it is yet the worse , that it is to the main prejudice of a third order of the Kingdom , the taking away whose rights without their consents , without making them satisfaction , cannot be justified in point of conscience . ( Yea though it were for the greater convenience of the Kingdom , as is most falsely pretended , ) And is harder measure then the Abbots and Friers received from Henry the eight , or then either Christians or Turkes do offer to their conquered enemies . Lastly a supervenient oath or covenant either with God or man , cannot take away the obligation of a just oath precedent . But such is the Covenant , a subsequent oath , inconsistent with , and destructive to a precedent oath , that is the oath of Supremacy , which all the Church men throughout the Kingdome , all the Parliament men at their admission to the house , all persons of quality throughout England have taken . The former oath acknowledgeth the King to be the onely supreame h●…ad , ( that is civill head to see that every man do his duty in his calling , ) and Governour of the Church of England , The second oath or covenant , to set up the Presbyterian Government as it is in Scotland , denieth all this virtually , makes it a politicall papacy , acknowledgeth no governours but onely the Presbyters . The former oath gives the King the supream power over all persons in all causes , The second oath gives him a power over all persons , ( as they are subjects , ) but none at all in Ecclesiasticall causes , This they make to be sacriledge . By all whi●…h it is most apparent , that this Covenant was neither free nor deliberate , nor valide , nor lawfull , nor consistent with our former oathes , but insorced , d●…ceitfull , invalide , impious , rebellious , and contradictory to our former ingagements , and consequently obligeth no man to performance , but all men to repentance . For the greater certainty whereof I appe●…le , upon this stating of the case , to all the learned Casuists and Divines in Europe , touching the point of common right ; And that this is the true state of the case , I appeal to our adversaries themselves . No man that hath any spark of ingenuity will denie it . No English-man who hath any tolerable degree of judgement , or knowledge in the laws of his countrey , can denie it , but at the same instant his conscience must give him the lie . They who plead for this rebellion , dare not put it to a triall at law , they doe not ground their defence upon the lawes , But either upon their own groundlesse jealousies and fears , of the Kings intention to introduce Popery , to subvert the lawes , and to enslave the people . This is to run into a certain crime , for fear of an uncertain . They who intend to pick quarrels , know how to feign suspicions . Or they ground it upon the successe of their arms , or upon the Soveraigne right of the people , over all lawes and Magistrates , whose Representatives they create themselves , whilest the poor people sigh in corners , and dare not say their soul is their own , lamenting their former folly , to have contributed so much to their own undoing . Or lastly upon Religion , the cause of God , the worst plea of all the rest to make God accessary to their treasons , murthers , covetousnesse , ambition . Christ did never authorise Subjects to plant Christian Religion , much lesse their own fan●…ticall dreams , or fantasticall deviles , in the blood of their Soveraigne , and fellow subjects . Speak out , is it lawfull for Subjects to take up arms against their Prince meerly for Religion ? or is it not lawfull ? It ye say it is not lawfull , ye condemn your selves , for your Covenant testifieth to the world , that ye have taken up arms , meerly to alter Religion , and that ye bear no Allegiance to your King , but onely in order to Religion , that is in plain terms , to your own humours and conceits . If ye say it is lawfull , ye justifie the Independents in England , for supplanting your selves , ye justifie the Anabaptists in Germany , Iohn of Leyden and his c●…ue . Ye break down the banks of Order , and make way for an inundation of blood and confusion in all Countreys . Ye render your selves justly odious to all Christian Magistrates , when they see , that they owe their safety not to your good wills , but to your weaknesse , that ye want sufficient strength to cut their throats . This is fine doctrine for Europe , wherein there is scarce that King or State , which hath not Subjects of different opinions and communions in Religion . Or lastly if ye say , it is lawfull for you to plant that which ye apprehend to be true Religion by force of arms , but it is not lawfull for others to plant that which they apprehend to be true Religion by sorce , because yours is the Gospel , theirs is not . Ye beg the question , and make your selves ridiculously partiall by your overweening opinion , worse then that of the men of China , as if yee only had two eyes , and all the rest of the world were stark blind . There more hope of a fool , then of him that is wise in his own eyes . I would to God we might be so happy as to fee a Generall Councell of Christians , at least a Generall Synod of all Proteftants , and that the first Act might be to denounce an Anathema Maranatha , against all brochers and maintainers of seditious principles , to take way the scandall which lyes upon Christian Religion , and to shew that in the search of piety , we have not lost the principles of humanity . In the mean time , let all Christian Magistrates , who are principally concerned , beware how they suffer this Cockatrice egge to be hatched in their Dominions . Much more how they plead for Baal , or Baal-Berith , the Baalims of the Covenant . It were worth the inquiring , whether the marks of Antichrist do not agree as eminently to the Assembly Generall of Scotland , as either to the Pope , or to the Turk : This we see plainly , that they spring out of the ruines of the Civill Magstrate , they sit upon the Temple of God , and they advance themselves above those whom holy Scripture calleth Gods. FINIS . A REVIEW OF DOCTOR BRAMBLE , Late Bishop of LONDENDERRY , HIS FAIRE WARNING Against the Scotes Disciplin . By R. B. G. Printed at DELF , By Michiel Stael , dwelling at the Turf-Market 1649. For the right Honourable the Noble and potent Lord JOHN Earle of Cassils , Lord KENNEDY , &c. one of his MAJESTIES privie counsel , and Lord Iustice generall of Scotland . RIGHT HONORABLE . MY long experience ofyour Lordships sinceer zeale to the truth of God , and affection to the liberties of the Church and Kingdome of Scotland , against all enemies whomsoever ; hath imboldened me to offer by your Lordships hand to the view of the publick , my following answer to a very bitter enemy of that Church and Kingdome for their adhaerence to the sacred truth of God and their own just liberties . At my first sight of his Book and many dayes thereafter I had no purpose at all to medle with him : your Lordship knowes how unprovided men of my present condition must be , either with leasure , or accommodations , or a minde suitable for wryting of books . Also Doctor Bramble was so well knowne on the other side of the Sea , the justice of the Parliament of England and Scotland having unanimously condemned him to stand upon the highest pinacle of infamy , among the first of the unpardonable incendiaries , and inthe head of the most pernicious instruments of the late miseries in Britaine and Ireland : and the evident falshood of his calumnies were so clearly confuted long ago in printed answers to the infamons Authors whence he had borrowed them ; I saw lastly the mans Spirit so extreame saucy , and his pen so wespish and full of gall , that I judged him unworthy of any answer . But understanding his malions boldnes to put his Book in the hand of his Majesty , of the Prince of Orange , and al the eminent personages of this place who can reed English ; yea to send it abroad unto all the Universities of these Provinces , with very high and insinuating commendations , from the prime favourers of the Episcopall cause : hearing also the threats of that faction to put this their Excellent and unanswerable peece , both in Dutch , Frensh , and Latine ; that in the whole neighbouring World the reputation of the Scotes might thereby be wounded , killed , and buried , without hope of recovery ; I found it necessary , at the desire of diverse friends , to send this my review after it , hoping that all who shall be pleased to be at the paines of comparing the reply with the challenge , may be induced to pronounce him not only a rash , untimous , malicious , but also a very false accuser . This much justice doe I expect from every judicious and aequitable comparer of our wrytes , upon the hazard of their censure to fall upon my side . His invectives against us are chiefly for three things ; our Discipline , our Covenant , our alleadged unkindnes to our late Soveraigne . My apology for the first is that in disciplin we maintaine no considerable conclusion , but what is avowed by all the Reformed Churches , especially our Brethren of Holland and France , as by the approbatory suffrages of the Universities of Leyden , Vtrecht and others , to the theorems whereupon our adversarie doth build his chief accusations , may appeare . If our practise had aberred from the common rule , the crookednes of the one ought not to praejudge the straightnes of the other : though what our adversary alleadgeth of these aberrations is nothing , but his owne calumnious imputations : the chiefe quarrel is our rule it selfe , which all the reformed harmoniously defend with us , to bee according to Scripture ; and the Episcopall declinations , to bee beside and against the line or the word , yea Antichristian . If our Praelats had found the humour of disputing this maine cause to stir in their veines , why did they not vent it in replyes to Didoclavius and Gersome Bucerus , who for long thirty yeares have stood unanswered ? or if fresher meats had more pleased their tast , why did not their stomacks venture on Salmasius or Blondels books against Episcopacy ? If verbal debates had liked them better then wryting , why had none of them the courage to accept the conference , with that incomparably most learned of all knights now living or in any bygone age Sir Claud Somayis ; who by a person of honnour about the King , did signify his rendines to prove before his Majesty , against any one or all his praelaticall divines , that their Episcopacy had no warrant at all in the word of God , or any good reason ? But our friends are much wiser then to be at the trouble and hazard of any such exercise ; the artifices of the court are their old trade , they know better how to watch the seasons , and to distribute amongst themselves the howres of the Kings opportunities , when privatly without contradiction they may instill in his tender mind their corrupt principles , and instruct him in his cabine , how safe it is for his conscience , and how much for his honor rather to ruine himselfe , his family and all his Kingdomes with his own hands , then to desert the holy Church , that is the Bishops and their followers ; then to joine with the rebellious Covenanters , enemies to God , to his Father , to to Monarchy that the embracing of the Barbarous Irish , the pardoning of all their monstruous murders , the rewarding of their expected merits with a free liberty of Popery , and accesse to all places of the highest trust , though contrary to all the Lawes which England and Ireland has knowne this hundred yeares ; all this without and before any Parliament , must be very consistent , with conscience , honor and all good reason . Yea to bind up the soule of the most sweet and ingenuous of Princes , in their chaines of their slavery for ever , they have fallen upon a most rare trick , which hardly the inventions of all their praedecessors can pararel . They rest not satisfied , that for the upholding of their ambition and greed , they did harden our late Soveraigne to his very last in their Errours , and without compassion did dryve him on to his satal praecipice , unles they make him continue after his death to cry loud every day in the eares of his Son in his later will and testament , to follow him in that same way of ruine ; rather then to give over to serve the lu●…ts of the praelaticall clergy . They have gathered together his Majesties last papers , and out of them have made a book , whereupon their best pens have dropped the greatest eloqution , reason and devotion was among them ; by way of essayes ; as it were to frame the heart of the Son by the fingers of the dying Father to piety , wisedome , patience , and every virtue , but ever & anone to let fall so much of their own ungracious dew , as may irrigat the seeds of their praelaticall Errors and Church interest ; so farre as to charge him to perseveer in the maintainance of Episcopall governement upon all hazards , without the change of any thing except a little p. 278. and to assure that all Covenanters are of a faction engaged into a Religious rebellion , who may never be trusted till they have repented of their Covenant ; and that till then never lesse loyalty justice or humanity may be expected from any , then from them ; that if hee stand in need of them hee is undone , for they will devoure him as the Serpent does the dove . These and the like pernicious maximes framed by an Episcopall hand , of purpose to separat for ever the King from all his covenanted subjects , how farr they were from the heart , language and wrytings of our late Soveraigne , all who were aquainted with his carriage and most intime affections at New-Castle , in the Isle of Wight and thereafter , can testify , But it is reason when the Praelats doe frame an image of a King that they should have liberty to place their owne image in its forheade , as the statuary of old did his , in the Boss of Pallas targe , with such arti●…ice that all her worshipers were necessitat to worship him and that no hand was able to destroy the one without the dissolution and breaking in peeces of the other ; yet our Praelats would know , that in this age there be many excellent Engyneers , whose witty practicks transcend the most skilfull experiments of our Auncestors : and what ever may be the ignorance or weaknes of men , wee trust the breath of our Lords mouth will not faile to blow out the Bishop from the Kings armes , without any detriment at all to royalty , Allwayes the wicked and impious cunning of these craftsemen is much to be blamed who dare be bold to insert and engrave themselfes so deeply in the images of the Gods as the one cannot be intended to be picked out of the other more then the Aple from the eye , unles the subsistance of both be put in hazard . The other matter of his rayling against us is the solemne league and covenant ; when this nimble and quick enough Doctor comes assisted with all the reasons the whole University of Oxford can afford him , to demonstrat it as he professes in his last Chapter , to be wicked , false , void , and what not ; wee find his most demonstrative proofes to be so poor and silly that they infere nothing of his conclusion . To this day no man has shewed any errour in the mater of that covenant ; as for our framing and taking of it , our adversaries drave us thereunto , with a great deale of necessity ; and now being in it , neither their fraud nor force may bring us from it againe , for we feare the oath of God. After much deliberation we found that covenant the soveraigne meanes to joyne and keep together the whole orthodox party in the three Kingdomes , for the defence of their Religion and Liberties which a popish , praelaticall and malignant faction with all their might were overtarning who still to this day are going on in the same designe , without any visible change , in the most of their former principles . And why should any who loves the King hate this covenant , which is the straytestty the world can devise , to knit all to him and his posterity , if so be his Majestie might be pleased to enter therein ; but by all meanes such a mischiefe must be averted , for so the roote of Episcopacy would quickly wither without any hope of repullulation ; an evill farr greater in the thoughts of them who now mannage the conscience of the Court thē the extirpation of Monarchy the eversion of all the three Kingdomes or any other earthly misery . As for the third subject of the Warners fury against us , our unkindnes to the late King , if any truth were in this false challenge , no other creature on earth could be supposed the true cause thereof , but our unhappy praelats : all our grievances both of Church and State , first and last , came principally from them : had they never been authors of any more mischiefe , then what they occasioned to our late Soveraigne , his person , family and Dominions this last dozn of yeares , there is abundant reason of burying that their praeter and Antiscripturall order in the grave of perpetuall infamy . But the truth is , beside more auncient quarrels , since the dayes of our fathers the Albigenses , this limb of Antichrist has ever been witnessed against ; Wickleif , Huss , and their followers were zealous in this charge , till Luther and his disciples got it flung out of all the reformed world , except England ; where the violence of the ill advised princes did keep it up for the perpetuall trouble of that land , till now at last it hath well neare kicked downe to the ground there , both Church and Kingdome . As for the point in hand we deny all unkindnes to our King whereof any reasonable complaint can be framed against us . Our first contests stand justified this day by King and Parliament in both Kingdomes . When his Majestie was so ill advised as to bring downe upon our borders an English army for to punish our refusing of a world of novations in our Religion contrary to the lawes of God and of our country , what could our land doe lesse then lie downe in their armes upon Dunce law for their just and necessary defence ? when it was in their power with ease to haue dissipat the opposit army , they shew themselves most ready upon very easy conditions to goe home in peace , and gladly would have rested there , had not the furious Bishops moved his Majestie without all provocation , to breake that first peace and make for a second invasion of Scotland , only to second their unreasonable rage : was it not then necessary for the Scots to arme againe ? when they had defeate the Episcopall Army and taken New-castle though they found nothing considerable to stand in their way to London , yet they were content to lie still in Northumberland , and upon very meane tearnes to returne the second time in peace . For all this the praelats could not give it over , but raised a new Army and filled England with fire and sword , yea well neere subdued the Parliament and their followers and did almost accomplish their first designes upon the whole Isle . The Scots then with most earnest and pitifull entreaties were called upon by their Brethren of England for helpe , where unwilling that their brethren should perish in their sight and a bridge should be made over their carcasses for a third warre upon Scotland , when after long tryall they had found all their intercessions with the King for a moderat and reasonable accommodation slighted and rejected they suffered themselves to be perswaded to enter in covenant with their oppressed and fainting brethren , for the mantainance of the common cause of Religion and liberty , but with expresse Articles for the preservation of royalty in all its just rights in his Majestie and his posterity ; what unkindnes was heer in the Scots to their King ? When by Gods blessing on the Scotes helpe the opposit faction was fully subdued , his Majestie left Oxford with a purpose for London , but by the severity of the ordinances against his receivers , he diverted towards Linn , to ship for Holland or France ; where by the way fearing a discovery and surprise , he was necessitate to cast himselfe upon the Scotes army at New-wark ; upon his promise to give satisfaction to the propositions of both Kingdomes , he was received there and to New-castle : here his old oathes to adhaere unto Episcopacy hindred him to give the expected satisfaction . At that time the prime leaders of the English army were seeking with all earnestnes occasion to fall upon the Scots , much out of heart and reputation by Iames Grahame and his Irishes incursions , most unhappy for the Kings affaires : Scotland at that time was so full of divisions that if the King had gone thither they were in an evident hazard of a present war both within among themselfes , and without from England : our friends in the English Parliament whom we did , and had reason to trust , assured us that our taking the King with us to Scotland , was the keeping of the Sectarian Army on foot , for the wracke of the King , of Scorland , of the Presbyterian party in England ; as the sending of his Majestie to one of his houses neer London , , upon the faith of the Parliament of England , was the only way to get the Sectaryes disarmed , the King and the people settled in a peace , upon such tearmes as should be satisfactory both to the King and the Scots and all the wel-affected in England . This being the true case was it any , either unjustice , unkindnes or imprudence in the Scots to leave the King with his Parliament of England ? was this a selling of him to his enemies ? the monyes the Scots received at their departure out of England had no relation at all to the King , they were scarce the sixth parte of the arreares due to them for bygon service ; they were but the one halfe of the sume capitulat for , not only without any reference to the King , but by an act of the English Parliament excluding expresly from that Treaty of the armies departure all consideration of the disposall of the Kings person . The unexpected evills that followed in the Armies rebellion , in their seasing on London , destroying the Parliament , murthering the King , no mortall eye could have forseen . The Scots were ever ready to the utmost of their power to have prevented all these mischiefes with the hazard of what was dearest to them ; notwithstanding of all the hard measure they had often received both from the King and the most of their friends in England . That they did not in time and unanimously stur to purpose for these ends they are to answer it to God , who were the true Authors ; the innocency of the Church is cleered in the following treatise . Among the many causes of these miseries the prime fountaine was the venome of Episcopall principles which some serpents constantly did infuse by their speaches and letters in the eares and heart of the King to keep him of from giving that satisfaction to his good subjects which they found most necessary and due ; the very same cause which ties up this day the hands of covenanters from redressing ali present misorders could they have the King to joyne with them in their covenant , to quit his unhappy Bishops , to lay aside his formall and dead Liturgie , to cast himselfe upon the counsels of his Parliaments it were easy to prophecie what quickly would become of all his enemies : but so long as Episcopall and malignant agents compasseth him about ( though all that comes neer may see him as lovely hopfull , and promising a prince for all naturall endowments as this day breaths in Europe or for a long time has swayed a Scepter in Britaine ) yet while such unlucky birds nest in his Cabin and men so ungraciously principled doe daily besiege him , what can his good people doe but sit downe with mournfull eyes and bleeding hear●…s , till the Lord amend these otherwise remediles and insuperable evills ? but I hold heer least I transgresse to farr the bounds of an Epistle ? I account it an advantage to have your Lordship my judge in what heere and in my following treatise , I spake of Religion , the liberties of our country and the Royall Family : I know non fitter then your Lordship , both to discerne and decerne in all these matters . Me thinks I may say it without flattery ( which I never much loved either in my selfe or others ) that among all our Nobles for constancy in a zealous profession , for exemplary practise in publick and privat duties ; the mercy of God has given to your Lordship a reputation second to none . And for a rigid adhaerence to the Rights and Priviledges of your Country , according to that auncient disposition of your most Noble Family , noted in our Historians , especially that Prince of them Georg Buchanan , the Tutor of your Grand-Father , I know none in our Land who wil pretend to goe before you , and for the affairs of the King , your interest of blood in the Royall Family is so well known , that it would be a strange impudency in me , if in your audience I durst be bold wittingly to give sinistrous information . Praying to God that what in the candid ingenuity & true zeale of my spirit , I present under your Lordships patrociny unto the eye of the World , for the vindication of my mother Church and Country , from the Sicophantick accusations of a Stigmatised incendiary may produce the intended effects , Hague this 28 May 7 Iunie . 1649. I rest your Lordships in all Christian duety , R. B. G. CHAP. I. The proelaticall faction continue resolute , that the King and all his people shall perish , rather then the praelats , be not restored to their former places of power , for to set up Popery , Profanity , and Tirranny , in all the three Kingdomes . WHile the Comissioners of the Church and Kingdome of Scotland , were on their way to make their first addresses to his Majestie , for to condole his most lamentable afflictions , and to make offer of their best affections and services for his comfort , in this time of his great distresse ; it was the wisedome and charity of the praelaticall party , to send out Doctor Bramble , to meet them with his Faire Warning . For what else ? but to discourage them in the very entry from tendering their propositions , and before ever they were heard , to stop his Majesties eares with grievous praejudice , against all that possibly they could speake ; though the world sees that the only apparent fountaine of hope upon earth , for recovery of the wofully confounded affaires of the King , is in the hands of that Antipraelaticall nation : but it is the hope of these who love the welfaire of the King and his people , of the Churches and Kingdomes of Britain , that the hand of God , which hath broken all the former devices of the Praelats , shall crush this their engine also . Our warner undertaketh to oppugne the Scotes discipline in a way of his owne , none of the most rational . He does not so much as pretend to state a question , nor in his whole book to bring against any maine position of his opposites , either Scripture , father or reason , nor so much as assay to answer any one of their arguments against Episcopacy ; onely hee culs out some of their by-tenets , belonging little or nothing to the maine questions , and from them takes occasion to gather together in a heape all the calumnies which of old , or of late their knowne enemies out of the forge of their malice and fraud , did obtrude on the credulity of simple people : also some detorted passages from the bookes of their friends , to bring the way of that Church in detestation without any just reason . These practises in our warner , are the less pardonable , that though he knowes the chiefe of his allegations , to bee but borrowed from his late much beloved Comerads Master Corbet in his Lysimachus Nicanor , and Master Maxewell in his Issachars Burden , yet he was neither deterred by the strange punishments , which God from heaven inflicted visibly on both these calumniatores of their mother Church , nor was pleased in his repeating of their calumnious arguments , to releeve any of them from the exceptions under the which they stand publickly confuted , I suppose to his own distinct knowledge , I know certainly , to the open view ofthousands in Scotland , England and Ireland ; but it makes for the warners designe to dissemble here in Holland , that ever he heard of such books as Lysimachus Nicanor , and Issachars Burden , much lesse of Master Baylies answer to both , printed some yeares agoe at London , Edinburgh and Amsterdam , without a rejoinder from any of that faction to this day . How everlet our warner be heard . In the very first page of his first chapter , wee may tast the sweetnes of his meek Spirit : at the verie entrie , he concludeth but without any pretence to an argument there or else where , the discipline of the Church of Scotland to be their owne invention , whereon they dote , the Diana , which themselves have canonized , their own dreams , the counterfeyt image which they faine hath fallen down from Iupiter , which they so much adore , the very quintessence of refined popery , not only most injurious to the civill Magistrat , most oppressive to the subject , most pernicious to both ; but also inconsistent with all formes of civill governement , destructive to all sorts of Policy , a rack to the conscience , the heaviest pressure that can fall on a people . So much truth and sobernes doth the warner breath out in his very first page . Though he had no regard at all to the cleare passages of Holy Scripture , whereupon the Scotes doe build their Anti-Episcopall tenets ; nor any reverence to the harmony of the reformed Churches , which unanimously joyne with the Scotes in the maine of their discipline , especially in that which the Doctor hates most therein , the rejection of Episcopacy : yet me thinks some little respect might have appeared in the man to the authority of the Magistrat , and civil Lawes , which are much more ingeminated by this worthy divine over all his book , then the holy Scriptures . Can hee so soon forget that the whole discipline of the Church of Scotland , as it is there taught and practised , is established by acts of Parliament , and hath all the strength which the King and State can give to a civil Law ? the warner may wel be grieved , but hardly can he be ignorant , that the Kings Majestie this day does not at all question the justice of these sanctions : what ever therefore be the Doctors thoughts , yet so long as hee pretends to keep upon his face the maske of loyalty , he must be content to eat his former words , yea , to burne his whole book : otherwise hee layes , against his own professions , a slander upon the King , and His Royal Father , of great ignorance , or huge unjustice , the one having established , the other offring to establish by their civill lawes , a Church discipline for the whole nation of Scotland , which truly is the quintessence of Popery , pernicious and destructive to all formes of civill governement , and the heaviest pressure that can fall on a people . All the cause of this choler which the warner is pleased to speake out , is the attempt of the Scotes , to obtrude their discipline upon the King , contrary to the dictats of his own conscience , and to compell forraigne Churches to embrace the same . Ans. Is it not presumption in our warner , so soone to tell the world in print what are the dictats of the Kings conscience , as yet he is not his Majesties confessor , and if the Clerk of the Closet had whispered some what in his ear●… , what he heard in secret , hee ought not to have proclaimed it without a warrant ; but we doe altogether mistrust his reports of the Kings conscience : for who will beleeve him , that a knowing and a just King will ever be content , to command and impose on a whole Nation by his Lawes , a discipline contrary to the dictats of his owne conscience . This great stumble up on the Kings conscience in the first page , must be an ominous cespitation on the threshold . The other imputation had no just ground : the Scotes did never medle , to impose any thing upon forraigne Churches , there is question of none , but the English ; and the Scotes were never so presumptuous , as to impose any thing of theirs upon that Church . It was the assembly of divines at Westminster , convocat by the King and Parliament of England , which after long deliberation , and much debate , upanimously concluded the Presbiterian discipline in all the parts thereof , to be agreable to the word of God : it was the two Houses of the Parliament of England without a contrary voice , who did ordaine the abolition of Episcopacy , and the setting up of Presbyteryes and Synods in England and Ireland . Can heere the Scotes be said to compell the English to dance after their pype , when their own assembly of divines begins the song , when the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England concurre without a discording opinion , when the King himselfe for perfecting the harmony offers , to adde his voice for three whole yeares together ? In the remainder of the chapter the warner layes upon the Scotes three other crimes : first , That they count it Erastianisme to put the governement of the Church in the hand of the Magistrat . Answ. The Doctors knowledge is greater then to bee ignorant , that all these goe under the name of Erastians , who walking in Erastus ways of flattering the Magistrat , to the prejudice of the just rights of the Church , run yet out much beyond Erastus personall tenets ; I doubt if that man went so far as the Doctor heere and else where , to make all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , but a part of the Magistrats civill power , which for its execution , the supreame Governours of any state may derive out of the fountaine of their supremacy to what ever hands civill or Ecclesiastick themselfes think fit to commit it . Let the Doctor adde to this much knowledge , but a little ingenuity , and he shall confes that his Brethren the Later Bishops , who claime Episcopacy by divine right , are all as much against this Erastian Caesaro-papisme , as any Presbiterian in Scotland . The elder Bishops indeed of England and all the Lawes there for Episcopacy seeme to be point blank according to the Erastian errours : for they make the crowne and royall supremacy the originall , root and fountaine whence all the discipline of the Church doth flow : as before the days of Henry the eight it did out of the Popes head-ship of the Church under Christ. How ever let the Doctor ingenuously speake out his sence , and I am deceived , if he shall not acknowledge , that how grosse an Erastian so ever himselfe and the elder Bishops of England might have been , yet that long agoe , the most of his praelatical friends have become as much opposit to Erastianisme , as the most rigid of the Presbiterians . The other crime he layes to the charge of the Scotes is , that they admit no latitude in Religion , but will have every opinion afundamentall article of faith , and are averse from the reconciliation of the Protestant Churches : Ans. If the warner had found it seasonable to vent a little more of his true sence in this point , he had charged this great crime far more home upon the heade of the Scotes : for indeed though they were ever far from denying the true degrees of importance which doe cleerly appeare among the multitude of Christian truthes , yet the great quarrell heer of the warner and his freinds against them , is that they spoiled the Canterburian designe of reconcealing the Protestant Churches not among themselfes , but with the Church of Rome . When these good men were with all earnestnes proclaming the greatest controversies of Papists and Protestants , to be upon no fundamentalls but only disputable opinions , wherein beleefe on either side was safe enough , and when they found that the Papists did stand punctually to the Tenets of the Church of Rome , and were obstinately unwilling to come over to England , their great labour was that the English and the rest of the Protestants , casting aside their needlesse beleefe of problematick truths , in piety , charity and zeale , to make up the breach and take away the shisme , should be at all the paines to make the journey to Rome . While this designe is far advanced and furiously driven on in all the three Kingdomes , and by none more in Yreland then the Bishop of Derry , behold the rude and plaine blewcapes step in to the play and marre all the game : by no arte , by no terrour can these be gotten alongs to such a reconciliation . This was the first and greatest crime of the Scotes , which the Doctor here glances at , but is so wyse and modest a man as not to bring it above board . The last charge of the Chapter is , that the Scotes keep not still that respect to the Bishops of England , which they were wont of old in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths reigne . Ans. In that letter cited by the warner from the generall assembly of Scotland . 1566. Sess. 3. there is no word of approbation to the office of Episcopacy : they speake to the Bishops of England in no other quality or relation , but as Ministers of the word , the highest stile they give them is , reverend Pastors and Brethren ; the tenour of the whole Epistle is a grave and brotherly admonition to beware of that fatall concomitant of the most moderat Episcopacy , the troubling of the best and most zealous servants of Christ for idle & fruitles Ceremonies . How great a reverence the Church of Scotland at that time carried to praelacy , may be seen in their supplication to the secret counsell of Scotland , in that same assembly the very day and Session wherein they write the letter in hand to the Bishops of England . The Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews being then usurping jurisdiction over the ministry by some warrant from the state , the Assembly was grieved , not only with the popery of that Bishop ; but with his auncient jurisdiction , which in all Bishops , Popish and protestant , is one and the same : That jurisdiction was the only matter of their present complaint ; and in relation thereto they assure the counsel in distinct tearmes , that they would never be more subject unto that usurped tiranny the they would be to the devill himselfe : So reverend an opinion had the Church of Scotland at that time of Episcopall jurisdiction . But suppone that some fourscore yeares agoe , the Scotes before they had tasted the fruits of Protestant Bishops , had judged them tolerable in England , yet since that time by the long tract of mischiefes , which constantly has accompanied the order of praelacy , they have been put upon a more accurat inspection of its nature , and have found it not only a needles , but a noxious and poysonous weed , necessare to be plucked up by the root , and cast over the hedge . Beside al its former malefices , it hath been deprehēded of late in the very act of everting the foundations , both of Religion and governement , of bringing in Popery and Tiranny , in the Churches and States of all the three Kingdomes , ( Canterburian self conviction cap. 1. ) And for these crimes , it was condemned , killed , and buried in Scotland , by the unanimous consent of King , Church and Kingdom : when England thereafter both in their Assembly and Parliament , without a discording voice had found it necessary , to root out that unhappy plant , as long agoe with great wisedome , it had been cast out of all the rest of the reformed Churches , had not the Scotes all the reason in the World , to applaud such pious just and necessary resolutions of their English Brethren , though the warner should call it the greatest crime ? CHAP. II. The Presbiterians assert positively , the Magistrats right to convocat Synods , to confirme their acts , to reforme the Churches within their dominions . IN the second Chapter the warner charges the Scotes presbytery , with the overthrowing the Magistrats right in convocating of Synods . When he comes to prove this , he forgets his challenge : and digresses from it to the Magistrates power of choysing elders and making Ecclesiastick lawes , avowing that these things are done in Scotland by Ecclesiastick persons alone , without consent of the king or his counsel . Ans. It seemes our Warner is very ignorant of the way ofthe of the Scotes discipline , the ordinary and set meetings of all assemblies both nationall and provincionall since the first reformation are determined by acts of Parliament , with the Kings consent , so betwixt the King and the Church of Scotland , there is no question for the convocating of ordinary assemblies , for extraordinary , no man in Scotland did ever controvert the Kings power to call them when and where he pleased : as for the inhaerent power of the Church to meet for discipline , alswell as for worship , the Warner fals on it heereafter , we must therefore passe it in this place . What hee meanes to speake of the Kings power in choysing elders or making Ecclesiastick Lawes , himselfe knowes : his Majestie in Scotland did never require any such priviledge , as the election of elders , or Commissioners to Parliament , or members of any incorporation , civill or Ecclesiastick , where the Lawes did not expresly provide the nomination to be in the crowne . The making of Ecclesiastick Lawes in England , alswell as in Scotland , was ever with the Kings good contentment , referred to Ecclesiastick assemblies : but the Warner seemes to be in the mind of these his companions , who put the power of preaching , of administring the Sacraments and discipline in the supreame Magistrat alone , and derives it out of him as the head of the Church to what members he thinks expedient to communicat it : also that the legislative power alswell in Ecclesiastick as civill affairs , is the property of the King alone . That the Parliaments and generall assemblies are but his arbitrary counsels , the one for matters of the state , the other for matters of the Church , with whom or without whom hee makes acts of Parliament and Church cannons , according to his good pleasure , that all the offices of the Kingdome , both of Church and State are from him , as he gives a Commission to whom he will to be a sheriffe or justice of peace , so he sends out whom he pleaseth to preach & celebrate Sacraments by virtue of his regal mission . The Warner and his Erastian friends may well extend the royall supremacy to this largenes , but no King of Scotland was ever willing to accept of such a power though by erroneous flaterers , sometimes obtruded upon him , ( see Canterburian self conviction . cap. ult . ) The Warner will not leave this matter in generall , he discends to instance a number of particular incroatchments of the Scots Presbiters upon the royall authority : wee must dispence in all his discourse with a small peckadillo in reasoning , hee must bee permitted to lay all the faults of the Presbiterians in Scotland upon the back of the Presbitery it selfe , as if the faylings of officers were naturall to , and inseparable from their office : mis-kenning this little more of unconsequentiall argumenting , we will goe through his particular charges , the first is , that King James anno 1579 , required the generall assembly , to make no alteration in the Church-Policy , till the next Parliament , but they contemning their Kings command , determined positively all their discipline without delay , and questioned the Arch-Bischop of Sainct Andrews for voting in Parliament according to the undoubted Lawes of the Land , yea twenty Presbiters did hold the generall assembly at Aberdeen after it was discharged by the King. Ans. The Warner possibly may know , yet certainly he doth not care what he writes in these things to which hee is a meere stranger : the authentick registers of the Church of Scotland convinces him heire of falshood . His Majestie did write from Stirling to the generall assembly at Edinburgh 1579 , that they should ceasse from concluding any thing in the discipline of the Church , during the time of his minority ; upon this desire the assembly did abstaine from all conclusions , only they named a committee to goe to Striveling for conference which his Majestie upon that subject . What followeth thereupon ? I. Immediatly a Parliament is called in October 1579 , and in the first act declares and grantes jurisdiction unto the Kirk , whilk consistes in the true preaching of the word of Jesus Christ , correction of maners , and administration of the true Sacraments , and declares that there is no other face of Kirk , nor other face of Religion then is presently by the favour of God established within this realme , and that there be no other jurisdiction Ecclesiastical acknowledged within this realme then that whilk is , and shal be within the samen Kirk , or that which flowes therfra , concerning the premisses . II. In Aprile 1580. Proclamation was made ex deliberatione Dominorum Consilii in name of the King , charging all Superintendentes and Commissioners and Ministers serving at Kirkes . To note the names of all the subjectes alsweel men as women suspected to be Papistes or — and to admonish them — to give Confession of their faith according to the Forme approved by the Parliament , and to submitte unto the discipline of the true Kirk within a reasonable space — : and if they faile — that the Superintendents or Commissioners presente a role or catalogue of their names unto the King and Lords of Secret Counsell whereby they shal be for the time , between and the 15 day of Iulie nixt to come , to the end that the actes of Parliament made against such persones may be execute . III. The shorte Confession wes drawen up at the Kings command , which was first subscrived by his royall hand , and an act of Secret Counsell commanding all subjectes to subscrive the same ; as is to be seen by the Act printed with the Confession , wherein Hierarchie is abjured , that is ( as hath been since declared by Nationall assemblies and Parliamentes both called and held by the King ) episcopacie is abjured . IV. In the assemblies 1580 and 1581 that Confession of faith and the second book of discipline ( after debating many praeceding years ) were approved ( except one chapter de diaconatu ) by the Assemblie , the Kings Commissioner being alwayes presente , not finde we any thing opposed then by him : yea then at his Majesties speciall direction about fifty classical Presbyteries were set up over all Scotland which remaine unto this day , Was there heer any contempt of the royall authority ? About that time some noble men had gote the revenues of the Bisshop-rickes for their private use ; and because they could not enjoy them by any legal right , therefore for eluding the Law , they did effectuate that some Ministers should have the title of this or that Bishopricke ; and the revenues were gathered in the name of this titulare or tulchan Bishop , albeit hee had but little part : e. g. Robert Montgomerie Minister at Sterline was called Arch-Bishop of Glasgow : and so it can bee instanced in other Bishop-rickes and abbacies . Now this kind of praelats pretended no right to any part of the Episcopall office , either in ordination or jurisdiction : when some of these men began to creep in to vote for the Church in Parliament , without any Law of the State , without any commission from the Church , the generall assembly discharged them , being Ministers , to practise any more such illegall insolencies , with this ordinance of the Church , after a little debate , King James at that time did shew his good satisfaction . But the Warner heere jumps over nolesse then twenty seven years time from the assembly at Edinburgh 1579 , to that at Aberdeen 1605 , then was King James by the English Bishops perswasion resolved to put down the generall assemblies of Scotland , contrary to the Lawes and constant practise of that Church , from the first reformation to that day . The act of Parliament did bear that once at least a yeare the assembly should meet , and after their busines was ended they should name time & place for the next assembly . When they had met in the yeare 1602 , they were moved to adjourne without doing any thing for two whole yeares to 1604 , when then they were conveened at the time and place agreed to by his Majestie , they were content upon his Majesties desire without doing any thing againe to adjourne to the nixt yeare 1605 , at Aberdeen , when that dyet came his Majesties Commissioner offered them a Letter : To the end they might be an Assembly and so in a Capacity to receave his Majesties Letter , with the Commissioners good pleasure they sate downe , they named their Moderator and Clark they received and read the Kings letter commanding them to rise , which they obeyed without any farther action at all but naming a dyet for the nixt meeting according to the Lawes and constant practise of Scotland , hereupon by the pernicious counsel of Arch-Bishop Banckroft at London , the King was stirred up to bring sore trouble upon a number of gracious Ministers . This is the whole matter which to the Warner heir is so tragick an insolence , that never any Parliament durst attempt the like . See more of this in the Historicall vindication . The nixt instance of our Presbiteryes usurpation upon the Magistrat is their abolition , ( before any statute of Parliament thereupon ) of the Church festivals in their first book of discipline . Ans. Consider the grievousnesse of this crime , in the intervall of Parliaments , the great counsel of Scotland in the minority of the Prince entrusted by Parliament to rule the Kingdome , did charge the Church to give them in wryte their judgement about matters Ecclesiasticall : in obedience to this charge the Church did present the counsel with a wryte named since the first book of disciplin : which the Lords of counsel did approve , subscribe and ratify by an Act of State : a part of the first head in that wryte was that Christmas , Epiphany , purification , and other fond feasts of the virgin Mary , as not warranted by the holy Scriptures , should bee laid aside . Was it any encroachment upon the Magistrate for the Church to give this advice to the privy counsell when earnestly they did crave it ? the people of Scotland ever since have shewed their ready obedience to that direction of the Church founded upon Scripture , and backed from the beginning with an injunction of the state . His third instance of the Church of Scotlands usurpation upon the Magistrat is , their abolition of Episcopacy in the assembly 1580 , when the Law made it treason to impugne the authority of Bishops , being the third estate of the Kingdome . Ans. The Warner seemes to have no more knowledge of the affairs of Scotland , then of Japan or Utopia , the Law hee speakes of was not in being some yeares after 1580 , how ever all the generall assemblyes of Scotland are authorised by act of Parliament , to determine finally without an appeale in all Ecclesiastick affaires : in the named assembly Lundie the Kings Commissioner did sit and consent in his Majesties name to that act of abolition , as in the nixt assembly 1581 , the Kings Comissioner Caprinton did erect in his Majesties name the Presbiteryes in all the Land ; it is true , three yeares thereafter a wicked Courtier Captaine James Stuart , in a shadow of a closse and not summoned Parliament , did procure an act to abolish Presbiteries and erect Bishops , but for this and all the rest of his crimes that evill man was quickly rewarded by God before the world , in a terrible destruction : these acts of his Parliament the very nixt yeare were disclaimed by the King , the Bishops were put downe , and the Presbitry was set up again , and never more removed to this day . The Warners digression to the perpetuity of Bishops in Scotland , to the acts of the Church and State for their restitution , is but to shew his ignorance in the Scotes story : what ever be the Episcopall boastings of other Nations , yet it is evident that from the first entrance of Christian Religion into Scotland , Presbiters alone without Bishops for some hundred yeares did governe that Church : and after the reformation their was no Bishop in that Land , but in tittle and benefice till the yeare 1610 ; when Bancroft did consecrat three Scotes Ministers , all of them men of evill report , whom that violent Commissioner the Earle of Dunbar in the corrupt and null assembly of Glasgow , got authorised in some pairt of a Bishops office ; which part only and no more was ratified in a posterior Parliament . Superintendents are no where the same with Bishops much lesse in Scotland where for a time only till the Churches were planted , they were used as ambulatory Commissioners , and visitors to preach the word , and administer the Sacraments for the supply of vacant and unsetled congregations . The fourth instance is the Churches obtruding the second book of discipline , without the ratification of the State. Ans. For the Ecclesiastick enjoining of a generall assemblyes decrees a particular ratification of Parliament is unnecessary ; generall acts of Parliament commanding obedience to the acts of the Church , are a sufficient warrant from the State , beside , that second book of disciplin was much debated with the King , and at last in the generall assembly 1590 , his consent was obtained unto it : for in that assembly where unanimously the subscription of the second book of disciplin by all the ministers of the Kingdome was decried , his Majestie some time in person and alwayes by the chancelor his Commissioner was present , and in the act for subscription Sess. 10. Augusti 8. it is expresly said that not only all the Ministers but also all the Commissioners praesent did consent , among which Commissioners the chancelor , his Majesties Commissioner was chief . But neither the King nor the Church could get it to passe the Parliament in regaird of the opposition , which some States-men did make unto these parts thereof , which touched on their owne interest of unjust advantage , this was the only stick . The next instance of the Churches encroachement is their usurpation of all the old rents of the clergy , as the Churches patrimony , and their decerning in anassembly that nothing in the nixt Parliament should passe before the Church were fully restored to her rents . Ans. Consider heere the Warners hypocrisie and unjustice , he challenges the Presbiterians for that which no praelate in the world did ever esteem a fault , a meer declaration of their judgement that the Church had a just right to such rents , as by law and long possession were theirs , and not taken away from them by any lawfull meanes . What if heere they had gone on with the most of the praelaticall party to advance that right to a jus divinum ? what if they had put themselves by a command from Court , into the possession of that right , without a processe , as diverse of the Warners friends were begun lately to doe in all the three Kingdomes ? but all that he can here challenge the Scotes for , is a meere declaration of their simple right , with a supplication to the Regent his grace , that hee would indeavour in the nixt Parliament , to procure a ninth part of the Churches patrimony , for the mantainance of the ministry , and the poore of the country : for all the rent that the Churches then could obtaine or did petition , was but a third of the thirds of the benefices or tithes . That ever any assembly in Scotland did make any other addresse to the Parliament for stipends then by way of humble supplication , it is a great untruth . The last instance is , the erecting of Presbyteries through al the Kingdome , by an act of the Church alone . Ans. I have showne already the untruth of this alleadgeance ; the proofe heere brought for it , is grounded only upon an ambiguous word which the Warners ignorance in the Scotish disciplin and Presbitery ( though the maine subject of his booke ) permits him not to understand . The Presbyteries were set up by the King after the assembly 1580 , but the second booke of discipline of which alone the citation speaks , how ever enjoind by many assemblies , yet it could never be gotten ratified in any Parliament , only because of these parts of it which did speake for the patrimony of the Church , and oppugne the right of patronages . How well the Warner hath proven the Presbiterian practises to be injurious to the Magistrate we have considered , possibly he will bee more happy in his nixt undertaking , in his demonstrations that their doctrinall principles doe trample on the Magistrats supremacy and Lawes ; their first principle hee takes out of the second book of disciplin . Cap. 7. That no Magistrat nor any but Ecclesiastick persons may vote in Synods . Ans. Though I find nothing of this in the place cited , yet there is nothing in it that crosseth either the Laws or the Kings supremacy : for according to the acts of Parliament of Scotland both old and late and the constant practise of that Church , the only members of Presbyteries are Ministers and ruling elders . Is it the Warners minde to vent here his super-Erastianisme , that all Ecclesiastick assemblies Classicall , Provinciall , nationall are but the arbitrary Courts of the Magistrat for to advise him in the execution of his inhaerent power about matters Ecclesiasticall ; and for this cause , that it is in his arbitrement to give a decisive voyce in all Church assemblies , to whom and how many so ever hee will ? Though this may bee the Warners minde , as it hath been some of his friends , yet the most of the praelaticall party will not mantaine him heerein . How ever , such principles are contrary to the Lawes of Scotland , to the professions also and practises of all the Princes and Magistrats that ever have lived there . But the Warner heere may possibily glaunce at another principle of his good friends , who have been willing lately to vent before al Britaine in print their Elevating the supremacy of Soveraignes so far above Lawes , that what ever people have obtained to bee established by never so many assemblies and Parliaments and confirmed with never so many great seales of ratification , and peaceably injoyed by never so long a possession , yet it is nothing but commendable wisedome and justice for the same Prince who made the first concessions or any of his successors when ever they find themselfes strong enough , to cancell all and make void what ever Parliaments , Assemblies , royall ratifications , and the longest possession made foolish people beleeve to be most firme and unquestionable . To this purpose Bishop Maxwel ( from whom much of this warning is borrowed ) doth speak in his Sacro-Sancta regum Majestas . Though this had been the Cabine divinity of our praelats , yet what can be their intentions in speaking of it out in these times of confusion , themselves must declare : for the cleare consequente of such doctrine seemes to be a necessity either of such Warners perpetuall banishment from the Courts and eares of Soveraignes , or else that subjects be kept up for ever in a strong jealousy , and feare that they can never be secure of their liberties , though never so well ratified by Lawes and promises of Princes any longer then the sword and power remaines in their owne hand to preserve what they have obtained . Such Warners so long as they are possessed with such maximes of state , are cleare everters of the first fundations of trust betwixt Soveraignes and subjects , they take away all possibility of any solid peace of any confident setlement in any troubled state , before both parties be totally ruined or one become so strong that they need no more to feare the others malcontentment in any time to come . Our second challenged principle is that wee teach the whole power of convocating assemblies to be in the Church . Ans. The Warners citations prove not that we maintaine any such assertion , our doctrin and constant practise hath been to ascribe to the King a power of calling Synods , when and wheresoever he thought fit , but that which the Warner seemes to point at is , our tenet of an intrinsicall power in the Church to meet , as for the word and Sacraments so for disciplin ; in this all who are Christians , old and late , the praelaticall and Popish party as well as others , goe along with us to mantaine in doctrine and practise , a necessity even in times of persecution , that the Church must meet for the worship of God and execution of Ecclesiastick disciplin among their owne members . In this the doctrine and practise of the Scots is according to their setled lawes , uncontroverted by his Majestie . If the Warner will mantaine , that in reason and conscience al the Churches of the world are oblidged to dissolve and never more to meet when an erroneous Magistrat by his Tyrannous edict commands them to doe so , let him call up Erastus from the dead to be disciplined in this new doctrine of the praelats impious loyalty . The third principle is that the judgment of true and false doctrine of suspension and deprivation of Ministers belongeth to the Church . Ans. If this be a great heresie it is to be charged as much upon the state as upon the Church , for the acts of Parliament give all this power to the Church , neither did the lawes of England or of any Christian state , popish or protestant , refuse to the Church the determination of such Ecclesiastick causes ; some indeed doe debate upon the power of appeales from the Church , but in Scotland by the law , as no appeale in things civill goes higher then the Parliament so in matters Ecclesiastick none goes above the generall assembly . Complaints indeed may goe to the King and Parliament for redresse of any wrong has been done in Ecclesiastick Courts , who being custodes religionis may by their coercive power command Ecclesiastick Courts to rectifie any wrong done by them contraire to Scripture , or if they persist take order with them . But that two or three praelats should become a Court of delegats , to receave appeales from a generall assembly , neither Law nor practise in Scotland did ever admit , nor can the word of God or any Equity require it . In the Scotes assemblies no causes are agitat but such as the Parliament hath agreed to bee Ecclesiastick and of the Churches cognisance : no Processe about any Church rent was ever cognosced upon in Scotland but in a civill Court : it s very false that ever any Church censure , much lesse the highest of excommunication did fall upon any for robbing the Church of its patrimony . Our fourth challenged principle is that wee maintain Ecclesiastick jurisdiction by a divine right . Ans. Is this a huge crime ? is there divine in the world , either Papist or Potestant , except a few praelaticall Erastians , but they doe so ? If the Warner will professe ( as it seemes hee must ) the contradiction of that which he ascribes to us , his avowed tenet must bee that all Ecclesiastick power flowes from the Magistrat , that the Magistrat himself may execute all Church censures , that all the Officers appointed by Christ for the governement of his Church , may bee laid aside , and such a kind of governors bee put in their place , as the Magistrate shal be pleased to appoint : that the spirituall sword and Keies of heaven belong to the Magistrate by vertue of his supremacy , al 's wel as the temporall sword and the Keies of his earthly Kingdome : our difference heere from the Warner will not ( I hope ) be found the greatest heresie . Our last challenged principle is , that wee will have all our power against the Magistrat , that is , although hee dissent . Ans. It is an evill comentare that al must be against the Magistrate , which is done against his consent : but in Scotland their is no such case : for all the jurisdiction which the church there does enjoy , they have it with the consent of the Magistrat : all is ratified to them by such acts of Parliament as his Majestie doth not at all controvert . Concerning that odious case the Warner intimats , whither in time of persecutiō , when the Magistrat classheth with the Church , any Ecclesiastick disciplin be then to be exercised ; himselfe can better answer it then we , who with the auncient Christians doe think , that on all hazards ( even of life ) the church may not be dissolved , but must meet in dens and caves and in the wildernes for the word and Sacraments and keeping it selfe pure by the divine ordinance of discipline . Having cleered all the pernicious practises and all the wicked Doctrines , which the Warner layes upon us , I think it needles to insist upon these defenses which he in his aboundant charity brings for us , but in his owne way , that he may with the greater advantage impugne them : only I touch one passage whereupon he make injurious exclamations : that which Mr. Gilespie in his theoremes wryts ; when the Magistrate abuses his power unto Tyranny and makes havock of all , it is lawfull to resist him by some extraordinary wayes and meanes , which are not ordinarily to bee allowed : see the principles from which all our miseryes and the losse of our gracious Master have flowed . Ans. Wee must heere yeeld to the Warner the great equity and necessity that every doctrine of a Presbyter , should be charged on the Presbytery it selfe , and that any Presbyter teaching the lawfulnesse of a Parliaments defensive armes is tantamont to the Churches taking of armes against the king . These small unconsequences wee must permit the Warner to swallow downe without any stick , however wee doe deny that the maxime in hand was the fountaine of any our miseryes , or the cause at all of the losse of our late Soveraigne . Did ever his Majestie or any of his advised counsellers declare it simply unlawfull for a Parliament , to take armes for defence in some extraordinary cases , however the unhappines of the Canterburian Prelats did put his Majestie on these courses , which did begin and promote all our misery , and to the very last these men were so wicked as to refuse the lousing of these bands which their hands had tyed about his misinformed conscience , yea to this day they will not give their consent ; that his Majestie , who now is , should say aside Episcopacy , were it for the gayning the peaceable possession of all his three Kingdomes , but are urgers of him night and day to adhaere to their errours , upon the hazard of all the miseries that may come on his person , on his family and all his people : yet few of them to this day durst be so bold as to print with this Warner , the unlawfulnes of a Parliaments armes against the Tyranny of a Prince in any imaginable case , how extraordinary soever . CHAP. III. The Lawes and customes of Scotland admitte of no appeal from the generall assembly . IN this chapter the challenge is , that there are no appeales from the generall Assembly to the King , as in England from the Bishops Courts to the King in Chauncery , where a Commission uses to be given to delegats , who discusse the appeales . Ans. The warner considers not the difference of the Government of the Church of Scotland from that which was in England . what the Parliament is in the State , that the generall assembly is in the Church of Scotland : both are the highest courts in their owne kind . There is no appeale any where in moderat Monarchies to the Kings person , but to the King in certaine legall courts ; as the Warner here confesseth the appeale from Bishops lyes not , to the King in his person , but to the King in his court of Chauncery . As no man in Scotland is permitted to appeale in a civil cause from the Lords of Session ; much lesse from the Parliament ; so no man in an Ecclesiastick cause is permitted by the verie civil Law of Scotland to appeale from the general assembly . According to the Scots order & practise , the King in person or else by his high Commissioner sits al 's usually in the generall assembly , as in Parliament . But though it were not so , yet an appeale from a generall assembly to be discussed in a Court of delegats , were unbeseeming and unreasonable , the one Court consisting of above two hundred , all chosen men the best and most able of the Kingdome ; the other but of two or three , often of very small either abilities or integrity , who yet may be more fitt to decerne in an Ecclesiastick cause then a single Bishop over his officiall , the ordinary trusted in all acts of jurisdiction for the whole dioces . But the Scots way of managing Ecclesiastick causes is a great deale more just , safe and Satisfactory to any rationall man then that old popish order of the English , where all the spirituall jurisdiction of the whole dioces was in the hand of one mercenary officiall without all reliefe from his sentence , except by an appeale , as of old to the pope and his delegats , so therafter to the King , though never to be cognosced-upon by himselfe , but as it was of old by two or three delegats , the weakest of all courts , often for the quality and ever for the number of the judges . Two instances are brought by the Warner to prove the Church of Scotlands stopping of appeals from the generall Assembly to the King , the cases of Montgomery and Adamson : if the causes and events of the named cases had been wel knowne to the Warner , as he made this chapter disproportionally short , so readily he might have deleted it al together . Both these men were infamous not only in their Ministeriall charges but in their life & conversation ; both became so insolent that contrary to the established order of the Church & Kingdome , being suborned by wicked statesmen , who in that day of darknes had wel neer brought ruine both to King and country , would needs take upon them the office of Arch-Bishops . While the assembly was in proces with them for their manifold and high misdeameanors , the King was moved by them and their evill patrons , to shew his high displeasure against the assemblyes of the Church . they for his Majesties satisfaction sent their Commissioners and had many conferences ; whereby the pride and contempt of these prelats did so encrease , that at last they drew the sentence of excommunication upon their own heads : the King after some time did acknowledge the equity of the Church proceedings , and professed his contentment their with : both these unhappy men were brought to a humble confession of their crimes , and such signes of repentance , that both after a renunciation of their titulare Bishopriks were readmitted to the function of the ministry , which they had deserted . Never any other before or after in Scotland did appeale from the generall assembly to the King : the late excommunicat praelats in their declinatour against the assembly of Glasgow , did not appeale as ( I remember ) to the King , but to another generall assembly to bee constitute , according to their own Popish and Tyrannical principles . CHAP. IV. Faulty Ministers in Scotland are lesse exempted from punishment , then any other men . THE Warner in his fourth Chapter offers to prove , that the Scottish discipline doth exempt Ministers from punishment for any treason or sedition they can act in their pulpits . Ans. This challenge is like the rest , very false . The rules of the Church discipline in Scotland obliges Churchmen to bee subject to punishment , not only for every fault for which any other man is lyable to censure , but ordaines them to bee punished for sundrie things , which in other men are not at all questionable : and what ever is censurable in any , they appoint it to be much more so in a Minister . It is very untrue , that the pulpits in Scotland are Sanctuaries for any crime , much lesse for the grievous crimes of sedition and treason . Let the Warner remember , how short a time it is , since an Episcopall chayre or a canonicall coate did priviledge in England and Ireland from all censure either of Church or State , great numbers , who were notoriously knowne to be guilty of the foulest crimes . Was ever the Warners companion Bishop Aderton challenged for his Sodomy , so long as their commune patrone of Canterbury did rule the court ? did the warner never heare of a prelate very sibb to Doctour Bramble , who to this day was never called to any account for flagrant scandals of such crimes as in Scotland are punishable by the gallows ? the Warner doth not well to insist upon the Scots Clergie exempting themselfe from civill punishments : no where in the world are Churchmen more free of crimes deserving civil cognisance then in Scotland : and if the ears and eyes of the world may be trusted , the popish clergy this day in Italy and Spaine are not so challengeable , as the praelaticall divines in England and Ireland lately were for many grosse misdemeanors . But why does the Warners anger run out so farre as to the preachers in Holland ? is it because he knoweth the Church disciplin in Holland to be really the same with that he oppugnes in the Scots , and that all the reformed Churches doejoyne cordially with Scotland in their rejection of Episcopacy ? is this a ground for him to slander our Brethren of Holland ? Is it charity for him a stranger to publish to the world in print that the ministers in Holland are seditious oratours , and that they saucily controll the Magistrats in their pulpits ? Their crime seemes to be , that for the love of Christ their master , they are zealous in their doctrin , to presse upon the Magistrat as well as upon the people the true practise of piety , the sanctification of the sabbath day , the suppression of heresy and shisme , and repentance for the sins of the time & place wherein they live . This is a crime whereof few of the Warners friends were wont to be guilty of : their shamefull silence and flattery was one of the great causes of all the sins and calamities that have wracked the three Kingdomes : the streame of their sermons while the enjoyed the pulpit , was to encourage to superstition and contempt of piety , to sing asleepe by their ungracious way all , that gave eare unto them . The man is impatien , t to see the Pastors of Holland or any where , to walk in another path then his own , and for this cause would stirre up their Magistrats against them : as it was his and his Brethrens custome to stirre up the Magistrats of Britan and Ireland to imprison , banish , and heavily vex the most zealous servants of God , only for their opposition to the praelats profanity and errours . The Warner ( I hope ) has not yet forgotten , how Doctor Bramble and his neighbour Lesly of Down did cast out of the Ministry , and made flee out of the Kingdome , men most eminent for zeale , piety and learning , who in a short time had done more good in the house of God , then all the Bishops that ever were in Ireland , I meane Master Blaire , Master Levingston , Master Hamilton , and Master Cuningham , and others . The Warner needed not to have marked as a singularity of Geneva , that there all the Ecclesiasticks , quâ tales , are punishable by the Magistrats for civil crimes ; for wee know none of the reformed Churches , who were ever following Rome in exeeming the Clergy from saecular jurisdiction , except it were the Canterburian Praelats : who indeed did skarre the most of Magistrats from medeling with a canonical coat though desiled with drunckenesse , adultery , scolding , fighting , and other evils , which were too common oflate to that order . But how does hee prove , that the Scots Ministers exempt themselves from civill jurisdiction ? first ( saith he ) by the declaration of King James 1584. Ans. That declaration was not from King James , as himselfe did testify the yeare thereafter under his hand , but from Master Patrike Adamson , who did acknowledge it to bee his owne upon his death bed , and professed his repentance for the lyes and slaunders , wherewith against his conscience hee had fraughted that infamous libell . His second proofe is from the second booke of discipline Chapter II , It is absurd that Commissaties haveing no function in the Church , should be judges to Ministers to depose them from their charges . Ans. Though in England the Commissary and officiall was the ordinary judge to depose and excommunicat all the Ministers of the diocese , yet by the Lawes of Scotland no Commissaries had ever any jurisdiction over Ministers . But though the officialls jurisdiction together with their Lords the Bishops were abolished , yet doth it follow from this , that no other jurisdiction remaineth whereby Ministers might be punished either by Church and State , according to their demerits ? is not this strongly reasoned by the Warner ? His third proofe is the case of James Gibson , who had railed in pulpit against the King , and was only suspended , yea thereafter was absolved from that fault . Ans. Upon the complaint of the Chancelor the alleadged words were condemned by the generall assembly : but before the mans guiltines of these words could bee tryed , hee did absent himselfe : for which absence he was presently suspended from his Ministry : in the nixt assembly he did appeare and cleared the reason of his absence to have been just feare and no contumacy , this hee made appeare to the assemblyes satisfaction , but before his processe could be brought to any issue , he fled away to England , where he died a fugitive never restored to his chardge , though no tryell of his fault was perfected . The fourth proofe is Mr. Blacke his case : heereupon the Warner makes a long and odious narration . If wee interrogat him about his ground of all these Stories , he can produce no warrant but Spots-woods unprinted book : this is no authentick register whereupon any understanding man can rely , the writer was a profest enemy , to his death , of the Scottish disciplin , he spent his life upon a Story for the disgrace of the Presbytery and the honour of Bishops : no man who is acquainted with the life or death of that Author will build his beleefe upon his words . This whole narration is abundantly confuted in the historicall vindication , when the Warner is pleased to repeat the challenge from Issachars burden hee ought to have replyed something after three yeares advisement to the printed answer . The matter ( as our registers beare ) was shortly thus , in the yeare 1596 the Popish and malignant faction in King James his court grew so strong that the countenance of the King towards the Church was much changed , and over all the Land great feares did daily increase of the overthrow of the Church discipline established by Law. The Ministers in their pulpits gave free warning thereof , among others Mr. Black of Saint Andrews , a most gracious and faithful Pastor , did apply his doctrine to the sins of the time ; some of his Enemies delated him at Court for words injurious to the King and Queen : the words hee did deny and all his honest hearers did absolve him by their testimony from these calumnies : of himselfe hee was most willing to be tryed to the uttermost before all the world , but his Brethren finding the libelled calumnies to bee only a pretence and the true intention of the Courtiers therein was , to stop the mouthes of Ministers , that the crying sins of the time should no more bee reproved in pulpits , they advised him to decline the judgement of the counsel , and appeale to the generall assembly , as the competent judge according to the word of God and the Lawes of Scotland , in the cause of doctrin ; for the first instance they did never question , but if any thing truely seditious had been preached by a Minister that he for this might be called before the civill Magistrat and accordingly punished but that every Minister for the application of his doctrine according to the rules of scripture to the sins of his hearers for their reclaming , should be brought before a civill court at the first instance , they thought it unreasonable and desired the King in the nixt assembly might cognosce upon the equity of such a proceding . The Ministers had many a conference with his Majestie upon that subject , often the matter was brought very neare to an amicable conclusion , but because the Ministers refused to subscribe a band for so great a silence as the Court required against his Majesties countenancing of treacherous Papists , and favouring the enemies of religion , a seveer Sentence was pronounced not only against Master Black , but also all the Ministers of Edinburgh . In the meane time malcontented States-men did adde oyle to the flame , and at the very instant while the Ministers and their friends are offering a petition to his Majestie , they subborne a villane to cry in one part of the streets the Ministers are slain , and in another part of the streets that the King was killed : whereupon the People rush all out to the streets in their armes , and for halfe an howr at most were in a tumult , upon meere ignorance what the fray might be , bur without the hurt of any one man : so soone as it was found that both the King and Ministers were safe , the people went all peaceably to their houses . This is the very truth of that innocent commotion , whereupon the Warner heere and his fellowes elsewhere make all their tragedies . None of the Ministry were either the authors or approvers thereof , though diverse of them suffered sore troubles for it . CHAP. V. No Presbyterian ever intended to excommunicat any supreame Magistrat . THE Warner in his fifth chapter chardges the Scotes for subjecting the King to the censure of excommunication and bringing upon princes all the miseries which the popes excommunications of old wont to bring upon Anathematised Emperours . Ans. It does not become the Warner and his fellowes to object to any the abuse of the dreadfull sentence of excommunication , no Church in the world was ever more guilty of that fault then the praelats of England and Ireland , did they ever censure their own officialls for the pronouncing of that terrible sentence most profanly against any they would , had it been for the non-payment of the smallest summes of mony . As for the Scotes , their doctrine and practise in the point of excommunication is as considerat as any other church in the world , that censure in Scotland is most rare and only in the case of obstinacy in a great sin : what ever be their doctrine in generall with all other Christians and as I think with the praelaticall party themselves , that the object of Christian doctrine Sacraments and disciplin is one and the same , and that no member of Christ , no sone of the Church , may plead a highnes above admonitions and Church censures , yet I know they never thought it expedient so much as to intend any processe of Church animadversion against their Soveraigne . To the worlds end I hope they shal not have againe greater grievances and truer causes of citation from their Princes then they have had already . It may be confidently beleeved that they who upon so pregnant occasions did never so much as intend the beginning of a processe against their King , can never be supposed in danger of any such proceeding for time to come . How ever , we love not the abused ground of the Warners flattering of Princes to their owne great hurt : is it so indeed that all the sins of princes are only against God , that all Kings are not only above all lawes of Church and State but when they fall into the greatest crimes that the worst of men have ever committed , that even then their sins must not be against any man or against any law ? such Episcopall doctrin spurrs on princes to these unhappy praecipies , and oppressed people unto these outrages that both fall into inextricable calamities . CHAP. VI. It grieves the Praelats that Presbyterians are faithfull Watchmen , to admonish Princes of their duty . THE sixth Chapter is spent on an other crime of the Presbytery ; it makes the Presbiters cry to the Magistrat for justice upon capitall offenders . Ans. What hes Presbytery to doe with this matter were it never so great an offence : will the Warner have all the faults of the praelaticall faction , flow from the fountaine of Episcopacy ? this unconsequentiall reasoning will not be permitted to men below the degrees of Doctors . But was it a very great crime indeed for Ministers to plead the cause of the fatherlesse and widowes , yea the cause of God their Master and to preach unto Magistrats , that according to Scriptures murtherers ought to die , and the Land bee purged from the staine of innocent blood ? when the shamefull impunity of murther made Scotland by deadly feuds , in time of peace a feild of warre and blood , was it not time for the faithfull servants of God to exhort the King to execute justice , and to declare the danger of most frequent pardons drawne from his hand often against his heart by the importunity and deceitfull information of powerfull solicitors , to the great offence of God against the whole land , to the unexpressible griefe and wrong of the suffering party , to the opening also of a new floodgate of more blood which by a legall revenge in time easily might have been stopped ? Too much pitty in sparing the wilfull shedders of innocent blood ordinarlie proves a great cruelty , not only towards the disconsolat oppressed who cry to the vicegerents of God the avenger , for justice in vaine , but also towards the soule of him who is spared and the life of many more who are friends either to the oppressor or oppressed . As for the named case of Huntly let the world judge , whether the Ministers had reason often to give Warning against that wicked man and his complices . Beside his apostacy and after-seeming-repentance his frequent relapses into avowed popery , in the eighty eight he banded with the King of Spaine to overthrow the religion and government of the whole Iland and after pardon , from time to time did renew his treasonable plots for the ruine of Britain : hee did commit many murders , he did invade under the nose of the King , the house of his Cousin the Earle of Murray , and most cruelly murdered that gallant Nobleman , hee appeared with displayed Banner against the King in person , he killed thereafter many hundreds of the Kings good people , when these multiplyed outrages did cry up to the God of heaven , was is not time for the men of God to cry to the judges of the earth to doe their duty , according to the warrant of many Scriptures ? what a dangerous humour of flattery is this in our Praelats , not only to lull asleep a Prince in a most sinfull neglect of his charge , but also to cry out upon others more faithfull then themselves for assaying to breake of their slumber by their wholesome and seasonable admonitions from the word of God ? The nixt challenge of the Scotes Presbyters is that they spoile the King of his Tythes , first fruits , patronage and dependence of his subjects . Ans. The Warner understands not what he writes , the Kings Majestie in Scotland never had , never craved any first fruits : the Church never spoiled the King of any Tythes , some other men indeed , by the wickednesse most of Praelats and their followers , did cousin both the King and the Church of many Tythes : but his Majestie and the Church had never any controversie in Scotland about the Tythes : for the King , so far as concerned himselfe , was ever willing that the Church should enjoy that which the very act of Parliament acknowledgeth to bee her patrimony . Nor for the patronages had the Churh any plea with the King : the Church declared often their minde of the iniquity of patronages , wherein they never had from the King any considerable opposition , but from the Nobility and gentry the opposition was so great , that for peace-sake the Church was content to let patronages alone , till God should make a Parliament lay to heart what was incumbent for gracious men to doe , for liberating congregations from their slavery of having Ministers intruded upon them by the violence of Patrones . Which now at last ( blessed be God ) according to our mind is performed . As for the dependence of any vassals upon the King , it was never questioned by any Presbyterian in Scotland . What is added in the rest of the Chapter , is but a repetition of that which went before , to wit , the Presbyters denying to the King the spirituall government of the Church , and the power of the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven : such an usurpation upon the Church , King James declared under his hand ( as at length may be seen in the Historicall vindication ) to be a sinne against the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , which puts in the hand of the Magistrat the power of preaching and celebrating the Sacraments : a power which since that time no Magistrat in Britaine did assume , and if any would have claimed it , none would have more opposed , then the most zealous patrones of Episcopacy . The injurious invectives , which the Warner builds upon this his Erastian assertion , wee passe them as Castles in their aire , which must fall and evanish for want of a foundation . Only before I leave this Chapter , let the Warner take a good Sentence out of the mouth of that wyse Prince King James , to testifie yet farther his minde against Erastianisme . His Majestie in the yeare 1617 having come in progresse to visit his auncient Kingdome of Scotland , and being present in persone at a publick disputation in Theologie in the Universitie of St. Andrews , whereof also many both Nobles and Church-men of both Kingdomes were auditors ; when one of those that acted a part in the disputation , had affirmed and went about to maintaine this assertion that the King had power to depose Ministers from their Ministeriall function . The King himself as abhorring such flatterie , cried out with a loud voice , Ego possum deponere Ministri caput , sed non possum deponere ejus officium . CHAP. VII . The Presbyterie does not draw from the Magistrat any paritie of his power by the cheate of any relation . IN the seventh chapter the Warner would cause men believe many more of the Presbyteries usurpations upon the civill Magistrate . The first is that all offences whatsoever are cognoscible in the consistory upon the case of scandals . Ans. First the Presbyterie makes no offence at all to come before the consistory , but scandall alone . Secondly these civill offences ( the scandall whereof comes before the Presbytery ) are but very few , and a great deale fewer than the Bishops officiall takes notice of in his consistoriall court . That capitall crimes past over by the Magistrate should bee censured by the Church , no society of Christians who have any discipline , did ever call in question . When the sword of the Magistrat hes spared a murderer , an adulterer , a Blasphemer ; will any ingenuous , either praelaticall or popish divine , admitte of such to the holy table without signes of repentance ? The Warners second usurpation is but a branch of the first , that the Presbyterie drawes directly before it selfe the cognisance of fraud in barganing , false measures , oppression and in the case of Ministers , brybing , usury , fighting , perjury , &c. Ans. Is it then the Warners minde , that the notorious slander of such grosse sins does not deserve so much , as an Ecclesiastick rebooke ? Shall such persons without admonition be admitted to the holy communion ? Secondly the named cases of fraud in barganing , false measures , oppression , come so rarely before our Church-judicatories that though these thirty yeares I have been much conversant in Presbyteries , yet did I never see , nor doe I remember that ever I heard any of these three cases brought before any church assembly . In the persone of Ministers , I grant , these faults which the canons of the Church in all times and places make the causes of deprivation are cognosced upon in Presbyteries , but with the good liking ( I am sure ) of all both papifts and praelats , who themselves are free of such vices . And why did not the Warner put in among the causes of church mens deprivation from office and benefite , adultery , gluttonny and drunkennes ? are these in his , &c. which he will not have cognoscible by the Church in the persons of Bishops and Doctors ? The Warners third challenge amounts to an high crime , that Presbyterian Ministers are bold to preach upon these scriptures which speake of the Magistrats duty in his office , or dare offer to resolve from scripture any doubt , which perplexeth the conscience of Magistrats or people , of Husband or Wife , of Master or Servant , in the discharge of their Christian duty one to another . What ever hath been the negligence of the Bishop of Derry , yet I am sure , all the preaching Praelats and Doctors of England pretended a great care to goe about these uncontroverted parts of their ministerial function , and yet without medling with the Mysteries of State , or the depths of any mans particulare vocation ; much lesse with the judgement of jurisdiction in politicall or aeconomicall causes . As for the Churches declaration against the Late engagement ; did it not well become them to signify their judgement in so great a case of conscience , especially when the Parliament did propone it to them for resolution , and when they found a conjunction driven on with a cleerly malignant partie , contrary to solemne oathes and covenants , unto the evident hazard of Religione and them who had been most eminent instruments of its preservation ; was it not the churches duty to give warning against that sinne , and to exhort the ring leaders therein to repentance ? But our Warner must needs insist upon that unhappy engagement , and fasten great blame upon the Church for giving any advice about it . Ans. Must it be Jesuisitisme , and a drawing of all the civill affaires to the Churches barre in ordine ad Spiritualia , for an assembly to give their advice in a most eminent and important case of conscence , when earnestly called upon in a multitude of supplications from the most of the Congregations under their charge ; yea when required by the States of the Kingdome in severall expresse messages for that end ? It seemes , it s our Warners conclusion , if the Magistrat would draw all the Churches in his jurisdiction to a most unlawfull warre , for the advancement of the greatest impiety and unjustice possible , wherein nothing could be expected by all who were engaged therein but the curse of God ; if in this case a doubting Natione should desire the assemblies counsel for the state of their soules , or if the Magistrate would put the Church to declare what were lawfull or unlawfull according to the word of God , that it were necessary heer for the servants of God to be altogether silent , because indeed warre is so civill a busines , that nothing in it concernes the soule , and nothing about it may be cleered by any light from the word of God. The truth is , the Church in their publick papers to the Parliament , declared oftner then once , that they were not against , but for an engagement , if so that Christian and friendly treaties could not have obtained reason , and all the good people in Scotland were willing enough to have hazarded their lives and estates , for vindicating the wrongs done , not by the Kingdome of England , but by the sectarian party there , against God the King , covenant and both Kingdomes : but to the great griefe of their hearts , their hands were bound and they forced to sit still , and by the over great cunning of some , the erroneous mis-perswasions of others and the rash praecipitancy of it , that engagement was so spoiled in the stating and mannaging , that the most religious with peace of conscience could not goe along nor encourage any other to take part therein . The Warner touches on three of their reasons : but who will looke upon their publick declarations , shall find many more , which with all faithfullnesse were then propounded by the Church , for the rectifying of that action , which , as it stood in the state and management , was cleerly foretold to be exceeding like to destroy the King and his friends of all sorts in all the three Kingdomes . The irreparable losses and unutterable calamities which quickly did follow at the heeles , the misbeleefe and contempt of the Lords servants and the great danger religion is now brought unto in al these Kingdomes , hes , I suppose , long agoe brought griefe enough to the heart of them whose unadvised rashnes and intemperate fervour did contribute most for the spoiling of that designe . The first desire about that engagement which the Warner gives to us , concernes the security of religion . In all the debate of that matter , it was aggreed ( without question upon all hands , that the Sectarian party deserved punishment for their wicked attemptes upon the Kings persone , contrary to the directions of the Parliamentes of both Kingdomes , and that the King ought to be rescued out of their hands , and brought to one of his houses for perfecting the treaty of peace which often had been begunne : but here was the question ; Whither the Parliament and Army of Scotland ought to declare their resolutiones to bring his Majestie to London with honour , freedome and safty , before he did promise any security for establishing Religion ; The Parliaments of both Kingdomes in all their former treaties had ever pressed upon the King a number of propositions to be signed by his Majestie before at all he came to London : was it then any fault in the Church of Scotland to desire the granting but of one of these propositions concerning Religion and the covenant , before the King were brought ( by the new hazard of the lives and estats of all the Scottish nation ) to sit in his Parliament in that honnor and freedome which himselfe did desire ? There was no complaint , when many of thirty propositions were pressed to be signed by his Majestie for satisfaction and security to his people , after so great and long desolations : how then is an out-cry made , when all other propositions are postponed , and only one for Religion is stuck upon , and that not before his Majesties rescue and deliverance from the hands of the sectaries , but only before his bringing to London in honor freedom and safety ? This demande , to the Warner , is a crime , and may be so to all of his beleefe , who takes it for a high unjustice , to restraine in any King the absolute power by any condition : for they doe mantaine that the administration of all things both of Church and state does reside so freely and absolutly in the meere will of a Soveraigne , that no case at any time can fall out , which ought to bound that absolutnesse with any limitation . The second particular the Warner pitches upon , is the Kings negative voyce ; behold how criminous we were in the point ; When some ( most needlesly ) would needs bring into debate the Kings negative voyce in the Parliament of England , as one of the royall praerogatives to bee maintained by our engagement : it was said , that all discourse of that kynde might bee laid aside as impertinent for us : if any debate should chance to fall upon it , the proper place of it was , in a free Parliament of England ; that our Lawes did not admit of a negative voyce to the King in a Parliament of Scotland ; and to presse it now as a prerogative of all Kings , ( besides the reflection it might have upon the rights of our Kingdome , ) it might put in the hand of the King a power to deny all and every one of these things , which the Parliaments of both Kingdomes had found necessary for the setling the peace in all the three dominions . Wee marvail not , that the Warner heere should taxe us of a great errour , seeing it is the beleefe of his faction , that every King hath not onely a negative but an absolute affirmative voyce in all their Parliaments , as if they were nothing but their arbitrary counsels for to perswade by their reasons but not to conclude nor impede any thing by their votes ; the whole and intire power of making or refusing Lawes being in the Prince alone , and no part of it in the Parliament . The Warners third challenge against us about the ingagement is , as if the Church had taken upon it to nominate the officers of the army ; and upon this he makes his invectives . Ans. The Church was farre from seeking power to nominate any one officer : but the matter was thus ; when the State did require of them , what in their judgement would give satisfaction to the people , and what would encourage them to goe along in the ingagement ? one and the last parte of their answer was , that they conceived if a Warre shal be found necessarie , much of the peoples encouragement would depend upon the qualification of the commanders , to whom the mannaging of that great trust should be committed : for after the right stating of the Warre , the nixt would be the carying on of it by such men who had given constante proofe of their integrity . To put all the power of the Kingdome in their hande , whose by past miscariadges had given just occasion to suspect their designes and firmenesse to the interest of God before their owne or any other mans , would fill the hearts of the people with jealousies and feares , and how wholsome an advice this was , experience hath now too cleerly demonstrate . To make the world know our further resolutiones to medle with civile affaires , the Warner is pleased to bring out against us above 80 yeares old stories , and all the stuffe which our malicious enemy Spotsewood can furnish to him : from this good author he alledges that our Church discharged merchants to traffique with Spaine , and commanded the change of the mercat dayes in Edenburgh . Ans. Both these calumnies are taken of at length in the Historicall Vindication . After the Spanish invasion of the yeare eighty eight , many in Scotland kept correspondence with Spaine for treacherous designes : the Inquisitors did seduce some , and persecute others of our merchants in their traffique , the Church did deale with his Majestie to interceed with the Spanish King for more liberty to our country men in their trading : and in the meane time while an answer was returned from Madrile , they advertised the people to be warry , how they hazarded their soules for any worldly gaine which they could find about the inquisitors feet . As for the mercat dayes , I grante , it was a great griefe to the Church , to see the sabbath day profaned by handy labour and journeying , by occasion of the munday-mercats in the most of the great tounes : for remedie heerof , many supplications have been made by the Assembly to the Parliament : but so long as our Bishops satte there , these petitiones of the Church were alwayes eluded : for the praelats labour in the whole Iland was to have the sunday no Sabbath , and to procure by their Doctrine and example the profanation of that day by all sorts of playes , to the end people might be brought back to their old licentiousnes and ignorance , by which the Episcopall Kingdome was advanced . It was visible in Scotland , that the most eminent Bishops were usual players on the Sabbath , even in time of divine service . And so soone as they were cast out of the Parliament , the Churches supplications were granted , and acts obtained for the carefull sanctification of the Lords day , and removing of the mercats in all the land from the Munday to other dayes of the week . The Warners nixt challenge of our usurpation is , the assembly at Edinburgh 1567 their ratifying of acts of Parliament , and summoning of all the country to appeare at the nixt assembly . Ans. If the Warner had knowne the history of that time , he would have choysed rather to have omitted this challenge , then to have proclaimed to the world the great rottennesse of his own heart ; at that time the condition of the Church and Kingdome of Scotland was lamentable , the Queen was declared for popery , King James's Father was cruelly without any cause murthered by the Earle of Bothwell ; King James himselfe in his infancy was very neare to have been destroyed by the murtherer of his Father , there was no other way conceivable of saftie for Religion for the infant King , for the Kingdome , but that the Protestantes should joine together for the defence of King James against these popish murtherers . For this end the generall assembly did crave conference of the secrete counsel : and they with mutual advise did call for a meeting of the whole Protestant party : which did conveen at the time appointed most frequently in an extraordinary and mixed assembly of all the considerable persons of the Religion , Earles , Lords , Barrons , Gentlemen , Burgesses and Ministers , and subscribed a bond for the revenge of King Henryes death , and the defence of King Iames his life : This mixed and extraordinary assembly made it one of the chiefe articles in their bond to defend these Actes of the Parliament 1560 concerning religion , and to endeavour the ratification of them in the nixt ensuing Parliament . As for the assemblies letter to their Brethren for so frequent a meeting at the nixt extraordinary assembly , it had the authority of the secret counsel ; it was in a time of the greatest necessity , when the Religion and liberties of the land were in evident hazard from the potent and wicked counsels of the popish party , both at home and abroad ; when the life of the young King was daily in visible danger from the hands of them who had murthered his Father , and ravished his Mother . Lesse could not have been done in such a juncture of time by men of wisedom and courage , who had any love to their Religion , King and country : but the resolution of our praelats is to the contrary , when a most wicked villaine had obtained the connivance of a Queen to kill her husband , and to make way for the killing of her Son in his Cradle , and after these murders to draw a nation & Church from the true Religion , established by Law , into popery ; and a free Kingdome to an illegall Tyranny ; in this case there may be no meeting , either of Church or State , to provide remedies against such extraordinary mischiefes . Beleeve it , the Scotes were never of this opinion . What is subjoined in the nixt paragraph of our Churches praesumption to abolish acts of Parliament ; is but a repetition of what is spoken before . Not only the lawes of Scotland but equity and necessity referres the ordinary reformation of errours and abuses in Religion to the Ecclesiasticall assemblies : what they find wrong in the Church , though ratified by acts of Parliament , they rectify it from the word of God , and thereafter by petition obtaines their rectification to be ratifyed in a following Parliament , and all former acts to the contrary to be annulled . This is the ordinary Methode of proceeding in Scotland and ( as I take it ) in all other States and Kingdomes . Were Christians of old hindred to leave paganisme and embrace the Gospell , till the emperiall lawes for paganisme and against Christianity were revoked ? did the oecumenicall and National Synods of the auncients stay their reformation of heresies and corruptions in religion , till the lawes of State ( which did countenance these errors ) were cancelled ? Was not popery in Germany France and Britaine so firmely established , as civil lawes could doe it ? It seems , the Warner heer does joyne with his Brother Issachar , to proclaime all our Reformers in Britaine France and Germany , to be Rebells for daring by their preachings and Assemblies to change these things , which by acts of Parliaments had been approven , before new Parliaments had allowed of their reformation . Neverthelesse this plea is foolishly intended against us , for the Ministers protestation against the acts of Parliament 1584 , establishing ( in that houre of darknes ) iniquity by a law , and against the acts of the Assembly of Glasgow declaring the unlawfulnesse of Bishops and ceremonies ; which some Parliaments upon Episcopall mis-information had approven : both these actions of the Church were according to former Lawes and were ratified afterward by acts of Parliament yet standing in force which for the Warner ( a privatman , and a stranger ) to challenge , is to contemne much more grossly the law , then they doe , whom here he is accusing of that crime . By the nixt Story the Warner will gaine nothing , when the true case of it is knowne . In King Iames minority , one Captaine Iames Stuart did so farre prevail upon the tender and unexperienced yeares of the Prince , as to steale his countenance unto acts of the greatest oppression ; so farre that Iames Hamelton Earle of Arran ( the nixt to the King in blood , in his health a most gallant Prince , and a most zealous professor of the true Religion ) in time of his sicknes , when he was not capable to commit any crime against the State , was notwithstanding spoiled of all his lively hood and liberty : his Lands and honour with the dignity of high Chancelor of Scotland were conferred on that very wicked Tyrant Captain Iames , a number of the best affected and prime nobility impatient of such unheard-of oppressiones , with meere boasts and no violence at the road of Ruthven chased away that unhappy chancelor from the Kings persone , this his Majestie for the time professed to take in so good part that under his hand he did allow it for good service , in his letters to the most of the Neighbour princes : he dealt also with the secrete counsel and the chiefe judicatories of the land , and obtained from them the approbation of that act of the Lords as convenient and laudable , promising likewise to ratify it in the nixt ensuing Parliament . When the Lords for their more abundante cleering required the Assemblies declaration there upon , the Ministers declined to medle at all with the case ; but the Kings Majestie sent his Commissioners to the Assembly , entreating them withall earnestnesse to declare their good liking of that action , which he assured them was for his good , and the good both of the Church and Kingdome : for their obedience to the Kings importunity they are heer railed upon by the wise Warner . It is true , Captaine Iames shortly after creept in againe into Court , and obtained a sever revenge against the authors of that action , before a Parliament could sit to approve it , but within a few monthes the same Lords with some more did at Striveling chase againe that evill man from the Court : whither he never more returned , and this their action was ratified in the nixt Parliament , and so stands to this day unquestioned by any but such as the Warner , either out of ignorance or malice . I am weary to follow the Warner in all his wandrings ; at the nixt loupe he jumps from the 1584 to the 1648 , skipping over in a moment 64 yeares . The articles of Striveling mentions that the promoving of the worke of Reformation in England and Ireland , bee referred to the generall assembly , upon this our friend does discharge a flood of his choler : all the matter of his impatience heere is , that Scotland when by fraud they had been long allured , and at last by open violence invaded by the English Praelats , that they might take on the yock of all their corruptions , they were contented at the earnest desire of both the houses of Parliament , and all the wel-affected in England , to assist their Brethren , to purge out the leaven of Episcopacy , and the Service book with all the rest of the old corruptions of the English and Irish Churches ; with the mannaging of this so great and good an Ecclesiastick worke , the Parliament of Scotland did intrust the generall assembly . No mervaile that Doctor Bramble a zealous lover of all the Arminianisme , Popery and Tyranny , of which his great patron Doctor Lade stands convicted yet without an answer to have been bringing in upon the three nations , should bee angry at the discoverers and dis-appointers of that most pious work as they wont to style it ? What heere the Warner repeats , it is answered before , as for the two Storyes in his conclusion , which he takes out of his false Author Spots-wood , adding his owne large amplifications ; I conceive , there needs no more to be said to the first , but that some of Iohn Knocks zealous hearers understanding of a Masse-Priest at their very side committing idolatry contrary to the Lawes , did with violence break in upon him and sease upon his person and Masse-cloathes , that they might present him to the ordinary Magistrat to receave justice according to the Law ; This act the Warner wil have to be a huge rebellion , not only in the actors , but also in Iohn Knocks , who was not so much as present thereat . What first he speaks of the Assemblies convocating the people in armes to be present at the tryall of the popish Lords and their avowing of that their deed to the King in his face we must be pardoned to mistrust the Warner heerin upon his bare word without the releefe of some witnes , and that a more faithfull one then his Brother in evill , Mr. Spotswood , whom yet heere he does not professe to cite . Against these popish Lords after their many treasons and bloody murders of the lieges , the King himselfe at last was forced to arme the people ; but that the generall assembly did call any unto armes we require the Warners proofe that we may give it an answer . CHAP. VIII . The chiefe of the Praelats agree with the Presbyterians about the divine right of Church discipline . THE Warners challenge in this chapter is that we mantaine our discipline by a Iure divino , and for this he spewes out upon us a sea of such rhetorick , as much better beseemed . Ans. Mercurius Aulicus then either a Warner or a praelate . In this challenge he is as unhappy as in the rest , it is for a matter wherein the most of his owne Brethren ( though our Adversaries ) yet fully agree with us that the discipline of the Church is truely by divine right , and that Jesus Christ holds out in scripture the substantials of that Governement whereby he will have his house to be ruled to the worlds end ; leaving the circumstantials to be determined by the judicatories of the Church according to the generall rules , which are clear also in the word for matters of that nature . In this neither Papists nor the learndest of the Praelats find any fault with us ; yet our Warner must spend a whole Chapter upon it . It is true as we observed before the elder Praelats of England in Edwards & Elizabeths dayes , as the Erastians now , did mantaine that no particular Governement of the Church was jure divino , and if this be the Warners mind , it were ingenuity in him to speake it out loud , and to endeavour to perswade his friends about the King of the truth of this tenet , he was never imployed about a better and more seasonable service : for if the discipline of the Church be but humano jure then Episcopacy is keeped up upon no conscience , conscience being bottomed only upon a divine right , so Episcopacy wanting that bottom may well be laid aside at this time by the King for any thing that concernes conscience since no command of God nor warrant from scripture tyes him to keep it up . This truely seemes to be the maine ground whereupon the whole discourse of this Chapter is builded . Is it tolerable that such truthes should be concealed by our Warners against their conscience , when the speaking of them out might be so advantagious to the King and all his Kingdomes , how ever wee with all the reformed Churches doe beleeve in our heart the divine right of Synods and Presbyteries , and for no possible inconvenient can be forced to deny or passe from this part of truth , yet the Warner heere joynes with the elder Praelats who till Warner Banckrofts advancement to the sea of Canterburry did unanimously deny Episcopacy to be of divine right , and by consequent affirmed it to be moveable , and so lawfull to be laid aside by princes , when so ever they found it expedient for their affaires to be quyte of it , why does not the warner and his Brethren speake plainly their thoughts in his Majesties eares ? why do they longer dissemble their conscience , only for the satisfaction of their ambition , greed , and revenge ? sundry of the Praelaticall divines come yet further to joyne fully with Erastus in denying not only Episcopacy and all other particular formes of Church government to be of divine institution , but in avowing that no governement in the Church at all is to be imagined , but such as is a part of the civill power of the Magistrat . The Warner in the Chapter and in diverse other parts of his booke seemes to agree with this judgment : and upon this ground if he had ingenuity he would offer his helping hand to untie the bonds of the Kings conscience , if heere it were straytened , by demonstrating from this his principle , that very safely without any offence to God and nothing doubting for conscience sake , his Majestie might lay aside Episcopacy and set up the Presbytery so fully as is required in all his dominions though not upon a divine right which the Presbyterians beleeve , yet upon Erastus royall right which the Warner here and elsewhere avouches . What the Warner puts heere again upon the Presbyterie , the usurpation of the temporall sword in what indirect relation so ever , its probation in the former chapter was found so weake and naughty , that the repetition of it is for no use : only wee marke that the Warner will have the Presbitery to be an absolute papacy , for no other purpose but to vent his desire of revenge against the Presbyterians , who gave in a challenge against the Praelats , especially the late Canterburians , among whom Doctor Bramble was one of some note , to which none of them have returned to this howre an answer ; that their principles unavoidably did bring backe the pope . For a Patriarch over all the westerne Churches , and among all the Patriarches of the whole Catholick Church a primacy in the Roman , flowes cleerly out of the fountaine of Episcopacy , according to the avowed doctrine of the English praelats : who yet are more liberall to the pope in granting him beside his spirituall super-inspection of the whole Catholick Church , all his temporall jurisdictions also in the patrimony of St. Peter , and all his other faire principalities within and without Italy . There is no ceremony in Rome that these men stick upon : for of all the superstitious and idolatrous ceremonies of Rome , their images and altars and adorations before them are incomparably the worst ; yet the Warners friends without any recantation we have heard of , avow them all ; even an adoration of and to the altar it selfe . As for the doctrines of Rome what points are worse then these which that party have avowed in expresse tearmes , a corporall presence of Christs body upon the Altar the Tridentine justification , free-will , finall apostacy of the Saints : when no other thing can be answered to this our sore challenge , it is good to put us off with a Squib that the Presbyterie is as absolute papacy as ever was in Rome . The Presbyterian position which the Warner heere offers not to dispute but to laugh at , that Christ as King of his Church according to his royall office and Scepter hes appointed the office-bearers and lawes of the house , is accorded to by the most and sharpest of our adversaries , whether English or Romish , as their owne tenet : howbeit such foolish consequences , that all acts of Synods must be Christs Lawes , &c. neither they nor wee doe acknowledge . His declamations against the novelty of the Presbyterie in the ordinary stile of the Jesuites against Protestants , and of the pagan Philosophers against the Christians of old , who will regarde : our plea for the Praesbyterie is , that it is scripturall ; if so ; it is auncient enough : if not ; let it be abolished . But it were good , that heer also the Warner and his friends would be ingenuous , to speake out their minds of Episcopacy . Why have they all so long deceived the King , in assuring him that English Episcopacy was wel warranted both by Scripture and antiquity . Be it so ( which yet is very false ) that something of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter had any footing in Scripture , yet can they be so impudent , as to affirme , that an English Bishop in his very flesh and blood , in his substantiall limbs was ever knowne in the World till the pope was become Antichrist ? A Bishop by virtue of his office a Lord in Parliament , voycing in all acts of State , and exercising the place of a high Thesaurer , of a Chancelor , or what ever civill charge the favour of a Prince did put upon him ; a Bishop with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , with out any Presbytery ; a Bishop exercising no jurisdiction himselfe in any part of his dioces , but devolving the exercise of that power wholly upon his officials & Commissaries ; a Bishop ordaining Presbyters himselfe alone , or with the fashionall assistance of any two Presbyters , who chaunce to be neare ; a Bishop the only Pastor of the whole dioces , and yet not bound to feed any flock , either by word or Sacrament , or governement , but having a free liberty to devolve all that service upon others , and himself to wayte at court so many yeares as he shall think fit . This is our English Bishop not only in practise but in law , and so was hee defended by the great disputants for praelacy in England . But now let the Warner speake out , if any such treasure can more be defended or was ever knowne in scripture , or seen in any Christian Church for 800. yeares and above , after the death of Christ. I take it indeed , to be conscience , that forces now at last the best of our Court-divines to devest their Bishop of all civill imployment in Parliament court or Kingdome , in denying his solitarines in ordination , in removing his officiall and Commissary courts , in taking away all his arches , Arch - Bishops , Arch - Deacons , deane and Chapter and all the , &c. in erecting Presbyteries for all ordinations and spirituall jurisdiction . It is good that conscience moves our adversaries at last to come this farre towards us : but why will they not yet come nearer , to acknowledge that by these their to lately recanted errours they did to long trouble the world ; and that the little which yet they desire to keepe of a Bishop is nothing lesse then that English Bishop but a new creature of their own devising never known in England which his Majestie in no honnour is obliged to mantaine for any respect either to the lawes or customes of England , and least of all , for conscience ? While the Warner with such confidence avowes , that no text of Scripture can be alleadged against Episcopacy , which may not with more reason be applyed against the Presbytery ; behold I offer him here some few , casting them in a couple of arguments , which according to his great promises , I wish , he would answer at his leasure . First I doe reason from Ephesians 4. 11 : all the officers that Christ has appointed in his Church for the Ministry of the word , are either Apostles , Evangelists , Prophets , Pastors or Doctors : but Bishops are none of these fyve : Ergo they are none of the officers appointed by Christ for the Ministry of the word . The Major is not wonte to be questioned : the minor thus I prove ; Bishops are not Apostles , Evangelists , nor prophets : for it s confessed , all these were extraordinary and temporary officers : but Bishops ( say yow ) are ordinary and perpetuall : our adversaries pitch upon the fourth , alleadging the Episcopall office to be pastorall ; but I prove the Bishop no Pastor thus ; no Pastor is superior to other Pastors in any spirituall power : but according to our adversary , a Bishop is superior to all the Pastors of his dioces in the power of ordination and jurisdiction . Ergo. The doubt heer is only of the Major , which I prove Argumento à paribus : no Apostle is superior to an Apostle , nor an Evangelists to an Evangelist , nor prophet to a prophet nor a Doctour to a Doctour in any spirituall power according to scripture . Ergo no Pastor to a Pastor . Againe I reason from 1. Tim. 4. 14. Math : 18. 15. 1. Cor. 5. 4. 12. 13 , What taks the power of ordination and jurisdiction from Bishops , destroyes Bishops : as the removall of the soule kills the man , and the denyall of the forme takes away the subject ; so the power of ordination and jurisdiction the essentiall forme , whereby the Bishop is constitute and distinguished from the Presbyter and every other Church officer , being removed from him , he must perish : but the quoted places take away cleerly these powers from the Bishop : for the first puts the power of ordination in the Presbytery , and a Bishop is not a Presbytery ; the second puts the power of jurisdiction in the Church ; and the third in a company of men which meet together : but the Bishop is not the Church nor a company of men met together : for these be many , and he is but one persone . When the Doctors learning hes satisfied us in these two , he shall receave more scripturall arguments against Episcopacy . But why doe wee expect answers from these men , when after so long time ( for all their boasts of learning and their visible leasure ) none of their party hes hade the courage , to offer one word of answer to the Scriptures and Fathers , which in great plenty Mr. Parker and Mr. Didoclave of old , and of late that miracle of learning most noble Somais , and that Magazin of antiquity Mr. Blondel have printed against them ? What in the end of the Chapter the Warner addes of our trouble at King James his fiftie and five questions 1596 , and of our yeelding the bucklers without any opposition till the late unhappy troubles ; we answer that in this as every where else the Warner proclaines his great and certaine knowledge of our Ecclesiastick story : the troubles of the Scots divines at that time were very small , for the matter of these questions , all which they did answer so roundly , that ther was no more speach of them therafter by the propounders : but the manner and time of these questions did indeed perplex good men , to see Erastian and Prelaticall counsellors so farr to prevaile with our King , as to make him by captious questions carpe at these parts of Church-discipline , which by statuts of Parliament and acts of Assemblyes were fully established . Our Church at that time was far from yeelding to Episcopacy : great trouble indeed by some wicked States-men was then brought upon the persones of the most able and faithfull Ministers , but our land was so far from receiving of Bishops at that time , that the question was not so much as proposed to them for many yeares thereafter , it was in Ann. 1606 that the English Praelats did move the King by great violence to cast many of the best and most learned Preachers of Scotland out of their charges , and in Ann. 1610 , that a kind of Episcopacy was set up in the corrupt assembly of Glasgow ; under which the Church of Scotland did heavily groane till the yeare 1637 , when their burdens was so much increased by the English praelaticall Tax-masters , that all was shaken of together , and divine justice did so closly follow at the heeles , that oppressing praelacy of England as to the great joy of the long oppressed Scotes , that evill root and all its branches was cast out of Britaine , where wee trust , no shadow of it shall ever againe be seen . CHAP. IX . The Common-wealth is no monster , when God is made Soveraigne , and their commands of men are subordinated to the clear will of God. HAving cleered the vanity of these calumnious challenges , wherewith the Warner did animate the King and all Magistrates against the Presbyterians , let us try if his skill be any greater , to inflame the people against it . Hee would make the World beleeve that the Presbyterians are great transsubstantiators of whole Common-wealths into beasts , and Metamorphosers of whole Kingdomes of men , into Serpents with two heads ; how great and monstrous a Serpent must the Presbytery be , when shee is the Mother of a Dragon with two heads . But it is good , that she has nothing to doe with the procreation of the Dragon with seven heads , the great Antichrist , the Pope of Rome : this honour must bee left to Episcopacy : the Presbytery must not pretend to any share in it . The Warners ground for his pretty fimilitude is , that the Presbyterians make two Soveraignities in every Christian State , whose commands are contrary . Ans. All the evill lyeth in the contrariety of the commands : as for the double Soveraignity , ther is no shew of truth in it : for the Presbyterians cannot bee guilty of coordinating two Soveraignities in one State , though the Praelats may wel be guilty of that fault ; since they with there Masters of Rome mantaine a true hierarchie , a Spirituall Lord-ship , a domination and principality in their Bishops above all the members of the Church , but the Presbyterians know no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no dominion , no Soveranity in Church officers , but a meer ministry under Christ. As for the contrariety of commands , its true : Christs Ministers must publish all the commands oftheir Soveraigne Lord , whereunto no command of any temporall Prince needs or ought to be contrary ; but if it fall out to bee so , it is not the Presbytery ; but the holy Scriptures , which command rather to obey God then man. Dare the Warner heere oppose the Presbyterians ? dare he mantaine a subordination of the Church to the State in such a fashion , that the cleer commands of God published by the Church ought to give place to the contrary commands of the State ? if the Warner must needs invert and contradict Christ ruling of this case , let him goe on to preach doctrine point blank to the Apostles , that it is better to obey men then God. It falls out as rarely in Scotland as any where in the world , that the Church and State run contrary wayes ; but if so it happen , the commune rules of humane direction towards right and wrong judgement must be followed : if a man find either the Church or the State or both command what he knowes to be wrong ( for neither the one nor the other hath any infallibility ) their is no doubt but either or both may be disobeyed , yet with this difference , that for disobedience to the Churches most just commands , a man can not fall under the smallest temporall inconvenient without the States good pleasure , but for his disobedience to the most unjust commands of the State he must suffer what ever punishment the law does inflict without any releefe from the Church . Two instances are brought by the Warner , of the Church and States contrary commands : the first the King commanded Edenburgh to feast the frensh Ambassadours , but the Church commanded Edenburgh to fast that day when the King desired them to feast . Ans. Heer were no so contrary commands , but both were obeyed , the people did kepe the humiliation , and some of the Magistrats that same day did give the banquet to the frensh Ambassadours as the King commanded ; that for this any Church censure was intended against them it is a malitious calumny , according to the author of this fable his owne confession , as at length may be seen in the unloading of Issachars burden . As for his second instance , the difference of the Church and State about the late ingagement we have spoken to it in the former chapter at length : the furthest the Church went was by humble petitions and remonstrances to set before the Parliament the great danger , which that ingagement ( as it was stated and mannaged ) did portent to religion , the Kings Person & whole Kingdom , when contrary to their whole some advices the ingagement went on , they medled not to oppose the act of State further then to declare their judgement of its unlawfulnesse , according to the duty of faithfull watchmen Ezek. 33. It is very false that the Church has chased any man out of the country , or excommunicated any for following that engagement , or have put any man to sackcloath for it , unto his day . Neither did ever any man call the freedome of the late Parliament in question , how unsatisfied soever many were with its proceedings . When the Warner heapes up so many untruths in a few lines , in things done but yesterday before the eyes of thousands , we shall not wonder of his venturing to lye confidently in things past long before any now living were borne : but there are a generation of men who are bold to speake what makes for their end upon the hope that few wil be at the pains , to bring back what hes flowne from their teeth to the touchstone of any solide tryall . CHAP. X. The Nature of the Presbytrie is very concordant with Parliaments . IN the tenth chapter the Warner undertakes to shew the antipathy of Presbyteries to Parliaments ; albeit there bee no greater harmony possible betwixt any two bodies , then betwixt a generall assembly and Parliament , a Presbyterie and an inferior civill court , if either the constitution or end or dayly practise of these judicatories be looked upon : but the praelaticall learning is of so high a flight , that it dare undertake to prove any conclusion : yet these men are not the first , that have offered to force men to beleeve upon unanswerable arguments though contrary to common sence and and reason that snow is black and the fire cold and the light dark . For the proofe of his conclusion he brings backe yet againe the late engagement : how often shall this insipide colwort be set upon our table ? Will the Warner never be filled with this unsavory dish ? The first crime that here the Warner marks in our Church against the late Parliament in the matter of the ingagement is , their paper of the eight desires : upon this he unpoureth out all his good pleasure , not willing to know that all these desires were drawne from the Church by the Parliaments owne messages , and that well neare all these desires were counted by the Parliament it self to be very just and necessary : Especially these two which the wise Warner pitches upon as most absurd for the first a security to religion from the King upon oath under his hand and seale : where the question among us was not for the thing it self , but only about the time , the order and some part of the matter of that security . And for the second , the qualification of the persons to be imployed , that all should be such who had given no just cause of Jealousy ; no man did question , but all who were to have the managing of that warre should be free of all just causes of Jealousy , which could be made appeare not to halfe a dossen of Ministers , but to any competent judicatory according to the lawes of the Kingdome . The Warner has not been carefull to informe himselfe , where the knot of the difference lay , and so gives out his owne groundlesse conjectures for true Historicall narrations , which he might easily have helped by a more attentive reading of our publick declarations . The second fault he finds with our Church is , that they proclaime in print their dissatisfaction with that ingagement as favourable to the malignant party , &c. Ans. The Warner knows not that it is one of the liberties of the Church of Scotland established by law and long custome to keep the people by publick declarations in their duty to God , when men are like to draw them away to sin according to that of Esay . 8. v. 12. 13. What in great humility piety and wisedome was spoken to the world in the declaration of the Church concerning that undertaking , was visible enough for the time to any who were not peremptor to follow their owne wayes : and the lamentable event since has opened the eyes of many , who before would not see , to acknowledge their former errours : but if God should speake never so loud from Heaven , the Warner and his party will stoppe their cares : for they are men of such gallant Spirits , as scorne to submit either to God or men , but in a Romane constancy they will be ever the same though their counsels & wayes be found never so palpably pernicious . The third thing the Warner layes to the charge of our Church is , that they retarded the leavies . Ans. In this also the Warner shewes his ignorance or malice : for how sore soever the Levy ( as then stated & mannaged ) was against the hearts of the Church , yet their opposition to it , was so cold-rife and small , that no complaint needs bee made of any retardment from them . So soone as the commanders thought it expedient , there was an Army gotten up so numerous and strong , that with the ordinary blessing of God was aboundantly able to have done all the professed service : but where the aversion of the hearts of the Church and the want of their prayers is superciliously contemned , what mervaile , that the strongest arme of flesh bee quickly broken in peeces ? The fourth charge is most calumnious , that the Church gathered the country together in armes at Mauchline moor to oppose the expedition . Ans. No Church man was the cause of that meeting a number of yeomen being frighted from their houses , did flee away to that corner of the Land , that they might not be forced against their conscience to goe as souldiers to England : while their number did grow , and they did abide in a body for the security of their persons , upon a sudden a part of the Army came upon them : some Ministers being neare ( by occasion of the communion at Mauchlin the day before ) were good instruments with the people to goe away in peace . And when the matter was tryed to the bottom by the most Eagle-eyed of the Parliament , nothing could be found contrary to the Ministers protestation , that they were no wayes the cause of the peoples convening or fighting at Mauchlin . The paralell that the Warner makes betwixt the generall assembly and Parliament is malicious in all its parts . For the first , though the one Court be civill , and the other Spirituall , yet the Presbyterians lay the authority of both upon a divine fundation , that for conscience sake the Courts civil must be obeyed in all their Lawfull commands , alsewell as the assemblyes of the Church ; God being the author of the politick order as well as the Ecclesiastick , and the revenger of the contempt of the one alswell as of the other . But what doth the Warner meane , to mock at Ministers for carrying themselves as the Ambassadors of Christ , for judging according to the rule of Scripture , for caring for life eternall ? is he become so shamefullie impious , as to perswade Ministers to give over the care of life eternall , to lay aside the holy Scripture , and deny their ambassage from Jesus Christ ? behold what Spirit leads our praelats , while they jeere the World out of all Religion , and chase away Ministers from Christ , from Scripture , from eternall life . Of the second part of the parallell , that people are more ready to obey their Ministers then their Magistrats what shall be made ? all the power which Ministers have with the people is builded on their love to God and religion : how much so ever it is , a good Statseman will not envy it : for he knowes that God and conscience constraine Ministers to imploy all the power they have with the people to the good of the Magistrat , as the deputy and servant of God for the peoples true good . The Warner heer understands best his owne meaning , while he scoffes at Ministers for their threatning of men with hells fire . Are our Praelats come to such open proclamations of their Atheisme , as to printe their desires to banish out of the hearts of people all feare not only of Church-censures , but even of hell it selfe ? whither may not Satan dryve at last the instruments of his Kingdome ? The third parte of the paralell consists of a number of unjust and false imputations before particularly refuted . What he subjoines of the power of the generall Assembly to name Comittees to sit in the intervalls of Assemblies , it is but a pcore charge : is it not the dayly practise of the Parliaments of Scotland to nominat their Comittees of State for the intervalls of Parliament ? Is it not ane inhaerent right to every Court to name some of their number to cognosce upon things within their owne spheare at what ever times the court it selfe finds expedient ; how ever the judicatories of the Church by the lawes of the Kingdome being authorized to meet when themselves think fit both ordinarly and pro renata , their power of appointing Comittees for their owne affaires was never questioned : and truely these Comittees in the times of our late troubles when many were lying in waite to disturbe both Church and State , have been forced to meet oftner then otherwise any of their members did desire : whose diversion from their particular charges ( though for attendance on the publick ) is joyned with so great fashery and expence , that with all their heart they could be glade to decline it , if feare of detriment to the Church made not these meetings very necessary . CHAP. XI . The Presbytery is no burden to any honest man. THE bounds and compasse of the Warners rage against the Presbytery is very large ; not being content to have incensed the King and Parliament against it , he comes downe to the body of the people , and will have them beleeve the speciall enimity of the Scots discipline against them , first because it inflicts Church censures upon every one for the smallest faults . Ans. The faults which the Warner mentions may well be ane occasion of a private advice in the eare , but that any of them did ever procure the smallest censure of the Church , it is a great untruth : no man who knowes us , will complaine of our rigour , heer we wish we were able to refute upon as good reason the charge of our laxenes in the mouth of sectaries as we are that of our strictnes in the mouth of Erastianes . Wee would know of the Warner , what are these Sabbath recreations , which he saith are void of scandal , and consistent with the dutyes of the day ; are they not the stage playes and the other honest pastimes , wherewith his friends were wonte to sanctify the Lords day , as no more a Sabbath then any other day in the yeare , and much lesse then diverse popish festivalls ? An Aposteme in the lowest gutt will shew it selfe by the unsavory vapours , which now and then are eructat from it . That ever in Scotland there was one word of debate about starch and cuffs , is more then the Warner can prove . The second oppression , whereby the Presbytery trods the people under foot is a rare cruelty ; that persons , for grievous crimes whereof the Magistrate takes notice , are called to Ecclesiastick repentance . Will the Doctor in his fury against us , run out upon all his owne friends for no appearance of a fault ? Will either the English or popish praelats admit murtherers , whoores or theeves to the holy table without any signes of repentance ? Is not the greatest crime the ground of the greatest scandal ? Shall small scandals be purged away by repentance , and the greatest be totally past by ? The Warner heer may know his owne meaning but others will confesse their ignorance of his minde . The third grievance he would have the people conceive against the Presbytery is , the rigour of their excommunication ; in this also the Warner seemes to know little of the Scots way , let excommunication be so seveer in Scotland as is possible , yet the hurt of it is but small : it is so rare an accident , men may live long in Scotland , and al their life never see that censure execute ; I have lived in one of the greatest Cities of that land and for fourty seven yeares even from my birth to this day , that censure to my knowledge or hearing was never execute there in my dayes but twice ; first upon ane obstinat and very profane Papist ; and nixt on some horrible scandalous praelats . Againe when any is excommunicated by the Church , we goe no further with them then Pauls commande : 2. Thes. 3. 14. only they who are not tyed to them by naturall bonds , abstaine from familiar and unnecessary conversation , to bring them by the sence of this shame to repentance for their sins . Thirdly the civil inconvenientes which followe that censure come along from the State and the acts of Parliament , for which the Church ought not to be challenged ; especially by praelats who wont to allow their officials to excommunicat whole incorporations of people for a small debt of mony , and to presse the contemners of that frivolous and profane sentence , with all the civil inconvenientes they could . Fourthly what ever be the laws in Scotland against them who continues long in the contempt of Excommunication , ( which are not inflicted but for great sins and after a long processe ) yet certainly their execution is very farre from all cruelty , as they who know the proceedings of that land , will beare witnes . What he objects about fugitives ; it is true , when a proces is begunne , a fugitive may have it concluded , and sent after him ; but we count not that man a fugitive from discipline or contumacious as the Warner quarrels us , who upon just feare to hazard his life does not compear . CHAP. XII . The Presbytery is hurtfull to no order of men . PRaelaticall malice is exorbitant beyond the bounds of all shew of moderation : was it not enough to have calumniat the Presbytery to Kings , Princes and Soveraignes , to Parliaments and all Courts of Justice , to people and all particular persons , but yet a new chapter must be made to shew in it the hurtfullnes of Presbytery to all orders of men : wee must have patience to stand a little in the unsavoury aire of this vomite also . Unto the nobility and gentry the Presbitery must be hurtfull , because it subjecteth them to the censures of a raw heady novice and a few ignorant artificers . Ans. It s good that our praelats are now turned pleaders against the oppression of the Nobility and gentry : it s not long since the praelatical clergy were accustomed to set their foule feet on the necks of the greatest peeres of the three Kingdomes with to high a pride and pressure ; that to shake of their yock , no suffering , no hazard has been refused by the best of the Nobility and gentry of Britaine : but natures and principles are so easy to be changed , that no man now needs feare any more oppression from the praelats , though they were set downe again and wel warned in their repaired throns . But to the challenge we answer , that the meanest Eldership of a small Congregation in Scotland consists of the Pastor , and a dozen ( at least ) of the most wise pious and learned that are to be found in the whole flock ; which yet the Warner heer makes to be judges but of the common people in matters of smallest moment . But for the classicall Presbytery , to which he referres the Ecclesiasticall causes of the Nobility and gentry , and before whom indeed every Church processe of any considerable weight or difficulty does come , though it concerne the persons of the meanest of the people , this Presbytery does consist ordinarly of fifeteen Ministers ( at least ) and fifeteen of the most qualified noblemen , gentlemen and Burgesses , which the circuit of fifteen parishes can affoord , these ( I hope ) may make up a judicatory of a great deale more worth then any officiall court , which consists but of one judge , a petty mercenary lawyer , to whose care alone the whole Ecclesiastick jurisdiction over all the Nobility and gentry of diverse shyres is committed , and that without appeale as the Warner has told us , except it be to a Court of delegats ; a miserable releefe that all the Nobility , gentry and Commons of a Kingdome , who are oppressed by Episcopall officials , have no other remedie but to goe attende a Committee of two or three civilians at London deputed for the discussing of such appeales . The Presbyterian course is much more ready , solide and equitable : if any grievance arise from the sentence of a Presbytery , a Synode twice a yeare doth sit in the bounds , and attends for a week , or if need be , longer , to determine all appeales , and redresse all grievances : now the Synode does consist of all the Ministers within the bounds , which ordinarly are of diverse whole shyres as that of Glasgow , of the upper and neather ward of Clidsedaile , Baerranfrow , Lennox , Kile , Carrick and Cunninghame ; also beside Ministers , the constant members who have decisive voice in Synodes , are the chiefe Noblemen , Gentlemen and Burgesses of all these shyres , among whom their be such parts for judgment as are not to be found nor expected in any inferiour civil Court of the Kingdom , yet if it fall out so , that any party be grieved with the sentence of a Synode , there is then a farther and finall appeale in a Generall assembly , which consists of as many Burgesses and more Gentlemen from every shire of the Kingdome then come to any Parliament : beside the prime Nobility and choisest Ministry of the land ; having the Kings Majestie in persone , or in his absence , his high Commissioner to be their praesident . This meeting yeerly ( or oftner , if need be ) sits ordinarly a month ; and if they think fit , longer : the number , the wisedome , the eminency of the members of this Court is so great , that beside the unjustice , it were a very needlesse labour to appeal from it to the Parliament , for ( as we have said ) the King or his high Commissioner , sits in both meetings albeit in a differēt capacity : the number and qualification of knights and Burgesses is ever large as great in the assembly as in the Parliament : only the difference is , that in the Parliament all the Nobility in the Kingdom sit without any election and by virtue of their birth , but in the Assembly only who for age , wisedome and piety are chosen by the Presbyteries as fittest to judge in Ecclesiastick affairs but to make up this oddes of the absence of some Noblemen , the Assembly is alwayes adorned with above ane hundred of the choisest Pastors of the whole land , none where of may sit in Parliament : nothing that can conciliate authority to a Court , or can be found in the Nation , is wanting to the generall assembly ; how basely so ever our praelats are pleased to trample upon it . The second alledged hurt which the Nobility have from the Presbytery , is the losse of their patronages by congregations electing their Pastors . Ans. Howsoever the judgment of our Church about patronages is no other then that of the Reformed divines abroad , yet have our Presbyteries alwayes with patience endured patrons to present unto vacant Churches , till the Parliament now at last hath taken away that grievance . The Nobilities last hurt by the Presbytry is their losse of all their impropriations and Abey-lands . Ans. How Sycophantick an accusation is this ? for who knowes not , how farre the whole generation of the praelaticke faction doe exceed the highest of the Presbyterians in zeale against that which they call Sacriledge ? never any of the Presbyterians did attempt either by violence , or a course of Law , to put out any of the Nobility or gentry from their possessions of the Church-lands , but very lately the threats and vigorous activity of the praelats , and their followers were so vehement in this kinde , that all the Nobility and gentry who had any interest , were wackned ( to purpose ) to take heed of their rights . In the last Parliament of Scotland when the power of the Church was as great as they expect to see it againe , though they obtained the abolition of patronages , yet were the possessors of the Church-lands and tythes so little harmed that their rights therto were more cleerly and strongly confirmed , then by any praeceding Parliament . The fourth hurt is that every ordinary Presbyter wil make himselfe a Noblemans fellow . Ans. No where in the World does gracious Ministers ( though meane borne men ) receive more respect from the Nobility then in Scotland : neither any where does the Nobility and gentry receive more duely their honour then from the Ministers there . That insolent speach fathered on Mr. Robert Bruce is demonstrat to be a fabulous calumny in the historicall vindication . How ever the Warner may know that in all Europe where Bishops have place , it hes ever , ( at least these 800 yeares ) been their nature to trample under foot the highest of the Nobility . As the Pope must be above the Emperour , so a little Cardinal Bellarmin can tell to King Iames , that hee may well be counted a companion of any Ilander King : were the Bishops in Scotland ever content , till they got in Parliament the right hand and the nearest seates to the throne , and the doore of the greatest Earles , Marquesses and duks ? was it not Episcopacy , that did advance poore and capricious pedants to strive for the whyte staves & great Seales of both Kingdomes , with the prime Nobility ; and often overcome them in that strife ? In Scotland I know , and the Warner will assure for England and Ireland , that the basest borne of his brethren hes ruffled it in the secreet counsel , in the royall Exchequer , in the highest courts of justice , with the greatest Lords of the Land : it s not so long , that yet it can be forgotten , since a Bishop of Galloway had the modesty to give unto a Marquise of Argile , tanta mont to a broadly in his face at the counsel table . The Warner shall doe well to reckon no more with Presbyters for braving of Noblemen . The nixt hee will have to bee wronged by the Presbytery are the orthodoxe clergy . Ans. All the Presbyterians to him ( it seemes ) are heterodoxe ; Episcopacy is so necessary a truth that who denies it , must be stamped as for a grievous errour with the character of heterodox . The following words cleere this to be his mind , they losse ( saith hee ) the confortable assurance of undoubted succession by Episcopall ordination : what sence can be made of these words , but that all Ministers who are not ordained by Bishops , must lie under the confortlesse uncertainty of any lawfull succession in their ministeriall charge , for want of this succession through the lineall descent of Bishops from the Apostles ; at least for want of ordination by the hands of Bishops , as if unto them only the power of mission and ordination to the Ministry were committed by Christ : because of this defect the Presbyterian Ministers must not only want the confort of an assured and undoubted calling to the Ministry , but may very well know and be assured that their calling and Ministry is null . The words immediatly following are scraped out after their printing : for what cause the author lest knoweth : but the purpose in hand makes it probable , that the deletted words did expresse more of his mind , then it was safe in this time and place to speake out : it was the late doctrine of Doctor Brambles prime friends , that the want of Episcopall ordination did not only annuall the calling of all the Ministers of France , Holland , Zwit-zerland , and Germany , but also did hinder all these societies to be true Churches : for that popular Sophisme of the Jesuits our praelats did greedily swallow ; where are no true Sacraments , there is no true Church ; and where is no true Ministry , there are no true Sacraments ; and where no true ordination , there is no true ministry ; and where no Bishops , there is no true ordination : and so in no reformed country but in England and Ireland where were true Bishops , is any true Church . When Episcopacy comes to this height of elevation , that the want of it must annull the Ministry , yea null the Church and all the Reformed at one strock , is it any mervaill , that all of them doe concurre together for their own preservation , to abolish this insolent abaddon and destroyer ? and notwithstanding all its ruine have yet no disconfort at all , nor any the least doubt of their most lawfull ordination by the hands of the Presbytry . After all this was writen , as heer it stands , another copie of the Warners book was brought to my hand wherin I found the deleted line stand printed in these distinct tearmes , and put it to a dangerous question whither it be within the payle of the Church , the deciphering of these words puts it beyond all peradventure that what I did conjecture of the Warner and his Brethrens minde , of the state of all the reformed Churches , was no mis-take , but that they doe truely judge the want of Episcopall ordination to exclude all the Ministers of other Reformed Churches , and their flocks also from the lines of the true Church . This indeed is a most dangerous question : for it stricks at the root of all . If the Warner out of remorse of conscience had blotted out of his book that errour , the repentance had been commendable : But he hes left so much yet behind unscraped out , as does shew his minde to continue what it was , so that feare alone to provoke the reformed heere at this unseasonable time , seemes to have been the cause of deleting these too cleare expressions of the praelaticall tenet against the very being and subsistence of all the Protestant Churches , which want Episcopacy , when these mē doe still stand upon the extreame pinacle of impudency and arrogance , denying the Reformed to be true Churches , and without scuple averring Rome as shee stands this day , under the counsel of Trent , to be a Church most true , wherin there is an easy way of salvation , from which all separation is needlesse , and with which are-union were much to be desired ? That gracious faction this day is willing enough to perswade , or at least to rest content without any opposition that the King should of himselfe without and before a Parliament , ( though contrary to many standing Lawes ) grant under his hand and seale a full liberty of Religion to the bloody Irish , and to put in their hands , both armes , Castles and prime Places of trust in the State ; that the King should give assurance of his endeavour , to get all these ratified in the nixt Parliament of England , these men can heare with all moderation and patience : but behold their furious impatience , their whole art and industry is wakned , when they heare of any appearance of the Kings inclination towards covenanting Protestants : night and day they beate in his Majesties head , that all the mischieves of the world does lurke in that miserable covenant , that death and any misfortune , that the ruine of all the Kingdomes ought much rather to bee imbraced by his Majestie , then that prodigious Monster , that very hell of the Covenant , because forsooth it doth oblige in plane tearmes the taker to endeavour ( in his station ) the abolition of their great Goddesse , praelacy . The nixt hurt of Ministers from the Presbytry , is , that by it they are brought to ignorance , contempt and beggery . Ans. Whither Episcopacy or Presbytry is the fittest instrument to avert these evills , let reason or experience teach men to judge . The Presbyteriall discipline doth oblige to a great deale of severer tryalls in all sort of learning requisite in a divine before ordination then doth the Episcopall : let either the rule or practise of Presbyterian and Episcopall ordination be compared or the weekly Exercises and monthly disputations in Latine upon the controverted heads be looked upon which the Presbytry exacts of every Minister after his ordination all the dayes of his life : for experience let the French , Dutch and Scots divines who have been or yet are , be compared with the ordinary generation of the English Clergie , and it will be found , that the praelats have not great reason so superciliously to look downe with contempt upon their Brethrens learning . I hope , Cartwright , Whitaker , Perkins , Reynolds , Parker , Ames , and other Presbyterian English were inferior in learning to none of their opposits : some of the English Bishops has not wanted good store of learning , but the most of them ( I beleeve ) wil be content to leave of boasting in this subject , what does the Warner speake to us of ignorance , contempt and Beggery ? does not all the world know , that albeit some few , scarce one of twenty , did brook good benefices , yea plurality of them whereby to live in splendor at Court , or where they listed in their non-residency , neverthelesse it hath been much complained , that the greatest parte of the priests , who had the cure of soules thorow all the Kingdome of England , were incomparably the most ignorant , beggerly and contemptible clergy , that ever have been seen in any of the reformed Churches ? neither did we ever heare of any great study in the Praelats to remeed these evils , albeit some of them be provident enough for their owne families . Doctor Bramble knowes who had the skill before they had sitten seven yeare in their charge to purchase above fifeteen hundred pounds a yeare for themselves and their heirs what somever . The third evil which the Ptesbytery brings upon Ministers is that it makes them prat and pray nonsence everlastingly . Ans. It is indeed a great heartbrake unto ignorant , lazy and unconsciencious Ministers to be put to the paines of preaching and prayer , when a read service was wont to be all their exercise : but we thought that all indifferently ingenuous men had long agoe been put from such impudence . It was the late labour of the praelats by all their skill to disgrace preaching and praying without booke , to cry up the Liturgy as the only service of God , and to idolize it as a most heavenly and divine peece of write , which yet is nought but a transcript of the superstitious breviary and idolatrous missall of Rome . The Warner would doe well to consider and answer after seven years advisement Mr. Bailie his pararell of the service with the missall and Breviarie , before hee presente the world with new paralels of the English liturgy , with the directories of the Reformed Churches . Is it so indeed , that all preaching and praying without book is but a pratting of non-sence everlastingly , why then continues the King and many well minded men to be deceived by our Doctors , while they affirme that they are as much for preaching in their practise and opinion as the Presbyterians , and for prayer without book also , before and after sermon , and in many other occasions ? it seemes these affirmations are nothing but grosse dissimulation in this time of their lownesse and affliction , to decline the envy of people against them for their profane contempt of divine ordinances ; for wee may see heere their tenet to remaine what it was , and themselves ready enough , when their season shall be fitter , to ring it out loud in the eares of the World , that for divine service people needs no more but the reading of the liturgy , that sermons on week dayes and Sundayes afternoon must all be laid aside , that on the Sabbath before noone Sermon is needlesse , and from the mouths of the most Preachers very noxious ; that when some learned Schollars are pleased on some festivall dayes to have an oration , it would be short and and according to the Court paterne , without all Spirit and life for edification ; but by all meanes it must bee provided , that no word of prayer either before or after be spoken , except only a bidding to pray , for many things even for the welfare of the soules departed ; and all this alone in the words of the Lords prayer . If any shall dare to expresse the desires of his heart to God in privat or publick in any words of his own framing hee is a grosse Puritan , who is bold to offer to God his own nonsence rather then the auncient , and well advised prayers of the holy Church . The Warner is heer also mistaken in his beleefe , that ever the Church of Scotland had any Liturgy , they had and have still some formes for helpe and direction , but no ty ever in any of them by law or practise : they doe not condemne the use of set formes for rules , yea nor for use in beginners , who are thereby endeavouring to attaine a readinesse to pray in their family out of their owne heart in the words which Gods spirit dytes to them ; but for Ministers to suppresse their most confortable and usefull gift of prayer by tying their mouth unto such formes which themselves or others have composed wee count it a wrong to the giver , and to him who has received the gift , and to the gift , and to the Church for whose use that was bestowed . In the nixt place the Warner makes the Presbytry injurious to parents , by marying their children contrary to their consent , and forcing them to give to the disobedient as large a portion as to any other of their obedient children , and that it is no mervail the Scots should doe these things who have stripped the King the father of their country of his just rights . Ans. By the Warners rule all the actions of a nation where a Presbytry lodges must be charged on the back of the Presbytry . II. The Parliament of Scotland denyes , that they have stripped the King of his just rights ; while he was stirred up and keeped on by the praelaticall faction to courses destructive to himselfe and all his people ; after the shedding of much blood , before the exercise of all parts of his royall government , they only required for all satisfaction and security to religion and liberties , the grant of some few most equitable demands . The unhappy Praelats from the beginning of our troubles to this day finding our great demande to runne upon the abolition of their office , did everpresse his Majestie to deny us that satisfaction , and rather then Bishops should be laid aside they have concluded that the King himselfe , and all his family and all his three Kingdomes shall perish : yet with all patience the Scotes continue to supplicat and to offer not only their Kingdome , but their lives and estats and all they have for his Majesties service upon the grant of their few and easy demands ; but no misery either of King or people can overcome the desperat obstinacy ofPraelaticall hearts . As for parents consent to the mariage of their children , how tenderly it is provided for in Scotland it may be seen at length in the very place cited . It was the Bishops , who by their warrants for clandestine mariages , and dispensations with mariages without warrant have spoiled many parents of their deare children : with such abhominations the Presbytery was never acquainted ; all that is alleadged out of that place of our discipline is , when a cruel parent or tutor abuses their authority over their children , and against all reason for their owne evill ends perversely will crosse their children in their lawfull and every way honest desires of mariage ; that in that case the Magistrats and Ministers may be intreated by the grieved childe to deale with the unjust parent or tutor , that by their mediation reason may be done . I beleeve this advice is so full of equity , that no Church nor State in the world will complaine of it : but how ever it be , this case is so rare in Scotland that I professe , I never in my life did know , nor did heare of any child before my dayes , who did assay by the authoritative sentence of a Magistrate or Minister to force their parents consent to their marriage . As for the Warners addition of the Ministers compelling parents to give portions to their children , that the Church of Scotland haths any such canon or practise its an impudent lie , but in the place alledged is a passage against the sparing of the life of adulterers , contrary to the Law of God : and for the excommunication of Adulterers , when by the negligence of the Magistrat their life is spared , this possibly may be the thorne in the side of some which makes them bite and spurne with the heele so furiously against the Authors and lovers of so severe a discipline . The Presbyteries nixt injury is done to the Lawyers , Synodes & other Ecclesiastick Courts revoke their Sentences . Ans. No such matter ever was attempted in Scotland ; frequent prohibitions have been obtained by curtisan Bishops , against the highest civil judicatories in England , but that ever a Presbitry or Synode in Scotland did so much as assay to impede or repeale the proceedings of any the meanest civil court , I did never heare it so much as alleaged by our adversaries . The nixt injury is against all Masters , and Mistresses of families , whom the Presbytery will have to be personally examined in their knowledge once a yeare , and to be excommunicat , if grosly and wilfully ignorant . Ans. If it bee a crime for a Minister to call together parcels of his congregation to be instructed in the grounds of Religion , that servants and children and ( where ignorance is suspected , ) others also may be tryed in their knowledge of the Catechisme ; or if it bee a crime that in family-visitations oftener then once a yeare the conversation of every member of the Church may be looked upon ; we confesse the Ministers of Scotland were guilty thereof , and so farre as we know the generality of the Episcopall faction may purge themselves by oath of any such imputation : for they had somewhat else to doe , then to be at the pains of instructing or trying the Spirituall State of every sheep in their flocks : we confesse likewise , that it is both our order and practise to keep off from the holy table , whom wee find groslly and wilfully ignorant : but that ever any for simple ignorance was excommunicat in Scotland , none who knowes us will affirme it . The last whom he will have to be wronged by the Presbytery are the common people , who must groane under a high commission in every parish , where ignorant governors rule all without Law , medling even in domesticall jarres be twixt man and wife , Master and Servant . Ans. This is but a gybe of revenge for the overthrow of their Tyrannous high Commission-Court , where they were wont to play the Rex at their pleasure above the highest subjects of the three Kingdoms , and would never give over that their insolent domeneering court , till the King and Parliaments of both Kingdomes did agree to throw it down about their eares . The thing he jeares at , is the congregationall Eldership , a judicatory which all the Reformed doe enjoy to their great confort as much as Scotland . They are farre from all arbitrary judications ; their Lawes are the holy Scripture and acts of superior Church-judicatories , which rule so clearly the cases of their cognisance , that rarely any difficulty remaines therein : or if it doe , immediatly by reference or appeal it is transmitted to the Classes or Synode . The judges in the lowest Eldership ( as wee have said before ) are a doszen at least , of the most able and pious who can bee hade in a whole congregation to joine with the Pastors one or more as they fall to be : but the Episcopall way is to have no discipline at all in any congregation : only where there is hope of a fyne , the Bishops officiall will summon before his owne learned and conscientious wisedome , who ever within the whole dioces have fallen into such a fault as hee pleaseth to take notice of : as for domestick infirmities , Presbyterians are most tender to medle therein ; they come never before any judicatory , but both where the fault is great , and the scandal thereof flagrant , and broken out beyond the wals of the family . These are the great injuries and hurts which the Church discipline has procured to all orders of men in the whole reformed world , when Episcopacy has been such an innocent lambe , or rather so holy an angel upon earth , that no harme at all has ever come by it to any mortall creature : a misbeleeving Jew will nothing misdoubt this so evident a truth . CHAP. ULT. The Warners exceptions against the covenant are full of considence but exceeding frivolous . THough in the former Chapters the Warner has shewed out more venome and gall then the bagge of any one mans stomack could have been supposed capable of , yet as if he were but beginning to vomite , in this last Chapter of the covenant a new flood of blacker poyson rusheth out of his pen. His undertaking is great , to demonstrat cleerly that the covenant is meerly void wicked and impious . His first clear demonstration is , that it was devised by strangers , imposed by subjects , who wanted requisite power , and was extorted by just feare of unjust suffering , so that many that took it with their lips , never consented with their hearts . Ans. This cleer demonstration is but a poor and evill argument : the Major , if it were put in forme , would hardly be granted , but I stand on the minor as weake and false for the covenant was not devised by strangers , the Commissioners of the Parliament of England together with the Commissioners of the Parlia ment and generall assembly of Scotland were the first and only framers thereof , but they who gave the life and being to it in England were the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament at West-Minster by the Kings call , and at that time acknowledged by his Majestie without any question about the lawfullnes of their constitution and authority : these men and that Court were not I hope great strangers in England . The covenant was not imposed upon the King : but the Parliaments of both Kingdomes made it their earnest desire unto his Majestie , that he would be pleased to joyne with them in that Covenant , which they did judge to be a maine peece of their security for their Religion and liberties in all the three Kingdomes . As for their imposing of it upon the subjects of England , an ordinance of Parliament ( though the King consent not ) by the uncontroverted lawes of England , is a sufficient authority to crave obedience of all the subjects of England , during the continuance of that Parliament . The last part of the demonstration is dishonorable indeed to the English Nation if it were true , it was no dishonour to England to joyne with their brethren of Scotland in a Covenant for mantainance of their Religion and Liberties : but for many of the English to sweare a covenant with their lippes , from which their heart did dissent and upon this difference of heart and mouth to plead the nullity of the oath , and to advance this plea so high as to a cleer demonstration , this is such a dishonour and dishonesty , that a greater cannot fall upon a man of reputed integrity , Especially when the ground of the lie and perjury is an evident falshood : for the covenant was not extorted from any flesh in England by feare of any unjust suffering ; so far was it from this , that to this day it could never be obtained from the Parliament of England , to enjoyne that covenant upon any by the penulty of a two pence . The Warners second demonstration is no better then the first , the ground of it is , that all oathes are void which have deceipt and errour of the substantiall conditions incident to them . This ground had need to be much better cautioned , then heere it is , before it can stand for a major of a clear demonstration : but how is the minor proved ? behold how much short the Warners proofes are of his great boastings . His first argument is grounded upon an evident falshood , that in the Covenant we sweare the lately devised discipline to be Christs institution . Ans. There is no such word nor any such matter in all the Covenant : was the Warners hatred so great against that peece of write , that being to make cleare demonstrations against it , hee would not so much as cast his eye upon that which he was to oppugne , Covenanters sweare to endeavour the reformation of England , according to the word of God and the best reformed Churches , but not a word of the Scotes Presbytery , nor of any thing in any Church even the best reformed , unlesse it be found according to the paterne of Gods holy word . The second ground of his demonstration is also an evident errour , that the covenant in hand is one and the same with that of King Iames. Ans. Such a fancy came never in the head of any man , I know ; much lesse was it ever writen or spoken by any : that the Covenant of King Iames in Scotland 1580 , should bee one and the same with the Covenant of all the three Kingdomes 1643 , whatsoever identities may appeare in the matter and similitude , in the ends of both ; but the grossest errors are solide enough grounds for praelaticall clear demonstrations . Yet heere the Warner understands not how hee is cutting his own vines ; his friends in Scotland will give him small thanks for attributing unto the nationall Covenant of Scotland , ( that Covenant of King Iames ) these three properties , that it was issued out by the Kings authority , that it was for the maintenance of the Lawes of the realme , and for the maintenance of the established Religion : tyme brings adversaries to confesse of their own accord long denyed truthes . But the Characters , which the Warner inprints upon the solemne league and Covenant of the three Kingdomes , wee must bee pardoned to controvert , till he have taken some leasure to trie his wilde assertions . First that the league is against the authority of the King , secondly that it is against the Law ; and thirdly that it is for the overthrow of Religion . The man cannot think , that any should beleeve his dictats of this kind without proofe , since the expresse words of that league do flatly contradict him in all these three positions . His gentle memento , that Scotland , when they sued for aid from the crowne of England , had not the English discipline obtruded upon their Church , might heer have been spaired : was not the English discipline and liturgy obtruded upon us by the praelats of England with all craft and force ? did we ever obtrude our disciplin upon the English ? but when they of their owne free and long deliberate choice had abolished Bishops and promised to set up Presbytery , so far as they had found it agreable to the word of Cod , were wee not in all reason obliged to encourage and assist them in so pious a work ? In the nixt words the Warner for all his great boasts finding the weaknes of all the former grounds of his seconde demonstration , he offers three new ones : which doubtles will doe the deid : for he avowes positively that his following grounds are demonstrative , yet whosoever shal be pleased to grip them with never so soft an hand shall find them all to be but vanity and wind . The first , after a number of prosyllogismes rests upon these two foundations , first that the right of the militia resides in the King alone : secondly that by the covenant the militia is taken out of the Kings hands ; and that every covenanter by his covenant disposes of himselfe and of his armes , against the right which the King hath into him . Ans. The Warner will have much adoe to prove this second so , that it may be a ground of a clear demonstration : but for the first that the power of the militia of England doth reside in the King alone , that the two houses of Parliament have nothing at all to doe with it , and that their taking of armes for the defence of the liberties of England or any other imaginable cause against any party countenanced by the Kings presence against his lawes must be altogether unlawfull ; if his demonstration be no clearer , then the ground where upon he builds it , I am sure , it will not be visible to any of his opposits : who are not like to be convinced of open rebellion by his naked assertion , upon which alone he layes this his mighty ground . Beleeve it , he had need to assay its releefe with some colour of ane argument ; for none of his owne friends will now take it of his hand for ane indemonstrable principle , since the King for a long time was willing to acknowledge the Parliaments jointe interest in the militia , yea to put the whole militia in their hands alone for a good number of yeares to come : so farre was his Majestie from the thoughts , that the Parliaments medling with a parte of the militia , in the time of evident dangers , should be so certainly and clearly the crime of rebellion . The Warners second demonstrative ground wee admit without question in the major , that where the matter is evidently unlawfull , the oath is not binding ; but the application of this in the minor is very false . All that hee brings to make it appeare to be true , is that the King is the supreame Legislator , that it is unlawfull for the subjects of England to change any thing established by Law , especially to the prejudice of the Praelats without their own consent , they being a third order of the Kingdom ; otherwise it would be a harder measure then the Friers and Abbots received from Henry the eight . Ans. May the Warner be pleased to consider how farre his dictats heere are from all reason , much more from evident demonstrations . That the burden of Bishops and ceremonies was become so heavy to all the three Kingdomes , that there was reason to endeavour their laying aside , he does not offer to dispute ; but all his complanit runnes against the manner of their removall : this ( say I ) was done in no other then the ordinary and high path-way , whereby all burdensome Lawes and customes use to be removed . Doth not the Houses of Parliament first begin with their ordinance before the Kings consent be sought to a Law ? is not an ordinance of the Lords and Commons a good warrant to change a former Law during the sitting of the Parliament ? The Lawes and customes of England permit not the King by his dissent to stoppe that change . I grant for the turning an ordinance to a standing Law , the Kings consent is required , but with what qualifications and exceptions wee need not heere to debate , since his Majesties consent to the present case of abolishing Bishops was obtained well neere as farre as was desired ; and what is yet lacking , wee are in a faire way to obtaine it : for the Kings Majestie long agoe did agree to the rooting out of Episcopacy in Scotland , he was willing also in England and Ireland to put them out of the Parliament , and all civil courts , and to divest them of all civil power , and to joyne with them Presbyteries for ordination and spirituall jurisdiction ; yea to abolish them totally name and thing , not only for three yeares but ever till he and his Parliament should agree upon some setled order for the Church . was not this Tantamont to a perpetuall abolition for all and every one in both houses having abjured Episcopacy by solemne oath and Covenant , the Parliament was in no hazard of agreing with the King to re-erect the fallen chaires of the Bishops : so there remained no other , but that either his Majestie should come over to their judgement , or by his not agreing with them , yet really to agree with them in the perpetuall abolition of Episcopacy , since the concession was for the laying Bishops aside ever , till hee and his houses had agreed upon a settled order for the Church . If this be not a full and formall enough consent to the ordinance of changing the former Lawes anent praelats , his Majestie , who now is , easily may and readily would supply all such defects : if some of the faction did not continually , for their own evill interests , whisper in his eares pernicious counsel , as our Warner in this place also doeth by frighting the King in conscience from any such consent , for this end he casts out a discourse , the sinshews whereof are in these three Episcopall maximes . First that the legislative power is sollie in the King , that is according to his Brethrens Cōmentary , that the Parliament is but the Kings great counsel of free choyce , without or against whose votes hee may make or unmake what Lawes he thinks expedient ; but for them to make any ordinance for changing without his consent of any thing that has been , or instituting any new thing , or for them to defend this their legall right and custome ( time out of mind ) against the armes of the Malignant party , no man may deny it to be plaine rebellion . II. That the King and Parliament both together cannot make a Law , to the praejudice of Bishops without their own consent , they being the third order of the Kingdome : for albeit it be sacriledge in the Lords and Commons , to clame any the smallest share of the legislative power , ( this i●… them were to pyck the chiefest jewel out of the Kings Crowne ) yet this must be the due priviledge of the Bishops , they must be the third order of the Kingdome , yea the first and most high of the three , far above the other two temporall States of Lords and Commons ; their share in the Legislative power must be so great , that neither King nor Parliament can passe any Law without their consent , so that according to their humble protestation , all the Lawes and acts , which have been made by King and Parliament , since they were expelled the house of Lords , are cleerly voide and null . That the King and Parliament in divesting Bishops of their temporall honour and estats , in abolishing their places in the Church , doe sin more against conscience then did Henry the eight and his Parliament , when they put down the Abbots and the Fryers . Wee must beleeve that Henry the eight his abolishing the order of Monks was one of the acts of his greatest Tyranny and greed : wee must not doubt , but according to Law and reason , Abbots and priours ought to have kept still their vote in Parliament , that the Monasteryes and Nunryes should have stood in their integrity , that the King and Parliament did wrong in casting them down , and that now they ought in conscience to be set up againe , yea that Henry the eight against all reason and conscience did renounce his due obedience to the Pope , the Patriarch of the West , the first Bishop of the universe , to whom the superinspection and government of the whole Catholick Church in all reason doth belong . Though all this be heere glaunced at by the Warner , and elsewhere hee prove it to be the declared mind of his Brethren , yet we must be pardoned not to accept them as undenyable principles of cleare demonstrations . The last ground of the Doctors demonstration is , that the covenant is ane oath to set up the Presbyterian government in England at it is in Scotland and that this is contrary ●…o the oath of Supremacy ; for the oath of Supremacy makes the King the only supreame head and governour of the Church of England , that is , the civil head to see that every man doe his duty in his calling ; also it gives the King a supreame power over all persons in all causes : but the Presbytery is a politicall papacie , acknowledging no governours but only the Presbyters : it gives the King power over all persons as subjects , but none at all in Ecclesiastick causes . Ans. Is there in all this reasoning any thing sound ? First what article of the covenant beares the setting up of the Presbyterian government in England as it is in Scotland ? II. If the oath of supremacy import no more then what the Warners expresse words are here , that the King is a civil head , to see every man doe his duty in his calling , let him be assured that no Presbyterian in Scotland was ever contrary to that supremacy . III. That the Presbytery is a papacy , and that a politicall one , the Warner knowes it ought not to be graunted upon his bare word . IV. That in Scotland no other governors are acknowledged then Presbyters , himselfe contradicts in the very nixt words , where he tells that the Scots Presbytery ascribes to the King a power over all persons as subjects . V. That any Presbyterian in Scotland makes it sacriledge to give the King any power at all in any Ecclesiastick cause ; it is a senselesse untruth . The Warners arguments are not more idle and weake , then his triumphing upon them is insolent : for he concludes from these wise and strong demonstrations , that the poor covenant is apparently deceitfull , unvalide , impious , rebellious , and what not ? yea that all the learned divines in Europe wil conclude it so , & that all the covenanters themselfes who have any ingenuity , must grant this much ; and that no knowing English man can deny it , but his owne conscience will give him the ly . Ans. If the Warner with any seriousnesse hath weighed this part of his owne write , and if his mind goe along with his pen , I may without great presumption pronounce his judgment to be none of the most solide . His following vapours being full of aire we let them evanish , only while he mentioneth our charging the King with intentions of changing the Religion and government , we answer , that we have been most willing alwayes to ascribe to the King good intentions but withall we have long avowed that the praelaticall party have gone beyond intentions to manifest by printed declarations and publick actions their former designe to bring Tiranny upon the States , and popery upon the Churches of all the three Kingdomes : and that this very write of the Warners makes it evident , that this same minde yet remaines within them without the least shew of repentance . So long as the conscience of the court is mannaged by men of such principles , it is not possible to free the hearts of the most understanding , from a great deale of Jealousy and feare to have Religion and lawes still overturned by that factione . But the Warner commands us , to speake to his Dilemma , whither we think it lawfull or unlawfull for subjects to take armes against their prince meerly for Religion . We answer , that the reasons whereby he thinks to conclude against us , on both sides are very poor , if we shall say , it is unlawfull ; then he makes us to condemne our selfes , because our covenant testifies to the world , that we have taken up armes meerly to alter Religion , and that we beare no alleadgance to our King but in order to Religion , which in plaine tearmes is to our owne humours and conceits . Ans. There be many untruthes here in few words , first how much reality and truth the Warner and some of his fellowes beleeves to be in that thing which they call Religion , their owne heart knowes ; but it can be no great charity in him to make the Religion of all covenanters to be nothing but their owne humours and conceits . Secondly it is not true that Covenanters beare no alleadgance to the King but only in order to religion . III. The Parliament of England denied that they took up armes against their King , though to defend themselves against the popish praelaticall and malignant faction , who were about to destroy them with armes . IV. They have declared , that their purpose was not at all , to alter Religion but to purge it from the corruptions of Bishops and ceremonies that to long had been noxious unto them . V. They have oft professed that their armes were taken for the defence of their just liberties , whereof the preservation and reformation of Religion was but one . The other horne of his Dilemma is as blunt in pushing as the former . If we make it lawfull ( saith he ) to take up armes for Religion , we then justify the independents and Anabaptists ; wee make way for any that will plant what ever they apprehend to be true Religion by force , and to cut the throat of all Magistrats , who are in a contrary opinion to them ; that it is a ridiculous partiality for any to priviledge their own Religion as truth and Gospell . Ans. Whether will these men goe at last , the strength of this reason is blak atheisme , that their is no realty of truth in any Religion , that no man may be permitted to take his Religion for any thing more but his owne apprehension , which without ridiculous folly he must not praeferre to any other mans apprehension of a contrary Religion : this is much worse then the pagane Scepticisme , which turned all reality of truth into a meer apprehension of truth , wherein their was no certainty at all : this not only turnes the most certaine truths , even these divine ones of Religion , into meer uncertaine conceptions ; but which is worse , it wil have the most orthodoxe beleever so to think , speake and act , as if the opinions of Independents , Anabaptists , Turks , Jews , Pagans or grosse Atheists were as good , true and solide as the beleefe of Moyses or Paul , were of the truths revealed to them from heaven . Secondly we say that subjects defence of their Religion and liberties established by Law , against the violent usurpation of Papists , Praelats or Malignants , is not the planting of Religion by arms ; much lesse is it the cutting of the throats of al Magistrats , who differ in any point of Religion . a III. In the judgement of the praelaticall party , the defensive armes of the Protestants in France , Holland , and Germany , must be al 's much condemned as the offensive armes of the Anabaptists in Munster , or of the sectaries this day in England . Can these men dreame that the World for their pleasure will so farre divest themselves of all Religion and reason , as to take from their hands so brutish and Atheisticall maximes . b He concluds with a wish of a generall counsel , at least of all protestant Churches for to condemne all broatchers of seditious principles . Ans. All true covenanters goe before him in that desire , being confident that he and his fellowes as they have declined al ready the most solemne assemblies of their owne countries , upon assurance of their condemnation ; so their tergiversation would be al 's great , if they were to answer to an oecumenick Synod . c What ( I pray ) would the Warner say in a counsel of protestants for the practise of his party pointed at in his last words ? I meane their purging the Pope of Antichristianisme , of purpose to make way for a reconciliation , yea for a returne to Rome , as this day it lyes under the wings of the Pope and Cardinals . d Also what could they answer in a Christian counsel unto this charge , which is the drift of this whole Book , that they are so farre from any remorse for all the blood and misery , which their wickednes ( most ) has brought on the former King and all his Kingdomes these eleven yeares , that rather then they had not as the Covenant and generall assembly in Scotland destroyed as an Idoll and Antichrist , they wil chuse yet still to imbroyle all in new calamities ? This King also and his whole Family , the remainder of the blood and Estats in all the three Kingdomes , must be hazarded for the sowing together of the torne mytres , and the reerecting of the fallen chayres of Praelats . If Bishops must lie still in their deserved ruines , they perseveer in their peremptory resolution , to have their burials sprinckled with the ashes of the royall Family and all the three Kingdomes . FINIS . ERRATA . GOod Reader , the Authors absence from the Presse the whole time of the impression , and the Printers unacquaintance with the English language , has occasioned not onely many mispunctations and literall faults , but also diverse grosser Errata such as the following which thou art intreated to mend with thy Pen : PAg. 4. lin . 23. for had read hath . pag. 9. lin . 8. for Provincionall read Provinciall . p. 11. l. 30. for whereby r. where . p. 15. l. 19. for pairt r. part . p. 20. l. 19 , for can r. doth . l. 30. for potestant r. Profestant . pag. 22. l. 19. for these r. the. p. 23. l. ult . for over r. or . for trusted r. trustee . p. 27. l. 4. for impatien , t r. impatient . l. 18. dele , and. p. 28. in marg . for commissarie r. commissaries . l. 14. for and r. or . l. 29. for chardge r. charge . p. 31. l. 1. for chardges r. charges . l. 25. for citation r. irritation . p. 32. l. 10. for praecipies r. praecipices . p. 35. in tit . of chap. 7. for paritie r. part . p. 36. l. 2. for scandals r. scandal . p. 37. l. 2. for benefiter . benesice . p. 38. l. 10. for nation r. souldier . l. 11. for their souls r. his soule . p. 48. c. 8. l. 4. dele Ans. p. 49. l. 18. for Warner r. Doctor . p. 51. l. 13. for the r. his . p. 52. l. 16. for treasure r. Bishop . p. 55. in tit . of chap. 9. for their r. the. p , 56. l. 31. for Christ r. Christ his . l. 32. for point blank to r. point blanck . contrare to . p. 59. l. 1. dele and. l. 1. for unpoureth r. vapoureth l. 17. for where r. heere . p. 65. l. 5. for continues r. continue . l. 6. for are r. is . p. 66. l. 3. for to r. so . l. 9. for warned . r. warmed . p. 67. l. 16. for in . r. to . p. 68. l. 5. for or . r. which . l. 16. for last . r. nixt . p. 70. l. 18. for lest . r. best . l. ult . for null the Church and r. the verie being of . p. 71. l. 1. for Reformed r. Reformed Churches . p. 73. l. 23. for charge r. chaire . p. 74. l. 6. for service r. service book . l. 28. dele , and. p. 75. l. 16. dele , and to the gift . p. 76. l. ult . for haths . r. hath . p. 78. l. 24. for doszen r. dozen . p. 82. l. 5. for inprints . r. imprints . p. 84. l. 9. for complanit r. complaint . p. 85. l. 7. for aside ever r. aside for ever . l. 16. for sinshews r. sinews . ΑΚΟΛΟΥΘΟΣ OR A SECOND FAIRE WARNING To take heed of the SCOTISH DISCIPLINE , In vindication of THE FIRST , ( Which the Rt. Reverend Father in God , THE Ld. BISHOP OF LONDON DERRIE Published A. 1649. ) Against a schismatical & seditious REVIEWER R. B. G. One of the bold Commissioners from the REBELLIOVS KIRKE IN SCOTLAND To His Sacred MAJESTIE K. CHARLES the SECOND when at the HAGE , BY RI. WATSON Chaplane to the Rt. honble . THE LORD HOPTON . HAGH , Printed by SAMUEL BROUN , English Bookeseller . 1651. To the R. Honorable . the LORD HOPTON Baron of Straton , &c. One of the Lords of His Majeties most honourable Privie Councel . Mr LORD : VPon discoverie of a late motion in some sheetes , I found my booke to have been hitherto but in a trance , which receiving as I thought , ( but knew not from whence ) a mortal wound before it appeared in the encounter , I gave over long since for downe right dead & buried in the presse . When it recovered spirits enough to crave my hand , I could not denie it so small a courtesie as to helpe it up . In that it lookes not so vivide and fresh complexioned as heretofore it might , it shares but in the ordinarie effects of such misse-fortune . If resuming what it was speaking a twelve-moneth since , be censured for impertinencie to these times , & ( it may be ) laughed at by some for prophesying of things past the possibilitie of their successe , the fault may be theirs that disordered the leaves when well suited , and the failing not mine , who undertoke not against all changes of mindes , or alterations of counsels , or preventions of causes running on then visiblie to the same issues I assign'd them in my conjecture . But these exceptions , My Lord , though they clip the fringe , neither unshape , nor shorten the garment I intended as the proper guise for Scotish Presbyteric to be seene in the very same with that wherein the Rt. Reverend Bishop of London Derrie had well clad her , soone afterward not onelic undecentlie discompos'd , but rent in pieces by the rudenesse of an angrie furie , one of those sixc evil spirits that haunted ( in the night of sorrow ) with both tempting and torrisying apparitions , His Royal MAjESTIE and your H. H. at the Hage . From whose praevailing violence no rescue could be offered but by repelling the tempest of his language , wherewith he thought to keepe all Antagonists at a distance , and by blowing in his face the fire & stinking sulphure of his breath . If your Lordship please to passe a litle through the smoke , and take no offense at the smell which in a neare approach will be found to be litle of my making , Truth & reason will be beter discerned in a readinesse to entertaine you , as some longer traine of Authoritic had likewise if Fathers & Councels in this pilgrimage of ours had been , to a just number , within my reach , and some later Writers at the pleasure of my call . The stand , or at least some impediment in the march , of these Bloudie Presbyters , which this forlorne hope will , in some likelihood cause for a time may by your Lordship , unpraejudic'd , be taken for an hapie augurie of the absolute defeate unquaestionablie to follow , if occasion require , by a greater strength , and that under the conduct of beter experience in these polemical affaires . In the interim though I humblic crave the honour and power of your patronage ( wherof from your integritie and constancie in Gods cause & the Kings , I praesume ) , I assume not the boldnesse to constitute your Lordship any partic in the libertie I take , beyond forward expressions , to declare what may be thought some singularitie in my sence . If any small Politician , whose conscience is squared by no religion at all but what plainlie lies in the image-worship of his temporal designes , will be ( which I must looke for to be ) quaestioning the prudence of my speaches , I thanke God he hath no priviledge to give judgement against the sinceritie of my thoughts . I can no longer conceale , My Lord , how much I am troubled to see our Churches diffusive charitie mistaken , the precious balme , which she ever liberallie poured into the wounds of her neighbours , cast by some of their hands like common oyle upon her domestike flames purposelie to consume her ; And the skirt , she often spread over their nakednesse , cut of , with an unhandsome intent to laugh at her shame , had she not an under garment of innocencie to praevent them . To behold , after so many yeares cantonizing our Religion amongst Protestant Congregations of different opinions , ( reconcil'd in nothing but , or nothing more then , in a negative to the Papist ) our selves , in the end , at a sad losse for protection ( or indeed free permission ) from any , now neceslitated to seeke it . This makes me so many times in this discourse turne her away from all new names and professions arising whether from protestations or Covenants , to the unconsoederate Catholike Christianitie among the Ancients where she is sure to have the safest sanctuarie of truth for her doctrine & practice , though she can expect no armed assistance from the dead to maintaine the distressed Members of her communion . If this must be interpreted a schismatical inclination , let me be left in my hold upon the hornes of this altar , while others rise from their knees to sit downe , out of good felloship , at the Tables ; and drinke of all waters they care not what , so draw'n from a cisterne of the Reformed , forsaking or vilifying , for the time , that clearer Chrystal fountaine of their owne . Whereas would they enter , as they are quaestionlesse obliged , an unanimous resolution to demand every where the publike exercise of their canonical devotion , they would either , upon the grant , reape more comfort in continuing the worship of their Fathers , or , upon unworthie denial , more reason to scruple at such a facile conjunction with them , who disclaiming their prayers can not be thought serious when they praetend an harmonie in that faith by which they are exhibited unto God. And ( to put your Lordship in minde of a late instance delivered on good credit ) who maligning our persons , & mocking at our calamities in their Scholes , are very unlikelie so to alter their mindes as to turne their Barbarous reproach into any brotherlie kisse or Christian welcome , when they step but the next doore into their Temples . I confesse , My good Lord , this Magisterial advice may beter become the mouth of some Elder Pastour , who is likelie to have more sheep wandring from his fold then he who can scarce properlie be said to have had any in his charge yet none such , I hope , hath reason to take amisse my modest endeavour , while he is otherwise imployed , to recover those I finde stragling within my call . It being upon due consideration to be feared , that after some few yeares ( if there must be yet more of our miserable dispersion ) with out an universal industrious circumspection of yong and old , as we have broken our pipes , we may throwe away our whistles , and fold up our time with our armes in a comfortlesse discourse about the flockes we once had which now alas are got into other pastures ; Invite strangers to fight for our Churches while our owne Congregations are instituted to forget the holinesse in the separation of such places , the sacred distance of the meanest from worke-or ware-houses , and the fairest from Piatz'as of pleasure or Exchanges for their bargaines . If what I speake , My Lord , be truth , I shall not hearken to them that may tell me it is misse placed , my conscience suggesting that the climate & season hath too often been heretofore neglected ; If false , I have a spunge as readie as ever I had a pinne to wipe out all but my shame , which shall be set forth , at your Lordships pleasure , in an English sheet , though it never will be brought unto the Scotish stoole to do its penance . In attendance on which sentence , if neither your Lordships approbation nor pardon must be expected , I stoup downe to acknowledge my selfe , aswell in submission to your censure as execution of your commands : MY LORD , Your Lordships Most humblie devoted servant RI : WATSON . D. Hieron . Praefat. in Lib. Esdr. Legant qui volunt ; qui nolunt , abjiciant . Horat. — quae nivali pascitur Algido Devota quercus inter & ilices ; Aut crescit Albanis in herbis Victimae , Pontisicum secures Cervice tinget — AN ANSWER TO THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE HAd Mr. Baylie contein'd himselfe within the limits of an Epistle , I had there left him to canonize his Living Lord & all his familie , & with what dexteritic he pleas'd to rubb his honourable head piece into a good conceit of his Review . But since the great Diana in his booke , so gloriouslie bespangled with the counterfeit Alchymie of the late Scotish Storie , is lead hither to be magnified by any superstitious inadvertent reader , & his Lordships hand made use of onely to hold the candle , by the false light of his name & pretended vertues the better to commend Her Godesse-ship to publike view ; I can not passe by without looking in to see the sight , & spend my verdict upon the motions that attend it . And that His Lordship may not be mistaken to stand altogether for a shadow , I first cast my eye upon the potent Lord Iohn , & must plainly tell his admirer Mr. Baylie , he had better deserved the honour of this title , if he had imploy'd his power , as he was in dutie & by oath oblig'd , in the vindication of His Majestie , & His Royal Father , of ever blessed memorie , as he hath most dishonourablie & impotentlie against them both . Nor is it much for his credit in the head of this Epistle to be styled one of His Majesties Privie Councel , & in the heart of His Kingdome to be one of the publike conspiracie against him , of a Lord justice general to become a special Injusticiarie in his countrey . The Reviewers long experience of his sincere zeale , &c. argues him to be none of the late illuminates , & gives us some hopes the he hath proceeded upon the dictates of his conscience , though unhappilie erroneous : long habits though at first contracted by the perversenesse of the will , by perpetuitie becoming very essicacious in imposing fallacies upon the understanding , so that he which doth ill may hereby be aswell perswaded that what he doth is good , as he that often tells a lie hath at length himselfe believ'dit to be a truth . His rigid adhaerence to the praetended rights & priviledges of his Countrey being professed haereditarie , takes off some what from the personal imputation , yet with all demonstrates that it is not all bloud Royal which runnes in His Lordships veines , nor it may be all bloud Noble , having so ample testimonie from him , who had allwayes some dregs of the Common thoare in his inke & whose power is cankerd with envious invectives against them , that have not layd their honour in the vulgar dust , & levell'd Majestie as well as Nobilitie with the people . Whose Ghost will not thanke the Reviewer for calling him , Prince of Historians , being so litle enamourd with titles of that nature , that he accounted them , where they were more properlie due , a the filth of flaterie , & the plague of all legitimate praerogative . His exemplarie practice in publike-private duties is indeed some what singular , my selse having seen him very zcalouslic penning downe such slender ( to omit what I might call in the Reviewers language praeter b & anti-scripturall divinitie , as was not fitting for any Novice or Catechumen in Religion to owne , much lesse for so grave a Theologue to preach , & so well exerciz'd an adultist to register for his use . I commend beter the exemplarie practice of the Reviewers brother Presbyter , who seem'd to take a sound nap in the meane time , hoping , it may be , to be better inspired in his dreame . This c potent Lord , thus qualified & brought up to his hand , I can not blame Mr. Baylie for chusing him to be his patron , ( who discernes with his eyes & decernes by his dictates ) who being judge & partie , both will quaestionlesse doe right like a Lord Justice in the businesse . The d praejudice the Reviewer would here at first cast upon the person of the Bishop will advance his owne reputation but a litle in high way Rhetorike , not advantage him one whit with any of those judicious & aequitable comparers he expects ; who being able to instruct themselves , upon these many late yeares experience , that what Mr. Baylie calls that Church & Kingdome is onely a praevalent partie of Schismatikes & Rebells , what adhaerence to the sacred truth of God an obstinate perseverance in an execrable covenant , which hath tied up the hands of many a poor subject from the enjoyment of all the just liberties the established lawes of Scotland hold out to him ; will looke upon the Bishop as a couragious affertour of Gods truth , the Churches puritie , the Kings supremacie , the subjects libertie , & if for that condemned by an unanimous faction in both Kingdomes , will commend his zeale , reverence his name , and ranke him with the prime Fathers of the Church , who so soon endeavoured to stop that deluge of miserie wherewith Britanie & Ireland have been most unhapilie overwhelmed . For the dirtie language he useth here & otherwhere extreme sawcie spirit , stigmatiz'd incendiarie , &c. I desire the Reader to take notice I shall sweep it out of his & my way , yet if he thinkes it may serve his turne , as well as the garlike heads did Cario & his master in the Comoedie , the Printers boy shall throw it by itselfe at the backe side of my replie in a piece of white paper , that he may not sowle his fingers . What the Reviewer calls Boldnesse was prudence & seasonable caution in the Bishop to praesent his booke to the eminent personages & in this place , observing the indesatigable industrie of Mr. Baylie & his brethren of the mission , very frequentlie in their persons , perpetuallie by many subtile & active instruments they imploy'd before & after their coming hither , insinuating into the hearts & affections of all people here , of what sexe or condition soever , in Courts , Townes , Vniversities , Countrey , praepossessing them with the Justice of their cause , the innocencie of their proceedings , the moderation of their demands , the conformitie of their practice & designe to the praesent discipline & Government of the Church & presbyterie in these Provinces . And great pitie it is that all people , nations & languages have it not translated into their owne dialect , that a discoverie of this grand imposture may be made to them who are so insolentlie summon'd to fall downe & worship this wooden idol of the discipline , & threatned the aeternal fierie furnace if they refuse it . In the next Paragraph the Reviewer drawes Cerberus like his threeheaded monster out of hell , a Discipline , Covenant , & unkindne's to our late soveraigne . — [ b Novos Resumit animos victus , & vastas furens Quassat catenas . ] — His c Apologie for the first , being the conformitie I mentioned principally with the Brethren of Holland & France , whom he would very faine flater into his partie , & make the Bishop whether he will or no fall foule upon them , whom His Lordship hath scarce mentioned in all his tract : And I having no reason not desire to enlarge the breach shall say no more then this , ( because some what he will have sayd ) That if their discipline harmoniouslie be the same particularlie in those extravagancies His Lordship mentions , ( which to my knowledge they denie ) & for alleging which , they are litle beholding to Mr. Baylie , they are all alike concerned , yet having as learned Apologists of their owne , when they finde themselves agriev'd , will in their owne case very likely speake their pleasure . d In the interim I must require his instance where any Reformed Church hath declared regular Episcopacie which we call Apostolical , Antichristian . What particular persons of Mr. Baylies temper may have publish'd must not passe for an Ecclesiastical decrce . And if all , even in those Churches he mentions , might freelie speake their minde , I believe that order would have their Christian approbation as it is in any reformed Countreys established . e some such relation was made not long since about certain Divines of the Religion in France , & some that came from other parts to the Synod of Dust. And I can acquaint the Reviewer with the like piece of charitie bestowed by P. Melin in the letters , that passed from him to Bishop Andrewes , beside what Mr. Chillingworth ( as I take it ) hath collected out of him & Beza in favour both of name & thing , though not to the same latitude we extend them . And ( which will not be alltogether impertinent to adde ) I doe not remember I have heard that Causabon & Vossius , no obscure men in the French & Dutch Churches , were at any time by their presbyterie excommunicate for becoming limbes of the English Antichrist , Praebendaries of the Archiepiscopall Church of Canterburie with us . But if the Reviewer here begin to cant , & distinguish between Episcopacie & Episcopal declinations , ( for that indeed is the expression that he useth ) I must ingenuouslie acknowledge that there may be some practicall declinations in Episcopacie which may be Antiapostolical & Antichristian , beside & against the line of the Word , the institution of Christ & his Apostles ; but I know none such in the Churches of England , Scotland , or Ireland , if there have been any they are not our rule , & by his owne then must not be stated to be the controversie between us . The Presbyterian aberrations which the Bishop hath observed , are for the most part taken from the crookenesse of the Discipline it selfe , which in the very Acts of their Assemblies , he findes not so straight as to run parallel with the word of God , or practice of the true Catholike Church , & whether what His Lordship cites to that purpose be calumnious imputations or no will best appeare in the procedure of our discourse . But the Reviewer takes it ill that Didoclave , Gerson , Bucer , Salmasius & Blondel were not rather replied to , then the mysteries of the Kirke Discipline revealed . This poor tricke of diversion will not take . If what hath been writ in the behalfe of Episcopacie stand firme notwithstanding these or any other stormes that passe over , it requires no such frequent reparations . The holie cause indeed will shortlie need such auxiliaries as these . He doth well therefore to call for them in time . a And yet it may be the imcomparable knight will not be charm'd by a litle mercenarie breath into the reare of a distressed beggarlie engagement . He hath been since better informed of many fraudulent practices in the Kirke , & so well satisfied about the state of our affaires , that Mr. Baylie is litle pleased ( for all his sugar candi'd commendations ) with the earnest he hath allreadie given to imploy his pen & paines about a better subject for the future . And 't is a mere fiction , what he so confidentlie averres , of b Sr. Claud Somayi's offering to dispute with the Divines by a Person of honour about the King , a person of reverence , then not farre from him having told me that His Majestie knowes not any thing of the buisinesse , nor did the Divines about him heare of any thing to that purpose . Therfore let his person of honour come out from behind the curtaine , & vouch his credit to be such as quolibet contradicente we must believe him : when he appeares in his colours & makes good any such offer as is mention'd , I presume I may say that no apprehensions of trouble & hazard will deterre such judicious and learned Champions from entring upon any just & reasonable vindication of truth . In the meane time they doe but the dutie of their places in their Royal attendance ( which the Reviewer calls the Court artifice & their trade ) if they watch the seasons & distribute the houres of the Kings opportunities , wherein privatelie ( to avoyd the importune intervention of other civile businesse , not to decline I know not what contradiction , which they are not in that case reasonablie to expect from their modest fellow servants of the laitie , & I hope there are no Clerical Disciplinarians there about ) to instill into His Majesties tender mind how unsafe it is for his soul , & how litle for his honour , to desert the Holie Church , that is the Episcopal doctrine & government which came into the world with Christianitie it selfe , hath for 1500 yeares enjoy'd a joint haereditarie succession , & aequi-universall diffusion with the same , to joyne with a crew in a Northerne corner of rebellious Covenanters , if yow will have it so , for ought hitherto can be judg'd enemies to God , to his Father , & to Monarchie it selfe , if he will take it upon his Father or Grandfathers word . To put him sarther in mind that his Martyr'd Father sayd , There are wayes enough to repair the breaches of the state without the ruine of the Church , ( it is the Episcopal Church that he meanes ) To instruct him that he may as conscientiouslie pardon the Irish as the a Scots , & reward with a limited libertie of their Religion ; & what other gracious encouragements he pleaseth , the first fruits of their voluntarie submission to his government , without imposing the slaveric of any covenant , or conditioning for a toleration in his other Kingdomes . And this to be ( as it is ) in reference to a Parliament to be conven'd so soon as the state of that Kingdome will admit . To assure him that this is very consistent with conscience , honour , b & all Good reason , & for ought they know , repugnant to no law , yea , to linke the soul of the most sweet & ingenuous of Princes ( too sweet , too ingenuous indeed to have to deale with the rough-hev'd Covenanters of the mission ) with those c Golden chaines let downe from heaven , & reached out by the hand of a tender hearted father to his sonne , in those peerlesse Counsels which the most prudent advice in the last Testaments of all his praedecessours can not parallel . To tell him then , That his necke d is like the tower of David , builded for an armourie , whereon there hang a thousand bucklers , all shields of mightie men . The Bishops e unl●…ckie foot , as he calls it , is visible onely in Mr. Baylie's margin , As close as he & others follow upon the sent , not the least tracke in e'ikôn Basilikè will in the end be found by them , nor by the whole packe of bloud-hounds other where . But to be sure here as well as in 100 Pamphlets beside is the foule Scotish Presbyterian paw , which besmear'd His Royal Majestie while he liv'd , & would now spoyle that pretious oyntment , & cast as ill a savour as it can upon his sacred memorie being dead . Not the Bishops , f but God , it may be sometime by their subordinate Ministrie , strengthened our Royal Soveraigne to his last , in that which the lampe of natural reason , the leading starre of Catholike Antiquitie , the bright sun in the firmament of the Word & above all , that inexpressible light streaming from the spirit of God revealed to him to be the safe sanctuarie of truth . Not the Bishops , but the a Presbyterian Scots hardened their hearts to thrust their native King out of their protection , & with out any compassion did drive him from Newcastle to b Holmebie , which appeares to be the fatal praecipice where he fell . And these same men continue after his c death to crie loud in the cares of his sonne to take that direct path to his ruine , rather then root or branch , or slip shall be left of the Praelatical Clergie , whom they would faine have lie like dung upon the face of the earth , & make a fat soile to pamper the Presbyterian in his lusts . Their d gathering together His Majesties papers , ( if they must needs have the honour of causing them to be presented in a booke , with out a page or syllable of their owne ) was but binding up that bundle of myrrhe which should lie all night in the Virgin breast of his Royal sonne , who maugre all the malice of his enemies , hath that beloved for his comfort . That fall e of ungracious dew , as the Reviewer Diabolically calls it , came from an higher region then the Bishops . It was the judgement of God given to the King , & by him his righteousnesse to the Kings sonne . It is he that here comes downe like raine into this fleece of wool , this most soft , sweet , & ingenuous of Princes , & in gentle drops waters that pretious piece of red earth by his praecepts . And may this dew so prosper with him , that the f following words may have their accomplishment in his reigne . In his time may the righteous flourish , & abundance of peace then & afterward , even so long as the Moon endureth . May his dominion be ( as it ought ) from the one sea to the other , & from the floud to the end of that alter orbis , that litle world of his Kingdomes divided by the floud from the greater . May they that dwell in the Wildernesse of errour contest no longer , but kneel before him & his enemies licke the dust of his feet . But by the way 't is worth g the readers observing , & however causelesslic praejudiced , may invite him to be conversant in that most excellent booke , which in the midst of that gall that drops from his pen , whose heart & hand were bent to blot it out of the opinion of men , hath by the providence of God such a Chrystal streame of commendation to the world , for Elo●…ution , Reason , Devotion , for Imitable essayes of piety , wisdome , patience , & every vertue confessed ; And he that will not be swayed with one word without reason , hath his Majesties sense from the mouth of his enemie , about the danger of the Covenant & the faction that stands for it , And may take it for the timous burning of a dying martyr , & have a care that among too many serpents & so few doves , his innocencie be not swallowed with the rest . What followes may be worth His Majesties notice , h being the assertion of no other man then Mr. Baylie , not long since a pretended commissioner for the Covenant . That the same hand that penned the 27 th . Chapter in the booke entituled Eikôn Basilike , ( which he calls Episcopal , but His Majestie knowes very well to be Regal ) did it on purpose to separate him for ever from all his covenant subjects . And how a neare that came to the heart , language , & writings of our late Soveraigne , let them who were best acquainted with his cariage & most intime affections at Newcastie & in the Isle of Wight speake their conscience . For the two former we have more authentike eare testimonies then the Reviewer , & the last is demonstrative out of all the papers that passed from him . To lay aside for the time those against which Mr. Baylie is , more maliciouslie , then ignorantlie , praejudic'd . His severall b printed letters to Mr. Henderson speake his sense about Presbyterie at Newcastle , & some what more at large may in due time , what he thought of it at the Isle of Wight . These , with other undeniable evidences , may render the Reviewer a mere Sceptike , if not rather a knight of the post unto the world . How it concernes Kings when they take in hand Pallas target to have the face of c Episcopacie on the bosse , King Iames that had most of her wisdome , could best tell . The experience whereof being too deare bought by his Martyr-sonne , & commended in his Testament to our Soveraigne , the Praelates need not take up the old statuaries cunning to contrive it . To be sure d this both Perseus , or Presbyter , here paints a Gorgons head , on every page of his booke , & twists every line with a serpent , hoping to make stones & stockes of his readers , who must submit to his authoritie in silence , & stand fixt in what antike postures he assignes them . What ever some may doe out of ignorance & weaknesse , we hope the providence of God will keep the King out of the Scotish Presbyters hands , & the breath of his mouth blow all such flies & lice out of his quarters . And thus much shall serve by way of answer or paraphrase upon what the Reviewer hath brought in apologie for the Discipline of the Kirke . In the next place he becomes a nimble e advocate for the idol worship of the Covenant . Where I am glad to finde him acknowledging any such thing as reason fram'd by the Vniversitie of Oxford against it , having , not long since , heard this consident averre , ( without a blush as I take it ) in his chamber-conventicle at the Hague ( where not any one that was present but knew what he sayd to be most notoriouslie false , except a poore ' sillie creature or two that might be decoy'd in upon designe ) That not any thing hitherto had been objected against the Covenant , whereas he could not be ignorant then , more then now , that this , with many other learned & rational tracts , had been long since published against it , & for ought I know must stand unanswered to this day . Which affected falsitie so amused me & others at that time , that had not some prudential motives restrain'd us , we must have offered him some affront in the place . And at this it so praejudiceth me against his credit , as I beleeve not a line in his booke for which he brings me no beter authoritie then his word . What he spake then he hath much adoe to refraine from printing now , onely mollisies f it with his canting about the mater . To this day , he sayth , no man hath shewed any errour in tbe matter of the Covenant . I am sure not any clause in its literal or mystical sense hath escap'd the discussion of those acute Antagonists it hath found : & what this chymical matter should be , that is of so subtile an extraction , I can not guesse . For the forming & taking it he praetends a necessitie their adversaries imposed which necessitie was nothing else but their owne just jealousies & feares that an uncertaine multitude , the necessarie instruments , & indeed sole slaves to doe the worke , could not be kept constant to the cause with out the awfull superstition of an oath . Which false fire is pursued with a thunderclap from the pulpit , whence damnation's daylie threatned to the infringers . And being thus driven into an airie castle which these engineers have fortified by the Mathematical subtiltie of their words , he sayth , neither fraud nor force shall reduce them , for they feare forsooth the oath of God. Which God is no other then that Baal Berith , that Jupiter Foederatus , to whom the Israelites made a shamefull desection after Gidcons death , Judg. 8. 33. ' Ethekan e'autoîs tòn Báal diathéken , so the septuagint renders it . They set up to themselves Baal the Covenant that is the false God or Devil of the Covenant . And yet this Mirio puts it to the quaestion , & seemes to wonder Why any that love the King should hate the Covenant , the whole designe & practice of which hath been so apparentlie destructive to his Royal Father & all the loyal subjects that he hath . Nay with all it is too well known , how many true a lovers of the King , but too deceitfull lovers of themselves , who , through feare or covetousnesse , hoping to praeserve their estates & liberties , have been consin'd into this courteous Covenant , & then by their jealous or wanton masters , have been stript naked , turnd out to beg their bread , & regaine their souls & credit as they could . So that this straight tie can in some cases we see play fast & loose , & the strictnesse of it , whereof we have had so sad an experiment , will be found onelie by the hands of the holie leaguers ( for such we know were the newnam'd Independents at first ) to bind Religion , Majestie , & Loyaltie to the blocke , & then lay the axe to the root of them all , & stifle them from repullulating if they can . Therefore they that manage the conscience whether of Court , or Citie , or Countrey , doe well if they possesse their Religious votaries with a particular full sense of the inevitable miserie that will follow them if they be catchd in this noose & advise them to whip all such sawcie beggars , such Whying Covenanters from their gates . The next taske of the Reuiewers Engineer-ship is to draw an out worke about the open b unkindnesse ( treason pretilie qualisied in the terme ) against the ( observe he sayth not our ) late King , which he makes of so large a compasse , that all the Presbyterian credit he can raise will never be able to maintaine it for an houre : which this skillfull officer foreseeing , despaire puts him first upon a salie , where the Ghosts of Wicklisfe , & Husse , & Luther , & with a brazen piece of falshood , his Disciples are draw'n out to assault his dangerous enemie in his trench . For ( which he knowes c as well as I can tell him ) there are other parts of the Reformed world beside England , & those of Luthers Disciples , that keep up Episcopacie d to this day . And forgetting in part what he hath sayd allreadie & minding lesse , what he shall babble otherwhere about the businesse , he tells us here 't is the violence of ill advised Princes , which when he pleaseth , he makes the Policie of the Bishops themselves that hath kept up this limbe of Antichrist , he meanes the Episcopal order in England . Since the first Reformation whence hath come the perpetual trouble in our land the Historie of the Schismatical Puritan●… will sufficientlie satisfie any man that will search . And how the Church & Kingdome are now at last come so neare the ground the Disciplinarian practices will evidence . But the Scotish Presbyterie that gave the first kicke at the miter , & hath since lift up the other leg against the Crowne , may chance to catch the fall in the end , having now much adoe to light upon its feet . Having a made his retreat he begins to endeavour the maintaining of his masterpiece by degrees , & tell us , Their first contests stand justified this day by King & Parliament in both Kingdomes Ans : And must so stand , I say not jufied , till King & Parliament meet once againe in either to consider , whether with out a new ratification by their favour , your after contests make not a just forfeiture of their gracious condescension to your first . His Majestie of ever blessed memorie hath told you His charitie & Act of Pacification sorbids him to reflect on b former passages . Which argues some such passages to have been as were not very meritorious of his favour . And though his Royal charitie may silence , it doth not justisie your contests by that Act. The borders of Scotland being as well His Majestics as yours ( though you keep to your Presbyterian c style , which affords no proprietie to others then themselves , & yeilds very litle communitie to Kings , the King , our borders ) I hope it was free for him to move toward them as he pleas'd . If your resistance to the Magistrates he deputed made him for the securitie of his person come attended with an armie for his guard ; or if the rod & axe could inflict no paenal justice by vertue of the judge's word upon a banded companie of miscreants at home , & therefore sent abroad to crave the regular assistance of the sword ; no lawes of God nor your Countrey dictates any just or necessarie defense , which is nothing but an unjustifiable rebellion : Nor can Dunce law d so justifie your meeke lying downe in your armes , but that , if the King would have made his passage to you with his sword , you might have justlie been by a more learned law helpt up with a halter about your necke . The novations in e Religion were not such a world , but that two words , Liturgie & Canons may compasse it . What was in them contrarie to the lawes of God hath a blanke margin still that requires your proofe , & that any were to the lawes of your Countrey will never be made good , having the King & Lords of the Counsel , I meane those of your Kingdome that did approve them . The power in f your armie to dissipate the Kings is but a litle of Pyrgopolynices breath . The easie conditions given you to retreat may be attributed to His Majesties mercie & aversenesse from bloud , not to his apprehension of your power . The Kings second coming toward you with an armie a was upon no furious motion of the Bishops , who had no stroke in his Councel for warre , but upon the fierie trial you put him to by that many flagrant provocations , wherewith you & other incendiaries nearer home daylie environ'd him , who fearing the precedent accommodation by peace might afford respite for a farther more particular discoverie of the principal actours in & contributers toward the late warre , & expose many considerable brethren to a legal trial , notwithstanding the agreement contracted ; impatient ambition having allreadie been too much impeded by observing the easie conditions you mention made the first breach , & according to the right account first rais'd a militarie power , which His Majestie had very good reason to suppresse . The successe you had by your first impression upon part of His Majesties Armie at New-bourne , & your easie purchace of the Towne of New-Castle was not such as cleard the passage to London , b without the farther hazard of which you were too well payd for your stay in Northumberland , & instead of a rod that was due , you caried too honourable a badge at your backes of His Majesties meekncsse , when the second time you returned in peace . What passed after your packing away c to the raising of the new armie you speake of you may reade & blush , if you have any grace , in the former part of His martyr'd Majesties booke , if you have none , you may , as I beleeve you doe , laugh in your slovenlie slecve to see your prompt scholars come to so good perfection , & copie your owne rebellion to the life . The Bishops then were litle at leisure to looke abroad to any such purpose , being happie if they could get an house for their shelter from the threats & stones that flew very thicke about their cares , the rabble rout at London by that time being well inform'd what effectual weapons stones & stooles , & such like as surie on a sodaine could furnish , had been against blacke gownes & white sleeves at Edenburgh before . That any armie could at that time be raised , when the Kings d Forts , Magazines , Militia , Navie , were seizd into the hands of your Rebell brethren , was a special marke of divine providence cleare in so happie successe , as he that ran might then have read their ruine writ by the fingar of God had not the blacke cloud of our sinnes eclips'd that light , blotted out that handwriting , & shour'd downe vengeance upon our heads . That such earnest & pitifull entreatics e should be made to strengthen the arme of flesh , by Gods people , in Gods cause , after such divine revelation that this was the appointed time wherein Christs Kingdome was to be exalted on earth , that the Saints should flourish , laugh , & sing at the downefull of that man of sinne , &c. Is a note me thinkes that spoyles all the harmonie of the rest . That upon such earnest entreaties the Scots f were oblig'd to come in is not to be found among all those easie conditions made & their double former returning in peace . Their feare of a third a warre to passe over their brethrens carkasses to themselves is a strong argument of their guilt , that their advise & some other assistance had passed over the late agreement made between His Majestie & them to promote that horrid rebellion against him . That so many intercessions b with the King for a moderate & reasonable accommodation had been used by them , was a relique of Poperie they kept notwithstanding the roformation they had made , & they did truely supercrogate in that worke , no law of the three Kingdomes ( I take it ) making them umpires between the King & his subjects , nor is i●… yet revel'd to the world what divine authoritie they had ( as was pretended in their Remonstrance ) to come in the name of our Lord & Master c Iesus Christ , to warne the King that the guilt which cleav'd so fast to his throne & soul was such , as if not timelie repented would involve him & his postcritie under the wrath of the everliving God. For how moderate , how reasonable d accommodation they mediated appeares in the 19 propositions , to the substance of every one of which their unreasonable brethren adhaered to the end . That they were at any e time slighted & rejected is a mere calumnie of the Reviewer ' , he would have told us when , & where , if he could . That al they ask'd was not granted , f was upon unanswerable reasons , which His Majestie render'd in his publike Declarations about the Treaties , &c. That they & their fainting g brethren were so easilie perswaded to enter into a Covenant together is no great mervaile , His Majestie tells them . Solemne leagues & Covenants… are the common road used in all factions & powerfull perturbations of state or Church… by such as ayme to subdue all to their owne will & power , under the disguizes of holic combinations . The expresse articles in the Covenant , for the praeservation of Royaltie , &c. are spun so fine , & woven so thin , as that white vaile can not hide the face of that blacke rebellious divel that is under it . Whereof they being conscious that had been very well acquainted with the mysterie , no lesse then an whole h armie together , conduct us to the perfect beholding the sweet countenance of this late Baal Berith as he lies . We crave ( say they ) leave to beleeve that an accommodation with the King , in the way & termes you are upon , or any as all , as the case now stands , that shall implie his restitution ; or shall not provide for his subjection to trial & judgement , would first not be just before God or man , but many wayes evill . Secondlie , would not be safe . 1. The Covenant engaging to the maters of religion , & publike interests primarilie & absolutelie ( marke that ) with out any limitation , & after that to the preservation of the Kings person & authoritie , but with this restriction , ( marke this too ) viz. In the preservation of the true religion & liberties of the Kingdomes . In this case , though a Cavallier might make it a question , yet who will not rationallie resolve it , That the preceding maters of religion & the publike interest , are to be understood as the principal & supreme maters engaged for , & that of the Kings person & authoritie as inferiour & subordinate to the other . 2. That where persons joyning to make a mutuall covenant , if the absent parties shall oppose it & the maters contein'd in it , surelie that person excludes himselfe from any claime to any benefit therefrom while he continues so refusing & opposing . So that you see notwithstanding the expresse articles for the preservation of Royaltie . His Majestie may be brought to his trial , & all his posteritie too , when the holie brethren can catch them , be murder'd at their owne gates according to the expresse sense of severall articles in the Covenant for maintenance of religion , & libertie . And what unkindnesse was here in the Scots to their King ? Besides , whosoever will take the paines to compare the particulars in the Scotish Remonstrance which they brought in their hands when they came in upon the Covenant , with those in the accursed Court proceeding against His late Royal Majestie may be able to doe Dorislaw , Steel , Cooke , &c. some litle courtesie in their credit & pleade for them that they drew not up , but onelie transscribed a charge brought long since from Edenburgh to London . And yet what unkindnesse was here in the Scots to their King ? There is yet one thing more whereof upon this mention of Remonstrance & Covenant I can not but advertize my reader having but lightlie touch'd upon it before . That whereas the Scots in their Covenant confesse before God & the world many sinnes whereof they were guiltie , & for which they desire to be humbled . Viz. That they had not as they ought valued the in aestimable benefit of the Gospell . That they had not laboured for the puritie & power thereof ; That they had not endeavoured to receive Christ in their hearts ( marke that ) nor to walke worthie of him in ' their lives ; These men tell the King in their remonstrance , That they come in the name of their Lord & Master Iesus Christ , to warne him about the guilt of I know not what sinnes they there heape together upon his soul. A very likelie storie to beleeve , That Christ had sent them into England with this covenanting paper in their hands ; who had shut him out of doores very latelie , & would not receive him into their hearts . Notwithstanding all the pretended glorious successe , obteined more by the name then exploits of the Scotish armie , the opposite partie was not so fullie subdued , but that the multitude of garrisons , ( beside Newarke which might have cost them deare ) surrender'd after His Majesties leaving Oxford make a great flame in the Burning bush which your zealous friend Iohn Vicars hath kindled . You will hardlie perswade any your judicious comparers of this your preface with the many treacherous practices you had used , that His Majestie in the greatest necessitie would not have chosen rather to have cast himselfe into the mercilesse yet more mercisull armes of the sea , then without the strongest deliberate engagement into the perfidious & more fluctuating armie of the Scots . Nor yet had all your underhand oathes & promises prevaild for the unhappie credulitie of a most pious & prudent King , if some better credit in all likelihood , had not interposed it selfe , which it may be was more deceiv'd then it deceived . Therefore your storie about London , Lin , Holland & France is a greater circuit then his Majestie toke in his designed journey to Newarke . The promise of satisfaction that caried him thence to New-Castle might have long before been his conduct to London if Religion & Reason might have been permitted to goe along which him . That he gave not what you expected , that is to say his Royal soul to the Divel , his old oathes might very well hinder him , for I pray tell me why a King as well as a Rebell may not feare the oath of God. It is not unlikelie that the prime leaders of the English armie were at that time wearie of your companie , who fill'd the best of their quarters , & did least of your service , Nor that you were out of heart as wel as reputation by the signal victories to a mitacle all most obteined against you , by , not your companion good Sir James Grahame , but the Thrice renowned Marquesse Montrosse , whose proceeding had been most successefull & happie , & may they still be for His Majesties affaires . If there were such divisions in Scotland , what could better compose thém then the personal presence of the King ? but this was not according to the Kingdomes libertie meant in the third article of the covenant , In the preservation of which , that is , so farre as you thought fit to make consistent with which , & in the defense of what they call the true Religion , which you tooke for granted he never intended to complie with , you had fworne to defend the Kings Majesties person , & that is one of the forenam'd expresse articles to that purpose . The hazard of a warre weighed heavier in the balance of your counsels then the hazard of his Royal person in the hands of his irrecoucileable enemies , forgeting that the ●…orke of righteousnesse in performance of your promises would have been a more lasting peace , & the effect of that righteousnesse , quietnesse & assurance for ever . The sectarian Armie which you scarce durst have call'd so at that time , had otherworke then to goe into Scotland but that your hollow-hearted professions to the King , who was in no very indifferent case to make sure conditions of advantage to himselfe , made him order the surrender of his garrisons into their hands . So you sav'd His Majestie from the racke to bring him to the scaffold , And you with your Brother-Presbyters escap'd the like torture then , but if you goe on to stretch your conscience till it cracke , we shall see as well the punishment as the guilt of that murder glowing at your heart . After two such accidental confessions wherein your Armie demonstrativelie shew'd themselves either false foolishlie credulous or cowards at best you reckon up several conveniences of His Majesties being in one of his houses neare London , when it had been ever before pretended to the poor deluded people that he was to be brought to his Parliament in London . And this you did upon the fayth of that Parliament , which you say kept up a sectarian Armie against you . A very good argument to prevaile with you for their credit . Upon such termes as should be satisfactorie to the King , particularlie mentioned in the paper deliverd to the King by the Committe of Estates upon the 15 of May 1646. & noted in that of Iune 8. to the speaker of the House of Peers , subscribed By his affectionate friends & humble servants , Lauderdail , Iohnston , Henrie Kennedie ( your owne potent good Lord , &c. ) That if His Majestie should delay to goe about the readiest wayes , & meanes to satisfie both his Kingdomes , they would be necessitated for their owne exoneration to acquaint the Committee of both Kingdomes at London that a course might be taken by joint advice of both Kingdomes , for attempting the just ends expressed in the solemne league & Covenant By which His Majestie was to bring satisfaction to them & you , not ( as you say ) to receive termes satisfactorie to himselfe . Wherein because he made not what hast was required , you exonerated your selfe of all the malice you had unto his person & made an end of his dayes , which was just the end you aim'd at in the Covenant . This being the true case , you aske , Whether it were any injustice ? Yes , to imprison his person by confining him to an house , & to weaken his power by robbing him of his garrisons , Whether any unkindnesse ? Yes , to give up your native King , who you confesse cast himselfe on your protection , to them who were so far from affording him any of his palaces neare London , that it was death for any man to harbour him in his house . What imprudence it was , let the best politician of you all speake , because ablest to judge ; Or the worst , who by this time can evidence , how besotted you were to your utter disrepute & destruction ; What advantage at that time you had to lay the fairest colour upon the foulest fact that ever you committed & win the world , by an after-game , into an high opinion of your trust ; What , to gaine the length of your line in the libertie of Religion or lawes ; And , as for wealth & honour , you might , upon such a merit , in all likelihood , have had , what the vastest ambitious Helluo could aske , or three luxuriant Kingdomes could yeild you . Whereas now you have ript up your false hearts , & throw'n your guilt in the face of the sun ; so that the sound of your rebellion is gone into all lands , & your treacherie travailes in a poverbe even to the ends of the earth ; Your Religion hath many times since struggled for life , which the mercie , or temporizing subtilitie of your sectarian enemie hath preserv'd , & your lawes have taken their libertie from his sword ; He deteines at this time the wages of your wickednesse in his house , & your honour not long since kissed his foot , & by fower Commissioners humblie waited on him to his doores . But you come to a closer question , Whether the deliverie of the Kings person were a selling of him to his enemies ? Ans : It may be such for all that you say against it . Your Masters are not allwayes wont to pay your arreares upon single service , I hinted even now that your miscariages of late have cut you off a good sume that is behind , which by Ordinance of Parliament is to be disposed otherwayes . Let the capitulation have been in reference to what it will , & the Act of what you call the English Parliament exclude the disposal of the King ; we know that was the subject of many papers that pass'd between you , which were penned with so much collusion & cunning , that any broker might see a bargaine was driving between craftie merchants , till , having clapt hands , the one brought his rich commoditie to Holmebie , & the other pay'd his money at New-Castle . The unexpected evil ( for I must alter the number & admit of none but the murder of the King ) that followed , which no mortal eye could foresce any mortal heart might fore scare , & the well affected brethren have prevented , if they pleas'd . The Armies rebellion is very nonsignificant language from your pen , unlesse figurativelie expressing the vengeance of God upon that rebellious citie , which with her golden cup had made the Land drunke , & the Nations mad with the abundance of her wine . What you call destroying the Parliament was but the plucking up & throwing out of the way that rotten root , the stocke & fairest branches whereof had been cut downe by the keen axe of a violent vote long before . How readie these Scots ( which the Reviewer must vindicate ) were to the utmost of their power to have prevented the mischiefe in the murder of the King , & what hazard they ran of what was dearest to them appeares by their hast to come in to Duke Hamiltons partie , & the large contributions they gave toward the raising an armie to that purpose . To make good the proverbe . Murder will out , the next words implie the Reviewers confession . The hard measure they had often receiv'd from the King stucke then in their stomakes , & would not out till now , with their malice impostumated in his bloud . That they did not in time , & unanimouslie stirre to purpose for that end , they are indeed to answer it to God , who were the true authours thereof . And who they were let the Scotish pulpits ( I meane not their Presbyters ) speake out . The innocencie of the Church is not cleard in the following treatise to be so much as Pilates , they can not wash their hands in it , nor their mouth . They made the tumults they never asked what evill he had done , & this Royal bloudwill be upon them & upon their children . But here comes up a second part of their venemous vomit ( for though they cast the temptation upon the serpent , they charge the original sinne upon the King ) The King gave not his good subjects satisfaction by granting all their demands which they found most necessarie & due , This they say [ by the mouth of the Reviewer ] was the cause of the many miseries , & if there be any connexion , was the cause why they stirred not in time , & what 's the meaning of this but Caiphas's expedit ? It is very expedient very necessarie he die for these people , & ( thankes good Presbyter Scot ) pay this debt of satisfaction in his bloud Which conclusion is no sooner dispatched , but like very logical Rebells , they fall presentlie on making a new syllogisme , & prepare a second argument of the axe . The very same cause ties up this day the hands of Covenanters — could they have ( that is they can not have ) the young King to joyne with them in their covenant , to quit his unhappie Bishops , to lay aside his formal & dead liturgie & the satisfaction to his good subjects which they finde necessarie & due ; He hath drawn some what beside his limbes from the loynes of his father ; though the serpent hath not reach'd him the fruit of the forbiden tree , he hath transmitted as much malignance in * the barke . Ergo when they get him into their hands ( which God forbid ) t is but talking a litle with the Pharisees & Priests , taking the money according to the covenant , They have made the premises & may then , sit at home with their hands in their pockets , being well assur'd the conclusion must follow , quia expedit , It is very expedient another man , because another King ( which the hand of heaven powerfullie prevent . ) To draw him into the net , this decoy ducke courts His Majestie with more truth then good meaning ; for he puts it into a parenthesis I'observe , that when hereafter it shall be left out , the Scotish Reviewer & Remonstrances may not jarre in their expressions . [ A lovelie , hopefull , & promising Prince , for all naturall endowments , as this day breathes in Europe , or for a long time has sway'd a Scepter in Britaine ] And yet this lovelie Prince without taking the Covenans &c. shall not breath nor sway the scepter in Scotland . With which & some other ungracious principles a nest of these unluckie Northerne birds did latelie besiege him , not in his cabin , [ for his fathers worke lay upon their hands , when he was there they wanting then the iron instrument to cut the silver cord of his life ] but in his Royal bedchamber at the Hague . And going home , it should seem by the weeping crosse , they & the good people , because they can doe no more , sit downe with mournsull eyes , till occasion be administer'd that by Dunce law ( which holds as well against the sonne as the Father ) they can doe no lesse then lie downe in their armes for their just & necessarie defense . But they hold here & 't is time I think●… , for they have transgress'd too farre the bounds of an epistle . CHAPTER I. The Scots bold address with the Covenant to K. Ch. 2 Their partie inconsiderable . The Bishops method , language , & matter asserted . The quaestion in controversie unawares granted by the Reviewer . WHile Sixe walking Images , the pretended Commissioners of the Church & Kingdome of Scotland , that is to say , a selected packe of the most zealous disciplinarian faction , which had fairlie wrought the destruction of both , were , with the greatest impudence that ever was heard of , pressing into His Majesties sad & most disconsolate retirement at the Hague , when he held backe the face of his throne , & had spread his cloud upon it , When his face was foule with weeping , & on his eyelids the shadow of death ; While , with the highest crueltie that could be , instead of condoling his most lamentable afflictions , beyond the tyrannie of Jobs comforters , they were going about not onelie to lay open in his sight , but to thrust violentlie that bloudie axe ( the Covenant I meane ) which had cut off his Royal Fathers head , into his hands ; This reverend & resolute Prelate steps in between them & the Court , throwes in their eyes the guilt not onelie of their late actions , but of their old Antimonarchical as well as Antiprelaticall government it selfe , not so much hoping to amuze them , or stop them in their progresse to the King ( whose adamantine face , & elephantine feet , he knew would breake through all the briars & thornes that the hand of truth could cut out of that Northerne wildernesse of errour , & lay , though ne'r so thicke , in their way ) as to set the marke of that beast in their forhead , which destroyes root & branch of Religion & Lawes , of Regall & Apostolical government , yea & of the libertie of the people , that all well affected to any of these or themselves might have seasonable warning to get out of their way , or gather strength to hunt this wild monster out of the world . Which accurate Remonstrance of the Bishops carying with it the highest authoritie of their Assemblie acts provincial & general , of the concurrent sense in the writings of many their deified Divines prevail'd with all impartial & advertend persons to bring this glittering Godesse of the Scotsh discipline to the touch , to discover all the dirt & drosse whereof every limbe of her is made , & reduc'd many , her before incautious worshipers , to a better practice of their dutie , & opinion of the Catholike truth . So that the shrine trade being very likelie to goe downe , & the craftsmen's gaine to faile , this Demetrius , as it hapens , at a distance from the great companie of his brethren , adviseth onelie with one of his tribe & 3. or 4. the idolatrous worshipers of his imaginations , & cries aloud in print Magna est Diana , Great is Diana of the Scots . yea , so great he makes her in the very first page of his booke as if she were Queen of heaven & earth , no other divine providence but hers able to recover , as he speakes , the wofullie confounded affaires of the King , & no other nations hands upon the earth but the Antiprelatical be the instruments to effect it . Whereas they are at this time the most inconsiderable faction in His Majesties Dominions , being kept at a bay by the present tyrannie in England , having such distractions & divisions among themselves , so intermingled with a Royal & Independent partie , that let them talke or write what they will ; they can make no muster roll of their owne strength , & durst they speake out their desires , or could their guilt permit them an assurance of securitie & protection , they would with all their hearts take sanctuarie in the person , aswell as hitherto they have done an abused authoritie from the name , of their King , & cast themselves with their covenant , & their claimes , to all former concessions , even touching their discipline , at his foot . But desperatione ultima in furorem animus convertitur , instead of that they turne despaire into madnesse , hoping onelie for some miracle to be wrought by the hand of God , that they may have companie in their ruyne . Naturali quodam deploratae mentis affectiu morientibus , gratissimum est commori . But we are told the hopes of such hypocrites shall perish , That they shall be cut of , & their trust be but a spiders web . Having done his crie , he begins to chop logike with the Bishop , complaines of his method , though most apposite to the purpose , calls for Scripture , Fathers , Reason , as if disciplinarian practical instances required the strength of any of the three , unlesse the vertuous precedents of Father Iohn of Leyden , or Kniperdolin should come in , as they may in judgement against the Scots . He admits of the Bishops proofes ( & I am very glad he doth ) but as by tenets , belonging litle or nothing to the main question : Whereas if The overthrowing the rights of Magistrates to convocate Synods , &c. Chapt. 2. Subjecting the supreme to their censures . chap. 5. Chcating him of his civile power in order to religion . ch . 7. be but by tenets ; Their challenging this exorbitant power by divine right . ch . 8. That the exercise of it is hurtfull to all orders of men . chap. 12. Belong litle or nothing to the maine questions about the discipline , it should seem we must climbe heaven for the height of the controversie , & see whether it will suffer God any more then the King , to sit sure in his throne , & have the supreme government of the world . The heape of calumnics he mentions is a faythfull collection of historicall narrations , which requires not the credulitie of the simple , but the search of sedulous people , if distrusted , who may take the other bookes in their way , & satisfie themselves about what passages he pretends to be detorted . If any of the Bishops allegations are coincident with them in Lysimachus Nicanor & Isachars burden , they have two witnesses at least to quit them at the barre , & need not stand to the mercie of Iudge Baylie for their pardon . Whatsoever were the sufferings of the authours Mr. Corbet & Mr. Maxwell the Reverend Arch-Bishop of Towmond , truth & integritie ought not to be danted , The hand of heaven is not allwayes guided by the mouth , nor Gods judgements discernd by the eye of the Disciplinarian brethren , though most commonlie we heare of no lesse then the murder of the best men , when they make themselves dispensers of his punishments . I am crediblie informed that Mr. Corbet was murderd by the Irish , the Arch-Bishop , stript naked & left desperatelie wounded , but by Gods mercie recover'd & since died a natural death . What spirit it is that hath cosind Mr. Baylie into this uncharitable beliefe of Gods strange punishments in their ends , or rather fram'd contrarie to his conscience this rash judgement in his mouth I leave to the Christian reader to conjecture . Had the like befallen any couple of his brethren , he would have writ with their bloud some red letters in the Calendar , & made them currentlie passe for two Martyrs of the discipline . If what the Bishop & they have jointlie published be fullie aswered by Mr. Baylie in his booke printed at London , Edenburgh & Amsterdam , because the weight of the presse addes every time more strength to his arguments , for I know not else to what purpose he mentions the severall impressions ) he might have sav'd this labour of Reviewing , & publish'd a fourth editon of it at Delfe . After so much praejudice the Bishop is beholding to you for his hearing , & since you have tasted the sweetnesse of his spirit , & sobernesso of his language in his first page , you doe well to spit out the bitternesse of your owne in a mad epistle before your booke . If any regard had been wanting in his Lordship to the passages of Scripture whereupon you build your Antiepiscopal tenets , the quotations would have been some what more numerous in your Review . That no reverence should be required to the harmonic of the Reformed he takes care in the third paragraph of his booke where he sayth , he hopes there is nothing whereof he convicteth you but will be disavowed… by all the Protestant Churches in the world , which it should seem they may doe & yet agree with you in the maine of your discipline , for you calld all those but by-tenets ev'n now . That they doe so beyond a non admission , to a rejection of our Episcopacie as Antichristian ( between which as I take it there is some difference ) I desire you to tell us where . What respect the Bishop beares to the Civile Magistrate & lawes , appeares best by his vindication of just authoritie to them both against your disciplinarian incroachments . His Lordship doth not forget by what authoritie your discipline is established though the extravagance of your practices stands not justified by that which you pretend to . If your rule doth , it doth not quit it selfe of censure , in reference to its reception otherwhere , because vested with the power of a civile law in Scotland ; nor is that law unalterable when a future Parliament may take into consideration the inconveniencies that accompanie it . The Bishop need not be grieved ▪ being as ignorant as your selfe ( & you are enough , as King knowing as you would seem ) that His Majestie doth not at all question the justice , because he doth not the legalitie of these sanctions . Therefore his Lordship may thinke on , & speake on when he pleaseth more about this bussinesse , & yet vouch with out a maske loyaltie in his face , nor ( for ought you draw from him ) need his veines be so emptie , nor his stomake so sharpe set as to eate his former words , much lesse be so desperate as to burne his whole booke , the consistence of it with his toughts , & professions laying no slander upon the King , & his Royal Father of ignorance , & injustice , the one having established , the other offering to establish by your civile lawes such a Church discipline as is mentiond , both having done it upon most unreasonable importunitie , without any know'n inclination to , or approbation of the same , Farther , what a slander this would prove , upon your grounds ( beyond the irreverence toward any actions of a King ) which is haled hither in a forced consequence by the cords of your malice may be guessed by the Royal Father's confession in his solitude . If any shall impute my yeilding to them [ the Scots ] as my failing , & sinne , I can easilie acknowledge it ; but that is no argument to doe so agai●…e , or much more For the Royal sonne , His Majestie now being . you say , he hath not yet gone beyond an offer , therefore His Martyr'd Fathers poenitential acknowledgement of his failing , & sinne join'd to your seasonable admonition , That there can be no such actual concession , but upon the peril of ignorance , or buge injustice , except he ownes it aswell to be the religious dictate of his conscience , as a poltike indulgence upon necessitie of state , may probablie move him at leisure to deliberate , & whatsoever he shall determine to doe in this , ( wherein God direct him for the best ) aswell for his owne sake , as the saftie of his Kingdomes make him cautious hereafter how the importunitie of the mission gets ground upon his goodnesse , when all his grants shall be so publikelie registred as conscientious acts , & , by such barbarious pens , deliver'd to posteritie as sealed with his soule . The Bishops presumption in that which followes is none but what from the grounds of modest Christian charitie may be raised , viz. That a knowing & a just King ( such as your owne character renders him ) will acknowledge that contrarie to the dictates of his conscience , which is proved contrarie to the lawes of God , & man , And this may be proclaimed , if not prohibited without being his Confessour or taking it from the Clerke of the closet in any whisper . Nor doth your mist●…ust of reports beare authoritie enough , to make His Majesties conscience passe for Presbyterian , no more then that for a command , or imposition by law which was by your petitionarie violence ravish'd from his passive innocencie into a grant . So that you see in the very beginning you stumble at a strawe , & being to finde somewhat worse in your way , you were best life your legs higher in your progresse . How much the Disciplinarian Scots have contributed from the beginning toward the alteration of Religion in England , is too large a storie to be inserted in this dispute . Their old account the Rt Reverend Arch-Bishop Bancroft cast up in his Dangerous positions , & English Scotizing Discipline . their later arreares ruu very high in the historie of our times , beginning with his religious & learned successour , The losse of whose head is not more to be imputed to the peoples clamours , then the Scotish papers . Whatsoever they did before , I hope they can not denie themselves to be one of the horned beasts , which together with their English brethren make the supporters of the Presbyterian Rebells scutcheon in the Covenant . This in their remonstrance upon their last inroad into England , when their fainting brethren with the cause were giving up the ghost , they tell the King plainlie they shall zealouslie & constantlie in their severall vocations endeavour with their estates & lives to persue & advance . This pursuance was against the King & Bishops , which with the Convocation of divines are the true & full representatives of the Church of England . The assemblie of Divines were but locusts & caterpillars brought together at Westminster by a Northerne wind . The lawes of England convocate no such creatures nor in such a maner . King & Parliament were mere names , had then , & there , no real being , & so no breath to such a purpose , nor those in the two Houses afterward more then the heads on the top of them in any politike capacitie to ordaine the abolition of Episcopacie . Beside , what the Assemblie did deliberate & debate , poor mechanike people 't is very well know'n they did as daylie labourers , & sacrilegious hirelings , spend the thred of their time in your service , & payd the price of their souls for a sequestration or two the Covenanting brethren's pillage of the Church . So that if they began the song , you know by whom they were payd for their paines , & if they danc'd not after your pipe , poor scraping wretches they came at your call , & how soever you were in a medley together , to be sure your Covenanting Divel had got you all into a circle , & will better distinguish you when he calls to you for his re●…koning . But , by your favour good Sir , His Majestie kept out , & for the very three yeares you mention told you plainlie he would make one in the practike harmonie of the Catholike Church . That permission ( for it was no more ) necessitie extorted , & though he could not at that time get you all into Bedlam , he thought in thrce yeares you would pipe & dance your selves wearie & then be content to give way to a better solemnitie of the Cathedral musike to come in . In the meane time estates & lives engag'd in the advancement of the Covenant by the sword , the end thereof being to setle discipline , was medling with & imposing upon our Church . Quod erat demonstrandum . The Bishop you see gives a shrewd guesse who they are you endeavour to brand with the name of Erastians , & how all Protestans Churches , even such as are not Episcopal , must be beholding to you for that title because they come not up to the rigour of your Discipline . Wherein Erasttus slaterd the Magistrate to the prejudice of the just rights of the Church , concernd you aswell to prove as to mention , & then to have draw'n a parallel of the like flaterie in the Bishop . Your doubting argues you ignorant or negligent , & confirmes my beleefe that you have travail'd as litle in Erastus's doctrines as his wayes , & gone no farther then the title of his booke . What His Lordship asserts about the supremacie of the Civile Magistrate , & Ecclesiastike jurisdiction derived from thence is but what he & all his brethren have sworneto , & not one of the late Bishops retracted who claim'd Episcopacie by divine right , nor were they at daggers drawing with that horrible word Erastian Caefaro-papisme , having a farre more monstrous creature , call'd Scoto-Presbytero-Papisme , to encounter . Our lawes are the same aswell to the latter as the elder Bishops , & if their subjection to them must be accounted such an errour , the next pedlars pack that you open we may looke to finde Christianitie bundeli'd up into a sect . The Bishop hath more charitie in him then to become an accuser of his friends , & so much ingenuitie as to heare your sense , not onelie speake his owne about their writings , which when you bring in any particular instance shewing them to joyne with the most rigid Presbyterians in opposing Erastus about the Magistrates power , you may looke for your answer Here the Reviewer , I can not say for want of a pare of spectacles ( for who is more blinde then he that will not see ) is pleas'd to over looke the whole bodie of the Bishops charge against them , & instead of quiting himselfe to any purpose , recriminates onelie upon other mens scores , having , as it seemes , been very slenderlie acquainted with the late controversies between the Papists & us , & not sounded the depth of the question , as it was stated by our later most learned writers , particularlie that most glorious martyr the Right Reverend Arch-Bishop of Canterburie with the rational & subtile Mr. Chillingworth , who between them having clear'd the well of that dirt which defil'd commonlie the fingars of them that went to draw water at it before , made the face of truth appeare at the botome to any that came impartiallie to behold it . But the Bishop mentioning nothing hearebout , I have no authoritie farther to enlarge , being oblig'd onelie to put Mr. Baylie in mind that in his next Review he give account to the world . Why the Scotish Presbyterie comes not into the harmonie of all Protestants both Lutharans & Calvinists , who give unto the English Episcopal Church the right hand of fellowship & why he & his later Brethren out do etheir forefathers , who durst not condemne her either as defective in any necessarie point of Christian pietie , or redundant in any thing that might virtuallic or by consequence overthrow the foundation . The Canterburian designe was forged at Edenburgh into a passe for the Scots to come over the borders . The Prelatical partie might charitablie wish , but never rationallie hope to see all Christian Churches united in truth & love , so long as the perverse Presbyterie confines all Religion to it selfe . For whatsoever the blew caps came in , we know when they went out they caried many vvainloades of somevvhat clse beside the spoile of the blacke-caps reconciliation vvith Rome , & so long as such bootie is to be had , they want more power , then will , to set up a new controversie in England . But while they are thinking of that , I must put them in mind of what we have in hand , & notwithstanding Mr. Baylies pretense assure him King James , who had trouble enough with them , makes good upon his owne experience , that every nicitie is a fundamental among them , & every toy takes up as great a dispute , as if the Holie Trinitie were question'd …De minimis Politiae Ecclesiasticae quaestiunculis tantum excitant turbarum ac si de sacrosancta Trinitate ageretur . As touching your answer to the last charge , you cunninglie omit what is found in the letter , a word at least of approbation to the office of Episcopacie , in that Bishops are call'd guides , or leaders of Christs flocke , wherein a superintendence , Prelacie , or precedence is own , they being Pastorum Pastores , for by the flocke there is mean'd the inferiour Ministerie , not Laitie , otherwise that text of St. Peter is unfitlie applied , Feed the flocke of Christ , which is committed to your charge , caring for it not by constraint e'piscopôuntes mi a'nagkastôs [ e'piscopôuntes is being Bishops over it ] where a'nagkastôs must relate to the Ministers who were constrained to weare the cap , surplice , & tippet , or else be deprived of all Ecclesiastical function as your Assemblie complaines at the very begining of the letter . Yet had they writ no more then you produce , & had been of the same minde with you now , it would follow necessarilie that you acknowledge several members of Antichrist Ministers of the word , reverend Pastours & brethren of the Kircke . Which give me but under your hand in your next . My Lord of Derrie I presume will use you , as his profess'd brother very kindlie , & trouble you no more about that businesse . I must adde this ; Mr. Knox , as futious otherwise as he was , before Queen Elizabeths time when as your Historian relates in his life , K. Edward VI. offered him a Bishoprike , he resus'd it with a grave severe [ yet not so severe ] speach saying the title of Lordship & great state had quid commune cum Antichristo , somewhat common with Antichrist , he sayd not the office of an English Bishop was Antichristian , nor his person a limbe of Antichrist himselfe . What the same Assemblie sayd or did about the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrewes was in the midst of their freanzie , when , as by their actions may be judged , they had alreadie made good what they threatned , & were become subjects or slaves to the tyrannie of the Devil . Whose title their successours , have these last ten yeares renewd , & payd a greater homage then ever , to that Lord. What you suppone is a grant of the question , That some 80. yeares agoe the Scots might admit the Protestant Bishops tolerable in England , the law being still the same upon which they are founded , & if their practice be not , which is more then you prove , whatsoever it may detract from their persons , it derogates no thing from the continuance of their office . Neither hath your inspection been so accurate of its nature , but that like unskillfull physicians , ye have cast away that balme of Gilead whereby the health of the daughter of Gods people must be recovered , & like ignorant simplers , have throw'n over the hedge for a noxious ●…eed that Soveraigne plant which God ordain'd for the perpetual service & sanitie of his Church . As for those crimes which you mention , though you will never be able to make them good against the Reverend Prelates of any the three Kingdomes , yet for shame say not for those you got the consent of the King to condemne , kill & burie in your countrey the sacred order of Episcopacie in that Church . His Majestie having not expressed the least word or syllabe to that purpose . The most that ever he yeilded was this . For it should be considered that Episcopacie was not so rooted , & setled there [ in Scotland ] as t is here [ in England ] nor I ( in that respect ) so strictlie bound to continue it in that Kingdome as this : for what I thinke in my judgement best , I may not thinke so absolutelie necessarie for all places , & at all times . Not so rooted & setled , not so absolutelie necessarie implies no act of everting the foundations both of Religion & Government &c. nor can such an act be so pleasing to Kings , nor that order , which is wholelie imployed therein , win so much upon their affections & judgements as to make them professe to the world they thinke it best , as you see our King of blessed memorie hath done . When England thereafter , as you terme it , did root out that unhappie plant , they danc'd after the Scotish pipe , though England was neither in that thing , calld an assemblie , nor in any full & free Parliament that did it . They were but a few rotten members , that had strength enough then to articulate their malice in a vote , but have since given up the ghost being cut downe by the independencie of the sword , & their presbyterie with them , for a Stinking weed throw'n over the hedge , or Severu's wall , into Scotland , where they , & their blew-bottle brethren are left to lie unpittied on the dunghill together . The rest of the ReformedChurches otherwhere did never cast out , what they never had , such an happie plant as regular Episcopacie in their grounds , those that have ( as some such I have told you there are ) carefullie keep it . The one part hath been more wise in their actions , the other more charitable to us in their words . Let the Scots applaud , or clap their hands when they please , there is an act behind , the plays ' not yet done . CHAPTER II. The Scottish Discipline overthrowes the right of Magistrates to convocate Synods , & otherwise to order Ecclesiastical affaires . THe Bishop doth not forget his challenge about the Magistrates right in convocating Synods . But if Mr. Baylie's eyes be too old to see a good , argument in an enthymem , let him take it out of an explicite syllogisme , which may fairlie be draw'n out of His Lordships first & second paragraph in this Chapter . MAJ. That Discipline which doth countenance the Church to convene within the Magistrates territories , whensoever , wheresoever they list : To call before them whomsoever they please , &c. doth overthrow the Magistrates right to convocate Synods . to confirme their Acts , &c. MIN. But this new Discipline doth countenance the Church to convene within the Magistrates territories , whensoever , wheresoever they list , &c. Ergo , CONCL. This new Discipline doth overthrow the Magistrates right to convocate Synods , &c. The Major his Lordship proves from that know'n Soveraignite of power wherewith all Princes , & States are indued ; From the warinesse of the Synod of Dort , Can. 50. From that decree out of Ench. Cand s. min. Synods ought to be called by the supreme Magistrate , if he be a Christian , &c. From the power the Emperours of old did challenge over General Councels ; Christian Monarches in the time of Poperie over National Synods ; The Kings of England over their Convocations : The Estates of the Vnited Provinces . From the professions of all Catholikes & Protestants in France , very particularlie & liberallie the State of Geneva , where the ordering of all Ecclesiastike affaires is assumed by the Seigniorie . The Minor , he takes for granted , is know'n out of all the proceedings in the Presbyterie ; which from time to time have thus conven'd , & convocated themselves , & therefore His Lordship onelie intimates it in his first paragraph , yet afterward proves it in part by an Assemblie , meeting when it had been prohibited , & sitting after it was discharged by the King , which the 20. Presbyters did at Aberdene Anno 1600. And all this with the Reviewer , is to forget the challenge , because he hath forgot his logike , & the new light hath dazeld the eye of his old intellectual facultie to discerne . The truth of it is , this was a litle too hot for Mr. Baylies fingars , because it makes such cleare instances about the Synod of Dort & Geneva , wherein they differ from the Scotish Presbyterie , which he will not owne because he every where denies , & therefore takes no notice of it as he goes . Nor can any ignorance of the way of the Scotish Discipline be imputed to the Bishop , who produceth , so numerouslie , the practical enormities thereof , & strikes at the very foundation as infirme , because contrarie to the know'n lawes & lawfull custome : , the supreme Magistrate dissenting & disclaiming . For what he pretends to have been unquestionablie authentike by vertue of Parliament Acts & the Kings consent since the first reformation , I have otherwhere successivelie evidenc'd , up as farre as the unhappie beheading of Marie Queen of Scots in England , ( to which the rest may be hereafter annexed ) to have no other strength then what rage & violence could afford it . The power which he sayth every man in Scotland gives the King , without controversie , to call extraordinarie Assemblies when he pleaseth , takes not away , in its hast , the maine part , of the Bishops objection , implying no negative to this . That the Presbyteric , hath often extraordinarilie assembled without the Kings leave , nay against his command , nor will they be checkt in that rebellious license by his power . What the Bishop meanes to speake of the Kings power in chusing Elders , &c. Mr. Baylie might know , but that still he hath no mind to take notice , That in the former paragraph His Lordship spake of a seigniorie , a Civile Magistrate at Geneva , to which at the end of the yeare are presented the Elders , & by that continued or discharged . The Civile Magistrate in Scotland hath no more power in placing or displacing , ( which before was calld continuing or discharging ) the Elders , then in the election of the Emperour , whose inhaerent right he conceives to be as good there as at Geneva , therefore if the lawes do not expresselie provide it , they are such , he thinkes , as tend to the overthrowing of that right . This His Lordship meanes as part of that he was to prove , being a clause in the title of this Chapter . Your closing with the Parliament , which the Bishop hath not mention'd , is but to beget a wonder by making an hermaphroditc of the question which before was but single in your sexe . You are not so united , but that I can untwist you , & , though against your will , consider , in this case , the Presbyterie by it selfe . The making of Ecclesiastike lawes in Scotland ( as for England it shall not be here disputed , as desirous as you are to be wandring from home ) was never , in justice , nor with any Kings content , referred , so absolutelie , to Ecclesiastike Assemblies , as not to aske a ratification from the crowne . What the Bishops minde is about the head of the Church will be clearlie rendred when just Authoritie demands it , but His Lordship thinkes not good to be catechiz'd by every ignorant Scotish Presbyter , nor give answer to every impertinent question he puts in . If your fingars itch to be handling the extrinsccal power in the Minister derivative from the supremacie of the King you were best turne over Erastus & the learned Grotius , after which I guesse we shall heare of you no more . Your Assemblies are Arbitrarie but at Royal pleasure otherwise then as by your covenanting sword you cut of their relation to the King & his great Councels . So that your Kings were willing to accept , & had good reason to assume , more then ever you would give them . How you robd them of their right by your multipli'd rebellions see Scotish-Presbyterian selfe conviction in my Epitome of your storie . If the Bishop had left this matter in generall , your hue & crie to be sure , had gone after him for particulars . His reasoning stands not to the courtesie of your indulgence , being grounded upon the Acts of your Assemblies , whose backes had been long since broke with the weight , of no peckadillos in disputing , but high & mightie villanies in rebelling , had it not the strength of the whole lay Presbyterie to support it . Though by the way I must tell you , The failings of your officers may be taken as naturall to , & inseparable from your office , when , having been so noto riouslie publike , they passe without your censure , or dislike . So that this mote , as much as you miskenne it , will prove a beame in your eye , & of such consequence in this argument , as you will scarce finde the way through the most hainous particulars that follow . The first of which layes such a blocke in your way , as you can not step over , till you have as good as acknowledged one of the principal articles in that charge . You confesse His Majestie did write from Stirling to the General Assemblie at Edenburgh 1579. that they should cease from concluding any thing in the discipline of the Church , during the time of his minoritis . And how well you obey'd it , we may collect by what followes . Vpon this desire [ dutifull subjects would have taken it for a command ] the Assemblie did abstaine srom all conclusions [ that we shall see presentlie ] onelie they named a Committee to goe to Striveling for conference with His Majestie upon that subject . Any man that is acquainted with your Assemblie logike will know that this clause with the onelie , if it passe not for a conclusion , caries the force of two praemises with it ; And he must be very ignorant in your storie that hath not found all your conferences with your Kings to have been contests . Whether this was so or no , I leave to the discretion of the reader , when he sees what you say followed thereupon . Immediatelie a Parliament is called in Octob. 1579. And in the first Act declares & grants jurisdiction unto the Kirke… . And declares that there is no other face of a Kirke , nor other face of Religion , then is praesentlie , by the favour of God established within this Realme , And that there be no other jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall acknowledged within this Realme , then that whilke is & shall be within the samen Kirke , or that which followes therefra concerning the praemises . Now let us lay all this together . The young King is resolved to have no medling with the discipline , yet no sooner doth he see your Commissioners sweet faces , but immediatelie a Parliament is called And in that Parliament your Discipline must have the primacie In the Acts ; And that leading Act must not onelie establish what you have at hand , but , upon the engagement of Regal & Parliamentarie power , purchase all future possibilities of your pleasure , & give your invention a patent to play the wanton . There must be some witch craft sure in your Committee , & ( by your relation ) a magicke spell to retrive on such a sodaine , the Kings wandring affections to the Discipline . But when I finde His Majestie professing , that after ten yeares of age you never had his heart . A brother of yours lamcnting that for five yeares before this you had had a perpetual conflict with the Bishops , & ever got the worst . That most of the Nobilitie , upon several interests , were at this time bent against you , I am at a losse for the Kings libertie , as much as for some other concurrent due authoritie , in this Act , & reade nothing but your violence in these proceedings . But let us see how you & a namelesse friend of yours agree . He tells us the letter that Dunkenson brought to this Assemblie had otherguede contents . That the King onelie quickned your dispatch in consultation a. bout some head of the discipline , & preparing your unanimous result for the consent of the Parliament that followes . The Kings jealousie of your medling with these affaires he seemes to anticipate by two yeares of your account & if there were any such thing , whereof he doubts , he sayth the King was better informed of the truth . He farther complaines of two whole leaves about this businesse that were rent out of your publike records . that ever since left posteritie in a cloud this was done in the yeare 1584. which he calls the houre of darknesse . You say the authentike Registers are extant , & ●…onvince the Bishop to be heire of falshood . Error cau●… quâ coepit eat All the truth that I can picke out of this confusion is , That the King was disaffected to the Discipline ; That the Assemblie did not obey his command nor answer his desire with their silence ; And that what consent you say , he gave in Parliament soon after , was either forg'd , or procured by constraint . What followes concerning your rigour to the Papists , & many orthodoxe Christians comprehended in that title , is easilie credited . But you should have done well to have set downe the names Dominorum Consilii ex quornm deliberatione proclamation ●…as made , & then we should have know'n how neare they were of kinn to your faction . Some bodie tells us , That the Ministers did deliberate , & Buchanan did act [ according to the maximes of loyaltie he publish'd . ] That the Kings name was to it , & what else you pleased , is not much to be doubted , when you had got his person in your power . For how short a time you could keep his inclination to the Discipline , which was proclaim'd , ap peares out of your storie of an Assemblie mans penning . How cordiallie peremptorie the king was in his command , & how forward in subscribing whatsoever is in the Act for the short Confession of fayth ; And what good effects it wrought among the people , you may take notice out of His Majestie speach in the Conference at Hampton Court , wherein he shewes how ridiculous the thing was , & the person that drew it up . I thinke it unfit to thrust into the booke every position negative…according to the example of Mr. Craige in Scotland , who with his I renounce & abhorre , his detestations & abrenunciations , did so amaze the simple people , that they not able to conceive all those things , utterlie gave over all , falling backe to Poperie , or remaining still in their former ignorance . These are the Kings words about Mr. Craige the Authour , & his Confession , which you may compare with the Act , you pretend to at your leisure . The approbation of the Assemblie was but the harmonie of a faction , such being excluded as were not prejudged approvers or , if praesent , overaw'd by a praevalent partie in their vote , as much as other Ministers abroad , by Philadelphi Vindicatours confession , in their consent . Quis credat quenquam , qui rem sacram administrabat…ausum fuisse calculo suo non probare . Or if they were free & did approve it , they did it in that sense that many Orthodoxe persons did sweare or subscribe it …in eam confessionem jurâsse neminem Presbyteriorum regimini alligat . Which King Ch. 1. in his large Declaration tells you to be consistent with Episcopa●…ie , it unqu-estionablie true . Or it may be the register of your approvers was handled as the roll of subscribers , wherein were a great many more names then had been hands … adde Episcopos nunc sedentes & magnam partem Ministrorum subscriptiones illas inficiari . The opposition Of the Kings Commissioner it may be was ingrossed in the two leaves torne out of your publike records , if not left out as impertinent to the proceedings of that Assemblie . If he gave a passive consent by his silence , it was in conformitie to his Masters subscription & command which you mention'd . The direction of His Majestie for the 50. Classical Assemblies was specializ'd by your power which did direct him . The crecting of them was with no intent to pull downe Episcopacie , as may be , in effect gather'd from your words . For if they remaine to this day , the same stood while the Bishops were in power as subordinate chapters or consistories unto them . These some Noble men , you speake of , were most of the Nobilitie , as your Brother Andr. Melvin doth acknowledge … reluctantibus nobilium plerisque . And these did not now erect , of new , a titular Episcopacie , but maintained that which had been legallie established . And this they did , not onelie to hold fast their Ecclesiastical revenue , but upon other more conscientious grounds , as he ingenuouslie confesseth . Viz. To keep the state of the Kingdome entire from being rent in pieces ; sublato enim Episcopatu [ I l'e leave the lie for his heires to licke up ] regni statum convelli . To praeserve Majestie due to the King , constitutis Presbyteriis regiam Majestatem imminui And , by asserting his right to some Church revenues , to prevent the utter exhausting of his exchequer … bonis Ecclesiasticis … restitutis Regis aerarium exhauriri causantur . That the Nobilitie enjoyed so much of the revenue , beside what was payd in to the King , came upon the perpetual divisions rais'd by the Presbyterie in the Kingdome , which perturbing ever the establishment of the Episcopal order , & voting them to have no more right to the meanes then they had to the office , the learned at least & prudent Nobilitie having better assurance that neither power nor meanes belong'd de jure to the brethren of the discipline , it is not unlikelie , till the controversie should be ended , they framed a kind of plausible argument to continue the steward ship in themselves . Yet in the meane time , by your leave , they did effectuate more then a title to this & tul●…han Bishop : And this kind of Prelates pretended right to every part of the Episcopal office , & exerciz'd much more then you mention'd . Which having been made good against you in several volumes , I shall onelie bring an undeniable argument , by producing confitentes reos , the whole packe of Covenanters of all orders & qualities , aswell Ministers , as others , Who in their publike bill or Complaint , upon which an Act of the Presbyterie of Edenburgh passed Octob. 24. 1638. have these Words . Whereas the office of a Bishop ( as it is now used within this Realme ) was condemned by the booke of policie , & by the Act of the Assemblie holden at Dundee , Anno 1580. Whereof these are the words ; For asmuch as the office of a Bishop ( as it is now used , & commonlie taken within this Realme ) hath no sure warrant from Authoritie , &c. Hence I argue thus . The office of a Bishop now used in the yeare 1580. & the office of a Bishop , now used in the yeare 1638. is ex confesso the same . But the office of a Bishop 1638. consisted in the power of ordination & jurisdiction : Ergo so did the office of a Bishop 1580. And as much is implied by the Act of that Synod which condemnes expresselie the power as well as the title of Bishops , & that with reference to the persons of the Bishops then living , that had executed this power , & were to lay it downe or become excommunicate . Therefore you shew us but the halfe face in your discovrse about their voting in Parliament , Into which imployment they crept not , but came upon considence of better authoritie then any general Assemblie could give them , as shall be proved hereafter , particularlie in the case of Rob. Montgomerie Arch-Bishop of Glasgow whom you name . That there was some debate takes of somewhat from the Kings forwardnesse in commanding , subscribing & directing in special . That he shew'd his good satisfaction , I beleeve not , when you publish it with a blancke Reviewer . But the Warner heere jumps over no lesse then 27. yeares time , &c. Ans. The Bishop undertooke no continued historie of your Disciplinarian rebellions . Therefore in passing over 27. yeares he sav'd himself a trouble , but hath done too great a courtesie for you , unlesse you were more thankefull for his silence . Though indeed this signal rebellious Convention of a few stubborne ignaro's at Aberdener shewes to what an height & maturitie of mischiefe your other sucking Conspiracies had come to ; if Royal presence had not been at hand to suppresse their growth & nip these blacke boutefeus in the bud . That King Iames at that time was by his English Bishops perswasions resolv'd to pu●… downe the general Assemblies of Scotland , is disavowed in words by publike proclamation , bearing date the 26. Septemb. & in act by appointing one to be holden at Dundee the last Tuesday of Julie . Yet if he had , with the grave advice & consent of his three Estates , your Church lanes & constant practice must have strooke saile , as it afterward did , unto the supremacie of that power . Himselfe telling you , That no Monarchie either in Civillor Ecclesiastical policie , had then attained to that perfection that it needed no reformation ; Nor that infinite occasions might not arise , whereupon wise Princes might foresee , for the benefit of their St●…es , just cause of alteration . For what immediatelie followes , take His majesties answer out of a Declaration penned with his owne hand . As to the nature of their particular priviledge in holding of Assemblies , they have in this their last praetended Assemblie broken the limitations of that priviledge that is clearlie set downe in the first Acte of the Parliament in the 92 yeare , which is the latest & clearest warrant for their Assemblie . For there it is speciallie provided . That as We give them license for holding of their Assemblies once in the yeare or oftner as occasion shall require ( which proves that all their power onelie proceeds from us ) so must it not be convened without our owne prasence , or then of our Commissioner , nor no day , nor place set downe for the next Assemblie , but by Our , or our Commissioners appointment , except we be not pleased neither to goe in our owne person , neither to send any for assisting the sayd Assemblie . And how these limitations have beene observed by them at this time , let the world judge , first in not onelie refusing the praesence of our Commissioner , but most contemptuouslie & injuriouslie barring the doore upon him , & next in setting downe the dyes of the next Assemblie without either his privitie , or consent . The letter which His Majesties Commissioner Sr. Alex : Strayton of Lowrenston offered you know was a missive from the Lords of the Councel , not addressed to them as to an Assemblie , & therefore no such capacitie requir'd to their receiving it . His Majesties letter to the Commissioners of the general Assemblie signifying his pleasure to have the appointment of this meeting deferred , & no new indiction to be made without his consent , having been long before delivered , & the substance of it by them communicated to the several Presbyteries of the Kingdome . In contempt whereof these persons assembled at Aberdene , where , the day before they sate downe , was a publication at the mercate Crosse of a charge to the contrarie from the Lords of the Councel . Beside , they had not , His Majestie tells them . any warrant to hold a new Assemblie , without the praesence either of the Moderatour of the last , or of the ordinarie Clerke of the Assemblie . As for their dutifull demeanour afterward , That they rise immediatelie after the reading of the Missive , Mr. Baylie knowes to be absolutelie false , Howsoever , the naming a diet for the next meeting Was against an expresse clause in His Majesties letter , which by the Councel is calld a Rebellious , & traiterous misbehaviour . For the trouble that followed hereupon , if by the counsel of Arch-Bishop Bancroft , that could not be pernicious , because the proceeding against them was legal . They were calld before the Lords of His Majesties Councel ; had libertie given them to entertaine lawyers , & make their defense , which prov'd a Declinatour disclaiming all subjection to His Majestie , & His Councel ; This Declinatour was repell'd , & they were found to have unlawfullie conven'd ; His Majestie commanded that the ordinarie course of justice should proceed . Whereupon Sixe of them were presented upon panel at Lynlithgow before His Highnesse Justice being the ordinarie Judge , who had joyned to him a great number of Noblemen , &c. Their inditement grounded upon the first statute in May 1584. Two of their Procuratours , & Counsellers at law , not being able to perswade them to a course of humilitie , did upon their obstinacie refuse to plead for them , Indeed Sixe , or seven of them , touched with the open discoverie made by the Kings Declaratour upon humble submission were dismissed , & sent home to their charge . See more particularlie of all these in the Declarations of K. James , & his Councel 1606. The next instance of the Bishops , Viz. Their abolishing the chiefe festivals of the Church , the Reviewer can not justifie to any purpose either from the authoritie , or the time . For first this great Councel of Scotland were but a parsel of the rebell Nobilitie that had of late deposed , & persecuted the poore Queen Dowager to the death , And now having the yong King & Queen at as great a distance as France , at the same rate order the affaires of the Church as they had the policie of the State. The charge they gave the Assemblie brethren dated the 29. day of April 1590. ( the summe whereof is so formallie placed in the front of the Discipline ) was upon procurement by themselves , It being ordinairie with them , when they had any new device on foot , to extort some pretended authoritie by their letters . Therefore it is but a mocke obedience by service not onelie offered , but obtruded . Nor was it so pleasing to them , whom they here owne for their masters , but that after many dayes perusal , it was with dislike , & scorne rejected by diverse . Those that sign'd it had no power to ratifie it , no more then just before , the Confession of fayth , which they were faine to send over into France . And how their Act , or promisse in secret Councell , dated the 27. of Ianuarie , was illuded from time to time , Knox relates , & very much laments in his storie . For the time , there was no such Parliament intervall as required the diligence of the Councel of State : for what they call'd a Parliament , though none , was but new lie dissolv'd , when presentlie consultation was had how the Church might be established in a good , & Godlie policie . The reason of which haste was lest , the yong Queen should come over , & interpose her Royal authoritie in this great Councel of State , as she did afterward , & rejected the Discipline , for all the Act of State that had passed on it , demanding How many of those that had subscribed would be subject unto it , & her Secretarie telling them . That many subscribed in fide parentum , as children are baptized . Those dayes which Mr. Baylie calls here fond seasts , out of the booke of Discipline & that farther abominations , were not thought such by the Primitive Christians , who were strict in the solemnitie of such times . And if the writings of the ancient Fathers , & the Godlie , & approved lawes of Iustinian the Emperour might be admitted , as once they were offered , to decide the controversie betvixt us , we know what Would become of this part of the Discipline . The authoritie of the Church , warranted by the holie Scriptures is sufficient to justifie them & us in this observance . Nor were the Scots so fallen out with these abominations , but that they let them stand in the Calendar before their Liturgie , &c. And there were a people in Scotland which , in the Bishops dayes , did celebrate those feasts , Therefore ever since they have not shewed such readie obedience to that direction of the Discipline . See the Bishop of Brechen's defense of the Perth Articles . Your farre-fetecht comparison accidentallie improves the Bishops knowledge by a seasonable experiment , Who findes the Disciplinarian barbarismes in Scotland as monstrous as any he ever read of in Iapan , & your nullities in religion as many as Vtopia hath in policie , or nature . If your thoughts had not been rambling so farre for recruits to your malice , you might have been furnish'd with truth nearer home , which His Lordship brings unto your doore . As fine as here you make your selfe for the triumph , out of every wing you plucke , you will by & by be at a losse for your victorie , & must then weare your blew cap without a feather . For ( that you may know my meaning ) His Lordship can afford you no such pretie thing as the antichronisme you lay hold on . He sayth not , That statute of treason wa●… in being in the yeare 1580. And his Printer you might see , had done him so much right as to set a number 4. yeares older directlie , against the place where it is mention'd . His Lordships words are these Which ridiculous ordinance was maintain'd stiffelie by the succeeding Synods , notwithstanding the statute , That it should be treason to impugne the authoritie of the thrce Estates . The plaine sense whereof is this , The succeeding Synods to the yeare 1584. maintain'd it stisfclie . And not onelie they but likewise the succeeding Synods afterward , notwithstanding the statute then made , That &c. Yet , not to be too literal , That there should be three Estates , to whom your brethren presented their Assemblie Acts as they did , by the King & them to be confirmed , even before the yeare 1580. & yet , That to impugne the authoritie of the three , estates or to procure the innovation , or diminution of any of them , should have no statute nor law to make it , at least interpretative , treason , is a peice of politikes that Iapan nor Vtopia , will never owne , nor any man that is civiliz'd in submission to government beleeve . The businesse of appeales we are to meet with in the chapter following , & so farre you shall have leave to travaile with the counterfeit credit of that untruth . What you make here such a positive consent of Lundie the Kings Commissioner in that Assemblie , even now went no farther then a suspense in silence , where all you found was , That it appear'd not he apposed . And how that might be I there gave you my conjecture . In the next Assemblie 1581. the Kings Commissioner Caprington was not so hastie to erect in His Majesties name Presbyteries in all the land . The businesse was this , The King sends him , & Cuningham with letters to the Assemblie at Glasgow , to signifie , That the thirds of the Ecclesiastical revenues , upon the conference had between his Commissioners , & those which they had before sent from Dundee , were not found to be the safest maintenance for the Ministrie , they having been so impair'd in twentie yeares before , that nothing of certaintie could appeare ; That thereupon had been drawn a diagrame of several Presbyteries , whereby a division of the greatest parishes was to be made , & a uniting of the lesse to the end that the Ministers might be with more aequalitie maintained , and the people more convenientlie assemble'd , That His Majestie had determined to sent letters to several of his Nobilitie in the Countrey to command their meetings , and counsel here about . This he did not till the next summer , nor was any thing effected diverse yeares after . The conventions of the Ministrie were to be moderated by every Bishop in his Dioecesse , who was , by agreement , to praeside in the Presbyteries with in his limits . So that the modelling Presbyteries was onelie for setling a convenient revenue upon the Ministers , & so farre was it from abolishing Episcopacie , that the Bishops were to have the managing the affaire . It would not have cost you , nor your printer , much paines to have put in what hapened before the yeare 1584 The opposition against your abuse hereof by the Bishops Montgoinerie & Adamson ; His Majesties discharging by proclamation the Ministers conventions , & Assemblies under paine to be punished as Rebells , publishing them to be unnatural subjects , seditious persons , troublesome & unquiet spirits , members of Satan , enemies to the King & the Commonwealth of their native Countrey , charging them to desist from preaching in such sort as they did viz. against the authoritie in Church causes , against the calling of Bishops , &c. removing , imprisoning , inditing them , &c. Which put you upon the desperate attempts of surprizing and restraining His Majestie 's person , whereof otherwhere . So that the King , you see , had very good preparatives to purge his Kingdome of such turbulent humours , before Captain Stuart put him in minde to make use of that physike . Which Captaine Iames was no such wicked Courtier , when the saints in behalve of the Discipline , set him up to justle with Esme Stuart Lord Aubignie for the nearest approach unto Royal favour . This Parliament 1584. was summon'd with as loud a voyce as any other , & was as open as the sun at Edenburgh could make it . Nor was Captain Stuarts crime about it such as to denominate his exile the vengeance of God , which was wrought in the eyes of the world by your rebellion . Nor his death by Dowglasse's high way murder , aveng'd afterward in alike terrible destruction & that in Edenburgh high street , where sanguis sanguinem tetigit : bloud touched bloud , though I dare not , as you doe , judge for reward , nor divine such ambiguous cruelties for money , being no Priest nor Prophet , as you are to the heires of those bloudie soulders in Micah [ chapt 3. ] I dare not say that it either was the fingar of God , though he imploy not the hand of his power to restraine them . Rev. … these acts of his Parliament the very next yeare were disclaimed by the King , &c. Ans. They were not disclaimed the 21 of December the next yeare , when James Gibson being question'd for dis loyal speaches about them before His Majestie & his Councel , very impudentlie told the King , he was a persecutour for maintaining them , and compar'd him to Ieroboam , & threatned he should be rooted out , & conclude that race . His confidence was in the returne of the banish'd Rebel-Nobles , who forced all honest men from the Court , possessed themselves of His Majesties person , & acted all disorder in his name . This was the regular restoring of Presbyterie , Which to say was never more removed to this day , in that sense , you must speake it , is to abuse the ignorance of some new convert you have got in the Indies , who it may be , at that distance , know not that Bishops had the visible Church government in Scotland , for about theirtie yeares together , since that time . Rev. The Warners digression to the the perpetuitie of Bishops in Scotland , &c. Ans. The perpetuitie of their order in that Kingdome is no disgression in this place , where His Lordship shewes your practical contradiction in pulling downe Episcopacie with one hand , & yet seting it up , though under the name of Superintendencie , with the other . The sequestring their revenue , & altering their names , & pruning off some part of their power , he takes to be no root & branch ordinance , for the deposition of their office , or utter extirpation of their order . This he asserts to be the greatest injurie your malice could ever hitherto bring about , & therefore goes not one step out of his way to let you know . That Bishops have been perpetual in your Church , Nor doe you out of yours ( but keep the same path of truth you began in ) in acquainting us with the antiquitie of Presbyters , who , it should seem are terrae filii that sprung up in Scotland , like so many mushromes , the next night after Christianitie came in : Though he that is read in your opinions & actions , will take it for granted that you must pay the acknowledgement of your Presbyterie to the Sanhedrin , & your sects conversion to the lewes . If you will impudentlie crowd it into the companie of the first Christians that came into Scotland , you can not denie but that for some part of the Centuries you speake of , it was confin'd to the monkes colls , never came to clamour at the Court , & the poore Culdiis , with a great deale more humilitie & pietie , then the Covenanters , caried it in their cowles . Rev. … & after the reformation there was no Bishop in that land . Ans. The reformation you meane , began the day before , or after the Greeke Calends , & if you will helpe me to an account of the one , I shall know how to order the aera of the other . Many yeares confusion there was of Poperie , Presbyterie & Superintendencie . The reform'd Episcopacie could never get ground till King James set it forward , & then it went not far before it met with your violent encounter by Sword , & Covenant , which never suffered the crowne nor Miter to stand long unshaken , till both were held up by the Armes of England , & the Kings person secure at a distance to command you . That ever such a thing as reformed Presbyterie according to the Canon in your Discipline , had the free positive consent of King , & Parliament ( without which it can not legallie passe for the Religion of your Kingdome ) I denie to be visible any where in your storie . Rev. … till the yeare 1610. Ans. That yeare did indeed complete the Episcopal power , which King James had by degrees piouslie , & industriouslie promoted many yeares before . Rev. … When Bancrost did consecrate three Scots Ministers , &c. Ans. A brother of yours tells us they were consecrated by Bishop Abbot : As evil as their report was the men were not so bad , as their names need be in charitie conceled . They were Iohn Spotswood , Andrew Lamb , & Gawin Hamilton , Bishops of Glasgow , Brechen , & Galloway . Who enjoy now their reward in heaven for the r●…viling they had on earth , it being for Gods sake & his Church ] according to our Saviours promise , St. Matth. 5. 11. The first was a man for zeale to the Church , fidelitie to the King , prudence in Government , & constancie under affliction singular , & inimitable , & indeed for his excellent gifts onelic hatefull to the Disciplinarians , though especiallie because he through long experienec was of all Scotish men best acquainted with & ablest to detect their crosse wayes to the King & all Soveraigne Magistracie . He died piouslie , & peaceablie at Westminster in the second yeare of this rebellion , & was buried in the Abbey Church . The second was a great & assiduous preacher , even when he was blinde through extreme age , He also died in peace , & with the good report of all , except these calumniatores , who hold that no Bishop can be an honest man , & whose invention is so rich of nothing as reproaches against better men then themselves . The third was a reverend Praelate of great parts , & singular learning , a most constant preacher who lived in peace , & died in his bed . Rev. … that violent Commissioner the Earle of Dunbar . Ans. His violence did not carie him beyond his Commission , & because he executed that upon the rebellious Aberdene Assemblers , & would not take off some of his kindred or acquaintance who were in the jurie , that deliberatelie cast them in their verdict , nor intercede for their stay in Scotland , being desir'd ; you here meet with him at the Synod of Glasgow . Which being at large prov'd legitimate in every circumstance required by law , is in vaine condem'd as null by your faction . Nor was it corrupt in any more then three members of about 140. who being rotten drop of from the close union & harmonious suffrage of the rest . Rev : … got authorized in some part of the Bishops office . Ans. I hope you will not denie that Bishops were authorized to ordaine in this Synod . And into how many particulars their power of jurisdiction was branched your brother very pittifullie complaines… jurisdictio in omnibus offendiculis , sive in doctrina , sive in moribus … Armantur … potestate exauctorandi ministros , suspensionis censuram irrogandi , excommunicationem decernendi , &c. you may reade the rest , & then tell us what part of their office was left out . Rev. Superintendents are no where the same with Bishops , much lesse in Scotland . Ans. That they are aequivalent to Bishops is evident by the conformitie in their offices , & power . The particulars whereof His Lordship recites out of the fourth & sixt heads of your 1. Book Discipl . To which upon my Review I could adde some more , if those were not enough . Their ambulatorie commission , was no other then our Bishops ambulatorie visitation . If your onclic in the time before have any influence here , & exempt them from all duties in their visitation , but preaching the word , &c. you cut of three parts of their injunction in the Discipline . If they were onelie , as you say , for a time , it concerne●… you to tell us where they ceas'd , & denie there were any since , or ever shall be more but upon some future new plantation in your Churches Being pressed about obtruding your Discipline , you tell us . For the E●…clesiastike enjoyning of a general Assemblies decrees a particular ratisication of Parliament is unnecessarie . Which holds not where the particular decrees of your Assemblie transgresse the general intent of that Act whereby you are authoriz'd to meet . That relates to the times and matters to be treated of . In the former you are limited to custome , or praescription . In the later to the doctrine , & discipline receiv'd . Which are therefore ratified in such Acts together with your Assemblies , Presbyterie & Sessions , that obedience might be render'd upon the visible conformitie of your decrees , & injunctions to that rule . But to make any Act of Parliament so general as to ratisie at adventure all possible arbitrarie commamds of your Assemblie to the altering of the doctrine or discipline established , were to praecontract affinitie with all sects , & haeresies , & to enter into an implicite league , or Covenant with the Devil about his worship , so it may be de futuro ad placitum Synodi generalis . Let me put this case , suppose a general Assemblie should , by an Ecclesiastical decree , enjoyne the canons of that Antichristian government against which you praetend your discipline is framed . Whether or no is that injunction authentike upon the general A & of Parliament for their Assembling without a particular ratification thereof ? I might adde how ridiculous it is for you to make the power of your Assemblies so absolute , & yet trouble King , & Parliament so often with your importunate petitions to passe what is fullie ratified before , & that by their owne General Acts including that very particular for which you supplicate . The debates about the second booke of Discipline I beleeve : But that in the Assemblie 1590. the Kings consent to it was obtaind , I can sooner admit upon undeniable authoritie , then your Logike , you pretend not to the perpetuitie of His Majesties personal praesence which was but some times , & it should seem , not at that time of general consent . Nor is your Act for subscription so cleare in the assurance you give us that His Majesties Commissioner was there , you onelie take it for granted he was among the herd . Nor so explicite in his positive consent , you onelie collect it from a clowdie universal , & to serve your turne , honour him with a primacie in suffrage . Wherein you are a litle redundant in courtesie , there having been a time when if His Majestie , or His Commissioner siting in Assemblie should denie his voyce to any thing which appear'd unjust , & repugnant to his lawes , yet it that were concluded by most voyces , you would tell him he was bound jure divino to inforce obedience to your Act. The case , for ought I know , stood no otherwise here in this Assemblie . Where , to discountenance the testimonie you bring , you have been told long before now , That the superintendents of Angus , Lothian Fife , &c. George Hayes Commissioner from the North. Arbuthnoth of Aberdene , & others were dissenters from this Act about the discipline , whereby His Majesties , or His Commissioners consent becomes somewhat improbable , to the authoritie whereof such men as they had in prudence submitted , if not in dutie by their silence . That States-men in Parliament oppos'd it is evident . That the King ever endeavourd to get it passe , is your single assertion . Neque usquam sictum , neque pictum , neque scriptum . If your Church did , it was for want of worke , for you told us even now , To this a particular ratisication of Parliament was unnecessarie . What the Bishops opinion is about the patrimonie of the Church , how farre , & by whom , & what part of it may be law fullie alienated , when just occasion is given , I praesume His Lordship freelic , & faythfullie will declare . In the meane time his chalenge against the Scotish Presbyterians is without hypocrise , & injustice , Himselfe & many other good Prelates having ever aesteem'd it a fault , to call the annexing some part of the Church revenues unto the crowne a detestable sacriledge before God. Nor can Mr. Baylie instance in any indefinite disputes , including all that hath been , or shall be given to the Church , that have hapened since the first reformation between the Kings , of England & their Bishops . Who had they found their Princes rapacious sequestratours , would not have failed in their dutie modestlie to admonish them of the danger , yet had it , may be , abstained from calling them . theeves & murderers , peculiar termes characteristical of the Discipline-To which I thinke I shall doe no injustice , if I assert that the revenues of Bishops , Dcanes , & Arch-deacous , of Chapellries , Friaries of all orders , together with the sisters of the seenes , ( abstracting from the favour of Princes ) no more belong to the Scotish Presbyters , then they doe to the Mufties of the Turke . The intention of the doners having never been that such strange catell should feed in their pastures . Nor can M. Baylie shew me any law that makes him heir to Antichrist , or a just inheriter of his lands . Beside , methinkes the weake stomack'd brethren should take checke at the meate offered unto idols , & any silken sould Presbyter be too nice to array himselfe in the ragges of Rome , or be cloth'd at that cost that belong'd to the idolatrous Priesthood of Baal . But , it may be in the heate of Reformation , they went to worke with the coyning irons , which they more then once got into their possession , & with them altered the impression of the beast . And the mattokes & shoucls . Which other armes being wanting , they very often tooke in their hands , were , possiblie , onelie to turne up the Church land , & whereever crop had been reap't by Antichrist , that abominable glebe went downe to the center of the earth . What he talkes about the Praelatical jus divinum , & their taking possessions by commands from Court without a processe , requires his instance , & then he shall have his answer . In the interim he playes the hypoctite in a question : What if then , [ the Disciplinarians ] had gone to advance that right to all jusdivinum , when the Assemblie at Edenburgh did so April 24. 1576. But he sayth , all the Scots can be challeng'd for , is a mere declaration of their judgement & simple right in a supplication to the Regents Grace . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . These Scots judgement was not allwayes in righteousnesse , and their simplicitie in supplicates had many times more of the Lion then the Lambe . Witnesse that to the Queen Regent 1559. where they declare their judgements freelie as true & faithfull subjects , they tell her , yet this is the style of that declaration …Except this crueltie be stayed by your wisdome , We shall be compelled to take the sword of just defense , &c. …If ye give eare to their pestilent counsel…neither ye , neither yet your posteritie shall at any time after this finde that obedience & faythfull service within this Realme which at all times ye have found in us . In the assemblies supplications to the Lords of secret Councel , May 28. 1561. the second article annexed to , which was for the maintenance of the ministerie , this . Before ever these tyrants & dumbe dogs Empire above us…we…are fullie determin'd to hazard life , & whatsoever we have recived of God in temporall things…And let these enemies of God assure themselves , That if your Honours put not order unto them , That we shall shortlie take such order , That they shall neither be able to doe what they list , neither yet to live upon the sweat of the browe . December 25. 1566. They order requiring instead of Supplicating & Churh censures to the disobedient . Their sixt head of Church rents in the first booke of Discipline runnes very imperiouslie upon the must . The Gentlemen , Barons , &c. must be content to live upon their just rents , & suffer the Kirke to be restored to her libertie . And Jul. 21. 1567. They tell them they shall doe it , & shall passe nothing in Parliament untill it be done . That ever any assemblie in Scotland did make any other addresse to the Parliament for stipend , then by way of such humble supplication , I grant , is a great untruth . Nor were onelie the birds thus petition'd for , but time after time all tithes , rents , & whats●…ever could be comprized under the patrimonie of the Church , were demanded as insolentlie as could be , which meetes me every where in their storie , as frequentlie as Mr. Baylies dissembling , & falsifying in his Review . In the last instance the Bishop denies not but there was a time when a kinde of Presbyteries was legallie approv'd & receiv'd , And this I presume he will admit to be after the Assemblie 1580. About which allreadie you have indeed alledged more untruth then you had authoritie to shew for it . I have given you as much as that you brought will beare . What His Lordship brings here is another discoverie . That you did erect them in your Assemblie Acts , & put them in execution , as farre as you durst before any Parliament had pass'd them . And Synodicallie established such , as no Parliament had passed . For this he cites your Acts of several Assemblies , which you must either disavow , or unriddle what the mistake is you impute . Vnlesse you thinke good to save that labour , & confesse aswel as other your Brethren , what is so manifest in your storie . The particulars of your proceedings herein , Arch-Bishop Bancroft long since collected in his booke of Dangerous Positions : Where he shewes how you not onelie acted your selves at home , but sent your emissaries into England to see the like practice there in the very face of Episcopal Government . What other reasons , beside the recalling the Church patrimonie , caus'd the refusall of your second booke of Discipline , I told you before . Which with the rest may suffice to the vindication of what the Bishop premiseth in proofe of the conclusion he makes That the Dissiplinarians by their practies have trampled upon the lawes , & justled the Civile Magistrate out of his Supremacie in Ecclesiastical affaires . His Lordship proceedes to his scrutinie of your doctrine , wherein if he yet be more happie , as you courteouslie tell us possiblie he will , I shall take you to have the spirit of Tirestas , & having justlie lost your eye-sight for rash judging , to be now better at prophesying then reviewing . Which immediatelie appeares , by your wandring at noonday , & being at a losse for that which every man may finde in the very place cited by the Bishop . None are subject to repaire to this [ the National ] Assemblie to vote , but Ecclesiastical persons , &c. This His Lordship conceives to crosse the Kings supremacie , which being aswell Ecclesiasticall as civile , gives him a power of voting & presiding in Assemblies . Nor was there ever act of free Parliament in Scotland , old or late , nor any regular justifiable practice of that Church , but reserv'd this power to the King , & his deputed Commissioner , without being chosen member of any Presbyterie , or made a ruling elder in a National Assemblie , which your booke of Discipline calls the generall Eldership of the Kirke . Your hypercriticizing upon his thoughts ( while the spirit of divination comes upon you ) makes his Lordship no Super-Erastian in his doctrines . Though what transscendent haeresie there is in a moderate answer to the malice in your question , any of your aequitable comparers may reade in what Vedelius , and Paraeus ( no herctikes I hope ) have published to that purpose , as the doctrine of all reformed Churches ; the one quoting Bellarmine the other Stapleton as proper patrons of the Sub-Erastian principles in the Discipline , & Vedelius , in his preface giving the world a caveat of the danger by the mischiefe it had brought upon England & Scotland in the yeare 1638. How opposite they were to the Disciplinarian language , & sense in that particular which the Bishop remonstrates , these single propositions can evidence . Multo magu est Christiani Magistratus non solùm apprehensivè , & discretivè , sed & definitivè de religione judicare , Here a definitive vote is asserted to the Magistrate …ad Magistratum pertinet judicium de religione , seu rebus fidei , & causis Ecclesiasticis…tum formaliter , tum objectivè . Hereby a formal judgement in religion is attributed . And this Doctor Rivet , who , I am told , is call'd , & reverenc'd in the French , & Dutch Churches as the Calvin of these times hath vouched under his hand to be the Catholike doctrine of the Reformed . If he had not , we are sure it was the primitive practice of the good Christian Emperours to assume it , to whom our conformitie is requisite . Of Constantine the great , who was personallie present in the Councel of Nice ; & is sometimes called koinonos épiscopoumenon for his communite of suffrage with the Bishops . Of the Emperour Theodosius , who in the Councel of Constantinople sifted the several Confessions of the Arians , Macedonians , Eunomians , & as Brentius relates it , cast himselfe upon his knees , craving the assistance of Gods spirit to direct him in the choyce of what was most consonant to the doctrine of the Apostles . Which epicrisis , or completive judgement , submitted unto by the Ancient Synods , had these authoritative termes to expresse it . Bebaioun , épipscphizesthai épisphragizesthai , cratinein , cratioun , epikyroun , tàpepragmena , To the exercise hereof the Discipline of your Reformed Brethren in these Countreyes not onelie admits , but craves the presence , & suffrage of Delegates from the supreme Magistrate ; without which their Synodical Acts are not establish'd . Quin etiam summi Magistratus delegati sunt postulandi , ut in ipsorum praesentia eorumque suffragio Synodi Acta concludantur . Nor did K. James any more in the Conference at Hampton Court , then when in freedome . He would have done in any Scotish Presbyterian Assemblie , though he hated the name & thought of the thing , when somewhat was propounded that did not like him , put it of with Le Roy Pavisera . Rev. Yet the most of the prelatical partie will not maintaine him heerin . Ans. Bishop Andrewes will in his Tortura Torti & Bishop Field ( whom your friend Didoclave calls Hierambicorum eruditissimum ) in his volume of the Church , beside many others . And possiblie those that seem to be opposite may be reconcil'd , if you have the maners to let them state the question among themselves . The chiefe case wherein they [ not you ] instance of Leontius Bishop of Tripolis in his answer to Constantius the Emperour may be attended with circumstances which may terminate the dispute , if not , we must not take it on their word , that , for that , as well as his other more regular demeanour he is own'd by Antiquitie to be kánon ecclesias , as Suidas records , The rule of the Church . However , it behoves you to cite your lawes to which the Bishops assertion is contrarie , And I shall cut you short of that pompous traine which your vanitie holds up in the universal of all the Princes that have lived in Scotland , & confine you to two , ( the rest being by their Religion unconcern'd in voting ( though not in permitting ) any Disciplinarian decrees ) King Iames , & the holie martyr King Charles the first , who I hope you have not the impudence to say ever made profession so derogatorie to their right . In what followes you practise over the fisher-man in the fable , from whom you know , that unlesse you trouble the water it is in vaine for you to cast in your net , & if you catch nothing for the Discipline you must sterve . The whole paragraph is naught but a malicious seditious inference of your owne , whereby you affixe an odious sense to the dutifull attributes of Royal prerogative , & your owne guilt causing a trembling in your joyuts at the thought of a scepter , you buselie creep under the protection of the club . The name of Parliament you make but a pandar to countenance the wanton license of your Assemblies , & the great seale you would have set to , nothing but an indenture of the Crownes perpetuall servitude to your Synods . The Prelates Cabin divinitie ( which sea language you 're in love with since your voyage into Holland ) came often above decke with very innocent loyal intentions long before these times of confusion , which your Consistorian divinitie hath wrought , And though you take your selfe to appeare as ominous as Caster without his brother in the shrowds , it feares no shipwra●…ke by any storme you can raise , nor lookes through your cleare prediction upon its ruine . You have not hitherto found such a fate in your words as to produce a consequential necessitie of the banishment of Marquisses & Bishops from Court , though divine justice may hereafter inspire our Soveraigne to returne this judgement upon your heads , who are ever breathing murder , & exile into his eares . For while such popular Sicophants , as you , are suffered to live in any Monarchs dominions , neither can the People be secure of their peace , nor Princes of their lives . K. Iames spake it plainlie , when he sayd , A Scotsh Presbyterie as well agreeth with Monarchie , as God & the Devil . Such Reviewers who looke but halfe way home into the original of crownes , are cleare everters of the first foundation of Kingdomes , which made Kings some what more then siduciaries of the people , whose solid peace consisted in an hur●…ble active submission to their just commands , & a Christian quiet passive obedience if tyrannicallie imperious . This to be sure would keep the best part , if not the best partie , from ruine , till the high hand of heaven over ballance their temporall sufferings with an aeternitie of reward , where no malecontentment can be to come . To the second challenged principle your answer is very slight , & impertinent . And would I undertake a farre more unpleasing imployment then Phocion had in chiping Demosthenes , for which he was call'd kópis ton lógon , I should make a slender instrument of your review , there being beside the extravagancie of your railing language , your malicious enlargements in false commentaries , diverting your Reader from the genuine orthodoxe meaning of the text , drawing him into an intricable labyrinth of jealousies & feares , the chimaerical brats of your owne braine ; which you would faine lay at other mens doores , scare sixe pages in your booke that are a direct answer to the Bishop , which I can not impute to your ignorance , but your cunning , who feeling your selfe held closse by the necke in the letter of your lawes & Assemblie Acts , would very fame winde your selfe out of the controversie , or run away with it into any Church , or Countrey but your owne . In this paragraph the Bishops citations prove what he intends ( nor dare you , I see , denie what you are too conscious you maintaine ) It having never been your practice , but when you could not doe otherwise , to wait the Kings , or Queens call for your Synods . In the yeare 1561. Knox writes expresselie , That gladlie would the Queen & her secret Counsel have had all the Assemblies of the Godlie , ( that is the Rebellious Disciplinarian ) discharged . They notwithstanding make a convention , the businesse comes to dispute , Mr. Secretarie Leshington makes a doubt whether the Queen allowed it or no , to whom was this answer returned . If the libertie of the Church should stand upon the Queens allowance , they were assured not onelie to lacke Assemblies , but also to lacke the publike preaching of the Euangel . In the beginning of your late commotions the Historian that so officioussie styles himselfe the Parliaments Secretarie mentions a writing publish'd by you , wherein you affirme . That the power of calling a Synod , in case the Prince be an enemie to the truth , or negligent in promoting the Churchs good , is in the Church it selfe . And that the state of the Church of Scotland at that time was necessitated to such a course . Nor doth your Disciplinarian doctrine make the Christian Magistrate any more then your Baylisse to take up your rents , or the Captaine of your guard to defend you ( Vedelius renders it in more harsh language… faciunt ex iis [ Magistratibus ] mancipia , imò lictores & curnisices Episcoporum seu Ministrorum Ecclesiae ) To advance the Kingdome of Iesus Christ. …To defend it against all that would procure its hurt… To ●…ssist & fortisie the Godlie proceedings of the Kirke in all behalfes… To see that the Kirke be not invaded… To hold hand as well to the saving of the Ministers persons from injurie & openviolence , as to their rents & possessions . Finallie , not a word is there in all that chapter or booke that asscribes to him a syllable of this power , So that the King may call a Synod when , & whersoever he thinke sit , & if the toy take you in the head to anticipate , or procrastinate his time , you will assemble when , & wheresoever you please for you tell him he ought to heare , & obey your voyce . And your friend Didoclave averres this to be a businesse that hath no absolute dependance upon him , Non absolute , & simpliciter pendere a Christiano Magistrat●… . If when you have a minde to meet he prohibites , that must make no demurre , non cunctandum est , non cessandum ab officio … For this you pretend an intrinsecal power touching which I demand what it is , when , where , & how farre to be exerciz'd . What old or late dutifull Christians did use it when any Christian King did forbid it . Who of the Praelatical partie they be that maintaine it in their writings or practice , for I know none that in either extend it to a like latitude with you . And how many soever you have of the Papists , all the Popes are not of your side . Leo confessing that he had not power to call a Counsel but the Emperour , nor durst Liberius call one against Constantius pleasure . The necessitie you frame of meeting for the execution of the Discipline even in times of persecution may have reference to an heathen Magistrate or Christian. If to the former , you doe it either in confidence of your power to resist him , in that rebellion , wherein how are you justified ? Or else you runne desperatelie upon your ruine , which is selfe murder no martyrdome , for Quis requisivit ? by what praecept , or counsel is it required at your hands ? If to the later , there may be at least a sallibilitie in your judgements , if not an obstinate perversenesse in your will. Et quis vos judices constituit ? who made you , that are parties , Arbitratours ? If at any time the ancient Christians assembled , it was where no Imperial edict restrain'd them . And then the learned Grotius tells you , Non opus fuisse venia , ubinulla obsturent Imperatorum edicta . What private conferences they had in the times of heathenish persecution , you know by their apologies were voy'd of suspicion , which yours never were , but anomia ergapiria the very shops or Laboratories of rebellion . The Church is not dissolv'd where dissipline's not executed : if it were , it should be , where it is , at the pleasure of the Magistrate , suspended . To imagine a final ineapacitie of meeting , by perpetual succession of Tyrants hath litle either of reason or conscience , it assaults the certitude of fayth in Gods promises , & advanceth infidelitie in his providence . But to give you at length your passe from this paragraph . Such as you , in a schismatical Assemblie , may , & have frequentlie in Scotland pinn'd the character of erroneous upon an upright Magistrate , & a Disciplinarian rebell to save his credit call'd a Royal moderate proclamation a tyrdnous edist . The Bishops third allegation you finde too heavie , & therefore let fall halfe of it by the way . You have too good a conceit of your Parliaments bountie , though had they been as prodigal as you make them , it litle becomes you to proclaime them bankrupts by their favour : Their Acts were allwayes ratified by your Princes any which , & whom tell me one wherein this right Royal was renounc'd of suspending seditious Ministers from their office , or if cause were , depriving them of their places . It were a senselesse thing to suppose that the Bishop would denie to the Church a proprietie to consult & determine about religion , doctrine , haeresie , &c. Yet its likelie His Lordship allowes it not in that mode which makes her power so absolute as to define , consummate , authorize the whole businesse by her selfe . He hath heard the King to be somewhere accounted a mixt person , & thinkes it may be that the holie oyle of his unction is not onelie to swime on the top , & be sleeted off at the pleasure of a peevish Disciplinarian Assemblie , but to incorporate with their power . The lawes of England have not been hitherto so indulgent of libertie to our Convocation , but that the King in the cases alledged did ever praedominate by his supremacie . And the Parliament hath stood so much upon priviledge , that if Religion fetch'd not her billet from West-minster , the could have but a cold lodging at St. Pauls The booke of Statutes is no portable manual for us whom your good brethren have sent to wander in the world , yet I can helpe you to one An. 1. Eliz. that restor'd the title of supreme to the Queen , & withall provided , that none should have authoritie newlie to judge any thing to be haeresie , not formerlie so judged , but the High Court of Parliament , with the assent of the Clergie in their Convocation . Where the Convocations assent , by the sound , should not be so determinative as the Parliaments judgement , which ( right or wrong ) here it assumes . As touching appeales ( because you will have somewhat here sayd , though it must be otherwhere handled ) No law of Scotland denies an appeale in things Civile or Ecclesiastike to the King. One yet in force enjoines subjection unto them , the Act of Parliament in May 1584. which was , That any persons , either spiritual or Temporal , praesuming to decline the judgement of His Majestie , & His Councel , shall incurre the paine of treason . What you , call a complaint is in our case an appeale , what taking order , is executing a definitive judgement , without traversing backe the businesse to Ecclesiastike Courts , or holding over the rod of a coercive power to awe them into due regular proceedings . I confesse this the Presbyters in Scotland never made good by their practice . Their appeales were still retrograde from the supreme Magistrate , & his Councel to a faction of Nobles , or a seditious partie of the people . Such is that of Knox , printed at large . Or which in effect is the same . The Scotish Assemblies , when they had no power , appeald to providence , when they had whereupon they might relie , unto the sword . In case of Religion , or doctrine , if the General Assemblie , which is not infallible , erre in judgement , & determîne any thing contrarie to the word of God , & the sense of Catholike Antiquitie , the King may by a court , of Orthodoxe Delegates , consisting of no more then two or three ( Prelates if he please ) receive better information of truth , & establish that in his Church . Or , which often hapens in Scotland , If the Presbyters frame Assemblie Acts derogatorie to the rights of his Crowne , & prejudicial to the peace of his people , the King may personallie justifie his owne praerogative and keep the mischiefe they invented from becoming a praecedent in law . This doth not the word of God , nor any aequitie prohibite . The judgement of causes concerning deprivations of Ministers in the yeare 1584 you would have had come , by way of appellation , to the General Assemblie , & there take final end ; but this you could not make good within yourselves , nor doe I finde , upon your proponing & craving , it was then , or at any time , granted you by the King. Two yeares before , you adventurd not onelie for your priviledge in that … but against the Magistrates puting preachers to silence…hindering , staying , or disannulling the censures of the Church in examining any offender . Rev. In the Scotes Assemblies no causes are agitated but such as the Parliament hath agreed to be Ecclesiastike , &c. Ans : If any Parliament have agreed all causes of what nature soever , to be Ecclesiastike by reduction , & so of the Church cognizance , you have that colour for your pragmatical Assemblies : but if you admit of any exception , you have for certaine transgressed yourlimits , there being no crime , nor praetended irregularitie whatsoever , that stood in view , or came to the knowledge of the world , that hath escaped your discussion , & censure , & not been serv'd up in your supplicates to be punished . Rev. … No processe about any Church rent was ever cognosced upon in Scotland but in a Civile Court , Ans. Your imperious , though supplicatorie , prohibition 1576. I allreadie mention'd . In the Assemblie at Edenburgh , April 24. 1576. You concluded…That you might proceed against unjust possessours of the patrimonie of the Church…by doctrine , & admonition , & last of all , if no remedie be , with the censures of the Church . In that at Montrosse June 24. 1595. About setting Benefices with diminution of the rental , &c. you appointed Commissioners with power to take oaths , call an-inquest of men of best knowledge in the Countrey about , to proceed against the Ministrie with sentence of deposition . Master Tho. Craig & the Solicitour for the Church , to pursue the Pensiionars in Caitnes for reduction of their pensions . If in no particular you actuallie proceeded to Church censures , It was because you foresaw they would not restraine the corruption no more of the laitie , then the Clergie , & then your menasing petitions sometime obtein'd strength from some partial , or pusillanimous Parliament ; or when you praevail'd not , you wrapt this up with the rest of your discipline , & put all to the processe of a warre . And this was , you know , the mysterious sense of Knox's method , upon good experience , praescrib'd on his death bed : First protest , then denounce vengeance , & then to the execution thereof seeke redresse of God & man. Of God by fasting as you did order for this very cause ( wasting of the Church rents without remedie ) in the Assemblie at St. Andrewes 1582. Of man , by rebelling , which you practis'd not long afterward . With which godlie advice that saint shut his teeth , & departed if not ( after a minutes repentance as I hope ) in litle better peace , then he had liv'd . To what followes in the Bishops charge , the legislative power they praetend to , To make rules , & constitutions for keeping good order in the Kirkc . To abrogate , & abolish all statutes & ordinances concearning Ecclesiastical matters that are found noysome , & unprofitable , & agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . And all this without any reclamation , or appellation to any judge Civile , or Ecclestastical , we have not one word in answer from Mr. Baylie . Andindeed being taken up so much with his seemings , & fallacious apparences , he may sometimes overlooke the realities of what allegations he dislikes ; for this indeed he had very good reason , knowing the natural , & inseparable connexion to be such between it & the power of jurisdiction , that to whomsoever belongs the supremacie of the one , upon him necessarilie descends the praerogative of the other . For the fourth objection . If the Reviewer had minded the ill consequences upon the antecedent of Ecclesiastike jurisdiction by divine right , he would not have held that conclusion at large without professing an infallible assurance that it is haereditarie to the Presbyterie . Some danger there may be of drawing after it an adaequate right in that ominous Episcopal order , which with no great difficultie may be prov'd from time , to time to have executed this jurisdiction he meanes . How soever this inconvenience he gaines by it , That , if it be such , it is indispensable , & turnes all the confessed indulgence of the Scotish Assemblies into sinne for Nulli homini licet cuiquam juris aivini gratiam facere . What divines there have been in the world of another minde ( which are all except Donatus the haeretikes disciples among the rigid Papists , Anabaptists Scotish & Scotizing Presbyterians , who demand as boldly as their Master ) ( Quidest Imperatori cum Ecclesia ? ) he may reade ( though I looke not that he , nor all his brethren should muster up abilities to answer ) in the nineth chapter of the fore-cited famous Grotius's booke . Vnder the safe conduct of whom the Bishop may travaile with the truth of these contradictions about him through all the Assemblies highway men of the Scots . That all Ecclesiastike power flowes from the Magistrate…penes Ecclesiasticos judices per Archiepiscopos & Episcopos derivata a Regia potestate Jurisdictio Ecclesiastica consistit . That the Magistrate may praescribe a rule how Ecclesiastike censures should be regulated , & in case of resistance , see them executed by his power . Constitutum fuit eis ergon ●…d krinomena para ton episcopon agein tous archontas kai tous diaconoumenous autois stratiotas . That all the ofsicers praetended to be appointed by Christ for the Government of his Church , if they governe it not according to his , & Apostolike example , may be lay'd aside , & such a kind of Governers be put in their place as the Magistrate shall be pleased to appoint , as more just , & upright stewards in that trust . Non frustra gladium gerit potestas , sed vindex est in omnes male agentes , ergo etiam in eos qui circa sacra delinquunt…Iurisdictionis enim est relegare 〈◊〉 loco sive in locum…That it is not yet universallie , & unquaestionablie defin'd that the spiritual sword , & Keyes are in any other then the hand of Christ. Nor that ever his Apostles , & Priests layd claime to an absolutelie intrinse●…al right to execute the power of either Vtinam exscindantur qui vos perturbant . Videtur non imperantis sed optantis Apostoli , That for the sword . Sacerdos quidem officium exhibet sed nullius potcstatis jura exercet . That he cites out of St. Ambrose for the Keyes , him I cite , but doe not , being not oblig'd , assert any thing . Your difference herein ( I meane the power of the Magistrate ) from the Warner is Donatisme an haecesie so great as deserv'd , it seemes , to be anathematized by the Catholike Church your practice schisme , whereby you rend your selves from the Congregations of all the Reformed , as Vedelius hath shew'd you , And whether it be not rebellion by your lawes , I leave to the verdict of your 15. Godfathers , who gave it in to be such against your differing brethren at Aberdene . Had Mr. Baylie in his answer , to what he calls the last challenged principle , tooke upon him to alter that axiom in Ethikes , & make it , Nolenti non fit injuria , the dispute had been onelie whether his authoritie , or Aristotles ; should have caried it , But when he deletes the commentarie upon it , he conjures the sense into a circle of his owne by such language as none but himselfe , & his spirits understand , Indeed for a madman to have his hands bound , who , were they at libertie , would doe himselfe mischief , For a sicke man to have physike forc'd into his stomake , which may worke his recoverie , otherwise desperate , if his aversion be countenanc'd , may be courteous violence improv'd to their good ; But to contervene a Magistrates commands praetending punctual obedience thereby , if not an advancement of his power : To wrest the sword out of his hands , & disarme him for the securitie of his person ; is a piece of invisible justice , & a favour left by all law and reason to be whollie at the disposal of the Discipline . But in Scotland , you say , there is no such case , &c. Which must relate to mater of fact , or right : If to the former , I must crave libertie to averre , That scarce any one of your Synods proceedings was ever freelie justified by the consent of the Magistrate for the time . That most were not , I have , & shall sufficientlie prove here , & otherwhere . If to the latter , your selfe confesse that your booke of Discipline ( which includes the jurisdiction you have ) could not passe the Parliament 1590. Nor can you make appeare where ever after it did with an exception onelie against the chapter D●… Diaconatu . In what followes , you pretend too much acquaintance with the King , to know what His Majestie controverts in his thoughts , with whom , I have hear , your late treatie was not so particular & closse as to make what discoverie you wished , & aim'd at , And what you did is not so authoriz'd as to strengthen your proofe , His Royal , & too gracious concessions having met with such unworthie , imprudent , refusal by persons , through habitual rebellion , not yet disposed to their good . As touching the case which the Bishop intimates , I can not wonder the account of it so odious as not to be met with by your answer , since it sets in your sight the horrour of your many yeares sinne , with the guilt of which you would gladlie runne into dens , & caves , or move the hills , & mountaines to cover you . In the meane time in vaine you hope to have any the an●…nt Christians companie , Who in times of their persecution never held publike Assemblies in their Edenburghs Imperial Cities , never arm'd themselves to maintaine the divine ordinance of the Discipline , Though , had they done it , litle would their praecedent availe you , the just imposition of a Christian King being very unlike the heathen Emperous persecution . Nor was the Presbyterie , that divine ordinance of Discipline , practiz'd by the persecuted in the wildernesse . Mr. Baylie in this time , by his affected diversions , & devious mazes , having run himselfe halfe out of breath , begins to thinke on the shortest way home , to finde which he takes a large leape over the hedge ( & by vertue of some Disciplinarian priviledge passeth , two whole pages of consequence unanswer'd . Perit libertas nis●…tlla contemnis , quae jugem imponunt ) yet not so cleare , but that one bramble hath catch'd him by the sleeve , & , if the truth were known , I beleeve , many more have prick'd him to the heart , for one of most danger I advise him to seeke out a timelie remedie , & stand to the charitie of his aequitable comparers for the rest . 't is that sharpe quaestion which the Bishope propounds . Who shall judge when the Church is corrupted ? the Magistrates or Church-men ? If the Magistrates , why not over you aswell as others ? If the Church-men . why not others aswell as you ? Mr. Gilespies Theorem . because pressing such downright rebellion he , without any brotherlie love , leaves on the shoulders of a single Presbyter , & will not afford one fingar of the Presbyterie to ease him , though the tantamout be not so unconsequential as to need a stake to helpe it downe in a swallow , It being very well know'n that if Mr. Baylie should not tantamont in this businesse , the Assemblie brethren would give him a drench in the Scotish horne , & send him to grasse with the long-eard creatures , as being no fit companie for the late more rational rebells in a Synod . The consequence , if it must need be such , from one particular , denied by none , to a universal affirmative , as strange as it lookes , may be made good by the new Disciplinarian logike , Mr. Baylie himselve having more then once profess'd an identitie in the Scotish with the Reformed disciplines abroad , in the harmonie of which I finde such a canon as this . Si Minister donum habet aliquid ad aedificationem conscribendi , illud typis non mandabit , quin prius a classe examinetur , & probetur . From the Classe he knowes it takes a remove to the provincial Synod , & thence to the national Assemblie . Now if the Reviewer will not tell us in what Assemblie , Mr. Gilespie was censur'd , or this theoreme of his disavow'd , because it will be such a singular case as never was heard of , Rebellion disclaim'd in a Scotish Presbyterian Assemblie , otherwise then in a Catholike mist which never drops in any particulars , he shall have the reputation of catching this unconsequence for once . But as the Bishops sayth , Take nothing , & hold it fast if he can . Beside he knowes there are many other such theoremes of Mr. Gilespies upon which the Bishop hath built many high accusations , which the Discipline must acknowlege , & must be meant to be of that number which had the approbatorie suffrages of the Vniversities in Holland viz. Leyden , & Vtrecht , or else he spake litle truth , and as litle to the purpose in his Epistle . Yet to helpe him to somewhat of better authoritie . He is desir'd to take notice , That the substance of this theoreme was not declin'd in a protestation made ( he knowes by whom ) in Edenburgh Parliament 1558. In the dutifull letter to the Queen Regent from the faythfull Congregation of Christ Iesus in Scotland 22. May 1549. In another from the Lords of the Congregation , 2. Jul. 1559 : In an answer to the Queenes proclamation by the Lords , Barons , & other brethren of the Congregation 1559. In a declaration of the Lords against another proclamation of the Queenes 1559. To all thesé 't is undeniable that the Assemblies adhaer'd , or indeed rather the Lords &c , to them . In the Church Assemblie's supplication 28. May 1561. In the vote of the whole Assemblie 1563. In the Superintendents , Ministers & Commissioners letter to the Bishops , and Pastours in England they write , If authoritie urge you farther ye ought to oppose your selves boldlie , not onclie to all power that dare extol it selfe against God. but also against all such as dare burthen the consciences of the faythfull ( they mean'd the same opposition themselves made in Scotland ) In the seventh article fram'd by the Assemblie 1567. Beside what was very particularlie pressed by Knox in Sermons , Conferences , letters , &c all acknowledge the sense of several Assemblies . But all these authorities are absolet , the several ends of such speaches , & actions being long since accomplish'd in Scotland . However , M. Baylie denies that the maxime in hand was the fountaine of any our late miseries , or the cause at all of the losse of our Soveraigne . Fati ista culpa est , nemo fit fato nocens . If he had but in kindnesse delivered his meaning at large , & quitted aswell his independent brethren of their bloudie performance in the fift act , as he doth the Presbyterian properties that caried on the rebellion in the foure first of the Tragoedie they might have masked merrilie together in their antike disguises of innocencie , & pointed out to some sillie credulous spectators the guilt of this horrid murder in the starres . But I shall reach him a ladder , where by he may ascend to the top of this truth , ( not aninch higher then Edenburgh Crosse ) & what else he wants when he comes there , to doe justice accordinglie as he shall be enlightned upon his owne selfe for his share in this maxime , & unpardonable mischiefe , The first step hereof begins neare the ground with the meane , & baser sort of the people , who on the 23. Jul. 1637. when by his Blessed Majesties command , the service booke was to be read in Edenburgh Great Church , fell into the extraordinarie wayes of clapping hands , cursing , & outcries , throwing stones at the windowes , & aiming at the Bishop with a stool , Continuing this hubbub in the streets , besetting the counsel house , whether the reverend learned , & worthie Bishop of Galloway was forced to flie for his refuge . Their outcries being commonlie such as this . God defend all those who will defend Gods cause , & God confound the service booke , & all the maintainers of it , of whom the King must needs be mean'd to be one , who had expressclie authoriz'd it . Vpon this follow two extraordinarie petitions , one in the names of the Noblemen , Gentrie , Ministers , Burgesses against the service booke , & booke of Canons , which being not answerd to their mind at Sterlin , & otherwhere , themselves in protesting did the same thing which they had call'd the uproare of raskals at Edenburgh . From protesting they mount up to covenanting , & by that engage multitudes of people to attend them at pleasure in affronting His Majesties Commissioner . With whom when they came to capitulate they gave this extraordinarie answer , That they would rather renounce their baptisme then Covenant ( good Christians ) or abate one word or syllable of the literal rigour of it . If Mr. Baylie hath any minde to goe farther , I shall desire him to step up beyond the preachers perswading the people to arme themselves & to meet in the streets ( dutifullie ) to enter●…aine His Majesties proclamation . Their protestations against that & the rest , with such loyal expressions as this . That if the King will not call a general Assemblic , which shall allow of their proceedings , they themselves will. Their branding the subscription of their owne confession of fayth with the most hideous , & horrible name of the very depth , & policie of Satan . Their pulpit imprecations , God scatter them in Israel , & divide them in Iacob , who where the authours of this scattering , & divisive counsel , of whom ( as ●…range as it seeme ) the King againe must be principal . Their grand imposture in Michelson a mayd , about whom their Ministers cosin'd the people into an implicite fayth that she was inspired by God , & while the vented their devillish rebellion in her fits Rollokes blasphemous praetense for his silence , That he durst not speake while his Master was speaking in her . Another having these words in his Sermon . Let us never give over till we have the King in our power . Another , That the sharpest warre was rather to be endur'd then the least errour in doctrine or discispline . Their maintaining this position among the rest . That a it is lawfull for subjects to make a Covenant & combination without the King , & to enter into a band of mutual defense against the King & all persons whatsoever . Their laying open the true meaning of their protesting , Covenanting , Arming , &c. That Scotland had been too long a Monarchie & that they could never doe well so long as one of the Stuarts was alive . Their raising an armie for their extirpation , & meeting K. Ch. 1. to that purpose in the field . Their renewing & continuing , the warre when their first designe had been obstructed by His Majesties unexpected , unwelcome grant of their demands . Their reasonable dealing with the King when he unhappilie made their Armie his refuge , by cheating his pious facilitie of his strength , & delivering up his naked person to their fellow Rebells , upon conditions litle coulorable in words , not at all justifiable in substance , & sense , Their laying chaines upon His Majestie , when a prisoner , & linking his crowne with iron propositions . Beside what was acted at Derbie house & otherwhere in the darke , & not improbablie agreed on at C●…nthia's midnight Revells , when Cromwell was in Scotland . And all this under the fallacie of exstraordinarie resisting , reforming . And now let Mr. Baylie looke not up to the starres , but downe into the depth of hell , where that maxime was hammer'd before ever Gilespie fild it over , & see whether it were not the fountaine of all our miseries , & the cause of the losse of our late Soveraigne . The quaestion that followes about defensive armes ( though there hath been no such thing as a free Parliament , & without freedome 't is none ) I returne on himselve , & demand Did ever his Majestie , or any of his advised Counsellers , I adde , Did ever loyal Parliament in England , or Scotland , declare , or intimate in what cases , how extraordinarie so ever , they thought it lawfull ? I retort this . The unhappinesse of the Disciplinarian Presbyters did put the seditious part of the Parliament on these courses , which did begin , & promote all our miserie And were so wicked as to the very last to endeavour to breake the bands asunder of reason , justice , honour & a well informed conscience , wherein His Majestie professed to the world the hand of God , & the lawes of the land had bound him . The peaceable possession of His Majesties Kingdomes depends not upon his Clergies conditionate consent to have Episcopacie layd aside . A handfull of Scots , with an hypocritical Assemblies be●…ediction in their knapsackes , could they hold their wind when they got over Tweed , & swell up to the picture of Boreas in the face , would not be mistaken for probable Vmpires or over-ruling Elders , in the quarell . Nor can Mr. Baylie possesse any prudent men of the loyallay partie , that , that order obstructs the King from his happinesse . Why it may not be layd aside the unanswerable reasons in the 9. & 17. chapters of Eik . Basil. His Royal fathers booke will abundantlie satisfie any man , that will rest in what he can not denie . Where he will finde enough of such devout Rhetorike , & Religious logike as this I must now in charitie be thought desirous to praeserve that Government in its right constitution , as a mater of Religion , wherein both my judgement is sullie satisfied , that it hath of all other the fullest Scriptures grounds , & also the constant practice of all Christan Churches , till of late yeares the tumultuarinesse of people , or the factio●…siresse , & pride of Presbyters [ Reviewe that Mr. Baylie ] or the covetousnesse of some States , & Princes gave occasion to some men●… wits to invent new modells , & propose them under specious titles of Christs Government , Scepter , & Kingdome ( which are the Scotish titles as I take it ) the better to serve their turnes , to whom the change was beneficial . The reasons that convinc'd the Royal Father have so confirm'd the Royal Sonne His Majestie now being , that Mr. Baylie dares not say ( what he so praesumptuouslie intimates ) that he ever asked the consent of his Canterburian Praelates to the alteration of that government . If , without asking they spontaneouslie spake their conscience in due , season , there was litle boldnesse in it , & as litle in printing , which hath been often as much , & more at large , in volumes about the unlawfullnesse of subjects taking up of armes , where Parliaments have unanswerablie been proved to be such , though the name of tyrannie is very unhandsomelie , unjustie , maliciouslie used in this case , & let him speake out if he meanes to attribute it to the King. CHAPTER III. The last appeale to the supreme Magistrate justifiable in Scotland . THe Bishop consider'd that the Kings supremacie is the same in Scotland , as in England , & upon that grounds the aequitie of ultimate appeale . The altissimò either of the Parliament , or Assemblie puts them not above the capacitie of Courts , & so makes them not coordinate with the King. What allayes you have for government I know not , & therefore can not close with you in the terme , till you give me an undisputable definition of the thing , which you call a moderate Monarchie , & tell me in what part of the world I may finde it , I know of none any where yet that inhibites appeales to the Kings person , If the Empire may be the standerd to the rest , the learned Grotius , that had better skill in the lawes , then you , or I , sayth . That in causes of Delegacie semper appellasio conscssa fuit ad Imperatorem , si ex Imperiali jussione judicatum esset , aut ad Iudicum quemcunque , si ex judiciali praecepto , which holds good against your general Assemblie , if that judgeth earegali jussione , & that it doth so is cleare from your Assemblie Act , April 24. 1578. wherein it petitioneth the King to set , & establish your policie , a part whereof is your Assemblie judication . That it is , for the most part , order'd to the King in his Courts , is not any way to confine his power , but to free him from frequent impertinencies , & unseasonable importnnities of trouble , or , it may be , a voluntarie , but no obligatorie , Royal condescension , to avoyd your querulous imputation of arbitrarie partialitie , & tyrannie in judicature . Therefore you injure the Bishop by converting his assertion into a negative confession , As if when he sayth it is to the King in Chancerie , he must needs acknowledge . It can be neither to the King out of Chancerie , nor to him there but with collaterall aequipotential ●…ssistants . Whereas your friend Didoclave complaines that our appeales are ever progressus ●…b unico ad unicum , wherein , whether he mean'd an aggregate , or personal unitie , I leave you to interpret . That an appeale is not permitted from your Lords of session , or Parliament in Scotland , is because whatsoever is regularlie determin'd there receives its ratification from the King. But if one , or other in their session without him , should determine a case evidentlie , undeniablie , destructive to the rights of his crowne , or liberties of his people , whether His Majestie may not admit an appeale , & assume his coercive power to restraine their license , I thinke no loyal subject in Scotland will controvert , As touching your Assemblies , King Iames tells you , It is to be generallie observed that no priviledge , that any King gives to one particular bodie , or state within the Kingdome of convening , & consulting among themselves ( which includes whatsoever they doe when they are convened , & consulting ) is to be understood to be privative given unto them , & so the King thereby depriving himselfe of his owne power , & praerogative , but onelie to be given cumulative unto them ( as the lawyers call it ) without any way denuding the King of his owne power , & authoritie . This His Majestie alledged against the Ministers at Aberdene , whom he accuseth not onelie of convening , but acting after they were convened , He particularlie mentions their setting downe the dies of the next Assemblie , & His Councel addes their end●…vour to reverse , & overthrow all those good orders , & godlie constitutions formerlie concluded for keeping of good order in their Church . If you alledge that His Majesties Commissioner was not there , then you grant me their acts are not justifiable without him , And that all are not necessarilie with him , I argue from the language of the Commission , whereby they meet , which limits them thus secundum legem , & pra●…im , against which if any thing be acted , upon appeale the Kings praerogative may rectifie it at pleasure , if not , any judge may praetend to be absolute , & then the King must be absolutelie nothing , having committed , or delegated all power from himselfe . What civile law of Scotland it is , that prohibites appeales from the General Assemblie , you should doe well to mention in your next , I know none , nor did King Iames thinke of any when he cited his distinction from the Scottish Lawyers , aswell as any other . Where an Assemblie proceeds contrarie to the lawes of God , & man , Which is not impossible , while it may consist of a multitude , men neither the best , nor most able of the Kingdome , the Bishop thinkes an appeale to a legal Court of delegates constituted , by a superiour power , might be neither unseeming , nor unreasonable . The law of old never intended they should be the weakest of all Court ; Where it hath so happened , by your owne rule , pag. 22. The Delegates , not Delegacie , are to be charged . Such heretofore in England as imployed mercenarie officials , for the most part , were mercenarie Bishops , & if they had been cut to the core , would have been found , I doubt , Disciplinarian in heart , though Episcopal in title . The Scots way of managing Ecclesiastical causes is not more just , because more derogatorie to the right of the King , And the late Martyr'd King found it not more safe , & therefore told Mr. Henderson plainlie the papacie in a multitude might be as dangerous as in one , & how that might be Gualter writ to Count Vnit-glupten in a letter . Emergent hinc novae tyrannidis cornua , paulatim cristas attollent ambitiosi Ecclesiarum pastores , quibus facile fuerit suos assessores in suas partes attrahere , cùm ipsii inter hos primatum teneant . He might have found the experiment of it in Scotland . Nor can it be more satisfactorie to those rational men , with whom the Bishops arguments are prevalent , beside what else may be effectuallie alledged against it . Allthough the two instances , the Bishop brings , for stopping appeales were accompanied with so many treasonable circumstances , as might have enlarged his chapter into a volume , & deleted the credit of a Scotish Disciplinarian Assemblie out of the opinion of all the Cristians in the world ; Yet His Lordship thought good to furnish his reader with better authoritie from the second Booke of Discip. ch 12. which shall here meet you againe to crave your acquaintance . From the Kirke there is no reclamation , or appellation to any Iudge Civile , or Ecclesiasticall within the Realme . The reputation of the two Reverend Arch-Bishops Montgomerie , & Adamson depends not upon the sentence of a turbulent , & envious Synod , much lesse any single malicious Presbyter in a pamphlet , with whom we know 't is crime hainous enough to be a Bishop , & shall not want his vote to make them excommunicate . Their manifold high misdemeanours are mention'd in the censure of the Presbyterie of Striveling , for admitting Montgomerie to the temporalitie of the Bishoprike of Glasgow , & his owne for aspiring thereto . Assemblie 1587. And of the other for taking the Kings commission to sit in Parliament 1584. In the last Act of which his commission is printed to register ●…his guilt . The principal of their evil patrons among the wicked States-men ( I meane next under the King , to whom you yeild that praerogative at least ) is sayd to be the Earle of Arran , who deserves that character for being second , at that time , in His Majesties favour , & he is sayd by your brethren to have taken them into the Parliament . So that , lay their commission , & Earle Arrans courtesie together ( which without the other had implied the pleasure of the King , ) they tooke not , without authoritie , upon themselves as you sayd ) the Episcopal office , nor place in that Parliament . Whether the pride , & contempt of the Prelates , or Presbyters were greater may be judg'd in the case of Arch-Bishop Montgomerie , by the Assemblies slighting not onelie His Majesties letters , but Messengers such as were two Heralds at Armes , His Master of Requests , who in the Kings name inhibiting their proceedings they send him word by Macgil they can salve their obedience , & yet goe through with the businesse , Setting up Durie , & Belcanqual , two Edenburgh Ministers , to raile against the E : Lenox , & when they are accus'd , quitting them by their Ecclesiastike praerogative . Putting their scholars at Glasgow in Armes , & occasioning bloudshed in resistance of the Principal Magistrates of that place , against whom they afterward proceeded His Majestie summous them to his judicature at St. Andrewes , they send their oratours instead of comming themselves . The King exchangeth a promise of securitie , for theirs of suspending the censure . They admit the condition , but collude with His Majestie , leaving an underhand power with some select brethren , to give sentence , as occasion should serve . When they get loose they contest with his Majestie by a serpent-supplicate , which when it creepes at the foot , wounds to the heart . Tell him boldlie he playes the Pope●… takes a sword in his hand , more then belongs to him . The Earle of Arran demanding who dares subscribe such a paper ; Andrew Melvin answers undauntedlie for himselfe , & some others , for hast snatcheth the pen out of a scribes hand that was neare him , writes his name , & exhorts his complices ro doe the like . By letter to His Majestie they shew how farre His Majestie had been uninformed , & upon mi●…nformation pr●…judg'd the praerogative of Iesus Christ , & the liberties of his Church ( what becomes of the Kings , when this is pleaded ? ) They enact , & ordaine , that none should procure any such warrant , or charge , under the paine of excommunication . Where K. Iames did acknowledge the aequitie of the Church proceedings in these cases I desire to be inform'd , I am sure K. Charles 1. many yeares since hath writ , That they did wickedlie , & that which they could not doe . And that it is a very reproveable instance . Which to have been ever his fathers opinion , I have under the hand of one of the most learned , knowing men , & eminent historians in your Kingdome , As likewise that they did never confesse their crimes , nor renounce their Bishop-rikes &c , but that they were most cruellie persecuted by that firebrand of schisme in the Kirke , & sedition in the state , Andrew Melvin & his subscribing Associates , & made so odious to the people by their excommunication , that they suffered most grievous penurie , & in the end were sterved to death , which did not quench the malice of their mercilesse enemies , who after their death continued persecuting their names , & memories , making them infamous by false supposititious recantations , whereof they themselves were the authours , & publishers . Others , that acknowledge a word , or two to this purpose , that drops from Arch-Bishop Adamson , say he did it , when set on the racke by his hunger , being faine to beg bread of his enemies , who , glad of the occasion , sold their charitie by weight , for his selfe seeming-conviction , & when they had it , being too greedie to gaine damnation to themselves , did sophisticate every syllable with a lie . The Bishops in their Declinatour against the Assemblie of Glasgow , ( if you remember well ) appeale to no general Assemblie , otherwise then as it shall pleace His Majestie to constitute it , & personallie be present , or by his Commissioner , without whom , they acknowledge no authoritie it hath . They referre it to His Majestie to call one to repaire their injurie , by way of humble desire , or direction , no way derogating from ; nor impairing his separate , absolute praerogative , to redresse all personallie , if he please . Their expressions relating to Royall power in this particular are such as follow … So that they praeventing , & not proceeding by warrant of Royal authoritie … May we not therefore intreat my Lord Commissioner His Grace , in the words of the Fathers of the fourth General Councel at Chal●…don , Mitte foras superfluos . For discharge of our dutie to God , to his Church , & to our sacred Soveraigne , lest by our silence we betray the Church is right , His Majestics authoritie , & our owne consciences … And we most humblie intreat His Grace to intercede with the Kings Majestie , that he may appoint a sree , & lawfull Generall Assemblie… to whom [ Dr. Rob. Hamilton ] by these praesents we give our full power , & expresse mandate to praesent the same in , or at the sayd Assemblie , or where else it shall be necessarie to be used , ( where 's that Mr. Baylie ? ) with all submission , & obedience due to our gracious Soveraigne , & His Majesties High Commissioner . All which are clauses assertive of His Majesties supremacie over General Assemblies , & implie his power to take cognizance of their demeanour . Though , after all this compliance with your method , & countenancing a seeming pertinencie in your arguments ; I must seasonablie put you in minde that you are very much mistaken in the Bishops meaning , & here , as otherwhere , maintaine a blindeconflict which your selfe . For allthough His Lordship often take advantage of your Assemblie proceedings , as contrarie to your lawes , & justifiable establishment of the Ecclesiastike power in your Kingdome ; yet , where there is a concordance of your practice , with your rule , if accompanied with inconvenience of state , incroachment upon that just praerogative , which Monarchs otherwhere doe , or may , assume , if destructive to that libertie of the people , which is given them by the Gospell , & Christian freedome sealed to them in their baptisme ; if disagreeing with the primitive practice for the first five , or sixe hundred yeares after Christ you lie open to the force of his arguments , though you ward the blow from falling upon your Church in its owne peculiar , as constituded in your Countrey . For his Lordships endeavour is not onelie ( though in part ) to shew how tyrannical your discipline is to your selves , but how praejudicial , & destructive it may prove to us in England , if ( through want of caution , or a facile yeilding to your insolent attempts , ) way should be made for you to propagate what you call the Kingdome of Jesus Christ , but is indeed the tyrannie of Satan , & the second practice of Lucifers ambition , ( To banish Gods Anoynted from the earth , since he faild in his project of turning God himselfe out of heaven ) & we be ensnared in the like Presbyterian slaverie with the Scots . Therefore you see he entituled his booke , A Warning to take heed of the Scotish Discipline , &c. And were it not , that you would clamour in vour next pamphlet , you were unanswer'd , this advertisement might passe , with any rational reader , for a refutation of , at least , halfe your booke . If I should prosecute you with the many appeales that have been made before the Bishops declinatour of the Assemblie at Glasgow I know you would runne to your cover of complaints pag. 20. of your booke . What others have been since will be brought to yourremembrance in such a flying roule as the Prophet Zacharie , mentions ( unlesse a gracious pardon be given you upon vour knees ) when His Majestie shall by Gods assistance have power to chastise your rebelling , cursing , covenanting , excommunicating , imprisoning , murdering , decreeing , the confusion of his Royal familie , & three flourishing Kingdomes in your Assemblies . CHAPTER IV. Seditious , & Rebellious Ministers in Scotland seldome , or never censur'd by the Assemblie . HEre Mr. Baylie layes faster hold upon the title , then the Bishops evidences in the Chapter , & because sedition , & rebellion are charg'd home to the conscience of the Presbyters , & their usual indemnitie imputed to the Discipline , he would faine step over these publike enormities , to personal vices ; against which ( by his leave ) the Ecclesiastike rigour is not such , but it can admit of very frequent indulgences , & many times convert the guilt , or shame of such haynous transgresions , to the glorie of their Gospel , & a more certaine signe of the sinners election by grace , according to John Knox's divinitie after proofe made against Paul Meffane . The treason of Iudas , the adulterie of David , & abnegation of Peter , did derogate nothing from the glorie of Christs Evangel , nor yet the doctrine which before they had taught , but declared the one to be a reprobate , & the other to be an instrument , in whom mercie must surmount judgement . Nay , if they find it advantageous to their discipline , these declamers against adulterie , & bloud , will make religious applications to any , as they did to Murray their Regent-bastard & murderer ( to say no more of him ) whom they made the greatest saint upon the earth , & the most eminent patron of their Church . That your pulpits have been perduellionis plaustra , the common stages for sedition , & treason . I have made appeare upon an old item somewhere else . And because you had not enough of them for the last old Comaedie you were to act , how you did mount it in halls , schooles , & other profane places , is deliver'd unto us upon Royal authoritie in his late Maejsties large Declaration 16●…9 . Where is to be found such loyal doctrine as this . One in Edenburgh , upon his Majesties urging subscription to your owne Confession of fayth , sayd It was an Italian , & a devellish device , first to make them renounce God , & perjure themselves , & then afterward there was an intention to destroy their bodies ; & so that this subscription imported no lesse , then the destruction both of their bodies , & soules . Rollocke did as much upon a seaffold in publishing a wicked , & rebellious protestation , Another , That though there were never so many Acts of Parliament against the Covenant , yet it ought to be maintain'd against them all . And Andrew Cant since charg'd His Majestie thus to his face , Awake thow lumpe of clay , thow wast not sleeping , when thow gavest cut the blondie commissione to Iames Graham . Of all which I desire Mr. Baylie to name one that suffer'd any censured from a Synod . what priviledge these , or any other scandalous crimes had in England , or Ireland , the High Commission , & Civile censures can cleare . But the Reviewers conscience can tell how many such tooke shelter under the wings of the Covenant , who were threatned processe , if they subscrib'd not , & , having done it , passed for very zealous , pious brethren in the cause . Their names , & infirmities , if Mr. Bay●…lie hath not , I have charitie to conceale , Or , if I had not ( could their ordination be justified , & they accounted of our brotherhood ) I should thinke my selfe oblig'd to it under the penaltie of the 55. Canon of the Councel of Carthage . Episcopus accusatores sratrum excommunices & si em●…ndaverine vitium , recipiat eos ad communionem , non ad Clerum . If he bear'd the like reverence to Antiquitie when he speakes so broadlie of the Bishop of Derric , he might bethinke himselfe of the 57 Canon . Clericus maledicus , maxime in sacerdotibus cogatur ad post●…andum veuiam , si noluerit , degradetur , nec unquam ad officium , absque satisfactione , revocetur . And to give His Lordship his due interest in the prudent provision of the Church , I direct the reader to that in the Councel of Constantinople , De accasatoribus Orthodoxorum Epis●…oporum non admittendis , which is to be found in the edition of Chr. Iustell , where he shall see by how many clauses Mr. Baylie is excluded from being admitted to enter any accusation against him , first , by the Religion he professeth , adjudg'd as bad as heresie by the ancient Canons for decreeing in conventicles against the authoritie of Bishops , antisynagontas tois kanonikois hemin episcopois … And whether upon the several grounds that follow , an Oecumentical may not reject him , hoos kathybrisanta tous kanonas , kaiten ecclesiastiken lymenamenon eutaxian , as a reproachfull despiser of Canons , & a bane to the eutaxie of the Church ; let any of his aequitable compare●… consider . Yet , I thinke , I shall breake no canon by retorting his quaestion , his acts being so publike , & himselfe autocatacritos , convinc'd under his hand in his booke , Did the Reviewer never heare of a Presbyterian , sibb to Mr. Baylie , who to this day was never ( but may be in good time ) called to any account for flagrant scandals of such crimes ( even the same the Bishop mentions ) sedition , & treason , which ( aswell in Scotland , as in any other Kingdome ) are punishable by the Gallowes ? These crimes , above any , deserve civile cognizance , from which as free as the Scotish Churchmen have been , I dare undertake to prove out of their storie , That there was hardlie ever Synod in Scotland ( Presbyterian I meane ) but was guiltie of Rebellion , or bloud , having ever made their covenants with death , & their agreement with hell having made liet their refuge , & under salshood bid themselves as they did Isai. 28. 15. So that Mariana , & his diseiples , whether in Italie , or Spaine , or all the world over , can not in aequitie have layd such devillish doctrines , such publike murders of Princes , & Nobles to their charge . Foedus umbrarum perit . As constant a Covenanter as you are with the living , I see the holiest league can not chaine up your furious malice against the dead . Your naming Bishop Aderton , For his sinne , & that blessed Martyr the L. of Canterburie for his patron , speakes you a sonne of neither Christian charitie , nor truth , If Presbyterie had been as old as the Councel of Nice , I perceive your sawcie fingars would have snatch'd the libells out of Constantines breast , & your zealous tongues , that are made seven times hotter otherwhere , would have runn the hazard to licke the Bishops faults out of the fire . I wish you had help'd me to a better bargain of your silence , & not forc'd me to give you this , which I am ●…oth to part with , in exchange for your blabbing That if all be true that is in print ( which for your credit I hope is not ) Your Discipline had no other then a Sodomite for its patron , some thinke you may take your choyce of French , or Scot. How this abomination hath been propagated with your Discipline , ( though by it no Disciple ) I leave them to relate , who , to shame you into some speachlesse civilitie , have had reason to be your Domestike observers , if they can frame it by chast language in a riddle . Yet because your Presbyterie shall gaine no credit , if I can helpe it , by any counterfeit innocence , I will returne you a line or two●… in Latin , which may informe you that such an ill weed hath grow'n even where the sharpe sickle of the Eldership hath praetended to cut downe all wickednesse before it . Hoetamen dissimulare non possum , in Palatinatu nulla prius seandala tam atrocia incidisse quam ed sint quae seniorum illic constitutorum culpa acciderunt . Et quis , obsecro , eos postea feret correptores , qui sceleratissimum hominem Siculum Sodomitam , & cundem pestilentissimum calumniatorem ( you inherite at least the upper halfe of his qualities ) impune elabi passi sunt , ne ad Iudices legitimos traheretur . If you name Bishop Aderton in your next , you will force me to breake the bond of modestie with my Readers , & make me lay this horrid scene nearer home . If you will shew your self a better Christian , or Scholar , & strengthen your arguments with the ruines of Bishops doctrines , where you finde them , & not rake up the rubbish out of some few sinnes , or lapses in their lives , you may write your pleasure , & without a blush expect the like ingenuitie on this side . Pseudon syncolletes…leptotaton leron hiereus , Excuse me sir , if Aristophanes at praesent furnish me with no more honorable titles to salute you by , for your ingenuous meritorious demeanour in the next paragraph . Wherein you are pleas'd to pervert all that the Bishop mean'd innocentlie , & writ temperatelie , & sacrifice your soule to the Father of lies to gaine the countenance of your ' brethren in Holland . Historical ●…ruth I hope is no slander . Nor can it be their shame to keep peace in their Churches , & turne seditious incendiaries out of doores . But while you plead for these your owne brethren among them , ( the rest holding not that point of your discipline ) what respect you beare to their vigilant Magistrates , whom you taxe for putting out of their cities men zealous in their doctrine , pressing the true practice of pietie , &c. I leave to some interpreter to tell them . But my selfe shall tell you , by the way , that they joyne not with you in rejecting our Episcopacie , as Anti-christian Name you what booke of theirs , or person of any note that hath done it . I am sure since you , & your English mates fell to worke with root , & branch Spanheim , their great divinitie professour in Leyden , held up his hands , & wished that all had been such as Arch-Bishop Vssher , & Bishop Morton , & then the order with such men he acknowledg'd would passe here wel enough . So that it should seem in the rest there wanted onelie a conformitie in some such thing , as Calvins opinions to qualifie them for a tolerable communion with the Dutch. What their zealous Ministers have preached for practice of pietie , suppression of haeresie , & schisme , the Bishop is farre from calling , or accounting any crime . But because you croud into their zealous preachments , the sanctification of the Sabbath-day in your Judaical sense , If , they pressed it in the rigour of your discipline , their auditours use a large practical license to confute them . To passe by their weeklie Sabbath mercates , & many publike faires , one of which you , & I met with at the Hague , I could have shewd you there the dancing on the ropes ( if not a dutch stageplay for a need ) & many other prettie sights , to which you were invited with sounding of trumpets , & beating of drumes , which is their businesse at this instant in another part of the reformed Provinces : where I am I can tell you of several recreations I have observed ( beside playing on the ice objected against the Ministers of St. Andrewes that were spectatours ) which I litle thought on when the poor praelatical Clergie , not many yeares since , were cursed with Presbyterian bell , booke , & candel , for approving a narrower toleration in our Countrey . Our persecutions have help'd us to this , & some other experience , whereby we shall be hereafter enabled to unmaske your adventurous impudencie to the world . Whether the streame of Presbyterian , o●… Praelatical ermons have run clearer from contempt of pictie from silence , flaterie , &c. may be seen by him , that will looke into these last 12 yeares current of the times . If the vigilant Bishops , such as their Lordships of Derrie & Downe , purg'd their chanels from the filthie doctrines , & rebellious obstructions of Blaire , Leving stone , Hamilton , Cuningham & others , they did it for the more even passage of pure Primitive reformation . The zeale of these men was eating out the foundation of Gods house , & their swelling waters did overflow the bankes of government , where they came . Their impious doctrines made them first be turn'd out of Scotland , where Blaire had been before expelled the Vniversitie of Glasgow by the Professours for teaching his scholars , in his lectures upon Aristotle , that Monarchicall government was unlawfull , ( the lawfullnesse whereof Mr. Baylie accounts part of the Prelates profanitie , & errours . ) Vpon the like misdemeanour the same justice overtoke them in Ireland , but at a time , as it hapened , when Christs Covenanting , Antimonarchical Kingdome began to be reedified in Scotland which wanting such bold pieces to supportit , & their blasphemous treasonables sermons to cement it , they were very heartlie welcom'd , & praeferred to places of greatest eminencie in that Church . What a singular difference there is in the point of exemption from secular jurisdict on between the Geneva Discipline , & yours the proceedings in the next paragraph will shew . And what person convict of , or notorious for those crimes , that you reckon was ever priviledg'd by the spiritual Court , you are to mention . Your generals are aire , the Bishop craves no favour of your extraordinarie charitie to conceale . The Declaration 1584. might be penned by Mr. Patrike Adamson & yet be King Iames's , If his Majestie declin'd the acknowledgement thereof the yeare after , when your Rebells had seiz'd upon his person at Sterlin , that may very well be imputed to his feare . Nor was that the onelie negative subscription , you extorted from your prisoner that yeare , who , when at libertie , afterward , with the same hand , blotted out that which , when you had the guidance of his pen , you had forc'd him to write against his owne inclination , & sense . If Mr. Adamson prosessed upon his death his repentance for lies , & slanders ( to which we have a contrarie tradition from some that were praesent ) he did no more then your great Declaratour Buchanan for his that were opposite to the other , And how both these sort of , lies that caried contradictions could proceed from the same spirit , or their repentance have the same grace , & truth to reforme it . I leave to your discerning spirit to reconcile , or , if you find them different , to distinguish . What the Bishop asserts , Mr. Camdens faythfull register will justifie . Ministri nonnulli in Scotia è pulpitis , & per circulos Reginam indignissi●…is calumnus insectati ipsi , Regi , & Consiliariis asperrimè obtrectárunt , & coram comparere jussi fastidioso quodam contemptu abnuerunt , quas●… pulpisa à Regnm authrritate essent exempta , & Ecclesiastici non Principi●…i mperio , sed Presbyterio subessent . Your Ministers raile against , Queen , King , Councel with contempt , & seorne , denie appearance upon summons , stand upon Ecclesiastike priviledge , are not censur'd by the Assemblie , & what is that but protected ? & what both but as much as the Bishop out of the Declaration praetends to ? What nullitie in the law of your countrey you pleade , can be taken for no answer to the Bishops second proofe , who tells you , the same reason may exclude aswell Magistrates , as Commissaries , because they have no function in the Kirke , & they are so excluded out of the 11. chapter of your 2. booke of Discipline , which providing that all abuses may be removed , & dependances of the Papistical jurisdiction abblished , regulates all by the Eldership of the Church , & in silence robs the Civile Magistrate of his power . The strength of which argument you wave , as you doe the 3. instances that follow , & scowre up an old rustie peice of Logike of your owne to fight with your shadow ; The Bishops consequence holding good . That it those , which have no function in the Kirke , are not to be judges to ministers , no jurisdiction remaineth in the Civile state whereby Ministers may be punished . In England the Commissari●… , & official were no ordinarie judges to depose , & excommunicate at their pleasure : what reservations there were , & how limited was their power , your friend Didoclave will acquaint you . Which integritie , & prudence he calls a fucus , & fallaei●… , because he had found no such native beautie of holinesse in his Church , no such down-right dealing in the discipline . The jurisdiction of Commissaries was reestablished in Scotland in Ecclesiastike causes , to as great a latitude as formerlie , by act of Parliament at Edenburgh June 4. 1609. Presbyterian Assemblies are easilie satisfied about any delinquencie against Kings . And had not K. Iames at this time been absolute , & the brethren in feare what should become of their Euangel , they had not proceeded so farre as they did in Gibsons case . That many passed at other times with lesse notice , nay with their authoritie to maintaine them , I have shewed frequent enough out of their stories . Delinquents of the Episcopal partie could get no such opportunies for absence . When Gibson came about , he praetended not onelie his feare for an excuse , but his tender care of the rights of the Church . This , because more pertinent to the quaestion , Mr. Baylie overlookes , as he doth their purging him of his contumacie without acquainting his Majestie , which the Bishop urgeth . He were better betake himselfe to some other trade then that of reviewing . Two , or three such surveys will loose the Discipline more ground , then Didoclave , & any other his unanswered Champions ever gaind them . That no trial of Gibsom fault was perfected though a fugitive was a testimonie of their forward dutie to the King. Others ( beside the Bishops by the Synod of Glasgow ) have been excommunicated at as great a distance for their loyal expressions , & actions . The Bishops fourth proofe I perceive hath much troubled the Reviewers eyes , osper tà suk epi tous ophalmous . Mr. Blackes case may very well seem odious , Odit , quod metuit , It turnes his stomake so much that he findes not confidence enough to wipe of that filth , which was spit upon the reputation of the Discipline by his speaches . He is better imployd with his sieve , & his scissours about divining how his Lordship came by so many particulars of the storie ; but the guilt of his conscience makes his hand shake , & so all his witchcraft falls to ground . For the Bishop , to my knowledge , may have his warrant for that relation somewhere else , & , for ought he knowes , recourse to some vocal oracles of that time , beside some such registers as have not been raced by the sword of the Disciplinarian spirit , nor cancell'd by the Clerke of the Assemblie in the darke . Though that large , most excellent volume compiled by the Rt. Reverend Arch Bishop having , not long since , happilie escaped the Scotish ' Inquisition , may hereafter be a printed monument of the Disciplines shame , an aeternal disgrace to the Rebellious Presbyterie , & his credit , for all the Reviewers calumnies , a lasting pillar to support the fayth of all posteritie , that shall reade it . Yet to take Mr. Blackes storie from his hand , out of the register of truth , the Doomsday booke of the Discipline as it lies . — Veniat invisum scelus , Errorque , & in se semper armatus suror . If the Kings countenance were changed , his conscience was not , which , by his own confession , so soon as ever his judgement was in the bloome , tooke checke at the Religion , as well as at the Rebellion in the Assemblie , professing with our faviour that though he liv'd among you , he was not of you . That you make no medium between Presbyterian , & Popish , is a piece of old Synodical malignancie , which the trial of the orthodoxe partie in these times hath made out of date , since being rejected , & banish'd by the one , they neither finde , nor sue for reception with the other , ( saving into a toleration of their asyle ) but by the hand of the Allmightie are held up in their constancie between you both : Yet your feares were not groundlesse , when the Religious King went about to establish such publike worship , as would have informed ignorance in a discoverie of your errour , & draw'n of all your conscientious , & rational disciples . His Majesties civile favours to some Papists , were not so strong evidences of his change as to wind up your Ministers to such a free warning , nor gave them license to make such rebellious applications . If that be the use 't is time for Kings to search better into your doctrine , & see whether the toleration of that have not been the great sinne of our age , which hath pull'd downe such judgements upon their heads . This grace inyour pastour is that , which abounds by continuance in sinne . And this fayth is nothing like St. Pauls shield , being beaten by the Assemblie into a sword , whereby they endeavour to subdue Kingdomes , but have no such commission as had Samuel , & the Prophets . Mr. Blackes denial was too faint to absolve him , & his honest hearers , if conforme to their English brethren , might perchance be so wrapt in their night caps , as their negative testimonie could not be very currant . When he shew'd himselfe so willing to be tried by all the world , he litle thought who might passe upon the verdict . All the heathen had condemn'd him for the murder of moralitie , & he had met with a scurvie packe of hardhearted Godfather among the Papists . A brother of yours confesseth that somewhat Blacke had sayd , though he hath no great minde to take notice , what , nor when . He complaines of Rutherfort his accuser because oblig'd for private courtesies , who deserves to be commended for praeferring publike dutie , & in that appeares to have been one of the most honest hearers there . The Courtiers can not be blamed for intending to stop the mouthes of such Ministers , as layd the Devil with his bairnes at their doores , & put them in afright that they should afterward be charg'd with keeping all the blacke brats of the Assemblie . The advice of the Brethren was adjudg'd treason by the law of Scotland produc'd against the Aberdene Ministers , & your Edenburgh Bibles have not one text to justifie that appeale . The words layd to Mr. Blackes charge I hope will be confessed to be trulie seditious . All the quaestion you make is whether he spake them or no , which though doubtfull ( as it is not , being proved before the Assemblie who gave this reason for his exemption from punishment , They knew not with what spirit he was overruled ) must be acknowledg'd a mater of civile cognizance ( because no point of religious ) aswell as the punishment , if prov'd . Constat Episcopos & Presoyteros forum legibus non habere , nec de aliis causis … pr●…eter religionem posse cognoscere ; The Brethrens reason , or rather mis-apprehension must not be made the measure of the lawes . If the King yeided so much toward an amicable conclusion , what can justifie the Presbyters in continuing the breach ? who , say what you will , were bound to subscribe a band for that silence which was required , Pessimus est mos suggestum in scenam vertere , & dulcis●…imam Euangelii vocem in Comaediam veterem . What the learned Grotius enlargeth upon this subject , I will not transcribe , but call upon you to answer , being that which I assume to make good upon the same texts & proofes he produceth . The truth was you durst neither have advised Blacke to appeale , nor your selves have shew'd such contumacie to the King , but that you had felt the pulse of the people , & made it beate high in your behalfe . This your brother confesseth though in Gypsie language , calling it the great concord , & authoritie in the Church , such as made the Courtiers to tremble , though never so much in favour with the King. Which concord , when so magnified in your storie , we know , was ever a covenant to rebell , & awe the King aswell as the Court by your usurp'd authoritie of the sword . Yet whatsoever is your practice , & profession , by sits ; sometimes you are more serious ( though seldome more loyal ) & the result of your councel apparels it selfe in such a sentence as this Our obedience bindeth us not onelie reverentlie to speake , & write of our Soveraigne , but also to judge , & thinke . Which if the Edenburgh Ministers had practis'd , they had not come under that severe sentence pronounced against them for raising a dangerous mutinie among the people . If I would , like you , turne diviner , I might easilie guesse out of what un printed register you have that prettie legend , that followes , which yet is not so decentlie dress'd as to make good the chast credit of the discipline . Who was this villaine ? By whom was he Suborn'd ? Avillaine . They suborne , without particular instance of either , will not passe upon publike fayth . If the Commotion was innocent , why not approv'd ? If not approv'd , how appeares it to be innocent . The best way to have quit the Ministrie from being authours , or approvers , had been to be censurers , but here they could keep silence without a band . I can not yet let goe this singular storie , my dutie forbids my charitie any where to favour you with my silence . And because you are so praejudic'd against unprinted traditions , I will give it you for the most part out of some printed registers I have met with . King Iames , desirous to set off his Court with what luster he could to foraigne Ambassadeurs , had , in a provident magnificence , retrench'd some allowance formerlie issued for his Courtiers attendants , & contracted their tables to enlarge his owne entertainments . For the managing of this , & somewhat else concerning his revenue he had appointed eight officers of State , where of some were Papists , but of know'n intergritie . The Resormado Courtiers , by way of scorne call'd these Octavians , & made an easie impression into their Ministrie by suggesting , that they had a designe to introduce Poperie , & subvert the whole discipline of the Church . After private conference , a fast , for the smiting with the fist of wickednesse , soon after was kept at Edenburgh . Balcanqual preacheth , & spares neither , King nor Councel in his virulence , infuseth all the unpleasing particulars , he could thinke of , to imbitter his Satyr , humblie beseecheth the Edenburgh Citizens at a certaine houre to meet in the New Church , tells them how much it concern'd their reformed , Euaugel . His reservednesse sharpend their expectation , & caus'd their punctual assembling almost to a man , where they found their Ministers in a formal Synod , having chosen a violent Presbyter , Mr. Robert Bruce , their Moderator . Here Mr. Blackes sufferings were aggravated : & the Kings violating the praerogative of the Church . One Watson comes in , & addes oyle to the flame , remonstrates his late repulse at Court , & denial of accesse to the King , being sent with some Rebell-supplicate from the Brethren . The Moderator , with as much malice as my be , comments at large upon every instance in a speach ; Makes it Gods cause , & engageth the people to assert the libertie of his Gospel , if not by petition : by power . Some Commissioners are sent to the King , then in the Tolbuith , who , receiving some checke for their unjustifiable proceedings , come backe with their angrie account to the Assemblie . One Alexander * Vaux being ( as the Presbyters had praedesign'd ) mounted up above the congregation by a pillar , with stretched out arme cries , The sword of God & , of Gideon , bid them to follow him in the vinaication of God , & his Church . They take it out of his mouth , & in confusion clamour , Arme Arme , for God , & the Church . They doe accordinglie , & rush violentlie into the streets beguirting the place where His Majestie was . Mr. Thomas Hamilton afterwards Earke of Haddington takes an halberd in his hand , & with some of his friends keepes the multitude from entring . Alexander Hume of Northborvick , for the time Provest of Edenburgh , & Roger Mackmath ( whom the King ordinarilie called his Baylisse ) raise what power they can upon a sodaine , the honest Hammermen come in to their assistance , They demand first whether the Kings person be in safetie , & then by a mixture of faire words , & menaces make the rowt quit the place , but not their riot , for they by , & by rallie in the Mercate place . The Captaine of the Castle turnes some canon upon the Towne , & by that militarie argument praevailes with rhem to disband . The King is safelie guarded to his palace at Halyrud Howse . For all this Brucc sends abroad his writs , to call●…in the Nobilitie to their succour , some of whom had in zeale abetted the late tumult . The Lord Forbes payd his sine for going into the street , The Lord Hamilton hath an invitation to be General , & should have had his commission ( from the Synod no quaestion ) if he had signified his acceptance . He very noblie , & loyallie delivers up his letter to the King , & detects the Rebellious project of the Discipline . Some of the Ministers are sent for , & convicted , obtaine pardon of the King , but no actual oblivion from any his good subjects , who ever after detested that disloyal sect , & branded the 17. day of December with the indeleble infamie of that prodigious attempt . How like this lookes to an halfe houres tumult or petie fray , How Ignorant were the People , how innocent the commotion , How free the Ministrie from being authours , or approvers ; Let the Reviewers aequitabl●… tomparers determine . CHAPTER V. The Discipline exempts not the supreme Magistrate from being excommunicate . TVatim agis . The Bishop argues about excommunicating Kings , & you answer about censuring officials , that pronounce sentence for non-payment of money , wherein yet you are not more impertinent , then malicious : For you know well enough that sentence was not executed for that , but for obstinacie against the power , & commands of the Church , Wherein if any officials inconsideratelie proceeded , it must not bring in quaestion the more deliberate prudence of them , that made the constitution to that purpose . The rash praecipitancie of the Scotish Presbyterian rule , & practice , though many times very reprovable in the later , I sinde not heere in the Bishops allegation , nor of what magnitude the sinnes are , for which they excommunicate , though we have know'n a desertion of the Brethren in conspiracie against their Prince , or a glance through their fingars , an interpretative neutralitie , hath been made the great sinne , & threatned with this censure . Neither the Praelatical partie , nor any orthodoxe Christians in the world come into your communion in the point of excommunicating their Kings , nor comprehend them within the object of their Discipline , by which , though they have kept the sonnes of the Church in a filial awe , yet ever reserv'd a paternal priviledge for their Kings , the Nursing Fathers of the same Imperatoria unctione to●…stur poenitentia . And the learned Grotius assures us that the Kings of France for many ages have expresselie challenged this exemption for themselves , No po●…sint excommunicat●…i . Rev … did never so much as intend the beginning of a processe against their King , &c. Ans. Christian prudence admits no such charitable glosses upon the Scotish intentions , where is no colour of ambiguitie in their words . In which if the King be a man , or a Magistrate , he must be necessarilie included , & made subject aswell to Church animadversion , as admonition . If Mr. Baylie hath a perspective for the thoughts of all his praedecessours , he may enjoy the pleasure of such spiritual reviewes , or revelations to himselfe , but can have no demonstrative evidence to propagate the like confidence among others . True causes of citation of Princes to an Assemblie is the peculiar language of the Discipline , no such truth is implied in this truer text of Scripture , Where the word of a King is , there is power , & who may say unto him what dost thou ? The beginning of the next verse is not the Scotish Assemblie , in answer to that quaestion . What these true causes have been , I have partlie manifested out of their storie , their owne Registers justifying their successive meeknesse , & indulgence ; wherein though no King may be found excommunicate●… , ( because their spiritual sword wanted luster , and brightnesse to strike such amazement into Princes , as to make them let fall the temporal one out of their hands ) yet not any one of them hath there been since the Assemblies were possess'd of their infernal commission , but have been personallie threatned , imprison'd , depos'd , or murdered , & they should have tasted the meeknesse of the Discipline in them all , if the season had served , & they could have catch'd , or kept them in their power ; Against which universal experience whether Mr. Baylie's single word may be taken for the future securitie of His Majestie , & his successours , I submit with silent reverence to be debated in their Councel . Rev. We love not the abused ground , &c. Ans. We are as litle in love with the Reviewers affronting of Kings , as they with , what he calls the Warners flatering of Princes . To the quaestion he so magisteriallie propounds . St. Ambrose , notwithstanding his Act to Theodosius , makes answer upon that speach of David cited by the Bishop , & addes the reason in such language as Mr. Baylie will not heare from any Canterburion-Praelate , Quod nullis ipsi [ Reges ] legibus tenebantur , quia liberi sunt Reges a vinclis delictorum . The same is to be found in Isiodore Pelus : And Tertulian to this purpose many hundred yeares before Presbyterie was hatch'd . Sciunt [ Imperatores ] quis illis dederit imperium … sentiunt Deum esse solum , in cujus solius potestate sunt , a quo sunt secundi , post quem primi , ante omnes , & super omnes Deos , homines . And because the Reviewer calls this doctrine Episcopal , let him take St. Hieroms note too by the way . Rex ipse [ David ] & alium non timebat . This Catholike doctrine praeserves the Majestie of Princes , de jure , inviolable from the insolencle of Assemblies . Where the abuse of it spurres them on to any dangerous praecipi●…es , they are to stand , or fall unto themselves . The poor oppressed people would many times worke out their deliverance by prayers , & patience , if the outragious Presbyters did not thrust them downe , & with the hazard , if not destruction of their persons , dash all civile government in pieces . CHAPTER VI. Kings may sometime pardon capital offenders , which the Disciplinarians denie . As they doe their Royal right to any part of the Ecclesiastike revenue . WEre your reasoning as methodical as the Bishops , I should not be so in every Chapter at a losse to find out more to what , then what to answer , having hitherto met with none , but Socrates's three darke principles in your booke , tò chaos touti , kai tas nephelas , kai ten glottan , confusion , clouds , & tongue : which among them have made such a mist in your own eyes , & such a clatering in your eares , as you can neither see , nor heare a good logical argument brought before you . We , that are above this disturbance , & at a distance , observe his Lordship laying out the doctrine of your Discipline ( for so I 'll speake for once ) received by you all , & then illustrates it by your practice , wherein if he had roome enough , he would muster up so many particulars as with an , &c. might conclude an inductive universal . Though the other way of acconsequential arguing hath been thought tolerable in Mr. Baylie ( no Doctour as I take it ) as not long since in his uncharitable mention made of Bishop Aderton , & his slander against the two reverend Bishops of Downe , & London Derric . The Ministers rigour , & vindictive pleading hath ever multiplied in Scotland the widowes , & fatherlesse , the deadlie feuds having been ever continued , & received by them , when they saw it tend to their advantage , so that the bloud shed by murderers of their making may be trulie aesteem'd , the seed of their Church . Which duelie considered , demonstrable in their storie , should deterre any cautelouc Christian from their communion , who , by that partaking in their guilt , can exspect from heaven no benefit of his prayers , Gods curse in the Prophet concerning them nearer , then any ministrie in the world , When ye spread forth your hands , I will hide mine eyes from you , yea when ye make many prayers , I will not heare : Your hands are full of bloud . The historie of that time , though very partiallie , & falselie related by the Reviener , were it not , can not justifie the insolence in their discipline , wherein they do not occurre to the inconvenience praetended , the impunitie of murder procur'd then by some importunate & powerfull solicitours , but despightfullie scratch out the image of God in his Anoynted , & pull downe his praerogative attribute of mercie , which hath a season of priviledge above justice , if that passe with Mr. Baylie , for any of his workes . What I meane I collect from this clause . In the feare of God we signifie unto your Honours , that whosoever perswades you that ye may pardon , where God commandeth death , deceives your souls . & provokes you to offend Gods Majestie . where not onelie the act of impunitie is condemn'd , but all power to pardon in any case denied . Which God never practis'd himselfe , nor exacted in the rigour from his Kings . Beside , the case hath been know'n , when the Presbyters themselves became the powerfull sollicitours to the King , & drew a pardon for murder from his hand against his heart , as they did from K. Ch. 1. for Mr. Thomas Lambe , a preaching brother , who stab'd a young man of Leith with a ponyard betwixt Leith , & the Abbey of Haliryd House upon the Lords day in the afternoon , in the time of the Assemblie , & Parliaments sitting . To whom the King , used this speach Ministers must be pardoned though slaughterors . 〈◊〉 other men must suffer for a words speaking , reflecting upon one Mr. Iohn Stuart , who suffer'd for saying that Argile had spoken about deposing the King. How they professed their Church to be reformed by the murder of David Rizio , & the King called a weake man because he would not vouch it , I have shewed more particularlie in their storie . Yet I hope Mr. Baylie ( who is too rigid ) when he comes next in the Rebell-Commission , will be no sollicitour for any act of oblivion . That if the King gives not what satisfaction they finde necessarie , & due , he , & the other bloud-hounds will articulate their crie into justice , justice , or lie downe in their armes to execute it themselves even upon His Majestie himselfe ( for he hath allreadie encircled him , within the object of the Discipline ) may be fairlie collected from hence , as from what he told us in his Epistle . That you may preach unto * Magistrates , that according to Scriptures murderers ●…ught to die even Erastus will grant you , Yea that in some cases you may rebuke , exhort , admonish , threaten , denounce judgements , aswell as preach promises according to the examples of the Prophets . But he puts you in minde that this they did onelie under impious Kings , no Davids , no Salomons , no more must you assume this libertie , under Iame's , & Charle's , pious , prudent , & just Kings . If you should have an unhappie occasion to exercise it under other , you must goe no fa●…ther , no excommunication which is order'd in your Discipline . He calls for your texts , he answers your arguments , he helpes you to instances of Ioab , whose murder could not safelie be punished , of Absalom , whose , for some reason , was neglected . He demands whether these men , went not into the Temple nor communicated in the Sacraments with this impunitie about them . I have no way to be rid of you , but as Mr. Selden , they say was of the whole packe of your clamouring brethren at London , who layd Erastus booke open before them , & bid them answer him . Which dismounted their tailes , & put a gag in their mouthes , so that I heare he was never troubled with them afterward . E. Huntley's case hath been caried to the mint , & comes now out with a new stampe of the Assemblie at a losse till their Father behind them scatters his kindnesse among his prodigal sonnes , & bids them lavish out his inexhaustible stocke of calumnies , as they please . What the Bishop hath granted you about the guilt of the three Lords , I have no commission to retract . What you aggravate about E. Huntley's apostacie , & , after seeming repentance , frequent relapses , doth at the worst , but argue his adhaerence in heart to the Romish religion . This added to his banding with the King of Spain ( which you pricke into some blanke papers subseribed with his hand , & the rest taken out of Dr. Kerre's pocket , as he was shiping over , upon your excommunicating , & banning ; & picke out of some other , such as litle could be made of at that time , when it should have been most advantageous ) is not enough to justifie that rigour alleadged by the Bishop . The truth of what followes shall be left to the ingenuitie of your judicious & aequitable comparers , by laying your relation to that of more authentike historians , whose record is this Bothwell , after many murders , & misdemeanours , having broke prison , endeavours to get the King , & Chancellar Maitland into his power , to which end he sets fire to both their chambers , & by violence makes his entrance into the Queenes . For this , some of his complices were hang'd , the Kings proclamation , publish'd against him , prohibites any man to harbour him . The Earle Huntley , upon the Chancellars intreatie , raiseth some power to surprice him , with which he besets Earle Murray's house , where Bothwell was entertaind , & Murray in defense of him slaine . For this soon after was E. Huntley imprison'd till having put in caution to appeare at a publike trial , he had his libertie given him to goe home . Murray's friends had not patience to wait the leisure of the law , but worke revenge upon all advantages they could get . Bothwell having been this while conceal'd in England , enters Scotland in armes , & assaults the King in his palace at Fawlkland , but , being beaten off , makes another escape . The Assemblie , failing of the successe they hop'd for in Bothwells attempt , praevaile for the banishing of Papists , & confiscation of their goods , Bothwell , finding no good welcome in England , gets away , & gaines a private opportunitie by his friends to be secretlie conveigh'd into the Kings chamber , where he begs his pardon upon his knees , & obtaines it , yet the next day makes a tumult in the Court , & caries away diverse of the Kings servants ; The King ( which may seem strange ) for the safetie of his person , was faine to put away his friends of greatest trust , the Chancellor , Treasurer , Baron Humes , &c. but within a moneth repents him , appeales to his Nobles , & by their advice , recalls them , yet permits Bothwell to depart . The Ministers are angrie that the Papists are not persecuted by fire , & sword . They assemble without the Kings order , & call together the Barons & Burgers . Bothwell enters againe with 400. Horse as farre as Leith ; makes proclamation , summons all in to defen'd religion , & put away evil Counsellers ; sends it to the Synod at Dunbar , which favour'd it ; The same day he marcheth against 3000. of the Kings forces neare Edenburgh , fainteth in his businesse , and gets away to the borders ; Queen Elizabeth sets out a proclamation against him , yet presseth the King for proscription of Papists ; The Lords are but few that meet , & expresse some reluctance at it . The Ministers , & Burgers are many , which vote it , take their armes downe out of the windowes , &c. Argile is sent against them , & beaten ; The King drawes toword them , & permits three of Huntley's houses to be pull'd downe , Huntley escapes to his Aunt in Sutherland , thence into France . These were Huntley's notorious crimes , & multiplied outrages which cryed up to the God of heaven ; Out of which let the world judge what reason the Ministers , those mercifull men of God , had to give such warning & crie to the Iudges of the earth , to shed his bloud . That appearance with display'd banner against the King in person , should be made an article against him by Mr. Baylie , a loyal peaceable assertour of ten yeares armed rebellion in three Kingdomes : I dare not adventure my spleen to discourse on but in Mr. Baylies language , hope by his good advise , the Prelates will no more Lull ' Princes asleep in such a sinfull neglect of their charge , but breake off their slumber by wholesome , & seasonable admonitions from the word of God , such as that Prov. 10. A wise King seatercth the wicked , & bringeth the wheel over them . Or what other texts , their Lordships better know applicable to the most just , necessarie chastisment of schismatikes , & Rebells . About E. Angus , & Errol , you thinke your selfe not concern'd to make answer because your brother Presbyter Mr. Rob. Bruce , gave King Iames leave to recall them , but with this considerable sentence , against E. Huntley . Well Sir , you may doe as you list , But chuse you , you shall not have me , & the E. Huntley both for you . Pretie humble soules , who can weigh downe the chiefest Earles in the ballancing of a state . In the next paragraph , you dawbe with untemper'd morter , such as can never keep the Kings right to any Ecclesiastike revenue , & the claime of the Discipline together . For having comprehended in the patrimonie of the Kirke all things [ without exception ] given or to be given to that , & the service of God ; All such things as by law , or custome or use of Countreys have been applied to the use , & utilitie , of the Kirke . 2. book Disc. ch . 9 And call'd them theeves , & murderers [ without exception of persons ] that alienate any part of this patrimonie . 1. books Disc 6. head you are the innocent dove that , here bring us newes , That the Church never spoyld the King of any tithes , while those birds of spoyle , your forefathers , have left him , neither eare nor straw to possesse . But to deale with you at your owne weapon in your words . If the King never had any first fruits , then , as the Bishop sayth , you are the Popes , that with-held it , & by you , that were the Reformers , was that point of papacie maintained ; If he neither had , nor demanded , to what purpose toke you , such paines to obtaine in favour of the Church to have it declar'd in Parliament , That all benesices of cure under Praelacies shall in all time coming be fee of the first yeares fruits , & fift penie , & the Ministers have their significations of presentation past , at the Privie seale upon His Majesties owne subscription , & his secretaries onelie , without any payment or caution to his Treasurer for the sayd first fruits , & fift penie ? About tithes , you say , His Majestie , & the Church had never any controversie in Scotland . How agrees this with your Declaratour in his appendix to the maintenance of your sanctuarie ? When the minor-age of a good King had been abused to the making of a law , whereby the most of these rents , first fruits , Tithes , & the lands belonging to Bishoprikes were annexed to the crowne , the Church very earnestlie do labour for restitution , & never gave over till these lawes were repealed . If you review your records , you will finde in the yeare 1588. that you had a plea with , which you call an earnest suit to , His Majestie about patronages , & such considerable opposition , as put you upon inhibiting all commissioners , & Presbyteries to give collation , or admission to any person praesented by authoritie from the King. And [ to omit many ] a greater you had before with the Queen . Anno 1565 The Nobilitie , & Gentrie were more beholding to your impotencie , then patience for peace . What gracious men yon have shewd your selves , since your Rebell-Parliament got that incumbent power into your hands , your congregations would speake if they durst , whom you feed with the bread of violence , & with that you cover them as a garment . So that whether the Presbyterie be not as good patrons of the people , as they are vassals to the King , need never more be quaestion'd in Scotland . Whether by the wickednesse of Praelates , or Presbyters the King , & Church were cousin'd of the tither , will appeare by them , that bragg'd most when they were most endanger'd by the sequestring the other patrimonie from the Church , which I finde to be the Presbyters that could not keep councel but boasted they had given a seasonable blow unto the Bishops . That legitimate power in the Magistrate the Bishop pleades for King James never declared to be a sinne against Father , Son , or Holy Ghost , nor did ever the patrons of Episcopac●…e oppose it . That changeling you here substitute in the roome calls you Father by the ridiculous posture in which it stands , your friend Didoclave had more ingenuitie then to inferre a claime to the power of preaching , & celebrating the Sacraments upon the power of iurisdiction over Ecclesiastical persons derived upon the King from his praedecessours in England , & given them by a statute . Verba statuti de jurisdictione , non de simplici functionum sacrarum administratione intelligenda esse quis dubitat . The well grounded consequences , which you call Castles in the aire , will hereafter batter your Presbyterie to the ground , when Princes shal retract their too liberal indulgence , take a courageous resolution to claime their own , & relie upon Gods providence to maintaine it . King Iames had given you the practical meaning of his wise sentence , seven yeares before he spake it at St. Andrews . For , as you may very well remember , when His Majestie had put downe your Presbyterie by the head , your Ministerial office was with the exercise of your halls , having , to the time of your late rebellion , no other , then an ambulatorie Euangel , no Disciplinarian legallie tolerated to officiate , but such as would conforme to the canons of the Church . If the King had sayd , Egonon possum erigere Ministri caput , the heads of the Aberdene , & Edenburgh Ministers might have confuted him upon the gates , but that his mercie [ without the Synodical censure of impunitie ] interpos'd in that dispute . As great an enemie as His Majestie was to such Erastians , as the Bishop , I am sure he was no friend to such Donat●…sts as you , unlesse infestissimus host●… be significant to that purpose . He sayd , you were the persidious , bedlam knaves among the preachers , my dictionarie will helpe me to no fiter English for his Latin , persidi , & sanatici nebulones inter concionatores ; And you , or your profession he often styl'd Calvinistarum Satanismum , a sect of lapsed spirits among the Calvinists , whose malice had metamorphoz'd them into Devils . CHAPTER VII . The Presbyterie cheates the Magistrate of his Civil power in ordine ad spiritualia . THe Bishop begs no beliefe of his Readers , beyond what he brings proofe out of your Discipline to prevaile for . When you have made all offenses , more , or lesse scandalous , like the Prophet in Hosee , you become the snare of a fowler , & with this counterfeit call catch all the uncleane birds in your net . If the Bishops Official takes notice of more civile causes then your Presbyterie , the qualitie , & number had been Worth your noting for your Readers satisfaction . To strengthen your evidence , I consulted with Didoclave your brother Scout , whom I finde to have made no such numerous discoverie , & I take him to be alltogether as strict , & able an inquisitour , as your selfe . That capital offenders , whom the Magistrate hath spared , should be excommunicated , is disciplinarian censure , which no societie of regular Christians ever inflicted ; Nor can any ingenuous Divine denie such , accesse to the holie table , if otherwise qualified then by their impunitie . He must distrust either the prudence or pietie of the Magistrate , conceiving him either too liberal of his pardon to a person shewing no remorse for his fault ; or impious in countenancing instead of cutting off , an obstinate malefactour with his sword . Erastus himselfe ( whom you raile at so often ) puts in this caution ( which Beza approves of ) for whatsoever he hath asserted in his booke . Quod meminisse te velim etiamsi non semper adjeccro . That the person you admit be suppos'd to understand , approve , embrace the doctrine of the the Church , with which he desires to communicate ; That he professe an acknowledgement , & hatred of his sinnes ( he addes not from your stool of repentance ( That a murderer , adulterer , blasphemer , thus pardoned , thus poenitent , thus supplicant for the seale of the Sacrament , should be , to fill up the amphitheater of any prou'd hypocritical , popular presbyter , made the sundays sport , or spectacle to the people , No Scripture commands it , no orthodoxe Church ever practis'd it , no law of Scotland imports it . If you suspect his repentance to be but counterfeit , & his humble addresse , a religious imposture ; you may discourse with him in private , lay open before him the hainousnesse of his fact , deterre him by the extremitie of the danger , tell him if he disccrnes not the Lords bodie ( which he can not through the blacke unrepented guilt of that sinne ) he eates judgement , he drinkes damnation ; But all this pertaines ad Consilium , a terme us'd among the ancients in cases somewhat conterminate with ours , to ghostlie councel , no spiritual execution , ad legis annunciationem , non jurisdictionem , to the terrible declaration of the law , to no jurisdiction or legal exercise of your power . Beside , here I must put you in minde of what I otherwhere prove , and is undeniable . That your excommunicating facultie is not originallie in your Assemblie , but derived to you from the supreme Magistrate , with an implicite reservation of his own priviledge , to remit it at pleasure , it being no ●…ure divino discipline , I hope ( for if such , what becomes of those Churches that use it not ? ) The malefactours exemption from this , without quaestion , accompanies his largesse of civile mercie , & he stands acquitted from all spiritual , aswell as temporal , punishment : For to suppose the Magistrate takes him from the gaoler , to deliver him to Satan . exchangeth his shakles for chaines of darkenesse , his prison for hell , is inconsistent with reason , or charitie , & gets no more faith , then such a cruel sentence hath the face to aske my opinion of its justice . The learned Grotius tells you , how John a Bishop of Rome became intercessour to Justinian the Emperour in the behalfe of poenitent delinquents , that were separated from the union of the Church , asscribing to him the authoritie , & honour of their restitution to the communion thereof . Which argues him , & his Presbyters , ( if you admit him not to be single in his jurisdiction ) at that time to have had no independent Discipine , to crosse the Emperours power , to have been no countermanders of his pardons . That the Magistrates in Holland have very often commanded the Pastours to their dutie in these cases . And that , by an old law in England , the Kings pleasure was craved before any of his servants could be excommunicated . Fraud in bargaining , false measures , &c. the Bishop takes to be maters of civile cognizance ; He findes them call'd abomination to the Lord , not any where such scandals to the Church , as to require publike satisfaction . What Ecclesiastike rebukes are due , he thinkes may be given by particular Ministers in their several charges ; without a summons before a Consistorian judicatorie . Die Ecclesiae was no praecept of speed ; There were two or three errands to be done by the way ; The offended brother hath , after conference , a private arbitration praescrib'd him : Nor doth it appeare that , in cases of this nature , our Saviour sing'd him a warrant to fetch his adversarie to the Church , not a word is there that doth authorize the Church to command him out of the Court , to anticipate , or aggravate the civile censure by the Reviewers Ecclesiastike Rebukes . The Bishop speakes of Presbyterie in the institution , makes no instance of it in the practice ; I 'll take no mans word for disciplinarian honestie throughout 30. yeares trading . The saints , after that rate ; will not be readieat Doomesday to give up their account of compassing the earth , & getting in their inheritance annex'd to their dominion , which they will have founded in grace ; If the Presbyteries , wherein all that time you were conversant , were no merchant adventurers , tooke no share of the purchase , they have kept some Jubilee to lease out their indulgence ; Or it was , not unlikelie , a piece of your Kirke-policie to connive a long time at all petie larcenie , knowing who at length would be catch'd in the great cheate , the 200000. pound sale of damnation to their brethren , & yet keeping backe whole viols of vengeance , and wrath unto themselves . For the many causes of Ministers deprivation , cognosced upon in your Presbyteries , you have the good liking of neither Papists , nor Prae lates , who finde no canon , that gives commission to such a mungrel socitie of lay-Clerical Presbyters to take away , what they have no power to conferre . If I give , but not grant , your usurped tyrannie a priviledge , by many yeares rebellious precedent , to cognosce of such cases , I must except against clipping of canons ; the coyne that beares the Majestike image of the Primitive Church , such as is the 67. in the fourth Councel of Charthage , Seditionarios nunquam ordinandos Cl●…ricos , sicut nec usurarios , nec injuriarum ultores . The first of the three had met with your vertous Fore-Father Knox in the Castle of St. Andrewes , & sav'd all the mischiefe we have reap'd by his call from abetting the murder of Cardinals , to rebelling against Princes , renting the Church , & the Commonwealth into Congregational , & Covenanting parties . The last , which was your injust praetense , if not in your banners , at least in the Remonstrances , which you brought in your hands when you invaded England ( Canons holding aswell for depriving , as ordaining ) had rid us of all the rable of Rebellious revengefull Presbyters without a stroke . For the businesse of usurie , I shal not draw up my charge till I discover the Scottish Presbyterian Cantores ; Yet you were best have care ( whatsoever becomes of the ancient Canons ) that you be not too severe in depriving for that , lest you get a rebuke from your brethren abroad , who , it may be , desire not to shake hands with you in that point of the Discipline . The Bishop neither tooke out , nor put in any causes of Church-mens deprivation , but merelie transcrib'd , what he thought more concern'd a Civile Court , then a Synod . If he had been at the charge of reprinting all whereof your booke of Discipline makes mention , he must have left an &c. to bring up a reserve ( though yov will not owne it ) of preaching , penning , practizing , schisme , sedition , Rebellion against moderate , just , & pious Kings , aswell as what your Assemblies were solicitous to prohibite , under the terme of Schisme , or Rebellion against the Kirke . For the first , & last of the three sinnes you draw out ( because you will have the pleasure , at least , of licking your lips at the naming ) His Lordship knowes no Bishop , nor Doctour but may finde a namelesse Scottish Presbyter to give place to . If he should be mistaken ( which he hath not so much reason to hope , as charitie to wish ) he sees in St. Iames the guilt of murder aequivalent to adulterie , & made as great a transgression of the law ; He heares of Isaiah's triel in Scotland , which deserves the same wonder , & crie of the Prophets . Ye are drunken , though not with wine , ye stagger , though not with strong drinke , &c. And , since your last returne out of England beholds sitting at Edenburgh , aswell as London , the great whore [ instead of her blew ] arrayed in purple , & scarlet colour , & decked with gold , & pretious stones , & pearles , having a golden cup in her hand full of abominations , & filthnesse of her sornication ; And upon the forhead of the woman drunken with the bloud of the Saints , & with the bloud of the Martyrs of Iesus , a name written with a beame of the sunne , Mysterie , Babylon the Great , The Mother of harlots , & abominations of the earth . For the third sinne of gluttonie [ which you will have produc'd , because in your canon , though not much for your credit that your excessive gossiping comes to be cognosced by your Church ] all Bishops , & Doctours may freelie bid desiance to your sect , of whom so manie are so often known to be as fed horses in the morning , & though you flatter your selves into a conceit that the noyse is not heard , are neighing as much as those in Isai. So that you may in due time have , what you better deserve , the same curse with the Priests in the Prophet Malach which will spoyle your reviewing & singling out other mens crrours , or secret sinnes to the shame of Christianitie among the Nations , when your selves are spiloi , kai momoi , the principal spots , & blemishes that are in it . God may corrupt your seed , & spread dung upon your saces , soleunitatum stercus , even the dung of your solemne feastes , & you , more likelie then they , may be taken away with it . The Bishops third chalenge mounts somewhat higher then your answer , which pleades onelie for preaching upon texts , concerning the Magistrates dutie , & resolving , from Scripture , their doubts , both which reach up onelie to a judgement of direction : but his Lord●…hip cites the clause in your theorem , which makes difficult cases between King , & people subjects of cognizance , & judgement before the Assemblies of the Kirke , And this , he sayth , riseth to a judgement of jurisdiction . Your second booke of Discipline is more modest in language , though as mischievous in meaning . The Ministers exerce not the Civile jurisdiction , but teach the Magistrate how it should be exerciz'd according to the word ; whereas if you take cognizance of , & pronounce judgement in , these difficult cases , Or call before you such as may be more easie , but should be heard otherwhere ; this is no other but exercing civile jurisdiction , as spiritual as you make it . If you , with the terrour of your excommunicating Maozin , overaw the Magistrate into a servile submission to what you praescribe , this I take to be no teaching , but commanding , & instead of resolving by deliberate advice , & Christian moderation , cutting in sunder with this sword of your spirit ( no word of Gods ) the knots , & perplexities of his conscience . What doubt-resolvers you are commonlie between Master , & servant , husband , & wife , your licentious demeanour in many families may informe us , where ( it is too well know'n ) you have made your selves judges of the trivial oeconomical causes in the hall , & dispensers of , or with , more private duties in the chamber ; So that , they say , the good man hath many times met with a consistorian censure at his table , & , if not with a Presbyter a Presbyterian prohibition in his bed : I beleeve you mistake preaching Praelates , & Doctours for some babling Puritanical Pastours , & Lecturers in England , who have made these things , their care , & gone about them , as the uncontroverted parts of their Ministerial function . The Bishops negligence herein was the silent reverence he payd , which you owe , to Majestie at a distance ; And His Lordships modest declining domestike curiosities , a civile diversion from that , wherein the word is so cleare , as to need no interpreter , & the Husband or Masters authoritie so absolute , as admits no superintendencie to praedominate . Your license to preach personallie against Princes , I finde given to your Fore-fathers in an answer to the Queenes proclamation 1559 Your tradition still continues the same , touching which ( for brevities sake ) I must againe send you ( as I can not too often ) to the famous Grotius . De Imper. Sum. Pot , cap. 9. What the Parliament propon'd to you about the late engagement , included no such great scruple of conscience as to long for the comfort of your resolution , nor was that , when they had it , the starre by which they steer'd their course , in the businesse . They knew your violence [ call'd zeale ] to be such , as would force an entrance into the hearts of many poore people , which , when it sindes emptic , swept , & garnished for better ghests , would call in 7 wicked rebellious spirits to possesse them . This epidemical mischiefe they endeavour'd to praevent by acquainting you with the plausibilitie of their enterprize , & if they could have praevailed for either your consent , or silence , they should have the lesse need , they thought , to looke backe in the prosecution of their designe . What conjunction soever you found to be at that time driven on , I can assure , you there was a clearlie malignant partie on this side , that found themselves separated , & who trembled at the hazard of their religion , & the persons of them , that were to be most eminent instruments of its praeservation , when they saw such a solemne outward compliance with oathes , & Covenants , & with a Committee of Estates , that declar'd so at large for the former joint-interest with England , against the Liturgie , & established religion in our Church . Yet their warning against it made no other noyse then sounding of their bowels in compassion to the King , whom they desired to have by any meanes , delivered out of the hands of the mercilesse Independent , and a tendernesse toward their sweet , & ingenuous Prince , who with his loyal & generous Nobilitie●… , they feard might be deluded , & fall into the hands of the darke mercenarie Presbyter , the orthodoxe , untainted partie being not intermix'd in such a visible number , as seem'd likelie to secure them from that danger . The Congregational supplications were naught , but your Consistorian jugglings : Your selves sow'd the winde in some whispering Assemblie instructions , & then reap'd the whirlewind . in tumultuous petitions from the people . So that your own spirit first rais'd the storme , & then wrapt it selfe in a mistie multitude for concealment . That the States of the Kingdome sent several expresse messages for that end , viz. to receive an Assemblies replic in a Magisterial Declaration against their proceedings ; in pulpit banning , & cursing ; in Clamourous seditions , & , as you could make , militairie opposition , I can not get within the compasse of my faith , & take it to be such a salving of conscience as none but a Scottish Classical Casuist will professe , beyond what any Jesuite in ordine ad spiritualia will challenge with all the rebellious circumstances , that accompanie it . For that filthie conclusion you cast upon the Bishop , we know aswell as if we had seen it drop , that it came from the corrupt praemises in your head . In the case you produce His Lordship ties not up the tongues of Gods servants , but concludes the counsel of the wicked to be deceit , Gods law not to be taken from your preaching , nor his Covenant any more from , then in your mouth . To applie your general to the particular in hand , The warre you thought unlawfull , because it proclaim'd libertie to the captive , & the opening of the prison to His Majestie that was bound ; And the law in St Iames , you had no reason to submit to , who may , not uncharitablie , be thought to have resolved upon a connivance at , or collusive neutralitie in the murder , that was otherwise visiblie to follow . The greatest impietie , & injustice , I know , was in it ( as exquisite as you are in casting the fashion of uncertain evils ) was the advancement of your Covenant in the Van. And , if for that , the Engagers were to expect nothing but the curse of God , I am sure they deserv'd no anathema from your Kirke . If your doubting Nation be put in the scales with your resolving Nation that engaged , I beleeve we must give you at least a graine or two to make it aequiponderate . They , that stated their soules by the councel of your Assemblie , stay'd behinde to praevent all recruit , & oppose the retreat of their more loyal Countrey men upon a possible misfortune . For the lawfulnesse whereof they had somewhat , worse then silence , from the ( miscalled ) servants of God , though , I am sure , no authoritie from his word . When Religion , & Royaltie lay panting under the talents of most cruel Rebells , the Civile businesse of warre was by the other birds of prey unseasonablie disputed . What concern'd the soul in it , had the cleare sunshine from the law , & the testimonie to warme , & quicken it , That the Assemblie spake not according to this word , was because there was then no light in them , the lampe of the wicked was put out . What the Church declared in their publike papers to the Parliament had very litlie of modestie , or truth . It bound up your engagement in so many knottie conditions , as had made it sure enough for vindicating the wrongs the sectarians had done , when the onelie injur'd persons were excluded out of their share in the promised successe . To expect reason by Christian , & friendlie t●…eaties from them that you acknowledge had bid adieu to Religion , & Covenant , when your zealous selves , praetenders to both , never offered any heretofore , was like the fine-spun thread , or Covent garden paper you put in afterward between the axe & the Royal head it cut off : If the good people in Scotland were so willing to hazard their lives , & estates ; what good Pastours were you that held their hands , & forc'd then to sit still . By whose cunning , & misperswasion the engagement was spovled , or impeded in the stating , we require no farther evidence then from your pamphlets , By whose rash praecipitancie , or somewhat else in the managing ( if it may not be ascribed to the fortune of the warre ) is a mysterie yet not perfectlie revealed . The number was large enough , though the most religious , as you call them , were absent , & the armies courage . I thinke had not been much greater by their companie . The lies spoken in hypocrisie did but cauterize the conference of the wretched people that stayd at home . The lethargie , call'd peace , which they slumber in for the time , may hereafter breake out into an active warre , to the ruine of the Assemblie spirits that seduc'd them . The three reasons the Bishop toucheth upon , as the principal , may be the test for the many more that went with them . So that we shall not need to rake in your dunghills for the jewel that you promise , which , when we have found , will not yeild one graine of faythfullnesse in your Church . They , that foretold the destruction that followed , were not unlikelie the instruments to effect it . If the Kings friends should not march till the Assemblie Zedekiahs put on their hornes , though his person be more righteous , we looke his successe should be litle better then Ahabs , & the Independent Syrians push'd no otherwise then in mockerie and sport , while his loyal subjects should be too seriouslie scatered on the hills as sheep that have no shepheard to enfold them . If the misbeliefe , & contempt of whom you call the Lords servants , & the great danger , unto which you make religion be brought , were the onelie losses sustain'd in the last armies misfortune ; let those workers of iniquitie perish , that to the ruine of soules , endeavour to repaire them . What griese of heart , or repentance , hath shew'd it selfe in those persons , you say , contributed to the spoiling but must meane , unlesse you condemne your selves , such as were forward in promoting that designe , whether in a politike hypocrisie , or ( which can hardlie be rationallie afforded then ) a misguided sinceritie , will find it to be poenitenda poenitentia , & a hard retreat from the guilt , & shame of that botomlesse penance you praescrib'd them ; unlesse their judgement be , as their sinne , the same with his who sold his birth-right , as they theirs to their libertie , for a morsell of bread , a poor inconsiderable temporal subsistence , & may finde no place of repentance , though they secke it carefullie with teares . Should all the Disciplinarian hands be cut off , that were not held up to the agreement of bringing , by a warlike engagement , the Sectarian partie ●…in England to punishment , David Lesley would have but a left-handed armie , & His Majestie might relie upon halfe his securitie aswell for his crowne , as his religion . They who , to gaine their arreares , so easilie , I must say traitourouslie , parted with that Royal person , are not to be credited as men so unanimouslie resolv'd , with hazard of lives , & estates upon his rescue . Nor can any man , whose faith as not resolv'd into aire , & so , readie to engender with the faint breath of every dissembler , beleeve that they would with such hazard make a long march to the Isle of Wight , who would not , with lesse , conduct His Majestie , a day , or two from Holmebie . But had you been at that trouble , & had Victorie strewed roses in your way , when you should have with pleasure regain'd the rich purchase you went for , I preceive you had been at a losse for a chapman , & a great uncertaintie where to dispose it untill you had got one . For first you talke of bringing the King to one of his houses to perfect the treatit , Then of bringing His Majestie to London with honour , freedome , & safetie , Next of bringing him to sit in his Parliament with what honour , & freedome himselfe should desire ; And all these with in the extent of a few lines , which make three degrees of doubt in the Saints , even after their debate of that matter , & universal agreement , not to be quaestion'd . But let us suppose the last , & best of the three in your purpose , & your avant Curriers on horsebacke to hasten it : I see you are pleas'd to call them backe with a quaestion , to which I pray tell me where the Lords servants , or loyal subjects of Christs Kingdome e'r made a like . Yet you shall have your answer by & by , though you shew not the like civilitie to the Bishop , who seemes to state his quaestion thus . Whether when the Parliament , & Armie of Scotland had declar'd their resolutions to bring His Majestie to London , &c. without conditioning for a promise of securitie , for establishing ( at best a controverted ) religion , any legitimate full Church Assemblie ought , an illegitimate imperfect Clerical combination or Conventicle , could in ordine ad spiritualia , declare against the engagement ; call for the Kings hand , seale , oath , to establisp a cut throat covenant to the ruine of his person , & posteritie , Religion , Lawes , Libertie , Monarchie , & whatsoever His Majestie was , by a solemne oath , & indispensable peswasion of conscience obliged , with the hazard of life & Kingdomes , to maintaine . In answer to yours take this . The Parliament , & armie of Scotland in declaring their resolutions , &c. did what they ought , & that according to your own principles , for you had the securitie of His Majesties Royal word [ more then once ] for establishing your Religion in Scotland , according to the treaties that had been perfected between the two Kingdomes ; If you intended the like courtesie to England , your Parliament , & Armie , had it consisted of none but the Saints , were in no capacitie to take it , being no part of the principals concer'd in the benefit , nor deputed by England to capitulate for it , Therefore their rescuing His Majesties person out of the Sectaries hands , had been the untying of his , & puting him in a posture to give ; The bringing him to his Parliament in London , where likewise your own Commissioners resided , had been the seting him in sight of such as were to aske , & receive . Which is the same kind of Logike you us'd in your answer to both Houses of Parliament upon the new propositions of peace , & the 4. bills to be sent 1647. Where I finde your opinion , & judgement to be this , That the most aequal , fairest , & just way to obtaine a well-grounded peace is by a personal treatie with the King : & that his Majestie for that end be invited to come to London with honour , freedome , & safetie . For which you offer 6. reasons . 1. The sending of your propositions without a treatie hath been often essayed without successe… Of those propositions this ever was one , To promise securitie for establishing religion , And what better successe could now be exspected ? 2… His Majesties proesence with his Parliament must be the best , ●…if not the onelie ●…remedie to remove our troubles . This remedie the Parliament , & Armie intended to helpe you to . 3… Without a treatie or giving reasons for asserting the lawfullnesse , & expedience of the propositions to be praesented , they may be aesteemed impositions . This proposition was to be sent without a treatie , being neither lawfull nor expedient for the many reasons His Majestie had formerlie render'd . I remit the Reader to your paper for the rest , & a great deale more of selfe contradiction ( with somewhat worse , ) which one of the new English Lights hath discover'd in his answer . But you shake of that like an old serving-man which had done your drudgerie in his youth , & bestow your liverie on the Parliaments praecedent , which providence , beleeve me , will save you but litle . Your argument's this : The Parliaments of both Kingdomes in all their former treaties ever pressed upon the King a number of propositions , Ergo , The Church may desire the granting of one . I should be too courteous in casting up the numerous account of their rebellions aequal to their propositions , & keep out but a single unitie for you . I shall chuse rather to tell you ( cautioning first for the falshood in the fundamental hypothesis ) That in cases of treatie the Church of Scotland is subordinate to one , & therefore hath no adaequate conditioning priviledge with the Parliaments of both , Kingdomes , especiallie in her peevith state of opposition to both Secondlie , This proposition desired , is the Trojan horse into which all the rest of your treason 's contrived , there being no fraudulent possibilitie , Eccles●…astike , nor Politike , which your Sinon Assemblie hath not cunninglie lodg'd in the bellie , the winding entrailes , the maeanders , of the Covenant . Your clause in the parenthesis , when the bolts are off , & set at libertie , tells us your meaning is this . Let the Kings person , & children continue imprison'd , His Queen , Prince , &c. banished , His revenue sequester'd , his life be irrecoverablie endanger'd , rather then those of the Scottish Presbyterian partie ( for the rest you can not excommunicate out of your nation , though not in your covenant ) should run the hazard of their lives , & estates ; Which was the true result of your debate , & agreement . That you heard no complaint , when many of the thirtie propositions were pressed , was , because your eares were stopt against the lamentations of everie English Jeremic that wept for the slaine of the daughter of his people , being such an Assemblie as the next●…verse describes you . That an out crie , as you call it is made when onelie one proposition is stucke upon , is because that one streightneth the bands of your wickednesse , layes heavier burdens upon the shoulders of innocencie , & will not let the oppressed goe free ; And then Gods Prophets are call'd upon to crie aloud , not to spare , to lift up their voyce like a trumpet , &c. This one was that , the yeilding to which would most of all have violated His Majesties conscience , & in reference to which he tells you 'tis strange there can be no method of peace , but by making warre upon his soul. Yet let the case be disputable , & your tender excusable , at least in respect of the time , which you say was not to be before His Majesties rescue , but onelie before his bringing to London , &c. If so , why was not His Majestie first rescued , & delivered out of the hands of the Sectaries , & then your proposition insisted on ? The Bishop tells you the reason out of Humble advice , Edenb . Jun. 10. 1648. viz. lest his libertie might bring your by gone proceedings about the league , & Covenant into quaestion . All honest Christians , & loyal subjects [ though heathen ] are of the same beliefe with his Lordship , & whatsoever is their opinion in generall , expect that you prove the innocence , or justice of conditioning in this particular with your confess'd captive King. Concerning the absolute soveraignitie of Kings you are other where answer'd , & if not satisfied , may finde more worke made you by the famous Grotius , whose booke was manifestlie penned against you , & your usurping brother-Rebells of England , & bids defiance to all your Didoclaves , Buchanans , & Brutus's of both nations , till replied to . But away with your counterfeit inclination to treaties , which you ever abhorred like death , fearing in that peace , there could be no peace for your wicked selves , & therefore gave publike thankes to God for delaying your torments in the disappointment of that at the Isle of Wight , aswell by your plots , & devices , as by the Sectaries armed-force . The holinesse of this religious proposition was but the blinde under favour of which you stalked , & made safer approaches to His Majesties murder , by another , never hitherto repeald , immutablie design'd ; Nor are there many of your publike papers but forespake the destruction of his Royal Person , and Familie unlesse he submitted to the tyrannie of your tearmes , and whether that had quitted him as much from your judgement , as it assuredlie had from his supremacie , and crownes , may be guessed by the experiment he made in his first too full , fatal concessions , which your own Parliament Acts have registred completelie satisfactorie to the demands or desires of all sorts of people in Scotland , which too indulgent paternal , goodnesse having turn'd into poison , you regorg'd in his face by a foreigne invasion , and a base mercenarie rebellion till , like evening wolves , you rent in peices , and prey'd upon his person in the darke . The proposition I meane is that , for which one of your sectarian brethren calls God , Angels , and Men to judge of your dissembling in pressing a personal treatie , when His Majestie formerlie desiring one , you told him , There having been so much innocent bloud of his good subjects shed in this warre by His Majesties commands and commissions , … you conceive that untill satisfaction , and securitie be first given to both his Kingdomes . His Majesties coming to London could not be convenient , nor by you assented to . What satisfaction you meane , we know by your Discipline , which makes murder unpardonable , and then I pray , what securitie could be taken , but his life ? If the granting this one proposition you stand upon , concerning Religion , and the Covenant , had draw'n after it ( as it seemes by your silence ) the satisfaction for bloud , and securitie for your peace . We may clearlie conclude your Religion was murder , and no resting Canaan for your Covenant but in His Majesties death . Which in effect was thus foretold him by that bold Henderson . My soul trembleth to thinke , and to foresee what may be the event , if this opportunitie be neglested . He would not use , he said , the words of Mordecai to Esther , because he hoped beter things . Whereas if his hopes faild him , we may well argue he had us'd them , as you doe , that survive him , in your endeavour that he , and his fathers house should be destroy'd . But that you take confession to be the Doctrine of Antichrist , you m●…ght , without an ironie , put an ●…ce to your own being criminous , to the purpose , in declaring against the Parliaments debates , which if therfore needlesse , and impertinent , because you thinke , or will have them thought to be so , the Great Councel you make but a subordinate Eldership , or Classe to the supreme Assemblie of your Ki●…ke . You are not allwayes so modest as to keep your distance from your English Parliaments affaires ; We have for many yeares found you like loving beagles , upon eithers concernment , so closelie coupled in the slip of your Covenant , as if , when the game should be lost upon eithers default , you meant to be truss'd up together for companie . If it be proper to have any King in Scotland , the proper place of debate about his negative voice is as well a free Parliament there as in England . If your lawes admit not of that , they admit of no King , whose Regalitie consisteth in that , nor hath he any legislative authoritie without it . It is the argument of your own Commissioners , who use to fetch their Syllogismes from the Assemblie , therfore you that made it are best able to solve it . Their , or your , words are these . The quaestion is where in his [ the Kings ] Royal authoritie , and just power doth consist . And we affirme , and hope it can not be denied , That Regal power , and authoritie is chieslie in making , and enaciing lawes , and in protecting , and desending their subjects , which are of the very essence , and being of all Kings . And the exercise of that power are the chiefe parts , and duties of their Royal office and function . And the scepter , and sword are the badges of that power . Yet the new praeface compared with other parts of these new propositions takes away the Kings negative voice , and cuts off all Royall power , and right in the making of lawes , contrarie to the constant practice of this , and all other Kingdomes . For the legislative power in some Monarchies is penes Principem solum … in other … by compact between the Prince , and the People … In the last the power of the King is least , but best regulated , where neither the King alone without his Parliament , nor the Parliament without the King can make lawes … which likewise is cleare by the expressions of the Kings answers , Le Royle vent , and Le Roys ' avisera ; So as it is cleare from the words of assent when Statutes are made ; and from the words of dissent , that the Kings power in the making of lawes is one of the chiefest jewels of the cronne , and an essential part of Soveraignitie … somet mes the Kings denial had been beter then his assent to the desires of the Houses of Parliament … If I had transscribed all , the Reader had found the argument more full . Out of this , compared with what you write , he may rest assured , that in declaring at that time against the Parliaments debate ( which in truth was vindicating the Kings negative voice ) you were resolved against Regal Government . And whatsoever since you have publish'd in a mocke proclamation , had your Covenanting brethren kept their station in England , the Crowne and Scepter , if not condemn'd to the coyning house , had been kept perpetual prisoners in Edenburgh Castle , whither with funeral solemnitie you have caried them ; nor had there been any Royal head , or hand kept above ground for their investment , while your Rebells could catch them , and procure sword , or axe to cut them off . But to follow you in your tracke . If your lawes admitted not absolute reprobation , by a negative voice , they did praeterition by a privative silence , which was all together as damnable to your Parliament bills , they being made Acts by His Majesties touch with the top of his Scepter , and those irrefragablie null'd which he pass'd by . In what followes , you shew more ingenuitie , then prudence , by acknowledging the ground whereupon you built your censure of this debate in Parliament as needlesse and impertinent , because of the power it might put in the hand of the King , to denie your covenanted propositions . But alasse you graspe the wind in your fist , and embrace an anie cloud within your armes , and , like some fond Platonike , are jealous over that jewel you never had . The King of blessed memorie told you , when he spake it to your brethren , He would never foregoe his reason as man , his Royaltie as King. Though with Samson he consented to binde his hands , and cut off his haire , he would not put out his eyet himselfe to make you sport , much lesse cut out his tongue , to give you the legislative priviledge of this voice . That you , at best , sit in Parliament as his subjects , not superiours , were call'd to be his Counsellers , not Dictatours ; summond to recommend your advice , not to command his dutie . And what pretie puppets , thinke you , have you made your selves for so many yeares together to the scorne of all nations , when you so formallie propounded to His Majestie to grant , what you professe he had never any power to denie . What comes next is one of the many springes you set to catch cockes , but your lucke is bad , or you mistaken in your sport . I see if you were to make an harmonie of confessions , you would be as liberal of other mens faith , as of your own . What the beliefe is of the warner , and his faction about the absolute affirmative voice of any King , you had heard more at large if you had fetchd your authoritie from any line in His Ld. booke for that demand . Yet to keep up your credit ( that you may not mount to no purpose ) . I will bring one who , in spiritualibus at least , shall take off this sublimate from your hands , and pay you with more mysterie of reason then you have , it may be , found in any other of the faction . Nulla in re magis ciucescit vis summi Imperii , quàm quod in ejus sit arbitrio quaenam religio publicè exerceatur , idque praecipuum inter Majestatis jura ponunt omnes qui politica scripserunt . Docet idem experientia , Si enim quaeras cur in Anglia , Maria regnante , Romanae Religio , Elizabetha verò Im●…rante Evangelica viguerit , causa proxima reddi non poterit nisi ex arbitrio Reginarum . Going on in the Religion of the Spaniard , Dane , Swede , he tells you ad voluntatem dominantium recurretur . Though I shall onelie give you this quaestion in exchange for your language of concluding , and impeding . If Parliaments have power ad placitum to conclude , or impede any thing by their votes , what part of making , or refusing lawes is to the King ? If the Bishop had challeng'd you for nominating officers of the armie , you are not without some such parrot-praters abroad as can tattle more truth then that out of your Assemblies . Nor need you be so nice in a mater so often exemplified in Knox , & his spiritual brethren , who , as appeares manifestlie by their leters , &c. Were the chiese modellers of all the militia in their time , and His Ldp. having shewed you when your pulpit Ardelios incourag'd the seditious to send for ( though in vaine ) L. Hamilton by name ( and Robert Bruce dispatched an Expresse for him ) to be their head . You are here charged onelie with not allowing such as the Parliament had named , because not so qualified as you praetended . That the State ever sent the officers they had chosen , to doe over all the postures of their soules , to discipline either their men or affections before you , and to have your Consistorian judgement of their several qualifications and abilities , is more I confesse then hitherto I have heard of , That you put it to the last part of your answer ( relating to no part of the quaeltion ) was but to shew what you beare in your armes ; That , as plaine as you looke , the crosse on the top of the crowne is the proper embleme of your Assemblie , whom no civile mater can escape , having a birthright from Christ ( or deputation at least ) to overrule both his Kingdomes upon the earth . Your Ifs & And 's about the necessitie of a warre , in that moment of time , when the British Monarchie Lay gasping for life , demonstrates what good meaning you had to praeserve the Person , or Government of Kings . The constant proofe of that integritie you required in the officers , must have been the covenant-proofe of their rebellion , and wickednesse , which , if blemished from the beginning of the warres with no religious , nor loyal impression , no sincere pietie toward God , nor real dutie to the King , had marck'd them out for your Mammon Champions and Goliahs , men most likelie to make good the interest , you aim'd at . This you were before practising in England , where your Sectarian Masters , that had set you on horsebacke , mean'd not to take your bridle in their mouthes , and be rid by your ambition to their ruine . Though you advis'd them faire for 't in your Papers March 3. 1644. requiring to have the officers in their armie qualified to your purpose… men know'n to be zealous of the reformation of religion , and of that uniformitie . Which both Kingdomes are obiiged to promote , and maintaine , &c. As in September , the yeare before , you told them you could not conside in such persons to have , or execute place , and authoritie in the armie raised by them , who did not approve , and consent to the Covenant . Which I sinde by one , well acquanted with your meaning , interpreted thus . You desired to have zeaious hardic men out of the North , whose judgement about the Covenant , and treatie had concurred so as to introduce your Nation to be one of the Estates of England , to have a negative voice in all things , who would have pleaded your cointerest with the Parliament of England , in the Militia of the Kingdome , disposal of places and officies of trust , &c. Having faild there of your cointerest with the Parliament , you straine here for your cointerest with the King , and would have the commanding power of his militant Kingdome in their hands , that should have held His Majestie like a bird in a string , which if he once stretch'd for recovering his own just liberties , or his peoples , they could have pluck'd him in to clip his troublesome wings , or cage him at their pleasure . The firmnesse of your Covenanting Commanders to the interest of God , the Dispeller reveales in his experience of their striking hands with hell , in cursing , and swearing , plundering , and slealing , which might have sill'd the hearts of the people ( had your poison not been administred under the guilt of wholesome advice ) with more rational jelausies , and feares then any by past miscariages , of them whose designe at that time was very hopefull , and honourable , otherwise then as it caried the fatal praetext of your Covenant before it . To let the world know how long your mysterie of iniquitie hath been working in the bowells of the State , the Bishop alledgeth ancient praecedents of So. yeares standing , from more impartial , more credible relations then those in yourRomance , falselie intitled , An Historical Vindication . What you shovell in here about treacherous correspondence with Spaine , is but an handfull of sand without lime , adhaeres not at all to the Inquisitours troubling the Merchants in their religion , nor that to your admonishing the people to be warie in their trade ; nor all at all to the truth which the Bishop tells you was a Synodical Act prohibiting their traffique under the rigid poenaltie of excommunication , which , all the art you have , can not melt into a friendlie advertisement . Those of the Merchants , whom ( you say ) the Inquisitours seduced , required no relaxation ; Nor were the rest so persecuted as to be discourag'd in their trade , when they petition'd the King to maintaine that libertie , where of your spiritual chaines had depriv'd them . Therfore all your courteous mediation was but a disguis'd Imperious prohibition , whereby you checkt the King , and in ordine ad spiritualia tooke it for granted , you mated him , by the Merchants weake submission , to your Censure . Could we but once take it your Church in agrieving fit for her owne so publike profanesse in the daylie breach of the 5 , 6 , & other commandaments that follow , we would tolerate her zeale though not commend her discretion , in her will worship , & superstitious nicitie touching the violation of the fourth . But when we finde her enlarging her conscience to laugh at rebellion , murder &c. We guesse her crocodiles teares to be more out of designe then compastion , & her mouth open for the destruction of them , that are not , through knowledge [ of her hypocritie ] delivered . The profanation of the Sabbath is not so in conjunction with à Monday mercate , but that à Saterdays , journey , with some sixpeenie losse , or à Sunday nights watch , and labour might separate them . Your holie supplications were leven'd with Iudaisme , which had not the Bishops in Christian libertie eluded , as your advantage might lie , the Parliament might have next been importund to Dositheus's follie , to erect à rediculous statuarie Sabbath in your Countrey . Though I heare all were not so hard hearted as you make them , but that Patrike Forbes Bishop of Aberdene did translate the mercates ( which are none of the least ) in his diocese to wednesday , as the provincial records of that place will testifie , From the obstruction made by the rest to your petitions , you cannot inferre , what you have formd in a calumnie about their doctrine , & example on that day . What sorts of playes ( which were not all if you reckon right ) the most emminent Bishops either us'd , or tolerated , were such as consisted with , and spirited , the Dominical dutie of publike and private devotion , wherein they had the authoritie and praecedent of otherguesse Christians , then any scotish Assemblie praecisians , and seconded with reason , such as hitherto , you never seriouslie , and solidelie answered . If they endeavoured to make the Sunday no Sabbath ; they did it in a farre better sense , and on better grounds then Rob. Bruce could have changd it , as you know he endeavoured , to Wednesday or Friday , and Lent from spring , to Autumne , on purpose to priviledge the pure brethren ' in the singularitie of their worship , and free them from a profane communion ( though not in the time ) with Papists , and Praelates . If the Bishops had a designe to advance their Kingdome by such old licentiousnesse , and ignorance as this innocent libertie might be feard to reduce ; We know to whom the Presbyters somewhere are beholding , at least for their Sabbath policie , though they thinke good to enlarge it , beyond Episcopal sports , and playes , to publike mercates , to brewing , fulling , grinding , carying beer , corne , dung , and indeed what not ? except opening whole shops , and wearing old clothes ; For redressing which I doe not finde your compassionate prayers to god , or advice to them , ( which I remember you us'd ) so effectual as to make any amendment , or gaine any proselytes to your circumcised severitie . Therefore , till you praevaile I pray let the Bishops be troubled no more with what all your flintie fac'd malice can not appropriate to the times , or places of their government . What hath been granted since you cast them out of the Parliament , was by them ; that had no more power in one sense to giue then in another to denie . Yet had all your demands meant no worse , then you spake in that about the due sanctification of the day , you might have let them sit still , have had the Souters your friends reconcil'd , and made a better mercate of those Royal concessions , which met too farre ( unlesse your gratitude had been greater ) your unlimited reguests . For the chalenge that followes , The Bishop knowes so well the historie of that time , that he is faine to leave a masse of horrour unstampt in his thoughts , conceiving it uncapable of any due impression by his words . And whosoever shall looke upon Scotland at that time , shall finde it to be nefandi conscium monstri locum , a place that had bred such an hideous monster , as neither Hircania , Seythia ; nor any of her Northerne sisterhood would foster . Not long before , when the Queen was great with child of that Prince , to whom you professe so much tendernesse soon after , not valuing the hazard , of that Royal Embryo , you hale her Secretarie , her principal servant of trust from her side and murder him at her doore ; Because the King would not take upon him the praerogative guilt of that cruel murder , according to the instructions you had given him , you finde him uselesse must have him too dispatchd out of the way , which was done , though not by the hands , by the know'n contrivance of Murray in his bed , his corps throw'n out of doores , and the house blow'n up with gunpowder where he lay . To get a praetense for seizing upon the yong Prince , you make the Queen and E. Bothwell ( because her favourite ) principals in the murder of his father , possesse the people with jealousie ; of the like unnatural crueltie intended to him . Hauing got the Royal infant in your hands , you not onelie null the Regencie of his mother , vou worke all the villanie you could thinke on against her person in his name , and make him , before he knew that he was borne , act , in your blacke or bloudie habits , the praevious parts of a matricide in his cradle . In order hereunto the Queen ( as you say , ) was declared for Poperie , which requires some Presbyterian Rebell glossarie to explaine it , there being no such expression to be found in the language of any orthodoxe , loyal Christians in the world . In this conjuncture of wickednesse , that no other way of safetie was conceivable for your Protesting , and Banding religion , but a continued rebellion , no other to make sure of the infant King for your prisoner , the Kingdome your vassal , but by such a grand combination in treason , may be granted at sight of your several praeceding desperate exploits . For this end your General Assemblie might crave conference with such of the secret Councel who were as publike Kebells as your selves . That your advice was mutual whose end and interest was the same , is not to be doubted , saving that we may observe such godlie motions to spring first from the vertuous Assemblie , as you confesse touching this . Your call was in much more hast then good speed , and your considerable persons conven'd a great deale more frequentlie then they covenanted . Argile , that did , slept not wel the next night , nor was he well at ease the day after , till he had reveald your treason to the Queen Knox tells you , That the people did not joine to the lords , and diverse of the Nobles were adversaries to the businesse . Others stood Neuters , The slender partie that subscribed your bond began to distrust , were thinking to dissolve , and leave off the enterprise a confessed casualtie gave up the Victorie , with the Queenes person , unhapilie into your hands . This mixed , & extraordinarie Assemblie had litle sincere , or ordinarie maners to call that a Parliament , which was none , having no commission nor proxie from their Soveraigne and to make it one chiefe article in their bond , to defend , or endeavour to ratifie those Acts , which their Soveraigne would not , when the lord St. Iohn caried them into France . But they persisted in the same rebellious principle , professing in terminis that tender to have been but a shew of their dutifull obedience And that they beg'd of them ( their King and Queen ) not any strength to their Religion , which from God had full power , and needed not the suffrage of man &c. They are Knox's words , which , were there no other evidence , are enough to convince any your aequitable comparers . That the just authoritie of Kings , and Parliaments in making Acts , or lawes is in consistent with the Presbyterian government . Which is the summe of the controversie in hand . No secret Councel , especiallie , if in open rebellion , can impower an Assemblie to issue letters of summons when their Prince's publike proclamation disclaimes it . The greatest necessitie can be no colour to that purpose , Though , what srivoulous ideas of great necessities the Presbyterie can frame , we may judge by their late procedings in our time . Your religion , and liberties seem then to have been in no such evident hazard , as you talke of ; if they were , you may thanke your selves , who had the Royal offer of securitie to both , the Queen onelie conditioning , & craving , with teares the like libertie of conscience to her selfe The life of the yong King was daylie , indeed , in visible danger from the hands of them , who had murderd his father , and ravished the crowne , or Regencie from his mother , but who they were I have told you . In such an ambiguous time men of any wisdome , other then that which is carnal , and worldlie , and so follie before God , would have betaken them selves to their prayers , & teares ; men of courage , and pietie would have waited the effects of providence , and not so distrust fullie , deceitfullie peic'd it with their owne strength . From such lovers of Religion , as contest , covenant , depose , murder ; as rage , ruin , proscribe , excommunicate , Libra Reges , & Regiones Domme Good Lord deliver Kings , & countreyes from them all ; Fortis est , ut 〈◊〉 , dilectio ; jura sicut infernus amulatio , Their love is strong as death , in the letter : their jealousie is cruel as the grave ; The coales thereof , are coales of fire , which have a most vehement flame ; No waters of widowes or orphans teares canquench it ; No flouds of innocent bloud can drowne it . It 's not unlikelie the Praelates resolution may be , That when a most wicked companie of villaines had deposed two Queenes and killed one King ; endeavourd to smother the spotlesse Majestie of a Royal Son with the fowle guilt of their injurie done to his Gracious Mother , which they cast enviouslie upon his name : And after these to draw a Nation , and Church , under the airie notion of a true Religion , never establishd by Law of God norman , into a Covenanting Rebellion : And a free kingdome under a legal Monarchie into an illegal oppressive tyrannie . That in this case there ough to be a general meeting of Church and state , to vindicate Majestie , lawes , libertie , and provide remedies against such extraordinarie mischiefes . That the Presbyterian Scots never were , nor will be of this opinion , I take your word , and beleeve it . Take this supplement with you That E. Bothewell should kill the King to make way for Poperie , and Murray before endeavour to hinder his mariage with the Queen , under a praetense of a designe by that then to bring it in ( which historie relates ) will cost some paines to reconcile Errours and abuses in Religion , the ordinarie reformation whereof is referred to your Ecclesiastical Assemblies , are such onelie as appeare to be peccant against the ordinarie rule or canon by just authoritie established ; But that the Canon it selfe should be alterable at the pleasure of subjects in a combined Assemblies declining their subordination to a superiour power in King , and Parliament ; and making them selves not onelie absolute to act , but supreme to praescribe , is contradictorie to all law , and aequitie nor can any necessitie countenance it . What you finde wrong in the Church , according to your method , must be no other , then that , which had been formerlie decreed in some of your Assemblies , which must implie a fallibilitie in their application of the rule ; This errour when you goe about to rectifie from the word of God , you may chance to have no clearer evidence then your praedecessours , nor the people assurance , that your eyesight is better . So that , for ought they know , one blinde Assemblle may leade another by the hand and both with their followers fall into the ditch . Beside It may so hapen , that religious Acts , answerable to the word , may be offensive to some wicked Assemblie , that have not the feare of God before their eyes , These if they have the power , to be sure they want not perversenesse to abolish , for which I finde no cautionarie restraint in your discipline . For , after you have praetended to rectifie if upon your dissembling petition a following Parliament refuseth to ratifie that you have power to abolish , and establish what you please , I finde every where confessd by your faction . And this indeed , as you say , is your ordinarie method of proceeding in Scotland , but in no other Reformed Countrey , who every where attribute to the Magistrate an Architectonike power in the Church , and but a ministerical , or instrumental to any Synod or Assemblie , Videlius , and other your brethren of note on this subject making you Bellarmines papists , though when your Kings , stand publikelie in opposition against you for the maintenance of their right , 't is quaestionable whether his most plausible reasons will as well priviledge you in his doctrine . The legal method of England you know well enough is otherwise , and therfore can not ad mit of your Discipline without altering the fundamental lawes , the most essential part of gouverment in our kingdome . The three foolish , & unlearned quaestions that follow tell us you are in the mind to gender strises , rather then according to Saint Pauls counsel , follow righteousnesse , fayth , charitie , or peace . To the first I answer . Christians of old , before the Emperial lawes for paganisme were revoked , were more or lesse hindred from embracing the Gospell , according to the zeale , rigour , remissenesse or clemencie of the Emperours that reigned . Those that obeyd not their commands , suffer'd their punishments , resisted no powers , reversed no lawes . Nay , it s as high a trial as can well be instanc'd , when Maximilian , & Diocletian publishd an edict to demolish their Churches , and burne their Bibles , because one was found that in great in dignation tore the paper in peices , being condemned to die , all Christians that heard it approved the sentence , and commended the justice of the pagan Magistrate in his execution . To the second thus . The oecumenical and National S●…nods of the ancients had ever the praesence or authoritie of the Emperour , without which they reformed no haeresies nor corruptions in religion . Who by ratifying their canons did cancel all the lawes of state , which did protect those errours When this could not behad but with praejudice to religion , the Emperours them selves being draw'n in by the haeretikes to their partie , they onelie declared their different opinion , submitted to censure , were disspersed in exile , nor did they countermand by the terrour of excommunication , and cursing , but when summond by the Emperour to rectifie any abuses in the Church . This may be seen in the time of Constantius addicted to the Arians . To your third I answer thus . The civile lawes in Britanie , I meane for our part in it , whereby Poperie was established , were annull'd by the King , whom we make absolute in that power . If the reformation begun by Hen : 8. be thought clogg'd with any seeming violence , sacriledge , or schisme ( which some ties on his conscience that requir'd a more deliberate solution , and some indirect passionate procedings give the Papists a kinde of coloural argument to object ) I see not how you are justified that imitate it , nor we bound to susteine the inconveniences that attend it , who may fairlie make the reigne of K. Edward our epoch , and from him , in his first Parliament , fetch our authoritie for the change . On your side of Britain , I finde naught but a continued rebellion in the reforming partie ( as you meane it ) till K. Iames grew up to a judgement of discerning and some resolution of restraining : Nor till that time ( though I hope well of many thousand persons under a Presbyterian persecution ) can I in reason quit the praevalent part of your Church from a succession in schisme . For Germanie and France I have no more to do at this time to be their judge then their advocate , seeing no where His Lp. joyning with his brother Issachar in impleading then for rebellion . All you can logicallie collect is such a major as this . They who reforme according to the Presbyterian Scotish met●…od by abolishing Acts of Parliament in a surreptious or violent Synod , by framing Assemblie Acts for religion , and giving them the authoritie of Ecclesiastical lawes , without or against the consent of the Magistrate cheate the Magistrate of his civile power in order to religion . If you will needs be assuming in behalfe of your brethren in Germanie and France , they must put you to prove it , or quit them selves of your conclusion as they can . In the meane time I see your pasture is bad that you turne your catell so often grazing abroad . For the foole in the next line you send to the Bishop , I guesse it may be his minde to have him return'd by the creature that caries his brother Issacha●… burden , expecting a wiser answer by the next paper Mercurie you imploy ; which can not be without bringing to light that law that praeauthoriz'd the Ministers protestation against the Acts of Parliament 1584. And that Act of Parliament since the null Assemblie of Glasgow yet standing in force that made Bishops and ceremonies vnlaw full ; The former , beside the contradiction it caries with it , devolving the legislative power upon the Kirke , which according to you can keep the Parliament in awe not by petitioning but protesting , and so ratifie or null all lawes declared at her pleasure ; The latter , beside the long perseverance in sinne it imputes to the Latin and Greek Churches , as well before as after the corruption in either , the late warmnesse to all Reformed Churches abroad , which never hitherto in any National Assemblie declared regular Episcopacie and ceremonies unlawfull , outdoing the very Act of abolishing which his Majestie in Parliament ratified with reference to no unlawfullnesse , but inconvenience , & retracted that too in his too late , yet seasonable , repentance afterward . Though for what His Lp. objects , were there too after Acts of Parliament to ratifie the substance of what the Kirke repraesents , no one of them thereby justifies the circumstance of Ministers mutinous protesting against lawes made in houres of darkenesse , upon what misinformation soever , which is treason against man and excusable by no formal obedience toward God. This for the Bishop to publish , being one of the Governers of that Church which strangers plot what they can to seduce into the same rebellion , with their owne , is no contemning of law , but discharging his conscience and dutie in his place . By the next storie the Bishop will gaine a more perfect discoverie of your resembling those grievous revoiters in Jeremie , who walke with slanders , being brasse & iron ; Who bend your tongue like a bowe for lies , and yet , when the true case is know'n be accounted by Solomon but a fool for your labour . In King James's minoritie who stole his name ( though they ner had his heart ) to act by it the most unnatural oppresion of that most gallant Queen his vertuous and gracious mother , to murder and banish many noble assertours of the reformed orthodoxe religion , & lawes , appeares upon publike record in your storie . This one Capt. Iames Stuart very noblie with standing your divellish temptations to have him maintaine a distructive dissention at Court with Esme Stuart . E Lenox , a faythfull subject & most deserving favourite of the Kings , & improving that litle interest you helpt him to , to a more Christian conjunction in love and loyaltie , and a double vigilancie over the Kings person exposed too often to your treacherous designes , is unlikelie to have any better character at your hands then what you commonlie give to persons of such sidelitie and honour . His advancement to the titles & estate of E. Arran & Chancellar of Scotland , was partlie in reward of his guardian care over him whom somwhat else beside sicknesse had made unfit for the management of either . Yet were not these taken by force But on free session , then desperate ; to whom if the King were nearest in bloud ( not to mention a third which your zealous professours commonlie finde him ) his Majestie had a double title to his lands , & a power undisputable to dispose of the Chancellars office at his pleasure . What beside Capt. Iames's unheard of oppressto is ( which dirt his zeale for religion contracts when it passeth through the uncleane chanell of any Presbyters mouth ) troubled the Nobilities Patience the reader may finde somewhat more trulie and impartiallie related not onelie in the Apocriphal histories of the two Rt. Reverend Arch-Bishops of Canterburie and Saint Andrewes ; but even in the Canonical tradition of Philadelphs Vindicatour , who praemiseth some repulse your Church Delegates had about their querulous petitions ; A difference that fell out between E. Lenox & Gowrie about some point of honour , to revenge which he calls Murre , Glame and diverse other disquiet discontented spirits into a confaederacie , whom you call a number of the prime best affected nobiiitie , which improper title he more ingenouslie declines in a peice of Rethorical ignorance , putting his hand more modestlie before his eyes , as loth to looke on their sinfull rebellious demeanour . Qualcscunque fuerint plerique eorum non multum laberabo … qualis quisque corum suerit nescio : applies the blinde mans speach ' in the 9. of Saint Iohn . to the authours of the miracle in this change ; And beside the mere boast & no violence you rejoyce in , confesseth diverse of the Kings servants were wounded among the rest William Stuart , the newes whereof brought Capt. Iames thither . Who was not chaced away by their strong breath , but clapt up into a castle by their power , the Kings guard being before remov'd from him , and His Majestie taken by Gowrie and his conspiratours into custodie ; The E. Lenox banished into France , where with in a short time he died , whether by griefe principallie , or his sicknesse , he defines not , He addes , That the Heads of this faction sent the Abbot of Paslet to your Assemblie at Edaenburgh for their approbation , who what soever they did afterward , at that time onelie thanked God for deliverance ( viz from the imminent instice of the law to which most of their Members were lyable ) durst not approve the businesse , or appeare to doe it at least ; put up a non'sense petition to God , praying him it were well done after it was done , and whether well or ill then unalterable by their prayers , or indeed by devine power , whose omnipotencie is not limited when denied to make good moral contradictions , to pleasure an hypoeritical Assemblie ; He speakes nothing of the Kings sending to his Councel or judicatories to declare the act of the Lords convenient and lawdable , for which he expected no reasonable mans credulitie nor patience , unlesse so farre as to spit it backe into his face : Nor yet of His Majestics entreating the Assemblie , but of their sending Delegates to him . The answer he gave them , if any , or such as the Vindicator hath helpt us to , is much different from yours , and though not extorted by the terrour of death , which may well be suspected by the successive treasonable attempts of the same Gowrie and his sonne afterward , gives litle approbation of the fact , being onelie his acknowledgement of a blessing from God for delivering his person and the Commonwealth from mischiefe , by which doubtlesse he meant the happie praeservation of his life . So that I againe appeale to your aquitable comparers , what historical truth we are likelie to have of your penning ; when seting one Disciplinarian brother against another , without consulting unprinted records , we can confute you line by line among your selves . The letter His Majestie sent to Q. Elizabeth was forced . Regem invitum compulerunt , sayth Camden , where by he allowed no more that act for good service , then he would have done a thiefe for taking but his purse , when he might likewise have had his life , But to proceed . Capt : I'ames shortlie after crept not in , but was calld , Revocatur Aranius sayth your brother . Therevenge ( whether obtaind by him or no ) was but the justice of the law , executed with litle severitie upon any , but moderated by the mercie of a gracious King , and tenderd to all upon submission . But traitourous Assemblies giving universal allowance for possible misfortunes , had ever an aftergaime of treacherie in reserve . Therefore the Ministers running at this time into a voluntarie exile was upon the apprehension of their guilt , & diffidence , even in the word of a King for their impunitie if not rather a designe to make His Majestie secure , and so to praepare for the treason at Striveling that followed few moneths after , where not onelie Capt : I ames was chac'd away , but the Kings life endangerd , for which Gowrie very justlie payd his owne . These their actions were ratified by no Parliament but a partie , nor stand they justified by any butsuch as were the actours . The action at Ruthuen being with the advice of the three Estates Assembled in Councel judge and published to be treason in December 1583. And not onelie M. Baylie declar'd a Traytour , but all they that disclaime not his booke which justifies that treasonable attempt , by Act of Parliament 1584. cap. 7. If the Bishop had traced your Assemblie rebellions by their annual succession , and not jumpt from the yeare 84. to 48 , he might have made it 58. before he got up to your Articles of Striveling . You have not hitherto kept such even pace with His Lp. as that you can with credit say your selfe wearie . If you speake in good earnest ( as I observe you in some journeys short winded ) I despaire of your companie in the 64. yeares travell still behind , for which I thought to call upon you hereafter . In the meane time , since I meet with you at Striveling , I will take you by the hand , till I bring you in sight ( suppos'd you are not peevishlie bent to walke blind fold ) of the praecipice you tend to in your entrance upon the justification of that article which referres the worke of Reformation abroad in England and Ireland to the determination of the Generall Assemblie of your Kirke . If you wet your foot by the way you may thanke your selfe , the Bishop opens no sluce , onelie turnes that streame of choler upon you , which you on the least occasion let goe like a torrent upon the Pope and his Conclave of Cardinals at Rome . The sraud used to allure you , if any , was pia sraus , a devout slight to bring you into the concent of the primitive Christians , and the violence offered by the English praelates was onelie with the sufferance of heaven , which they thought peradventure to take by the force and fervencie of their prayers , which they often put up for your conversion from schisme , and for your communion in religion with themselves . If a god'lie Kings conscientious command , with the mature advice and fre subordination of the Reverend Fathers of your Church , be no lesse then invading your Consistorie , the Bishops floud of choler ran somewhat too gentlie in as king you whether old Edenburgh were turned new Rome , whereas he might have , in reason , demanded whether your Presbyterships be not so absolute as to barracadoe your brasen gates , and not suffer him that hath the keyes of hell and death to come in . Whatsoever was the yoke and by whomsoever imposed , between that and your contented compliance ( without any violence or invasion no quaestion ) with the earnest desires of the well affected in England , you should in honestie have left some vacant roome for a more ingenuous impartial hand to insert the time of taking of this yoke from your hard neckes , with the several Acts of Pacification that followed it ; And that clause in the publike Act of Parliament wherein the well affected in Scotland profess'd His Majestie parted a contended King from a contended people ; And then have put it to your ae suitable comparers what travaile and paines it concern'd you to take in purging one the leaven of Episcopacie & in the English & Irish Churches , when you should have been purging the leaven of malice out of the Scuts . The managing of which great & good worke became such a Parliament to instruct , & such an Assemblie to undertake , who studie that destruction which , like hell is never full ; and so the eyes of such men are never satisfied…haue magis gloriam Captant si stantibus ruinam , non st jacentibus elevationem operenjur , quoniam & ipsum opus corum non de suo proprio adificio venit , sed de veritatis destructione . The Arminianisme and Poperie whereof Doctour Laud stands convicted , hath had several appeales to Scripture and Fathers , which is as much as you can shew us for your Creed ; his Tyrannie , to the lawes and highest authoritie in our Church , aequivalent with the most your discipline can praetend to A conviction of these I dare promise you will not stand long with out an answer . In the interim , while your Northwinde is set to drive away the first and the latter raine dropt downe fron those clouds of heaven , the Apostles , and Prophets , & successours to them both , to make good Solomons similitude , the Bishops angrie countenance is seasonablie , though ineffectu allie bent against your backbiting tongue . Your discoveries are your unskilfull mistakes of rockes for firme land ; your disappointment delayes of Gods worke , who will in his owne time accomplish it , And though too great a number in the Christian flocke follow such as you for their bellwether or leading ramme , they will flie as fast from you when they espie you in your proper shape to be a wolfe . Photinus was serv'd so who had a great deale more wit , learning , & eloquence to seduce them . Nam erat & ingenij viribus valens , & doctrinae opibus excellens , & eloquio praepotens , sayth Vincentius ; yet this doome befell him soon after ; quem antea quast arietem gregis sequebantur , cundem deinceps veluti lupum fugere coeperunt . What is answered by you before , is replied to and aggrovated . The two stories that follow have those authours whose truth is more currant with you then Spotswoods , though his hereafter will shew it selfe more valide then yours or any others whatsoever . The former is penn'd at large by Iohn Knox , enough in conscience to render him the authour of that sedition here mentioned . Hesayth not his zealous hearers understood of a Priest at Masse and immediatelie brake in , but consulted how to redresse that enormitie , and by agreement appointed those to waite on the Abbey who , you say , with violence brake in and sez'd upon his person and Masse clothes . That Madam Baylie , your Namesake , Mistris to the Qucenes Dountibures as he scoffinlie calls her posted out with deligence to the Comptroller the Lard of Pittarrow…cried for his assistance to save her life and the Queenes Palace ; That he tooke with him the Provost & Baylies ; That Armstrong and Cranston were summond to sinde suretie to underlie the law the. 24 Octob. for a fore thought felonie , praetended murder , and for invading the Queenes Majesties Palace of Halyrud house , and spoliation of the same . That he writ to the brethren in all quarters , requiring their assistance on the day of their trial . That his letter was intercepted and sent to the Queen , whereupon he was summond before the Queen and Councel ; That when he made his appearance . His clients the Brethren of the Towne followed in such number , 〈◊〉 the inner Close was full and all the staires even to the chamber doore wher they sate ; That he confessed his v●…cation of the Queenes leiges &c. That if in that he had been gniltie , he had oft offended since he came last in Scotland , demanding ( Sawcilie ) what vocation of Brethren had ever been to that day unto which his pen had not served , That he told the Queen , If her Majestie complained that this was done without her Majesties commandement , so had all that God had blessed within the Realme from the beginning of this action , meaning the Presbyterian Reformation ; That he was a watchman both over the Realme and over the Church of God gathered within the same ; by reason whereof he was bound in conscience to blow trumpet publikelie so oft as ever he saw any appearance of danger either of the one or of the other . This Act , thus related , the Bishop will have ( what you can not disprove ) to be a huge rebellion , not onelie in the Actours , but also in Iohn Knox , who was praesent , if not in person , by full consent and approbation . To breake open the Royal Palace to bring any delinquent to trial is according to no law but what your Rebellious Assemblie hath framed . That this Priest saying Masse within the Liberties of the Court did contrarie to law ( the Queen having ever reserved that priviledge to her familie ) remaines yet to be proved . You did the like to the Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrewes , which Camden tells you was permitted by law , and , though you had Murrays authoritie for it , accounts you no better then Rebells for your paines… Servidi Ecclesiae Ministri , Moravij authoritate suffulti , vim facerent impune sacerdoti , qui missam in aula ( quod lege permissi●…m erat ) ( doe you marke it ) celebrârat . Iohn Knox's confession ( which I gave you under his hand ) may be the harbinger to lodge credit enough to the next storie that followes in any man that knowes what superstitious observers your Assemblies have been of all the principles and praecedents he gave them ; Nor need you be so coy in taking upon you here the defense of their Convocating the people in armes , which you are forc'd to do other where ( as well as you mince it into god'lie directions and conscientious advertisement ) and upon lesse colourable occasions approve it every where when done . Though Mr. Spotswood's testimonie can not be refused in the particular evidence he gives in , yet I 'll be confined for once to your owne brother in Evill that confutes him . When his Grace relates the Ministers commanding the people to armes . Your brother playes the Critike upon the word , but grants the matter in controversie between them , and justifies it from the danger that was at hand from the Popish Lords whom he makes Conspiratours with Spaine . Hortate sunt ( nam jubere aut imperare non poterant ) quod ●…um in tanto periculo constitutae essent & respublica , & Ecclesia , illus , vitio vertendum non est . When his Grace sayth planilie , The King praefixed a day for their trial , the menacing libells put up in the name of a national Synod , the tumultuarie meeting of the faythfull deferr'd it , and made the onelie remedie a necessitie of his remitting their exile . Your brother denies not one clause of all this , but onelie moderates the termes , and enlargeth in some particular circumstances that aggravate the fact , viz. That they appointed a fast this I hope was done by the Assemblie ) That they moved the King to appoint a day for their trial , & the Barons those of Perth not to admit them , which advice or injunction they followed till they had received letters from the King , which because they obey'd the brethren tooke pet & armes for the defence of religion ( by whose advice let any man judge ) That the King commanded the Conspiratours to submit themselves in a small number to a judical proceeding . That upon the 12. of November they met at Edenburgh ; The Conspiratours pleade by their lawyers &c. Propound their conditions ; The King declares in a speach the inconveniences very likelie to followe if the Lords were not restored , That an Ast of oblivion was voted , which offended the brethren . What Seditious Sermons and actions ensued appeares undeniablie in your storie . Let this be compared with the Bp of Derries relation . That the King was forced to take armes , come upon a fatal necessitie by your rebelling when your importunitie praevaild not . How farre he pursued them . What acts of grace he afterward vouchsafd them you there fore conceale because it confutes what your imperfect historie imports . CHAPTER VIII . The divine right of Episcopacie better grounded then that praetended in behalfe of Presbyterie . HAd I any hopes to keep you in your wits when you were revived , I would here sprinkle a litle cold water & pitie upon your faynting spirits , who any man may see are giving up the ghost by your grasping and catching at what you finde within reach , and not liking the lookes of that spirit which appeares readie at hand to conduct you , would have , you care not whether , Anti-Christian Bishop or Papist to secure you . His Lp. having remonstrated at large your exorbitand power , here summarilie shewes how by the divine right you praetend to , this sore is incurable , your selves incorrigible , and how Princes must necessarilie despaire of recovering or keeping thairs , while Christs Kingdome is yours , and you have Christs Scepter in your hand . The streame of divine Rhethorike and reason he brings for it , you and your Companie , whom the prophet Isai. Describes to be a troubled sea that can not rest , whose waters cast up mire and dirt , hope invisiblie to swallow . To which if Mercurius Aulicus must be initled Let Britannicus be more properlie to yours , whom I have often heard to be a Common lawyer , but must now take him for some classical divine , since you have grac'd him so much as to serive most of his mater & language into your booke . How unhappie soever you make the Bishop in this chalenge , as in the rest , he caries fortune enough in his argument to confute you . — Misero cui plura supersunt . Quam tibi faelici : post tot quoque funera vin●…et . Those of his brethren who stand for the divine right of the Discipline of the Church , doe it chieflic in reference to that power of order and the distinction they finde of Bishop from inferiour Presbyters in the text . They that draw in the other power of jurisdiction , relate onelie to what they finde practic'd by the Apostles , or by God in them , going under the name of excommunication and the keyes How many circumstancials must passe for substancials , when determind by the judicatories of your Church , and be made adaequate in divine right to the general rules to which you reduce them need not here to be numberd , being scatered every where in this discourse , and very obvious to the Reader in your storie . But in answer to what the Bishop objects of geting both swords spiritual and temporal into your hands , the one ordinarilie by common right , the other extraordinarilie ; the one belonging directlie to the Church , the other indirectlic ; the one of the Kingdome of Christ , the other for his Kingdome in order to the propagation of religion and ( to let the Papist a lone whom , out of what mysterie I know not , you very often , me thinkes call to your assistance ) I pray name one of his Lp's learned brethren that ever writ for 't what concessions have pass'd from the elder Edward and Elizabeth Praelates of England , or what from the later Erastians , as you style them , in diminution of the jus divinun●… of Episcopacie desends not to the jus humanum in your sense , there being●… midle Apostolical right participant of both , enough to constitute an immutabilitie in their order , whatsoever change their jurisdiction may admit of at least such as they finde aequivalent to the communicating of women , baeptizing of infants , observation of Sunday ; which when you bring arguments to unfixe , you may with greater confidence treate against Bishops wherein those friends His Lo. hath about the King are so perfectlie instructed that they laugh at your sillie stra●…agems to pervert them being such as , if at any time they repraesent to His Majestie as you earnestlie desire , will thereby , no quaestion confirme his pious resolution in the continuance of that holie order especiallie since the maxime you build upon , That conscience is bottom'd onelie upon a divine right , they finde ruind by Saint Paul in his doctrine and practice , who convinceth the heathen upon the right or principles of nature , and argues from the testimonie of conscience they had sufficientlie bottom'd upon the worke of the law written in their hearts ; Nor had he ever converted any of the nations without divine revelation antecedent , I meane in them aswell as in himselfe ( which had made lesse effectual and pertinent the ministrie of the Gospell ) if no moral arguments had obliged their consent . How farre this is applicable to Episcopacie ( though were it not , it is to your argument against it ) I am not here to discusse onelie intimate I may that in proportion it is possible as much to a sacred , as civile , Monarchie ( I meane not coordinate ) & the later , had it not the law of God hath the language of nature importunate to commend it I will trifle with you no farther in this matter , but lay downe this conclusion which you may take up to what advantage you can . That in a thing ambiguous , such as you here seem to give , if not grant , Episcopacie to be , since no command of God nor warrant from scripture enjoynes or tolerates the change : since no Apostolical nor Christian Church for so many hundred yeares before that single citie of Geneva began it , since neither that nor any other besides ever acted or at least publikelie avowed what change you demand in the many particulars that have been , and shall be , inserted in this dispute , to the inevitable subversion of Regal government ; to the confusion of Christian subjection in the enjoyment of just libertie ; to the plaine praejudice of Parliament priviledge in three dominions ; to the seting up of much spiritual and carnal wickednesse ; some grave reverend Divine might modestlie speake a word in season and say , His Majesties conscience can not at the best but doubt , and doubting ought not by the law of God and rule of reason to resolve on it . Which indeed is the substance of his Royal Fathers printed profession . That he found it impossible for a Prince to praeserve the state inquiet , unlesse he had such influence upon Church men and they such a dependance on him as might best restraine the seditious exorbitances of Ministers tongues &c. And this is onelie to be had in that government , which was one bottome for his conscience… That since the first age sor 1500 , reares not one example can be produc'd of any sotled Church , wherein were many Ministers & Congregations which had not some Bishop above them , under whose jurisdiction and government they were . This was another bottome for his conscience . To which such a divine , as I spake of might adde ( with a due reserve of all humblie revence to , and most unshaken confidence in that Holie Martyr , and his most pious hopefull successour our gracious soveraigne now living . ) That he who for any politike end suggested , or necessitie most fond'le praetended of the subtilest presbyterian of you all , shall adventure to take himselfe off from this bottome , when Iudaisme or Turcisme ( some part of your mixture ) shall be alike plausible praetended as more advantageous to his purpose , may be fear'd to befound not well setled upon Christianitie it selfe , but fall from it & throw away one or both Testaments of Scripture , which upon the universal tradition of the Church ( as the other upon the Cathoike practice of the same ) he first rationallie received as the word of God , though afterward he found other motives prompting a beliefe of it to be such , which at last be had superinduc'd by ( what too many vainlie praetend to ) the instinct or plerophorie of the spirit , His Majestie likewise found most agreeable both to reason and religion that frame of government , because paternal not magisterial &c. Which was a third bottome for his conscience . Nor did he thinke it any point of wisdome or charitie , where Christians differ ; …there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the Christian world ( except a handfull of some Protestants ) so great a seandal in point of Church government &c. of which wisdome and charitie , the gifts of the spirit of God , he made another very good botome for his conscience ; Let Mr. Baylie reade the rest of that most excellent divine chapter , and answer it if he can . The maine ground of the Bishops discourse being wilfullie mistaken by the Reviewer , his structure is weake about the Warners conscience . And the Kings advantage . His cordial beli●…e of the divine right of Synod●… and Presbyteries , together with that of the Reformed Churches , which the Bishop shewes to be different , may come from a private spirit that misinformes them , & then is no good interpreter of Scripture , nor any sure praecedent for Christianitie throughout . Their strict and inseparable adhaerence to his errour ( beside that it antidates all treaties null , without an effectual complinance against conscience and honour ) excommunicates all the world but themselves , & excludes them from all hope of fellow ship with this new select societie of Saints , who , could they multiplie into a number large enough to fill the circle of their ambition , and had they every one a drop of Scotish rebellious bloud in their veines , would no longer labour the conversion of Kings , but take Gods angrie worke out of his hands to bring their Princes to nothing… and be the whirlewind themselves to take them away as stubble . He that lookes not through Mr. Baylies glasse of vanitie and lies , can never be able to view the Bishop clasped so close with the elder Praelates impairing the divine right , nor then , with the consequence he makes , about the legal , or expedient mobilitie of Bishops . Therefore as the ambition , greed , revenge ; so the dissimulation in conscience is his , who can not but know what texts himselfe useth to c●…te for the divine right of Presbyterie , and what the Bishop expresselie sayth , that the same may with much more reason be alleged for Episcopacie , and more consonable to the analogie of fayth . The agreement of sundrie Praelatical divines with Era●…us is here impertinent●… mention'd . What correspondence the Bishop holds , with them hath been too often all-readie acknowledg'd , and maintaind . Mr. Baylies urgent , illogical inference obligeth the Bishop neither in ingenuitie , nor reason to untie the bonds of the Kings conscience , which his own assures him God hath bound , if not by the hands of his sonne , by those of his Apostles and their successours through all Christian , ages and Churches . Nor can his Lp , from the principle you presse , demonstrate any securitie to His Majestie from offending God in the change . Nor yeild satisfaction to his doubts . If Erastus's Royal right ( which you so often have inveighd against ) may be us'd as a sophisme to delude the King into your presbyterie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I pray , by your favour , let it stand as it is , a better argument to confirme him , if he needs it , in Episcopacie . Yet that either here , or otherwhere this Royal right is induc'd by His Lordship to ratifie the order , I say not to actuate the Jurisdiction of Bishops , I can not finde upon my reviewing , and must therefore desire a point by your oculat fingar to direct me . Were not the Presbyterians more obstinate in resuming their errours , then the Bishop forward to recapitulate his proofes , his Lp. had spar'd a good part of this chapter , though the receiud rules of method requir'd it . Weake , and naughtie are hackney answers , which , if spurrd too often , and reason holds not up by the head , are likelie to lay Presbyterie in the dirt . Your Iudgement of his revenge is according to your practice , who , poore , impotent creatures , like wormes , or flies , by corruption , & filth support an uselesse corps to defile that hand , that crusheth you to the death . The praelatical integritie makes good the praesent disadvantage of their fortune , & their evidence in proofe , before any aequitable comparers , will praeserve still the principate in , dispute . Major est [ sinon fortunae ] ratio , quàm ut tali solatio egeat , minifestiorque vis quàm ut alieno malo opinionem sibi virium querat . Your Canterburian challenges were but Scottish Iigges made onelie for mirth to a rude multitude in confusion , the one very inconsiderable in musike , the other flat , if any thing , in the harmomie of truth . If the principles of Praelacie unavoydablie bring backe the Pope , the practice of Presbyterie unquaestionablie goes before him , & makes his Papacie hold it by the traine . The Patriarchate of the ●…est , and primacie of Rome flowes never out of the fountaine of Episcopacie , but when some ignorant Presbyter is turning the cocke , or tampering with the spring . Those English Praelates , that so freelie gave away the Patrimonie of Saint Peter &c. were some singular Executours of Constantinus Donation ; yet in that nothing so liberal to the Pope , as the Presbyters are covetous , and griping the common inheritance to themselves who , since his refusal that had the profer in possession , take the mocke spirit at his word , fall downe and worship , and then under the counterfeit of dominion in grace , intitle them selves not to Italie al●…ne , but to all the Kingdomes of the earth . What difference there is in number , or nature between the ceremonies they us d , & those in Rome will appeare best by comparing their ritual with our rubrike , & Canons . The ornament of sacred historical pictures , the name of altars , and the adoration of God in uniformitie before them , have the ancient Christians innocent praecedent to commend them , when commanded , or Countenanc'd by our superiours in the Church , and to vindicate them inus from the superstition , and idolatrie you impute so liberallie to Rome . When the Praelates , & Papists cope in the controversie there are several other ceremonies they sticke at . That these are the worst , as religiouslie put in practice by the Bishops friends , requires more then your old see saw to confirme it . Adoration of , or to the altaris that , which I never heard professd by their mouth , nor read yet dropt from their pen. For me , let them that owne it recant it , and if none such befound . Let the mouth of him that speaketh lies be stopped , and the sroward tongue be cut out . The real praecence of Christ in the Eucharist on the altar , as I take it , was never denied by our Church , a corporal never asserted by her , nor any of the Bishops friends , that I have heard of ( though the 21. objection against our Liturgie in your historie of the Synod os Glasgow implies it . ) The justification they held was fetchd farre beyond Tren●… , and if they that went for it were not able to distinguish between Saint Pauls workes and Saint Iames's , they were very unfit to trade forthat pearle , bad merchants for the Kingdome of heaven . Their free will was held no paragon of nature , but a priviledge by grace , which deliver'd them from the fatalitie of the curse , restoring them in some measure to a libertie of choyce ; And , unlesse you will fetch backe Tatians errour , make one God for the law , another for the Gospel , so long as the ten Commandements oblige us , we have aswell as the Israelites of old , heaven , and earth for our record , that life and death are to this day set before us , and , by the merits of Christ , the grace of having them in the free election of our will. Their final apostacie was seldome , or never intitled to Saints , or , if so , with caution enough ro praevent calumnie . They asscribed ever an infallible praescence to God , an immutabilitie in his knowledge ; But to make him so peremtorilie , antecedentlie , spontaneouslie , irrespectivelie praedestinate a certaine number of men , call'd Saints before their resurrection from sinne ; so irresistiblie operate by his power , as to praevent all possibilitie of backsliding , offending , or , being fallen , forceablie raise them , reenstate them in native innocencie , and his favour ; they found consonant to none , dissonant from diverse positive texts , in , or inferences from Scripture . such as these . Let him that standeth take heed lest he fall , which excepts no more the last houre or moment of life , then the first in the exercise of reason… Worke out your Salvation with feare , and trembling . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importing an earnest endeavour unto the last against final apostacio , not impossible ; And the reason in the next verse implying an hazard of the energie of grace , which onelie supports a Saint from his fall . I demand yea , or no , a direct answer to this . Whether if a Phineas had come and taken David 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the act with Bathsheba , the point of his speare had been assuredlie blunted , or his hand held by an Angel from heaven . Whether , if so , this extraordmarie miracle had not been wrought in order to the accomplishment of somewhat praefix't to the oeconomie of Gods Royaltie upon earth in his person ? Whether the like case or capacitie can in such be reasonablie suppos'd incident to all that you call Saints , and what securitie they have from all casualties , all attempts in the very moment of sinne to destroy them ? The general promises can be no protection in such cases , & some it may be , are not so general as to be made applicable to all , which , well scann'd , incline to the peculiar concernment of them , to whom they were made , and of whom onelie they seeme to be ●…ean'd . But in points of this nature whatsoever the Warners friends have avowed , your exception against them is the same with that against the expresse words of the Church , in the Assemblie at Glasgow 1638 draw'n from what she professd . That insants baptiz'd have all things necessarie to salvation . This you may take as the summe of that which the Bishop knew to have been with much moderation , & reason often answerd to your sore challenge . Your slight replies thereunto being indeed but squibs , and crackers for children to sport with , had not the armes of sinfull men , & the Kings artillerie been rebelliouslie us'd , as a more unanswerable argument to force them . The following position His Lp. nowhere will dispute , nor doth laugh a●… . That Christ , as King of his Church , hath appointed lawes for , & governers of the same . Who , and what these are , in the general Saint Paul hath left in his letters to the first Christians , which they , and their successours have kept for us that come after . He takes you for usurpers , & tyrants , who crosse to these lawes , for pride , & filthie lucre , make your selves not onelie Lords over Gods heritage , but commanders of subjection from Kings 2. b. Disc , ch 1. Pro Rege Regum , & Domino Dominantium presbyteria nobis , & Synodos supponentes . The consequence hereupon , That Acts of Synods must be Christs lawes , where Synods make themselves Dictatours of his pleasure , and repraesentatives of his person , is no other follie , then what the Logical rules of Relatives praescribe us , which , if your Sophistrie decline , I must referre the Reader to the like expressions so frequentlie us'd in your publike papers , in the several contests that Knox had with your Queenes & their Councels in defense of your discipline ; And ; to come somewhat nearer in your very praeface before the booke it selfe , where your Reformed Kirke is call'd the spouse of Icsus Christ , the rules of her discipline in the language of Scripture The Lords lawes and commandements…the heavenlie proportion of divine discipline ; And at last compared to the booke of Gods covenant , that lay hid in the Temple . Under the name of which Discipline , we are admonished , is to be understood . Beside the two bookes , the Acts , Constitutions , and practices agreed upon , and recorded in the Registers of the General , and provincial Assemblics &c. And a brother plainlie asserts , That your Discipline in the general ( which we denie to have any other authoritie then your votes ) is as immutable , as the Scripture . I finde you now here such a Master of Rhethorike , and language as to take your judgement in comparing of styles . If the Bishop hath borrowed the Iesuites invectives , or any from the Pagan philosophers , he could not beter bestow them then on you , that are neither good Protestants , nor Christians . His declamations against your noveltie will be regarded by such as take universalitie , and perpetuitie for two discretive markes of Christs Kingdome , & government , which must not be limited to a rebellious schismatical Centurie in one Countrey . The antiquitie , you boast of , is founded upon as great a mistake of the Gospell , as was the sadduces of the law , you both erre not knowing the Scriptures . Yet , that being your plea , I will urge the Bishops argument no farther concerning the change , and difformitie of your discipline ( which may be prov'd in particulars not twice romov'd from your essentials themselves ) but appeale with you to Caesar , who calling to his Councel the Primitive Fathers the most publike spirits , most unbyassed Interpreters , may , by the tributarie assistance , if his Majestie please , of as many B●…hops , or Doctou●…s , as sectarian Presbyters , after a faire schelastike discussion , discerne the truth , decide the controversie , and , according as he findes Christs scepter was swayed among Catholike Christians , by deputation of one part , or other , abolish the Rebell Vsurper at his pleasure . But Annuneiare [ or imperare ] aliqued Christianis , Chatholicis praeter id quod acceperunt , nunquam licuit , nusquam licet , nunquam licebit . To declare , or command a beliefe of divine right , in that which hath not been received in Gods Church , never was , no where is nor , will it at any time be law full . Your dearth of matter renders you taedious in the rest of the paragraph , and the course faire wherewith you entertaine your reader , flesh , bloud , and limbes of an English Bishop , makes you suspected here to have been at a stand , to have layd your spiritual scribling aside , till you went to market , and fetcht these carnal expressions from the ●…ambles . My Lord of Derrie , and his friends , in citing authoritie , and pressing reason for their order have dealt so farilie , & wrought so effectuallie , as for all the stripping your sleeves and the other hocas pocas trickes that he tells you of , you will finde no cleanlie conveyance of your Presbyterie into the heads of any your judicious comparers , nor will their eares be chain'd by your brazen hypocrisie to maintaine it . Your too curious anatomie of English Episcopacie , touching which you interrogate , will onelie countenance them in a demand , not otherwise intended of a Scripture warrant for Scottish Presbyterie , as such , disciplining , excommunicating , deposing , I shall doe no wrong if I adde what I prove , justifying & praysing God for the death , if not the murder of Kings , renouncing the name , but acting every one a double part of a lord in Parliament ; not onelie voycing in , but imperiouslie overruling all Acts of State , all elections of principal officers , in order to conscience , for praevention of scandal , & keeping a lower Commission Court in every Towne , & parish ; forcing every Bayliffe , and provest to be your creature ; A Presbyterie bold'lie ordaining without a Bishop , and gulling the people into a foolish conceit of Gods call in them , when 't is their lying spirit that hath praeposless'd them , For let the people call , or praesent whom they will , if the learned ( the priviledge of which title every covie of Dunces challenge to themselves ) judge the person unable of the regiment , he is set aside , and they forced to take ( without violent intrusion they tell them ) whom the superintended Councel offereth to instruct them : A Presbyterie exercing all jurisdiction without any appeale from themselves ; A Presbyterie feeding their flockes like swine with graine , and hu●…kes , such divinitie , as every brewer , or hogheard can helpe them to , never leading them through the g●…een pastures of the ancient , learned , and devout Fathers , nor to any other waters of comfort , but such as the very fountaine whereof the foot of schisme , or rebellion hath troubled . This is Scottish Presbyterie in practice and such they would have it in law too , if they could with all their Scripture collusions but once corrupt . His Majesties judgement , or by their sharpe-pointed swords , & two edged tongues affright him from a well grounded resolution , into what his Royal Father esteem'd it , a faint servile , ungodlie , and unkinglie consent . The treasure you call , for hath hitherto had God for its defense , who hath made know'n , and distributed those talents in Scripture , which maintain'd the litle familie of the Church , and discharg'd the itinerant Gospell of that time . The greater mine hath been often discovered by them whose divina virgula hath stouped , and put them upon the search of the veine that caried the Episcopal government through the 800. yeares of your account . Your soon-shot bolts in many frivolous quaestions have been better feather'd with many wise mens answers , and for all the horned impudence you hold out , returned very often upon your heads , one of whom I shall send you to , who ( not to derogate from the happie endeavours of many others aswell of the learned Laitie , as Reverend Clergie ) hath alone anticipated , and fullie with much acutenesse , and judgement answered allmost every particular you object . Shewing that Christ himselfe hath made the office of Apostle or Bishop distinct from Presbyters ; Given them power to do some offices perpetuallie necessarie , which to others he gave not : Asof Ordination , and confirmation ; And superioritie of jurisdiction ; Bishops , by vertue of their office , more then called , observed as Lords , in a more sublime sense , then you mention ; And commended to the service of Kings ; Saint Chrysostom , & others imployed in Embassies ; Saint Ambrose a Praefect , and Dorotheus a Chamberlaine to the Emperour ; Many of them Councellers to Princes , and Iudges aswell in ordinarie secular affaires , as Chanellors in extraordinarie by appeale ; Treasurers at least of the Church revenue , and undergoing what ever civile charge the conscientious favour of Princes put upon them , which was not in gradu impedimenti ●…lericalis ; Bishops with sole power of ordination , and jurisdiction , otherwise then as they thought good to call into their subordinate assistance , or deputed Presbyters in their Dioceses . Of officials , and Commissaries I thinke he makes litle mention , because he bends his discourse against all interest of Lay elders ; yet I doe not thinke he would denie that Civilians , such as are our Officials , and Commissaries , might be instrumental to the Bishops , especiallie having some learned Presbyter authorized in cases , to which the others lay propertie extends not ; Bishops , when necessitie may require , using solitarie ordination , which is good in nature rci , as may be taken for granted by that Canon of the Apostles , which as it enjoines no more then one Bishop , so makes no mention of any Presbyter , which it had quaestionlesse done , if of absolute necessitie to the businesse ; Bishops ordaining not with the fashional , but canonical assistance of any two Presbyters that they please , by choyce of their , owne chaplaines or others , where are many , or taking any two that chance otherwise to be neare ; Bishops principal pastours of their whole Dioceses , & when commanded , or countenanc'd by the King to waite at Court , not obliged to feed their flockes in their persons , which they doe by many learned , and religious proxies , themselves in the meane time feeding by word , or sacrament , or ghostlie counsel , the great shepheard , whose Royal soul is worth 10000. of the peoples . All this in effect , & a great deale more then your Parkers , or Didoclaves could have answered , hath this one learned Doctour defended , as know'n long before the Pope gave over to say his creed , which he did surelie , when he became the Anti-Christ you call him . I could goe up yet once againe , & helpe you to a third turne from the top of your demands , Shew you that the Warner , and his friends give the King the same assurance , that erthey did , that what they stand upon as unalterable in their order hath Scripture , and Antiquitie for its warrant ▪ That upon the conversion of England to Christianitie , the Ecclesiastike government there constituted , was not Anti-Christian ; That a Bishop there is not a Lord in Parliament by vertue of his office ( as it may be to resolve spiritual doubts he ought to be ) but by the Baronie & call which the favour of Kings hath annex'd unto it ; That in Scotland , when it was decreed that Bishops should have no voyces in Parliament , these your selfe-denying men desired of the King that such Commissioners as they should send to the Parliament and councel , might from thence forth be authorized in the Bishops places for the Estate ; That not many protestant English Bishops have been High Treasurers , not many Chancellars , some that have you have litle reason to finde faultwith ; That they are not bound in law to devolve all jurisdiction That all which in practice did it , are not to be condemned , where they found able & honest men to exercise it in their names ; That those , which erre must not praejudice the care and deligence in government of the rest ; That solitarie ordinations were very rare , & therefore not to be objected as so common ; Nor did halfe the Bishops live at Court , nor most that did halfe their time . All these particulars could I enlarge on , but that I beleeve the Reader satisfied with the execution done before , and hath some what else to doe , then to stay to see you stript . In what followes you take a great deaie more , then is given you , naming that a donation from the Court divines conscience , for which the Citie Divines , chieflie of Edenburgh , & London , forced the temple of God by such sacriledge to furnish the two tabernacles of robbers , that then prospered too well in England , and Scotland . That Royal Saint that , upon , this most impious violence , yeilded , up so great a portion of his Ecclesiastike inheritance , the Bishops avile imployment , Arch-Bishops , Arch-deacons , with the &c ( which might have been better spar'd ) did it in angusto comprchensus , not upon any compunction of conscience . Sed difficulter , sed subductis supercilijs…& vix exeuntibus verbis , And had not his paternal affection prompted him , to what your unnatural disobedience litle deserved , he had given you not onelie panem lapidosum , as Fabius was wont to call a gift very hardlie bestowed upon an hungrie beggar , but pro pane lapidem , without our saviours censure , a stone instead of that bread , which was never ordained to stuffe the insataite stomach of every gaping Rebell that call'd for 't . Yet , whatsoever you had , was , you know , but for a triennal experiment , which being exspired , in the yeare of libertie , that was to succeed , according to Gods paterne in Ezekiel , if you could then praetend no better title then you had done , it was to returne to your Prince , and the inheritance of such an inseparable right to be his sonnes , who of your adversaries gave this unseasonable advice I know not , nor who have acknowledg'd , and recanted for errours those divine truths ordained for peace , but encountred with troubles , and their abettours expos'd to susteime the envie , and obloquie of the world . Therefore alasse its in vaine for you to invite them to come nearer , to hang out like a dead cat in her skin , unlesse you meane to have every one of them moral the rest of the fable with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But to leave off speaking in parables , I desire the reader in plaine English to marke the base ingratitude of an unworthie Presbyter . In that , when a most ingenuous peace-desiring Prince ( for him he meanes when he speakes of his Praelatical adversaries ) invaded by audacious importunitie , encompassed with all external visible necessitie , placing himselfe upon the very pinacle of Christi-an charitie , shall yeild all that the softest , gentlest Casuist can indulge ( and that upon such conditions as , how easie soever , the perfidious contractours litle thinke to make good ) he must be argued with upon the ominous advantage of hi●… owne gratuitie , & praetended from his adventurous kindnesse to be demonstrativelie convinc'd to give up the rest of that which rebellious license , schismatical singularitie , and degenerate malice have now so devested into a new creature , as neither law , custome , nor honour can call that English Bishop which religion instituded and reformation confirmed . But a crou'd of guiltie conjured malefactours presseth shame and the proverbe to nothing , so that ingratum si dixeris nihil dixeris . Seneca knew it who had studied the point and experienc'd the practice . Pudorum tollit multitudo peccantium , & desinet esse probri loco commune maledictum . But to send you backe some of your owne logike and language ; If this naked bird which you so pleasantlie play with , be a new creature because the feathers are pluckt , then you must confesse that old creature revested with those Euaugelical beauties and Royal graces which once it possessed , to be that know'n true English Bishop that in honour , law , custome , if not in conscience ( which I need not suppose ) is to be inviolablie maintain'd , when it shall be made to appeare , as it may very easilie , and hath been very frequentlie , that such an order not much differentlie fashion'd and habited , ever was and ever is to be in the Christian Church , To make good the mutual toleration indented for between your sectarian brethren and your alltogetheras sectarian selves , you closelie decline the warners confidence which avowes those texts of Scripture you wrest against Bishops , with as much colour of reason and more truth the Independents may urge against Presbyters , being resolv'd , since you finde they can make you their province at pleasure ( if not command a transmigration of your Euangel ) to argue no more against them then to fight . The triumph you make in two painted Syllogismes is very improperlie plac'd before the victorie , where though you ride like a George on horsebacke in a pageant , you will passe for no beter then a dumbe shew , and with your wooden launce be mistaken by none , but children and fooles , for that primitive armed Saint that kill'd the dragon . If you cast not your texts in a couple of better molds , your workemanship will beare as litle the image of Gods word , as your selves doe of the reasonable men that he created . Were His Lp. at better leisure his great promises would reengage him in more necessarie imployments then answering every silie Presbyter in his follie ; but his Acolythus & servant ( if not because he hath taken up so much of the similitude allreadie ) will for once , and it may be oftner , follow Solomons advice in the next verse , seeing you so very wise in your owne conceit . The first text you are medling with is Ephes : 4. 11. whence your imaginarie argument , not to be denied adoration , is this . Maj : All the officers that Christ has appointed in his Church , for the ministrie of the word , are either Apostles , Euangelists , Prophets , Pastours or Doctours ; Mi : But Bishops are none of these five , Ergo. You pleade custome for the free unquaestionable passage of your major , which you must give me leave to obstruct , first excepting against the improprietie of your termes ( being such as may evacuate your argument ) the Ministrie of the word , when the Bishops discourse is about the regiment of the persons to whom the word allreadie is ministred , Secondlie , demanding to have it under Saint Pauls hand , whether the offices he mentions of Apostolate , prophecie &c were by Christs institution for the personal perfecting of Saints in a Church established , and not as the word seemes rather to signifie . Pros ton Catartismon toon hagioon for jointing or knitting new Saints to the Church , new membres to the bodie of Christ in the propagation of his gospel , so aedisying the bodie of Christ by the worke of the Ministrie , which in the next verse seemes to end in the unitie of fayth , that is the general conversion of nations to Christianitie . Thirdlie , whether this enumeration of the Apostle's be universal , to which 〈◊〉 finde more particulars added 1. Co. 12. 28. & among them dynameis & Kyberneseis . Powers & governments , the former of which ( that you may not cavill about superinfused gifts ) he makes as much personal , or persons , as that of Apostle , prophet , Teacher , vers : 29. Besides that he expresselie calleth the Elders of the Church of Ephesus Bishops , & tells them they were instituted by the holie spirit , which we know came downe to fulfill the promise by the mission of the sonne , & so they must passe upon account as officers appointed by Christ. Three fifths of your Minor thus you prove . Bishops are not Apostles , Euangelists , nor prophets , because they are confessed extraordinarie & temporarie , Bishops ordinarie & perpetual . To which I answer . First , That Bishops are Apostles in their ordinarie power of ordination & jurisdiction , though not in their extraordinarie of working miracles , speaking with diverse tongues &c. And this Tertullian hath sayd above 1300. yeares since , who , arguing with the haeretikes about succession , bids them turne over their records , & shew that their first Bishop was an Apostle , or Apostolical , because personallie ordained by one of them . This the Apostolical Churches could doe , as that of Smyrna shewes Polycarp , because placed there by Saint Iohn . That of Rome Clement , because ordained by St. Peter . And such Bishops as these he calls Apostolici seminis traduces . If they be Apostolical grafts , good Mr. Baylie , from what tree thinke you were they taken , and of what may they , without arrogancie , beare the name ? Other of the Ancients call'd Timothie Bishop of Ephesus an Apostle , among whom what enterfeering there was of these two termes you may reade in Theodoret upon 1. Tim. Jn the like sense may they be sayd to be Euangclists , ( aswell as in the Revelation they are called Angele ) who praeside over the preaching of the Gospell , and publication of it to them that have not heard , Euangelion & Kerygma being the same . And they either are , or should be , Prophets , in one kinde according to Saint Ambrose , Scripturas , revelantes , the ablest interpreters of Scripture , or speakers of mysteries in the spirit to aedification , exhortation and comfort , though not foretellers of things to come . Nam quicquid latet , sive id futurum est , sive praesens mysterium di●…itur . The reason why your adversaries pitch upon the fourth is , to decline your trivial objections against the other three . Your syllogisme that labours to prove Bishops no Pastours hath no doubt but a certaintie of falshood in the major which your argumentum a paribus comes some what improperlie to make good , you having spoke of a confess'd imparitie but just before . But for once a bargaine no bargaine pactum non pactum sit , non pactum pactum quod vobis lubet . It would be a rare invention , surpassing Aristoles Logike , if , without a reserve , you could get a conclusion to creep out of a single proposition , for take it on my word your lucke is bad in majours , which whether you play at even or odde are all pariter falsae sicke of a disease , and this here left desperate without any remedie to recover it . No Apostle , you say , is superiour to an Apostle . This is contrarie to what one Walo Messalinus ( whom under another name you mistake to be your friend ) hath frequentlie asserted . That they were primi & secundi , majores & minores , The second and lesse subordinate in spiritual power to the first and greater . This he gathers out of Theodoret and others . The greater he explaines to be the twelve , the lesse , those deputed by them for teaching and governing . Nay , he discovers a third order inferiour to them both , of which was Epaphroditus , subordinate to Saint Paul , who himselfe was but minor Apostolus , being none of the twelve . So that here being three degrees , I tell you from him what I might from others , or with them rather collect from the text , That an Apostle is superiour to an Apostle . As much might besayd for Euangelists , whereof foure were principal , or , if not , it is because they were by their office of the lower classe , or Coadiutours to the Apostles . Such were Titus , Timothie , Apollos &c. Saint Hierom sayth all Apostles were Euangelists , but not all Euangelists Apostles . And so likewise that all pastours were Doctours , but not vice verse . The learned Grotius , That Doctours , were Bishops or Arch-Bishops rather , the same with those call'd Metropolitans afterward . Pateres Kai didascaloi are Epiphanius titles for them . To prove majour & minor prophets under the new Testament is needlesse till you answer what I have brought about Apostles , or strengthned the majour in your argument which I absolutelie denie . And besides remit you to a learned Doctour who proves the word Pastor to be the Bishops peculiar among the Ancients , and frustrates that imparitie from which you argue . Your second reason out of Saint Matthew and Saint Paul hath a litle Philosophical Soul and forme in the majour , but no divine one in in the minour , and so , according to your similitude in the moment of removal or separation must perish . The first text 1. Tim. 4. 14. puts no power more then approbant or assistent of ordination in the Eldership , & a Bishop is as much a Presbyterie and no more a Presbyter ( I meane in your sense of diminution ) then Saint Paul , who seemes to make that act of ordination solitarie and personallie his owne 2. Tim. 1. 6. And the Greeke Scholiasts say the Elders here were Bishops , excluding interminis all presbyters from that power o●… gar hoi Presbyteroi echeirotonoun ton Episcopon say both Theophylact and Oecomenius . For the word which you will needes have to be classical not personal , perchance somewill say it may denote the order , or office , the Episcopate they meane , and be put figurativelie here for the single person , of the Apostle , comparing these words , together meta Epitheseoos toon cheiroon tou Presbyterion , & dia tes epithescoos toon chciroon mou . But let it be what it will , the power of ordination must continue in the Bishop , so long as Christians keep to the New Testament and Fathers , and fetch us not a fift Gospel , or some newer Apostle from Geneva . That the second Saint Matth. 18. puts the power of jurisdiction in the Church is gratis dictum , & your authoritie not so great as that your autos ephen . will be able to carie it . First therefore you are required to prove , that excommunication , the act of jurisdiction you meane , is here at all intended ; and not rather no more then the three degrees of fraternal correption , the highest whereof is that elegsis enoopion pantoon , a rebuke before all . 1. Tim. 5. 20. Vt qui non potuit pudore Salvari , Salvetur opprobrijs sayth Saint Hierom , he sayth not damnetur or eijciatur censuris . That he which could not be saved by private shame might by more publike reproach . Secondlie , That the Church here was a judicial Assemblie call'd to that purpose , or if met to other , that a formal processe was brought before it ; And that they were not rather some greater number then the two or three witnesses , upon what occasion soever met together , which may very well be call'd Ecclesiae with out the signal meaning of the word . Coram multis Lib. Musar . keta Koinon Justin : & tunc multis dicendum est in Saint Hierom. Nor is it likelie a deliberate judgement in Court ( into which a Christian Congregation , converted ) should be after processe in hazard to be slighted or neglected by one Member delinquent ean paracouse . Nor that to be such which relates rather to the person of the plaintiffe then Iudges estoo soi . Let him be unto thee… Thirdlie , If it be such a Congregation or Church as you would have it , whether the complaint were to be repraesented to them in general , and not rather in their hearing to their superintendents or praesident above them . Epi toon tes Ecclesias proedroon demosiseoson to ptaisma sayth Theophylact. Fourthlie , That sit sicut Ethnicus & publicanus , Let him be unto thee as an heathenman and a publicane is undoubtedlie a sentence commanded to be pronounced by those superintendents or that Church ; or an injunction , rather then permission , to the partie injur'd to have no farther familiaritie or friendship , to have no more to doe with him then with heathen and publicanes , a voluntarie declination of whose companie was no scandal to the charitie Christians professed , & any civile office out of common humanitie left arbitrarie , and not censur'd if tend'red . Fiftlie , whether binding and loosing vers . 18. Be asserted with reference to this Church , and not rather to the Apostles , as your friend Erastus will have it , or more probablie to any partie against whom the trespasse was committed . Potestatem tribuit Apostolis sayth Saint Hierom. Vu garmonon hosa lyousin boi hiereis eisi Celymena , all' hosa kai hemets hoi adiketentes and Theophylact. And si Fratrem habes pro Ethnico & publicano ligasti illum in terra : si correxeris fratrem , solvisti eum in terra Sainr Austin , which seemes to be the proper meaning of the place . After all which I expect you should make some apologie for your brethren abroad that in the yeare 1563. Sept. 6. excommunicated Iohn Morell the Frenchman for writing this doctrine , burn'd his booke , and interdicted under a great poenaltie the reading any copie of it that might escape them . The third 1. Cor 5. appeares not evidentlie to put the power of jurisdiction in a companie of men met together , Theophylact taking it for a modest condescension in Saint Paul to joine the Corinthians with himselfe , whose solitarie power was absolute . Hiname doxe autades , Kai autous proslambanei Koinoonous And the context importing the sentence , such as it was , to be but declarative in them them by the vertual praesence of the Apostles spirit ; and judicial in Saint Paul , who had passed it before ede Kekrika sayth he vers . 3. Though it will trouble you to prove that here was any jurisdiction exerciz'd , delivering to Satan being probablie but a desertion of the partie peccant , using no intercession in his behalfe , but leaving him naked for Satan to assault him with corporal torments , which prodigious punishment was usual in those times . Excommunication it can not be , because it limits his censure to the destruction of the flesh , deprives him not of the Sacraments , the want whereof is destructive to the spirit . The twelfth verse addes no strength to your argument , the sense seeming to be onelie this . I have nothing to doc to judge them that are without , but leave them to God : I have to doc to judge them that are within worthie of deliverance up to Satan . And ye judge them that is deliver them up when ye are gathered together , & my spirit . As he , had sayd vers . 4. So it is Saint Pauls spirit that is principal in this jurisdiction , and the companie of men met together but his delegates or assistants , convocated at his pleasure . To Your assumption I likewise answer . That the Bishop is as much the Church as Saint Paul in this case , and hath as much of the ordinarie power transmitted to him . So that you see it requires not the Doctours learning , but the search of his Acolythus and servant to satisfie you , if you will be , with antiquitie & reason . Which being done you may send more scirptural arguments against Episcopacie by your brethren of the next Commission . Touching those you have brought allreadie , you need not be so confident in calling for their answer unlesse they were somewhat better . The visible leisure is , in none but such as you & your courteous Disciples in England have procured to be imprison'd in severall goales of both Kingdomes ; others having businesse enough by shifting from one place to another to secure their persons and save their lives , from your crueltie . The poor prisoners have few visible helpes to that purpose . If you will finde courage or conscience enough to undertake their free accesse to the Fathers and other authours that are visiblie necessarie to that purpose . I have enough left still to assure you in the name of them that have more learning then they boast of , that whatsoever becomes of your punie Clerkes Master Parker and Didoclave , ( who may be easilie turn'd of with some carefull quotations and references to a multitude of bookes allreadie printed ) Master Blondels magazine of antiquitie shall be seiz'd on , and what in it is upsie Scotch ( which is not all ) for the presbyterie you bragge of , shall in spight of your power be rescued for the true owners , that is , the Bishops . For your meracle of learning , the most noble Somais , we wish he may worke more such wonders as he hath of late , and send his petie advocate a new blew bonnet at parting trimmed with a distick , begining if he pleaseth Ille ego qui quondam — for his fee. Were publike masters of fact as mysterious as the intrigues in your spiritual Iunto ; and Consistorian Caballs , some Endor oracle must perchance have been consulted and one of your blacke guardant Angels been superstitiouslie worship'd , or ceremoniouslie waited upon for revelation . But when the bookes of the dead are before their day opened by your hands , and their workes of darknesse registred by your pennes , the warner may every where , without an ironie , proclaime his knowledge in your storie as great as his strictest search , and as certaine as your rash consession could create . King Iames's 55. quaestions so troubled the Scotish divines , that they finding their plea of divine right and immutabilitie of their discipline to be disputed , the Perth Assemblie indicted principallie for that purpose : to divert the King , if not otherwise to praevent his multiplying such problemes ( to which David Blackes processe & the businesse about the banish'd Lords may be annexed ) they rais'd a desperate sedition on the 17. of December , which allreadie is discours'd on . Their ( if you meane the Synods ) answer was not so round but that they first protested & parlied about their priviledge at the conference with His Majestie and the Estates ; required time to returne , reason , vote & resolve in all points . If thereafter the propounders were speachlesse in the businesse , it might be because the Synod caried it for the King , and determined the problemes in his sense , which ( for ought I know ) is that the Bishop meanes by yeilding the bucklers without any opposition . The maner and time might very well perplexe them being in a free Synod , and meeting with their bold contestation for David Blacke . Nor were they troubled onelie at the Erastian & Praelatical Counsellers about the King , but at Patrike Galloway and Iames Nicolson , of late Saints but now it should seem become Apostate presbyters in the Synod . The quaestions put by the King were not captious and carping at the parts of Church discipline , but a just controversie raised about the whole , fairlie propounded , freelie discussed , deliberatelie resolved , to the satisfying his conscience , and silencing schismatical scruples for the future . I have often told you no statutes of Parliament nor Acts of any but factious Assemblies authorisd your Discipline , though were it ratified ( as you would have had it ) by any other , set your jusdininum aside , and fetch not your praecedent from the Medes and Per●…ans , a power aequivalent to that which did it might reverse it . The visible Church in your countrey at that time was not so farre from yeildino to Episcopacie , but that your brother confesseth the cranie was then made by which it afterward crept in , though I am at a losse for so much day light in your storie , as to see the yeare when legallie it was thrust out . Perhanerimam ( sayth he ) ad essentialia ipsa externi regiminis impetendum , & extruendum Episcopatum aditum sibi patefecerunt . You can not denie but that it brought them thus farre on their way , to the title of Praelates and voting in Parliaments . Wicked states men at that time beares the same signifiancie with Court Divsnes and evil Counsellers at this , and so doth the most able and faythfull Ministers with the Men of God that are Covenanters in this age , of whom every mans experience can frame a character enough to scare away his credit to the reputation you would give them . There need no question be preposed when the Bishops were by full authoritier einstated in part of their unquaestionable right ; To a great deale more in the yeare 1606. When by Act of Parliament their government was styled the ancient and fundamental policie… Declared that they being the Third Estate had been indirectlie abolished… That it never had been mean'd by His Majestie and His Estates that they should any wayes be suppressed : That they had been onelie brought into contempt and povertie… That His Majestie with expresse advice and consent of the sayd whole Estates in Parliament doe repone , restore and redintegrate the sayd Estate of Bishops ( it sayth not to their order ) to their ancient and accustomed honour , dignitees , praerogatives , priviledges &c. This was completed in the yeare 1610. when a kinde of Episcopacie was set up as neare the primitive paterne as the growing reformation would beare in the Assemblie of Glasgow excepting the two Members I told you of , no otherwise corrupt then as it may be flie-blow'n by your breath , and tainted by your naming ; under which not the Church but the Kirke of Scotland did heavilic groane , as it allwayes doth when it hath not libertie to vent sedition in the pulpit , and act rebeilion in the field which the best and most learned of your preachers , the Aberdene Assemblers , practiced in part , and wish'd well to the rest Anno 1606 till the yeare 1637. when if they had met with an English Pharach for rigour as they did with a Moses the meeker man of the two , he would have appointed ●…e masters that should have toke away the straw , and spoyl'd their designe of fiering the house : set them making of brickes and building him treasure ●…ties , while they were pulling downe temples & r●…uning Palaces ; he had kept them from soaking of the yoke of Ecclesiastike and Civilegovernment , & brought divine justice to their doores while they brought him to beare the burden of a most inhumane , most unjust judgement at his owne ; praesaerv'd his Children & subjects from sighing and hanging their harpes upon willowes in a strange land , while they sate , under our vines , and keept us out of the shadow of our owne figge trees ; cut up the root , while he lopped the branches , strake off the head while he clipped the eare ; cast out of Britaine , what with regreet of conscience he tolerated in Scotland , himselfe then & his Church had continued like a treeplanted by the water side and had brought forth more fruit in due season His leafe had not wither'd , & whatsoever he had done had in all likelihood prosperd . But he hath overcome them if not in doing , in suffering being more then conquerour , & when those briars & thornes are bundled up for the fire he shall have given him to eate of the tree of life which is in the midst of the Paradise of God. CHAPTER IX . The Commonwealth is a monster when Gods Soveraignitie in the Presbyterie contradicts the Kings . THe Reviewer all this while having made a poor shift to save the credit of the Kirke , and spent his time in sewing a few figleaves together to cover the shame of a sinfull disobedience against Gods command in the Civile Magistrate , which every puffe of wind rends in pieces and scaters before the face of innocencie and truth ; he here tries his skill to patch contradictions together … pergit pugnantia secum Frontibus adversis componere… and makes a parti coloured coate for his two headed monster which may aswell , in time , out doe the seven-headed dragon , if more crownes & scepters can befound wherewith to invest it , as it hath allreadie the hundred-handed Gyant , in pulling downe as many powers and dominions as it could reach ; metamorphozing the Paradise of Kingdomes into the forest of Commonwealths ; and changing men that should be good subjects into scorpions , or in serpentes Regulos , such serpents & cocketrices as will not be charmed into any obedience . The Presbyterians ministrie under Christ , being a tyrannie over Christians , quits them not of coordinating two Soveraignies in a state , Nor doth the Praelates maintaining an hierarchie in the Church make them at all guiltie of that fault since the former acknowledge no superieur in Ecclesiasticis but God ; & the later attribute aswell a spiritual as Temporal supremacie to their King. The spiritual Lordspip , Domination &c the Bishops exercise over his subjects in his name but the Presbyterians theirs in the name of the Prince of all Kings , whose Minister he is aswell as they , and call all opposition against them a warre against Iesus Christ. Nay , rather then faile , when they can catch His Majestie in a closet , Andrew Melvin shall tell him he must know he lies at their mercie , Publice Rex , nos parcimus tibi , That there are two Kings in Scotland , fac . memineris duosesse in Scotia Reges , one of the Church ( which must have the praecedence too ) and another of the Common-wealth . That by his leave ( which is , to say , without it ) they must meet at their pleasure , & have a care of the Church , whereof he is no head but a Member , no nursing Father , as the Scripture vainlie calls him , but the elder sonne or at most brother of the Kirke : And that this is spoken with good authoritie too , summa cum authoritate , shall the Vindicatour publikelie print that all may know it . The contrarietie of commands , when issuing from Masters aequallie to be observed , can not but breed distraction in the servant , and where Ianus hath not a twoo-fac'd generation , must needes much unfixe him in his advertence . Christs particular and extraordinarie commands , if all , to all , and at all times to be publish'd with out special commission , oblige not his Ministers publikelie , imperiouslie to prohibite others of his anoynted , which may be mistaken to contradict them If they unhapilie fall out contrarie one to other , the holie Scriptures no where command so to obey God , as activelie to disobey , that is , to rebell against the man that is their King. The Reverend Warners opposition here to the Presbyterians maintaines no such subordination of the Church unto the state as makes her servile in performance of unjust commands . And where Christ is found ruling in this case . He bids Saint Peter put up his sword , & all his Disciples to denie themselves , take up their crosse daylie and follow him , When the Presbyterians have as clere a Commission to prohibite festivals , to assront Ambassadous , proclaime fasts at such times when their Kings solemnize feasts , as the Apostles had for the publication of the Gospell , and teaching in the name of their Master that sent them : Let them applie the text in the 5. of the Acts , and ( I hope the Reader makes , the incongruitie none of mine ) disregard the High Priests commands of a disterent Religion , and obey God rather then man. The contrarie wayes taken in Scotland by Church and state ( so King or Queen may he accounted head or Member of the later ) have not been so rare , if the Historie of your foure last Princes be reviewed . Against three of whom Pope Knox personallie and in his Synod made very frequent opposition , which he bragges of in print . I shall not need to number your rebellious Acts and papers against the fourth . In the possibilitie of such cases , which you tenderlie admit , your modestie being great to acknowledge the fallibilitie of Assemblies , the common rule of humane direction's very good , had it been not onelie know'n by you , but followed . The difference upon disobedience to either is not fairlie repraesented temporal inconveniences in seditious tumults , to the hazard of life , often befalling men by the displeasure of the Church , And by terrour or force a rescue from punishment legallie to be inflicted , contrarie to the good pleasure of the state . Your interdiction of festivals viz. Our Saviours Nativitie to be observed , and Bishops to sit in Parliament , when summon'd by the King , seemes in your sense to implie no contrarietie of command , and are therefore slighted as impertinent objections The other two you speake to , but not answer . Not the former but in a fallacie somewhat like that which Logicians call of composition and division . The Magistrates that were to attend the French Ambassadours being not excepted in your indiction of the fast , but included with the people , and yet ( as excusable ) divided by you in the observance . The truth of Church ce●…sure intended can be no calumnie , the Major and Aldermen being cited and convented for their feasting , nor had the processe fallen to ground but through the prudent delayes interposed by the King , I must here put you in minde that your Brethren in Holland indict no fasts but by the Magistrates consent , and your discipline being praetended to be the same , you could not doe it at this time , when the King commanded feasting without coordinating Soveraignities , or which is worse , abolishing his , to ordaine your owne . In your answer to the later instance , you must cut the tails of your humble petitions and remonstrances , which were tipt and turn'd up with defiances and threats , under the notion of portents to the Kings person & his familie ; And throw your covenant into the fire which engaged the takers in pursuance of your contrarie commands by opposing Acts , and Persons of state too , beyond a declaration of their dislike . The watchman in Ezekiel ( whose example you counterfeit , and whose authoritie you abuse ) was to warne when God brought the sword upon a land : not to arme nor remonstrate when he sent it out . The falshood of your Church-chasing and excommunicating persons in the late engagement , were it any , could at most be fayd but to be antidated by the Bishop , we since daylie conversing with such persons who live not very comfortablie in these parts , yet dare not returne home ; And your publike papers ranking them in 4. classes or divisions , excluding them out of places of trust or power , censuring them to sackcloth , banishing , excommunicating all that repent not for their active loyaltie as a sinne . The Bishop chargeth no man with detracting from the freedome of the Parliament that engaged them , He onelie anticipates by his answer such a probable praetense . In the place whereof since you frankelie give us the advantage of your confession , in your next you must shew upon what sure grounds you protest , preach , warne , declare against the power of the Kingdome in a sree Parliament , in publike Iudicatories , and armies , which you confesse you did in your paper May 11. ( as I take it ) 1649. As likewise how your declaring of , became censuring in judgement , and your dissatisfaction transformed into a sentence . The heapesof untruths , when your spectatours wipe their eyes will be easilie discerned cast on your side of the way . So that they will not wonder at your falsifying Histories of old times , when the relation of your latest know'n practices , is by your fierie tongue branded with the ignominie of a lie . The generation you speake of , who keep up their credit according to the rate of too many mens idlenesse or in advertence , can draw no clearer pedegree then from your Synod , whose words can no more weigh with truth in the ballance , then their teeth whence they are lightlie flow'n can with the Silesian boyes endure the touch . CHAPTER . X. No concord between Parliament and Presbyterie . THe harmonie betwixt your Presbyterie and Parliament , when any , is discors concordia , and but still musike at best , such as once was made between Parma and Placentia by the concurrent identitie of the capital leters in thier names . So that when their Duke writ himselfe Dux P. P. and no more their ambition was silenced about prioritie in his title . And if we looke any farther into yours , we are encounterd caninâ literâ , wish that mastiue leter , which it may be , mysticallie snarles as much against the name , as your power assaults the authoritié of the other . And when you take upon you the writing both at large , your humilitie and Courtship is such as here , ever to give praecedence unto your selves . Your constitution must be look'd upon as no other then a caelestial quintessence . Your end know'n to be compassing a temporall aswell as a spiritual tyrannie , & your daylie practice , subduing , swaying both scepters of Jesus Christs . The Praelatical learning , you see , takes no higher flight then the next instance to prove the conclusion in hand . And he whose fayth must be forced to credit such unanswerable arguments hath indeed litle or no common sense or reason in him , but mistakes snow to be blacke because he lives in a dungeon , goes upon hot coales , and feeles not his benummed seet to be burnt : the light in him is darknesse because of his evil eye , & quantae tencbrae : how great is that darkenesse . S. Matth. 6. 23. What perpetual iarrings hath been between you I have otherwhere shewed , which never failed but when you tamper'd with the strings & tuned both instruments to your eare . I see the late engagement often serv'd up is enough a lone to take off your stomake ; yet that insipide colewort must be set upon your table , while your table contimues a snare to eatch your selves withall , and that bill of fare , though but one dish repeted till it choke the rebellious guerts of the Assemblies your paper of eight desires contained 8. very insolent demands , in place of that submission which the Parliament sent for , I can not say expected . What justice and necessitie may be in them was not at any time by you , nor by any at that time to be expostulated to the retarding that more just and necessarie designe . If the Parliament counted upon any , it reckoned withall the satisfaction it had render'd , Wherin it had been rather too lavish then close handed , and promis'd more upon the necessitie then thought on , then some conceived in justice or conscience could he performed . Securitie upon oath under hand and seale the Bishop tells you were harder termes then an Vsurers to a Bankrupt , and it may be you tooke His Majestie for no other , having goten ( though by no morgage ) his kingdome●… in your possession . And knowing what he had contracted with God before , you would not part with them but upon the surest interest of his soul. If the quaestion were not for the thing , that it should seeme you tooke for granted . And then what methodical , and scrupulous traytours doe you blazon your selves to be , to leave him languishing in a gaole , while the order and some particle of the securitie must be thought an . The qualification of the persons to have the managing of the warre being approved by the Parliament , the highest Court in the Kingdome , no law intimates an Assemblie or Indicatorie competent to reverseit . So that the Bishop hath sufficientlie inform'd himselfe that the knot of the differtnce lies onelie in some bulrush , which you looke for to litle purpose ; And having attentivelie read your publike declarations , drawes out of them no groundlesse conjecture , but an infallible assurance that no Historie mentions such Pharisaical Rebells upon the earth . The Warner knowes very well that what you call the libertie of the Church is in truer language the license of the many schismatical hypocrites that disturbe it ; who by long custome of blaspheming God in guilded rhetorike , and a spiritual figure , translating his holie word , but perverting the sense to sinfull ends in publike declarations , have withdraw'n poor people from their dutie to their King into such feares & confoederacies as the prophet Esai had in the place that you cite warning from the Lord with a strong hand , & instructions not to walke in . The three Graces you bragge of had too many snakes dangling about their eares to be mistaken for other then the thre infernalfuries which they were Your humilitie was pride and arrogancie to the height , attributing more to your private fancies , then to the publike counsels of a free parliament , the undenied repraesentative of the Kingdome . Your pietie was but the will worship of your owne imaginations that you chaileng'd : And your wisdome craftinesse ; wherin you will be taken in the end , & by your froward counsel caried headlong to your destruction . The visibilitie of this might encourage the Engagers to run any adventure , rather then to follow you in your wayes . Such of them as since the disaster have crouched to an acknowledgement of their loyaltie for an errour , are poore Spirited fooles that have their eyes onelie in the ends of the earth ; are never likelie to be in the number of them who obteind a good report through fayth in their sufferings , nor receive the promise , of some beter thing that God had pro vided for them . Did an Angel from heaven blow his trumpet , and proclaime God speaking in your declarations , the Warner and his partie were bound to stop their eares . Or if the Prince of the power of the aire should clothe such wicked language in lightning , or pervert some Boanerges to speake it in thunder , by terrour to worke in children of disobedience , we have Saint Pauls praescript to pronounce a double anathema against him , Accursed , Accursed let him be and in submission to God in his messenger the Apostle such men of gallant spirits should we be , as in a Christian constancie or Romane if you will have it , rather to perish with this last breath in our mouthes , then by hearkening to counsels or walking in wayes so palpablie pernicious to Church and state , with the ruine of both let the breath of our nostrils , the Anoynted of the Lord , be taken in their pits . If the margin and text of your following paragraph were not so neare neighbours , in my hast I might chance to have made no comparison , and so escaped the contradiction between them . No offer to stopthe leavic in the one , and opposition so coldrife and small in the other , will I thinke be reconciled by no logike but that which makes degrees varie species , or argues from the third to the second adjectand according to the vulgar proverbe , makes that not to be at all which is litle or nothing to the purpose . To the substance of your answer . By enquirie I finde your oppsition as hot as your fervent zeale and abilities could make it , and if your actions drew in the same yoke with your words , you that sweated it out in earnest beseechments , exhortations , and threats , sate not still to see the effects of your papers , but armed your selves to the worke of retardment , if not to the retracting the designe . Some few lines in a Declaration and warning from the Commission of your General Assemblie , are enough to keep the Bishop from ignorance , & a transscript of them as they lie to discharge him from the malice you impute… We doe earnestlie beseech and exhort all who live in this land , that as they tender their solemne obligation and oath both by the National Covenant , and by the solemne league & Covenant , & as they love the honour of Iesus Christ and the Gospell…Nay , as they wish to eschew the heavie wrath and indignation of the Lord , That they doe not give any countenance , nor connivence to these wicked men in their wicked way , much lesse to joyne with them in counsel or in armes . And because it lies upon us to be faythfull in our station , therefore as we have allreadie given warning unto these men that unlesse they doe speedilie destst from their evil way and repent , that we will proceed aganist them with the dreadfull sentence of excommunication…if any shall hereafter joine with them , we will be necessitated impartiallie to proceed against them with the highest censures of the Kirke… If this be coldrife and small opposition , what tall fellowes are you when you are warme ? I Know nothing you could well doe beyond it , unlesse with C. Caesar you would be so mad as in Homers language challenge Iupiter to an encounter em ' anaeir ' , e ego se , which you are likelie enough to doe , if it succeeded with him as Seneca Supposed . Non puto parum momenti haue ejus vocem ad incitandum conjuratorum anlmos addidisse . The Armie gotten up so numerous and strong , ( which the Commanders thought sooner expedient , and had sooner levied but for you , ) was probablie able to have done what service they professed ; but the aversion of the hearts of the Church declaring it selfe in diabolical curses and supercilious discouragement , divided the hearts and enfeebled the hands of a faint people . It was a strange sympathie in the hearts of your yeomen that in the midst of their fright made them flee to the same corner of the land . Their consciences are not commonlie of such a tender touch , but when scarified by their Clergie . So that it will be no calumnie to conjecture what spirit gave them wings , and directed their flight to the rebellious meeting at Mauchlin moor . Their growing number , and abiding there in a bodie for the securitie of their persons , made no partie for , nothing toward the deliverance of the Kings ; and their danger being onelie to be forced by the Parliament to goe souldiers into England for that purpose , the quaestion is what violence was therein offered to their conscience , and , if any , by what law or praecept , divine or humane , the Assembliecan countenance them in armes , though but in a defensive posture to withstand it ? In which had that part of the Armie that sodainly came upon them cut them off , it might have stood for an act of civile justice , more then militarie furie , kept the rest in peace , and much conduc'd toward an after securitie to themselves The communion at Mauchlin layd to the publike . Fast appointed in termiuis for the apostacie of the Parliament , might occasion some of your Ministers coming thither to as good a purpose as his to the Kirke of St. Andro , who pray'd to Allmightie God , that he would carie through the good cause against all his enemies , especiallie against Kings , Devills and Parliaments . Coloured clothes and pistols were no proper accoutrement for your Kirke-men wherein to celebrate the Sacrament of Christian charitie and peace . Nor were they the good instruments with the people to goe away to run away they might be afterward ) that had lead them in bands and troupes into the battail . For Presbyterian Scotish Ministers to protest against any rebellion wherein they act , needes no eagle ey'd Parliament man to discover it at the bottome as a peice of effronterie very common among them and proper to their profession , which is very ridiculouslie diss mbled in this case , when diverse of them were taken prisoners , fighting desperatelie for the cause , complain'd of to the Commissioners of the Kirke , who were so farre from inflicting any censure ; or giving them admonition , that they approved what they had done , and justified them in the fact . Which I see here you dare not ex professo , but fawlter in your iudgement about the meeting , pleading the securitie of their persons as a faire apologie for the yeomens a biding in a bodie , and yet mentioning the Ministers protestation , which is litle beter then a condemnation of their convening & fighting in the field . The Bishops parallel betwixt the Generall Assemblie and Parliament casts the cloake of maliciousnesse upon your owne shoulders in the abuse of your libertie , whereby you refuse to submit your selfe to the ordinance of man●… sor the Lordssake , otherwise then as it is ratified in your Synods for when the Presbyterians lay the authoritie of both Courts upon a divine foundation , they make themselves the chiefe corner stone , usurping the proper place of Jesus Christ in the one , and of his anoynted in the other , telling him and all Magistrates ( among whom Parliaments are to be numbred ) he ought to be subject to the Kirke spirituallie and in Ecclesiasticall government… that be ought to submit himselfe to the discipline of the Kirke if he transgresse in maters of conscience and Religion . So that when they talke of obedience sor conscience sake to their lawfull commands , they take cognizance what is conscience and law , and at their owne arbitrement many times oblige subjects on the same principles to rebell , calling this the justifiable revenge of the Magistrates contempt against the authorite of God resident in them . The Bishop mockes not at Ministers that carie themselves at the Ambassadours of Christ , that deliver not more then is in the Commission or instructions they receiv'd ; but thinkes they have no priviledge above the Angels , who are not dominantes but ministrantes spiritus . That they are a flame rather to warme indiscreet zeale and devotion , then consume in the fervour of violence and passion . That God rarelie tempers brimstone with the breath of his messengers , That he sets the time , & names the extraordinarie case , when his words shall be fire in the mouthes of his prophets , & his people wo d that it should devoure them . He likes you should judge according to the rule of Scripture , so you follow that rule , and keepe in subjection to good lawes . He commends your caring for life aeternal , not your leaguing and covenanting in order to that for the death temporal of your brethren . He judgeth you according to the rule of Scripture to be shamelcsselie impious that counterfeit a care of life aeternal , whither bloodthirstie Presbyters are never likelie to enter , but have a portion with their fellow hypocrites otherwhere . That make holie Sripture not onelie of private but perverse interpretation , and God the authour of all the wickednesse you act by the authoritie of his word who boast of an Ambassie from Christ , when who so blinde as these servants , who so dease as these messengers ( you say ) he sent ? who are lead by a Spirit that doth the workes of the flesh from top to botome mention'd by St. Paul Galat. 4. Who would gull the world out of all but a forme or propertie of religion ; who make your selves not Ministers but Masters of Christ , commanding imperiouslie the spirit he sends downe ; who make a trade of Scripture , and for wordlie gaine parsel out eternal life to whom you please . The second part of the Bishops parallel , I see , puts you to a stand , and the quaestion What shall be made ? … argues you some what suspended in your thoughts whether as much should be made of it as you meane , and the people commended for obeying their Ministers ( how seditious soever ) more then their Magistrates that command them . If all the power such Ministers have with the people be built on their love to God , what pitie is it that rebellious structure should have such a religious foundation ? When it riseth high he is no good states man that doth not demolish it , knowing that what God and conscience constraine not , but perswade , to imploy to his good , the Divel without any or with one that 's erroneous may tempt them to aedifie to his ruine . It is not amisse sayd & applied by him that writ of the spanish Monarchie Pri●…um instrumentum bone imperandi , lingua est ; secundum vero gladius . The sword is but the left hand instrument in the governing Kingdomes : The tongue , of the preacher is dextra terribilis , that of the right hand that teacheth terrible things , that by the menace of death , which the sword can not reach to , keepes subjects in obedience to their Soveraignes . Therefore when once it hath a power with the people such as that of St. Bernard it had need be endued with the spirit of Saint Bernard , sor there is a tongue . Quae conterit spiritum , the perversenesse wherein is a breach in the spirit Prov. 1. 5. 4. And the proud men in the Psalmist , promise themselves a victorie over Princes by the tongue , We will praevaile Who because they are the men that ought to speake , just like you , denie all supremacie . Their first language is this . Quis dominus , Who is Lord over use . The Politician I spake of hath a discourse worth your reading , wherein he shewes you how Maliomet stirred up the people against Heraclius the Emperour . He sayth as much for Calvin your protoplast , which whatsoever may be apologiz'd for him , I am sure is inexcusable in Knox and you that are the workemanship of his hands . This made Charles the good so prudent and resolute , who being become too unhapie in nothing more then in suffering your Babel building to be finished in Scotland , when he beheld the like worke of your fellow Rebell Architects in England , would not exclude himselfe out of doores , nor part with that power whereby he might best restraine the seditious exorbitances of Ministers tongues , who with the keyes of heaven have so farre the keyes of the peoples hearts as they praevaile much by their oratorie to shut in and let out both peace and loyaltie . While the Warner scosfes at your threats his meaning is to have deluded people to scorne them and know in your words that the thundrings of ( the Scotish aswell as ) that Roman Anti-Christ are but vanitie and ●…inde . To tell them in a figure that hell and death are no more in your keeping then the gaole in the prisoners that walkes abroad in the streetes with his shakels about him , but must render himselfe at the end of his covenant : The Praelates proclamation of such Atheisme as this is a printed copie out of the original writ by the fingar of God in the 10. S. Matth. Whereby is to be banished out of the hearts of the people all feare of them which kill the bodie but are not able to kill the soul , for all their kirke-bulls and censures that threaten it . To the quaestion you close with I answer , That Satan hath driven allreadie the first instruments of his Republike in Britaine into a very narow roome in the North , where Cromwell and other his more usefull instruments at praesent , are likelie to keep them , till , if God neither convert nor by a miracle otherwise confound them his worke being done he may lash them with whips of their owne making , topt ' with Serpents heads , and Scorpions tailes , and at last deliver them to the worme that shall not die , cast them into the fire that shall not be quenched , and make their stinking memorie an abhorring unto all slesh . The third part of the parallel hath been in every particular justified , and were more instances requisite to evidence the truth , they might be a numberlesse number of such imputations as you are never able to refute . The charge which the Bishop subjoines is not so poore but that it enricheth his proofe with the best argument of your spiritual supremacie . The daylie practice of the Parliaments of Scotland , such as have been of late and heretofore when your Reformation tooke place , constitutes no right , confirmes no power os nominating commitees for intervalls . Nor is there any inhaerent right in Courts to nominate interreigning Commissioners but by Royal favour in such as ( except their intertearming vacations ) are perpetual and standing , not call'd by fits ad placitum Domini Regis , no not in the Parliament it selfe . Which ( to omit other proofes ) was the ground of this clause in their Act of oblivion 1641. That the peace to be now established may be inviolablie observed in all time to come , It is agreed that some shall be appointed by His Majestie and the Parliaments of both Kingdomes , who in the interim betwixt the sitting of the Par●…ments may be carefull that the peace now hapilie concluded may be tontinued &c. … And it is declared that the power of the Commission shall be restrained to the articles of peace in this treatie ; As likewise of that fatal Act for perpetuating the last blacke Parliament in England , which had probablie ne●…r been required if it might have nominated a Committe of state ( that idol to which it now sacrificeth , in bloud ) to sit till the next summons upon any inhaerent right in that Court. For the Iudicatories of your Church . I am tired with telling you that no law of the Kingdome doth privativé authorize them to meet , their Assemblie being illegal without the King or his Commissioner , neither of which are to come upon course or at call . And their power of appointing Committees hath as often been quaestion'd ( and how often is that ? ) as it ever was executed without or against the positive consent or command of the King or Queen for the time . And trulie the committees in the times , os your late troubles were the Ambuscado wherein you lay closelie in wait to disturbe both Church and state , while your armed bodie in Parliament retired . Whose frequent meetings were forced no otherwse then by the incessant zeale in their Members to persecute Religion and loyaltie . Whose diversion from their particular charges ( for attendance on the publike rebellion ) was join'd with so great fascherie and expense to fullfill their lusts at other mens cost , Which with all their heart they will in Sempiternum continue , if feare of their neckes make them not at length slip out of the collar : or their grey haires and withered carkasses ( after many a surfeit ) call them not to some other account , or their Chiefe in whose service they made these necessarie meetings pay them not their necessarie wages in pertusum sactulum , into a bag full of holes , which shall never be filled , no more then was the measure of the iniquitie they acted . CHAPTER XI . The Presbyterie cruel to particular persons . IF King and Parliament be ( as they may very well ) incenced against the Presbyterie at sight of the Bishops reason , more then out of sympathie with him in his anger , his warning hath taken in part the effect that he wished and aim'd at . Yet in vaine shall they vindicate all just authoritie to themselves , if the people be kept in a servile observance of a tyrannous discipline , & pay their blinde obedience to the Kirke . Therefore the Warner excedes no bounds in his rage , but en largeth his bowels of pitie to them , who for the most part having disarmed their soules of that judgement which should dictate their freedome from Church censures upon acts indifferent , or sinfull in an inferiour degree , their due submission to an arraignment of thoughts onelie in the Court of a poenitent conscience , or hereafter before the tribunal of heaven , where sits the onelie Iudge of hearts , the discerner of perverse inclinations ; expose themselves naked to the boundlesse furie of mercilesse Reviewers ; to the sharpe scrutinie of malicious Inquisitours ; to the arbitrarie sentence of most sinful Iudges , and therefore most suspicious surmisers . The Bishop mentions no faults but such as toward which your Discipline mentions no favour limited to the privacie of the care . Nor yet doe all those give occasion for that which you take to shew the infinite extent , the interminate divisibilitie of your power . In the booke that he cites is the greatest censure of the Church praescribed , and more methodicallie then mercifullie shewed how a small offence or sclaunder may justlie deserve excommunication by reason of the contempt and disobedience of the offender . Pag. 60. And lest any should thinke that the osfenses named are not so hainous as that of the Corinthians incest ( whence you take your paterne and Saint Pauls authoritie for your processe ) you give such to understand that mercie and favour may rather be granted to any other sinne then to the contempt of wholesome admonitions , and of the just and law full ordinances of the Church . Pag. 80. Which if ( as you say ) it never procured the smallest censure , you have been a great deale too profuse of your pardons , Where you professe your obligations so great to the performance of the commandement of God. Or , if you thinke it not such may be justlie required by any Erastian to render a reason , why that ignis fatuus , that foolish spirit of bondage walkes in your Discipline from generation to generation , while they laugh at the calamitic you threaten , and mo●…ke when your feare cometh upon the people . But he that knowes you will never mistake you for such meeke lambes in this mimike disguise of lions , when he findes you aswell preying as roaring . And how any , the most charitable man will have just cause to complaine of your rigour , let your aequitable comparers judge observing with me but one passage of multitudes in your forme , that one which speakes you the most savage petitioners that ever invocated the name of Christ , whom you humblie beseech ( for feare his mercie that is written to be above all his owne workes , should be above that of yours , the inhumanitie you are about ) that whatsoever in his name you pronounce in earth ( meaning the sentence of excommunication , though but for susspicions and jealousies , if not confessed to be as real faults as any peevish brother shall construe them ) he Would ratifie the same in heaven . Which can not be paralleld in the Turkish Aicaron , nor among all the superstitions rites and cruel offices of the heathen per formed to the most bloudie , most insatiate of divels , who doth nothing else but goe about seeking whom he may devoure . Where as if this be your slacknesse wherewith sectaries charge you , which you are soric you are not able to refute . it should seem you are sorie there are no more hells then one , no pluralitie of soules in your single Impaenitents , no imaginable protraction of punishment beyond aeternitie for the execution of your censures . The Sabbath recreations , which the Bishop sayth are voyd of scandal , are likelie to be , at most but those mention'd in the booke of toleration so much decried by the brethren of your faction ; among which were no stage playes , nor , in my memorie , any allowed to be acted on Sundays , and so not frequented by his friends . The greater license on the Sabbath Kirmasses you slide over without any of that zeale , which His Lordship prophesieth , though your selfe have been a spectatour of it in these Countreys , So that in your owne words ( which I am a frayd will too often be mistaken for mine , and bring upon me the imputation of a sloven ) If the Aposteme in your lowest gut had not chang'd places with your braines your words had been wiser and your unsavourie breath ( which you too often eructate ) somewhat sweeter . The debate among some of your sect . Whether in Scotland or no , which is not expressed , about starch and cuffes , may very well passe upon the credit of the Warner that asserts it , & your putting him upon the poofe makes me guesse you are not in a readinesse to denie it . Howsoever we know the curses of the Laundrie have been through two or three descents a traditional legacie to the brethren of your order in England for the counterscuffles they made about the former . And the debate on the later hath produc'd an injunction to your Societie somewhere else to cast away those litle idolatroue ragges , which could scarce be taken for any reliques of Rome , & their gloves too , it may be upon better reason , lest the cleanlinesse of their hands might beget a jealousie of some superstition in washing them before their publike officiating , on their unhandsome distributing of the word . What litle latitude of discretion you allow & how your superiours must be your slaves or pupils in the attire aswell of their bodies as sules is evident by your preaching and articling against the apparell even of the Ladies of Honour & that waited upon your Queenes Majestie three sundrie dayes when she rode in great state and solemnitie to the Tolbuith in Parliament time Ao . 1563. Of the second oppression , which the Bishop objects you give up a very imperfect account , leaving the greatest weight to he as heavie as it can upon the head of your Synods in calling the Magistrate fool for his mercie , and knave for his briberie , which you onelie suspect because he is not as rigid as your selves ; In enjoyning publike satisfaction after the Defendant hath given it at an assize &c. What you bring is litle to the purpose , and , if it were , hath been packt away with its answer long a goe Wherewith yet if gou will not be satisfied , you must be set to reviewe Erastus and answer him . When he tells you , of old no notice was taken of your double formalitie viz of crime and scandal , so as to subject the delinquent , for the same fact , to the censure of two distinct Courts , Civile and spiritual . He calls ad raucedinem usque for one text or example in Scripture to justifie it ; He proves out of St. Austin &c. That the Church used the spiritual sword onelie when the temporal was not in Christian hands . He puts you to make good your maine consequence . That if the Magistrate doth not his dutie , an Assemblie , Court is required to constraine him , or as youe Liturgie speakes , to admonish him , and that too , as the Bishop urgeth when he hath discharg'd it according to his Iudgement and conscience . From your proceedings of this kinde His Lordship drawes 3. observations , which you cannot denie , and yet dare not acknowledge , and therefore say nothing ; but worke in a whimzie of his excursions upon his owne friends , not any of whom approve the injustice , the irrationalitie , much lesse imitate the cueltie of your practice . The Popish Praelates are not so neare allied unto the Doctour , nor doe they need to be taken into his protection : The English are , and can vindicate themselves against you for admitting to the holie table with signes of repentance , without Ecclesiastike publike satisfaction , murtherers that are either quit by their jurie , or have their pardon sealed by the King , whores that either are spared out of hopes of amendment , or have had the whip at Bridewell , and theeves burn'd in the hand at Newgate or sau'd by the benefit of their Clergie ; And this upon beter grounds then the Presbyters denie them communion with those , who as much as they make up their mouthes , dare not take up a stone to cast at them . The Doctour knowes his owne meaning , and plainelie speakes it . And they must be very ignorant or worse that are not of his minde , or rather of St. Pauls which I take to be this . That when a man shall without visible hypocrisie say , be hath examin'd himselfe , he is not to be againe examin'd by the Classe , but may eate of that bread , and drinke of that cup , That when he hath judged himselfe , he should not be judged ; That when he is judg'd , he is chastened of the Lord , not condemn'd and executed by the Kirke . Your interrogatorie or argument a minore ad majus in case of Scandal is defective untill you render a just definition of scandal applicable to all where in your discipline doth instance ; After which having made your scale of degrees , your antecedent requires your proofe viz. That small , scandals are to be purg'd away by that repentance that here is in quaestion between us . Had I ever read of any Presbyter in Scotland what I have of Fabian once Bishop of Rome . That he was chosen by the extraordinarie descent of a dove upon his head . I might charitablie hope sor some spirit of meekenesse among the brethren of the Discipline , and have some litle credulitie that the want of gall in any one of the number might qualifie the exuberance and overflowing biternesse in the rest ; But when I meet with such tragike Histories of their implacable furie , and see every where their unjust judgement running downe like a torrent , and their unrighteous rigour like a mightie streame ; I can put litle trust in the slender banke of Master Baylies professions in behalfe of his Presbyterie , from whom expect as litle mercie as truth , and as litle Christian righteousnesse as peace . The Warner can not be ignorant of your Scotish wayes , while his eyes are open to reade them in your bookes , or his eares to heare them in very credible reports . He that lives in Scotland , and never seeth the execution of that censure , must betake himselfe to the mountaines , & converse in some corner with those creatures , who know as litle of excommunicating by , as they ever did of communicating with a Church . For the 47. yeares halcion dayes that you have seen ( of which from your birth which you so superstitiouslie mention you must give us leave to abate at least one or two , as praegnant in knowledge and as quicke an Intelligencer as you could be in your cradle , and about 30. of 40. more , wherein the curst blacke cowes had short hornes , the Presbyterian severitie being regulated by the Bishops , who caried the badge of clemencie aswell as innocencie on their armes the great citie you liv'd in must be taken for the onelie bright Mercie seate in your Countrey , while the sun of righteousnesse did never arise otherwhere , but turn'd his face away from it as a land of darkenesse , full of cruel habitations . As touching the two censures you acknowledge , had the profanesse in the papist , and the horrible scandal in the Praelates been priviledg'd as much in the punishment with a proxie , as , they say , the more true and more horrible scandal in a brother of the Commission , the rod of that furie had passed upon the backes of the fooles in your Citie ; as for the luftie Presbyters delinquencie ( I have heard your excommunication was executed upon the Nodie-Innocents in his parish . If you goe no farther then Saint Pauls command 2. Thes. 3. 14. You should denounce no publike excommunication in the Church , but diates epistoles scmeiousthai , by private leters signifie his fault . You should have no companie nor familiaritie with him that he may be ashamed , not forbid every man to sell him bread , that he may be sterved . You should admonish him as a brother , not count him as an enemie , commanding him to be reputed as accursed & delivered to the devil . Much lesse should you arrogate the praerogative of God , if not a greater , in visiting the sinne of the father upon the children , such it may be as hate you not , denying them baptisme till they come to be of age &c. And , to shew what good Angels you are , after sentence pronounced , you dismisse not the Congregation before they have sung with you the 100. Psalme , a Psalme of exultation whereby as much as may be , you rejoyce at the confusion of a sinner . Nor is your reserve of litle kindnesse very constant in permitting the excommunicate the companie of them that are tied by natural bonds unto him , when the sharpenesse of your censure cut ' these bonds , with-held this indulgence from Master Iohn Guthrie Bishop of Murray , to whom , when he lived in Angus you denied the comfort and conversation of his brother though a preacher of a parish thereabout . For the inconveniences that follow , how powerfull hath been the influence of the Church upon the State in such Acts of Parliament as are made consequential to their Acts of Assemblies may be guessed by the frequent servile submission to the tyrannie of their papers . In the Parliaments where your Princes were ever praedominant it can not be thought they would ratifie an Act so destructive to their owne strength in the diminution of their subjects , as to set the * heads of wolves upon the shoulders of men , and for such trivial faults as the Bishop mentions antecedent to your censure , with leters of horning expose them to be worried by dogges . For this crueltie may your Church be deservedly challenged , and that by Proelates , who gave no such customarie allowance to thier officials to excommunicate as appeares by the caution in the Canon 1571. Nullus horum , nec Cancellarius , nec Commissarius , nec Officialis in cognitione causarum proced●…t usque ad serendam sententiam excommunicationis , nisi tantum in causis instantiarum . And in the Canon 1604. If the delinquent made his appearance , and after processe was to be censured the official was nor to pronounce the sentence but the Bishop nullam ejusmodi sententiam pronunciari volumus praeterquam per Episcopum &c. Nor were the civile inconvenients like those after leters of horning . And how easilie all for great crimes was commuted for , your brother Didoclave complaineth at large . Where as you run againe from the severitie in your lawes to the clemencie in your practice ( though that be no answer to the Bishop who presseth upon your Canon ) your diverse late yeares crueltie , which still is continued confutes you in the face of the world . In which if your sentence tooke place in heaven as it doth to their confusion on earth , so many have payd the price of their soules for observance of the first & fift Commandements , their dutie to God & obedience to their King. Your parenthesis that hookes in the greatnesse of sinnes is convict by the slight pecoadilloe forementioned . And the length of your processe shall be cut short by one instance in the forenamd Bishop Guthrie , who was never so much as admonish'd by a brother , nor summond by a messenger unlesse to yeild up his house to Rob. Monroe , being caried to Edenburgh not to have trial , but to heare that sentence had passed upon him before he came . In the case of fugitives your Discipline makes no distinction not arbitrarie between the contumacious and timerous . And he that stands to your account shall come short of his reckoning on mercie , if your flying rowle can reach his soul at a distance aswell as to be sure it shall consume the timber and stones of his house that 's at hand . CHAPTER XII . The Presbyterie a burthen to the Nobilitie , Ministrie , and all Orders whatsoever . You know what Constantine sayd concerning the Arians… Christe , Christe , Kyrie , Kyrie , ti depote hemas to lesterion hosemeran titroskes He complaind that when their hainous crimes whereof they were accused had wounded their heads , and the deformitie of Shame spread over their faces , their violent boldnesse stood fiercelie in opposition to the truth , They wept not in Sorrow , but roar'd in madnesse with a grinding of their teeth . The Presbyterians I see by many passages in this chapter want neither impudence nor rage to outface and raile as much as any haeretikes whatsoever , when once their discipline is touched to the quicke . The Praelatical malice seemes no way exorbitant by this supplement of the Bishops , wherein his just indignation chaceth all the remaining eccentrike motions of these planets , these ftaires that wander from the fixed beauties in the firmament of the Church . If you can but finde patience , or your stomake will serve you to returne to your owne vomit and licke up your language the aire will be cleansed which was become unsavourie onelie by the uncomelinesse of your speach . The Noblitie and Gentrie in all parts of Britaine have had too long and unhapie experience of the difference between the fatherlie counsels or friendlie correction of Bishops ( whom Religious Princes in honour of their function have dignified with the title of Barons , and priviledge of Peeres ) and the unsufferable insolencies of Presbyters , whose peacockes tailes that traine it daylie in the vulgar dust , and sweep together the raskalitie of the people , are poudlie spread and fanned in their faces . Those in England , ( which were none of the best ) that refused no hazard to shake off that easie yoke which was layd upon them by the hands and institution of Christ , have broke their neckes in their hast , & you see their honour buried in the grave . The Scotish Nobilitie that lead them the way , having serv'd allmost a double apprentiship at the trade , alas groane for their freedome yet dare not aske it from him , whose mercie they feare must not be so injurious to justice , as after so many rebellions and murders especiallie that unpardonable parricide ) to redeem them from bondage and to quit the for feit of their lives and estates . Therefore they chuse rather ( unhapie choyce between necessitie and nothing ) to renew their slaverie , Were the British Bishops set downe againe and ( which they may be in beter earnest then you meane it ) well warmed in their repaired sees , as they would looke to receive a filial respect so they would doubtlesse repay a paternal Christian care of the Nobilitie and Gentrie in their charge ; Those that heretofore did not ( if any did not ) had no natures nor principles befitting their dignities , and till they have changed what they had for such 't is pitie , if they survive , they shovld be reenstated . You should doe well to name those that set their feet on the neckes of the greatest Peeres , but withall to set downe how long they could keep their footing there when a just appeale had been made to the capital power that was above them . If the publike ●…oo scandalous license of any peere , how great soever , receiv'd at their mouthes a friendlie rebuke ; If after that his untractable confidence in sinne some legal restraint or fatherlie chastisement at their hands ; when Gods impartial and irrespective commandements are alter'd ; when Christian lawes that are consonant repeal'd , they may be then , & not till then discharg'd of this dutie , and visited by Master Baylie ( when he shewes his commission ) for their arrogance in the exercise of any oppression or tyrannie in their Courts . In the pretie peice that followes Master Baylie hath play'd the part of Pauson the painter in Plutarch , and artificiallie draw'n the Presbyterian horse in his ful career , giving as he thinkes every limme its due proportion to grace him in that posture ; But when , with Pausons customer , we turne the table and lay the beast on his backe , his designe is spoyl'd , and that uglie spectacle of a founder'd jade drawes contempt and laughter from all judicious passengers that behold it . That every small Congregation in Scotland can furnish your Elderships with wise , pious , and learned men by the dozen , will never be credited till we get some Historical assurance that when all good parts , pietie , and prudence were divorced from Canaan Athens & Lacedaemon they made a voyage to Scotland to court the wilde affections of the Presbyters in the North. For the double portion of discretion and learning in your Classical Presbyterie , which drawes in by fifteens the Nobilitie & Gentrie you runne the adventure of losing a beter inheritance , if you take St. Pauls to meane that in the leter ( as you sometimes tell us when you are angrie with Court and our Academical Clergie ) Not many wisemen… not many noble 1. Cor. 1. 26. But it is in truth your owne carnal wisdome not so much to adde worth , as to arrogate power to , and make absolute the authoritie of your Consistorie , that in other mens names you may Lord it over not onelie the Common people but the Senate as he told some of your kindred that had searched every secret corner in your spiritual house . Consistorium ut dominari possit Senatui asciscit pro senioribus Consutes , Senatores & Optimates… Where if persons of qualitie be wanting to complete your number , you go●… to plow with an oxe and an asse , yoke a Count and a Cobler together , while your prickeard Pastour keepes the goad in his hand to quicken their dull pace and drive them into Rebellious Covenants and so to their shame and destruction . The Iudge in our Officials Court is to be no petie mercinarie lawyer , but a Doctour that hath approved his skill in our Civile lawes before one of our learned universities , & thereby supposed to have beter abilities to judge then any Nobleman , Gentleman , Burgesse , one or more , except some select persons who by studie may have attained to some excellence in that facultie , wherewith neither by birth nor education they are know'n to be ordinarilie qualified , unlesse Dame nature in Scotland hath some faeminine molds in every parish for your Elders , or some Seraphical fathers to breed their children by the rod or institution of the Spirit . But to returne to our Doctour . From his single sentence appeale may be made to a Court of Delegates consisting of a number the most learned , and in humane opinion the most upright lawyers in the land . Which can be taken for no miserable reliefe , being the highest Court constituted by the authoritie of the King where if not His Majestie in person , his immediate Commissioners are Iudges . Your twice a yeare Synods seem somewhat unnecessarie if intended principallie for receiving appeales , your Classical Presbyteries consisting of persons ( as you praetend ) of such sinceritie & honour , & somewhere ( as I remember ) Didoclave tells us they have litle worke which , if well examin'd , hapeneth not so much by reason of the aequitable proceedings in inferiour judicatures , as from the assurance which persons oppressed have to meet with the same measure from the same men that are the Members of your Synods , who know well enough how to gratisie one another in the mutual ratification of the particular sentences pass'd before . The Primitive Synods found other worke , praeserving in their Provinces the puritie of doctrine & uniformitie in practice , trusting Bishops in their Dioceses except in singular cases with the censures of persons & redresse of grievances . Yet whatsoever convenience may be in it our Episcopal twice a yeare visitation may parallel . If the chiefe Noblemen &c have decisive voyces in your Synods , they gaine that priviledge by their birth or estates to neither of which is inseparably annexed wisdome , pietis & learning , the three gifts or spirits you require in your Iudges . How farre private instructions and interests praevaile with your Presbyteries in their elections to exauctorate all the good qualifications in the competition of Candidates , the records of your Edenburgh Tables at the begining of this Rebellion can justifie : Though were their Honourable heads gaged and concluded capacious to hold no lesse then a tunn of wisdome & learning , and their armes clasped upon the embrace of the whole sisterhood of zeale , vertue , and grace , with all other abilities requisite to your Elders , your Presbyteries full approbation and choyce could not authorize them to suffrage in a Synod , whereto of old they had no admission , but as in the Second Councel of Orange , when sent thither by the King. I shall not insist upon the comparison or disparitie between them & inferiour Civile Court Judges , in whom no parts are wanting to the execution of their place in whose choyce the Canon of their institution is observed All hopes of redresse by appeale from your Synods to a General Assemblie are crush'd in the shell by your underhand violence in election of Members , and praelimitation of them that are chosen in their votes . You remember the seven private directions sent to your Presbyteries before the Assemblie at Glasgow 1638. the fourth of which was . That such as are erroneous in doctrine or scandalous in life , be praesentlie processed that they be not chosen Commissioners , and if they shall hapen to be chosen by the greater part , that all the best affected both Minicters and Elders protest , and come to the Assemblie to trstisic the same . By this tricke you not onelie prae●…udg'd or praecondemn'd the legal freedome in choyce , but caus'd to be process'd all suspected to be of a different sense from that which you praedesign'd or praescrib'd to the Assemblie . Thus the Presbyterie of Edenburgh put very many of their Ministers under processe , begining with Master David Michel , their proceeding against whom His Majesties Commissioner could not get deferred untill the meeting of the Assemblie . Thus the Laird of Dun chosen Lay Elder for the Presbyterie of Brechen by the voyce but of one Minister and a few Lay Elders , was accepted , & the Lord Carnaegie a Covenanter too , but somewhat more moderate , more lawfullie chosen by the voyces of all the rest was rejected . There was another paper of instructions dated August 27. 1638. which is mors in olla , the Collaquintada that spoyles all the pottage you bring us in this parapraph , the Second of which is this , Order must be taken that none be chosen ruling Elders but Covenanters and those well affected to the businesse , so that parts for judgement , wisdome , pietie &c are no considerable qualities in your Members of Assemblies , when the Covenant and good inclinations to the bus●…nesse ( of rebellion ) can be found though but in Ideots & Atheists . The multitude of Burgesses & Gentlemen is so great to some such good intent as this , that you may praeponderate the Parliament in your laike votes , and anticipate any just exception they can make against your Acts. The ground of their admission in your first reformation was a defect of Clergie , which , when once supplied , had for 40. yeares possessed all the places till exchange was made at your Glasgow null Assemblie to doe the worke in hand . The prime Nobilitie are not allwayes the men , but such among them as are first in popular opinion , and for that in your favour . Your choyce of them is many times illegal , when to serve your turnes you call them from one Presbyterie to another . Yet when all is done , you can pleade no praecendent from antiquitie for any more then a declarative consent , no definitive sentence no decisive voyce , the subscriptions in the Ancient Councels , distinguishing the Clergie and Laitie in this maner . Ego N. definiens subscripst . Ego N. consentiens subscripst . Those that at any time had greater priviledge , ( if the words cited by your Bishop of Brechen must needs give it them ) Gloriosissimi edicunt & Gloriesissimi Iudicos dixreunt , were special Commissioners sent from the emperours not from any Presbyteries , as he tells you , and more to this purpose which you may answer , as likewise what the Reverend Bishops objected in their Declinatour , about Theodosius the yonger , Pulcheria the Emperesse , & Martinius in the fourth General Councel of Chalcedon . Master Andrew ! Ramsey undertoke an hard taske upon the top of his stool offering to prove the lawfulnesse of Lay Elders by Scripture , Antiquitie , Fathers , Councels , & the judgement of all the Reformed Churches . And therefore , when His Majesties Commissioners offered to bring one into the pit that should encounter him , the cocke crowed no more , and , with the Brethrens good liking the controversie ceased . Till afterward , on good occasion , a Member offering to prove there was no such thing in the Christian world before Calvins dayes , the Moderatour learnedlie confuted him , saying , His father while he liv'd was of another minde . The E. Argile , who was surprized , as he sayd , at the sodain rupture of this Assemblie , held the Members a litle while by the eares with his argument of convenience , telling them . He held it sit the Assemblie should consist of Lay-men aswell as Churchmen ; Take this with you . Your Assemblie Ministers are chosen by the lay Elders your Moderatours some times are laymen , a course not justifiable by law , praecedent , or reason . The Kings Majesties person , or in his absence his high Commissioner is there onelie ( you tell him ) to countenance , not vote in , your meetings , and proesides in them for exernal order , not for any intrinsecal power . So that when you goe on calmelie in your businesse he findes litle to doe without Domitians flie-flap , of more use by farre in a summer Synod then a Scepter among you which you often times wrest out of his hand , and continue your meetings after he hath dissolv'd them . You can denie him or his commissioner the sight of publike papers brought into the Court ( which libertie the meanest subject may challenge . ) And twhen he hath any thing to object against suppositions , or , at best suspicious Registers , the E. Rothes can tell him boldlie in your names he must speake it praesentlie if at al , and because he doth not you wait no longer ; but , proimperio , vote them to be authentike . Beside , to deminish as well the Kings state as authoritie , you send Assessours , or Assistants to your Elders , and invest them with power aequivalent to his Councel This meeting thus disordered sits too long by a mon●…th when no more , and Assembles , too often when but once in a yeare . The number of such Members no more hindereth an appeale , then a multitude of Malefactours can sentence a necessitie of becoming their followers in doing evil . Their wisdome is such as his to whom , a wiser man tells us , it is a sport to doe mischief . Their eminencie like Sauls , head and shoulders higher then the common people in Rebellion , And their honour somewhat like Absoloms mule , beares them up to the priviledge of the great oake in the wood for their hanging in beter aequipage then their fellowes . So that beside the justice there 's an absolute necessitie of appeal to the Parliament , or in that to the King from himselfe to himselfe , who sits there as supreme , here in no other capacitie but of your servant . Which is farre more justifiable and necessarie then vour appeale from both Parliament and Assemblie to the bodie of the people , which I tell you againe is the final appeale you make when Assemblies are not modell'd to vour minde . The number and qualification of Knights and Burgesses is therefore large and as great in your Assemblie as Parliament , that your power may be as large and great in the State as the Church , and the Nobilitie sit in one by election , because they sit in the other by birth , and so in a condition to unite the counsels of both according to the instructions of some few Presbyters that by Sycophantike infinuations have got possession of their soules and by their Spiritual Scepter dominion of their suffrages . Headie zeale , craft , and hypocrisie got in commission or Covenant together , we finde by experience can fit them to judge in Ecclesiastike affaires , when age , wisdome and pietie are sentenc'd . If ●…he hundred choyce unparliamentarie pastours make up the oddes of some absent Noblemen , it should seem you and the Nobilitie are even pares cum paribus , Peeres alike in your honourable Assemblie . Which they must not disdaine , since Christ himselfe , I meane not his Anoynted , ( that you take to be out of quaestion ) goes but for a single Elder or Moderatour at most . So Cartwright and his Demonstratour cajoles them together , when he sayth , If they ( the Princes and Nobles ) should disdaine to joine in consultation with poore men , they should disdaine not men but Christ himselfe . So that Christ being in his name made your Assembly Praesident or Prolocutour , the King in his Commissioner your protectour , the Nobilitie your aw full subvoters or suffraganes , I see nothing wanting can conciliate a tyrannie to your Presbyterie , nor keep your foot of pride from trampling as basely as may be upon the people . But not to forget at last what you set in the front as first to be answered . The Presbyterian course , as you , or I more trulie , have describ'd it , is not much more readie then the Praelatical , because the benefit of appeale is to be had ordinarilie but once or twice in a yeare ; not much more solide , because most of your Iudges can reasonablie be thought neither good Civilians nor Casuists , not much more aequitable , because , as you order them , many more of the laitie then Clergie . In the second hurt your Nobilitie sustaine , the Bishop lookes , not upon the judgement of foreigne Reformed Devines ( you doe not say of Churches ) nor yet on their practice , which I have know'n some time a great deale too sawcie with Princelie Patrons , but upon the aequity of the thing , upon the priviledge our Nobles in England enjoy , & the right yours have to the same by many yeares praescription and the lawes of your land . The first will be found if the original be searched . The right of patronage being by the due gratitude or favor of Kings & Bishops reserved to such as either built Churches or , endowed them with some considerable revenue , as likewise for the encouragement of others to propagate meanes and multiplie decent distinct places for Christian conventions . Hoc singulari favore sustinetur , ut allectentur , La●…ci , invitentur , & ind●…antur ad constructionem Ecclesiarum . The exercise hereof in Iustinian is expressed by the termes , Epilegein or onomazein , which signifies an addiction or simple nomination , to stand good or be null'd at the just pleasure of the Bishop , and therefore accounted no spiritual act in the Patron , but a temporal annexed to that which is spiritual in the Bishop , and therefore not simonaical as your brother Didoclave would have it . Nor is there that absurd●…ie he mentions of arrogating to one what belong to all the Members of the Church , as is praetended , but can never be proved , Nor that danger in transmitting this right from one to another , if the care of the first patron des●…end not with it , which defect the care of the praesent Bishop must supplie . Nor is it requisite he should be a Member of the same parish to which he praesents , since the Bishop is head of the same diocese to whom , That this is contrarie to the libertie of the Primitive and Apostolike Kirke , to the order which Gods word craves , and good order , is onelie sayd but not argued in your Discipline , no more then by you when and to whom it became a grievance . Your patience in enduring it goes for no heroical vertue , being peevish enough soon after the Act of annexation had passed , as appeares by your cariage in the Assemblie at Edenburgh 1588. and turned into a Rebellious Conspiracie , allthough painted with the name of a Parliam●…nt that now at last ( because it could not at first ) hath taken it away . The Nobilities losse of their Impropriations and Abbey lands is very considerable , when they bethinke themselves upon what false pleas , and to what unconcern'd persons they must part with them . Touching which as Sycophantike as is the Bishops accusation , he 'll not abate a sig of his right for the Presbyters answer , nor I a leter ( take which he will ) in exchange for his name . * Aedepol nugatorem lepidum lepidé hunc pactu'st… * Calophantam an sycophantam hunc magis esse dicam nescio . That the whole generation of the praelatike faction ( as your style it ) did hyperbolize in zeale against that which they call sacriledge , is an argument they were all true bred , no bastard children of the Church , not so meane condition'd as to sell their spiritual birthright for potage . Were your title as good , ( which can appeare to be nothing but your rough hands , and red soules with the bloud of the Martyrs of your owne making , ) * we should commend so farre as we act our selves your strugling aswell for the inheritance as primogeniture . But when we compare our professions or evidences , & finde our brethren to say that the benefactours and founders of these Ecclesiastike possessions were true Christians , though mistaken , we thinke , in many maters of doctrine and worship ; yours that that they were Members of Anti-Christ undoubted Idolaters and haeretikes ; Ours that the Churches which they endowed were Episcopal , such as we continue them or to our utmost endeavour it . From which you degenerate , schismaticallie separating , and arming your selves with all resolution & rage to demolish , ( beside what other advantage we may use of a nearer union & uniformitie in religion , more consonant to the minde of the doners , at least if such as your malice doth render it , litle thinking it may be to have it so unhapilie retorted in that which is the chiefe drift of all your rebelling and covenanting ) when we thinke of no other restitution but by the possessours consent , when it may be transferred to us by the same supreme hand that conserr'd it on them , out of which you no sooner get opportunitie and power but you violentlie ravish it ; calling Princes & nobles sacrilegious robbers while they over-power you and deteine it ; I beleeve all our Religious and prudent Nobilitie will unanimouslie grant our plea more just , our proceedings more moderate , & when God shall if ever , touch their consciences ( not we the skirt of their estates and livelihoods ) with an humble feare that such an inheritance with-held from such a Church , may be sacrilegious indeed ; with assurance that if it be so 't is sinfull ; they will not value their lands at so deare a rate , as to pay their soules for the purchase , but with courage & confidence in a blessing from God to be multiplied on their undevoted temporal possessions returne them to him ( the King I meane ) from whom they receiv'd them , and be beter content that Episcopal Christians then Presbyterian counterfeits should repossesse them . But if such of them as are not perswaded in conscience they are oblig'd to restore them upon the arguments we bring ( which would ne'r be convictive if our plea were no beter then yours ) shall adventure to leave the suit depending till the Court of heaven give final sentence upon it ; at their peril be it , the Praelates & their followers use no violence nor course of law here below to put them out of these their possessions , no threats but those against sacriledge in Scripture , fearing this may be such , no activitic but that of a swift charitie to catch . hold of their soules and snatch them out of the snare when they finde them devouring the bate , and to put them ante vota , before vowes upon making enquirie , or if post vota to retract them . Therefore such of the Nobilitie and Gentrie as were wakened hereby to take heed of their rights , were best have a care they slumber not in the wrong , and take Solomons counsel intended Prov. 16. 8. Beter is a litle with righteousnesse , then great revenues without right . But ( which requires the Readers advertence ) for you here to call those the rights of the Nobilitce and Gentrie , which so many Assemblies have declar'd to belong jure divino to the Church , which in your first booke of Discipline you tell them they had from theeves and murderers , and hold as unjust possessions , or indeed no possession before God ; which in your second you hold a detesiable sacriledge before God ; For you to twit the Praelates with violence & threats , who are bound in Iohn Knox's bond not onelie to withstand the mercilesse devourers of the Church patrimonie… but to seeke redresse at the hands of God & man ; That declare the same obligation upon you to root out of the Kingdome aswell the monster of sacriledge as that of Episcopacie , and so aswell the persons of most your Nobles as the Bishops ; For you to object a ●…ourse of law and activitie , who by incessant demands and praeter legal devices never gave over till the lawes that annexed lands to the crowne were repealed . For you to bragge of your last Parliament's con●…irmation of titles , because your last Assemblie power could not reach beyond the destruction of patronages ; What is this but apertlie Sucophantein & calophantein , to fawne & accuse , dissemble & destroy , flater your with mouth , while you spread a net for their feet and worke the ruine of their persons and estates ? If Noblemen once abase themselves to be Elders of every ordinarie Presbyterie , it 's not to be doubted but evey ordinarie Presbyter takes himselfe for their fellow if not their superiour , which they finde to their griefe , Therefore all or most respect that they give to their gracious Ministers , is alas a litle Court holy water cast on the flame of their zeale , a sacrifice made for their owne securitie from your ton●…ues and pennes , and from the armes of the people that serve you●… warrants oft times in tumults upon their persons , For the hon●…ur , on pay them they are faine , like wretches to morgage their conscience , those that doe not , gaine the honourable titles of Traytours of G●…d , are cashier'd your companie , and then passe for no 〈◊〉 honourable heathen , publicans and sinners . If they becom●… 〈◊〉 hmen between a single Presbyter and a Prince , when he 〈◊〉 with his I require you in my name &c. Before every charge , ( no very humble forme as I take it ) they ●…all be called abusers of the world , neutral livers a●… their pleasure , if not shedders of Scotch bloud . And some that draw on themselves their Prince's displeasure for a Rethorical libertie used in their behalfe , shall be pay'd for their paines with the honourable essay of men sold unto sin , enemies to God and all godlinesse , the L. Sempils reward which he had from Iohn Knox as this gratefull Presbyter hath registred in his storie . They that bridle the rage of their Princes , ( the phrase usd ) as occasion serves , will not sticke to halter the heads of their Nobles , if they will neither leade nor drive , but molest the progresse of their Presbyterian designes . Your Historical Vindication I hope is no new nam'd Logike , to prove negatives of fact ; your detraction from the credit of many irrefragable authours that Historize that insolent speach uttered by Bruce , lookes more like a calumnie then their relation to a fable . And yet such a superstitious reverence is payd by your fond brother Didoclave to the memorie of his name , that he could be content to pin his fayth on his sleeve , and hang his soul at his girdle . Anima me●… cumanima tua Bruci , si ex aliena ●…ide esset pendendum , and were there to be but one priviledge of aeternal residence in heaven he thinkes neither Patriach nor Prophet Apostle nor Martyr , no , nor the Virgin Mary her selfe were likelie to carie it from Bruce . Which compar'd with King Iames's opinion of him as a perfidious madman that had a whirligigge in his head , delivered after to many experiments of his rebellious zeale , and frantike restivenesse , is enough to condemne both saint and votarie to some bedlam purgatorie , before imposture can fixe , or facilitie of fancie finde these new imaginarie lights among the starres . Your following invective is writ with Arrius's quill , and by such scribling you gaine the title that Constantine gave him , patroctonos epi●…iceias , discovering your selfe to be a parricide of aequitie , murdering truth in your relation , and justice in your parallel . His Lordship takes himselfe not concern'd in this case to recollect 800. yeares Historie of Europe , to picke out of the pietie & humilitie of many Reverend Bishops the pride and passionate errours of some few ; No●… hath he malice enough , with you ; to make that the nature of their office which hath been some litle monstrositie of minde , by ill habits accidental to their persons . Beside , what among the Papists the nobiliti●… by birth of many Bishops concurring with the received dominion and large revenve of their Spiritual p●…aeferment ; may elevate their thoughts , and enhaunce their owne opinion of themselves , if impa●…donable , addes litle to the condemnation of ours , which partake in litle with them but their titles . The universal supremacie , which the Pope arrogates aswell over Kings as Bishops , may puffe up a litle Cardinal , that is neare him , in his purple , & possesse him with a conceit that he may Write himselfe companion to a King , whom he thinkes ( but is mistaken ) oblig'd , in Spiritual humilitie , to lie prostrate at his holinesse foot , and kisse his slippe●… . But the same Kings soveraigntie in Ecclesiastici●… at home secur'd him from all such con●…estation with his Bishops , Though , had it not , the argument from a Cardinal in Rome to a Praelate in England will hardli●… finde a topike . Those in Scotland take themselves as capable of honour conferr'd upon their order as their Popish praedecessours ; Nor are such legal establishments ( if not of right ) of Princelie favour to becast away in complement , Nor were they to make an unnecessarie distance out of forme , when the material meaning of their vicinitie to the throne , was the neare concernment of their counsel to the King. Orthodoxe Monarchs , as well as Papists , having doubting consciences , and orthodoxe Bishops as good abilities to resolve them . I have not heard they crowded much ; or quickened their pace to get the doore of the Earles &c. Their Provincial that with much humilitie and respect unto their H. H. tooke it , was lead to it by the hand that had exalted them or their progernitours . But for the reason of praecedence , which I guesse to be your meaning , you were best review the Heralds office and reforme it . Poor podants are not to be reproached for making a litle diocese of their Schooles ( Priests being charged to make such of their houses ) and from the experimental regiment of boyes raising their abilities , by honest endeavours , to the meriting an higher Episcopate of men ; Nor their conscientious demeanour in that office to be aesteemed the arroganci●… of their order , if it move Kings to commit the white staves to the crosiar , and great seales to be under the keyes of the Church . The most capricious of them all , and most contentious for the honour , ( which I thinke were none but such as did you too much service when they had it ) were many straines below your Presbyterie of Knoxes , Bruces&c . Who have contested with Kings for their Scepters , which with white staves and seales they brought under the pedantike jurisdiction of their rod. Never have Bishops so ru●…led it as many base borno Presbyters with the secret Counsel . To whose Consistories all Courts of Iustice were faine to doe homage & the greatest Lords of the land , become subordinate Elders to the parson of their parish . It 's not so long that yet it can be forgoten , since a most violent and malicious man call'd the Goodman of Earlstounne , a client of the E. Argile for interrupting of divine service , forceable overturning the Communion Table in his Parish Kirke , th●…eatning and abusing the Minister with many other such enormous crimes , was fined ( but the fine never exacted ) by the High Commission and confined for a season . The E. Argile complain'd of his hard us●…ge to the Lords of Counsell , and enformed against the Bishop of Galloway that he promised to him somewhat , which he had not perf●…rmed ; The Bishop denied the promise , & gainsayd what the Earle alledged , whereupon sayd the Earle , If you say so 't is as much as if I li●… . The Bishop modestlie replied , I doe not say so , but I beseech your Lp. to call your selfe beter to minde , & you will finde it as I say . This is giving the lie because he would not take it on himselfe , and ru●…ling with a great Lord , because he would not be ru●…led out of a just vindication of the truth , & yeild his consent that a Counsel Table should approve turning the communion table out of the Church . The Reviewers should doe well to bring in his accounts fuller , when he reckons with Bishops for braving of Noblemen . All Presbyterians are heterodoxe to all good Catholike Christians , with whom Episcopacie is so necessarie a truth , as next to the divine institution , Vniversalitie , Vbiquitie and perpetuitie can render it . Confingant tale aliquid haeretici … nihil promovebunt , Could your invention seigne such authoritie to Presbyterie , yet your doctrine would diversifie you into a sect . What the Bishops following words cleare , shall not one whit be clouded by any obscuritie in my replie , though the strongest eradiations that come from them would sinke themselves silentlie in the deep , playd you not the malignant Archimede ( though no such exact Mathematical Divine ) to reflect them into a flame that may set the ship of the Church on fire about our ear●…s some coales of this fire I shall heape on your head & cast backe into your bosome , which if you meane not to quench , you may blow up to what fa●…ther mischief you thinke good . The Apostles were Bishops , who did , undoubtedlie delegate the power of ordination to none but such as were constituted Bishops by them to that purpose . This power appeares not undoubtedlie to have been exerciz'd by any but Bishops in the Historie of the Scripture . This power was exerciz'd canonicallie by none but Bishops in the Historie of the Primitive Church According to the second canon of the Apostles . Presbyter ab uno Episcopo ordinetur , & Diaconus , & reliqui Cleri●…i . The laying on of hands of the Presbyterie , both in Scripture and Ecclesiastike storie was onelie for external forme , no intr●…secal power , the efficacie of the act being in the Bishops benediction , which I never finde attributed to the Priest. As in the third Canon of the fourth Councel of Carthage , Episcopo eum benedicente , nowhere benedicente Presbytero . Therefore your friend Didoclave is faine to acknowledge a great difference , Magnum discrimen , between St. Pauls imposition of hands and that , at the same time , of his Presbyterie ; whatsoever is mean'd by it . Nam per impos●…tionem mannum Apostolorum Deus conferebat charismata , non autem per impos●…ionem mannum Presbyterorum , distinguishing in the ordination of Timothie between dia & meta , the former relating to Saint Paul , the later to the assistent Priests . Which is another interpretation of the tex●… then you were pleas'd to make of it chapt . 8. So that I see the b●…ethren agree not upon the point . Succession through the lineal descent of Bispops from the Aposiles , a●…d ordination by the hands of Apostolical Bishops have been ever used as strong arguments to uphold Catholike Christians in a comfortable assurance of their Ministrie as lawfull . And haeretikes have been p●…essed by the ancient Fathers with the want of nothing more then these to justifie their profession . H●…c enim modo Eccl●…siae Apostolicae census suos deferunt , sayth Tertullian And Irenaeus before him joines the gifts of God required in the Ministrie , if he meanesnot the sacraments with the Apostolical cession of the Church . Vbi igitur charismata Domini posita sunt , ibi discere oportes veritatem , ●…pud qu●…s esi ea quae est ab Apostolis Ecclesiae successis &c. The Presbyterians praetending divine institution , must likewise prove such an uninterrupted succession , or evidence their new extraordinarie mission , otherwise they can minister litle comfort lesse assurance of their calling to be lawfull . The former they can not doe for Saint Hierom's time at least , who makes ordination a proprietie of the Bishops . Quid facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus quod Presbyter not facit ? where a friend of theirs failes them when he sayth , ad morem jusque si●…ae aetatis respexit . That he had respect to the custome & canon of his time . Nor can they doe it for above 200. yeares uncertaine storie after Christ , in which they have as litle light to shew their Presbyterie was in , as that Episcopacie was out , which they would faine perswade us to take upon their word dispensing with themselves for the use of unwritten tradition to so good a purpose . If they will pleade an extraordinarie mission , they should doe well to name the first messenger that brought the newes of their Euangel , and what miracle he wrought which might serve him for a leter of credence to us , who it may be otherwise , shall be no such superstitious admirers of his gifts or person . That therefore the orthodoxe Ministers must want the comfortable assurance of their undoubted ordination in the Ministrie , which words yet beare a much more moderate sense then that you give them viz. That they may very well know and be assured that their calling and ministrie is null , the distance being ( as I take it ) not so indivisible between the negation of one assurance to the position of the other . Such a malicious interpreter beares the image & may stand in Constantines opinion for the statue of him who is the father of calumnies , & cares not what p●…yson he casts to spot other mens names , & cracke their credits ta tesoiceias ita motetos deleteria apheidos proballon , as true of an Aërian as Arian . Your divination about the deleted words will succeed in some strange disoverie by and by . In the interim you set too sharpe an edge upon the doctrine of the Bishops friends , and doe act violence where it may be they intended not so much injurie as the ut most extremitie of justice , allthough they held the axe in their hand in Christian charitie disputing the sentence , not so hastie to execute it , ( or beyond it ) in the rigour , and cut off at one stroke the Clergie from their calling , and so many , ●…ay societies of Christians from the Church . Vntill 〈◊〉 meet with some particular more forward instances then I know of , I shall answer for them to the Churches of France , Holland , Zwitzerland and Germanie , as Pope Innocent writ to the first Councel at Toledo , about the ill custome of the Bishops ordination in Spaine That it 's very requisite somewhat should be peremptorilie determin'd according to the true primitive tradition might it be without the disturbance of so many Churches . For what is done , ita reprehendimus , ut propter numerum corrigendorum ea quae quoquo modo sacta●… sunt non in dubium vocemus , sed Dei potius dimittamus judicio . We so dislike it as not to startle so great a number of delinquents with our doubt , but referre the judgement to God who standeth in the congregation as well of Presbyters as Princes , and is a Iudge aswell among Ministers as Gods. The Sophisme of the Iesuits , because so popular , should have been refuted , or else not recited . allthough the ●…imilitude it brings runnes not upon all foure even with the doctrine of the Bishops prime friends . Some of whom I beleeve will acknowledge there may be resident many Members of the true Church , where are no true Sacraments , being well praepared to receive them when they may have a true Ministrie to dispense them . That one of the two Sacraments is true , though not * dulie administred , when , in case of necesstie , by lay hands , where is no true Minist●…e to doe it , which may consist with that of B. Ignatius if applied , to this purpose , Ouk exon esti choris tou episcopou oute baptizein , oute prospherein . Exon at most but illegitimating the outward visible act ; not nulling the inward invisible grace , That the other 's effectual , when had but in voto , if it can not in signo , through want of any or ( which is as bad ) a lawfull true Ministrie to make it . In the third clause I hope you will shake hands with the Iesuits and them . Where is no true ordination , there is no true ordinarie Ministrie , or lawfull Priesthood as His late Majestie call'd it . As for the fourth the Bishops friends , whatsoever they may , doe allay it thus . Where are no Bishops can be no comfortable assurance of a true ordination , And so in whatsoever reformed Countrey are no Bishops , being no true Apostolike ordination , no comfortable assurance is had of a true visible Church in the publike administration of the Sacraments , though they hope well the invisible Members have an invisible true Priesthood among them , or such an high Priest as being himselfe hol●…e , harmelessc &c is able to supplie what their Presbyters want , able to save them eis to panteles very completelie , and make intercession for them who sin in submission ( out of more good meaning then fayth ) to their discipline , who can give no comfortable assurance that Saint Pauls rod or St. Peters keyes everwere committed to their charge . Those of the Reformed , which I hope are not all , i●… any , that concurre , if you meane covenant , like your selves , under praetense of selfe praeservation ( being endangerd by nothing beyond the frequent ineffectual power of good advice , and plea of Apostolike example ) with ●…eigned words to make merchandize aswell of Bishops as Kings , and like the insolent Abaddons at Edenburgh and London , to assault their persons and then abolish their order , declare themselves such as Saint Peters false teachers or worse because more publike in bringing in damnable haeresies , denying the Lord ( at least in his Ministrie , which they call Anti-Christian ) and ( what they have allreadie in part ) bringing swift destruction upon themselves . Your officious informer that drew the curtaine & made the discoverie of what the Bishop deleted , had litle good maners , though , it may be , not so much malice as you in your uncharitable ( not so fortunate ) conjecture . A dangerous question being mistaken when called a true judgement , and doubting whether it be within the pale , not actuallie excluding all Reformed Ministres &c. out of the line of the Church . Remorse of conscience hath commonlie antecedent evidence of science , puting all out of question & doubt , without which the vanitie or pusillanimitie of repenting had been litle commendable , how condemnable soever had been the iniquitie of erring . What His Lordship left behind unscraped out , doth not shew his mind onelie , but the minde of all good Catholike , orthodox Christians . And why his feare to provoke should incline him more to delete the following expressions , then his care for their comfortable satisfaction had mov'd him to pen them , I know not . Nor need I be curious to enquire the reason of a line blotted in his booke more then if I had seen it expunged in his papers being not concerned to give account for more then was his pleasure to have publish'd . Though , were all the Protestant Churches ( what they are not ) as unconscionablie cruel to us as the Presbyterian Conventicle of the Scots , I see not why , in reference to the Religion we professe , it should be more unsafe why more unseasonable ( since they give , I hope , the same libertie they take ] out of a pious sollicitude to have a union of both , some what ambiguouslie to unchristen them , then they out of malice , to make an aeternal separation , very affirmativelie anti-Christen us in all the peevish pamphlets they put out . So that whether stands upon the more extreme pinacle of impudence & arrogance , the Praelate that doubts your being in a Church visible true for succession & Apostolike ordination , or the Presbyter that denie●… our being in any but what is visible false by a Satanical Priesthood & Antiapostolical investiture , let your aequitable comparers impartiallie decide . The Praelatical tenet is not to averre the Church of Rome , as she stands this day &c to be a Church most true , who praeferre that of their owne for a truer , and condemne many Canons in the Counsel of Trent . That they h ld she is true in respect of undoubted succession and Apostolike ordination ( our businesse now in dispute ) so much concernes them , as the truth of their owne derived from that Nor can you denie , what you so shamefullie dissemble , that in the retrograde line your last Priest ( for a last there must be , unlesse you have been Autóchthones or Autoráni ●…i rather , coaeternal with tho Priest that 's in heaven ) had his ordination , and you thereby succession from them ; and so both prove as Anti-Christian as ours . An easie way of salvation in the Romish Church , is no second tenet of the Praelates , who meet with her stumbling upon many errours in doctrine and worship , going somewhat about by Lymbus Patrum & Purgatorie , whereas we thinke if she walked with us , she might have a more easie & shorter journey to heaven . Yet withall knowing that the wayes of God are anexichniastoi not to be tracked and his judgements anexcreuneta not to be searched ; we dare not damne at adventure all that goe with her , ( no more then you can assure a ship to be sunke so soon as ever you lose sight of her saile , ) but leave the issue to him who is great in Counsel , and mightie in worke , whose eyes are open upon all the wayes of the sonnes of men , to give every one according to his wayes , and according to the fruit of his doings . The seperation from her , Which they hold to be needlesse is such as that which you fondlie make about copes and surplices , Church Musike and festivals & that came not in with the Counsel of Trent . That which is made upon higher points , ( though not yet , God be prays'd , in the highest of having one Lord , saying one Creed , using one baptisme in substance however different in ceremonic ) they impute to them who kept not their station in conformite to the Primitive Christians of the 5. or 6. first Centuries , with whom a reunion not onelie may , but ought to be much desired on just conditions , and that which is , continued , rather then the division made greater by our fruitlesse compliance with morose and humourous Reformers , whose preaching being not with entising words of mans wisdome , they tell us of aspirit , which can not be the same with Saint Pauls , because thereof they never gave us any demonstration , nor of any power but the sword . Could your bold praecedent priviledge or excuse me in comparing , judging , censuring or approving , the publike transactions of our Royal Soveraigne , I should with much modest & innocent freedome professe more justifiable , according to Christian Religion & prudence , His Majesties late graces and securities granted unto the returningconfederated Irish ; then any like future concession unto the persisting , covenanting Scots : They gratefullie accepting a limited toleration of their publike worshp to those of their owne division in that Countrey ; you endeavouring to extort an absolute injunction of yours in all His Majesties dominions , denying libertie of conscience , so litle as to his familie or person . They onelie craving in much humilitie , a freedome from being bound or obliged by oath to acknowledge the Ecclesiastike supremacie in the King , you arrogantlie binding by solemne league and covenant ( wherein so much is implied ) Him and us to attribute it to the Kirke . They renewing in the oath of allegeance their recognition of Royal right ; and swearing , without restriction , their defence of his person &c to the uttermost of their power , you by proclamation admitting him to the exercise of his power , but in order to the Covenant , And covenanting his defense no otherwise then in the desense of ( what you call ) the true religion & liberties of the Kingdomes . They subjoining in that oath their best endeavour to disclose to His Majestie &c all treasons and traitourous conspiracies &c. You having not a syllable to that effect in your covenant , lest you should be obliged to betray your selves , who are resolved to continue principals in such practices against him and his Royal familie to the last , They charitablie forgeting all revenge against any of His Majesties partie that had fought against their confoederacie ; you cruellie combining , expresselie to bring to publike triall all such as had been any way instrumental opposers of your Covenant . They embracing in the armes of Christian communion , their quondam enemies , now fellow subjects of a different religion , you baselie butchering them with unexemplified crueltie 1. with your material sword , axe , or halter in their bodies , your civile in their estates , your spirituall ( what may be by your excommunication ) in their soules . The aggravations you bring against His Majesties agreementare , First , That it was with persons so bloudie which as it can not be wholelie excused in them , so ought it of all men least to be objected by you , whose religion hath passed from the Castle of Saint Andrewes to the House at Westminster in a red sea path , made for you neither by Moses's rod , nor Eliah's mantle : under the conduct of no civile , no prophetical power , fenced on both sides with bloud of different complexions , the bloud of Popish and orthodoxe Praelates , the bloud of Princes addicted to several Religions , So that God doubtlesse will have a controversic with you , who as the Prophet Hose speakes , by swearing and lying have broke out into rebellim , and bloud toucheth bloud . The bloud of the Cardinal hath touched the bloud of the Arch-Bishop . The bloud of Queen Mary the bloud of King Charles , and more then that , which you may heare of otherwhere Touching the crueltie of the Irish I remit you to what our Royal Martyr hath writ with much Christian indifference . Ch. 12. of E●… : Buo●… . where you may take notice principallie of these clauses . I would to God the I●…ish had nothing to alledge for their imitation against those whose blame must neede●… be the greater by how much protestant principles are more against all rebellimagainst Princes then those of Papists … I beleeve it will at last appeare that they who first began to embroyle my other Kingdomes ( and who , 〈◊〉 pray you were they ) are in great part guiltie , if not of the first leting out . Yet , of the not timelie stopping those horr'd , essusions of bloud in Irland . To omit what ●…is Majestie intimated before , That their oppressive feares rather then their malice engaged them , and you know how profuse you are of bloud when you treate of the doctrine of selfe praeservation . Secondlie , you are troubled at the full libertie of Religion he granted them , which if you er saw the articles , extended no farther them the remission of poenal statutes . not to the restitution of Churches & Church Livings , but what they had then in possession , not to any jurisdiction but what they exerciz'd at that time , for which an expresse caution was taken in the very first article of the treatie . And in the last but one their Regular Clergie were restrain'd to their pensions , and confind to the praecincts of their Abb●…ys and Monasteries , which are explain'd to be within the Walls Mures , and ancient fences of the same . No charitable benefactour having libertie to exercize one maine point of their Religion , by laying a foot of land unto their Convents . But had it been as full as you f●…ncie i●… ( because you make your owne case many times the same with that of your brethren abroad ) I pray directlie answer me , Why a Papist may not have as free libertie as a Iew ? And Whether , according to your conscience be more Anti●…Christian a Cloyster or a Synagogue ? Thirdlie , You object the Armes , Castles , and prime places of trust in the state he put in their hands . Whereas if the case were politicallie disputed , Whether the Militia were safer in the hands of Papists or Presbyterians . I beleeve the former would carie it upon the greater securitie ( though not generallie the greatest ) they give in their principles , and the greater experimentall assurance in many places of trust they have often rendred Princes in their discharge . And had the prime Castle and place of Trust in that Kingdome been theirs , and no armes nor command in the Armie been the others ( a tolerablee freedome of religion being granted them ) it is not improbable that Noble Marquesse last yeare had either not been forc'd to hazard a siege for his reentrance , or at least not betrayd into an inevitable unhapie necessitie of retreat , What they demanded , or had the 9. Article of agreement will informe you . That upon the distribution , conferring , and disposing of the places of command honour profit ! and trust … no difference should be made between them and other his Majestie subjects . ( Here 's no exception against Malignants nor persons disafected to the cause ) but that such distribution should be made with aequal indifferencie , according to their respective merits and abiliues . By which qualification all disloyal demeriting persons are made obnoxious to a just exception at any time . Those that continued in possession of His Majesties Cities , Garrisons & within their quarters are to be commanded , ruled and governed in chiefe upon occasion of necessitie , as to the Martial and militaire affaires , by such as His Majestie or his chiefe Governer , or Governers of that Kingdome for the time being should appoint . And where any garrison &c. might be endangerd by restoring to their possessions & estates the Litizens , freemen , Burgesses , & former inhabitans , they were not to be admitted , but allowed a valuable , annual rent for the same , as in the 7. Article was provided touching those of Corke , Youghall , and Dungarvan . Finallie in all that ag●…eement no condition is found , That His Majestie or His Lieutenant should be governed by a Popish Parliament at Dublin when it might be in Civile , nor by a Clerical councel or Assemblie at Kilkennie in Ecclesiastical affaires . Fourthlie , That the King gave assurance , of his endeavour to get the articles ratisied in the next Parliament of England , was to ratifie at praesent their confidence in him , for which he can not be blamed , unlesse you would have Kings sport like boyes with changeable knots in their treaties or ( what you scornefullie charge them all with when you thinke on 't ) like children play at checkstone with their promises and oathes . That His Majestie did this of himselfe , is false , if mean'd exclusive of his Councel . That he did it without a Parliament , which he could not have , and before it , which his urgent necessities could not stay for , is justifiable by that law which will never pleade for your pardon . Salus populi suprema lex . Nor is that currant law contraire to any standing law in such an exigence as his unlesse there be one ( as there is none ) that injoines him to follow the misfortune of his father , to let the Presbyterians binde his hands from laying hold upon any advantageous assistance from the Papists , till his head be cut off by your bloudie Executioners the Independents . Therefore whatsoever passed in this agreement , if perswaded by the gracious partie , no faction , of the Praelates , they exonerated their conscience , if opposed by them , they were no antagonists to their dutie ; if with moderation and patience heard , their passionate zeale did not so transport them as to reject salvation from God , when he gives it by the hand of Papists unto their-King . Who thinke it neither loyaltie nor prudence rather to deliver him up to the hazard , if not assurance , of the axe , then he should by such meanes be delivered from the perill of the sword . The Kings inclination toward covenanting protestants hath never hithe●…to made such an uglie appearance as to scare them in a dreame or a waken their art & industrie in a furi●… . Nor have you heard , I beleeve , His Majestie complaine that his sleep was broake by their midnight disswasions . If in sermons by daylight they layd before him the mischiefes that lurke in your Covenant they did but bring him a message from his Fathers Ghost who it , may be heard the low'd cries of those tongues that had toke it , as he passed from the skaffold to Ahrahan●…s bosome . Or were sent from some other Ancients that were dead to tell him more truth then he ever will heare from the Scotish Interpreters of Moses and the Prophets . That temporal death with any misfortune ought much rather to be embraced then the losse of his soul in the hell of the Covenant they could not beate too often in His Majesties head , unlesse they infalliblie knew his Martyr'd Fathers instructions to be engraven with the point of a diamon'd , or unchangeablie set as a seale on his heart . And where as our Saviour assures him the whole world can be no proportionable profit for that damage mention'd in the 16. S. Matth. the ruine of his three Kingdomes need never be grudged in so good an exchange as he afterward speakes of . Though His Majesties conscience ( or such of his Councel as look'd well about them ) could not hitherto tell him he hath been by any necessitie tempted to one of those two immediate extremities , between which providence ever maintain'd a visible passe ( it may be none of the easiest ) nor ought is it but sloth and Athiesme ( except some treason may be in the composition ) that would scare him with fancies of prodigious monsters , worse then Solomons lion in that way . Your forsooth , with a seigned lispe and a courtesie , will winne your Mistresse ( the Covenant ) no favour in wisemens eyes , who can not be catch'd with such red and white painting and patches as where with you so often praesent her . Since their deare bought experience hath tought them that her crowne of pride can as litle brooke a societie with the Goddesse Regalitie , as Prelacie . Nor doth she oblige in sense , how faire soever she speakes , her takers to lesse in their station , then to the abolition of them both . If I conceiv'd my selfe in danger , instead of answering , I would cut out your next paragraph and weare it for an amulet or special guard against magical enchantments , having read that things most rediculous or filthie are the best securitie that can be in such cases . That you should appeale to Reason & Experience for your Iudges of Presbyteries praeeminence before Episcopacie in learning , honour & wealth , who stand selfe condemn'd by the frequent invectives you with your partisans make against the vaine philosophie , which is the sciential learning , of Prelatical preachers , against the dignities of Praebendaries , Archdeacons &c. Against pluralitie of their livings , which doubles their revenues , is as if you were practizing with your pencil upon the first verse in Horace ; Poetrie , rather then disputing by your pen in divinitie or Logike with the Bishop . The Severest of your Trial before ordination is about cutting to the root some Hebrew word , and corrupting it in the sense ; graffing some yong vowel upon an hopefull stocke , or in oculating with a pricke to make it bring forth fruit pleasing to your tast , though , in all likelihoo'd , never intended by the Holy Spirit that planted it in the Bible . Your all sort of learning here , called gifts utterance and knowledge in your first booke of discipline , were it not reduced , as it is in your liturgie , to tatling halfe an houre beside a text , would put his Lay , if not his Clerical , Iudges to a nonplus when they were to give their verdut of his parts : And though here you talke of disputations upon controverted heads , and there of the chief points of controversie betwixt you and the Papists , Anabaptists , Arrians &c. We know what discouragements you give your yong students about looking into Schole Divinitie , the most authentike Ecclesiastical Historie , and Fathers , without which they are proper champions for such an encounter . It is not Davids sling , but in Davids hand , and with Davids God to guide the stone which goes out of 't that , without other weapons , can make these Goliaths fall upon their saces to the earth . Our trial is personnallie by the Bishop or his Archdeacon , unlesse in his absence some other learned Minister be appointed . We have nothing to doe with lay Elders nor people in the examen , who have no interest by the Catholike canon in the election . Peri tou me tois ocklois epitrepein tas eclogas poiersthai toon mellontoon Cathisasthai cis hieratcion is the 117. by Iustells account . Our practice is seldome so remisse as yours , if our rule be more , it may be imputed to the necessitie of that time , when learned men , I meane reformed , did not swarme in a number aequal to the cures to be served . Against which what you argue in your owne case 1. Book : Discipl . may be replied to as in ours . 1. That the Bishop His Deane , and Canons , or Cathedral Clergie , may supplie the imperfections of others in his Diocese ( for if the lacke of ablemen be real , your streight and sharpe examination may disparage by discovering the infirmities , not one whit enable your Proponents or expectants for their duties ) 2. The raritc among the Gentiles in the begining of the Gospell was recompensed with the extraordinaire diversitie of gifts . 3. Vnpreaching Ministers are no idols , having eares to heare what the Church praescribes and mouthes to utter , as her prayers for , so her wholesome doctrine unto the people . But what , I can not passe by since it meetes me in the way . That efficacie of the Sacraments , aswell as power of the word , which you call of exhortation , should be limited to the abilities of the Minister . And as the Papists directlie , so we by inference , be disabled in both , I thinke will helpe you to a share in the Iesuits Sophisme , whereof we latclie discoursed , and set you upon the pinacle of arrogance and impudence , who hereby unchurch the greatest part of Christians , and contract this Soveraigne excellencie to your selves . Your Latin disputations when they come by course among the ignorant or yonger frie of your Ministrie , doe but multiplie haeresies , & make them now and then , in their heate , blaspheme God more learnedlie then in their weeklie exercizes and Sermons . As occasion shall serve , I may helpe you hereafter to more instances then one of the like practice among some of your brethren abroad , where every beardlesse boy ( for with such your Presbyterie every where abounds ) hath libertie to talke ( for I can not call 't disputing ) upon the highest mysteries the Trinitie , Praedestination &c. As considentlie , to the shame of your religion , as the gravest Doctour can determine in the chaire . What of this may be tolerable among the learned , super rotam materiam , Is litle beter then a forme , and litle decencie in that , which approves not much , improves lesse the abilities of the longest liver among you all . Our aequivalent to this ( let it be what it will ) in our Archdeacons Visitation , your friend Didoclaves turnes off with a jeer , making as if the abilities of our Ministrie were inquir'd into after they were constituted leaders of the flocke . Primum cre●…tur du●…ores gregis , deinde siunt discipuli , where as it is principallie to discerne the advancement by studie of what abilities they had at their ordination , whereby the election of rural Deanes may be regulated , & persons know'n that are enriched by gifts befitting them to be Bishops . Your experience shall not draw me into an unnecessarie comparison between our English Clergie and the French or Dutch Divines , whose ordination , you are not ignorant , hath been impeached by their adversaries ( whether deservedlie or no they are to looke to ) and their abilities resolv'd just like yours , into an effusive readinesse of words . But I bid defiance to you and your Countreymen of the Discipline , to shew me among you all , a Law'd , an Andrewee , a Montague , a White , to whom the English you name must give the guerdon of learning ( which I bele●…ve Reynolds caried not at Hampton Court Conference ) unlesse Perkins had more in his Chaine of p●…aedestination , or Parker in his silie Arraignment of the Crosse. But how solide and singular soever was their learning , their defection from the doctrines and practical praecedents of so many yeares standing among Catholike Christians makes their fayth in many things , and their good parts comparitivelie in all , but as chaffe to be blow'n away with the winde , and the memoire of them to be winowed by our breath that the truer graine may be visible in Gods Church . Avolent quantum volent pallea levis fidei quo●…unque . Assltu tentationum , eopurio●… mass a frumenti in horrea Domini reponetur . It 's well your conscience can be enlarged in some litle charitie towards any of our Bishops , though we may be justlie jealous of this kindnesse , & feare ( if we hear'd their names ) it may be placed upon persons inclined to your interest , rather then commended to your good opinion by their m●…rit . But whoso'er they be you meane , we know you never prike any in the list of the learned but the best read men in Synopis's and systems in Common place bookes , and Centurists , or general lie in your select Reformed Fathers , whom , in a fallacie , often times you perswade your Disciples to be the more proper men because standing ( you tell them ) upon the shoulders of the ancients , when , if set on even ground , the longest arme they can make in true learning and eloquence , will not reach halfe way up to their girdles . But to proceed in some answer to your quaestion . The Warner therefore speakes to you of ignorance , because your Presbyteri●… parts with the greatest incentives and encouragements of studie ; Therefore of contempt , because it quits those dignities which give praecedence to their persons , and draw reverence to their function ; Therefore of beggerie , because it diverts the Ecclestastical revenue , and makes you but stipendiaries of the people . Of this very conciselie , yet fullie hath his late Majestie admonish'd you Chapt. 17. of E●…x : Bu●… . He that surveyes impartiallie the multitude of good Livings and other Clerical praeferments in England which might serve as a supplement to the bad , will finde litle reason for any , none at all for the greatest part of our Priests I meane those that had a title , that were eidi●… cheirotonoumenoi ( as it is Can. 6. Concil . Chalced ) to be begarlie & contemptible for their want , especiallie since those Pluralists , you confesse were searce one of twentie that lived in splendour at Court●… or were Nonresident in the Countrey . Such as were apolelymenoos ordinat , ordained at large , without title to any benefice or cure , the Bishop was charged with them till provided for . And they that complained of their povertie had no cause , there being as you tell us , such plentie in his palace . The ignorance of our Clergie ( which it may be was not incomparable if we bring yours into the light ) was never greater then when Calvin and Knox had some heires and successours that crept into the praelacie , degenerating from the austeritie of their Fathers , who because they lov'd not the office , never mean'd to discharge it . Yet could dispense in their conscience with the title & lawne sleeves into the bargain , that under them they might take the revenues of our Bishops●… But when and where we had Austins and Chriso●… , Lawds and Andrews's never cloud was dispelld with the rising sun , so as ignorance at their asscent in the Ep●…scopate of our Church . And they that heard not of the great studie in these Pr●…lates to remedie the evils , brought in by the other , are such as Zecharie speakes of that imagine evil against their brother their heart , refusing to hear●…en , and pulling away the shoulder , and stopping the eare that they should not heare , and making their hearts as an adam●… that they may not &c. Those some that were most provident , you meane ( I thinke ) most penurious in their families , were those I told you of that made a trade of ●…ieir proeferinents , and would dispense with any thing among the putitans but their purfes . Such as those soms other that I named , as they were apter to teach , so were they know'n to be of beter behaviour and given to hosp●…a litie , the requifites of a Bishop and accomplishments of ours , whose parsimonie or providence for hu samilie was not that which advanced him a sumine to make a purchase . If the su●…plusage of his ●…evenue could doe it in a cheape and plentifull Countrey , J know not who have beter title to it then his heire . Though as I am informed , where I may trust ( meeting with a profess'd enmitie against his office , whatsoever reserve of kindnesse was for his person . ) This great purchase , you meane , was the recoverie of lands sacrilegiouslie taken and deteined from the Church , in the purs●… whereof , as he spared no endeavour , so it should seem he was well rewarded with successe . Allthough prating and praying non sense in the Church may well passe for a paraphrase on that which the preacher calls the sacrifice of fooles , Yet I wish that were the worst which Presbyterie brings when she sets her foot in the House of God , and not another * of bewitching rebell●… mention'd by Samuel , or treacherous . K. K , which the prophet Habakkuk calls Sacrisicium sagenae , the sacrifice to the net or drag , making men as the fisher of the sea , as the creeping things that have no ●…uler over them 1. Habak . 14. In whose praying or preaching ( whereof doubtlesse we had the quintessence sent us by the Reviewer and his brethren ●…f the m●…ssion ) what knowledge there is beside that conning of texts of the Concordance helpt them to ; What labour but of the lips and the lungs , neither mater nor method requiring their studi●… ; What conscience , when no doctrine was proved but by Scripture wrested , I am sure not to the salvation of the hearer , & I feare to somewhat worse of the speaker , I leave to the testimonie of any knowing , attentive , ingenuous person that at any time was there . And for my selfe , that was sometime seting aside all animositie and praejudice , I will in the word of P●…iest professe that I found none . But what else in the place of it is best know'n to God and my conscience , and letit be to the world to be that which makes me tremble to thinke of their danger that shall adventure their soules in the botome of such hypocrisie and ●…gnorance . To the calumnies which this railing Rabshekal casts on our Church , I answer 1. That a read service was all the exerciz●… of few , and why it may not be of some , aswell as a read chapter & Psalme is of many where the Discipline takes place I know not . Since care is taken that where they reade no necessatie preaching is wanting . Since none that are not in orders may reade it the office of prayer in the Congregation being as much a Clerical p●…oprietie as the ordinance of preaching . Since all that are have thereby no commission to goe preach in your sense ; and why they may not goe p●…ay & administer the Sacrements , con●…erring with and catechizing the ignorant according to their talent I see no reason . Ite & praedicate sending not all the Disciple●… up into a pulp it to make an houre or two's continued discourse . Nor had Nations ever been converted , nor Christians improv'd and confirmed , if praedicate had been no otherwise order'd , not one of an hundred having abilities to draw arguments out of sermons convictive of their judgements , nor all Presbyterians so good Logicians as to frame them . And he that yeilds himselfe up to be caried with the streame of their words & wind of their fancies , may ●…ave as many changes in fayth as their are points different in Christianities compasse , being like a child Clydoni●…omenos & peripheromenos , as St. Paul speakes , tossed to and sro , and caried about … , by the sl●…ight of men … who are many that lie in wait to deceive him . Secondlie , Your first Reformers made the same use of Readers as we doe of un preaching Ministers , and continued them as long as necessitie required , nor shall we any longer , if you can furnish us with as many learned preachers as we have pulpits , & them with stipends where are not tithes but impropriate proportionable to their abilities and paines . To the Churches where no Ministers can be had praesentlie must be appointed the most apt men that distinctlie can reade the Common prayers and the Scripture●… sayth your first Book . Disc. It was the late labour of no Praelates of ours 〈◊〉 disgrace prca●…hing without booke , who ever respected and cherished men whose praesence of minde and memoire served them to deliver gravelie and readilie what they had at leisure deliberated on , and for the true benefit of their hearers digested into the clearest method , and a dorned with selected significant language before they came into the pulpit . Those who having taken that paines yet wanted the other abilitie not in their power , or some litle confidence to command it in publike , they were at least to excuse , and condemne such itching eares as would hearken unto no sound doctrine but when taught after their lusts and luxurious desires , more for their pleasure then their use . That they disparaged those of your tribe was no wonder , who like your selfe ( that goe for one of the best ) consulted litle before hand with their bookes or thoughts , onelie wh●…t their tongues like their knives for a meale , with which so they cut out bread for them selves , they car'd not what contemptible fragments they cast among the people . Of their best kinde of speaking We may say as Seneca of one not much unlike it . Hae●… popularis [ oratio ] 〈◊〉 veri , movere ●…bam , & inconsultas aures impe●… rapcre , tractanda●…se non praebet auser●…ur … multum haebet manitate●… & vani plus sonat quam vales . It hath a great deale os vanitie and emptinesse in it , more sound then substance , you may reade the whole epistle , and learne I 'll warrant you to preach better by it if you afslect it . For praying without booke ( all though without a command it may be indifferent , & you can bring no more for it then for praysing and you sing not all without booke as I remember ) they thought best a conformitie with Catholike Christians , whose liturgies were ever read in thei●… Churches , and that I guesse ( besides some decencie it seemes to carie with it ) because they had great varietie of prayers in the exhibition of which a constant order was to be observed , between and in them some varietie of gesture and ceremonious worship , for direction in which they thought humane infirmitie , subject to mistakes , might have cause some times to consult by a glance the rubrikes every where inserted . As for you that have naught else to doe but to turne over the tip of your tongue what comes next in your head and up the white of your eyes , as if the balls were run in to looke after the extravagant conceptions of your braines a booke 's of no use , though I wish we had one of all the profane and vaine babling amongst you , that we might make such unskillfull workemen asnamed ; and shew our selves approved aswell to the world as to God. The Praelates never cried up our Li●…urgie as the onelie service of God. Who thinke him serv'd in some other Churches that have it not . Their opinion of it as a most heavenlie and divine piece of writ , doth those holie men that comp●…ld it but the same justice which a beter comparison will then yours of it with the Breviarie and Missal of Rome . Your paines had not been lost in a parallel of it with the solemne services disspersed in many parts of the Bible ; with the Greeke and Latin Liturgies where they are not interlin'd or corrupted with any superstition or idolatrie of Rome . That you have made doth but magnisie her and oblige you , had you any Christian charitie or justice , to thanke God for praeserving so much of his word & worship in her service what the Bishop intends when effected , will warrant our Church , upon your principles , in most parts of her L●…turgie ; when shewed consonant to the most publike sormes of Protestant Churches , though 't is hard for Fathers to aske advice or borrow authoritie of their children , & for Ancients to heare wherein Iob was mistaken . That with the yong men is wisdome and with the shortnesse of dayes understanding . The King and the many well minded men , I beleeve were never deceived by our Doctours , who I can not thinke ever affirmed they were as much f●…r preaching in their practice and opinion as the Presbyterians . So much as to set aside praying for sermonizing as your 〈◊〉 . Booke Discipline doth , telling us . That what day the publike sermon is they could neither require nor greatlie approve that the Common prayers be publikeli●… used . I require the name of any that sayd the life and soul of the Liturgie was preaching , without which it could not be intire in its parts : That he must never goe in and out of the , House of God without ringing his bells ( a fit alussion ) the nord of exhortation Interpratation and praeferring the nams given the Temple by some of the ●…ewes Domus expositionis , before that by God Domus Orationis . Though it may have been the fruitlesse practice of some , to quit themselves , as they hop'd , of the disreputation you brought them as ignorant and lazi●… , to preach somewhat more often then formerlie , till they found their ringing the bells was to scare the people from Church , and doubling their paines reform'd not their opinions nor reduc'd them to their duties . They that prayed without booke before and after their sermons came not up to the Presbyterians opinion , that it is a childish thing to doe otherwise . Nor to their practice , To bawlke the first and second service of the Church . What they either assirmed or did in this kinde might bemore to shew your gr●…sse ●…ifsimulation at all times ; in making if such a difficult businesse to talke then to personate their owne in this of their affliction , which , when you have brought them to the lowest , shall never seduce them so to decline the en●…ie of the people , as by profaning the House of God , sooth them in their e●…rour , styling those aivine ordinances which in your maner or frequencie of use ( being both without praecept ) are but humane Canons and Acts , and for most part in the mater consist of strise , s●…ditions , and haeresies , the workes of the ●…lesh , or the Divel that dictates them . So that you may see , if your eyes be not full of somewhat else while you are sp●…rting yourselves with your owne deceivings , their tenet remaines the same that it w●… , and themselves readie enough in this season , as unfi●… as you thinke it , to ring as low'd a●… you will in the eares of the world , That for Divine service in publike , people need no more but the r●…oding of the Liturgie . Which is beter furnish'd with pious petitions , occurring to all visible necessiti●…s ( and for others emergent the Church keepes a reserve , and in due time ever affords a recruit ) then any set or extemporarie prayer that er came out of Presbyters mouth . 2. Sermons on weeke dayes ( if not festivals , wheron a commemoration of Saints d●…parted is necessarie for Historical instruction , and for imitation exemplarie ) ma●… belayd aside by Christians that have no more time to spare from their honest callings then they ought to spend in the application and practice of what they heard on the Sunday ; in meditation upon God , his attributes and workes &c in the serious examination of their lives , and very particular s●…rutinie of their actions , secret , publike , good , bad , indifferent or mixt , in sorting or parselling their sinnes of mission , commission , weaknesse praesumption and in private repenting , weeping , praying , praysing , In conferring closelie with holie men , chieflie their Priest and pastour of their soules , laying open before him their doubts , distractions infirmities & perverse inclinations & Invisiting the sicke , strengthning the weake ; considering the poore and placing charitie with prudence ; condoling with and comforting the afflicted ; Composing controversies , reconciling differences , designing and enterprising Heroicke exploits for the just advancement and honour of the King , and publike advantage of Countrey , Citie or Parish whereof they are Members Finallie , acting all ( of which these are not halfe ) that concernes them in their publike and private capacitie . And when all is done , not before , in what leisure's redundand , let them in Gods name , call for a weeklie or daylie sermon , and ( where the Priest hath discharg'd as much more of his dutie , and findes in himselfe abilities to compose such an one as with confidence or rather conscience he can speake it ) let them have it . 3. That Sundayes afternoon Sermon is well exchanged for catechizing children , instructing them in their principles of Religion and acquainting them with the doctrine and discipline of the Church , to which they ought to adhaere when they come to their choyce at yeares of discretion which is the custome of some Presbyterian Churches abroad and either hath or should have been tong since of the Scots . 1. Book : Disc : Before noon must the word be preached and Sacraments ministred , and afternoon must the yong children be publikelie examined in their Catechisme in the audience of the people . 4. That on the Sunday before noon sermon is very convenient ( abuses being redressed ) and must be while and where enjoined . Yet in Nations converted to Christianitie by the preaching of the Apostles or Apostolical men , and so fullie confirmed as no reasonable feare may be of their apostacie , since the infallible spirit is not cooperative with all , if with any , and where , as among the Presbyterians , the noxious spirit of delusion in the mouthes of very many preachers , it 's farre from being necessaire to salvation , that care must be had lest it bring damnation to the hearers . 5. That where some learned Scholars , or honest industrious Ministers , not at pleasure , but publike appointment , on festivals dayes make a sermon , or have an oration ( for litle difference need be about the name , and it may be 't were beter to have lesse in the thing ) it would be short , not exceeding an houre , according to the Court paterne , which is likelie to be the best in the Kingdome , and for the most part hath come nearest the most approved example of the primitive Fathers , as may be seen by their sermons and homilies that are exstant . And it should seem Presbyterie , aswell as Episcopacie , hath found some inconvenience in Sermons that were longer which produced the 34. Canon in the Provincial Synod at Do●…t 1574. Ministri 〈◊〉 anim●… lo●…gis conci●… , quas ultra horam non extendent . 6. That spirit and life for adification , since extraordinarie super infusions were rare , have been heretofore attributed to such discourses principallie wherein the Canon of Scripture hath been interpreted by no private enthusiasme , no partial addiction to one mans opinion how eminent soever for his gifts or good life , but by the Catholike tradition of the Church , that is the consent of most holie men in it throughout all ages and places as much danger having been from the Iewes ( & may be now from Iudaizing Scots ) by bad gloffes , as from haeretical Christians by Rhetorical discourses on Scripture euglo●…ttias…But what spirit or life hath been found in flat lectures consisting of noncohaerencies , haesitancies , tautologies &c ( notwithstanding all the gapings and groanes or other aretifices used to put them ofs for divine ex●…tasies and raptures ) let them speake that were aedified , which I was not , I assure you , by What I heard from you and the brethren that brought the Scotish Euangel to us in this Countrey . 7. Though the Canon bestrict , the practice was not , so much as at Court , for bidding prayer before ( for after Sermon that for Christs holie Catholike Church and the Collects appointed , are not such , if you remember ) some it may be knowing his Majesties minde , which now i●… published , That he was not against a grave , modest , discrect and humble use of Ministers gifts even in publike…the beter to fit and excite their owne and the peoples affections to the praesent occasions . Those that toke themselves obliged to keep to the leter of the rule were satisfied aswell in the reason as lawfullnesse of the command . Being therefore well assured that the Lords prayer is , as the Fathers call it , oratis legitima , a complete prayer comprehending the summe of what petitions soever were fit to be praesented to the Father , ( which none knew beter then the Sonne ) That the people might be inform'd what at such a time they are to aske , and what , asking in fayth , they might hope to receive , ! the Minister commands them in the name of that particular Church to which they are to submit in all publike duties or so renounce her communion , to pray for her after Christs holic Catholike Church , for the King and his Royal famili●… His Councel , all inserious Magistrates &c. And because after the L●…tanie and so many several prayers relating differentlie to those particulars he mentions , it is neither necessarie , nor convenient at all , to doubte the time in repeting or paralleling the formes 〈◊〉 he calls upon them to joine with him in that short prayer which very effectuallie comprizeth all can be asked , saying Our Father &c. But as touching the Church ; limitation of us to the Pater noster before , & her approving the Gloria patri &c after the sermon , I see no more in it , then in the 33. Canon of that Councel of Dort which I even now mentioned Praying for the welfare of soules departed ( a controversie yet depending between Protestants and Papists ) hath ever impudentlie and falselie been attributed to that Canon on purpose to delude poor people so rashlie opinionated of their Presbyters that told them so , as they thought it derogatorie to their credit to search the truth ; Or so grosselie ignorant as unable to distinguish between praying God for the welfare of , and praising him for the exemplarie lives of and the heavenlie reward conferr'd on the soules of the Saints departed . Wherein nothing need be argued when those of a seeptical conscience will not be convinc'd , and those that are praejudic'd will not be reform'd , & to such no more is to be sayd , but si decipi volunt decipiantur . For private prayer , if personal , the Praelates never hitherto praescribed any forme , leaving people to themselves who are private to their owne wants , and to the direction , not injunction , of their Priest. But if congregational , though but in Parlour or Closet , no colour can be brought why an house should confute a Cathedral , or extemporarie non sense take place of the ancient and well advised prayers of Holie Church . You can not be more loth to confesse then I am hard to beleeve that you ever were guiltie of more conformitie to ancient Christians in your publike worship then opinions ; Yet when I consider what establishment our Religion received in Queen Elizabeths reigne , & what advancement your schisme unhapilie had by her misse placed assistance , I can not satisfie my selfe how in policie or conscience a Princesse so fam'd for devotion and wisdome could professe and prosecute such seeming contradictions , and without some humane assurance of your conjunction with her so liberallie contribute toward your praetended reformation to the utter demolition of her owne . Therefore upon good enquirie , I am faine to lay my dissidence aside , and have where withall to confirme the Warner in his beleefe , discovering first your negative Remonstrances and renunciations of Rome coincident with ( though more violent and particular then ) ours ; Your superintendents aequivalent to our Bishops ; And which as all in all , upon Buchanans record , your subscription to a communitie with us aswell in Ecclesiastike as Civile affaires . This your Maintainer of the Sanctuarie tells us was done in the yeare 1●…60 . in the infancie , or before it rather , in the first conception of your Discipline . Yea , two yeares before that not long after your Lords and Barons professing Christ Iesus had subscribed your first Covenant in Scotland , they convene in Counsel , conclude on several heads whereof this is the first . ●…t is thought expedient , advised and ordained , That in all pari●…hes of this Realme the Common prayer be read weeklie on Sunday , and other Festival dayes publikelie in the parish Churches &c. In the first oration & petition of the Protestants of Scotland to their Queen Regent this was the first demand… That they might meet publikelie or privatelie to their Common prayers in their vulgar tongue . And that this may not be set to the account of your Temporal Lords , or some imperfect Members of your Clergie , because I. Knox your Holie head was at this time disjointed from that sanctified bodie , the same care is afterward taken for Kirkes in your booke of Discipline it selfe without any intimation of your purpose to tolerate it onclie for helpe and direction , being a forme praescribed , as liable to the peoples superstition as ours , otherwise then as you approved the omission of it on publike sermon dayes . And your Maintainer sayth , without doubt it was the very booke of England . Your Church having none of her owne a long time . I would not have you mistaken , no more then you would have the Bishop , whom you so carefullie informe ( I feare against your conscience ) as if I imputed this to you for any more then a politike compliance , to effect your owne ends by Q. Elizabeths armes , which being in a good part accomplished you altered your Liturgie both in substance and use , changed our prayers for worse , and those you neither injoined by law , nor supported by the generalitie of your practice . Thus from petitioning forCommon prayer to your Queen you came about at length to condemning it among your selves . This for the Historie of your hypocritical conformitie with us to worke your owne designe , and inexcusable defection from us when that was done . Touching your feigned approbation of set formes for rules , and for use in beginners , I am to aske you 1. What institutions their can befor improvement of supernatural gifts . What formes for progresse in extraordinarie graces 2. If there be such why they serve not aswell for the benefit of tongues as utterance , and whether the Apostles before the day of Pentecost had any praeparative to that descent of the spirit upon them , if they had not ( the difference of persons not diversifying the donation where or to whomsoeverGod intends it ) why we are to looke about for helpes unto this purpose ? 3. Whether this sword of the spirit can not aswell cut the tongue as pierce the heart ? Whether God can not without helpes aswell indite words as mater , and make the tongue become the pen o●… a readi●… writer . That your set formes were published onelie for Ministers that are beginners thereby endeavouring to attaine a readinesse to pray in their familie , not in the Church . I take for an evasion scarce thought upon before now . The gift of prayer which you take gratis without a proofe , I can afford you to be ●…rdinarilie no other then the forme which Christ bestowed upon his disciples . The use of that hath ever hitherto been continued by their successours in the frequent repetition of the words , and analogie of all their enlargements unto the sense . The greatest comfort that can be had by this is in a cheerfull submission to the judgement of that Church in whose communion I adventure my salvation , & the greatest libertie in the exercise of her words , which in Christian humilitie and common reason I am to conceive more apposite then mine owne . Herein I rest the beter satisfied , when I see my common adversaries in this dutie so to fluctuate in their senses , and like raging waves in a conspiracie to shipwrake others , breaking mutuallie themselves by the uncertaine violence of their motion , and so in the end forming out nothing but their shame . Master Baylie renouncing aswell formes composed by themselves , as praescribed by others . Master Knox praescribing such a se●… prayer unto himselfe , and so praemeditating the words he was to speake , that when quaestioned he could repeat what er he say'd . Their brethren abroad sometime strictlie enjoining a forme compiled by others Omnes Ministri unans formam publicam in Ecclesia precandi tenebunt…ideoqu●… alia forma brevi●…r post concionem recitanda composita est . At other times leaving their Ministers to a libertie of a set prayer composed by themselves , or one depending on the dictate of the spirit . Minister pr●…ces vel dictante spiritu , vel certa sibi proposita formula concipiet The 4. wrongs that are praetended from our Liturgie to redound upon A Giver , A Receiver , A Gift , and A Church , being Relatives in this businesse are inseparable by nature , and must fall to ground with the falsitic of the supposition upon which they hang : But what injuries are multiplied upon all by the extemporarie license of Presbyters in their prayers . Our Blessed Soveraigne . K. Ch. 1. hath enumerated , the affectation , ●…mptinesse , impertinence , rudenesse , con●…usions , flatnesse , levitie , obscuritie , vaine and ridiculous repetitions , the senclesse and oft times blasphemous expressions , all these burthened with a most taedious and intolerable length…Wherein men must be strangelie impudem and flaterers of themselves , not to have an iusinite shame of what they so doe and say , in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church , after so ridiculous & indeed profane a maner . Nec potest tibi ( 't is Master Baylie I meane , who hath been guiltie of most in my hearing ) istares contingere aliter quam si tepudere desieris : perfrices fron●…em oportet , & ipsete non audias . But I referre him to the rest of what K. Ch. 1. Briestie but solidelie hath writ , and what more at large Master Hooker , to whom I may challenge all the Scotish Presbyterie for an answer . So great a cloud of witnesses encompassing the Scotish Presbyterie , and giving in evidence against her as the mother of mischief too many yeares in three Kingdomes , your arme is too weake to lay aside the weight of those wicked actions that must be charged on her backe , and the sinne of sacriledge Royal that so easilie b●…sets her . The Parliament of Scotland , sure ●…quivocates in denying that they have stripped the King of his justrights ( I speake to His Majestie now reigning His ●…ather having unanswerablie argued for himselfe ) because they never hitherto acknowledged him invested with any but the name , to which bare inheritance they knew him borne without the charitie of their breath , & which he must have had without their sounding trumpet , proclaiming this for their almes as hypocrites in their markets . But to come close to you . This Parliament of Scotland , had it been such , as it was not , upon the murder of the ●…ather ought to have been stripped of all it selfe , then no just rights , ( no more but such as a deadman hath to his robes ) and being a breathlesse carkasse could require nothing at the hands of the Sonne . The courses to which he was stirred up and keeped on , out of natural dutie , by no factious advice , were ( howsoever they succeded ) praeservative of his Fathers and himselfe , and destructive to no people but the workers of iniquitie that with their owne hands plucked downe miserie upon their heads . The bloudshed brings bloudguiltinesse upon them that first opened the veine , from which he had no need to be purged with hysope that was cleane , nor washed , whose conscience , in that particular , was whiter then the snow . Yet being by your scarlet Parliament imputed to him , ( whose impure eyes can b●…hold nothing but iniquitie in others , and whose wicked mouthes are wide open to devoure the man that is more righteous then themselves ) the satisfaction they required could be in order to no exercise of his Royal government , nor dare they take any by the rules of your Discipline , which must have bloud for bloud , but a slavish subjection of his life and erowne to sentence without mercie , which had been , though fewer in number , yet as full in your meaning , and as effectual aequitable , demands . Allthough this be a replie unanswerable to your praetense . Yet I must not leave you without discovering your diminutive forgerie in Parliament Proclamations , putting parts of his Royal Government where they the whole without exception . His name portract & seale being not his , when new stampt , and set to publike writings by your hands then in actual rebellion against his person . The securitie to your Religion and Liberties required , were first enacted for an aequitable demand onclie by a Convention of Rebells at Edenburgh 1567. who had been partlie solicited , partlie scared into a dubious consent with , andby a Tra●…terous Assemblie , ( who had in vaine posted away foure Caitiffe-Cursitours , miscalled Commissioners , to the more loyal Lords delated for the Hamiltons , as likewise to the Neuters , to depose their Queen , and clog their future Princes's succession with this impious condition . That all Princes and Kings herea●…ter in this Realme , before their Coronation shall take oath to maintaine the true Religion now prosessed in the Church of Scotland , and suppresse all things ( even their soules & consciences ) contrarie to it , and that are not agreeing with it . This I take to be the fundamental law your Proclamation reflects upon , foralas the other foundation of your solemne league and covenant lies not fathom deep , a stripling of twelves yeares old can reach to the botom ; and evert , both , when he calls for that invisible law of God , which approves much lesse enjoines this praerequiring satisfaction from a King , For it is not Maitlands idle concession to Buchanan in his cursed dialogue upon Homers authoritie , That there was a time when men liv'd law lesse in Cottages and caves , and at length by consent tooke a justisiable course of creating a King unto themselves that will reduce Royaltic to popular restrictions . Such stuffe as this may be put off among Pagans that will hearken to the fable of Cadmus , & be wonne into a beliefe that the serpents teeth were sowed in so good a soile as that they all sprung up proper men of whose race we might have had some at this day , if they had betoke themselves to the election of a King , when for want of one they fell to civile dissensions & destruction of themselves . I demand as a Christian , and as much mighta ●…ew . Who was the first King ! Whether he was not instituted by God ? Whether not with a decree touching primogeniture in th●… right of succession , by the first borne to propagate his authoritie and office ? Whether any people in the world , more or lesse in a bodie lawsullie assembled , have been at a losse for a King to command them ? & what law beside that of nature which if such as Saint Paul describes it , is somewhat hard to distinguish from an original law of God , ( and yet shall be sequester'd from our praes●…nt dispute ) constituted them in a full capacitie to chuse one ? Who ? When ? Where ? Open Buchanans packe , as big as it is , begirt with no lesse then the cingle of the world , and with out Ambiguons peradventures , or ass●…mations involv'd in quaestionable circumstances , lay me out one cleare instance to this purpose and when you have , purchase a parallel among your selves . Transmigration of Nations , Navigations of discoverie , design'd or contingent , New plantations upon necessitie or pleasure , Spontaneous secessions , though by supreme authoritie approved ; Relegations and exiles , Extinctions of lines . Finallie whatsoever to be thought on that can separate a medley of men from a set●…ed societe , or make an Anarchie among People , will when all are combin'd , I beleeve , litle disorder me in my hold . So that to use the words of that valiant General , or take the Kings from his mouth . You declared him to be your King , but with such conditions and proviso●…s as robbe●… him of all right and power . For while you pr●…ctend to give him a litle , which he must actept of as from you , you spoile 〈◊〉 of all that power and authoritie which the law of God , of Nature , and of the Land hath invested him with by so long continued de●…cent from his famous praedeccssours . For the nature of your demand , the abolition of Episcopacie , which you confesse to be a great one ( so great indeed as not to be granted but with a devastation of his conscience , the Praelates were very unworthie of their miters , if they pressed not his Majestie ( were it necessarie where is so free an inclination ) to denie you , though they know well enough , were your great demand yeilded , you have one no lesse behind , securitie of liberties , and when both were had ( which God forbid they ever should be ) your crueltie and guilt would admit of no lesse after-satisfaction from him for England , then from his Father for Scotland , nor your raging Devill be otherwise satiated then with his bloud . Therefore the advantage you take of his denial ( though you confesse upon other mens importunate instance ) makes your Praedestinarian Godships no lesse peremptorie in the immutabilitie of your decree , to forme Commonwealths of Kingdomes , and according to you Divinitie the meanes being as unalterablie destin'd as the end , you resolve what you can ( and doe well to tell us so ) that he and all his familie shall perish . — Levia sed nimium queror Coclotimendumest , regna ne summa occupet Qui vicit ima… For you that thus capitulate with Kings , have nothing next to doe but to article with God. Presbyterie admitting no Rival Regent , much lesse any superiour , will make way to its solitarie supremacie by ruine . I terruina quaeret , & vacuo volc●… Regnare mundo . — Your patient surplicate●… were your Hage papers , which most inquisitive men have heard or seen before this time . Wherein you tell His Majestie his denial will constraine your people… to ●…oe what is incumbent unto them , we know what you meane , that fatal word being scarce to be met with but having Rebellion and Murder at its heeles . Your Euangelist of the Covenant did not cant it to his Father , but sayd plainlie Reformation may be ( though he wish'd it not ) left to the mul●…de whom God ●…rreth up [ to kill and slay without quaestion ] when Princes are negligent , as they are when they yeild not their aequitable demand●… , grant their patient supplicates , lay their heads on the blocke , and ( not doe but ) suffer as they would have them . Laesa patientia fit furor , Even in such meeke men as you , patience upon denial can become furie and supplicates after some continuances commands .. And then he may have an offer of his or their Kingdome , as you thinke fiter to style it , but it must be with a resignation of his crowne , their Lives and estates shall be Oretenus for his service , when aurium tenus they are up to the ●…ares in a good bargaine , taking money with one hand , and delivering him up with the other ; which is the issue to be expected upon the grant , and nothing worse can be feared ( nor that if well thought on ) from the denial of your demands . Therefore , to conclude , no miserie of King nor people should be so impolitikelie declin'd as to be desperatelie embraced . And till the essentials of Scotish Presbyterie be changed , which are undisputablie destructive to all Monarchs that come among them , true Praelatical hearts can not be trulie considerate or loyal , if they be not obstinat●… in this perswasion and beleefe . The place cited , to which you send us for a view of your tender care in providing the parents consent to the mariage of their children , gives us a full prospect of your tyrannie over Nature , whose throne is usurped , whose praerogative trampled downe , and her Paternal Princes enthralled to the dominion of your spirit . For your publike inhibition of private mariage●… there mentioned , is not so much to carie the streame of childrens obedience to their Parents and Curatours , as to make sure that the water goe no●… by your mill , that due homage be payd to the consistorian powers that are above them . Therefore in some cases ( and we know not which you except ) 't is sayd . The Minister or Magistrate to whom , ( though not you , your Discipline gives the praecedence and praedominance ) may enter in the place of parents … may admit them to mariage . For the worke of God ought not to be hindred &c. This worke of God is there called the touch of the heart with desire of mariage , As if all hearts so touched had Gods hand layd upon them , and the Scotsh climate were so cold as all natural or carnal inclinations were frozen untill fire came downe from heaven to dissolve them . As if then , good soules , they were melted in a minute , and had outrun the bounds of all selfe moderation , all rational persw●…sion , all love martyrdom in a passive submission to the just rigour orunjust wilfullnesse of cruel parents contradicting their sodaine affections and amourous violence , For if these Flames warme by degrees at a distance ( and some danger drawes on of being scorch'd without screening ) their dutie should prompt them to withdraw in due season , and repraesent to their parents the first sense they finde of that heate , the increase of content or comfort they take in it , and with their approbation farther cherish these desires , or upon their dislike in gratitude and justice to their sufferance of many infant troubles , & elder petulancies , endu●…e a litle hardship for their pleasures . For to change the allegorie , if children first set saile of themselves , & then call to their parents at ●…hoare for leave to take shiping , this mocke respect would rellish more of scorne then good nature or dutie . And as well may they bid adieu to relations , as when before a strong gale of winde looke for anod or waving hand to incourage that course wherein they themselves are steering , and necessitie carying then not to be resisted . Yet no other is that honour which your Discipline sayth they are bound to give to their parents , the parts whereof you make these . To open their affection . To aske their counsel and assistance how that motion … may be performed , it speakes not of asking pardon for entertaning it before approved . † You know the Civile and Canon law are divided , that standing much upon the necessitie , this onelie on the decencie or honestie of having the parents consent . A friend of yours , that îs hugg'd for his paines in opposing our Church , presseth hard the coincidence of the former with the determination in Scripture , and objects her concurrent practice with the later To tell you how * Bucer playes the strict Civilian in this businesse , whose authoritie is very oracular when for you , would it may be render him but a private opiniatour now against you . And as litle might it availe to produce the Acts of your Brethren in Holland , who seem to declare for a necessitie in their provincial Synod . Nemo proclamabitur de contrahendo nisi priu●… attulerit testimonium de consensu parentum , No more then a convenience in their National , and that determinable by their Presbyterie when controverted … Siquis autem irrationabiliter in his causis & refractarie se gesscrit , sic quod nullo modo vellet consentir●… … presbyterium constituit quid in talibu●… casibus sit saciendum . In this division you doe well to quit your selve of all wonted interest , and appeale even from Scripture it selfe to the Tribunal of reasen and a quitie . Where yet you will scarce get your hearing before you prove that the anthoritie of Parents is to be restrained by the many times unreasonable ( though lawfull and honest ) desires or motions in their children . As if a Kings daughter should be taken with a beggar borne under an hedge . With which instance your Presbytrie is scarce to be trusted , who it may be , are readie enough to justifie the match by the eminencie of his vertues , to which they may beter dispose daughters then distribute crownes , saying Regna virtuti , non generi deberi . Epictetus that was a very good Master of his reason , gave this general rule unto his disciples . That all obligatorie offices are measured by the relative habits of the persons . He begins with the Father as most absolute in his power , all whose injunctions and actions are to have an active or passive obedience from his children . Pater estin ; hypagoreuetai epimeleisthai , para●…horein hapantoon , aneches●…hai loidorountos , paientos If you talke to him , as Bishop , to the of a cruel ●…arent , abusing his autgoritie &c. He will tell you Nature hath not tied you to a good father , but a father , & your dutie must bepayd him in his natural capacitie , not moral ●…ete oun pros agathon patera physei okeiothes , alla pros patera . There is indeed some what in humanitie it selfe , which may be call'd the ●…ice of a father to his sonne . To moderate sometimes his autocratical power by affection , & run his iron heart into the same molds with the softer metall of his childrens at least not t make it the hammer and anvil whereby to fashion youth to the humourous morose sevetitie of age . It was upon some such advantage that Pamphilus argued in the Comoedie . Hoccine est humanum factum aut in●…oeptum ? Hoccine officium Patris ? … Pro ●…eum atquchominum , quid est , si non baee contumeli●… est ? Vxorem decreverat dare sese mihi hoaie , nonne oportuit praes●…isse me ante ? nonne prius communica●…um oportuit . Yet afterward Simo contrapones his improper choyce of a match misbeseeming him , against custome , law , and his dutie as a s●…nne . Adeon impotenti ●…sse anime ut praeter ●…ivium M●…rem atque legem , & sui voluntatem patris . Tamen hanc habere cupiat cum summo probro ? ●…n sine Pamphilus convinc'd in likelihood by his reason , made a filial exemplarie submission in our Case . Ego me amare han●… fateor , si id peccare est , fateor id quoque . Tibi Pater me dedo . quidvis oneris impone , impera . Vis me uxorem ducere ? han●… amittere ? ut potero feram . Yet among Christians , when such submission's not found from a frenzie of love which will take no advice from Nature or Reason , I confesse the Magistrates and Ministers shall doe an act of charitie in their mediation with his father by complying with to cure him of his madnesse , and restore him to his senses . But when their Discipline makes it an act of power and jurisdiction , and that as much , if not more , concerning the Minister as Magistrate , I take it to be very emp●…ie of oequitie , as full as the Reviewer thinkes it , and see not where , after the Scotish mode , any Church or State doth practize or approve it . In the behalfe of them that doe , he is to repaire the breach of the 5. Commandement by the disobedient child , or shew us where in 〈◊〉 is particular it was dispens'd with . In case of sinne I confesse a just apologie may be made . As if the Father would admit of none but an incestuous marriage , or , to save his estate , with one in open rebellion against the King ; The child must not obey , nor yet is bound where is feare of incontinencie , to live single . The supreme Magistrate ought here to take the place , & doe the office of the parent . And the Minister must execute all lawfull commands of this Kind in his function . But if the case be so rare of the childs complaint ? and not heard of in an age , the Dawbers of the Discipline might have saved this patch ; and need not have fould their fingars with such untemper'd stuffe , as having neither Scripture nor reason in its mixture , was never intended to cement any building of Gods , nor the corrupt a●…ections of willfull children to be called his worke . Yet that the R●…ader may neither be unsatisfied nor deluded ( as he will be very often if he observes not your fraud in mistating the case ) I must admonish him that the Bishop's may be frequent though yours be rare . His Lordship objecting your admission to mariage the parent gainstanding . And you reponing an authoritative Sentence to enforce consent . His addition about compelling the parents to give portions was fastned upon your practice not your canon . Your railing ac●…usation , an impudent lie which Micha●…l would not bring when disputing with the Devil , will as litle grace , as strengthen , your controversie with a better Angel of the Church . In such maters of fact truth can be justified no otherwise then upon enquirie , whereby will best be discovered he●… faythfull witnesse ; and the false one too that will ●…tter lies . Yet in the place alledged your canon ordering out of the text , without quaestion a dowrie to a daughter that is defloured , he that at a distance hath any good opinion of your conscience will praesume your care can be in justice no lesse of her who you say , hath committed no such filthinesse before , but kept the Virgin-ornament that commends her to your super-paternal powers to be made a bride . The passage against sparing of the life of Adulterers ( which you here substitute in the roome of a beter answer to the other ) is not so consonant to the law of God , as dissonant from the milder Gospell of Christ , who neither as K●…ong commanded stones to be cast at the poenitent brought before him nor as Priest retracted by excommunication his signal mercie shewed in her dismission . A Presbyter may have a thorne in the slesh aswell as a Praelate , allthough for want of Saint Pauls spirit he will abate no measure of his pride in revelations And if he take it out to no better purpose then to thrust it in othermens sides , ( if he looke not to it ) will pricke his owne fingar , in his hast . The falselie praetended authours and lovers of so severe discipline make it as litle consistent with Christian libertie hypotaxein & doulagogein , to discipline their bodies and subdue them by Apostolical correction , as to subject their spirits , according to Apostolical doctrine , to just powers ordained by God , And a peice of tyrannie they count it to chasten and mortifie ( which by praecedent they turne into reproose ) ever since David did it that was a King. For want of which ( whatsoever they fancie of I know not whose biting and spurning ) the Presbyterian Iesuruns have kick'd as much as before , nor since this great severitie was threatned , could they have the face to expunge the clause that by their owne confession occasion'd it , & still stands thus in their booke .. Whoredome , sornication , adulterie are sinne●… most common in this realme . The Bishops warrants for clandestine marriages were not without this particular caution against spoiling parents of their deare children . Quod parentum , modo sint in vivis , vel alias Tutorum sive gubernatorum suorum expressum consensum in hac parte obtinuerint . And how abundantlie otherwise was provided let your brother Didoclave beare witnesse . If their mercinarie officers prostituted to their profit this indulgence granted upon very good reasons to noble personages , whose praecontracts , or impediments if any , were not very likelie , and it may be not so fiting to be discovered , upon publishing their bannes ) this can fairlie be charged neither upon the Bishops order , nor their persons , unlesse you would have them ubiquitarie in their Courts , & omni-praescient in the actions of their instruments . Their after-dispensations with marriages without warrant I hope are not culpable , except you would drive them to a necessitie of divorce . Among them whom you call brethren heretofore those of Middleburgh did invalidate all private marriage . About which their adversaries , though consenting in the substance , call upon them for a text of Scripture , which I never heard was hitherto produced . If he that fixeth his eyes upon the sunne , till the strength of the beames and luster put them out , should declare before the witnesses of his misfortune that he never saw the least glimpse or brightnesse of that luminarie , he were more to be credited then Master Baylie in his grosse selfe-confounding denial , that ever any such mater was attempted in Scotland as drawing civile causes upon praetense of Scandal unto a Synod of Presbyters , or that he ever heard alledged by their adversaries their impeding or repealing any civile proceedings . Whereas the first hath been proved allreadie by the Bishop out of the very words in their discipline ; And the two other objected in numerous instances by most , if not all the adversaries that have published any thing against them . By Arch-Bishop Spotswood in the different cases of the Bishops Montgomerie and Adamson , A Melvin , Blacke , the spanish Merchants &c. So that in general he is faine , to alledge against them in this language… Ministrorum eo crevit insolentia , ut non contenti sua functione , lites & reo●…omnes ( what and who is here excepted ? ) a●… suum tribunal revo●…are niterentur , concilii publici ( which is more then the meanest civile Court ) placita reseindere , Ordinum decretis ( which riseth high ( qu●…e ad slomachum non sacerent intercedere , &c. Which is worse then Synodical impeding or repealing , populum cmnem contra hostem in armis paratum esse jubere . And which includeth all in all . Nibil denique erat quod islos fam severos censores essugeret . The Answerer by leter… How inconsistent Presb. Government is with Monarchie objectts their interposing in a case of debt between J. T. and P. T , determined by the Lords of Session ; Their discharging Munday mercates against leters Patents under the Great Seale , professeth that like infinite instances might be produced , and one more of them he brings with the several circumstances about a decree and judgement obtined by Master Iohn Grahum . In general your judicial Vsurpations are censur'd by the Authour of Episcopacie and Presbyterie considered . Whereof he brings no particulars because he sayth no bodie can be ignorant that hath look'd into the knowen stories of this last age . Some what to this purpose is in him that writ the Trojan Horse… unbowelled . K. Iames's Declaration against you in the case of the Aberdene Ministers is in print . Beside many other of this nature that I have not seen , or doe not thinke on . Where Master Baylie hath slept out all this noyse , J can not guesse , if above ground . So that a lasse the Curtisan Bishops may pasle away unquaestion'd with a few innocent prohibitions in their pockets , when the Traverse is draw'n and the Palliard Presbyters discovered in multitudes at the businesse , heaping up such loades of repeales and protestations , as crush all iniquitie into scandal , & make Civile Courts , Parliaments Councel and King responsable for their sentences to the Synods . The next injurie against Masters and Mistresses of families as it stands in your discipline ( not as you subtilie , yet vainlie , advantage it ) is criminal , at least so farre as it is a transgression of Saint Pauls rule , which requires all things to be done euschemonoos & cata taxin , decentlie and in order , 1. Cor. 14. 50. Whereas for them to be brought to such a publike account , who at all other times , without personal exception , are constituted instructours of their children and servants , is not eushemonoot ; it caries litle decencie with it , it too much discountenanceth their authoritie , it levels their natural and politike Dominion for the time . nor have those different lines as they are draw'n in your Discipline , such a just symmetrie , as to produce an handsome feature of one person : It is not cata taxin , ta●…e it in what sense you will , no man will say there is a due order observed , nor any such praescription in Christs Holy Catholike Church . The same Apostle that gave particular directions in the case made no canon for this . An antecedent examination he appointed , but the Ancients interpret it more of the will and affection then the understanding & mind . Or ●…f he meant it of both , he made every man judge of himselfe ( as you doe when he is praesent at the ministration of baptisme ) that had before renderd a reason of his sayth to the Church , neither Presbyter and inquisitour of course nor parishoner a witnesse of his unworthinesse and ignorance . Ourh heteros ton hetecon…all ' a●…tos beauton sayth Oecumenius which put Cajetan upon the thought that confession was not at this time required , for which he is taken up by Catharinus . And Chrysostom referres us to a text in St. Pauls second epistle which tells us what discoverie may put the examination to an end . Examine your selves whether ye be in the sayth . Omnem prolationem quaerendi & inveniendi credendo fixisti , hunc tibi modum statuit sructusipse quaerendi , is intended , I beleeve , as a glosse upon it by Tertullian . So that the knowledge how to pray was no praerequisite of St. Pauls . Nor can we heare from him that the ignorance of other your disciplinarian articles exclude a man more from the Sacrament of the Lords supper then from the communion of Saints & Christianitie he professeth in his Creed . Beside 't is easie to conceive what discouragement it brings upon such good Christians as hunger and thirst after this spiritual nourishment of their soules , and how much it derogates from that reverence Antiquitie render'd to this Sacrament and the high degree of necessitie they held often to participate hereof by such clauses as this . All Ministers must be admonished to be more carefull to instruct the ignorant then readie to serve their appetite , and to use more sharpe examination then indulgence in admitting &c. Which hath a different sound from the earnest crie of the Euangelical Prophet Isai 55. 1. and the free invitation made by the High Priest of our profession in the Gospell S. Luk. 14 you accounting profanelie the losse hereof no more then the misse of a meale , and the disappointment no other then depriving an hungrie appetite of a diner . Our Fathers of old were otherwise minded , and excommunicated those that were peevishlie averse , not those that ( being engag'd in no penance ) humblie desir'd the benefit hereof . Aposlrephomenous tea metalephin tes cucharistias cata fina ataxian toutous apobletons ginesthaites ecclestas . was part of a canen at the Councel of Antioch A. 341. I could adde , That you declare not what may passe among you in the Master and Mistresses answers for the summe of the law , what for the knowledge wherein their rightcousnesse stands , without which you say they ought not to be admitted . So that the sharpnesse of your examen and acceptance of their answer being arbitrarie , much roome is left for private spleen , antipathie and passion no justifiable causes of separation from this communitie of Christians , and therefore made the ground of enquirie and cognizance in every halfe yeares Synod by the Nicene Father , that such partialitie might not be tolerated in the Bishops , But whereas you excommunicate the parent and Masters for negligence when their children and servants are suffered to continue in wilfultignorance . Why not aswell the God Fathers and Pastours whose subsidiarie care should not onelie be restaurative but praeventive ? Why not such aged women as are not teachers of goodthings , That the yong women be sober , love their husbands and children &c. Tit. 2 , 3 ? Why not all those in whom the word of Christ should dwell richlie in all wisdome , and they teach and admonish one another Col. 3. 16. Which being a like duties of the Text alike require your inspection , nor doth it appeare any more that you are left to a libertie of discrimination in your censure , then that for any of these defaults you may exercise it at all . Your familie visitations , if sincerelie intended for the inspection of maners and conversations is commendable , if done with the spirit of discretion , moderation & meeknesse . When this was practiz'd by the most conscientious Priests of the Episcopal partie ( your knowledge whereof to denie by oath would looke litle beter then perjurie ) it was calumniated by many of your brood for gadding and gossiping , defam'd by some for more sinfull conversing . And when the generalitie of them ( the Episcopal Clergie ) remitted the frequencie of preaching , the studie for which they found inconsistent with this more necessarie more beneficial catechizing the people , it was nicknam'd suppressing the word . And when at such times as the sacramental solemnities they entred into any private spiritual communication ( though advised by the Church ) they were put to purge themselves from the imputation of Poperie in practizing auricular confession and injunction of penance . Your order and practice is to keep off from the holie Table not such onelie as conjunctive are grosselic and willfulle , but divisive ( intoo strict a sense ) grosselie or willfullie ignorant . Touching which allthough their negligence is inexcusable , and their dulnesse pitiable , yet that your act of cruel jurisdiction is justified by no divine command nor Catholike example . If never any for simple ignorance were excommunicated in Scotland . You must be rebuk'd for transgressing your rule and failing in your dutie as your Kirke pleaseth thus to declare it . In sufferable we judge it that men be permitted to live and continue in ignorance as Members of the Kirke . Whether greater tyrannie were exerciz'd in the High Commission Courts or your Consistories , your aequitable comparers by this time , are not to seeke . What excesse on your side hath been evidenc'd is here resumed onelie to aggravate your floud of boundlesse crueltie by the many heads from which it issues , and the cataracts it powres upon the poor people in every parish . The Bishops playd indeed the Rex in that their Court , because they acted in it by authoritie and deputation from the King. But you and your Brethren playd the Rebells to the purpose , when you first rioted , then rebell'd and covenanted before , er you supplicated to suppresse it . K. Ch. 1. by his grace and too fluent charitie praevented the violence intended by your Parliament , though he found no thankes nor yet acceptance at your hands His proclamation being rudelie encountred with a rebellious protestation read by Iohnston . The King & Anticlerical Parliament in England that alasse joind hands in a maner , yet searce agreed , to throw downe the other about their eares ( without which the Praelates had no power , lesse then no reason ( if it might be ) to let it fall ) have not onelie covered the poor Bishops with the ruine of that Court , but since hands and hearts were divided , the laborious Lords and Commons , without him , have pull'd the Fabrike of both Houses , and of Monarchie upon themselves . The Congregational Eldership , a thing wheresoever more to be jeerd at and lesse endured then a Commission , is enjoy'd with so much more comfort among other of the Reformed then in Scotland , as we are eye witnesses of lesse authoritie & rigour in it . And while I am writing this Replie one of the Reformed Presbyters , your Countreyman ingenuouslie confesseth to me that he thinkes in his conscience the present Kirke tyranniem Scotland ( he speakes it indeed rather of the practice then rule ) of●…se ●…se Scotish Elderships taken out of Holie scripture can not be very Partic●… 〈◊〉 many cases . Their Acts of superiour judicatories doe not , can n●… 〈◊〉 ●…pecific interpretative Scandals , nor in all occurring pofsibi●… proportion corporal punishments , or pecuniarie mulcts , in the arbitrement of which lies the tyrannie of this petie Aristocratie , and most ridiculouslie many times used in cutting haifethe haire , shaving beards &c. as before now hath been objected by others that having I beleeve seen it , better know it . In the abuses by such censures , and difficultie of some cases , when appeale is made to a Synod , the Bi●…op tells you ( which you observe not ) that the shortnesse of its continuance can afford , the condition of the persons will afford litle reliefe . Your dozen of the most able pious plow men in many parishes , with an unexperienc'd illiterate Pastour praesiding in their Councel are no very reverend Iudges in many cases . Aud what pitifull creatures they must be of necessitie in some places may be guessed untill this quaestion be answer'd which is sent you from another Countreyman of yours an honest able Divine . Whether you have not heard of C●…untres Churches in Scotland , especiallie amongst the Saints of Argi●…e , where not three , hap●…e not one in the whole parish could reade . Amphictyonum consessus . A very honourable bench . A Senate that no doubt would strike greater amazement ( but upon other reasons ) then the Romane if any foraigner should behold them . In that you say the Episcopal way is to have no discipline at all in any congregation , you are somewhat more hard hearted then your brethren , Who acknowledge some of the functional rubbish of your Temple building , Elders and Deacons , upon the shoulders of our Church wardens , Sidemen and Collectours , part of whose charge is to observe maners , inquire out ill livers , admonish the scandalous , and praesent them to the ordinarie . To direct them in this dutie the Bishops articles are disspersed , and an Audit held of their account at every visitation . The officials pleasure regulates not their information , which is to be as impartial as an oath can make it . His conscience commonlie is not to large , though his learning and wisdome be of greater extension then the Elders . What power he exerciseth is by law and custome . In correctionis negotijs alia quidem sacient omnia ( excommunication is more niselie and conscientiouslie excepted ) quae de jure possunt & solent fieri . Constit. 1571 To the Presbyterian tendernesse of medling with domestike infirmities some what is sayd allreadie which the Answerer by leter thus avoucheth . It is certaine that a foolish man revealing foolishlic his faults to his wise , the zealous wife upon some quarelling betwixt her and her husband , hath gone to a good Minister , revealed what was told her , and the honest impertial Minister hath convented the man , charged him with his sinne , and made him confesse satisfie , and doe penance publikelie . Here the flagrant scandal was onelie the fire or furie that broke out of a weake womans breast into a pragmatical Presbyters eares , whose heade is no sanctuarie for spiritual secrecies , but his curiositie the mine that under workes the foundation of private families , and palaces too ( where of that of Mary Queen of Scots may be a formidable , and lamentable example ) and when jealousies faile of materiall truth in the discoverie , to blow them up with malicious calumnies what they can . For suits and differences incident between Pastour and flocke , Lay Elder and his neighbour , the passion upon which perverts , & blindes the eyes of the wisest men that are your Congregational or Classical Iudges you passe quietlie by it , as having nothing to say for it . These are the great injuries and hurts which make the Scotish Discipline , Scandalous to all the Reformed world being prov'd destructive to the just praerogative of Kings , the power of Parliaments , the libertie of subjects : enslaving all orders of men , where it takes place , to the arbitrarie jurisdiction of a corrupt Synod , and that commonlie moderated by the usurped Papacie of a Knox a Buchanan , a Melvin , an Henderson , such meeke lambes as no misbeleeving Iew can misdoubt , them to be fore runners of his Messias who hath prae-inspired this good principle into their heads . To bring their Kings rather then goe themselves to the slaughter . And wheresoe'r they get power , to teare out the throat of the thearers , and make them dumbe , never more able to open their mouthes against the know'n Deitie of their Presbyterie . CHAPTER XIII . The Bishops exceptions against the Covenant made good , and this proved That no man is obliged to keep it who hath taken it . IF I had not found the Reviewer a pretie round and plumpe Gentleman in blacke , I might have misse-thought the habit of his bodie and conformation of his parts , facilitating with some pleasure the operation of his physike , to have enamourd him with the otherwise undecent , metaphore of a vomit ; But Hippocrates praescribing to his constitution ( as J take it ) the other method for dejection of his humours , I recollect with my selfe a triple cause that might at this time create his distemper , & in his penning force out this floud of gall upon his paper 1. His late fruitlesse voyage by sea might still sticke in his stomake , having before been for many yeares accustomed to none but land waves of his raising , the raging tumults and madnesse of the people . 2. A violentagitation of his bodie , the sixe Scotish Iehu's in zeale to the cause coaching it much too furiouslie about the Countrey . 3. The abominable sight of his Majesties hand to diverse papers , denying the very subject of this chapter , the taking , injoining , or tolerating of the Covenant . So a Doctour in the facultie nearest hand instructs me… vomituns vulgò concitare traduntur… violenta & vehemens corporis agitatio , insueta per mare navigatio… imaginatio & intuitus rerum abominabilium . Beside the pleasing sent of an Irish designe then in hand might offend him , which is a fourth cause he addes and I end with , Odor rerum saetidarum &c. As to the substance of the chapter , wherein his Lordship hath taken the Palladium of Presbyterie , ( without which the successe of his other attempts had been nothing ) the Reviewers stratagems ( for strength of reason he brings none ) are unlikelie to rescue it , The Bishop is very sensible how deep the conscience of an oath stickes in men whose hearts are not hardened against religious impressions . And how perjurie is abhorred among heathen , who have conscientious feare of punishment from their God , and a politike one too of shame before men . To undeceive therefore such as fondlie fancie because their hands were lift up , that their covenant's with heaven : And because their eyelids are open , that they walke not in darkenesse and the shadow of death . He brings them first the reliefe of several propositions , which when draw'n out , will appeare to be these . All oathes , vowcs & ●…ovenants are not binding , it being customarie among men to make the same bonds serve for iniquitie as justice & tie up secret conspiracies with the publike liguments of communitie & peace . 2. Those that are not obligatoric may be broken , viz where a greater judgement solveth the fallacie of a lesse or a beter conscience seekes to reduce & rectifie a worse . With what other false knots men are foolishlie entangled he demonstrates by the slight where in the Covenant hath catch'd them . Their deliverance is this , if they will accept it from the hands of unquaestionable truth , That Covenant which is devised by strangers to the dishonour of a Nation , imposed by subjects wanting requisue power , and that as well upon their Soveraigne at aequals extorted by just scare of unjust sufferings , is not binding . But this is that Covenant . Ergo. The majour thus put in forme the Reviewer will hardlie grant , and yet dares not denie , but sets his foot upon I know not what weaknesse and falsitie of the Minour , the Commissioners of the Parliament of England , as he calls them ) being among the number of the first and onelie framers thereof . He must be wiser then Solomon that can know the way of a Serpent upon a rocke . Yet the Presbyterian Scotish subtilitie is not such , but that we may see whence , if not by what gyres and uncertaine sinuations , it came about , and he that meetes it at Westminster may welcome it from Edenburgh , if he likes it . Leagues and Covenants are no usuall abasement of English allegeance , such copper coyne hath been no where so currant as since Knox was Mint-master in Scotland , whose original inscription With the image of his rebellion is propagated in this counterfeit , as he that delights in such medalls may see if he compares them . This for the thing . For the persons I denie them to be Commissioners on either side , no King , nor Clergie legallie assembled deputing them to that purpose nor indeed any of the Laitie but Rebells . They that gave life to it , Lords , Commons , or what you will , or wheresoe'r assemblad , were in the very act Traitours against the King and so no part of a Parliament in the Kingdome Whither they are called by His Majesties writ to consult about the defense not to covenant the destruction of the Kingdome and Church . The lawfulnesse of whose constitution and authoritie was no farther ●…cknowledged then it was lawfullie used , and in that act absolutelie disclaimed , the King sending for them onelie to discourse and treat with himselfe , not to dispose and ordaine , or enact any thing without him . Therefore these men , thus acting upon the praecedent advice and praescription of strangers , foysted a Covenant devised by strangers , how soever factiouslie denison'd in that Court. But how strange the advice was will appeare beter by true storie then probable divination , which being sent me in a leter from one well acquainted with these affaires of his owne countrey . I will faythfullie communicate as it came unto my hands . When the Commissioners came downe from the Parliament with their letter subscrived be some Ministers shewing that their blood was shed lyke water upon the ground for defense of the protestant relligione and the letter being red in the Assembly had no uther answer bot this . Gentlemen wee are sorie for your case , bot there is one thing in your letter , Yee say yee sight for defense of the reformed relligione , yee must not thinke us blind that wee see not your fighting to be for civill disputes of the law , wherewhith wee are not acquame . Goe home and reconcile with the King , hee is a gracious Prince , bee will receive you in his favour ; You can not say it is for the reformed relligione , since yee have not begun to reforme your Church , yee had thryven better , if ye had done as wee did , begun at the Church , and thereafter striven to have gotten the civill sanction to what yee had done in the Church , wee can not medle bet wixt his Majestie and you . ] Few dayes after , Sir W. Ermin , Master Hamden with the rest were invited by some of their friends to make a new addresse to the Assembly , their friends in the Assembly ( after a second desire of a more gracious answere ) propounded this . [ Will yee joine in covenant with us to reforme doctrine and discipline conforme to this of Scotland and yee shall have a better answere , ] Sir W. Ermin & the rest answered ( that they had not that in their instructions , bot thanked the Assembly & sayd they would represent it to the Parliament of England ) the friends in the Assembly told them [ there would be much time loosed ere they could go to the Parliament for their resolutione and thereafter to returne to Scotland and draw up a solemne league and covenant the danger was great and they were not able with all their forces to stand two moneths before the Kings armie bot we shall draw it up here and send up with you some noblemen gentlemen & Ministers that shall see it subscribed , ] which was done . To proceed your Rebell - Parliaments desires , beside what may be gatherd from your papers , were not , as I have heard , very humblie praesented by the persons many times that brought them , And when your smoothest language is glossed upon ( as best it may be by your rude militarie Interpreters at more distance your negative will not hinder them of being impositions rather then supplications . Religion and liberties in all the three Kingdomes were very sufficientlie secur'd by the lawes . Scotish Presbyterie is no religion but rebellion in the principles , and the libertic taken by it is license befitting no subjects , and therefore not to be desired of a King. For which if such a covenant or oath is but one malne peice of securitie ( as you confesse ) I leave to be judged if any judgement can comprehend the other maine peices of vassalage , for your safetie , you yet farther expected from the crowne . An authoritie to crave many leaves a libertie to refuse , and be of no sufficience to impose upon the subject so long as during the contenuance of the Parliament . Nor can you shew that uncontroverted law which gives validitie to an ordinance controverted by the King , who assumes no power of politike imposible concessions , such as treason , felonie & breach of peace are by name with us , & covenanting is such when against the Kings consent . The last part of the demonstration is too true , and so farre dishonourable as it blazons the cowardize of men well principled in their religion to God and loyaltie to their King , who for the benefit of a litle fresh aire out of prison , and a titular interest in an estate , the revenues whereof must be excis'd , contributed , fift parted , twentieth parted and particulated into nothing at the pleasure of the blew-apron'd men in the Citie , and Committee plowmen in the Countrey , would desperatelie cast their soules into the guilt and curse of a covenant which they utterlie detested , and their persons into the slaverie of proud , sinfull unreasonable men , whom before it may be they fed with their charitie and commanded . The nullitie of this oath upon the difference of heart and mouth , is demonstrable , The very taking it being so farre from obliging to be kept , as it subjects them to the judgement of God , because not done in truth nor in righteousnesse . Isai 48. Nec vero ultra quam conse●…sum est juramentum operatur secundum ipsum , quae tunc actul deficit in substantia , desiciente consensu , quem defectum juramentum minime supplet Say the lawyers . And he that sweares to commit sacriledge and murder is as much bound by his oath , which I would faine heare Master Baylie dictate from his chaire against them when they tell him , Iuramentum non est vinculum iniquitatis . The especial aggravation which he drawes from the Bishops ground is as especial a lie , and as evident a falshood , as ever came out of the mouth of man , & an irrecoverable shame to the whole Presbyterie . That a Minister , Professour , their great champion & commissioner should utter it , when not onelie the penaltie of two pence hath been threatned , but of sequestration and imprisonment hath been executed upon thousands , and beside these , ( because some particular must be instanc'd ) upon neare 100. fellowes of Colledges in one weeke banishment out of the Vniversitie of Cambridge , this I can best justifie being one of the number . Which was a leading case to Oxford , when in their power , and the feare of unjust suffering they threatned , her first argument against their covenant . Therefore let us leave the dishonour we were speaking of where we found it , upon the head of our Nation in part , who degenerated so farre as to take a covenant from the hand of strange rebells no otherwise their brethren then in the in quitie of maintaining hypocrisie and license , both which they see with their selves selves now in thraldome to Atheisme and a mercenarie sword , And beare about them the marke of Gods vengeance in the sight of us who survive to magnifie him in his iustice , saying , Iustus Dominus in omnibus vijs suis & sanctus in omnibus operibus suis. The Bishops second demonstration need be no beter then the first whereby you are convicted , as bad as it is , you dare not venture upon halfe of it , but like a cunning old rat that hath before been catch'd by the ta●…le in a trap , will be nibling at the baite , but not enter too farre with his teeth for feare his head goe for 't next . This makes you so tender of dealing with the majour , which if not well caution'd why doc not you denie it or attacke it on that side which you guesse weaklie guarded ? You pervert the minour , though litle to your advantage . The Bishop sayth not that in the Covenant you sweare the latelie devised discipline to be Christs institution , but that you gull men with it , as if it were so imposing upon them the strictest oath to engage their estates and lives in the praeseruation and propagation of it , which is as much as can be required for Christs institution or Euangel , a title as strange as you make it , often given your Discipline which allreadie I have touchd at . Yet because here you so confidentlie put us upon the words of the Covenant , somewhat not much unlike what the Bishop imputes I finde in the praeface… having before our eyes the glorie of God , and the advancement of the Kingdome of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ… whereby I charge your meaning to be the Presbyteriall Government of your Kirke , if not , I require you plainlie to denie it , and to send me this proposition subscribed by your hand . The plat forme of Discipline to which we sweare in the Covenant , is not Christs institution . Especiallie since your General Assemblie 1642. hath sayd . That the Reformed Kirkes do●… hold without doubting their Kirke officiers and Kirke Government by Assembles higher and lower &c to be jure divino and perpetual . Your brother-Presbyters in England . That Presbyterian Government hath just and evident foundation both in the word of God & religious reason . And the praeface to the English Directorie telling you , That their care hath been to hold forth such things as are of divine institution in every ordinance . Were it not to tire out my Reader , I could shew this to be your language ever since your Discipline was framed , & thought so necessarie a truth that your denial must make Christ not so wise as Solon or Lycurgus , if he left it as a thing mutable by men , or now after so many ages of his Church to be put to the vote in their Parliaments and Synods . So sayth a friend of yours in these words . Equidem non novi , neque credam Christum , qui Dei sapientia suit , remp . suam que omnium est perfectissima , arbitrio stultorum hominura religuisse agitandam… quod ne Solon quidem aut Lycurgus aljusve quis pium Legislator pateretur . For that and the rest of your religion your Confession of faith sayth . That you are throughlie resolved by the ●…ord & spirit of God , that onelie is the true Christian sayth & Religion pleasing God & c… Gods aeternal truth & ground of your salvation… Gods undoubted truth and veritie grounded onelie upon his written word . Nay afterwards you protest and promise with your hearts under the same oath &c that you will defend the Kings person and authoritie in the deferse of Christs Euangel and liberties of your Countrey , which is ( or if it be no speake ) the same with Religion and liberties in your league . Besides all which otherwhere you blasphemouslie compare both your confessions with the old Testament and the New. That which followes wherein you moderate the first article of your Covenant , imposing an endeavour to reforme onelie according to the word of God , with out introducing Scotes Presbyterie or any other of the best reformed , unlesse it be found according to that paterne , though it served to palliate all blemi●…hes and deformities that were in it ; To invite possiblie , some well meaning people into your fraternitie , who like harmelesse bees relishing that sweetnesse , litle thought what poyson they left behinde for other venemous insectiles to sucke out ; To furnish others withan excuse ( a petiful one ) for using so bad meanes to so good an end and when it undeniablie proves the contrarie ( the same it may be they intended ) crie they were mistaken though now they can not helpe it ; Yet it may be sh●…wed to be a dubious & frivolous limitation , the same commendation your friends gave it when translated into an oath tenderd in behalfe of Episcopacie by the King , First infirming that member , and so far disinabling it from bearing part in the mater of an oath , as subjection is required unto the reforming power in a Church . Secondlie , Quitting all that swore it of their engagement every moment , if they see clearlie , or judge erroneouslie , your reforming Principals to digresse from that path . Thirdlie , either supposing your reformed religion in Scotland to be allreadie conform'd to that paterne , or else enjoining to sweare contradictions . Lastlie , If leaving every man to judge what is according to the word , and to endeavour according to that judgement , imposing an oath productive of confusion there being as many mindes as men , scarce two united in one touching Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and government . The first might be illustrated & argued from the fallibilitie and uncertaintie in the Reforming power , a maim'd Parliament & an illegitimate Assemblie then si●…ng , whom I could not be assured to have the spirit of God so illuminating their mindes , as whereby jointlie to judge the same reformation according to Gods word . Secondlie as uncertaine should I bee , seting aside all partialitie and passion , that they would declare what they so judg'd , against many of whom , if not the most having a well grounded praejudice , whether just or no maters not if not know'n to me ) I could not sweare de futuro a conformitie to their acts . In which cases wisemen advise us to abstaine …Ten apochen tou omnynai prostattei peri toon endcchomenoon , kai aoriston tes ecbaseoos echontoon to peras . Hierocl . in Carm. Pythag. and Iurant presumitur certioratus & deliberatus accedere ad actum super quo jurat , sayth the Lawyer . The second is strengthned s●…fficientlie by your words which oblige the Covenanter no farther then he findes your great worke proceeding according to Gods word . The successe whereof if no beter then in your Discipline and the Directorie , will keep no man in his Covenant , Gods word praescribing many parts of neither . The Third is evident from the very clauses in the article , where first an oath must be taken to praeserve the reformed religion in Scotland , which if not according to Gods word , is contradicted in the next that enjoines reformation onelie according to the word . And if it be then that is it wherewith a uniformitie must be made , and yet you tell us there is no such word , nor any such mater in the Covenant , About the last let every man speake his minde as freelie as I shall mine . That I hold no Presbyterian government , Scotish or other , according to Gods word That I have read of much dissension among your selves in former times , and heard of some in later . That all Papists ; all orthodoxe persons in the Church of England are jointlie for Episcopacie in the order , as according to Gods word and separatelie for it in the jurisdiction and discipline , neither holding all parts of it exemplified in the word , & so not applicable unto it , & both not the same extensive particulars in the ordinance and exercise of the Church . Besides such as you call Socinians , Sectaries , & separatists , whether individual or congregational . All which having distinct opinions of Doctrine , Worship , Discipline and Government according to the word , if not concentred in the sense of the House or Assemblie but left to their several endeavours , are sworne among them to delineate a pretie implicated diagramme of a Church . But for a farther answer to this article of your covenant . I remit you to the solide judgement of the Vniversitie of Oxford . As likewise to that of several learned men in the Vniversitie of Cambridge , who joined in one minde , & publîshed their refutation of the whole treacherous league A. 1644. Onelie I must adde what persons of knowledge & integritie say they will make good . That your Covenant came into England with some such cl●…use as this . We shall reforme our Church in doctrine and Discipline conforme to the Church of Scotland . Whereof Master Nye & his Independent friends fairhe cheated you , making that be rased out and this inserted which we treat of . By which tricke they have pack'd Presbyterie away , and yet pleade with you in publike , That they still keepe the Covenant and goe on to reforme according to Gods word . The second ground of the Bishops demonstration is no evident errour , it being an evident truth , That the principal Covenanters , Noblemen , Gentlemen and Ministers in Scotland protested to Marq. Hamilton His Majesties Commissioner 1638. when it was objected that their Covenant with their new explication was different from the sense of that 1580. because it portended the abolition of Episcopacie . That it was not their meaning quite to abolish it , but to limit it , holding out in the most material point an identitie between them . That they assured many who made the scruple , and would not have come into their covenant , unlesse they had so resolv'd them . That they might swearc the same confession , and yet not abjure Episcopal government , which the three Ministers in their first answer to the Divines of Aberdene positivelie affirmea . That thus they abus'd many , with an appearance of identitie in the mater and similitude in the end . And themselves frequentlie confessed that this Covenant was nothing but that general one applied to the particular occasions at that time . It is as certaine that the Covenant of the Rebells in all the three Kingdomes 1643. was held out at least to them in Scotland that toke it , to be the same with that they toke before , otherwise then as it must be againe applied to a conjunction with their brethren of the other two Kingdomes . Nor was there any other new emergent cause , nor was that one for any new Covenant ( and you are not to multiplie solemne oathes and Covenants , you sayd , without necessitic ) Nor is there in this the sense of any one clause that is not in the other as it concern'd your owne Nation . And the enemies with their practices , against whom and which you fram'd it , you professe to be the same , though now increased , in your praeface . All which have elements enough , beside an airie sancie , to make up your grosse errour or affected falshood in denying so demonstrable a truth . Yet that notwithstanding this imposture there is a real difference in the triplie respect which the Bishop speakes of was never hitherto denied ( as I know ) by any Episcopal writer which are many that occasionallie have mention'd it . So that his Lordship cuts not his owne vine but your fingars that will be medling with his worke , for which he may expect and will have due thankes from his friends that rightlie understand him . For how soever indeed that short confession was at first not onelie draw'n up by the Kings command , nor freelie subscribed with his hand , but obtruded violentlie upon him being devised by a partie of seditious male-contented Noblemen and Courtiers ( made such by the Clergie that were worse ) against Esme Earle of Lenox , who they hoped by this test would be discovered to be a Papist , Yet the King made a very good vertue of necessitie , and since he must impose it fi●…st upon his familieand afterward upon his subjects , being supreme could and did it in his owne sense , though it may be , oppositie to theirs that made it , the ambiguitie of the words tolerating both . To which , in that sense , he praefixed his Royal authoritie , whereas your later Covenant in yours was absolutelie against his sonnes . That in his sense was for the lawes of the Realme , the praeservation of Episcopacie , This against them for its utter extirpation . That to maintaine the religion established , which he did to the uttermost of his power . This to its destruction which it is in effecting , though it spoiles in the casting that golden calfe you intended to set up . So that the words themselves which doe not more flatlie contradict the Bishop , then they are contradict by your workes , are not so expresse for the Kings authoritie , the law of the realme and religion established , and wherein they are , such an abstruse meaning have they , as he that takes your league is ouos agoon mysteria . the dull creature that ignorantlie caries all the mysteries of your iniquitie on his backe . In the next paragraph is nothing but a branch or two of your former wild discourse , & therein a nest of small birds chattering what we often heare to no purpose , or never to lesse then here having no significancie at all in answer to the Bishops Memento , which recognizeth Q. Elizabeths indulgence , to whom your praedecessours scraped and whined for militarie assistance & ( to say no worse ) undeservedlie had it without imposing the Discipline os England . Whereas you to use the words of K. Ch. 1. ) are not to be hired at the ordinarie rate of auxiliari●…s [ much lesfe borrowed or bestowed ] nothing will induce you to ingage till ●…hose that call you in have pawned their soules to you . The Discipline & Liturgic ( which you quarell with some times because different from the English ) was obtruded upon you by no other crast and force then a plaine legal injunction , Deliberated on from the time of K. Iames's investiture in the crowne of England , approved in a general Assemblie at Aberdene 1616. ( the Liturgie I meane , the Discipline having been received long before ) read publikelie in the Kings chapell at Haly-rud-house ever since the yeare 1617. not onelie without dislike but with frequent assemblies of the Councel , Nobilitie , Bishops and other Clergie , Iudges , Gentrie , Burgesses , women of all rankes . In several other places in the time of K , Ch. 1. The alterations ( which were not of such moment as to be met with opposition , were partlie made generallie approved by the Bishops and principal Clergie in Scotland , who in the exercise of it were injoined to proceed with all moderation , and dispense with such for the practice of some things conteined in the booke , as they should finde either not well perswaded of them , or willing to be informed concerning them , or did hope that time and reason might gaine a beter beleefe of them . How otherwise your Discipline was obtruded upon the English , what free long and deliberate choyce they used ( beside the sighes and groanes of many pious soules hurried into prisons or disspersed in a miserable exile ) your owne Scots Cushi shall beare witnesse . Who , out of no ill meaning to your cause , reveales the truth of your tyrannie from the beginning… That upon your second coming in it was , when some of our Nobles tooke occasion to supplicate for a Parliament , which the King scarce durst denie for the Scotch armie , nor the perpetuitie of it afterward for no other reason… That when it came to armes the Scotes could not sit still in conscience & honestie whereupon they sent a Commissioner from their Synod to the English Parliament 1642. to move them to cast out Bishops , Then others to the King at Oxford to signe all propositions , which because he would not doe , they resolve to assist their brethren against him , whom they call the common enemie . The formalitie of an invitation was used to this purpose , but their inclination and resolution had pass'd before . And indeed your Assemblie 1642. confess'd an obligation lay upon them to encourage and assist so pious a worke , but not as you doe here onelie out of brotherlie concernment , but for securitie of yourselves , because without it you could not hope for any long time to enjoy your owne puritie & peace , which had cost you so deare . The Bishops following grounds , which he makes good to be de monstrative , doe not therefore betray the weaknesse of because they adde strength to the praeceding . What wind is in them you follow too fast after , and feed as greedilie upon as Ephraim on the East , which turnes to the same bad nourishment in you both , increasing lies and somewhat else which you may reade Hose 12. 1. And were the softest hand insensible of their substance , they would praeponderate your answers which are as deceitfull upon the weights as he that made them , and allsogether lighter then vanitie it selfe . For not a proposition is there in prosyllogisme or syllogisme that is seemes you can denie , though you scarce any where shew ingenuitie to grant . For the second , which you thinke so hard to prove let it be adventur'd thus . He that by covenant disposeth of himselfe and armes contrarie to the established lawes , which by the Kings right in him he is obliged to maintaine , disposeth of them against that rights . But every Covenanter disposeth &c. For the established lawes enjoine him to defend the Kings person without limitation or reference to religion , at least not to fight against it , which the Covenant by your practike interpretation doth oblige to . Where the power of the Militia resides His Ma●…esties unanswerable Declaration for the Commission of array will best satisfie you . And himselfe tells you trulie it is no lesse his undoubted right then is the crowne . In the exercise of it though the Parliament be not excluded , yet their power is never legallie considerable but when they are , as the bodie with the soul , in stain conjunct●… with the King. Defense of liberties hath no law to arme them against praerogative , nor is there a cause imaginable impowering them to take up armes against a partic countenanced by the Kings praesence which can be according to no law but what is call'd such by rebellious people that offer violence to Royal right . If any such there be , let us have but one impraegnable instance and we 'll shake hands . I beleeve you are not much in love with that old custome of the Frisians , long before they became Presbyters , who chose their Earle carying him upon their bucklers , and crying alowd , Haecest potestas Frisiae . You can now adayes beter indoctrinate them according to the custome of yourfaction , when praevalent , which is to admit no new King but at the swords point and there to keepe him , crying after this maner , or somewhat like it , in your proclamational libells , Haec est libertas Presbyteriales Scotiae . Yet your Commissioners when in the mood can praesent the hilt to his hand , and argue with both houses , as they did upon the new propositions , why the power of the militia should be in the crowne asking . How King●… otherwise can be able to resist their enemies and the enemies of the Kingdome , protect their subjects , keep friendship or correspondence with their allies … asserting that the depriving them of this power rootes up the strongest foundations of honour and sasctie which the crowne affords , & will be interpreted in the eyes of the world to be a wresting of the scepter and sword out of their hands . So that the Bishops friends may take from yours aswell as from him the same demonstrable conclusion he layd downe , And this for all the Kings acknowledgement , which was never any of the Parliaments joint interest in his authoritie against his person , which is the true case though you shamefullie conceale it . Nor did His Majestie so put the whole Militia in their hands as to part with his right when he bound his owne from the exercise , Nor was he sure he was not or might not seeme to be perjur'd for his courtesie ( which all Kings will not hazard ) though he layd the guilt or dishonour at their doores , whither God hath brought allreadie a portion of their just punishment that constraind him , saying . I conceive those men are guiltic of the enforced persurie ( if so it may seem ) who compell me to take this new and strange way of discharging my trust by seeming to desert it , of protecting my subjects by exposing my selfe to danger or dishonour for their safetie and quiet . Therefore what thoughts he had of your parties medling with the Militia may be best judg'd by his words . How great invasion in that kinde will state rebellion in a Parliament , when there 's any ( as there was none , at that time nor since ) shall be told you when the Bishop gives you occasion to demand it . Or if you can not stay so long , I must send you againe to the judicious Digges to satiate your too curious and greedie appetite of such fare as will not well be digested in many stomackes . To the nulling yourCovenant by His Majesties proclamation you say nothing because it separates him from the partie to which you attribute all malignance , and you know you can not securelie medle with him but in a croud . In the Bishops second demonstration we must be beholding to you for giving what you can not keep with any credit which more awes you then conscience . That where the mater is evidentlic unlawfull the oath is not binding . The application of which up to your covenant will be justified when brought to the touch by Gods lawe or the Kingdome 's . But you first summon it before reason , which helpes you with no rule . To lay aside what might be otherwise rectified , were there cause for 't . Nor any evidence that the burden of Bishops and ceremonies was so heavie as to presse you into the necessitie of a Covenant . This his Lordship need not offer to dispute , since the King ever offerd a regulation of that order and those rites by the primitive paterne wherein it otherwise differed then in a necessarie , innocent compliance with the politike constitution of his Kingdome . And the Church had render'd all rational satisfaction aswell for the ceremonies reteined as those abolish'd . And both by particular men most eminent in learning and judgement had been unanswerablie maintained in every graine or scruple that could be quaestion'd or complaind of . Yet the praesent government , how light soever , is burdensome especiallie to men that looke for advantages by the change , And the worst of men can seeme as serious in complaint as if their vertues had been the onelie martyrs to crueltie , and the very common hackneyes for oppression . Quid reliqui habemus praeter miseram animam came out which a sad sigh from Catiline before his bankrupt Comrades , who had left no such subject for rebellion to thetoricate on , if their lives had been as good pawnes in the midst of their prodigalitie as their lands . This your method of reformation , whereof the Bishop complaines for which you plead custome , failes not onelie in the maner but of the power , the most material requisite to effect it . And the high path way is not so ordinarie as you can name the Parliament that ever trod in it before , We in England having no such custome , nor indeed any where the true Churches of God as to alter religion and government without the King. To your quaestion which ever shelters fraud in universals , I particularlie answer and to our purpose 1. That the Houses of Parliament are not to begin with an ordinance for a covenant or oath , . to change the lawes of the Realme to abolish the Discipline of the Church and the Liturgie lawfullie established , by the sword ( which are the Bishops words ) before the Kings consent be sought to that beginning , much lesse when his dissent is foreknow'n of that and all proceedings in that kinde 2. An ordinance of the Lords and Commons ( without and against the King ) is no good narrant to change such lawes during the fitting os the Parliament . 3. No law nor lawfull custome of England debarres the King by dissenting to stop that change . Untill which three assertions be refuted in law , it will be needlesse to debate the qualifications and exceptions , which can be none of moment in this case against the Kings consent requisite to turne an ordinance into a law . But you take His Majesties concessions to have praevented all can be sayd in the praesent case . Behold you that kindled the sire in his breast here compasse yourselves with the sparkes of his consent which charitie would have suffered to exspire with the breath that brought them forth , or buried in his ashes which they made ▪ Yet can not you walke by the light of this fire unto the full accomplishment of your ends , His successour being not yet conveighd into any such place as Holmebye or Carisbrooke Castle where you would ●…ave him , some such fatal haereditarie confinement being the fairest apologie ( if any ) when he should subscribe so many of your unc●…nscionable desires , and write after his Father in the extremitie of misfortune , who as litle intended what himselfe accounted his failings for his copie , as he desired his undeserved miseries should be a patrimonie transmitted to him by your hands . As to the obtaining of what is lacking , your way is not so faire , in which visiblie lies the same Scripture , Antiquitie , law , reason , conscience and honour , which heretofore hindred your journey to the end of your hopes , the obtaining His Majesties plenarie consent . Who did not agree to , if you meane approve of the rooting out Episcopacie in Scotland . That he gave so much way to such wild boares as were in your Presbyterie to doe it , he afterward repented , and you rewarded him not so well , as that his Royal sonne should be encouraged to purchase sorow at so deare a rate . 2. He was not willing allthough he yeilded to have them put out of the House of P●…ercs in England and Ireland , out of a generous scorne of your uncharitable susspicion that he would have them there onelie because he was to make use of their votes in State affaires . 3 He divested them of civile power , hoping to perswade such as your Lay Presbyters , by the objections ma●…e against them , out of the Ecclesiasticall which they more irrationallie usurped . 4. He joined Presbyters with them for ordination , because he found it before seldome administred without them . But he never made them coordinate in , nor aequiparticipant of that power . He joined them sor spiritual jurisdiction ; as being a fit meanes to avoyd… partialities incident to one man. And tyrannie which becomes no Christians , leaft of all Churchmen . And thirdlie to take away from them the burden and Odium of afsaires , which was a courteous diminution in such times . How sacrilegiouslie you roh the Temple of Memorie of the pillar he set up in the period of your Treatie , and erect in the place an impious calumnie of his abolish●…ng Episcopacie totallie , name and thing will be seen by part of his inscription or ultimate answer to the Rebell Commissioners paper about the Church . The words are these… His Majestie doth againe clearlie professle , That he can not with a good conscience consent to the total abolition of the function , and power of Bishops , nor to the intire and abf●…lute alienation of their lands , as is desired , because he is yet perswaded in his judgement that the former is os Apostolical institution , and that to take away the later is sacriledge… And if his two Houses shall not thinke fit to recede srom the strictnesse of their aemanas in these particular●… , His Majestie can with more comfort cast himselfe upon his Saviours goodnesse to support him and desend him from all afflictions , how great soever , that may besall him , then sor any politike consideration , which may seems to be a meanes to restore him , deprive himselfe of the inward tranquillitie of a quiet minde . And some of his last words were . I am firme to primitive Episcopacie , not to have it extirpated , ( if I can hinder it ) He sayd indeed that by his former answer he had totallie suspended Episcopal government for three yeares , & after the sayd time limited the same in the power of ordination and jurisdiction . Which the Commissioners he dealt with so litle thought Tantamont to a perpetual abolition , that they sayd it met not with their feares , nor could praevent the inconveniences which must necessarilie follow upon the returne of Bishops , and the power which he reserved to them after that time . For that a Bishop so qualified as qualificd as ●…is Majestie expressed should rise againe then they declared whollie in his choyce unavoy dable by Parliament , if they agreed not . But behold a pretie peice of aequivocation ( call'd Anti-christian Iesuitisme by these Rabbi Presbyters of old ) to draw their dull Commissioners out of the mire and as good as inke for ivorie to wash them cleane . His Majestie suspended it till he and his Parliament should agree . All and every one in both Houses had abjured Episcopacie by solemne oath and Covenant and so in no hazard ever to agree with him . Ergo He must either agree with them , that is like wise abjure , which is abolition , or coutinue perpetuallte his suspension which is Tantamont unto it . This is very well ordered , especiallie if you call to minde somewhat else that was condition'd for viz. That twentie Divines of His Majesties , nomination being added unto the Assemblie were to have a free consultation & debate , whence it might be determin'd by His Majestie and his two Houses how Church government &c should be setled after the sayd time or sooner if differences might be agreed . A very free debate when all demonstrative reasons should be forespoken to be silenced by an oath . And a very conscionable treatie , That a faction in both Houses should be ( without the restitution of the rest that were beter temper'd ) the men that should continue siting not onelie 3. yeares but 300. if they could live so long , because sworne not to yeild a syllable of their owne tearmes . Yet because you thinke your selfe so witie in your sophistrie letme aske you . What assurance these all and every one in both Houses had to be immortal , If they were not , what you have that the new elected would be Covenanters and if they were not , by what law they could have been excluded the Houses whither they should be sent as Repraesentatives of their Electours . If admitted and so reasonable as to hearken to a possible result of the Divines debate in condemnation of Presbyterie , and vote according to it , what then were likelie to become of your perpetual abolition , or the Tantamont unto it . Such measure may you have if ever it come to treatie between you and your sectarian brethren now siting in one House , who having a●… much abjured Presbyterie that praetends for Royaltie by the engagement that hath renounc'd it , as you Episcopacie by the Covenant , may they condition for their owne confused Jndependencie three yeares and as much longer as till you and they agree , & may they tell you that can never be because they are engag'd and in no hazard to reerect the roten stooles of English Scotizing repentance , & the corrupt classes of your Presbyters , which the same sword hath ten times more justlie cut downe then it set them up . But I see your full and formal consent findes no such good footing in your fallacie , and therefore falls at length to a possibilitie of defect , which you praesume with much facilitie to have supplied His Majestie that now is hath much to thanke you for , that at the first you will make him as glorious a King as you made not his Royal father but after so many yeares experience of his reigne . That being at libertie not onelie in his person from your prisons , but in his reputation from the clogges of those calumnies you cast upon the guiltnesse innocencie of his Praedecessour you will advance him beyond all those sufferances that were Solemne praeparations to his murder , and in primo imperij momento , as in ultimo you did before , hold him by the haire , onelie not as yet permit the Independent hand to cut his throat , untill forsooth he hath taken breath to supplie that wherein his too scrupulous too pusillanimous father fainted , And then crowne him with ribbons and flowers for the fater sacrifice of the two by the giving up his honour and salvation beyond a life , the onelie leane oblation of Charles the first . But may His Majestie say you , easilie supplie what his father travaild for , without satisfaction to the uttermost limits of reason and conscience , beyond the farthest excusable adventures of any Praedecessours in his three Kingdomes or out of them , hazarding , allmost to despaire , his memorie with pious posteritie , especiallie at that distance as shall not repraesent distinctlie every angle of the necessitie he was driven to , and his soul to no other assurance of pardon then what the integritie of his repentance ( not so infalliblie haereditarie as his miseries ) and his glorious martyrdom afterwards helpt him to ? Would he thinke you so readilie but for a whisper of pernicious counsel in his eares , passe by unregarded his fathers charge to persevere in the orthodoxe religion of England , and hearken to the Devill of Rebellion whom he knowes well enough though turnd into a Angel of Reformation ? Can he so easilie , after three or fower weekes conference at the Haghe with two ignorant Presbyters , and but twice as many leaden headed Laikes , have his reason convinc'd , & his consience satisfied , which is Royal Father could not in so many yeares conversation with the ablest Divin●…s , & devout consultations had with the Living God himselfe by his prayers , and his dead , Yet livelie oracles of the Holie Word in his watches ? Or would he so readilie , without it , give up his Fathers invincible reserve to the irrcparable injurie of the Church , his people , & his heire or successour in his Kingdomes ? Was he requir'd and intreated by Charles the first as his Father and his King ( in case he should never see his face againe ) not to suffer his heart to receive the least checke against or disaffection from , the true Religion established in the Church of England . And can he so easilie , even while that pretious bloud hath dyed his garments in purple , and being the Defender's of the fayth speakes the same language and calls every morning he puts them on for the same vengeance as once did the firstborne , of the faythfull cast such requests and requisites behind him , quit the true Christian guard he is charg'd with , and desert all his constant subjects that must persevere in their religious profession according to the puritie of our canon ? Will he , rather then want , weare a crowne which is not wortb taking up or enjoining upon such dishonourable unconscionable termes ? And will he so readilie beare the infamous brand to all posteritie of being the first Christian King in his Kingdome who consented to the oppression of Gods Church and the Fathers of it , exposing their persons to penvrie , and their sacred functions , to vulgar contempt ? Will he so easilie because his treasure exhausted , his reven●…e deteind , be tempted to use such prosane reparations , if not acting , consenting to perjurious and sacriligious rapines ? Or will he so readilie instead of huckes give holy things unto sivine , and the Church's bread , not onelie the crumbes of it , unto dogs ? This his Royal Father durst not for feare a coale from Gods alter should set such a sire on his throne and his consience as could hardlie be quenched ; Nor , in all likelihood , will this ever obsequious sonne ( whom you call I hope in expectation of no such concessions , the most sweet and ingenious of Princes ) unlesse such furies as you fright his conscience away , while his tongue doubleth in an uncertaine consent , having from your pens & practices nothing but insuperable horrour and inevitable destruction in his sight . Where in if ever you unhapilie praevaile , may the same Royal tongue be seasonablie touch'd with a coale of a beter temper before the unquenchable fire of despaire catch hold of his soul , or that of vengeance of his throne . May it call for the fountaine of living waters to wash away the bloud of his slame subjects whose soules lie under the altar crying aloud for judgement , and quaestioning its delay . May that ountaine deriue it selve into the head and heart of this otherwise innocent King , and day and night flow out at his eyes in torrents of teares for himselfe ( in no soloecisine ) the Virgin Father of his people . And may at last his robes be wash'd white in the bloud of the Lambe , and God wipe away all teares from his eyes . Having payd , in dutie , this conditional devotion , which I wish as frivolous and needlesse , as your praesumption is malicious & unlikelie . I proceed to vindicate the Bishops discourse , which J can not see how in sense may be sayd to fright the Kings conscience by asserting his right and undeniable praerogative the sinewes whereof you would shrinke up into nothing . The Legislative power is not here stated or determined by his Lordship onelie the King call'd supreme Legislatour , which he is , What comment tries have been made of it , to the praejudice of the right and custome of Parliaments , shall be spoken to when you tell us which of his brethren , and what in their writings it is you meane . No right nor custome can be adjusted to them in your case , which is vowing to God , and sweating one unto another to change the lawes of the Realme &c. by the sword , without and against the King , different from the sense of your Commissioners , who would have the Legislative power , aswell as the Militia to be the Kings . For that power that can not constitute can abrogate no lawes , But they will tell you in constituting the King can not be excluded , And we inferre that no more he can be in repealing . If your minde serve you to engage farther in this dispute you were best answer the learned Grotius 8. chap. De Imper. Sum. Pot. to which I promise you my replie . In the next place , as if you were moderating a matachin dance , from seting the King and Parliament atoddes , you turne both their faces and powers aga●…nst the Praelates , whom I doe not finde His Lordship puting in competition with the King about the right of making lawes , but aggravating the injurie done them by your partie in the Parliament , and appealing to their conjcience with what justice they could covenant against the rights of a third order of the Kingdome without either their satisfaction or consent . If the whole Repraesentative of the Kingdome have thus priviledg'd the Bishops , one lame part can not deprive them of it . Their prioritie and superioritie hath been so ancient that no Lords no Commons would scruple at it , but such as likewise at the original supremacie of their King ; And therefore you may know the bill against their priviledges was five times rejected in the upper House the beter Court of honour of the two , and when the sixt time it was caried by a few voyces , it was when the most honourable persons were forced to be absent . Their share in the Legislative power hath been so great , that since any was allotted them your forefathers never heard of a law made in Parliament without them . The King may passe what he pleaseth , and what he doth so is a ●…an . The two Temporal States with his ba●…e name without his power , can make none , nor yet having it as they account it derived from his Regalitie , not his person . Ius enim serendarum legum , sive generalium , sive sp●…ciaiium , samma poteslas communicare alteri potest , a se abdicare non potest . What one orth ' other passe to the injurie of persons fundamentallie concern'd , be it law , can not be justified in conscience , which is all J take to be urged by the Bishop . But what would you have sayd if there had been such a law in behalfe of Episcopacie in England as there hath been in spaine . That no King could reigne●… ( which is more then a Parliament sit and vote ) without the suffrage of the Bishops ? Which made Ervigius upon the resignation of Bamba , that turn'd Monke call a Councel of them at Toledo , to have a confirmation of his crowne . And the time hath been in England when a difference fell between Edward and Ethelred about succession to K. Edgar & a devolution of it unto the arbitrement of the Bishops . The humble protestation of the twelve Bishops rudelie menaced and affronted did not pronounce the lawes & acts after their recesse null and of none effect in derogation to the praerogative of the King either solitarie or in conjunction with what persons soever he pleas'd to make his Legislative Councel ; but in saving to themselves their rights and interests of siting and voting in the House of Peeres , the violation of which they conceived to invalidate a Parliament at least without the Kings passing a rescissorie Act and an Act of new constitution . Because in law and practice it is usual to any who conceive themselves praejudg'd ( even in those things where Acts of Parliament passe against them ) to protest , Which , if you remember , were the words , and part of a long plea to another purpose ( though upon the same advantage of the Bishops right in Scotland ) used by those your Countreymen that alike intended their ruine , but could not colourablie offer at it without the Act anext the constitution of the Parliament . Whether the Bishops being a third order of the Kingdome , and by that craving their share in the Legislative power , be more humble then the Presbyters who take themselves to be absolute without King and two states in making all Ecclestastike lawes , and against King & two states in abrogating all civile statutes & Ordinances concerning Ecclestastical maters that are sound noysome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time … And censuring , punishing all persons , King and Parliament not excepted , I file up with the other references to your aequitable comparers , let them be the Lords and Commons you here pleade for . You may chuse whether you will grant what the Bishop takes as demonstrable . That his brethren had harder measure from the thing call'd King and Parliament , then the Abbots and Friars from Henry 8. When he devested them of their estates , Your consecutorie Beleese hath no article made up out of any of the Bishops words , Who though he could not keepe intruder , out of his palace and possessions , meanes to have no such troublesome inmates in his minde . And since you have sequestred him from his gardens , keepes out of your reach a Tarasse to exspatiate in his thoughts . He commends your eyes that can see so distinctlie such Platonical Idea's as never had existence , yet when you draw too neare commands you to your distance with the same answer that Bacchus did Hercules in the Comoedie for all his club . Meton ●…mon oikei noun , echeis gar oikeian . The Bishops last reasoning is as sound as those before , and in all is there a connexion of those parts which any demonstrative integral can require , To your first impeachment by quaestion I answer . That article of the Covenant beares the seting up of the Scotish Presbyterian government in England which is for a uniformitie in both Kingdomes , if taken with the next that extirpates praelacie viz. Church government by Bishops . For when Praelacie is downe , I pray what remaines , according to your principles , but Presbyterie to set up ? As for Scotish Presbyterie , you have often told us 't is the same with that of all Reformed Churches . And if alltogether be not according to the Word of God , after so many yeares Synods , Conferences , and Letters , what blinde Covenanters you are to sweare a league of life & death upon the like or more uncertanitie of future discoverie by a few unskilfull persons whose petie phantastike lights put together must be made a new imaginarie milkie way surpassing in a fermed singularitie of splendour any among the greater & truer luminaries in the firmament of the Church . But I have allreadie shewed how in vaine you aequivocate about that clause , which hath cost your friend Rutherford and others so much paines . What the oath of supremacie imports is evident by the words in it . ( The varietie of sences to catch advantages like side windes in paper sailes which are subject to rend in pieces being the poor policie of Presbyters that dare not stand to the adventure of plaine dealing ) supreme Governer of this Realme &c. Aswell in all spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal . Which the Bishops you see conceald not , though you grat●…e your selfe with the observation onelie of the other title supreme head , and accept his explication of it , which yeilding you in your contracted sense ( that might securetie afford him more capital priviledges without encroachment upon Christ or his Holie Curch ) supreme Governer takes in what your Presbyterie will never grant him , all power imperative , Legislative , judicial , coactive , all but functional , imediate and proper to the ordination or office of the Minister , which , for ought J know , if he finde an internal call 〈◊〉 a supposition drawing neare a possibilitie then likelihood and assurance to have a double portion of Gods gracious power and assistance in both administrations , he not onelie may , but must exercise as did Moses and Melchisedech , saving that without a divine institution in this spiritual function his supremacie exempts him not from submitting his head under the hands of holie Church and taking our Saviours commission with the benediction from her month . That Scotish Presbyterie is a Papacie the Bishop requires not to be granted upon his word , but to be taken before Publike notaries upon your owne the political part whereof consists in the civile primacie which ( at least by reduction ) you very considentlie assume . The Bishops contradiction , which is searce so much as verbal , will be easilie reconciled by the words of the oath which he reflects on , and his argument good against you , untill without reserves , limitations , or distinctions , you simplie acknowledge the King supreme over all persons in all causes , which would be a contradiction to this clause in your booke of Discipline . The po●…er Ecclesiastical stoweth immediatelie from God and the Mediatour Iesus Christ and is spiritual , not having a temporal head in the earth , but onelie Christ , the onelie spiritual King and Governer of his Kirke . Lasthe , No Presb●…terian is there in Scotland but counts it sacriledge to give the King what belongeth unto the Church . And whatsoeu'rit is they quit in Ecclesiastike causes is not unto the King , but to King , and Parliament , and the power in both when it informes an Act or statute call'd but accessorie by the Aderdene Assemblers , and ( that we may no longer doubt whom they account supreme ) dutie and subjection from the Prime ) which though spoken by them but of their meeting , must be meant of all causes consultable in their Synods , and is as sensibie a truth as words without ambiguitie can render it . Our of all which hath been sayd it must necessarilie follow , that your Covenant hath all the good qualities computed which needs no arithmetical proofe by weight or measure , the praemises over being coextended , with , and counterpoiz'd by , the conclusion . What you rathlie , if not praesumtuouslie , pronounce of the Bishops judgement doth but vilisie your owne . Qui citò deliberant sacile pronun●…iant . Had you brought a judgement to the contrarie of any learned Casuist to whom his Lordship appeales , or any Divine of note in Europe , which he calls for , your answer had been somewhat more serious and solide , But here your oracles of learning are all silent . We sinde it not avowed by your especial brethren of Holland and France , by no approbatorie suftrages of Leyden and ●…trecht…Omnium flagitiosorum a●…que facinorosorum circum se tanquant stipatorum catev●… habet . A guard is hath , but a blake one , such as Catilines league , and how can it have beter , wherein is sworne a conspiracie as bad ? The Bishops following vapours meeting with no suneshine of law or reason to dissipate them , will not so vanish upon a litle blast of your breath but that they 'll returne in showers of confusion upon your head . Your secret will to asteribe good intentions to the King hath by some of your packe been very stra●…gelie revealed in their expressions touching Kings , whoss very nature they have declared originallie antipathetical to Christ. This Didoclave avowes as planilie as he can , And when objected by His Grace of Saint Andrewes with your proverbial , yet mystical appendix of their obligation to the Creatuor , not to Christ the Redecmer for their crownes , is so slovenlie answered by Philadelphs Vindicatour , as any man may reade your good wil in his words , & measure the sense of your Synods by his lines , your good opini●…n of the intentions of K. Charles 1. ( Beside what you imputed to his Praelates ) may be guested by what , sometimes in print you have assirib●… unto his person . An unworthie fellow , your Countrey man that comes runing in hast with the message of your good meaning in his mouth , sayth ; His infamous & Barbarous intentions were executed by ●…eathing his sword in the bowels of his people ; And this not onctic himselve not impeding , conniving at , and giving full Commission for , in Scotland and Ireland , but in England looking upon with much delight while it was done . And that so faire were negotiations and treaties from retracting him , that it was in publike declared he sayth not byany Praelatical partie ) that he would never defist from this enterprise of persecuting Church and Commonwealthso long as he had power to pursue it . Concerning the good intentions of Charles the second , beside what jealousies you expresse by the scrupulous conditions in your proclaemation , your Haghe papers are instancies of your willing asseriptions , which call his answer strange whereby the distance is made greater then before , and farre lesse offered for religion , the Covenant , and the lawes and liberties of your Kingdome then was by his Royal Father even at that time when the difference between him and you was greatest…So that it will constraine you in such an extremitie to doe what is incumbent to you . I have allreadie told you the usual consequences of that cursed word , and what good intentions you are in hand with when you utter it . Tyrannie and poperie are twinnes engendred between your jealousie & malice , to which Independenc●…e is more likelie to be the midwife then Praelacie , and if by that hand they get deliverie at last , will besure to pay Presbytesie their dutie when they can speake . The painted declarations caries beter sense to them that rightlie understand them , which I am sure is not prajudic●…d by any paraphrase of the Bishops . Though agere pocniuntiam . Be good councel where well placed ' yet egisse non paniundum requires it not . If the con●…ience of the Court continue to be managed by the principles of the Pr●…lates , the hearts of the mist understanding shall , if they will be satisfied withall moral and siducial assurance to have that Religion praeserved which shall by reason and authoritie , aswell divine as humane , in every particular justifie it selse against all right or left handed sects and factions guiltie of superstition or prosan●…sse , & those lawes observed which appeare now to have constituted the most indifferent mno●…uous government in the world . Whereas if the conscience of the Court be deluded once into Presbyters hands it will need none of our angrie wishes to be made sensible of the change , when to be sure , it must take religion , like a desperate patient , from a sullen physician in doses of Covenants and propositions not to be disputed , and like a bedlam have lawes given it with a whip . The Bishop drawing toward the end of his discourse puts all the controversie upon trial by that quaestion which if once categoricallie answered would spare much oyle and inke for the future , giving the Magistrate to know that it is not the pen but his sword whereby this difference must be decided . But these spiders of Presbyterie will aswell be spinning webs as spitting poyson , though so thin as can't conceale the uglie shape of their soules , nor that bay which contines the intrinsecal venome of their cause . Though had they the reputation of no beter Artists then Master Baylie , the Pallas of Praelacie need not enter on the encounter , but that of Magistracie might in scorne more then envie , teare such wicked worke in peices before their face , and in justice mixed with some litle mercie to beget repentance execute Arachne's condemnation in the fable upon the authours . Of the multitude of untruths which the Reviewer , here recriminates upon the Bishop , ( that we may by one take a judgement of the rest ) the want of charitie is very unjustlie made the first , which he should have done well to have supplied in himselfe , and not so senselesselie to intimate a non realitie of religion in those reverend Fathers , who , beside the visibilitie in their practice hereto fore , and of their Christian patience in being Martyrs and Confessours for it of late , ever made a profession of that fayth which was consonant to Scripture as interpreted in the primitive purest times of Holie Church . Whereas the censure his Lordship makes of the Presbyterian phantasme is principallie because in their very covenant appeares no reformation intended but according to the word of God , without mentioning any rule or authoritie for the interpretation of that word , beside their owne humours & conceits . And the example of the best Reformed Churches , which best must be that which seemes so unto them , whether the rest yeild to it as such or no , if indeed they meane any , as it may be wel thought they doe not , but themselves , who are so superciliouslie singular from them all , as they disdaine to heare of a inclioration to be had from their example , and such Tyrants over us as they give us no other law nor reason but their pleasure for the reformation they impose , speaking to us in the language of the Pelagians to the Catholikes . Nobis authoribus , nobis principibus , nobis expositoribus , dam●…ate quae tenebatis , tenete quae damnabatis , reijeite antiquam fidem , paterna instituta , Majorum deposita , & recipite , quaenam illa tandem ? Horreo decere sunt enim tam superba , ut mihi non modo adfirmari , sed ne reselli quidem sine aliquo piaculo posse videantur . The second untruth he sayth is . That Covenanters beare no ailegeance to the King but onelie in order to Religion , which notwithstanding is the particular limitation in the Covenant , and when all was granted them but a particle of that by Charles I. they denied to returne to their allegeance without it . And the Crowne of his successour , our gracious Soveraigne , still hangs out of his reach by that thred , which their proclamation tells him in effect shall for ever keep it off till he consent . To the third I replie . That the Rebell Parliaments verbal denial makes the Bishop speake no untruth , who will tell them as the King himselfe did , That his person was invaine excepted by a parenthesis of words , when so many hands were armed against him with swords , & the Canon knew no respect of persons . The praetenses of a Popish Praelatical , and matignant faction are wip'd away by His Majestie in that chapter , to which I require a Scotich replie . The fourth is grounded upon a very false supposition , which sometimes they will not grant us , nor should we ( though too many have out of mistake too often ) grant it them , viz. That saving Bishops and ceremonies , the religion of Scotizing Presbyterians and Catholike English Christians is the same , where as there is neare , if not fullie , fundamental difference in the acception of several articles in our Creed , ( so that though we say the same words , we can not trulie be sayd to be of the same beleife ) in these at least , Christs descent into hell ; The Holie Catholike Church ; The communion of Saints ; The forgivenesse of sinnes , Besides several other accessorie tenets , where in we thinke they detract from the mercie , if not the justice , of God , reveled in Christ and the ordinarie use of his graces restored by our reden●…ption , without respect of persons , unto men . But if here , for their pleasure , they will have the true Church & counterfeit Kirke be the same otherwise then as they are differenced by the corruptions of Bishops and ceremonies , why tried they not the experiment of purging these with the alteration of the rubrike and their persons , without change of the Liturgie for a Directorie , and the abolition of their office , As their great Pope Henderson once confessed in the Earle of Arundel's tent , when General in the North. That Bishops might have been tolerated in Scotland if their persons had been such as they ought . And the Reviewer himselfe . when he wondred why the Doctours of Aberdene would not subscribe the covenant , being asked by a friend of his if he thought Episcopacie and the articles of Perth unlawfull made this answer , He never thought , nor ever would thinke them so . Whence may be conjectur'd their modest meaning to be this . That had the Episcopate in Scotland been seasonablie entailed to their tribe , so farre as they could have hindred what they pretie well promoted , their covenanting tables at Edenburgh had been taken downe , and no armie raised to purge Malignants out of the Kirke 5. The Reviewer sayth , their armes were taken for defense of just liberties , whereof religion was but one . But then it was one , and that the principal , or else when they had the Militia granted them to defend the rest , why stood they upon that , which is an argument that merelie for that , were there nothing else in controversie , they might aswell take , as keepe up armes But what shuffsing was in this businesse hath been discovered by another . That about liberties Master Digges hath learnedlie consuted . Nor will the Reviewer and all his complices be able to instance in any one law of the three Kingdomes that justifieth the subjects against the supreme power in defece of any liberties by their armes . Saint Austin and all good Christians were of another minde . Ita a plebibus Prin●…ipes , & a servis domini serendi sunt , ut sub exercitationc tolerantiae sus●…ineantur temporalia & sperentur eterna . Which I therefore cite not , as if I took it to be the Covenanters case , who did , and might have continued to enjoy all just liberties without any such defense , Yet had they not , they should have ponder'd many beter politike maximes among the heathen such as this in Plutarch cheironeinai monarchias paranomou polemon emphylion and that of Plinie in his Panegyrike . Quanto libertate dis●…ordi servientibu●… s●…tilius , unum esse cui serviant . The other horne of the Bishops dilemma is as sharpe , and it need be no sharper then the former , The danger whereof makes the Reviewer keep his distance , first not daring positavelie to assert the lan fullnesse of taking up armes for religion . And then muffling himselfe in his cloake , invaine hoping he shall not by this argument de gored unto the quicke . His spitting Atheisme in the face of Reason the native image we beare of God , will set no wisemē on gaping for extraordinarie revelat ●…s nor his false translating the Bishops sense into mere apprehensions and uncertaine conceptions make him , or theirs of his minde , worse then Pagan Secptikes in Religion . His Lordship I beleeve , grants no such postvlate as the Reviewer seemes to looke for . That every Scotish Ma●… is a Moses , & every persecuting Presbyter , before Gods ju●…gemen's have humbled him to his conversion , a Saint Paul. He conceives their Cat●…chisme or Directorie can passe for no Pentateuch nor Ap●…al Epissles and say●…h they beg the qu●… that take it to be the Gosp●… . He argues , That in asserting the lawfu●…lenes of taking armes , they justifie the Ird●…pendents that supplanted themselves , whose new light s●…ines as much like that from Moses's face as they Presbyterians new doctrine sounds like the oracles he received in the mount . That the Anabaptists in Germanie were no more Enthusiasts then the Anabaptists in Scotland , who null the powerfull operation of the sacrament , and for ought we know , may be nulls in the missionarie power to administer it . That Iohn of Leyden & his crue could not be more mad then Iohn Knox and his , nor could they have lesse reason for their militarie proceedings . His Lordship is so farre from placing the summe of Religion in every simple apprehension , that he desires the authoritie of the Chuch should take place of his conceptions untill the truth , if different from that doctrine , which is unlikelie were seald to him by some internal impression of Gods spirit . What every man is perswaded in his conscience to be divine truth he would have him praeferre before other mens apprehensions of a contrarie religion . Yet if that perswasion be dissonant from what was generallie among the primitive Christians , he would not that he should mistake himselfe to have a singular infallibilitie , nor a transscendent commission , above that of Christ and his Apostles , to take armes & force all men to his beleefe . The most certain truths , even these divine ones in religion , if His Lordship doth not , which I did not aske him , I doe thinke to be in many men that praetēd to that supernatural grace called fayth , were uncertaine conceptions , or inadvertent praesumptions , finding few so considerate of their very principles in Religion as to build them upon any so much as that subordinatie moral certanitie they might doe with good endeavour , fewer live so devoutlie as without it can reasonablie suppose God miraculouslie infuseth his revelatious to assure them . Therefore though all the truths of Christian Religion , wherein controverted , are reveal'd from heaven . Yet I thinke we are to looke a great way backe for the persons by and unto whom , immediate inspirations being now adayes very rare , nor doe we live much like the holie mortified men that were wont to have them of old . You know what Saint Ma●…tin told the Divel when he appear'd arrayed like a King , and would be taken for Christ come in triumph upon the earth . Ego Christum , nisi in eo habitu formaque qua passus est , nisi or●… stigmata proforensem venisse non credam . He would not beleeue him to be come till he saw him in the habit of his sufferings . So when we see you qualified like his disciples , wise as Serpents not craftie as foxes , harmelesse as doves , not rapacious as harpies , patient like sheep , not ravening like wolves . Delivered up to Councels , not excommunicating in Synods , scourg'd in Synagogues not disciplining without mercie in your Churches . Brought before Governers and Kings for Christs sake , not bringing Governers and Kings to mooke-tribunals for your owne . Then tell us of Divine truths , the beleefe of Moses and Saint Pauls revelation from heaven , and we will hearken to you as Angels , whom now we take to be no beter then the haereti●…es who Vincet sayth are ran●…quaedam & cyniphes , & muscae moriturae , such contemptable creatures as croking frogs , gnats , and dying flies that would buzze what mischiefe you can before you leave us , and make the oyntment of the Apothecarie stinke with the corruption of your writings when you are dead ; The second part of your apologie is most false both thesei kai hypothesei 1. Because subjects have no armes , while the Magistrate is in being to hold the sword , put into their hands to defend their religion and liberties how legallie soeuer established , They have onelie pleas by that law to claime them , and petitions of right or aequitie to put up unto the Magistrate to maintaine them . 2. If they goe beyond defending themselves in their religion and force others to enter into their league & covenant though contrarie to their conscience , this is no other then planting of religion by armes . And if the difference in any point of religion be such as to state the Magistrate in a condition to be put to death by his subjects , as it doth , in your sense , when he joines in worship with Papists & Praelates , whom you make idolaters , and idolatrie death unpardonable ; this is cutting the throates of all Magistartes . And this is maintained to be just and to have the ground of Gods ordinarie judgement by your Patriarch Knox. And to be imitated of all those that praeferre the true honour of the true worship and glory of God to the affection of flesh and wicked Princes . Your hypothesis is false , because the religion and liberties of your Covenant in England were never established by law , and what was so established was never usurped by Papists Praelates and Malignants , And if it had been , from so good a King redresse had probablie been procured upon just complaint without taking armes . To your third I replie , That the Bishop gives no judgement , makes no mention of the Protestants Armes in France Holland and Iermanie , compares them not with the Anabaptists in Munster or Sectaries in England . If you can once perswade them to espouse your quarell , ( for which you have begg'd long enough at their gates by this time ) or publish a parallel between your taking up armes and their owne , the praelatical partie will make no difference between you , but give alike judgement against you all . In the meane time the maximes they give are rational and divine , & they are brutes or Atheists , divested allreadie of all religion and reason , who praeferre them not to the Presbyterian enthusiasmes , who give out for Michael the Archangels revelations what counterfeit impostures Morpheus puts of to them in their dreames . Touching a general Councel , with a wish for which His Lordship piouslie concludes , No Covenanters goe before him , nor will set one step after him in that desire , who most uncharitablie make three parts of fower in the Christian world Antichristian , and so no constitutive members of such a meeting . An occumenicke Synod of Protestants would un doubtedlie condemne them , which is most shamefullie praejug'd to approve of the rebellion and murder in their Covenant . Nor can their Principals , in honour , be silent at such an horrid impious praesumption publickelie printed & imputed to them . The Bishops ae his brethren have declined no solemne assemblies of their owne countreyes . those so called were factious schismatical conventicles illegallie gathe●…ed & composed of such mushromes as how numerous soeuer , durst noe admit of twentie Praelatical Divines into debate , lest they should be squeez'd into a litle spungie earth & winde ( their originals ) having no substantial worth or abilities to support them . You need not pray the Warner to speake unto the question you put , since you have his answer before hand without asking , viz. That its worth the enquiring ( even in such an Oecumenicke synod ) whether the markes of Antichrist doe not agree as eminentlie to the Assemblie General of Scotland as to the Pope . He mentions some that plainlie doe , & meanes , it may be as much of all the rest . To the charge in a Christian Councel they would answer . That they are able to evidence before God & the World , That all bloud & miserie drawn from , & brought upon , the former King & his Kingdomes must be cast upon the Covenant & General Assemblie in Scotland , who will never cease to embroyle all in new calamities untile they be destroyed . That if this King & his whole familie resolve not to prosecute Gods cause , which the former did with much Christian courage unto the death , they hazard the tearing their crownes into more peices then the miters , & the demolition of their thrones beneath that of the Praelates chaires , To conclude all . The Reviewers breath , though violent enough , becomes in vaine so definitive , as to perpetuate persecutions against the providence of God , whom the Bishops looke upon as a potent Protectour of Kings , & a mercifull repairer of the breach made in his Church by their owne ruines . Their resoluti●… , may be justlie peremptore to persevere in their opinion of the Scotish Presbyterian crueltie to be such That as they , have burjed their Bishops alive , conniv'd at , & if , not countenancd , the Massacring their Kings ; so their endeavour will not be wanting to scater the ashes of t●…e Royal familie & three Kingdomes on their graves , Though their consistorian fourmes , & repenting stooles with other luggage be next cast into the flames first kindled by themselves . The mysteries of their religion being murder & dead monuments such as never made those heathen the summe of whose devotion Clemens of Alexandria comprehended in two words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . FINIS . Errours to be amended . Epist. Ded. pag. 3. line 18. Reade , she or her Ancients . Ans. to Ep'Ded . p. 2. l. 8. for common shoare , r. com . fewer . Ibid. l. 9. for power , r. paper . p. 3. l. 6. for and , r. &c. p. 6. l. 16. for comfort , r. confort . l. 38. for burning . r. warning . p. 7. l. 18. for both , r bold . l. 36. for must . r. most . p. 8. l. 20. r. deceitfull lovers of themselves there are . p. 9. l. 35. r. two or three such words as . p. 11. l. 32. for late , r. babe . p. 16. l. 13. for Reviewer , r. Reviewes . Acolut . p. 8 l. 13. for own , r. owned . p. 13. l. 30. for otherguede , r. otherguesse . p. 19. l. 37. for literal , r. liberal p. 20. l. 8. for apposed . r. opposed . p. 21. l. 15. it delcatur . p. 22. margin , for Chaldaeos , r. Culdaeos . p. 26. l. 10. for then , r. they . l. 11. for all r. a. p. 29. l. 1. for Hierambieorum , r. Hierarchicorum . l. 25. for buselie , r. basilie . p. 31. l. 30. for in that , r. & that is . l. 41. for anomia ergapiria , r. anomias ergasteria . p. 37. l. 17. for stake , r. sticke . p. 38. l. 19. for acknowledge , r. acknowledged . p. 40. l. 2. for reasonable , r. treasonable . p. 45. l. 19. for Vnitglupteu , r. Vuygeastein . p. 48. l. 36. After Oecumenical , adde Councel . p. 53. l. 37. for asgle r. aire . p. 59 l. 24. for acconsequential , r. unconsequential . p. 60. marg . for to excom . r. no excom . p. 60. l. 29. for too rigid . r. to rigid . p. 64. l. 32. for halls r. heeles . p. 68. l. 20. for triel , r. Ariel . p. 72. l. 11. for then , r. them . p 73. l. 3. for as , r. is . p. 78. marg . for vicitie , r. nicitie . p. 80. marg . for 493. r. 1593. p. 81. l. 34. r. ( though but in the time ) Ibid. marg . r. The Bishops Sunday toleration . p. 48. l. 10. pro libra , r. litera . Ibid. l. 12. for jura r. dura . p. 85. l. 19. for papists , r. pupills . l. 33. for its . r. in . p. 86. l. 14. for coloural , r. colourable . Ibid. marg . r. Scotish Presbyterian reformation from &c. p. 87. l. 7. for latewarmnesse . r. lukewarmnesse . l. 13. for too . r. 100. p. 88. l. 1. for session , r. cession . l. 14. for Murre , r. Marre . marg . for Ruthuer , r. Ruthuen . p , 92. l. 21. for servidi , r. fervidi . p. 94. l. 9. for scrive . r. transscribe . p. 57. l. 1. for then , r. them . p. 101. l. 39. for superintended , r. superintendent . p. 11. for masters , r , maters . marg , for contracted , r. confuted . p. 117. l. 14. guerts . r. Masters . p. 121. l. 6. for indiscreet , r. in discreet . p. 122. marg . fuos , r. suo . p. 126. l. 9. for on , r. or . p. 127. l. 31. r. from whom I expect &c. p. 142. l. ●…9 . for cession , r. succession . l. 40. for successis , r. successio , p. 145. l. 40. for Autoraniei , r. Autouranici . p. 148. l. 39. for & r. &c. p. 149. marg . for sudunt…astragatus , r. sudunt astragalis . p. 152. l. 35. for pallea , r. paleae . for Affltu , r. Afflatu [ with no point before it ] p. 127. marg . for togodaedali , r. logodaedali . p. 153. marg . for odificentur in rumam , r. aedificentur in ruinam . p. 155. l. 41. for manitates , r. inanitatis . p. 157. l. 16. for if , r. it . l. 41. for mission , r. omission . p. 159. l. 40. for doubte , r. double . p. 162. l. 14 , for forming , r. foming . p. 163. l. 1. for too , r. so . p. 165. l. 13. susplicates , r. supplicates . pag. 169. l. 6. r. to the Bishop . pag. 175. l. 83. for to , r. so large . Ibid. marg . for a estes quos sidem ea vocant , r. testes quos sidemen vocant . for minus , r. munus , p. 177. marg●…for spirationes , r. conspirationes . p. 175. for many leaves , r. may leave . p 180. l. 5. for quae , r , quia p. 181. l. 26. for quis pium , r. quispiam . p. 182. marg . for homonymus subscribentiam . r. homonymoos suscribentium . p. 185. for momfeia , r. monscia Aristoph . p. 187. l. 38. for up to , r. unto . p. 188. l. 14. for which , r. with . p. 191. l. 14. for guittnesse , r. guildesse . p. 155. l. 15. for fermed , r. feigned . l. 34. for neare , r. nearer a possibilitie then likelihood , p. 157. l. 13. for faire . r. farie . marg . for Cosque , r. Eosque . p. 198. l. 11. for bay , r. bag . l. 35. for inclioration , r. melioration . marg . for vide , r. vive . for se short causes , r. see short conses . p. 200. l. 40. for Anabaptists , r. Abaptists . p. 201. l. 16. for were , r. mere . TO THE READER . I Am necessarisie to advertise you , That if you be notvery conversant in the R d Bishops Warning and his adversaries Review before you enter upon my replie , you will in the end be as unsatisfied about the true state of the controversie , as all the way offended at the incohaerence of the paragraphs or periods in the booke , there being , to ease the Printer , not much to advantage me , very litle inserted that mine relates to , which notwithstanding is penned as if you had the other perpetuallie in your sight . The credit I claime to have given to several historical circumstances of a Countrey , which I yet never saw , wherewith I could not be furnished from printed bookes , is upon the sufficient assurance I have of the fidelitie and abilitie in such persons as are natives , whom I consulted as oracles in many cases , and received their answer in no darke ambiguitie of words ; But layd downe positivelie in their papers , which if their indifference had been the same with mine : I should have published with their names , whereby to put out the envious mans eye and keep curiositie from a troublesome impertinencie in enquirie . I shall make no apologie at all to you for my engagement in the dispute , having allreadie done it where more due . I shall brieflie this for some tantologie , much indecencie and levitic in my language , Desiring the first may be imputed to some necessitie I was cast upon by the Reviewers frequent repetitions , and some difficultie to recollect what expressions had passed from me with the sheetes , most of which I was to part with successivelie as I pennd them at several distances of time and place reteining no perfect copie in my hands . The second is that dirt which did sticke like pitch unto my fingars while I was handling the fowle Review , and so hath defild my booke . The third came from no affectation to be facetious , for which I am litle fitted , yet thought I might as well sport it as a Divinitie Professour in his chaire , who having it seemes , made hast to the second infancie of his age , or reassumd his first , would never , it may be , have been at quiet , unlesse I had rocked him in his cradle , or play'd a litle with his rattle . The strange misse-takes many times introduced by his ignorance of our tongue that in my absence praepared all for the presse are rectified with references to the pages where . Which amendments in favour of your selfe aswell as justice unto me should be at first transplanted to their several colonies by your pen. The Greeke leters that have lost their grace by the Latin habits wherein they are constrained to appeare , being crowded here and there out of all significancie and order , & so left at large , have their authoritie made good to the full sense of the commission they brought with them , every where by the English Interpreter or Paraphrast when you meet them . Which intimated , I have no greater courtesie to crave from you , if one the Revievers impartial and aequitable comparers , then to hearken to truth and reason , and to signifie what you finde here dissonant from either , which I promise you shall be acknowledged or amended Adieu . Your R. W. A Table of the Chapters . CHAPT . I. THe Scots bold addresse with the Covenant to K. Ch. 2. Their partie inconsiderable . The Bishop's method , language , and matter asserted . The quaestion in controversie unawares granted by the Reviewer . Page 1. II. The Scotish Discipline overthrowes the right of Magistrates to convocate Synods , and otherwise to order Ecclesiastical affaires . 10. III. The last appeale to the Supreme Magistrate justisiable in Scotland . 41. IV. Seditious & Rebellious Ministers in Scotland seldome or never censured by the Assemblie . 47. V. The Discipline exempts not the supreme Magistrate from being excommunicate . 57. VI. Kings may sometime pardon capital offenders , which the Disciplinarians donie . As they do their Royal right to any part of the Ecclesiastike revenue . 59. VII . The Presbyterie cheates the Magistrate of his civile power in ordine ad spiritualia . 65. VIII . The divine right of Episcopacie beter grounded the●… that pratended in behalfe of Presbyterie . 93. IX . The Commonwealth is a monster when Gods Soveraignite in the Presbyterie contradicts the Kings . 113. X. No concord between Parliament and Presbyterie . 116. XI . The Presbyterie cruel to particular persons . 124. XII . The Presbyterie a burthen to the Nobilitie , Ministrie , and all Orders whatsoever . 130. XIII . The Bishops exceptions against the Covenant made good , & this proved . That no man is obliged to keep it who hath taken it . 176. An Alphabetical Principal Table of the Contens . A. THe Disclplinarians rebellious proceedings in their persecution of Arch. Bp. Adamson . Pag. 43 Poenitent adulterers not necessarilie to be put to death . 169 Litle aequitie in the Reviewers debates & treaties . 190 Alteration in Religion or Church Government unsave & sinfull while conscience is doubtfull . 95 They may be feared to be unchristian that call us Antichristian . 145 Trivial debates among Scotish Presbyters about apparell . 125 The Reviewer dares not speake out to the Bishops quaestion about taking armes for religion . 198 That & Libertie no justifiabie praetenses for taking armes . 201 The Pr : Scots that did , no more excusable then the Anabaptist in Germanie . ●…00 They are planters of their misse-named Religion by armes . 202 K. Ch. 1. had just cause to march with an armie toward Scotland Ans. to Ep. Ded. 9 The Pr. Scots had none for their invading England . Ibid. 11 Their General Assemblies Disobedience to the Kings command , 1●…79 . 12 The incohaerent excuses therof . 13 The rebellious Assemblers at Aberdene 1605. 16 Appeales in Scotland to the King. 32 And so the ultimate of them every where elce . 41 The proceedings against them no other then legal . 17 Wherein the E. Dunbar caried himselfe impartiallie and noblie . 23 Assemblies summoning the people in armes upon the trial of Popish Lords . 92 Collusion and violence in the election of Members for Assemblies . 133 Why so many Burgesses and Gentlemen in them . 134. 135 B. TReason by statute to impugne the authoritie of Bishops , being one of the three Estates . 19 Bishops perpetuall in Scotland . 21 The calumnie against the three Bishops consectated by the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie refuted . 22 How the Difference hapened between the E. Argile & the Bishop of Galloway . 141 Our Bishops contest not with King and Nobles . 140 Their praecedence and place neare the throne . Ibid. Officies of State. 141 The Antiquitie , &c. Of Bishops justified very judiciouslie by Dr Ier. Tayler , Whose booke is an antidote against the poyson of all the Reviewers objections . 102 Bishops Apostles . 106 Evangelists , Prophets , Pastours . 107 Doctours . 108 Bishops & Ceremonies no burthen . 187 The Bishop of Derrie's prudence , no boldnesse in the publication of his booke Anf. to Ep. Ded. 2 Very seasonable . 1 In it His Lordship is no slanderer of the King. 4 Blackes rebellious case . 53 Baleanqual , Bruce & other Ministers guiltie of raising the tumult . 56 Blaire and his complices justlie banished out of Ireland . 51 Bothwells notorious crimes . 61 Bruce's bold speach to the King about E. Huntley . 63 The Bishops appeale in the Assemblie at Glasgow not derogatorie to the Kings personal praerogative . 45 C. CAlderwood's ridiculous reverence of Bruce's ghost . 139 E. Cassils demeanour Ans. to Ep. Ded. 1 Canons infirming the Reviewer to be an aceuser of the Bishop . 48 Publike catechizing of Masters and Mistresses indecent . 171 Not very necessarie before their receiving the Sacrament . Ibid. The Kings Chaplanes use no Court artifice , but what becomes such reverend worthie persons in their places Ans. to Ep. Ded. 4 A proposition of trial to be made whether Christ's scepter must be swayed by Bishops or Presbyters . 100 The difference between us & the Church of Rome about ceremonies . 98 Iurisdiction of Commissaries . 52 The Kings Commissioner how off ronted in Pr Sc. Synods . 134 Riot in Scotland to get downe the High Commission Court. Which was not so tyra●…nical as the Pr. Consistorie . 173 Wherein is more rigour then other where among the Resormed Churches , 174 The adventurous concessions of K. Ch. I. extorded by the necessitie or difficultie he was brought to . 104 K. James's dislike of the Scotish short confession . Many unjustificable praetices about it . 14 Conscience not bottom'd onelie up on divine right . 95 Contrarietie of commands at the same time ordinarie under Scotish Presbyterie . 114 The Reviewers fallacie to salve it in the case of the French Ambassadours . 115 His ignorance of the true stated controversie between vs and the Church of Rome . 8 His cunning in altering the true state of that between the Bishop and himselfe as in many places so . 30 K. Ch. 1. invaded not the Scotish Consistorie , his condescensions leaving them contended . 190 The Reviewers uncharitable interpreting Mr. Corbets's end a punishment from God. 3 Particulars about framing the English-Scotish Covenant . The persons by whom &c. 177 How dishonourable it is to the English that approved it . 179 The Reviewes's abominable affected falshood in defense of it . 180 His impudence in preaching at the Hage that nothing at all had been objected against it . Ans. to Ep. Ded. 7 How destructive it is to the Royal line . Ibid. 12 How the same with that of K. Iames 1580. 183 How it divers from it . 184 Foraigne Presbyterians asham'd to countenance it . 196 The ambiguitie of the words in it leaves religion to the libertie of their conceits , that take it . 198 Covenants unlawfullie taken are more unlawfullie kept . 177 The Praelates docline not the judgement of Councels . 202 No inhaerent right in Courts to nominate Commissioners for intervalls . 123 Spirituall crucltie in the prayers of Scotish Presbyters . 125 Their temporal crueltie , as much as they praesume , may by Gods providence be restrained . 203 The Court conscience will , if the experiment be tried , soon finde the difference between the Episcopal and Presbyterian Clergie . 197 D. NO defensive armes for subjects . 40 Court of Delegates neither unbeseeming , not unreasonable . 43 K. Iames's Declaration 1584. How by His Majestie subscribed . 51 The Pr. Scots imprudence as well as injustice &c. in delivering up K. Ch. 1. to his murderers . Ans. to Ep. Ded. 14 The old grudge that mor'd them to it . Ibid. 15 The same newlie conceived against K. Ch. II. Ibid. 15 The difference between Vs and Scotish Presbyterians is more then in Bishops and ceremonies . 199 The Sc. Discipline omits what the ancient Canons had among the cases of Ministers deprivation . What it hath conconcernes more Presbyters then Praelates . 67 It playes the tyrant over the consciences of the people . 124 Divine attributes profaned in asscribing them to the Discipline and Assemblie Acts. 100 Covenanters missetake the Discipline for Christs institution . 180 No legal establishment in Scotland of the first booke of Discipline . 18 K. Iames's consent to the second booke of Discipline how improbable . 24 They anticipate the law in the exercise thereof . 27 The English Discipline long since setle●… by law in Scotland and our Liturg there used . 16 That of the Pr. Scots obtruded upon England . Ibid. Divine right pleaded for Presbytere frustrates all treaties . 96 Episcopacie wants no Discipline aequivalent to that in the Scotish Presbyterie . 175 Our doctrines about real praesence , justification , free will , final apostafie , praedestinatîon , breissie touched . And a quaestion propounded about Davids case . 98. 99 Dowglasse that murdered Capt. I. Stuart kill'd in Edenburgh high street . 21 E. OUr Episcopacie not reputed Antichristian by other Reformed Churches . Ans. to Ep. Ded. 3. 50 K. Ch. I. suspended the jurisciction of Episcopacie in Scotland for no crimes . No full and free Parliament that voted in downe in England . 9 Episcopacie no obstruction to the Kings peace . Why it may not be lay'd aside . 40 What right it hath to become unalterable . 94 The reasons of K. Ch. I. well bottom'd . 95 Some particulars about the historie of Scotish Episcopacie . 111 Abolition of Episcopacie is not that which will ever give the Pr. Scots satisfaction . 165 K. Ch. I. in his largest concessions yeilded not unto it . 188 The asserrours of the Magistrates just power misse call'd Era●…ans by the Reviewer . 6 Erastus's Royal right of Church government can not untie the Kings conscience if streightned . Nor is that onelie it the Bishops praetend to . 97 The Sc. Discipline exempts not Kings from being excommunicate . 57 Excommunication not mean'd by delivering up to Satan . 110 Ignorance no ground for the execution of it . 172 The Scotish Presbyters practice touching excommunication litle lesse rigid then their canon . 227 The inconveniences that follow to be imputed rather to the Kircke then State. 128 Impunitie no good ground for excommunication . 61 The Kings pardon quitting poenitent malefactours . 65 F. SCotish Presbyters much too busie in private families . 175 Fayth not so common , if such a grace as ordinarilie it is defined . 201 Church Festivals not legallie abolished in Scotland . 18 Crueltie toward fugitives . 129 G. GIbson's insolent speaches unto the King. 21 The Assemblie's juggling in his case . 52 Gilespie's theoreme for resisting Magistrates disclaimed by no Assemblies . The substance of it the sense of many . 37 The King why concerned to be cautelous in his grants to the Presbyterian Scots . 5 The Bishops Office entirelie authorized in the Assemblie at Glasgow 1610. 23 H. THe proceedings against D. Hamilton's late engagement discussed . 70. 71. &c 115. 117. &c. Mr. Henderson's speach of Bishops . 199 E Huntley's case truelie related . 61 I. K. Iames a greater Anti-Presbyterian then Anti-Erastian . 64 The Praelates title to Impropriations and Abbey lands beter then that of Presbyters . 137 Presbyterian indulgence in cases of sedition and rebellion . 47 Their monstrous ingratitude for the too liberal graces of K. Ch. I. 104 The Kings concessions to the Irish more justifiable then the other could be to the Scotish Presbyterian demands . 146 The Pr. Scots endeavours to impose their Discipline upon England . 5 The Assemblie at Westminster having no power to authorize it . 6 Many of the Presbyteries in Scotland have very unfit & unable Iudges . 174 Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical sloweth from the Magistrate . 34 Sc. Presbyters usurpe Civile jurisdiction . 69 No power of jurisdiction in what the Reviwer misse interprets the Church . 108 Nor in a companic mot together . 109 K. THe election of a King not originallie justifiable in any people . 164 K. Ch. I. not inclinable , though by counterseit promises praevail'd with to cast himselfe upon the Presbyterian Scots Ans. to Ep. Ded. 12 His writings not interlined by the Bishops . The Reviewers commendation of them unawares Ibid. 〈◊〉 K. Ch. II. hath expressed no inelination to the Covenant . If any praeventive disswasion of His Majesties from it hath been used by the Praelatical pattie , it was a dutifull act of conscience and prudence . 149 His Majestie can not so easilie , will not so readilie grant what his Royall Father denied . 191 Scots Presbyterians never seriouslie asscribed any good intentions to K. Ch , I. nor . 2. 197 L. MOre learning under Episcopacie then Presbyterie . 150 The King supreme Legislatour . 193 The Bishops share in making lawes as great as any one of the three Estates . Ibid. Our Liturgie why read . A parallel of it with primitive formes fiter then with the Breviarie . 156 The Church of Scotland hath had a liturgie not onelie for helpe but practice . 160 The Presbyterians hypocritical use of it . 161 M. THe Magistrates definitive judgement in Synods owned by the Reformed Divines both Praelatical and Presbyterian . 28 Sc. Presbytetie will have Magistrates subject to the Kirke . 120 Presbyters why against clandestine marriages . 166 Consent of Parents how to be required . Ibid. No obedience due to them commanding an unjust marriage . 169 The Bishops cautelous in giving license for clandestine marriages . 170 Gods mercie in praeserving Arch-Bishop Maxwel falsified by the Reviewer . 3 The businesse about the Spanish Merchants sophisticated . 80 Sc. Presbyters controllers in the Militia . 79 The power of it in the King. 186 Pr. Ministers rebellious meeting at Mauchlin moore . 119 They exceed their commission . 121 Their power with the people dangerous to the government . 122 Their rebellious proceeding in the persecution of Arch-Bishop Montgomerie and Arch-Bishop Adamson . 43 The murders & other prodigious impieties acted by the Sc. Presbyterians in prosecution of their ends . 82 The scale of degrees whereby they asscended to the murder of K. Ch. I. 38 Which might have been foreseen by their propositions , never repealed . 76 Murder may be pardoned by the King who hath been petitioned in that case by the Disciplinarians themselves . 60 N. THe King 's negative voyce justified as well in Scotland as England . 77 What is the power of his affirmative . 78 The Sc. Presbyters gave the occasion and opportunitie for the Nobles to get the Ecclesiastike revenue . The Episcopacie more then titular they kept up . 15 Presbyterie more oppressive to the Nobilitie & Gentrie then Praelacie . 130 Noblemen why chosen Elders . 〈◊〉 131 Where such , how slighted by the Presbyters . 139 O. SC. Presbyters assume the arbitration of oeconomical differences . 68 The Officers appointed by Christ in his Church need not be restrained to the number of five . Nor those taken to be the same the Presbyterians would have them . 106 The Officials Court a more competent Iudicatoric then the Classical Presbyterie . 132 No power of ordination in the Presbybyterie . 108. 142 No comfortable assurance but from Apostolical succession & Episcopal ordination which Presbyterians want . Ibi. The Sc. Presbyterians trial before ordination more formal then truelie experimental of abilitie in the persons . 150 The qualification different from that required by the Bishops . 152 The original of the pretended oath taken by the King for securitie of the Sc. Discipline . 163 P. THe Sc. Assemblies decrees to be ratified by Parliament . 24 As those of our Convocations . 32 Presbyterie makes Parliaments subject to Assemblies . 120 The Parliament of Scotland in no capacitie to make demands after the murder of the King. 163 Presbyterie hath no claime to the Church patrimonie given by Episcopal founders and benefactours . 25 Their disputes with Princes about Church revenue . 63 The original right of patronage in Lay persons . 136 Peirth Assemblie 1596. 111 Provision under Episcopacie against the povertie of such as are ordained . 153 The Praelats still of the same minde rhey were about the rights and priviledges of Bishops . 103 Reason of bidding prayer before sermon . 159 In the Canon forme is no prayer for the dead . 160 Set formes of no use to beginers that pray by the spirit . 161 The gift of prayer in the Pater Noster . Ibid. Presbyterians divided about prayer . 162 The injuries by extemporarie prayer . Ibi. Presbyteries when , and how , erected in Scotland Bishops to praeside in them . 20 Christianitie at its first entrance into Scotland brought not Presbyterie with it . 22 Fallacie in the immediate division of religion into Presbyterian & Popish . 53 No authoritie of Scripture for the many practices of Scotish Presbyterie . 101 Litle knowledge , labour , or conscience shewed in Presbyterian preaching . 154 Scotish Presbyterians beter conceited of themselves then of any other Reformed Church to which yet they praetend a conformitie in their new model . 198 K. Iames's speach concerning Scotish Presbyterie . 30 How a King may , and when , exercise the office of a Priest. 195 Sc. Presbyteries processe for Church rents . 33 The same fault under a different formalitie not to be twice punished . 126 Q. K. Iames's 55. Quaestions . 111 R. REading Ministers usefull and justifiable in our Church . 154 The Praelats doe not annull the being of all Reformed Churches . 143 Though they have no full assurance . 144 The Reviewers speach of Bishops and Peirth articles . 199 The Church of Rome true , though not most true . 145 A rigid separation from her in many things needlesse . 146 Assemblies can reforme onelie according to canon , not the canon . 84 The Primitive Christians reformation different from that of Sc. Presbyterians . 85 That of the Church of England began rather at K. Edw. VI. then Henr. VIII . 86 The Parliament can no●… reforme without the King. 188 Resistance against the person of the Magistrate can not be made inobedience to his office . 35 Reviewer willfullie missetakes the scope of the Bishops booke . 45 His barbarous implacable malice against the dead . 49 A riot under praetense of taking a Priest at Masse . 91 Abetted by Knoxe with his confessed interest in many more . 92 The Pr. Scots must bring beter markes then their bare words for revelations . 201 S. FOraigne Presbyterians tolerate more libertie on their Sabbath then the Bishops on our Sunday . 50. 125 The hypocritical superstition of the Sc. Presbyters in the sanctification of their Sabbath . 81 Offenders quitted to be admitted to the H. Sacrament without publike satisfaction in the Church . 126 False measures &c under colour of scandal not to be brought into the cognizance of the Church . 66 All civile causes are brought before the Presbyterie under the pretense of scandal . 170 The Pr. Scotish partie inconsiderable . 2 They gave beter language to our Bishops heretofore then of late . 8 Carefull Christians will finde litle leisure on weeke dayes to heare many sermons . 157 Sermons not to exceed an houre . 158 Those that are Rhetorical may be as usefull as many meerlie Textuarie . 159 St. Claud Somais no Countenancer of the late Kirke proceedings Ans. to Ep. Ded. 4. 111 The Sc. Presbyterians coordinate two Soveraignities in one State. 113 Two Scotish Kings at one time avouched by A Melvin . 114 Capt. Iames Stuart vindicated at large . 87 Superintendents aequivalent to Bishops 23 Imperious supplicates from the Presbyterie . 26 Rebellion the subject of most . 165. 179 The Kings supremacie impaired by Presbyterie . 27. 195 Placed upon the People . 29 Scotish Presbyterie overthrowes the right of the Magistrates convocating Synods . 10. 30 Synods where the Magistrate prohibited them . 31. 36 Receiving appeales not the principal end of calling Synods . 132 Noblemen to have no suffrages in them but when sent thither by the King. 134 T. THe by-tenets of the Discipline . 3 The Texts of Scripture urged against Episcopacie , for Presbyterie , answered . 105 . &c . The Presbyterians treason at Ruthuen . 88 At Striveling . 89 V. FAmilie visitations commendable aswell in orthodoxe Priest as Presbyters . 173 The Reviewer much in love with the uncleanlie metaphore of a vomit . 176 W. ACcording to the Word of God a more dubious and frivolous limitation in the Covenant them heretosore in the oath for Episcopacie . 181 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A62502-e390 1 S●…n . G●…r . 16. 7. D●…ar . Parl. 1648. &c. Assemb . G●… A●…no 1556. Notes for div A62502-e690 Can. 50. Ench. cand . S. min. ex decr●…o sal . The Edit . Gron. 1645. pag. 161. Los ordiu●… Eccles. printed at Geneva 1562. pag. 66. pag. 20. Pagin . 20. Pag 9. Pag 11. Octob. 20. 1597. Ass●… . Abberd . 1600 1 Book dise . 1. held . Ass Dun. 1580. Patl. 1584 1 Book discip . 4. and 6. head . Anno 203. 1606. Ass. Glasg . 1610. Parl. Edenb . 1612. Ass. Edenb . 1590. 2 Book disc . Chap. 9. 1 Book disc . 6. head . Ibidem . Ibidem . Ibidem . Ass. Edenb . 1 6 4 7. Ass. Glasg 1 5 8 1 Ass. Edenb . 1 5 9 0 Ass. Edenb . 1 5 9 1. 1 〈◊〉 Book disc . Chap. 7. 2 Chap. 12. 3 Ass. Edenb . 1 7 0. a Book disc . Chap. 7. Chap. 12. 2 Book disc . Chap. 1. Theorema●… III. imp . Edenb . 1 6 4 7. decreto Synodi Theor. 4 Theor. 8. The●…r . ●…2 . Information from . S●…t . ●…nd p. 19 Theor 98. Theor. 82. Theor. 96. T●…r . 50. 5●… . Ibid. 2 Book of disc . ch●… . 10. Theor. 84. and 85. Ibid●… . Theor. 43. Theor. 97. Theor. 88. Theor. 82. 2. Theor. 82. 3. Theor. 91. 92. Notes for div A62502-e2550 2. 1582. Ass. Saint Andr●…ws , 1582. Ass. Saint-Andr●…ws . 1582. Notes for div A62502-e2770 〈◊〉 Eccl. Ord. pag. 14. D●…c . 15●… a Book di●…c . ch●…p . 11. At Ed●… : 1587. Minster ●…vid B●… 1596. Notes for div A62502-e3640 4 1 Book d●… . 7 he●…d . 2 Book d●…c . Chap. 〈◊〉 . Th●… . 〈◊〉 . Notes for div A62502-e3900 9 1 Book disc . ●…d 9. Ibid. Ass Edenb . 1594. Parl. Ed. 1594. Gen. 79. 7. Vindication of Commissioners Jun. 6 1648. Notes for div A62502-e4200 6 1 Book dise . 7. head . 2 Book dise . Chap. 7. 1 Book disc . 〈◊〉 . head and Th●…r . ●…3 . Theor. 47. 4●… Vindicat. com . p. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowledge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 1648. Theor. 63. vindication . p. 5. Humble advise Edchb. Iune . 10. 2●…48 . vindication . p. 8. Ass. Dund . 1593. Ass. Fd●…b 1567. 〈◊〉 Book dise . ●…h . 7. Vindication p●…g . 11. 〈◊〉 10. 1582. 1583. Ass. Edenb . 1582. Sept. 27. 1648. Ar. 3 Theor. 84. Ann. 1562. Ass. Edenburg . 1593. Notes for div A62502-e5130 An. 1596. Notes for div A62502-e5380 1 Cor. 1●… . 1. 1 Kin. 3. 25. 1582. Febr. 16. At Saint Giles Church . Notes for div A62502-e5650 March , 22. Declar. Notes for div A62502-e5960 Scot. Leit . p. 57. 58. 1 Book dis . 7. head . Theor. 63. 1 Book . 9. head p. 44. Scot lit . 48 47. 1 Book dis . 7. h a●… . 55. Articl . 1596. Scot. Li●… 49 Notes for div A62502-e6310 Motus Brtanici . 171 1 Book . dis : 9. head . 1 Book dis . 9 head . Notes for div A62502-e7150 The Author●… reasons of his wryting . The Praelats are unable by reason to defend Episco pacy . Cheir stronge●… 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 . The 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The only crane of the Covenant , is that it extirpate praelacy . The Bishops are most justly cast out of England . The Scots were never injurious to their King. The Scotes selling of the King is a most false calumnie . The reason of the dedi●…ation . Notes for div A62502-e7850 The unseasonablenes of Doctor Brambles warning . The irrational way of the warners writing . The most of his stuffe is borrowed and long agoe confuted . The con●… bitternes of the warners spirit . The warner stricks at the Scotes discipline through the Kings sides . In the threshold hee stumbles on the Kings conscience . The Scots never offered to impose any thing u●… on England . The elder praelats of England were Erastians , and more , but the younger are as much an i-Erastian as the most riged of the Presbytery . The Scotes first and greatest crime is irreconciliablenes with Rome . The Scotes were ever anti episcopall . The Praelates lately were found in the act of introducing Popery , into the Church , and Tiranny into the Kingdom . Notes for div A62502-e8220 No controversie in Scotland betwixt the King and the Church , about the convocating of Synods . The warners Erastian and Tirannick principles , hated by the King. The Warners ignorant and false report of the Scotes proceedings . Bishops were abolished and Presbyteries set up in Scotland with King Iames consent . The innocency of the much maligned assembly of Aberdeen . Christmas and other superstitious festivals abolished in Scotland , both by Church and State. The friends of Episcopacy thryves not in Scotland . The second book of disciplin why not al ratified in Parliament . The Warners hipocrisy , calling that a crime , which himselfe counts a virtue . The Warner a grosse Erastian . Praelatical principles impossibilitate alsolid peace , betwixt the King and his Kingdoms Erastian praelats evert the legall foundations of all government . The finall determination of all Ecclesiastick causes by the Lawes of Scotland , is in the generall assembly . The divine right of discipline , is the tenet of the most of praelats . All the power of the Church in Scotland is legall , and with the Magistrats consente . The prelats rather then to lay aside their owne interest , will keepe the King and his people in misery for ever . Notes for div A62502-e8660 Appeals in Scotland from a generall assembly were no lesse irrationall then illegall The Churches just severity against Montgomery and Adamson was approven by the King and the parties themselfe . Notes for div A62502-e8760 The pride of prelats lately , but never the Presbitery did exempt their fellows from punishment for their civil faults . The Warner is injurious to the Ministers of Holland . The pretended declaration of King Iames , was Bishop Adamsons lying libel . Though alwayes in England yet never in Scotland had Commissarie any jurisdiction over Ministers . Iames Gibson was never absolved by the Church from his Proces . Master Blacks appeale from the counsel cleered . The tumult of the seventeenth day of December was harmelesse and no Minister guilty of it . Notes for div A62502-e9050 The praelats ordinarly , but the Presbytery never were for rash excommunications . The Praelats flatter Princes to their ruine . Notes for div A62502-e9120 The Scots Ministers preaching for justice , was just and necessary . Huntlyes notorious crymes . Never any question in Scotland betwixt the King and the Church , for Tythes and patronages . King James avowes himselfe a ●…ater of Erastianisme . Notes for div A62502-e9250 The Presbytery cognosceth only upon scandals , and that in fewer civil things then the Bishopscourts were wont to meddle with . The Churches proceedings in the late engagement cleered from mistakes . The Church medled not with the manday mercat but by way of supplication to Parliament . The Church once for safty of the infant Kings life , with the concurrence of the secrete counsel did cal an extraordinary meeting . By the lawes and customes of Scotland the Assembly praecieds the Parliament in the reformation of Ecclesias-tical abuses . The Church parte in the road of Ruthven clecred . The interest of the generall assembly of Scotland , in the reformation of England . The violent apprehension of Masse-Priests in their act of idolatry reproved by the Warner . Notes for div A62502-e9840 The Warner and his Praelatical Erastian brethren are obliged by their owne principles to advise the King to lay aside Episcopacy and set up the Praesbytery in all his dominions . The praelaticall party were lately bent for Popery . The Praelats professe now a willingnes to abolish at least three parts of the former Episcopacy . The portion of Episcopacy , which yet is stuck to , cannot be kept up upon any principle either of honour or conscience . The smallest portion of the most moderat Episcopacy is contrary to scripture . The Praelats unable to answer their opposits . Prelacy was ever grievous to Scotland . Notes for div A62502-e10300 There is no Lordship but a meer service and ministry in the Pastors of the Church The Warner is ful of calumnious untruths . Notes for div A62502-e10450 The eight desires of the Church about the ingagement were just and necessary . It is one of the liberties of the Church of Scotland to publish declarations . The leavy was never offered to be stopped by the Church . The Church was not the cause of the gathering at Mauchlin Moore . The assembly is helpfull and not hurtfull to the Parliament . The apointment of comittees is a right of every court as well Ecclesiastick as civil . Notes for div A62502-e10670 There is no rigour at all in the Presbytery . Crimes till repented of ought to keep from the holy table . Excommunication in Scotland is not injurious to any . Notes for div A62502-e10800 The Warners outrage against the Presbytery ▪ The Praelats were constant oppressors of the Nobility and gentry . The way of the Scotes Presbytery is incomparably better then that of the English Episcopacy . All questions about patronages in Scotland are now ended . The possessors of Church lands were ever feared for Bishops , but never for the Presbytery . The praelats continue to annull the being of al the reformed Churches for their want of Episcopacy . The Praelats are so baselie injurious to all the reformed Churches that their selses are ashamed of it . The generality of the Episcopal clergy have ever been covered with ignorance , beggery , and contempt . The Praelats continue to hate preaching and prayer but to idolize a popish service . Vide lad●…nsium . cap. 7. Episcopall warrants for clandestin marriages , rob Parents of their children . Serious catechising is no Episcopal crime . Church sessions are not high commissiones . Notes for div A62502-e11360 The Covenant was not dishonourable to union . Covenanters were not deceived , but understood what they sweare . The Warner unwittingly comends the Covenant . The King did not clame the sole and absolute possession of the militia . The change of lawes in England ordinarly beginne by the two houses without the King. The King did really consent to the abolition of Bishops . The Praelats would flatter the King into a Tyranny . The praelats takes to themselves a negative voice in Parliament . The Praelats grieve that Monks and Friers , the Pope and Cardinals were casten out of England by Henry the eight . The just supremacy of Kings is not prejudged by the Covenant . The Warners insolent vanity . The covenant is not for propagating os Religion by armes . The Warners black Atheisme . a The Praelats condemne the defensive armes of the Dutch & Frensh Protestants . b The Praelats decline the judgement of counsels . c The Praelats overthrow the foundatiōs of Protestant Religion . d The Praelats are stil peremptorie to destroy the King and all his Kingdoms if they may not be restored . Notes for div A62502-e13190 My reason for refuting his Epistle . The Rewiewers vanitie in giving titles inconsistent with the praesent condition & practice of his Lord. The Earle of Cassils no late Illuminate . No credit for his samilie to be commended by Buchanan . Very Improper to style Buchanan Prince . a Legitimi regni gravissima pestis . Praet . ad Dial. de jur . Reg. b The Reviewers sermon divinttie . c He may well count it an advantage to have the E. Cassils his judge . d An honour for the Bp. to be calld by the Rev : unpardonable incendiaire . The Rev's uncleanlie language . Aristoph . Plut. The active boldnesse of the Scotish Presbyterians in Holland , &c , a The three headed monster in controversie b Sen. Her. Fur. c The Scotish Discipline vrey different from that in Holland & France . d No Reformed Church calls regular Episcopacie Antichristian . e Many emincnt persons in those Churches have approv'd of it Vindic : of K. Ch. p. 125. Apost . Instit . of Episcopacie . Episcopal declinations different from Episcopacie . Presbyteria aberrations . the same with Presbyterie . The praesent concernment greater to reveale the Scotish Discipline , the refute old adversaries of Episcopacie . a Sr. Claud Somays likelie to be no great friend to the Discipline . b He offe red no dispute with the Kings Chaplaines about Episcopacie . They transgresse not the dutie of their place by informing the Kings conscience about . The Primitive Doctrine & Discipline . Eikôn Basiliké cap. 14. Praeservation of the Church . a Pardoning the Irish & tolerating their Religion . b Eikôn . Basilikè . conscience , honour , reason , law . c Inclining his mind to the Counsels of his Father . d Cant. 4 4. e Eikôn Basilikè penned wholely by K. Ch. 1. not a syllable of it by the Bishops . f God not they the supporter of the Matyr'd King. a The hard-hearted Scotish Presbyterians . b Holmebie the fatal praecipice to K. Ch. 1. c Endeavours to make it such to K Ch. 2. d His best way to praevent it is consorting with his Fathers booke . e Wherein is divine wisdome & Counsel . f Ps. 72. g Gods providence in ordering his commendations of this booke to proceed out of the mouth of the Revicwer . h The Reviewers scaesonable advertishment to the King. a K. Ch. 1. no Presbyterian in heart nor tongue at Newcastle & the Isle of Wight . b His papers to Mr. Henderson against it . c No Bishop No King. d Ovid. Met. lib. 5. fab . 1. e The Reviewers false profession in publike contrarie to conscience & vulgar knowledge . f The same speach now printed in effect . No necessitie for the Scots to enter into a Covenant which is . No oath of God but the Devil . No wonder why the lovers of the King are no Covenanters . a The Cheat of the Covenant . b The Scot-Presbytirian open unkindnesse that is treason against the late King. c Bishops in other Reformed Churches . d The Reviewers in constancie . a K. Ch. 1 never justified the Scotish contests . b Eikôn Basilikè Ch. 13. c The King may bring an armie to the Scotish borders . d Alawe above Dunce law . e Liturgie & Canons contrarie neither to the lawes of God nor Scotland . f The Reviewers brag K. Ch. 1. gave the Scots too easie conditions . a He had good reason to raise a secound armie against them . b The Scots successe at New bourne opened not a passage for them to London . c The Pr. Scotish Rebellion copied by the English. d K. Ch. 1 his raising an armie a signe of divine providence . e The Rebells faint in their faith notwithstanding the revelations they pretend to . f The Prerb . Scots coming in no condition of the peace a Their guilt made them feare a third warre . b Their worke of supererogation in interceding . c Their Remonstrance . d They mediate for no reasonable accommodation . e Were never slighted nor rejected . f Were justlie denjed . g Covenants the common road for faections . h Remonst . about the Treaty in the Isle of wight . The Covenant destructive to all the Royal line . The charge Against K. Ch. 1. taken out of the Pr. Scots Remonstrance . The Presb. Scots wicked Impostours , no messeangers of Christ. The Kings partie not subdued when His Majestie left Oxford . The King not necessitated to cast himselfe upon the Scots . He had promised all reasonable satisfaction before . His Religious adhe rence to his old oathes . The Kings presence might best have composed the divisions in Scotland . Isai. 32. 17. His garrisons surrendered upon the counter . feit professions of the Pr. Scots . They obteine no termes satisfactorie to the King. Their injustice , unkindnesse imprudence Their deliverie of the Kings person was a selling him to his Enemies . They might have prevented the murder tha●… followed . Ier. 51. 7. They were not readie to the utmost of their power . An old grudge the reason why they were not . S. Matth. 27. 24. The Kings not granting all demands . They beare the like grudge against K. Ch. 2. * In libro Cap. 1 ▪ The Reviewers politike staterie . Ecclesiast . 12. 6. Notes for div A62502-e20820 The unseasonablenesse of the Scots coming to the King at the Hague . Iob 26. 9. Iob 16. 16. The seasonable successe of the Bishops Warning . The Scotish Presbyterians an inconsiderable partic . Sen Con●…rov . Iob 8. The Bishops method apposite to his matter . His proose ●…o by tenets His allegations confirm'd by others . The Reviewers rash & uncharitable judgement about the ends af Mr. Corbe●… & Arch-Bishop Maxwell . His vanitie in mentioning the frequent impressions of his book . His language more bitter then the Bishops & his hast greater to vent it . No regard wanting in the Bishop to Scripture nor reverence to th Reformed Churches . Nor respect to the Magistrate and lawes . The Bishop no slanderer of the King nor his Royal Father . Eikôn Basilikôn ch . 17. The Reviewers seasonable advertissement abou●… the Kings late offer , to the Scots . No r●…sb presumption in the Bishop . The Scots endeavours to impose their discipline upon England . K. Ch. 1. in no barmonie with the Prc●…byterians . All Protestants implied to be Erastians as well as the Episcopal by Mr. Baylic . The Reviewer not acquainted with the late controversie between us & the Papists . No Canter-burian designe but what was forged at Edenburg . Basilik . dor . The Scots heretofore gave no so bad language to the English Bishops . 1. Pet. 5. 2 Though they acted enough against their Bishops at h●… . Ierr. 8. 22. The crime●… alleged not the grounds of K , Ch. 1. his concessions against Episcopacle in Scotland Episcopacie in England not put downe by a legal Assemblie , & Parliament Notes for div A62502-e23070 The Reviewer knowes not good logike when he meetes with it . The Bishop not ignorant of the way of the Scotish Discipline . The Reviewers Sophystrie . The Bishops meaning about the Kings power in chusing Elders . Ecclesiastike lawes . The head of the Church . Assembies are the Kings arbitrarie Counsels . The Bishop had reason to instance in particulars . The Assemblie contest with the King about his command . Conf. as Hapt . Court. And. Melvin Epist. ad Th. Bez. 1579. K. I. & his Nobilitie against the Discipline . Vindic. Epist. Hieron . Philadelph The Reviewer & his brethren agree not in their storie . Duo folia dilac erata & in ignem conjecta . G●…or . Con. De duplic . stat . Relig. apud Scot. lib. 2. … ministri cu omnia ex suo suorumque arbitrio pendere , savente & annitente imprimis Buchanano , cerncrent , &c. K. 1. his dislike of the short Confession . Many unjustisiable praciices about it . Vindic. Epist Hieron . Philadelph . Archiepis . Fan , S. Andr. Pa. 1 77 Archiepis . Fan. S. Adr. Epist. ad Theod. Bez. The reason upon which the Nobilitie maintaind Bishops . Pseudo-Episcopatu . The Presbyterie the Cause of the Nobilities kceping the revenue of the Church . Episcopacie more then titular by the Covenanters acknowledgement . The Bishop too courteous in passing over 27. yeares storie meane , base , & abject persons , who were never any way remarkable as ●…en of great gifts Decl. of His Majesties Counc . Imperfect policie alterable at the Kings pleasure . The Priviledge of Assemblies limited . The Legal proceedings against the Aberdene Assemblers Their obstinacie . The Church festivals abolished in Scotland by no just Authoritie . The primitive Christians observ'd thom Orat : of the Protest . of Scotl. to the Q. Reg. 1558. The Bishop not mistakē in the Scottish Chronologic . What kinde of Presbyteries were erected by K. Iames & his Commissioners , & to what purpose . Bishops to praeside in them . Declar. 15●…2 . The abuse of the Kings indulgence by the Presbyters . The E : of Arran no wicked Courtier . His bloud reveng'd . Bishop Bancroft Dang . Posi●… b. 1. Gibsons bold speaches to the King. Perpetuitie the Bishops in Scotland . The Reviewers long reach for the antiquitic of Presbyters . … facile est credere Victorem Pontisicem …in Scotia reperisse multos quos salutaribus undis expiaret alios quos Judaizantium in fe●…erat error . G. Con. De dupl . stat . Rel. apud Scot. lib. 1. Multi ex Britonibus Christiani savitiam Diocletiani tiementes ad eos [ Scotos ] confugerant è quibus complures doctrina , & vitae integritate clari in Scotia substiterunt , vitamque solitariam tanta sanctitutis opinione apud omnes vixerunt , ut vita sanctorun cellae in templa commutareniur . Ex eoque consuetuao mansit apud posteros , ut prisci Scoti templa cellas vocent . Hoc genue Mona●…horum Chaldeos appellabant mansitque nomen , & institutum donec Monachorum genus rocentius in plures divisum ectas eos expulit Buchan . Hist. lib. 4 Episcopacie intirelie authorized in the Synod of Glasgow Vind. Epist Hitr. Philadelph . Superintendents aequivalent to Bishops . Presbyters not to have Synods as often as they list , nor doe in them what they please . The King consented not to the second booke of Discipline . K. Ch. 1. Larg . Declar . 1633. pag. 411. Refutat . libel . De Regim . Eccl. S●…ot . The Bishop no hypocrite in his chalenge about the patrimonie of the Church . 1. Book Disc. 6. head which be longs not , by haereditaire right to the Presbyters . Let. of K. Ph. & Q. Mar. Ann. 1559. The Reviewer is the hypocrite . Mainten . of the sanstatie . pag. 10. The Disciplinarians declaration of their judgements in their impudent & imperious supplicats . They anticipate the law in the exercise , of the Discipline . Hieron . Philadelph . de Regim . Eccles. Scot. Epist. Iren. Philaleth . Narrat . mot . Scotic . Their doctrine as destructive as their practice . Ovid. Met. lib. 3. sub . 4 2. Book of Disc. ch . 7. 2. The Bishops Super-Erastianisme the doctrine of the Reformed Churches Ad Dissert . De Epise . Constant. M. Ph. Par. Vindic. propos . 8. D. Par. N. Vedel . De Epise . Const M. q. 5. The practice of the good primitive Emperours . Har. Syn. Belgic . c. 10. Altar . Damasc. pag. 15. Renounced by none of the Scotish King. The Reviewers malice not any Prelatical principles doth impossibilitate ( as he speakes ) the peace betwixt the Kiag & his Kingdomes . Conf. at Hampt . Court. The Disciplinarian doctrine & practice against the Kings power to convocate Synods . Pag. 41. DeEpiscop . Constanstin M. 2. B. of Disc. ch . 10 Cap. De primat . Reg. Epist. 43. De Imper , sum Pot. cap. 8. Constantin . De Ario. The ultimate determination of Ecclesiastike causes by the lawes of Scotland is not in the general Assemblie . No more then in the Convocations of England . Appeales to the King in Scotland . Court of Delegates against neither word of God , nor aequitie . All causes agitated in Scotish Assemblies . Processe about Church rent . Letter to the Gen. Assembli at Sterling Aug. 3. 1571. Reviewer declines answering about the legislative power . Danger in asserting the divine right of Ecclesiastike jurisdiction Hug. Groti . De Imper. Sum. Pot. Scotish Donatist . Polit. Anglic . Ad Reg. Iac. Sozomen . Eliens . De Episcopat . Constant . M. Disciplinariam call resistance against the person obedience to the office of the Magistrate The Reviewer too bold with his Majestie . The Disciplinarians no compartie for the Primitive Christian . The Reviewers cunning in passing over what he dares not , can not answer . His unkindnesse to his brother Gilespie whose theoremes are the doctrine of the whole Presbyterie Harm . Syn. Belg. cap. 1 Gilespie's theoreme the rule of the late Disciplinarian practice . a Nec enim dissimulabant foederati , nimis diu apud Scotos regnatum esse Monarchis , nec recte cum illis agi posse Stuarto vel uno superstite Hist. M. Montisros . No defensive armes for subjects . Episcopacie no obstruction to His Majestics peace . See the le●…rned & judicious Digges upon this subjects . Notes for div A62502-e32770 Appeale in Scotland from a General Assemblie neither irrational , nor illegal . Altar . Damascen . 3. Paper An. 1574 The Rebellious , & insolent disciplinarian proceedings against the too Rt. Reverend Arch-Bishops Montgomerie , & Adamson . Answ. to the Prosession & Declar . made by Marq. Hamilt . 1638. Vindic. Epist . Hier. Philad . Supplicum libellorum Magister . Se posse salvo Regis imperio de causa tota cognoscere . ●…arg D clar . pag. 308. Marg. not upon Potest . of the Gen. Assemb . at Edenb . Crosse Decemb . 18. 1638. Quioccasione laeti palinodiam ●…i per vim expressam , sed in - numeris a se locis inter-polatam typis publicarunt . The Bishops Appeale not derogatorie to the Kings personal Pr●…rogative . The Reviewer mistakes the scope of the Bishops warning . Ch. 5. v. 1. Notes for div A62502-e34070 Sedition , & rebellion not censur'd by the Discipline . Hift. of Reform . 4. booke . Scotish Presbyters mounting in halls schooles &c. An. 436. Ancient Canons against Ministers accusers of their brethren . Reviewer no competent witnsse against Bishops . He will not be at peace & charitie with the dead . Gualth . Epist. Erast. Aug. 3. 1570. Nor speake any truth of the living . Spanheims speach about English Bishops The Kings booke of recreations farre short of what other Reformed Churches tolerate on the Lords day . Vindic. Chr. Philaed . Blaire & his companions justlie banished . K. Ch. 1. larg . Dec. 1639. pag. 324. The Discipline . in Scotland different from Geneva . King Iames Declaration 1584. Part. 3. An. 1684 The Bishops consequence good from Commissaries to Civite Magistrates . Fucus ad fallendum simpliciores , vel potius illudendum Ecclesiis pag. 404. Altar . Damase . The Assemblie jugling in Gibsons case . The Bishops relation of Mr. Blackes case vindicated & enlarged . Hamp . Court. Conf. Rom. 6. 1. Ephes. 6. 16. Hebr. 11. 33. Nescio quid nec quando , sed multo ante Vind. ep . Philad . L. 1. c. The od . de Relig . De Impersum . Potestcirc . sacr . cap. 9 Nam co repore summā fuit Ecclae concordia & authoditas ut aulici ab ea , tametsi Regia gratia niterentur , timerent , Vindic. Ep. Chr. Philad . Let to the Q. of Engl. Iul. 16. 1561. The Ministers guiltie of the tumult . Decemb . 17. 1596. * Vasius Notes for div A62502-e37270 The Rev. impertinencie or cunning in altering of the state of the quaestion . Let : of the Congreg . to the Nobles of Scotland 1559. De Imper sum . Po●… , cap. 9. Disciplinarian intentions never better then their words Eccles. 8. 4. No thankes due to them for not excommunicating their Kings . The Ancient Fathers quit peccant Kings of all humane censure , Apos . Gent. adv . Notes for div A62502-e37970 The Bishops reasonning not unconsequential . Aristoph●… Nubes . Bloud the seed of the Discipline . Esai . 1. 15. Mercie Gods attribute , & so the Kings . 〈◊〉 . Book Discipl . 9. head . Presbyters sollicite pardon for murder . * Rigour to be preached &c. under non●… but implous or n●…ligent Magistrates ; so ex●…ommunication for impunitie . E. Huntleys case wholie minted in the Assembii●… Bothwells notorious crimes . R Bruce's speach against E. Huntley First fruites &c. witheld from the King as much by the Presbyters as Pope . An. 1587. Contradiction about tithes . pag. 57. Patronages . Presbyterian rebellion , & tyrannie . Rejoycing at the sequestring the Church patrimonie . Qui jactare non dubitârunt se Episc . plygin kairian inflixisse . Aitar . Damasc. p. 3. K. Iames anti-presbyterie . No Dona●…ist . Ep. lector . Aitar . Damascen . Georg. Con. De Dupl . Stat. Relig. apud Scot. lib. 2. Notes for div A62502-e39930 Their latitude of scandal . 8. 9. Malefactours pardoned not to be excommunicated . False measures , &c. maters of civile cognizance . The Reviewers 30. yeares experience no argument of Presbyterian henestie . Their Canons not the same with those of the ancient Church . Victorem Romanum Epum circa annum Dui 200. legimus Coenae usu●… interdixisse injurias condonare nolentibus Th. Erast. thes . 7. No canon against rebellion , nor deprivation of rebellious Ministers . Presbyters as peccant as Bishops . Ch. 2. 11. 29. 9. Revel 17. 5. 9. 2. 3. 2 S. Pet. 2. 13. Their exercing civile jurisdiction Their eoconomical superintendencie . Preaching personallie against Princes . Knox : Hist. Lib. 2. Their proceedings in the late engagement . St. Matth. 12. 43. Declar. Iul. 21. 1649. Isai. 63. 15. Prov. 12. 5. Ps. 50. 16. Isai. 61. 2. 11. Isai. 8. 20. Prov. 13. Ianuar. 6. & 29. 1649. 1. Tim. 4. 2. 1. Kings . 22. Heb. 12. 16. Scot. Mist. dispell'd . I crem . 9●…1 . Isai. 58. Edenb . 12. May. 1649 postser . Scotti●…h mist Dispell'd Hendersons Prophesie Pap. to K. Ch. 1. Iun. 3. 1646. Esih. 4. 12. Pre●…yters De●…aring against Parliament debates . The Kings negative voice proper to be debated in a Scottish Parliament . Ans : to both Houses upon the new propositions and the 4. bills 1647. Why opposed by the Presbyters . Eic . Bas. Ch. 11. The Kings affirmative voice . Hug. Grot. De Imper. Pot. cap. 8. No such vicitie need be us'd about mominating ofsicers . Ch. 4. The Presbyters destructive demurres . Scot. Mist. disp . The Reviewers impertinencie in the successe of the Spanish Merchants . As. Dund . 1493. The Presbyterian zeale for the 4. Commandment bypocritical cover for their breach of the rest . Prov. 11. 9. Recreations resections to fit us for spiritual duties . Rob. Bruc'es motion to alter the Sabbath . The Bruc'es Sunday toleration not so large as the Reformed Church's abroad . The monsirous impietie of the Presbyterians in prosecusion of their ends . Lib. 5. 1560. Lib. 3. Assemblies have no power to summ●…n contrarie to the Kings proclamation . Cantic . 8. 6. 7. Contradi●…iion . The Assemblies can reforme onelie according to canon , not the canon . 2. Tim. 2. 23. 24. Ancient Assemblies reversed no Civile lawes . Euseb. Reformed no haresies ●…ith out the Emperour . Henrie the eight's reformation the occasion not the original of ours . Scotish Presbyterians from the begining s●…hisme . None but they have declared Bishops & ceremonies unlawfull . Ch. 6. 28. Ch. 9. 3. Capt : I. Siuart vindicated . The treason at Ruthuer . Saint Iam : 4. 16. S. Macth : 11. 12. The King can not be sayd to invade the Presbyter : Consistorie . Rev : 1. 18. Prov : 24. 2. c. 27. 20 Tert : De Praeser : advraeser haeret . c : 42. Arch-Bp . Lauds Armenianisme & P●…perie the doctrin . of scripture and the Fathers . Prov. 25. 23. Advers : hares : cap : 16. Ariote under praetense of taking Priest at Masse . Abetted by Kno●… & improid to a rebellion . Vit : Eliz. 〈◊〉 . ●…563 Assemblie's summoning the people in Armes upon the trial of Popish Lords . Notes for div A62502-e45650 Isai. 57. 20 Power of order and jurisdiction . The midd , le Apostolical right of Episcopacie . Conscience not bottom'd onelie upon a divine Right . Rom. 1. v. 2. ch . Alterations unsate and sinfull while conscience is doubtfull . The reasons of K. Ch 1. against a change . Peace . Antiquiti●… . Vniversalitie . The considerable approch of Church discipline to doctrine . Paternal government . Communion with Christians . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ch . 17. Ius divinum of Presbyterie srustrates all treaties , excommunicates all Christians threatens all Princes . Isai. 40. 23. 24. The Reviewers perverting the Bis●…ops doctrine . Erastus's Royal right abused in a Sophisme . Sen : De Clem : l. 1. c. 20. The consequences from Episcopal principles not such as praetended S. Matth. 4. 9 ; Difference between us and Rome bout ceremonies . Prov. 10 , 31. Real Praesence & corporal disserent . Hist. Mot. Iustification . S. Matth. 13●…45 Free will. Deut. 30 19. Final Apostasice . 1. Cor. 10. 12. Phil. 2. 12. A quaestion about Davids case . Rubrike in the consirmation . Christ as King of his Church appoints lawes &c. H. Grot. Hane none magis licet Ecclae mutare quàm mutare licet ipsam scripturam V indic : Eplae Philad . By whom his Seepters is to be swayed . Vincent . Lyrin : advers : haeres cap. 14. English Episcopacie out done by the more for ward Presbyterie . B. Discips . 4. head . The treasure thereof to be found as well before as after the years 800. Dr. Ierm . Taylor . Can. 2. The Praelates still of the same minde they were . Declar. B. 2. Dang . Posit . Not the Court but Citie Divines devest Bishops . Sen : De Benef. lib. 2 cap. 7. S. Matth. 7. 9. 46. 17. The Reviewers detestable ingratitude . De Ben. lib : 3. cap. 16. The texts of scripture against Episcopacie discussed . Prov. 26. 4. & 5. Act. 20. Beshosp are . Apostles . Lib. advers . haeres . cap. 32. May be call'd Euangelists . H. Grot. Proleg . ad Matth. Should be prophets . In 1. Cor. 12. H. Grot. Why Pastours . Apostles superiour to Apostles . Euangelists Coadjutours . Doctours Bishops . haeres . 75. Dr. Tayler Episcop : assert . No power of Ordination in the Presbyterie , 2 Tim. 1. 6. No power of Iurisdiction in the Church . Confirma . Thes. lib. 4. c. 5. De Verb. Dom. hom . 15. Iohn Morell excommunicated for this doctrine . No power of jurisdiction in a Companie met together Delivering to Satan what . Why Blondel &c. are not answered . Somais fare well to the Presbyterie . The Scottish presb . may be contracted out of their owne storie . Revel . 20. 12. K. I.'s 55. quaestions non plus'd them . Episcopacie recovered ground in Scotland . Vindic. Epist : Philadelph . Whence they had not been legallie ejected . Psalm 137. Psalm . 1. Revel . 2. 7. Notes for div A62502-e50660 The Reviewers slender shiss . Icr. 8. 17. The Preshyterians , not Praelates coordinate two Soveraignaties in one state . Two Kings in Scotland . Not God onelie but his Anoynted likewise to be obeyed . St. Matth. 26. 25. St. Luke 9. 23. Contrarietie of Commands very frequent in Scotland . The Revicwers fallacie Humble petitions &c full of threats . The Church-chasing and exeommuniting for the late engagement . The untruths are the Reviewers . Notes for div A62502-e51350 Prov. 6. 28. The Rev. eares not for hearing of the late engagement . Ps. 69 : 23. The 8. desires of the Church neither just nor necessarie . The Ch. of Scotland hath no libertie to declare against King and Parliament . Job . 5. 13. Prov. 17. 24. Heb. 11. 39. Ephes. 2. 2. Gal. 1. 8. 9. Lament . 4. 20. Contradiction between the Revic . margin and text . The levie was offered to be stopped . May 11. 1649. Lib. De Ir. cap. ulr . Ministers ●…in armes . Not cens . by the Commissioners of the Kirke . S. Pet. 2. 16. v. 13. Presbyterie makes Parliaments subject to the Assemblies . 2. Book . discipl . 1. ch . Heb. 1. 14. Ps. 104. 4. Ier. 14. Isai. 42. 19. Ministers power with the people dangerous if seditiouslie bent . Th. Cap●…nel . eap . 18. Ps. 45. 5. ●…psis Cardinalibus and P. P. maxformidabilis fuit , diremita aut unyt principes & subditos suos arbytratu . Ps. 12. 4. Eik : Bas : cap. 17. St. Liturg. p. 87. V. 18. Isai. 66. 24 No in haerent right in Courts to nominate Commissioners for intervalls . Haggai 1. 6. Notes for div A62502-e53790 The Presbyterie a tyrannie over the consciencies of thepeople . Censures upon slight grounds . Scot. Lit. Rom. 8. 15. Prov 1. 26. Spiritual crueltie in the prayers of Presbyters . Sc. Lit. p. 196. 1. Pet. 5. 8 , Our Sabbath recreations shorst of those in other Reformed Curches . Trivial debates , and ; articling against habiss . Knox Hist. The same fault under a different formalitie not to betwice punished . Lib. De Fid. & Op. cap. 2. Offenders quitted to be admitted to the H. Sacrament without publike satisfaction in the Church . 1. Cor. 11. The Scotish practice touching Excommunication litle lese rigid then their Canon . Ps. 74. 21. Sc. Lit. p. ●…00 . Master Iohn Guthrie Bishopp of Mur●…ay . The following in convenients to be charged rather upon the Church then state . * Quia a ●…empore quo us lagatus est capnt gerit lupinum , ita quod abomnibus inter fici possit & impuné Bracton . Crueltie toward fugitives . Notes for div A62502-e55160 The Presbyterians as outragious as the Arians . Brychatai epipriusa ten odonta Rescript ad Arium & Arian . Presbyserie more oppressive to the Nobilitie and Gentrie the Praelaccc . The Reviewers counterseit of Presbyterie inverted . Wisdome pietie , and learning not so common in Elderships . The Nobilitie & Gentrie abused when chosen Elders . Schulting Steinwich Hierarch Anacris : Lib. 2. D●…ut . 22. 10. Doctours at law more sit judges then unstudied Nobles or Gentlemen . Synods not to besummoned to receive lay appeales . Collusion & violence in the choyce of Members for the Assemblie . Master David Michel . Laird of Dun. L. Carnaegie . Why so many Burgesses & Gentlemen . The laitie to have no decisive voyce . Perth Proceed . Master Andrew . Ramsey . E. Argile . The King or his Commissioner hath litle power in Assemblies Protest of Gen. Ass. Nov. 28. & 29. 1638. Nov. 28. sess . 7. E Rothes . Necessitie of appeale . Exod. 23. 2. Prov. 10. 2. Sam. 18. 9. Pap. of 10. prop. before M. Hamilt arri●… . 1638. Why Knigts and Burgesses so numerous . Lib. 3. demonst . c. 14. The original of patronage . Coras . Glas. Temporale spiritualli annexum . Altar . Da●…asc : 2. B. Disc. ch . 12. * Pl. in Carcu●… A. 5. sc. * Calophanta est qui honeste quidem loquitur , sed ●…ujus facto ab oratione discrepant . * Gen. 25. 25. Par. Alciat &c. The Praelates title to Impropriations and Abbey lands beter then the Pre●…byters . Pro. 20. 25. The Reviewers praevarication . 6 , head . Ch. 9. April 24. 1576. S●… . Decl. 1642. Append . Prov. 26. 28. 129. 5 Noble Elde●…s ●…lighted by the Clergic . See 〈◊〉 of the Congreg . to the Nobil . of Sc. 1559. L. Sempil . Lib : 2. Calderwoods rediculous reverence of Bruce's gost Cuj●…s anima , si ullius mortalium , sedet in coelestibus . Ep. Ded. ad Aitar . Dam. Manias Calamo Constant : in Rescript Our Bishops contest not with King & Nobles . Their prae●…dence , & place neare the Throne . 1. Tim. 3. 4. & 5. Offices of state . How the difference hapened between the E. Argile and Bishop Galloway . Presbyterians heterodoxe . Tert. De Praeser , cap. 32. 1. No Ordination but by Bishops . 2. 3. 4. Aitar : Dam. cap. 4 5. No comfortable assurance but from Apostolical succession and Epis●…opal ordination . De Praeser . cap. 32. Reliquos verò qui absistunt a principali successione , & quocunque loco colligunter s●…cspectos ha●…ere &c. Walo Messal . 6. Kakos hermeneus antochrema eikon te kai andrias esti tou diabolou . Reser : ad Ar. The Praelates doe no●… annull the being of all Reformed Churches . Ps. 82. 1. They use not the Sophisme of the Iesuits . * This word dulie was left out by Henderson in his recit●…l of K. Ch. 1. words to this purpose Answ : to 1. pap . Ep. 7. Ad. Symrn. 1. Pap. ●…o Henders . Heb. 7. 25. 26. Rom. 14. 23. The Reviewers malic●… in publithing what the Bishop had deleted & perverting it , They may be doubted to be un-Christian that call us Anti-christian . The Church of Rome not most true . Nor hath she the most easie way of salvation . Rom. 11. 33. Ier. 32. 19. Separation from her in many things needlesse . En apodeixei pneumatos ●…ai dynam●…os . 1. Cor. 2. 4. A●…tic . 1. Febr. 〈◊〉 16. 9. Artic. 3. The Presbyterian Scots more bloudie then the Irish . Chapt. 4. Whose Libertie of religion was limited . Places of trust saffer in the hands of Papists then Presbyterians . Arti●… . 29. Kings cannot ratisie too well what they promise , if just… Sed qui juramentis sudunt sicut pueri astragatus Pet. ad . Alter . Dam. Parliaments not be stay'd for in extremities if they can not be call'd at present . The King never express'd his inclination to Covenans ers . His Kingdomes ruine rather to be embraced then his souls . Vers. 26. Prov. 26. 13. More learning under Episeopacie then Presbyterie . H●…mano capiti cervicem pictor quinum . The Bishops trial before he ordaineth more serious then the Presbyters 4-head pag 14. they propose him a theme or text to be treated privatelie , whereby his abilitie may the more manifestlie appeare unto them . 4. Head. Neither judge we that the Sacraments can be rightlie Mistred by him in whose mouth God hath put no Scrmon of exhortation . 1. B. Disc. 4. head . The Papis●…ical Priests have neither power nor authoriti●… to Minister the Sacraments of christ I●…sus , because that in their mouth is not the serm●…n of exhortation Ib. 9. head . Alter . Damasc. Schot●… hetcr●…doxe divines not comparable to the Orthodoxe English . Admittunt ad Ministrium indignis●…emos sartores , subulcos . & infimad●… faece homines , modo sint togodaedali &c. C. Schulting . Hier. Ana●…ris . Lib. 1. Tert. De Praescr . c●…p . 1. Quod non ideo scandalizarioport●…at , quod qui prudentissimi odificen●… in 〈◊〉 . ●…shops ●…ded by the Reviewer to be suspected . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how the cause of ignorance , contempt and begge●…y . Provision under Epi●… in England against the beggerie &c of the Priests . Puritanical Bis●…ops make an ignorant ●…lergie . Cho. 7. v. 10. 11. 12. Our Bishop no Pur●…haser by his parsimonie . 〈◊〉 nowledgelabour or conscien●… s●…wed in Presbyterian preaching . ●…les 5. 1. 1. Sam. 15. 22. Reading Ministers usefull and justifiable in our Church . Eph. 4 14 , 4. Head. for Readers . Preaching without booke approved by our Praelates . That within booke ●…ot to be disparaged . Ep●…st . 4. Lib. 1. The Liturgie why read . 2. Tim. 2. 15. 16. A parallel of it with primiti●…e 〈◊〉 beter then with the 〈◊〉 . Praelati●…al Dociours not yet so much for pr●…aching a●… Presbyterians . 9. head . Verbi praedicatio de bet esse quasi anima li●…urgiae . Alter . 〈◊〉 Dam. 〈◊〉 . 10. Ibid. 1 sa . 56. 7. Pucrile est ut mi●…i vid●…ur aliter fa●…ere Ibid. Gal. 5. 10. Divine Service . Carefull Chris●…ians will finde litle l●…isur e on weeke dayes to heare sermons . Quantum ad crimina quae su●… declarata Ministris abillis ' qui petunt con●… aut consolationem , relinquimus conscient●…s Ministr●…rum &c. Disc. Eccl. Reformat . Regni Franc. Can. 25. Catechizing beter then preaching in the afternoon found . 9. Head. Forenoon sermon con venient but not absolutelie necessarie See Hook. Eccles . Pol. 5. Book . Sermons not to exceed an houre . As litle li●…e and adifaction in Scripture ill interpreted a●… in Rhetorike without it . Vin●… , Lit , adv . hare●… . cap 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. Ciril . Hicrosol . catech . 2. Reason of bidding prayer before Sermon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 16. V●…t non inveniamur discordes in ingressu ad preces ante concionem faciendas , visum ●…uit utile uni●…ormibus verbis uti…Concio etiam ●…etur uniformiter verbis Marc. c. 6. No prayer for the dead in our Can●…n . The Church of Scotland hath had a liturgie not onelie for helpe but practice . Knox Hist. 1. B. Ib. B. 2. 1. B. 9. head . Decl. Ch. Sc : Prae●… . The hypocritical use , of the Common prayer booke in Scotland . Set formes of no use to beginners that pray by the spirit . The gift of prayer in the Pater No●…ter . 5. Iud. v. 13. Presbyterians divided about pra●…er . Hist. 4. B. Synod Holland . & Zoland 1574 Artic. 38. Herm. Synod . Belgic . cap. 11. The injuries by extemporie prayer ; F●…x . B●… cap. 16. S●…n . Ep. 40 〈◊〉 . 1. 5. ●… , of Ec●…l . Pol. Heb. 12. 1. The Parliament of Scotl. in no c●…pacitie to demand after then urder of K. Ch. 〈◊〉 . Ps. 51. Ha●…ak . 1. 13. Review changeth the words of the Procl . The original of the oath for securitie of disscipline . K●… . Do●… Row. Craig . 〈◊〉 . Hist. B. 5. Dial. D e Iur : Reg●… ap . Scot. The choyce of a King originallic not justifiable in any perpl . Cum sit & ordini naturae conscnta●…eum , & ●…bus propé omnium gentium Historijs tes●…sicatum . De Iur Reg. M. M●…ntr . De●… . 1650 Abolition of Episcopacie will not give the scott satisfaction Sen. He●… , fur . P. Iun. 1. may 22 Henders . 1. Pap. to K. Ch , 〈◊〉 1. B. Disc. 9. head . Nature robbed of her Praerogative by Prosbyterie Inclina tions to marrie not all wayes devine motions . Consent of parents . † 〈◊〉 in Scripturis determinatum sit & jure Civili de consensu parentum ; In Ecclesiastic●… tamen curijs obtinet jus Papale Canonicum qu●… definitur consensus parentum dehouestate non de necessitate Et quod Matrimonia debent esse libera , & non p●…ndere exali●… no arbitrio Assert : Pol. Christ. * Lib. 2. De Regn , Christ. Dordorac . 1574. artic . 81. 1578. The injurie done to Parents by Presbyterie not justisiable in reason . Buc●…an . Ta catheconta hoos epipantais schesesi parametreitai . Enchir. c. 37 Terent Andr. act . 1. Sc. 5. Act. 5. Sc. 3. 1. B. 9. head , No obedience due to parents requiring a injust mar●… , Ep. S. I●…d . v. 9. Prov. 14. 5. 2. Cor. 12. 14. 1. Tim. 4. 8. Poenitent Adulterers not to be put to death . S. Iohn . 8. 2. Cor. 12 7. 1. Book . Disopl . 9. I Head. The Bishops cautelous in their warrants for clandestine marriages . In nuperis constitndinibus anni 1603. videntur praesules Anglicane abunde cavise Alter . Dam. c. 70 Ao . 1588 Schulting Reprehens . Synod . Middelb . The Revieners s●…amelesse denial of aknow'n truth about impeding civile proceedings . Contr. E. pilam Philadelph . Publike ca techizing of Masters & Mistresses indecent . 1. Cor 11. 28. Lit. Ch. c. p. 215. 13. 5. De Praeser . c. 10. If they know not how to pray neithern berein their rightcousnesse sands or consists , they ought not to be admitted to the Lords table . 1. Book Disc. 9 head . Ibid. Excommunication of the ignorant without warrant . Ibid. Exetaues●…ho de me micropsyc●…a e philoneikia e fini toiause aedia tou episcopou aposynagogo egegenentas . Can. I. Chr. Iustel . Familievisitations commendable aswell in orthodoxe Priests as Presbyters . Ib. Disc , 9. Head. Riot in Scotland to get downe the High Commission . Iarg . Decl. The Kings palace and Parliament fallen with that in England . More comfort because lesse rigiour in the reformed Elderships abroad . Answer by Letter . Many of those in Scotland have very unfit , unable Iudges . Episcopacio want no aequivalent in Discipline . Oeconomis testibus Synodalibus & Collectoribus in Ecclesiastcke paroeciana rudera quaedam functionum diaconorum & seniorum relicta vel potius imposita sunt . Alter . Dam c. 12. Synodales aestes , quos sidem eavocant , qui in inquestionibus morum & visitationibus adjungumur Oeconomis Oeconomi five Gardiani Ecclesiastikae quorum minus est pro eo anno … inordinateviventes inquirere , monere scandalosos , ordinario praesentare &c. Ibid. Ex. Aagl . Pol. Isai 53 7. Notes for div A62502-e66190 Reasons why the Reviewer is so much indined to the metaphor op a vomit Tous ischnous kai evemeas ano pharmacevein… tous de dysemeas kai mcsoos eusarcous ca 10. 4. Aph. 6. & 7. G. moching Compend . Insti●… Med disc . 5. Vn lawfull Covenants not to be keept-Ouc epiorkein phobo●… menous tente para ●…on theoontimovian , kai ten paratois anthropots aischynta . Egar one omeitai , e hotan omnysin euorkesei . Per hoc juramentum spirationes & conjurationes & pleraque in iqua & aequa consirmari solent Cardan . Terein autou ten chreian on tois anagcaiois hama kai timioir . Hiorocl in Carm. Pythag . Prov. 30. 19. Covenants ordinarilie n●…inted in Scotland not in England . Nor can such afterco●…tracts devised & imposed by a fewmeni●… a declared partie without my consent and without any like power or praecedent from Gods or mans lawes &c. Eix . Ba●… . Ch. 14. proque bus arduis & urgen●… nego●… slatum & defensionem Regni ●…stri Angl. & Eccles. Anglie concernentibus … Cum Praelatis Maguatib . &c. colloquium habere & tractatum . The extract of a letter-shewing by whom the Covenant was devised . The Rebells desires were impositions . Nullum privilegium Parlamenti concedi potest propr●…ditione felonia aut ruptura pacis . 17. Ed. 4. Rot. Par●…um . 39. The Covenant dishonourable to the English. The nullitie of it . Ioan. Gutierrez De Iuram : ●…onfirm . part . 2. cap. 2. ex Alciat . The Reviewers . Abominable falshood . Iudic. Oxon De sol . lig . seci . 2. Ps. 145. 1. 7. Covenanters take the Discipline for Christs institution . Ans. to the Declar. by the Parl. angl . Aug. 25. Let. to the Gen. Assemb . S. Iul. 22. it . 4. Vindic. Ep. Philadelph . Protest of the Noblemen , Barons &c. 1638. According to the word of God , a more dubious & frivolous limitationing the Covenant then heretofore in the oath for Episc●…pacie . 1548. Ministri Regia authoritate compulsi aut subscribere Epali tyrannidi , aut in carceres aut ex●…lia abire . Multarum ministrorum tuncse prodidit imbecillitas instauratae Ecclae tyrannidi homonymus subscribentiam adjecta limitatione anbigua vel potius futi●…i nempe secundum verbum Dei &c. Ep. Phil. Vind. ●…o . Gutiervez De Iu●…am . Con●…mpar .. 1. ●…p . 71. Su●… . 5. See Surv. of the praet . holie Disc. Vid. Discus . Eccles. Disc. Rupel . edit . 1584. The Covenant how the same with that of K. 1. 1580. K. Ch : 〈◊〉 , Larg : decl●… . 1639 : pag : 177 : Protest . ag . Kings Proclam . 1638 How it differs from it . Epiphyllides taut csti kai stomylmata chelidonoon momseia . E●…x . Bu●… . Ch. 14. K. Ch. 1. Larg . dec●… . p. 15. &c. The English Discipline long since setled by law in Scotland , and the Liturgie there used The Pr. Scotish never so in England , but obtruded . Mot. Brit. Vix audebat rex eis de postula●…o abnucre prop●…r Scotos &c. p. 28. Vocatio●…em lubenti animo amplectuntur ut pote adidem prius proclives . pag. 4. Answ. to the let . sent by the Ministers of Engl ; Aug. 5. Ps. 62. 9. The power of the Militia is the Kings . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 10. H. Grot. lib. DeAnciq . Reip. ●…atav . Answ : to both Houses 1647. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 10. Bishops and ceremonies no burden . See Treat . of Cerem . besore Com. prayer booke Hookers E●…l . Polit. Dr. Tayl of Episc. Bishop Andr. let . to M●…lin . &c. To parona●…i bari tois h●…pecoois . Th●…c . Salusi . Bell Catil . Parliament can not reforme without the King. Isai. 50 11 The concess●…ons of Ch. 〈◊〉 . not so ●…arge 〈◊〉 praetended . K. Ch. 2. not obliged to confirm●… them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 17. Ibid. Nov. 18. 1648. at Newport . K. Ch. 1. Immov●…able from Primitive Episcopa●… . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 17. Answ. Nov. 18. 1648 Newport . Nov. 20. Vna opera ebur atramento candefacere postules . Pl. Mostel . The Reviewers sophistrie . K. Ch. 2 ▪ much beholding to the Reviewer . He can no●… so easilie , will not so readilie grant what his Father denied . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 27. Ibid. Ib ib. Ibid. Ibid. Ch. 17. Ch. 14. Ibid. ●…r . 19. 1. Rev. 〈◊〉 . 14. 17. The King supreme Legislatour Answ. to both Houses 1647. The Bishops pro●… not injurious to Kings Lords nor Commons . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 9. H. Grot. Ano. 681. Lnd. Aur. Peras . See True Repraesent of the Proceed of the Kingd . of Scoth . since the late Pa●…is . &c. pag. 31. 2. Book Dis●…ipl . 7. Ch. The Reviewers bei●…fe is no confes●…n of the Bi●…hops . Aristoph . Ran. Scotish Presbyt●…rie is that meant in the Covenant though dissembled . Which detracts from the Kings suprema●…ie . 2. B Dise . 1. Ch. Statutum Parliamen●…●…sse solum quida●… , & cvilem appr●…●…sse tantum Christiani Prin●…pis ofsicium subjectionem suam Christ●… & Ecclesiae debitam tesianus Phil. Eplae ●…ind . Foraigae Presbyterian●…ashemed to justifie the Scotish Covenant , The Scotish Pr. never seriouslie ass●…rib'd any good intentione to the King. Natur●… insitum est omnibus Regibus in Christum odium Altar . Dam. praet…Cosque Deo Creatori non Redemptori imperium accepnm debere non obseure praedicârunt . Refut Epil . 〈◊〉 . Siquis non obscure praedicavit…Non longe aberavit Vindic cjustd…Non solume longinquo non impediens , connivens , vel plenariam potestatem…concedens…sed ●…oram intuens & talis facinoris asspectu delectatus . The Reviewer dares not speake out to the Bishops quaestion about taking armes for religion . — Vide quidem . pende tamen improba , dixit Mot. 6. fab . 3. The ambiguitie in the Covenanters words leaves religion to the libertie of their conceits . Se short Causes . begin . Nulla unquam gens in quovis seculo… Opus Resormationis feliciore prudentia animo & suecessu administravit , quam Scoti in sua patria Mot. Brit. Ver. Custin . Vincent , advers . haeres . c. 14. Their allegeance conditional . They fight against . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch. 9. Their Creed in words the same with ours but not in sense . Henderson and the Reviewers speaches about Bishops . Religion & libertie no good pretenses for taking armes . Simons's Vindicat p. 30. In Brut. The Scotish Presbyterians as enthusiastike as the Anabaptists & no more excusable by their religion for taking ar●…es Fayth no●… so comon , if such as commonlie defined . Sulpit. Sever in vita . S. Mat●…h . 10. 16. The Pr. Scots must bring beter markes then ●…eir ba●…t words for revelations Advers . haeres . cap. 14. They are cut throtes of Magistrates & planters of Religion by armes . Hist. Lib. 4. We say nothing to foraigne protestants taking armes . till they justific yours & & theirs by yours The Praelates decline not the judgement of Councels . Presbyterian crueltie , may by Gods providence be restrained . Admon . ad Gent. 
A61509	----	Jus populi vindicatum, or, The peoples right to defend themselves and their covenanted religion vindicated wherein the act of defence and vindication which was interprised anno 1666 is particularly justified ... being a reply to the first part of Survey of Naphtaly &c. / by a friend to true Christian liberty. Stewart, James, Sir, 1635-1713. 1669 Approx. 1241 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 256 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61509 Wing S5536 ESTC R37592 16976909 ocm 16976909 105606 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61509) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105606) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1159:45) Jus populi vindicatum, or, The peoples right to defend themselves and their covenanted religion vindicated wherein the act of defence and vindication which was interprised anno 1666 is particularly justified ... being a reply to the first part of Survey of Naphtaly &c. / by a friend to true Christian liberty. Stewart, James, Sir, 1635-1713. [40], 471 p. [s.n.], [London?] printed : cIc Icc LXIX [1669] Errata: preliminary p. [40] Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Imperfect: stained and torn with loss of print. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Honyman, Andrew, 1619-1676. -- Survey of the insolent and infamous libel entituled, Naphtali &c. Church of Scotland -- History. Scotland -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion JUS POPULI VINDICATUM , OR The Peoples Right , to 〈…〉 and their Covenanted R 〈…〉 Wherein the Act of 〈…〉 and Vindication , which was interprised Anno 1666. is particularly justified : The lawfulnesse of private Persons defending their Lives , Libertyes and Religion , against manifest Oppression , Tyranny and violence , exerced by Magistrats Supream and Inferiour , contrare to Solemne Vowes , Covenants , Promises , Declarations , Professions , Subscriptions , and Solemne . Engadgments , is de●●●strate by ●any Argum●●ts . Being a 〈◊〉 Reply to the first pa●● of the Survey of Naph . 〈…〉 &c ▪ By a Friend to true Christian Liberty . PSAL. LXXIV . Ver. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 ▪ 〈…〉 e unto the Covenant ; For the dark places of the earth are full of the habitations of cruelty . O let not the oppressed returne ashamed . Let the poor and needy praise thy name . Arise ô God , plead thine own cause : Remember how the foolish man reproacheth thee dayly . Forget not the voice of thine Enemies ; the tumult of these that rise up against increaseth continually . HOS . I. ver . 7. But I will have mercy upon the house of Juda● , and will save them by the Lord their God ; and will not save them by bow , nor by sword , nor by battel , by horses , nor by horsmen . Printed in the Year , MDCLXIX . CHRISTIAN READER . IT will not ( I suppose ) be very necessary , to make any full Relation or large Deduction of the occasion and first rise of this debate , The same , being not only fresh and recent to all both Friends and foes , who have been Spectators of the great and wonderful workings of God in our Land ; but the memory thereof ( if it could be so soon obliterate ) is revived a fresh , by the constantly renewed acts of Tyranny and oppression , which , from yeer to yeer , The Powers , acted by the same Spirit of Enimity to the Cause and Interest of Christ , are exerceing , upon the account thereof : So that the Continual rage and Constant opposition , which the ingrained adversaries of the Glory and Kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ are dayly acting and making against all who desire to keep a conscience void of offence both towards God and Man , and to remember with some sense and feare their solemne vowes and Sacred engadgments unto the Most High , will not suffer us to forget , how that After our Land was solemnely de●●uted unto God , by Solemne Covenants and indissoluble 〈◊〉 ; and the defence of the Reformed Religion , in Do 〈…〉 , Worshipe , Discipline and Government , become 〈◊〉 condition , yea the basis , of our political constitu●ion ; The King not only by his solemne and sacred oath swearing , and by his hand writeing subscribing , and so fully owneing and approving the same ; but upon these tearmes and conditions accepting the Royal Crowne and Scepter , in the day of his solemne inauguration . The People also upon the same tearmes promiseing all subjection and obedience in the Lord : And afterward in full Parliament confirming , ratifying , and approving the same ; and thereby giving all the security , which either Reason , Law , or Religion could expect or require , That all the Ends of these holy Covenants should have been , in all time comeing , really , sincerely and constantly prosecuted by King and Nobles , and all ranks of persons within the Land , with one heart and minde ; and consequently That the evils , particularly That accursed Hierarchy , fully and for ever abjured in these Everlasting Bonds , should never be countenanced , owned or favoured , far lesse re-intro-duced and established : and after , for our owneing of these necessary things , and of the Kings interest in subordination thereunto , we were invaded by the English , and ( the Lord , who for his his owne holy Ends , saw it necessary , and doth whatsoever he will in Heaven and in Earth , so disposeing ) overcome , and brought into bondage full Ten Years ; and at length , The King , who was forced to flee out of all his Dominions , returning , in such a remarkable and signal way , without blood , as might have engaged his heart more firmely then ever unto that God , who had done such rare , and unexpected things for him , and made him more then ever fixedly resolve to owne Him and his holy Interests , according to his former Vowes , Oathes , Subscriptions , Covenants , and Declarations ; and rationally ascertaned his Subjects , that these necessary and good things , should not only never be overturned and ranversed ; but also with greater Zeal , and resolution established , confirmed and prosecuted , then ever formerly : & how , instead of this , No sooner did the report of his Majesty's returne come abroad , but all the generation of malignants , who had ever been heart enemies to the work of God , which was carryed on in the Land , did lift up thei● head , insult over the People of God with all their might according to their ordinary insolency , spew out their Venome against the work of God , and at length obteaning power , did raze the same unto the very foundations , anull and rescinde all Acts , all Covenants , all Resolutions and Conclusions , which had been made and taken for setling and secureing the Reformed Religion in Doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline , and Government ; condemne all which had been done in carrying on the Work of Reformation , as pure and manifest Rebellion ; and having re-intro-duced and established abjured Prelacy with all it 's concomitant abhominations , did enact and enjoyne most tyrannically a full conformity unto all these abhominations , and presse , in a most horrid and arbitrary manner , the faithful Servants and seekers of God , to a complyance with these accursed and ever to be abhorred , courses ; and upon their simple refusal , did violently and barbarously eject the faithful Servants of Christ , banishing some out of all the three Dominions , incarcerating others , ( after thev had imbrewed their hands in the blood of the best of our Nobility , and Ministry ) and chaseing by their irrational and brutish acts multitudes of them from their flocks and familiars ; and then having in an antichristian manner , thrust in upon the People a crew of the basest and naughtiest wreatches the Earth did bear , & by their cruel and tyrannical acts , compelled & constrained the couscientious seekers of God , to accept of , countenance , owne , and constantly hear such , as lawful Ministers , lawfully called and sent of God ; and when honest People , considering both the way of their entry to be Antichristian , their doctrine false and erroneous , their conversation scandalous and abhominable , their qualifications rather such as sute the publick Ministers of Satan , then the called Servants of God , their whole deportment a manifest demonstration to all onlookers , that they were never called of God unto that work ; and considering how iniquously their owne faithful Pastors and Fathers had been thrust from them , and how by their solemne Oath they stood obliged to the constant keeping of a perfect antipathy , unto every part and pendicle of that abjured Hierarchy , and unto what was contrary to sound doctrine and to the power of godlinesse , and to the work of Reformation and Reformed Religion in Doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline , and Government , did forbear to yield obedience unto these antichristian and iniquous Lawes , did , by their arbitrary and barbarous executions , what by their High commission or inquisition-court ( arbitrarily and illegally erected ) what by cruel & bloody Souldiers commissionated without Law or order for that effect , oppresse , pillage , plunder , harasse , imprisone , fine and confine , impoverish , beat , binde like beasts , the faithful and loyal Subjects of Christ , and make their life more bitter unto them , then if they had been under the feet of Turks or Pagans . Under which intolerable , incredible and unexpressible bondage the godly of the Land , especially in and about Galloway , did for a long time groane , & cryed unto him who heareth the cry of the oppressed , that he would judge and plead their cause , and open some door of outgate , that they might be delivered from under the feet of those cruel taske Masters , and have an opportunity put into their hands of vindicateing the Liberty of their Reformed and Covenanted Religion , and of useing their lawful and vowed endeavours to free the Land of this horrible defection and Apostasy , that the fierce anger and wrath of God might be turned away there from , and Church and State setled upon their former solide and Christian foundations . At length the wonderfully wise God thought good to put them once to the tryal to see what they would hazard and venture for the recovering of the interests of Christ , together with their owne Liberty ; and unexpectedly in his holy and divine Providence seemed to them to impose a necessity upon them , both to run together , in their owne necessary defence , and to endeavour , with the extirpation of the abjured abhominations , the bringing back of the captivated ark of God : For about the middest of November 1666. When two or three Countrey Men providentially passing by , did see a poor old Man bound hand & foot like a beast by the Souldiers , sent out for that Effect by Sr. James Turner that bloody Atheist , being commov● with passion did calmely and friendly desire the Souldiers to loose him , but they accounting this such a High indignity , in their rage & fury assault them with drawne swords , whereupon the Countrey Men were necessitate to their defence , & in their defence did wound one of the Souldiers , at which the rest cast downe their armes : And being certanely perswaded that for this necessary defence they would be persecuted to the death , the next day with 6. or 7. more they seise upon other 10. or 12. of the Souldiers , whereof one was killed , the rest rendering their armes : Hereby the Countrey about being alarmed , & knowing that their tyrannous oppressours would be enraged more then ever , & account this a crime scarce expiable by the blood and ruine of the whole Countrey free & unfree gather together to the number of 54 Horsemen & some few footmen & advance to Dumfries , where they quyetly seise upon Sr Iames Turner and the rest of the Souldiers who were there , without any harme except the wounding of one who obstinatly did resist . Thereafter by divine providence they were led towards Air , & while within the Sheri●dome of Aire , where they stayed the space of seven dayes , several of the Countrey groaning under the same oppression , & longing for an opportunity of publick appearing for the cause & interest of Christ , against the Popish Prelatical & malignant faction , laid hold on this occasion , to joyne with their Brethren to help the Lord against the mighty ; so that their number was increased , though not to such a quantity as would have been expected , partly through the vvant of sufficient previous advertishment , ( not vvithstanding of vvhat diligence had been used , from the day of their appearance at Dumfries , to give notice to all vvho cordially loved the vvelfare of Zion , of their present distresse ) partly throvv the dissuasion of one vvho had been a chief instrument in apprehending Turner , & thereafter had deserted them , & partly through other discouragements , seeing fevv yea very fevv landed Gentlemen or Ministers appearing vvith them or for them , vvhich had no little influence also on the discourageing of several who came , together vvith the impetuous raines vvhich lasted night & day , vvhich made many vvonder that they did not vvholly break & dissolve . Yet the mighty power of God on their Spirits , and the lively sense of their duty , made the most part to hold on , and others to come unto them ( beside some who were upon their way and invincibly hindered from comeing at them ) as they marched thorow Clidsdale , where at Lanreck they solemnely renewed the Covenant , and thereafter marched Eastward to Bathgate & Colingtoun the enemy in the meane time pursueing them at the heels : While they were there , there came two Gentlemen unto them , pretending a verbal commission from the Enemy ( the one of which Gentlemen , they thought should have come alongs with the rest of that Countrey , & joyned himself with them , as a favourer of the godly , ) to presse their disbanding upon promise of indempnity , & this they urged , but they saw no call of God to deserte the work so : At length that Gentleman conveyeth the other , Early in the morning before break of day , thorow their guairds towards the Enemy , who ( as many think ) advertised the Enemy of the way they were to march to morrow ; yet not withstanding before they marched , they sent with that Gentlem. a letter to the General of the King's forces , showing the occasion of their being together in that place and in that postour , to wit , to presente their grievances unto the Council ( seing there was no other accesse for petitioning ) and therefore desiring a blank passe to such of their number , as they would send with their supplication unto the Council . When the Gentleman ( who had told the Honest party , that he had taken upon him , in their name ( though without their warrand ) to promise unto the General that , He engageing not to move further towards them , until he returned the next morning , They should do the like ) returneth to the General with this letter , he found him marching contrare to his promise : The honest party , having not engadged to stay , marched as they saw opportunity Westward toward Pentland . The enemy being advertised , very probably , as is said , cast themselves in their way , so that they came shortly in the view of other . The honest party , at this time were hardly 700 horse and foot , among the Horsemen scarce one hundereth were fixed in arms , The Footmen , beside some swords , had only some broken picks , ill appointed fire locks or muskets , many corne forks , and some had syths : And at this time all of them , were much wearyed with long & toyl some marches , hunger ( for these parts of the Countrey , thorow which they came , can bear witness to their sobriety and moderation , refuseing even to take what was offered , because they had not money to pay for it ) and cold ( by reason of the continual and exceeding great raine ; ) while they are thus in the view of other , The Enemy sendeth forth a party of choise men , who were met with by a troup of the honest party , and after some disput , mostly by swords , were put to the flight , and fled alongs the edge of the hill by sheep-rodes , so that there was no accesse to pursue by horses , but a party of foot was commanded to follow the pursute , whereupon the Enemies horses were forced to quite their ground and betake themselves to other ground no lesse inaccessable by the honest party . After near two houres , the Enemy , perceiveing that neither party could approach to other as they stood , because of a precipice betwixt them , came towards a plaine at the foot of the hill , and drew up in battalye . The honest party now seing that the Enemy was willing to offer battel , and that if they should withdraw , the Enemy would be encouraged , and many of themselves unavoidably discouraged , & if they should delay till tomorrow ( the sun being now near setting ) feared that many should fainte & flee away in the night time , and others should be lesse able to fight thorow hunger & cold , seeing no way how to relieve themselves with necessaries at that exigent , resolved to imbrace that occasion , & see what the Lord of Hosts would be pleased to do ; and therefore resolved after prayer to draw off the hill towards the Enemy , keeping still what advantage of ground they could : when thus they have approached , the Enemy send forth a troup , which was rancountered with another of the honest party and beate into their body , somewhat ( as some think ) inconsideratly upon the part of the pursuers . Thereafter the Enemies send off another party to relieve the former , which was met with by another of the Honest party , But with some disadvanva●tage to the Honest party , because they were to approach neare unto the very body of the Enemy , ere they could prove a reliefe unto their ●ormer party : Yet through the help of the Lord , they made their made their adversare-party flee shamefully . The enemy perceiving how they had been beaten three times in end , in fighting by partyes , and seeing how the strength of the Honest party , stood in those troups which had not as yet rallied , nor returned to their ground in order , advanced with their whole body of horse , in a full breast , with a pretty gallop , upon the two troup● as they were scattered , and drave them back upon the body and thus , ( the only wise God , who doth all things after the councel of his owne will , ordering it ) in a short time broke them all . And yet it is observable that moe were killed by the countrey men in their escapeing , then on the fields , The Enemy stayed on the fields all night and buryed their dead , who were not a few , The prisoners which were taken were carryed into Edinbrough , and though by these in power , in humanely enough used , yet by some , ( whose labour of love both towards the dead on the fields & to the prisoners , the Lord will not forget ) tenderly provided and cared for , though in a clandestine way . Of these prisoners who were taken on the fields , & others afterward apprehended by Countery men , there were Six and Thirty or thereby publickly hanged at Edinbrough , Glasgow , Aire and other places ; and their heads and other members of their members of their body are upon poles unto this day , to keep the memory of this Noble exploite fresh upon the Hearts of the Godly . I shall not further recapitulat what is said concerning this by Naphtali : Only I would say this , That though many might have been tempted to think , & possibly the Enemy might have imagined , That now their cause was confirmed with a witnesse , & the honest patriots condemned by God the righteous judge ; yet after experience made it appeare , that the honest cause was never more confirmed then by the death and sufferings of these , whom they cruelly murthered as traitours and rebels , The Lord so visibly owneing them to the conviction of on lookers , that they were no more afrayed of death then of a quiet rest in their beds , being ascertaned of the Lord 's accepting of them and their weak endeavours , to restore the Kingdome , however He , who is wise in counsel thought it not for his glory , to prospere them in their undertaking , at that time : And this very consideration did much help to restraine the remainder of the wrath of the adversary , who were so enraiged , that few thought they should ever have sisted , till they had executed all who were their captives . Yet the generation of the prelaticall and Malignant faction , ( judicially hardened by this dispensation , because as so many carnal sensualists , if they beleeve at all that there is a God , they measure him and his wayes by their owne yaird , and judge of his approving or disproveing of actions by outward dispensations , to whom I shall say no more , but Careat successibus opto , quisquis ab eventu facta not and a puter ) did not cease to ●ant after the determinations of the cruel & bloody Council , and cry out upon those Noble and worthy patriots , ( whose memory shall be in everlasting remembrance ) as Traitours and Rebels justely condemned and executed . Whereupon the author of Naphtaly thought himself called of God , to write in justification of these innocents . And because he saw it was the same Spirit of madnesse and malignnancy , which had raged against the work of Reformation , from the very beginning , that did act those in power against these worthies ; and that there was no material or substantial difference betwixt the way which these late worthies took , and the way which our fore-fathers , in the valient maintaineing the interests of Christ , and promoveing the work of Reformation in our land , had followed in their generation ; therefore he thought it necessary and useful to make a cleare deduction of the opposition , which that poor Church met with at the hands of a Popish Prelatical , and Malignant faction ; And of the constancy , valour and Zeal of the Lovers of God and of his interest , in adhereing thereto , and maintaineing the same , against all the rage and fury of the adversary ; & of the Lord's blessing their Noble endeavours with special and remarkable successe : And all alongs did clear their innocency , and vindicate them from the aspersions that wicked Enemies could lay against them ; and their actions from such objections as wickednesse it self did or could make against them ; And at length after a clear representation of the furious genius of the Malignant Apostat generation of this age , by their publick and avowed acts and actings , and of the sad calamities , which the honest adherers to the cause and Covenant of God hath suffered , did shew the rise and progresse of that loyal interprise , and did fully vindicate the actors therein , from the crime of Sedition , or Rebellion , with which they were most unjustly charged , and for which cruely and tyrannically executed . But the Mensworne generation of prelatical Apostats , finding themselves nearly concearned in that affaire , thought it of their concernment to try , what could be said in defence of this tyranny ( exerced mostly for them , and at their instigation ) set some on work to write against that book . And therefore they published to the world . The I. Part of a Survey of that book entituled Naphtali , and of several doctrines in Lex Rex and the Apolog : ( which had been at rest for some considerable time , especially Lex Rex , after they had been burnt into ashes , as being judged no otherwayes answerable but by a fiery faggot , till this Man began to rake in the ashes of these dead Martyres , and finde some bones of doctrines yet unburnt , which he thinketh now to honour with a more solemne burial . ) But with what evidence and demonstration of truth , he hath managed the questions handled in this first part , thou mayest judge by what is here replyed , in vindication of that solemne truth , which he endeavoureth , according to his poor strength , to dethrone and tread under foot . Though we have not followed the Surveyers Methode , disireing to be as succinct as might be , and to cleare that maine question controverted , touching the lawfulnesse of privat persons defending themselves and their Covenanted Religion , from the manifest violence , tyranny and intolerable oppression of the Soveraigne and inferiour Magistrats to the edification of all ; yet we have not dealt with him , as he hath done even with Naphtali , the book which mainly he setteth himself against : For he is so far from answereing that book of which he offereth a survey , that the most part of the grounds , and arguments made use of there , to prove the thing intended , are not so much as touched by him in all this voluminous pamphlet : But we have fully examined and answered all which he hath asserted , leaving not one material sentence , which was to the purpose , in his whole book , untouched . The judicious Reader will finde this true upon search ; And no man will think we were called to answere the same thing oftener then once , though he was pleased to fill up many pages with meer repetitions . The methode we have followed , all who know what it is to cleare controversies , vvill acknowledge , to be the most solide , satisfying , succinct and perspicuous ; and such , against which no man can justly except . We suppose also That we have been as plaine and cleare as the nature of this controversy vvould suffer us ; ( and some possibly vvill think VVe have been too too plaine ; but they knovv vvhom to blame , for giving us this occasion , ) for vve made it our designe , to bring this question , vvhich did concerne common people no lesse then the learned , ( seing it was a matter of life and death unto them , no less then unto others ) home , so far as was possible , to the capacity of the meanest , that they might know , and be distinct in the knowledge , and perswaded of the lawfulnesse , of the grounds of their acting in such a vindication of their Religion and libertyes . The truth we have confirmed by many arguments , reduceing them to their several heads , the better to cleare and confirme the matter , and to settle the judgments of all in the apprehension of the Truth : and all of them we have so framed , that every one of the lowest reach , may see how they plainely and peremptorily force home the poynt cotroverted , with a demonstrative perspicuity , and irrefragable strength . So that whosoever shall undertake to draw this saw againe , must not think to leave any one of all the arguments which are here adduced ( & if he reckon aright he will finde moe then a hundereth , which I shall make good if put to it ) un-examined ; for if any one hold , ( And I am not afrayed that many of them shall be found feeble ) the cause vvhich vve contend for is uncontrovertably yeelded , seing one reason , which is unanswerable , is enough to captivate the judgment unto an assent unto the truth : & one argument deserted of the adversary , declareth his cause desperate . We have also dealt faithfully and ingenuously , touching on every thing , vvhich vvas offered to us , and vvich vve thought might conduce unto the clearing of this contraversy : & because we finde some thing belonging unto this question , said by the author of the Second part of the Survey ( vvhich is now come to hand ) in the last chapter Pag. 263. &c , We shall a little touch upon that here , reserving the examination of the rest of this 2. Part until a fitter opportunity , when , if the Lord will , we shall discover the weaknesse of all his reasonings , and vindicate the truths vvhich he setteth himself against , vvith as much clearnesse and succinctnesse , as may be . He cometh , in the place now named , to consider the defence made by the impanelled unto what was objected , or what further defence , Naphtali ( whom after the old manner he stileth the Lybeller ) makes for them . And 1. He tells us . [ They were posed , where they had learned , that under pretence of Religion , it is lawful for Subjests , to rise in Rebellion against lawful authority . ] And then addeth . [ That to this Queree , this advocate declines to give a direct answere , where such a thing , is read or could be instructed . ] Answ . Who doth not see , That this was a Queree utterly unbecomeing such as pretended to occupy the places of lawfull judges in such matters , to propose to persones Empanelled upon their life ; it being nothing but a meer caption , like unto that which is called Multiplex interrogation , unto which , both the impanelled , and this Advocat ( as he calleth him ) might lawfully have declined to give a direct answere : Because it supposed 1. That their riseing was against lawful authority Whereas it was rather a riseing for lawful authority , while against persons abuseing their authority , and not walking in the right line of subordination unto the Supream Magistrate and Governour of Heaven and Earth , but rebelling against him in makeing lawes contrary to his lawes , and executing them contrary to his will and command . 2. That their riseing was in rebellion while as it was rather in loyalty to God and the Countrey , against such as had erected a Standart of rebellion against the High and mighty Prince Jesus Christ our Lord and Supream Governour , and were destroying his interests : And in loyalty to that Supreme law The saifty of the People , defending themselves against manifest and intolerable tyranny . 3. That it was in pretence of Religion , when as it was really and unquestionably for the re-establishing of our religion reformed in doctrine , worshipe , discipline , & government , confirmed , ratifyed and approved , by Solemne Covenants , Subscriptions , vowes , oathes , engadgments , declarations , professions , publick actings , acts and Statutes , of King , Nobles , persons of all ranks , Parliaments and judicatories Higher & Lovver : Whereas the true Queree was this Where they had learned to rise in their owne defence , and in the defence and maintainance of the true reformed Religion , against Such in power who were tyrannically oppressing them , and destroying the Established Religion , contrare to Vowes , Covenants , Promises , Compacts , Declarations , Protestations , Solomne Engagements , Subscriptions , &c. And if the Queree had been thus proposed , it might have received a direct answere , To wit , That they had learned this from the law of God , the lavv of Nature , the civil lavv , the lavv of Nations , Sound reason , and the practices of Christians , both under the law , and under the gospel not onely at home but also abroad . When Naphtali said That it was a cleare beging of the question to suppose that the late riseing vvas only in pretence of Religion . This Surveyer answereth That it is a very poor quirck . And why so ? He should know ( sayes he ) that in ordinary language , a thing is said to be done under pretence of another , whether the pretension be yet dubious or under controversy , or whether it be falsely made or trely ? Answ . Such language as this may be ordinary with him , it may be , and his complices , that corrupt fraternity , with whom pretences are real , and real things are pretences ; but sure to all such , as understand plaine language , this queree did praesuppose that the riseing was not really but in pretence for Religion : Did ever these in power , make it out , or offer to make it out , that it vvas not really for Religion ? Naphtali said more over That the Queree it self seemed to imply aud grant , That for subjects to rise in armes really , for the defence of Religion , against the invasion of the powers , under the pretence of lawful authority , is both lawful and laudable . This , sayes the Surveyer , is as vaine a quirck How so ? for , ( sayes he ) let it be so , that the objection was meaned only of riseing upon meer pretences of Religion , will this inferre , that therefore there might be a riseing upon real intentions for Religion , against the Magistrate ? Answ . Sure to all of common sense , it sayes that the proposers of the objection did yeeld so much , having hinted nothing to the contrary . Did they say giving but not granting it lawful to Subjects to rise in armes really in defence of Religion , &c. Why then might it not have been taken for granted , that the objecters durst not condemne this , especially seing the maine stresse did lye upon that supposed pretence . Ay but he tels us , That he affirmeth That upon neither of the two , insurrection against the Magistrate is lawful , — and that these people did not rise really for Religion , but to maintaine themselves in the course of atheistical contempt of Religion and God's ordinances , to pull down all authorities in the ●and ( as their advocat pr●fesses and justifies their so d●ing ) and to destroy these in their innocency whom they had appoynted to death . ] Answ . His affirmations and assertions , are but weak and beggarly proofs , though he strengthen them with manifest and notorious lies : And whether there be a truth in what he here affirmeth or not , we leave the Reader to judge , when he hath read , and considered what we have said in the following vindication . Next Some texts of Scripture vvere objected , as 1. that 1 Sam. 15 : ver . 25. Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft . To which ( sayes Naphtali Pag. 156. ) One of themselves did roundly and clearely answere , that , the sentence being spoken by the Prophet to the King , because of his disobedience and contempt of the command of God , and not to Subjects , would sooner conclude his accusers then himself to be a rebel . This the Surveyer , Pag. 264. calleth a very poor answer . And yet so pertinent and plump that it stopped the mouth of the accusers , & filled their faces with shame : But why was it such a poor answere ? For albeit , ( sayes he ) that high rebellion immediatly againsi God be principally meaned , yet the soveraigne Magistrate being the Lord's deputy , and bearing the image of his Soveraignity upon Earth , whom he commands to reverence and obey , and of whom he hath said , yee are Gods ▪ Psal . 82. the despiser of the Soveraigne Magistrate , & a rebel against him doing his duty , is a rebel against God Answ . Those words Doing his duty were very well added : But sure when such are rebelling against God , enacting things diametrically opposite to his law and testimony : persecuting the Subjects because of their adherence to the lawes of God , to their vowes and Covenants ; and by force , & cruelty overturning the covenanted Religion , destroying the interests of Christ , the true and lawful liberties of the people , and the common good , they are not doing their duty , nor carrying themselves as the deputies of God , bearing the image of his Soveraignity , but rather as manifest and avowed Rebels to God. And therefore , what ever can be said from this place to prove it rebellion , and as the sin of witchcraft , for subjects to despise the Soveraigne Magistrate , and to rebel against him doing his duty , neither from this place nor any other can it be demonstrate , that the late Risers vvere guilty of Rebellion . Did not the author of Naphtali tell him . 2. That riseing up against authority it self , the Ordinance of God , and disobeying the powers therewith vested , standing and acting in their right line of subordination , is indeed rebellion , and as the sin of witchcraft ; but to resist and rise up against persons abuseing sacred authority , and rebelling against God the Supream , is rather to adhere to God as our liege Lord , & to vindicate both our selves , & his abused ordinance , from mans wickednesse and tyranny , What meaned he then to say the same thing which Naphtaly had said ? Is this to answere his adversary ? And not rather to yeeld the cause ? Ay , but left we should take these words doing his duty as importing any confession . He addeth . Yea suppose , we are never to follow the Magistrate , when his commands are contrary to God ( for that were to leave our line● of subordination to God , ) yet when he swerves and goes out of his line , to take the sword against him , is but to study to cure his sin by our owne ; And because the King one way leaveth his line of subordination to God , therefore to leape out of our owne line in that subordination in another way . Answ . This Man speaketh contradictions , when he maketh a supposition that we are not to follow the Magistrate , when his commands are contrary to God , and yet sayeth if we do follow , we leave our line of subordination to God. We see what the Man's Spirit would have carryed him to , if he durst have vented it . But how proveth he that this is our sin or a leaping out of our line of subordination , to resist tyranny , and men abuseing their authority to the subversion of Religion , libertyes , and the common good of the Subject ? we have proved the contrary , and answered all , which he or his collegue , the author of the former part hath said , and shall be ready to say more when any nevv ground is given . The next passage of Scripture which was objected , was Mat. 26 : 52. To which ( said Naphtaly ) it was sufficiently answered ( without any reply ) by one of these impeached ( whom they accounted distracted , though without the least appearance of impertinency , by opponeing Luke 22 : 36. ] What now fayeth the Railing pamphleter ? Certanely ( sayes he ) [ This libeller seemeth not to be far from some measure of distraction , while he alloweth the distracted man's answer as sufficient : Who of sound judgment will think that a scripture is sufficiently answered by produceing another , which seemeth contradictory thereto ? This is not to solve an argument from scripture , 〈◊〉 to set the Scriptures by the eares together . ] Answ . Naphtaly did not ●●ok upon that man as , nor yet say that he was , distracted , and sure his answere being so apposite and pertinent , as that it did confound the objecters , so as they had not what to reply , might have more then sufficiently convinced them of their errour , seing thereby they might have perceived , that when they little regairded the solid and unanswerable confutations which God suggested to such , as they could not but suppose both wise and sober , God would prompt one whom they accounted distracted , to give such a rational , solide , and binding ansvvere , as all their vvit & learning could not frame a reply unto ; It seemeth if this Surveyer had been rideing on Balaam's asse , he vvould have been more furious and mad after the revvard , then vvas that vvicked vvretch , and vvould have thought himself more brutish then the asse , to hearken to vvhat the Lord did put in the mouth of the asse to say , by way of rebuke . Thinks he that no man of sound judgment vvill think a scripture sufficiently ansvvered , by produceing another ; And that this is but to set the scripture by the eares ? Then it seemeth vvith him , no man of a sound judgment must think that our Lord Jesus did sufficiently ansvvere that passage of Scripture vvhich Satan abused , by adduceing another , Mat. 4. But that Christ did nothing but set the scriptures by the eares , is this far from blasphemy ? I vvonder vvhere vvas the devils vvit that he had not this reply to make unto Christ's ansvver , vvhich this Surveyer here maketh ? It seemeth our Surveyer can easily out-vvit the devil himself , and declare himself better vvorthy of the chaire . But enough of this here , seing it is obviated Chap , XVII . Obj. 15. The author of Naphtali did further give these ansvvers . 1. That from the place it self , & all the Euangelists , it is most evident , that that command was given , and these words spoken by our Lord , only for to testify his voluntare submission unto the fathers will , by laying down of his life for fulfilling the Scripture , as is clear From Math. 26. ver . 54. and Joh. 18 : 11. Otherwise the context being considered , ( that notonly in Luke . 22 : 36. cited , He , forewarning his disciples of hazard to come , adviseth them to provide swords and weapons . And Mat. 26. asserts his power to have called 12 Legions of angels to his assistance , which clearly implyes the lawfulnesse thereof ) this Scripture objected doth more confirme then impugne the lawfulnesse of defensive armes . ] What sayeth our Surveyer to this ? He sayes 1. That passage , Luke . 22 : 36. is perverted by him . Why so ? Because Beza , Diodat , and Iansenius acknowledge that speach to be wholly allegorick . And then addeth , that in very dead it cannot sustaine that Christ should here enjoyn them to buy swords of outward mettal , seing it was not Christ's minde that at that time they should use such swords , no not in defence of his owne person , would he have them sell their cloaths to buy swords , and then not use them ? Answ . Though we have obviated this reply , in the place cited Chap. XVII . and fully vindicated our argument from this passage Chap. XII . Arg. 13. beginning Pag. 260. Yet we shall adde this , that sure Christ's Disciples tooke him to be speaking of vveapons & svvords of outward mettal , when they said to him here are two ; and as sure it is , that Christ's reply saying it is enough , hinteth at no spiritual armour othervvise vve must say that his Disciples at this time vvere sufficiently fortified against all Spiritual vvars and combats ; and yet after experience proveth the contrary : And no lesse sure is it that if Christ had here meaned Spiritual armour , he vvould have been loath to have left his Disciples in such a mistake , vvhich vvas of so great concernement for all time comeing , novv especially vvhen he vvas shorthly to be taken from them : And vvhere do vve finde him rectifying this mistake of the Disciples , or saying , That he meaned no such svvords ; his saying it is enough , Importeth some other thing , as is said : Againe , if this speech be wholly allegorick , what way will they expone these words , But now he that hath a purse let him take it , and likewise his Scripe ? But as we see no ground for an allegroy here , so we may not expone Scripture by allegories when we please ; all know how dangerous it is to do so without clear warrand . And as for this Surveyer's reason added , it is of no weight to force us to accept of such an interpretation , for though it was not our Lords minde , that they should use those swords further at that time ; yet he might have taught the lawfulnesse of self defence in other cases where there was no positive command to the contrary , by thus saying unto them , He that hath no sword , let him sell his garment and buy one , Since he had not made use of such forcible defence before , to have showne them the lawfulnesse thereof , as he did of flight , which also at this time , he would not make use of ; and that they might see how voluntaryly and of his owne accord he laid downe his life , in obedience to the command which he had received of his Father , who would not make use even of that meane which he had declared lawful , by adviseing them to provide swords . Againe the Surveyer replyeth , The question is now anent the lawfulnesse of privat mens useing defensive arms against all Magistrats , without any shadow of authority : And to prove this he alledges that God by his absolute power might send 12. Legions of Angels to help Christ : God hath authority above all authorities in the World , and he may imploy Angels or Men , as ●hse pleaseth , and then they have a good warrand and authority : But what makes this for any privat Mens useing the sword against the Magistrate , without authority either from God or Men ? It is wonder us reasoning from Gods absolute power , & the efficacy of Christ's prayer , — to argue the lawfulnesse of privat Mens resistence of the lawful Magistrate without any warrand from God. Answ . This is to us , no strange way of replying , seing we have met with the like so often before . No Man sayeth , let be undertaketh to prove whether by this or any other argument , that it is lawful for privat persons , yea or for Kings and all in authority , to resist whether lawful Magistrats or others , without a warrand from God. What a non-sensical contradictory conclusion , should this be ? But this we say , That it is not in every case unlawful nor wanteth it a warrand from God , even for privat Subjects to defend themselves from the Tyranny of those in power , by forcible resistence , notwithstanding that Christ would not suffer his followers to make use thereof , in his case , which was singular : And , among other things , his saying , that he could obtaine by prayer of the Father 12 Legions of Angels , for his succour , doth confirme it : For if he might not make use of mens help , neither might he seek the help of Angels : So that we argue not from God's absolute power , but from Christ's professing , he might , if he would , obtaine the help of Angels , we show that in itself abstract from a particular positive command to the contrary , it was not unlawful , for the Disciples to defend themselves and their Master , nor for Christ to make use of their help , as it was not in itself unlawful to make use of the help of Angels . Which yet in that case he would not do . 3 , He replyeth , Albeit one part of our Lords designe , is to testify his willing submission , to the pleasure of his Father , yet that is not all ; for any occasion of this prohibition to Peter , he giveth a general rule to all his Disciples being privat Men , and to all private Men , that they should not take the sword , God not giving them Authoritie : Answ . If he meane by Authority , publick Magistratical authority , He but begs the question ; and if he meane a lawful warrand , we grant all : For though privat persons have not the Magistratical power of the sword ; yet we have sufficiently proved that they have a warrand , in cases of necessity , to make use of the sword of defence or resistence , in their owne defence : And Christ's Word speaks nothing against this . And if he should say , That Christ's sentence being general admits of no such exception , I would gladely know , how he will salve the lawfulnesse of publick persons taking the sword , for Christ speaks in general to his Disciples , He who taketh the sword shall perish by the sword : and I suppose he will not exclude Kings & Magistrats from the roll of Christ's Disciples . If he say , he meaneth all these unto whom God giveth no authority Magistratical . How shall he prove this ? If he say he speaketh to his Disciples who were private Persons . True , but it is as true , That he speaketh to his Disciples who were Ministers . Ergo shall it concerne only Ministers ? And that he speaketh to his Disciples who were Christians . Ergo it must also concerne all Christians & Magistrats as well as others . Thus we see his evasions are naught : And the true meaning is , that all such as make use of the sword , without God's warrand ( which the Disciples now wanted , having God's minde revealed to the contrary in that particular , ) shall perish by the sword : and with this restriction we admit of it , and he cannot reject it : And then it will make nothing against us , as is said & proved . Naphtaly answereth 3. Is it possible that men should be so far demented by flattery , as to think that it was unlawful for Iesus Christ , the mighty God and Lord over all , to have defended himself by the assistence of his Disciples , against the horrid wickednesse and insurrection of the vilest of his creatures , had it not been that it was necessary that the Scriptures concerning him should be accomplished ? The surveyer sayeth , He is insolent in saying so : Why so ? Because , albeit it be true , Christ as God , could have destroyed by himfelf or his instruments all the vile creatures that rose up against him ; yet Christ as Man , submitting himself in our nature to fulfil all righteousnesse , submitted himself to Magistracy , as the ordinance of God — and whatever by God's Law was unlawful for a subject to do , ( as rebellion against lawfull powers is ) the Son of God in the state of his humiliation submitted that the same should be unlawful to him as Man &c. Answ . It is true Christ as Man became Subject to the Law and to Magistracy as the ordinance of God. But to say that therefore He might not defend himself against the vilest of his creatures , who rose up to take his life , though abstract from that particular case wherein he had a particular command of God to lay downe his life , because that would have been rebellion , is but to begg the question , and we have said enough to prove the contrary . Naphtaly had a 3. answer thus . Where our Lord sayeth in the place objected , all they that take the sword &c. as he thereby only condemneth unjust and offensive war ; So the saying itself by its later part , doth tacitely imply the lawfulnesse & justice of both defensive & vindicative arms , the same being otherwise justly founded . Unto this The Surveyer replyeth 1. That the first part is false ; for then , sayes he ; That sentence should not be pertinently applyed to Peter's fact or fault , for his useing of the sword was defensive and objectively just on his part , to wit , in defence of his master , whom they did invade ; yet he is reproved as wanting lawful authority . Answ . Peter's wanting a vvarrand for any further use of the svvord , made , it is true , his vvar unjust yea and offensive , for all lawful war ( except where God giveth a particular command to destroy a nation or people , as he commanded the Israelites to destroy the Canaanits , and Saul to destroy the Amaelekites , ) is in a manner meerly defensive , as sundry politicians averre , thinking no ordinare war lawful , but what is defensive : And so this war being contrare to the revealed will of God , was unlawful , and so condemned by this sentence . But to gather hence , that every defensive war of Subjects is hereby condemned , is to put more in the conclusion , then is in the premisses . His 2 reply is That the later is most falsly concluded , if he meane defensive and vindictive armes against the Magistrate , for albeit defensive and vindictive armes be otherwayes justly founded , the defect of a lawful authority makes them unjust and sinful : And it is utterly against Christ's minde , and scope of the text , to allow defensive as well as vindictive armes against the Magisirate , for Peter was defending himfelf and his Master , and revenging the invasion made by Malchus the Magistrats servant upon Christ , and yet he is reproved for both . Answ . To say that the defect of a lawful authority ( as he understandeth it ) maketh a defensive war in subjects against their Magistrats , otherwise lawful , is but to beg the question , and is not proved by any reproof Peter gote , because as we have often tolde him , that was a particular case , it being necessary that the Scriptures concerning Christ should be accomplished , which is only added by our Lord , as the ground of his discharging Peter to proceed : Christ never tels him that it was against the lawful Magistrates , and therefore might not lawfully be : Yea that which made Peter's Defence in this case unlawful , would not Permit I. C. to pray to his father for aid or deliverance : now if he will conclude from Christ's discharge of Peter to make use of the sword , that it is simply unlawful for persons not cloathed with publick Authority , in any case , to defend themselves from the unjust violence of Magistrates , then let him conclude also from Christ's example that it is unlawful for them to pray for help from God when they are oppressed : for Christ gives on reason for both . We are willing to grant him all that can be drawne from the scope of the place , to wit , that when God hath so plainly declared by his providence , that there is not so much as place left for praying that the thing where with we are threatned may be avoided , but that we must suffer , and that then it is our duety to seek to be strengthened with all might , according to his glorious power , &c. That in this case , to take the sword is unlawful , this I say we willingly grant ; but if he would wrest the words further to make them say what he would have them he erreth not knowing the scriptures nor attending to their scope : Yea , it may be questioned if the Chiefe Priests , Scribes and Elders who sent out that band of souldiers , vvere lawful civil Magistrats , at this time , having power and authority from God , to use such civil force and coaction , and not rather usurpers . But we need presse this no further , having ground sufficient , to maintaine what we assert , even yeelding this unto the adversaries . After that Naphtali had considered these passages of Scripture which were objected to the impaneled , He proposed two other to be examined : The first vvas Ioh. 18 : 36. If my Kingdome vvere of this vvorld , then would my servants fight that I should not be delivered to the jevves , Vnto which Naphtaly answered thus . As the intent & scope of our Lord's ansvver vvas to clear himself of that calumny objected against him by the Iewes , that he made himself a King in opposition to Caesar ; So the meaning of it is plaine and obvious , to vvit , That our Lord's Kingdome is not of the Nature , and for the Ends , for vvhich other Kingdoms of this World vvere instituted ; but vvholly spiritual , for declareing the Truth , & thereby gaining souls unto glory : Whence as our Lord vvould there inferred , that he came not to conquer to himself disciples by outvvard force , and thereby to gaine follovvers to the spoiling of Caesar , and other Princes ; So it is vvithout all shaddovv of connexion , thence to conclude , that a people having received the blessing of the gospel , and Kingdome of Jesus Christ , should vvithout resistance suffer themselves ( to the manifest dishonour of God , and the hazard of the eternal damnation of themselves and their posterity ) to be impiously and sacrilegiously spoiled and deprived thereof , vvhen they are in capacity to defend the same . This the Surveyer accounteth Pag. 268. an extravagant exposition ; and why ? Is not ( sayes he ) Christ's plaine meaning , to declare the nature of his Kingdome to be spiritual , by this , that none of his servants vvere engaged merely upon this account , and under this formality , that they vvere his Servants , to fight violently for him ? This vvas security enough to Caesar , & all Magistrats for ever , that none of his subjects should take up armes in his quarrel against them , but should only do so vvhen Religion came to be a Lawright , defensible under the Magistrats protection against all forreigners ; But there is not the least hint of his saying , that he came not to conquere disciples to himself by outvvard force , his intention being meerly to give assurance , that violent resistence to our proper Magistrates , even in his behalfe , is unsuteable to his Kingdom . ] Ansvv . 1. Mr Hutcheson on the palce tels us , that Christ's scope here is expresly to ansvvere to the accusation concerning his Kingdome , and speaks so much of it negatively , as might satisfy Pilate , That it might vvell enough consist vvith the saifty of the Roman State. Therefore he shevveth that his Kingdome was not a wordly Kingdome ; and for proof thereof , he instanceth how far he was from aspireing to a Kingdome by force of armes , in that he would not so much as permit his servants to fight in his defence , as they offered to do , vvhen the jewes came to take him . ] . This , in my apprehension , is not one and the same with the Surveyer's glosse , and lesse discrepant from Naphtali's glosse , then is his . 2. What though it should be granted , that none of Christ's servants vvere engaged , meerly upon that account , and under this formality , to fight violently for him ? Will it hence follow that Christians in a Kingdome , may not stand to the defence of the professed Religion , received and sworne to by King and all rankes , against manifest tyranny and oppression ? I see not the consequence , seing they may do all this as civil Subjects , good countrey men , and loyal patriots : and this is enough for us . 3. Himself dar not deny , but even Christians , sujects of Christ , may take up arms in his quarrel , in some cases , for he granteth it may be in this case , vvhen religion cometh to be a Law right defensible under the Magistrates protection against forraigners ; But , is there any ground for this exception alone in all Christ's answere ? 2. If there be no ground more for this then for others , vvhy may not we put in our exception , as well as our adversary putteth in his ? 3. If it become a Law right , why may it not as well be defended by private subjects , as other Law rights and civil libertyes , are and may be , even against Magistrates ? 4. Shall it not be defended even when it becometh a Law right , against forreigners , but under the protection of the Magistrates ? Then , if Magistrates will not concurre , private persons may not defend their Religion by force of armes , against an army of Turks Papists or Heathens , comeing to presse all to Mahometanisme , Idolatry or Heathenisme ? What height of absurdity were here ? 5. Since Christian Magistrats are Servants to Christ , as well as Christian subjects : Why shall it be more lawful for them to engage in Christ's quarrel under this formality , that they are his servants , then for meer subjects ; seing Christ maketh no exception here , of one or other , nor distinction among his Servants ; and seeing this seemed to be as little security for Caesar as the other , if the scope mentioned by the surveyer be the true scope ? 4. The particular mentioned by Naphtali is more suteable to the true scope , then this vvhich the Surveyer mentioneth : For the question vvas not touching resistence to our proper Magistrates in Christ's behalfe . But whether Christ was a King or not : to vvhich Christ answered That hovvbeit He vvas a King , yet his Kingdome vvas consistent vvith Caesars Kingdome : And as he come not to conquere Subjects to himself by outvvard force , so he minded not to erect a temporal Kingdom by armes . Naphtaly did adde further . The truth whereof , together with the hypocrisy of our adversaries , may soon be discovered , if the question be but stated in the tearms of one forraigne and independent prince's invading another , meerly upon the account of the Christian faith ; and whatever solution or evasion they shall herein make , will as exactly quadrate to the case in hand , it being almost ridiculous to conceive , that the greatest-aggravations of invasions of this kinde , to wit , that it is made by a prince upon his owne subjects , ( whose profession he himself is principally bound to maintaine ) should import any speciality and difference in the cases . Unto this I finde no ansvvere in special returned by the Surveyer , unlesse Pag. 267. he mean Naphtaly vvhen he sayes , But the Apolog. very paradoxically will maintain Pag. 159. That there is more reason to resist our own Magistrates — then forraigners , because our owne being bound to maintaine our profession , his invasion upon the same is aggravate , and he is rather to be resisted by violence then others , ] for I finde no such thing in that place of the Apolog. by him cited , and that vvhich I just novv mentioned out of Naphtali is indeed in Pag. 159. and though he miscite the vvords , and vvrest them after his vvonted manner , yet the Reader may see it probable that he intendeth Naphtaly . Hovvever let us see vvhat he ansvvereth ; Thinks●e ( sayes he ) That it were soundly said that if parents should make disorder in the house , that the children , and rest of the family , should use violence rather against them , when they miscarry or waste the goods of the family , then against a thief or a robber breaking in into the house Answ . To passe by the unsuteablenesse of this Reply unto Naphtali's answer , as if Naphtaly had concluded that there was much more reason for resisting our owne Magistrats then Forraigners , while as an equality would have satisfied him , as his words clearly import ; We say this to his reply , That when he hath demonstrated to us that Children and Servants , have as great right unto the goods of the family , and as great power and privilege in setting up their Parents the heads of the family , and of calling them to account for their mismanagement , as we have proved Subjects have in the common good , and in setting up of Soveraignes , and in calling them to an account , then shall his reply be noticed as having some parallel ; but till then we dismisse it with this answere , that the simile , as to our poynt , is prorsus dissimile , and can conclude nothing : Yea , let us turne is owne weapon against himself and say , Seing Children and Servants may lawfully , with force , with hold the heads of the family , when they , in a fit of phrensy , are labouring to destroy all , to burne the house above their heads , or to cast all the goods in the house into a fire , and resist them no lesse then open enemies and robbers , thinks he if soundly said , That if Kings in a fit of madnesse & Tyranny shal seek to destroy the common wealth & wholly overturne all Religion , to set up idolatry & heathenisme , the Subjects may not withstand them , & prevent their owne ruine , and the ruine of Religion , with force of armes , when no other meanes can availe ? What will he say to this ? Will he deny this consequence ? If not , have not we enough ? But he addeth , The Authors error is this , that he looks meerly to the obligation of the Magistrate to us , and not at all to our obligation to him , even when he fails abuseing his power . Answ , He looks meerly to the obligation of the Magistrate to us , when he mentioneth the aggravation of his guilt of invasion upon that account ; And whatever be our obligation to the Magistrate , ( which Naphtaly did not forget though he was not called expresly to mentione it then & there , ) it will not follow that it is an obligation unto an illimited and stupide Subjection to him , in all cases ; and if the Surveyer prove not this ( vvhich I suppose he vvill not do ) he vvill prove nothing against us . What more sayes he to this place of Scripture ? Pag. 267. after he hath given us , in his vvay ; the meaning of these vvords of Christ , to vvit , That Christ proves his Kingdome not to be of this world by this Medium , that if it were so , his servants ( in the quality of his Servants ) should take up outward armes and fight for him , &c. Then he concludes that this text will enforce — that Christ's Subjects ( meerly as they are in the capacity of his Subjects ) are not to use the sword against Magistrates , that are over them , in his behalfe . And then sayes , he allowes well of Mr. Hutcheson's note upon the place — Christ sayeth he by hindering his servants to fight , vvho vvere but private men , as to any civil povver , hath taught that private men are not vvarranted to dravv the svvord , vvere it even in defence of Religion , but they ought to maintaine it by suffering , when called to that extremity . ] Answ . 1. We have showne already how this man's glosse , and Mr. Hutchesons do not every way quadrate . 2. If this text enforce that Christ's subjects , meerly as they are in capacity of his subjects , are not to use the sword in Christ's behalfe ; then , He must either say that people even under the conduct of a lawful Magistrate can not defend Religion by armes ( which yet immediatly thereafter he granteth ) of say , that when they defend Religion so , they act not meerly in the capacity of Christ's subjects . 3. As for Mr. Hutcheson's note which he opposeth to all our rebellious fancies , we say , we wish that that worthy author who hath given great proof of his dexterity in deduceing poynts of doctrine from the text , had been , after his usual manner , more acurate here , and had guarded his assertion better , that it might have had a more clear rise , every way answering the ground it was deduced from : for sure I am , this ground ( if it be at all against defensive armes in matters of Religion ) will as much speak against a defence used by Magistrates , upon this account , as by privat Subjects ; for the ground is the same , to wit , that Christ's Kingdome is not of this world , and alike concerning Magistrats and people , and is no more a temporall Kingdome in regaird of Magistrats , then in regaird of private persons . And upon the ground that Christ would not suffer his Disciples to fight for him , at that time , upon the same ground he would not have suffered even Magistrats to fight for him , for he behoved to drink the cup that his father gave him : And neither Magistrates nor privat persons , could have hindered that by force , or would have been permitted to do it , by him : And if it be said that from other passages it is clear , that Magistrates , who are noursing parents to the Church , are allowed to use the sword . We answere That we have also proved from scripture and reason , that people , in some cases , may use the sword of defence for Religion . Againe it if be said , that his Disciples were but private persons , as to any civil power , and therefore it is only to be understood of these . It is answered ▪ That it will as well follow , That because they were fisher-men , therefore it is to be meaned only of these , and of none else ; or that because they vvere Church officers , therefore , only they must not use the sword , and so all others may . The last place which Naphtaly mentioned , was Math. 5 : v. 27. to the end , where it is said , Resist not evil but whosoever shall smite thee &c. with the parallel places , specially , Rev. 13 : v. 10. Unto which he answered , That as these places do enjoyn either patience , when the clear call and dispensation of God do inevitably call unto suffering , without which patience were no patience but rather stupidity of &c. — So thence to inferre that Men should give way to all violence and sacrilege ( to the subverting of Religion and righteousnesse ) is after the manner of Satan , to cheat and abuse men by the holy Scriptures . The Surveyer replyeth thus , ( I meddle not with his impertinent reflections , and scurrile jibes , nor vvith his groundlesse inferences , vvhich vve have so oft met vvith in the former part . ) The scope is , to shew the unlawfulnesse of private revenge , for injuries done to us , — and the place will condemne plainely enough violent retaliating the Magistrate , when we think he doth us wrong . Answ . The scope of the place is obvious ; and doth no more condemne private persons retaliating the Magistrate , then Magistrats retaliating privat Subjects ; unlesse Magistrates be exempted from this precept , and consequently be not to be reckoned among Christ's followers . And as from this place , it will not follow , that one independent King may not make war against another , and thereby defend his rights , nor that one private person may not defend his rights and just possessions against an invader , no more will if follow , that Subjects may not defend themselves and their Rights , Libertyes , and Religion , against the violent oppression and Tyranny of Magistrats . Next sayes the Surveyer , Pag. 269. That every Man in his calling ought to withstand violence and Sacrilege to the subverting of Religion and Righteousnesse , is granted : Yea privat Men may resist the unjust violence of private Persons , and being under the conduct of the Magistrate , may resist any that offereth violence , in lesser concernments then these are : But we still maintaine that this text forbids all revenge or violent retaliation upon the Magistrate though he abuse his power . Answ . The question is not what he will still maintaine that this text doth forbid ; but what he can evince that this text will prove against us . How will he prove that this text doth more forbid private persons , to resist the unjust violence of Magistrats , then to resist the unjust violence of privat persons , or to resist the unjust violence of any , having Magistrats to conduct them ? Is there any exception in the text ? Doth not the text speak to all in reference to all ? To wit , that they should resist none out of a Spirit of private revenge ? Againe though the text forbid all revenge or violent retaliation upon the Magistrate , though he abuse his power ; will it therefore forbid privat Subjects to defend themselves by force , in case of necessity , from manifest and unjust violence and Tyranny ? No : no more then because the text doth forbid even Magistrats to revenge or retaliate , from a Spirit of revenge , wicked Malefactors , It doth therefore forbid them to execute justice upon them . Naphtaly did add , that this was [ grosly to exceed that signal rule mainly in these places intended , to wit , ] that we should be perfect even as our Father which is in Heaven is perfect ; [ Who though he filleth the Earth with his goodnesse , — yet doth he love righteousnesse and helpeth and delivereth the oppressed , and commandeth the Zeal of his owne glory ( wherein he himself doth often eminently appeare ) by the hand of his people , to take vengeance on his adversaries . To this the Surveyer replyeth . ( What strange argueing is this , that because God Almighty executeth vengeance upon his adversaries , therefore private persons should follow his perfection in doing the like albeit they have not his warrand or command Answ . Naphtaly's Argument ran mainely upon [ helping and delivering the oppressed ] Neither doth he conclude what private persons may do without God's warrand or command . This he supposed because he had evinced it . Then Naphtaly closeth saying , [ Let us therefore in the consideration of what is said , Rev 13 : v. 10. ) He that leadeth into captivity shall goe Into captivity . He that killeth with the sword &c. , [ Both possesse our souls in patience under all the former sufferings , and hope and rejoyce in the faith of the succeeding delivery there subjoyned . ] Upon this ( sayeth the Surveyer ) he would found the consolation , and patience of his party in all former sufferings , and his hope and joy in the succeeding delivery . ] Answ . And why might he not ? [ That word ( sayes he ) Rev. 13. toucheth not , nor threatens the Magistrate in the executeion of justice ; but rebels , who use the sword without God's warrand , against the Magistrate , may read their reward in this text . ] Answ . We say not that it threatens the Magistrate executing justice . But let such see to it , who instead of executing justice , pervert justice , and execute the innocent people of God. And , after the manner of the Beast there spoken of , maketh war with the Saints : And so may all rebels against God who use the sword without his warrand . But as for privat subjects defending themselves by the sword of innocent self defence , against unjust violence , and intolerable tyranny and oppression , we have proved that they want not God's warrand , and therefore they may look for another reward . And as for his hope and confidence after expressed , we let it passe as not worth the mentioning ; for when the hope of the Hypocrit perisheth , his is like to give up the Ghost . Having thus answered all which this surveyer hath said , whether in his first part ▪ or now in his second , against the truth which we have maintained , we may saifly say that these valient worthies were basely and unworthyly murthered , & that there was no just cause to take their lives . This man pag. 260. &c. Will not have them justified , and adduceth , for the most part , such reasons , as make me doubt whether he can be the same man , that drew up the first part of this Survey , because they are the very same things we heard before in the first part ; and is it possible the man could have forgotten himself , or think that we could so soon have forgotten what we heard in the first part , and had answered ; And if he be a distinct person ; I wonder what the man meaned , to give us the same thing over againe : did he ever read these in the first part , or had he forgotten that ever he saw them ? Or thought he that they would have the weight of gold coming from his Mouth , while they had not the weight of stuble being uttered by his collegue ? He beginneth that discourse with palpable untruthes , saying That they suffered not upon the account of owneing the covenant . Whereas the maine Argument of their indictment was . That all convocations and riseing in armes , or subjects entering in leagues without or against the King's authority are treasonable . Then he tels us . That all which they can say for their riseing was that the Magistrate , by moderat penaliyes according to law , was pressing them to attendance upon the ordinance of God , which is an indispensible duty . This we heard before and is answered Chap. XVI . pag. 348. &c. Neither was the penaltyes moderate , nor were they exacted according to law , not were they thereby pressed to attend that ordinance which is an indispensible duty ; But they were pressed to a sinful complyance with abjured prelacy , contrare to their vow and Covenant , by barbarous tyranny . Then he sayes . Their lives were not sought upon any tearmes . See the place now mentioned where that is spoken to also : and to all of common sense it was notour , that their case was a case of most in exorable necessity , their misery being so much the greater that their lives were left them to see themselves miserable , as if the barbarous enemy had intended onely to make them liveto see it . Neither was there any flying for a whole countrey side , with their wives and children , and therefore what Lex Rex sayeth Pag. 327 , 328. 329. confirmeth the lawfulnesse of this . As to their not supplicating mentioned by him next , it is spoken to also in the place cited : And however he may think now to incrustate that tyrannical and irrational act , forbidding all joynt supplications : yet the whole land knoweth , that if that oppressed Countrey had attempted any such thing , they had been accounted guilty of Laese Majesty . And had gotten no other relief of all the illegal impositions which inferiour officers did lay on . Thereafter he cals it a notable contradiction to say that their rise was indeliberate , and yet Lawful , Iust , holy , exemplary , necessary : And that the godly ancients never enrolled them among martyrs , who by their owne rashnesse had occasioned their owne sufferings . Answ . As if an action might not be both lawful just And necessary , though the first rise thereof might have been unexpected , and a meer surprisal of providence : And as if every action were sinfully rash vvhich were not long and deliberatly before contrived . So then by their rashness they did not occasion their sufferings ; but , by a surprisal of providence . being called to their owne defence , and to a vindication of their libertyes and Religion , while they were murthered upon that account , they may very lawfully be enrolled among the Martyrs . Then Pag. 261. he sayes . They were the first-aggressors , and first slew one of the Kings servants . This was told us in the first part , and is answered : And who knoweth not that the first aggressor may be first killed . See what is said to this Pag. 350. Then he sayes the Novatians & Donatists were not accounted Martyrs albeit sometimes they were drawn to death by persecuting pagans-such a foul Staine did they see in Schisme . Answ And indeed upon the same ground , if any of this corrupt apostat facton , which hath made defection from the received Religion , reformed in doctrine worshipe discipline and Government , and sworne unto by our whole Church , were drawne to death by pagans , under the common notion and name of Christian , they could not be accounted Martyres , because of their sinful and perfidious renting of the body of Christ . They , and not the honest party who adhere to their principles , are the schismaticks , The Novatians and Donatists who departed from the truth , & not the honest Christians who remained constant , were the true schismaticks , Nor doth Naphtaly fix them in a schisme when he teacheth , that they were indispensibly tyed by the Covenant , to abhorre a complyance vvith these courses of defection , more then the honest fathers of old did fix the honest party in a schisme , by teaching that they vvere not to imbrace the principles and practices of the Donatists and Novatians . The 6. And last particular which he mentioneth Pag. 262. is but a heap of groundlesse calumnies , to vvit , that their designe vvas to put downe all authority , to destroy all who would not accept of their sense of the Covenant . to place themselves in the chaire of authority , of which stuff we have had enough in the former part , and shall say no more now , but that it is plaine , their cause is desperate and gone , when they must flee to lies for refuge , but to show how perfectly they are assimulat to the spirit which drives him , they will be both lyers and murtherers . And now . Noble patriots ( for to you would I speak a word ere I close ) though I have , in some weak measure , endeavoured , to vindicat the lawfulnesse of your noble and heroick enterprise , to raise up the Virgin of Israel , who was fallen , and forsaken upon her land , yet you stand not in need of the help of any such weak advocat , as I am , your witnesse is in Heaven , and your record on high : It is he who justifyeth , and therefore though now you be hunted , as partridges on the Mountaine and be a People robbed and spoiled , snared in holes , hid in prison houses , and be for a prey , and none delivereth , for a spoile , and none sayeth restore , you need not be troubled who condemne you , This being your rejoyceing , even the testimony of your conscience , that in simplicity and godly sincerity , not with fleshly wisdome , but by the grace of God , you have had your conversation in the world , and more abundantly in this particular . And therefore may you depart from the presence of Councils ( when brought before them , upon this account ) rejoyceing that you are counted worthy to suffer shame or what else , for his name . Stumble not at the wise dispensations of God , nor think it strange concerning the f●●rytryal which is to try you ( and dayly experience telleth us that this continued tryal maketh nevv discoveryes ) as if some strange thing hapned unto you , vvhat ever strangers to God and such as judge of him , and of his holy , sublime and vvise dispensations by carnal sense , may think , but rejoyce in as much as yee are partakers of christs suffering . That when his glory shall be revealed ( if not in this vvorld dureing our dayes , yet in the vvorld to come ) you may be glad also with exceeding joy : Yea if you be reproached for the name of christ , much more if you be put to harder sufferings , happy are yee , for the spirit of glory & of God resteth on you ; since it is undenyable , that on their part who are your Enemies , he is evil spoken of , but on your part he is glorified . Though men think that you suffer as murderers , or as theeves , or as evil doers , or as busy bodyes in other mens Matters . Yet having an undoubted ground of persuasion , that you suffer as Christians , for owneing Christ's interest , and his Covenanted work in the land , you need not be ashamed , but have cause to glorify God on this behalfe . And since you suffer according to the will of God , commit the keeping of your souls to him , in wel doing as unto a faithful Creator . Bewar of snares and sinful bonds , for the same spirit of Malignancy and enmity to the interests of Christ , acteth in these , which acted in that bloody persecution : the same designe is carryed on , to wit , the constant banishing of Christ and his interests out of the land , and the establishing of these grand images of jealousy which provoke to jealousy . O for that truely divine zeal vvhich would more eate us up , for the house of God which is desolate , and his precious interests which are perfidiously sold , and wickedly trode under foot , and which would make us never to sit downe satisfied with any concessions , or favours , how specious soever , until we saw our King restored to his owne , and brought back to his throne and Kingdome with shoutings and acclamations of joy . O dearly beloved stand fast : And beware I say of snares ; but haveing done all stand with your loins girt about with truth , and your feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace ; as you have not been frowned out of your integrity , so take head ye be not flattered out of it , be not so simple as to beleev every word that is spoken ; for he must shut his eyes and love to be blindfolded , who doth not perceive , that while the men that lye in wait for your halting , and designe to draw you into a compliance with their course of opposition to the work of God , speake fair , there are seven abominations in their heart . Let your eyes be in your head : Hold fast what ye have , that no man take your crowne ? The devil is changeing weapons upon you , with a designe to give you a parting blovv : be vigilant , resist him under every shape whereinto he transformeth himself , that he may assault & overcome you ; so shall he at last flee from you , and ye shall be more then conquerours through him who hath loved you : your Exit , though upon a scaffold , will be unspeakably joyous , and full of glory , and when ye have made it appeare ( if called there to ) that ye love his interests so well , that ye continue not to love your owne lives unto the death ; then shall ye be associat with your blessed brethren , and fellow sufferers , who overcame the same enemy that continues to make war vvith you and the remnant of the vvomans seed , be the blood of the lamb , & the word of their testimony ? Ye have not only the advantage of all your persecuters , but of many of the professed yea real friends of the vvork , a great many of vvhom , vvhen called by the same providence to appeare vvith you , unto the help of the Lord against the mighty , did couch under their burdens , and abode amongst the sheepfolds , to hear the bleatings of the flocks , vvhile like true Naphtali's ye jeoparded your lives in the high places of the field , some of whom it may be have added grief to your sorrow , & have condemned your riseing , to justiy their owne sinful shifting , and sitting that opportunity ; against whom we know ye meditat no other revenge , then still to love many of them as brethren , & pray that their leaving you alone may never be laid to their charge . And of some also who pretending respect to the cause , did a great deal worse , by associating themselves with that enemy , vvho with open mouth did come upon you to eat you up , the expectation of whose heart may be dreadful , when he cometh to make inquisition for the blood of his saints , and they may tremble at the thoughts of being led out width these workers of iniquity , with whom they joyned themselves in the day of your distresse . I wish that repentance may prevent this ruine : ye have I say the advantages of these , & have obtained mercy of the Lord , to doe and suffer for his sake while many of your brethren have fainted and fled . keep your ground , for ye are satans great eye sore ; he seeks you , to shake and winnow you with the smooth & flattering insinuations of the men vvhose great designe is to secure and setle themselves on the ruines of the vvork of God , and seem to offer some thing , if ye vvill give them security for your keeping the publick peace , that is , if ye vvill never offer to put out your hand to strip them of the spoiles of Christ's honour , whervvith they have cloathed themselves ; this is to keep their publick peace , to let them live in a peacable possession of vvhat they vvith vvicked hands have taken from Jesus Christ , and never to trouble that vvatch vvhich they have set about the grave of his buried interests , for fear of its resurrection . But I hope that he who hath delivered your soul from death , and preserved you vvhile they hunted for your precious life , will also deliver your feet from falling , that ye may , holding still your integrity , vvalk before God in the light of the liveing . And though the Lord think good to hide his face for a time , Let us waite on him who hideth his face from the house of Israel , and let us look for him , vvho knovves but he be waiting that he may be gracious , and that he will be exalted that he may have mercy upon us : For the Lord is a God of Judgment , blessed are all they that waite for him . who knovveth but the vision be only for an appoynted time , aud at the end it shall speak and not lie , therefore though it tarry , let us waite for it ; because it will surely come and will not tarry . Then they vvho are our enemies shall see it ; and shame shall cover them who said unto us , where is the Lord your God ? Our eyes shall behold them , and they shall be troden down as the mire of the streets , vve shall no more be tearmed for saken , neither shall our land be tearmed any more desolate , but we shall be called Hephzibah , and our land Beulah , vvhen our Lord shall delight in us , and our land shall be marryed : Let our King come , and make haste . To him be glory for ever and ever . AMEN . ERRATA . PAg. 3. Lin. 34. Read sincerely , p. 12. l. 18. r. there may . p. 34. l. 6. for this r. his . p. 38. l. 21. r. from a : Ibid. l. 22. r. difference . p. 71. l. 20. r. mightily . p. 79. l. 27. r. precedents . p. 83. l. 23. r. Aristocracy . p. 98. l. 34. r. Kings . p. 1 , l. 17. r. at . p. 151. l. penult . for is r. his . p. 188. l. 4. r. politician . p. 224. l. 13. r. precipice . p. 237. l. 33. for only r. cheif . p. 256. l. 15. r. absurd . p. 311. l. 13. for virmilion r. nitre . p. 429. l. 31. r. his cause . p. 437. l. 7. r. this . READER , IF in some Copies thou finde some moe such like , or some other , through the transposition of Points or Letters , or one Letter for another ; as n. for u. or t. for r. or s . for f or the like , that will not readily marre the sense ; thou mayest be pleased to correct these , as thou readest . JUS POPULI VINDICATUM . OR The Peoples right , to defend themselves and their covenanted Religion , vindicated . CAP. I. The Question cleared and stated . THE Surveyer , taking but an overlye , slight and superficial vieu to the books , he would make the world beleeve , he confuteth , measureth out and treadeth down ( as any of ordinary capacity , compareing his wordy but unworthy pamphlet , with what , is orderly & methodically set downe , and strongly and unanswerably confirmed ( as the event shall demonstrate ) in these books , which he unmanlike snarleth at , rather then answereth ) thinketh it of his advantage ( as it is the advantage of all who desire not to be seen in their own colours , nor to have plaine truth discovered , and their pernicious errours and practices suteable thereunto , unfolded , to cast a mist before the eyes of such as would observe them , or raise some ignis fatuus to misguide them , & take them off the way ) to use his out-most endeavour to deceive his unwarry warry & inadvertant reader , & lead him , ( who is so simple as to beleeve every thing which he and his fraternity say , though they have manifestly and undenyably forefaulted all faith and credite , with all who know what is the fundamental bonde of all society and commerce ) into the same sinful and irrational abhorrency , of an exploite and interprise so consonant to scripture , law , equity and reason , and to the practice of worthy Zelots abroad , and at home , from the very beginning of the work of reformation ; and for this cause , as he hath foolishly and ignorantly paralleled these worthies , ( whose late practice we shall , godwilling , abundantly vindicate , from all which this flaunting and windy adversary , who cometh forth to shake his speare , as if he were another Goliah , hath said here against it ) with the irrational , furious , and brutish rabble of Anabaptists who followed Knipperdoling and Iohn of Leyden ; So all alongs in his discourse ; he hath not only snarled at , picked out , and miserably wrested some expressions in these books he would confute , especially in the Naphtali , and then run away with a cry veni , vidi , vici , as if he had gained the day ; which way of dealing with an adversary , is , to all men of judgment and understanding , very un-faire , base and puerile , no way beseeming a man pretending to plead for truth , and to discover verity , as he pretendeth to do ; yea judicious persons will , from such dis-ingenuous & unhandsome way of answereing , easily perceive on whose side trueth stands firme & unshaken ; But ( which is yet more palpable and grosse ) he hath either ignorantly , or fraudulently , perverted the true state of the question , both in Thesi and in Hypothesi , which is a sufficient proof of the disperatnesse of the cause which he would maintaine , and of the mans purpose to wrangle , when he can not answere , and to buske up an adversary of straw to himself to fight against , when he cannot , dar not , look his real adversary in the face ; and a ground more then sufficient to make wise men judge , that he hath rather confirmed the hands of his adversaries and strengthened their cause , then , in the least , weakened the same , for all his hidious out-cryes , and dexterous heaping up of many words to little or no purpose , unlesse to take with such , as think the best cause is on their side , who have the manyest , most darring , big and plausible expressions , but are not able to judge righteous judgement , nor discerne whether or not there be true groud for such confident exclamations , and bold assertions . I am confident that all who have not prostituted their judgements and understandings , to a blinde and irrational beleef of what , such as have un-manned themselves , and voluntarily given away that masculine constancy and fidelity , which men , but of ordinary spirits , would account the height of basenesse ; and have now adorned themselves with a more then fëminine levity , yea , and embroidered themselves with such a dale of intolerable falshood , unfaithfulnesse , impiety and perjury , as would make Heathens , ( though none of the best refined ) account them unworthy of humane society , do , with more then ordinary confidence , and bold audacity , assert and maintaine . That I may not , after the a methodical methode of this disputer , who loveth to walk in by-wayes , still keep the Reader in the dark , I shall first cleare the true state of the question , confirme the truth , and vindicate it from what he here asserteth , answereth , or objecteth , that is apposite to the purpose ; forbearing once to take notice of his many scurrilous , base , unchristian , yea and un-manly expressions , which shew what spirit he is of : and afterward I shall consider and examine his excursions which have not such a closse connexion with the present question , as he would make his Reader beleeve , lest he should vaunt , as having spoken that which no man can answere . That it may appeare what is the true state of the question , we would premite these few things as necessary to be considered . First . That the whole body of the people of Scotland were engadged to God , by solemne Covenants , vowes , purposes and promises , frequently renewed , to owne and endeavour , really , sincerily , and constantly , through the grace of God , in their several places and callings , with the hazard of life , lands goods , and all what they had , the preservation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland in doctrine , worshipe , discipline and government ; and without respect of persons , the extirpation of Popery , Prelacy , Superstition , Heresie , Schisme● Prophanesse , and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of Godlinesse , lest they should partake in other mens sinnes , and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues : and that they should mutually , with the Privileges of Parliaments , preserve and defend the libertyes of the Kingdo me : and in this common cause of religion , liberty , & peace , assist and defend all those , who would enter into these bonds , in the maintaining and pursueing thereof . Secondly . Not only did the body of the commonalty subscribe , and solemnely with hands lifted up to the Most High God , sweare these Covenants and engagements , at the command of Magistrats ; But the Magistrats themselves , both superior and inferior , did take on them , in a most solemne manner , these same vowes and engagements , and solemnel promised , as they should answere to God in the great day , to promove this covenanted work of Reformation , and to prosecute , in their places , stations and capacities , the Ends of the Covenant . Thirdly . When this King ( vvho did svveare and subscribe these Covenants , before he came to Scotland ) vvas crovvned , and solemnely inaugurated , He not only renevved these solemne vovves and engagements ; But upon these termes and conditions , vvas he admitted ; the people declared their vvillingnesse to admit of him , as King , the svvord vvas put in his hand and accepted , the People did svveare fidelity , and allegiance , according to these Covenants ; the like did the Nobles one by one , viz svveare to be true and faithfull to him , according to the Nationall , and solemne League and Covenant . And all this vvas aftervvard , vvhen the King attained the age of 21 years compleat , in a full and free Parliament , ratified , concluded , and enacted by King and all the Estates of Parliament : vvhere by as Naphtals Pag. 72. vvell observeth , the same did passe into a perpetual lavv , and became one of the principal fundamental lavves of the constitution of our Kingdome , vvhereupon all the rights and privileges . either of King or People , are principally bottomed and secured . These things , as to matter of fact , cannot be denyed . Fourthly . Whatever was done of late , by King or Parliament , or enacted , and concluded contrary to these covenants , vowes and engagements , was ( as unlawful , so ) a real and formal subversion of the fundamental constitution of our Christian and reformed Kingdome ; This none will deny who knoweth the true nature of these covenants , and the real interest they had , and yet have de jure , in our constitution , before this late revolution , as was now expressed . Fiftly . Notwithstanding of all that hath been done by King and Parliament , of late , in rescinding , abjuring , and looseing of the obligation of these National bonds , and divine covenants , yet they remaine Covenants , and National tyes perpetually obligeing , before God , the King , Nobles , & People of all ranks ; and will do , so long as Scotland is Scotland . This is abundantly made out , by the Apologist ; and is a fixed and everlastingly confirmed truth , in the hearts of all who fear God , and looke for his appearing as a swift witness against all such as sweare falsly . Sixtly . That nothing was allaiged or allaigeable , against those persones in Galloway , and places adjacent , as ground , or cause , or occasion of all that extremitie and rigour of iniquity , that was exercised against them , but their simple non-obedience to the act enjoyning conformitie and obedience to the Ecclesiastical authoritie then established , which was diametrically opposite unto their vow and promise , in their solemne and National covenants . So that really , upon the matter , their suffering was meerly because of their conscience making , and faithful endeavouring to adhere , through the grace of their God , unto their covenants and engagements solemnely sworne and taken . Seventhly . It will be easily granted by all rational persons , That in all Kingdomes and Commonwealths , a free people not redacted unto a state of base bondage and slavery , should be ruled and governed civilly , according to the civil and municipal lawes of the land , and not by military force and cruelty . Tyrants use to lay aside the wholesome and established lawes of the land , and to rule in an arbitrary manner , by the cruel and mercylesse sword , because they neither intend , nor seek the good of their subjects ; But only their owne ambition and base ends ; But Magistrats who ought to seek the good of the common-wealth and preferre it to their owne particular ends , will have respect to the lawes , and accordingly rule their subjects , and not by an aribitrary cruelty , and force of armes , which are used against enemies . Eightly . The very law enjoyning this conformity , prescribeth the way how the same shall be put to due execution , viz. [ That for this end the Council shall call before them all such persons , as after admonition of the Minister , in presence of two sufficient witnesses , and by himso attested , shall be given up to the Council as transgressours of this act — and the same after hearing of partyes , being duely found , to decerne & inflict the censures and penalties ] And although the very law itself be so iniquous and intolerable , as would undoubtedly bring sudden ruine , to all such as would not obey the same , and that in a very short time ; yet if this legal manner of procedour , had been followed , the execution , ( though cruel , and sufficiently barbarous , the penalty having no suteable correspondence with , nor proportion unto , the supposed transgression ; for , can any think that a persons absenting himself twice or thrice from his owne parish Church , can be a transgression of such a high nature , as no penalty lesse then the fourth pairt of his Estate , can compensate ? ) had not seemed so arbitrary or tyrannical ; but when such a grievous law , is more grievously executed , and that arbitrarily , and illegally , is not this a very intolerable oppression ? Ninthly It is notourly knowne and unquestionably clear , and alas too too wel demonstrated by black , Tragical and inde lible characters of ruine , extirpation , and beggery of many honest families , yea , and of landed and sufficiently provided Gentlemen and others , so that none will , or can , ( if he hath not resolved to beleeve neither what he seeth , nor what he heareth ) deny it : That Sr Iames Turner , and his souldiers , under pretence of executeing this law , used such inhumane crueltyes , savage barbarities , unparallelable exorbitancies , by illegal amercements , fineings , quarterings , plunderings , beatings , dragging to prisones , wounding , binding men like beasts , chaseing them to moors and mountaines , laying waste their lands , houses , and habitations , devouring what they could with horse , dogs , & men , burning plenishing , utensils and other necessaries in houses , and thus laying whole parishes and almost countreysides waste and desolate , and that without respect had to conscience humane , let be Christian , to law divine , civil , or municipal grievous or not grievous , yea without respect had to persones guilty or not guilty ; for when they had consumed the Landlord , they oppressed the Tennants though not guilty , & when they had ruined the Tnenants , fel upon the Landlord though a conformist , avowing and professing they came to destroy , and they would destroy ; nor having any respect to poor or rich , widowes or marryed persons , old or young , yea , or to such as stouped for-age , to sick , or bedrid creples , or to one or other ; yea and did sesse and quarter , till persons were forced to pay such summes , as the civil judges , before whom the cause was depending , had not determined to be justly addebted by them . All which is fully , and particularly laid open by Naphtaly , and will appeare to all who have not renunced humanity , to be more then lesser injuries , as the Surveyer pag. 70 is pleased to account them , and to be most unjust , though he make a question thereof , yea and such grievous and intolerable oppressions , the hundereth part whereof ( as Naphtaly said well . ) would make him and his complices curse both God and their King. Tenthly . To all these forementioned cruelties and barbarities , He added this , that he would suffer no man to complaine to him of any wrong they had suffered by the brutish and barbarous souldiery , nay nor supplicate for relief , and if they did , their cause was helped by doubling their miseries , yea , and which might exceed all beleef ( if its notoriety were not undenyable ) forced them , after all these horrid , dreadful , inhumane , and brutish outrages and oppressions , to subscribe an acknowledgment , That he had used them civilly and discretly ; and there by necessitated them to deny what was as not oure as the sun at noonday , and their very common sense and feelings , and also to prejudge themselves of all hope or possibility of getting redresse by law . Eleventhly Though this forementioned acknowledgement had neither been asked nor granted , yet their condition was irremediable : for neither they , nor any in the land , might Supplicat King or Councel , either for relaxation of the rigorousnesse of the lawes , or for a more civil , moderate , yea or for a strick and legal execution of the iniquous and grievous lawes made , under the paine of treason and lese Majesty . Though it vvas an old received maxime , and is to this day , vvhere tyranny is not avovvedly exercised , that cuivis licet supplicare & protestari : yet the late Parliament concluded , contrary to the lavv of nature and nations , That petitions vvere seditious and treasonable . So that hovv arbitrarily soever King or Parliament yea or Council , or any deputed by them , did rage , or should opprresse & injure the Subjects , vvhether in conscience , body or goods , there vvas no remedy , nor hope of redresse , no petition or supplication how humble soever , might be once presented by the grieved subjects : yea nor durst they meet together to poure out their complaint unto the God of heaven , the hearer of prayers , & the righteous judge of heaven & earth . What height of opprression & tyranny this is , Let all the vvorld judge . Twelvethly . It is uncertaine , yea much doubted , if Sr. Iames Turner , that singular instrument of barbarous cruelty , had any commission form King or Council , impovvering him to such illegal exorbitancies ( whatever he might have had , under hand , from some Members of Council vvho had most sold themselves to cruelty , and to the utter extirpation of all who would not run vvith them , to the same excesse of riot ) sure if any such thing be , the records vvill manifest it ; but since they cashired him and some of his associats , and made an offer of causeing him ansvvere for vvhat he had done , it is very probable , he had no formal commission for vvhat he did ; and yet since he and others are permitted to live , after such crueltyes , barbarities , and un heard of vvickednesses , and no reparation made to the persones injured , it is certane he is but too vvell approved in all he did , and of vvhat use this shall be , vvill appeare afterward . Thirteenthly . The intent and designe of those poor people who rose in armes , was not to dethrone the King , to enjure him , or to lessen his just and legal authoritie ; but to resist , repel , and defend themselves from , unjust violence and oppression ▪ and to seek reparations of the wrongs done them ; and the removal of that detestable and abjured Hierarchy , the establishing and upholding of which , as it was , & is a great provocation of the anger of God against the land , so it was the fountaine and rise of all these horrid oppressions which they suffered , and of the making of such grievous statutes , and establishing iniquitie into a law , and was to be a lasting cause and occasion of violent . unjust and illegal oppressions , and intolerabel vexations to all the faithful of the land ; and withal , to have security for their lives , lands , libertyes , consciences , and Religion , conforme to the agreement made with his Majesty , and the National Covenant , and the Solemne league and covenant , which he solemnely swore once and againe , and vowed and promised to defend and prosecute , in all their ends : and that for this end , all such lawes made for prelacy , and against the work of God and the reformation , which through Gods blessing we had attained to , might be repealed , annulled and rescinded . This and nothing else could be the intent and designe of these valient though naked worthyes . That they intended no harme to the King , or to his just & lawful government & authority , is notoure by the last speaches & testimonies of such as were apprehended & publickly executed ; & the petition Which they sent in to the Council with William Lauwry Tutor of Blakewood doth aboundantly testify that they would have had the free exerciso of their covenanted Religion & freedom from the domeneering tyranny of Prelats & their adherents ; their renewing of the League & Covenant doth sufficiently cleare that they intended no insurrection or rebellion against the Kings just and lawful authority ; for they swore to defend the Kings Majestyes person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the True Religion , and libertyes of the Kingdoms . From these considerations , we shall now lay downe the true state of the question , thus . Whether or not , when the whole body of a land , Magistrats higher and lower , People , are engaged by solemne vowes , made to the most high God , joyntly & severally , to promove a reformation , and to extirpat Prelats , & the same covenanted work is becom a chief corne stone of the constitution of the Kingdom , and one of the mane conditions , on which the King is installed on his throne ; and when these same Magistrats Supreme and inferiour , renunce their covenant with God , and with the People , overturne the work of reformation formerly sworne to , make lawes and statutes to fortify this defection , & to compel all their subjects to run to the same excesse of perjury and wickednesse , and execute these lawes upon the faithful & stedfastly loyal subjects , not in a civil orderly manner , but most imperiously and tyrannically , with meer force & cruelty , and the edge of the sword of souldiers , leavied of purpose for this very end , to crush and oppresse all such as made any conscience of their vowes and engagements unto God ; and when these barbarous souldiers exceed their commission , or oppresse , plunder , harash , spoile , rob and pillage the people , and lay waste the land , without law or expresse order from King or Parliament , yea contraire to the expresse letter of the law ; and when the oppressed have not so much as liberty to supplicate or petition for help or releefe ; may privat persons without the conduct of a Parliament , stand to their owne defence , against unjust & illegal oppression and tyranny , and oppose such as , without expresse commission , endeavour their utter ruine and destruction , though pretending warrant from the superiour Magstrats , and allowed of them ; and seek a redresse of these grievous & intolerable injuries , and liberty for the free exercise of the covenanted reformed religion , with the extirpation of abjured Prelats , the spring and fountane of all these miseries already come , and to be feared , while in the mean time they intend no harme to the supream Magistrat's person or just authority , but sweare to mantaine the same , in the defence of the true religion , and liberties of the Kingdome ? Or a if you will have it shorter . Whether or not , when King and Parliament and Council have abjured a covenant , & overturned a reformation , which they solemnely swore to defend , in their places & capacities , and made their subjects do the same , and now with illegal force , compel the subjects to the like perjury and wickednesse , may these privat subjects , when there is no hope or possibility otherwise of releefe , stand to their owne defence , and withstand the mercylesse cruelty of their bloody Emissaries acting without their commission , or with their allowance , yet contrare to expresse law ; and seek releef , and security for Religion , lives , lands and liberties , having no intention , to wronge the King's person or just government ? That this is the true state of the question , is abundantly cleare from the particulars forementioned , and I think no Scottish man , who knew the then state of affaires , and hath not renunced common sense , and resolved to beleeve nothing ( though he should both heare it , see it , and feele it , and it were as not oure as the light when the Sun shineth ) which is for the vindication of these poor people , will with any face or shew of reason , be able to deny this to be the true state of affaires , & of the present question . Hence we see , how the Surveyer sophistically & fraudulently presents the state ( which he may well call the great Knot , as being no way loosed and laid open by him , as it ought to have been ) of the question Pag. 19. when he sayes [ Whether meer privat persons , one or moe , separatly of joyntly , when they are , or think themselves unjustly afflicted , and extremly injuriously handled , by the Magistrate or Supreme power proceeding according to lawes aggreed to , betwixt himself and the body of the community ? Whether or not ( upon supposition that these lawes are not just and right ) may private persons defend themselves , against the violence of the Magistrate thus proceeding , even by violent re-offending ; yea , in order to their owne defence , cut off the Prince of Magistrat whatsoever , or their Ministers and officers standing in their way , or when they are punishing them and afflicting them according to law ? ] & againe Pag. 21. he sayes [ The true state of the question at this time is , when the corruption of these who are in power leads them to abuse their authority , either on making unjust lawes , or punishing according to these , whether meer private subjects should with violence oppose all Magistrats , under whom they are , from the highest to the lowest , together vvith the plurality of the body of that community vvhere of they are members , yea and in their ovvne defence , destroy them all ( if they be in probable capacity for such vvork , and if they cannot eschew this , and preserve themselves ) yea farther , after they have subdued ( providence so permitting or ordering ) all the magistratical power , and major part of the people , they may use a vindicative , avenging and punishing povver upon all ? being only persons of privat capacity ) and to be sure he repeats the same over againe Pag. 24. and sayes Pag. 26. [ That the vvay vvhich vve clearly ovvne is , That every privat person ( when & so long as they are able , or are in probable capacity to acte violently against the Magist●ate ) ought to counter act him violently , vvhen he thinks the Magistrate vvrongs him , ( for this must be referred to every mans privat discretive judgment ) and more to this purpose there , and againe pag. 27 he tells us [ The question is what duty is owed by the subject Unto the Magistrate ( especially the Supreme for may there be remedies had against the injuries of the inferiour by appellation ) In case of his mal-administration , & unjust lavves and sentences according to these lawes , or executions according to sentence ; whether they may violate or violent the person invested vvith authority , and not submit unto him , but counter-act him by force in self defence against his violence . Or if they be bound in conscience , or by any lavv of God , to submit humbly to vvhat he inflicts ( although unjustly ) if they can neither move him by their humble petitions , nor can flee from his vvrath , or goe out of his dominions ] and then addeth ▪ That the author of Naphtaly and his complices [ Maintaine , That if the Magistrat abuse his povver in making unjust lavves , or punishing according to these , any private man ▪ or company of men , that think themselves strong enough for the Magistrate ought never to suffer , but use forcible resistence against the Magistrate abuseing his power : & that al the patience that is required of Christians tovvard oppressing Magistrats , is only to beare suffering patiently , vvhen they are out of capicity of acting , and may not better do , and to suffer patiently vvhen they see they cannot represse the violence of the unjustly - dealing Magistrate vvith a sufficient contrary violence . ] That it may appeare● ( though none vvho understandeth the controversy , & readeth what he allaigeth , is the state of the question , can readily be ignorant of his deceit , but may easily perceive his subdolous sohistication ) hovv far he hath misrepresented the businesse , let these fevv particulars be pondered . 1. It is one thing , to say that private persons , may rise and take the svvord of defence in their hand , and resist their Magistrats , upon the ground of supposed vvrongs , or vvhen they think in their privat judgments of discretion , that the Magistrat injureth them : It is another thing to say , This vvay of defence may be used vvhen the injuries are real , and not supposed , or judged so by their private and erring judgement or discretion only . He cannot have the fore-head to say that we maintaine the former ; nor can he vvith any colour of half a reason inferre , that such a maintaine this last , do consequentially maintaine the former , as men of understanding will easiely perceive , and shall be more fully spoken to aftervvard in due place . yea suppose that such a consequence could be drawne , it were not faire , but utterly disingenuous , and un-becomeing a faire disputant , to bring a consequent which he wire-draweth from his adversaries position or assertion , into the state of question , and make the world beleeve , that his adversary doth , positively , clearly & avowedly assert , what indeed he doth not affirme , nay nor granteth to follow from what he holdeth . 2. It is one thing , to speak of resistence made to lawes iniquosly made , and yet but tending to the hurt of some private persons in smaller matters : it is a far other thing , to speak of resistance made to lawes , whereby the established religion , and the fundamentall rights , and basis of the constitution of the realme is overturned ; and so not only only mens goods , or smaller matters , but their liberties , religion , consciences , lives , and every thing that is dear unto them , is in inevitable hazard : it were an impudent calumny to say that we maintaine the former . 3. It is one thing , to say that any private person alone , and severally , may resist , and repel unjust violence offered by the Magistrats of the land : and another thing , to say , that a considerable company , joyning together , upon just grounds , may endeavour their owne faifty . Though the lawes of our land will suffer a privat subject to hinder any , in the Kings name , to possesse themselves of his heritage , or of any thing he possesseth , till the question be discussed by the civil judges ; yet we state not our disput concerning what a private single person may do , in case of oppression . 4. It is one thing , to speak of unjust lawes in the general : and another thing , to speak of unjust lawes made by Magistrats , preingadged by solemne vowes and Covenants never to make such lawes , and who have given the people all the security imaginable , that they should never be troubled with such iniquous lawes : This last is our case . 5. It is one thing , to speak of lawes ( though iniquous and grievous , yet ) executed legally , civily , by way of formal legal procedure . But it is another thing , to speak of lawes , in themselves grievous and iniquous , yet executed in an unformal , illegal , arbitrary , tumultuous , cruel and bloody way , by armed , mercylesse and bloody souldiers , which looketh rather like the execution of a bloody act , for massacreing , then of a law made for the good of the Commonwealth . This last toucheth our case , as was shovved . 6. It is one thing , to speak of resisting and offering violence to the very person of the Magistrate : and another thing , to speak of resisting his bloody Emissaries . 7. So , it is one thing , to speak of resisting his bloody Emissaries cloathed with a commission to exact the penalty imposed by law : But it is a distinct thing , to speak of resisting his bloody Emissaries , exorbitantly exacting what they please , without any regaird had to the standing unrepeled law , though sufficiently grevious . 8. It is one thing , to speak of vvhat privat persons may , or ought to do when injured & oppressed , & there is some door open to get themselves eased of these oppressions , by complaineing , or appealing to the superior Magistrats , or by simple petition and supplications . But it is a far other thing to speak of what a People may do , when all door of hope is closed , and when simple supplicating would make them lyable to the crime of lese Majesty , which was their case . 9. It is one thing , to speak of what a company of private persons may do , in their owne particular case , without the concurrence of the rest of the community , who are not concerned in their case , nor particularly engaged to help and concurre with them , in that particular : and another thing to speak of what privat persons , though the minor part of a community , may do , in a case which concerneth not themselves alone , but is common to all ; though it ma● be , they suffer most of the heat of persecution , upon the account of that common cause , and in a case , wherein all the whole community is bound and obliged to other , to stand to , and maintaine one another , in the defence of that common cause , and that by solemne bonds , vowes and Covenants . Now this was their case . 10. It is one thing , to say that the minor pairt of a community may rise in armes , against all the Magistrats , and seek to exauctorate them , and overturne their power ; and against all the rest of the body , and presse them to be of their minde : and another thing , to say they may take armes in their owne self defence , when tyrannically oppressed for adhering to that Covenant and cause , which the whole body of the land was engadged to maintaine , with lives and fortunes , no lesse then they , without any intention to wronge the Magistrat's Just power and authority , or to do the least injury to any of the community , who would not carry in a hostile manner towards them : Now such was the case and carriage of that poor people . 11. It is one thing , to say that private persons when injured by unjust lawes , and when able to resist and oppose the Magistrate , may never submite unto undue penaltyes , ( which he salsly fathereth on Naphtaly . ) But it is a far other thing ▪ to say that in some cases hic & nu●c privat persons may resist the unjust and illegal force of Magistrats , or ▪ that it is false to say that in no case imaginable private persons may resist unjust violence offered to them by Magistrats . Or , which is all one , that in every case whatsomever , it is the duty of privat persons , to submit unto the most iniquous , illegal , and tyrannical impositions , penaltyes , and exactions ; or unto tyrannical and unjust lawes . Now this is the true state of the question in thesi , and if this be granted , we seek no more , as to that , being persuaded the hypothesis will follow clearly from the thesis , and hing on it , without many knots of arguments to fasten it . 12. It is one thing , to say that private persons may call their superiour Magistrats , when making defection , to an account , judicially processe them , and formally give out sentence against them , vvhich he injuriously allaigeth upon Naphtaly , as any , vvho vvill impartially consult the places by him cited , vvill finde . But it is a far other thing , to say that private persons in some cases in way of defence and maintenance of the reformed Religion , may stand to its vindication : and this is all the vindicative povver vvhich Naphtali , Pag. 18 , 19. ( the places vvhich he citeth ) speaketh of , as incumbent to private persons . From these things it is apparent to any of an ordinary reach , in those matters , hovv far that vvhich he maketh the knot of the question , is from the true , plaine , full and reall state of the businesse novv controverted , vvhich vve have laid dovvne . And vvhat unfaire dealing vve way expect , thorovv the rest of his pamphlet , any may judge by what we here finde , in the very stateing of the controversy . But he vvill say , that the Author of Naphtali ( vvhom he ignorantly , tearmeth the libeller , but in truth , the honest vindicator of the innocency of the suffering people of God ) hath so stated it , in his book . It is true , this Surveyer sayeth so Pag. 21. But vvhy did not he direct his reader unto the page vvhere such a state of the question vvas to be found ? I appeale to any vvho ever read that book , to judge , vvhether this man speaks truth or not . Ay but you vvil say , He hath cited Pag. 13 , & 14. Naphtalies very vvords , and hath cited the pages where these are to be found , out of which words , the State of the controversy as by him proposed , may be drawne . I Answer It is one thing to draw conclusions or consequences from the words of an adversary while he is prosecuting his arguments , and out of these raise a state of a controversy ; and another thing , to say that his adversary doth so state the controversy , while as he speaks no such thing : now both these are soloecismes , the one in morality , the other in way of disputing : and of both he is guilty , first it is an un truth , to say that Naphtali doth so state the question as he allaigeth he doth ; and it is no better , to say that Naphtali doth so state the question because here and there in his book , he hath some expressions that seem to look there away : Againe , it is an absurd way of disputing , and intolerable , to draw the state of a question out of a mans expressions here & there uttered in the prosecution of his arguments ; Whereas the state of the controversy is that which all his arguments prove & conclude . But what if al these expressions which he hath raked together out of Naphtaly , will not bottome his assertions , or the state of the question as he proposeth it ? sure every one must take him for a meer wrangler , & animpudent ignoramus in the matter of handleing a controversy , if it be so . And whether it be so or otherwayes let us now try . The words he citeth first , are out of Pag. 8. viz. these ( which I shall not curtaile as he doth , but set downe fully , ) And it will also appear that the necessity of convocations and combinations ( though not only without , but even against authority , yet being in order to such necessary and just ends ) did sufficiently warrand them before God and all men , from the breach of any law or act then standing against the same , wherewith they might have been charged . ] But what can he hence inferre ? Will he inferre that the Author of Naphtaly , either sayeth or thinketh . That any part of the people , ( though no Magistrate be amongst them ) may take armes against all Magistrats , and violently resist them , when they think their lawes either unjust , or the punishment executed unjust , ( as he sayeth he doth . Ibid. Pag. 13. ) By what medium will he couple the antecedent and consequent together ? May not a man disallow that any part of the people , though they had all the Magistrats with them , except the Supreame , may take up armes against the Supreame , and violently resist him , whensoever they think that the lawes are unjust , or the punishment executed unjust ( as I verily think the Author of Naphtaly will ) and yet say , That when strong and inevitable necessity urgeth , in order to necessary and just ends , people may have their owne convocations , even against authority , and de jure be guilty of the breach of no standing law against the same , seing all know that salus populi est supreme lex , and that no law or act , vvhen the strik observation thereof , tendeth to the detriment of the Republick , ( for the good of VVhich , all lavves are made , ) is of force . The next passage he citeth is out of Pag. 14. vvere Naphtaly hath these vvords : [ That the right and privilege of self-defence , is not only founded in , but is the very first instinct of pure nature , and spring of all motion and action . 2. That it was competent to , and exercised by , every individual , before that either society or government were known . 3. That it was so far from being surrendred and supperssed by the erecting of these , that it was and is the great end , and motive , for which all voluntary societyes and policyes were introduced , and are continued . 4. That it is a principal ( and not the principal as he misciteth it ) rule of righteousnesse , whereunto that great command of love to our neighbour , by the law of God , and by the Lord himself , is resolved , and whereby it is interpreted . ] And then addeth , [ So it doth infallibly follow , that the same right and privilege , is yet competent to all men whether separatly or joyntly , and needeth no other pre-requisite , but that of intolerable injury ( which for a man to suffer under pretence of the good of the Commonwealth , would be , for the delusion of an empty name , only for the lust of other , really to deprive himself of his whole share & interest therein ) and is completed for excercise by such a probable capacity , as may encourage the asserters thereof , to undertake it . ] Thus I have set down his words , truely and wholly , and I would faine know what is there here , that will ground the foresaid thesis ? Must a man that sayeth thus , necessarily say , That it is lawful for privat subjects to take armes against their Magistrats ( when they are in a probable capacity to carry thorow their matters , ) and the major part of the people , when they think the lawes are unjust , or the punishments executed are unjust ? Let him the next time , I pray , prove this consequenc . For I , and many moe , do and will deny it . His next passage is out of Pag. 15. the words are these , [ The propelling by force of such injuries ( that is , to be violented in the matters of Religon ) was the justest cause and quarrel , that men in their primeve liberty , could be ingaged in . ] which surely is a very innocent and harmelesse assertion , and such as he , nor no rational man , who knoweth to preferre the interest of the soul , unto the interest of the flesh , can contradict ; and from whence , no man that knoweth what the exercise of reason is , can inferre his forecited thesis . The next passage he miserably curtaileth out of Pag. 16 17. but though vve should take it as he hath set it dovvne ) excepting that parenthesis vvhich he hath soisted in , in the same character , to deceive the sample Reader , vvhat could he inferre from it ? When once sayeth [ That combinations for assistance , in the same common cause of just and necessary defence , whereunto the force of extreame necessity , through the perversion of that mean of government , appointed for their preservation , doth ultimatly reduce them , are warranted by the principle of humanity , &c. and Gods glory , &c. and by this , that whole Cityes Kingdomes and Empires , for the violation of this duty , in not releeving the innocents from unjust tyranny , even of lawful powers , have been overtaken therefore by fearful judgments , to their utter ruine and subversion . ] Must he needs be thought to say and assert , That privat subjects may combine together and make insurrection against the lawful Magistrat , when they , in their private judgment of discretion , think the ends of government are perverted ? What sharpe sighted man can be able to see where these two shall meet ? He tells us next that Pag. 18 , 19. it is said [ That not only power of self-defence , but vindicative and reforming power is in any part of the people , against the Whole , & against all Magisirates ; and if they use it not , judgment cometh on ( supposeing their capacity probable to beare them forth , ) and they shall be punished for there connivance , & not acting in way of vindication of crimes , and reforming abuses . ] But who shall read the place cited , will be forced to acknowledge a very great injury done to Naphtaly , & that his words are miserably represented ; and yet he cannot draw out of them , even as he hath minced the , and thrawne them so that they look with another face , then their owne , That , Napbtaly asserteth , That private persons may , when they think or imagine , in their privat judgment , that the Magistrats and the rest of the land are in a defection , arise in armes against them , vindicate Religion , judge and condemne such as are guilty ; and so use imperat acts of reformation by vindication . Sure these words in Naphtaly , [ of necessity both from the principles deduced , and from the most visible judgments of God agreable thereto , there must be a superiour and antecedent obligation , to that of submission , incumbent upon all , both joyntly & separatly , for the maintainance , vindication , and reformation of religion , in order to the promoting of these great ends of the publik profession of truth , and true worshipe , which the Lord doth indispensably require ] to sober , judicious , intelligent , and impaitial readers , will have a far other import . So , what can he inferre from that which Naphtali said Pag. 28. viz. [ That none pleadeth for absolute submission in the people , and exemption in the prince , but such as have prostrated their consciences to the Princes arbitrament , in a blinde and absolute obedience ] and that [ seing subjection is principally enjoyned , for , and in order to obedience , what soever reason or authority can be adduced to perswad an obsolute and indispersible subjection , will far more rationally and plausibly inferre an illimited and absolute obedience ] Can he , with any colour of sense or reason , inferre that he maintaineth that passive subjection to unjust lawes and punishments , where there is power to make active violent resistence , is a greater sin then active obedience to unlawful commands of Magistrats ? Is this a faire way of disputing , to say that one maketh that the state of the question , which he draweth from the assertion of his adverry ? Naphtaly allaigeth that absolute subjection is as repugnant to reason , as absolute obedience ; doth he therefore make this the state of the question , ( or give ground for it , ) That absolute subjection is more sinful then absolute obedience ? Againe , what can he draw out of these words of Naphtaly Pag. 157. [ Secondly it is answered That riseing up against authority itself , the ordinance of God , and disobeying the powers therewith vesied , standing and acting in their right line of subordination , is indeed rebellion , and as the sin of witchcraft ; but to resist and rise up against persons abuseing sacred authority , and rebelling against God the Supreame , is rather to adhere to God , as our Liege Lord , and to vindicate both curselves and his abused ordinance form man's wi●kednnesse and tyranny ] Can he hence inferre that Naphtaly judgeth it no rebellion , for privat subjects , to disobey Powers acting in a right subordination , when they in their judgements of discretion , judge that they deviat from that line of subordination ? Sure he must have some needle head that can sowe these two together . These are the particulars whereupon this Surveyer thinketh to bottome his falsely-stated question , and by this we may judge ( ut ex ungue leon●m ) what faith he is worthy of , when he sayeth immediatly thereafter Pag. 14. [ But what needs insisting on his justifying of any number of private persons riseing up and resisting the whole Magistrates , & Body of the people , when ever they think they have cause ? Seing this is the maine scope of his book , and more too , even to state them in a punitive power of all who are against them , and a power to pull downe all authorities , that are in their way . ] Alas ! poor soul , such impudent untruthes , will not much strengthen his cause , in the judgment of such as are judicious , and many will think that such way of dealing declares him to be unworthy of his wages : for , may not all who read that book , see a cleare other scope there intended then what he here fancyeth ; and know that from no sentence in all that book , can such conclusions be drawne , as he here sayeth is the maine scope of it . O! but he must be audacious and affronted , to say that the author of Naphtaly [ not only makes a proclamation to all meer private persones ( not having any Nobles and Magistrats amongst them ) to make insurrections against all Magistrats from the highest to the lowest , and against the plurality of the people ( if they think themselves in probable capacity , ) and not only so , but giveth to them a liberty to pull all Magistrates out of their seats , to instal themselves , and to punish Magistrats , who ( as he sayes ) have forfauted their right by the abuse thereof ] as he doth Pag 21. What wil not such shamelesse boldnesse adventure to averre , with the greatest confidence ? but such as are wife will not beleeve every thing , that such as have made shipwrak of faith and of a good conscience , and have possessed themselves of a debauched conscience , have the impudency to affirme without blushing . CAP. II. Three Arguments proposed , taken I. from the Concessions of Adversaryes . 2 The resistence of Parliaments : 3. The Light & Law of Nature . Having thus cleared the true state of the question , we shall now fall about the confirming of the affirmative ; and so take occasion to examine what this Surveyer sayeth , as he cometh in our way : and though there should not be great necessitie to confirme our hypothesis , or the present question under debate , unto such , as have not prostituted their soull unto a brutish beleef of an absolute and indispensible subjection , or submission in all cases whatsomever , unto the lusts and rage of men abuseing their power and places , and overturning that good order which God only wise estabished in his love and favour , for the good mankinde ; yet because this seemeth to be an age , wherein the spirits of many of sunk below that of beasts ; and men of no consciences , or , at best , debauched consciences , have willingly surrendered their privilege as men , and assumed the slavish disposition of bond-men , that for their owne base ends , a little mase of pottage , they may gratify such as are nothing lesse , then what they ought to be ; it will be necessary to speak a little more to it . Our first argument then shall be taken from the concessions of adversaries , and from what this same surveyer , seemeth ( if not expresly and directly to grant , yet ) not to deny or condemne altogether Barclarius contra Monarchom : lib. 1. c. 8. granteth to the people liberty to defend themselves from injury , and to resist quando immani savitia petuntur and lib. 4. c. 16. he doth fully an plainely acknowledge [ That the king falleth from the right to this Kingdomes , & that the people may not only resist him , & refuse obedience unto him but many also remove him from the throne , if without the subjects consent he should subjecte the Kingdome to another , or be transported with an hostile minde against the Commonwealth . [ Doct ▪ ferne also acknowledgeth [ That personal defence is lawful against the suddaine and illegal assaults , of the King's messengers , yea of the Prince himself , thus farre , to ward his blowes , to hold his hands ; so when the assault is inevitable ] and else where he grants it lawful [ to resist the King's cut-throats . ] So Arnisaeus de author : princip . Cap. 2. n. 10. granteth it lawful to private persons , to resist the King , when he acteth extrajudicially . And Crotius de jur . bel . & pac . lib. I. c. 4. n. 7. seemeth to say that the law of non-resistence doth not oblige , in certane & extreame danger , seing some divine lawes , though generally proposed , have this tacite exception of extreame necessity ; and giveth this for a ground . That the law of non-resistence seemeth to have flowed from them , who first combined together into a society , and from whom such as did command , did derive their power : now if it had been asked of such , Whether they would choose to die , rather then in any case to resist the Superiours with armes , I know not ( sayeth he ) if they would have yeelded thereunto , unlesse with this addition , if they could not be resisted , but with the greatest perturbation of the Commonwealth , and destruction of many innocents . And a little thereafter He hath these words [ Att●men indiscriminatim damnare , AUT SINGULOS , AUT PARTEM MINOREM , quae ultimo necessitatis praesidio sic utatur , ut interim , & communis boni respectum non deserat , vix ausim ] It is true , in the end of that Section , he seemeth to say that nothing is now left to christians , but flight , yet § 10. & 11. he assenteth to Barclaius his concessions . Let us next see what our Surveyer seemeth to yeeld Pag. 23. 24. [ Whatever may he said ( sayeth he ) of moral of legal felf defence , against the souveraigne , by way of petition , or plea in court , for saifty of a mans person or Estate ; and whatever may be said of warding off , and defensively puting back , personal injurious assaults , to the manifest and immediat peril of life ; without any colour of deserving , of reason , of law , or judicial proceeding ; or of a Womans violent resisting attempts , against the honour of her chastity ( dearer to her then life ) and tending to insnare her also in sin , againss God ( whereof her non-resistence makes her formally guilty ) and whatever may be done in the case of most habited , notoure and compleat tyranny , against all appearance of law , manifesily tending to the destruction of the body of a people , or greater part thereof , by hostile furious actions , or in the case of violent attempts , or destruction of all knowne legal libertyes , and the beeing of Reliagion , according to law ; or in the case of vendition , alienation of , and giving a whole Kingdome to forraigners , or strangers , or some such like ; whatever I say in such horried cases ( which for most part cannot befal a prince , in his natural and right wits , ( a case wherein provision may be made , that he hurt not himself , nor his dominions ) may be done , comes not at all within the compasse of our question ; although most disingenuously , the discontented and seditious , do strive on all occasions , to aggravate matters so , that the case concerning them , may seem co-incident with these , or the like , that so they may justify their violence against the powers . ] But howbeit this Surveyer think that these concessions make little for our advantage ; yet to understanding persons , it will be cleare in general . 1. That He , and the rest of the Royal society of Court parasites and slatterers , speak most inconsequentially unto themselves ; They cry up in their writtings an absolute , and indispensible subjection , unto the Supreame Magistrate , due by all his subjects ; and yet when they are sore pinched , they must clap their wings closer , And drawe in their faire sailes , & grant that in such & such cases , not only his E missaries & such as have his commission , but Himself may be resisted not only by the Ephort , & Primores Regni , but by very private subjects . Did we not but just now heare our Surveyer crying out against Naphtaly , for saying That what reasons could prove an absolute & indispensible subjection , will also prove an abosolute & unlimited obedience , as being unwelling to heare any thing spoken against an absolute & vast , subjection ; and yet behold here , he is as willing as the rest , to clip the wings of this inviolable soveraignity , & set forth unto us a limited & retrenched subjection due to the Supreame Magistrate , even by private persons . 2. That by these concessions , He and the rest cut the sinewes of their owne arguments , and cause them to halt ere they assault us , and teach us away of rejecting or answereing them ; For , when they produce their arguments , vvhether from reason , or authorities , they cannot but make them conclude universally , and then they are necessitated themselves to ansvvere these universal arguments , or otherwise retract their concessions ; and whatever vvay they think to evade vvith their concessions , and supposed cases , vve vvill finde roome enough to escape vvith our case ; as for exemple , vvhen this Surveyer urgeth that subjection spokento , Rom. 13. He must either grant , that it must be restricted to such and such cases , or else plead for an universal , absolute , unlimited and indispensible subjection , and so retract his concessions ; and if he take the liberty to use his restrictions , and so interpret the place , as that it shall not reach his cases excepted , he must grant us the same liberty , to say that our case is not there meaned , or condemned . 3. By these concessions vve have this advantage , that the distinction vvhich is made , in this question of resistence , betvvixt the Magistrate as such , and the person or man , vvho is the Magistrate , is not so absurd and ridiculous , as the Royalists give it out to be ; for here vve finde them forced to use the same , so that if it be a defileing distinction they cannot be clean , more then vve : and vve see that resistence may be used against the person of , or the man vvho is , the Magistrate , vvithout the least contempt , or vvrong done unto the holy Ordinance of God , othervvise they must of necessity say , that in all the forementioned cases , they very Ordinance of God is resisted ; and hovv then they shall reconcile that , vvith Rom. 13. I see not . 4. We see also , That the Prerogative Royal , vvhich they screvv up unto a transcendent absolutenesse and supremacy above lavv , is but a meer chimaera , vvhich themselves must abhominate as a loathsome brat . 5. We see that salus populs est suprema lex , the peoples saifty is such a royal thing , that the King himself , and all his prerogatives , yea and municipal lawes too , must vaile the cap unto it themselves being judges . 6. We see also , that they must grant a court of necessity , in which private persones , may judge the Supream Magistrat , in order to their resisting of him ; for , I hope , they will grant , that in these cases , the people act with judgment , and as rational men ; and if so , they must say , that the people must first judge and condemne the Supream Magistrate , as erring , and doing amisse , before they can lawfully resist him . 7. We have this advantage , That the Arguments by which , They can prove it lawful to resist the Magistrate , in the cases granted by them , will not be a little steadable to us , in our case ; and for shame they will not condemne their owne arguments , because in our mouthes . 8. It will be easily granted by all , that our case , vvhich vve have truely stated , vvill come nearer the cases , vvhich adversaries do except , then the case vvhich he hath sett dovvne ; and so , Hovvever he think the cases mentioned by him , do not come vvithin the compasse of the question vvhich he hath set dovvne ; yet understanding persones vvil see , they are not altogether vvithout the compasse of that vvhich is the true question , and true state of the controtroversy ; and that he hath no just cause to fay , that vve ( hovvever he account us discontented and seditious ) do most disingenuosly strive , on all occasions , to aggravate matters , so that the case concerning us , may seem co-incident with these or the like . But next , more particularly , These concessions are much for our advantage . For , 1. If it be lawful for a private person to defend his life or estate in a moral or legal vvay , by petition , or plea in court , against the Souveraigne , ( yea and by actual force , if the Soveraigne , or any in his name , shal come to poind , or take possession illegally , as our lavves vvill allovv , ) vvhy shall it be unlavvfull , for a considerable part of the land , to defend their Lives , and Estates , their Libertyes and Religion , by forcible resistence , made unto the Magistrat's Emissaries , cruel , bloody souldiers , vvhen that moral resistence by petition , ( vvhich yet no rational man can account resistence , it being rather an act of subjection ) is , contrare to all lavv and equity , denyed ; and also , the legal resistance , by plea in court , is not admitted ? Doth the municipal lavv of the land permit the one resistence , aud vvill not the lavv of nature and nations ( vvhich no municipal lavv can infringe ) be a sufficient vvarandice for the other , in case of extream necessity ? If it be said , The Soveraigne hath law and right upon his side , in this case , which he hath not in the other , till the law discusse it . Ans . The Law and Right which he hath on his fide in this case , is but meerly pretended , as in the other case ; and is lis sub judice Neither is he , to be both judge and party in this case , more then in the other : againe , if it be said that in this case , He acteth as a Soveraigne , executeing the lawes , but in the other case , he acteth only , as a private person . It is answered . 1. That even in the other case He may pretend to be acting as a Soveraigne , following & executeing the lawes , as well as in this . 2. The Soveraigne as Soveraigne cannot oppresse nor do wrong , & therefore even in this case , when he doth manifest injury unto the subjects , contrare to his place , vow and promise , he acteth but as a private person , and not as Soveraigne . 2. If it be lawful for private person to warde off , and defensively put back personal injurious assaults , to the manifest and immediat peril of life , without any colour of deserving , of reason , of law , or judicial proceeding . Why shal it not also be lawful for private persons to ward-off , and defensively put back , the injurious assaults of Emissaries , to the manifest peril of Life , Libertyes , States , Lively-hoods , Consciences and Religion , without any rational , or real colour of deserving , of reason of law , of God , or nations , or judicial proceeding ? Shal it be lawful for one private person , in the defence of his owne life , to warde off such illegal , extrajudicial and irrational assaults of the Soveraigne himself ; and shall it be unlawful for a body of a land , or a considerable part thereof , in the defence of their lively-hoods , and so of their owne lives , and of the lives of their posterity , of their Consciences , of their Libertyes and Religion , all secured unto them by all bonds , vowes , Covenants , Statutes and Actes imaginable , to warde off the irrational , furious , illegal , extrajudicial and mad assaults of the Soveraign's bloody Emissaries ? Sure rational men vvill see that vvhatever reason vvil evince the lavv fulnesse of the resistence in the former case , the same vvill more strongly and plausibly , conclude the lavvfulnesse of resistence in this case . 3. If it be lavvfull for a private vvoman to defend her chastity , dearer to her then life , by violent resisting the Soveraignes attempts , lest by non-resistance , she should be guilty ( and oh if all the vvomen of the nation vvere of this temper . ) Shall it not also be lavvful for private persons to defend their Lives , Liberties , Consciences and Religion , dearer to them then their Lives ; yea and defend their chastity too , by violent resisting of the furious attempts of the Soveraignes bloody Emissaries , sent of purpose to constraine and compel them to perjury , vvhen their non-resistence , according to their povver and opportunity , could not but be interpreted a voluntary and base quiteing of the cause and truth , vvhich they vvere bound before God , to maintaine vvith their lives and fortunes ? 4. If it be lavvfull to resist habited , notour and compleat tyranny , against all appearance of lavv , manifestly tending to the destruction of a body of a people , or a greater part thereof , by hostile furious actions : Shall it be utterly unlavvsul to resist notour tyranny , yea compleat and habited ( though not as to re-iterated acts , yet as to the ground laid dovvne of a most compleat and habited tyranny ) against all appearance of divine lavv , or just and right humane lavves , vvhich should be consonant thereunto , tending to the destruction of the Covenanted-libertyes , privileges and Religion , of the vvhole body of the people ; and also unto the actual destruction of the libertyes , states , lives and lively hoods of a great part thereof , by hostile furious actions ? 5. If resistence be lavvful in the case of violent attempts , or destruction of all known legall libertyes , and the beeing of religion according to lavv : Shall resistence in our case be unlavvsul , vvhen all the true libertyes of the subjects , once established by lavves , re inforced by vovves , Covennants , solemne engadgments , and all bonds imaginable ; and the very being of our Religion , as reformed in doctrine , vvorshipe , discipline and government , ratified , approved , established , and confirmed by lavves , oathes , Covenants , vovves and promises , vvhich lavves so re inforced vvith oathes , protestations , attestations , declarations , solemne vovves and Covenants , are , by all right divine and humane , irrepelable , being not only in themselves good and necessary , but also becoming hereby sacred vovves to God , vvhich must be payed , & being also fundamentall tearmes of the constitution of the reformed Republick ? 6. If in the case of Vendition , Alienation of , and giving the Kingdome to strangers , violent resistence be allovved ; shall it not also be allovved in our case , vvhen a land that vvas solemnely devoted , consecrated , and given avvay to God by solemne vovves and Covenants , and the same ovvned , approved , ratified and confirmed by publick acts , edicts , proclamations , declarations , lavves and statutes of plenary , and ( even as to all formalities ) compleat Parliaments , made up of all the Estates of the Realme , and the King also , is novv treacheroussly , and iniquosly , forced to depart from their former principles , to abjure their former vovves and Covenants , to change their God , to condemne his vvork ; and by most abhominable , and ever to be-abhorred acts and statutes , sold and alienated unto a popish prelatical and malignant faction and designe , under vvhich , the faithful and true seekers of God's face , have , and can expect , lesse liberty for their consciences , then if the whole Kingdome vvere delivered up into the hands of the great Turk . Thus vvee see these concessions help our cause , & vveaken the adversaryes not alittle : let us novv proceed to speak to another particular vvhich vvill help us also . 2. The authors of Lex Rax , and of the Apologetical Relation have sufficiently proved , that the late vvarre carryed on by the Parliament of Scotland against the King , vvas lavvful , both in poynt of lavv and conscience ; And if that vvas lavvfull ( as it vvas , and shall be found to be , vvhen he and all his complices have done their utmost vvith all their lying cavills , false calumnies , reproaches , and vvhat not , that Hell can hatch , to disprove & condemne the same ; ) a vvarre raised by the subjects in their owne sin-lesse self defence , without the conduct of their representative , cannot in every case be condemned ; particularly not in our case now . The antecedent , I say , is abundantly proved in the books mentioned , which this windy man thinks needlesse to run out upon ( but he might rather say , he thinks impossible to answere , and beyond his poor strength to graple vvith ) as he sayeth Page . 20. vve must then take some notice of vvhat , in that Page ( vvhich he thinks sufficient to oppose unto the many arguments produced by them ) he is pleased to present ; [ what sense ( sayes he ) the people of Scotland ( when they have come to liberty ) have of these armes , their late representative have declared , and it were to be wished , that the memory of such wayes , were buryed , that the posterity might never look upon them as exemplary ; Their progenitors have so deeply drunk of the bitter fruites of the same , the result of them having been so much sin , shame and sorrow , vastation confusion and destruction to Princes and People . ] I answer , 1. What that liberty is , which the people of Scotland are now come to , who can see it , for the perfect slavery and bondage they are sold unto ? A freedome he talkes of , when all our libertyes are sold , and we given up as bond men and bond women unto the lust of a Man , and are denyed the very liberty , which is the privilege of all free subjects , yea and that which is the birthright and native privilege of all men , viz. to supplicate , petition or to pray : what liberty can he then meane , unlesse the liberty ( which is licentiousnesse ) to forsake God and our Covenant , to turne Apostats from his truth and our profession , to sweare & foresweare , to drink , debauch , whore , commit sodomy , & all sort of wickednesse , without curb or controll ? Is this the liberty he understandeth ? Sure , all true christians and such as feare the Lord account that develish slavery and bondage . 2. We know what this late Representatives have done , but whether therein they have acted the part of Representatives , and given the true sense of the people of Scotland , will ( it may be ) be considered , when He and I both are rotten . Sure they never had any expresse , yea nor tacite commission from the people of Scotland , to give up all their necks to the stroke the axe , as treatours and rebels , for doing nothing but standing to their owne defence , against manifest tyrranny , and oppression of both soul and body ; and to condemne them and their worthy progenitors who valiently stood for the truth , and the libertyes of Church and State , to the losse of their lives and fortunes ; and to proclame and declare themselves guilty before God and Men , of all the blood that was shed in that warre , though most lawful and laudable . 3. We are persuaded , let him with what he will , the memory of these memorable wayes shall never be buried , but shall stand as exemplary monuments to succeeding generations , when God shall think it meet to animate them with the spirit of courage , to free the land of tyranny , and of domineering abjured prelats , withal their taile and traine : and wise men will think that his Representatives have not taken a course fit for burying the memory of these wayes ; but rather a way to revive afresh the memory of them , and to commend them more to the thoughts and hearts of all who love and pray for the comeing of our Lord's Kingdome . 4. What bitter frutes these are , which , he sayeth , our progenitours have drunk so deeply of , we know not , They lived and died , such of them as owned , and stedfastly adhered to that cause and Covenant , in honour and peace ; and their names shall be in perpetual remembrance , when his , and the names of the rest of this perjured , Malignant apostate faction shall rot . We needed not have feared that either sin , shame , sorrow , vastation , confusion , or destruction , should have come to Prices or People , if we had prosecuted the ends of our Covenants , with zeal and faithfulnesse according to our manifold vowes , promises , solemne oathes and ingagments : But what ever of these have followed , should be , and will be rightly fathered on our defection and lose of zeal : And what sin and shame , and sorrow , & vastation , & confusion , & destruction shall now follow both to Princes and People ( if they repent not ) upon this unparallelable defection & Apostasie , whereof now they are avowedly guilty , none , who is not an utter stranger unto God , his faithful word , and dispensations , but may , without any extraordinary Spirit of Prophecy , foretell . Next he tells us , That these disputes proceed upon a most untrue and malitious misrepresentation of matters of fact , & upon two false hypotheses : Let us heare what are those ? [ As if ( sayes he ) the King had been the first invader of the Nation , whereas it is known , his authority was first invaded , his lawes trodden upon , kis proclamations openly despised , his castles violently seised ; his armes he took were notinvasive against the Nation , but defensive of his owne authority , of his lawes , and the persones of orderly walking subjects , and for reduceing these who strayed from their duty . ] Answ . Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes ? Who would suffer such a manifest notorius lyar to say , that others made misrepresentations of matters of fact ? But , 1. Do not all who then lived , and yet read the publick papers , and other acts that passed then , know that through the instigation of some false , perfidious , fugitive Prelates , the King was stirred up to make warre on Scotland , ere ever they thought of any such thing ? Was not warre concluded both by sea and land ? Was not free tradeing taken away ? Were not the Scottish Nobility at court made to abjure the National Covenant , and the General Assembly at Glasgow ? was there not a declaration emitted Feb. 27. & publickly read in all the Churches of England , wherein the faithful subjects and Covenanters in Scotland were tearmed Rebels ? Were not Berwik and Carlile frontier cities strongly fortifyed and garrisoned ? Was not the Earle of Huntly made Governour of the North of Scotland , and had some foure or five thousand men in armes , for the King ? Was not Aberdeen fortifying it self , to take in the King's navy of shipes , when it should come ? Was not the Marquis of Douglas , & Lord Haris ready to rise with the Papists in the South of Scotland ? Was not the Deputy of Ireland prepareing men to land them in the West of Scotland ? Was not the Earle of Arundale made the Kings General ? and was not the King to have his rendezvouz at York in Aprile , and all the English Nobility commanded to attend him there by a letter written Ian. 26. before the faithful People of Scotland had any army in readinesse ? What impudency is this then to say , the King was not the first invader of the Nation ? And as for the second expedition , Anno Dom. 1640. managed , and carryed on , by the Parliament , it was abundantly verified by their publick papers , that it was purely defensive . And it is notour , that before the leavy was made , and appointed , the King had violated the conditions made ; had caused burne by the hand of the Hangman a paper containeing explications of some tearmes used by him in the treaty of Peace ; had denyed accesse to their commissioners , & afterward , when he had signified his willingnesse to heare such as they should send , such as were sent were committed to prisone , and one of them , viz. The Lord Lowdon ordained secretly to be beheaded in the Towr of London ; and , in the meane while , warre was concluded against the Realme of Scotland , in the King's Council ; The Earle of Northumberland was made General , a Parliament was convocated , both in England and Irland , for raising of subsidies , to the carrying on of this warre ; The Deputy of Irland with some there , had promised much assistence . The Prelates of England had offered great summes to carry on this Bellum Episcopale , as they named it ; Scottish shipes were intercepted , their goods taken away , and the seamen cast into prifsones and miserably handled ; The sea ports were closed up with frigots ; The castle of Edinbrugh oppressed the City with their shot , and killed many both young and old . Were all these things no beginnings of a warre , nor no acts of hostility ? How can he , or any else then , say that the King was not the first aggressor , or that Scotlands warre was not purely defensive ? 2. As to these things wherein he would make his reader beleeve , that the Honest people of Scotland , were the first invaders , what a malitious fool doth he manifest himself to be ; for 1. How or what way was his authority invaded ? was it , because they would not receive a masse book in English , obtruded upon them by his sole authority without the concurrence of Church or State ? 2. What lawes were troden upon ? Weknow no lawes , but acts and statutes of a lawful Parliament , made for the glory of God , and the good of the land : and what such were trode upon ? 3. What way were his proclamations despised ? Is it to despise a King's proclamation , for free subjects to vindicate them selves of what is unjustly laid to their charge in this proclamations , by faithful and humble protestations of their innocency ? 4. What were those castles seised upon ? Some be like in Vtopia ; for , before this warre was begun Anno 1639. The Covenanters seised upon none of the King's castles : When they savv the King bore a hostile minde against them and intended no good , they watched the castle of Edinbrugh that more ammunition and provision should not be carryed into it : And this was all they did , until they were necessitated to put themselves , into a posture of defence , & then they seised upon some houses here & there , the lawfulnesse of which , is demonstrated by Lex Rex , & the Apology . 5. What illegal courts were those which were set up ? Sure those tables , as they were called , were no courts assumeing to themselves any judicial determination in any matter of State civil or Ecclesiastical , nor conventions : for disturbance of the peace , or usurpation against authority ; but meer meetings ( allowed by the light and law of nature ) for consultation and advice anent the matter and manner of supplications , which they were to present to his Majesty , and his Council ; and of propositions to be presented to the lawful State and Church-judicatories . 6. Who were those subjects walking according to the lawes , who were persecuted ? We know of none , who were troubled at that time , except the Prelates , the Troublers of our Israel , and all the persecution they met with , was that the honest Covenanters did give in complaints against them , and offered to make good what they allaiged , upon the highest perill , and did supplicate the Council ( whereof some of them were Members ) that they might not fit there as judges , but stand as Rëi , and answere for themselves , and that the General assembly indicted by his Majesty , after mature deliberation , and full examination , did excommunicate them , for high and notorious crymes , to be seen in the registers of that Assembly . But 2 will these things , to judicious persons , lay the ground of a lawful warre by the Magistrate , against his owne subjects ? Are these who cannot yeeld obedience unto unlawful commands , who humbly protest for their owne innocency , who meet together for drawing up supplications , and ordering matters thereanent , and who give in complaints against the Pests & Troublers of the land , and exerce Church censures upon the scandalous , invaders of the Soveraign's authority ? And when a King upon these grounds invadeth his subjects , with an army of armed men , can any man of common sense think that his war is not an invasive vvarre ? Hath not Magistrats other lavvfull vvayes to defend their ovvne authority and lavves and orderly subjects , and to reduce the disorderly , then fire and svvord ? Sure , for a King to cut off his subjects , is to diminish and annihilate his authority and lavves both : And for a King to vvage vvarre against the Body of a land , to pleasure Fourteen of a fevv of the basest and most unvvorthy of all the subjects , vvould seem to be the result of no grave and sage Council ; nor vvould it appeare to be much for the Kings honour , to have his Soveraigne authority imbarqued vvith a fevv abjects , so as if they did sinke to the bottome of the sea , It could not swime . The next thing , ( and that is the 2 hypothesis ) he allegeth is . [ That they represent him , in their virulent ( he should say nervous ) writeings , as Nerone ipso Neronior , a great persecuter of Religion , intending the total ruine and destrustion of the protestant profession , and the total ruine and destruction , of the whole people of the land . ] Answ . They represente him no othervvayes , then his owne publicke , owned , and avowed deeds , and declarations did represente him to all the world . What was his secret intentions God knoweth , but his deeds did declare that he minded no good to the poor Church and State of Scotland ; for , to pleasure a few abjects , that had drunken in much Popery , and Arminianisme , and stirred him up to urge upon our Church 2 Popish publick service , book of canons , and ordination , Popish ceremonies , and such Romish trash , he sought , by fire and sword to reduce us to ashes . We shal not now trouble his Urne , by speaking to what this Surveyer sayeth afterward : This we knovv , That he died ; but vvhether as a glorious Martyr for the true Religion of God ( vvhich yet may admit several senses , so ambiguous is it , though vve let it passe in the best ) and lavves and liberties of the people , ( as he sayeth ) many doubt . At length he closeth his digression thus . [ If there was any thing that could not have a favourable interpretation in that unhappy book that gave therise to the troubles , how timely was it retired , and great satisfaction and security given for religion ? If through default of Ministers of State , any thing had creeped in , that could not abide the test of law , how willingly was ●treformed ? yet all could not sist begun course of violence , till through God's dreadful indignation against a sinfull people , his fatal end might be brought on , not because he had been a Tyrant , but because he had not been such ] Answ . That book which was unholy , as well as , unhappy in giving the rise to such troubles , had not only somethings in it , that could not bear a favourable interpretation , but the whole of it , was the extract and quint essence of the Romish masse book , book of ritualls , &c. And how slowly it was retired , and satisfaction and security given , for our religion , and how soon conditions covenanted and condescended upon , were broken , the history of those times doth sufficiently declare ; as also how unwillingly any thing was reformed that had creeped in , whether through the default of Ministers of State or others , But how can this base calumniator insinuat that the Kings loyall subjects in Scotland had a hand in bringing him to his fatal end , seing even the late Representatives , though they would willingly have raked hell for it , could not finde a man , in all Scotland , to be charged with that crime . That he came to his fatal end , we know ; but that it was through Gods dreadful indignation against a sinful people ( if he mean the faithful and honest Covenanters ) I know none , except base ignorant sycophants , that will say it : That it was not because he had been a Tyrant , many will doubt . And when he sayes , that it was because he had not been a Tyrant . I am sure , he giveth non ca●sam pro causa● : and who can understand how God in his dreadful indignation against a sinful people , doth take away a Prince who vvas not a Tyrant , seing upon that account he giveth such Tyrants sometimes . Having thus vindicated the Antecedent from what this Surveyer had to say against it , we shall now speak a word to the consequence of the argument . And 1. The whole Cabal of the Royalists will grant it ; for , with them , both Representatives and People are put into one and the same category , viz. of meer subjects ; so that if the Antecedent stand good , ( as it shall , for all which they have said , or all which this their new collegue or young raw disciple , can say to the contrary ) the argument is good ad hominem . 2. Such as grant it lawful for a Land having their Representatives with them , to defend themselves against tyranny ; But deny it to privat subjects , in case of necessity , when they cannot have the conduct and concurrence of their Representatives , can adduce no argument against this last , but such , as will weaken their assertion in the former : As for exemple Hoenonius politic . disp . 9. thes . 55. disproveth resistence in this last case , by these arguments . 1. because , Subjects are obliged to pay to their owne Magistrats , the duty of fidelity and obedience , 2. Because , by this meanes a gap would be opened to seditions and rebellions . 3. Because the scripture commandeth subjects to pray for their Magistrats . 4. The son may not wronge his father how wicked so ever he be . 5. Violence done to the head , though sickly , tendeth to the ruine of the whole body . 6. It is better to have a sickly head then none . 7. There is greater danger to Cast off a Tyrant , then to Tolerate him . 8. A Tyrant cannot be resisted but destruction will follow to the resisters . 9. God punished the wicked kings of the jewes by strangers . 10. Jeremias did not stirre up the jewes against Nebuchadnezar but allowed them to pray . 11. Christ commanded to pay tribute unto the Prince . 12. Paul will not have an evil Prince to be cursed with words . 13. Kings are from God , and such like . But who seeth not , that these , if of any force , ( as indeed they are of none , as shall afterward be made appear , in due time ) conclude as much against a peoples opposeing and resisting a Tyrant , even when they have their Representatives with them , as when they are left alone : and yet this same Hoenonius ubi supra thes . 45. granteth it lawful yea and necessary for the Ephori and the Estates of a land to resist the Tyrant . 3. If our Surveyer will grant the case different now , from what it was then , when the primores Regni were ingadged in the opposition , ( as he doth Pag. 21. ) and grant that when the primores Regni concurre , the opposition is lawful ( as he must grant , in case the Soveraigne become Tyrannnical , and be the first-aggressor , because only upon the contrary supposition he condemneth the last resistence , which was made to the King by Scotland ) He must of necessity seek out other arguments then what we see he hath , to condemne this resistence of Private persons , in case of necessity ; or otherwayes contradict himself ; for , as may easily be seen , this being granted , all his arguments shall be easily discussed . 4. If he grant the case now , to be much different from what it was then , so as then , it was a lawful resistence , but not so now ( as he must grant , otherwise , we cannot see what this is to the poynt , and wherein his much difference doth slye ) how can he save himself a from contradiction ; for he must put a diffence betwixt a resistence made by the people with their primores , and a resistence made by the People with their Representatives in Parliament ; or else say , That whatever the Nobles of a land do , is the same with what a Parliament doth ; and that wherever they are , there is a Parliament , and the peoples Representatives : Now this he darre not say , left he should be hissed at ; and therefore he must grant it lawful , for a people to defend themselves , when they want the conduct and concurrence of their Representatives , acting authoritatively ; or else retract , what he hath said , and planely confesse That the case to be noticeed now , is not different from what it was then . 5. I hope no man will say that a war carryed on , or a resistence made against the Soveraigne , by the Representatives of a people , Is eo ipso lawful , unlesse the ground of the warre , or resistance , be reall and valide : And if the ground be valid , and good whereupon a People unjustly oppressed and tyrannized over are allowed to defend themselves , haveing their Representatives to goe before them , why shall not the same ground stand valid and sufficient , to warrand them to defend themselves , when they have not the concurrence of their Representatives ? I would gladly heare a reason , making the defence in the one case lawful , and not in the other , seing the ground remaines the same , the same necessity abideth , yea , it rather increaseth when the Representatives , who should be a screen unto the people , betray their trust , and either neglect to vindicate with their authority and conduct , the innocent oppressed people , or turne adversaries to them , and oppressours of them , themselves . 6. Since Parliments are the peoples Representatives , no man will say That de jure their power is privative , or destructive ; but rather cumulative and helpful ; so that the peoples Representative cannot , de jure , make them more liable to irremediable tyranny and oppression , then they were : they being properly exnatur a rei and ex institutione , & instituentium intentione , ordained and appoynted , for the greater faifty , and good of the people . And therefore , if the Representatives betray their trust , the People , in so far , are as if they had no Representatives , and may no lesse defend themselves in extreame necessity , then if the officers of their army , whom they had chosen and appoynted to defend them , against an invadeing enemy , should revolt to the enemy , they might lawfully rise up in their owne defence , and oppse the adversary . 7. The law sayeth that deterior conditio domini per procuratorem fieri non debet L. ignorantis ff . de procuratoriburs . The procurator or advocat his knavery , cannot prejudge the Client or wronge his cause . And why then shall the perfidy of the peoples Representatives , or their betraying of their trust , wronge their cause , and prejudge them of their just right ? 8. All will grant , That it is as lawful , for an oppressed people to defend themselves from the injuryes of a Parliament , as from the injuries of a Soveraigne , if not more : and if it be lawfull for a people to defende themselves against the Tyranny of a Parliament ( as is more then sufficiently proved by all such arguments as have hitherto , by any , been made use of , to prove it lawful , to resist a Soveraigne oppressing and tyrannizing ) no man of common sense , will deny it lawful to a people to defend themselves against oppression and tyranny , when they but want the concurrence or countenance of these Parliaments . 9. If any should allaige that this is against the law of the constitution of the Kingdom . We know no such law : beside , that though there were any such ; yet necessity knoweth no law : and in cases of necessity , such lawes are not to be observed , sayeth the law L. ut gradatim § . I. de muner : & honor . The lavves of nature are irrevocable and cannot be rescinded by municipal lavves : for the lavv tells us that civilis ratio jur● natur alia corrumpere non pote st L. eas oblig . D. de cap. privat . Novv the lavv of nature allovving self defence against unjust violence , addeth no such restriction , viz. that it be done by the conduct , and concurrence of the Primores or Parliaments . 10. The very concessions of our adversaries fore-mentioned , vvill confirme this consequence , for in these cases , they vvill grant the same liberty to a People vvithout , as to a People vvith their Representatives , to defend themselves : for the vveight and ground is not laid upon the manner , or vvay of conduct , or managing of the resistence and defence ; but upon the cause , and that is alvvayes the same . Yea , the necessity ( as was said ) is greater ( though , it may be , the difficulty is also greater ) when Representatives desert such as they do represente , and instead of helping them with counsel and conduct , in their necessity , do either deserte them , or turne enemies unto them . Our 3 argument is taken from the law and light of nature which alloweth to beasts , power and ability to defend them selves , against violence . An argument made use of , not only by Lex Rex and the Apology , ▪ but by Divines , Canonists , Lawyers and others who write of this subject . The civil law it self tells us That his necessary defence of life , floweth from the law of nature L. ut vim . ff . de just . & jure . But here cometh out a green statist , and takes on him to cry shame on all who ever wrote on that subject , and avovves Pag. 15. That it is too grosse divinity to bring such an argument from beasts . We must therefore see vvhether this Man be rational in rejecting such an argument taken from beasts ; and not rather more irrational then a Brute , to deny that to a Rational creature , vvhich he cannot but grant to Beasts , and Creatures vvithout life , as vve see he doth Pag. 14. 15. We shall readily grant vvith'him , That God hath given this self defending or preserving povver and propension , otherwayes to Men , then to inanimate creatures , or unto beasts , which are under no law , but that of meer nature , and therefore , they are not to defend themselves coeco impetu , but rationally ; and ought to subordinate this natural propension to self defence unto , and limite it , by the higher lawes of reason and of God. Doth he think that such as make use of this argument , do suppose That in every case and in every manner of way , men are to use and exercise this natural propension to self defence , in vvhich and after vvhich , Beasts are to use it ? Sure he is in a great mistake , and he vvrongeth the authors of Lex Rex and of the Apolog. &c. vvhen he sayeth Pag. 15. [ That they bring arguments from beasts , ( who being under no law of reason nor grace , to limite their propensions , may alwayes , in all imaginable cases , defend themselves with force ) to perswade men , that they may do the like , and that their propension for their externall preservation , is no more under any restraineing rule , to stope the exercise of it , then that of Beasts is ; ] For , they intend no such thing , nor are they , in the least , necessitated , to use that argument so : They only make use of it to disprove That irrational , and more then brutish position and maxime of absolute , unlimited and indispensible subjection of subjects to their Soveraigne , so that in no case , they may or can resist , which all the Cabal and royal society of Royalists , parasites , court flatterers and cavalliers , who , because they themselves , in hopes of some crumbs of allowance , have brutishly , without regaird had to the Law of God , or right reason , sold and devouted themselves , not only in matters concerning their body , but in soul matters , unto the meer lust and pleasure of a creature of clay , think all others should play the beasts with them , do furiously & obstinately maintaine . And as to this , the argument hence deduced is most rational and irrefragable : for it is irrational to think That God ( who taketh much more care of man ; then of beasts 1 Cor. 9 : 9. Mat. 6 : 30. ) should allow and give unto the inanimate creatures , and to the beasts , a power and propension to defend themselves against violence , and should deny the same to Man ; so that in no case he should be allowed to exerce that natural propension , to defend himfelfe , and to resist unjust violence with violence . So then we might let his restrictions passe , as being no thing to the present purpose ; for , it is but his groundlesse imagination to think that we would equalize Men with Beasts , because we will not , with him and his party , depresse them into a condition belovv beasts ; yet we shall shortly run over them . His first is this , when it is seen to be to no purpose , by reason of a phisical force . But alas doth he think this restriction of the natural propension for felfe preservation is upon men only , & not upon Beasts also ? did he not say in the same Page , the Major vis and a greater phisical force would hinder this even in Beasts ? His next restriction is this , A man justly condemned to death , both according to a just law , and by a just process according to law , may not use violent self defence against the Magistrate , with re-offending him . Ans . It is granted , what then ? will it therefore follow , that this principle of selfe preservation is so restricted , as that a whole Land , or a considerable part thereof , being unjustly condemned , both by an unjust law , and by an unjust processe according to , or without that unjust law , may not defend themselves against the Magistrate's Emissaries , sent to destroy , without respect had either to law or conscience ? Then he tells us That Lex Rex is too bold and cometh too neare to blaspheme God , by saying [ That it were a mighty defect in divine providence , that men should not have as large a liberty to defend themselves violently , as Beasts have ; and that men were in a worse condition then beasts , if as Beasts have alwayes power to defend themselves violently , with their horns , heels , teeth &c. So men should not have as large a liberty , in every case to use violence upon Magistrates , putting them to vexation , or perhaps troubling them in life states &c. ] But where findes he these words in Lex Rex ▪ The author of Lex Rex sayeth Pag. 334. [ It were a mighty defect in providence to man , if dogs , by nature , may defend themselves against Wolves , Bulls against Lyons , doves against haukes ; If a man in the absence of the lawful Magistrate , should not defend himself against unjust violence , but one man might raise armyes of papists sick for blood , to destroy innocent men ] but this is far from [ as large a liberty , in every case ] and cometh no way near to blasphemy , but is a real truth . Suppose Lex Rex had said so ( which I finde not ) it had not been apposite to his poynt now , while he is speaking of opposeing Magistrates not puting to vexation , or perhaps troubling in life , state , &c. but rightly executeing a just law , against a malefactor , which the worthy author of Lex Rex would never have owned , but would have said , That the Magistrate was bound to execute Gods Law against men-sworne Apostats , such as he and his fraternity are , & that they were bound to submite to the stroke of justice . Thridly he sayes Pag , 16. may not the exercise of selfe defence and violent resistence , be restrained by the grace of God , and the power of his command for submission , abiding upon a mans spirit ? as in Isaac's case , who did not resist his aged father going to sacrifice him . Ans . Whether Isaac made any forceable resistence or not , we know not , scripture is silent ; but it tels us his father bound him , we acknowledge God is Lord of life , but no man is ; and he may restraine by his will and working on the spirit , so as a man who lawfully might flee , and save his life , shall not have power to do so , but abide and glorify him by giving a faithful testimony unto his truth when questioned . But thinks he that such instances are binding precedents ▪ Sure , then he shall contradict his owne doctrine , Cap. 4. Or thinks he , that a Body of a people or a considerable part thereof , shall not exercise lawfully this privilege of self defence & violent resistence , when neither the Law of God , nor such extraordinary force or restraint of God on the Spirit , but the vaine pleadings of Court Parasites , would have it restrained ? Fourthly Pag. 17. He sayes , May not the defence of our temporal life , in some case , cease , for the preservation of the eternal life of our Neighbour , when it comes to that , that the defence of the one shall be the certane losse of the other ? Ans . True , and therefore He and the rest of the perjured clergy should much more cease from the preservation , or ratherusurpation , of their places , livings , and dignities , when so long as they domineer , there is certane ruine to Religion , and to the souls of many thousands . And againe , if a man may lay downe his natural life , for the preservation of of the soul of his Neighbour , much more may he with others , hazard the same in opposeing unjust violence , for the defence of the pure Religion , whereby thousands of soulls may be eternally preserved . But doth he think that a Nation or a whole countrey-side is to give up their lives to the sword of the Kings mercylesse Emissaries , for to preserve the vaine pompe , and to fill the bellyes of a few drons , whose God is their belly , though they should account that their eternal life , and all their felicity ? Fiftly , sayes he , doth not this obligation cease , for the publick good and preservation of the Commonwealth . Answer : What then ▪ doth it follow That Men should renunce their priviledge of self defence , when their doing of that shall be so far , from promoving the publick good , and preservation of the Commonwealth , that upon the contrare , their doing so shall tend directly to the ruine of the publick good and destruction of the Commonwealth ? Sure if this be true , that a man should lay down his life for the good of the commonwealth . It is also true , that moe should hazard their lives for the good of the Commonwealth , and violently resist violence . And doct Ames case mentioned Cas . Consc . Lib. 5. c.. 31. q. 3. would sute the Prelates well , and their adherents : so that if he and they loved the good of the Church and Kingdome of Scotland , they should give up their necks to the stroke of justice , that the wrath of God may be turned away from the land : for till these be removed , we can not expect any thing , but judgement upon judgement from the Lord , till we be destroyed . Neither doth Naphtaly crosse D. Ames , for Naphtaly only speaks of a mans suffering intolerable and inevitable injuries , under pretext of the good of the Commonwealth ; which indeed for a man to do , would be , for the delusion of an empty name , only for the lust of others , really to deprive himself of his whole share and interest therein , neither would he have ground of hope of getting a better share , seing it vvere a great question and doubt ; if , in that case , he vvere in the vvay of his duty . What he addeth , Pag. 18. of a souldiers going to a dangerous post , at the command of his General , is utterly impertinent ; Natures instinct vvil teach some dog to stand in the gap to keep out the Bare . His last restriction is this That it must cease to preserve the King , the Head of the Commonwealth , when the case is so , that the King must either lose his life or the private man his . Ans . I grant Lex Rex sayeth [ I think that a private man should rather suffer the King to kill him , then that he should kill the King , because he is not to preferre the life of a private man , to the life of a publick man , ] But I doubt that it is so agreed among the learned . Sure P. Voetius de Duellis Cap. 20. Pag. 162. thinketh othervvayes , and proveth that self defence is lavvful to a private person against the Magistrate , for the lavv vvhich allovveth to repel violence vvith violence , maketh no distinction betvvixt a publick person and a privat person , and the law of Nature alloweth it against every one ; for it knovveth no difference : And as to that vvhich some vvould say , That his death would be hurt full to the Commonwealth . He answereth , [ That he who resisteth the Prince doth intend no hurt to the Republick , and it is not per se , but per accidens , that he standeth in the way of the good of the Commonwealth ; and if he should suffer himself to be killed , he should transgresse against the Law of Nature . ] Yea I much doubt if the Surveyer himself , would not rather kill , in this case , as be killed , and with Naphtaly account Self-defence a principal rule of righteousnesse , however now he would disprove this assertion if he could : And would let that passe of loving himself more ad finem suum ultimum , and suam virtutem . Finally ; what he sayeth against this assertion of Naphtaly is to no purpose ; for the Author of Naphtaly will readyly grant that in some cases , not only a man , but a compauy of men , may , yea ought to preferre the preservation of others , unto the preservation of their owne life , because of a divine command to defend Religion , Libertyes , Posterity and Countrey , from the unjust invasion and violence offered by wicked Emissaries . But he shall never prove , That the Body of a land or a considerable part thereof , is to hold up their throats , to be cut by the Kings cut-throats , when he & they are seeking to root out the Covenanted-work of Reformation , to destroy the Libertyes of the land , and to make all perfect slaves , both in soul and body . CAP. III. A fourth Argument Vindicated , taken from Scripture-instances . Our fourth argument shall be taken from instances of opposition and resistence , made unto the Soveraigne , or his bloody Emissaries , by private subjects , without the conduct or concurrence of their Representatives , recorded in scripture , and which we finde not condemned by the Spirit of the Lord : So that whosoever shall condemne the late vindicators , must also condemne these instances . As. 1. They must condemne the Iewes standing for their lives against their Enemies armed against them , with a commission from King Ahasuerus , sealed with his ring , which no man might reverse , in the dayes of Mordecai & Esther . But some vvill say . That they had the King's commission , which did warrand them to take the sword of defence against any that should assault them , under pretence of the former decree , I Answere . If their having of the King's commismission did in poynt of conscience warrand them , It had been utterly unlawful for them , to have withstood the King's butchers , if they had not abtained that commission and warrand : But what man of common sense will say this ? This later decree did , in poynt of law , warrand them to gather together with saifty and security , that they might the more easily , not only defend themselves from their Adversaries assaulting them ; but also to destroy , to stay , and to cause to perish , all the power of the people and province , that would assault them , both little ones & women , and to take the spoile of them for a prey Esth 8 : 11. But didnot , could not , make their selfdefence against such manifest & bloody cruelty , lawful in poynt of conscience , if , otherwise it had been unlawful . Though every instance will not in all poynts quadrate ( for nullum simile est idem ) yet vve have here in this instance these things for our purpose , 1. private subjects without their Ephori or Representatives , arming themselves for defence : & that 2. against bloody Emissaryes of the King : & 3. bloody Emissaries armed by a formal commission , decree and vvarrand from the King. 4. A commission formally never reversed , but standing in force , as the decrees of the Medes and Persians that might not be altered . 5. and this defence , as lavvful in it self in poynt of conscience , ( for if it had not not been so , the King's vvarrand had never made it so ) so declared lavvful in poynt of lavv , by a decree from the King , after better thoughts . In imitation of vvhich , It had been a commendable practice in the King and Council , if they had been so farr from condemning these innocent self-defenders , ( since , as they thought , in poynt of honour and credite , they vvould not retract or reverse their decrees and commissions once granted ) that they vvould have authorized them , and absolved them in poynt of lavv , since in poynt of conscience , no man could condemne them , for standing to the defence of their Estates , Lands , Libertyes , Lives and Consciences , unjustly oppressed by mercylesse Emissaries . 2. They must condemne the people their rescueing of Ionathan from the sentence of death , unjustly given out against him , by King Saul 1 Sam. 14 : 44. In ansvvere to this instance , our Surveyer sayeth Pag. 65. [ That the people used no violence against Saul when he went about to put to Death innocent Jonathan , but in the heat of souldiery boldnesse , do effectually interpose with Saul , and mediate for the life of Jonathan , moving Saul to Wave respect to his rash oath , and to regaird what was just and right . Answ . 1. The matter came not the length of violence ; but had the King pertinaciously adhered to his rash and sinful resolution , and , by force , had offered to draw the innocent Man to death , that which they did , spoke clearly , they would have resisted him ; for , whether the King would or not , yea contrare to his oath , they sweare in the face of the King , that Ionathan should not die , 2. It is but gratis dictum , that only in the heat of a souldiery boldnesse , they did mediate ; beside , that there seemeth to be a material contradiction here , for souldiers mediating and interposing especially in the heate of souldiery-boldnesse , useth not to be with humble supplications & intreaties , but with violence or with what will usher in violence . 3. We heare of no arguments they use to move bloody Saul to change his purpose , but this , as the Lord liveth there shall not one haire of his head fall to the ground . He sayes Pag. 66. That [ the people did not oppose an oath to Saul's oath , for Junius exposition may passe well ; that they spoke not by way of swearing , but by way of reasoning , abhorring the destruction of such a person , absit , ut vivit Jehovah , an cadere debet . ] Ans . The word which they use is no other way translated here , by Iunius , then elsewhere ; and elsewhere it hath clearly the import of an oath , as may be seen Iudg. 8. 19. 1 Sam. 19 : 16. and 20. 3 , 21 , 25 , 26. and in many other places . 2. The People spoke these words , as Saul spoke them , ver . 45. and therefore they are directly an oath of the people opposed to Saul's oath . 3. Iunius himself sayeth , that they opposed a just oath to Saul's hypocritical oath . Sanctius in locum , sayeth , [ the people opposed to the Kings oath , a publick oath , & swore that they would not suffer that any evil should be done unto him . ] The dutch Annotat call it an abrupt kinde of oath in use among the Hebrevvs . But ( sayes he ) [ It is a vvonder to see understanding men argue from this place , for violence and forcible resistence to Kings , especially vvhen acting according to lavves , consented to by private persones ] Ans . This place proveth clearly that princes may be resisted , and resisted vvhen they use violence and oppression , and that by private persones , even vvhen the oppression , or iniquity is acted according to a pretended lavv , or something equivalent to a lavv . Let us see vvhere the difference lyeth . Here ( sayes he ) the King is not acting according to law , but prosecuting the execution of a foolish and rash oath ] Answ : 1. Neither did our King's bloody Emissaries act according to lavv , but were prosecuting the execution of a develish and rash resolution , to root out and destroy a vvhole Countrey side , 2. If Royalists speak truth , Sauls vvord , let be his oath , vvas as good as a lavv : and Sanctius sayeth it vvas Decretum decreed . And vvhatever it vvas formally , it vvas materially a law , unto which they had all tacitely assented , v. 24. & which they durst not transgresse v. 26. [ Here ( sayes he ) the opposition made to the King is by way of intercession & earnest reasoning that he ought to regaird what was right more then his rash oath . ) Answ . No reasoning vve heare but a peremptour telling of the King , to his face , that he should not get his vvill , not one haire of Ionathan's head should fall to the ground , if he should attempt any thing , against Ionathan , it should be over their bellyes : Their vvords look like club-agruments . [ Here ( sayes he ) their opposition was acceptable and welcome , acquiesced in and yeelded to ] Answ . It is like it vvas condescention by force and constraint , for vvhether he vvould or not , he savv he could not get his vvill , and therefore passed from vvhat he intended , 2. His acquiescence sayes the resistence vvas more forcible then meer intercession vvould be ; for , he vvas another sort of bloody Tyrant , then to yeeld to petitions , vvhen he thought his honour stood upon it [ Here ( sayes he ) the opposition is made by the Princes of the land , Captains of Thousands &c. ] Answ . The text sayes The people rescued Ionathan . Who ever they vvere & vvhatever they vvere , they acted not here as the Supreame Sanhedrin , nor as a court of judicatour haveing povver of government , but as private persones , according to their povver and capacities . And so all this makes much for a party of private persones ( for here vvas not all the land ) their resisting of the King 's bloody emissaries executing cruelty , not so much as according to an iniquous lavv , but contrare to all lavv , right and reason [ Let ( sayes he ) Peter martyr be looked upon this place , and he speaks not ably well , his owne words will discover how notourly he is falsified by L. R. p 349. ] Answ . Lex Rex . dealt ingenuously with his reader concerning him , telling him , in the margine that with adoubt he said , si ista seditiose fecerunt nullo modo excusari possunt . And that he said they might Suffragiis . vvith their suffrages free him . Why did not the Surveyer set dovvn his vvords ? did Lex Rex falsify also Chrysostome homil . 14. ad Pop. Antioch . Iunius : Corn , a lapide : Sanctius : Lyra : Hugo Cardin. Iosephus L. 6. antiq . c. 7. and Althus . Polit. c. 38. n. 109. 3. They must condemne David , for his resisting of King Saul , with armed men , which yet the spirit of God doth not condemne , but rather approve , in commending such as helped him I Chron. 12 : 1. 2. 8. &c. and inspireing Amazia who was chief of the captaines to say Thine are we David , and on thy side , peace , peace be unto thee , and peace be unto thy helpers , for thy God helpeth thee . So did he intend to keep out the city Keila against the King , and consulted God thereanent , and had his answere , that the city would betray him . Now if it had been unlavvful for him to have defended himself by such forcible resistence , vve cannot think that he vvould have goten such ansvvers as he gote . Grotius himself approveth this deed of David's . All vvhich this Surveyer sayeth against this Pag. 67. is , That Davids unction did so distinguish him from private persons , as that it made it lawful for him to resist violence with violence : But , the law of nature restricteth not this lawful self-defence to anoynted persons . 2. If his anoynting made him no private person , what did it make him ? it could not make Him King , othervvise he might not only have resisted Saul , but have taken his life as a traitour ; or else vve must say , there were two Kings at once in Israel . 3. David never pleads this as the ground of his resistence , nor is there any hint of this in the text . 4. They must condemne the city Abel 2. Sam. 20. which resisted Ioab , Davids General , and his forces , when they besieged it , till the matter came to a capitulation , Ioab should have offered tearmes unto the city , before he had threatned to destroy it ; and should have communed with the Magistrates , concerning the delivering up of the Taitour , before he had resolved to destroy the whole city , for one Traitours cause : and therefore justly did they defend themselves against his unjust invasion notwithstanding he was armed with a commission from the King : and remarkable it is , that after the capitulation , they were never challenged for traitours in resisting , with closed gates , and fensed walls , the King's General and army . So that here is a private city standing out for a time , against the King's souldiours , unjustly seeking to destroy them , because of one Traitour among them . 5. They must condemne the Prophet Elias for resisting Ahaziah's bloody Emissaries sent by him , in an angry moode , to apprehend him and to compell him , in a spite full manner , and to take him prisoner , as say the Dutch Annot. on the place , For speaking such things as he did , unto the messengers of the King , who were sent to Baal zebub the God of Ekron , to enquire if he should recover of his desease ; and to bring him to the King by violence , if he would not come willingly , as Iosephus sayeth antiq . Lib. 9. C. 2. 2 King. 1. Now he resisted such as were sent , and killed two Captanes & their fifties , with fire from heaven , which instance doth sufficiently declare that it is lavvful for private subjects , in some cases , to resist the unjust violence of the King's Emissaries , though armed with his commission . It is true , the manner of his resistence , and of killing these , vvas extraordinary , by way of a miracle ; yet the resistence it self , was not extraordinare , as we have seen by other instances , and shall see cleared by moe . 6. They must condemne the prophet Elisha who resisted both the King and his Emissaries in his ovvne defence 2 Kings 6 : 32. saying to the Elders who sate with him see yee how this Sone of a murderer hath sent to take away my head ? look where the Messenger cometh , shut the door , and hold him fast at the door , is not the sound of his Masters feet behinde him ? Here was unjust violence offered to the innocent Prophet , an Emissary sent to kill him without cause : and the Prophet resisteth his violence , causeth hold him at the door , and violently presse him , or presse him betvvixt the door and the wall , vvich speaketh violent resistence : keep him ( say the Dutch Annot. ) by force at the door : yea Iosephus thinketh that the King follovved quickly after , left the Prophet should have killed his servant . This clearly sayes that it is lawful for privat persones ( for the Prophet vvas no other but a private subject ) to resist unjust violence offered them by the King or his Emissaries , and with violente resistence , to defend themselves . 7. Much more will they condemne other instances of greater opposition , made to the rage and tyranny of Princes , which we finde recorded in scripture , and not condemned . As. 1. That opposition made by the Ten tribes to Rehoboam , when they revolted from him , after they had a rough and tyrannical answere unto their just and lawful demands 1 King. 12 : 1. &c. 2 Cbron. 10 : & 11. They desired nothing , upon the matter , but that He would engadge to Rule over them according to the law of God , and He gave a most harsh and tyrannical answere , and avowed that he would tyrannize over them , and oppresse them more then any of his predecessours , and that his little finger should be heavier then their loyns ; whereupon they fell away from him , and erected themselves into a new Commonwealth , and choosed a nevv King : And vve finde nothing in all the text condemning this ; for , it vvas done of the Lord , the cause vvas from the Lord , that he might performe his saying vvhich he spoke by Ahijah ; and vvhen Rehoboam raised an army to reduce them againe under his power and command , the vvord of God came unto Shemaiah saying speak unto Rehoboam &c. and say thus sayeth the Lord , yee shall not goe up , nor fight against your brethren , the children of Israel , returne every man to his house , for this thing is from me . It vvas done by the vvill of God sayeth Iosephus Antiq. Lib. 8. c. 11. And there is not one word , in the text importing that this vvas condemned by the Spirit of the Lord ; for , as for that vvord 1 King. 12. 19. So Israel rebelled against the house of David . It may be as vvel rendered , as it is in the margine , they fell away ; and so doth the dutch render it , and lunius defecerunt , they fell avvay , or made defection , and the original vvord is of a larger signification then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vvhich properly signifieth to rebel , yea though the vvord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been here used , it vvould not have imported a sinfull rebellion and defection , more then 2 King. 18. 7. vvhere Hezekiah is said to have rebelled against the King of Assyria , and this was a frute and effect of the Lords being with him , and prospering him , whithersoever he vvent forth . The Surveyer Pag. 66. can say nothing but [ That no sound man will think the suddaine and furious rebellion of the ten Tribes from Davids house , upon the furious and rash answer of a young King , was justifiable . ] But vvhatever he say or think , it doth not weigh much with us ; had he shewed us out of the Text , that this was condemned by the Spirit of the Lord , as sinful upon the matter , we should heartily have acquiesced , but since we see more hinting at an approbation thereof , we must rest there , till we see stronger reasons , then his naked assertions . But sayes he [ It would be considered that these who made the secession were the major part of the body of the people , but what is all this to justifie the insurrections of any lesser party of private people against the Magistrate , and all Magistrates supreme & subordinate . ] Ans . By what right , this Major part of the Body did make secession , by that same right , might the equal half , or the lesser part have made secession ; for the ground of the lawfulnesse of this secession , is not founded upon their being the major part , but upon the reasonablenesse of their demand , and the tyrannicalnesse of the King's reply . 2. This sayes much for us ; for , if it be lawful for a part of the people , to shake off the King , refuse subjection unto him , and set up a new King of their owne , when he resolveth to play the Tyrant , and not to rule them according to the law of the Lord , but after his owne tyrannical will ; then it cannot be unlawful for a part of the people to resist his unjust violence , and defend themselves against his illegal tyranny , and oppression . The consequence cannot be denyed , seing they who may lawfully do the more , may do the lesse also : So that seing this people might lawfully refuse subjection and homage unto Rehoboam and all his subordinat Magistrates , They might also lawfully have defended themselves against his tyranny , and the tyranny of all under him : and if They might lawfully have done so , so may we . 2. They should far more condemne the revolt of the city of Libnah 2 Chron. 21. 10. This wicked King Iehoram when he was risen up to the Kingdom of his father , strengthened himself , and slew all his brethren with the sword , and diverse also of the Princes of Israel v. 4. and walked in the wayes of the Kings of Israel , like as did the house of Ahab , for he had the Daughter of Ahab to wife , & he wrought that which was evil in the eyes of the Lord v. 6. and he made him high places in the mountaines of Iudah and caused the inhabitants of Ierusalem to commit fornication , and compelled Iudah there to v. 11. 13. and because he had thus forsaken the Lord God of his fathers , did the city Libnah revolt from under his hand . Commentators cleare this to have been the reason as Cornel. a. lap . in loc . propter impietatem Regis defecit ab eo Libna . Sancitus on 2 King 8. 22. Lobnah recessit ne esset sub manus illius , dereliquer at enim dominum patruum suorum . & Pet. Martyr on 2 King. 8. v. 22. [ Causa in Paralip . describitur , ob Regis impietatem qui suos nitebatur cogere ad idololatriam , quod ipsi Libnen ses pati noluerunt , & merito : principibus enim parendum est , verum usque ad aras , & cum illam terram inhabitandam a deo , eo foedere , habuissent , ubi illum juxta ejus verbum colerent , jure ejus idololatriam admittere , non debuerunt , ] Thus he approveth of their revolt in this case . What sayes our Surveyer to this [ This ( sayes he ) imports not the impulsive cause of the revolt , or motive which they had before their eyes ( for , in that same verse & period , it is said the Edomites also revolted from him , because he had forsaken the Lord God of his Fathers , and the Edomites loved not the true Religion ) but the meritorious cause on Jehorams part is poynted at . ] Answ . The text it self and Commentators , to vvhom vve may add Iackson on 2 King 8. & the Dutch Annot . Ibid. give this as the impulsive cause , and only motive vvhich they had before their eyes . 2. Any who read the text vvill see his reason very unsound ; for v. 8. it is said , that in his dayes the Edomites revolted from under the dominion of Iudah , and made themselves a King ; and no word of this , as the impulsive cause there of ; & v. 10. mention again is made of their revolt upon occasion of Iehorams seeking by force , to reduce them under his dominion ; and then in a new period , mention is made of Libnah's revolt , with the cause and only motive thereof ; Because he had forsaken the Lord God of his Fathers . Then he asks if his adversary [ thinks that the laying aside of the presbyterian frame , is the forsaken of the Lord God of our Fathers , and a sufficient cause for any one Towne in the Kingdom , to revolt from the King , ( though he do not persecute them , nor force them to his way , as there is no evidence that Libnah was so used ) shall a Kings swerving in that one point , or if there be greater infidelity , be sufficient ground of defection from him ? ] Ans . I nothing doubt , but all such as have imbraced this present course of apostasie are guilty of a grievous revolt , having impudently and avowedly departed form a sworne Covenant , from a covenanted & sworne Religion , reformed in Doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline , & Government ; and have in a great part forsaken the God of our Fathers , that covenanted God whom our Fathers , and we both owned , and imbraced as our God ; and is sufficient cause for any City , or Company of men , so far to revolt from the King , as to refuse to concurre with him , in this horrible defection and course of perjury , and resist his unjust violence pressing and compelling them to a sinful compliance . 2. As it is more then probable , that Libnah was no better used , then were the people of Iudah , by this Tyrannous King , and is asserted by the Dutch Annot. on 2 Chron. 21 : 10. So whatever this lyer suggesteth , it is notour that the King hath persecuted and doth persecute and force honest people , to follow his way , and apostatize with him , contrare to their consciences and sworne allegiance unto God , and if he add this clause as an exception , then ( seing the truth of the thing is notour ) he fully accords , that there is sufficient cause given , for any Town in the Kingdome to revolt , which is more then we desire . At length he tells us . That their revolt was sinfull . But when not only thi● revolt is recorded as done , but such and impulsive cause and motive is added by the Spirit of the Lord , without the least hint of any expression condemning the same , we dar not be so bold , as is this Surveyer ; Nor are we so foolish as to receive his word , contraire to the testimony of so many expositors . Hence we have a strong argument : For ▪ if it be lawful for a part of the people , to revolt from a tyrannous Prince , making defection from the true and received Religion , and forceing his subjects to a sinful defection and complyance with him in his apostasy : It must also be lawful for a part of the people to defend themselves by force against the Emissaries of a King departing from his faith and foresaking the Religion , which He hath sworne to owne and maintaine , sent forth by him , or any under him , to force , by cruel oppression and violence , them to a compliance with his sinful way . And the antecedent is cleare in this place . 3. They must much more condemne Azariah , and the fourescore Priests who being commended as me of courage & valour , resisted Vziah the King , 2 Chron. 26 : 17. &c. they expelled him with force , stood against him ; the lxx . say they resisted him ; deturbarunt eum ex eo loco , sayeth Vatablus : they forced him forth , and compelled him to goe out ; they caused him make haste , sayeth Ar. Mont. festinate expulerunt eum , sayeth Hieron . When he went in the temple to burne incense , upon the altaar of incense , on some solemne day ( as Iosephus thinketh . ) So that there is more then a resistance of him by words , as some Royalists say ; even resistence by force and violence . Hence we argue ; if private subjects may by force resist , withstand , and with violence hinder the King from transgressing the Law of God ; Then may they much more lawfully resist him , and his bloody Emissaryes , when He seeketh to oppresse unjustly and to draw people off from the wayes of the Lord. If any say with doct Ferne , that because of an expresse Law of God , being a leper , he was put out of the congregation : Then we see , that the Prince is subject to Church-censure , and so Subjects may judge him and punish him ; we see also that Princes were subject to ceremonial lawes , as well as any of the subjects ; and why not also to the moral Lawes ; and if because of a ceremonial Law , the King was to be ceremonially punished , why also , for the breach of moral Law , may he not be punished morally ? Hence will it undoubtedly follow , That a Prince rageing and tyrannizeing contrare to all equity and reason , may be resisted and his violence repelled with violence , even by private subjects . Worthy Mr Knox , in his debate with Lithengtoun , doth form this instance gather ; That subjects not only may , but also ought to withstand and resist their Princes whensoever they do any thing that expresly repugnes to God , his Law , or holy Ordinance . Lithingtoun objected That [ they were not private subjects , but the priests of the Lord and figures of Christ , and such have we none this day , to withstand Kings if they do any thing wrong . ] He answered that though the High Priest was a figure of Christ , yet he was a subject . [ For ( said he ) I am assured that he , in his Priesthood , had no prerogative above these that passed before him ; now so it is , that Aaron was subject to Moses , and called him Lord : Samuel being both prophet , and Priest , subjected himself unto Saul , after he was inaugurated of the people ; Sadoc bowed before David , &c. And whereas you say , we have no such Priests this day , I might answere , that neither have we such Kings this day , as then were anoynted by Gods commandement , and sate upon the seate of David , and were no lesse the figures of Christ Iesus , in their just administration , then were the Priests , in their appointed office ; and such Kings ( I am assured ) we have not now , no more then we have such Priests , for Christ Iesus being anoynted in our nature , of God his Father , both King Priest , and Prophet , hath put an end to all external unction : and yet I think you will not say , that God hath now diminished his graces from these whom he appoynts Ambassadours betwixt him and his people , then he doth , from Kings and Princes , and therefore , why the Servants of Iesus Christ may not also justly withstand Kings and Princes who this day no lesse offend Gods Majesty , then Uzziah did , I see not ; unlesse that ye will say , That we in the bringhtnesse of the Evangel , are not so straitly bound to regaird Gods glory , nor his commandements , as were the Fathers who lived under the dark shaddowes of the Law. ] And when Lithingtoun sayd , That they only spoke unto him without further violence intended . He answered , [ That they with stood him , the text assures me , but that they did nothing , but speak , I cannot understand , for the plame text afformes the contrary , viz. That they caused him hastily to depart from the sanctuary , yea and that he was compelled to depart ; which manner of speaking ( I am assurred ) in the Hebrew tongue importeth more then exhorting , or commanding by word . ] And when Lethingtoun lastly objected that they did that after he was espyed to be leprous . He answered , [ They withstood him before , but yet their last fact confirmes my proposition , so evidently , that such as will oppose themselves unto it , must needs oppose themselves unto God ; for my assertion is , That Kings have no privilege , more then hath the people , to offend Gods Majesty , and if so they do , they are no more exempted from the punishment of the law , then is any other subject ; yea , and that subjects may not only lawfully oppose themselves to their Kings , whensoever they do any thing that expresly oppugnes God's Commandement , But also that they may execute judgment upon them , according to God's Law ; so that if the King be a murtherer , an adulterer , or an Idolater , he should suffer , according to God's Law , not as a King , but as an offender : and that the People may put God's Law in execution , this History clearly proveth ; for so soon as the leprosy appeared in his forehead , He was not only compelled , to depart out of the Sanctuary ; but also he was removed from all publick society , and administration of the Kingdome , and was compelled to dwell in a house apart , even as the law commanded , and gote no greater privilege in that case , then any other of the people should have gote : And this was executed by the People — & therefore yet againe I say that People ought to execute God's Law , even against their Princes , when their open crimes by God's Law deserves punishment , but especially when they are such as may insect the rest of the multitude . ] Thus that worthy Servant of God , and hence any may see , how this passage doth more then confirme what we are now about to prove . 4. They must much more condemne such as arose against Amaziah when he turned away from following the Lord , & pursued him to Lachish and flew him there , 2 Chron. 25 : 21. Concerning which I shall only set downe what famous and worthy Mr Knox said in that forementioned debate , which he had with Lithington , [ The whole people ( sayes he ) conspired against Amaziah , King of Iudah , after that he had turned away from the Lord , and followed him to Lachish , and slew him , and took UzZiah and anoynted him King instead of his father . The people had not altogether forgotten the League and Covenant , which was made betwixt their Kings and them , at the inauguration of Ioas his Father , to wit , that the King and the People should , be the People of the Lord , and then should they be his Faithful subjects , from which Covenant , when first the Father and aftervvard the Son had declined , they vvere both punished vvith death , Ioas by his ovvne Servants , and Amaziah by the vvhole People , vvhen Lithingtoun ( said ) he doubted whether they did well or not . He ansvv . [ It shall be free for you to doubt as you please , but where I finde execution according to God's law , and God himself not to accuse the doers , I dar not doubt of the equity of their cause . And further it appeareth to me ; that God gave sufficient approbation , and allowance of their fact , for he blessed them with victory , peace and prosperity , the space of fifty two years after ] and when Lithingt : replyed That prosperity doth not alwayes prove that God approveth the facts of Men. He answered ( Yes , when the facts of Men agree with the law of God , and are rewarded according to his owne promise expressed in his law , I say that the prosperity succeding the fact , is a most infallible assurance , that God hath approved that fact : Now so it is , that God hath pronounced in his law , That when the people shall exterminate and destroy such as decline from him , that he will blesse them , and multiply them , as he hath promised unto their fathers . But so it is , that Amasia turned from God , for so the text doth witnesse , and plaine it is , that the People slew their King , and like plaine it is , that God blessed them . Therefore yet againe I conclude that God himself approved their fact : and so far as it was done according to his commandement , it was blessed according to his promise . ) And when Lithingtoun replyed againe That he thought not the ground so sure as he durst build his conscience thereupon . He answered [ I pray God that your conscience have no worse ground then this is , when soever you shall beginne the like work , which God in your owne eyes hath already blessed . ] And if so ( as is very probable ) and learned Althus . pol. C. 38. n 106. is of the same judgment with Mr Knox , we need not trouble the reader with forming an argument thence to our purpose , the same being so obvious and cleare , that he who runneth may read it . CAP. IV. Our Argument from other approved instances , and authorities , both abroad , and at home . THis practice , hovvever it be novv condemned by a generation of perfidious Prelates , and Malignants , enemies to the glorious vvork of Reformation , from the beginning , & a company of base Sycophants and Court flatterers , as an unparallelable act of rebellion and sedition ; yet , as it as abundantly confirmed by precedents in scripture , as vve have seen , so is it by the practice of others ; vvhom none , but men of the same stampe , vvil condemne ; and by authorities of Divines abroad and at home , as vve shall novv shevv . And , 1. The history of the Maccabees , mentioned in that story , is a cleare example of private persons resisting and defending themselves frm the iniquous assaults of the Soveraigne , or his Emissaries ; for when Antiochus Epiphanes was compelling them to forsake God , and tyrannizing over them , Matthias a priest , and his sones made open resistence ; and afterward Mattathias & those with him , hearing how Matthias , out of an overnice superstition , would not fight in their owne defence , on the Sabbath day , resolving upon all occasions to defend themselves , their Lives , and Lawes , and to take all advantages of the Enemy , did accordingly assault them , and recovered their Cityes Lawes and Libertyes , fighting many battels with good successe . And Osiander Enchirid. controv . c. 9. de mag . pol. testifieth that this was done by the encouragement and assistance of the Spirit of God. And if any should reject this instance as impertinent , because they suppose Antiochus was not their lawful Supream Magistrate , but only a Tyrant without title , let them heare what Grotius de jure belli & pacis lib. 1. c. 4. n. 7. sayeth to this ? Like unto this appeareth that deed of the Maccabees ; for whereas some think to defend these armes , upon this gronnd , that Antiochus was not King but an invader , it seemeth foolish to me , seing in all the history of the Maccabees , and of such as took their part , they never name Antiochus any thing else , but their King , and that not without ground ; for long before this , the Iewes had acknowledged the authority of the Macedonians , unto whose power and place Antiochus did succeed . & as to that that the law forbiddeth that any stranger should be set over them , that is to be understood of a voluntary election and not of what the people might through necessity be forced to do . And , whereas others say that the Maccabees used only the right of the people cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deberetur . Neither is that solide , for the jewes being at first overcome by Nebuchadnezar , and subjected to him , by the law of warre , by the same law they did obey the Medes and Persians , who succeeded unto the Caldeans , and all this Impire came at length into the hands of the Macedonians : hence it is , that Tacitus reckoneth the jewes amongst basest of such as served these Assyrians , Medes and Persians : Nor did they require any thing by stipulation from Alexander and his successours , but without any condition gave themselves up unto their power , as formerly they had been under the command of Darius . And if at any time the jewes were permitted to use their owne rites , and lawes , that was but a begged right , which they had through the indulgence of the Kings , but not through any imperial law . So that there is nothing that can defend the Maccabees but most imminent and certane danger ] thus he . 2. The constant practice of the Waldensian protestants in Piedmont , doth shew that this late practice is not so strange & uncouth , as adversaryes would give it out to be ; for , they never had a Representative to be a screen betwixt them , and the tyranny of their princes , and yet how oftintimes have they valiently with stood such , as came to oppresse them , in goods and lives , though cloathed with commission from the princes ? In the yeer 1580. being persecuted by the Lord of Trinity , and their popish Soveraignes , they assembled solemnely together , to consult how to prevent the imminent dangers , and after prayer and calling upon God for his grace , and spirit of counsel and direction , they resolved to enter into a solemne mutual Covenant , and to joyn in a League together , for defence of Themselves and their Religion and so accordingly did assist one another , in their defence , which they did with good successe ; And that alwayes since whenever they were assaulted by the bloody Emissaries of the Duk of Savoy , as any may see fully in their history . So that whosoever will condemne the late defence , must also condemne these poor oppressed protestants , who have no other meane to keen them from utter extirpation , but this innocent meane of felf defence , and of repelling unjust violence with violence ; for Bonds , Promises & Covenants binde their Prince , as such obligations use to binde some others viz. no longer then they see it for their advantage . Neither have they any Representative , Prince , or Noble man , among them , to head their matters ; but meer necessity puts them to use the best expendient they can , and forcibly to resist their oppressing Superiours , when they send to spoile them of their goods , lives and libertyes . 3. Some particular cityes in Germany did defend themselves against the Emperour unjustly invadeing their libertyes , and assaulting them , as may be seen in the history of Germany , particularly the Cities of Madenburgh and Breme . 4 , So in France , the Cities of Montobane and Rochel and the Isle of Ree with stood the King , when he was seeking to oppresse them . And no man will condemne these for acts of rebellion and sedition , unlesse they will also condemne our Kings , who , at least undertook , and offered to help and assist them . 5. It was this opposition and resistence of privat persons when tyrannized over , by Superiours , that hath brought the Cantons of Helvetia unto that state of freedome and liberty , which they have enjoyed for many yeers , and do enjoy this day ; being now a free Republick , as Simlerus showeth in his history of that Republick . 6. But that we may come home , we finde some remarkeable instances of this nature , which no man in reason , who shall condemne this late defence , shall be able to defend : and to beginne with what may be most recent in our memories . In the year 1648. There are two signal Instances . The one was that violent resistence used against the Parliaments forces at Mauchlin moor . Here was not only a resistence , in defence of the truth and cause of God , then sought to be borne downe and oppressed , by a prevalent Malignant faction in Parliament , without the concurrence of conduct of the Representatives of the land , but directly against them : Here was a defence used by way of resistence , by meer privat persons without the company or concurrence of one Noble man ; And yet a resistence that never was condemned by any , to this day , expect ingrained Malignants ; but was approved and commended highly , by the Parliament anno 1649. the best Parliaments Scotland did see for many yeers . Againe thereafter in that same yeer 1648 , The forces of the west Countrey arose in defence of the Cause and Covenant of God ; and that not only without the conduct of a Parliament , but against their resolutions . It is true , there were some Nobles & Parliament-men among them , and countenancers of them ; but these acted not , nor could act , by vertue of any Parliamentary power ; but only as privat subjects , having , by reason of their greater interest in the land , a greater obligation to lay out themselves , and to improve their authority and influence in the countrey , for the good thereof , and for the cause of God. They had it is true , by their places and stations , greater influence upon the Countrey , and a greater backing , and so being leading men , were in a greater capacity to defend the oppressed truth ; but all this gave them no publick Magistratical power , nor put them in the capacity of a real and formal Representative : and yet all this was afterward approved , ratified and confirmed by Parliament , as good and necessary service to the countrey , and to the cause of God , A third notable instance is that Anno 1639. There was then no publicke civil judicatory carrying on that defence , but Nobles and others , each in their capacity , and according to their power , concurred , for the promoveing of that necessary work of defence . They did not acte under the notion of any such judicature , nor did they assume to themselves any such power and authority . It is true , there were then a great number of Noble Patriots , and renowned Nobles , who laid the work of reformation to heart , and laid out themselves to the utmost of their power for the same , and because of their concurrence , the vvork vvas the more feazible and easy to be carryed on ; but I think the stresse of the lawfulnesse of that defensive warre , did not lye wholly upon their shoulders ; so that if they had with drawne , all the rest of the body of the land , had been bound in conscience , to have deserted the same also . It is true , it was of great advantage unto the cause , that God stirred up the spirit of the Nobles to owne the same ( and is so alwayes ) upon many accounts , and their concurrence had its owne auxiliary force , to justify the interprise , for abundans cautela non nocet : But I remember not that the lavvfulnesse of that defensive war , was stated only or mainely on that particular . It is true , They are Primores Regni be vertue of their particular places and stations , and be vertue of their eminency over others , and power by reason of their eminency ; and so are engaged beyond others , to see to the good of the Land , and of Religion , for the good of the souls of such as are under them , and on whom they have or may have influence ; And , be reason of this , may authoritatively even as such , do many things , when there is no other constitution of a Supreme Representative : But when a constitution of a Supreme Publick Representative is condescended upon and setled , it is certane , they cannot separatly , yea nor joyntly act in the power and capacity of a formal Supreme Representative , but when they are , with others , constituent members of that Representative ; and out of that Representative ( unlesse by power and commission from it ) they cannot act judicially , or authoritatively , nor in any other capacity formally , then as private persones , though as persons of greater interest , and share in the Commonwealth , and so under greater obligations , both by the Lavv of God and of nature , to bestirre themselves more effectually for the good of the same ; and as persons of greater influence and conduct ; yet still under the notion of private persons , private persons I meane , as opposite to persons cloathed vvith publick authority and Parliamentary povver . I grant they are borne-Heads and Magistrats of the Countrey , as being in eminency above others , and as being by birth , conforme to our constitution , borne-Members of Parliament , and so in potentiâ proximâ , and in a nearer capacity then others are , to vote and acte in Parliament : but still I say , considered out of Parliament , or vvhen there is no Parliament , they cannot exerce any Parliamentary povver , conclude or determine any thing of that nature , more then others : It is a truth also , that they have , by reason of our law and constitution , a Magistratical power , limited to such and such causes over such and such particular places ; but that is only and inferiour , and subordinat civil power , and cannot extend beyond that limited bounds , more then the power of Magistrates in Broughs , or Sheriffs in Shires , or Baylies in Baylieryes , or the like , and is no part of that Magistratical power which is commonly called the power of warre . I grant , that they and all other inferiour Magistrates , are to seek to promove the good of the vvhole land , and to concurre , according to their povver , for the same , even because of their interest and share of that subordinat povver : But they cannot act under that notion , nor do any thing be vertue of that particular povver , nor exerce any acts thereof , out of the bounds of their several jurisdictions ; But all they do , is by vertue of that fundamental power belonging to all the members of the Commonvvealth , according to their several places and relations . Hence therefore it it cleare , that our vvorthyes then acted not , as a publick judicatory , or as publick persons cloathed with publick authority . So that vvhosoever shall condemne this late act of defence , upon the account , that it vvas managed by meer private presons , must also , in reason , condemne that which these worthies did ; and so conspire with the Malitious Malignants , ingrained in wickednesse , and enmity to the way and work of God. A fourth and last instance , is that of our first reformers in the dayes of Mr. Knox : for , at the beginning of the reformation , there were but very few Nobles , who concured , as Mr. Knox testifyed in his sermon Nov. 7. 1559. in these words [ when we were a few in number , in comparison of our Enemies , when we had neither Earle nor Lord ( a few excepted ) to comfort us , we called upon God , and took him for our protector , defence and only refuge . ] And , in the following words , he sheweth that it fared rather better with them , then worse , when they wanted the concurrence of Nobles : For , sayeth he , [ amongst us was heard no bragging of Multitude , nor of our strength and policy , we did only sob to God , to have respect to the equity of our cause , and to the cruel pursute of the tyrannical enemy ; but since that our number hath been thus multiplyed , and chiefly since the Duke with his friends hath been joyned with us , there was nothing heard , but this Lord will bring these many hundered spears , This man can perswade this countrey , if this Earle be ours , no man in such bounds will trouble us : And thus the best of us all , that before felt God's potent hand to our defence , hath of late dayes put flesh to be our arme ] And as Mr. Knox said , so it was , much of their businesse was carryed on without the concurrence of many Nobles . We hear of no nobles with the gentlemen of the west , when they came from the border to the Queen , and when Iames Chalmers of Gaitgirth said to her ( when they had heard . that she had caused summon the protestant preachers ) ( Madam , we know that this is the Malice of the jewells , and of that bastard ( meaning the Bishop of S. Andrews ) that standeth by yow , but we shall make a day of it . They oppresse ●s , and our tennants , for feeding of their idle bellyes , they trouble our preachers , and would murther them and us , Shall we suffer this any longer ; No Madam , it shall not be . Nor was there any of the Nobles present , when that abhomination of carrying an idol on S. Giles day , was opposed . There were buy foure Nobles that subscribed the first bond at Edinburgh Decemb 3. 1557 , Where the whole congregation resolved , by the grace of God , to apply themselves , their whole power , substance , and lives , to maintaine , set forward , and establish the most blessed word of God , and his congregation &c. So foure of five only subscribed the second bond at Perth may last 1559. We finde not many Nobles with them , when they petitioned the parliament . And there protested [ that they would worshipe God , according to the right manner : That none of them therefore should incurre any danger . That if upon this account any tumult should arise no crime might be imputed unto them , but unto such as refused their just Demands . ] And when they wrote that letter May 22. 1559. Wherein they said [ That except the cruelty were stayed , they would be compelled to take the sword of just defence against all that should pursue them , for the matter of Religion , and that the cruel , unjust , and most tyrannical murther intended against Towns and Multitudes was and is the only cause of their r●v●le from their accustomed obedience . ] And when they wrote that other unto the Nobility , where in they said [ By your fainting and extracting of your support , the Enemies are encouraged , thinking that they shall finde no resistence : in which poynt , God willing , they shall be deceived , for if they were Ten thousand , and we but One thousand , they shall not Murther the least of our brethren . ] From all which , and from the whole story of these times , it is undenyably apparent , that they acted for the defence of the truth , and of their oppressed brethren , and for the carrying on of the work of reformation , for some considerable time , without the concurrence and conduct of a Parliamentary Representative . From all which Instances of our predecessours , I would have these thing observed . 1. It is remarkeable That when God was to beginne any word of reformation in our Land , whether from Popery or Prelacy , the powers then in being , were standing in a stated opposition thereunto . This is notoure both in the dayes of Mr Knox , & in the yeer 1639. King , or Queen , and Counciles were stated against it , and opposeing the same , what they could . 2. The only wise God , who is wonderful in counsel , and excellent in working , thought fit , not to beginne with the Spirits of the Powers in being , to cause them first appeare for the work ; but thought it more to his honour and glory , to make use of foolish things to confound the wise ; and of weak things , to confound the things that are mighty ; and base things , and things which are despised , and things which are not , to bring to nought things which are . It seemed good in his eyes , who doth all things after the counsel of his owne will , to imploy the least of the flock in that businesse according to that word Ier. 49. 20. and 50. 45. and to raise up meane , and contemptible instruments , that the work might more conspicuously appeare to be his , and the glory thereof redound to himself alone . 3. As they would have been glade , ( had it so seemed good in the Lords eyes ) if the standing Representatives , would have not only concurred and countenanced that work , but would have , according to their places , led on the vaune , and shewed themselves powers appoynted for God and his glory , by exerceing the power which God had put into their hands , for God and his interest ; So the want of their encouragement and conduct , did not , in the least , brangle their confidence of the lawfulnesse of their interprize , of so discourage them , as to give over their work , as desperate and hoplesse . 4. Nor did they ever assume to themselves any authoritative and Magistratical power , to legitimate their actions ; as if they had thought , that without that formality , their resolutions and motions had been condemned as unlawful in the Court of God , and Nature : but walked upon the ground of that fundamental right , granted to all both higher and lower , to maintaine the Truth of God , upon all hazards , and to stand to the defence thereof , and of themselves , when unjustly persecuted , because of their adherence thereunto , according to their power , and as God in his providence called them thereunto . 5. Nor did their adversaries objecting , that their actions were treasonable and seditious , as being contrare to authority and established lawes , scar them from their purposes , in the least , having the testimony of a good conscience with in them , that they had not the least purpose or project , to cast off lawful authority , or to diminish it's just right and power ; and knowing that the Powers out of whatever principle , and upon whatsoever motives , relinquishing their duty , and opposeing that truth and way , which by their places and callings , they were obliged , before God , to maintaine , preserve , and promove , did not loose their obligation , and exeem them form that duty , which God and nature had laid upon them ; but rather did presse them to prosecute their businesse more vigurously , as seeing the necessity much more urgent , and the difficulty so much the greater : And knowing that whatever lawes are made , in a Christian Common wealth , should be for the glory of God , and the good of the souls of the subjects mainly , and for their external welbeing only in subordination unto these great Ends ; and when the observation of the strick letter of the law , did crosse the maine good , which principally de jure they aimed at , they were eo ipso , in so far , null and voyd before God ; because it alwayes holdeth good . that it is better to obey God , then Man , and mens commands or lawes , unto which obedience cannot be yeelded , without contempt of , and treason committed against the Highest of all , who is King of Kings , are as no commands before God , and disobedience unto these , is no disobedience unto the lawful authority , but faithful allaigance unto the most Supream . 6. These poor weak beginnings , how base and contemptible so ever they appeared , yet God was pleased , when the time to favour Zion was come , so to owne , countenance and prospere , that the same work at length came to be owned , by Publick Representatives , and Parliaments , yea and the Kings themselves were brought to a publick owneing and approving of the same . And who knoweth , but , if God had thought good to blesse this late act with successe , it might have been followed with the like consequent ? But his time was not come . 7. It is also observable , That whatever disaster , or disappoyntment they did meet with , in prosecution of the Reformation , and in the preservation and defence of themselves , in the owneing of the truth of God ; though it put them to mourne for their iniquities before God , and to acknowledge , among other sinnes , their too much relying upon the arme of flesh , and not resting with a pure faith on his power and protection ; yet it never made them question their call , or suspect the lawfulnesse of their work and businesse , as to its substance , and end : for they knew well , that the work was the Lord's and that their call was divine , though for his owne holy ends , that they might be more humbled , and taught do depend with a single heart , on his word and promise , and to purge out such evills as provoked the eyes of God's jealousy ; he suffered them to fall . 8. When the work came at length to be owned by Parliaments and Higher Powers , what was formerly done by persons not in that capacity , was not condemned either as unlawful or illegal , nor did the valient actors stand in need of any indempnity , as if they had been transgressours ; but all was either virtually or expresly approved : and the worthy actors praised and highly commended , as indeed they did deserve . 9. None ever condemned these actions as treasonable and rebellious , but such as were knowne to be real and heart-enemies to the work it felf ; no tongues were ever loosed against them , except the imbittered tongues of sworne adversaries , ingrained Malignants , Enemies to God and godlinesse , & haters of the power of it . These and none but these who are of their father the devil , durst condemne the same . And many hollow hearted professours ( among whom this Surveyer deserveth to be rekoned ) were forced against their hearts , to approve of the same & joyne in with the favourers & maintainers of that noble cause , so forceable was the light , and the power of that Sprit that acted the worthies in these dayes , who now have turned open Apostates from that truth and cause , & have adjoyned themselves unto that ever accursed , Popish , Prelatical , and Malignant faction . Yea remarkeable it is that God did so overpower the pen of that Arch-Enemy Spotswood , that though he would have said all which Hell it self could have prompted him unto ; yet durst say no more of these first courses and practices , but that they were Violent and disorderly . And this Rabshaketh the Surveyer , who , in the end of his book ( having reserved the dregs of what he had to exscreate against the work of God and his worthyes , until then Pag. 118. &c. would out-stripe his predecessours , and spevv out his venome , like another adder of the same spavvne ; yet the overruleing providence of God , hath so curbed him , that he gote not liberty to run the full length he vvould , and therefore he sayes [ We cannot justify all courses that were used then for carrying on the work of reformation ] and againe [ if some instruments thereof were guilty of sedition , or sacrilege , or self seeking ] and againe [ if sinful courses were then used by men ] and againe Pag. 119. [ Let us not stand superstitiously upon the justifying of all their deeds ] Who sees not this wicked mans Mouth bridled , by the restraineing power of God , so that he cannot , he dar not , plainely and expresly call these courses seditious or rebellious ; but cometh on with his Ifs and if some instruments , and all their courses cannot be justified : as if , in the most laudable work , to which men might have a most cleare call , some accidental or circumstantial actions , might not abide the test : and as if among a company , some might not have by-ends , while a good work was laudably and lawfully , as to the maine , carryed on . Ay , but this good man , you will say , is mighly in love with the work of reformation , and blesseth God for it Pag. 118. 119. True , we finde him say so in words , but God knoweth his heart : But is it not strange , that fince , he sayeth , he approveth the work , he will be more blinde then was that poor man in the gospel whom he mentioneth , who had his eyes opened Ioh. 9. for that blinde man , did see a divine power in the work wrought and said v. 33. If this man were not of God he could do nothing , and will not only , not see the mighty hand of God in the instruments , but tells us , he is not much concerned to enquire . But what needeth him much doubt of a divine call , considering the work it self , it 's end & the direct tendency of the meanes unto this end , & the real & christian intentions of the instruments , which he will not see in the instances he bringeth viz. of the wicked hands crucifying Christ , of prophane and unfaithful Ministers preaching , of a leprous hand soweing seed , of acts of fornication and adultery ? Why then doth he adduce such Instances so impertinent ? Wil he proclame himself a fool of the first magnitude in so doing ? Ay , but he would have us following the practices of the primitive christians , who never used any undutyful resistence to , or violence upon the Magistrats , rather then the precedents in these dregs of time . But why will he not follow their practices himself ? Was it their practice to abjure a lawful Covenant sworne for the maintainance of the Truth ? Was it their practice to renunce their former profession , and turne Apostates from the truth , which once they avowed ? Was it their practice to turne their back on Christ and his interest , for the will of creatures , and for a mease of pottage ? Was it their practice to change their Religion with the court ? Concerning the practice of the primitive christians , in this poynt , and how imitable we shall speak afterward . If these were the dregs of time , wherein there was so much faithfulnesse , Zeal , constancy , piety , singlenesse of heart , contempt of the world , what dregs of dregs of time are we novv fallen in , vvherein there is so much infidelity , atheisme , perjury , falshood , lukwarmnesse , inconstancy , imbraceing of this present vvorld , and all sort of wickednesse and prophanity ? [ But ( sayes he , Pag. 119. ) let it be so that much of the way of these , who were at first instrumentall in the reformation in this Land , were justifiable upon the account of purging the Church , from the horrid grossnesse of idolatry , corruption of doctrine , tyranny and usurpation over poor soulls wherewith the man of sin , had for many ages defiled and burdened the poor Church ; and upon the account of the open hostility to the truth , wherein Magistrats then stood , together with the inbringing of forraigne furious forces upon us , even to the heart of our Land ; How unlike was the case then , to what it is now ? and how unable is the case now to beare the burthen of a conclusion for such practices as then were used ? ] Answ . But truely wise judicious Men will not see the case then , so far different from what it is now , as that the case now shall not be so able to beare the burthen of a conclusion for the same practices ; Seing there is , this day , as much horrid grossnesse of idolatry in the Land , as hath been at any time , these hundereth yeers : And , as for corruption of doctrine , alas ! Who doth not heare it , and see it , that heareth these locust-curates preach downe all piety and godlinesse , and harden people in defection and apostasy from God ? It is as great a corruption in doctrine , as needs to be , to pervert therein the right wayes of the Lord , & to lead people into the broad way which leadeth unto destruction : againe , what greater tyranny and usurpation over poor souls would he have , then is now exercised , since the perjured Prelates the kindely brood of the Man of sinne , have defiled and burthened our poor Church . The Apology and Naphtaly have abundantly manifested and dayly experience confirmeth it , That the tyranny and usurpation is insupportable , and as grievous , as it was them . Moreover , is not the open hostility to the truth as manifest in the Magistrats , this day , & as legible by such as run , on all their acts and actings , as it was then ? who seeth not this , but he who can not see the wood for trees ? And as for the inbringing of forraigne furious forces , into the heart of our Land , It were needlesse , seing we had raised up in our owne bosome , as cruel , bloody mercylesse , furious and mad forces , as any forraigners could be , or these were : wherein lyeth the difference then ? O ( sayeth he ) [ We can avow it , in the presence of God , that we contend for that same Faith and Religion , that our predecessours stood for , against the Powers of that time : and will maintaine the same , against all Novators , who upon account of a piece of Church order ( allowed by our Reformers ) now re-established , instigate any private persons , who have power enough , to destroy all Magistracy and order in the Land , because of the owning thereof . ] It is not much matter what such men , say , they can avow in the presence of God , who have openly and avowedly broken their vowes , and renunced that Covenant , which they swore oftiner then once , with hands lifted up to the Most High God. No wise Man will think that such will stoutely contend for the Faith and Religion , who have renunced all faith and Religon , and abjured these Covenants , which were strong bulwarks , to guaird and defend that Faith and Religion . Ay , but he will maintaine it against Novators , as he calleth them . That is indeed a new way of maintaining truth , to maintain it against such as stand for the defence thereof , and all the bulwarks thereof against him and his fraternity , who are dismantling the walls , undermining them opening the gates to adversaries & intertaining them kindly in their bosome . He speaks an untruth , when he sayes , that the Reformers owned such a Church order ( rather Church-bane , and Church-confusion ) as these worthyes are now contending against , and is now re-established . So vvhen he sayes , that these Novators , and that Naphtaly do instigate any private persones , vvho have povver enough , to destroy all Magistracy and order in the Land , and to occupy their Roomes . We hope there shall be a Magistracy and good order , in the Land , vvhen that abjured Hierarchy , the bane of that Church and State , shall be utterly abolished , vvith all it is adherents , I must not let that passe vvhich he hath Pag. 119. [ Some ( sayes he ) have said , Religion would never have been reformed , if violence had not been used upon Magistrates : But why should men take on them to limite God ? Hath he not shewed his power in several parts of the world in working on the hearts of the Supreame Magistrates , and causing them to goe befor others in reformation of abuses ? ) Answ . We know no violence● was used then upon Magistrats , only with violence the godly withstood the unjust violence of Magistrates , so as they gote not their furious purposes executed : we shall be far from limiting the Holy Oe of Israel , & therefore dar not say , but he hath moe wayes then one , of bringing about his holy purposes : And , as at the first spreading of the Gospel , it was not his way , to work on the hearts of the Supreame Magistrates , and cause them to goe before others , in the reformation ; so a way may be his way , which is different from that way , whereunto he would limite the Lord. We do not deny but God may , vvhen he thinks good , stir up Magistrates to goe before others in that vvork ; but it hath not been his way of recovering us from Popery , and we have not found the Supream Magistrates ever since so cordial , as vve could have vvished , for the vvork of Reformation ; And yet God hath carryed on his ovvne vvork , vvhether they vvould or not : And he who wrought then is the same God yet , as mighty and povverfull as ever . I vvish he vvould take the follovving vvords to himself , and his party , for they quadrate vvell , [ Men are too apt , to be bold in anteverting Gods vvay , and to follovv their ovvne carnal prudence and affections , in that vvhich they are set upon , and thereupon ( vvhen they prosper ) to fancy a divine approbation of their vvay : So self-loving are men Ordinarly . From these particulars mentioned , and from vvhat vve have replyed unto this Surveyer , It is put beyond contradiction , That vvhosoever shall condemne this late act of defence , in maintainance of Religion and Libertyes , must of necessity also condemne vvhat vvas done Anno 1648. and Anno 1638 , 1639. Yea and what was done at the beginning of the Reformation in the dayes of Mr Knox , and strick in with all the rabble of the sworne Enemies of our Church and Reformation , and speak the language of the Ashdodites , ingrained Malignants , our inveterate adversaries ; and speak downe right , vvhat this bitter apostate , the Surveyer , dar not in plaine tearmes expresse ; And so condemne all those vvorthies vvho valiently ventured , and hazarded all for the truth , as Traitours and Rebels ; and say , that such of them as lost their lives in that cause , died as fooles die , in rebellion , and under the crime of treason ; and that all the blood of those vvho valiently died in the bed of honour , in the maintenance of their Religion and Christian Privileges , or vvho jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields , in defence and prosecution of that cause , is to be required at the hands of Mr Knox , and other noble reformers , vvho actively bestirred themselves in this matter , then , and of late : Yea they shall condemne all the Prayers , Teares , Sighs , Groanes , Fastings , Supplictions , and other such like meanes , as vvere used in these exigences : Which guilt , vvise Men vvill vvell advise , ere they take unto themselves . The next thing is to adduce some authorities Pareus on the Rom. Cap. 13. dub . 4. Hath this fourth proposition [ It is lavvful for private subjects , if the Tyrant set upon them as a robber , or ravisher , and they can neither obtaine help of the ordinary povvers , nor shun the danger , in that present exigent , to defend themselves and theirs , against the Tyrant , as against a privat Robber . 1. Because , against whomsoever a defence is lavvfull by the help of Magistrates , against the same , privat defence , in case of necessity , is also lavvful , vvhen the defence by Magistrates cannot be had : because in such cases , Kings themselves do arme private persons . But in the case of necessity , defence by the inferiour Magistrate against the Superiour , is lawful . Therefore also private defence is lawful 2 , Because if we take away both publik and private defence , against the cruel rage of Tyrants , the boundlesse licentiousnesse of Tyrants should be strengthenned , & hereby the civill society should be openly destroyed , yea and chiefly the Church ; bacause the most wicked part should destroy the better . But without doubt , the Law of God doth not so establish the licentiousnesse of Tyrants , as that thereby , humane society , should be destroyed . Therefore , God doth not forbid , in all cases , resistence to Tyrants oppressing people in their lives , and saifty , to satisfy their lusts . ] Thus He. But it may , be , Out Surveyer will reckon him in amongst his Pseudomartyres , because his book was confuted by a Hangman and a fiery fagot , at the command of King Iames : Yet , both the book , and the Author are in great esteem with the reformed , and his praise is in all the Churches , and whatever come of the book his reasons stand firme and valide . In the History of our Reformation , Pag. 397 , 398. ( edit . in 4 to Edinb . ) we finde that Iohn Knox had the Apology of Magdeburgh subscribed by the Ministers there , declareing the defence of the towne against the Emperour , to be most just and lawful , and offered it to Secretary Lithingtoun , who then was disputeing against him , to read . And having now made Mention of Mr. Knox , what was his judgment in this poynt , that history doth abundantly demonstrate . His words to the Queen are remarkable ( see history of Reformation , Pag. 317. ) When she asked him if he thought , That subjects having power might resist their princes : He answered If princes do exceed their bounds , and do against that , wherefore they should be obeyed , there is no doubt , but they may be resisted , even by power ; for there is Neither greater honour ; nor greater obedience to be given to Kings and Princes , then God hath commanded to be given to Father and Mother . But so it is That the father may be stricken with a phrenzie , in the which he would stay his owne children : Now if the children arise , joyne themselves together , apprehend the father , take the sword or other weapon from him , and finally , binde his hands , and keep him in prisone , till that his phrenzie be over-past , think ye Madame ( said he ) that the children do any wrong , or vvill God be offended vvith them that have stayed their father from committing wickednesse ? It is even so with princes that would murther the people of God , that are subject unto them : their blinde zeal is nothing but a very mad phrenzie , and therefore to take the svvord from them , to binde their hands , and to cast them into prisone till that they be brought to a more sober minde , is no disobedience against princes , but just obedience , because it agreeth vvith the vvord of God ) thus he , vvho knevv not vvhat is vvas to feare the face of any breathing , in the defence of his Master's cause and interest : and vvas an eminent divine , a holy Man of God , living in near communion vvith God , and vvas far above the reproaches and calumnies of his adversaryes . And it is considerable , that this vvas a particular vvhich he had frequent occasion to be thinking upon , and no doubt , this holy Man vvould be often reflecting upon the matter , and upon his ovvne judgment ; and consulting God and his vvord there anent , that he might knovv vvhether his grounds vvere such , as he vvould not have cause to be ashamed of , vvhen he vvas to appeare before his judge , being oft called to shevv his judgment concerning that matter : And his constant practice being consonant thereunto : And yet vve never finde that his heart reproached him , for maintaineing any such opinion , vvhile living , or vvhile dying , nor did he ever change his judgement thereof ; yea , not when the maintaineing thereof might have been a sufficient ground of an accusation : and doubtlesse he vvould before hand examine , if he vvould lay dovvne his life upon such a ground , yet constant vvas he in that , cost him vvhat it vvould , or could ; he vvas no changeling , nor had he so drunken in truth . Yea in the end of that conference vvith Lithingtoun he told them that he vvas not only fully resolved inn conscience , but also had heard the judgements of the most godly and learned that he knevv in Europe in that particular , and in all other things that he had affirmed [ I came not ( sayes he ) into this realme , without their resolution , and for my assurance I have the hand-writeing of many ▪ ] Neither was this his judgement alone , but also of Mr Georg Hay vvhom the Earle of Mortoun vvould have had disputing against Mr Knox. But ( sayd he ) I will not oppose my self unto you , as one willing to impugne or confute that head of Doctrine , which not only yee , but many others ; yea and my self have affirmed ; farre be it from me , for so should I be found contrarious to my self . ] And of Mr Craig , Mr Knox's collegue , vvho told vvhat a conclusion he heard defended at Bonnonia , Anno 1554. by Thomas de Finola Rector of the University , and approved by Vincentius de Placentia , as agreeable both to the lavv of God and man viz. [ That all Rulers be they Supreame or inferiour , may & ought to be reformed , or bridled , by them , by whom they are chosen or admitted to their office , so oft as they break that promise made by oath to their subjects ; because that the prince is no lesse bound by oath to the Subjects , then the Subjects to the Princes , & therefore ought it to be keeped & reformed equally according to law , and condition of the oath that is made of either party ] and when some said that Bonnonia was a Republick . He answered [ My judgement is that every Kingdome is , or at least should be a Commonwealth , albeit that Every Commonwealth be not a Kingdome : and therefore I think that in a Kingdome , no lesse diligence ought to be taken , that lawes be not violated , then in a Commonwealth ; because that the tyranny of Princes who continue in a Kingdome is more hurtful to the subjects , then is the misgovernment of those that from yeer to yeer are changed , in free Commonwealths ; but to assure yow and all others , that head was disputed to the utter-most ; and then in the end , was concluded , That they spoke not of such things as were done in diverse Kingdomes and Nations , by Tyranny and negligence of people , but what ought to be done in all Kingdomes and Commonwealths , according to the law of God , and unto the just lawes of Man : and if by the negligence of the People , by the Tyranny of Princes , contrary lawes have been made , yet may that Same people , or their posterity justly crave all things to be reformed according to the original institution of Kings and Commonwealths ; and such as will not do so , deserve to eate the frute of their owne foolisnesse , thus he : see , Hist . of Reform . Pag. 399. 400. ( Edit . in 4. Yea this was the judgement of all the reformed preachers at that time , as we see witnessed by the Congregation , vindicating the doctrine of their preachers , concerning obedience to be given to Magistrats , in these words ( see Hist of reform Pag. 184. ) [ In open audience they declare the authority of Princes and Magistrates to be of God , and therefore they affirme , that they ought to be honoured feared and obeyed , even for conscience sake , provided that they command , nor require nothing expresly repugning to God's commandement , and plaine will revealed in his word . Moreover they affirme . That if wicked persones abuseing the authority established by God , move Princes to command things manifestly wicked , That such as can & do bridle the inordinate appetites of misled Princes , cannot be accused as resisters of the authority which is God's good ordinance . To bridle the rage and fury of misled Princes , in free Kingdomes and Realmes , they affirme it appertaineth to the Nobility sworne and borne Councellors of the same ; And also ( NB ) to the Barons and People : whose votes and consents are to be required in all great and weighty matters of the Common-wealth , which if they do not , they declare themselves criminal with their misled Princes , and so subject to the same vengeance of God which they deserve , for that they pollute the seate of justice , and do , as it were , make God author of iniquity . ] Thus we see this late practice is not without laudable and approved procedents , nor vvanteth it the approbation of the valient vvorthyes of our land , vvho if they vvere living this day , vvould set to their seal to this truth , and be ready to seal it vvith their blood ; and the testimony of one Mr. Knox , is more to be valued , then the contrare assertions , of all the perfidious Prelates in Britane , and of all their underlings , yea then of all the time-serving , and men-pleasing court parasites , vvho first have debauched their consciences into a stupide silence , and their judgment into the atheists beleef that there is no God , and then devouted soul , body , religion and all , unto the lust os a sinful creature . CAP. V. Of the Peoples power , in erecting Governours : and several Arguments thence deduced . WE shall willingly grant , vvith the Surveyer Pag. 1. That God hath made man a Rational creature , and fit for society : And that God hath appoynted , besides oeconomical societyes , the coalition of people into greater bodyes , consisting of many familyes under one kinde of government , and political head , for their mutual good in their necessities , and for protection of the whole body , and every Member thereof : That Magistracy is God's ordinance , he having appoynted Superiour Heads and Governours , to rule these bodyes that they might be preserved from ruine and destruction : And that the hath put this instinct and dictate of reason into all ; so that even barbarous people are led together into such politick associations , under their Governours , for their subsistence in general , for the mutual help one of another , and for the protection of the weaker against the injuries of the stronger : And therefore we willingly say with worthy Calvin Lib 4. Inst , c. 20 , § . 4. That [ Nulli jam dubium esse debet , quin civilis potestas , vocatio sit non modo coram Deo sancta & legitima , sed sacerrima etiam , & in tota mortalium vita , longe omnium honestissima . Yet as to the right understanding of the peoples interest in the constitution and erection of civil Government , and of civil Governours , unto whom they subject themselves , we would have those Particulars considered . 1. It will be readily granted , that there was a time when such people , as are now imbodyed in a politick state , were not so imbodyed ; but were either living separatly in a wandering condition , or by providence cast together in one place , and cohabiteing together , and throw processe of time , increaseing in number , and filling that place of ground with their posterity and issue ; in which condition living without any established civil order common to all , every one saw to his owne matters the best he could , and governed these , according to his best advantage having no other law to square his actions by , then the moral law , or law of nature . 2 , Among this multitude or company , while in this condition , there was none , who by birth , or any other lawful clame , could challenge to himself any civill dominion , power or authority over the rest , or could exercise any Magistratical power , whether by makeing civil lawes , or by executing the same . I speake here of a civile power for I deny not , but in that condition , parents had power over their children , husbands over their wives , masters over their servants ; and , in some respect , the Elder might have had some power over the younger , the more strong and power full over the more weak , the wiser over the more foolish and ignorant , and upon that account , a sort of natural preheminence : but this neither did , nor could intit●e them unto a civil superiority , an civil Magistracy over these , farr lesse over all the rest . I grant that even in that state of affaires . Some being endued of God with gifts and qualifications beyond others , and so more fitted for Government , then others who wanted those advantages , might look liker the persons whom they ought to pitch upon and call for that work ; but notwithstanding of these enduements and abilityes , They could not upon that sole ground , lay clame unto Soveraignity , and assume unto themselves a civil power and jurisdiction over the rest : so that as to any actual , and formal right unto Magistracy , and supream government , all are by nature alike , though not alike qualified thereunto , and so , not in alike neare capacity for reception thereof . This , I suppose , will not need proof , since I am here speaking of the first , and most undoubtedly lawful , and ordinary constitutions of Commonwealthes , and abstracting from that question , What Magistratical power he may have , and assume to himself , who transporteth and erecteth colonies ; as also , from that question , what title or right to government , pure conquest by armes , or a lawful conquest upon a lawful warre , may give , as being of no affinity with our case , though this Surveyor be pleased now to account us little better then a conquest , of which afterward . 3. When a multitude in this condition , do associat together , and considering , through the instinct of nature , how necessary it is , that some way be condescended upon , for the common saifty and preservation of the whole body from forraigne adversaries , and intestine divisions , and for the saifty and preservation of every one in particular , from mutual injuries , and acts of injustice , do think of establishing some civil government and governours , we cannot rationally suppose , that they goe about such a businesse of moment , rashly , brutishly , inconsiderately and irrationally ; If reason teach them that a government must be erected , for their wel being , and move them to think of falling about it , we cannot rationally suppose them to acte in this matter irrationally , They being rational creatures , & not a company of brutes , and through the instinct of reason taught that this was a businesse both necessary and of great concernment , cannot but be supposed to act rationally in this matter . 4. It will not need much disput to prove , that by this constitution of a Policy , and of Politick Governours , they should not be redacted unto a worse condition , then that was , into which they were , before the constitution was condescended upon ; farr lesse can it be supposed , that by this change they enjoy no more the common privilege of rational creatures , but degenerate into beasts , or are depressed into a condition , equal unto , if not worse then that of beasts . Sure it must be granted that they remaine Rational creatures , and that Rational Creatures would never rationally yeeld unto such a change as should deteriorate their condition , let be brutify them , or make them rather choose to be beasts . And that such a change into a civil state , if accompanyed with such consequents , could never be the instinct of pure nature ; nor can we suppose , that such a thing can be the ordinance of God , appoynted for the good of mankinde . Therefore this must stand , as a firme truth , that the condition of a people modelled into a civil state , is not worse then it was before , but rather better . 5. It will be no lesse readyly yeelded , That such , one or more , as are chosen by the Community , to act the part of Magistrates , notwithstanding of that change made in their condition , abide men of the like passions and infirmities with the rest ( yea and subject to moe temptations and so in greater hazard to miscarry , then formerly ) This change doth not Transforme them into Angels , or put them beyond the reach of injuries ( as all will grant ) nor beyond a capacity of doing injury , even to these over whom they are set . No humane power can set any above God's Law , or loose him from the binding power thereof : and till this be ; or They out of a capacity or transgressing God's Law ( which no humane act can do ) He Or They are still obnoxious to the sin of injuring their neighbour , and transgressing the law of righteousnesse , no lesse then others ; 6. It is Left to the People , in this case , to condescend upon what forme of government they think most expedient , and most suteable to their temper , and to the condition providence hath cast them into , whether it be Monarchy or Arosticracy or Democracy , or a mixed kinde : for though God and Nature hath instituted Government , yet not having determined any one forme , to be the only lawful forme ; People are it liberty to walke here upon rational grounds , and to consult their owne advantage , next the glory of God ; and to make choise of that , which , all things considered , promiseth most probable felicity unto them , and of the several formes or Kindes of government , ( all lawful in themselves ) to pitch upon what Kinde they think most expedient and conduceing to their ends . This is assented unto by all Politians : and so it followeth , That it is meerly from the People , that this forme and not another is made choise of . 7. As neither God nor Nature hath determined the particular forme of government under which Men must live , but hath left it , as was said , to their free choise ; so it is not determined how large or how little , every politick society should be ; nor whether a people living at some considerable distance from other , or more contiguously , should joyne together in one , and make up one body politick ; or whether they should erect moe , distinct , and independent Commonwealthes though possibly of the same extract , and language . Nature sayeth not that all in one Iland , of one extract , or of one language , should become one Politick Body under one politick head . We have heard of the time when there have been many Kings , distinct and independent , in one England : And how many Kings there was at one and the same time , in the land of Canaan , no vast territory , scripture tells us . Nor hath Nature determined that distinct bodyes of people , living in distinct and far separated places , yea having distinct customes , and languages , may not when they see it for their advantage , associate for setting up one Supreame Soveraigne over all . So that this also is left to the free choise and determination of the People . 8. When a free People have rationally and deliberatly condescended upon the forme , it is in their power to condescend upon the time , how long that forme shall endure , and either prefix a certaine time , at vvhich it shall evanish , if they see it not expedient to continue it : or reserve to themselves a liberty to alter it when they vvill . Each of the sormes being in themselves lavvful , People may choose vvhich they think best ; and though one Kinde of government vvill agree to some People , better then another , yet Bodyes of people , being lyable to causal changes , and these requireing formes suteable , A people at the beginning guyded with reason , may rationally foresee such changes , and accordingly determine the first forme condescended on to continue , longer or shorter time , definite , or indefinite . It is not to my present purpose to determine , vvhat a people may do as to this , after their predecessours have once imbraced a forme , and engaged themselves by oath never to change it . Or vvhether it be lavvful to svveare unto any one forme . 9. It is from the People , that such persones , and no other persones , are made choise of to Governe according to that forme , which they have condescended upon : before this deed of the People , no man can pretend to it , all being equal , and none over another by nature , in any political capacity no man coming out of the womb into this world , with a crowne on his head , and a scepter in his hand : and God ( as we here suppose ) immediatly and particularly designeing none , nor without the least concurrence of the People instaleing any into that place of jurisdiction : and therefore the People must do something in order to this , and upon their deed it followeth , that such as before were no lawful Magistrates , nor had any formal political power , are now Magistrates and Governours , having lawful power and authority to exerce the function of a Magistrate : for though the People do not institute the office of Magistracy , and though the proper essential Magistratical power , be from God and not from the People ; and though the parts and qualifications wherewith the Magistrate ought to be , and the person which the people do pitch upon , is actually endued , be from God ; yet till the People do some thing , all these do not formally cloath a man with Magistratical power , nor make him a lawful Magistrate , nor authorize him , to assume that place & charge : for , the present condition and temper of a people may call for a Monarchy , as most fit , and there may be among the Community , now associated & combined into one body , moe persones then one , alike well qualifyed for the charge ; yet no man will say , that these , because of their qualifications , become eo ipso Monarchs , nor can one create himselfe ; for what right and power hath he more than his neighbour as wel qualified as he ? Therefore it must be granted that the People create the Magistrate , and make this man King and not that man : Hence vve often read in scriptures of the Peoples making Kings Iudg. 9 : 6 , I Sam. 11 : v. 15. 2 King. 10 : 5. 1 Chron. 12 : 38. Iudg. 11 : 8 , 11. 2 King. 14 : 21. 1 Sam. 12 : 1. 2 Chron. 23 : 3. The Surveyer seemeth to yeeld this , Pag. 102. See Gerhard . de Magistratu , § . 49 , & 89. Pag. 718 , 719. Althus . Politic. Cap. 19. numer . 103 , &c. 10. It is from the People that this way of election , and not another is pitched upon : There being several wayes , how in constituted Republiks , or Kingdomes , the Supreame Magistrates doe succeed to other : Some , at the death of the former , succeed by way of free election , and he is chosen who possibly hath no relation to his predecessour ; Some are chosen , who are of the same family , but not as nearest in line , but at most fit to exerce the office of the Soveraigne , as it was for a considerable time in Scotland ; In some places the nearest in line , are chosen , if they be Males , as in France , where , by the old Salicque Law , a Woman must not command in chiefe ; in other places the nearest in line succeed whether Male of Female , as in ●r●anne now a dayes . Now whence floweth this diversity of wayes of instaling the succeeding Magistrate , or of filling the place when vacant ? Doth it not flow alone from the People ? Might they not have pitched upon a way of conveyance of the Kingdome , by lineal succession , when they made choise of continual election ; or when they pitched on that , might they not have made choise of this ? And who will say that a Supreame Magistrate of Magistrates , chosen by election are not as essentially Soveraigens , as these who came to the place by lineal succession seing by all politicians , Election is made one of the ordinarie wayes of constituteing of Magistrates , and by many , preferred to Succession ? And seing the first of that Race had it by free election , he must be as essentially and lawfully the Supreame Magistrate , as any of his Successours . 11. Even where the way of lineal succession is condescended upon and established , the new Soveraigne , though he seem to be full and compleat heire , haeres ex asse , unto his Father or Predecessour ; Yet originally , and radically he is constitute , and chosen by the People . For , whence cometh it but from the Peoples free choise that such a familie , or line is chosen , and not another ; and that the Eldest , or nearest in the line is made choise of as Successour , and not he , of that line , who is mostly qualified for that place and function ? So that in this case the Son hath not his Kingdome from his Father ; for he doth not succeed Iure haereditario , sed vi legis per quam primogenitus , vel alius preximus succedere jube●ur , as sayeth , Boxhornius de Majestrate Regum , Pag. 11 , and 12. Now the Authors of this Law and constitution , are only the people . See Althus . Polit. Cap. 19. n. 90. 12. In all this , the People must be supposed to have some certane good End before their eyes : for a Rational People must act rationally , and rationally they cannot act , unlesse they have before their eyes some certain good End ; Now this end which they Intend as men , must be their outward Peace & Tranquillity , freedome from oppression from strangers or one from another , and the like ; and as Christians , the glory of God , the good of Religion , and of their souls . Therefore the People setteth Magistrates over themselves , to promove the glory of God , the good of Religion , and their temporal felicity : And if they saw that this meane had not a tendency unto these Ends , they would never have condescended upon it ; far lesse if they had seen that it had a tendency to destroy these Ends : and therefore , in so far as that meane is preverted , and actually abused to the destruction of those high and noble Ends , they must be interpreted as Non-consenters , and eatenus de Iure , in no worse condition , then they would have been into if they had not erected such a constitution , or set such over themselves . It is like the Surveyer , will from some or all of these , draw scuh Conclusions as he hath done from some innocent expressions of Naphtaly ill understood by him , and as ill applyed ; and say that we drive at nothing else , but to have all the parishes of the land cantonized into so many free Republicks , or little Kingdomes of Ivetot . But is he an able , or if able , a faithful maintainer of the Union and integrity of his Majesties , dominions , who vvresteth expressions , far contrary to the intent of the Author and starteth questions in Hypothesi , according to his fancy , and that he may confute the Hypothesis , falleth foule upon the Thesis which he supposeth ( without ground ) vvas the intent and designe of the Author of Naphtali , and vvhich will be granted by all Politicians and Lavvyers . Sure , as in this he hath shewed himself vveak in his Politiks , so he hath bewrayed himself as weak in his prudentials : and wise Statesmen will think , that ( to use his owne expressions else where , or the like , ) since he raised the Devil , he should have laid him better then he hath done , both in his first and in his third Chapter : and some will think , that since he had no cleare cal to meddle with those questions , policy should have taught him either to have forborne , or to have confuted them better ; And that for his very cause , he should be punished as an ignorant Traitor , and his pamphlet condemned to a fire , whereof it is much more worthy , then severals that have gote that measure . But of his foolish and unfaire dealing in those particulars , we shall speak more afterward ▪ and shall now goe on & draw some arguments for our purpose , from what hath been said . And 1. If People at the first erection of Government and Governours , acted rationally , it can never be supposed that they resigned and gave their birth-privilege , and power of self-defence away , so as they might not lavvfully stand to their ovvne defence , in cases of necessity , vvhen that Government of these Governours , should either come short of giving the assistence expected in such cases , or prove lets and impediments in their vvay , far lesse in case they should prove their avovved and open enemies : for is it imaginable that national men would erect such a Government , of set up such Governours , if it were told them that such Would prove their bane , and that by appointing of them , and proceeding in that businesse , they should denude themselves of that power of self defence , vvhich novv they vvere in possession of , See Althus . Polit. Cap. 38. num . 32. 2. If by this constitution , they were not brutified , they cannot after the constitution , be supposed to be in a case worse then Brutes . Therefore Since Brutes may defend themselves against injuries , this liberty & privilege of self defence , against manifest injuries , cannot be taken away from Rational Creatures , by the erection of a Government . Againe , if by the erection , and new constitution , the case of the people cannot be supposed to be made worse , if it was , lawfull unto them before , to defend themselves against injuries , and to repel violence with violence , it cannot become unlawful afterward : it is true , it is the part of the Magistrate to defend them from injuries , and for this end , was he set up by them , that they might be the more secure and saife , but it he neglect his duty , they are not to forget themselves , or to thinke that their hands are bound up ; much lesse , if he himself turne an enemie unto them . 3. If the Erected Magistrates remaine men , and sinful men , and men that can do wrong and violence and injustice , can oppresse innocents , destroy , pillage , plunder , kill and persecute unjustly : Then the innocents may no lesse defend themselves against their violence , injuries , oppressions , murthers , &c. then against the violence , oppressions , and injuries of others : for the wrongs and injuries they do , are as reall wrongs & injuries ( and in some respect greater ) as the wrongs and injuries committed by others . Therefore the People are still allowed to use their privilege of self defence even against them , and their unjust violence , in cases of necessity , as wel as against others 4. If it was of the People that this forme of Government , and not another was pitched upon and made choise of , no man in reason can thinke , that their condition should be worse under that forme , then under any other , since they acting rationally , made choise of that , as the best and most convenient and conduceable to their ends ; But that that forme should be every was as much for their peace , saifty , welfare , and security , as any other , ought no more to binde up their hands from necessary self defence , when urged thereunto by inevitable necessity , then if they were free from under that forme . 5. If it was of the Peoples owne accord , that they associated with such of such , without any previous determination of Nature , necessitating them thereunto . Then it is rational to inferre that their association with such , should not be to their detriment and manifest hurt , nor should it incapacitate them for doing that in their owne defence , which , before that association and combination , they were allowed to do . So that if the equal half , major or minor part , should lye by , and refuse to concurre with the rest in their necessary defence , Those who desire to stand to their owne defence , and repel violence with violence , are not , in poynt of conscience , justly restrained or bound up . If the equal half , or major or minor part of an army , betray the cause , or revolt to the Enemy , the honest party will be allowed in poynt of Law and Conscience and Valour , to stand to the cause , and defend themselves and their Countrey to the last man , yea even though the General himself should become a Head unto that revolting party . 6. If it was in the Peoples power to limite the time definitely or indefinitly , how long such a forme should continue , and therefore had power ( as Politicians will readily grant ) to change that forme , when the necessity of their condition did require it : Sure it cannot be repugnant to Reason to say , That the People have still a power to defend themselves from the manifest injuries , and intolerable oppression of that forme , or of these who are exerceing in that forme . If a people may lawfully change a forme of Government , when it becometh intolerably grievous , and not only not conduceing to the good of the Commonwealth , but clearly and sensibly tending to its destruction , they may be lesse ( if not more ) lawfully defend themselves against the manifest and intolerable injuries thereof . Yea even in case they had by vowes or engagements so bound up their hands that they could not alter the forme ; it were not rational to thinke that their case should therefore be irremediably the worse , but that rather God and Nature would allow them in that case , so much the more to make use of their primaeve privilege of self defence , because they could not use their power of altering the forme , for their security and saifty , as otherwise they might have done . 7. If the People make Magistrates , and set them over themselves , then , though it were yeelded ( which yet lawyers and politicians not a few will not grant , see Althus . pol. cap. 38. ) n. 35. where he proveth it by l. nemo qui 37. de reg . jur . l 6. solent de offic . procons . l. 3. de re . jud . novel 15. de . ef . civ . c. 1 § . 1. ) that they had no power to depose them againe in case of male-administration , and abuseing the power to the destruction of the Commonwealth ; yet ) it will undenyably follow , that the people may defend themselves against their manifest iyranny and oppression : for , it wil be granted that a People have more power , in creating a Magistate then in making a Minister ; and it will be granted likwayes , that if the Minister ; turne heretical , and preach atheisme , Mahumetanisme , or the like , the People , though they could not formally depose him , or , through the corruption of the times , could not get him deposed by these who had power , yet they might lawfully guard themselves from his unsound doctirne , and defend their souls from his haeresie by withdrawing : and if he should use violence to force them to heare him , & acknowledg him as an orthodox teacher , they might repel violence with violence , and peremptorily maintaine the Truth . 8. If it was from the People , That such a way of conveyance of the Magistratical power , was condescended on , so that when they pitched on this , they might have chosen any other ; Then ( as Lawyers will grant ) they have still power to alter the same as necessity requireth , much more then have they power to defend themselves , against the Tyranny thereof : and if either at the first constitution or afterward something interveened which laid such a restraint upon them , that they could not change that manner of conveyance , then so much the more are they allowed to defend themselves from the tyranny thereof , by recurring , in cases of necessity , unto their primaeve privilege , and this inward wall and bulwark ought to be the more fortified , that they want their outter fortifications . 9. If even where the conveyance runeth in a line , the Successour cannot pretend to more dominion over the subjects , then his Predecessours had , and the People cannot rationally be supposed to be in a worse condition under the Successour , then they were under his Predecessour , seing he holdeth the place , not jure haereditario ; but jure legali or jure constitutionis : and therefore if they might lawfully resist the unjust violence of his Predecessour , or of the First in the Line ; no man , in reason can deny it lawful for them to resist his tyranny , who cometh to that place by vertue of the fundamental constitution : and no otherwayes . 10. If upon pregnant considerations , and for good , laudable and necessary ends , the People erected a civil state , and such a forme of Government , and such Governours to succeed to other in such a manner of way , as the apparent and probable meane , for the sure , saife , speedy and most effectual way of attaineing these ends . It were irrational to think that being disappoynted of their expectations and frustrated of their hopes , of attaineing the desired ends by such meanes , They were in an irremediable case , and had no meane left them of attaineing these necessary ends , no not so much , as that pure product of Nature , self-preservation , and power to repel force with force . No man will say , but that a People are loosed from their obligation to use such meanes which they formerly pitched upon for these necessary and important Ends , when i they not only prove not useful , as meanes for attaineing of these ends , but prove destructive , and stand in contra-opposition there unto ; and in this case , must be supposed , to have the same liberty to use such meanes as they were allowed to use in their primeve state , that is , to joyne together and associate , the best way they can , for repelling of what destroyeth these noble and important Ends , and defend their Religion , Lives and Libertyes . But it may be the Surveyer , or some for him will say . That all this is nothing to the purpose ; because , The state of our government and constitution is of a distinct and far different nature . Ans . As to this , ( reserving what is further to be spoken on that subject unto the next chapter , where we shall speak of the obligation of the Soveraigne unto the People ) these things seeme cleare and undenyable . 1. That before Fergus the first , was chosen by the People , to be their King and Chiftane , there were a people living in Scotland , manageing their owne matters , the best way they could . 2. While they were in this condition , we heare on none among them , however possibly excelling others in wealth , power , wisdome and such like enduements , that took upon them the Soveraignity , otherwayes Fergus had not been the first King. 3. When they thought of sending for Fergus , and of making him King , they were not acted as beasts , but went rationally to work , considering their present hazard from their adversaries , and the advantage they would have by setting such over themselves , and erecting a stablished policy . 4. After the constitution and erection of the Kingdome , they remained rational creatures , sensible of injuries done unto them , whether by their Kings or others , as after experience manifested . 5. Nor did their Kings , after their election , become Angels , or Creatures above their reach , but for male-administration , oppression or tyranny , were made to know they were Men , as subject to erring and doing wrong , so to examination , tryal , and condigne punishment for their injuries done to the Commonwealth . 6. When they condescended upon Monarchy , though , as matters then stood , they saw it most for their advantage to have a King ; yet none vvill say , but they might , notvvithstanding of that exigent , have chosen an Aristocracy for a standing forme of government . 7. When they compacted themselves into a distinct body , and separated both from the Picts and from the Britones , they might , had they seen it for their advantage , either joyned vvith the Picts or Britones , and made one firme Commonvvealth vvith them ; or have divided themselves into tvvo or moe distinct Bodyes , and distinct Republiks , as they had seen it convenient : No previous necessity , save that they savv if for their only advantage to do as they did , constraining them to the one more then to the other . 8. When they made choise of a King , they might , if they had seen it good , prescribed the time how long that Government should have endured , whether until the death of Fergus , or hovv long there after . 9. When they made choise of Fergus , vvho then vvas in Irland , and sent for him , they might ( without any injury done to any man ) have chosen any other , they had thought most for their advantage ; and before they made choise of him , He could challenge no power or authority , over them , nor could He be accounted their King ; and when they made choise of him and made him their King , then , and not till then , was he their King. 10. It was in their power to have named ▪ ergus without his successours by line , and so have reserved power to themselves , to choose of new another after his death : and though they did include his successours by line ; yet their after practise declared , that they had liberty to choose the fittest of the family , when the nearest in the line , was not judged fit for government , which custome continued above a Thowsand yeers , till the dayes of Kenneth the third : 11. And , when it afterward came to a lineal constant succession , The sone had no right but by the constitution condescended on , in the dayes of this Kenneth . 12. That in all these resolutions and constitutions they levelled at nothing , but their owne good and saifty is body and soul , is beyond contradiction . And finally , their after practices did declare that they looked not upon themselves , as rendered incapable by all those forementioned resolutions , to defend themselves against manifest and unjust violence , even of the King and his followers ; though this Surveyer Pag. 78. accounts these nothing but the i● surrection of Nobles against the Kings , and violent oppressions of such of them , as have been flagitious and tyrannous . Yet they were cleare instances of the peoples reserving power to themselves , notwithstanding of the constitution , to defend their libertyes and lives , from oppression and tyranny of flagitious and tyrannous Kings , abusing their power and subverting the ends of governments , and destroying what they were bound to maintaine and defend . CAP. VI. Of the Covenant betwixt King and People . Our Arguments hence deduced . IT is no great wonder to see this Surveyer labouring , to free the King from any covenant-obligation unto his Subjects ; when he and his party have proclaimed him exempted from his Covenant-obligation unto God : and since the have put both consciences and wit upon the rack , to finde out some plausible grounds of evasion , that the King may be free from the Covenant , which he swore with hands lifted up to the Most High God oftener then once ; with which , however they may satisfy such as love licentiousnesse , and to live above God's Law , as well as man's ; yet God will not be so deceived , let men dream what they will ; it should be no matter of astonishment to us , to see them useing shifts whereby to bring the King from under any Covenant tye unto his Subjects : But it might seem strange to us ( if we knew not the Men ) that when lawyers and polititians tell us , that the King , is absolutely bound unto his Subjects , and the People , obliged unto the King condionally , see Hoenonius , disp . polit . 2. and Iunius Brutus vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest . 3. and Althus . pol. c. 20. n. 3. 21. & cap. 38. n. 30. They on the contrary should averre , that the people were absolutly bound unto the King , & the King not only not tyed conditionally , but not at all , unto the People . But , from what was said in the preceeding chapter , it wil clearly follow , That when a people do institute a Governement , and do commit the Supreame Managment of affaires unto one or more , They do it upon certane tearmes and conditions , which conditions , polititians ordinarily call fundamentall lawes , others think that name not proper enough , but whether we call them so , or call them tearmes and conditions of the constitution of compact , it is all one thing . That there are certane tearmes and conditions on which the Soveraigne is chosen , is cleare from these grounds . 1. The man who is made Soveraigne by the People , can pretend no right to the Soveraignity , ( as was shewed before ) until he be named and chosen by the People . And this constituting of him Soveraigne , must be by compact and contract betwixt him and them ; for such mutual relations , as are betwixt Prince and People , can arise from no other act then a compact , unlesse they say , it ariseth from a free donation ; but then they must grant that the whole power cometh from the People , and was theirs before and might be given out by them , or not , as they thought fit ; for no law can constraine a man to give a gift : & further , if it was from them by free gift , the very nature and end of that Donation puts it beyond debate that it was upon some valueable consideration , of which when frustrated , they might recal their donation ; and so still it will be , a virtual compact . But now it being by a real comapct and formal , either explicite or implicite , that this man and not that man is made Soveraigne , There must be some conditions on which this mutual compact standeth : for a compact cannot be vvithout conditions . 2. We shevv that in this Act of constituting a Government ad Governours , the People acted rationally ; and carryed themselves in this businesse , not as irrational brutes , but as rational men ; and if so , hovv is it imaginable that they vvould set any over them vvith an illi mited povver , vvithout any tearmes and conditions to be condescended unto by him ? Would rational men , acting deliberatly about a matter of such moment and consequence , not to themselves alone , but to their posterity in after ages , set a Soveraigne over them , vvithout any limitations , conditions , or restrictions , so as they might rob , spoile , plunder murther , deflore , do acts of injustice and oppression , and act tyranny as they pleased ? 3. We shew that in this matter ; the People had certane ▪ real , good and necessary Ends before them : now , can it enter into the heart of any man to think , that Rational men acting rationally , & laying downe wayes for attaineing good aud necessary Ends , would set a Prince over themselves , without any conditions or restrictions ; since otherwise they could not rationally expect , that the meane which they had condescended upon , could ever attaine the End ? For every one of them might saifly have judged of the Prince by themselves , and seing they might have found in themselves , an inclination to domineer , to oppresse and tyrannize over others , they might rationally have concluded that the Prince was , and would be but a Man of the same passions and infirmities with themselves , and so as ready , if not more , to deborde and to do wrong : & therefore unlesse they had made him Soveraigne upon tearmes and conditions , they could not have expected that their chooseing of him , could have been a meane fitted and accommodated for attaining the Ends proposed : A Soveraigne left at liberty to tyrannyze , to oppresse and to destroy the Subject , is no fit meane to procure their welfare , either in soul or body , or to set forward the glory of God. 4. We shew that their condition after the constitution , was not to be worse then it was before the constitution . But if they had set up a Soveraigne without any conditions , their condition could not but be worse ; and rational men could not but for see that their condition would , of necessity , be worse ; for , to set up a Soveraigne without conditions , is to set up a Tyrant since if they do not limite him to termes and conditions , they give him leave to Rule as he listeth , and his will must be to them for a law ; and what is that but to set up a Tyrant ; and if a Tyrant be set up over a People , shall not their condition in that case , be worse then when they were at liberty to manage , their owne matters , as they could best ? Moreover this may be cleared from other reasons , as 1. In all other relations , which arise from mutual consent , and compact , there are alwayes , tearmes & conditions on which the contract or compact is concluded : as in the contract betwixt Man and Wife , Master and Servant , Tutor & Pupil , Master & Scholer , & the like , Here alwayes are presupposed tearms & conditions , on which the compact , the only fundation of these relations , is founded : for , no Man marryeth a wife , but upon condition , she carry as a dutyfull wife , and no woman maryeth a Husband but upon the like tearmes . So a Master indenteth with his Servant , and his Servant bindeth himself to him , upon tearmes . The Tutor , is under obligations to his Pupil , and if he break such or such conditions , he loseth his benefite , and moreover is answerable as law wil. So is the Master obliged to performe such and such conditions unto his Scholer , So are there conditions betwixt the Lord and his Vassals , and betwixt Pastor and People . 2. This will be cleare from the Nature of that power and authority , which the Soveraigne hath over the Subjects , of which afterward . 3. It is against Nature , to set up any Tyrant , or one who is free from all conditions ; for , that were , upon the matter , to set up a Waster , an Enemy to the Commonwealth , a bloody Tyger or Lyon , to destroy all : see Althus . Pol c. 19. n , 33. 35. 36. 37. 4. To imagine a King free of conditions unto his Subjects is to put them in among bona fortunae : and to say , they are as the King's gold , his sheep , his oxen , his lands and revenues , unto which , he standeth no way obliged . 5. If a People should set a Soveraigne over them , without conditions , they should sin against the Law of God , which vvill have such and such dutyes performed by them , vvho are Soveraignes ; and they , by setting up Soveraignes vvithout these limitations , should say ▪ such and such shall be our Soveraignes , contrare to the limitations of God's Law. 6. This is confirmed by the practice of all Nations , where a free People set up Soveraignes : It is alwayes upon tearmes and conditions . They Persians ( as Xenophon lib. 8. Cyri Paed. tell us ) did thus Covenante with Cyrus , that he should send aide to them , out of his owne Countrey , if any should warre against them , or violate their lawes ; and they againe did promise , that they should helpe him , if any would not obey him , defending his Countrey ; and therefore Xenophon calleth this contract or compact 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So the Spartan King ( as the same Xenophon tells us , de Rep. Laced : ) did every Moneth Renew their oath unto the Ephori , & promised to governe them according to the lawes of the land , & the Ephori upon the other hand , promised to Establish the Kingdom in their hands . We reade of a compact betwixt Romulus , and the people of Rome Dionis . Halicarn . Lib. 1. betwixt the Senate & the Caesars Idem Lib. 2. It is notoure enough that the Emperour when he is chosen , agrieth unto tearmes and conditions ; and also the King of Poland : and historyes tells us , what conditions are made betwixt King and People , at the coronation of Kings in England , France , Boheme , Spaine , Portugal , Sweden Denmark , &c. 7. The practice of our owne Kingdome , doth sufficiently confirme this , of which more , when we consider what this Surveyer sayeth to the contrary . 8. Lawyers , Polititians & Divines tell us , that there are such conditions condescended on in all free Republicks . Hoenonius Disp . Pol. 2. Thes . 4. tells us that the Subjects do stipulate from the Magistrates , whether they will rule so as they may lead a peacable and quyet life under them , and Thes . 5. that the Magistrates do absolutely promise ; and the Subjects upon condition promise what is their duty . So Althusius cap. 38. Polit. n. 31. and cap. 19. n. 15. 23. 29. and Timplerus Polit. Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Quest. 5. proveth that there is a mutual obligation betwixt Magistrates and Subjects . See likewise Gerhard de Magistratu , Thes . 94. Pag. 726. Where he proveth that it is no new thing , That Magistrates and Subjects do Covenante with each other . Finally , This is cleared , from some Scripture instances , as first The Covenant , which David made with the Tribes of Israel , 2 Sam. 5. 3. 1 Chron. 11. 3. So all the elders of Israel came to the King to Hebron , and King David made a league with them in Hebron before the Lord , and they anoynted David King over Israel . Sanches on the place thinketh , He promised to rule them according to the law Deut. 17 15. and that some other things were contained in that Covenant , which did relate to the present state of a affaires , as concerning the war with their near and insolent enemies , concerning an act of oblivion , and other things , which they could think upon , in that troublesome state of affaires : and upon the other hand the People promised fidelity and obedience , and what else is required in well constituted Commonwealths ; and that this Covenant was sealed by oath of both parties ] Cornel a Lap : calleth it a mutual promise , wherein David Covenanted to governe the Kingdome faithfully , according to the law of God Leut. 17. 16. &c. & . Israel , on the other hand , promised to be obedient and faithful to him : The Surveyer tryeth many shifts to make this , no mutual Covenant , or conditional Covenant Pag. 94. 95. He cannot deny but there was a Covenant here agreed upon , betwixt David and these Tribes of Israel . But he sayes [ the Quaestion is , what was the nature , the matter and import of that Covenant , The Scripture sayes not it was such a Covenant ( as these men would have it ) I shall rule you rightly , if you obey medutifully , otherwise not ( upon the King's part ) and ( upon the peoples part ) we shall obey you and be subject to you , if ye rule us rightly , otherwise we will not , but use our coactive power upon you , to dethrone , and destroy you , and punish you . ] Ans . If it be granted that here was a mutual contract , wherein the King accepted of conditions and obliged himself thereunto , it is enough for our present purpose , ( & the Dutch Annotators on 2 Sam. 5. 3. say hereby they were bound on both sides by oath , to performe their dutyes to other ) for we are not yet speaking of the nature and import of such Covenants , and what right or power the party keeping , hath over the party failing . 2. The Text doth not tell us what was the particular matter of this Covenant , but from the Text , we may clearly see , that this was a conditional Covenant , a Covenant wherein the King promised such and such things , as satisfied them , and induced them to accept of him as King , and anoynt him : so that if the tearmes had not pleased them , they would not have accepted of him as King , If the King had said , I will be an Absolute Prince to account you still mine Enemies , and kill such of you , as I will , and keep a live such of you as I will , and so play the Tyrant , be like he had gote the answere that Rehoboam gote To your tents ● Israel : What portion have we in David ? 3. How can he prove , That they did not minde to offer themselves to David upon such tearmes , [ They ( sayes he Pag. 95 ) recognose , his right of reigning over them is of the Lord , and that he was not subjecte to be removed by them , for they say The Lord sayd to thee , thou shalt feed my people Israel , and thou shalt be Ruler over them , and it is added Therefore they came , &c. ] Ans : 1. All this will not prove that this Covenant was not conditional , or that David did not oblige himself to such and such conditions ; for if these reasons have any force , they will as well say , that they should not have made a Covenant with him it all , but submitted without Covenant : and they knew his right by promise to the throne , before this , and yet for all that , they refused to come till now , and now when they come , David must make a Covenant with them . 2. The same Tribes of Israel did recognosce Rehoboam's right to reigne ; for they came to Shechem to make him King ▪ 1 King. 12. 1. 2. Chron. 10. v. 1. & yet when Reh●boam would not agree unto the tearmes proposed , They refused to acknowledg him King. 3. That 1 Chron. 11. 3. Therefore came is but the same with So came , 2 Sam. 5. 3. and it may be as well rendered , also or and came , for in the Original it is in both places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is there told , that also the Elders of Israel came , who were not mentioned before . 4. Gods promise to David , gave him no power to play the Tyrant , nor was it to be fulfilled but such a way , God's purposes concerning the End includeth the Meanes with the End , and his purpose or promise was not that David should obtaine the throne without the Peoples consent , or that the People was obliged to submit unto him notwithstanding he should refuse to Covenant with them , or promise to Rule them in righteousnesse , and not to play the Tyrant over them : and hence it appeareth that it is not false that the People gave the Kingdome to David conditionally ( as he sayeth Pag. 101. ) for , if He say these promises or purposes of God , did lay obligations of the People to accept Such upon any tearmes , he cannot condemne the Ten Trybes for accepting of Ieroboam , as he doth elswhere ! 5. As for their coactive superiority over him , we speake not of it now , it not being our present businesse , but sure his reasons will not validely conclude the contrair : for if such a promise or purpose of God , gave David such a right , as that in no case , suppose he had turned the greatest Tyrant imaginable , & had sold the Land of Canaan unto the Uncircumcised , or done some such thing ; the Elders of Israel had had no coercive power to have with-stood him , and dethroned him , then they might not now have refused to have submitted unto him : And by the same reason , The elders of Israel might not have refused to have submitted to Iero●oam who also had a promise , which I know he will not grant . But it is enough to our present purpose , if it be granted that David agreed with them upon tearmes . This he cannot get well denyed , but sayeth . [ All the Covenant that can be supposed here , is upon the peoples part , an engagement to humble subjection and homage ; & upon the Kings part , a Covenant of indempnity for former oppositions to him , wherein they had need to be comfortably secured . ] Ans . If it was such a Covenant , then it secured all the People of Israel , and their Elders with them , and David was bound to have keeped it , and did keep it . He did not then execute thereafter some of them upon scafsolds , and set up their heads upon poles , as Traitours . 2. We finde nothing in the Text , of their acknowledging a crime done , so as they needed an act of indempnity : it is like David in a piece of holy policy , meet for that time , to gather together the scattered people of God , ( to use the Surveyer's words , Pag. 94. ) Would have been content to have passed an act of oblivion , as lesse irritateing , then an act of indempnity . 3. If they were now coming to be his Subjects who were not so before , but were under another King ( as he sayes himself Pag. 94. ) what necessity was there , either for an act of indempnity or yet an act of oblivion ? Ay [ but it was fit ( sayes he ibid to give them security , touching his good minde toward them , they having so long stood it out , in armes against him . ] Ans . But was there no more requisite to secure them touching his good minde towards them , and his willingnesse to accept of them as subjects , who before were enemies , except this act of indempnity ? Since they were in open hostility one against another , and if upon this ground , the Covenant on David's part was of indempnity , why should it not be also a Covenant of indempnity on their part ; seing , as he confessed , they were not his subjects before , but under another King ? But now , when they come to bee subjects who were not so before , and engage to humble subjection , and homage , must not David in this Covenant engadge to something corresponding to this ? we shall not repugne ( sayeth he ) if it be called a Covenant both of protection & right ruleing them . ] Answ . That is all I am seeking , to have David here obliged by Covenant , unto his Subjects , to such and such tearmes , as to Protect and Rule them a right . Ay but he adds [ Yet so , as not subjecting himself to their censures , or co-action , or that they should be his subjects only upon that condition , being otherwise free to fall upon him . ] Answ . This is not to our present businesse . But yet how can he prove this ? Is it enough to say so ? Will his adversary take that for an answere ? Is there not here a mutual Convenant , wherein each party is bound to other ? Are not the tearmes condescended upon ? And is it not granted by all , that in mutual Covenants the observer hath a jus against the breakers ? But sayes he [ a Covenant may be to mutual dutyes , & yet on neither side conditional , but absolute , eath party obligeing themselves to their owne duty absolutely , but not on condition that the other party do their duty . ] Ans . Then it seemes Israel was bound to David , whether he would be a King to them or not ; Yea even though he would sell them to morrow to the Philistines for slaves and bond men for ever , and David was bound to Protect and Rule them a right , whether they would be Subjects or not . 2. How can he prove that this was such a Covenant ? 3. Yea , how can he prove that there is any such Covenant among men ; or how can he explaine such a Covenant ? [ As if ( sayes he ) a man bind himself by oath , to give me one hundereth pounds , & I bind my self againe by oath to him , to give him one hundereth pounds , without conditional provision that he pay me the money he promised me ; albeit he should fail in his oath , & not pay me ; yet must not I fail in mine but must pay him : because my oath is separate from his & independent upon it , and hath a separate obligation absolute , which no faileing of the other party to me , can loose ] Answ . It is true manus manum fricat , and if this Surveyer give to one a hundereth pounds . He will know it is for an hundereth pounds againe , or something better : and I wish he should think himself as wel bound by his oath , to pay the thing , he promised to God absolutely , as he thinks he is bound to pay to man what he had promised absolutely . But to our businesse , what sort of mutual Covenants can those be , which he here speaketh of ? We hear to Pactions or Covenants where there are promises without a stipulation , but of a Covenant or Paction betwixt two , concerning mutual duties to be performed by each to other , wherein there is no stipulation , or which is no conditional Covenant , I have not yet heard . 2. Where heare we that such a transaction ( if it can have that name ) wherein one person promiseth absolutely to another to give him such or such a summe of money ; and that other person againe promiseth absolutely to give to the first another summe , is called a Covenant ? 3. Lawyers tell us that even Promissiones , promises , if compleat and not mere Policitations , wil give a jus a right unto the person , to whom they are made to call for the performance , and sue the promiser at Law : And if this be granted ( as it cannot be denyed ) he will lose his cause : For when the question cometh betwixt the Magistrate and the Subjects , it is the same case , as when the question cometh betwixt two distinct Nations : For as there is not a Superiour Judge over both Nations to determine the controversy ; so nor is there a Superiour ordinary Judge to decide the question that falleth out betwixt King and Subjects : And therefore , as the sword must determine it , in the one case , so in the other . 4. But how shall he evince that the Covenant , betwixt King & People is not a reciprocal contract of things to be done by each to other upon conditions ? It is true , he tells us that subjection is not promised to Kings conditionally , but absolutely ; but in so saying , he doth onely beg the question . A better Polititian then he , Althusius Polit. c. 19. num . 6 , 7. calleth it a mutual compact betwixt Prince and People upon certaine conditions , and calleth it Contractum mandati , and he tells us , that in this contract the Prince is a Mandataruis , and his obligation preceedeth as the obligation of the Mandatarius and promiser , useth to do , and then followeth the obligation of the People secundum naturam mandati , whereby they promise obedience and fidelity to him governing the Commonwealth according to the conditions prescribed . Another Scripture instance is 2 King. 11 : v. 17. 2 Chron. 23 : v. 3. 16. where Iehojadah made a Covenant betwixt the King and the People , which ( as the English Annotators and the Dutch also on the place say ) was a civil Covenant betwixt them , viz. That the King should governe then well , They should obey him in the Lord. Peter Martyr , also sayeth that [ not only King and People covenanted with God ; but the King also with the People ; and the People with the King ] and thereafter that [ the King was bound to rule the People according to the Lawes , & equity , Secundum Iura & Leges , and the People promised to obey him . ] [ Zanches more fully tells us , there was a Covenant betwixt the King and the People , as uses to be betwixt the Prince and Common-wealths : The Prince undertaketh to defend the Kingdome , Lawes , Equity , and to be a keeper and defender of the Countrey , and of Religion : And upon the other hand , People promise obedience , and fidelity and such expenses , as are necessary for keeping up the Majesty of the Prince , &c. ] Now what sayes our Surveyer to this ? He tells us Pag. 96. That it was also made upon an extraordinary occasion ; & extraordinaryes cannot sound ordinary rules ] Answ . How doth he prove that it was meerly upon the extraordinarynesse of the occasion that this Covenant was made ? he might as well say that the crowning of him , & giving him the testimony , & making him King , and making a Covenant betwixt the Lord and the King , were extraordinary , and so could not found ordinary rules : yea and that it was extraordinary for the People to sweare allegiance unto him . But he hath two things remarkable to his purpose as [ 1. That he is crowned & made King before the Covenant is made , which crosseth the antimonarchists , who assert , the King cannot be made King , until he make the Covenant with the People , & that he gets the crowne and royal authority covenant wise , and conditionally ] Answ . Antimonarchists properly so called , are against all Monarchs limited or absolute , or doth he account them all antimonarchists who say that the King is a limited Magistrate ? then we know what to think of the Monarchists and Royalists , of him and his party . 2. He knoweth himself that the series or order of the relation of a complex businesse , is not alwayes just according to the series of the things done ; but be it so , this maketh for us in the former instance of David's Covenanting with Israel , Which is mentioned , before their making of him King. 3. But suppose the King had refused to enter into Covenant with the Lord , or with the People ( for mention is made of both Covenants after his Coronation ) might they not for all their solemnities in crowning of him , have refused to have ownned him , as King ? 4. But to put the matter beyond all debate , we finde , compareing the two places together , That beside the Covenant betwixt Iehojadah , and the Rulers of Hundereds &c. mentioned 2. King. 11. 4 , and 2 Chron. 23. 1. which was rather a Covenant betwixt themselves , to depose Athalia , and to set up joash ; to put down Idolatry , and to set up the true worshipe of God , ( as the English annotations & the Dutch say ) then a Covenant of fidelity or allegiance to the King , as he would have it , we finde 2 Chron. 23. 3. a Covenant made betwixt the Congregation and the King , and this was , before he was crowned or made King , which Covenant ( as the English annotators say ) [ was a mutual stipulation , betwixt the King , and Them , That the King should maintaine the true worshipe of God , the peace of the Kingdome , and privilege of the subjects ; and that the People should maintaine the King , and yeeld unto him his due . ] The next thing he sayeth is [ That it is not told us what the tenor of this covenant is , Dioda● seems to say that Iehojadah made them sweare allegiance and fidelity to the King but how shall it be cleared that it was conditional , & with a reserve of coactive , & punitive power over him ? ] Answ . Of this coactive power over Kings , we are not now speaking , and he but playeth the fool to start such questions without ground . 2. That it was a conditional Covenant , the scope of the place cleareth : for , if they had not expected tha● their condition had been better under his reigne then under Athaliah , be like they had never resolved to have ventured their lives , and estates for him : and if the Covenant had not been conditional , they could have had no rational expectation of the bettering of their condition from the young King , Againe , if it was not a conditional Covenant . The King could with no more certainty have expected their dutyful obedience , then They his faithful government . 3. It is true , the matter and tenor of the Covenant is not expressed ; but the nature of the act , doth abundantly cleare what it was , and that it was such as the English annotators have expressed . 4. If Diodat say it was nothing else , but the Peoples swearing allegiance , he speaketh without ground , for it was a mutual Covenant , a Covenant betwixt King and People , But sayes he , suppose [ all the Kings of Judah made such covenants with the People , yet will any judicious man force the Particular customes of that Nation on all Nations ? that might be best for that Nation , that was not simply best ; their customes without a law of God bearing a standing reason , cannot be obligatory on others , lest we judaize too much ] Answ . 1. We are not now pressing their practice as our only warrand ; but by their practice , we prove the lawfulnesse of the King 's being brought under conditions , and obligations to the people ; which Politicians Lawyers , and Divines use to do . 2. He must show why such a practice was best to them , & not also to other nations . 3. We Judaize not more in this , then in crowning and making of Kings ( though I grant they do , who use the ceremony of anoynting with oile . ) 4. We have the Law of Nature , which is the law of God , bearing a standing reason of this ▪ as was shewed above . 5. Yea that lavv of God mentioned Deut. 17. 15. &c. Limiting the Prince , shovveth that it was the Peoples duty ( unto whom that is spoken ) when they were to set a King over themselves , to provide for these conditions : so that as they might not de jure set a stranger over them , neither might they set any over them , who vvould not engage to keep the conditions vvhich they were to required of him v. 16. 17. 18. 19. and these Conditions of the King being held forth unto them , sayes that they were impowered to stipulate such of the King , whom they were to create : and that poynts forth a Covenant to be made betwixt them and their King , & power also in them to restraine the King from transgessing these conditions as Iosephus tels Ant. Lib. 4. cap. 14. Si autem fuerit alias , &c. ● . e. [ But if otherwise a desire of a King shall adhere unto you , let him be of your stock , let him make much of Justice and other vertues , and let him know that there is most wisdome in the lawes and in God : let him do nothing without the advice of the High priest , & Elders : neither let him assume to himself many vvives , nor seek after abundance of riches nor horses with the pleanty of vvhich things , he may vvax proud & despise the lawes ; but lest he have an earnest study to be more mighty then is convenient for your profite , Prohibeatur ( sayeth the copy at Paris ) obstandum est ( sayeth another ) ne potentior fiat quam rebus vestris expedit . ● . e. he is to be incapicat or resisted in case he should do so . But then he tells us that the constant practice of the prophets and people of God speaks clearly that they never had such thoughts &c. ] Ans . Though ( as I said ) it doth not concerne us to vindicate such a liberty in the People , as by vertue of this Covenant , to fall vvith violence on their Kings ; our purpose being only to vindicate a liberty in the People to defend themselves against unjust violence ; yet he doth but vveakly maintaine the King's head by this ; for he said himself just novv , that none vvith Reason could force the particular customes of that Nation on other Nations ; and vvith more reason it may be said , that none can force the Omissions or non-practices of that Nation , as binding to others . But 2. We knovv the Ten tribes rejected Rehoboam & vve finde no Prophets ever condemning them in this , they never suggested that their obligation to subjection unto their Supream Magistrate or King , vvas absolute : had this been such a sin as he allegeth , no doubt ( to use his ovvne vvords ) God's Prophets vvould plainly and dovvnright have told them of it , vvithout circumlocutions ; but this they never did . Either that vvas no sin , or the Prophets vvere not faithful in reproving it . Novv let him ansvvere his ovvne argument if he can , and this he must do , or else confesse he is an advocate for the King , vvorth no vvages . 3. We finde that the Prophets vvere sent of God , to stirr up Subjects against their vvicked and tyrannous Kings : as a Prophet vvas sent to anoynt Iehu to goe against his Master , 2 King. 9. [ When at first ( sayes he ) that people sought a King from Samuel , they resolved not to take him conditionally , si bene regnaverit , but vvith all the faults that might follovv him , &c. ] Ans . It is very like that their importunity made them neglect their duty , in making any expresse Covenant , or in condescending upon expresse conditions ; but he shall never prove that they did right in this ; far lesse shall he make this example binding unto others ; and least of all shall he hence conclude that there was not a tacite and virtual compact , and that Saul was under no tearmes . 2. Notwithstanding of what he sayes , we finde that the People did actually resist and oppose him , in rescueing Ionathan , and that David defended himself with armed men against him , and his fury , and unjust violence , and this is enoughe to our purpose . As for these words Eccles . 8. 2. I Counsel thee to keep the Kings commandement , and that in regaird of the oath of God , because they are variously rendered , and by some otherwayes then by us , as by Iunius ( to which the dutch come near ) praestitutum Regis observa , sed pro ratione juramenti Dei. i. e. Obey the Kings command , but according as your oath to God will permit , Mercerus rendereth them thus . It is my pairt to observe the Kings command and to have respect unto the oath of God , meum est observare praeceptum Regis , & rationem habere juramenti Dei. We shall not much labour to presse this Covenant out of them : But if the Surveyer , will hold closse to our translation , and fish out from thence the oath of allegaince , we must then say that they will also , clearly suppose on oath of the King unto the People , by which he is bound to them as wel as they are bound to him . He granteth that ordinarly among the people , there were not oathes of fidelity and obedience given to their Kings , and where ever we finde that the people swore an oath or Covenant to the King , there we finde that the king swore and Covenanted to them : and so the Covenant being mutual , he was bound unto conditions as well as they were , and They no more then He. And if Their chooseing and setting up of a King , did virtually include their engagement to him ; so did His accepting of the place virtually lay bonds on him , to acquiesce unto the necessare conditions , & make him obliged to performe these necessary and indispensable conditions , which is all desire now . We see some thing more explicite for this , Iudg. 11. ver . 2 , 7 , 8 , 11 , 12 , 13. Where there passed conditions betwixt Iephthah and the People : See Althus . Polit. Cap. 19. num . 20. Thus we have cleared . 1. That lawful Magistrates are admitted to their Thrones conditionally , upon such and such tearmes . And from what we have said , it is also clear , 2. That the Prince accepting of the Crowne doth either explicitely or implicitely promise to fulfil these conditions ; because the People have made choise of him as a fit meane to procure those Ends which they did designe : But if he should not be engaged to prosecute , so far as lyes in his power , those Ends , why did they make choise of him ? Or how could they expect that he should prove a fit meane for these Ends ? Or how can we think that People acting rationally , would be so far dementat as to choise a meane , which they had no more rational ground to expect , would prove a meane for attaining these necessary Ends : then the very bane of these good & necessary Ends which they proposed unto themselves . The Covenants , which we have now spoken of do cleare this also . 3. It is cleare likewise from what hath been said , That the Soveraigne , in these Compacts and Covenants with his People , is not only bound unto God , to performe what he hath promised , but also unto his Subjects : For 1. As was said , He still remaineth a sociable creature , and under the Lawes of God and Nature , and therefore is not above what transactions or compacts he maketh with any , whether equalls or inferiours . 2. If by vertue of these Compacts he were not obliged unto his Subjects , neither should they be obliged unto him by these compacts , seing in erecting the constitution , and condescending upon these tearmes , He and They are equal , according to that , Contractus non ●netur nisi inter aequales . 3. The People in setting up a King should not act rationally , if the King as King were not bound to stand to his conditions , and really obliged unto them . Could we imagine that Men in their wits , would Covenant with a Man , to make him King , on such and such tearmes , it after he were made King , he were no more obliged unto them , then if there had been no compact with him ? 4. How could they think of attaineing those Ends , which they proposed , if he were not bound unto them , to performe these conditions , which they though necessary to limite him unto for the better & more sure , attaineing these Ends ? 5. This compact or Covenant being mutual , concerning conditions to be mutually performed , sure , each party must be formally obliged to other . 6. If this be denyed , it must be asserted , that a Soveraigne can do no wrong or injurie unto his Subjects , can borrow no money from them , can not be engaged by Covenant , Promise , of Bond unto them , which were most ridiculous , and a doctrine as much tending to the real destruction of Monarchs and Soveraignes , as any else : for if this hold good , Subjects might never think themselves secure : And moreover that ordinance , could never be an ordinance of God , seing thereby People could never expect the least rational ground of security for their lives , and what they have . But we need not stand on this , seing our Surveyer perceiving wel enough , what a groundlesse and irrational assertion this of the Royalists is , thinketh best to strick in with Lex Rex and grant Pag. 100. [ That where a Covenant is made between a King and a People , the Covenant on the Kings part , binds him , not only to God , in relation to the People , as the object of this duty , but doth bind him to the People formally . ] 4. It is also cleare and undenyable , that in Kingdomes which are commonly called haereditary , the Son is obliged to performe the same conditions which his father was obliged to perfome ) for as the law sayeth . Conditionalis obligatio transit ad haeredes L. si quis D. de Verborum obligatione . Rational People , condescending rationally upon the constitution , did certanely pitch upon that way of conveyance of the Soveraignity , that might best secure them , as to their Ends , and if none had been obliged unto the conditions agreed upon , but the first in the line , they had not rationally secured these Ends. 5. It is no lesse cleare , That when the Soveraigne doth not performe the Principal , maine , and most Necessary Conditions condescended and agreed upon , de jure he falleth from his Soveraignity . This all will grant , as flowing natively from the nature of a compact : for , qui non praestat officium promissum , cadit beneficio hâc lege dato . He who doth not preforme the conditions agreed upon , hath no right to the benefite granted upon condition of performance of these conditions . I do not here say that every breach , or violation doth degrade him de jure ; but that a violation of all , or of the maine , most necessary , and principally intended conditions , doth . 6. Lawyers grant that every conditionall promise giveth a right to the party to whom the promise is made , to pursue for the performance : and this is the nature of all Mutual compacts . And therefore by vertue of this mutual compact , the Subjects , have jus against the King , a Right in law to pursue him for performance . The worthy author of Lex Rex told us Pag. 97. [ That even the Covenant between God and Man is so mutual I will be your God , and yee shall be my people , that if the people break the Covenant , God is loosed from his part of the Covenant , Zach. 11. 10. and 2 The Covenant giveth to the beleever a sort of action of law , and jus quoddam to plead with God in regard of his fidelity to stand to that Covenant , that bindeth him by reason of his fidelity , Esa . 43. 26. & 63. 16. Dan 9. 4. 5 , ] and hence inferred [ That farr more a Covenant giveth ground of a civil action or claime to a People , and the free Estates , against a King ] But sayes the Surveyer Pag. 101. [ It had been better said , That upon this ground they might humbly plead with him , supplicate and reason with him , as God's deputy bearing the impresse of his Soveraignity and Majesty on earth : But as God cannot otherwise be pleaded with , upon account of his promise ( wherein he is bound not so much to us as to his owne fidelity , to evidence it , reddit ille debita nulli debens ) and cannot be pleaded with by force or violence : So his deputyes on earth , on whom under himself , he hath stamped inviolable Majesty , whatever they be , are not to be pleaded with by strong hand and force . ] Answ . If he had shewed . 1. That Migistrates could not miscarry . 2. That Subjects had no hand in making these conditions in the Covenant betwixt Them and the King. 3. Nor any hand in setting up the King and conferring that benefite upon him , on such and such conditions , then his inference had had some colour : but now hath it none . 2. Inferiour Magistrates are God's deputyes as wel as the Superiour , and yet vve finde no impresse of Majesty or Soveraignity on them , but they may be opposed vvhen doing injury . 3. This is a large assertion , vvhich I much doubt if any Royalist vvill defend That the Supream Magistrats vvhatever they be , can in no case be pleaded vvith by strong hand and force . Sure vve heard Cap. 2. some concessions smelling othervvise . 4. Himself vvill grant that notvvithstanding of all his Majesty and Soveraignity , a forraigne Prince may resist him by force , and plead his right vvith a strong hand , hovv doth he then save his Majesty inviolable ? [ But ( sayes he Pag : 102. ) who will judge it more reason , that these who are plaintifes , shall be judges of the party they compleane of , more then the party or Prince , judge to them ? Is not this a perversion of all judgment , that in one and the same body politick , the accuser and judge shall be co incident , in the same person or persons . ] Ans . This makes as much against the king , as against us ; for by this reason the King hath no jus over the People , more then they over him , and can no more plead his cause , then they can : for himself cannot be judge and plaintife both : and if this be the perversion of all judgment , vve have seen enough of it , vvhere the King hath been both judge and party pursuer by his advocate . But let him ansvver this himself , and he vvill help us to ansvvere also . Againe he sayeth in that same Page ? [ Though it be true , that all Covenants and contracts amongst men , embodyed in a society , brings each of the contracters under a law claime , in case of failing ( coram judice proprio ) before his owne and competent judge : yet it is not true , That any contract , betwixt man and man , in one and the same society , giveth the party keeping contract , co-active power over the party breaking . ] Answ . He is but a ravv lavvyer that sayes so , for if one Man set a piece of land to another , for so many yeers , for so much yeerly , and the other be bound at the expireing of these yeers , to remove vvithout processe of lavv , The party setter hath by contract a coactive povver , and may use Major vis and thrust him out vvith the broad svvord , without further action of lavv . But ( sayes he Pag. 103. ) [ There is no judge over all Magistrates , nor the Supreame Magistrate , before whom a complaineing people can plead wrong done to them . This complainte lyeth before God only to take order with it . ] Answ . When Arnisaeus objected that , The worthy and Learned author of Lex Rex answered , [ That the consequence was not necessary , no more then when the King of Judah and the King of Israel make a covenant to performe mutual dutyes one to another , it is necessary , there should be a King and superiour Ruler above both who should compell each one to do a duty to his fellow : King and People are each of them above and below others , in diverse respects . ] But in cometh this Surveyer Pag. 100. and tells us , there is a great difference [ God having allowed lawful wars , allows seeking of reparation , or repelling of wrongs done by one Nation to another , by force of the sword , when no rational meanes can bring the doers of the wrong to do right , and there being no other remedy , he himself , the Lord of hostes , and God of armies , sits judge and moderator in that great businesse , and in the use of war , is appealed to as judge , there being no common judge on earth to sit on the causes of these independent Nations . But God having set and established in one Particular Nation and Political society , his owne ordinance of Magistracy , to which every soul must be subject , and all subject to the Supreme . &c. ] Ans . This sayes wel when the difference or disput is between two subjects , both under one Magistrate ; but is sayes nothing to our case , where the difference is betwixt the Magistrate and the Subjects : for in the other case there is a judge over both established , unto whom both are subjects , but in our case there is no judge on earth Common to both , or who can sit and judge in such causes : for the King must here be no more both judge and party then the People , and so the case is irremediable unlesse there be an allowance of repelling force with force : for in our case there are no rational meanes which can be used to bring the Prince to do right unto the injured Subjects : and therefore it God allow war , in the use of which , he is appealed to as judge , betwixt two Nations , he wil allow also a necessary defensive warre in Subjects against their Soveraigne when there is no other remedy , or rationall meanes of redresse . This Man dictats but what proveth he ? [ The Magistrates are by their official power , above the whole Nation , and as absurd it is to say they are above the powers , which God hath set over them ( as L. R. pag. 460. sayeth thrasonically he hath proved unanswereably ) as to say that every parish is above the Minister , in an ecclesiaslical way , though he hath official power over them all , or that every Lord in Scotland hath their Tennants and vassals above them , a thing which the nobles of Scotland had need to look to ; for certainely the principles which lead to subject Kings to People , lead clearly and by undoubted consequence , to Subject them to their vassalls , and to all under them , yea and all Masters to servants , and parents to children , and to confound and invert the order of all humane societies . ] Ans . 1. The law will tell us That in mutual compacts the party observer is Eatenus in so far , superiour unto the party who faileth . 2. The author of Lex Rex sayeth truly and not Thrasonically ( as this Thraso , and windy man , allaigeth , who would make the world beleeve that his one word is enough to confute all which that learned author hath solidly proved with such reasons that he thought ( with the little wit he hath ) it was more wisdome to forbeare once to name then to offer to answere ) that he hath proved unanswereably ( if not , let this windy Thraso try his hand in confuteing his reasons ) the Peoples power above the King. 3. This man's reasons are as weak as water . For 1. the Paroche is so above the Minister , that , in case he teach haeresy , & there be no ecclesiastick or civil power to put him away , they may save their owne soulls , thrust him out , and choose another more Orthodox . 2. All know that the Lord is bound to the Vassalls , as well as they are to him , and that the Lord may not oppresse them , or if he transgresse the bounds and limites prescribed him , they will get action of law yea in some cases be free to renunce him as their Supream , and choose another . Let the nobles take heed they drink not in this Man's doctrine : for if they arrogate to themselves a power to oppresse , pillage , plunder , murther , Massacre , their vassals , ( as this man pleads for such power to the King , without control ) I fear their vassals let them know they are not slaves . 3. What a poor Politician is this ? He speaks this , to move them so much the more to owne the King's cause , but who seeth not , that he is either a false or a foolish advocate for the King in this matter , for if the King get no moe on his side but the Superior Lords , & if all the Vassalls and Tennants be against him , he will have the weaker party by farre , on his side . 4. I would desire Nobles & all to take notice of this , that he would here seem to give to the king , as much power over them and all the lands , as Masters have over their Tennants , who have their lands only from them upon certaine conditions , and may be removed when these conditions are broken . 5. What a fool is he to put Tennants and Vassals together ? doth he not know that Lords have more power over their Proper Tennants , then over their Vassals ? 6. Doth he think that Servants may not in some cases be above their Masters ; a noble man's son may be an apprentice to a very meane man ; But thinks he that Servants will get no action of law against their Masters , or if there be no law or judge , over him and his Master , he may not defend himself , against his Master's unjust violence ? 7. As for the subjection of parents to Children it is impertinent in this case , as shall be shewed in due time , and yet we know that the father hath been a subject , and the son a King over him , and we know also that , in case of necessity , the children may defend themselves against their father taken with a mad phrenzy . Then he adds [ This truth we must cleave to , that in one and the same civil society , where God hath appoynted Rulers and Ruled , Subjects cannot without sacrilegious intrusion and contempt of God , snatch the sword out of the Magistrates hands to punish him with it ( though in some partilars he abuse it ) neither can a war intended for this end by meer , private persones , be lawfull against their head or heads . ] Answ . We may let him cleave to this truth , and this truth cleave to him , and be no losers : for we speak not of Subjects taking the sword of justice to punish the King ; we speak of no warre raised by the subjects for this end : we plead only for a power in private Subjects to defend themselves , in cases of necessity , against their head or heads , ( and he , nor none of his party , have the forehead to deny this to be lawful in some cases ) especially if the Magistrate abuse his power , not in some particulars only , but in many , and in many maine particulars , if not in all . Having thus cleared and vindicated the 6. thing . The 7. And last is this , which followeth also from the former : viz. That when the Prince doth violate his compact , as to all its conditions , or as to it 's cheef , maine , and most necessary condition , the Subjects are de Iure free from subjection to him , and at liberty to make choise of another . The very nature of a compact doth clear this : For it is absurd to say , that in a mutual conditional compact , one party shall still be bound to performe his conditions , though the other performeth none of his conditions , or performeth not the maine and principal one . It is absurd to say , that when one hath given a benefite upon a certaine condition , that he is still bound to bestow that benefite , though the condition on which he promised it , be no way performed . Were it the rational act of rational creatures to set up Soveraignes upon these tearmes ? or to say , wee choose thee , to be our Soveraigne upon condition thou rule us according to justice and equity , and not tyrannize over us , and yet we shall always hold thee for our Prince and lawful Soveraigne , Though thou should transgresse all lawes of equity , humanity , and reason ; and deal with us as so many sheep , kill whom thou will , for thy sport and lust , &c. will any body think that rational men would do so ? The law tells us L. si fund . c. de pactis , &c. That cessante causâ , propter quam res est data , pignus debet reddi . Before we come to draw our arguments from what is said , we shall first roll out of our way what this Surveyer speaks further against these Covenants , Pag. 88 , 89 , 90 , 91 , 92 , & 93. He hath five particulars which he toucheth on . The first is this , [ It is easily conceded ( sayes he ) that there is a mutual obligation betwixt Magistrats and Subjects , to mutual dutyes , which is indeed essential to the constitution of the politike body ; but his obligation ariseth not from any tacite or expresse Covenant betwixt them , but from the ordinance and will of God , enjoyning them these dutyes in these relations , in that society , wherein they are combined . ] Answ . 1. Subordinata non pugnant . This mutual obligation may arise both from the Law of God , and from the Covenant , without any repugnancy . 2. If this obligation arise only from the Law of God , neither partyes shall be formally obliged unto other , but both obliged only unto God ; and yet we heard himself say Pag. 100. that [ Where a Covenant is made betwixt a King and a People , that the Covenant on the King's part , binds him not only unto God , in relation to the People as the object of the duty , but doth bind him to the People formally . ] Now , whence ariseth this formal obligation , if not from the Covenant ? 3. By this meanes the obligations of fidelity in the subjects unto their Princes , have no rise from their oath of allegiance , which he elsewhere calleth Foedus unilaterum . 4. To what purpose then are Covenants and compacts made , If by vertue of these , each party be not formally obliged unto other ? For if David's Covenant with the People of Israel laid no obligation upon him , he could not be said to have made a Covenant with them , more then with the Phalistimes , and yet the Scripture tells us , he made a Covenant with Israel : And King Ioash made a Covenant with the People . 5. I do not well understand , how an obligation to future dutyes can be called essential to a constitution , which neither floweth from the constitution , nor giveth a being to the constitution . 6. Againe , if there be no obligation unto these mutual dutyes , until there be a constitution by compact , and if then the obligation be essential , how is it imaginable that the obligation shall have no subordinat rise from the constitution ; or compact whereupon the constitution is founded ? The 2. thing he sayeth , is , That though this obligation be mutual , yet is it not conditional , and how proves he this ? [ There is ( sayes he a mutual obligation to mutual dutyes betwixt Parents and Children , but it is not conditional , that if Parents be undutiful , Children shall be loosed from their duty , or on the contrary . ] So is it ( sayes he ) betwixt King and People , and the citeth Calvin . Inst. Lib. 4. Cap. 20. § . 29. But it is easily answered . That there is a vast disparity betwixt the rise of that relation , which is betwixt King and People , and that which is betwixt Father and Son : And this being once discovered the parity disappeareth : And 1. Subjects come not out of the loyns of their King , as Children do out of the loines of their Fathers . 2. The Son createth not the Father as the Subjects create the King. 3. Yea Children do not so much as give their consent that such an one shall be their Father , before the relation have being , yet Royalists will grant this much , unto the People , in relation to their King. 4. The relation betwixt Father and Son hath no dependence less or more upon any act of will in the Son , or upon any Covenants , Agriements or Compact , expresse or tacite , betwixt the Father & the Son , it is not so as to the relation betwixt King and People ; for before this mutual relation arise , there must be a constitution , and this constitution includeth , at least , some act of the will in subjects , some previous consent . 5. This relation can never cease , so long as both are in life , but the other may , by a Subject's chooseing to live under another Soveraigne . 6. Let the Father do what he wil , the relation betwixt him and his Son shall never be loosed or weakened . But the greatest Royalists will grant , that in some cases , the King may be made no King , and his relation either wholly taken away , or much diminished . So then the consequence is null , that because Children are not bound to their Parents conditionally ; therefore Subjects are bound conditionally to there Prince : For Children have no hand in making up that relation , betwixt Parents and them ; their consent is not so much as required ; but in making up the relation betwixt King and Subjects , there is a previous compact , required , in which compact , the People have their great share : Children give not paternity unto their Parents ; but Subjects give the Kingship , at least instrumentally , under God ; and they set up Kings , when they might set up Nobles , and set up his Man , when they might have set up Another , can Children do so ? How then shall the case be alike , And the one be no more conditional then the other ? Next , as for Calvin we willingly with him grant , that Subjects are to obey evill Magistrates , and to do their duty to them , though the Magistrates should come short of theirs , as Wives , & Children are bound to love and be Subject unto undutiful Husbands and Fathers . But Calvin will not say , that in no case a Wife is loosed from Subjection to her Husband : adultery and wilful desertion will give ground for a divorce , and that sayes that the Wives subjection is not absolute , but conditional ; though we say not , that every breach of some of the conditions , looseth the obligation . Neither will Calvin . say ' That in no case , the Soveraigne may be opposed or resisted : or , that in no case the obligation can be loosed ; for ibid. § . 31. He granteth liberty to the Estates of a Land ( whom yet our Surveyer putteth in one category with private Subjects , ) to stand for the libertyes of the People against the rage and Tyranny of Princes , Yea he sayeth they are bound to do so , as they would not presidiously , betray their trust . The 3. thing is , that [ the fancy of a tacite virtual natural Covenant betwixt King and People , overthrows the distinction that all sound protestant Divines and Politicians make , betwixt a limited or pactional Prince and an absolute Prince , or one who is integrae Majestatis . ] And then he citeth Rivet . in Psal 68. Gerhard de Magistratu , Pag. 13 11. mihi ( or 935. ) And therein , he sayes , they agree with Calvin in the place cited . Answ . That there are absolute Princes de facto , who come to the Soveraignity by false and corrupt meanes , or by conquest , we deny not , but we are speaking of Princes , de Iure , and of Princes set up by the People , which is only to our purpose . It is true , Rivet ( a very short sum of all the sound Protestant Divines , though he joyne Gerhard with him too , who is but Lutherian Protestant , and for his Politicians we see none ) make use of such a distinction , but assert not positively that such an absolute Prince is lawful . Calvin maketh use of no such distinction , and if they agree with him , they say no more then he sayeth , and what he sayd , we have heard . But sayes our Surveyer it is [ False to say that an absolute Prince is contrary to the Word of God : for as our Lawes allowes our Kings to be ahsolute , in expresse tearmes Jam. 1. ( he should say Jam. 6. ) Parl. 18. Anno 1606. ] Answ Our Lawes and especially of that Parliament , and the like , are evil proofs of what is Iure Divino , or not contrary thereunto . But of that Supermacy granted to the King , by that act and others , the Apology hath spoken enough . Furder he addeth , [ So the Scripture is not against an absolute Prince , as our Lawes and we understand him ? ] But how is that ? May he Rule as he lifts ? No , for [ He is subordinate ( sayes he ) unto God and his Lawes , and he ought also to walke according to the particular good Lawes he hath made with consent of his People . ] This is more then other Royalists would grant to us , for he acknowledgeth him not only not above the Law of God , but also not above the municipal Lawes , and consequently not above the fundamental conditions of the constitution : And we are sure in this , This King hath fowlely broken , whatever he doubt of . But how is he absolute ? [ He is absolute ( sayes he ) that if he deviate he is not under coactive power of Subjects , that they should have Law-claime against him , and in their courts of nature and necessity , pronounce judgement upon him , to destroy him , far lesse that by vertue of this supposed tacite Convenant , any minor private party of the People , may pull King and all Magistrats out of their seate , punish them , and possesse themselves in their roomes , as Naphtaly sayes ] Answ . What he layeth to Naphtali's charge shall be considered afterward . 2. To say that Subjects have no law claime against a King , who breaketh the maine and principal condition , or all the conditions of the Covenant made betwixt Him and the People , is to destroy the nature of the mutual compact , made between Him and the People as we have shewed . 3. By this it seemeth all the absolutenesse that he sayes is due to the King , is , that he is from under the co-active power of Subjects , but though this were granted to him , ( which yet we cannot , because of what we have said already ) we should suffer no losse , as to our intendment : for if this be all his absolutenesse , then he may be withstood , and resisted ( though not brought to the barr ) even by private subjects , when he contraveeneth his principal conditions , and breaketh Covenant unto his people : and this is all we contend for . The summe of what he sayes in the 4 place , is this [ Where there is freedome of Election ( as in Germany and Poland , where there is but personated and painted Kings ) there may possibly be expresse limiteing conditions allowing some to coerce deviating soveraignity . But in all proper Monarchies , there is neither tacite nor expresse Covenants impowering any to be judges over the King. Some Kingdomes are attained by a conquest in a just warre ( which is a sufficient title ) & this power being hereditarily transmitted , the successours receive power from the Parents and not from the People , nor is there any shaddow of tacite or expresse Covenant in this matter . ] Answ . 1. If he be not well pleased with what Lex Rex hath said , concerning conquest giving a sufficient title to crownes , he should have considered and answered the arguments there made use of , and not jejunely have told us he is of another judgment ; for they are either fooles , or mad who will beleeve his bare word , better then the worthy author of Lex Rex his assertions baked & confirmed with many solid & unanswereable arguments , 2. This though true , speaks nothing to our purpose : for we supposed always that our Kingdome was not founded upon a conquest , and we never heard any say it was , till this unnatural abject arose to speak non sense , of which more presently : We never heard a King challenge it upon that account , nay , nor say that our Kingdome was ever conquered by any of their predecessours , except King Iames , who in his basilicon doron , allaiged that Fergus the first , was a conquerour , contrare to the testimony , of all approven historio-graphers : what meaneth the large long roll of the King's predecessours , that is read over at the coronation ; doth any of our lawes speak such a thing ? or do they found his absolute power upon such a dreame ? It would seem the cause is desperate and gone , when he can get no other bottome to his absolutenesse , but a fiction of his distempered braine , which may deservedly make him odious to all true scottish men , and may ( and possibly will ) make his cause odious also , to all who are acquanted with the true , genuine and ancient constitution of the Kingdome . 3. This ravv . Statist exscreats his raw notions , as he pleaseth , but they must be rude and unskilful in this matter , that will think to digest them . He tell 's us that the Emperour of Germany and the King of Poland are but painted Kings , and Monarchs , and to confirme this , tels us that , there are no Monarches , or proper princes , but such as are absolute : What will then become of the Distinction , of all sound protestant divines and polititians , which he mentioned in the preceeding page ? Do they think that all the limited and pactional princes , are but cyphers , or as painted men are men , so are they but painted princes ? Sure none of the divines he named take such princes for no true princes . 4. If in proper Monarchies , there be such Covenants and compacts tacite or expresse , which will gave a law claime unto the Subjects against the King , and a Ius against him , as a formal transgressour of his Covenant made with them , and liberate them from subjection to him , we could have enough for our businesse , though it should be granted , that there is no Covenant impowering others to be his judges . Though it should be granted ( which some politicians Doubt of ) that in Kingdomes purchased by conquest , the power haereditarily transmitted , should be received from the parent , and not from the people ; yet in kingdoms founded upon a lawful and free constitution , the successour , ( as we shewed above ) hath his power not from his predecessour , but from the constitution , or the people condescending upon the constitution , But he thinks to obviate all this by what he sayes in the 5. place viz. That our Kingdome is not founded on any such Covenant , but rather on a conquest , of which he giveth five remarkable instances . The first is , That Fergus the first , was not admitted upon conditions , but the Subjects , by their oath confirmed the Kingdome to him , and his posterity : and that the black book of pasley sayes , Fergus made himself King. Answ . 1. What that black book of pasley ( which neither he nor I ever saw ) sayeth , is not worth the inquiry to search , Seing all other historians , such as Iohn Fordon , Iohn Major , Boëthius , Hollanshade , beside Buchanan , say , that he was freely chosen by the People . And the story tells us , that he was then in Irland , when the Scots sent for him , how could he then make him self King ? 2. If he had been a conquerour , he might have transmitted the Kingdom unto his sone , without the consent of the People , and yet we see this was not done ; yea we finde that the People would suffer none of his sones to enjoy the place after him , because unfit for government , but made choise of a third person : and when his eldest son did afterward challenge the Kingdome as his owne , he was made to understand himself better . 3. It is true Buchanan mentioneth no oath of the King , but that will not say , that there was no compact betwixt Him and the People , There might be conditions communed and condescended upon , though the King was not put to sweare them . But however , that there was an implicite and tacite Covenant , at least , betwixt them , Is cleare from the oath of the People confirming the Kingdome unto him ; for it sayes that all the right he had unto the Kingdome , was from the People , and that he could not be secured in it but by them , and seing they gave him the Kingdome , and did secure him in it , Nature and Reason will say , that it was upon good tearmes , particularly , that he and his should not tyrannize over them , but should rule them aright : and though there be no written contract concerning this , extant , yet their constant after-practice doth abundantly cleare it ; for , though they confirmed the Kingdome by oath to him , and his posterity yet their chooseing of Feritharis his brother , passing by both his sones , sayes , that this condition was tacitely understood , viz. provideing that they , should be able for government and to discharge the place , and accordingly they did then establish it , in a standing law for time to come : and after this manner , and according to these tearmes did choose their Kings until Kennethus the third , by force or fraud , obtained a change . So their taking course with such of their Kings , as did tyrannize , sayeth , that this was an other condition of the compact , viz. That they should not tyrannize , but governe righteously : Thus we see these after practices are cleare standing commentaryes , sufficiently explaineing the nature and maine conditions of that compact . His 2 instances : is of Fergus the second , the 40 King. [ Who by his valour , under the conduct of divine providence , & by the help of Danes and others , with some small remainder of Scots , recovered the Kingdome and was not beholden to the People for it , nor had it by paction with them . ] Answ . Buchanan tells us , that he was called home ad regnum avitum suscipiendum , to take upon him the Kingdome which belonged to him , according to the ancient constitution , as being of the family of Fergus , and then giving proof of his provvesse , and ability for government , and accordingly being then in Scandia or Norway took the offer , and came home , accompanyed with the banished Scots , and some Danes : and after he came home , after the wonted custome , more patrio , he was created King by a Parliament ; for , comitiis peractis , the Parliament being ended , he falleth about his work , and at length freeth the Kingdome of its adversaryes : Now , how can he be accounted a conquerour , obtaineing his right to the crowne by conquest , who had it by a faire , free , and full call of the People , who might have chosen any other of that race , that had been remaineing , and qualified for their purpose ? This is strange doctrine , to say , that every Prince who cometh to his Kingdome , by the free consent of his People , in a troublesome time , because that through their help and concurrence , he freeth the land of Enemies , and restoreth peace to the inhabitants , is a conquerour , and hath no right to the Crowne , but by his sword . He will not say that every conquest will give a just title , but a lawfull conquest , now what right had Fergus to conquere these adversaries ? What title or claime could he lay to that crowne from whence he and his forebears were banished or constrained to flee , if not by the ancient grant made by the People unto Fergus the first and to his race ? So then , his right was not obtained by the sword , but only the peaceable possession thereof , and the practice of the people afterward when his son Constantinus came to reigne , and turned vitious , declared whether they looked upon this Fergus the second , as a Conquerour , and upon what tearmes he and his successours had the crowne : for because of his vitiousnesse , and refuseing to amend his manners , when admonished by the Nobles , they were almost at waging war against him and of revolting from him , had not Dougall of Galloway disswaded them . His 3 instance is Kenneth the first the 50 King ( He should have said Kenneth the 2 the 69 King , for Kenneth the first died within a yeer after he was made King. ) [ Who destroyed the picts , and enlairged his Kingdom by the accession of theirs , purchaseing more and better lands , then he had before , which he distributed to his Subjects , he held not his purchased Kingdome of them by contract or paction ] Ans . What right a Prince hath unto lands , which he purchaseth by conquest or war , is not the matter of our disput , but what right Kenneth had to the crowne . Now , sure it is that before this conquest made , he was crowned , upon the same ground , that his predecessours were : his future conquest , then uncertaine , could not alter the ground of his receiving of the crowne , when his father Alpin died 2. What ever superiority , he might challenge over these Subjects unto whom he gave these new conquest lands , it had no influence upon his holding of the crowne : and that his very next successour and brother Donald knew , who being given to his pleasures , lost a noble victory which they had obtained over the Englishes , and after he returned from captivity , following his old life , was cast in prison by his owne Subjects . And his Son knew it also , for he was put by the crowne conforme to the old law , until this Donald died . So that notwithstanding of all this new purchase , the people knew that the conveyance of the crowne did still run in the old channel , and was held of them after the old tenor . His 4. Instance is of Robert Bruce , whom our Lawes of Regiam Majestatem call Conquestor Magnus , [ He re-conquered the Kingdom after the Nobility of Scotland had first at Berwick , then at S , Andrewes , in plaine Parliament , sworne homage to the King of England , who will assert there were pactions betwixt him and the People ? ] Answ . We know out of History , what a miserable condition the Land was brought unto , through occasion of that division and sad disput that was in it , concerning the nearest in the line : and this was the bitter frute , that Scotland reaped of the change of that laudable custome established near the beginning of he constitution ; whereas had not that been changed in the dayes of Kenneth the third , the fitest person to governe might have been chosen , and that had prevented all this confusion and misery , which the Land was brought unto . 2. Though Bruce at length recovered the Kingdome , yet he received not his crowne upon that account , but before he attempted it's recovery , out of the hands of the Englishes , he was crowned King at Scone , in Aprile 1036. and there received the Kingdom from the Scots , upon the old account , and according to the old tenor . 3. Though he be tearmed a great conquerour , as having recovered the Land , out of the hands of the Englishes , as if it had been a conquest , when as it was really , but a recovering of what , he was bound by his place and power , to recover ; yet we never finde that he claimed a right to the Land , upon that ground of conquest , but stood upon the old basis . His fift & last instance is of this King , [ It is known ( sayes he ) our Nation was totally subdued by the English , and continued so , for the space of then yeers , The Representatives of Shires , and Cities , and Townes combined into a Commonwealth government , and sent their commissioners to the meeting thereof at London , where the King's interest was disclaimed ; yet in a wonderful way God brought him in againe , and finding us at his coming , a fully conquered and subdued nation , restored us to our freedome , from the bondage of forraigners . ] Answ . 1. Through too great haste , he hath forgotten a maine particular of this Instance . Before we were totally subdued by the Englishes , the King was crowned at Scone in as solemne a manner , as ever any of his Predecessours , except that he was not anoynted with holy Oyle , nor gote the Pop's benediction ; and while crowned , was solemnely engaged to the People by Covenants , vowes and oathes , to defend Religion according to the National Covenant , and Solemne League and Covenant , and to prosecute the ends of these Covenants , and upon these conditions took his Crowne and Scepter : Were we a conquest then ? 2. Ay but we were conquered afterward , and our Representatives disclaimed the King's interest . But how many were there of these Representatives ? And had these Representatives power & commission from the Land , to renunce his Interest ? Or were these all accounted Enemies to the King ? How is it then , that so many of them are now accounted his most loyal Subjects , and more loyal then such as suffered much , because they would not take that Tender , disclaming his interest ? how comes it , that that Arch-knave Sharp ( sufficiently now knowne by that name and notion both to King , Court and Countrey ) who was the only Minister ( so far as I know ) in all Scotland , that took that tender , is advanced unto ( in stead of a gallowes ) an arch-prelacy , and primacy ? But 3 when the King returned , did he make a re-conquest of us ? what meaned then that compact betwixt Monck and the Nobles and others of Scotland , whom he sent for , unto the borders , and to the end he might more closely carry his businesse , made them all to abjure Charles Stewart and his interest ( a sad presage of what would be our Epidemick distemper , when our change or turne begane with manifest perjury ) did he not a acquante them with his designe ? and had he not their concurrence ? and if he had wanted this , and had thought that Scotland would have been an adversary unto his designe , would he or dursl he have attempted it ? 4. What way did the King restore us seing ( if he would speak the matter as it was , it was Monck that restored him and us both , as to any restauration we gote : vvere not vve and he restored together ? What did he for our restauration ? vvas He not as passive as we were and some what more ? 5. Hence then it is false that he found us at his coming a fully conquered and subdued nation . He rather left us so , as found us so , for we were restored , to what we gote pari passu , vvith himself . 6. It is true at his coming ( though not by him ) vve vvere freed from the bondage of forraigners , but as for the freedome we vvere restored unto , vve are yet ignorant of it , and see and feel heavier bondage both as to Church and State , then vve did under strangers of forraigners . But he addeth . [ If any will say , That it was upon his account the Nation was brought to the suffering of that bondage ; and that there did lye bands upon him , as our sworne King to free ws , when he should be in capacity to do it . It may be answered . 1. It is knowne that when the fa●al stroke that sunk us into bondage was given , there was an expresse disowneing of his right , by publick judicatories of the land , in the quarrel with the English Sectaryes , before Dumbar . ] Answ . He should first have removed this objection . It was upon the Kings account that the English army did invade us : had we forborne to have sent commissioners to have called Him home , The Englishes would never have invaded us : for that was their only quarrel ; Because we had taken the Head of the Malignant faction Into our besome : and so , had we for-borne to have owned his quarrel , we had neither been invaded , nor subdued by them , and there had not been so much of our blood shed , as there was . And is this all the thanks that now we get for our vast expence of blood , oppression , and Ten years bondage , that we must be declared a conquest and a subdued Nation ? 2. It is a manifest lye ▪ to say that his interest vvas expresly disowned by the publick judicatories of the land , before Dumbar fight : for that act of the West Kirk ( to vvhich I knovv he looketh ) vvas not an expresse disovvning of his interest , as may be seen by the act it self , which was as followeth , [ Westkirk the 13 day of August . 1650. The commission of the Generall Assembly considering , that there may be just ground of stumbling from the King's Majesties refuseing to subscribe and emit the declaration offered unto him by the commmitee of Estates , and commissioners of the General Assembly , concerning his former carriage , and resolution for the future , in reference to the cause of God , & Enemies & Friends thereof ; doth therefore declare that this Kirk and Kingdome , do not owne nor espouse any Malignant party or quarrel , or interest ; but that they fight meerly upon their former grounds and principles , and in defence of the cause of God , and of the Kingdome , as they have done these twelue yeers past , and therefore as they do disclame all the sinne and guilt of the King , and of his house ; so they will not owne Him , nor his interest , otherwise then with a subordination to God , and so far as he ownes and prosecutes the cause of God ; and disclaimes his and his father's opposition to the work of God , and to the Covenant , and likewise all the Enemies thereof ; and that they will with convenient speed take in consideration the papers lately sent unto them from Oliver Cromwel , and vindicate themselves from all the falshoods contained therein , especially in these things , wherein the quarrel betwixt us & that party is mis-stated , as if we owned the late King's proceeding's and were resolved to prosecute and maintaine his present Majesties interest , before and without acknowledgment of the sinnes of his house , and former wayes , and satisfaction to God's People in both Kingdomes ] Which when the committee of Estates had seen and considered , they did approve the same , and heartily concurred therein : and what could this honest and most seasonable declaration import , but only that if the King would not by a declaration , acknowledge his sorrow , for his , & his father's carrying on a course destructive of the work of God , and his renunceing of the Malignant interest , and all who would owne the same , and his purpose to adhere unto the Covenants , they would not espouse a Milignant quarrel , but fight upon the same grounds and principles , that they had done for twelue yeers before , aud only owne him with a subordination to God , and in so far as he did owne the cause of God , and renunce Malignancy and Milignants , and that they vvould take into consideration Oliver Cromwel's papers , for their ovvne vindication , and clearing of the true state of the quarrel , Which vvas necessary , before they did engage in fight ? And vvould this Malignant Gnatho have had the Land and the publick judicatories thereof , contrare to their Covenants , & many Purposes , Resolutions , Vowes & Engagements , postponing Christ's interests unto man's and hazard Religion , Libertyes & all , for one , who would not declare himself a friend to Christ , and his interest ; but would persist in a stated opposition to Christ and his cause ? 3. But let him make of this , what he will , sure his interest was owned , when he , upon second thoughts emited that declaration at Dumfermline upon his refusal of which , this act made at the Westkirk passed , and this was before Dumbar fight . So was his interest sufficiently owned , with the subordination requisite , when he was crowned , which was not very long after that stroke a Dumbar , and after vvhich vve gote blowes enew , and vvere redacted at length to bondage . What sayes he next to this ? [ 2. What ever engagements were upon him for the good of the Nation ; yet if these mens principles were to be followed they could have had no force on him , to move him to labour our vindication into liberty , for do not they teach that in the mutual contract and Covenant betwixt King and People , the People are loosed from their duty , if the King fail in his , frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem ; and why then in not the King loosed , if the people fail on their part ? It is known that ( although the Nobles and body of the people were well enough affected to the King , and cordially loved him , when they were over powered and could do nothing ) yet by their Representatives , he was disowned ( which in law would be rekoned their owne deed : and if a sworne people deserte and disclaime their King by their Representatives , may not the King also have the benefite of the conditional Covenant , and leave them as he found them in bondage to forraigners . But such was his Majesties graciousness and wisdom as well as conscience of duty , that although the Nation had failed much to him , he would not walk after the counsel of these men ? And we may ( all things considered ) assert that the people of Scotland do rather owe their liberty to him , then he doth owe his authority to them , or by virtue of any Covenant with them . ] Answ . 1. By vvhat he hath been formerly saying , and by the instances vvhich he hath brought , vve see vvhat is the scope he driveth at , viz. To have us novv a formal conquest , that so the King may tyrannize over us , and deal vvith us , as he seeth good , jure conquestus , as being novv free from all bonds and obligations , vvhich ever passed betvvixt Him and the People . For the fift particular which he undertooke to cleare by these five instances , was , that the constitution of this Kingdome neither was , not is , founded on a Covenant betwixt King and People : and yet we see the poor man so straitned that he knoweth not what to say : He would saine loose the King from all Bonds and Covenants , and former obligations , and yet he dar not positively and clearly assert it , but only sayes if the King would follow our principles , he would account himself loosed from all : but unlesse , he assert it , clearly and positively , that the King , is really loosed from all his former obligations , he speakes nothing to he poynt , but must grant , that at least as to this King , the constitution is founded upon a conditional Covenant ; and though we should yeeld all therest , if he grant this to us , we need desire no more , for all our Ends. But 2. in good earnest , let him tell us , Whether the former engagements which were upon the King at his coronation , be loosed or not ? If they be loosed and made null , because of what these supposed Representatives did : Then 1. we have a new ground of dissolving the sacred obligations of the Oaths and Covenants , which the King made with God , and with his People , which was not thought upon till this needle-headed man did invent it . The King himself at his returne , gave no such ground . 2. If he think that these Representatives ( having no expresse commission to renunce Charles Stewart and his interest , from the land ▪ did break their allaigance , why did not the King execute the law against them as traitours ( as he did against some under that pretext , but really for their faithfulnesse to the Covenant , as is made out by the Apologist ) why did he seem to approve what they did , by Countenanceing them so much , as he hath done since his returne ? 3. Doth not himself say that the Nobles and Body of the Land were well enough affected to the King , and cordially loved him , when they were overpowered and could do nothing ? Sure then the land did not break , vvhatsoever some men did . Ay but , sayes he , in lavv this vvould be reckoned their deed . Very hardly , since they gave no commission for such a deed . If he say that they virtually gave such a commission , in that they sent their commissioners unto the commonvvealths Parliament . It may be answered , that not only that was a constrained and extorted act , but , that as matters then stood , no lavvyer , no politician , nor divine vvould condemne such a deed as sinful or unlavvful , or as prejudicial to the Kings interest , to send commissioners to a meeting , at command of the Conquerour , to labour for a mitigation of their bondage , and for proposeing some things for the good of the land , vvhen their ovvne King vvas banished from them , vvithout all hope of a returne , and they , for his sake , vvithout any treachery or perfidy in them , reduced to a state of bondage . 3. But since the King at his returne laide claime to no nevv right , but stood upon the old ground , and upon this account vvas crovvned in England vvhere he had not been crovvned before , and vvas not crovvned in Scotland , because he had been crovvned there formerly , all these quircks are to no prupose : for the King returning upon the old claime , acknowledged the former constitution , and re-assumed his auncient Kingdome upon the same tearmes he did before , which is also furder confirmed by the act of indempnity , which he passed ; and other acts and deeds , which weer needlesse now to mention . 4. We shall easily grant , that when a sworne People desert and disclaime their King by their Representatives : The King also may take the benefite of the conditional Covenant and leave them . and so might King Charles have done , and never owned us more : and if he had done so , and gone to some other part of the world , to have spent his dayes , as some would not have been grieved , so , I think both lawyers and divines would have thought him loosed from his obligation to the people , though not wholly from his obligation to God : But now since he did not so , but took the first occasion that was feisible , and returned to his old station and relation , all the old bonds and engagements , which he took in these relations , recurred with their former force and vigour , and he became no lesse bound then ever , yea , before the Lord , rather more : because the goodnesse of God in restoreing him without blood , should have engaged his heart so much the more unto God , & to his former vowes and Covenants . 5. What way he laboured our vindication into liberty , I know not ; and if it be his Majesties graciousnesse and wisdome , as well as his conscience of duty , that would not let him walk after the counsel of these men , ( as he sayeth ) many think that we are yet to see these commendable dispositions ; for the effect mentioned is not visible : for after the counsell of whomsoever he hath walked , sure we are , he hath broken the Bonds and Engagements which he took on him , both before , and on the day of his coronation : He hath rejected the Covenant , which he made with God upon his knees , with his hands lifted up unto the Most High , and overturned that which was the Chief of our fundamental lawes , or tearmes of our constitution , as we see this day : and this is knowne , that of these who are most injured by him now , and presecuted , there were fewest that failed to him in that day ; and therefore his graciousnesse and wisdome and conscience of duty , should have caused him remember these , who could not , out of conscience of their obligation to him , by vertue of their Covenant , take that Tender , which , others , to save themselves from a little suffering , swallovved dovvne vvithout much difficulty ; and not have made them the objects of his ire and indignation , as he hath done , and is doing to this day . 6. He tells us , that He may assert , that the People of Scotland do rather ovve their liberty to him , then he his authority to them . But vvhat this bold assertor sayeth , is not much to be valued ; vvho these People of Scotland are , vvho ovve their liberty to him , I knovv not , unlesse he meane the abjured Prelates , and their base naughty , scandalous Underlings , the scumme of the earth , the shame of the Church , and the disgrace of the Ministry , who novv have freedome from Church-Discipline , and civil censures , and license to corrupt the vvord of God , to destroy soulls , to tyrannize over consciences , to oppresse the People , to inslave the subjects , and to lead back the People into Egypt : And the dyvour Lords and others , vvho because of their licentious , luxurious , sensual and brutish lives , vvhich they lead like so many Epicures , having devoured their ovvne Estates , and are novv so drouned in debt , that if the poor could have but liberty to seek their ovvne , and if justice vvere running like a streame , durst not be seen , must novv have acts made in their favours liberating them from the sentence of the lavv , and allovving them to presse upon their creditours , the most barren , frutelesse , and uselesse of their lands , and that at tvventy years purchase , after they have by manifest iniquity , vvithheld aught yeers annualrent , vvhich is near the equal half of the principal summe ; and such others acts of that nature . Is this the liberty he talkes of , That a fevv shall have liberty to drink avvay and vvith debauchery , destroy the substance of the land , and vvaste it upon vvhores and cups ? If these ovve that liberty , unto him , I am sure he vvill have little reason , ere all be done , to ovve his standing unto them , When the anger of God shall beginner to kindle , and his vvrath shall be revealed from heaven against all ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men . But lastly , vvhat if vve should grant him , vvhat he dar not in plaine tearmes require : viz. That the King ruleth over us novv jure conquestus ? Sure he must then be Tyrannus sine titulo , a Tyrant vvithout a title : for his old title , being gone and expired , he had no nevv title vvhereupon to ground the lavvfulnesse of his conquest , and therefore by his scope and drift here , he proclaimeth a liberty to all the People of Scotland to carry tovvards him , as an usurper ; to seek to dethrone him , and to cut him off : for Polititians vvill grant that a Tyrant vvithout a title may be so dealt with : And thus vve fee that if he loose the old fundations , he shakes the throne more then he is a vvarre of ; And as in many other things through this pamphlet so in this , he doth his Master no good service , notvvithstanding of the great fee he hath gote for his paines . The summe of what followeth , Pag. 92 , 93. is this [ That none before King James 6. did at their installing enter into Covenant with the People , ( except what one sayeth of Gregory the great , who swore to defend the libertyes of the Christian Religion , &c. which then was Popery ) and neither did King James himself do it , but only Morton and Hume in his name promised somehing like it ; nay it is doubted , if King Charles the first did sweare that oath , of if he did , he was the first , and yet he was aught yeers our King before , and it is to be beleeved on good ground , that if he had thought his taking of that oath , should have subjected him to the coactive and punitive power of the Subjects , in every case , wherein they or any party of them ) being meer private persons ) might think him deficient , he would rather have endured any death . but it shall be avowed , that he did never shrink from the observation of that Godly oath , neither hath his Majesty who now reigneth swerved from the observation of that oath hitherto , and we are hopeful , God's grace shall preserve him hereafter , from any such thing . ] Answ . 1. We cannot expect that Buchanan , studying much brevity , would set downe all the formalityes that were used at the coronation of the Kings , he only satisfying himself with a series of the succeeding Kings , and with a relation of some of the most remarkable passages : And therefore , it is no good argument to conclude that no such thing was ; because he doth not make mention thereof . 2. other historians name some other Kings beside that Gregory , who tooke an oath at their coronation , as Corbred the 21. King , who swore se majorum consiliis acquieturum . That he should be ruled by the counsel of a Parliament , whom he accounted his Superiours . So in Macbethus his dayes , it vvas ordained by the Estates , that the King should sweare to maintaine the community of the Realme . 3. Whether they did actually sweare an oath at their coronation or not , it is not much to the matter ; for a virtual and implicite Covenant will ground all which we desire , and that there was this much , cannot be denyed , seing Kings , who could not reigne , was layd aside ; others who corrupted government , were pursued , sentenced , punished , imprisoned , and killed in battle , or otherwise made to promise amendment ; And seing we finde bonds laid upon Kings , as that in the dayes of Finnanus the 10. King. [ That Kings thereafter should do nothing of any great concernment , without the authority of their publick Councel , and should not rule the Kingdome according to the Counsel of his Domesticks ; That he should manage no publick businesse which belonged to the King , without the advice and conduct of the Fathers , and should neither make peace or war , enter into Leagues , or break Leagues by himself , without the concurrence and command of the Fathers & Heads of tribes . ] This was a fundamental Law of the Kingdome , and all who accepted of the crowne thereafter must have accepted it upon these tearmes , though they had not been in plaine tearmes expressed , So Durstus his Successour did sweare the same , and therefore in Mogaldus the 23. King his dayes , this is called the ancient custome , for he ad consilia Seniorum omnia ex prisco more revocavit , did all by a Parliament according to the ancient and received custome : And because Conarus the 24. King neglected , or refused to follow this received custome , he was cast into prisone ; So that the not observing of these conditions made them obnoxius unto the coactive power of the People . So was Romachus censured by the Parliament for the same crime . So we read of many others censured for their misdemanurs as Constantine the 43. King , Ferchardus the first the 52. King , Ferchardus the 2. the 54. King , Eugenius the 62. King , Donaldus the 70. King , all which instances & many such like , do abundantly cleare that the Kings of old were under bonds and obligations , if not explicite , yet tacite unto the People . 4. Whatever can be said concerning the ancient Kings ; yet now it is past doubt that all our Kings are bound to sweare an oath at their coronation , and so are under conditions and Covenant-tyes and obligations , and this is enough for our present purpose . 5. It was thought suffificient in point of formality & legality that the Earle of Mortoun and Hume should sweare in name of the King , at this coronation . [ That he should observe the Lawes , and according to his power should preserve the doctrine , and rites of Religion , which were then taught , and publickly received , and oppose himself to all which was repugnant thereunto . ] And this was the very summe of that oath , which was afterward concluded in Parliament , to be received by all Kings at their coronation . And the reason why they did not put King Iames to that oath thereafter , was because , he was but once crowned , and the oath was to be sworne at the coronation : and when King Iames was crowned , It was done by others for him , as is said . 6. Though this man make a question , whether King Charles did swear this oath or not at his coronation , yet it is notoure that he did , and though he beleevet● , that if the King had thought , that his taking of that oath , should have been so far mistaken by his Subjects , as that he should have been thought thereby , to have submitted himself to their coactive and punitive power , in every case , wherein they or any part of them might think him deficient , he would rather have endured any death , then so to have cast himself away , at the pleasure of malcontented partyes , amongst the People , taking advantage against him by that oath : ( all which we may give him good leave , to beleeve , for we assert no such thing ) yet he must suffer us to beleeve also , upon as good ground , That if King Charles had absolutely or peremptoriely refused to have taken that oath , or had said , That he would rule as he listed , and have no regaird to the established lawes ; and whould bring in what Religion he pleased , though it were Machometanisme or Poperie ; or that he did not account himself obliged to the Subjects by any oath he could take , The Nobles and others would have scrupled to have given him the Crowne , and acknowledged him King. And their after practices declared that they looked upon him , as a King obliged by tearmes and conditions unto them : which when he broke , they maintained their right against him , with their sword , when no other meane could prevaile . 7. Though it be true , that King Charles the first was acknowledged King sometime before he was crowned , yet that was with respect to the same conditions , unto which he was , by his taking the place , virtually obliged ; and therefore afterward , when he came to be crovvned , and formally installed , he did also formally and expresly take on the obligation . And vvhether he did ever shrink from the observance of that godly oath , let this perfidious man avovv vvhat he vvill , many vvill assert it as certane , in some poynts , and too too probable in other . 9. But though he should doubt vvhether any King , before King Charles the second , did svveare any oath or Covenant vvith the People ; yet he cannot doubt of vvhat this King Charles the second did : It being being beyond all denyall and contradiction , That he swore both that Oath which was injoyned in King Iames the si●t his dayes ; and also the National Covenant , and the Solemne League and Covenant : and that according to these , the Subjects did sweare obedience unto Him : Here was then a mutual conditional Covenant , explicitly , and in plaine tearmes , with all the solemnities imaginable , entered into : and what needs more to cleare all which we have said , and to ground all which we would inferre , to justify the late action : For as for his vaine inferences , they concerne not us , and more shall be spoken of them afterward . 10. Though this Surveyer be ready to avow that this King hath never swerved from the observation of that oath enjoyed Anno 1567. yet all the World seeth , that he hath not , as he ought to have done , maintained the true Religion , nor right preaching , and administration of Sacraments ; Neither hath he , according to his power , abolished and withstood all false Religions contrary to the same , as appeares by the great indulgence , and toleration , if not countenance , granted to Popery and Papists . Neither hath he ruled us , according to the will of God , but rather persecuted us for adhereing to the Word of God : nor hath he ruled us , by the laudable Lawes and constitutions of the realme , but hath with a packt Parliament , principled to his minde , overturned our lawes & libertyes , & hath framed & established iniquity by a law . 11. But what sayes he to the Nat. Cov. & League & Cov. ? Dar he avow that he hath not broken these ? If he had not , we had not been troubled this day , with a Popish Prelatical and Malignant faction , nor had we seen these abjured and foresworne Prelates , nor had we seen the work of reformation of religion , in worship , Doctrine . Discipline and Government , so overthrowne , overturned and trode upon , as it is this day . 12. So then , seing he cannot deny , but the King took and solemnely swore these Covenants , and that now he hath openly , and avowedly broken them , it is undenyable that he hath broken the conditions on which he was made King : yea , seing these were the maine conditions , and the only conditions considerable , and were become the fundamental law of our constitution , he hath violated the principal and only conditions covenanted , and what we shall hence inferre , we shall now show . Having thus vindicated and cleared the premises , we shall draw out our arguments and conclusions thence , and , 1. If People propose conditions and tearmes unto Princes , to be by them acquiesced in , and submitted unto , and upon which they are to accept their Crowne and Scepter ; Then , if the Prince of King violate these conditions which he once accepted , and contrare of his promise and engagement , destroy what he promised to build up ; The People may very lawfully defend themselves , and these good ends , which they endeavoured to have secured , by proposeing these conditions unto the Prince , when he is seeking to destroy all , even by force vvhen there is no other remedy . But such is our case . The King vvas formally and expresly engaged by Compacts and Covenants to secure the Reformed Religion in Doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline , and Government ; to secure all these vvho owned the same , and adhered to the Covenants ; and to ratify and approve all lavves made for these Covenants , and for the security of such as entered into these Covenants : and novv notvvithstanding of these conditions agreed unto by him , the Covenant and vvork and all is overturned , People persecuted meerly upon the account of their adhereing to these Covenants , all conditions are violated , all Covenants , Vowes , Compacts , Engagements and vvhat could be devised for security of the reformation and of the ovvners thereof , are broken . Who then can condemne even privat persons if they stand to their defence in this case ? See Althusius polit . cap. 38. n. 30. 2. If People may lavvfully and laudably defend the fundamental lavves of the Kingdom , on vvhich the constitution of the Kingdome standeth , and on vvhich the security of vvhat is dear to them as men , and as Christians , relveth . Then the late act cannot be condemned ; because , in defending themselves , they stood for that vvhich vvas the maine and principal tearme of our constitution . But the former is true : because the Prince violating these , destroyeth the constitution , and because He cannot do this as a Prince , having already engaged as a Prince to maintaine the constitution , he must do it as a private person , or an enemy to the constitution and whole body of the land . Therefore he may wel be resisted , even by private persones , see this fully made out by Althus . Pol. cap. 38. n. 37. both out of Lawyers and Divines . 3. If a People , even by resistence , may defend their personal libertyes and rights , secured unto them by Compacts with the Prince , or by the fundamental lawes of the land , which the Prince as Prince is bound to maintaine . Then the late act cannot be condemned : because by it they were but defending that , which the King had secured unto them , by his compact , and which was secured unto them by the fundamental law of the land . But the former is true : because a privat person is allowed by law to maintaine his Lands and Rights , even though some , in the Kings name , should come , under whatsoever pretext , to robe and dispossesse him , and shut him to the door . Therefore , this late act , though of private persones , cannot be condemned . 4. If a Prince violating all , or he maine conditions , upon which he was made Prince , becometh stricto jure no Prince , but falleth from his benefice , not having done the offices , in consideration of which , he gote that benefice conferred upon him [ non enim ( sayeth Althus . ubi supra ) commodum debet sentire ex contractu quem vel omittendo vel committendo quis impugnat . ] Then lawfully enough such an one may be resisted , even by Private persones ; as is cleare . But the former is made clear above : and such is our case now ; for the King hath broken , palpably and avowedly , the maine and principal conditions , on which he was made King , having overturned the work of reformation , which , if he had not promised , vowed and covenanted to maintaine , he had never been crowned or admitted to the exercise of that Government . Who then can blaime a People standing to their owne defence , when oppressed and tyrannized over by his emissaries , who hath thus violated the principal and only conditions of the compact , and is forceing them to the same excesse of wickednesse and perjury ? [ deficiente hâc conditione sayeth Althus . Pol. c. 38. n. 40. ) desinit ●bligatio , & fidem non servanti , fidem ei quoque non servari aquum est . Nam qui non facit quod debet , nec recipit quod oportet , nec p●tere potest , quod ei ideo ab alio debetur : quam naturam esse conventionum in quibus utraque pars contrahens obligatur , testatur Tiraq . de Legib. Connub. Gloss . 1. part 13. n. 42. & la●è Mascard . Concl. 1387. per Alleg. Ibid. Rolland . a Val. Consil . 69. Vol. 4. & Consil . 53. Vol. 1. quando ergo una pars promissa non praes ; tat , facit eo ipsout & altera liberetur . Dynus Alexander & Jason , in L. cum proponas C. de pactis . ] 5. If when a Prince violateth the maine and principal conditions , on which he was installed , a People be siricto jure liberated from subjection unto him . Then much more may they resist him , when he by his emissaries oppresseth , and unjustly violenteth them . But we have cleared the former to be ture . Therefore , so is the later . The consequence cannot be denyed : for if stricto jure a people may disowne a prince , then much more may they repell his unjust violence . If law admit the more , it will admit the lesse also . The application of this is cleare from the former . 6. If the Covenant or Compact , which is betwixt Prince and People give law-clame to the People to pursue the Prince . , in case of failing in the maine and principal thing covenanted : Then , sure the People may resist unjust violence ; for they who pursue , for a broken Compact , according to their clame , may farr more defend their clame when invaded by force , contrare to the compact . The application of this is also cleare . 7. Since by this compact , it is clear as Althusius tells us Pol. Cap. 19. n. 12. that the People or Kingdome are the full Lords proprietors of all the power , and have free liberty to dispose of it , the frute and emolument thereof redounding to themselves , having full power no lese then any private person to manage dispose , and dispense in their owne matters as they please . Then when they finde the person to whom the Government is committed by compacts , administrating the same to their hurt and destruction , they may see to their owne good , and not suffer themselves to be destroyed , but resist him who instead of a mandatarius and servant , turneth a Tyrant and Enemy . 8. Since , as the same Althusius sayeth Ibid. n. 13. by this compact it is apparent , that the Ius the power or authority , which is given to the Supream Magistrate is not his owne , & is lesse then the Ius of the People & inferiour to theirs ; because it dependeth upon the free will & prescription of the People , & endeth with the death of the prince , who is Mandatarius ; as other contractus Mandati use to do , and recurreth to its owne proper Master and Lord. Then it cannot be unlawful for the People the commander here , to see to their owne saiftie , and provide that their owne free gift destroy them not , and so to resist the Prince abuseing that power to their destruction . 9. If it be certane ( as it is to Althus . Pol. c. 19. n. 47. ) that the Prince hath no more power given to him by the People , then what is contained in the conditions upon which he undertaketh the government , and what more he assumes , he usurpeth by tyranny from the People . Then when he usurpeth more power then was given to him , he may be resisted : and the People are allowed to preserve their owne : and when he ruleth contrare to the conditions , and destroyeth these , it is certane He arrogateth to himself a power which was never given to him , yea which was virtually prohibited and discharged to him : and in that case may lawfully be resisted , as is undenyable . The antecedent Althusius proveth in the forecited place n , 48. saying [ aequitas hujus rei naturalis demonstrari potest ex natura mandati , quod dicitur contractus bonae fidei , obligans eum qui alienorum negotiorum administrationem suscepit , ne limites & fines mandati excedat , sed contineat se intraterminos praescriptos a mandante , ut latius docent J. CC. quibus addendus Vasq . Illustr . Quaest . L. 1. c. 47. n. 13. CAP. VII . Of the Nature of the Kings Power over his Subjects . Our Arguments hence . FRom what hath been said in the two former chapters , vve may saifly gather these conclusions concerning the nature of the povver of a Soveraigne over his Subjects , vvhich vvill yeeld us so many arguments , confirming the poynt in hand . 1. The Soveraigne's povver over his Subjects , is not properly a parental povver , that is , not such a povver as parents have over their children : for 1. The Soveraigne's power over the Subjects ariseth from a voluntary compact , and consent of the Subjects , as was shewed ; but the Father's power requireth no such previous consent or compact . 2. The Soveraigne's power may be restricted to so many degrees by the Subjects ; so cannot the Father's by the Children . 3. The Subjects obedience and subjections to the Soveraigne may be conditional ; as we have proved , and our adversaries will grante it , in limited Princes : but so cannot the subjection of Children be . 4. Whethersoever Children goe , they keep always the same relation to the same Parents : but Subjects may change their Soveraignes , by changing the places of their habitation . 5. Children can in no case break that relation , which is betwixt their Fathers and them ; but in many cases , Royalists themselves will grant , Subjects may shake off the King. 6. Children cannot change their Fathers : but Subjects may change their Soveraignes ; for Royalists wil grant that such as are under an Aristocracy may make choise of a Monarch . 7 , Children hold their natural being of their Parents , but Soveraignes are designed only for the political or civil welbeing of the Subjects . 8. Subjects may choose what Soveraignes they will , whether Monarchical or Aristocratical , and what persones in this , or that forme : Children can not choose what Parents they shall have . 9. Subjects can condescend upon the time how long such an one shall be their Soveraigne , ad vitam or culpam : but Children can not set bounds unto their Parents power . 10. Soveraignes have not begotten all their Subjects , nor doth their relation or power flow form such an act : but Paternal power doth . 11. If the Soveraigne's power were paternal only , then he should not have power of life and death , because parents as such have not that power over their Children ▪ 12. The Surveyer himself granteth this Pag. 29. in these words . [ Kings are not fathers of our flesh , or by generation , nor can they be truely called so , political and parental power are different things . ] So then the Soveraigne's power is paternal only in a metaphorical sence : because They should have a Fatherly care and inspection over their Kingdomes , and should nourish , cherish , love and governe them tenderly and carefully ; and as Parents in some respects , love their children better then themselves , so should they preferre the good of the commonwealth unto their owne : and upon this account are stiled Fathers Gen. 20. 2. Iudg. 5. 7. 1 Sum. 24. 12. Isa . 49. 23. as also Pastors are . 2. The Soveraigne's power is not properly Marital , or such as Husbands have over their Wives , for . 1. Wives cannot limite their Husband's power , as Subjects may limite their Soveraigne's . 2. Wives cannot prescribe the time how long such an one shall be their Husband , as Subjects may do vvith their Soveraignes . 3. Wives cannot change their Husbands , as Subjects may change an Aristocracy into a Monarchy . 4. Wives are appoynted for an helpe to the Husband , but the Soveraigne is rather for the Commonvvealth , then the Commonvvealth for him . 5. If the Soveraigne's povver vvere such , then he could not have povver of life and death ; for a Husband as such hath not that povver over his Wife . 6. Though the Husband and the Wife be in distinct Kingdomes , the relation standeth , and is not broken upon that account , but if a subject goe out of one Kingdome , to live into another , he changeth his Soveraigne , and hath a relation to a nevv Soveraigne . 3. So he is but metaphorically , and not properly called the Head of the Commonwealth : for 1. the head is not made Head by the free choise of the Members : but the Soveraigne is chosen by the People . 2. The Members have not so much as a consent in setting up the Head : but Subjects , at least , have this much , in setting up of Princes 3. the Members can never change the Head , but Subjects may change their Soveraignes . 4. The Members can make no compact with the Head , as Subjects may do with their Princes . 5. The Members cannot limite the power of the Head , as Subjects can limite the power of their Princes . 6. The Members cannot destroy the Head and live themselves , but Subjects can destroy the Monarch and choose another . 7. The Head communicateth life , sense & motion to the rest of the members ; so doth not the Prince unto his Subjects . 8. The same individual life is in Head and Members ; but not in King and Subjects . 9. Head and Body die and live together , but there is no such connexion betwixt King and Subjects . So then he is but a metaphorical Head , so called , because of his supereminency , He is over the civil body to rule and guide it aright . 4. The Soveraigne hath no Lordly , dominative , or masterly power over the Bodyes of his Subjects . For 1. this government is founded upon the law and light of pure nature , but this masterly dominion is a frute of sin . 2. Slavery being against nature , & a bondage , which all would willingly shun , we cannot suppose that rational people would choose that life , if they could help it : but they willingly , & not out of constraint , choose government & governours 3. The people in setting up a Soveratigne propose their owne good & have their owne ends , but if the Soveraigne's power were properly a masterly power , they should propose rather his good then their owne in setting him up . 4. If his power were a masterly power , their condition after the government were established should be worse , then it was before : for their state of liberty was preferable to their state of bondage . 5. They had not acted rationally , if to be free of oppression of others , they had willingly given up themselves unto an oppressour , endued with masterly dominion and power . 6. Masters might sell their servants for gaine Gen. 9. 25. and 20. 14. and 26. 14. 1 King. 2. 32. 2. King. 4. 1. Neh. 5. 8. Eccles . 2. 7. Iob. 1. 3 , 15. But the prince cannot sell his Kingdome . 7. Soveraignes have not such a povver as this , from God , but only a povver to feed , to rule , to defend , and to watch over the people for their good , 1 Tim. 2. 2. Ps . 78. 71. 2 Sam. 5. 2. 1 Chron. 11. 2. and 17. 6. Neither have they it from the People ; for they cannot give such a povver , vvhereby to make themselves slaves . 8. If it vvere so , Princes should not be a blessing unto a People , but rather a curse contrare to 1 King. 10. 9. Esa . 1. 26. Ier. 17. 25. Hos . 1. 11. 9. It is a blessing to be free of slavery Exod. 21. 2 , 26 , 27. Deut. 15. 12. Ier. 34. 9. Ioh. 8. 33. 1 Cor. 9. 19. But it is not a blessing to be free of government , but a curse and judgment rather , Iudg. 19. 1 , 2. Esa . 3. 1 , 6 , 7. Hos . 3. 4. 10. Subjects are the King's brethren , Deut. 17. 20. and so not his slaves . The Surveyer Pag. 30. 31. granteth that there is a great difference betwixt Magistratical power and Masterly , and giveth three maine differences . 1. That the Master of slaves had his owne profite mainly before his eyes , and the profite of the Slaves only secondarily : But the Magistrates power is premarily ordinated to the Publick good of the Community it self , and only secondarily and consequentially to the good of Himself . 2. That Masters had a greater power over the bodyes and goods of these , who were their Slaves , then a Magistrate can clame over Subjects . 3. The Master had the slaves in subjection to him , more out of feare and constraint , then love or delight : But a King hath his Subjects under him , in a civil , free , liberal , voluntary , and loving subjection . Thus we see this point is cleare and undenyable by him , though other Royalists will not grant so much : but sure if they were his slaves , they behoved to be taken in war or bought with money . 5. Neither hath he a despotick & masterly power over the go●ds of his Subjects , what ever use may be allowed to make of them , in case of necessity ( when , in some respect , all things are common ) for the Common good , and good not only of the owners , but also of all the Community . Yet the Subjects are righteous proprietors of their owne goods . For 1. the People make choise of him , for this very end to preserve them in their rights , to keep their rights inviolated , to keep them from oppression and injuries of others ; so that it cannot be imagined that rational People would make choise of one great robber , to preserve them from lesser robbers . 2. Their case should be rather worse as better , by the erecting of a civil government , if the Soveraigne were the only proprietor of all their goods for before the erection they had a just right and title unto their owne goods . 3. Soveraignes should not be a blessing unto a People , but a curse : Which is false . 4. Then they could wrong no man take what they would from him , contrare to Zeph. 3 : 3. Esai 3 : 14 , 15. and 58 : 4 , 6. Mich. 3 : 3. see Timpl. pol. lib. 5. cap. 1. quaest . 3. 5. The law , Deut. 17. contradicteth this masterly power over the Subjects goods . 6. Ahab was blaimed for taking Naboths Vineyaird . 7. This is the very character of a Tyrant , 1 Sam. 8. 8. The Kings of Egypt had not his propriety , Gen. 45. 9. No man might then defend his owne right by law against the Soveraigne , but he might take what he pleased , from whom he pleased , and give to whom he pleased . 10. Then the King could not properly buy or sell with his Subjects . 11. Nor could Subjects make any barganes amongst themselves without his consent . 12. Nor could they exerce any acts of charity ; because charity must be of Mens owne , Esa 58 : 7. Ecc. 11 : 1. 13. Yea , Subjects could neither perform a duty , nor fail in a duty , in the matter of goods , if all were his . 14. Subjects could not be enjoyned to pay tribute unto the Prince , contrare to Rom. 13 : 6. 15. It is contrare both to the Law of God and nature : see Timpl. ubi supra . 6. Hence Soveraignes are not proper proprietors of their Kingdomes : Because 1. there are other qualifications required of them , then is required of ordinary proprietors . 2. The People then could never change their Soveraignes . 3. The Soveraigne might sell and dispone his Kingdomes , as he pleased , which Royalists themselves wil not grant . 4. Kingdomes then should come in amongst bona fortuna . 5. His place should not be properly a function or office , but a proper possession . 6. Several Kings both in Scotland & elsewhere , have been hindered from dilapidating the revenues of the crovvne , or by gifts and other contracts deteriorating the Kingdome , and punished for so doing . 7. Would rational men give themselves up for a prey to one , that they might be saife from becoming a prey to others ? 8. How should then a Soveraigne be chosen for the good of the Kingdom , if he might do with it what he pleased , sell it , or dispone it to the Turk : or such like . 9. Paul , by commanding that tribute & custome be given to him , supponeth some other thing : see Althus . poli . cap. 24. n. 35 , 37. 7. Nor so much as usufructuaryes : For 1. they may not lay their Kingdomes in pledge , as an usufructuary may do . 2. Nor can they give them freely away . Nor 3. may they do with them what they please , as usufructuaryes may do with what they have by that right : See Iun. Brut. vind . cont . Tyr. q. 3. p. ( mihi ) 205. 8. The Soveraigne's power is properly a fiduciary power , such as the power of a Tutor of Patron , for to this end & purpose was He created of the People that he might defend them from injuries and oppressions . He is appoynted over them by God for their good , and is to seek that mainly . 2. though he hath his power by way of compact , yet it is not a compact ex condigno , such as betwixt buyer and seller , upon valuable prices and considerations 3. His power is limited & restricted and he is bound to conditions , as we shewed . 4. He may not ( as was said ) dispose of his Subjects , and of their lives as he pleaseth . 5 if he sell his Kingdomes , Royalists grant he may be dethroned ; therefore he hath no other power then of a Tutor , Publick Servant , or Watchman , 6. His power is over his Subjects , as it is over the law of God and religion , but over those he hath no other power , but a ministerial Tutorypower : He is to take care for them ex officio , as a special pawne committed to his trust , to see that they be not wronged or violated : see Althus . polit . cap. 24. n. 43 , 44 , 45. Adrian the Imperour used to say Ita se Remp. gesturum ut sciret Populi esse . non suam . Hence we draw these arguments for resistence of Soveraignes by meer private Subjects , in cases of necessity . 1. If it be lawful for Children to resist their Father , when enraged against them , and seeking in his fury , to destroy and cut them off , whithout any violation of the Law of God enjoyning Children to obey , and be subject to , their Parents in the Lord ; Then it is lawful for Subjects though private persons , to resist the fury of their enraged Soveraigne , when he is seeking , in his cruelty and rage , contrary to compact , oathes and vowes , to destroy Them and their Religion . But the former is true . Therefore &c. The Assumption cannot be denyed by any rational person . It being most just and rational , that when the Father is taken with a distemper in his braine , and in his madnesse seeketh to destroy or cut the throates of his Children , They may joyne together , binde his hands , pull the weapon out of his hand and defend themselves the best way they can . The connexion of the proposition is certane ; for , the most the adversaries can make of the Soveraignes power is that it is paternal , and that he is parens patriae the Father of the Commonwealth : & yet seing natural Fathers may be resisted by their natural Children , in case of necessity , without the help or conduct of Magistrates : Why may not also private Subjects , without the conduct of a Parliament , defend of themselves , in case of necessity , against the fury and rage of their civil father , when he by his bloody emistaries , is seeking to undoe them ? But next we may draw the argument from the lesse to the more . If it be lawful for Children , in cases of necessity , to defend themselves against , and to resist the unjust violence of their enraged Father : Then much more is it lawful , for private subjects , in cases of necessity , without the conduct of Parliament , to defend themselves against and to repel the unjust violence of their Soveraigne . For there is not such a connection betwixt the Soveraigne and his Subjects , as betwixt Parents and their Children , as we have abundantly cleared : And againe , if some of the Children may resist the unjust violence of their Parent and of others of their Brethren , joyning with their enraged Father to cut them off , that they alone may enjoy the whole inheritance or for some such ends : Then far more may a part of the Common-wealth resist the Prince's unjust Tyranny , though he hath the other parts of the Commonwealth concurring with him , to their destruction : For the argument followeth , as I said , à ; minori ad majus , from the lesse to the more : And the union , tye & relation betwixt Brethren , Sones of the same Father , is as great , yea greater , then the tye , union and relation betwixt one part of the Commonwealth & another ; this relation being but political and in itself no wayes indissoluble , but the other natural and indissoluble . 2 ▪ If Wives may lawfully defend themselves against the manifest and unjust violence of unnatural and enraged Husbands , and repel , in case of necessity , violence with violence , without the conduct or concurrence of other Magistrates . Then it is no lesse , yea much more , lawful for meere Private Subjects , in cases of necessity , to resist without the help and conduct of a Parliament , the furious and unjust assaults of their enraged Soveraigne . But the former is true , as all will grant . Therefore , &c. The proposition is cleare from this . That there is not so great a tye betwixt Prince and Subjects , as betwixt Husband and Wife : And say that he had an equal power over his Subjects , with that which the Husband hath over his Wife ( which is false , ) yet the connexion will be firme , as to a lawfulnesse in this case , as wel as in the other . 3. If there be not such a connexion betwixt the Soveraigne and his Subjects , as is betwixt the natural Head , and the Body . Then it can no more yea , far lesse , be an unnatural thing for Subjects to defend themselves against the violence of distempered Princes , Who seek directly to destroy the Commonwealth , when necessity doth urge ; Then it is for the members of the Body , to defend and fortify themselves against danger , paine or sicknesse , occasioned by a distemper of the braine , yea and with violence seek to cure & remove that distemper in the head , that is like to destroy the whole body . 4. If the Soveraigne hath not a Lordly domination , & masterly power over his Subjects , but they be is Brethren & not his Slaves ; and , if the very Law will allow Servants to defend themselves against their Lords and Masters , L. Minime 35. de Rel. & sumpt . funer . and no man with us will account it unlawful for servants to defend themselves against the unjust and violent assaults of their Lords and Masters . Then farr lesse can it be accounted unlawful for private Subjects to defend themselves , when constrained with necessity , against the unjust assaults of the Soveraigne or his emislaries . But the Antecedent is cleared , and confessed . Ergo. 5. If the Soveraigne have no despotick or Masterly power over the goods and heritages of his Subjects , as we have proved . Them very lawfully may they defend their lands goods and heritages , from the violent and unjust oppressions ; of the Prince or his emissaries , sent out to plunder , rob , destroy their corns , cattel , goods , land summes of money , &c. 6. If the Kingdome be not his proper heritage , nor he proprietor thereof , as was shewed ; Then when He or his Emissaries come to destroy a considerable part of the Kingdome , and to alienate the profites and emoluments thereof unto others , then the proper owners and proprietors , unjustly . Then may that part of the Kingdome lawfully resist these unjust oppressours and invaders , & defend their owne . 7. If He be not so much as an usufructuary of the Kingdome : then when He laboureth by his Emissaries to waste and destroy the Kingdome or any part thereof , by unjust violence , private Subjects may resist that unjust violence , and oppose his oppressing Emissaryes . If a Master may hinder his usufructuary tennants who would deteriorate the land , which they possesse by compact ; Then much more may subjects resist the Princes Emissaries when labouring utterly to spoile , and lay waste these lands , whereof he is not so much as an usufructuary : 8. If the King's power be only fiduciary as is shewed . Then when that power is manifestly abused , and the pawne which he hath gote to keep , in imminent and manifest danger , lawfully enough may he be resisted ; When the Lives , the Liberties of the People , or their Religion is committed unto him , as to a publick Tutor , Watchman , or Servant ; & He what through negligence , what through wilful wickednesse , laboureth to destroy , and undoe , and overturne all , very lawfully may Subjects , in that case of extreame necessity , seek to secure the Necessary and desireable things , and resist his fury and unjust violence , who contrare to his oath and promise , seeketh to have all overturned and ruined . Althusius pol. cap. 38. n. 39. speaketh well to this , saying [ Octava ratio sumitur a natura contractus mandati , quo summa Magistratui administratio est delata à populo , ad hoc ut Reip pro●it non ut noceat , Rom. 13. Vasq . lib. 1. c. 44. n. 6. &c. 1. & 2. Illust . Contr. quando igitur mandatarius fines mandatiexcedit non illi obligatus est mandator , § 15. qui Just . de Mand. Luc. 16 : 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. & quando conditio , status & fortuna mandatarii mutatur in deterius L. si quis cum de procur . L. cum quis desolut . Aut mandatum a mandante revocatur , vel ipse mandans agere & tractare negotium incipit ut tradunt J. CC. Vide Vasq . Lib. 1. c. 43. n. 5. &c. 4 , n. 12. Illust Controv. ] What he addeth is worth the reading . CAP. VIII . The Peoples saifty is the supreme Law. The King is not absolute . Hence some Moe Arguments . THat salus populi est suprema Lex is asserted by the law of the 12 Tables . The worthy author of Lex Rex hath fully confirmed this truth , and vindicated it from the exceptions , and false glosses , of the Royalists , Quaest . 25. And therefore we need say lesse to it , especially seing this Surveyer , hath nothing against it , that I have observed . That it is a truth , That the peoples saifty is the cardinal law , hence appareth , 1. That the attaineing of this end , was the maine ground and motive of the peoples condescending upon the constitution . 2. They levelled at his end , in makeing choyse of such a forme , and not of another ; for had they thought another fitter for their temper , and more conduceing for their good , they had not pitched on this , but on that . 3. with an eye to the saife and sure attaineing of this end proposed and designed , they made choise of such persones , and of none else . 4. upon this account , did they condescend upon that manner of conveyance of the supream authority , which they thought best , 5. For no other end , was it , that the Prince was limited and bound unto conditions . 6. The end being alwayes preferable to the meanes as such , The Peoples saifty , which is the end , must be preferred to all such things as are made use of as meanes conduceing to this end . 7. By the very Law and institution of God , the Magistrate is ordained for the Peoples good , Rom. 13. ver . 4. and to this end , ( next to the glory of God , unto which we alwayes give the preference ) is he direct all his publick actions as a Magistrate , and by this , is he to stirre his course , in governing the helme of the Republick . 8. Hence it is that all the municipal lawes of the Land , are made , renewed , corroborated , explained , or rescinded and annulled , so as they most conduce to this great end which is ever anima & ratio Legis . 9. Hence also it is , that no law in its letter tending to the hurt and detriment of the Realme , is or can be of force . 10. Hence it is , that the Soveraigne in cases of necessity , may neglect the strick observation of the letter of the lawes , and for the good of the community , neglect private mens interests . Finally the very law of nature requireth this , as Boxhornius Inst . Polit lib. 1. Pag. 25. tells us . Doctor Sanderson in his book dc obligati●ne conscientiae praelect . 9. & 10. laboureth to put another glosse upon this axiome : But he may be easily answered : for we shall readyly grant with him , that by saifty here is not meaned dignity , or liberty in some small and inconsiderable triffles , unto which some small and inconsiderable hurt is opposite : nor shall we say that any extraordinary thing is to be attempted in a Commonwealth , against the lawes , whensoever any leading popular man or bold rhetoricator or a Démagog shall say that Princes and Magistrates , have violated the lawes , done injuries to the people , and neglected their duty ; yet he must give us leave to say , That the saifty of the people , is in hazard , when it is manifest and notour , so as they who run may read it , that lawes , once established , and for the future good and through security of the subject , by Oathes and Covenantes corroborated , and made irrepelable , by any Magistrate higher or lower , are annulled , condemned , and rescinded ; nay the Covenants whereby the land was devouted to God , and their Religion secured to them , and the fundamental law or ground of the Constitution , and condition on which the Soveraigne was admitted to his throne , overturned , and trode under foot : All forced to condemne their former actions and Covenants , Vowes , Oathes , Prayers , Teares , Fastings , Fightings &c. by subscribing contradictory , condemnatory , and rescissory acts , and declarations , and forced to run counter their owne oathes and Solemne Engagements , otherwise to be exposed to ruine by arbitrary mulcts , fineings , imprisonements , quarterings , cruel and inhumane usages , plunderings , vastations , depopulations and the like . Is not this equivalent to incursions of forraigne adversaryes ? Is not this depredation committed by wicked subjects ? Is there not here impious and horrible acts of tyranny ? But he will have the word People taken for the Prince distinct from the People , or in a collective sense , for Prince and People together . He must be a strong rhetoricator indeed that will perswade any to beleeve this , seing there is no reason in the world for it : For though we should grant that among the Romans it vvas sometimes used to designe , not only the plebeians , but also the equestral crder conjunctly , as in that axiome Senatus populusque Romanus . The senate and the people of Rome : And that sometimes it did designe the Fathers , the knights , and the Plebeians conjunctly , yet it will not follovv that it is so it is so taken in this axiome ; for if vve should follovv his ovvne rule , viz. That collective vvords should be collectively taken , unlesse the opposite vvhich is annexed , require othervvise : And vvith all , make use of this ovvne vvords prael . 10. § . 19. A romana gente &c , 1. e [ I have told that this axiome is come to our hands from the Romans , and now I adde , that in the 3 book of Cicero de legibus that sentence is frist found , for any thing I know ; yet , as he testifieth himself , taken out of the ancient lawes of that nation , and copied out of the very letter of the law . Now this Cicero after he hath described and explained , in the preceding book , the lawes pertaining to Religion and the worshiping of the Gods , at length ? in the third book , he comes to rehearse these lawes which concearne the Republick and the Magistrates , where these words are to be found . Regio Imperio duo sunto , iique praeeundo , judicando , consulendo , praetores judices consules appellantor , militiae summum jus habento , nemini parento , ollis ( i.e. illis ) salus populi suprema lex esto he sayes , to these the chief law should be the peoples saifty : Now who are these ? those , viz. Who were endued with King'ly power , and had the chief disposall of the militia , &c. ] It vvill then be as cleare as can be , that the opposite which is added or annexed , doth sufficiently show that the vvord People in this axiome , is to be taken for the People , as contradistinguished from the Magistrates , and not for People and Magistrate conjunctly ; far lesse for the Prince as distinct from the People . And doth not this same sentence of Cicero's fully confirme our Glosse , and say that Princes and Magistrates , as such , ought mainly to designe the good of the People , over whom they are set , & to have that for their end in all their publick actings , whether in making , or in executing lawes ? How then can he say that this axiome is rather to be understood of the Prince alone , then of the People alone ? But for this he tells us , That the ancient Fathers did esteem of them as next unto God ad inferiour to him only , and that the People of Israel , 2 Sam. 18 : 3. Did preferre the saifty of the King unto the saifty of all the rest , and in the Lament . 4 : 20. He is called the breath of our nostrils . To all which it is easily answered , 1. That all this will not prove , that Princes are bound by reason of their office , only to seek their owne good , greatnesse and power ; or to preferre that unto the good of the People ; and not rather designe , as their proper and principal end , the promoving of the good and saifty of the People committed to their charge . 2. The Fathers might have spoken so of the Emperours , as they were then de facto and in regaird of their supereminency , but notwithstanding of that , they and their supereminency both , was subordinate unto the good of the People , and was ex natura rei , but a meane for that maine and great good . 3. It is true in some cases , and at such a nick of time , as that was 2 Sam. 18. The losse of a good King , when he is the maine person hunted for by the adversaries , would prove more destructive to the Commonwealth , then the losse of ten thousand , and this rather confirmeth the axiome then weakeneth it , for it was upon the account of the publick good of the Commonwealth , that the life of King David was preferable to the lives of many . 4. It is not said , that His life was better then , and preferable to , the lives of the whole body of the Commonwealth . 5. That metaphorical expression Lament . 4. she weth only how useful & steadable the King would be unto them ; even a necessary mean to keep them in a politick life as to a Commonwealth ; and so it sayeth that , his whole designe as a Magistrate should be to procure their good . 6. Moses a good Prince did preferre the Peoples life unto his owne : and David did the same 1. Chron 12 : 17. and these do abundantly confirme our sense . He replyeth further ; That it was no wonder that among the Romans from whom we have this axiome , the Peoples saifty was the principal law , seing in that democratical government , the People were the Supreame powres . Ans . This is but a meer shift ; for even in a democrat . governm . the Peoples saifty is distinguished from the Supreame power which is to level all to this maine end , the saifty of the People . 2. Cicero told us that the Consuls and Praetors were bound to propose this end unto themselves ; & so we finde that the People , whose saifty is the Supream law , are distinguished from these who , whether in a Popular or Aristocratical govern . excerced the supreame povver . 3. This same is insert in the law of the XII tables , & so it was in force whatever forme of government was exerced . But syes he Prael . 9. § . 19. Hence it will not follow , That People may , when they perceive , or cry out that they perceive their libertyes hurt in some things ; take armes without the Princes leave , and violate all lawes and dutyes , and so raise tumults and seditions . Ans . Neither do we say so , nor resolve to draw any such conclusions therefrom ; but this is cleare , that when the covenanted work of reformation is overturned , laudable lawes establishing the same , contrary to oath , and solemne Engagement , rescinded , libertyes palpably violated , People in humanely persecuted for adhereing to their Covenants , &c. and unjustly oppressed by the Kings emissaries , people may then take armes in their own defence , though the King should refuse to consent , or should countenance the oppressours , & carry on that inslaving course . Againe , he sayes let any read , and read over againe that sentence of Cicero and search every pairt of it , where vvill he finde any vvarrand for Subjects to rise up against princes , to injure them or dethrone them . Ans We do not intend to search the sentence for that end , it vvill suffice us , if hence vve finde ground to conclude the lavvfulnesse of Peoples defending themselves against tyrannizeing Princes , in cases of necessity : and let him , or any for him , read , and better read that vvhole period , and narrovvly consider and examine every sentence and vvord in it , and see if he can finde this condemned . Ere I come to speak to the other particular , I shall from this draw some few things useful for our purpose , and , 1. It is irrational , and meer flattery to cry up and exalt the Soveraignes prerogative , in prejudice , and to the destruction of that , for which both He and His Prerogatives are , and were appoynted , as subservient meanes , the saifty of the People . That being de jure his maine end , and it being for this cause end , that he is endued with such power , and hath such privileges and prerogatives conferred upon him , and allowed unto him , He and his Prerogatives both , should vaile unto this Supreame Law the saifty of the People : so that when they come in competition , The Peoples saifty of right , is to have the preheminence . 2. Since all other lawes municipal , made and established in a free Realme , must be subordinate unto this Principal , and Cardinal law , and have tendency to promove , corroborate and establish it : Then , when any of these Lawes , in their letter , strick directly at the root of the saifty of the People , and thoward and crosse that maine and highest law , That law is Eaienus null , and really no law . So that it is but childish scrupulosity , to start at the letter of a law , when the Commonwealth is in hazard : and it is but brutish ignorance to object the letter of a low against such as are endeavouring the saifty of the people , which is the maine businesse , and to preserve the Commonwealth from ruine ; and destruction , against which no law is , or can be , of any force or value , but null and of no effect , for here it holdeth true , that summum jus is summa injuria . 3. Since Lawes themselves , when in their letter they crosse this maine law , must be accounted as no lowes really , and de jure ; and may saifly be neglected and passed over , when the Peoples saifty is in no small hazard by the strick adhereing to the letter thereof ? Then , much more may punctilioes , and law formalities be laid aside , when the Commonwealth is in danger . When there is a fire in a City , all the formalities of order are not strickly to observed . 4. Since The privileges , and lawful prerogatives of the Soveraigne must vaile , in cases of necessity , unto this High and Supreame Law , the saifty of the People . Then no lesse must the privileges of a Parliament yield unto this : for whatever privilege they enjoy , it is in order to this end , and the meanes must alwayes have a subserviency unto the end , and when they tend to the destruction of the end , they are then as no meanes unto that end , nor to be made use of for that end . 5. Though King and Parliament both should conspire together against the good of the Land , yet di jure they have no power or authority to destroy that End , and whatever they enact or doe , tending to the ruine of this maine and principal good , which they should have before their eyes , as their end , is ipso facto null . 6. When acts and actings of King and Parliament tend directly , and are made and done of purpose , to destroy and overthrow the work of reformation in doctrine , worshipe , discipline and government ; which was owned , and established by lawes , with all formalities of law , and was avowed by solemne vowes , Covenants , attestations , protestations , declarations , and engagements of all ranks of People , from the highest to the lowest : and courses are laid doune , to force and constraine People to renunce their Covenant with God , to turne perjured apostates ; and when by acts and actings , the fundamental tearmes & conditions of our reformed constitution , confirmed by unrepelable lawes , by the King 's accepting of his Crowne and Scepter , and all other Magistrates accepting their places , upon these tearmes , are overturned ; and when by an arbitrary and illegal tyranny , no man hath security for his life , his lands , his libertyes , nor his religion , is not the saifty of the People in danger ? No man needs to say who shall be judge , The Magistrates or the people ? For all who have eyes to see may judge , whether the Sun be shineing or not , and all who have common sense may judge in this case . When these things are done and avowed , they cannot be denyed , and no man of reason or religion will deny the inference . Hence then it is cleare , that no man in reason can condemne the late act of defence , which was the only meane left for preserving of that which all government and Governours should level at , viz. The saifty of the People , both in soull and body , their Religion , Lives , Liberties , Privileges , Possessions , Goods , and what was deare to them as men , and as Christians , howbeit it vvanted the formality of the authority of Soveraine , Parliament or Councel . No man vvho vvill not deny this axiome , can condemne them as Traitors , seing they vvere noble Patriots and loyall to that Supreame lavv , The saifty of the People . As to the other particular , concerning the absolute power of the Soveragne , We say . 1. That the Soveraigne is under obligations to his People , and bound & limited by conditions , we have shewed above : which conditions he is bound to observe , see Hoen Disp . Pol. 9. 2. That the Soveraigne is not exempted from the lawes of God , none but profane gracelesse , vvreatches vvill deny ; since he is a creature of God's and a subject to him , and his servant , Rom. 13. and therefore must not transgresse his lawes , under the paine of high treason and laese Majesty . It was but a base saying of an impudent whore Iulia to her step sone Antonius Caracalla , si libet licet , an nescis te imperatorem esse , and no lesse impious was that saying of Anaxarchus to Alexander the Great , when he had Killed Clitus in a rage , Nesus adsess●rem jovi justitiam , & fas esse quo quicquid actum a dominante fuerit , id jus & fas sit , as if for sooth Alexander could do no wrong . It was an abhominable saying of these judges to Cambyses . That though they could finde no law permitting a brother to marry his sister , yet they knew of another law , whereby it was lawful to the Kings of Persia to do whatsoever they pleased . All Divines will grant this : and so do Lawyers and Polititians : See Bodine de Repub. lib. 1. cap. 8. Hoenon . Disp . Polit. 9. Thes . 7. Paul. Voetius Iurispr . Sacra . Gerhard de Magist Polit. § . 119. Althus . Polit. cap. 19. n. 9 , 10 , 11. Timpl. Polit. lib. 5. cap. 1. Our Surveyer grants this , pag. 57 , 58. and elswhere . 3. Neither is he exempted from the Lawes of Nature and Nations ; for the law of nature is the very Law of God , and God hath no where Subjected his Law unto the vvill of Princes . 4. Neither is the exempted from all the civil Lavves , sayeth Hoenon . ubi supra . For , sayes he , many civil Lavves are but declarative of the Lavv of nature , and consectaryes thereof , and vvhat povver he hath , he hath from the People , and the People are certanely bound by these Lavves : Yea as Boxhornius sayeth , Instit . Polit. lib. 1. pag. 33. Principi tantummodo licet quantum populus ei voluit licere : No more is lawful for him then the People will. The Surveyer in the forecited place sayeth , [ It is a Royal thing for a King to live by the same good Lawes , which are given by him to the People , and it is of efficacious influence upon them ; to move them to walk in their dutyes orderly : Rex tenetur servare Leges , si non ut Leges tamen ut rationes . But he might know that our King is bound to observe the Lawes , even as Lawes , and must pay his debt , and submit to the decision of Judges as well as others . 5. Our Surveyer confesseth , Pag. 75. That the King is bound before God to rule his People according to the Law of God , of reason and nature ; yea and to take his directions in government , from the rational Lawes of the Kingdome ( which are deductions from , or determinations of , the Law of God , reason and nature , to particular circumstances ) agreed to by the consent and good likeing of his People . Hence it followeth , 1. That he cannot dispense , by his prerogative Royal , with a just Law , according to his sole pleasure , and so pardon such as deserve death ? 2. He cannot kill and slay whom he will , but according to law . 3. Nor can he alone make lawes . 4. Nor can his will stand for a law . 5. Nor is he the sole interpreter of the law . 6. Nor in interpreting of the law , hath he a dominion over it to expone it as he wil : for if these be not granted , it cannot be granted that he is bound to rule us by the Law of God , of reason , and of nature , or by the Lawes of the Kingdome , but according to his meer will and pleasure . 6. It must be a most unreasonable thing to say , That the Soveraignes power is absolute , which Royalists contend so much for , and say that he is above all law of man ; for then he might do what he pleased without controle . But 1. did ever the People set a Soveraigne over themselves , upon these tearmes ? Did ever People set him over themselves to rage at randon , to kill , murther , massacre , and do what seemed good in his eyes ? 2. Their condition should necessarily , be worse after the constitution then it was before . 3. The saifty of the People should not be the supreame Law. 4. He might then break all bonds and oathes , and keep no conditions which he had made . 5. If so , a Prince as a Prince , should be a great plague and judgment to a People . 6. All his Subjects should be formal Slaves unto him , their lives & all they have should be at his devotion . 7. He should not then be the Servant of God for the good of the People , contrare to Rom. 13 : 4. 8. If this power agree to him as King , then it is from God , and so God should give him a power to sin and tyrannize , which is most false . 9. Then there could be no Tyrants . 10. Yea a King as a King , should be a Tyrant in actu signato , and a Tyrant should be nothing but a King in actu exercito . 11. Yea if so , they might not so much as be rebuked by the messengers of the Lord , for their enormities , contrare to the many instances in the Old Testament of Prophets rebuking Princes 12 if his power were absolute , lawes would become no lawes , neither were there need of lawes , nor should the making of lawes be a meane to promove the good of the Realme : all which are most absurd . And as for for our King That he hath no such prerogative Royal , as puts him above all limitations is already sufficiently evidenced by Lex Rex and by the Apology though this Surveyer is pleased to say Pag. 11. That his prerogative Royal is disputed downe most weakly and foolishly in the Apology : Yet he will not see so much weaknesse and folly there , as he imagineth , when ever he cometh to handle that disput . But I grant it is easier to him to say , that all is weak and foolish , which pleaseth nor him , then to undertake the confutation thereof . It is enough to him , that he shew his teeth once , and then run away . But if he will afterward undertake that debate , let him consider the particulars there mentioned , and also these 24 particulars Mentioned by Lex Rex . Quaest . 23. pag. 205. 206. Unto which I shall adde ( that he may make one work of all ) these particulars , which will furder serve to confirme what is there said , and prove our poynt . 1. As it is not proper and peculiar to the Kings of Scotland to make lavves , and to explaine and interpret lavves : so nor is it peculiar unto them , to appoynt punishments unto transgressours , & to liberate and free from the stroke of the lavv , As the late Parliament declared by their deed , in murthering some , and in liberating others guilty of Treason , more then such as vvere executed : and this by politicians is made a part of the Soveraignity See Bondin . de repub . ( mihi Edit . Gall. ) pag. 236. Volgm . in Synop , de jure principum , pag. 58. Hoen . Disput Polit. pag. 124. Timpl. Polit. Lib. 5. c. 1. q. 2. 2. The last appeal cometh not alwayes to our King : and yet this is reckoned among the royal prerogatives by Bodin ubi supra , Pag. 321. and Heen . Pag. 127. Timpl. Pol. Lib. 5. Cap. 1. quaest . 2. 3. It is not proper and peculiar to the King to appoynt new imposts , customes , and taxes : but Parliaments do this , Act. 277. Parl. 15. Iam. 6. c. 2. Parl. 23. Iam. 6. Act. 1. Parl. 1. Char. 1. and act . 14. 15. of the same parl . act . 13. parl . Anno 1661. Charl. 2. and this is reckoned by the forementioned politicians among the prerogatives . Volgm . pag. 57. Hoen . pag. 129. Bodin . pag. 244. Timpl. ubi supra . 4. Nor doth it belong to him alone to appoynt the value of money , as is cleare by our acts . act . 67. parl 8. Iam. 3. act . 93. & 97. parl . 13. Iam. 3. act . 23. parl . 1. Iam. 1. act . 33. parl . 8. Iam. 2. act . 59. parl . 13. Iam. 2. act . 2. parl . 1. Iam. 4. act . 17. parl . 2. Iam. 4. act . 40. parl . 4. Iam. 4. act . 17. parl . 1. Iam. 6. act . 20. of the same parl . act . 249. parl . 15. Iam. 6. c. 9. parl . 16. Iam. 6. & yet the forecited authors reckon this also , among jura Majestatis . 5. He must not rule us by his meer will , but by the lawes of the land , act . 79. parl . 6. Iam. 4. act . 130. 131. parl . 8. Iam. 6. and not by any special grant or privat privileges act . 48. parl . 3. Iam. 1. 6. He is not the proper judge of all causes in the first instance act . 45. parl . 2. Iam. 1. act . 62. parl . 8. Iam. 3. 7. Some causes are fully exempted from his judgment and determination act . 105. parl . 14. Iam. 3. 8. The Lords of the Session may finally decide causes , according to the act . 65. parl . 3. Iam. 1. without any liberty granted to the party to appeal to the King act . 63. parl . 14. Iam. 2. and this privilege of the Session in ratified act . 93. parl . 7. Iam. 5. act . 1. parl . 2. Mar. act . 170. parl . 13. Iam. 6. act . 183. of the same parl . act . 211. parl . 14. Iam. 6. act . 23. parl . 1. Carol. 1. act . 23. parl . Anno 1661. Charl. 2. Yea the judges are allowed to discerne according to equity notwithstanding of any write of the King 's to the contrary , act . 92. parl . 6. Iam. 6. act . 47. parl . 11. Iam. 6. act . 79. of the same parl . 9. He is limited in granting remissons sic act . 46. parl . 2. Iam. 1. act . 51. parl . 3. Iam. 1 : act 75. parl . 14. Iam. 2. act . 42. parl . 6. Iam. 3. act . 94. parl . 13. Iam. 3. act . 62. & 63. parl . 6. Iam. 4. act . 174. parl . 13. Iam. 6. 10. He is limited in alienating of lands , possessions or moveable goods act . 2. parl . 1. Iam. 2. act . 41. parl . 11. Iam. 2. act . 70. and 71. parl . 9. Iam. 3. act . 112. parl . 14. Iam. 3. act . 5. parl . 1. Iam. 4. act . 10. parl . 2. Iam. 4. act . 22. ejusd . parl . act . 50. parl . 4. Iam. 4. act . 90. parl . 6. Iam. 4. act . 84. parl . 6. Iam. 5. act . 115. and. 116. parl . 7. Iam. 5. act . 6. parl . 9. Iam. 6. act . 176. parl . 13. Iam. 6. act . 159. ejusdem parl . act . 203. and 204. parl . 14. Iam. 6 : act . 236. parl . 15. Iam. 6. act . 242. and 243. ejusdem parl . act . 1. parl . 16. Iam. 6. cap. 4. parl . 23. Iam. 6. act . 10. parl . 1. Carol. 1. 11 , So is he limited in erecting Royal brughs act . 43. parl . 11. Iam. 2. 12. He is limited in appoynting publick offices for admininistration of justice , act . 44. parl . 11. Iam. 2. 12. He may not passe gifts , signatures , or remissions , but with the consent of the privy Council , act . 12. parl . 2. Iam. 4. 14. He hath been aftentimes admonished of his duty by the Parliament : see act . 23. parl . 1. Iam. 1. act . 5. and. 6. parl . 3. Iam. 2. act . 14. parl . 6. Iam. 2. act . 92. parl . 13. Iam. 3. act . 8. parl . 2. Iam. 4. act . 29. parl . 3. Iam. 4. act . 17. parl . 1. Iam. 6. If this Surveyer hath a minde to defend the King 's civil prerogative royal , or his absolute power , Let him take all these particulars to his consideration : but we goe on to our purpose . From what hath been said concerning this limited power of the Kings we draw these particulars for our purpose . 1. If the King be a limited Prince , Then he may in some cases be lawfully resisted . Gerhard himself de Magistrat . Pol. § . 484. pag. 1303. in answering of that quaestion what shall Subjects do , if a Magistrate , who is an infidel or an haeretick , doth force them unto a false religion , sayeth That such a Magistrate who hath absolute and unlimited power , and is under no compacts may not be resisted , by such as are meer Subjects : So that he would grant in this case That it is lawful , for meer private Subjects to resist a limited Prince , who is bound by compacts and contracts . It is true when he cometh afterward to speak of resisting a Tyrant , and proponeth the quaestion § . 486. whether such who have absolute power and turne Tyrants may be resisted , after he hath cited some sayings of Papists , he tells us § . 487. That all the arguments of iunius Brutus , Rossaeus , Buckerius are solidly answered by Barclaius Albericus Gentilis , Cunerus and Arnisaeus , and this passage our Surveyer bringeth in Pag. 89. But who seeth not , that it cometh not at all home to our purpose , seing our King is not a King of absolute power , though he hath his Kingdom by succession , but is limited by conditions , and stipulations . And further every one may see the weaknesse of Gerhard's reasons , and how inconsistent he is with himself : For. 1. Sayeth he , such is only under Gods jurisdicton . But alas 1. May not I resist , a person , vvho is not under my jurisdiction ? 2. Royalists will say the same of all Princes , even Barclaus and Arnisaeus . Againe he sayes The People have translated their whole power unto such a Prince & cannot recall it . But 1. They have never translated over unto him a power to inslave themselves , for that was not in their power to do . Nor 2. Could they ever give away the power of self defence , which is their birth right . 3. Sayes he , Subjects , in this case , want God's command and a Superiour power . But 1. They have God's command in nature , no lesse then these who are under limited Princes . 2. They have a superior virtual power in cases of necessity . 4. Sayes he , He is a Father of the Republict and not a Tutor only , and therefore as Children have no power over their Parents , no more have Subjects over their Princes . But , 1. Are not even limited Princes , as well Fathers to the Commonwealth ? So that by this argument , it shall be as unlawfull to resist these , which he will not say . 2. Yea such absolute Princes Look rather to be Tygers , and stated enemies unto the Common-wealth , then Fathers . 3. They have no proper Parental power , as we shewed , but Metaphorical . 4. Even natural parents may be resisted Ergo much more they . 5. We are not speaking of giving judgment against Tyrants but of resisting of them : and if he grant this , vve have our desire . And his question vvas touching resistence § . 485. Quest. 4. 2. A Limited and pactional Prince may be legally resisted , Ergo also with force when a legal resistence cannot be had . The antecedent is true and no Scottish man vvill deny it , as to our king : For if he or any for him should pretend a right to their inheritance and intend an action of lavv against them , they may defend themselves by lavv ; or if he should take possession vvithout a sentence of lavv , They might pursue him and his tennants , or vvho ever came in his name , to take violent possession , and procure letters of ejection , and the like : Yea by force they might vvithstand any that should come to take violent and illegal possession . The consequence is hence clear , That vvhatever ground a man hath to defend his rights and possession by lavv , the same ground he hath to defend his right by force , vvhen he cannot use the legal meane ; for if the King had real right , and not he , unto vvhat he possesseth , it vvere as unlavvful to vvithhold the King from possession of his ovvne , by quircks of lavv , as by force . Againe , This legal resistence is no resisting of the Ordinance of God , but of the man , vvho seeketh no enjure . No more is this violent resistance a resisting of the ordinance of God , but only of the man , vvho abuseth his povver . Hence , 3. If the King have not absolute power to do and command what he will : Then , when he crosseth the rules prescribed by God's law and Man's law , without any injury offered to the ordinance of God , he may be resisted by his Subjects , over whom he thinketh to exerce an absolute , arbitrary and tyrannical power . The reason is because . That power , which is not the ordinance of God , may be resisted , without the lest injury done unto the true ordinance of God. But this absolute power is no ordinance of God , it is not appoynted of him , nor allowed of him . Therefore , &c. But say Royalists , Though that absolute and Tyrannical power be not simply from God ; yet it is so from God , that no man can lawfully resist it Answ , 1 ▪ If it be so from God , as that it may not be resisted , then it is from God , and is the ordinance of God : for it is the ordinance of God that cannot , must not , be resisted . But sayes the Surveyer Pag. 37. [ It may be easily seen that subjection to the power ( opposite to resistence ) is all alongs enjoyned ( viz. Rom. 13. ) whether the power be rightly used or otherwise : If it be rightly used , subjection without refuseing active obedience is required : if it be not rightly used , subjection without resistence , violent or forcible repelling of the power , is required upon this formal reason and ground ; Because even when the power is abused , it remaines a power ordained of God ; ( although the abuse of it be not ordained ) even as a man's eye remaines his eye , although sometimes it is not rightly used . The formal reason of the subjection , and non-resistence pressed , is not the right use of the power , but because it is a power ordained of God ( however perverted in the use by man ) Answ . ] 1. By this mans doctrine , The King might not be resisted if he should turne another Nero or Caligula , or should deal with us all , as the Turk doth with his subjects , or the King of Spaine , with his slaves in America . If he should fill ditches with his living subjects , and to satisfy his lust and pleasure should tumble them be thousands downe a precipice into the midst of the sea : yea though he should bring in an army of Turks or Tartars to destroy all his subjects young and old ; Though he should sell and give away the whole land unto the Turk or any forraigne Tyrant , and become the most habited not our and compleat Tyrant : and should against all appearance of law , manifestly seek the destruction of the whole land , man , wife and childe , and of the very being of religion , according to law , and of all known libertyes , and should force and compel , with armed heathens , all his subjects great and small , to offer sacrifice to the Heathen Gods ; and the like : For in all this and the like , there is but an abuse of the power , and the power is still of God however it be abused , and because it is a power ordained of God , this abuse must be submitted unto , without the least resistence , is not this sufficient to make all men abhore this man's principles ? 2. He must say that it is not possible to resist the abuse of the power , but the power it self must be resisted , and so , such as do resist the most dreadful tyranny imaginable , do resist the ordinance of God , which is most false and absurd . 3. If the abuse of the power be not from God , then such as resist this abuse , do not resist that which is ordained of God , but that which is not ordained of God. And therefore resisting of the abuse of the power , is no resisting of the ordinance of God. 4. Subjection is only required to that which is the ordinance of God , because subjection is required when and where , and so far as resistence is prohibited : Now resistence to the ordinance of God , is only prohibited , and not resistence to the carnal and bloody lusts of men , which is rather the ordinance of the devil then the ordinance of God. 5. The vvrong use or abuse of the eye may be resisted , hindered , and obstructed , without any injury done to the eye it self . So may the wrong use or abuse of Magistratical power be resisted , without any vvrong done unto the povver vvhich is of God. 5. It is false to say that all resistence of the abused power , is forbidden upon this formal reason and ground , because even when the power is abused it remaines a povver ordained of God : Because the abused power is not at all ordained of God , nor never vvas , it is no part of that povver vvhich God ordained : a povver to murther the innocent , to kill the vvidow and fatherlesse , and to oppresse the people of God , is not of God : God never appoynted that povver of David's to murther Vriah and to commit adultery vvith Bathshebah . These vvere no acts of the Magistratical povver ordained of God , but acts of lust the vvickednesse . 7. If this reason hold good , we must never resist by refuseing active obedience , let him command what he will : for his sinful and unjust commands are but the abuse of that power which is ordained of God , and the power even when abused by giving out edicts , and mandats , ( according to this man ) remaineth a power ordained of God , as a man's eye remaines his eye , though sometimes it is not rightly used . Now how will he loose his owne argument ? what ever answer he give here , it will helps us out . Sure , if a man many refuse obedience to an unjust command , of an abused power , without doing injury unto the power which is ordained of God , it will be no lesse cleare , that a man may refuse subjection to and resist abused power , without doing hurt unto the power which is ordained of God. And I Desire that the Reader vvould seriously notice this , and see how all he objecteth is answered by it , & the wicked insnared in the vvork of his owne hands . 4. If the King have not absolute power , but be limited both by the lawes of God , and by the lawes of Man : Then when he transgresseth the bounds prescribed to him , he may be resisted . The reason is because . He who is no Magistrate many be resisted . But the King going beyond his bounds is no Magistrate . Therefore he may be resisted , The proposition cannot be denyed : for he vvho is not a Magistrate , is not that ordinance of God , which we are forbiden to resist . The assumption is granted by Arniseus de auth : princi . c. 2. n. 10. saying , Dum contra officium facit Magistratus , non est Magistratus , quippe a quo non injuria sed jus nasci debeat . while the Magistrate doth against his office , he is no Magistrate ; because a Magistrate should do no wrong but right , l. miminerint 6 c. unde vi . c. quod quis 24. 5. If the King's power be not absolute , and if he cannot do whatsoever he pleaseth : Then when he makes his lust a law , and followeth the dictate of his tyrannical corrupted will , he may be resisted : because , what power he never gote from the People to exerce , if he exerce it , he may be , by them resisted . But the People never gave him a power to rule as he listeth , and to do what his missed understanding and enraged will did prompt him to do . Ergo they may resist him when he exerceth no power given him , but a power assumed to himself , through the corruption of his heart and wicked will. 6. If the King's power be not absolute , then the People are not denuded of the power of self defence . Royalists , and such as trade their steps think , that an absolute prince , or a prince integrae Majestatis , as they call him , hath gotten all Power from the People , even that power of self defence ( which yet is false ) but though this were granted , it will not follow , that a limited Prince hath gote away that power of self defence from the People , and left them naked to his tyrannical will , to be disposed of , as he thinketh good . 7. The King's power being limited , and not absolute , sayes that , by the constitution and limitation , more regaird was had to the security of the People , then to the King 's meer will and pleasure ; and that the Kings meer will and pleasure should not be followed , but resisted , when thereby the good of the People and their saifty vvas in hazard : all men are bound to look more to the end then to the meanes , and to hinder such things as are destructive of the end . 8. If the King's povver be no absolute ; then the Parliament's povver is not absolute : And if the King may be resisted in cases of necessity , because his povver is not absolute : Then the Parliament also may be resisted , upon the same ground , vvhen they do violence and oppresse the innocent : And if the Parliament may be resisted by Subjects , then it cannot be unlavvful for , Subjects , in the cases of necessity , to defend themselves against the unjust violence of their limited Prince , albeit they vvant the concurrence , countenance and conduct of a Parliament or Publick Representatives . 9. If King and Parliament both be limited , they cannot make what lawes they wil. Nay , themselves declare that they cannot make any particular act or ratification in prejudice of the lavvful rights of a third party , and therefore in the end of their Parliaments or Sessions of Parliaments they usually passe an act salvo jure cujuslibet . And if their particular acts are no force , in so far as they prejudge the rights of a third person , nor to be submitted unto nor obeyed , Then their other acts made in prejudice of the glory of God , of the good of his Church , and of the interest of Christ in the land , are of no force , nor to be obeyed and submitted unto : and , if in the former case particular persons are allovved to defend their rights , notvvithstanding of these acts : Then much more may private Persones be allovved to defend Christ's rights , and their ovvne rights , as to their soull & consciences , notvvithstanding of any act or lavv general or particular made to the contrary , the best vvay they can , vvhen all formal legal vvayes are taken from them . 10. If the King be not absolute . He cannot execute the Lawes made , according to his owne lust and pleasure : nor may any inferiour judictory do so : For that is a piece of tyranny : and when he or they , following their owne tyrannical wills , transgresse the Lawes and Bounds prescribed , and take an arbitrary way of executeing their cruelty , They may in that case be resisted : Because that power is no proper magistratical power , but tyranny , and an arbitrary ebullition of rage , no power ordained of God , but the lawlesse will of corrupt creatures . 11. Since He hath not absolute power to execute the Lawes after an arbitrary manner according to his owne lust & pleasure , if when he is doing so , he may be resisted ; then much lesse can be Impower his Emissaries with an arbitrary , tyrannical , lawlese cruelty , under pretence of executing the Lawes ; or if he do , the resisting of such in that case , can be no resistance of the Ordinance of God. Neither God nor Man ever gave him power to conferre on others a Lawlesse license to oppresse , rob , spoile , plunder & tyrannize over innocents . And therefore the resisting of such bloody executioners , without any lawful power , tyrannyzing over the subjects , can be no sin or rebellion , condemned by God or his Law. 12. Since the King may not by an absolute power command what he will. His Subjects are not bound to an absolute obedience , but alwayes in the Lord : It being better to obey God then Man ; and when his Subjects are not bound to obey , he cannot Lawfully inflict punishment on such , as contraveeing his Lawes , obey the Lawes of God : Because just punishments are for transgressions of just Laws : And when he inflicts punishment where God alloweth a reward . he goeth directly against his commission , which is to be a terrour to evil works , and not to good Rom. 13 : ver . 3. And when a Servant , or publick Messenger goeth contrare to his commission , it is no disloyalty to the King , to refuse subjection unto such . So nor is it distloyalty to the King of Kings , to refuse Subjection unto his Minister , when he runeth crosse to his ovvne expresse commission . And therefore the Late Act of defence , being the defence of innocents in the case of extreame and inevitable necessity , against illegal commissions , contrary to the Lavv of God , cannot be branded vvith rebellion , but accounted an Act of lavvful self-defence . CAP. IX . Of the Peoples Power in the works of Reformation . Our Argument hence . THe Author of Naphtaly , Pag. 18. 19. had these words , [ As we have already cleared , that in case either the People , or any part of them be violented to a complyance , or be wickedly persecuted for adhereing to God , in the profession and practice of the contrary dutyes , they may lawfully defend themselves , and are mutually bound to assist and deliver one another : So it now comes to be considered that , seing the maintainance of truth , and the true Worshipe of God , were and are the principal ends and motives of contracting of Societyes , and erecting of Governments , whereunto both the People and Rulers , are not only separatly every one for himself , but joyntly obliged for the publick advancement and establishment thereof : And that God doth therefore equally exact , and avenge the sin of the Rulers only , or of the People only , or of any part of the People only , upon the whole body of Rulers and People , for their simple Tolerance and connivance , without their active complyance with the transgressours ; of necessity , both from the principles deduced , and from the most visible judgments of God agreeable thereto , there must be a supeperior and antecedent obligation to that of submission , incumbent upon all both joyntly and separatly , for the maintainance , vindication , and reformation of Religion , in order to the promoving of these great ends of the publick profession of truth , and true Worshipe , which the Lord doth indispensibly require . ] By vvhich any , vvho read vvith judgment and attention , and consider vvhat preceedeth , and vvhat follovveth , may see vvhat vvas that Authors scope and intention , viz. to shevv in few vvords , the lavvfulnesse of Peoples standing to the maintainance and defence of truth , and the true Worship of God , vvhen violated and enjured by these , vvho , by their places and callings , should endeavour the establishing and perfect security thereof , both from adversaries vvithin and vvithout ; as vvel as to the defence of their persones and libertyes , vvhen wickedly persecuted for adhereing to God : And that , as it vvas not his scope and intention ; so nor will the words give ground to any ( vvho is not utterly blinded vvith prejudice , and resolved to pervert the fairest and smoothest expressions that can be used , to the end they may pervert truth , & deceive the simple who readily beleeve every thing ) to think that he pleadeth for any magistratical authority , and povver to give out mandats , and enjoyn execution upon transgressours in poynt of reformation of Religion , unto privat persones : Far lesse , that he pleadeth for a povver due unto them , to rise against , and throvv dovvne King and all Magistrates , supreame and subordinate , and to use the vindicative punishing & reforming povver of the sword , even in case of defection in matter of Religion . If any vvill but look to the end of that Paragraph , they shall see this fully confirmed , vvhere he is applying vvhat he said , to the purpose he vvas upon , viz. in vindication of vvhat vvas done by our first Reformers , in the dayes of Mr Knox ( of whom only he is speaking in that part of his book ) for thus he speaketh [ and had not our Reformers great reason to feare and tremble , least the manifest toleration of proud cruel and flattering Prelates , who had perverted the lawful powers into bloody persecutors ; and of idolatrous Priests , whose wickednesse and idolatry had corrupted the whole Land , might involve not only themselves , but the whole Nation in destroying and overflowing indignation . ] Was there any such thing pretended , or assumed by these Reformers , but a power to defend , and maintaine the true reformed Religion , and their reformed Preachers , against the malice of powers perverted and enraged against them , by the bloody and pestilent counsel of the these idolatrous locusts , and to hinder open and avowed idolatry , which provoked God against the whole Land ? Did they ever arrogate to themselves the magistratical , vindicative , punishing and reforming power of the sword against all Magistrates Supreame and Subordinate ? Or doth Naphtaly say any such thing ? And yet this Surveyer because he cannot confute what is there nervously vindicated , asserted and demonstrated ; That he may not be seen to do nothing for his hire , he will thraw Naphtaly's words as he thinketh best , and falsly and most impudently assert Pag. 83. That Naphtali sayeth [ Any party of meer private persones may rise against , resist , throw downe King and all Magistrates , Supreame and Subordinate ; and in their Phinehas-like motions , use the vindicative , punishing , reforming power of the sword , especially in case of defection in matter of Religion : and that there is a joynt obligation laying upon the people , and every party thereof , to vindicate and reforme Religion , in a publick punitive way , even against all Magistrates and Nobles , and against the plurality of the people . So that if any part of the people do think the Magistrates , all of them , or the plurality of the people , patrons of abhominations , any private party that think they have power enough , may flee to the vindicative , punishing and reforming sword , and falt upon all Rulers and other , whom they think to be in a defection , and will boldly say that in truth they are so . ] Who seeth not what perverting of truth is here ? When Naphtali only asserts , that in case the Magistrate , to whom the vindicative , and ( in case of backslideing ) the reforming power is committed , and who should make this his maine work , shall turne the principal perverter , and chief patron of these abhominations , some other thing is required of the people then submission , & there lyeth upon them some obligation antecedent to that , even an obligation to the maintainance , vindication , and reformation of Religion : Which may be , and is , something distinct from that vindication and reformation , which is incumbent on Magistrates , even a vindication and reformation , by way of maintainance of the received truth , and hindering of idolatry and blasphemy , or what is dishonorable to God , pernicious to the commonwealth , & opposite to the true reformed Religion : which may be done without arrogateing in the least , that power which God hath committed to the Magistrates : And this is far from useing the sword against the Magistrate , and from throwing him down . It is incumbent to the Magistrate , to defend private subjects from Robbers ; and if they spoyl and robe a man's house , to recover what is by robbery taken away : but if he neglect this , and rather patronize such Robbers ; It is a duty on the subject , to defend his owne , and vindicate and recover his goods , the best way he can : and who will say that it is an usurping of the Magistrates sword , whereby he should punish Robbers , defend the innocent , and recover the goods of the spoyled ; or a riseing up aginst the Magistrate to dethrone him . There is a private maintaining , vindicateing and recovering of goods stollen , which yet is active , and may be effectual : and there is a publick , authoritative and magistratical defending , vindicating and recovering . The other may be incumbent to private persones in some cases , when yet they do not usurpe this . So in the Matters of Religion , there is a private , yet active and real maintaining , vindicating and reforming of Religion when corrupted , and there is a publick , authoritative and Magistratical maintaining , vindicating and reforming . The former may be assumed by private persons , in some cases , without the least hazzard of incroaching upon this , far more without the hazard of calling Magistrats to account , judging , condemning , and dethroning them , and the like . Having thus cleared how little ground he hath , to cry out so against Naphtaly and his party , as the sanguinary faction ( as he doth Pag. 83. ) and to prosecute that dispute as he doth in the following Pages , we will not have much difficulty in answering what he hath said : but first let us prosecute our owne businesse , and shew what real power People have , without their Magistrats , in the maintaining and reforming of Religion : And , 1. It is lawful , yea necessary , for every private person , whether the Magistrates Superiour and Inferiour give their countenance , concurrence , or consent thereunto , or not , to purge their hearts , and reforme thier lives , and to walk in all the wayes of God's Commandements . Our Surveyer himself granteth this , Pag. 84. for sayes he , every one is bound to amend one , and so all will be more easily amended . Very ture : And if this were done , our work were at an end , and himself would be a Hangman to his owne pamphlet , unlesse he think himself exeemed from that duty of reformation , and that he hath a dispensation to lie , slander , calumniate , and blaspheme the work , wayes , and People of God. 2. It is the duty of all private persones , notwithstanding that idolatry , superstition , or any other corruption in the worshipe of God be established by authority , or countenanced and encouraged ; or conformity there to pressed , to keep themselves pure from such courses as provoke the eyes of God , who is a jealous God , and will not give his glory to another ; This is undenyable by all who are not professed Atheists , and who know another God , then a clay creature , and who know that it is better to obey God , then a Man. Our Surveyer granteth in the forecited place [ that every one of the people ought to reforme themselves from all real corruptions in the worshipe of God. ] But , it may be , he maketh this real , an open door for him and his fraternity , to escape by ; and so conclude that he and they are arived at the hight of perfection , ( because forsooth they are fallen backward , and have a minde to goe backward , and never to advance ) and so fall not under the compasse of this duty . But corruptions will be real corruptions , though they account them perfections . 3. It is the duty of private persons to rebuke , admonish , exhort , reprove , observe , edify and provoke one another to love and good works Lev. 19. 17. Mat. 18. 15 , 16. Rom. 15. 13. Col. 3. 16. 1 Thes . 5. 11. Heb. 3. 13. and 10. 24. 25. And thus instruct one another in the right wayes of the Lord , perswade move and induce them by motives and arguments , and all meanes possible , to imbrace the truth , and to forsake errour , or any false way , Even though the Magistrates should prohibite and discharge this , and by their command and authority should establish errour and corruption , and banish truth with their edicts and proclamations . Our Surveyer granteth Pag. 84. [ that no man should say , am I am brothers keeper , but by faithful instruction , warning , reproof , strive to save others from the evil of the time and places wherein they live ] And yet he knowes who are persecuted upon this account , of meeting together for these and such like ends , to strengthen the hands one of another , that they faint not in this evil day , and to save one another from the evils of these times , as keepers of conventicles , and seditious disturbers of the peace . 4. When there is any corruption in the reformed Religion , whether in doctrine , worship , discipline , or government creept in ; or any corrupt sinful practice come in use , and abounding in a land , and these corruptions not only connived at by the Magistrates , but also countenanced , approved and authorized ; it is the duty of all the faithful Ministers of Christ , to be laying out themselves to the utmost , in their pastoral functions , for the suppressing of these corruptions and enormities , notwithstanding of any prohibiton of the Magistrate , whose power is not privative in this case , to the contrary . Though this be abundantly cleared and confirmed by the practice of all the faithful Prophets and Apostles of the Lord , both under the Old , and under the N. Testament ; yet we all know how impiously and tyrannically this is denyed to the honest Ministers of Scotland , who , left they should speak any thing against the rageing evills and abounding corruptions , both in matters of opinion and practice , which hasten the curse and wrath of God upon the land , and make us ripe for destruction , are not permitted to preach uncontroverted truthes , and the undenyable grounds of Christianity . But however this piece of tyranny and persecution be established by law , yet the law of God stands unrepealed & in full force and vigour , & by this law , all who have a trumpet and a mouth should set the trumpet to their mouth , and cry aloud and not spare , and both privately and publicky labour thus to reforme the grievous abuses , that abound in the land . 5. Private persones may , let Magistrates command or discharge what they will , yea are bound to , obey the whole some exhortations and admonitions of Ministers and others , who faithfully declare the minde of God , and discover abhominable corruptions , & crying abhominations : & notwithstanding of any law to the contrary , Imbrace , and practise the true Religion , and reject the corruptions . This is certane , for it is God's minde and will that his commands be obeyed rather then mans ; and if Ministers , and private persons be bound to exhorte , rebuke , warne , reprove , admonish , move and perswade , it is Peoples duty to hearken to , and obey these good and necessary exhortations , rebukes , warnings , reproofs , admonitions and persuasions . God's minde should be followed , hold it forth who will , especially when it is declared by his Ambassadours , who in a special manner are authorized by him for that effect . We know what a dreadful plague and judgment came upon Iudah 2 Chron. 36 : 16. 17. because they mocked the messengers of God , and despised his words , and misused his Prophets , the wrath of God arose against his People , till there was no remedie . And it was this , which occasioned the Non-churching of the Church of the Jewes Act. 13 : 46. Sure when Peoples eare is so uncircumcised that they wil not heare , and the Word of the Lord is a reproach unto them , and they have no delight in it , then is there ground to fear the verification of that sad threatning Ier. 6 : 11 , 12. that wrath shall be poured out upon the children abroad , and upon the assembly of young men together , so that even the husband with the wife shall be taken , the aged with him that is full of dayes , and their houses shall be turned unto others , with their fieldes , and wives together ; for I will streach out my hand upon the inhabitants of the land , sayeth the Lord. 6. From what is said , it is apparent , that all who vvould have peace vvith God , and peace in their ovvne consciences , and joy in the day of their accounts , should imbrace , professe , and practise the truth of God , and the true Religion reformed in doctrine , vvorshipe , discipline and government , Though King , Parliament , and Council should reject and condemne the same , and countenance , or command and authorize the practice of idolatry , superstition , or any false way in the vvorshipe of God , or in the doctrine and discipline . For , no lavv of man can vvarrand iniquity , no act or constitution of any Magistrat under Heaven , can rescinde or invalidate the mandats of the King of Kings , or exempt People from obedience due thereunto . No true Christian ( whatever court flatterers & atheists may do ) can deny this . 7. Nor can it be denyed , That in Kingdomes or Commonvvealths vvhere once the True Religion , reformed in doctrine , vvorshipe , discipline and government , hath been received , publickly imbraced , approved and countenanced by authority , ratified by lavves , statutes , acts , declarations , proclamations , oathes , vovves and engagements . Though the Magistrates Superiour and inferiour should turne Apostates from that Reformed and received Religion , and by their lavves condemne the same , and establish corruptions , and enforce corrupt practices by penaltyes ; yet it vvere the duty of all Subjects , vvho had any regaird to the matters of their ovvne salvation , to adhere to the truth once received and established , and vvorshipe and Serve God , after the right manner , and refuse to obey these iniquous lavves . Will any deny such a truth as this , except such as have sold soull , consciences and all , unto the lust of Men ; or think there is no Religion , but vvhat King and Parliament vvill have , and consequently if they should enjoyne the imbraceing of Mahomet's Religion , or the vvorshiping of Sun , Moon , and Starrs , or of Satan himself , obedience must be yeelded . 8. If in the forementioned case , The Magistrates Superiour and inferiour should combine together , and conspire against Christ and his interest , and should not only , by their acts and statutes , banish him , and his glorious interests out of the Kingdome ; but also , by their cruel executions , labour to force , constraine and compel all their subjects or a part of them , to the renunceing of the formerly received and avowed truthes , and to the imbraceing of the introduced corruptions , and so to run with themselves unto the same excesse of iniquity , perjury and abhomination : Then it is lawful for these Subjects so oppressed , persecuted and abused for their constancy in adhereing to the truths once received , contrare to all engagements , vowes and Covenants , to defend themselves against that unjust tyranny and rage , and maintaine the reformed truth , which is unjustly & violently taken from them , by force , when there is no other probable meane left for them to essay ; nay when liberty to supplicate or petition is inhumanely and severely , under the very paine of Treason , discharged . The reasons are 1. because , we have shewed above , that it is most lawful for Subjects to maintaine their lives , persons , and Estates , against the unjust violence and tyrannical oppression of their enraged Magistrates : And if that be lawful , this must also be much more lawful ; for as the soul is much more precious then the body , so matters that concerne the soul , should be preferred to such things as concerne the body . And therefore Religion , which is necessary for the life of the soull , should be with no lesse Zeale , care and industry , maintained and preserved pure and uncorrupted , then what concerneth the lives of our bodyes . 2. It is lawful for Subjects to maintaine their natural and civil libertyes , by force , when no other way can be used , lest they , and their posterity after them , should be redacted unto a state of perfect slavery and bondage , worse then that of the Israilites in Egypt : And shall it be unlawfull to fight for the defence of Religion , wherein is comprised all true and desireable liberty , and to save posterity from tyranny and bondage in their souls and consciences , much more dreadfull and terrible , then the most insupportable and bitter bondage of the body imaginable ? Shall men be allowed to fight to preserve their owne bodyes , and the bodyes of their posterity from the slavery of men , and shall they not be allowed to fight that they may preserve their owne soulls and the souls of their posterity , from the tyranny of Satan ? Who but such , as either think they have no soulls , more then beasts , or know not the worth of their souls , will deny this consequence ? 3. It is lawful for Subjects to defend their lives and libertyes , in order to the defence of the true Religion , and the interests of Jesus Christs , when their losseing of these should certanely tend to the losse of Religion . Ergo It cannot be unlawful to defend Religion , which is the maine and principal thing . 4. If it be lawful to maintaine the interests of a King against an usurper , whether a stranger , or an inferiour Magistrate , who is under the King , and is seeking to eject him and his interest , contrare to his faith and trust : Then much more must it be lawful , to defend Christ Iesus and his interest , when King and Parliament , contrare to their sworne allaigance unto him , have rebelled ; and are seeking to dethrone him , by their wicked Lawes and Ordinances , and to banish him and his interests out of the Kingdome , by their tyrannical cruelty & inhumane and mercilesse executions . Will any deny this but ingrained Atheistical Malignants , whose chief character hitherto hath been , to preferre man's interest unto Christs ? Or such as have renounced all faith and loyalty unto the King of Kings , and have set up a creature as their only God , whom they minde to Worshipe and adore , and for whom they minde to fight against all breathing , and against the God of heaven also : But their weapons shall fall out of their hands when They shall feel the lighting downe of his arme , with the indignation of his anger , and with the flame of a devouring fire , and with scattering and tempests and hailstones , and when he shall cause his glorious voyce to be heard . If any should Object , That because Christ's Kingdome is not of this World , therefore his Servants should not fight for him . It is easily answered . That , as hence it will follow , that Religion cannot be forced by the sword upon any ; So it will not follow that Religion should not be defended ; for then Magistrates should not defend Religion , nor Christians should not defend their Religion against the Turks . Which is false . And hence , 5. If it be lawful for People to defend their Religion against an army of infidells , Mahometans , or Papists , invadeing the Land of purpose to spoile us of our Religion , and to force us to imbrace heathenisme ; Turcisme , or Popery : Then it must be lawfull to defend the same true Religion against King and Parliament , when they seek to rob the People thereof , and force corruptious upon them : because King and Parliament have no more authority from God , to oppresse the consciences of their Subjects , to corrupt Religion , and force corruptions upon them ; then the Turk or the Pope hath : and therefore , no lesse lawfully may they be resisted . 6. If privat persons may resist and withstand the Prince and Parliaments , when they sell them , and their land and heritages , unto a forraigner , to the Turk or such an adversary : Then much more may they withstand them , and defend their Religion , when they are selling it by their apostatical acts , and thereby selling them and their Souls unto Satan the God of this World. 9. When Religion , by the constitution of the Kingdome , is become a fundamental law , and a maine article and cardinal condition of the established Politie , and upon which , all the Magistrates Supreme and Inferiour , are installed in their offices : Then may that Religion be defended by private subjects , when their Magistrates have conspired together to destroy the same ; & to enforce the corruptions of their owne braine . The reasons are 1. because , it is lawful to defend the just and laudable constitution of the Realme , & in so far , as Religion , which is a principal fundation-stone of this constitution , is subverted , the constitution is wronged , and the fundations thereof are shaken . 2. In so far , the Magistrates are no Magistrates : And therefore they may be resisted . Magistrates , I say , in so far as they overturne the constitution , are not Magistrates ; for that is a maine pairt of their work , to maintaine it : For upon the constitution hang all the libertyes and all the good and necessary Ends , which People have set before their eyes , in the setting up of governement , and His owne being as such ; & the subversion of that , subverts all , and declareth the subverter to be an enemy to the Commonwealth , and an overturner of the polity : and this is inconsistent with being a Magistrate . 3. In so far as they overturne or shake the fundations , they cannot be seeking the good of the Community , but their owne , with the destruction of the Common good , and this is the mark and true character of a Tyrant : And when they seek not the good of the Community , they cannot be looked upon as Magistrates doing their duty ▪ but as Tyrants seeking themselves , with the destruction of the Commonwealth . Therefore , in so far they may be resisted . 4. In so farr , The compact , the ground of the constitution , is violated , and as Magistrates , in this case , in so far , fall from their right , in so farr also , are People liberated from their obligation , so that if They become no Magistrates , the Subjects become no Subjects ; for the relation is Mutual , and so is the obligation , as was shewed above . Therefore , in this case Subjects , may lawfully resist , and defend their Religion , which is become the principal condition of their constitution , and of the compact betwixt King and Subjects . 10. Where Religion is universally received , publickly owned , and countenanced by persones in authority , ratified , approved and established by the lawes , and authority of the land ; There , every person is bound and obliged before God , to maintaine and defend that Religion , according to their power , with the hazard of their lives and fortunes against all , who under whatsoever colour and pretence , seek to subvert and overturne the same ; and to hinder any corruption that King or Parliament at home , or adversaries abroad , would , whether by subtilty , or power and force , bring in ; and lay hold on the first opportunity offered to endeavour the establishment of Truth , and the overturning of these corrupt courses , which tend to the perverting thereof : And the reasons are , because . 1. When the True Religion is once embraced , and publickly received , That land or Commonwealth is really dedicated and devouted unto God , and so in a happy condition ; which happy condition , all loyal subjects and true Christians , should maintaine and promove , & recover , when nearby or altogether lost . And therefore , should do what they can , to hinder any course that may tend to recal this dedication , to deteriorate the happy condition of the Realme , and to give up the land , as an offering unto Satan . 2. By this meanes , they endeavour to avert the wrath and anger of God , which must certanely be expected to goe out against the land , if defection be not prevented and remedyed : For if but a few should depairt , wrath might come upon the whole , much more if the Leaders turne patrones of this defection . But of this more in the next chapter . 11. Much more , must this be allowed in a Land where Reformation of Religion in doctrine , worshipe , discipline and governement , is not only universally owned , publickly received , and imbraced : nor yet only approved , authorized , ratified and confirmed , by publick authority , and the lawes of the Land. But also corroborated by solemne vows and Covenants , made and sworne unto God , by all ranks and conditions of People , from the King to the meanest of the subjects , in a most solemne manner , and that several times re-iterated : in which Covenants , all sweare to Maintaine and defend this Riligion , with their lives and fortunes , and to labour , by all meanes lawfull , to recover the purity and liberty of the gospel ; and to continow in the profession and obedience of the foresaid Religion , defend the same , and resist all contrary errours and corruptions , according to their vocation , and to the uttermost of that power that God puts in their hands , all the dayes of their life : as also mutually to defend and assist one another , in the same cause of maintaining the true Religion , with their best Counsel , bodyes , meanes and whole power , against all sorts of persons whatsoever . And [ Sincerely , really and constantly , endeavour , in their several places and callings , the preservation of thereformed Religion in doctrine , worshipe , discipline and government . The extirpation of Popery , Prelacy , Superstition , Heresy , Schisme , Prophannesse , and whatsoever shall be found to be contray to sound doctrine and the power of godlinesse . And to assist and defend all those that enter into the same bond , in the maintaining & pursueing thereof . And shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly , by whatsoever combination , persuasion or terrour , to make defection to the contrary party , or to give themselves to a detestable indifferency , or neutrality in this cause , which so much concerneth the glory of God , the good of the Kingdomes , and the honour of the King ; but shall , all the Dayes of their lives , Zealously and constantly , continue therein , against all opposition , and promote the same , according to their power , against all lets and impediments whatsoever . ] Now I say , in such a case as this , when after all these engadgments and covenants , a courte of defection is carryed on , by a strong and violente hand , by King and Parliaments , and there is no meane left unto Private Persones , when violented and constrained to a complyance , by acts , and tyrannical and arbitrary executions , of either preventing their owne destruction in soull and body , or preserving the reformation sworn unto , or recovering the same when corrupted , and of purging the land of that dreadful sin of perjury and defection . They may lawfully take the sword of just and necessary defence , for the maintainance of themselves and of their Religion . This is abundantly cleare from what is said , and shall be furder cleared and confirmed , when we examine what this Surveyer allaigeth against it . 12. Scripture giveth us ground to beleeve , that in such a case as this , when a defection in a covenanted land , and a land devoted to God , is carryed on , more is required of Private Persones , then to mourne and sigh in secret : as , 1. Deut. 13 : 12 , 13 , 14 , &c. If thou shall heare say in one of thy cities , which the Lord thy God hath given thee to dwell there , saying , certane men the children of Belial are gone out from among you , and have with drawne the inhabitants of their city , saying , let us goe and serve other Gods , which yee have not known . Then shall thou enquire and make search , and ask diligently , and behold , if it be truth , and the thing certane , that such abhomination is wrought among you , thou shall surely smite the inhabitants of that city , with the edge of the sword , destroying it utterly and all that is therein , and the cattel thereof , with all that is therein , &c. Which words were undenyably spoken to the People , to whom the rest of that chapter was spoken and particularly directed : So the dutch annot . in the contents of that chapt . say , that the way is shewed how the People of God were to demeane themselves to wards a city that was fallen off : and though , we readyly grant , that these words do not impower private persones to act the part of Magistrates , and brevi manu judge and condemne , or put to death such as are guilty of the crime mentioned ; nor to fall upon the execution without previous judging and tryal of the cause ; yet it will be no wire drawing of Scriptures , whatever this Surveyer allaige , to say , That this place will warrand private persones to defend their Reformation , when by oppression and violence , it is taken from them , and when defection is carryed on in a land devoted to God , and Magistrates either neglect to take course therewith , or countenance the same . The Zeal of the Lord should stirr up people to do more for vindicating the glory of God , and saving the land from an universal apostasie , then privately mourne in secret . Sure this being spoken to the people , sayes , they should manifest and declare their Zeal otherwayes ; seing by this , they might have sufficiently knowne how detestable such a defection was unto the Lord , and that no lesse would pacifie his wrath against that part corrupted , then utter exterminion and overthrow of young and old in it , with their cattel and goods : Will not any readyly yeeld , that they had been bound , to have concurred with the Magistrate in this execution ; and that if the Magistrate had been negligent , to have remonstrated the matter unto him ; and if either that had not prevailed , or Magistrates being chief actors and patrons thereof , they durst not have remonstrated the matter , they might lawfully have joyned together , and with their swords in their hands , have moved the Magistrate to purge out that abhomination , and to have granted them security , that the contagion should not have spread , nor they be infected therewith , left the fierce-anger of God had not been turned away from them ? And if this be granted ( which cannot easily be denyed ) we have our purpose , and Naphthali hath all which he desired , And certanely , to say , That this course was only to be taken , when one city was infected , and not when moe , when ten or twenty , or possibly the major part , were but to elude Scripture , as Naphtali said : seing the same reason will hold in these cases , which holdeth in the cases instanced : and whatever the Surveyer say pag. 56. such a cleaving to the literal meaning of Scripture , as will not admit consequential arguments to be drawne therefrom , to the like cases , nor an argument drawne a minori ad majus , from the case instanced , is neither the Doctrine of Christ , nor of found Divines : nor is the following of Christs example and of the Apostles , who made use of such consequences , a making a nose of wax of the holy Scriptures , nor a wringing or wresting them , to bring in our owne fancyes , nor a covering of our crooked courses with such a cloak : ( however we be branded by him , for this , and as being men of blood and violence , but his falsly rubbing that aspersion on the innocent , will never wipe that right name off him and his party , whose violence and thirsting after blood , is more then sufficiently knowne ) yea himself in his 3 Answere pag. 57 , 58. will allow something to be done by vertue of this text , where the major part is corrupt , and the minor part found , saying [ Though the lesser part is not to acquiesce in the way of the greater , runing into rebellion against God , but by all meanes competent to them , bear witnesse against that way , and study to keep themselves pure , when they cannot prevaile to have matters rectified , as to the whole body ] And yet the carnal luckwarmnesse and indifferency of this latitudinarian Politician in the matters of God , appeareth . That after he had said that [ there is no coming to an accomodation in this matter whether the True God , or other Gods should be served . ] he presently addeth , in a parenthesis [ and yet this man would be very severe , if no Nation in the world , might ( having before been embodyed in a Kingdome or State ) continue and abide in their peaceable communion in civil interests , upon supposition of such an equal division ariseing amongst them . ] It seemeth this meek peaceable man , would suffer Satan to be worshiped in the same State with the true and living God : and that ( if he apply this to the purpose ) if the equal half of the Kingdome of Israel had worshiped , the devil , he would not have been severe , but advised the other half to abide united with them in civil communion . But , leaving these and the like , which are not much to our purpose , let us see what he sayes , to the thing . He tells us Pag. 57. [ That no exposition of a text can subsist , that is either contrary to other texts of Scripture , or to sound reason . ] This is granted : But how showeth he that the exposition given , is contrary to either ? [ It is contrary to Scripture ; because ( sayes he ) the Scripture committeth the vindicative and punishing sword only to the Magistrate , who only is the sword bearer . Rom. 13. ] But this is not against us or our exposition : Naphthali speaks only of private persons taking the defensive sword , and thereby keeping the land pure , and labouring ( still in their private way , not in a judicial authoritative and Magistraticall way ) to purge out corruption , and maintaine Reformation ; can he shew us Scripture against this ? Againe sayes he [ this is poynt-blank contrary to reason , remedyles●y tending to dissolve humane Societies , and all Kingdomes and Comon-wealths . ] Then it seemeth though Magistrates should concurre , with the minor and sounder part , to purge out the corruption of the greater ; or concurre with the equal half , to purge the other , or with a greater part to purge the lesser , if a considerable part , it might not be ; because , that were a way to dissolve humane Societies , and all Kingdomes and Commonwealths . Ay , but he meaneth that it is so [ To teach that any meer privat persones , or any part of a People , who think themselves strong enough , should take on them to sit and act as punishing judges , over all Magistrates Supreme and Subordinate , yea and upon the Major part of the People themselves , and upon their owne fancyes , led with their own lusts , draw the Magistratical sword . ] Answ . But then against whom doth he fight ? Naphtaly spoke not so : Nor doth our cause require that we should say so . We say not , that private persones should take up the Magistrat's sword , and with Magistratical power and authority judge and execute the whole body of the People , and the Magistrates Supreme and Subordinate ; far lesse do we say , That they should do this upon their fansies , or when led with their owne lusts . This is nothing else but to fansy an adversary to himself , when he cannot answere or stand against his proper adversary : and after he hath busked him up in as ugly a shape , as he can , then he may well cry out [ Oh horrid confusion , to be detasted of all rational and Christian hearts ! ] But this is not faire dealing , yet suteable enough to him and his cause , which he can get defended no other way ? But then he tells us Pag. 59. [ That though the words be spoken to the People ; yet it is alwayes to be understood , that the Peoples concurrence in the punishing of an Apostate city , was to be within the bounds of their calling , and under the conduct of the Magistratical power set over them : As when inticers to idolatry are , in the former part of the chapter , enjoyned to be taken order with , ( however nearly they were related to People ) and to be stoned , it is not to be supposed that the charge is given to every private person brevi manu to do this , but judgment was to be execute on them after judicial conviction , and sentence given by the Magistrate , as sayeth Diodat . on v. 8. and Pelargus on v. 14. ] Answ . 1. That the Peoples concurrence was to be within the bounds of their calling , we grant : But the question is how far the bounds of their calling did extend : Did it extend no further then to goe out when called thereto of the Magistrate , to punish that Apostate city ? Then if the Magistrate neglected to call them out , they were not so much as to mourne for that Apostasy , by this text ; Nor to use any other meanes to have the Matter rectified , nay nor to beare witnesse against that way : For if the Magistrate was to preceed , and they only to goe under his conduct , if he called them not forth , they were exonered , all that was required of them , being only to be willing and ready at a call . But sure this interpretation is not consonant to other texts of scripture , as we shall shew . 2. If we look to the other particulars spoken to in that chapter , we will finde that there was more required then that , or a simple mourning in secret ; for no man wil think they were exonered , if they had been only willing to execute the sentence of the Magistrate upon the false Prophet and dreamer , that sought to draw them after other Gods. Seing they were not to hear him . So as to the enticer , they were not only not to hearken unto him , but they were not to pity him , nor to conceale him v. 8. but now , what in case the Magistrate should have refused to have done his duty , to have examined the Matter ; or , what in case the Magistrate should have countenanced and encouraged such an one , was there no more required of them , but to have made offer of ther Son , Daughter , Wife , or Brother unto justice , and when justice could not have been gotten executed upon them take them home again to their house and into their bosome , & live as formerly good friends together ? I feare such cleaving to the letter of the scripture shall be found a meer eludeing of scripture , and a mocking of the holy ghost by whom it was given . 3. Yea that wich Diodat sayes , is more , for he sayes , [ They were to procure vengeance on him , in way of justice accusing him to the Magistrate by information or sufficient proof . ] And if the Magistrate refused to do justice , I suppose , they might have provided for their owne security , and shot him or her out of doores with violence , that was seeking to draw them a way from the true God. So that granting what the Surveyer would be at , the place will make for us : For though the Magistrate was bound to examine , judge and sentence the Apostate city , in a judicial authoritative manner ; yet in case the Magistrate should have connived at , or countenanced such apostacy , they were to use other meanes to have the land purged of that crying obhomination , then simple mourning in secret , even to have taken the sword in their hand , in case the defection was approaching to themselves , and Magistrates were forceing them to a complyance with that evil , or apostasy ; and never to have laid it downe , till not only themselves were secured as to theirpart , but the land were purged of that idolatry & the idolaters executed according to the law , Their Zeal in this case should have carryed them without doors , though not to an assumeing of the Magistrates juridicall authoritative and punishing sword . 2. Esai . 59 : v. 4. None calleth for justice , nor any pleadeth for truth . Where the Prophet among the rest of the evils wherof that People was guilty , and for which heavy calamities did presse them , reckoneth this , that there was none who called for justice , or did plead for truth ; that is , there was none who endeavoured to relieve , and right the wronged , or to redresse what was amisse , see the English Annotat. no man owned the right cause , or took God's part against falshood and wickednesse , [ No man ( say the Duth Annotat. ) to dehort them that deal unjustly , or to maintaine a just cause , and the truth to the utmost of his power . ] So that by this we see what was required of People , in a day of defection , even to call and cry aloude , that justice might be executed , and deal with such as were Magistrats to do their duty , and not to bring and keep on the wrath of God upon the Land ; And this is more then the Surveyer will have to be the only duty of private persones in a day of general defection , Pag. 52. viz. To keep themselves pure without any degree of acting these sinnes , to mourne and sigh for the evils that are done , to be earnest in prayer that God may convert others , to admonish faithfully , and study to reclame these who are out of the way . But this will be more cleare by the following passages . 3. Esay . 59 : 15 , 16. [ Yea truth faileth and he that departeth from evill maketh himself a prey , and the Lord saw it , and it displeased him that there was no judgment , and he saw that there was no man , and wondered that there was no intercessour . ] Truth and the cause of God was so at under , that a man could not get leave to live , if he depairted from evil , he was a prey unto the persecuters , so general and universal was this defection ; and at this time , he saw that there was no man , and wondered that there was no intercessour to interpose , none that would stand up and lay out themselves to the utmost , to set things in order , none that would bestirre himself for truth and the right , which was then oppressed : see the English Annot. on the place : the word is used 2 Sam. 22. 17. where it is said the servants of Saul would not fall upon the Priests of the Lord. So Exod. 5. 3. lest he fall upon us &c. So that we see , there was some positive thing required of them , some effectual mediating , and interposeing , and hindering of these iniquities ; some publick owneing and avowing of the truth , and by publick testimonies , or other wayes of interposeing , & falling-into impede , and stand in the way of that course of wickednesse . 4. So Ier. 8 : 6. [ I hearkened and heard but they spake not a right no man repented him of his wickedness saying what have I done ] It is not probable that there was none penitent among them , where then was Baruch and Ebedmelech Cap. 38. 7 , 9. and others that stood for the Prophet Cap. 26 , 8 , 16 , 17 , 24. But there must be some other thing imported , viz. That there was few or none repenting of national evils , and labouring to remove these , no man was standing up and opposeing these publick land defections , & labouring by this meanes to raise up the virgin of Israel who was fallen Amos . 5. 2. 5. Ierm . 9 : 3. [ And they bend their tongues like their bowes for lies , but they are not valient for the truth upon the earth . ] that is , they were ready enough , all of them , to imploy their power to the utmost , for the evil cause , to establish errour and a false way ; but they used no valour for the oppressed cause and truth of God , they did not their utmost to have Truth established , and the true Religion : They did not put out themselves , or make use of their strength , for the maintainance of truth , and equity in the land , say the English Annot. and they make it parallel with Esa . 59 : 4. This was their guilt , and hereby we see what was the duty even of privat persons ( for of such this is to be meaned , as the context cleareth . ) in such a general day of defection , viz. to be valient owners and maintainers of Truth against all opposers . 6. Ier. 5 : v. 1. [ Run yee to and fro throw the streets of Ierusalem , and see now and know , and seek in the broad places thereof , if ye can finde a man , if there be any that executeth judgment , that seeketh the truth , and I will pardon it . ] We can hardly think , that there were no mourners in secret in all Ierusalem , though it is like they were very few : but there was none to owne the good cause , that was now troden under foot , none bestirring themselves , to oppose and hinder the carryed on course of defection . If that had been , the Lord sayes , he would have spared the place ; which shewes , how desirable a thing this was , and how acceptable it would have been in the Lords eyes , that for that cause he would have forborne to have destroyed them or to have cut them off . 7. Ezech. 22 : 30. [ And I sought for a man among them , that should make up the hedge , and stand in the gap before me , that I should not destroy it , but I found none . ] There were some even at this time sighing and mourning in secret , for these abhominations , who were marked Cap. 9. but there were none to make up the hedge , which their provocations had made , none to redresse the publick defection and Apostasy , and stand for the truth and the suppressing of errour and iniquity . So is it laid to the charge of their Prophets Cap. 13 : 5. that they did not goe up into the gaps , neither made up the hedge , for the house of Israel to stand in the battel in the day of the Lord , Whereby we see , that by this standing in the gape and making up the hedge , more is meaned then a secret mourning , even a faithful and publick owneing of the truth and opposeing of defection , and putting a stope unto it , as Moses did when he stood in the breach , Exod. 32. ( though with authority , as a Magistrate , which private persones have not ) he not only prayed and wrestled with the Lord v. 11 , 12 , 13. but in great zeal took the calfe , which they had made , and brunt it in the fire , and ground it to powder , and strawed it upon the watter , and made them to drink of it v. 20. If there had been any who thus effectually would have stood in the breach , the Lord sayes , he would have spared them : so acceptable would such a work have been to him . 8. So that word Ier. 13 : 18. [ Say unto the King and to the Queen , humble your selves sit downe , for your principalities shall come downe , even the crowne of your glory . ] Will import something more ; it being spoken to all indefinitely , giveth a warrand to all , to deal with King and Queen , to prevent the sad dayes which were coming by reason of the defection and abounding sinnes . 9. So that word Hos . 2 : 2. [ Plead with your mother , plead , for she is not my wife , ] which is spoken to private persones , and so is a warrand to them , to contend in judgment ( as the word doth import ) against the Church , which was corrupted , and had forsaken the Lord , and his wayes ; and so to stand to the defence of truth , and to plead for the cause of God , against their very Mother the Church , The body of the Nation , that not only they might exoner their owne consciences , but also get things reformed , so far as lay in their power ; and keep the memory of the cause of God afresh that it should not be buryed . These places and the like , though we bring them not to prove immediatly our maine Question ( as it may be the Surveyer , who useth to take but half a look of matters , will suppose ) yet when duely considered , in their just latitude and extent , they will clearely evince ; That more is required of private persons , in a general day of defection , then to keep themselves free of the same , or to mourne in secret , or the like . And if we lay them together , they will clearly prove it the duty of privat persones , in such a day of defection , to be publickly declareing their abhorrence of the wicked courses which are carryed on : to be actually and effectually interposeing with King and Great ones , that a stope may be put unto the course of wickednesse , and God's wrath averted : that they would plead Zions cause against all opposers , and thus stand up in the gape , and make up the hedge by publick and avowed owneing of the oppressed truth and cause of God : and valiently seek and plead for the truth , and with their Mother the Church , when all is corrupted , left a bill of divorce be given her : And this is something more then our Surveyer will allow . And vvhat way this shall help us , vve shall see aftervvard . Novv vve must examine What the Surveyer sayeth . He Pag. 46. after some rambling after his wonted manner , & misrepresenting of the thing wich vvas said in Naphtaly , ( as any judicious reader will perceive , so that we need not trouble ourselves to discover the same unfaire dealing so oft as vve meet with it , lest vve should waiste paper and paines , as he hath done , in repeating the same things over and over againe , ) He tells us That [ It is not to be doubted that Religion is the chief interest , that men and Christians should look after , and where it becomes a legall right , and the Magistrate who beares the sword leads the way , no doubt privat persones may follow in the violent defence of it , against all opposeing the Magistrate , the law , and themselves in owneing of it . ] Answer . This cold laodicean will give Religion the best word , but no more : He granteth that it is the chief interest that men and Christians should look after ; and yet so cautious is he in showing the manner how they should look after it , that in effect he doth postpone it unto many other lower concernments : For 1. it must become a legal right , ere they defend it . 2. And when it is become a legal right , they cannot defend it unlesse the Magistrate lead the way . But what if a virgine hath not a legal right unto her chastity , by such a law as that leacherous King Ewen the 3. made , shall she not be allowed to defend the same ? And if she shall , shall not men be allowed to maintaine their Religion , though some iniquous act of Parliament take the legal right of it away ? Yes doubtlesse if it be the chief interest . Againe , what if an unjust act take away a man's right to his heritage , shall he not be in case to defend it against robbers ? 2. By his second caution it would appear , that if an army of Turks or Tartars were landing in Scotland to robus of our Religion , we might not resist , unlesse the Magistrate did lead the way . But might we not in that case defend our lives and lands ? If he should deny it , I know few that will be of his opinion , and if he grant it , he must not account Religion the chief interest . Againe , what if the Magistrate shall permit Subjects to defend their Lives and Libertyes against invaders , though he should not lead the way ? Will he allow it in that case ? Then he must preferre these unto Religion ; for Religion , he sayes , must must not be defended , but when the Magistrate leads the way : [ Neither ( sayes he ) can it enter into a Christian heart , that it is to be surrendred unto the arbitrement or pleasure of any power in the world , nor of any Magistrate over us , as this man wickedly suggests is done ] Answ . The Surveyer is this wicked person , who not only suggests , but upon the matter affirmes it , and avowes it ; for what is it else , then to surrender our Religion to the arbitrement of Magistrates , to say , that we may not stand to the defence thereof , unlesse they will both authorize it with their law , and also lead the way when any oppose it ? That which we will not maintaine without the approbation and conduct of another , we wholly give up to the disposeing and pleasure of that other . What he sayes concerning our present case , shall be considered in end , once for all . Then Pag. 47. [ Whatever may be said concerning private mens resisting the powers that urge them to idolatry , or false Worshipe , or invading their lives , if they will not so do , comes not home to the present case . ] Answ . He would do well to speak plaine , and not look with a double face ; Either he thinks it lawful , in this case to resist , or he thinks it unlawful ; if he think it unlawful to what purpose doth he make mention of it , as a different case from what is presently under debate ; And will not any see that if he deny this to be lawful , our Religion is wholly given upto the arbitrement of the Magistrate ? If he think it lawful , he must then grant that Religion may be defended , even when the Magistrate who bears the sword , doth not lead the way , and why then it should not come home to our present case , I do not see ; for he doth not lay the stresse of his answers on the inconsiderablenesse of the ground of the resistence , ( though here and there He hint at that ) but upon the unlawfulnesse of resisting the Magistrate , who beares the sword : Now this ground faileth him here . But he ads [ Yet Lactantius word , Lib. 5. c. 20. is to be well remembered by all private persones , Defendenda est Religio a privatis omnibus , non occidendo , sed moriendo ] Answ . Then according to Lactantius it must be unlawful to defend Religion , even when the Magistrat urgeth to idolatry , invading lives if they will not do it : yea if this be generally received as a truth , The People of Scotland might not defend their Religion against an army of Pagans Turks or Tartars , if the Soveraigne should not concurre : Which I know not who would assent unto . But he will come off with a few notes Pag. 47. &c. That whereas Naphtali said That to be violented in Religion ( which cannot be without an unjust force , either on mens persons , or on their goods ) is the most wicked and insupportable of all injuries He thinks such a word should have been better guarded , lest all coactive power of the magistrate in matters of Religion , might seem to be disowned , which would favoure such , as are for absolute toleration . But what needed this ? Could he think that the author of Naphtaly did imagine , That to be violented in any Religion whether true or false , was such an insupportable injury ? Or that it was his minde to plead for an universal toleration ? What ground had he for so thinking ? Sure that had been prejudical to his hypothesis , which this Surveyer himself will not call a false Religion : will it not suffice to say , he meaned a violenting in the true Religion ? [ No ( sayes he ) for what Sectary will not pretend , that he is violented for the true Religion , which he will avow is so , according to his conscience , — and it is this man's principle , that every man in his discretive judgment , is judge of the justice or in justice of his owne sufferings , and accordingly must determine a nent his resistence to the violence ] Answ . 1. Then it seemeth his guairding of it , in his owne words , saying [ It is true , to use violence upon any in their persons or goods , to bring them to an external false Religion , or to drive them from the true ( otherwise Religion cannot be violented ) is the greatest of injuries ] Is not sufficient to salve the Magistrates co-active power in matters of Religion ; for notwithstanding of what he sayes , the pleaders for universal toleration have the same door open they had . 2. If he will deny this discretive judgment in matters of sufferings , he must deny it also in matters of acting ; for if no man must judge , whether the violence offered him be just or unjust , why should a man judge , whether the commands enjoyned him be lawful or unlawful ? And so , as he may not so judge of the violence offered him in the matters of Religion , as to repel unjust violence with violence , neither must he judge of the lawfulnesse of the commands concerning Religion , so as to refuse obedience to unjust commands : And then it will follow , that subjects must yeeld blinde obedience to all the commands of the Magistrate in matters of Religion , and never question any of them : This , I grant , is not to plead for absolute toleration , but it is clearly to plead for absolute tyranny over consciences , fit to be heard and received by Atheists , but by none else . 3. We know the most lawful thing may be abused , and he dar not say that every one who pleads for a lawful thing , pleads also for the abuse of it . He who sayes a man must not change his true Religion , at the command of the Magistrate , doth not say that a man must not change that Religion , which he thinketh in his conscience is the true Religion , and is not , at the command of the Magistrate : So he vvho fayeth a people may defend their true Religion , when the Magistrate is violenting them in it , Sayeth not that every Sectarian company may defend that Religion , which they take to be true , and is not , when the Magistrate is violenting them in it . We say not that an erring conscience obligeth , or that a man's thinking that he is injured in the true Religion , is sufficient ground to engage him in violent resistance . And he himself dar not say , the Religion as reformed in doctrine , worshipe , discipline , and government ( which the late defenders owned ) is a false Religion : Nor dar he say , that the corruptions which they opposed , were the only true and necessary Religion . He seems to chant some other thing here and there , in this part of his pamphlet ; but we look for more in the following parts , where we shall have his minde more fully . Sure the Religion they owned , and we stand for , was the Religion he himself once owned , and all the Magistrates , Supreme and inferiour sealed and approved , with their oathes and subscriptions : And the corruptions they and we oppose , were once by himself , and all ranks of people of the land , abjured oftner then once ▪ So that all this is but to raise dust in peoples eyes , to the end they may mistake the way [ Againe ( sayes he ) does not this man plainely professe to stir up all , with whom he can prevaile , to violente others , Magistrates , Church-men , people and all , in the matter of their profession ? ] Answ . Their profession is manifest and professed perjury ; for they have renunced the reformed Religion which they once owned , and avowed with hands lifted up to the Most High , and their extant subscriptions beare witnesse against them ; and all the congregations and publick meetings , in which this Religion was owned , are witnesses above all exception . And they have with the dog licked up their vomite , which once they spewed out with an oath of abjuration . 2. But wherein are they violented ? Do they that stand to the defence of their Religion , and labour or endeavour to have corruptions formerly abjured , purged out , incurre the crime of violenting others ? Yes for ( sayes he ) even private men are stirred by bloody exhortations , to be revenged on , and punish all Magistrates and others , whose blood they thirst for , because of their not being of their way , which they call Religion . ) Answer . This is but one of many of his bloody assertions , savouring neither of Christianity , nor prudence , but much of cruelty and tyranny : and we see his teeth , and his tongue both ; But the judge of the innocent heareth and seeth . 2 , Did not this perjured wretch and his fraternity call this way , Religion , and the true Reformed Religion , when they swore those Covenants , & will he now come & speak thus ? O but he must have a brazen face & an abdured conscience ! Ay but he tells us afterward , Pag. 48. that [ Whether truth lye on our side or his , as to the poynts of Church government is the question , and if we will not admit publick powers and authorities to be judges in that matter , far lesse have they reason to admit of privat persones . ] Answ . 1. It seemeth it is past question with him , that the vomite which he hath licked up , is the most fatning morsel , that ever he gote ; but the most fatning food is not alwayes the most wholesome : And I fear this shall prove so to him , if he repent not , when for it , the wrath of God and the long & broad curse shall enter into his dwelling place , and into his very soul . 2. We are content the stresse of the businesse lie upon that question , and shall be glade to hear what spirits his new food hath put into him , to maintaine that condemned and abjured cause . 3. We look not upon our publick powers and authorities as Judges competent in that matter , nor did they judge , as Judges should have done , when they set up that abhomination ; but as men mad on their idols , so did they run , to please , he knoweth , whom . 4. This is the very thing which Papists say anent the judge of controversies , save that he puts the civil Magistrate , in place of the Pope . 5. This controversy is not to be judged till now , and privat persones may be sufficient judges of what was sworne and subscribed by King , and all rankes of People , and must have more solide grounds and motives to induce then to renunce what they have been fully perswaded was truth , and have owned as such , under the paine of damnation , by their solemne Oathes and vowes ; then the meer vvill and command of a Creature , as obnoxious to errour & mistakes as another . And as for vvhat he hath a minde to say upon that head , it is novv a little too too late , unlesse he be able to do , vvhat never one before hath done , viz. prove that forme of government ; the only necessary government , Iure Divino , perpetually binding all , in all ages : but the vulgar vvill have a sufficient antidote against all , vvhich he can say , by seeing & hearing , vvhat they have seen and heard these yeers bygone , both vvhen this abhomination vvas but about to be introduced , and since it hath gote up to its pinacle , though nothing should be said , of the abhominable & scandalous carriage of such as have imbraced that Antichristian course , a true historical relation of vvhich vvould make the eares of all true Christians to tingle . His 2. note is upon the probable capacity which Naphtaly spoke of : this brings to his minde Bellarmin's excuse why the ancient Christians took not armes against Nero , because they wanted temporal strength . But might not that excuse be good in itself though Bellarmine made use of it ? I suppose upon second search , it will be found , that they had not such a capacity , as he , it may be , supposeth : But of this afterward . It brings to his minde also what Creswel the Jesuite said against the Edict of Q. Elizabeth . But all this is nothing to the purpose , for neither we , nor Naphtaly joyne with the Iesuites ( whatever he say ) as to the deposeing and throwing downe of Princes , and all Magistrates , and punishing them by private hands . But if he think this condition , in private persons resisting of violence , Iesuitical , viz. if they be in a probable capacity to do it . He must give us leave to say , It is very rational , and he is more then brutish to think otherwise : For will he say , that it is an indispensable duty , for Ten private persones , though they had their Magistrates with them , to go and resist an army of Ten Thousand , unlesse they have an extraordinary particular & peremptory cal of God ? Sure then he but shewes his folly to carpe at such things as these , let him read , Luk. 14 : 31. Next let us see what he hath Pag. 84. 85. 86. Where he sayeth 1. ( That albeit it be God's holy will , that in erections of civil government , his Truth , sincere worshipe and glory in these , should be mainly minded and intended by men , and it is mens duty so to do ; yet it is clear that in many places de facto it is not so ; although men in the general professe aiming at Truth , and right worshipe , yet there are aberrations in the particular . ] Answ . 1. This is very true , and not only do we see that it is so de facto ; but also that where conscience hath been made of mindeing Gods truth , sincere vvorshipe , and glory , and these so twisted in , and interwoven with the constitution of the civil government , that they became to the subject , a piece of their National patrimony , secured by all meanes imaginable , not only these necessary things are not minded , but they are sought to be overturned and destroyed . 2. Since he grants that it is men's duty so to do , how can he condemne what the honest Parliaments of Scotland did , and what the king consented to , and owned ? Was that any thing else but to establish and secure the reformed Religion in Doctrine , worshipe , discipline and government , for the glory of God , and the good of the nations ? Next he sayes , [ Albeit there be in the poynt of truth , and the worshipe of God , anotable perversion and swerving , that doth not at all invalidate the authority , nor break the obligation thereunto , although it be injurious , to favourers of Truth and right Worshipe : for although Religion be not minded , as it ought to be , God will not have the Commonwealths , where justice between Man and Man is maintained , for his glory , casten loose ; nor have men think themselves loosed from obligation to the government — for neither must they be heard , who hold that civil dominion is founded on grace , nor they who say , That infidel , heretical , or excommunicate Magistrates fall from their power , or that the subjects obligation to them ceaseth . ] Answ . 1. Yet vvhere the maintainance of Truth , and of the right vvorshipe is a fundamental pillar of the constitution , and a maine article of the compact betwixt Magistrates and subjects , a failing here is a loosing of the government , and of the Subjects obligation , if not in vvhole , yet in so far ; 2. A pleading for the observation of the compact and maintainance of the Truth and Worshipe of God , conforme to sworne compacts , is no breaking of the obligation , but rather a way to have it strengthened and made more firme : Much lesse can they be charged with this , who plead only for a liberty of defence of the same Truth and Worshipe , against manifest injuries , contrary to Covenants , vowes and compacts . 3. Such as resist the unjust violence of Magistrates , do not therby loose themselves from the obligation to government , otherwise every woman who in defence of her chastity resisted the prince , should die as a Traitor , 4. We abhore both that opinion , that dominion is founded on grace , and that other of the Papists : we stand upon other grounds , as hath been , and may yet be , furder shewed . The summe of what he says in the 4 place ( for what he hath said in the 3 place is but some concessions , which are touched already ) is this [ That to reforme in a publick coactive way , by the use of the vindicative and punitive sword , belongeth alone to the Magistrate , so that persones of meer private capacity , cannot use that sword against all Magistrates , and their fellow subjects , to violent them in matters of Religion , or which they account Religion , and punish them for not being , of their Religion . ] Answ . It is but his groundlesse calumny , to say that Naphtaly sayes all this , and so it is nothing to the question in hand , which is concerning privat persons maintaineing their Religion , and endeavouring to have corruptions removed , which may wel be , without the least incroachment upon the Magistrates ; and since he speakes not to this , he either declares himself unable to confute what we say ; or he fowlely prevaricates , to the palpable betraying of his owne cause ; or both . Then he tells us further . [ That the great mistake in all this matter is , That we think the Magistrate & People , are , as to their Covenant with God , debtors bound in a band conjunctly and severally , for one sum , so that in the deficiency of the one . the other must pay all , and hath power to distresse the deficient — whereas they binde , but for their several moieties of a sum — so that if the People reforme themselves , and keep themselves pure from abhominations , the Magistrates deficiency ( which they tolerat with grief ) shall not be imputed to them : Because God giveth them not a calling to intrude into the Magistrates office — there lyes no obligation on them to force the King , or their fellow subjects to external meanes of Worship and Religion . ] Answ . This is the summe of what he spendeth many words about , but it may be easily answered . For 1. By this simile he will wronge the Magistrate : for as the People may not presse the Magistrate to pay his moyety , how may He presse the Subjects to pay their moyety ? 2. If the Magistrate break to God , and will not pay his moyety of the summe , he cannot presse the Subjects to break also , and not to pay their part ; but whether he will or not , they are bound to keep Covenant : and if he force them ▪ his violence is unjust and illegall ( for no law can warrand People to break their Covenant with God ) and may lawfully be resisted ; and this is enough for us . 3. A better lawyer then he Althusius pol. cap. 28. n. 18. tels us that in those Religious Covenants , Magistrates and People are bound conjunctly and severally , so that the whole summe may be required of either of the corrëi : Ita sunt corrëi ( sayes he ) ut in solidum & in continenti ab unoquoque promissum peti possit , tanquam a principalirëo . l. poen . de duob . rëis stip . 2 Chro. 33. 2 King. 24. 4. Deut. 29. ) And his reason is , because God would not commit to one the care of his Church , and worshipe ; but to the whole People , whom their servants King and Parliaments do represent , which also he proveth from Ier. 17 : 20. and againe Num. 19. He tells us that one of the corrëi must answere for the other and partaketh of his guilt , if he do not oppose and resist him as much as he can , and so hinder him from breaking : Which he proveth from 1 King. 14 : 16. and Num. 23 : 24. He ansvvers Barclaius alledging the same thing vvhich this Surveyer alledgeth saying , [ Concedo Barclaio in duobus rëis promittendi observari , ut uno solvente quod promisit , alter liberetur , Ergo quando Rex vel Populus ob delictà sua arque foederis initi transgressiones , poena â Deo est affectus , alter liberabitur . Verum haecregula , uno corrëo solvente , alterum , liberari , exceptionem patitur in casu quo non insolidum & in tot●m corrëus solvit . sed pro parte , uti hîc , unus ex corrëis poenas persolvens , Deo non in solidum solvere potest . Deinde haec regula non procedit in delictis ; In his enim uterque corrëus delinquens & criminis socii puniuntur in solidum , neque unus poenas luendo , alterum liberare potest , 1 Sam. 12 : ver . 27. Et docent id late ICC. Denique praedicta regula non procedat in casu qnando uterque corrëus se in solidum obligavit ad idem factum , uti in hoc foedere accidit , 2 Chron. 15 : ver . 13 : Vbi de poena subditorum & Regis loquitur , ut , 1 Sam. 12 : ver . 7. 4. But now the question is what is the Peoples duty , in a day of defection ? He sayes it is only to keep themselves pure from the abhominations , and reforme themselves . But we have shewed above that the scripture requireth more , even some active endeavour , to have the National Corruptions removed , though not to usurpe the Magistrates place . But sayes he [ The late Covenant it self , doth bind private persons in their places and callings ( which certanely are private , and to be managed by private means ) to endeavour reformation , & doth not bind any number of private persons to pull the sword out of the Magistrate's hand , when they think he useth it otherwise then he should , and then they would have him use it — if the Covenant be passive of such commentaryes , as this man puts upon it , That whatever any private party accounts Reformation , they may use the vindictive punishing sword against all , of all degrees , that stand in their way to advance the same , we have little reason to be in love with it ; and just cause to cast it by , till it be cleared of such corrupt glosses . [ Answer . I feare the Surveyer be so out of love with it , and have so cast it by , that were it never so cleared ( as it is cleare enough ) he hath no minde to take it up againe , and he best knoweth what it vvas that moved him to cast it off . But 2. as Naphtaly said vvel , That clause annexed can not be so restrictive , as this Surveyer would have it ; for certanely it cannot bind up privat men's hands , from doing of these things , which otherwise were commanded them to do . Now whether this Covenant had been or not , more would have been required of private persons , in a time of great and universal or a national defection , then at other times . Every man is bound according to his place and station to preserve he Kings person and authority . Now put the case that some party or faction should captivate him , This man will grant that private persones , without the conduct of inferiour Magistrates , may joyn together , if they be in a capacity to break thorow impediments , & through the interprize , and labour his vindication and delivery , and restauration : Would he in this case condemne these men , as acting without their sphere , or as usurpers : I suppose not : Let him then apply this to our case . and he will easily see the parallel . So it is the duty of burgesses in their places and stations , to promove the good of the society : Now suppose a fire kindle , and such as are appointed to oversee the quenching of fires either are absent , or carelesse , or half willing the Town should be burnt , shall private persones hands be bound up from doing what they can , in what order they may , to save the Towne ? shall they be accounted transgressours , or Usurpers of the Magistrat's place , though they should materially occupy his roome for that exigent ? No certanely , they should rather be accounted faithful citizens , mindeful of their oath and promise . So when an army is engaged with the Enemy , if the Commanders should perfidiously betray their trust , and leave their station , or seek the destruction of the army , in their station , It would be accounted no usurpation , in any private persons , who could best fill these roomes and places , for these exigents , to do what they could , for the saifty of the army : Nor would this be thought contrare to their oath . When a Master of a Shipe either through sotishnesse , or vvickednesse , vvould run the ship against the rock , any private Seaman in that case of necessity , may , to save his ovvne life and the lives of all vvho are in the shipe , do the best he can , to prevent destruction , without any sinful transgressing the bounds of his calling . Whence we may understand , that in cases of extreame necessity , private persones may do more , then in ordinary cases ; and yet not sinfully goe beyond their places and callings : and though materially , they , for that exigent , occupy the places of Superiours , who sinfully , unfaithfully , and basely , either neglect or betray their trust ; yet they cannot be accounted Usurpers : nor is it rational to say , that such as plead for the lawfulnesse of this , do plead for the lawfulnesse of private persons pulling the sword out of the Magistrate's hands , whensoever they think he useth it otherwise then he should , or whensoever he useth it otherwise then they would have him use it ; and useing the vindictive punishing sword against all Magistrates and others , that stand in their way . By this also , vve may see what injury he doth to Naphtaly , when he draweth such consequences from vvhat he said Pag , 151. and there did shevv by the simile adduced , that such a thing vvas to be done only in extreame inevitable and urgent necessity . And what the Surveyer hath said Pag. 116. and 117. needeth no other ansvvere . This is not all , he must harpe on this string againe Pag. 103. where he sayes [ That it is to ruine all order , to teach that the advancing Religion , not only actibus elicitis but actibus imperatis , which belong to the Magistrate , may be medled with by the people-extraordinary necessities are more easily pleaded then justified , as ground sufficient for some actions , whereto there is no extraordinary call ] Answ . Though this be sufficiently answered before , yet we say , 1. That order is already ruined , when the Magistrat destroyeth what he should preserve , and so crosseth his commission : and who teach that in such an extraordinary case , when God's order is violated and broken , and all in hazard to be overturned , such things might be done , which needed not to be done , if God's order and appoyntment were observed , do not take a way to ruine all order , but rather to preserve that , vvhich order it self is appoynted , as a meane , to preserve . 2. We plead not for such formal imperate acts , in matters of Religion , as due to privat persones ( as we have said . ) But for a povver , according to the ability God puteth into their hands to hinder him from being dishonoured , to defend their ovvne profession and Religion , to hinder an universal apostasy , and to endeavour in their capacities , to have things righted , vvhich are out of order . And vvhen private persones are carrying themselves thus , vve deny that they are runing out of their rank and calling ; nor can he prove it . 3. Will he say that no actions can be sufficiently justified because done in extraordinary necessities and vvithout an extraordinary call ? Then he shall condemne the Covenants which David made vvith the men of Israel , 2 Sam. 5. and vvhich Iehojadah made betwixt the King & the People : For he told us that both these vvere in extraordinary occasions , and he cannot shovv us any extraordinary call . He addeth [ If Magistrates be deficient — privat persons are sufficiently discharged , if they keep themselves pure , and do vvhat possibly they can , for advanceing Religion in their privat capacities and by their Elicite acts — if a mans eyes be put out his eares , or other senses will goe as far to supply that defect , as may be ; yet , cannot help the body by elicite acts of seeing . So whatever length private persons may goe , for the good of the body , they must not goe to exercise and exert formally , acts magistratical . ] Answ . All alongs we heare nothing but dictatings : This and this he sayes , and there is an end , a noble patron of a desperat cause , and worthy of a great hire . But. 1. The question still abideth undiscussed how far privat persons capacity doth reach ; for that they must do more then keep themselves pure we have shevved . 2. If they may do what possibly they can , for advanceing Religion in their capacities , they may do more then he will have them doing ; for then they may defend Religion with the sword , and with violence hinder idolatry and superstition , and what of that nature provocketh God to wrath . All this and more is within their capacity and possibility , as he would easily grant , if the Magistrate vvould but countenance it , yea and though he should oppose , say vve . But he will say , these are not elicite acts . And vvill he grant nothing else to privat subjects but elicit acts ? Then he vvill not grant them liberty to disput for Religion , to exhort , rebuke and admonish &c. for these are not elicite acts , more then disputing vvith the svvord , and so vvith his Philosophick distinctions , he vvould charme us into a perfect acquiescence vvith vvhat Religion the King vvill enjoyne . 3. Eares and other senses never set up the eyes , and gave them povver to see for their good : But the People set up the Magistrates , and may do , when the Magistrate layeth downe his sword , or avowedly betrayeth his trust , what they might have done before they made choice of him . 4. By this Simile it would follow that the People cannot only not do the Magistrate's Imperat acts , but not so much as the Elicite acts which he may do , vvhich is false . 5. Though they cannot exert or exercise Formally acts Magistratical , if they may do it Materially , we seek no more . In end he tell us . That it is a dangerous and destructive tenent to be held forth to be beleeved by People That in all cases whether concerning Religion or Liberty , when they account the Magistrate to pervert the government , that they are Eatenus in so far , even as if they had no King , and that the royalty hath recurred to themselves , and they may act and exercise it formally as if they had no King at all ] and this he tels us is the expresse doctrine of Lex Rex Pag. 99. 100. Novv that all may see vvhat a shamelesse and impudent man this is , and how little reason any have to give him credite , I shall recite the authors very words . [ But because ( sayeth he ) the Estates never gave the King power to corrupt Religion , and presse a false and I dolatrous worshipe upon them ; Therefore when the King defendeth not true Religion , but presseth upon the People a false and Idolatrous Religion ( this is some other thing then when they account the Magistrate to pervert &c. ) in that they are not under the King , but are presumed to have no King eatenus so farre , & are presumed to have power in themselves , as if they had not appoynted any King at all — If an incorporation accused of Treason & in danger of the sentence of death , shall appoynt a lawyer to advocate their cause , — if he be stricken with dumbnesse , because they have losed their legal and representative tongue , none can say , that this incorporation hath losed the tongues that nature hath given them , so as by natures law they may not plead in their owne just and lawful defence , as if they had never appoynted the foresaid lawyer to plead for them . The King — is made by God and the People King , for the Church and People of God's sake , that he may defend true Religion , for the behove and salvation of all : If then he defend not Religion — ( NB ) in his publick and Royal way , It is presumed as undenyable , That the People of God who by the law of nature , are to care for their owne soull , are to defend ( NB ) in their way , true Religion , which so nearly concerneth them and their eternall happinesse . ] Now let any judge if this be so dangerous and destructive a tenent , As he would make his reader beleeve . But it is easy for him who hath no shame , to pervert sentences which he cannot confute , and then call them dangerous and destructive : and thus he will make the rabble of the degenerate clergy and other simple ones beleeve , that he hath confuted Lex Rex . And thus dealeth he with Naphtaly as we have shewed already . Having thus considered all which the Surveyer hath here and there spoken against that which we have said , let us now come to apply what hath been said , unto our present purpose , of vindicating the late act of defence ; which , by what we have said , we finde cannot be justly condemned as treasonable or rebellious , but rather approved and commended as loyall service to God and the Countrey . For 1. Thereby they were professing their constancy , in adhereing to the reformation of Religion in doctrine , worshipe Discipline and Government , which was consonant to the word of God , and publickly received with all solemnities imaginable , notwithstanding of acts and lawes made to the contrary : and no true Christian will say , That subjects should imbrace any Religion which Magistrates will countenance and prescribe , be what it will , or upon that account . 2. As they were thereby declareing their soul abhorrence of these corruptions , which were countenanced and authorized by sinful acts and statutes ; so they were defending , to the utmost of their power , the reformed Religion , according to their Covenant , and vow to God. And that such a defence as this , is lawful , we have shewed . 3. They were defending themselves against intolerable and manifestly unjust violence , offered because of their adhereing to the cause of God , and to the reformed Religion , which King , Parliament , and all rankes of People in the land , were solemnely sworne to owne , and avow , all the dayes of their lives , really , sincerely and constantly ▪ as they should answere to God , in the great day ; no lesse then they . 4. They were mindeing their Oath and Covenant made with God , with hands lifted up , with solemne attestations , and protestations ; the Covenants which they did make and renew in the presence of Almighty God , the Searcher of all hearts , with a true intention to performe the same . 5. They were endeavouring in their places and stations ( according to the latitude allowed in times of such necessitie , and in matters of such weight and moment ) to have the Church and Kingdome purged of these abhominable and crying corruptions , and grievous abhominations , which provoke the Lord to wrath , against the whole Church and Kingdome . 6. They were defending the maine fundamental law and constitution of the Kingdome , and that maine article of Agreement and Compact betwixt Soveraigne and Subject , which all the members of the Nation , were no Lesse bound unto , then they . 7. They were joyning together , as detasteing that detestable indifferency and neutrality abjured , to defend and assist one another in the same cause of maintaining their reformed Religion , with their best counsel , bodyes , meanes , and whole power , against the old , inveterate and Common enemie , that malignant spirit and rage ; according to their Covenants . 8. They were repenting of their National sin , in complying ( by their sinful silence , & not giving open , faithful , and faire testimony , when the Truth of God was openly and violently trode under foot ) with that dreadful course of backslideing , which was violently carryed on . They were calling for justice , and valiently pleading for truth , sinfully and tyrannically borne downe and oppressed . They were with zeal and courage valiently interposeing , & labouring to put a stop to the begun and far-carryed-on defection , when truth was failing , and he who depairted from evil made himself a prey , that God might pardon , and look in mercy on the land . They were endeavouring to stand in the gape and make up the hedge ; and pleading with their Mother Church , or a malignant faction in her , shamefully departing from God , when there was no other way or meane to be followed , or essaved . When all these things are duely considered and laid together , It will appeare to impartial and unbyassed persones , That the late act which is so much condemned and cryed our against , is not so hainous and unpardonable a crime , as this Surveyer and his wicked party vvould give it out to be : but vvas a noble and laudable interprize , for the glory of God , the good of Religion , Church and Kingdome ; beside that it vvas a most necessary and unavoydable act of self defence . Since the Scriptures formerly cited vvill allovv more unto private persons , then vvhat this Surveyer restricketh them unto , ( as vve have shevved ) in a time of defection : Then vvhen there vvas no other vvay left to do these dutyes there required , and vvhen vvith all several other things did call aloud to a mutual conjunction in armes for defence of one another , and repelling of unjust violence , and prosecuteing the holy and necessary ends of the Covenants vvhich they svvore , no man in reason can suppose that such a vvork is repugnant to Scripture or right reason , but rather most consonant to both . And though many do and will condemne the same , even as to this interprize of Reformation , upon what grounds and motives themselves best know , yet Our worthy and Noble Reformer famous Mr Knox if he were living this day , would be far from speaking after the language of such . For he in his appellation Pag. 22. &c. hath these words [ The second is , that the punishing of such crimes , as are idolatry blasphemy , & others that touch the Majesty of God , doth not Appertaine to the Kings and chief rulers only ; but also to the whole body of the People , and to every member of the same , according to the vocation of every man , and according to that possibility and occasion which God doth minister , to revenge the injury done against his glory , when that impiety is manifestly knowne : And that doth Moses plainly speak Deut. 13 : v. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. in these words , if in any of the cities &c. — plaine it is that Moses speaketh not , nor giveth charge to Kings , Rulers , and judges only ; but he commandeth the whole body of the People , yea and every member of the same , according to their possibility : And who dar be so impudent , as to deny this to be most reasonable and just ; for , seing that God had delivered , the whole body from bondage ; and to the whole multitude had given his law ; and to the twelve Tribes had he so distributed the inheritance of the land of Canaan ! that no family could complaine that it was neglected ; was not the People and every member addebted , to acknowledge , and confesse the benefites of God ? Yea , had it not been the part of every man , to have studyed to have keeped the possession which he had received ? Which thing God did plainly pronounce they should not do , except that in their hearts they did sanctify the Lord God ; that they embraced , and inviolably keeped his Religion established ; and finally except , they did put away iniquity from amongst them , declareing themselves earnest Enemies to these abhominations , which God declared himself so vehemently to hate , that first he commanded the whole inhabitants of that Countrey to be destroyed , and all monuments of their idolatry to be broken downe . — But in such cases Gods will is , that all creatures stoup , cover their faces , and desist from reasoning , when commandement is given to execute his judgement . Albeit I could adduce diverse causes of such severity ; yet will I search none other then the holy ghost hath assigned ; first , that all Israel hearing of the judgement , should feare to commit the like abhomination ; and secondly , That the Lord might turne from the fury of his anger , might be moved towards the People with inward affection , be mercyful unto them , & multiply them , according to his oath made unto their Fathers : Which reasons as they are sufficient in God's children to correct the murmuring of grudging flesh ; so ought they to provoke every man , as before I have said , to declare himself an enemy to that which so highly provoketh the wrath of God against the whole People : For where Moses sayeth Let the city be burned , &c. he plainly doth signify that by the defection and idolatry of a few , Gods wrath is kindled against the whole , which is never quenched till such punishment be taken upon the offenders , that whatsoever served them in their idolatry be brought to destruction , because that it is execrable and cursed before God ; and therefore he will not that it be reserved to any use of his People . I am not ignorant That this law was not put into execution , as God commanded ; but what did thereof ensue and follow ? Histories declare , viz. plague after plague till Israel and Iudah were led into captivity , as the Books of the Kings do witnesse . The consideration whereof maketh me more bold , To affirme that it is the duty of every man , who desireth to escape the plague and punishment of God , to declare himself Enemy to idolatry , not only in heart hateing the same , but also in external gesture declareing , that he lamenteth , if he can do no more , for such abhominations — of these premises , I suppose , it be evident . That the punishment of idolatry , doth not appertaine to Kings only , but also to the whole People , yea to every member of the same , according to his possibility : For , that is a thing most assured that no man can mourne lament and bewail for these things , which he will not remove to the uttermost of his power . ] And a little thereafter● And therefore I feare not to affirme that the Gentiles ( I meane every City , Realme , Province or Nation , amongst the Gentiles , imbraceing Christ Jesus and his true Religion ) be bound to the same league and Covenant , that God made with his People Israel when he promised to root out the Nations before them , in these words Exod. 34 : 12 , 13 , 14. — to this same law and Covenant are the Gentiles no lesse bound , then some time were the jewes , vvhensoever God doth illuminate the eyes of any multitude , Province , People , or City , and puteth the sword in their ovvn hand , to remove such enormities from amongst them , as before they knevv to be abhominable . Then , I say , are they no lesse bound , to purge their Dominions , Cities , and Countreyes , from idolatry , then vvere the Israelites , vvhat time they received the possession of the Land of Canaan . And moreover , I say if any goe about to erect and set up idolatry , or to teach defection from God , after that the verity hath been received and approved , that then not only the Magistrates , to vvhom the svvord is committed , but also the People , are bound , by that oath , vvhich they have made to God , to revenge to the utmost of their povver , the injury done against his Majesty . ] So in his admonition to the Commonalty of Scotland Pag. 36. [ Neither would I that you should esteem the reformation and care of Religion lesse to appertaine to you . because yee are not Kings , Judges , Nobles , nor in authority . Beloved brethren , you are God's Creatures created and formed to his owne image and similitude , for whose redemption , was shed the most precious blood of the only beloved sone of God , to whom he hath commanded his gospel and glade tidings to be preached , and for whom he hath prepared the heavenly inheritance ; so that yee will not obstinately refuse , and disdainfully contemne the meanes , which he hath appoynted to obtaine the same — for albeit God hath put and ordained distinction betwixt King and Subjects ; yet in the hope of the life to come , he hath made all equal — and therefore I say , that it doth no lesse appertaine to you , to be assured that your faith and Religion be grounded and established upon the true and undoubted word of God , then to your Princes or Rulers ; for , as your bodyes cannot escape corporal death , if with your Princes , you eate or drink deadly poison ( although it be by ignorance or negligence ) so shall ye not escape the everlasting , if with them yee professe a corrupt Religion — and this is the cause that so oft I repeate , and so constantly I affirme , that to you it doth no lesse appertaine , then to your King or Princes to provide that Christ Iesus be truely preached among you , seing without his true knowledge , you cannot attaine to salvation . ] More to this purpose may be read there . CAP. X. Arguments taken from the hazard of becoming guilty of the sin of others , and of partaking of their Judgments . And from the duty of relieving the oppressed , &c. IT is not necessary for our purpose to dip much into that question concerning Gods imputing of the sin of one unto others ; and therefore we shal shortly hint at some few particulars from Scripture , and after we have considered what this Surveyer sayeth , we shall apply them to our purpose . That God doth punish some , and that most justly , for the sinnes of others , the Scripture doth abundantly verifie : Not to insist on the instances of his punishing of whole families , for the sinnes of the Head of the family : as the family of Pharaoh , Gen. 12 : v. 17. of Abimelech , Gen. 20 : v. 17 , 18. of Corah and his companions , Num. 16 : v. 27 , 32 , 33. of Achan , Ios . 7 : v. 24 , 25. of Ieroboam , 1 King. 14 : v. 10 , 11. & Cap. 15 : 29. of Ahab , 1 King. 21 : v. 21 , 22 , 24. 2 King. 9 : v. 8. of Baasha , 1 King. 16 : 3 , 4. of Iehoram , 2 Chron. 21 : 14. Nor on the instances of his punishing of Servants for the sinnes of their Masters , or the Children and Posterity for the sinnes of their Parents , as in the 2 Command , where he threatneth to visite the iniquities of the Fathers upon the Children , unto the 3 and 4 generation . So also Levit. 26 : ver . 38 , 39. Deut. 28 : v. 18 , 32 , 45 , 46. So the Children of such as were drowned in the flood , Gen. 6 , & 7. The posterity of Canaan , Gen. 9 : v. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. The children of the Egyptians , Exod. 11 : v. 5 , 6. of the Israelites , Num. 14 : v. 33. Psal . 106 : v. 27. of Dathan and Abiram , Num. 16. of the Canaanites , Deut. 3 , & Cap. 20. of the Amalekites , 1 Sam. 15. of Saul , 1 Sam. 21. of Cehazie , 2 King. 5 : ver . 27. of the Babilonians , Esai . 14 : ver . 21 , 22. of Semaia , Ier. 24. v. 32. Hence true penitents acknowledge & are humbled for not only their owne sinnes , but the sinnes of their Fathers , Ezra 9. Dan. 9. Job sayes Cap. 21 : v. 19. God layeth up his iniquity ( or the punishment of his iniquity , as it is in the margine ) for his children . But to passe these we finde moreover . 1. That People have been punished for the sinnes of their Pastors , or in hazard to be punished therefore . When Nadab and Abihu had provoked the Lord with their strange fire , Moses spoke unto Aaron and to his other two Sones , and sayd , Levit. 10 : v. 6. Vncover not your heads , neither rend your cloathes , lest you die , ( N. B. ) and left wrath come upon all the People . So that their sin would not only have brought wrath upon themselves , but also upon all the People . So the wickednesse of Hophny and Phinehas was part of the cause of that sad discomfiture , that the People of Israel did meet with , 1 Sam. 2 : ver . 12. comp : with Cap. 3 : ver . 11. and with Cap. 4 : ver . 10 , 11. So Esai . 43 : ver . 27 , 28. because the Teachers had transgressed against the Lord. Therefore was Iacob given to the curse and Israel to reproaches . So Lam. 4 : v. 13. among other provocations , the sinnes of her Prophets are mentioned , and the iniquities of her Priests . So Micah . 3 : v. 11 , 12. Because the Heads did judge for reward , and the Priests did teach for hire , and the Prophets did divine for money , Therefore Zion was to be plowed as a field and Ierusalem to become heaps , and the mountaine of the house , as the high places of the forest . 2. That the sinnes of a few have procured judgments unto the whole multitude , or put them in hazard thereof . So Deut. 13 : v. 12 , 17. the Apostate city would kindle the fiercenesse of God's anger against the whole People : For it is said , The Lord would not turne from the fiercenesse of his anger , and shew them mercy and compassion , and multiply them , until it were destroyed , and all that was within it . So Num. 25. for the sinne of these who joyned with Baal peor the anger of the Lord was kindled against the whole congregation . So when Moses was speaking unto the two Tribes and halfe , Num. 32 : 14 , 15. he sayeth , And behold yee are risen up in your Fathers stead — to augment yet the fierce anger of the Lord toward Israel , for if yee turne away from after him , he will yet againe leave them in the wildernesse , and yee shall destroy all this People . So Ios . 7 : ver . 5. for one Ahan's sin , all Israel was troubled , and Ios. 22 : v. 17. 18. say the commissioners of the whole congregation , unto the two Tribes and half , And it will be ▪ seing , ye-rebel to day against the Lord , that to morrow , he will be wroth , with the whole congregation of Israel . And it was this which moved all the Tribes to goe against Benjamin , Iudg. 20 3. That the Subjects have suffered sad and dreadful judgments for the sinnes of their Rulers : As Micah 3 : 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. formerly cited : Abimelech's sin , Gen. 20. was like to hazard himself , and all his Kingdome , ver . 7 , 9. For Pharaoh's refusing to let Israel goe , not only he and his Princes , but his Subjects through all his coasts , did smarte , Exod. 6 , and 7 : & 8 , and 9. and 10 Cap. Neh. 9 : v. 10. So Saul's sin in seeking to destroy the Gibeonites , brought on three yeers famine on the land in the dayes of David , 2 Sam. 21 : v. 1. So David's sin of numbering the people cost the lives of three score and Ten thousand , 2 Sam. 24 : v. 1 , 2 , 15. 1 Chron. 21 : 1 , 2 , 14. So the Lord threatned by the Prophet , 1 King , 14 : ver . 16. that for the sins of Ieroboam , who did sin , and who made Israel to sin , he would give up Israel , And for Ahab's sin of letting Benhadad goe , the Man of God told Ahab , 1 King. 20 : ver . 42. Because thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom I appoynted to utter destruction , therefore thy life shall goe for his life , and thy People for his People . So for Manasseh's sin , Ier. 15 : ver . 4. The Lord sayes I will cause them to be removed into all King domes of the Earth , because of Manasseh the son of Hezekiah King of Iudah for that which he did in Ierusaelem . So it is also spoken , 2 King. 21 : ver . 11 , 12 , 13. Because Manasseh King of Iudah hath done these abhominations — therefore thus sayeth the Lord God of Israel , behold I am bringing such evil upon Ierusalem and Iudah that whosoever heareth of it , both his eares shall tingle , &c. And notwithstanding of the reformation that was in the dayes of Iosiah . Yet this judgement came to be accomplished , and the Lord sent the bands of the Caldees and of the Syrians : surely , ( so it is said , 2 King. 24 : v. 3 , 4. ) at the commandement of the Lord came this upon Iudah to remove them out of his sight , for the sinnes of Manasseh , according to all that he did , and also for the innocent blood that he shed , which the Lord would not pardon . And 2 King. 23 , 26. Though there was a great work of reformation done in the dayes of that non-such King ( v. 25 , ) Iosiah , yet it is sayd notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fiercenesse of his great wrath , wherewith his anger was kindled against Iudah , because of all the provocations that Manasseh had provoked him with all . Yea , so did this sin of Manasseh provoke the Lord against the land , that how beit Manasseh himself repented , and found mercy , 2 Chron. 33 : v. 12. and questionlesse many of the People turned with him , yet these same sinnes of Manasseh are mainly taken notice of as the procureing cause of that final stroke . Out of these particulars , these few things are very obvious to any . 1. That People combined into a society have great cause , not only to look to their owne carriage , but also unto the carriage of others ; Since the carriage of others will bring them in hazard of God's judgments , and hasten downe vengeance & wrath from God on all , sure they have need to look about them . 2. Especially , they have reason to take notice of the publick carriage and deportment of Princes and Pastors : seing in a special manner those highten the wrath & hasten the judgments of God , as hath been shewed . 3. If these sinnes in Princes , Pastors and others were not committed , those plagues and judgments which are threatned , and at length executed upon that account , would have been prevented . 4. If People , considering their hazard by reason of these publick transgressions , had actively bestirred themselves , & interposed , as that these iniquities had not been committed , they had not smarted so for as they did , not had they felt the weight of the hand of Gods anger , as they were made to do . 5. It was not enough for them , to have keeped themselves free of these actual transgressions , whereof others were really guilty : for we finde some punished , for that iniquity of others , which could not be laid to their charge , as actors . 6. How ever such as were so punished , were not free of inherent transgressions , and other sinnes , which deserved judgment at the hands of the Lord ; yet when the Spirit of the Lord is pleased to make no mention of these , as the Procureing cause of these plagues , but seemeth to lay the whole or maine stresse of the businesse , upon that sin committed by others , we must thinke that that hath had no small influence , but rather a mine causality in the procureing of these plagues , and it becometh us to be sober in inquireing after other causes hid from us , and rest satisfied with what the Spirit of the Lord is pleased particularly and evidently to poynt forth unto us , and pitch upon , as the peccant and procureing cause 7. Though we could not satisfy wrangling wits , touching the equity of this , ( which yet the common and ordinary practice of men , forfaulting a whole posterity , for one mans transgression , will not suffer us to account insolent ) yet we ought to rest satisfyed with what is clearly and undenyably held forth in the word , and beleeve that for these causes , such and such plagues were inflicted upon distinct and different persones , because the spirit of truth sayeth so . 8. As all Scripture was given by the inspiration of God , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousnesse , that the Man of God , may be perfect , thorowly furnished , unto all good works , 2 Tim , 3 : v. 16 , 17. So these particular passages , so particularly described are written for our learning , Rom. 15 : ver . 4. and are out examples , that we should not do as they did , 1 Cor. 10 : v. 6. and are written for our admonition , 1 Cor. 10 : ver . 11. And therefore we must not look slightly upon them , but ponder then narrowly , as so many documents given us for our use and instruction , and particularly , that we may take warning to prevent such evils . Now let us hear what the Surveyer sayeth Pag. 51. He layes downe two assertions [ 1. That no man is involved in divine judgments and punishments , for the sinnes of others , ( as the deserving cause of his punishment ) if he be no way accessory to these sinnes of others 2. That no private Subject is accessory to the sins of Rulers , nor involved in the punishments of the same , meerly upon the accouut of his tolerating the sinnes , or not violent resisting the Magistrate in his sinful courses . ] Answ . Not to enlairge on these now , because of what he is to say in explication of these , & we are then to speak , I would only at present enquire . 1. What accession had the army of Israel which was defate by the Men of Ai ( a stroke , which made Iosua rent his cloaths , and fall upon his face to the Earth , until the even tyde , he and the elders of Israel , and put dust upon their heads ) unto the sin of Achan ? And why doth the Spirit of the Lord say , Ios. 7 : v. 1. That the Children of Israel had committed a trespasse in the accursedthing . And againe ver . 10 , 11 , 12. [ And the Lord said unto Iosua , Get thee up , wherefore lyest thou thus upon thy face ? Israel hath sinned , and they have also transgressed my Covenant-for they have taken of the accursed thing-and they have put it even amongst their owne stuff . Therefore the Children of Israel could not stand because they were accursed , neither will I be with you any more , except yee destroy the accursed from amongst you . ] Though we can learne of no accession which they had , unto this particular fact , yet we see the whole body is punished as guilty , and must be legally purified , and sanctified , and purged from that contagion . 2. What accession had all these who suffered in these three yeers famine , which was in David's dayes , unto that bloody act of Saul and his house , which was committed many yeers before thousands of these who suffered therefore knew the right hand from the left , or were borne possibly ? 3. What accession had the children unborne to the third and fourth generation , unto the sinnes of their forefathers ? and yet the holy Lord thinks good to visite their iniquities on them . 4. What accession had the People unto David's sin of numbering , the people doth not David himself say , 2. Sam , 24 : ver . 17. But these sheep , what have they done ? But let us heare how he explaineth this , [ A certane thing it is ( sayes he ) that God doth not properly punish any man but in reference to his owne personal sins ( as the deserving cause of the punishment ) albeit he may and often taketh occasion , in his wise providence , to punish men for their owne sinnes , from the sinnes of others , ( and in that only sense , they may be said to be punished for the sins of others . ) But every soul suffers for his owne sin . Divine justice finding causes of punishment , in every one that is punished , either their personal accession to the sinnes of others ( which is their owne sin ) or else some other sinnes , for which he may in justice inflict the punishment upon them , albeit the impulsive cause , or occasion rather , for punishing in such a manner and time &c , be from the sinnes of others . ] Ans . 1. Though vve desire to be vvise unto sobriety in this matter , and not to meddle vvith matters beyond our reach , yet vve think it saifer to speak in the language of the Holy Ghost , then in the vvords of this Surveyer , vvho giveth us no Scripture for vvhat he sayes . The expressions of Scripture hold forth some thing more then a meer occasion : It semeth strange to say that Ahan's sin should have been only an occasion of that discomfiture : when the Spirit of the Lord sayes , that Israel had sinned , and therefore could not stand before their Enemies , because they were accursed , and that till this accursed were taken from amongst them he would not be with them any more . 2. He vvould do vvell to explaine to us , vvhat he meaneth by a proper punishment , and vvhat is the opposite tearme thereunto ? 3. We grant divine justice findeth deserving causes of punishment in all , in whom is original sin , but vve suppose that vvhen that is not mentioned as the procureing cause of such a stroke , but the sin committed by another , vve ought to look on that mainly , as having a procureing causality in that affliction . 4. How ever , we see he granteth one may be punished for the sin of another ( or upon occasion of the sin of another , as he loveth to speak . ) to which he hath no personal accession . 5. If these sinnes of others , were only the occasion of punishing in such a manner or time , how cometh it that the very punishment it self is removed , upon the taking away of that sin , according to God's appoyntment , and God is pacified toward the whole , as he was vvith Israel vvhen Ahan vvas killed , and Seven of Saul's sones hanged up ? 6. But whether vve take these sinnes of others , as impulsive causes , or occasions of such punishments . This is cleare . That , if these sinnes had been prevented , these punishments had been prevented also : so that if Saul had not gotten liberty to have staine the Gibeonites , in his bloody rage , contrare to oath and Covenant , these three yeers famine had not come : And if David had been hindered from numbering of the people , and had not gotten his vvill , these Seventy thousand had not died then as they did : And seing no other cause or occasion is rendered of this , it vvould clearly warne all in a Community and Society , to labour , by all meanes , according to their power and places , to hinder the Committing ( or removing when committed ) of these sinnes , which bring heavy plagues on the Community . The Dutch. Aunot . on 2 Sam. 21 : 1. say that so for this offence , all the land was punished because at least ( as it oft hapneth ) the people had not hindered it . Then Pag. 52. he cometh to explaine his other assertion ( It is no lesse certane ( sayes he ) to us that if the Magistrate do not connive at the sinnes of Subjects , nor neglect to curb and punish them , the sins of the people shall no way be imputed to him ( he not being thereunto accessory in any way ) nor shall be punished for their sinnes , which in his place and calling he is wrestling against ] Answ . Yet we know , that for the transgression of a land , many are the princes thereof Prov. 8. v. 2. And that for a punishment to people , God may even cut the dayes of a good prince , and though we should grant , that it were no proper punishment unto the good Prince , yet materially and in it self it is a stroke . But he addeth . [ Also it is alike certane . That private persons shall not have the sinnes of Magistrates , or of the body of the people imputed unto them , nor be punished for the same , if so be they honestly endeavour to do all things against these sins , which in their privat calling they are bound to do . ] Answ . Be this granted , The main question will be if people can be said to have honestly endeavoured to do all things against these sinnes , which in their privat callings they are bound to do , if having power to withstand the committing of these evills , or to remove them after they are committed , yet they forbeare , and suffer these things to be done , and labour not to remove them . He addeth [ If they keep themselves without any degree of acting these sins , or any way of accession to them . if they mourne and sigh for evils that are done ; if they be earnest in prayer ▪ that God may convert others from their evil way , if they ( as they can have opportunity ) faithfully admonish and study to reclaime those who are out of the way , and do such like Christian dutyes . God will never enter in judgment vvith them for not doing violence to the authorityes that are above them . ] Answ , If the Surveyer would do no more then this , he ought neither to be accounted a good Christian , nor a loyal subject : For , if he saw the King about to cut his owne throat with a knife , or about to do as Saul did , fall upon his owne sword , or runing doun a precipice to break his neck , would any think he had had done his duty , and exonered his conscience ; if he should not lead his hand unto that mischief , nor thrust him doune the principice , but should roare and cry God save the King , and admonish and study , with faire words , to reclaime the King from that cruel deed ? would any think but he might have done more , even if he had had strength enough have holden his hands , and keeped him back from breaking his neck , and yet never have been in any hazard or sinfully touching the Lord's anoynted , or doing violence to the authority that God had set over him . 2. And if Kings may be-resisted , and with violence hindered from putting hands in themselves , or from drinking a cup of poyson , or doing some such deed , which will or may prove destructive to their life and posterity , without doing violence to the authority appoynted of God ; vvhy may they not also be hindered from doing that which will ruine their souls , and prove destructive to their Kingdomes , and bring on the curse and vengeance of God upon young and old , without doing any sinful violence unto the authority ? And as in the former case , a man could not but be guilty of the King's death , who knew that it was a cup of poyson which he was to drink , and did not , having power to do it , hinder him from drinking it : So in this case , they that have power to hinder the Magistrate from drinking poyson , or doing what may be deadly to thousands of his innocent subjects , and bring downe the curse of God upon him and his posterity , and do it not , cannot but be guilty of that sin before God , and so cannot expect to be free of the punishment which God will inflict because of that sin , as not having done , even in their private callings , what they were bound to do , viz. not having used their power for the glory of God , the good of the Soveraigne and his posterity , nor for the good of the Commonwealth , which they were bound to do . He tells us moreover concerning that instance of Manasseh , Ier. 15 : v. 4. [ That the people were punished , because they were shares of the guiltinesse ( not by not violent resisting , which they were never exhorted to ) but by direct or indirect accession otherwayes , Hos . 5 : ver . 11. Ier. 5 : v. 31. ] Ans . 1. How could young children be accessory , either by consent or any otherwayes to these courses of Manasseh ? 2. It were hard to say that even all who were come to the use of reason , were guilty of accession unto these wickednesses , who yet were carryed away captive , such as Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , and Azaria , and others . 3. That there were many , yea the far greatest part of the People who were guilty , of hainous sinnes , when the final stroke came , cannot be denyed ; but , that they were at that same hight of wickednesse , which they were at , in Manasseh's dayes is doubted , 4. We shalll grant with Calvin on the place . That Manasseh alone was not in that transgression , but had many of the People consenting ; Yet , as Manasseh himself was dead , long ere the stroke came , so were they ; and yet for that sin of theirs , the posterity suffered : Yea even notwitstanding that there interveened a National repentance and mourning for that National sin , and National Reformation of these idolatrous courses , in the dayes of Iosiah , 5. Though it be true that the People after Iosiah's dayes , returned to their vomite , and had wickednesse enough of their owne , for which God might have punished them ; yet it is very remarkable , how that sin of Manasseh is particularly mentioned , as if there had not been another , to procure that stroke : and certanely all who read the places cited before , will easily observe that there is something more in them , then an occasion taken to remember that dreadful time of Manasseh , when the wickednesse began , as the Surveyer sayeth in the following words . 6. It was their sin , I grant , that they did consent ; and that sayeth that they should not have consented , but have refused obedience unto the King idolatrous mandats , and have hindered in their places , an according to their power , the setting up of these abhominations , and should have adhered to the truth and worship of God , as it was practised in the dayes of good Hezekiah his Father . 7. He needs not say , they were not exhorted to this violent resisting ; for it was but folly to speak of resistence , to these , who so willingly walked after the commandement , and would not do so much as disobey . 8. That place of Hoseah speaking of Ephraim's willingly walking after the commandment , proves not what the people of Iudah's carriage was in the dayes of Manasseh ; albeit we grant the thing was too true of the greatest part , even of them , then : Neither doth the place , Ier , 5 : v. 31. speak of the dayes of Manasseh : for Ieremiah was not then a Prophet ; for he began to prophecy in the 13 year of Iosiah , Ier. 1 : 2. Then the cometh , Pag. 53. and giveth some reasons : But first we must take notice how he wordeth the principle which he accounteth so dangerous If it be once admitted ( sayes he ) that the sins of Rulers & Governours involve the People in sin , & make them obnoxious to judgment , ( albeit they be not accessory thereto directly only they toler at what they cannot amend abiding within the bounds of their calling ) neither can the consciences of people , nor the state of the commonwealth have any true peace or quyetnesse . ] Ans . We might grant him what he desireth , & acknowledge , that this principle is not sound : we do not say so , for we shall grant that ( excepting the Lord's Soveraignity of doing as he did in the case of Ahan & such like , ) that the People who are come to age must be directly or indirectly guilty of the sin of Rulers , in which they are involved . But so they are guilty , when they tolerate what they might amend , abideing within the bounds of their calling . But here the difference betwixt him & us lyeth . That he thinketh it is beyond the bounds of the calling of private persones , to hinder Princes from committing such 〈…〉 which would ruine them & their subjects both , which we deny , and we have not yet seen him prove it : yea we have shewed the contrary above . But now we proceed to his two reasones . [ For 1. ( sayes he ) Once grant this then what a continual puzle should tender hearted Christians be in , anent the actions of their Rulers and Magistrates , and they behoved to meddle with and examine all their proceedings — matters of government not probably or morally possible for them to know . ] Answ . We do not , neither need we extend that principle to all the private or personal sinnes of Magistrates , or to such acts which are beyond the reach of the capacity of the vulgar , wherein their invincible ignorance , whether as to the jus or factum , may excuse them from any accession direct or indirect . If he will grant it to us , in sinnes publick , hainous , and which People can well discerne both as to jus and factum , we desire no more : and if it be limited to these , we will gaine our poynt ( for our case is as clear as the Sun ) and tender consciences will be free of all puzle or perplexity . What is his 2. [ Would not this ( sayes he ) be a perpetual Seminary of unavoydable sedition of the Commonwealth , and of exposeing the Magistrate to violence , no lesse when he is acting justly , then when unjustly . ] Answ . Then this loyal Subject , if he saw an house or a great milstone falling upon the King's head , he would not pull him from under it , lest others under pretence of that , should use violence to the Magistrate , when he is in no hazard . Or if he saw the King putting a cup of poison to his head , or a Knife to his throate , he would not hinder him , lest others under that pretence should hinder him from taking wholsome food , & so starve him ; or should under pretence of saving the King , put hands in his Majesty , and stob him under the fiftrib . But 2. doth he not know , that the best things may be abused , and will any , that is wise , say , that he pleadeth for the abuse of a thing , who pleadeth only for its use ? 4. By this same reason , he might plead against refuseing to give obedience unto the King in all his most sinful commands ; for may not seditious and unquyet spirits easily pretend that his commands are unjust , and that if they obey these they are involved in sin and judgment , and so disobey him , even when he commandeth most just and necessary things . If he be not for universal obedience , let him answere this inconvenience in that case , and we shall make use of his answere in this case . In the next place he cometh to speak of these scriptures , which he allaigeth Naphtaly doth abuse . The first is Ier. 26 : v. 15. If yee put me to death shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves , and upon this city , and upon the inhabitants thereof , concerning which two things ( he sayes ) are to be remarked . [ 1. That Jeremiah is speaking to the Princes and all the People , warning them not to meddle with his blood ; The Princes that they should not unjustly condemne him , The People that they should not consent to , nor co-operate with an unjust sentence , as to the execution thereof ( as the manner of execution was amongst that People , stoning &c. ) And 2. He certifieth both that if they consented and co-operated to his death , they should bring innocent blood upon themselves , and upon the City , and inhabitants thereof . He doth not at all incite the People to rise up and rescue him by violence out of the hands of Rulers , if they should give sentence of death against him , ( neither did ever any of the holy Prophets instigate People to use violent resistance agàinst their perverse Magistrates , nor did they ever reprove directly or indirectly that sin of non-violent resistence to Magistrats , as some excessively bold do averr ) but only warns Princes and People both , that they be not by consent and concurrence accessory to his death ] Answ . 1. Here is enough for us : For 1. He granteth the People were not to consent to , nor co-operate with an unjust sentence ; but if they should have refused to have co-operated , the sentence had not been executed ; and so Ieremiah had been really rescued from the sentence , and decree of the Magistrates ; so that there needed no other resistence to have been used , innocent blood would not have been shed , and this was sufficient . 2. He needed not to have incited them furder unto a violent rescueing of him , for though they should have given sentence of death against him , yet if none would have executed it , he had been sufficiently rescued . But what needed more incitation , then to tell that by shedding of his blood they should bring innocent blood upon the whole city , and upon the inhabitants thereof . 3. It was little wonder that the Prophets did not instigate People to use violent resistence unto perverse Magistrates , seing it was usually such Prince such People , and the People as forward unto wickednesse as the Princes , and yet we finde the duty of delivering the oppressed urged upon People conjunct with their Rulers : Because both , in their places , should have concurred hereunto ; which sayes , that people , though they were not formally to execute Magistratical power , yet they were to concurre to have Justice , executed , and to have the oppressed delivered , out of the hands of oppressours . And these were judges as well as others , but more of this afterward . 4. This place doth abundantly cleare , That the shedding of innocent blood by Magistrates bringeth judgement on the Subjects : for Ieremiah sayes , that if they should have killed him , they should have brought innocent blood not only to themselves , who gave out the sentence , and did execute it ; but on the whole city , and on the inhabitants thereof . To this he hath many words Pag. 55. but little answere . The summe is this ( for it were wearisome to transcribe all his needlesse tautologies and repetitions , which if taken away , his pamphlet of a 120 pages , might be reduced to 20 ) [ All who were defiled behoved to be accessory either by doing , or not hindering what they were called and capacitated to hinder , which was not by violent resistence : nor doth the Prophet meane , that all the absents should be guilty and properly deserve Gods wrath upon that account , but only that the actors , and such as were accessory , should be guilty , and others should , upon this occasion , fall under wrath , though for other sinnes : and yet the judgment on the People might be a punishment to the Rulers , for that same particular sin ; for God may punish Princes or Fathers , in the punishment of Subjects and Children ; and yet these same Subjects and Children have no reason to quarrel with God , or to say as it is , Exech . 18. v. 2. ] Answ . We grant God may and doth punish Princes and Parents , in their Subjects and Children ; and That these same Subjects and Children so punished , have no just cause to say that their Fathers have eaten sowre grapes and that their teeth are set on edge , as if there were no sin in themselves . But that God may not visite the iniquities of the Fathers upon the Children , who have not formally acted these evills , nor consented thereto , we dar not peremptorily assert , against so many clear scriptures . 2. Sure this place seemeth to hint something else , then that this sin of shedding Ieremiahs blood should be an occasion of God's visiting the City , for their other sinnes : For he sayes you shall bring innocent blood upon this city : so that by this Murther , they should have brought innocent blood as well on the other inhabitants , as on themselves , who were to be actors : the text maketh no difference . 3. If the People here had done all which in their calling and station , they were capacitated to have done , for hindering of this sheding of blood , they would have hindered it effectually ; and further violent resistence was needlesse . If a wicked Magistrat should condemne an innocent person , and make this his sentence , that he should not have the benefite of a lodging within the land , The People need do no more to resist the Magistrat's unjust sentence , but , notvvithstanding thereof , receive the innocent into their house , and intertaine him friendly . And still vve say , the People vvere to do all that lay in their povver , to hinder innocent blood to be shed , that so innocent blood might not be laid to their charge : And in so far as they came short in this , they made themselves guilty be accession , notvvithstanding of any thing he hath said . The next place he speaketh to , is Deut. 13. vvhich vve have already vindicated , and must observe this further , That in all his long ansvvere he speaketh nothing to that vvhich novv vve are upon , viz. the hazard that People in such a case are into , both of sin , and of judgment , if effectuall course be not taken to suppresse idolatry , and apostasy from God , and to put that crying evil avvay from amongst them : For v. 17. it is clearly held forth , that till this city and all which was within it , was rooted out : the Lord would not turne from the fiercenesse of his anger , nor shew them mercy , nor have compassion upon them , nor multiply them , as he swore unto their Fathers . So that their not doing their utmost to execute this sentence of God , made them lyable to the constant abideing of the fierce anger of God upon them , and closed the door of Mercy and compassion , so that they could not expect the blessings promised and Covenanted . Then Pag. 59. he cometh to speak to Ios . 22 : ver . 17 , 18 , 19. and tells us That they were not private persones that transacted that businesse with the Children of Reuben : for the body of the People concurred with the Magistrates Supreame and Subordinate . What makes all this for the encroachment of meer private persons upon the use of the Magistrates avenging sword ? ] Answ . It is true the Magistrates and major part of the People were here concurring ; but why doth he not take notice of the words cited by Naphtaly ( which clearly hold forth the end of his adduceing that passage ) If yee rebel to day against the Lord , to morrow he will be worth with the whole congregation of Israel , which do clearly hold forth , that the defection of a part ( though a minor part ) will bring wrath upon the whole Nation aud Society . And may not any see hence ; That each are to concurre in their places and stations , according to their povver , to prevent this defection , or to remove it , even when the major part is infected with it ; yea even though Magistrates should be remisse , and should rather encourage then discountenance such rebellion against God ? Seeing the reason holdeth à fortiori , for it upon the defection of a minor part , wrath will come upon the whole , much more will wrath come upon the defection of a major part , and of the Magistrates too : And therefore if in the former case , private persons be bound to concurre with Magistrates , for rooting out of that provoking sin of a few , then it cannot be unlawful for private persones , in this later case , to do what they can , to stirr up Magistrates to their duty , if it be possible ; and to prevent their owne destruction from that wrath of God , kindled against all ; and to remove the provokeing cause of that anger : And , as we have said , they may take an effectual course for this , without encroaching upon the use of the Magistrate's avenging sword , or exercing any formall Magistratical power . The next place he speaketh to , is Iudg. 20. where Israel warreth against Benjamin because of a notorious crime acted there , and countenanced and defended by that whole Tribe , to the end that such a crying abhomination might be purged out of the land , To which he answereth in short ( to let passe his unchristian jibes ) thus [ Though this was when there was no King in Israel , yet it is likely they retained somewhat of their Sanhedrin appoynted Deut. 17. which in such a horrid case might draw together in an extraordinary meeting : It was the body or the major part of the People , that useth the sword against the lesser ; which maketh nothing for the minor parts using the sword to punish Magistrates & the major part of the People also . ] Answ . Though I should grant that they retained yet something of the Sanhedrin , yet in all this passage , there is no mention made thereof ; but it is said v. 1. That all the Children of Israel went out , & the Congregation was gathered together as one Man , to Mizpeh ; and resolved not to returne to their owne houses , ver . 8. until these Children of Belial in Gibeah had been executed , and evil was put away from Israel , Cap. 13 : v. 2. To say that this speaks not to our case , is but to wrangle ; for sure if we should suppose that Benjamin had been maintaining their integrity , and the true worshipe of God , against the generality of the People , who had turned idolaters , and had raised war against them , because they would not depart from their profession ; would he have condemned the minor part for standing to their defence in this case ? Or if they should have joyned together to have hindered the defection of the major part , or removed the corruptious that were prevailing ; would he have condemned them ? Sure this is not improve Scripture a right , but rather to elude it ; for there is not the least shaddow , that the stresse of the matter is laid on this , that they vvere the major part . Finally he cometh to Achan's case , Jos . 7. and tells us , [ That there is nothing in it , to justify private persones rising against the Magistrates , and plurality of the people , to avert the judgments of God ; for what was done to Achan was done by the Supreame Magistrat Josua . ] Answer . But Naphtaly only maketh use of this place , to shew that our reformers had great reason to feare and tremble , lest the manifest toleration of proud , cruel , flattering Prelats , and idolatrous Priests , whose wickednesse and idolatry , had corrupted the whole land ; might involve the whole Nation in destroying indignation ; since the wrath of God for the hidden and secret sin of one poor Achan suddenly and fearfully overtook the whole People , and all the congregation of Israel , so that that man perished not alone in his iniquity . Now can any body deny this consequence ? But our Surveyer layeth downe againe his peremptory assertions without further proof , and we have spoken to them already , and need not repeat things so oft as he gives us occasion so to do , otherwise we should follow this fool in his folly , and weary the reader as he doth , in repeating almost whole pages verbatim , let any look and he shall finde the whole 61 page , ( except some groundlesse jibes which do not help his cause ) nothing almost but repetitions . We shall then goe on , and draw forth our arguments from what is said , to shew that the late act ought rather to be praised then condemned . For 1. Thereby they were endeavouring , according to their power and places , ( as that exigent required ) when all doores were closed from essaying any other meane , not only to defend themselves against manifest and intolerable injury and oppression , but to save themselves , their posterity , and the whole land ( so far as lay in their power ) from the wrath and vengeance of God , and the dreadful plagues and judgments that were and are to be expected , for the dreadful and unparallelable apostasy and defection of a corrupt ministry . Did God threaten that Zion should be plowed as a field , and Ierusalem become as a heape , That Iacob should be given to the curse , and Israel to reproaches , for the sinnes of a corrupt ministry ; and when our eyes did never see a more corrupt company , who have partly apostatized from their sworne profession , and partly are thrust in over flocks , to the ruineing of their souls , the corrupting of the truthes of God , and to be a standing occasion of dreadful persecution unto them ; and when , for this cause , nothing could or can be looked for , from the hands of a just and jealous God , but wrath without remedy , and judgment after judgment , till we become as plowed fields , and as heaps : Can or ought these to be blamed , who standing to their sworne profession , were labouring in the integrity of their hearts , to purge the land of these plagues and locusts , that we might become a holy and pure Church unto the Lord , and that the Lord might delight to dwell among us ; and for this end , tooke their lives in their hands , and essayed that now sole remedy , seing there was no other meane left unto them , whereby to attaine this noble End. 2. When one Apostat city not taken course with , according to the command of God , would provoke God to anger against the whole assembly of God's People , so that till it was destroyed , he would not have mercy or compassion upon them ; was there not much more reason to feare , that God's anger should burne against Scotland his covenanted People , and that he should have no more mercy on us , since there was such a dreadful defection in it , whereof not only one city , but many cities were in an eminent manner guilty , having so foulely departed from their sworne truth and profession , and openly and avowedly revolted from God and his wayes , and since there was no other way imaginable to prevent this heavy indignation of God ? Shall any condemne these , who our of Zeal to God's Glory , and for the good of the poor land , whereof they were members , took their lives in their hands , and did what lay in their power , to have that corruption and apostasy removed , and God restored to his honour , and the land to it s Covenanted integrity ? 3. Since the backslideing and defection of a few members of a Society , joyned together in a Covenant to God as his People , brings vvrath upon the vvhole ; if timeous remedy be not used , as the forecited places shevv : Shall any condemne these vvho endeavoured according to their povver , to prevent the destruction that vvas and is to be feared , for the defection not of a fevv , not of one poor Achan , but of multitudes , and that of all ranks and conditions ? 4. Did the people of Israel goe out as one man , to prevent apostasy , when they heard some rumore thereof in a part of their number ; and to take course with , and purge the land of a crying evil that was committed in one of their cities : & who shall condemne these who lately went out with one heart and spirit , to do what in them lay , to remove the far-carryed-on defection , and the dreadful evil of perjury and many other hainous crimes , that did & yet do abound , whereof Many of all rankes were guilty , even such as should have been , by their publick places and stations , eminently appearing on the head of these worthyes , for the glory of God , and the good of the whole Church and Kingdome . 5. Seing the publick transgressions of Kings and Princes , do hazard the whole Realme and Commonwealth , as the instances formerly adduced do cleare ; How much reason have People of all rankes , qualityes and conditions , to be doing what lyeth in their power , either to prevent and hinder that these iniquities be not committed , which prove destructive unto the Land , or labour by all meanes to have them done away when committed , before the fierce anger of the Lord break forth ? And since it is not our and undenyable how our Kings and Nobles , and other judges have revolted from a sworne Covenant , Truth and Profession , and openly and avowedly , renunced the interest of Christ , and conspired against his truth and cause ; can any blame these worthies who endeavoured according to their power , to have these crying abhominations remedyed , that the wrath of God should not consume us root and branch , and burne so as it should not be quenched ? What can be replyed to these reasons , is sufficiently answered already ; and I would further propose this to be seriously considered by all : let us put the case , That King and Princes should conspire together , to poyson all the fountains of water in the Land , and lay downe a course , how they should be keeped so , and people should be forced to drink of these poysoned waters ; would not any rational man think , that when no meanes else could prevaile , People might lawfully with force , see to their owne lives , and to the lives of their little ones ? And shall we be allowed to use violent resistence , for the lives of our bodyes , and not also for the lives of our souls ? shall people be allowed to run together , & with force , when they can no otherwayes , keep the springs of water cleare , for their owne lives or healths , and of their posterity also ; and shall they be condemned for runing together to keep their Religion as it was reformed , pure and uncorrupted ? Who but Atheists will say this ? Againe put the case . That the Magistrates of some Brugh or City were about to do , or had already done , some publick prohibited bited action , which would so irritate the Soveraigne or Prince , that he would come with an hudge army and cut off the city , man , wife and childe : would any in this case , condemne the private inhabitants of that Brough or City , if , when no other mean could be essayed effectually to hinder the same , they should with force , either hinder them from doing that irritating action , or if done , should endeavour to remedy the matter the best way they could , for the good of the City , to prevent its ruine and overthrow , and for their owne saifty , and for the saifty of their posterity ? And why then shall any condemne the late defenders , who , when the Magistrate , by their many sinful and publick actions , had provoked the King of Kings to anger and jealousy against the whole land , so that in justice they could expect nothing but the vvrath and vengence of God to root them out and their posterity , laboured what they could , to have the wrath of the King of Kings pacified , and the wicked deeds provoking him remedied ? Would the Soveraigne in the former case account these privat persons traitours to their Magistrates , and not rather more loyal Subjects to him , then the Magistrates themselves ? And shall we think that the King of Kings shall account the late act , disloyalty to the King and Magistrates , and not rather commendable loyalty to him , and faithful service ? There is another argument much of the Nature with the preceeding , taken from the grounds of Christian love and affection , whereby each is bound to preserve the life and welfare of another , as he would do his owne : and as each would have another helping him , in the day when he is unjustly wronged and oppressed , so he should be willing to helpe others when it is in the power of his hand to doe it according to that royal law of Christ's , Mat. 7 : ver . 12. Luk. 6 : ver . 31. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so them , for this is the law and the prophets . It is unnaturall and unchristian both , to say am I my brother's keeper . Sure he who helps not his brother against a murderer , when he may do it , is before God , guilty of the man's blood . Meroz and the inhabitants thereof were to be cursed bitterly , because they came not out to the help of the Lord and his People , against the mighty , Iudg. 5. Was not David helped thus against the Tyranny and wickednesse of King Saul ? And honest Ionathan rescued from the hands of his bloody Father ? Prov. 24 : ver . 11 , and 12. If thou forbear to deliver them that are drawne unto death , and these that are ready to be slame : If thou sayest behold we know it not , doth not he that pondereth the heart considerit ? And he that keepeth thy soull , doih not he know it ? And shall not herender to every man according to his work ? Now the text maketh no difference whether they be drawne to death unjustly by private persons or by Magistrates : They are ( if they can do it ) with force to rescue such ; for so the word imports as I Sam. 30 : 18. 2 King. 18 : 34. 1 Sam. 17 : 35. Hos . 5 : 14. And this did famous Mr. Knox avow unto Lithingtoun , in his discourse with him , registrated in the history of reformation . Hence it is that Ieremiah Cap. 22 : 23. cryeth to the People as well as to the King , execute judgment and righteousnesse and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressour : and though it be true , as Calvin on the place sayeth , that this did chiefly belong to the judges and Magistrates ; Yet , when their proceeding in this course of oppressing of the stranger , the fatherlesse and the widow , and of shedding innocent blood , would provoke God to execute what he threateneth with an oath , ver 5. And make that house a desolation , and prepare destroyers against it and the whole city ver . 7 : 8. and when all this is spoken in the eares of the people , it would seem to import , that even they should have stood in the way of such oppression , and delivered the spoiled out of the hands of the oppressour ; & not have suffered innocent blood to have been shed , especially when inferiour as well as Superiour Magistrates were oppressing and tyrannizing , and were the only oppressours and wolves as we see Esa . 1 : 21. and. 3 , 12 , 14 , 15. Micha . 3 : 9 , 10. Ezech. 22 : 27. And many of the people conjoyned with them in the like , as encouraged by their practice ver . 29. see furder for this Isa . 1 : ver . 10 , 17. Ier. 5 : ver . 2 , 5 , 6. But sayes our Surveyer Pag. 53. [ That such prophetical preachings uttered to the body of Rulers and People , are to be understood as reproveing what was amisse in every one , in their respective calling , and as injoying such duties as might be done by every one , salvâ justitiâ , salvo ordine , & modulo vocationis — but to say that they minded to condemne in People , the grand sin of non-resistence to the oppressing Magistrates , or to incite private persones to pull the sword out of the Magistrat's hand , & relieve the oppressed , & execute judgment on the oppressours , even Magistrats ( as Lex Rex doth say Pag. 367 , ) is not only a most fearful perverting of the most holy scripture — but a doctrine that tends directly to horrid confusion & utter subversion of humane societies ] Ans . We shall easily grant , that in those sermons , every one was reproved for what was amisse in his respective calling , and all were enjoyned to do , what might be done by them according to their places and callings , and without wronging of justice : But we averre , that it vvas the duty of privat persones , to hinder , so far as lay in their power , the shedding of innocent blood , the oppressing of the innocent , and wronging the vvidow and fatherlesse . If a Magistrate in a rage run upon an innocent person going by , to kill him , It is the part of any private person that is next , to hinder the Magistrate from committing manifest murther , without breach of justice , order , or the extent of his calling : Bacause in that case he is not acting the part of a judge . So a judge perverting judgment , and manifestly oppressing the innocent , is no judge authorized of God for that ; but a privat person , and may as justly be withheld from murthering or oppressing , as any other Man. 2. They might presse them to relieve the oppressed though they did not incite them to pul the svvord out of the Magistrat's hand : viz by hindering , according to their povver , oppression to be committed ; and this might be vvithout the least violence done to the Magistrate's power and authority , as is shevved : So might they move them to execute judgment not formally but materially , by hindering justice according to their povver , or labouring to have the lavv executed according to God's vvord . 3. Lex Rex speaketh no such thing in that place , as any vvill see vvho read it . 4. It is but his ignorance to say , that in this vve fearfully pervert the holy scripture . 5. Hovv vvill he shovv that this doctrine tends to horrid confusion ? He tels us Pag. 50. [ That such pretences will not be wanting to the worst of men , and the best Magistrate , proceeding most legally , shall never have security from seditious partyes ] Answ . But sure his doctrine tendeth more to confusion ; for , by it every Magistrat of the land hath povver to kill and destroy vvhom he vvill : and thus Magistrates should be formally constituted wolves . 2. But how oft will he put us to tell him , that the best truth may be abused ? 3. But let him speak in earnest , what would he do if he saw his wife carryed away by some drunken officers , before a judge drunk as a beast , so as he could neither hear nor speak sense , who yet without further processe , would condemne her to be brunt as a witch , or executed as a harlot , would he not labour , if he had power , to relieve his innocent wife out of the hands of these bloody oppressours ? What would he then do with his pretences ? Would these scar his tender conscience ? I suppose not . And what if he saw the King , without ground , or colour of reason , possibly upon a mistake , runing in a rage to kill his wife , or only son , would he not help the innocent in that case , and hold the King with force ? Or would he only assist them by prayers to God for them , by consolatory words , by giving counsel to them , or by supplications to the Magistrate with all dutiful respects , and if nothing could avail , sit dovvne as having discharged his duty ; and vvould not resist more ? ( vvhich he thinketh is all vvhich is required of private persones Pag. 49. ) If so , many might think he vvere accessory to the death of his vvife or childe , and so possibly might the King , when he came to himself , and his rage was off him , and he convinced of his mistake . And if he vvould hinder innocent blood to be shed ( as rational people will easily think he might ) hovv shall he salve the matter , for the vvorst of men may resist the best Magistrate , proceeding most legally , upon pretences , that the King is in a rage , he hath no shaddow of law or reason for him , he is mistaken of the persones &c. And would he think , that in this case , there were a necessary connexion betvvixt resistence and revenge ? and if he should have the upper hand in the matter of resistence , could he not sit dovvn satisfied ? If he could : then he may think that these tvvo , may be seperated in exercise and practice , in other cases , as vvell as in his ovvne , unlesse the fault be on the Magistrate's side . Thus is answered also vvhat he hath P ag . 49. for it is but the same thing which he hath in the place before considered , He is tedious in his repetitions , and therefore we Proceed to our arguments . And. 1. If Humanity , Brotherly Affection , Christian Love. Tendernesse and Compassion to a suffering injured brother , call for help and releef at the hands of others , according to their power and capacities : Then none can justly blame or condemne the late risers for endeavouring in their places , & according to their power , the releife of their oppressed brethren , with violence , when no other meane was left feasible or practicable . Their Solemne covenants did engadge them to account each injury done unto any Covenanter , upon that account , as done unto themselves ; And to vindicate and maintaine the libertyes of the Subjects , in all these things , which concerne their Consciences , persones , and Estates , and who can blame them for paying their vowes unto God ▪ 2. If this same duty was expresly required of the people of God of old , that they should endeavour to relieve the oppressed , and to prevent the shedding of innocent blood : Then none can justly blame those late valient vindicators of justice , and relievers of the oppressed . But the former is true , as the places above cited do show . Therefore &c. 3. If their forebearing had made them guilty before God , of the oppression and bloodshed committed , vvhen it vvas in their povver to help it : Then they could not forbeare to do what they did , without sin . But the former is true . The very Egyptians knew so much by the light of nature , when by their law , such as did not relieve the oppressed , when it was in their povver , vvere accused upon their head ; and if they vvere not able to help , they vvere bound to accuse the oppressour , or else they vvere to be vvhipped , & to endure three dayes hunger . I shall close this chapter , as I did the former , with a testimony of famous Mr. Knox , that it may be seen to be no nevv doctrine of ours . In his admonition to the Commonalty of Scotland he hath these words , neer the end , [ These vaine excuses I say , will nothing availe you , in the presence of God , who requireth no lesse of the Subjects , then of their Rulers — and if yee think that ye are innocent , because you are not the chief actors of such iniquity , ye are utterly deceived , for God doth not only punish the chiefe offenders , but with them , doth he condemne the consenters to such iniquity , and all are judged to consent , that knowing impiety committed give no testimony that the same displeaseth them . To speak this matter more plaine : As your Princes and Rulers are criminal with your Bishops , of all Idolatry committed , and of all the innocent blood that is shed , for the testimony of Christs truth : and that because they maintaine them in their tyranny : So are yee ( I meane so many of you , as give no plaine confession to the contrary ) criminal and guilty with your Princes and Rulers , in the same crimes ; because you assist and maintaine your Princes in their blind rage , and give no declaration that their tyranny displeaseth you . This doctrine I know is strange to the blinde world , but the verity thereof hath been declared in all notable punishments from the beginning ; vvhen the Original vvorld perished by vvater ; vvhen Sodome and Gomorah vvere punished by fire ; and finally , vvhen Ierusalem vvas horribly destroyed , doth any think that all vvere alike vvicked before the vvorld ? Evident it is , that they vvere not , if they be judged according to their external facts ; for some were young and could not be oppressours , nor could defile themselves with unnatural , and beastly lusts ; Some were pitiful and gentle of nature , and did not thirst for the blood of Christ , and his Apostles : but did any escape the plagues and vengeance which did apprehend the multitude ? let the scripture witnesse , and the histories be considered , which plainly do testify that by the vvaters , all flesh on●arth at that time , did perish , ( Noah and his family reserved ) That none escaped in Sodome and in the other cities adjacent , except Lot and his tvvo daughters ; And evident it is that in that famous city of Ierusalem , in that last and horrible destruction , none escaped God's vengeance , except so many as before were dispersed . And what is the cause of this severity , seing that all were not alike offenders ? let flesh cease to disput with God , and let all men by these examples learne betimes to flee and avoyd the society and company of the proud contemners of God , if that they list not to be partakers of their plagues . The cause is evident , if we can be subject , without grudging , to God's judgments , which in themselves are most holy and just ; for in the original world none was found that either did resist tyranny , nor yet that earnestly reprehended the same . In Sodome was none found that did gain-stand that furious and beastly multitude that did compasse about and besiege the house of Lot — and finally in Ierusalem was found none that studyed to reprepresse the tyranny of the priests vvho vvere conjured against Christ and his Evangel ; but all fainted ( I except ever such as gave vvitnesse vvith their blood , or flying , that such impiety displeased them ) all keeped silence , by the which all approved iniquity , and joyned hands with the Tyrants , and so were arrayed and set , as it were , in one battle against the almighty , and against his Son Christ Jesus ; for whosoever gathereth not with Christ , in the day of his harvest , is judged to scatter , and therefore of one vengeance temporal , were they all partakers , — will God in this behalf hold you as innocents , be not deceived dear Brethren , God hath punished not only the proud tyrants , filthy persones , and cruel murtherers , but also such as with them did draw the yoke of iniquity , vvas it by flattering their offences , obeying their unjust commands , or in winking at their manifest iniquity . All such , I say , God once punished , vvith the chief offenders . Be ye assured brethren , That as he is immutable in nature , so will he not pardon you in that which he hath punished in others , and now the lesse , because he hath plainly admonished you of the dangers come , and hath offered you his mercy , before he poure forth his wrath and displeasure upon the disobedient . ] So in his Exhortation to England , P ag . 107. [ No other assurate will I require that your plagues are at hand , and that your destruction approacheth , then that I shall understand that yee do justify your selves in this your former iniquity : absolve and flatter you who list , God the Father , His son Christ Jesus , his holy Angels , the creatures sensible and insensible in heaven and earth , shall rise in judgment and shall condemne you , if in time you repent not . The cause why I wrape you all in idolatry , all in murther , and all in one and the same iniquity , is , that none of you hath done his duty , none hath remembered his office and charge , which was to have resisted to the uttermost of your power , that impiety at the beginning , but you have all follovved the wicked commandement , and all have consented to cruel murther ; in so far as in your eyes , your Brethren have most unjustly suffered , and none opened his mouth to complaine of that injury , cruelty and Murther . I do ever except such as either by their death , by abstaining from Idolatry , or by avoiding the realme for iniquity in the same committed , and give testimony that such an horrible falling from God did inwardly grieve them . But all the rest even from the highest to the lowest , I feare no more to accuse of idolatry , of treason committed against God , and of cruel Murthering of their brethren , then did Zecharias the son of Iehojadah . 2 Chron. 24 : ver . 20. feare to say to the King , Princes and People of Iudah . Why have yee transgressed the commandements of the Eternal God ? it shall not prosperously succeed unto you , but even as ye have left the Lord , so shall he leave you ] And , againe Pag. 109. [ . , But let his holy and blessed ordinances commanded by Jesus Christ to his Kirk , be within the bounds so sure and established , that if Prince King or Emperour would interprise to change or disannul the same , that he be the reputed enemy of God , and therefore unworthy to reigne above his people ? Yea that the same Man or Men that goe about to destroy God's true Religion once established , and to erect idolatry which God detasteth , be adjudged to death , according to God's commandement : The negligence of which part , hath made you all ( these only excepted which before I have expressed ) murtherers of your Brethren , denyers of Christ Jesus , and manifest traitours to God's Soveraigne Majesty : Which horrible crimes if ye will avoyd in time comeing , then must yee ( I meane the Princes Rulers and People of the realme ) by solemne Covenant renew the oath betwixt God and you , in that forme and as Asa King of Iudah did in the like case 2 Chron. 15. — This is thy duty , & this is the only remedy O England to stay God's vengeance , which thou hast long deserved , and shall not escape , if his Religion and Honour be subject to mutation and change , as oft as thy Rulers list . ] The-reader may consider also what he sayes to this in his discourse with Litingtoun , who was of this Surveyer's judgment , History of Reformation , Lib. 4. This is consonant likewise unto our confession of faith authorized by King Iames and Parliament Anno 1567. Act. 14. where among good works of the 2 table , these are mentioned To honour Father , Mother , Princes , Rulers , and Superiour powers ; To love them , to support them , yea to obey their charge ( not repugning to the commandement of God ) to save the lives of innocents , to represse tyranny , to defend the oppressed , &c. ] the contrary whereof is [ To disobey or resist any that God hath placed in authority ( while they passe not over the bounds of their office ) to murther , or to consent thereunto , to bear hatred , or to let innocent blood be shed if we may withstand it , &c. ] Citeing in the Margine , Ezech. 22 : 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. &c. where the bloody City is to be judged , because she relieved not the oppressed out of the hand of bloody Princes v. 6. And to what Ambrose sayeth de office . Lib. 1. c. 36. saying qui non repellit a socio injuriam si potest , tam est in vitio quam ille qui facit . i. e. he who doth not repel an injury from his brother when he may , isas guilty as he who doth the injury : And this he cleareth by Moses his deed , defending the Hebrew against the Egyptian . CAP XI . Of our qualified alledgiance to the King. Our Arguments hence . THe author of Naphtaly Pag. 177 , said [ That all powers are subordinate to the Most high , and appoynted and limited by his holy will and commandement , for his owne glory , and the Peoples good ; and our allegiance was and standeth perpetually and expresly thus qualified , viz. in defence of Religion and Liberty , according to our first and second Covenants - all allegiance & obedience to any created power whatsoever ( though in the construction of charity apparently indefinite , yet ) in its owne nature is indispensably thus restricted . ] By which words , any , who will duely consider the scope which that author doth drive at , will see , That his meaning was , That as obedience and allaigeance is to be given to Magistrates only in the Lord , So the same ought to be promised with this qualification or limitation , so far as it is not contrary to Religion and Liberty of the Subject : & thus we all swore to defend his Majesties person and authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion , and Libertyes of the Kingdomes ; and it is plaine to all who will not shut their eyes , that the foresaid author putteth no corrupt glosse upon that necessary clause and qualification ; for while he is dissuadeing from taking of that bond , which was urged upon the People of Edinburgh , he useth the words cited , & furder addeth [ To renew the same ; or take any the like oath of allegiance purely , and simply ; purposely omitting the former and due restriction , especially when the powers are in most manifest , & notorious rebellion against the Lord & opposition to his cause and Covenant , is in effect , equivalent to an expresse rejecting and disowning of the same limitation , and of the Soveraigne prerogative of the Great God and King over all , which is thereby reserved ; & as much as in plaine tearmes to affirme , That whatever abused authority shall command or do , either as to the overturning of the work of God , subverting of Religion , destroying of Rights and Libertyes , or persecuting of all the faithful to the utmost extremity , we shall not only stupidly endure it , but activly concurre with , and assist in all this tyranny ] What could have been spoken either more full , or plaine , both for explicating the genuine import of that restriction or qualification , or the authors Orthodox sense thereof ? Yet behold how this wrangling pamphleter , because he can get nothing to say against the truth asserted , must wrest words and sense and all , that he may have something to say against the straw-adversary of his owne setting up . Therefore he tells us Pag. 6. [ Can this assertion subsist that neither alledgiance , or fidelity , nor obedience is to be given to any created power , but in defence of Religion and Liberty ? As if Naphtaly had meaned , That no alledgiance , fidelity or obedience was due , or to be given to the created powers , but when and in so far as , they did actually owne , and contribute their utmost for the promoving or establishing of Religion and the Liberties of the People . Whileas his meaning is clearly seen to have been this , That as all powers are subordinate unto God the great King over all ; So all alledgiance , fidelity , or obedience is to be promised and given unto them , with a reserve of the allegiance , fidelity and obedience due to God the Highest of all ; and that man's interest is not to be preferred unto God's , but alwayes acknowledged in subordination thereunto : So that when earthly powers are stated Enemies to Christ and his interest , no absolute allegiance , fidelity , or obedience is to be promised , But alwayes with this restriction , or limitation : Neither are the Subjects bound to concurre , or assist them , while in such a stated course of opposition to the King of King's , and while actively endeavouring to destroy his great interest in the world . But what sayes our Surveyer furder [ That obedience is not to be given unto any creature on earth , against Religion or the revealed will of God , shall be easily granted ; we ahhore the very thought of so doing . ] Ans . Though he abhore the very thought of so doing ; yet many will say that he hath not abhorred to do it : It is against God's expresse and revealed will to commit perjury , and renunce a Covenant sworne with hands lifted up to the most high God , and yet he knowes who is guilty of this , & maketh the will of a creature the Law of the Conscience , when the appendix is a full belly . [ Againe ( sayes he ) it shall not be said that obedience is to be given to powers against the liberty competent to us as subjects , and consistent with Soveraignity ; yet so that the measure of that liberty must not be made by every man's private will , but by the declarature of the Parliament , representative of the Subjects , which best knowes what thereunto belongs . ] Answ . This royal liberal man would seem to yeeld something in favours of the liberty of the People , but with his annexed clause and restrictions , he takes all back again : For 1. sayes he , it must be consistent with Soveraignity , and how wide a mouth this Soveraignity hath , in his and his complices estimation , many know , and we have seem in part , even so wide as that is shall swallow up all the Peoples liberties ; like one of Pharaohs leane kine that eates up the fat and yet is never the fatter . Then 2. it must be determined by the Representatives , as if the Representatives were not ex officio bound and obliged to maintaine the Liberties of the People , which belong to the People , ere the Representatives have a being ; and as if it were in the power of the Representatives to sell and betray the Libertyes of the People ; or as if no more were competent to the Subjects de jure then what they will : Hath a man no more right to his lands aud heritages then what his advocate , who betrayeth his trust for a larger summe of money , alloweth him or declareth ? We know Parliaments can basely betray their trust , and sell away the Libertyes of a People , contrare to their vow and oath to God , and their obligation to the People , whose trustees they should be ; and shall People have no more liberty competent to them , then what a perfidious company conspired against the good of the Commonwealth , to pleasure a sinful Creature , determineth by their declarature ? This is hard if true , for then a Parliament might sell them and their posterity for bondmen and bond women to the Turk for ever . But we see no more reason , for asserting an infallibility , or absolutenesse of power in Parliaments , then in Princes . What furder ? [ But to say , that all ( not only obedience but ) allegiance and fidelity , due to any created power is indispensably restricted to this qualification in defence of Religion and liberty , viz. of the Subjects , is a most false assertion . ] Answ . He said not restricted to this qualification , but thus qualified , and thus restricted . This must be either ignorance , or worse in this pamphleter , thus to wrong the author . But , vvhat vvas the authors meaning vve have shevved . Let us heare The pamphleting Prelate [ It is knowne ( sayes he ) that a restriction excludes all other cases which are not in the restrictive proposition included , &c. Answ . All this is founded upon his either wilfull or ignorant mistake ; for the author took not the restriction , so ( as we have seen ) as to exclude all fidelity or obedience , except in things tending immediatly and directly unto the good of Religion and Liberty of the Subject : But so as that we might do nothing in prejudice of Religion and Liberty , nor yeeld obedience to him in any thing tending to the hurt of either : & thus is our obedience to be restricted , or qualified . We deny not obedience , even when the act of obedience , cannot be properly & directly said to be either in defence of Religion or the liberty of the subject : So that we crosse not what the ministers said unto the doctors of Aberdeen : for we take not that clause as exclusive , that is , that we shall never defend his person and authority but when he is actually & actively defending Religion & Libertyes ; but only as a restriction or qualification , thus , that we shall defend his person & authority , so far as may consist with Religion & Libertyes : And thus we agree also with the general assemblie 1639. for we say it is the Subjects duty to concurre with their friends and followers , as they shall be required , in every cause that concernes his Majesties honour , yet so as that they do nothing to the prejudice of Religion or Libertyes But furder ( sayes he ) as to the poynt of allegiance or fidelity , that is another matter then obedience . ] Answ . True , when men will become very critical ; but the scope of the place showeth in what sense he took it , not only as includeing an owneing of him as lawful and rightful King &c. but as includeing also a promise of active concurrence in defending of him and his interest : and so while this is urged in an absolute , illimited , unqualified or un - restricted way , he made it all one with obedience . It is true , a man may keep allegiance or fidelity to the King , when he cannot obey his commands ; yet the clause of the Covenant respects allegiance as well as obedience , in so far , as we are not to defend his person and authority absolutely , but in defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Subjects . Allegiance then is a comprehensive thing , not only taking - in an owneing of the King as rightful King , and fidelity to his person crowne and dignity against conspiracyes and treasons ; but also an active concurring to promove his honour and dignity , and to defend his person and authority : And so all who say allegiance must be qualified according to this restriction , do not meane every thing in allegiance , but that which is expressed in the Covenants . So that it is his ignorant inference , to say . That that which Naphtals sayeth is contrary to the confession of saith Cap. 23. § . 4. which sayeth is difference in Religion doth not make voyd the Magistrates just and legal authority , nor free the people from their due obedience to him , unlesse he think the article of the Covenant , interfereth with the confession of faith , which he dar not assert ; but if he do assert it , let us hear by his next what he will say to the Apologetical Relation , Pag. 386. 387. 388. 389. 390. where that clause of the Covenant is vindicated . He addeth [ It is the Lord's way for keeping humane societies from grosse disorders , to allow to such as are in supreme power by lawful calling , the honour due unto their place , although in the maine things they pervert the Ends of government , dishonouring him by a false Religion , or seduceing others to their evil way . ] Answ . Do we say that honour is not due unto Magistrates of another Religion , because we say that we must promise allegiance and obedience to them in the Lord ; and must not concure with them , nor contribute our power unto them , to the manifest detriment of Religion and Libertyes ? This is like the rest of this Man 's foolish inferences . Or doth he think that we cannot give to Caesar the things vvhich are Caesar's , unlesse vve give him also , the things which are God's , and are the Peoples ? Then he citeth Calv. Instit. Lib. 4. c 20. § , 25. 27. But He speaketh nothing contrare to the businesse we are upon : Doth he think that Calvin was of the judgment that People are bound to sweare absolute Subjection , allegiance or fidelity and obedience to all wicked princes , whatever right they may have to the place ? That subjects are bound to obey , and to sweare allegiance in the Lord unto wicked Kings who denyeth ? do vve say that vvicked Kings , because vvicked , are eo ipso no Kings ; nor to be acknowledged as Kings ? What then doth this testimony make against thus ? But 2. will he stand to what Calvin sayeth ? Then he must condemne vvhat King and Parliament have done , in taking the life of the Marquise of Argyle ; and say that they are guilty of innocent blood ; for by vvhat Calvin here sayeth , vve were as much bound to acknovvledge Cromwel then , vvhen he did Reigne , as now to acknowledge the King : for he speaks of all qui quoquo modo rerum potiuntur . How will he then free himself from treason ? For sure in Calvine's judgment , Argile did but his duty , though he had done more , and yet he was condemned as a Traitour : can he reconcile this with Calvine's judgment ? So then our promiseing and swearing alleagiance , fidelity , and obedience to the King , being with a reserve of our alleagiance , fidelity , and obedience unto the Supreame King of Kings and Lord of Lords , and according to that due subordination , and thus limited and restricted , that we may do nothing against God , or in prejudice of his interests ; no person can with any colour of law or conscience , challenge or accuse any of Treason or Rebellion against the King , when they preferre the interest of God unto Man's , and labour to secure Religion and the interest of Christ , unto which they are absolutely , and indispensably obliged , and from which obligation and alleagiance , no authority of man can loose them , nothwithstanding that in so doing , they postpone the authority of man , and their alleagiance thereunto , and lay it by ; seing it is of no force , when it cometh in competition with the authority of God , and is stated against that Religion , which by divine authority they are bound to maintaine , with hazard and losse of their lives , goods and fortunes ; And therefore the late act of defence being , according to their sworne alleagiance to God , a necessary defence of Religion , cannot be condemned of Treason or Rebellion , though it wanted that formality of the authority of Subordinat powers : As postponing the authority of inferiour Magistrates , in act of obedience , and duty of alleagiance unto the Superiour , can be no proper disloyalty or rebellion ; so nor can the postponing of the authority , of Superiour and inferiour Magistrates , in poynt of obedience , and performing alleagiance unto the most Supreame , be really treasonable , seditious , or rebellious . 2. If we be sworne to maintaine the King's person and authority , in the defence of the liberties of the subject : Then who ever preferre the Liberties of the Subject unto his person and authority , are not Traitours or Rebels : And so the late act of defence , being for the liberties of the subject , when they were basely betrayed , sold , and given away , by a company conjured into a conspiracy against the same , and were trode upon , and violently plucked away , cannot in conscience , or in the law of God , or according to any just law of man , be accounted , or condemned as ; an act of Treason or Rebellion . CAP. XII . Some moe Arguments Briefly proposed and Prosecuted . WE have in the preceeding Chapters proponed and considered such arguments as gave us occasion to meet with what this Surveyer allaidged . We shall here , ere we come to consider his objections , briefly summe up other arguments . The worthy author of Lex Rex Quest . 28. and 31. hath some , which we shall here set downe , partly because that book is not in every mans hand , and partly because this windy man pretends to have answered much of that book , though he hath not so much as offered to make a reply unto the six hundereth part thereof . 1. Pag. 261. thus he argueth , [ That power which is obliged to command and rule justly and religiously , for the good of the subjects , and is only set over the people on these conditions , and not absolutely , cannot tye the people to subjection without resistence , when the power is abused to the destruction of lawes , religion , and the subjects . But all power of the law is thus obliged Rom. 13 : ver . 4. Deut. 17 : ver . 18. 19. 23. 2 Chron. 19 : ver . 6. Psal . 132. ver . 11. 12. and 89. ver . 30. 31. 2 Sam. 7 : ver . 12. Jer. 17 : ver , 24 , 25 , And hath been & may be abused by Kings , to the destruction of Lawes Religion , and Subjects . The proposition is cleare , for the powers that tye us to subjection , only are of God. 2. Because to resist them is to resist the ordinance of God. 3 , Because they are not a terrour to good works but to evil . 4. Because they are God's ministers for our good : But abused powers are not of God but of men , are not ordinances of God , they are a terrour to good works not to evil , they are not God's ministers for our good . ] 2. ( ibid ) [ That power which is contrary to law , and is evil and tyrannical , can tye none to subjection , but is a meer tyrannical power and unlawful ; and if it tye not to subjection , it may lawfully be resisted . But the power of a King abused to the destruction of Lawes , Religion , and subjects , is a power contrary to law , evil and tyrannical , and tyeth no man to subjection ; wickednesse by no imaginable reason , can oblige any man. Obligation to suffer of wicked men , falleth under no commandement of God , except in our Saviour . A Passion as such , is not formally commanded , I meane a physical passion , such as is to be killed . God hath not said to me in any moral law , be thou killed , tortured , beheaded , but only be thou patient if God deliver thee to wicked mens hands to suffer these things . 3. ( Ibid ) There is not a stricker obligation moral , betwixt King and People , then betwixt parents and Children , Master and Servant , Patron and Clyant , Husband and Wife , The Lord and the Vassal , between the pilote of a shop , and the passengers , the Phisitian and the Sick , the doctor and the Schollar : But law granteth , 1. minime 35. De Relig. & sumpt . funer . If those betray their trust committed to them , they may be resisted ? If the Father turne distracted and arise to kill his Sones , his Sones may violently apprehend him , bind his hands , spoile him of his weapons , for in that , he is not a father Vasq . lib. 1. illustr . quaest . Cap. 8. n. 18. Si dominus subditum , enormiter & atrociter oneraret ; princeps superior vasallum posset ex toto eximere a sua jurisdictione , & etiam tacente subdito & nihil petente . Quid papa in suis decis : parliam . grat . decis . 32. Si quis Baro. abutentes dominio privari possunt . The Servant may resist the Master , if he attempt unjustly to kill him ; So may the wife do to the Husband : If the pilot should wilfully run the ship on a roke to destroy himself , and his passengers , they might violently thrust him from the helme . Every Tyrants is a furious Man , and is morally distracted , as althus . sayeth , polit cap. 28. n. 30. & seqq . 4. Pag. 262. That which is given as a blessing and a favour and a scrine betwixt the Peoples Liberty , and their bondage , cannot be given of God as a bondage and slavery to the People . But the Power of a King is given as a blessing & favour of God to defend the poor & needy , to preserve both tables of the law , and to keep the People in their libertyes , from oppressing and treading on upon another . But so it is , that if such a power be given of God to a King , by which actu primo he is invested of God to do acts of Tyranny , and so to do them , that to resist him in the most innocent way , which is self defence , must be resisting of God , and rebellion against the King his deputy ; Then hath God given a royal power , as incontrollable by mortal men by any violence , as if God himself , were immediatly and personally resisted , when the King is resisted , and so this power shall be a power to waste and destroy irresistably , and so in it self a plague and curse ; for it cannot be ordained , both according to the intention and genuine formal effect and intrinsecal operation of the power , to preserve the tables of the Law , Religion and Liberty , Subject and lawes ; and also to destroy the same . But it is taught by Royalists , That this power is for Tyranny , as wel as for peacable government , because to resist this royal power put forth in acts either of Tyranny or just government , is to resist the ordinance of God , as Royalists say , from Rom. 13 : 1 , 2 , 3. We know to resist God's Ordinance and Gods deputy formaliter as his deputy , is to resist God himself 2 Sam. 8. ver . 7. Mat. 10 : ver . 40. as if God were doing personally these acts that the King is doing ; and it importeth as much as the King of Kings doth these acts , in and through the Tyrant . Now it is blasphemy to think or say , That when a Kings is drinking the blood of innocents , and vvasting the Church of God , That God if he vvere personally present , vvould commit the same acts of Tyranny ( God avert such blasphemy ) and that God in and through the King his lavvsul deputy and vicegerent , in these acts of Tyranny , is wasting the poor Church of God. If it be said , in these sinfull acts of tyranny , he is not God's formal vicegerent , but only in good and lawful acts of Government , yet he is not to be resisted in these acts , not because the acts are just and good , but because of the dignity of his royal persone . Yet this must prove that these who resist the King in these acts of Tyranny , must resist no ordinance of God , but only that we resist him who is the Lord's deputy . What absurdity is there in that , more then to disobey him , refuseing active obedience to him who is the Lord's deputy , but not as the Lord's deputy , but as a man commanding beside his Master's warrand ? 5. ( Pag. 263. ) That which is inconsistent with the care and providence of God in giving a King to his Church , is not to be taught . Now God's end in giving a King to his Church , is the feeding , saifty , preservation , the peacable and quyet life of his Church , 1 Tim. 2 : 2. Esai . 49 : ver . 23. Psal . 79 : 7. But God should crosse his owne end in the same act of giving a King , if he should provide a King , who by office were to suppresse Robbers , Murtherers , and all oppressours and wasters in his holy mount , and yet should give an irresistible power to one crowned Lyon a King who may kill a Thousand Thousand protestants for their religion , in an ordinary providence , and they are by an ordinary law of God to give their throats to his Emissaries , and bloody executioners . If any say , the King will not be so cruel . I beleeve it , because , actu secundo it is not possible in his power to be so cruel ; we owe thanks to his good will that he killeth not so many , but no thanks to the genuine intrinsecal end of a King , who hath power from God to kill all these , and that without resistence made by any Mortal man : Yea no thanks ( God avert blasphemy ) to God's ordinary providence , which ( if Royalists may be beleeved ) putteth no bar upon the illimited power of a Man inclined to sin , and abuse his power to so much cruelty . Some may say , the same absurdity doth follow if the King should turne papist , and the Parliament and all were papists , in that case , there might be so many Martyres for the truth put to death , and God should put no bar of providence upon this power , more then now ; and yet in that case . King and Parliament should be judges given of God actu primo , and by vertue of their office obliged to preserve the people in peace and godlinesse . But I answere . If God gave a lawful official power to King and Parliament to work the same cruelty upon Millions of Martyrs , and it should be unlawful for them to defend themselves , I should then think that King & Parliament were both ex officio and actu primo judges and Fathers , and also by that same office , Murtherers and butchers , which were a grievous aspersion to the unspotted providence of God. 6. ( Pag. 331. ) Particular nature yeelds to the good of universal nature ; for which cause heavy bodyes ascend , aëry and light bodyes descend : If then a wild bull or a goaring Oxe may not be let loose in a great market confluence of people ; and if any man turne so distracted , as he smite himself with stones , and kill all that passe by him , or come at him ; in that case the man is to be bound and his hands fettered , and all whom he invadeth may resist him , were they his owne sones , and may save their owne lives with weapons . Much more a King turning a Nero , King Saul vexed with an evil spirit from the Lord , may be resisted : and far more if a King endued with use of reason , shall put violent hands on all his subjects , kill his sone and heire : yea , any violently invaded , by natures law , may defend themselves ; & the violent restraining of such an one is but the hurting of one Man , who cannot be virtually the Commonwealth , but his destroying of the community of men , sent out in warres as his bloody Emissaries , to the dissolution of the Commonwealth . 7. ( Pag. 335. ) By the law of Nature , a Ruler is appoynted to defend the innocent : Now by Nature , an infant in the womb defendeth it self first , before the parents can defend it ; Then when parents and Magistrates are not ( and violent invading Magistrates are not , in that , Magistrates ) Nature hath commended every man to self defence . 8. ( Ibid ) The law of nature excepteth no violence , whether inflicted by a Magistrate or any other ; unjust violence from a Ruler is thrice injustice 1. He doth injustice as a man , 2. As a member of the Commonwealth . 3. He committeth a special kinde of sin of injustice against his office . But it is absured to say we may lawfully defend our selves from smaller injuries , by the law of Nature , and not from greater , &c. These and many moe , to this purpose , may be seen in that unansvverable piece : But I proceed to adde some mo● here . 9. If it be lawful for the people , to rise in armes to defend themselves , their Wives and Children , & their Religion , from an invadeing army of cut throat Papists , Turks or Tartars , though the Magistrates Superiour and inferiour , should either , through absence , or some other physical impediment , not be in a present capacity to give an expresse warrand or command , or through wickednesse , for their owne privat ends , should refuse to concurre , and should discharge the people to rise in armes : Then it cannot be unlawful to rise in armes and defend their owne Lives , and the lives of their Posterity , and their Religion ; when Magistrates , who are appoynted of God to defend , turn enemies themselves , and oppresse , plunder , and abuse the innocent , and overturne Religion , & presse people to a sinful compliance there with . But the former is true . Therefore &c. The assumption is cleare : Because all the power of Magistrates , which they have of God , is cumulative , and not privative and destructive , it is a power to promove the good of the Realme , and not a power to destroy the same , whether by acting and going beyond their power , or by refuseing to act and betraying their trust . 2. No power given to Magistrates , can take away Natures birth right , or that innate power of self defence . 3. It can fare no worse with people in this case , then if they had no Magistrates at all ; but if they had no Magistrates at all , they might lawfully see to their owne self defence . 3. The power given to Magistrates can not loose the obligation of people unto God's moral law ; but by the moral law they are bound , in this case of imminent danger , to defend themselves , their Wives and Children , and their Religion : these are acts of charity , which Magistrates cannot loose them from ; otherwise Magistrates might command us to kill the innocent , the widow and the fatherlesse , and we might lawfully do it at their command ; which is most false and absurde : therefore neither can their expresse prohibition hinder us from relieving such , whom we are bound to relieve , nor exeem us from the guilt of Murther , before God , if we do it not , but obey their prohibition . The connexion of the proposition I cleare thus . 1. The law of self defence is no lesse valide in the one case , then in the other . 2. The law of charity obligeth in the one case , no lesse then in the other . 3. Magistrates are no more appoynted of God to destroy the people themselves , then to suffer others to destroy them ; and so the resisting of their violence in the one case , is no more a resisting of the ordinance of God , then the resisting or counter-acting of their prohibition , or silence , in the other case . 4. Magistrates are no lesse to be accounted , in so far , no Magistrates , when they counter-act their commission , then when they sinfully betray their trust , and neglect their commission . 5. Unjust violence offered in Lives , Liberties and Religion , is no lesse unjust violence , when offered by Magistrats themselves , then when offered by strangers , Magistrates permitting or conniveing . 10. If it be lawful for private Subjects to joyne together in armes , and defend Themselves , their Lands , Liberties , Wives , Children ; Goods , and Religion , against a forraigne Enemie , invading the land to conquer and subdue the same , with the Magistrates approbation , or expresse warrand . Then it is also lawful to resist domestick Enemies animated by the same power and authority . But the former is true , because Magistrates , in that case , do professe and avow themselves tyrants , seeking the destruction of the whole Realme : and therefore are not Magistrates . Therefore &c. The consequence is cleared abundantly in the preceeding argument , and cannot be denyed : for , a domestick enemy is more unnatural , unjust , ihhumane ; illegal , hurtful and dangerous , then a forraigne enemy . 11. Such acts of unjust violence , which neither Magistrates themselves may immediatly commit , nor may any subject under them , without sin and disobedience to God , execute , may lawfully be resisted by private persones , when committed in a rage , or cruelly executed by inseriours . But such are acts of oppressing , plundering , spoyling Subjects of their libertyes , because of their adhereing to their sworne Covenanted Religion . Therefore &c. That Princes and Magistrates may not oppresse , and wronge the People , is clear 1 Sam. 12 : 3 , 4 , 5. 2 Sam. 23 : 3. 1 King. Cap. 21. and 22. 2 Chron. 9 : 8. Psal . 105 : 14 , 15. Esa . 1 : 23. and 3 : 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. and 14 : 15 , to 23. and 9 : 7. and 16 : 5. and 32 : 1 , 2. and 49 : 23. Ier. 22 : 3 , to 32. Zeph. 2 : 8. and 3 : 3. Micah . 3 : 1. to 12. Obad. v. 2 , 10 , to 17. Ezech. 22 : 6 , 7 , 27. and 45 : 8 , 9. It is contrare to their expresse commission Rom. 13 : 4 , 5. That their unjust mandats for oppression and useing of violence , are not to be obeyed , is no lesse clear from Exod. 1 : 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. 1 Sam. 22 : 17 , 18. Psal . 52 : 5. So likewise it cannot but be cleare , That it must also be lawful to resist that violence when wickedly and unjustly acted and executed : For , what power Magistrates can not themselves put into execution , is not of God nor ordained of God ; and therefore the resisting of that , cannot be the resisting of any power ordained of God : And againe , what power subjects cannot lawfully put into execution can be no lawful Magistratical power appoynted of God : For , if it were , a refuseing to put the same into execution were a real resisting of the ordinance of God : And so a resisting of this , when wickedly put into execution , is no resisting of the ordinance of God , which causeth damnation . 12. That it is just and lawful to flee from the violence of Magistrates will not be denyed . But if that be lawful , when subjects have no power or meanes whereby to resist , or oppose unjust violence with violence , It cannot be simply unlawful to resist the same unjust violence with force , vvhen neither flying , nor hideing , nor other such like meanes of saifty are practicable : Because it is the principle of self defence against violence , that makes flight lavvful , vvhen there is no possibility of resistence ; and the same principle of self defence will make resistance lawful , when the other is not practicable . Againe , the principle of charity to their Wives and Children and other Relations , makes flight lawful , when they can not otherwise avoide the unjust violence of Tyrants ; and the same principle will animate to resistence , when practicable , & when they cannot flee with wives and children and old decrepite parents &c. Thirdly , the same principle of conscience , viz that they may keep their Religion and Conscience free and undefiled , which will prompt to a flight , when there is no other remedy , will prompt also to resistence , when flight is not practicable . I remember , The Surveyer Pag. 41. calleth this [ a monster of a stoical paradex which the paire of pseu●o - martyres brought forth ; whereas flight is only a withdrawing from under his dominion , and putting ones self under another dominion where his power reaches not : and so by flight and withdrawing from the Kingdomes , the man ceaseth to be a subject to him , whose subject he was , and comes to be under other Lords and lawes . ] Answ . This must be a monster of men , whose eyes must be of a magnifying glasse of a paradoxical quality ; and he must have a strange stoical phancy , who imagineth that such a thing is a paradex , and a stöical paradox , and a monster of a stöical paradox : what could his stoical braine have said more paradoxically ? Flight and non-obedience both are a resisting of the abused power ; and if the cause be just which is pressed by the Magistrate , flight on that account , & non-obedience , is a resistence of the powers ordained of God , condemned Rom. 13. for such an one is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he is out of due order . But. 2. As we have seen , the consequence will hold , and we seek no more ; we need not make it a resistence equal with forcible resistence . 3. He speaketh of a flight out of the King's dominions , but what sayes he to a flight , when the persones flying keep still within the dominions ? Will he grant that this is liker unto a resistence ? And he must , if his reasons hold ; for in this case , the man ceaseth not to be a subject nor cometh he to be under another Lord : and if he grant this , our argument will stand as firme as ever . 4. The man , for all the money he hath gotten from his majesty for his paines , or paine , is not afrayed to rub , by what he sayes here , upon his sacred Majesty and his Royal Councel ; for , if persons withdrawne and out of the Kingdom , cease to be subjects to the King. How could the King and council summon home the Scottish officers who served under the States of the Netherlands , and were servants to them , and under their pay , and had been in their bounds , all most all their dayes , yea some of them were borne under the States ; and yet for not comeing to the Kings dominions upon his call and charge , they were denunced rebels & fore faulted , and stand under that sentence to this day , for any thing I know ; which , though I account the most unjust , inhumane , barbarous & irrational act , that can be , so that it may well be reckoned , among the Surveyer's monsters of stöical paradoxes ; yet I think tendernesse to his Majesties honour and credite , should have made him spare to have set downe this parenthesis : But , some men , it seemes , have liberty to say what they can or will , if it may help the desperate cause , though it should reflect upon King and Council both . Let a friend goe with a foe . 13. It was not to Parliaments or inferiour Magistrates , that Christ said , alittle before he was to be apprehended , Luk. 22 : 36 , 38. But now-he that hath no sword , let him sell his garment , and buy one — and they say Lord here are two swords , and he said unto them , it is enough . Here is enough to evince the lawfulnesse of resisting with force unjust oppressours ; for if Christ had thought it simply unlawful , why would he have desired his naked private disciples , to buy swords , which are weapons for forcible resistence and defence , and that at such a time ? It is true , he would not suffer them to make use of them as they would , not because it was simply unlawful for them to rescue him out of the hands of that band of robbers ; for he useth no such argument to dissuade them : but because , he was commanded of the father , to yeeld and to lay downe his life , of his owne accord ; and therefore was it also that he would not use the help of angells , as he might have done , in his owne defence ; therefore said he Ioh. 18 : ver . 10 , 11. put up thy sword into the sheath , the cup which my father hath given me shall I not drink ? ( & Mathew addeth Cap. 26 : 52 , 53. ) thinkest thow that I cannot pray to my father , and he shall presently give me , more then twelue legions of angells : God had revealed his will , that Christ behoved to suffer Mat. 16 : ver . 21 , 22 , 23. Ioh. 20 : 24. and that was sufficient to restraine this act of self preservation hic & nunc : which was otherwise lawful ; as well as it did restraine from flight , a mean which Christ at other times used , for his preservation : Neither did his word to Peter import that this self defence was unlawful ; but the reasones of it were ( as River sayes in decal . 6. praec . ) 1. Because it had a kinde of revenge in it ; for so few could not repel such an army as came to take Christ . 2. He waited not Christ's answere . 3. He could have defended himself another way . 4. It was contr●re to God's will revealed to Peter . ] 14. That doctrine cannot be of God , which to the eye of sound reason , & to all rational persones , doth remedylesly & unavoydably , tend to overthrow and destroy polities , all order , and all humane society , and open a gap and wide door to all confusion , disorder , tyranny , oppression , cruelty , and injustice . Our Surveyer cannot deny this proposition ; seing he maketh use if it , or of one very like unto it Pag. 43. But to say that a poor oppressed people may not defend themselves , in extreame necessity , against the oppression and tyranny of Magistrates , and resist unjust violence with violence is to all rational persones a remedylesse and unavoydable course laid downe , for utter overturning of all Society , & is an opening of a door to all confusion , disorder , tyranny , oppression , Murthers , cruelty , injustice , &c. for when Magistrates turne Tyrants , oppressours , set themselves to seek the ruine and destruction of their Kingdomes , and of all their Subjects , in bodyes , goods , and Consciences , and sell themselves to do such villany and wickednesse , there is no remedy , by this doctrine ; the Commonwealth is utterly gone ; oppression and Murthers are increased ; all is overthrowne and overturned ; and there is no help . Thus God shall have given a power to one man to kill and massacre millions of Christians , to destroy whole Commonwealthes , and to root them out , and all their memorial , that no more mention should be made of them . But who can beleeve this ? Yea if this were received as a truth , what incouragement were it to tyranny and oppression ? And what mischief would not wicked hearts contrive and execute , if they did not feare opposition and resistence ? This Surveyer tels us Pag. 103. That it is enough to keep Kings right , to tell them they must answer to God , But we see that for all this , there are moe evil and wicked Kings , then good ; and it is more then probable , that that alone vvould no more suppresse their tyranny , and keep them from wickednesse , then the fear of the gallowes would keep theeves from stealing and robbing ; if they knew that no body would resist them , or oppose them with force , when they came to steal and rob . 15. By this doctrine , People should be in the most miserable condition imaginable when under governours ; for not only should they be lyable to all the oppressions of Magistrates tyrannizing over them , and have their hands bound up , so that they could not helpe themselves ; but also unto the opression and tyranny of every one who could but say , he had a commission from his Majesty to kill and murther all whom he pleased : For they might not resist whether he had a real commission or not , lest they should resist the ordinance of God , in resisting a servant sent of the King to execute his lust and cruelty , with expresse warrand and commission : & thus there would be as many irresistible tyrants , armed with absolute and irresistible power , as one Tyrant will , and the people might no more use violent resistence against them , then against him . A doctrine , I am sure , poynt blanck contrary to all reason and equity . 16. If forraigne princes may lawfully help a poor people oppressed by their owne Soveraigne : Then people may lawfully , if they be able , hold in the paines of these forraigne princes , and defend themselves . But the former is granted by casuists and politicians . Therefore &c. The consequence cannot be denyed : for forraigners have no more power or authority over another soveraigne , then the people have themselves : and what justice , or equity of the cause could warrand them to come to their reliefe and succoure , the same will warrand the persones injured to help themselves , if they be able . 17. As the law of Nature will allow this self defence even to private persons , in cases of necessity , So will the law of Nations , and the Civil law ; for it maketh no distinction betwixt self defence used by private persons alone , and that which is used by private persons having their Representatives concurring : And where the law distinguisheth not , we should not distinguish . As all law permits to repel violence with violence ; so doth it give this allowance to all persons whatsoever l. Liberam C. quando licet unicuique sine judic . 18. To maintaine , that in no case it were lawful for Private subjects , to resist the unjust violence , and to defend themselves from the tyranny of Princes , would be a direct condemning of our owne Princes K. Iames , and K. Charles , who helped the private Subjects of other Princes against them : and is it not unreasonable to plead for more absolute subjection , then princes themselves will plead for : Or to condemne that resistence which even they will approve of , countenance and encourage to ? 16. If it were not lawful for private persons to defend themselves against the manifest tyranny of a Soveraigne , without the concurrence or conduct of a Parliament , or their Representative : Then the condition of such as live under such a government where there are Ephori , or where there is a Representative constituted , should be worse , then is the condition of these , who want such Representatives . But that were absurd . Therefore &c. The consequence of the Major is hence cleared : Because , all the arguments , which have been adduced by any , for proving the lawfulnesse of resistence in cases of necessity , will evince that a people , who have no formal Representative , may resist the tyranny of their Prince : But now if this were not allowed unto a People having Representatives , their case should certanely be worse : Because their hands should be bound up from that necessary defence , which otherwise they might have used viz. when Representatives should betray their trust , and comply with a tyrannous Prince against the people . The Minor is most certane , because Parliaments or Representatives have been instituted for the good & advantage of the people : And therefore should not prove hurtful and destructive , otherwise they cease to be a benefite and a blessing . A benefite should not prove onerous , sayeth the law , si filiusf ff . ut legator nom . caveaetur . 20. If it be lawful for private persons to resist the Tyranny of Parliaments , and other inferiour Magistrates : Then it cannot be unlawful for them to resist the Tyranny of others , without their concurrence and conduct . But the former is true , as all the arguments used by divines and politicians to prove resistence , will evince ; and as several of our adversaries will very readily grant , though they will stifly maintaine , that no resistence is to be used against the Soveraigne . Therefore &c. The connexion is hence cleare , That to whom the greater is lawful , the lesse is also lawful : Now it is a greater matter to resist a Parliament , then to wave them , and miskend them , or to resist others vvithout their help ; as all may see and will easily grant . There is not a more expresse command for Subjects to do nothing without the concurrence of a Parliament , then not to resist them and oppose them : Nor are people more obliged to the one , then to the other . 21. Privat persons without the concurrence of Parliaments , may resist and oppose the Prince , yea and binde his hands , when in a fit of frenzie , of a distempered braine and madnesse , he would seek to cut his owne throat , or with Saul would run upon his sword . Therefore they may also resist oppose him , when in madnesse and fury , he would not only endanger his owne life in soul and body , but vvould destroy the inheritance of the Lord , and cut off his faithful and innocent subjects , and destroy the land . The connexion is cleare : Because more respect is to be had unto the life of Thousands , then to the life of one Man. The antecedent is certane , because otherwise they should be guilty before the Lord , of his death , if they vvould not hinder it , when it was in the povver of their hands ; for he vvho hindereth not a mischief vvhen he may , he vvilleth it , and so is formally guilty before God. 22. Privat persons , vvithout the concurrence of inferiour Magistrates , may resist the Soveraigne , vvhen in a rage he runeth upon an innocent man passing by , and with Saul , vvhen an evil spirit from the Lord came upon him , vvould cast his javelin or deadly instrument at the innocent Davids . This no rational person vvill deny , vvho knovveth vvhat a hazard it is to partake of other men's sinnes : Love to the Prince should presse to this perserving of him from shedding innocent blood ; and vvho doth not this vvhen he may , consenteth to that murther . Therefore they may also , no lesse , yea much more , resist him , vvhen in his madnesse and distemper , he is seeking to destroy millions of the people of God : And againe , much more may vve resist him , vvhen he is seeking to destroy ourselves , vve being much more bound to love and defend ourselves , then to love and defend others . 23. If it be lawful for private subjects , without the Commande or allowance of Parliaments or their Representatives , to resist a Tyrant , or the Tyranny of a Prince , with teares and prayers : Then also , in cases of necessity , it shall be lawful for them to resist his violent Tyranny and tyrannical violence , with violence , But the former is true . Therefore , &c. The minor is cleare : For Royalists themselves will grant that praeces and lachrymae may be opposed to Tyranny ; Thus did the ancient Christians resist their tyrannical Emperours with earnest cryes and prayers to God , especially Iulian the Apostate , whom they ordinarily stiled Idolianus , Pisaeus , Adonaeus , Tauricremus , alter Hieroboam , Achab , Pharaoh , &c. And we are allowed to pray against the Enemies of Christs Kingdome , against the Turk , the Pope that great Antichrist , and all the little Antichrists that make warre against the Lord and his interest . Therefore we may also resist a Prince Tyrannically oppressing the People of God , destroying the mountaine of the Lord , makeing havock of his Church , when we are in probable capacity for that work . The reason is because , the one is no more condemned in Scripture then the other . 2. The one is no more a sinful resisting of the Ordinance of God , then is the other . 3. Adversaries themselves will grant that resistence by prayers and tears is more powerful and effectual , then the other . 4. This personal resistence is as consistent with that command , let every soul be subject to higher powers , as the other is with that , 1 Tim. 2 : ver . 1 , 2. 1 exhort that supplications , prayers and intercessions be made for Kings , and for all in authority . 5. If the Prince be good , the one is as unlawful as the other , and a sinful resistence of the ordinance of God , no lesse then the other : Therefore when he becometh a Tyger , a Lyon , a waster of the inheritance of the Lord , an Apostate , as I may not pray for him , except conditionally , but against him , as an enemy of Christ's ; so I may also lawfully resist him with violence . 6. It is cleare from other perfsons or things against whom or which , I may lawfully pray , as inward or outward Enemics , forraigne or domestick , be they inferiour or superiour , against these I may use resistence , in my ovvne sinlesse defence . 7. The lavves of the land make the one treasonable as vvel as the other , and that deservedly , vvhen the Prince is doing his duty : but vvhen he turneth Tyrant , neither can justly be condemned . 8. We have seen the one practiced in Scripture and other Histories , as vvell as the other . 24. If it be lavvful for meer privat persons to refuse obedience unto the unjust and iniquous commands of Princes : Then it is also lavvfull for them to resist the unjust and illegal Tyranny of such . But the former is undengable . Therefore so is the latter . The connexion is cleare . For 1. Subjection is no more expresly pressed in Scripture , then is obedience , to Superiours : Therefore if not withstanding of this command , non-obedience be allowed yea and necessary , vvhy not also non-subjection or resistence ? 2. The lavv of God doth not presse this as more absolute and unlimited , then the other . 3. Non-obedience to the povver commanding just things is a resisting of the ordinance of God , as well as non-subjection thereunto : if notwithstanding hereof non-obedience to unjust commands be allowed , why also shall not non-subjection to tyranny be allowed ? 4. The one doth no more derogate from the lawful authority of the Soveraigne , then the other . 5. The one is no more a wronging of the Minister of God as such , then the other ; because he is no more the Minister and vicegerent of God in acts of Tyranny , then in commanding unjust things . And therefore 6. such as resist unjust violence , can no more procure to themselves damnation , then the such as disobey unjust commands . CAP. XIII . The Surveyer's grounds taken from Scripture , for absolute Submission to Suffering , examined . HAving thus proved the lawfulnesse of private persones resisting , in cases of necessity , the unjust violence of Superiour powers , by many arguments ; and having vindicated the same from what this Surveyer had to say against them , We come now to examine his grounds for the contrary assertion . Out of Scripture he adduceth Three grounds Pag. 28. &c. The first is taken from the duty of Children toward Paents unjustly afflicting them Heb. 12 : ver . 9 , 10. where , their reverend subjection under unreasonable and unjust dealing is commended : and from the duty of Servants to suffer at the hands of unjust and froward Masters 1 Pet. 2 : 18 , 19 , 20. To which we answere , 1. That these examples are so far from making against us , that they fully comfirme our poynt , as we have shewed above : For , notwithstanding of what is said in these places , he cannot deny , but Parents may be resisted by their Children , in several cases , and Masters by their Servants . It would be strange , if he should presse this subjection so close home , that now no Servant might lawfully resist and withstand the fury of his Master ; nor no Childe might hold his furious Father's hands , and defend himself against his unjust acts of cruelty . And Althusius Pol. c. 38. n. 88 , 89. tels us that in several cases , the father lòseth the right of his fatherly power over Children ; & masters power , from the law Tit. lust quib . mod . jus Pat. Pot. amit . § Domin , lust . de his qui sunt sui vel alieni juris l. 5. § sivel Par. de agant . vel alend. lib. L. necfilium Cap. de Patr. potcst . L. 2. L. 3. Cap. de Inf. expos . Novel 115. Cap. 3. 2. If these simititudes be hardly pressed , it shall not now be lawful for Subjects to resist so much as by flying ; for the reverence and subjection required of Children unto their parents , will not suffer that to evite every smal injurie from their parents , they should ran away from under their power and subjection ; nor might servants in those dayes run away from their Masters , who had another dominion over them , then Masters now have over their Servants , who are free to goe off when they will ; himself acknowledgeth this Pag. 31. 3. We have shewed above what a vast difference there is , betwixt the power of Parents over their Children ; and the power of Magistrates over their Subjects : And he himself doth confesse there is a difference ; yet sayes he , Pag. 29. There is a full parity and agreement in this , that in the inflicting of evils upon these who are under them ( such as are competent to them to inflict within their sphaere ) a patient reverent subjection is due from their inferiours , even when they abuse their power . ] Ans . This is the question , if the parity hold even here in all poynts ; for seing these Relations are different one from another , even in their nature and ground , it is but rational to think , that there must also be some difference betwixt them , as to the consequent or result that floweth from that relation , else it would follow that as Children are so Subject , as that they can never but be subject , to their Parents ; so Subjects could never be free of their Superiours ; and yet himself tells us , that they may , by going under another government , or removing to other dominions . 2. Who shall be judge , whether the Superior keepeth within his spaere , yea or not ? If the Superiour , then there is no remedy at all ; for when he doth most exceed his bounds , he may judge that he keepeth within bounds , and so whether he keep within his sphaere or not , there must no resistence be used , but a stupide subjection . 3. Whether may the Superiour be resisted by the inferiour , when he doth what is not incumbent to him to do within his sphaere , or not ? If he may not , then why is this parenthesis added , As a restriction or limitation of the Subjection required ? If he may be resisted when he really goeth without his sphaere , then this makes for us ; for he must grant that the Magistrate doth nor prescribe the limites of his owne povver , but God and nature , and the constitution of the Realme . Novv God hath never put it in the povver of Princes to presse their subjects to perjury , or to a complyance with a sinful abhominable and abjured course ; so that vvhn he doth thus , he goeth beyond his sphaere : His sphaere is to rule for God and the good of the land , and not to destroy the interest of Christ , and the Commongood : and if he may be resisted , vvhen he goeth beyond this sphaere , then vve have all vve aske . It vvas never vvithin his sphaere , to break his compact vvith his People : and vvhen he doth so , he is vvithout his sphaere and may be resisted , and this is also for us . Againe he tells us in the 2 place . That though Kings are not fathers by generation ; yet as Kings and Magistrats should have fatherly hearts to their subjects , ( they being a sort of official fathers to them , to procure their good , and defend them from evil ) so subjects ought to have such hearts to their King , as Children have to their fathers , giving them speical reverence , subjection and obedience , from their very soul and inward affection . ] Answ . All this sayes that as Kings are metaphorical Fathers , so Subjects , are metaphorical Children . But as it doth not say , that Kings should become Tyrants , & not carry fatherly affection tovvards their Subjects ; so it doth not say , that Subejcts may not resist their tyrannical rage and fury , vvherein they acte not as fathers , but as Tygers . 2. It is true , special reverence subjection & obedience is due to Magistrats , but alvvayes in the Lord ; The relation is mutual , if they carry not as official fathers seeking the good of the subjects and defending them , but as devouring Lyons seeking the destruction of their Subjects both in soul and body , they cannot expect , according to vvhat he sayeth , that hearty subjection and obedience , vvhich othervvise they might have . 3. Being but official fathers appoynted by the subjects , and set over them by their vvill and consent , they must have lesse povver to vvronge the Subjects , then Parents have to vvronge their Children , vvho have not that relation by vertue of any formal compact with , or consent of their Children . So that when they do injuries , Subjects are in a greater capacity to help themselves , then Children are ; vvhen their Parents to injure them . He addeth [ Although some times they are not such as they ought to be , yet they ought to account their persons ( sealed with Gods ordinance , and the image of of his Soveraignity ) sacred and inviolable , resolving to suffer any thing of them rather then be guilty of parricide ( although under the colour of self defence ) Gods law in the fift command hath injoyned reverence & subjection to Princes under the title of Parents Calv. Iustit . Lib. 4. Cap. 8. &c. [ Answ . We are not speaking of doing violence unto the persons of Soveraignes , or of committing parricide , but only of the matter of resistance , and of natural sinlesse selfe defence , vvhich is far different from Killing of Kings : If he think the one of the same nature vvith the other , he vvrongeth the King's life , more then he is avvare of . Though Children as Children may not Kill their parents , yet they may defend themselves from their unjust violence . 2. We grant Kings are comprehended in the fift commandement under the title of parents , as Calvin doth ; and not only Kings , but all Superiours : & yet he will not say , I suppose , that we are not to resist the unjust violence of any superiour , but that they are all so sacred and inviolable , as that in all things , they must be subjected unto , without the least resistence : and therefore what he addeth is not to the poynt . 4. We have shewed above , that there is a vaste disparity betvvixt Masters and Kings , in reference to their slaves and subjects ; He himself acknovvledgeth this , Pag. 31. [ Yet ( sayes he ) though there be these differences betwixt the dominative or masterly , and the Royal or Magistratical power , the inferiours subjection in suffering ( even wrongfully , if God permit in his providence the power to be abused ) is no lesse under the one power , then under the other , by vertue of Divine Law. Subjects serve the Soveraigne , ( though they be not slaves : ) and not only conquered people are called Servants , 2 Sam. 8 : v. 14. but also ordinary subjects , 2 Sam. 11 : V. 24. 1 King. 12 : V. 4. — Though he also be in a sense their servant ( not in relation of an inferiour to a superiour , for so the Magistrate is only the Minister of God for the Peoples good , and never called their Minister ) but in relation of the meanes to the end — as Angles are ministring spirits for the heires of salvation , and Ministers are Servants to the People , &c. ] Answ . That the subjection is alike in both these relations , can with no colour of reason be asserted ; for it is absurd to say , that Subjects who set up the Magistrate , who limite his power , who binde him by Covenants , and designe their owne good in setting him up , & do it in a voluntary way , are the same way subject to their Princes , ; as slaves , who are as other goods for the profite of the Master , & are , both in bodyes & goods , otherwise subject unto their Masters , and that in a manner against their will , either being sold , or redeeming their life in war , by giving themselves up as slaves . 2. As there are various Kindes of Superiours , so the relation varyeth , and is more or lesse closse and efficacious , and the subjection must accordingly vary : I am not alike subjected to every one that is over me , as I am subjected to my Soveraigne ; nor am I so subjected to him , as to my natural parents , or as a wife is to her husband . 3. Though the Subejcts in some sense call themselves servants to the soveraigne , ( which yet is often a tearme of civil respect ; for Naaman called himself Elisha's servant 2 King. 5 : 15. and Obadiah said the like to Elijah 1 King. 18 : 9. ) yet if they be not slaves ; they must have more allowance then slaves have , and so have more povver to resist unjust violence then they had . 4. If the Magistrate be the peoples servant in relation of the meanes to the end ; then the relation betvvixt him and his Subejcts , is not such a relation as is betvvixt Parents and Children , or betwixt Masters and Slaves ; for the end of these relations , is not the good of Children and slaves : And next , Subejcts must have more power allowed them to see to the end , which is their owne good , and to see that the means prove not destructive of the end : and if the meanes prove no meanes , the relation falleth , and he is no more a servant seeking their good , but a Tyrant seeking his owne . 5. It is sooner said then proved , that the People who set up the King are not superiour to the King : He should have aswered Lex Rex as to this : but it is like , he thinketh that his saying thus , is more firme and irrefragable , then Lex Rex reasonings to the contrary : But I know not who will think so with him . 6. There is a great difference betwixt Angels serving the saints , or rather serving God that way ; and the King serving his People : The saints have no hand in setting up angels to protect them , as People have in setting up Magistrates . 7. If they be servants as ministers are , then , though in regard of their official power they should not be subject to the People , yet they may be resisted , as was shevved above : and this is all vve presse for . 5. There is a great difference betwixt suffering of Buffettings , and correction , and such like petty , private , personal injuries , at the hands of Parents or Masters ; and the suffering of losse of Liberties , Life , Lands , Religion , and such like , which tend to the ruine of the Commonwealth . To this our Surveyer replyeth two things Pag. 32. as , 1. [ The grounds that such men goe upon for private persones violent resisting the Magistrate ( viz. the abuse of his power ) if they hold good , will as effectually evince a non-subjection & violent resistence to Parents and Masters in abusing their power . ] Answ . We say not that the Magistrate's abuse of his power is the only ground of resistance ; this should have been shewed , and not said barely , as it is here : But when other things give ground of resistence , yea and a call thereunto , it is enough for us to say , that we resist not the power , but the abuse of the power . 2. Though we walked upon no other ground ( which is false , as is cleare from what is said ) yet his consequence would be null , unlesse he should affirme , which yet he dar not , That the Magistrate is under no other obligation to his Subjects , then Parents are to their Children , and Masters to their Slaves . But what sayes he ? 2. [ as death is not , so no punishment unjustly inflicted is eligible , where lawfully it can be warded off . But this is the state of the question , if private persones may lawfully violente the Magistrate abuseing his power : if in greater evils unjustly inflicted , there is alwayes a liberty for inferiours violently to re-offend the powers above them ? Why not in lesse evils too ? These gradual differences of inflicted evils cannot make such variation , in the poynt of duty , seing the grounds hold equally strong ; if a man may resist the Magistrate for abuse of his power , he may do so also against his father , or Master on the same grounds , and if he may not so deal with them , he may not deal so with the Magistrate neither ] Answ . It is true that no punishment unjustly inflicted is eligible where lawfully it can be warded off ; but there may be more said , for the lawfulnesse of warding off of death , then for warding off a little blow . And 2 there may be more said for warding off a blow , then for warding it off by violenting the Superiour : We speak not of violenting the Superiour , but of warding off the blae and bitter blowes , and such other iujuries equivalent to death , done by his bloody emissaries , which may be done without violent re-offending the powers above us . 3. When the injuries are great and grievous , and not easily reparable , God and nature will allow , a warding of these off , even by violence , when they can no otherwise be shuned . Though a Childe may willingly Subject himself unto correction , though he do not really deserve it , yet if his father in stead of taking a whipe to chastise him , shall take a sword to hew him in pieces , or a knife to cut his throate . I suppose in that case , the Childe may refuse hearty subjection , and either flee away , or if he cannot , save his life so long as he can , either by calling for help , or with his owne hands if he be able . And here he will grant , I suppose , that the gradual difference of inflicted evills will make a variation in poynt of this duty of resistence . So in smaller injuries subjects may be patient , and beare a little , for redeeming more , and rather suffer the losse of little then hazard all , but when it comes to an extremity ; and Life , and Religion and Liberty , and all that is dear to them as men as Christians , is in eminent and unavoydable hazard , then they may lawfully stand to their defence , and resist that abused power , not meerly , nor only , nor formally , because it is an abused power , but because it is so abused , as that it destroyeth the ends for which it was appoynted , and destroyeth all that is deare unto them , and which they are bound to defend , upon any hazard , if it be in their power ; because the losse is irreparable . Though a gradual difference of evil inflicted do not vary the spece of evil inflicted , the least evil inflicted being an evil essentially as well as the greatest , to him who doth inflict it ; yet it may alter the ground of resistence , not only of superiours , but also of equals and inferiours ; for I may beare with a smal injury at the hand of mine equal and inferiour , and not so much as seek reparation by law , when I see that either the matter is not tanti , or that I shall expend more in regaining my owne , then all my losse was : But will he think that upon this ground it will follow , that if mine equal or inferiour shall endeavour by fraud or falsehood , to take from me my whole estate , I may not then sue him at the law , and vindicate my owne ? Sure it were irrational to say so . 6. This will speak as much against resisting of the inferiour powers , as resisting of the Supreame : For they are metaphorical Fathers too , and superiours over us , as well as the Soveraigne , and the comparison will hold in the one , as well as in the other . Now if he think that the concurrence or command of the Inferiour Magistrate , will not warrand Subjects to resist the Supreame ; He must also say that the concurrence or command of the Superiour , will not warrand a resisting of the inferour ; and so it shall be alike unlawful to resist any , if this comparison hold , according to his urging of it : For it was not lawful for the Childe to resist the Mother , but to suffer patiently her chastisment , though the Father should have been indulgent , and would have pardoned the Childe , or extenuated and excused the Childe as not guilty of the fault alledged . So was the childe also obliged to be Subject unto his Father's corrections , though the indulgent Mother would have taken the Childe's part against the Father . 7. The Servant was to bear buffets patiently 1 Pet. 2. & after Christ's example was not to buffet againe ; for Christ being reviled did not revile againe , and so the place speaketh not against resistence for self defence ; but against buffeting againe , which is no formal warding off of blowes , & floweth not from sinlesse nature seeking to defend it self ; but rather from a spirit of revenge : So that , for all this , the Servant might have warded off blowes , and saved his head with his armes , when his cruel Master was seeking to break his head . 8. It is one thing to speak of what a Childe may do , who hath no power to resist his father , or what a slave is called to , who hath no power or probable way to resist his Master ; & another thing to speak of what a Nation , or a Considerable part of a Nation may do against a few , whose unjust violence they are able to resist . 9. The maine ground of this argument is a mistake ; for he thinketh that patient suffering is inconsistent with resisting . But Lex Rex quaest 30. Pag. 281. hath shewed a consistencie , ( but it is his best , according to his usual custome , to passe over such things as he cannot answere . ) So that the consequence is a meer nullity : for because servants are to suffer unjust buffetings , at the hands of their wicked Masters , It will not follow , That therefore they are obliged in conscience to non-resistence : for as Lex Rex sheweth , The Church of God was to bear with all patience the indignation of the Lord because she had sinned Micah . 9 10 , 11 , 12. and yet she was not obliged to non-resistence ; but rather obliged to fight against here Enemies . David beare patiently the wrong that this Sone absolome did to him , as is clear by 2 Sam. 25 : ver . 25 , 26. and Cap. 16 : v. 10 , 11 , 12. Psal . 3 : v 1 , 2 , 3. Yet did he lawfully resist him and his forces . So we are to beare sicknesse , paines , and torments , which the Lord sendeth on us ; and yet very lawfully may we labour and use all lawful meanes to be freed from them . 10. Christ's Rule to us ; Math. 5 : v. 39. is , that whosoever shall smile us on the right cheek , we should turne the other to him also , and what more patient subjection can be required by a Magistrate of his subjects ? and yet this will not make it altogether unlawful for private persones to defend themselves from unjust violence offered them , by their equalls or inferiours . No more will it follow from that patient subjection that we owe to Rulers , that in no case we may resist their unjust violence , and defend ourselves there from . 11. I hope notwithstanding of any thing , that is spoken in these passages , he will allow children when wronged by their Parents , and Servants when iniured by their Masters , liberty to complaine to Magistrates who are over both , and yet this is the useing of a legal resistence , and as much opposite ( if at all opposite ) to the patience and subjection injoyned , as is violent resistence , when that legal resistence cannot be had ; as suppose , when Father and Son , and Master and Servant are living in no Community , where there are Rulers and Judges over them : and if this be lawful in this case ( as it cannot be denyed ) then must it also be lawfull for subjects to repel the unjust violence of Princes with violence : Because there is no political Rulers over both King & People . But People must make use of that Court and tribunal of necessity , which nature hath allowed , and by innocent violence , repel the unjust violence of Princes , seing there is no other remedy . His second ground out of Scripture is taken from Mat. 5 : ver . 10. 1 Pet. 4 : ver . 14 , 17. and the like places ; [ Where there is a commended suffering for Christ and Righteousnesse sake , and consequently a sort of commanded suffering : a suffering contradistinct from suffering for evil doing , even a cleanly submission to suffer in and for well doing ( when God in his providence permits Rulers so to abuse their power ) which passive subjection or submission is not grounded on the Rulers abuse of his power through his corrupt will , but upon the peculiar command of God enjoyning submission in such cases . ] Answ . 1. These & the like speak nothing at all to the poynt : For , as we may be persecuted for righteousnesse sake by equalls , Yea and by inferiours ; so we are to suffer that persecution , when God in his providence calleth us thereunto , with patience and humble submission of Spirit . But is this a good argument , to prove that it is unlawful for us to resist and repel injuries offered to us by equals or inferiours ? And if it will not prove it unlawful for us to resist our equals or inferiours , neither can it hence be inferred that it is unlawful for us to resist Superiours . 2. By this same reason the King if a Christian , is bound to submit as well to his subjects , as they to him ; at least , he is not bound to resist a foraigne King invading him for Religion , which I know not who will grant . 3. That God alwayes calleth us to submissio nor passive subjection , when in his providence he permits Rulers to abuse their power , is the thing in question , and this argument doth no way prove it . 4. We grant , that God calleth us to suffer for righteousnesse sake , patiently and Christianly , whether at the hands of Superiours , or at the hands of equals or inferiours , when in his providence we are so stated , as that we must either suffer , or sin by denying a testimony for his truth and cause : But that , when a door is opened for eshewing suffering , and God in his providence seemeth not to call us thereunto ( as he never doth , when he giveth a faire way of preventing it ) we are called to suffer , and bound to choose suffering at the hands of any , is denyed and not proved by him . But furder he tells us . That [ Lex Rexquaest . 30. Leers at passive obedience , as a chymaera , as a dreame , and as involving a contradiction : And he thinks ( sayes he ) he speaketh acutely , in saying , God never gave to any a command to suffer for well doing , nor at all to suffer ( suffering depending on the free will of another without us , and not on our owne free will ; and so not falling under any command of God to us , ) but he reasones ( sayes he ) very sophistically , inferring that because meer suffering , which necessarily depends on the action of another , is not commanded to us , therefore subjection to suffering , or passive obedience is not commanded , when the Magistrate inflicts suffering . ] Ans . The worthy Author of Lex Rex was there answering the objection of Royalists , who alledged such places , where , they supposed , we were commanded to suffer , and among several assertions , which he laid down to solve this , he had this assertions , That suffering formally as suffering , nor non-resisting passive , could fall under no formal law of God , except in two cases , 1. in the poynt of Christ's passive obedience , and 2. indirectly and comparatively , when it cometh to the election of the witnesse of Iesus , whether he will suffer or deny the truth of Christ , so that this alternative must be unavoydable , otherwayes ( sayd he ) no man is to expect the reward of a witnesse of Iesus , who having a lavvful possible meane of eshevving suffering , doth yet cast himself into suffering needlesly . Novv vvhat a meer vvrangler must this be , vvho sayeth , that that vvorthy Author did reason sophistically in so inferring , vvhileas he is only ansvvering the objection : and hereby he doth it sufficiently ; for if it be evinced ( as he hath unansvverably evinced it ) that passive obedience or passive subjection is not formally commanded ; then their arguments proving this passive subjection to be our duty , are null ; and so they cannot hence inferre , that non-subjection passive is forbidden . And vvhat have they gained then out of these places ? Can this Surveyer affirme that passion as passion , or suffering formally as such , cometh under a command of God ? no , he dar not , but must vvith Lex Rex say , that it is impossible that meer passion , ( as to be whipped , to be hanged , to be beheaded should be the object of an affirmative or perceptive command of God. Why then is he offended vvith Lex Rex ? Why jeers he at that worthy Author , saying he thinks he speaks acutely ? is this to answere Lex Rex to jeer at what is there sayd , aud then be forced ( or speak non-sense ) to affirme the same thing that is there asserted ? But sayes he , Pag. 34. [ Subjection to the passion may fall under a command , and this is called passive obedience , which implyes more then meer passion or suffering ; even a disposition and motion of the heart to lye under that lot with an eye to God , whose ordinance is used upon the sufferer ; only it is called passive obedience , because as to the precise suffering the punishment , there is no external action done , enjoyned by the law or command of the Magistrate , as there is in active obedience , although there be some dispositive or preparatory actions in order to suffering ( not inferring a direct preparation to a mans owne suffering ) which he may and ought to do , as going to a gallowes on his owne feet , or up a ladder , or laying down his head on a block , that it may be strucken off . ] Answ . That subjection to the passion might fall under a command was granted in some cases by Lex Rex , as was said ; but that it falleth under a command when God openeth a faire door to eshew it , he is not able to prove . 2. Hovv proper it is to call that submission passive obedience , is not worth the while to enquire , Lex Rex tolde us ( and he cannot confute it ) that it was repugnantia in adjecto to call it obedience , since obedience properly so called , is relative essentially to a law : Now there is no moral law enjoyning this , for no man is formally a sinner against a moral law , because he suffereth not the evil of punishment , nor are these in hell formally obedient to a law , because they suffer against their will. 3. As for that disposition and motion of heart , which he speaketh of , that is nothing but what Lex Rex said viz. That modus rei the manner of suffering , was under a command , and indeed obedience to that was and is obedience to a moral law . But the Surveyer called it an errour to say that only the modus rei is commanded or forbidden , and why ? because ( sayes he , ) That same command that forbids resisting the Magistrate in doing his duty , enjoyneth submission and passive obedience to him , although we were able by force to deliver ourselves , out of his hand . ] Answ . Then by him , there is no medium betwixt this submission to passive obedience , and positive resistence : And so , either he must say that flying is resisting , ( which yet Pag. 41. he calleth a monster of a Stoical paradox ) or he must say , that flying and refuseing to submit to this passive obedience , is a submitting to this passive obedience : And whether this will not rather look like a monster of a Stöical paradox , let all men of common sense judge . 2. Is the guilty person bound by any moral law , to suffer death or whipping , if the Magistrate will not execute the sentence upon him ? Or is every one in that case bound to deliver up himself to the Magistrate , & accuse himself , and pursue the accusation until the sentence be executed ? If not , how doth this passive submission fall under a moral law ? If he say , when he is apprehended or in hands , he is not to resist , but submit to the stroke . Answer . 1. Will not any see , that then the res ipsa is not commanded , but the modus rei , and so Lex Rex said true , Pag. 318. That passive obedience to wicked Rulers was enjoyed Rom. 13. only in the manner , and upon supposition that we must be subject to them , and must suffer against our wills all the evil of punishment that they can inflict , Then we must suffer patiently . But 2. Though we be bound to submit to the Magistrate doing his duty , and inflicting just punishment , will it follow that therefore we are bound to submit to the Magistrate doing not his duty , but inflicting unjust punishment ? Or doth the same passive obedience to powers punishing unjustly fall under the moral law ? How doth he prove either the consequence or the consequent ? [ We assert ( sayes he Pag. 53. ) That a private person though wrongfully afflicted by the lawful Magistrate proceeding according to law , ( let it be so that it is lex malè posita or an evil law ) is hound not only to Christian patience in suffering — but unto a submission without repelling of violence by violence ; and that in conscientious respect to the ordinance of God , wherewith the lawful Magistrate is invested ( although abuseing it in this particular ) and with a tender regard to the prevention of seditions and confusions in humane societies . ] Ans . 1. This is dictator-like to prove the conclusion , by asserting it ; what a ridiculous fool is he to come with his assertions , and yet give us nothing but the very thing controverted ? Is not this a very hungry empty man , to beg ( when he cannot better do ) the very thing in quaestion ? 2. Then it seemeth , he will grant that a privat person may resist the lawful Magistrate , when proceeding contrary to law ; where is then the conscientious respect to the Ordinance of God , wherewith the lawful Magistrate is invested ; and that tender regaird to prevent sedition , &c. which he talketh of ? Sure in the one case , the Ordinance is but abused , as it is in the other . 3. Let me ask , if there were a just judge sitting , who would execute justice and judgement for God , and were summoning him to answere for his perjury , apostasy , and other villannies which he is conscious to himself of , and some others are privie to , and could witnesse against him ; would he compeare , or rather would he not run from under the reach of justice , and secure himself ? or if apprehended , would he not labour an escape to save his neck from the rope ? If so ( as all who know him will veryly belveeve he would ) where would then this submission be which is due unto the Magistrate ? And where would his conscientious respect to the Ordinance of God not abused , but very rightly used in that particular , be ? 4. If a Magistrate abuseing his power to the destruction of the Subjects , should be resisted , what inconvenience would follow thereupon ? [ Seditions ( sayes he ) and confusions would be unavoydable , if every one , as he thinks himself wronged , shall be allowed to use force upon the lawful Magistrate proceeding by law ; the greatest Malefactors being ready to justify themselves , and to violate the justest Megistrates in their just proceedings . ] Ausw . This is but the old song chanted over and over againe to us , and may therefore be dismissed with a word : viz. That as the Magistrat's abuse of his power in a particular , will not make the power it self unlawful ( as he will grant , ) so nor will the abuse of this resistence in a particular , make resistence it self unlawful . 2. We plead not for resistence by every one who thinketh himself wronged , but for resistence when the wrongs are manifest , notour , undenyable , ● grievous and intolerable , and done to a whole land , to God's glory , to Christ's interest , to a Covenant sworne and subscribed by all , to the Fundamental lawes of the land , to the compact betwixt King and Subject , to Religion , Lawes , Libertyes , Lives , and all which is dear to People . These wrongs as they are no petty injuries , so nor are they quaestionable or uncertane , but as manifest as the sun at the nonetide of the day . 3. What if the Magistrate or his Emissaryes proceed not according to law ? And what if the law , which they pretend , be no law de jure , or a law made a non habente potestatem ( as shall be manifest to be our case ) should there no resistence then be used but a stupid submission , out of a pretended and supposed regaird to the prevention of seditions and confusions ? 4. Since he thinks that so much regaird is to be had to the prevention of seditions and confusions in societies , sure he should think that as much regaird is to be had unto the prevention of the utter ruine & destruction of societies . Now , if magistrates abuseing their power to the destruction of Societyes , might not be resisted ; hovv shall they be preserved from utter ruine , vvhich is much more carefully to be prevented , then seditions and confusions in societies : And since he thinks , vvithout ground , that our doctrine is so evil and scandalous , and openeth a vvide gap for all vvicked seditious persones to vvork confusion in the Commonvvealth , and to overthrovv the best and justest Magistrates ; vve have just ground to think that his doctrine is not only evil and scandalous , but most perverse , vvicked and adhominable , opening a vvide door to all tyranny , oppression , cruelty ; and an encouraging of all vvicked Tyrants to deal vvith their Subjects as so many Brutes or vvorse , vvithout all fear of opposition ; and to destroy utterly all Commonvvealths , or make them meer prison-houses for slaves , &c. And , if this doctrine of his tend not more to libertinisme , then ours , let all judge . His last ground out of scripture is that knovvn passage Rom. 13 : ver . 1 , 2. vvith 1 Per. 2 : Ver. 11. ( I think it should have been ver . 13. ) Concerning vvhich , he sayes , [ Such subjection is there commanded to the Powers then existing or in being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( such as were Caligulae . Nero , Domitian , monstrou Tyrants . enemies aud persecuters of God's People ) as is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to stand in order against them ( the word is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a military tearme ) every soul is commanded to be subject or to stand in order under them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for bidden to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to stand in military order against them either defensive or offensive : By powers which are not to be resisted are clearly meant the persons in power , as the Apostle afterward extones himself v. 3 , 4. calling them Rulers , and Ministers of God , he meanes undoubtedly certane supposita and her sons invested with power , and cannot meane the abstract ordinance of God , &c. ] Answ . 1. That subjection here required is a standing in order under them , and is opposite to the resisting or contra-ordinatnesse here meaned , is granted ; For 1. vve do not say , that Christianity destroyeth Magistracy , or exempteth Christians from subjection unto Magistracy and Magistrates : As some Hereticks then did , abuseing their Christian liberty , to destroy Magistracy ; & as Heathens objected unto Christians ' as Gerhard de Magist . Polit. n. 34. thinketh , vvhich ( as some think ) vvas the occasion of Paul's asserting the ordinance of Magistracy . Nor 2. do vve say , That it is unlavvful for Christians to be subjects unto Heathen Magistrates , vvhich , because Christian Gentiles might have drunk in from some jevves , particularly the Gaulonites , vvho held it unlavvful to yeeld any subjection unto Roman Emperours , or to strangers , might have been the occasion of Paul's discourse of this Ordinance . And therefore to confute these mistakes , The Apostle sayes Let every soul be subject unto higher powers , &c. that is , acknowledge even such lavvful Magistrates , though they be heathens , and yee christians , vvhether jevves or gentiles , and think nor yourself exeemed from the duty of subjects tovvards such . So that this makes nothing against us , and the subjection here required , upon this account , is not the subjection novv in quaestion ; for a resisting of open and notour tyranny , othervvise unavoidable , doth vvell consist vvith this subjection , viz. an acknovvledgment of Magistrats as lavvful powers ordained of God , for the good of the Subjects . 2. The vvord subjection being thus taken in a general comprehensive sense , as containing in it all that duty which is required of Subjects tovvard their Superiours , The opposite tearme resistence , or counter-orderednesse must also be taken in a general comprehensive sense , as including all the contrary evils . Now , as obedience is a special poynt of subjection unto Superiours , So disobedience is a special poynt of contra ordinatnesse . But , as an universal and unlimited obedience , in all poynts , is not here required , so neither can an universal and unlimited subjection to suffering be here required : for as it can not be proved , that every act of disobedience is a resistence here condemned ; & that every act of obedience , is a part of the subjection here required ; So nor can it be proved , that every act of resisting or refuseing passive obedience is here condemned , and that every act of submitting to passive obedience is here commanded . But only that that obedience is commanded , which is due to Magistrates ; and that resistence vvhich is unlawful , & is opposite unto that subjection required , is prohibited . So that this place cannot prove that all resistence is unlawful ; because non-obedience is resistence , or a contraordinatnesse ; and yet all non-obedience is not here prohibited . Againe , the subjection comprehends that honour and respect , which is due unto Superiours , and which is both inward in the heart , minde and thought , and outwardly expressed in words , gestures , carriage , &c. So must the word resistence comprehend within it self , all that is opposite there unto . Now , as by this place , it cannot be evinced that it is unlawful to resist abused power , or persons abuseing their power to tyranny and oppression , in our thoughts , and by our words : for then it should be unlawful to abhore , & detest the oppression and tyranny of cruel tyrants ; or for the Messengers of the Lord to rebuke them for the same ; or for People to pray & supplicat to God against them , which is utterly absurd and false : So nor can it be evinced by this place , that it is unlavvful to resist such abuseing their povver , by bodyly force ; for the text speaketh no more against this , then against the other ; and yet the other is lavvful ; and therefore so may this be , for any thing that is here said : The one is resistence as vvel as the other , though not so great , but majus & minus non variant speciem . And therefore , if this text to not condemne all resistence , it cannot be evinced that it condemneth the resistence vvespeak of . 3. Not withstanding of the Resistence that here seemeth to be prohibited ; yet we know that the Senate not only resisted Nero , but proceeded against him by way of open justice , deposed him , and condemned him for tyranny , adjudging him to have his head fastned to a forke & so to be publickely whipped to death , and then precipitated from a rock , but he escaped & killed himself ( as historians say : ) and in this fact they are approved by learned politicians , and lawyers . See Bod in de Repub. lib. 2 : c. 5. So that either he must say that Nero was not the higher power , who might not be resisted , but that the Senate was above him ; or that such as justify the Senate are in an errour , and so he must condemne them for what they did , without any colour of reason . 4 , This text will no more plead against resisting of Superious powers , then against resisting of inferiour Magistrates : For the text speaks of all in any supereminency : It speaketh of powers in the plural number : see the dutch annot on the place : & Peter mentioneth inferiours as well as the Supreame . Now will the Surveyer say , that in no case , it is lawful to resist even by force , the inferiour Magistrates ? will he say that we may not oppose them when abuseing their power : And if he grant that in some cases , inferiour Magistrates may be resisted , he must also grant that this text doth not forbid or condemne all resistence to he higher power ; but only a resisting of legal and lavvful commands , whether by disobedience or by armes . 5. Though we cannot say , that the Apostle is speaking here always of the ordinance of Magistracy in the abstract , so as altogether to exclude the persons invested there with ; yet we think it hardly saife to say , that there is nothing here to be understood of the abstract office ; as when he speaketh of the original and rise of the office , and of the end and proper native effect thereof , it is more proper to understand that of the office in abstracto , then of the Supposita so invested . Next whatever is required here as due to the Supposita , it is upon the account of the office , with which they are invested , and in so far , aud no furder : And therefore though the office and ordinance cannot be resisted , yet the person who is there vvith invested , may be resisted , not as he is invested , but as he abuseth the povver , and so devesteth himself : for as he abuseth the power he cannot be looked on as invested there vvith , in so far ; especially if he abuse it in the maine and principal ends for vvhich it vvas appoynted : for then he is de jure and upon the matter utterly devested thereof . Furder whatever subjection is due to the person , it is upon the account of the office , which he beareth ; and no more subjection is due to him upon that account , then is due unto the office it self , or to the civil legal authority which is imported by the abstract word ( if so much , seing , a quo quidquam est tale , id ipsum est magis tale . ) Therefore the subjection vvhich is not due to the office , cannot be due to him : Novv subjection is due to the office as it is the office : And an abused office is not the office , Ergo that subjection is not required to the abused office which is due to the office . Ergo nor is it due to him vvho abuseth the office . The office vvill not vvarrand a subjection to that vvhich is not the office ; and an abused office is not the office . 6. The submission or subjection here required , is not unto Tyranny , or Tyrants vvho abuse their povver unto the destruction of the Commonvvealth , and to the ruine of the Subjects as such : For , such are not the ordinance of God ( nor ordained under God , but opposite to God ) unto which alone , the subjection here spoken of , is due . Gerhard de magist . polit . n. 54. Tels us that the apostle doth acurately distinguish betvvixt the povver , and the abuse of the povver ; and sayes the povver itself , and not the abuse of the povver is of God ; and also , that he distinguisheth betvvixt the office it self , & the person in office : the person oft by fraud , violence & falshood and other evil meanes , by cruelty & tyranny , both assumeth the place , & exerceth the office , & in this respect is not of God Hos . 8 : 4. 2. The resisting of Tyrants cannot procure damnation unto the resisters , because they have violated no command . 3. Such are not a terrour to evil works , therefore submission is not due unto them as such . 4. Such will not give praise to such as do vvell ; but that is the power vvhich is not to be resisted , of vvhich vve are to be afrayed , and of which vve shall have praise vvhile vve do that vvhich is good . 5. He is not to be resisted vvho is the Minister of God for good . But Tyrants , Neroes who vvished that all the Romans had but one Neck , that he might cut them all off at one blow , are not ministers of God , in so far , but ministers of Satan . 6. Such are not the revenger vvho beareth the sword to execute wrath upon him that doth evil , but rather imployeth the svvord to destroy such as do vvell , to subvert Lawes , Religion and all that is good : Therefore it is not of such as such , that the text speaketh , when it sayes we must yeeld Submission . 7. As it is not upon the account of their playing the tyrant , aud overturning Religion , Liberties & Subjects , that tribute is to be payed to them , so nor is subjection to be yeelded unto them , in all poynts , but as they are God's Ministers attending continually upon this very thing , to suppresse wickednesse , & promove godlinesse . 8. Nor is it upon any other account , that fear , honour , and custome is to be given unto them . And so the text considers these povvers , to vvhom subjeciton is due , not as Tyrants , or as abuseing their power to the ruine and destruction of all ; but as carrying themselves as the Ministers of God , for the ends appoynted , aud not as the Ministers and ordinance of Satan . Therefore not vvithstanding of any thing in this Text , such may be resisted , or rather their Tyranny may be resisted , which is not , nor never vvas ordained of God , and vvhich is diretly opposite unto , and no part of that povver ordained of God. And though Nero and some others vvere real Tyrants , yet neither doth the text name him , nor doth it presse subjection to tyranny in any , for lesse to his Tyranny ; but only subjection to the powers that are of God , & ordained of him , of which there might have been some vvho were not Tyrants , even when Nero was playing the Tyrant ; And it is as rational to understand the text of those , as of Nero or such like . However vve finde subjection is pressed to the povver vvhich is ordained of God , and that is not the power as it is abused . From all which it is cleare , that it is not the supposita , but supposita as such , which are not to be resisted , or such as carry in a due subordination unto God , seing all the Apostles arguments presse only subjection unto such , and not unto Tyrants , who are a terrour to good works , and a praise to such as do evil and not the ministers of God , nor revengers to execute wrath upon such as do evil , but rather on such as do good neither do they attend upon this thing whereof the Apostle speaketh , and are so far from being the ordinance of God , that they are resisters Themselves of Gods ordinance , by making lawes contrary to God's lavv , and punishing such as observe God's lavv . It cannot therefore be more sinful to resist such , then to resist a deputy persecuting such as keep the King's lavves , and making lavves of his owne directly contrarie to the King's lavves ; for he is the Rebel and the resister of God's ordinance , and not they vvho are faithful to their Soveraigne . To this he maketh some reply Pag. 37. and [ ( sayes ) It hath been often granted , and still is , that no man or Magistrate on earth , hath a moral power , commission or command from God to do evil , or to afflict any unjustly , 2. The question is not concerning the Magistrat's duty , but anent the Subject's duty , in case through the permission of divine providence , the Magistrate abuse his place and power , in unjust afflicting the innocent ; whether the private Subject may use violence against , or upon the Magistrate , or should rather submit to suffering , ( though unjustly ) not for reverence to the abuse of the power , but in reverence to God , whose ordinance the power ( which he abuseth ) is ] Answ . 1. If Magistrates have no moral power , commission , or command to do evil , The resisting of that evil is no resisting of any moral power from , or commission given by God ; as , if they have no power to command evil or sin , resisting of that command by non-obedience , is no resisting of their power or commission . 2. Though the question should not be concerning the Magistrate's duty , yet we are to enquire , what that power is , against which , Subjects may use no violence . 3. If Subjects be bound not to use violence , but rather submit to suffering when the power is abused , not for reverence to the abuse of the power , but in reverence to God , whose power it is : Why shall they not also be bound , rather to yeeld obedience to , then to resist by non-obedience , unlavvful commands , though not for reverence to the abuse of the power , yet in reverence to God , whose ordinance the power which is abused , is ; as he sayes ? Sure the text here maketh no difference , and if there be any difference he must prove it from some other text , which we have not yet seen , nor expect to see in haste . 4. We have shewed already , that , he sayes without ground , that the abused power is of God , or his ordinance . But there after , sayes he , [ And although the spirit of God in describing the Magistrate sayes , he is the minister of God &c. It is not meant that that is the formal reason of subjection to him , ( in the full latitude of subjection ) nor that the Magistrates then existing and in being , to whom the people are commanded to be subject , and forbidden to resist , were such de facto in all their actings — but what the Magistrate is ex officio , and what he should be de jure . ] Answ . 1. He seemeth to distinguish here betwixt a subjection in it's full latitude , and a subjection not in it's full latitude ; but how doth he explaine this distinction , that we may know what to make of it ? He seemeth also to grant that some subjection , though not subjection in its full latitude , hath that description of the power , for it 's formalis ratio , formal reason : But what can his meaning be , seing the text maketh no difference ? Is this his meaning , that subjection active , or active obedience hath that for it 's formal reason , so that the subject is to obey no power , but that which is for a praise of the good , and a terrour to the evil &c. But subjection passive or passive obedience goeth upon another ground , and must be yeelded to a Magistrate even when he is not a minister of God for good ? If this be his meaning ; it is but a shameful begging of the question : and if he grant , that any subjection is due to the Magistrate , only as he is a minister of God , we are gainers ; for he can never prove the other from this text ; and subjection here is considered & pressed in its full latitude ; and these are laid dovvne as the grounds thereof . This vve may saifly averre , until he demonstrate the contrare , which we despaire to see done ; especially seing the text fully cleareth the same : For as subjection in its full latitude is pressed , so all the Apostle's arguments , & motives , speak to it in its full latitude : There is no power but from God , presseth whole subjection ; because the whole power is from God , & not a part of it alone : & therefore it must speak to all the relative parts of subjection . So the other argument . v. 3 ; taken from the end of Magistracy , speaketh to the whole of submission in its full latitude : & also the other argument take from the nature of his office : and so the rest . So that all the motives or grounds of subjection , which are here made use of , speak to all the parts of subjection : And therefore if they be the formal reason of one part thereof , they must be the formal reason of the whole . 2. We do not say , that all the Magistrates then existing were de facto such as they were bound to be de jure ( nor can we say that they were all like Nero or Caligula ) nor dar he say that subjection in its full latitude , as comprehending as well active as passive obedience , commonly so called , was to be given to Nero and his like , or was here commanded to be given : and what hath he then gained ? But it is like all alongs he taketh subjection for passive obedience . But 1. can that be subjection in its full latitude ? 2. Was that the maine thing controverted then ? 3. Doth the motives speak to that alone ? 4. How will he prove that passive obedience is here spoken to at all ; since all the particulars mentioned are actions , and dutyes of action ? What sayes he further ? Pag. 32. [ The Apostle speaking of the person invested with power , calling him the Minister of God for good , no terrour to good works , but to evil , a praiser of good , &c. shews only what a Magistrate should be ex officio and is de jure ; but layes not this as the ground of subjection and non-resistence to him but this , that he is a superiour power ordained of God : if he abuse his place , he is to answere to God for it , but the abuse of the power in a particular , doth not nullify the power , or make it no power — he abides invested with authority — subjection of one sort or another is due to him , because he is in officio , not because he abuseth his office . ] Answ . The Surveyer giveth us here a new Analysis of the text , that no commentator hath hither to thought upon : no motive , according to him , is here made use of , except one , and yet none can reade the place , but they will finde it otherwayes : Sure the causal for , ver . 3 , and 4. is as clear a ground of a motive as the for v. 1 , 2. By his way all the rest of the arguments used ver . 3 , 4. have no influence on the subjection and non-resistence pressed ; and yet the text giveth this reason why such as resist the power receive to themselves damnation viz. for Rulers are not a terrour to good works but to the evil , &c. and this , with what followeth hath no small force to presse submission , and non-resistence . 3. It is true if he abuse his place , he must answere to God for it , but that will no more prove that passive subjection , or obedience ( as he calleth it ) is alwayes due to him , then it will prove that active obedience is alwayes due unto him . 4. We grant that the abuse of the power in a particular doth not nullifie the power ; Yet , when the abuse is such , as destroyes the maine ends of the power , sure if it be not wholly , it is in a great part , nullified de lure . But whether the power be nullified or not wholly , it may be resisted in case of necessity , when it is palpably abused : For then the power which is of God , is not resisted : But only the abuse of the power , or that which is not the power ordained of God. 5. Subjection , it is true , of one sort or another is due to him because he is in officio , and therefore so long as he is in officio , he is to be acknowledge to be in officio , and to be obeyed in things lawful : Honour , reverence , tribute , and custome is due to him , and , in matters of smaller moment , his penaltyes are to be endured , when there is no faire way to shun them : But hence it will not follovv , that he must never be resisted , even when he intends nothing but the destruction of Libertyes and Religion ; and overturneth the ends of government , and crosseth the maine and principal ends of his office and power . Then he tells us ibid. [ That among many things wrong Lex Rex hath that true word Pag. 325. We are to suffer evil of punishment of Tyrants , some other way , and in some other notion , then we are to suffer evil of equals ; for we are to suffer evil of equals , not for any paternal authority they have over us , as certanely we are to suffer evil of Superiours Thus he . And this is all we require to suffer evil of the Magistrate or superiour , without violating his person , upon the account of his paternal authority , which ( though in a particular abused hic & nunc ) remaines the ordinance of God : and in a respective reverence to that ordinance wherewith they are invested , we are humbly to suffer wrong from them ( if we cannot by petitions move their for bearance ) neither justifying in our consciences the wrong which they do to us , nor judging them to have a commission from God , as to this wrong doing , but regarding both God's providence , and God's ordinance in their persones which ceaseth not to be his , although abused in a particular act towards us . ] Answ . 1. It is strange hovv this corrupt fountaine , as he calleth it else vvhere , Lex Rex can send out good and svveet vvaters ? 2. Lex Rex is there ansvvering this quaestion : whether any passive subjection at all be commanded as due to superiours , Rom. 13. And ansvvereth . [ 1. None properly so called , that is purely passive , only we are for fear of the sword , to do our duty . 2. We are to suffer ill of punishment of Tyrants , ex Hypothesi that they inflict that ill on us , some other way , &c. ] Novv vvhat it there here that makes for him ? Sayeth Lex Rex that vve are to suffer absolutely all the evil of punishment , vvhich they vvould inflict upon us ? No such thing sayeth he . 3. If he seek no more then vvhat Lex Rex sayeth here , vve are agreed ; but sure he must then recal vvhat he hath formerly said . 4. Ay , but sayeth he , this is all we require , to suffer evil of the Magistrate , without violating his person , upon the account of his paternal authority : But 1. there is a difference betwixt suffering evil indefinitly and absolutely , and suffering evil ex Hypothesi that it be inflicted : Lex Rex said this last , and not the former . 2. We may refuse to suffer evil of the Magistrate without violating his person : every resistance of unjust violence offered by Magistrates , is not a violating of his person , nor necessarily accompanyed therewith ; for the violence resisted , may be , and oft is , committed by his Emissaries . 3. Though we are bound to suffer ( ex Hypothesi that we do suffer ) of Tytants upon the account of a paternal authority ; yet it will not follow that such may not be resisted ; for though the Son is to suffer evils at the hands of his father , when he inflicts these , upon a paternal account ; yet in some cases , the parent may be resisted , even by the Children , as is said . 4. No respective reverence to the ordinance doth absolutely bind us to suffer ; for he will grant we may flee ; and here he sayeth , we may by petitions move a forbearance . 5. What if the evil be great and imminent , and flying is not practicable , and not only there is no moving of forbearance by petitions , but very supplicating is discharged under highest paine ? Are we then humbly to suffer that wrong , and so give up all our Necks , our Liberties , and our Religion to the lust of a Tyrant , without any resistance ? This is the quaestion , and we are waiting for proof of it . 6. It is true when providence so ordereth matters , that we cannot shun suffering , then we are to regaird both God's providence , and respect that ordinance which is abused , and so suffer such evils of these , under another notion , then of equals ; and yet it will not hence follow that we are absolutely bound to suffer , and never allowed to resist . Thus we see in end , ( which I would have the reader specially to notice ) that he cannot urge this place against us ; but he must the same way hence enforce an absolute and universal obedience in all things whatsomever ; and also condemne other Royalists , and it may be himself also ; Who , as we heard above , did grant it lawful , in several cases , to resist Tyrants . Yea and condemne that which formerly he durst not positively condemne , viz. resistence by the Parliaments and primores Regni , and thus also condemne Calvin , and other divines , granting , and positively affirming this : all which , though we had said no more , is enough to cut the sinew of any argument which he hath adduced , or yet can adduce from this passage ; and so we passe to examine his other grounds for absolute submission . CAP. XIV . The Surveyers grounds for absolute Submission to suffering , taken from the primitive Christians , and reason , examined . Our Surveyer , cometh next to speak of the example of the primitive Christians Pag. 38. &c. and this he must usher in with his ordinaire jeers , and ground lesse reflections , telling us that His opinion hath been the common sense of the generation of God's children before this fiery yron age ; and that their sober examples , are of more weight and imitation , then the furious practices of any of late , whereunto they have been inflamed by the doctrines of popular parasites and fierce demagoges , such as this libeller and his complices . But we have found , & possibly may yet finde further , how far he is mistaken in this . And in deed in some respect , this may be well called a fiery iron age ; for I beleeve since Christianity was heard of , there was never so much obduration of consciences , so seared with hote irons , and inflammed with rage against piety , fidelity , truth and uprightnesse of heart , as is this day : It were well to be wished hat this Surveyer and his complices would take either the example of the Prophets , or Apostles , or of these sober Christians , who lived nearest to the light of the Apostles times , and learne after their example to be more sober , and constant to his principles ; sure he will not finde in their practices , so much perfidy , treachery , debauchednesse , hatred of piety , persecution of truth , and of the godly , as both he and his complices are notoriously guilty of . Will he find among them such court parasites , such patrons of Apostafy , such authors of rebellion against God , such Tyrannogogues , and base flatterers , as he and his fraternity are ? Will he finde in all their writings such bitter invectives and reproaches against the vvay of God , and his People , as may be seen in these fevv sheets ? Will he find such commendations of tyranny , oppression , bondage and siavery , as if it vvere nothing but the compound of justice and equity ? But vve come to the purpose . The summe of his argument is this , That though by the testimony of Tertul. Apolog. cap , 1. 33. and 37 , and Cyprian . ad Demetrianum . It is apparent , the Christians wanted not might to raise armes , against the Emperours ; yet they never used any resistence either for the defence of themselves , or for therescueing of their oppressed brethren : Yea even after that in Constantin's dayes , Religion had been legally established , and the Christians able enough to defend themselves , yet they used no violence agaist the Arrian and Apostat Emperours who succeeded : Vnder the persecuter Maximinian there was the Theban Legion consisting of 6666. who yet did not resist him : and that the greatest part of the army , under Julian the Apostate , was Christian , appears by their general outcry at the reception of Jovinian , nos sumus Christiani , yet did they never oppose him width force . ] To which we answere . 1. Though this Surveyer would appear tobe a man of a very meek and Christian disposition , and cryeth out of such as are not of his opinion , as men of the fiery iron age ; yet , though we will not take upon us to judge his heart , any may see part of his scope and intention , in mentioning this argument , to be this , That we may be reasoned into a perfect stupidity and insensibility , and the King encouraged to contrive and prosecute an Eleventh persecutoion , on all who professe the Name of Jesus , in his three dominions : For what end else doth he adduce the example of the primitive Christians , who would not resist the Emperours their bloody Emissaries , sent out to put into execution their cruel , inhumane and barbarous Edicts , and to fulfil their lust and desire , to extinguish the very Name of Christians ; but to sing us a sleep , so that if the King will , the may command his bloody and cruel Emissaries , to make amassacre on all that will no abjure Christ and his interest , and cut all their throats in a few dayes , without the least fear of opposition ? If this be not his designe , let him tell me , what he would have Christians doing , in case such a thing as this should be ? Would he have them resisting , or only holding up their throats to the bloody executioners ? If he would not have any resistence made , even in this case , then we see what his principles drive at , and many may judge what a cruel bloody heart he must have . If in this case he would allow a resistence , where is the force of his argument then ? To what purpose is their example adduced ? and what becometh of his insolent exclamations . O silly , foolish , and feminine Christians then ! and o illuminated , masculous and martial Spirits of Christians now ! 2. He may remember what he tels us , when he is speaking to the instances of resistence adduced out of Scripture , Pag. 67. That every example recorded in Scripture is not imitable : And may not we say here , That every example recorded in Church History ( far more fallible then Scripture , and far lesse to be regairded , seing what things are recorded in Scripture , are writen for our instruction ) is not imitable . So that reduce this argument into forme , it will quickly evanish ; for it must stand upon this medium . That what ever the primitive Christians did , layeth a binding obligation upon us ; But this is false , as we shall undenyably evince ; and where is then the force of the argument ? Though it appear plausible and taking , yet when pressed it doth evaporat . 3. If their practice be a binding precedent in this matter ; so must it be in all other things : and particularly it must be unlawful for us now to resist , in our owne defence , a raseal multitude , assaulting us with stones in the open streets , against all law and equity ; for Tertullian in the same place tells us , that they would not resist the Inimicum vulgus the common people , who was malitiously set against them , and did invade them with stones and fire , suo jure with out any kinde of law or judicial procedoure : Yea Tertullian puts no difference betwixt the Emperours and meane persons , in poynt of resistence ; Saying , Idem sumus Imperatoribus , qui & vicinis nostris , malè enim velle , malè facere , malè dicere , malè cogitare de quoquam ex aequo vetamur . Quodcunque non licèt in Imperatorem , id nec in quenquam , we may do no more , whether in word , thought , or deed against any whatsomever , then against the Emperour . But who will say that in this , their practice or judgment is to us a binding precedent ? 2. Several of these Fathers thought it unlawful to kill in their owne defence . See A 〈◊〉 bros . de Offic. Lib. 3. cap. 4. and Augustin also Epistola ad publicolam , 154. and Lib. 1. de Libero Arbitr . cap. 5. And yet this cannot now be maintained as a truth ; See the contrare proved by Rivet . in 6. Praec . oper . Tom. 1. Pag. 1391. 3. Private Christians , not only refused to resist violence with violence , but they refused also to flee from the fury of persecuters , when they might saifly have done it , Potuimus ( sayes Tertull . in Apolog. ) & inermes nec rebelles , sed tantummodo discordes soltus divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse , &c. That is , naked as they were , they might have removed themselves to some other part of the world , and they would not . Yea Tertullian did condemne flight in time of persecution , in his Book De fugâ in persecutione . But will any condemne this practice now , or think it unlawful , or unbeseeming Christians to flee from the fury of enraged persecuters ? Sure this Surveyer doth often grant it to be lawful . It seemeth then that either he hath catched some errour in his head , that is not Christian ( as he speaks of us , Pag. 39. ) or all which the primitive Christians maintained in opinion and practice , was not so Christian as to be perpetually obligeing . 4. The primitive Christians ran to martydome , when neither cited , nor accused , as is seen in Fox his Acts and Monum . Vol. 1. Will any say that Every Christian is bound and obliged to do so now ? How then shall their meer example be obligeing in the other practice ? 5. The primitive Christians would not bow their knees upon the Sabbath Dayes nor eat blood . Must that example of theirs perpetually oblige us now ? 6. Yea it was the opinion of Ambrose , Libr. 5. Orat. in Auxenti●● , that no armes should be used by him against the Goths who then invaded Italy , to waste and destroy the same , but teares : will it hence follow , That a Church-man may defend himself against open invading enemies , no other way now , but by teares ; because he said , Aliter nec debeo , nec possum resis●ere ? 4. The Anabaptists make use of this example of the primitive Christians to disprove the lawfulnesse of warr , as may 〈◊〉 seen in Gerhard upon that head : and would this Surveyer have us yet more Anabaptists , then he ( wickedly and falsly ) alledgeth we are , in his bitter preface ? It seemes he would joyne hands vvith the Anabaptists as to this , and upon that accountvve have as good ground to call him an Anabaptist , as he hath to call us , Iam sumus ergo pares . 5. He cannot shevv us , that these Fathers did account it unlavvful , simply in poynt of conscience , to resist Emperours vvickedly persecuting : They hold forth no scriptural ground condemning the same , but rather seeme to say that it was out of a desire of Martyrdome , which ( as Sulpitius Sever us sayeth ) they sought for more earnestly , then in his dayes men gaped for Bishopricks ; & therefore they willingly yeelded up their lives and all , to the cruel rage of persecuters , that they might obtaine the crowne of Martyrdome , It is true , Tertullian sayes , Apud istam disciplinam magis occidi licet quam occidere . But this sayes not that it is simply sinful t kill in self-defence : but that they choosed rather to be killed or martyred . 6 , Though we shall not goe about to call in question the truth of Tercullian's narration concerning the number & power of Christians in his time ( and yet Mr Goodwin in his Antica●valierisme makeyth it very probable that he vvas mistaken in his computation , if he did meane it through the vvhole Empirre . Or that if it vvas so , it vvas not knovvn to the Christians , and so it vvas all one , as to resisting upon that ground . ) Yet vve may say , That there might have been many things , vvhich in prudence might have made them to forbeare to goe to an open vvar , or rise in armes against the Emperours , even this , that the Emperours alvvayes had a greart militia , many and strong armies on foot , against vvhich , for naked persons ( though many ) scattered up and dovvne the Empire , having fevv or none to command or lead them forth to battel in their defence , to rise in this case , had been no probable meane of saifty to themselves , or of defence ; but rather a meane to provoke the Tyrant more , and procure unto themselves more suddaine deathe and destruction . So that not withstanding of their number , their capacity to effectuat such an interprise , vvas but small and very improbable . 7. The ancient Christians vvere not so utterly ignorant , nor so void of humanity and Christian love and Zeal , that being able to help , they vvould suffer their brethren to be dravvne to death ; what ever this Surveyer sayeth : but some times they rescued the oppressed out of the hands of the oppressours : For vve read that about the yeer 235. certane men inhabiteing Ma●ëota vvith force resued Dion●sius of Alexandria out of the hands of such as were carrying him away . So about the year 342. the good People of Alexandria did vvith force , defend Athanasius . About the yeer 387. the People of Caesaria did defend Basil : See Nazianz Orat. 20. And also the People of Samosata purposed to retaine their Bishop Eusebius Pius banished at the command of Valens the Emperour , had not Eusebius himself restrained them . And about the year 356. the People of Constantinople did in like manner stand to the defence of Paulus : see for this Blondel's Scholia in Grot. de Imp Sum. Pot. Pag. 65. 8. Before Constantin's dayes , none of the Emperours owned or professed the Christian faith , so that religion was not then established by lawes , as our Religion is : and therefore all that Tertullian or Cyprian say , cometh not home to our case : Yea Tertullian sayeth they were but a number of strangers , exteri sumus , sayes he , & vestra omn●o implevimus . 9. Though it is true that when Conflantine obtained the Empire , Christian Religion was more secured and established then formerly , yet did not the succeeding Emperours when they came to the throne , sweare to maintaine the same , and all who owned it ; they did not receive the imperial crowne on these tearmes ; nor were the subjects bound unto them on these conditions ; and so the instances adduced after Constantin's dayes , sute not our case , wherein Religion is become not only a legal right of the People , but a fundamental right , and the maine clause and condition of the compact betwixt Magistrate and Subject , as hath been said . 10. As for the Christians not resisting the Arrian Emperours , it speaks nothing : For , that controversy was long under debate , even in Constantin's dayes , and decreased nothing , for all the sentence of the Nicene Councel , which passed against it ; and hereby Bishop was against Bishop , Province against Province , Council against Council , and at length all the world almost was turned Arrian . What wonder then that there was no general opposition made against these Arrian Emperours , when their Subjects imbraced the same delusion ? And as for particular oppositions , we shall see some instances afterward . 11. As for the Theban Legion , their non-resistence speaks nothing to our case , for then Religion was not setled by law . 2. For six thousand , six hundered , sixty six men to interpise a warre against the Emperour and al his army , had neither been an act of prudence nor policy . 3. When he tells us that they offered themselves willingly to be butchered , holding up their naked bodyes to the Emperour 's bloody emissaryes , we see what he would have all the honest People of Scotland doing this day , even going with ropes about their necks , and with open brests , to the Kings bloody Emissaryes , that they may murther them all . O But this man must have a blood-thirsty heart . ! 12. That all or ●he most part of Iulian's army was Christian is but supposed not proved ; It was but a small part that being deceived by him under colour of a largesse , threw some frankincense into a fire secretly kindled in honour of an idol , and finding the deceit arose from the feast prepared for them , and ran thorow the market place , and cryed we are Christians , &c. and called upon the Emperour to kil and behead them , till he was enraged and banished them . And as for that proof of it , that he adduceth , it is a non-sequitur : for it was the souldeours affection to Iovinian , and earnest desire to have him Emperour , after Iulian's death , that made them cry our we are Christians , when he was refuseing to accept of the imperial dignity ( for they compelled him , seyeth Socrates Lib. 2. Cap. 19. ) and for this cause to dissuade them from putting that honour on him , Or because of his owne unwillingnesse to command over Iulian's army , which was Prophaned with sacrileges , as Ruffinus sayeth in his history Lib. 11 : Cap. 1. He told them he was a Christian , and that he would not take on him the command of Heathens . See Historia tripartitae Lib. 7. Cap. 1. and so supposed them to be all heathens : And therefore the sense of their speach was only this : Since yee are a Christian we will be all Christians also , take you the imperial throne notwithstanding of that . Moreover , though the souldiers in Iulian's army should have scrupled at making resistence against their Emperour and General , unto whom they were sworne as souldiers , it speaketh little to the poynt ; for subjects are not so under their Soveraignes , as Souldiers are under their Commanders and Generalls , they are under the General 's pay , and so his servants , and are hired for his behoove , but the King doth not hire Subjects , nor are they his servants and under his pay , and he stands otherwise obliged unto them , then the Emperour did to his souldiers : finally Nazianzen in his Orat. 2. in Iulianum seemeth to say that the reason why Iulian the Apostate was not opposed , was , because they were not able For , sayes he , Nos autem quibus nulla alia arma , nec Praesidia , praeter spem in Deum reliqua erant , ut pote omni humano subsidio prorsus destitutis & spoliatis , quem tandem alium aut precum auditorem , aut inimicorum depulsorem habituri eramus quàm Deum Iacob , &c. i. e. what could we do , but betake ourselves to the God of Jacab , since we had no other armes , nor walls , nor strengthes , being destitute and spoiled of all humane help : Sure this will not say much against us , nor for our Surveyer ▪ Yea he hinteth in his first oration in Iulianum , That for fear of resistence & of crossing his end , the Apostate Iulian would not make open war at first upon the Christians , [ Nos enim ( sayes he ) si vis inferatur , acriores obstinatioresque futuros , ac Tyrannidi obnixum pietatis Tuendae studium objecturos cogitavit : solent enim fortes & generosi animi et qui vim afferre parat contumaciter obsistere , non secus ac flamma , quae a vento excitatur quo vehementius perflatur , eò vehementius accenditur . i.e. [ If he had used violence , he knew he had found us more peremptory and refractary , and ready to have opposed to his tyranny a fixed purpose and endeavour to preserve our Religion ; for stout and generous spirits use to resist with greater violence such as violently assault them , as a fire blown at by winde , the more the winde beat● upon it , the more it burneth . ] Which she wes clearly that if that Apostate had used force at first , he had met with opposition ; and therefore he thought it fittest by policy to weaken them , disarme them , and subdue them , and then fall on them with force , and persecute them . 13 If we shall adduce some instances of the primitive Christians defending themselves and their Religion by force , against the Emperours Emissaries , whither will our Surveyer then send his soul ? while he looked upon them as altogether free of any such charge , he cryed out Balaam-like anima mea sit cum animabus veterum Christianorum but ere it come there , he must repent of what he hath done and said : But if their practice was suteable to ours , what will he then do with his soul ? for he vvill not have it with the late Christians , nor can he now have it with the old Christians , and so it must goe to a distinct place ; and so it will , if he repent not . But to our purpose . 1. Blondel , in the forcited place , tels us , that about the year 310. The Armenians waged warre against Maximius , who was come against them with an army , because of their Religion , and defate him . 2. S●crates in his Ecclesiastick history lib. 2. c. 30 , ( after the English translation ) tels us [ That by the command of the Emperour , and cruelty of Macedonius , it was proclamed that the Churches of such as imbraced the creed , containing the clause of one substance , should be thrown down even to the fundations , — as soon as the commissioners for suppressing the churches had given the onset , immediatly a great number of Novatians , and diverse others , which maintained the doctrine of one substance pulled downe that Church , removed it to another place , and there erected it againe — againe Macedonius ( like the prelate of Galloway ) understanding that there were many both at Pophlagonia , and at Mantinium of the Novation opinion which could by no meanes be commodiously removed by Ecclesiastical authority , procured that foure bands of souldiers at the Emperours commandement should be sent to Paphlagonia , to the end the inhabitants might be terrified and thereby brought to imbrace the Arian haeresie . But such as inhabited Mantinium being kindled with an earnest Zeal towards Christian Religion , went against the souldiers vvith chearful mindes , and valient courage , after they had mustered together a great hoast , they all marched forward to battel , some had taken in their hand long hedging bils , some had axes , some other met by chance with rusty armour ; when they joyned together and came to handigriping , many of the Paphlagonians were beaten downe , the souldiers ( few only excepted ) vvere slaine every one . ] Moreover he tels us in the same place , when this Macedonius was about to destroy the temple in which Constantine lay buryed , and had a purpose to translate the Emperours bones , the people vvithstood his interprize , and vvhen he gote the bones carryed into the Church vvhere Acacius the Martyr was buryed , the multitude of the contrary side ran thither in haste ; and this occasioned a very great slaughter , so that the Church , & the porch , unto the street , was runing with blood , & full of dead bodyes : & for this Macedonius gote little thanks of the Emperour . 3. in Hisioria tripartita Lib. 11. c. 15. It is told us , How the Christians oppressed by Barabanes or Baratanes King of Persia , did flee to the Romans to seek their help ; upon which and some other causes a war arose betwixt the Romans and the said King. It is true they made not head against the King while they remained in his countrey , because they were not able ; otherwise they had not run to the Romans for help . Our Surveyer cannot deny that they sought the Emperour's help , but he saves , This will not necessarily Import that they stirred them up to invade their King in their behalf , but that having come to them , they might have the help and benefite of their protection . But vvhether they stirred up the Emp●rour or not , is not much to the matter , seing they came as suppliants and ( as Socrat. sayes Lib. 7. Cap. 18. ) craved that they vvould pity their case , and not suffer them to be so oppressed ; and the Emperour made this one cause of the vvar , vvhich he undertook against him ; and vvas one of the causes ( as the historie tells us ) that made the Romans angry with them : and vvhen the Persian King demanded back his fugitives , it vvas ansvvered , they vvould not do that , yea and that not only they vvould endeavour to set the suppliants at freedome , and deliver them from their oppressours ; but also that they vvould undergoe any thing for the good of the Christian Religion and ( as socrat sayeth lib. 7. c. 18. ) they purposed not only to aide them , but also with all might possible , generally to maintaine the quarrel in the behalf of Christian Religion . Againe our Surveyer tels us , that the Persian Kings had once submitted to the Romans . Which whether true or false , is not mentioned in all this history , either as the ground moving the oppressed Christians to flee to the Emperour Theodosius for help , or moving Theodosius to wage vvarre against them . And so by this example of theirs , we see that oppressed subjects may run and seek releef from strangers , when they cannot help themselves . Thus we see this Surveyer's argument is many wayes weak , and against himself . Moreover , 4. When Athanasius was forced to flee out of Alexandria , and Gregorius was brought thither with armed souldiers , and put in possession of the Church , the Citizens of Alexandria , not withstanding of Syrianus the captane under the Emperour his being there with five thousand armed men , were so displeased with what was done , that they set St. Denis Church on fire See Socrat. Hist . Eccles , Lib. 2. Cap. 8. Or , cap. 11. after the greek copy . 5. When the honest People at Constantinople had chosen Paulus to be their Bishop after the death of Eusebius , the Emperour Constantius sent Hermogenes the captaine to thrust Paulus out of the Church , and when he came to execute his commission with force , the People prepared themselves to aide their Bishop , forced the house where Hermogenes was , and pulled him out by the eares and killed him : See Socrat. Lib. 2. Cap. 10. 6. When Paulus was againe placed in Constantinople the Emperour sends Philip the president to remove him , and to appoynt Macedonius the Arian , in his stead . But Philip was so affrayed of the People that he went straight unto the publick bath called Zenxippus , and sends for Paulus , and being in fear of the multitude , who being suspicious flocked thither , conveyes him secretly out a back window : Then he and Macedonius went unto the Church , and were guarded all alongs by souldiers with naked swords , and when they came to the door , the throng was such that they could not enter , till there were some thousands Killed . If Philp the Emperours Lievtenant had not been afraid of the People ; he had not done as he did . So for fear of the People the Lieutenant of Valens the Emperour durst not execute these fowrscore priests , who had come 〈◊〉 supplicate the Emperour in name of all the rest in Nicomedia , and were commanded to be killed by the Emperour ; See Socrat. Lib , 4. Cap. 13. all which sayes it was no rare thing for People to resist even with force the Emperours Emissaries sent to execute his unjust decrees . 7. Socrates tells us Hist . Eccles . Lib. 7. Cap. 14. hovv divers Monks inhabiting mont Nitria , espoused Cyril's quarrel , and coming to Alexandria assaulted the Lieutenant in his Chariot with stones , so that his guaird was forced to flee away . 8. About the year 404. when the Emperour had banished Chrisostome , the People flocked together about the palace , so that the Emperour was necessitated to call him back againe from his exile , See Hist , Tripare , Lib. 10. Cap. 13. 9. When Ambrose was banished by Valentinian the Emperour , at the instigation of his Mother Iustina , the People did resist such as came to carry him away , such was their Zeal for the truth , and love to their injured Bishop : see Hist . Tripart . Lib. 9. Cap. 20. and they would rather lose their lives , as suffer their pastor to be taken away by the souldiers , that were sent to pull him out of the Church , and thurst him away by force . See Ruffini Histor . Lib. 11. c. 15. Now let the Surveyer tels us what he thinks of their practice ? And if he think their practice any other commentary to Rom. 13. then our glosses ; and if it be any thing different from our practice , in these dregs of time , as he loveth to speak ? We proceed now unto his Reasons , which are but the same things we have heard formerly . The summe of the first is this . [ That doctrine cannot be of God , which to the eye of sound reason , doth unavoidably ( if practised ) overthrow God's order for setling Societyes , and open a gap to perpetual seditions against Magistrates , — and will please wicked malefactors well , being a proclamatoin to them , when condemned , to violent the Magistrate — for the matter is referred to each particular person to judge of his owne suffering , and his discretive judgement must determine him to resist . ] Answ . Here is a heap of words , but no sinewes of an argument , This man is good at catching poor simple ones that cannot discerne his tallacies : But such as are wise will smile at his confidence in reasoning after this manner : For. 1. His doctrine , not ours , overthroweth God's order : It is God's order that Commonwealths be preserved from ruine and destruction ; that Magistrates should lay out themselves , and all their power for the good of the Realme over which they are ; for as Ciecro sayeth eo referenda sunt omnia its qui praesunt ali●s , ut ●i qui erunt eorum in imperio sint quam beatissimi , and elsewhere ut gubernatori cursus secundus , medico salus , imperatori victoria , sic moderatori , Reipublica beata Civium vita proposita est . But by his doctrine , if the Soveraigne will ( and how mutable and inclineable to tyranny the will of Princes is , all ages hath witnessed ) The Commonwealth is remedylesty gone ; if he will destroy the same , there is no help ; if he turne Tyrant ( and one wreatched Counseller may in a short time by asse a Prince , that is not otherwise wel balasted , to this ) ruine is unavoydable . But by our doctrine , there is a remedy to preserve the commonwealth from ruine ; & more regaird is to be had to this , which is the end , then to the Prince who as such , is but a medium to this end ▪ 2. Such as plead for the good of humane Societyes , should as much labour to prevent the utter overturning of the same , as to prevent seditions : Good phisitians will labour more carefully to prevent death , then to prevent a little distemper or sicknesse ; yea and will cause a distemper to prevent destruction : but this montebank , if he procure with his prescriptions present ease , careth not though the patient die the next day . But 3. How doth our doctrine open a perpetual gap to seditions ? Because ( sayes he ) by our way every private person is made judge not only his owne actions , but of his sufferings , and he must suffer no more then he thinks meet . But 1. would he have all the Subjects becomeing more senselesse and stupide then beasts ? Would he have them casting away their soul & judgment , that they should have no more use of their reason , to judge what either is commanded or imposed by penalty ? If he grant a judgement of discretion in actings , how will he salve the Magistrat's credite and honour , and prevent rebellion and sedition , if there be such a necessary connexion betwixt the exercise of this judgement and the consequent he dreameth of ? For disobedience is a resistence , as well as non-submission to the punishment . 2. Though we allow to every one a judgement of discretion , yet we allow no man's judgement to be the rule of his walking : We say not that an erring judgment is a rule to walk by , and therefore we say that a subject is bound to obey the Magistrates lawful commands , though he in his private judgement should account them sinful ; so we say he is bound to submit to punishment , which is just and justly inflicted , though he judge otherwayes : Yea we grant furder , he is bound to submit to unjust sentences patiently , when he cannot by faire and possible meanes shun them . Yea moreover we grant that in matters of smaller moment , he may lawfully beare with the losse of a little to redeeme more , or save more from hazard . But our question is , if the Body of a land or a considerable part thereof , ought stupidly to submit to the losse of Life , Lands , Libertyes and Religion , when not only they judge these to be in hazard ; but when all who have eyes in their head see it & it is undenyable , being written on all the Acts & actings of these in power , & palpably & too too sensibly felt by al such as desire to keep a good conscience , & to be keeped free from the rageing wickednesse & aposrasy of this generation . 4. Though I know few malefactors , who , when attached , arraigned & condemned , would not do what they could to deliver themselvs from death , though this question had never been started ; yet our doctrine will not warrand such to do violence to the Magistrate : For we judge it not enough that they say they are innocent and deserve on punishment . Our case is a case that is manifest and not our , and a publick injury avowed and maintained : And will he think that because a Malefactor justly condemned to die , may not resist the Magistrate executing his office , Therefore a Land may not defend themselves , against the Kings Emissaries sent out to execute unjust sentences , tending to the ruine and destruction of Religion and Liberties ? His 2. Reason Pag. 44. is in summe this [ That by this way Magisirates in doing their duty cannot be secured : for it is not enough to say , let Magistrates rule rightly , and not oppresse , because that in the holy permissive providence of God , oft the best princes are not best used — some crossing of the will of a forward , and furi●●s party , may move them to fancy ther Prince a Tyrant , and thereupon account themselves free to offer violence : And from resistence they will goe to revenge ( the fury of evil consciences instigating them ) — in histories it will be found , that hardly did ever people resist a prince , but in end it came to revenge ; and of times the best princes have been worst used , at least as evil as the naughtiest , as may be seen a mong the Roman Emperours , and Christian Emperours and Kings : and amongst our own Kings &c. ] Answ . Lend us this argument , and we shall see what to make of it . By his doctrine people can never be secured from unjust violence , or from continual oppression and slavery ; for it is in vaine to say , let them do that which is right , and Magistrates will do their duty , for albeit it be true that faithful and honest subjects , may in the way of their duty , expect from God that he will incline the hearts of Magistrates to respect and encourage them ; yet in the holy permissive providence of God , it comes often to passe that the best people are not best used by their princes : And this all histories both ancient and moderne abundantly demonstrate . This court divine is all for the secureing of the Prince in all his tyrannies & oppressions ; and speaks nothing for guarding the saifty of the people , which is the end , for which Magistrates were appoynted : And this is to pervert the order of nature , so to secure the meane as to destroy the end : For that is to make the meane the end , and no more the meane . 2. We justify not Subjects as are unruly & seditious against good Magistrates doing their duty ; nor do we plead for Subjects riseing up in armes against their Magistrates , for every small injury , or when they deviate in a little from the right way : Let him grant to us , That subjects may oppose their Magistrates , and resist unjust violence with violence , when , in stead of being Magistrates they become wolves and Tygers ; and in stead of being pastors of the people , they become lyons seeking to destroy and devoure them ; and when they overturne the ends , for which they were appoynted , and destroy the liberties of the Subject , & overturne the Religion , which they were obliged & sworne to defend , in their place and according to their power , and we desire no more . 3. If any under pretext of repelling of violence , shall unjustly injure the Magistrate , we approve not such , we justify them not , let them answere for that themselves . This is nothing to our question : if he say that our doctrine openeth a gap to this , He is mistaken , for such as say that the sinful and unjust commands of Magistrates should not b e obeyed , do not open a gap to all disobedience , even in the most just commands . And since he will grant that unjust commands ought not to be obeyed , let him close the door here , so that from this there shall be no hazard of mocking the Magistrate , when commanding just and necessary dutyes ; And with the same engyne shall we close the door , so that when we say that Magistrates destroying Religion , Libertyes and what is dear to Subjects , may be resisted , we shall secure the Magistrate from violence and opposition , when he keepeth within his sphaere , and doth his duty . 4. If the matter passe from resistence to revenge , we approve it not ; if the pride and haughtinesse of the spirit of Princes be the cause of this , let them see to it , and labour to prevent it , by condescending to the just & equitable demands of their oppressed and grieved subjects . 5. We do not deny but God may stir up an Absolome and other conspirators against a Gracious David , for his owne holy ends . But , in ordinary providence it is to be seen , that good Princes , while alive and when dead , have had more respect of their Subjects ; then others , who have been most flagitious and wicked : The books of the Kings & Chronicles demonstrate this . That good Kings have been much honoured and reverenced while living , and much lamented when dead ; and upon the contrare , vvicked King 's have either been cut off , or when dead have not been desired , nor burned with the burnings of their fathers , nor buryed in the sepulchre of their fathers , whatever forced submission & outward respect they might have had while living . 6. As for the difference that God in his providence hath put betwixt Heathenish and Christian Kinges see what Evagrius sayeth Eccles . histor . cap. 41. speaking against Zosimus , he hath these words worth the marking . [ Let us see if thow will , how the Emperours which were Hethnickes and Panimes maintainers of Idolatry and paganisme , and how on the contrary , such as cleaved unto the Christian faith , ended their reigne : was not Cajus Julius Caesar the first Emperous , slaine by a conspiracy ? did not certane souldiers with naked swords dispatch Cajus the nephew of Tiberius ? was not Nero murdered by one of his familiar and dear friends ? Had not Galba the like end , Otho & Vitellus , who all three reigned only Sixteen moneths ? what shall I speak of Titus whom Domitianus poisoned , although he was his owne brother ? what sayest thow of Commodus ? — what shall I say of Marcinus ? did not the souldiers use him like a captive , about Byzantium , and cruelly put him to death ? — what shall I say of Maximinus whom his owne army dispatched — were not Gallus , and Volusianus murdered by their owne army ? had not Aemilianus the like miserable end — But since Constantine began to reigne-was there any one Emperour in that city ( Julian a man of thine own Religion-only excepted ) that was murthered by his owne subjects ? ] It were an endlesse work to run thorow histories , and show , how for the most part , ( contrare to what he sayes ) these Kings who have been resisted by their Subjects , whether in the time of Heathenisme , or since Christianity was professed , have been most flagitious and wicked ? Sure , if we should goe no further but to our owne history , we shall finde this put beyond all question , the Surveyer himself being witnesse , who sayes Pag. 78. that the instances of opposition made unto the Scotish Kings adduced by the Apolog. were but [ the insurrection of Nobles against the Kings , and violent oppressions of such of them , as have been flagitious and tyrannous . ] And thus he contradicteth , what he just now said . But to what purpose is all this stir ? He sayes , but can he prove , that we assert , That any party of the people , when strong enough , may get up against the King and all Magistrates , when they judge that they deal wrongously and injuriously with them ? Sure the thing which we affirme is far contrary to this , as hath been often times shewed . We know that [ the evil wit of a seditious party can soon paint the Best King as a black and ugly Tyrant ] and vve know also , that the evil wit of a hired court-parasite , and bese flatterer can paint out the blackest Nero , or Caligula , or a Heliogabalus , as a brave and virtuous prince . And this is nothing to our case , when the acts of Tyranny and oppression , are as legible , as if written with the sun-beames : It behoved to be strange virmilion that would serve to make the apostasy , perjury , oppression and tyranny of the novv Prince and Rulers , appear vvhit and comely ; and he needs no great vvit vvho vvould painte out these grosse acts under the forme of ugly Tyranny : Yet vvith all vve shall vvillingly grant to him , that , [ All the fearers of God should rather indure some acts of real tyranny , then by doctrine or practices of resistence , open a door to the destruction of good Kings ( by a party not of their spirit , but lurking under their pretences ) and to the continual dissolution , concussion , and desolation of humane societies ] for this is not the thing vve are against : Some acts of Tyranny vve are vvilling to endure , provideing he vvill grant us liberty both to teach & practise resistence , vvhen the acts of tyranny are not one or two , but many ; nor acts of Tyranny in smaller and lesse considerable matters ; but such as tend to the destruction of the true Libertyes of the Subject , to the overturning of a Covenanted vvork of Reformation , svvorne-to by all rankes and degrees of people ; hovvbeit men of corrupt principles , and of another spirit , should lurk under these pretences . Is it not reasonable , that vve also demand of this Surveyer vvhile he is in a good mood , That he vvould evidence so much fear of God , as not to condemne resistence unto real tyranny , so as to open a gap to all the ingrained & bloody Ner●es and such prodigious Canibales , to vvaste & destroy at pleasure the best of Subjects . What follovveth concerning obedience active and Subjection passive , hath been spoken to formerly , and it is needlesse fill up pages vvith repetitions , as he doth : only vvhereas he citeth Apolog. Pag. 376 , & 377. granting that subjection is necessary , and supposeth that this is repugnant to vvhat Naphtali sayeth , He vvould knovv that he is in a great mistake , for the question there is concerning obedience in things indifferent , or of submitting to the penalty , and that by a few privat persones ; and though in this case a single person , who will not obey the Magistrate in these matters must yeeld the penalty , and so acknowledge his subjection , it will not follow that a multitude or a Community , forced under intolerable penaltyes to acts of impiety and hainous transgression , and who can defend their rights and just privileges palpably and iniquously violated , may not repel such unjust force with force ; & resist intolerable tyranny , abusing the ordinance of God to all acts of wickednesse , and to the overturning & destroying the very ends of government ? And to this Naphtaly speaketh Pag. 28. So that he but gives vent to his profane Spirit , to cry out , as he doth Pag. 46. and say [ Good God! to what times are we reserved ? to see so certane truths , that may be reckoned among the immoveables of Religion , and the ancient land marks removed , by an upstart furious Crue , who by their new principles ( as false as new ) seek to confound both Church and State ? The lawfulnesse of privat men's counter acting , and violent resistence to a whole Church & a whole State , is a maine article of their new faith , & to do so is one of their new commands added to God's . ] For 1. It never was a certane truth , nor ever was reckoned among the immovables of Religion ( except by Court divines , & base flattering Sycophants , whose maine and only Religion was and is , to please the King , that he might full their bellies ) that absolute and illimited subjection was due to Princes by the whole body of the People , so that if he should send our Emissaries , like so many wild Beares , to kill Man , Wife , and Children , Without colour and pretence of Law or reason , People should do nothing but cast open their brests , and hold up their throats , that they may be devoured at once : what sound Divine sayeth so ? What sound Divine putteth this brutish subjection among the ancient land marks ? Yea what sober Royalist ( that is not with this surveyer intoxicate with Royal gifts , till his braines be crack't , and his rationality brutified ) dar positively averre that this is to be put among the immoveables of Religion ? 2. This principle which he calleth new , and as false as new , is an old truth verified by the practices of all ages , and is as true as old ; which he might easily see , if his new dignities and gifts had not blinded his eyes , and made him as false and perfidious , as he is notour . 3. He tells that our principle tends to confound both Church and State ; because we plead against Tyranny either in Church or State ; a pretty reason : Because we plead for that , which tendeth to the preservation of Church and State , in being and purity ; therefore we plead for confounding Church and State ? whereas his principle of Tyranny , in Church and State , is the readyest way imaginable to destroy both , as hath been seen by many sad and dreadful examples , before our dayes . 4. This man who hath perfidiously renunced his Covenant with God , and avowed his perjury to all the World , and his palpable breach of , and casting behind his heels the third command , talks of our adding new articles to our faith , and a new command to God's ; because we will not deny the principles of nature , nor grant that free-born subjects are slaves or brutes : And with him , Tyranny is the ancient Land-mark , and the chief poynt of his Religion , and a maine article of his faith , and one of the grand commands of the time . But many know at whose girdle his faith and his Religion hangs : But we will choose none of his Religion , principles , articles of faith , or commands ; For they change with the Court : and we know Court Divinity is a coat of many colours , faire and fashionable , but such as will neither keep from cold , nor cover our nakednesse , far lesse save from God's wrath in the day of accounts . CAP. XV. Some other Particulars , alledged by the Surveyer , against us , examined . HAving in the two preceeding Chapters answered his maine & Cardinal Arguments , our labour will not be great in confuteing what followeth . He says Pag. 22. We shake hands with any Papists , asserting that any person , unjustly pursued by Magistrates , may defend himself by armes , and slay them if he cannot otherwise escape , no lesse then Robbers or cut-throats . Thus Becan . Tom. 2. contr . Tract . 3. quaest . 8. & Swarez . contra Reg. Angl. Lib. 6. cap. 4. § . 6. So Aquin. 2. 2. qu. 70. Art. 4. c. ] To which we answere 1. That the question , which these Papists speak to , is different from ours : We speak not concerning vvhat a privat single person may do vvhen arraigned and unjustly condemned , but concerning what a community may do , when unjustly oppressed & persecuted by Magistrats , contrare to their trust and oath ; 2. We speake not of private persons killing Magistrates at their own hand ; but of privat persons or a community their defending themselves against unjust violence : and this truth which we maintain , was owned and practised before ever any Papist put pen to Paper . Next he tells us , That Mr Calvsn is of another judgment , Inst . Lib. 4. cap. 20. § 26 , 31. To which we answere 1 Mr Calvin is asserting that wicked men may be Magistrates , and that such , though wicked , while they are in office , should be acknowledged as God's deputyes ; for , ( so sayes he § . 25. ) [ In homine deterrimo honoreque omni indignissimo penes quem modò sit publica potestas , praeclaram illam & Divinam potestatem residere , quam Dominus justitiae ac judicit sui Ministris verbo suo detulit : proinde à subditis eâdem in reverent : â & dignatione habendum , quantum ad publicam obedientiam attinet , qua optimum Regem , si daretur , habituri essent . ] And in the following Sections sheweth that such ought to be so accounted who are in the possession of the Throne , whatever way they have attained to it , as Nebuchadnezzar ( who yet was but the hammer of the earth , Ierem. 50 : ver . 23. ) Belsazer , and the rest , of that Kinde , and therefore § . 29. he sayeth [ Hunc reverentiae atque adeo pietatis affectum debemus ad extremum prafectis nostris omnibus qualescunque tandem sint . ] And would have us § . 31. carefull not to rub contempt upon , or to violent the office , or ordinance of God , even in such ; which we easily assent unto : Because that this is not repugnant to a sinlesse self-defence , and resistence made to their open Tyranny , when seeking to destroy Religion , Libertyes , and every thing that is previous and deare unto the Subjects . It is true , some-where his expressions seem to condemne resistence , but that which we have mentioned is the maine thing he presseth : and he doth not speak to the case of resistence particularly . 2. Though we should grant that in this particular Calvin is not ours ; yet the Surveyer must know that § . 31. he is against him also , for the Surveyer putteth Parliaments & all inferiour Magistrates in the same condition with private Subjects ; and yet Calvin sayeth that such as are as the Ephori among the Lacedemonians ; the Tribuns of the people among the Romans ; and the Demarchi among the Atheniens ; and the Estates of Parliament , may and ought to suppresse the Tyranny of Princes : And so in this matter Calvin shall be more for us then for him . 3. It would be noted , both in reference to the testimony cited out of Calvin , and to the testimonies of other following , That the case which they speak to , is different far from ours : For with us , both King and Subject are bound in a solemne Covenant to God , to maintaine and promote a work of Reformation , and upon these tearmes did out King imbrace the Scepter , and became obliged by conditions unto his People : And sure more may be said for our defending our selves , our Covenant , and our Religion , when unjustly persecuted by the King , then for other privat Subjects , who are ( by Gods Providence ) under Heathen Princes , or conquerours , or under Princes of a different Religion , and who have no security or immunity covenanted unto them by these Princes . Then the citeth some passages out of Peter Martyr's Loc. Com. Class . 4. Cap. 20. Pag. 680. &c. To which we answere , 1. The question which he moveth Pag. 680. doth not concerne us : For there he sayes that meer privat persones may not depose Kings or Princes , or rise against them for this end , Vt eos à dignitate , seu gradu suo deturbent . Now this is not our question , which is concerning necessary self-defence in cases of extreame necessity . 2. He grants it lawfull to inferiour Magistrates , who set limites to the Prince , if the Prince violat his compacts , and break his Covenant , to force him to stand to his conditions , eum in ordinem cogere , ac vi redigere , ut conditiones & pacta quae fuerat pollicitus , compleat , idque vel armis cum aliter fieri non possit . Our Surveyer will not assent to this which Martyr sayeth , notwithstanding he account him one of the most learned of our Protestants . 3. It is true Pag. 682. he would have private persones enduring a Tyrant , who commands contrary to equity , and good lawes , and suffer him patiently , as we are to suffer patiently sicknesse . But who seeth not , that notwithstanding of this patient submission , we may use resistence , as we may use resistence , by all lawful meanes , to sicknesse and diseases . 4. Though we should yeeld that such a Tyrant as he described should not be resisted , viz. such an one as commandeth contra aequum bonum ac leges , yet our case is different : For not only are there such acts of iniquity commanded ; but also Subjects are compelled by meer force and cruelty , to consent to , and approve iniquous courses ; and our Magistrates are in a singular manner obliged to prosecute the Ends of a sworne Covenant , which the Subjects desire to adhere unto , and for adherence thereunto , are persecuted in a most inhumane and cruel manner . So that this is tyranny of a higher nature , then what Peter Martyr speaketh of . In the next place he citeth Rivet . in Decal . Pag. 233. and 235. But we answere . 1. Rivet granteth it lawful unto all , vim vi repellere to repel force with force , a proveth it . 2. In the place by him cited , he is speaking of a private man's resisting the violence of another , who , if ( under pretext of exponeing the law of Nature ) should avenge himself , privato appetitu vel contumaciâ , or raise seditions against the Magistrates , he should but abuse his power and liberty , and this we grant . But our case is of a Community , to which Rivet speaketh nothing . Yea 3. in the other place , though he will not have a private person kill his Father or a Magistrate , in his owne defence ; yet he granteth it lawful to resist , so far as can be , to hinder our owne destruction [ Id ( sayes he ) nos absolute sontimus de Parente & Principe ; quibus licet quidem resistere , quantum id fieri potest , cum invadunt injuste ; eo fine ut impediamus perniciem nostram . ] Whence it appeareth that Rivet is much for us ; for he acknowledgeth it lawful for a private single person to defend himself , as much as is possible , from the unjust assaults of Princes , Much more then shall it be lawfull for a community to defend themselves against the King's Emissaries . After Rivet he citeth D. Ames cons , cas . Lib. 5. cap. 20. But Doct. Ames speaketh nothing against us , for he is summarily holding forth what is the duty of Superiours towards their inferiours , and of inferiours towards their Superiours ; and among the dutyes of inferiours , he reckoneth subjection and obedience , but what calleth he this subjection ? Doth he meane thereby a stupide and absolute submission to all acts of Tyranny and opression ? No , but such an acknowledgement of their power & authority as hath with it a care to preserve the same unhurt . Now this is consistent with resistence in cases of necessity : A community may defend themselves from unjust violence of Magistratees , and yet attempt nothing against their just power and authority , but labour tenderly to preserve the same . 2. It is true , that he sayeth all violent insurrection is opposite hereunto , and also contempt : But that is violent insurrection against the power and authority , and not against the person who is abuseing his povver to the ruine and destruction of the Commonvvealth ; for no body will deny but tyranny , and the Tyrant as such , may be despised and undervalued , vvithout vvrong to the povver and authority if self . So may that be resisted vvithout violation of the power . 3. It is true he sayeth that subjection may be , vvhere there is not obedience , but wherein sayeth he doth this subjection consist ? In submissâ recusatione obedientiae , quando illicitum esse constat quod a superiore mandatur ; in a submissive refuseing to give obedience . And this is some other thing , then a stupide submission to all acts of Tyranny . 4. This same Ames Cap. 25. where he is speaking of Maagistrates and Subjects , and shewing the duty of subjcets unto them , puts subjection and obedience together § . 16. Wherefore , as hence it cannot follow , because obedience is due unto them , when they command things just and agreable to God's Law ; that therefore obedience is due unto them , when they command things unjust and repugnant to the Law of God : So nor will it follow , that because subjection is due unto them , when their power is not abused to the destruction of the Commonwealth ; therefore subjection is due unto them or non-resistence , when they tyrannize over the consciences , states and bodyes of their subjects , and laboure to overturne all . 5. It is true he sayeth Cap. 31. § . 10. that the person invading may be such , and there may be such other circumstances , as that the person invaded may rather choose to die , as to Kill : But that speakes nothing to our case , which is a resisting to the King 's bloody emissaries , not by one private person , but by a Community : And since D. Ames in the same Chapt. § . 4. 5. &c. thinks it lawful for a private person to defend himself even by killing the aggressor , when there is no other remedy , he will abundantly justify our practice . And likewise he alloweth this defence even in the behalf of others . § . 9. Rectè etiam extenditur ad defensionem non tantum nost●um , sed & aliorum innocentium : Hoc enim postula lex , ut proximum diligamus sicut nosipsos ! And therefore Amesius is much for us . As for the two Papists Estius and Tollet whom he citeth ▪ they speak not against us , who plead for the Liberty of self defence unto a Community against the Magistrate , and not to every private single person ; neither plead we for a power of Killing Kings . And if they were against us he could not have much reason to say , that we joyned hands with Papists . Thus are all his authorities from divines answered , let us see what he sayeth further . He tells us Pag. 25. 26. [ That when Lex Rex had in severral places ( such as Pag. 313. 314. 322. 463. ) vented that principle in reference to the civil governement , That no man is bound in conscience to subjection passive under unjust punishments inflicted by the Magistràte , more then to active obedience unto unlawful commands ; and that passive obedience under unjust sentences comes under no command of God ? Yea that it is a sin against God's command to be passively subject to unjust sentences , and that it it an act of grace and vertue , for a man to resist the Magistrate violently , when he does him wrong : and a self murther against the sixt command , not to resist when he offers to take away the life without cause , though not without law : They were quickly applyed to the Church by this man and his party , who pleaded for non-submission unto , and counteracting of all the judicatories , Whensoever the persones injured thought the sentence wrong — and how well their practices in the Church do homologate with their practices as to the State , we may now see ; for it is the way which they clearly owne , that every person ( when and so long as they are able , or are in probable capacity , to act violently against the Magistrate ) ought to counter-act him violently , when he thinks the Magistrate wrongs him ( for this must be referred to every man's private descretive judgment , as Naphtaly tells us Pag. 141. — How contrary such principles and practices of privat mens non-submission to , and counteracting of Church Judicatories ( supposed to do wrong ) are unto the Word of God ; how subversive of Church government ; how introductory of schisme , heresies and all mischiefs into the Church , is well discovered by the learned Reviewer of the pamphet intituled presbytery no papacy , &c. And with equal reason , may the same grounds be made use of against this man's inciteing all private persons , to counteract the Magistrate violently , when they think he doth them vvrong , or when they account their sentences unjust . ] Answ , 1. It is a poor defence of a weak and tottering cause , to follow such courses as this Surveyer doth . To wrest and wire-draw the sayings of his adversaries , is neither a faire way of confirming his owne opinion , nor a solid way of confuteing his adversaries . He sets dovvne some sentences here , as assertions of Lex Rex : And if any vvill consult the places cited , they vvill discover unhandsome dealing . I shall only set downe what Lex Rex sayeth , and the Reader , vvhen he compareth , may judge . Lex Rex sayeth Pag. 313. [ That patient bearing of evil and resistence , are not incompatible in one & the same person ] Pag. 314. He sayeth [ one act of grace and vertue is not contrary to another , Resistence is in the Children of God , an innocent act of self preservation , as in a patient suffering , and therefore they may well subsist in one . ] And ibid [ Neither suffering formally as suffering , and so neither can non-resisting passive fall under any moral law of God , except in two cases ] Pag. 322. [ when a man may preserve his owne life , and doth not that which Natures law alloweth him to do , rather to Kill as be Killed , he is guilty of self murther ; because he is deficient in the duty of lawful self defence . ] And Pag. 463 [ It is not dishononrable to the Majesty of the Ruler , that we deny Passive subjection to him , when he punisheth beside his warrant , more then it is against his Majesty and Honour , that we deny active obedience , when the Commandeth illegally . ] I shall not trouble the Reader with words , to discover the difference betwixt what Lex Rex sayeth , and what this Surveyer alledgeth he did say ; seing the judicious and observant Reader will Sine monitore easily perceive it . 2. What the Surveyer driveth at in making this parallel now , may be obvious to any , even to imbarque with himself and his party , the few of those who were for the Publick Resolutions , that have hitherto gotten grace of the Lord to abide faithful , and not to say a confederacy with all , with whom this Apostate generation hath now basely conspired , against Chirst and his interests . But we hope that those few will be so far from intertaining their former prejudices against their faithful and affectionat Brethren , who withstood these Resolutions , and owned the Protestations ; that on the contrare , perceiving themselves mistaken as to what they feared , concerning the Protesters , as if they had intended to overturn all discipline and Church government , and to side with Sectaryes ; since themselves have novv seen some of them owneing the same unto death , and becomeing a martyr upon the account of Church privileges , & all the rest ( scarce three of foure excepted ) abideing faithful , and suffering upon that account unto this day ; and since with all they see the feares of the Protesters , concerning the inclination to Malignancy and Prelacy , of the far greater part of these , who stifly maintained these Resolutions , now verified beyond all contradiction ; and that their objecting , that the major part of the Ministery was then corrupted , was too too true , and too well grounded , which things , if these faithful men who now stand , had but suspected then , as now they see with their eyes , they would , ( we are confident ) have forborne to have sided with them in these debates , and much more heartily have concurred with the honest proposals of the Protesters , for a through way of purging the church of such corrupt naughty persones , as have now most basely betrayed the interest of Christ , and departed from their profession and Covenant , and made that Church a hissing and a by-word to all nations , by returning with the Sow to the puddle and with the dog to their vomite . These worthy men , I say , perceiving now how far they have been mistaken not to their grief but to their joy ( as famous and zealous Mr Wood one of their number , did before his sicknesse , after some heavy groans , plainely professe and declare to a credible person , yet on life to verify the same , if any should question it ) will be so far from owning this man and his principles , that they will rather , ( we hope ) condemne their former practices , if not altogether yet in so far at least , as it is now visible they did tend , to the setting up of a arbitrary government and tyranny in the Church , and are now improved by this Surveyer to confirme a Tyranny in the state . Sure they now see , what some at least of these , who were very active and forward to screw up that debate to the hieght , and to presse and absolute subjection , might have been driveing at under hand , though they made such faire professions of their firme purpose to adhere to presbyterian government , as moved others to entrust them with the management of their affairs at Court , and while entrusted therewith , destroyed and overturned the whole government , so that now they will be loath to say as the Reviewer did Pag. 5 , 6. [ That the innocency of his agency , to prevent the evils the protesters were endeavouring to bring upon this Church , and his carriage and integrity in managing that Trust , are so wel : known at home and abroad , that we beleeve he needs not write Apolog●ticks against the slanders of their tongue or pen. ] And rather blush when they read or remember this : & we are hopeful that such and the like perfidious practices well pondered , will not only contribute much to re-unite them in hearty affection , unto their faithful Brethren now in the same furnace with themselves , for the same cause and interest ; but also cause them reflect upon their former proceedings , & consider what a native tendency , that which gave the rise to all that debate , had unto this , which is to day our sin , our shame , and our Sorrow , that they may joyne with the Rest of the faithful of the land , in mourning for such national sinnes , Whereby the wrath of God may be turned away from us , and the Church restored to her former beauty and integrity , in the Lord 's good time . 3. It is Manifest , that this Surveyer , who ever he be , & some others with him , had some other thoughts in their heads at that time , then they durst expresse ; & finding the far greater part of the Ministerie corrupted , would have had the rest resolving upon an absolute submission to all their determinations , though they had been openly & avowedly to introduce prelacy , yea & popery , & to have submitted to their summar censures of deposition , & what else they thought good to inflict , without the least resistence or counteracting , & thus to have patiently submitted , to see Christ & his royall truthes banished out of the land by ecclesiastical acts , & Popery & Prelacy re-established by horrible iniquity : Though we were ever confident , such as now through grace abide stedfast , had no such thoughts or intentions . 4. This Surveyer dealeth with all alike : as he misrepresented Lex Rex in the civil debate , so doth he now misrepresent the protesters in the Church-debate ; for when or where did they say , That persones were not bound to submit , but to counter-act the judicatories of the presbyteriall government , whensoever they thought the sentence wrong & unlawfull ? Did they ever assert that a mans owne conscience , was the only vvarrand and ground of his submission or non-submission , or of his obedience or disobedience ? 5. So doth he abuse & misrepresent Naphtaly , as any vvill see who considereth his words in the place cited , which are these . Now how a discretive judgment in these cases , both of unrighteous commands , & wicked violence , & specially in the later , which is ( by far ) the more sensible , doth necessarily remaine with the people , & in what manner the same is to be determined & cautioned , so as neither to license disobedience against authority , nor create seditions in the Commonwealth , is already fully cleared . ] This is some other thing then to say , that al is to be referred to every man's privat discretive judgement , vvithout any caution or limitation added or supponed . 6. Because it is not our purpose to revive that debate vvhich vvas betvvixt the Protesters & the Publick Resolutioners ; but as vve vvish it had never been heard of , so vve desire it may buryed in perpetual oblivion ; & that hence forth there may be hearty joyning in the cause & covenant of God , for prosecution of all the ends thereof , according to our severall capacities , That so we may become one stick in the hand of the Lord , & renunce this apostacy , & all courses tending thereunto , & so goe on as before that un happy difference broke out , with zeal , & unanimity . Therefore we shall forbeare to examine what that Reviewer , of presbytery no papacy , said : And though we finde that much of what the Surveyer sayeth here , is borrowed from that Reviewer , & is answered already as to our purpose ; yet we finde the Reviewer grant severall things , which will quite destroy the parallel , as to our case , & shew the Surveyer to have been but a fool in mentioning that pamphlet now . For 1. He Pag. 104. sayeth [ We do not urge submission , in this matter betwixt us , in matters of doctrine , or articles of faith , in morshipe , government , nay nor rules of discipline . ] And so insinuats as much , as that if the Dogmatick and Diatactick power of Christ's courts be abused , and corrupt doctrine and practices pressed , he would not be for submission : And therefore upon this ground , waves the arguments of the protesters , taken from the instance of Athanasius not submitting to the Arians , deposeing him for asserting the divinity of the Sone of God ; and the 11. Arg. making a supposition of enacting the Masse , and all the heresies of Rome , saying [ For when Church judicatories deny homage to the Sone of God and returne to Rome , We shall not debate the poynt of non-submission only with them , but shall run from them as from synagogues of Satan . ] Upon this same ground he waves the argument 13. which did shew that this submission was prelatical : And the passage of our confession of faith ratified An. 1567. which is thus , art . 12. [ So far as the Council proveth the determination and commandement that it giveth , by the plaine word of God , so soon do we reverence and imbrace the same ; but if men under the name of a Council , pretend to forge unto us new articles of our faith , or to make constitutions repugning to the word of God , then utterly we must refuse the same , as the doctrine of devils , which draweth our souls from the voyce of our only God , to follow the doctrines & constitutions of Men. ] So doth he upon this ground lay by what they said Pag. 49. [ That by this submission there was no remedy , but that , at one stroke , the precious interests of Christ and truthes of God must be borne downe , and buryed in oblivion , and the Saints and Ministers of the gospel be buryed under the rubbish thereof . ] As also their Arg. 15. which did shew , that this unlimited submission did [ Leave the Church destitute of all Ecclesiastical remedies , in the case of a general defection , and open a wide door for making the government of the house of God degenerate into Tyranny , &c. ] And their 2 Argum shewing how contrary it was to Scripture , and how hard it was to say that a man duely qualified , being suspended from the Sacrament , or from the exercise of his Ministery , or excommunicated , because of his pressing and holding forth some precious Truth of God , which a Church judicatory condemneth for a lie , should submit : And also their 8. Arg. Pag. 108. which was this [ What is denyed jure to Oecumenick Councils , and so lawfully called Prophets and Ministers of the gospel , to Nathan , to David , to Paul , to an Angel from heaven Gal. 1 : ver . 18. cannot warrantably be given to General Assemblies . If — they teach or decree not according to the word of the Lord , we are to counteract , and to contradict Gal. 1 : ver . 8. Therefore , &c. ] Now in all these cases the Reviewer would not plead for submission to Church judicatories : Why then doth this Surveyer plead for absolute submission and unlimited to civil powers , since he is pleased to draw a parallel betwixt them ? But we see that evil men and seducers waxe worse and worse . So that by the Reviewer's concessions , we are not bound to submit vvhen the higher povvers persecute us for truthes sake , deny homage to the Sone of God , presse the approving of corruptions in the poynt of government , destroy the precious truthes of God , and interests of Christ , make a general defection and Apostasy : And in a vvord , turne Enemies to the liberties of the People , destroy the Covenanted vvork of God , oppresse the Subjects in bodyes , States , and Consciences ; and so crosse the very ends for vvhich they vvere appoynted . 2. The Reviewer Pag. 109 , 110. though he vvould have submission , in the matter of discipline , vvhere the hazard is only personal , and a mans suffering is not tanti as to disturb a vvell setled national Church , vvhere doctrine and vvorshipe are in their integrity ; yet he thinks the case is of greater moment , vvhen a National Church in her judicatoryes introduceth falfe doctrine , and corrupt vvorshipe , to be imposed upon a Church : And so dar not affirme that submission is in this case due . Why vvill not the Surveyer take notice of this & grant so much in our case ? We should readyly grant to him , that submission might be yeelded in smaller matters , when the hazard was only personal , and the suffering of one , or of a few , was not tanti as therefore to disturb the setled State , wherein the maine matters were keeped in their integrity . But he cannot in reason demand more of us , ( if the parallel hold ) or seek submission , when Higher powers are overturning the precious Truthes of God , and interests of Christ , are destoying a glorious work of reformation , are pressing all to open and avowed perjury , are destroying the fundamental rights , libertyes and privileges of the Christian Subjects , and tyrannizing over their Estates , their Bodyes and their consciences . 3. So tender was the Reviewer that Pag. 115. he would not urge submission to sentences of inferiour courts , when appeales from one judicatory to another could not be had ; yet so untender is our Surveyer that he will have absolute and unlimited submission yeelded , when he knowes that not only is there no liberty of appeal granted , but not so much as liberty to petition and supplicate , to get any thing that is amisse righted . Thus he would have the whole land submitting to meer and cruel tyranny . 4. Pag. 129. the Reviewer said [ We never asserted a judicatory might be contra-acted in no case , as we cleared before ] far lesse will be affirme , that a judicatory may not be contradicted in any case , ibid. Hovv cometh it then , that our Surveyer doth not follow the Reviewer's footsteps ; but pleadeth for absolute and illimited submission , in all cases vvhatsomever . 5. Pag. 131. vvhen he comes to that argument taken from the Tyranny which would hereby be introduced in the Church , which would consequently condemne defensive armes used against Tyranny in the State : He only sayes [ That no learned man would ever allow people to rise ( far lesse a party only ) against a prince upon the account only of the unjust sufferings of particular persones , whole yet the affaires of Church and State were well ordered-while yet they adhered unto & overturned none of the righteous things in a nation . ] Sure then it will be allowed by him , that people , though the lesser part , defend themselves against Tyranny ; when not only particular persones are unjustly suffering , but the righteous things once concluded and confirmed by lawes , Oathes Vowes , Covenants , Acknowledgments , Declarations , & Protestations , are overturned ; the work of God razed to the fundation ; perjury and breach of Covenant established ; Conrses laid downe for a constant exercise of tyranny and oppression &c. againe . 6. pag. 134. [ let once ( sayes he ) a judicatory grow so corrupt as to condemne the dutyes of preaching Christ , and participation of publick ordinances , in the very nature and kinde , and as to all sorts of persons universally — and in that case we shall without scruple conclude them no true courts of Christ , & consequently not to be submitted unto ; yea in case such decrees were published , we should hold it a case of confession for ministers to preach ▪ and people to frequent ordinances so long as they had liberty or oportunity . ] How then can submission be given to these in povver , vvho novv have destroyed the interests of Christ , and vvill suffer none to plead or contend for Christ and his oppressed truth , or speak against perjury and dreadful defection , vvhere of the land is novv guilty ? But enough of this , vve proceed . Another particular which we shall here examine is that discourse he hath concerning I Sam. 8 : ver . 10. Pag. 63 : 64. The summe of what he sayeth is this . [ It is true ( sayes he ) the place , I Sam. 8 : ver . 10. neither contradicts nor repeales that law Deut. 17 : ver . 14. — But it is false that only the tyranny of a King is there spoken of by way of meer dissuasive : Moses and Samuel agree : The one shewes what a King should do ex officio and de Jure , The other what a King may do , by the power he hath , and yet not be ●b●oxious to punishment , from Subjects , — or what a people should suffer of an evil King , without attempt of violence upon him . The one sets out Gods approbative law , The other his permissive law — as albeit the Lord approve not divorce , yet by a permissive law , Deut 24 : ver . I. Husbands had liberty to put away their Wives , without being obnoxious to humane punishment — The fact it the manner of Tyranny , but the permissive power without punishment from subjects , is the just right of all lawfull Kings — Though Samuel might have here intended to disswade the people ; yet his maine intention was to shew the people their duty under a Kings oppress●on , what they were to suffer without resistence ; for to what purpose should he have written the Manner of the King in a book , and laid it up before the Lord , 1 Sam. 10 : ver . 25. But to teach the people their beheaviour to the King ? So that this was not the law of the King , Deut. 17. which was already keeped in the Ark. ] Answ . 1. It is well that he granteth that this ●us Regis Or the manner of the King is de facto the manner of tyranny ; and so that it was no wayes lawful for the King to do these things there mentioned , which yet other Royalists do peremptorily , deny and averre hence , that Kings have full , absolute and illimited power over the Subjects persons and goods . And thus as to the King's part , he must grant that what is here spoken , is contrary to what is said , Deut. 17. 2. All the circumstances of the text shew , that this tyranny of the King is spoken of meerly in way of disswasive ; for it was a King to judge them like unto the Kings of other Nations , which they were seeking , and this displeased Samuel ver . 6. and the Lord said to Samuel , that hereby they had rejected not Samuel , but himself , that he should not reigne over him , ver . 7. and the Lord commanded him solemnely to protest against them , and then shew them the manner of the King : and what else was this for , but to bring them off their purpose , and disswade them from prosecuteing it any furder ? But it is said , ver . 19. Neverthelesse the people refused to obey the voice of Samuel . now what else was the voyce of Samuel then a disswasion ? Let him look the English and Dutch Annot. upon the place , and other Commentators , and he will finde it so 3. That which he takes the meaning of this manner of the King to be , is the old saying of Barclaius long since exploded by Althusius in his Politic. cap. 19. num . 58. thus [ Impunity ( sayes he ) in committing wickednese can make no right : Princes have no power to do evil , but only to help , comforte , and to promove the good and profite of the people , Vasq . Lib. 1. cap. 1. and 2. c. 26. num . 2 , 3. contr . Illustr . — To do evil is no act of power , but of infirmity that cannot abstean from doing evil , Vasq . D. L. C. 27. for so a company of Thieves , and Incendiaries , which can do many things , which they ought not , should be said to do these things by a kingly right , and if this Jus Regium be understood of permission , which de facto cannot be hindered , That is common to others , as well as to Kings ; for both a King and a private person may be free of punishment , either because the fact cannot be proved , or because they cannot be gotten punished , or because these evils are permitted by law L. non omne 144. de Reg. Jur. Tyranny is not to be reckoned among these things which are to be permitted ; for Tyrants are Adulterers , Ravishers , Murtherers , and such as are guilty of other capital crimes ; whom Scripture stiles , Lyons , Beares , Dragons , Wolves , Prov. 28 : ver . 14. Ezech. 22 : 27. Dan. 2 , &c. and the like , Pfal . 58. Esa . 13 : ver . 11. and Cap. 33. v. 1. ] Let him consider also what famous and learned Voetius sayeth to this , Disp . select . part . 4. pag. 222. Where he tells us that to do evil with impunity , is not Ius , doth found no Ius Or right , neither is founded on the law of God , of Nature , of Nations , nor on the civil law . And as to that which the Surveyer sayeth , that it is a Ius , because it shewes what people were to endure willingly , and might not resist . He answereth , Pag. 223. That then the people should be the subject of this right or Ius , and not the King ; and so it could not be called the manner of the King , but the manner of the People . Againe he sayes , evil , losse , vexation , passion , and not to hinder evil , in Scripture phrase , is rather called somewhat opposit to Ius , then Ius or right , viz. a privation of it . 4. As for his simile of a permission granted to men to put away their Wives , it is not of the same nature with the former evils ( sayeth Althusius in the place above cited . ) And the Author of Lex Rex , pag. 137. said well , [ If so , a power to sinne , and a power to commit acts of Tyranny , yea and a power in the Kings Sergeants , and bloody Emissaries , to waste and destroy the People of God , must ●e a lawful power given of God ; for a lawful power it must be , if it cometh from God , whether it be from the King in his owne person or from his Servants at his command , and be either put forth in acts , as the power of a bill of divorce , was a power from God , exempting either the husband from punishment before men , or freeing the Servant who at the husbands command should write it , and put it into the hands of the Woman . I cannot beleeve that God hath given a power and that by law , to one man , to command Twenty Thousand cut throats to destroy and kill all the children of God , & that he hath commanded his children to give their necks and heads to Babel's sones without resistence . This I am sure is another matter then a law for a bill of divorce to one woman , married by free Election , of a humorous and inconstant Man. But sure I am God gave no permissive law from Heaven , like the law of divorce ; for the hardnesse of heart , not of the jewes only , but also of the whole Christian and heathen Kingdomes under a Monarch , That one Emperour may , be such a Law of God as the law of divorce , kill by bloody cut throats all the nations that call on God's name , men , women , and sucking infants . ] 5. The reason which he giveth Pag. 64. is the same that Barclaius gave viz. [ To what purpose should he have written the manner of the King in a book , and laid it up before the Lord after the King is set over them 1 Sam. 10 : ver . 25. When there was no pleace for repentance , no remedy , no use of terrifying or disswading them , the only use of recording it , was to teach the people their beheaviour towards their King , and patience under him , and that it should not be free for them to shake off the yoke of his government , or to offer violence to him albeit he should overstretch his power too far . This recorded was not the law of the King , Deut. 17. which was already keeped in the ark with therest of the law . ] Answ . 1. Though the King was set over them , he had need to have had his duty writen before him in a book , and keeped to posterity , no lesse then the People should have stood in need to have had their duty so recorded . 2. To say that it vvas to teach the People their duty , is but a begging of vvhat is in question : And it is not probable that Samuel vvould vvrite the rules of Tyranny in a book , and lay it up before the Lord in the Ark of the Covenant , seing he vvas to teach both King and People , The good and right way , 1 Sam. 12 : ver . 23 , 24 , 25. 3. The English Annotators tell us on the place , that this manner of the Kingdome which Samuel vvrote , vvas [ Not as it is commonly practised , Chap. 8. ver . 9 , — 18. but as it-ought to be in a lawful and free Monarchy appoynted by God himself , according to the fundamental lawes of the Kingdome , teaching what dutyes the King ought to performe in the government of his people , and the people in their subjection and obedience to their King , according to that description of a King set downe by Moses , Deut. 17 : ver . 14 , &c. Ezech. 45 : ver . 9 , 10. & Cap. 46 : ver . 16. Rom. 13. v. 1. 1. Tim. 2 : v. 2. ] The Dutch Annot. say , [ This is not of the way , manner and custome of actings which Kings sometimes take up contrary to law , but of the lawes which Samuel by God's instinct made or inacted , concerning the goverment of Kings ; see Deut. 17 : ver . 18. Or of the ordinances for to instruct as well the King as the Subject . And Iackson in his notes on the place sayeth , [ That it vvas both the duty of the King tovvards his Subjects , and of the Subjects tovvard their King ; and these vvere the fundamental lavves of the Kingdome : and this book vvas carefully laid up before the Lord , sayeth he , 1. for the sure preservation of it , 2. to signify that even these civil lavves vvere the ordinance of God , vvhich men vvere bound to obey , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake , Rom. 13. ver . 2 , 5. 3. To intimate that God vvould take care of these lavves , to uphold and maintaine them , and to punish these that should vilify and break them ] Cornel. à Lap. and Lyra say the same upon the matter , Deodat tells us that ▪ ( it was the fundamental lawes of the Kingdome , inspired by God to temper Monarchy , with a liberty befitting God's People & equity toward a nation — to withstand the abuse of an absolute power . ] But this Surv. sayeth that all this is but a guesse without ground . But what are his reasons ? [ Had there ( sayes he ) been any such special fundamental lawes , the Ten Tribes had a faire ground of pleading upon the same , before their revolt , but no such thing is heard of , and it is as easy to deny it , as it is to affirme , that there was any such fundamental law ] Answ . Whether the Ten Tribes did plead this in terminis or not , is not , it is true , asserted or heard of , but it is undenyable that they did plead it upon the matter , when they required nothing but what was consonant unto the law Deut. 17. and because it was refused , they thought themselves free to make choise of another King. 2. What more force hath his denyall then ours ? we bring approved authors for what we say , and he satisfyeth himself with his owne word , and thinks that that is sufficient to confute all commentators , even such as himself a little thereafter citeth and approveth in other things viz Deodat . What sayes he more ? [ The People claimed no vote in such fundamental lawes — and it was their interest to be consulted with in the matter . ] Answ . The People were so bent to have a King upon any tearmes , that they consulted little their owne welfare and faifty . But Samuel was more tender of them , and they might have concredited that matter unto him , being a Man of approven integrity , and known to be one that sought their good , and had no good will to set a King over them . But sayes he , [ had they thought of any such Covenants or lawes fundamental , wherein liberty might be left them to resist their Kings , or take order with them , how easily could they have shewed the weaknesse of Samuel's disswasion , and said , if the King be evil , we will resist him ] Answ . This was done after the matter was past remedy , and a King they vvould have , and a King God would give them in his wrath . 2. We finde chap. 14. that they did resist him , when he was going to shed innocent blood , whether according to these fundamental lavves or not , is not much matter . 6. Though all which he desireth here , should be granted to him , he would not gaine his poynt , unlesse he should prove that this was a standing precedent to all nations in all time coming . Which ere he do , he must consider and confute what worthy and renowned D. Voetius hath said to the contrary , in his book before cited , disp . de Iure Regio Hebraeorum § . 1. What he sayeth ; Pag. 68. shall be considered in the next chapter , and what he sayeth Pag. 69. 70. 71. is already answered : for this windy man would seem to be voluminous , by filling many pages with the same things repeated over and over againe , that if he cannot say much for his hire , he may seem to be at some paines to say many words , and waste much paper . And therefore we proceed to take notice of some other objections . CAP. XVI . Three Principall Objections Answered . THere are three grand objections which the Surveyer , here and there throw his pamphlet , maketh use of , and which seem to militate against some of our forementioned arguments ; as . 1. That there were not ( in the case now under debate ) inferiour Magistrates , a Parliament , or the primores Regni , or the Epiori , and States of the Realme , concurring in that defence : and whatever may be said in the defence of a warre carryed on by these , against the illegal violences and extreame oppressions of a prince , will not warrand the insurrection of meer privat persons . 2. That in the case now controvetted , it was not the Body of the land or the whole Community that made this opposition to Magistrates Superiour and inferiour ; But only a small inconsiderable company , in respect of the whole land : and so though it should be lawful for the whole body of a land to joyne together , to defend themselves against the tyranny and oppression of a Prince , without the conduct and concurrence of inferiour Magistrates ; yet it will not hence follow , That it is lawful for any part thereof , to use such resistence . 3. That the party , which lately made opposition , had no sufficient ground to take armes , suppose it had been lawful in its owne nature , there being no such provocking cause or occasion given by the Prince . And though it should not be thought very necessary to insist on these now , seing this last was spoken to in the clearing of the question , and the first was touched also formerly cap. 2. And all our arguments conclude for a People without their primores or Parliaments ; and So do many both of our arguments and instances adduced , speake clearly & undenyably , unto the case of a considerable part , though not the whole of the community , defending themselves against manifest and unjust violence ; yet that the matter in hand may be fully cleared , we shall speak alittle further to these three objections here . As to the first ( though the surveyer be in malâ fide to make use of it , unlesse relinquishing all his brethren the Royalists , he grant it lawful for people with a Parliament to resist , which neither will he nor dar he do ; And therefore we shall speak to this objection , rather for the satisfaction of others . ) We desire these things may be considered . 1. That as necessity did put people at first , upon the constitution & election of a Parliament , to manage their affaires , which they could not so conveniently do themselves , without confusion , discords , and other inconveniences , which would neccessarily attend a communities meeting together , for carrying of these matters : So it was the certane expectation of their profite and advantage , that did prompt them unto the setling of this frame and constitution . 2. Whatsoever power these Commissionated , according to that frame and model condescended upon , had or have , is not in and from themselves , but from the People , no lesse then the Prince hath his power from the People ; as was shewed above : For no man can imagine any difference , as to the subordinate and instrumental rise of the power , of the Prince and of the Ephors : So that as his power is from the People under God , so is the power which they have . [ These publick Ministers of the Kingdome ( sayeth Althus . Pol. c. 18. n. 3. ) are chosen by the united and consoc●ated body of the People preserve the whole associated body , and her rights ; and are instructed with necessary power and authority , which to performe they are obliged by oath . ] 3. Hence , really the power of the People is greater then the power of any delegated or constituted by them ; for the cause is more then the effect : and the Parliament doth represent the People , but the People do not represente the Parliament . Therefore the power of the People must be more . His povver who doth constitute another , or depute him as a guardian to some businesse , or to oversee some of his matters , is greater then any povver , vvhich that other deputed or constituted Curator hath . Parliaments then being but as Tutors and Curators unto the People , must have lesse povver then the People have [ mandans vero ) sayeth Althusius pol : c. 18. n. 92. ) vel injungens alii rerum suarum procurationem , est instar imperantis , rogantisve , suscipiens vero talem administraetionem , instar obtemperantis , inservientis , & officium suum alteri praestantis . ] So that the Parliament is but a servant to the People : and the povver of a Master is alvvayes superiour to the povver of a Servant as such . 4. It is irrational to think , that the People in chooseing the Ephori or Parliament-members , and committing the administration of their weighty affaires unto them , did denude themselves of all that innate and radical power , which they had to manage their owne matters ; seing no urgent necessity could compel them to it , nor any foreseen advantage or profite , which thereby could redound unto them , move them and perswade them thereunto : but on the contrary , much hazard and disadvantage might at the very first appeare upon such a surrender as this . Much lesse could they denude themselves of that power of self defence , which by no law of God or man they might law fully give away . 5. Whatever power Parliaments have , it is to be exerced and put in practice for the good and advantage of the People . Their power is for the profite , and not for the hurt of the People , and to this scope and end should they level all their labours , travails , paines , endeavours , cares , thoughts , consultations , conferences , votes , deliberations and conclusions , L. Imperial . C. de nuptijs L. bene a Zenone C. de quadr . L. 8. C. de legibus . L. praecipimus 34. C. de appell . ( See Althus . pol. c. 18. n. 7 : 17. 6. Hence Their power is not absolute , infinite , or unlimited ; but hath its owne bounds and limites over which it cannot lawfully passe . They are to rule and do all , for God and the good of the Realme , whose servants they are . They are the Ministers of God for the Peoples good Rom. 13. 4. 7. When they transgresse ) their true limites ( which no man will say is impossible ) by commanding what God hath forbidden , or forbidding what God hath commanded in his holy law : or when they seek not the publick good of the Land , but their ovvne private advantage , They are not , but cease to be , the Ministers of God and of the People , and become private persons , who ought not , in these particulars wherein they goe beyond their bounds , to be obeyed : As sayeth Althusius ubr supra n. 41. and proveth by many authors : And the reason is cleare , for no inferiour can disannul God's Law , or free us from subjection thereunto . They have no power to command sin , God never gave them such a power : And the People could not give it , for they had it not themselves , neither had they a power to wronge and destroy themselves , and so they could not give this unto them . 8. If these Ephori or Trustees betray their trust , and feel or basely give away the libertyes and privileges of the people , which they were intrusted with , the people cannot thereby be brought into a remedilesse condition , or lose their privileges vvithout all hope of recovery . If a Tutor waste and destroy the Pupil's Estate , the law provideth a remedy for the Pupil : If a commissioner or deputy betray his trust , the master's losse thereby is not irremediable : If an advocat betray a client's cause , The client will finde some relief . [ The peoples right ( sayeth althusius ubi supra . n , 124 ) suffereth no prejudice , nor doth the Prince — obtaine any more tyrannical power , by the negligence , perfidy , deceit , collusion , treachery , prevarication , and conspiracy of the Ephori or primores regni , with the prince — for it is unjust & absurd to affirme that the Ephori ( or parliament-men ) can transferre unto the Tyrant , what they never had themselves , or can destroy or alienate the rights of the Community , in prejudice of the whole Realme , and that contrare to the fundamental lawes of the land , or such , as the prince swore to maintaine , and which containe the spirits and life of the Commonwealth . ] From these irrefragable truthes , so consonant to right reason and attested by learned politicians , it will clearly follow . 1. That the Peoples case is not vvorse by Parliaments , then it would have been without them . 2. That Parliaments , cannot tyrannize by any law or right over People . 3. That no treachery or perfidy of Parliaments , neglecting their duty or betraying their trust , can prejudge the people of their due rights and privileges . 4. Parliaments not concurring with the People in their necessary defence , cannot loose them from the obligation of nature , to defend themselves from tyranny and intolerable oppression . 5. If Parliaments in stead of acting the part of Trustees , Tutors , Curators , Delegats and Servants , shall turne Tyrants , wolves , Tygers , and Enemies to the Commonwealth themselves , of conspire , joyne , or enter into a confederacy with a Tyrant , and so seek the destruction of the community ; The community is allowed to see to the preservation of their owne rights and privileges , the best way they can . 6. And so in some cases , when the hazard is great , the losse irreparable , private persones may defend themselves against manifest Tyranny and oppression , without Parliaments . All this seemeth to be cleare and undenyable In thest . Let us next see what way this shall sute , or what more can be said for , our case , In hypothest . And. 1. It is beyond contradiction , that the late Parliament did basely betray its trust : for politicians tell us , That it belongeth to these Ephori . To vindicate and maintaine the compact and Covenant which is betwixt the Prince and the People . To keep the prince or the supreame administrator of justice , within his bounds and limites , that he turne not a tyrant , or an oppressour of the People . To hinder him from violating the law of God. To restraine and coërce him from violating the lawes of the land , and the rights of the kingdome . To hinder the execution of the unjust and illegal decrees and mandats of the Prince . To defend the proper and incommunicable rights and privileges of the People . To cognosce whether the Supreame Magistrate hath done his duty or not , and to hinder him from committing Tyranny . See for these particulars Althusius , Pol. c. 18. n. 48 , 55 , 63 , 65 , 68 , 83 , 84. Where all these are abundantly confirmed . Now , it is not our to all who consider either what they did , or what was enacted by them , and stands registrated to all generations , how the late Convention ( which hardly can be accounted a lawful Parliament ) not only came short of their duty in these particulars , but stired a direct contrary course , as we shall shew in a few words . For 1. So far were they from maintaining that compact and Covenant , which was betwixt the King and the People . That they declared these Covenants and engagements null : declared the very Parliament and committees , that called him home and crowned him , null : condemned the very transactions that were had with the King before he came home . 2. So far were they from keeping the Prince within his bounds and limites ; That they screwed up his prerogatives to the highest peg imaginable , and did investe him with such an absolute unlimited and infinite power , that he might do what he pleased without controle . 3. So far were they from hindering him from transgressing the lawes of God , That they concurred with him , to enact lawes diametrically opposite to the Law of God , to condemne and overturne the work of God , To set up an abjured prealcy , and force conformity thereunto , beside other acts which they made to hinder the course of justice . 4. So far were they from hindering him from violating the wholesome well setled and established lawes of the land , that they concurred with him to overturne these , to the great losse and detriment of the Nation . 5. So far were they from preserving the rights of the Kingdome , That they made a voluntary and base surrender of these unto the pleasure and arbitrement of the Prince , in annexing to the crowne The sole choise and appoyntment of the officers of State and privy Councellers , and the nomination of the Lords of Session ; in dischargeing all meetings , Councels , conventions , or assemblies of the People , without the King's command or expresse license : In giving away to him as his right , the sole power of raiseing the Subjects in armes ; of commanding , ordering , disbanding and otherwise disposeing of them ; And of all strengths , forts , or garrisons within the Kingdome : all which politicians will grant to be the proper native rights of the Kingdome : 6. So far were they from hindering the execution of his unjust decrees and mandates , that whatsoever he pleased to command , was by them imbraced yea and fortified , strengthened and corroborated , and put into a standing law , how dishonourable so ever it was to God , how repugnant to equity and reason , and how noxious soever it might prove to the Nation . 7. So far were they from desending the Libertyes and Privileges of the People , that they basely gave them away , by denying them to have any power to defend themselves against manifest oppression , or power to call Parliaments or other meetings for their advantage , in cases of necessity ; by giving away to the King yeerly fourty Thousand pound Sterline , to the impoverishing of the Nation and redacting it to slavery : And by Tendering unto him all the lives and fortunes of the subjects , to maintaine his interest ; and offering Twenty Thousand foot men , and two Thousand horsemen sufficiently armed and furnished with fourty dayes provision , to be in readinesse as they shall be called for by his Majesty , to march to any part of his three dominions , for any service wherein his Majesties honour , authority or greatnesse might be concerned : Which how ever it may be coloured with specious pretexts ; yet , al circumstances considered , was nothing but a real mancipation of the liberties of the People unto the will and pleasure of a Prince . 8. And so far were they from calling the King to any account , and from impedeing Tyranny , that in effect they declared the King exempted from all such tryal or examination , and that he might exerce what tyranny and oppression he pleased without controle : For they gave unto him absolute and unlimited power over all persones and in all causes ; They declared him to have absolute power to call , hold , prorogue , and dissolve Parliaments and Conventions and Meetings of the Estates : And That no acts , sentences , or statutes to be past in any of these meetings , can be binding or have the authority and force of lawes , without his authority and approbation interponed , at the very making thereof . 2. It is notour to all who read their acts , How they have enacted and concluded things most unlawful and unjust , repugnant to the Law of God and right reason : Condemning Solemne Covenants sworne by all rankes of People in the land , in the most solemne manner ; introduceing abjured Prelates ; Establishing tyranny in the Church ; condemning and razeing to the fundation the Covenanted work of God ; enjoyning a conformity unto corrupt courses ; pressing perjury and Apostasy , by forceing all in publick places , and others , to subscribe declarations and oathes , contrary to their former sacred and inviolable Covenants and oathes made to God. 3. By confirming , ratifying and approveing these courses of Apostasy and defection , and establishing these into lawes , and binding and forceing the People unto obedience , by their irrational and insupportable penalties annexed , They have laid downe a constant course for tyranny and oppression of the People in Estates , bodyes , and consciences , without all hope of remedy or redresse . 4. As Parliaments with us are not constant and fixed courts , but ambulatory and occasional , so they have laid downe a course , that we shall never have a Parliament that shall redresse the wrongs , injuries , oppressions and tyranny of Princes ; or heare the just grievances of the Subjects : For when the Prince oppresseth the People , and turneth a Nero and a Caligula ; there shall be no remedy , because they have given him absolute power to call Parliaments , and who can expect he will call a Parliament in that case ? or if he do call , he hath absolute power to raise them and dismisse them when he will ; and is it probable that he will suffer them to sit when they are doing any thing against him ? Or if he should suffer them to sit , what can they do ? None of their sentences or acts have power , unlesse he will add his authority , and will he ratify or approve any thing that is against himself , and his tyrannous will ? Beside , that they have denuded themselves of all power of suppressing tyranny , by declareing his power so absolute and infinite , as that no bounds can be set unto it , no power can suppresse his tyranny , or call him to an account . 5. Not only have they laid downe a course that we shall have no Parliament to interpose for the relief of the People , & to suppresse Tyranny ; But also they have laid downe a course that there should be no Magistrats in shires or brughs , that should help , according to their power and place , the oppressed and grieved Subject , and concurre for their relief : Because all such , ere they be admitted to their places , must conforme unto this abhominable course of defection , and by subscribeing declarations , Binding themselves by oaths impious and opposite to the solemne Covenants , under which the Land standeth bound and obliged before the Lord , conspire with them in this Apostasy , against the interest of God in the Land. From all which we think these things will clearly follow . 1. That it may be much doubted if this last convention can be accounted , by any law either of God or Man , a lawful Parliament , having so palpably betrayed their trust , in ruleing not for God and his interest , but against him , end enacting things to his dishonour ; in selling and giving away the old and undoubted Privileges of Parliament ; and in betraying , dilapidating , disponeing , and giving away the native and unquestionable Rights and Privileges of the People ; and in overturning the fundamental lawes of the Land ; and annulling the fundamental article of the compact betwixt King and People . Seing Politicians will grant , that such are to be accounted but private persones : though we should make no mention of other informalities which usually weaken or annul the constitution of a judicature of that nature , in poynt of formality ; as liberty denyed to some shires to choose such members as they thought good ; prelimitation used to all ; the admission of some as members not capable of an election , according to our ancient and received custome ; the denying of free liberty of debateing , reasoning , dissenting and protesting , which is allowed in all free Judicatories , and the carrying on of matters in a head-strong , violent , and tyrannical manner , without such previous deliberation , or serious consideration , and pondering the weight and moment of matters , as would have become a judicature by its constitution and nature so sage and honorable . 2. The native , ancient and undoubted Privileges of the People are de Iure intire and inviolated , notwithstanding of any thing done by this late meeting , which had no power to do what they did : And therefore could not wronge the rights and Privileges of the People . 3. That there is no hope , or humaine probability now left , that ever the People of Scotland shall have a Parliament by the course laid downe or inferiour Judges to resent the injuries , oppression and Tyranny done to and exercised upon them ; but that still their bands shall be made stronger , and the yoke of oppression and Tyranny wreathed closser about their neckes . So that there was not , neither is there any hope ( so long as this course of defection standeth and is not overturned ) that Parliaments now , or the Primores Regni , or inferiour Judges , shall concurre for the suppressing of Tyranny , bearing downe of oppression , defection and apostasy , according as they ought . 4. That while matters are so , the People of Scotland are as if they had no Parliaments , nor inferiour Judges , for that end ; and cannot be supposed or imagined to be in a worse condition , then if they never had had my such , to protect them from the tyrannical and arbitrary lust and domination of Princes . And therefore must be allowed to use the privilege and liberty which nature hath granted unto them , to defend themselves from unjust tyranny and oppression of Princes , Parliaments , and inferiour Judicatories , when their Representatives palpably betray them into the hands of their adversaries , yea and conspire with their adversaries against them , and their Privileges ; and instead of Patrons and defenders of their rights and privileges , turne enemies thereunto , and take courses utterly to destroy all . By this , I suppose , the first Objection is sufficiently answered , yet I shall adde this word more , and would desire that all who are of a contrary judgement would answere this quaeree . Whether or not vvould they think it unlavvful , for private persons vvithout a Parliament , privy Council , or other inferiour Magistrates , to resist a Prince , or his Emissaries , if he vvith the consent of these should transferre unto him self the proper and immediat right unto all the Lands , Rentes , Tenements , possessions , Heretages , and goods within the vvhole Land , vvith full povver to sell , dispone , and give avvay the same unto whom he pleased ; and presently upon the passing of that act , cause eject , dispossesse and remove all the present heretours and possessours , or put them to buy it of nevv of him , or take tackes thereof as taksmen , fermers or tennents ? If they think that in this case they might lawfully resist such horrid tyranny , Then why not in our case , when the People , contrary to all law , oathes and vowes , are put out of the possession of their Covenanted Religion , reformed in doctrine , worshipe , discipline & government , & that by meer violence and tyranny ? Sure such matters as touch Soul and consciences , ought to be as deare to People , as what concerneth their bodyes and estates . Or if we should put the case , That the King were about to sell the whole Land unto the Turk , or unto Irish bloody Papists , & by bribes or promises , should procure the consent of a Parliament , & the concurrence of Council and other judicatories ( as really upon the matter , walking according to the acts they have made , he may ) Might it be unlawfull for People in this case , without the concurrence of inferiour Magistrates , who had now sold them , and basely betrayed their trust , to stand to their owne defence , and to the defence of their posterity , and their lives , rights , liberties and privileges ? And if this cannot be asserted by any man , who hath not made a perfect surrender of his owne reason , unto the will and lust of another , why can resistence in our case be condemned : Seing soul matters are of infinite more worth , then these outward things ; And it were lesse bitter to know and see our posterity redacted into a state of perfect slavery unto forraigners , as to their outward privileges , them to see them shut up into a closse prison of soul slavery and bondage , destitute of the pure and lively ordinances of salvation , and frustrated of the glorious and excellent liberties and effects of a purely preached gospell , and so shut up in a dungeon of ignorance , superstition , and all Prophanity , that they should never know what true liberty meaneth ? As for the next objection taken from this , that they were not the Whole Body of the land , but only a part thereof , which cannot be so well justified . It may easily be answered . That it being lawful for a single persone , in some cases , to defend himself from unjust violence : It will be much more lawful for a considerable part of a Kingdome to defend themselves , though they get not help of others . Though all be bound to help a ravished maide , yet though none should help , she may resist and defend herself . But to leave this , because we have adduced many arguments that concludes the case lawful even for a part of the Kingdome , we shall speak to the complex case , not only as it was a defence but also a probable meane to put a stop unto the course of defection . Which was and is carryed on ; and to redeem the land from spiritual bondage and slavery , as well as bodily . And to this we say . That when the case is a publick case concerning all the land , no lesse then these who jeoparded their lives for the same , no man in reason can condemne these few that undertooke the interprise , the profitable effects of which would have redounded to the whole : When a city is on fire , no man will think the few that hazard their lives , to quench the same , are to be blamed , though the rest doe lye by , and will not concurre . The men of Ephraim , Benjamin and Issacher , who followed Deborah and jeoparded their lives upon the high places of the field , that they might deliver the whole land from under the Tyrranny of Iabes King of Canaan , though Reuben God and Zebulon did not concurre , according to their duty , were not the more to be blamed , but are the more praised and commended ; and such as came not put to the help of the Lord against the mighty were under a bitter curse . The common tye of Christianity and brotherhood and other supervenient obligations did oblige all the Land ( as was shewed above ) to concurre as one man , to endeavour the deliverance of he Land from dreadful oppression and tyranny , and because the greatest part , like Issacher in an other case , loved to couch under the burden , and refused to contribut their help for their owne delivery , and proved enemies , shall these few who ventured their lives and Estates , and all which they had , for the liberation of the land , be the more , upon that account , condemned ? What hight of absurdity were this ? Had the Men of Ephraim good reason to challenge Iephthah Iudg. 12 : ver . 1 , 2. &c. because he fought with the Midianites without them , when he sayes , that he had called them and they would not come out ? If an Enemy invade the land , and such provinces as are furthest from danger shall neglect or refuse to concure with the rest to expell them , yea shall strengthen the invadeing enemy , shall these be blamed who are next to the danger , to take the alarme at the first , and do what in them lyeth , for their owne saifty and the saifty of the whole land ? Therefore , seing the cause which these few owned was of common concernment , and equally respecting the whole land , since the rest would not concurre , as they were bound to do , they are more praise-worthy then blame-worthy that ventured all for the good of the whole land , and did what in them lay , to redeem the whole land from that oppression and bondage , under which it was lying . If it had been some small petty particulare of their owne , it had been more lyable to the censures of men ; but the cause being Common , which they did owne , ( a Covenant sworne by all ranks of People , and a Covenanted work of reformation , and liberty from tyranny both in Church and State , was a cause not peculiar unto them , but common to all the land , ) it is the hight of absurdity , illegality , yea and inhumanity , to accuse them of Treason of sedition , or to condemne their interprise upon that account . So that though the major part of the land turne so corrupt , as to imbrace a corrupt abjured course , see their privileges taken from them , the vvork of God overthrovvne , lavves ratifying and approving Religion reformed in doctrine vvorshipe discipline and government , and secureing people in their peacable and Christian possession of these , novv abolished rescinded and annulled ; their libertyes , as civil scotish men , and as Christians , sold avvay ; their fundamental compact , and the cardinall clause of that contract betvvixt King and Subject , cancelled and shamefully brocken ; Tyranny and oppression of consciences , bodyes and Estates established ; and no legal remedy or redresse apparent or probable ; and shall notwithstanding of all this , love to sit still & not to be stirr themselves , according to their places & power , for secureing Religion , lawes , & libertyes ; For extirpating abjured prelacy , and malignancy ; and restoreing the Ordinances of Christ to their wonted purity , & delivering the land from slavery & bondage , & from stupenduous apostasy & defection , at which the Heavens may stand astonished , and all men and angels may wonder : Shall their negligence and deficiency in duty , binde up the hands of the wel affected , and render them utterly incapable in law , to minde themselves and the good of the whole land , the good whereof they are obliged by many bonds and obligations to seek by all farie meanes possible ? Neither doth the lawes of Nature , the lawes of God , nor particularly the bond of Christian love to their Native land , to their Mother Church , and to their Christian oppressed brethren , nor the bond of their Covenants , solemne vowes and engadgments , so limite this duty , and loose them from all endeavour after a performance . But by the contrare , if God give any probable capacity , upon all these considerations , they are the more obliged to lay out themselves to the utmost , and to account themselves the more indispnesably obliged thereunto , that as the hazard is greater , the losse is the more certane and irrecoverable . Wherefore , seing the ground and ends of the riseing of these few , was not particular , but general and national , the good and benefite of the interprise redounding unto all , no lesse then to themselves , and being that whereunto all , no lesse then they , were obliged by solemne vowes and moral bonds , their case must be otherwise considered , then the case of a few malcontented persons , who because of some particular injuries done to themselves and for some particular ends proper and peculiar to themselves alone , arise in rebellion against the lawful Magistrate . The Royalists themselves allow it lawful for any privat person to kill an usurper or a Tyrant sine titulo , and why ? But because the good of this action doth redound not to himself alone . But to the whole Land ; So in some places a reward is promised to all such as shall kill a Bear , or any such noysome beast , because the good and frute of this action concerneth moe then themselves , and therefore though all were bound to do what they did ▪ yet they are not blamed but rewarded for what they have done . So should these rather have been revvarded then blamed or condemned , for vvhat they did interprise , for the universal and national good of the vvhole Land. As for the third Objection , so much hath been spoken of that already ; whether we mean the particular sufferings and oppressions of the People of Galloway , ( The Naphtaly is full to this purpose , ) or the general calamity , by reason of apostasy , defection , perjury & oppression in Religion and libertyes , which is so noture that none who hath not renunced common sense together with Religion & honesty , can deny it , or pretend ignorance thereof , that we need do no more here , but give a short reply to what the Surv. hath said to this matter : only we would adde this . That if That learned lawyer Althusius in his politikes Cap. 38. n. 5. &c. give the right characters of a Tyrant , and of Tyranny , we may have good ground to say that our land beareth many blae marks of that tyranny : for , sayeth he [ there is one kinde of Tyranny , which consisteth in violating , changeing or removing of fundamental lawes , specially such as concerne Religion : & such , sayes he , was Athalia , Philip the King of Spaine , who contrare to the fundamental Belgick lawes , did erect an administration of justice by force of armes ; and such was Charles the IX . of France that thought to overturne the Salicque law ] and whether our King be not in this guilty in overturning the fundamental lawes , concerning our reformed Religion , let the world judge . Next sayes he [ when he keepeth not his faith and promise , but despiseth his very oath made unto the people . ] and who is more guilty of this then King Charles the 2 ● n. 9. He giveth us this mark [ when the supreme Magistrate marketh use of an absolute power , and so breaketh all bands for the good of humane society ] and are not the bonds both of piety and justice novv violated ? n. 11. He tels us a Tyrant doth take away from one or moe member of the Commonwealth , free exercise of the orthodox Religion : and n. 12. that for corrupting of youth he erecteth stage-playes , whore houses , and other play-houses , and suffers the colleges , and other seminaries of learning to be corrupted , and n. 15. that living in luxury , whoredome , greed and idlenesse , he neglecteth , or is unfit for his office . ] How these sute our times we need not expresse , Then n. 16. He sayes [ he is a Tyrant who doth not desend his Subjects from injuries when he may ; but suffereth them to be oppressed ] and what if he oppresse them himself ? n. 19. [ who ( sayes he ) by immoder at exactions , and the like , exhausts the subjects Jer. 22 : ver . 13. 14. Ezech. 34. 1 King. 12 : 19. Psal . 14 : 4. ] and n. 10 [ who hindereth the free suffrages of Members of Parliament , so that they dare not speak what they would . ] & how much of this we finde to be true , in needlesse here to expresse . Then n. 23 , 24 , &c. he tels us [ he is a Tyrant who takes away from the people all power , to resist his tyranny , as armes , strengthes , and chief men , whom therefore though innocent , he hateth , afficteth and persecuteth , exhausts their gods , and lively-hoods without right or reason ] all which he confirmeth by several Scriptures : And how apposite these are to our present case , all know who is not an utter stranger to our matters , So that when we have so many things to alledge , none can justly blame us for saying , that vve are oppressed and borne dovvne vvith insupportable tyranny ; and now we goe on to consider what he sayes . And as to the first he tells us , Pag. 68. [ That their life and blood was not sought upon any tearmes , there was no forceing them to idolatry , nor false worshipe , nor frighting them to any thing of that kinde , upon paine of their lives ; only for contempt of the outward ordinances of God , purely administred in an orthodox Church , they were put to pay such moderate fines , as the publick lawes had appoynted : Without any actual invasion of them or their persones . They were the first aggressors , murthering the Kings Servants , and seiseing on his chief officer . They had never before that assayed supplicating , ( which was not forbidden them to do , if so be they would have done it without tumults and combinations ) but flew to the sword and marched on to mock authority with armed petitions , as they mocked God by sinful prayers , to prosper their evil course . ] Answ . 1. What intention there was to seek the life and blood of these People , God koweth : But sure all who knew their case , saw that their life was only left them , that they might feel their misery . So were they oppressed and harassed , that death would have been chosen rather then life . Were they not beaten , wounded , and bound as beasts , their goods and substance devoured before their eyes ? were not their lands and tenements laid waste , and many redacted to beggary ? Besides other inhumane barbarityes , which they were made to suffer . 2. We see he would allow it lawful to resist , if the King should force to idolatry and false worship , and what will he do then with his arguments , which will not allow that exception , as they are urged by him ? He must necessarily grant that they are inconcludent , & that it holdeth here Argumentum nih●l probat quod nimium probat . 3. How beit they were not forced to idolatry ; yet by the same law , reason and equity ( or rather Tyranny and inquity ) they might have been forced to that , as to what they were forced . That is by the law of Tyranny and violent oppression . They were pressed to owne and countenance perjured prophane wicked and debauched Curates , thrust in upon them contrare to their Privileges , as lawful and duely called Ministers , and thereby to owne and approve of Prelacy which was abjured , and cast out of the Church with detestation , and so to concurre in their places and stations with , and give their testimony unto , a most wicked and unparallelable course of defection and Apostacy from God , and his holy wayes and works ; and thereby to condemne the Reformation of Religion in doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline and Government , which God had vvonderfully vvrought amongst us , and vvhich all ranks of People vvere solemnely svvorne to maintaine and defend . 4. He talketh of the outvvard ordinances of God purely administred ; vvhen all knovv how these profane vvretches , made all vvho , ever knevv vvhat the service of the true and living God vvas , to abhore the offering of the Lord : For they despised the Name of the Lord , and offered polluted bread upon his altar , and made the table of the Lord contemptible , they offered the blinde , the lame , and the sick , and torne , and thus they vovved & sacrificed unto the Lord a corrupt thing : Yea their administration of ordinances vvas , and is to this day , rather like histrionick acts , and scenes , then the service of the true and living God : And vvhat sober serious Christian , yea vvhat soul that hath any beleeving apprehensions of the Majesty of God , can be vvitnesse , let be a concurring actor in , and consenter unto , such abhomination and idol-like Worshipe ? 5. He talkes of an orthodox Church , vvherein perjury and such like abhominations are approved and countenanced , maintained and avovved ; and vvherein the vvork of Reformation of Religion , in Doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline and Government is condemned ; a Covenant abjureing Popery , Prelacy , Prophanesse , Schisme and Heresy , and whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godlinesse , condemned and annulled ; and wherein Atheisme , wickednesse , ignorance , licentiousnesse , and all sort of prophanity , yea and blasphemy aboundeth , and wherein there is so much Popery and idolatry countenanced and connived at , and such abhominations reigneing . Our first confession of faith recorded in Parliament Cap. 18. giveth this as one note of a true Church viz. That in it Ecclesiasticall Discipline be uprightly ministred , as God's Word prescribeth , whereby vice is repressed & vertue nourished ! But now there is a discipline repugnant to Gods Word administred , whereby vice is nourished & virtue suppressed . 6. He sayes that the fines were moderate ? But more immoderate fines , and exorbitant penaltyes , vvere never imposed by Rulers , except such whose designe was to Tyrannize over the soules and consciences of poor people : and to the payment of these transcendently exorbitant penaltyes , they were constrained , not in a legal manner , as it ought to be in a civil and free republick , but in a military , compulsive constraineing way , whereby their persones and goods were tyrannically and inhumanely invaded , plundered , destroyed , and ruined . 7. It is true , providence so ordered it , that the first that was vvounded was one of the souldiers : But Naphtali tels him that the countrey men were necessitated thereto in their ovvne defence ; for vvhen they but desired the souldiers to loose the poor man , vvhom they had bound hand and foot like a beast , they vvere assaulted vvith drawne swords ; and so first and last they vvere invaded , and provocked , & were not the first aggressours : & beside , that was but a meer accidental emergent : & though they had formally , without that occurrent provocation , joyned together to have repelled unjust violence , none in reason could have called them the first aggressours , being so long before that time , at two inrodes , beside this last , so barbarously and inhumanely used by Sr Iames Turner that bloody executioner of illegal tyranny , and brutish beastly Doeëg , who having renunced all humanity & compassion , raged like a wilde beare to the laying waste of that countrey side . So that here was no violent re-offending used without a previous actual invasion , made by companyes of armed men , sent to eat up , root out and destroy a worthy and precious countrey-side An imminent danger sayes the law , is a sufficient ground to take up armes , and that is not previous strokes but the terrour of armour or threatning L. sed & si . ff . ad Leg. Aquil. l. 3. quod qui armati ff . de vi & vi armâta . Sure here was enough to warrand a Community to stand to their defence , and to prevente their utter ruine and destruction , which was certanely expected , and this was to them the last and most inexorable case of necessity : And so the places which he citeth out of Lex Rex do partly confirme this , and partly are not to the purpose , being spoken of a single person buffeting his master after he hath been buffeted , or having received deaths wounds , seeketh to revenge himself on his aggressor . 8. He tels us they should have first supplicated these in power : But they had supplicated already Sr Iames Turner , and their case was made worse and not the better thereby , and all joynt petitioning was condemned as treasonable , and what could they then have done ? The most peacable manner of supplicating , if it had been in a joynt manner , that could have been devised , had been interpreted tumultuous . And Since it was so , what could they do , but after the example of our progenitors , advance with armes in the one hand and a petition in the other ? 9. The Prophane man talks of their mocking God by their prayers , and of their spoyling loyal persons : but as they have the testimony of all among whom they were , that they were not to be charged with plundering , taking nothing unlesse it were a few horses , and such things as were necessary for the defence of their lives , and for the welfare of the Countrey , wherein many do suppose they were but too too spareing , seing the benefite was common to all , and they were to venture their lives , not for themselves alone , but for the whole Countrey : So the Lord gave proof that he hath accepted their endeavours , though it was not his appoynted time to restore our Kingdome , in that he did so signally ovvne and countenance such as vvere honoured vvith martyrdome , for the Testimony of Iesus , and for his interest and cause . But this man speakes like himself vvhen he addeth that both they and others have cause to blesse God that they had no successe , which might have been a snare and stumbling block to them and others also . For vve knovv indeed that it is no small mercy , not to thrive in an evil vvay , and therefore vve think that He and his vvicked fraternity , on whom the Lord is raineing snares , by suffereing them to thrive , have great cause to lament the blak day that is coming , and to tremble both for the imminent judgments , and for the dreadful plague and judgement of hardnesse of heart , vvith vvhich they are already visited of the righteous God ; Yet vve knovv That a vvay may be his vvay , vvhich he vvill not prosper for a time , till the cup of the Amorites be full , and he hath attained his other holy ends , vvhich he designeth in casting his Church into a furnance : And if he judge of causes alvvayes by the event , he shevveth himself a stranger to the Soveraigne vvay of the Lord , in all ages . As to other thing , he speaketh Pag. 10. and sayeth ( doth not the true protestant Religion as it is held forth inscripture , and was publickly confessed by our first reformers ( which confession is Registred Parl. 1. K. James 6. ) through God's mercy continue with us , without variation from it in the least ? Doth not the Kings majesty protect and advance this blessed Truth of the Saving Gospel , and encourage and invite all , according to his power , to imbrace it ? Is he not willing and desirous that the lawes be vigorously executed against papists , and all perverters of this sound doctrine ? are any spoiled of their lawful civil libertyes ? What one thing hath he done without consent of the Peoples Representatives in Parliament , at which any may except as a grievance ? what burden hath he laid upon their Estates , but by law or by their owne consent , in a necessary exigence ? Answ . 1. If the protestant Religion continue without variation , in the least , vvhat meaneth then the bleating of the sheep and lowing of the oxen ; in every ones eares ? what meaneth the many Jesuites , and Seminary Priests that goe up and downe the land ? what meaneth the many masses that are used in several parts of that land , and in the very heart thereof , in and about Edinbrough ? What church discipline is used against these ? belike the Prelates have no will to trouble their old brethren , the native and faithful children of their catholick Mother , the whore of Rome , because they minde , yet once againe , to take a drink of the cup of her fornications , and to returne as prodigal Children unto their former dear Mother , the bloody harlote , the mother of fornications . And hovv cometh it that one Mr. Tyry , formerly a knovvn papist , is admitted to a prefessorshipe in St. Andrewes , vvho not only cannot be reconciled to that minister who motioned the giving to him , that Head to handle de anticbristo Romano , but even in his theses did assert that the Pope was not Antichrist . But what is become of the Religion of the Church of Scotland , as it was reformed in doctorine , worshipe , discipline and government ? What is become of these Covenants vvhich were our strong bulvvarks against propery ? and vvhat is become of the many acts of Parliament ratifying and approving these Covenants ? Are not all these cast avvay ? are not vve cast open unto the assaults of that bloody Beast ? what meaneth the great increase of the number of papists , so that the very Parliament it self , in their statute 8. sess . I. ( a mok-act never put into execution ) sayd that the number of Iesuites , Priests , and Papists did now abound more , then ever they did under the Government of his father and grand father ? What meaneth the rescinding and anulling the first act of the 12. parl of K. Iames 6. holden Anno 1592. in all the heads clauses and articles thereof , in their act . 1 sess . 2. whereas that act did not also ratify and approve presbyterial government ; but did also ratify and approve all privileges , libertyes , immunityes , and freedoms , granted by his hieghnesse his Regents , in his name , or any of his predecessours , to the true and holy Kirk established within the Realme , and declared in the first act of Parliament Anno 1597. and all and whatsomeever acts of Parliament and statutes , made before by his Highnesse and his Regents , anent the liberty , and freedome of the said Kirk ; and particularly the first act of parl Anno 1581. and all other particular acts there mentioned : and this act Anno 1581. ratifieth all preceeding acts , particularly that made in the reigne of Queen Mary , Anno 1567. anent abrogating all lawes , acts and constitutiones , canons civil and municipal , with other constitutions contrare to the Religion then professed , and all posteriour acts namely such as abolished the Pope and his uspurped authority ; that anulled the acts made against God's word and for maintainance of Idolatry , the act ratifying the confession of faith of the protestants of Scotland ; the act abolishing the Masse , and for punishing hearers and sayers of the same : acts made , anent the admission of them that shall be presented to benefices having cure of ministry ; anent the King's oath to be given at his coronation ; anent such as should beare publick office hereafter ; anent teachers of schools ; anent the jurisdiction of the Kirk ; anent the true and holy kirk ; anent the ratification of the liberty of the true Kirk of God and Religion ; anent such as are declared not to be of the true Church : And also the said act Anno 1592. ratifieth all other acts made in favours of the Kirk , since the yeer 1581. So that by this late Act made Anno 1662. all the acts made in favours of the Church and of the protestant Religion , are annulled and rescinded ; for there is no exception added , but the said act in all its heads , clauses and articles , is declared null and voide . Where is then our legall security for our protestant Religion , and Libertyes of the Church ? Sure these things presage no good to the protestant Religion . But 2. What way the King doth advance this blessed truth of the saving gospel ( if he meane hereby the protestant Religion ) we are to learne : For his publishing in print that the Papists have been faithful subjects to him and his father , whilest others , under pretence of Religion , had involved the Kingdomes in blood ; and by these Papists meaning with others the irish rebells , who , for promoving the Romish bloody designe , executed that bloody Massacre in Irland : the report whereof made all protestants to tremble and to stand astonished , giveth us but small hopes , that so long as he is of that minde , he shall ever do any thing effectually for promoving or maintaineing the Protestant interest : His advanceing of Papists to greatest places of publick power and trust England , in Parliament , Council , Court , Counteyes , and the Army , speakes rather an encourageing and inviteing of persons to turn Roman Catholicks : His provideing a house for Fathers and friers speaks out no good intention and designe . Let the Surveyer read what is said to this purpose in the Preface to Naphtaly . 3. He tells us that the King is willing and desirous , that the lawes be put in execution against Papists and perverters of sound doctrine ; But how cometh it then , that there are no sayers of Messe and seminary Priests sentenced , according to the law ? Did ever the King write to the Council for suppressing of Popery . as effectually as he hath done for suppressing of conventicles ? Or did he ever chide the Council , or depose any member thereof , or any other inferiour Magistrate , upon the account of their negligence in this ? But be it whose fault it will , sure we are there is more care taken to search out conventicles , then the meetings of Papists or Quakers : Is the Towne of Edinburgh under such a bond to suppresse meetings for Masse , and others of the like nature ; as they are for suppressing of honest Protestants , meeting for the Worshipe of God according to the purely reformed Religion ? Did ever any Arch-Prelate procure an order from his Majesty to stirr up the leazye council to diligence in this matter ? Wherein I pray doth either the Kings willingnesse , or the vvillingnesse of the Council , or of other Inferiour Magistrates to have the lawes against Priests vigorously put into execution , appear ? And where are we then , when all Magistrates from the highest to the lowest connive at , if not encourage countenance and approve of Papists , and Popish idolatry ; and the true Worshipers of God are hunted out , cast into prisones , banished into America and Tangyr , and made to suffer such inhumane Barbarities , and all to pleasure the perjured Prelates , who are more afrayed of a few honest seekers of God , then if legions of Papists were swarming in the Land , knowing how soon , they would be willing to imbrace these serpents in their bosome , and joyne with them to root out the Protestant interest ; whileas they hate the truly godly with a perfect hatred , as being of principles irreconcileable with theirs , and having ends before their eyes diametrically opposite to what these intend ? Yea , where are we , when almost all the Rules proposed by Adam Contzens the Jesuite , for introduceing of Popery , in his Polit. Lib. 2. Cap. 18. are so exactly followed : as when he adviseth that . 1. They proceed as musitians do in tuneing their instruments , gradually , and piece by piece . 2. That they presse the Examples of some eminent Men as a meane to draw the rest . 3. That Arch-heretikes ( that is most Zealous Protestants ) be banished all at once , or if that cannot be done saifly , by degrees . 4. That such be put from their dignities , and all place & power of trust . 5. That Protestant Religion be made odious , by loading such of their opinions , as are most obvious to a harsh construction . 5. That they foment the quarrels that are among Protestant , and strengthen that party that is most ready to comply with Rome . 7. That they discharge and hinder all private conventicles of Protestants . 8. That severe Lawes be made , and rigorously executed ( though not against all , yet ) against the most dangerous . Who seeth not , what a conformity there hath been and yet is , betwixt the practices of this Apostate , Popish , Prelatical and Malignant faction , which hath now destroyed the work of God , and those Rules mentioned ? And what lyeth latent under board the Lord knoweth . 4. He asketh the question if any of the People of the Land be spoiled of their lawful civil libertyes ? As if a man should enquire if the Sun were risen at twelve houres of the day . Our Religion reformed in doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline and Government , which was one of our maine civil & most lawful libertyes , is taken from us . The liberty of supplicating , which the Law of God , the Law of Nature , and the Law of Nations allow , it taken from us . The liberty of free election of Members of Parliament , was taken away . Liberty of protesting in Parliament was taken away . The Kings prerogative is screwed up to such a hieght , that it overturnes the true native libertyes of the Subjects Many honest Subjects are cast into prisone , no transgression being once alledged far lesse proved against them . The due exercise of their Religion as was covenanted , is taken away , Lawes are not executed in a civil manner , as they ought to be among free Subjects . Iudicatories are set up and erected without the consent of the People , or their Representatives . Libertyes and Privileges of brughes and such incorporations are taken away , unlesse they will renounce and abjure a lawful , religious , and necessary Covenant . The free exercise of justice especially against Nobles , is stopped . The Lieges are not ruled by the Lawes of the Land , but by the arbitrary will and lust of few Prelates and the privy Council . Will he ask now if our libertyes be taken from us ? or will he call these unlawful ? 5. He asketh in the next place , what one thing the King hath done , without consent of the Peoples Representatives in Parliament , at vvhich any may except as a grievance . It seemeth he is either of a very short Memory , or he thinks the High commission-court a very small inconsiderable businesse ; for the consent of Parliament vvas never had unto this inquisition-court , neither of old , nor of late : And yet this was such an heavy yoke of bondage , that made all the land to groan , and against which , as a most intolerable grievance , all the corners of the countrey could give in their exceptions . And as for this late Representative ( so called , ) they have enacted many things contrare to their power and turst , as vve have shewed : No power under heaven could enact what they have enacted : No power under heaven could anul , condemne , and rescinde lawful Covenants made with the most high God : They were not in tuto to rescinde and anull unalterable lawes , more firme and fixed , then any Lawes of the Medes and Persians ; For lawes confirmed with oathes , and solemne vowes to God , are not ambulatory , as other politick lawes . And therefore all the lawes being good and necessary in their owne nature , by the supervenient addition of an oath confirming and ratifying the same , became absolutely unalterable by any Man or company of Men whatsoever . So that all the lawes made by King and Parliament to the prejudice of the Covenanted work of reformation , are intolerable grievances , dishonourable to God , and prejudicial to the welfare of the Subject ; and to which , neither People , nor their Representatives real of supposed , could ever lawfully consent . 6. He asketh what burden he hath laid upon their Estates , but by Law ? But this is a vaine florish , seing all that know what that Parliament was , know how prone and ready it was , to devote ( if it could ) unto the lust of the King , the Souls , Consciences , Estates , and all which the Subjects had , little regairding either the true liberty or reall advantage of the People . CAP. XVII . The Objections of others examined . WE have now examined all which this Surveyer hath said against us , in the poynt of resistence ; yet that we may satisfy ( if possible ) all persons and partyes touching the lawfulnesse of this act , of private persons defending themselves and their Religion from manifest Tyranny and oppression , we shall remove likewise such other objections , as some others are pleased to make use of ; and which our Surveyer hath possibly forgotten to adduce . 1. Obj. Subjects are obliged to performe all dutyes of obedience and fidelity unto their Magistrates , and albeit the Magistrates turne a manifest Tyrant , every one cannot loose that obligation at his owne hand . Hoen . Disp . Pol. 9. Thes . 55. Ans . 1. Subjects , as we have seen , are but conditionally obliged to performe these dutyes unto the Magistrate , and not absolutely , whether he play the Tyrant or not , by Hoenonius his owne confession . 2. Though each particular person can not loose the obligation when he will ; yet when a Tyrant hath , by his acts of tyranny , loosed the obligation , upon his part , a body of a People or a considerable part thereof , may defend themselves against his tyranny , as if there were no obligation betwixt him and them . 3. Though the obligation stand uncancelled , and not abrogated , resistence may be granted ; for a Sone may resist his Father , and a Wife her Husband , though the obligation continue firme and not dissolved . Obj. 2. By this meanes a window should be opened to all seditions , conspiracyes and rebellions , Hoen . ubi supra Ans . Incommodum non tollit argumentum . The abuse of a liberty doth not destroy the liberty . 2. By this argument absolute and unlimited obedience might be pressed , lest if private persones might refuse obedience , a door for all sedition and disobedience should be opened . 3. By the contrare assertion , a door shal be opened to all Tyranny and oppression , which should tend not only to disquyeting of the peace , but to the ruine and destruction of the Common-wealth . Obj. 3. Subjects are to pray for their Magistrates , Hoen . ibid. Answ . True , but the consequence is naught . Therefore I may not resist them , when they tyrannize and oppresse unjustly , it doth not follow . I must pray for my equalls and inferiours , and open enemies , whose unjust violence , I may notwithstanding resist . Obj. 4. A son may not do violence to his Father though never so unworthy ; for no impiety can be punished by paricide : Far lesse may violence be done to the Prince , who is the Father of the Countrey , Hoen . ib. Answ . 1. This simile helteth as we have shewed . 2. If the Father abuse his power , the law will deprive him of it , L. 6. Lenones , L. 7. C. de Inf. expos . L. 2. C. de Parent . qui Fil. distrax . L. 2. de his qui sunt sui vel alieni Iuris § . sed Domin . Iust. D. Titul . L. ult . si quis a Parente manumissus . 3. The simile is for us who plead only for resistence , as we shewed , not for killing and destroying Tyrants . 4. If the Sone be a Judge and the Father a malefactor , the Son must execute judgement on the Father . Obj. 5. Destroying of the head , though it be sickly and tender , tends to the destruction of the whole body , Hoenon . ibid. Answ . There is no such connexion betwixt King and Subjects , as betwixt Head and Members of our natural bodyes . A Tyrant may be , and often hath been , destroyed , and the body of the Republick hath remained intire and in better condition then formerly . 2. Opposition may be so made to the Head , that it destroyed not the noble parts , with defluxions sent downe thence ; and it must , to prevent the destruction of the body , be purged : so may a Tyrant be resisted for the saifty of the Commonwealth . Obj. 6. It is better to have a sick head , then no head . id . ibid. Ans . Datur tertium , there is a third , a sound wholesome head . 2. A commonwealth needs not want a head long . Obj. 7. There is greater hazard in casting out a Tyrant , then in suffering tyranny , idem ibid. Ans . 1. resistence may be without destroying or casting out of a Tyrant . 2. That hazard speaks not to the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of the thing , but only to the expediency or inexpediency of it ; which is a different question : An interprize may be hazardous and yet lawful . 3. It will not alwayes be found to be such a hazardous thing , even to cast away Tyrants ; as to suffer them to tyrannize . Obj. 8. A Tyrant can never be destroyed , without the ruine of these who have destroyed him , for some of his posterity will avenge the quarrel , id . ibid. Ans . 1. We have many instances to the contrary in the Book of God : See the Books of the Judges and Kings : who of Joram's posterity avenged his death , on Jehu or his posterity ? 2. A Tyrant may be resisted lawfully notwithstanding of such difficultyes . Obj. 9. God punished the wicked Kings of the Jewes not by the Jewes , but by strangers , id . ibid. Answ . This is contrare to many examples in Scripture . Jehu was not stranger . 2. We speak not of punishing wicked Kings , but of resisting their unjust violence . Obj. 10. David spared Saul , 1 Sam. 24 , and 26. Whom he might lawfully have killed , as some think , because he had given David's Wife to another , had banished him and his Parents out of the countrey , and had killed the Priests , id , ibid. Answ . If David was a publick Judge , and might lawfully have killed Soul for his injustice , murther , and oppression , and did it not . I see not how he can be justified : But to me it is a question if David was any other then a private person , so long as Saul lived : and his resisting of Saul , and defending himself with armed men against his fury , doth abundantly confirme what we say . Object . 11. Ieremiah doth not arme the jewes against Nebuchadnezar with a sword , but with prayers for him Id. Ibid. Answer . 1. We have not Ieremiahs now to reveal God's minde to us extraordinarily . 2. If this were a standing precedent , The Supreame Magistrate might not defend himself and his subjects , against a forraigne Enemy , comeing to destroy and conquere the land : for Ieremiah commanded the King to submit to Nebuchadnezar Object . 12. Christ commandeth tribute and not poyson to be given to Princes . Id. Ibid. Answ . We plead not for Poysoning of Princes , but for resisting their unjust violence , against which Christ doth not speak : but rather he ought to have remembered these words Let him that hath no sword sell his coat and buy one . Obj. 13. Paul Act. 23 : ver . 5. Will not have an evil Prince so much as cursed Id. Ibid. Answ . Then no Magistrate , no not an inferiour should be resisted : for such may not be cursed , doing their duty . 2. We may not curse nor revile any of out equalls or inferiours Mat. 5 : v. 44. Rom. 12 : v. 14. Livit. 19 : ver . 14. and 20 : v. 9. 1 Cor. 6 : ver . 10. and yet such useing violence against us may be resisted ; we may not curse the rich Eccles . 10 : 20. and yet they may be resisted , when violently and injuriously they assault us . Obj. 14. War is not lawfully undertaken without the warrand of the Superiour : But Subjects have no superiority of authority over the Magistrate . Gerhard de Magist . Pol. § . 483. Answ . 1. A war defensive may be undertaken without the expresse warrand of the Superiour . 2. Defence may be used by such as are inferiour to the aggressors , as by a Wife , a son , a Servant , as is shewed ; yea the injurer is ever eatenus inferiour to the injured , in Law. Obj. 5. Christ sayd Mat. 26 : ver . 52. that such as took the sword should perish by the sword . Id. Ibid. Answ . That is true of such as useth the sword , further then God hath allowed , or contrare to his expresse revealed will , but not of such as have a lawful call thereto by the Law of Nature , and use it in their sinlesse defence , when there is no countermand of God. Which place we have abundantly vindicat already , where we shewed that his commanding them to sell their coat to buy swords sufficiently warrandeth this self defence : And though some do take that speach to be allegorick , yet the whole context cleareth that it is meaned of swords of steel ; for they said , Here are two swords , and he said it is enough . Sure these were swords of outward mettal , as the event proved : And to answere Mat. 26 : ver . 52. with Luk. 22 : ver . 39. is not to set Scriptures by the eares , but a solid way of answering an argument brought from abused Scripture , as Christ's practice teacheth us , answering the devil's argument taken from Psal , 91. 11. by produceing another passage Deut. 6. 16. see Mat. 4 : 6 , 7. Obj. 16. The example of the saints in the Old and New Testament is against it ; neither the Prophets nor Apostles gave this Command , but rather prescribed unto them patience , and prayers . That Citizen of Nieomedia , was condemned of all , who tore in pieces the Emperour's edict against the Christians , Id. Ibid. Answ . 1. We have seen instances both in the time of the Old Testament , and in the dayes of the New Testament , making for us . 2. We finde not the Prophets nor Apostles forbidding this . 3. Their pressing to patience and prayers is not repugnant to this innocent res istence : we may pray against forraigne invaders , yet may we resist them . 4. Tearing of the Emperour's edict is no act of self defence . Obj. 17. This would close up the way of persones acquireing the crowne of Martyrdome , Id. Ibid. Answ . If upon this account private persons might not resist Magistrates , neither might inferiour Magistrates resist the supreame , which yet he will not condemne . Yea. 2. If this ground hold , the Supream Magistrate might not resist an army comeing to destroy him and all his Kingdome , for Religion , but He and all were bound to hold up their throats that they might receive the Crowne of Martyrdome . 3. It is good to waite for this Crowne in God's way , and not to run to the stake without a cleare call : and if People may fairly and with a cleare conscience , deliver themselves , it is a question if they be called to suffer . Obj. 18. Some adduce that place Eccles . 8. ver . 2 , 3 , 4. I counsel thee to keep the Kings command and that in regaird of the oath of God — he doth whatsoever pleaseth him , where the word of ● King is there is power , and who may say unto him what dost thou ? Ans . I. Will it hence follow that we must obey all the Kings unjust , unlawful and iniquous commands ? No true Christian can say so . Neither will it hence follow , that in no case he may be resisted . 2. Kings way not de jure do what they please , but they have power to execute the Law in way of justice , which is the thing that they as Kings should and do please : And therefore , we should not stand in an evil matter . 3. Notwithstanding of this , Princes have been rebuked , 2 Sam. 12 : ver . 7. and resisted 2 Chron. 27 : ver . 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. and so the meaning is , no man must question his just actions warranted by his lawfull authority . Or , it is but folly for a man to strive with such an one , as is able to execute his cruelty and to do what he will : see the English notes on the place , and Mr. Iackson's : but as this doth not justify Kings in their oppressing ; so neither doth it condemne a resisting of their tyranny , more then the resisting of the oppressing violence of some mighty robber , who hath power to do what mischief he will , whom yet lawfully we may resist if we be able . Obj. 19. The author of an appeal to conscience adduceth that place Psal . 105 : ver . 15. Touch not mine anoyneted . Answ . Hence it clearly followeth that Kings and Princes should not enjure the Saints and Servants of God ; for this was meaned of Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , and of their Wives and Families , who were sojourning as strangers from Nation to Nation , as the context cleareth , and the words following and do my Prophets no harme . And so relateth to vvhat vve heare Gen. 12 : v. 10 , to 20. & 20 : 1. &c. & 26 : 1. &c. & is not meaned of Kings and Princes as such . So that this anoynting is such as is common to Priests and Prophets , & to all the saints vvho are spiritually anoynted , and so become Kings & Priests unto God 1. Pet. 2 : 5. Rev. 1 : 6. and 5 : 10. Obj. 20. D. Ferne , Resolvig of conscience vvould prove from 1 Sam. 8 : ver . 18. that subjects may do nothing against Tyrants , but cry to the Lord. So Grotius . Answ . Subordinata non pugnant . We may both cry to the Lord and resist , as Iudg. 10. Exod. 14. 2 Chron. 32 : v. 20. 2 King. 19. 2 Chron 14 : v. 9. &c. and 13 : 14 , 15 , * 16. 2. The text saith not , they should have no other remedy left them but crying ; or that it should be lavvsul for them to do no other thing . We finde that they resisted this King , vvhen he vvas about to kill innocent Ionathan . 3. The vvords at most but import a prohibition of attempting to have the government changed from King to judges 4 Suppose it vvere so ; yet , it importing only a punishment unto them for their importunat and headstrong affecting of a King , vvill not in reason reach other Nations not guilty of this crime . Yea 5. This praediction could not bind up their owne hands from a defence ; but at most import , That all their resistence or defence should be in vaine , through God's not hearing or helping them in resisting . Obj. 21. The author of an appeal to thy conscience proposeth this argument . That evil Kings and Tyrants are afflictions and punishments inflicted on us by God. Therefore we should submit patiently , and not resist . Answ . The consequence is nought , for so are forraigne enemies , the riseing up of inferiours against us , sicknesse and paines on our bodyes , and the like , and yet these may very lawfully be resisted . Obj. 22. Equals have no power over equals , much lesse have inferiours over Magistrates Alber. Gentil . in . dispp . regalib . Answ . Superiority , is not requisite to lawful defence , as is said : 2. A Tyrant as such is no Magistrate , but a privat person . Obj. 23. No punishment for Tyrants but vexation of conscience id . ib. Answ . All evil doers may expect that punishment as well as Tyrants , and yet they may be resisted , yea and punished with civil punishments . Obj. 24. The removing of a Tyrant occasioneth civil warres , which makes the remedy worse then the disease id . ib. Answ . 1. We speak not of removing Tyrants ; but of resisting them . 2. This is the way to prevent ruine and destruction to the Commonwealth , even to resist Tyranny . 3. A civil war may be more advantagious , for Religion and the libertyes of the subjects , and so preferable to a brutish submission to illegal tyranny : And every kinde of evil is not to be endured for avoyding a worse in probability ? 4. Desperat diseases must have desperat cures ; and it is better to hazard some thing in a warr , then lose all : We know not what the event may be , we are bound to defend Religion , and the libertyes of the countrey , and commit the event to God. 5. It hath been found that the putting away of a Tyrant , hath proved very advantagious to the Countrey , and to Religion : and hereby all their losse by warr was more than abundantly repayed : yea and sometimes this hath been obtained without much shedding of blood . CAP. XVIII . How weakly & foolishly The Surveyer maintaineth the Union of his Majestie 's Dominions , is cleared . HAving thus discussed all which the Surveyer hath in his railing pamphlet said , against this truth which we have maintained ; and having ( sufficiently as we suppose ) vindicated the Peoples right to defend themselves , and their Covenanted Religion , from manifest and intolerable violence and oppression , we might without the least injury imaginable to our cause , wave the examination of what he Principally aimeth at Cap. 1. & 3. & 4. as being extrinsick to the present question , and because we are not necessitated to maintaine these opinions which he setteth himself against in those chapters , our question being distinct from those , and easily maintained without touching upon those rockes . But yet because this windy man would faine make his Majesty beleeve that he had not gotten his reward for nothing , but that he had done some notable piece of service vvorthy of it ; And had discovered some rare secret , the discovery of which , is of no small advantage , but of great use both for the preservation of the union of his Majestie 's dominions , and for the saveing of his life from the stroke of adversaryes ; vve shall manifest hovv little ground he hath to father any of these assertions on Naphtali , and then discover hovv vveakly and foolishly he maintaineth his Majestie 's cause , in both these ; that al the world may see , that he hath come short of performing that service to his Maj. which he here undertaketh ; & that he hath been so far from laying the devil after he had raised him , that he hath done his Maj. no small piece of disservice in starting questions so dangerous to his Majesty's Kingdomes and life , when he had no ground given him ; and after he had moved the question , left it worse then he found it ; and so did little lesse then invite such as pleased , to doe what he alledgeth Naphtaly and his complices had a minde to do . The first question which he speakes to Chap. 1. Is touching the dissolving of humane societies , which in some cases politicians will yeeld to see Althus . pol. c. 38. n. 76. And the thing he driveth at , is to fasten on the honest party a resolution and designe , to dissipate and dissolve the immemorially setled frame ( as he loveth to speak Pag. 9. ) of that Nation and Kingdome , which through divine providence hath in many generations subsisted under our lawful Soveraignes , for the common benefite of subjects at home , and to the honour and renown of the Nation abroad ; yea and to the glory of divine providence , which hath through many stormes in several ages ; preserved us in this comfortable constitution . And this he deviseth of his owne wicked heart , of purpose to make these cordiall lovers of Religion and of their Countrey , hateful to all the world , if he could ; and therefore he would represente them as men of strange principles , & purposes . But wo to such as make lyes their refuge ! This man thinketh to make the King glade with his lyes , but we know that the mouth of such as speak lyes shall be stopped . But sure one would think that he behoved to have some clear ground to walk upon in asserting this of us , and especially when he is at the paines to spend a whole chapter , to confute it . And yet vvhen he hath rambled up and downe that book of Naphtali , to seek out a ground for this assertion , he can not adduce any one sentence , that even with half an eye doth look there away , except one , which yet hath no such designe or import . The sentence is this Pag. 150. [ That through the Manifest and notorious perversion of the great ends of Society , and government , the bond thereof being dissolved , the persons one or moe thus liberated therefrom , do relapse into their primeve liberty and privilege , and accordingly as the similitude of their case , and exigence of their cause doth require , may upon the very same principles againe joyne and associate for their better defence and preservation , as they did at first enter into Societyes . ] For clearing of which these things would be observed . 1. That the author there is only adding a few observations , to cleare the innocency of these noble witnesses , who died owneing the interest and cause of Christ , and to shevv hovv free they were of the crime of rebellion , with which they were charged . Now all know that as these worthies , had no designe , of erecting themselves into a distinct common-wealth , nor to make such a civil politick separation from the rest of the land ; so the way which they took , did directly tend to have the whole land united unto God , and among themselves , as one for God and to God , in the bond of the solemne league and covenant . Had they designed such a separation , they behoved also to have chosen more apposite & fit meanes , then these were which they did use , as any of halfe a judgment may perceive . 2. That as the maine and only designe of these worthies , was to defend themselves and their Covenanted Religion , from manifest oppression and tyranny , and to have the land recovered from that wofull course of backsliding and departing from the Lord , whereof it was guilty , and wherein it had lyen for many dayes : So , This author is only clearing their innocency , as to that : and therefore in the first observation Pag. 147. He cleareth the native ground of self preservation : and in the 2. How the perverting of the ends of government doth not destroy this native right , but that then people are as free to defend themselves as ever , even against the oppressing Powers , who in that case , according to King Iames his testimony and practice , become Tyrants , and are to be resisted : and in the 3. How all powers are obliged , if not expresly , yet tacitely , to walk in a due subordination to God , and to prosecute these great ends of government : and particularly in the 4. How our king is bound by the lawes of the land , and by his coronation covenant oath , to Rule for God and the good of the People : And in the 5. How all even the most Malignantly affected , would assent to this , as an undoubted truth , in their owne particular cases : And cometh in the 6. Place to the words cited , which must have the same import and tendency , to wit , to clear the innocency of private persons self-defence , and defence of Religion , when the powers which should minde and study according to their place & power , to promove the great ends of society and government viz. the glory of God , and the good of the Subjects in soul and body , do manifestly and notoriously pervert these ends , and preferre themselves , and their owne lusts , unto the will and glory of God ; and to the good of the People . The same is also cleare from the following observations , which do manifestly poynt at the clearing of people being bound in duty to defend themselves and their Religion , conforme to their engagements vowes and Covenants , which still stand in force , notwithstanding of any thing done to the contrary of late , in their acts rescissory and condemnatory . 3. The very words themselves , to any who is not utterly blinded with prejudice , can import no more then that , when through the notorious and mainfest perversion of the great ends of society and government , the bond thereof is dissolved , and the persons now relapseing into their Primeve liberty and privilege , may no lesse now joyne and associate together , to defend Themselves and their Religion , then at first they entered into societes : For , as their entering into societies was for this end , and their setting up of Magistrates over themselves was for this end ; so when the Magistrates crosse their end and rule , and thereby annul the relation , or make it invalide for the ends , they may joyne together now for these ends , as they might have done before the formal institution of Government . And who can deny this to be a truth ? Or who can hence inferre ( but he who is of a perverse spirit , and for his perverse ends seeketh to pervert all things ) that he pleadeth for the lawfulnesse of Peoples crumbling together in lesser fractions and petty commonwealthes . 4. Suppose the words should be capable of that glosse ' which the Surveyer putteth upon them ; yet as they lye connected with what preceedeth and with what followeth they can , at most , be but a Medium for proving the intended conclusion ; and so must be considered as founding an argument a Majori ad minus , from the more to the lesse ; to this purpose : if when through the manifest and notorious perversion of the great Ends of society and government , the bond thereof is dissolved , and persons relapse into their primeve liberty , so that according as the similitude of their case , and exigence of their cause requireth , upon the same principles , they may againe associate and combine into new and distinct Societies and Commonwealthes , for their defence and preservation : Then much more may they lavvfully novv joyne and associate together for their defence and preservation , without making any such rupture , or new erections : but endeavouring to keep the old Society firme and intire , undissolved , and unweakened . So that though his glosse should be admitted , he doth but bewray the ignorence of his capricious braine , to take the Medium for the conclusion . And the antecedent will be granted by politians , and is expresly asserted by Althusius , Polit , Cap. 20. Num. 20. in case the Prince keep not his promise , but violate his faith and Covenant . 5. Suppose also that this which he alledgeth had been the authors positive assertion , can he hence inferred with any colour of reason , that it was or is the designe of the author and his party , to dissipate and dissolve the old setled frame of this Kingdome , and erect new Commonvvealthes vvith nevv distinct Soveraignes ? Seing every one knovveth , that many things are lavvful , vvhich are not expedient , convenient nor necessary ; & that it vvere the result of no mature deliberation , but of madnesse and folly , to intend and designe such a thing . vvhich ( though lavvful in it self , yet ) all things considered vvere , very inexpendient and unnecessary , yea not only not advantageous to their ends and purposes , but quite destructive thereof . Novv since the Surveyer hath dravvne in this controversy by the eares , and set it in the front of his learned and elaborat pamphlet , vve must suppose him one vvho is vvell versed in this topick , and can give a good account of his politick notions touching this quaestion . But alas if he had a real adversary to deal vvith ( as novv he doth but faigne one to himself : & it is easy fighting against a man of stravv , or one of our ovvne making ) his ridiculous and yet audacious folly , vvould easily be made to appear : his adversary vvould laugh ( as indeed he vvould have cause ) at the shakeing of his spear . He maketh this the thesis which he undertaketh to confirme . That [ when politick bodyes are setled in voluntary associations , or whatever way in the course of divine providence , they have been reduced to live under the same lawes and authorities , and have continued long in the union of a common interest , under the protection of magistracy , to break off from the body in seditious secessions , cannot but be displeasing to God ; and they are no other then firebrands , confounders of humane society , fighters against God and his ordinance , who instigate People to cut off themselves from the body of the Common wealth whereof they are members . ] But would not his adversary tell him that he had granted as much in the words immediatly preceeding , as would make him and his position both ridiculous : For he hath granted That the Lord hath not by any precept particularly determined the bounds of every embodied Political society , There being some greater , and some lesser , acting under their several heads and souveraigne Magistrates . And seing neither God nor Nature hath determined the quantity and extent of each Republicki or embodyed Politick Society , what more affinity hath it with sinful sedition , to say , that greater bodyes may be divided and subdivided into lesser Republicks , then to say that moe lesser bodyes may associate together to make one greater , especially seing Politicians tell us that the ends of government are more easily attained in a lesser Republick , then in a greater ; and that a mid way commonwealth neither too larg● , nor too little , is the best , as being lesse subject to vices and greater calamities , as was to be seen in the Roman Republick before it was enlarged in the dayes of Marius , Sylla , Pompey , and Caesar , and is to be seen this day in the Commonwealth of Venice , and the like , as Althusius shewes us , Polit. Cap. 9. num . 11. The time was when all the World was under one head , and after they were multiplied , they became distinct Republicks without any sinful or seditious secession . The time was when all thess westerne parts were under one Emperour , and was nothing but a seditious secession , caused by firebrands , the ground of their becoming many and distinct Republicks ? The time was when Scotland , England , and Irland , were distinct Kingdomes , and under distinct Soveraigne Magistrates , and what repugnancy were it either to the Law of God or nature , to say they might be so againe ? So were there once Seven Kings in England at once : and moe then one King in Scotland at once : and by no reason can he prove that it should always be , as it is at present , but by the same reason his adversaries could prove him guilty of treason ; for he behoved to say , that because we were once all under one Emperour , we ought to be so still , and that the King must either hold his crowne of the Emperour , or be an usurper and a seditious rebel ; for in the course of providence we were then reduced under the same Lawes and Authorities , and continued in the union of a common interest for some good space of time , Yea and observe many of these civil Lawes yet . Thus we see whither this advocate will drive the matter , and how little service he doth his Majesty for all his rich recompence . But it may be his arguments are cogent and binding : He hath many words , Pag. 4 , & 5. to prove that this is contrary to Religion , The sum is this . [ Never greater perversion of government then in the times of many of the Prophets , and in the dayes of Christ , and his holy Apostles , and primitive Christians , and yet this was never their doctrine or sense . ] Answ . Is this all that he can say , to prove that this is contrary to Religion ? Sure his adversary will think that he hath little Religion who sayth so , and that he hath farlesse loyalty to his Master the King of Great Britane ; for why ? Because contrare to the doctrine of Christ and the Apostles , and the sense of all the primitive Christians , he acknowledgeth the King of Britane to be a distinct King from the Roman Emperour , and not to depend upon him . They never taught that Britane and Irland should be ruled by a King distinct from him , and that these Islands should be separate from the Roman Empire , and so the King holds his Crowne by usurpation , and by an irreligious secession from the Empire , which neither Christ nor his Apostles ever taught , and must not this man and not we , acknovvledge Iudas of Galilee , and Theudas to be his Masters : For they taught ( especially the first , as Iosephus , and Ruffinus out of him shevv us ) that no tribute should be given to the Roman Emperour ; and he vvil do the same , and say that it should be payed to king Charles the II. Next his adversary vvould tell him , that if this were held and maintained as a poynt absolutely necessary to salvation , then his argument vvould say something ; But seing it is only held as lavvful , and according as providence determineth it to be convenient or inconvenient , to be practicable , it is sufficient if the doctrine of the Prophets and of Christ and his Apostles , do not condemne it , as simply sinful : And that by this argument of his , it should be utterly unlawful now for Frame and Holland , and other adjacent Countreyes , to joyne together in one : and proclame King Charles their Soveraigne Lord and King : because neither Prophets nor Apostles taught any such doctrine , that many several societies should joyne together under one head : And who is a friend to the Kings greatnesse now ? If this man be worthy of his wages , let all the World judge . Moreover they would tell him , that in the dayes of some of the Prophets , there was a greater dissipation and secession , then any that is now desired , when the Ten tribes separated themselves from the other two , in the dayes of Rehoboam and erected themselves in a distinct Republick , under a distinct Supreame Magistrate ; and we finde not this reproved by any of the prophets , yea we finde a Prophet sent to tell Ieroboam that God would give him Ten Tribes , 1. King. 11 : ver . 21. &c. and when Rehoboam would goe and reduce them under his subjection by the power of the sword , we finde another Prophet sent to disswade him , in the Name of the Lord , 1 King. 12 : ver . 22 , &c. and saying that that was from the Lord. And sure this positive is as forcible , as his negative . And furder , even in the dayes of the primitive Christians , the Roman Empire was divided , and how it is now subdivided and re-subdivided into many fractions , we all know : and can he shew us where any of the godly zealous Christians and servants of God spoke against this as a seditious practice ? But is may be that he vvill prove this assertion , though not dissonant to Religion ; yet dissonant to sound reason . Let us hear hovv he doth it ? [ For ( sayes he Pag. 5. ) it hath a clear tendency to break in pieces all humane societyes — which no wit of man can preserve from dissolution , if this principle be drunk in : For by this Man's opinion , the judgement of the pervesion of the ends of government is put over to the discretion of the sufferers of prejudice , and they are accordingly to determine their actions , and nothing should hinder them but want of probable capacity to through their work . ] But poor Man , as he hath made shipevvrack of faith and of a good conscience , so hath he made shipvvrack of his reason also ; for his adversary vvould novv think the cause vvon : For grant once that a secession and separation may be made , vvhen the ends of government are manifestly perverted , and they vvill seek no more , for they vvill readily grant it ought not to be , vvhen there is no just cause , suppose that a great part should in their discretion judge there were real cause ; And where is he now ? Where is the position that is so dissonent to Religion and Reason ? Will he also owne it ? Did Naphtaly say that when ever a few of a society thought in their judgement of discretion , that the ends of government were perverted , they were replased into their primaeve state of liberty , and free to make separations from the old society and associate into new combinations ? And since he did not say so , how can this advocate make his position appeare dissonant either to Religion or Reason ? But the man , let him be never so well hired , is obliged to reason no better then he can . Let him grant ( and he cannot well deny it ) that it is lawful for a great society to divide into two or moe lesser , when the ends of government are really and manifestly perverted , in that greater society so united , and his adversaries will soon satisfy him ( if he be rational , or a man fit for society who will be ruled with reason ) concerning the judgement of that perversion . He but exposeth himself to pity , when he cryeth out ( taking also God's name in vaine ) [ To what times are we reserved , wherein the unmeasureable and aciousnesse of Men dar present such poyson to a Christian People , and to attempt the breaking them in pieces by such doctrines which both Religion and sound Reason abhorres . ] For no body hath either seen Religion nor found Reason alleged against that position ( which he sayeth Naphtaly setteth down . ) But we will see more of this vaine Man's ridiculous ranting in the following words [ Dar this libeller ( so speaketh this non-sensical railer ) say that this is a fundamental constitution of political societies , that at the arbitrement and lust of any minor part of private persons , pretending a perversion of the ends of government ( a pretence that will never be wanting to Malecontents and Malapert wicked ones , Even Katherines and highlandish theevs , and it is real to them if they themselves be admitted judges ) they may make secession from the society in which they are imbodied , and renunce their obligation to the government thereof . ] Now he soares high in his scurril rhetorik , and as ornaments of his discourse , he must bring in his Katherines and Highlandish theeves , but to what purpose is all this superfluity of vaine empty words ? Where or when said Naphtaly , That that was the fundamental Constitution of politick societies ? What rational Man ever said so ? Is this the only thing which he denyeth ? Sure he is an ill maintainer of the union of his Majesties dominion ; for his adversaries will grant all this , and yet say and be able to maintaine ( for any thing that he hath said ) that when the Ends of government are mani●estly and notoriously perverted , people relapseing into their primaeve liberty and privilege , may , according as the exigent of their case requireth , associate into new societies for their defence and preservation . But he addeth pag. 6. [ Suppose there be a breaking off , upon that pretension ( which will never be wanting to cover sedition and confusion ) of perversion of the ends of government , the party making secession may haply meet with the same measure they gave , for if a minor party arise among them with the same accusations , must they not have the same privilege ? And where shall there be a stand ? ] His adversaries would soon reply , that whatever be in that absurdity , it doth not concerne them , for they plead not for a dissolution upon a meer pretension of this perversion : And beside , they plead not for it , even where there is a real and not our perversion , as a thing necessary , which they must goe about , never once consulting whether it be expedient or inexpedient , and whether they see a more feazable way of attaineing the ends of government , without such perversion , after the separation is made , them before , or not : But only as a thing lawful , which may be done when they see it most convenient for the ends of government : And when they walk by this rule and principle , they will soon see where to make a stand . For they will finde that the crumbling of Societies into too many and too small bodyes , would put them as far from attaineing the ends of governments , as they were while associated in a greater body . And this is all which he hath to this purpose . For as touching his application of this pag. 9. and 10. all alleging that there is no perversion of the Ends of government now , it hath been spoken to already , and his adversaries in this position ( if there be any such , which I am ignorant of ) will think and make out , that the ends of government are so far perverted , that if there were no other thing lying in the way of a secession , then vvhat he hath said , they vvould think it of concernment to minde this outgate , vvhich they had no thoughts of before . And the King should then think himself little obliged to this man and his defences , and wish that he had been sleeping when he wakened such a debate , and himself had bestowed his gold another way : For sure , if such a thing were upon the heart of people now ( as I hope & am confident it is not ) they will professe themselves obliged to this Surveyer , for putting it into their head first , and that all which he hath said against it , would rather invite and encourage them to it , then discourage them from it . May not then this Man be ashamed to take his Majesties Money , and do so bad service for it , as he hath done ? But Some will possibly say what could any persons have said more ; Well , though some should think me officious to take his Majesties part and defend his cause , un-hired , yea and undesired , yet I will propose one thing , which I am confident , shall be more effectual , for preserving the immemorially setled frame of this Nation , and the union of all his Majesties Dominions , to all generations , without dissipation or dissolution , or any hazard or feare thereof ; Then what this Pamphleting Prelate hath said , Or will say , though he should write volumes , at this rate : What is that , you will say ? It is no great secret , yet if heartily followed , it shall prove infallibly effectual . Let his Majesty Turne to the Lord with all his heart , and repent of his fearful perjury and defection , and minde his oath made unto the great God , and performe his vowes , and fulfil his Covenant which he swore with hands lifted up to the most high God , and solemnely promised to owne and prosecute , as he should answere to God , in that day , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed ; and execute judgment on the Apostate Prelates , by hanging them up before the Sun , that the fierce anger of the Lord , evidenced by moe as twice three Yeers famine of the word , may be removed , and on all others who have been authors and abettors of this norrible course of defection , and unparallelable apostasy , which makes these lands an hissing and a by-word to all nations ; and let him honestly and with an upright heart prosecute the ends of these holy Covenants , and with that Godly King Asa . 2. Chron. 15. Enter into a Covenant , that whosoever will not seek the Lord God of Israel , shall be put to death , whether small or great , whether Man or woman : And let his successours follow his footsteps in this , and he and they shall finde , no imaginable bond so sure to tye his Kingdomes together perpetually , as an indissoluble Society , then these holy Covenants , particularly that solemne league and Covenant . In which all his subjects in Scotland , England , and Ireland , did sweare in a most solemne manner , to maintaine and promove reformation of Religion in Worshipe , Doctrine , Discipline , and Government , and endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the Three Kingdomes , to the nearest conjunction , and uniformity , in Religion , Confession of faith , Forme of Church government , Directory for worshipe and Catechiseing , &c. that they and their posterity after them , may as brethren live in faith and love , and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of them — and that the Lord may be one and his name one in the three Kingdomes ; and to endeavour the discovery of all such as have been , or shall be incendiaries , Malignants , or evil instruments , by hindering the Reformation of Religion , divideing the King from his People , or one of the Kingdomes from another , or make any faction or partyes among the People , contrary to this League and Covenant , that they may be brought to publick tryal and receive condigne punishment : And that they should each one of them , according to their place and interest , endeavour that the Kingdomes may remaine conjoyned , in firme peace and union to all posterity : And that they shall not suffer themselves directly nor indirectly , by whatsoever combination , perswasion or terror , to be divided & withdrawne from this belssed union and conjunction . Now what bonde more strong to unite and keep together his Majestie 's Dominions can the wit of Man imagine ? And shall not the owneing and prosecuting of this Covenant , Appear to all rational persons the most infallible meane to effectuate this indissoluble union and lasting Conjunction , that can be invented ? CAP. XIX . How weakly and foolishly the Surveyer defendeth his Majestie 's Life , is shewed . THe surveyer , finding how poorly he had defended the cause now mainly controverted . viz. The unlawfulnesse of Peoples defending themselves , and maintaining their Religion against manifest and intolerable oppression . Cap. 2. That he might do something for his money , would start another question , wherein he thought he should do his Majsome acceptable piece of servicé , and secure his life , when all came to all : Though he could not cudgil with his railing ( for he can move none with his reason ) the People into a stupide , and irrational subjection , so that let the King rage worse then ever Nero did , they should not lift a hand to resist and withstand him ; He thinks he shall do the next best , viz. he shall fortify his Majestie 's person , and set such a guard of impregnable reasons about him , that no man , no company of men , yea no judicatoure , shall ever approach to touch his sacred person , or to spoile him of his life ; a guard of reasons like lyon rampants , be-like he thought them , more invincible and saife , then a legion of the most valient Champions that his Majestie 's kingdomes can aford . But poor man , he may dreame that such armes are impenetrable and proof , because they are the best in his armory , or that his dull head could hammer out : But no man of reason will think so ; yea all who know that belongeth to this controversy , and are not professed adversaries ( yea and the most ingenuous of them too ) will upon second thoughts be forced to say , That never any put pen to paper in the King's quarrel , who hath so foolishly and childishly , managed that disput ; and how little he deserveth thanks ( let be a reward ) for his paines , such as are sober will judge , when they consider how little ground , he had to move such a question now , seeing the wronging of the King's Person or his just authority , was not intended by those worthies who arose for the maintenance of Religion ; as such of them who were publickly put to death , did openly upon the scaffold confesse and avow ; and consider also how the Author of Naphtaly hath been miserably misunderstood by him . It is not our purpose , nor our present businesse , to speak unto this head , and shew for what causes , or by whom kings are to be questioned , deposed , or executed : Far lesse is it our purpose to defend the taking away of the late King's life , though this railing Pamphleter thinks to fasten this upon Naphtaly . And therefore we might palse what he sayeth to this purpose , Chap. 3. Yet as in the preceeding Chapter , we have shewed how ill he hath maintained the union and conjunction of his Majesties Dominions ; So in this , vve shall shovv hovv vveakly he hath guarded his life , against such as vvould oppose themselves unto him , in this question . But first , vve vvould take notice vvhether Napthtali hath given him such ground to fasten upon him the justification of the murther of the late King , as he allegeth . [ The matter ( sayes the Surveyer ) in dealing with Magistrates ( according to Naphtali's minde ) rests not in a meer resistence of them by meer private persons , but goes on to a retaliating and revenging upon them wrong supposed to be done — for his man againe jeers at the Soveraigne Powers Privilege , and Impunity of Divine exemption . ] Ans . Doth this man know what he writeth ? Doth Naphtaly say , That private persons may revenge wrongs upon the Supream Magistrate , because he jeers at such as plead for such a Privilege and impunity unto Soveraigne Powers , as will exempt them from all tryal and punishment , both of God and Man ? What meaneth he else by this impunity of divine exemption ? Then he tells us , pag. 71 , and 77. That Naphtaly Pag. 29. reflects not obscurely upon the horrid murther of our late Soveraigne . Let us hear Naptaly's words , then shall we better judge , [ And as these inferiour Princes ( sayes Naphtaly , Pag. 29. ) Do often forget their subordination to the most High in their unjust commands , and would usurpe his throne , by an uncontrollable Soveraignity : So the Lord by the warrand of his Word and approbation of his providence , and also of the People ( when by them oppressed , but by himself animated & strengthened ) hath declared & made void this their pretended exemption & impunity , & removed the carcasses of such Kings , and broken their scepter : amongst which precedents , the instance of these times , whereof we now speak , is worthily recorded , and deserveth better to be remembered ] Now Naphtali is speaking of what fell out betwixt the year 1494. and the year 1560. in that place , and makes no mention of what fell out an 1560. and afterward till he come to Pag. 31. &c. Sure then , the times he is speaking of being before the year 1560. are far from the times wherein King Charles the first was executed . But sayes he , there was no such thing as murthering of Kings or dethroning of them , at that time , Answ . Yet the Lord , at that time , declared and made void the pretended exemption and Impunity of Princes and Soveraigne Governours , by removing in his providence their carcasses , and by the approbation of the people , when by them oppressed , & by himself animated , breaking their scepter ; as vve finde was done to the Q. Kegent anno 1559. when she was by the People , the Nobles , Barons and Burgesses assembled to deliberate upon the affaires of the commonwealth , Octob. 20. deposed from her Regency , and upon the ninth of I●n the next yeer , God removed her carcasse by death , so that the land was no more troubled with her . Who may not now see what a poor ground this Railer had , to father such a tenet on Naphtali , as he doth ? And what advantage the King's cause hath gotten by this , we shall novv see . He tels us Pag. 72. [ That most of the venome this man ( meaning Naphtali ▪ ) hath against the powers ordained of God , he hath sucked out of the breasts of Lex Rex . It were not right to dig up all the pestilent untruths of that piece , set forth in most impertinent and sophistical reasonings , mixt with infinite humane bitternesse , against the late King : Only as it were to be wished that such errours , might be buried in eternal oblivion ; so it is to be regrated that too too many of the Ministry and others in Scotland have been poysoned with such principles , and the same not being very like to be suddenly extirpat , the more need have the powers above us to be watchful ] Ans . The author of Lex Rex and of Naphtaly also , ascribe as much to the powers ordained of God , as God's word will allow ; and are no way opposed unto them , but only unto Tyranny , which is no Ordinance of God : and this Man rather spitteth venome in the face of the power ordained of God , vvhen he goeth about to patronize and defend their illegal and iniquous exorbitances , as if these were the ordinance of God , which are rather the ordinance of Satan : Sure this is not farr from blasphemy , to call such courses the Ordinance of God. 2. He hath taken a short cut . I confesse , to answere that unanswerable book Lex Rex . To say , that it is full of pestilent untruthes , set forth in most impertinent and sophistical reasonings . Had King Charles the first , when he read that book , remembered this , or thought upon it , he would not have said he feared ( as is reported he did ) that it should not have been answered . But what Man , who hath not de nuded himself of all wit and reason , will take , upon this perjured Apostat's word , these Truthes which Lex Rex hath demonstrated ( & which this Man was so unable to answere , that I much question if he well understood many of them , or if his lumpish braine could discerne betwixt a sophistical reason and a true and real reason ) to be untruthes ; and these truthes so wholesome and useful to all Republicks , and necessary to be knowne and wel digested by all who consult the welfare of commonwealths , to be pestilent untruthes , and his unanswerable reasons , to be impertinent and sophistical ? 3. I am sure all the Cavaliers , and the Malignant squade would have thought him well worth his gold , if he had in a sober rational manner discovered the impertinencies and sophistical reasonings in that book , which yet is like to speak after it is burned , and under a legal restraint , though he should have spent the most part of his dayes upon it ; it may be , the Royal cabal would have thought it Dignum opus , and have canonized him for it , and advised the King of Remember the issue of such a worthy & singular pillar of the tottering throne . But the man knew how far his stock would reach , and that all the gold in the Kings treasures could not make his head stronger then it was , how ever it might superabundantly fortify his purse ; and therefore , seing his short horns could reach no further , his Majesty must rest satisfied with this : And Lex Rex must be declared , as it is , to be furder unanswereable . 4. Seing he wisheth that such errours might be buryed in oblivion , why did not his vvork follovv his vvish ? Why did he dig up the untruths ( if such ) againe , when he was not able to bury them dead nor alive ? Prudence ( if he were not innocent of it ) might have taught him silence , seing he knew he could answere no better . 5. Such as have received these principles finde them more wholesome food then his soure leaven . 6. He needs not stirr up the Powers to more cruelty and tyranny then already they exerce , neither vvill that be a vvay to extirpate these principles , but rather a way to root them more deeply in the heart . But now what sayes he to the thing . He tells us in the first place : That [ The God of order hath in all humane political Societyes appoynted under himself a supreame power , whether subjected in a single person , or in a complex company , which orders the whole body , having nothing before or above it , in the nature and order of civil authority , and governs all in the society , and is governed by none therein : to say that a person is chief , and yet hath a Superiour or equal is to speak contradictions : wise men have said , that a multitude of Gods is the nullity of Gods , and multitude of infinites so called makes none of them infinite , so a multitude of supreame powers in one civil society destroyes divine order . ] Answ . 1. It is true , God hath appoynted in all humane political societies , a supream power . But I suppose , the Surveyer will grant , that this may as well be a Parliament , as the King , and what hath he then said for security of the King's life , by this argument ? 2. What ever supream power , whether in one or moe persons , God hath appoynted over politick societies , he hath done it by the People ; and so the People , who make and set up , under God , these supreame povvers , are above these supreame powers ; If he will not take my word for this , let him read and consider how it is proved in Lex Rex , in many places , specially quaes ; t. XIX . And if he will not rest satisfied therewith , let him try his hand , And answere what is there said , if he can . 3. Politicians will tell him that the King's supremacy of power , is only in respect of the administration , and execution of the lawes , according to the power committed unto him , by the People : let him read and consider well Althusius his politicks , as to this . 4. And so , though in respect of this executive administration , he be chief , and governeth all : yet in respect of the royal fountaine-povver of Government , the People are above him , because they give this out to him , and may , in cases of necessity , recal it , and give it to another ; So that still they reserve a fountaine-power over him , to be exerced in cases of necessity : and therefore , there is no contradiction here , because non ad idem : the father is above the sone , and yet subject to him , if he be a judge . The Emperour is above the prince palatine , and yet in some cases that Prince● is his judge ; as the Tutor hath the supreame executive power , and the pupil can not act without him ; Yet in case of male administration , the pupil hath a power to call him to a account . But finally what if his adversaries should say , that the King is not that Supreame power in Scotland , but that a Parliament , as the Peoples Representatives are above him ? He may see much said to prove this in Lex Rex , and in the Apologie . And how shall he be able to confute that ? And if Parliaments have povver to depose Princes in Scotland ( as hath been often practised ) hovv hath he saved the King's Scepter and Person ? But he addeth , as a short ansvvere to cut all off that is said , [ A chimaera of idle distinctions is whelped by the late Masters of confusion of co-ordinate and collateral Soveraignes in one Kingdome , the fountality of Royalty in the People ( resumable at their pleasure ) is talked of , also Kings and People there being mutual Magistrates to punish one another , — and courts of necessity and tribunals of nature , where People are judges accusers and all , are bigly talked of ; but these are only cloaks of fig leaves to cover horrid rebellion & disorder . ] Ans . Every thing must goe for a new whelped Chimaera , which this blunt head cannot understand : Can he confute such of these distinctions as Lex Rex maketh use of ? Why doth he it not then ? How doth this master of disorder blow avvay these figleaves , yea or discover them to be such ? Is this the vvay he takes to salve his Master's life ? By his calling such distinctions Chimaeraes and figleaves ; he vvill not save a tyrannical Magistrate from deposition or vvorse , by that povver vvhich is cleared by these distinctions . 2. As for these courts of necessity , &c. Royalists must grant them , vvho grant povver in some cases to People to resist and depose Kings , viz. vvhen they turne habitual tyrants , sell the Commonvvealth and the like : and in such cases , vvhen the Prince doth such horrid things , vvhich himself Pag. 24. thinks can hardly befal a Prince in his natural and right vvits : Hovv shall these things be judged , if he allow no courts , but the ordinary courts of justice , and no court of necessity ? Ay , but he sayes thereafter [ That it is certaine Supreame power is indivisible and incommunicable to distinct subjects , in any one political Society . ] Though the supreame executive power of administration be so , either in one , called a Monarch , or in the plurality of best and chiefest , as in Aristocracy , &c. yet the fountaine power of government ( which Lex Rex tells him is distinct from the power of governing Pag. 50. ) abides intire in the People , by which they may call the Governours to account , depose them , and set up others to execute the lawes ▪ 2. Grotius will tell him that the King may have one half of the Soveraigne power , and the Senate or Parliament the other , and if the King assume that part which is not his , he may be resisted , where is then the indivisibility or incommunicability of this power , which he talketh of ? Thinks he that there is no mixed Monarchy ? And if part of the Soveraignity belong to the Parliamet , as the Peoples Representatives ( as is certaine in our constitution ) the King cannot be so Supreame as he would have him . Therefore he addeth . [ But why should we doubt that where there is a King ( one truely so ) his Soveraignity is matchlesse on earth , when the Scripture calls him supreame . 1. Pet. 2 : ver . 13. is there any equal to the Supream , in order of civil government , by whom he is judgeable or punishable ? if any , he is not not Supreame not the government Royal. ] Answ . This Chimaerical Man gives us a distinction of Kings , some truely so and some falsly so : And what , and who are these ? It is like the King of Poland and the Emperour of Germany are not Kings truely so , as he said , because forsooth they are not absolute above all Law and coercion . But what if more learned politicians then ever he was , say , that such are most truely Kings ? And what if his adversaries say and prove also , that the King of Britane is not such a King , as he accounts truly so ? His saying that the King of Britane is absolute , will note prove that he is so , and will be found but a weak defence for his life , if he be not able to prove him above all judgement and punishment , which we have not yet seen , and dispaire to see , done . 2. These words 1. Pet. 2 : ver . 13. may be as well rendered , The King as supereminent , and can import no more , but one who had a supreme or supereminent place in the administration of government , notwithstanding whereof he might be & was accountable to the Senat of Rome : for learned politicians and lawyers prove that the supreame power of government was in the Senate , even at this time , which clearly appeared in their judging and condemning Nero , and other impious and tyrannical Emperours . So that even hence we see that one may be supreame in order of civil government , and yet both judgeable and punishable . 3. His adversaries will not much care how he call that government , Royal or not ; and whether he call the government of Britane Royal or not . Names in these matters and titles , which goe much by fashion or fancy , are but weak arguments ; and he will never be able to stop the mouth of his adversaries , who would plead for calling King Charles to account and for judging him and punishing him , by saying he is a King , and the government is a Royal government , they would account these but thinne wals , and uselesse cloaks of fig leaves to preserve and defend intolerable tyranny . Hath this man no better arguments then thise wherewith to defend his Majestie 's Royal life and person ? Or hath the King no better advocate to defend his cause ? But it may be this profound Statist will speak more nervously in the following observations . Therefore , Let us hear what he sayes in the 2 place , [ It is certane ( sayes he ) no man can be judged or punished but by his owne judge , who is above him , and hath authority over him , by lawful commission from God ; or from men authorized by God to give such commission , now who shall be judge to these invested with Soveraigne Majesty , seing Every soul under them is commanded to be subject to them ▪ Rom. 13 : ver . 1. and seing the Supreame Power of the sword is committed unto them , and not to others , but by deputation and in dependence upon them — in a true Monarchy there must be an exemption and impunity ( as to subjects ) of the person invested with Soveraignity and Majesty : God's Law , Natures Light , and sound reason , are all for this , that such as are invested with Soveraigne Majesty , having the legislative power ; the jurisdictional power , the coërcive and punitive power originally in himself , must enjoy exemption and impunity ( as to subjects actings against them ) the contrary tenet overthrowes the order of God And Nature , and precipitates humane societies in a gulf of endlesse confusions . ] Answ . 1. Here is enough to satisfy his adversaries : For 1. They will tell him , that he hath not yet proved the government of Britane a true Monarchy , in his sense ; and so he but begs the thing in question here . 2. They will tell him , that the King hath not the sole legislative power , nor sole jurisdictional power , nor sole cöercive and punitive power ; far lesse , all these solely and originally in himself : And it is but to such Soveraignes that he pleads for this exemption & impunity . Doth not his Advocat deserve a singular reward ; who pleadeth his Master's cause so dexterously , by proving an uncertanty , by that which is more uncertane , & founding all upon his bare word ? A noble champion forsooth , or rather a Monster , whose word must be a law , & an irrefragable reason too . Thus it seems , what ever power he give to the King there is the Dictators power that the thinks is solely in himself , and that originally : but for all this he hath one disadvantage , that he is of little authority and of as little credite , with sober rational persons . 2. He will grant that such Monarchies , as he accounts only true , are not every where , no not where there are persons called Kings and Emperours : How cometh it then that the order of God and nature is not overthrowne in these Dominions and Republicks , and that their Societyes are not precipitated into a gulf of endlesse confusions ? Shall nothing preserve the order of God and nature , but that which is the most ready mean to destroy it , viz. an uncontrollable power in one Tyrant , to destroy all his Kingdome , Man , Wife and Childe . 3. Politicians will tell him , that the Ephori , the Parliament are his judges ; and that the People who by a lawful commission from God made him King and authorized him , are above him and have authority over him , in case he turne a Tyrant and pervert the ends of government . 4. Though it be requisite there be an ordinary standing judge to cognosce of controversies which fall out betwixt one private person and another ; yet it is not alwayes necessary there be one condescended on , to judge betvvixt the Soveraigne and the People , vvhen the controversy falleth out betvvixt them , more then that there should be a standing ordinary judge to decide controversies falling out betvvixt tvvo distinct and independent Kingdomes . 5. What commission from Man authorized by God had the high Priest , and such as joyned vvith him , vvhen they deposed and killed Athaliah ? if he say , she was an usurper True , yet she possessed the place six years peacably without molestation ; and who was judge , whether she was an usurper or not ? Had the matter been referred to her , she would have been as far from calling herselfe an usurper , as a Tyrant now will be from judging himself a Tyrant : And so as in this case , the Tyrant sine titulo had a judge above her , though she was invested with Soveraigne Majesty , so in the other case , The Tyrant exercitio , though invested with Soveraigne Majesty , hath a judge above him . 6. The place Rom. 13. is to be understood ( as was shewed above ) of inferiour Magistrates as well as of the supreame : And it sayes of all in authority , that such as are under them should be subject unto them , In so far as they are subjects unto them : so in poynt of administration of justice according to equity , all are subject to the supreame or supereminent governour ; but when he becometh a Tyrant , he becometh subject unto them , who gave him that power , and set him up , under God. 7. He insinuats that inferiour Magistrates are not essential Magistrates , but deputation from and in dependence upon the King. But Lex Rex , Quest . 20. hath by many cleare and unanswereable arguments evinced the contrary . In the third place he citeth some sentences of Tertullian , calling the Emperours second unto God , and above all men , and only subject unto God : Of Optatus saying , that none are above them but God. And of Ierom speaking of Psal . 51. against thee thee only have I sinned , saying that David spoke so because he feared none ; And of Ambrose , on the same words saying , that he was King , and under no Law — and therefore he did not sin against man. ] But all this is no purpose : For 1. himself will grant that all Kings are not thus exempted , and his adversaries will prove the King of Britane one of these limited , and restricked Kings , that are obnoxious to examination , and punishment ; and these sayings cannot prove that all Kings are so , yea or ought to be so . 2. Tertullian , to vindicate the Christians who would not acknowledge the Emperour to be God , and to shew how notwitstanding they respected him according to his place , would give him as high titles as he could , though not out of flattery , and so make him the highest person in the Empire , and above the heathen Gods ; yet he did not set him above all the People in their Representative the Senate , or if the did , the Senate proved him to be in a mistake , by taking course with several of these leud and wicked Tyrants . 3. David's single act of adultery and murther were no such acts of Tyranny , as are censurable with deposition , and so it speaketh not to the case . 4. It might be that de facto he did not fear another , as Ierome sayes . But that will not say , that David might have destroyed the inheritance of the Lord without controlle , or that other Princes are , or should be , exempted from restraint and punishment , if they turne ingrained and habituated Tyrants . 5. Himself will not stand to what Ambrose sayes , for he addeth immediatly , [ There is no doubt but David was sensible both of the horrid injury he had done to Uriah ( the occasion of that Psalm ) and of the scandal he had given to God's People , in which sense , he might be well said to sin against both . ] 6. The words of the text vvill not beare that vveight . viz. That he had no other judge but God , or that ( as Deodate sayeth ) he was exempted from all punishment of men , & was obnoxious to no humane tribunals ; but as other commentators say , the words are to be taken in a comparative sense , that this was the greatest aggravation of his guilt , that it was such a hainous trasgression , in his sight who was privy to it , however he did conceale it from all others , so far as he could : see the Dutch Annot. on the palce : and therefore to expresse his spiritual sense of the sin commited against God ( against whom properly sin as sin is commited ) he useth this rhetorical ingemination : And if the words should have imported what the Surveyer would have them to import , they had not been apposite to expresse his spiritual grief & sense of the hainousnesse of the crime commited . Then he tels us what excellent Mr Calvin sayeth Instit . Lib. 4. cap. 20. § 27. and 31. and then sayes [ It is a wonder how many who pretend respect to Calvin should dar to violate the sacrosanct Majesty of Kings , if they will but read over that chapter . ] But is it not a wonder , how this man who seemeth to have read over that chapter and particularly § . 31 , should passe by what worthy Calvin sayeth in the end of that section , or should have so little respect unto that worthy man ( whom he himself accounts to be worthy of respect , and but deservedly ) as to plead for an incontrollable power in Kings , When yet famous Calvin tels us there that if the Ephori or States of Parliament , connive at the King's tyranny , and suffer him to oppresse and insult over the poor People , they are wickedly perfidious , and palpably betraying their trust . Then in the 4 place he tels us [ That it is not denyed , that the King is bound before God to rule his People according to the Law of God ; and that it is grosse to say , Regi quicquid libet licet . ] This is good , but what then ? What if he deviate ? [ We maintai●● ( sayes he ) that as sure truth That impunity ( as from subjects ) necessarily attends Soveraignity by the Law of God , reason , and nature : For no man can be judged or punished but by a judge above him ; and the Supreame hath none such , &c. Answ . But Mr Prelate , your adversaries will maintaine the contrare , as a sure truth : We looked for a fourth proof and not for the thing in question , or a repetition of what is said : The same thing repeated six times will not make six arguments ; Mr Bishope give a new proof , if you can , of this firme truth which you maintaine ? We maintaine , by the Law of God , Nature , and Reason , No man hath an uncontrollable power to destroy millions , to cut off the heretage of the Lord , to destroy his Interest : And we have shewed our grounds for this . 2. How was Athaltah judged ? And what a judge was Iehu ? 3. It hath been told him , that the supreame governour hath a supreame power above him : The power of the People that made him Supreame governour , is above him , and can depose him , and put another in his place . He may be a Supreame governour & dispensator , and yet their servant , accountable unto them , and censurable by them , when he deviates and turnes a Tyrant , and a Wolfe , and a Tyger . When one King wrongeth another , that other will both judge and punish him , if he be able , and yet is not properly a judge above him . Much more may the Representative of the People ; who set him up and impowered him , both judge him and punish him . But the good man thereafter would advise Kings not to abuse this inviolablenesse , but so much the more to fear sadder punishments from God ; and for this cause would have them reading the 6 chapter of Apocryphal Book of Wisdome . But was there no texts in all the divine Word of God , that he would put into the King's hand to read , that he must send him to the Apocrypha ? It is true Kings would do well to remember that they have a God above them , who will not be mocked , but will bring them to an account of their doings , though they should escape Mens hands : and to the end they may be put in remembrance of this , they stand in need of other monitors , then the Men who have forgote it , and send them to Apocrypha to finde it : And this should keep them within the boundaries of God's Law. But as the fear of punishment from Man , will restraine some from stealing , whom the fear of God would little overawe ; So it may be the feare of punishment from Men , would have no small influence to make some Kings walk by a rule . And Sub●rdi●a●a non pugnant ▪ He would do well to minde them of both , and it is like he would finde that more effectual to suppresse Tyranny , then to tell them , that their sacred persones are inviolable as to Men , but yet they would do well to read the 6 chapter of Wisdome . He cometh Pag. 77. to speak particularly to what Naphtaly said , and alledgeth that [ It is most falsly and wickedly said , that God's providence or God's Word approves the murdering or deposing of Princes by Subjects , who are not his judges : And what his word approves not , his providence doth not approve : To say that God animates his People to such actions , is blasphemy , albeit he extraordinarly may stir up the spirits of some to actions not according to the ordinary rule ( as in the times of the judges ) but they were sure of their warrand from him , the like whereof none have ground to waite for now ▪ ] Answer . Certainely God's Word declareth that the persons of Kings ( how sacred soever he account them ) are not inviolable , when it threateneth destruction unto them , whether by their owne Subjects or by strangers ; and when these same judgements are executed , his providence declares that they are not uncontrollable or inviolable . 2. His adversaryes vvill tell him , that the deposeing of Tyrants , or the executing of justice on them , is no sinful Murther nor sinful deposeing of Princes . 3. If he had once proved that such actions as these , vvere horrid and sinful , then he might say that it vvere blasphemy to say , that God animates People unto them . 4. How did God animate Ieh●jada and these vvith him , to depose and kill Athaliah ? To say she vvas an usurpers , vvill not help the cause : for he vvill not have usurpers killed by the Subjects novv , seing vve have no ground to expect such an expresse vvarrand to rise against them , as the judges had ; and yet certanely these against vvhom the judges vvere animated , vvere Tyrants vvithout title . And thus we see this Surveyer out stripeth all the Royalists , that ever wrote before him , and not only will have the persons of lawful princes , though flagitious and tyrannous , sacred and inviolable ; but also the persones of the most manifest usurpers ; for he sayes , that it was not according to any ordinary rule , that God stirred up the spirits of some , to make head against these Tyrants that oppressed the people of God , in the dayes of the judges , but extraordinare , which motions we have no ground to waite for now . And so this advocate cometh at last , to plead as much for the exemption of Cromwel , as of the King : And if this be a faithful advocat let all the world judge , and let the author of the pamphlet intituled Killing no Murther rebuke him , for his impertinency and ignorance . He tels us thereafter how [ The Apologist labours to produce many instances of the Parliaments of Scotland punishing Princes for their enormities , all which he setteth forth as laudable and imitable presidents and examples . ] Answ . The author of that Apologetical relation driveth at no such designe there , but only cleareth thereby , that the Kings of Scotland have not a supremacy above Parliaments ; but that rather Parliaments are above them ; for they have punished them . He addeth [ The most that all of them amount to is nothing , but the insurrection of Nobles ( Proceres as Buchanan calleth them ) against the Kings , and violent oppressions of such of them , as have been flagitious and tyrannous-but neither Buchanan , Nor this Apolog ▪ can produce any one instance of our lawful Parliaments or Peoples , taking on them in a judicial way , in cold blood , aud under formes of processe , to punish or destroy their Kings . ] Answ . What if his adversaries shall be contented with a shorter processe , & shall supercede many formes of legality , which use to be followed with other notorious Malefactors ? Is not this a brave Goliah that cometh out to defend the King 's sacred person , when all which he at length can do , is to defend him , from being adjudged in a formal mode , to losse his head and his Crowne ; that he shall not be called publickly ( as other Malefactors are ) to the judges barr , and there be impannelled as a Tyrant and Traitor to God and the Countrey ? If this man deserve his wages , let wise Men judge ; seing all know that there is greater difficulty in taking away Tyrants , then in taking away other Malefactors : And that hardly can such a legal way with all its formalities be followed with them , which is followed with others : And that sometimes , some Malefactors , though they were never Princes , must be sentenced in a more brief manner and privately also , and yet it is all one upon the matter , if the man be guilty and really condemned by his judges . And so it is all one , if a Tyrant be adjudged worthy of death or deposition , by a Parliament the Representatives of the People , and accordingly cut off from government , or out of the land of the living , whether it be done by a publick Messenger , with sound of Trumpet , and by the hand of a publick lictor and executioner , on a publick scaffold ; or by force of armes , vvhen the former meanes cannot be saifly used , nor so securely . And it vvas not the insurrection of nobles as such , but as proceres and primores Regni that were instanced , and of lawful Parliaments ( such as were used in these dayes ) sentenceing and condemning Kings for tyranny , and other misdemeanours . Let him read the History of these times written by Buchannan and Grafton , and he will finde it so ; particularly , let him see and consider how Ferlegus was adjudged worthy of death , but for Fergusius his Father's sake , was only imprisoned ; and thereafter with the unanimous consent of all , being suspected guilty of the death of Feritharis , put from the Crowne : see why Therëus , when he had filled the land with robberies , fled to the Britones ? Was it not because the Governours had a minde to punish him ? Was not Even the 3. put in prison ? Was not Dardan , for his wickednesse and blood , pursued by nobles and People , his head cut off , his corps throwne into a jacks ? Luctatus at length was apprehenped and executed . His sone Conarus in face of Parliment accused , apprehended , and shut up into a hall , with some few attendants , his ill counsellers executed and a Viceroy chosen till the People should meet to make a new King ? Were not the Prim●res Regni about to have deposed Constantine the first , for his vices , had not Douglasse disswaded them , because of their warres with the Britons and Saxons ? Was not Ferquard the 52 King summoned to compear before the Parliament , and because he refused was he not brought to judgment against his will , and accused of many crimes , and not being able to purge himself was he not cast into prison ? This looks like an act and execution of justice done in cold blood under forme of processe , So did the Primores Regni intend to have punished Ferquard the second , had not Bishop Colman disswaded them . Was not Eugenius the VIII . for his filthy lusts and vices , covetousnesse and cruelty , slaine by the general consent of his Lords assembled ? By whom , and for what was Donald the 70. King cast into prison ? Who forced Ethus brother to Constantine the II. ( and for what ) to renunce the Kingdome , and shut him up in prison ? Was not Culenus summoned to compeare before a Parliament at Scone ? Now the Surveyer is in his strength , and disdaining to meddle with the libeller ( as he calleth him ) he will goe and reflect upon the magazine , ( as he speaketh ) to Lex Rex , who Quaest. 26. proveth by unanswerable arguments , that the King is not above the Law ; but this Surveyer for all his big words dar not meddle with that debate ; but quarrelleth with a word Pag. 241. where that worthy Author is answering the objection of that Apostate Prelate Maxwel the Author of Sacrosancta Regum Majestas , stollen from Arnisaeus ; which was this , [ Why might not the People of Israël , Peers or Sanhedrin , have conveened before them , judged or punished David , for his Adultery and Murther . ] Unto which he answered thus , [ He taketh it for confessed , that it had been treason in the Sanhedrin and States of Israël to have taken on them to judge and punish David , for his Adultery and Murther ; but he giveth no reason for this , nor any Word of God ; and truely though I will not presume to goe before others in this , God's Law , Gen. 9 : ver . 6. compared with , Numb . 35 : ver . 30 , 31. seemeth to say against them . Nor can I think that God's Law , or his Deputy the judges are to accept the persons of the great , because they are great , Deut. 1 : ver . 17. 2 Chron , 19 : ver . 6 , 7. aud we say we cannot distinguish , where the Law distinguisheth not . The Lord speaketh to under judges , Levit. 19 : ver . 15. Thou shalt not respect the person of the poor , nor honour the person of the mighty , or of the Prince , for we know what these names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meaneth . I grant it is not God's meaning , that the King should draw the sword against himself ; but yet , it followeth not , that if we speak of the demerite of blood , that the Law of God accepteth any judge , great or small . And if the Estates be above the King ▪ as I conceive they are , though it be a humane politick constitution that the King be free of all coaction of Law , because it conduceth for the peace of the commonwealth ; yet if we make it a matter of conscience , for my part , I see no exception , that God maketh ; if men make , I crave leave to say à facto adjus non sequitur . ] Thus that worthy Author ; and could he have uttered his judgment more spareingly and soberly , in a matter that was not of great Moment to the question in hand , so that though he had forborne to have spoken any thing to this at all , his cause had not been , in the least , weakened ; and though we should grant that the Sanhedrin could not have judged David for these facts ( which yet we can cannot do ) what losse shall we have ? Seing we may easily grant and Lex Rex with us Pag. 243. that Tyranny only must unking a Prince ; and these acts were not acts of Tyranny , and what shall this vaine Surveyer gaine then ? Why would he not examine other things which that worthy Author sayd , more apposite to the cause ? Will not wise men laugh at this dealing , and account him a fool in the first magnitude , in handleing such a cause , which so nearly concerneth his Majesties life , after such a manner , that a very school-boy may smile at ? Then he addeth , [ So Pag. 348 , and 428 , and 238. and often elsewhere , he ( that is Lex Rex ) will have the Estates executing the moral Law ( as he calls it ) on the King , and punishing him , and why ? because he sayes most thrasonically , Pag. 460. I have unanswerably proved that the Kingdome is superior to the King , and the People may be their owne judge in the tribunal of necessity . ] Answ . Lex Rex in two at least of these pages cited , speaketh no such thing , and if this Surveyer were not more windy and vaine then ever Thraso was , he would not speak so of that Author , till first he had discovered the answereablenesse of these arguments , which neither he nor any of his complices shall ever be able to do . But this , Epicompothrasibombomachides will force a beliefe upon the world , that with this very adverb thrasonical , diffavit omnes in Castris Gurgustodianis , and cry to his enchanted fraternity to sing Jo pan at his invention . But what sayes he to all this ? [ 1 ( sayes he ) what should he meane to make it conduceable to the peace of the comm●nwealth , that the King be free of the coaction of Law ; and yet not so , if it be made a matter of conscience ; is the preservation of the peace of the commonwealth , no matter of conscience to him ? Or is not the constitution freeing the King from coaction of Law ( for that end ) warrantable ? ] Ans . Doth not this ignoramus know that a question of this nature may be considered and answered politically and theologically : And that many things may be tolerated or forborne in poynt of policy , upon politick grounds and ends , which , if considered stricto Iure , according to conscience , should not be forborne , nor tolerated . David in point of policy , did forbear to execute the Law upon the Murtherer Joab , whom yet in poynt of conscience , he accounted a man of death , and therefore recommended the execution of the Law of God , unto his Son Solomon : and this toleration or forbearance may be lawfull or unlawful , according to the weight of the matter tolerated , or forborne , and the nature and weight of the grounds in policy , upon which this forbearance is determined . So that though we should suppone it lawful for a Commonwealth to enact and determine in Law , that their King should not be questioned for one single act of Murther or Adultery , as other persones are : Yet in poynt of conscience , if the question be stated in thesi , whether a King may be questioned for one single act of Murther and Adultery , as another private person , it may be answered affirmatively , because the Law of God , makes no exception of persones . 2. It may be made a matter of conscience , to make the King free of the coaction of Law , in some small and inconsiderable particulars , because of the probable hazard into which the Commonwealth may be brought by coërcing of him , which all the value of the particular anent which the coaction is exerced , will not countervaile . But it will never be allowed , in poynt of conscience , to make him free of all coaction of Law , so as he may without control , murther millions , destroy and waste Religion : For that were not conduceable to the peace of the Common-wealth , but a ready way to destroy all : So that a constitution freeing the King from all coaction of Law , how ever pretended for the preservation of the peace of the Common-wealth , can never be warrandable . For that were to make him actu primo , and in actu signato a Tyger , a Lyon , & a waster of the Commonvvealth ; & if his good Nature should incline him to good & peaceable things ; yet no thanks to the constitution . Whereas he would make his reader beleeve that the Kings of the jewes were under no coërtion let , him consider what Zuinglius sayeth explan . art . 42. Tom. 1. oper . where he expresly sayeth . [ That the Kings of the jewes and others , when they dealt perfidiously , contrare to the law of God , might be lawfully deposed by the people . ] Yea he tells us , that whiles wicked princes and Kings were not removed , all the people were punished of God , which he proveth by Ier. 15 : 1. to ver . 6. and a little thereafter , tels us that [ if the children of Israel had thus deposed Manasseh , they had not been so grievously punished with him . ] Yea Schikcardus in his jus regium hebraorum . Cap. 2. Theor. 7. tells us Pag. 56. 57. out of the Rabbines , that the Kings of the jewes might have been called to an account , & punished for transgressing of the law , by the Sanhedrin , especially if they took moe wives , and moe horses then vvere allowed , and heaped up riches ; for these causes , he proveth Pag. 60. out of Hal. melach . c. 3. § . 4. Halach . Sanhedr . cap. 19. Talmud cap. Kohen gadol . Siphri pars : schoph . That they were to be scourged . And histories show us , How this Sanhedrin , even in their weak and declineing times , were loth to quite with this power , and therefore did question Herod , who was set over Galilee by the Romans , for some murther committed by him , see the history set forth by Iosephus Antiq. lib. 14. c. 17. And if any should object that Casaubon ad . annal Eccles . exerc . 13. n. 5. hath proved the contrary out of the Talmud . The forecited learned Shikchardus . Pag. 63. 64. sheweth out of the very places cited by Casaubon , how he was mistaken , and how the Kings of David's line both did judge , and were judged . 2. ( Sayes he ) It is good that this Metaphisical Statist was no Chief Priest or member of the Sanhedrin in Davids time ; for he would have afforded a corrupt exposition of the Law to cut off the King. What sots were the Priests & Prophets at that time that did not instigate the Sanhedrin ? This man could have told them that they were above him , and they were bound to execute the Law upon him . ] Answ . It was good that this superlatively irrational parasite . , and infraphysical fooll was not breathing in these dayes ; for he would have told Kings , you may Kill , murther , massacre , destroy all the land , Man , Wife and Childe , without the least fear of resistance ; and have told the People , the Sanhedrin , and all the Elders of Israel , though your Kings turn butchers and destroyers of the People of God , worse then ever Nimrod or any that ever breathed since his dayes , you have no more to do , but hold up your throats , or flee to the uncircumcised out of the inheritance of the Lord. But what sayes all this to the thing ? Doth this pove that David or any King was excepted in the Law of God ? Where , In what chapter , or what verse shall we finde this ? Good Master prelate tell us , or where we shall finde it in your book of wisdome ? 2. We finde not that any of the Priests or Prophets reproved David for spareing Ioab that murtherer , who shed the blood of war in peace , 2 King. 2 : ver . 5. was it therefore right in David to have spared him ? Sure they might well have told David , that though Ioab was a great man , yet he was above him , to punish him as well as another Man , for his sin ; and in poynt of conscience , and by God's Law he was bound to do it . These sinful acts of Ioab were more notoure then what David had done in secret : And because we finde not that he vvas reproved upon this account , shall vve therefore use this Man's dialect ; and say , What 's sots or coldrife senselesse Men were the Priests and the Prophets of that time , who did not instigate David to execute the Moral Law on Ioab , that wrath might be turned away from the Land ? 3. He tels us , that the author of Lex Rex [ Vtterly mistakes the meaning of the Word of God , Gen. 9 : 6. ( as for the other texts they clearly concerne Magistrats only toward such over whom they have power , but does neither instigate the inferiour Magistrates against the Superiour , nor the People against any of them ) where it is said , he that sheds mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed . ] Ans . 1. The author of Lex Rex doth not say that these places do instigate the inferiour Magistrats against the superiour , nor the people against both ; but that they poynt forth the Magistrate's duty to judge righteous judgment , and to accept no Mans person , be he a Prince , or be he a poor Man. And if they concerne Magistrates toward such over whom they have power , The author of Lex Rex seeketh no more ; for he had proved , ( and this vaine windy man hath not the head , though he want not a heart and good will to it , to ansvvere his arguments ) that the Estates and Representative of the People , have power over the Prince . 2. It is a hard censure to say that he hath utterly mistaken the meaning of Gen. 9 : ver . 6. Let us hear how ? [ Concluding hence , ( sayes he ) that there is here a precept that the blood of every man ( though he be in the supreame power ) should be shed by his inferiours , if he shed blood innocently and without cause . ] Answ . But this is not the conclusion that Lex Rex draweth from the place , He only sayeth . That in this place there is no exception made of the Prince , though he be the Supreme power : And can this Man for all his skill demonstrate the exception ? Lex Rex said not that his blood should be shed by his inferiours , but by the Estates of the land , who are his superiours , what way then hath he mistaken the meaning of this word ? What furder [ Supposeing ( says he ) this word not only to be predictional — but also diatactick and perceptive , there must be meet limitations of the sentence , both in the subject and attribute ] Grants all , what limitations will he have in the subject , that sheds mans blood ? [ It is to be understood ( says he ) only of such as have no authority , and do it out of private revenge ; for we must not owne the fancies of Photinians and Anabaptists that condemne lawful warres , and capital punishments . ] Answ . This is good and granted , for we say that even the King , when murthering unjustly , acteth as a private person , and is prompted by his revenge : did he suppose that Lex Rex was a Photinian or Anabaptist ? If not , why did he trouble himself with this ? But what sayes he to that which he cals the attribute ? [ Certanely ( sayes he ) taking the word as a precept , It is not meant that it is the duty of every man or any man indifferently , to shed the blood of the person who sheds innocent blood ; but of the Magistrate who is judge above him . All interpreters are agreed , that here is ( if not the institution yet ) the approbation of the office of the civil magistrate . ] Answ . Did the author of Lex Rex say that it was the duty of any man indifferently , to punish capitally shedders of innocent blood ? said he any thing against agreement of interpreters concerning the institution or approbation of the office of the civil Magistrates ? Sure when he said , and elswhere proved , that the Estates of the Realme were above the King , he fully agreed with these authors , touching the meaning of that place ; so that that Surveyer might have spared his paines in reciteing their words , for he sayes nothing against what either Pareus , Pet. Martyr , Musculus , Bezelius , Diodate , or the Chaldee Paraphrase say . Let us hear how he applyeth this to the purpose ? [ But ( sayes he ) if the persons invested with Supreme power of the sword , abuseing their power become guilty of shedding innocent hlood , who ( in that society where of they are heads ) shall judge or punish them ? who is superiour over the supreme to punish him ? — It is inexplicable how any in whom the Soveraigne Majesty , & Magistratical power resides , should , according to order , be punished by subjects . ] Answ . This is the knot of all , but it is nothing else than what we have heard againe and againe , and hath been spoken to already . But yet , because it is to him inexplicable , and a Gordian Knot , let us see if we can loose it without Alexander's sword . He will grant ( or if he will not , but retract what he hath elswhere granted , speaking of a legal resistence , all the lawyers in Scotland will grant it ) that if any in the King's name shall seek to dispossesse a Man of his inheritance , the man may defend his right by law , and the King by his advocate must pleade his cause before the ordinary judges ; and these ordinary judges , must judge righteous judgment according to law , and give out a decreet in favours of the subject against the King , and so condemne the King of injury and oppression intended against the subject : Now who but the ordinary judges , in civil Matters , are judge here to the Supreme ? & yet these judges , in another respect , are but subjects : doth he not now see how such as are meer subjects in one respect , may judge and punish him who is invested with Soveraigne Majesty and Magistratical power , and so in another respect are above him . And what if I say , that as , in civil Matters , the ordinary judges may judge the King , so the justice general or his deputy constitute ordinare judges in criminals or capitals , may iudge him when he committeth a capital crime ? let him or any Man else shew me a reason , why the one should be , and the other may not be , in poynt of conscience . But if we speak of a Parliament the Representatives of the People , the case is so cleare that there is no difficulty ; for that is a judge alwayes above him , and so even according to his limitations , if the King shed innocent blood , by them may his blood be shed . Then Pag. 81. he sayes [ When the Apostle Rom. 13. sayes let every soul be subject to Superiour powers , that ( every soul ) doth not comprehend the supreme power it self ( for how can the Man invested with it , be subject to a superiour power ? ) but it is meant that every soul under the superiour power or supreme , should be subject to it . ] Answ . Yet againe the same thing which we heard before . Is he not able to understand this , how one who is supreme , in one respect , may be inferiour , in another respect ? The father hath a Supreme paternal power over the Son , yet the sone , being a judge or Prince , may be over him , as David was over Iesse , and Saul over Kish . But ( sayes he ) Let men ( as they will ) indulge themselves in their seditious Notions , they must at last sist in some supreame power on Earth which is not judge able or punishable by any . ] Answ . Be it so , what hath he gained for the King his Master ? Must either he be the supreme power on earth which is not judgeable or punishable by any , or must there be none ? His adversaries will soon deny the consequence : And he , let him indulge himself in his Tyrannical Notions , as much as he will , shall never be able to confirme it . How then shall he defend the sacred person and life of the King ? What sayeth he further ? [ If soveraigne Majesty be placed in Parliament or People ( who may be guilty of shedding innocent blood , as well as the King ) who shall shed their blood when they transgresse ? Shall this be reserved to the sounder and smaller part of the People ( as this Man speaks Pag. 240. ] then there is ground enough laid for Eternal confusion ] Answ . The Surveyer either subtilly or ignorantly confounds things here , which should be considered distinctly , and leadeth his unwarry reader off the way : Wherefore we would have the Reader ( though all this is nothing to the purpose in hand to prove the King uncontrollable , or unpunishable and unjudgeable for any of his acts ) take notice of these few things which will help to cleare the matter . 1. That there is a not-judgeablenesse ( to speakso ) and not-punisheablenesse de facto , which may be said of some notorious rebels and out-Lawes , whom neither Law nor power of authority can cöerce , and there is a non-punishablenesse and non-judgeablenesse de ●ure , when one is exeemed from Law-judgment and Law-sentence , so that he is above all tryal and sentence of Magistrates : Cases may fall out wherein such as are punishable & judgeable de Iure , according to an ordinary way laid downe or allowed by God , may notwithstanding be unpunishable and not-judgeable de facto , either through corruption prevailing over all , or prevalency of power in the punishable person or persons : And this , though in an ordinary way irremediable , yet speaks not against the Ordinance and appoyntment of God and Nature . 2. That there is a difference betwixt personal faults of Governours , or such as are invested with authority and power , as was that act of Murther and Adultery in David ; and publick miscarriages in poynt of governm . & in exerceing the power wherewith they are invested : of personal faults , speaketh Lex Rex in the place now under consideration ; and upon this , have we vindicated that worthy Author , from vvhat this perverter of all things hath said . But here he mixeth these , and confoundeth them , that according to his vvay , he may pervert the truth . 3. There is a difference betvvixt simple acts of male-administration in lesser matters ; and betvvixt such acts of male-administration , as pervert the ends of government . 4. There is a difference betwixt palpable , cleare , and undenyable miscarriages ; and betvvixt such as are not so cleare nor unquestionable . 5. There is a difference to be made betvvixt ordinary standing cases ; and an extraordinary emergent : in an extraordinary case , vvhile the disease is desperate , a desperat-like and extraordinary remedy may be used without overturning the ordinary way , which is to be used in ordinary cases , These things will help us to nnravel his confused discourse . And so we Answere . 1. If Parliament-members or privat persons among the People shed innocent blood it is no difficulty to know who should judge them . 2. If a Parliament as the Peoples Representatives Murder the innocent , I see not why they may not be called to an account by a posterior Parliament , as when a beanch of judges in civil matters , conspire together to oppresse , by their unlavvful and unjust decreets , palpably such and not our to all ; vvhen they are deposed and others put in their places , the oppressed may get his cause righted , and reparation of dammage of them : Or vvhen a justice generall manifestly & palpably murdereth the innocent , he may be made to ansvvere before another put in his place : if this may be done ( as I judge in poynt of conscience it may ) so may the other be done with Parliaments . 3. If Parliaments conspire to overturne Religion , Lavves , Liberties , and thus destroy the Republick , I judge vvith L. R. Pag. 240. that the sounder part , if they be able , may resist and hinder , so far as they can , that destruction and ruine of the Republick . Neither ever shall he prove that this is a ground for Eternal confusion : O sayes he , [ Any lesser part , when they have or think they have will and s●rengh enough to through their businesse , will undoubtedly call themselves the sounder part , and labour to beare downe the corrupt plurality . ] Answ . This remedy to prevent destruction and ruine to the Common-wealth , may be of the Lord , though it should be abused by sinful men ; for the best thing may be abused : And it is not the meane allowed by God and Nature which layeth a ground for eternal confusion ; but the abuse of the meane maintained , whereof we are not guilty . But we have had abundance of such rotten consequences from him , who knoweth better what it is to deceive the simple with sophistications , then to satisfy the judicious with solid reasons . Then he addeth , [ But the Christian Reader may easily see how hard this Author is put to it ; and for all his saying that according to God's Law , Kings must be punished as well as others , yet is he forced to acknowledg a Supremacy of power in some , not punishable by any but by God. ] Ans : This is but what we heard just now , and whether true or false , it helpeth him nothing : Have that Supremacy of power , which is not punishable by any but by God , who will , if the King have it not , the King's life is not secured : And if he say , if any have it the King must have it . True , if this rotten malignant and parasitical ignoramus can make no bad inferences ; but he hath already so often discovered vanity in this way of argueing , that we cannot account him infallible : And therefore let him prove his consequence ; for we know him better then to take any thing from him upon trust . Well , what way doth he clear this , of Lex Rex ? [ For ( sayes he ) Pag. 389. when he hath given all power to the Parliament over the King , he objecteth to himself ; who shall punish and coërce the Parliament , in case of exorbitance : He answeres , posterior Parliaments , and Pag. 211. he sayeth , by the people and conscience of the people are they to be judged , let all our Nobles and Parliaments hearken to this . ] Answ . In the first place cited , Lex Rex is not speaking of Parliaments power over the King ( as this squint-eyed Surveyer thinketh , ) but is handling that question whether or not Monarcy is the best of governments ? And is shevving in vvhat respects it is best , and in vvhat respects it is vvorste ; and shevveth hovv a mixt Monarchy is best ; and then ansvvereth some objections : And to that vvhich some might object , That Parliaments might exceed their bounds , and who should coërce them ? He ansvvered , That posteriour Parliaments might do it ; and so there vvas a salvo in that mixture of governmemt 2. In the other place he is shevving vvhat relation the King hath to the Lavv , and that he is not the sole Lavv maker , nor sole supreme judge : And ansvvereth that objection , That the three Estates as men and looking to their owne ends , not to Law and the publick good , are not fundamentalls , & are to be judged by the King. viz. That they are to be judged by the people and the conscience of the people . Why calleth ●e the Nobles and Parliaments to hearken to this ? What abs●●dity inn reason is here ? [ Who ever head of this ( sayes he ) that one Parliament posteriour should punish the prior ? Their acts they may retract indeed , but to punish them for their acts , is most absurd , because the prior Parliament in the capacity of that judicatory , had as much povver as the posterior . States men vvill vvonder at this doctrine , that Members of a Parliament should be punished for their free votes , by a succeeding Parliament , and far more at the subjecting them to the conscience of the People . ] Answ . 1. It is no small punishment and cöercion to a Parliament , to have all their designes , consultations , and conclusions overturned , which may be done by posteriour Parliaments 2. If Parliaments , by their free votes , sell Religion , and the Liberties of the land unto the Turk , and so destroy the same , and betray their Trust , I see not vvhy they ought not be punished for their paines . If they should enact and put to execution the act , vvhen made ; That all vvho vvill not bovv and burn incense to an idol should be brunt quick , I see not , vvhy they may not by a posteriour Parliament be questioned and punished for that innocent blood vvhich they have shed . 3. His reason to the contrary , is not good ; for they never had povver or commission for overturning the ends of government , and destroying the Commonvvealth : if the Magistrates of a Brugh betray their trust , dilapidate the rents and revenues of the city , sell and dispone the rights and privileges thereof , may not the succeeding Magistrates call them to an account for that , notvvithstanding that in the capacity of that judicatory , they had as much povver ( if any ) as the posteriour 4. Wonder at it vvho vvil , that vvhich is right is right : and it is consonant to equity , that the consciences of the People be so far judges of vvhat is done by their Representatives , as not to suffer them , in their name , and by any povver borrovved from them , to destory the Commonwealth and to overturne the fundations of Religion and Liberty , &c. [ But then ( sayes he ) another objection he makes posteriour Parliaments and People both may erre . He ansvveres , All that is true : God only must remede that . ] What can he make of this ? [ Well then ( sayes he ) if Parliaments or People destroy or murther persons innocently , God only must remeed that ; there is no povver on Earth to call them to an account : Who sees not that at length the author is driven to acknowledge a power , which if it deviate cannot be judged by any on earth . ] Answ . Lex Rex is not there speaking of particular acts of injustice Or iniquity ; but of the whole ends of government : And so if Parliaments and People concurre and joyne together to overturne all , the world sees that there is no remedy on Earth : Neither needed he to say that he was driven to this , seing it was so obvious to all who have eyes in their head . Though God hath appoynted meanes & ordinary rules to help abuses that are ordinary ; yet when corruption is universal the ordinary meanes cannot availe , God himself must helpe that : & who knoweth not that extraordinary supposeable cases cannot infringe , or invalidate the ordinary rules for ordinary cases . Now all this is but vaine idle worke , and of no advantage to his cause ; for he shall never hence prove though he should argue till his eyestrings break , that this Soveraigne uncontrolable power , which is not censureable nor punishable , is only in the King : And if he do not this , how stops he the Mouth of his adversaries ? Hovv salves he his Majestie 's life , or the King from all hazard of censure ? But then he adds to as little purpose , That [ It may be seen that his principles lead him to owne a meer democracy ( which is the worst of governments ) as the only lawful government : he placeth and fixeth the unpunishable soveraignity there . ] Answ . This is a grosse mistake : For this Man understands not what a democracy is . He takes democracy to be where all governe : But that is no government , where there is none to be governed , but all are governours . Democracy is where some are chosen out of all the People by turnes , without respect had to birth , meanes or other privileges , to governe the rest . And Lex Rex will not say that these governours have an uncontrollable soveveraignity , but may be opposed & resisted , by the body of the People who choose them , as well as the King in a Monarchy , or the Primores Regni in an Aristocracy ; because under all speces of governments , the fountaine power and Majesty abides in the People , and is resumeable , in cases of necessity . Thus we have seen how poorly and weakly this vaine man hath maintained the King's life and sacred person , and how by his foolish sophistications , and his weake and impertinent answers and assertions , he hath put the King's life in greater hazard then it was ; for these poor people never had a thought of wronging his Majestie 's person , or of spoyling him of his life , but now vvhen he hath started the question without any provocation or just ground and occasion given ; and can say no more then he here hath sayd for that cause , hath he not invited people to think of what they might do ? And I am sure if they have no other restraint to binde up their hands , all which he hath said , will be but like the new ropes to Sampson . That which followeth in his third Chapter touching the Covenants betwixt King and People , is impertinent to his present purpose : For Naphtaly maketh use of these to prove the lawfulnesse of resistence , as may be seen Pag. 19 , and 30. and for that end , we have vindicated them in our former discourse from all his corrupt glosses and evasions . And wise Men will think him so far from deserving a reward , for what he hath done , that they will think he rather deserveth to be whipped , for his mismanageing this question of so great consequence , which he undertook to defend ; and particularly for bringing the arguments , which are adduced to evince the lawfulnesse of resistence , as if they did with equal force strick against his Majestie 's life and person ; whereas many will be cleare for resisting , that will not be so cleare for punishing or executing the Prince : and since by his folly , and imprudent impertinency , making the same arguments prove both , people shall see that by what right they may resist , by the same right they may capitally punish the Prince , they will be so far from being scarred form resistence , which natures light doth so evidentlly demonstrate to be lawful and necessary ; that they will be more emboldened thereunto , perceiving how they may do more , which possibly would never else have come into their minde : and sure all which Naphtaly hath said , could not have suggested such a thing unto them , or occasioned their thoughts thereabout , as impartial Readers will judge . If any aske what he hath left undone for secueing his Majestie 's person and life ? I am sure to name no moe he hath forgotten one thing , and that is , the pressing of the Solemne League and Covenant on the People ; but knowing what he hath both said and done against this , he thought he could not fairely retract and condemne his owne tongue and actions ; yet if he think himself obliged to venture his life for the life of his Majesty , he might have also thought it his duty , to take shame to himself , to repent of what he had done , and recant what he had said , for the secureing of his Majestie 's life and person . Now that the pressing of this Covenant upon the People , would be a soveraigne remedy to preserve his Majestie 's life , his Majestie 's Royal father knew it , when being in the isle of Wight , & fearing that violence should have been done unto him by these in whose custody he was , he sent for Mr. Ieremiah French minister of that place to which Carisbrook castle belonged , and desired him to preach the Covenant and presse it upon the People , that thereby they might be engaged to rescue him , in case any such thing should be attempted by that part of the army : See for this the postscript to the Covenanters Plea. And sure I am , if his Majesty would ( as I said before ) faithfully minde this Covenant , and cause the People stand to it , form the highest to the lowest , he would finde , that there could not be a more effectual meane imagined , for secureing his person , then that would be . If he would faithfully owne , and according to his power lay out himself , for setling and secureing the maine things contained in that Covenant , and walk in that due subordination unto the Supreame governour of heaven and earth ; The very conscience of these great and maine things , would presse a conscientious respect to , and a faithfull care of his Majestie 's person , in reference to these great Ends. Which would prove more effectual for this end , then volumes of railing sophistications , which this perjured , Prophane and malignant Prelate and anticovenanter could write and send abroad . CAP. XX. The Surveyer's discourse concerning the fact of Phineas examined . THE Surveyer being good at weaving Spiders webs , whereby he would catch flees , but is not able to hold stronger bodyes , spends a whole Chapter on a discourse in Naphtaly , obiter cast in , rather to prevent an objection , by shewing what difficultyes such behoved to meet with and roll our of his way , who would assert the utter unimitablenesse of the fact of Phineas , in executing judgm . on the Israelitish Prince and his Midianitish whore , to stay the plague and Judgment of God , which was broken out on the whole congregation , because of their defection to Midianitish whoredome and idolatry ; then to assert any thing positively thereanent : & because any who considereth the place , & seeth how little is there positively asserted , & how much is set foorth rather problematickly , and by way of doubt , will easily perceive that the Author's scope ▪ was not such as this perverse scribler giveth it out to be , we might let it passe , especially seing our cause doth not hang thereupon , but may stand , whatever be said of that passage ; yet lest this Surveyer should glory Without ground , and become too too wise in his owne eyes , we must discover his folly in this his interprise . Though he hath been at much Paines in this businesse , probably because it was his owne particular , to prevent , if he could , another shot , Which might come as near to his heart , as the last came to his hand , though not intentionally , but per accidens because of ill company ; yet , lest he should think that vve Were stiring up any to the like interprise , vvhether against him , or any of his perjured fraternity , vvhom vve look upon as far belovv the indignation of any heroik person , vve shall not insist on this , as vve have done on vvhat he hath said in the foregoing Chapters , but shall cursorily run over vvhat he sayeth to this purpose . We grant that every man should walke in his owne calling with God , 1 Cor 7 : ver . 20. and study to be quyet and do his owne businesse , 1 Thess 4 : ver . 11. But when He and his Party have perfidiously forsaken their calling , and have not loved the honour to be quyet to do their owne businesse , but have ambitiously usurped the honour and dignity of abjured prelacy , and become Lords and Councellers and Parliament-men , and thereby brought the wrath of God upon the land , for our defection and Apostasy , and are persecuting all who will not hold them in their saddle , and bear up their rideing mantles , to the wronging of their owne souls and consciences ; other persons must minde their general calling as Christians and good Countreymen , and endeavour an averting of the wrath of God , and a setting on foot againe a work of reformation according to their power : Ay but sayes he , [ Satan can drive men under several colours of extreme necessity , lawfulnesse of the matter of actions , the goodnesse of ends and intentions , the want of others to do the work , and mens owne probable capacity to do it ? to act such things , whereof God will say I never required them at your hands . ] Answ . This is true , but what will he hence prove ? Will he hence conclude that God may not animate some , to some rare enterprises , in a time of real extreame necessity , the matter of the action being unquestionably lawful , their ends and intentions really good and commendable , there being also a deficiency of others to do the work , and themselves in some probable capacity for it ? His consequence will be denyed . [ This vaine Orator Naphtaly ( sayes he ) will have the instance of Phineas a precedent for any private persons , ( such as lately did rise ) under colour of high pitches of zeal and fortitude , to execute justice on al powers and people of the land , as being fallen in such a fearful Apostasy , as ( keeping the true Protestant Religion , ) do vary from them , in the external ordering of the Ministry of the Church , and imbraceing that way and order , against which there is no command of Christ , yea for the consonancy whereof to his word , much and very much may be sayd , & hath been . ] Ans . He would fain mince the defection , vvhereof he and the rest are guilty , and tell us that they keep the true protestant Religion ; but hovv vve have heard before : and that all the difference is about an external ordering of the ministry of the Church , against which there is no command of Christ , and for which much may be said , & hath been said . But this is not the place to speak of the abjured prelacy , occasion may given further in his following part : only we would say that much more hath been said against it , to shovv it utterly unlavvful , then he òr all his fraternity vvill be able to ansvvere : And unlesse he prove it absolutely necessary , and no other forme lavvful , vvhich he dar not so much as undertake to prove , he shall never cleare the land of fearful Apostasy and defection , in renunceing a Covenant svvorne by all ranks of people . And because his feares are most about himself and other Apostates , he supposeth that that discourse in Naphtaly is brought in of purpose to incite some to execute justice on him , and such as he is ; vvhereas any may see that it is cast in among other things adduced to justify our first Reformers : And so timorous is he , that because that fact of Phineas is not simply and positively declared not imitable , he thinks it is held forth as a precedent to incite : Whereby vve see vvhat an ill conscience is . Ay but ( sayes he ) [ Though he turne himself Proteus . like into many shapes — he cannot put a sufficient bar against confusions under such pretexts . ] And vvho such a Protëus as this Surveyer , and his fraternity , a company of base changelings : But thinks he it possible that any doctrine can be so clearly and distinctly asserted as none vvill ever abuse to errour and confusion ? The Scripture is plaine enough against Lordly Prelates , and Covenant breaking , and yet we know how some can abuse these truths of Scripture , to defend defectiion , and the overturning of the work of God in his Church , and so confound and overturne all . Thereafter he tells us , [ That when this discourse was first looked upon — men of judgement considered that as the former bloody insurrections , were endeavoured to be justified by him , So he was laying downe grounds for some mercylesse Massacre , and horrid assassinations , on persons in power and others — for now no man can have security of his life . ] What these men of judgment could be , who could either suppose the former , if they considered the place where that discourse stood ; or could fear the later , if they considered the discourse it self , I cannot tell : But it is like , he and the rest of the Apostates , are accounted the Men of judgment ; & indeed as these might have fancyed the former , so they might have feared the later : for were this fact of Phineas asserted to be as much imitable as any other uncontrollable example in scripture , all persons , notwithstanding thereof , would have sufficient security of their life , except such as were guilty of dreadful apostacy , causing , the plague of God to break out upon the land : And we know the best examples may be abused . And therefore that which he sayeth pag. 106 : & 107. concerning Munster madnesse , and the Murtherers of the two Henries of France the 3. and 4. and the gunpouder Traitours , and Arthington Coppinger and Hacket in Queen Elizabeth's dayes , is nothing to the poynt : for neither heare we that any of these founded their actions upon Phineas's fact : and though they had done so , It would not have proved that it was not imitable , in any cases : for why ? Wicked Magistrates have persecuted innocents , in all ages , shall therefore the examples of good Magistrates executing justice on wicked apostates , and flagitious persones and idolaters , be declared altogether un-imitable , because some corrupt Magistrates under that pretext abuse that power , and persecute such as they should rather honour and highly reward ? would not any body smile at such a consequence ? And yet such is his here . Let him make it to appear , that the matter of the actions of these persons was lawful , and the necessity extreme , and the case was the same as to the deficiency of others to do the work , and that they were in a probable capacity to do it , & then he shall speak more home to the case . He needs not tell his readers , Pag. 107. [ That such abhominable courses carryed on under pretext of heroick motions , and rare exitations of the spirit , should make the fearers of God very cautelous against the principles of this Man , which lead this way . ] For that man neither approveth these courses , nor any such like , nor doth his principles lead that way , whatever he imagine ; nor doth he assert ( as he alledgeth , ) [ that there needs no standing upon an externall call , if men think they have his internal call to use the sword for vengeance against Apostate Magistrates — and Reforme an Apostate Church , their zeal is a sufficient call to rise up in a Phineas like fortitude , without further , ] as any vvill see vvho reads over that discourse . Nor needeth he to say , [ that if people be so principled , it were better living under the great Turk , where no man is to losse his life but by Law , then in Scotland , ] For he doth not expose any to the fury of private persons , who can pretend rare and heroick excitations of the Spirit to execute justice on men , when they think there is cause ( as he supposeth in the following words ) nor could he rationally be supposed to do so , though he had clearly and positively asserted that that fact of Phineas was , in all poynts & alwayes , imitable ; far lesse when he is loath to assert so much , as this Surveyer himself acknowledgeth in the following words , Pag. 108. confessing that he said , we hold no such instances as regular precedents for all times and persons universally . What displeaseth him then ? [ But where is ( sayes he ) the caution that is put in against any that will pretend heroïcal excitations by the spirit , as a sufficient cal : he hath opened a door but how will he close it againe ? Answ . What could himself say more to bar a heady People from such pretensions of Phineas-like motions , then that it was not a regular precedent for all times and Persons ? Is it not possible ( as hath been said ) yea and often seen , that the most cleare and approved examples have been abused ? And what can be said to this , but that such must run their owne hazard and beare their owne guilt ? God only can prevent all confusion in all cases . It is false which he addeth that [ This man hath proclamed this libertinisme to private persons , upon pretence of heroïck excitations of Zeal &c. to rise up against all powers above them ; for they are made judges in their owne private discretion , when it is fit to fall in hand with such irregular practices ; and when it is that such heröick excitations are upon their spirits , and when it is that matters are so far out of order that they cannot be amended without their violent interposeing , and pulling downe of powers : All this is referred to private persons discretion . ] Ans . No such thing is there said , and Phineas instance will give ground for no such thing , though it were pressed as a most regular precedent . As we grant with him , that Quakers and Ranters , &c. may start up , aud plead their impulses , and that People ( when they minde changes ) will not want pretexts : But what sayes that against the thing , seing the best things may be abused ? Ay but Naphtaly ( sayes he ) holds [ That Magistrates when patronisers of abhominations ought without doubt be suppressed by all meanes ; so that if there be not probable capacity for armes , a dag or a dagger , a pistol or a poisoned poinard , a spanish fig or some secret applications , may do the businesse with some great ones ] Answ . Naphtaly in the place cited Pag. 18. is speaking of open idolatry , blasphemy , perjury , venting and spreading of heresy , and such like abhominations , which being most dishonourable to God , & pernicious to all Commonwealths , ought , sayes he , by all meanes to be suppressed , that is by all faire and possible meanes , for illud tantum possumus quod jure possumus , and so , had he not been too captious , be reason of ( it is like ) his green wound , he might have spared the rest , and to his liturgical prayer following [ That the life our dread Soveraigne may be bound up with the Lord his God in the b●undle of life , and also that the same great and good God may be a shield and buckler to his servants ( who desire in honouring of the King , to feare him the King of Kings above all ) against the generation of Men of blood and violence . ] We shall desire him to add this Letany : from perjury , pride , profanesse , blasphemy , impenitency , atheisme , and all manner of uncleannesse , good Lord deliver us and our King. And to prevent all these feares , let is Majesty and other Magistrates , reforme their wayes , and turne to the Lord , and execute judgement on him and his complices , and all the rest , who now pretend to honour the King , and to feare God , but in effect to deifie a creature and renunce their homage to the King of Kings , and so provoke him to destroy both them and their King , by their apostasy and wicked defection , and that openly before men and Angels , as David hanged up the Sons of Saul before the sun ; and then they need not fear either dag or dagger , pistol or poysoned poinard , a spanish fig , nor any such secret applications . Thereafter Pag. 109. he comes more particularly to consider that discourse , and gives us there and in the following Pages 7. or 8. Answers The first is [ That it is much doubted if Phineas was a meer private person , being the high Priests son , and a chief priest , and a Prince in his tribe Numb . 31 : 6. Jos . 22 : 31 , 32. one of the great Council Num. 1 : 16. and 16 : 2. who did in that dismaltime , Numb . 25 : 6 , meet with Moses the chief Magistrate to lament the ab hominable idolatry , and bodyly filthinesse committed at that time , and to consult and advise , about the authoritative restraining of this wickednesse : In the mean time when the great council are humbled before the Lord , Zimri with his Midianitish woman , are in their very sight going in to the tent , and Josephus sayes , that before Moses and the Council , he justified the fact , and pleaded frowardly to have and retaine her . In this case of so effronted wickednesse , Phineas then one of the congregation or great Council v. 6. rose from among the congregation ( or great Council which shewes he was sitting amongst them ) & under the eye & knowledge and approbation of Moses the supreame Magistrate , pursued them both to the tent , and thrust them thorow . ] Answ . 1. Then it seemes this fact of Phineas was a laudable act of judice in a Magistrate , and so must be a precedent example for judges and Magistrates in all time coming , and by this example , any member of the Council might lawfully rise up , and execute judgment on this wicked wreatch and his cursed fraternity , who have brought , by their apostasy and defection from the Covenant and cause of God , the wrath and curse of God upon the land . 2. That Phineas was the High Priest's sone , we know ; and that he was afterward High priest himself , is truth ; but that he was at this time a publick Magistrate , or a member of the great Sanhedrin , we see not . It is true there were some Princes of the tribes , men of renowne Numb . 1. ver . 16. but he is not mentioned among those ; neither were these the great Sanhedrin . So these princes of the assembly Numb . 16 : 2. were not the Sanhedrin , which did consist but of 70 Members , Numb . 11. Nor was Phineas one of them . And that congregation of the children of Israel mentioned , Numb . 25 : 6. amongst whom Phineas was ver . 7. was not the Sanhedrin , which we never finde ( as I remember ) so called ; but the whole body of the People , who were then mourning partly for the sin commited , and partly for the execution , when the heads of the People vvere hanged up , and a thousand moe killed by the judges , at Moses his command : for Paul 1 Cor. 10 : ver . 8. sayes there died of the plague tvventy three thousand , and here vve finde there fell in all tvventy foure thousand . Againe it is remarkable that this single act of Phineas in killing two persons is so much rewarded and taken notice of by the Lord , yea more then the many who were killed by the judges ver . 5. So that it seemes he was no publick Magistrate : and that he did it with the approbation of Moses , is probable ; but that Moses did command him , we see not ; only we finde that the Zeal of God moved him , and therefore is he highly rewarded , though he was but the son of Eleazar the son of Aaron . Yea that which the Surveryer citeth out of Deodat rather confirmeth this , for Deodat calleth it an act of extraordinary zeal & motion of God's Spirit , and he addeth that Moses the Supreme Magisstrate did approve it ; but what needed this , if he had been a Magistrate , seing there was a command given to the Magistrates ver . 5. and a command is more then an approbation , Aquinas and Gerhard call him , it is true , a judge , but we see no proof , unlesse they could evince that he was a member of the Sanhedrin of which Gillespy speaks in his Aarons rod. lib. I. c. I. The Dutch Annotat. on Psal . 106 : 31. Suppose him to have been no Magistrate , but say that this fact was beside his ordinary calling . His 2. answere is Pag. III. That suppose he had been a meer private person , yet it could prove nothing , because he did it with the approbation and good liking of Moses , and so he is but the executor of that unanimous sentence . Answ . But not only is this not written , but the scripture giveth another ground of his fact , then any warrand or command of Moses : And so his answere in rebus facti , a non scripto ad non factum non valet consequentia is not to the purpose . Now I say the scripture giveth another ground viz. his zeal for his God , which is not spoken of the other judges who ver . 5. were commanded of Moses to execute judgment , yea that word Psal . 106 : 30. then stood up Phineas and executed judgment clearely hinteth at more then his being a meer satelles Magistratus , and the ample reward which was given him , and the Lord 's counting it to him for righteousnesse , speak some other thing , then that he had a call of the Magistrate , and was his executioner . In the 3 place , he sayes . [ The cases are different ; for then was horrible idolatry and villanous whordome committed avowedly , and with a high hand , in the sight of the Sun , and in way of open doing despite to God , but it is not so now . ] Answ . Prudence might have taught him to have concealed this , for it were easy to draw such a parallel as would make him afrayed , if any did intend to follow that example : For I am sure what ever he account of the present apostasy , and how ever he mince it , as no doubt zimri would have minced his uncleannesse , when he justified the fact before the Council , as he told us Iosephus said ; yet the apostasy and perjury is open , avowed , abhominable and villanous , committed in the sight of the Sun , in despite of God , and maintained as right and lawful , howbeit it be such as the very heavens may be astonished at : For such open , avovved , malapert vvickednesse , defection and perjury ( all things considered ) vvas never heard of in any generation . Hovv our reformation , aud confession of faith is maintained , vve have heard ; and albeit he make all the change to be only a change of the exterior forme of Church government , yet when he is before his judge , he shall finde in the cup of this iniquity , manifest & avowed perjury , overturning of the work of God , destroying of the interest of Christ , blasphemy , near unto that unpardonable sin ( if not the very same , ) in fathering the works of the right hand of the Most high , on Satan ; open and avowed persecution of godlinesse ; opening of a gap to all licentiousnesse , horrid iniquity , increase of idolatry ; villanous and avowed whordome , Sodomy , atheisme and devilry , and more wickednesse then tongue can tell , or pen can paint out , but is on clear record before the Lord. 4. ( Sayes he ) [ Let it be so , that he was a meer private man , and had no warrand from the Supreame Magistrate to do what he did , his fact cannot warrand Men to attempt the doing of such acts , unlesse they can shew as good warr and and approbation from God as he could . ] Answ . That he had God's warrand and approbation vve do not doubt ; but that it was such an approbation as was peculiar to extraordinary un-imitable acts , is the thing in question , we grant with him . That God is the Lord of all Magistrates , and of all men's lives , can ( when it pleaseth him ) crosse ordinary rules , and apppoynt some to execute his judgments extraordinariely , but the question is whether every thing , which the Surv. accounteth extraordinary , is so indeed . [ He may ( sayes he ) send Moses to kill the Egyptian Eglon to kill Ehud ( he should say Ehud to kill Eglon ) Elias to destroy companyes of men with fire from heaven , or to kill Baal's Priests : He may command Abraham to kill his sone Isaac : he may excite David to a bloody duëel & Sampson to murther himself . ] Ans . Will the Surveyer account these instances alike extraordinary and unimitable ? Sure Royalists will think that Ehud's killing of Eglon may warrand any private person now , to kill a tyrant without title . But I lay more weight upon Iohn Knox his distinction in this matter , in his debate with Lithingtoun , hist. of reformation , Pag. 390. ( edit in fol. ) [ And as touching ( sayes Mr. Knox ) that ye alledge that the fact was extraordinary , & is not to be imitated . I say That it had the ground of God's ordinary judgement , which commandeth the Idolater to die the death : and therefore I yet againe affirme , that it is to be imitate of all these that preferre the true honour of the true worshipe and glory of God , to the affection of flesh , and wicked Princes . ] and when Lithingtoun replyed . That we are not bound to follow extraordinary examples , unlesse we have the like commandment and assurance ( the same which this Surveyer sayeth . ) He answered [ I grant if the example repugne to the law , as if an avaricious and deceitful man would borrow Silver ; Rayment , or other Necessaryes from his Neighbour , and withhold the same , alledging that so he might do , and not offend God , because the Israelites , at their departure out of Egypt , did so to the Egyptians , The example served to no purpose , unlesse that they could produce the like cause , and the like commandement , that the Israelites had : And that because their fact repugned to this commandement of God Thou shall not steal : But where the example agrees with the law , and is , as it were , the execution of God's judgment , expressed within the same , I say that the example approved of God stands to us in place of a commandement ; for as God , in his Nature is constant and immutable , so can he not condemne in the ages subsequent , that which he hath approved in his servants before us ; but in his servants before us , he in his owne word confounds all such as crave further approbation of Gods will , then it already expressed within his scriptures ; for Abraham said , They have Moses and the Prophets &c. Even so I say , that such as will not be taught what they ought to do by the commandement of God once given , and once put in practice , will not beleeve nor obey , albeit that God should send Angles from heaven to instruct that doctrine . ] Now sure I am this fact of Phineas was according to the law , and to the expresse minde of God , and why then might it not be imitated in the like case ? what warrand , command nor commisssion had Phineas which none now can expect ? 1. ( sayes he ) [ He had the Motion and direction of God's Spirit , which was loco specialis mandati . ] Answ. We know men must need the Motions and directions of God's spirit to ordinary and allovved dutyes : Hovv shall these make this fact altogether un-imitable ? It is true Calvin sayeth it was singular and extraordinare motion , which may not be drawne to a common rule , but notwithstanding thereof , I see not how it should be altogether un-imitable or uselesse . But grant it were so , as Calvin sayeth , unlesse he say that it is never to be imitated , in no case , and that no such thing is ever to be expected , which I suppose he will not say , how will he prevent confusions thorow the abuse of corrupt men , who can pretend as wel these singulare and extraordinare Motions , as the examples of Phineas ? As for what he tells us Augustin and Bernard say of Samson's case , is not to the poynt : Because according to that solid distinction of Mr. Knox , that was contrare to an expresse law , Thou shall not kill , and such also is the example of Abraham . 2. He tells us , That [ Phineas had not only a large reward of his fact , Numb . 25 : ver . 12 , 13. but an ample approbation of it . Psal . 106 : sver . 31 : it was accounted to him for righteousnesse . i. e. as a righteous action , both as to the intention of it ( God's honour ) and as to the ground and warrand of it ( God's direction ) God doth not approve or remuner at any action , which one way or other he doth not command . ] Ausw . This is all granted ; and as it sayeth that Phineas was no publick person or Magistrate , otherwise there had been no doubt anent its being accounted to him for righteousnesse , though it had not been expresly mentioned by the Spirit of God , for it sayeth that sometimes private persones are allowed of God , to do what he requireth in ordinary to be done by Magistrates . [ There are none of these extraordinary actions ( sayes he ) mentioned in Scripture , but either God's stirring up men to the same , or his approbation of the same , one way or other is noted : See Judg. 3 : ver 10. and 5 : ver . 7. and 10 : ver . 23. and 3 : ver . 9 , 15. and 2 : 16 , 18. ] Answ . Will he say that all these instances were extraordinary and not imitable ? Whence will Royalists then prove , that privaate persons may kill a Tyrant without title ? And if they be not altogether unimitable , then the cause is here yeelded ; for God may be said to raise up , and to stir up Mens Spritis even to imitable actions ; & so he hath given us no reason as yet to prove Phineas fact altogether unimitable ; nor will the real rebukes , which he saith God gave the late risers , proclame that they had not his approbation , unlesse he say that God's approbation of actions must alwayes be interpreted by the event , which is not consonant to true Divinity . In the 5. place he tells us , [ That if once men come to presse the imitation of this instance , they must say , first , that even when the Magistrate is godly and zealous and willing to execute judgement , ( as Moses was ) private perssons may do it , and without any legal processe , 2. goe to mens tents and chambers and stob them , and 3. that though such things be done inconsulto pio Magistratu , yet the doer must not be challenged . ] Answ. It will be sufficient if it be granted , when the case is every way the like , or whose : It is true , Moses was not unwilling , but it is like at present in capacitated , through the want of assistence of inferiour Magistrates , many of whom were guilty , and many had been executed ; and through grief , while lying mourning before the Lord. 2. There needed no legall processe ; for both the law and the sentence was written with characters of blood upon the carcases of thousands ; & this Mans fact was notour and avowed , to all the Congregation . 3. He had the interpretative consent of that pious Magistrate : why then may not the like be done in the like case , where the Ius , and the factum is as clear and undenyable as here , and the Magistrate , who should execute the sentence is out of a present capacity , and the matter admitteth of no delay as here , ( for till this was done , the plague was never stayed , ) much more if he will not , and wrath is still poured out from the Lord ; and the Magistrate by his place is bound to assent , & approve of the thing . If such a fact were done in the like case , would any think that the person should be challenged and not rather approved by the Magistrate ? In the 6. Place he giveth us , the distinction betwixt extraordinary and heröical acts , telling us that a heroick act doth not deviat from the rule of a common vertue , but only proceeds from a more intense disposition to a high pitch of vertue and of the acts thereof : But an extraordinary action goes beyond any ordinary rule of common reason or divine word , as that Abraham should kill his Sone Isaac . ] Answ. We shall not contend with him much about this , since he will grant that heroick actions are imitable , as not being contrary to a rule of common vertue ; though extraordinary actions , which are rather contrary to the rule of common vertue , may not be imitated : And he hath not yet proved , neither can he prove that Phineas's fact was so far beyond any ordinary rule of common reason or divine word , as was that of Abraham , and the like . We shall grant with him . That [ Extraordinary actions , are such as are done upon special mandate of God , and are not within the compasse of ordinary acts of obedience according to the rule , that is set . ] And that [ men may have heroick motions & actions within the bounds of an ordinary calling , as Luther had ; as sometimes , though they have an extraordinary calling , they may want heroical motions , as Peeter when he dissembled . [ But what sayes this to Phine as his fact ? [ Phineas ( sayes he ) had not only excitations of zeal and heröical motions , but ( supposeing him a meer private person ) he is to be looked upon as having extraordinary calling from God. ] Answer . Doth this man give a distinct sound ? He complained of the Author of that discourse concerning Phineas , that he turned himself Protëus . -like into many shapes , and we finde himself doing little better here : He dar not say positively whether he was a meer private person or not , but if he was such , then the action was extraordinary ; but what if he was not ? Then the action was neither extraordinary nor heröical , and thus we are no wiser then we were ; for we know not what to make of the action ; nor what to make of the person , but we must judge of the person by the action ; And of the action by the person . That is to say , if he was a Magistrate then the action was ordinare , but if he was a private person then the action was extraordinary : and è contra , if the action was extraordinary , he was a private person , and if it was ordinare and imitable , Then he was a publick person . Is not this a singularly satisfactory way of answereing ? But it is observable that he dar not here say that Phineas's fact was extraordinary , but that he is to be looked upon as having an extraordinary call , now a man may have an extraordinary call to an action imitable , as the Apostles had an extraordinary call to preach the Gospel , and yet that action of theirs is imitable . But how proves he this extraordinary call ? [ It is ( sayes he ) fully enough insinuated both by God's approving and rewarding him Numb . 25. ( and he rewards not our wil - service , nor approves it , but what he hath enjoyned himself ) and also by P sal . 106. where it is said Emphatically it was imputed to him for righteousnesse : though judging according to ordinary Rules , it might be imputed to him for sin ( supposeing him for a meer private man ) yet , having God's warrand , whose will is the rule of righteousnesse , the deed was imputed to him for righteousnesse ] Answ . It is true , God revvards not , nor approves not vvil-service , yet he approves and revvards other actions , then such as are extraordinary and not imitable . 2. God's imputing it unto him for rightoeusnesse , sayes clearly he vvas a private person , and that God accepted of his service as a noble act of holy zeal for God and his glory , and rather speakes out an encouragement to all , to do the like in the like case , then any extraordinary call he had , vvhich none novv can expect . Then in the 7 place he speaks of Callings & sayes that [ Every calling a man hath to any work Must be either Mediate or immediate ( there is no mids betwixt these two , as there is not between contradictories ) if they be not called by the intervention of men , & their allowance , they must plead an immediat calling from God. ] Ans . Beacause I minde not to enter into a Logomachy , or debate about words , & tearmes ; I would desre him to tell me , what call men have to run together to extinguish a fire in a city , when the Magistrates through wickednesse or negligence will not , or do not , call People forth unto that work . They have not Man's call , nor have they an immediate call from heaven , and yet they have a lawful call from God , Nature and necessity , to save the city , their houses , goods & little ones , from being burnt into ashes . And what ever name he give to this call , we will allow it to private persons to defend Religion and a land form ruine and destruction , when Magistrates do not nor will not do their duty . And when men , whether out of secret impulses , heroical motions , or out of meer sense & conscience of duty , do this , they do not desert their owne calling and state , like these spirits lud . ver . 6. Nor do they intrude upon the Magistrate's office , though they do materially that work for that exigent , which Magistrates by office were bound to do , being called thereto by God , by Nature , and the call of inevitable necessity , which knoweth no humane law , and to which some divine positive lawes will cede . But then he sayes Pag. 115. [ Why is not also sufficient for the office of the Ministery without a call from men externally ? ] Answ . And doth he think that necessity will not allow a man sufficiently gifted and qualified to exerce that office without an externall call from men , in some cases ? What if a company of Men be cast out on an island , having no correspondence nor possibility of correspondence with other places , whence they might have some lawfully called Minister ; and there be one among them qualified for the work , might not he in that case think himself called of God to exerce that function ? And when we grant this , we need not yeeld unto Anabaptists , Enthusiasts photinians , or the like , who are against an external call at any time , alledging that gifts are sufficient [ And ( sayes he ) how shall be refuse to admit women to Baptize Children in case of necessity ? ] Answ . He shall not refuse providing he shew the necessity , which he shall not be able to do unlesse he turne Papist , and then he will imbrace the consequent also , without our admission . In the 8 place he comes to tell us that [ It is in vaine to say that God's hand is not shortened , &c. for our question is not of that , but if now after the Canon of holy Scripture is perfected sealed and consigned , we have warrand to look for any extraordinary persosones , having Gods secret and special Mandates , to do works which any ordinary calling doth not interest them in ? ] Answ . Prophecyes and predictions of future events , are not works , which any ordinary calling men have , by allowance and approbation of Men , according to the rules of common reason and the word , doth interest them in ; and doth he think God's sealing and perfecting the Canon of Scripture hath so bound him up , as that he will not , or cannot now give such a Spirit unto any ? 2. The question rather is ; Whether now when the Canon is sealed and perfected , examples of Zeal and valiant acting for God and his glory , in times of corruption and wicknesse , in actions not contrary to the Law of God , registrated in Scripture , be not for our use and instruction , and imitable ? When Naphtaly wished that all God's People were as Phineas He concurreth with him [ In wishing that they may be filled with zeal to his glory as Phineas was ; but not that they should have the same exercise of zeal , unlesse they could be certified of their warrand and calling to do so , as he was . ] Ans . That he was certified of his calling & warrand we doubt not , but that he had such a call as no man now is capable of , is the question ; & he hath not yet cleared it . [ The Apostles of Christ ( sayes he ) are to us examples of zeal for God in their Ministery ; but who will say that the acts which they Zealously did , by virtue of their extraordinary calling , as Peter's killing Ananias , are for our imitation . ] Answ . Peter killed Ananias and Sapphira by a power of miracles , which none now have . Phineas did not kill the Prince and his whore , by a power of miracles . Their examples are imitable according to our power and the exigence of the like necessity ; and therefore Ministers should novv out of zeal , use Church censures , against such dissemblers when discovered : And so we grant that to follow at the facts of them who have been truely Zealous for God , were indeed an evil Zeal , like the zeal of the Disciples Luk. 9 : ver . 54. and we shall willingly hearken to Peter Martyr's his words Loc. Com. Class . 2. Cap. 9. and grant-that We must beware to confirme any thing which we vehemently and extraordinarily desire by the exemple of predecessours . And that , when we attempt the doing of any thing contrary to ordinary commands of God , it is not enough to produce the example of others , but we must search by what Spirit we are led , lest under a specious pretext we follow carnal affection and prudence . And yet say , that in some cases private persons may execute ●udgement on Malefactors , after the example of the Prophet Elias killing Baals Priests , 1 King. 18. Which fact Peter Martyr in the same place , n. 4. defendeth thus [ I say it was done by the Law of God : for Deut. 18. God decerned that the false Prophet should die , and Cap. 17. the same is said of private Men and Women who would worshipe idols . But Cap. 13. not only is death threatened against a seduceing Prophet , but a command is added , that no man should spare his brethren , the Son of his Mother , nor his son or daughter , nor his dearest or most intimate friends : Thirdly it is commanded that the whole city , when it becometh idolatrous should be cut off by fire & sword : And Lev. 24. it is statuted , that the blasphemer should not live ; to which we may adde the Law or equity of Taliation ; for these Prophets of Baal caused Iezebel and Ahab kill the servants of the Lord. ] He sayes ( it is true ) that King Ahab being present did consent , and did not withstand ; but we see nothing in the text shewing that the Prophet founded his fact upon that consent . It is true , the King might have been so astonished by that prodigious sight , that he durst not spurne against the Prophet , and all the People : But that for all this , he gave any expresse command , either through fear , or desire to have raine ; or that the Prophet either sought , or had his warrand and command for what he did , we see no ground for it in the text , More then Samuel had warrand of Saul when he killed Agag before his eyes , whom he should have killed himself according to the command of God. Thus have I answered all which this pamphleter hath said concerning Phineas his fact : for what followeth to the end of his pamplet , is not much to this matter , & hath been spoken to formerly : and though I have done so , I would not have the Reader to think , that I do look upon that example of Phineas as a binding precedent in all times to all persons , unlesse it be every way so circumstantiated as it was then . And furder I suppose it will fully satisfy this Surveyer and stope his Mouth abundantly , if I shall secure him from any such dag or dagger . To which End , because I can do no more , I do heartily wish , That none of God's People do in that manner defile their fingers on him or on any of his cursed fraternity , to whom God is reserving ( if they repent not ) the vengeance of hell fire , and possibly a visible stroke of justice on Earth , in a way which will be more to the glory of God , and to the satisfaction of all such as love his cause and his comeing . CAP. XXI . Some Animadversions upon the Surveyer's Virulent preface and Title-page . WHen thus we have fully examined and confuted vvhat this Enemy hath said , in this part of his Survey . It will not be amisse , till we see what he sayes further in the following part or parts of this infamous work of his , to touch a little upon his Title-page and his most bitter , and satirick preface , which is a perfect proof of the man's Spirit : for he cometh forth in his owne colours , & with his tongue speaketh no flattering words , nor words of butter , but both heart and tongue are full of gall and worm word ; So that his Name should not be Honeyman but Wormwood-Man or Man of gall . 1. He calleth his work a Survey . Or rather a Superficial view : For No man , who ever put pen to paper , took such an overly look , of the books which he pretended to answere , as this Man doth of these books which he mentioneth in the title page of his scurril pamphlet , as hath been abundantly already shewed : And if he do no more in the following part or parts , then he hath done in this first part , he may deservedly bear the name of a Superficial prelate superficially viewing his adversaryes forces , & superficially managing the tottering cause ; for which he should have been superficially rewarded . 2. A Survey of what ? Of the insolent and infamous libel , Entituled , Naphtali &c. But whether his railing pamphlet , or Naphtali do best deserve the title of an insolent and Infamous lybel , let the Reader judge when he hath considered , first , that as Naphtali came forth without the author's or printer's name prefixed , ( for which every one may be convinced there was sufficient reason , seing such hath been and is the wickednesse and cruelty of corrupted tyrannical Courts , and of none more then our Court novv in being , that none durst without manifest hazard openly rebuke in the gate , or in printe shevv the iniquity of their vvayes . Yea Or vindicate such as oppose their tyranny and cruelty . So doth this Survey , vvhose author could be under no rational feare from the povvers novv in being , for his advocating their cause ; seing he hath been so richly revvarded for the same , as is sufficiently knovvne : And therefore , his Survey deserveth much more to be tearmed Libellus Famosus ; seing notwithstanding of the warrand , Yea & reward of the Magistrates , he dar not owne it , by prefixing his name to it ; Nor dar the very printer prefix his name . Next the nature of Naphtali's discourse is but an historical deduction of the troubles , the Church of Scotland , in her reformation , hath met with at the hands of a popish , prelatical and Malignant faction , with a necessary vindication of the truth , which is allovved to all historians , that thereby , truth may be the more cleared , and the Readers more edifyed by the history . And who ever heard such a faire and cleare deduction of Matters of Fact , together with a few reasons here and there cast in for the Readers further ●atisfaction ; called an Infamous lybel , till this impudent ignoramus arose ? And as for his pamphlet , do not all see , who consider either its scope , or its method , or the vvhole straine of the discourse , that it can be tearmed nothing else , then a most impudent , insolent and infamous libel , being not only larded , with bitter invectives against the Cause and People of God , and railing speaches more suteable ( if suteable for any rational creature ) for open scolds and brawling wives , then for a man , ( unlesse he except such a man , as hath by perjury and more then feminine levity , declared himself , by his owne grant , to be one of a debauched conscience ) but also tending most falsly to father on the honest people of God such things as never came into their mindes : Whereby this railing Rabshakeh proveth himself , to all sober judicious persons , to be an impudent lying calumniator ; and his pamphlet , a more then ordinarily insolent , base , lying , and infamous libel . 3. He tels us , that in his Survey , several things falling in debate in these times are considered . But by vvhat vve have said , vve have seen , that such things as he hath in the preceeding chapters considered , for the most part , are either such things as should be put beyond debate , by all who have not renunced Humanity , Reason , & Religion ; or such things concerning which himself hath needlesly and foolishly ( as it may be his rewarders will finde ) moved the debate ; unlesse he bring some other things above board , in the next part or parts , then we see in this ? 4. Moreover , he tells us , that [ here some doctrines in Lex Rex & Apol. Narration ( he should have said relation ) are brought to the touch stone . ] But if in what he hath furder to say , he mention not some other doctrines , then what we see in 〈…〉 every rational Man vvill see that he hath rather brought some drops then doctrines of these books to any touch stone , yea even to the touch stone of his owne unsolid and buttery fancy , for his Reason hath no pallat to taste truth aright . 5. In this 1. part he tels us that [ He Represents the dreadful aspect of Naphtali's principles upon the powers Ordained of God , and detects the horrid consequences in practice , necessarily resulting from such principles . But more truely , the dreadful state of his owne distempered braine , both in his judgment , misunderstanding what Naphtaly sayes , and in his ratiocinative faculty , giving us nothing but non-sequitur's for clear consequences , And the manifestly dreadful aspect , which his owne principles have on all Commonwealthes , and on all Rational and Religious persons , together with the affected stile of a base & ignorant gnatho , Time serving parasite & Royally rewarded court flatterer , who having a latitudinarian's conscience , or rather a conscience utterly ( I wish , not irrecoverably ) debauched , maketh no conscience what he sayeth , if he can please King and Court : And how pernicious such Sycophants have been to Kings in all ages , histories sufficiently declare . 6. Then he praefixeth , Iob 13 : ver . 7 , 9 , 11. will you speak wickedly for God , &c. A passage which most fitly quadrats with him ( unlesse he say he intendeth not to plead for God , but for a creature , yea and upon the matter , for the devil ) who , as Job's Friends conspired against Iob , and maintained a wrong thesis , & erred no lesse in the hypothesis or in the application to Iob ; so he conspireth with other Royalists to defend erroneous and long-since decarded theses , and maketh as evil applications to our present case , as hath been shewed . His discourse sheweth to all that he is an accepter of persons , not secretly indeed , but openly ; and so this forger of lies speaks wickedly for the King , who is ( very like ) all his God : But we are confident , God shall search him out and reprove him . Then he prefixeth , Psal . 144 : ver . 10. It is he that giveth Salvation unto Kings , who delivereth David his Servant from the hurtful sword . A noble truth , which all Kings would look to , and if they expected any good of this good word , would ●ay out themselves for this God and this 〈◊〉 , and not stand in opposition against him , lest they fince that he who is terrible to the Kings of the Earth , Psal . 76 : ver . 12. And Made higher then the Kings of the Earth , Psal . 89 : ver . 27. Shall not spare but strick thorow Kings in the day of his wrath , Ps . 110 : 5. And finde a way to make good that , Psal . 149 : v. 5 , — 9. [ For the Lord ●aketh pleasure in his people , he will beautify the meek with salvation , let the saints be joyful in glory , let them sing aloud upon their beds , let the high praises of God be in their mouth , and a two edged sword in their hand , to execute vengeance upon the heathen , and punishments upon the people . To binde their Kings with chaines , and their Nobles with fetters of iron . To execute upon them the judgment written : This honour have all the saints , praise ye the Lord. ] But it is to be observed , that by his bringing forth of this place of scripture , he vvorld make the vvould beleeve , that the party he opposeth is thirsting for the life of the King , which is but this false calumniator's fiction : & we shall make use of the very next words of that same Psal . 144. v. 11. & say [ Rid us and deliver us from the hand of strange Children whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falshood . ] And in the last place prefixeth Proverb . cap. 24 : ver . 21 , 22. My Son feare thou the Lord and the King , and meddle not with them that are given to change , &c. And doth he account himself and his party , fearers of God , who have so Apostatized , and palpably perjured themselves ? and doth he think , that such as feare not God can ever fear the King aright ? If he do , he is mistaken . And who are most given to changes , They or we , let the World judge . What was this impudent man's brazen face doing while he wrote downe this passage ? What was his debauched conscience doing ? Was there no blushing ? Was there no conviction ? Did not this text flee in his face ? If not , sure his conscience must be extreamly debauched , and I fear fea●ed with a hote iron . And therefore let us take notice of this , and meddle not with such as are given to change , knowing that the following word shall be made good . 〈◊〉 calamity shall rise suddenly and who knoweth their ruine ? Our King liveth , and he shall come . Even so come Lord Jesus , and let all thine Enemies perish . But now let us come to his preface , that master piece of verulency . 1. He tells us it hath been , and is the lot of the ●ilitant Church to be as it were grinded betwixt the two milstones of a 〈◊〉 and Atheisticall world , and of a party pretending highly for truth and piety . And amongst the last ( by whom he meaneth the Sect of the Anabaptists ) he would reckon the faithful of the land , who adhere to their Covenants , and are constantly set against that abjured hierarchy . But when we marke his scope , we see what he would say in plaine tearmes , if he durst for shame , viz. That they are now the only militant Church of the Lord in Scotland . This is a great change , I confesse , when Christ shall have no other Church in Scotland , but the perjured , apostatical , popish , prelatical and malignant faction , that hath been from the beginning , an heart and avowed enemy to the Church and People of God , and never more wicked and debauched then it is this day : And yet so holy is it , that it must arrogate to itself alone , the name of the Church . But what Church ? Be-like the Synagoge of Satan which call themselves jewes but are not , or that coetus malignantium ( as the vulgar hath it ) Psal . 26 : v. 4. The congregation of evil deors which should be hated and not joynd with . They the Church , who have banished Christ out of the Church , abjured his interests , persecuted to the death his brethren and followers ? Must they be the Church , who are a company of perjured Apostats , prophane ranters , Men of debauched consciences , wicked lives , corrupt principles , prodigiously licentious , and running to all excesse of riot & iniquity ? They the only Church , whose chief Fathers are Apostate Prelats , sensual , brutish , latitudinarian Epicures , void of the faith , Enemies to piety , carnal worldings , whose God is their belly , who minde earthly things , & whose end shall be destruction , dogs , evill workers , and the concision , of which we should b●●are ? Phil. 2 : ver 2. Are these Prelate Bite-sheeps , rather then Bishops , blamelesse , the husbands of one wife ? Are they Vigilant , unlesse when they have much wine to devoure , or a feast to hold to Bacchus ? Are they sober , who glutt themselves in sensuality ? Are they of good beheaviour , whose carriage is abhominable to all sober persons ? Are they given to hospitality , who , if they could effectuat it , would not suffer a godly person to have the benefite of one nights Lodging in all the land ? Are they apt to teach , who have rejected Christ and his truth , and cry up and commend Socinian brats and impoisoned books ? Are not they given to wine ? Witnesse all who converse with some of them . Are they no strickers , who are ringleaders in persecution , and stirre up the powers to spew out their venome , against the small remnant of the honest covenanters in the land ? are not they greedy of filthy Lucre , who oppresse all under them , & for a Bishop's benefice have made shipewrack of their faith , soul and conscience ? Are they patient who are so soon sadled ; are not they Brawlers ? Witnesse this pamphleting prelate ? Are not they Covetous ? Witnesse all who have to do with them . Do they rule wel their owne house , having their Children in Subjection with all gravity ; when all see that their families are nurseries of pride , vanity , pompe prodigality , idlenesse , profanity and sensuality ? And as for their Underling-curats , the scumme of Mankinde , who seeth not their nakednesse ? Is this the Church , when they who say they sit in Moses seat , are such patrons of profanity , and patronizers of wickednesse , and unworthy to be accounted Members in any tolerably reformed Church ? Are they the militant Church , who triumph in their silks and velvets , rideing with foot mantels in Parliaments , sitting in Councils and Sessions ? I fear many , of them shall never see another triumphant Church . If they be the corne grinded betwixt two milstones , where is the professedly profane , and atheistical world which trouble them ? Sure , seing these are the only members of their Church , they must be nothing else but the Nether milstone : Nay the poor afflicted people of God finde them the upper milstone too : for by them and at their instigation , are they brocken in pieces , persecuted to the death , scattered into corners ; and banished to other nations . And as he cannot give us the professedly prophane and atheistical world distinct from themselves , So he shall never be able to rank the truely godly , who are persecuted this day for righteousnesse sake , among the wilde seck of Anabaptists . As shall be shewed afterward . Ay but Pag. 5. he sayes [ As Whitgift and Hooker these godly , sage , and sagacious persons ( forsooth ) considering the tendency and consequence of some of their principles , who were vehement for Discipline , feared the breaking out of that evil ; so now they see it is come to passe for that Mystery of iniquity which worketh to the confusion of humane societies , to the bringing of divine ordinances into contempte , and to the introduceing of Libertinisme , Quakerisme , Rantisme , and Atheisme , can shrowd itself under diverse external formes of Church government . ] But sure if vve may judge of the cause by the effect , there being more Libertinisme , Quakerisme , Rantisme and Atheisme . this day in Scotland , then vvas all the vvhile that presbyterian government vvas in vigour , vve must say that Prelates and Prelatical principles usher in these evils , vvhich shroud more under their lap , then under presbyterians : Anabaptists : he tells us out of Ames Fresh Sute Pag. 93. had their owne Bishops , but vvhere findes he that they had Presbyterian government ? It seemeth then that prelacy can comply better vvith Anabaptisme , then presbytery ; and so it will indeed : For they being tvvo of Satan's devices must not discorde . It vvould appear that neither Whitgift nor Hooker have been so sage or sagacious , nor himself so sharpsighted , as to see such furious Spirits lurking under our lap ; we and all see them rather svvarming under his ovvn lap . 2. This instrument of Satan cometh next to sowe some tares , Pag. 5 , 6. and pretending much tendernesse to some moderat men ( as he calleth them ) of our way , he adviseth them for God's glory , the honour of his reformed Churches , compassion to seduced souls , and true interest of their ovvne reputation , to disclaime by some publick deed , what Naphtaly sayes , left they be accounted partakers of the guilt . But wise and sagacious persons will easily see this snare , and will not lay much weight upon all this perjured wretches faire pretensions , and will readily be convinced that there is no such vile things issueing from Naphtaly ( when what he sayes is rightly understood , and not wiredrawne and miserably throvvne vvith prejudice ) nor such doctrines or practices , there asserted or maintained , Hovv ever this railer call them scandalous and shameful , as they need to be ashamed of , and that it vvill neither be for the glory of God , the honour of his Churches , the good of souls , nor their ovvne credite , to dance to this man's pipe , to follovv divisive motions , contrare to our Covenants , to joyne-in vvith malignant Apostates , constant and svvorne enemies to the vvork of reformation , to make the heart of the people of God sad whom the Lord would not have made sad ; & to fortify & strengthen the hands of the wicked . Verbum sapienti fas est , we know the proverb , it is not good for the lambs , when the fox preacheth . 3. This meek man tells us next , That it is not his designe to offend the generation of the humble , meek , self denyed seekers of God's face , partakers with him of the same precious faith , and runing to obtaine the same prize of the inheritance . O! who can decyphere unto us these persons ; who are these humble meek , self-denyed seekers of God's face , whom this man will not grieve ? Are these the latitudinarian Atheists , the Gallioes , the coldrife Laôdiceans , who care not what Religion be professed ? It is like men of that principle , will not be much grieved by any thing which he hath said O! but he meaneth some of those who differ from him in judgment in some particulars : but what are these particulars ? Meum and tuum ? I feare he take not such for meeke humble or self denyed persons , and they will have as little reason to take him for such an one . Are these particulars , Church Government ? And who are these who differ from him in that poynt , whom he accounts humble meek and self denyed ? Possibly the few honest publick resolutioners . But I suppose these faithful Men desire none of his commendations . Neither will they look upon themselves as partakers of the same precious faith with him and his fraternity , who have made shipewrak of their faith . Nor do they minde to run to obtaine the same prize with him and his perjured fraternity ▪ which will be the broad roll , the long & broad curse , which will enter into the house of him that sweareth falsly , and the heavy wrath and vengeance of God due to apostates ; as they like not to turne Prelates , and swallow downe bishopriks which , is all the prize , and all the inheritance , which some run over light and conscience and all , to obtaine . Doth this wicked Man still intende to sowe sedition , and to widen that difference ? Is he ignorant of the original of that sad contest ? Is he yet to be informed that the rational feares and foresight of not a few of these Ministers and Professors who obtained mercy to be jealous for the Lord , did impose a necessity upon them ( in order to the preventing of a re-establishing and re-introduceing of these abjured abhominations ) to Dissent from , and protest against , the course which was at that time taken , in public judicatories : And upon the other hand these godly men ( whom , with much sorrow of heart , and the greatest of reluctancies , they did oppose , as knoweing how really deare the precious interests of Christ were to them ) being Conscious of their ovvne integrity and streightnesse , in the matters of God , and measureing others by themselves , ( or thinking it hardly possible ; yea rather morally impossible ; that the very same men , who had joyned with them in so solemne an ingagement to God , and by vvhom , the souls of his People thorovv the Land , had been brought under the bond of the Covenant , could , vvhile pretending to their former streightnesse be such miscreants and monsters , that neither any Conscience toward God , nor shame before the world , could bind them to the good behaviour , and tye them up from returneing to their former vomit ) did mistake their brethren in that opposition , and became jealous of them ; and did likewise by a sad overplus of ill grounded Charity , mistake the enemies of the work of God for friends ; and because they had once with them ingaged to pluk up that unhallowed plant of prelacy , as none of Gods planteing , under an Anathema Maranatha , they vvere not suspicious that this accursed thing vvas still vvith them , or that after they had joyned vvith them , in commending the good wayes of God , and crying Grace Grace upon the building , they should vvith the same breath , cry out Crucify Crucify all the friends of the vvork of God ; and by an unparalleled dissimulation , onely be vvatching for an opportunity of bursting his bonds asunder , and casting avvay his cords from them : He cannot be ignorant , I say , that this gave the rise to all these sad debats ; and therefore , I am hopeful and confident , that vvhen that mystery of iniquity vvhich vvas then vvorking , is novv manifest ; and vvhen that Conspiracy against God ; vvhich did then lurk and lay hide under the vaile of friendship to the vvork of God , is novv broke forth to the hight of rebellion against him vvho is King in Zion , that all the Controversies vvhich henceforth shall be betvveen these brethren , shall be buryed in this one blessed contest , vvho shall love God most , and one another best ; vvho shall most earnestly and eagerly contend for the faith once delivered to the saints , who shall be most forward in following the Lord fully , and peremptory in adhereing to the least hove of the precious truths of Christ , now trampled upon by these overturners and supplanters : Yea , I am confident , that these godly men who have been most deceived and cheated into a credulity of the honesty and integrity of them , who are now gone out from them , because they were never of them , will judge that they are more particularly and especially concerned to set themselves in opposition to these dissembling Apostats , and use all lavvful means to overturne these treacherous overturners , and put the Church of Sotland in Statu quo prius , since by the intrusting of the cause to these men of perfidy , the cause hath been lost , and themselves are Lorded over , together vvith the rest of the inheritance of the Lord : Let me once more say that , I hope , this shall be the effect , vvhich his second attempt to a further division amongst the remnant , vvho stand in opposition to the vvay of these vvicked men , shall have amongst his Servants , and that the divider shall live to see his disigne mis give and hear a sweet harmony ( after all former jarring discords ) amongst the servants of the Lord , in singing a Higgajon selah because this vvicked man vvith his complices are insnared in this and other vvorks of their ovvne hands . 4. He goeth on in his fascination ( but in vaine is the net spread in the sight of any bird ) and would persuade us , that he can not take these humble , meek , self denyed seekers of God , as partakers with Naphtaly and his adherents : For why ? [ who can imagine ( sayes he ) that a meek people , who hath the promise of God's teaching , should be so far transported , as to take the circumstantials of Religion , for the greater and weighty matters of Law and Gospel , without which known and beleeved , none can come to God ? ] Can we think , or can any but this wretch , who feareth not God , think , that the observing of sacred Covenants , made about the life and substantials of Religion , as well as more external things , is no great and weighty matter of the Law ? No humble understanding seeker of God , but , though he knoweth there is a difference betwixt the circumstantialls of Religion , and the weightier matters of Law and Gospel , yet , as He will not account every thing circumstantial , which this circumstantially substantial Prelat , vvil call so ; so , He vvill have a tender regard to every thing , vvhich Christ hath appoynted in his house . But , I pray , vvho can take his Man for one of these meek people vvho hath the promise of God's teaching , vvho to obtaine a bishoprick , a circumstantial in his account , ( but really to him and his collegues a substantiall sappy thing , & to sensual carnal Epicures and bellygods , and to such as care for no other portion , but one in this life ) hath sold and given away the most weighty matters of Law and Gospel both ? And how he shall then come to God , unlesse he repent , I see not ; It may be the needle headed casuist hath found out a new way , and ( if not sure and saife , yet ) to his experience easy and honourable , viz. by ascending from a Presbyter to a Prelate : But whither next ? Exitus acta probat , either backward , or headlong downe the precipice . Againe [ Who can think ( sayes he ) that an intelligent people should account , that the concernes of Christ's Kingdome and their owne salvation , do lye with so much stresse upon this poynt , that the weakest and most ignorant Minister shall have a potestative parity , with the Man of greatest gifts , learning , and knowledge ; that the minister weakest in his prudentialls , should have equal authority in the managing of the matters of God's house , with the wisest and one of the most noted prudence ; that the youngest , rawest and most unexperienced Minister should have as much power in ruleing the house of God , as the Man fullest of years , whose judgment is consolidated and ripened for government , and who hath for a long time given such documents of good and wise behaviour , that makes him fitter to rule the younger sort , then to be ruled by them ? ] Answ . No doubt but ye are the people and wisdome shall die with you , yee are the Men of greatest gifts , learning and knowledge , viz. to devoure cups , loose the knots of Govenants , and to lead people the broad way to hell ; you are the wisest and most noted for prudence , in that carnal wisdome , which is enmity to God , and in that worldly way of selling soul and conscience , to purchase , greetings in the high wayes , high places , honours , revenues , Court stations , Court rewards , and Court complements , &c. You are the Men fullest of years , whose judgment is consolidated & ripened for government , giving for along time documents of good and wise behaviour , having not only your judgments stupidly blinded , but consciences seared and ripened for a dreadful plague ; and of this , have you for a long time given sufficient documents , by shewing how chamelion-like you can change all colours , and how wittily you can turne with all tydes , and have a behaviour suteable for all companyes , but the company of God's people . O ye Seraphical Divines , or or rather Dunces ! O ye sufficiently qualified for a bacchus barrel ! O ye sublime Doctors of the blake art of perjury ! O ye learned Clerks in the mysteries of the Kingdome of Darknesse ! O ye whose prudence is to saile with all windes ! O ye Men of judgment consolidated into a stone , having no conscience , and far lesse piety ? Doubtlesse you are the Men , the only Men fit for the sole possessing of that potestative power and authority , to manage the matters of God's house , and to rule the young stirplings ▪ But every tree is known by its frute , and whether your singular Antichristian supereminency , or the Apostolick parity , hath best mannaged the matters of Christ's house , the present overflowing and abounding of Idolatry , Superstition , Sodomy , Adultery , Uncleanesse , Drunkenesse , Atheisme , Ignorance , Profanity , malignancy , hatred of piety , persecution of godlinesse , and such like abhominations , and the villannies of these debauched creatures the Curates , will , to all serious and sober● onlookers , determine : And by the present face of affaires , together with all that , which what is already come doth presage , compared with what was seen while Presbyterian government was in any vigour and integrity , will make all that feare the Lord , see that more of the concerns of Christ's Kingdome and their owne salvation , lyeth upon that very poynt of the discipline of Christ's house , then by many hath been thought , and will be a sufficient confirmation , that this parity , and not their domineering superiority , was the only forme of government established by Christ and his Apostles . Moreover he sayes , [ Or who can see the prejudice to Christ's Kingdome , and precious souls , if such a worthy person ( as is described ) be intrusted with inspection over other Brethren and Churches , in a reasonable bounds , not with a dominative or lordly power , but paternal and fatherly ; not to do after his owne arbitrement , and as one unchallengeable in his actions , but to be regulated by acts of the Church and Land , and to be responsible to his Super tours in case of maleversation ; not to rule solely , but with the consent and Counsel of Presbysers ; ] Answ . By this Tyranny in the Church , all may see what prejudice doth dayly come to Christ's Kingdome , and to precious souls , who will but open their eyes . By what authority should any clame that power of inspection over others , and that in a most unreasonable bounds ? Is the power of the present Lordly Lord Prelates paternal ? Sure they must be step Fathers then , and that of the cruelest kinde ? Have not the present Lordly Prelats , as much dominative and Lordly power , as ever they had in Scotland ? And do they not rule and domineer in the Church after their owne arbitrement ? Who is to controle them , unlesse the good King but a gentle curb in some or their jawes to make way for greater rage and Tyranny ? What acts of the Church are these which regulate them ? Be-like the lawes & acts which their owne lusts make , within their owne breasts ; for they are the Church , the holy Clergy , and who but they ? Who are over them as Superiours ? Sure none but the King , in their account ; and to him must they be responsible ; and if they forget not the Court-art , but laboure to keep some chief courtiers on their side , they know all will be well , and they will hear no rebukes , but well done good and faithful Servant ; but no Church judicatory is over them . But Zion's King is above them and their Superiour also , and he will call them to an account for their usurpation and Tyranny . He tells us , they rule with the consent and Counsel of Presbyters ; but when ? And where ? And how ? What ? Will they walke by the consent and Counsel of the weakest and most ignorant of Presbyters , weakest in their prudentialls , Youngest , rawest , and most unexperienced stirplings ? Sure they being men of greatest gifts , learning and knowleldge , the wisest , and most noted for purdence , Men fullest of yeers , whose judgment is consolidated and ripened for government , will think it below them to rule with the consent and counsel of those ; And experience doth prove it . 5. This noble disputant vvill come in the follovving words Pag. 7. and prove the Ius divinum of prelacy , not only against us , who hold it to be jure Antichristi ; but against King , Parliament and all the Malignant cabal , who hold it only Iure Caroli : But the man's judgment is so consolidated , and he is so vvell read in his prudentials , that he must dravv bridle , and speak spareingly , and only whisper out what he would faine be at , and say . [ Can this way be disrelished by sober Christians , being so strongly pleaded by the light of sound reason . ] Nay rather , by the light of ambition , vanity , vaine glory , love of money , luxury , covetousnesse , love of this present world more then the love of God , and the edification of his Church ; As all who are not sworne slaves to the perjured prelates will confidently averre sub rosa . [ Making so much ( sayes he ) for the comelinesse and order of Chrisi's Church . ] Rather so much for the deformity , confusion and destruction of the Church , and of all true Church-order , as not only all who have eyes in their heads will grant , but the present frutes and effects cry out to all the world . [ Being ( he addeth ) so suteable and correspondent to the ancient government of the Church of Israel wherein there wee Priests , and chief Priests , and several rankes of Ministers , an order which was neither typical nor temporal ; but hath a standing reason reaching us . ] O so bravely as this advocat pleads for the Pope ! hath he gote the promise of a Cardinal's cap for his paines ? Because there was one high Priest over all the Church , must we have also one Pope ? Good Master Prelate prove your consequence , for we see no such standing reason reaching us , as to this ; nor as to what you would conclude , the case being the same . [ Being ( sayes he ) so conforme to the beginnings of Christ's ordering the New Testament Ministry , where there were Apostles above the seventy disciples . ] Nay rather so conforme to Antichrist's ordering of his Church ; for , as the seventy Disciples were to be no standing officers in Christ's house , so the Apostles had no superiority of order or jurisdiction over them , they were intrusted with no inspection over these . Let our Master Bishope with all his gifts , learning , and knowledge shew this if he can ? Being ( sayes he further ) so agreable to the Apostles constitution of the government of the Churches of the New Testament , which was in an imparity of power in Ministers , as is luculently exemplified in the power of Timothy , and Titus , who were not Evangelists , nor ever accounted so by the spirit of God. ] It seemeth then Paul was not acted by the spirit of God , when he said to Timothy 2 Tim. 4 : 5. do the work of an Euangelist : and since all the proof which he can bring of this , is this example of Timothy and Titus , let his consolidated and ripened judgment , taking to help , the greatest of his gifts , learning and knowledge , answere what Prinne hath said in his Unbishoping of Timothy and Titus : and let him not thus stope our mouth with his raw and blunt assertions , lest wise men think he hath neither gifts , learning , knovvledge , prudence , nor judgment , but a rarifyed vvindy braine , swelled to a great bulk vvith vanity and conceite , as who but he , who can confute all books hovv ful soever of unansvverable reasons , vvith his bare I say otherwise . [ And finally , ( sayes he ) our ascended glorious Saviour having honoured persons with that precedency by letters , written by his secretary Iohn unto them Revel 2 , and 3. Chapt , wherein he sheweth the approbation of their office and power , reproving their neglects , yet honouring them with the stile of Angels to the Churches , or his Messengers in speciall manner , which cannot , without notable pervers●on of the Scripture , be otherwise understood , but of single persons presideing over presbyters . ] Can no single person preside over prebyters , except my Lord Prelate ? Or are all presidents or moderators of presbyteries Prelates ? Nay he will be loath to say so . And what can he prove from thence ( though it were granted to him that this Angel was once single person , which cannot be till Holy and profound Mr Durham's arguments be confuted , which will be ad c●lendas Graecas ) but at most , that this Angel was a moderator of the meeting ? Was he therefore the Lord Prelate ? No , master Bishop ; your wit and learning both will not prove this . And hath your new Order and dignity , to which you are advance , O Lordly Prelate , infused no new gifts into you , that you might fasten your chaire with some new nailes or arguments ; or are you so consolidated into the old temper of your predecessours , that you must rest satisfied with what they said , as having neither gifts , learning , knowledge nor wit , to invent new things ? But could your lordly braine think of no reply to the solidanswers , which poor , weak , ignorant and unexperienced presbyters gave long agoe unto these arguments ? Why then did you chant over the old song againe , to make yourselfe but ridiculous ? Did you think that your word would have more weight , then the solid reasons of that solid and Eminent divine Holy Mr Durham in his exposition of that place ? If so , you must have a wonderful high esteem of yourselfe , which will make all wise Men to esteem the lesse of you . [ And this order ( sayes he ) Christs Church & dear spouse , having since that time retained in all places , where Churches were constitute , without exception , in all times without interruption , until this last age , wherein , through hatred of corruptions adhereing thereto under Popery , and because of the enmity of the Popish Bishops to the reformation , some have utterly without any reason rejected the office it self . ] O irrefragable dictator ! Ex tripode he dictats like another uncontrollable Master . What better is this out of your Mouth , then it was out of old Bishop Hall'● the Remonstrator , and confuted by Smectymnuus ? is this man able to answere al which Blondel hath said against this , or learned Calderwood in his Altar . Damasc . or yet to answer what his dearer friend Stilling fleet hath said to this purpose , in this Irenicum ? Why hath he not once noticed that which the author of Apologetical Relation hath said Sect. 1. Where he shewed out of History and by reason , that Palladius was the first prelate that ever Scotland saw ? And this solifidian giveth us non causam pro causâ , when he sayes that it was only the corruptions of the Prelates , that made some without reason reject them , whereas it was their want of an institution of Christ , that made all , with the irrefragability of reason , reject them as no officers of Christ : And we shall willingly conclude this with his words following [ Who can think that a Christian People will not readyly follow the footsteps of the flock in former generations . ] Provideing he will suffer us to adde this [ In so far , and so long , as they walked after their master Christ , and followed his institutions . ] 6. Then Pag. 8. He sayes it is not [ His intention Either to provock any fearers of God , who have been perhaps , in an houre of tentation , miscarryed to irregular courses , following too readyly , in the simplicity of their hearts , cunning leaders , who have had too much dominion over their faith ; these we judge worthy of greatest tendernesse in dealing with them . ] But who are those ? Sure , by the carriage of the present powers , enraged and animated by the perfidious Prelates , we heare of none who meet with any tendernesse , though he judge them worthy of greatnest tendernesse , And what are these irregular courses ? Is it an irregular course to refuse to run with this perjured Prelate & his fraternity , to the same excesse of apostasy , and as far from their sworne allegiance to God , as his debauched conscience hath carryed him ? What was the tentation which made them stand fast ? He knowes better what tentations ( and whether they lasted for a day or for an houre ) they were , which drew him off ; sure they had none such to move them to stand fast , but the fear of God ( which he stoke off ) made them mindeful of their Covenants . What are these cunning leaders which he sayes had dominion over their faith ? They follow no leader but their Master Christ . But because he hath hung his faith at the King's girdle , and hath no other principles to walk by , he supposes all others to be of his stamp , and must needs hang on some body : But he will finde them to be persons of conscience , and not so ready to follow any man in the simplicity of their hearts , as he suppo●eth . Then being in a good mood he lets out a flash of hope , saying [ Nor are we without hope that God who stills the noise of the seas , &c. Psal . 65 : ver . 7. will in time allay their animosities , and rebuke the stormy winde and seas of their passions , that they may be still ; and that he will bring them to consider their wayes , wherein they have exceeded , and give them to know how ill and bitter a thing it is to forsake their owne mercies , in the ordinances of God , for the want or having of this or that forme of external government . ] Now we see that the tender mercyes of the wicked are cruel , when we see the tendency of the best of the wishes and hopes of this Man , when he is in his best mood . But we are confident , his hopes shall perish , as doth the hope of the Hypocrite , because it is not bottomed on faith , and he hath no ground to beleeve that such as have hitherto keept themselves pure , shall at length turne in with them to the swineish pudle . We beleeve That that God who stills the noise of the seas , the noise of the waves , and the tumult of the People , shall in due time make this true of them , when he shall shew himself the hearer of prayers , and when he shall have purged away our transgressions , and shall satisfy us with the goodnesse of his house , and even of his holy temple , and so prove himself to be the God of our Salvation Psal . 65 : ver . 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. We hope also he shall bring us to consider these wayes , wherein indeed we have exceeded ; and make us know hovv ill and bitter a thing it is to forsake our owne Mercyes , in not adhereing to all the ordinances of God , so faithfully , as vve vovved in our Covenants to do , even to that external forme of government , vvhich Christ hath instituted , and hath so signally ovvned as his ordinance , by his rich blessing follovving thereupon , amongst us , vvhatever this indifferent-laodicean-latitudinarian think of the matter . 7. To vvhom then vvould this Man reach a blovv [ These we aime at ( sayes he ) in this parallel with Anabaptists , are the Naphtalian party , i e ▪ the furious sort of these who under the conduct of this teacher and his like , make sport of rebellions murthers , assassinations . ] Novv the man is in his element , dipping his pen in gall , and spevving out the venome of his heart against the zealous maintainers of the interests of Christ ; & therefore his tongue is ready to utter his mischievous calumnies , and his anile rhetorick flovveth over all its banks : for ( sayes he ) they are [ a fur●ous sort that make sport of rebellions murders assassinations ( vve knovv what this aimes at ; but he might say vvoe to ill company ) that they have hardned and harnessed their heart ( O rare thetorick ! ) ( as appears by their writtings and deeds ) that they have become stout in a ded●lent greedinesse ( O soaring elequence ! ) to commit any wickednesse , which they account meet to serve their designe , as if their supposed good cause could legitimate the worst course ( all which he must confirme with lies , and say ) who make no reckoning , as their Doctor here professeth , of overturning thrones , of making the land drunk with the blood of the inhabitants , multiplying fatherlesse and widowes in the midst thereof and introduceing greatest confusion and calamites ( because forsooth they would have the order which Christ hath established in his Church introduced , and Antichristian confusion , with all the calamities that attend it and support it , ejected and extirpated ) that may make all faces gather blacknesse , and all to smite on the thigh , crying alas for the day . ] ( No : he needs not feare that any face should gather blacknesse , or that any should have cause to cry alas for the day , but the cursed crue of apostat perjured prelats , with their underlings , supporters and adherents . ) Then he proceeds like himself [ If so be ( sayes he ) they may upon the ruins of all , erect the idol of pretended parity of Ministers , which when they have set up , the imperious agitators will ( as ▪ they have done formerly ) baffle , if any offer be , to level them to other : and howsoever the weaker brethren must be Enterteaned with faire words and noddified with notional disputs anent their parity with the best , that they may think themselves some what ; Yet how disdainfully was it , and yet would be taken , if these low shrubs should assay a practicall parity with the tall cedars in the governement of affaires . ] We see at what this wormwood man aimeth : It is a wonder what peace he hath now , seing he looketh on himself as Lord prelate , as well as the best , that he is not advanced to be a member of Councel and Lord of the Session with others . It seemeth he is content now to be noddified with a notional disput anent his parity , seing he hath gotten the fat portion he gaped for , the only desireable thing , viz. his bishoprick . Be like the thing that moveth his splene now to write thus , is because his quondā●brethren baffled him down among the weak , and did not so intrust him as they did that Arch-deceiver , his late companion in fear and perplexity : And so it would seem , he is only grieved , that he had not an equal hand with that Arch-traitour sharpe , in cutting his Mothers throat : O strange ! But , to his sorrow let him know , God will take the desire for the dead . Then he closeth that paragraph with a quirck , saying , [ Imparity was then without tittle now it is with it , and there is our change and great defection , and surely , that which hath been , will be , & there is no new thing under the Sun. ] And so may the Pope say , There was an imparity among the Apostles , ( for Peter and some others were pillars ) without a title , but now it is with a title : Is not this well pleaded O Prelatical Advocat ? But whence is your title Mr Prelate ? Or who gave you than name ? The King your God Father ? Well , then by that right you must enjoy it . but whence cometh the blessing and ratification ? Not from above , but from — . He hath forgotten one great change ; but that possibly he will account no great defection , viz. that , by which he from Mr Presbyter , wherein he was in no great account , yet noddyfied by some , is turned my Lord Prelate ; And now laboureth to noddi●y all into a consent & congratulatory acquiescence in his advancement and dignity . But Ca●aphas cometh to tell us , that surely that which hath been will be ; and so , as formerly perjured and abjured Prelates , have been cast out of Church and Commonwealth with abhomination , they shall be yet againe cast out with more abhorrence then ever ▪ Esto . The Lord hasten it in his time . 8. Then he tels us Pag. 9. [ That this furious Napht. coming ●n upon the back of the Apology , another invenomed egg , hatched ( be like ) by one and the same cockatrice ; the second justifying the rebellion to which the first did instigate , and inflaming to more , may let them who will not shut their owne eyes , see the mystery of Anabaptistical confusion working and spreading . ] This man measureth others by his owne foot , thinking that the laboures of others , for the justifying of the people of God , in defending themselves against not only invenomed principles , but also invenomed practices , of such as look rather like cockatrices then any other thing ▪ being good for nothing but to destroy , to be invenomed eggs hatched by cockatrices , because his pamphlet hatched by a cock-prelate , hath undisputably the ve●ome of such an egge in it . The Apology did instigate to no rebellion ▪ Nor doth Napht. justify any action truely so chargeable : As hath been shewed . But his egg ( novv sufficiently crushed , and put beyond the hazzard of endangering any who are wise & rational ) if brought to perfection , had brocken forth into a cockatrice , and had endangered King and Kingdomes , and all Commonwealths : And because it was full of this venome , should be condemned to the fire , by all who love their owne welfare and the welfare of Societies , and of the Church of God. But how can any see here the mysterie of Anabaptistical confusion working ? [ for ( addeth he ) although the author pretendeth highly for presbytery , which he and his complices ( hauks of the right nest ) have long agoe hewed downe in this Church , as to the practice of it . ] We knovv what this lying calumniator meaneth , and these with whom , unworthily , he was sometimes reckoned ( being as is novv apparent , a bird of another nest ) who have found grace to be faithful hithertil , will now acknowledge ( I suppose ) that such as were opposite to them in that debate , did strengthen and fortify the pillars of presbyterian government . [ Yet ( sayes he ) eviden● it is that his pretences for presbytery , are but prefaces to some further great designe of michief to Church and State. ] To whom is this evident ? Sure , I think , to none but to himself & his complices , whose plague is ( and as yet but in part ) to be in fear where no fear is : How can he make this out ? [ For ( sayes he ) having sold himself to work confusion & rebellion , he goes about to overthrow all powers ordained of God , in a most cyclopick boldnesse displaying a banner against all invested lawfully with any degree of civil or Church-power . ] This author is like the Tinkers dog , which ( according to our countrey proverb ) would gladly be among good company . He foists in his Antichristian usurped tyrannical power and dominion over the Church , among the lawful powers ordained of God. But when he sayes that Naphtali displayeth a banner against the powers ordained of God , he but sheweth his cyclopick boldnesse in averring untruths , or his astrangement to cyclopedeja , in drawing such inferences ; but both suteable to that execrated order of abjured Prelacy , in which there useth to be but few either civil or learned , as this day putteth beyond debate . Then he would make us beleeve that [ The Author doth not behave himself like Naphtaly , the hinde let loose which giveth goodly Words , &c. Genes . 49 : ver . 21. Deut. 33 : ver . 23. But as in his heart there are evil treasures of wickednesse , so in his lips and pen there is a burning fire , he strives to enflame all with the rage of his tongue , and runs upon all sorts of authorities , f●om the highest to the lowest , like a savage Beast or wilde Beare , let loose to waste and confound miserably both the visible Kingdome of Christ in the Land , and the civil Kingdome thereof setled upon the best foundations . ] The Book answered its name : for it was a hinde let loose and gave goodly words , for God , his Cause , and people ; and it is not to give goodly words , to flatter Princes or Prelates , howbeit he who judgeth like a sensualist would account such , words of goodlinesse , fairnesse and pleasantnesse . Naphtaly was satisfied with favour , and full of the blessing of the Lord : And so was this book though condemned to a fire , by such as would care little to cast the Bible into a fire too : But their favour or blessing in never expected . And when he sayes that in the Author's heart , there were evil treasures , &c. He still measureth others by himself , Naphtaly runeth not upon all sorts of authorities or any sort of authorities truely so called : He was so farr from wasting and confounding the visible Kingdome of Christ in the Land , that he was pleading for the same against all adversaries , and defending it , especially from these savage Beasts and Bears , who have already laid it waste and desolate ; and if the Lord prevent it not , shall make it the visible Kingdome of Antichrist . He was so far from troubling the civil Kingdome setled upon the best foundations , that it vvas that , at vvhich he was driving , to have the Kingdome setled upon its old , sure , and best basis , the Covenants , and Religion reformed in worshipe doctrine discipline and government . Then he must tell us that the book vvants nothing of the compleatnesse of an infamous lybel , and why ? Because [ it fals upon particular persons by name , to asperse then credit , the constant integrity of whose conversation will easily stop his foule lying mouth , in the Consciences of God's people who know them . ] If these persons get no other Orator to set forth their praises , then this man ( who is a black raven of the same nest . ) I feare their conversation shall never stop all mens mouthes . For my part I shall , and I suppose that author will be content , to referre the determination of this , to the consciences of all God's people who know them : And let such judge whether they be men of integrity , or men of constant integrity : we could tell storyes of some , but we shall for beare ; it may be a volum will be made of their prophane practices , when such as know them best , and observe their wayes , shall help us to a legend of their wayes & courses : And when the world seeth this , It will judge of the integrity of their conversation : but enough of this trash here . 9. In the follovving paragraph , beginning Pag. 10. he is at some demurre , not knovving vvell vvhat course to take vvith that book , which this true Cretian calleth a bundle of impudent lyes and falshoods , grosse slanders and revileings , not one of which hath he as yet discovered . But where lay the difficulty ? [ Upon the one hand sayes he ) it was thought best to neglect the rage of this man ( if one that hath so much renunced humanity , as he is here seen to do , may be so tearmed ) lest by being noticed he might think himself some what . ] A very hard censure , to make a supposition , if one who speaketh with so much weight of reason , as transcendeth the reach of this animal , may be tearmed a man , If the supposer were not known , to be no acute judge , being animal amphibion bipes a double face'd gentle man , vvho hath turned his coat & his tongue too . But why would he grudge poor Naphtali this ? Or doth he think that his taking notice of him , will make him esteem the more highly of himself ? Not one white : a stout man will never think himfelf the more valiant , 〈◊〉 a foolish childe set upon him with a straw . Was there no other reason . [ Especially ( sayes he ) lest People ( who as they affect are ordinarily opinionated ) might have too much matter 〈◊〉 ●eed their humour , to fournish their light discourses , 〈◊〉 to ensnare their souls , by representing to them the matters of this libel ( worthy to be buried in oblivion ) they being too apt ( whatever Salvo might be added ) to receive the poison without the antidote , according to their prejudices . ] This was a good consideration , and if the Man had been as tender as he pretendeth to be , hes hould not have digged up what deserved to be buried , especially since he might have known he was not able to prepare a sufficient antidote : But thought he that his silence would have hindered any to have pondered that book ? I beleeve indeed his silence had done more good to the King and his cause , then all his hote work is like to do ; and he hath done more to insnare souls ( if it be to insnare them ) then Naphtaly did , I do not meane by representing some other things to the consideration of people ; but by his adding so weak and inconsiderable a Salvo , that he fixed what Naphtaly said more deeply in their hearts , if judicious Readers did not account it unanswerable before they did see his weak & non-answereing Reply . What further , [ It seemed also ( Sayes he ) a matter full of tediousnesse to a well composed heart , to enter into a fire of endlesse strife and continual reciprocation of altercations , wherein a Man is not likely to finde more truth then he hath already ( truth in the most important matters in the book having been of old fully vindicated by learned hands , and nothing now opposed , but old songs chanted over and over againe ) although like enough to lose much of that charity and calme and composed temper of heart which he had before . ] Then it seemeth his heart was not a well composed heart ; for it did not seem tedious unto him , to enter into this fire of endlesse strife and continual reciprocation of altercation , and to spend so much time , and paper , and paines in vaine : And we must pity his case now , who hath lost much of that charity and calme and composed temper of heart , which he had formetly , Sed qui nihil habet , nihil amittit , a little stok is soon wasted . By whom to this day was Lex Rex answered ? And doth not himself say that Naphtaly out stripes his Masters , even as to the most important matters of the book ? Hovv is it then that he sayes there is nothing but old songs chanted over and over againe ? This Man is sui similis , As yet as inconsistent with himself in his words , as in his walk . But seing he had the help of so many old Vindicators , hovv comes it that he hath acted his part so childishly , and vindicated the King's cause worse then any Man that ever put pen to paper ; as is shewed ? Why did not this pigmay set himself upon their shoulders that he might have seemed something ? What was there more on this hand ? [ What Man is he ( sayes he ) that knowing how much more important work he hath upon his hand for his owne salvation , and honouring God in his station in the World , would willingly engadge in endlesse contests with persons , whose idlenesse gives them too great opportunity of evil doing , and who having cast by the Lord's work in building his Church , are too much set to do Satan's vvork in dissipating the same . ] Then this Man thinketh it is inconsistent vvith one to minde the vvork of his vvne salvation , and to defend the King's cause , vvhich is very true , Let the King and his party notice this . But it is strange , that seing he thought the vvork of his opposers Satan's , he should not think it incumbent to a tender soul to do vvhat he can to destroy the vvorks of the Devil : vve see also that the love of money is the root of all evil , and hath caused him run greedily after the error of Balaam for revvard , for to purchase the hire , he hath cast by the important vvork of his salvation , and laid aside the honouring of God in his station . This is the Man 's constant integrity . As for those Men whose idlenesse he talkes of , if he meane Ministers , he knoweth who hindereth them from doing the work of the Lord in building his Church , and they will ansvvere for it , and he also for his share in that , and for this vvork of Satan vvhich a little money hath prompted him to : and vvhen they are vvrestling and pleading for Zion and the cause of her King , God vvill not account them idle nor evil doers nor setters up of Satans work : What further ! [ It seemed honourable enough ( sayes he ) to decline this contention and strife , which is like the letting out of watters , in expectation that either Mansconscience ( if it be not infinitly corrupted ) may the confute him in most of his assertions , and standers , or that his manifest unchristian dealing , may help to open the eyes of such as he labours to delude , and bring them to abhorre his way ; or that the really Religious and righteous dealings of Church and State , may more forcibly put him to silence then words or writings can . ] It had been indeed more advantagious to the King's cause , ( and lesse dishonourable to himself ) to have been silent , then thus to have letten out waters to the King 's great prejudice , and his owne discredit . If he had any expectation that the Man's conscience would have confuted him in most of his assertions , why did he hinder that work , by confirming him in the truth of his assertions by his weak and foolish replyes ? Praestat otiari quam nihil agere : and why did he not more manfully discover these unchristian dealings , the better to undeceive such as he supposeth were deluded ? What are these manifest unchristian dealings of his ? Sure the event hath and shall furder , we hope , declare that his owne dealing hath been much more manifestly unchristian ▪ by labouring to blinde the eyes of such as savv before . But I suppose he may talke at leasure of his proselyts . When the really religious and righteous dealings of Church and State shall forcibly confute what is there said , we know not . Sure , when ever their actions become really Religious , and righteous , they will condemne his pamphlet to the fire , and himself to the correction-house , and approve of all which is said in Naphtaly , [ Sometimes ( sayes he ) keeping silence is seasonable , the Man according to God's owne heart would not suffer Shimei's revileings to be repayed upon the head of that dead dog ; Hezekiah discharged to answere a word to railing Rabshakeh ; Ieremiah the Prophet , contradicted by the false Prophet Hananiah , went his way and said nothing : The wise Solomon forbids to take heed to all words , that are spoken , and to answer a fool according to to his folly ; The Lord of Kings and Prophets sometimes answered not his accusers a word ] True , sometimes silence is not only seasonable but 〈◊〉 ; and so would the Kings cause have found it now and by his answering , not withstanding of what he here sayes , it would seem that Naphtaly is no Shimes , Rabshakeh , Hananiah , nor fool , nor an enemy to Christ . Or that the King is not like the Man according to God's heart , nor like good Hezekiah : Nor is this Pamphleter like Ieremiah , nor hath follovved either Solomon's advice , or Christ's example . But I see not why both may not be true . Yet furder : [ So it seemed fit to let alone an insolent and forward railer and mocker , and not to lavish out precious time , which might be better bestowed , upon one that gives such visible evidences both of a reasonlesse and unchristian Spirit , whose libel may be reckoned amongst the things , quae spreta exolescunt , and worthy to be answered with nothing but silence & contempt , ] Then it seemeth he expecteth a reward also from the Author of Naphtaly , for lavishing out so much of his precious time to keep in memory such a book , which if he had miskend , would have dyed out of minde , and which he hath honoured with another answere then silence ; but all the reward he can expect will be but par pari referre , payment without putting any thing in his purse , and yet a payment in his owne coine . Then , to him it is a lavishing of precious time to maintaine the King's cause : it seemeth also that he hath lavished out much time upon it , and what will not money do ? The gredy gapeing after which , will make a Man , not only lavish out precious time needlesly , But also put honour and respect on what he accounteth worthy of contempt . 10. Let us see what did preponderat and bring this tossed Man to a firme resolution , and determine him to bring this brate to light , this product of his ill composed heart , and not well tempered braine . [ Upon the other hand ( sayes he ) it seemed something hard ( especially in such a distempered time ) to suffer an insolent person , in whose mouth is a rode of pride , to cast the truth downe to the ground , without control , and to tread upon , and triumph over a holy and righteous cause , and upon honourable persons of all ranks , engaged in the maintainance thereof in so abusive , despiteful and intolerable a way , and not give him any check . Not to put some stop to this furious driver , who againe and againe assaults this Church with vile lyes and reproaches , looked like the betraying and deserting of an honest and honoruable cause , or like the hirelings seeing the Wolfe , and flying and leaving the flock to be destroyed with delusion , fugisti quia tacuisti . There is an evil silence that leaves Men in sin , as well as an evil speaking that leads Men to sin ; and we are not only to give an account pro atio so verbo , but pro otioso silentio , for idle silence ; when God , and the publick necessity of the Church , or Society whereof we are members , Calleth for a valiant ( not brutishly violent and forcible way , such as this mans pleads for ) and rational contending for the truth . It is sinful pusillanimity , and not warrantable prudence to see truth fall in the streets and not lift it up . And verily this man seems to be amongst these of Whom Solomon sayes Prov. 26 : v. 5. who must be answered lest he seem wise in his owne conceite , and to be amongst these Tit. 1 : v. 10 , 11. unruly and vaine talkers and deceivers , whose mouths must be stopped that the gangrene of his words may not creep further to the consumption & subversion of Church & State. ] Faire words ad faciendum populum , qui si decipi vult , decipiatur . But he hath this disadvantage , that few that know him will beleeve , that these or any of these are the true cause of this undertaking : But that rather vvhich he thought good to conceale , viz. The Three hundereth pound sterling brought to him by the greater rogue & the better rewarded , Ia : Sharpe deceiver of that ilke : for if these things here mentioned had been his end , and motive , why was he feared that this should have wronged a well composed heart , and Should not have been a honouring of God in his station , but a needlesse lavishing out of precious time , which might be better bestowed ? Nay there was reason for all this ; for whether he saw it or not , he ( who together with his complices distempered the times and all things ) in whose mouth there being a rode of pride , did insolently cast the truth downe to the ground , as they could , and endeavoured to tread upon and triumph over a holy righteous cause , and all the maintainers thereof , in an abusive , despiteful , and intolerable way , and laboured to lift up an exploded , depised and cursed falshood , once dethroned with shoutings and great exclamations of joy ( but we have seen his horns have been but short ) He is truely ( as the sober vvill judge ) the furious driver who againe and againe doth assault the true Church and cause of God with lyes and reproaches . He ( vvhether he had medled with this work or not ) & the rest with their underlings , are the true hirelings & wolves , destroying the flock of God : & in this work , thought there be not otio sum silentium , there are otio sa verba and vvorse & praetereanihil , and an unvaliant , impudent , affronted pleading for untruth , tyranny and vvickednesse , vvhich is neither a product of prudence , nor magnanimity . And vvhen he hath cited Prov. 26 : 5. and Tit. 1 : 10 , 11. he hath adduced his ovvne Doom , and accordingly he is ansvvered , and his mouth ( let it be is vvide as it vvill ) gaged and stopped , not with butter ( which is unfit to stoppe a breathing mouth ) but vviht more solid stuff , so that vve are confident the gangraene of his vvords shall not creep far , not infect such as are cleane ; and as for such as are uncleane , they owe their infection to some other , not so innocent in vvi● and parts as he is . 11. Novv the dye being cast , and he resolved to say something , he is as much perplexed anent the way of handling this businesse . Yea he sayes , [ There is a greater difficulty in dealing vvith this Man of no forehead ( or if he have any , it is of the hardest metal ) of little conscience , but of infinite loquacity , and of a most unbridled tongue , vvhich is a treasure of all revileing language . ] Yet he finds him and vvill possibly yet more finde him , a man vvhose fore-head is of harder mettal , ( though not in impudency & shamelesse audacity ) then he is able to stand against ; and a man of more conscience then to contradict himself either in vvords or deeds , ( as this verlumnus , a man of a debauched conscience , doth ) a man not of infinite loquacity or of an unbridled tongue , vvho repeateth not the same thing over and over againe ad nauseam us que nor one who speaketh non-sense at randome ( as this poor pamphleter doth ) but a man of more solid reason , and nervous succinct expressions , then he vvas able to comprehend : And vvho so shall compare the tvvo together shall finde he hath put the saddle on the vvrong horse . But where did the difficulty lye ? [ The great difficulty vvas ( sayes he ) hovv to moderate and temper a stile of vvriting tovvard such an one , difficile est satyram non scribere contra satyrum ; for hardly can a man meet in any book , vvith more bitter invectives against all authorities and dignities appoynted and approven of God , then are here to be found ; all that have gone that way before him , seem but Children in vvickednesse , in comparison of him : he deserves to be in the first classe of these Jude v. 8. Who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities . ] Answ . Naphtaly , it is true , is no base sycophant nor slatterer ; nor is he , because of free and faithful holding forth of the wicked and sinful carriage of these in authority , and of these who have usurped authority , to be accounted a writter of Satyrs or of invectives , else the Prophets writings shall not escape that sharpe censure . Nor is he upon this account to be reckoned among , far lesse to be put into , the first classe of these who despise dominions , &c. unlesse by this ignoramus who knoweth no medium betwixt base flattering of dignities , and speaking evil of them . Yet in the following part of that Paragraph , he sayes he deserveth well , because of his plainnesse ; though it be but his sancy to think that Either King or Nobles are in hazard to be dispossessed by private persons in a Phine as like Spirit , yet he is truely and especially afrayed of the ministry ; and mainly of the Bishops , because such strokes approach neare to himself , and the burnt Childe feareth the fire , And his fear blindeth his eyes , so that he cannot see to read Naphtaly a right . And I think no heroik person , will desire to imbrew their hands in their blood , who are far below the wrath of a man , far more , the indignation of an Heroik person , though they shall never be found innocent , be pursued when they will. He but lyeth when he sayeth in the following words [ That Naphtaly with his tragical oh's awakeneth the rage of the rudest multitude ( which becals Zeal of God ) to execute judgement on them , that the fierce angco of God may be turned away . ] Nor doth he tell them if they do not so they are plagued with . s●upidity and blindnesse . It is true which he sayes that [ All soris of Rulers in the land may see their dittay and their doom drawne in that book . ] But no otehrwise then as the word of God giveth warrand , and there they would read it , and repent in time , lest they sinde it verified . He is but like himself a false lyar when he sayes that Naphtaly [ Discovereth the malicious cruel and bloody designes of his party . ] For they have no malicious cruel nor bloody designes , their only designes being to maintaine their integrity and their reformed Religion , which Enemies combined against Christ are seeking to destory . This man imagineth a snare where there is none ; but seeth not the snare which Satan and his owne hands are setting for his soul , neither will he and the rest take warning , though the word of the Lord do clearly discover wrath and vengeance at hand , and whether then they be worthy of a faire hood and bells , Let any judge : but sure I am , they shall one day see their folly and madnesse , and write Abner's Epitaph over themselves . But we wish them rather repentance and to be wise in time , not against their will , but willingly . 12. And furder ibid Pag. 13. he tells us [ It were irksome and unsuteable to one who desireth to keep the constant compsure of a Christian Spirit to indulge an humour of retaliating . ] And that he is at a great disadvant age , because it almost transcends ( in his apprehension ) humane patience to treat mildly with such an insolent one . O! Who would not pity this man who is put off the constant composure of a Christian Spirit ? But can he be in the composure of a Christian Spirit , who is so easily moved off it , by that which should rather settle him in it ? Can his patience be good , which is so stirred by hearing of truth told ? And who can think that he hath been of any composure of a Christian spirit , who hath not indeed indulged an humor of retaliating but of brawleing in a transcendently insolent manner without ground given , being transported beyond the bounds of humanity , let be humane patience ? Then Pag. 14. he Sheweth what reason he hath to use , a more then ordinary vehemency of a keen stile , saying [ Shall Masters of consusi●n ( as if he were not a Davus ) Indulging themselves in their proud moro suy , ●unworthyly demeane themselves toward the sober defenders of the truth , ( but who are these ? ) And will not this be a sufficient Apology for them to put forth some sting ? ] But good Sir I fear your sting be gone long since , because you are become a drone : We have seen your good will to shoot your sting but it wanted its poynt , as for your sting in your taile it will not hurt much , and we know who is King over such locusts , even the angel of the bottomelesse pit , Rev. 9 : ver . 11. Now this stinging locust comes to compare Naphtaly to Hecuba , but any who reads Naphtaly finde him not barking as a mad bitch , but speaking the words of truth and sobernesse , with such strengh of reason as transcendeth this distempered man's capacity to understand , otherwise he had never made such a comparison . Then he tells us that [ A toothlesse defence might possibly tend to harden him and his complices , and breed suspicion of some signes of diffedence , distrust and timorousnesse in owning of the cause against him . ] I beleeve this defence hath as many teeth as he could put in it ; but for all that , it can be called nothing else then a toothlesse defence , because it is nothing but a bundle of sharp tooth'd words without any reason ; and because we see now all that he and his party can say , against the truth which we maintaine , we are indeed thereby , the more confirmed therein ; and we do not suspect him of diffidence , distrust and timorousnesse , that his cause is not better defended , knowing how bold and audacious he is : but we know that an ill cause cannot be well defended , though never man hath defended it worse then he hath done , though better rewarded then many . 13. The good man turns Neptune at length saying , Sed motos praestat componere fluctiu ; and then sayes , [ It will be fitter to consider what becomes us to utter then what he is worthy to hear . ] Then it seemeth we should exspect a very calme sea ; but the waves of his passions have not been setled for all his Neptun authority . [ Therelyes ( sayes he ) a tentation in these name lesse writtings ( which therefore it is to be wished , were not in use ) to exceed in passions , and to utter words ( incognito ) that will not be stood to . ] The iniquity of the times , and the rage of princes vvho vvill not hear the truth , is a just , cause why some should speak and write agaist them incognito , which likewise was the cause moveing Elisha to suspende the sending of his free & faithful letter to Iehoram a bloody Tyrant , till after his own death : but why this man should send out a namelesse writting , none can tell , unlesse because either he was ashamed of the cause , or of his weak managing of it ; or else because he hath a minde to exceed in passion , and nons-sense , and none should know that it was , A. H. P. O. who spoke so . But he tels us that he hath not so learned Christ , as to render revileing for revileing knowing that mans wrath works not the righteousnesse of God. The contrary whereof every reader of his pamphlet vvill see , & therefore he doth well , to adde [ some times it is for peoples edification , to see the due characters of such as lead them out of the way . ] But vvhy should he then be offended , if any should shew his characters , vvho is a manifest perverter of the right vvayes of the Lord , and laboureth vvhat he can to lead people out of the good old way , wherein our fathers and we have formerly walked with peace comfort and joy ? But this is our advantage that he and his fraternity are already so vvell known , and their characters so legible , that few or none are in great hazard to be led away with them . Then he tells us that [ so farr as kumane infirmity permits , the truth shall be searched after & spoken to in love ; all bitternesse , wrath , anger & clam ●nr with all malice being put away . ] But sure we are then , his humane infirmity is very great and strong , which carryeth him to search rather after error , and to speak it in hatred ; all bitternesse , wrath , anger , clamour , with all malice , being returned and that in their strength ; of which , the man's conscience was in part convinced , when he addeth . [ But if any thing ( he should have said a most every thing ) aculeat & pungent ( he should have said bitter and invective ) do escape ( or rather of choise be affirmed ) It not being used in any privat cause or quarrel , but in the publick concerns of truth , ( rather errour ) of the Church of God , ( really of the coetus Malignantium , the apostate crue of the popish prelatical and malignant faction ) and of the sate of the commonwealth ( rather against the commonwealth , and for tyranny the bane of all common-wealths ) nor proceeding from any private revenge ( if not from this , which many will doubt of , yet certanely from the love of gold or Balaam's reward ) it will at least be excused by the judidicious and wise . ] Sure we are , excuse it who will , the righteous judge , will call him to an account for it , and we are perswaded that none either truely judicious or wise , will think him excuse worthy . But to shew that he hath no privat reveinge , he addeth in a parenthesis , [ That there is room enough in his fraternal affection for any who will leave their unchristian sanguinary and inhumane wayes . ] But his affection is like the devils , who would have all damned with himself ; and we are sure come to his way who will , they shall leave their Christian peacable & humane wayes , and choise unchristian , sanguinary , and inhumane vvayes . Then the falleth a vvishing that his aculeat sayings may prick the libeller to repentance for these things . But he should knovv that charity beginneth at home , and he should rather vvish that himself were brought to repentance for him shameful apostasy and perjury , and his thus studying to maintaine a corrupt course , whereby he hath indeed exposed himself to shame , though the hardnesse of his heart be such as that the knoweth not what it is to blush . 14. In his following discourse he laboureth to shew how palpably and closely Naphtaly trades in the footsteps of the old Anabaptists , though [ He will not say that he and his complices are arrived to the owneing of the highest mysieries of that sect in the poynt of Enthusiasme , and Libertinisme , nor that they are so cruel as to exclude Christian infants from their birthright privilege of Baptisme . ] Yet he sayes [ It is worthy to be considered how far the common demand of expresse command or example in Scripture for Episcopacy , may reach the Anabaptists conclusion concerning infants . ] And so with him , all who require either command or example for any new ordinance of Christ so alleged , must be Anabaptists . This man is of very lax principles certanely , and more then a latitudinarian , that will not suffer us to enquire after a command or example of Episcopacy , when he and his party alledge that it is an ordinance of Christ : must we take all things for ordinances of Christ , which he and his old father the Pope of Rome say are ordinances of Christ ? But why doth he call from us for any expresse command or example in Scripture for resistence of Magistrates ? Doth not this also reach the Anabaptists conclusion ? But his eyes seeth not it self . Furder he tells us That Naphtaly [ Doth let fall such tenets as smell too rankly of the foul scum of the high flown Anabaptistical and Enthusiastical way , while he sayes , Pag. 21. &c. That meer privat men may now a dayes take their impulses of Zeal , as a sufficient call to pull downe all Magistrates from their seats , which they abuse ; to execure judgment upon them , and to place themselves in their roomes . ] But of what spirit this man , who is of his father the devil who was a lyar from the beginning , is , vve have seen ; And this particular will abundantly discover to such as look the place and consider what we have said . And no better is the next particular which he citeth out of Pag. 105. Where the author is opposeing , that notion of an external call , not unto lawful ordination , which presupposeth it ; but unto such a mock ordination , whereby such are put into the ministry , who have no visible evidence of the call of Jesus Christ , as in reason or charity can oblige any to receive such as truely sent . Thereafter he draweth the parallel in five particulars . The first is this , That the Anabaptists laboured to overthrow Magistracy , and deny them to have any power in Church matters . But can he , or dar he , say that we do so ? do we say , with them , that the office of the Magistrate is not necessary among Christians ? Do we say that Magistracy is not the ordinance of God ? Do we say that Kingly government is unlawful , as they said , abuseing that place , 1 Sam. 8 : 7. Do we say that a Christian may not exerce the office of a Magistrate ? Do we say that a heathen may not be a Magistrate ? Do we say that an ungodly Magistrate is no Magistrate ? Do we presse that place Luk. 22. The Kings of the gentiles , &c. Any otherwayes then against superiority among Church men ? With what face then can be draw a parallel here ? The next is That they studyed to overthrow the ordinance of the ministry declaiming most bitterly against all in that function as Hirelings Thieves Wolves , &c. But can he say that we cry dovvne a ministery , as no ordinance of Christ , or as not necessary ? can he say that we affirme an external call to the ministery needlesse ? Is it our work to exclude faithful ministers from the esteem of Gods people ? Hovv can the impudent man alledge this of us ? Be like because we cry out against him and his fraternity and their reptilia , profane wretches of the second-order , as no lawful ministers of Chriist , being perjured profane apostates , never called of God to that functction , nor duely and orderly called of Man ? But in this he and his party come nearer to the Anabaptists , then we , The. 3. Is that they work division in the Church of God ; and move people to forsake Church meetings , and to follow them in private conventicles ? But then it seemeth all protestants Who presse Papists to forsake their Masse Assemblies and Masse Priests , and rather meet with the Orthodox and that in conventicles are Anabaptists : And it seemeth this man would not presse Heathens to leave their publick idol worshipe , and serve God in secret conventicles , such a publik and peacable Man is he , lest he should be accounted an Anabaptist . But wee see no connexion betwixt our being Anabaptists , and pressing People to forsake Their assemblies , and to hear the true and faithful servants of Christ in private , who cannot have liberty to preach in publick . The 4 is That they were above all men arrogant and proud , dispisers of such as were not of their way , as being men without God in the world , reprobate and wicked denying to them even common civilities . But doth not he and his party , the most proud and arrogant persones imaginable , deal with us all , as cursed fanaticks knipperdolians ? &c. What is the 5. When any of theirs were punished for errors , fellony or rebellion , they cryed them up for martyres , and complained tragically that truth and godlinesse was oppressed , and that men who would have all things done according to Gods Word were persecuted ? But might not Heathens and Papists have objected so against the true Christians and protestants , who said and did all this , when they were persecuted , and some of them murthered & massacred ? And were , or are , all who call & account such as die for the Testimony of Jesus , martyres persecuted to the death . Anabaptists ? I feare that in so saying he shall be found to befriend the Anabaptist , more then we desire to do : If he hath no more to say , He shall never make it appeare that either Naphtaly or the Apology , do approach unto the manners of that odious sect , in any particular peculiar to that Sect , or wherein that Sect deviateth from truth . Then he addeth Pag. 17. When the Spirit that stirreth in these furious writtings , ( especialy in Naphtaly ) is considered , how much confusion may be seen to be portended to Church and State , if hearts be infected with the doctrines therein held forth ? By whom I pray , shall these evils be seen to be portended , by any thing that is said in these writtings ? Sure by no rational sober understanding person , but only by such who consult the oracle at delphos , and minde their belly and worm-eaten carcases , more then they consult the oracle God and of sound reason , and minde the reall good of either Church or State. For there are no doctrines there of any malignant quality , but all of them anti-Malignant , Solide , Plaine , Sure and immoveable truthes , having a direct tendency unto , and necessary influence upon , the solide and sure establishing of Church and State , upon a firme and lasting basis . And therefore , if it were right applyed , his following wish were good . viz. That the Lord would give his people such understanding , that they be not ignorant of the wiles of Satan , who driveth a deeper designe against this poor Church and Land , then the subversion of this or that exteriour forme of Church government , For indeed the designe that Satan hath now on foot , reacheth furder , even to the utter overturneing of all the precious interests of Christ in the Land ; of destroying not only the outward Libertyes and Privileges of the People , which have cost them no small expense of blood ; to the end they may be made perfect slaves : But to the overturning of the whole work of God , of banishing the Gospel , and of introduceing Atheisme and all sort of profanity and wickednesse , that we should no more become the People of the Lord , but a visible Kingdome of Satan ; And all the People , Subjects , and Slaves to him . But we know what his meaning is , and therefore he addeth . The controversy rests not in matters touching a Bishope or a Presbytery : But what thinks he of this controversy ? He sayes , If mens passions or prejudices might permit , it might be , for the advantage of the gospel , well consolidated by their mutual paying of due respects one to another ; the Episcopal inspection not abrogating , but strengthening the due right of presbyters , and presbyters not despiseing that lawfull inspection ; but all concurring together in a kindely mutuall assistence , and amicable conjuction , for carrying on the real interests of Christs Kingdome , without imperiousnesse one the oneside , and without srowardly disorderlynesse on the other . Now he turneth a peace maker , and such a notable reconciler is he that would cause fire and water agree : But he hath sold his Zeal and Conscience , for , he knoweth , what . He hath forgote , that there is no communion betwixt light and darknesse , nor betwixt Christ and Belial . But he must know that we will neither pack nor peel with him , nor his accursed fraternity , but will come out from among them , and be separated from them , and touch none of their uncleane things , that God may receive us according to his promise ; 2 cor . 6 : ver . 17. If the Men of that accused Hierarchy were not led away with intolerable passion & prejudice , and acted by a fury of hell , to destroy the gospel , they would consolidare this controversy by extirpating themselves ; For as long as they stand in that accursed order , they shall never carry on the real interests of Christs Kingdome , but effectually , so farr as lyeth in them , destroy the same ; ( as former and dayly experience proveth ) what by their imperious antichristian dominion , over the Church of God and the Officers thereof , which were ordained of Christ ; and what by their laying out of themselves , according to their usurped power and places , to destroy & banish piety , knowledge and the fear of God out of the land , and to bring all the true seekers of God under the same guilt of manifest perjury and apostasy with themselves . If it were a lawful inspection , presbyters would neither despise it , nor carry themselves frowardly or disorderly under it ; but it being an unlawful dominion , so destructive to the Kingdome and interests of our Lord Jesus Christ , it can neither alone nor in conjunction with any other , promove the interest of Christs Kingdome , and therefore must be abhorred as an antichristian brate , and never submitted unto . But whither now doth the matter goe ? The designe ( sayes he ) this libel runs upon is to open a gap to endlesse rebellions , under what soever Church government : And not only to bring all our Magistrats from the highest to the lowest under disgrace , which is the nex● step to destruction , and to make them a sacrifice to the fury of th●●wicked people . ) But to ruine Kingly Authority and Magistracy , the ordainance of God. ] This is but a frequently renewed calumny we have oftentime met with in his first part , and have shewed how groundlesse , it is , and therefore we need say no more here . All who have not , with this Man , willingly shut their eyes , may see That the designe is only to prevent intolerable Ty●anny , the ruine of humane Societyes and Kingdomes , and to keep the true Divine Authority which God hath cloathed his owne civil officers with , from contempt and disgrace , which Magistrates degenerating into Tyrants expose themselves unto , by changeing the ordinance of God into the ordinance of Satan , and in stead of acting and carrying as Ministers of God for the good of the People , walk and act as Ministers of Satan , laying out themselves to the utmost for the destruction of the People both in soul and body . Who seeth not then that when they thus forget themselves , and forget what they are both bound , and have promised , to be , they do expose themselves to disgrace , and to the contempt of these who otherwise would most willingly honour them as God's vicegerents . But when they carry as avowed Servants of Satan , as Tygers , and destroy the inheritance of the Lord , which they were to nourish and protect , can they expect to be looked upon as God's Deputyes while they do so ? And sure , who ever maintaineth that such who have cast behinde their back all Vowes , Promises , Compacts , Subscriptions , Oathes , and solemne Engadgments ; and break overall bonds of humanity and Christianity , that they may satisfy their owne cruel and base lusts ; and so carry towards Subjects , as if they were so many Slaves or Brutes , or Worse , may lawfully be resisted , is very far from opening a gap to endlesse rebellions , under any Church government ; that he rather layeth downe a course to prevent rebellions : For if Kings remembered that their Subjects might lawfully and would oppose them , when they turned Tyrants , they would walk more soberly , and forbeare to vent their tyrannicall cruelty , and so give lesse occasion to Subjects to think of opposeing them . And However this Pamphleter may look upon himself as one who hath deserved well at the hands of the King : Yet the judicious who consider the matter right , will finde him really a greater Enemy to the throne , then either Lex Rex the Apology or yet Naphtali were , or are . Seing they must be greater Enemies to the real welbeing of Kings , and to the Establishing of thrones , who would have them setled upon the alone basis of blood , tyranny , opprossion , or proclaime an impunity unto Tyrants to do what they will , which is but to blow at a fire which burneth fast enough of it's own accord ; then such as would have them setled on equity and righteousnesse and not suffered to goe without their due bounds . There is a great noise ( sayes he ) ( it may be it is not causelesse , and it were to be wished Rulers looked to it ) of the increase of Popery . Doth he think there is a noise made about this matter , and a great noise , and that without ground ? Or can he arrive at no more certanety , but of a may be that it is not causeless ? Sure the Representatives ( as he calleth them ) several yeers ago were beyond a may be , that it was increased above what ever it had been , either in the dayes of King Iames , or of King Charles the first : And hath their mock-act never executed , affrighted it so out of sight , that this Man who possibly would be accounted no meane Father , and over seer in the Church , cannot perceive it , at least so clearly , as positively to say that there is just ground for that noise ? But where dwelleth this Man ? or what way doth he stope his eares ? Is he one of those who see and perceive not , who know and yet carry as if they knew not ? What is he and his fraternity doing to day ? What are the men with the Episcopal inspection doing ? Are they so occupyed in persecuteing the truely godly , the faithful Ministers and People of the Land , and in stirring up the Council to be more cruel then they are , and severely to execute the unjust and most iniquous Lawes made to banish all piety and fear of God out of the Land , that they have no Leasure to look about them to marke what Papists , Seminary Priests and Jesuits ( who are swarmning up and downe the Land ) are doing ? When did He or They advise the Council to take such an effectual course for suppressing masse meetings , as they have done for suppressing of conventicles , or meetings of better reformed and founder Protestants then ever he or they were ? Was there any masse monger fined to this day ? Yet we know that precious & worthy Christians , have been rigidly & inhumanely handled and mulcted , for hearing an honest and worthy Minister of the Gospel preaching the Gospel in a privat place . Ay , but now he thinks , he hath exonered himself , and discharged a piece of duty both for himself and all his fraternity , by saying , It were to be wished Rulers looked to it . And is this all the remedy he prescribeth ? What will He do ? May he not , dar he not , grieve or vex his Elder Brethren ? What shall we then say of his inspection ? Is it lawful , or is it of Gold , which is wholly imployed and exercised in persecuteing of the honest seekers of God's face , and countenanceth and encourageth Papists ? No certanely , That power whose proper work is , to root out piety , as haveing that only in commission , and which fostereth and incourageth profanity and Idolatry , is a power of Satan , tending to advance his work and interest in the Earth , and to establish and enlarge his Kingdome . What further ? But truely ( sayes he ) when she Spirit of such writeings as this , is considered , it will be found there is cause to feare ( unlesse the wisdome and goodnesse of Cod ; and the prudence of the King and Governours under him prevent it , ) That as one way the Roman Antichrist may come in ; So some furious Successour of John of Leyden , under pretence of a Phineas — like Spirit , come in another way , upon our Church and Land to lay it waste , and to make it a field of confusion and blood . Answ . Were there no Papists in Scotland , or was there no appearance of the approaching of the Roman Antichrist before these books came abroad ? What a Spirit , I pray , is that which is in these books , which can give any cause of feare , that the Roman Antichrist may come in upon that account ? What tendency , I pray , hath any thing that is asserted in these books , to the introduceing of Popery ? His needle head shall never be able to poynt this forth . Yea let the true designe of these books be once obtained , and I promise him , that ere few weeks passe , there shall be few or none in all Scotland , who shall be so bold as to professe either Popery or Prelacy . These must be strange books which open two contrary doors at once , upon the one hand a door for the Roman Antichrist , and upon the other hand , a door for some furious Successour of Iohn of Leyden , but both are alike true , that is , both are manifestly false Though his fear for the coming in of the Roman Antichrist be first named , yet it is the least of the two with him ; for the thing which most affrighteth him , is this last ; but he needeth not fear it , let King and inferiour Governours joyne piety ; and true divine Zeal for God & his glory , with their prudence , and set themselves to establish the covenanted Religion , as it was reformed in Doctrine , Worshipe , Discipline & Government & purge out such things as offend , especially that bitter root of Prelacy , which we abjured , and prosecute the ends of the Covenants , and the vvisdome and goodness of God shall preserve both Church and State. But so long as there is no repentance of the horrible Apostasy and defection , vvhereof King and all ranks are guilty : And particularly that Apostate pack which care neither for Church or State , King or Coun●rey , but in subordination to their ovvne bellies and bese lusts , is not extirpated vvithall their adherents , vve have no ground to expect that God shall preserve either Church or State from destruction and ruine : Because vve have forsaken the Lord God of our Fathers , vve can not but fear that he shall forsake us , and cast our carcases upon the carcases of our idols , and his soul shall abhorre us , and he shall lay our cityes waste , bring our Sanctuaryes into desolation , and shall not smell the Savour of our sweet odours , yea and shall scatter us among the heathen , and draw out a sword after us , and our Land shall be desolate , and our Cityes waste &c. Though we had all the security imaginable that never one of the furious brood of Iohn of Leyde , should arise to lay the Land waste ; as indeed nothing asserted in these books , may put rational Men in feares thereof , from that hand , though his lieing mouth addeth , that the seeds of future miseries , being too visibly sowne , by this Man and his Complices , whose mouths are full of blasphemies , as their hearts and ●ands are full of blood and in so saying is like the whore in the common proverbe , who calleth her honest Neighbour whose first whole mouths are more full of blasphemies , their or ours , all may judge who either read their writeings , or heare their speaches in publick or in private : And whose hearts and hands are more full of blood , theirs or ours , dayly experience will suffer no Man of common sense who marketh both , once to put it to a question . At length he apologizeth for his slowensse in comeing forth with his Survey , telling us , That this libel and like are not more quickly followed , with meet animad vertsions , is not to be marvelled at by any , who knowes they are like the pestilence , that walks in darkensse , and that hardly do they come to the hands of any , but such as are willing to be deceived by them , being intended for the blinding of these , not for the opening of the eyes of others . But truly , He might have for borne to have made such an Apology : For it may be , some who have most imployed him , and rewarded him too , for his paines , will think that he hath but too quickly followed with his animadversions , and possibly shall wish , that they had never seen the light , since he hath done so little good by them to the cause , which he becometh a Patrone unto , both in starting needlesse and dangerous debates , for the Kings Throne and Kingdomes , yea & for his Life ; & in managing these debates so poorly as he hath done , to speak nothing of his weake defending of the maine cause controverted , which is abundantly discovered by this vindication : Whereby also he hath occasioned the more accurate ripeing up of that debate touching defensive armes , and laying it open and naked unto the judgment and capacity of the meanest , so that the truthes which he endeavoured to shake , and overturne , are now more firmly then ever , riveted in the hearts of all vvho search after truth : Yet sure , had be been able , he ●ight have brought forth this brood of his braine , sooner to light , for he had time enough , after the publick Proclamation vvas made , that such a book vvas come forth , by the fire prepared of purpose , at the crosse of Edenbr●ugh to consume it into asses , before which time , I suppose , very fevv knevv of such a thing : And by this solemne fiery Proclamation , the curiosity of some was kindled to enquire after the book , who othewise vvould have used no great diligence , to have obtained one of them , yea possibly would never have learned that there was such a book in the World , and so could have been in no hazard to have been infected thereby : And before this time that they met vvith this solemne recaption , there vvas not ( as is sufficiently knovvn ) many of them abroad ; for it came but too soon into the hands of such as put that honour on it , which vvas expected , and thereby helped forvvard the Authors designe . Is it , any wonder that such pieces must keep themselves as long as they can , out of such fiery hands . Seing the first salutation they meet vvith is a brief sentence of condemnation by the Council , and a 〈…〉 , or execution rather by the hand of the Hangman , in the ●●repared of purpose for that solemne Disput ? Let him , if he ●ar or can procure a free imprimatur for such necessary and useful books , and liberty for stationers to expose them to open sale , and then it will be seen , whether they or his shall hide themselves longest in the corner of shopes , and be at lengh laid aside for other uses , then at first they were intended for . He sayes they were intended for the blinding of these into whose hands they come , not for the opening of the eyes of others . But he speaks like himself . They were really intended for the opening of the eyes of all who would but read and seriously consider what is said , and would not willingly shote out their owne eyes . And as for his Pamphlet , I verily beleeve what ever was his intention , it shall deceive none , but such as are already deceived , or very willing to be deceived , & shall open the eyes of none , unlesse per accidens , by making them to apprehend more clearly , then formerly they would , truth upon the other side , by discovering the childish , frivolous and weak evasions and exceptions , which he is necessitated to make use of . In the last Page He giveth us a short hint of what he mindeth to do in the following part of this his elaborate work , where we are like to finde him as impudent and shamelesse a Patron of perjury , as here we have found him a pleader for Tyranny . But we , shall forbeare to say more at this time , till God offer an opportunity of considering and answering what he shall say further upon these heads and digressions . The Lord establish truth in the Earth & visite his owne inheritance , and send a plentiful raine to confirme the same when it is weary , for his owne names sake . AMEN . FINIS . 
A59963	----	A hind let loose, or, An historical representation of the testimonies of the Church of Scotland for the interest of Christ with the true state thereof in all its periods : together with a vindication of the present testimonie, against the Popish, prelatical, & malignant enemies of that church ... : wherein several controversies of greatest consequence are enquired into, and in some measure cleared, concerning hearing of the curats, owning of the present tyrannie, taking of ensnaring oaths & bonds, frequenting of field meetings, defensive resistence of tyrannical violence ... / by a lover of true liberty. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. 1687 Approx. 1758 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 387 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59963 Wing S3431 ESTC R24531 08238934 ocm 08238934 41139 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59963) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41139) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1240:8) A hind let loose, or, An historical representation of the testimonies of the Church of Scotland for the interest of Christ with the true state thereof in all its periods : together with a vindication of the present testimonie, against the Popish, prelatical, & malignant enemies of that church ... : wherein several controversies of greatest consequence are enquired into, and in some measure cleared, concerning hearing of the curats, owning of the present tyrannie, taking of ensnaring oaths & bonds, frequenting of field meetings, defensive resistence of tyrannical violence ... / by a lover of true liberty. Shields, Alexander, 1660?-1700. [13], 742 p. s.n.], [Edinburgh? : Printed in the year 1687. Errata: p. 696. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. 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Covenanters. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Some had y r hands struck off & hanged others beheaded . Some hanged & quartered 〈◊〉 Some Tortured by bools thumbkins firematches . Some taken & instantly shot in 〈◊〉 fields . Some banished , others perished in ship-wrack . women hanged , others drowned of stakes in the sea A Hind let loose , OR An Historical Representation of the TESTIMONIES , Of the Church of Scotland , for the Interest of Christ , vvith the true State thereof in all its Periods : TOGETHER WITH A Vindication of the present Testimonie , against the Popish , Prelatical , & Malignant Enemies of that Church , as it is now stated for the Prerogatives of Christ , Priviledges of the Church , and Liberties of Mankind , and sealed by the sufferings of a Reproached Remnant of Presbyterians there , witnessing against the Corruptions of the Time. WHEREIN Several Controversies of Greatest Consequence are enquired into , and in some measure cleared ; concerning hearing of the Curats , owning of the present Tyrannie , taking of ensnaring Oaths & Bonds , frequenting of field meetings , Defensive Resistence of Tyrannical Violence , with several other Subordinate Questions useful for these times . By a Lover of true Liberty . Psal. 94. 20. Shall the Throne of iniquity have fellowship with Thee that frameth mischief by a Law ? Prov. 28. 15. As a roaring Lion & a ranging Bear so is a wicked Ruler over the poor people . Hos. 8. 4. They have set up Kings but not by me , they have made Princes and I knew it not . Revel . 12. 11. And they overcame him by the bloud of the Lamb and by the word of their Testimony and they loved not their Lives unto the Death . Printed in the Year MDCLXXXVII . The Preface to the Reader . Christian Reader , PResuming it is thy desire , to answer the holy & honourable designation I accost thee with , I shall take the Confidence to assure thee , it is my design to answer in some measure the expectation , which the Title of this Treatise would offer ; in the hope , that , wherein I come short ( as I indeed confess not only my jealous fears , but my sensible conviction of my insufficiency for such a great undertaking ) thy Christian tenderness will impute it to my weakness , and not to any want of worth in the Cause I manage ; which is truly worthy , weighty , noble , & honourable , in the esteem of all the Lovers of Christ , that have Zeal for his Honour in exercise : And therefore as it gives me all the encouragement I have , in dependance on his furniture , whose Cause it is , to make such an Essay ; So it animates my ambition , albeit I cannot manage it with any proportion to its merit , yet to move the Christian Reader to make enquiry about it , and then sure I am he will find it is Truth I plead for , though my plea be weak . All I shall further say by way of Preface is to declare the Reason of the Title and the design of the work . Though Books use not to be required to render a reason of their names , which often are arbitrarly imposed , more for the Authors fancy , and the times fashion than for the readers Instruction : yet , seing the times injuries do oblige the Author to conceal his name , the Title will not obscurely notify it to some , for whose satisfaction this is mainly intended , and signify also the Scope of the subject ; which aims at giving goodly words , not suggared with Parasitick sweetness , nor painted with affected pedantry , but fairly brought forth in unhampered freedom , for the beauty of the blessing of humane & Christian Liberty , in its due & true boundaries . This was the subject of a discourse , as some may remember , on that Text whence this Title is taken Gen. 49. 21. Naphtali is a hind let loose : In prosecuting of which , the Speaker with several others , falling at the same time into the hands of the hunters , to learn the worth of that interrupted subject from the experience of the want of it ; an occasion was given , and interpreted by the Author to be a Call , to study more the preciousness of that priviledge predicated of Naphtali , which is the right an● property of the wrestling Tribe of Israel , the persecuted witnesses of Christ now every where preyed upon : And now , providence having opened a door , for delivering himself as a roe from the hand of the hunter , he thought it his duty , and as necessary a piece of service as he could do to the Generation , to bring to light his Lucubrations thereupon : With an endeavour to discover , to all that are free born , and are not contented slaves mancipated in a stupid subjection to Tyrants absoluteness ; that , this Character of Naphtali , satisfied with favour and full with the blessing of the Lord , that he is a hind let loose from the yoke of Tyrannical slaverie , is far preferable , in the account of all that understand to be Christians or men , to that infamous Stigma of Issachar ( the sin , shame , & miserie of this age ) to be a strong Ass couching under two burdens , and he saw that rest was good , and the Land that it was pleasant , and bowed his shoulder to bear , and became a servant unto tribute . But to all that are not altogether strangers in our Israel it will appear , that this Title is not ineptly applied to the subject and design of this Treatise . The party , whose Case and Cause and Contendings are here treated of , being known to have the same situation of residence in Scotland , that Naphtali had in Israel , viz. the West and the South ( Deut. 33. 23. ) will be found , among all our Tribes , most appositely to bear the signature of Naphtali , who , in their wrestlings for the Interest of Christ and the Liberties of his Israel , have mostly jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields ; and chiefly to deserve his Elogy , being a hind ( called wild by nick-name in the scorn of them that are at ease , but ) truly weak in their present wilderness Condition , to wrestle against the force & fraud of their Cruel & cunning hunters , who cease not ( when they have now got the rest of the Roes and hinds of the field made fast asleep , under the bondage of the Lions dens & Mountains of Leopards , by a pretence of a falsely so called Liberty of Conscience ) to seek and pursue the chase of them for a prey ; Yet , really they are let loose , and not only suffered to run loose , as a prey to the hunters by the unwatchfullness of their keepers , but made to escape loose , by the mercy of the Mighty one of Iacob , from the nets of the hunters , and snares of the foulers , and from the yoke of the bondage of these beasts of prey , to whose Authority they will not oune a willing subjection : And being such hinds , so let loose , they make it their work , to give goodly words , for the worth and honour and Royalties of their Princely Master , and for the precious Liberties wherewith he hath endoted and entrusted his Spouse and Children , and to keep the goodly words of his patience , untill he return as a Roe or a young Hart upon the Mountains of Bether . This being the party , who are represented as the Wild folk of Scotland , the design of this Treatise is to hold forth the History of their manifold Chases , the Craft , keenness , & Cruelty of their hunters , and the goodlyness of the words of their Testimony : Which , by reason of the likeness of the Testimony of former Periods with the present , and that the latter may be vindicated by the former , is resumed from the beginning of the Church of Scotlands wrestlings against the Enemies of Christ , and deduced through all the most signal steps of this long propagated and hereditary War. And lest my words should not be goodly enough , nor my notions grateful to the Criticks of this age , who cast every thing as new and nice , which is someway singular and not suited to their sentiments ; that it may appear the Cause here cleared and vindicated is not of yesterday , but older than their Grandfathers who oppose it , I dare avouch without vanity , there is nothing here but what is confirmed by Authors of greatest note & repute in our Church , both ancient & modern , namely , Buchanan , Knox , Calderwood , Acts of General Assemblies , Cawses of Wrath , Lex Rex , Apologetical Relation , Napthali , Ius Populi , History of the Indulgence , Banders disbanded , Rectius Instruendum , and some other Authors much respected : whose Authority , more alwayes repelled by rage than ever yet resisted by reason , though I value more , than all the vain oblatrations of the Opposers of this Testimony , and think it sufficient to confute all imputations of its Novelty , and to counterballance the weight that may be laid on the Contradictions of the greatest that treat on this subject : Yet I do not lay so much stress on the reason of their Authority , as on the Authority of their reason ; which is here represented with that Candor and Care , that , lest any should cavil that they are wrested or wronged , when made to speak so patly to the present Controversies , I have chosen rather to transcribe their words , than to borrow their matter dressed up in my own ; except where the prolixity & multiplicity of their Arguments , as clearly demonstrating that which I adduce them for as that for which they were primarly intended , did impose the necessity of abridging them ; which yet is mostly in their oun words , though reduced into a Syllogistical forme . But this obloquie of Novelty being anticipated , when I reflect on the helps I have collected from so many hands , I am rather afraid , the Truths here delivered be comtemned as obsolete and antiquate , than cast at for new speculations . However I am content , yea it is my ambition that nothing here be looked upon as mine , but that it may appear , this is an old Plea ; and that the party here pleaded for , who are stigmatized with many singularities , are a people , who ask the old paths and the good way , that they may walk therein ; and though their paths be not now much paved , by the frequency of passengers , and multitude of Professors walking therein ; and albeit it must indeed be confessed , the word of their Testimony is some way singular , that the same things were never the word of Christs patience , stated as heads of suffering before ; yet they are not untroden paths , but the same way of Truth , which hath been maintained by the witnesses of Christ in all the Periods of our Church , and asserted by the greatest Confessors , though never before sealed by Martyrs . As for the Arguments I bring to clear & confirm them , whether they be accounted mine or borrowed from others , I am very indifferent ; if they prove the point they are brought for , which I hope they will be sound to do : But of this ● am confident , there is nothing here can be condemned , untill some one or more of those grave Authors be confuted , and when that is done ( which will be ad Calendas Graecas , or against the 30. of February ) there is something besides here which will challenge Consideration . The design then of this work is of great importance : even no less than to essay , the discussing the difficulties of all our Conflicts with open Enemies , about the present state of the Testimony ; the vindicating of all the heads of sufferings sustained thereupon , these 27 years past ; the proposing of the right state of the Testimony for the Interest of Christ , not only of this but of all former Periods ; with an account of the propagation & prosecution of the witnessings , wrestlings , and sufferings for it from time to time ; to the end it may appear , not only how great the sufferings have been , since this fatal Catastrophe and overturning of the Covenanted Reformation , and unhappie restauration of Tyrannie and Prelacie ; but that the grounds , upon which they have been stated , are not niceties and novelties ( as they are reproached and reputed by many ) but worthie and weighty Truths of great value and validity , and of near affinity unto & Conformity with the continued series and succession of the Testimonies in all former Periods . So that in this litle Treatise must be contained , a Compendious Historie of the Church of Scotland her Testimony in all ages , a vindication of the present state of it , yea in effect a short Epitome of the substance of those famous forecited Authors , as far as we need to consult them concerning the Controversies of the present time with Adversaries : Which is much , and perhaps too much , to be undertaken in so small a volume . But considering , that many who are concerned in this Cause , yea the most part who concern themselves about it , are such who have neither access nor time nor capacity to revolve the voluminous Labours of these Learned men , for light in this Case ; I have done my best , to bring them into one body of a portable bulk , with as great brevity as could consist well with any measure of perspicuity ; Not medling with any thing , but what I thought might some way conduce to clear some part of the present Testimony . Every undertaking of this nature , cannot but be lyable to several disadvantages that are unavoidable , this hath many discouraging and difficult . One is , that it shall be exposed to the Common fate of such representations , to be stigmatized as a seditious Libel , and so may be sent to the flames to be confuted ; and to enflame the fury of these firebrands , already hell-hot , into the utmost extremity of rage against the Author , that ever Cruelty it self at its fullest freedom did exert , against Truth and reason arraigned and cast for Sedition and Treason : The only Sanctuary in such a Case is , in prospect of this , to have the greater care , that nothing be spoken , but what the Speaker may dare to affirm in the face of Cruelty it self . A Second common disadvantage is obvious from the Consideration of the humor of the Age , wherein fancy hath greater force than faith , and nothing is pleasing but what is parasitical , or attempered to the palat of the Greatest not of the best ; And naked Truth , without the fairdings of flatterie , or paintings of that pâkiness which is commonly applauded as prudence now adayes , is either bogled at or exposed to scorn & Contempt ; and reason , if roundly written , except it meet with an honest heart , is commonly read with a stammering mouth , which puts a T before it , and then it is stumbled at as Treason : This Essay does expect no Entertainment from any , but such who resolve to harbour Truth be the hazard what will , even when the world raises the Hue & Cry after it , and from such who are really groaning , either by suffering or Sympathie , under the same grievances here represented . There is a Third which makes it not a litle difficult , the quality , quantity , & intricacy of the matter , here to be confined to such a Compend . All which together considered , do infer a fourth difficulty , that hardly can it get a pass through the Press ; which is blocked up against all such books , that may offer a manifestation of the innocency of that people , and the injustice & inhumanity of their enemies ; which is their only hope of preventing the worlds knowledge & condemnation of their actings . Yea there is a fifth , that wants not its own difficulty , that though the Press were patent , yet an empty Purse , from a poor impoverished people , will as readily preclude all access to it , as if it were locked up by Law ; but both together make it hard . But there is a sixth disadvantage yet more discouraging , that the man as well as the money is wanting to manage the business : And this needs no other proof , than the necessity of my poor pen to undertake it , instead of a better . It must needs be very low with that people , that stand in need of such a pitiful patrociny as mine is . Our persecuted brethren elsewhere , have this advantage of us , that they have Champions to espouse their quarrel , which we have not ; but only such , who , as they are reputed in the world , so in their own sense , owne themselves to be very unaccomplished for such work ; and under this invincible disadvantage also , that , being forced to a wandering and unsetled life , they have no conveniency , nor can be accommodated with time nor helps to performe it ; and so circumstantiated , that either it must be done at this time , and in this manner , or not at all . In the seventh place , we are at a greater loss than any suffering people , in that among all other bitter ingredients we have this Gall also in our Cup , that they that suffer most among us have not the comfort & benefit of the Sympathie of others , that sufferers use to have from good people . The reason of this makes an Eight discouragement , besides what is said above ; that not only is the Case & Cause of that poor persecuted & wasted Witnessing Remnant obscure in it self , and not known in the world , nay not so much as in the very neighbouring Churches of England & Ireland ; but also more obscured by the malice of Enemies , traducing , calumniating , & reproaching that righteous Remnant whom they intend to ruine ; not indeed as Hereticks ( which is the case of other suffering Churches , wherein they have the advantage of us also , that thô the name be more odious , yet it makes the notion of their Cause and the nature of their enemies more notour , and is more effectual to conciliate Sympathie from all that know , that Protestants are persecuted by Papists under the notion of Hereticks ; But we are at a loss in this , that our Persecuters , at least the most part of the Executioners of the Persecution , will not as yet avouch that Protestanism is Heresie , though we want not this Nick-name likewise from the Chief of them , that are professed Papists ) but as Schismaticks , Seditious , Rebells , Traitors , Murderers , holding Principles inconsistent with Government ( to wit , their Tyranny ) and the peace of humane Society ( to wit , their Association against Religion and liberty ) and therefore to be exterminated out of the world . And this Imposture covering all their mischiefs , hath prevailed so far with the blinded world , that under this brand the Consideration of their Case & Cause is buried , without farther inquirie . This were yet more tolerable from open enemies ; if there were not another more pressing discouragement in the Ninth place , peculiar to them in Scotland ; that having to do with treacherous as well as Truculent Enemies , as they have been much destroyed by open force , so much more by fraud : while by ensnaring favours some have been flattered from the Testimony , others disdaining & suspecting , as well as deprived of and secluded from , these favours , have s●uck to it ; hence Defection brought on Division , and Division Confusion , which hath reduced the Reformation to a ruinous heap . In the next place , as the Consequent of the former , while the purer Remnant have been resolutely prosecuting the Testimony , and not only keeping themselves free of , and standing at the surthest distance from , all degrees of Complyance , but also witnessing against their Brethren involved in them , and thinking it their duty to discountenance them in these Corruptions & backslidings ; they have been therefore reproached and misrepresented very industriously , as Ignorant , imprudent , transported with blind Zeal , Extravagant , wild , Separatists , espousing new & nice notions , Rejecters of the Ministry , Imposers on the Ministry , Denyers of all Government , Usurpers of an imaginary Government of their oun , that died as fools , and as guilty of their oun blood . By which odious & invidious obloquies , they have easily prevailed with many , both at home & abroad , that are more credulous than considerate , to beleeve these things of them : Hence , with prejudicate people a contrary Representation will find difficult acceptance . However this Moreover is another great disadvantage , and renders an Essay to vindicate their sufferings very uneasie , that they are thrust at & tosted on both hands , by Enemies & professed friends : And by Enemies , that are not all Papists : but professed Protestants , ouning the same fundamentalls in opinion , though in practice not holding the same Head : And by friends , that not only are Protestants , but Presbyterians , under the bonds of the same Solemn & Sacred Covenants , the obligation whereof they still oune ; And not only so , but such , whose Piety & Godliness cannot be doubted . This is a Gravamen grievous to bear , & greatly aggravates the difficultie . Finally , the greatest of all is , that not only their Cause is rendered odious , but must be confessed truly to be odd & someway singular ; and therefore will seem strange & surprising to Strangers , to hear an account of extraordinary sufferings for & upon extraordinary Causes , which never were formerly stated as heads of suffering . For now it is the Dragons chiefest stratagem with us , like to be the most subtil , ensnaring , & successful of any , that ever he set on work since ever he began this War with the Lamb , ( which yet I hope will prove as fatal to his Interest as the former ) to bring the sufferings of Christs witnesses to such a state , that may seem to spectators litle or nothing relative to Religion , that so he may destroy both them and their Testimony unlamented , and by that Trick divert others from concerting that same necessary witness in the season thereof . And for this end he will change both matter & manner , in managing the War. He will not now persecute for the old Controverted heads of Poperie , with fire & faggot as formerly , for refusing to worship Our Lady , or the blessed Sacrament of the Altar . These weapons & Engines are so worn out of use , that they will not work now as they did before . And that old Baud of Babylon is become so ugly and out of date , that he does not believe her beauty can be so bewitching , except she put on a new busk . But her Eldest Daughter , the Prelatical Church , of the same Complexion with herself , except that she is coloured with Protestant paint , is fitter for his service , to allure our Land into fornication ; And who will not be entyced , must be forced to Communion with her , by finings , confynings , exactions , extortions , & impositions of Oaths &c. Religion must be litle concerned here : for there is Preaching enough , and of Protestant Doctrine too , and without the Monkie-Tricks , & Montebank showes , & fopperies of English-Popish Ceremonies , & Lyturgical services : What would they be at ? Is it not better to yeeld to this , than to fall into the hand of the Scotish-Spanish-Inquisition , that will rack the Purse , the Body , & Conscience , and all ? This is one Complex head of suffering , and thought a very small one by many . But now finding this would not do his business yet , it looked too like Religion still : He hath therefore invented a new Machin : He will not now Persecute , nor force the Conscience at all ( so good natur'd is the Devil and his Lievetenant grown , in their old age ) for matters of meer Religion . Nay ( if we may believe him , who when he speaketh a lie speaketh it of his own ) he hath not done it this long time , but only , in all the violent Courses exercised against these Sufferers , he hath been Magistratically chastising the disobedience & rebellion , of a few turbulent Traitors , who would not oune the Government . And thus under the notion of Rebellion , & disouning Authority , he hath had access & success to destroy almost an innumerable number of honest & innocent , faithful & fruitful , lovers of Christ ; who though indeed they have had their sufferings stated upon those points , yet I doubt not shall be found among the followers of the Lamb , and Confessors and Martyrs of Christ , who haue overcome by the blood of the Lamb & the word of their Testimony , not loving their lives unto the Death , whose blood is crying for vengeance against the shedders thereof , And He will make inquisition for it , when He comes to overturn , overturn , & take His own right , for which they have been Contending . Nevertheless this is a prejudice too prevalent with many , to misregard the Case & Cause of these Contenders , or any thing that can be said to represent them favourablie . And all these disadvantages , difficulties , & discouragements together considered , would soon cool my Courage , and at first blush make me leave off before I begin , were I not persuaded that it is the Cause of Christ these reproached people are suffering for , and that their great sufferings & reproaches are both alike unjust , from both which the Lord vvill vindicate them , & bring forth their righteousness as the light & their judgment as the noon day , ●n His oun time . In confidence of vvhich , depending on his Conduct , I shall undertake , as briefly as is possible for me , to represent their case , and clear the Cause , so far at least as concerns their Contest vvith their pesecuting Enemies , vvi●h vvhom I only deal at present ; it not being my purpose to descend particularly into their necessitated Contendings vvith Complying Brethren , partly because they vvould make the volume to excresce unto too great a bulk , & because they are to be seen elsevvhere ; yet in effect these also are not only here narratively deduced , but vvhatever is odious in them is vindicated , & vvhat is difficult in some measure enodated . But it may be expected and desiderated , that I should give a distinct deduction of all the Steps of this woful defection , against which a great part of the Testimony hath been stated : but I would have the Reader advertised , I touch only that part of the Testimony which hath been sealed by severe sufferings from enemies . It were a Task transcending my Capacity , and a Theme wherein I have no pleasure , besides that it is inconsistent with my Leasure , to inlarge upon such a sad and shameful subject : Though the world indeed is at a loss , that they that would do it cannot , and they that would & should do it will not ; And it is a greater loss , not only to Scotland , but also to the whole Christian world , that what hath been done in this kind already cannot see the light , or rather that the Church of Christ is deprived of its light , which through the injury of the times , & the disingenuous Prudence of some , who suffer themselves to be imposed upon by the Patrons of Defection , is embezilled & suppressed . I mean that excellent & faithful History of Defection , the posthumous work of famous Mr. M'ward , whose praise is in the Churches : which if they that have it in keeping , would do themselves the honour , and the world the happiness , of publishing it , there would be no more need to discover , from whence , to what , and how , that Church hath fallen & degenerate ; nor so great dissicultie in that indisputable & indispensable duty that such a day calls for , in searching & trying our wayes to the end we may turn again to the Lord ; Nor any necessity for my poor essay , to invite & incite the people of the lord to take Cognizance & Compassion of poor perishing Scotland . I wish that they who have it , may consult more their oun duty and credit , and what they owe to the memory of the dead , the Churches edification , the dayes Testimony , and the honour of Christ , than to continue robbing the world of such a Treasure ; wich I doubt not to call Treason against Christ , & Sacriledge against the Church , & stick not to tell them , if they will not publish it , the world must knovv there was such a thing done . But it not being my design now , to detect or reflect upon all the defections of that declining , & by declensions divided , & by divisions almost ( only not ) destroyed Church ; I shall medle with them no further , than what is necessary to clear the cause ; refering the knowledge and account of them , either to the Notoriety of the grossest of them , or to the more particular enarration of them , to be found in papers emitted & published by the Contenders against them : Of vvhich one is of this same years edition , entituled , The Informatory vindication of a poor , wasted , misrepresented Remnant , &c. In vvhich may be evident , that notvvithstanding of all this darkness & distress , defection & division , under vvhich the Church of Scotland hath been so long & is still labouring , there is yet a poor vvasted , vvounded , rent & almost ruined , but still vvrestling & vvitnessing Remnant , of Professors & Confessors of Christ there , vvho though they have not only had their soulls exceedingly filled vvith the scorning of those that are at ease & vvith the contempt of the proud , but their bodies also killed all day long and counted as sheep for the slaughter , have yet through grace endeavoured to overcome by the blood of the Lamb and the vvord of their Testimony , & have not loved their lives dear unto the death , & have continued to this day contending both against Professed Enemies , & also declining friends , sustaining from both the utmost of rage & reproach . And since that litle book gives an account , vvhat their Conten●ings have been against their backdravving brethren on the right & left hand , I shall spare labour to offer a discussion of them , only endeavour to make it not difficult to decide & determine , on vvhose side Truth lies , by vvhat is here hinted . I shall conclude , vvith advertising the Reader of one thing further ; that , as this Reproached people , for vvhose Testimony I am pleading , is novv the only party that is persecuted in Scotland ( some fevv excepted ; vvho are exempted from the pretended favour of the current Indemnities ) & their persecution still continues , notvvithstanding of the impudent as wel as insnaring Declarations of Universal Liberty to all Dissenters , vvhich they look upon as their honour & happiness , to be thought incapable of Tyrannical & Antichristian favours ; So their past & present oppressions & sufferings are only here in general agregated described as to their kinds , & vindicated as to their causes : the particular deduction of their number , vveight , & measure ; of their names that have been martyred & murdered , both by formality of Lavv & vvithout all formality of Lavv , by Sea & Land , City & Countrey , on Scaffolds & in the fields ; of the manner of their sufferings ; & of the forme of their Trialls & Testimonies , being intended shortly ( if the Lord vvill ) to be emitted & published in a book by it self ; vvhich vvil discover to the vvorld as rare instances of the injustice , illegality , & inhumanity of the Scotish Inquisition , & of the innocency , zeal , ingenuity , & patience of the vvitnesses of Christ , as readily can be instanced in these latter ages . Only here is a taste till more come : vvhich if the Lord shall bless for its designed end , the Glory of God , the vindication of Truth , the information & satisfaction of all Serious Sympathisers vvith Zions sorrovves , & the Conviction or Confutation of Reproachers , so far at least as to make them surcease from their invidious charges of things vvhereof the innocency is here vindicated , I have obtained all my design , & shall desire to give the Lord the praise . To fill up the vacancy of this page , it will not be unprofitable for the Reader , to cast his eye upon these Sentences of Great Authors , which relate to some heads of the following discourse . Erasm. Ut Atagen , aliás vocalis , captus obiuutescit , ita quibusdam servitus adimit vocem , qui liberi loquuntur libere . Nazianzen . Melius est pro pietate dissidium , quam concordia fucata . Bernard . Si autem de veritate sumitur scandalum , utilius est ut scandalum oriatur , quam veritas relinquatur . Bracton . Rex est qui bene regit , Tyramius qui populum opprimit . Cicero . Amittit is omne imperii jus , qui e● imperio Rempublicam oppugnat . Aristot. Qui legi paret , is Deo & legi paret ; qui Regi , homini & belluae . Sweton . Sub paena perjurii non tenentur fidem fervare Regi degeneri . Ambros. Qui non repellit a socio injuriam , si potest , tam est in vitio quam ille qui facit . Chamier . At Cives omnes jus habent insurgendi contra Tyrannos , qui vi aperta regna occupant . Barclai . Contra Monarchom . Tyrannos , ut hostes publicos , non solum ab universo populo , sed à singulis etiam , impeti caedique , jure optimo posse , tota Antiquitas censuit . AN Historical Representation OF THE TESTIMONIES OF THE Church of Scotland , With the true state of the same in all the Periods thereof . WITH A Vindication of the present Testimonie . THe Church of Christ , in the impression of all that have the least spark of the dayes Spirit , is now brought to such a doleful & dreadful Case & Crisis ; that if it may not be reckoned The killing of the Witnesses : yet all that have or desire the knowledge of the times , will judge it no impeachment to the Prophecie to say , it is either very like or near unto it . When now the Devil is come down in great wrath as knowing his time is but short , and therefore exerting all the energy of the venom & violence , Craft & Cruelty of the Dragon : And Antichrist , alias Pope , his Captain General , is now universally prevailing , and plying all his hellish Engines , to batter down , & bury under the rubbish of Everlasting Darkness , what is left to be destroyed of the work of Reformation : And the Crowned heads or horns of the Beast , the Tyrants , alias Kings , of Europe , his Council of War , are advancing their Prerogatives upon the ruines of the Nations & Churches Priviledges , to such a pitch of Absoluteness ; & improving & imploying their power , for promoving their Masters ( the Devil & Antichrists ) Interests , to whom they have gifted the Churches , mancipated their own , and sacrificed the Nations Interest ; and that with such combination of Counsels , & Countenance of providential success , that all the Powers of Hell , the Principalities of Earth , & the Providence of Heaven , overruling all things for the accomplishment or the Divine purpose , & purchase , & prediction , seem to conspire to produce that prodigious Period , and ultimus Conatus of the Churches Enemie . And the commencement is so far advanced , that , now in all the Churches of Europe , either the Witnesses of Christ are a killing , or the witness for Christ is in a great measure killed ; either the followers of the Lamb , who are cal●ed & chosen & faithful , are killed for their Testimony , or fainting in their Zeal , and falling from their first Love , they are cooled or cajoled from their Testimony . Some are indulging themselves in their ease , settleing on their Lees , & sleeping in a stupid security ; And , while the Lord is roaring from above , & His & their Enemies raging about them , & designing to raze them after they have ruined their Neighbours , they are rotting away under the destructive Distempers of detestable Neutrality , loathsom lul●warmness , declining & decaying in Corruptions , defections , divisions , distractions , confusions , & so judicially infatuated with darkness & delusions , that they forget & forgo the necessary Testimony of the day . Others again , outwearied with the length & weight of the Tryal , under the tentation of Antichrists formidable strength on the one hand , & a deceitful prospect of an insnaring Liberty on the other , are overcome either to be hectored or flattered from their Testimony . And so in these Churches , comprehending all that are free from Persecution at this time , the Witness for Christ is in a great measure killed . Other Churches , which are keeping & contending for the word of Christs patience , are so wasted . & almost worn out , with Persecutions , afflictions , & calamities , that , after they have been & are ( so much ) daylie killed for the Word of God , & the Testimony of Jesus , it may well be said , there hath been & is a great slaughter of the Witnesses . And it were hard to determine , which of them can give the largest & most lamentable account of their sufferings , or which of them have had the greatest & most grievous experiences , of the Treachery & Truculency , Violence & Villanie , of Atheistical & Papistical Enemies : whether the Reformed Church of France , howling under the paw of that devouring Lyon , the French Tyrant ; or the Protestants of Hungary , under the tearing Clawes of that ravenous Eagle the Tyrant of Austria ; or those of Piedemont , under the grassant Tyranny of that litle Ty●er of Savoy . The accounts they give in print , the reports they bring with them in their flight from their respective Countreyes , & the litle Hints we have in Gazetts & News Letters , must needs enforce a conviction , if not extort a Compassion , of the greatness of their pressures ; & that with such a parity , that it is doubtful which preponderats . I shall not make comparisons , nor aggravate nor extenuate the sufferings of any of the Churches of Christ , beyond or below their due measures : But will presume to plead , that Scotland , another Ancient & sometimes famous Reformed Church , be enrolled in the Catalogue of suffering Churches , besides these mentioned ; and crave , that she may have a share of that Charity & Sympathy , which is the demand & desire of afflicted Churches of Christ , from all the fellow members of that same body : And so much the rather is this her due ; that , whereas among all the rest of the Churches , Christs witnesses are killed in some particular respect , & each of them have their own proper complaint of it ; some upon the account of Persecution , some of defection , division &c. Of this it may be said , in all respects , both the witnesses of Christ , and a witness for Christ , are killed with a witness . This is the Case of the sometimes Renouned , famous , faithful , & fruitful , Reformed , Covenanted Church of Scotland , famous for unity , faithful for verity , fruitful in the purity of Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government ; which now , for these 27 years past , under the Domination of the late Tyrant & present Usurper of Brittain , hath been so wasted with oppression , wounded with Persecution , rent with Division , ruined with defection , that now she is as much despised , as she was before admired : And her Witness & Testimony for Reformation , is now as far depressed & suppressed in obscuritie as it was formerly declared & depredicated in glory & honour . And yet , which should move the greater commiseration , her witnessings & wrestlings , Tryalls & Tentations , have not been inferiour , in manner or measure , quality or continuance , to any of the forementioned Churches , thô in extent not so great , because her precinct is not so large , whereby the number of her oppressed & murdered Children could not be so multiplyed , though her Martyrs be more , and the manner of their Murder more illegal , than can be instanced in any of them , during that time . A particular enumeration or enarration whereof , cannot be here exhibited , but is referred & reserved to a peculiar Treatise of that Subject , which ere long the world may see . Only I shall give a compendious account of the kinds & causes , grounds and Heads , of their sufferings , who have been most slighted & least sympathised with , though they have sustained the greatest severities of any ; and inend endeavour to vindicate the Merit of their Cause , in the most principal heads upon which their sufferings have been stated : Whereby it will appear to impartial men , that will not be imposed upon , there hath been , & yet is , a great & grievous , & some way uparalleled , Persecution in Scotland , at least inferiour to none : Which hath not hitherto been culy considered , with any proportion to the importance thereof . But thô this be the Scope , it is not the summe of what is intended in this Discourse . The Method I have proposed to prosecute it withall , will discover it : Which is . 1. To give a brief & summary account , of the Series & Succession , success & result , of the several Contendings of the Witnesses of Christ , against His Enemies in Scotland from time to time ; that it may appear ; whether or not the present sufferings as now stated can be condemned , if the former be approven . 2. To rehearse some of the chief means , methods , & measures , that the Popish , Prelatical , & Malignant saction , have managed , for the ruin of this witnessing Remnant , & some of the most signal steps of sufferings sustained by & from these within these 27 years ; by which it will appear , that the Persecution in Scotland hath been very remarkable ( though litle regarded ) both in respect of the injustice , illegality , & inhumanity of the Persecutors , & in respect of the innocency , Zeal , & ingenuity of the Persecuted . 3. To clear the state & vindicate the merit of the cause of their sufferings , as to the most material heads of it , that are most controverted at this time . In the first of these , I must study all compendious brevity , as may consist with the clearing of my Scope : which is not to enlarge an Historical deduction , of the rise & result , progress & prosecution , occasion & continuation , of every Controversie the Church hath had with her several Adversaries in several Periods ; But only to hint at the chief Heads of their contendings , with a design to make it appear ; that the most material Heads of sufferings that are now condemned , as new & nice notions , have been transmitted from age to age , from the beginning even to this present time , through all the Periods of this Church . PERIOD . I. Comprehending the Testimony of the Culdees . IT is not without reason reckoned among the peculiar prerogatives of the renouned Church of Scotland , that Christs conquest in the conversion of that Nation , is one of the most eminent Accomplishments of Scripture Prophecies , of the propagation of His Kingdom in the New Testament Dispensation : Not only because it was , when called out of Gentile Paganisme , among the rudest of Heathen Nations , & in the ackowledgment of all , among the uttermost parts of the Earth , which were given to Christ for His inheritance & possession ; Whereunto He had , & hath still , undoubted right , by His Fathers grant , & by His oun purchase ; and took Infeofment of it by a glorious conquest , of that Land which the Roman Armes could never subdue , & erected His victorious Trophees there , whither their Triumphs could never penetrate , obtaining & thereby accomplishing that predicted Song of praise , From the uttermost parts of the Earth have we heard Songs , even Glory to the righteous ; Which gives us groun● to expect , that however Christs Interest there be now very low , and like to be lost as a prey in the Dragons Mouth , Yet Christ , having such undoubted & manifold right to it , will not so easily quit or forego His possession : But also because , He hath so constantly continued His possession , & maintained His Title , by a long course of Contendings , by the Testimonies of His witnesses , against the Invaders thereof , through all the Periods of the Church , from the very infancy of this new Dispensation : And because , Scotlands conversion into the Christian Faith was among the first fruits of the Gentiles , of the oldest date , that any standing Church holding the head Christ this day can deduce its original from . For it is clear from Ancient Records , the Christian Faith was imbraced here , a few years after the Ascension of our Saviour , being taught by the Disciples of Iohn the Apostle ; & received afterwards great increment from the Brittons , flying to Scotland to escape the Persecution of the Emperour Domitian , & was long promoted by the ancient Culdees or Cultores Dei ; men whose memory is still fragrant , for piety & purity of faith & life , who continued some hundreds of years , under various vicissitudes of Providence , before either Prelacy or Poperie was known in Scotland . They were first universally encouraged by King Cratilinth , in the time of the last Persecution under Dioclesian , which brought many of Christs witnesses hither for Shelter , who were very helpful for the setling of Truth , & the total extirpation of the Idolatry of the Druides , the Heathen Priests ; whereby the pure Doctrine , Worship , & Government also of Christs Institution , was established & continued many years , while these Witnesses of Christ had no other emulation but of well doing & to advance Pietie . In this Period , these ancient & first Confessors & Witnesses of Christ , did wrestle strenously , according to their strength & light , for the Truths & words of Christs patience , controverted in their day , both against professed Enemies Pagan Persecutors & 〈◊〉 , & pretended friends corrupters of the Faith. Their Testimony was stated , in a peculiar manner , for the verity , value , & vertue of Christs Natures & Offices , in 〈…〉 rel●●ive to either , against the Malignants & Sectaries of their time : particularly for the concerns of His Pr●phetical Office. And though we be at a loss , that for the most art their witness is buried in oblivion , through the darkness of the times succeeding : yet the scraps & fragments that are left , do furnish us with these few Remarks . I. They maintained the verity of the Christian Doctrine , against both Pagan Persecutors , & Heretical perverters ; And the purity of His instituted worship , without the vanity of humane inventions , or conformity with , either the Druides on the one hand , or the Hereticks on the other : with which , sometime befor the end of that Period , they were in●ested : Chiefly the Pelagians , with whom the faithful would have no communion , but abstracted themselves in a Monastical life , liveing & exercising their Religion in Cells , from whence many places in the Countrey yet retain the name , as Kilmarnock , Kil-Patrick &c. that is the Cells of these eminent men among the Culdees . And their Government also , was that of the primitive order without Bishops , with litle vanity , but great simplicity & holyness . Many Authors do testity , that near about 400 years the Church of Scotland knew nothing of the Episcopal Hierarchy , untill Pa●adius brought it in , & not without great opposition . II. In these Recesses , they had the advantage , both of outward peace when others were in trouble , & of inward peace of conscience , when others were debauched with many conjurations , & abjurations , combinations & confederacies , imposed & exacted by them that prevailed for the time : whereby they might both keep themselves free of insnaring Oaths , perfidious complyances , & Associations with the wicked , & also intertain & incourage the oppressed for equity , who fled unto their sanctuary for safety . We find they refused to enter into League with malignant Enemies . One memorable passage I shall insert ( though strictly it belong not to this Period , as I distinguish it , yet falling out , within 80 years thereafter , in the time of the Culdees , it will not obscurely evidence the truth of this ) Goranus the 45 King of Scots , earnestly dissuaded Lothus , King of Picts , to entertain the League with the Saxons , not only because they were treacherous & cruel , but because they were Enemies to the Countre● & to the Religion they professed , concluding thus , Homi●i vero Christiano id longe omnium videri &c. But to a Christian nothing must seem more grievous , than to consent to such a Covenant , as will extinguish the Christian Religion , & reduce the profane Customes of the Heathen , & arme wicked Tyrants the enemies of all humanity & piety against God & His Law : whereupon Lothus was perswaded to relinquish the Saxons . Buchan . Histor. rer . Scotic . III. Though they were not for partaking in wicked unnecessary Wars , without authority or against it ; yet we have ground to conclude , they were for War , & did maintain the principle of resisting Tyrannie : since there was never more of the pactice of it , nor more happy resistances in any age , than in that . Where we find , that , as their Ancestors had frequently done before , so they also followed their footsteps , in resisting , reduceing to order . repressing , & bringing to condign punishment , Tyrant ; & Usurpers ; And thought those actions , which their Fathers did by the light of nature & dictates of reason , worthy of imitation , when they had the advantage of the light of Revelation & dictates of Faith ; the one being indeed moderate & directed but no ways contradicted by the other . Therefore we read ; that , as their Predecessors had done with Thereus the 8 th King of Scotland , whom they banished in the year before Christs Incarnation 173. With Durstus the II King , whom they slew in Battel , in the year befor Christ 107. Evenus 3. who was imprisoned & dyed there , in the year befor Christ 12. Dardanus , the 20 th King , who was taken in Battel , beheaded by his oun Subjects , his head exposed to Mockage , & his body cast into a sink , Anno Christi 72. Luctatus the 22. King , who was slain for his Leachery & Tyranny , anno 110. Mogaldus the 23. King , slain anno 113. Conarus the 24. King , a Leacherous tyrant , dyed in Prison , anno 149. Satrael the 26. King , hanged anno 159. So , after the Christian Faith was publickly professed , they pursued Athirco , the 29. King , when degenerate into Tyranny , who was forced to kill himself anno 231. They slew Nathalocus , the 30. King , & cast him into a privy anno 242. They beheaded Romachus , the 36. King , and caryed about his head for a show , anno 348. As they did with many others afterwards , as witnesseth Buchan . lib. 4. Histor. Scotic , IV. Whence it is evident , that as they attained , even in these primitive times , & maintained the purity & freedom of their Ministery , independent on Pope , Prelate , or any humane Supremacy ( that Antichristian Hierarchy , & Erastian blasphemie , not being known in those dayes ) so they contended for the order & boundaries of the Magistracy , according to Gods appointment & the fundamental constitutions of their Government ; & thought it their duty to shake off the yoke , & disoune the Authority of these Tyrants that destroyed the same . Yea we find that even for incapacity , stupidity , & folly , they disouned the Relation of a Magistrate , & disposed of the Government another way , as they did with Ethodius 2. whose authority they did oune , but Titulo tenus . See Buchan . loco Citato , PERIOD . II. Comprehending the Testimonie of the same Culdees with that of the Lollards . THe following Period was that fatal one , that brought in universal Darkness on the face of the whole Church of Christ , and on Scotland with the first of them : which , as it received very early Christianity , so it was with the first corrupted with Antichristianisme : For that Mystorie of iniquity that had been long working , till he who letted was taken out of the way , found Scotland ripe for it when it came : which , while the Dragon did persecute the woman in the wilderness , did vallantly repell his Assaults , but when the Beast did arise , to whom he gave his power , he prevailed more by his subtiltie , than his rampant Predecessor could do by his rage . Scotland could Resist the Roman Legions while heathenish , but not the Roman Locusts when Antichristian . At his very first appearance in the world under the Character of Antichrist , his harbinger Palladius brought in Prelacy to Scotland , & by that conveyance the contagion of Popery : which hath always been , as every where so especially in Scotland , both the Mother & Daughter , cause & effect , occasion & consequence , of Popery . These rose , stood , & lived together , & sometimes did also fall together : & we have ground to hope , that they shall fall again ; & their final & fatal fall is not fa● off . Whatever difficulty Authors do make , in calculating the Epocha of the 42 moneths of Antichrists duration in the world , because of the obscurity of his first rise ; yet there needs not be much perplexity in finding out that Epocha in Scotland , nor so much discouragment from the fancyed permanency of that Kingdom of wickedness . For if it be certain , as it will not be much disputed , that Popery & Prelacy came in by Palladius , sent Legate by Pope Celestine , about the year 450. then if we adde 42 Moneths or 1260 Prophetical d●yes , that is years , we may have a comfortable prospect of their Tragical conclusion . And though both clashings & combinations , oppositions & conjunctions , this day may seem to have a terrible aspect , portending a darker hour befor the Dawning ; yet all these ●eelings & revolutions , though they be Symptoms of wrath incumbent upon us for our sins , they may be looked upon , through a prospect of faith , as presages & prognosticks of Mercy impendent for His Names Sake , encouraging us , when we see these dreadful things come to pass in our day , to lift up our heads for the day of our Redemption draweth nigh . This dark Period continued ●igh about 1100 years , in which though Christs witnesses were very few , yet He had some witnessing & Prophecieing in sackcloth all the while . Their Testimony was the same with that of the Waldenses & Albingenses , slated upon the grounds of their secession or rather abstraction from that Mystery Babylon , Mot●●●r of harlots Popery & Prelacy , for their corruption in Doctrine , worship , Discipline , & Government . And did more particularly relate to the concerns of Christs Priestly Office , which was transmitted from the Culdees to the Lollards , And by them handed doun to the Instruments of Reformation , in the following Period . Their Testimony indeed was not Active , by way of forcible resistance , against the Soveraign Powers ; but passive , by way of Confession & Martyrdom , & sufferings & verbal contendings , & witnessings against the prevailing corruptions of the time . And no wonder it should be so , & in this some way different from ours , because that was a dispensation of suffering , when Antichrist was on the Ascendant , & they had no call nor capacity to oppose him any other way , and were novv spirited for this passive Testimony , in which circumstances they are an excellent pattern for imitation , but not an example for confutation of that principle of defensive resistence which they never contradicted , & had never occasion to confirm by their practice . But as in their manageing their Testimony , their manner was somevvay different from ours on this respect ; so they had far the advantage of us , that their cause was so clearly stated upon the greatest of heads of sufferings , having the clearest connexion with the fundamentals of Religion . Yet we shall find in this Period our Heads of suffering someway homologated , if we consider . I. That as they did faithfully keep & contend for the word of Christs patience under that dispensation , in asserting & maintani●g both the verity of Christs Doctrin , & the purity of His Worship , by testifieing against the corruptions , errors , Idolatries , & Superstitions of Popery ; so they did constantly bear witness against the usurpation & Tyrannical domination of the Antichristian Prelats . And as the Culdees did vigorously oppose their first introduction , and after aspiring domination , as well as the corruptions of their Doctrine , As we have the contendings of Eminent witnesses recorded from age to age ; in the fourth & fifth Age , Columbe , Libthac , Ethernan , Kintogerne or Mungo ; in the Sexth & seventh Age , Colmanus , C●emens , & Samson with others , in the Eight & ninth Age , Alcuin , Rabanus Maurus , Ioannes Scotus Acrigena , are noted in Historie ; And the Lollards , by their Examinations & Testimonies , are found to have witnessed against the exercise of their power , & sometimes against the very Nature of their power it selfe : so in their practise , they condemned Prelacy as well as Popery , in that their Ministers did in much painfullness , poverty , simplicity , Humility , & Equality , observe the Institution of our Lord. And so far as their light served , & had occasion to inquire into this point , they acknowledged no officer in the House of God superior to a preaching Minister , & according to this standart they rejected & craved Reformation of exorbitant Prelacy . And it is plain that they were frequently discovered , by discountinanceing & withdrawing from their superstitions & Idolatrous worship : for all which , when they could not escape nor repell their violence , they cheerfuly embraced & endured the flames . II. That their Adversaries did manage their cruel craft , & crafty cruelty , in murdering those Servants of God , much after the same methods that ours do ; except that they are many stages outdone by their successors , as much as perfect Artists do outstrip the rude beginings of Apprentices . But on the other hand , the Suffe●ers in our day , that would follow the example of those Worthyes under Popery , would be much condemned by this generation , even by them that commend the matter of their Testimony , though they will not allow the manner of it to be imitated in this day . The Adversaries of Christ in this & that generation , are more like then his Confe●sors & witnesses are . The Adversaries then , when constrained by diversions of the times troubles , or when their designes were not ripe , pretended more moderation & aversation from severity , but no sooner got they opportunity ( which always they sought ) but so soon they renewed the Battel against Jesus Christ ; so now : when they had seven abominations in their hearts , & many cursed designes in their heads , they always spoke fairest ; so now : when they had a mind to execute their cruelty , they would resolve befor-hand whom to pitch upon before conviction ; so now : And when so resolved , the least pretence of a fault , obnoxious to their wicked Law , would serve their design ; so now : They used then to forge Articles , & falsly misrepresent their answers , & declarations of their principles ; so now . Yet on the other hand , if now poor sufferers should glory in that they are counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Christ , as they did then ; If now they should suffer with as great cheerfullnesse , for the smallest points as for the greatest heads , as they did then , who endured the flames as gallantly , for eating a Goose upon Friday , as others did for the Doctrin of Justification , or Purgatory , or Indulgences , or worshipping of Images & Saints ; If now they should speak for every truth in question , with all simplicity & plainness , without reserves or shifts declining a Testimony , as they did ; If they should supersede from all applications to their Enemies for savour , & not medle with either petitioning or bonding with them , as they did ; nay not accepting deliverance , that they might obtain a better resurrection : Then they might expect the severe Censure of ignorant & precise fools , as the most part who suffer now are counted . III. That they stood aloof from every appearance of a base Complyance with them ; not so much as to give them an interpretative sign of it , which in their meaning might be thought a recantation , though abstractly consideredit might be capable of a more favourable construction : As the required burning of their Bill was ; which might have been thought a condemning of their accusations : but because that was not their Adversaries sense of it , they durst not do it . Not like many now a dayes , who will not be solicitous to consult that . Neither would they take any of their Oaths , nor pay any of their Eccllesiastical Exactions , as we find in the Articles brought in against the Lollards of Kyle . Knox Hist. of Reform . These things are easily complyed with now : and such as will suffer upon such things are condemned . IV. That while the Love of God and his blessed Truth , and the precepts , promise , & presence of our Lord Jesus Christ , did enable them into all patience with joy , in a passive Testimony , being by the call of a clear 8 : necessary providence sent & sett forth to behis witnesses ; they did not indeed endeavour any resistence : yet we find they never resigned nor abandoned that first & most just priviledge of resistence ; nay , nor bringing publick beasts of prey to condigne punishment , in an extraordinary way of vindictive Justice , for the Murder of the Saints . As , upon the Murder of Mr. George Wishchard , was done with Cardinal Beaton , who was slain in the tower of St. Andrews by Iames Melvin : who perceiving his consorts in the interprise moved with passion , withdrew them & said ; this work & judgment of God , although it be secret , ought to be done with greater gravity , And , presenting the point of the sword to the Cardinal , said , Repent thee of thy former wicked life , but especially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God , Mr. George Wishchard , which albeit the flame of fire consumed before men , yet it cryes for vengeance upon the● & we from God are sent to revenge it ; for here , before my God , I protest , that neither the hatred of thy person , the love of thy riches , nor the fear of any trouble thow couldst have d●me to me in particular , moved or moveth me to strike thee , but only because thow hast been & remainest an obstinate Enemy against Christ Iesus , & His holy Gospel . Of which fact , the famous & faithful Historian Mr Knox speaks very honorably , and was so far from condemning it , that while after the slaughter they kept out the Castle , he with other Godly men went to them & stayed with them , till they were together caryed captives to Fr●nce . Yet now such a fact , committed upon such another bloody & treacherous Beast , the Cardinal Prelat of Scotland , eight years agone , is generally condemned as horrid Murther . V. However , tho in this dark Period there be no noted instances of these witnesses resisting the Superior powers , for reasons above hinted : yet in this Period , we find many instances of noble & vertuous Patriots , their not only resisting , but also revenging to the utmost of severity rigorous & raging Tyrants . As may be seen in Histories . For before the corruption of Antichrist came to its hight , we find Ferchardus I. the 52. K. was drawen to judgment against his will , great crimes were layd to his charge , & among others the Pelagian heresie , & contempt of Baptisme , for which he was cast into Prison , where he killed himself ; anno 636. Eugenius 8. the 62. King degenerating into wickednesse , & rejecting the Admonitious of his friends & especially of the Ministers , was killed in a convention of his nobles , with the consent of all , anno 765. Donaldus 7. was imprisoned , where he killed himself , anno 859. Ethus , surnamed Alipes , the 72. King was apprehended , & his wicked life layd out befor the people , & then compelled to resigne the Government , & dyed in Prison , anno 875. Afterwards when the Government was transmitted to the Stewarts , Iames the 2. the 103. King , who killed William E. of Douglas in the Castle of Sterling , most treacherously after he had pretended a civil treatment , was publickly defyed by the Earles friends ; who took the Kings publick writ & subscription made to the said Earle , & tyed it to a horse tail , dragging it through the streets , & when they came to the Mercat place they Proclaimed both King & Nobles perjured Covenant-breakers : And thereafter when E. Iames his Brother , was desired to submit , he answered , he would never put himself in their reverence , who had no regard to shame , nor to the lawes of God or man , and who had so perfidiously & treacherously killed his Brother & his Cousins . Iames 3. the 104. King for his Treachery & Tyranny was opposed & purswed by armes by his oun subjects ; who finding himself under disadvantages , sent to the rebells ( as he thought them & called them ) an offer of peace , & received this answer ; that seeing the King did nothing honestly , a certain war seemed better to them then a peace not to be trusted , that there was no other hope of agreement but one , that he should quite the Government , otherwise it was to no purpose to trouble themselves with treaties . Thereafter in a battel he was slain at Bannockburn , by Gray , Ker , & Borthwick . Iames the 4. the 105. King was also constrained , by the valour of Archibald Douglas E. of Angus called Bell the Cat ▪ to reforme the Court , and put away some wicked Sycophants from his Counsel , and give way tho against his will to the execution of judgement upon others : which was the occasion of that foresaid Agnomen to the Earle . For , he with other Nobles , in a meeting at Lawder , consulting how to reform & repress the insolency of the Court , had the Apologue of the Mice laid out before them ; that the Mice ●ell upon deliberating how to be rid of the Cat , & concluded the best way was to put a bell about her neck , but when it came to be put in execution , never a Mouse durst undertake it : The Earle quickly made application , saying , I will bell the Cat ; & forthwith went out & meeting Cochran , one of these wicked Consellours , took hold of him , & hanged him with a horse halter over the bridge of Lawder , & rushing in to the Kings presence proceeded to snatch Ramsey , another of the countreyes Enemies , out of the Kings Armes , but that he yeelded at length to the Kings earnest entreaties to spare him . However we see how generously zealous these noble Patriots were for the countries good , against Tyrannie , thô they were ignorant of Religion : Yet this all alongs was still the character of the Scots in these dayes , none more terrible to Tyrants , none more Loyal to Kings then they . PERIOD . III. Containing the Testimonie of the Reformation from Poperie . AS in the former the Testimony was mostly Passive , so in the following Period , when they were increased in number & strength that embraced the Gospel , the Lord called & spirited to an Active Testimony , for these two Twins , Religion & Liberty , that were then sought to be stifled in the birth , & are now designed more declaredly to be destroyed , after they have growen up to some maturity : Which , as it renders the cruelty of the present destroyers the more grassant & grievous , so it rubs the more indeleble Infamie , on the shamfull security & Ass-like stupidity of this generation , that have received such an excellent Testimony deposited to their trust , transmitted to them through a continued trāct of the witnessings & wrestlings of their worthy Ancestors , and now let it slip & slide through their feeble fingers ; And does the more justify , yea magnify , the poor endeavours of the present Sufferers , who at least , when they cannot react these mighty works in defending Religion & Liberty , do choose rather to die than to resign the Testimony , or quite the least Priviledge that their Progenitors possessed them of : And though they be superciliously despised , as litle insignificant nothings , in the eyes of the bulk of the big boasters of this blind age ; yet , if these valiant Heroes who did such exploits for their God , in commenceing & carying on the work of Reformation , were now to see the dull Dotages of this dreaming generation ( not only suffering & consenting to , but congratulating & applauding , the introduction & reestablishment of Idolatry & Tyranny , Popery & Slavery , upon the ruines of the work they built with so great expence . ) And were to read the pitiful Petitions , and airy & empty , flattering & fauning Addresses , to this Antichristian Tyrant , for the Toleration of that Religion & Liberty , under the odious notion of a Crime , which they had conveyed to them under the security of a fundamental Law ; They , if any , would be acknowledged as their Children , who disdain & disoune such dishonorable & dastardly yeeldings , and are therefore most despised with disdain & despight . A brief Rehearsal of their Contendings will clear the Case . While the Queen Dowager Regent reigned by the curse of God , and employed all her power & policy to suppress the Gospel in Scotland ; God so Counteracted her , that the blood of the Martyrs she caused to be murdered proved the seed of the Church ; and the endeavours of His Servants had such success , that no small part of the Barons & Gentlemen , as well as commons , began to abhor the Tyranny of the Bishops : yea men almost universally began to doubt , whether they could without sin give their bodily presence to the Masse , or offer their Children to the Papistical Baptisme ? Whether these that were in any publick trust , could with safe conscience serve the higher Powers , in maintaini●g of Idolatry , persecuting their Brethren , & suppressing Christs Truth ! or whether they might suffer their Brethren to be murdered in their presence , without any declaration that such Tyrannie displeased them ? And from the Scriptures they were resolved , that a lively Faith required a plain Confession , when Christs Truth is impugned ; And that not only they be guilty that do evil , but also they that consent to evil , and this they should do , if seeing such things openly committed , they should be silent , and so allow whatsoever was done . From doubts they came to determinations , to endeavour that Christ Iesus His glorious Gospel should be Preached , His holy Sacraments truely ministred , Superstition , Idolatry , & Tyranny should be suppressed in this Realme ; And that both as to the Worship , Discipline , & Government , the Reverend face of the first primitive & Apostolick Church should be reduced again to the eyes & knowledge of men . And in this they never fa●nted till the work was finished . To accomplis● this , famous and faithfull Mr Knox , and other Servants of the Lord , did Preach diligently in Private Meetings . And for that , when they were summoned before the Queen ; several zealous & bold men repaired to her , & plainly in the hearing of the Prelats , did charge them with the cruel device intended , & told her with a vow , they should make a day of it , because they oppressed them & their tennents , for feeding of their idle bellies , they troubled the Preachers , and would murder all ; should they suffer this any longer ? No , it should not be . Thereafter , the more effectually to prosecute the Reformation begun , they entered into Covenants , to maintain & advance that work of Reformation , And to stand to the Desence thereof ; and of one another , against all wicked Power , that might intend Tyranny or trouble against them , and to resent any injury done to any of their Brerhren , upon the account of the Common Cause , as done to all . Of which Covenants they entered into many very solemnly : one was at Edinburgh anno 1557. Another at Perth , 1559. Another at Sterling 1559. binding , that none should have any correspondence with the Queen , without notifieing it to one another , And that nothing should proceed therein , without common Consent of them all . Another at Leith , anno 1560. Another at Air , anno 1562. of the same tenor . By which Covenants , as their Conjunction was the more firme among themselves , so was it the more fearful to their Adversaries ; when according to the tenor of them they kept their Conventions , & held Counsells with such gravity & clossness , that the enemies trembled . I mention these things more particularly , because these same very things commended in our Fathers , are now condemned in a poor handful , that wo●ld aim at imitating their example , in renewing & reiterating such Covenants of the same Nature & Tenor , & binding to the same very duties , and prosecute in the same methods of keeping General Meetings for Correspondence , & consultation about common mutual Duties in common danger ; whereunto they have not only present necessity to urge them , but also preterite examples of these Worthies to encourage them , and their experience of comfort & tranquillity they reaped , by these Christian Assemblies & Godly Conferences , as ost as any danger appeared to any member or members of their body . These beginings the zealous Covenanted Reformers left no means unessayed to promote , by Protestations to the Parliament , & Petitions , & many reiterated Addresses to the Queen Dowager : From whom they received many renewed fair promises ; which she had never mind to keep , and wanted not the impudence , when challenged for breaking them , to declare , It becomes not Subjects to burthen their Princes with promises , further then it pleased them to keep the same : And at another time , that she was bound to keep no Faith to Hereticks : And again , that Princes must not be strictly bound to keep their promises ; And that her self would make litle Conscience to take from all that sort their Lives & Inheritance , if she might do it with an honest excuse . Wherein she spoke not only the venome of her oun heart , but the very soul & sense , principle & project , of all Popish Princes : Whereby we may see what security we have for Religion & Liberty this day , though the most part make such a pretence a pillow to sleep on . But after many Discoveries in this kind of the Queens Treachery , at length they would no more be bribed by promises , blinded by pretences , nor boasted by her Proclamations , ( slandering their interprise , as if it pertained nothing to Religion ) from their endeavours to prosecute the same : but finding themselves compelled to take the Sword of Just defence , against all that should persue them for the matter of Religion , they first signified unto her ; That they would notifie to the King of France ; & all Christian Princes , that her cruel unjust & most Tyrannieal murther intended against Touns & Mnltitudes , was & is the only Cause of their revolt from their accustomed obedience , which they ouned & promised to their Soveraign ; provided they might live in Peace & Liberty , and enjoy Christs Gospel , without which they firmly purpose never to be subject to mortal man ; And that better it were to expose their bodies to a thousand deaths , than to deny Christ ; which thing not only do they , who commit open Idolatry , but also all such , as , seeing their Brethren purswed for the Cause of Religion , and haveing sufficient means to comfort & assist them , do nevertheless withdraw from them their dutiful support . And thereafter , they published a Declaration to the generation of Antichrist , the pestilent Prelats , & their shavelings within Scotland . That they should not be abused , thinking to escape just punishment , after that they in their blind fury had caused the blood of many to be shed , but if they proceeded in this their malicious Cruelty , they should be dealt with all , wheresoever they should be apprehended , as Murderers , & open Enemies to God & to Mankind . And that with the same measure they had measured , & intended to measure to others , it should be measured to them — that is , they should , with all force & power they had , execute just vengeance & punishment upon them ; yea begin that same War which God commandeth Israel to execute against the Canaanites , that is , Contract of Peace should never be made , till they desist from their open Idolatry & cruel Persecution of Gods Children . I rehearse this Declaration the more expresly , because in our day Declarations of this stile & strain , and aiming at the same Scope , is hideously hissed & houted at as unheard of novelties . Finally , when by all their Letters , Warnings , Admonitions & Protestations , they could obtain no redress , but rather an increase of insupportable violence ; they proponed the Question in a General Meeting : Whether she , whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole Commonwealth , ought to be suffered so Tyrannically to domineer over them ? Unto which the Ministers , being required to give their judgment , answered , that she ought not . And accordingly they declared her deposed , from all Government over them ; because of her persecuting the Professors of the true Religion , and oppressing the Liberties of the true Lieges , never being called nor convinced of any Crime ; because of her intrusion of Magistrats against all order of Election ; because of her bringing in strangers to suppress the Liberty of the Countrey , and placing them in greatest Offices of Credite , because of her altering and subverting the old Laws of the Realme &c. Which I mention , because hence we may see what things our Fathers judged , did dissolve the relation between the people & their Rulers : And when applyed to our Case , will justify their reasons that have renounced the present Tyranny : This was done at Edinburgh , anno 1559. And thereafter , while they vindicated themselves , & went on with the work of Reformation , throwing doun all monuments of Idolatry , & propogateing the Reformed Religion ; God so blessed their endeavours that their Confession of faith , and all Articles of the Protestant Religion , was Read & Ratified by the three Estates of Parliament , at Edinburgh Iulij 1560. And the same year the Book of Discipline , containing the forme & order of Presbyterial Government , was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility . Thus through the wisdom & power of God alone , even by the weaknesse of very mean Instr●ments , against the rage & fury of the devil , and of all the powers of Hell , was this work of Reformation advanced & effectuated ; And came to the establishment of a Law , which did not only ratifie & confirme the P●ote●●ant Religion , but abolish Antichristian Popery , and appoint punishment for the Professors & promoters thereof . Which Law , often confirmed & ratified afterwards , though it be now cassed & rescinded by the Prerogative of the present Tyrant , because it anulls & invalidates his pretence to succession in the Government ( it being expressly enacted afterwards , by a Parliament at Edinburgh 156. Confirming this , that all Princes & Kings hereafter before their Coronation shall take Oath to maintain the true Religion then professed , & suppress all things contrary to it ) yet is still in force in the hearts of all honest men , that will not prostitute Religion , Law , & Liberty to the lusts of Tyrants ; and will be accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying Religion upon , than the perfidious promises of a Popish Usurper , pretending a Liberty to dissenting Protestants , by takeing away the Penal Statuts , the Legal Bulwark against Popery : All which yet , to the reproach of all Protestants , some are applauding & Congratulating in this time by their Addresses & Petitions , to this destroyer of Law & Religion . I wish they would look back to see what the building of this Bulwark cost our Fathers , before they sell it at such a rate : And compare the present Addresses , Courting & Carressing the Papists , with the Addresses of these worthy builders of what they are destroying . There is one dated Edinb . May. 27. 1561. Presented to the Council , shewing , that honesty craved them ; and conscience moved them , to make the secrets of their heart patent , which was ; That , before ever these Tyrants & dumb Dogs empire over them professing Christ Jesus within this Realme , they were fully determined , to hazard Life , and whatsoever they had received . of God in temporal things — And let these Enemies of God assure themselves , that if their Counsell put not order unto them , that they should shortly take such order , that they shall neither be able to do what they list , neither yet to live upon the sweat of the browes of such as are no Debters to them . And when the mischievous Mary , the daughter of the Degraded Queen , returning from France , set up the Mass but in her oun family ; the Godly at that time gave plain signification , that they could not abide that the Land which God by His power had purged from Idolatry , should in their eyes be polluted again . Shall that Idol ( say they ) be suffered again to take place within this Realme : It shall not . The Idolatrous Priests should die the death according to Gods Law. And a Proclamation being issued to protect the Queens Domestick Servants , that were Papists ; There was a Protestation given forth presently , That if any of her Servants shall commit Idolatry , say Mass , participate therewith , or take the defence thereof , in that case this Proclamation was not extended to them in that behalf , nor to be a Safeguard to them in that behalf , no more then if they commit murther . Seeing the one is much more abominable in the sight of God then the other . But that it may be Lawful to inflict upon them , the pains contained in Gods word , against Idolaters , wherever they may be apprehended without favour . The words of Iohn Knox upon the folowing sabbath may be added . That one Masse was more fear●ul unto him then if ten thousand armed Enemies , were Landed in any part of the realme , of purpose to suppress the whole Religion : for ( said he ) in our God there is strength to resist & confound Multitudes , if we unfeignedly depend upon Him ; but when we joine hands with Idolatry , it is no doubt , but both Gods amiable Presence & comfortable defence , will leave us and what shall then become of us ? Yea when it was voted in the General Assembly , whether they might take the Queens Mass from her ? Many frankly affirmed ; that as the Mass is abominable , so it is just & right , that it should be suppressed : And that in so doing , men did no more hurt to the Queens Majestie , than they that should by force take from her a Poisoned Cup , when she were going to drink it . Thus we have some Specimen of the Zeal of our fathers against Idolatry . But in a litle time , Court favours blunted it in many . And then had the Servants of God a double Battel , fighting or the one hand against Idolatrie , and the rest of the abominations maintained by the Court. And upon the other hand , against the unfaithfullness of false brethren , and Treachery of Sycophants , who informed the Court against the Ministers for their free & faithful Preaching and warning on all occasions ; yet they sustained the brunt of all these assaults , and came off with honour . At length to be short , in process of time , this Mary a woman of a proud & crafty wit , and an indured heart against God & His Truth , insisted in the same steps of Tyranny & Treachery ( but with greater Aggravations ) that her Mother walked in , and was served according to her desert . For after that her Darling Davie Rizio , the Italian Fidler ( whom most men then supposed , and do still suspect , to be the Father of King Iames , this mans Grandfather ; and some do think it not unlikly that his Successors have derived from this stock the Italian Complexion & Constitution , both of body & mind , Spare & Swarthy , Cruel & Crafty ) received his ●ue rewards in her presence , by the Kings consent & Counsel : she conceived such contempt of & indignation against the poor uxorious young King , Henry of Darnely ; that she never rested , till she & Bothwel contrived & executed his Murther . And then she married that Murdering Adulterer , the said Earle of Bothwel . Whereupon the Protestant Noblemen pursueing the Murther , took her & sent her Prisoner to Lochlevin ; where they made her resigne the Government to her Son Iames , then an Infant . And afterwards she was beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England . We see now by this deduction what was the Testimony of this Period , and how in many things it confirmes the Heads of the present Sufferings , which we may particularly remark . I. The Reformation of Scotland had this common with all other Protestant Churches , that it was carried on by resisting the opposing powers : But it had this peculiar advantage above all , that at once & from the begining , both Doctrine & Worship , Discipline & Government , were Reformed : as Mr. Knox witnesseth , that there was no Realme upon the face of the Earth at that time that had Religion in greater Purity . Yea , sayes he , we must speak the Truth whomsoever we offend , there is no Realme that hath the like Purity ; for all others , how sincere soever the Doctrine be , retain in their Churches and the Ministery thereof some footsteps of Antichrist & dregs of Popery , But we ( praise to God alone ) have nothing in our Churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin. The Doctrine was purely Reformed , according to the Rule of Christ , both as to Matter & Manner of Delivery . As to the Matter of it , what it was , the Confession of Faith ratified in Parliament anno 1560. Doth witness . In the Manner of it , they studyed not the smooth & pâkie prudence that is now so much applauded , for not observeing which , such as would fain be honest in this duty , are so much condemned ; but they cryed aloud against & did not spare the sins of the time , with application to every degree of men : as we have it published & vindicated in Mr. Knox his History . They cryed that the same God who plagued Pharaoh , repulsed Sennacherib , struck Herod with wormes , and made the bellies of dogs the Grave & Sepulcher of the Spiteful Iezabel , will not spare misled Princes , who authorise the Murtherers of Christs members in this our time : Many now a dayes will have no other Religion than the Qween ; the Queen , no other than the Cardinal ; the Cardinal , no other than the Pope ; the Pope , no other than the Devil : Let men therefore consider what danger they stand in , if their Salvation shall depend upon the Queens faith . And they used to defend such manner of free dealing , from the examples of the Prophets reproving Kings Personally : Now if the like & greater corruptions be in the World this day , who dare interprise , to put to silence the Spirit of God , whih will not be subject to the apetites of misled Princes . Mr. Knox his defence befor the Queen , when rebuked for speaking of her Mariage in the pulpit , was : The Evangel , sayth he , hath two points , Repentance & Faith ; in preaching Repentance , of necessity it is that the sins of men be noted , that they way know wherein they offend . And in his dispate with Lithingtoun , requiring where any of the Prophets did so use Kings & Rulers ; he gave the example of Elias . reproveing Achab & Iezebel , that dogs shall lick the blood of Achab and eat the flesh of Jezebel ; which was not whispered in their ears , but so as the People understood : well enough , for so witnessed Iehu after the accomplishment ; Elizeiu reproved Iehoram , saying , what have I to do with thee , if it were not for Jehoshaphat , I would not have looked toward thee ; though a subject yet he gave litle reverence to the King. These were their Arguments for faithfullness then which are now exploded with contempt . Their worship was also Reformed from all Dregs of Popery , & fopperies of humane Ceremonies , retained in many other Churches ; especially in England . To whose Bishops , in Queen Elizabeths time , the Assembly wrote ; That if Surplice ▪ Corner cap , Tippet &c. have been the badges of Idolaters in the very act of Idolatry , what have Preachers to do with the dregs of that Romish Beast ? Yea what is he that ought not to fear to take , either in his hand or fore head , the mark of that odious Beast ? — We think yow should boldly oppose your selves to all power , that will dare extoll it self against God , and against all such as do burden the Conscience of the faithful , further then God hath burdened them by His oun word . The Disclpline & Government was from the begining Presbyterial , even before the establishment ; both in practice , among the Persecuted Ministers who kept their private Meetings : And in their Doctrine , This was one of Mr Knox's Articles , he sustained at St Andrews , upon his first entry unto the Ministery , Art. S. There is no Bishop except he preach even by himself wiihout any substitute . But so soon as they attained any settlement , they assembled in their first National Synod , anno 1560. by vertue of that Intrinsick Power , granted by the Lord to His Church ; nor did they so much as petition for the Indulgence of the then Authority ; But upon Christs warrant , they kept & held their Courts in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ only , and in His sole Authority , by direction of His Word & Spirit , concluded all their Counsels , Votes , & Acts. And as they knew nothing of an Exotick Supremacy , so they put out & held out Prelacy , and kept a perfect Parity ; which was nothing infringed by the extraordinary Imployments & Commissions delegated to some Superintendents , upon the account of the particular exigence of these times . II. Next we find in the Practice of these renouned Reformers , many demonstrations of pure zeal , worthy of all imitation : which I remark the rather , because poor Sufferers that would now imitate it , are condemned as blind & ignorant zelots . But why are not the Reformers condemned for the same things ? We find in the first place , that they were so far from complying with , or conniving at , or countenancing publick sins , that they could not contain themselves from declaring their Detestation of the sight of them : yea the very boyes did abominate it , as at the Reformation of St Iohnstoun , a boy cryed with a bold voice , This is intolerable , that when God by His Word hath plainly condemned Idolatry , we shall stand & see it used in despight . Whereupon he & others throw doun all the monuments of Idolatry in the place . But if now any should enterprise such a thing , when the Idol of the Masse is set up in every City , they might expect Ierubbaals censure of the Abiezrites ; th● it is true they might have the same encouragement , because they have the same Command as he had , to wit , the perpetual precept of throwing doun Idolatrous Altars . Next they were so far from complying with the Enemies , in keeping the peace with them , that they thought it a great sin not to oppose them , when their brethren were forced to take the sword of self defence , being perswaded by these arguments : That by their fainting & abstracting their support , the Enemies would be encouraged ; And thereby they should declare themselves both Traitors to the Truth once professed , and Murderers of their Brethren , whom their presence & Concurrence might preserve ; And that if they should deny their Brethren suffering for His Names sake , they should also deny Christ , and be denyed of Him ; And that God hath often punished subjects with their Princes , for winking at and not resisting their manifest iniquity ; And therefore , as He is immutable in nature , so would He not Pardon them in that which He hath punished in others &c. Which Arguments prevailed with the noble Earle of Glencarn , in zeal to burst forth in these words — Albeit never man should accompany me , yet I will go to my Brethren , and if it were but a Pike upon my shoulder , I had rather die with that company then Live after them . But now professors cannot only sit at home in their shops & ceiled houses , when the Lords people are pursued & murdered in the fields , but also can hire their Murderers , & strengthen their hands , by paying them Cesses & Localities , and what they require for help to do their work , and maintaining them in their iniquity . Which famous Mr Knox disproveth very much in his day ; Arguing that if people thought they were innocent , because they were not the actors of such iniquity , they were utterly deceived ; for God doth not only punish the chief offenders , but the Consenters to such iniquity , And all are judged to consent , who give not Testimony against it ; As the Rulers & Bishops are Criminal of all the innocent blood , that 's shed for the Testimony of Christs Truth , so are all who assist & maintain them in their blind rage , and give no declaration that their Tyranny displeaseth them ; This doctrine is strange to the blind world , but the verity of it hath been declared in all notable punishments from the begining ; when the old world was destroyed by water , Sodom & Jerusalem were destroyed , were all alike wicked ? yet all perished ; why ? All kept silence , or did not resist , by which al● approved iniquity , and joined hands with the Tyrants , as it had been in one Battel against the Omnipotent . Which words if impartially applyed , will condemn & confute the dull Daubings of the present Complyances , in maintaining Tyrants & their Emissaries , by Emoluments which they require & exact , and that professedly , for promoting their accursed projects ; And will justify Consciencious sufferers , for refuseing to pay these impositions . And this will the more appear , if we adde some more of his pithie expressions in the same place , clearing the subject he is upon , and answering an objection , what poor people might do , when compelled to give obedience to all their Rulers demanded ? Ye may saith that Author , without sedition withhold the fruits & profits , which your false Bishops & Clergy most unjustly received of yow : Upon which he subjoins the preceeding Arguments . Yet now a dayes these have no weight , but such as refuse either to pay Oppressors exactions , or Curats stipends , are condemned for giddy fools . Again we find , that when they were challenged for duty , they would never decline a declaration of its righteousness , nor do any thing directly or indirectly which might seem a condemning of it . And therefore they wold receive no pardons for these things which they could not confess to be offences . Iohn Knox , challenged for offending the Queen , had her promise , that if he would confess an offence , his greatest punishment should be , but to go within the Castle of Edinburgh , and immediatly to return to his own house ; he refused absolutely . But now , if our Pardon-mongers & prudent men had been so circumstantiate , surely they could have helped themselves with their distinctions , they might confess & be pardoned for offending the Queen , thô not confess it to be a fault in their Conscience : But Mr Knox had not learned that then . When they were pursuing the Murder of King Henry of Darnely , the Queen finding her self not strong enough , offers to forgive & pardon that insurection : The Earle of Morton , in name of all the rest , did not only refuse a Cessation , but told her they would not ask a pardon . But now sufferers , for refusing of these base & unmanly aswell as unchristian Complyances , are much condemned . Finally , because this strictness , especially in their severity against their Enemies , may be accused of Iewish rigidity , inconsistent with a Gospel Spirit of Lenity ; which also is imputed to the much condemned sufferers of Scotland at this time , for their Testimonies against Toleration & Liberty of Conscience : Let us hear what Knox sayes ; whatsoever God required of the Civil Magistrate in Israel or Juda , concerning the observation of true Religion during the time of the Law , the same doth He require of Lawful Magistrates , professing Christ Jesus , in the time of the Gospel : And Cites a large Testimony out of Augustine to this purpose . And afterward objecting to himself the practice of the Apostles , who did not punish the Idolatrous Gentiles ; he answers , That the Gentiles , being never avowed to be Gods people before , had never received his Law , and therefore were not to be punished according to the rigor of it , to which they were never subject , being strangers from the Commonwealth of Israel ; But if any think , after the Gentiles were received in the number of Abrahams children , and so made one people with the Jewes beleeving , then ●hey were not bound to the same obedience of Israels Covenant , the same seems to make Christ inferior to Moses , and contrare to the Law of His heavenly Father ; for if the Contempt and transgression of Moses's Law was worthy of death , what judge we the contempt of Christs ordinance to be ? And if Christ be not come to dissolve , but to fulfill the Law of His Heavenly Father , shall the Liberty of His Gospel be an occasion that the special glory of His Father be troden under foot , and regarded of no man ? God forbid ; And therefore I fear not to affirme , that the Gentiles be bound by the same Covenant that God made with His people Israel , in these words ; Beware that thou make not any Covenant with the Inhabitants of the Land but thou shalt destroy their Altars &c. When therefore the Lord puteth the Sword in the hand of a people , they are no less bound to purge their Cities & Countreyes from Idolatrie , then were the Israelites , what time they received the Possession of the Land of Canaan . III. For the head of Resistence of Superior powers , we have no clearer instances in any Period then in this , where of the above mentioned hints give some account , to which in their sentiments & arguments may be here subjoined . They prised and improved this principle so much , that they put it in their Confession of faith Art. 14. To save the Life of Innocents , to repress Tyranny , to defend the oppressed , are among the good works of the Second Table , which are most pleasing & acceptable to God , as these works are commanded by Himself ; And to suffer innocent blood to be ●hed if we may withstand it , is affirmed to be sin , by which Gods hot Displeasure is kindled against the proud & unthankful world . And if there were no more to render the late . Test of Scotland detestable , that condemns all resistence of Kings upon any pretence whatsoever , this may make all Christians & all men abhor the contrivance of it ; that that same Test that confirms this Thesis , doth also impose the Antithesis upon Conscience . It obliges to this Confession in the first part of it , and to deny it in the Latter . But no wonder , that men of feared Consciences can receive any thing , thô never so contradictory to it self ; And that men who deny sense and that principle irradicated in humane nature , may also deny Conscience , & make a fool of it in sowdering Contradictories . But not only did our Reformers assert this Truth for which now their children adhering to their Testimony suffer both rage and reproach , but also gave their reasons for it . As ( 1 ) Mr Knox , in his first Conference with the Queen , argues thus : There is neither greater honour nor obedience to be given to Princes than Parents ; but so it is that the father may be stricken with a phrensie , in the which he would slay his oun children ; now if the children arise , take his weapon from him , bind his hands , do the children any wrong ? It is even so with Princes , that would murder the Children of God subject to them , their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad phrensie ; and therefore to take the sword from them , and cast them into prison till they be brought to a more sober mind , is no disobedience against Princes . ( 2 ) In his Conference with Lithingtoun , he proves the same point , from the consideration of the justice of God , punishing the people for not resisting the Prince . The Scripture of God teacheth me ( saith he ) Ierusalem & Iuda were punished for the sins of Manassoh ; If you alledge they were punished because they were wicked , and not because the King was wicked , the Scripture sayes expressly , for the sins of Manasseh ; yet will I not absolve the people , I will grant the whole people offended with their King , but how ? to affirme that all Iuda committee the acts of his impiety , hath no certainty ; who can think , that all Ierusalem should turn Idolaters immediatly after Hezekias notable Reformation ? One part therefore willingly followed him in his Idolatry , the other suffered him , & so were criminal of his sin , even as Scotland is guilty of the Queens Idolatry this day . In the same Discourse he makes it plain , that all are guilty of Innocents murder who do not oppose it , from Ieremies words in his defence before the Princes — Know ye for certain if ye put me to death ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves and upon the City and upon the Inhabitants thereof ; Now if the Princes & the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophets blood , how shall others be judged innocent before God , if they suffer the blood of Innocents to be shed when they may save it ? ( 3 ) Ibid. he argues from the distinction between the person placed in Authority , and the ordinance of God , the one may be resisted the other cannot . The plain words of the Apostle makes the difference : The ordinance is of God , for preservation of mankind , punishment o●vice , which is holy & constant ; Persons commonly are profane & unjust : He that resisteth the power there , is only meant of the just power wherewith God hath armed His Magistrats , which who so resists , resists Gods or●inance ; But if men in the fear of God , oppose themselves to the fury of Princes , they then resist not God , but the Devil who abuses the sword & Authority of God : It is evident the people resisted Saul , when he had sworn Ionathan should dye , whom they delivered : The Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime , but praises them & condemns the King : This same Saul again commanded the Priests of the Lord to be slain , his guard would not obey , but Doeg put the Kings cruelty in execution ; I will not ask , whether the Kings servants not obeying resisted the ordinance of God , or whether Doeg murthering gave obedience to just Authority ? The Spirit of God condemns that fact Psal. 52. that God would not only punish the Commander , but also the merciless executer ; Therefore they who gainstood his command , resisted not the ordinance of God. ( 4 ) . Ibid. He argues from examples , not only of resisting but of punishing Tyrants : chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to this purpose , 2 Chon . 26. who after his usurping the Priests Office , was put out of the Temple . When it was replyed , that they were the Priests that with stood the King , not simple people : He answered , The Priests were subjects , as Ab●athar was deposed by Solomon &c. yet they made him go out of the Temple for his Leprosie , and the people put him from the Kingdom . It is noted also that Mr Knox , in that discourse , adduces examples of those , who use to be brought in as objections against defensive Armes , even the Primitive Christians , before that Passage last cited : what precepts , sayes he , the Apostles gave , I will not affirme ; But I find two things the faithful did , the one was they assisted their Preachers even against the rulers , the other was they suppressed Idolatrie wheresoever God gave unto them force , asking no leave of the Emperour nor of his deputies : Read the Ecclesiastical Histories , and ye shall find examples sufficient . IV. In the next place we may inquire into the judgment of these Reformers , concerning that Question that is now so pusling to many ; which indeed was never started before this time as a head of suffering , but now , when it is started , we may gather from our Ancestors Actings & Determinations about it , how it ought to be answered . They were indeed in capacity , and accordingly did improve it , for disouning the Authority of both the Queens : but their capacity was not the thing that made it duty , if it had not been so before . Capacity makes a thing possible , but not lawful : It does indeed make a duty seasonable , and clears the Call to it , and regulates the timing of Affirmative duties , but the want of it can never dispense with negative Precepts : And a duty , negative especially , may become necessary , when it hath not the advantage of seasonableness or capacity ; certainly it were duty to depose ●he Pope from his usurped authority , and to disoune it even in Rome it self , but there it would not be thought very feasible or seasonable , for twenty or thirty people to avouch such a thing there , yet at all times it is a duty never to oune it . It is thought unseasonable & unfeasable to disoune the Tyrants authority , but it is made necessary , when u●ged never to oune it . And for this we have the grounds of our Ancestors , shewing who may be disouned , and must not be ouned . I shall first insert here John Knox his propositions , prosecuted in his second blast , extant at the end of Anton. Gilbies Admonition to England & Scotland . 1. It is not birth only nor propinquity of bloodh that maketh , a King lawfully to Reign over a people , professing Christ Iesus and His Eternal verity , but in his Election , the ordinance which God hath established in the election of inferior judges , must be observed . 2. No manifest Idolater , nor notorious transgressor of Gods holy precepts , ought to be promo●ed to any publick regiment , honour , or dignity , in any realme , Province , or Citie , that hath subjected themselves to Christ Iesus and His blessed Evangel . 3. Neither can Oath , or promise , bind any such people to obey & maintain Tyrants , against God and His Truth known . 4. B●t if rashly they have promoted any manifest wicked person , or yet ignorantly have chosen such an one , as after Declareth himself unworthy of regiment , above the people of God ( and such be all Idolaters & Cruel Presecuters ) most justly may the same men depose & punish him , that unadvisedly before they did nominate , appoint , & elect . Accordingly this was done in deposing both the Queens : wich is fully vindicated by the Earle of Morton , in his discourse to the Queen of England , as Buchanan Relates it , Lib. 20. Pag. 746. The deed it self , neither the Custom of our Ancestors of taking a Course with their Governour , will suffer it to be accounted new , nor the moderation of the punishment to be odious : for it were not needful to recount so many Kings punished by death , bonds , & exile by our Progenitors . For the Scotish nation , being from the begining alwise free , hath created Kings upon these conditions , that the Government entrusted to them by the peoples suffrages , might be also ( if the matter required ) removed by the same suffrages : Of which Law there are many footsteps remaining even to our day ; for both in the Isles about , and in many places of the continent , in which the old Language & institutions have any abode , this Custom is kept , in creating their Governours of Clanns : And the Ceremonies , used at the entering into Government , do yet retain the express representation of this Law. Whence it is evident , that the Government is nothing else but a mutual stipulation between Kings & people : which further appears , from the inviolated tenor of the Ancient Law , since the begining of the Scotish Government , reserved even unto our memory , without the least essay either to abrogate it , or disable , or diminish it . Yea even when our fathers have deposed , banished , & more severely punished so many Kings , yet never was any mention or motion made , of relaxing the rigor of that Law : And not without reason , seeing it was not of that kind of Constitutions , that change with the times , but of those which are engraven in the minds of men from the first original , and approved by the mutual consent of all Nations , and by natures Sanction continued inviolable and perpetual , which being subject to no other Lawes do Command & rule all . This , which in every action doth offer it self to our eyes & minds , and whether we will or not abides in our breasts , our Predecessors followed ; being alwayes armed against violence , and ready to suppress Tyrants — And now for the present , what have we done , but insisting in the footsteps of so many Kingdoms & free Nations , suppressed Tyrannical Licentiousness , extolling it self above all order of Laws , not indeed so severely as our Predicessors in like cases ; if we had imitated them , not only wold we have been far from all fear of danger , but also have escaped the trouble of Calumnies — What would our Adversaries be at ? Is it that we should arm with Authority Tyrants convicted of grievous Crimes , maintained by the spoils of the subjects , having hands embrued in royal blood , and hearts gaping for the oppression of all good men ? And shall we put them upon our head , who are infamously suspected of Parricide , both projected & perpetrated ? To which we may adde , a forreign conclusion indeed , but adduced & maintained by Mr Craig , in the Assembly anno 1564. which had been determined by Learned men in Bononia , Principes omnes , tam supremi quam inferiores , possunt & debent Reformari , vel deponi per cos per quos eriguntur , confirmantur , vel admittuntur ad officium , quoties a side praestita subditis per juramentum desiciant , quoniam relatio juramenti subditorum & principum mutua est , & utrinque aequo jure servanda & resormanda , juxta Legem & conditionem juramenti ab utraque parte sacti . That is , all Rulers be they supreme or inferior , may & ought to be reformed , or bridled ( to speak moderatly ) by them by whom they are chosen , confirmed , or admitted to their office , so oft as they break that promise made by Oath to their subjects , because that the Prince is no less bound by Oath to their subjects , then are the subjects to their Princes , And therefor ought it to be kept & reformed equally , according to Law & condition of the Oath that is made of either Party . By comparing which two Testimonyes together , we may see the reasons , why neither of the two Royal Brothers , that have ruled in our day , could be conscienciously ouned as Magistrates , in the Case they have been in for several years past : The first testimony is for the second ▪ Brother , the Latter is for he first that 's gone . But as for Mr Knox his opinion , it is evident he had written a● a book against the Government of women : which though he did not intend it particularly against Mary of Scotland , yet ▪ it did invalidate her authority as well as other womens . This book he ounes and maintains , in his first conference with her , and consequently could not oune her authority as of the Lord , though he gave her common respect , as the title of Majestie &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queens question , yow think , said she , that I have no just authority ; He would not answer in the affirmative , but shifted it , by telling her ; That learned men in all ages , have had their judgment free , and most commonly disagreeing from the Common judgment of the world . And tho , he sayes , he could live under her government ( so may & would the greatest disouners of Tyranny , if they be not troubled with questions about ovvneing it ) yet he affirms that with the Testimony of a good Conscience , he had communicate his judgment to the world , and that if the realme found no inconveniences in her government , he would no further disallow than within his oun breast . Certainly then in his Conscience he did not & could not oune her , as the Magistrate of God ; And that thô many things which before were holden stable , had been called in doubt , yet neither Protestant nor Papist could prove , that any such question was at any time moved in publick or private , Neither could ever such a question be moved , if the Conscience were not posed , and then when it must speak , it must of necessity be unpleasant to Tyrants . Thus we have heard both the positions & scruples of this witness , let us also hear his arguings that People may punish Princes for their Idolatry & murther &c. And therefore much more may disoune them : And therefore again much more may they forbear to oune them , when called ; for can a dead man by Law be ouned to be a Magistrate , & Custos of the Law. Idolatry ( sayth he in his conference with Lithington ) ought not only to be suppressed , but the Idolater ought to die the death : but by whom ? by the people of God , for the Commandment was given to Israel ; yea a Command , that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City , that then the whole body of the people arise and destroy that City , sparing neither man woman nor child . But shall the King also be punished ? If he be an Idolater , I find no priviledge granted unto Kings more then unto people , to offend Gods Majestie . But the people may not be Judges to their King. — God is the universal Judge ; so that what His Word commands to be punished in the one , is not to be absolved in the other ; And that the people , yea or a part of the people , may not execute Gods judgments against their King being an offender , I am sure you have no other warrant , except your own imaginations , and the opinion of such as more fear to offend their Princes than God. In the same Conference we have the instance of Iehu adduced to prove that Subjects may execute Gods judgments upon their Princes . It was objected , Iehu was a King before he executed judgment upon Ahabs house , and the fact was extraordinary , and not to be imitated . He answered , he was a meer Subject ; No doubt Iezabel both thought & said he was a Traitor , and so did many others in Israel & Samaria . And whereas it was said , that the fact was extraordinary ; I say , it had the ground of Gods ordinary judgment , which commandeth the Idolater to die the death ; and ●herefore I yet again affirme , it is to be imitated of all those that prefer the true honour of the true Worship & Glory of God to the affection of flesh & wicked Princes . We are not bound , said Lithingtoun to follow extraordinary examples , unless we have the like Comman●ment & assurance . I grant , said the other , if the example repugne to the Law , but where the example aggrees with the Law , & is as it were the execution of Gods judgment expressed within the same , I say that the example approved of God stands to us in place of a Commandment ; for as God in His Nature is Constant & Immutable , so cannot He condemne in the ages subsequent that which He hath approved in His Servants before us . Then he brings another Argument from Amaziah who fled to Lachish , but the people sent thither and flew him there . Lethingtoun doubted , whether they did well or not : ●e answered , where I find execution according to Gods Law , and God Himself not accuse the doers , I dare not doubt of the equity of their Cause : And it appears . God gave them sufficient evidence of His approving the fact , for He blessed them with peace and prosperity . But prosperity does not alwise prove that God approves the fact : yes , when the acts of men agree with the Law , and are rewarded according to the promise in that Law , then the prosperity succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance that God hath approved it ; but so it is , that there is a promise of lengthening out prosperity to them that destroy Idolatry . And again , concluding Uzziahs example , he sayes there , The people ought to execute Gods Law , even against their Princes , when that their open Crimes by Gods Law deserve punishment , especially when they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude . V. There is another thing for which people have suffered much in our day of blasphemy rebuke & trouble , which yet we find was not so odious in our Reformers eyes as this dull & degenerate age would represent it . That in some cases it is Lawfull & laudable for private persons , touched with the zeal of God & love to their Countrey , & respect to Justice trampled upon by Tyrants , to put forth their hand to execute righteous judgment upon the Enemies of God & mankind , intollerable Traitors , Murderers , Idolaters ; when the ruine of the Countrey , Destruction of Religion & Liberty , and the wrath of God is threatened , in & for the impunity of that vermin of villains , and may be averted by their destruction , always supposed , that these whose office it is to do it decline their duty . The mind of our Reformers as to this is manifest , both in their practice & opinion . We heard before of the slaughter of Cardinal Beaton , and of the fidler Rizio : we shall find both commended by Mr Knox , giving account how these that were caryed Captives to France for this Cause from St Andrews were delivered . This ( saith he ) we write , to let the posterity to come to understand , how potently God wrought in preserving & delivering of those , that had but a small knowledge of His Truth , and for the love of the same hazarded all ; That if we in our days , or our posterity that shall follow , shall see a dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety , or take upon them to punish the same otherwise then Laws of men will permit , if such shall be left of men , yea as it were despised & punished of God : yet let us not damn the persons that punish vice ( and that for just cause ) nor ye● despair , but that the same God that dejects will raise up again the persons dejected , to His glory and their comfort : And to let the world understand in plain termes what we mean ; that great abuser of this Commonwealth , that Pultron & vile Knave Davio was justly punished March 9. 1565. by the Counsel & hands of Iames Douglas Earle of Mortoun , Patrick Lord Lindsay &c : who for the●r just act , and most worthy of all praise , are now unworthily left of all their Brethren . This is not only commended by the Author alone , but we find it concluded by all the Brethren at that time , when the Queen brought in the Idol of the Masse again , and the proud Papists began to avow it : then let it be marked that , The Brethren universally offended , and espying that the Queen by Proclamation did but delude them , determined to put to their own hands , and to punish for example of others ; And so some Priests in the West Land were apprehended , Intimation was made to others , as to the Abbot of Cosragnel , the Parson of Sanquhar , and such , that they should neither complain to the Queen nor Council , but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to Idolaters in His Law , by such means as they might , wherever they should be apprehended . Upon this the Queen sent for Mr Knox , and dealt with him earnestly , that he would be the instrument to perswade the people not to put hand to punish . He perceiving her craft , willed her Maj. to punish Malefactors according to Law , and he durst promise quietness , upon the part of all them that professed Christ within Scotland , but if her Maj. thought to delude the Laws , he feared some would let the Papists understand , that without punishment they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend Gods Majestie . Will ye ( quoth she ) allow they shall take my Sword in their hand ? The Sword of Justice ( said he ) Madam is Gods , and is given to Princes & Rulers for one end ; which if they transgress , sparing the wicked & oppressing the Innocents , they that in the fear of God execute judgment , where God hath commanded , offend not God , although Kings do it not : the examples are evident , for Samuel spared not to slay Agag the fat & delicate King of Amalek , whom King Saul had saved ; Neither spared Elias Iezabels false Prophets , & Baals Priests , albeit that King Ahab was present ; Phineas was no Magistrate , and yet feared he not to strike Zimri & Cozbi in the very act of filthy fornication : And so Madam your Maj. may see that others then Magistrates may Lawfully punish , & have punished the vice & crimes that God commands to be punished . He proved it also at more length in his Appellation , from Deut. 13. If thy Brother solicite thee secretly saying , let us go serve other Gods , consent not to him , let not thine eye spare him 〈…〉 him ; let thy hand be first upon him , and afterward the hand of the whole people . Of these words of Moses , two things appertaining to our purpose are to be noted : The first is , that such as solicitate only to Idolatrie ought to be punished to death , without favour or respect of person ; for He that will not suffer man to spare his son , wife , &c. will not wink at the Idolatry of others , of what state or condition soever they be : It is not unknown that the Prophets had Revelations of God , which were not common to the people ; Now if any man might have claimed any priviledge from the rigor of the Law , or might have justified his fact , it should have been the Prophet , but God commands , that the Prophet that shall so solicitate the people to serve strange Gods , shall dye the death , notwithstanding that he alleadge for himself dream , vision , or Revelation , because he teacheth Apostacy from God : hereby it may be seen , that none provoking the people to Idolatry ought to be exempted from the punishment of death . Evident it is that no state , condition , nor honour can exempt the Idolater from the hands of God , when He shall call him to an account : How shall it then excuse the people , that they , according to Gods command , punish not to death such as shall solicitate or violently draw the people to Idolatrie ? The second , is that the punishment of such Crimes , as Idolatrie , blasphemy , & others that touch the Majestie of God , doth not appertain to Kings & chief Rulers only , but also to the whole body of the people , and to every member of the same , according to the vocation of every man , and according to that possibility & occasion which God doth minister , to revenge the injury done against His Glory : And that doth Moses more plainly speak in these words of the same Chapter , If in any Citie which the Lord thy God giveth thee , thou shalt hear this bruite , there are some men sons of Belial — Plain it is that Moses speaks not nor giveth charge to Kings , Rulers , & Judges only ; but he commands the whole body of the people , yea and every member of the same , according to their possibility . And who dare be so impudent as to deny ●his to be most reasonable & just ? For seeing God had delivered the whole body from bondage , and to the whole multitude had given His Law , and to the twelve tribes had distributed the Land of Canaan ; was not the whole & every member addebted to confess the benefits of God , and to study to keep the possession received ? which they could not do , except they kept the Religion established , & put out iniquity from amongst them . To the carnal man this may seem to be a rigorous & severe judgement , that even the Infants there should be appointed to the cruel death : and as concerning the City , and spoill of the same , mans reason cannot think but that it might have been better bestowed , than to be consumed . But in such cases let all creatures stoup , and desist from reasoning , when Commandment is given to execute His Judgment . I will search no other reasons , than the Holy Ghost hath assigned ; first , that all Israel should fear to commit the like abomination ; And secondly , that the Lord might turn from the fury of His anger : Which plainly doth signifie , that by the defection & Idolatry of a few , Gods wrath is kindled against the whole , which is never quenched , till such punishment be taken upon the offenders , that whatsoever served them in their Idolatry be brought to destruction &c. I have inlarged so far upon this Period , that it may appear , there is nothing now in Controversy , between the suffering & reproached party now in Scotland , and either their Friends or Enemies , which could fall under our Reformers inquiry ; but they have declared themselves of the same sentiments , that are now so much opposed : And therefore none can condemn the present heads of suffering , except also they condemn the Reformers judgment ; and consequently the imputation of novelty must fall . PERIOD . IV. Containing the Testimony of the first Contenders against Prelacy and Supremacy , from the year 1570. to 1638. HItherto the Conflict was for the Concerns of Christs Prophetical & Priestly Office , against Paganisine & Popery . But from the year 1570. And dounward , the Testimony is stated , and gradually Prosecuted , for the Rights , Priviledges , & Prerogatives of Christs Kingly Office : which hath been the peculiar Glory of the Church of Scotland , above all the Churches in the Earth , that this hath been given to her as the word of her Testimony ; and not only Consequentially & Reductively , as all other Churches may challenge a part of this dignity , but Formally & Explicitely to contend for this very head , The Headship & Kingship of Iesus Christ , the Prince of the Kings of the Earth , and His Mediatory Supremacy over His oun Kingdom of Grace , both visible & Invisible . This is Christs supremacy , a special radiant Jewel of His Imperial Croun : which , as it hath been as explicitely incroached upon in Scotland , by His Insolent Enemies , as ever by any that entered in opposition to Him ; so it hath been more expressly witnessed and wrestled for , by His suffering Servants in that Land , than in any place of the world . This was in a particular manner the Testimony of that Period , during the reign of King Iames the Sixth ; as it hath been in a great measure in our day , since the year 1660. Which , as it is the most important Cause , of the greatest Consequence that Mortals can contend for ; So it hath this peculiar Glory in it , that it is not only for a Truth of Christ , of greater value then the standing of Heaven & Earth , but also it is the very Truth , for which Christ Himself died , considered as a Martyr ; And which concerns Him to vindicate & maintain as a Monarch . The Witnesses of that day made such an high account of it , that they encouraged one another to suffer for it , as the greatest Concern ; being a witness for Christs Glorious & free Monarchie , which as it is the end of the other two Offices , so the Testimony is more Glorious to God , more honourable to His Son , and more Comfortable to them , then the Testimony either for His Prophetical office , or for His Priesthood , because His Kingdom was specially impugned at the time ; As Mr Forbes & Mr Welsh write in a Letter to the Ministers at Court. The Corruptions & Usurpations wronging this Truth , that they contended against , were Prelacy and the Kings Supremacy in Ecclesiastical matters : which will be usefull to hint a litle , how they Prosecuted the Conflict . When Sathan ( whose Kingdom was then declining ) by several instruments & means , both by force & fraud , did endeavour to put a stop to the Reformation , by reintroducing the Antichristian Hierarchy of Prelacy , when he could not reestablish the Antichristian Doctrine of Popery ; he left no means unessayed to effectuate it . And first he began to bring the name Bishop in request , that was now growing obsolete & odious , by reason of the abuse of it ( as it ought to be still ; for though the name be found in the Scriptures , yet neither is that Catechrestical application of it to Prelats to be sound , nor was there any other reason for the translation of it after that manner , except it were to please Princes ; seeing the native signification of it is an Overseer , proper and common to all faithfull Pastors . ) And indeed his first essay reached litle further then the bare name , for they were to be subject to & tryed by Assemblies , and hardly had so much power as Superintendents before . But it was a fine Court-juggle for Noblemen , to get the Church revenues into their hands , by restoring the Ecclesiastical titles , and obtaining from the titulars either Temporal Lands , or Pensions to their dependers : so they were only Tulchan Bishops , a Calfeskin to cause the Cow give milk . Yet , though this in our day would have been thought tollerable ; The faithful Servants of Christ did zealously oppose it . Mr Knox denunced Anathema to the Giver , and Anathema to the Receiver . And the following Assembly condemned the office it self , as having no sure warrant , authority , nor ground in the Book of God , but brought in by the folly & corruption of mens invention , to the overthrow of the Church ; and ordained all that brooked the office , to dimit simpliciter , and to desist & cease from preaching , while they received de novo admission from the Generall Assembly , under the pain of excomunication . Hereby they were awakened & animated , to a more vigorous Prosecution of the establishment of the House of God , in its due Government . In pursuance whereof , the Assemblies from that time untill the year 1581. Did with much painfulness & faithfulness attend the work ; untill , by perfecting of the Second Book of Discipline , they compleated their work , in the exact Model of Presbyterial Government , in all its Courts & Officers . Which was Confirmed , & Covenanted to be kept inviolate , in the National Covenant , subscribed that year by the King , his Court , & Council ; and afterwards by all ranks of People in the Land. Whence it may be doubted , whether the impudence of the succeeding Prelats that denyed this , or their perjury in breaking of it , be greater . This was but the first brush : a brisker assault followes . Wherein , for the better establishment of Prelacy , that what it wants of Divine right , might be supplyed by the accession of humane Prerogative , and not only Diocesan but also Erastian Prelacy might be set up , to destroy Christs Kingdom & advance Sathans ; the Earle of Arran & his wicked Complices , move the King , contrary both to the Word & Oath of God , to usurp the prerogative of Jesus Christ , and assume to himself , a blasphemous Monster of Supremacy , over all Persons , & in all Causes , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil . But this also the faithful Servants of God did worthily & valiantly resist : and at the very first appearance of it , gave in a Grievance to the King , anno 1582. That he had taken upon him a spiritual Power , which properly belongs to Christ , as only King & Head of the Church ; the Ministerie & execution whereof , is only given to such as bear office in the Ecclesiastical Government in the same : so that in the Kings Person , some men press to erect a new Popedome , as though he could not be full King of this Commonwealth , unless as well the spiritual as temporal Sword be put in his hand , unless Christ be rest of His Authority , and the two Jurisdictions confounded , which God hath divided , which directly tendeth to the wrack of all true Religion . Which being presented by the Commissioners of the General Assembly ; the Earle of Arran asked , with a frouning Countenance , who dare subscribe these treasonable Articles ? Mr Andrew Melvin answered , we dare , & will subscribe , & render our Lives in the Cause . And afterward , that same Assembly presented Articles , shewing , that seeing the spiritual Jurisdiction of the Church , is granted by Christ , and given only to them , that by preaching , teaching , & overseeing , bear Office within the same , to be exercised , not by the injunctions of men , but by the only Rule of Gods Word — hereafter , no other of whatsomever degree , or under whatsomever pretence , have any colour to ascribe , or to take upon them any part thereof , either in placing or displacing of Ministers , without the Churches admission , or in stopping the mouths of Preachers , or puting them to silence , or take upon them the judgment of tryal of Doctrine &c. But in contempt & contradiction to this , and to prosecute & exert this new usurped Power , Mr Andrew Melvin was summoned before the secret Council , for a Sermon of his , applying his doctrine to the Times Corruptions : whereupon he gave in his declinature against them as incompetent Judges ; and told them , they were too bold , in a Constitute Christian Church , to pass by the Pastors , Prophets , & Doctors , and to take upon them to judge the Doctrine , and to control the Ambassadors of a Greater then was there , which they neither ought nor can do . There are ( saith he , Loosing a litle Hebrew Bible from his girdle ) my Instructions & Warrant : see if any of you can control me , that I have past my injunctions . For this he was decerned , to be warded in the Castle of Edinbrugh , but he being informed , that if he entered in ward he would not be released , unless it were for the scaffold , he conveyed himself secretly out of the Countrey . Hereafter when the Parliament 1584. had enacted this Supremacy , and submission to Prelacy , to be subscribed by all Ministers ; the faithful first directed Mr David Lindsey to the King , desiring that nothing be done in Parliament prejudicial to the Churches Liberty : who got the Prison of Blackness for his Pains . And then when they could not get access for shut doors to Protest before the Parliament ; yet , when the Acts were proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh , they took publick Documents , in name of the Church of Scotland ( though they were but two ) that they protested against the said Acts : and fled to England , leaving behind them reasons that moved them to do so . And Mr Iames Melvin wrote against the subscribers at that time very pertinently : Proving , first , that they had not only set up a new Pope , & so become Traitors to Christ , and condiscended to that chief error of Papistrie , whereupon all the rest depend ; but further , in so doing they had granted more to the King , than ever the Popes of Rome peaceably obtained &c. And in the end , as for those that Lamented their oun weakness & feebleness , he adviseth them , to remove the publick slander , by going boldly to the King & Lords , and shew them how they had fallen through weakness , but by Gods power are risen again ; and there by publick note & witness taken , free themselves from that subscription , and to will the same to be delete , renouncing & detesting it plainly , and thereafter publickly in their Sermons , and by their Declaration & retractation in writ , presented to the faithful , manifest the same , let them do with stipend , benefice , & Life it self what they list . This I insert , because this Counsel is now condemned , and when poor people , offended with Ministers subscriptions of Bonds & other Complyances , desire acknowledgments of the offence , they reject it as an impertinent imposition , and plead they are not obliged to manifest any retractation but to an Ecclesiastical Judicatory . To which I shall say nothing here , but this is no novelty . After this , it is known what bickerings the faithful witnesses of Christ had , in their Conflicts with this supremacy , upon the account of Mr David Blacks Declinature , which they both advised him to , & approved when he gave it in , against the King & Conncil as Judges of his Doctrine . And the Commissioners of the General Assembly ordained all , to deal mightily with the power of the word , against the Councils encroachments ; for which they were charged to depart forth of Edinburgh . After which he added a second Declinature : Declaring , there are two Jurisdictions in this realme , the one Spiritual the other Civil ; the one respecting the Conscience , the other externals ; &c. — Therefore , in so far as he was one of the spiritual office-bearers , and had discharged his spiritual Calling in some measure of grace & sincerity , should not nor could not be Lawfully judged , for preaching and applying the word , by any Civil power ; he being an Ambassadour & Messenger of the Lord Jesus , having his Commission from the King of Kings , and all his instructions set doun & limited in the book of God , that cannot be extended , abridged , or altered by any mortal wight , King or Emperour ; And seeing he was sent to all sorts , his Commission & discharge of it should not nor cannot be Lawfuly , judged , by them to whom he was sent ; they being sheep & not Pastors , to be judged by the Word and ●●t to be judges thereof in a judicial way . The Interloquutor being past against him for this ; the Brethren thought it duty , that the Doctrine of the Preachers should be directed against the said Interloquutor , as against a strong & mighty hold set up against the Lord Jesus , and the freedom of the Gospel ; and praised God for the force & unity of the Spirit , that was among themselves . And being charged to depart out of Toun , they leave a faithful Declaration at Large ; shewing , how the Liberties of the Church were invaded & robbed : But all this was nothing , in comparison of their wrestlings for the Royalties of their Princely Master , and Priviledges of His Kingdom , against that Tyrants Insolencies , after he obtained he Croun of England . For then he would not suffer the Church to indict her oun Assemblies . And when the faithful thought themselves obliged to counteract his Encroachments , and therefore conveened in an Assembly at Aberdeen , anno 1605. they were forced to dissolve : and thereafter , the most eminent of the Ministers there assembled , were transported Prisoners to Black-ness . Whence being cited befor the Council , they decline their Judicatory . And one of their Brethren , Mr Robert Youngson , who had formerly succumbed , being moved in Conscience , returned : and when the rest were standing before the Council , desired to be heard ; and acknowledged his fault , and therefore , howbeit not summoned by the Lords , was charged by the Living God , and compelled to compear that day , to justifie that Assembly , to the great astonishment of the Lords , and comfort of His brethren ; He subscribed the Declinature with the rest : And for this they were arraigned , and condemned , as guilty of Treason , and banished . Before the execution of which sentence , Mr Welsh wrote to the Lady Fleming , to this effect . What am I , that He should first have called me , and then constituted me a Minister of glad things , of the Gospel of Salvation , these fifteen years already , and now last of all to be a sufferer for His Cause & Kingdom ? To witness that good Confession , that Jesus Christ is the King of Saints , and that His Church is a most free Kingdom , yea as free as any Kingdom under Heaven , not only to convocate , hold & keep her Meetings , Conventions , & Assemblies : But also to judge of all her affairs in all her Meetings & Conventions , among His members and Subjects . These two points . ( 1 ) That Christ is the Head of His Church . ( 2 ) That she is free in her Government from all other jurisdiction except Christs , are the special Cause of our imprisonment , being now convict as Traitors , for maintaining thereof . We have now been waiting with joyfulness to give the last Testimonie of our blood in confirmation thereof . If it would please our God to be so favourable , as to honour us with that dignity . After this , the King resolving by Parliament to advance the estate of Bishops again , as in the time of Popery , without Cautions as before ; and further to establish not only that Antichristian Hierarchie , but an Erastian Supremacy : The faithful Ministers of Christ , thought themselves bound in Conscience to protest . And accordingly they offered a faithful Protestation to the Parliament Iulij — 1606. obtesting , that they would reserve into the Lords own hands , that Glory which He will communicate neither with man nor Angel , to wit , to prescribe from His holy Mountain a Lively pattern , according to which His oun Tabernacle should be formed : Remembring alwise , that there is no absolute & undoubted Anthority in this world , except the soveraigne Authority of Christ the King ; to vvhom it belongeth as properly to rule the Church , according to the good pleasure of His oun vvill , as it belongeth to Him to save His Church by the Merit of His oun Sufferings : All other anthority is so intrenched vvithin the marches of Divine Command , that the least overpassing of the bounds set by God Himself , bring men under the fearful expectation of Temporal & Eternal judgements . — If ye should authorize Bishops , ye should bring into the Church the ordinance of man , vvhich experience hath found , to have been the ground of that Antichristian Hierarchie , vvhich mounted up on the steps of Bishops preeminence , until that man of sin came forth , as the ripe fruit of mans vvisedome , vvhom God shall consume vvith the breath of His oun mouth . Let the svvord of God pierce that belly , vvhich brought forth such a monster : And let the staff of God crush that egg , vvhich hath hatched such a Cockatrice : And let not only that Roman Antichrist be thrown down from the high bench of his usurped authority , but also let all the steps whereby he mounted up to that unlawful preeminence , be cut down & utterly abolished in this Land : And beware to strive against God with an open displayed banner , by building up again the walls of Iericho , which the Lord hath not only cast down , but also hath laid them under an horrible Interdiction & execration , so that the building of them again must needs stand to greater charges to the builders , then the reedifying of Iericho , to Hiel the Bethelite in the days of Ahab . Yet notwithstanding of all opposition , Prelacy was again restored in Parliament . And to bring all to a Complyance with the same , Presbytries & Synods universally charged , under highest pains , to admit a constant Moderator without change : which many refused resolutely , as being the first step of Prelacy . Upon this followed a great Persecution of the faithful , for their Nonconformity , managed by that Mongrel & Monstrous kind of Court , made up of Clergy-men & Statesmen , called the High Commission Court , erected anno 1610. whereby many honest men were put violently from their charges & habitations ; the Generality were involved in a great & fearful Defection . But the Copestone of the wickedness of that Period , was the Ratification of the five Articles of Perth ; kneeling at the Communion , private Communion to be given to the sick , private Baptisme , and Confirmation of Children by the Bishop , and observation of festival dayes . Which were much opposed & testified against by the faithful , from their first hatching anno 1618. to the year 1621. when they were ratified in Parliament : at what time they were also witnessed against from Heaven , by extraordinary Lightenings & Tempest . And against this the Testimony of the faithful continued , till the Revolution anno 1638. Here we see how the Cause was stated in this Period ; and may gather also , wherein it aggress , and how far it differs from the present Testimony , now suffered for under all rage & reproach . I. The matter of the Testimony was one with that that we are suffering for , against Popery , Prelacy , & Supremacy ; except that it was not so far extended against Tyranny , because that Tyrant was not such an usurper , nor such a violater of the fundamental constitutions of the Civil Government , as these that we have had to do with all . But as to the managing the Testimony , they far out stripped their successors in this generation , in conduct & courage , Prudence & zeal , as is above hintend in many instances : to which we may adde some more . When several plots of Papist Lords had been discovered , conspiring with the King of Spain , And they were by the Kings Indulgence favoured , and some were also perswaded to treat with them : famous Mr Davidson opposed with great resolution ; Declaring before the Synod of Lothian , that it favoured much of defection in these dayes , that such notorious rebells to God , His Church , & the Country , should be so treated with ; we should not rashly open a door to Gods Enemies , without better proof of their manners nor were yet seen . And when a convention in Falkland was consulting to call home these conspiring Traitors : Mr Andrew Melvin went thither uncalled ; and when found fault with by the King for his boldness , he answered , Sir , I have a call to come here from Christ & His Church , who have special Interest in this Turn , and against whom this Convention is assembled directly : I charge yow , and your Estates , in the Name of Christ & His Church , that ye favour not His Enemies whom He hateth , nor go about to call home nor make Citizens of these , who have traiterously sought to betray their City & native Countrey , with the overthroiw of Chists Kingdom . And further challenged them of treason against Christ , His Church & the Countrey , in that purpose they were about . About the same time in a private Conference with the King , he called the King Gods sillie vassal ; and taking him by the sleeve , told him ; Sir , yow , and Church & Countrey is like to be wracked for not telling the Truth , and giving yow faithful Counsel ; we must discharge our duty , or else be enemies to Christ & yow : Therefore I must tell yow , there are two Kings and two Kingdoms ; There is Christ and His Kingdom , whose subject King Iames the 6th is , and of whose Kingdom he is not a King , nor a Head , nor a Lord , but a member , and they vvhom Christ hath called to vvatch over & govern his Church , have sufficient Authority , and Power from Him , which no Christian King should control but assist , othervvise they are not faithfull subjects to Christ. Sir , vvhen yovv vvere in your svvedling clouts , Christ reigned freely in this Land , in spight of all His enemies ; but novv the vvisdom of your Council , vvhich is Devilish & pernicious , is this , that yovv may be served of all sorts of men to your purpose & grandour , Iew & Gentile , Papist & Protestant , because the Ministers & Protestants in Scotland are too strong , & control the King , they must be vveakened & brought lovv , by stirring up a party against them , and the King being equal & indifferent , both shall be fain to flee to him , so shall he be well setled : But , Sir , let Gods wisedom be the only wisdom , this will prove meer & mad folly ; for His curse cannot but light upon it , so that in seeking both yow shall lose both . To the like effect , Mr Robert Bruce , in a Sermon upon Psal , 51. gives faithful warning of the danger of the times . It is not we ( sayes he ) that are Partie in this cause ; no , the quarrel is betwixt a greater Prince and them . What are we , but sillie men ? Yet it has pleased Him to set us in this Office , that we should oppone to the manifest usurpation that is made upon His Spiritual Kingdom . Is there a more forcible mean to draw down the wrath of God , than to let Barrabas that nobilitate Malefactor pass free , and to begin the war against Christ and His Ministry . It puteth on the Copestone , that so many of our brethren should not be so faithful , as their Calling & this Cause craveth . Fy upon false brethren , to see them dumb , so faint hearted , when it comes to the Chock : Not only are they ashamed to speak the thing they think , which is a shame in a Pastor , but speak directly against their former Doctrin . They will speak the Truth a while , till they be put at , but incontinent they will turn and make their gifts weapons to fight against Christ ; for there is none so malicious as an Apostate when he begins to slide back &c. The same faithful witness , because he would not preach as the King would have him , against his oun conscience , to justifie & Proclaim the Kings Innocency , in a forged conspiracy against him , was put from his Church in Edinburgh , and being requested in an insinuating manner to desist from preaching but for nine or ten dayes ; he condiscended at first , thinking the matter of no great importance : yet that night his body was cast in a fever , with the terror of his conscience , and he promised he should never obey their Commandment any more . These were faithful men , yet we find they challenge themselves in deep humiliation , for their short comings & defections , at the renovation of the National Covenant , March , 30. 1596. the greatst solemnity ever had been seen in Scotland before that time , so that the place might worthily have been called Bochim . O when shall we see such a day , when even the most faithful among us , shall mourn over our far more aggravated defections ! but if they mourned then for these first degrees of declensions , we may say , quam gravius ingemiscerent illi fortes viri , qui propter Ecclesiae Scoticanae Libertatem . olim in acie decertarunt , si nostram hanc ignaviam ( ne quid gravius dicam ) conspicerent ! I know notwithstanding of all this , that some encourage themselves in a base Complyance with the present corruptions of our Church , from the practise of these Worthies ; Alledging , they did not scruple to hear & join with Prelatical men , dispensing the ordinances . But this Objection will be easily refelled , if we consider , first , the Period wherein they were but growing up to a more perfect Reformation , and therefore might bear with many things which we cannot , after we have been reformed from them : They were then advancing and still gaining ground , we are now declining , and therefore should be more shie to lose what we have gained . They had then of a long time enjoyed their Judicatories , unto which they might recur for an orderly redress of such grievances that offended them ; and when they were deprived of them , yet they were still in hopes of recovering them , and so suspended their total secession from that corrupt Church , untill they should recover them ; in the mean time still holding their right and maintaining their cause against these Invaders . But we were at thevery first begining of this unhappy Revolution , totally deprived of our Judicatories , and denuded of all expectation of them in an ordinary way , and of all place , but what they are Masters of to contend with them that way ; therefore must keep our selves free of their ▪ Communion . But next if we consider their practise , we shall find these Worthies vvere not such Conformists , as our Complyers vvould make them . What if vve find among them Meetings , that vvere Called & Counted as Seditious & Schismatick , as Ours are novv ? vve find a field Meeting , yea a General Assembly , at Dumfermling vvithout & against the Kings vvarrant , vvhen the ●ports vvere shut against them , anno 1585. But that is not so pat to the purpose , as that vve find Private-Meetings at Edinburgh , and that in the very time of publick Service in the Churches , discharged by open Proclamation anno 1624. vvherein it is charged , that they had no respect to the ordinary Pastors , contemned & impugned their Doctrine , disobeyed & controlled their Discipline , abstained to hear the Word preached , and to Participate of the Sacraments . And long before that , vve find the sincerer sort scrupled to hear Bishop Adamson , not withstanding that he vvas absolved in the Assembly . And that aftervvards , the doubt being proponed to the Assembly , if it be a slander to a Christian , to absent himself from the Sermons of them that are suspended from all function in the Ministry . The Assembly Ansvvered , there is no slander in the Case but rather it is slanderous to resort . And why is not this ground to think it slanderous or scandalous to resort to them , who deserve to be suspended ( all of them by a Spiritual cognizance , and some of them to be suspended Corporally , for their villanie ) when there can be no access orderly to do it . And the rather , because we find in this Period , that sometimes Ministers were so faithful & zealous against the Corruptions of the Ministry , that they decerned Ministers to be suspended for far smaller faults , than many now could exempt themselves from ; viz. if they were not powerful & Spiritual , if they did not apply their Doctrine to Corruptions , if they were obscure & too Scholastick before the people , cold & wanting zeal , flatterers , dissembling at publick sins for flattery or fear &c. As we may read in the Advice of the Brethren , deputed for penning the Corruptions in the Ministery , anno 1596. I wish our silent prudent Ministers now would consider the justness of this Censure , and what ground people have to be offended at such censurableness . But not only this may answer the false imputation of Conformity on these witnesses of Christ at that time , but I shall set down a part of a Letter of one of the banished Ministers at that time , discovering his mind about hearing these men , that were then serving the times . Mr Iohn Welsh , writing to Mr Robert Bruce , — what my mind is concerning the root of these branches , the bearer will shew yow more fully . They are no more to be counted Orthodox , but Apostates ; They have fallen from their Callings by receiving an Antichristian , and bringing in of Idolatrie , to make the Kingdom culpable , and to expose it to fearful Judgments , for such an high perfidie against an Oath so sol●mnly enacted & given ; And are no more to be counted Christians , but strangers , Apostates , & Persecutors , And therefore not to be heard any more , either in publick , or in Consistories , Colledges , or Synods ; for what fellowship hath light with darkness ? We see then as to that part of the Testimony , they were not dissonant to the vvitness of the present reproached sufferers . II. As the matter & manner of their Testimony against all the invaders of the Churches priviledges , did speak forth a great deal of sincere & pure zeal ; so their practice was conform , shewing forth a great deal of strictness , and aversness from all sinfull Complyances , even with things that would be now accounted of very minute & inconsiderable consequence , and for which honest sufferers now are flouted at as fools . When that Oath was formed for acknowledging the Supremacy , there was a Clause added which might have been thought to salve the matter , according to the Word of God. I fear many now would not stand to subscribe , with such a qualification . Yet the faithful then perceived the Sophistrie , that it made it rather worse , affirming that that brat of Hell was according to the word of God : And therefore , though there were several eminent men to perswade them to it both by advice & example , yet they could not in conscience Comply ; And pleaded also from the illegality of that imposition , that they should be charged with the subscription of Laws , a thing never required before of any subject ; if they offended against the Laws , why might they not be punished according to the Laws ? When many honest faithful Patriots , for their attempt at Ruthven to deliver the Countrey from a vermine of Villains that abused the King , to the destruction of the Church & Kingdom , were charged to crave Pardon , & take remission ; they would do neither , judging it a base condemning of duty : which puts a brand upon our sneaking Supplicators , & Petitioners , & Pardon-mongers , as unworthy to be called the race of such Worthies , who scorned such baseness , and choosed rather to endure the extremity of their unjust Sentences , of Intercommuning & Banishment &c. And when the Earle of Gowrie accepted of a Remission , he afterwards condemned himself for it , and desired that his old friends would accept of his friendship , to whom he had made himself justly suspected . Mr Black , when he had the same favour offered to him , refused altogether , left so doing he should condemn himself , and approve the Courts Proceedings : And the Brethren , confering with the Councellors , craving that some penalty should be condiscended unto for satisfying his Majestie in his honour , would not condiscend to any how light soever ; lest thereby they should seem to approve the Judicatorie & their Proceeding . The Imprisoned Ministers , for declining the Council , had it in their offer , that if they would without any confession of offence only submit themselves to his Majestie , pro scandalo , accepto non dato , they should be restored to their places : But it pleased God so to strengthen them , that they stopped their Mouths , and convinced them in their Consciences , that they could not do it without betraying of the Cause of Christ. Again in another case , we have Instances of such strictness , as is much scorned now a dayes . The Ministers of Edinburgh were committed to ward , for refusing to pray for the Queen , before her execution in Forthringam Castle 1586. they refused not simply to pray for her , but for the preservation of her life , as if she had been innocent of the crimes laid to her charge , which had imported a condemnation of the proceedings against her . Afterwards in the year 1600. the Ministers of Edinburgh , would not praise God for the deliverie of the King , from a pretended Conspiracy of the Earle of Gowrie at that time , of which they had no credit nor assurance ; and would not crave Pardon for it neither . For this Mr Robert Bruce was deprived of the exercise of his Ministry , and never obtained it again in Edinburgh : But now for refusing such compelled & imposed Devotion , to pray or praise for the King , poor people are much condemned . I know it is alleadged , that these faithful sufferers in those days , were not so strict as they are now , in submitting to unjust Sentences , and obeying & keeping their Confinements . I shall grant , there was much of this , and much might be tollerate in their circumstances , when the Court procedure against them was not so illegal , their Authority was not so Tyrannical , nor so necessary to be disouned , and they were so stated , that they were afrayed to take guilt upon them , in making their escapes : whereas it is not so with us . Yet we find very faithful men broke their Confinements : As Mr Iohn Murray , confined about Dumfreis , perceiving there was no end of the Bishops malice , and that he would be in no worse case than he was , he resolved without Licence either of King or Council to transport himself : So did also Mr Robert Bruce . III. For resistence of Superior Powers , we have in this Period , first the practice of some Noblemen an Ruthven , anno 1582. who took the King , and seised on that Arrant Traitor , Enemy to the Church & Countrey , the Earle of Arran ; declaring to the world the Causes of it , the Kings Correspondence with Papists , his usurping the Supremacy over the Church , and oppressing the Ministers , all by means of his wicked Councellors , whom therefore they removed from him . The King himself emitted a Declaration allowing this deed . The General Assembly approved of it , and perswaded to a Concurrence with it , and nothing was wanting to ratifie it , as a most Lawfull & laudable action . At length the Fox escapes , & changes all , and retracts his former Declaration . The Lords again rallie , and interprise the taking of the Castle of Stirling , and gain it ; but afterward surrender it : after which the Earle of Gowrie is executed , and Ministers are commanded to retract the Approbation of Ruthven business , but they refused : and many were forced to flee to England , and the Lords were banished . But in the year 1585. they return with more success , and take the Castle of Stirling . The cowardly King does again acknowledge & justify their Enterprise , that they needed no Apology of words , Weapons had spoken well enough , and gotten them audience to clear their own Cause : but his after carriage declared him as crafty & false , as he was cowardly & fearful . Again we have the advice of the General Assembly , for resisting , when the Ministers were troubled , upon Mr Blacks bussiness , and there was an intention to pull them out of their Pulpits : They advised them to stand to the discharge of their Calling , if their flocks would save them from violence , and yet this violence was expected from the King and his Emissaries . As to that point then there can be no dispute . IV. There was litle occasion for the Question about the Kings Authority in this Period , but generally all acknowledged it : because they were not sensible of his usurpation , and his cowardice made him incapable of attempting any thing that might raise commotions in civil things . Yet we remark , that whatsoever Authority he usurped beyond his sphere , that was disouned & declined by all the Faithful , as the Supremacy . Next that they resented , & represented very harshly , any aspiring to Absoluteness ; as Mr Andrew Melvin could give it no better name , nor intertain no better notion of it , then to terme it , The bloodie Guillie , as he inveighs against it in the Assembly , 1582. And next , in this same Period , we have a very good description of that Authority , which the King himself allowes not to be ouned , which out of a Kings mouth abundantly justifies the disouning of the present Tyrannie : This same King Iames , in a speech to the Parliament in the year 1609. sayth , A King degenerateth into a Tyrant , when he leaveth to rule by 〈◊〉 , much more when he beginneth to invade his Subjects Persons , Rights , & Liberties , to set up an Arbitrary Power , impose unlawful taxes , raise forces , make War upon his Subjects , to pillage , plunder , wast , and spoil his Kingdoms . PERIOD . V. Containing the Testimony for the last Reformation from Prelacy , in all its steps , from the year 1638 , to 1660. THe following Period , from the year 1638. to 1660 , continues & advances the Testimony , to the greatest hight of Purity & Power , that either this Church or any other did ever arrive unto , with a Gradation , Succession , & Complication of wonders , of Divine Wisdom , Power , Justice & Mercy , signally & singularly ouning & sealing it , to the Confusion of His Enemies , Comfort of His People , Conviction of Indifferent Neutrals , and Consternation of All. Now after a long winter , and night of Deadness & Darkness , the sun returns with an amiable approach of Light & Life : now the winter was past , the rain was over & gone , the flowers appear on the earth , and the time of singing of birds is come , and the voice of the turtle is heard in our Land. Now the second time , the Testimony comes to be managed in an Active manner , as before it was Passive : As the one hath been alwayes observed to follow interchangably upon the other , especially in Scotland , and the Last alwayes the Greatest ; which gives ground to hope , though it be now our turn to suffer , that when the summer comes again after this winter , and the day after this night , the next Active Testimony shall be more notable than any that went before . The matter of the Testimony was the same as before , for the Concerns of Christs Kingly Prerogative , but with some more increase as to its opposites : for these grew successively in every Period , the Last alwayes including all that went before . The first Period had Gentilisme principally to deal with , the second Poperie , The third Poperie & Tyrannie , the fourth Prelacy & Supremacy , this fifth hath all together , and Sectarianisme also , to contend against . The former had alwayes the opposites on one hand , but this hath them in extremes on both hands ; both fighting against one another , and both fighting together against the Church of Scotland , and she against both , till at length one of her opposites prevailed , viz. the Secterian Party , and that prevailing brought in the other , to wit , the Malignant , which now domineers over all together . Wherefore , because this Period is in it self of so great importance , the Revolutions therein emergent so eminent , the Reformation therein prosecuted wanting litle of its perfect Complement ; the Deformation succeeding in its Deviation from the Pattern being so destructive ; to the end it may be seen from whence we have fallen , and whether or not the present reproached Sufferers have lost or left their ground , we must give a short deduction of the Rise , Progress , & End of the Contendings of that Period . In the midst of the forementioned Miseries & Mischiefs , that the pride of Prelacy and Tyrannical Supremacy had multiplied beyond measure upon this Church & Nation , and at the hight of all their haughtiness , when they were setting up their Dagon , and erecting Altars for him , imposing the Service-book , and book of Canons &c. the Lord in Mercy remembered His people , and surprised them with a sudden unexpected Deliverance , by very despicable means ; even the opposition of a few weak women , at the beginning of that Contest , which , ere it was quashed , made the Tyrant tumble headless off his throne . The zeal against the English popish Ceremonies , obtruded on Edinburgh , did first inflame some feminine hearts to witness their detestation of them ; but afterwards was followed out with more Masculine fervor , accosting King & Council with Petitions , Remonstrances , Protestations , & Testimonies against the Innovations , and resolving upon a mutual Conjunction , to defend Religion , Lives , & Liberties , against all that would innovate or invade them . To fortifie which , and conciliate the favour both of God & man in the Resolution , All the Lovers of God , and friends to the Liberty of the Nation , did solemnly Renew the National Covenant ( wherein they were signally countenanced of the Lord ) vvhich , though in it self obliging to the Condemnation of Prelatical Hierarchie , and clearly enough confirming Presbyterial Government , yet they ingaged into it vvith an inlargment , to suspend the practice of Novations already introduced , and the approbation of the Corruptions of the present Government , vvith the late places & povver of Church men , till they be tried in a free General Assembly . Which vvas obtaine● that same year , and indicted at Glasgow : and there , not vvith standing all the opposition that the Kings Commissioner could make , by Protestations & Proclamations to dissolve it , the six preceeding Assemblies establishing Prelacy vvere annulled , The Service-Book , and high Commission vvere condemned ; All the Bishops vvere deposed , and their Government declared to be abjured in that National Covenant ; though many had , through the Commissioners , persvvasions , subscribed it in another sense vvithout that application : As also the five Articles of Perth vvere there discovered , to have been inconsistent vvith that Covenant & Confession , and the Civil places & povver of Church men vvere disproved & rejected : on the other hand Presbyterial Government vvas Justified & Approved , and an Act vvas passed for their keeping yearly General Assemblies . This was a bold begining , into which they were animated with more than humane resolution , against more than humane opposition , Hell as well as the powers of the earth being set against them . But when the Lord gave the Call , they considered not their oun deadness , nor were daunted with Discouragments , nor staggered at the promise through unbelief , but gave Glory to God , out braving all difficulties . Which in the following year were much increased , by the Prelats and their Popish Partakers , rendevouzing their forces under the Kings Personal Standart , and menacing nothing but misery to the zealous Covenanters : yet when they found them prepared to resist , were forced to yeeld to a Pacification , concluding that an Assembly & Parliament should be held for healing all grievances of Church and State. In which Assembly , at Edinburgh , the Covenant is ratified & subscribed by the Earle of Traquair Commissioner , and enjoined to be subscribed by the body of the whole Land , with an explication expressly condemning the five Articles of Perth , the Government of Bishops , the Civil places & power of Church men : But the sons of Belial cannot be taken with hands , nor bound with bonds of faith , humanity , or honour ; For in the year following , King & Prelats , with their Popish Abettors , go to arms again ; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new Pacification , whereby all Civil & Religious Liberties were ratified . And in the folowing year 1641 , by Lawes , Oaths , Promises , subscriptions of King & Parliament fully confirmed . The King , Charles the I. being present , and consenting to all ; though in the mean time he was treacherously encouraging the Irish murderers , who by his Authority made a Massacre of many thousand Innocent Protestants in Ireland . But in Scotland things vvent vvell , the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus vvas greatly advanced , the Gospel flourished , and the Glory of the Lord did shine upon us , vvith such a splendor that it avvaked England , and animated the Lords People there , then groaning under those Grievances from vvhich Scotland vvas delivered , to aspire to the like Reformation . For advice in vvhich , because though all aggreed to cast off the yoke of Prelacy , yet sundry forms of Church Government vvere projected to be set up in the room thereof , chiefly the Independent order , determining all Acts of Church Government , as Election , ordination , and deposition of officers , vvith Admission , Excommunication , & Absolution of members , to be done & decided by the voices of every Particular Congregation , vvithout any Authoritative Concurrence or interposition of any other , condemning all imperative & decisive povver of Classes &c. as a meer usurpation ; Therefore the Brethren in England vvrote to the Assembly then fitting at Edinburgh , vvho gave them ansvver That they vvere grieved , that any of the Godly should be found not aggreeing vvith other Reformed Churches in point of Government , as well as Doctrine ; and that it was to be feared , where the edge of Discipline & Government is different , the Doctrine & Worship shall not long continue the same without change ; That the Government of the Church , by Compound Presbytries & Synods , is a help & strength , and not a hinderance to particular Congregations & Elderships , in all the parts of Government ; and are not an extrinsecal Power set over Particular Churches , but the intrinsecal power where with Christ hath invested His Officers , who may not exercise it Independently , but with subordination unto Presbytries &c. Which as they are Representative of particular Churches , conjoined together in one under their Government ; so their determination , when they proceed orderly , whether in Causes common to all , or brought before them by reference in case of aberration , is to the several Congregations Authoritative , & not Consultatory only . And this subordination is not only warranted by the light of nature , but grounded upon the Word of God , and conforme to the Pattern of the Primitive & Apostolick Church , for the Preservation of verity & unity , against Schisme , Heresie , & Tyrannie , which is the fruit of this Government where soever it hath place . So from henceforth the Assembly did incessantly urge uniformity in Reformation , with their Brethren in England , as the chiefest of their Desires , Prayers , & Cares . And in the year 1643. prevailed so far , that the English Parliament did first desire that the two Nations might be strictly united for their mutual defence , against the Papists & Prelatical faction and their Adherents in both Kingdoms ; and not to lay down Armes , till these implacable Enemies should be brought in subjection : and did instantly urge for the help & assistance from Scotland . Which being sent did return with an Olive branch of Peace , and not without some beginings of a Reformation in England . And afterwards , a bloody War begining between the King & Parliament , with great success on the Kings side , whence the Papists at the time got great advantage ( witness the cessation of Armes concluded in Ireland ) Commissioners were sent from both Houses to Scotland , earnestly inviting to a nearer union of the Kingdoms , and desiring Assistance from this Nation to their Brethren in that their great distress : And this , by the good hand of God , produced the solemn League & Covenant of the three Kingdoms , first drawen up in Scotland , and approven in the Assembly at Edinburgh , and afterward embraced in England , to the terror of the Popish and Prelatical party , and to the great comfort of such as were wishing and waiting for the Reformation of Religion , and the recoveries of Just Liberties . The tenor whereof did import , their sincere & constant endeavours , in their several places & Callings , for preservation of the Uniformity in Reformation , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government ; The extirpation of Popery , Prelacy , Error & Prof●nity ; the preservation of the Rights & Liberties of the people , and of the Magistrats Authority , in defence of the true Religion and Liberty ; the discovery & punishment of Incendaries ; the retaining of the Peace & Union of the Kingdoms ; the mutual assistance & defence of all under the bond of this Covenant ; and the performing all duties we owe to God , in the amendment of our Lives , and walking exemplarly one before another . This is that Covenant comprehending the purpose of all Prior , and the Pattern of all posterior Covenants , to which Christs witnesses did always adhere , for which the present witnesses do suffer & contend ; That Covenant , which the Representative of Church & State in the three Nations did solemnly Subscribe & Swear , for themselves & posterity , of which the obligation , either to the duty or the punishment , continues indispensibly on the Generation ; which for the moral equity o● its matter , the formality of its manner , the importance of its purpose , the holyness of its solemn Engagment , and the Glory of its Ends , no power on Earth , can Disannul , Disable , or Dispense ; That Covenant , which the Lord did Ratifie from Heaven , by the conversion of many thousands at their entering under the bond of it , securing & establishing unto them , and all the faithful , the blessings & priviledges therein expressed , and avouching Himself to be their God , as they had avouched themselves to be His people ; That Covenant , which in all the Controversies it hath occasioned , did never receive a greater confirmation than from the malice & opposition of its Adversaries ; That Covenant , which malignants do malign & deny , and Sectaries scorn & lay aside , as an Almanack out of date ; which hath been many ways traduced & reproached by enemies , and yet could never be reflected on by any Serious in this Land , without a honourable & fragrant remembrance : Especially that Retortion of Adversaries of the rigor of its imposition upon Recusants , to justifie their cruelty upon its Asserters now , is to be refelled , not with confutation of its importance , but with disdain of its impudence . For who were the Recusants : but wicked enemies to God and Church & Nation , who for their malignancy were then to be prosecuted , not for their scrupling at a Covenant , but for their contumacious Contempt of a Law ? This was no violence done to their conscience ; for as they had none , and could not pretend to any , so they were never troubled for that , but for their opposition & conspiracy against the common cause . However , it went through at that time : And that the Covenanted Reformation , in a nearer conjunction betwixt the united Churches , might be promoted , the Parliament of England called an Assembly of Divines at Westminster : and desired the Assembly of Scotland to send thither their Commissioners ; which accordingly nominated & elected , Mr Alexander Henderson , Mr Robert Dowglas , Mr Samuel Rutherford , Mr Robert Balzie , Mr George Gillespie Ministers , And Iohn Earle of Cassils , Iohn Lord Maitland , and Sir Archbald Iohnstoun of Waristoun , Ruling Elders ; to Propone , Consult , Treat , & conclude in all such things as might conduce to the extirpation of Popery , Prelacy , Heresie , Schism , Superstition , & Idolatry , and for the settling of the so much desired union of the whole Island , in one forme of Church Government , one Confession of Faith , one common Catechisme , & one Directory for the Worship of God. Forces were also sent , to assist the Parliament of England : which were favoured with great success in their Entreprizes , till that War was ended by the total overthrow of Tyranny at that time , and all its upholders . But that Popish , Prelatical , & Malignant faction being brought much under in England , attempted ( not unlike the Syrians , who thought the God of Israel was not God of the Hills & Valleyes both ) to try the fortune of War in Scotland , under the conduct of that Treacherous & truculent Traitor Montrose , gathering an Army of wicked Apostates & Irish Murderers : who prevailing for a time , did punish , in the Justice of God , the Hypocrisie & self-seeking of such in this Land whose hearts were not upright in His Covenant ; at length was defeat at Philiphaugh , in the year 1645. yet certain it is , that they had Commission & warrant from the King : as the Assembly that year , Feb. 13. remonstrates it to himself ; Warning him in the name of their Master , the Lord Jesus Christ , that the guilt which cleaved to his throne was such , as ( whatsoever flattering Preachers or unfaithful Counsellors might say to the contrary ) if not timely repented , could not but involve himself & his Posterity , under the wrath of the Everliving God , for his being guilty of the shedding of the blood of many thousands of his best Subjects , for his permitting the Masse & other Idolatry in his family & Dominions &c. At the same time also the Assembly did zealously incite the Parliament to a speedy course of Justice , against these Incendaries & Murderers , as the only mean of cleansing the Land from that deluge of blood then current , and of appeasing the wrath of God : and solemnly & seasonably warned all ranks , to applaud the Glory & Righteousness of that Judgment of the sword , in the hands of these Apostates & Murderers , and to search to understand the Language of that Dispensation ; wherein many Publick sins & breaches of Covenant are pointed at , as the Causes of that desolation ; And the Covenant it self is there very Encomiastically vindicated . We are so far from repenting of it ( say they ) that we can not mention it without great joy & thankfullness to God , as that which hath drawn many blessings after it , and unto which God hath given manifold evident Testimonies : for no sooner was the Covenant begun to be taken in England , but sensibly the condition of affairs there was changed to the better , and our forces sent into that Kingdom , in pursuance of that Covenant , have been so mercifully & manifestly assisted & blessed from Heaven , that we have what to answer the enemy that reproacheth us concerning that business , & that which may make iniquity it self to stop her mouth : but which is more unto us than all victories , the Reformation of Religion in England , & Uniformity therein between both Kingdoms ( a principal end of that Covenant ) is so far advanced , that the Government of the Church by Congregational Elderships , Classical Presbyteries , Provincial & National Assemblies , is aggreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westmnster , and voted & conc●uded in both houses of Parliament . After this the Malignants in England being crushed in all their Projects , the King renders himself to the Scots in New castle : by whom ( because by Covenant they were not obliged to defend him , but only in defence of Religion & Liberty , which he had been destroying and they defending ; because in this war he did directly oppose & oppugne these conditions , under which they were only to defend him , and therefore they had all alongst carried towards him as an enemy , as he to them ; And because by the same Covenant they were obliged to discover , & render to condign punishment all Malignants & Incendaries , of whom he was the chief , and to re●ain the Peace & Union of the Kingdoms , which could not be retained in maintaining their destroyer , And to assist mutually all entered into that Covenant , which he was fighting against ) he was delivered up into the English , and kept under restraint in the Isle of Wight , untill he received his just demerit , for all his oppressions , Murders , Treachery , & Tyranny ; being condemned & execute Ianuar. 30. anno 1648 / 9 Which fact , though it was protested against both before & after by the Assembly of the Church of Scotland , out of zeal against the Sectarians , the executioners of that extraordinary Act of Justice ; yet it was more sor the manner than for the matter , and more for the motives & ends of it than for the grounds of it , that they opposed themselves to it , and resented it . For they acknowledged & remonstrated to himself , the Truth of all these things upon which that sentence & execution of Justice was founded . And when a wicked Association , & Unlawful Engagment was on foot to rescue him , they opposed it with all their might : Shewing , in their Answers to the Estates that year 1648. and Declarations & Remonstrances , the sinfullness & destructiveness of that Engagment ; that it was a breach of the Commandments of God , & of all the Articles of the Covenant ; Declaring withal , they would never consent to the Kings Restitution to the exercise of his Power , without previous assurance by solemn Oath under his hand & seal , for settling of Religion according to the Covenant . By which it appears , they were not so stupidly Loyal , as some would make them . Yet indeed it cannot be past without regrate , that there was too much of this plague of the Kings-evil even among good men : which from that time forth hath so infected the heads & hearts of this Generation , that it hath almost quite extinct all Loyaltie to Christ , and all zeal for Religion & Liberty . Then it began to infuse & diffuse its Contagion , when after the death of Charles the first , in the year 1649. they began , after all that they had smarted for their trusting these treacherous Tyrants , and after that Grace had been shewed them from the Lord their God , by breaking these mens yokes from from off their necks , and puting them again into a Capacity to act for the good of Religion , their oun safety , and the peace & safety of the Kingdom , to think of joining once more with the people of these abominations , and taking into their bosoms these Serpents which had formerly stung them almost to death . Hinc il●● lachrimae , en origo & Scaturigo nostrae defectionis ! There was indeed at that time a Party faithful for God , who considering the many breaches of the Solemn League & Covenant , and Particularly by the late Engagment against England , did so travel that they procured the Covenant to be renewed , with the Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & Engagment to duties , which was Universally subscribed & sworn through all the Land ; wherein also they regrete this tampering with Malignants . And therefore the Lord did mightily save & defend them from all their Adversaries , subdued them at Stirling , and in the North. They did also give warning concerning the young King , that notwithstanding of the Lords hand against his Father , yet he hearkens unto the Counsells of these , who were Authors of these Miseries to his Father ; by which it hath come to pass , that he hath hitherto refused to grant the just & necessary desires of the Church & Kingdom , for securing of Religion & Liberty : And it is much to be feared , that these wicked Counsellers , may so far prevail upon him , as to ingage him in a war , for overturning the Work of God , and bearing doun all those in the three Kingdoms that adhere therto . Which if he shall do , cannot but bring great wrath from the Lord upon himself & throne , and must be the cause of many new & great Miseries & Calamities to these Lands . And in the same warning , by many weighty reasons , they prove , that he is not to be admitted to the exercise of his power , without security for Religion & Liberty . And when the bringing home of the King came to be voted in the Assembly , there was one faithful witness , Mr Adam Kae Minister in Galaway , protested against it ; fore shewing & fore telling , what mischeef & misery he would bring with him when he should come . These things might have had some weight , to demur the Nation from medling with that perfidious Traitor . But all this serves only to aggravate the sin & shame of that distraction , which hath procured all this destruction , under which the Land mourns to this day : That notwithstanding of all these Convictions , warnings yea and discoveries of his Malignancy , Treachery , & inclinations to Tyranny ; They sent Commissioners , and concluded at Treaty with him at Breda . During which Treaty , the Commissions which he had sent to that bloody villain Montrose , & his Cut throat Complices , to raise an Armie , & wast & invade the Countrey with fire & sword the second time ; were brought to the Committee of Estates , discovering what sort of King they were treating with . Whereupon , after serious Consulting not only together , but with the Lord : And after many debates what to do in such a doubtfull case , wherein all was in danger , the Estates concluded to break off the Treaty , and recall their Commissioners . To which intent , they sent an Express with Letters to Breda ; which by providence falling into the hands of Libberton , a true Libertine , & false betrayer of his trust & Country , was by him , without the knowledge of the other Commissioners , delivered unto the King : who consulting the Contents of the Packet with his Jesuitical & Hypocritical Cabal , found it his interest to play the fox ( being disappointed at that time to play the Tyger ) and dissemble with God & man. And so sending for the Commissioners , he made a flattering speech to them , shewing that novv after serious deliberation he vvas resolved to comply vvith all their Proposals . Where upon the poor cheated Commissioners dispatch the post back with Letters , full of praise & joy , for the satisfaction they had received . The Estates , perceiving themselves imposed upon , consulted again vvhat to do ; and in end , being oversvvayed more vvith respect to their oun credite ( vvhich they thought should be impeached , if they should retract their oun Plenipotentiary Instructions , to conclude the Treaty upon the Kings assent to their Conditions ) than to their reclamant consciences , they resolved to bring home that pest , and thereby Precipitated themselves & us into ineluctable miserie . Yet they thought to mend the Matter , by binding him vvith all Cords , and puting him to all most explicite Engagments , before he should receive the Imperial Croun . Well , upon these termes home he comes , and before he set his foot on British ground he takes the Covenant . And thereafter , because the Commission of the General Assembly , by the Act o● the West Kirk August . 13. 1650. Precluded his Admittance unto the Croun , if he should refuse the then required satifaction , before his Coronation he emits that Declaration at Dumferling ; wherein , Professing & appearing in the full perswasion & love of the Truth , he repenteth ( as having to do with & in the sight of God ) his Fathers opposition to the Covenant & work of God , & his oun reluctances against the same , hoping for Mercy through the blood of Jesus Christ , and obtesting the prayers of the faithful to God for his stedfastness ; and than protesteth his Truth & sincerity in entering into the Oath of God , resolving to prosecute the ends of the Covenant to his utmost , and to have with it the same Common friends & Enemies , exhorting all to lay doun their enmity against the cause of God , and not to prefer mans Interest to Gods , which will prove an Idol of Jealousie to provoke the Lord , and he himself accounteth to be but selfish flatterie . A declaration so full of heart Professions , & high Attestations of God , that none considering what followed can reflect thereon , without horror & trembling from the holy Jealousie of the Lord , either for the then deep dissimulation or the after unparalelled Apostacy . I know it is objected by Court parasites , that the King was then compelled to do these things . To which I shall only say : It would have cost any of them their head at that time , to have asserted that he did upon deliberation & choise mock God & man , and entered into these Engagments , only with a purpose to be thereby in better Capacity , to destroy what he swore to maintain ; only because he could not have the Croun without this way , which in the Confession of the objectors themselves was only deliberate & premeditate Perjurie . Next , if it should , be granted he was Compelled ; let it be also considered , who Compelled him ; and these will be found to be the deceitful Courtiers . For , let it be adverted , what Mr Gilespie declares of the Case , who put the pen in his hand when he subscribed that Declaration : He , perceiving there was sufficient ground to Jealouse his reality , and seeing evidently that the Courtiers prevailed with the King on a sudden to offer to subscribe the Declaration ( when they observed that the Commissioners of Churh & State were resolute , & ready to go away in a fixedness , to leave out the puting of his Interest in the state of the quarrel ) and being afrayed of the sad Consequences of it , spoke his mind plainly to the King , That if he was not satisfied in his Soul & Conscience , beyond all hesitation of the righteousness of the subscription , he was so far from overdriving him to run upon that , for which he had no light , as he obtested him , yea he charged him in his Masters name , and in the name of these who sent him , not to subscribe this Declaration , no not for the three Kingdoms . Whereupon the King answered , Mr Gillespie , Mr Gillespie I am satisfied , I am satisfied with the Declaration , and therefore will subscribe it . Upon which some of the Courtiers swore that Mr Gillespie intended simply to disswade the King from subscribing it , that so Church and State might professedly lay aside his Inetrest : which would have defeat their hopes to make up themselves , as now they have done , upon the then designed ruine of the Interest of Truth . Then at his Coronation , we have his again reiterated confirmations of that Covenant : first , he is desired in name of the people to accept the Crown , and maintain Religion according to the National & Solemn League & Covenant ; whereunto he gave his apparently Cordial consent ( the words are in the forme & order of the Coronation with the whole Action . ) Then next , a Sermon being Preached upon 2 King. 11. 12 , & 17. the action commenceth , with his most solemn renewing of the National and solemn League & Covenant , by Oath . Then , he is presented to the people , and their willingness demanded to have him for their King on these termes . At the same time , in the next place , he took the Coronation Oath . Then on these termes he accepted the Sword. And after the Crown is set upon his head , the peoples obligatory Oath is proclaimed on the termes foresaid , otherwise he is not that King to whom they swore subjection . Then being set upon the Throne , he was by the Minister put in mind of his Engagments , from 1 Chron. 29. 33. And then the Nobles of the Land came one by one kneeling , and lifting up their hands between his hands , swore the same Oath . These things done , the whole Action was closed with a most solid & severe exhortation from several instances , Neh. 5. 13. Ier. 34. 18 , 19 , 20 , &c. There after in the year 1651. followed the Ratification of all these preceeding Treaties , Transactions , & Engagments , concluded & enacted by the King , and the Parliament then fully & freely conveened ; whereby the same did pass into a Perpetual Law. And this Covenant , which from the begining was & is the most sure & indispensible Oath of God , became at length the very fundamental Law of the Kingdom , whereon all the rights or priviledges , either of King or people , are principally bottomed & secured . This might seem security sufficient , but considering the former discoveries & experiences they had of his Treachery , and the visible appearances ( in the mean time ) of his Refusalls , visible Reluctances , manifest Resilings , open Counter actings , and continued prejudices against the Covenant , and his following unprecedented avowed perjurie , every thing doth indelebly fasten upon them the weakness at least of an overweening Credulity , and upon him the wickedness of a perfidious Policy , in all these Condiscensions . After this it came to pass , that zeal for the Cause rightly stated was suddenly contracted to a few , and the flame thereof extinguished in many , and Court wild fire substitute in its place : whereby a plain defection was violently carried on by the Publick Resolutioners , who relapsing into that most sinful Conjunction with the People of these abominations , so solemnly repented for & resolved against , did notwithstanding bring in Notorious Malignants , into places of power & Trust , in Judicatories & Armies , in a more Politick than Pious way of requiring of them a constrained & dissembled Repentance , to the mocking of the God of Truth , and Scorn of all our holy Engagments . Which defection did not only cause for a long time an incurable Division ; the first of that kind , and most permanent of any that ever was in the Church of Scotland , by reason of the surcease of General Assembl●es , stoped & hindered by the yoke of the Sectarian Usurpation ; but also was the spring & source of all our defections since , all flowing from & fomented by that same spirit that fostered that : And for that , since that time , the Lord hath been contending with this Church & Nation , bringing us under the bondage of these Malignant Enemies , whom we suffered them then to encourage & introduce . And both at that time , & since that time , the Lord never countenanced an Expedition where that Malignant Interest was taken in unto the state of the quarrel . Upon this our Land was invaded by Oliver Cromwel , who defeat our Army at Dumbar , where the Anger of the Lord was evidently seen to smoke against us , for espousing that Interest . And remarkable it is , how in that very day where in the Publick Resolutions were concluded in the Assembly at St Andrews , the Lord then shed the blood of His people at Ennerkeithing ; so as that the Assembly , having in great hast hurried through this Approbation , were all made to run for it , and Adjourn themselves to Dundie , where they met and compleated that step of defection . And afterwards it s known , what a peculiar vengeance fell upon that City , where this deed was done beyond all the Cities of the Nation . Next , an Army being raised , according to these unhallowed Resolutions , and the Lord puting remarkable Discountinance upon them in their attemptings at home , as was manifest in their attemptings at Torewood &c. They march into England ; and there did the Lord continue , by His leaving our Army to the Sword , to preach that Doctrine to the world Iosh. 7. 10 , 11 , 12. [ Israel hath sinned and transgressed the Covenant — have taken the accursed thing — and dissembled also , and have put it even amongst their oun stuff , therefore the Children of Israel could not stand before their enemies , but turned their backs before their Enemies , because they were accursed : Neither will I be with yow any more , except ye destroy the accersed thing from among yow ] An army of near 30000 was totally routed at Worcester ; and the Achan , the Cause of the overthrow , was forced to hide himself in the Oak , and thence to transport himself beyond sea , where he continued a wandering fugitive in Exile , till the year 1660. In the mean time the Sectarian Army here prevailed , till , after the usurper Cromwel his death , the false Monk then General , with a Combination of Malignants and Publick Resolutioners , did machinate our misery , and effectuated it by bringing home the King to England from his banishment : Wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred against the Work of God. Yet , though since the Kings first reception into Scotland , our declensions were still growing untill they produced this fearful Revolt from God , wherein the Nation is now involved ; there was still a faithful Remnant of Ministers & Professors , zealous for the Cause , keeping their Integrity ; who in their Remonstrances & Testimonies witnessed against both their Malignant Enemies and their backsliding Brethren the Resolutioners , and also against the Sectarians their Invaders ; whose vast Toleration & Liberty of Conscience , which they brought in to invade our Religion as they had invaded our Land , and infect it with their multifarious Errors , was particularly by the Synod of Fife , and other Brethren in the Ministery that joined themselves to them , Testified against , and demonstrated to be wicked & intollerable . Now to see how far the present Testimony is Con●irmed by the witnesses of this Period , we may resume some Reflections on it . I. They impartially carried on the Testimony against Prelacy , and the Popish Prelatical & Malignant faction on the one hand , and the Sectarians on the other , without ever waving the Testimony against either , or at the least winking at the one to weaken the other : both which Testimonies they though of so great importance , that they could not dispense with but faithfully maintain both , in their witnessings & warnings . In that seasonable & necessary Warning & Declaration concerning present & imminent dangers , given at Edinb . Iuly 27. sess 27. They say first of the S●ctaries That prevailing Party of Sectaries in England , who have broken the Covenant , and despised the Oath of God , corrupted the Truth , subverted the fundamental Government , Look upon us with an evil eye , as upon these who stand in the way of their Monstrous & new fangled devices in Religion & Government ; and though there were no Cause to fear any thing from that party , but the Gangren & infection of those many damnable & abominable errors which have taken hold on them ; yet our vicinity unto and dayly Commerce with that Nation , may justly make us afrayed , that the Lord may give up many in this Land into a spirit of delusion to beleeve Lies , because they have not received the Love of the Truth . In that same warning they say we are not so to have the one of our eyes upon the Sectaries , as not to have the other upon Malignants , they being an Enemie more numerous & more dangerous than the other ; not only because experience hath proven , that there is a greater aptitude & inclination in these of our Land to comply with Malignants , than Sectaries , in that they carry on their wicked designe , under a pretext of being for the King , but also because there be many of them in our oun bovvells . By vvhich vve may see , hovv impartially they opposed both ; and that this cannot be condemned in the Testimonies of the present Sufferers , except the Assembly be condemned . And because many novv a dayes have extenuating notions of those debates , against Prelacy & Sectarianisme , about the Government of the Church &c. and condemn these that vvould adhere to & suffer for the Punctilio's of it , as rigid nicetie : I shall , for seeing vvhat account the Assembly had of them , cite their vvords in a Letter to the Assembly of divines at Westminster , Dated Edin . Iune 18. 1646. The smallest ( say they ) of Christs Truths ( if it be Lavvfull to call any of them small ) is of greater moment than all the other businesses , that ever have been debated since the begining of the vvorld to this day : but the highest of honours and heaviest of burdens is put upon yovv ; to declare , out of the Sacred Records of Divine Truth , vvhat is the Prerogative of the Croun & extent of the Scepter of Jesus Christ ; vvhat bounds are to be set betvveen Him Ruling in His House , and povvers established by God on Earth ; hovv & by vvhom His House is to be Governed ; and by vvhat vvayes a restraint is to be put on these , vvho vvould pervert His Truth and subvert the faith of many . II. In the manner of maintaining this Testimony , these famous Fathers while faithful for God gave us a perfect pattern of purity & strictness , in opposition to all degrees of conformity & complyance with the Corruptions of the time ; and laid down such Rules & Constitutions , as might regulate us in our Contendings about present Defections , and teach us what account to make of them , and how to carry towards them : which if adverted unto , would evince how manifest & manifold the declinings of many have been from the late Reformation , that yet pretend to adhere unto it , and how Justifieable the aversation & abstraction of the present reproached suffering party is , from all these defections and the daubings of them , because so much deviating & declining from the attained Reformation . I need not repeat , how Prelacy , and all the parts & pendicles of that Antichristian Hierarchy , were abjured in the National Covenant , and condemned in the Acts of Assemblies , and reabjured in the solemn League & Covenant , and in the solemn Acknowledgment of ●ins & Engagment to duties , where also we came under Sacred & Inviolable Engagments , to endeavour the extirpation thereof : Which doth clearly file the present Countenancing & submitting to the Prelatick Curats , in receiving ordinances from them , among the grossest of defections ; being altogether inconsistent with these Acts and Constitutions & Covenant-obligations to extirpate them , as much as the countenancing of Popish Priests were inconsistent therewith , being both equally Covenanted to be extirpated . Next , though in this Period , Tyrannie being in its Retrograde Motion , Erastian Supremacy was not so much contended for , and therefore not so much questioned as formerly , being held exploded with exsecration out of doors & out of doubt ; yet the Testimony was still continued against it , in the uninterupted maintaining of the Churches Priviledges and freedom of Assemblies , against all Encroachings of Adversaries . And therefore the embracing of the late detestable Indulgences , were as Contrary to the Actings of this as to the Testimonies of the former Period , against the Supremacy from which they flow . Yea many Particulars , might be instanced , wherein the Accepters had declined from the Covenanted Reformation then prosecuted ; not only in their Confederating with Malignant Usurpers , for the pretended benefite of them ( by which , if there had been no more , they are obnoxious to the Censure of the Church , standing registred in an Act of Assembly , ordaining all persons in Ecclesiastick office , for the like or lesser degrees of Complyance , yea even for procuring protections from Malignant Enemies , to be suspended from their office & all exercise thereof At Edinb . 1646. Sess , 14 ) Nor only in their taking sinfull Instructions from them , restricting them in the exercise of their Ministry ; but in admitting themselves , by their patronage , to be by them presented to their prelimited & preimposed Congregations : which involves them in the iniquity of the Abolished Patronages , condemned by the Assembly ; for that the Ministry of such so presented , is made too much to depend upon the will & pleasure of man , and such an imposition is Destructive of the Church & peoples Liberties , obstructive of the Gospels freedom & faithful plainness , and occasion of much base flattery & partiality ; And in subjecting to , homologating , & fortifying a Sacrilegions Supremacy , overturning the Intrinsick power of the Church , contrare to the Covenant obliging to the Preservation of the Government , as well as to the Doctrine of the Church , in the first Article thereof ; And in their suffering themselves , either directly or indirectly , either by Combination , persuasion , or terror , to be divided & withdrawn from that blessed Union & Conjunction , which they were obliged to maintain & promove , according to the 6th Art. of the Solemn League & Covenant ; And in their strengthening the Erastian Usurpations of Enemies encroaching upon the Churches Liberties and Christs prerogatives , against which wer are engaged expressly in the Solemn Acknowledgment of sins and Engagment to duties , where also we have these words Art. 2. Because many have of late laboured to supplant the Liberties of the Church , we shall maintain & defend the Church of Scotland , in all her Liberties & Priviledges , against all who shall oppose or undermine the same , or encroach thereupon under any pretext whatsomever , Next , we have many Demonstrations of the zeal & strictness of these Servants of Christ , in their Synodical determinations of Censures , to be past upon many Ministerial Corruptions ; which will condemn the present course of covering & countenancing them , and commend the Contendings of a poor reproached party against them , in their consciencious abstracting from them . Of which determinations , I shal rehearse some . Among the Enormities & Corruptions of the Ministrie , in their Callings , this is one , § . 4. 5. Silenee in the publick Cause — Some accounting it a point of wisedom to speak ambiguously — whereof the remedie is § . 15. That beside all other scandals , Silence or Ambiguous speaking in the publick Cause — be seasonably Censured , Gen. Ass. at Edinb . Iunij 13. 1646. There is indeed an Act against withdrawers from Ministers : but in the self same Act , they are charged to be diligent in fulfilling their Ministrie , to be faithful in Preaching , declaring the whole Counsel of God , and as they have occasion from the Text of Scripture to reprove the sins & errors , and press the duties of the time , And in all these to observe the Rules prescribed by the Acts of Assembly , wherein if they be negligent , they are to be Censured , Gen , Ass. Edinb . Aug. 24. 1647. Sess. 19. Then there is that Act , August 3. 1648. Sess. 26. for Censuring Ministers for their silence , and not speaking to the Corruptions of the time ; Calling it , a great Scandal , through some Ministers their reserving & not declaring themselves against the prevalent sins of the times ; appointing , that all that do not apply their Doctrine to these Corruptions , which is the Pastoral Gift , and that are cold or wanting of Spiritual zeal , Dissembling of Publick sins , that all such be Censured even to deprivation ; for forbearing or passing in silence the Errors & Exorbitancies of Sectaries in England , or the defections current at home , the plots & Practises of Malignants , the Principles & Tenents of Erastianisme ; And if they be found too sparing , general , or ambiguous in their applications & reproofs , and continuing so , they are to be deposed , for being pleasers of men rather than servers of Christ , for giving themselves to a detestable indifferency or Neutrality in the Cause of God , for defrauding the souls of people , yea for being highly guilty of the blood of Souls , in not giving them warning . And in that seasonable & necessary warning of the Gen. Ass. Edinb . Iuij 27. 1649. Sess. 27. we are taught how they resented the unfaithfulness of Ministers continuing in defections , and how we are to look upon them & carry to them : where they say ; It is undenyably true , that many of the evils , wherewith this Church & Kingdom hath been afflicted in our age , have come to pass because of the negligence of some and corruptions of others of the Ministrie ; And the course of backsliding was carryed on , untill it pleased God to stir up the spirits of these few , who stood in the Gap , to oppose & resist the same , and to begin the work of Reformation in the Land ; since which time , the silence of some Ministers , & the complyance of others , hath had great influence upon the backslidings of many amongst the people , who , upon the discovery of the evil of their way , complain that they got not warning , or that if they were warned by some , others held their peace , or did justify them in the course of their backsliding : we can look upon such Ministers no otherwise , than upon these that are guilty of the blood of the Lords people , and with whom the Lord will reckon , for all the breach of Covenant & defection that hath been in the Land ; The Priests lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seek the Law at his mouth , for he is the Messenger of the Lord of Hosts , but such as are departed out of the way , and have caused many to stumble at the Law , therefore hath the Lord made them contemptible before all the people , according as they have not kept His wayes , but have been partial in His Law , because they have lost their savour , He hath cast out many of them as unsavoury salt . Further more , to evidence the Purity & power of zeal burning & blazing in these dayes , in their Contendings against Publick Enemies on all hands , I shall instance some of their Acts & Testimonies , clearly condemning the manifold Complyances of this Generation , and which may contribute somewhat to Justifie the reproached preciseness of a Remnant , standing at the furthest distance from them . There is an Act for Censuring the Complyers with the publick Enemies of this Church & Kingdom , Gen. Ass. Edinb . Iunij 17. 1646. Sess. 14. where , they judge it a great & scandalous provocation , & grievous defection from the publick cause , to comply with these Malignants ( such as Iames Graham then was ) in any degree , even to procure Protections from them , or to have invited them to their houses , or to have drunk Iames Graham his health , or to be guilty of any other such Gross degrees of Complyance ; censured to be suspended from the communions , ay & while they acknowledge their offence . And yet now , for refusing these degrees of complyance , for not having the protectior of a Pass from the wicked courts of malignant enemies , by taking a wicked oath , and for refusing to drink the Kings health , a greater Enemy then ever Iames Graham was , some poor conscientious people have not only been murdere● by Enemies , but mocked & condemned by professores . There is an Act likewise , & declaration against all new oaths or bonds in the common cause imposed without consent of the Church Gen. Ass. Edinb . Iuly 28. 1648. Sess. 18. Enjoining all the members of the Church to forbear the swearing or subscribing any new oaths or bonds , in this Cause , without Advice & concurrence of the Church , especially any negative oaths or bonds , which may any way limit or restrain them in the duties whereunto they are obliged , by National or Solemn League & Covenant . Yet now , for refusing Oaths , not only limiting in Covenanted duties , but contradicting & condemning many material Principles of the Covenanted Reformation , many have not only lost their Lives , but also have been condemned , by them that are at ease having a wider conscience to swallow such baits . It is known how pertinacious the most faithful in those dayes were , in their contendings against Associations , in any undertaking for the cause , with persons disaffected to the true state thereof . I need not give any account of this , were it not that now that Principle is quite inverted ; and poor Adherers to it , for their abstracting & substracting their concurrence with such promiscuous Associations , are much hated & flouted ; therefore I shall give some hints of their sentiments of them . In their Answer to the Committee of Estates , Iulij 25. 1648. Sess. 14. the Gen. Assembly sayes , It was represented to the Parliament , that for securing of Religion it was necessary , that the Popish , Prelatical , & Malignant party , be declared Enemies to the cause upon the one hand , as well as Sectaries upon the other , and that all Associations either in forces or counsels , with the former as well as with the latter , be avoided . And in their declaration concerning the Present dangers of Religion , especially the unlawful Engagment in War , Iulij , ult . 1648. Sess. 21. They say , suppose the ends of that Engagment be good ( as they are not ) yet the means & wayes of Prosecution are unlawful ; because there is not an equal avoiding of rocks on both hands , but a joining with Malignants to suppress Sectaries , a joining hands with a black devil to beat a white devil ; They are bad Phisicians who would so cure one disease , as to breed another as evil or worse — we find in the Scriptures condemned , all Confederacies & Associations with the Enemies of true Religion , whether Canaanites Exod. 23. 32. and 24. 12 , 15. Deut. 7. 2. or other heathens 1. King. 11. 1 , 2. More Arguments against Associations may be seen in that excellent discussion of this useful Case , Concerning Associations & Confederacies with Idolaters Infidels Hereticks or any other known enemy of Truth or Godliness , by famous Mr G. Gillespie , published at that same time : whereunto is appended his Letter to the commission of the General Assembly , having these golden words in it , words fitly spoken in that season , when he was a dying , at the begining of the Publick Resolutions Having heard of some motions & beginings of complyance , with these who have been so deeply engaged in a war destructive to Religion & the Kingdoms Liberties , I cannot but discharge my conscience , in giving a Testimony against all such complyance . I know & am perswaded , that all the faithful witnesses that gave Testimony to the Thesis , that the late Engagment was contrary & destructive to the Covenant , will also give Testimony to the Appendix , that complyance with any who have been active in that Engagment is most sinful & unlawful . I am not able to express all the evils of that complyance , they are so many — But above all , that which would highten this sin even to the Heavens is , that it were not only a horrid backsliding , but a backsliding into that very sin , vvhich vvas specially pointed at & punished by the prevailency of the Malignant party , God justly making them thorns & scourges vvho were taken in as friends . Alas ! shall we split twice upon the same rock ? yea run upon it , when God hath set a beacon on it ? yea I may say , shall we thus out face & out dare the Almighty , by protecting His & our Enemies , by making peace & friendship with them , when the anger of the Lord is burning against them . I mus● here apply to our present condition , the words of Ezrah . 9. 14 — O happy Scotland , if thow canst now improve & not abuse this Golden opportunity ? but if thou help the ungodly , & love them that hate the Lord , wrath upon wrath , and wo upon wo , shall be upon thee from the Lord. Whereunto is subjoined his dying Testimony to the same purpose ; wherein are these words , , But if there shall be a falling back , to the sin of complyance with Malignant ungodly men , then I look for the breaking out of the wrath of the Lord , till there be no remedy . This was the warning of a worthy dying Man. Notwithstanding of which & many other warnings & witnessings , a course of complyance was commenced by the pulick Resolutioners , and continued in to this day ; wherein that faithful warning of a dying servant of Christ is verified . But before I leave this purpose , I must obviate an objection that some make use of for strengthening themselves in their incorporations & joinings at least in Worship , with the corruptions of the time , and for condemning conscientious withdrawers ; That the Godly in those dayes did not separate from the men of these complyances & defections , as many do now , to wit the protesting party did not withdraw from the publick Resolutioners & Associators with Malignants . I answer , first , many & these the most Godly & tender did withdraw , even from their oun Ministers , and would have gone 40. or 50 myles to hear a faithful Minister at that time : yea Ministers themselves , in the case of intrusion of the unfaithful , would have supplyed the Paroch , as if the Church had been vacant , and when they could not get access to the pulpit , they preached in the fields , on purpose to witness against , and professedly to withdraw the people from such an unfaithful Intruder ; as might be instanced particularly for time & place , if need were . But next , The Church then , though broken by division , and under the subjection of strangers deprived of her General Assemblies , yet was in a constitut Case , enjoying the priviledge , power & order of Synods & Presbyteries , to whom the people offended with their Ministers might address themselves , for an orderly redress , and removal of these Scandals in an ordinary way ; and so they needed not assume to themselves that power to regulate their communion , that in a broken State , as now is , must be allowed to them . And besides , both the Ministers at that time who were faithful , though they might have proceeded to censure & silence the corrupt party as they were obliged , yet not only found it difficult by reason of the injury of the times ; but also thought it best to spare them , And the people to bear them , as burdens ; untill , as they were still in hopes , they should obtain a General Assembly to take order with them but now it is not so . And then the defection was but begining , and people did not know and could not expect it would go such a length , and therefore could not fall upon the rigor of that duty , which such disorders call for at first : but if they had seen where these beginings would Land them at length , I doubt not but they would have resisted those beginings , in such a way as would have precluded this imputation of novelty upon our necessitated with drawings . III. We have in this Period , not only an Illustrious Testimony for the Principle , but a continued and unintermitted putting into practice the duty of defensive Armes , in resisting the Soverain power , malversing & abusing Authority to the destruction of the ends of it ; which resistence was avowed , encouraged , & furthered by the General Assembly , both for the defence of themselves , and for the help of their Brethren in England . Take one expression in their Solemn & seasonable Warning to all ranks Feb. 12. 1645. Sess 18. Unless men will blot out of their hearts the love of Religion & cause of God , and cast off all care of their Country , Lawes , Liberties &c. ( all being in visible danger of present ruine & destruction ) they must now or never appear actively , each one stretching himself to , yea beyond his power . It is no time to dally , or to go about the business by halfs , nor be almost but altogether zealous : Cursed is he that doeth the work of the Lord negligently . If we have been forward to assist our Neighbour Kingdoms , shall we neglect to defend our oun ? Or shall the Enemies of God be more active against His cause , than His people for it ? God forbid . In another seasonable & necessary warning Iuly 27. 1649. Sess. 27. They say , But if his Maj. or any having or pretending power & commission from him , shall invade this Kingdom , upon pretext of establishing him in the exercise of his royal power ; as it will be an high provocation against God , to be accessory or assisting there to , so it will be a necessary duty to resist & oppose the same . These Fathers could well distinguish , between Authority and the person abusing it : And were not so Loyal , as now their degenerate Children are ambitious to shew themselves , stupidly stouping to the shaddow thereof , and yet will be called the only Asserters of Presbyterian principles . But we find , they put it among the Characters of Malignants , to confound the Kings honour & Authority with the abuse & pretence thereof , and with Commissions , warrants , & Letters , procured from the King by the Enemies of the cause & Covenant , as if we could not oppose the Latter , without increaching upon the former . But here , an Objection or two must be removed out of the way , before we go forward . One is , from the Third Atticle of the Covinant ; where there seems to be a great deal of Loyaltie , obliging to defend the Kings Maj. his person & Authority , in the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdoms , that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our Loyaltie , And that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesties just power & greatness . I Ans. There is indeed a deal of Loyaltie there , and true Loyaltie , because Lawfully limited , being qualified with & subordinate unto the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdom ( as the makers of the Covenant do expound it , in the Assembles declaration against the unlawful Eugagment Iuly ult . 1648. Sess. 21. ) not that Reverse Loyaltie , which makes duties to God conditional & limited , and duties to thee King absolute & unlimited , as our Loyalists do now . And I wish others were free of it , who have sworn Oaths of unlimited Alledgiances , to maintain the King in any power unto which his force aspires ; and to justify this their Loyaltie , will bring in this Article of the Covenant with a distorted sense , reading it backward , that we in the preservation & defence of Religion must preserve & defend the King : As if Religion obliged to defend him , do what he will. It were better such pretended Covenanters , denyed the Covenant , than to be such a reproach to it , in wresting its genuine sense . But I have adduced the sense of the best Interpreters of it , the General Assembly . Next when they entered under the bond of this Covenant , they did it with a purpose to oppose all his invasions upon Religion & the Liberty of the people , and to vindicate these precious Interests from his usurpings , into a state of Liberty : And shall we imagine , that that very Oath of God did lay upon them or us an obligation , to defend the person who is a destroyer of all these , contrary to the very nature of the Oath , contrare to the scope of the Covenanters , and contrary to their subsequent practise ? But then it will be urged , why then was that clause cast into the Covenant ? I answer we have not the same cause to keep it , as they had some cause to put it in , with accommodation to the present possessor of the Soveraignity . The ouning of it in our circumstances would be as great a reproach to us , as the want of it was to them in theirs . They put in the words , to prevent the worlds mistake , and to remove that odium industriously heaped upon the heads of those , whose hearts were associate in the defence of Religion & Liberty , therefore they would profess they would not be disloyal while he was for God. And a defiance may be given to clamour , & calumnie it self , to give one instance of the defect of performance hereof , while he went not about to ruine those things , incomparably more precious then his person or Authority , and in ruining whereof no person can retain Authority . IV. But now two things will chiefly be desiderated , which now we oune in our Testimony , for which many have dyed , that seem not to be confirmed by or consistent with the Testimony of this Period . One is , that we not only maintain defensive resistance , but in some cases vindictive & punitive force , to be executed upon men that are bloody beasts of prey , and burdens to the earth , in cases of necessity , when there is no living for them . This principle of Reason & natural Justice , was not much inquired into in this time ; when the sun was up , whose warmth & light made these beasts creep into their dens , and when they , being brought under subjection , could not force people into such extraordinary violent courses when the ordinary & orderly course of Law was running in its right Channel . Yet from the ground of their ordinary Procedure , Military & Civil , against such Monsters , we may gather the lawfullness of an ordinary Procedure in a pinch of necessity , conforme to their grounds : I hope to make this evident , when I come ex proposito to vincicate this head . But there is another thing that we onne , which seems not to have been known in these dayes , viz. That when we are required to oune the Authority of the present Dominator , we hold sinful to oune it . Yet we find these Reverend & renouned Fathers ouned King Charles I. and did not refuse the succession of Charles II. I shall answer in order . First , as to King Charles the first , there was a great difference betuixt him and his sons that succeeded ; he never declared Parliamentarely that neither Promises , Contracts , nor Oaths should bind him , as the first of his perfidious sons did ; It might have been then presumed , if he had engaged so far for promoving the Work of God , he would have been a man of his word ( for to say a King of his word , is antiquitate in a good sense , except that it means he is as absolute in his word as in his sword , and scorns to be a slave to it ) Neither professed he himself a Papist , as the second Son hath done : Again it must be granted , that more might have been comported with in the begining , when there were some hopes of redress , than after such process of time ; whereby now we see & feel beyond all debate , that the Throne stands and is stated , not only in opposition to , but upon the ruines of the Rights & Priviledges both of Religion & Liberty . But was not the equivalent done by the Church , anno 1648. when they refused to concur with that unlawful Engagment , for restoring of the King , till security be had , by Solem Oath under his hand & Seal , that he shall for himself & Successors , give his assent to all Acts & Bills for enjoining Presbyterial Government , and never make opposition to it , nor endeavour any change thereof ? Iulij ult . 1648. Sess , 21. But it will be said , that in their renewing the Covenant that year , they did not leave out that Article . True , thereby they stopped the mouths of their Adversaries : And then they were not without hopes , but that in his straits he might have proved a Manasseh taken among the thornes . And the Covenanters at that time , not being clear that he had done that which ipso jure made him no Magistrate , chused rather while matters stood so to ingage to maintain him , than simply to disoune him ( which yet our forefathers did upon smaller grounds many times ) in the hopes of being prevailed with at last . But when they saw that this proved ineffectual , therefore at the Coronation of the new King they made the Covenanted Interest the sole Basis upon which alone Authority was conferred upon him . For the second , though they did not refuse the succession of Charles the Second ( which vvas their blame and our bane , of vvhich vve may blush this day ) yet vve find many things in that Transaction vvhich justifie our disouning of him , and condemn the ouning of the present Possessor . ( 1. ) In that seasonable & necessary warning Iulij 27. Sess. 27. vvhereas many vvould have admitted his Maj. to the exercise of his Royal povver , upon any termes vvhatsoever : The Assembly declares first ; That a boundless & illimited povver is to be acknovvledged in no King nor Magistrate ; neither is our King to be admitted to the exercise of his povver , as long as he refuses to vvalk in the administration of the same , according to this rule . Secondly , that there is a mutual stipulation & obligation betvveen the King & the people , as both of them are tyed to God , so each of them are tyed to one another , for the performance of mutual & reciprocal duties ; accordingly Kings are to take the Oath of Coronation , to abolish Popery & maintain the Protestant Religion : As long therefore as the King refuses to engage & oblige himself for security of Religion & safety of his people , it is consonant to Scripture & Reason and Lavves of the Kingdom , that he should be refused . Thirdly , in the League & Covenant the duty of defending & preserving the King , is subordinate to the duty of preserving Religion & Liberty : And therefore , he standing in opposition to the publick desires of the people for their security , it vvere a manifest breach of Covenant , and a preferring the Kings Interest to the Interest of Jesus Christ , to bring him to the exercise of his povver . Fourthly , That it vvas for restraint of Arbitrary Government , and for their Just defence against Tyranny , that the Lords people did join in Covenant , and have been at the expence of so much blood these years past ; And if he should be admitted to the Government before satisfaction , it vvere to put in his hand that Arbitrary Povver , and so to abandon their former Principles , and betray the Cause . Fifthly , That he , being admitted before satisfaction , vvould soon endeavour an overturning of the things vvhich God hath wrought , and labour to dravv publick administrations , concerning Religion & Liberty , into that course & Channel in vvhich they did run under Prelacy , and before the work of Reformation . Whence they warn that every one take heed of such a snare , that they be not accessery to any such design , as they would not bring upon themselves & their families , the guilt of all the detriment that will undoubtedly follow thereupon , of all the miseries it will bring upon the Kingdoms — And therefore who soever attempt the same , oppose themselves to the cause of God , and will at last dash against the Rock of the Lords power , which hath broken in pieces many high & lofty ones , since the begining of the work in the Kingdoms . ( 2 ) I shall here insert the Act of the West-Kirk , declaring their mind very manifestly . West Kirk . August . 13. 1650. The Commission of the General Assembly , considering that there may be just ground of stumbling , from the K. Maj. refusing to subscribe & emitt the Declaration , offered to him by the Committee of Estates and the Commission of the General Assembly , concerning his former carriage & resolutions for the future , in reference to the Cause of God and the enemies & friends thereof ; Doth therefore declare , That this Kirk & Kingdom doth not oune or espouse any Malignant Party , or Quarrel , or Interest , but that they fight meerly upon their former Grounds & Principles , and in the defence of the Cause of God and of the Kingdom , as they have done these twelve years past : And therefore , as they disclaim all the sin & guilt of the King and of his house , so they will not oune him nor his interest , otherwise than with a subordination to God , and so far as he ounes & prosecutes the Cause of God , and disclaims his & his fathers opposition to the Work of God , and to the Covenant , and likewise all the enemies thereof ; And that they will with convenient speed take unto Consideration the Papers , lately sent unto them by Oliver Cromwel , and vindicate themselves from all the falshoods contained therein ; especially in these things wherein the quarrel betwixt us & that party is Mistated , as if we ouned the late Kings proceedings , and were resolved to prosecute & maintain his present Maj. Interest , before & without acknowledgment of the sin of his house and former wayes , & satisfaction to Gods people in both Kingdoms . A. KER . Aug. 13. 1650. The Committe of Estates , having seen & considered a Declaration of the Commission of the General Assembly , anent the stating of the quarrel wherein the Army is to fight , do approve the same , and heartily concur therein . Tho : Henderson . In the ( 3 ) place : It is specified in the Causes of wrath , as one of the steps of defection , Art. 9. Step. 5. That a Treaty should have been closed with him , upon his subscribing demands , after he had given many clear evidences of his disaffection & enmity to the work & people of God : That these demands , which he was required to subscribe , did not contain a real security , a real abandoning of former Malignant courses & principles , and cleaving to the Work of God ; It was not a paper or verbal security , which we were bound to demand of him , but a real one ; and to intrust him without this , was but to mock God , and deceive the world , and to betray & destroy our selves , by giving up all precious Interests of Religion & Liberty unto the hands of one , who was in a course of enmity to them : That both before , and in the mean time of the treaty , he had given evidence of his enmity in many instances , there condiscended upon particularly ; that he authorized Iames Graham to invade this Kingdom , and incouraged him by Letters to go on in that Invasion , even whilest he was in termes of a Treaty with us , as appeared by bringing into our hands the Authentick Commission it self , and sundry Letters under his own hand . Next , in the same Causes of wrath , among the sins of the Ministrie , in relation to the publick , § . 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. That they agreed to receive the King to the Covenant , barely upon writing , without any apparent evidences of a real change of principle : That they did not use freedom , in showing what was sinful in reference to that Treaty , but went on therein when they were not satisfied in their consciences , for fear of reproach & of being mistaken : That they were silent in publick , and did not give Testimony , after a discovery of the Kings Commission to Iames Graham for invading the Kingdom : That they pressed the King to make a Declaration to the world , whilst they knew by clear evidences that he had no real conviction of the things contained therein . PERIOD . VI. Containing the Testimony through the continued Tract of the present Deformation from the year 1660. to this day . NOw comes the last Catastrophe of the Deformation of the Church of Scotland , which now renders her to all Nations as infamously despicable , as her Reformation formerly made her admired & envied ; which in a Retrograde motion hath gradually been growing these 27 years , going back through all the steps by which the Reformation ascended , till now she is returned to the very border of that Babylon , from whence she took her departure , and reduced through defection , & division , and persecutions , to a confused Chaos of almost irreparable dissolution , and unavoidable desolation . Through all which steps notwithstang , to this day , Scotland hath never wanted a witness for Christ , against all the various steps of the Enemies advancings , and of professed friends declinings : Though the Testimony hath had some singularities , some way discriminating it from that of former Periods ; in that it hath been more difficult , by reason of more desperate & dreadful assaults of more enraged enemies , more expert & experienced in the accursed art of overturning than any formerly ; In that it hath been attended with more disadvantages , by reason of the Enemies greater prevalency , and Friends deficiency , and greater want of significant Assertors , than any formerly ; In that it hath been intangled in more multifarious intricacies , of questions , and debates , and divisions among the Assertors themselves , making it more dark , and yet in the end contributing to clear it more than any formerly ; In that it hath been intended & extended to a greater measure , both as to matter & manner of contendings against the Adversaries , and stated upon nicer points ; more enixely prosecuted & tenaciously maintained , & sealed with more sufferings , than any formeriy ; In that it hath had more opposition & contradiction , and less countenance from professed friends to the Reformation , either at home or abroad , than any formerly . And yet it hath had all these several specialities together , which were peculiar to the former Testimonies , in their respective Periods : being both Active & Passive , both against Enemies & Friends ; And in cumulo stated against Atheisme , Popery , Prelacy , & Errastian Supremacy , which were the successive heads of the former Testimonies , and also now extended in a particular manner against Tyrannie . And not only against the substance & essence of these in the abstract , but against substance & circumstance , abstract & concret root & branch , head & tail of them , and all complying with them , conforming to them , or countenancing of them , or any thing conductive for them , or deduced from them , any manner of way , directly or indirectly , formally or interpretatively . This is that extensive and very comprehensive Testimony of the present Period , as it is now stated & sealed with the blood of many : Which in all its parts , points & pendicles is most directly relative , and dilucidly reducible , to a complex Witness for the Declarative Glory of Christs Kingship and Headship over all , as He is God and as He is Mediator , which is the greatest concern that Creatures have to contend for , either as Men or as Christians . The matter of this Testimony , I shall give a short manuduction to the progress & Result of its Managment . During the Exile of the Royal Brothers , it is undenyably known that they were , by their Mothers caresses and the Jesuites Allurements , seduced to abjure the Reformed Religion ( which was easie to induce persons to that never had the sense of any Religion ) and to be reconciled to the Church of Rome : And that , not only they wrote to the Pope many promisses of promoting his projects , if ever they should recover the power into their hands again , and often frequented the Mass themselves ; but also , by their example and the influence of their future hopes , prevailed with many of their dependents & attendants abroad , to do the like . Yet it is also unquestionably known , that in the mean time of his Exile , ●e renewed & confirmed , by private Letters to Presbyterians , his many reiterated Engagments to adhere to the Covenant , and declared that he was & would continue the same man , that he had declared himself to be in Scotland ( wherein doubtless , as he was an expert Artist , he equivocated , and meant in his heart he would continue as Treacherous as ever ) which helped to keep a Loyal Impression of his Interest in the hearts of too many , and an expectation of some good of him , of which they were ashamed afterwards . And immediatly before his return , it s known what promises are contained in that Declaration from Breda ( from whence he came also the second time , with greater Treachery than at the first ) to all Protestants that would live peaceably under his Government ; begining now to weigh out his perfidie , & perjurie , & breach of Covenant , in offering to tolerote that in an Indulgence , which he swore to maintain as a duty . But in all this he purposed nothing , but to ingyre & ingratiate himself into the peoples over credulous affections , that they might not obstruct his return , which a jealousie of his intended Tyrannie would have awakened them to withstand . And so having seated himself , and strengthened his power against the attemptings of any , whom his conscience might suggest an apprehension that they ought to resist him , he thought himself discharged from all obligations of Covenants , Oaths , or promises , for which his faith had been pledged . And from the first hour of his arrival , he did in a manner set himself to affront & Defy the Authority , of God , and to be revenged upon his Kingdoms for inviting him so unanimously to sway their Scepter ; in polluting & infecting the people with all debaucheries & monstrous villanies ; and commencing his incestous Whoredoms that very first night he came to his Palace , wherein he continued to his dying day outvying all for vileness . Yet he went on deluding our Church with his dissimulations , and would not discover all his wickedness hatched in his heart at first , till his designs should be riper ; but directed a Letter to the Presbyterie of Edinburgh , declaring he was resolved to protect & preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland , as it is settled by Law without violation : Wherein it was observed he altered the Stile , and spake never a word of the Covenant , our Magna Charta of Religion & Righteousness , our greatest security for all Interests intrusted to him , but only of Law ; by which , as his practice expounded it afterwards , he meant the Prelatical Church , as it was settled by the Law of his Father , since which time he reckoned there was no Law but Rebellion . This was a piece & preludie of our base defection , & degeneration into blind , blockish , & brutish stupidity ; that after he had discovered so much perfidie , we not only at first tempted him to Perjurie , in admitting him to the Crown , upon his mock-engagment in the Covenant , whereby God was mocked , His Spirit was grieved , His Covenant prostituted , the Church cheated , & the State betrayed ; but after the Lord had broken his yoke from off our necks , by sending him to exile ten years , where he was discovered to be imbibing all that venome & Tyrannical violence , which he afterward vented in revenge upon the Nations ; and after we had long smarted for our first transaction with him ; yet not withstanding of all this , we beleeved him again , and Issachar-like couched under his burdens , and were so far from withstanding , that we did not so much as witness against the readmission & restauration of the head & tail of Malignants , but let them come in peaceably to the throne , without any security to the Covenanted cause , or for our Civil or Religious Interests , and by piece meal , at their oun ease , leasure & pleasure , to overturn all the Work of God , and reintroduce the old Antichristian yoke of abjured Prelacy , and blasphemous Sacrelegious Supremacy , and Absolute Arbitrary Tyrannie with all their abominations : which he , and with him the generality of our Nobility , Gentry , Clergy , & commonality by him corrupted , without regard to faith , or fear of God or man , did promote & propogate , until the Nation was involved in the greatest revolt from , & rebellion against God , that ever could be recorded in any Age or Generation ; Nay attended with greater & grosser Aggravations , than ever any could be capable of before us , who have had the greatest Priviledges that ever any Church had ; since the National Church of the Iewes , the greatest light ; the greatest effects of matchless magnified love , the greatest Convictions of Sin , the greatest Resolutions & Solemn Engagments against it , and the greatest Reformation from it , that ever any had to abuse & affront . O Heavens be astonished at this , & horribly afraid ! for Scotland hath changed her Glory , and the Crown hath fallen from off her head , by an unparalelled Apostasie , a free & voluntary , vvilfull & deliberate Apostasie , an avoued & declared & Authorized Apostasie , Tyrannically carried on by Militarie violence & cruelty , a most universal & every vvay unprecedented Apostasie ! I must a litle change my method , in deducing the narration of this Catastrophe , and subdistinguish this unhappie Period into several steps ; shevving hovv the Enemies opposition to Christ advanced , and the Testimony of His Witnesses did gradually ascend , to the pitch it is novv arrived at . I. These Enemies of God , having once got footing again , with the favour and the fawnings of the foolish Nation , went on fervently to further and promote their wicked design : and meeting with no opposition at first , did encourage themelves to begin boldly . Wherefore , hearing of some Ministers peaceably Assembled , to draw up a Monitory Letter to the King , minding him of his Covenant Engagments & promises ( which was though weak , yet the first witness & warning against that Heaven-daring wickedness then begun ) they cruelly incarcerate them . Having hereby much daunted the Ministry from their duty in that day , for fear of the like unusual & outragious usage . The Parliament conveens Ianuar. 1. 1661. without so much as a Protestation for Religion & Liberty given in to them . And there , in the first place , they frame & take the Oath of Supremacy , Exauctorating Christ , and investing His usurping Enemy with the spoils of his robbed Prerogative , acknowledging the King only supreme Governour over all persons & in all Causes , and that his power & Iurisdiction must not be declined . Whereby under all persons & all Cause● , All Church Officers , in their most properly Ecclesiastick Affairs & Concerns of Christ , are comprehended : And if the King shall take upon him to judge their Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , or Government , he must not be declined as an incompetent Judge . Which did at once enervate all the Testimony of the 4th Period above declared , and laid the foundation for all this Babel they have built since , and of all this war that hath been waged against the Son of God , and did introduce all this Tyrannie & absolute power which hath been since carried to its Complement , and made the Kings Throne the foundation of all the succeeding perjurie & Apostasie . Yet , though then our Synods & Presbytries , were not discharged , but might have had access in some Concurrence to witness , against this horrid Invasion upon Christs Prerogative and the Churches Priviledge , no joint Testimony was given against it , except that some were found witnessing against it in their singular Capacity by themselves . As faithful Mr Iames Guthrie , for declining this usurped Authority in prejudice of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus , suffered death , and got the Martyrs Crown upon his head : And some others , for refusing that Oath arbitrarly imposed , were Banished or Confined , when they had gained this Bulwark of Christs Kingdom ; Then they waxed more insolent , and set up their Ensigns for signs , and broke doun the carved Work of Reformation with axes & hammers . In this Parliament 1661. They past an Act Rescissorie , whereby they annulled & declared void the National Covenant , the Solemn League & Covenant , Presbytrial Government , and all Lawes made in favours of the Work of Reformation , since the year 1633. O horrid wickedness ! both in its nature so attrocious , to condemn & rescind what God did so signally seal as His oun Work , to the conviction of the world , and for which He will rescind the Rescinders , and overturn these Overturners of His Work , and make the curse of that broken Covenant bind them to the punishment , vvhom its bond could not oblige to the duty Covenanted ; And in its design & end so base & detestable , for nothing but to flatter the King in making way for Prelacy , Tyranny , & Popery , and to indulge the licenciousness of some debauched Nobles ; who could not endure the yoke of Christs Government , and to suppress Religion & Righteousness under the ruines of that Reformation . But O holy & astonishing Justice , thus to recompense our way upon our own head ! to suffer this work & cause to be ruined under our unhappy hands , who suffered this Destroyer to come in before it was so effectually secured , as it should not have been in the power of his hand ( whatever had been in his heart , swelled with enmity against Christ ) to have razed & ruined that Work as now most wickedly he did , and drew in so many into the guilt of the same deed , that almost the whole Land not only consented unto it but applauded it ; by approving & countenancing another wicked Act framed at the same time , by that same perfidious Parliament for an Anniversary Thanksgiving commemorating every 29. of May , that Blasphemy against the Spirit & Work of God , and celebrating that unhappy Restauration of the Rescinder of the Reformation ; which had not only the concurrence of the universality of the Nation , But ( alas for shame that it should be told in Gath & c ! ) even of some Ministers who afterwards accepted the Indulgence ( one of which a Pillar among them , was seen scandalously dancing about the bonefires . ) And others , who should have alarmed the whole Nation quasi pro aris & focis , to rise for Religion & Liberty , to resist such wickedness , did wink at it . O how Righteous is the Lord now in turning our Harps into mourning ! Though alas ! we will not suffer our selves to this day , to see the shining Righteousness of this Retribution : And though we be scourged with Scorpions , & brayed in a Mortar , our madness , our folly in these irreligious frolicks , is not yet acknowledged let be lamented . Yet albeit , neither in this day when the Covenant was not only broken but Cassed & declared of no obligation , nor afterward when it was burnt ( for which Turks & Pagans would have been ashamed & afraid at such a terrible sight , and for which the Lords Anger is burning against these bold burners , and against them who suffered it , and did not witness against it ) was there any publick Testimony by protestation , or Remonstrance , or an publick witness ? though the Lord had some then , and some who came out afterward with the Trumpet at their mouth , whose heart then sorrowed at the sight : And some suffered for the sense they shewed of that Anniversary abomination , for not keeping which they lost both Church & Liberty . It s true the ordinary Meetings of Presbytries & Synods were about that time discharged , to make way for the exercise of the new power conferred on the four Prelats who were at Court , reordained & Consecrated thereby renouncing their former Title to the Ministry . But this could not give a discharge from a Necessary Testimony , then called for from faithful Watchmen . However the Reformation being thus rescinded & razed , and the House of the Lord pulled doun , then they begin to build their Babel . In the Parliament anno 1662. by their first Act they restore & reestablish Prelacy , upon such a foundation as they might by the same Law bring in Poperie , which was then designed ; and so settled its Harbinger Diocesan & Erastiar Prelacy , by fuller Enlargment of the Supremacy . The very Act beginneth thus . For as much as the ordering & disposal of the external Government of the Church , doth properly belong to his Maj. as an Inherent right of the Croun , by virtue of his Royal Prerogative , & Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastick — what ever shall be determined by his Maj. with advice of the Arch Bishops , and such of the Clergy as he shall nominate , in the external Government of the Church ( the same consisting with the standing Lawes of the Kingdom ) shall be valide & effectual . And in the same Act all Lawes are rescinded , by which the sole power & Jurisdiction within the Church doth stand in the Church Assemblies , And all which may be interpreted , to have given any Church power , Jurisdiction , or Government to the Office bearers of the Church , other than that which acknowledgeth a dependence upon , & subordination to the Soveraign power of the King as Supreme . By which , Prelats are redintegrated to all their priviledges & preheminencies , that they possessed anno 1637. And all their Church power ( robbed from the Officers of Christ ) is made to be derived from , to depend upon , and to be subordinate to , the Croun prerogative of the King : whereby the King is made the only fountain of Church power , and that exclusive even of Christ , of whom there is no mentioned exception : And his vassals the Bishops , as his Clerks in Ecclesiastiks , are accountable to him for all their administrations ; A greater usurpation upon the Kingdom of Christ , than ever the Papacy it self aspired unto . Yet , albeit here was another display of a banner of defyance against Christ , in altering the Church Government of Christs Institution into the humane Invention of Lordly Prelacy , in assuming a power by prerogative to dispose of the external Government of the Church , and in giving his Creatures patents for this effect , to be his Administrators in that usurped Government ; There was no publick , Ministerial , at least united Testimony against this neither . Therefore the Lord punished this sinful & shamful silence of Ministers , in His holy Justice , though by mens horrid wickedness ; when by another wicked Act of the Council at Glasgow , above 300 Ministers were put from their Charges ; and afterwards , for their Non-conformity in not Countenancing their Diocesan Meeting , and not keeping the Anniversary day May 29. The rest were violently thrust from their labours in the Lords vineyard , and banished from their Parishes , and adjudged unto a nice & strange Confinement , twenty miles from their oun parishes , six miles from a Cathedral Church as they called it , and three miles from a Burgh ; whereby they were reduced in to many inconveniencies . Yet in this fatal Convulsion of the Church , generally all were struck with blindness & baseness , that a Paper-Proclamation made them all run from their posts , and obey the Kings Orders for their ejection . Thus were they given up , because of their forbearing to sound an alarm , charging the people of God , in point of Loyaltie to Christ , and under the pain of the Curse of the Covenant , to a wake and acquit themselves like men , and not to suffer the enemie to rob them of that Treasure of Reformation , which they were put in possession of , by the tears , prayers , & blood of such as went before them ; instead of those prudential fumblings , & fisflings then & since so much followed . Wherefore the Lord in His holy righteousness , left that enemie ( against whom they should have cried & contended , and to whose eye they should have held the Curse of the Covenant , as having held it first to their oun , in case of unfaithful silence in not holding it to his ) to cast them out of the House of the Lord , and dissolve their Assemblies , and deprive them of their priviledges , because of their not being so valiant for the Truth , as that a ful & faithful Testimony against that Encroachment might be found upon record . Nevertheless somewere found faithful in that hour & pour of darkness , who kept the Word of the Lords patience , and who were therefore kept in & from that tentation ( which carried many away into sad & shamful defections ) though not from suffering hard things from the hands of men ; & only these who felt most of their violence , found grace helping them to acquit themselves suitably to that dayes Testimony , being thereby prevented from an Active yeelding to their impositions , when they were made passively to suffer force . However that season of a publick Testimony was lost , and as to the most part never recovered to this day . The Prelats being settled , & readmitted to voice in Parliament , they procure an Act , Dogmatically condemning several Material parts & points of our Covenanted Reformation , to wit , these positions That it was lawful for Subjects , for Reformation or necessary self defence , to enter into leagues , or take up Armes , against the King : And particularly declaring that the national Covenant , as explained in the year 1638. and the Solemn league & Covenant , were & are i● themselves unlawful Oaths , and were taken by & imposed upon the subjects of this Kingdom against the fundamental Lawes & Liberties thereof , That all such gatherings & petitions , that were used in the begining of the late troubles , were unlawful & seditious : And whereas then People were led unto these things , by having disseminated among them such principles as these , That it was lawful to come with petitions & Representations of grievances to the King , That it was lawful for people to restrict their Allegiance under such & such limitations , and suspend it untill he should give security for Religion &c. It was therefore enacted , that all such positions & practices founded thereupon , were treasonable — And furder did enact ▪ that no person , by writing , praying , preaching , or malicious or advised speaking , express or publish any words or sentences , to stir up the people to the dislike of the Kings prerogative & Supremacy , or of the Government of the Church by Bishops , or justifie any of the deeds , actings , or things declared against by that Act. Yet not withstanding of all this subversion of Religion & Liberty , and restraint of asserting these Truths here trampled upon either before men by Testimony , or before God in mourning over these Indignities done unto Him , in everting these & all the parts of Reformation , even when it came to Daniels case of confession , preaching & praying Truths interdicted by Lavv ; fevv had their eyes open ( let be their vvindovvs in an open avouching them ) to see the duty of the day calling for a Testimony . Though aftervvards , the Lord Spirited some to assert & demonstrate the Glory of these Truths & duties to the vvorld . As that Judicious Author of the Apologetical Relation , vvhose Labours need no Elagium to commend them . But this is not all : for these men , having novv as they thought subverted the Work of God , they provided also against the fears of its revival : making Acts , declaring , that if the outed Ministers dare to continue to preach , and presume to exercise their Ministrie , they should be punished as seditious persons ; requiring of all a due acknowledgment of , & hearty complyance with , the Kings Government Ecclesiastical & Civil ; And that who soever shall ordinarly & wilfully withdraw & absent from the ordinary Meetings for Divine Worship in their ou● Churches on the Lords day , shall incur the Penalties there insert . Thus the sometimes Chast Virgin , whose name was Beulah to the Lord , the Reformed Church of Scotland , did now suffer a violent & villanous rape ; from a vermine of vile Schismatical Apostates , obtruded & imposed upon her , instead of her able , painful , faithful & succeseful Pastors , that the Lord had set over her , and now by their faintness & the Enemies force robbed from her ; And none now allowed by Law to administer the Ordinances , but either Apostate Curats , who by their Perjurie & Apostacy forfaulted their Ministry , or other Hirelings & Prelat● Journey-men , who run without a Mission except from them who had none to give according to Christs Institution , the seal of whose Ministry could never yet be shown in the Conversion of any sinner to Christ : but if the tree may be known by its fruit● , we may know whose Ministers they are ; ut ex ungue Leonem , by their Conversions of Reformation into Deformation , of the Work & Cause of God into the similitude of the Roman beast , of Ministers into Hirelings , of their Proselytes into ten times worse children of the Devil then they were before , of the power of Godlyness into formality , of Preaching Christ into Orations of Morality , of the purity of Christs Ordinances into the vanity of mens Inventions , of the beautiful Government of the House of God for Edification , to a Lordly preheminence & Domination over consciences , in a word of Church & State Constitutions for Religion & Liberty all up side doun into wickedness & slavery : These are the Conversions of Prelacy . But now this astonishing blow to the Gospel of the Kingdom , introducing such a Swarm of Locusts into the Church , And in forcing a Complyance of the people with this defection , and that so violently & rigorously , as even simple withdrawing was so severely punished by severe Edicts of fyning , & other arbitrary punishments at first ; what did it produce ? did it awaken all Christs Ambassadours , now to appear for Christ , in this clear & clamant case of Confessing Him , and the freedom & Purity of His Ordinances ? Alas ! the backwardness & bentness to backsliding , in a Superseding from the duties of that day , did make it evident , that now the Lord had in a great measure forsaken them , because they had forsaken Him. The standart of the Gospel was then fallen , and few to take it up . The Generality of Ministers & Professors both went & Conformed so far as to hear the Curats , contrary to many points of the Reformation formerly attained , contrare to their Covenant Engagments , and contrare to their oun principles & practice at that same time ; scrupling and refusing to keep the Bishops visitations , and to Countenance their Discipline & power of Iurisdiction , because it was required as a Testification of their acknowledgment of , & Complyance with the present Government , And yet not scrupling to Countenance their Doctrine & usurped power of Order required also by the same Law , as the same Test of the same Compliance & submission . It s strange that some yet doe plead for persisting in that same Complyance , after all the bitter Consequents of it . Other Ministers Lay altogether by in their retired recesses , waiting to see what things would turn to : Others were hopeless , turned Farmers & Doctors : others more wyllie , staid at home , & Preached quietly in Ladies Chambe●● But the faithful thought that this Tyrannical ejection did 〈◊〉 or could not unminister them , so as they might not Prea●●● Gospel where ever they were , as Ambassadours of 〈◊〉 ; but rather found themselves under an indispensible necessity to Preach the Gospel and witness for the freedom of their Ministry , and make full proof of it , in preaching in season & out of season : and thereupon as occasion offered preached to all such as were willing to hear ; but at first only in private houses , and that for the most part at such times , when Sermons in publick surceased ( a superplus of Caution . ) But afterwards , finding so great difficulties and Persecutions for their house Meetings , where they were so easily attrapped , were constrained at last to keep their Meetings in the fields , without shelter from cold , wind , snow , or rain . Where testifieing both practically & particularly against these Usurpations on their Masters Prerogatives , and witnessing for their Ministerial freedom , contrary to all Law-Interdictions , without any Licences or Indulgences from the Usurper , but holding their Ministry from Jesus Christ alone , both as to the Office & exercise thereof ; they had so much of their Masters Countenance , & success in their labours , that they valued neither hazards nor hardships , neither the contempt of pretended Friends , nor the Laws nor threatnings of Enemies , adjudging the penalty of death it self to Preachers at Field Conventicles as they called them . Now having thus overturned the Church Government , by introducing Prelacy , to advance an absolute Supremacy ; the effects whereof were either the Corruption , or Persecution of all the Ministrie , Encouragment of profanity & wickedness , the enerease & advancment of Popery , Superstition , & Error , cruel impositions on the Conscience , and oppressions for Conscience sake , by the practices of cruel Supra-Spanish Inquisitions , and all manner of outcryes of outragious violence & villany : The King proceeds in his design , to pervert & evert the wel modelled & moderated Constitution of the State Government also , by introducing & advancing an Arbitrary Tyranny ; the effects whereof were , an absolute Mancipation of Lives & Liberties and estates unto his lust & pleasure , the utter subversion of Lawes , and absolute impoverishin●● the people . For effectuating which , he first proc●● lasting Imposition of intollerable Subsidies & Taxati●● , to impoverish that he might the more easily enslave the Nation ; Next a further recognizance of his Prerogative , in a subjection of persons , fortunes , & whole strength of the Kingdom to his absolute arbitrement , in a Levy of Militia of 20000 footmen , & 2000 horsemen sufficiently armed , with 40 dayes provision , to be ready upon the Kings call to march to any part of his Dominions , for opposing whatsoever invasion , or insurrection , or for any other service . The first sproutings of Tyrannie were cherished , by the cheerfull & stupid submission generally yeelded to these exorbitances ; under which they who suffered most were inwardly Malecontents , but there was no opposition to them by word or Action , but on the contrary , generally people did not so much as scruple sending out or going out as Militia-men : never adverting unto what this Concurrence was designed , & demanded , and given for ; Nor what an accession it was , in the nature & influence of the mean it self , and in the sense & intention of the Requirers , unto a Confederacy for a Complyance with , and a Confirmation & strengthening of Arbitrary Tyrannie . After the fundamental constitutions of both Church & State are thus razed & rooted up , to confirm this Absolute Power , he contrived to frame all inferior Magistrats according to his mould : And for this end appointed , that all persons in any publick Trust or Office whatsoever should subscribe a Declaration , renouncing & abjuring the Covenants ; whereby Perjurie was made the chief & indispensible qualification , and Conditio sine qua non , of all that were capable of exercing any power or place in Church or State. But finding this not yet sufficient security for this unsettled settlement ; because he wel understood , the people stood no ways obliged to acknowledge him but only according to the solemn Covenants , being the fundamental Conditions whereupon their Allegiance was founded ( as amongst all people , the Articles mutually consented betwixt them and these whom they set over them , are the constituent fundamentalls of Government ) and wel knowing , that he & his Associats , by violating these Conditions , had loosed the people from all subjection , to him , or any deriving power from him , whereby the people might justly plead , that since he had kept no Condition they were not now obliged to him , he therefore contrived a new Oath of Allegiance to be imposed upon all in publick trust both in Church & State ; wherein they are made to oblige themselves to that Boundless breaker of all Bonds Sacred & Civil , and his Successors also , without any reciprocal obligation from him to them , or any reserved restriction , limitation , or qualification , as all humane Authority by Gods Ordinance must be bounded . Whereby the Swearers have by Oath homologated the overturning of the very Basis of the Government , making free people Slaves to the subverters thereof , betraying their native Brethren & posterity to the lust of Tyrannie , and have in effect as really as if in plain termes affirmed , that whatsoever Tyrannie shall command or do , either as to the overturning of the work of God , subverting of Religion , destroying of Liberty , or persecuting all the Godly to the utmost extremity , they shall not only stupidly endure it , but actively concur with it , and assist in all this Tyrannie . Alas there was no publick Testimony against this Trick , to bring people under the yoke of Tyrannie ; except by some who suffered for Consciencious refusing it , while many others did take it , thinking to salve the matter by their pitiful quibleng senses , of giving Cesar his due . Where as this Cesar , for whom these Loyal Alleg●ers plead , is not an ordinary Cesar , but such a Cesar , Nero , or Caligula , that if he got his due , it would be in another kind . Strange ! can Presbyterians swear that Allegiance , which is substitute in the place of the broken & burnt Covenant ? Or could they swear it to such a person , who having broken & buryed the Covenant , that he who had sworn it might have another right and another Allegiance than that of the Covenant , had then remitted to us all Allegiance founded upon the Covenant ? However , having now prepared & furnished himself with Tools so qualified for his purpose , in Church & State , he prosecutes his Persecution with such fervour & fury , rage & revenge , impositions & oppressions , and with armed formed force , against the faithful following their duty in a peaceable manner , without the least shadow of Contempt even of his abused Authority , that at length in the year 1666 , a small party were compelled to go to defensive armes . Which , whatever was the desire of the Court ( as it is known how desirous they have been of an Insurrection , when they thought themselves sure to suppress it , that they might have a vent for their Cruelty ; and how one of the Brothers hath been heard say , that if he might have his wish , he would have them all turn Rebells and go to armes . ) Yet it wa● no predetermined design of that poor Handful . For Sir Iames Turner , pursuing his cruel orders in Galoway , sent some Souldiers to apprehend a poor old man ; whom his neighbours compassionating , intreated the Souldiers to loose him as he lay bound , but were answered with drawen Swords and necessitated to their own defence : In which they relieve the man , and disarm the Souldiers , and further attacqued some others oppressing that Countrey , disarming 10 or 12 more , and killing one that made resistence . Whereupon , the Countrey being alarmed , and fearing from sad experience Sir Iames would certainly avenge this affront upon the whole Country , without distinction of free & unfree , they gather about 54 horsemen , march to Drumfreis , take Sir Iames Turner Prisoner , and disarm the Souldiers , without any more violence . Being thus by Providence engaged without any hope of retreat , and getting some Concurrence of their Brethren in the same Condition , they come to Lanerk , where they renew the Covenant ; and thence to Pentland hills : where , by the holy Disposal of God , they were routed , many killed , and 130 taken Prisoners , who were treated so treacherously & truculently , as Turks would have blushed to have seen the like . Hence now on the one hand , we may see the Righteousness of God , in leaving that Enemy to Him , whom we embraced , to make such avowed Discoveries of himself , without a blush to the world , and to scourge us with Scorpions that we nourished and put in his hands : And also , how justly at that time He left us into such a damp , that like Asses we couched under all burdens , and few came out to the help of the Lord against the Mighty , drawing on them Meroz's Curse , and the blood of their butchered Brethren ; after we had sitten , & seen , and suffered all things Civil & Sacred to be destroyed in our sight without resentment . And though the Lord , who called out these worthy Patriots who fell at Pentland to such an appearance for His Interests , did take a Testimony of their hands with acceptance by sufferings , and singularly Countenanced them in sealing it with their blood ; yet He would not give success nor His presence to the Enterprise , but left them in a sort of infatuation , without Counsel & Conduct , to be a prey to devourers , that by a sad inadvertency they took in the Tyrants Interest into the State of the Quarrel . Which should have warned His people for the future , to have stated the Quarrel otherwise . II. By this time ; and much more after , the King gave as many proofs & demonstrations of his being true to Antichrist , in minding all the promises & treaties with him , as he had of his being false to Christ , in all his Covenant Engagments with His People . For in this same year 1666. he , with his dear & Royal Brother the Duke of York , contrived , countenanced , & abetted , the burning of London , evident by their employing their Guards to hinder the People from saving their oun , and to dismiss the Incendiaries the Papists , that were taken in the fact . The Committee , appointed to cognosce upon that business , traced it fo far , that they durst go no further , unless they would arraign the Duke , & charge the King , and yet before this it was enacted as Criminal for any to say the King was a Papist . But having gained so much of his design in Scotland ; where he had established Prelacy , advanced Tyranny to the hight of Absoluteness , and his Supremacy almost beyond the reach of any additional supply , yea above the Popes oun Claim , and had now brought his only opposites , the few faithful Witnesses of Christ , to a Low pass ; he went on by Craft as wel as Cruelty , to advance his oun in promoting Antichrists Interest . And therefore , having gotten the Supremacy devolved upon him by Law ( for which also he had the Popes dispensation , to take it to himself for the time , under promise to restore & surrender it to him , as soon as he could attain his end by it , as the other Brother succeeding hath now done ) he would now exert that usurped power , and work by infnaring policy to effectuate the end which he could not do by other means . Therefore , seeing he was not able to suppress the Meetings of the Lords people for Gospel Ordinances , in house & fields , but that the more he laboured by violent courses the greater & more frequent they grew ; he fell upon a more Craftie device , not only to overthrow the Gospel and suppress the Meetings , but to break the faithful , and to divide , between the Mad-cap & the Moderate Fanaticks ( as they phrased it ) that he might the more easily destroy both ; to confirm the usurpation , and to settle people in a sinful silence & stupid submission to all the Incroachments made on Christs Prerogatives , and more effectually to overturn what remained of the Work of God. And , knowing that nothing could more fortifie the Supremacy than Ministers their homologating & acknowledging it ; Therefore he offerd the first Indulgence , Anno 1669. Signifying in a Letter , dated that year Iune 7. His gracious pleasure was , to appoint so many of the outed Ministers , as have lived peaceably & orderly , to return to preach & exercise other functions of the Ministrie , in the Paroch Churches where they formerly served ( provided they be vacant ) and to allow Patrons to present to other vacant Churches , such others of them as the Council should approve : That all who are so Indulged , be enjoyned to keep Presbytries , and the Refusers to be confined within the bounds of their paroches : And that they be enjoined not to admitt any of their neighbour Paroches unto their Communions , nor Baptize their Children , nor marry any of them , without the allowance of the Minister of the Paroch , and if they Countenance the people deserting their oun Paroches , they are to be silenced for shorter or longer time , or altogether turned out , as the Council shall see cause : And upon Complaint made & verified , of any Seditious discourse or expressions in the Pulpit , uttered by any of the Ministers , they are immediatly to be turned out , and further punished according to Law : And seeing by these orders , all Pretences for Conventickles were taken away , if any should be found hereafter to Preach without Authority , or keep Conventickles , his Pleasure is , to proceed with all severity against them , as Seditious persons & Contemners of Authority . To salve this in point of Law ( because it was against former Lawes of their oun ) and to make the Kings Letter the supreme Law afterwards , and a valid ground in Law , where upon the Council might proceed , & enact , and execute what the King pleased in Matters Ecclesiastick ; he therefore caused frame a formal Statutory Act of Supremacy , of this Tenor. That his Maj. hath the supreme Authority & Supremacy over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastick , within his dominions , and that by virtue thereof , the ordering & disposal of the external Government of the Church , doth properly belong to him & his successors , as an Inherent right to the Croun : And that he may settle , enact , & emitt such Constitutions , Acts , & Orders , concerning the Administrating therof , and Persons employed in the same , and concerning all Ecclesiastical Meetings & Matters , to be proposed & determined therein ; as he in his Royal wisdom shall think fit : which Acts , Orders , & Constitutions , are to be observed & obeyed by all his Maj. Subjects , any Law , act , or custom to the contrary notwithstanding . Where upon , accordingly the Council , in their Act Iuli● . 27. 1669. do nominate several Ministers , and appoint them to Preach , and exercise the other functions of the Ministrie , at their respective Churches there specified , with Consent of the Patrons . The same day also they conclude & enact the forementioned Restrictions , conform to the Kings Letter above rehearsed , And ordain them to be intimat to every person , who is by Authority foresaid allowed the exercise of the Ministrie . These Indulged Ministers , having that Indulgence given only upon these termes , that they should accept these Injunctions , and having received it upon these termes also ( as an essential part of the bargain & Condition , on which the Indulgence was granted & accepted , as many following Proclamations did expressly declare ) do Appoint Mr Hutcheson , one of the number , to declare so much ; In Acknowledging his Maj. favour & Clemency , in granting that Liberty , after so long a restraint ; And however they had received their Ministrie from Jesus Christ , with full Prescriptions from Him for regulating them therein , yet nothing could be more refreshing on earth to them , than to have free Liberty for the exercise of their Ministrie , under the Protection of Lawful Authority : And so they purposed to be have themselves , in the discharge of the Ministrie , with that wisdom that became faithful Ministers , and to demean themselves towards Lawful Authority , notwithstanding of their known judgment in Church affairs , as wel becometh Loyal subjects ; And their prayer to God should be , that the Lord should bless his Maj. in his person & Government , and the Council in the publick administration , and especially in the Pursuance of his Maj. mind in his Letter , wherein his singular moderation eminently appears . — Afterwards they issued out Proclamations , reinforcing the punctual observation of the forementioned Injunctions , and delivered them into the Indulged . In the mean time , though Cruel Acts & Edicts were made against the Meetings of the Lords people , in houses & the fields , after all these Midianitish wyles to suppress them ; such was the presence of the Lord in these Meetings , and so powerful was His Countenance & Concurrence with the Labours of a few , who laid out themselves to hold up the Standart of Christ ; that the number of Converts multiplyed dayly , to the praise of free Grace , and to the great encouragment of the few hands that wrestled in that Work , through all humane discouragment . Therefore King & Council was put to a new shift , which they supposed would prove more effectual : To wit , because there was a great number of Non-conformed Ministers not yet Indulged , who either did or might hereafter hold Conventickles , therefore , to remeed or prevent this in time coming , they appoint & ordain them to such places where Indulged Ministers were settled , there to be confined with allowance to Preach as the Indulged should employ them ; thinking by this means to incapacitate many to hold Meetings there or elswere : And to these also they give injunctions & restrictions to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie . And to the end that all the outed Ministers might be brought under restraint , and the Word of God be kept under bonds , by another Act of Council they Command , that all other Ministers ( not Disposed of as is said ) were either to repair to the Paroch Churches where they were , or to some other Paroches where they may be ordinary hearers , and to declare & condiscend upon the Paroches where they intend to have their Residence . After this they assumed a Power , to Dispose of these their Curats as they pleased , and transport them from place to place ; whereof the only ground was a simple Act of Council , the Instructions alwayes going along with them , as the constant Companion of the Indulgence ▪ By all which it is apparent ; what ever these Ministers alledge , in vindication of it to cover its deformity , in their Balmes to take away its Stink , and in their Surveyes to gather Plaisters to scurf over its Scurveyness , viz. that it was but the removal of the Civil restraint , And that they entered into their places by the Call of the People ( a meer mock pretence for a Prelimited imposition , whereby that Ordinance of Christ was basely prostituted & abused ) And that their Testimony & Protestation was a Salvo for their conscience ( a meer Outopian fancy ▪ that the Indulgers with whom they bargained never heard of , otherwise , as they did with some who were faithful in testifying against their Encroachments , they would soon have given them a Bill of Ease ) It cannot be denyed , that that doleful Indulge●●e , both in its Rise , Contrivance ; Conveyance , Grant , & Acceptance , End & Effects , was a Grievous Encroachment upon the Princely Prerogative of Jesus Christ the only Head of the Church ; whereby the usurpers Supremacy was Homologated ; bowed to ▪ complyed with , strengthened & established ▪ the Cause & Kingdom of Christ betrayed , His Churches Priviledges surrendered , His Enemies hardened , His Friends stumbled , and the Remnant rent & ruined ; in that it was granted & deduced from the Kings Supremacy , and conveyed by the Council ; in that , according to his pleasure , he gave and they received a Licence & warrant , to such as he nominated & Elected and judged fit & qualified for it , and fixed them in what particular Paroch he pleased to assign , under the notion of a Confinment , in that he imposed and they submitted to restrictions in the exercise of their Ministry , in these particular Paroches , inhibiting to Preach elswhere in the Church ; And with these restrictions , he gave and they received instructions to regulate & direct them in their functions : All which was done without Advice or Consent of the Church : And thereupon they have frequentlie been called & coveened before the Counci● , to give ac●ount of their Ministerial exercise , and some of them sentenced , silenced , & deposed for alledged disobedience . This was a manifest Treason against Christ , which involved many in the actual guilt of it that day , and many others who gaped after it & could not obtain it , and for more at that time & since in the guilt of Misprision of Treason , in passing this also without a witness . Thus , in holy judgement , because of our Indulging & Conniving at the usurper of Christs Throne , He left a great part of the Ministers to take that wretched Indulgence ; and another part , instead of remonstrating the wickedness of that deed , have been left to palliate , & plaister , & Patronize it , in keeping up the Credit of the King & Councils Curats , wherein they have shewed more zeal , than ever against that wicked Indulgence . Yet the Lord had some Witnesses , who prettie early did give significations of their resentment of this dishonour done to Christ , as Mr William Weer , who having got the Legal Call of the People , and discharging his duty honestly , was turned out ; And Mr Iohn Burnet , who wrote a Testimony directed to the Council , shewing why he could not submit to that Indulgence , inserted at large in the History of the Indulgence ; Where also we have the Testimony of other ten Ministers , who drew up their Reasons of Non-Complyance with such a snare ; And Mr Alexander Blair , who , upon occasion of a Citation before the Council for not observing the 29 of Maij , having with others made his appearance , and got new Copies of Instructions presented to them , being moved with zeal and remembering whose Ambassadour he was , told the Council plainly , that he could receive no Instructions from them in the exercise of his Ministry , otherwise he should not be Christs Ambassadour but theirs , and herewith lets their Instructions drop out of his hand , knowing of no other Salv● or manner of Testifying for the Truth in the Case؛ for which he was imprisoned , & died under Confinement . But afterwards , the Lord raised up some more explicite Witnesses against that defection . All this Trouble was before the year 1673. About which time , finding this device of Indulgences proved so steadable for his Service in Scotland , he was induced to try it also in England ; which he did almost with the same or like success , & producing the same effects of defection , security , & unfaithfulness . The Occasion was upon his wars with the Dutch : Which gave another demonstrative discovery of his Treacherie & Popish perfidie , in breaking League with them , and entering into one with the French , to destroy Religion & Liberty in Britain : Wherein the King of France assures him an Absolute Authority over his Parliaments , and to reestablish the Catholick Religion in his Kingdoms of England Scotland & Ireland ; to Compass which it was necessary first to abate the pride & power of the Dutch , and to reduce them to the sole Province of Holland , by which means the King of England should have Zeland for a retreat in case of need , and that the rest of the Low Countries should remain to the King of France , if he could render himself Master of it . But to return to Scotland . While by the forementioned Device , he thought he had utterly suppressed the Gospel in house & field Meetings , he was so far disappointed , that these very means & Machins by which he thought to bury it , did chiefly contribute to its revival . For , when by Persecution many Ministers had been chased away by illegal Law-Sentences , many had been banished away , and by their ensnaring Indulgences many had been drawen away from their duty , and others were now sentenced with Confinements & Restraints , if they should not choose & fix their residence where they could not keep their Quiet & Conscience both ; they were forced to wander and disperse through the Country , and the People being tired of the cold & dead Curats , and wanting long the Ministrie of their old Pastors , so longed & hungered after the Word , that they behoved to have it at any rate cost what it would ; which made them entertain the dispersed Ministers more earnestly , and encouraged them more to their duty . By whose Endeavours , through the mighty power & presence of God , and the Light of His Countenance now shining through the Cloud , after so fatal & fearful a darkness that had over-clouded the Land for a while , with such a resplendent brightness , that it darkened the Prelatick Locusts , and made them hisse and gnash their tongues for pain , and dazeled the eyes of all Onlookers ; the Word of God grew exceedingly , and went through at least the Southern borders of the Kingdom like lightning , or like the Sun in its Meridian beauty ; discovering so the Wonders of Gods Law , the Mysteries of His Gospel , and the Secrets of His Covenant , and the Sins & Duties of that day , that a numerous issue was begotten to Christ , and His Conquest was Glorious , Captivating poor slaves of Satan , and bringing them from his power unto God , and from darkness to Light. O! who can remember the Glory of that Day , without a melting heart , in reflecting upon what we have lost , and let go , and sinned away , by our Misimprovements ? O that in that our day we had hearkened to His voice , and had known the things that belonged to our peace ! A day of such power , that it made the People , even the bulk & body of the People , willing to come out and venture , upon the greatest of hardships and the greatest of hazards , in pursuing after the Gospel , through Mosses & Moors , & inaccessible Mountains , Summer & Winter , through excess of heat & extremity of cold , many dayes & night-journeyes ; even when they could not have a probable expectation of escaping the Sword of the wilderness , and the barbarous fury of bloody Burrio's raging for their prey , sent out with orders to take & kill them , it being now made Criminal by Law , especially to the preachers & Convocaters of those Meetings . But this was a day of such power , that nothing could daunt them from their duty , that had tasted once the sweetness of the Lords presence at these persecuted Meetings . Then had we such Humiliation-dayes for personal & publick Defections , such Communion-dayes even in the open fields , and such Sabbath-Solemnities , that the places where they were kept might have been called Bethel , or Peniel , or Bochim , and all of them Iehovah-Shammah ; wherein many were truly Converted , more Convinced , and generally all Reformed from their former immoralities : That even Robbers , Thieves , and Profane Men , were some of them brought to a saving subjection to Christ , and generally under such restraint , that all the severities of heading & hanging &c. in a great many years , could not make such a Civil Reformation , as a few dayes of the Gospel , in these formerly the Devils Teritories , now Christs Quarters , where His Kingly Standart was displayed . I have not Language to lay out the inexpressible Glory of that day : But I will make bold to say two things of it , first , I doubt if ever there was Greater dayes of the Son of Man upon the Earth since the Apostolick times , than we enjoyed for the space of Seven years at that time : And next , I doubt , if upon the back of such a lightsome day there was ever a blacker night of darkness , defection , division , & confusion , and a more universal impudent Apostasie , than we have seen since . The world is at a great loss , that a more exact & complete account demonstrating both these , is not published , which I am sure would be a fertile Theme to any faithful pen. But this not being my scope at present , but only to deduce the steps of the Contendings of Christs Friends & His Enemies , I must follow the threed of my Narration . Now when Christ is gaining Ground by the preached Gospel in plenty , in purity , & power , the Usurpers Supremacy was like to stagger , and Prelacy came under universal Contempt , in so much that several Country Curats would have had but scarce half a dozen of hearers , and some none at all . And this was a General Observe that never failed , that no sooner did any poor Soul come to get a serious sense of Religion , and was brought under any real Exercise of Spirit about their Souls Concerns , but as soon they did fall out with Prelacy and left the Curats . Hence to secure what he had possessed himself of by Law , and to prevent a dangerous Paraxisme which he thought would ensue upon these Commotions , the King returned to exerce his innate Tyranny , and to emit terrible Orders , and more terrible Executioners , & bloody Emissaries , against all Field Meetings : which , after long patience ▪ the people at length could not endure ; but being first chased to the Fields , where they would have been content to have the Gospel with all the inconveniences of it , and also expelled from the Fields , being resolute to maintain the Gospel , they resolved to defend it & themselves by Armes . To which , unavoidable necessity in unsupportable extremity did constrain them , as the only remaining remedy . It is known , for several years they met without any Armes , where frequently they were disturbed & dispersed with Souldiers some killed others wounded , which they patiently endured without Resistence : At length the Ministers that were most in hazard , having a Price set upon their heads to be brought in dead or alive , with some attending them in their wanderings , understanding they were thus appointed for death , judged it their duty to provide for the necessary defence of their lives from the violence of their Armed Assaulters . And as Meetings increased , diverse others came under the same hazard , which enforced them to endeavour the same remedy , without the least intention of prejudice to any . Thus the number of Sufferers increasing , as they joyned in the Ordinances at these persecuted Meetings , found themselves in some probable Capacity to defend themselves and these much endeared & precious Gospel Priviledges , & to preserve the Memory of the Lords great Work in the Land , which to transmit to posterity was their great design . And they had no small encouragment to endeavour it , by the satisfying sweetness & comfort they found in these Ordinances , being perswaded of the justness of their Cause , and of the groundlessness of their Adversaries quarrel against them : And hereunto also they were incited & prompted , by the palpableness of the Enemies purposes to destroy the Remainder of the Gospel , by extirpating the Remnant that professed it . Wherefore in these circumstances , being redacted to that strait , either to be deprived of the Gospel or to defend themselves in their Meetings for it ; And thinking their turning their backs upon it for hazard , was a cowardly deserting duty , and palpable breach of Covenant-Engagments , abandoning their greatest Interest , They thought it expedient , yea necessary , to carry defensive Armes with them . And as for that discouragment from the difficulty & danger of it , because of their fewness & meanness , it did not deter or daunt them from the endeavour of their duty ; when they considered , the Lord in former times was wont to oune a very small party of their Ancestors , who in extremity jeoparded their lives in defence of Reformation against very potent & powerful Enemies : These now ouning the same Cause , judged themselves obliged to run the same hazard , in the same circumstances , and to follow the same method , & durst not leave it unessayed , leaving the event to God : considering also , that not only the Law of Nature & Nations doth allow self defence from unjust violence , but also the indissoluble obligation of their Covenants , to maintain & defend the true Religion & one another in promoving the same , made it indispensible to use that endeavour , the defect of which through their former supineness gave no small encouragment to the Enemies : They considered also what would be the consequence of that War , declared against all the Faithful of t●e Land with a displayed banner , prosecuted with fire & ●word , and all acts of horrid hostility , published in printed Proclamations , & written in Characters of blood by barbarous souldiers , so that none could enjoy Gospel Ordinances dispensed in Purity , but upon the hazard of their lives : And therefore , to prevent & frustrate these effects , they endeavoured to put themselves in a posture . And hereunto they were encouraged , by the constant experience of the Lords countenancing their endeavours in that posture , which alwayes proved successful for several years , their enemies either turning their backs without disturbance , when they observed them resolve defence , or in their assaultings repulsed : So that there was never a Meeting which stood to their defence , got any considerable harme thereby . Thus the Lord was with us while we were with Him , but when we forsook Him then He forsook us , and left us in the hands of our enemies . However , while Meetings for Gospel Ordinances did continue , the wicked Rulers did not cease from time to time to encrease their numerous ●ands of Barbarous Souldiers , for suppressing the Gospel in these field-Meetings . And for their Maintinance , they imposed new wicked & arbitrary Cesses & Taxations , professedly required for suppressing Religion & Liberty , banishing the Gospel out of the Land , and preserving & promoting his Absoluteness over all Matters & Persons Sacred & Civil : Which , under that tentation of great suffering threatened to Refusers , and under the disadvantage of the silence & unfaithfulness of many Ministers , who either did not condemn it or pleaded for the peaceable payment of it , many did comply with it then , and far more since . Yet at that time there were far more Recusants , in some places , ( especially in the Western Shires ) than Complyers : And there were many of the Ministers that did faithfully declare to the people the sin of it ; Not only from the illegality of its imposition , by a convention of overawed and prelimited States ; but from the nature of that imposed Complyance , that it was a sinful transaction with Christs declared Enemies , a strengthening the hands of the wicked , an Obedience to a wicked Law , a Consenting to Christs Expulsion out of the Land , and not only that , but ( far worse than the sin , of the Gadarens ) a formal Concurrence to assist His Expellers , by maintaining their force , a hiring our Oppressours to destroy Religion & Liberty ; And from the fountain of it , an Arbitrary power domineering over us , and oppressing & overpressing the Kingdoms with intollerable exactions That to pay it , it was to entail slaverie on the posterity ; And from the declared end of it , expressed in the very Narrative of the Act , viz : to levy & maintain forces for suppressing & dispersing Meetings of the Lords people , and to shew unanimous affection for maintaining the Kings Supremacy as now established by Law ; which designs he resolved , and would be capacitate by the Granters to effectuate by such a Grant , which in effect , to all tender Consciences , had an evident tendency to the exauctorating the Lord Christ , to maintain Souldiers to suppress His Work , & murder His Followers , yet all this time Ministers & Professors were unite , and with one soul & shoulder followed the Work of the Lord , till the Indulged ▪ being dissatisfied with the Meetings in the fields , whose Glory was like to overcloud & obscure their beds of ease , and especially being offended at the freedom & faithfulness of some , who set the Trumpet to their mouth , and shewed Iacob his sins & Israel his transgressions impartially without a clock or cover , they began to make a faction among the Ministers , and to devise how to quench the fervour of their zeal who were faithful for God. But the more they sought to extinguish it , the more it brake out and blazed into a flame . For Several of Christs Ambassadours , touched & affected with the affronts done to their Princely Master by the Supremacy and the Indulgence its Bastard brood & brat , began after long silence to discover its iniquity , and to acquaint the people how the Usurper had invaded the Mediators Chair , in taking upon him to depose ; suspend , silence , plant & transplant His Ministers , where & when & how he pleased , and to give forth warrants & Licences for admitting them , with Canons & Instructions for regulating them in the exercise of their Ministrie , and to arraign & censure them at his Courts for delinquencies in their Ministry ; pursuing all to the death who are faithful to Christ , and maintain their Loyaltie to His Lawes , and will not prostitute their Consciences to his lusts , and bow doun to the Idol of his Supremacy , but will oune the Kingly Authority of Christ. Yet others , and the greater number of dissenting Ministers , were not only deficient herein , but defended them , joyned with them , and ( pretending prudence & prevention of Schisme ) in effect homologated that deed and the practice of these Priests Ezek. 22. 26. teaching & advising the people to hear them , both by precept , and going along with them in that Erastian Course : And not only so , but condemned & censured such who preached against the sinfulness thereof , especially in the first place , Worthy Mr Walwood , who was among the first Witnesses against that defection , and Mr Kid , Mr King , Mr Cameron , Mr Donald Cargil &c. who sealed their Testimony afterwards with their blood ; yet then even by their Brethren were loaden with the reproachful Nicknames of Schismaticks , blind Zea●ots , I●suits &c. But it was alwayes observed , as long as Ministers were faithful in following the Lord in the way of their duty , Professors were fervent , And un-under all their Conflicts with Persecuters ▪ the courage & zeal of the lovers of Christ was blazing , and never out-braved by all the enemies boastings to undertake brisk Exploits : which from time to time they were now and then essaying , till defection destroyed , and division diverted their zeal against the Enemis of God , who before were alwayes the object against which they whetted the edge of their just Indignation . Especially the insulting insolency & insolent villanie of that publick Incendiarie , the Arch-Prelate Sharp , was judged intollerable by ingenuous Spirits ; because he had treacherously betrayed the Church & Nation , and being imployed as their delegate to oppose the threatened introduction of Prelacy , he had like a perjured Apostate and perfidious Traitor advanced himself into the place of Primate of Scotland , and being a member of Council he became a chief Instrument of all the Persecution , and main Instigator to all the bloody violence & cruelty that was exerced against the people of God ; by whose means , the letter sent doun to stop the shedding of more blood after Pentland was kept● up , until several of these Martyrs were Murdered . Therefore in Iulij 1668. Mr Iames Mitchel thought in his duty to save himself , deliver his Brethren , and free the Land of the violence of that beast of prey , and attempted to cut him off : which failing , he then escaped , but afterwards was apprehended ; and being moved by the Councils Oath , and Act of Assurance promising his life , he made Confession of the fact : Yet afterwards for the same he was arraigned before the Justiciary , and the Confession he made was brought in against him , and witnessed by the perjured Chancellour Rothes , and other Lords , contrare to their Oath & Act produced in open Court , to their indeleble infamy : whereupon he was tortured , condemned , & executed . But Justice would not suffer this Murder to pass long unrevenged , nor that Truculunt Traitor , Iamos Sharp the Arch-Prelat , who was the occasion & cause of it , and of many more both before & after , to escape remarkable punishment ; the severity whereof did sufficiently compense its delay , after ten years respite , wherein he ceased not more and more to pursue , persecute , & make havock of the Righteous for their duty , until at length he received the just demerit of his perfidie , perjury , apostasie , sorceries , villanies , and murders , Sharp arrowes of the Mighty & coals of Iuniper . For upon the 3. of May 1679. several worthy Gentlmen , with some other men of Courage & zeal for the cause of God and the good of the Country , executed righteous Judgement upon him in Magu● Moor near St Andrews . And that same moneth , on the Anniversary day May 29. the Testimony at Rutherglen was Published , against that abomination of celebrating an Anniversary day , kept every year for giving thanks for the setting up an usurped power , destroying the Interest of Christ in the Land — And angainst all sinful & unlawful Acts , emitted & executed , published & prosecuted against our Covenanted Reformation . Where also they burnt the Act of Supremacy , the Declaration , the Act Recissory &c. in way of retaliation for the burning of the Covenants . On the Sabbath following Iun. 1. A field Meeting for the Worship of God near to Loudoun-hil was assaulted by Graham of Claverhouse , and with him three troups of horse & Dragoons , who had that morning taken an honest Minister and about 14 Country-men out of their beds and carried them along with them as Prisoners to the Meeting in a Barbarous manner . But by the good hand of God upon the Defendents , they were repulsed at Drumclogg and put to flight , the Prisoners relieved , about 30. of the Souldiers killed on the place , and 3. of the Meeting , and several wounded on both sides . Thereafter the people retreating from the pursuit , consulted what was expedient in that juncture , whether to disperse themselves as formerly , or to keep together for their necessary defence . The result was , that considering the craft & cruelty of those they had to deal with , the sad consequents of falling into their hands now more incensed than ever , the evil effects that likely would ensue upon their separation , which would give them access to make havock of all ; they judged it most safe in that extremity for some time not to separate . Which Resolution , coming abroad to the ears of others of their Brethren ; determined them incontinently to come to their Assistence , considering their necessity , and their oun lyableness to the same common danger , upon the account of their endeavours of that nature elsewhere to defend themselves , being of the same judgement for maintaining of the same Cause , to which the were bound by the same Covenants , and groaning under the same burdens ; they judged therefore that if they now with held their assistence in such a strait , they could not be innocent of their Brethrens blood , nor found faithful in their Covenant : To which they were encouraged with the Countenance & success the Lord had given to that Meeting , in that defensive Resistence . This was the Rise & Occasion of that Appearance at Bothwel-bridge , which the Lord did in His Holy Soveraignty confound , for former Defections by the means of Division , which broke that litle Army among themselves , before they were broken by the Enemy . They continued together in amiable & amicable peace for the space of 8 or 9 dayes , while they endeavoured to put out & keep out every wicked thing from amongst them , and adhered to the Rutherglen-Testimony , and that short Declaration at Glasgow confirming it ; Representing their present purposes & endeavours , where only in vindication & defence of the Reformed Religion — as they stood obliged thereto by the National & Solemn League & Covenant , and the Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins & Engagment to duties ; Declaring against Popery , Prelacy , Erastianisme , and all things depending thereupon . Intending hereby to comprehend the defection of the Indulgence , to witness against which all unanimously aggreed : Until the Army encreasing , the Defenders & Daubers of that defection , some Ministers and others , came in who broke all , and upon whom the blood of that Appearance may be charged . The occasion of the breach was , first , When in the sense of the obligation of that Command , when the host goeth forth against thine enemies , keep thee from every wicked thing , an overture was offered to set times apart for humiliation for the publick sins of the Land , according to the practice of the Godly in all ages before engaging their enemies , and the laudable precedents of our Ancestors ; that so the Causes of Gods wrath against the Nation might be enquired into & confessed , and the Lords Blessing , Counsel , & Conduct to & upon present Endeavours , might be implored . And accordingly the Complying with abjured Erastianisme , by the acceptance of the ensnaring Indulgence , offered by & received from the Usurping Rulers , was condescended upon among the rest of the grounds of fasting & humiliation , so seasonably & necessarely called for at that time . The Sticklers for the Indulgence refused the overture , upon politick considerations , for fear of offending the Indulged Ministers & Gentlemen , and provoking them to withdraw their Assistence . This was the great Cause of the division , that produced such unhappy & destructive effects . And next , whereas the Cause was stated before according to the Covenants , in the Rutherglen-Testimony & Glasglow-Declaration , wherein the Kings Interest was waved ; These Dividers drew up another large paper ( called the Hamiltoun-Declaration ) wherein they assert the Kings Interest , according to the third Article of the Solemn League & Covenant . Against which the best affected contended , & protested they could not in Conscience put in his Interest in the State of the Quarrel , being now in stated opposition to Christs Interests , and inconsistent with the meaning of the Covenant , and the practices of the Covenanters , and their own Testimonies ; while now he could not be declared for as being in the defence of Religion & Liberty , when he had so palpably overturned & ruined the Work of Reformation , and oppressed such as adhered thereunto , and had burnt the Covenant &c. Whereby he had loosed the people from all obligation to him from it . Yet that contrary faction prevailed , so far as to get it published in the name of all : whereby the Cause was perverted & betrayed , and the former Testimonies rendered irrite , and the Interest of the publick Enemy epsoused . Finally , the same day that the Enemy approached in sight , And a considerable advantage was offered to do execution against them , these Loyal Gentlemen hindered & retarded all Action , till a Parly was beat , and an Address dispatched to the Duke of Monmouth , who then commanded his Fathers Army . By which nothing was gained , but free Liberty given to the Enemies to plant their Canon , and advance without interruption . After which , in the Holy All-over-ruling Providence of God , that poor handful was signally discountenanced of God , deprived of all Conduct , divested of all Protection , and laid open to the raging Sword , the just punishment of all such tamperings with the Enemies of God , and espousing their Interest , and omitting humiliation for their own and the Lands sins . About 300 were killed in the Fields , and 1000. and upwards were taken Prisoners , stripped , and carried to Edinburgh , where they were kept for a long time in the Gray Friers Church-yard , without shelter from cold or rain . And at length had the tentation of an insnaring bond of peace : Wherein they were to acknowledge that Insurrection to be Rebellion ▪ and oblige themselves never to rise in Armes against the King , nor any commissionate by him , and to live peaceably &c. Which , through fear of threatened death , and the unfaithfulness of some , and the impudence of other Ministers that perswaded them to take it , prevailed with many : Yet others resolutely resisted , judging it to imply a condemning of their duty , an abandoning of their Covenant-Engagments , wherein they were obliged to duties inconsistent with such bonds , and a voluntary binding up their hands from all oppositions to the declared War against Christ , which is the native sense of the peace they require , which can never be entertained long with men so treacherous . And therefore upon Principles of Reason & Conscience they refused that pretended Indemnity , offered in these termes . Nevertheless the most part took it : and yet were sentenced with banishment ; and sent away for America as well as they who refused it ; And by the way , ( a few excepted , ) perished in Shipwrack : whose blood yet cries both against the Imposers , and the Perswaders to that bond . III. This fearful & fatal stroke at Bothuel , not only was in its immediate effects so deadly , but in its consequents so destructive , that the decaying Church of Scotland , which before was begining to revive , was then cast into such a swoon that she is never like to recover to this day . And the Universality of her Children , which before espoused her Testimony , was after that partly drawn by Craft , and partly drawn by Cruelty , from a Conjunction with their Brethren in prosecuting the same , either into an open defection to the Contrary side , or into a detestable indifferency & neutrality in the Cause of God. For first of all the Duke of Monmouth , whose nature more averse from Cruelty than the rest of that Progeny made him pliable to all suggestions of wicked policy , that seemed to have a shew or smoothness & lenity , procured the emission of a pretended Indemnity , attended with the foresaid Band of p●ace for its Companion . Which were dreadful snares , catching many with flatteries , and fair pretences of favours , fairded over with curious words and cozening names of living peaceably &c. while in the mean time a most deadly & destructive thrust ( as it were under the fifth rib ) because most secret , was intended against all that was left remaining of the Work of God undestroyed , and a bar put upon all essayes to revive or recover it by their oun consent , who should endeavour it . This Course of Defection carried away many at that time : And from that time , since the taking of that bond of peaceable living , there hath been an universal preferring of peace to Truth , and of ease to duty . And the generality have been left to swallow all baits , tho the hook was never so discernible , all those ensnaring Oaths & Bonds imposed since , which both then & since People were left to their oun determination to chuse or refuse ; many Ministers refusing to give their Advice when required & requested thereunto , and some not being ashamed or afraid to perswad the People to take them . The Ministrie then also were generally insnared with that banded Indulgence , the pretended benefit of that Indemnity , which as it was designed so it produced the woful effect of propagating the defection , and promoting the division , and laying them by from their duty & Testimony of that day , which to this day they have not yet taken upon their former ground . For when a Proclamation was emitted , inveighing bitterly against field Meetings , and absolutely interdicting all such for the future under highest pain , but granting Liberty to Preach in houses upon the termes of a Cautionary bond given for their living peaceably : yet excluding all these Ministers who were suspected to have been at the late Rebellion ; and all these who shall afterward be admitted by Non-Conforme Ministers : And certifying , that if ever they shall be at any field Conventickle , the said Indemnity shall not be useful to such Transgressours any manner of way : And requiring security , that none under the colour of this favour continue to preach Rebellion . Though there seems to be enough in the Proclamation it self to have scarred them from this scandalous snare , yet a Meeting of Ministers at Edinburg made up of Indulged , avowed Applauders of the Indulgence , or underhand Approvers and favourers of the same , and some of them old Publick Resolutioners , assuming to themselves the name of a General Assembly , yea of the Representative of the Church of Scotland , voted for the Acceptance of it . And so formally transacted & bargained upon base , dishonest , & dishonourable termes with the Usurper , by consenting & compacting with the People to give that bond , Wherein the People upon an humble Petition to the Council , obtaining their Indulged-Minister do bind & oblige — that the said — shall live peaceably . And in order thereto to present him before his Maj. Privie Council , when they shall be called so to do ; And in case of failzie in not presenting him , to be Lyable to the summe of 6000 Merks . Whereby they condemned themselves of former unpeaceableness , and engaged to a sinful Peace with the enemies of God , and became bound and fettered under these bonds to a forbearance of a Testimony , and made answerable to their Courts , and the People were bound to present them for their duty . The sinfulness , scandalousness , & inconveniences of which transactions , are abundantly demonstrated by a Treatise thereupon , intituled , The Banders disbanded . Nevertheless many embraced this new bastard Indulgence , that had not the benefit of the former brat , of the same Mother the Supremacy , and far more consented to it without a witness , and most of all did some way homologate it , in preaching under the sconce of it : Declining the many reiterated & urgent Calls of the ●ealous Lovers of Christ , to come out and maintain the Testimony of the Gospel in the open fields , for the honour of their Master and the freedom of their Ministrie . Whereupon , as many poor People were stumbled and jumbled into many confusions , so that they were so bewildered & bemisted in doubts & debates , that they knew not what to do , and were tempted to question the Cause formerly so servently contended for against all opposition , then so simply abandoned , by these that seemed sometimes valiant for it , when they saw them consulting more their oun ease than the Concerns of their Masters Glory , or the necessity of the poor people hungering for the Gospel , and standing in need of Counsel in time of such abounding snares , whereby many became a prey to all tentations : So the more zealous & faithful , after several Addresses , Calls , & Invitations to Ministers , finding themselves deserted by them , judged themselves under a necessity to discountenance many of them , whom formerly they followed with pleasure ; and to resolve upon a pursuit & prosecution of the duty of the day without them , and to provide themselves with faithful Ministers , who would not shun for all hazards to declare the whole Counsel of God. And accordingly through the tender Mercy of God , compassionating the exigence of the People , the Lord sent them first Mr Richard Cameron , with whom after his serious solicitation his Brethren denied their concurrence , and then Mr Donald Cargil ; who , with a zeal & boldness becoming Christs Ambassadours , maintained & prosecuted the Testimony , against all the Indignities done to their Master and wrongs to the Cause , both by the encroachments of Adversaries and defections of their declining Brethren . Wherein they were signally countenanced of their Master ; And the Lords Inheritance was again revived with the showres of the Gospels blessings , wherewith they had been before refreshed ; and enlightened with a Glance & Glimpse of resplendent brightness , immediatly before the obscurity of this fearful night of darkness that hath succeeded . But as Christ was then displaying His beauty , to His poor despised & persecuted People ; so Antichrist began to blaze his bravery , in the solemn & shameful reception of his harbinger , that Pimp of the Romish whore , the Duke of York . Who had now pulled off the Mask , under which he had long covered his Antichristian Bigotrie , through a trick of his brother , constrained by the Papists importunity , and the necessity of their favour , & recruit of their Coyn , either to declare himself Papist , or to make his brother do it : whereby all the locusts were engaged to his Interest , with whom he entered into a Conspiracy and Popish Plot , as was discovered by many infallible evidences , and confessed by Coleman his Secretary , to Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey ; for which , lest he should witness against him , when Coleman was apprehended , that Gentleman was cruelly murdered by the Duke of Yorks contrivance & command . Yet for all the demonstrations of his being a Bigot Papist , that he had long given unto the world , it is known what some suffered for saying , that the Duke of York was a Papist and being forced to leave England he was come to Scotland to promots Poperie & Arbitrary Government . However , thô the Parliament of England , for his Poperie & Villanie , and his ploting & pursuing the destruction of the Nation , did vote his Exclusion ; yet degenerate Scotland did receive him in great pompe & pride . Against which , the forementioned faithful witnesses of Christ did find themselves obliged to testify their just resentment , and to protest against his succeeding to the Croun , in their Declaration published at Sanquhair , Iune 22. 1680. Wherein also they Disoune Charles Stewart , as having any Right , Title , or Interest in the Croun of Scotland or Government thereof , as being fore●aulted several years since , by his perjurie & breach of Covenant , Usurpation on Christs Prerogatives , and by his Tyranny & breaches in the very Leges regnandi in matters Civil — And declare a war with him , and all the men of these practices — homologating the Testimony at Rutherglen , and disclaiming that declaration at Hamiltoun . This Action was generally condemned by the body of lurking Ministers , both for the matter of it , and the unseasonableness of it , and its apparent unfeasibleness , being done by a handful so inconsiderable , for number , strength , or significancy . But as they had very great & important reasons to disclaim that Tyrants Authority , hinted in the Declaration it self , and hereafter more fully vindicated : so the necessity of a Testimony against all the Tyrannical Encroachments on Religion & Liberty , then current & encreasing ; and the sin & shame of shifting & delaying it so long , when the Blasphemous Supremacy was now advanced to its summity ; the Churches Priviledges all overturned ; Religion and the Work of Reformation trampled under foot ; the Peoples Rights & Liberties destroyed , and Lawes all subverted ; and no shadow of Government left but arbitrary Absoluteness , obtruding the Tyrants will for Reason , and his Letter for the Supreme Law ( witness the Answer which one of the Council gave to another , objecting against their Proceedings as not according to Law , what devil do ye talk of Law ? have not we the Kings Letter for it ? ) And all the ends of Magistracy wholly inverted ; while innocent & honest People were grievously oppressed in their persons , Consciences , & Estates ; And Perjuries , Adulteries , Idolatries , and all impieties were not only connived at , but countenanced as badges of Loyaltie , and manifest & monstrous Robbries & Murders Authorized , Judgement turned into gall , and the fruit of Righteousness into hemlock ; do justify its Seasonableness : And the ends of the Declaration , to keep up the Standart of the Gospel , and maintain the Work of Reformation , and preserve a Remnant of faithful Adherers to it ; the nature of the Resolution declared , being only to endeavour to make good & maintain their Revolt , in opposition to all who would pursue them for it , and reinforce them to a subjection to that yoke of slaverie again ; and the extremity of danger & distress that party was in , while declared & pursued as Rebells , and intercommuned & interdicted of all supplie & solace , being put out of their oun , and by Law precluded of the harbour of all other habitations , and so both for safety & subsistence compelled by necessity to concur & keep together , may alleviate the Censure and stop the Clamour of its unfeasibleness . But thô it is not the prudence of the managment , but the justness of the Action , that I would have vindicated from obliquies ; yet it wanted nothing but success to justify both , in the conviction of many that made much outcry against it . In these dangerous in his maintainance of the true Covenanted Religion — which homage they cannot now require upon the account of the Covenant , which they have renounced & disclaimed ; and upon no other ground we are bound to them — the Croun not being an inheritance , that passeth from Father to son without the Consent of Tenants — ( 3 ) Of the hope of their returning from these Courses : Whereof there is none , seeing they have so often declared their purposes of persevering ill thein , And suppose they should dissemble a repentance — supposing also they might be pardoned , for that which is done — from whose guiltiness the Land cannot be cleansed , but by executing Gods righteous Judgements upon them — yet they cannot now be believed , after they have violated all that humane wisdom could devise to bind them . Upon these accounts they reject that King , and those associate with him in the Government — and declare them henceforth no lawful Rulers , as they had declared them to be no lawful Subjects — they having destroyed the established Religion , overturned the fundamental Lawes of the Kingdom , taken away Christs Church-Government , and changed the Civil into Tyrannie , where none are associate in partaking of the Government , but only these who will be found by Justice guilty of Criminals — And declare they shall , God giving power , set up Government & Governours according to the Word of God , and the qualifications required Exod. 18. vers . 20. — And shall not commit the Government — to any single person , or lineal succession , being not tyed as the Jewes were to one single family — and that kind being lyable to most inconveniences , & aptest to degenerate into Tyrannie — And moreover , that these men set over them shall be engaged to Govern Principally , by that Civil & Judicial Law ( not that which is any way Typical ) given by God to His people of Israel — as the best so far as it goes , being given by God — especially in matters of life & death — and other things , so far as they reach , and are consistent with Christian Liberty — exempting Divorces & Polygamie — 6. Seeing the greatest part of Ministers , not only were defective in Preaching against the Acts of the Rulers for overthrowing Religion — but hindered others also who were willing , and censured some that did it — and have voted for acceptation of that Liberty , founded upon & given by virtue of that blaspemously arrogate & Usurped power — and appeared before their Courts to accept of it , and to be enacted & authorized their Ministers — whereby they have become the Ministers of men , and bound to be answerable to them as they will — And have preached for the lawfulness of paying that Tribute , declared to be imposed for the bearing doun of the true Worship of God — And advised poor Prisoners to subscribe that Bond — which if it were universally subscribed — they should close that door , which the Lord hath made use of in all the Churches of Europe , for casting off the yoke of the whore — and stop all regress of men , when once brought under Tyrannie , to recover their Libertie again . — They declare they neither can nor will hear them &c. nor any who encouraged & strengthened their hands , and pleaded for them , and trafficqued for union with them . 7. That they are for a standing Gospel Ministrie , rightly chosen & rightly ordained — & that none shall take upon them the Preaching of the Word &c. unless called & ordained thereunto — And whereas Separation might be imputed to them , they refell both the malice , and the ignorance of that Calumnie — for if there be a Separation , it must be where the change is ; and that was not to be found in them , who were not separating from the Communion of the true Church , nor setting up a New Ministrie , but cleaving to the same Ministers & Ordinances , that formerly they followed , when others have fled to new wayes , and a new Authority , which is like the old piece in the new Garment . 8. That they shall defend themselves in their Civil , Natural , & Divine Rights & Liberties — And if any assault them , they shall look on it as a declaring a war , and take all advantages that one enemie does of another — but trouble and injure none but those that injure them — This is the Compend of that Paper which the Enemies seised and published , while it was only in a rude draught , and not polished , digested , nor consulted by the rest of the Community : yet , whether or not it was for their advantage so to blaze their oun baseness in that Paper truly represented , I leave it to the Reader to judge : or , if they did not thereby Proclaim their oun Tyrannie , and the Innocency & honesty of that people , whom thereby they were seeking to make odious ; but in effect inviting all Lovers of Religion & Liberty to Sympathise with them , in their difficulties & distresses there discovered . However that poor Partie continued together in a posture of defence , without the Concurrence or Countenance of their Covenanted Brethren , who staid at home , and left both them to be murdered and their Testimony to be trampled upon , untill the 22. of Iulij 1680. Upon the which day they were attacqued at Airsmoss , by a strong party of about 120 horse well armed , while they were but 23 horse and 40 foot at most ; and so fighting valiantly were at length routed , not without their Adversaries Testimony of their being resolute men : Several of Zions precious Mourners , and faithful Witnesses of Christ , were killed ; and among the rest , that faithful Minister of Christ , Mr Richard Cameron sealed & fulfilled his Testimony with his blood . And with others , the valiant and much honoured Gentleman , David Hackstoun of Rathillet , was after many received wounds apprehended , brought in to Edinburgh ; and there , resolutely adhering to the Testimony , and disouning the Authority of King & Council , and all their Tyrannical Judicatories , was cruelly murdered , but countenanced eminently of the Lord. Now remained Mr Donald Cargil , deprived of his faithful Collegue , destitute of his Brethrens concurrence , but not of the Lords Counsel & Conduct ; by which he was prompted & helped to prosecute the Testimony , against the Universal Apostasie of the Church & Nation , Tyranny of Enemies , Backsliding of Friends , and all the wrongs done to his Master on all hands . And considering , in the zeal of God , and sense of His holy Jealousie provoked and threatening wrath against the Land ; for the sins especially of Rulers ; who had arrived to the hight of Heaven-daring Insolence in all wickedness , in which they were still growing & going on without control ; That notwithstanding of all the Testimonies given against them , by publick Preachings , Protestations , and Declarations , remonstrating their Tyranny and disouning their Authority ; yet not only did they still persist in their sins & scandals , to make the Lords fierce Anger break forth into a flame , but were ouned also by Professors , not only as Magistrats , but as members of the Christian & Protestant Church ; And that , however both the defensive armes of men had been used against them , and the Christian armes of Prayers , and the Ministerial weapon of Preaching , yet that of Ecclesiastical Censure had not been Authoritatively exerted against them : Therefore , that no Weapon which Christ allowes His Servants under His Standart to manage against His Enemies might be wanting , thô he could not obtain the Concurrence of his Brethren to strengthen the solemnity & formality of the Action ; yet he did not judge that defect , in this broken Case of the Church , could disable his Authority nor de●ur the duty , but that he might and ought to proceed to Excommunication . And accordingly , in September — 1680. at the Torwood , he excommunicated some of the most scandalous and Principal Promoters & Abettors of this Conspiracy against Christ , as formally as the present Case could admit : After Sermon upon Ezek. 21. 25 , 26 , 27. And thou profane wicked Prince of Israel , whose day is come &c. He had a short and pertinent discourse on the nature , the subject , the causes , and the ends of Excommunication in general : And then declared , that he was not led out of any private Spirit or passion to this Action , but constrained by Conscience of duty and zeal to God to stigmatize with this brand , and wound with the Sword of the Lord , these Enemies of God that had so Apostatized , rebelled against , mocked , despised & defied Our Lord , and to declare them as they are none of His , to be none of ours . The persons excommunicated , and the Sentence against them , was given forth as followes — I being a Minister of Iesus Christ , and having Authority and Power from Him , do , in His Name & by His Spirit , excommunicat● , cast out of the true Church , and deliver up to Satan , Charles the Second , King &c. The Sentence was founded upon these grounds , declared in the pronunciation thereof ( 1 ) for his high mocking of God , in that after he had acknowledged his own sins , his fathers sins , his mothers Idolatrie — yet had gone on more avowedly in the same than all before him . ( 2 ) for his great Perjurie , in breaking & burning the Covenant . ( 3 ) for his rescinding all Lawes for establishing the Reformation , and enacting Lawes contrarie thereunto . ( 4 ) for commanding of Armies to destroy the Lords people . ( 5 ) for his being an Enemy to true Protestants , & helper of the Papists , and hindering the execution of just Lawes against them . ( 6 ) for his granting Remissions & Pardons for Murderers , which is in the power of no King to do , being expressly contrare to the Law of God. ( 7 ) for his Adulteries , and dissembling with God & man — Next by the same Authority , and in the same name , he excommunicated Iames Duke of York , for his Idolatrie , and setting it up in Scotland to defile the Land , and entycing & encouraging others to do so : Not mentioning any other sins , but what he scandalously persisted in in Scotland &c. With several other rotten Malignant Enemies , on whom the Lord hath rati●●ed that Sentence since very remarkably , whose sins & punishments both may be read more visiblie in the Providences of the time , than I can record them . But about this time , when amidst all the abounding defections & divisions of that dark & dismal hour of tentation , some in zeal for the Cause were endeavouring to keep up the Testimony of the day , in an abstraction from Complying Ministers ; Others were left ( in holy judgment , to be a stumbling block to the Generation hardening them in their defections , and to be a beacon to the most zealous to keep off from all unwarrantable excesses ) to fall into fear●ul extravagances and delirious & damnable delusions , being overdriven with ignorant & blind zeal into untroden paths , which led them into a labyrinth of darkness ; when as they were stumbled at many Ministers their unfaithfulness , so through the deceit of Sathan and the hypocrisie of his Instruments , they came to be offended at Mr Cargil his faithfulness , who spared neither left hand declensions nor right hand extremes , and left him and all the Ministers ; not only disouning all Communion with those that were not of their way , but execrating & Cursing them ; and kept themselves in desert places from all Company ; where they persisted prodigiously in fastings , and singing Psalms , pretending to wonderful raptures & Enthusiasmes : and in fine , I. Gib with 4 more of them came to that hight of Blasphemy , that they burnt the Bible & Confession of Faith. These were the sweet singers , as they were called , led away into these delusions by that Impostor & Sorcerer Iohn Gib ; who never encreased to such a number , as was then feared & reported , being within thirty & most part women : all which for the most part have been through Mercy reclaimed from that destructive way , which through Grace the Reproached Remnant , adhering to the foresaid Testimony , had alwayes an abhorrence of . Wherefore that ignorant & impudent Calumnie , of their Consortship with Gibs followers , is only the vent of viperous Envy . For they were the first that discovered them , and whose pains the Lord blessed in reclaiming them , and were alwayes so far from partaking with them , that to this day these that have come off from that way , and have offered the Confession of their scandal , do still complain of their over-rigid severity , in not admitting them to their select fellowships . To which may be added this undenyable Demonstration , that whereas the persecu●ing Courts of Inquisition did alwayes extend the utmost severity against the Ouners of this Testimony , yet they spared them : And the Duke of York , then in Scotland was so we● pleased with Gib's Blasphemies , that he favoured him extraordinarly , and freely dismissed him . This was a cloudy & dark day , but not without a burning & shining light as long as that faithful Minister of Christ , Mr Donald Cargil , was following the Work of the Lord ; who shortly after this finished his Testimony , being apprehended with other two faithful & zealous Witnesses of Christ , Mr Walter Smith , and Mr Iames Boog , who with 2 more were altogether , at Edinburgh 27. Iulij 1681. Crouned with the Glory of Martyrdom . Then came the day of the Remnants vexation , trouble , darkness & dimness of anguish , wherein who so looked unto the Land could see nothing but darkness & sorrow , & the light darkened in the Heavens thereof , wherein neither Star nor Sun appeared for many dayes , and poor People were made to grope for the wall like the blind , and to stumble in noon day as in the night . While the Persecution advanced on the one hand , a violent spait of defection carried doun the most part of Ministers & Professors before it , driving them to Courses of sinful & scandalous Conformings with the times Corruptions , Compearings before their Courts , Complyings with their Commands , paying of theis Cesses and other Exactions , Taking of their Oaths & Bonds , and countenancing their Prelatical Church-Services , which they were ashamed to do before . And thereupon on the other hand the Divisions and Confusions were augmented , and poor people that desired to cleave to the Testimony were more & more offended and stumbled at the Ministers , who either left the Land in that clamant Call of the peoples necessity , or lurked in their own retirements , and declined the duty of that day , leaving people to determine themselves in all their perplexities , as a prey to all tentations . But the tender Pastor and Shepherd of Israel , who leads the blind in the way they know not , did not forsake a Remnant in that hour of tentation who kept the Word of His Patience ; and as He helped those that fell into the hands of Enemies to Witness a good Confession , so He strengthened the zeal of the remaining Contenders , against all the Machinations of Adversaries to crush it , and all the Methods of Backsliding Professors to quench it . And the mean which most effectually preserved it in life & vigour , was the expedient they fell upon of Corresponding in General Meetings , to consult , informe , & confirme one another about common duties in common dangers , for preservation of the Remnant from the destruction & contagion of the times , and propagation of the Testimony : Laying doun this General Conclusion for a foundation of Order , to be observed among them in incident doubtful cases , & emergent Controversies , that nothing relative to the publick , and which concerns the who●e of their Community , be done by any of them , without harmonious consent sought after & rationally waited for , and sufficient deliberation about the best means & manner . In the mean time , the Duke of York , as Commissioner from his brother , held a Parliament wherein he presided , not only against all righteous Lawes that make a bloody & avowed Papist incapable or such a Trust , but against the Letter of their oun wicked Lawes , whereby none ought to be admitted but such as swear the Oaths ; yet not only was he constitute in this place , but in the whole Administration of the Government of Scotland without the taking any Oath , which then he was Courting to be entailed Successor and heir of the Croun thereof ; And for this ●n● made many pretences of flatteries , and feigned expressions of love , & of doing many acts o● kindness to that ancient Kingdom , as he hath made many dissembling protestations of it since , for carrying on his oun Popish & Tyrannical designs : But what good-will he hath born to it , not only his acts & actings written in Characters of the blood of Innocents declare , but his words do witness , which is known when and to whom he spake , when he said , It would never ●e wel til all on the southside of Forth were made a hunting field . However in that Parliament , anno 1681. he is chiefly intended , and upon the matter by a wicked Act declared legal & lineal Successor , and a detestable Blasphemous and Self-contradictory Test is framed for a Pest to Consciences , which turned out of all places of Trust any that had any remaining measure of common honesty ; And when some was speaking of a bill for securing Religion in case of a Popish Prince , the Dukes answer was notable , that whatsoever they intended or prepared against Papists should light upon others : whereby we may understand what measures we may expect , when his designs are ripe . And to all the Cruel Acts then & before made against the People of God , there was one superadded regulating the execution of all the rest , whereby at one dash all Civil & Criminal Justice was overthroun , and a foundation laid for Popish-Tyranny , that the Right of Iurisdiction both in Civil & Criminal Matters is so inherent in the Croun , that his Maj. may judge all Causes by himself , on any other he thinks fit to commissionate . Here was Law for Commissionating Souldiers to take away the lives of Innocents , as was frequently exemplified afterwards , and may serve hereafter for erecting the Spanish Inquisition to murder Protestants when he thinks fit to commissonate them . Against which wicked Encroachments on Religion & Liberty , the Faithful thought themselves obliged to emit a Testimony : And therefore published a Declaration at Lanerk , Iannary 12. 1682. Confirming the preceeding at Sanquhair , and adding reasons of their Revolt from the Government of Charles the Second . 1. For cutting off the neck at one blow of the noble Constitution of Church & State , and involving all Officers in the Kingdom in the same perjurie with himself . 2. For exalting himself into a sphere exceeding all measures Divine & humane , Tyrannically obtruding his will for a Law in his arbitrary Letters , so that we are made the reproach of Nations , who say , we have only the Law of Letters instead of the Letter of the Law. 3. For his constant adjourning & dissolving Parliaments at his pleasure . 4. For his arrogantly arrogated Supremacy in all Causes Civil & Ecclesiastick , and oppressing the Godly for Conscience & duty . 5. For his exorbitan● Taxings , Cessings , & grinding the faces of the poor , dilapidating the rights & revenues of the Croun , for no other end but to imploy them for keeping up a Borthel ▪ rather than a Court. 6. For installing a successor , such an one ( if not worse ) as himself , contrare to all Law , Reason , & Religion , and framing the Test &c. And in end offer to prove , they have done nothing in this against our Ancient Lawes , Civil or Ecclesiastick — but only endeavoured to extricate themselves from under a Tyrannous yoke , and to reduce Church & State to what they were in the year 1648 and 1649. After which Declaration , they were more condemned by them that were at ease than ever , and very untenderly dealt with ; being without any previous admonition reproached , accused , and informed against , both at home & abroad , as if they had turned to some wild & unhappy Course . For which Cause , in the next General Meeting , they resolved to delegate some of their number to forreign Churches , on purpose to vindicate themselves from these Calumnies , and to represent the justness of their Cause , and the sadness of their Case , and provoke them to some Sympathie abroad , which was denied at home : And withall to provide for a Succession of Witnesses , who might maintain the Testimony , which was then in appearance interrupted , except by Martyrdom & Sufferings . Therefore by that means having obtained access for the instruction of some young men , at an University in the United Provinces , in process of time , Mr Iames Renwick received Ordination there , and came home to take up the Standart of his Master , upon the ground where it last was left , and to carry on the Testimony against all the oppositions of that day , from open Enemies & backsliding Professors : an undertaking more desperate-like than that of Unus Athanasius contra totam orbem , and like that of a Child threshing doun a Mountain . Which yet against all the outragious rage of ravening Enemies , ranging , ravaging , hunting , chasing , pursuing after him , through all the touns , villages , cottages , woods , moors , mosses , & mountains of the Country ; and against all the scourge of tongues , contradictions , condemnations , obliquies , reproaches , & cruel mockings of incensed Professors , and generally of all the Inhabitants of the Land ; he was helped to prosecute , by many weary wanderings , travells , and traversings through the deserts , night & day , Preaching , Confering , & Catechising , mostly in the cold winter nighrs in the open fields : until , by the Blessing of God upon his labours , not only was the faithfull Witnessing Remnant that joyned in the Testimony , further cleared confirmed , and encouraged , and their number much encreased by the coming in and joyning of many others to the fellowship of their settled Societies ; but also many others , in but as soon as it grew dark , all hope lost , they dispersed , every man shifting for himself ; only a few keeping together all the nixt day , had a skirmage with a Party of the Enemies , in which they slew the Captain , and about 12 or some moe of his men , and afterwards they dispersed themselves also . The Enemies , searching the Country , gleaned up the E. of Argyle himself , Col. Rumbol an Englishman , Mr Thomas Archer Minister , Gawin Russel , an David Law , who were all condemned & execute at Edinburgh , and many others who were banished to America : and about some 20 in the Highlands , who were hanged at Inerarie . In England , the D. of Monmouths expedition , though it had more action , yet terminated in the same success , the loss of many hundred lives , many killed in Battel : And afterwas , by the mercy of the Duke of York ▪ several hunderds in the West of England were carried about and hanged before the door of their oun habitations ; and to make his Captains sport by the way , according to the number of the hours of the day , when the murdering humour came in their head , so many of the poor Captives were hanged , as a prodigious monument of monstrous Crueltie . This was the Comencement of the present Tyrants Government . In the mean time , the Wanderers in Scotland , thô they did not associate with this Expedition upon the account of the too promiscuous admittence of persons to trust in that Partie , who were then and since have discovered themselves to be Enemies to the Cause , and because they could not espouse their Declaration as the State of their Quarrel , being not concerted according to the constant Plea of the Scots Covenanters , and for other reasons given in their late Vindication : yet against this Usurpation of a bloody Papist , advancing himself to the Throne in such a manner , they published another Declaration at Sanquhair , May 28. 1685. Wherein , Approving & adhering unto all their former Declarations , And considering that Iames Duke of York , a Profest & Excommunicate Papist , was proclaimed — To testify their resentment of that deed , And to make it appear unto the world , that they were free thereof , by concurrence or connivance ; They Protest against the foresaid Proclamation of Iames Duke of York as King : In regard that it is the choosing of a Murtherer to be a Governour , who hath shed the blood of the Saints — that it is the hight of Confederacy with an Idolater , for bidden by the Law of God — contrarie to the Declaration of the Gen. Ass. of the Church , Iulij 27. 1649. And contrary to many wholesome & laudable Acts of Parliament — and inconsistent with the safety , faith , Conscience , & Christian Libertie of a Christian People , to chuse a subject of Antichrist to be their Supreme Magistrate — and to entrust an Enemy to the Work & People of God with the Interests of both : And upon many important grounds & reasons ( which there they express ) they Protest against the validity & Constitution of that Parliament , approving & ratifying the foresaid Proclamation — And against all kind of Poperie in General & Particular heads — as abjured by the National Covenant , and abrogated by Acts of Parliament — and against its entrie again into this Land , And every thing that doth or may directly or indirectly make way for the same : Disclaiming likewise all Sectarianisme , Malignancy , and any Confederacy therewith . — This was their Testimony against Poperie in the season thereof : which thô it was not so much condemned as any former Declarations , yet neither in this had they the Concurrence of any Ministers or Professors ; who as they had been silent , and omitted a seasonable Testimony against Prelacy , and the Supremacy , when these were introduced , so now also , even when this wicked Mysterie & Conspiracie of Poperie & Tyrannie , twisted together in the present designe of Antichrist , had made so great a progress , and was evidently brought above board , they were left to let ●lip this opportunity of a Testimony also , to the reproach of the declining & far degenerate Church of Scotland . Yea to their shame , the very rabble of ignorant People may be brought as a witness against the body of Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland , in that they testified their detestation of the first Erection of the Idolatrous Mass , and some of the souldierie , and such as had no Profession of Religion , suffered unto death for speaking against Poperie and the designs of the King , while the Ministers were silent . And some of the Curats , and members of the late Parliament 1686. made some stickling against the taking away of the penal Statutes against Papists ; while Presbyterians , from whom might have been expected greater opposition , were sleeping in a profound submission . I cannot without Confusion of Spirit touch these obvious & dolorous reflections , and yet in candor cannot forbear them . However the Persecution against the Wanderers went on , and more cruel Edicts were given forth against them , while a relenting abatement of severity was pretended against other Dissenters . At length what could not be obtained by Law at the late Parliament for taking off the Statutes against Papists , was effectuated by Prerogative : and to make it pass with the greater approbation , it was convoyed in a channel of pretended Clemency , offering a sort of Liberty , but really introducing a licencious Latitude , for bringing in all future snares by taking off some former , as arbitrarly as before they were imposed , in a Proclamation dated Feb. 12. 1687. Granting , by the Kings Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , and absolute power , which all Subjects are to obey without reserve , a Royal Toleration , to the several Professors of the Christian Religion afternamed , with & under the several Conditions , restrictions , & limitations aftermentioned . In the first place , tolerating the Moderate Presbyterians to meet in their private houses , and there to hear all such Ministers , as either have or are willing to accept of the Indulgence allanerly , and none other : And that there be nothing said or done contrare to the wel & peace of his reign , seditious or treasonable , under the highest pains these Crimes will import , nor are they to presume to build Meeting houses , or to use out-houses or barns — In the mean time it s his Royal will & pleasure , that Field Conventicles , and such as Preach at them , or who shall any way assist or connive at them , shall be prosecute according to the utmost severity of Lawes made against them — In like manner tolerating the Quakers to meet & exercise in their forme , in any place or places appointed for their Worship — And by the same absolute power , foresaid , suspending , stoping , & disabling all Lawes or Acts of Parliament , Customs , or Constitutions against any Roman Catholick subjects — So that they shall in all things be as free in all respects as any Protestant subjects whatsoever , not only to exercise their Religion , but to enjoy all Offices , benefices , &c. which he shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming — And cassing , annulling , & discharging all Oaths whatsoever , and Tests , and Lawes enjoyning them . And in place of them this Oath only is to be taken — I A. B. do ackowledge , testifie , & declare that Iames the Seventh &c. is rightful King & Supreme Governour of these Realms , and over all persons therein ; And that it is unlawful for Subjects , on any Pretence or for any Cause whatsoever , to rise in Armes against him , or any Commissionated by him ; and that I shall never so rise in Armes , nor assist any who shall so do ; And that I shall never resist his power or Authority , nor ever oppose this Authority to his person — but shall to the utmost of my power assist , defend , & maintain him , his heirs & lawful successors , in the exercise of their Absolute power & Authority against all deadly — And by the same absolute power giving his ful & ample Indemnitie , to all the foresaid sorts of People , under the foresaid restrictions . Here is a Proclamation for a Prince : That Proclaims him in whose name it is emitted , to be the greatest Tyrant that ever lived in the world , and their Revolt who have disouned him to be the justest that ever was . For herein that Monster of Prerogative is not only advanced , paramount to all Lawes Divine & humane , but far surmounting all the lust , impudence , & insolence of all the Roman , Sicilian , Turkish , Tartarian , or Indian Tyrants that ever trampled upon the Liberties of Mankind ; who have indeed demanded absolute subjectio● , & surrender of their Lives , Lands , & Liberties at their pleasure , but never arrived at such a hight of arrogance as this does , to claim absolute obedience , without reserve of Conscience , Religion , Honour , or Reason ; Not only that which ignorantly is called Passive , never to resist him , not only on any Pretence , but for any Cause , even thô he should command his Popish Ianizaries to murder & massacre all Protestants , which is the tender mercy & burning fervent charity of Papists ; but also of absolute Active obedience without reserve , to assist , defend , & maintain him in every thing , whereby he shall be pleased to exercise his absolute power , thô he should command to burn the Bible as well as the Covenant ( as already he applauded Iohn Gib in doing of it ) and to burn and butcher all that will not go to Mass , which we have all grounds to expect will be the end of his Clemency at last . Herein he claims a power to command what he will , and obliging subjects to obey whatsoever he will command : A power to rescind , stop , & disable all Lawes ; which unhinges all stabilitie and unsettles all the security of humane societie , yea extinguishes all that remains of natural Liberty : Wherein , as is wel observed by the Author of the Representation of the threatening dangers impending over Protestants Pag. 53. It is very natural to observe , that he allowes the Government , under which we were born , and to which we were sworn , to be hereby subverted & changed , and that thereupon we are not only absolved & acquited from all Allegiance to him , but indispensably obliged , by the ties & engagments that are upon us , to apply our selves to the use of all means & endeavours against him , as an Enemy of the People & subverter of the legal Government . But this was so gross , and grievously gripping in its restrictions , as to persons , as to the place , as to the matter allowed the Presbyterians in Preaching , that it was disdained of all ; and therefore he behoved to busk it better , and mend the matter , in a Letter to the Council ( the Supreme Law of Scotland ) bearing date March 31. 1687. of this tenor — Whereas we did recommend to yow to take care , that any of the Presbyterians should not be allowed to Preach , but such only as should have your Allowance for the same , and that they at the receiving the Indulgence should take the Oath contained in the Proclamation — These are therefore to let you know , that thereby we meant such of them as did not solemnly take the Test ; but if nevertheless the Presbyterian Preachers do scruple to take the said Oath , or any other Oath whatsoever , and that you shall find it reasonable or fit to grant them or any of them our said Indulgence , so as they desire it upon these termes ; It is now our will & pleasure — to grant them our said Indulgence , without being obliged to take the Oath , with power unto them to enjoy the benefite of the said Indulgence ( during our pleasure only ) or so long as yow shall find they behave themselves regularly & peaceably , without giving any cause of offence to us , or any in Authority or trust under us in our Government . — Thus finding the former Proposal not adequately apportioned to his design , because of its palpable odiousness , he would pretend his meaning was mistaken ( thô it was manifest enough ) and mitigate the matter by taking away of the Oaths altogether , if any should scruple it ; whereas he could not but know , that all that had sense would abhor it : yet it is clogged with the same restrictions , limited to the same persons , characterized more plainly and peremptorly , with an addition of Cautions , not only that they shall not say or do any thing contrare to the wel & peace of his reign seditious or treasonable ; but also that they behave themselves regularly & peaceably without giving any cause of offence to him or any under him ; which comprehends lesser offences than sedition or treason , even every thing that will displease a Tyrant and a Papist , that is , all faithfulness in seasonable Duties or Testimonies . But at length lest the difformity & disparity of the Proclamation for the Toleration in Scotland , and the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England , should make his Pretences to Conscience suspect of disingenuity , and lest it should be said he had one Conscience for England and another for Scotland ; therefore he added a third eke to the liberty , but such as made it still an ill favoured patched project to destroy Religion & true Liberty , in another Proclamation dated at Windsor , Iune 28. 1687. wherein he sayes — Taking into our Royal Consideration , the sinistrous Interpretations , which either have or may be made of some Restrictions ( mentioned in the last ) we have thought fit by this further to declare , that we will Protect our Arch-bishops &c. And we do likewise , by our Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , and Absolute power , suspend , stop , & disable , all penal & Sanguinary Lawes ; made against any for Non-conformity to the Religion established by Law in that our Ancient Kingdom — to the end , that by the Liberty thereby granted the peace & security of our Government in the practice thereof may not be endangered , we hereby straitly charge all our Loving subjects , that as we do give them leave to meet & serve God after their oun way , in private Houses , Chappels , or Places purposely hired or built for that use , so that they take care that nothing be Preached or taught , which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our People from us & our Government , and that their Meetings be peaceably & publickly held , and all persons freely admitted to them , and that they do signify & make known to some one or more of the next Privie Councellors , Sheriffs , Stewards , Bailiffs , Justices of the Peace , or Magistrats of Burgh Royal , what place or places they set a part for these uses , with the names of the Preachers — provided alwayes that the Meetings be in houses , and not in the open fields ; for which now after this our Royal grace & favour ( which surpasses the hopes , & equalls the very wishes of the most zealously concerned ) there is not the least shadow of execuse left : Which Meetings in the fields we do hereby strictly prohibite & forbid , against all which we do leave our Lawes & Acts of Parliament in full force & vigour , notwithstanding the premises ; and do further command all our Judges , Magistrats , & Officers of forces , to prosecute such as shall be guilty of the said field Conventicles with the utmost rigour ; for we are confident , none will after these Liberties & freedoms , given to all without reserve to serve God in their oun way , presume to meet in these Assemblies , except such as make a pretence of Religion to cover their treasonable designs against our Royal person & the peace of our Government This is the Royal Charter for security of the Protestant Religion ( intended to secure it so , that it shall not go much abroad again ) in Lieu of all the Lawes , Constitutions , Oaths , & Covenants wherewith it was formerly confirmed . This is the only patent which the Royal Dâties , the Moderate Presbyterians , have now received to ensure their enjoyment of it durante beneplacito , during his pleasure whose Faith is as absolute over all ties of promises , as his power from whence it flowes is over all Lawes ; whose chiefest principle of Conscience is that no Faith is to be kept to Hereticks . Here is the Liberty which is said to surpass the hopes and equal the wishes of the most zealously concerned ; holding true indeed of too many , whose hopes & wishes & zeal are terminate upon peace rather than Truth , ease rather than duty and their own things rather than the things of Christ ; But as for the poor wild Wanderers , it some way answers their fears and corrosponds with their jealousies , who put the same interpretation upon it as on all the former Indulgences , Indemnities & Tolerations , proceeding from the same fountain & designed for the same sinistrous ends with this , which they look upon as more openly & obviously Anti-christian : and therefore , while others are rejoicing under the bramble-shadow of it , they think it a cause of weeping & matter of mourning , not because they do not share of the benefit of it , but because they are afraid to share of the Curse of it . For which cause , thô a freedom be pretended to be given , to all without reserve to serve God in their own way , they think it necessary to reserve to themselves the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free , and to serve Him in His Way thô interdicted by men , and to take none from Antichrist restricted with his reserves ; And do look upon it as a Seasonable Testimony for the Cause of Christ , and the Interest of the Protestant Religion , and the Lawes & Liberties of the Country , all overturned & subverted by this Toleration , to keep their Meetings as in former times , in the open fields whither their Tyranny hath driven them . And let them call these Meetings covered & treasonable designs against the Government on pretence of Religion , I trust it shall be made evident in the Conviction of all that know Religion , that their designs are to preserve it , in opposition to the Tyranny that goes about all these wayes to suppress it . Though I must suspend the Reasons of their keeping their Meetings in the fields , till I come to discuss that Case in its oun place : Here I shall only say , none that is acquainted with their Circumstances , which are as dangerously stated as ever , by reason of the Constant Persecution of Cruel enraged Enemies incessantly pursuing them without relenting , notwithstanding of all this pretence of Clemency & tenderness to Conscience , but may know they can neither have safety , secrecy , nor conveniency in houses for fear of their entrapping enemies , and none will blame them that after so many discoveries of their truculent treachery they dare not trust them : And besides , they think it sinful , scandalous , & inconvenient to seem to homologate this Toleration , the wickedness whereof they are convinced of , from these Reasons . I. Considering the Granter in his personal Capacity , as to his Morals , they look upon him as a person with whom they cannot in Prudence communicate , in any transaction of that nature . First , because being in his Principles & practice professedly treacherous , yea obliged to be both perfidious & cruel by that Religion whereunto he is addicted , he cannot be trusted in the least concerns , let be those of such momentous consequence as this , without a stupid abandoning of Conscience , Reason , & Experience . Since both that known principle , that no Faith is to be kept to Hereticks , which is espoused by all Papists , does to them justify all their lying dissimulations , equivocations , & treacheries imaginable ; and that Lateran Canon , that enjoyns Kings to destroy & exstirpate Hereticks under pain of excommunication , does oblige him to be cruel ; besides what deep engagments he is known to be under by Oaths & Promises to the Pope , both in his exile , and while a subject , and since he came to the Croun ; which make him to all Considering persons to be a person of that Character , whose deceitful dainties are not to be desired , and that when he speaketh fair is not to be beleeved , for there are seven abominations in his heart . Of which open & affronted Lies we have a sufficient swatch , both in his Proclamation for Scotland and Declaration for England ; where he speaks of his constant resolves of uniting the hearts of Subjects to God in Religion , & to their Neighbours in Christian Love , and that it never was his principle to offer violence to any mans Conscience , or use invincible necessity against any man on the account of his persuasion ; and that their Property was never in any case invaded since his coming to the Croun ; and that it hath been his constant sense & opinion , that Conscience ought not to to be constrained nor People forced in matters of meer Religion . To which , his uninterrupted endeavours to divide us from God and from on another , that he might the more easily destroy us , and his constant encroachments upon Lawes , Liberties , & Properties , and all Interests of men & Christians for Conscience sake do give the lie manifestly . And it must be great blindness not to see , and great baseness willingly to wink at that double faced equivocation , in matters of meer Religion ; by which he may elude all these flattering promises of tenderness , by excepting at the most necessary & indispensable duties , if either they be such wherein any other Interest is concerned beside meer Religion , or if their troubles sustained thereupon be not altogether invincible necessities . Hence the plain falsehood & doubleness of his Assertions as to what is past , may give ground to conclude his intended perfidie in the promises of what is future . Next , it is known what his Practices & Plots have been for the destruction of all honest & precious Interests ; what a deep hand he had in the burning of London , in the Popish plot discovered , anno 1678. in the Murder of the Earle of Essex , yea in the Parricide committed upon his oun brother . By all which it appears , nothing is so abominable & barbarous which he hath not a Conscience that will swallow & digest without a scruple ; and what he hath done of this kind must be but preparatory to what he intends , as meritorious to attone for these villanies . And in his esteem , and persuasion of Papists , nothing is thought more meritorious than to exstirpate the Protestant Religion , and destroy the Professors thereof . Therefore being such a person with whom in Reason no honest man could transact , for a tenure of the least piece of Land or house or any holding whatsoever , they dare not accept of his security or protection for so great an Interest , as the freedom & exercise of their Religion under the shadow of such a bramble . If it was the Shechemites sin & shame to strengthen a naughty Abimelech , and strengthen themselves under the shadow of his protection , much more must it be to take protection for Religion as wel as peace , from such a Monster of crueltie & treacherie . This were against their Testimony , and contrary to the Laudable Constitutions of the Church of Scotland , to take no Protections from Malignant Enemies , as was shewed above in Montroses case . See Pag. 82. above . II. Considering his Religion more particularly , they judge it unlawful so to bargain with him as this Acceptance would import . It is known he is not only a Papist , an Apostate Papist , and an Excommunicate Papist ( as is related above ) but a fiery Bigot in the Romish Religion , and zealous sworn votarie & vassal of Antichrist : who , as the Letter of the Iesuite from Liege lately published in print tells us , is resolved either to convert England to Poperie or die a Martyr , and again that he stiles himself a son of the Societie of Iesuites , and will account every injury done to them to be a wrong done against himself ; being known to be under the conduct & guidance of that furious Order , yea and enrolled as a member of that Society . Which makes it the less to be wondered , that he should require absolute obedience without reserve , seeing he himself yeelds absolute obedience as wel as implicite faith , without reserve , to the Jesuites . Such a Bigot was Mary of England ( as also his great Grandame of Scotland if she had got her will ) And his Bigotrie will make him emulous of her Crueltie , as counting it a diminution of his glory , for such a Champion as he under Antichrists banner to come short of a womans enterprizes : Nor would the late King have been so posted off the stage , if his successor were not to act more vigorously than he in this Tragical design , to which this Toleration is subservient . He is then a Servant of Antichrist , and as such under the Mediators Malediction ; yea in this respect is heir to his Grandfathers imprecation , who wished the Curse of God to fall upon such of his Posterity as should at any time turn Papists . How then can the Followers of the Lamb strike hands , be at peace , associate , confederate , or bargain with such a declared Enemy to Christ ? Certainly the Scripture-Commands of making no Covenant or League , interdicting entering into any affinity with the People of these abominations , and forbidding saying a Confederacy with them , do lay awful bonds on the Faithful to stand aloof from such . The People might have had Liberty of Conscience under the Assyrian Protection , when they were saying a Confederacy with him , but in so doing they forefaulted the benefit of the Lord being a Sanctuary to them . To bargain therefore with such an one for a Toleration of Religion , were contrary to the Scriptures , contrary to the Covenants and Principles of the Church of Scotland , against Associations & Confederacies with such Enemies . See Gillesp. Useful Case of Conscience concerning Assoc. hinted Pag. 83. and more Head. 3. Arg. 1. But to accept of this Liberty as now offered were a bargaining ; for where there is a Giving & Receiving upon certain Conditions , where there are Demands & Complyance ; Commands & Obedience , Promises & Relyance , Offers upon termes & Acquiescence in these termes , what is there wanting to a bargain , but the meer formality of Subscriptions ? At least it cannot be denied , but the Addressers have bargained for it , and in the name of all the Accepters , which must stand as their deed also ; if they do not evidence their resentment of such Presumption , which I do not see how they can , if they abide under the shadow thereof the same way as they do . I grant Liberty is very desirable , and may be taken & improven from Enemies of Religion : And so do the Wanderers now take it & improve it to the best advantage , without receiving it by acquiescing in any termes . But such a Liberty as this was never offered without a destructive design , nor ever received without a destructive effect . It is one of the filthie flatteries found in the English Addresses , particularly that from Totness , that the present Indulger is like another Cyrus who proclaimed Liberty to the People of God Ezra . 1. But who sees not the disparity in every respect ? Cyrus at his very first entry into the Government did lay out himself for the Churches good ; This man who speaks now so fair , his first work was to break our head and next to put on our hood , first to assert & corroberate his prerogative , and then by virtue of that to dispense with all Penal Lawes : It was foretold that Cyrus should deliver the Church at that time ; But was it ever promised that the Church should get Liberty to advance Antichrist ? or that Antichrist , or one of his Limbs , should be employed in the Churches deliverance , while such ? The Lord stirred up the Spirit of Cyrus ; Can it be said without blasphemy that the Lord stirred up this man , to contrive the introduction of Poperie by this Gate & Gap , except in a penal sense for judgment ? Cyrus had a Charge to build the Lord a House , but this is not a Charge but a Grant or Licence , not from nor according to Gods Authority but mans , not to build Christ a House , but a Babel for Antichrist ; and all this Liberty is but contrived as scaffolding for that Edifice , which when it is advanced then the scaffolding must be removed . 3. Considering him in his Relation as a Magistrate , it were contrary to their Testimony so often renewed & ratified , & confirmed with so many reasons , and sealed by so much blood , bonds , banishment , & other sufferings , to oune or acknowledge his Authority which is meer Usurpation & Tyrannie ; in that by the Lawes of the Land he is incapable of Government , and that he hath neither given nor can give , without an hypocritical & damning cheat , the Oath & Security indispensibly required of him before & at his entry to the Government . Yet this Liberty cannot be Complyed with , without recognoscing his Authority that he arrogates in giving it : Seeing he tenders it to all his good Subjects , and gives it by his Soveraign Authority , and to the end that by the Liberty thereby granted the peace & security of the Government in the practice thereof may not be indangered ; And in the Declaration to England , it is offered as an expedient to establish his Government on sach a foundation , as may make his Subjects happy , and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty ; to which indeed the Acceptance thereof hath a very apt subserviency : seeing it implies , not only ouning of the Government out of Duty , but an union & joyning with it and him by inclination , which is a cordial Confederacy with Gods enemie , and a cooperating to the establishment of his Tyrannie ; that the peace & security thereof may not be endangered . And in his former Proclamation , he gives them the same security for their Rights & Properties , which he gives for Religion ; And in the English Declaration , addeth that to the perfect enjoyment of their Propertie , which was never invaded &c. Which to accept , were not only to take the security of a manifest lie , but to prefer the word of a man that cannot , must not , will not keep it ( without going cross to his principles ) to the Security of Right & Law which is hereby infringed , and to acknowledge not only the Liberty of Religion , but the Right of Property to his grant : which when ever it is removed , there must remain no more Charter for it , but stupid slavery entailed upon Posterity , and pure & perfect Tyranny transmitted to them . The sin & absurdity where of may be seen demonstrated Head. 2. 4 , Considering the Fountain whence it flowes , they cannot defile themselves with it . In the English Declaration , it flowes from the Royal will & pleasur● which speaks a Domination Despotical & Arbitrary enough , but more gently expressed than in the Scots Proclamation ; where it is refounded on Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , and Absolute Power : Proclaiming by sound of Trumpet à Power Paramount to all Law , Reason , & Religion , and outvying the hight of Ottoman Tyranny ▪ A Power which all are to obey without res●rve : A power to Tolerate or Restrain the Protestant Religion , according to his Royal will or pleasure : An Absolute power which can not be limited by Lawes , nor most Sacred Obligations , but only regulated by the Royal lust ; whereby indeed he may suffer the Protestant Religion , but only precariously so long as he pleases , and until his Royal pleasure shall be to command the establishment of Poperie , which then must be complyed with without control . Whereby all the tenure that Protestants have for their Religion , is only the Arbitrary word of an absolute Monarch , whose principles oblige him to break it , and his ambition to disdain to be a slave to it . Now the Acceptance of this Grant , would imply the recognizance of this power that the Granter claims in granting it ; which utterly disolves all Government , and all security for Religion & Liberty , and all the precious Interests of men & Christians : Which to acknowledge , were contrare to Scripture , contrary to Reason , and contrary to the Principles of the Church of Scotland , particularly the Declaration of the Gen. Ass. Iulij 27. 1649. See pag. 89. &c. and contrary to the Covenant . 5. Considering the Channel in which it is conveyed , they cannot Comply with it . Because it comes through such a Conveyance , as suspends , stops , & disables , all penal Lawes against Papists , and thereby everts all the Securities & legal Bulwarks that Protestants can have for the establishment of their Religion ; yea in effect leaves no Lawes in force against any that shall attempt the utter subversion of it , but rati●ies & leaves in ful vigour all wicked Lawes & Acts of Parliament , against such as would most avowedly assert it ; and stops & disables none of the most cruel & bloody Lawes against Protestants : for the most cruel are such as have been made against Field-Meetings , which are hereby left in ful force & vigour . Hence as he hath formally by absolute power suspended all Lawes made for the Protection of our Religion , so he may when he will dispense with all the Lawes made for its establishment ; and those who approve the one by such an Acceptance , cannot disallow the other , but must recognosce a power in the King to subvert all Lawes , Rights , & Liberties , which is contrare to Reason as wel as Religion , and a clear breach of the National & Solemn League & Covenants . 6. Considering the Ends of its Contrivance , they dare not have any accession to accomplish such wicked Projects , to which this Acceptance would be so natively subservient . The expressed ends of this Grant are , to unite the hearts of his Subjects to him in Loyaltie and to their Neighbours in love , as in the former Proclamation ; And that by the Liberty granted the peace & security of his Government in the practice thereof may not be endangered , as in the latter Proclamation ; And to unite the Subjects to him by inclination as well as duty which he thinks can be done by no means so effectually as by granting the free exercise of Religion , as in the English Declaration . Whence we may gather not obscurely , what is the proper tendency of it , both as to the work & worker , to wit , to incline & induce us by flatterie to a lawless Loyaltie , and a stupid contented slavery when he cannot compel us by force , and make us actively cooperate in setting & settling his Tyranny , in the peaceable possession of all his Usurpations , Robberies , & Encroachments upon our Religion , Lawes , & Liberties , and to incorporate us with Babylon , for wbo are the Neighbours he would have us unite with in love , but the Papists ? against whom all the Lovers of Christ must profess themselves irreconcileable Enemies . The English Declaration does further discover the design of this device , in one expression which will most easily be obtained to be beleeved of any in it , viz. that he heartily wishes that all the People of these Dominions were members of the Catholick Church : which clearly insinuates , that hereby he would entyce them to commit fornication with that Mother of harlots ; which entycing to Idolatrie ( if we consult the Scripture ) should meet with another sort of entertainment than such a kind & thankful Acceptance , which is not an opposing of such a wicked wish , but an encouraging & corroberating of it . And further he sayes , that all the former tract of Persecutions never obtained the end for which it was employed ; For after all the frequent & pressing endeavours that were used , to reduce this Kingdom to an exact con●ormity in Religion , it is visible the success has not answered the design , and that the difficultie is invincible . Wherein we may note his extorted acknowledgment , that all former endeavours to destroy the Work of God have been successless , which induces him to try another method , to which this Acceptance is very subservient , to wit , to destroy us and our Religion by flatteries , and by peace to overturn Truth , and by the subversion of Lawes to open a door to let in Poperie and all abominations . But what is more obscurely expressed in his words , is more visibly obvious in his works , to all that will not willingly wink at them ; discovering clearly the end of this Liberty is not for the Glory of God , nor the Advantage of Truth , or the Churches Edification , nor intended as a benefit to Protestants ; but for a pernicious design , by gratifying a few of them in a pretended favour to rob all of them of their chiefest Interests , Religion , Lawes , Rights , & Liberties , which he could not otherwise effectuate but by this arbitrary way ; for if he could have obtained his designs by Law : he would never have talked of Lenity or Liberty , but having no legal ends he behoved 〈◊〉 compass them by illegal means . They must then be very blind who do not see , his drift is , first to get in all Popish Officers in places of Publick Trust , by taking off the Penal Lawes disabling them for the same ; Then to advance his Absoluteness over all Lawes , in a way which will be best acknowledged & acquiesced in by People , till he be so strengthened in it that he fears no control ; And then to undermine & overturn the Protestant Religion , & establish Poperie & Idolatrie : which he is concerned the more violently to pursue , because he is now growing old , and therefore must make hast , lest he leave the Papists in a worse condition than he found them : which to be sure the Papists are aware of , and their conscious fears of the Nations resentments of their Villanies will prompt them , as long as they have such a Patron , to all vigilance & violence in playing their game : And withall , hereby he may intend to capacitate himself for subduing the Dutch , against whom he hath given many indications of a hostile mind of old & of late ; not only in hiring two Rascals to burn the Amsterdam-fleet heretofore , but in stirring up & protecting the Algerine Pyrats against them ; So universal a Protector is he become of late , that Papists & Protesiants , Turks & Iewes are shrouded under the shadow of his Patrociny , but with a design to destroy the best , when his time comes . Which cursed designs cannot be counteracted , but very much strengthened by this Acceptance . 7. Considering the Effects already produced thereby , they cannot but abhor it . Seeing the eyes of all that are tender may affect their hearts , observing how the Papists are hereby encouraged & encreased in numbers , the whole Nation overflow'd wlth their hellish Locusts , and all Places filled with Priests & Iesuites , yea the executive power of the Government put into the hands of the Romanists , and on the other hand how the People are endangered with their abounding & prevailing Errors ( to which the Lord may & will give up those that have not received the love of the Truth ) Truth is sallen in the streets & equity cannot enter , a Testimony against Antichrist is abandoned & laid aside as unseasonable , the edge of zeal for the Interest of Christ is blunted and its fervor extinginshed , they that should stand in the Gap and upon the watch Tower are laid aside from all opposition to the invasions of the Enemy , and lulled asleep by this bewitching Charm & intoxicating Opium , Ministers & Professors are generally settling on their lees and languishing in a fatal security , Defection is carried on , Division promoted , and Destruction is imminent . Is it not then both a part of the Witness of the Faithful , and of their wisdom to stand aloof from such a Plague , that hath such destructive effects ? 8. Considering the Nature & Name of this pretended Liberty , they cannot but disdain it as most dishonourable to the Cause of Christ. It is indeed the honour of Kings and happiness of People ; to have true humane & Christian Liberty established in the Common wealth , that is , Liberty of Persons from slaverie ; Liberty of Priviledges from Tyranny , and Liberty of Conscience from all impositions of men ; Consisting in a freedom from the Doctrines , Traditions , & Commandments of men against or beside the Word of God , in the free enjoyment of Gospel Ordinances in purity & power , and in the free observance & establishment of all His Institutions of Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , in subordination to the only Rule of Conscience , the revealed Will of its only Law-giver Jesus Christ. When this is ratified as a Right by the Sanction of approven Authority , and countenanced & encouraged as Religion , by the Confirmation of Lawes , approving whatsoever is Commanded by the God of Heaven to be done for the House of the God of Heaven ( which is the full amount of all Magistrats Authority ) Then we are obliged to accept of it with all thankful acceptation . But such a Liberty , as overturns our Rights , our Priviledges , our Lawes , our Religion , and Tolerates it only under the Notion of a Crime , and indemnifies it under the notion of a Fault to be Pardoned , and allowes the exercise thereof only in Part so & so modified , cannot be accepted by any to whom the reproach thereof is a burden , and to whom the reproaches of Christ are in esteem , in such a day when even the hoofs of Christs Interest buried in bondage are to be contended for . Whatever Liberty this may be to some Consciences , it is none to the tender according to the Rule of Conscience , It is only a Toleration which is alwayes of evil : for that which is good cannot be tolerated under the notion of good , but countenanced & encouraged as such . Therefore this reflects upon our Religion , when a Toleration is accepted which implies such a reproach : And the annexed Indemnity & Pardon tacitely condemns the Profession thereof as a fault or Crime , which no Christian can bear with , or by his acceptance homologate these reproaches , if he consider the nature of it : And much more will he be averse from it , if he consider how dishonourable it is to God ( whatever some Addressers , particucularly the Presbyterians at London , have blasphemously alledged , that God is hereby restored to His Empire over the Conscience ) Since the Granter , after he hath robbed the Mediator of His Supremacy and given it away to Antichrist , And God of His Supremacy Imperial as Universal King by a Claim of Absolute Power peculiar to Him , he hath also robbed Him of His Empire over the Conscience , in giving every man the Empire over his oun Conscience , which he reserves a power to retract whem he pleases . 9. Considering the Extent of it , they cannot class themselves amoug the number of them that are Indulged thereby . It takes in not only the Arch-Bishops & Bishops , and the Prelatical & Malignant Crue , but all Quakers , and Papists , reaching all Idolatry , Blasphemy , & Heresie , and Truth also ( which could never yet dwell together under one sconce ) Whereby the Professors of Christ come in as Partners in the same bargain with Antichrists Vassals ; And the Lords Ark hath a place with Dagon , and its Priests & Followers consent to it ; And the builders of Babel & of Ierusalem ar made to build together , under the same Protection ; and a sluce is opened to let the enemy come in like a flood , which to oppose the Accepters cannot stand in the Gap nor lift up a Standart against them . Liberty indeed should be Universally extended to all the Lords People , as Cyrus his Proclamation was General , who is there among yow of all His People ? his God be with him . But a Toleration of Idolaters , Blasphemers , & Hereticks , as Papists , &c. is odious to God , because it is contrary to Scripture , expressly Commanding Idolaters to die the death , and all Seducers & Entycers to Apostasie from God to be put to death without pity ; and Commending all righteous Magistrats that executed Judgement accordingly , as Asa , Hezekiah &c. yea even Heathen Magistrats that added their Sanction to the Lawes of God , as Artaxerxes is approven for that Statute , that whosoever will not do the Law of God and of the King , judgement should be executed speedily upon him . And in the New Testament this was never repealed but confirmed , in that the sword is given to Magistrats , not in vain , but to be a terror to , and revengers to execute wrath upon all that do evil , among whom Seducers that are evil workers & Idolaters are chiefly to be ranked , being such as do the worst of evil to mankind . Ephesus is commended because they could not bear them which are evil : and Thyatira reproved for suffering Iezebel : by which it appeareth , that our Lord Jesus is no friend to Toleration . It is true this is spoken against Church-men ; but will any think that will be approven in Civil Powers , which is so hateful in Church Officers ? Surely it will be the duty & honour of these horns spoken of Revel . 17. to eat the whores flesh & burn her with fire : And shall that be restricted only to be done against the great Antichrist , & not be duty against the lesser Antichrists , the limbs of the Great one ? It is recorded of Iulian the Apostate , that among other devices he used , to root out Christianity this was one , that he gave Toleration openly to all the different Professions that were among Christians , whereof there were many heretical in those dayes : which is exactly aped by Iames the Apostate now for the same end . It is also contrare to the Confession of faith Chap. 20. § 4. asserting that for their publishing such opinions , or maintaining of such practices , as are contrary to the light of Nature , or to the known Principles of Christianity , whether concerning Faith Worship , or Conversation , or to the power of Godliness , or such erroneous opinions or practices , as either in their oun nature , or in the manner of publishing or maintaining them , are destructive to the external Peace & . Order , which Christ hath established in the Church ; they may lawfully be called to account , and proceeded against by the Censures of the Church , and by the power of the Civil Magistrate . And therefore to accept of this Toleration is inconsistent with the Principles of the Church of Scotland , with the National & Solemn League & Covenants , & Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & Engagement to duties , in all which we are bound to extirpate Poperie , Prelacie &c. With the whole tract of Contendings in the fifth Period above related , and particularly by the Testimony of the Synod of Fife , and other Brethren in the Ministry , against Cromuels vast Toleration & Liberty of Conscience , mentioned above Pag. 76. for it is plain , if it be not to be suffered , then it is not to be accepted . 10. Considering the Termes wherein it is offered , they cannot make such a shameful bargain . In the former Proclamation it is granted expressly under several Conditions , Restrictions , & Limitations : whereof indeed some are retracted in the Latter , as the restriction of it to Moderate Presbyterians , which would seem to be taken off by extending to all without reserve to serve , God in their oun may ; but being evidently exclusive of all that would serve God in Christs way , and not after the mode prescribed , it is so modified and restricted that all that will accept of it must be Moderate Presbyterians indeed , which as it is taken in the Court sense must be an ignominy to all that have zeal against Antichrist . The Limitation also to private houses and not to out-houses , is further enlarged to Chappels or places purposely hired but still it is stinted to these , which they must bargain for with Councellors , Shiriffs &c. So that none of these Restrictions & Limitations are altogether removed , but the Condition of taking the Oath only : yet it is very near to an equivalency homologated , by the Accepters acknowledging in the Granter a Prerogative & Absolute Power over all Lawes , which is confirmed & maintained by their Acceptance . As for the rest that are not so much as said to be removed , they must be interpreted to remain , as the termes , conditions , restrictions , & limitations , upon which they are to enjoy the benefite of this Toleration . And what he sayes , that he thought fit by this Proclamation further to declare , does confirme it , that there are further explications , but no taking off of former restrictions . Hence it is yet clogged with such provisions & restrictions , as must make it very nauseous to all truly tender ( 1 ) The restriction as to the Persons still remains , that only Moderate Presbyterians , and such as are willing to accept of this Indulgence allanerly , and none other , and such only whose names must be signified to these Sheriffs , Stewards , Bailifs &c. are to have the benefit of this Indulgence : wherey all the zealous & faithful Presbyterians are excluded , ( for these they will not call them Moderate ) and all that would improve it without a formal Acceptance , and all who for their former diligence in duty are under the lash of their wicked Law , and dare not give up their names to those who are seeking their lives , must be deprived of it . ( 2 ) It is restricted to certain Places still , which must be made known to some one or more of the next privie Councellors & whereby they are tied to a dependence on their warrand , and must have their lease & licence for Preaching the Word in any place , and Field-Meetings are severely interdicted , though signally countenanced of the Lord , whereby the Word of the Lord is bound & bounded ; and by this Acceptance their bloody Lawes against Preaching in the open fields , where People can have freest access with conveniency & safety , are justified . ( 3 ) The manner of Meeting is restricted , which must be in such a way as the peace & security of the Government in the practice thereof may not be endangered , and again that their Meetings be peaceably held , which is all one upon the matter with the bond of peace , and binding to the good behaviour so much formerly contended against by Professors , and is really the same with the Condition of the Cautionary Bond in the Indulgence after Bothuel , of which see Pag. 129. And further they must be openly & publickly held , and all persons freely admitted to them ; which is for the informing trade , exposing to all the inconveniences of Iesuites , and other Spies & Flies their delations , in case any thing be spoken reflecting on the Government , a great tentation to Ministers . ( 4 ) The worst of all is upon ther matter of Preaching . which is so restricted & limited , that nothing must be said or done contrare to the well & peace of his reign , seditious or treasonable ; And in case any treasonable speeches be uttered the Law is to take place against the guilty , and none other present , providing they reveal to any of the Council the guilt so committed , as in the former Proclamation : And in the last it is further declared , that nothing must be Preached or taught , which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of the People from him or his Government . Here is the price at which they are to purchase their freedom ( a sad bargain to buy Liberty & sell Truth ) which yet hardly can be so exactly paid , but he may find a pretence for retrenching it when he pleases ; for if a Minister shall Pray for the overturning of a throne of iniquity , or for confounding all that serve graven Images , and for destruction to the Pope and all that give their power to that beast , there will be something said against the well of his Government ; Or if any shall hear this and not delate it , then the same pretence is relevant ; Or if he shall Preach against the Kings Religion as Idolatry , and the Church of Rome as Babylon , and discharge his Conscience & Duty in speaking against the Tyrannie of the times ; Or let him Preach against any publick sin faithfully , a Popish Critick or Romish Bigot shall interpret it to be an alienation of the Peoples hearts from the King & his Government . But who can be faithful , and Preach in season & out of season now , but he must think it his duty to endeavour to alienate the hearts of the People from such an Enemy to Christ , and his absolute Tyranny , so declaredly stated against God ? What Watchman must not see it his indispensable Duty , to warn all People of his Devilish designs to destroy the Church & Nation , and Preach so that People may hate the whore , and this Pimp of hers ? Sure if he Preach the whole Counsel of God , he must Preach against Poperie & Tyrannie . And if he think this Indulgence from Absolute Prerogative , granted & accepted on these termes , can supercede him from this faithfulness , then he is no more the Servant of Christ but a pleaser of men . Therefore since it is so clogged with so many restrictions , so inconsistent with duty , so contrary to Scripture , so clearly violatory of Covenant-Engagements , so cross to the constant Contendings & Constitutions of this Church , and Acts of Ass. ( See Pag. 80. &c. ) it were a great defection to Accept of it . 11. Considering the Scandal of it , they dare not so offend the generation of the Righteous by the Acceptance , and dishonour God , disgrace the Protestant Profession , wrong the Interest thereof , and betray their native Country , as thus to comply with the Design of Antichrist , and partake of this cruel tender mercy of the beast ; who hath alwayes mischief in his heart , and intends this as a Preparative for inducing or inforcing all that are hereby lulled asleep either to take on his Mark , or bear the Marks of his fiery fury afterwards . For hereby forreign Churches may think , we are in a fair way of reconciliation with Antichrist , when we so kindly accept his Harbingers favours . And it cannot but be very stumbling to see the Ministers of Scotland , whose Testimony used to be terrible to the Popish and renouned through all the Protestant Churches , purchasing a Liberty to themselves at the rate of burying & betraying the Cause into bondage & restraint , and thus to be laid by from all active & open opposition to Antichrists Designs , in such a season . The world will be tempted to think , they are not governed by Principles but their oun Interest in this juncture , seeking their oun things more than the things of Christ ; And that it was not the late Usurpation upon , & overturning of Religion & Liberty that offended them , so much as the Persecution they sustained thereby ; but if that Arbitrary Power had been exerted in their favours , tho with the same prejudice of the Cause of Christ , they would have complyed with it as they do now . Alas sad & dolorous have been the Scandals given & taken by & from the Declining Ministers of Scotland heretofore , which have rent & racked the poor Remnant , and offended many both at home & abroad , but none so stumbling as this . And therefore the tender will be shie to medle with it . 12. Considering the Addresses made thereupon , with such a stain of foulsome & blasphemous flatteries , to the dishonour of God , the reproach of the Cause , the betraying of the Church , and detriment of the Nation , and exposing themselves to the contempt of all , the poor Persecuted Partie dare not so much as seem to incorporate with them . I shall set doun the first of their Addresses , given forth in the name of all the Presbyterian Ministers , And let the Reader judge whether there be not Cause of standing aloof from every appearance of being of their number . It is dated at Edinburgh , Iulj 21. 1687. of this tenor . To the Kings most excellent Majestie . The humble Address of the Presbyterian Ministers of his Majesties Kingdom of Scotland . We your Maj. most loyal subjects , the Ministers of the Presbyterian persuasion in your Ancient Kingdom of Scotland , from the due sense we have of your Maj. gracious & surprising favour , in not only puting a stop to our long sad sufferings for Non-conformity , but granting us the Liberty of the Publick & Peaceable exercise of our Ministerial function without any hazard : As we bless the Great God who hath put this in your Royal heart , do with all find our selves bound in duty to offer our most humble & hearty thanks to your Sacred Majestie , the favour bestowed being to us and all the People of our Persuasion valuable above all our earthly comforts , especially since we have ground from your Maj. to beleeve that our Loyaltie is not to be questioned upon the account of our being Presbyterians , who as we have amidst all former tentations endeavoured , so we are firmly resolved still to preserve an intire Loyaltie in our Doctrine & Practice ( consonant to our known Principles , which according to the Holy Scriptures are contained in the Confession of faith , generally ouned by Presbyterians in all your Maj. Dominions ) and by the help of God so to demean our selves , as your Maj. may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish your favours towards us ; throughly perswading our selves from your Maj. justice & goodness , that if we shall at any time be otherwise represented , your Maj. will not give credit to such information , until yow have due cognition thereof : and humbly beseeching , that those who promote any dsloyal Principles & practices ( as we disoune them ) may be looked upon as none of ours , whatsover name they may assume to themselves . May it please your most excellent Maj. graciously to accept of this our most hmble Address , as proceeding from the plainness & sincerity of Loyal & thankful hearts , much engaged by your Royal favour , to continue our fervent Prayers to the King of Kings , for Divine illumination & conduct , with all other blessings Spiritual & Temporal , ever to attend your Royal Person & Government , which is the greatest duty can be rendered to your Maj. by Your Maj. most humble , mast faithful , & most obedient Subjects . Subscribed in our Names , and in the name of the rest of our Brethren of our Persuasion , at their desire . Which received this Gracious return . The Kings Letter to the Presbyterians in his ancient Kingdom of Scotland . We love yow well : and we heartily thank yow for your Address : we resolve to Protect yow in your Liberty , Religion , & properties all our life : And we shall lay doun such methods , as shall not be in the power of any to alter hereafter . And in the mean tune we desire yow to Pray for our Person & Government . To which may be added that kind Complement of the Chancellors : Gentlemen , My Master hath commanded me to tell yow , that I am to serve yow in all things within the compass of my power . These Gentlemen needed not to have been sollicitous , that those who avouch an Adherance to the Covenanted Reformation , and avow an opposition to Antichristian Usurpers ( which they call promoting Dislayal principles & practices ) might not be looked upon as of their Confederacy : for all that abide in the principles & Practices of the Church of Scotland ( which they have deserted ) and that desire to be found Loyal to Christ , in opposition to His and the Churches and the Countries Declared Enemy , would count it a sin & scandal , laying them obnoxious to the Displeasure of the Holy & Jealous God , who will resent this heinous Indignity they have done unto His Majestie ( if they do not Address themselves unto Him for pardon of the iniquity of this Address , which is the desire of those whom they disoune that they may find Grace to do so ) and a shameful Reproach , exposing them to the Contempt of all of whom they expect Sympathie , to be reckoned of their Association who have thus betrayed the Cause & the Country . These mutual Complements ( so like the Caresses of the Romish whore whereby she entyces the Nations to her fornication ) between the Professed Servants of Christ and the Vassals of Antichrist , if they be cordial ; would seem to import that they are in a fair way of compounding their differences and to accommodate their oppositions at length ; which yet I hope will be irreconcileably maintained & kept up by all true Presbyterians , in whose name they have the impudence to give out their Address : But if they be only Adulatory & flattering Complements , importing only a Conjunction of tails like Samsons foxes ) with a Disjunction of heads and hearts , tending towards distinct & opposite Interests ; then , as they would suite far better the Dissmulations of Politicians , than the Simplicity of Gospel-Ministers , and do put upon them the brand of being men-pleasers rather than Servants of Christ , so for their dissemblings with Dissemblers , who know their Complements to be and take them for such , they may look to be paid home in good measure , heaped up & running over , when such methods shall be laid doun as shall not be in the power of any to alter , when such designs shall be obtained by this Liberty and these Addresses , that the after bought wit of the Addressers shall not be able to disappoint . However the Address it self is of such a dress , as makes the thing addressed for to be odious , and the Addressers to forefault the respect , & merit the indignation of all that are friends to the Protestant & Presbyterian Cause , as may appear from these obvious Reflections . 1. It was needful indeed they should have assumed the name of Presbyterians ( though it might have been more tolerable to let them pass under that name , if they had not presumed to give forth their flatteries in the name of all of that Persuasion , and to alledge it was at their desire ; which is either an illuding equivocation , or a great untruth , for though it might be the desire of the men of their oun persuasion , which is a newly start up opinion that Interest hath led them to espouse , yet nothing could be more cross to the real desires of true Presbyterians , that prefer the Truth of the Cause to the external peace of the Professors thereof ) and call it the humble Address of Presbyterian Ministers : for otherwise it could never have been known to come from men of the Presbyterian persuasion ; seeing the Contents of this Address are so clearly contrary to their known Principles . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , to Congratulate an Antichristian Usurper for undermining Religion , and overturning Lawes & Liberties . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles , to justify the abrogation of the National Covenant , in giving thanks for a Liberty whereby all the Lawes are called & disabled therein confirmed . It is contray to Presbyterian Principles , to thank the King for opening a door to bring in Poperie , which they are engaged to exstirpate in the Solemn League & Covenant . It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles to allow or accept of such a vast Toleration for Idolaters & Hereticks , as is evident above from all their Contendings against it , which is also contrary to the Confession of faith , generally ouned by Presbyterians , as may be seen in the place forecited Chap. 20. Par. 4. It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles to consent to any Restrictions , Limitations , & Conditions , binding them up in the exercise of the Ministerial function , wherewith this Liberty is loaded & clogged ; whereby indeed they have the Liberty of the Publick & peaceable exercise of it , without any hazard of present Persecution , but not without great hazard of sin , and incurring the guilt of the blood of Souls , for not declaring the whole Counsel of God , which Addressers cannot declare , if they Preserve an intire Loyaltie in their Doctrine , as here they promise . 2. There is nothing here sounds like the old Presbyterian strain ; neither was there ever an Address of this stile seen before from Presbyterian hands . It would have looked far more Presbyterian like , instead of this Address , to have sent a Protestation against the now openly designed introduction of Poperie , and subversion of all Lawes & Liberties which they are Covenanted to maintain , or at least to have given an Address in the usual Language of Presbyterians , who used alwayes to speak of the Covenants , and Work of Reformation : But here never a word of these , but of Loyaltie to his excellent , to his Gracious , and to his Sacred Majestie , of Loyaltie not to be questioned , an Entire Loyaltie in Doctrine , a resolved Loyaltie in Practice , and a servent Loyaltie in Prayers : And all that they are solicitous about , is not lest the Prerogatives of their Master be encroached upon , and the Liberties of the Church be supplanted , and Religion wronged ; but lest their Loyaltie be questioned , and they be otherwise represented : And all that they beseech for is , not that the Cause of Christ be not wronged , nor Antichristian Idolatrie introduced by this Liberty ; but that these who promove any disloyal Principles & Practices may be looked upon as none of theirs , wherein all their encouragment is , that they persuade themselves from his Maj. justice & goodness , that he will not give credite to any other information until he take due cognition thereof . Here is a Lawless unrestricted Loyaltie to a Tyrant , claiming an absolute power to be obeyed without reserve , not only professed , but solicitously sought to be the Principle of Presbyterians ; whereas it is rather the Principle of Athiestical Hobbes exploded with indignation by all rational men . This is not a Christian Loyaltie , o● profession of Consciencious Subjection , to a Minister of God for good who is a terror to evil doers , but a stupid subjection & absolute Allegiance to a Minister of Antichrist , who gives Liberty to all evil men & seducers . This is not the Presbyterian Loyaltie to the King , in the defence of Christ His Evangel , Liberties of the Country , Ministration of Iustice , & punishment of iniquity , according to the National Covenant ; And in the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdoms , according to the Solemn League & Covenant ; but an Erastian Loyaltie to a Tyrant , in his overturning Religion Lawes & Liberties , & protecting & encouraging all iniquity . This Loyaltie in Doctrine will be found Disloyaltie to Christ , in a sinful & shameful silence at the wrongs done to Him , and not declaring against the Invasions of His open Enemies . This Loyaltie in Practice is a plain betraying of Religion & Liberty , in lying by from all opposition to the open Destroyer of both . And this Loyaltie in Prayers , for all blessings ever to attend his person & Government , will be found neither consonant to Presbyterian Prayers in reference to Popish Tyrants , nor consistent with the Zeal of Christians , and the Cries of all the Elect unto God to whom vengeance belongs , against Antichrist and all his Supporters , nor any way conforme to the Saints Prayers in Scripture , nor founded upon any Scripture promises , to pray for a blessing to a Papists Tyrannie , which cannot be of Faith and therefore must be sin . It were much more suitable to pray , that the God which hath caused His Name to dwell in His Church , may destroy all Kings that shall put to their hand to alter & destroy the House of God , Ezrah . 6. 12. 3. This Address is so stuffed with sneaking flatteries , that it would become more Sycophants & Court-Parasites than Ministers of the Gospel ; and were more suitable to the Popish , Prelatical , & Malignant faction to congratulate & rejoice in their professed Patroh & Head , and fill the Gazetts with their Adulatory Addresses , which heretofore used to be deservedly inveighed against by all Dissenters ; than for Presbyterians to take a Copy from them , and espouse the practice which they had condemned before , and which was never commended in any good Government , nor never known in these British Nations , before Oliver's Usurpation & Charles his Tyranny ; flatterie being alwayes counted base among ingenuous men . But here is a Rhapsodie of flatteries , from the deep sense they have of his Maj. gracious & surprising favour — finding themselves bound in duty to offer their most humble & hearty thanks , to his Sacred Maj. the favour bestowed being to them — valuable above all earthly comforts . One would think this behoved to be a very great favour , from a very great friend , for very gracious ends : But what is it ? In not only puting a stop to their long sad sufferings ; which were some ground indeed if the way were honest : but this not only supposes an also ; what is that ? but also granting us the Liberty — which is either a needless Tautology ( for if all Sufferings were stopped , then Liberty must needs follow ) or it must respect the qualifications of the Liberty ; flowing from such a Fountain , absolute power ; through such a Conveyance , the stoping all penal Lawes against Papists ; in such a Forme as a Toleration ; for such Ends , as overturning the Reformation & introducing Poperie . This is the favour for which they offer most humble & hearty thanks , more valuable to them than all earthly comforts ; thô it be manifestly intended to deprive the Lords People , at the long run , of the Heavenly Comforts of the Preached Gospel . Sure , if they thank him for the Liberty , they must thank him for the Proclamation whereby he grants it , and justify all his Claim there to Absoluteness , being that upon which it is superstructed , and from which it emergeth , And so become a listed faction to abett & oune him in all his attemptings , engaged now to demean themselves as that he may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours , which can be no other way but in assisting him to destroy Religion & Liberty , at least in suffering him to do what he will without control . O what an indeleble reproach is this for Ministers , who pretend to be set for the defence of the Gospel , thus to be found betraying Religion , through justifying & magnifying a Tyrant , for his suspension of so many Lawes whereby is was established & supported . 4. It were more tolerable if they went no further than flatteries : but I fear they come near the border of Blasphemie , when they say , that the Great God hath put this in his Royal heart : which can bear no other Construction but this , that the holy Lord hath put it in his heart to assume to himself a blasphemous & absolute power , whereby he stops & suspends all Penal Lawes against Idolaters , and gives a Toleration for all Errors : Or if it be capable of any other sense , it must be like that as the Lord is said to have moved David to number the People , or that Rev. 17. 17. God hath put it in their hearts to fulfill His Will , and to aggree aud give their Kingdom unto the Beast . But to bless God and thank the Tyrant for this wicked Project , as deliberate & purposed by men , I say is near unto Blasphemy . And again where they say , they are firmly resolved by the help of God so to demean themselves as his Maj. may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours ; this in effect is as great Blasphemy as if they had said , they resolved by the help of God to be as unfaithful Time-serving & Silent Ministers as ever plagued the Church of God ; for no otherwise can they demean themselves so as he may find cause to enlarge his favours towards them , it being no way supposible that his enlarging his favours can consist with their faithfulness , but if they discover any measure of zeal against Antichrist , he will quickly diminish them . Thus far I have compendiously deduced the Account of the Progress , & Prosecution of the Testimony of this Church to the present State thereof , as it is Concerted & Contended for , by the Reproached Remnant now only Persecuted : which I hope this pretended Liberty shall be so far from obscuring & interrupting , that it shall contribute further to clear it , and engage them more to Constancy in it , and induce others also to Countenance it , when they shall see the sad effects of this Destructive Snare , which I leave to time to produce : And hope , that as the former Representation of their Cause will conciliate the Charity of the unbyassed , so an Account of their Sufferings thereupon will provoke them to Sympathie . To which I now proceed . PART . II. CONTAINING A BRIEF ACCOUNT Of the Persecution of the last Period , And of the great Sufferings whereby all the Parts of its Testimony were sealed . THe foregoing Deduction , being the first thing I proposed to be discussed in the Method of this Essay , hath now swelled to such a Bulk , that the Last Period of it doth in a manner swallow up what I intended to have said on the Second : Because it gives grounds to gather the Methods & Measures that our Adversaries have managed , for the ruin of this Witnessing Remnant , and also discovers some special steps of their Sufferings within these 27. years past , under the Tyranny of both the Brothers . It will now be the more easie to glean the Gradations of the Means & Machins , used by this Popish , Prelatical , & Malignant faction , to raze the Work of Reformation , and to build their Babel of Poperie & Slaverie on the ruines thereof ; And to aggregate an Account in brief of the Great Sufferings of the Faithful . Which though it be beyond my power and besides my purposes at present , to offer a Narrative of it , with any proportion to the greatness of the subject ; A more particular Relation thereof , being now projected , if Providence permit , to be Published to the world , which will discover strange & unheard of Cruelties : yet in this little heap of some hints only of the kinds of their Sufferings , I do not question but it will appear , that the Persecution of Scotland hath been very remarkable , and scarcely out-done by the most Cruel in any Place or Age , in respect of injustice , illegality , & inhumanity , though perhaps inferiour in some other Circumstances . But that none could be more unjust , illegal , or inhumane , I need not further , I cannot better , demonstrate than only to Declare the matter of fact , as it fell out in the several Steps of the Last Period . 1. In the Entry of this fatal Catastrophe , the first of their Mischievous Machinations was to remove out of the way all who were eminent Instruments in carrying on the former Work of God , or might be of influence for obstructing their Antichristian & Tyrannical designs , both in the State and in the Church . And accordingly when the Marque●s of Argyle , who had a main hand in bringing home the King , and closing the Second Treaty at Breda , went up to London to Congratulate his return from exile , he was made Prisoner in the Tower , thereafter sent doun to Scotland , indyted of high Treason , at length beheaded , and his head placed upon the Tolbooth of Edinburgh ( A watch word of warning to our Addressers , who may ere all be done meet with the same sawce ) for no other alledged Cause , but for his Complyance with the English when they had our Land in subjection ; a thing wherein the Judges that condemned him were Socii Criminis : but really for another provocation that incensed the King against him , which made him a Tyrant as infamous for villanie as for violence , to wit , for his reproving the King ( when others declined it ) for an Adulterous Rape , which he held for so piacular a Crime , that he resolved nothing should expiate it but the blood of this Nobleman . For the same Pretended Cause was the Lord Waristoun afterwards executed to death at Edinburgh , after they had missed of their design of taking him off by Clandestine ways abroad . Then they fall upon the Ministers : And because Mr Iames Guthrie was a man , who had been honoured of God to be zealous & singularly faithful in carrying on the Work of Reformation , and had asserted the Kingly Authority of Christ in opposition to the Erastian Supremacy encroaching thereupon , therefore he must Live no longer , but is condemned to die , and most basely handled as if he had been a most Notorious Thief or Malefactor ; he is hanged , & afterward his head placed upon one of the Ports of Edinburgh ; where it abideth to this day Preaching not only against the Enemies Rebellion against God , but against the defection of many Ministers since , who have Practically denied that Great Truth for which he Suffered , viz , his Testimony against the Supremacy , and for declining the Usurped Authority of him who Arrogated it . At the same time there was a Proclamation , which they caused to be read at all the Church-doors , discharging Ministers to speak against them or their Proceedings , whereby Profane & Malicious persons were encouraged to witness against their Ministers . By which means ( though many were in no hazard , thinking it commendable Prudence , commended indeed by the world , but hateful unfaithfulness before God , to be silent at such a time ) some faithful Ministers giving faithful & free warning & Protesting against the present Defection , were condemned of Treason , and banished out of the three Dominions . Others Indicta Causa without access to give in their defences , were sentenced with banishment , and could never get an Extract of their sentence : And furder were compelled to subscribe a bond , under pain of death to remove out of all the Dominions betuixt & such a day . This was the lot , and also the blot , of these famous & faithful Ministers , Mr Iohn Livingstoun , Mr Ro M● Ward , Mr Io. Broun &c. who spent the rest of their dayes in Holland , serving their Generation by their excellent Writings . Then after they had disposed of many other Ministers , whom they thrust out for not keeping the 29th of May , having now laid by the most Eminent , & whom they feared most of the Ministrie , they shortly thereafter outed & violented the rest from the exercise of their Ministrie , and straitened them with strange & severe Confinements , yea because they would not be out done 〈◊〉 suppressing Religion by any , no not by Iulian the Apostate , they proceeded to poyson all the springs & fountains of Learning ; ordaining that none be Masters in Universities , except they take the Oath of Supremacy , & oune the Government of Prelacy , and none be admitted to teach in a School without the Prelats Licence . These Courses brought many Ministers & Expectants to great Sufferings . 2. Hitherto they reached only Noblemen , Gentlemen , & Ministers , and others whom they thought might stand in their way : of advancing their Cursed Designs . The next Drift is , when they had emptied the Churches of Ministers , and filled them with the vermine of ignorant & scandalous Curats , to force the People to Conformity , and to Disoune & discountenance their oun Ministers ; first , by severe Edicts of exorbitant fining not only the persons themselves contraveening , but those that had the Superiority over them , & rigourous execution of these fines , to the Depopulation of a poor Country , by Military force . Whereby , where there was but one Church in the bounds , still enjoying a Minister whom the People could hear , the profane Souldiers would beset that Church in time of Worship , and cause all within to pay their fines , or take the garments from them that could not , and beat them to the effusion of their blood : And where the Church was planted with a Curat , the Souldiers would come and call the Names of the Parishoners , and amerciate the Absents in such fines as they pleased . In other Places they went to private houses , and by force drove them to Church , even though sick & unable . But where the Dissenters were numerous , great bands of Legal Robbers were sent to exact & extort these exorbitant fines , by plundering , quartering , beating , wounding , binding men like beasts , chasing away from houses , and harrassing whole Countrysides , in a hideous manner . And yet after all these insolencies , some of the common sort were compelled to subscribe an acknowledgment , that the Captain had used them civilly & discreetly ; though the account of others of that place manifests the violence to have been so monstrous , that it justified the greatest barbarity : shewing their exactions to have been intolerable , both for the quantity , without all proportion or pity , and for the manner of it , consuming & wasting poor Peoples provision by their very dogs , and sparing no more these who conformed than others who did not conform at all , and punishing husbands for their wives , yea doubling & tripling the same exactions after payment . Next , though at first they did not imprison any for simple absenting themselves from the Curats , yet they began to fill Prisons with such as at any time shewed more than ordinary zeal against the Curats Intrusion , and testified their dissatisfaction to his face ; for which , some were imprisoned , scourged , stigmatized , and thereafter carried to Barbadoes . Others , because they would not give the Prelats their Title of Lords , when conveened before them were also scourged : And one Minister seised for Preaching , and offending the Prelates by the same fault , was carried first to the Thieves hole , laid in irons in company with a Madman , and then banished to Shetland , the coldest & wildest of all the Scots Islands . 3. But when fining would not do , and still the People were more averse from the Curats , by getting some times occasions of hearing their oun Ministers in private : Hence were houses forced & searched , many hailed to Prisons , and several necessitate to escape at windowes with the hazard of their lives ; spies sent unto & set in suspected places , to seize & fall upon such as they found at such Meetings , or but suspected to have been there . Whence it came to pass , that many both men & women , young & old , have been dragged to Prisons , & there closs keeped as Malefactors , besides several other outragious & illegal Acts of violence & oppression committed against them , contrare to all Law , Equity , & Conscience . 4. After Pentland defeat , they ruled by rage more than either Law or Reason . There 40. Prisoners who were taken upon quarter , and solemn Parol to have their life spared , yet treacherously & bloodily were all hanged ( except 5. that were reprieved ) who had much of the Lords presence at their deaths , and assurance of His love , strengthening them to seal a Noble Testimony . One of them a much honoured young Minister , only for having a sword about him though not present at the fight , did first most patiently endure the cruel Torture of the Boots ( a Cruel Engine of Iron , whereby with wedges the Leg is tortured until the marrow come out of the bone ) and afterwards death , with great Courage & Constancy . Upon the Scaffold , at their execution , they then began that barbarity never practised in Scotland before , but frequently & al most alwayes at all the executions since , to beat Drums that they might not be heard . After this Conflict , many were forefaulted of their Estates , and intercommuned , with inhibition to all to reset , conceal , or correspond with any that had escaped , under the pain of being accounted guilty of the same Rebellion , as they called it . Souldiers are permitted to take free quarter in the Country , and Licensed to all the abuses that either Rapine or Cruelty may suggest ; to examine men by tortures , threatnening to kill or rost alive , all that would not delate all they knew was accessory to that Rising ; To strip them who did so much as resett the fugitives , & thrust them into Prisons in cold , hunger & nakedness , and croud them so with numbers , that they could scarce stand together , having the miseries of their oun excrements superadded ; yea to m●rther without process such as would not , nay could not , discover those persecuted People . But not only time but heart & tongue would fail , to relate all the Violences & Insolencies , the stobbings , woundings , stripping & impriso●ings of menspersons , violent breaking of their houses both by day & night , beatings of Wives & Children , ravishings of women , forcings of them by fire Matches & other tortures , to discover their husbands & nearest relations , although not within the compass of their knowledge , and driving away all their goods that can be carried away , without respect to guilt or innocency , and all the Cruelties ▪ that were exercised without a check by these Ruffians at that time . II. After all these tender Mercies & Clemencies or Cruelties , which his Gracious Maj. was pleased to confer or commit upon these poor Contenders for Religion & Liberty ; he and his Cabal the Council , thought it not enough to suppress them with Oppressions and force , distrusting the Authority of his Law ( that he knew the People would no more observe , than he would observe a promise or Oath ) and diffiding also the Authority of his sword , which he had above their heads ; he proposes termes of bargaining with them , whereupon he would suffer them to live , and to which he would have them bound to live according to his Prescript : Therefore , besides the old Oaths of Allegiance & Supremacy that were still going among hands , he caused coyn New Ones to keep the Peace , and to live Orderly , meaning to conforme themselves to the Disorders of the times . Whereby , after he had wrought such destruction to their Bodies & Estates , & almost nothing was left them but a bit of a Conscience , he would rob them of that too ; verifying the Constant Character of the wicked , They only consult to cast a man doun from his excellency : What is a mans excellency but a good Conscience ? But these men , having feared Consciences of their oun not capable of any impression , they presume to impose upon all others , and cannot endure so much as to hear of the Name of Conscience in the Country , except it be when it is baffled in the belchings of beastly mouths . As one , that was well acquaint with he Councils humor in this point , told a Gentleman that was going before them . To have one of these Oaths imposed upon him , who was before hand signifying his Scruples that he could not do such things in Conscience ; Conscience ( said he ) I beseech yow whatever yow do , speak nothing of Conscience before the Lords , far they cannot abide to hear that word . Therefore it is , that since this last Revolution there have been more Conscience-debauching & ensnaring Oaths invented & imposed , and some repugnant & contradictory to others , than ever was in any Nation in the World in so short a time . And hereby they have had woful success in their designes , involving the generality of the Land in the sin of Perjurie & false swearing with themselves . And it hath been observed , that scarcely have they let on year pass without imposing some Oaths or Bonds upon Presbyterians ; Such alwayes as are unlawful to take , yea & impossible to keep , sometimes more obviously gross , some times more seemingly smooth , sometimes tendered more generally through the Kingdom , sometimes imposed upon particular Shires ; And these carried on sometimes by Craft & Cunning , sometimes by Force & Cruelty . Doubtless it is not the least part of their design , hereby to make Oaths & Bonds become a trivial & common thing , & by making all men of as Capacious Consciences as themselves . 2. Further they never ceased to express their fear of another Rising ( their guilty Consciences dictating that they deserved greater opposition ) Hence , to secure themselves and incapacitate the People from further Attempts of that nature , they order all Withdrawers from Churches , all who did not joyne to suppress the Lords People , to deliver up their Armes betuixt & such a day , and not keep a horse above such a very mean price , unfit for service . 3. When force could not do the business then they try flatteries ; and hence Contrive that wicked Indulgence to divide & distroy the Ministers that remained , and to suppress Meetings . But when this bait so well busked could not catch all , but still there were Meetings for administring the Ordinances ; their flatterie turns to fury , and the Acceptance of that Indulgence by some , and despising of it by others , did both animate & instigate them unto a following forth of their design , by all the Cruel Acts & bloody executions . And hereby the residue of the Faithful of the Land were exposed unto their rage , while the Indulged became Interpretatively guilt of , & accessorie to all the Cruelties used & executed upon Ministers & Professors , for adhering unto that way . Hence it was common at private & peaceable Meetings when , without Armes of defence , they were disturbed by Souldiers , & exposed to all manner of villanous violence , some being dragged to Prisons , some banished & sold to French Captains to be transported with Rascals , many intercommuned & driven from their Dwellings & Relations , Great summes of money were proferred to any that would bring in severa● of the most eminent Ministers , either dead or alive ; yea several at several times were killed , and others cruelly handled : All which for several years they patiently endured without Resistence . But especially , when not only they were driven to the fields to keep their Meetings in all weathers , Summer & Winter , but necessitate to meet with Armes , then they raised more Troups of horse & Dragoons to pursue them with all rage , as Traitors & Rebels . Hence what pursuings , hornings , huntings , hidings , wanderings through Mountains & Moors , and all Kinds of Afflictions , the People of God then met with , because of their following that necessary & signally blessed Duty ; All the Lands Inhabitants know , the Jaylors can witness to this day , and the barbarous Souldiers , bloody Executioners of the Commands of their enraged Masters , having orders to wound & kill and apprehend all they could take at these Meetings , or on the way suspected to be going to or coming from them , having encouragment to apprehend some Ministers , and bring them dead or alive , by the promise of two thousand Merks , others valued at one thousand , and several Professors also with prices put upon their heads . Hence others that were taken of them were sent into the Bass , a Dry & Cold Rock in the Sea , where they had no fresh water , nor any provision but what they had brought many miles from the Country , and when they got it , it would not keep unspoiled . And others , both Ministers and many hundreds of Professors , were outlawed ; whereby all the Subjects were prohibited to reset , supply , intercommune with any of them , or to correspond with them by word writ , or message , or furnish them with meat , drink , house , harbour , victual , or any other thing useful under the highest pains . Hence also Prisons were filled : And the Wives & Children of the Outed Ministers , that were come to Edinburgh for shelter , were commanded to dislodge , within a short day prefixed , under the pain of being forcibly shut up or dragged out . For which and other such uses , to apprehend & seise on Meetings , a Major was appointed in Edinburgh , with command over the toun Guards , and a good Salarie for that end . Then Prisons being filled , they were emptied to make room for others in Ships , to be taken away to be sold for Slaves , in one of which were sent to Virginia above 60 men , some Ministers ; who , through the kindness & Sympathie of some English Godly People , were relieved at London . A greater Barbarity not to be fonnd , in the Reigns of Caligul● or Nero. 4. But all this is nothing to what followed : when , thinking these blood-hounds were too favourable , they brought doun from the Wild Highlands a host of Savages upon the western Shires , more terrible than Turks or Turtars , men who feared not God nor regarded man ; And being also poor pitiful Skybalds , they thought they had come to a brave world , to waste & destroy a plentiful Country , which they resolved before they left it to make as bare as their oun . This hellish Crue was adduced to work a Reformation , Like the French Conversions , to press a Band of Conformity , wherein every Subscriber was bound for himself & all under him , wife , Children , Servants , Tenants , to frequent their Paroch-Churches , and never to go to these Meetings , nor reset nor intertain any that went , but to informe against , pursue , & deliver up all vagrant Preachers as they called them , to t●yal & Judgement . Which they prosecuted with that rigor & restless boundless rage , that the Children then unborn and their pitiful Mothers do lament the memory , of that day , for the loss of their fathers & husbands . Many ho●ses & families then were left desolate in a winter flight , many lost their Cattel & Horses , and some in seeking to recover them lost their lives , by the Sword of these Burrio's . So that it was too evident , both by what orders was given , the severitie of prosecuting , and the expressions of some great ones since , that nothing less than the utter ruin and desolation of these Shires was consulted and concluded , and that expedition at that time calculated for that end ; for what else can be imagined could induce to the raising 10 , or 11000 barbarous Savages the joyning them to the standing forces , and with such cruel orders the directing them all to the West ; where there was not one person moving the finger against them ; neither could they pretend any quarrel , If it was not the faithfulness of the People there in their Covenanted Religion , and their hoplessness of complying to their Popish and Tyrannical designs , and therefore no course so feasible as to destroy them ; So for dispatching thereof , order is given forth that whosoever refuseth to subscribe that Hell-hatched bond , must instantly have 10 , 20 , 30 , 40 , moe or fewer according to his condition as he is poorer or richer , of these new Reformers sent to him , to ly not only upon free Quarters to eat up and destroy what they pleased , but also ( for the more speedy expedition ) ordered to take a six pence for each common Souldier a day , and the Officers more , according to their degrees , and so to remain till either the bond was subscribed , or all destroyed ; Nor was these Trusties deficient to further their purposes in prosecuting their orders , Who coming to their Quarters used ordinarly to produce a Billgate for near to as many more as came , and for these absents they must have double money , because their Landlord was not burthened with their maintenance , and where that was refused would take the readiest goods , and if any thing remained not destroyed and plundered at their removeing , which was not transportible , rather then the owner should get any good of it , they would in some places set fire to it , as they did with the Corn-stacks . It would require several great volumes to record the many instances of horrid Barbarities , Bloods , and Villanies of that wicked expedition , so that what by free Quarterings , Exactions , Robberies , Thifts , Plunderings and other acts of Violence & Crueltie , many places was ruined almost to desolation , all which the faithful choosed rather to suffer , than to sin in complying : and albeit their oppression was exceeding lamentable , and their loss great , yet that of the complyers was greater and sader who lossed a good Conscience in yielding to them , and compounding with them . 5 Then the Country behoved to pay the Souldiers for all this Service , and hire them to do more , by paying the imposed Cess ; whereby they were sharpened into a greater keenness in Cruel executions of their Orders , returning to those places of the Country whether they had chased the Persecuted People , who still kept their Meetings where-ever they were , though they could not attend them but upon the hazard of being killed , either in the place ( where some had their blood mingled with their sacrifice ) or fleeing , or be exposed to their dreadful Cruelties more bitter than death . For then it was counted a greater Crime , and punished with greater severity , for Persons to hear a faithful Minister Preach , than to commit Murder , Incest , Adulterie , or to be guiltie of Witchcraft , or Idolatrie , or the grossest abominations : for these have past unpunished , when some for their simple presence at a Meeting , have been executed unto the death . Then also , when some were forced to flee into the English border for shelter , there also were Parties ordered to pursue those poor hunted Partridges , who could not find a hole to hide their head in . There we lost a valiant Champion for Truth , and truly zealous Contender for the Interest of Christ , that universally accomplished Gentleman & Christian , Tho. Ker of Heyhope , who was cruelly murthered in a rancounter with a Party of the English side . Thereafter followed that Lamentable stroke at Bothuel , where about 300 were killed on the field , and about 10. or 1100 taken Prisoners , and stript , & brought into Edinburgh in a merciless manner . After which , first two faithful & painful Ministers & Witnesses of Christ , Mr Iohn Kid & Mr Iohn King , received the Croun of Martyrdom , sealling that Testimony with their blood , and many others after them for the same Cause . Then the Enemy , after the manner used before , first to wound our head and then put on a hood upon it ( as they have done alwayes after a Mischief , and intending a greater ) offered their Bond of peace , on termes that clearly condemned the Cause , never to rise in armes against the King &c. by which bond , many of the Prisoners , after they had lyen several weeks in a Church-yard , without the shadow of a house to cover them night & day , were Liberate : And many of the rest , by the persuasion of some Ministers , at whose door their blood lied as well as at the Enemies , took that bond ; and yet were sent away with others that did not take it , in a Ship bound for America between , 2. and 300. in all , who were all murdered in the Ship , being shut up under the hatches , when it split upon a rock in the North of Scotland , except about 50 persons ; whereof many to this day are Living Witnesses of such a Cruelty . III. Hitherto only the Common Rules & Rudiments of the Art of Persecution were put in practice , exactly quadrating with the Rules of Adam 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 for introducing of Poperie , in his Polit. Lib. 2. Cap. ●8 . which are , ( 1 ) To proceed as Musicians do , in tuning the●● Instruments gradually . ( 2 ) To press the examples of some eminent men to draw on the rest . ( 3 ) To banish all Arch Hereticks at once ( that is the most zealous Witnesses of Christ ) or at least with all expedition by degrees . ( 4 ) To put them out of all power & trust , and put in friends to the Catholick Interest . ( 5 ) To load the Protestant Opinions , as are most obnoxious , with all odious Constructions . ( 6 ) To discharge all Private Conventieles ▪ ( 7 ) To 〈◊〉 & execute rigorous Lawes against the most dangerous . ( 8 ) To foment all quarrels among Prote●●●●ts , and strengthen the Party that is ready to comply . 〈…〉 , and many other of a deeper Projection & greater ●erfection , were fallen upon afterwards , equalling● the most mischievous Machins of Spanish Inquisition ; 〈◊〉 the Methods that effectuated the desolation of the Church of 〈◊〉 , that were exactly followed , as they are related in Clarks Martyrology . Especially the last of Cantzens Rules was industriously observed , in the Device of the Indulgences both before & after Bothwel ; which contributed more to the rending & ruining the Remnant , 〈◊〉 expose the Faithful to rage & cruelty , than any thing for when by these ensnaring favours many were drawn away from their duty , the rest that maintained it , and kept 〈◊〉 the Testimony ; were both the more easily preyed upon ; and more cruelly insulted over . Hence the few Field-Meetings that were kept , were more fiercely pursued after Bothwel than the many before , and more cruel Lawes were made against them , and more bloody executions , than I can find words to express in short . But in a word , no Party of T●rtars invading the Land , or Crue of Cutthroats destroying the Inhabitants , or the most Capital Malefactors , could have been more violently opposed , or more vigorously sought to be suppressed , than these poor Meeters were . But I must make some more special hints . 1. They not only raised more forces to exhaust the strength & substance of the already wasted Country , and laid on & continued from one terme to another that wicked exaction & cruel oppression of the Cess , for the same declared ends of suppressing & banishing what remained of the Gospel , and imposed Localities for maintaining the Souldiers imployed in those designs ; for refusing which many families were pillaged , plundered , & quite impoverished , besides the heating & abusing them : But also they went on unweariedly with their Courts of Inquisition , pressing the Bonds of peace , and dragging them like dogs to Prisons that would not subscribe them , And for taking up in their Porteous Rolls the names of all that were suspect to have been at 〈◊〉 In●urection ; which they gathered by the Informations of ●●●cophants , and reputed them convict if being 〈◊〉 they did not appear , and forced others to swear 〈◊〉 , and delate upon Oath whom they did either ●ee or heard that they were in armes , or went to Meetings . And such as refused suffered bonds or banishment . Yea , having made it Criminal to reset , harbour , corrospond or converse with these whom they declared Rebels , they thereupon imprisoned , fined , & ruined vast numbers , 〈◊〉 having seen or spoken with some of them , or because they did not discover or apprehend them when they 〈◊〉 they might , and even when they were not obliged and could not know whether they were ob●o●ious persons or not : for which many Gentlemen & others were Indy●ed & imprisoned , and so●e arraigned & condemned to death . For these Causes , the Country 〈◊〉 harrassed & destroyed by four extraordinary Circuit 〈◊〉 successively going about with their numerous train●● whereby many were grievously oppressed , and with their oppressions tempted with many Impositions of Conscience debauching Oaths , & Bonds to compear when called , and to keep the Church , and to refrain from going to Meetings &c. and by these tentations involved in Complyances and Defections . 2. To enrich themselves by these means with the spoyl of the Country did not satisfie these Destroyers ; but they must glut themselves with the blood of the Saints , upon every pretext that they could catch , under any colour of Law. As upon the account of Bothwel Insurrection , many were cruelly executed to the death , some Gentlemen , and some Common Country men , without any Legal Conviction , by packing bloody Juries & Assises most partially for their Murdering ends , besides more than can be reckoned that were kept to perish in their imprisonments . And not only for being actually in armes , or any overt act of transgressing their wicked Lawes , but even for their extorted opinion of things , or because they could not condemn these necessitated Risings in armes to be Rebellion and a sin against God , which they were forced to declare by terrible menacings of death & torture , they have been condemned to death ; making their arbitrary Lawes to reach the heart , thoughts , & inward sentiments of the mind , as well as outward actions . Whereupon this became a Criminal question robbing many of their Lives , Was the rising at Bothwel-bridge Rebellion and a sin against God ? And this another , Was the killing of the Bishop of St Andrewes horrid Murther ? which if any answered negatively , or did not answer affirmatively , they were cruelly condemned to death : for which first five innocent Christians were execute upon the spot , where that Murtherer fell . Tho they declared , and it was known , they were as free as the Child unborn , and that some of them had never seen a Bishop that they knew from another man , and were never in that place of the Country where he was killed . And afterwards this was the constant question that all brought before them were troubled with , which some avouching to be duty were dismembered alive , their hands struck off , and then hanged , and their heads cut off when dead . 3. After Sanquhair Declaration , they observed the Jesuites rules more exactly , especially that mentioned above to load the Opinions as are most obnoxious with all odious Constructions , and to make it both Criminal to declare them , and also Criminal to conceal & wave their intrapping questions thereupon . For after Mr Hal● was killed at the Queensferrie , and Mr Cameron with several worthies were slain at Airsmoss , and after Mr Hackstoun for declining the Authority of his Murderers , head and tail , and for being accessory to executing Judgement upon the Arch-traitor or Arch-Bishop of St Andrewes ( thô he laid not his hands on him himself , nor was present at the action , but at a distance when it was done ) was tortured alive , with the cuting off of his hands , and then hanged , and before he was dead ripped up , his heart taken out , carried about on the point of a knife and throun into a fire , and afterwards his body quartered . Then , not only such as were with that litle handful at Airsmoss were cruelly murdered , but others against whom they could charge no matter of fact , were questioned if they ouned the Kings Authority ? which if any did not Answer affirmatively & positively , he was to look for nothing but exquisite torments by terrible kinds of tortures , & death besides . And if any declared their judgement , that they could not in Conscience oune such Authority as was then exercised ; or if they declined to give their thoughts of it , as judging thoughts to be under no humane jurisdiction ; or if they answered with such innocent specifications as these , that they ouned all Authority in the Lord , or for the Lord , or according to the Word of God , or all just & Lawful Authority , these under-went & suffered the Capital punishment of Treason . And yet both for declining & declaring their extorted Answers about this , they were condemned as unsufferable Maintainers of Principles inconsistent with Government . 4. But here , as in Egypt , the more they were afflicted the more they grew , the more that the Enem●es rage was increased the more were the People inflamed to inquire about the Grounds of their Suffering , seeing rational men and Religious Christians die so resolutely upon them ; And the more they insisted in this Inquisition , the more did the number of Witnesses multiply , with a growing increase undauntedness , so that the then shed blood of the Martyrs became the seed of the Church , and as by hearing & seeing them so signally countenanced of the Lord many were reclaimed from their Courses of Complyance , so others were daylie more & more , confirmed in the wayes of the Lord , and so strengthened by His Grace that they choose rather to endure all Torture , and embrace death in its most terrible aspect , than to give the Tyrant & his Complices any acknowledgment : yea not so much as to say , God save the King , which was offered as the price of their life , and Test of their acknowledgment , but they would not accept Deliverance on these termes , that they might obtain a better Resurrection . Which so enraged the Tygrish Truculency of these Persecuters , that they spared neither age , sexe , nor Profession : the tenderness of youth did not move them to any relenting , in murdering very boyes upon this head , nor the gray hairs of the aged ; neither were women spared , but some were hanged , some drouned , tied to Stakes within the Sea-mark , to be devoured gradually with the growing waves , and some of them of a very young , some of an old age . Especially after the murder of the never to be forgotten Martyr , Mr Cargil , the multitude of merciless Sufferings upon this account cannot be enumerated ; which encreased far beyond all the former steps , after the Lanerk Declaration , which was burnt with great Solemnity by the Magistrats of Edinburgh in their robes , together with the Solemn League & Covenant , which had been burnt before , but then they would more declaredly give new demonstrastrations of their rage against it , because they confessed and were convinced of its being conforme unto & founded upon that Covenant . And because the Incorporation of Lanerk did not , because they could not , hinder the publishing of it , therefore they were threatened with the loss of their Priviledges and forced to pay 6000 Merks . Upon the back of which , the Sufferings of poor People that ouned the Testimony were sadder & sharper , and further extended than ever : Some being banished for Souldiers to Flanders , &c. some to be sold as Slaves in Carolina , and other Places in America , to empty the filled Prisons and make room for more ● which were daylie brought in from all quarters , and either kept languishing in their ●asty Prisons , or Thiefes holes , in bolts & irons to make them weary of their life , or dispatched as Sacrifices and led as dumb Sheep to the slaughter , without suffering them to speak their dying words , for beating of Drums , or disposed of to Masters of Ships to be transported in Slaverie . 5. Had they satisfied themselves with murdering them out of hand , it would have been more tolerable , and reckoned some degree of mercy , in comparison of their malice ; which , after all their endeavours to murder their Souls , by ensnaring Offers , enslaving Bonds , blasphemous & contradictory Oaths , and multiplying captious Questions to catch the Conscience , or at least vexe the Spirits of the Righteous , whom they could not prevail with to put forth their hands into iniquity , did proceed to invent all exquisite torments more terrible than death . Some at their first apprehending were tortured with Fire-matches , burning and for ever thereafter disabling their hands : Then laid fast & locked up in great Irons upon their legs , where they lay many Moneths in the cold of winter , without any relaxation . Some were tortured with the Boots , squeezing out the marrow of their legs : Others with Thumbkins , piercing & bruising the bones of their thumbs : And some tormented with both one after another , and besides kept waking nine nights together by watchful Souldiers . who were sworn not to let the afflicted person sleep all that time . 6. All this Tyranny had been the more tolerable , if they had kept within any bounds of colourable or pretended shadow of legality , or in any consonancy to their oun wicked Lawes , or exemplars of any former Persecutions . But in an ambition to outdo all the Nero's , Domitians , Dioclesians , Duke d' Alva's , or Lewis de Grands , they scorned all formes as wel as Justice of Law , and set up monstrous Monuments of unprecedented illegalitie & inhumanitie . For when , after all their hornings , harrass●ngs , huntings , searchings , chasings , catchings , imprisonments , torturings , banishments , and effusions of blood , yet they could not get the Meetings crushed , either in publick or private , nor the zeal of the poor Wanderers quenched , with whom they had interdicted all harbour , supply , comfort , refreshment , converse or corrospondence , and whom they had driven out of their oun & all other habitations , in Touns , Villages , or Cottages , to the Deserts , Mountains , Moors , & Mosses , in whose hags & holes they were forced to make Dens & Caves to hide themselves , but that they would still meet for the Worship of God , either in Publick ( though mostly in the cold winter nights ) or in their Private fellowships for Prayer & Conference ; and to rescue their Brethren , and prevent their Murder in these extremities , would surprize and take advantages of the Souldiers now & then : They then raged beyond all bounds , and not only apprehending many innocent persons ( against whom they had nothing to accuse them of , but because they could not satisfie them in their Answers ) sentenced , and executed them , all in one day , and made an Act to do so with all ; but allowed the bloody Souldiers to murder them , without either Tryal or Sentence . Especially after the Apologetical Declaration , affixed on the Church-doors , they acted with an unheard of Arbitrariness . For not only did they frame an Oath of Abjuration , renouncing the same ; but pressed it universally upon pain of death , upon all men & women in City & Country , and went from house to house forcing young & old to give their judgement of that Declaration , and of the Kings Authority &c. to ridicule and reproach and make a Ludibrum of all Government : yea impowered Souldiers , & common Varlets , to impannel Juries , condemn & cause to be put to death innocent Recusants , and having stopt all Travel & Commerce without a Pass , signifying they had taken that Oath , they gave power to all Hostlers & Inn-keepers to impose Oaths , upon all Passengers , Travellers , Gentlemen or Countrymen , who were to swear that their Pass was not forged . And Prisoners that would not take the Oath , were according to the foresaid Act condemned , sentenced , & execute , all in one day , and early in the morning , that the People might not be affected with the Spectacles of their bloody Severities . Yea Spectators also , that gathered to see the execution , were imposed upon , and commanded to give their judgement , whether these men were justly put to death or not . And not only so , but after that , they gave Orders & Commands to to the Souldiers to pursue the chase after these Wanderers more violently , and shoot or other wise put them to death wherever they could apprehend them : Whereby many were taken & instantly most inhumanely murdered . IV. In the begining of this killing time , as the Country calls it ; the first Author & Authorizer of all these Mischiefs , Charles II. was removed by death . Then one would have thought , the Severity would have stopped : And the Duke of York succeding , in his late Proclamation would make the world beleeve , that it never was his principle , nor will he ever suffer violence to be offered to any mans Conscience , nor use force or invincible necessity against any man on the account of his persuasion ; Smooth words , to cover the mischiefs of his former Destructions , and the wickedness of his future designs . To which , his former celebrated saying , that it would never be well till all the south-syd of Forth were made a hunting-field , and his acts & actings designed to ve●ify it , since his unhappy succession , do give the lie . For immediatly upon his mounting the Throne , the executions and Acts prosecuting the Persecution of the poor Wanderers , were more Cruel than ever . 1. There were more butchered & slaughtered in the fields , without all shadow of Law , or Trial , or Sentence , than in all the former Tyrants reign ; who were murdered without time given to deliberate upon death , or space to conclude their Prayers , but either in the instant when they were Praying shooting them to death , or surprizing them in their Caves , and murdering them there , without any grant of Prayer at all ; Yea many of them murdered without taking notice of any thing to be laid against them , according to the worst of their oun Lawes , but slain & cut off without any pity , when they were found at their labour in the field , or travelling upon the road . And such as were Prisoners were condemned for ●e●using to take the Oath of Abjuration , and to oune the Authority , and surprized with their execution , not knowing certainly the time when it should be , yea leff in suspense whether it should be or not , as if it had been on design to destroy both their Souls & Bodies . Yea Queens●errie had the impudence to express his desire of it , when some went to sollicite him , being then Commissioner , for a Reprieval in favours of some of them , he told them , they should not have time to prepare for Heaven , hell was too good for them . 2. There have been more banished to forreign Plantations in this mans time , than in the others . Within these two years , several shipfulls of honest & Consciencious Sufferers have been sent to Iamacia ( to which before they were sent , some had their ears cutt ) New Ieresey , & Barbadoes , in such Crouds & Numbers , that many have died in transportation ; as many also died before in their pinching Prisons , so thronged that they had neither room to lye nor sit . Particularly the Barbarous usage of a great multitude of them that were sent to Denotter Castle , when there was no room for them in Edinburgh , is never to be forgotten ; which the wildest & rudest of Savages would have thought shame of . They were all that long way made to travel on foot , men & women , and some of both sexes , very infirme & decrepite through age , and several sick , guarded by bonds of Souldiers , And then put in to an old ruinous & rusty house , and shut up under vauts above 80 in a room , men & women , without air , without ease , without place , either to lie , or walk , & without any Comfort save what they had from Heaven , & so straitened for want of refreshment which they could not have but at exorbitant prices inconsistent with their poor empty purses , and so suffocated with the smell of the place , and of their oun excrements , that as several of them died , so it was a wonder of Mercy that any of them could outlive that Miserie : Yet there they remained some moneths , at a distance from all their friends , being sent thither to that Northern Corner out of the South & West borders of the Country ; and some out of London . Whose transportation hither , if it were not a part of this Tragical Story , would seem a merry & ridiculous passage to Strangers discovering the ridiculous folly as well as the outragious fury of their Persecuters . For at a Private Meeting in London , among others some Scotchmen , of very mean figure , some Taylors , a Shoemaker , a Chap man &c. were taken , & being found to be Scotchmen , were not only examined at the Common Courts there but by Sir Andrew Foster , by express Commission from the late King a litle before his death ; who threatened them under a strange sort of Certification ( considering what fell out immediately thereafter ) that assuredly they should be sent to Scotland very shortly , if there were not a Revolution of the Government . But this Revolution following within a few dayes retarded it a litle : yet not long thereafter they were sent in a Yacht , with a Guard of Souldiers , and a Charge of high Treason . But when brought before the Council of Scotland , the amount of all that ●ussle with them was , a Question posed to them under pain of death , whether the King should be King or no ? that is , wheither they ouned his Authority or not . Yet thô some of the poor men did oune it , they were sent to Denotter Castle : And thence among the rest banished & transported to New Iersey ; in which passage , by reason of their Croud & bad provision , the most part in the ship were cast into a fever , and upwards of 60 died yea even since the former Proclamation for this pretended Liberty , there are 21. men and 5. women sent to Barbadoes against whom nothing could be a●ledged but matters of meer Religion & Conscience : which , as it Proclaims the Notoriousness of these impudent lies wherewith the Proclamations for this Liberty are stuffed ; So it puts an indeleble brand of infamy upon some L●ndon Merchants , that are said to pretend to some profession of Religion , who sent the ship to transport them , thereby to make gain of the merchandise of the Lords Captives . 3. There have been more Cruel Acts of Parliament enacted in this Tyrants time , than the former made all his reign . For in his first Parliament held by Queensberrie Commissioner , not only was there an Act for making it Treason to refuse the Oath of Abjuration , confirming all the illegalities of their Procedure hereupon before ; but an Act making it Criminal to oune the Covenant , and another Act making it Criminal for any to be present at a Field Meeting , which was only so to Preachers before . Yet neither these Acts , and all the executions following upon them , have daunted , nor I hope shall drive them , nor the Indemnity and Toleration ( so generally now applauded ) draw them from the Duty of ouning both these , that are so much the more Publickly to be avouched , that they are so openly interdicted by wicked & blasphemous Tranny , though for the same they expect from the Scotish Inquisition all the murdering violence , that hell & Rome and Malignant rage can exert . But to conclude this Tragical Deduction : As these hints we have heaped together of the Kinds & several sorts ( the Particulars being impossible to be reckoned ) of barbarities and arbitrary Methods , used in carrying on this Persecution , demonstrating the reign or rather rage of these two Dominators , under which we have houled these 27 , years , to be a Complete & habitual Tyranny , do discover the inhumanity & illegality of their Proceedings , having no other Precedent save that of the French Conversions , or Spanish Inquisition , out done by many stages in respect of Illegality by the Scotish Inquisition , and the Practices of the Council of Scotland , and Iusticiary Court ; So I shall shut up all in a summarie Relation , of the Common Practicks & formes of Procedure in these Courts : which will be useful to understand a litle more distinctly , to the end the Innocency of Sufferers may more clearly appear . 1. They can accuse whom they will , of what they please ; And if by summar Citation , he will not , may be because he cannot , compear , if once his Name be in their Porteous rolls , that is sufficient to render him convict . 2. They used also to seize some , and shut them up in Prison year & day , without any signification of the cause of their imprisonment . 3. They can pick any man off the Street , and if he do not answer their Captious Questions , proceed against him to the utmost of severity ; as they have taken some among the Croud at Executions , & imposed upon them the Questions . 4. They can also go through all the houses of the City , as well as the Prisons , and examine all families upon the Questions of the Councils Catechisme , upon the hazard of their life ; if they do not answer to their satisfaction , as hath been done in Edinburgh . 5. When any are brought in by Seisure , sometimes ( as is said before ) they let them lie long without any hearing , if they expect they cannot reach them : But if they think they can win at them any way , then they hurry them in such hast , that they have no time to deliberate upon , and oftentimes have no knowledg● or conjecture of , the matter of their Prosecution . Yea if they be never so insignificant , they will take Diversion from their weightiest affairs , to examine & take Cognizance of poor Things , if they understand they dare vent or avow any respect to the Cause of Christ : And the silliest body will not escape their Catechization , about affairs of State , what they think of the Authority &c. 6. If they be kept in Prison any space , they take all wayes to pump and discover what can be brought in against them : Yea sometimes they have exactly observed that Device of the Spanish Inquisition , in suborning & sending Flies among them , under the disguise & shew of Prisoners , to search & find out their minds , who will outstrip all in an Hypocritical zeal , thereby to extort & draw forth words from the most wary , which may be brought in judgement against them the next day . 7. When Prisoners are brought in before them , they have neither Lybel nor Accuser , but must answer super inquirendis , to all Questions they are pleased to ask . 8. If at any time they forme a sort of Lybel , they will not restrict themselves to the Charges thereof , but examine the person about other things altogether extraneous to the Lybel . 9. They have frequently suborned Witnesses ; and have sustained them as Witnesses , who either were sent out by themselves as Spies & Inte●ligencers , or who palpably were known to delate those against whom they witnessed out of a pick & prejudice , and yet would not su●●er them to be cast for partial Counsel . 10. If they suppose a man to be wary & circumspect , and more prudent than forward in the Testimony ; then they multiply questions , and at first many impertinent Interrogations , having no Connexion with the Cause , to try his humour & freedom , that they may know how to deal with him ; And renew & reiterate several Criminal examinations , that they may know whereof , and find matter wherein , to indyte him by endeavouring to confound , or intrap , or involve him in Confessions , or Contradictions , by wresting his words . 11. They will admit no time for advice , nor any Lawful defence for a delay , but will have them to answer presently , except they have some hopes of their Complyance , and find them begining to stagger & succumb in the Testimony ; in that case , when a man seeks time to advise , they are animated to a keenness to impose , and encouraged to an expectation of Catching by their snares , which then they contrive & prepare with greater cunning . 12. If a man should answer all their questions , and clear himself of all things they can alledge against him yet they used to impose some of the Oaths , that they concluded he would not take ; and according to the measure of the tenderness they discovered in any man , so they apportioned the Oaths to trap them , to the Stricter the smoother Oaths , to the Laxer the more odious , that all natural Consciences did scar at . 13. They will not only have their Lawes obeyed , but subscribed ; And they reckon not their Subjects obedience secured by the Law-makers sanction , but the Peoples hand-writing ; And think it not sufficient that People transgress no Lawes , but they must also oune the justice of them , and the Authority that enacts them , and swear to maintain it : And yet when some have done all this , and cleared themselves by all Complyances , they will not discharge them , but under a bond to answer again when called . 14. They will have their Lawes to reach not only actions but thoughts , and therefore they require , what People think of the Bishops death , and of Bothwel Insurection ; And whether they oune the Authority , when they can neither prove their disouning of it , nor any way offending it . 15. They will have men to declare their thoughts , and hold them convict if they do not answer Positively all their Captious questions ; And if they will not tell what they think of this or that , then they must go as guilty . 16. If they insist in waving , and will not give Categorical Answers , then they can extort all and prove what they please by torture : And when they have extorted their thoughts of things , thô they be innocent as to all actions their Law can charge them with , then they used to hang them when they had done . 17. They have wheedled men sometimes into Confession either of Practices or Principles , by promising to favour their ingenuity , and upbraiding them for dissemblers if they would not , and by mock-expostulations , why were they ashamed to give a Testimony ? And then make them sign their Confessions at the Council , to bring them in as a witness against them at the Criminal Court. 18. Yea not only extrajudicial Confession will sustain in their Law , but when they have given the Publick faith , the Kings security , the Act & Oath of Council , that their Confesion shall not militate against them , they have brought it in as witness against them , and given it upon Oath , when their former Oath & Act was produced in open Court , in demonstration of their perjurie . 19. When the matter comes to an Assize or Cognizance of a Iurie , they use to pack them for their purpose , and pick out such as are listed , who they think will not be bloody enough . 20. Sometimes when the Jurie hath brought their verdict in favours of the Pannal , they have made them sit doun , & resume the Cognition of the Case again , and threatened them with an Assize of errour if they did not ●ring him in guilty . 21. Yea most frequently the Kings Advocate used to Command them to Condemn and bring in the Pannal Guilty , under most peremptory Certification ; of punishment if they should not ; so that they needed ●o Juries but only for the fashion . 22. Sometimes they have sentenced innocent persons twice , once to have their ears cut and be banished , and after the lopping of their ears , some have been re-examined and Sentenced to death , and execute . 23. They have Sentenced some and hanged them both in one day ; Others early in the morning , both to surprize the persons that were to die , and to prevent Spectators of the sight of their Cruelty ; Others have been kept in suspense , till the very day & hour of their execution . 24. Not only have they murdered serious & zealous Followers of Christ , in taking away their Lives , but endeavoured to murder their Names , and to murder the Cause for which they suffered ; loading it with all Reproaches , as Sedition & Rebellion &c. which was their peculiar Policy , to bring the Heads of Sufferings to Points that are most obnoxious to mens Censure , and accounted most extrinsick to Religion , whereby they levelled their-designs against Religion , not directly under that notion , but obliquely in the destruction of its Professors , under the odium & reproach of enemies to Government . 25. But chiefly they labour to murder the Soul , defile the Conscience , and only consult to cast a man doun from his excellency , which is his integrity ; that is a Christians Croun , and that they would rather rob him of as any thing , either by hectoring or flattering him from the Testimony ! which they endeavour by proposing many offers , with many threatenings in subtile termes ; And pretend a great deal of tenderness , protesting they will be as tender of their blood as of their oun Soul ( which in some sense is true , for they have none at all of their oun Souls ) and purging themselves as Pilate did , and charging it upon their oun head . 26. They will be very easie in their Accommodations , where they find the poor man begining to faint , and hearken to their overtures wherein they will grant him his life , yeelding to him as cunning Anglers do with Fishes : And to persuade him to some length in complying , they will offer Conference sometimes or reasoning upon the Point , to satisfie & informe his Conscience , as they pretend , but really to catch him with their busked hook . 27. If they have any hope of prevailing they will change a mans Prison , and take him out from among the more strict & fervent in the Cause , that might sharpen & strenghen his zeal , and put him in among the more cool & remiss . 28. Sometimes they used to stage several together , whereof they knew some would Comply , to Tantalize the rest with the sight of the others Liberty , and make them byte the more eagerly at their bait to catch the Conscience . But when they had done all they could ; Christ had many Witnesses , who did retain the Croun of their Testimony in the smallest Points , till they obtained the Croun of Martyrdom , and attained to the Croun of Glory , Speaking boldly to them without fear or shame , and disdaining their flattering Proposals , but looking on them under a right notion as stated there in opposition to Christ ; whereby they found this Advantage , that hence they were restrained from all sinful tampering with them , or intertaining any discourse with them , but what was suitable to speak to Christs enemies , or doing any thing to save their life but what became Christs Witnesses , who loved not their lives unto the death . Of whom universally this was observed , that to the Admiration of all , the Conviction of many enemies , the Confirmation of many friends , the Establishment of the Cause , and the Glory of their Redeeme● , they went off the stage with so much of the Lords Coun●enance , so much Assurance of Pardon & Eternal Peace , so much hope of the Lords returning to Revive His Work and Plead His Cause again in these Lands , that never any suffered with more meekness , humility , & composure of Spirit , and with more faithfulness , stedfastness , & resolution , than these Worthies did for these despised & reproached Truths : for which their surviving Brethren are now Contending & Suffering , while others are at ease . PART . III. THE PRESENT TESTIMONY Stated and Vindicated in its Principal Heads . BY what is above premitted , the Reader may see the Series & Succession of the Testimony of Christs Witnesses in Scotland from time to time , in all the Periods of that Church ; how it hath been transmitted from one generation to another Doun to our hands ; how far it hath been extended ; and what Increments it hath received in every Period ; how it hath been opposed by a Continued Prosecution of an hereditary War against Christ , by an Atheistical , Papistical , Prelatical , and Tyrannical faction ; and how it hath been concerted , contended for , maintained , & sealed actively & passively , by an Anti-pagan , Anti-Popish , Anti-Prelatical , Anti-Erastian , Anti-Sectarian , and Anti-Tyrannical Remnant of the Followers , Professors , Confessors , & Martyrs of Christ in all Ages . Now it remains in the third & last Place to consider the Merit of the Cause as it is now Stated , to see whether it will bear the weight of those great Sufferings wherewith it hath been sealed . I hope all the Lovers of Christ , who have an estee● . ●ven of His reproaches above all the Treasures of Egypt ; will grant that if these sufferings be Stated on the least or lowest of the Truths of Christs , then they are not Misstated , no● built upon a bottom that will not bear them , or is not of that worth to sustain them . For Certainly every Truth , the least of Truths , is of greater value than any thing that we can suffer the loss of for it , yea of infinitely greater value than the whole world . So that if I prove these Heads of Suffering to be Truths , wherein Conscience is concerned , the Cause will be sufficiently vindicated from the loadings & lashings of such as prefer Peace to Truth . & ease to dutie , who to Justify their oun backwardness & detastable lukwarmness call some of them only State questions about things Civil , and not Gospel-Truths and Heads to State suffering upon : And if they be Truths & Duties , the Cause will some way be rendered more Illustrious , that it is Stated upon the smallest hoofs & hair-breadths of the Concerns of Christs Declarative Glory ; as being a greater witness of its Ouners Love & Loyalty to Christ , and of their pure & tender zeal for His honour , than if for more substantial & fundamental Truths , which a Natural Conscience may reclaim to Decline , when for the meanest Circumstantials of Christs Truths they dare & are ambitious to bestow their dearest blood . But if the Complexe of them be impartially Considered , no unprejudiced Arbiter will suffer himself to have such extenuating Impressions of the present Word of Patience , & Testimony of the suffering Remant in Scotland this day : But it will appear to be a very weighty & worthy Concern , as any that either Men or Christians can be called to Witness for ; being the Priviledge of all mankind , the Duty of all Christians , and the Dignity of all Churches , to assert , It is for the Glory & Croun Prerogatives and Imperial Regalia of the King of Kings , with reference to His visible Kingdom , of which the Government is layd upon His shoulders , against the heaven-daring Usurpations & encroachments made thereupon , both as He is Mediator & King & Head of the Church , and as He is God & Universal King of the world . As He is Mediator , it is His Peculiar Prerogative to have a Supremacy & Sole Soveraignty over His oun Kingdom , to institute His oun Government , to constitute His oun Lawes , to ordain His oun Officers , to appoint His oun Ordinances , which He will have observed without alteration , addition , or diminution untill His Second Coming : This His Prerogative hath been & is invaded by Erastian Prelacy , Sacrilegious Supremacy , and now by Antichristian Poperie , which have overturned His Government , inverted His Lawes , subverted His Officiers , & Perverted His Ordinances . As He is God & Universal King , it is His in communicable Property & Glory , not only to have Absolute & Illimited Power , but to invest his Deputed Ministers of Justice with His Authority & Ordinance of Magistracy , to be administred in subordination to Him , to be regulated by His Lawes , and to be improved for His Glory & the good of Mankind : This Glory of His hath been invaded by Tyrants & Usurpers arrogating to themselves an Absolute Power , intruding themselves without His investment into Authority , in a Rebellion against Him , in opposition to His Lawes , and abusing it to His dishonour , and the destruction of Mankind . Against both which Encroachments the Present Testimony is stated , in a Witness for Religion & Liberty , to both which these are destructive . This will appear to be the Result & Tendency of the Testimony in all its parts , opposed by the Enemies of Religion & Liberty , and the end of all their oppositions , to bring it to this Crinomenon , who shall he King ? Iesus or Cesar ? Let any seriously search into all their Proclamations & Edicts against Religion & Liberty , this will be found to be the soul & sense of them , practically & Really speaking to this purpose , especially since this man came to the Throne . J. R. JAmes the 7 / 2 by the V. of G. King of Scotland , England , France , & Ireland , Defender of the Antichristian faith : To'all & sundry our good subjects , whom these presents do or many concern , Greeting . We having taken into our Royal Considerati●n , the many & great inconveniences which have happened in that our Ancient Kingdom of Scotland , especially of late years , through the persuasions of the Christian Religion , & the great heats & animosities , betuixt the Professors therof , and our good & faithful subjects , whose faith & Religion is subject & subservient to our Royal will ( the Supreme Law , & Reason , & publick Conscience ) to the disappointment of our Projects , restraint of our pleasures , and Contempt of the Royal power , Converting● true Loyaltie & absolute subjection , into words & names ( which we care not for ) of Religion & Liberty , Conscience & the Word of God , thereby withdrawing some to the Christian faction from an absolute & implicite subjection to us & our will , as if there were a Superiour Law to which they might appeal ; And considering that these Rebellious Christians do never cease to assert & maintain strange Paradoxes , such Principles as are inconsistent with the glory & interest of our Government , as that the Authority of Kings should be hem'd in with Limits , and that their Acts & Actions are to be examined by another rule than their oun Authority to make them Lawful , that somethings in the Kingdom are not subject to the Kings Authority , That there is a Kingdom within a Kingdom not subordinate to the King , And that there is another King Superior to the Supreme whom they will rather obey than us , And that we must either take Laws from Him or otherwise we are not Magistrats ; And Considering also their Practices are Conforme to their , Principles , They will not obey our Lawes but the Lawes of Another inconsistent with ours , and will calculate their Religion according to His Lawes and not according to ours , And continually make their Addresses to and receive Ambassadours from a Prince whom we know not , whom our Predicessors of truely worthy memory did crucify , One Iesus who was dead , whom they affirm to be alive , whose Government they alledge is Supreme over all Kings Whom they acknowledge but as His Vassals ; Being now by favourable fortune , not only brought to the Imperial Croun of these Kingdoms through the greatest difficulties , but preserved upon the throne of our Royal Ancestors , which from our Great founder Nimrod of Glorious Memory , and our Illustrious Predecessors Pharaoh , Nebuchadnezzar , Herod the Great , Nero , Caligula &c. of blessed & pious Memory , hath been ever opposite to and projecting the Destruction of that Kingdom of Christ : Do , after their Laudable example , resolve to suppress that Kingdom by all the means & might we can use , because His Government is hateful to us , His yoke heavy , His sayings are hard , His Lawes are contrary to our lusts ; Therefore we will not let this man reign over us , we will break His bonds and cast away His Cords , from us ; And advance & exerce our Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , & Absolute Power , which all our subjects are to obey without reserve . And as by virtue of our Supremacy , whereby we are above all , but such as we are pleased to subject our selves to , settled by Law and Lineally Derived to us as an Inherent right to the Croun , we have Power to order all matters of Church as well as State , as we in our Royal wisdom shall think fit , All Laws & Acts of Christ to the contrary notwithstanding ; And accordingly in our Royal wisdom have overturned the plat-form of that Government which Christ hath instituted , razed all Courts fenced in His Name , and severely interdicted all Meetings of His subjects , and intertainment of His Ambassadours ; many of whom , in contempt of Him that sent them , we have punished according to Law , for negotiating His Affairs in our Kingdoms without our pleasure , & requiring Allegiance & obedience to Him , after we had exauctorated Him ; we have also established our Right Trusty & Entirely beloved Clerks in Ecclesiastick affairs , and their underlings , by our Authority to have the Administration of the business of Religion , and impowered our Right Trusty & well beloved Cousins & Counsellers , to Compell all to submitt to them , by Finings , Confinings , Imprisonment , Banishment , Oaths , & Bonds , and all Legal means : So now having prosecuted this war against Christ to this length , that we have no fears of a Rally of His forces again so often beaten , we are now engaged with other Antichristian Princes to give our Power to our holy Father Antichrist , so far as may serve his purpose to oppse Christ in his way ; but we reserve so much to our seeves , as may encroach upon Him in our Capacity . And therefore we have thought fit to restore to Antichrist our Ecclesiastical Supremacy , from whom we borrowed it , and for which we have no use at present : But we resolve to maintain & prosecute our Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , and Absolute Power foresaid , against Christ , and without subordation to Him , from whom as we sought none so we received no Power by His Warrant & Grant , and against whom we mind to manage it to the utter most of out power . Yet reflecting upon the Conduct of the four last Reigns , how after all the frequent & pressing endeavours that were used in each of them , to reduce our Kingdoms to Antichrist , the Subjects of Christ were so stubborn , that the success hath not answered the designe : We must now change our Methods alitle , and tollerate that Profession of Christ which we cannot yet get overturned , His Subjects being so numerous , but alwayes upon these termes , that they take aspecial care that nothing be Preached or taught among them , which may be a Testimony for Christs Prerogatives in opposition to our Usurpation , or may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our People from us or our Government , or Preach his Truths which we have condemned as Seditious & Treasonable , under the highest pains these Crimes will import . Hereby we shall establish our Government on such a foundation , on the ruine of Christs , as may make our subjects happy , and unite them to us by Inclination as well as Duty , in a belief that we will not constrain Conscience in matters of meer Religion : for which we have a Dispensation from our holy-Father , and also from our oun Absoluteness , to be slaves to this Promise no longer then consists with our Interest : And which we have power to Interpret as we please : And would have all to understand , that no Testimony for Christs Supremacy against our Encroachments thereupon , shall be Comprehended under these Matters of meer Religion ●or which the Conscience shall not be constrained : But we will have the Consciences of such Subjects of his , that dare assert it , brought to a Test & probation how they stand affected in this Competition betuixt us & this King Iesus , and see whether they will oune or decline our Authority , because not of him , nor for him , nor to him , but against him & all his Interests . Our will is therefore , that all who will Countenance any other Meetings of His Subjects than we have allowed , or connive at them , shall be prosecuted according to the utmost severity of our Lawes made against them , which we leave in full force & vigour notwithstanding of the Premises . And for this effect , we further Command all our Iudges , Magistrats , & Officers of our Forces , to prosecute all these Subjects & Followers of Christ , who shall be guilty of treating with , or paying homage to that exauctorated King of theirs , in their Assemblies with His Ambassadours in the Fields , with the utmost rigor as they would avoid our highest Displeasure : for we are confident , none will after these Liberties & freedoms we have given to all without reserve , to serve God Publickly in such a way as we by our Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , & Absolute Power foresaid , have prescribed & allowed , presume to meet in these Assemblies , except such whose Loyaltie to Christ doth alienate them from us & our Government . As also under the same Certifications , by the same Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal & Absolute Power foresaid , We charge , impower , warrand , & Authorize , against all hazards ( Hell excepted ) all our foresaid Judges & Officers in their respective places , to Prosecute & execute our Lawes , against all that may be suspected or convicted of their Adherence to Christ , or be found guilty of ouning their Allegiance to Him as their Liege Lord by Solemn Covenant , which we have caused burn by the hand of the hangman , and declared Criminal to oune it , or shall be found guilty of declining Allegiance to us & our Absolute Authority , stated in opposition to Him & His , or of maintaining that pernicious Principle , inconsistent with our Government that their lives are their oun , which they will preserve without surrender to our Mercy : All which we Command to be executed to death , or banished as Slaves , as shall be found most conducible to our Interest . And to the end , the few that remain of that way may be totally exterminated , we straitly Command all our Souldiers , Horse & Foot , to be ready upon order , to march & make search , pursue & follow , seise & apprehend , kill & slay & cause to perish , all such whether they shall be found at Meetings , or in their wanderings , wherever they may be apprehended : And ordain all our good Subjects to be assistent to these our Forces , in prosecuting this War against Christ and his Followers , and Contribute their best help & encouragement , in giving them their required Maintinance , & duely paying the Cess & Locality imposed for that end ; And that they shall not dare to Countenance , Converse with , resett , harbour , supply , or keep any manner of Correspondence with any of these Traitors that adhere to Christ , under the pain of being found airt & part with them , and obnoxious to the same Punishments to which they are lyable ; But on the contrary to Assist our Forces , to apprehend , and raise the Hue & Cry after them wherever they shall be seen , that they may be forthwith purswed , seised , cut off , & destroyed , which we order to be instantly done upon the place , where ●●ey or any of them are apprehended , & that without any delay or mercy to age or sexe &c. On the other hand if any will take a look of the Declarations & Testimonies of the other Party , without prejudice or stumbling at some Expressions which may be offensive to Criticks , he will find the Scope & Strain of them to have this Importance . WE , a Poor Company of Persecuted , reproached , & despised Christians ; who indeed have not many wise men among us after the flesh , not many mighty , not many noble , but are a few foolish , weak , base , & despised nothings in the world ; Yet having this Ambition to be His called , chosen , & faithful Souldiers , who is King of Glory , King of Heaven , King of Saints , King of Nations , King of Kings , whose Kingdom is Everlasting & Universal ; Considering the many insolent indignities , affronts , & reproaches cast upon His Name & Glory , and the many Usurpations , Encroachments , & Invasions made upon His Croun & dignity , by a Pestilent Generation of His Atheistical , Papistical , Prelatical , & Tyrannical Enemies , who have rebelled against Him , and have renounced , corrupted , & subverted His Royal Government , both in the Church & in the world , both in His Kingdom of Grace and of Power : Do bear Witness & Testimony against these Rebels , from the Highest to the Lowest : And assert the Interest & Title of our Princely Master , and oune Allegiance & absolute obedience to Him and His Government , to which He hath all undoubted right ; An Essential right by His Eternal God head , being the Everlasting Father whose goings forth have been of old from Everlasting ; A Covenant right by Compact with the Father , to bear the Glory and rule upon His Throne , by virtue of the Council of Peace between them both ; A Donative right by the Fathers right of Delegation , by which He hath all Power given to him in Heaven & in Earth , and all Authority even because He is the Son of man ; An Institute right by the Fathers Inauguration , which hath set Him as King in Zion ; An Acquisite right by His oun Purchase , by which He hath merited & obtained not only Subjects to Govern , but the Glory of the Sole Soveraignty over them in that relation , a Name above every Name ; A Bellical right by Conquest , making the People fall under Him , and be willing in the day of His Power , and overcoming those that make war with Him ; An Hereditary right by Proximity of blood & Primogeniture , being the first born , higher then the Kings of the Earth , and the first born from the dead , that in all things He might have the Preeminence ; An Elective right by His Peoples choise & surrender , a Croun wherewith His Mother Crouned Him in the Day of His espousals . In a humble recognizance of all which Rights , we oune & avouch , that He hath that Incommunicable Prerogative of Sole Soveraignty , over his Visible Kingdom as well as Invisible , without a Copartner or Competitor , either Coordinate or subordinate ; in Prescribing Lawes , by no humane Authority to be reversed ; in appointing Ordinances , immutable without addition or diminution , for matter or manner ; instituting a Government , which no man or Angel can without Blasphemy arrogate a Power either to invert or evert , change or overturn ; And Constituting Officers , which must depend only on His Authority and His alone ; and must be cloathed only with His Commission and His alone , guided by His Instructions & His alone , Acting according to His Lawes & Prescribed Platforme and His alone , without any dependence on , subordination to , Licence warrand or Indulgence from , any Mortal . And therefore We disoune & detest every thing that hath not the stamp of His Authority , either in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline or Government : And will discountenance Prelacy , Supremacy , Popery , and all Corruption contrarie to His Institution , who is Sole & Supreme Lawgiver to the Conscience , and will submit to , or comply with nothing that may directly or indirectly signify our respect unto them . Hence we will take none of their Oaths , subscribe none of their bonds , yeeld to none of their Impositions , pay none of their Exactions : Neither will we hear or receive Ordinances from any Minister , but the faithful Authorized Ambassadours , of Christ our King , whatever either rage or reproach we suffer for it . We assert & affirm also , that our Exalted Prince is King of the whole world , by whom Kings reign & Princes Decree Justice , as His Ministers of Justice , in subordination to Him ; whom He hath appointed to rule over us , with just boundaries that they may not exceed , and true Characters by which we should know them & pay them deference . And therefore , who soever shall arrogate to themselves and extend their power beyond & above His prescripts , being neither called to , nor qualified for , nor improving the Office , for the ends He hath appointed ; We will acknowledge them no otherwise than Usurping Tyrants , & not Magistrats nor Ministers of Justice , to whom He hath given the Sword by His preceptive Will , only as Lyons , Bears , Wolves , to whom he hath given a rod by His providential Will : In that case we may be passively subject when we cannot do better , but will never oune Consciencious Allegiance to them , nor oune them as our Lawful Magistrars ▪ And therefore we will not bow to their Idols they have set up , nor prostitute either Conscience or Liberty to their Lust , But will endeavour under our Masters Banner & Conduct to preserve whatever he hath intrusted to us , Religion , Life , Liberty , Estate , And whatsoever the Lord our God hath given us to possess , As they unjustly possess what their God gives them : And will maintain a war of constant opposition to them ( against whom our Lord hath declared a war for ever ) without parly , Treaty of peace , Capitulation , Composition , Truce or any Transaction : we will neither Medle nor make with them less or more , nor seek their favour , nor embrace it when it is offered , on any termes that may imply any obligation to surcease from our duty to our King , and irreconcileable opposition to them &c. Now I shall come more Distinctly to the purpose , in offering a short vindication of the Heads & Grounds of our great sufferings : Dividing them into their principal parts , which I reduce to two , viz Negatives & Positives . The Negative Grounds ? I reckon three principally . 1. For Refusing to acknowledge a Corrupt Ministrie . 2. For Refusing to oune a Tyrannical Magistracy . 3. For Refusing to Swear & subscribe their unlawful imposed Oaths , Chiefly that of Abjuration , which was the occasion of suffering unto death . The positive Grounds are also three . 1. For frequenting field-meetings , to receive Gospel-Ordinancs from faithful Ministers . 2. For maintaining the principle & practice of Defensive Resistence of Superior powers . 3. For maintaining the priviledge & Duty of offensive revenge in executing Justice upon Murdering Enemies of Mankind in cases of extreme necessity . In prosecuting which , I shall intertexe some subordinate questions relating to their respective Heads , and endeavour to discuss them briefly . HEAD . I. Where The Sufferings of many for Refusing to acknowledge a Corrupt Ministrie are Vindicated : and the Question of Hearing Curats is cleared . THis Question though it may seem nice and of no great Moment , to Persons of Gallio's or Laodiceds temper , indifferent & Lukwarm dispositions , consulting their oun more them the things of Christ , which maks it pass without any enquiry with the most part of the world : Yet to all who are truly tender in keeping a good Conscience free of the times Contagion , to all who have the true Impression of the fear of God , who is Iealous especially in the matters of his worship , to all who have the true zeal of God eating them up , in a just indignation at the indignities done to him , in usurping the office , & corrupting the Administration of the Ministrie , to all who truly Love the Gospel and put a due value on the Ordinances of Christ , the Corruptions whereof this Question touches , it will be accounted of great importance . There are three Questions about the Duty of hearing the Word , Concerning which the Lord Jesus gives us very weighty Cautions , viz what we should hear , Mark. 4. 24. how we should hear Luk. 8. 18. and whom we should hear . The last of which , though it be not so expressly Stated as the other two , yet the Searcher of the Scriptures will find it as clearly Determined , and as many Cautions to guard from erring in it , as in any other Case , And that the Concern of Conscience in it is very weighty . And certain it is if there had been more advertency in this Point , there would not have been such inconsideration and Licenciousness in the matter & manner of hearing . Nor would that itching humor & Luxuriancy of lust , in heaping up teachers to please the fancy , have been so much encouraged , to the great detriment of the Church , disgrace of the Gospel , & destruction of many poor Souls . But through the ignorance & neglect of this Duty of trying whom we should hear , by seeking some satisfieing evidence of their being cloathed with Authority from Christ , the world hath been left louse in a Licence to hear what they pleased , and so have received the Poison of error from Monte banks , instead of the true & wholesome Potions of Christs Prescripts from them that had Power & skill to administer them . Hence the many Sects , & Schismes , & errors , that have Pestered the Church in all ages , have in a great measure proceeded from this latitude & laxness of Promiscous hearing of all whom they pleased , whom either the worlds Authority impowered , or by other means were possessed of the place of Preaching , without taking any Cognizance whether they had the Characters of Christs Ambassadours or not . If this had been observed , and People had scrupled & refused to hear these whom they might know should not have Preached ; neither the Great Antichrist , nor the many lesser Antichrists , would have had such footing in the world as they have this day . It is then of no small Consequence to have this Question cleared . Neither is it of small difficulty to solve the intricacies of it , what Characters to fix for a discovery of Christs true Ministers ; whom we should submit to & obey in the Lord , and Love & esteem them for their Works sake , and for their qualities sake , as standing in Christs stead , having the dispensation of the word of Reconciliation committed to them ; And how we may discern those Characters , what judgment is incumbent to private Christians , for the satisfaction of theiroun Consciences in the Case ; And how they ought to demean themselves in their practice , with out Scandal on either hand , or sin against their oun Conscience ; how to avoid the rocks & Extremes that inadvertency or precipitancy in this matter may rush upon ; So as to escape & sail by the Scylla of sinful Separation on the one hand , and the Charybdis of sinful union & Communion on the other , which are equally dangerous ; especially how these Cautions are to be managed in a broken and disturbed & divided Case of the Church . The Question also is the more difficult , that as it was never so much questioned before this time , and never so much sought to be obscured , by the perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds to find out evasions to cover sin & escape sufferings upon this account ; So it hath never been discussed by Divines either at home or abroad , with relation to our Case , except what hath been of late by some faithful men , who have suffered upon this head , from whom I shall gather the most of my Arguments , in as Compendious a way as I can without wronging them . The reason , I fancy , that we are at such a loss in our helps from the Learned on this head , is partly , that they have written with relation to their oun times , in a Constitute Case of the Church , when Corruptions & disorders might be orderly rectified , and people might have access to get their scruples removed in a Legal way by Church-order , in which case the Learned & Judicious Mr Durham hath written excellently in his book on Scandal , but therein neither he nor others did consult nor could have a prospect of such a case as ours is ; And partly , that forreign Divines , not having this for their exercise , could not be acquainted with our circumstantiate case , and so are not fit nor Competent Arbiters to decide this Contraversie ; hence many of them do wonder at our sufferings upon this head . Every Church is best acquainted with her oun Testimony . Yet we want not the suffrage of some of the Learnedst of them , as the Great Gisb. Voetius in his Polit Eccles. in several places comes near to favour us : where he allowes People to leave some & hear such Ministers as they profit most by , from these grounds , that people should chuse the best & most edifying gifts , and from that scripture 1 Thess. 5. 21. Prove all things &c. and answers objections to the contrare , and granteth that upon several occasions one may abstain from explicite Communion with a Corrupt Church , for these reasons , that such Communion is not absolutely necessary , Necessitate either Medii or Precepti , where the Christian shall have more peace of Conscience , and free exercise of Christian Duties elswhere , And that he may keep Communion with more Purity in other places Polit. Ecces . Quest. 17. Pag. 68. And he approves of People refusing to bring their Children to be baptized by such Corrupt Ministers , because they may wait until they have occasion of a Minister , for if the best gifts be to be Coveted why should not the best Ministers be preferred ? and why should not Christians shew by their deeds , that they honour such as fear the Lord , & contemn a vile Person ? They ought not to partake of other mens sins 1 Cor. 5. 9. 11. Eph. 5. 11. They should not strengthen the hands of the wicked and make sad the Godly ; The Authority of such Ministers should not be strengthened Voet. Polit Eccles. Pag. 637. to 640. But though it labour under all these disadvantages : yet it is not the less but so much the rather necessary , to say somwhat to clear it , with dependance upon light from the Fountain , and with the help of those faithful men who hath sufficiently cleared it up , to all that have a Conscience not blinded or bribed with some prejudices , by which more light hath accrued to the Church in this point of withdrawing from Corrupt Ministers , 〈◊〉 ever was attained in former times ; which is all the good we have got of Prelacy . In so much that I might spare labour in adding any thing , were it not that I would make the Arguments vindicating this Cause of suffering alitle more publick , and take occasion to shew , that the grounds espoused by the Present & reproached party for their withdrawings , so far as they are stretched , are no other than have been ouned by our writers on this head ; to the intent it may appear , there is no Discrepancy but great likness & harmony between the Arguments & Grounds of withdrawing , in the late Informatorie Vindication &c. and those that are found in other writings . And so much the rather I think it needful to touch this subject now , that not only this hath been the first ground of our sufferings , but many that suffered a while for it , now have fainted , and condemned all their former Contendings for this Part of the Testimony , calling in question all these reasons that formerly satisfied ' them . But to proceed with some distinctness in this thorny point : Some Concessory Assertions must first be premitted , And then Our Grounds Propounded . First , I willingly yeeld to & Cordially close with the Truth of these Assertions . I. The Unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace , ought to be the Endeavour of all that are members of the One Body of Christ , Partakers of his One Spirit , called in One Hope , Professing One Lord , Confessing One Faith , sealed with One Baptisme Eph. 4. 3. &c. And for Brethren to dwel together in Unity , is good & pleasant , and like the precious Oyntment upon the head , that ran doun upon Aarons beard Psal. 133. 1 , 2. A fragrant Oyntment indeed , if it be composed aright of Gospel-simples , according to Divine art , and the Wisdom that is from above , which is first pure & then peacable ; and not made up of Adulterate Politicks : that Union that hath the Spirit for its Author , the Scripture for its Rule , Peace for its bond & beauty , love for its Cement , Faith for its foment , Christ for its foundation , and Truth & holiness for its constant Companions , cannot but be intensely desired , enixely endeavoured , and fervently followed , by all the Professors of the Gospel of Peace , & Subjects of the Prince of Peace : Which makes Division & Schisme not only a great Miserie , but a Grand sin . But it must be in the way of Truth & Duty , and consistent with holiness & the honour of Christ , otherwise if it be in the way of Apostasie & defection , it is but a Confederacy & Conspiracy against the Lord. And true Union can neither be attained , nor retained , nor recovered ; except the sinful Cause of Division , Defection ; and the holy overruling Cause , the Anger of the Lord be removed , in turning to & following him . II. Thô there be not perfect Union , but diversity both of judgements and practices , in several Cases there may be Communion with a Church in its Ordinances and Ministrie . As 1. We may have a Catholick Communion with all Christian Ministers & Members of the Catholick Church , considered as such ; holding the Head Christ , and the foundation sure . And so we may meet for Worship with all Devout men in every Nation under Heaven , whether they be Parthians , or Medes , or Elamites , or French or Dutch &c. thô differing in Controversies of lesser moment , not overturning that ; if they hold the Universal ▪ Testimony of the Gospel , against the Common enemies thereof , Iewes , Turks , or Pagans : for there is neither Greek nor Iew if he be a Christian , Christ is all and in all Col. 3. 11. But if they be Hereticks , we can have no Communion with them . 2. We may have a more special Communion with all Protestant Ministers & Members of the Reformed Church , considered as such , more strictly , and upon stricter conditions : providing they hold , not only the Universal of Christians , but the General Testimony of Protestants , against the Greater & lesser Antichrists ; thô differing from us in some circumstantial points , not Reformed , and not contradictory unto the Protestant Testimony , against Poperie & all Heresie ; nor declining from their oun Reformation , by Defection or Schisme . And Consequently , its Lawful to oune Communion with the Churches of the United Provinces , and take Ordination from them , thô they have some formes not allowable , from which they were never Reformed , because they are sound in the Protestant Testimony . But with the Sectarians or Schismaticks or Apostates among them , we cannot oune that special Communion . 3. We may have a more Particular Communion upon yet stricter conditions , with all our Covenanted Brethren , Ministers & Members of the Churches of Britain & Ireland , considered as such : Providing they hold , not only the Universal , not only the more Special , Protestant Testimony against the Greater & lesser Antichrists , but the Covenanted Testimony for the Reformation in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , against Poperie , Prelacy , Superstition , Heresie , Schisme , & Profanness , according to the Covenant ; Thô differing from us in those Controversial points , never Reformed , and which were never the Word of Christs patience , and do not overturn the Covenanted Testimony . But with those that contradict & counteract that , we cannot oune that particular Communion . 4. We may have yet a nearer Organical Communion , upon stricter conditions still , with all the Ministers & Members of the National Church of Scotland , constitute & confederate under one Reformed Government , according to the Rule of Christ : providing they hold , not only all the former Testimonies under the foresaid considerations , but the Presbyterian Testimony as stated in the Ecclesiastical Constitutions , and sworn to in the National Covenants & Engagements of that Church , founded upon the Word of God , against Poperie , Prelacy , Erastianisme , Sectarianisme , Toleration , Schisme & Defection ; thô differing in some things from us , never Reformed , never considered in Ecclesiastical Judicatories , never engaged against in our Covenants , never Stated as the Word of patience and Matter of Testimony . But with those that oppose , suppress , reproach , and abandon this Testimony , we cannot oune this Organical Communion , in this broken State of the Church . We may have yet a stricter Congregational Communion , upon stricter conditions , in and with the Ordinary or extraordinary Meetings or Societies of the Lords people for Gospel Ordinances , with any Minister or Ministers , duely & truely admitted to that function , according to Christs Appointment , and the Call of the people , whether in a fixed or unfixed relation : provicing he holds the Testimony of Christ , under all the former considerations , and ounes and adheres unto the true received principles of the Church of Scotland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , founded upon the written Word of God , and whatsoever Declarations or Testimonies , former or latter , particular or more General , are aggreable thereunto ; thô differing from us in some of the Integral & not Essential parts of our Testimony , against the Enemies of our Covenanted Reformation . But with such as deny or decline from it , by Schisme or Defection , or Complyance with the enemies thereof , we cannot oune this Congregational Communion , in this broken State of the Church . III. Thô there be many things in a Church , to brangle & lessen the Comfort of our Communion with it and the Ministrie thereof ; yet we may keep fellowship with a true Church , thô in many things faultie and Corrupt , as all Churches are in some measure in this Militant State. As the Church of Corinth had many corruptions in their practice , yet no separation is enjoyned from it . And the Lord did not require separation from the Churches of Perga●●● & Thyatira , though they had many corruptions & deficiencies in Discipline , in a Toleration of Hereticks ; and would lay no other burden upon them , but to hold fast what they had : as Mr Durham shewes in his Comment . on the Revel . chap. 2. Lect. 6. Pag. 148 , 149. as also Chap. 18. Lect. 1. Pag. 585. in 4 to . This must be granted especially in these cases . 1. In the infant State of the Church , when the Reformation is only begun : then many things may be tolerated , before they be gradually Reformed , which in an adult State are not to be suffered . 2. In a growing case of the Church , advancing out of corruptions : then many things may be born with , while they are ascending & wrestling up the hill , which in a Declining State ; when the Church is going backward , must not be yeelded unto . See that Objection of hearing Prelatical men in the time of former Prelacy , answered above , Peri. 4. Pag. 54. 3. In a Constitute and settled case of the Church , enjoying her Priviledges & Judicatories , corruptions may be ●oreborn , and the offended are not to withdraw , before recourse to the Judicatories for an orderly redress : But in a broken & disturbed State , when there is no access to these Courts of Christ ; then people , thô they must not usurp a power of Judicial Censuring these corruptions , yet they may claim & exercise a discretive power over their oun practice ; and by their withdrawing from such Ministers as are guilty of them , signify their sense of the moral equity of these censures that have been legally enacted against these & the equivalent corruptions , and when they should be legally inflicted . As we do upon this Ground withdraw from the Prelatick Curats , and likewise from some of our Covenanted Brethren , upon the account of their being chargable with such corruptions & defections from our Reformation , as we cannot but shew our dislike of . This the Reverend Author of Rectius instruendum justifies Confut. 3. Dial. Chap. 1. Pag. 8. where he is shewing , what separation is not sinful ; and gives this for one , if we separate in that , which a National Church hath commanded us as her Members to disoune , by her standing Acts & Authority , while those from whom we separate oune that Corruption . Which holds true of the Curats , & Indulged , and Addressers , and all that we withdraw from . However it be , certainly those are to be withdrawn from , with whom we cannot communicate without submitting to the Lawes establishing them , and taking on that Test & badge of our incorporation with them , and partaking of their sin , & in hazard of their judgment . IV. Thô in some cases , as we are warranted , so are necessitated to withdraw : yet neither do we allow it upon slight or slender grounds , nor can any tender soul be forced to discountenance the Ministers of Christ ( I do not speak here of the Prelatick Curats ) without great reluctancy and grief of heart , even when the grounds of it are solid & valid , and the necessity unavoidable . Therefore we reject these as insufficient Grounds , besides what are given already . 1. We cannot withdraw from a Minister , for his Infirmities or weaknesses , Natural , spiritual or Moral . 2. Neither for Pers●nal faults & escapes : We expect a faithful , but not a sinless Ministrie . 3. Nor for every defect in faithfulness , through Ignorance , want of courage , Misinformation , or being byassed with affection for particular persons . We do not hold , that faults in Members , or defects in Ministers , do pollute the Oordinances , and so necessitate a Separation ; but aggree with what Mr Durham sayes on Revel . chap. 2. Lect. 6. Pag. 147. in 4 to . Sincerity discovered , will cover many faults . 4. Nor for every discoverie of Hypocrisie ; thô we may have gro●nd to suspect a Mans principle & Motive be not right , yet if he be following duty unblameably , and have a Lawfull Call , What then ! notwithstanding every way , whether in Pretence or in Truth , Christ is Preached , therein me may rejoyce Philip. 1. 18. 5. Nor yet for real Scandals , not attended with obstinacy , if Ministers will take reproof & admonition , and at least by Doctrinal Confessing and practicall for saking them satisfie the offended . 6. Yea thô his Scandals be so gross , that we must discountenance him , when he persis●s in them : yet that is not a disouning of his Ministrie `or a rejecting his Commission , but a discountenancing for his disorders , until they be removed . But the Apologet. Rela● Sect. 14. Pag. 290 , 291. sayes ( 1 ) there may be Ministerial corruptions , that cut the very throat of the Office , and make one no Officer — and it is past questioning , such may be shunned , without all hazard of Separation ( 2 ) when personal faults are very gross & palpable , open & avowed , such may be shuned without any hazard of Separation ; because the mans being an Officer coram Deo is much to be questioned , and there is great probability that ipso facto he had forefaulted the same , thô such should be the corruption in a Church , that notwithstanding of all this he may be maintained . ( 3 ) Separation is 〈◊〉 thing , and not hearing such or such a man is a far other thing : there may be many just grounds of exception against a particular person , why people may refuse to countenance him , without any hazard of separation , or joining with separatists in their principles : Separation is one thing , and refusing to attend the Ministrie of such a man is another thing ; for a man may joine with Ordinances in another congregation , and so testify that he hath no prejudice at the Ministrie , but only against such a man in particular . Whence it is an ignorant as wel as malicious calumnie , to say , that our withdrawing from the Curats , and also from some Ministers , whom otherwise we respect & reverence as Godly Ministers , for their offensive defections , is a disouning al the Ministrie of Scotland . Whereas , we do profess indeed a disouning of the Curats Ministrie , but for our Reverend Presbyterian Ministers , thô we do discountenance many of them with sad hearts , for their not keeping the Word of the Lords patience in this hour of tentation , nor adhering to the principles & constitutions of the Church of Scotland : Yet this is not a disouning of their Ministrie , but a Refusing to countenance them in their present administrations , in this disturbed State , till these offences be removed . V. As to disoune the Ministrie , were hateful Sectarianisme ; so to dissolve or break off Communion with a true Church , whereof we are Members , were an unnatural Schisme , which is horrid sin . But because among all the various Sufferings , wherewith the poor tossed , & racked Remnant now Persecuted have been exercised , this hath not been the lightest ; that they have been on all hands stigmatized as Schismaticks & Separatists , not only because they have maintained a resolved withdrawing from the Curats , but also have discountenanced many Presbyterian Ministers , with whom they have been offended for their declining Courses , and Complyances with the Times Corruptions , and forsaking in a great measure the duty of this day : I shall distinguish some cases of Separation , out of the Writings of our approven Authors , which will j●●tify all their withdrawings . 1. Mr Durham distinguishes these three ; Schisme , separating from the Unity & Communion of a true Church , consisting not alway in diversity of Doctrine , but in divided Practices , according to that of Augustine , Schismaticos facit not diversa fides , sed disrupta communionis Societas : Then separation , either in whole from a Church as no Church , or in part in some things wherein they cannot communicate with that corrupt Church , which is Lawful if it exceed not its ground : Then lastly , Secession , a local removing to a better Church . The first of these cannot be imputed to the Persecuted Wanderers : for they separate from no true Church , whereof they were Members , but these from whom they separate , will be found to be the Schismaticks . 2. The second of these , to wit , separation , is either Positive & Active , or Negative & Passive . The first is , when a party not only leaves Communion with a Church , whereunto they were formerly joyned , but also gathers up new distinct Churches , different from the former , under another Government & Ministrie & Ordinances , disouning those they left . The latter is , when the faithful Remnant of a declining Church , standing still & refusing to concur with the backsliding part of the same Church , after they have become obstinate in their defections , holds clossly by , & adheres unto the Reformation attained . This Famous Mr Rutherfoord in his due Right of Presbytries pag. 253. 254. sheweth to be Lawful , and calleth it a Non-Union , as that in Augustines time , when the Faithf●l did separate from the Donatists , which is Lawful & laudable . 3. Mr Rutherfoord there proceeds to distinguish , between a separation from the Church in her worst & most part , and a separation from the best & least part : and these who separate from the worst & greatest part , do notwithstanding retain a part of , and a part in the Visible Church , because they do not separate from the Church according to the least & best part therof ; as the Godly in England who refused the Popish Ceremonies & Antichristian Bishops . Hence it will follow , that though now People should withdraw from Communion with the greatest part of the Church , which is now Corrupted , they cannot be counted Separatists because , they hold still Communion with the better thô lesser part . Moreover he saith Pag. 254. 255. That there may be Causes of Non-Union with a Church , which are not sufficient causes of separation . Lastly he tells us ibid. Pag. 258. When the Greatest part of a Church makes defection from the Truth , the lesser part remaining sound , the Greast part is the Church of separatists ; thô the manyest & greatest part in the actual exercise of Discipline be the Church , yet in the case of right Discipline the best thô fewest is the Church . For Truth is like life , that retireth from the manyest Members unto the heart , and there remaineth in its fountain in case of dangers . So that it is the major part which hath made defection , that are to be accounted Separatists , and not such who stand to their principles , thô they cannot comply or joyne with the corrupt Majoritie . Thus the Apol. Relat. rehearsed his words Sect. 14. pag. 292. 293. 4. There may be a Lawful withdrawing , where the Ordinances & Ministrie are not cast at , as the Apol , Rel. saith . ibid. 291. So then , so long as people do not cast at the Ordinances , but are willing to run many miles to enjoy them : nor cast at the Church as no Church ( thô they sadly fear , that God shall be provoked by this dreadful defection , which is carried on by these men & their favourers , to give her a Bill of divorce ) nor at the Ministrie , for they love those that stand to their Principles dearly , and are most willing to hear them either in publick or private . 5. It is granted by all that write against Separatists , that separation from a Church is Lawful , when the case so falleth out , that union cannot be kept up with her without sin , Voet. Polit. Eccles. pag. 68. quest . 17. 6. The Grave Author of Rectius Instruendum Confut. 3. Dial. Chap. pag. 7. &c. allowes , every Separation is not Schisme , even from the Church which hath essentials , yea and more than essentials : If it be from those ( thô never so many ) who are drawing back from whatever piece of duty & integrity is attained ; for this is still to be held fast , according to many Scripture Commands . So Elias , when Gods Covenant was forsaken , was as another Athanasius ( I and I only am left ) in point of tenacious integrity . 7. Next he sayes , if we separate in that which a National Church hath commanded us as her Members to disoune , by her standing Acts & Authority , while those from whom we separate oune that Corruption . 8. Likewise he there asserts , there is a Lawful forbearance of Union & Complyance with notorious Backsliders , in that which is of it self sinful , or inductive to it : which is far from Separation str●ctly taken . The Commands of abstaining from all appearance of evil , and hating the garment spotted with the flesh , do clearly include this . 9. He addes , many things will warrant Separation from such a particular Minister or Congregation ; which will not warrant Separation from the Church National ; nor infer it , by Mr Durhams acknowledgement ( on Scandal , pag. 129. ) for if Scandals become excessive , he allowes to depart to another Congregation . 10. Lastly he sayes , There is a Commanded withdrawing from Persons & Societies even in Worship , the precepts Rom. 16. 17. 2 Cor. 6. 17. Prov. 19. 27. Act. 2. 40. will clearly import this by Consequence — Surely the Ministers & Professors , adhering to the Reformat●on , must be the true Church of Scotland , thô the lesse● number : These Souldiers who keep the Generals Orders , are the true Army , not the deserters of the same . But Secondly , it being in part cleared by these Assertions , what is our mind in this Controversie , I shall lay coun from Scripture Oracles , all the Causes & Cases justifying & warranding withdrawing from any Ministers ; with application of all of them to the Curats , and accommodation of some of them to all that the Wanderers withdraw from : with Arguments endeavouring to evince the Validity of them , and evidencing they are not new Notions , but the same Grounds which approven Authors have improved in this Controversie . I shall omitt the ordinary Criticismes in stating the Question , in distinguishing betuixt hearing & joyning in Worship , and ouning them as our Ministers , and submitting to them &c. And only essay to prove this Thesis : We cannot without sin oune Church Communion in Gospel Ordinances with the Prelats or their Curats , as Our Ministers , but must Withdraw from them , and any other guilty of the like Corruptions , which we can make out against them . I shall not resume what Confirmations this Thesis is strenthened with , from the Testimonies or Church Constitutions of former Periods , which are premitted in the foregoing discourse : Nor make any repitition of the Circumstances of our present Condition , Represented above , which contributes to clear it : but shortly come to the Arguments . I. It is necessary that we must acknowledge them Ministers of Christs , and his Ambassadours cloathed with his Commission , from whom we receive the ordinances of the Gospel . For otherwise they must be looked upon as Thieves , Robbers , Usurpers , and strangers whom Christs sheep will not , nay must not hear , Iohn . 10. 1 , 5. And how shall they preach , or be heard , except they be sent , Rom. 10. 15. for such whom we know may not Lawfully preach , we cannot Lawfully hear . These from whom we may receive the Misteries of God , we must account Ministers of Christ 1 Cor. 4. 1. and Ambassadours for Christ , standing in his stead , beseeching us to be reconciled to God 2. Cor. 5. 20. Hence such as we doubt to acknowledge Ministers of Christ , cloathed with His Commission , them we cannot hear without sin : But the Prelatical Curats are such as we doubt to acknowledge Ministers of Christ , cloathed with His commission : Therefore we cannot hear them . The Minor only needs probation . These who neither have nor can have the Qualifications of a Minister of Christ , nor the Lawful call of a Minister of Christ , cannot be acknowledged with confidence to be Ministers of Christ cloathed with His commission : But the Prelatical Curats are such : Ergo. — First they neither have nor can have the qualifications of Christs Ministers : Since few of them have the personal , as Christians , far less the Ministerial as Officers , mentioned 1. Tim. 3. 2-4 . Tit. 1. 6-9 . except it be to be husbands of one wife , and if that do not make them Ministers , they have nothing else : especially four are wanting in all of them . ( 1 ) Blamelessness , and freedom from Scandal , even such as affects the office ( besides other gross disorders in their life & conversation , obvious to the view of onlookers being men who have denyed the Faith , and therefore unfit to have the priviledge of Church members in any well Go●erned Church ) being in the experience of all that know them signalized under the Characters of those that run unsent , and from whom we are commanded to withdraw : Causing the people to erre by their lies and by their lightness , not sent of God Ier. 23. making the heart of the righteous sad , and strengthening the hands of the wicked Ezek. 13. 22. See also Ezek. 34 2 , 3. Such as we are commanded to beware of Math. 7. 15 , 16. Such as we must mark & avoid , Rom. 16. 17 , 18. Phil. 3. 2. Disorderly walkers from whom we must withdraw 2 Thess. 3. 6. Covenant-breakers from whom we are commanded to turn away 2 Tim. 3. 3 , 5. They are not then Blameless : and in shewing how fitly these aggree unto the persons now spoken of , time needs not be spent , such as know them can best Judge . Hence , such as either are not fit to be Church members , or have all the Characters of such Officers from whom we are to withdraw , cannot be acknowledged capable of the qualifications of the Ministers of Christ : But such are the Curats : Ergo — ( 2 ) The qualification of Vigilancy cannot be found with them : for all that know them will acknowledge that they neither do , nor can in Preaching the word be instant in season & out of season , so as to make full proof of their Ministrie 2 Tim. 4. 1-5 . Nay they can give no proof of their Ministrie at all , further than may be competent to dumb Dogs that cannot bark , Isa. 56. 10 , 11. for they nor no man can say , that the diseased they have strenghtened , or healed that which was sick &c. Ezek. 34. 4. And it is known to all that know them , that if ever there were any that assumed to themselves the name of Levites , who departed out of the way , and caused many to stumble at the Law , and corrupted the Covenant of Levi , and therefore were deservedly contemptible & base before all the people ( Mal. 2. 8 , 9. ) they are the men . Let any man judge then , whether they have the qualifications of the Messengers of the Lord of hosts . Hence , they that can give no proof of their Ministry , but that which proves them to be such whom the Lord condemns , & such who deserve to be contemned of all , cannot be acknowledged to be qualified as the Lords Ministers : But the Prelatick Curats can give no proof of their Ministry &c. Ergo — ( 3 ) The qualification of Aptness to teach is wanting , yea incompatible with them , not only such of them as are noted for ignorance , of whom clearly that is verified , they are blind watchmen , they are all ignorant ( Isa. 56. 10. ) but even their Greatest Clerks & Rabbies may fitly be called after the name of their forefathers , whom Christ calls blind Leaders of the blind , concerning whom he gives a Command to let them alone Math. 15. 14. Either generally they are discovered to be such Masters of Israel , as know not these things Iohn . 3. 10. being men not exercised in Religion , and have not Learned the Truth as it is in Jesus : or they are such , as if they have had gifts or Grace , yet now they are palpably blasted of God , and so cannot profit the people at all , being such as do not stand in Gods Counsel , for then they should have turned the people from their evil way , and so they are not apt to teach others when they are not taught of God , but steal his words every one from their Neighbour , clearly discovering they are not sent of Him Ier. 23. 21 , 22 , 30 , 32. And because they do not stand in Gods Counsel , they cannot declare all the Counsel of God , Act. 20. 27. For they can neither be apt to teach repentance towards God , since they cannot be supposed to be sensible of these sins to be repented of , for which the Land perisheth & is burnt up like a wilderness , Ier. 9. 12. for then they would first repent themselves of their oun Conformity with Prelacy , of their breach of Covenant &c. All that they can do in such a subject is , to see vain & foolish things , and not to discover the Lands intiquity , but to see false burdens , & causes of banishment , Lam. 2. 14. Nor can they be apt to teach faith , seing in many things they teach otherwise than Christ hath taught us in his word , and consen● not to wholesome words and to the Doctrine which is according to Godlyness from such the Command is to withdraw , 1. Tim. 6. 3-5 . whose Mouths must be stopped when they teach things which they ought not , Tit. 1. 9-11 . which is undenyable to all that know what sort of stuff they Preach , contrary to the word of God , and the principles of our Covenanted Reformation . Hence if none of them be apt to teach , then none of them is fit to be heard ; But none of them is apt to teach : Ergo — It is true private Christians may not judge of the enduements & qualifications of Ministers , yet every private Christian h●th the judgment of discretion , and that way may judge such an one if he appear qualified according to the rule of the word ; And may doubt if he be a qualified Minister Coram Deo , wanting these qualifications which the word requireth , Apol. Relation Sect 15. p. 283. Secondly , They have not the Lawful Call of a Minister of Christ , So much as an External Call of his Institution : which I prove thus . They that have Presentations from Patrons , & Collations from Prelats , and no more for a Call , have no Lawfull Call at all : But the Curats have presentations from Patrons , & collations from Prelats , and no more for a Call : Ergo they have no Lawful Call at all . The Minor cannot be doubted : for in this Government , the Ministers Mission , Call , Ordination , and Relation to such a people over whom he is to officiate , flowes all from the Prelate ; the Congregational Eldership hath not the least interest in it : hence the Presbyterian way of Calling Pastors was ranversed by the Parliament , when Prelacy was set up , and the old custome of Patronages was restored , Rectius Instru . Consut . of 1 Dial. chap. 4. pag. 3. The Major proposition may be proven by parts . First , presentations from Patrons cannot give a Lawful Call : for besides what other reasons might be given against this old relict of Popish bondage of patronages ; It destroyes that priviledge & Liberty of the Church in calling their oun Pastors , and makes all Intruders , without the Churches choice ; whereas the flock are allowed a Judgment of Discretion , knowledge of , & consent to the admission of their Pastors , to whom they intrust their Souls Directions , before they be subject & obey him in the Lord , for otherwise he is a stranger that hath not come in at the door , and they must not , nor will not be imposed upon , Iohn . 10. 1-5 . They had an Interest in choosing & nominating even the Apostles , though there were other Apostles of infallible knowledge as to qualifications , present to ordain them : And they appointed two to be chosen by Lots , Act. 1. 23. and even the Deacons were looked out & chosen by the people , and appointed over their business Act. 6. 3. Much less ought Ministers , to be thrust upon such a weighty employment , to pleasure Great Men who are Patrons , since in their faithfulness the people are infinitely more concerned . Rectius Instruen . ubi Supra . Hence , if the Curates have no Call but what destroyes the Peoples Priviledge , they have no Lawful Call at all , neither ought they to be ouned or Countenanced as Called Ministers : But by the Presentation of Patrons they have no Call , but what destroyes the peoples Priviledge : Ergo — Next Collations from Prelats cannot give a lawful Call : for ( 1 ) they cannot give that to others which they have not themselves : But they have not a Lawful Call themselves , because they are not Lawful officers , as is clear , & may be proven afterwards . ( 2 ) The only way of Conveyance of an ordinary Call to this office , is by the Act of a Presbytrie , Tim. 4. 14. And by Ministers their ordaining Elders in every Church , with the Consent of that Church : But a Prelats Collation is not this Act of a Presbytrie . ( 3 ) That which only makes a man a Prelats Depute , cannot give him a Call to the Ministry of Christ : But this Collation only makes a man a Prelats Depute . Or thus , A Prelats Depute is no Minister : But a Curate is a Prelats Depute : Ergo — That a Prelats Depute is no Minister , I Prove : not only from that , that a Prelat qua talis is not a servant of Christ but an enemy , and therefore cannot confer upon another that Dignity to be Christs Servant ; but from this , that the Scripture allowes no Derivation of deputed Officers . If no Officers of Christ can have Deputes of Christs Institution ; then the Deputes that they make cannot be Christs Officers of His Institution : But no Officers of Christ can have Deputes by Christs Institution : every man that hath any piece of Stewardship in Gods family , must ever see & execute it immediatly by himself , & wait upon it Rom. 12. 7 , 8. That Curats are Prelats Deputes is clear : for they are subject to them in order & jurisdiction , and derive all their Power from them , and are accountable to them . Therefore they cannot be acknowledged with confidence of conscience to be Christs Ministers , because they have not such a visible evidence of the Call of Christ , as in reason & charity doth oblige all men to receive the person so called , as truely sent : which things are so evident in themselves , that whoever denyeth them , is obliged by the same consequence to affirm , that if Simon Magus had in his horrid wickednesse purchased the Apostleship by money , the Christian world had been bound to receive him as an Apostle , Napht. p. 105. 106. Prior Edit . That their Ministry is the Lords Ordinance he plainly denyed , Napht. pag. 109. They have nothing like a solemn ordinanation , having no imposition of hands of the Presbytrie with fasting & prayer , according to the order of the Gospel , but the sole warrand & mission of the Prelat , and therefore it cannot be Lawful to countenance such , and to look upon them as Lawful Ministers Apol. Relat. Sect. 15. pag. 283. It will be objected here . 1. That then their baptism is no baptisme , if they be no Ministers . Ans. ( 1 ) what sad consequences may follow upon the nulling of their office , let them see to it who either send such ●orth or employ them . Apol. Relat. ibid. pag. 294. the best way to avoid these inconveniences is not to countenance them . But ( 2 ) the same Answers may serve which are adduced for Popish Baptismes & ordinations : And factum sometimes valet , quod fieri non debuit . Next it will be Obj. 2. That many of the Curats were in the Ministrie before , therefore the Argument is not stringent against them . Ans. The one half of it about the qualifications does still urge them , through the want of which , and their base Treachery & betraying their trust , and perjuries in breaking Covenant , they have really forfaulted their Ministry , and loosed all from an obligation to hear them , or any other to whom these Scripture Characters may be applyed , and brings all under the guilt of partaking with them that hear them . II. It is necessary also , that all whom we may lawfully hear as Ministers & Ambassadours of Christ , should not only have had a commission from Christ , sometimes conveyed to them in his orderly appointed way , by & from approven Church officers ; but they must have it then when we hear them , at this time when we oune Communion with them . For if they have sometimes had it , and forefaulted it or changed it , by taking anew right another way , it is all one in point of ouning them as if they had none at all : and we must not medle with such changelings , in things that they & we must not come & go upon Prov. 24. 21. Now plain it is that some Curats sometimes had a commission from Christ , when they were Presbyters ; but now they have changed their holding , and taken a new right from them who are no Officers of Christ , invested with power to confirm or Convey a Ministerial Mission , and so they have forefaulted what they had Mr Durham , in a digression on this subject of hearing , shewes that Ministers may forefeit on Revel . chap. 1. pag. 55. in 4 to . In matter of hearing ( sayes he ) it is not so hard to discern , who are to be counted to speak without Gods commission ; because ordinarely such have no warrantable Call at all ( no not in the outward forme , and so cannot be counted but to run unsent ) or by palpable defection from the Truth , and Commission given them in that Call , they have forefeited their commission : And so no more are to be counted Ambassadours of Christ , or Watchmen of His flock , than a Watchmen of the City is to be accounted an observer thereof , when he hath publickly made defection to the Enemy , and taken on with him . Let the Indulged and Addressing Ministers advert to this ; And consider , whether or not the truly tender have reason to discountenance them , while they continue in their palpable defection . But undenyably this refells that Objection of the Curats Ordination before they were Curats : For they that change their holding of a right , and take a new right which is null , they forego & forefeit their old right , & all right : But the Prelatick Curats have changed their holding of their right , and taken a new one which is null : Therefore they have foregone & forefeited their old one . The minor I prove thus . They who had aright from Christ by Conveyance of His officers , and take a new grant for the exercise of it , not from Christ , but by conveyance of such as are none of His officers , they change their hold●ng and take a new one which is null : But the Prelatick Curats who had a right by conveyance of His officers , have taken a new grant for the exercise of it , not from Christ , but by conveyance of the Prelat , which is none of His officers : Ergo — The stress of all will ly in the Probation of this , that the Prelat is none of Christs officers , and therefore the conveyance of a power from him is not from Christ. Which I prove . 1. Because His office is cross to the very nature of Gospel Church-Government , and therefore he cannot be a Gospel Church Ruler . Christ discharged His officers to exercise Dominion ( or Lordship Luk. 22. 25. ) or Authority as the Gentils did , but that the Chiefest should be only a Minister Math. 22. 25 , 26. The Apostle Paul disclaims Dominion over the Church , 2 Cor. 1. ult . Peter exhorts the Elders not to be Lords over Gods Heritage 1 Pet. 5. 3. The Authority of Church officers then is not a Desp●tick power , but a Ministerial Stewardship . But the Diocesan Bishop is both a Lordly Title & Power , having all Authority in the Diocess derived from him , as being as it were the Universal Pastor , and so taking upon him a power , which is neither commanded , nor can be discharged . Hence , he that subjects his His Ministrie to the Domination of a strange Lord , inverting the Nature of Gospel Church-Government , cannot be ouned in His Ministrie : But all Curats subject their Ministry &c. Ergo — 2. Because he is an officer Distinct from & superior to a Presbyter or Pastor ; whereas the Scripture makes a Bishop and Presbyter all one . The Elders of the Church of Ephesus are called Episcopi or Overseers Act. 20. 17. 28. An ordainded Elder must be a blameless Bishop , as the steward of God , Tit. 1. 5 , 7. Again , it cannot be shown where the Scripture mentions either Name , qualification , work , Duty , or ordination of an ordinary Church officer Superior to Presbyters , and which are not likewise appropriat to them , who are called Rulers , Governours , Bishops . In all the Holy Ghost His purposed recitalls of ordinary Church Officers , there is not the least hint of a Diocesan Bishop : and yet a Deacon is described , the meanest officer , in His work & qualifications . Hence then , if this Diocesan Prelate be such an uncouth beast , that neither in name nor Nature is found in the word of God , all the power derived from him is null : But the first is true : Ergo — 3. Because every Officer in the Scripture relates to the flock ( except the extraordinary Officers , who were further extended , now ceased ) Bishops of Ephesus were overseers over the flock Act. 20. the Elders that Peter writes to were over the flock . But this Diocesan Antiscriptural Monster , pretends to be over the Shepherds : And invents new Degrees & orders of Superiority & inferiority , of officers of the same kind , beside & against the Scripture , which makes all Apostles alike , & all Evangelists , so all Teachers : though there be a Distinction & Superiority in diverse Kinds , yet not in the same . God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , Secondarly Prophets , thirdly Teachers 1 Cor. 12. 28. but not among Teachers some above others , in a power of order & Jurisdiction . Hence , an Officer over officers of the same kind is not an Officer of Christs institution , And consequently any power conveyed from his is null : But a Prelat pretends to be an officer over Officers of the same kind : Ergo — 4. Because every officer in the Church hath equally , and in perfect parity , equall power & Authority allowed them of God in the exercise of both the keyes , both of order & Jurisdiction : All ruling Elders may rule alike , and deserve equal honour : And all Preaching Elders have the like Authority , and the like honour conferred upon them 1 Tim. 6. 17. The scripture attributes both power of Order & Jurisdiction to all Preaching Presbyters equally . They must oversee the flock ( or as the word is , do the part of a Bishop over them ) Act. 20. 28. and they must also feed the flock 1 Pet. 5. 2. Subjection & obedience is one , to them all alike : All that are over us and admonish us , we must esteem highly for their works sake 1 Thess. 5. 12. and obey & submit our selves to them that watch for our souls Heb. 13. 17. we find also excommunication belongs to all alike 2 Cor. 2. 6. and ordination 1 Tim. 4. 14. But the Diocesan Prelat takes from Presbyters to himself power of ordination , assuming only his Curats for fashions sake , and the sole decisive power in Church Judicatories , wherein he hath a Negative voice ; like a Diotrephes , the first Prelat who loved to have the preeminence 3 Iohn . 9. the only precedent for Prelacy in the Scripture . Hence , he that would take all power to himself , which is undivided & equall to all officers by Christs appointment , hath none by Christs allowance , but is to be reckoned an usurping Diotrephes : But the Diocesan Prelat would take all the power to himself , which is undivided & equall to all . By all which it appears , the prelate being no Authorized Church Officer of Christs , no Authority can be derived from him ; And so that such as betake themselves to this pretended power for warranting them in the function , can warrantably claim no deference thereupon , nor can be ouned as Ministers whatever they were before . For this were an acknowledging of the power & Authority of Prelats ( especially when the Law commands our hearing as a submitting to them . ) The reason is because these men came forth from the Prelat , having no other call or warrant but what the Prelat giveth . And so a receiving of them will be a receiving of the Prelate , as a refusing of them will be accounted a slighting of the Prelat & his power . Apol. Relat. 15. pag. 272. III. It is necessare also , that all with whom we oune Communion as Ministers , should be Christs Ambassadours , having then when we hear them , and holding still their Commission from Christ as King , and only Head of His Church ; conveyed not only from Church officers , in a way that He hath revealed as the Prophet of His Church , but in a way of Dependence upon & subordination to Christ as King , who ascending far above Principalities & Powers , appointed & gave the Gifts of the Ministry Eph. 4. 8. 11. and set them in the Church 1. Cor. 12. 28. and gave them commission to go & teach the Nations , by virtue of that all Power that was given to Him in Heaven & Earth Math. 28. 18 , 19. If then they take a new holding & close with a new Conveyance of the Ministrie , and of the Power to exercise the same , from a new Architectonick usurped Power in the Church , encroaching on Christs Royal prerogative , we dare not Homologat such an affront to Christ , as to give them the respect of His Ambassadours , when they become the servants of men , and subject even in Ministerial functions to another Head then Christ ; for then they are the Ministers of men , & by men , and not by Jesus Christ , and God the Father , who raised Him from the dead , because they do not hold the Head , Col. 2. 19. Hence those that receive & derive their Church-Power from , and are subordinate in its exercise to , another Head then Christ Jesus , should not be received and subjected to as the Ministers of Christ in His Church : But the Prelats & their curats do receive & derive their Church Power from , & are subordinate in its exercise to , another Head then Christ : Therefore they should not be received &c. The first Proposition cannot be denyed . The Second is proved thus : Those officers in the Church , Professing themselves such , that derive their Church-Power from , & are subordinate in its exercise to , a Power truly Architectonick & Supreme in the Church ( to wit the Magistrate ) beside Christ ; Do derive their Power from & are subordinate in its exercise to another Head than Christ Jesus : But so it is that Prelats & their Curats do derive &c. Ergo — The Major is evident : for whosoever hath a Supreme Architectonick Power in & over the Church , must be a Head to the same , and the fountain of all Church Power . The Minor is also clear , from the foregoing Historical Deduction , manifesting the Present Prelacy to be Gross Erastianisme : for the disposal of the Government of the Church is declared by Law to be the Croun right and an inherent perpetual Prerogative , and thereupon the Bishops are restored to the Episcopal function ; And it is expressly Declared , that there is no Church Power in the Church-office bearers , but what depends upon & is subordinate unto the Supremacy , and authorized by the Bishops , who are declared accountable to the King for the Administration . By virtue of which Ecclesiastick Supremacy , He put excomunication & spiritual Censures , & consequently the Power of the Keyes , into the hands of Persons meerly Civil , in the Act for the High Commission . Hence it is clear , that as the fountain of all Church Government , he imparts his Authority to such as he pleases , and the Bishops are nothing else but his Commissioners in the exercise of that Ecclesiastick power , which is originally in Himself , and that the Curats are only His under Clerks . All the stress will lie in proving , that this Monster of a Supremacy , from which the Prelats & their Curats have all their Authority , is a Great Encroachment on the Glory of Christ as King : which will appear if we briefly consider these Particulars . 1. It usurps upon Christs Prerogative , who only hath all undoubted right to this Architectonick & Magisterial Dominion over the Church , His oun Mediatory Kingdom : not only an Essential right by His Eternal Godhead , being the Everlasting Father , whose goings forth hath been of old from Everlasting Isa. 9. 6. Mic. 5. 2. in recognizance of which , we oune but one God the Father , and one Lord , by whom are all things & we by Him 1. Cor. 8. 6. But also a Covenant-right , by Compact with the Father , to bear the Glory & rule upon His Throne , by virtue of the Counsel of Peace between them both Zech. 6. 13. A Donative right by the Fathers Delegation , by which He hath all power given in Heaven & in Earth , Math. 28. 18. and all things given unto His hand Iohn . 3. 35. and all judgment & Authority to execute it , even because He is the Son of man , Iohn . 5. 22 , 27. and to be Head over all things to the Church Eph. 1. 22. An Institute right , by the Fathers inaugaration , who hath set Him as King in Zion , Psal. 2. 6. and appointed Him Governour , that shall rule His people Israel Math. 2. 6. An Acquisite right , by His oun purchase , by which He hath merited & obtained , not only subjects to Govern , but the Glory of the Sole Soveraignty over them in that relation , A name above every name Phil. 2. 9. which is , that He is the Head of the Church , which is as much His Peculiar Prerogative , as to be Saviour of the body Eph. 5. 23. A Bellical right by Conquest , making the people fall under Him , Psal. 45. 4. and be willing in the Day of His power , Psal. 110. 3. and overcoming those that make war with Him , Rev. 17. 14. An Hereditary right by Proximity of blood & Primogeniture , being the first born higher then the Kings of the Earth , Psal. 89. 27. and the first born from the dead , that in all things He might have the preeminence , Col. 1. 18. An Elective right , by His peoples choise & surrender , having a Croun wherewith His Mother Crouned Him , in the day of His Espousals Cant , 3. ult . By all which undoubted Titles , It is His Sole incommunicable Prerogative , without a Copartner or Competitor , Coordinate or subordinate , to be Iudge , & only Lawgiver & King in Spirituals , Isa. 33. 22. to be that one Lawgiver , Iam. 4. 12. who only can give the power of the keyes to His officers , ( which Comprehends all the power they have ) Math. 16. 19. to be that one Master over all Church officers , who are but brethren , Math. 23. 8 , 10. in whose Name only they must perform all Church Acts , and all Parts of their Ministry , and not in the Name of any Mortal , Math. 28. 18. 19. Math. 18. 20. from whom only they receive what ever they have to deliver to the Church 1. Cor. 11. 23. To be the only Instituter of His Officers , who hath set them in the Church 1. Cor. 12. 28. and gave them to the Church Eph. 4. 11. whose Ambassadours only they are 2. Cor. 5. 20. from whom they have authority for edification of the Church 2 Cor. 10. 8. 2 Cor. 13. 10. in whose Name only they are to assemble , and keep & fence their Courts , both the least , Math. 18. 20. and the Greatest Act. 15. But now all this is usurped by one who is not so much as a Church member , let be a Church Officer , as such : for the Magistrate is neither , as he is a Magistrate , otherwise all Magistrats would be Church members . Hence they that have all their power from a meer usurper on Christs Prerogative , who is neither member nor officer of the Church , have none at all to be ouned or received as His Lawful Ambassadours : But the Prelats & their Curats have all their power from a meer usurper on Christs Prerogative , who is neither Member nor officer of the Church : Ergo — 2. It confounds the Mediatory Kingdom of Christ with , & subjects it to , the Kingly Government of the world , removes the Seripture Land Marks & Limits between civil & Ecclesiastick Powers ; in making the Governours of the State to be Governours of the Church , and denying all Church Government in the hands of Church officers , Distinct from & independent upon the civil Magistrat : which clearly derogats from the Glory of Christs Mediatory Kingdom , which is altogether distinct from & not subordinate to the Government of the world , both in the Old Testament & in the New. For , they have distinct fountains whence they flow : civil Government flowes from God Creator , Church Government from Christ the Lord Redeemer , Head & King of His Church , whose Kingdom is not of this world , Iohn . 18. 36. though for this end He came into the world , that He should have a Kingdom there , vers . 37. They have distinct Objects : civil Government hath a civil object , the out ward man ; Church Government a Spiritual object , men considered as Christians : In the Old Testament , the matters of the Lord are clearly distinguished from the matters of the King 2 Chron. 19. ult . In the new Testament , there are matters of Church Cognizance which do not at all belong to the civil Magistrate ; as in the case of offence , they must tell the Church , not the civil Magistrate Math. 18. 15. 20. In the case of Excommunication , the Church is to act by virtue of the power of our Lord Jesus Christ 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5. not by the Magistrats power ; In the case of Absolution , the Church is to Iudge what Punishment is sufficient , and what evidence of repentance is sufficient to remove it , 2 Cor. 2. 6. 7. So in the case of Tryal & ordination of Ministers &c. None of these belong to the Magistrate . They have distinct Natures : The civil is a Magisterial , the Ecclesiastick is a Minsterial Government ; the one is the power of the sword , the other of the Keyes ; The one put forth in Political Punishments , the other in Ecclesiastick Censures : In the Old Testament , the Magistrats power was Coactive , by death , banishment , Confiscation &c. Ezra . 7. 26. The Church , by puting out of the Synagogue , interdiction from Sacred things &c. In the New Testament , The Magistrats power is described Rom. 13. to be that of the sword by punishment ; the power of the Church only in binding & Loosing , Math. 16. 19. They have distinct Ends : the end of the one being the good of the Common wealth , the other the Churches Edification : In the Old Testament , the end of the civil Government was one thing , and of the Church another , to wit , to warn not to trespass against the Lord , in that forecited 2. Chron. 19. 10. In the New Testament , the end of Magistratical power is to be a terror to evil works , & a praise te the good , Rom. 13. 3. but the end of Church power is Edification 1 Cor. 5. 5. 2 Cor. 10. 8. 2. Cor. 13. 10. They have distinct Courts of officers : In the Old Testament , the distinction of the civil & Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin is known , where there were distinct causes , & Persons set over them to judge them respectively 2. Chron. 19. ult . In the New Testament , we find officers given unto the Church 1 Cor. 12. 28. with no mention of the civil Magistrate at all , And Church-Assemblies distinct from Parliaments or senats ( yea when the Magistrate was an Enemy ) determining questions that did not belong to the Magistrate at all Act. 15. we have Rulers distinct from the Rulers of the Common wealth 1 Thess. 5. 12. whom we are to obey and submit our selves as those who are accountable to Christ only , for to whom else can they give account of souls ? Heb. 13. 17. we have Rulers inferiour to Labourers in word & doctrine , not to be honoured so much as they : Sure these cannot be civil Rulers 1 Tim. 5. 17. we have Rulers commended for trying Impostors , which were not Magistrats , Rev. 2. 2. And others who are rebuked for suffering Hereticks ibid. vers . 14 , 15 , 20. which supposes they had Authority to do it ; yet distinct from & not depending on the Magistrate . Besides from this confusion of the two Governments together , and making the Supreme Magistrate to be Supreme Governour of the Church , would follow many absurdities ; as that They who are not Church members should be Church officers , even Heathen Magistrats ; yea women should be Church officers ; and none should be chosen for Magistrats , but such as have the qualifications of Church officers . Sic Apol. Relat. Sect. 12. pag. 190. Rectius Instruen . Confut. 1 Dial. chap. 6. pag. 50. Hence , they that in deriving their Authority do confound the tuo Governments , civil & Ecclesiastick , and take it all from a meer civil power , cannot be ouned as having any Authority of Christs Institution : But the Prelats & their Curats , in deriving their Authority , do confound the tuo Governments civil & Ecclesiastick and take it all from a meer civil power . This same Argument equally militates against hearing the Indulged Ministers who have taken a Licence & warrand from the Usurper of this Supremacy : because it is highly injurious to Christs Headship ; very contrary to to Presbyterian Principles ; clearly Homologatorie of the Supremacy ; plainly Prejudicial to the power of the people ; very much establishing Erastianisme ; Sadly obstructive & destructive to the good of the Church ; wronging our cause & ground of suffering ; Strengthening the Prelats hands ; contradictory to our Covenants ▪ Prejudging the Meetings of Gods people ; and heinously Scandalous & offensive : As is clear by , & unanswerably poven in the History of the Indulgence . IV. There is a necessity that any man whom we may Joine with as a Minister , must not only be a minister , and a Minister cloathed with Christs commission then when we Joins with Him , but He must also have a right to administer there where we Ioin with Him. Else we can look upon him no otherwise than a thief & a robber . whom Christs sheep should not hear Io. 10. 1-5 . Now the Prelats & Curats , though they should he accounted & acknowledged Ministers , yet they have not a right to officiate where they have intruded themselves . Hence we have several Arguments , as . 1. They who have no just Authority , nor right to officiate fixedly in this Church as the proper Pastors of it , ought not to be Received but withdrawen from : But the Prelats & their Curats have no just Authority , or right to officiate in this Church as her proper Pastors : Therefore they ought not to be received , but withdrawen from . All the debate is about the Minor , which may thus be made good . They who have entered into & do officiate fixedly in this Church , without her Authority & Consent , have no right so to do : But the Prelats & their Curats have entered into & officiate fixedly in this Church , without her Authority & Consent : Ergo — The Major is manifest : for if this Church have a just right & power of Electing & Calling of Ministers , then they who enter into & officiate fixedly in this Church , without her Authority & Consent , have no just Authority or right so to do : But this Church hath a just right & power of Electing & Calling of Ministers , as all true Churches have And , if it were not evident from what is said above , might be easily demonstrated from Scripture . The minor , to wit , that the Prelats & their Curats have entered into & officiate fixedly in this Church , without her Authority & consent , is evident , from matter of fact : for there was no Church Judicatory called or convocated , for bringing of Prelats in to this Church ; but on the contrary her Judicatories were all cashiered & discharged , and all her officers turned out to let them in ; And all was done immediatly by the King & Acts of Parliament without the Church ; A practice wanting a Precedent in this and ( for any thing we know ) in all other Churches : All that the Curats can say is , that they came in by the Bishop & Patron , who are not the Church , nor have any power from her for what they do ; all their right & power is founded upon & derived from the Supremacy , whereby the Diocesan Erastian Prelat is made the Kings Delegate & substitute , only impowered thereto by his Law. This is Mr Smiths 1 st & 6 Argum. If we suppose a particular Congregation acknowledging their oun Lawful Pastor , and a few violent Persons arise and bring in a Minister by plain force , and cast out their Lawful Pastor ; Are not the faithful in that Church obliged to relinquish the Intruder , and not only Discountenance him , but endeavour his ejection ? This is our case Napth . Pag. 106. § 5. Prior Edit . 2. If we cannot submit to these Curats , without consenting to the great Encroachments made upon the Priviledges of this Church , then we cannot submit to them without sin : But we cannot submit to them without consenting to the great Encroachments made upon the Priviledges of this Church : Therefore we cannot submit to them without sin . The Minor is all the question : but instances will make it out . As first , The robbing of the Church of the Priviledge of Election of her Pastors , and substituting the bondage of Patrons presentations , is a great Encroachment upon the Priviledge of this Church : But accepting of Curats as Ministers Lawfully called , notwithstanding that they want the Election of the people , and have nothing for their warrant but a presentation from the Patron , were a Consenting to that Robberie and wicked Substitution . It will be of no force to say , our forefathers did submit to this , and to a Ministry who had no other Call. This is answered above in the Narrative : It s a poor Consequence to say , the posterity may return backward , because their forefathers could not advance further forward . Secondly , the thrusting out of Lawfull Ministers without any Cause but their adhering to the Covenanted work of Reformation , and the thrusting in others in their rooms who denyed the same , is a great Encroachment on the Churches Priviledges ; But embracing & encouraging Curats by countenancing their pretended Ministry were a consenting to this violent extrusion & intrusion . The minor is proven thus . They who leave the extruded & countenance the Intruded , they consent to the extrusion & intrusion , and declare they confess the Intruded his right is better than his who is extruded ; But they who embrace & encourage Curats by countenancing their pretended Ministry , do leave the extruded , to wit , their old Ministers , and countenance the intruded : Ergo — To say , that people in this case should protest against these Encroachments , is frivolous ; for withdrawing is the best protestation : And if after their protestation they still countenance the Encroachment , they should undo their oun protestation . The same Argument will militate against countenancing the Indulged , or any that obtained Authority to Preach in any place by a power encroaching on the Churches Liberties . There is an objection to be removed here , from Math. 23. 2 , 3. The Scribes & Pharisees sit in Moses Chair , therefore whatever they bid yow observe , that observe & do ; therefore they who without a title usurpe the office may be heard . Ans. 1. The case is no wayes alike ; for then the Lord had no other Church in the world but that , which was confined in its Solemnities of worship to that place , where they intruded themselves : He had not yet instituted the New Testament forme of Administration , in its ordinances & Officers . Therefore the Head of the Church being present might give a Toleration , Durante beneplacito : But it is not so now . But 2. Our Lords words bears no command for the people to hear them at all , but only not to reject sound Doctrine , because it came from them : Surely he would not bid them hear such , as He calls Plants that His Father had never planted , whom He bids let alone , Math. 15. 13 , 14. and who were Thieves & Robbers whom His Sheep should not hear . V. They must not only be Ministers , & acknowledged as such then and there , when & where we joine with them ; but they must be such as we can oune Church Communion with in the Ordinances administrated by them , as to the matter of them . Otherwise if they pervert & corrupt their Ministrie , by preaching & maintaining errors , either in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , or Government , contrare to the Scriptures , our Confessions , & principles of our Covenanted Reformation , and contradictory to our Testimony founded thereupon & aggreable thereunto , maintaining errors condemned thereby , or condemning Truths maintained thereby , we must withdraw from them . For if any seek to turn us away from the Lord our God , we most put away that evil & not consent nor hearken to them , Deut. 13. 5 , 8. We must cease to hear the instruction that causeth to erre from the words of knowledge , Prov. 19. 27. we must have a care of these Leaders that will cause us to erre lest we be destroyed with them Isa. 9. 16. we must mark these who contradict the Doctrine that we have Learned , & avoid them Rom. 16. 17. If any man teach otherwise we must withdraw our selves from such 1 Tim. 6. 3 , 5. If there come any & bring not this Doctrine , we must not receive him , nor bid him God speed , in that work of his preaching or practising against any of the Truths , we have received from the word 2 Iohn 10 , 11. Hence we most not hear false Teachers , who in preaching & prayer bring forth false Doctrine contrary to the principles of our Reformation : But the Curats are false Teachers , who in preaching & prayer bring forth salse Doctrine &c. Therefore we must not hear them . The Minor is certain , in that not only many of them are tainted with points of Poperie & Ar●inianisme ; but all of them do teach false Doctrine tending to seduce the hearers ; when in their preaching they cry up the Lawfullnesse of Prelacy , and vent bitter invectives against Presbyterian Government , condemn the work of Reformation , and enveigh against the Covenant , and so teach & encourage people to follow them in open perjurie , and condemning all our Testimony , as nothing but Treason & Sedition ; which we are perswaded is Truth , and that therefore they are Blasphemers : And in their prayers , stuffed with error & larded with Blasphemy , they reproach the work of Reformation , & the power of Godlyness , and pray for a blessing on the Prelats , and on their courses which are cursed ; besides their parasitick prayers for the King , to be blessed in his Government when stated in opposition to Christ , and severall other things that tender consciences cannot go along with them therein . And yet if they hear them they must go along and actively concur with them , as their mouth to God. If it be obj●cted here : That this doth not strike against all , nor against any at all times , because some Preaches always sound Doctrine , and all preach sometime sound Doctrine ; and the like may be said of their prayers : Therefore sometimes at least they may be heard . I ans . 1. This may be alledged for all Hereticks , who do all at sometimes preach sound Doctrine , and yet these Scriptures are stringent against them at all times , which I have adduced : for by these fr●its which they bring forth at sometimes , they shew themselves to be such as we must beware of at all times . 2. We cannot know when they will Preach sound Doctrine , seeing by their subjection to that Government , they are obliged to maintain Prelacy , and impugne our Covenanted constitution . VI. They must not only be such as we can Joine with in the Ordinances as to the Matter of them , but in the manner also they must be such Administrators , as we are obliged in charity to think the Lord will approve of them , & their Administrations , & of us in our Communion with them ; Or at least that in their manner of Dispensing ordinances , they be not such as we find are under a recorded sentance of dreadful punishment , both against them & their partakers : for if it be so , it is as sufficient a ground to withdraw from them , as for men to withdraw from a Company staying in a house , that they see will fall & smother them in its ruin ; yea it is as warrantable to separate from them , as for Israel to separate themselves from the Congregation of the Rebells who were to be consumed in a moment , Numb . 16. 21. or for the Lords people to come out of Babylon , that they receive not of her plagues Rev. 18. 4. Now we find that not only the Prophets of Baal , and Inticers to Idolatrie , and Leaders to error upon the matter are threatened , and the people for adhering to them but we find also ( as is observed by Rect. Instruend . confut . dial . chap. 1. pag. 21. ) many terrible charges & Adjurations laid upon Ministers , in reference to a faithful Diligence in their Ministerial function , and a suitable Testimony concerning the sin & duty of the time , that they are commanded to cry aloud and shew the people their sin , Isa. 58. 1. and as they would not have the blood of souls upon them , to give faithful warning touching the peoples case & hazard , sin , & duty , especially in times of great sin & judgment , when God is terribly pleading His Controversie with them , Ezek. 3. 17. therefore they must be instant in season & out of season 2 Tim. 4. 2. And for their negligence & unfaithfulness herein , we find many Scripture woes & threatenings thundered against them . When in the deceit of their oun heart they promise assured Peace , when the Lord is pleading against a Generation , they are threatened to be consumed with sword & famine , and the people to whom they Prophecie shall be cast out in the Streets , Ier. 14. 13. 15. 16. therefore we dare not admit them to Prophecie to us . When they strengthen the hands & harden the hearts of evil-doers , that none doeth return from his wickedness , the Lord threatens to feed them with wormwood , & commands not to hearken to them , Ier. 23. 14-16 . their blood shall be required at their hands Ezek. 3. 18. one builds a wall , and another daubs it with untempered morter , then ye o great hailstones shall fall , and they shall be consumed in the midst thereof Ezek. 13. 10 , 11 , 14 , 18 , 22. we dare not joine with either builders or daubers of such a work , as is carried on to the dishonour of Christ & ruining of Reformation , nor by our countenance & concurrence strengthen either builders or daubers . lest we also be consumed in the midst thereof . When there is a Conspiracy of the Prophets , and the Priests violate the Law , and profane holy things , and shew no difference between the unclean & the clean then the Lord will pour out His Indignation upon all , Ezek. 22. 25 — ad●fin . We would endeavour to keep our selves free of having any hand in that Conspiracy . These Scriptures do give the perfect pourtracture of our Curats , in the conviction of all that know them . Hence we draw a complexe Argument : Such Ministers as can do no good by their Ministrie , but a great deal of hurt to their hearers , and expose themselves & them both to the Indignation of a jealous God , are not to be heard : But the Curats are such as can do no good by their Ministrie , but a great deal of hurt to their hearers , and expose themselves and them both to the Indignation of the jealous Lord : Therefore they are not to be heard . The connexion of the Major is clear from what is said above . The Minor is also evident from the application of these Scriptures , thus : They that in the deceit of their oun heart promise Peace to , and strengthen the hands of evil doers , and give them not warning , but seduce them by daubing their wickedness , and shew no difference between the unclean & the clean &c. are such as can do no good by their Ministrie , but a great deal of hurt to hearers , and expose themselves and them both to the Indignation of God : But the Curats are such : and all others who are so unfaithful as give no warning against but Justifie the sins of the times . To be short , the Minor of both these foregoing Arguments is evident from the experience of all that go to the Curats , who wrong thereby their oun souls , mar their edification , & run to Cisterns without water . What blessing can be expected upon the labours of such , who having perjured themselves in taking on with the Prelats , are prosecuting that Course of defection , and making themselves Captains to lead the people back to Egypt , encouraging profanity & wickedness , being themselves Patterns & Patrons of the times corruptions ? And seeing a blessing cannot be expected upon their labours , but rather a curse , as daylie experience maketh good , when instead of any work of conversion or conviction among people , there is nothing seen but a fearful hardening in profanity ignorance & Atheisme ; so that many that seemed to have somewhat like Religion before , through hearing of them , are turned loose & laxe in all Duties : yea never can it be instanced these 27 years , that they have brought one soul to Christ , from darkness to light , and from the power of Satan unto God ; but many instances might be given of their murdering souls , as indeed they can not be free of it , who cannot warn nor declare the whole Counsel of God. Hence these who cannot but be soul-Murderers , may not be heard nor intertained as Soul-Phisicians : But the Curats cannot but be soul-Murderers : Again we can expect no good from them , but a great deal of hurt : Seeing their Ministrie is not the Lords Ordrnance , which He will approve , and no performances can be acceptable unto the Lord which are not , in manner as well as in matter aggreeable to His will : hence the wickedness even of the Lords Lawful Priests , not only caused the people to abhor the offerings of the Lord , but even the Lord Himself to abhor His Sanctuary , and to account their incense an abomination , so that He could not away with the Calling of their Assemblies , which yet upon the matter were duties . Should not we then hate that which the Lord hates , and withdraw from that which He hath forsaken ? But the Meetings of the Curats for Administration of Ordinances in their way , the Lord hates , and hath signally forsaken : Therefore we should hate & forsake them . This is confirmed by what Mr Durham sayes in that digression about hearing Revel . 1. pag. 55. in 4 to . seeing edification is Gods gift , can it be expected but in his way , Or can that be accounted His way which He hath not warranted . VII . As we would not partake of their Judgment in countenancing of their Administration of Ordinances , so we would keep our selves free from all participation of their sin . For we must not be partakers with any in sin , nor have fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , that we must reprove , and that we find the Lord reproves & condemns , Eph. 5. 7 , 11. And not only Ministers in ordaining , but people in hearing , may be in hazard of partaking of some mens sins who enter into the Ministry 1 Tim. 5. 22. we must keep at the greatest distance from sin . Hence if we cannot hear the Curats without partaking of their sin , then we must not hear them : But we cannot hear the Curats without partaking of their sin . Therefore we must not hear them . The Minor I prove . If hearing of them be a Tessera of our Incorporation with them , ● Test of our Submission to them , a badge of our comp●yance with them , and sign of our Approbation of them , then we cannot hear them without partaking of their sin : But hearing of them is such : The Major cannot be denyed , if Prelacy & conformity therewith be sin , as is in part proven above : for if these be sins , then we must not incorporate with , nor submit to them , nor comply with them , nor approve them . The Minor I prove by Parts . 1. Hearing of Curats is a Tessera of our Incorporation with them . For Communion in Sacred things doth infer an incorporation of the Communicants or Joiners in all cases , both in Lawful & unlawful Communions 1 Cor. 10. 17-20 . All partakers of the bread are one body , and they which eat of the Sacrificies are partakers of the Altar ; And also they that partake of the Sacrifice offered to Devils , though they do not offer it so themselves , yet they are incorporate and have fellowship with Devils . And 2 Cor. 6. 14-17 . where they that do not come out , and are separate from unlawful Communions , are expostulated with as making an unequally yoked fellowship , between righteousness & unrighteousness , light & darkness ; Christ & Belial , the Temple of God & Idols . Hence then , if we cannot partake of their Sacred things without partaking of their Altar , and becoming one body with them ; and making such an unequally yoked Mixture with them , then we must be separate : But the first is true from these places . This Argument concludes with equal force , against joyning with any deeply engaged in the gross defections of the time . 2. Hearing of Curats is a Test of our Submission to them , & Complyance with them : for so it is required by Law , as the Acts themselves say , that a chearful concurrence , countenance , & assistence given to such Ministers , and attending all the ordinary Meetings for divine worship , is an evidence of a due ackowledgment of & hearty complyance with his Maj. Government Ecclesiastical & civil , as now established by Law within this Kingdom , Act of Parl. Iul. 10. 1663. And themselves look on all such as obey this Act , as their friends , Hence if this be sinful to submit to them , and comply with their establishment , in obedience to a sinful Act of Parliament , then it is sinful to hear them : But the former is true , as hath been shown . Ergo — 3. Hence it followes by native consequence , that hearing of Curats is a sign of our Approbation of them : for he that gives that which is required , & accepted , & Interpreted as an evidence of a due acknowledgment , & of complyance with the Government Ecclesiastical , gives the sign of his Approbation of it : But the hearer of Curats does that in obedience to the Act , requiring , accepting , & expressly interpreting it so : Therefore &c. VIII . As we would be free of their sin , in approving of , & complying with their course ; so we must endeavour to stand at the greatest Distance from all appearance of sin in our selves , either by commission or omission , in which our Joining with them in these circumstances would involve us . For we must astain from all appearance of evil 1 Thess. 5. 22. and from every thing that circumstances may make sinful : for otherways suppose a thing might be materially Lawful & not simply sinful , yet circumstances may make it sinful , and a countenancing it so circumstantiated , doth infer a Communion in these Circumstances that make it sinful . They that eat of the sacrifice are Partakers of the Altar , and if the Altar be not of Gods Approbation , the thing offered though otherwise Lawful to be eaten , cannot justify the eaters , so circumstantiated . An Idol is nothing , and that which is offered in Sacrifices to Idols is nothing , yet they who eat of it , when they know it is so circumstantiated , have fellowship with Devils 1 Cor. 10. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. And it is called Idolatry comp . vers . 14. which provokes the Lord to jealousie vers . 22. Especially when an action is so circumstantiated , that it would infer an omission of our Duty , and a declining from or denying of our Testimony , then it is clearly sinful . For whosoever shall deny the Lord before men , him will He deny before His Father , Math. 10. 33. And we must hold fas● the Profession of our faith without wavering , Heb. 10. 23. and keep the word of His patience , if we would be kept in the hour of tentation , and hold it fast that no man take our Croun Rev. 3. 10 , 11. All Truth must be avowed , & practically avowed , on the greatest hazard : And as this Testimony must be full , so must it be also constant . It was Demass shame , that the afflictions of the Gospel made him forsake the Apostle , after great appearances for Christ : And therefore whatever Truth or Duty is opposed , that becomes the special object of this Testimony . Rectius Instruend . Consut . 3. Dial. chap. 1. pag. 18. 19. Hence , if Hearing of the Curats would infer & involve us under the guilt both of commission of sin , and omission os Duty , then we cannot hear them without sin : But the former is true : Therefore also the Latter . I prove the Minor by Parts . First , that it would infer & involve us under the guilt of Commisssion of sin , All that is said above doth evince it : And besides , palpable breach of Covenant , hereafter to be charged & cleared : And , Idolatrie is a great sin of that na●ur : but the hearing of the Curats doth infer this . Which may be made out , thus : The breach of the sceond Commandment is Idolatrie ( for to make the sins against that Command odious , they are all commprehended under that odious name of worshipping Images ; as the sins against the seventh are called Adultrie , comprehending all unchast thoughts , words , & actions ) Hearing of Curats is a breach of the second Command : Ergo — The Minor I prove thus : Every worship not according to Christs appointment , is a breach of the second Commandment : But hearing of Curats is a worship not according to Christs appointment . Which I prove thus : A worship enjoined by and performed in obedience to a Law , establishing a humane Ordinance in the Church , besides and against the Institution of Christ , is a worship not according to Christs appointment : But the hearing of Curats is a worship enjoined by and performed in obedience to a Law establishing a humane Ordinance , to wit , Diocesan Erastian Prelacy , with the Curats their substitutes . Hence also the second doth follow by necessary consequence , that it would infer & involve us under the guilt of Omission of Duty . For first , if reductively it may involve us under the guilt of Idolatrie & breach of the second Commandment , then it will infer the guilt of omission of these necessary Duties incumbent to the Lords people with a reference to Idolatry ; to make no Covenant with them nor with their Gods , nor let them dwell in the Land lest they make us sin , Exod. 23. 32 , 33 Exod. 34. 14 , 15. to overthrow their Altars , & break their Pillars , and destroy the names of them out of the place Deut. 12. 3. Iudg ▪ 2. 2. I do not adduce these precepts , to stretch them to the full measure of the demerit of the grossest of Idolaters : for as there are degrees of breaches or the Commandment , some grosser some smaller , so there are also degrees of punishment , and as to the manner of destroying & extirpating all pieces of Idolatry : But that the Commands being founded upon a Moral ground , lest they 〈◊〉 & snares unto us , do oblige us to some endeavour 〈…〉 , extirpating & overthrowing all Pieces or 〈◊〉 according to the word and our Covenants ; And 〈…〉 true & right Zeal of God , should and would not only inspire all with an unanimous aversion against the profane intruding Curats , but animate us as one man to drive away these wolves & theives , and to eradicate these plants which our heavenly Father never planted , Napht. Prior edit . pag. 108. The least Duty that can be inferred is that of the Apostles , flee from Idolatry 1 Co , . 10. 14. which Idolatry there mentioned to be avoided , is to eat of the sacrifices offered to Idols : whence we infer that if to eat of things consecrated to Idols be Idolatrie , then also to partake of Sacred things consecrated by Idols must be Idolatry ; as the Curats dispensing of Ordinances is consecrated by , & hath all its Sanction from , an I●ol of Diocesan Erastian Prelacy : But we see the Apostle expresses the former : Therefore we may infer the Latter . Further it will also infer a declining from & denying a Necessary Testimony , in the case circumstantiated . Even the smallest matter is great , when a Testimony is concerned in it , were it but the circumstance of an open window ; Daniel durst not omitt it upon the greatest hazard . And now this is clearly come to a case of confession , when there is no other way to exoner our consciences befor God & the world , and declare our Non-conformity to this course of backsliding , no getting of wrongs redrest or corruptions in the Ministry removed but by this practice : And certainly some way we must give publick Testimony against these courses , and there is no otherway so harmless & innocent as this , though suffering follow upon it Apol. Relat. Sect. 14. 272. 273. And now there is no other way apparent , whereby the difference shall be kept up betuixt such as honestly mind the Covenanted work of Reformation , and the corrupt Prelatical & Malignant Enemies . but this Argument also will infer the expediency of withdrawing , from all Ministers with whom our circumstantiat Joyning would involve us in a participation with their defections . IX . As we would endeavour to avoid Sin in our selves ; So we must have a care to give no occasion of others sinning , by our taking Liberty in a promiscuous Joining in Church Communion , whereby we may offend & stumble the consciences of others : for to that , in this as well as in other things , we must have a special respect , and forbear things not only for our oun unclearness , but for the sake of others also . If therefore the Hearing of Curats be a Scandal , we must refuse it , be the hazard what will. For who so shall offend one of Christs little ones , it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck Math. 18. 6. No man must put a stumbling block or an occasion to fall in his brothers way , Rom. 14. 13. They that sin so against the brethren , and wound their weak Conscience , they sin against Christ 1 Cor. 8. 12. we must forbear somthings for conscience sake , conscience , I say , not our oun but of others , giving none offence neither to the Iewes , nor to the Gentiles , nor to the Church of God , 1. Cor. 10. 28 , 29 , 32. and so cut off all occasion from them that desire occasion 2 Cor. 11. 12. These Commands discharge whatever Practice give occasion of our brothers sinning , of calling Truth in question , of acting with a doubting conscience , or which weakens his Plerophory or assurance ; And neither the Lawfulness nor indifferency of the thing it self , nor mens Authority commanding it , nor the weakness yea or wickedness of those in hazard to be stumbled , will warrand the doing of that out of which offence arises , Rectius Instruend . Confut. 3. Dial. chap. 1. pag. 19. Mr Durham in that forecited place saith , It carries offence along with it ; in reference to the partie who runs unsent , it proves a strengthening & confirming of him , and so a partaking of his sin ; in reference to others , either strengthens them by that example to cast themselves in that snare , which possibly may be their ruine , or it grieves them and makes them sad who are tender of such things , or gives occation to make all difference of that kind to be thought light of . Hence , If Hearing of the Curats be an offence or Scandal , both in reference to Malignants , and in reference to the Godly , and in reference to the Posterity , Then it must be avoided : But the former is true : which is evidenced by parts . First , in reference to Malignants , it hardens & encourages them in their opposition to the work of God , and all backsliders & Complyers with them in their Apostasie ; This strengthens their hands in their wicked courses , when they see how they are countenanced by all , and that there is no disrespect put upon them , nor dissatisfaction evinced against their courses , then they conclude that they are approven of all : And this hardeneth them , so that they never once think of the evil of their wayes . Next in reference to the Godly , it stumbles the truly tender , by encouraging them to do contrare to their light & conscience , even when they are not clear to hear them , then they are emboldened thereunto when they see others doing so ; and so it tends to the wounding of their Peace , and makes them halt in the wayes of the Lord. Lastly with a re●erence to Posterity , it would prejudge them very much : Though now the honest party be not in a capacity to transmit the work of Reformation unto their Posterity , in such a manner as were to be wished ; Yet they should do something for keeping fresh the memory of the good old cause , by keeping up some footsteps of a standing Controversy for Zions Interest against the common enemy : But now let all Joine with , & oune the Curats , what appearance of this shall the Posterity see ? shall not they conclude that the day is lost , & the cause is gone , when they see that this generation hath fled the fields , or rather sold & betrayed the cause , by ouning , countenancing , & complying with the enemy , and no standing Testimony against these corruptions ? whereas if there were but this much of a standing difference , betwixt the People of God & the common Enemies of God , to be seen ; Posterity shall in some measure be kept from being deceived , and shall see the Interest of Christ not killed nor buried quick , but living though in a bleeding condition , and this will occasion their engaging for Christ , and interesting themselves in the quarrel ; and it is far better to see the cause of Christ ouned though , by suffering & blood , then sold & betrayed by base flenching & complying with Persecuters . This Argument may also found & i●ter a withdrawing from the Addressing Ministers who to the Great Scandal of Presbyterians give forth their Addresses in the name of all of that perswasion . X. Our duty to themselves , yea our greatest office of Love we owe to them in order to their conviction , does oblige us to withdraw from them . This may seem a Paradox , yet it will be apparent ; if we search the Scriptures , to see what we owe to Scandalous Brethren . There we find , it is a duty to endeavour by all Lawful means to shame them out of their sin : And it is an argument of hatred , when we do not rebuke our Neighbour or when we suffer sin upon him , Lev. 19. 17. If we consider them then as neighbours & friends , we must use endeavours to take away their sin from them ; if we consider them not as such but as enemies , then we must avoid them , and not be mingled with them , as I could adduce many Scriptures for that . But I suppose all that will oppose my Thesis , would have them considered as friends . Well then , if they be scandalous Brethren , this is the way prescribed by the Apostle to deal with them , in order not to suffer sin upon them , that we should withdraw from them our Company : and if we must withdraw our Company , then also a fortiore , we must deny them our Religious Communion ; for that must either be included there , or necessarly inferred . He writes , not to keep Company if any man that is called a Brother ( mark that speciality ) be a fornicator , or covetous , or an Idolater , or a railer , or an extortioner , with such an one no not to eat 1 Cor. 5. 11. And I presume they that know them best , will grant , that it would not be hard to prove that all the Curats in Scotland were chargable with some of these , or at least Partakers with them . And that if they were all impartially impannelled , they would be rare ones whom an honest Jury would not bring in guilty of this lybel . Then we are expressly Commanded , in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ , to withdraw our selves from every brother that walketh disorderly , and not after the received Tradiction ; and if any man obey not the word , to note him and have no Company with him , that he may be ashamed 2 Thess. 3. 6. 14. Sure neither their office nor their innocency , can exempt them from these rules . For either they must be considered as our brethren , or not : If not , then we oune no Church Communion with them , for that is only among brethren that are so in Sympathie , & affection , & affinity , having one father , and one mother : If they be brethren , Then all Scandalous brethren are to be withdrawn from ; But they are Scandalous brethren : Therefore they are to be withdrawn from . The Minor will not be doubted by any but such as are strangers to them , who both in their Ministerial & Personal Capacity are so scandalous to the Conviction of all , that Profanness hath gone forth from them unto all the Land , and they as much as ever the Profane Sons of Eli , have made men to abhor the offering of the Lord 1 Sam. 2. 17. But even strangers that are unacquaint with their Personal Profligatness & ignorance &c. cannot be altogither ignorant of the Scandal of Prelacy & E●astianisme , in which they are all involved , of the Scandal of Apostasie , Perjurie , & breach of Covenant , which is their brand , and the Nations bane , that hath countenanced them . And none can doubt , but if our Church were dwely constitute and invested with the orderly power of Christ , and in capacity to exerce & improve it , they would soon be censured every Soul of them as Scandalous , as they have been also Previously sentanced as such , by the Acts of our General Abssemblies . This Argument levells also against all Complying , Indulged , Addressing Ministers , who by these Courses have incurred the Character of disorderly Brethren . XI . Our faithfulness to God , and to one another ingaged in our Covenants , doth oblige us to turn away from them who have broken it , and so classed themselves among these Truce-breaking Traitors , who make our times Perillous , from whom we must turn away 2 Tim. 3. 1-5 . It appears from the foregoing deduction , how solemnly these Nations were engaged both to keep out & put out this Generation of Prelatists , now prevailing ; The obligation of which yet lyes upon all the Inhabitants of the Land , with a binding force , both in regard of their forme , and object , and end . Hence if the Curats be Covenant breakers , and we also in ouning them , then we cannot oune them without sin ; But the Curats are Covenant breakers , and we also in ouning them . Ergo — The Minor may be manifest by an indiction of all the Articles of the Solomn League & Covenant , broken by them , and all that oune them 1. That Doctrine , worship , discipline , & Government in the 1. Ar : . sworn to be preserved & propagated , was the Presbyterian then established , which our Church was in possession of , which they have opposed , & their ouners resiled from , and have not maintained . 2. We are engaged in 2. Art. to endeavour the extirpation of Prelacy , and its dependents ; which is diametrically opposite to ouning of Curats : can we oune them whom we are bound to abhor ? and submit to them whom we are bound to extirpate ? Surely this were to rebuild what we have destroyed see Napht. p. 104. And since in relation to Poperie , Heresie , & Schisme , this Article obliges us to disoune , & not to hear Papists & Schismaticks , why not also in relation to Prelatists , who are the greatest Schismaticks ? 3. They have established & homologated an Erastian Supremacy , to the Prejudice of true Religion and the Liberties of the Church & Kingdom , and their ouners have abetted & contenanced the same , and not preserved either the Liberties of Church or Kingdom , contrary to the 3. Art. 4. They have not only concealed & Countenanced Malignant Enemies to this Church & Kingdom , but have themselves been reall Incendiaries hindering the Reformation of Religion , making factions & Parties amongst the People , contrary to this League & Covenant , And their hearers are so far from bringing them to Condign Punishment . that they have strengthened their hands in their avowed opposition to the Covenants , contrary to the 4 Art. 5. They have broken our Conjunction in firme peace & union ; and yet their hearers have not marked & avoided these Causers of Divisions , contrary to Scripture , and the 5 Art. 6. Instead of assisting & defending all these that entered into this League & Covenant &c. they have been the greatest Persecuters of all them that adhered to it ; And their ouners have suffered themselves , by combination or perswasion or terror , to be divided & withdrawn from their suffering Brethren , and have made defection to the contrary part , and given themselves to a detestable indifferency in this cause , contrary to the 6. Art. 7. Instead of humbling themselves for their sins , and going before others in the example of a real Reformation , they have obstinately defended their breach of Covenant , and have been Patrons & Patterns of all deformations ; And their ouners & hearers have not repented of that neither , when they countenance such Covenant-breakers & profane persons , nor of their not labouring for the purity & power of the Gospel , when they seek it from such impure hands : Neither do they go before others in Reformation , when they are such bad examples of defection , contrary to the conclusion of the Covenant . This Argument will also strike against hearing of such Ministers that have made themselves guiltie of the same , or equivalent breaches of Covenant . XII . Finally , for Unions sake , and to avoid Schisme in the body , we must withdraw from them . This may seem another Paradox : but it is apparent , if we consider , that there should be no Schisme in the body , but that the members should have the same care one for another , 1 Cor. 12. 25. And that for to prevent & remede this , the Apostle beseeches us to mark them which Cause Divisions , & offences contrary to the Doctrine which we have learned , & avoid them , Rom. 16. 17. Now then , if the Prelats and their Curats be Schismaticks , & Separatists , and dividers , then we must avoid & withdraw from them : But so it is that the Prelats & their Curats are Schismaticks , & Separatists , and dividers : Therefore we must avoid & withdraw from them . The Minor I prove from all the Constituents of a formed Schisme , Separation , & sinful division . 1. They that start out from under due relations to a Church , and from her Ministry , are Schismaticks , Separatists , & dividers , But the Prelats and their Curats have started out from under due relations to the Covenanted Church of Scotland , & from her Ministry , in being so unnatural rebellious Children , as have broken their Mothers beauty & bands , order & Union , & razed her Covenanted Reformation , in doctrine , worship , Discipline , & Government : 2. These who withdraw from the Communion of a true Church , and therefore are Censureable by all her standing acts , are Schismatical Separatists : But the Prelats and their Curats have withdrawn from the Communion of the true Church of Scotland , and therefore are censureable by all her standing acts , in that they have made a faction & Combination repugnant to the Communion of this Church , and all her established order : 3. Those who Separate from a Church , whose Principles & Practices are subservient to that Churches true Union & Communion and right establishment , are properly Schismaticks : But the Prelats and their Curats have Separated from this Church , whose Principles & practices are subservient to its true Union & Communion and right establishment ; for they could never yet impeach or challenge any Principle or practice , contrary to the word of God , or not subservient to true Union & order , but their Principles & practices are stated in opposition to her purity & Reformation . 4 Those who innovate the worship & Government , ouned & established in a true Church , are Schismaticks : But the Prelats and their Curats have innovated the worship & Government of the true Church of Scotland , in bringing a Doctrine new & odd , and not the voice of this Church ; and their worship , over and above the corruption adhering to it , is the worshiping of an innovating party , contrary to our Churches established order : 5. They that make a rent in the bowels of the true & genuine Church , are the Schismaticks : But the Prelats and their Curats have made a rent in the bowels of this Church , and have caused all the divisions in this Church . 6. Those that divide themselves from the fellowship of a pure Church , either in her Ministry , Lawful Courts , & Ordinances , are the Schismaticks : But the Prelats and their Curats have divided themselves from the fellowship of this pure Church , in her Ministry , Lawful Courts & Ordinances , in that they have caused the ejection of her Ministry , dissipation of her Assemblies , and subversion of her pure Ordinances . 7. Those that break union with such , to whom they were under obligations to adhere , are Schismatical dividers : But the Prelats and their Curats have broken Union with such to whom they were under obligations to adhere , both from the antecedent morally obliging duty , and from the superadded obligation of the Covenants , neither could they ever pretend any thing that might loose the obligation : 8. That party in a Reformed Church , which having overturned her Reformation , hath shut out , laid aside , & persecute away sound adherers thereunto , both Ministers & Professors , & will not admit Ministers to officiate but upon the sinful termes of complyance with their way , are Schismaticks : But the Prelats and their Curats are that party in this Reformed Church , which having overturned her Reformation , hath shut out , laid aside , and Persecute away sound adherers thereunto &c. Therefore they are the Schismaticks to be withdrawn from , and their way is the Schisme , which we are bound to extirpate in the Covenant . HEAD . II. The Sufferings of many for Refusing to oune the Tyrants Authority vindicated . THe other Grand Ordinance of God , Magistracy , which He hath in His Soveraign Wisdom , Justice , & Goodness , appointed , ordained , & consecrated , for the demonstration , illustration , & vindication of His oun Glory , and the Communication , Conservation , and Reparation of the Peace , safety , order , Liberty , and universal good of mankind , is next to that of the Ministry of Greatest Concern : wherein not only the Prudence , Policie , Propertie , & Libertie of men , but also the conscience , Duty , & Religion of Christians , have a special Interest . And therefore it is no less important , pertinent , profitable , & necessary for every one that hath any of these to care & contend for , keep or recover , to inquire into and understand somthing of the institution , constitution , nature , & boundaries of the Sacred ordinance of Magistracy , than into the holy ordinance of the Ministry ; So far at least as may consist with the sphere of every ones Capacity & Station , and may conduce to the satisfaction of every ones conscience , in the discharge of the duties of their relations . Every private man indeed hath neither capacity , concern , nor necessity , to study the Politicks , or search into the secrets , or Intrigues of Government , no more then he is to be versed in all the Administrations of Ecclesiastical Policy , and Interests of the Ministry : yet every mans Conscience is no less concerned , in distinguishing the Character of Gods Ministers of Justice , the Magistrats , to whom he owes & ounes allegiance , that they be not usurping Tyrants , everting the Ordinance of the Magistracy ; than in acknowledging the Character of Christs Ministers of the Gospel , to whom he owes & ounes obedience , that they be not usurping Prelats or Impostors , perverting the Ordinance of the Ministry . The Glory of God is much concerned , in our ouning & keeping pure & intire , according to His will & word , both these Ordinances . And our Conscience as well as Interest is concerned in the advantage or hurt , profit or prejudice , of the right or wrong , observation or prevarication , of both these ordinances ; being interested in the advantage of Magistracy , and hurt of Tyrannie in the State , as well as in the advantage of the Ministry , and hurt of Diocesan or Erastian Supremacy in the Church ; in the advantage of Ltberty , and hurt of slavery in the State , as well as in the advantage of Religion and hurt of Profaneness in the Church ; in the profit of Lawes and prejudice of Prerogative in the State , as well as in the profit of Truth and prejudice of Error in the Church ; in the profit of Peace and true Loyalty , and prejudice of oppression and Rebellion in the State , as well as in the profit of Purity & Unity , and prejudice of Defection & Division or Schisme , in the Church . So that in Conscience , we are no more free to Prostitute our Loyalty & Liberty absolutely , in ouning every Possessor of the Magistracy ; than we are free to Prostitute our Religion & faith implicitely , in ouning every Pretender to the Ministry . This may seem very Paradoxical to some , because so dissonant & dissentient from the vulgar , yea almost Universal and invetrate opinion & Practice of the world , that hitherto hath not been so precise in the matter of Magistracy . And it may seem yet more strange , that not only some should be found to assert this ; but that any should be found so strict and strait-laced , as to adventure upon suffering , and even to Death , for that which hath hitherto been seldom scrupled , by any that were forced to subjection under a yoke , which they had no force to shake off , and wherein Religion seems litle or nothing concerned ; for not ouning the authority of the present Possessors of the place of Government : which seems to be a Question not only excentrick & extrinsick to Religion , but such a State question , as for its thorny Intricacies & difficulties , is more proper for Politicians & Lawyers to dispute about ( as indeed their debates about this head of Authority , have been as manifold & multiplied as about any one thing ) than for Private Christians to search into , and suffer for , as a Part of their Testimony . But if we will cast off Prejudices , and the Tyrannie of Custom , and the bondage of being bound to the worlds Mind in our inquiries about Tyrannie , and suffer our selves to Ponder impartially the importance of this matter ; And then to state the question right ; We shall find Religion & Conscience hath no small interest in this business . They must have no snall Interest in it , if we consider the importance of this matter , either extensively , or objectively , or Subjectively . Extensively considered , it is the Interest of all mankind to know and be resolved in Conscience , whether the Government they are under be of Gods Ordination or of the Devils administration ; whether it be Magistracy or Tyrannie ; whether it gives security for Religion & Liberty , to themselves and their posterity , or whether it induces upon themselves , and entails upon the posterity , slavery as to both these invaluable Interests ; whether they have matter of praise to God for the blessings & mercies of Magistracy , or matter of Mourning for the plagues & miseries of Tyrannie , to the end they may know both the sins & snares , Duties & dangers , Case & Crisis , of the times they ●ive in . All men that ever enjoyed the mercy of a right Constitute Magistracy , have experienced , and were bound to bless God for the blessed fruits of it : And on the other hand , the world is full of the Tragical Monuments of Tyrannie , for which men were bound bath to search into the Causes , and see the effects of such plagues from the Lord , to the end they might mourn over both . And from the begining it hath been observed , that as Peoples sins have alwayes procured the Scourge of Tyrannie ; So all their miseries might be refounded upon Tyrants encroachments , Usurping upon or betraying their Trust , and overturning Religion , Lawes , & Liberties . Certainly Mankind is concerned in point of Interest & Conscience , to inquire into the cause & Cure of this Epidemick distemper , that hath so long held the world in miserie , and so habitually , that now it is become as it were Natural to lye stupidly under it ; that is , that old Ingrained Gangrene of the Kings Evil , or Complyance with Tyrannie ; that hath long afflicted the Kingdoms of the world , and affected not only their backs in bearing the burden thereof ; but thir hearts into a Lethargick stupor of insensibleness ; and their heads in infatuating & intoxicating them with Notions of the Sacredness & incontroulablness of Tyrannie ; and their hands in infeebling and fettering them from all attempts to work a Cure : Or else it hath had another effect on many that have been sensible of a touch of it ; even equivalent to that , which an ingenious Author Mr Gee in his Preface to the Divine right & Original of the Civil Magistrate ( to which Mr Durham is not absonant ) expounds to be the effect of the fourth vial , Rev. 16. 8 , 9. when in these Dog-dayes of the world , power is given to the Sun of Imperial , especially Popish , Tyannie , by their exorbitant streaches of absolute Prerogative , to scorch men with fire of furious oppressions , they then blaspheme the Name of God which hath power over these Plagues , in their Mal-content Complaints , grumblings , grudgings , and Murmurings under the miserie , but they do not repent nor give Him Glory , in mourning over the causes promeriting such a Plague , and their oun accession in exposing themselves to such a scorching sun , nakedly without a Sconce . Certainly this would be the remedy that Conscience would suggest , and Interest would incite to , an endeavour either of allaying the heat , or of subtracting from it under a shelter , by declining the oblique Malignity of its Scorching rayes . But will the world never be a wakened out of this Dream & dotage , of Dull & stupid subjection to every Monster that can Mount a Throne ? Sure at length it may be expected , either Conscience from within as Gods deputy , challenging for the palpable perversion of this His excellent Ordinance , Or Iudgments from without , making sensible of the effects of it , will convince & confute these old inveterate Prejudices . And then these Martyrs for that universal Interest of mankind , who got the fore-start and the first sight of this , will not be so flouted as fools , as now they are . And who knoweth , what Prelude or Preparative , fore-boding & presaging the doun fal of Tyranny , may be in its aspirings to this hight of arbitrary absoluteness , and in the many questions raised about it , and by them imposed upon Consciences to be resolved . If we consider the object of this question ; as Conscience can only clear it , so in nothing can it be more concerned . It is that Great Ordinance of God , most signally impressed by a very Sacred & illustrious Character of the Glorious Majestie of the Most High , who hath appointed Magistracy ; in which , considering either its fountain , or Dignity , ends , or effects , Conscience must have a very great Concern . The fountain or efficient cause of Magistracy , is high & sublime . The powers that are be of God , not only by the all disposing hand of God in His Providence , as Tyranny is , nor only by way of naked approbation , but by Divine institution ; And that not only in the general , by at least a Secondary Law of Nature , but also the special investiture of it , in Institution & Constitution , is from God ; and therefore they are said to be ordained of God , to which Ordinance we must be subject , not only for wrath but also for Conscience sake ; which is the Great Duty required in the fifth Command , the first Commandment with Promise ; that hath the Priority of Place befor all the Second table , because the other Commandments respect each some one Interest , this hath a supereminent influence upon all . But Tyrannical powers are not of God in this sense . And it were Blasphemie to assert they were of the Lords Authorization , Conscience cannot bind to a subjection to this . Again the Dignity of Magistracy , ordained for the maintenance of Truth & righteousness , the only foundations of peoples felicity , whether temporal or eternal , including the bonds & boundaries of all obedience & subjection , for which they are intended & to which they refer , is supereminent ; as that Epithet of higher added to the powers that are of God , may be rendered ; making them high & sublime in Glory , whose highest prerogative is , that being Gods Ministers , they sit in the Throne of God , anointed of the Lord , judging not for man but for the Lord , as the Scripture speaks . To this Conscience is concerned in duty to render honour as due , by the Prescript of the fifth Commandment : but for Tyranny , Conscience is bound to deny it , because not due ; no more than obedience , which Conscience dare not pay to a Throne of Iniqulty , and a Throne of the Devil , as Tyranny may be called as really as Magistracy is called the Throne of God. Next Conscience is much concerned in the ends of Magistracy , which are the Greatest , the Glory of God and the good of Mankind . And in the effects of it , the maintenance of Truth , Righteousness , Religion , Liberty , Peace , & Safety , and all choicest external blessings : But the ends & effects of Tyranny are quite Contrary , Domineering for pleasure , and destroying for profit . Can we think that Conscience is nothing Concerned here , that these great ends shall be subverted , and the effects precluded ; and to that effect , that Tyrannie not only be shrouded under a Priviledge of impunity , but by our subjection & acknowledment of it , as a Lawful power , encouraged into all enormities , and Licensed to usurpe , not only our Liberties , but Gods Throne by an uncontroulable Soveraignty ? But if we Consider the subjective Concern of Conscience , it must be very great : when it is the only thing that prompts to subjection , that regulats subjection , and is a bottom for subjection to lawful powers . If it were not out of Conscience , men that are free born are naturally such Lovers of Liberty , and under Corruption such lusters after Licenciousness , that they would never come under the Order of this Ordinance , except constrained for wraths sake : but now , understanding that they that resist the power resist the Ordinance of God , and they that resist shall receive to themselves Damnation , they must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for Conscience sake . If Conscience were not exercised in regulating our duty to Magistrats , we would either obey none , or else would observe all their Commands promiscously , Lawful or unlawful , and would make no difference either of the matter commanded , or the power commanding : but now , understanding that we must obey God rather then man , and that we must render to all their dues , fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour , Conscience regulats us what & whom to obey . And without conscience there is litle hope for Government to prove either beneficial or permanent : litle likelyhood of either a reall , regular , or durable subjection to it . The discernible standing of Government upon conscientious grounds , is the only thing that can bring in conscience , & a conscientious submission to it ; it being the highest & most kindly principle of , and the strongest & most lasting obligation to , any relative duty . It will not be Liberty of Conscience ( as sayeth the late Declaration for it ) but reality of conscience , and Government founded upon a bottom of conscience , that will Unite the Governed to the Governours by inclination as well as duty . And if that be , then there is needful a rule of Gods revealed preceptive will ( the only Cynosure & Empress of conscience ) touching the founding & erecting of Government , that it have the stamp of Gods Authority . It must needs then follow that conscience hath a very great concernment in this question in the General , and that before it be forced to an abandoning of its light in a matter of such moments , it will rather oblige people that are conscientious to suffer the worst that Tyrants can do ; especially when it is imposed & obtruded upon conscince , to give its suffrage & express acknowledment that the present Tyranny is the Authority of God , which is so visible in the view of all that have their eyes open , that the meanest capacity that was never conversant in Lawes & Politicks can give this verdict that the Constitution & administration of the Government of the tuo Royal Brothers , under whose burthen the earth and we have been groaning these 27 years past , hath been a compleat & Habitual Tyranny , and can no more be ouned to be Magistracy the● Robbery can be acknowledged to be a rightful possession . It is so plain , that I need not the help of Lawyers & Politicians to demonstrate it , nor lanch into the Ocean of their endless debates in handling the head of Magistracy & Tyrannie : yet I shall improve what help I find in our most approved Authors who have enlarged upon this Question ( though not as I must state it ) to dilucidate the matter in Thesi , and refer to the foregoing Deduction of the succession of Testimonies against Tyranny , to clear it in Hypothesi . Whence we may see the occasion , and clearly gather the solution of the Question , which is this . Whether a people , long oppressed with the encroachments of Tyrants & Usurpers , may disoune their pretended Authority ; & when imposed upon to acknowledge it ; may rather chiefe to suffer than to oune it ? To clear this question : I shall first premit some concessions , and then come more formally to resolve it . I. It must be granted the Question is extraordinary , and never so stated by any writer on this head ; which makes it the more difficult , and odious , because odd & singular , in the esteem of those who take up opinions rather from the number of votes than from the weight of the reasons of the asserters of them . It will also be yeelded , that this was never a case of confession for Christians to suffer upon . And the reason of both is , because , before these seven years past , this was never imposed upon private & common subjects to give an account of their thoughts & conscience about the Lawfulness of the Government they lived under . Conquerers & Usurpers sometimes have demanded an acknowledgment of their Authority ; from men of greatest note & stroke in the Countries they have seised : but they never since the Creation urged it upon common people , as a Test of Loyalty ; but thought alwayes their Lawes , & power to execute them on offenders , did secure their subjection . Or otherwise to what purpose are Lawes made , and the execution of them committed to men in power , if they be not thought a sufficient fence for the Authority that makes them ; except it also have the actual acknowledgment of the subjects to ratify it ? Men that are really invested with Authority , would think it both a disparagment to their Authority , and would disdain such a suspicion of the questionableness of it , as to put it as a queston to the subjects , whether they ouned it or not . But the Gentlemen that rule us , have fallen upon a piece of unprecedented Policy : wherein they think both to involve the Nation in the guilt of their unparalelled Rebellion against the Lord , by ouning that Authority that promotes it , and so secure their Usurpations , either by the suffrage of all that oune them , or by the exstirpation of the Consciencious that dare not , with the odium & obli●uie of being enemies to Authority ; by which Trick they think to bury the honour of their Testimony . Yet in sobriety without Prophecying it may be presumed , at the long run this project will prove very prejudicial to their Interest : and herein they may verify that Scots Proverb , ov'r fast ov'r loose , and accomplish these Divine sayings He disappointeth the devices of the Crafty , He taketh the wise in their oun Craftiness , and the Counsel of the froward is carried head long . For as they have put people upon this question , who would not otherwise have made such inquiries into it ; and now finding they must be resolved in conscience to answer it , when ever they shall be brought before them ; upon a very overly search , they see terrible Tyranny witten in legible bloody Characters almost on all administrations of the Government , and so come to be fixed in the verdict that their conscience & the word of God gives of it : So it may be thought , this question now started , for as despicable beginings it hath , yet ere it come to a ful & final Decision , will be more inquired into through the world , and at length prove as fatal to Tyranny , as ever any thing could be , and then they may know whom to thank . But however though the question be extraordinary , and the sufferings thereupon be unprecedented ; And therefore among other contradictions , that may be objected , that neither in History nor Scripture we can find instances of private people their refusing to oune the Authority they were under , nor of their suffering for that refusal : yet nevertheless it may be duty without example . Many things may be done ; though not against the Law of God , yet without a precedent of the practice of the people of God. Though we could not adduce an example for it , yet we can gather it from the Law of God , that Tyranny must not be ouned , this will be equivalent to a thousand examples . Every age in somethings must be a precedent to the following , and I think never did any age produce a more honourable precedent , than this begining to decline a yoke under which all ages have groaned . 2. It will be also granted , It is not always indispensablie necessarie , at all times . for a people to declare their disclaim of the Tyranny they are under , when they cannot shake it off ; nor , when they are staged for their duty before wicked & Tyrannical Judges , is it always necessarie to disoune their pretended Authority positively ; when either they are not urged with questions about it , then they may be silent in reference to that ; or when they are imposed upon to give their judgment of it , they are not alwayes obliged , as in a case of confession , to declare all their mind , especially when such Questions are put to them with a manifest design to entrap their lives , or intangle their Conscience . All Truth is not to be told at all times ; neither are all questions to be answered when impertinently interrogate , but may be both Cautiously & Conscienciously waved . We have Christs oun practice , & his faithful servant Pauls example , for a Pattern of such prudence & Christian caution . But yet it were cruel & unchristian rigour , to censure such as out of a pious principle of zeal to God & conscience of duty , do freely & positively declare their judgment , in an absolute disouning of their pretended Authority , when posed with such Questions , though to the manifest detriment of their lives , they Conscienciously looking upon it as a case of confession . For where the Lord hath not peremptorily astricted His Confessors to such rules of prudence , but hath both promised and usually gives His Spirits Conduct , encouraging & animating them to boldness , so as before hand they should not take thought how or what they shall speak , and in that same hour they find it given them , it were presumption for us to stint them to our rules of prudence . We may indeed find rules to know , what is a case of confession ; but hardly can it be determined , what Truth or duty we are questioned about is not , or may not be , a case of confession . And who can deny , but this may be in some circumstances a case of confession , even Positively to disoune the pretended Authority of a bloody Court or Council ? when either they go out of their Sphere , taking upon them Christs Supremacy , and the Cognizance of the concerns of His Croun , whereof they are Judges no ways Competent ; then they must freely & faithfully be declined . Or when , to the dishonour of Christ , they blaspheme His Authority , and the Sacred boundaries ▪ He hath prescribed to all humane Authority , and will assert an illimited absolute Authority , refusing & discharging all offered Legal & Scriptural restrictions to be put thereupon ( as hath been the case of the most part of these worthy though poor Martyrs , who have died upon this head ) then they must think themselves bound to disoune it . Or when they have done some cruel indignity & despight to the Spirit of God , and to Christ His prerogative & Glory , and work of Reformation , and people , in murdering them without Mercy , and imposing this ouning of their King , by whose Authority all is acted , as a condemnation of these witnesses of Christ their Testimony , and a justification of their bloody cruelties against them , which hath frequently been the case of these poor people that have been staged upon this account : In this case , and several others of this sort that might be mentioned , then they may be free & Positive in disouning this Test of wicked Loyaltie , as the mark of the Dragon of the secular beast of Tyranny . And in many such cases , when the Lord gives the Spirit , I see no reason but that Christs witnesses must follow His Pattern of zeal in the case of confession , which He witnessed before Pontius Pilate in asserting His oun Kingship , as they may in other cases follow His Pattern of Prudence . And why may we not imitate the zeal of Stephen , who called the Council before whom he was staged stiff necked resisters of the Holy Ghost , Persecuters of the Prophets , and betrayers & Murderers of Christ the Just one , as well as the Prudence of Paul ? But however it be , the present Testimony against this pretended Authority Lies in the Negative , which obliges alwayes , semper & ad semper ; that is to say , we plead , that it must never be Ouned . There is a great difference between a Positive disouning , and a not Ouning : though the first be not alwayes necessary , the Latter is the Testimony of the day , and a negative case of confession , which is allwise clearer than the Positive . Though we must not allwise confess every Truth , yet we must never deny any . 3. It is confessed , we are under this sad disadvantage besides others , that not only all our Brethren , groaning under the same yoke with us , will not take the same way of declining this pretended Authority , nor adventure when called to declare their judgment about it ( which we do not condemn , as is said , and would expect from the rules of equity & charity , they will not condemn us , when we find our selves in conscience bound to use greater freedom ) But also some when they do declare their judgment , give it in termes condemnatory of , & contradictory unto our Testimony , in that they have freedom positively to oune this Tyranny , as Authority , and the Tyrant as their Lawful Soveraign . And many of our Ministers also are of the same mind . And further as we have few expressly asserting our part of the debate , as it is now stated : so we have many famous & learned divines expressly against , us in this point , as especially we find in their Comments upon Rom. 13. among whom I cannot dissemble my sorrow to find the great Calvin , saying , saepe solent inquirere &c. men often inquire , by what right they have obtained their power who have the rule ! It should be enough to us that they do govern , for they have not ascended to this eminency by their oun power , but are imposed by the hand of the Lord. As also Pareus saying too much against us . For answer to this I refer to Mr Knox his reply to Lithingtoun , producing several Testimonies of Divines against him upon this very same head ; wherein he shewes , that the occasions of their Discourses & Circumstances wherein they were stated were very far different , from those that have to do with Tyrants & Usurpers , as indeed they that are most concerned and smart most under their scourge are in best case to speak to the purpose . I shall only say , Mens averment in a Case of Conscience is not an oracle , when we look upon it with an impartial eye , in the case wherein we are not prepossessed● it will bear no other value , than what is allayed with the imperfections of fallibility ; and moreover is contradicted by some others , whose Testimony will help us as much to confirm our persuasion , as others will hurt us to infirm it . 4. But now when Tyrants go for Magistrats ; lest my plea against ouning Tyranny , should be mistaken as if it were a pleading for Anarchy : I must assert , that I and all those I am vindicating are for Magistracy , as being of divine Original , institute for the common good of humane & Christian Societies , whereunto every soul must be subject , of whatsoever quality or Character , and not only for wrath but also for conscience sake ( though as to our soul & conscience , we are not subject ) which whosoever resisteth resisteth the ordinance of God , and against which Rebellion is a damnable sin , Whereunto ( according to the fifth Commandment , and the many reiterated exhortations of the Apostles ) we must be subject , and obey Magistrates , and submit ourselves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake , whether it be unto the King as Supreme &c. And we account it a hateful brand of them that walk after the flesh , to despise Government , to be presumptuous , self willed , and not afrayed to speakevil of dignities and that they are filthy dreamers who despise Dominion & speakevil of dignities , and of those things which they know not . We allow the Magistrate , in whatsoever form of Government all the power the Scripture , Lawes of Nature or Nations , or Municipal do allow him : Asserting that he is the keeper & avenger of both the Tables of the Law , having a power over the Church as well as the state suited to his Capacity , that is ; not formally Ecclesiastical but objectively for the Churches good ; an external power , of Providing for the Church , & Protecting her from outward violence , or in ward disorder ; an imperate power , of commanding all to do their respective duties ; a Civil power of Punishing all , even Church officers , for Crimes ; a Secundary power of Judicial approbation or condemnation , or discretive , in order to give his Sanction to Synodical results ; a Cumulative power , assisting & strengthening the Church in all her Priviledges , subservient though not servill , Coordinate with Church power not Subordinate ( though as a Christian he is subject ) in his oun affairs , to wit Civil , not to be declined as Judge , but to be obeyed in all things Lawful , and honoured & strengthened with all his dwes . We would give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars , and to God the things that are Gods But to Tyrants , that usurpe & pervert both the things of God & of Cesar , and of the peoples Liberties , we can render none of them , neither Gods , nor Cesars , nor our oun ; Nor can we from conscience give him any other deference , but as an enemy to all , even to God , to Cesar , & the people . And in this , though it doth not sound now with Court parasites , nor with others that are infected with Royal Indulgences & Indemnities , we bring forth but the transumpt of old Principles , according to which our fathers walked when they still contended for Religion & Liberty , against the attemptings & aggressions of Tyranny against both . 5. It must be conceded , it is not an easie thing to make a man in the place of Magistracy a Tyrant . For as every escape , error , or act of unfaithfulness , even known & continued in , whether in a Ministers entry to the Ministry , or in his Doctrine , doth not unminister him , nor give sufficient ground to withdraw from him , or reject him as a Minister of Christ : So neither does every enormity , misdemeanure , or act of Tyranny , Injustice , perfidie , or profanity in the Civil Magistrate , whether as to his way of entry to that office , or in the execution of it , or in his private or personal behaviour , denominate him a Tyrant or usurper , or give sufficient ground to divest him of Magistratical power , and reject him as the Lawful Magistrate . It is not any one or tuo Acts contrary to the Royal Covenant or office , that doth denude a man of the Royal dignity , that God & the people gave him : David committed tuo acts of Tyranny , Murder & Adultery ; yet the people were to acknowledge him as their King ( and so it may be said of some others , ouned still as Kings in Scripture ) the reason is , because though he sinned against a man or some particular persons , yet he did not sin against the State , and the Catholick good of the Kingdom , subverting Law ; for then he would have turned Tyrant , and ceased to have been Lawful King. There is a great difference between a Tyrant in act , and a Tyrant in habit , the first does not cease to be a King. But on the other hand , as every thing will not make a Magistrate to be a Tyrant : So nothing will make a Tyrant habitu , a Magistrate . And as every fault will not unminister a Minister ; So some will oblige the people to reject his Ministry , as if he turn Heretical , & Preach Atheisme , Mahumetanisme , or the like , the people , though they could not formally depose him , or through the corruption of the times could not get him deposed ; yet they might reject & disoune his Ministry : So it will be granted , that a people have more power in creating a Magistrate than in making a Minister , and Consequently they have more right and may have more light in disouning a King , as being unkinged ; than in disouning a Minister , as being un-ministerd . It will be necessary therefore , for clearing our way , to fix upon some ordinary Characters of a Tyrant , which may discriminate him from a Magistrate , and be ground of disouning him as such . I shall rehearse some , from very much approved Authors ; the application of which will be as apposite to the tuo Brothers , that we have been burthened with , as if they had intended a particular & exact description of them . Buchanan de jure regni apud Scotos Shewes that the word Tyran● was at first honourable , being attributed to them that had the full power in their hands , which power was not astricted by any bonds of Lawes , nor obnoxious to the Cognition of Judges , and that it was the usual denomination of Heroes , and thought at first so honourable that it was attribute to the Gods : But as Nero & Iudas were sometimes among the Romans & Iewes names of greatest account , but afterwards by the faults of tuo men of these names , it came to pass that the most flagitious would not have these names given to their Children ; So in process of time , Rulers made this name so infamous by their wicked deeds , that all men abhorred it as contagious & Pestilentious , and thought it a more light reproach to be called a hangman then a Tyrant . Thereafter he Condiscends upon several Characters of a Tyrant . 1. He that doth not receive a Government by the will of the people , but by force invadeth it , or intercepteth it by fraud , is a Tyrant ; and who domineers even over the unwilling ( for Rex volentibus Tyrannus invitis imperat ) and procures the Supreme rule without the peoples Consent , even though for several years they may so govern , that the people shall not think it irksome . Which very well aggrees with the present Gentleman that rules over us , who , after he was by publick vote in Parliament secluded from the Government , of which the standing Lawes of both Kingdoms made him incapable for his Murthers , Adulteries , & Idolatries , by force & fraud did intercept first an Act for His Succession in Scotland , and then the actual Succession in England , by blood & treacherie usurping & intruding himself into the Government , without any Compact with , or Consent of the people ; though now he studies to make himself like another Syracusan Hiero , or the Florentine Cosinodo Medices , in a mild Moderation of his usurped power , but the West of England , and the West of Scotland both , have felt the force of it . 2. Tyrannus non civibus sed sibi gerit imperium , neque publicae utilitatis sed suae voluptatis rationem habet &c. He does not govern for the subjects well-fare or publick ultility but for himself , having no regard to that but to his oun lust ; Acting in this like robbers , who cunningly disposing of what wickedly they have acquired , do seek the praise of Justice by injury , & of Liberality by robbery ; So he can make some shew of a Civil mind , but so much the less assurance gives he of it , that it is manifest he intends not thereby the subjects good , but the greater security of his oun lusts , and stability of empire over posterity , having some what Mitigated the peoples hatred , which when he hath done he will turn back again to his old manners , for the fruit which is to follow may easily be known both by the seed and by the sower thereof . An exact Copy of this we have seen within these tuo years , as oft before in the rule of the other Brother . After God hath been robbed of His prerogatives , the Church of her Priviledges , the State of its Lawes , the Subjects of their Libertie & property , he is now affecting the praise & captating the Applause of tenderness to conscience , and Love of Peace , by offering now Liberty after all his Cruelties ; wherein all the thinking part of men do discern he is prosecuting that hellish Project , introducing Popery & slaverie ; and overturning Religion , Law , & Liberty . 3. Regium imperium secundum Naturam est , Tyrannicum contra , Regium Liberi inter Liberos est Principatus , Tyrannus domini in servas &c. Tyranny is against Nature , and a Masterly Principality over slaves . Can he be called a father , who accounts his subjects slaves ? or a Shepherd , who does not feed but devours his flock ? or a Pilot , who doth allwise study to make shipwrack of the goods , and strikes a leak in the very ship where he sails ? what is he then that bears Command , not for the peoples advantage , but studies only himself , who leadeth his subjects into manifest snares ? he shall not verily be accounted by me either Commander . Emperour , or Governour ? King Iames the 6 th also , in a speech to the Parliament anno 1609. makes this one Character of a Tyrant , when he begins to invade his subjects rights & Liberties . And if this be true , then we have not had a King these many years : the foregoing deduction will demonstrate , what a slavery we have been under . 4. Quid qui non de virtute certet c●m bonis &c. What is he then , who doth not contend for vertue with the good , but to exceed the most flagitious in vices ? If yow see then any usurping the Royal name , and not excelling in any virtue , but striving to exceed all in baseness , not tendering his subjects good with native affection , but pressing them with proud domination , esteeming the people committed to his trust not for their safegaurd but for his oun gain ; will yow imagine this man is truly a King , albeit he vapours with a numerous Lieveguard , and makes an ostentation of gorgeous Pomp ? The learned Althusius likewise in his Politicks cap. 38. Num. 15. ( as He is cited by Ius Populi chap. 16. Pag. 347. ) makes this one Character of a Tyrant , that liveing in Luxury , whoredome , greed , & idleness , he neglecteth or is unfit for his office . How these suite our times we need not express ; what effrontry of impudence is it , for such monsters to pretend to rule by virtue of any Authority derived from God , who pollute the world with their Adulteries & Incests , and Live in open defyance of all the Lawes of the universal King ; with whom to exceed in all villanies is the way to purchase the Countenance of the Court , and to aspire to preferment ? No Heliogabulus &c. could ever come up the length in wickedness , that our Rulers have professed . 5. Omnium vim Legum in se transferre &c. He can transfer unto himself the strength of all Lawes , and abrogate them when he pleases . King Iames the 6. in that fore-cited speech saith , a King degenerateth into a Tyrant when he leaveth to rule by Law. Althusius also loc . cit . saith , there is one kind of Tyranny which consisteth in violating , changing , or removing of fundamental Lawes , specially such as concern Religion ; such , saith he , Philip the King of Spain , who , contrare to the fundamental Belgick Lawes , did erect an administration of Justice by force of armes ; and such was Charles the 9 th of France , that thought to overturn the Salicque Law. All that knoweth what hath been done in Britain these 27 years , can attest our Lawes have been subverted , the Reformation of Religion overturned , and all our best Lawes rescinded ; and now the Penal Statuts against Papists disabled & stopped , without & against Law. 6. Ad suum eum unius nutum omnia &c. He can revoke all things to his nod at his pleasure . This is also one part of King Iames the 6 his Character of a Tyrant , when he sets upon arbitrary power . And of Althusius loc . cit . when he makes use of an absolute Power , and so breaks all bonds for the good of humane Society . We allow a King an absolute power taken in a good sense , that is , he is not subaltern nor subordinate to any other Prince ; but supreme in his oun dominions : or if by absolute be meant Perfect , he is most absolute that governs best according to the word of God. But if it be to be Legibus solutus , loosed from all Lawes , we thinke it blasphemy to ascribe it to any Creature . Where was there ever such an arbitrary & absolute power arrogated by any Mortal , as hath been claimed by our Rulers these years past ? especially by the present Usurper , who , in this Liberty of conscience now granted to Scotland , assumes to himself an absolute power which all are to obey without reserve , which carries the subjects slavery many stages beyond what ever the Grand Seigneur did attempt . 7. Tyranno — ad cives opprumendos &c. For by a Tyrant strangers are imployed to oppress the subjects ; They place the establishment of ther Authority in the peoples weakness , and think that a Kingdom is not a Procuration concredited to them by God , but rather a prey fallen into their hands ; Such are not joined to us by any Civil bond , or any bond of humanity , but should be accounted the most Capital enemies of God and of all men . King Iames ub , supra sayes , he is a Tyrant that imposes un Lawful Taxes , raises forces , makes war upon his subjects , to Pillage , Plnnder , wast , & spoil his Kingdoms . Althusins ubi supra makes a Tyrant , who by immoderate exactions , and the like , exhausts the subjects , and cites Scripture Ier. 22. 13. 14. Ezek. 34. 1 King. 12. 19. Psal. 14. 4. It is a famous saying of Bracton , He is no longer King ; then dum bene regit , while he rules well , but a Tyrant when-soever he oppresseth the people that are trusted to his Care & Government . And Cicero sayes , amittitis omne exceritus & imperit jiu , qui eo imperio & exercit● Rempublicans oppugnat . He loseth all legal power in & over an Army or Empire , who by that Government & army does obstruct the wel-fare of that republick . What oppressions & exactions by armed force our Nation hath been wasted with , in part is discovered above . 8. Althusius in the place above quoted , makes this an other mark , when he keepeth not his faith & promise , but despiseth his very oath made unto the people . What shall we say of him then , who not only brake but burnt , and made it Criminal to assert the obligation of the most solemnly transacted Covenant with God and with the people , that ever was entered into , who yet upon these termes of keeping that Covenant only was admitted to the Government ? And what shall we say of his Brother succeeding , who disdains all bonds , whose professed principle is , as a Papist to keep no faith to Hereticks ? 9. In the same place he makes this on Character : a Tyrants is he , who takes away from one or moe members of the common wealth the free exercise of the Orthodox Religion , And the Grave Author of the Impartial inquiry into the administration of affairs in England , doeth assert pag. 3 , 4. whensoever a Prince becomes depraved to that degree of wickedness , as to apply & employ his power & Interest , to debauch & withdraw his subjects from their fealty & obedience to God , or sets himself to extirpate that Religion which the Lord hath revealed & appointed to be the rule of our living & the means of our happiness , he doth ipso facto depose himself , and instead of being ouned any longer for a King , ought to be treated as a Rebel & Traiter against the Supreme & Universal Soveraign . This is the perfect Protracture of our Princes ; the former of which , declared an open war against Religion & all that professed it ; and the Latter did begin to prosecute it with the same cruelty of persecution , and yet continues without relenting against us ; though to others he tolerates it under the Notion of a Crime , to be for the present dispensed with , until he accomplish his design . 10. Ibid. he tells us , that for corrupting of youth he erecteth stage plages , Whore-houses , & other Play-houses , and suffers the Colledges & other Seminaries of Learning to be corrupted . There was never more of this in any age , than in the conduct of our Court , which like another Sodom profess it to be their design to debauch mankind in to all villanies , and to poison the fountains of all learning & virtue , by intruding the basest of men into the place of teachers , both in Church & University , and precluding all access to honest men . 11. Further he sayes , he is a Tyrant who doth not defend his subjects from injuries when he may , but suffereth them to be oppressed ( and what if he oppress them himself ? ) It was one of the Lawes of Edward the Confessor , Quod si Rex desit officio , nomen Regis in eo non constabit . If the King fail in the discharge of his Trust & office , he no longer deserves nor ought to enjoy that name . What name do they deserve then , who not only fail in the duty of defending their subjects , but send out their Lictors & bloody Executioners to oppress them , neither will suffer them to defend themselves ! But Althusius makes a distinct Character of this . 12. Then in fine , he must certainly be a Tyrant , who will not suffer the people , by themselves nor by their Representatives , to maintain their oun rights , neither by Law nor force : for , sayeth my Author Forecited , he is a Tyrant who hindereth the free suffrages of members of Parliament , so that they dare not speak what they would ; And chiefly he who takes away from the people all power to resist his Tyranny , as Armes , strengths , & chief men , whom therefore though innocent he hateth , afflicteth , & persecuteth , exhausts their goods & livelyhoods , without right or reason . All know that our blades have been all alongs enemies to Parliaments ; and when their Interest forced to call them , what means were used always to pacque & prelimit them and over-aw them , and how men who have faithfully discharged their trust in them have been prosecuted with the hight of envy & fury , and many murthered thereupon ; And how all the armed force of the Kingdoms have been inhanced into their hand , and the people kept so under foot , that they have been rendered incapable either to defend their oun from intestine Usurpers , or forreign Invaders . All that is said amounts to this , that when ever men in power do evert & subvert all the ends of Government , and intrude themselves upon it , and abuse it , to the hurt of the Common wealth , and the destruction of that for which Government was appointed ; They are then Tyrants , and cease to be Magistrates . To this purpose I shall here append the words of that forecited Ingenious Author of the Impartial Enquirie Pap. 13. 14. There can be nothing more evident from the light of reason as well as Scripture , than that all Magistracy is appointed for the benefite of mankind and the common good of Societies : God never gave any one power to reign over others for their destruction ( unless by His providence where He had devoted a people for their sins to ruine ) but on whomsoever He confers Authority over Cities or Nations , it is with this Conditional Proviso & Limitation , that they are to Promote their Prosperity & good , and to study their defence & Protection : All Princes are thus far Pactional — And whosoever refuseth to perform this fundamental condition , he degrades & deposes himself , nor is it rebellion in any to resist him ; whensoever Princes ceases to be for the common good , they answer not the end they were instituted unto , and cease to be what they were chosen for . 6. It will not be denyed but when the Case is so circumstantiate , that it would require the arbitration of judgment to determine whether the King be a Tyrant or not , that then people are not to disoune him : for if it be a question , whether the people be really robbed of their rights & Liberties , and that the King might pretend as much reason to complain of the people their doing indignity to his Soveraignty , as they might of his Tyranny ; Then it were hard for them to assume so for the umpirage of their oun Cause , as to make themselves absolute judges of it , and forth with to reject his Authority upon these debateable grounds . But the Case is not so with us : no Place being left for doubt or debate , but that our fundamental rights & Liberties Civil & Religious are overturned , and an absolute Tyranny exactly Characterized as above is established on the ruines thereof . Hence we have not disouned the pretended Authority , because we judged it was Tyrannical , but because it was really so . Our discretive judgment in the case was not our rule , but it was our understanding of the rule , by which only we could be regulated and not by the understanding of another , which cannot be better nor so good of our grievances , which certainly we may be supposed to understand best our selves , and yet they are such as are understood every where . To the question then , who shall be Judge between these Usurping & Tyrannizing Rulers & us ? we answer briefly & plainly , We do not usu●p a judgment in the case , pretending no more Authority over them in our private Capacity than we allow them to have over us , that is none at all ? Nor can we admit that they should be both Judges & party ; for then they might challenge that prerogative in every case , and strengthen themselves in an incontrollable immunity & impunity to do what they pleased . But we appeal to the fundamental Lawes of the Kingdom , aggreeable to the word of God , to Judge , and to the whole world of impartial Spectators to read & pronounce the judgment . L●x Rex Quest. 24. Pag. 213. sayeth in answer to this : There is a Court of Necessity no less than a Court of Justice ; And the fundamental Lawes must then speak , and it is with the people in this extremity as if they had no ruler . And as to the doubtsomness of these Lawes he sayeth ( 1 ) As the Scriptures in all fundamentals are clear ▪ & expone themselves , & actu primo condemn Heresies : So all Lawes of men in their fundamentals , which are the Law of Nature & Nations , are clear ( 2 ) Tyranny is more visible & intelligible than Heresie , and it s soon discerned — The people have a Natural Throne of Policy in their conscience , to give warning , & materially sentence against the King as a Tyrant — where Tyranny is more obscure ; and the thread smal that it escape the eye of man , the King keepeth Possession , but I deny that Tyranny can be obscure long . 7. I shall grant that many things are yeeldable even to a Grassant Dominator , & Tyrannical Occupant of the place of Magistracy , as 1. There may be some cases , wherein its Lawful for a people to yeeld subjection to a Lawless Tyrant , when groaning under his overpouring yoke , under which they must patiently bear the in●●●nation of the Lord , because they have sinned against Him , until He arise & plead His oun Cause & execute judgment in the earth ( Mic. 7. 9. ) until which time they must kiss the rod as in the hand of God , and oune & adore the holyness & Soveraignty of that Providence that hath subjected them under such a slavery ; and are not to attempt a violent ejection or excussion , when either the thing attempted is altogether impracticable , or the means & manner of effectuating it dubious & unwarrantable , or the necessary Concomitants & consequents of the cure more hurtful or dangerous than the disease , or the like . As in many cases also a man may be subject to a robber prevailing against him : So we find the people of Israel in Egyt & Babylon &c. yeelded subjection to Tyrants . But in this case we deny two things to them ( 1 ) Allegiance or active & voluntary subjection , so as to oune them for Magistrats ( 2 ) Stupid Passive obedience , or suffering without resistence . For the first , we owe it only to Magistrats , by virtue of the Law either Ordinative of God , or Constitutive of man. And it is no Argument to infer ; as a mans subjecting himself to a Robber assaulting him , is no soild proof of his approving or acknowledging the injury & violence committed by the robber , therefore a Persons yeelding subjection to a Tyrant a Publick robber does not argue his acknowledging or approving his Tyranny & oppression . For , the subjection that a Tyrant requires , and which a Robber requires , is not of the same nature : the one is Legal of subjects , which we cannot oune to a Tyrant ; the other is forced of the subdued , which we must acknowledge to a Robber . But to make the Paralell ; If the Robber should demand , in our subjecting our selves to him , an ouning of him to be no robber but an honest man , as the Tyrant demands in our subjecting our selves to him in ouning him to be no Tyrant but a Magistrate , then we ought not to yeeld it to the one no more than to the other . For the Second , to allow them Passive obedience is in-intelligible Non-sense , & a meer Contradiction : for nothing that 's meerly passive can be obedience as relative to a Law , nor can any obedience be meerly passive , for obedience is always active . But not only is the inaccuracy of the Phrase excepted against , but also that position maintained by many , that in reference to a yoke of Tyranny there is a time which may be called the proper season of suffering , that is , when suffering ( in opposition to acting or resisting ) is a necessary & indispensible duty , and resisting is a sin : For if the one be an indispensible duty , the other must be a sin at the same time : But this cannot be admitted . For , though certainly there is such a season of suffering , wherein suffering is Lawful , laudable & necessary , and all must lay their account with suffering , and litle else can be attempted but which will encrease sufferings ; yet even then we may resist as well as we can : and these two , Resistence & Suffering at the same time , are not incompatible : David did bear most patiently the injury of his Sons usurpation , when he said , let the Lord do to me as seemeth Him good 2 Sam. 15. 26. ch . 10. 12. and betaketh himself to fervent prayers Psal. 3. and yet these were not all the weapons he used against him , Neither did he ever oune him as a Magistrate . We are to suffer all things patiently as the Servants of the Lord , and look to Him for Mercy & relief ( Psal. 123. 2. ) but we are not obliged to suffer even in that season , as the slaves of men . Again , suffering in opposition to resistence , does never fall under any moral Law of God , execept in the absolutely extraordinary Case of Christs passive obedience , which cannot fall under our deliberation or imitation ; Or in the case of a positive Law , as was given to the Iewes to submit to Nebuchadnezzar , which was express & peculiar to them , as shall be cleared . That can never be commanded as indispensible duty , which does not fall under our free will or deliberation , but the enemies will as the Lord permits them , as the Case of suffering is . That can never be indispensible duty which we may decline without sin , as we may do suffering if we have not a call to it ; yea in that case it were sin to suffer , therefore in no case it can be formally indispensibly commanded , so as we may not shift it if we can without sin . Suffering simply the evil of punishment , just or unjust , can never be a conformity to Gods preceptive Will but only to His Providential disposal , it hath not voluntas signi for its rule , but only voluntas beneplaciti . All the Commands that we have for suffering , are either to direct the manner of it , that it be Patiently & Chearfully , when forced to it wrongfully 1 Pet. 2. 19 , 20. or Comparatively to determine our choise in an unavoidable alternative , either to suffer or sin : and so we are commanded rather to suffer than to deny Christ , Math. 13. 33. and we are commanded upon these termes to follow Christ to take up His Cross , when He layes it on in His Providence Math. 16. 24. See at length this cleared Lex rex Q. 30. Pag. 317-320 . otherwise in no case subjection even Passive can be a duty ; for it is allwise to be considered under the notion of a plague , Judgment , & Curse to be complained of as a burden , never to be ouned as a duty to Magistrats . As we find the Lords , people resenting it as a servitude , under which they were servants even in their oun Land , which did yeeld increase unto the Kings whom the Lord had set over them because of their sins , Neh. 9. 36. 37. 2. In diverse cases there may be some Complyance with a meer occupant , that hath no right to reign ; as upon this account the Noble Marquis of Argyle and Lord waristoun suffered for their Complyance with the Usurper Cromuel . Such may be the warrantableness , or goodness , or necessity , or profitableness of a Complyance , when people are by Providence brought under a yoke which they cannot shake off , that they may part with some of their Priviledges for the avoidance of the loss of the rest , and for the conveniency & profit , peace & safety of themselves and their Countrey , which would be in hazard if they did not comply ; they may do whatsoever is due from them to the Publick weal , what soever is an office of their station or place , or which they have any other way a call unto , whatsoever may make for their oun honest interest , without wronging others or the Countries Liberties in their transactions with these Powers , even though such a Complyance may be occasionally to the advantage of the Usurpers : Seeing good & necessary actions are not to be declined for the ill effects that are accidental to them , and arise from the use which others make of them . But though this may be yeelded in some cases to such Usurpers , especially Conquerers , that have no right of occupying the empire , but are Capable of it by derivation from the peoples consent : yet it must not be extended to such Usurpers as are also Tyrants , that have no right of their oun , nor are capable of any , and that overturn all rights of subjects . To such we can yeeld no Complyance , as may infer either transacting with them , or ouning them as Magistrates . We find indeed the Saints enjoyed Places under these , who were not their Magistrates ; as Nehemiah , & Mordecai , and Esther was Queen to Ahaswerus . But here was no Complyance with Tyrants ( for these Heathens were not such ) only some of them were extraordinary Persons , raised up by an extraordinary spirit , for extraordinary ends , in extraordinary times , that cannot be brought to an ordinary rule , as Esthers Mariage ; and all of them in their places kept the Law of their God , served the work of their generation , defiled not themselves with their Customes , acted against no good , and engaged to no evil , but by their Complyance promoted the wellfare of their Countrey , as Argyle & waristoun did under Cromuel . Again , we find they payed Custom to them , as Neh. 9. 36. 37. and we read of Augustus his taxation universally complyed with Luk. 2. 1-5 . and Christ payd it . This shall be more fully answered afterwards . Here I shall only say ( 1 ) It can never be proven that these were Tyrants . ( 2 ) Christ Paid it with such a Caution , as Leaves the title unstated ; not for conscience ( as tribute must be paid to Magistrats Rom. 13. 5 , 6. ) but only that he might not offend them ( 3 ) Any other instances of the Saints taxations are to be judged forced acts , badges of their bondage , which if they had been exacted as tests of their allegiance , they would not have yeelded . Strangers also , that are not subjects , use to pay Custom in their trafficquing , but not as tests of their allegiance . 3. There may be also in some cases obedience allowed to their Lawful Commands , because of the Lawfulness of the thing commanded , or the coincidency of another Just & obliging Authority commanding the same . We may do many things Tyranno Iubente which he commands , and Tyranno premente which he enforces , and many things also ipso sou volente seu nolente whether he will or not But we must do nothing Tyranni jussu upon the consideration of his Command , in the acknowledgment of obedience due by virtue of Allegiance , which we oune of Conscience to a Lawful Magistrate . We must do nothing which may seem to have an accessoriness to the Tyrants unlawful occupancy , or which depends only on the warrant of his Authority to do it , or may entrench on the Divine Institution of Magistracy , or bring us into a Participation of the Usurpers sin . In these cases we can neither yeeld obedience in Lawful things , nor in unlawful : Nor can we oune absolute subjection , no more then we can oune absolute obedience ; for all subjection is enjoined in order to obedience : And to plead for a Priviledge in point of obedience , and to disclaim it in point of subjection , is only the flattery of such , as having renounced with conscience all distinction of obedience , would divest others of all priviledges , that they may exercise their Tyranny without Controll . Napthali pag. 28. prior edit . 4. There may be Addresses made , to such as are not rightful Possessors of the Government , for justice , or mercy , or redress of some intollerable grievances , without scruple of accepting that which is materially justice or mercy , or seeking them at the hand of any who may reach them out to us , though he that conveyes them to us be not interested in the umpirage of them . Thus we find Ieremiah supplicated Zedekiah for mercy , not to return to prison : and Paul appealed to Cesar for justice . But in these Addresses , we may not acknowledge the wicked Lawes that brought on these grivances , nor conceal the wickedness no more than the miserie of them which we have endured , nor may we oune the Legal power of them that we address to take them off , nor signify any thing , in the matter or manner of our Representations , that may either import a declining our Testimony for which we have suffered these grievances , or a contradiction to our declinature of their pretended Authority : Only we may remonstrate what cruelties we have endured , and how terrible it will be to them to be guilty of , or accessory to our blood in not pitying us ; which was all that Ieremiah did . And as for Pauls appeal , we find he was threatened to be murdered by his Countrey-men Act. 23. 14. from whose hands he was rescued , & brought before the judicatory of Festus the Roman deputy , not voluntarely ; thence also they sought to remand him to Ierusalem , that they might kill him Act. 25. 3. whereupon he demands in justice that he might not be delivered to his accusers & Murderers , but claims the benefite of the Heathens oun Law , by that appeal to Cesar. which was the only constrained expedient of saving his oun life Act. 28. 19. by which also he got an opportunity to witness for Christ at Rome . But as shall be cleared further afterwards ; Cesar was not an Usurper over Iudea : which not obscurely is insinuated by Paul himself , who asserts , that both his person , & his Cause Criminal of which he was accused ( it was not an Ecclesiastical Cause , & so no advantage hence for the Supremacy ) appertained to Cesars Tribunal , and that not only in fact but of right Act. 25. 10. I stand at Cesars judgment seat where I ought to be judged . We cannot say this of any tribunal , senced in the name of them that Tyrannize over us . 5. I will not stand neither upon the Names & Titles of Kings &c. to be given to Tyrants & Usurpers , in speaking to them or of them , by way of appellation or compellation : for we find even Tyrants are called by these names in Scripture , being Kings de fact● though not dejure , and indeed not impertinently Kings & Tyrants for the most part are reciprocal termes . But in no case can we give them any Names or Titles , which may signify our love to them whom the Lord hates or 〈◊〉 hate the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 2. or which may flatter them , which Elihu durst not give , for fear his Maker should take him away Iob. 32. 22. or which may be taken for honouring of them , for that is not due to the vile● of men when exalted never so high Psal. 12. ult : a vile person must be contemned in our eyes Psal. 15. 4. Nor which may any way import or infer an ouning of a Magistratical relation between them & us , or any Covenant transaction or Confederacy with them , which in no termes with them as such we will say or oune Isa. 8. 12. Hence many sufferers upon this head so bear to give them their Titles . 8. It will be yeelded very readily by us , that a Magistrate is not to be disouned meerly for his differing in Religion from us , yea though he were a Heathen . We do not disoune our pretended Rulers meerly upon that account , but chearfully do grant & subscribe to that Truth , in our Confession of faith chap. 23. § 4. That Infidelity or difference in Religion , doth not make void the Magistrates just & Legal Authority , nor free the people from their due obedience to him : On which our Adversaries have insulted , as if our Principles & Practices were therby disproved . But it is easy to answer 1. let the words be considered ; and we are confident , that no sober man will think , the acknowledgment of just & legal Authority & due obedience , a rational ground to infer , that Tyranny is thereby either allowed or priviledged , Napth . Pag. 60. Prior Edition . 2. Though Infidelity or difference of Religion does not make void Authority where it is Lawfully invested ; yet it may incapacitate a person , and Lawfully seclude him from Authority , both by the word of God , which expressly forbids to set a Stranger over us who is not our brother Deut. 17. 15. Which includes as well a stranger of a strange Religion as one of a strange Countrey , and by the Lawes of the Land , which do incapitate a Papist of all Authority , Supreme or subordinate . And so if this Iames the 7 / 2 had been King before he was a Roman Catholick , if we had no more to object , we should not have quarrelled his succession . 3. We both give & grant all that is in the Confession , viz. Dominium non fundari in gratia , that Dominion is not founded on Grace . Yet this remains evident , that a Prince who not only is of another religion , but an avowed enemy to & overturner of the Religion established by Law , and intending & endeavouring to introduce a false , heretical , blasphemous , & Idolatrous religion , can claim no just & legal Authority , but in this case the people may very Lawfully decline his pretended Authority ; Nay they are betrayers of their Countrey & Posterity , if they give not a timeous & effectual Check to his Usurpings , and make him sensible that he hath no such Authority . Can we imagine , that men in the whole of that blessed work so remarkably led of God , being convocate by a Parliament of the wisest & worthyest men that ever was in England , whom they did encourage , by writing , & preaching , & every way to stand fast in their opposition to the then King displaying a banner for his prerogative ( a court dream ) against Religion & Liberty ; should be so far left , as to drop that as a principle & part of our Religion , which would sacrifice Religion it self to the lust of a raging Tyrant ? Must we beleeve , that a Religion-destroying Tyrant is a righteous Ruler ? And must we onne him to be a Nursing father to the Church ? Shall we conclude that the common bounds & Limits , whereby the Almighty hath bounded & Limited Mankind , are removed by an Article of our confession of faith , which hereby is turned into a Court creed ? Then welcome Hobs de Cive , with all the rest of Pluto's train , who would bable us into a belief , that the world is to be governed according to the pleasure of wicked Tyrants . I would fain hope at length the world would be awakened out of such ridiculous dreams , & be ashamed any more to oune such fooleries . And it may be , our two Royal Brothers have contributed more to cure men of this Moral madness , than any who went before them . And this is the only advantage , I know , that the Nations hath reaped by their reign . 9. Though we deny that Conquest can give a just Title to a Croun ; yet we grant in some cases , though in the begining it was unjust yet by the peoples after consent it may be turned into a just Title . It is undenyable , when there is just ground of the war ; if a Prince subdue a whole Land , who have justly forfeited their Liberties , when by his grace he preserves them , he may make use of their right now forefeited , and they may resign their Liberty to the Conqueror , and consent that he be their King upon fair & Legal & not Tyrannical conditions . And even when the war is not just , but successful on the invading Conquerours side , this may be an inducement to the Conquered , if they be indeed free and uningaged to any other , to a submission , dedition , & delivery up of themselves to be the subjects of the victor , and to take him for their Soveraign : as it is like the case was with the Jewes in Cesars time , whose Government was translated by dedition to the Roman power ; in the translation when a doing there was a fault , but after it was done it ceased ; though the begining was wrong , there was a post-fact which made it right , and could not be dissolved without an unjust disturbance of publick order . Whence , besides what is said above , in answer to that much insisted Instance of Christs paying tribute , and Commanding it to be paid to Cesar , the difficulty of that instance may be clearly solved . That Tribute which he paid , Math. 17. 24. &c. and that about the payment whereof He was questioned Math. 22. 21. seem to be two different Tributes . Many think very probably they were not one & the same Tribute . It s a question , for whom & by whom that of Math. 17. was gathered ; it s most likely it was gathered by the officers of the Temple for its service : however the payment was made with such caution ( tacitely declining the strict right to exact it from him , but to avoid offence , in an act in it self unobliging ) that their claim is left as much in the dark , as if the question had never been moved . The other Math. 22. was exacted for Cesar : but to that captious question our Lord returns such an Answer , as might both solve it , and evade the snare of the proponders , giving a general Rule of giving to God & to Cesar each their oun , without defining which of them had the right to the payment in question ; whether Cesar should have it , or whether it should be payed only for the Temples use : Upon which they marvelled ; which they needed not do , if they had understood in His words an express & positive declaration of an obligation to make that payment to Cesar ; for then they would have obtained one of their ends , in making Him odious to the people , who were not satisfied with the payment of it . But however , the knot is loosed by considering , that they were now Lawfully subject to the Roman Emperours as their Governours , to whom they were obliged ( I do not say Christ was ) to pay tribute . For they had yeelded themselves unto & ouned the Roman Dominion , in Pompey , Cesar Augustus , & Tiberius , ere this question about Tribute paying was proposed to our Saviour , and therfore they who stuck at the payment of it were a seditious party dissenting from the body of the Nation : Else it is not supposable readily , that their Dominion in Iudea could have been exercised long without some consent , sufficient to legitimate it to the present Rulers , And this is the more likely , if we consider the confession of the Iewes themselves , disavowing the power of Capital punishment ; It is not Lawful for us to put any man to death , And ouning Cesar as their King , with an exclusive a brenounciation of all other , we have no King but Cesar : As Paul also acknowleeges he ought to be judged at Cesars bar , in his appeal to Cesar. It is also acknowledged by very good Authors , that this was the tribute which Iudas the Galilean stood up to free the people from , and that the sedition of those Iewes that folowed him mentioned Act. 5. 37. who mutinied upon this occasion , was according to Gamaliels speech disallowed by that Sanhedrin or Council of the Iewes . And it may be gathered out of Iosephus , that the Iewes of Hircanus his party came under the Roman power by consent & dedition ; while they of Aristobalus his party looked upon the Romans as Usurpers . Which difference continued till our Saviours time , when some part of them acknowledged the Cesarean Authority , some part looked upon it as an Usurpation , and of this generally were the Pharisees . To confirm this , Calvins Testimony may be adduced , upon Math. 22. who sayeth , the Authority of the Roman Emperours was by common use approved and received among the Iewes , whence it was manifest that the Iewes had now of their oun accord imposed on themselves a Law of paying the tribute , because they had passed over to the Romans the power of the sword . And Chamiers Panstrat Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap. 16. pag. 635. what then ? if Cesars Authority were from bad beginings , did therefore Christ untruly say it was from above ? Can no power at first unjust , afterward become just ? if that were so , then either none , or very few King●oms would be just . 10. As Tyranny is a destructive plague to all the Interests of men & Christians ; So Anarchy , the usual product of it , is no less pernicious , bringing a Community into a Paroxysme as deadly & dangerous . We must oune Government to be absolutely necessary , for the constitution & conservation of all Societies . I shall not enter into a disquisition , let be determination , of the Species or Kind of Magistracy , whether Monarchy , Aristocracy , or Democracy , be preferable . My dispute at present is not levelled against Monarchy , but the present Monarch : Not against the Institution of the Species ( though I beleeve , except we betake our selves to the Divine allowance & permission ; we shal be as pusled to find out the Divine Original of it , as Cosmographers are in their search of the Spring of Nilus or Theologues of the Father of Melchizedeck ) but the constitution of this Individual Monarchy established among us ; which in its root & branch , Spring & streams , in its Original , Nature , ends , & effects , is Diametrically opposite to Religion & Liberty ; And because its Contagion , universally perverting & corrupting all the ends & Orders of Magistracy , doth affect & infect all the subordinate officers , deriving their power from such a filthy fountain ; we must also substract & deny their demanded ackowledgments , as any way due , so long as they serve the pride & projects of such a wicked power : And do not reckon our selves obliged by Covenant , or any otherways ( though in the third Article of the Solemn League , we are bound to preserve the rights & priviledges of our Parliaments , & consequently the honour & deference that 's due to our Peers , or other Parliament men , acting according to the trust committed to them , but not when they turn Traitors ingaged in a Conspiracy with the Tyrant ) to oune or defend a Soul-less shadow of a Court Cabal , made up of persons who have sold themselves to work wickedness , in conspiring with this throne of iniquity against the Lord , which is all we have for a Parliament , whom we can in no ways oune as our Representatives , but must look upon them as perjured & perfidious Traitors to God & their Countrey , which they have betrayed into the hands of a Tyrant ; And therefore divested of that power & Authority , which they had of the people as their Representatives , which now is returned to the fountain . And therefore we must act as we can against them , and also what is necessary for securing of our selves , Religion & Liberty , without them . We would think Nobles , ennobled with virtue , a great Mercy & encouragment . And if they would concur in the Testimony for Religion & Liberty , we would be glad that they should lead the van and prove themselves to be powers appointed by God , in acting for Him & His Interest . But for the want of their Conduct , we must not surcease from that duty that they abandon , nor think that the Concurrence of Peers is so necessary to legitimate our actions , as that without that formality our resolutions to maintain the Truth of God on all hazards , in a private Capacity , were unlawful in the Court of God & Nature : But on the contrare must judge , that their relinquishing or opposing their duty , which before God they are obliged to maintain , preserve , & promove , is so far from loosing our obligation , or eximing us from our duty , that is should rather press us to prosecute it with the more vigour , without suspending it upon their precedency . For now they can pretend to no precedency , when they do not answer the end of their erection , and do not seek the publick good but their oun private advantage , they cease to be the Ministers of God & of the people , and become private persons . And reason will conclude , that when the Ephori or Trustees betray their Trust , and sell or basely give away the Liberties & Priviledges of the people , which they were entrusted with , the people cannot be brought into a remediless condition ; if a Tutor waste & destroy the pupills estate , the Law provides a remedy for the pupil Ius popu . vind . cap. 15. pag. 335. 336. The remedy in this case can only be , as every one must move in his oun sphere , while all concur in the same duty ; So if any in higher place become not only remiss , but according to the influence of their power would seduce others into their Apostasie , it is their duty to resist & endeavour their Reformation or removal : And if these more eminently entrusted shall turn directly Apostates , & obstructive & destructive to common Inte●●●● , the people of an inferior degree may step forward to occupy the places , & assert the Interests , which they forefault & desert . Neither is this a breach of good order ; for Ordor is only a mean subordinate to , & intended for the Glory of God & the peoples good , and the regulation thereof must only be admitted as it is conducible & not repugnant to these ends . A Generals command to his souldiers in battel , does not impede the necessity of succession , in case of vacancy of any charge , either through death or desertion , even of such as in quality may be far inferior to those whose places they step into , Naph . Pag. 151. Prior Edition . I do not assert this for private peoples aspiring into the Capacity of Primores or Peers ; but that they may do that which the Peers desert , and dare not or will not do , if the Lord put them in a Capacity to do it . And more plainly I assert , that if the Peers of the Land , whose duty it is principally to restrain & repress Tyranny , either connive at it or concur with it , and so abandon or betray their Trust , then the Common people may do it ; at least are obliged to renounce , reject , & disoune allegiance to the Tyrant , without the peers . For which I offer these reasons 1. Because all men have as much freedom & Liberty by nature as Peers have , being no more slaves than they ; because slavery is a penal evil contrare to nature , and a miserie consequent of sin , and every man created according to Gods image is res Sacr● a Sacred thing ; And also no more subjects to Kings &c. than they ; freedom being natural to all , ( except freedom from subjection to Parents , which is a Moral duty & most kindly & natural , and subjection of the wife to the husband &c. ) but otherwise as to Civil & Politick subjection , man by nature is born as free as beasts ; No Lyon is born King of Lyons , nor no man born King of men , nor Lord of men , nor Representative of men , nor Rulers of men , either supreme or subordinate ; because none by nature can have those things that essentially constitute Rulers , the calling of God , nor gifts and qualifications for it , nor the election of the People . 2. The original of all that power , that the 〈◊〉 or Representatives can claim , is from the people , not from themselves ; from whence derived they their being Representatives , but from the peoples Commission or Compact ? when at the first constit●tion of Parliaments or publick Conventions for affairs of State , necessity put the people , who could not so conveniently meet all , to confer that honour & burden upon the best qualified , & who had chief Interest , by Delegation . Hence if the people give such a power , they may wave it when perverted , and act without their oun impowered Servants . 3. The peoples power , is greater than the power of any delegated or constituted by them ; the Cause is more than the effect ; Parliament-men do represent the people , the people do no not represent the Parliament : They are as Tutors & Curators unto the people , and in effect their servants deputed to oversee their publick affairs , therefore if their power be less the people can act without them . 4. It were irrational to imagine , the people committing the administration of their weighty affairs unto them , did denude themselves of all their radical power ; or that they can devolve upon them , or they obtain , any other power but what is for the good & advantage of the people ; therefore they have power to act without them , in things which they never resigned to them : for they cannot be deprived of that natural aptitude , & natures birth right , given to them by God & Nature , to provide the most efficacious & prevalent means for the preservation of their Rights & Liberties . 5. As the people have had power before they made Peers , and have done much without them ; So these Primores could never do without them , therefore in acts of common Interest , the Peers depend more upon the people than the people does upon them . 6. All these primeve rights , that gave rise to Societies , are equal to both People & Peers , whereof the Liberty to repress & reject Tyranny is a chief one . The People as well as Peers have a hard in making the King , and other Judges also , as is clear from Deut. 17. 14. Iudg. 9. 6. 1 Sam. 11. 15. 2 King. 14. 21. therefore they may unmake them as well as they . To seek to preserve the ends of Government , when they are over-turned , is essentially requisite to all Societies , and therefore common & competent to all Constituents of these Societies , Superiours or inferiours . The Glory of God & Security of Religion , the end of all Christian Government , doth concern all equally . As every one equally is bound to obey God rather than man , so violence in this case , destroyes both the Commonwealth , & maketh the end & the means of Government , and the injured persons obligation thereto to cease , and this equally to every man of Private or publick Capacity . In the Concern of Religion at least , We must not think , because we are not Nobles or in Authority , that the care of it or Reformation thereof does nothing pertain to us ; Nay in that , and carrying on the work thereof , there is an equality ; As in the erection of the Old Testament Tabernacle , all the people were to contribute a like , half a shekel Exod. 30. that it might be for a rememberance before the Lord. Hence it followes , if we disoune the Supreme Ruler , and the inferior confederate with him , and cannot have the Concurrence of others ; Now through the manifest & notorious Perversion of the great ends of Societie & Government , the bond thereof being dissolved , we Liberated there-from , do relapse into our Primeve Liberty & Priviledge , and accordingly as the similitude of our Case & exigence of our Cause doth require , may upon the very same Principles again joine & associate , for our better defence & Preservation , as we did at first enter into Societies Naph . P. 150. yet , whatever we may do in this case ; We are not for presumptuous Assumptions of Authority , which maleversers have forefaulted : Neither are we for new erections of Government , but are for keeping the Societie of which we are members intire , in an endeavour to have all our fellow members united unto God & to one another , in Religion & Liberty , according to the bond of the Solemn League & Covenant . Certain it is that Greater Societies under one Government , may in some cases make a Secession , & divide into Lesser without sedition : or else , how would there be now so many distinct Common-wealths in the world ? seeing at first all was under one head : and how comes it to pass , that there are so many Kingdoms in Europe , when it can be instanced when all , or the most part , were under on Roman Emperour ? But this in our Circumstance is no way expedient , neither was it ever in Projection . But our aim is to abstract our selves inoffensively , and maintain our rights that remain unrobbed , and to adhere clossly to the fundamental Constitutions , Lawes , & Laudable Practices of our native Kingdome . 11. We oune the obligation of our Sacred Covenants , unrepealably & indispensibly binding to all the duties of Christian subjection to Magistrates . But we deny , that hereby we are bound either to maintain Monarchy , especially thus perverted ; nor to oune the Authority of either of the two Monarchs that have Monarchized or Tyrannized over us these 27 years past . For as to the first we assert , that that which is in its oun nature Mutable , cannot be simply sworn unto to be maintained & preserved , but Hypothetically it most , else it were simply sinful ; since it were to make things , in their oun nature and in the Providence of God changable , unchangable ; yea it were a doun right swearing not to comply with , but to spurn against , the various vicisitudes of Divine Providence , the great Rector of the Universe . And it is unquestionable , that when things alterable & unalterable are put in the same Oath , to make the Engagment Lawful the things must be understood , as they are in their oun nature and no otherwise : else both the Imposer & the Taker grievously transgress ; the former , in taking upon him what is in the power of no Morta , and a Contradicton to the Prerogative of the Immorta God ; and the other , in ouning that power as just . Hence when these two fall to be in the same Oath , they must be so understood as it may not be made a snare to the conscience of the Sweaer . For it may fall so out in the Providence of God , that the Preservation of both is in all respects made impossible : And an adhesion to the one , may so far interfere with the Preservation of the other , as if the Mutable and that which hath no objective obligation be stuck to , the other , which with the loss of all Interests we are to maintain , must be abandoned ; yea , that which was sworn to be maintained as a mean only , & a mutable one too , may not only cease to be a mean , but may actually destroy the main end , and then it is to be laid aside , because then it inverts the order of things . Hence also it may be questioned , if it were not more convenient , to leave out those things that are alterable in themselves , out of the same Oath with things unalterable , and put them in a distinct Oaths or Covenant by themselves ; as we see Iehojadah did 2 King. 11. 17. He made a Covenant between the Lord and the King & the people , that they should be the Lords people ; between the King also & the People . Here are two distinct Covenants ; the one made with God , about things eternally obligatory , wherein King & people engage themselves upon level ground , to serve the Lord , and Joash the King his treacherous dealing with God in that matter brought the Curse of that Covenant upon him : The other Covenant was Civil , about things alterable , relating to Points of Government & Subjection . And as he , by virtue of that prior Covenant , had obliged himself , under the pain of the Curse thereof , to carry as one Covenanted to God with the people , and so not to Tyrannize over his brethren : So the people , by virtue of that same Covenant , were to yeeld obedience , but in nothing to acknowledge him as having power or Authority to countermand Gods Command ; Neither had it been an act of disloyaltie , to have broken doun his Groves , which he had with the addition of the guilt of Perjurie set up , and to have bound his ungrateful hands from the blood of the Gracious Zechariah : A perfect parallel to our Case under the former dominator , save that it was out-done as to all dimensions of wickedness by him . To speak more plainly , the Religious part of our Covenant is of an Eternal obligation : but as to the Civil part , it is impossible it can ever be so , unless it be well & Cautiously understood , that is , unless instead of any species of Government , as Monarchy , &c. we put in Magistracy it self . For this is that power which is of God : but Monarchy &c. is only a humane Creature , about the creation whereof men take a Liberty , according to what suits them best in their present Circumstances . And as to this Species of Monarchy ; men are never left at Liberty ▪ to cloath therewith any inept or impious Person . And they are perfectly loosed from it . 1. when that Species of Government becomes opposite to the ends of Government , and is turned Tyranny , especially when a legal establishment is pretended ; then it affects with its contagion the very species it self : The house is to be pulled doun , when the Leprosie is got into the walls & foundation . 2. when as it is exercised , it is turned inept for answering the end of its erection , and prejudicial to the main thing for which Government is given , to wit , the Gospel and the coming of Christs Kingdom : hence it is promised to the Church , Isai. 49. 23. Kings shall be nursing fathers to the Church — And Isai. 52. 15. It is promised to the Me●iator , that Kings shall shute their mouths — I. e. never a word in their head , but out of reverence & respect to His absolute Soveraignty , they shall take the Law from Him , without daring to contradict , far less to take upon them to prescribe in the House of God , as they in their wisdom think fit . 3. when Providence , without any sinful hand , makes that species impossible to be kept up , without the ruine of that for which it was erected : when things come to this push & pinch , whosoever are cloathed with the power are then under an obligation to comply with that alteration of providence , for the safety of the people ; else they declare themselves unworthy of rule , and such who would sacrifice the interest of the people to their particular interest ; in which case the people may make their Publick servant sensible , he is at his highest elevation but a Servant . Hence , now when this species named in the Covenant , viz , Monarchy , is by Law so vitiate , as it is become the mean & instrument of the destruction of all the ends of that Covenant , and now by Law transmitted to all successors as a hereditary , pure , perfect , & perpetual opposition to the coming of Christs kingdom ; So that as long as there is one to wear that Croun ( but Iehavah will in righteousness execute Coniahs doom upon the race Ier. 22. ult . write this man childless — ) and enter heir to the Government as now established , he must be an enemy to Christ ; there is no other way left , but to think on a new Modell moulded according the true Pattern . As to the Second , we are far less obliged to oune & acknowledge the interest of any of the two Monarchs , that we have been Mourning under these many years , from these Sacred Covenants . For as to the first of them , Charles the 2. Those Considerations did cassate his Interest , as to any Covenant obligation to oune him . 1. In these Covenants we are not sworn absolutely to maintain the Kings Person & Authority , but only Conditionally , in the Preservation & defence of Religion & Liberties . Now when this Condition was not performed , but on the contrare professedly resolved never to be fulfilled ; And when he laid out himself to the full of his power & Authority , for the destuction of that Reformed Religion & Liberties of the Kingdom ; which he solemnly swore to defend when he received the Croun , only in the termes that he should be a Loyal subject to Christ , and a true & faithful Servant to the people , in order to which a Magistrate is chosen , and all his worth , excellency , & valuableness consists in his answering that purpose ; for the excellency of a mean , as such , is to be measured from the end , and its answerableness thereunto : We were not then obliged , to maintain such an enemy to these precious Interests . 2. Because , as the people were bound to him , so he was bound to them by the same Covenant , being only on these termes entrusted with the Government : All which Conditions he perfidiously broke , whereupon only , his Authority & our Allegiance were founded ; And thereby we were loosed , from all reciprocal obligation to him by virtue of that Covenant . 3. Though he and we stood equally engaged to the duties of that Covenant , only with this difference , that the Kings Capacity being greater , he was the more obliged to have laid out that power , in causing all to stand to their Covenant Engagments , as Iosiah did 2 Chron. 34. 31 , 32 , 33. ( But alas there was never a Iosiah in the race ) yet he rose up to the hight of rebellion against God and the people , in heaven-daring insolency , and not only brake but burnt that Covenant , and made Lawes to case & rescind it , and made a not-concurring in this Conspiracy a note of incapacity for any Trust , in Church or State. Therefore to plead for an ouning of him in this case , were only concludent of this , that the Generation had dreamed themselves into such a distraction , as may be feared will be pursued with destruction , and make such dreamers the detestation of posterity , and cause all men Proclaim the righteousness of God , in bringing ruine upon them by that very power & Authority they ouned in such circumstances . 4. It is a known maxime , Qui non implet conditionem a se promissam cadit beneficio ; & qui remittit obligationem non potest exigere . He that does not fulfill the conditions falls from the benefit of it , and whoso remitts the obligation of the party obliged upon condition , cannot exact it afterwards . So then it is evident that the subjects of Scotland , were by King Charles the 2 de his consent , yea express command , disengaged from so much of that Covenant as could be alledged in favors of himself : So that all that he did , by burning & rescinding these Covenants , and pursuing all who endeavoured to ad●ere to them , was a most explicite Liberating his subjects from , & remission of their Allegiance to him ( and in this we had been fools , if we had not taken him at his word ) yea he rescinded his very Coronation , by an act of his first Parliament after his return , which did declare null & void all Acts , Constitutions , & establishments , from the year 1633 to that present session , not excepting those for his oun Coronation , after which he was never recrouned , And therefore we could not oune that right , which himself did annul . But as for his Royal Brother , Iames the 7 / 2 we cannot indeed make use of the same reasons & arguments , to disoune him , as we have now adduced ▪ yet , as we shall prove afterwards , this Covenant does oblige to renounce him . So it is so clear , that it needs no Illustration , that there lies no obligation from the Covenant to oune him : And also that for this cause we are obliged not to oune him . 1. Because as he is an enemy to the whole of our Covenant , and especially to these terms upon which Authority is to be ouned therein : So he will not come under the bond of this Covenant , nor any other compact with the people , but intrude himself upon the Throne , ●n such a way as overturns the Basis of our Government , and destroyes all the Liberties of a free people , which by Covenant we are bound to preserve , and consequently as inconsistent therewith , to renounce his Usurpation . For , a Prince that will set himself up without any transactions with the people , or conditions giving Security for Religion & Liberty , is an Usurping Tyrant , not bounded by any Law but his oun lusts . And to say to such an one , Reign thow over us , is all one as to say , come thow and play the Tyrant over us , and let thy lust & will be a Law to us : which is both against Scripture & Natural-sense . If he be not a King upon Covenant termes , either expressly or tacitely , or general stipulations according to the word of God & Lawes of the Land , he cannot be ouned as a father , Protector , or Tutor , having any fiduciary power entrusted to him over the Commonwealth , but as a Lawless & absolute Dominator , assuming to himself a power to rule or rage as he lists : whom to oune were against our Covenants ; for there we are sworn to Maintain his Maj. just & Lawful Authority , and by consequence not to oune Usurpation & Tyranny , stated in opposition to Religion & Liberty , which there also we are engaged to maintain . Sure , this cannot be Lawful Authority which is of God , for God giveth no power against Himself ; Nor can it be of the people , who had never power granted them of God to create one over them , with a Liberty to destroy them , their Religion & Liberty , at his pleasure . 2. As he is not nor will not be our Covenanted & sworn King ( and therefore we cannot be his Covenanted & sworn subjects ) So he is not nor can not be our Crouned King , and therefore we must not be his Liege subjects , ouning fealty & obedience to him . For according to the National Covenant ; as all Lieges are to maintain the Kings Authority , consistent with the subjects Liberties ; which if they be innovated or prejudged , such Confusion would ensue , as this realme could be no more a free Monarchy — So for the Preservation of true Religion , Lawes , & Liberties of this Kingdom , it is statute by the 8 Act. Parl. 1 , repeated in the 99 Act. Parl. 7. ratified in the 23. Act. Parl. 11. and 114 Act. Parl. 12. of King Iames 6. and 4 Act of K. Charles 1. that all Kings & Princes ● at their coronation & reception of their Princely , Authority , shall make their faithful Promise by their solemn Oath , in the presence of the Eternal God ; That enduring the whole time of their lives , they shall serve the same Eternal God , to the utter-most of their power , according as He hath required in His most holy Word , contained in the Old & new Testaments , and according to the same Word , shall maintain the true Religion of Christ Jesus , the preaching of His holy Word , the due & right Ministration of the Sacraments , now received & Preached within this realme ( according to the Confession of faith immediatly preceding ) and shall abolish & gainstand all false religion , contrary to the same ; And shall rule the people committed to their charge , according to the will & Command of God , revealed in His fore-said Word , and according to the Laudable Lawes & Constitutions received in this realme , no wayes repugnant to the said Will of the Eternal God ; And shal procure , to the uttermost of their power , to the Kirk of God & whole Christian people , true & perfect peace in all time coming ; And that they shall be careful to root out of their Empire all Hereticks & Enemies to the true Worship of God , who shall be convicted by the true Kirk of God of the foresaid Crimes . Now this Coronation Oath he hath not taken , he will not , he cannot take ; and therefore cannot be our Crouned King according to Law. As there be also many other Lawes incapacitating his admission to the Croun , being a Professed Papist , and no Law for it at all , but one of his oun making by a Pacqued Cabal of his oun Complices , a Parliament , wherein himself presided as Commissioner , enacting matterially his succession , and rescinding all these Ancient Lawes : which Act of Succession ( which is all the legal right he can pretend to in Scotland ) because it cannot be justified , therefore his right cannot be ouned , which is founded upon the subversion of our Ancient Lawes . But as he cannot be our Legally Crouned King , so he is not so much as formally Crouned . And therfore before his Inauguration , whatever right to be King ( whom the Representatives may admit to the Government ) he may pretend to , by hereditary Succession ; yet he cannot formally bemade King , till the people make a Compact with him , upon termes for the safety of their dearest & nearst Liberties , even though he were not disabled by Law. He might , as they say , pretend to some jus ad rem , but he could have no jus in re . The Kings of Scotland , while uncrouned , can exerce no Royal Government ; for the Coronation in Concret , according to the substance of the Act , is no Ceremonie ( as they , who make Conscience it self but a Ceremony , call it ) nor an accidental ingredient in the Constitution of a King , but as it is distinctive , so it is Constitutive : it distinguished Saul from all Israel , and made him from no King to be a King , it is dative & not only Declarative ; it puts some honour upon him that he had not before . 3. Though the Lawes should not strike against his Coronation , And though the Representatives Legally should take the same measures with him that they took with his brother , and admit him upon the termes of the Covenant ; yet after such doleful experiences of such transactions with these Sons of Belial , who must not be taken with hands , nor by the hand , it were hard to trust , or entrust them with the Government , even though they should make the fairest Professions : Since they whose Principle is to keep no faith to Hereticks ( as they call us ) and who will be as absolute in their promises as they are in their power , have deservedly forefeited all Credit & Trust with honest men ; so that none could rationally refer the determination of a half Croun reckoning to any of them , far less oune them & their Government in the Managment of the weightiest affairs of State , since their Male-versations are written in such bloody Characters , as he that runs may read them . At least it were wisdom , & is our duty , to take our Measures from the General Assemblies Procedure with the other Brother , before his admission to the Government , to suspend our Allegiance to him until Authority be Legally devolved upon him , and founded upon & bounded by termes giving all security for Religion & Liberty . 12. As I said before ; wary Prudence , in waving such an impertinent & Ticklish Question , cannot be condemned : since what ever he may be in conscience , no man in Law can be obliged , so far to surrender the common Priviledge of all Mankind , to give an account of all his inward thoughts , which are alwise said to be free . And as in nothing they are more various , so in nothing they can be more violented , than to have our opinion & sentiments of the current Government extorted from us ; a declining of which Declaration of thoughts , where no overt Act in project or practice can be proven against it , cannot be Treason in any Law in the world : So a Cautelous Answer , in such a ticklish & entrapping imposition , cannot be censured in point of Lawfullnesse of expediency , even though much be concedded , to stop the Mouths of these bloody Butchers , gaping greedily after the blood of the Answerer ; if he do not really oune , but give them to understand he cannot approve of , this Tyranny . But as these poor faithful Witnesses , who were helped to be most free , have alwise been honoured with the most signal Countenance of the Lord in a happy issue of their Testimony : So those that used their Prudentials most , in seeking shifts to sh●n severity , and studying to satisfie these Inquisitors with their stretched Concessions , were ordinarly more exposed to snares , and found less satisfaction in their Sufferings , even though they could say much to justify , or at least extenuate their Shiftings . I knew one , who had proof of this , who afterwards was ashamed of this kind of Prudence . A short account of whose managing of Answers to this Question , because it may conduce somewhat to the explication of it , may here be hinted . The question moved after the usual forme , was , Do ye onne the Authority of King Iames the 7 ? In answer to which , he pleaded first , for the immunity of his thoughts , which he said were not subject to theirs or any Tribunal . When this could not be an evasion from their extortions , he objected the ambiguity of the termes in which the Question was conceived , being capable of diverse senses : And inquired , what they meant by Authority ? what by ouning Authority ? By Authority , whether did they mean the Administration of it , as now improved ? if so , then he was not satisfied with it : or the right as now established ? if so , then he was not clear to give his opinion of it ; as being neither significant nor necessary , and that it was fitter for Lawyers , and those that were better acquaint with the Arcana Imperii , than for him to dispute it . Again he asked , what they meant by ouning ? either it is Passive subjection ; that he did not decline : or Active acknowledgment of it ; and that he said he looked upon as all the suffrage he could give to its establishment in his station , which he must demur upon some scruple . The replies he received were very various , and some of them very rare , either for ignorance or imposture . Sometimes it was answered : To oune the Kings Authority , is to take the Oath of Allegiance ; this he refused . Some answered , it is to engage never to rise in Armes against the King upon any pretence whatsoever ; this he refused likewise . Others explained it to be , to acknowledge his right to be King : To this he answered , when the Authority is Legally devolved upon him by the Representatives of both Kingdoms , it was time enough for him to give account of his sentiments . Others defined it , to oune him to be Lawful King by succession : To this he Answered , he did not understand succession could make a man formally King , if there were not some other way of Conveyance of it ; it might put him in the nearest Capacity to be King , but could not make him King. Some did thus Paraphrase upon it , that he must oune him to be his Soveraign Lord under God , and Gods vicegerent , to be obeyed in all things Lawful : To this he answered , whom God appoints , and the People choose according to Law , he would oune . When those shifts would not do , but from time to time being urged to a Categorical Answer ; he told them , he was content to live in subjection to any Government Providence set up , but for ouning the present Constitution as of God and according to Law , he durst not acknowledge it , nor oune any Mortal as his Lawful Soveraign , but in termes consistent with the Covenant securing Religion and Liberty . This not satisfying , when he came to a more pinching Trial ; he declared , he ouned all Lawful Authority according to the Word of God , and all Authority that was the Ordinance of God by His Preceptive Will , and he could be subject to any ; but further to acknowledge it , he behooved to have more clearness , for sometimes a Nation might be charged with that , ye have set up Kings and not by me &c Further he conceded , he ouned his providential Advancement to the Throne ; he ouned as much as he thought did oblige him to subject himself with patience ; he ouned him to be as Lawful as providence possessing him of the Throne of his Ancestors , and Lineal succession , as presumed next in blood & line , could make him : But still he declined to oune him as Lawful King , and alledged that was all one , whether he was Lawful or not , he refused not subjection , distinguishing it always from Allegiance . But all these concessions did not satisfie them , & they alledged he might say all this of a Tyrant : & therefore commanded him to give it under his hand , to oune not only the Lineal but the Legal succession of King Iames the 7. to the Croun of Scotland : which he did , upon a fancy that Legal did not import Lawful , but only the formality of their Law ; withal protesting , he might not be interpreted to approve of his succession . But this was a vain Protestatio contra factum . However by this we see , what is ouning this Authority , in the sense of the Inquisitors . The result of all is , to acknowledge Allegiance to the present possessor , and to approve his pretended Authority as Lawful , Rightful , & Righteous : which indeed is the true sense of the Words , and any other that men can forge or find out is strained . For , to speak properly , if we oune his Authority in any respect , we oune it to be Lawful : for eyery Authority , that is ouned to be Authority indeed , is Lawful ; Authority alwayes importing Authorization , and consisting in a Right or Call to rule , and is formally & essentially contradistinct to Usurpation : wherever the place of power is meerly usurped , there is no Authority but verbo tenu● ; A Style without truth , a barely pretended nominal equivocal Authority , no real denomination : if we then oune this Mans Authority , we oune it to be Lawful Authority : And if we cannot oune it so , we cannot oune it at all . For it is most suitable , either to manly ingenuity , or Christian simplicity , to speak properly , and to take words always in the sense that they to whom they are speaking will understand them , without equivacating . These Preliminaries being thus put by , which do contribute to clear somewhat in this Controversie , and both furnish us with some Arguments for , and solutions in most of the objections against , my Thesis in answer to the Question above stated . I set it doun thus . A people long oppressed with the Encroachments of Tyrants & Usurpers , may disoune all Allegiance to their pretended Authority , and when imposed upon to acknowledge it , may & must ratber chuse to suffer , than to oune it . And consequently we cannot as matters now stand oune , acknowledge , or approve the pretended Authority of King Iames the 7. as Lawful King of Scotland ; as we could not as matters then stood oune the Authority of Charles the 2. This consequence is abundantly clear from the foregoing deduction , demonstrating their Tyranny & usurpation . In prosecuting of this General Thesis , which will evince the particular Hypothesis : I shall . 1. Adduce some Historical Instances , whence it may be gathered , that this is not altogether without a precedent , but that people have disouned Allegiance to Tyrants & Usurpers , before now . 2. Deduce it from the Dictates of reason . 3. Confirme it by Scripture Arguments . I. Albeit , as was shewed before , this Question as now stated , is in many respects unprecedented ; yet the practice , which in our day hath been the result of it , to wit , to disoune or not to oune Prevailing Dominators Usurping the Government or abusing it , is not so alien from the examples of History , but that by Equivalency or consequence it may be collected from , & confirmed by instances . 1. To begin at home , besides many Passages related already for confirmation , we may adde ( 1 ) That for about 1025. years , the people had in their choise whom to oune ar admit to succeed in the Government , even though the Kingdom was hereditary ; and used to elect , not such who were nearest in blood & line , but these that were judged most fit for Government , being of the same progeny of Fergus , Buchan . Rer. Scot. lib. 6. pag. 195. in vita Kennethi . 3. This continued until the dayes of Kenneth the 3. who to cover his villanous Murder of his Brothers Son Malcolm , and prevent his and secure his oun sons succession , procured this Charter for Tyranny , the settlement of the succession of the next in line from the Parliament : which , as it pretended the prevention of many inconveniences , arising from Contentions & Competions about the succession ; So it was limited by Lawes , Precluding the succession of Fools or Monsters , and preserving the peoples liberty to shake off the yoke , when Tyranny should thereby be introduced : Otherwise it would have been not only an irrational surrender of all their oune Rights , & enslaving the posterity , but an irreligious contempt of Providence , refusing & anticipating its Determination in such a case . However it is clear , before this time , that as none but the fittest were admitted to the Government ; So if any did usurpe upon it , or afterwards did degenerate into Tyranny , they took such order with him , as if he had not been admitted at all ; as is clear in the instances of the first Period , and would never oune every pretender to hereditary succession . ( 2 ) As before Kenneths dayes , it is hard to reckon the numerous Instances of Kings that were dethroned , or imprisoned , or slain , upon no other account than that of their oppression & Tyranny : So afterwards , they maintained the same power & priviledge of repressing them , when ever they began to encroach . And although no Nation hath been more patient towards bad Kings , as well as Loyal towards good ones ; yet in all former times , they understood so well their Right they had , and the duty they owed to their oun preservation , as that they seldom failed of calling the exorbitantly flagitious to an account . And albeit , in stead of condoling or avenging the death of the Tyrannous , they have often both excused & justified it , yet no Kingdom hath inflicted severer Punishments upon the Murderers of just & righteous Princes : And therefore , though they did neither enquire after , nor animadvert upon those that slew Iames the 3. a flagitious Tyrant , yet they did by most exquisite Torments put them to death who slew Iames the 1. a vertuous Monarch . Hence , because these & other instances I mind to adduce of deposing Tyrants , may be excepted against , as not pertinent to my purpose , who am not pleading for exauctoration & deposition of Tyrants , being impracticable in our case : I shall once for all remove that , and desire it may be considered . [ 1 ] That though we cannot formally exauctorate a Tyrant ; yet he may ipso jure fall from his right , and may exauctorate himself , by His Law by whom Kings reign ; and this is all we plead for as a foundation of not ouning him . [ 2 ] Though we have not the same power , yet we have the same grounds , and as great & good if not greater & better reasons to reject & disoune our Tyrant , as they whose example is here adduced had to depose some of their Tyrannizing Princes . [ 3 ] If they had power & ground to depose them , then a fortiori they had power & ground to disoune them ; for that is less & inculded in the other , and this we have . [ 4 ] Though it should be granted , that they did not disoune them before they were deposed ; yet it cannot be said that they did disoune them only because they were deposed : for it is not deposition that makes a Tyrant ; it only declares him to be justly punished , for what he was before . As the sentance of a Judge does not make a man a murderer or Thief , only declares him convict of these Crimes , & punishable for them ; it s his oun committing them that makes him Criminal : And as before the sentance , having certain knowledge of the fact , we might disoune the Mans innocency or honesty ; So a Rulers Acts of Tyranny & Usurpation make him a Tyrant & Usurper , and give ground to disoune his just & legal Authority ; which he can have no more than a Murtherer or Thief can have innocency or honesty . ( 3 ) We find also examples of their disouning Kings undeposed ; as King Baliol was disouned with his whole race , for attempting to enslave the Kingdoms Liberties to forreign power . And if this may be done for such an attempt , as the greatest Court parasites & Sycophants consent ; what then shall be done for such as attempt to subject the people to Domestick or Intestine Slaverie ? Shall we refuse to be slaves to one without , and be , & oune our selves contented Slaves to one with in the Kingdom ? It is known also that King Iames the 1. his Authority was refused by his subjects in France , so long as he was a Prisoner to the English there , though he charged them upon their Allegiance , not to fight against the party who had his person Prisoner : They answered , they ouned no Prisoner for their King , nor owed no Allegiance to a Prisoner . Hence Princes may learn , though people submit to their Government ; yet their resignation of themselves to their obedience is not so full , as that they are obliged to oune Allegiance to them , when either Morally or Physically they are incapacitate to exerce Authority over them . They that cannot rule themselves , cannot be ouned as Rulers over a people . 2. Neither hath there been any Nation , but what at one time or other hath furnished examples of this Nature . The English History gives account , how some of their Kings have been dealt with by their Subjects , for impieties against the Law & Light of Nature , and encroachments upon the Lawes of the Land. Vortigernu● was dethroned for incestously marying his oun Sister . Neither did ever Blasphemies , Adulteries , Murders , Plotting against the lives of Innocents , and taking them away by Poison or Razor , use to escape the animadversion of men , before they were Priest-ridden unto a belief that Princes persons were sacred . And if men had that generosity now , this man that now reigns might expect some such animadversion . And we find also King Edward , & Richard the 2. were deposed , for Usurpation upon Lawes & Liberties , in doing whereof the people avowed . They would not suffer the Lawes of England to be changed . Surely the people of England must now be far degenerate , who having such Lawes transmitted to them from their worthy Ancestors , and they themselves being born to the possession of them without a Change , do now suffer them to be so encroached upon , and mancipate themselves , & leave their Children vassals to Poperie , & slaves to Tyranny . 3. The Dutch also , who have the best way of guiding of Kings of any that ever had to do with them ( witness their having so many of them in Chains , now in Batavia in the East Indies ) are not wanting for their part to furnish us with examples . When the King of Spain would not condescend to govern them according to their Ancient Lawes , and rule for the good of the people , they declared him to be fallen from the Seigniorie of the Netherlands , and so erected themselves into a flourishing Common-wealth . It will not be amiss to transcribe some of the words of the Edict of the Estates General to this purpose . It is well known , ( say they ) that a Prince & Lord of a Countrey is Ordained by God to be Soveraign & Head over his subjects , to preserve & defend them from all injuries , force , & violence , and that if the Prince therefore faileth therein , and in stead of preserving his subjects , doth outrage & oppress them , depriveth them of their Priviledges & Ancient Customs , commandeth them and will be served of them as slaves ; they are no longer bound to respect him as their Soveraign Lord , but to esteem of him as a Tyrant , neither are they bound to acknowledge him as their Prince , but may abandon him &c. And with this aggrees the answer of William Prince of Orange to the Edict of Proscription , published against him by Philip. the II. There is , sayes he , a Reciprocal Bond betwixt the Lord & his vassal ; so that if the Lord break the Oath , which he hath made unto his vassal , the vassal is discharged of the Oath made unto his Lord. This was the very Argument of the poor suffering people of Scotland , whereupon they disouned the Authority of Charles the Second . 4. The Monarchy of France is very absolute ; yet there also the State hath taken order with their Tyrants ; not only have we many instances of resistances made against them , but also of disouning , disabling , & invalidating their pretended Authority & repressing their Tyranny . So was the two Childerici served : So also Sigebertus , Dagabertus , and Lodowick the II. Kings of France . 5. The great body of Germany moves very slowly , and is inured to bear great burdens : yet there also we find Ioan●a of Austria Mother of Charles the 5. was put to perpetual sonment : which example is adduced by the Earle of Mortoun , in his discourse to the Queen of England ( whereof I rehearsed a part before ) vindicating the deposing & disouning Queen Mary of Scotland . If , saith he , we compare her with Ioanna of Austria — what did that poor wretch commit , but that she could not want a litle lustful pleasure , as a remedy necessary for her age ? And yet poor Creature , she suffered that punishment , of which our Dame convicted of most grievous Crimes now complains — Buchan . Rer. Scotic . l. b. 20. pag. 748. The Duke of Saxon , the Landgrave of Hesse and the Magistrats of Magdeburgh , joined in a war against her Son Charles the 5. and drew up a conclusion by resolution of Lawyers , wherein are these words — Neither are we bound to him by any other reason , than if he keep the conditions on which he was created Emperour . By the Laws themselves it is provided , that the Superior Magistrate shall not infringe the right of the inferior , & if the Superior Magistrate exceed the Limits of his power , and command that which is wicked , not only we need not obey him , but if he offer force we may resist him . Which Opinion is confirmed by some of the greatest Lawyers , and even some who are Patrons of Tyranny , Grotius none of the greatest enemies of Tyrants , de jure belli lib. 1. cap. 4. n : 11. sayth out of Barclaius , & with him , that the King doth loss his power when he seeketh the destruction of his subjects . It was upon the account of the Tyranny of that bloody house of Austria over the Helvetians , that they shook off the rule & Government of that family , and established themselves into a Republick . And at this present time , upon the same accounts , the Tyranny & Treachery of this Imperial Majestie , the Hungarians have essayed to maintain & justify a revolt in disouning the Emperour , now for several years . 6. Polland is an Elective Kingdom , and so cannot but be fertile of many instances of casting off Tyrants . Henricus Valesius , disouned for fleeing , and Sigismuadus for violating his faith to the States , may suffice . Lex Rex Q. 24. Pag. 217. 7. In Denmark , we find Christiernus their King , was for his intollerable Cruelty put from the Kingdom , he and all his Posterity , and after twenty years did end his life in Prison . 8. In Swedland , within the Compass of one Century , the people deposed & banished the two Christierns , and dethroned & imprisoned Ericus , for their oppressions & Tyranny , and for pursuing the destruction of their Subjects . 9. The Portugieses , not many years ago , laid aside and confined Alphonsus their King , for his rapines & Murders . 10. Some Dukes of Venice have been so disouned by these Common-wealths men , that laying aside their Royal honours as private men , they have spent their dayes in Monasteries . Buchan . de jure regni apud Scotos . 11. If we will revolve the old Roman Histories , we shall find no small store of such examples , both in the time of their Kings , Consuls , & Emperours . Their seventh King Tarquinius Superbus , was removed by the people , for his evident Usurpation : Neque enim ad jus regni quicquam praeter vim habebat , ut qui neque populi jussu , neque Patribus Authoribus , regnavit , sayth Livius i.e. for he had nothing for a right to the Government , but meer force , and got the rule neither by the peoples consent & choise , nor by the Authority of the Senators . So afterwards the Empire was taken from Vitellius , Heliogabulus , Maximinus , Didius Iulianus , Lex Rex , ub , supra . 12. But it will be said . Can there be any Instances of the Primitive Christians adduced ? Did ever they , while groaning under the most insupportable Tyranny of their Persecuting Emperours , disoune their Authority , or suffer for not ouning it ? To this I answer . 1. What they did or did not of this Kind , is not of moment to inquire : seeing their practice & Example , under such disavantages , can neither be known exactly , nor what is known of it be accommodated to our case : for ( 1 ) they were never forced to give their judgement , neither was the question ever put to them , whether they ouned their Authority or not : if they transgressed the Lawes , they were lyable to the punishment , they craved no more of them . ( 2 ) They confess themselves to be strangers , that had no establishments by Law , and therefore they behoved to be passively subject , when in no capacity to resist ; there was no more required of them . Yet Lex Rex Quest. 35. pag. 371. cites Theodoret affirming , Th●n evil men reigned through the unmanlyness of the sub●ects . ( 3 ) Their examples are not imitable in all things : They were against resistence , which we doubt not to prove is Lawful against Tyrannical vio●ence : Many of them refused to flee from the fury of Persecuters : They ran to Martyrdom , when neither cited nor accused ; And to obtain the Croun thereof they willingly yeelded up their lives & Liberties also to the rage or Tyrants . We cannot be obliged to all these . 2 Yet we find some examples not altogether unapplicable to this purpose . When Barochbach , the pretended King of the Iewes , after the destruction of Ierusalem , set himself up as King in Bitter a City in Arabia ; the Christians that were in his precincts , refused to oune him as King ; which was one great cause of his persecuting them . It s true he persecuted them also for other things , as for their not denying Christ ; So are we persecuted for many other things , than for our simple disouning of the King : yet this is reckoned as a distinct cause of their suffering , by Mr Mede on the Revel . Part. 1. Pag. 43. Gees Magist. Origin . ch . 10. Sect. 7. Pag. 361. The same last cited Author shewes , that when Albinus , Niger ; & Cassius , successively usurped the Empire , having none of them any Legal investure , the Christians declined the recognition of their Claim , and would not oune them ; and that upon this Tertulian sayes , Nunquam Albiniani , nec Nigriani , vel Cassiani , inveniri potuerunt Christiani , that is , the Christians could never be found to be Albinians , or Nigrians , or Cassians , meaning they were never ouners of these men for Magistrats . And so may we say , Pudet inveniri inter Carolinianos & Iacobinianos hujus temporis . Not unlike is the passage of Ambrose , who in favors of Valentinia● the rightful Governour , contested against Maximus the Tyrant , and not only disouned him but excommunicated him , for which he was threatened with death . And yet it is observable , that when Maximus offered to interpose his power in defence of Ambrose , that he might not be banished by Iustina the Empress , he would not accept of the help of Maximus , whose power he disallowed & disouned . Whence I observe , that it is not without a Precedent for a Minister to disoune a Tyrant , to refuse favour from him , yea and to excommunicate him , yea even without the concurrence of his fainting brethren ; for all which some of our faithful Ministers have been much condemned in our day , especially Mr Donald Cargil for excommunicating Charles the Second & Iames Duke of York , as if such a thing had never been done before : Whereas we see what Ambrose did to Maximus . And this same faithful Minister Ambrosius Minister at Millain , in Italy , did also hold out of the Assembly of the Christians Theodosius the Emperour though a most vertuous Prince , for that grievous Scandal committed by him , against the innocent people at Thessalonica , in killing so many of them in a Passionate transport . But 3. since this objection of the Primitive Christians is much insisted on , both against this and the head of defensive Armes : I shall further take notice of several distinctions , that do make the difference between their case & Ours very vast . ( 1 ) There is a great difference betuixt a Prince of the common Religion of his Subjects , but distinct from some of them , whom yet he does not seek to entice to his Religion , but gives them liberty & the benefite of the Law as other Subjects : ( which was the case of many in these primitive times sometimes . ) And a Prince by all means , both foul & fair , pressing to a revolt from the true and to embrace a false Religion . In this case ( which is ours with a witness ) it must be granted we should be wary , that we neither engage with him , nor oune Allegiance to him , when he would withdraw us from our Allegiance to God. ( 2 ) There is a great difference betuixt a Prince , persecuting the true Religion , which only a few of his subjects here & there did profess , who in regard of their Paucity were never in capacity to be looked upon as the body of the people , impowering him as their publick Servant : ( which was their case ) And a Prince persecuting that Religion● which was professed by the body of the Nation , when they sett him up . In this Latter case , men of great sense have denyed he should be ouned for a Prince , because then he is stated against the Common good . This was our case under the former King , and yet under this , though all Professors be not now persecuted , the publick Religion & Ancient Reformation is persecuted in a few , whom he intends to destroy , and in their destruction to bury it . ( 3 ) There is a difference , betwixt a Prince Persecuting Religion publickly ouned & received of his subjects , yet never approved nor confirmed by Law ( as it was not in the primitive times ) And a Prince persecuting Religion ratified & established by the Laws of the Land , which is our case . It will seem clear to every soul , not benighted with Court darkness , that he then de●acto and ipso jure falleth from his right in this case , because now he is not only stated against the common good , but against the very Laws by which the Subjects must be ruled . Then he ruleth not as a Prince ▪ to whom the Law giveth his Measures & Bounds , but rageth as a Tiger & Tyrant , and ought to be carried towards as such . ( 4 ) There is a difference , betwixt a Prince suppressing that Religion established by Law , which he never professed , nor never gave his consent to these Laws ( as might be the case of some of the Arian Emperours ) though it be unlawful for any people to set up any Mortal over them , who is not in this case bound to the good behaviour ; And a Prince , opposing , & oppressing that Religion , which himself hath professed and is ratified by Laws with his oun consent : which was our case under the former King , who did give the most solemn Ratification of them that ever was given , but afterwards most perfidiously retracted it . As also this Apostate Papist , did somtime profess himself Protestant , and consented to the Laws establishing it , and the Penal Statutes against Papists , though now he is going about to raze all , and ruine that alone valuable Treasure of our Nation , Religion . ( 5 ) There is a difference , betwixt a Prince consenting to Laws establishing Religion which he now persecuteth ( which might have been the case of Iulian the Apostate ) And a Prince who not only consented to these Laws , but who did upon these very terms & no other get & receive his Croun & Scepter , that he should preserve the Religion as Reformed , and protect as a Father the Professors thereof , and maintain the Laws establishing it , which yet he perfidiously & perniciously , being once settled in the Government , Breaks , Casts , Cassats , & Overturns ( which was done by Charles ) Or , And a Prince who will neither be bounded by the Laws he consented to , nor be bound to the Observation of any Laws whatsoever ; but challenges it as his prerogative Royal , to be absolute above all Laws , and denying all Security upon terms , is free to destroy Religion & Liberty , and all the valuable Interests of the Nation , when he pleases . This is Iames his Character ( 6 ) There is a difference , betwixt a Prince breaking the main & only Article of his Covenant , in a fit of fury & rage , being transported upon some Mistakes ( which was the case of Theodosius the Emperour ) And a Prince not only violating this upon deliberation , but plainly Declaring , that neither Oath nor Declaration can or will bind him , but these being made void , he will destroy without restraint all these Covenanted priviledges ( This was the case of Charles ) Or , And a Prince , who , as he never will come under the bond of a Covenant with his people , So thô he make never so many fair promises with the greatest Solemnities , maintains a principle that he will keep no promises , but when & with whom he pleases , and can get a Dispensation to break all when he likes . ( This is Iames his Ingenuity . ) Sure in this case , Such as are so Characterized Declare themselves so far from being Princes , that they profess befor the world , they are no more men to be conversed with : for if neither their words , Writs , vowes , promises , Oaths , Declarations , nor Protestations , can bind them ; what Society can be had with them ? Are they not to be looked upon & carried towards as Common Enemies of Morality , Religion , Righteousness , Liberty , Humanity , yea even of Mankind it self ? Now then , let the world be Judge , if the people of Scotland can be judged in Conscience , Reason , Prudence , Policie , or any imaginable way , bound to oune their Authority , being so Stated , and by the Act Rescissory all humane ground rescinded , that ever it shall be otherwise . let them go seek other slaves where they can find them , for we will not sell our selves & posteritie to Tyrants as slaves , nor give up our Religion and the exercise of it to the Mouldings of the Court. II. In the Second place : It being clear from these forementioned Instances , that Tyrants & Uusurpers have been disouned ; And it being also as clear as light can make any thing , from the foregoing Account of their Government , and all the Characters of Truculency Treachery , & Tyranny conspicuously relucent therein , that these two Gentlemen whose Authority we are pressed to oune , were Tyrants & Usurpers : It remains therefore to prove from all dictates of Reason about Government , that their pretended Authority could not nor cannot be ouned . For the Argument runs thus ; The Authority of Tyrants & Uusurpers cannot be ouned : But the Authority of Charles & Iames was & is the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers : Ergo their Authority cannot be ouned . Now it s the Major of this Syllogisim that I under take to prove . The Minor being so clear from their History , that to prove it by witnesses were actum agere . 1. All Authority to be ouned of men must be of God , and ordained of God : for so the Apostle teacheth Expressly Rom. 13. 1. &c. Which is the alone formal reason of our Subjection to them , and that which makes it a damnable sin to resist them , because it is a resisting the Ordin●nce of God. The Lord ounes Himself to be the Author of Magistrats , Prov. 8. 15. By me Kings reign and Princes decree Iustice. As He is the Author of man and hath made him a sociable Creature so He is the Author of the Order of humane Society which is necessare for the Preservation of Mankind He being the God of Order & not of Confusion . And this must hold not only of the Supreme Authority , but of subordinate Magistrates also ; for they must be included in the higher Powers to whom we must be subject Rom. 13. And they that resist them resist Gods Ordinance too . Their judgment is Gods , as well as the judgment of the Supreme Magistrate Deut. 1. 17. 2 Chron. 19. 6 , 8. They are called Gods among whom the Lord judgeth , Psal. 82. 1. He speaketh not there of a Congregation of Kings . We are to be subject to them for the Lords sake , as well as to the Supreme Magistrat 1. Pet. 2. 13. Therefore all Magistrats superior & Inferior are ordained of God in the respective Places . It s true , Peter calls every degree of Magistracy , an Ordinance of man , not that he denies it to be an Ordinance of God ( for so he would cantradict Paul Rom. 13. ) but termes it so Emphatically , to commend the worth of obedience to Magistrats though but men , when we do it for the Lords sake : Not effectively as an invention of men , but subjectively because exercised by men , & created & invested by humane suffrages considered as men in Societie , and objectively for the good of man , and for the external Peace & safety of man thereby differenced from the Ministry , an Ordinance of Christ , for the spiritual good of mens souls . Hence , Those Rulers that are not of God nor ordained of God , cannot be ouned without sin : But Tyrants & Usurpers are the Rulers , that are not of God nor ordained of God , but are set up and not by Him &c. Hos. 8. 1-4 . Therefore they cannot be ouned without sin . I refer it to any man of conscience & Reason to judge , if these Scriptures proving Magistracy to be the Ordinance of God , for which alone it is to be ouned , can be applyed to Tyrants & Usurpers : How will that Rom , 13. read of Tyrants ? let every soul be subject to Tyrants , for they are ordained of God as His Ministers of Iustice &c. and are a terror to evil works and a praise to the good , would not every man nauseate that as not the Doctrine of God ? Again , how would that sound Prov. 8. By me Tyrants reign & Usurpers decree injustice ? harsh to Christian ears . Can they be said to be Gods among whom the Lord judgeth ? If they be , they must be such as the witch of Endor saw , Gods coming out of the earth , when she raised the Devil ; in a very Catichrestical meaning , as the Devil is called the God of this world . And indeed they have no more power , nor otherwise to be ouned , than he hath : for this is a Truth , Tyranny is a work of Satan & not from God ; because sin either habitual or actual is not from God ; Tyranny is sin in habit & act : Ergo — The Magistrate as Magistrate is good in nature & end , being the Minister of God for good , A Tyrant as a Tyrant is quite contrary . Lex Rex saith well A power Ethical , Politick , or Moral , to oppress , is not from God , and is not a power but a Licentious deviation of a power , and no more from God but from sinful Nature & the old Serpent , than a licence to sin , Quest. 9. Pag. 59. Hence sin , a Licence to sin , a Licencious sinning , cannot be from God : But Tyranny , Usurpation , absolute power encroaching upon all Liberties , Laws , Divine & humane , is sin , a Licence to sin , a Licencious sinning . Ergo — But to make this clear , and to obviate what may be said against this : let it be Considered how the powers that be are of God & ordained of God. Things are said to be of God and ordained of God two wayes ; by His purpose & providence , and by His Word & Warrant . Things may be of God , either of His Hand working or bringing them about ordaining & ordering them to be to His Glory ; either by a holy overruling Providence , as Samsons desire of a wife was of God Iudg. 14. 4. and Amaziahs insolent & foolish rejection of Ioash his Peaceable overture 2 Chron. 25. 20. Or by a powerful effective providence , So Rom. 11. 36. Of Him & through Him are all things 1 Cor. 8. 6. One God of whom are all things . Or things be of God of His Word warranting & Authorizing . So we are commanded to try the spirits whether they be of God ( 1 Iohn . 4. 1. ) So in this sense , sin , tentation , lust , Corruptions of the world are not of God Iam. 1. 13. 1 Iohn . 2. 16. Again , things are ordained of God , either by the order of His Counsel or Providential will , either effectively by way of Production or Direction , or Permissively by way of non-impedition : Or they are ordained by the order of His Word & Preceptive will ▪ The former is Gods Rule , the latter is ours : The former is alwise accomplished , the latter is often contradicted : The former orders all actions even sinful , the latter only that which is good & acceptable in the sight of God ▪ By the former Israel rejected Samuel , by the latter they should have continued Samuels Government , and not sought a King : By the former , Athaliah usurped the Government , by the latter , she should have yeelded obedience & resigned the Government to the posterity of Ahaziah : By the former all have a physical subordination to God as Creatures , subject to His All-disposing will ; by the latter , Those whom He approves have a moral subordination to God , as obedient subjects to His Commanding will. Now Magistrats are of God and ordained by Him both these wayes , Tyrants but one of them . I say , Magistrats , the higher Powers , to whom we owe & must oune subjection are of God both these wayes , both by His purpose & Providence , and that not meerly eventual but effective & executive of His Word , disposing both of the Title & Right , & Possession of the power , to them whom He approves , and bringing the People under a consciencious subjection , And by His Word & warrant . So Adonijah the Usurper ( though he had the pretence of Hereditary right , and also possession by Providence ) was forced to oune King Solomon in these termes upon which only a Magistrate may be ouned : The Kingdome , sayes he , was mine , and all Israel set their faces on me that I should reign , howbeit the Kingdom is turned about and become my brothers for it was his from the Lord , 1 King. 2. 15. He had both Providence turning about the Kingdom to him , and also the Warrant of the Lords Approbative & preceptive will. But Tyrants & Usurpers are only of God and ordained of God , by His overruling purpose & permissive Providence , either for performing His holy purpose towards themselves ; as Rehoboams professing he would be a Tyrant , and refusing the Lawful desires of the people was of God 2 Chron. 10. 15. Or for a judgment & vengeance upon them that are subject to them , Zech. 11 : 6 : whereby they get a power in their hand , which is the Rod of the Lords Indignation , and a Charge & Commission against a Hypocritical Nation Isa. 10. 5. 6. This is all the power they have from God , who gives Iacob to the spoil & Israel to the Robbers , when they sin against Him Isa. 42. 24. This doth not give these Robbers any right , no more than they whose Tabernacle prosper , into whose hand God bringeth abundantly Iob. 12. 6. Thus all Robbers , and the great Legal Robbers , Tyrants , and their Authorized Murderers , may be of God , to wit , by His Providence . Hence those that are not ordained of Gods preceptive will , but meerly by His Providential will , their Authority is not to be ouned : But Tyrants & Usurpers are not ordained of Gods Preceptive , but meerly by His Providential will. The Minor needs no proof : yet will be cleared by many folowing Arguments . The Major will be afterwards more demonstrated . Here I shall only say , They that have no other ordination of God impowering them to be Rulers , than the devil hath , must not be ouned : But they that have no other than the ordination of Providence , have no other ordination of God impowering them to be Rulers than the devil hath : Ergo they that have no other than the ordination of Providence must not be ouned . 2. But let us next consider , what is comprehended in the Ordination of that Authority which is to be ouned as of God : And it may be demonstrated there are two things in it , without which no Authority can be ouned as of God , viz. Institution & Constitution : So as to give him , whom we must oune as Gods Minister , Authority both in the Abstract & Concrete , that is , that he should have Magistracy by Gods Ordination , and be a Magistrate by & according to the will of God. All acknowledge that Magistracy hath Gods Institution , for the Powers that be are ordained of God : which contains not only the Appointment of it , but the qualification & forme of it . That Government is appointed by Divine Precept all agree , but whether the Precept be Moral Natural , or Moral Positive , Whether it was appointed in the State of Innocency , or since disorder came in the world , Whether it be Primario or Secundario , from the Law of nature is not agreed upon , It may possibly be all these wayes ; Government in the General may be from the Law and light of Nature appointed in Innocency , because all its relative duties are enjoined in the fifth Command , and all Nations Naturally have an esteem of it , Without which ther could be no order , distinction , or Communion in humane Societies , But the Specification or Individuation may be by a Postnate Positive & Secundary Law , yet Natural too , for though ther be no reason in Nature why any man should be King & Lord over another , being in some sense all Naturally free but as they yeeld themselves under Jurisdiction : The exalting of David over Israel is not ascribed to Nature , but to an act of divine bounty which took him from following the Ewes and made him feeder of the People of Israel , Psal. 78. 70 , 71 : yet Nature teacheth that Israel and other People should have a Government , and that this should be subjected to . Next , not only is it appointed to be , but qualified by Institution , and the Office is defined , the End prescribed , and the measures & Boundaries thereof are limited , as we shall hear . Again the formes of it , though Politically they are not stinted , that People should have such a forme & not another : yet Morally , at least Negatively , whatever be the forme , it is limited to the Rules of equity & justice , and must be none other than what hath the Lords Mould & Sanction . But there is no Institution any of these wayes for Tyranny . Hence , that Power that hath no Institution from God , cannot be ouned as His ordinance : But the Power of Tyrants is that Power , being contrary in every respect to Gods Institution , and a meer deviation from it , & eversion of it . Ergo — To the Minor it may be replyed ; Though the Power which Tyrants may exerce & Usurpers assume , may be in Concret● contrary to Gods Institution , and so not to be ouned : yet in abstracto , it may be acknowledged of God. It s but the abuse of the Power , and that does not take away the use . We may oune the Power , though we do not oune the abuse of it . I ans . 1. I acknowledge the distinction as to Magistrats is very pertinent : for it is well said by the Congregation in a Letter to the Nobility , Knox Hist. of Scot. lib. 2. That there is a great difference betwixt the Authority which is Gods ordinance , and the persons of these who are placed in Authority ; the Authority & ordinance of God can never do wrong , for it commandeth that vice be punished & virtue maintained ; But the Corrupt Person placed in this Authority may offend — Its certain higher Powers are not to be resisted but some persons in Power may be resisted . The Powers are ordained of God , but Kings commanding unjust things are not ordained of God to do such things . But to apply this to Ty●ants , I do not understand : Magistrats in some Acts may be guilty of Tyranny , and yet retain the Power of Magistracy ; but Tyrants cannot be capable of Magistracy , nor any one of the Scripture Characters of Righteous Rulers . They cannot retain that which they have forefeited , and which they have overturned ; And Usurpers cannot retain that which they never had . They may act & enact some things materially just , but they are not formally such as can make them Magistrats , no more then some unjust actions can make a Magistrate a Tyrant . A Murderer , saying the ●ife of one & killing another , does not make him no Murderer : Once a Murderer ay a Murderer , once a Robber ay a Robber , till he restore what he hath robbed : So once a Tyrant ay a Tyrant , till he make amends for his Tyranny , and that will be hard to do . 2. The Concrete does specificate the Abstract in actuating it , as a Magistrate , in his exercising Government makes his Power to be Magistracy ; a Robber in his robbing , makes his Power to be Roberie ; an Usurper in his usurping makes his Power to be Usurpation ; So a Tyrant in his Tyrannizing can have no Power but Tyranny . As the Abstract of a Magistrate is nothing but Magistracy , So the Abstract of a Tyrant is nothing but Tyranny . It s frivolous then to distinguish between a Tyrannical power in the Concrete , & Tyranny in the Abstract ; the power & the abuse of the power : for he hath no power as a Tyrant , but what is abused . 3. They that objects thus , must either mean , that power in its general Notion is ordained of God , but this particular Power ab●sed by Tyrants , and assumed by Usurpers , is not ordained : Or they must mean , that the very Power of Tyrants & Usurpers is ordained of God , but the way of holding & using it is not of God. If the first be said , they grant all I plead for : for thô the Power in general be ordained , yet what is this to Tyrants & Usurpers ? would not this Claim be ridiculous for any man to say , God hath ordained Governments to be , therefore I will challenge it ? God hath ordained Marriage , therefore any may cohabit together as man & wife , without formal Matrimony ? If the Second be alledged , that the Power of these prevailing Dominators is ordained , but not their holding & using of it : This is Non-sense , for how can a Power be ordained and the use of it be unlawful ? For , the abuse & use of Tyrannical Power is all one and reciprocal : an Usurper cannot use his Power but by Usurpation . Again is it not plain , that the Abstract & the Concrete , the act or habit , and the subject wherein it is , cannot have a contrary Denomination ? if Drunkenness and Thieft , Lying or Murder , be of the Devil ; then the Drunkard , the Thief , the Lyar , & the Murderer , are of the Devil too : So if Tyranny and Usurpation , or the use or abuse of Tyrants & Usurpers , be of the Devil ; Then must the Tyrants & Usurpers also be of him : None can say , the one is of the Devil , and the other of God. Wherefore it is altogether impertinent to use such a Distinction , with application to Tyrants or Usurpers , as many do in their pleading for the ouning of our Oppressors : for they have no power , but what is the abuse of power . 3. As that Authority which is Gods Ordinance must have His Institution : So it must have His divine Constitution from Himself and by the people . Wherever then there is Authority to be ouned of men , there must be these tuo , Constitution from God and Constitution from the people . For the first , God hath a special Interest in the Constitution of Authority , both Immediatly & Mediatly . Immediatly , He declares such & such formes of Government to be Lawful & Eligible , and does order whom & who and how people shall erect Governours . And so , He confers Royal Graces & Enduements & Gifts for Government on them , as on Ioshua & Saul : So they become the Lords Anointed , placed & set on the Throne of the Lord , 1 Chron. 29. 23. and honoured with Majestie as His deputies & vicegerents , having their Croun set on by God Psal. 21. 3. But in regard now He doth not by any special Revelation determine , who shall be the Governours in this or that place ; Therefore He makes this Constitution by mediation of men ; giving them Rules how they shall proceed in setting them up . And seeing by the Law of Nature He hath enjoined Government to be , but hath ordered no particular in it with application to singulars , He hath committed it to the positive transaction of men , to be disposed according to certain General Rules of Justice . And it must needs be so , for 1. without this Constitution , either all or none would be Magistrats : if He hath ordained Civil Power to be , and taken no order in whom it shall be , or how it shall be conveyed , any might pretend to it ; and yet none would have a right to it , more than another . If then He ●ath affixed it to a peculiar having & holding , by virtue whereof this man is enstated & entitled to the office , and not that man , there must be a Law for Constituting him in Authority , which will discover in whom it is . 2. If it were not so , then a resisting of a particular Magistrate would not be a resisting of the ordinance of God , if a particular Magistrate were not Constitute of God , as well as Magistracy is Institute of God : for still it would be undetermined , who were the Power ; and so it would be left as free & Lawful for the resister to take the place , as for the resisted to hold it ; the institution would be satisfied if any possessed i● : therefore there must be Constitution to determine it . 3. No Common Law of Nature can be put into practice , without particular Constitution regulating it . That Wives & Children oune their superior relations , is the Law of Nature ; but there must be such a relation first fixed by humane transaction , before they can oune them ; there must be Marriage Authorized of God , there must be Children begotten , and then the Divine Ordination of these relative duties take place . So the Judges of Israel for 450 years were given of God , Act. 13. 20. not all by an immediate express designation , but a mediate Call from God by men , as Iephthah Iudg. 11. 6. 11. Inferior judges also are Magistrats appointed by God , yet they have their Deputation from men . Our Saviour speaks of all Magistrats , when he applies that of the 82. Psalm to them , I said ye are Gods ; and shewes how they were Gods , because unto them the Word of God came , Iohn . 10. 35. that is , by His Word & Warrant He Authorized them , not by immediate designation in reference to the most of them , but the Word of God comes to them , or His Constitution is past upon them , who are advanced by men according to His Word . When men therefore do act according to the Divine Rule , in the Moulding & Erecting of Government & Governours , there the Constitution is of God , though it be not immediate . And where this is not observed , whatever power ( so named or pretended ) there may be , or what-soever persons there be that take upon them to be the power , and are not thereto appointed or therein instated , and do exerce such a power as God hath not legitmated , they are not a power ordained of God. Hence , whatsoever power hath no Constitution from God , eather Immediate or Mediate , cannot be ouned : But the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers , is a power that hath no Constitution from God , either Immediate or Mediate : Ergo it cannot be ouned . The Major is cleared above . The Minor is also undenyable : For , either they must pretend to an Immediate Constitution by revelation , that Iames Duke of York , a vassal of Antichrist , had by all his plots & pranks Merited the Crown of Britain , and therefore must be Constitute King : And this I hope they will not pretend to , except the Pope hath gotten such a Revelation from Pluto's Oracle : Or they must have recourse to the Mediate Constitution by men : And if so ; Then , either this Mediate Constitution of God is left undetermined , indefinitely & absolutely giving way to any that will assume what power they please & can : And then , I confess , Tyrants may have a Constitution ; but this confusion cannot be of God : Or else , it is fixed by a Rule , regulating the succession or Constitution of the Governours , and obliging the people to oune the Government so constituted , with exclusion & disallowance of any other . And so , if in that Constitution there be a Substantial Deviation from the Rule , as when incompetent or unallowed persons be the advancers of themselves , or others , into that place by illegal & sinistrous means , in as much as in that case there is the Divine disapprobation , it may be said there is no Ordinance of God , but a Contradiction & Contraordination to Gods Order . Gee's Magist. Origin . chap. 5. Sect. 4. subject 3. pag. 135. This will shake off this of ours , and all other Tyrants & Usurpers , that come into the Government , & hold it not according to Gods Rule . 4. It is clear also in the second place , that the Authority which we can oune out of conscience , must have Constitution by the people . The special way by which men should be called into the place of Soveraign power , may perhaps not be found so expressly defined in Scripture , as mens Call to the other Ordinance of the Ministrie is ; yet in this two things are essentially necessary to the Constitution of a Magistrate , The peoples consent & compact either formal or virtual . And without these we can oune consciencious subjection & Allegiance to no man living . That the first is necessary will be evident , from the Law of Nature & Nations , and from Scripture . First the light & Law of Nature dictates , that the Right & Interest of Constituting Magistrats is in the Elective vote or suffrage of the people . This will Appear . 1. If we consider , The Original of Government among men , especially after they were so multiplied , that there was a necessity of a reduction into diverse Communities ; which , whatever was before the flood , yet after it , behoved to be by a Coalition with consent under an Elective Government . The Scripture makes it more than probable , that the first partition of Common-wealths was in Pelegs dayes , in whose time the earth was Divided Gen. 10. 25. occasioned by the Confusion of Languages at Babel which did dissolve their union and scatter them abroad upon the face of all the eath Gen. 11. 9. Then was it that we may conceive , as Buchanan sayes de Iure Regni apud Scot. the time was , when men dwelt in cottages & caves , and as strangers did wander to & fro without Laws , and such as could converse together of the same language assembled together as their humors did lead them , or as some common Utilitie did allure them ▪ A certain instinct of Nature did oblige them to desire Converse & Societie . But this confusion of Languages , and Communion of Language , in several divided Parcels , could not incorporate these several Parties into Communities ; that behoved to be the effect of some other cause : & what should that be , but the joint will , consent & aggreement of the severally Languaged ? It could not be by Consanguinity ; for there is no direction from Nature for a confinement of that into such & such degrees , to make out the bounds of a Common-wealth , or Possibility of knowing all with in such degrees ; besides all within these degrees might not be of the same Language . Now the Scripture sayes , they were divided every one after his tongue , after their families , in their Nations Gen. 10. 5. Next it could not be by Cohabitation : for how that must go to be the boundaries of a Common-wealth , inclusively or exclusively , is not defined by nature , nor can it be otherwise determined than by humane choise . Then , it could not be by mens belonging to such a Soveraign : for after that Division & Confusion , they could not all be under one Soveraign , nor under the same that they were subject to before ; and a Soveraign cannot be before the aggregation of the Subjects whereof he is head , they must first be a Common-wealth before they can belong to it . Again it cannot be founded upon the Right of fatherhood : for in that scattering , such a Right could not be uninterruptedly preserved : And then Noah should also have been the Universal Magistrate , which he could not be in these multiplied secessions . And further if it be refounded on the Right of fatherhood ; either every Company had one Common Father over all , or every Father made a Common-wealth of his oun Children : The Latter cannot be said , for that would multiply Common-wealts in infinitum : Neither can the first be said , for if they had one Common Father , either this behoved to be the Natural Father of all the Company , which none can think was so happily ordered by Babels confusion : Or else the eldest in age , and so he might be incapable for Government , and the Law of Nature does not direct that the Government should alwise be astricted to the eldest of the Community : Or else finally he behoved to be their Political Father , by consent . For before this consent , they were uningaged as to common order of Government ; none of the Community having any legal Claim to Soveraignity more than the rest . When therfore they were forced to conclude upon Association for their Mutual Preservation , they must be thought to act rationally , and not to make their condition worse but rather better by that conclusion , and , if they found it worse , to resume their radical Right which they had conferred upon men , subject to Law not to Tyrannize over them : And in this case , certainly they had the power of choosing what Kind of Government suited most to their advantage , and would best preserve their Liberties , and how far this should be extended , and who should be assumed into this Combination ; still with a reservation of the Priviledge to their oun safety , if their Associates should not do their duty : And so they might also reserve to themselves a Liberty , to alter the forme when they found it productive of more prejudice than advantage , and never to leave their condition remedieless ; And to pitch upon this way of succession and not another , the way of free election of every successor , or of definite election limited to one line , or to the nearest in line , And e contra with a reserve still of their primeve Priviledges , to secure themselves from the inconveniences of that determination , or to change it ; And to make choise of such a family & line and not another , and whether the eldest alwise of that family or the fittest is to be chosen : And however it be , yet still by the peoples consent : And in all this to have respect to some good , great , & Necessary Ends , which if they should be disappointed of , and find these means useless or destructive to , they were to be loosed from their obligation to use or to oune them . See Ius populi vindicat . ch . 5. pag. 80. &c. 2. If we consider how Nature determines the peoples Interest in the constitution of Governours : whence comes it that this man and not that man , this race & family and not that , is invested with that Title ? It will be found there is no Title on earth now to the Crowns to families , to persons , but the peoples suffrage : for the Institution of Magistracy in general does , not make Iames Stewart a King , no more than Iohn Chamberlain : Neither do qualifications make one , otherwise there might be many better than is this day extant , for there are many men better qualified : And there is no Prophetical or immediate Callings to Kingdoms now : And as for Conquest without consent , and having no more for a Title , it is no better than Royal Latrocinie . It is certain God would not Command us to obey Kings , and leave us in the Dark that we should not know him that hath a reall call to 〈◊〉 : And if he have not the peoples Call , where shall we find another ? It remains therefore they must have it from the people , who have it to give Radically & virtually ; having a power to preserve themselves , and to put it in the hands of one or more Rulers , that they may preserve themselves by them . All men are born alike as to Civil power ( no man being born with a Croun on his head ) and yet men united in Society may give it to this man & not to that man , therefore they must have it virtually ; for they can not give what they have not . And as Cities have power to choose their Magistrats , so many Cities have power to creat an Universal Ruler over them all . The people also have power to Limit the Magistrats power , with conditions ; so that the present Ruler shall not have so much prerogative as his predecessor , as Royalists cannot deny , therefore they must have given that power which they can Limit See Lex Rex Quest. 4. pag. 10. &c. Secondly the Scripture also gives Light in this particular . 1. In giving directions & Rules about their Orderly calling their Governours ; Impowering them , to take wise men , & understanding , & known among their tribes , to be made Rulers D●ut . 1. 13. To make Judges & Officers in all their gates Deut. 16. 18. To set one among their brethren King over them and not a stranger Deut. 17. 15. To what purpose are these Rules given them , if they had no interest to choose their Magistrats ? Would God command them to set a King over them , if they had not power to do it ? And to set such a man over them and not such an one , if they had no influence in making one at all ? And accordingly that wise Statist sayes very well 2 Sam. 16. 18. Hushai to A●salem , Nay , but whom the Lard & this people and all the men of Israel choose , his will I be , and with him will I abide . Which will also hold in the Negative , whom the Lord & the people and all the men of the Kingdom do not choose , his we will not be , nor with him will we abide . 2. The Scripture expressly attributeth the making of Kings to the people . All the people of Iuda took Azariah and made him King , instead of his Father Amaziah , whom they had executed 2 King. 14. 21. They came with a perfect heart to make David King in Hebron 1 Chron. 12. 38. So they made Ioash King 2 Chron. 23. 11. 3. Even these that were particularly designed of God & chosen to be Rulers , yet were not formally invested with power , before the people conferred it upon them . Gideon was called of God to it , but was not Judge till the people said , Rule thow over us , both thow & thy Son , giving him an hereditary right for his Children , Iudg. 8. 12. Saal was appointed to be King , and therefore Samuel honoured him , because he was marked out of God to be King , 1 Sam. 9. 24. and anointed him with oyl 1 Sam. 10. 1. after which he was gifted & qualified for Government , God gave him another heart vers . 9. yet all this did not make him King , till the people met for his inauguration vers . 17. &c. and Crowned him & made him King in Gilgal 1 Sam. 11. ult . David was anointed by Samuel , and yet was a persecuted fugitive for several years , and never acknowledged formally King , till the men of Iudah came & anointed him 2 Sam. 2. 4. for if he had been King before , then there were two Kings in Israel at one time , and David failed of his Royal duty in not punishing the Murderer Saul ; whereas himself sayes , he would not touch the Lords 〈◊〉 . Therefore the people made all these Kings , and that by choise & consent , without which they were no Kings . Hence I argue , If the consent & choise of the people be so essentially necessary to the making of Kings ; then they who set up themselves against the consent of the body of the Land , and without the choise of any , must be Usurpers , not to be acknowledged for Lawful Kings : But the former is true as is proven above : Ergo — Now Plain it is that this Duke set up himself against the consent of the body , being excluded from the Government by the Representatives of England , and generally hated of all ; who disdaining to wait upon the formall choise of any , but after he had paved his passage to the Throne upon his Brothers blood , did usurpe the Title without all Law. 5. The second thing necessary for the Legal Constitution of a King by the people , is their Compact with him : which must either be Express or Tacite , Explicite or Implicite . Two things are here to be proven , that will furnish an Argument for disouning both the Brothers . First , That there must be a Conditionall reciprocally obliging Covenant between the Soveraign and the Subjects , without which there is no such relation to be ouned . Secondly That when this compact is broken in all or its chiefest conditions by the Soveraign , the peoples obligation ceases . The first . I shall set doun , in the words of a famous Author , our Renouned Country man Buchanan in his Dialogue de Iure Regni apud Scotos . Mutua igitur Regi cum Civibus est pactio &c. There is then ( or there ought to be ) a Mutual compact between the King and his subjects &c. That this is indispensibly necessary & essential to make up the Relation of Soveraign & Subjects , may be proved both from the Light of Nature , & Revelation . First it may appear from the Light of Natural reason . 1. From the Rise of Government , and the Interest people have in erecting it by consent & choise ( at is shewed above ) If a King cannot be with out the peoples making , then all the power he hath must either be by compact or gift : If by compact , then we have what we proposed : And if by gift , then if abused they may recall it or if they cannot recover it , yet they may & ought to hold their hand , and give him no more that they may retain , that is no more honour or respect , which is in the honourer before the honoured get it . Can it be imagined , that a people acting rationally would give a power absolutely without restrictions to destroy all their oun rights ? Could they suppose this boundless & Lawless Creature , left at Liberty to Tyrannize , would be a fit mean to procure the the ends of Government ? for this were to set up a rampant Tyrant to rule as he listeth , which would make their condition a great deal worse then if they had no Ruler at all , for then they might have more Liberty to see to their safety . See Ius populi ch . 6. pag. 96. 97. 2. This will be clear from the nature of that Authority , which only a Soveraign can have over his Subjects ; which whatever be the Nature of it , it cannot be absolute , that is against Scripture , Nature , & Common sense , as shall be proven at more length . That is to set up a Tyrant , one who is free from all conditions , a roaring Lyon & a ranging Bear to destroy all if he pleases . It must be granted by all , that the Soveraign Authority is only fiduciarie , entrusted by God & the people with a great Charge : A great Pledge is impauned & committed to the Care & Custody of the Magistrate , which he must take special care of , and not abuse ; or waste , or alienate or sell ( for in that case Royalists themselves grant he may be deposed ) He is by Office a Patron of the Subjects Liberties , and Keeper of the Law both of God & Man , the Keeper of both Tables . Sure he hath no power over the Lawes of God but a Ministerial power , he may not stop & disable them as he pleases ; Of the same nature is it , over all other Parts of his Charge . He is rather a Tutor , than an Inheritor & proprietor of the Common-wealth , and may not do with his pupils interest what he pleases . In a word the Nature & whole significancy of his power lyes in this , that he is the Nations publick Servant , both Objectively in that he is only for the good of the people , and Representatively in that the people hath impauned in his hand all their power to do Royal Service . The Scripture eaches this , in giving him the Titles of Service , as Watchman &c. allowing him Royal wages for his Royal work Rom. 13. he is Gods Minister attending continually on this thing , There is his work , for this cause pay yow tribute also , There is his wages & maintinance . He is called so in that transaction with Rehoboam ; The old men advised him to be a Servant unto the People , then they should be his Servants 1 King. 12. 7. There was a conditional bargain proposed : As to be a Servant , or Tutor , or Guardian upon Trust , always implies Conditions & Acconntableness to them that entrust them . 3. It must needs be so otherwise great absurdities would follow . Here would be a voluntary contracted Relation , obliging as to relative duties , to a man that ouwed none correlative to us , and yet one whom we set over us . It were strange , if there were no Condition here ; and no other voluntarly suscepted Relations can be without this , as between Man & Wife , Master & Servant &c. This would give him the disposal of us & Ours , as if both we and what we have were his oun , as a mans goods are , against which he does not sin whatever he do with them . So this would make a King that could not sin against us ; being no ways obliged to us , for he can no otherwise be obliged to us but upon Covenant conditions ; he may be obliged & bound in duty to God otherwise , but he cannot be bound to us otherwise : And if he be not bound then he may do what he will , he can do no wrong to us to whom he is no wayes bound . This also is point blank against the Law of God , which is the Second way to prove it , by the Light of Revelation or Scripture . 1. In thevery directions about making & seting up of Kings , the Lord shewes what conditions shall be required of them Deut. 17. 15. &c. and in all directions for obeying them , the qualifications they should have are rehearsed as Rom. 13. 3 , 4. Therefore none are to be set up but on these conditions , and none are to be obeyed but such as have these qualifications . 2. In His promises of the succession of Kings , He secures their continuation only Conditionally , to establish the Kingdom if they be constant to do His Commandments & Judgements 1 Chron. 28. 7. There shall not fail a man to sit upon the Trone yet so that they take heed to their way to walk in Gods Law , as David did 2 Chron. 6. 16. Now He was not otherwise to perform these promises , but by the action & suffrage of the people seting him up , ( which He had appointed to be the way of calling Kings to Thrones ) if therefore the Lords promise be conditional , the peoples actions also behoved to be suspended upon the same conditions . 3. We have many express Covenants , between Rulers & Subjects in Scripture . Iephthah was fetcht from the Land of Tob , and made the head of the Gileadites by an explicite mutual stipulation , wherein the Lord was invocated as a Witness , Iudg. 11. 6 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. So all the Elders of Israel came to make David King , and King David made a League with them in Hebron before the Lord , and then they anointed him over Israel 2 Sam. 5. 3. he made there a Covenant with them before the Lord 1 Chron. 11 , 3. He was no King before this Covenant , and so it was a Pactional Oath between him & the Kingdom , upon termes according to the Law Deut. 17. he was only a King in fieri ; one who was to be King , but now actually inaugurate a Covenanted King upon termes that satisfied them . It s true they came to recognosce his Right from the Lord ; But so did they recognosce Rehoboams Right , and came to Shechem to make him King 1 King. 12. 1. and yet when he would not enter in Covenant terms with them , to satisfie their just demands , the people answered the King , saying , what portion have we in David , neither have we inheritance in the Son of Iesse , to your tents O Israel vers . 16. They refused to acknowledge such an Usurper , and we find no Prophets ever condemning them for it . So when Iehoash or Ioash was Crowned , Iehojada made a Covenant between the Lord and the King & the people , that they should be the Lords people , between the King also and the people 2 King. 11. 17. 2 Chron. 23. 11 , 16. From all these Reasons & Scriptures , It is clear there must be a Mutual Compact . between the Subjects and every Soveraign they oune subjection to , which if he refuse , and usurp the Sword , they are under an Anterior obligation to substract their Allegiance , and to make use of their Sword , if they be in capacity , to pull it out of his hands and use it against him . And of this we are put in mind by the Motto of our old Coronation pieces , which have these Words about the Sword. pro me , si mereor in me , that is , for me but if I deserve against me : And surely to him that hath it now in his hands , it may be said , tu meruisti & adhuc meres . We see then , the Allegiance that this Usurper alledges is his due , wants a bottom , to wit a compact with the people . Whence I argue , If there must of necessity be a compact between the King & the people when , he is advanced to the Government ; then he that advances himself , without & against this compact , is an Usurper not to be ouned : But the former is true : Ergo he that advances himself without & against this compact , is an Usurper not to be ouned . And who more Notoriously deserving such a signature , than Iames the 7 / 2 who hath made horns of his oun strength , or the Popes Biills , to push his Brother out and himself in to the Throne , upon no termes at all , or any security for Religion & Liberty . One Objection is to be removed here : Can the Customs of the Iewes be binding to all Nations ? The Kings of Iudah made such Covenants , shall therefore all Kings do so ? Ans. why not this Custom , as well as Crowing , which they used likewise ? These Rules are not Typical or Cermonial , nor only so Iudicial as to be peculiarly Iudaical , but are matters of moral equity , bearing a standing reason founded upon that Law Deut. 17. 15. &c. Limiting the Prince to stand to conditions . If we cast at Divine Laws for Rules of Government , where wil we find better Laws ? It is recorded of the first of the British Kings who was Christian , that writing to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome ( before Antichrist took that seat ) for the Roman Laws , he received this Answer ; By Divine Clemency ye have received the Law & faith of Christ , yow have the Old & New Testaments , out of them in Gods Name by Counsel of your State take Laws , & Govern your Kingdom . And of another , that he began his Laws thus , God speake all these words &c. And so repeated the Laws of God. The Second thing I undertook to prove , is that Assertion of Buchanan ubi supra , de Iure Regni . Qui prior a Conventis recidit &c. There being a paction between the King & Subjects , he who first recedes from what is Covenanted , and doth Counteract what he hath Covenanted , he looses the contract ; and the bond being loosed which did hold fast the King with the people , whatever right did belong to him by virtue of that compact , he looses it , and the people are as free as before the stipulation . Which is also asserted by the Author of Ius populi ch . 6. pag. 112. It is no less clear , that when the Soveraign doth not performe the principal main & most necessary conditions , condescended & aggreed upon , de jure he falleth from his Soveraignity : and pag. 117. when the Prince doth violate his compact , as to all its conditions , or as to its chief main & most necessary condition , the subjects are de jure free from subjection to him , and at Liberty to make choise of another . This is so clear that it needs no labour to prove it , that upon this head we were loosed from all Allegiance ro the former Tyrant , who was admitted upon terms of an explicite Covenant , the conditions whereof he did as explicitely break . There are two cases wherein Subjects are loosed from Covenanted Allegiance to their Princes . 1. When the Prince remitts the obligation of the Subjects , and refuses Allegiance upon that basis ; then he can no more demand it by virtue of that compact . He that remitts & will not have that Allegiance , that the Subjects Covenanted upon such & such conditions to him , these Subjects should not give it that they so Covenanted , for they should not prostitute it to a Refuser & Remitter : But Charles the Second remitted and would not have that Allegiance , which we Covenanted upon such & such conditions viz. upon the terms of the Covenant , which he cassed , & annulled , and made Criminal to oune : Ergo to him we should not have given it , which we so Covenanted . 2. When the Prince did enter into a Mutual Covenant with the people upon Mutual conditions , and does not only cease to performe the conditions , but simply denies all obligation to do it , and makes it a quarrel to insinuate so much , yea persecutes all who dare assert the obligation of that Covenant ; and yet demands Allegiance , not upon the obligation of that Covenant which he hath remitted , but absolutely upon the grounds of his prerogative . In this case it will be evident also , the subjects are not bound either to oune their formerly Covenanted Allegiance to him , Or that which he demands on other grounds . Grotius de Iure belli is clear as to this Lib. 1. Cap. 4. Num. 12. Si ex Clausula posita in ipsa delatione Imperii , ut si Rex hoc aut hoc faciet subditi omni obedientiae vinculo solvuntur , tunc quoque Rex in privatam personam recidit . If there be such a Clause or condition in the very devolution of the Government upon a Prince , as if he do so & so the subjects shall be loosed from all bonds of obedience , then when he does so he becomes a meer private person . Grotius there supposes the power is transferred upon a resolutive condition , that is if he transgress the condition the power shall be resolved into its first fountain : much more if it be transferred expressly also upon a suspensive condition , that he shall continue to maintain the ends of the Covenant , defend Religion & the Liberties of the Subjects , in the defence whereof we shall oune Allegiance to him , otherwise not in that case if he do not maintain these ends , plain it is our obligation ceases ; for how can it stand upon a conditional obligation , when his performance of the condition sists ? But whatever be the conditions Mutual , it flowes Natively from the Nature of a Mutual compact , that qui non praestat officium promissum cadit beneficio hac lege dato , he who doth not perform the conditions aggreed upon hath no right to the benefite granted upon condition of performance of these conditions ; especially if he performe not , or violate these conditions upon supposition whereof he would not have gotten the benefite : It were very absurd to say , in a Mutual conditional compact one party shall still be bound to perform his conditions , though the other perform none but break all . Were it the act of rational Creatures to set up a Soveraign , upon conditions he shall not play the Tyrant , and yet be bound to him thô he Tyrannize never so much ? We have the Nature of Mutual compacts in the Spies Covenant with Rahab Iosh. 2. 20. If thow utter this our business , then we will be quite of thine Oath , which thow hast made us to swear : if she should break condition , then the obligation of the Oath on their part should cease . But next all the stress will ly in proving that the Covenant , on such & such conditions between a Prince & Subjects , doth equally & mutually oblige both to each other : for if it equally oblige both , then both are equally disengaged from other by the breach on either side , and either of them may have a just claim in Law against the other for breach of the conditions . But Royalists & Court-slaves alledge , that such a Covenant obliges the King to God ; but not to the people at all ; so that he is no more accountable to them , than if he had made none at all . But the contrare is evident : For [ 1 ] If the compact be Mutual , and if it be infringed on one side , it must be so in the other also ; for in contracts , the parties are considered as equalls , whatever inequality there may be betwixt them otherwise : I speak of contracts among men . [ 2 ] If it be not so , there is no Covenant made with the people at all : And so David did no more Covenant with Israel . than with the Chaldeans : for to all with whom the Covenant is made it obliges to them . Otherwise it must be said , he only made the Covenant with God , contrary to the Text ; for he made it only before the Lord as a Witness , not with Him as a party . Ioashs Covenant with the Lord is expresly distinguished from that with the people . [ 3 ] If it be not so , it were altogether non-sense to say , there were any Covenant made with the King , on the other hand : for he is supposed to be made King on such & such terms , and yet by this after he is made King he is no more obliged unto them , than if there had been no compact with him at all . [ 4 ] If he be bound as King , and not only as a man or Christian , then he is bound with respect to the people ; for with respect to them he is only King : But he is bound as King , and not only as a man or Christian , because it is only with him as King that the people Covenant , and he must transact with them under the same consideration . Next , that which he is obliged to , is the specifical act of a King , to defend Religion & Liberty , & Rule in Righteousness ; And therefore his Covenant binds him as King. Again , if he be not bound as King , then as a King he is under no obligation of Law or Oath , which is to make him a Lawless Tyrant , yea none of Gods subjects . It would also suppose that the King as King could not sin against the people at all , but only against God : for as King he could be under no obligation of duty to the people , and where there is no obligation there is no sin ; by this he would be set above all obligations to love his neighbour as himself , for he is above all his neighbours , and all mankind , and only less than God ; and so by this doctrine he is loosed from all duties of the Second Table , or at least he is not so much obliged to them as others . But against this it is Objected : both Prince & people are obliged to performe their part to each other , and both are obliged to God , but both are not accountable to each other ; there is not mutual power in the parties to compell one another to performe the promised duty ; the King hath it indeed over the people , but not the people over the King , and there is no indifferent Judge Superior to both to compell both , but God. Ans. 1. What if all this should be granted ? yet it doth not infringe the proposition : what if the people have not power to compell him ? yet Iure he may fall from his Soveraignity , though de facto he is not deposed : he loses his right to our part , when he breaks his part . 2. There is no need of a Superior Arbiter : for as in contracting they are considered as equal , so the party keeping the contract is Superior to the other breaking it : 3. There may be Mutual Coactive Power , where there is no Mutual relation of Superiority & Inferiority : yea in some cases Inferiours may have a Coactive Power by Law , to compell their Superiours failing in their duty to them ; As a Son wronged by his Father may compel him to reparation by Law ; And independent Kingdoms , nothing inferior to each other , being in Covenant together , the wronged may have a Coactive power to force the other to duty , without any Superior Arbiter . 4. The bond of suretyship brings a man under the obligation to be accountable to the Creditor , though the surety were never so high and the Creditor never so low : Solomon sayes in General without exception of Kings , yea including them because he was a King that spake it Prov. 6. 1 , 2. My son if thow be Surety for thy friend — thow art snared with the words of thy Mouth . Now a Kings power is but fiduciary ; And therefore he cannot be unaccountable for the power concredited to him . And if the Generation had minded this , our Stewarts should have been called to an account for their Stewardship ere now . Hence I argue , If a Covenanted Prince , breaking all the Conditions of his compact , doth forfeit his right to the Subjects Allegiance , then they are no more to oune him as their Soveraign : But the former is proved , that a Covenanted Prince breaking all the conditions of his compact doth forfeit his right to the Subjects Allegiance : Ergo — And Consequently when Charles the Second , expressly bound by Covenant to defend & promote the Convenanted Reformation & Liberties of the Kingdom , to whom only we were bound in the terms of his defending & promoting the same , did violently & villainously violate & vilify these conditions , we were no more bound to them . Somewhat possibly may be Objected here . 1. If this be the sense of the Covenant , then it would seem that we were not bound to oune the King , but only when & while he were actually promoving & carrying on the ends of the Covenant . Ans. It does not follow , but that we are obliged to preserve his Person & Authority in these necessary intervalls , when he is called to see to himself as a man ; for we must preserve him as a mean , because of his aptitude & designation for such an End , albeit not alwayes formally prosecuting it : we do not say , that we are never to oune him , but when actually exercised in prosecuting these ends : but we say , we are never to oune him , when he is Tyrannically & Treacherously abusing his Authority for destroying & overturning these ends , and violating all the conditions of his compact . It may be Obj. 2. Saul was a Tyrant , and a breaker of his Royal Covenant , and persecuter of the Godly , and Murderer of the Priests of the Lord , usurper upon the Priests Office , and many other wayes guilty of breaking all conditions : And yet David and all Israel ouned him as the Anointed of the Lord. Ans. 1. Saul was indeed a Tyrant , rejected of God , and to be ejected out of his Kingdom in His oun time & way , which David a Prophet knowing would not anticipate . But he was far short , and a meer Bungler in acts of Tyranny in comparison of our Grassators : he broke his Royal Covenant in very gross particular acts , but did not cass & rescind the whole of it , did not burn it , did not make it Criminal to oune its obligation , nor did he so much as profess a breach of it , nor arrogate an Absolute prerogative , nor attempt arbitrary Government , nor to evert the fundamental Laws and overturn the Religion of Israel , & bring in Idolatry , as Ours have done : He was a Persecuter of David upon some private quarrels , not of all the Godly upon the account of their Covenanted Religion : He Murdered 85 Priests of the Lord , in a transport of fury , because of their kindness to David ; but he did not make Laws adjudging all the Ministers of the Lord to death , who should be found most faithful in their duty to God & His Church , as Ours have done against all Field Preachers : He Usurped upon the Priests Office , in one elicit act of Sacrificing ; but he did not usurp a Supremacy over them , and annex it as an inherent right of his Crown . 2. He was indeed such a Tyrant , as deserved to have been dethroned & brought to condign punishment , upon the same accounts that Amaziah & Uzziah were deposed for afterwards : And in this the people failed in their duty , and for it they were plagued remarkably ; shall their Omission be an Argument to us ? 3. As the question was never put to the people , whether they ouned his Authority as Lawful or not ? So we do not read , either of their Universal ouning him , or their positive disouning him : However , That 's no good Argument , which is drawen a non facto ad faciendum ; because they did it not , therefore it must not be done . 4. They ouned him ; but how ? as the Minister of God , not to be resisted or revolted from under pain of damnation ? ( as all Lawful Magistrats ought to be ouned Rom. 13. 2 , 4. ) This I deny : for David & his six hundred men resisted him resolutely ; And though the body of the Nation did long Lazily lye & couch as Asses under his burden , yet at length , weary of his Tyranny , many revolted from under him , and adjoined themselves to David at Ziklag , while he kept himself close because of Saul the Son of Kish 1 Chron. 12. 1. who are commended by the Spirit of God for their valour vers . 2. &c. and many out of Manasseh fell to him , when he came with the Philistims against Saul to battel vers . 19. This was a practical disouning of the Tyrant , before the Lord deposed him . 5. David did indeed pay him & his Character some deference , as having been the Anointed of the Lord ; yet perhaps his honouring him with that title , the Lords anointed 1 Sam. 24. 1 Sam. 26. and calling him so often his Lord the King cannot be altogether Justified , no more than his using that same language to Achish King of Gath. 1 Sam. 29. 8. I shew before how titles might be allowed : but this so circumstantiate , does not seem so consistent with his imprecatory prayer , for the Lords avenging him on him . 1 Sam. 24. 12. and many other imprecations against him in his Psalms ; in some of which he calls the same man , whom here he stiles the Lords anointed , a Dog ; as Saul & his Complices are called Psal. 95. 6 , 14. and the evil violent & wicked man Psal 140. 1 , 4. and the vilest of men Psal. 12. ult . However it be , there can be no Argument from hence , to oune the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers . 6. Though this Necessary conditional compact , which must alwayes be in the constitution of Lawfu● Rulers , be not alwayes express & explicite , so that a written Authentick Copy of it cannot be always produced ; yet it is alwise to be understood implicitely at least transacted , in the Rulers admission to the Government , wherein the Law of God must regulate both parties ; and when he is made Ruler , it must natively be understood that it is upon terms to be a Father , feeder , & Protector , and not a Tyrant , Murderer , & Destroyer . All Princes are so far pactional , that they are obliged , by the high & absolute Soveraign from whom they derive their Authority , to reign for the Peace & profit of the people : this is fixed unalterably by the Laws of the Supreme Legislator , and solemnly engaged unto at the Coronation : and whosoever declines or destroyes this fundamental condition , he degrades & deposes himself . It is also not only the Universal practice , but necessary for the Constitution & Conservation of all Common-wealths , to have fundamental Laws & Provisions about Government , both for the upholding & transmitting & transfering it as occasion calls , and preventing & punishing violations thereof , that there be no invasion or intrusion upon the Government , and if there be any entrance upon it not according to the Constitution , that it be illegitimated , and the Nations Liberties always secured . This doeth infer & regulate a conditional compact with all that are advanced to the Government , albeit it should not be expressed . For it is undenyable that in the erection of all Governours , the grand Interests of the Community must be seen to by Legal Securities for Religion & Liberty , which is the end & use of fundamental Laws . Now how these have been unhinged & infringed , by the introduction & present establishment by Law of that Monster of the prerogative , enacted in Parliament Anno 1661. the Apologetick Relation doth abundantly demonstrate , Sect. 10. Concerning the Kings Civil Supremacy , enhancing all the Absoluteness that ever the Great Turk could arrogate , and yet far short of what hath been Usurped since , and impudently proclaimed to the world , especially by him who now domineers , in his Challenges of Soveraign Authority , prerogative Royal , & Absolute Power , which all are to obey without reserve , whereby the whole basis of our Constitution , and Bulwark of our Religion , Laws , & Liberties , is enervated , and we have security of no Law but the Kings lust . Hence I argue , Those Princes , that , contrary to their virtual compact ( at least ) at their coming to the Crown , have overturned all fundamental Laws , cannot be ouned : But our Princes have contrary to their virtual compact ( at least ) at their coming to the Crown overturned all fundamental Laws : Ergo they cannot be ouned . The Major is plain : for they that overturn fundamental Laws are no Magistrats ; thereby all the ends of Government being subverted , and the subverter cannot be ouned as a Father or friend , but an open enemy to the Common-wealth , nor looked upon as Magistrats doing their duty , but as Tyrants seeking themselves with the destruction of the Common-wealth . : And in this case the compact , the ground of the Constitution , being violated , they fall from their right , and the people are Liberated from their obligation , and they being no Magistrats the people are no subjects , for the relation is mutual , and so is the obligation Ius populi chap. 9. pag. 183. The Minor is manifest , both from the matter of fact , and the Mischiefs framed into Laws , by the Soveraign Authority , Prerogative Royal , & Absolute Power foresaid : whereby what remains of our fundamental Constitutions , either in Religious or Civil Settlements , unsubverted as yet , may be subverted when this Absolute Monarch pleases . Which Absolute Authority we cannot in conscience oune , for these Reasons , taken both from Reason & Scripture . First it s against Reason . 1. A power contrare to Nature cannot be ouned : Absolute power is such : for that which takes away , and makes the people to give away , their Natural power of preserving their lives & Liberties , and sets a man above all rule & Law , is contrare to Nature ; such is Absolute power , making people resign that which is not in their power to resign , an absolute power to destroy & Tyrannize . 2. A power contrare to the first rise of its Constitution cannot be ouned : Absolute power is such : for , The first rise of the Constitution is a peoples seting a Soveraign over them , giving him Authority to administer justice over them ; But it were against this , to set one over them with a power to rage at randome , and rule as he lists : It s proven before , a King hath no power but what the people gave him , but they never gave , never could give an absolute power to destroy themselves . 3. That power which is against the ends of Government cannot be ouned : Absolute power is such : for , that which will make a peoples condition worse then before the Constitution , and that mean which they intended for a blessing to turn a plague & scourage to them , and all the subjects to be formal slaves at the Princes devotion , must needs be contrare to the ends of Government : But Absolute power is such : for , against the exorbitance thereof no means would be left to prevent its obstructing all the fountains of Justice , and commanding Laws & Lawyers to speak , not justice righteousness & reason , but the lust & pleasure of one man , and turning all into Anarchy & confusion : Certainly it could never be the intention either of the work or workers , at the Constitution of Government , to set up a power to enslave the people , to be a Curse to them ; but their ends was to get comfort , safety , & Liberty , under the shadow of Government . 4. That power which invalidates , and is inconsistent with the Kings compact with the people , cannot be ouned : Absolute Power is such : for , the tenor of that is alwise to secure Laws & Liberties , to rule according to Law ; but to be Absolute invalidates & is inconsistent with that : That which were an engagment into Contradictories cannot consist with that compact ; but to engage to be absolute , and yet to rule by Law , is an engagment into Contradictories , which no people could admit for a security : It s inconsistent with this compact , to give the King Absolute Power to overturn Religion & Liberty , and to assume it which was never given , were to invalidate this compact , and to make himself no King ; but to restore unto the people the power they conferred upon him , for the defence of Religion & Liberty . 5 ▪ That power which is not from God , nor of God , cannot be ouned : But Absolute Power is not of God ; because it is a power to Tyrannize & Sin , which if it were of God He should be the Author of Sin ; for if the Moral Power be of God , so must the acts be ; but the acts of Absolute Power , being Lawless , cannot be from God : Ergo neither the Moral Power to commit these acts . 6. That Ruler who cannot be Gods Minister for the peoples good cannot be ouned : ( for that is the formal reason of our consfiencious subjection to Rulers Rom. 13. 4 , 5. ) But Absolute Soveraigns are such as cannot be Gods Ministers for the peoples good ; for if they be Gods Ministers for good , they must administer justice , preserve peace , rule by Law , take directions from their Master ; and if so , they cannot be absolute . 7. A Tyrant in actu signato & exercito cannot be ouned : But an Absolute Prince is such ; being a power that may play the Tyrant if he pleases , and jure as King : And so if Kings be actu primo Tyrants , then people are actu primo Slaves ; and so Royal Power cannot be a blessing to them : yea a Lawless breaker of all bonds , promises , & Oaths , cannot be ouned as Lawful Power : But Absolute Power is such : for , it cannot be limited by these Obligations , at least people cannot have any seurity by them . 8. A Lawless Power is not to be ouned : An Absolute Power is a Lawless power : Ergo not to be ouned . The Major is plain . Cicero sayes Lib. 2. de officio Eadem constituendarum Legum causa fuit , quae Regum The reason of making Lawes was the same , as of the creation of Kings . And Buchanan de jure Regni very excellently ; when the lust of Kings was in stead of Laws , and being vested with an infinite & immoderate power , they did not contain themselves within bounds — the insolency of Kings made Laws to be desired ; for this cause Laws were made by the people , and Kings constrained to make use , not of their Licencious wills in judgment , but of that right & priviledge which the people had conferred upon them , being taught by many experiences , that it was better that their Liberty should be concredited to Laws , than to Kings ; better to have the Law which is a dumb King , than a King who is not a speaking Law. If then Laws be necessary for the making of Kings , and more necessary than Kings , And the same cause requirs both , then a King without Laws is not to be ouned . Rex must be Lex loquens ; a King must be a speaking & living Law , reducing the Law to practice : So much then as a King hath of Law , so much he hath of a King ; and he who hath nothing of the Law , hath nothing of a King. Magna Charta of England saith , the King can do nothing but by Law , and no obedience is due to him but by Law. Buchanan rehearses the words of the most famous Emperours , Theodosius & Valentinianus to this effect , Digna vox Majestate regnantis , legibus se alligatum Principem fateri ; & revero Imperio majus ost , submittere legibus Principatum . It is , say they , a word worthy of the Majestie of a King , to confess he is a tyed Prince to the Laws , and indeed it is more to submit a Principality to the Laws , than to enjoy an Empire . But now that an absolute power must be a Lawless power , is also evident ; for that 's a Lawless power that makes all Laws void , needless & useless : but such is absolute power : for , it cannot be confined to the observance of Laws . 9. That power which is destructive to the peoples Liberties cannot be ouned : Absolute power is such : for , such a Licencious freedom as is absolute , cannot consist with the peoples Liberties ; for these he may infringe when he pleases : Now these , in their oun Nature , and in all respects , being preferable to the Kings prerogative , And it being no prerogative which is not consistent with , yea in its oun nature adapted to , the precious Interests of Religion & Liberty , when the Kings Absolute Authority is stated in contradictory terms to these , we cannot oune that Authority : for now he hath another Authority than could be given him for the preservation of these Interests , in the preservation whereof he can only have an Authority to be ouned , seeing he claimes a power to destroy them if he please . 10. If we should oune Absolute Authority ; then we should oune a Royal prerogative in the King to make & dispense with Laws : Now that cannot be ouned : for , it would infer that the King had a Masterly Dominion over his subjects , to make Lawes , & inflict Penalties without their consent . And plain it is , they that make Kings must have a Coordinate power to make Laws also ; but the people in their Representatives make Kings , as is proven . Next a prerogative to dispense with Laws , except such Laws as are in their oun nature dispensable , without prejudice to any Law of God or Liberties of men , cannot be ouned : for any power to dispense with Reason & Law , not grounded on any other reason but meer will & absolute pleasure , is a brutish power . It cannot be jus Coronae , a right annexed to the Crown , to do so : for a King as a King illud tantum potest quod jure potest can do nothing but what he may do by Law. Nay this is not only a Brutish power , but a Blasphemous power , making him a Kind of God on earth illimited , that can do what he pleases : And to dispute it further , were to dispute whether God hath made all under him slaves by their oun consent ; Or whether he may encroach on the prerogative of God , or not . By this prerogative , he arrogates a power to dispense with the Laws of God also , in pardoning Murtherers &c. which no man hath power to do : the Law of God being so peremptorly indispensable Gen. 9. 6. whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed . Numb . 35. 30. 31. Who so killeth any person , the murderer shall he put to death — more over ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer , but he shall be surely put to death . These pardons are acts of blood to the Community . If the Judgment be Gods , as it is Deut. 1. 17. and not for man but for the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 6. then no King can arrogate a power to dispense with it , no more then an inferior Judge can dispense with the Kings Laws : for the King is but a Minister , bearing the Sword not in vain , but as a revenger to execute wrath upon them that do evil Rom. 13. 4. They are but bastard Kings who give out sentances out of their oun mouth , contrary to Gods mind . And if he may do acts of grace by Prerogative above Law , then may he also do acts of Justice ( so pretended ) by the same Prerogative ; and so may murder Innocents , as well as pardon Murderers , he may condemn the just as well as justify the wicked , both which are alike abomination to the Lord Pro. 17. 15. This power cannot be ouned in any man. 11. To oune Absolute power , were to recognosce the King as the proper & sole Interpreter of the Law. This Buchanan shews to be very absurd : Cum regi Legum interpretationem &c. when yow grant the interpretation of Laws to a King ; yow give him such a Licence , that the Law should not speak what the Lawgiver meaneth but what is for the Interpreters Interest ; so that he may turn it to all actions , as a Lesbian rule , for his oun advantage ; And so what he pleases the Laws shall speak , and what he will not it shall not speak . Now the Kings absolute pleasure , can no more be the sense of the Law , than it can be the Law it self : He is King by Law , but he is not King of Law : No mortal can make a sense to a Law , contrare to the Law ; for it involves a Contradiction ; the true meaning is only the Law. This also would take away the use of all Laws ; for they could not declare what were just & unjust , but as the King pleased ; their genuine sense could not be the rule . 12. If we oune the Law to be above the King , then we cannot oune the King to be absolute : But the former is true : For , he must be under it several wayes : ( 1 ) under its Directive power ; that will not be denyed . ( 2 ) under its Constitutive power : he is not a King by Nature , but by Constitution & Law : therefore the Law is above the King ; because it s only from the Law that there is a King , and that such a man and not another is King , and that the King must be so & so qualified , and they that made him a King may also unmake him by the same Law. ( 3 ) under its Limiting & Restrictive power , as a man he cannot be absolute , nor as a King by Law. ( 4 ) under its Coactive power . A Law maker , said King Iames the 6. should not be a Law breaker : but if he turn an overturner of the fundamental Laws , that Law or Covenant that made him King , doth oblige to unmake him . Whatever power he hath it is only a borrowed , fiduciary power , as the Nations Publick servant : and that which was lent him in Pledge or paun , may be reclaimed , when abused by him . Especially if he turn parricide , Kill his brother , murder his nobles , burn Cities , then he may & ought to be punished by Law. Otherwise , God should have provided better for the safety of the part , than of the whole , though that part be but a mean for the safety of the whole : for if he turn Tyrant in his absoluteness , the people must be destroyed , if they may not repress him ; thus he is secured , and the whole exposed to ruine . Yea , if he be a man as well as a King , he must be under rule of Law ; and when he transgresses , either his transgressions are punishable by men , or they are not transgressions with men , See many Arguments to this purpose in Lex Rex Quest. 14. 19. 22. 23. 24. 26. 27. But Secondly I prove it by Scripture 1. Even as King he is regulated by Law , not to multiply horses , nor wives , nor money , but to keep the words of the Law , and not lift up himself above his brethren , Deut. 17. 16 , 17 , 19 , 20. he must observe to do according to the Law , and not turn from it to the right hand or to the left Iosh. 1. 7. Ergo he must not be absolute . 2. He is certainly under that Law , Math. 7. 12. what so ever ye would that men should do to yow do ye even so to them : which is the universal fundamental Law. If then he would have us keeping in our line of subordination to him , he must keep his line , and so cannot be absolute . 3. What is Gods dwe & peculiar Prerogative , can be ouned in no Mortal : But Absolute power is Gods due & peculiar Prerogative . He alone does whatsoever pleaseth Him Psal. 115. 3. He alone worketh alle things after the Counsel of His oun will Eph. 1. 11. Acts or Commands founded upon the sole pleasure of the Agent , are proper to God. Its Gods will and not the Creatures , that can make things good or just . It s Blasphemy therefore to ascribe absolute power to any Creature . 4. That which the spirit of God condemned as a point of Tyranny in Nebuchadnezzar , that is no prerogative to be ouned : but the Spirit of God condemned this in him , proceeding from absolute power , that whom he would he slew , and whom he would he kept alive , whom he would he set up , and whom he would he put doun , And his heart was lifted up Dan. 5. 19. 20. 5. That which God condemns & threatens in Tyrants in the Word in General , cannot be ouned : but Absolute power , God condemns & thereatens in the word in general ; that they turned Iudgement into Gall , and said , have we not taken to us horns by our oun strength ? Amos. 6. 12. 13. 6. The Word of God speaks nothing of the Kings Absolute prerogative , to make Laws as he will. It is plain the Kings of Iudah had it not ; but the Sanhedrin had a great part of the Nomothetick power , and of the punitive power in a special manner : the Princes & people had it by Ieremahs acknowledgment Ier. 26. 14. And Zedekiah confesses to them ; the King is not he that can do any thing against yow Ier. 38. 5. 7. we find the King in Scripture had not an absolute power , to expone or execute the Law as he would : Saul made a Law 1 Sam. 14. 2● . Cursed be the man that eats any food until evening . But expening it , & thinking to execute it after a Tyrannical manner , he was justly resisted by the people , who would not let him kill innocent Ionathan . 8. Nor had he the sole power of Interpreting it : for inferior Judges were Interpreters , who are no less essential Judges than the King , who are set to Judge for the Lord , and not for the King 2 Cron. 19. 6. and therefore they were to expone it according to their oun conscience , and not the Kings . They were to speak righteousness & Iudge uprightly Psal. 58. 1. hence called Gods , as well as Kings Psal. 82. 1. There was no essential Difference between a King of Gods approving and a Judge ; there being but one Law to both Deut. 17. 9. he was subject to judgment as well as others : for being but a brother , even while on the throne , who was not to lift up his heart above his brethren , Deut. 17. ult . When his Cause was to be judged , his person though never so great was not to be respected ; nor were they to be afrayed of the face of man , for the judgment was Gods Deut. 1. 17. therefore the Judges were to give out sentence in judgment , as if the Lord were to give it out : There was no exception of Kings there . Yea , we find according to common Law , they judged & punished offending Kings , as shall be made appear . 10. If they were under Church Censures , then they were not absolute : but we find Kings were under Church Censures ; not only rebuked sharply to their face , of which we have many instances ; but also subjected to Church discipline , as Uzziah shut up for his Leprosie . And certainly at all times this must be extended to all : for the King is either a brother , or not : If not , then he should not be King , according to the Scripture Deut. 17. 15. then also he is not a Christian , nor can he say the Lords Prayer : If he be , then if a brother offend , he is subject to the Church Math. 18. there is no exceptions of Kings there . The Objection from Eccles , 8. 3. 4. — he doth whatsoever pleaseth him where the word of a King is there is power , and who may say unto him , what doest thow ? is of no significancy here . For. 1. This Argument will enforce absolute obedience , if the power be to be taken absolutely ▪ for it is obedience that is there commanded : and so we must not only oune the absolute Authority , but obey it without reserve , which never any yet had the impudence to plead for , until Iames the unjust claimed it in a Scots Proclaimation : but we answer , It is better to obey God than man , 2. If he may do whatsoever pleases him , then he may turn Priest , then he may kill whom he pleases , & take possession ; and yet for Saules Usurpation Samuel could say more than what doest thow ? even to tell him , he had done foolishly , and his Kingdom should not continue 1 Sam. 13. 13. 14. And for Ahabs Tyranny , El●ah could tell him , the dogs shall lick thy blood even thine 1 King. 21. 19. And Ezekiel , thow profane wicked-Prince of Israel Ezek. 21. 25. 3. The meaning is then only this ; that a righteous King , his just power may not be controlled ; he is armed with power that may not be resisted , for he beareth not the Sword in vain , and therefore we must not stand in an evil matter against them I conlude then this Argument , with the words of an Ingenious Author , upon this same subject , both in Thesi & Hypothesi : whosoever shall offer to rule Arbitrarly , does immediatly cease to be King de jure . seeing by the fundamental , Common & Statute-Laws of the Realme , we know none for Supreme Magistrate & Governour but a limited Prince , and one who stands circumscribed & bounded in his power & Prerogative . Ill effects of animosities . Pag. 17. 7. From what is said this is the result , that it is essentially necessary to a Moral power & Authority , to have a right & title , without which we can oune none , but as a Tyrant sine Titulo . For what is Authority , but a right to rule ? if then it have not a right , it is not Authority . This will be undeniable , if we consider , that as Private dominon , or Property , consists in a right to enjoy ; So Publick dominion , in a right to rule . Some things indeed are exposed to the common & arbitrary use of every man , and also at the begining , by reason of the fewness of mankind , Dominion was not reduced to distinct Property ; yet now , upon the Multiplication of Occupants , of necessity it must be stated by peculiar appropriation , from the Law of Nature , and by the Grant of the Supreme King , who hath given the earth to the Children of men Psal. 115. 16 , not to be catched up as the food of beasts , which the stronger seise , and the weaker get only what the other leave them , but divided by right as an Inheritance , by Him who separated the Sons of Adam and set the bounds of the People Deut. 32. 8. Especially Publick Dominion cannot be without a foundation for its relation to the subjected , and must be so tied up , that it may be said , this man is to command and these are to obey . I shew that Authority is from God both by Institution & Constitution ; so that the Subjects are given to understand , such an one is singled out by God to sustain this Authority , by prescribing a rule for mens entry into the Authoritative relation , whereby He communicates that power to them which is not in others , and which otherwise would not be in them . Hence it is that Orderly admittance that must give the right , and upon mens having or not having such an entrance to it depends the reality or nullity of the power they challenge . Where therefore there is no Lawful Investure , there is no Moral power to be ouned ; otherwise Iohn of Leyden his Authority might have been ouned : the unlawfulness of such a power consists in the very tenore it self , and if we take away the use or holding of it , we take away the very being of it : it is not then the abuse of a power Lawfully to be used , but the very use of it is unlawful . But in the Usurpation of this Man , or Monster rather that is now mounted the Throne , there is no Lawful investure in the way God hath appointed , as is shewed above . Ergo there is no Moral power to be ouned . To clear this alitle further , it will be necessary to remove the ordinary Prentences , pleaded for a Title to warrant the ouning of such as are in power . Which are three chiefly viz. Possession , Conquest , and Hereditary Succession . The first must be touched more particularly , because it hath been the originate error , & spring of all the stupid mistakes about Government , and is the pitiful plea of many even Malecontents , why this Mans Authority is to be ouned , asserting that a person attaining & occupying the place of power ( by whatsoever means ) is to be ouned as the Magistrate . But this can give no right : for . 1. If Providence cannot signify Gods approbative ordination , it can give no right ; for without that there can be no right : But Providence cannot signify His approbative Ordination : because that , without the warrant of His Word , cannot signify either allowance or dissallowance , it is so various , being often the same to Courses directly contrary , and oftentimes contrary to the same Course : sometimes favouring it , sometimes crossing it , whether it be good or bad : And the same Common Providence may proceed from far different Purposes , to one in Mercy , to another in Judgment ; And most frequently very disproportionable to mens wayes : Providence places sometimes wickedness in the place of Iudgment , and iniquity in the place of righteousness Eccless . 3. 16. that is not by allowance . By Providence it happens to the just according to the work of the wicked , and to the wicked according to the work of the righteous Eccless . 8. 14. No man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before them , all things come alike to all , there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked Eccel . 9. 1. It were a great debasing of the Lords anointed to give him no other warrant then sin hath in the world , or the falling of a Sparrow . 2. Either every Providential Possession , in every ease , gives a title : Or God hath Declared it as a Law , that it shall be so in this particular matter of Authority only . The first cannot be said : for , that would justify all robbery : Nor the second , for where is that Law found ? Nay it were impious to alledge it ; for it would say , there is no unjust Possessor or Disorderly occupant , but if he were once in the Possession , he were right enough : And then Usurpation would be no sin . 3. If none of the Causes of Magistracy be required to the producing of this Possessory power , then it cannot give or have any right ; for without the true Causes it cannot be the true effect , and so can have no true right to be ouned : But none of the Causes of Magistracy are required to the production of this ; neither the Institution of God , for this might have been if Magistracy had never been instituted ; Nor the Constitution of men , for this may usurp without that . 4. That which must follow upon the right , and be Legitimated by it , cannot be ouned as the right , nor can it give the title : But the Possession of the power , or the Possessory exercise thereof , must follow upon its right , and be legitimated by it . Ergo — A man must first be in the relation of a Ruler , before he can rule ; and men must first be in the relation of subjects , before they obey . The Commands of Publick Justice , to whom are they given but to Magistrats ? They must then be Magistrats , before they can be ouned as the Ministers of Justice : he must be a Magistrate before he can have the power of the Sword , he cannot by the power of the Sword make himself Magistrate . 5. That which would make every one in the Possession of the Magistracy , a Tyrant , can not be ouned : But a Possessory occupation giving right , would make every one in Possession of the Magistracy a Tyrant , can not be ouned : But a Possessory occupation giving right , would make every one in Possession a Tyrant ; for , that which enervats & takes away that necessary Distinction between the Kings personal Capacity & his Legal Capacity , his natural & his moral power , will make every King a Tyrant ( seeing it makes every thing that he can do as a man , to be Legally done as a King ) But a Possessory occupation giving right , would enervate & take away that distinction : for how can these be distinguished in a meer Possessory power ? the mans Possession is all his legal power ; and if Possession give a right , his power will give legality . 6. What sort or size of Possession can be ouned to give a right ? Either it must be partial or plenary possession : Not partial , for then others may be equally entitled to the Government , in competition with that partial possessor , having also a part of it : Not plenary , for them every interruption or Usurpation on a part , would make a dissolution of the Government . 7. Hence would follow infinite absurdities : this would give equal warrant in case of vacancy to all men to step to , & stickle for the throne , and expose the Common wealth as a booty to all aspiring spirits ; for they needed no more to make them Soveraigns , and lay a tye of subjection upon the consciences of people , but to get into possession : And in case of Competition , it would leave people still in suspense & uncertainties whom to oune , for they behoved to be subject only to the Uppermost , which could not be known until the Controversy be decided : It would cassate & make void all preobligations , Cautions , & restrictions from God about the Government : it would Cancel and make vain all other titles of any , or Constitutions , or provisions , or Oaths of Allegiance : yea to what purpose were Laws , or pactions made about ordering the Government , if possession gave right , & laid an obligation on all to oune it ? yea then it were sinful to make any such provisions , to fence in & limit the determination of providence , if providential possession may authorize every intruesive acquisition to be ouned : Then also in case of competition of two equal pretenders to the Government , there would be no place left for arbitrations : If this were true , that he is the power that is in possession , the difference were at an end ; no man could plead for his oun right then : In this also it is inconsistent with it self , condemning all resistence against the present occupant , yet justifying every resistence that is but successful to give possession . 8. That which would oblige us to oune the Devil & the Pope , cannot be a ground to oune any man : But if this were true , that possession gave right , it would oblige us to oune the Devil & the pope . Satan we find claiming to himself the possession of the worlds Kingdoms Luk. 4. 6. which as to many of them is in some respect true , for he is called the God of this world , and the Prince of this world Iohn . 14. 30. 2 Cor. 4. 4. Are men therefore obliged to oune his authority ? or shall they deny his , and acknowledge his lievtenant , who bears his name , and by whom all his orders are execute , I mean the man that Tyranizes over the people of God ? for he is the Devil that casts some into prison Revel . 2. 10. Again the Pope , his Captain-General , layes claim to a Temporal power & Ecclesiastick both , over all the Nations , and possesses it over many ; and again , under the Conduct of his vassal the Duke of York , is attempting to recover the possession of Britain : Shall he therefore be ouned ? This Cursed Principle disposes men for Poperie , and contributes to strengthen Poperie & Tyrannie both on the stage , to the vacating of all the promises of their dispossession . 9. That which would justify a Damnable sin , and make it a ground of a duty , cannot be ouned : But this fancy of ouning every power in possession would justify a damnable sin , and make it the ground of a duty : for , Resistence to the powers ordained of God is a damnable sin Rom , 13. 2. but the Resisters having success in providence may come to the possession of the power , by expelling the just occupant ; and by this opinion that possession would be ground for the duty of subjection for Conscience sake . 10. If a self-created dignity be null and not to be ouned , then a meer possessory is not to be ouned : But the former is ttue : as Christ saith , Iohn . S. 54. If I honour myself my honor is nothing . 11. That which God hath disallowed cannot be ouned : But God hath expresly disallowed possession without right Ezek. 21. 27. I will overturn , overturn , overturn it until He come whose right it is , Hos. 8. 4. They have set up Kings & not by me . Math. 26. 52. All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword ; by this the Usurper of the Sword is differenced from the true ouner . 12. Many Scripture examples confut this ; shewing that the possession may be in one , and the power with right in another . David was the Magistrate , and yet Absalom possessed the place 2 Sam. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. chap. Shebah also made a revolt and Usurped the possession in a great part , and yet David was King 2 Sam. 20. 2. Adonijah got the start in respect of possession , exalting himself , saying , I will be King : yet the Kingdom was Solomons from the Lord. 1 King. 1. ch . The house of Ahaziah had not power to keep still the Kingdom 2 Chron. 22. 9. and Athaliah took the possession of it , yet the people set up Ioash 23. 3. Next we have many examples of such who have invaded the possessor , Witness Iehoram & Iehoshaphat their expedition against Mesba King of Moah , Elisha being in the expedition 2 King. 3. 4 , 5. Hence we see the first pretence removed . The Second is no better ; which Augustine calls Magnum Latrocinium a Great Robberie ; I mean conquest ; or a power of the Sword gotten by the Sword : which that it can give no right to be ouned , I prove . 1. That which can give no signification of Gods approving will , cannot give a Title to be ouned : But meer conquest can give no signification of Gods approving will , as is just now proven about possession : for then the Lord should have approven all the unjust conquests that have been in the world . 2. Either conquest as conquest must be ouned , as a just Title to the Crown ; and so the Ammonites , Moabites , Philistims &c. prevailing over Gods people for a time ; must have reigned by right : or as a just conquest , in this case conquest is only a mean to the conquerours seising & holding that power , which the State of the war entitled him unto , And this ingress into Authority over the conquered is not grounded on conquest but on justice , and not at all privative but Inclusive of the consent of the people ; and then it may be ouned ; but without a compact , upon conditions of securing Religion & Liberty , the posterity cannot be subjected without their consent : for , what ever just quarrel the conquerour had with the present Generation , he could haue none with the Posterity , the Father can have no power to resign the Liberty of the Children . 3. A King as King , and by virtue of his Royal Office , must be ouned to be a Father , Tutor , Protector , Shepherd , & Patron of the people : But a mere conquerour without consent cannot be ouned as such . Can he be a Father & Patron to us against our will , by the sole power of the sword ? a Father to these that are unwilling to be Sons ? an head over such as will not be members ? and a defender through violence ? 4. A King as such is a special gift of God , and blessing not a judgement : But a conquerour as such is not a blessing but a judgement , his native end being not Peace but fire & sword . 5. That which hath nothing of a King in it , can not be ouned to make a King : But conquest hath nothing of a King in it ; for it hath nothing but violence & force , nothing out what the bloodyest villain that was never a King may have , nothing of Gods approving & regulating Will , nothing of Institution or constitution ; and a plain repugnancy to the Ordination of God , for God hath said , thow shalt not kill ; conquest sayes , I will kill , and Prosper , & reign . 6. A Lawful Call to a Lawful Office may not be resisted : But a Call to conquest , which is nothing but ambition or revenge , ought to be resisted ; because not of Gods preceptive will , otherwise He should be the Author of sin . 7. That power which we must oune to be the Ordinance o● God , must not be resisted Rom. 13. 2. But conquest may be resisted in defence of our King & Country : Therefore it must no be ouned to be the Ordinance of God. 8. That which God condemns in His Word cannot be ouned : But Dominion by the sword God condemns in His Word Ezek. 33. 26. ye stand upon your sword — and shall possess the Land , Amos 6. 13. ye rejoice in a thing of naught which say , have we not taken horns to us by our oun strength . Habhak . 2. 5 , 6 — Wo to him that encreaseth that which is not his , how long &c. 9. We have many examples of invading Conquerours : as Abraham for the rescue of Lot pursued the Conquering Kings unto Dan. Gen. 14. 14. Ionathan smote a Garison of the Conqueering Philistims 1 Sam. 13. 3. The Lord ouning & authorizing them so to do . The people did often shake off the yoke of their Conquerours in the history of the Judges : But this they might not do to their Lawful Rulers . What is objected from the Lords people Conquering Canaan &c. is no Argument for conquest : for He , to whom belongs the earth and its fullness , disponed to Israel the Land of Canaan for their Inheritance , and ordained that they should get the possession thereof by conquest : It followeth not , therefore that Kings now , wanting any word of promise or divine Grant to any Lands , may ascend to the Thrones of other Kingdoms than their oun , by no better title than the bloody sword . See Lex Rex Quest 12. The Third pretence , of Hereditary Succession remaines to be removed : which may be thus disproven . 1. This clashes with the former , though commonly asserted by Royalists . For either Conquest gives a right , or it does not : If it does , then it looses all allegiance to the heirs of the Crown dispossessed thereby : If it does not give a right , then no Hereditary Succession founded upon conquest can have any right , being founded upon that which hath no right : And this will shake the most part of Hereditary Successions that are now in the world . 2. If Hereditary Succession have no right , but the peoples consent ; then of it self it can give none to a man that hath not that consent : But the former is true . For , it is demanded , how doth the Son or Brother succeed ? by what right ? It must either be by divine promise ; Or by the Fathers will ; Or it must come by propogation from the first Ruler , by a right of the Primogeniture : But none of these can be . For the first , we have no immediate Divine Constitution tying the Crown to such a race , as in Davids Covenant : It will be easily granted , they fetched not their Charter from Heaven immediatly , as David had it , a man of many peculiar prerogatives , to whose line the promise was astricted of the Coming of Messias , and Iacobs Prophesie that the Scepter should not depart from Iudah until His coming Gen. 49. 10. was restricted to his family afterwards : Wherefore he could say , The Lord God of Israel chose me befor all the house of my father to be King over Israel for ever , for He hath chosen Iudah to be the Ruler , and of the house of Iudah the house of my father , and among the sons of my father He liked me to make me ▪ King over Israel , and of all my Sons He hath chosen Solomon 1 Chron. 28. 4. 5. All Kings cannot say this ; neither could Saul say it , though immediatly called of God as well as David : yet this same Promise to David was Conditional , if His Children should keep the Lords wayes 2 Chron. 6. 16. Next it cannot be said this comes from the will of the father ; for according to the Scripture , no King can make a King , though a King may appoint & design his son for succession , as David did Solomon , but the people make him . The father is some way a Cause why his son succeedeth , but he is not the Cause of the Royaltie conferred upon him by line : for the question will recur , who made him a King ? and his father ? & grand father ? till we come up to the first father . Then , who made him a King ? not himself : therefore it must be refounded upon the peoples choise & constitution : And who appointed the lineal succession , and tyed the Crown to the line , but they ? It is then at the best , the Patrimony of the people , by the fundamental Law of the Kingdom , conferred upon the successor by consent . And generally it is granted , even where the succession is lineal , he that comes to inherit , Doth it not jure hereditario but vi legis , he does not succeed by heritage but by the force of Law ; the Son then hath not his Kingdom from his father but by Law , which the people made & stand to , as long as it may consist with the reasons of publick advantage , upon which they condiscended to establish such a family over them . Neither can it be said , It is by a right of Primogeniture propogated from the first Ruler ; for this must either be Adam the first of the world ; or Fergus v. G. the first of this Kingdom . It could not come from Adam as a Monarch & father of all : For that behoved to be , either by order of Nature , or his volun●ary assignment : It could not be transferred by order of Nature ; for besides the difficulty to find out Adams successor , in the universal Monarchy , and the absurdity of fixing it on Cain ( who was a Cursed vagabond , afraied of every man , and could not be an universal Monarch yet Adams first born ) It will be asked , how this passed from him unto others ? whether it went by father-hood to all the Sons , fathers to their Posterity ? which would multiply as many Common wealths , as there have been fathers since : Or if it went by Primogeniture only to the first born , that he alone could claim the power which would infer the necessity of an universal Monarchy , without multiplication of Common-wealths . If it was by his voluntary assignment , to whom & in what proportion he pleased ; then the universal Monarchy died with himself , and so could not be conveyed at all : for , either he behoved to give each son a share , to be conveyed dounwards to their children in that proportion ; or whole & solide to one : So also the former dilemma recurs , for if the first be said , it will make as many litle Kingdoms as there have been sons of Adam ; if the second , the world should be but still one Kingdom . But however it be , this could never be the way that God appointed , either for raising a Magistratical power where it is wanting , or deriving a right to any in being ; Considering the multiplication , division , confusion , & Extinction of families that have been . If it be from Fergus the first of this line ; then either it comes from him as a King , or as a Father : not the first , for the reason above hinted : nor as a father ; for a father may defraud his son of the heritage , a King cannot deprive his son of the Crown ; a father may divide his heritage , a King cannot divide the Kingdom among his sons ; It must then be at length refounded on the peoples Consent 3. If even where lineal succession is Constituted by Law , for eviting the inconveniences of frequent elections , people are not tied to admit every first born of that line ; then that birth righr , where there is no more , cannot make a King : But the former is true ; for they are tied only conditionally , so he be qualified , and have a head to sit at the helme , and not a fool or monster , neither are they free to admit Murderers or Idolaters by the Laws of God and of the Land : It is not birth then , but their admission being so qualified , that makes Kings . Hence . 4. That which takes away the peoples birth-right , given them of God to provide for their liberties in the fitest Government , that is not to be ouned : But to make birth alone a tile to the Crown , takes away the peoples birth-right given them of God of providing for their liberties in the fitest Government , and fetters their choise to one destructive to these . Certainly where God hath not bound the conscience , men may not bind themselves nor their posterity : But God hath never fettered men to a choise of a Government or Governing line , which contrary to the intention of the Oath may prove destructive to the ends thereof . Nor can the fathers leave in legacy by Oath , any chains to fetter the after wits of posterity to a choise destructive to Religion & liberty . Israel was bound by Covenant not to destroy the Gibeonites ; but if they had risen to cut off Isael , who can doubt but they were loosed from that obligation ? for to preserve Cut-throats was contrary to the intention of the Oath : so when either Monarchy , or the succeeding Monarch , proves destructive to the ends of Government , the Choice , Law , or Oath of our fathers , cannot bind us . 5. If we are tied to the hereditary succession , not for the right the successor hath by birth , but for our Covenanted allegiance to them whose successor he is ; then cannot his birth-right be the ground of our Allegiance , And consequently hereditary succession cannot make a King : But the former is true ; for in hereditary Crowns , the first family being chosen by the suffrages of the people , for that Cause the hereditary Prince comes to the Throne , becanse his first father , and in him the whole line , was chosen : The hereditary successor hath no priviledge or prerogative , but from him who was chosen King. Therefore the obligation to the son , being no greater than the obligation to the father , which is the ground of that , if the father then was ouned only because he was chosen & qualified for Government , the Son cannot be ouned for any other Cause , but as chosen in him , and also qualified and admitted with Consent . We cannot choose the father as qualified , and tye our selves to the Successors , be what they will. 6. If a King be not born heir of a Kingdom , then is he not King by birth ; But he is not born heir of a Kindom : for , a mean cannot be born to inherit the end , the King is but a mean for the Kingdoms preservation . If the Kingdom be his by birth as an inheritance , why may he not upon necessary occasions sell his inheritance ? but if he sell it , then all confess he is no more King. 7. If that which makes a King cannot be transmitted from father to son ; then succession by birth cannot make a King : But the former is true . The Royal faculty of Governing cannot be transmitted : Solomon asked it from God , he had it not from his father : nor can he be born to the honour of a King , because not born with either the gift or honour to be a Iudge . God maketh high & low , not birth . Nor can the Call & Constitution of a King according to the will of God be transferred from father to son , for that cannot be in Gods way without the intervening Consent of the people , that cannot make him a born King. 8. If no Dominion can come by Nature , as is proven before , then can no man be a born King : Nature & birth cannot give them a Scepter in their hand ; nor Kingly Majestie they must have that alone from God & the people , and may only expect honour from their oun good Government : Kings ( as Plutarch sayes ) must be like dogs that are best hunters , not these who are born of best dogs . 9. The peculiar Prerogative of Iesus Christ must not be ascribed to any other : But this is His peculiar Prerogative , to be a born King of whom it might be truely faid , Where is He that is born King of the Iewes ? And for this end was He born , who came out of the womb with a Crown on His Head , which no Creature can bear . 10. In Scripture we find that a King was to be so & so qualified , not a stranger , but a reader of Gods Word &c. Deut. 17. 15. &c. he was not qualified by naked birth . Hence , if all the qualifications requisite in an heir cannot make a King qualified according to the Institution of God , then his being heir cannot make him King : But the first is true ; an heir may be an heir without these qualifications . 11. We find in the Scripture , the people were to make the Kings by that Law Deut. 17. thow shalt choose him whom the Lord chooseth : yea neither Saul nor David were Kings , till the people met to make them : Therefore birth never made them Kings , even though the Kingdom was tied to Davids line . That was only a Typical designment by special Promise , because Christ was to come of that line ; it was therefore established in Davids family for Typical reasons , that cannot be now alledged . 12. We find in the disposal of Government among brethren , this birth-order was not seldom inverted ; as when Iacoh was preferred before Esaw , Iudah before all the elder sons of Iacob . Ephraim before Manasseh , Solomon before Adonijah . Hence if this Gentleman now regnant , have no better pretences than these now confuted , we cannot recognosce his right to reign : yea though this last were valid , yet he cannot plead it , it being expressly provided in our Laws against the succession of a Papist . But there is one Grand Objection against all this . The Jewes and other Nations are commanded to bring their necks under the yoke of the King of Babilon and to serve him , and yet he had no other right to these Kingdom , then the Lords Providential disposal , because the Lord had given all these Lands into his hand , Ier. 27. 6 , 7 , 12. Ans. 1. He was indeed an unjust Usurper , and had no right but the Lord providential gif● ; which sometimes makes the tabernacles of Robbers prosper into whose hand God bringeth abundantly Iob. 12. 6. and gives Iacoh sometimes for a spoil and Israel to the Robbers Isai. 42. 24. and giveth power to the Beast to continue forty & two Moneths , and to have power over all kindreds & tongues & Nations Revel . 13. 5 , 7. His Tyranny also was very great extensively , in respect of his oppressions & usurpations by Conquest : but it was not so great intensively , as our Robbers & Spoilers may be charged with ; he was never such a Perverter of all the ends of Government , nor a treachrous overturner of all Conditions , he was never a Persecuter of the Iewish Religion , he never oppressed them upon that account , nor endeavoured its extirpation , he never enacted such mischiefs by Law. The Lord only made use of him to bring about the holy ends of the Glory of His Justice & Wisdom , in which respect alone he is called His Servant , as else where His ●od & hammer , having given him a charge against an Hypocritical Nation to trample them doun in His holy Providence , and accordingly there was no resistence could prevail , they must be trampled upon , no help for it ; but no subjection was required , acknowledging his Magistratical right by divine Ordinance , but only a submissive stooping to the holy disposal of divine Providence ; no ouning was exacted either of the equity of that power , or of fealtie to the administrator . 2. This behoved to be a particular Command , by Positive Revelation given at that time , not binding to others in the like Condition ; which I refer to the judgment of the objectors : put the case , and make it run paralel , If the King of England were in league with the King of France , and breaking that league should provoke that aspiring Prince , growing potent by many Conquests , to discover his designs , make preparations , and give out threatenings for the Conquest of England & all Brittain ; were the people of England bound to surrender themselves as Servants & tributaries to him , for 70 years or for ever , under pain of destruction , if they should not ? This were one of the most ridiculous inferences , that ever was pleaded : nay it would make all refusal of subjection to invaders unlawful . 3. I will draw an Argument from this to confirm my Plea : for these Commands of subjection to Babilon , were not delivered until after the King of Iudah had surrendered to Nebuchadnezzar , and entered into Covenant with him to be subject to him 2. King. 24. chap. in keeping which Covenant the Kingdom might have stood , and after he had Rebelled against him and broken that Covenant , when lo he had given his hand ; after which he could not prosper , or escape , or be delivered , Ezek. 17. 14 , 15 , 18 , 2 Chron. 36. 13. Then the Commandment came , that they should disoune their oune King Zedekiah , now forefeiting his right by breach of Covenant , and be subject to Nebuchadnezzar . Whence I argue , If people are commanded to disoune their Covenant-breaking Rulers , and subject themselves to Conquerours ; then I have all I plead for : But the former is true , by the truth of this objection : Ergo also the Latter . There is a 2 Obj. from Rom. 13. 1. let every soul be subject to the higher powers , the powers that be are ordained of God : yet the Roman Emperour , to which they were to be subject , was an usurper . Ans. 1. It cannot be proven that the Apostle intendeth here the Roman Emperour as the higher power : There were at this time several Competitions for the Empire , about which Christians might have their oun scruples whom to oune ; the Apostle does not determine their litigations , nor interest himself in parties , but gives the General Standart of Gods Ordinance they had to go by . And the best Expositors of the place do alle●ge , the question & doubt of Christians then , was not so much in whom the Supremacy was ? as whether Christians were at all bound to obey Civil power , especially Pagan ? which the Apostle resolves , in giving general directions to Christians , to obey the ordinance of Magistracy , conforme to its original , and as it respects the end for which he had & would set it up , but no respect is there had to Tyrants . 2. It cannot be proven that the Supreme power then in being was usurpative : there being then a Supreme Senate , which was a Lawful power ; nor that Nero was then an usurper , who came in by choise & consent , and with the good liking of the people . 3. The Text means of Lawful powers , not unlawful force , that are ordained of God by His Preceptive will not meerly by His Providential disposal , and of consciencious subjection to Magistracy , not to Tyranny , describing & characterizing the powers there , by such qualifications as Tyrants & Usurpers are not capable of . But I mind to improve this Text more fully hereafter , to prove the quite contrary to what is here objected . 8. From the Right of Magistracy , flowes the Magistratical Relation ; which is necessary to have a bottom , before we can build the relative duties thereof . This brings it under the fifth Commandment , which is the Rule of all relative duties between Inferiours & Superiours , requiring honour to be given to Fathers , Masters , Husbands &c. and to rightful Magistrates , who are under such political relations , as do infer the same duties ; and prohibiting not only the omission of these duties , but also the committing of contrary sins ; which may be done , not only by contrary acts , as dishonouring & rebelling against Fathers , Magistrats &c. but also by performing them to contrary objects , as by giving the Fathers due to the Fathers opposite , and the Magistrats due to Tyrants who are their opposites . Certainly this Command prescribing honour , doth regulate to whom it should be given ; And must be understood in a consistency with that duty , and Character of one that hath a mind to be an inhabitant of the Lords holy Hill Psal. 15. 4. in whose eyes a vile person is contemned but he honoureth them that fear the Lord. So that we sin against the fifth Command , when we honour them that we are obliged to contemn by another Command . Hence I argue , If ouning or honouring of Tyrants be a breach of the fifth Command ; then we cannot oune their Authority : But the former is true : Ergo the latter . I prove the Assumption . A honouring the vile to whom no honour is due , and who stand under no relation of Fathers as Fathers , is a breach of the fifth Command : But the ouning of Tyrants Authority is a honouring the vile to whom no honour is due , and who stand under no relation of Fathers , and is yet a honouring them as Fathers : Ergo the ouning of Tyrants Authority is a breach of the fifth Command . The Major is clear : for if the honouring of these to whom no honour is due , were not a breach of the fifth Command ; that precept conld neither be kept at all , nor broken at all . It could not be kept at all : for , either it must oblige us to honour all indefinitely , as Fathers , and other relations , which cannot be : or else it must leave us still in suspence & ignorance , who shall be the object of our honour ; and then it can never be kept : or finally it must astrict our honouring to such definite relations , to whom it is due ; & then our transgression of that restriction , shall be a breach of it . Next if it were not so , it could not be broken at all : for if prostituting & abusing honour be not a sin , we cannot sin in the matter of honour at all ; for if the abuse of honour be not a sin , then dishonour also is not a sin , for that is but an abuse of the duty , which is a sin as well as the omission of it . And what should make the taking away of honour from the proper object to be sin , and the giving it to a wrong object to be no sin ? Moreover if this Command do not restrict honour to the proper object ; we shall never know who is the object : how shall we know who is our Father , or what we owe to him , if we may give another his due ? The Minor also is manifest : for if Tyrants be vile , then no honour is due to them , according to that Psal. 15. 4. And yet it is a honouring them as Fathers if they be ouned as Magistrats ; for Magistrats are in a politick sense Fathers : But certain it is that Tyrants are vile , as the Epithets & Characters they get in Scripture prove . But because , in contradiction to this , it may be said ; though Fathers be never so wicked , yet they are to be honoured because they are still Fathers , And though Masters be never so vile and froward , yet they are to be subjected unto 1 Pet. 2. 18-20 . and so of other relations , to whom honour is due by this Command , therefore though Tyrants be never so vile they are to be ouned under these relations , because they are the higher Powers in place of Eminency , to whom the Apostle Paul commands to yeeld subjection Rom. 13. and Peter to give submission & honour 1 Pet. 2. 13 , 17. Therefore it must be considered , that as the relative duty of honouring the relations to whom it is due , must not interfere with the moral duty of contemning the vile , who are not under these relations ; So this general Moral of contemning the vile , must not ca●sate the obligation of relative duties , but must be understood with a Consistency therewith , without any prejudice to the duty it self . We must contemn all the vile that are not under a relation to be honoured , and these also that are in that relation in so far as they are vile . But now Tyrants do not come under these Relations at all that are to be honoured by this Command . As for the higher Powers that Paul speaks of Rom. 13. they are not those which are higher in fo●ce , but higher in Power , not in potentia but in potestate , not in a Celsitude of prevalency but in a precellency of dignity , not in the pomp & pride of their prosperity & possession of the place , but by the virtue & value of their office , being ordained of God not to be resisted , the Ministers of God for good , terrors to evil doers , to whom honour is due , those are not Tyrants but Magistrats . Hence it is a word of the same root which is rendered Authority , or an Authorized Power 1 Tim. 2. 2. And from the same word also comes that supreme to whom Peter commands subjection & honour 1 Pet. 2. 13. Now these he speaks of have the Legal Constitution of the people , being the ordinance of man to be subjected to for the Lords sake . and who sends other inferior Magistrats for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well , who are to be honoured as Kings or Lawful Magistrats : this cannot be said of Tyrants . But more particularly , to evince that Tyrants & Usurpers are not to be honoured according to this Command , and that it is a breach of it so to do ; let us go through all these Relations of Superiority that come under the obligation of this Command , and we shall find Tyrants & Usurpers excluded out of all . First , they cannot come under the Parental relation : We are indeed to esteem Kings as Fathers , though not properly but by way of some Analogy , because it is their office to care for the people , and to be their Counsellers , and to defend them , as Fathers do for Children : but Roaring Lyons & Ranging Bears , as wicked Rulers are , Prov. 28. 15. cannot be Fathers . But Kings cannot properly be ouned under this Relation , far less Tyrants ( with whom the Analogy of Fathers cannot consist ) there being so many notable disparities betwixt Kings & Fathers . 1. A Father may be a Father to one Child ; but a King cannot be a King or Politick Father to one only , but his Correlate must be a Community ; a Tyrant can be a Father to none at all in a Politick sense . 2. A Father is a Father by Generation to all coming out of his loyns ; a King not so , he doth not beget them , nor doth their relation flow from that ; a Tyrant is a destroyer not a Procreator of people . 3. A Father is the cause of the Natural being of his Children ; A King only of the Politick well being of his subjects ; but Tyrants are he cause of the ill being of both . 4. A Father once a Father , as long as his Children live , retains still the relation , thô he turn mad and never so wicked ; A King turning mad may be served as Nebuchadnezzar was , at least all will grant in some cases the subjects may shake off th● King ; and if in any case , it is when he turns Tyrant . 5. A Fathers relation never ceases , whither soeuer his Children go ; but subjects may change their relation to a King , by coming under another King in another Kingdom ; a Tyrant will force all lovers of freedom to leave the Kingdom where he Domineers . 6. A Fathers relation never changes , he can neither change his children nor they change their Father ; but a King may naturalize new subjects , and subjects may also change their Soveraign , Royalists will grant a State or Common-wealth way make a King , and there is great reason sometimes that a Monarchy be turned into a Common-wealth ; but a Tyrant changes those that are under him , expells the natives , brings in forreigners , and all good Patriots do pant for a Change of him every day . 7. A Father hath no power of life & death over his Children ; a King hath it over his subjects according to Law ; a Tyrant Usurps it over the innocent against Law. 8. A Father is not a Father by consent of his Childeren ; as a King is by consent of his subjects ; a Tyrant is neither a Father with it nor without it . 9. A Father is not made by the Children ; as a King is by his subjects as was shewed ; a Tyrant is neither a Natural , nor by compact , but a self created power . 10. A Father is not chosen conditionally upon compact , as a King is by the free suffrages of the Community ; A Tyrant in this Differs from a King that he is not chosen , and in Tyranny from a Father . 11. Children wanting a Father cannot choose whom they will to be their Father ; as subjects wanting a King may choose whom they will , and what form they please ; but though they can , yet if they be rational , they will never choose a Tyrant , nor a Tyrannical form of Government . 12. Children cannot restrict their Fathers power to what degrees they please ; as subjects may limit their Kings , at their first erection ; but a Tyrant though he ought yet he will not be limited , and if he might he should be restrained . 13. Children cannot set bounds how long they will have their Fathers to continue ; Subjects may condescend upon the time , in making Laws how long such an one shall be their Soveraign , ad vitam or ad culpam , according as the fundamental Law is made at first ; Tyrants ought every day to be repressed , that they should not continue at all . Yet giving and not granting , that a King were to be ouned under the relation of a Father ; though every man be bound to oune & mantain his Fathers parental Authority , yet let the case be put , that the Father turns a Robber , murderer , an avowed enemy to God and the country , is his person & Authority in that case to be ouned , to the dishonour of God , and hurt & hazard of the country ? or ought he not rather to be delivered up even by the Son to Justice ? Much more then will it follow , that a King who turns the more dangerous because the more powerfull Robber , & Legal Murderer , and enemy to God & the country , cannot be ouned ; seeing the relation betwixt Father & Son is stronger & stricter , as having another Original , than can be betwixt King & subjects , and stands unremoved as long as he is Father , though turning such they ought to contribute ( in moral duty , to which their relative duty must cede ) that he should no more be a Father , nor no more a living man , when dead by Law. Secondly , They cannot come under the herile or Masterly relation , though Analogically also sometimes they are stiled so , and subjects are called Servants , by reason of their subjection , and because it is the Office of Kings to command & subjects to obey , in this there is some Analogy . But Kings cannot properly be ouned under this relation , as Masters over either persons or goods of subjects , far less Tyrans , yea Kings assuming a Masterly power turn Tyrants . Now that the Magistratical relation is not that of a Master , is clear from many disparities & absurdities , whether we consider the state of hired Servants or Slaves . For hired Servants , the difference is vast betwixt them & subjects . 1. The hired Servant gets reward for his service , by compact ; the subjects none , but rather gives the Royal reward of Tribute to the King for his service ; the Tyrant exacts it to maintain his Tyranny . 2. The hired Servant is maintained by his Master ; the subjects maintain the King ; the Tyrant Robbes it from them by force . 3. The hired Servant bargains only for a time , and then may leave him ; the subject cannot give up his Covenanted allegiance , at that rate and for these reasons as the servant may his service ; a Tyrant wil make nor keep no such bargain . 4. The hired Servant must have his Masters profit mainly before his eyes , and his oun only secundarly ; but the Magistrates power is primarly ordinated to the publick good of the Community ▪ and only consequentially to the good of himself . 5. The Master hath a greater power over the hired Servant , to make & give out Lawes to him , which if they be Lawful he must obey ; than the King hath over the Nation , to which he is not the sole Lawgiver , as is shewed . 6. The hired Servant his subjection is Mercenary & servile ; but the subjects subjection is civil , free , voluntary , liberal , & ●oving to a Lawful King. Again for Slaves , the difference between them & subjects is great . 1. Slavery being against Nature , rational people would never choose that life if they could help it ; but they gladly choose Government , & Governours . 2. Slavery would make their condition worse then when they had no Government , for Liberty is alwise preferable ; Neither could people have acted rationally in seting up Government , if to be free of oppression of others they had given themselves up to slavery , under a Master who may do what he pleases with them . 3. All Slaves are either taken in war , or bought with money , or born in the house where their parents were slaves , as Abraham & Solomon had of that sort ; But subjects are neither captives , nor bought , nor born slaves . 4. Slavery is not Natural , but a penal fruit of sin , and would never have been if sin had not been ; But Government is not so , but Natural & necessary . 5. Slaves are not their Masters brethren ; subjects are the Kings brethren ; over whom he must not lift up himself Deut. 17. 20. 6. Masters might purchase and sell their slaves , Abimelech took sheep & men servants & gave them unto Abraham Gen. 20. 14. Iacob had maid servants & men servants & Asses Gen. 30. 43. no otherwise than other goods , Solomon got to himself servants and maidens , & servants born in his house Eccles. 2. 7. a King cannot do so with his subjects . 7. Princes have not this power to make the people slaves , neither from God , nor from the people : From God they have none , but to feed and to lead them 2 Sam. 5. 2. to rule them so as to feed them 1 Chron. 11. 2. Psal. 78. 71 , 72. From the people they have no power to make slaves , they can give none such . 8. Slavery is a Curse : It was Canaans Curse to be a servant of servants Gen. 9. 25. but to have Magistrats is a promised blessing Ier. 17. 27. 9. To be free of Slavery is a blessing , as the redemption from Egypts bondage is every where called , and the year of redemption was a Iubile of joy , so the freedom of release every seven years a great priviledge Ier 34. 9. but to be free of Government is a judgment Isai. 3. 4 , 5. it s threatened , Israel shall abide without a King & without a Prince Hos. 3. 4. In the Next place they cannot be ouned as Masters or Proprietors over the goods of the subjects ; th● in the case of necessity , the King may make use of all goods in common , for the good of the Kingdom : For 1. The introduction of Kings cannot overturn natures foundation ; by the Law of Nature property was given to man , Kings cannot rescind that . 2. A man had goods ere ever there was a King ; a King was made only to preserve property , therefore he cannot take it away . 3. It cannot be supposed that rational people would choose a King at all , if he had power to turn a greater Robber to preserve them from lesser Robberies & oppressions : would rational men give up themselves for a prey to one , that they might be safe from becoming a prey to others ? 4. Then their case should be worse by erecting of Government , if the Prince were proprietor of their goods , for they had the property themselves before . 5. Then Government should not be a blessing but a curse , and the Magistrate could not be a Minister for good . 6. Kingdoms then should be among bona fortunae , the goods of fortune , which the King might sell & dispone as he pleased . 7. His place then should not be a function , but a possession . 8. People could not then , by their removes or otherwise , change their Soveraigns . 9. Then no man might dispose of his oun goods without the Kings consent , by buying or selling , or giving almes , nay nor pay tribute , for they cannot do these things except they have of their oun . 10. This is the very Character of a Tyrant , as described 1 Sam. 8. 11. he will take your sons &c. Zeph. 3. 3. her Princes are roaring Lyons , her Iudges are evening Wolves . 11. All the threatenings & rebukes of oppression condemn this , Isai. 3. 14. 15. Ezek. 45. 9. Mic. 3. 2 , 3. Ahab condemned , for taking Naboths vineyard . 12. Pharaoh had not all the Land of Egypt , till he bought it Gen. 42. 20. So the Land became Pharaohs not otherwise . Yet giving and not granting that he were really a Master in all these respects ; Notwithstanding if he turn to pursue me for my life , because of my fidelity to my Master & his both , & will withdraw me from the service of the Supreme Universal Master , I may Lawfully withdraw my self from his , and disoune him for one , when I cannot serve two Masters . Sure he cannot be Master of the conscience . Thirdly , They cannot come under the conjugal relation , though there may be some proportion between that and subjection to a Lawful Ruler , because of the Mutual Covenant transacted betwixt them ; but the Tyrant & Usurper cannot pretend to this , who refuse all Covenants . Yet hence it cannot be inferred , that because the wife may not put away her husband . Or renounce him , as he may do her in the case of Adultery , therefore the people cannot disoune the King in the case of the violation of the Royal Covenant . For the Kings power is not at all properly a husbands power . 1. The wife by nature is the weaker vessel ; but the Kingdom is not weaker than the King. 2. The wife is given as an help to the man ; but here the man is given as an help to the Common-wealth . 3. The wife cannot limit the husbands power ; as subjects may limit their Soveraigns . 4. The wife cannot prescribe the time of her continuing under him ; as subjects may do with their Soveraigns . 5. The wife cannot change her husband ; as a Kingdom can do their Government 6. The husband hath not power of life & death ; but the Soveraign hath it over Malefactors . Yet giving and not granting , his power were properly Marital ; if the case be put , that the man do habitually break the Marriage Covenant , or take another wife , and turn also Cruel & intollerable in compelling his oun wife to wickedness ; and put the case also , that she should not get a Legal divorce procured , who can doubt but she might disoune him , and leave him ? for this case is excepted out of that Command 1 Cor. 7. 10. let not the wife depart from her husband , meaning for mere difference in Religion , or other lesser causes ; but Adulterie doth annual the Marriage relation , See Pool Synopsis Critic . in Locum . So when a Prince breaks the Royal Covenant and turns Tyrant , or without any Covenant committs a rape upon the Common-wealth , that pretended relation may & must be disouned . Hence we see , there is no relation can bring a King or Ruler under the object of the duty of the fifth Command , except it be that of a fiduciary Patron or Trustee and Publick Servant : for we cannot oune him properly either to be a Father , or a Master , or a husband . Therefore what can remain , but that he must be a fiduciary Servant ? Wherefore if he shall either treacherously break his trust , or presumptously refuse to be entrusted , upon terms & conditions to secure & be accountable for ( before God & man ) Religion & Liberty , we cannot oune his usurped Authority . That Metaphore which the learned Buchanan uses , de Iure Regni , of a Publick & Politick Phisician , is not a relation different from this of a fiduciary Servant ; when he elegantly represents him as entrusted with the preservation & restauration of the health of the politick body , and endued with shill & experience of the Laws of his Craft . If then he be orderly called unto this charge , and qualified for it , and discharges his duty faithfully , he deserves , and we are obliged to give him the deference of an honoured Physician : But if he abuse his Calling and not observe the rules thereof , and in stead of curing go about wilfully to kill the body he is entrusted with , he is no more to be ouned for a Physician but for a Murderer . 9. If we inquire further into the nature of this Relation between a King ( whose Authority is to be ouned ) and his subjects ; we can oune it only as it is Reciprocal in respect of Superiority & Inferiority , that is , whereby in some respects the King is Superior to the people , and in some respects the people is Superior to him . The King is Superior & Supreme as he is called 1 Pet. 2. 13. in respect of formal Soveraignty , and executive Authority , and Majestick Royal dignity , resulting from the peoples devolving upon him that Power , and constituting him in that relation over themselves , whereby he is higher in place & power than they , and in respect of his Charge & conduct is worth ten thousands of the people 2 Sam. 18. 3. and there is no formally regal Tribunal higher than his ; And though he be Minor universis yet he is Major singulis , greater than any one , or all the people distributively taken ; And though he be a Royal Vassal of the Kingdom , & Princely Servant of the people ; yet he is not their deputy , because he is really their Soveraign , to whom they have made over their Power of governing & protecting themselves irrevocably , except in the case of Tyranny ; and in acts of Justice , he is not countable to any , and does not depend on the people as a deputy . But on the other hand , the people is superior to the King , in respect of their fountain power of Soveraignty , that remains radically & virtually in them , in that they make him their Royal Servant , and him rather than another and limit him to the Laws for their oun good & advantage , and though they give to him a Politick Power for their oun safety ; yet they keep a Natural Power which they cannot give away , but must resume it in case of Tyranny ; And though they cannot retract the power of Justice to govern righteously , yet it is not so irrevocably given away to him , but that when he abuseth his power to the destruction of his subjects , they may wrest a sword out of a mad mans hand , though it be his oun sword and he hath a just power to use it for good , but all fiduciary power abused may be repealed . They have not indeed Soveraignity or power of life & death formally ; yet in respect they may constitute a Magistrate with Laws , which if they violate they must be in hazard of their lives , they have this power eminently & virtually . Hence in respect that the Kings Power is and can be only fiducial , by way of trust reposed upon him , he is not so superior to the people , but he may & ought to be accountable to them in case of Tyranny ; which is evident from what is said , and now I intend to make it further appear . But first I form the Argument thus ; We can oune no King that is not accountable to the people : Ergo we cannot oune this King. To clear the Connexion of the antecedent & consequent , I adde ; Either he is accountable to the people , or he is not : If he be accountible to all then he is renouncible by a part , when the Collective body either wil not , or cannot exact an account from him , when the Community is defective as to their part , it is the interest of a part , that would but cannot do their duty , to give no account to such as they can get no account from for his Maleversations , This is all we crave : If he be not accountable , then we cannot oune him , because all Kings are accountable : for these reasons . 1. The Inferior is accountable to the Superior : the King is inferior , the people superior : Ergo the King is accountable to the people . The proposition is plain ; if the Kings superiority make the people accountable to him , in case of transgressing the Laws ; then , why should not the peoples superiority make the King accountable to them , in case of transgressing the Laws ? especially seeing the King is inferior to the Laws : because the Law restrains him , and from the Law he hath that whereby he is King ; the Law is inferior to the people , because they are as it were its parent , and way make or unmake it upon occasion : and seeing the Law is more powerful than the King , and the people more powerful than the Law , we may see before which we may call the King to answer in Judgment , Buchan Iure Regni apud Scot. That the King is inferior to the people is clear on many accounts : for these things which are institute for others sake , are inferior to those for whose sake they are required or sought ; a horse is inferior to them that use him for victory ; A King is only a mean for the peoples good ; A Captain is less then the Army , a King is but a Captain over the Lords Inheritance 1 Sam. 10. 1. He is but the Minister of God for their good Rom. 13. 4. Those who are before the King , and may be a people without him , must be superior to him who is a posteriour and cannot be a King without them : let the King be considered either Materially as a Mortal man , he is then but a part inferior to the whole ; or formally under the reduplication as a King , he is no more but a Royal Servant , obliged to spend his life for the people , to save them out of the hand of their enemies 2 Sam. 19 ▪ 9. A part is inferior to the whole , the King is but a part of the Kingdom : A Gift is inferior to them to whom it is given , a King is but a gift given of God for the peoples good : That which is Mortal & but accidental , is inferior to that which is eternal & cannot perish Politically ; a King is but mortal , and it is but accidental to Government that there be a succession of Kings ; but the people is eternal , one generation passeth away & another generation cometh Eccles. 1. 4. especially the people of God , the portion of the Lords inheritance , is superior to any King , and their ruine of greater moment than all the Kings of the world ; for if the Lord for their sake smite great Kings , & slay famous Kings , as Sihon & Og Psal. 137. 17-20 . if he give kings & famous kingdoms for their ransome Isai. 43. 3 , 4. then His people must be so much superior than kings , by how much His Justice is active to destroy the one , and His Mercy to save the other . All this proves the people to be superior in dignity , And therefore even in that respect its frivolous to say , the king cannot be accountable to them , because so much superior in Glory & Pomp ; for they are superior every way in excellency ; And though it were not so , yet Judges may be inferior in rank considered as men , but they are superior in Law over the greatest as they are Judges , to whom far greater than they are accountable . The low & mean condition of them to whom belongs the power of Judgment does not diminish its dignity : when the king then is Judged by the people , the Judgment is of as great dignity as if it were done by a superior king ; for the Judgment is the sentence of the Law , 2. They are superior in power : because every constituent cause is superior to the effect , the people is the constituent cause , the king is the effect , and hath all his Royaltie from them , by the Conveyance God hath appointed ; so that they need not fe●ch it from Heaven , God gives it by the people , by whom also his power is limited and , it need be , diminished from what they gave his Ancestors : Hence , if the people constitute & limit the power they give the King , then they may call him to an account , and judge him for the abuse of it : But the first is true as is proven above : Ergo — The Major is undenyable , for sure , they may judge their oun Creature , and call him to an account for the power they gave him , when he abuses it , though there be no Tribunal formally Regal above him , yet in the case of Tyranny and violating his Trust there is a Tribunal virtual eminently above him , in them that made him & reposed that Trust upon him , as is said . 3. The fountain power is superior to the power derived : The people , though they constitute a King above them , yet retain the fountain power , he only hath the derived power : Certainly the people must retain more power eminently , than they could give to the King , for they gave it , and he receives it , with limitations , if he turn mad or uncapable they may put Curators & Tutors over him ; if he be taken captive , they may appoint another to exercise the power , if he die then they may constitute another , with more or less power ; So then if they give a way all their power , as a slave selleth his Liberty , and retain no fountain power or radical right , they could not make use of it to produce any of these acts : They set a King above them only with an executive power for their good , but the radical power remains in the people , as in an immortal spring , which they communicate by succession to this or that Mortal man , in the manner & measure they think expedient ; for otherwise if they gave all their power away , what shall they reserve to make a new King , if this man die ? What if the Royal line surcease , there be no Prophets now sent to make Kings : And if they have power in these cases , why not in the case of Tyranny ? 4. If the King be accountable by Law , for any act of Tyranny done against one man , then much more is he accountable for many against the whole state : But the former is true ; a private man may go to Law before the ordinary Judges for wronging his inheritance , and the King is made accountable for the wrong done by him . Now shall the Laws be like Spiders webs , which hold flies , but let bigger beasts pass through ? Shall Sentence be past for petty wrongs against a man , and none for Tyrannizing over Religion , Laws , & Liberties of the Kingdom ? Shall none be past against parricide or fratricide , for killing his Brother , Murdering the Nobles , and burning Cities ? Shall pettie Thieves be hanged for stealing a Sheep , and does the Laws of God or man give impunity , for robbing a whole Country of the nearest & dearest Interests they have to Crowned heads for the fancied Character of Royalty , which thereby is forfeited ? 5. If there be Judges appointed of God independently , to give out & execute the Judgment of the Lord on all offenders , without exception of the highest ; then the King also must be subject to that Judgment : But there are Judges appointed of God independently , to give out & execute the Judgment of the Lord on all offenders , without exception of the highest . Two things must be here proved ; first , that in giving Judgment they do not depend on the King , but are the immediate vicars of God : Secondly that the King is not excepted from , but subject to , their Judgment , in case he be Criminal . First they cannot depend upon the King , because they are more necessary then the King ; and it is not left to the Kings pleasure whether there be Judges or not . There may be Judges without a King , but there can be no King without Judges , nor no Justice but Confusion ; no man can bear the peoples burden alone Numb . 11. 14 , 17 , If they depended on the King , their Power would die with the King ; the streams must dry up with the fountain : but that cannot be , for they are not Ministri regis but regni , they are not Ministers of the King but of the Kingdom , whose honour & promotion , though by the Kings external call , yet comes from God , as all honour & promotion does Psal. 75. 7 , The King cannot make Judges whom he will by his absolute Power , he must be tied to that Law Deut. 1. 13. To take wise men & understanding & known : Neither can he make them dura ite beneplacito : for if these qualifications remain , there is no allowance given for their removal . They are Gods & the Children of the Mos● High , appointed to defend the poor & fatherless , as well as he , Psal. 82. 3 , 6. They are ordained of God for the punishment of evil doers , in which they must not be resisted , as well as he Rom. 13. 1 , 2. by me ( saith the Lord ) rule ... all the Iudges of the earth Prov. 8. 16. To them we must be subject for Conscience sake , as being the Ministers of God for good ; they must be obeyed for the Lords sake , as well as the King ; though they are sent of him , yet they Judge not for man but for the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 6. hence they sit in his room , and are to act as if he were on the bench : the King cannot say , the Judgment is mine , because it is the Lords : neither can he limit their sentance ( as he might , if they were nothing but his deputies ) because the Judgment is not his : nor are their Consciences subordinate to him , but to the Lord immediatly ; otherwise if they were his deputies , depending on him ; then they could neither be admonished , nor condemned for unjust Judgment , because their sentence should neither be righteous nor unrighteous , but as the King makes it ; And all directions to them were capable of this exception , do not so or so except the King command yow , crush not the poor , oppress not the fatherless , except the King command yow : yea then they could not execute any Judgment , but with the Kings Licence , and so could not be rebuked for their not executing Judgment . Now all this is contrary to Scripture , which makes the sentence of the Judges undeclinable when just Deut. 17. 11. the Lords indignation is kindled , when He looks for Iudgment & behold oppression , for righteousness & behold a Cry Isai. 5. 7. neither will it excuse the Judges to say , the king would have it so ; for even they that are subservient , to write grievousness , to turn aside the needy from Iudgment &c. are under the wo , as well as they that prescribe it Isai. 10. 1 , 2. The Lord is displeased when Iudgment is turned away back ward , and Justice stands a far of — and when there is no Iudgment , what ever be the Cause of it Isai. 59. 14 , 15. The Lord threatens He will be avenged on the Nation , when a man is not found to execute Iudgment Ier. 5. 1 , 9. And promises if they will execute Judgment & righteousness , and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor , He will give them righteous Magistrats Ier. 22. 3 , 4. but if they do not , He will send desolation ibid. He rebukes those that turn Judgment to wormwood and leave of righteousness in the earth Amos. 5. 7. He resents it when the Law is slacked and Judgment doth not go forth freely without overawing or overruling restraint Habb . 1. 4. Can these Scriptures consist with the Judges dependence on the kings pleasure , in the exercise & execution of their Power ? Therefore if they would avoid the Lords displeasure , they are to give Judgment , though the King should countermand it . Secondly , that the King is not excepted from their Judgment , is also evident from the General Commands Gen. 9. 6. whoso sheddeth mans blood ●y man shall his blood be shed : there is no exception of Kings or Dukes here , and we must not distinguish where the Law distinguisheth not . Numb . 35. 30 , 31. whoso killeth any person the murderer shall be put to death , by the mouth of witnesses — ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a Murderer which is guilty of death , but he shall be surely put to death . What should hinder then Justice to be awarded upon a Murdering King ? Shall it be for want of witnesses ? It will be easy to adduce thousands : Or shall this be satisfaction for his life , that he is a Crowned King ? the Law saith there shall no satisfaction be taken . The Lord speaketh to under Judges Levit. 19. 15. Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment , thow shalt not respect the person of the poor , nor honour the person of the Mighty . If Kings be not among the Mighty , how shall they be classed ? Deut. 1. 17. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment , but yow shall hear the small as well as the great , yow shall not be afraid of the face of man , for the judgment is Gods : if then no mans face can outdare the Law & Judgment of God , then the Kings Majestick face must not do it , but as to the demerit of blood he must be subject as well as another . It s no Argument to say , the Sanhedrin did not punish David for his Murther & Adulterie . Ergo now it is not Lawful to punish a King for the same : a reason a non facto is not relevant . David did not punish Ioab for his Murder , but Authorized it , as also he did Bathsheba's Adulterie ; will that prove that Murders connived at , or commanded by the King , shall not be punished ? or that Whores of State are not to be called to an account ? Neither will it prove that a Murdering king should not be punished , that David was not punished : because he got both the sin pardoned , and his life granted from the Lord , saying to him , by the mouth of the Prophet Nathan , Thow shalt not die : But as for the demerit of that fact , he himself pronounced the sentence out of his oun mouth 2 Sam. 12. 15. As the Lord liveth , the man that hath done this thing shall surely die . So every king condemned by the Law , is condemned by his oun mouth ; for the Law is the voice of the king : why then do we so much weary our selves concerning a Judge ? seeing we have the kings oun Confession , that is the Law. Buchanan . de jure regni . And there needs be no other difficultie , to find a Tribunal for a Murdering king , than to find one for a Murderer ; for a Judgment must acknowledge but one name , to wit of the Crime ; if a king then be guilty of Murder , he hath no more the name of a king but of a Murderer , when brought to Judgment ; for he is not Judged for his kingship , but for his Murther ; as when a Gentleman is Judged for Robbery , he is not hanged , neither is he spared , because he is a Gentleman , but because he is a Robber . See Buchanan . ubi supra . 6. If the Peoples Representatives be superior to the king in Judgment , and may execute Judgment without him , and against his will , then they may also seek account of him , for if he hath no Power but from them , and no Power without them to act as king ( no more than the eye or hand hath Power to act without the body ) then his Power must be inferior , fiduciary , & accountable to them : But the former is true , The Peoples Representatives are superior to the king in Judgment , and may execute Judgment without him , and against his will. In Scripture we find the Power of the Elders and heads of the People was very great , and in many cases superior to the king : which the Learned Dr Owen demonstrates in his Preliminary Exercitations on the Epist. to the Heb. and proves out of the Rabbins , that the kings of the Iewes might have been called to an account , & punished for transgressing of the Law. But in the Scripture we find . ( 1 ) They had a Power of Judgment with the Supreme Magistrate , in matters of Religion , Justice & Government . Hamor & Shechem would not make a Covenant with Iacobs Sons , without the consent of the men of the Citie Gen. 34. 20. David behoved to consult with the Captains of thousands , & every Leader , if it seemed good to them to bring again the Ark of God. 1. Chron. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. So also Solomon could not do it without them 1 King. 8. 1. Ahab could not make peace with Benhadad against the consent of the People 1 King. 20. 8. The men of Ephraim complain that Iephthah ▪ the Supreme Magistrate , had gone to War against the Children of Ammon without them , and threatened to burn his house with fire , which he only excuses by the Law of necessity Iudg. 12. 1 , 2 , 3. The Seventy Elders are appointed by God , not to be the Advisers only & helpers of Moses , but to bear a part of the burden of ruling & governing the People , that Moses might be eased Numb . 11. 14 , 17. Moses upon his sole pleasure had not power to restrain them , in the exercise of Judgment given of God. They were not the Magistrats depending deputies , but in the act of Judging they were independent , and their Consciences as immediatly subjected to God as the Superior Magistrate , who was to adde his approbative suffrage to their actings , but not his directive nor imperative suffrage of absolute pleasure , but only according to the Law ; he might command them to do their duty , but he could do nothing without them . ( 2 ) They had Power , not derived from the Prince at all , even a Power of life & death . The rebellious Son was to be brought to the Elders of the Citie , who had Power to stone him Deut. 21. 18 , 24. They had Power to punish Adulterie with death Deut. 22. 21. They had Power to cognosce , whom to admit into and whom to seclude from the Cities of refuge : So that if the King had commanded to take the life of an innocent man , they were not to deliver him Iosh. 20. per tot . But besides the Elders of Cities , there were the Elders and heads of the People , who had judicial Power to cognosce on all Criminal Matters , even when Ioshua was Judge in Israel we find they assumed this Power , to judge of that matter of the two tribes & the half Iosh. 22. 30. And they had Power to make Kings , as Saul & David , as was shewed : and it must needs follow , they had Power to unmake them in case of Tyranny . ( 3 ) They had Power to conveen , even without the indiction of the Ruler , as in that Iosh. 22. they convene without him : and without advice or knowledge of Samuel , the Ruler , they conveen to ask a King 1 Sam. 8. And without any head or superior , they convene & make David King , notwithstanding of Isbosheths hereditary right . Without & against Tyrannous Athaliah her consent , they convene & make Ioash King , and cared not for her Treason , Treason 2 King. 11. But now the king alone challenges the Prerogative-power of calling & dessolving Parliaments as he pleases , and condemns all meetings of Estates without his warrant , which is purely Tyrannical : for in cases of necessity , by the very Law of nature , they may & must convene . The Power is given to the king only by a positive Law , for orders sake ; but otherwise , they have an intrinsical Power to assemble themselves . All the forecited Commands , Admonitions , & Certifications , to execute Iudgement , must necessarly involve & imply & Power to convene , without which they could not be in a Capacity for it : Not only unjust Judgement , but no I●dgement , in a time when Truth is fallen in the streets & equity cannot enter , is charged as the sin of the State ; therefore they must convene to prevent this sin , and the wrath of God for it : God hath committed the keeping of the Common-wealth , not to the king only , but also to the peoples Representatives & heads . And if the king have Power to break up all Conventions of this nature , then he hath Power to hinder Judgement to proceed , which the Lord Commands : And this would be an excuse , when God threatens vengeance for it , we could not execute Iudgement , because ehe King forbad us . Yet many of these forementioned reproofs , threatenings , & certifications were given , in the time of Tyrannous & Idolatrous kings , who no doubt would inhibite & discharge the doing of their duty ; yet we see , that was no excuse , but the Lord denounces wrath for the omission . ( 4 ) They had Power to execute Judgement , against the will of the Prince . Samuel killed Agag against Sauls will , but according to the Command of God 1 Sam. 15. 32. Against Ahabs will & mind Elijah caused kill the Priests of Baal , according to Gods express Law 1 King. 18. 40. It is true it was extraordinary , but no otherwise than it is this day , when there is no Magistrate that will execute the Judgment of the Lord ; then they who have Power to make the Magistrate may & ought to execute it , when wicked men make the Law of God of none effect . So the Princes of Iudah had power , against the kings will , to put Ieremiah to death , which the king supposes , when he directs him what to say to them Ier. 38. 25. They had really such a Power , though in Ieremiahs case it would have been wickedly perverted , See Lex Rex Q. 19. 20. ( 5 ) They had a power to execute Judgement upon the king himself : as in the case of Amaziah & Uzziah , as shall be cleared afterwards . I conclude with repeating the Argument : If the king be accountable , whensoever this Account shall be taken , we are confident our disouning him for the present will be justified , and all will be obliged to imitate it : If he be not , then we cannot oune his Authority , that so presumptously exalts himself above the People . 10. If we will further consider the nature of Magistracy ; it will appear what Authority can conscienciously be ouned , to wit , that which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potestas , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potentia ; Authorized Power , not Might or force ; Moral Power , not merely Natural . There is a great difference betwixt these two : Natural Power is common to brutes , Moral Power is peculiar to men ; Narural Power is more in the Subjects , because they have more strength & force ; Moral Power is in the Magistrate , they can never meet adequately in the same subject ; Natural power can , Moral only may warrantably exercise rule ; Natural power is opposed to impotency & weakness , Moral to illicitness or unlawfulness ; Natural power consists in strength , Moral in righteousness ; Natural power may be in a Reut of Rogues making an uproar , Moral only in the Rulers ; they cannot be distinguished by their acts , but by the Principle from which the acts proceed ; in the one from meer force , in the other from Authority . The Principle of Natural power is its oun might & will , and the end only self ; Moral hath its rise from positive Constitution , and its end publick safety . The strength of Natural power lies in the Sword , whereby its might gives Law ; the strength of Moral power is in its Word , whereby reason gives Law , unto which the Sword is added for punishment of Contraveners : Natural power takes the Sword Math. 26. 52. Moral bears the Sword Rom. 13. 4. In Natural power the Sword is the Cause ; in Moral it is only the Consequent of Authority : In Natural power the Sword legitimates the Scepter ; in Moral the Scepter legitimates the Sword : The Sword of the Natural is only backed with Metal , the Sword of the Moral power is backed with Gods warrant : Natural power involves men in passive subjection , as a traveller is made to yeeld to a Robber ; Moral power reduces to Consciencious subordination . Hence the power that is only Natural not Moral , Potentia not Potestas , cannot be ouned : But the power of Tyrants & Usurpers is only Natural not Moral , Potentia not Potestas : Ergo it cannot be ouned . The Major cannot be denied ; for it is only the Moral Power that is ordained of God , unto which we must be subject for Conscience sake . The Minor also ; for the Power of Tyrants is not Moral , because not Authorized nor warranted nor ordained of God by His preceptive Ordinance , and therefore no Lawful Magistratical Power . For the clearer understanding of this let it be observed , there are four things required to the making of a Moral or Lawful Power ; the matter of it must be Lawful , the Person Lawful , the Title Lawful , and the Use Lawful . 1. The matter of it , about which it is exerted , or the work to be done by it , must be Lawful & warranted by God ; and if it be unlawful , it destroyes its Moral being . As the Popes power in dispensing with Divine Laws , is null & no Moral Power : And so also the Kings power , in dispensing with both Divine & humane Laws is null . Hence , that power which is in regard of matter unlawful , and never warranted by God , cannot be ouned : But absolute power , which is the power of Tyrants & Usurpers ( & particularly of this of ours ) is in regard of matter unlawful & never warranted by God : Ergo — 2. The Person holding the power must be such as not only is capable of but competent to the tenure of it , and to whom the holding of it is allowed ; and if it be prohibited , it evacuates the Morality of the power . Korah & his Company arrogated to themselves the Office of the Priesthood , this power was prohibited to them , their power then was a nullity . As therefore a person that should not be a Minister , when he usurps that office is no Minister : So a person that should not be a Magistrate , when he usurps that Office , is no Magistrate . Hence , a person that is incapable & incompetent for Government , cannot be ouned for a Governour : But the D. of Y. is such a person , not only not qualified as the Word of God requires a Magistrate to be , but by the Laws of the Land declared incapable of Rule because he is a Papist , a Murderer , an Adulterer &c. 3. There must be in Moral Power , a Lawful Title & Investure , as is shewed above ; which if it be wanting , the Power is null , and the person but a Scenical King , like Iohn . of Leyden . This is essentially necessary to the being of a Magistrate ; which only properly distinguishes him from a private man : for when a person becomes a Magistrate , what is the change that is wrought in him ? what new habit or endewment is produced in him ? he hath no more natural power than he had before , only now he hath the Moral Power , right , & Authority to Rule , Legally impowering him to Govern. Let it be Considered , what makes a subordinate Magistrate , whom we may oune as such : It must be only his Commission from a Superior Power , otherwise we reject him : If one come to us of his oun head , taking upon him the style & office of a Bailif , Sheriff , or Judge , and command our Persons , demand our purses , or exact our Oaths ; we think we may deny him , not taking our selves to owe him any subjection , not ouning any bond of conscience to him ; why ? because he hath no lawful Commission . Now if we require this qualification in the subordinate , why not in the Supreme ? Hence , that Magistrate that cannot produce his Legal Investure , cannot be ouned : But the D. of Y. cannot produce his Legal Investure , his admission to the Crown upon Oath & Compact , and with the consent of the subjects , according to the Laws of the Land , as is shewed above : Ergo — 4. There must also be the Lawful Use of the Power ; which must be not only legal for its composure , but right for its practice ; its Course & Process in Government must be just , Governing according to Law , otherwise it is meer Tyranny : for what is Government , but the subjecting of the Community to the rule of Governours , for Peace & Orders sake , and the security of all their precious Interests ? and for what end was it ordained , and continued among men , but that the stronger may not domineer over the weaker ? And what is Anarchy , but the playing the Rex of the Natural power over the Moral ? Hence , that Power which is contrary to Law , evil & Tyrannical , can tye none to subjection : But the power of the King , abused to the destruction of Laws , Religion & Liberties , giving his power & strength unto the beast , & making war with the Lamb Revel . 17. 13 , 14. is a power contrary to Law , evil & Tyrannical : Ergo it can tye none to subjection : wickedness by no imaginable reason can oblige any man. It is Objected by some from Rom. 13. 1. There is no power but of God : The Usurping power is a power : Therefore it is of God , and consequently we owe subjection to it Ans. 1. The Original reading is not Universal , but thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for there is no power if not from God : which confirms what I plead for , that we are not to oune any Authority , if it be not Authorized by God. The words are only relative to higher powers , in a restricted sense , and at most are but indefinite , to be determined according to the matter ; not all power simply , but all Lawful power . 2. It is a fallacia a dicto secundum quid : There is no power but of God , that is no Moral Power , as Universal negatives use to be understood , Heb. 5. 4. no man taketh this honour unto himself , but he that is called of God ; which is clear , must not be understood for the negation of the fact , as if no man at all doth or ever did take unto himself that honour , for Korah did it &c. but , no man taketh it warrantably , with a Moral right and Gods allowance , without Gods call : So also the universal imperative , in that same Text , must not be taken absolutely without restriction ; for if every soul without exception were to be subject , there could be none left to be the higher powers ; but it is understood with restriction to the relation of a subject . So here no Power but of God , to be understood with restriction to the relation of a Lawful Magistrate . It it also to be understood indiscriminately , in reference to the diverse species , sorts , & degrees of Lawful Power , Supreme & subordinate , whether to the King as Supreme , or to Governours &c. as Peter expresses it : Or whether they be Christian or Pagan : It cannot be meant of all universally , that may pretend to power , and may attain to prevailing Potency ; for then by this Text , we must subject our selves to the Papacy now intended to be introduced ; and indeed if we subject our selves to this Papist , the next thing he will require will be that . 3. To the Minor proposition , I Answer . The usurping power is a power : It is Potentia , I grant ; that it is Potestas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Authority , I deny . Therefore it is of God , by His Providence , I concede ; by His Ordinance ; I deny . Consequently we owe subjection to it , I deny . We may be subject passively , I grant ; Actively , out of conscience I deny . But some will Object . 2. Though the Power be Usurped , and so not Morally Lawful , in all these respects ; yet it may do good , its Laws & administrations may be good . Ans. I grant , all is good that ends well and hath a good begining . That cannot be good which hath a bad principle , bonum ex integra causa . Some Government for constitution good , may in some acts be bad ; but a Government for constitution bad , cannot for the acts it puts forth be good . These good acts may be good for matter , but formally they are not good , as done by the Usurper : They may be comparatively good , that is better so then worse ; but they cannot be absolutely , and in a Moral sense good : for to make a Politick action good , not only the matter must be warrantable , but the Call also . It may indeed induce subjects to bear & improve to the best , what cannot be remedied ; but cannot oblige to oune a Magistratical Relation . II. The Nature of the power thus discovered , lets us see the Nature of that relative duty , which we owe & must oune as due to Magistrates , and what sort of ouning we must give them ; which to inquire a litle into , will give light to the question . All the duty & deference the Lord requires of us , towards them whom we must oune as Magistrates , is comprehended in these two expressions , honour required in the fifth Command , and subjection required in Rom. 13. 1. &c. 1 Pet. 2. 13. &c. Whomsoever then we oune as Magistrates , we must oune honour & subjection as due to them : And if so be we cannot upon a consciencious ground give them honour & subjection , we cannot oune them as Magistrates . The least deference we can pay to Magistrates is subjection , as it is required in these words ; Let every soul be subject to the higher Powers , and submit your selves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake . But this cannot be given to Tyrants & Usurpers : Ergo no deference can be paid to them at all , and consequently they cannot be ouned . That this subjection , which is required to the higher Powers , cannot be ouned to Tyrants , will be apparent , if we consider . 1. The Subjection required is orderly subjection to an orderly power , that we be regularly under him that is regularly above : But Usurpation & Tyranny is not an Orderly Power , orderly placed above us : Therefore we cannot be ordely under it . This is gathered from the Original Language , where the powers to be subjected to are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordained of God , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ordinance of God , and he that resisteth the Power is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Counter-ordered , or contrary to his orderly duty : So the duty is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be subject . They are all words coming from one root , which signifies to Order : So that subjection is to be placed in order under another relative to an Orderly Superiority : But to occupy the seat of dignity unauthorized , is an Ataxie , a breaking of order , and bringing the Common-wealth quite out of order . Whereby it may appear , that in relation to an Arbitrary Government , there can be properly no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no orderly subjection . 2. The thing it self must import that relative duty which the fifth Command requires ; not only a passive stooping endurance , or a ●eigned Counterfeit submission , but a real Active duty including obedience to Lawful Commands ; and not only so , but support & maintinance ; and that both to the acts of his administration , and to his standing & keeping his station , assisting him with all our abilities , both humane & Christian ; And not only as to the external acts of duties , but the inward motions of the heart , as consent , Love , Reverence , & Honour , and all sincere fealty & Allegiance . But can a subjection of this extent , be payed to a Tyrant or Usurper ? Can we support those we are bound to suppress ? Shall we love the ungodly , and help those that hate the Lord ? Can we consent , that we & our posterity should be slaves ? Can we honour them who are vile , and the vilest of men , how high soever they be exalted ? 3. The ground of this subjection is for conscience sake , not for wrath , that is , so far & so long as one is constrained by fear , & to avoid a greater evil , to stoop to him , but out of conscience of duty , both that of Piety to God who ordained Magistracy , and that of equity to him who is His Minister for good , and under pain of damnation if we break this orderly subjection Rom. 13. 2 , 5. But can it be imagined that all this is due to a Tyrant & Usurper ? Can it be out of conscience , because he is the Lords Minister for good ? the contrary is clear , that he is the Devils drudge serving his Interest ; Is resistance to Tyrants a damnable sin ? I hope to prove it to be a duty . 4. If subjection to Tyrants & Usurpers will inveigle us in their snares , and involve us in their sin & judgment , then it is not to be ouned to them : But the former is true : Therefore the Latter . In the foregoing head I drew an Argument , for withdrawing from & disouning the Prelatick Ministers , from the hazard of partaking in their sin , and of being obnoxious to their judgment , because people are often punished for their Pastors sins ; Aaron & his sons polluting themselves , would have brought wrath upon all the people , L●v. 10. 6. because the Teachers had transgressed against the Lord , therefore was Iacob given to the Curse & Israel to reproaches Isai ▪ 43. 27 , 28. and all these Miseries Lamented by the Church were inflicted for the sins of her Prophets and the iniquites of her Priests , Lam. 4. 13. the reason was , because they ouned them , followed them , countenanced them , complyed with them , or connived at them , or did not hinder or else disoune them . The same Argument will evince , the necessity of withdrawing our subjection from & disouning Usurping & Tyrannical Rulers , when we cannot hinder their wickedness , nor give any other Testimony against them , to avert the wrath of the Lord. If the defections of Ministers will bring on the whole Nation desolating judgments ; then much more have we reason to fear it , when both Magistrates & Ministers are involved in , and jointly carrying on , and carressing & encouraging each other in promoting , a woful Apostasie from God : when the heads of the house of Iacob , & Princes of the house of Israeel , abhor judgement & pervert all equity , the heads Judge for reward , and the Priests teach for hire , and the Prophets divine for money , and yet lean upon the Lord and say , Is not the Lord among us ? none evil can come upon us : Then we can expect nothing but that Zion for their sake shall be plowed as a field & Ierusalem become heaps and the Mountain of the house as the high places of the forest , Mich. 3. 9 , 11 , 12. Certain it is that subjects have smarted sore for the sins of their Rulers : for Sauls sin in breaking Covenant with the Gibeonites , the Land suffered three years famine 2 Sam. 21. 1. and the wrath of the Lord could not be appeased , till seven of his sons were hanged up unto the Lord. What then shall appease the wrath of God , for the unp●ralelled breach of Covenant with God in our day ? For Davids sin of numbering the people , 70000 men died by the Pestilence . 2 Sam. 24. 5. For Ieroboams sin of Idolatry , who made Israel to sin , the Lord threatens to give Israel up because of the sins of Ieroboam 1 King. 14. 16. only they escaped this Judgment , who withdrew themselves and fell into Iudah . For Ahabs sin of letting go a man whom the Lord had appointed to utter destruction , the Lord threatens him , thy life shall go for his life , and thy people for his people 1 King. 20. 42. Because Manasseh King of Iudah did many abominations , therefore the Lord threatened to bring such evil upon Ierusalem & Iudah that whosoever heard it his ears should tingle &c. 2 King. 21. 11 , 12. and not withstanding of his repentance , and the Reformation in the dayes of Iosiah , notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fierceness of His great wrath , wherewith His anger was kindled against Iudah , because of all the provocations that Manasseh had provoked Him withall 2 King. 23. 26. which was accomplished by the hands of the Chaldeans , in Iehojakims time . Surely at the Commandment of the Lord came this upon Iudah , to remove them out of His sight , for the sins of Manasseh according to all that he did , and also for the innocent blood which he shed ... which the Lord would not pardon 2 King. 24. 3 , 4. And Ieremiah further threatens , that they should be removed into all Kingdoms of the earth , because of Manasseh for that which he did in Ierusalem Ier. 15. 4. Certainly these passages were recorded for our Learning Rom. 15. 4. and for our examples , to the intent we should not do as they did 1 Cor. 10. 6. and for our admonition vers . 11. Whence we may be admonished , that it is not enough to keep our selves free of publick sins of Rulers ; Many of those then punished , were free of all actual accession to them ; but they became accessory to and involved in the guilt of them , when they did not endeavour to hinder them , and bring them to condign punishment for them , according to the Law of God which respecteth not persons ; or at least , because they did not revolt from them , as Libnah did : There might be other provocations on the peoples part , no doubt , which the Lord did also punish by these Judgments ; ●ut when the Lord specifies the sin of Rulers , as the particular procuring Cause of the Judgment , it were presumption to make it the Occasion only of the Lords punishing them : for plain it is , if these sins of Rulers had not been committed , which was the ground of the threatening & execution , the Judgment would have been prevented ; And if people had bestirred themselves as became them , in repressing & restraining such wickedness , they had not so smarted ; And when that sin so threatened & punished was removed , then the Judgment it self was removed or deferred . It is just & necessary , that the subjects being Jointly included with their Rulers in the same bond of fidelity to God , be lyable to be punished for their Rebellion & Apostasie , when they continue under the bond of subjection to them . But how deplorable were our Condition , if we shold stand obnoxions to divine Judgments , for the Atheisme , Idolatry , Murders , & Adulteries of our Rulers , and yet be neither Authorized nor Capacitated to hinder it , nor permitted to withdraw our selves from subjection to them ? But it is not so ; for , the Lords making us responsable for their debt , is an impowering us either to repress their wickedness when He gives us Capacity , or at least to save our selves harmless from their Crimes , by disouning them ; that being the only way of standing no longer accountable for their faults . 12. It remains to Consider the Ends , for which Government was institute by God , and constitute by men : from whence I Argue , That Government that destroyes the Ends of Government , is not to be ouned : But Tyranny , and especially this under which we houl , destroyes all the Ends of Government : Ergo it is not to be ouned . The Minor I prove thus . That Government that destroyes Religion & Safety , destroyes all the Ends of Government : But this Popish & arbitrary Absolute power , destroyes Religion & Safety : Ergo — It is evident both from the Laws of Nature & Revelation , that the Ends of Government are the Glory of God , & the good of Mankind . The first is the Glory of God , the ultimate end of all Ordinances ; to which whatever is opposite , is not to be ouned by them that fear Him : whatever power then is destructive to Religion , and is applyed & imployed against the Glory of the Uuniversal King , and for withdrawing us from our fealtie & obedience to Him , is nothing but Rebellion against the Supreme Lord & Lawgiver , and a Traiterous Conspiracy against the Almighty ; and therefore not to be ouned : And they are enemies to Religion , or strangers to it , who are not sensible this hath been the design of the present Government , at least these 27 years , to overturn the Reformed Covenanted Religion , and to introduce Popery . Hence , seeing a King at his best & highest elevation is only a mean for preserving Religion , and for this end only chosen of the people to be Custos utriusque tabulae , keeper of both Tables of the Law , he is not to be regarded but wholly laid aside , when he not only moves without his sphere , but his motion infers the ruine of the ends of his erection , and when he imployes all his power for the destruction of the Cause of Christ , and advancement of Antichrists , giving his power to the beast ; he is so far from deserving the deference of the power ordained of God , that he is to be looked upon & treated as a Traitor to God , and Stated enemy to Religion & all Righteousness , The Second End of Government is the good of the people , which is the Supreme & Cardinal Law ; Salus Populi est Suprema Lex . Which cannot be denied , if it be considered . 1. For this only the Magistrate is appointed of God to be His Minister , for the peoples good Rom. 13. 4. and they have no goodness but as they conduce to this end ; for all the power they have of God is with this Proviso , to promote His peoples prosperity . ( It were blasphemy to say , they are His Authorized Ministers for their destruction ) to which if their Conduct degenerate , they degrade themselves , and so must be disouned . He is therefore ; in his institution , no more than a mean for this end ; and himself cannot be either the whole or half of the end , for then he should be both the end & the mean of Government ; and it is contrary to Gods mould to have this for his end , to multiply to himself silver & gold , or lift up himself above his brethren Deut. 17. 17 , 20. if therefore he hath any other end than the good of the people , he cannot be ouned as one of Gods moulding . 2. This only is the highest pitch of good Princes ambition , to postpone their oun safety to the peoples safety . Moses desired , rather than the people should be destroyed , that his name should be razed out of the Book of life . And David would rather the Lords hand be on him & his fathers house , than on the people that they should be plagued 1 Chron. 21. 17. but he that would seek his oun ambitious ends with the destruction of the people , hath the spirit of the Devil , and is to be carried towards as one possessed with that malignant spirit . 3. Originally their power is from the people , from whom all their dignity is derived ; with reserve of their safety , which is not the donative of Kings , nor held by concession from them , nor can it be resigned or surrendered to the disposal of Kings ; since God hath provided , in His universal Laws , that no Authority make any disposal , but for the good of the people . This cannot be forfeited by the usurpation of Monarchs , but being alwise fixed in the essential Laws of Government , they may reclaim & recover it when they please . Since then we cannot alienate our safety , we cannot oune that Authority which is inconsistent with it . 4. The attaining this end was the main ground & motive , of peoples deliberating to constitute a Goverment ; and to choose such a forme , because they thought it most conducible for their good ; and to admit such persons as fittest Instruments for compassing this end ; and to establish such a Conveyance , as they thought most contributive for this end : When therefore Princes cease to be what they could be constitute for , they cease to have an Authority to be ouned ; but ceasing to answer these ends of Government , they cease to be what they could be constitute for . 5. For no other end were Magistrates limited with Conditions , but to bound them that they might do nothing against the peoples good & safety : Whosoever then breaking through all legal limitations , shall became injurious to the Community , lists himself in the number of enemies , and is only to be looked upon as such . 6. For this end all Laws are ratified or rescinded , as they conduce to this end , which is the soul & reason of the Law : then it is but reason , that the Law establishing such a King , which proves an enemy to this , should be rescinded also . 7. Contrary to this end no Law can be of force ; if then either Law or King be prejudicial to the Realme , they are to be abolished . 8. For this end , in cases of necessity Kings are allowed sometimes to neglect the Letter of the Laws , or private Interests , for the safety of the Community ; but if they neglect the publick safety , and make Laws for their oun Interests , they are no more Trustees but Traitors . 9. If it were not for this end , it were more eligible to live in deserts than to enter into Societies : When therefore a Ruler , in direct opposition to the ends of Government , seeks the ruine not only of Religion , but also of the peoples safety , he must certainly forfeit his right to reign . And what a vast as well as innocent number , have , for Religion and their adherence to their fundamental rights , been ruined , rooted out of their families & Possessions , oppressed , persecuted , Murdered , & destroyed by this and the deceased Tyrant , all Scotland can tell and all Europe hath heard . If ever the ends of Government were perverted & subverted in any place , Britain is the stage where this Tragedy hath been acted . 13. I may argue from the Covenant , that to oune this Authority is contrary to all the Articles thereof . 1. That Authority which overturns the Reformation of Religion in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , which we are sworn to preserve against the Common Enemies thereof , in the first Art. cannot be ouned : But the present pretended Authority overturned ( and continues more to overturn ) the Reformation of Religion &c. Ergo it cannot be ouned : for against what common enemy must we preserve it , if not against him that is the chief Enemy thereof ? and how can we oune that Authority , that is wholly employed & applied for the destruction of Religion ? 2. If we are obliged to exstirpate Poperie , without respect of persons , lest we partake in other mens sins ; then we are obliged to exstirpate Papists without respect of persons , and consequently the head of them . ( For how otherwise can Poperie be exstirpated ? or how otherwise can we cleanse the Land of their sins ? ) But in the 2d Art. we are obliged to exstirpate Poperie without respect of persons , lest we partake in other mens sins : Ergo we are obliged to exstirpate Papists without respect of Persons and consequently the Crowned Iesuite , and therefore cannot oune him ; for how can we oune him , whom we are bound to exstirpate ? 3. If we be engaged to preserve the Rights & Liberties of Parliaments , and the Liberties of the Kingdoms , and the Kings Authority only in the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdoms ; then we cannot oune his Authority , when it is inconsistent with , opposite to , & destructive of all these precious Interests , as now it is with a witness : But in the 3. Art. we are engaged to preserve the Rights & Priviledges of Parliaments , & the Liberties of the Kingdoms , and the Kings Authority only in the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdoms : Ergo. All allegiance that we can oune to any man , must stand perpetually thus qualified , in defence of Religion & Liberty ; that is , so far as it is not contrary to Religion & Liberty , and no further , for if it be destructive of these , it is null . If we should then oune this man , with this restricted allegiance , and apply it to his Authority ( as we must apply it to all Authority that we can oune ) it were to mock God & the world , and oune Contradictions : for can we maintain the Destroyer of Religion , in defence of Religion ? And the Destroyer of all our rights & Liberties , and all our legal securities for them , in the preservation of these rights & Liberties ? that were pure Non-sense . 4. If we be obliged to endeavour , that all Incendiaries & Malignants &c. be brought to condign punishment , then we cannot oune the Authority of the head of these Incendiaries & malignant Enemies : But in the 4. Art we are obliged to endeavour that all Incendiaries & Malignants &c. be brought to Condign Punishment : Ergo — The Connexion of the Major cannot well be doubted : for is it imaginable , that the head of that unhallowed Party , the Great malignant Enemy who is the spring & gives life unto all these Abominations , shall be exempted from punishment ? or ouned for a Sacred Majestie ? shall we be obliged to discover , and bring to Justice , the litle petty Malignants , and this implacably stated Enemy to Christ escape with a Crown on his head ? Nay , we are by this obliged , if ever we be in case , to bring these stated Enemies to God & the Country to condign punishment , from the highest to the Lowest : And this we are to do , as we would have the anger of the Lord turned away from us , which cannot be without hanging up their heads before the Lord against the sun , as was done in the matter of Peor Numb . 25. 4. For hath not he & his Complices made the Kingdom a Curse ? and we with our oun consent have made our selves obnoxious to it , if we do not procure , each in our Capacities , and pursue these Traitors & Rebells , that the Judgment of the Lord be executed upon the accursed . 5. No wilful o●poser of Peace & union between the Kingdoms is to be ouned ; but according to the 5. Art. we are obliged to ende●vour that Justice be done upon him : But this man & his brother have been wilful opposers of Peace & union between the Kingdoms , all true Peace & union , except an union in Confederacy against the Lord ; for they have taken Peace from both the Kingdoms , and destroyed & annulled that which was the bond of their union , viz. the Solemn League & Covenant . 6. If we are obliged to assist & defend all those that enter into this League & Covenant , in the maintaining & pursuing thereof , and never to suffer our selves to be divided , to make defection to the contrary part &c. According to the 6 Art. Then we must not oun the Butcher of our Covenanted Brethren , who hath imbrued ●is hands in their blood , in the maintaining & pursuing thereof , and would have us withdrawn into so detestable a defection ; for we cannot both oune him as he requires to be ouned , and as God requires every Magistrate to be ouned ( so as not to resist him under pain of damnation Rom. 13. 2 ) and assist our Brethren too in resisting his Murders ; and our ouning of him were a dividing of our selves from our Brethren that oppose him , into a defection to the Contrary part , whereof he is head & Patron . Lastly in the Conclusion , we are obliged to be humbled for the sins of these Kingdoms , and to amend in a real Reformation : Whereof this is one to be mourned for , that after the Lord had delivered us from the yoke of this Tyrannical family , we again joined in affinity with the people of these abominations , and tooke these serpents into our bosome again which hath bit us so sore , and where-with the Lord hath scourged us severely . And if it was our sin to engage with them at first , then it is our sin to continue under their subjection : And is not consistent with that Repentance , that the Lords Contendings call for , to continue ouning that Power which was our sin to oune at first . III. In the Third place , I promised to confirme my Thesis from more express Scripture Arguments . Therefore I shall endeavour to gather them as briefly as may be 1. from Scripture Inferences , nearly & natively Consequential . 2. from Scripture Assertions . 3. from Scripture Precepts . 4. from Scripture Practices . 5. from Scripture Promises . 6. from Scripture Threatenings . 7. from Scripture Prayers . First , I shall offer some Arguments deduced by way of immediate Inference , from the grounds laid before us in Scripture about Government : wherein I shall confine my self to these Particulars . 1. Let us Consider the Characters of a Magistrate , laid doun in Scripture ; and we may infer , if Tyrants & Usurpers are not Capable of these Characters , then they cannot be ouned for Magistrates . For if they be not Magistrates , they cannot be ouned as Magistrats : but if they be not capable of the Characters of Magistrates , they are not Magistrates : Ergo if they be not capable of the Characters of Magistrates , they cannot be ouned as Magistrates . To find out the Characters of Magistrats , I need seek no further than than full place Rom. 13. Which usually , is made a Magazine of Objections against this Truth ; but I trust to find store of Arguments for it from thence , not repeating many that have been already deduced therfrom . We find in this place many Characters of a Magistrate , that are all incompatible with a Tyrant or Usurper . 1. He is the higher power vers 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Authorities Supereminent , signifying such a Precellency as draweth towards it a recognition of honour : But this is not Competent to Tyrants & Usurpers ; for they are the vilest of men ▪ let them be never so high exalted , Psal. 12. ult . and if they be vile then they are to be contemned Psal. 15. 4. and no more to be regarded then Herod was by Christ , when he called him a Fox Luk. 13. 32. But more particularly let us consider what is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , highness , or dignity of Magistrats , set forth in Scripture . They are stiled Gods not to be reviled Exod. 22. 28. among whom God Judgeth Psal. 82. 1. so called because the Word of God came unto them Iohn 10. 35. But Tyrants are rather Devils , as one of them is called Lucifer Isai. 14. 12. and they that persecute & imprison the People of God , because acted by the Devil , and acting for him , do bear his name Revel . 2. 10. They are Divels that cast the Lords witnesses into prison . The Magistrats Judgement is Gods Iudgement Deut. 1. 17. because it is not for man but for the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 6. and therefore Solomon is said to have sat on the Throne of the Lord 1 Chron. 29. 23. But it were blasphemy to say , that Tyrants Judgement , usurping the place without His warrant , and giving forth Judgement against His Laws & Cause & People , is the Lords Judgement , or for Him , or that they sit on the Throne of the Lord. A Throne of iniquity is not the Throne of the Lord , for He hath no fellowship with it ; The Tyrants Throne is a Throne of iniquity , Psal. 94. 20. Magistrats are truly to be subjected to & obeyed , as Principalities & Powers Tit. 3. 1. it is a sin to speak evil of them , vers . 2. for it is presumption to despise Dominion & speak evil of Dignities 2 Pet. 2. 10. Iude. 8. Bu● Tyrants are very Catechrestically & abusively Principalities & Powers , no otherwise then the Devils are so termed Eph. 6. 12. and there is no argument to oune or obey the one more than the other : for if all Principalities & Powers are to be subjected to & ouned , then also the Devil must , who get the same Title . To speak Truth of Tyrants indignities , cannot be a speaking evil of Dignities ; for Truth is no evil , nor is Tyranny a Dignity . Hence they that are not capable of the Dignity of Rulers , are not to be oune● as such : But Tyrants are not capable of the Dignity of Rulers , as these places prove : Ergo — Against this it is Objected , that Paul did apply this Character to the Tyrannical High Priest Ananias , whom , after he had objurgated for mani●est injustice , he honours with that Apologie , that he wist not that he was the high Priest , for it is written , thow shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people Act. 23. 5. Ans. Though all should be granted that is in this Objection ▪ yet our Argument would not be enervated : for grant we should not speak evil of Tyrants , that does not evince that we should hold them as Rulers ; for we should bless our persecuters , Rom. 10. 14. and speak evil of no man Tit. 3. 2. that does not say , we should hold every man , or our persecuters , to be Rulers . The meaning must be , he knew not that he was the high Priest , that is , he did not acknowledge him to be either high Priest or Ruler , he could acknowledge or observe nothing like one of that Character in him : for as the high Priests Office was now null & ceased , so this Ananias was only an usurper of the Office , in place of Ismael or Ioseph , who had purchased it by money : And Paul had learned from his Master Gamaliel , Iudicem , qui honoris consequendi causâ pecunias dederit , revera neque Iudicem esse , neque honorandum , sed Asini habendum Loco . Tit. Talmud . de Synedrio . That a Judge who hath given money for purchasing this honour , is neither a Judge , nor to be honoured as such , but to be held in place of an Ass. And it was common among the Jewes to say , if such be gods , they are silver gods not to be honoured , as is quoted by Pool Synopsis Criticorum &c. in locum . And that this must be the sense of it is plain ; for he could not be ignorant that he was there in place of a Judge , being called before him , and smitten by him Authoritatively , whom therefore he did threaten with the judgment of God ; it were wicked to think , that he would retract that threatening which he pronunced by the Spirit of God. And therefore this place confirms my Thesis : If a Tyrannical Judge , acting contrary to Law , is not to be known or acknowledged to be a Ruler , but upbraided as a whited wall ; Then a Tyrant is not to be known or acknowledged as such : But the former is true , from this place : Therefore also the latter . Paul knew well enough he was a Judge , and knew well enough what was his duty to a Judge , that he should not be reviled ; but he would not acknowledge this Priest to be a Judge , or retract his threatening against him . 2. He is of God & ordained of God : I proved before , Tyrants are not capable of this ; yea it were blasphemy to say , they are Authorized or Ordained of God , by His Preceptive Will. Hence take only this Argument . All Rulers that we must oune are ordained of God , do reign & are set up by God Prov. 8. 15. ( for that & this place are paralell ) But Tyrants do not reign nor are set up by God Hos. 8. 4. They are set up ( saith the Lord ) but not by me : Ergo we cannot oune them to be ordained of God. 3. Whosoever resisteth this power ordained of God resisteth the Ordinance of God , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation vers . 2. This cannot be ouned of a Tyrant , that it is a damnable sin to resist him , for it is duty to resist & also repress him , as is proven already , and shall be afterwards . Hence , whatsoever Authority we oune subjection to we must not resist it : But we cannot oune that we must not resist this Authority : therefore we cannot oun it at all . Again , That cannot be the power not to be resisted , which is acquired & improved by resisting the Ordinance of God : But the power of Usurpers & Tyrants is acquired & improved by resisting the ordinance of God : Ergo their power cannot be the power not to be resisted . The Major is manifest : for when the Apostle sayes , the resisting of the power bring damnation to the resister , certainly that resistance cannot purchase Dominion instead of damnation : And if he that resists in a lesser degree , be under the doom of damnation : then certainly he that does it in a greater degree , so as to complete it , in puting himself in place of that power which he resisted , cannot be free . The Minor is also undenyable ; for , if Usurpers acquire their power without resistence forcible & sensible , it is because they that defend the power invaded are wanting in their duty ; but however Morally the Tyrant or Usurper is alwayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or in contrary order to a Lawful Power . 4. Rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil , and they that doe that which is good shall have praise of the same vers . 3. This is the Character & duty of righteous Magistrates , though it be not alwayes their Administration : But an Usurper & Tyrant is not capable or susceptible of this Character , but on the contrary is & must be a terror to good works and a praise to the evil : for , he must be a Terror to them that would secure their rights & Liberties in opposition to his encroachments , which is a good work ; & he must be a fautor , Patron , & Protector of such , as encourage & maintain him in his Usurpation & Tyranny , which is an evil work : And if he were a terror to the evil , then he would be a terror to himself & all his Complices , which he cannot be . Therefore , that power which is not capable of the duties of Magistrates , cannot be ouned : But the Power of Tyrants & Usurpers is such : Ergo — We find in Scripture , the best Commentare on this Character , where the duties of a Magistrate are described . They must justify the righteous & condemn the wicked Deut. 27. 1. They must , as Iob did , deliver the poor that cry and put on righteousness as a cloathing — and be eyes to the blind & feet to the lame , and a Father to the poor — and break the Jawes of the the wicked Iob 29. 12-17 . Their Throne must be established by righteousness Prov. 16. 12. a King sitting on the Throne of Judgement must scatter away all evil with his eyes — then Mercy & Truth will preserve him and his Throne is upholden by Mercy Prov. 20. 8 , 28. But Tyrants have a quite contrary Character : The Throne of iniquity frames Mischief by a Law , and condemns the innocent blood Psal. 94. 20. 21. They judge not the fatherless , neither doeth the cause of the widow come unto them Isai. 1. 23. They build their house by unrighteousness , & their chambers by wrong , and use their neighbours service without wages Ier. 22. 13. They oppress the poor & crush the needy Amos 4. 1. They turn judgement to Gall & the fruit of righteousness to hemlock , and say , have we not taken horns to as by our oun strength Amos 6. 12 , 13. These contrary Characters cannot consist together . 5. He is the Minister of God for good vers . 4. not by Providential Commission , as Nebuchadnezzar was , and Tyrants may be eventually , by the Lord making all things turn about for the good of the Church ; but he hath a Moral Commission from God , & is entrusted by the people to procure their Publick & Politick good at least . Now this , and Tyranny & Usurpation , are together inconsistible : for if Tyrants & Usurpers were Ministers for good , then they would restore the publick & personal Rights , and rectify all wrongs done by them ; but then they must surrender their Authority , and resign it , or else all rights cannot be restored , nor wrongs rectified . Hence , these that cannot be ouned as Ministers of God for good , cannot be ouned as Magistrates : But Tyrants & Usurpers , ( and in particular this Man ) are such as cannot be ouned as Ministers of God for good : Ergo — Again , If Magistracy be alwise a blessing , and Tyranny & Usurpation alwise a Curse , then they cannot be ouned to be the same thing , and the one cannot be ouned to be the other : But Magistracy or the right-ful Magistrate , is alwise a blessing ; Tyranny & Usurpation or the Tyrant & Usurper , alwise a curse : Ergo — That the former is true , these Scriptures prove it . God provides him for the benefite of His people 1 Sam. 16. 1. a just Ruler is compared to the light of the morning , when the sun riseth , even a morning without Clouds 2 Sam. 23. 4. So the Lord exalted Davids Kingdom , for His people Israels sake 2 Sam. 5. 12. because the Lord Loved Israel for ever , therefore made He Solomon King to do judgement & Justice 1 King. 10. 9. when the righteous are in Authority the people rejoice — the King by Judgement stabilisheth the Land — Prov. 29. 2 , 4. The Lord promises Magistrates as a special blessing Isai. 1. 26. Ier. 17. 25. and therefore their continuance is to be praye● for , that we may lead a quiet & peaceable life in all godlyness & honesty 1 Tim. 2. 2. And they must needs be a blessing , because to have no Ruler is a Miserie ; for when Israel had no King every man did that which was right in his oun eyes Iudg. 17. 6. and the Lord threatens it ar a Curse to take away the stay & the staff — the mighty man and the man of war , the Iudge & the Prophet &c. Isai. 3. 1 , 2 &c. and that the Children of Israel shall abide many dayes without a King , and without a Prince Hos. 2. 4. But on the other hand Tyrants & Usurpers are alwayes a Curse , and given as such : It is threatened among the Curses of the Covenant , that the stranger shall get up above Israel very high — and that they shall serve their enemies which the Lord shall send against them — and He shall put a yoke of iron upon their neck , until He hath destroyed them Deut. 28. 43 , 48. As a roaring lyon and a ranging bear so is a wicked Ruler over the poor people Prov. 28. 15. and therefore , when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn Prov. 29. 2. The Lord threatens it as a Curse , that he will give Children to be their Princes , and babes shall rule over them Isai. 3. 4. and if unqualified Rulers be a curse , much more Tyrants . They are the rod of His anger , and the staff in their hand is His indignation , His axe & saw & rod Isai. 10. 5 , 15. It is one thing to call a man Gods instrument , His rod , axe , sword , or hammer ; another thing to call him Gods Minister : there is a wide difference betwixt the instruments of Gods Providence , and the Ministers of His Ordinance ; those fulfill His Purposes only , these do His precepts . Such Kings are given in the Lords anger Hos. 13. 11. therefore they cannot be ouned to be Ministers of God for good . 6. He beareth not the sword in vain for he is the Minister of God , a revenger to execute wrath upon ●im that doeth evil vers . 4. The Apostle doth not say , he that beareth the sword is the Ruler , but he is the Ruler that beareth the sword . This is not every sword ; for there is the sword of an enemy , the sword of a robber , the sword of a common traveller , but this as a faculty of Political rule & Authoritative judgement . It is not said , he takes the sword ( as the Lord expresses the Usurpation of that power , Math. 26. 52. ) but he beareth the sword , hath it delivered him into his hand by God , by Gods warrant & allowance , not in vain ; to no end or without reason , or without a Commission , as Pareus upon the place expones it . He is a revenger to execute wrath , not by private revenge , for that is condemned Paulo ante Rom. 12. 19. not by providential recompense , for when a private person so revengeth , it is the providential repayment of God ; but as Gods M●nister , by Him Authorized , commissionated , & warranted to this work . Now this cannot agree with a Tyrant or Usurper , whose sword only legitimates his scepter , and not his scepter his sword , who takes the sword rather then bears it , & uses it without reason or warrant from God , in the execution of his lustful rage upon him that doth well , and hath no right to it from God. Hence , he that beareth the sword no other way but as it may be said of a Murderer , cannot be a Magistrate bearing the sword : But a Tyrant & Usurper beareth the sword no other way but as it may be said of a Murderer : Ergo — So much for the Characters of a Magistrate , which are every way inapplicable to Tyrants & Usurpers , and as inapplicable to this of ours as to any in the world . 2. If we consider the Scripture Resemblance● importing the duty of Magistrates , and the Contrary Comparisons holding forth the sin , vileness & villany of Tyrants & Usurpers ; we may infer , that we cannot oune the last to be the first . First , from the benefite they bring to the Common wealth , Magistrates are styled . 1. Saviours ▪ as Othniel the son of Kenaz is called Iudg. 3. 9. and Ieho●haz in his younger years 2. King. 13. 5. and all good Judges & Magistrates Neh. 9. 27. But Tyrants & Usurpers cannot be such , for they are destroyers whom the Lord promises to make go forth from His people Isa. 49. 17. The Chaldea● Tyrant is called the destroyer of the Gentiles Ier. 4. 7. and the destroyer of the Lords heritage Ier. 50. 11. wherefore they can no more be ouned to be Magistrates , than Abaddon or Apollyon can be ouned to be a Saviour . 2. From their Pater●al love to the people , they are styled fathers ▪ and therefore to be honoured according to the fifth Command . So Deborah was raised up a Mother in Israel Iudg. 5. 7. Kings are nursing fathers by office Isai. 49. 23. But that Tyrants cannot be such I have proved already ; for they can no more be accounted fathers , than he that abuseth or forceth our mother . 3. From the Protection & shelter that people find under their Conduct , they are called Shields Psal. 47. Ult. The Princes of the people , the Shields of the earth , belong unto God. But Tyrants cannot be such , because they are the subverters of the earth . 4. From the Comfort that attends them , they are resembled to the morning light & fruitful shours of rain 2 Sam. 23. 4. They waited for me as for the rain , saith Iob. 29. 23. But Tyrants cannot be resembled to these , but rather to darkness , and to the blast of the terrible ones Isai. 25. 4. as a storm against the wall , If darkness cannot be ouned to be light , then cannot Tyrants be ouned to be Magistrats . 5. From their Pastoral Care & Conduct and duty , they are feeders . The Judges of Israel are commanded to feed the Lords people 1 Chron. 17. 6. David was brought to feed Jacob His people , and Israel His Inheritance Psal. 78. 71. But Tyrants are wolves not Shepherds . 6. By office they are physicians or healers Isai. 3. 7. That Tyrants cannot be such is proven above . Secondly on the other hand , the vileness , villany , & violence of Tyrants & Usurpers , are held forth by fit resemblances , being Compared to these unclean creatures . 1. Tyrants are wicked Dogs , as they who compass about Christ Psal. 22. 16 , 20. Saul is called Dog there , and in that Golden Psalm Psal. 59. 4. Saul & his Complices , watching the house to kill David , make a noyse like a dog & go round about the City . 2. They are pushing Bulls Psal. 22. 12. and crushing Kain of Bashan , that oppress the poor Amos. 4. 1. they have need then to have their horns cut s●ort . 3. They are roaring Lyons . that are wicked Rulers over the poor People Prov. 28. 15. Zeph. 3. 3. So Paul calls Nero the Lyon , out of whose mouth he was delivered . 2 Tim. 4. 17. 4. They are ranging bears Prov. 28. 15. So the Persian Monarch is emblemized Dan. 7. 5 ▪ 5. They are Leviathan the peercing Serpent & Dragon Isai. 27. 1. and have great affinity in name & Nature with the Apocalyptick Dragon : So also Isai. 51. 9. the Egyptian Tyrant is called Dragon . And Nebuchadnezzar swallowed up the Church like a Dragon Ier. 51 , 34. See also Ezek. 29. 3. 6. They are wolves ravening the prey Ezek. 22. 27. evening wolves that gnaw not the bones till the morrow Zeph. 3. 3. 7. They are Leopards : So the Grecian Tyrants is called Dan. 7. 6. and Antichrist Revel . 13. 2. 8. They are foxes : So Christ calls Herod Luk. 13. 32. 9. They are Devils who cast the Lords people into Prison Revel . 2. 10 , 13. Now can we oune all these abommable Creatures to be Magistrates ? Can these be the fathers we are bound to honour in the fifth Commandment ? They must be esteemed sons of dogs & Devils that belive so , and oune themselves sones of such fathers . If we further take notice , how the Spirit of God describes Tyranny , as altogether Contradistinct & opposite unto the Magistracy He will have ouned ; we may infer hence Tyrants & Usurpers are not to be ouned . What the Government instituted by God among His people was , the Scripture doth both relate in matter of ●act , and describes what it ought to be de jure , viz. That according to the Institution of God , magistrates should be established by the Constitution of the people , who were to make them Iudges & Officers in all their gates , that they might Iudge the people with just Iudgment Deut. 16. 18. But foreseeing that people would affect a change of that first forme of Government , and in imitation of their neighbouring Nations would desire a King , and say , I will set a King over me like all the Nations that are about me Deut. 17. 14. The Lord , intending high & holy ends by it , chiefly the procreation of the Messias from a Kingly race , did permit the change , and gave directions how he should be moulded & bounded , that was to be ouned as the Magistrate under a Monarchial forme : To wit , that he should be chosen of God , and set up by their suffrages , that he should be a brother and not a stranger , that he should not multiply horses , nor wives , nor money ( which are Cautions all calculated for the peoples good , and the security of their Religion & Liberty , and for precluding & preventing his degeneration into Tyranny ) and that he should write a Copy of the Law in a book . according to which he should Govern vers . 15. ad ●in . cap. yet the Lord did not approve the change of the form , which that luxuriant people was long affecting , and at length obtained . For long before Saul was made King , they profered an Hereditary Monarchy to Gideon , without the boundaries Gods Law required ; Which that brave Captain , knowing how derogatory it was to the Authority of Gods Institution , not to be altered in form or frame without His order , generously refused , faying , I will not rule over yow , neither shall my son rule over yow , the Lord shall rule over yow Iud. 8. 23. But his bastard , the first Monarch & Tyrant of Israel , Abimelech , by sinstrous means being advanced to be King by the traiterous Schechemites , Iotham and other of the Godly disouned him : which , by the Spirit of God , Iotham describes Parabolically , significantly ho●ding out the Nature of that Tyrannical usurpation , under the Apologue of the trees itching after a King , and the offer being repudiate by the more generous sort , embraced by the bramble : Signifying that men of worth & virtue would never have taken upon them such an arrogant Domination , and that such a Tyrannicall Government in its Nature & tendency was nothing but an useless , worthless , sapless , aspiring , scratching , & vexing shadow of a Government , under subjection to which there could be no peace nor safety . But this was rather a Tumultuary interruption than a Change of the Government , not being universally either desired or ouned ; therefore after that the Lord restored the pristine form : Which continued until , being much perverted by Samuels sons , the people unanimously & peremptorly desired the change thereof , and whether it were reason or not would have a King ; as we were fondly set upon one , after we had been delivered from his fathers yoke : And the Lord gave them a King with a Curse , and tooke him away with a vengeance , Hos. 13. 11. as He did our Charles the Second . Yet He permited it , but with a Protestation against and conviction of the sin , that thereby they had rejected the Lord 1 Sam. 8. 7. and with a demonstration from Heaven , which extorted their oun confession , that they bad added unto all their sins this evil to ask a King 1 Sam. 12. 17 , 18 , 19. And to deter & disswad from such a Conclusion , He appoints the Prophet to shew them the manner of the King that should reign over them 1 Sam. 8. 9. to declare before hand , what sort of a Ruler he woud prove , when they got him ; to wit , a meer Tyrant , who would take their sons and appoint them for himself , for his Chariots , and for horsemen , and to run before his Chariots , and make them his sowldiers , and labourers of the ground , and Instrument-makers , and houshold servants , and he would take their fields & vineyards — the best of them , and give unto his servants , in a word to make all slaves ; and that in the end when this should come to pass , they should cry out because of their King , but the Lord would not hear them vers . 11-18 , All which , as it is palpable in it self , so we have sensibly felt in our experience to be the Natural description of Tyranny , but more tollerable than an account of ours would amount to . It is both foolishly & falsely alledged , by Royalists or Tyrannists , that here is a grant of incontroulable absoluteness to Kings to Tyrannise over the people without resistence , And that this manner of the King is in the Original Mishphat , which signifies right or Law , So that here was a permissive Law given to Kings to Tyrannise , and to oblige people to passive obedience , without any remedy but tears , And therefore it was registered & laid up before the Lord in a book 1 Sam 10. 25. But I answer . 1. If any thing be here granted to Kings , it is either by Gods Approbation , directing & instructing how they should govern ; or it is only by permission & providential Commission to them , to be a plague to the people for their sin of choosing them , to make them drink as they have brewed , as sometimes He gave a Charge to the Assyrian rod to trample them doun as the mire of the streets : If the first be said , Then a King that does not govern after that manner , and so does not make people cry out for their oppression , would came short of his duty , and all behoved to Tyrannize and make the people cry out ; then a King may take what He will from his subjects , and be approved of God : this were blasphemously absurd , for God cannot approve of the sin of oppression . If the Second be said , then it cannot be an universal Grant , or otherwise all Kings must be ordained for plagnes ; And if so , it were better we wanted such nursing fathers . 2. Though Mishphat signifies right or Law , yet it signifies also , and perhaps no less frequently , Manner , Course , or Custome : And here it cannot signify the Law of God , for all these Acts of Tyranny are contrary to the Law of God ; for to make Servants of subjects is contrary to the Law of God Deut. 17. 20. forbidding to lift up himself so far above his brethren , but this was to deal with them as a proud Pharaoh ; to take so many for Chariots & horsemen , is also contrary to the Law Deut. 17. 15. he shall not multiply horses : to take their fields & vineyards , is meer Robbery , contrary to the Moral & Judicial Law , whereof he was to have alwise a Copy vers . 18. And contrary to Ezek. 46. 18. The Prince shall not take of the peoples inheritance &c. This would justify Ahabs taking Naboths vineyard , which yet the Lord accounted Robberie , and for which Tyrants are called Companions of Thieves Isai. 1. 23. & Robbers Isai. 42. 24. into whose hands the Lord somtimes may give His people for a spoyl in Judicial providence , but never with His Approbation & grant of right : to make them cry out , ●s oppression , which the Lord abhors Isai. 5. 7 , 8. And if this be all the remedy , it is none ; for it is such a Cry , as the Lord threatens He will not hear . 3. It is false that this manner of the King was registered in that Book mentioned 1 Sam. 10. 25. for that was the Law of the Kingdom , accordingly the Copy of which the King was to have for his instruction , containing the fundamental Laws , point blank contrary to this which was the manner of the King : There is a great difference between the Manner of the Kingdom , what ought to be observed as Law , and the Manner of the King what he would have as lust . Would Samuel write in a Book the rules of Tyranny , to teach to oppress , contrary to the Law of God ? He sayes himself he would only teach both King & people the good & the right way , Sam. 12. 23 , 25. 4. Nothing can be more plain , than that this was a meer disswasive against seeking a King ; for he protests against this Course , and then layes before them what sort of King he should be , in a description of many acts of Tyranny , and yet in end its said vers . 19. Nevertheless the people refused to obey the voice of Samuel , and said , Nay but we will have a King. Now what else was the voice of Samuel , than a disswasion ? I am not here levelling this Argument against Monarchy in the abstract , that does not lie in my road . But I infer from hence . 1. If God was displeased with this people for asking & ouning a King , who was only Tyrannus in fieri , and disswades from the choise by a description of his future Tyranny ; Then Certainly He was displeased with them when they continued ouning him , when a Tyrant in facto esse , according to that description : But the former is true , Therefore also the latter . The Consequence is clear ; for Continuing in sin is sin ; but continuing in ouning that Tyrant which was their sin at first , was a continuing in sin : Ergo — The Minor is confirmed thus : Continuing in counteracting the Motives of Gods disswasion , especially when they are sensibly visible , is a Continuing in sin : But their Continuing in ouning Saul after he became a Tyrant , was a Continuing in counteracting the Motives of Gods disswasion , when they were sensibly visible . I do not say , because it was their sin to ask Soul , therefore it was not Lawful to oune him , while he ruled as a Magistrate ; And so if Charles the second had ruled righteously , it would not have been sin to oune him : but after the Lord uses disswasives from a choise of such a one , and these are signally verified , if it was sin to make the choise , then it must be sin to keep it . 2. If it was their sin to seek & set up such a one before he was Tyrant , who yet was admitted upon Covenant terms , and the manner of it registered ; Then much more is it a sin to seek & set up one , after he declared himself a Tyrant , and to admit him without any terms at all , or for any to consent or give their suffrage to such a deed : But the former is true : Therefore the latter : and Consequently , to give our consent to the erection of the D. of Y. by ouning his Authority , were our sin . 3. If it be a sin to oune the manner of the King there described , then it is a sin to oune the present pretended Authority , which is the exact transumpt of it : But it is a sin to oune the manner of the King there described , or else it would never have been used as a disswasive from seeking such a King. 4. To bring our selves under such a burden which the Lord will not remove , and involve our selves under such a miserie wherein the Lord will not hear us , is certainly a sin vers . 18. But to oune or chuse such a King , whose manner is there described , would bring our selves under such a burden & miserie , wherein the Lord would not hear us : Ergo it were our sin . 4. We may adde the necessary Qualifications of Magistrates , which the Lord requires to be in all , both Superior & Inferior : And thence it may be inserred , that such pretended Rulers who neither have nor can have these Qualifications are not to be ouned as Magistrates , no more than such are to be ouned as Ministers who have no qualifications for such a function . We find their essentially necessary qualifications particularly described . Iethros Counsel was Gods Counsel & Command ; That Rulers must be able men , such as fear God , men of Truth , hating Covetousness Exod. 18. 21. Tyrants & Usurpers have none nor can have any of these qualifications , except that they may have ability of force , which is not here meant ; but that they be Morally able for the discharge of their duty : Surely they cannot fear God ; nor be men of Truth , for then they would not be Tyrants . It is Gods direction , that the man to be advanced & assumed to Rule , must be a man in whom is the Spirit Numb . 27. 18. as is said of Ioshua : what Spirit this was , Deut. 34. 9. explains , He was full of the Spirit of Wisdom , that is , the Spirit of Government ; not the Spirit of infernal or Iesuitical Policy , which Tyrants may have , but they cannot have the true Regal Spirit , but such a Spirit as Saul had when he turned Tyrant , an evil Spirit from the Lord. Moses saith : they must be wise men & understanding and known among the tribes , Deut. 1. 13. for if they be Children or fools , they are plagues & punishments Isai. 3. 2 , 3 , 4. &c. not Magistrates , who are alwise blessings . And they must be known men of intergrity , not known to be knaves or fools , as all Tyrants are alwayes . The Law of the King is , Deut , 17. 15. he must be one of the Lords choosing . Can Tyrants & Usurpers be such ? No they are set up , but not by Him Hos. 8. 4. he must be a brother & not a stranger , that is , of the same Nation and of the same Religion : for though infidelity does not make void a Magistrates Authority , yet both by the Law of God & man , he ought not to be chosen who is an enemy to Religion & Liberty : Now it were almost treason , to call the Tyrant a brother ; and I am sure it is no reason , for he disdains it , being absolute above all . That good Kings Testament confirms this , the God of Israel said , the Rock of Israel spake , he that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of God 2 Sam. 23. 3. But Tyrants & Usurpers cannot be just ; for if they should render every one their right , they would keep none to themselves , but behoved to resign their Robberies in the first place , and then also they must give the Law its course , and that against themselves . These Scriptures indeed do not prove , that all Magistrates are in all their Administrations so qualified , nor that none ought to be ouned but such as are so qualified in all respects . But as they demonstrate what they ought to be , so they prove that they cannot be Magistrates of Gods ordaining who have none of these qualifications : But Tyrants & Usurpers have none of these qualifications . Much more do they prove that they cannot be ouned to be Magistrats , who are not capable of any of these qualifications : But Usurpers are not capable of any of these qualifications . At least they conclude , in so far as they are not so qualfied , they ought not to be ouned but disouned : But Tyrants & Usurpers are not so qualified in any thing : therefore in any thing they are not to be ouned but disouned : for in nothing they are so qualified as the Lord prescribes . Secondly , I shall offer some reasons from Scripture Assertions . 1. It is strongly Asserted in Elihu's speech to Iob , that he that hateth right should not govern . Where he is charging Iob with blasphemie , in accusing God of injustice ; of which he vindicates the Almighty , in Asserting His Soveraignity & Absolute Dominion , which is inconsistent with injustice : and shewes both that if He be Soveraign He cannot be unjust , and if He be unjust He could not be Soveraign : which were horrid Blasphemy to deny . And in the demonstration of this , he gives one Maxime in a question , which is equivalent to an universal negative Iob. 34. 17 , 18. Shall even he that hateth right govern ? and wilt thow condemn him that is most just ? Is it fit to say to a King , thow art wicked ? and to Princes , ye are ungodly ? In which Words , the Scope makes it clear , that if Iob made God a hater of right , he should then deny His Government ; and if he took upon him to condemn Him of injustice , he should blasphemously deny Him to be King of the World. For it is not fit to say to any King , that he is wicked , or so ungodly as to be a hater of right ; for that were treason , Lese-Majestie , and in effect a denying him to be King : much less is it fit to say to Him that is King of Kings . Here then it is affirmed , & supposed to hold good of all Governours , that he that hateth right should not govern , or bind , as it is in the Margent ; for ●abash signifies both to bind and to Govern , but all to one sense , for Governours only can bind subjects Authoritatively , with the bonds of Laws & Punishments . I know the following Words are alledged , to favour the incontroulableness & absoluteness of Princes , that it is not fit to say to them , they are wicked . But plain it is , the words do import treason against Lawful Kings , whom to call haters of right were to call their Kingship in question ; as the Scope shewes , in that these words are adduced to Justify the Soveraignity of God by His Justice , and to confute any indirect charging Him with injustice because that would derogate from His Kingly Glory , it being impossible He could be King & unjust too . So in some Analogy , though every act of injustice do not unking a Prince ; yet to call him wicked , that is habitually unjust , and a hater of Justice , were as much as to say , he is no King , which were intollerable treason against Lawful Kings . But this is no treason against Tyrants : for Truth & Law can be no treason ; now this is the language of Truth & Law , that wicked Kings are wicked ; And they that are wicked & ungodly ought to be called so , as Samuel called Saul , and Elijah Ahab &c. However it will hold to be a true Maxime , whether we express it by way of Negation or Interrogation . Shall even he that hateth right Govern ? But are not Tyrants & Usurpers haters of right ? shall therefore they Govern ? I think it must be answered , they should not Govern. If then they should not Govern , I infer , they should not be ouned as Governours . For if it be their sin to Govern ( right or wrong , it s all one case , for they should not Govern at all ) then it is our sin to oune them in their Government : for it is alwise a sin to oune a man in his sinning . 2. The Royal Prophet , or whoever was the Penman of that Appeal for Justice against Tyranny Psal. 94. 20. does tacitely Assert the same truth , in that Expostulation , shall the Throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee , that frameth mischief by a Law ? which is as much as if he had said , the Throne of iniquity shall not , no cannot have fellowship with God ; that is , it cannot be the Throne of God that He hath any Interest in , or Concern with , by way of approbation : He hath nothing to do with it , except it be to suffer it a while , till He take vengeance on it in the end . And shall we have fellowship with that Throne , that God hath no fellowship with , and that is not His Throne but the Devils , as it must be , if God doth not oune it ? Much may be argued from hence , but in a word : A Throne which is not of God nor ordained of God , but rather of the Devil , cannot be ouned ( for that is the reason of our subjection to any power , because it is of God and ordained of God Rom. 13. 1. And that is the great dignity of Magistracy , that its Throne is the Throne of God 1 Chron. 29. 23. ) But a Throne of Tyrannie & usurpation is a Throne which is not of God , nor ordained of God , but rather of the Devil : Ergo — the Minor is proved : A Throne of iniquity &c. is a Throne which is not of God , nor ordained of God , but rather of the Devil : But a Throne of Tyranny & usurpation is a Throne of iniquity : Ergo it is not of God & so not to be ouned . 3. The Lord charges it upon Israel as a transgression of His Covenant , & trespass against His Law , that they had set up Kings & not by Him and had made Princes and He knew it not Hos. 8. 4. and then taxes them with Idolatry , which ordinarly is the Consequent of it , as we have reason to fear will be in our case . He shewes there the Apostasie of that people , in changing both the Ordinances of the Magistracy and of the Ministry , both of the Kingdom & of the priest-hood , in which two the safety of that people was founded : So they overturned all the order of God , and openly declared they would not be governed by the hand of God , as Calvin upon the place expounds it . Whereas the Lord had commanded , if they would set up Kings they should set none up but whom He choosed Deut. 17. 15. yet they had no regard to this , nor consulted Him in their admission of Kings , but set them up and never let Him to wit of it , without His knowledge , that is , without consulting Him , and without His approbation , for it can have no other sense . I know it is alledged by several Interpreters , that here is meant the tribes secession from the house of David , and their setting up Ieroboam . I shall confess that the ten tribes did sin in that erection of Ieroboam , without respect to the Counsel or Command of God , without waiting on the vocation of God , as to the time & manner , and without Covenanting with him for security for their Religion & Liberty : But that their secession from Davids line , which by no precept or promise of God they were astricted to , but only conditionally , if his Children should walk in the wayes of God , Or that their erecting of Ieroboam was materially their sin , I must deny ; and assert , that if Ieroboam had not turned Tyrant & Apostate from God ( for which they should have rejected him afterwards and returned to the good Kings of Davids line ) he would have been as Lawful a King as any in Iudah , for he got the Kingdom from the Lord the same way , and upon the same terms that David did , as may be seen expressly in 1 King. 11. 38. It must be therefore meant , either generally of all Tyrants whom they would set up without the Lords mind , as at first they would have Kings on any terms , though they should prove Tyrants , as we have seen in Sauls case . Or particularly Omri whom they set up , but not by the Lord 1 King. 16. 16. And Abab his Son , And Shallum , Menahem , Pekah &c. who were all set up by blood & treacherie , the same way that our Popish Duke is now set up , but not by the Lord , that is by His approbation . Hence I argue , those Kings that are not ouned of God , nor set up by Him , must not be ouned by us ( for we can oune none for Kings but those that reign by Him Prov. 8. 15. and are ordained of Him Rom. 13. 1. ) But Tyrants & Usurpers are not ouned of God as Kings , nor are set up by Him : Ergo — Again if it be a sin to set up Kings and not by God , then it is a sin to oune them when set up : for , that is a partaking of & continuing in the sin of that erection , and hath as much affinity with it , as resetting hath with thieft ; for if they be the thieves , they are the ressetters who receive them & oune them . 4. The Prophet Habakkuk , in his Complaint to God of the Chaldean Tyranny , Asserts that God hath made the righteous , as the Fishes of the Sea , as the Creeping things , that have no Ruler over them , Habak . 1. 14. Now how were they said to be without a Ruler , when the Chaldean actually commanded & absolutely ruled over them ? yea how can the Fishes & Reptiles have no Ruler over them ? If Domineering be ruling , they want not that ; when the weaker are over-mastered by the stronger , and by them made either to be subject : ar to become their prey . But the meaning is , these Creatures have no Ruler over them by order of nature : And the Iewes had then no Ruler over them by order of Law , or ordination from God , or any that was properly their Magistrate by Divine Institution , or humane orderly constitution . We see then it is one thing for a people to have an arbitrary or enthra●ing Tyranny , another to have true Magistracy or Authority to be ouned over them , without which Kingdoms are but as Mountains of prey , and Seas of Confusion . Hence I argue , If the Iewes , having the Chaldean Monarch tyrannising over them , had really no Ruler over them , then is a Tyrant & Usurper not to be ouned for a Ruler : But the former is true : therefore also the Latter . 5 , Our Saviour Christ delivers this as a Commonly received & a true Maxime , Iohn . 8. 54. He that honoureth himself his honour is nothing . The Iewes had objected that He had only made himself Messias , vers . 53. To whom He answers by way of concession , if it were so indeed then His Claims were void , If I honour my self my honour is nothing : And then claims an indubitable title to His dignity , It is my Father that honoureth me . Here is a two fold honour distinguished , the one real the other suppositious & null , the one renounced the other ouned by Christ , Self-honour & honour which is from God. Hence I argue , A self created dignity is not to be ouned : the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers is a self created dignity : Ergo — this was confirmed above . Thirdly I shall offer some other considerations confirming this truth , from those Scriptures which I class among precepts . And these I find of diverse sorts touching this subject . 1. I shew before that the greatest of men , even Kings , are not exempted from punishment and Capital punishment , if guilty of Capital Crimes : for where the Law distinguisheth not , we ought not to distinguish . There is one special & very peremptory Law , given before the Law for regulating Kings , which by that posterior Law was neither abrogated nor limited even as to Kings , Deut. 13. 6-9 . If thy Brother ( and a King must be a Brother Deut. 17. 15. ) — entice the secretly saying let us go & serve other Gods — Thow shalt not consent unto him nor hearken unto him neither shall thine eye pity him . How famous Mr Knox improved this Argument , is shewed in the third Period . That which I take notice of here is only , that Kings are not excepted from this Law , but if they be open Intycers to Idolatry , by force or fraud , Persecution or Tolleration , as this Idolater now reigning is palpably doing , they are obnoxious to a legal animadversion . As it cannot be supposed , that Secret Intycers should be lyable to punishment , and not open Avouchers of a desire & design to pervert all the Nation to Idolatry : that a private perverter of one man , though never so nearly & dearly related , should be pursued & brought to condign punishment , and a publick Subverter of whole Nations , and Introducer of a false & blasphemous Idolatrous Religion , should escape Scot-free . Let the punishment inflicted be in a Judicial way , and of what measures it pleases the Judge to determine , I shall not controvert here ; Only I plead , that Idolatrous Tyrants are not excepted from this Law : and infer , that if they ought to be punished they ought to be deposed ; And if they ought to be deposed , they cannot be ouned , when undenyably , guilty of this Capital Crime , as was urged above . To this I may adde that part of that Prophetical Kings Testament ; who being about to leave the world , under some Challenges of Mal-administration in his oun Government ( for which he took himself to the well ordered everlasting Covenant , for pardon & encouragment ) after he had shown what Rulers should be , he threatens , by Antithesis , Tyrannical●pretenders , in these severe words , which do also imply a precept , and a direction how to deal with them 2 Sam 23. 6 , 7. But they of Belial shall be all of them as thorns thrust away , because they cannot be taken with hands , but the man that shall touch them must be fenced with iron & the staff of a spear , and they shall be utterly burnt with fire in the same place . Let these words be understood as a threatening against all the wicked in general , who ars to bequenched as the fire of thorns ; or particularly of the Promoters of Antichrists Kingdom , in opposition to Christs , as some Interpreters judge ; it will not weaken but confirm my Argument , if Kings who are ringleaders of that gang be not excepted . I know some do understand this of Rebells against righteous Rulers : which though indeed it be a truth , that they that are such should be so served , and roughly handled with iron and the staff of a spear ; yet it is not so consonant to the scope & connexion of this place , shewing the Characters of righteous Rulers and of usurping Tyrants , making an opposition between Rulers that are just ruling in the fear of God , and those that are Rulers of Belial , promising blessings upon the Government of the one & contempt & Rejection to the other , and shewing how both should be carried towards : Neither does it aggree with the words themselves , where the supplement in our translation is redundant ; for it is not in the Hebrw , the sons of Belial , only They of Belial , clearly relative to the Rulers of whom he was speaking before . And indeed the word Belial , in its Etymology is not more applicable to any than to Tyrants ; for it comes from beli , non , and Hhall supra , because they will have none above them , or from beli non and Hhol jugum , because they cannot suffer a yoke , but cast away the yoke of Laws and the yoke of Christ , saying , let us burst His bands &c. Nor is it alwayes aggreeable to truth , to understand it only of Rebells against righteous Rulers , that they can never be taken with hands : For as very rarely righteous Rulers have any Rebells , to be the objects of their rigour & rage ; So when there are any , discreet & wise Rulers will find many wayes to take & touch them , and quash or quiet them . But it is alwise true of Tyrants , for they can never be taken with hands , neither in a friendly manner , taken by the hand and transacted with in any bargain as other men , for they that would do so will find them like pricking & jagging bryers , which a man cannot handle without hurt to himself ; Nor can they be any other way repressed or restrained or touched , but by hands fenced with iron , that is , with the sword of necessity , or ax of Justice . And this is insinuated as duty , so to endeavour to exstirpate & eradicate such thorns , as pester the Common-wealth : but if it cannot be done , it must be duty & wisdom both not to medle with them , nor oune them , no more than Iotham , who would not subject himself nor come under the shaddow of the bastard bramble . I confess it is commonly taken as a threatening of the Lords Judgement against these Sons of Belial : And so it is . But it teacheth also what men are called to , when they have to do with such , to wit , to take the same course with them as they would to clear the ground of thorns & bryars . And that it is restricted to the Lords immediate way of taking them off , is not credible : For , it can have no tollerable sense to say , they shall be thrust away because they cannot be taken with the Lords hands : Neither is there need , that He should be fenced with iron &c. And let iron &c. be taken tropically for the Lords sword of vengeance ; yet how can it be understood , that He must be fenced there with ? or that He will trust them away , as a man must be fenced against thorns ? What defence needs the Lord against Tyrants ? It is only then intelligible , that the Lord in His righteous Judgement will make use of men & legal means , and of those who cannot take them with hands , in His Judicial procedure against them . Hence I argue , If Tyrants are to be dealt with as thorns , that cannot be taken with hands , but to be thrust away by violence , Then , when we are not in case to thrust them away , we must let them alone , and not medle nor make with them , and so must not oune them , for we cannot oune them withount medling , and without being pricked to our hurt : But the former is true : Ergo — Of this same nature , another threatening confuting the pretence of Princes impunity , may be subjoined out of Psal. 82. 6 , 7. I have said ye are Gods , and all of yow are Children of the most High , but ye shall die like men & fall as one of the Princes . From which words , the learned Author of the History of the Douglasses , Mr David Hume of Gods craft , in his discourse upon Mr Craigs Sermon upon the words , doth strongly prove , that the Scope is to beat off all Kings , Princes , & Rulers , from the conceit of impunity for their Tyrannical Dominations ; that they must not think to Domineer and do what they list , and overturn the foundations or fundamental Laws of Kingdoms , because they are gods ; as if they were thereby incontrolable , and above all Law & punishment : no , they must know , that if they be guilty of the same transgressions of the Law , as other Capital offenders , they shall die like other men , & fall as Princes who have been formerly punished . It is not to be restricted to a threatening of Mortality ; for that is unavoidable , whether they Judge justly or unjustly , and the fear thereof usually hath litle efficacy to deter men from Crimes punishable by Law : Neither can it be understood only of the Lords immediate hand taking them away , exclusive of mens legal punishment ; for expresly they are threatened to die like Common men , and to be lyable to the like punishment with them : Now common men are not only lyabl to the Lords immediate Judgement , but also to mens punishment . Hence , if Tyrants and overturners of the foundations of the earth , must be punished as other men , then when they are such they cannot be looked upon as righteous Rulers , for righteous Rulers must not be punished : But the former is true : Ergo — According to these Scriptures , which either express or imply a precept to have no respect to Princes in Judgement when turning Criminalls , we find examples of the peoples punishing Amazia &c. which is recorded without a challenge , and likewise Athalia . 2. There is a Precept given to a humbled people , that have groaned long under the yoke of Tyranny & oppression , enjoining them , as a proof of their sincerity in humiliation , to bestir themselves in shaking off those evils they had procured by their sin . Isai. 58. 6. Is not this the fast that I have ch●sen , to loose the bands of wickedness , to undo the heavy burdens , and to let the oppressed go free , and that ye break every yoke ? which are all good works of Justice & Mercy , and more acceptable to God than high flown pretences of humiliation , under a stupid submission ; and hanging doun the head as a bulrush . We see it then a duty to relieve the oppressed , and to repress Tyranny , and break its yoke . If it be Objected ( 1 ) That these are Spiritual bonds & yokes , that are here commanded to be loosed & broken ; or if any external be meant , they are only the yokes of their exactions & usuries . For Ans. I grant , that it is the great duty of a people humbling themselves before the Lord , to break off their sins by righteousness and their iniquity by shewing mercy to the poor Dan. 4. 27. but that this is the only duty I deny ; or that this is the genuine & only sense of this place , cannot be proved , or approved by the Scope ; which is , to press them to those duties they omitted , whereby the poor oppressed people of God might be freed from the yokes of them that made them to houl , and to bring them to the conviction of those sins for which the Lord was contending with them , whereof this was one , that they exacted all their Labours , or things wherewith others were grieved ( as the Margent reads ) or suffered the poor to be oppressed . ( 2 ) If it be alledged , that this is the duty proper to Rulers to relieve the oppressed &c. I Answer , It is so ; but not peculiar to them : yet most commonly they are the oppressors themselves , and cast out the poor , which others must take in to their houses . But the duty here is pressed upon all the people , whose sins are here cryed out against ( vers . 1. ) upon all who professed the service of God , & asked the ordinances of Justice ( vers . 2 ) upon all who were fasting & humbling themselves , and complained they had no success ( vers . 3. ) the reasons whereof the Lord discovers ( vers . 4. 5. ) whereof this was one , that they did not loose those bands , nor breake these yokes , nor relieved the oppessed ; And those works of Justice ( vers . 6. ) are pressed upon the same grounds , that the works of mercy are pressed upon ( vers . 7. ) sure these are not all nor only Rulers . Hence I argue , If it be a duty to break every yoke of oppression & Tyranny , then it is a duty to come out from under their subjection : But the former is true : therefore aso the latter . 3. In answer to that grand objection of the Iewes subjection to Nebuchadnezzar , I shew what litle weight or force there is in it . And here I shall take an Argument from that same Passage . The Lord commands His people there , to desert & disoune zedekiah who was the possessor of the Government at present , and sayes , it was the way of life to fall to the Chaldeans Ier. 21. 8 , 9. which was a falling away from the present King. Either this commanded subjection to the Chaldeans is an universal precept ; or it is only particular at that time . If it be universal , obliging people to subject themselves to every Conqueror , then it is also universal obliging people to renounce & disoune every Covenant-breaking tyrant , as here they were to fall away from Zedekiah : If it be only particular , then the ouners of of Tyranny have no advantage from this passage . And I have advantage , so far as the ground of the precept is as moral , as the reason of that punishment of zedekias , which was his perfidie & perjurie . Hence , if the Lord hath commanded to disoune a King breaking Covenant , then at least it is not insolent or unprecedented to do so : But here the Lord hath commanded to disoune a King : Ergo — Fourthly we may have many Confirmations of this truth , from Scripture practices approven . 1. I was but hinting before , how that after the death of that brave Captain & Judge Gideon , when Abimelech the son of his whore , did first aspire into a Monarchy , which he perswaded the silly Schechemites to consent to , by the same Argument which Royalists make so much of , for asserting the necessity of an Hereditary Monarchy [ whether is it better for yow either that all the sons of Jerubbaa● — reign over yow or that one reign over yow . ] & by bloody cruelty did usurp a Monarchical or rather Tyrannical Throne of Domination , founded upon the blood of his seventy brethren ( as we know , whose Throne is founded upon the blood of all the brethren he had ) Jotham , who escaped , s●●rned to put his trust under the shadow of such a bramble , and they that did submit , ●ound his parable verified , a mu●●al fire reciprocally consuming both the usurping King and his traiterous subjects : Neither did all the Godly in Israel submit to him . See Pool Synops. Critic . on the place Iud. 9. Here is one express example of disouning a Tyrant & Usurper . 2. I shew before , how after the Period of that Theocracy , which the Lord had maintained & managed for some time in great mercy & Majesty in & over His people , they , itching after novelties and affecting to be neighbour-like , rejected the Lord in desiring a King ; And the Lord permiting it , gave them a King in His wrath ( the true Original & only Sanction of Tyrannical Monarchy ) when the Characters of his Tyranny , presaged by Samuel , were verified in his aspiring into a great deal of absoluteness , especially in his cruel persecuting of David ; not only the 600 men that were Davids followers stood out in open opposition to him , but in the end , being weary of his Government , many brave & valiant men , whom the Spirit of God commends & describes very honourably , fell off from Saul , even while he was actually Tyrannising , before he was dead 1 Chron. 12. 1. &c. They came to David to Ziklag while he yet kept himself closs because of Saul the son of Kish ( N. B. now he is not honoured with the name of King ) they were armed with bows and could use both the right hand & the left . And of the Gadites , there separated themselves unto David men of might fit for the battel , that could handle shield & buckler , whose ●aces were as the faces of lyons vers . 8. And the Spirit came upon Amasai chief of the Captains , saying , Thine are we David & on thy side thow son of Iesse . Here was a formed Revolt from Saul unto David before he was King , for after this he was made King in Hebron , and there could not be two Kings at once . Hence I argue , if people may separate themselves from and take part with the Resister , against a Tyrant ; then they may disoune him ( for if they oune him still to be the Minister of God , they must not resist him Rom. 13. 2. ) But here is an example that many people did separate themselves from Saul and took part with the Resister David : Ergo — Here two of the first Monarchs of Israel were disouned , Abimelech & Saul . 3. The first Hereditary Successor was likewise disouned , as was hinted above likewise . The ten tribes offer to Covenant with Rehoboam , in terms securing their Rights & Liberties . They desired nothing on the matter , but that he would engage to rule over them according to the Law of God ; To which when he answered most Tyrannically , and avowed he would Tyrannise over them , and oppress them more than any of his Predicessors , they fell away from him , and erected themselves into a new Common-wealth 1 King. 12. 16. So when Israel saw that the King hearkened not unto them , they answered , what portion have we in David ? neither have we inheritance in the son of Iesse , to your tents O Israel , now see to thine oun house David 2 Chron. 10. 16. Now , however the event of this declared Revolt proved sorrowful , when they and their new King made defection unto Idolatry , yet if they had stated & managed it right , the Cause was good , justifyable , & commendable . For ( 1 ) We find nothing in all the Text condemning this ( 2 ) On the Contrary its expressly said , the Cause was from the Lord , that He might perform His saying which He spake by Ahijah 1 King. 12. 15. 2 Chron. 10. 15. And ( 3 ) When Rehoboam was preparing to pursue his pretended right , he was reproved & discharged by Shemajah , ye shall not go up nor fight against your brethren , for this thing is from me 1 King. 12. 24. 2 Chron. 11. 4. ( 4 ) Whereas it is alledged by some , that this was of God only by His providence , and not by His Ordinance ; the contrary will appear , if we consider , how formally & Covenant-wise the Lord gave ten tribes to Ieroboam 1 King. 11. 35 , 37 , 38. I will take the Kingdom out of his sons hand , and I will give it unto thee , even ten tribes ; And I will take thee , and thow shalt reign according to all that thy soul desireth , and shall be King over Israel ; And it shall be , if thow wilt hearken unto all that I command thee , and will walk in my wayes and do that which is right in my sight , to keep my statutes & my commandments , as David my servant did , that I will be with thee & build thee a sure house , as I built for David , and will give Israel unto thee . Where we see , the Kingdom was given unto him on the same Terms & conditions , that it was given to David . He may indeed give Kingdoms to whom He wi● , by Providential grant , as unto Nebuchadnezzar and others ; but He never gave them a Kingdom upon these Conditions , and by way of Covenant , that does alwayes imply & import His Word , Warrant , & ordinance ( 5 ) If we consider the Cause of the Revolt , we will find it very just : for after the decease of the former King , they enter upon terms of a Compact with the successor , upon a suspensive condition , to engage into fealty & Allegiance to him as subjects , if he would give them security for their Liberties & Priviledges . A very Lawful , Laudable & necessary transaction , founded upon Moral equity , & upon the fundamental Constitutions of that Government , and suitable to the constant practice of their Predicessors in their Covenanting with Saul & David . As for that Word 1 King. 12. 19. So Israel Rebelled against the house of David : It is no more then in the margent , they fell away or revolted ; And no more to be condemned , then Hezekiahs Rebellion 2 King. 18. 7. The Lord was with him , and he Rebelled against the King of Assyria . That was a good Rebellion . Hence , If it be Lawful for a part of the people to shake off the King , refuse subjection to him , and set up a new King of their oun , when he resolveth to play the Tyrant , and rule them after his oun absolute power ; then it is a duty , when he actually playes the Tyrant , and by his absolute power overturns Laws & Religion , and claims by Law such a prerogative : But the former is true : Ergo — See Ius Pepuli vindic . chap. 3. Pag 52. 4. This same Ieroboam , when he turned Tyrant & Idolater , was revolted from and deserted by the Priests & the Levites , and after them out of all the tribes of Israel , by all such as set their heart to seek the Lord God of Israel ; because that King , degenerating into Tyranny & Idolatry , had put them from the exercise of their office & Religion ( as our Charles did , and ordained him Priests for the Devils & for the Calves : So they returned to Rehoboam , being induced by his administration of the Government , which for a time was better then he promised , for three years he walked in the wayes of David & Salomon 2 Chron. 11. 13-17 . Hence I argue , If Idolatrous Tyrants may be deserted , then they may be disouned ; for when they desert them , they disoune them abroad , in coming under another Government ; and if they may be disouned abroad , it is the same duty at home , though may be not the same Policy or Prudence . 5. Another example of the like nature we have in the reign of Baasha , who succeeded to Nadab Ieroboams son , whom he slew & reigned in his stead ( the same way that the Duke came to the Throne ) For he could not keep his subjects within his Kingdom , but behoved to build Ramah , that he might not suffer any to go out or come in to Asa. King of Iudah , a good Prince , 1 King 15. 17. yet that could not hinder them , but many strangers out of Ephraim & Manasseh & Simeon fell to him in abundance , when they saw that the Lord his God was with him 2 Chron. 15. 9. Hence , If people may chuse another King , when they see the Lord is with him , then they may disoune their Country King , when they see the Devil is with him . 6. When Jehoram the son of Ahab reigned over Israel , we have an express example of Elisha's disouning him 2 King. 3. 14. 15. And Elisha said unto the King of Israel , what have I to do with thee ? — As the Lord of hosts liveth , before whom I stand , surely were it not that I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat the King of Judah , I would not look toward thee nor see thee , Here he declares so much contempt of him , and so litle regard , that he disdains him a look . And if he would not regard him , nor give him honour , then he did not oune him as King ; for all Kings are to be honoured , that are ouned to be Kings really . It may be alledged by some : that Elisha was an extraordinary man , and this was an extraordinary action , and therefore not imitable . I shall grant it so far extraordinary , that it is not Usual to carry so to persons of that figure , and that indeed there are few Elisha's now , not only for his Prophetick Spirit which now is ceased , but even in respect of his Gracious Spirit of zeal , which in a great measure is now extinguished : He was indeed an extraordinary man , and this Action did demonstrate much of the Spirit of Elias , to have been abiding with him . But that this was unimitable , these reasons induce me to deny . ( 1 ) Prophets were subject to Kings as well as others , as Nathan was to David ( 1 King. 1. 32 , 33. ) every soul must be subject to the higher powers that are of God ( 2 ) All the Actions of Prophets were not extraordinary , nor did they every thing by extraordinary inspiration ; that was peculiar to Christ , that He could Prophecy & do extraordinary acts when He pleased , because He received the Spirit not by measure , and it rested upon Him. ( 3 ) this particular Action & carriage was before he called for the Minstrel , and before the hand of the Lord came upon him vers . 15. Ergo this was not by inspiration . ( 4 ) The ground of this was Moral & Ordinary , for hereby he only shewed himself to be a person fit to abide in the Lords Tabernacle , and an upright walker in whose eyes a vile person is contemned , Psal. 15. 4. and a just man , to whom the unjust is an abomination Prov. 29. 27. What further can be aledged against this instance , I see not . And I need draw no Argument by Consequence , it is so plain . 7. This same Jehoram , after many signal demonstrations of the power of God exerted in the Ministry of His Servant Elisha , which sometimes did extort his acknowledgment and made him call the Prophet his father , 2 King. 6. 21. yet when in the strait siege of Samaria he was plagued with famine for his Idolatry , in so much that the pitiful Mothers were made to eat their oun tender Children ; became so insolent a Tyrant , that being incensed into a madness of outragious malice against the Prophet Elisah , that he sware , God do so to him & more also if the head of Elisha the son of Shaphat should stand on him that day , accordingly he sent a messenger to execute it . But the Prophet , from a Principle of Nature & Reason & Law , as well as Grace , and by the Spirit of a man as well as of a Prophet , stood upon his defence , and encouraged those that were with him to keep out the house against him , saying , See ye how this son of a Murderer ( a proper style for such a Monster of a King ) hath sent to take away mine head ... 2 King. 6. 32. This is a strong Argument for self defence , but I improve it thus : If Tyrants may be opposed as sons of Murderers , & Murderers themselves , and no otherwise to be accounted then under such a vile Character , then can they not be ouned as Kings : But here is an example for the first : Ergo — 8. This mans brother in Law , of the same name , Iehoram the son of Iehoshaphat , who had the Daughter of Ahab to wife , and therefore walked in the way of the house of Ahab , gives us another instance . He turned Apostate & Tyrant , and Abimelech-like ( or if yow will Yorklike ) slew his brethren , and diverse also of the Princes of Israel ; Moreover he made high places in the Mountains of Iudah , and caused the Inhabitants of Ierusalem to commit ●ornication , and compelled Iudah thereto : For which Cause of his intollerable insolency in wickedness , Libnah one of the Cities of Priests in Iudah , Revolted from him 2 King. 8. 22. because he had forsaken the Lord God of his fathers 2 Chron. 21. 10. which was the motive & impulsive Cause of their disouning him , and is not to be detorted to that restricted Cavil of Royalists , understanding it only as the Meritorous or procuring Cause of his punishment & loss sustained thereby ; for it is not so said of the Edomites who revolted at the same time , as it is mentioned in another Paragraph ; Neither of the Philistims & Arabians & Ethiopians , whose spirit the Lord stirred up against him ; These were also a punishment to him : Nor would it found very suitably to be said , that they opposed him because he had forsaken the Lord God of his fathers : for that would insinuate some influence that his Apostasie had on them , as certainly it could not but have on the Lords Priests that dwelt in Libnah , who understood by the Law of God , what was their duty to do with Intycers or Drawers or Drivers to Idolatry : And when they were not in capacity to execute the Judgement of the Lord , this was the least they could do , to Revolt . Here then is an example of a Peoples Revolt from a Prince , and disouning Allegiance to him because of Apostasie & Tyranny . 9. In this Kingdom of Iudah , after long experience of a Succession of Hereditary Tyranny in many wicked Kings , the people after they had long smarted for their lazie Loyaltie in their stupid abandoning , forgetting , & foregoing this Priviledge of disouning Tyrants , and keeping them in order , began at length to bestir themselves in their endeavours to recover their lost Liberties , and repress Tyrants Insolencies on several occasions . Wherein , though sometimes there were extravagances , when Circumstances did mar the Justice of the Action , and some did go beyond their sphere in tumultuary precipitations ; yet upon the matter it was Justice , and in conformity to a Moral Command . One impregnable witness of this we have , in the pious Plot of Iehojada the Priest , who being but a Subject , as all Priests were ( as the deposition of Abiathar by King Solomon 1 King. 2. 27. proveth ) entered into an Association with the inferior Rulers , to choose & make a new King ; and notwithstanding that the Idolatress & She-Tyrant Athaliab , who had the Possession of the Government , cried Treason , Treason at the fact , they had her forth without the ranges , & slew her 2 King. 11. 14-16 . This was according to the Law Deut. 13. And approven by all Interpreters , even Mr Pool in his Synopsis Critic . though alias Superlatively Loyal , yet approves of this , and sayes , she was an incurable Idolatress , and therefore deserved to be deposed by the Nobles of the Kingdom : And quotes Grotius in Loc. saying [ she reigned by meer force & no right , and therefore justly repressed by force , for the Hebrewes were to have Brethren for their Kings but not Sisters , Deut. 17. 15. ] Hence if Tyrants may be forcibly repressed , then may they peaceably be disouned : But this example comfirms that : Ergo — 10. The Sacred History proceeds in the Relation , how this same Joash , the Son of Ahaziah , after he degenerated into Murdering Tyranny , was slain by Jozachar & Jehozabad 2 King. 12. 20 , 21. But that was by his oun Servants in private Assassination ; therefore they are called Murderers by Amaziah his Son 2 King. 14. 5 , 6. but upon the matter it was the Justice of God , which he deserved ( if it had been duely execute ) for the blood of the Sone of Jehojada the Priest 2 Chron. 24. 25. So Amon the Son of Manasseh , for his walking in the way of his Father in Idolatry & Tyranny , and forsaking the Lord God of his Fathers , was slain in his oun house by his Servants , who conspired against him ; But though this was Justice also upon the matter , and consonant to the Command for punishing Idolaters & Murderers , yet because defective in the manner , and done by them that tooke too much upon them , in a perfidious way of private Assassination & Conspiracy , therefore the People of the Land punished them for it 2 King. 21. 23. 24. But the repressing & punishing of Amaziah is a more unexceptionable instance . The people made a Conspiracy against him in Ierusalem , and he fled to Lachish , but they sent after him to Lachish and slew him there 2 King. 14. 19. after the time that he turned away from following the Lord 2 Chron. 25. 27. Which was according to the Command Deut. 13. which hath no exception of Kings in it . This Action was not questioned either by the people , or his Successor , as the formentioned Conspiracies were . His son Uzziah succeeding , who did right & consulted the Lord ( 2 Chron. 26. 4 , 5. ) did not resent nor revenge his Fathers death ; which certainly he would have done , by advice of Zechariah who had understanding in the visions of God , if it had been a transgression . The famous & faithful Mr Knox doth clear this passage beyond Contradiction in his conference with Lithingtoun Hence I take an Argument a fortiori . If people may conspire & concur in executing Judgement upon their King turning Idolater & Tyrant ; Then much more may they Revolt from him : But this example clears the Antecedent , Ergo. 11. The same power & priviledge of peoples punishing their Princes , was exemplified in the Successor of him last mentioned , to wit , in Uzziah the son of Amaziah , called Azariah 2 King. 15. when he degenerated into the ambition of arrogating a Supremacy , in causes Ecclesiastick & Sacred as well as Civil , his heart was lifted up to his destruction , for he transgressed against the Lord his God , and went into the Temple of the Lord to burn Incense . In which Usurpation he was resisted by Azariah the Priest , and with him fourscore Priests of the Lord that were valiant men , who withstood him , and told him it did not appertain to him to take upon him so much , and bade him go out of the Sanctuary , or else it should not be for his honour . Which indeed he stomacked at as an affront , to be controled & resisted ; but in thinking to resent it he was plagued of the Lord with leprosie ; which the Priests looking upon , they thrust him out from thence : And thereafter sequestred him from all Supremacy , both that which he had before in things Civil , and that which he was affecting in matters Sacred ; for he was made to dwell in a Several house , being a leper , ( the Law including ( & here execute upon ) the King as well as the beggar ) and to resign the Government into his son Jothams hands 2 Chron. 26. 16-21 . Where it appears he was not only excommunicated by a Ceremonial punishment , but also deposed Judicially . Whether he voluntarly dimited or not , it is to no purpose to contend : its evident , that by the Law of God , the actual exercise of his power was removed , whether with his will or against it , it is all one ; And that he was punished both by God and by men is undeniable . Yea in this , his punishment was very gentle , and far short of the Severity of the Law ; for by the Law he should have been put to death , for intermedling with these holy things , interdicted to all but to the Priests under pain of death Numb . 3. 10. Numb . 18. 7. The stranger that cometh nigh shall be put to death : All were strangers that were not Priests . Whence I argue , If a Prince , for his Usurpation beyond his line in things Sacred , may by the Priests be excommunicated , and by the people deposed ; then may a Prince , not only Usurping a Supremacy ( as Charles did ) but an absolute power of overturning all things Sacred & Civil ( as James doeth ) & oppressing his subjects in all their Liberties , be disouned , a fortiori , for that is less than deposing or dethroning : But this Example clears the Antecedent : Ergo — See Knox discourse to Lethingtoun : Lex Rex Quest. 44. § . 15. pag. 461. Ius popul . chap. 3. pag. 56. 12. What if I should adduce the Example of a Kings Rebellion against , and Revolt from a Superior King , to whom he & his Fathers both acknowledged themselves subject ? Surely our Royalists and Loyalists would not condemn this ; and yet in justifying it , they should condemn their beloved principle of uncontroled subjection to uncontrolable Soveraigns possessing the Government . Ahaz became Servant to the Assyrian Monarch 2 King. 16. 7. yet Hezekiah his son , when the Lord was with him , and he prospered — Rebelled against the King of Assyria and he served him not 2 King. 18. 7. Hezekiah was indeed a King : but he was not Sennacheribs King ; he acknowledges himself his vassal , and that he offended in disouning him vers . 14. which certainly was his sin against the Lord , to make such an acknowledgment : for if his Fathers transaction with the Assyrian was sin , then it was duty to break the yoke ; if the Lord was with him in that rebellion , then it was his sin to acknowledge it to be his offence ; And to make good this ackowledgment , it was certainly his sin to commit Sacriledge in robbing the House of God , to satisfie that Tyrant . By way of Supplement , I shall adde that instance of repressing a mad & furious Tyrant , which all will acknowledge to be Lawful . Nebuchadnezzar was both stricken of God with madness , and for that was depelled from the Kingdom , according to the heavenly Oracle , The Kingdom is departed from thee and they shall drive thee from men , Dan. 4. 31-33 . Calvin sayes upon the place , he was ejected as usually is done to Tyrants , by the Combination of the nobles & people , Pool Synopsis Critic . in Locum . Thus he was unkinged for a time , both by the just Judgement of God , and by the intermediation of the just Judgement of men ; and could not be ouned to be King at that time , when his nails were like birds Clawes , and he could not tell his oun fingers : They could not oune him to be the Governour then of so many Kingdoms , when he could not Govern himself . Hence , though this is an instance of Heathens , yet because they acted upon a rational ground , it may be argued : If Kings , because of Natural madness when they cannot govern themselves , may not be ouned ; Then also because of Moral madness , when they will not govern but to the destruction of Kingdoms , may not be ouned : But the former is true : Therefore also the Latter . The same reason against the Government of Asses , will also militate against the Government of Tygers , the first is more eligible then the last . Fifthly , This may be confirmed from Several promises in Scripture . 1. There are many Gracious & precious promises of Reformation of the Magistracy , and Restitution of good Rulers , as a great blessing from God to Mankind and to the Church Isai , 1. 26. I will restore thy Iudges as at the first , and thy Counsellors as at the begining , afterwrrd tho● shalt he called the City of righteousness . If Judges must first be restored before the City can be a City of righteousness , then they must be restored before we can oune the Government thereof : for that Government under which it cannot be a City of Righteousness , cannot be ouned : since it is no Government but a Rebellion & Combination of Thieves , see vers . 23. I do not here restrict the promise , as it is a Prophecy , to its exact fulfillment , as if no Government were to be ouned but what answers this promise , of the restitution of the primitive order of Magistrats ; but I plead , that when the Princes are rebellious & Companions of Thieves , the Government is not to be ouned , till Judges be so far restored , as to reduce righteousness in some measure , which cannot be under Tyranny . And in the general I may plead , that none is to be ouned as a Magistrate but who some way is found in a promise ; for there is no Ordinance of God , no duty , no blessing , no good thing , either to be done or enjoyed , but what is in a promise : but Tyranny , or ouning of Tyrants , or subjection to Usurpers , is not nor cannot be in a promise . We have many other promises about Magistrates , as that the Lord will be for a Spirit of Iudgement to him that sitteth in Iudgement , Isai. 28. 6. A Tyrant cannot be capable of this happiness , nor we under Tyranny , nor any while they oune them . Kings shall be the Churches nursing Fathers and their Queens her nursing Mothers Isai. 49. 23. Kings are not alwayes so , but all Kings to be ouned are such as can be so , at least they are never to be ouned when they turn destroyers of what they should nourish : But Tyrants can never be Nourishers . It is promised to the Lords people , if they will hearken diligently unto the Lord , and keep the Sabbath , then shall there enter into their gates Kings & Princes Ier. 17. 24 , 25. And if they will execute Judgement & righteousness , and deliver the spoyled out of the hand of the oppressor &c. they shall obtain the same blessing Ier. 23. 3 , 4. But it is never promised , neither doth it ever come to pass in Providence , that these duties procured Tyrants . There are many other promises to the same purpose , from whence may be concluded , the Lord will not alwayes leave His people to houl under ineluctable Tyranny , but will accomplish their deliverance in His oun time & way , though we are not to look to Miracles . Whence I argue . 1. Since all the Ordinances of God , & Rulers in a special manner , are appointed & promised as blessings , these cannot be ouned for His Ordinance , which are not Blessings but Curses . 2. That which would vacate & evacuate all the promises of Magistracy , cannot be a Doctrine of God : But this that obliges to oune Tyrants & Usurpers , as long as they are up , would vacate & evacuate all these promises of Magistracy : For except the Lord work Miracles ( which are not in the promise ) and do all without means , they cannot be accomplished . For if any means be used , they must be such as will infer disouning of Tyrants ; for Magistrates cannot be restored except Tyrants be removed , and whatever way they be removed without Miracles , by others or their oun Subjects , they must still be disouned , and that before they be removed ; for if they be to be ouned before , their removal , if they exist , cannot make them to be disouned : dispossession cannot take away their right , if they have it before . 2. There are many promises of breaking the yoke of Tyrants Isai. 10. 27. His burden shall be taken away from off thy shoulder and his yoke from off thy neck . And in that promise of the Churches deliverance & enlargment , wherein they are Prophetically urged & stirred up to some activity in cooperating with the providence , Isai. 52. 1 , 2. they are called to awake & put on strength & their beautiful garments — and to shake themselves from the dust — and to rise and loose themselves from the bands of their neck , that were captives . Here is not only a promise of deliverance , or a ground of encouragment what the Church may expect , but a promise of & direction for their being active in delivering themselves , as men , from the encroachments that were made on their humane Liberties , that they should loose themselves from these bands ; Whose bands ? from their bands that ruled over them , and made them to houl , and the Lords Name to be blasphemed ( vers . 5. ) Here 's a promise of breaking the bands of Rulers , by them who houled under their subjection . And it also includes a precept , that people should not stay any longer under these yokes , than they can shake them off or slip from under them . Hence we see we are not to lie stupidly sleeping , or sinking in the Ditch , expecting the accomplishment of the promise of Deliverance , but are to endeavour actively , in dependence upon the Lords Assistance , to deliver our selves . Hence we may argue . 1. A promise by way of Command , that a people under bands of oppressing Rulers shall rouse themselves up to loose themselves from them , implies & infers a promise & a duty of disouning those Rulers ( for otherwise they cannot be loosed from their subjection . ) But here is a promise by way of Command , that a people under bands of oppressing Rulers shall rouse themselves up to loose themselves from them : Ergo — 2. If the removal of Tyranny & Usurpation be promised as a blessing , then those can never be ouned to be the Ordinance of God ; for the removal of that can never be a blessing : But in these promises we see , the removal of those is promised as a blessing : Therefore they can never be ouned . Sixthly , To the same purpose we may cite some Threatenings , that will confirm the same Truth . 1. There are many Threatenings against Tyrants themselves . There are two mentioned Ier. 22. that seem patly to quadrate , and near of a piece , with our Misrulers ; both because of the demerit of the Threatening , and the likeness of the Judgement Threatened . The ground of it was building their house by unrighteousness and their chambers by wrong vers . 13. And severally they are Threatened : Iehojakim with the burial of an Ass unlamented vers . 18 , 19. Coniah with a life without prosperity , and a death without issue to succeed vers . 30. The first of these is verified in the Elder of our Royal Brothers , the last is like to be of both . But that which I take notice of is , first , the demerit , building their house by unrighteousness , on which Whitehall is built with a witness : and particularly it is noted of Iehojakim , as his Crimson sin ( to which his Son Iehojakim or Coniah served himself heir ) that he burnt Ieremia● Roll , or Causes of wrath ; So did our Dominators burn the Causes of wrath ( a book written by the Commission of the General Assembly ) and the Covenants . Then I note these words vers . 15. Shalt thow reign because thow closest thy self in Cedar &c. It is certainly not fit for us to say , he shall reign , of whom the Lord sayes , he shall not reign : but when we oune the Authority of those whom the Lord threatens they shall not reign , we say , they shall reign : for we say , they have a rig●t to reign , and oune our selves obliged to do all that is required in our Capacity , to perpetuate their reign . There is a terrible Threatening against Zedekiah Ezek. 20. 25-27 . Thow profane ( or as some translate it ; Thow worthy to be killed , Pool . Synops. Critic . in Locum . ) wicked Prince of Israel — Thus saith the Lord God , Remove the Diadem , take off the Crown , this shall not be the same , exalt him that is low , and abase him that is high , I will overturn , overturn , overturn it , and it shall be no more untill he come whose right it is , and I will give it him . Than which nothing can be more applicable to our Princes , who are profane , and the patterns & patrons of it , whose Diadem the Lord will remove ; and if He threaten it , ●wo to them that contribute to hold it on . We see here , a profane & wicked Prince threatened to be overturned must not be ouned , because he hath no right : But our Excommunicate Tyrant , is a profane & wicked Prince threatened to be overturned : Ergo — There is another dreadful Threatening against Tyrants Am●s 4. 1 , 2. Hear this word ye Kine of Bashan , which oppress the poor , which crush the needy — The Lord God hath sworn by His Holiness , that lo the dayes shall come upon you● , that He will take you away with hooks , and your posterity with fish hooks . Shall we oune these , against whom the Lord hath engaged His Holiness by Oath so solemnly , that He will fish them with hooks ? We may fear if there be such a tye as Allegiance between them and us , that that same hook which fishes them may also catch us ; as it is said of Pharaoh and his subjects , when he is hooked , then his fish stick unto his scales , and he & they are left in the wilderness Ezek. 29. 4 , 5. that is as Grotius expounds it , whoever are of his Community shall be consorts in his Calamity , Pool Critic . in Locum . If we then oune them we must be of their Community , and so partake of their Judgements . 2. There are many Threatenings against illimited Loyaltie , and those who had more of that than Religion : for this Ephraim was broken in Judgment , because he willingly walked after the Commandment Hos. 5. 11. And because the Statutes of Omri were kept , and the works of the house of Ahab , therefore the Lord threatens to make them a desolation Mic. 6. ult . And among other Threatenings against the men of such universal Loyaltie , that is notable Hos. 10. 3. Now ye shall say , we have no King , because we feared not the Lord , what then should a King do to us ? It is the just punishment of wicked Loyalty , that prefers the fear & favour of Kings to the fear & favour of God , that at length they are brought to that pass , that either they have no Kings at all to look to , or else they have such of whom it may be said , they are no Kings in effect , for they cannot act the part of Kings to them that trust in them . Hence . 1. If to have really no Kings be a punishment , then such Kings as are a punishment cannot be ouned to be Kings ; for to have them cannot be a punishment , if the want of them be a punishment . 2. If those that have the name of Kings , that can do no good , be no Kings ; Then Tyrants that can do no good but a great deal of hurt , must be reckoned no Kings also : But here it s threatened , people that had Kings , that had the name but could do no good , should reckon they had no Kings : Therefore much more may Tyrants be reckoned to be no Kings , who can do no good but a great deal of hurt . Seventhly , This Truth is confirmed from Scripture Prayers : Whereof there are many against Tyrants , none for them . Hence we argue , If we are not to pray for Tyrants then we are not to oune them ; for we are to pray for all that are in Authority 1 Tim 2. 2 , But we are not to pray for Tyrants : Ergo we are not to oune them . The Minor now must be proved . And this leads me to another subordinate Question , which hath also been a head of suffering to some serious Seekers of God in our Land of late . The profane Emissaries of this and the late Tyrant , sent out with bloody Commissions to hunt after the Lords hidden Ones , in order to murder all whom they might meet with , that made Conscience of adhering to every part of the present Testimony ; among other trapping Questions to discover their prey , they used to put this to them as a discriminating Shibboleth , and Tessera of ouning the present Tyranny , will yow say , God save the King ? And for refusing this , many have been cruelly murdered in the Fields ; And many before their bloody Judicatories , have for this been arraigned & condemned , & executed to the death . Wherefore to this somewhat must be said . 1. By way of Concession . 2. By way of Vindication , of Scrupling it and Suffering upon it . First , In the General , it will be necessary to premit by way of Concession . 1. It is duty to pray , supplicate , & interceed for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. not Collectively considered , nor Distributively for every one universally without exception , but indefinitely & indiscriminately , pro generibus singulorum for all sorts & sexes , of whatsoever Nation or Religion , Iew or Gentile , Christian or Infidel , not excluding any for these distinctions : And not only so , but pro singulis generum also Conditionally , if they be among those all whom the Lord will have to be saved vers . 4. If they be among those all for whom the Mediator gave himself a ransome to be testified in due time vers . 5 , 6. If they have not sinned the sin unto death , for which we are not bidden pray 1 Iohn . 5. 16. Which , because we know not particularly who are guilty of it , Charity will oblige us to take into our Prayers many that may never be the better of them ; Yet it is necessary that we pray in Faith , for what , or whomsoever we pray ; at least , if I may so call it , we must have a negative Faith , a belief that they have not sinned that sin unto death ; which we cannot have of all , there being some whose demonstrations of desperate displayes of affronted wickedness , and hatred of Godliness , may give ground to doubt of it , as Christians had of Iulian the Apostate . 2. We are obliged to love our Enemies , to Bless them that Curse us , to do good to them that hate us , to pray for them that despitefully use & persecute us Math. 5. 44. Accordingly Our Master , who commanded this , did give us a Pattern to imitate , when He prayed , Father forgive them for they know not what they do Luk. 23. 34. And His faithful Martyr Stephen , prayed for his Murderers , Lord lay not this sin to their charge , Act. 7. ult . We are to pity them , and not to seek vengeance against them , for any injuries they can do to us . Yet , as this doth not interfere with a holy & zealous Appeal to God , for righting & resenting & requiting the wrongs done to us , that He may vindicate us & our Cause , and make them repent of their injuries done to us , to the Glory of God , and Conviction of Onlookers , and Confusion of themselves , which may well consist with Mercy to their Souls : So all we can pray for them in their opposition to us , is in order to their repentance , but never for their prosperity in that Course . And we may well imitate , even against our enemies , that prayer of Zecharia's , The Lord look upon it and require it 2 Chron. 24. 22. But we are never to pray for Christs stated Enemies , as to the bulk of them , and under that formality as His Enemies : for we must not love them that hate the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 2. but hate them , and hate them with a perfect hatred , Psâl. 139. 21 , 22. We are to pray for the Elect among them , but only to the end they may escape the vengeance , which we are obliged to pray for against them . 3. We are not to exsecrate our enemies , or use imprecations against any , out of blind zeal , or the passionate or revengefull motions of our oun hearts : Our Lord rebuked His Disciples for such preposterous zeal Luk. 9. 55. Ye know not what manner of Spirit ye are of . But against the Stated & Declared Enemies of Christ , as such & while such , we may well take a pattern from the imprecatory Prayers of the Saints recorded in Scripture ; such as do not peremptorly determine about the eternal State of particular persons : which determinations , except we be extraordinarly acted by the same Spirit , whose Dictates these are , are not to be imitated by us . We find several sorts of Imprecations in the Psalms , & other Scriptures : Some are imitable , some not : Some are Propheticall having the force of a Prophecy , as Davids Psal. 35. 4. Let them be confounded — that seek after my Soul — Let Destruction come upon him Psal. 55. 15. Let them go doun quick to hell . And Ieremiah chap. 17. 18. Let them be confounded that persecute me — destroy them with double destruction . Without this Prophetical Spirit , determining the application of these threatenings to particular persons , we may not imitate this peremptoriness . Some are Typical of Christs Mediatory devoting His Enemies to destruction ; who as He interceeds for His friends , so by virtue of the same Merits ( by them trampled upon ) He pleads for vengeance against His enemies : Which Mediatory vengeance , is the most dreadful of all vengeances ( Heb. 10. 29. ) So also Psal. 40. He whose ears were opened , and who said lo I come — vers . 6. 7. that is Christ ) does imprecate shame & Confusion & desolation vers . 14. 15. As also Psal. 109. the Psalmist personates Christ , complaining of & imprecating against His enemies , particularly Iudas the Traitor vers . 8. It must be dreadful to be under the dint of the Mediators Imprecations ; And also dreadful to clash with Him in His Intercessions , that is , to apprecate for them against whom He imprecates , or pray for them against whom He intercedes . But some Imprecatio●s against the enemies of God , are imitable such as proceed from pure zeal for God , and the Spirit of Prayer , as that Psal. 109. ult . Put them in fear O Lord that the Nations may know themselves to be but men . Psal. 83. 16. — fill their faces with shame that they may seek thy Name . This is to be imitated in general against all the enemies of God Psal 129. 5. Let them all be confounded that hate Zion ; without condescending on particular persons , except obviously & not odiously desperate , & presumptively Christs implacable Enemies . 4. Touching Magistrates it is a great duty to pray , that God would give us Magistrates , as He hath promised for the Comfort of His Church Isai. 1. 26. Isai. 49. 2. Ier. 30. 21. Promises should be motives & foments of Prayer . We ought to pray against Anarchy as a Plague , and with all earnestness beg of God , that the mercy of Magistracy may aga●n be known in Brittain , of which it hath been long deprived . 5. And when we have them , it is a necessary Duty to pray for them ; for Kings and for all that are in Authority , that we may lead a quiet & peaceable life in all Godliness & honesty 1 Tim. 2. 2. Where it is specified , what sort we should pray for , and to what end . As we are not to pray for all men absolutely ; for some , as they are declared to be out of the precincts of of Christs Mediation , so they must be out of our Prayers : So there may be some in actual Rule , that may be excepted out of the verge of the Christians Prayers , as was said of Iulian the Apostate . But he that is a Magistrate indeed , and in Authority , the subjects are to pray and to give thanks for him , not as a man meerly , but as a Magistrate . Yea though they be Heathen Magistrates , Ezra . 6. 10. We may pray for all in Authority , two wayes ; As Men , & as Kings . As Men , we may pray for their Salvation , or Conversion , or taking them out of the way , if they be enemies to Christs Kingdom , according as they are stated ; and upon Condition , if it be possible , and if they belong to the Election of Grace . Though for such as are opposites to the coming of Christs Kingdom , as it is a contradiction to the second petition of the Lords Prayer [ Thy Kingdom come ] So in the experience of the most eminent wrestlers , they have found less faith & less encouragement in praying for them , than for any other sort of men . It is rare that ever any could find their hands , in praying for the Conversion of our Rulers . And though we pray that the Lord would convince them , yea & confound them , in mercy to their souls ; yet this must never be wanting in our Prayers for Tyrants , as men , that God would bring them doun , and cause Justice overtake them , that so God may be Glorified , and the Nation eased of such a burden . But if we pray for them as Kings , then they must be such by Gods approbation , and not meer possessory Occupants , to whom we owe no such respect nor duty . For whatever the Hobbists , and the time-serving Casuists of our day , and even many good men ( though wofully laxe in this point ) homolating both Doctrinally & Practically their heathenish notions , say to the contrary ; I hope it be in some measure made out , that Tyrants are no more the Ordinance of God , nor to be ouned as His Ministers & Vicegerents , than the Devil the Prince of this World for the Lords Anointed , or Baals Priests for true Ministers . If we pray for them as Kings , we must pray for their peace , prosperity , & preservation , that their Government may be blessed with success , their designs not frustrated , nor their desires disappointed . This we cannot pray for Tyrants . 6. Albeit we may pray for the Peace of the Nation , and for the Government thereof , so far as it may conduce to our oun & the Churches Tranquility , that we may live a peaceable & Godly life under it ; yet this cannot be extended to the peace of Tyrants , for whom the best Prayer that we can bestow is , that the Lord would bridle & restrain them , that they may not m●r the Churches peace . That Command , Ier. 29. 7. Seek the Peace of the City , whither soever I have caused yow to be carried Captives , and pray unto the Lord for it , for in the peace thereof shall yow have peace , is apparent to have been but of a temporary nature , upon occasion of their Captivity there , until the 70 years should be expired , having it also declared by God , that their oun peace was bound up in that of Babylons : For after that time they are taught the contrary carriage towards that City , to depart , and pray against it , and exult & rejoice in its ruine ; O Daughter of Babylon , happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thow hast served us , that dasheth thy litle ones against the Stones , Psal. 137. 8 , 9. The voice of them that flee out of the Land of Babylon , to declare in Zion the vengeance of the Lord , the vengeance of His Temple Ier. 50. 28. And Ier. 51. 35. The violence done to me and to my flesh be upon Babylon , shall the inhabitant of Zion say , and my blood be upon Chaldea , shall Ierusalem say . Certainly this is not the season to seek the Peace of Misticall Babylon , but to pray for the destruction thereof and all its supporters : Which we cannot do , if we pray for them that improve , imploy , & apply all their power to support it , lest we pray contradictions ; as many do , who pray against Babels brats and yet pray for the King : but the Comfort is this , that Nonsensical Prayers will do litle good , litle hurt , but to themselves that pray them . Secondly , To vindicate the Scruplers & Refusers of such Compelled & extorted Devotion , in praying for Tyrants , I shall offer these Considerations . 1. The imposed form of it ( which as it is found in the Original from whence it is taken , is only Paraphrastically expounded , God save the King ; and most Catechrestically applied to Tyrants , being in the native sense of the words of this signification , Let the King Live ; which is a very improper Wish for men of death , of whom God sayes , they shall die , and the Law sayes , they should die , for their Murders & Capital Crimes ) must be taken either as an Adulatory Complement ; or a Congratulatory honour ; or a precatory benediction . The first , as it is extorted most illegally , so it can be rendered neither Civilly , nor Sincerly , nor Christianly : but all ingenuus men would think it a base imposition , to be forced not only to subject themselves to their Tyrannical Oppressors , but to flatter them as if they were not such . Whatever they may force the mouth to speak dissemblingly , they can never compell the heart to think , such wishes are due to them ; and so they can never be Cordial , nor consistent with Candor ; and to interpose the Holy & Dreadful Name of God , in a dissembling Complement , to flatter base men , is a horrid mocking of God , and a heinous taking His Name in vain , contrary to the Third Command . If it be a Congratulation ( as alwayes it is used in Scripture , and in all cases formerly ; being never imposed on men by way of Compulsion , before this sett of Tyrants started up , that know they can get no deference of honest men , but by extortion ) It is the more abominable ; not only for the Hypocrisie that is in it , but the Blasphemie , in giving thanks for the Promoter of the Devils Interest , and the Destroyer of Christs , and the Liberties of Mankind . What have we to Congratulate him for , but for overturning our Laws & Liberties , and oppressing us in most grievous Tyranny ? Besides to give the vilest of men when exalted any Congratulatory honour , is contrary to the fifth Command , as is shewed above . And it were a forsaking of the Law , thus to praise the wicked , since they that keep the Law will contend with them Prov. 28. 4. If it be a Benediction , we cannot bestow it upon one whom our Father Curses , our Mother Curses , and all our Brethren . It is no less preposterous to bless whom the Lord declaredly Curses , than to Curse whom he blesses . The Curse of the Lord is in the house of the wicked Prov. 3. 33. we cannot then bless that house . Nor can we bless them that our Mother curses , and cries for vengeance against , as she did against Nebuchadnezzar Ier. 51. 34 , 35. Nor them against whom the blood of our dead Brethren hath a Moral Cry , How long O Lord holy & true doest thow not Iudge & avenge our blood , Revel . 6. 10. And the vexed Spirits of our Brethren , yet houling under the same yoke , are puting up before the Throne of Grace , the same continued Cry , with incessant importunity , How long how long shall the wicked triumph how long shall they break in pieces thy people ? O God to whom vengeance belongeth ? Psal. 94. 1-4 . Yea God hath said it , and we must not contradict it in our practice , against all Tyrants that wrest Judgement , and say unto the wicked thow art righteous , him shall the people , curse Nations shall abhor him , Prov. 2. 24. And this must stand registred as the everlasting Claise of all Zions haters , to which all her Lovers must say , Amen , that they shall be as the grass upon the house tops and never have the benefit of the Churches benediction Psal. 129. 8. Neither do they which go by say , the blessing of Lord be upon yow , we bless yow in the Name of the Lord. This one word may be a sufficient Supercedeas from blessing any of the enemies of God , or of the Church , while acting in a declared opposition to God for the destruction of His people & interest . 2. Either this — Save the King , as they mouth it , and demand the repetition of it , is a Prayer ; or it is not . If not , it must be a dreadful profanation of the name of God , to be commanded to speak to Him , and yet not to pray . If it be a Prayer , we would expect another way of dealing with us , if rhey really desired the benefit of our Prayers , than a threatening us with death if we did it not . And if they did desire it as Darius did , that we might offer sacrifices of sweet savours unto the God of Heaven , and pray for the life of the King and of his sons Ezra . 6. 10. we could not refuse to pray for him , so far as might consist with that Prayer of the same Darius , in that same decree vers . 12. that God may destroy all Kings & people , that shall put to their hand to alter and destroy the House of God. We can pray no Prayer inconsistent with this , And to pray that God would save this King , and yet destroy all Kings that put to their hand against His House , were to pray Contradictions . But they know they deserve no Prayers , and must force them if they get them . And all the world knows , that Compelled Prayers are no devotion ; and if they be no devotion , they must be sin : Imposed Prayers , are not the Prayers that God will hear & accept ; And if we have not the faith of acceptance in them , they must be sin , for whatever is not of faith is sin , Rom. 14. ult . All Prayers which God will hear , must proceed from the heart voluntarely and fervently , in Spirit & in Truth , with the whole heart . But imposed & compelled Prayers cannot be such ; especially when they are not only by them imposed , but prescribed as to the form of them . Which sets and formes prescribed by men , and such men as usurp a Supremacy over the Church , cannot be subjected to , according to the Word of God , and the Principles of our Reformation . 3. That infallible Proposition of the Apostle , Whatsoever is not of faith is sin , must be urged yet a litle further : And that with a reference , both to the Person required to be prayed for , and to the matter of the duty more generally . First if we cannot pray for this man , neither as a Christian , nor as a King , then we cannot satisfie this imposed demand ; for it will not satisfie to pray for him as a Heathen : But we cannot in faith pray for him , either as a Christian , or as a King ▪ Not as a Christian ; for besides that he is an excommunicate Apostate ( by a sentance which we beleeve stands yet rate in Heaven , Pronounced by a faithful Servant of Christ ) and a Papist , which as such can no more be prayed for than the Pope as Pope ; ; for whom , and all the limbs of Antichrist ; the only prayer that Protestants can pray , is , that the Lord would consume him with the Spirit of His Mouth and destroy with the brightness of His coming 2 Thess. 2. 8. ( we cannot reconcile the prayers of some , that pray against the Pope and his supporters , and upholders of his tottering Kingdom , and yet for this his Antichristian vassal ) His rage & resolution in prosecuting a war against Christ and His followers , is such , that if we may make Comparisons , our faith will have litle more ground to pray for Iames , than Christians of old could find for Iulian , the the Apostate . Nor as a King , for that we cannot do , because he is none with Gods approbation , and may not do , for a very heathen could teach us to pray , that God would destroy all Kings that put to their hand to alter & destroy the House of God , Ezra . 6. 12. And besides , in the Second place , with respect to the matter of the duty in general : That cannot be in faith which wants a warrant in the Word , either by precept , promise , or practice : But to pray for wicked Tyrants & Enemies of God , wants a Warrant in the Word , either by precept , promise , or practice . There is no precept for it , either General on particular , neither express , nor any to which this is reducible . And who dare adde without a precept in the Worship of God , either for matter , or manner , or end , what He hath not commanded ? for such presumption ; Nadab & Abihu were destroyed Levit. 10. 1 , 2. because they did that which the Lord had not commanded . What Command can there be for praying for that , which is against the preceptive Will of God ? But it is against the preceptive Will of God , that there should be Tyrants : Therefore to pray that these may be preserved in the World , cannot fall under a Command of God. There is no promise for it , which is the foment & foundation of Prayer : We can pray for nothing that we have not a promise for , either General or Particular : But we have none , nor can have any , for the preservation of a plague to us , as Tyrants are . There is no Practice for it in Scripture , to pray for Kings that put to their hand to destroy the House of God. Samuel did indeed mourn for Saul ▪ but the Lord reproved him for it , How long wilt thow mourn for Saul , seeing I have rejected him from being King over Isrrel ? 1 Sam. 16. 1. belike this reproof was for his praying for Sauls preservation as King , for otherwise we may mourn for wicked wretches , for their sin & Miserie both . But hence , if the Lord reprove His Servant for mourning for a King whom He disoun●d , then we may not pray for such a King whom the Lord disounes , as He disounes all Tyrants , for they are set up & not by Him ! But the Antecedent is true in that example of Samuel : Therefore also the Consequent , that we may not pray for them as Kings , whom the Lord disounes . 4. Moreover to confirm this yet further : That Prayer is not of Faith , and so sin , which is contrary to the Precepts of God , and his promises , and the practices of the Saints : But praying for wicked Kings their preservation , is contrary to these precepts , promises , & practices &c. Ergo — It is contrary to some Divine precepts , both Affirmative , & Negative . There is an Affirmative precept , prescribing what Prayer should be used under the Domination of Tyrants , that they should weep and say , Spare thy people O Lord , give not they Heritage to reproach , that the heathen should rule over them , wherefore should they say among the people where is their God Ioel. 3. 17. If it be a reproach to be under Heathen Rulers , and if we should pray that they may not Rule , but that Our God may shew Himself where He is , and who He is , in delivering His people from their Domination ; Then it is contrary to this , to pray for the preservation of Tyrants , that do rule over them to their destruction & reproach : For it is contradictory to pray , that they may not Rule , and that they may be preserved in Ruling . There is a negative precept , prohibiting the salutation of Hereticks and Enemies of the Gospel , which will condemn this salutation of Heretical Kings : for in the Original God save the King is no more than a solemn salutation , or apprecatory Wish that he may prosper . 2 Epist. Iohn . vers . 10 , 11. If there come any — and bring not this Doctrine — neither bid him God speed , for he that biddeth him , God speed , is partaker of his evil deeds . God speed , in the Greek , is the same with God save , in the Hebrew . If then we must not say , God save a Heretick , neither must we say God save an Hertical King , or a Popish Tyrant , a sworn enemy to the Gospel of Christ , and the coming of His Kingdom . This is also inconsistent with that Rule & Directory of our prayers , commonly called The Lords prayer , not only because it cannot be reduced to any of its petitions ( which are comprehensive of all that we are warranted to pray for ) but because it is contradictory to the Second which is , Thy Kingdom come . The Coming of Christs Kingdom in our Land cannot consist with the preservation of the Tyrants reign , which is Satans rule : for Antichrists ● Satans Kingdom , and Christs , cannot be promoted both at once . It may be also demonstrated , that it is inconsistent with all the petitions of that perfect form of prayer . With the first , Hallowed be thy Name ; for when they who rule over His people make them to houl , then His Name continually every day is Blasphemed Isai , 52. 5. yea much profaned in the frequent repeating that imposition . With the Second , Thy Kingdom come for when He takes unto Him His great power & Reigns , then is the time He , will destroy them that destroy the earth , Revel . 11. 17 , 18. It is against the third , Thy will be done — for it is against His preceptive will that there should be a Throne of iniquity , it shall not have fellowship with Him ; as it would have , if according to His will. And therefore Habbakkuk pleads from the Lords Holiness & Righteousness against Tyrants , Habbak . 1. 13 , 14. It is against the fourth , Give us this day our daily bread , to pray for them that rob us of it , whom the Lord hath set over us for a plague , to domineer over our bodies , and all the means of life Neh. 9. 37. The Saints there make a Complaint of Kings , and pray to remove them , not to save them : The Church also prayes agains● base Rulers on this account , because under them they get their bread with the peril of their lives Lam. ● . 8 , 9. It is against the fifth , Forgive us our debts or sins ; for if we pray for taking away the guilt of sin , we must also pray for removing the punishment ; whereof this is one , to be under Tyrants : And if it be sin which brings on such a judgment , then it is sin to pray for the keeping of it on & continuing thereof : And though we should forgive their sin against us , yet we ought to complain against their sins against God , and the Church , in defiling it , & shedding the blood of the Saints Psal. 79. 1-7 . It is against the sixth , Lead us not into Temptation and deliver us from evil : for their Government is a continued tract of Temptation , they being a snare on Mizpah & a net spread upon Tabor Hos. 5. 1. And if we pray to be delivered from all evil , then we must pray to be delivered from Tyranny , which is a great evil . It is against the Conclusion also for thine is the Kingdom — & Glory : Tyrants being stated in opposition to the Glory of God. Again , in the next place , it is against many promises of giving good Rulers , and of breaking the yoke of Tyrants ( as I cited several above ) Neiether of which can consist with the preservation of Tyrants , if such a Prayer should be answered according to the idol of the heart of the supplicants : for if God should save this man as long as we may pray for him as a King , then all the promises of a Change & Revolution are precluded . Lastly , it is contrary to the constant tenor of the Saints prayers against theé Enemies of God. Deborah prayed upon the destruction of a Tyrant , So let all thine enemies perish O Lord Iudg. 5. ult . Iotham prayed against that bastard King , let fire come out from Abimelech & devour the men of Shechem , and — let fire come out from the men of Shechem & devour Abimelech , Iudg. 9. 20. David prayes against Saul , whom he calls Cush the Benjamite in the title of Psal. 7. alluding to Kish his Father , or because he was no better than an Ethiopian a Cushite Amos 9. 7. and could no more change his manners than an Ethiopian can change his skin Ier. 13. 23. See Pool Synops. Critic . in Locum . Where it is proven that this was Saul ; against him he prayes that the Lord would awake to Iudgement Psal. 7. 6. and that He would break the arm of the wicked and the evil man Psal. 10. 15. that He would not slay them ( to wit suddenly or in a common way ) lest the people forget , but scatter and bring them doun and consume them in wrath , that they may not be , that it may be known God ruleth in Iacob to the ends of the earth Psal. 59. 11 , 13. This is a Psalm against Dogs vers . 6. what Dogs ? Saul and his men watching David , See the Title . As also it is against Saul that he prayes , that the Lord would not grant his desires nor further his devices , and as for the head of them that compassed him about ( which was Saul ) let the mischief of their oun lips cover them Psal. 140. 8 , 9. There is also a prayer that the Saints may execute vengeance & the judgement written upon Tyrants , and bind them with chains Psal. 149. 7 , 8 , 9. The Church is brought in praying for vengeance against the Babylonian Tyrant , Nebuchadnezzar the King of Babylon hath devoured me — the violence done to me and my flesh be upon Babylon shall the Inhabitant of Zion say Ier. 51. 34 , 35. Paul imprecates any man that does not love the Lord Jesus , let him be Anathema Maranatha 1 Cor. 16. 22. and sure no Tyrant , persecuter & subverter of Christs Kingdom , can be a Lover of Christ. The Martyrs under the fifth seal slain for the Word of God , and the Testimony which they held , are brought in crying against the Tyrants that murdered them , How long ! O Lord , Holy & True , dost thow not judge & aveange our blood , Revel . 6. 9 , 10. Which though it be to be understood of a Moral Cry of blood , as Abels blood cried against Cain ; yet ought to be a pattern of our prayers against such Bloody Enemies , imbrewing their hands in the blood of our Brethren , for which we ought to pray that the Lord would haste to make inquisition . Durham Observes from this place , that Gods people in a holy way may pray for vengeance upon persecuters . 5. Let us consider the person & matter , for whom and for what this prayer is extorted . Either it is for the personal salvation of Iames the Papist : or the Royal preservation of Iames the Tyrant . It will not satisfie to pray , that if it be possible , and if it were the Lords will , he might be taken to Heaven , that so we might be quit of him . Neither were it Lawful to pray that , except we prayed first , that he might repent of this his wickedness , if perhaps it might be forgiven him , as Peter directed Simon M●gus to pray for himself Act. 8. 22. for it is unlawful to pray for the salvation of a Papist , except upon supposition of his repentance & relinquishing Poperie . We must pray nothing but according to the Wil of God ; and it is not the Wil of God , that they that have & keep & will not part with the Mark of the beast , should be saved , for he is adjudged of God to drink of the wine of His wrath Revel . 14. 9 , 10. So we cannot pray for him as a Christian , which he is not ; Nor as a Papist , except that he may get repentance . Nor can we pray for him as a King , which he is not ; nor as a Tyrant , except that he may repent of & relinquish his Tyranny & Usurpation : for Tyrants as such cannot be saved , no more than Papists as such ; for Tophet is ordained of old yea for the King it is prepared — Isai. 30. 33. We cannot then pray for his salvation , except we pray for his repentance , and relinquishing all his sins , and so we must pray for his relinquishing his Kingship , and that he may cease to be King ; for that is his sin , that he hath made himself King without God , and against the Laws of the Land. And now whil● he continues such , we must complain in prayer , not for his Misgovernment only , but for that he Governs , and desire to be delivered from him . See Gees Magistrates Original pag. 258. But now considering what a Man , and what a King he hath been , guilty of Murder , Adulterie , Idolatrie , under sentence of the Law both of God & Man ; We can pray no otherwise for him , than for a Murderer , Adulterer , or an Idolater . We cannot pray for him as Cloathed with Authority , or that the Lord may bless his Government for that is his sin & our Miserie that he is a Governour : And his Throne is a Throne of iniquity , which we dare not pray may have fellowship with God. Can we pray that God would bless him on a Throne of iniquity ? Could we pray , that the Lord would bless a Drunkard in his drunkenness , abusing his enjoyments ? Or a Thief in Stealing his , though he used his purchase never so soberly ? What if prevailing Robbers by Land , or pyrats by sea , preying upon all passengers , should require this as the sign of subjection to them , and only condition whereupon such as they apprehended & overcame should be suffered to live , that they should pray for preservation & prosperity to them ? Would not this be wickedness thus to pray for Thieves & Robbers ? And are not Tyrants the greatest of Thieves , that rob & destroy twenty for one of private Robbers ? And do they not require this as such a sign on such a Condition ? 6. Lastly , then the plea will be reduced to this , that it is exacted as a Badge of Loyaltie , and Sign , Tessera , & Sbibboleth of ouning the Authority . Which I have at this length endeavoured to prove , cannot be conscienciously Ouned by us , in these circumstances . And even by this Argument : That Authority which we cannot pray for we cannot oune : But we cannot pray for this Tyrannical Authority : Ergo — The Minor I trust is in some measure made manifest , by what is said above . And so I conclude this Head , with that forme of prayer , that I use for the King. O Lord God to whom vengeance belongeth , shew thy self ; lift up thy self thow Iudge of the Earth , render a reward to the proud . Lord how long shall the wicked ? how long shall the wicked Triumph ? Shall the Throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee , that Frameth Mischief by a Law ? The Mighty & Terrible God , destroy all Kings & people , that put to their hand to alter & destroy the House of God. Overturn , Overturn , Overturn this Throne of Tyra●ny , and let it be no more , until he come whose right it is . HEAD III. The Refusing to Swear & Subscribe the many unlawful imposed Oaths , for which many have suffered great Cruelties ; Chiefly that of Abjuration which was the Cause of Several their Suffering to Death , Vindicated . ANother Great Head of Grievous Sufferings in this fatal Period , hath been , that during this Stated War between Christ and His Enemies in Scotland , He hath no wanted Witnesses , who in their Wrestlings for the Word of God and the Testimony which they held , thought it their duty to refuse all illegally imposed & wickedly required Transactions with His Declared Enemies , and tampering any manner of way with them , in taking or subscribing any of their conscience-conzening Impositions of deceitful & destructive Bonds & Oaths , obtruded by men who have cast off all sense of a Deity or regard to Humanity , upon the Consciences of poor people , to debauch them and cast them doun from the only excellency , or integrity , that was left them : Whereby ( though they have missed of their design as to some , who through grace have escaped the snares of these fowlers , and in resisting have overcome through the blood of the Lamb ) they have prevailed to inveigle the Generality , even of the Professors of this Generation , into such a degree of defection & wretched Complyance with all their snares , that as it Prognosticates universal desolation ineluctable ( if it be not prevented by Repentance , as universal as the Complyance hath been ) So it proclaims the infamy of the Complyers perjurie , as indeleble as their perfidie with whom they have complyed . The Consideration of which woful Apostacie , in its various steps by which it hath been propogated & promoted , ought to deter & demur all the fearers of God , that would not partake of its threatened punishment , from venturing any more to come near the brink , or border of such precipices , and paths of the destroyer , when so many have stumbled , & fallen , & been hooked , & snared , & taken ; yea not so much as to look near them , lest they be left to follow their look , but to stand aloof from every appearance of Transacting with these Man-Catchers , yea Conscience-Catchers , who are so cunning to ensnare & destroy ; as their predicessors , to whose sins & Judgments also they serve themselves heirs , are described by the Holy Ghost Ier. 5. 26. — 29. They lay wait as he that setteth snares , they sct a trap , they catch men — their houses are full of deceit , therefore they are become great & waxen rich — shall I not visite for these things saith the Lord ? Many and manifold have been the snares , traps & gins , laid in the way of Professors of this Generation & Nation , by these Mischief-hatchers , these keen & cunning persecuters , the party now regnant or rather raging , in madness & malice against Christ and all that are Loyal & zealous for His Interest against their Encroachings thereon ; Where by they have caught & cozened many out of their Conscience , & have broken the neck of some , the Peace of others , & the heart of not a few . Yea no Nation can be instanced , wherein so many Oaths & Bonds , have been imposed on peoples Consciences , so nawseating for naughtyness & number as well as noxious in their nature , in an Age , as have been in Scotland within these 27 years past ; on design to wast all remainder of Conscience , or sense of Religion among people , that so having worn out the awful impression of it , they might introduce what they would , upon a people involved in the same Apostasie with themselves : And either to incorporate all with themselves in the same Combination against the Lord , or to exstirpate all Dissenters , who should discover any tenderness of Conscience , in not going along with them in the same excess of riot . And to the end they might have the greater concurrence & countenance , with the help of hells Policy , they contrived them in such terms , as might engage many to take them , and load the Recusants with odious obliquies , either as silly Scruplers , or seditious Schismaticks , or Rebells . For this hath been all alongs their grand project , to Level their designs against Religion , not directly & formally under that notion , but obliquely to the destruction of the Lovers & Professors of it , under the Nick-name of fanatical Enemies to Government . Of these ensnaring Engines levelled to these ends , some have been more patent & open , others more laten● & hidden ; both have made a prey of people , the last chiefly . For a snare , the more latent & hidden it be , and the more varnished over with the vermilion of pretended honesty & innocence , it is the more dangerous ; and will be ●o accounted by all the Circumspect & Cautious , as in its design more destructive , and in its effects when discovered more dolorous , than that which is more open & manifest . A hook , the bra●er that it is busked ; and the better that it is baited , the surer and more successful it is to catch the simple fish ; if it want its busking , they will not so readily bite at it . In vain is a net spread in the sight of any bird : yet , though this is a Truth , such silly birds have the bulk of us been , such silly doves without a heart , and so senslessly stupified , as to suffer our selves to be blind-folded & hood-winked into snares , of such a manifest baseness , as none could be readily supposed might fall into , who did not brutishly abandon all common sense of Reason , besides Religion : As the Test , and Oaths of arbitrary Allegiance , Bands of Conformity & irregular Regulation &c. Some again , and these Alas ! too many , have been insnared with snares of a more smooth , soft , & subtile Complexion , and poysoned with gilded arrowes , coloured over with the specious pretexts of the enemies relenting Condescendency & tenderness , stooping now to universal & general terms , obviously thought capable of a very good Construction , and daubed over with the untempered morter of the frequency of the almost universally unscroupled subscription of very good & Consciencious men , and the rarity of Recusants lying under the reproach of some few , wild , fantastical fools . These well busked hooks have caught many ; of which sort have been many banded Indemnities , and easily swallowed Oaths thereunto appended . Though the present indeed is contrived without gins of this sort , and now all these snares of Oaths and Bands are as illegally taken away as they were before imposed ; upon the same design , to catch silly fish by other methods ; not with hooks as before , but with a large spread net , to hale the whole School to Antichrists shore ; And to put to proof & practice the vastness of that Leviathan Prerogative of Absolute power , to dispense with all Oaths ; especially because , in all of them even the most monstrous , people might think there was some tye Obliging them to maintain the Protestant Religion , therefore to obliterate that , & bury it in oblivion , all now are taken away ; But the guilt of them still remains upon the Land , and the grievous Cry of sufferings for refusing them still continues ; And therefore the iniquity of them must be looked unto & lamented , and that with an eye to the account & reckoning must be rendered for thém , to a Greater Judgment than that of Creatures . But among all these destructive & diabolical devices , there have been none more charming & cheating , than that Cunningly Contrived Oath of Abjuration , as it is called , enjoined to be taken by all within the Kingdom , by a Proclamation about it Representing a late Declaration , emitted by that party whose sufferings I am vindicating ( as a Manifesto of their Grievances , and necessities to fall upon severe Resolutions towards their Enemies ) under ▪ the most odious Character , that the malice of men helped with hells hatred could devise ; And requiring all to Abjure it in the most peremptory manner , and under the severest penalty , that ever was heard . This Oath , I say , was contrived with such cunning , and followed with such keenness , that it hath involved moe under its obligation , and engaged more to subscribe it , than any other that went before it : because it hath been painted over with such pretexts , as never any before was capable of . The pressing of it hath been so impartial , upon all travelling in the Countrey &c. And their acceptance of the Pass annexed to it thought so necessary , as without it no business could be gone about . It s subscription so universally unscrupled , even by the Generality of great Professors & Ministers too ; the thing abjured represented so odious , as no honest man could refuse to renounce ; And the matter renounced , under its best aspect & Construction , esteemed only a paper Declaration , of a party very despicable , wherein the Principles , profession , or Confession of the Church seems no way concerned ; and if any way concerned , yet the Concern appearing so small , as few or none durst state their Sufferings upon that head . Yet I beleeve , if either such as have taken it , or others that may have the tentation of the like hereafter , will impartia●ly ponder it ; so much iniquity may be discovered in it , as may oblige the one to mourn in the sense of its sinfullness , and the other to beware of its danger . And so much the rather would I offer this to Consideration , that I know one who was wofully wheedled into it , that found the bitter effects of this poysoned pill in his wounded Conscience , after reflections on the deed , in such a measure that he despaired of ever recovering Peace . And this man had as much , and more to say , to justify his deed , than any that ever took it ; having it with all the advantages that ever it could be tendered with : for , being urged thereunto before the Iusticiary , he expressly refused to disoun that Declaration , and the Principles whereupon it was founded , and told them that it was misrépresented in the Proclamation : And when they yeelded to an abstract disouning of it in so far as the Proclamation represents it , or if so be it might be so represented , he gave in a sense in writ , wherein he would take it ; shewing that upon supposition the Declaration did assert such things as was represented , he would disoune it : And after the sense was accepted as satisfactorie , he refused to swear after the ordinary manner , following the Clerks blind manuduction , but behoved to have it written doun : And when it was written , with express specification of that Apologetical Declaration , he refused to swear it , till it was altered and corrected , And the Word pretended put in the stead of it : which done , before he subscribed it , he protested it might be constructed in no other sense , than the genuine meaning of the words he delivered in , and that it might not be reckoned a Complyance for fear of his life : yet not withstanding of all this , he lost the Jewel of inward peace , and knew the terror of the Lord for many dayes . Therefore I shall chiefly insist on discovering the iniquities of this last Oath , called the Abjuration Oath , both because it is the smoothest , and more generally taken than any other , and approven by many that condemns the rest , and the refusing it hath been punished by death , and most illegally pressed upon all , under the penalty thereof , as none of the rest was ; And because as all other Oaths successively imposed , were so contrived that the last did alwise imply & involve the substance of the former , So it will appear that the iniquity of none of the preceding Oaths was altogether wanting in this . But to the end , both the Complication of the iniquities of this Oath may be evidenced , and the Continued strain of all the Oaths ( which have also been heads of suffering , though not to this degree ) may be discovered ; I shall touch somewhat of all the sorts of them , And shew that their iniquity cleaves to this last Oath : And then come to canvass this Oath it self , After I have premitted some General Concessions . First , In a few Words some General Concessory propositions may be premitted . 1. That Oaths both Assertory and promissory are Lawful , will not be denyed but by Quakers &c. It is clear , Swearing is a Moral duty , and so material , that oftentimes it is used for the whole Worship of God Deut. 6. 13. Thow shalt fear the Lord thy God , and shall serve Him , and Swear by His Name Deut. 10. 20. — To Him shalt thow cleave & Swear by His Name . The reason is , because by whomsoever we swear , Him we profess to be our God , and invocate Him as witness of our hearts uprightness , & honest meaning in the thing sworn , according as it is understood by both parties , and as aveanger if we prove false . Hence every Oath which doth not bind us faster to serve & cleave to Him , is but a breach of the Third Command . Again it is not only Commanded as a duty , but qualified how it should be performed Ier. 4. 1 , 2. Where it is required of a people returning to the Lord , to Swear in Truth , in Iudgement , and in Righteousness . Hence every Oath which is not so qualified , and does not consist with a penitent frame , is sin . It is likewise promised in the Covenant , that Beleevers shall speak the language of Canaan , & swear to the Lord Isai 19. 18. every Oath then that is not in the language of Canaan , is unsuitable to Beleevers , that is to say , Consentaneous to the Word of God , and Confession of our faith . Again , He that sweareth in the earth shall swear by the God of Truth Isai. 65. 16. and therefore that Oath which is not according to Truth , is dishonourable to the God of Truth . If all the Oaths imposed upon Scotland these many years , were examined by these Touch-stones , they would be found all naught . So giving Bands for security , which for obligation are equivalent to promissory Oaths , are also Lawful materially : but with the same qualifications , otherwise they are sinful . 2. This duty when suitably discharged , truely , judiciously , righteously , in the fear of God , according to His. Will , is in many cases very necessary . Not onely in vowes , in which God is the party , in matters morally necessary , to keep the righteous Iudgements of God , Psal. 119. 106. Nor only in National Covenants for Reformation , and promoting the Interest of Christ , whereof we find many Instances in Scripture , in Moses , Ioshua , Asa , Hezekiah , Iosiah , Ezra , Nehemiah , their making & renewing such Covenants by Oath , coming under the dreadful Curse of it if they should break it . And this may make our hearts meditate Terror , for the universal unparalelled Breach of Solemn Covenants with God , that exposes the Nation to the Curse of it . But also in humane Transactions , whereunto God is invocated as a Witness ; as in National Transactions , at choosing & inaugurating their Magistrates , for security of Religion & Liberties , as we have many examples in Scripture . Seldome indeed do such bonds hold Tyrants , but it is this Generations indeleble brand & bane , that without this they have come under the yoke of ineluctable slavery , and have entailed it upon posterity . As likewise in Contracts & mutuàl Compacts of Friendship or stricter Association , when Edification or other Sa●faction or security Calls for it , as Iacob sware to Laban , David to Ionathan &c. In which the matter must be clear , & mutually understood , & honestly meant , without ( equivocation & mental Reservation , and all ambiguity , as also possible & likely to continue so : for otherwise , it were but a mocking of God & man , to swear a thing we either cannot or will not perform , according to the meaning of him in whose favours the Oath is given . But withall we ought to be sparing in such things , except where the matter of the Oath or Band is weighty & necessary , & not multiply them needlessly upon formality or Custom : for if there were suitable Confidence in one another , there would not be need for so many of these securities . And specially in Relative stipulations betwixt man & wife &c. Where an indissolvable relation is entered into . And in a particular manner , even in things Civil , when we are called thereunto by a Lawful maigstrate , for deciding of Contraversies , or our oun vindication , or to Confirm our Obligation to some duty , An Oath for Confirmation is an end of all strif● Heb. 6. 16. But alwise in this the matter must be Lawful , according to the will of God , and true , & certainly known , and also necessary , weighty , useful , worthy of such Confirmation , for the Glory of God , and the good of our Neighbour , that His Holy Name be not ●aken in vain ; for otherwise if the matter be false , God is made Witness of a lie ; if uncertain , Conscience Conde●ns us that we know not , nor care not , what we call God Witness to ; if unlawful , then God is called to approve what He hath comdemned , and so to contradict Himself which is horrid Blasphemy . With all which Cases , if we compare & examine all these Delusory Oaths , & hell-devised Impositions on Consciences in these dayes , obtruded to debauch & insnare them ; Not one of them , levelling all at one design , how smoothly soever conceived , can be taken without a wound & wramp to the Conscience . 3. Of all these Cases , only two are applicable to our imposed Transactions with our wicked Rulers , to wit , in the matter of friendly Contracts , or in the matter of Judicial Appearances before them , and Swearing and Banding before them , and to them . In both which , there must be a sort of Confederation with them . In Contracts with them it will not be doubted : And in Judicial submitting to their Authoritative Impositions of such Securities , it is evident , there must be also a Confederation with them , not only in acknowledging their Authority , but in coming under mutual exacted stipulations ; wherein , by taking these Oaths & Bands , we give them security of orderly ●ubjection , as members of the Community whereof they are Judges , and get their security of acquittance , and that we shall not be molested nor prosecuted among the Recusan●s . Now concerning this Confederation , I shall concede in two cases it may be ouned , and Consequentially Oaths & Bands may be given to men of their stamp . 1. A Confederation which is more Discretive or Discriminative may be allowed to them ; that is , such bargains wherein they and we are kept still divided as two parties , and not under one Incorporation , as in Contracts of Conhabitation , liveing under them as Tenants , buying & selling , and the like . But we cannot enter into a Confederation unitive with them , which may make us one body or party . 2. A Confederation which is necessary & unavoidable ; when either an unavoidable strife or contention doth arise between them & us , whereupon we are compelled to answer in Law , and can no otherwise be decided but by our Oath of Confirmation , which is an end of all strife ; or when we are falsly accused of some odious & heinous Crime , as of Murder or Adultery : It is then Lawful & necessary to vindicate our selves , by giving all these Legal Confirmations that we are free of these things ; for otherwise to lye under the imputation of such enormities , were shamefully scandalous to Religion . But we cannot allow any Transactions of this sort , which are elective & voluntary , to make or pursue either peace or pleas with them , when our oun Interest or benefit draweth us thereunto , but ere we go to Law or give Oaths & Bonds to and before the unjust and perfidious , and such also as we cannot oune as Magistrates , we would rather take wrong & suffer our selves to be defrauded , as the Apostle adviseth 1 Cor. 6. 1 , 7. It was not unlawful , as Expositors shew from that place , for the Corinthians to answer in Law for their oun vindication , being pursued by a Heathen , but it was utterly a fault to go voluntarly one with another . And if to pursue a brother was a fault , then much more to go to Law with an Apostate , with whom there should be less medling . And if to go before the unjust Magistrates , as these Heathen Judges were at Corinth who yet were Magistrats , was utterly a fault , then much more to go before such as have neither rightful nor righteous Authority at all : Which yet must be acknowledged , if we take Oaths & Bands before them ; for none can exact these but acknowledged Magistrates . Hence it is apparent , it would be an Elective Confederation with these wicked Usurping Judges , when brought before them to take their tendered Oaths and Bands , not as parties pursued before them , but as transacting with them , with whom as well as before whom we must give these Confirming Securities : And so not only must we acknowledge them to be Gods , among whom the Lord ●itteth , whose Holy Name is interposed in such Solem Transactions , but also we must swear & enter in bands to them as they require . This indeed is necessar when called before them against our will , and accused of horrid Crimes ; as was alwayes in the imposition of the Oath of Abjuration audaciously imputed to the Refusers , that they asserted Murdering Principles , and ounéd it Lawful to kill all that served the King ; In such a Case , to declare with the most solemn Asseverations , for vindication of Truth , that we disoune not only all such Assertions , but all such thoughts as that it is Lawful to kill all that serve the King , or any that serve him because they serve him , or because they have injured us any manner of way , & to declare our abhorrence of all Murder & Assassinations . But to swear such things to them , when we are altogether innocent , would be a granting that we were legally suspect , by offering a legall purgation . And so all the Subjects of Scotland should take upon them to purge themselves from a suspicion of Murder , which were odious . And to abjure a Declaration as asserting such things , when it asserts no such thing , is a Swearing to a lie . 4. All Solemn Securities of Oaths , or Bonds that are Sacred Promises , are stricti juris of most strict & indispensible obligation , as Mr Durham on the Third Command shewes in many cases : No mans loss or private prejucice can make it void ( though we swear to our oun hurt we must not change Psal. 15. 4. ) Nor indifferency in the matter , if once engaged in ( for then our Souls are bound Numb . 30. 2. ) Nor deceit of others , if the deceit be circumstantial only , as in the Gibeonites case : Nor the exstortion of it by fear or violence , if the matter be Lawful : Nor rashness and sin in the manner , if Lawful in the matter , as with the Gibeonites : Nor another meaning afterwards devised , not according to the Imposers mind , nor our oun at first who took it ( that 's but a swearing deceitfully Psal. 24. 4. ) Nor any good meaning or design in reversing the Oath ( Saul was punished for breaking his Oath with the Gibeonites , out of zeal 2 Sam. 21. 2. ) Nor though the Oath be conceived by Creatures , ( as by the Altar or Temple &c. Math. 23. 20-22 . Nor when the thing becomes impossible , if that possibility could have been foreseen or prevented : Nor any other secret meaning , by equivocation or mental reservarion , which are abominable : Nor any Dispensation from Pope Or King : Nor any other posterior Oath . None of these things can make an Oath void , but if we have bound our selves God will require it ; for who so despises an Oath , by breaking the Covenant , when lo he hath given his hand be shall not escape , God will recompense it Ezek. 17. 18 , 19. They are null indeed & of no force , when they become bonds of iniquity tying to things unlawful or impossible ; or when the thing sworn is not in our oun power Numb . 30. 5. Or when there is deceit in it , not in Circumstantialls only , but in Essentialls ; Or when it hinders a greater good ; when the case Materially altereth ; or when the party sworn to relaxeth us . All these do condemn the horrid breach of the Sacred & Solemn League & Covenant , and Confutes the perverting & wresting the words of it in the third Article , as if it did oblige to Allegiance to Tyrants ; for in that case the obligation is unlawful , and there is a deceit in essentialls , and the case materially altereth ( for in the Covenant we are bound to the King , not to a Tyrant ) and the party sworn to hath relaxed us long ago , by annulling the Covenant yet all these things prove , that the Covenant is still in force : And that all the Oaths & bonds contradictory to it , are sinful : and yet , thô it be sinful to take them , and sinful to keep them , it is nevertheless perjury to break them , especially to them whose erroneous conscience is bound by them , under a Notion of their Lawfulness . And in a special manner , it is here conspicuous , how deceitful a jugle that sinful shift of many hath been , that they could subscribe an unlawful bond under a penalty ; As for example , to answer to their Courts , or to go to Church , or separate from the persecuted Meetings of the Lords people , under such a penalty , which they thought to pay the penalty would clear them of , as if it were only an Alternative band . The iniquity of this Juggle will appear , if we consider , such Bonds cannot be Alternative : for Alternatives are alwayes disjunctive , binding equally either to this or that ; and the one Alternative is no more determinately enjoyned by the Imposer , than the other . And so , if these Bonds were Alternative , it should be in the binders choise , whether to Answer the Court , go to Church , to separate Meetings ; Or pay so much money . But it is not so , for the Stipulation & promise is determinate to the obligation , for which the bond is required , and the penalty is annexed , as a punishment of the breach of that obligation . And that fancy of cluding the bond by paying the penalty , would quite enervate all security among men , in their mutual compacts of that nature ; and under that pretence , they might give a satisfactory Complyance to the most wicked imposed obligation imaginable● to subscribe the Turks Alcoran , with a reserved intention only to pay the imposed penalty . Which Reservation is so far from being suitable to that Christian Simplicity the Gospel requires , that it does not answer that Moral honesty that our concern in the good of humane Societie calls for . It s incumbent on all that expect to Dwell in Gods Holy hill , to have this requisite qualification for one , though they swear to their oun hurt they will not change it , and they must be far from swearing deceitfully : And Consequently , if they bind themselves by a promise , which a Christian should be no less tender of than of his Oath , they must keep it . And besides , to condescend that that penalty or fine should be paid , by our selves or friends in our behalf , were to condescend that these Enemies should be enriched by our oun or the spoil of our friends , upon the account of the forfeiture of our promise ; which seems such a dishonest & dishonourable thing , that an honest heart would disdain it . And though this should be flouted as foolish preciseness , to choose rather to lye still & suffer in such a case ; yet it may be considered that Christs Cross , even with reproaches , is alwise a better Choise , than the works Ease , purchased at any price which is a hire for Christs enemies . 5. All Divines and Casuists do grant , that an Oath must be taken in his sense & meaning who tenders it , and in whose favours it is conceived : because Oaths and Bonds are for security , and therefore whosoever would deal honestly & Christianly in taking an Oath , must take in the sense that it is understood by such as impose it : Otherwise the Holy Name of God should be taken in vain , and the swearers & promisers shall deal deceitfully , in frustrating the end of the Oath or bond , and the design of the tenderers thereof . And therefore , as Reason & Religion requires , that all Oaths or Bonds be so conceived and enunciated , that all concerned may understand them , and if there be any doubt how far they bind , the Imposers should explain the same , as Abraham did to his servant : So Conscience requires , that they be alwayes taken in the Imposers sense , and as they discover their sense & sentiments of them , and not according to the meaning that we may think the words Capable of ; Nor yet according to the wheedling explications that they may give or allow , which are as deceitful & insnaring as the things themselves . Nor is it to be looked upon as a favour to get a Liberty to put a sense upon them , contrary to their known meaning ; for that is but a Liberty to mock God , to mock others , and our selves too , and nothing but a snare to the Conscience . And to put a Gloss upon printed Oaths or Bonds , which in strict Construction they will not bear , and then to subscribe them inte●ninis as offered , is not only an intangling our selves into the bond of sinful Oaths & Bonds , but to stumble the Godly , and harden the wicked in the present , and to mock posterity in future ages ; who shall see the Oaths in terminis subscribed , but not the sense they were taken in , See Apolog. Relat. Sect. 14. It is known by manifold experiences that it is dangerous to hearken to their overtures who study to ensnare us , but far more hurtful & hateful to propound overtures to them . For they interpret it a Ceding and giving ground , and when they see a man begining to yeeld , then they will seem to be very condescending , even to accept of litle at first that they may draw him on to more : like cuning Anglers , sometimes recoyling & drawing back the well baited & busked hook , to invite the poor unwary fish to pursue , and sometimes leting it run away with the hook , when it begins to bite kindly : So when thy find a man offering & ready to accept of Accommodations , they will be very yeelding and easie , but with a design to hook him . But Conscience can find no safety at present , nor satisfaction afterwards in accommodations with them . For it is plain to all that are not blinded with Ignorance , or partiality , or a Judicial stroak , that our Imposers are such sons of Belial as cannot be taken with hands , or by the hand ; And if we reflect upon the matters upon which these Accommodations are to be offered or accepted , they are not things upon which we may come & go , upon our discretion , as we do with our oun particulars , or with Problems to be disputed , or ambiguous propositions capable of different senses ; but matters so & so circumstantiate , as do require the positive determinate Judgement of the Conscience , Concerns of Truth & falshood , duty & sin , which cannot admit of Accommodation , or dispensation , or Reservation , or any other sense than the Imposers and they that state their Inquisition about such things do oune , and are observably known to have & maintain about them . Otherwise , all other forged Accommodations are but tampering tricks , jugling with juglers , deceiving the deceivers , in such a way as does not well consist with the simplicity of the Gospel , or the doves innocency : for what is that but a swearing or promising deceitfully ! Psal. 24. 4. a conceiving & uttering from the heart words of falshood Isai. 59. 13. a false Oath Zech. 8. 17. which are hateful to God , who will be a swift Witness against 〈◊〉 swearers Mal. 3. 5. Neither will they be so easily deceived , for they will readily yeeld to accommodations , or any tolerable sense that we can put upon their snares ; for they reckon that a yeelding in part , and are glead to find us so far justifying their acts & impositions , as by our offer practically to declare they bear a good sense , and they will come many wayes to our hand to get us kooked so . Secondly , These things being premitted , I shall offer Reasons why it was necessary in point of Conscience , to Refuse all the Oaths hitherto tendered , and Consequently Consciencious Sufferers upon this Account will be vindicated . And first some General Reasons against all of them together , and Then a Word to each sort of them . 1. There is one General Argument , that will Condemn coming in any terms of Oaths or Bonds with that party , that have broken the Covenant , overturned the Reformation , and destroyed the people of the Lord : Because such Transactions with them ( as is hinted above ) are a sort of Confederacy with the known Enemies of Truth & Godliness , importing a voluntary subjection to them , Complyance & Incorporation with them , as members of the same Community , whereof they are acknowledged to be head . Now all such sort of Confederacy with such malignant Enemies of God and of the Church , is unlawful , as Mr. Gillespie demonstrates in his Useful Case of Conscience , concerning Associations & Confederacies with Idolaters , or any known Enemies of Truth & Godliness . Though Civil Compacts for common Commerce may be allowed , as Abram was confederate with Aner , Eshcol , & Mamre Gen. 14. 13. Iacob Covenanted with Laban by way of Lawborrowes Gen. 31. 44. But Sacred Confederations of this sort , are unlawful from these Arguments . 1. The Law of God condemns them Exod. 23. 32. Thow shalt make no Covenant with them , nor with their gods , they shall not dwell in thy Land , lest they make thee sin against me — Where not only Religious Covenants are discharged in a tolleration of their Idolatry , but familiar Conversation also , they shall not dwell in thy Land. If then we must not suffer them , if in Capacity , sure we must far less be imposed upon by them ; if we are not to be familiar with heathens , far less with Apostates , that calls themselves Christians : for the Apostle layes much more restraint from communion with them , than with Pagans 1 Cor. 5. 10 , 11. The reason of the Law , lest they make thee sin , as long therefore as there is that hazard of sinning , the Law obliges to that caution . So Exod. 34. 12-16 . Take heed to thy self lest thow make a Covenant with the inhabitants of the Land — lest it be a snare — but ye shall destroy their Altars — lest thow make a Covenant with them — and they go a whoring after their gods and thow take of their daughters unto thy sons — Here again , all Sacred Transactions are discharged , upon a Moral & perpetually binding ground , and all Toleration is prohibited , and Conjugal Affinity . Such complyance brought on the first desolating Judgment , the flood on the old world ( Gen. 6. 1 , 2 , 3. ) when the Godly conformed & incorporated themselves , and joined in affinity with that ungodly crew , from whom they should have separated themselves . Likewise Deut. 7. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. — Thow shalt make no Covenant with them , nor shew mercy unto them , neither shalt thow make marriages with them — for they will turn away thy son from following Me — so shall the anger of the Lord be kindled against yow — but thus shall ye deal with them , ye shall destroy their Altars . Where all Transactions with a people devoted to destruction are discharged , even that of tolleration of Malignant enemies ; according to which precept , David resolveth to destroy early all the wicked of the Land , and cut off all wicked doers from the City of the Lord Psal. 101. 8. Mark this All , of what degree or quality so ever , without respect of persons . And lest it should be thought this is meant only of these seven Nations there enumerate , the Law is interpreted by the Spirit of God of many other Nations ; where Solomon is condemned for joining in affinity with other wicked people , besides these 1 King. 11. 1 , 2. So that it is to be understood generally : against Confederacies with all , to whom the Moral ground is applicable , & the danger of insnaring the people of God. It is clear likewise , we must have nothing to do with the wicked , but to treat them & with them as enemies Psal. 139. 21 , 22. with whom as such there can be no Confederation ; for that supposes alwayes the enmity is laid aside , but that can never be between the Professors of Religion and the professed Enemies thereof : but that must alwayes be the language of their Practice , Depart from me ye workers of iniquity , for the Lord hath heard me Psal. 6. 8. The command is peremptory & perpetual , for sake the foolish , Prov. 9. 6. make no friendship with them , Prov. 22. 24. Say not a Confederacy to them Isai. 8. 12. Where it is clear from the opposition in that Text , betwixt Confederating with the wicked and the fear of God , that the one is not consistent with the other . There is an express discharge to yoke or have any fellowship with them 2 Cor. 6. 14. to the end — for what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? — what Concord hath Christ with Belial ? — wherefore come out from among them and be separate — 2. Many fad & sharp reproofs for such Transactions & Confederations , do conclude the same thing Iud. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. — Isaid — ye shall make no league with the Inhabitants of this Land , yow shall throw doun their Altars , but yow have not obeyed my voice , why have yow done this ? Wherefore — I will not drive them out from before yow — It cannot be expected , the Lord will drive out these enemies , if we swear subjection & Allegiance , & come under Confederations with them ; for thereby we contribute actively to their settlement & establishment , and bring our selves not only under the miserie , but the guilt of strengthening the hands of evil doers . So Ier. 2. the people of God are reproved , for making themselves home born slaves ; how ? by out-Landish Confederacies vers . 18. Now what hast thow to do in the way of Egypt , to drink the waters of Sihor ? or what hast thow to do in the way of Assyria ? — The Chaldee Paraphrase hath it , Nunc ergo quid vobis contrahendo Societatem cum Pharaone rege Egyptiorum ? — & quid vobis percutiendo faedus cum Assyria . — What have yow to do Associate with Pharaoh King of Egypt ? and what have yow to do to make a Covenant with the Assyrian ? So may we say , what have we to do to take their Oaths & Bonds , that are as great enemies as they were . Ephraim is reproved for mixing himself among the people Hos. 7. 8. by making Confederacies with them ; what followes ? he is a Cake not turned , hot in the neither side , zealous for earthly things , but cold & raw in the upperside , remiss in the things of Christ. And this we have seen in our experience to be the fruit of such bargains , or bonds , or Oaths , that they that were ingaged in them , have alwise in some measure fallen from their former fervor for Christ. Nay we shall find , that such Transactions are seldom or never recorded in the Book of God without a reproof , or some greater Mark of Gods displeasure put upon them ; which doubtless ●s set purposely as beacons , that we may beware of them . And therefore . 3. We may take notice of many disallowed & condemned examples , on which the Lord sets marks of wrath , as Ahabs Covenant with Benhadad , 1 King. 20. 32. to the end : Asa's Covenant with Benhadad , which the Prophet calls a foolish deed 2 Chron. 16. from begin . to vers . 10. proceeding from an evil heart of unbelief ; as all such Transactions are over-awed Complyances . Iehosaphats with Abab hath the same Censure , though he kept himself free of Ahabs Idolatrie , and Ahab seemed to have been penitent before he joined with him , and his relation to him was very near , the enemy of both was an Infidel , the cause was good to recover a city of refuge , the manner of his proceeding was Pious consulting the Prophets , and his end good ; yet all this did not justify that wickedness , related 2 Chron. 18. and reproved 2 Chron. 19. 2. Iehu the Prophet is sent to him , Should thow love them that hate the Lord ? therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord. After this , when he joined himself with Ahaziah , who did very wickedly , the Lord brake his works 2 Chron. 20. 35. to the end : which made him afterwards mend his fault , for he would not again joine with him , when he sought the like Association 1 King. 22. 49. So Amaziah's bargain with the Israelites , when the Lord was not with them , is condemned by the Prophet , admonishing him to disjoyne himself from them 2 Chron. 25. 7-10 . And Ahaz his bargain with Tiglath-Pilnasser the Assyrian 2 Chron. 28. 16. &c. is plainly disallowed . 4. The complaints , Confessions , & Lamentations of the Lords people , mourning over this sin , demonstrate the evil of it Ezra , 9. 14. Should we again break thy Commandments , & join in affinity with the people of these abominations ? wouldst not thow be angry with us , till thow hadst consumed us , so that there should be no remnant nor escaping ? Psal. 106. 35. They were mingled among the heathen and learned their works . All these commands , Reproofs , Examples , & complaints , are written for our learning ; and being seriously laid to heart , will sufficiently scare all the fearers of God , to Join but stand aloof from all complyances , conjurations , or confederacies with the enemies of God , directly or indirectly , formally or interpretatively , for fear of partaking of their sins and receiving of their plagues . I insist the more largely on this Argument , both because it will conclude that for which these proofs are adduced , to condemn all bonding or bargaining with Malignant Enemies ; And because it will vindicate the aversion of this poor persecuted Remnant , from associating in expeditions of war , with promiscuous subverters & perverters of the cause , on which it were not so proper to my purpose to dilate any discourse in a distinct head , while I must confine my self only to the heads of Sufferings . Only because it may be Objected , and it will be profitable to consider it , that these Scriptures disprove only voluntary & elective confederations with the wicked , but cannot condemn necessitated subscriptions of Lawful Obligations , when the matter is not sinful ; Nor come they home to the case of Prisoners , who are constrained to transact & treat , and have to do with the men in power : Otherwise , if all bonds were unlawful , then Prisoners might not procure Liberty for longer or shorter time , upon bond & bail to answer again when called ; Which yet is generally approven , and practised without scruple , and seems not to want a precedent in Scripture , in that Iason gave such security Act. 17. 9. I shall therefore subjoin here some considerations , by way of Answer to this . 1. These Scriptures disprove all Covenants Exod. 23. 32. All confederacies Isai. 8. 12. all concord or aggreement with the men of Belial 2 Cor , 6. 15. and , without distinction of voluntary or over-awed Transactions , all Unitive aggreements of whatsoever sort are discharged , and can no more be restricted to the particulars there specified , as if any other Covenant , confederacy , or concord might be Lawful that were not a joining in Marriage , an assotiating in war , or communion in Worship with them , than the Moral grounds of these Prohibitions can be so restricted : for the hazard of sin & snares , the hurt of faithless fears , from whence they flow , and the hatefulness of such unequal Conjunctions , which are the grounds & reasons of these Laws , as may be seen in these forecited places , cannot be restricted to the particulars specified . But now all the tendered Oaths & Bonds of our Adversaries , when subscribed as they require , yea even those Transactions of Prisoners for procuring their Liberty , on terms of engaging to re-enter themselves according to aggreement with their persecuters , are Unitive Covenants or Conditional aggreements , giving solemn securities for their respective obligations , upon terms wherein both parties accord : for these bonds are given to them , and not only before them , as was said . They are confederacies of the Subjected , seeking the peace & favours of their superiours , which when over-awed are sinful to be made with wicked Enemies of Religion , as well as when unconstrained , for Ahaz his transaction with the Assyrian , was forced out of fear , and yet it is called a sinful confederacy , not to be homologated by any of the fearers of the Lord Isai. 8. 12. They are concords and aggreements with the unrighteous sons of Belial , and not about common matters , but matters wherein Religion & Righteousness are nearly concerned : Can any think that these Commands are given with exception of Prisoners ? And that if any Isralite was Prisoner to these Nations , he might make a Covenant with them for his Liberty , upon an engagment to render himself Prisoner to them again ? Then he might give bond to Gods devoted enemies , to bind up his hands from prosecuting the war with them , which all Israel was obliged to do : for if they might Covenant subjection to them , then it would have been their sin to rebel , as it was Zedekiahs sin to rebel against Nebuchadnezzar , because it was breach of Covenant : And so there might be a case , wherein the Israelites , notwithstanding of all these Prohibitions , would bee obliged not to destroy , nor break doun their Altars , to wit , if they made such a bargain with them for their Liberty , to surrender themselves as their subjects . Now we read , many times they were brought under subjection , and that as a punishment of their leaguing with them , and yet they broke the yoke , when they cried unto the Lord , and never submitted any longer than they were able to deliver themselves . Whence it is plain , that they never bound themselves to such subjection by Oath , bond , or promise , for that would have been no mercy which was purchased by Treachery . 2. It is a voluntary compact with the men in power , to procure Liberty upon bond to answer again , and cannot be called necessitated ; or if it be , it is but a necessitated sin . It must be voluntary , because it is an act of the will , and the will cannot be forced ; It s the Consent of the will , and the Consent cannot but be voluntary , in so far as it is a Consent ; and by this , whereas before their so procured Liberty they were prisoners by Constraint , now when they must return to prison , they are prisoners by Consent : It s the prisoners Choise , whether he will come out upon these terms or not , and every Choise in so far as it is a Choise , is elective & voluntary : It s put to the mans choise whether he wil continue under the Cross , and continue his Testimony for the cause , or surcease from it for a time , the Latter in the case is chosen . It s the prisoners desire and petition , to transact with them in these terms for Liberty without which no benefit of any such bond can be procured , and every desire is voluntary . Yea it is a formal Compact & Capitulation with them , binding & obliging these bonders by their oun word & writ , at least to be at their Call & Command , not by Compulsion & force now , but by the Moral obligation of their oun compact : Now every such compact is voluntary . And therefore , if all voluntary Covenants , Confederacies , & Aggreements be discharged in Scripture , then this bond of Compearance also must be discharged . The Judgement of famous Mr Rutherfoord , of a draught of a petition to have been presented to the Committee of Estates , by those Ministers who were prisoners in the Castle of Edinburgh , will confirm what is said : we find it in the Third part of his Letters Numb . 63. where are these words , I am straitned as another suffering man , but dare not petition this Committee . 1. Because it drawes us to Capitulate with such as have the advantage of the mount , the Lord of disposing for the present , and to bring the matters of Christ to yea and no ( yow being prisoners , and they the powers , is a hazard . 3. This Aggreement with the Enemies for Liberty , upon these terms , is sinful . For it is not only an acknowledgment of a wicked power , in ouning & transacting with them as Judges , who can free them and bind them as prisoners by Law , which is disproved above : But it is a binding themselves over to a pacqued , perverse , & Law-perverting Judicatory , not as prisoners by forcible constraint , but a willing consent , ackowledging the Legality of their imprisonment , and obliging themselves to observe it when demanded : yea it is a Covenanted & bonded obedience to a wicked Law ; for it is a wicked Law , to exact from a Sufferer for Truth , his re-entrie to prison , for no crime but his duty . As also it is a justifying of a wicked sentence , for it is a wicked sentence , that an innocent man shall return to prison when they please ; which is justified when they bind themselves to obey it . This is nowise like a mans going to the Gibbet on his oun feet ; for the man does not bind himself to do that , neither is it exacted of him as an obedience to a Law , nor is it given forth as a part of his sentence , Only he chooseth it for his oun ease : But if all these did concur , it were unlawful for a Martyr for Righteousness to obey such a Law , or voluntarly to submit to such a wicked sentence . Neither is it of any pertinency to urge , that it is Lawful for a man to submit so far to a Robber , as to bind himself to return to him against such a day with another purse to him : For this is a necessitated bargain , to give what a man hath and promise more to save his life , and is like a mans casting his goods out at sea to save the ship ; The other is not so but elective : This is only a Choise of the least of two evils of suffering , but the other is a choise of one of two evils which is sin , which cannot come under a Christians election at all : This is a compact with the Robber , which is still discretive , and nowise unitive of the Robber & him , in any bargain of concord or consederacy or acknowledged subjection , only a passive surrender to his greater force as an enemy ; But the other is unitive , as between Rulers & Ruled : This is not any obedience to a Law , nor is the mans purse required to be given or promised under that notion , as the other is , I shall here also subjoin some more of that foresaid Letter of Mr Rutherfoords , In the 2 place , sayes he , A speaking to them in writ , and passing in silence the sworn Covenant & the cause of God , which is the very present Controversie , is contrary to the practice of Christ and the Apostles , who being accused or not accused avouched Christ to be the Son of God , and the Messias , and that the dead must rise again , even when the Adversarie mistated the question ; Now plain it is , that neither in the bonds nor petitions , is there any word of the cause or Testimony suffered for . 4. As it is sinful , so it is very scandalous in several respects ; in that at least it hath the appearance of evil , which Christians should abstain from 1 Thes. 5. 22. and seems to be a voluntary subjecting themselves to their Impositions ( at least of that to return to prison again ) a willing acknowledgment of their unjust Usurpations ; a spontaneous consenting to their Mischiefs framed into a Law , & exacted under the Notion of a Law ; A gratifying of the enemies of Religion , and pleasing them more than any thing a prisoner can do , except he should wholly deny the cause ; and therefore chiefly always this overture is most acceptable from those that durst give any Testimony , because they look upon it as some indication of their fainting or falling from it , or of their wearying of the Cross of Christ , of which they are very glad ; And an offending and making sad the hearts & condemning the practice , of some truly tender & zealous Confessors of Christ , who have had strong tentations to make such transactions , and durst not yeeld so far for a world ; yea it is certainly an Argument of faithless fear , & impatient wearying of the Cross because of the fury of the Oppressor , which the Lord taxeth , when the Captive hasteneth that he may be loosed , and that he should not die in the pit , nor that his bread should fail , which is a dishonour to Him who hath promised to bear their charges , and hath given them many encouragments to trust , that He will open a door in His oun time & way , see Isai. 51. 13 , 14. Of this Rutherfoord addeth in that forecited Letter , Silence of the cause of God which Adversaries persecute , seems a tacite deserting of the cause , when the state of of the Question is known to beholders , and I know the Brethren intend not to leave the cause . And a litle after , sayes he , The draught of that petition which yow sent me , speaks not one word of the Covenant of God , for the adhering to which yow now suffer , and which is the Object of mens hatred , and the destruction whereof is the great work of the times ; and your silence in this nick of time ) appears to be a not confessing of Christ before men , and yow want nothing to begen an uncleanly deliverance , but the profession of silence : which is professed by all , that petition for such a bond , when their address & transaction speaks no more in favours of the cause , than if they denied it . It is plainly a coming out of prison without a Testimony , which cannot consist with faithful & zealous suffering for Christ , and is far from the choise of Christs Witnesses , who overcame by the blood of the Lamb and the Word of their Testimony , recorded Heb. 11. 35. — who were tortured not accepting de●iverance , that they might obtain a better resurection . 5. As it is Scandalous , so it is very inconvenient & unsuitable for the Confessors of Christ. In that not only they may be ignorant , and much troubled to know , what underhand ●ealings their friends may use sometimes to procure that Liberty without acquainting them , and how odiously their Act of deliverance may be worded & registred to the prejudice of the cause , which they dare not testify against afterwards when they do know it , for fear of many inconveniencies . But also it cannot be vindicated from being a dishonourable shifting , and puting off , or casting off the Call of a Testimony ; and confessing either an inconstancy , or impatience or unreadiness , or want of resolution , to confess or profess the Testimony for Christ , without some respyte to gather new defences for it : Whereas Christs Witnesses should be ready always to give an Answer , to every man that asketh them , a reason of the hope that is in them 1 Pet. 3. 15. And besides they involve themselves into the incumbrances of a doubtful suspence about the event , whereas if they keep their first resolution & condition with cheerfullness , aloof from such bargains , they know the utmost they have to fear or hope from men . But now , as it is Hard for them to come off without some sinful engagment , and to continue any measure of faithfulness when they are out , for fear of being soon called again ; so they bring themselves into many sad difficulties , how to behave , and cast themselves into many tentations unadvoidably . However except of late , a precedent of this practice can hardly be instanced among the Sufferers of Christ in former times , but on the contrary many have refused such offers . I shall only name one ; In the persecution of Qeen Mary of England , Dr Sands Prisoner at London , had the offer of Liberty , upon the terms of such a bond , finding bail to appear when he should be called , but refused it absolutely ; and when a Gentleman without his knowledge , having procured it by giving a thowsand pound Bond for him , brought him forth and required his consent and observance of the obligation , he would not consent to give any security , and denied his resolution to observe it in the least ; whereupon the Gentleman very courteously told him , he would stand to his hazard . This was far more like the innocency of the dove , but this new prudence resembles more the wisdom of the serpent . Finally as for Iasons business , which is so much harped upon by these Bonders . ( 1 ) These were Rulers that he had to deal with all , and not raging Tyrants ( 2 ) They were indifferent Arbiters between Iason and the Lewd fellowes that troubled him , and not both Judge & party ; he gave no security to his persecuters , as these Bonders do , but to the true Judges of the cause , who impartially took cognizance of it , from whom Iason might & did expect right ( 3 ) This was before he was Prisoner , being as free as his accusers , and having the Law as free for him as it was for them ; whereby he could vindicate himself and abide the Law , and be absolved by it : which does not answer the case of Prisoners , actually ingaged in & called to a Testimony for Christ , when there is no Law but what is established in opposition to Christ. ( 4 ) In the Original it is , when they got satisfaction from him , that is , when he so cleared himself , that they could not fasten any transgression upon him , then they absolved him . 2. All these Oaths & solemn Securities that have been imposed in these times , are dreadful & heinous breaches of the Third Command , by taking His Name in vain in the worst sort , whereby the takers cannot be holden guiltless . For it is impossible such Oaths & Bonds ; however they be constructed , can ever be taken with these requisite qualifications necessary to be observed in all Oaths ( and consequently in all Solemn promises or Bonds ) that are mentioned once for all Ier. 4. 2. where one that sweareth must do it , in Truth , in Iudgement , & in Righteousness . 1. They cannot be taken in Truth , which is a necessary qualification in all Oaths ; according to the definition of a true Oath ; Which is , a Solemn Invocation of God , for Confirmation of some true . Lawful , grave , and weighty , Useful , & worthy business , wherein He is attested & appealed unto , that He , as the only Searcher of hearts , may give His Testimony to the Truth of the thing , and punish the Swearer if he swear not in Truth . And this Swearing in Truth does import & require , both Sincerity of the heart , filled with Reverence and the awful apprehension of a present God ; And Simplicity of the mind , well informed of the genuine meaning of the Oath , that we have clear uptaking of it , and take it not implicitely but with our oun understanding ; And also singleness & honesty of the intention , that it be not to deceive , by puting any other sense than the imposer hath , or will allow when he understands it : So the meaning must be clear , and such as may be obviously gathered from the Words , and according as they are supposed to be understood by others , especially them that exact the Oath ; for if they mean one thing and we another , Gods Name is profaned , and the end of the Oath frustrate , and so all equivocations & mental reservations are condemned ; As all Divine treating on Oaths teach , and worthy Mr Durham particularly ▪ on the Third Command , who Asserts , that though we could devise some other meaning , that might seem to make for us ; yet if that was not meant at first tendering , but otherwise understood by him that did take it , it will not absolve from the guilt of perjurie ; for an Oath is stricti juris ▪ and will not admit on any respct or account of interpretations , prejudicial to the Native Truth of it , lest it should be found to be ( according to Psal. 24. 4. ) a swearing deceitfully . And afterwards he sayes , Much less will it exempt a man from guilt , that in swearing he had a meaning of the words , contrary to what in common sense they bear , and in the construction of all indifferent persons sine juramento or extra , but it should be plain , single , & clear . And Pareus saith in Catech Urs. Part. 2. quest . 102. Sancitum est Iuramentum , ut sit vinculum veritatis inter homines , & Testimonium quod Deus sit Author & Desensor veritatis . An Oath hath the Divine Sanction , that it might be a bond of verity among men , and a Testimony that God is the Author & defender of Truth , Now none of these Oaths & Bonds can be taken in Truth ; for if they may be safely taken in any sense : it must be such as the Oath in the design of the Imposers cannot bear , and which the Imposers never intended , nor would they ever have allowed , if they had understood it ; which industriously the Takers have a care they should not understand , and so they must take it in that sense cum animo fallendi which cannot be in Truth , but most derogatory both to the Truth & simplicity of the Gospel . And they are all unclear & ambiguous , which cannot be taken in Truth , because they have no Truth in them , as Dr. Sanderson saith De Iur. Promiss . Oblig . Prael . 6. §. 10. a Proposition of an ambiguous & indefinite sense , before the matter be distinguished , is not a true proposition ; yea nor a proposition at all : for a proposition , as its definition cleareth , should signify either a truth or a falshood , without any ambiguity : And therefore , sayes he , such Oaths should be supected , that there is some deceit lurking , and every pious & prudent man should refuse them , offered under such terms , cited by Apol. Relat Sect. 10. Pag. 118. & Sect. 14. Pag. 267. In fine , None of them can be taken in Truth : since they are all a denying the Truth , as will be evident by the induction of all of them ; Which how it can consist with the fear of God , or sincerity of the heart , cannot be imagined , and if conscience be called in to Judgement it will condemn the taking them . 2. They cannot be taken in Iudgement , that is , with knowledge & deliberation ; minding & understanding what it is we swear or subscribe , as Mr Durham explains it in the place above cited . For first , they cannot be taken in Judgement , because they are all ambiguous , the terms of them being capable of diverse senses , not explained by the Imposers● And if they were explained in their sense , then they could not be taken in Righteousness ; And so at best they are uncertain : And that is dreadful , to invock the Majestie of God to be a Witness to uncertainties , for that is to swear with an evil conscience & contempt of God , to dare to call Him in as a Witness of that which is in suspense , whether it be Truth or a lie ; And such a swearer must make it a matter indifferent , whether he make God a Witness of a Truth or of a lie in the case . Vide Pareum Loc. supra citat . Pag. 654 Sect. 4. Dr Sanderson ubi supra , gives these reasons further against all ambiguous Oaths : because of him who tendereth the Oath : for the proper end of an Oath is , that he in whose favours it is taken should have some certainity of that whereof he doubted before , but there can be no certainity out of words which have no certain sense : Next , because of him who sweareth , who if he take such an Oath in these terms , either stumbleth his neighbour , or spreadeth a net for his oun feet ; for to what else should such collusion tend , but either that by our example others may be induced to take it , whereby they are stumbled ; Or that afterwards , by virtue of that Oath , some thing may be required of us , which is either unlawful or hurtful , and this is to lay a snare for our selves ! Therefore let every prudent man beware of suffering himself to be deceived by these wiles , and of thinking so much either of the favour or of the ill will of any other , as to swallow the bait under which he is sure there is a hook : It is expedient , that in the matter of Oaths all things be done aright , and that the sense be clear to all , and that is jurare Liquido to swear with a clear conscience Apol. Relat. Pag. 267. But next , they cannot be taken in Judgement ; because they are all imposed and extorted under a sever penalty , and some of them of death , and so must be taken out of fear . Such Oaths are by many famous Divines judged unlawful , especially Publick Oaths imposed by Authority , and under colour of Law ; these are worse than a mans private Oath given to a Robber , ●for fear of Death , if the matter be unlawful : for , whether the matter be Lawful or unlawful , such Oaths coacted , exacted , & imposed by Law , cannot be taken in Judgement ; for if they be taken out of respect to the Law , then it is the persons suffrage to the equitie of that Law , and an approbation of the imposition ; Which in the present case cannot be done , by any man of conscience , for whether the Oaths be Lawful or not , the Authority imposing them is naught , and the Law wicked and can never be approven ; And if they be extorted out of fear , then they cannot be taken with deliberation , or voluntary & unviolented choise , unconstrained light or liberty , which are all the ingredients of Judgement . 3. They cannot be taken in Righteousness , that is according to the Law of equity as well as piety , neither wronging God nor others by our Oaths . Lawful Oaths should be in themselves vincula aequitatis , as well as veritatis . And Pareus saith loco supra citato , Iuramenta licita tantum ea sunt — quae suscipiuntur de rebus veris , certo cognitis , licitis ; possibilibus , gravibus , necessariis , utilibus , dignis . Lawful Oaths are only these which are ingaged into about things true , certainly known , lawful , possible , weighty , necessary , useful & worthy . And if that be true , then are all the Oaths & Bonds taken these many years , but fetterings into bonds of iniquity ; which when the consciences of the Takers will reflect on them , will become Galls of bitterness , and found to have none of these qualifications , but on the contrary to be about matters false , uncertain , unlawful , impossible , frivolous , fruitless , useless , & unworthy , to the worst degree of baseness ; and which is worst of all , dreadfully sinful , and horrid to be thought on to interpose the Name of God upon , making Him the Approver of what His Soul hates , and a Witness of that which He will be an Avanger of , as will appear by the particular consideration af all of them . 3. Let it be considered , that though ( as the pleaders for these transactions do impertinently alledge ) the same words in other cases might be subscribed in a more abstract sense , as being capable of a good construction : yet Complexly considered in the form & frame of all the Oaths & Bonds we have been troubled with , they cannot be subscribed in any sense ; and if in any , that must be the Impoposers sense , which in them all is alwayes pernicious . 1. They cannot be taken in any sense though never so good , if we consider the absolute illegality of their arbitrary imposition . It will be confessed that Oaths should be very tenderly imposed upon consciences , not only lest the Name of God be prostitute to profanation , in matters light & trivial , or dubious & uncertain ; but lest a Tyrannical Jurisdiction be exercised over the Souls of men , which are not subject to any power that Mortals can claim . So it cannot be denied , but that the Constitution of our Government requires , and Reason as well as Religion sayes it is necessary , that no Ruler hath right to enjoin an Oath which is not first enacted into a Law ; And it was alwayes accounted a good plea for refusing Oaths , when there was no Law for them ; And some have been charged with Treason , for exacting Oaths without a Statute ordaining them : Which might be brought in as a Charge against all the Imposers of Our Oaths , the most part of which have been exacted & extorted without any colour of Law ; some of them being never ordained by any Act of Parliament , and others of them before they could obtain such a Mischief framed into an Act for them , and all of them neither ever legally administred nor righteously enacted , by such who had power to make Acts ; for as for the pacqued Parliaments that made them , no consciencious Man could ever oune such a Company of perjured Traitors , to be their Parliamentary Representatives . Yet abstracting from that , I say , the Oaths that have been imposed without and against Law could never be taken in any sense , without consenting to their treasonable breach of Law , for which they have forfeited their lives to Justice , when ever there shall be a Judicatory to revise their administrations : And these that have been imposed by a pretended Law , could never be taken without justifying of that Law that ordained them , which hath been nothing but a mischief framed into a Law by a Throne of iniquity . 2. They cannot be taken in a good sense , with a safe conscience ; considering either what is plain in them , or what is more ambiguous . What is plain and capable but of one sense , that is alwayes either constraining to a clear Sin , to renounce some part of the Covenanted Reformation , in profession or practice ; Or Restraining from a clear duty , that we should not do that which we may or ought to do . There is nothing in all of them plain but what obliges to one of these two . Again what is ambiguous in them , as it ought to be refused for its ambiguity ; so when it is explained according to the Imposers mind & meaning , the sense will be found alwayes pernicious , though the words may be plausible . As when they require an obligation to Allegiance , or Loyaltie , or peaceableness , or Orderlyness , and other smooth words signifying excellent things in an abstract Notion , these will be found to carry quite another sense , if we inquire into the Imposers meaning , in which only Oaths & Bonds must be taken . The only way to find out their meaning , is to consider either their Acts or Actings , or their designs & intentions , as they are discoverable by any man of Prudence or consideration . If we consult their Acts or Actings , practically & only legally explaining them , for a commentary ; then by Allegiance , we can understand nothing else but an ouning of their Absolute Tyranny ; by Loyaltie , nothing but an absolute & implicite Obedience of their absolute Commands , without reserve ( as the late Proclamation for the Tolleration expounds it ) by peaceableness , nothing but a stupid subjection to them , leting them do what they please without resistence or control ; and by Orderlyness , nothing but a disorderly Complyance & Conformity with them , in going along with the Corruptions & Defections of the time , for their Acts & Actings expound them so . If we consider their designs & intentions , according to which they are all uniformly calculate and equally levelled ; He is blind who hath not seen , they have been driving all this time at these designs ( to which all these Oaths & Bonds have been adapted & successfully subservient , and by which they have been promoted to the present pass ) to overturn gradually all the degrees of our Covenanted Reformation , to establish Tyranny and advance it unto greater degrees of Absoluteness , and to introduce Poperie & slavery ; So that by Allegiance & Loyaltie , can be meant nothing else but an obligation to oune & obey , and never to oppose the design of advancing Tyranny ; And by Peaceableness & Orderlyness , nothing else can be intended , than an obligation never to oppose either the present Settlement , or future establishment of Poperie & arbitrary power , upon the ruines of the Reformation and our Civil & Religious Rights & Liberties . Whence , they that can take these Oaths & Bonds in any other sense , and plead for the inoffensiveness of the terms , in a more abstract notion , and sense alledged more legal , without regard to that of the Imposers practically explained by their administrations , and so looking more to the briberies of their blinded reason and wordly Interest , than to the Dictates of conscience , please themselves with such notions & quibling evasions , do but Mock God , deceive the world , illude the enemies , and delude themselves . And all these debatings for Accommodations & Expositions in another sense , are but foull fairdings of conscience-beguiling Compoundings in , and pitiful priggings for , a base Complyance . But it is usual for a guilty Son of Adam to sow fig-leaves . 4. Let it be considered , that all these Oaths & Bonds that the Land hath been debauched with these 27 years , are all condemned by and contradictory to anterior binding Orders , the Acts of the General Assembles , requiring no Oaths in the common cause to be taken without the Churches consent , as was cleared in the Historical part , upon the fifth Period pag. 82. And that especially they are condemned as being contradictory to , & violatory of prior Oaths of continuing indispensible Obligation ; being designed , pressed , & imposed on purpose to delete the same out of the minds & memories of the present Generation : I mean the National and Solemn League & Covenants , and other former Nationally binding Publick Engagments . Which , because they are not only broken & burnt , but declared Criminal to be ouned , and because the ouning of their obligation is ordinarly inserted in the Indytments of our Martyrs , I must touch upon them more particularly . It was cleared above Head. 1. Arg. 11. from the Form , the Object , and from the Ends of the Covenant , which are all Moral and of indispensible obligation , that it is of perpetual and unalterably binding force , obliging the present and all future Generations , as well as that which did first come under the bond of it . And to confirm this , I shall adde more particularly these many consideration . 1. The National Engagments are National promises , plighting & pledging the Nations publick faith , for the preservation & propagation of Religion & Liberty , to succeding posterity ; which if succeeding Generations may reverse , then the faith of men , and the faith of Nations , can be of no force above a century of years ; nay nor after the decease of them that personally made the promise : And so every new Ruler , every new Parliament , yea every person coming up to succeed the Father in any Capacity , might be free not to stand to it , which were very absurd . Certainly that promise of the Iewish Nobles & Rulers , not to exact Usury of their Brethren , but to restore & not require it of them , did not only oblige themselves , but would bring their posterity under the curse , if they should exact the same debt there remitted Neh. 5. 12 , 31. And does not a National promise of preserving the Reformation , bind as much to the curse of the breach of it ? 2. They are National vowes , avowing & avouching and devoting themselves & their posterity to be the Lords people , and to keep His Statutes & promove His Interests ; which do bind the posterity . Iacobs vow at Bethel , that the Lord should be his God Gen. 28. 21. did oblige all his posterity , virtually comprehended in him ; He found Him in Bethel and there He speake with Us , saith the Prophet many hundered years after H●s . 12. 4. The Israelites vow , to destroy the Canaanites , did oblige all their posterity Numb . 21. 2. Not only by virtue of the Lords Command , but by virtue of their vow ; as we are obliged to preserve the Reformation , not only by virtue of the Lords Command , but by virtue of our Covenants . Vowes are bonds to the Soul , which must stand Numb . 20. 2 , 4. And whereas it is said , that as a womans father or husband might disanull her vow , and so the Magistrate might abrogate the Covenant : Besides the impertinency of this Comparison , as might be easie to demonstrate , it may be refelled by giving & not granting that he might do so ; yet if the father & husband shall hold their peace , then all her vowes shall stand , and her bonds wherewith she bound her soul shall stand vers . 4 , 7. but so it was , that the Supreme Magistrate did give his Consent to the National Covenant , and the Successor did swear the Solemn League & Covenant , and received the Crown on the terms thereof , to preserve & promote Religion & Liberty ; and therefore her vowes must stand , they cannot be made void afterwards ; for it is a snare to devour that which is holy , and after vowes to make enquiry Prov. 20. 25. So we find the Rechabites were obliged to observe the vow of their forefather Ionadab Ier. 35. 6 , 14. And if the fathers vow obliges the Children ▪ shall not the Nations vow oblige the posterity ? 3. They are National Oaths which do oblige posterity : Esaws Oath to Iacob , resigning his birth-right , did oblige his posterity never to recover it Gen. 25. 33. Ioseph took an Oath of the Children of Israel , to carry up his bones into Canaan , Gen. 50. 25. which the posterity going forth of Egypt in after ages , found themselves straitly sworn to observe Exod. 13. 19. and accordingly buryed them in Shechem , Ioshua . 24. 32. The Spies swore to preserve Rahab alive and her house , Ioshua . 2. 12 , &c. which was without the Consent of the Magistrate , and yet Ioshua found himself obliged to observe it Ioshua . 6. 22. Moses swore unto Caleb to ensure him an inheritance Ioshua . 14. 9. and upon this ground he deman●s it as his right vers . 12. which he could not do , if Successors might reverse their Predicessors Lawful Oaths . The Lord will in a special manner resent & revenge the posterities breach of the Oath of their fathers Covenant Ezek. 16. 59. Thus saith the Lord God , I will even deal with thee as thow hast done , which hast despised the Oath in breaking the Covenant , which was the Covenant of their fathers . 4. They are National Covenants , wherein King , Parliament , & people do Covenant with each other , for the performance of the respective Duties of their several stations , either as to the work of Reformation , or as to the preservation of each others mutual Rights & Priviledges : So that they are National Covenants made by men with men ; and these we find do oblige the posterity . Israels Covenant with the Gibeonites did oblige the posterity Iosh. 9. 15 , 19. and for the breach of it many ages after the posterity was plagued 2 Sam. 21. 1. Zedekiah was bound by his Predecessors Covenant , though it was such as made the Kingdom base , yet in keeping it it was only to stand , Shall he break the Covenant & be delivered ? Thus saith the Lord , as I live ▪ surely mine Oath that he hath despised , and my Covenant that he hath broken , even it will I recompense upon his oun h●ad Ezek. 17. 12 , 14 , 15 , 19. The Apostle sayes even of humane Covenants , Though it be but a Mans Covenant yet if it be confirmed no man disanulleth or addeth thereunto Gal. 3. 15. that is , cannot do so Lawfully , much less can one man disanull a Nations Covenant . 5. They are National Attestations of God as a Witness , for the perpetuity as well as fidelity of these Sacred Engagments . All such Covenants , wherein the Holy Name of God is invocated as Witness , are ouned of God as His ( hence the Covenant betwixt David . & Ionathan is called the Covenant of the Lord 1 Sam. 20. 8. and Zedekiahs fault was the breach of the Lords Covenant Ezek. 17. forecited . So likewise that Covenant mentioned Ier. 34. 8 , 9 , 10. wherein the Princes & People did swear to let their Hebrew Servants go free , is called Gods , Covenant . 〈◊〉 . 18. and upon this account sorer ▪ Judgements are threatened vers . 19 , 20. And I will give the men that have transgressed my Covenant , which have not performed the Words of the Covenant which th●y had made before me — into the hands of their enemies . Certainly this did oblige the posterity , at least not to recall these Servants , and it was alwayes Morally obliging . So our National Covenant , sworn with hands lifted up to the Most high God , being materially also binding , cannot be abrogated by the posterity , except the Lord renounce His Interest in them ; as long as the Witness liveth then , who claims them as His , they cannot be made void . Especially considering . 6. They are National Covenants made with God , as the other party Contracting , in the matters of God , which none can dispense with , or grant Remissions in ; and therefore they must perpetually bind , until He loose them . And if even the posterity break them , the Lord will make them that hate them to reign over them , and He will bring a Swosd upon them to aveange the quarrel of His Covenant , Levit. 26. 15 , 17 , 25. Such were all the National Covenants of the Lords people renewed by Ioshua , Asa , Iehoshaphat , Hezekiah , Iosiah , Ezra , Nehemiah , for the breaches of which the Lord plagued the posterity . It was for breach of their fathers Covenant with God , that the ten tribes were carried away Captive 2 King. 17. 15. &c. We have already experienced the threatened Judgments for Covenant-breaking , and may look for more . 7. They are for their matter National Covenants about things Moral objectively , obliging to joine our selves to the Lord in a perpetual Covenant that shall not be forgotten . Ier. 50. 5. I might easily demonstrate all the Articles of the Covenant to be Morally obliging , but they are demonstrate sufficiently above Head. 1. Arg. 11. Therefore they are perpetually binding . 8. They are for their Ends National Covenants inviolably obliging : which cannot be made void , though they should be broken , because the ends of them are alwayes to be pursued as is proved above Head. 1. Therefore they are perpetual . 9. They are for their formality National Covenants , most Solemnly Sworn & subscribed by all ranks , with uplifted hands , with bended knees , with solemn invocating the Name of God , with solemn preaching , prayer , & praise , rendering themselves and the posterity obnoxious to the Curse if they should break it . Now the Solemnities of the Oath do aggravate the heinousness of the breach of it , as is clear from Ier. 34. 19. Ezek. 17. 18. quoted above : the reason is , because of their greater deliberation in the action , and because of the greater scandal accompanying the violation thereof . Hence as they are National Oaths & Covenants so solemnized , they are National Adiurations under the pain of a National Curse , not to break them Nationally ; Which do make the posterity obnoxious to it : as Ioshua adjuring Israel , saying , Cursed be the man that riseth up and buildeth this City Iericho Iosh. 6. 26. Which was fulfilled many generations after , in the dayes of Ahab , upon Hiel the Bethelite 1 King. 16. Ult. So the Curse of introducing abjured Prelacy , and Popery , if it be let in , will be impendent on the Nation . All National Covenants have a Curse annexed , in case of a breach when ever it shall be : So in Nehemiahs Covenant , they clave to their Brethren , & entered into a Curse , and into an Oath , to walk in Gods Law , which was given by Moses the Servant of God , and to observe & do all the Commandments of th● Lord our Lord , and His Judgements & Statutes , particularly not to enter into affinity with their Malignant enemies Neh. 10. 29 , 30. Which certainly did oblige the posterity , because the thing was Moral , So in our Covenants we are bound to the same things , and nothing but these : And therefore the posterity is lyable to the Curse of perjurie for the breach thereof . 10. They are for their Legality , National Laws , being Solemnly Ratified by the Parliament and by the King , and made the foundation of their Compact with him at his Inauguration ; whereby they became the fundamental Laws of the Government , and among the very Leges & regulae regnandi : which , though they be rescinded by a wicked Law , yet make the Rescinders chargable not only of Perjurie , in breaking a Covenant , but of Treason & Tyranny in breaking and altering the Constitution of the Government ; and render them lyable to the Curse thereof : for they cannot rescind that , nor escape its vengeance : whereof we have a speaking pledge already , in that the Rescinder of these Covenants was so terribly rescinded , and cut off by the hands of unnatural violence ; God thereby fulfilling that threatend Judgment of Covenant breakers , that he that hath broken His Covenant shall be brought to destruction , and bloody & deceitful men shall not live out half their dayes Psal. 55. 20. ult . So Charles the Second got not leave to live out half the dayes , that he projected to himself . 11. They are National Engagments of an Hereditary Nature , like that of Israel Deut. 29. 14 , 15. which did oblige not only the present , but the absent , not only them that stood there that day before the Lord their God , but the● that were not there that day . Grotius de jur . ●el . Lib. 2. cap. 6. gives these Marks of Hereditary Covenants ( 1 ) When the subject is of a permanent Nature , and as long as manet idem Corpus : therefore as long as Scotland is Scotland , whose people in their personal Capacity , whose Parliaments in their Parliamentary Capacity , whose King in his princely Capacity , did all solemnly & Sacredly engage in the Covenant , it must be real & perpetually obliging . ( 2 ) when there is such a Clause in the Covenant as that it should be perpetual : There are many Clauses in the Solemn league to this purpose , in Art. 1. are these words , that we & our posterity after us may as brethren live in faith & l●ve a●d the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us : in the 5. Art , we shall each one of us according to our place & interest endeavour that the Kingdoms may remain conjoined in a firme peace & union to all posterity . ( 3 ) when it is such as is made for the good of th● Kingdom : The Covenant expresses its end for the perpetual good of the Kingdom , having before our eyes the Glory of God , the advancement of the Kingdom of — Christ , the honour & happiness of the King & his posterity , and the true publick Liberty , Safety , & Peace of the Kingdoms ; wherein every ones private condition is included : and again it is added , for preservation of our selves & our Religion from utter ruine & destruction . All this is a publick National good . ( 4 ) The matter is Moral , about materially binding duties , and therefore it must be hereditary and of perpetual obligation . 12. Lastly , They are National obligations , taking on publick duties , by way of virtual Representation of the posterity . And they that think it irrational , that the father should represent & involve the family , must resolve us how the Religious & Civil Covenants of Israel & Iud●h made in Moses , Ioshua's , Davids , Asa's , Ioash's , Hezekiahs , Iosiahs , & 〈◊〉 dayes , did comprehend & bird as well the absent as the pre●ent , & their posterity , yet unborn ; as also , how the Laws & Contracts continually passed by some do take in others , not personally consenting ; yea how comes it to pass , that every succeeding generation is ●ound to the Laws , and must be obedient to the Kings , that they did not make themselves ; no reason can be given , but because they are virtually represented by & included in their fathers . Now if these Arguments prove our National Covenants to be perpetually binding and cannot be dispensed with , the● must these posterior Oaths that are made in a diametrical opposition to the Covenants , and are condemned by the Covenants , be false & unlawful Oaths : But the first is proved : Therefore these Oaths so opposite to & condemned by the Covenants are false & unlawful . That they are opposite to the Covenant , will appear in the induction of all of them . And that , what ever they be imposed by this party , they are condemned by the Covenants , wherein we are obliged to make no such Transactions with them , will appear if we consider these and the like expressions , that we shall neither directly nor indirectly , suffer our selves to be divided , by whatsoever suggestion , allurement , or terror , from this blessed Conjunction , nor shall cast in any let or impediment that may stop or hinder any such resolution , as shall be found to conduce for so good ends . Which are the Words of the National Covenant , clearly condemning Oaths & Bonds given to Malignants , which are divisive of them that adhere to , and Unitive with them that oppose the Covenant , and impeditive of resolutions to prosecute the ends thereof . So in the Solemn League & Covenant Art. 4. We are obliged to oppose all such as make any faction or parties amongst the people , contrary to this League & Covenant : but by these Oaths & Bonds such factions are made &c. And by Art. 6. we are obliged to assist & defend all those that enter into this Covenant ( contradicted by all the later Oaths & Bonds ) and not to suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination — to be divided — from this blessed union — whether to make defection to the contrary part , or to give our selves to a detestable indifferency &c. Which we do , when we divide our selves from these that refuse these Oaths , and makes defection unto the party that impose them . And in the Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & Engagment to duties , We are sworn § . 6. to be so far from conniving at , complying with , or countenancing of Malignancy , Injustice &c. that we shall not only avoid & discountenance these things &c. but take an effectual course to punish & suppress these evils . All which we counteract & contradict , when we take any of these Oaths or Bonds . In the Second place , by a Particular induction of the several kinds of these Oaths & Bonds , the iniquity of each of them will appear ; and the Complex iniquity of the smoothest of them , the Oath of Abjuration compared with every one of them , will be manifest . And consequently the honesty & innocency of Sufferers for Refusing them , will be discovered . I. The first in order , which was a Copy to all the rest , was the Declaration , ordained to be subscribed by all in publick Charge , office or Trust within the Kingdom : Wherein they do affirme & declare , they judge it unlawful to Subjects , upon pretence of Reformation or any other pretence whatsoever , to enter into Leagues & Covenants , or take up armes against the King — and that all these Gatherings — petitions , protestations — that were used — for carrying on of the late troubles , were unlawful & seditious ; And particularly that these Oaths — the National Covenant — and the Salemn League & Covenant , were and are in themselves unlawful Oaths . Here is a Confederacy required against the Lord , at which the Heavens might stand astonished ; an unparalelled breach of the Third Command . Which could no more be taken in Truth & Righteousness , than an Oath renouncing the Bible : but it hath this advantage of the rest ; that it is some what plain , And the iniquity legible on its front . 1. That it is a renouncing of Solemn & Sacred Covenants , perpetually binding to Moral & indispensable duties , the wickedness whereof is evident from what is said above . 2. It makes perjurie of the deepest dye , the necessary sine qua non qualification of all in publick Office : who cannot be presumed capable of administrating Justice , when they have avowed themselves perjured & perfidious , and not to be admitted among heathens let be Christians , nor trusted in a matter of ten shillings money , according to the Laws of Scotland . 3. It renounces the whole Work of Reformation , and the way of Carrying it on , as a Pretence and trouble unlawful & seditious : Which if it be a Trouble , then the Peace they have taken in renouncing it , must be such a Peace as is the plague of God upon the heart , filling it with senslessness & stupidity in His just Judgement , because of the palpable breach of Covenant ; or such a Peace , as is very consistent with the Curse & vengeance of God , pursuing the quarrel of a broken Covenant . 4. It condemns the taking up armes against the King , which shall be proven to be duty Head 5. Besides , that hereby the most innocent means of seeking the redress of Grievances , that Religion , Risings , Law , & practice of all Nations allowes , is condemned . Yet in effect , for as monstrous as this Oath is , the Complexe of its iniquity is couched in the Oath of Abjuration ; in which many of these Methods of Combinations , Risings & Declarations of war against the King , and Protestations against his Tyranny , which were used in the late Troubles for carrying on the Reformation , are abjured ; in that a Declaration is renounced in so far as it Declares war against the King , and asserts it Lawful to kill them that serve him : Which yet , in many cases in the Covenanted Reformation here renounced , were acknowledged & practised as Lawful , besides that it hath many other breaches of Covenant in it , as will be shewed . II. The next Net they contrived to catch Consciences , was the Oath of Allegiance & Supremacy : Wherein they that took it , for testification of their faithful obedience to their most gracious & redoubted Soveraign , Charles King of Great Britain — do affirme , testifie , & Declare — that they acknowledg their said Soveraign , only supreme Governour of this Kingdom , over all persons , & in all Causes ; And that no forreign Prince — hath any jurisdiction , power , or superiority over the same ; and therefore do utterly renounce all forreign power — and shall at their utmost power defend , assist , & maintain his Majs . jurisdiction foresaid — and never decline his power — The iniquity of this Oath is very vast and various . 1. It is a Covenant of Allegiance with a King , turned Tyrant and enemy to Religion , Subverter of the Reformation , and overturner of our Laws & Liberties ; and therefore demonstrate to be sinful both from the first General Argument against Oaths , and from Head. 2. 2. It cannot be taken in . Truth , Righteousness , or Iudgement : beause the words are general & very comprehensive , and ambiguous , capable of diverse senses : when he is affirmed to be supreme over all Persons and in all Causes , and to be assistest , & maintained , in that jurisdiction . Who can be sure in swearing such an Oath , but that he may thereby wrong others , wrong Parliaments in their Priviledges , wrong the Church in her Liberties , and which is worse , wrong the Lord Jesus Christ who is Supreme alone in some Causes ? Can an Oath be taken in Truth & Righteousness , to assist him in all encroachments , upon Causes , that are not subordinate to him ? and in invading all those Priviledges of Subjects , which are Natural , Civil , Moral , & Religious ? for if he be supreme in all Causes , then all these depend upon him & be subordinate to him . And can it be taken in Iudgement , and with a clear mind , when it may be debated & doubted ( as it is by some ) whether the obligation of it is to be considered , as circumstantiate & specificate to the present Object of it , supposing him a Tyrant ? or in a more abstract notion , as it might be tendered in the sense of its first Authors , as it was taken in King Iames the 6. his dayes , And as they plead for taking the English Oath of Allegiance , as it was accepted by the Puritans in Queen Elizabeths dayes● whether it obliges to a King in Idea , and in a more general consideration , as one who is said never to die ? Or with reference to such an one as we have , a morta● man , and an immortal enemy to all those precious Interests , for preservation of which he only received his Kingship ? Whether it must be taken in that of the Imposers , practically explained by their administrations ? or in any other sense , alledged more Legal ? These would be clear , before it can be taken with the due qualifications of an Oath . 3. As for the Civil part of it or Ecclesiastical , no other explanation needeth to be inquired after , than what they give forth in their Acts on record : The Act of Supremacy ( to be seen in the Historical Representation of the Sixth & last Period pag. 111. senses the Ecclesiastical part of it : And the Act for acknowledgment of his Majesties prerogative does sufficiently sense , explain , & expound the Civil part ; Declaring , That it is inherent in the Crown , and an undoubted part of the Royal prerogative — to have the sole choise & appointment of all Officers of State — the power of calling , holding , & dissolving Parliaments , and all Conventions & Meetings of Estates — the power of Armies , making of peace & war , treaties & leagues with forreign Princes or States , or at home by the subjects among themselves — and that it is high treason in the subjects — upon whatsoever ground , to rise — in Armes — or make any treaties or leagues — among themselves , without his Maj. Authority first interponed thereto ; That it is unlawful to the subjects , of whatsoever quality or function , to convocate — themselves , for holding of Councils to treat , consult , or determine in any matters Civil or Ecclesiastick ( except in the ordinary Judgements ) or make leagues or bonds upon whatsoever colour or pretence , without his Maj. special consent — That the league & Covenant , and all treaties following thereupon , and acts or deeds that do or may relate thereunto , are not obligatory — and that none — should presume , upon any pretext of any Authority whatsoever , to require the renewing or swearing of the said league & Covenant &c. Whereby it appears , that all this screwing up the prerogative to such a pitch , is by the Oath of Allegiance to defend all this jurisdiction justified ; and so , these palpable encroachments on the priviledges of the Scots Parliaments , that , by the fundamental Constitutions of the Government , alwayes had a share in making Laws , and Peace & War ; These robberies of our Natural priviledges of defending our selves by Armes , in case of the Kings Tyranny & oppression , and of Convocating for Consultations about the best means thereof ; And these Invasions upon our Ecclesiastical priviledges , in keeping General Assemblies for the affairs of Religion Prorenata , alwayes strenously contended for as a part of the Testimony ; yea all these rescindings , repealings , and condemnings of the Way & Manner , Methods & Measures , of promoting the Covenanted Reformation , are by this Oath explained & by this Act acknowledged to be parts of that supremacy & Jurisdiction to be defended & maintained : As like wise , by many wicked Acts since promulgated , which promote the Supremacy to a vast degree of Absoluteness , which all do interpret what that Supremacy is which is sworn to be maintained , to wit , pure Tyranny established by Law. See the many grievous Consequences of this laid out at large , in Apol. Relat. Sect. 10. 4. Here is absolute Allegiance sworn to an Absolute power , Paramount to all Law , engaging to faithful obedience to their Soveraign , as Supreme over all Persons and in all causes — and to defend , assist , & maintain his said jurisdiction , and never to decline his power ; there is no restriction here on obedience , nor Limitation on the power , nor definition of the Causes , nor circumscription of the cases , in which that assistance &c. is to be given , whether they be Lawful or not . Now absolute allegiance to an absolute power cannot be sworn by any man of Conscience , nor ouned by any man of reason , as is proven Head. 2. Arg. 6. It cannot be Lawful in any sense , to swear such an Oath to any Mortal , nay not to a David nor Hezekiah : because to swear unrestricted & unlimited Allegiance to any man , were a manifest mancipating of Mankind , not only to an Ass-like subjection , but to a servile obligation to maintain & uphold the Persons & Government of mutable men , be what they will , turn to what they will ; it is known the best of men may degenerate : And by this no remedy is left to redress our selves , b●t our heads , hearts , and hands all tied up under an engagment to defend , assist , & maintain whosoever doth hold the Government , manage it as he pleases . This reason will also conclude against the English Oath of Allegiance , though it be a great deal more smoothly worded , and seems only to require a rejection of the Pope and legal subjection to the King ; yet that comprehensive Clause makes it border upon absoluteness , I will bear faith & true allegiance to his Maj. heirs & successors , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power , against all Conspiracies & attempts whatsoever . There are no Conditions here at all , limiting the Allegiance , or qualifying the Object ; but an arbitrary imposition of true Allegiance and defence , in all cases , against all attempts ( even that of repressing their Tyranny not excepted ) not only of their persons but of their Dignities , if this be not an illimited Allegiance to an absolute power , I know not what it is . 5. Here is an acknowledgment of the Ecclesiastical Supremacy resident in the King : which is the most blasphemous Usurpation on the prerogatives of Christ and priviledges of His Church , that ever the greatest Monster among men durst arrogate : yea the Roman beast never claimed more ; And in effect , it is nothing else but one of his Names of Blasphemie twisted out of the Popes hands by K. Henry the Eight , and handed doun to Q. Elizabeth , and wafted over to & Iames the 6 th . for that was the Original & conveyance of it . The iniquity whereof is discovered above Head. 1. Arg. 3. But further may be aggravated in these particulars ( 1 ) It is only a change of the Pope but not of the Poped●m ; and nothing else but a shaking off the Ecclesiastical Pope , and submitting to a Civil Pope , by whom Christs Head-ship is as much wronged as by the other : And hereby a door is opened for bringing in Poperie ( as indeed by this Strategem it is brought now to our very doors ) for by the Act of Supremacy he hath power to settle all things concerning Doctrine , Worship , discipline , or Government , by his Clerks the Bishops , having all the Architectonick power of disposing , ordering , & ordaining these , as he in his Royal wisdom thinks fit . ( 2 ) By this , Church & State are confounded ( whereof the Distinction is demonstrate above ) making the Magistrate a proper & Competent Judge in Church matters , not to be declined ; wherby also he hath power to erect new Courts , Mongrel-Judicatories , half Civil half Ecclesiastick , which have no Warrand in the Word . ( 3 ) By this , many palpable & intollerable encroachments made upon the Liberties & priviledges of the Church of Christ are yeelded unto ; as that there must be no Church Judicatories or Assemblies , without the Magistrates consent , but that the power of convocating & indicting Assemblies do belong only to him , and the power of delegating & constituting the members thereof , that he may dissolve them when he pleases ; that his presence or his Commissioners is necessary unto each Nationall Assembly ; that Ministers have no proper decisive suffrage in Synods , but only of advice ; that the Church Judicatories be prelimited , and nothing mus● be treated there which may be interpreted grating upon the prerogative , nor any thing whatsoever but what he shall allow & approve , without which it can have no force nor validity ; yea by this a door should be opened unto the utter destruction & overthrow of all Church Judicatories , seeing he is made the fountain of all Church power . ( 4 ) By this , the Magistrate is made a Church member as he is a Magistrate , and so all Magistrats as such are Church members , even heathens . And yet ( 5 ) By this he is exempted from subjection to the Ministry , because they are made accountable to him in their administrations , and in the discharge of their function are under him as Supreme . Yea ( 6 ) By this the Magistrate is made a Church Officer , having the disposal of the Churches Government . And not only so , but ( 7 ) By this he is made a Church Officer of the highest degree , being supreme in all Causes , to whom Ministers in the discharge of their Ministrie are subordinate . And so ( 8 ) By this the Church of the new Testament is made imperfect , so long as she wanted a Christian Magistrate , wanting hereby a Chief Officer ; yea and the Apostles did amiss in robbing the Magistrate of his power ( 9 ) By this the Magistrate might exerce all Acts of jurisdiction , immediately by himself ; seeing he can do it as supreme by his Commissioners in Ecclesiastick affairs . ( 10 ) Finally By this Oath the King is made the head of the Church , being supreme over all persons & in all Causes , unto whom all Appeals & references must ultimately be reduced , even from Church Judicatories . Those things are only here touched they are more apodeictically confirmed above , and may be seen made out at large in Apol. Relat. Sect. 12. But I proceed . 6. It is contrary unto the Solemn League & Covenant ; into whose place after it was broken , burnt , buryed , & rescinded , since they have remitted the subjects allegiance by annulling the Bond of it , they substitute & surrogate this in its place : And therefore none can comply with the surrogation of the second , except he consent to the abrogation of the first Oath . All the Allegiance we can oune according to the Covenant , stands perpetually & expressly thus qualified , viz. in defence of Religon & Liberty , according to our first & second Covenants , and in its oun nature must be indispensably thus restricted : Therefore to renew the same , or take an Oath of Allegiance simply , purposely omitting the former restriction , when the powers are in manifest Rebellion against the Lord , is in effect a disouning of that limitation , and of the Soveraign prerogative of the Great God , which is thereby reserved ; and as much as to say , whatever Authority command us to do , we shall not only stupidly endure it , but actively concur with & assist in all this Tyranny . See Naph . Prior edit . Pag. 177. 178. Vindicated at length by Ius Populi . chap. 11. By all this the iniquity of the Scots Oath of Allegiance & Supremacy may appear , and also that of the English Oath of Allegiance , even abstract from the Supremacy , is in some measure discovered ; though it is not my purpose particularly to speak to that : yet this I will say , that they that plead for its precision from the Supremacy annexed , seem not to consider the full import of its terms ; for under the dignities , superiorities , & Authorities , there engaged to be upheld , the Ecclesiastical Supremacy must be included ; for that is declared to be one of the dignities of the Crown there , as well as here ; and hither it was brought from thence . And therefore those Scots men that took that Oath there , and plead that though the Oath of Allegiance in Scotland be a sin , yet it is duty to take the Oath in England , seem to me to be in a great deceit ; for the object is the same , the subject is the same , the duty expected , required , & engaged into is the same , and every thing equal in both . Yet all this iniquity here Couched , is some way Comprehended in & implyed by the Oath of Abjuration : for the Civil part is imported , in abjuring a Declaration , for its declaring war against the King ; Where it is clear , he is ouned as King , and all part with them that declare war against him being renounced , it is evident the Abjurers must take part with him in that war , and so assist & defend him ; for being subjects , they must not be neutral , therefore if they be not against him they must be for him , and so under the bond of allegiance to him : The Ecclesiastical Supremacy is inferred from that expression of it , where some are said to serve him in Church as well as in State , which implies an Ecclesiastical subordination to him as Supreme over the Church . III. The Tenor of some other Bonds was more smooth & subtil , as that of the Bond of Peace ; several times renewed & imposed , and under several forms ; but alwayes after one strain : engaging to Live Peaceably , Whereby many were caught & cheated with the seeming sai●ness of these general terms : but others discerning their fa●laciousness , refused and suffered for it . This in the General is capable of a good sense : for no Christian will refuse ●o Live Peaceably , but will endeavour , if it be possible , as much as lieth in them , to Live Peaceably with all men Rom. 12. 18. that is , so far to follow Peace with all men , as may consist with the pursuit of holiness 〈◊〉 . 12. 14. But if we more narrowly consider such Bonds , we shall find them Bonds of iniquity . for . 1. They are Covenants of Peace , or Confederacies with Gods enemies , whom we should count our enemies , and hate them because they hate Him Psal. 139. 21. It is more suitable to answer , as Iehu did to Ioram 2 King. 9. 22. — What Peace , so long as the whoredomes of thy Mother Iezebel , and her witchcrafts are so many ? than to engage to be at Peace with those , who are carrying on Babylons Interest , the Mother of harlots & witchcrafts . 2. This cannot be taken in Truth , Iudgement , & Righteousness , because of the fallacy & ambiguity of the terms : for there are diverse sorts of Peace & Peaceableness ; some kind is duty , some never . It must then be rightly qualified , for we can profess & pursue no Peace of Confederacy with the enemies of God , not consistent with the fear of the Lord , otherwise we cannot expect to have the Lord for a Sanctuary , but for a stone of stumbling Isai. 8. 8. 12-14 — No Peace obstructing the Gospel or Testimony , or abstracting from the duty of the day ; No Peace tending to sinful security Ier. 8. 11. No Peace leading to slavish stupidity ; No Peace prompting to preposterous prudence , in palliating sin , or daubing defections with untempered morter ; No Peace inconsistent with Truth ▪ they must go together Zech. 1. 19. No Peace that may not be followed with Holiness Heb. 12. 14. But it must be so qualified , that it be in the Lord , in Truth , in duty , contributing for the good of the Church Psal. 122. 8 , 9. and the fruit of that Wisdom , which is first Pure and then Peaceable Iam. 3. 17. Now all that know the Imposers of these Bonds , will acknowledge that is not the Peace they are seeking . 3. If we further enquire into their meaning of Living Peaceably , and seek a determinate sense of it from their Acts & Actings , It is plain they mean such a Peaceable Living , as gives obedience to their wicked Laws , and is a Complyance to their established Courses : And it must be such a Peaceable living , as is opposite to their sense of Sedition , Rebellion , Schisme , &c. Which they interpret every seasonable duty to be : And it must be such a Peaceable living , as they were presumed not to have been observant of before : and what ever it be , must be opposite to that with which they were charged as turbulent , and so contrary to all the duties of our Covenanted profession , as going to meetings , withdrawing from the Curats &c. Which they interpret not to be Peacable living . 4. This is contrary to our Covenants , which oblige us to a constant contending with and opposition to them . Yet all this is engaged into in the Oath of Abjuration , which abjures all war against the King , and all doing injury to them that serve him , and consequently to Peace & living Peaceably with them . IV. Of Affinity to this were many other Bonds of Regularity , frequently renewed & generally imposed , and that with unparalelled illegality & rigour ; Sometimes by hosts of Savage Highlanders ; Sometimes by Circuit-Courts , and by Heretors upon their Tenants , and with such unheard of involvements , that the Master or Heretor was obliged for himself , his Wife , Children , Servants , Tenants , and all under him , to live Orderly : Which in some was more bluntly expressed , in others more flatly explained , that they should keep the Publick Ordinances , that is , hear the Curats , and not go to any Seditious Conventicles ( so they called the Persecuted Meetings of the Lords people for the Worship of God ) and in others yet more impudently exacted , that they should not harbour , intertain , or correspond with any that went to these Meetings , but discover and assist to the apprehending of them . There were several forms of them from time to time , some longer some shorter ; but all of them , first & last , were to the same sense & scope . And the most favourably worded had much wickedness in them : for . 1. They are Covenants of Order , and coming under the same Rule with themselves , which is nothing but their lusts & Mischiefs framed into Law , not according to the Rule of the Word of God , but the iniquious Laws of men . 2. They could not be taken in Truth , Judgement , & Righteousness : for either they were ambiguous , or their plain sense obliged to manifest iniquities , to conforme with all their enacted corruptions . 3. They are clear breaches of Covenant , which obliges to another Kind of Orderlyness , and to follow other Rules , and take none from them in the Matters of God. 4. They are impossible , and absurd ; obliging Masters to bind for all under them , that could neither lye in their power , nor in their duty , to restrain their Liberty in these Lawful things , and to constrain & compell their consciences to sin . 5. They are unnatural & cruel , obliging the Takers to partake with them in their persecution of the Godly . 6. They were engagments to hear Curats , which is proved to be sin Head 1. throughout . 7. They were engagments to withdraw from the Meetings of the Lords people , proved to be duty . Head 4. Yet the Oath of Abjuration is some way equivalent to this , in that it obliges the Abjurers to renounce Disorderlyness in their sense , and to do no harm to the timeserving Orderly Clergy or Laity , serving & prosecuting their wicked Orders . V. Some other Bonds of that nature , and Oaths frequently put to Suffering people when taken Prisoners , did require peaceableness & Orderlyness , in this Style , that they should either tacitely or expressly condemn Some Risings in Armes , as at Pentland , Bothwel &c. to be Rebellion against the King , and a sin against God , & engage never to rise in Armes against the King , or any commissionate by him , upon any pretence whatsoever . The iniquity whereof is manifest : for 1. This is a Covenant equivalent to a league Offensive & Defensive with them , obliging never to offend or oppose them , not to defend nor rescue our Brethren against & from their murdering violence . 2. This could not be taken in Truth , Judgement , & Righteousness : for , who can tell how far that may extend , upon any pretence whatsoever ? this may oblige us to make a stupid surrender of our lives , when the King turns so Tyrannical as to send his Cut-throats to demand them , or Authorizes his bloody Papists to Massacre us , them we must not resist upon this pretence . 3. It is contrary to our Covenants , that allow Resistance in some cases , and oblige to assist & defend all that enter under the bond thereof . 5. This infers an ouning of the present Authority , as the irresistible Ordinance of God , and an obligation of living peaceably in subjection under it ; disproved above : To which I shall adde a part of that forecited Letter of Mr Rutherfoords the 63. in number of the third part of his printed Letters , which are a clear vindication of the principles & practice of our consciencious Sufferers on this point [ There is a promise & real purpose ( saith he ) to live peaceably under the Kings Authority ; But ( 1 ) yow do not so answer candidly & imgenuously the mind of the Rulers , who to your knowledge mean a far other thing by Authority than yow do ; for yow mean his just Authority , his Authority in the Lord — in the maintenance of true Religion , as in the Covenant , & confession of faith — is expressed from the Word of God ; they mean his supreme Authority & absolute prerogative above Laws , as their Acts clear and as their practice is , for they refused to such as were unwilling to subscribe their bond , to adde , Authority in the Lord , or just & Lawful Authority , or Authority as it is expressed in the Covenant ; but this draught of a petition yeelds the sense & meaning to them , which they crave . ( 2 ) That Authority for which they contend , is exclusive of the sworn Covenant ; So that except ye had said , ye shall be subject to the Kings Authority in the Lord , or according to the sworn Covenant , yow say nothing to the point in hand , & that sure is not your meaning ( 3 ) whoever promises so much of peaceable living under his Maj. Authority , leaveing out the exposition of the 5. Command — may upon the very same ground subscribe the bond refused by the Godly , and so yow pass from the Covenant , and make all these bypast Actings of this Kirk & State these years by-past to be horrid Rebellion , and how deep this guilt drawes consider . 5. This would infer , though the King should send and kill us , we must not resist , nor defend our oun lives : yet being an Oath against the Sixth Command , which enjoineth Natural self preservation , it should be intrinsecally sinful ; and it s all one to swear to non-preservation of self , as to swear to self Murder . 6. I hope to make it appear in the 5. Head , that this is against the practice of Nations , the Law of Nature , and the Word of God. Yet all this Complex iniquity is clearly comprehended in the Oath of Abjuration , in terminis ab●uring all war against the King. VI. There were some other Oaths , frequently obtruded upon people , for refusing which they have suffered great cruelties , that can hardly be described by any name , Nor can their imposition have a paralel in any age or place , for illegaltty , inhumanity , arbitrariness , & odiousness . These were the Oaths of Inquisition or Super inquirendis : Whereby people were pressed to answer the Inquisitors , according to all their knowledge of things , they were interrogate upon , and delate & discover Intercommuned persons in their Wanderings , or such whose names were in their Porteous Rolls &c. And power was given to single Souldiers , to press these Oaths upon whom they pleased . The iniquity of which is monstrous : for . 1. This was the worst Kind of Combination with these blood-hound , to abett & assist , them in their pursuing after the Lords people : Which is worse than to be bare consenters to such wickedness , or to be onlookers to their affliction in the day of their Calamity , but like that sin charged upon Edom , that they delivered up those of His that did remain in the day of distress Obad. vers . 13. 14. for these that took Oaths , obliged themselves to do all they could to deliver up the Remnant that escaped ; and if they did not , no thanks to them , if they could not , their sin was in their willingness : if they would not , and yet swore would contribute their help towards it , by telling of all they knew , that was horrid perjury & false swearing . 2. This could be no wayes capable of the qualifications of an Oath ; not only because the matter is wicked & unnatural , to discover may be the husband or Children or nearest relations , to please men or save their oun life , which was a great tentation , and therefore in it there could be no delibaration in swearing : but also for the doubtful perplexity confounding the mind , that they either could not or durst not tell of all they knew , and yet sware to do it . 3. It is against the Covenant , which obliges to discover Malignant enemies , and assist our Covenanting Brethren , and not to discover them , and assist Malignant enemies : which is a perfect inverting the fourth & sixth Articles of the Covenant . 4. It is contrary to clear precepts in Scripture , to assist & defend our Brethren , to make our shaddow as the night in the midst of the noon day , and hide the Outcast , and bewray not him that wandereth Isai. 16. 3. 5. The illegality of this imposition makes it very absurd , that every pitiful Officer or Souldier should be impowered to impose & exact Oaths , and impannel & examine Witnesses , about alledged Criminals . Yet the monstrousness of this Oath serves to aggravate the Oath of Abjuration ; in that the Abjurers do renounce their part of & disoune the Declarers of that abjured Declaration , and so do as much as from them is required , to give them up for a prey to their hunters ; yea they declare them Murderers in that they abjure their Declaration as asserting Murder , And consequently they must be obliged to discover them to their acknowledged Judges . VII . The Abominable Test comes next : which needs no other refutation , than to rehearse it : the substance whereof was , a Solemn Swearing , that they Ouned & sincerely professed the true Protestant Religion , contained in the confession of faith , recorded in the first Parl. of K. Iaemes the 6 — and that they would adhere thereunto all the dayes of their life — and never consent to any change or alteration contrary thereto — but renounce all Doctrines , principles , practices , whether Popish or Fanatical , contrary thereto — And they swear that the King is the only Supreme Governour of this Realme , over all persons in all causes , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil , — and promise to bear faith & true allegiance to the Kings Maj. his heirs & Lawful successors , and to their power shall assist & defend all rights , jurisdictions , prerogatives — belonging to them — And affirme — it — unlawful for subjects upon pretence of Reformation , or any other pretence whatsoever , to enter into Covenants — or to convocate , conveen , or assemble — to treat , consult , or determine in any matter of State , Civil or Ecclesiastick , without his Maj. special command — or to take up Armes against the King , or these Commissionate by him — And that there lies no obligation on them , from the National Covenant , or Solemn League & Covenant — to endeavour any change or alteration in the Government , either in Church or State , as it is now established by the Laws of the Kingdom — and they shall never decline his Maj. power & jurisdiction — And finally they swear , that this Oath is given in the plain genuine sense & meaning of the words , without any equivocation , mental reservation , or any manner of evasion whatsoever — This is the Complement of a wicked Conspiracy , couching in its Capicious bosome the Complication of all their Mischiefs , comprehending all & explaining all the former : which indeed cannot be taken with any equivocating evasion , that can escape either the Stigma of nonsense & self contradiction , or the censure of Atheisme & irreligion , or the sentence of Divine vengeance against such baffling the Name of God. The best sense that can be put upon it , is that which a poor Sot expressed , when it was tendered to him , prefacing thus before he took it , Lord have mercy upon my Soul. For. 1. It is not consistent with itself : there being such contradictions between that confession of faith and the following part , that no man can reconcile : Some whereof may be instanced as followes . ( 1 ) In the 11. Art. of that confession , entituled , of Christs Ascension it is said , that Christ is the only Head of the Church & Just Lawgiver , in which Honours & Offices if man or Angels presume to intrude themselves , we utterly detest & abhore them as blasphemous to our Soveraign & Supreme Governour Christ Jesus ; and a litle before in that same Article , it is said , this Glory Honour & prerogative He alone among the Brethren shall possess : And in the 16. Art. of the Kirk , Christ is the only Head of the same Kirk . And yet in the Test the King is affirmed to be the only supreme in all causes Ecclesiastical . ( 2 ) In the 14. Art. among good works are reckoned these , to obey Superior powers and their charges ( not repugning to the Commandment of God ) to save the lives of Innocents , to repress Tyranny , to defend the oppressed ; And among evil works these are qualified , to resist any that God hath placed in Authority [ while they pass not over the bounds of their Office ] And Art. 24. it is confessed , that such as resist the supreme power , doing that which pertains to his charge , do resist Gods Ordinance — while the Princes & Rulers vigilantly travel in the execution of their Office. And yet in the Test , true Allegiance is engaged into without any such limitations ; And it is affirmed to be unlawful , upon any pretence whatsoever , to convocate &c. or to take up Armes against the King. ( 3 ) In the 14. Art. Evil works are affirmed to be , not only those that expressly are done against Gods Commandment , but those also that , in matters of Religion & Worshipping of God , have no other assurance but the invention & opinion of men : And Art. 18. among the Notes of the true Church , Ecclesiastical Discipline uprightly ministred , as Gods Word prescribes , whereby vice is repressed , and virtue nourished , is one : In Art. 20. the voice of God and constitution of men are opposed . And yet in the Test , they swear never to endeavour any change or alteration in the Government of the Church — as it is now established ; whereof many things must be altered , yea the whole forme & frame of it , if these propositions be true , as they are . ( 4 ) In the Test , they swear never to consent to any change or alteration , contrary to that confession , and that all principles & practices contrary thereto are Popish & fanatical ( for so they divide them into one of these disjunctively ) then must all the following principles in their Test be renounced as such ; seeing they are contrary to that confession in some propositions or Articles ; And that the Government established by that confession was Presbyterian , and this established by the Test is Episcopal . 2. It comprehends all the former Oaths & Bonds , which are cleared above to be sinful . Yet for as wicked as it is , it must be some way homologated by the Oath of Abjuration , excepting the contradiction that is in it : Seeing all these oppositions against the King , sworn aginst in the Test , are abjured & renounced in that Oath of Abjuration , in renouncing all Declarations of war against the King ; for if any war can be undertaken against him , all these Kinds of opposition must be allowed , that are in the Test sworn against . VIII . In the last place , I shall come to consider more particularly the Oath of Abjuration it self ; for refusing of which the sufferings were more severe ( being extended even to death or banishment ) though the words be more smooth than in any of the former , which are these I — do abjure , renounce , & disoune a late pretended Declaration , affixed on several Mer●at Crosses &c. in so far as it declares War against the King , and assert it Lawful to kill any that serve his Maj. in Church , State , Army , or Country . That the taking of this Oath is a step of Complyance , dishonourable to God , derogatory to the dayes Testimony , contradictory to the many reiterated Confessions of Christs Worthy ( though poor & despised ) Witnesses , sealed by their blood , bonds , & banishments , encouraging & gratifying to the Enemies of God , hardening to backsliding Brethren , offensive to the Generation of the Righteous , stumbling to all , leaving a stain & sting upon the Conscience of the Subscriber , I shall endeavour to make out by these Considerations . 1. Considering the party who imposed it ; it must be looked upon as a Confederacy with them , being tendered upon all the Subjects , as a Test of their incorporating themselves with and declaring themselves for their head , and syding with them & him , in this their Contest & Contention with a poor Remnant of the Lords people , persecuted & murdered by them for Truth & Conscience sake , who issued forth that Declaration against them , here abjured . Therefore let the party be considered , imposing the Oath with such rigour , and prosecuting the Refusers with ravenous rage , murdering & torturing all who did not comply with them , declaring a Ware more formally & explicitely against Christ as King , and all that will dare to assert their Allegiance to Him , under an open displayed banner of defyance of Him & His , than ever Mortals durst espouse & avouch : The head of that Treacherous & Truculent faction , both he who was first declared against in that Declaration , and he who hath by bloody & treacherous Usurpation succeeded to him , being such a Monster for Murder & Mischief , Tyranny , Oppression & Perfidy , that among all the Nimrods & Nero's that past ages can recount , we cannot find a paralel , by all Law Divine & humane incapable of Government , or any Trust , or so much as Protection , or any Priviledge , but to be pursued by all as a Common enemy to mankind : And his Underlings , Agents & Complices , devoted to his lust , & serving his wicked designs , in their respective offices & places of trust under him , which by his nomination & sole appointment they have been erected to , & established in , with the stain & indelible Character of perjurie , the only qualification of their being capable of any advancement , occupying by usurpation intrusion & violence the publick places of judicatories , and carrying all so insolently & arbitrarly , and with an effrontry of wickedness & despight of all Reason , Religion , or Justice , that they cannot but be looked upon as the most pestilent & pestiferous Plague that ever pestered a People : The taking then of this Oath , by them projected as a Pest to infect Consciences with , and pervert them to wicked Truth-deserting & Law-perverting Loyaltie , and imposed as a Test of Complyance with them , and coming off from that litle flock whom they design to devour & destinate to destruction ; must be in their oun esteem , as well as of the Generation of the Righteous , to their satisfaction and the others sorrow , a real incorporating with them , an ouning of their usurped power as Judges to administer Oaths , giving them all obedience they required for the time to their Authority , and all the security they demanded for the Subscribers Loyaltie , an approving of all their Proceedings in that matter , and transacting , tampering , & bargaining with these Sons of Belial , out of fear : whereby a right is purchased to that common badge of their ouned & professed friends , who ( upon taking that Oath ) had from them a priviledge & allowance to travel & traffique ( where and how they will ) through the Country , denyed to all other that wanted that Badge ; I mean the Pass or Testificate they got from them thereupon , which was the Mark of that secular beast of Tyrannie , no less pernicious to the world than Poperie hath been to the Church ; and which was given to all the Takers of that Oath , as a Mark of Tessera that they were no enemies to the Government , as they call it . O base and unworthy Liverie , for the suffering Sons of Zion to put on the Signature of the Society of her devourers . Hence , if Covenants & Confederacies , declaring we are on their side , cannot be made with the Enemies of Religion , then this Oath could not be taken Lawfully : But the former is proved above : Ergo the latter followes . This will yet more appear . 2. If we consider the Party that set forth that Declaration , whom the Proclamation against it represent so odiously & invidiously whom the Oath imposed obliges us to condemn ; being so represented , as if they were maintainers of Murdering Principles , and perpetators of Assassinating villanies , inconsistent with Peace or any good Government , and therefore to be exterminated & destroyed out of the Land , whom therefore they prosecute & persecute so cruelly to the effusion of their blood , under colour of Law. 1. The takers of this Oath must have formally , under their unhappy hand , disouned & renounced them , and all part or interest in them , or Society or Sympathie with them ; who yet are known to be the Suffering people of God , more earnestly contending , witnessing , wrestling for the faith & Word of Christs patience , and have suffered more for their adherance to the Covenanted Reformation of the Church of Scotland , and for their opposition to all its deformations & defections , than any Party within the Land : yet them have they rejected as their Companions , though with some of them sometimes they have had sweet Company & Communion in the House of God , by abjuring & condemning their deed which duty & necessity drave them to . 2. Hereby they have presumptuously taken upon them , to pass a Judgement upon the deed of their Brethren , before their Murdering Enemies ; And that not a private discretive Judgement , but a publick definitive sentence ( in their Capacity ) by the most solemn way of Declaring it , that can be , by Oath & subscription under their hand ; whereby they have condemned all the Sufferings of their Brethren , who sealed their Testimony in opposition to this Complyance with their blood , and finished it with honour & joy , as foolish & frivolous profusion of their oun blood , Nay as just & legally inflicted & executed upon them , as being Rebells , of Murdering Principles & practices : For this cannot be vindicated from a more than indirect justifying of all the Murdering Severity executed upon them . 3. And hereby they have unkindly and unchristianly listed themselves on the other side against them , and taken part rather with their enemies than with them ; for thus they used to plead for t it , when they pressed this Oath upon them that scrupled it ; When any War is declared against the King , any of his Maj. Souldiers may question any man whom he is for , and if he be not for the King , he may act against him as an enemy , and if they will not declare for the King and disoune the Rebells , they are to be reputed by all as enemies . Which , whatever weakness be in the arguing , plainly discovers , that they take the abjuring of that Declaration in that juncture , to be a mans Declaring of what side he is for , and that he is not for the Emitters of that Declaration , but for the King and his party : which in the present state of affairs , is a most dreadful ouning of Christs Enemy , and disouning of His Friends . Hence , a disouning of the Lords persecuted people , and condemning their practice , and an ouning of their Persecuters and espousing their side of it , is a sinful Confederacy : But the taking of this Oath is such , as is evident by what is said : Ergo it is a sinful Confederacy . 3. Considering the Nature , Conditions , & Qualifications of so solemn & serious a peice of Gods Worship , and way of invocating His Holy Name , as an Oath is : It will appear , that the taking of this imposed Oath of Abjuration , was a dreadful & heinous breach of the Third Command , by taking His Name in vain , in the worst sort , and so cannot be holden guiltless . I prove it thus : An Oath which cannot be taken in Truth , Judgement , & Righteousness , is a breach of the Third Command : But this is an Oath which cannot be taken in Truth , Judgement , & Righteousness : Which is evident ; for . 1. It cannot be taken by any Consciencious man in Truth , in sincerity of the heart , simplicity 〈…〉 mind , singleness & honesty in the intention , not puting any other sense than the imposer hath , and which is the clear sense of it sine juramento and extra . For , if he take it according to their meaning , then he should swear it unlawful ever to declare War against the King , and consequently never to rise in Armes against him upon any pretence whatsoever : for , if we may rise in Armes for our oun defence , we mak & must declare a defensive War. And indeed , in themselves as well as in their sense & meaning who imposed them , these two Oaths , never to rise in Armes against the King , and this of Abjuration , are one and the same . Then also should he swear it unlawful , at any time , upon any occasion , or for any Cause , to kill any such as serve the King in Church , State , Army , or Country , either in Peace or War : for that is their thought , and sensus vel juramenti ipsius vel extra juramentum : And in part , for their exemption & immunity from all condign punishment , this Oath was contrived . But in fine , how can this Oath be taken in Truth ; when it is not apparent , either that the declaring of a War against the King , or killing some for some causes ( which shall afterwards be made appear to be Lawful ) that serve him , are to be abjured & disouned ? or that the Declaration does assert any such thing ? And indeed it will be found to be a denying the Truth , and a subscribing to a manifest falsehood , invoking God to be Witness thereto . 2. This Oath cannot be taken in Iudgement , that is , with knowledge & deliberation &c. All the terms of it have much obscure ambiguity , Declaring a war , and killing any who serve the King , may be constructed in several senses , good & bad , but here they are indefinitely expressed , and universally condemned . Particularly that [ in so far as ] hath several faces , and can never be sworn in Judgement ; For , if it denote a Causality , and signify as much as quia or quatenus , then all Declarations of war against any that have the name of King whatsoever , upon whatsoever grounds , and all killing of any serving him , though in our oun defence , must be universally condemned , for a quatenus ad omne valet Consequentia : If it import a restriction , excluding other things in the Declaration , but obliging to abjure only that ; then it implies also an affirmation , that these two things are contained in it , which will not appear to the Judgement of them that will seriously ponder the Declaration it self : If again it be a Supposition or Condition , and to be interpreted for if so be , then all that the Judgement can make of it is that it is uncertain , and so the Conscience dare not invoke God as a Witness of that which is uncertain whether it be a Truth or a lie . 3. This Oath could not be taken in Righteousness : for the matter is not true , certainly known , Lawful , possible , weighty , necessary , useful , & worthy : It is not true , that the Declaration imports so far as as it is represented in the Oath of Abjuration : Neither is it certainly known , but by collating these two together the Contrary will appear : Neither is it Lawful ( if it were true that such assertions were in it ) to abjure all Declarations of war against the King , and to swear it unlawful ever to kill any if he be once in the Kings service , in Church , State ; Army , or Country : Nor is it possible to reduce this Assertory Oath into a promissory one Lawfully , as most part of such Oaths may & do necessarely imply ; for when I swear such a thing unlawful , it implies my promise , by virtue of the same Oath , never to practise it ; But it is not possible ( as the case stands ) for a man to bind up himself in every case from all declared war against the King , or from killing some imployed in his service ; what if there be a necessary call to joine in armes with the Lords people , for the defence of their Religion , lives , & Liberties , against him ? what if he command a Massacre ? shall not a man defend himself ? Nor endeavour to kill none of that murdering Crew , because they are in his service ? Was ever a fool so fettered ? Nor is it of such weight , as to be the occasion of involving the whole Country in perjury or persecution , as by that Oath was done : Nor was it necessary , in this mans time , to make all abjure a Declaration out of date , when the object of it Charles the Second was dead , and no visible party actually in armes to prosecute it ; Nor was it ever of any use or worth , except it were implicitely to gratify their greedy lusting after the blood of Innocents , or the blood of silly Souls cheated by their snares , by involving them in the same sin of perjury & Conscience-debauching false-swearing , whereof they themselves are so heinously guilty . But let them , and such as have taken that Oath , and not fled to Christ for a Sanctuary , lay to heart the doom of false swearrers , the flying roll of the Curse of God shall enter into their house Zech. 5. 4. Love no false Oath for all these are things that I hate saith the Lord Zech. 8. 17. The Lord will be a swift Witness against false swearers Mal. 3. 5. And let them sist their Conscience before the Word , and set the Word to the Conscience , and these Considerations will have some weight . 4. If we consider this Particular Oath it self , aud the words of it more narrowlie , we shall find a Complication of iniquities in it , by examining the sense of them as the Imposers expound them . 1. Not only that Declaration , but all such in so far as they declare & assert such things , are here renounced ; and hereby many honest & faithful Declarations are disouned , that declare the same things . It is indeed pleaded by some , that profess to be presbyterians , as it was also pretended by some of the pressers of the Oath themselves , but in order to pervert & cheat the Conscience ; that here is not required a disouning of the Apologetical Declaration simpliciter , but only secundum quid , or rather of a pretended one of their supposing , in so far as it imports such things : But this is frivolous , for that pretended one is intended by the Imposers to be the Real Apologetical Declaration , which they will have to be disouned , and cannot be distinguished from it : And though all these Assertions cannot be fastened upon that Apologetical Declaration , but it is evident that it is invidiously misr●presented ; yet that same is the pretended one which they require to be abjured in so far as it asserts such things , which it does not : And if it be secundum quid to be disouned , then that must either be secundum that Assertion of killing any &c. Which is not to be found in it , and so it is not to be disouned at all ; or it must be secundum the Declaration of war against the King ; And so that quid or formal reason of disouning it , will oblige to disoune all Declarations of war against the King , which cannot be disouned . Others again Object , that it is not required to be disouned formally , but only conditionally , taking & confounding in so far for if so be : But to any thinking man it is plain , this cannot be a supposition , nor yet a simple restriction ( as they would give it out ) but an assertion that such things are indeed imported in it ; for so the Imposers think & say : And if it might pass current under that notion , as a supposition , being equivalent to if so be , then under that sophistical pretext , I might renounce the Covenant , or the most indisputed Confession or Declaration that ever was , in so far as it contained such things ; And so this equivocation might elude all Testimonies whatsoever , and justify all prevarications . 2. This must condemn all defensive wai of subjects against their oppressing Rulers , in that a Declaration is abjured in so far as it declares war against the King : to press & perswade people to which , it was usually urged by the Imposers , that when a war is declared by Rebells against the King , then all the subjects are obliged to disoune the Rebells , or else be repute for such themselves : And , when it was alledged the war was ceased , because the Object declared against was ceased , Charles the Second being dead , otherwise if a man be obliged to give his opinion about a war declared against a King deceased & gone , then by the same parity of reason he must be obliged to give his opinion of that war of the Lords of the Congregation ( as they were called ) against Queen Mary in the begining of the Reformation ; It was still replyed by them , that the Rebellion continued , and all were guilty of it that did not abjure that Declaration : Whence it is evident , they mean that every thing which they call Rebellion must be disouned , and consequently all Resistence of Superiors upon any pretence whatsoever , as many of their Acts explain it : yea and it was plainly told by some of them , to some that scrupled to rake the Oath because they said they did not understand it , that the meaning was to swear never to rise in armes against the King. Against this it hath been objected by several , that this was alwayes denied by Presbyterians , that ever they declared war against the King , but only for defence of their lives & Liberties , never agai●st the King expressy , purposedly , & designedly , but only against him per accidens when he happened to be the adverse party : But this distinction will not be a Salvo to the Conscience ; For the object declared against , is either a King or not ; if he be not , then a Declaration of war against him is not to be abjured ; if he be King , then he is either declared against as King qua Rex & perse , or as an oppressor , or an Abuser of his power ; the first indeed is to be disouned , for a King as King or Lawful Magistrate must not be resisted Rom. 13. 2. But the second , to declare war against a King as an oppressor and abuser of his power and subverter of the Laws , hath been ouned by our Church & State many a time , and they have opposed & declared war as purposedly against him as he did against them , and as really & formally as he was an oppres●or : sure he cannot be an oppressor only per accidens , nor does he declare war against the subjects only pes accidens : However this hath been ouned alwayes by Presbyterians , that war may be declared against him who is called King. And therefore to abjure a Declaration in so far as it declares war against the King , will condemn not only that Declaration upon the heads wherein its honesty & faithfulness chiefly consists , but all other most honest & honourable Declarations , that have been made & emitted by our worthy & renouned Ancestors , and by our Worthies in our oun time , who have formally , avowedly , & explicitely , or expressly , purposedly , & designedly declared their opposition to Tyranny & Tyrants , and their Lawful & laudable designs to repress , depress , & suppress them , by all the wayes & means , that God , & Nature , and the Laws of Nations allow , when they did ipso jure depose & exauctorate themselves from all Rule , or priviledge , or prerogative of Rulers , and became no more Gods ministers but Beelzebubs vicegerents , and Monsters to be exterminated out of the Society of Mankind . The honestest of all our Declarations of defensive war , have alwayes run in this strain ; And others , insinuating more preposterous Loayltie , have been justly taxed for asserting the Interest of the Tyrant , the greatest enemy of the declarers , and principal object of the declared war ; which disingenuous jugling & foysting in such flattering & falsifying distinctions in the State of the Quarrel , hath rationally been thought one of the procuring Causes or Occasions of the discomfiture of our former Appearances , for the Work of God & Liberties of our Country , 3. This must infer an ouning of his Authority as Lawful King ; when the Declaration disouning him is abjured in so far as it declares war against his Majestie , for in this Oath he is styled and asserted to be King , and to have the Majestie of a Lawful King , and therefore must be ouned as such by all that take it : which yet I have proved to be sinful above Head. 2. Against this it hath been quibbled by some , that that Declaration does not declare war against the King expresly as King , but only against Charles Stewart , by them declared to be no King who set forth the Declaration . But this will not salve the matter ; for then ( 1 ) It is a subscribing to a lie , in abjuring a Declaration in so far as it did declare a thing , which it did not , if that hold . ( 2 ) The enemies impose the abjuring & disouning of it , in so far as it declares war against their King , who had none other but Charles Stewart at that time , who was the King in their sense ; and an Oath cannot be taken in any other sense , contradictory to the Imposers , even though by them allowed , without an unjustifiable equivocation . ( 3 ) Though he had been King , and had not committed such acts of Tyranny as might actually denominate him a Tyrant , & forefeit his Kingship ; yet to repress his illegal arbitrariness & intollerable enormities , and to repel his unjust violence , and reduce him to good order , Subjects , at least for their oun defence , may declare a war expresly , purposedly & designedly against their oun acknowledged King : This ought not in so far to be disouned ; For then all our Declarations emitted , during the whole time of prosecuting the Reformation , in opposition to our King : would be disouned : And so with one dash unhappily the whole Work of Reformation , and the way of carrying it on , is hereby tacitely & consequentially reflected upon & reproached , if not disouned . 4. It must infer an ouning of the Ecclesiastical Supremacy , when it asserts that some do serve the King in Church as well as in State : there is no Distinction here , but they are said to serve him the same way in both . And it is certain they mean so , and have expressed so much in their Acts , that Church men are as subordinate , and the same way subject to the Kings Supremacy , as Statsmen are . The absurdity & blasphemy of which , is discovered above . 5. This condemns all killing of any that serve the King , in Church , State , Army , or Country : for a Declaration is abjured in so far as it asserts it Lawful to kill any such ; And so by this Oath , there is an impunity secured for his Idolatrous priests , and Murdering varlets , that serve him in the Church ; for his bloody Councellors , and Gouned Murderers , that serve his Tyrannical designs in the State ; for his bloody Lictors & Executioners , the Sword men , that serve him in the Army , whom he may send when he pleases to murder us ; and for his bloody Iust-asses , Informers , & Intelligencing Sycophants , the Ziphites , that serve him in the Country : All these must escape bringing to con●ign punishment , contrary to the 4. Art. of the Solemn League & Covenant , and shall be confuted Head. 6. Against this it is excepted by the Pleaders for this Oath , that it is only a declared abhoring of Murdering principles , which no Christian dare refuse ; And it may be taken in this sense safly , that it is to be abjured in so far as it asserts it Lawful to kill all that are to be imployed by his Maj. or any because so imployed , in Church , State , Army , or Country ; Which never any did assert was Law-ful : But though Murdering principles are indeed alwayes to be declaredly abhorred , and all Refusers of that Oath did both declare so much , and abhorred the thoughts of them ; yet this evasion is naught , for ( 1 ) The Declaration asserts no such thing , neither for that cause nor for any other , but expressly makes a distinction , between persons under the Epithet of bloody cruel Murderers , and these only whom it threateneth to animadvert upon . ( 2 ) The only reason of their declared intent of prosecuting these , whom they threaten to bring to conding punishment , was because they were so imployed by the Tyrant in such service , as shedding the blood of Innocents , Murdering people where they met them ; And so that 's the very reason for which they deserve to be killed , and therefore foolish , impertinent , and very absurd to be alledged , as a qualification of the sense of that impious Oath . 5. If we consider the Proclamation enjoining this Oath , and narrating and explaining the Occasions & causes of it , all these reasons against it will be confirmed ; and it will further appear , that the Proclamation it self is indirectly approved . For though it might be sustained : in the abstract , that we may & must renounce such Declarations founded on Principles inconsistent with Government , and bearing such inferences as are specified in that Proclamation : yet complexly considering what they mean by Government , and what sort of Societie that is , the Security whereof is said to be infringed by that Declaration , And what is the Scope of that Narrative ; A renouncing of a paper contradictory thereto , must be in so far a tacite approbation of that Proclamation . For that Oath which renounceth what is contrary to such a Proclamation , does justify the Proclamation : But this Oath renounces what is contrary to the Proclamation , and that only : Ergo it justifies the Proclamation . It is entituled , as it was really designed , for discovering such as oune or will not disoune the foresaid Declaration , by them falsely nicknamed , a late treasonable Declaration of war against his Majestie , and the horrid principle of Assassination . And the body of it discovers such hell-bred hatred of & malice against that poor party , destinated in their design to final & total destruction , and layes doun such Contrivances for their discovery and ruin , that the heads & hearts of the Inventors & Authors may seem to be possessed & inspired with the Devils immediatly assisting Counsell , and the Clerks pen that drew it up to have been dipt in the Stygian lake and the Gall & venome of hell : Representing the Emitters & Abetters & Spreaders of that Declaration , and all who have been joined in any of their Societies , and all who either will oune or scruple to disoune the said Declaration , in the manner by them tendered & imposed , ( which are the Generality of the most tender & consciencious Christians in the Land ) under all the vilest & most abominable & odious terms , their malice could invent ; as if they were Insolent & desperate Rebells , associated under a pretended forme of Government , who had formerly endeavoured to disguise their bloody & execrable principles , but now had pulled off the mask , and who think it a duty to kill & Murder all who do any manner of way serve the present Rulers , or bear charge under them ; who maintain principles inconsistent with all Government & Society , and tending to the destruction of the lives of their Loyal & honest subjects ; Treacherous & assassinating principles &c. who now have declared their hellish intentions , and for the better performance of their mischievons designs , do lurk in secret , and are never discerned but in the acts of their horrid assassinations , and passing up & doun among the Kings Loyal subjects , take opportunity to murder & assassinate , like execrable Rebells ; And Calling that Declaration , an execrable & damnable Paper &c. All which are execrable & damnable lies , and forgeries of the father of them , and a Charge which all their Sophistrie can never make out in any particular : Yet by them amplified to a swelling hight of heinousness ; And among other circumstances , aggravated from their frequent refusing the reiterated Offers of their Clemency , by which they understand their contempt of their presumptuous , Christ-defying , and Church-destroying Indulgences , and their not submitting to their insnaring & base Indemnities , or their conscience-cheating Bonds & Oaths by them so finely busked . From these impudently pretended premises , in their falsly forged viperous Narative , they lay doun their bloody Methods & Measurs for prosecuting that poor people , with all rigour of Savage Severity ; Ordaining , that whosoever shall oune that Declaration , and the principles therein specified ( which is a lager Dilatation of their meaning , than their pretended restriction [ in so far as &c. ] and gives a further discovery of the intent of the Oath , that gives a Covert stroke to all the principles of our Reformation which are reductively specified in that Declaration ) or whosoever shall refuse to disoune the same — shall be execute to the death ; And commanding all subjects to concur , and do their utmost endeavour , to seek , search , delate , & apprehend all such , under the severest penalties of the Laws ; And to difference the good from the bad ( meaning their oun Associates & friends , from Christs followers ) by discriminating signs , Declaring it their pleasure , and requiring all past the age of sixteen years , not to presume to travel without Testificates of , their Loyaltie & good principles , by taking the Oath of Abjuration ; whereupon they are to have a Testificate which is to serve for a free Pass , with certification to all that shall adventure to travel without such a Testificate , shall be holden & used as Concurrers with the said Rebells ; Commanding all Heretors &c. to give up the lists of the names of all under them , before the Curate ; Declaring , if any shall refuse to concur in such service , shall be holden as guilty of the foresaid crimes & punished accordingly ; And strictly prohibiting , all to harbour , lodge , or intertain any , unless they have such certificates under the same pain ; And for encouragment to any that shall discover or apprehend any to be found guilty as above said , ensuring to them the sum of 500 Merks Scots for each of them . This is that hell-hatcht Proclamation , so grievous for its effects , so dreadful for its designs , so monstrous for its absurdities , that the like hath not been seen : Whereby not only the countries Interest & Trade hath been prejudged , by compelling all to have a pass in time of peace , and these to be procured at exorbitant rates , oppressing poor people ; Not only common Hostlers & Inn-keepers are made Judges , impowered to impose Oaths upon Passengers for their passes , that they be not forged ; but many consciences coozened , cheated , wounded , & insnared , and the whole Land involved in sin . But they that took this Oath have approved & justified this detestable , execrable , bloody Proclamation , the supurious spawn of the Devills venome against Christ followers : For , they gave all the Obedience to it that was required of them in their Capacity , And obedience justifies the Law enjoining it : They have done all was required , or could be done by them , to answer the design of it in their circumstances ; And consequently by doing the thing prescribed , they have justified the grounds upon which the prescript was founded , and the methods by which it was prosecuted , which hath a dreadful Medley of iniquitie in it . Hence ( 1 ) They have subscribed to all these Odious Characters wherewith they branded that poor persecuted party , and have condemned them as Insolent , desperate Rebells , Murderers , bloody Assassins &c. ( 2 ) In disouning that Declaration , they have disouned the principles therein specified , and consequently all the Testimonie against this Usurping faction of Overturners of the Work of Reformation , Active & passive , that have been given & sealed by the eminent Servants of God , since this Catastrophe , the principle of Defensive Armes , and our Covenants , and several others which are therein specified . ( 3 ) They have given their consent to all the concurrence there required , for seeking , searching , delating , & apprehending of these people , and to all the cruel villanies committed against them . ( 4 ) They have taken on their prescribed discriminating Sign of Loyaltie , and of being repute by them men of good principles , that is , their friends , men for the times : Which is so sinful & scandalous , that it is shameful to hint at them , and yet shameful to hide them . 6. If we consider the Apologetical Declaration it self , which is so bespattered , and so odiously represented , and so rigorously enjoined to be abjured ; who will more narrowly look into it , and ponder & perpend the purpose & Scope of it , will see nothing that can be abjured conscienciously in it , but the whole of it , laying aside prejudice & invidious Critical Censoriousness , capable of a fair & acceptable Construction . The Motives leading them to set it forth , being only their desires and just endeavoures to prosecute , and secure themselves in the prosecution of , Holy Commanded Duties , and to keep a standing Testimony , against the Insolencie of those that are given up of God , to lay out themselves in promoving a Course of profanity & persecution , notwithstanding of all their viperous threatenings . Their Measures being none other , than the commendable precedents & Examples of zealous & tender hearted Christians , who have done the like , and our National and Solemn Covenants , lying with their binding force indispensable upon all of us , and obliging us to endeavour all that 's there declared , as being bound for ever to have common friends & foes with our Covenanted Reformation , to all which they declare & avouch their resolved adherence , And their oun former Declarations , Disouning their Allegiance to , & Authority of a Man who had ipso jure forfeited all Authority , by his intollerable Tyrannie , Perjurie , & perfidious breach of Trust , reposed & devolved upon him by Covenant , and by his overturning all the fundamental constitutions of the Government , perverting , inverting , & everting all Laws , all Liberties all Priviledges of Church & State , all establishments of our Covenanted Work of Reformation , all Securities of our life and enjoyments whatsoever , Usurping to himself an absolute Tyrannical Civil Supremacy , inconsistent with the safety or freedom of the people , and a monstrous blasphemous Ecclesiastical Supremacy ; Upon which considerations , to endeavour to make good their freedom & emancipation from that yoke which they had cast off , they behoved to resolve upon defensive resistence , against him and his bloody emissaries ; Which war being declared before , they only in this Declaration testified their unanimous approbation of ▪ adherence to , and resolutions for prosecuting the same , against him & his accomplices , such as lay out themselves to promove his wicked & hellish designs : By which war they do not mean a formed stated & declared Insurection with hostile force , to break the Peace of the Nation , and involve all in blood , but a resolved avowed constant Opposition to the Murdering violence , injustice , oppression , & persecution of this wicked faction , now raging rather than reigning , who have declared & still prosecute a declared war against Christ , bearing doun His Work & Interest in the Land ; And a constant endeavour , in opposition to them , to pursue the ends of our Covenants , in standing to the defence of the Glorious Work of Reformation , and their oun lives ; And in the defence thereof , to maintain the cause & Interest of Christ against His enemies , and to hold up the Standard of our Lord Jesus Christ , ( meaning the Gospel & the Word of our Testimony , ) whereunto they looked upon themselves as bound & obliged by their holy Covenants , being therein dedicated to the Lord in their persons , lives , Liberties , & fortunes , for defending & promoving this Glorious Work of Reformation , notwithstanding of all opposition , that is or may be made thereunto , and sworn against all neutrality & indifferency in the Lords Matters : Whereunto they beseech , invite , & obtest , all them who wish well to Zion to a concurrence & concerting the same cause & Quarrel . In maintaining of which opposition against such wicked Enemies , because by them they were restlessly pursued and hunted , and Murdered wherever they were found , neither could find any harbour or hiding place in any Corner of the country , for Searchers , Informers , & Justigators , who still stirred up the country to raise the hue & Crye after them , and caused them to be delivered up , and del●ted them to the Courts of their Murdering enemies , whereby much innocent blood was shed ; Therefore , to stop their Career of violence , and deter them from such Courses , they found it necessary to threaten them with more active & vigorous opposition , and that they might expect to be treated as they deserved . Wherein they are far from ouning assassinating principles , or practising assassinations ; for they give only open & plain warning , and advertisement to the world , of their necessitated endeavours to defend themselves , and prevent the Murder of their Brethren : And can no way be charged , with asserting it Lawful , to kill all employed in the Kings service in Church , State , Army , or Country , as the Proclamation in viperous invective Calumny misrepresents the Declaration , but on the contrary do jointly & unanimously declare , they detest & abhor that hellish principle of killing such as differ in judgement from them , and they are firmly & really purposed , not to injure or offend any whomsoever , but such as are directly guilty of , or accessory to the Murder of their Brethren : whom yet they mind not to assassinate or kill tumultuarly , but to prosecute them with all the legal formalities , that Justice in their Capacity , and the times disorder & distracted condition , will allow ; Expressly declaring , that they abhor , condemn , & discharge all personall attempts upon any pretext whatsomever , without previous deliberations , common consent , certain probation of sufficient witnesses , or the guilty persons confession . Neither could it ever be supposed , that they threaten all imployed in the Kings service with this sort of handling , but some select & expressly distinguished Kind of Notorious villains , men of death & blood , openly avowing & vaunting of their Murders : and these they distinguished into several Classes , according to the respective aggravations of their wickedness : In the first , they place those that Murder by Command , under pretext of an usurped Authority , as Councellours , Justiciary , & Officers of their forces , or bands of Robbers & not all nor any of these neither but the cruel & bloody . In the second Class , they threaten such as are actually in armes against them of an inferior rank ; And such Gentlemen , and Bishops , & Curats , as do professedly & willingly serve them to accomplish & effectuate their Murders , by obeying their commands , making searth for these poor men , delivering them up , instigating , informing , and witnessing against & hunting after them : & not all these neither , but such as cruelly prosecute that service , to the effussion of their blood . Neither do they threaten all equally , nor any of them peremptorly , but that continuing after the publication of this their Declaration obstinately & habitually in these courses ( Plainly declaring they intended no hurt to them if they would hold up their hands ) they would repute them as enemies to God & the Reformation , and punish them as such , according to their power , and the degree of their offence ; Withall leaving room for Civil & Ecclesiastical satisfaction , before Lawful & settled Judicatories , for the offences of such persons , as their power may not reach &c. And as unwilling to be necessitated to such severe Courses , and earnestly desirous they be prevented , they admonish them with sorrow & seriousness , of the sin & hazard of their wicked Courses ; and protest , that only Necessity of self preservation , and zeal to Religion , lest it should be totally rooted out by their insolency , did drive them to this threatening Declaration , and not because they ▪ were acted by any sinful spirit of revange . This is all that is contained in that Declaration . And if here be any thing there so odious & execrable , to be so solemnly abjured , renounced , & abhorred in the persence of God , for the pleasure of and in obedience to the will of His & our enemies , let all unbyassed Considerers impartially weigh , or any awakened Conscience speak , and I doubt not but the swearing & subscribing this Oath will be cast & condemned . I shall say nothing of the necessity , or conveniency , or expediency , or formality of this Declaration : but the Lawfulness of the matter complexely taken is so undeniable , that it cannot be renounced without condemning many very Material Principles of our Reformation : Only Success & Incapacity is wanting to justify the manner , whole proceedure , formality , and all the Circumstances of the business ; If either the Declarers themselves , or any other i● powered with strength and countenanced with success to make good the undertaking , had issued out such a Declaration in the same terms , and had prevailed & prospered in the Project , many that have now abjured it would approve & applaud it . But passing these things that are extrinsick to the consideration in hand , it is the matter that they required to be abjured & condemned , it is that the enemies quarrelled at , and not the inexpediency or informalities of it : And it must be taken as they propound it , and abjured & renounced by Oath as they represent it : And therefore the iniquity of this subscription will appear to be great , in two respects : First in denying the Truth : Secondly in subscribing to , & swearing a Lie. 1. They that have taken that Oath have denied & renounced the matter of that Declaration ; which is Truth & duty , and a Testimony to the Cause of Christ , as it is this day Stated & Circumstantiate in the Nation , founded upon former ( among us uncontroverted ) precedents & Principles of Defensive Wars , disouning Tyranny , & repressing the insolency of Tyrants & their Accomplices ; the whole matter being reducible to these two Points , Declaring a resolved endeavour of breaking the Tyrants yoke from off our neck , thereby asserting our oun & the posterities Liberty & freedom from his insupportable & entailed slavery ; And a just Threatening to curb & restrain the insolency of Murderers , or to bring them to condign punishment : Whereof as the first is no wayes repugnant , but very consonant to the Third Article ; So the Second is the very duty obliged unto in the Fourth Article of our Solemn League & Covenant . But all this they have denied by taking that Oath . 2. By taking that Oath , they have sworn & subscribed to a Lie , taking it as they represent it , abjuring it in so far as it declares &c. & asserts it is Lawful to kill all imployed in the service of the King , in Church , State , Army , or Country : which is a manifest Lie , for it asserts no such thing . Neither will any other sense put upon the words in so far as salve the matter ; for as thereby the Takers of the Oath shall deal deceitfully , in frustrating the end of the Oath , and the design of the Tenderers thereof ; And to take an Oath quatenus , eatenus , in so far , will not satisfie as Voetius Judgeth de Pol. Eccl. P. 213. So let them be taken which way they can , either for in quantum , or quatenus , or si modo , it is either a denying the Truth , or subscribing a Lie : And Consequently , these poor people suffered for Righteousness that Refused it . HEAD . IV. The Sufferings of people for frequenting Field Meetings Vindicated . HItherto the Negative Heads of Sufferings have been vindicated : now follow the Positive , founded upon Positive duties , for doing , and not denying , and not promising & engaging to relinquish which , many have suffered severely . The first both in order of nature and of time , that which was first and last , and most frequently , most constantly , most universally , and most signally sealed by Sufferings , was that which is the clearest of all , being in some respect the Testimony of all Ages , and which clears all the rest , being the Rise & Root , Cause & Occasion of all the rest ; to wit , the Necessary duty of hearing the Gospel , & following the pure & powerful faithfully dispensed Ordinances of Christ , banished out of the Churches to private houses , and persecuted out of houses to the Open Fields , and there pursued & opposed , and sought to be suppressed , by all the fury & force , rigour & rage , Cruelty & Craft , policy & power , that ever wicked men , madded into a Monstrous Malice against the Mediator Christ and the Coming of His Kingdom , could contrive or exert : yet still followed & frequented , ouned & adhered to , by the Lovers of Christ & serious seekers of God , even when for the same they were killed all day long , and counted as sheep for the slaughter , and continually oppressed , harrassed , hunted , and cruelly handled , dragged to Prisons , banished & sold for slaves , tortured , & Murdered . And after , by their fraudulent favours of ensnaring Indulgences & Indemnities , and a Continued tract of Impositions & Exactions , and many Oaths & Bonds , they had prevailed with many , and even the most part both of Ministers & Professors , to abandon that necessary duty ; And even when it was declared Criminal by Act of Parliament , and interdicted under pain of death , to be found at any Field Meetings ; they nevertheless persisted in an undaunted endeavour , to keep up the Standart of Christ , in following the Word of the Lord wherever they could have it faithfully preached , though at the greatest of hazards : And so much the more , that it was prosecuted by the rage of enemies , and the reproach & oblequies of pretended friends , that had turned their back on the Testimony , and preferred their oun ease & Interests to the cause of Christ ; and with the greater fervor , that the Labourers in that Work were few , and like to faint under so many difficulties . What the first Occasion was that constrained them to go to the fields , is declared at length in the Historical Deduction of the Testimony of the Sixt Period ; to wit , finding themselves bound in duty , to Testifie their Adherence to & Continuance in their Covenanted profession , their Abhorrence of Abjured Prelacy , and their Love & Zeal to keep Christ & His Gospel in the Land ; after they had undergone & endured many hazards & hardships , oppressions & persecutions , for Meeting in the houses , where they were so easily attrapped , and with such difficulty could escape the hands of these Cruel Men ; they were forced to take the Fields , though with the unavoidable inconveniences of all Weathers without a shelter : yet proposing the advantages , both of Conveniency for Meeting in greater Numbers , and of Secrecie in the remote recesses of Wild Moors & Mountains , and of Safety in betaking themselves to inaccessible Natural Strengths , safest either for flight or resistence , And withal having occasion there to give a Testimony for the Reformation with greater freedom . And to this very day , though many have a pretended Liberty to meet in houses , under the security of a Mans promise whose principle is to keep no faith to Hereeicks , and under the shelter & shadow of an Antichristian Toleration ; yet there is a poor people that are out of the Compass of this favour , whom all these forementioned reasons do yet oblige to keep the fields , that is both for Conveniency , Secrecy , and Safety ; they dare not trust those who are still thirsting insatiably after their blood , nor give them such advantages as they are seeking to prey upon them , by shuting themselves within houses ; And morover they take themselves to be called indispensably , in the present Circumstances , to be as publick , or more than ever , in their Testimony for the Preached Gospel , even in the open Fields . Now this would be a litle cleared : And to essay the same , I would offer first , Some Concessions . Secondly some Postulata or Supposed Grounds . Thirdly some more Special Considerations which will conduce to clear the case . First , That we may more distinctly understand what is the duty here pleaded for , and what is that which these people Suffer for , here Vindicated ; let these Concessions be premised . 1. Now under the Evangelical Dispensation , there is no place more Sacred than another , to which the Worship of God is astricted , and which He hath chosen for His House & Habitation , whither He will have His people to resort and attend , as under the Legal & Typical Dispensation was ordered : there was a place where the Lord caused His Name to dwel Deut. 12. 5 , 11. But now , neither in the Mountain nor at Ierusalem the Father will be Worshipped , but every where and any where in Spirit & in Truth Iohn . 4. 21 , 23 , 24. And the Apostle wills that men pray every where , lifting up holy hands , without wrath & doubting 1 Tim. 2. 8. We abhor therefore the English & Popish Superstition of Consecrated places , and assert that all are alike in this respect , houses or fields . 2. In the Constitute case of the Church , or when ever it can be obtained , Order , Decency & Conveniency doth require that there be appointed places , sequestrate & appropriate for the Meetings of the Lords people , according to that General Rule , Let all things be done decently & in order 1 Cot. 14. ult . And in that case private Conventicles , set up in a Schismatical Competition with Publick Churches , are not to be allowed . But even then , Private Meetings for prayer & conference , are necessary , Lawful , & Laudable . But now the Church is broken by a Crew of Schismatical Intruders , who have occupied the places of Publick Assemblies , and thrust out the Lods Ministers : It is these we scare at , and not the place . 3. Suppose a Magistrate should interdict & Discharge the publik place of Worship , and restrain from the Churches , but leave all other places free to meet in ; or if he should prohibite the houses , but leave freedom for the fields ; or discharge the fields , and give Liberty in houses ; in that case we would not contend for the place out of contempt : though it were duty then to witness against such a Sacrilegious Injury done to the Church , in taking away their Meeting places ; yet it were inexpedient to stickle & strive for one Spot , if we might have another : then when only excluded out of a place , and not included or concluded and restricted to other places , nor otherwise robbed of the Churches priviledges , we might go to houses when shut out of Churches , and go to fields when shut out of houses , and back again to houses when discharged thence . But this is not our case , for we are either interdicted of all places ; or if allowed any , it is under such confinements as are inconsistent with the freedom of the Gospel ; and besides , we have to do with one from whom we can take no orders to determine our Meetings ; nor can we acknowledge our Liberty to depend on his Authority , or favour , which we cannot oune nor trust , nor accept of any Protection from him . Neither is it the place of fields or houses , that we contend for ; Nor is it that which he mainly opposes : but it is the freedom of the Gospel faithfully preached , that we are seeking to promove & improve , and he is seeking to suppress . The contest betwixt him & us is the Service of God in the Gospel of His Son , that we profess without ouning him for the Liberty of its exercise : And therefore as an Enemy to the Matter & Object of these Religious Exercises , which are the eye-sore of Antichrist , he prosecutes with such rage the manner & Circumstances thereof . 4. Even in this case , when we are persecuted in one place we flee unto another , as the Lord allowes & directs Math. 10. 23. And if occasionally we find a house , either publick , or a Church , or a private dwelling house that may be safe or convenient , or capacious of the numbers gathered , we think it indifferent to meet there or in the Fields : But in the present circumstances , it is more for the conveniency of the people , and more Congruous for the dayes Testimony , to keep the Fields in their Meetings , even though it irritate the incensed Enemies . Which that it may appear . Secondly , I shall offer some Postulata or Hypotheses to be considered , or endeavour to make them good , and infer from them the necessity & expediency of Field Meetings at this time in these circumstances : which consequently vindicate the Sufferings that have been thereupon Stated formerly , and are still continued . 1. It is necessary at all times that Christians should meet together , whether they have Ministers or not , and whether the Magistrate allow it or not . The Authority of God , their necessity , duty , & Interest , makes it indispensable in all cases . It is necessary for their Mutual help , two are better than one for if they fall the one will lift up his fellow , Eccles. 4. 9 , 10. It is necessary for their Mutual encouragment in an evil day , to speak often one to another , which the Lord hath promised to take special notice of Mal. 3. 16 , It is necessary for cherishing Mutual Love , which is the New Commandment , and the badge of all Christs Disciples Iohn . 13. 34 , 35. a principle which they are all thaught of God. 1 Thess. 4. 9. It is necessary for nurissing Union to communicate together , in order to their being of one mind & of one mouth , and that they receive one another Rom. 15. 5 , 6 , 7. 1 Cor. 1. 10. standing fast in one Spirit , striving together for the faith of the Gospel Phil. 1. 27. It is necessary for serving one another in Love Gal. 5. 13. bearing one anothers burdens , & so fulfilling the Law of Christ Gal. 6. 2. submitting to one another Ehphs. 5. 21. 1 Pet , 5. 5. teaching & admonishing one another Col. 3. 16. comforting one another 1 Thess. 4. ult . edifying one another 1 Thess. 5. 11. exhorting one another Heb. 3. 13. It is necessary for considering one another , & provoking unto love & to good works ; And for this end , they must not forsake the assembling of themselves together , as the manner of some is , for that were to sin wilfully Heb. 10. 24 , 25 , 26. Must these things depend on the Magistrats Allowance ? or can they be done without meeting together in private or publick ? The same reasons do alike conclude , for the necessity of both . If then there must be Meetings for these ends necessary at all times , then when they cannot do it within door , they must do it without . 2. There is a necessity for Meeting for preaching & h●aring the Gospel ; the enjoyment whereof hath alwayes been the greatest design & desire of Saints , who could not live without it ; therefore they loved the place where the Lords Honour dwelt Psal. 26. 8. This was the one thing they desired of the Lord , and that they would seek after , to behold the beauty of the Lord Psal. 27. 4. for this they panted , and their Soul thirsted Psal. 42. 1 , 2. without which every Land is but a thirsty Land , where there is no water , where they cannot see the power & the Glory of God as they have seen it in the Sanctuary Psal. 63. 1 , 2. O how amiable are His Tabernacles ? one day in His Courts is better than a thousand else where Psal. 84. 1 , 10. No gladness to them like that of going to the House of the Lord Psal. 122. 1. A Christian can not possibly live without Gospel Ordinances , no more than Children can want the breasts , or the poor & needy want water when their tongue faileth for thirst ; they are promised it in high places , and in the wilderness , when they can get it no where else Isai. 41. 17 , 18. There is an innate desire in the Saints after it , as new born habes they desire the sincere milk of the Word 1 Pet. 2. 2. So that any that is offended with them for this , must be offended with them for being Christians , for as such they must have the Gospel cost what is will. It is the greatest desire of the Spouse of Christ , to know where He feeds and where to find the Shepherds tents , where they may rest at noon Cant. 1. 7 , 8. And not only in their esteem is it necessary ; but in it self , the Church cannot bear the want of it , for where there is no vision the people perish Prov. 29. 18. and when there is no open vision , the Word of the Lord is then very precious 1 Sam. 3. 1. No wonder then that the Lords people make such adoe for it , in a famine of it , that they go from sea to sea , to seek it Amos 8. 11 , 12. and that they are content to have it at any rate , though with the peril of their lives because of the sword of the Wilderness Lam. 5. 9. Seeing they cannot live without it . Would men be hindered by Law , from seeking their natural food ? nay they would fight for it before they wanted it , against any that opposed them . If then they cannot get it with peace , they must have it with trouble : And if they cannot get it in houses , they must have it wherever it is to be found , with freedom , & the favour of God. 3. It is necessary that the Meetings be as publik , as they can be with Conveniencie & Prudence ; yea simple hazard should no more hinder their Publickness & Solemnity , than their being at all . Especially in an evil time , when wickedness is encouraged & established , and conformity thereto pressed , Truth banished , and a Witness for Christ suppressed , Corruption in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government connived at , countenanced , and advanced , the Word of God is become a reproach , and men have no delight in it , Apostacy is become universal , and both Magistrats & Ministers generally turned promoters of it , which is the true Discription of our times : Then the Meetings of the Lords people , that endeavour to keep clean Garments , should be more frequent , publick , & avowed . The reasons are . 1. Then the Call of God , by His Word & Works , is more clamant , for publick & solemn humiliation . in order to avert publick imminent judgments and impendent stroks from God. It is not enough to reforme our selvs privately & personally , and to keep our selves pure from such Courses by an abstraction & withdrawing from them as is proved Head. 1. ( where this is improved as an argument against hearing the Curats ) Nor is it enough to admonish , exhort , reprove , & testify against such as are involved in these Courses : But it is necessary , for them that would be approven , to adhere to the Truth , and serve God after the right manner , and to mourn , sigh and cry for all the abominations of the time , so as to get the Mark of Mourners on their foreheads Ezek. 9. 4. and they that do so , wil be found on the Mountains like doves in the valleyes all of them mourning every one for his iniquity Ezek. 7. 16. and not only to by humbled every family apart , but there must be a great Mourning as the Mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon Zech. 12. 11. to the end . That is a Solemn publick Mourning there promised . There must be a gathering themselves together , though a Nation not desired , before the decree bring forth , before the day pass as the chaff , and the fierce anger of the Lord come upon them , if they would have any possibility of their hiding Zeph. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. The Trumpet then must be blown in Zion , to sanctify a fast , to call a solemn Assembly , Gather the people , Sanctify the Congregation , Assemble the Elders , Gather the Children — Ioel. 2. 15 , 16. As was exemplified in Ezra's time , when there were great Congregations of people assembled publickly , weeping very sore , then there was hope in Israel Ezra . 10. 1 , 2. and when that Messenger of the Lord came up from Gilgal to the people of Israel , and reproved them for their Defections & Compliance with the Canaanites , they had such a solemn day of humilation , that the place of their Meeting got a name from it , they called the name of that place Bochim , that is , Weepers Iudg. 2. 4 , 5. And when the Ark was at Kirjath-jearim all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord — and they gathered together to Mizpeh and drew water & poured it out before the Lord 2 Sam. 7. 2 , 6. I shew before , that there is reason to fear that the sins of a few , especially of Magistrats & Ministers , will bring wrath upon the whole body of the people , as is plain from these Scriptures Levit. 10. 6. Isai. 43. 27 , 28. Lam. 4 , 13. Mic. 3. 11 , 21. shewing the sins of Ministers may procure universal Destruction . And 2 Sam. 24. 25. 2 King. 21. 11. Ier. 15 , 4. proving the sins of Magistrats may procure it : And Num. 3. 14 , 15. Iosh. 22. 17 , 18. Demonstrating that the sins of a party of the people , may draw wrath upon the whole . Now the only way the Scripture points out to evite & avert such publick judgments , is to make our resentment of these indignities done to our God , our Mourning over them , and our witness against them , as publick as the sins are , at least as publick as we can get them , by a publick pleading for Truth Isai. 59. 4. for the defect whereof He hides His face , and wonders that there is no man , no Intercessor vers . 16. that is none to plead with God , in behalf of His born doun Truths : There must be in order to this , a publick seeking of Truth , which if there be any found making conscience of , the Lord makes a gracious overture to pardon the City Ier. 5. 1. we cannot think there were no mourners in secret there , but there was no publick Meeting for it , and publick ouning the duty of that day : There must be valour for the Truth upon the earth Ier. 9. 3. a publick & resolute ouning of Truth : There must be a making up the hedge & standing in the Gap for the Land , that the Lord should not destroy it Ezek. 22. 30. a publick Testimony in opposition to defection : There must be a pleading with our Mother Hos. 2. 2. which is spoken to private persons in the plural number Commanding all that would consult their oun safety , publickly to condemn the sins of the whole Nation , that they may escape the publick punishment thereof , as it is expounded in Pool Synops. Critic . in locum . By this means we must endeavour to avert the wrath & anger of God , which must certainly be expected to go out against the Land , which hath all the procuring causes , all the Symptoms , Prognosticks , & Evidences of a Land devoted to destruction , that ever a Land had . If then there must be such Publick Mourning , and such Solemn Gathering for it , such public pleading for Truth , Seeking of Truth , valour for Truth , making up the hedge , and pleading with our Mother , there must of Necessity be publick Meetings for it : for these things cannot be done in private , but must be done by way of Testimony . Which I make a 2. Reason . The Nature & End of Meeting for Gospel Ordinances is for a publick Testimony for Christ and His Truths & Interest , against Sin and all dishonours done to the Son of God. So that the only end , is not only to bring to Christ & build up Souls in Christ , but it is to Testify also for the Glory of Christ , whether Souls be brought in & built up or not . The Preached Gospel is not only the Testimony of Christ 1 Cor , 1. 6. but a Testimony for Christ ; in which sense , The Testimony of Iesus is said to be the Spirit of Prophesie Revel . 19. 10. so called , Durham expounds it , for its bearing Witness to Christ , in which respect Ministers are often called Witnesses . It is also the Testimony of Israel ( not only given to Israel , but given by Israel ) unto which the tribes go up , the tribes of the Lord Ps. 122. 4. Whensoever therefore or howsoever the Testimony of the Church is contradicted , that 's not a Lawful Meeting of the tribes of the Lord. It is also the Testimony of the Preachers for Christ , against them that will not receive them , Mark. 6. 11. And a Witness unto all Nations to whom they preach . Math. 24. 14. And of all the Witnesses that hold it & suffer for it Rev. 6. 9. And the same which is the Word of Christs Testimony , is the Word of theirs Rev , 12. 11. by which they overcome , & for which they love not their lives . Wherever then the Gospel is preached , it must be a Testimony : But it cannot be a Testimony , except it be Publick , at least as publick as it can be , as we find all Christs Witnesses were in the Old & New Testaments . 3. The Motive or principle prompting the Lords people to a frequenting of Gospel Ordinances , is a publick Spirit stirring up to a publick Generation Work , whereof this is the Scope , to promote the Kingdom of Christ , and not only to obey the Lords Command enjoining the duty , to enjoy the Lord the end thereof , or to edify their oun Souls ; But to partake in & promote this Great Work of the Day , for the Glory of God and the Churches good . For the Gospel is not only a Banner of Love over His Friends , but Christs Standart of war against His Enemies Isai. 59. 19. under which , all that countenance it , are called to list themselves as His Souldiers called , & chosen , & faithful : And it is required of His Souldiers , that they be valiant for the Truth upon the earth , Discovering a Gallant greatness & generosity of a Publick Spirit , having their designs & desires not limited to their oun interests , even Spiritual , but aiming at no less than Christs Publick Glory , the Churches publick good , the Saints publick Comfort , having a publick Concern for all Christs Interests , Publik Sympathie for all Christs Friends , and a publick declared Opposition to all Christs Enemies : This is a Publick Spirit , the true Spirit of all Christs zealous Lovers & Votaries : Which , when He is a missing , will prompt them to go about the City , in the streets , and in the broad wayes , to seek Him whom their Soul loveth Cant. 3. 2. and not only in their beds , or secret corners , but they must go to the streets , and to the fields , and avow their seeking of Christ , even though the Watchmen should smite them , & the keepers of the walls take their vails from them Cant. 5. Which obliges them not only to take Him in to their oun Cottages , and intertain Him in their hearts , and give Him a Throne there , but also to endeavour to enlarge His dwelling , and propagate His Courtly residence through the World , that the Kingdoms of the earth may becom the Kingdoms of the Lord ; and if they cannot get that done , yet that He may have the Throne in ●her Mothers house , and take up His abode in the Church , or Nation they belong to , that there His Ordinances be established in purity , peace , plenty , & power , according to His oun Order ; And if that cannot be , but that their Mother play the harlot , and He be provoked to give up house with her , and by her Childrens treacherie the Usurping Enemy be invited in to His place & Habitation , and take violent possession of it , and enact His extrusion & expulsion by Law ; yet they will endeavour to secure a place for Him among the Remnant , that He may get a lodging among the afflicted & poor people that trust in the Name of the Lord — that they may feed & Lie doun & none make them afraid Zeph. 3. 12 , 13. that the poor of the flock that wait on Him may know that it is the Word of the Lord , Zech. 11. 11. they will lay out themselves to strengthen their hands . This is the Work of the publick spirited Lovers of the Gospel , which hath been and yet is the great work of this our day , to carry the Gospel , and follow it , and keep it up through the Land , as the Standart of Christ , against all opposition , from mountain to hill , when now Zion hath been Labouring to bring forth as a woman in travel , and made to go forth out of the City , and to dwell in the field Mic. 4. 10. Therefore seeing it is the publick Work of the day , and all its followers must have such a publick spirit , it followes that the Meetings to promote it must be as publick as is possible . 4. The Interest & priviledge of the Gospel , to have it in freedom , purty , power , & plenty , is the publick Concern of all the Lords people , preferable to all other Interests , and therefore more publickly , peremptorly and zealously to be contended for , than any other Interest whatsoever . It is the Glory of the Land 1 Sam. 4. 21. without which , Ichabod may be the name of every thing ; and every Land , though never so pleasant , will be but a dry & parched Land , where no water is , in the esteem of them that have seen the Lords Glory & power in the Sanctuary Psal. 63. 1. Where as its name is Hephzibah & Beulah Isai. 62. 4. and Iehovah-Shammah Ezek. 48. ult . where God is enjoyed in His Gospel Ordinances ; And the want & reproach of the Solemn Assemblies , is a matter of the saddest mourning to the Lords people Zeph. 3. 18. Therefore while the Ark abode in Kerjath-jearim the time was thought very Long , and all the house of Israel Lamented after the Lord 1 Sam. 7. 2. then they heard of it at Ephratah and found it in the fields of the Wood Psal. 132. 6. But it hath been longer than twenty years in our fields of the Woods , and therefore we should be Lamenting after it with greater concernedness ; especially remembering , how we were priviledged with the Gospel , which was somtimes publickly embraced & countenanced by Authority , and ensured to us by Laws , Statutes , Declarations , Proclamations , Oaths , Vowes , & Covenant-engagments , whereby the Land was dedicated & devoted unto the Son of God , whose Conquest it was . And now are not all the people of God obliged to do what they can , to hinder the recalling of this dedication , and the giving up of the Land as an offering unto Satan & Antichrist ? And how shall this be , but by a publick Contending for this priviledge , and a resolving they shall sooner bereave us of our hearts blood , than of the Gospel in its freedom & purity ? But this we cannot contend for publickly , if our Meetings be not publick . 5. The nature & business of the Gospel Ministrie is such , that it obliges them that exercise it to endeavour all publickness , without which they cannot discharge the extent of their Instructions : their very names & titles do insinuate so much . They are Witnesses for Christ , and therefore their Testimony should be publick , though their Lot oftentimes be to Witness in Sackcloth : They are Heraulds , and therefore they should Proclaim their Masters Will , though their Lot be often to be a voice crying in the Wilderness , as Iohn the Baptist was in his field Preachings : They are Ambassadours , and therefore they should maintain their Masters Majestie , in the Publick port of His Ambassadours , and be wholly taken up about their Soveraigns business : They are Watchmen , and therefore they should keep & maintain their post their Masters hath placed them at : Nay they are Lights & Candles , and therefore cannot be hid Math. 5. 14 , 15. The Commands & Instructions given them , infer the nec●ssity of this : They must cry aloud , and not spare , and left up their voice like a Trumpet , and shew the Lords People their transgressions & sins Isai. 58. 1. They are Watchmen upon Ierusalems walls , which must not hold their peace , day nor night , nor keep silence , nor give the Lord rest , till He establish and till He make Ierusalem a praise in the earth Isai. 62. 6 , 7. They are Watchmen , that must command all to hearken to the sound of the Trumpet Ier. 6. 17. They must be valiant for the Truth upon the earth Ier. 9. 3. They must say , thus saith the Lord even to a rebellious Nation , whether they will hear or forbear , and not be afraid of them Ezek. 2. 5 , 6. They must cause the people to know their abominations Ezek. 16. 2. and the abominations of their Fathers Ezek. 20. 4. And what their Master tells them in darkness , that they must speak in the Light , and what they hear in the ear , that they must Preach upon the house tops Math , 10. 27. These things cannot be done in a Clandestine way . And therefore now when there is so much necessity , it is the duty of all faithful Ministers , to be laying out themselves to the utmost in their Pastoral function , for the suppreffing of all the evils of the time , not withstanding of any prohibition to the contrary , in the most publick manner , according to the examples of all the faithful servants of the Lord , both in the Old & New Testaments ; Though it be most impiously & Tyrannically interdicted , yet the Laws of God stand unrepealed , and therefore all who have a Trumpet & a Mouth should set the Trumpet to their Mouth , and sound a certain sound ; not in secret for that will not alarme the people , but in in the most publick manner they can have access to . And it is the duty of all to come & hear & obey their Warnings & Witnessings , command who will the contrary . It was for mocking , despising His Words , & misusing His Prophets , that the wrath of the Lord arose against His people , the Iewes , until there was no remedy 2 Chron. 36 , 16. Therefore from all that is said , it must be Concluded , that Meetings for Gospel Ordinances must be as publick as can be : And if so , then that they should be in houses , safety will not permit to us ; to go to the streets or Mercat places , neither safety nor prudence will admit : Therefore we must go to the fields with it , cost what it will. 4. Seeing then there must be Meettngs , & publick Meetings , And seeing we cannot and dare not in Conscience countenance the Curats Meetings ; we must hear , oune , embrace , & follow such faithful Ministers as are cloathed with Christ Commission , Righteousness , & salvation , and do keep the Words of the Lords patience , and the Testimony of the Church of Scotland in particular . This I think will not , or dare not be denyed , by any that oune the Authority of Christ ( which none can deny or instruct the contrary , but our Ministers that ventured their lives in preaching in the fields have had a certain seal to their Ministry , & is sealed sensibly in the conviction of many , & confession of moe ) That Christs Ministers & Witnesses , employed about the Great Gospel Message , cloathed with His Authority , & under the obligation of His Commands lying upon them , must preach , & the people must hear them , not withstanding of all Laws to the contrary . Divines grant that the Magistrate can no more suspend from the exercise , than he can depose from the Office of the Ministry ; for the one is a degree unto the other . See Apollon . de jure Majest . circa Sacra . Part. 1. Pag. 334. &c. Rutherf . Due right of Presb. Pag. 430. &c. For whether it be right in the sight of God , to hearken unto men more than unto God , the Consciences of the greatest enemies may be appealed unto Act. 4. 19. They must not cease , wherever they have a Call & Occasion , to Teach & Preach Iesus Christ Act. 5. ult . Necessity is laid upon them , yea wo unto them if they Preach not the Gospel 1 Cor. 9. 16. In all things they must approve themselves , as the Ministers of God , in much patience , in afflictions , in necessities , &c. by honour & dishonour , by evil report & good report , as deceivers and yet true , as unknown & yet well known — 2 Cor. 6. 4 , 8 , 9. They must preach the Word , be instant in season , & out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort , with all long suffering & doctrine 2 Tim. 4. 2. Dare any say then , that a Magistrats or Tyrants Laws can exauctorate a Minister ? or silence him by his oun proper elicite acts , as King or Tyrant , or formally & immediately ? Will Mischiefs framed into a Law , warrant such iniquity ? or an act of a King of Clay rescind the Mandats of the King of Kings ? or exempt people from obedience due thereunto ? Or will the Bishops Canons , who have no power from Christ , or the Censures of them , that stand condemned themselves by the Constitutions of the Church & Acts of the General Assemblies , have any weight in the case ? And yet these are all that can be alledged , except odious & invidious Calumnies , the ordinary Lot of the most faithful , against the present preachers in the fields , which are sufficiently confuted in their late Informatory Vindication , and need not here be touched . Seeing therefore they have given up themselves unto Christ as His servants , they must resolve to be employed for Him to the outmost of their power , and must not think of laying up their Talent in a Napkin ; especially now when there is so great necessity , when Defection is yet growing , covered , countenanced more & more , Division nothing abated , but new oyl cast daylie into the flames of devouring Contentions ; the people generally drouned in the deluge of the times snares & sins , and like to be over whelmed in the inundation of black Poperie , now coming in at the opened sluce of this wicked Toleration , with the Congratulations of Addressing Ministers ; when now the Harvest is great and the Labourers are few : Great then is the necessity , and double must the woe be that abideth such Ministers , as are silent at such a time : And great & inexcusable is the sin of the people , if they do not come out , and countenance faithful Ministers , the Messengers of the Lord of hosts , from whom they should seek the Law Mal. 2. 7. especially when there are so many , that have palpably betrayed their Trust ; and so few that are faithful in the necessary Testimony of the day . Seeing then faithful Ministers must preach , & people must hear , where can they meet with conveniency , & safety , & freedom , except either under the shelter of this wicked Toleration , which they dare not do , or else go to the fields ? 5. It must be obtained also , that the Ministers have a right to Preach , in this unfixed manner , whereever they have a Call ; their relation now , in this disturbed state of the Church , being to be considered more extensively , than in its settled condition . For understanding which , we must distinguish a three or four-fold relation , that a Minister of the Gospel stands into . First , He is a Minister of Christ , and Steward of the Mysteries of God 1 Cor. 4. 1. having his Commission from Christ as his Master : And this relation he hath universally , wherever he is . Secondly , he is a Minister of the Catholick Church , though not a Catholick Minister of it ; which is his primary relation ; for that is the Church , in which Ministers are set 1 Cor. 12. 28. and to which they are given Eph. 4. 11 , 12. Thirdly , He is a Minister of the particular Church whereof he is a Member ; and so in Scotland a Minister is a Minister of the Church of Scotland , and is obliged to lay out himself for the good of that Church . Fourthly ; he is a Minister of the particular Congregation , whereunto he hath a fixed relation in a constitute case of the Church : This last is not essential to a Minister of Christ , but is subservient to the former relations : but when separated from such a relation , or when it is impossible to be held , he is still a Minister of Christ , and His Call to preach the Gospel stands & binds . See M r Durhams Degression on this particular on Revel . chap. 2. pag. 89. &c. in quarto . For thô he be not a Catholick Officer , having an equal relation to all Churches , as the Apostles were ; Nevertheless he may exerce Ministerial Acts Authoritatively , upon occasions warrantably calling for the same , in other Churches , as Heraulds of one King , having Authority to charge in His Name wherever it be ; especially in a broken state of the Church , when all the restriction his Ministerial relation is capable of , is only a tye & call to officiate in the service of that Church whereof he is a Member ; and so he hath right to preach every where , as he is called , for the edification of that Church . The reasons are . 1. He hath power from Christ the Master of the whole Church ; and therefore , wherever the Masters Authority is acknowledged , the Servants Ministerial Authority cannot be denied ; at least in relation to that Church whereof he is a Member as well as a Minister . 2. He hath Commission from Christ , principally for the edification of Christs body , as far as his Ministrie can reach , according to the Second relation . 3. His relation to the whole Church is principal , that which is fixed to a part is only subordinate , because it is a part of the whole . 4. His Commission is indefinite to preach the Gospel , which will s●it as well in one place as in another . 5. The same great ends of the Churches greater good & edification , which warrands fixing of a Minister to a particular charge in the Churches peaceable state , will warrand his officiating more largely in her disturbed state , 6. Else it would follow that a faithful Minister , standing in that relation to a disturbed & destroyed Church , and all his gifts & graces were useless in that case , which notwithstanding are given for the good of the Church . 7. Yea by this , when his fixed relation cannot be kept , it would follow , that he ceased to be a Minister , and his Commission expired ; so that he should stand in no other relation to Christ , than any private person so qualified , which were absurd : for by Commission he is absolutely set apart for the work of the Ministrie , so long as Christ hath work for him , if he continue faithful . 8. This hath been the practice of all the Propogators of the Gospel from the begining , and of our Reformers in particular ; without which they could never have propogated it so far : And it was never accounted the Characteristick of Apostles , to preach unfixedly ; because in times of persecution , Pastors & Doctors also might have Preached wherever they came , as the Officers of the Church of Ierusalem did , when scattered upon the persecution of Stephen Act. 8. 1. did go every where preaching the Word ver . 4. Since therefore they may & must Preach in this unfixed manner , they must in this broken State look upon all the Godly in the Nation , that will oune & hear them , to be their Congregation , and embrace them all , and consult their conveniency & universal advantage , in such a way as all equally may be admitted , and none excluded from the benefit of their Ministrie . And therefore they must go to the fields with it . 6. The Lord hath so signally ouned , successfully countenanced , and singularly sealed Field-Preaching in these unfixed exercises , that both Ministers & people have been much encouraged against all opposition to prosecute them , as having experienced much of the Lords power & presence in them , and of the breathings of the enlivening , enlarging , enlightening , and strengthening Influences of the Spirit of God upon them . The people are hereby called , in this case of defection , to seek after those waters that they have been so often refreshed by : For in this case of defection , God being pleased to seal with a palpable Blessing on their Souls , the Word from Ministers adhering to their principles , they may safely look on this as a Call from God to hear them , and follow after them so ouned of the Lord. And it being beyond all doubt , that the Assemblies of the Lords people to partake of pure Ordinances , with full freedom of Conscience in the fields , hath been signally ouned & blessed of the Lord , and hath proven a mean to spread the knowledge of God beyond any thing that appeared in our best times ; And in despight of this ●ignal Appearance of God , and envy at the good done in these Meetings , all endeavours being used by wicked men to suppress utterly all these Rendevouzes of the Lords Militia , both by open force & cunning Midianitish wiles ; Ministers cannot but look upon it as their duty , and that the Lord hath been preaching from Heaven , to all who would hear & understand it , that this way of preaching , even this way , was that wherein His Soul took pleasure , and to which He hath been & is calling all who would be co-workers with Him this day , to help forward the Interest of His Crown & Kingdom . Many hundreds of persecuted people can witness this , and all the Martyrs have sealed it with their blood , and remembered it particularly on the Scaffolds , that they found the Lord there , and that He did lead them thither , where He made them to ride upon the high places of the earth , and to eat the increase of the fields , and to suck honey out of the rock , and that in their experience , under the Spirits pouring out from on high , they found the wilderness to be a fruitful field , and in their esteem , their feet were beautiful upon the Mountains that brought good tidings , that published peace , that brought good tidings of good , that published salvation , that said unto Zion , thy God reigneth . And all the Ministers that followed this way , while they were faithful , and had but litle strength , and kept His Word , and did not deny His Name , found that verified in their experience , which is said of Philadelphia Revel . 3. 8. that they had an open door which no man could shut . The Characters whereof , as they are expounded by Mr Durham , were all verified in these Meetings : where 1. The Ministers had a door of utterance upon the one side opened to them ; and the peoples ears were opened to welcome the same , in love to edification , simplicity , & diligence , on the other . 2. This had real changes following , many being made humble , serious , tender , fruitful &c. 3. The Devil raged & set himself to oppose , traduce , & some way to blast the Ministrie of the most faithful more than any others ; just as when Paul had a greater door & effectual opened to him , there were many adversaries 1 Cor. 16. 9. 4. Yet the Lord hath been observably defeating the Devil & Profanity in every place , where the Gospel came , and made him fall like lightening from Heaven , by the preaching of the Word . 5. And the most experimental proof of all was , that hereby ground was gained upon the Kingdom of the Devil , and many Prisoners brought off to Jesus Christ. And therefore seeing it is so , this mnst certainly be a Call to them who are yet labouring in that Work , which others have left off , to endeavour to keep this door open with all diligence , and reap the corn when it is ripe , and when the Sun shines make hay , and with all watchfulness , lest the wicked one sow his tares , if they should fall remiss . 7. As for the Circumstance of the place , of this unfixed manner of celebrating the Solemn Ordinances of the Worship of God , in a time of persecution : This cannot be quarrelled at by any , but such as will quarrel at any thing . But even that is better warranted , than to be weakened with their quarrels . For before the Law , Mountain-Worship was the first Worship of the World , as Abrams Iehovah-jireh Gen. 22. 14. Iac●bs Bethel ( or House of God in the open fields ) Gen. 28. 17 , 19. his Peniel Gen. 32. 30. his El-Elohe-Israel Gen. 33. ult . do witness : Under the Law , they heard of it at Ephratah they found it in the fields of the Wood Psal. 132. 6. After the Law , field-preaching was the first that we read of in the New Testament , both in Iohn his preaching in the wilderness of Iudea , being the voice of one crying in the wilderness , and the Master Usher of Christ Math. 3. 1 , 3. and in His Ambassadours afterwasds , who on the Sabbath sometimes , went out to a river side were prayer was wont to be made , As Lydia was converted at Pauls field preaching Act. 16. 13 , 14. And chiefly the Prince of Preachers , Christ Himself , preached many a time by the syds of the Mountains , and the the sea side : That Preaching Math. 5. was on a Mountain vers . 1. And this is the more to be considered , that our Lord had Liberty of the Synagog●es to Preach in , yet he frequently left them , and preached either in private houses , or in the fields ; because of the opposition of His Doctrine by the Iewish Teachers , who had appointed that any who ouned Him should be excommunicate : And therefore in the like case , at it is now , His Servants may imitate their Master : for though all Christs Actions are not imitable ; such as these of His Divine Power , and the Actions of His Divine Prerogative ( as His taking of the ass without the ouners liberty ) and the Actings o● His Mediatory Prerogative , which He did as Mediator ; but all His Gracious Actions , and Moral upon Moral grounds , and Relative upon the grounds of Relative Duties , are not only imitable , but the perfect Pattern of imitation . Therefore that superstitious & ridiculous Cavil , that such Meetings in fields or houses are Conventickles , gathering separate Congregations , is not worth the taking notice of : for this would reflect upon Christs and His Apostles w●y of preaching , and the constant method of propogating the Gospel in times of persecution , in all ages ●ince , which hath alwayes been by that way which they call keeping of Conventickles . It s absurd to say , it is a gathering of separate Congregations , it is only a searching or seeking after the Lords sheep , that are made to wander through all the Mountains , and upon every 〈…〉 , and 〈…〉 which is scattered by corrupt Sheeph●●● ▪ and the cruelty of the beasts of the field Ezek. 34. 5 , 6. and preaching to all who will come & hear the Word of Truth , in such places where they may get it done most safely , and may be most free from distraction & trouble of their enemies , who are waiting to find them out , that they may hail them to Prisons or kill them . 8. As for the Circumstance of the Time , that is specially alledged to be unseasonable , especially when there is a litle breathing , and some relaxation from the heat of Persecution , to break the peace , and awaken sleeping Dogs by such irritating Courses , is thought not consistent with Christian prudence . This is the old pretence of them that were at ease , and preferred that to duty . But as we know no peace at this time , but a peace of Confederacy with the enemies of God , which we desire not to partake of , and know of no relaxation of Persecution against such as continue to witness against them : So let what hath been said above in the 3. Hypothesis ▪ of the necess●ty of publickness in our Meetings at such a time as this is , be considered ; And let the Scripture be consulted , and it will appear , not only that in preaching the Gospel there must be a Witness & Testimony kept up ( as is proved above ) and not only that Ministers must preach the Word , and be instant in season & out of season 2 Tim. 4. 2. But that such a time as this , is the very Season of a Testimony . For in the Scripture we find , that Testimonies are to be given in these Seasons especially . 1. When the enemies of God , beginning to relent from their stiffness & severity , would compound with His Witnesses , and give them some Liberty , but not total ; as Pharaoh would let the Children of Israel go , but stay their flocks : And now our Pharaoh will give some Liberty to serve God , but with a Reservation of that part of the matter of it , that nothing be said to alienate the hearts of the Subjects from his arbitrary Government . But Moses thought it then a season to testifie ( though the bondage of the people should be thereby continued ) that there should not a hoof be left behind ; for sayes he , we know not with what we must serve the Lord , until we c●me 〈◊〉 Exod. 10. 24 , 25 , 26. So must we Testify for eve●● closly ▪ the Interest of Christ this day . 2. When there ▪ to ●l●ration of Idolatry , and Confederacy with Idolaters , and suspending the execution of penal Lawes against them , or pardoning of those that should be punished : In such a season as this , that Messenger that came from Gilgal gave his Testimony at Bochim against their toleration of Idolatrous Altars , and Confederacy with the Canaanites Iudg. 2. 1 , 2. He is called an Angel indeed , but he was only such an one as Ministers are , who are called so Rev. 2. 1. for Heavenly Spirits have brought a Heavenly Message to particular persons , but never to the whole people , the Lord hath committed such a treasure to earthen Vessels 2 Cor. 4. 7. and this came from Gilgal not from Heaven . So the Man of God testified against E●i , for his toleration of wicked Priests , thô they were his oun Sons 1 Sam. 2. 2● . &c. So Samuel witnessed against Saul , for his toleration & indemnity granted to Agag 1 Sam. 15. 23. So the Prophet against Ahab , for sparing Benhadad 1 King. 20. 42. The Angel of Ephesus is commended for this ; and he of pergamus and he of Thyatira is condemned , for omitting this Testimony , and allowing a toleration of the Nicolaitans & Iezebel Revel . 2. 2 , 14 , 20. In such a Case of universal Complyance with these things , and the peoples indulging themselves under the shadow of the protection of such a Confederacy , the Servants of the Lord that fear Him must not say a Confederacy , tho they should be accounted for signs & wonders in Israel Isai. 8. 12 , 13 , 18. But now Idolatrous Mass-Altars are set up , none thrown doun , penal Statutes against Papists are stopt & disabled , and the Generality of Ministers are Congratulating , & saying a Confederacy in their Addresses for the same . 3. When the Universal Apostacy is come to such a hight , that error is prevailing , and few syding themselves in an avowed opposition against it ; as Elijah chose that time , when the people were halting between two opinions 1 King. 18. 21. And generally all the Prophets & Servants of Christ , consulted alwayes the peoples necessity for the timing of their Testimonies : And was there ever greater necessity than now , when Poperie is coming in like a flood ? 4. 〈…〉 men are chief in power ; as when Haman was 〈◊〉 Mordecai would not give him one bowe though all 〈◊〉 people of God should be endangered by such a provocation Esther . 3. 2. And when Tyrants & Usurpers are set up without the Lords approbation , then they that have the Lords Trumpet should set it to their mouth Hos. 8. 1 , 4. Is not this the case now ? 5. When upon the account of this their Testimony , the Lords people are in greatest danger , and enemies design to Massacre them , then if they altogither hold their peace at such a time , there shall enlargment & deliverance arise another way , but they and their fathers house shall be destroyed , who are silent then , as Mordecai said to Esther Est : 4. 14. And who knowes not the cruel designs of the Papists now ? 6. When iniquity is Universally abounding , and hypocrisie among Professors , then the Servants of the Lord must cry aloud & not spare Isai. 58. 1. as the ●ase is this day . 7. When the Concern of Truth , a 〈…〉 Glory of God , is not so illustriously vindicated as He gives us to expect it shall be ; then the Watchmen must not hold their peace , and they that make mention of the Name of the Lord , must not keep silence Isai. 62. 6 , 7. especially when His Name & Glory is blasphemed , baffled , and afronted , as at this day with a Witness . 8. When Ministers generally are involved in a course of defection , and do not give faithful warning , but daub over the peoples and their oun defections ; then the Prophets must Prophesie against the Prophets Ezek. 13. 2 , 10. &c. As alas this day there is a necessity for it . 9. When publick Worship is interdicted by Law , as it was by that Edict prohibiting publick Prayer for thirty dayes in Daniels time : They could not interdict all Prayer to God ; for they could forbid nothing by that Law , but that which they might hinder & punish for contraveening ; but mental Prayer at least could not be so restrained , And certain it is , they intended only such Prayer should be discharged , as might discover Daniel : But might not the wisdom of Daniel have eluded this interdiction , by praying only secretly or mentally ? No : whatever Carnal wisdom might ▪ Mee●te , his honesty did oblige him in that case of Conf●●re par●hen he knew the writing was signed , to go into hie clossly . ●d to open his windowes , and to kneel upon his kn● , to cleatimes a day — as he did aforetime Dan. 6. 10. Nowny agaireason can be given for his opening his windowes ? Was it only to let in the air ? or was it to see Ierusalem out at these windowes ? The Temple he could look toward , as well when they were shut . No other reason can be assigned , but that it was necessary then to avouch the Testimony , for that indispensable Duty then interdicted . And is not publick preaching indispensable Duty too ? which is declared Criminal , except it be confined to the mode their wicked Law tolerates ; which we can no more homologate , than omitt the duty . 10. When it is an evil time , the evil of sin is incumbent , and the evil of wrath is impendent over a Land ; then the Lyon hath roared who will not fear ? the Lord God hath spoken , who can but Prophesie ? Amos. 3. 8. There is no contradiction here to that word , whi●e hath been miserably perverted in our day , to palli●use or ●il silence of time-servers Amos. 5. 13. The prudent shall keep● silence in that time for it is an evil time : Whereby we cannot understand a wylie withdrawing our witness against the times evils : for there they are commanded to bestir themselves actively , in seeking good , hating the evil , loving the go●d , and establishing Iudgement in the gate vers . 14 , 15. but we understand by it a submissive silence to God , without fretting ( according to that Word Ier. 8. 14. for the Lord our God hath put us to silence — and Mic. 7. 9. ) Calvin upon the place expounds it , The prudent shall be affirighted at the terrible vengeance of God ; Or they shall be compelled to silence , not willingly ( for that were unworthy of men of courage to be silent at such wickedness ) but by the force of Tyrants giving them no leave to speak . Sure then this is such a time , wherein it is prudence to be silent to God , but not to be silent for God , but to g●ve publick witness against the evils of sin abounding , and publick warning of the evils of punishment imminent . 11. Then is the 〈◊〉 of it , when worldly wisdom thinks it unseasonable ▪ 〈◊〉 men cannot endure ●ound Doctrine , but after 〈…〉 lusts they heap to themselves teachers , ha●in● 〈…〉 ; and turn away their ea●s from the Truth● 〈…〉 ●each the Word , and be instant is indeed in it 〈…〉 , because profitable & necessary ; but it is out of season as to the Preachers or Hearers external interest , and in the esteem of Worldly Wiselings 2 Tim. 4. 2 , 3 , 4. See Pool Synops. Critic . in Locum . So in our day ; men cannot endure free & faithful dealing against the sins of the times , but would have smooth things & deceits spoken unto them ▪ like those Isai. 30. 10. And nothing can be more 〈…〉 to speak plainly ( so as to give every thing its 〈…〉 ) either of the sins of the times , or of the snares of the times , or of the miseries & evils of the times , or of the duties of the times or of the dangers , and the present Crisis of the times : Which no faithful Minister can forbear . Therefore so much the more is it seasonable , that it is generally thought unseasonable . 12. In a word , whenever 〈…〉 Testimony of the Church , or any part of it , is 〈…〉 ; then is the season to keep it , and contend for it , and to hold it fast , as our Crown Revel . 3. 10 , 11. It must be then a word spoken in due season , and good & necessary ( Prov. 15. 23. ) at this time , to give a publick Testimony against all wrongs done to our blessed Lord Jesus , all the encroachments upon His prerogatives , all the invasions of the Churches priviledges , all the overturnings of our Covenanted Reformation , and this openly designed introduction of Poperie & Slaverie . But now how shall this Testimony be given by us conveniently ? or how can it be given at all , at this time , in our Circumstances , so as both ●he matter and manner of it may be a most significant Witness-bearing to the merit of it , except we go to the fields ? Who can witness significantly against Poperie & Tyrannie : and all the evils to be spoken against this day , under the protection of a Papist & Tyrant , as house-Meetings under the Covert o● this Tol●eration are stated ? for if these Meetings be private & secret , then the Testimony is not known ; if they be publick , then they are exposed to a Prey . Now by all these general Hypoth●s●s , it is already in some measure evident , that Field-Meetings are very expedient . But I shall adde some more particular Considerations , to inculcate the same more clossly . In the Third Place , besides what is said , to clear the Lawfulness & necessity of a publick Testimony against the evils of the present time , Some Considerations may be added to prove the Expediency of this way & manner of giving a Testimony , by maintaining Field-Meetings in our present Circumstances . 1. The keeping of Field-Meetings now , is not only most convenient for Testifying , but a very significant Testimony in it self , against this Popish Toleration ; the wickedness of whose Spring & Original , and of its Nature and Terms , Channel & Conveyance , End & design , is shewed in the Historical Narrative thereof , and cannot be denyed by any Presbyterian , whose constant principle is that there should be no Toleration of Poperie , Idolatrie , or Heresie , in this Reformed & Covenanted Church . Reason & Religion both will conclude , that this is to be witnessed against , by all that will adhere to the Cause or Reformation overturned hereby , and resolve to stand in the Gap against Poperie to be introduced hereby , and that will approve themselves as honest Patriots in defending the Laws & Libertys of the Country subverted hereby ▪ And besides , if it be considered with respect to the Granter ; it is palpable his design is to introduce Poperie , and advance Tyrannie , which can be hid from none that accept it , the effectuating whereof hath a n●cessary & inseparable connexion with the acceptance of the Liberty ; and is so far from being avertible by the Accepters , that it is chiefly promoted by their acceptance , and the design of it is to lay them by from all opposition thereto . If it be considered with relation to the Accepters , it is plain it must be taken as it is given , and received as it is conveyed , from its fountain of Absolute power , through a channel of an Arbitrary Law-disabling & Religion-dishonouring Toleration , which is semper mali ; and with consent to the sinful ●mpositions , with which it is tendered ; concerning & affecting the Doctrine of Ministers , that they shall Preach nothing which may alienate the subjects from the Government ; Against all which there is no access for a Protestation , consistent with the improvement of the Liberty , for it is granted & accepted on these very terms ; that there shall be no Protestation ; for if there be , that will be found an alienating of the hearts of the subjects from the Government , which by that Protestation will be reflected upon . If it be considered with respect to the Addressers for it , who formally say a Confederacy with , and Congratulate the Tolerator for his Toleration , and all the Mischiefs he is machinatinating & effectuating thereby ; then seeing they have Presumptuously taken upon them to send it in the name of all Presbyterians , it concerns all honest men , zealous Christians , and faithful Ministers of that perswasion & denomination , in honour & Conscience , to declare to the world by some publick Testimony , that they are not Consenters to that sinful , shameful , & scandalous Conspiracy , nor of the Corporation of these flattering Addressers who have betrayed the Cause , with which all will be interpreted Consenters , that are not Contradicters . Further this Tolleration is sinful as is cleared above Peri● 6. And to accept of it is contrary to our Solemn Covenants & Engagments , where we are bound to exstirpate Poperie , preserve the Reformation , defend our Liberties , and never to accept of a Toleration eversive of all these precious Interests we are sworn to maintain . And it is heinously scandalous , being in effect a succumbing at length and yeelding up the Cause , which hath been so long controverted & so long contended for , at least an appearance of ceding & lying by from contending for the Interests of Christ , of condemning our former Wrestlings for the same , of purchasing a Liberty to our selves at the rate of burying the Testimony in bondage & oblivion , of hardening & confirming open Adversaries in their wicked invasions on our Religion , Laws , & Liberties , of being weary of the Cross of Christ , that we would fain have ease upon any terms , and of weakening the hands yea condemning the Practice & peremptoriness of these that are exampted from the benefit or rather the snare of it , and suffer when others are at ease . It is also attended with many Inconveniences ; for either such as Preach under the Covert of it , must forbear declaring some part of the Counsel of God , and give no Testimony seasonable this day ; or else if they do , they will soon be discovered and made a prey . Hence seeing there must be a Testimony against this Toleration , it is certainly most expedient to give it there , where the Meeting is without the reach & bounds of it , and interdicted by the same Proclamation that tenders it , and where the very gathering in such places is a Testimony against it : for to Preach in houses constantly & leave the fields , would now be interpreted an Homologating the Toleration that commands Preaching to be so restricted ; especially when an Address is made in name of all that accept the benefit of it , from which Odium we could not vindicate our selves , if we should so make use of it . 2. The keeping of Field Meetings now is a Testimony against that wicked Law that discharges them , and interdicts them as Criminal ; yea in some respect a Case of Confession : for if Daniels case , when publick prayer was discharged under pain of death , was a Case of Confession , as all grant ; then must also our case be , when publick Preaching is discharged under the some penalty : for it is equivalent to an Universal discharge of all publick Preaching , when the manner of it is discharged , which we can only have with freedom & safety in way of publick Testimony , which can be none other in our Circumstances but in the fields , Again if the Law be wicked that discharges them , as certainly it is , and is demonstrated from what is said already , then it must be sin to obey it ; but it were an obeying of it to quite the fields . 3. The ●eeping of Field-Meetings now is a Testimony against Tyranny & Usurpation , encroaching upon our Religion , Laws , & Liberties , and presuming to restrict & bound the exercise of the Ministerial function , and discharge it altogether except it be modified according to the Circumstances prescibed by a wicked Law , which cannot be allowed a● competent to any man whose Authority is not acknowledged , for reasons given in Head. 2. Therefore though there were no more , this is sufficient to call all Ministers to give Testimony against such an Usurpation , by resfusing to obey any such Act. and Preaching where God giveth a Call. For otherwise , to submit to it , would be an acknowledging of his Magist●atical power to discharge these Meetings , and to give forth sentences against faithful Ministers . 4. The keeping of Field-Meetings now is a Testimony for the Honour , Headship & Princely Prerogative of Jesus Christ , which hath been the Great Word of His Patience in Scotland , and by an Unparalelled , insolence encroached upon by Usurpers in our day , and in effect ●enied by such as took a new holding for the exercise of their Ministrie from their Usurped power . Now in these Meetings , there is a Practical Declaration of their holding their Ministrie and the exercise thereof from Christ alone , without any dependence upon , 〈◊〉 to , or licence & warrand from His Usurping Enemies ; and that they may & will Preach in publick without Authority from them . If then it be Lawful & expedient to maintain the Interests of a King of Clay , against an Usurper ; then much more must it be Lawful & expedient , to maintain the quarrel of the King of Kings , when wicked men would banish Him and His Interests out of the Kingdom by their Tyrannical cruelty , and cruel mercy of a destructive Toleration . 5. The keeping of Field-Meetings now is a Testimony for the Gospel and the Ministrie thereof ; which is alwayes the dearest & nearest priviledge of Christians , and in the present Circumstances , when our Lives and our all are embarked in the same bottom with it , and sought to be destroyed together with it , by a party conspiring against Christ , it is necessary duty to defend both by resisting their unjust violence ; especially when Religion and the Gospel is one and the chief of our fundamental Land-rights , and the Cardinal Condition of the established Policy , upon which we can only oune men for Magistrats by the Law of the Land : And this Testimony by defence of the Gospel and of our oun lives , cannot be given expediently any where but in the Fields . It is also a Testimony for the freedom & Authority of the Gospel-Ministrie , and for their holding their unremovable Relation to the Church of Scotland , which is infringed by these Tyrannical Acts , and maintained by these exercises : which is a priviledge to be contended for , above & beyond all other that can be contended for or defended , especially to be maintained against those that have no power or Authority to take it away . There will no man quite any of his goods upon a sentence coming from an incompetent Judge ; And shall Ministers or people be hectored or fooled from such a priviledge by them that have no such power ? 6. The keeping of Field-Meetings now is a Testimony for our Covenants , the ouning whereof is declared Criminal by that same Law that discharges these Meetings ; in which we are sworn to preserve the Reformation in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , and to defend all the Churches Liberties , and to oppose all their Opposites , and endeavour their exstirpation : And in the Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & Engagment to duties , we are sworn , because many have of late laboured to supplant the Liberties of the Kirk , to maintain & defend the Kirk of Scotland , in all her Liberties & Priviledges , against all who shall oppose & undermine the same , or encroach thereupon under any pretext whatsoever . Since then the ouning of these Meetings and the Covenants are both discharged together , and the ouning of the Covenant does oblige to a publick opposition against the dischargers , and an avowed Maintinance of the Churches priviledges , whereof this is in a manner the only & chief Liberty now left to be maintained , to keep Meetings where we may testify against them , without dependence on their Toleration ; it must follow , that these Meetings are to be maintained , which only can be in the fields ▪ with conveniency . 7. To give over these Field-Meetings now , would be an hardening & encouraging of these Enemies in their wicked design of banishing all these Meetings out of the Land ; which manifestly would be defeat , by a resolute refusal of all to submit to their discharging of them ; and they that do submit , and give them over , do evidently contribute to the effectuating that wicked design , which is certain does not nor will not terminate upon a simple suppression of that sort , but further is intended to exstirpate all Meetings for Gospel Ordinances , in which there is any Testimony against them . To Comply therefore with such a forbearance of them at this time , would lay a stone of stumbling before them , to encourage them in these their designs ; when they should see their Contrivance so universally complyed with , wherein they might boast that at length they had prevailed , to put quite away that eye-sore of theirs Field-Meetings . 8. To give over these Field-Meetings now , were a stumbling to the poor ignorant people ; who might think that now it appears that Work was but of men , and so hath come to naught , and would look upon it as an evidence of fainting , & succumbing at last in the matter of the Testimony , as being quite overcome ; and that indeed all have embraced & accepted this present Toleration , and were all alike sleeping under the shade , and eating the fruits of such a bramble . 9. Finally , To give over these Field-Meetings now , would be very scandalous to the posterity , and to Strangers , who shall read the History of our Church , to find that as Prelacy came in without a joint Witness , and the monstrous , Blasphemous , & Sacrilegious Supremacy was erected without a Testimony in its season ; So black Poperie it self and Tyranny was introduced by a Toleration , which laid them all by from a Testimony against these ; who formerly had valiantly , resolutely , & faithfully contended against all lesser Corruptions , but at last , when that came , and stricter prohibitions of all publick Meetings but under the Covert thereof were emitted , then all were perswaded to comply with that Course . How astonishing would it be to read , that all these Contendings , sealed with so much precious blood , should come to such a pitiful Period ! But I hasten to the Next , which is the Second Positive Ground of Suffering . HEAD . V. The Principle of & Testimony for Defensive Armes Vindicated . THis Truth is of that sort , that can hardly be illustrated by demonstration ; not for the darkness thereof , but for its self evidencing clearness , being scarcely capable of any further elucidation , than what is offered to the rational understanding by its simple proposition . As first Principles can hardly be proven , because they need no probation , and cannot be made clearer than they are , and such as cannot consent to them , are incapable of conceiving any probation of them : So this Truth of Self-preservation being Lawful , because it is congenite with and irradicated in every nature , that hath a Self which it can preserve , can scarcely be more illustrated that it may do so , than that it can do so . And therefore to all who have a true respect to their oun , as well as a due concern in the Interest of Mankind , and zeal for the Interest of Christ , it might seem superfluous to make a doubt or debate of this : Were it not that a Generation of men is now prevailing , that are as great Monsters in Nature , as they are Malignant in Religion , and as great perverters of the Law of Nature , as they are Subverters of Municipal Laws , and Everters of the Laws of God : Who for ouning this principle , as well as using the practice , of Defensive Resistence for self preservation against Tyrannical violence , have set up such Monuments of rage & cruelty , in the Murder of many innocent people , as was never read nor heard of before . It hath been indeed the practice of all Nations in the World , and the greatest of men have maintained this principle in all ages : But the bare ▪ Asserting the principle , when extorted by severe Inquisitions , was never a Cause of taking the lives of any , before this was imposed on the poor Suf●erers in Scotland , to give their judgement , Whether or not such Appearances for Defence ( as the Tyranny of Rulers had forced people to ) were Reb●llion and a Sin against God ; Which they could not in Conscience assert ; and therefore , thô many that have suffered upon this head , have been as free of the practice of such Res●stence as any , yet because they would not condemn the principle they have been Criminally processed , Arraigned , & Condemned to the death . And against this Truth they have been observed to have a special kind of indignation , either because the light of it , which cannot be ●id , hath some heat with it to se●rch them ; or because they fear the impression of this in the hearts of people more than others , knowing that they deserve the practical expression of it by the hands of all . But the reason they give why they are so offended at it is , that they look upon it as the Spring of all the errors of Presbyterians , and a Notion that destroyes them : Which indeed will be found to have a necessary connexion with many of the Truths that they contend for this day , as it hath been the necessary methode of de●ending them . What practices of this kind hath been , and what were the occasions inducing or rather enforcing to these Defensive Resistences here to be vindicated as to the principle of them , is manifested in the Historical Representation : Shewing , that after the whole body of the Land was engaged under the bond of a Solemn Covenant , several times renewed , to defend Religion & Liberty ; and in special manner the Magistrats of all ranks , the Supreme whereof was formally admitted to the Government upon these terms ; he with his Associates , conspiring with the Nobles to involve the whole Land in perjury & Apostasie , overturned the whole Covenanted Work of Reformation ; and thereby not only encroached upon the Interest of Christ and the Churches Priviledges , but subverted the fundamental Constitution of the Kingdoms Government , and pressed all to a submission unto and complyance with that Tyranny & Apostasie , erected upon the ruines thereof : Yet the Godly & Faithful in the Land , sensible of the indispensable obligation of these Covenants , resolved to adhere thereunto , and suffered long patiently for adherence unto the same , until being quite out wearyed by a continued tract of Tyrannical oppressions , arbitrarly enacted by wicked Laws , and illegally executed against their oun Laws , and cruelly prosecuted even without all colour of Law , in many unheard of barbarities ; when there could be no access for or success in complaining or getting redress by Law , all Petitions & Remonstrances of Grievances being declared seditious & treasonable , and interdicted as such ; they were forced to betake themselves to this last remedy of Defensive Resistence , intending only the preservation of their Lives , Religion , & Liberties ; which many times hath been blessed with success , and therefore zealously contended for , as an inamissible Priviledge ; by all well affected to the Cause of Christ and Interest of their Country , because they found it alwayes Countenanced of the Lord ; until the cause was betrayed by the Treachery and abandoned by the Cowardice of such , as were more Loyal for the Kings Interests than zealous for Christs and the Countries ; for which the Lord in His holy Jealousie discountenanced many repeated endeavours of this nature , Cuting us off and puting us to shame and would not go forth with our Armies . But because the duty is not to be measured by , and hath a more fixed Rule to be founded upon , than providence ; therefore the Godly did not only maintain the principle in their confessions & Testimonies , but prosecute the practice in carrying armes , & making use of them in the defence of the Gospel and of themselves , at Field-Meetings ; which were alwayes successfully prosperous , by the power & presence of God. This Question is sufficiently discussed , by our famous & learned invincible Patrons & Champions for this excellent priviledge of Mankind , the unanswerable Authors of Lex Rex , the Apologetical Relation , Napthali , & Ius populi Vindicatum . But because facile est inventis addere , I shall subjoine my mite . And their Arguments being various and volumniously prosecute , and scattered at large through their books , I shall endeavour to collect a Compend of them in some order . The two first speak of a Defensive war , managed in a Parliamentary way : And the two last , of Resistence against the abuse of a Lawful power , when there is no access to maintain Religion & Liberty any other way ; which does not come up so closs to our case , nor is it an adequate Antithesis to the Assertions of our Adversaries , who say , that it is no wayes Lawful , in any case or upon any pretence whatsoever , to Resist the Soveraign power of a Nation , in whomsoever it be resident , or which way soever it be erected . I shall consider it more complexely & extensively , and plead both for Resistence against the abuse of a Lawful power , and against the Use & Usurpation of a Tyrannical power , And infer not only the Lawfulness of Resisting Kings , when they abuse their power ( as is demonstrate unanswerably by these Authors ) but the expediency & necessity of the duty of Resisting this Tyrannical power , whensoever we are in a Capacity , if we would not be found treatherous Covenant-breakers , & betrayers of the Interest of God , and the Liberties of the Nation , and of our Brethren together with the posterity , into the hands of this Popish & Implacable Enemie , and so bring on us the Curse of Meroz , and the Curse of our Brethrens blood , crying for vengeance on the heads of the shedders thereof , and upon all who being in case came not to their rescue , and the Curse of posterity , for not transmitting that Reformation & Liberty , whereof we were by the valour of our fore-fathers put & left in possession . I shall not therefore restrict my self to the State of the Question , as propounded ordinarly viz. Whether or not , when a Covenanted King doth really injure , oppress & invade his Subjects Civil & Religious Rights , or unavoidably threatens to deprive them of their dearest & nearest Liberties , and sends out his Emissaries with armed violence against them , and when all redress to be had , or hope by any Address or petition is rendered void or inaccessible , yea addressing interdicted under severe penalties as treasonable ; Then & in that case , may a Communitie of these Subjects defend themselves , & their Religion & Liberties , by armes in resisting his bloody Emissaries ? But to bring it home to our present case , and answer the Laxness of the Adversaries position of the uncontrollableness of every one that wears a Crown , I shall State it thus : Whether or not is it necessary duty , for a Community ( whether they have the Concurrence of the primores or Nobles , or not ) to endeavour , in the Defence of their Lives , Religion , Laws , & Liberties , to Resist & Repress the Usurpation & Tyranny of Prevailing Dominators , using or abusing their power for subverting Religion , invading the Liberties , and overturning the foundamental Laws of their Country ? I hold the Affirmative , and shall essay to prove it , by the same Arguments that conclude this Question , as usually stated . Which will more than evince the Justifyableness of the Sufferings upon this Head. In prosecuting of this Subject , I shall first premit some Concessory Considerations to clear it . And Secondly bring Reasons to prove it . First for clearing of this Truth , and taking off Mistakes , these Concessions may be considered . 1. The Ordinance of Magistracy which is of God is not to be Resisted , no not so much as by disobedience or non-obedience , nay not so much as mentally by cursing in the heart Eccles. 10. 20. but a person cloathed therewith , abusing his power , may be in so far Resisted . But Tyrants , or Magistrates turning Tyrants , are not Gods Ordinance ; and there is no hazard of damnation for refusing to obey their unjust commands , but rather the hazard of that is in walking willingly after the Commandment , when the Statutes of Omri are kept . So that what is objected from Eccles. 8. 2-4 . I counsell thee to keep the Kings Commandment &c. is answered on Head. 2. And is to be unsterstood only of the Lawful commands of Lawful Kings . 2. Rebellion is a damnable sin : except where the word is taken in a laxe sense , as Israel is said to have Rebelled against Rehoboam , and Hezekias against Sennacherib ; which was a good Rebellion , and clear duty , being taken there for Resistence & Revolt . In that sense indeed some of our Risings in Armes might be called Rebellions , for it is Lawful to Rebel against Tyrants . But because the word is usually taken in an evil sense , therefore would have been offensive to acknowledge that before the Inquisitors , except it had been explained . But Rebellion against Lawful Magistrats is a damnable sin , exemplarly punished in Korah and his Compan● , who rebelled against Moses ; and in Shebah and Absalom who rebelled against David ; for to punish the Just is not good nor to strike Princes for equity Prov. 17. 26. And they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation Rom. 13. 2. So that this Objection brought from this place , as if the Apostle were commanding there subjection without Resistence to Nero , and such Tyrants , as it is very impertinent , It is fully answered above Head. 2. Here it will be sufficient to reply . 1. He is hereby vindicating Christianity from that reproach , of casting off or refusing subjection to all Magistrats , as if Christian Liberty had destroyed that Relation , or that they were not to be subject to Heathen Magistrats . Whereupon he binds this duty of subjection to Magistrats for conscience sake in general . And it is very considerable , what Buchanan sayes in his book de jure regni , that Paul did not write to the Kings themselves , because they were not Christians , and therefore the more might be born with from them , tho they should not understand the duty of Magistrats : But imagine , that there had been some Christian King , who had turned Tyrant and Apostate , to the Scandal of Religion ; what would he have written then ? Sure if he had been like himself , he would have denyed that he should be ouned for a King , and would have interdicted all Christians Communion with him , and that they should account him no King , but such as they were to have no fellowship with , according to the Law of the Gospel . 2. He speaks of Lawful Rulers here , not Tyrants , but of all such as are defined & qualified here , being powers ordained of God , terrours to evil works , Ministers of God for good . Yea but says Prelats , and their Malignant Adherents , these are only Motives of subjection to all powers , not qualifications of the powers : I answer , they are indeed Motives , but such as can be extended to none but to these powers that are so qualified . 3. He speaks of Lawful powers indefinitely in the plural number , not specifying any Kind or degree of them , as if only Kings & Emperours were here meant . It cannot be proven that the power of the sword is only in them . Neither was there a plurality of Kings or Emperours at Rome to be subject to : if he meant the Roman Emperour , he would have designed him in the singular number . All the reasons of the Text aggree to inferiour Judges also , for they are Ordained of God , they are called Rulers in Scripture , and Gods Ministers , revengers by Office , who judge not for man but for the Lord ; And inferiour Magistrats also are not to be resisted , when doing their duty 1 Pet. 2. 13. yet all will grant , when they go beyond their bounds and turns litle Tyrants , they may be with-stood . 4. He does not speak of Nero , concerning whom it cannot be proven , that at this time he had the Soveraign power , as the learned Mr Prin shewes : Or if he had , that he was a Tyrant at this time : and if he meant him at all , it was only as he was obliged to be de jure , not as he was de facto . All men know , and none condemns the fact of the Senate , that resisted Nero at length , without transgressing this precept . Yea I should rather think , the Senate is the power that the Apostle applies this Text to , if he applied it to any in particular . 5. The subjection here required , is the same with the honour in the fifth Command , whereof this is an exposition ; and is opposite to the Contraordinatness here condemned : Now subjection takes in all the duties we owe to Magistrates , and Resistence all the contraries forbidden ; but unlimited obedience is not here required , so neither unlimited subjection . 3. We may allow Passive subjection in some cases , even to Tyrants ; when the Lord layes on that yoke , and in effect sayes , He will have us to lie under it a while , as He Commanded the Jewes to be subject to Nebuchadnezzar : of which passage , adduced to prove subjection to Tyrants Universally , Buchanan ubi supra infers , that if all Tyrants be to be subjected to , because God by His Prephet Commanded His people to be subject to one Tyrant ; Then it must be likewise concluded , that all Tyrants ought to be killed , because Ahabs house was Commanded to be destroyed by Iehu . But passive subjection , when people are not in capacity to resist , is necessary . I do not say Passive obedience , which is a meer Chimaera , invented in the brains of such Sycophants , as would make the world slaves to Tyrants . Whosoever suffereth if he can shun it , is an enemy to his oun being : for every natural thing must strive to preserve it self against what annoyeth it ; and also he sins against the order of God , Who in vain hath ordained so many Lawful means for preservation of our being , if we must suffer it to be destroyed , having power to help it . 4. We abhor all war of subjects , professedly declared against a Lawful King , as such ; all war against Lawful Authority , founded upon or designed for maintaining Principles inconsistent with Government , or against Policy & Piety ; Yea all war without Authority . Yes , when all Authority of Magistrates supreme & subordinate is perverted and abused , contrary to the ends thereof , to the oppressing of the people , and overturning of their Laws & Liberties , people must not suspend their Resistence upon the Concurrence of men of Authority , and forbear the Duty in case of necessity , because they have no● the peers or Primores to lead them : for if the ground be Lawful , the call clear , the necessity cogent , the capacity probable , they that have the Law of Nature , the Law of God , and the fundamental Laws of the Land on their side , cannot want Authority , though they may want Par●iaments to espouse their quarrel . This is cleared above Head. 2. Yet here I shall adde . 1. The people have this priviledge of nature , to defend themselves and their Rights & Liberties as well as Peers , and had it before they erected and constituted Peers or Primores . There is no distinction of quality in interests of Nature , though ther be in Civil order : but self defence is not an act of Civil order . In such Interests , people must not depend upon the priority of their superiours , nor suspend the duties they owe to themselves and their neighbours , upon the manuduction of other mens greatness . The Law of Nature allowing self defence , or the defence of our Brethren , against unjust violence , addeth no such restriction , that it must only be done by the conduct or concurrence of the Primores or Parliaments . 2. The people have as great Interest to defend their Religion as the Peers , and more , because they have more souls to care for than they , who are far fewer . And to be violented in their Consciences , which are as free to them as to the Peers , is as unsupportable to them : yea both are equally concerned to maintain Truth , and rescue their Brethren suffering for it , which are the chief grounds of war ; and if the ground of the defensive war be the same , with them and without them , what reason can be given making their Resistence in the one case Lawful , and not in the other ? Both are alike obliged to concur , and both are equally obnoxious to Gods threatened Judgments for suffering Religion to be ruined , and not relieving & rescuing Innocents . It will be but a poor excuse for people to plead , they had no Peers to head them . What if both King & Nobles turn enemies to Religion ? ( as they are at this day ) shall people do nothing for the defence of it then ? Many times the Lord hath begun a Work of Reformation by foolish things , and hath made the least of the flock to draw them out Ier. 49. 2. and 50. 45. and did not think fit to begin with Nobles , but began it when powers & Peers were in opposition to it : and when He blessed it so at length , as to engage the publick Representatives to oune it , what was done by private persons before , they never condenmed . 3. The people are injured without the Nobles ; therefore they may resist without them , if they be able : for there can be no Argument adduced to make it unlawful to resist without them , which will not equally make it unlawful to do it with them . 4. It s true the Primores are obliged beyond others , and have Authority more than others to concur ; but Separately they cannot act as Representatives judicially : They have a Magistratical power , but limited to their particular Precincts where they have Interest , and cannot extend it beyond these bounds ; And so , if they should concur , they are still in the capacity of subjects , for out of a Parliamentary Capacity they are not Representatives . 5. All the power they can have is Cumulative not Privative , for deterior conditio Domini per Procurationem fieri non debet . Why then shall the Representatives betraying their Trust , wrong the Cause of the people , whose Trustees they are ? Nay , if it were not Lawful for people to defend their Religion , Lives , & Liberties without the concurrence of Parliaments , then their case should be worse with them than without them ; for they have done it before they had them , and so they had better be without them still . 6. People may defend themselves against the Tyranny of a Parliament , or Primores , or Nobles : Ergo they may do it without them ; for if it be Lawful to resist them , its . Lawful to wave them , when they are in a Conspiracy with the King against them . 5. We disallow all war without real indeclinable Necessity , and great & grievous wrongs sustained : and do not maintain it is to be declared or undertaken , upon supposed Grounds , or pretended Causes : And so the Question is impertinently stated by our Adversaries , Whether or not it be Lawful for Subjects , or a party of them , when they think themselves injured , or to be in a capacity , to Resist or Oppose the Supreme power of a Nation . For the Question is not , if when they think themselves injured they may Resist ? but when the injuries are real : Neither is it every realitie of injuries will justify their Resistence , but when their dearest & nearest Liberties are invaded , especially when such an invasion is made , as threatens in●luctable subversion of them . Next we do not say , that a parties esteeming themselves in a Capacity , or their being really in a Capacity , doth make Resistence a duty ; except caeteris Paribus they have a Call as well as a Capacity , which requires real Necessity , and a right to the action , and the things contended for to be real & legal Rights , really & illegally encroached upon : their Capacity gives them only a Conveniency to go about the duty , that is previously Lawful upon a Moral ground . No man needs to say , who shall be Judge ? the Magistrate or people ? For. 1. All who have eyes in their head may judge whether the sun shine or not ; and all who have common sense may judge in this case . For when it comes to a Necessity of Resistence , it is to be supposed , that the Grievances complained of , and sought to be redressed by armes , are not hid but manifest ; it cannot be so with any party only pretending their suffering wrong . 2. There is no need of the formality of a Judge , in things evident to Natures eye , as Grassant Tyranny undermining & overturning Religion & Liberty must be . Nature , in the acts of necessitated Resistence in such a case , is Judge , party , Accuser , Witness , & all . Neither is it an act of Judgement , for people to defend their oun : Defence is no act of jurisdiction , but a priviledge of Nature . Hence these common sayings , vim vi repellere omnia jura permittunt ; And defendere se est juris Naturae : Defensio vitae necessaria est , & a jure Naturali profluit . 3. Be Judge who will , the Tyrant cannot be Judge in the case : for in these Tyrannical Acts , that force the people to that Resistence , he cannot be acknowledged as King , and therefore no Judge : for it s supposed , the Judge is absent , when he is the party that does the wrong . And he that does the wrong , as such , is inferior to the innocent . 4. Let God be Judge , and all the World , taking cognizance of the evidence of their respective Manifesto's of the State of their Cause . 6. We condemn Resing to revenge private injuries ; whereby the Land may be involved in blood , for some petty wrongs done to some persons , great or small : And abhor revengful Usurping of the Magistrats sword , to avenge our selves for personal injuries . As Davids killing of Saul would have been 1 Sam. 24. 10 , 12 , 13. 1 Sam. 26. 9 , 10. To Object which in this case , were very impertinent : for it would have been an act of offence in a remote defence , if Saul had been immediatly asaulting him , it could not be denied to be Lawful : and it would have been an act of private revenge , for a personal injurie , and a sinful preventing of Gods promise of Davids succession , by a scandalous Assassination . But it is clear , then David was Resisting him , and that is enough for us ; and he supposes he might descend into battel & perish 1 Sam. 26. 10. not excluding , but that he might perish in battel against himself resisting him . We are commanded indeed not to resist evil , but whosoever shall smite us on the one check , to turn to him the other also , Math. 5. 39. and to recompense to no man evil for evil Rom. 12. 17. But this doth not condemn self defence , or Resisting Tyrants violently , endangering our Lives , Laws , Religion , & Liberties , but only resistence by way of private revenge & retaliation , and enjoins patience , when the clear call & dispensation do inevitably call into suffering ; but not to give way to all violence & Sacriledge , to the subverting of Religion & Righteousness . These Texts do no more condemn private persons retaliating the Magistrate , than Magistrats retaliating private persons , unless Magistrats be exempted from this precept , and consequently be not among Christs followers : Yea they do no more forbid private persons to resist the unjust violence of Magistrats , than to resist the unjust violence of private persons . That Objection from our Lords reproving Peter Math. 26. 52. Put up thy sword for all they that take the sword shall perish by the sword , hath no weight here : for this condemns only making use of the sword , either by way of private revenge , or usurping the use of it without Authority ( and so condemns all Tyrants ) which private subjects do not want to defend themselves , their Religion & Liberty ; or using it without necessity , which was not in Peters case , tum quia valebat Christus se ipsum defendere , tum quia volebat se ipsum tradere , Pool Synops. Critic . in Locum . Christ could easily have defended himself , but he would not ; and therefore there was no necessity for Peters rashness ; it condemns also a rash precipitating and preventing the Call of God to acts of Resistence : But otherwise it is plain , it was not Peters fault to defend his Master , but a necessary duty . The reason our Lord gives for that inhibition at that time , was two fold ; one expressed Math. 26. 52. for they that take the sword &c. Which do not belong to Peter , as if Peter were hereby threatened ; but to those that were coming to take Christ , they usurped the sword of Tyrannical violence , and therefore are threatened with destruction by the sword of the Romans : so is that commination to be understood of Antichrist , and the Tyrants that serve him Rev. 13. 10. he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword , which is a terrible word against persecuters . The other reason is Iohn . 18. 11. — The Cup which my Father hath given me shall I not drink ? Which clearly resells that Objection of Christs non-resistence . To which it is answered , that suffering was the end of His voluntary suscepted humiliation , and His errand to the World , appointed by the Father , and undertaken by Himself ; which is not the Rule of our practice : Thô it be true , that even in His Sufferings He left us an ensample that we should follow His steps 1 Pet. 2. 21. In many things , as He was a Martyr , His Sufferings were the purest Rule & Example for us to follow , both for the matter , and frame of Spirit , submission , patience , constancy , meekness &c. but not as He was our Sponsor , and after the same manner , for then it were unlawful for us to flee , as well as to resist , because He would not flee at that time . 7. As we are not for Rising in Armes for triffles of our oun things , or small injuries done to our selves , but in a case of necessity for the preservation of our Lives , Religion , Laws , & Liberties , when all that are dear to us as men and as Christians are in hazard : So we are not for Rising up in Armes , to force the Magistrate to be of our Religion , but to defend our Religion against his force . We do not think it the way that Christ hath appointed , to propogate Religion by Armes : Let Persecuters & Limbs of Antichrist take that to them ; but we think it a Priviledge which Christ hath allowed us , to defend & preserve our Religion by Armes : especially when it hath been established by the Laws of the Land , and become a Land-right , and the dearest and most precious Right & Interest we have to contend for . It is true Christ saith , Iohn . 18. 36. My Kingdom is not of this world ; if my Kingdom were of this world , then would my Servants fight that I should not be delivered to the Iewes . But this Objection will not conclude , that Christs Kingdom is not to be defended & preserved even by Resistence , of all that would impiously & sacrilegiously spoil us of it in this world , because it is not of this world : for then all were obliged to suffer it to be run doun , by slaves of Hell and Satan , and Antichrists vassals , Papists & Malignants : Yea Magistrats were not to fight for it , for they are among His Servants , if they be Christians . But the good Confession He Witnesses here before Pilat , is that He hath a Kingdom , which as it is not in opposition to any Cesarean Majestie ; So it must not be usurped upon by any King of Clay , but is specifically distinct from all the Kingdoms of the world , and subordinate to no earthly power , being of a Spiritual Nature ; whereof this is a demonstration , and sufficient security for earthly Kingdoms , that His Servants as such , that is , as Christians , and as Ministers , were not appointed by Him to propogate it by Armes , nor to deliver Him their King at that time , because He would not suffer His Glorious design of Redemption to be any longer retarded : but this doth not say , but thô they are not to propogate it as Christians , and as Ministers , by carnal weapons ; yet they may preserve it with such weapons as men . Hence that old saying may be vindicated , preces & lachrimae sunt arma Ecclesiae , Prayers and tears are the Armes of the Church . I grant they are so , the only best prevailing Armes , and without which all others would be ineffectual , and that they ( together with Preaching & Church Discipline &c. ) are the only Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Armes , of a Church as a Church , but the Members thereof are also Men , and as men they may use the same weapons that others do , And ye my flock the flock of my Pasture are men saith the Lord Ezek. 33. 31. Yea from this I shall take an Argument : It it be Lawful for private Subjects , without the concurrence of Parliaments , to resist a Tyrant by Prayers and tears ; Then it is Lawful also to resist him by violence ; But the former is true , as our Adversaries grant by this Objection , and I have proved it to be duty to pray against Tyrants Head 2. Ergo — The Connexion is founded upon these reasons . 1. This personal Resistence by violence , is as consistent with that Command Rom. 13. 1 , 2. Let every soul be subject unto the higher Powers — whosoever therefore resisteth the Power resisteth the Ordinance of God ; as Resistence by Prayer is with that 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. I exhort — that — Supplications — be made — for Kings and for all that are in Authority . If the Prince be good , the one as is unlawful as the other ; and a sinful resistence of the Ordinance of God ( to pray against him ) no less than the other ( to fight against him ) Therefore when he becomes a Tyrant & destroyer of the Lords Inheritance , and an Apostate , as I may not pray for him except conditionally , but against him as an Enemy of Christ ; so I may also fight against him as such . 2. As Adversaries themselves will grant , that Resistence by Prayers & tears is more powerful & effectual than the other ; So the Laws of the Land make the one treasonable as well as the other ; and that deservedly , when the Prince is doing his duty , but when he turneth Tyrant , neither can justly be condemned . These things being premitted , I shall come shortly to the purpose , and endeavour to prove this Truth , , That it is a necessary duty for a Community ( whether they have the Concurrence of the Primores , Nobles & Representatives or not ) to endeavour , in the defence of their Religion , Lives , Laws , & Liberties , to Resist & Repress the Usurpation & Tyranny of prevailing Dominators , using or abusing their Power , for subverting Religion , invading the Liberties , and overturning the foundamental Laws of their Country . Wherein I shall be but short , because this Truth is sufficiently confirmed by all the Arguments of the Second Head. Yet I may only hint at many other ; And prosecute them in this Order . First I shall produce some Arguments from the Law of Nature & Nations . Secondly from the Common practice of all Christian people . Thirdly from express Scriptures . I. The Arguments of the first Class are very multifarious : I shall reduce them to a few , as Compendiously as may be , and only give the strength of them in a Syllogistical forme , without expatiating save where the matters requires . 1. The greatest Antagonists of this Truth , through the clearness thereof are forced to assert & grant such particulars , as will by Consequence justify this plea. 1. Barclay contra Monarchum . is cited by the Apol. Relat. and Ius Populi asserting , that if a King will alienate & subject his Kingdom , without his Subjects consent , or be carried with a hostile mind to the destruction of his people , his Kingdom is actually lost , and the people may not only Lawfully resist , but also depose him . Grotius de jure belli lib. 1. cap. 4. asserts the same , and adds , if he but attempt to do so he may be resisted . The Surveyer of Nap●tali grants the same pag. 23 , 24. Yea this hath been granted in open Court , by the Council of Scotland , that in case of the Kings alienating his Kingdoms , he may be Resisted . Hence ( 1 If vendition or alienation of Kingdoms , or attempts of it , do annull a Kings Authority ; Then an alienation of them from Christ , to whom they are devoted by Covenant , and selling them to Antichrist , as is attempted by this King , gives the people a right to Resist him : But the former is here conceded : Ergo — ( 2 ) We need say no more to apply the other , that carrying a hostile mind to the destruction of the people does forfeit his Kingdom , and gives the people right to Resist , than that a Papist is alwise known to carry a hostile mind to the destruction of Protestants , and all the designs declared these 27 years have been demonstrative efforts of it . 2. Dr Ferne acknowledgeth , that personal defence is Lawful against the sudden , illegal , & inevitable assaults of the Kings Messengers , or of himself in so far as to ward off his blowes , or hold his hands . As also he alloweth private persons Libertie , to deny subsidies & tribute to the Prince , when he imployeth it to the destruction of the Commonwealth . Hence ( 1 ) If one man may defend himself against the sudden , illegal , & inevitable assaults of the King or his Messengers ; Then may many men , in defence of their Lives & Liberties , defend themselves against the surprising Massacres , the sudden assaults , and much more the devised & deliberate assaults of a Tyrants bloody Emissaries , which are illegal & inevitable , as all their furious & bloody on-sets have been : But the former is here acknowledged : Ergo — ( 2 ) If people may deny subsidies to a King when he employeth it , to the destruction of the Commonwealth ; Then ( as this justifies the denyal of the Cess , imposed for destruction of the Church & banishing of the Gospel , So ) this gives them right to Resist him ( for if he be the power ordained of God not to be resisted , then for this Cause tribute must be paid , for they are Gods Ministers Rom. 13. 6. and if tribute must not be paid then he is not the power ordained of God , and so may be resisted ) But the former is here allowed ; Ergo — 3. Bodin de Repub. lib. 2. cap. 5. granteth , if a King turn Tyrant , he may Lawfully , at his subjects request , be invaded , resisted , condemned , or slain by a foraign Prince . Hence , if foraign Princes may Lawfully help a people oppressed by their oun Soveraign ; then people may Resist themselves , if they be able and hold in their pains : But the former is here granted : Ergo — The Consequence cannot be denyed , for foraigners have no more Power or Authority over another Soveraign , then the people have themselves . 4. Arnisaeus de Author Princip . c. 2. n. 10 . granteth , that if the Prince proceed extrajudicially , without order of Law , by violence , every private man hath power to resist . So the Surveyer of Naphtali ubi supra grants so much of a womans violent resisting attempts , against the honour of her chastitie , and tending to ensnare her in sin , whereof her non-resistence makes her guilty . Hence ( 1 ) If every extrajudicial violence of a Prince may be Resisted ; Then also all Contrajudicial violence against Law or reason must be opposed , for that is more grievous , and all their violences wherein they do not act as Judges must be resisted , and that is all together , for in none of them they can act as Judges : But the former is here granted : Ergo — ( 2 ) If a woman may defend her Chastity against the K. lest her non-resistence make her guilty ( Oh if all women had been of this mind , the Country would not have been pestered so with the Kings bastards ) Then may a Nation , or any part of it , Resist a Tyrants attempts upon the honour of their Religion , entycing them to fornication with the Mother of harlots , lest their non-resistence make them guilty : But the former is here yeelded : Ergo — 5. That same Arnisaeus cap. 4. saith , Of the former ( to wit , he who is called a Tyrant in title ) it is determined by all without any difficultie , that he may be Lawfully repulsed , or if by force he be gotten into the Throne , he may warrantably be thence removed , because he hath not any Jot of power which is not illegitimate , and unto which resistence is forbidden for the fear of God and for conscience sake , and therefore he is no further to be looked at than as an enemy . This is so pat & pertinent to the present possessor of the Government , that no words can more particularly apply it . 6. Grotius de jure belli Lib. 1. c. 4. granteth , the Law of not resisting does not bind when the danger is most weighty & certain . And we do not plead for it in any other case . And further he sayes , The Law of non-resistence seemeth to have flowed from them , who first combined together into societie , and from whom such as did command did derive their power : Now if it had been asked of such , whether they would chuse to die , rather than in any case to resist the Superior with Armes ? I know not if they would have yeelded thereto , unless with this addition , if they could not be resisted but with the greatest perturbation of the Common-wealth & destruction of many Innocents . And afterwards he hath these words , Attamen indiscriminatim dam●are aut singulos , aut partem minorem , quae ultimo necessitatis praesidio sic utatur , ut interim & communis boni respectum non deseruit , vix ausim . From which we need make no inference , the Concession is so large , that it answers our case . 7. The Surveyer of Naphtali , in the place above cited , grants Legal self defence against the Soveraign , by way of plea in Court , for safety of a mans person or estate — as also in the case of most habited , notour , & Complete Tyranny against Law , to the destruction of the body of a people , and of all known Legal Liberties , and the being of Religion according to Law — And in case of his not being in his natural & right wits — Hence ( 1 ) If it be Lawful to resist the King by a Plea in Law , for an Estate ( yea the Law will allow , by actual force , if he come to take possession of it illegally ) Then it must be Lawful for their lives & estates , Liberties & Religion , to resist him by force , when the Legal resistence is not admitted : But the former , is yeelded here : Ergo — The reason of the Connexion is : The Municipal Law permits the one , and the Law of Nature & Nations ( which no Municipal Law can infringe ) will warrand the other : He hath no more right to be both Judge & Party in this case , more than in the other : And he can no more act as Soveraign in this case , than in the other . ( 2 ) If it be Lawful to resist habited , notour , & Complete Tyranny against Law , to the destruction of the body of a people , and of all known legal Liberties , and the being of Religion , according to Law ; Then we desire no more to conclude the duty of resisting this Tyranny exerced this 27 years habitually , which the desolation of many hindered families , the banishment of many hundreds to slavery , the rivers of blood &c. have made Notour to all Scotland at least , and the perversion of all the fundamental Laws , and all Civil & Religious Liberties , yea the subversion of every remaining Model of Our Religion , as Reformed & Covenanted to be preserved , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , and designs to introduce Popery & establish Arbitrary Government , have made Complete : But the former is here granted , Ergo — ( 3 ) If in the case of his being out of his wits , he should run upon an innocent man to kill him , or attempt to cut his oun throat , it were then Lawful to resist him ▪ yea a sin not to do it ; Then when in a rage , o● deliberately , he is seeking to destroy many hundreds of the people of God , he may be resisted : But the former is clear : Ergo — 8. King Iames the Sixth , in his Remonstrance for the right of Kings , against the Oration of Cardinal Perron , hath these words , The publick Laws makes it Lawful , and free for any private person , to enterprize against an Usurper of the Kingdom . Then shall it not be duty , to enterprize against a man , who by the Laws of the Land is not capable of a right to reign , who hath got into the Throne by the means of Murder , and can pretend no right but that of Succession , which I proved to be none , Head. 2. However we see by these Concessions of Adversaries , that the Absolute subjection they talk of will not hold , nor the prerogative be so incontrollable in every case , as they would pretend , and that in many cases , Salus populi hath the Supremacy above it , And that also in these cases the people must be Judges , whether they may resist or not . 2. From the Law of Nature I may argue . 1. If God , the fountain of all power and Author of all Right , hath given unto man both the power and the right of , and reason to manage self defence , and hath no wayes interdicted it in His Word to be put forth against Tyrants ; Then it is duty to use it against them upon occasion : But the former is true : Ergo — 2. If this power & right were restrained in man against the unjust violence of any , it would either be by Policy , or Grace , or some express prohibition in the Word of God : But none of these can be said : Ergo — Policy cannot destroy nature , but is rather cumulative to it ; A man entering into a Politick Incorporation , does not lose the priviledge of nature : If one particular nature may defend it self against destroying violence out of Societie , then must many of these Natures combined in Societie have the same right , and so much the more that their relative duties superadde an obligation of mutual assistence . Grace does not restrain the right of sinless nature , though it restrains corruption : but self defence is no corruption : Grace makes a man more a man than he was . And nothing can be more dishonourable to the Gospel , than that by the Law of Nature it is Lawful to resist Tyrants , but we are bound by Religion from withstanding their Cruelty : The Laws of God do not interf●●e ●ne with another . 3. That Law which alloweth comparative re-offending , so as to kill rather than be killed , teacheth Resistence : But so the Law of Nature alloweth , except we be guilty or Murder in the culpable omission of self defence . The reason is , because the love of self is nearer and greater , as to temporal life , than the love of our Neighbour ; that being the measure of this : Therefore it obliges rather to kill than be killed , the exigence of necessity so requiring . 4. If nature put no difference between the violence of a Tyrant than of another man ; then it teaches to Resist both alike : But it putteth no difference , but rather aggravates that of a Tyrant ; being the violence of a man , the injustice of a member of the Common-wealth , & the cruelty of a Tyrant . And it were absurd to say , we might defend our selves from the lesser violence , & not from the greater . 5. If particular Nature must yeeld to the good of Universal nature ; then must one man , though in greatest power , be Resisted , rather than the Universal Common-wealth suffer hurt : But the former is true ; for that dictates the necessity of the distracted father to be bound by his oun sons , lest all the family be hurt : Ergo the greatest of men or Kings , when destructive to the Common-wealth , must be Resisted ; for he is but one man , & so but particular nature . 6. That which is irrational , and reflects upon Providence , as puting men in a worse condition then Brutes , is absurd and contrary to the Law of Nature : But to say , that the Brutes have power to defend themselves by resisting what annoyes them , and deny this power to men , is irrational and reflects upon Providence , as puting men in a worse condition than Brutes : Therefore it is absurd , & contrary to the Law of Nature . 3. From the Institution of Government I may argue thus : That power and Government which is not of God may be Resisted : The Tyrants power & Government , in overturning Laws , subverting Religion , bringing in Idolatry , oppressing Subjects , is not of God : Ergo it may be Resisted : The Major is clear , because that is only the reason why he is not to be resisted , because the Ordinance of God is not to be resisted Rom. 13. 2. But they that resist a man destroying all the Interests of mankind , overturning Laws , subverting Religion &c. do not resist the Ordinance of God. And if it were not so , this would tend irremedilessly to overthrow all Policies , and open a gap to all disorder , injustice , & cruelty , and would give as great encouragment to Tyrants to do what they lift , as thieves would be encouraged , if they knew no body would resist them or bring them to punishment . 4. From the Original Constitution of Government by men , It may be argued thus : If people at the first erection of Government acted rationally , and did not put themselves in a worse case than before , wherein it was Lawful to defend themselves against all injuries , but devolved their rights upon the fiduuciary Tutory of such , as should remain still in the rank of men , that can do wrong , who had no power but by their gift , consent , & choice , with whom they associated not to their detriment but for their advantage , and determined the form of their Government , and time of its continuance , and in what cases they might recur to their primeve Liberty , and settled a succession to have Course not jure hereditario but jure & vi legis , for good ends ; Then they did not give away their birth-right of self defence , and power of resistence , which they had before to withstand the violence , injuries , & oppressions of the men they set over them , when they pervert the form and convert it to Tyranny , but did retain a power & priviledge to resist and revolt from them , and repell their violence when they should do violence to the Constitution , and pervert the ends thereof : But the former is true . Ergo — The Minor is cleared Head. 2. And the Connexion is confirmed from this ; if the Estates of a Kingdom give the power to a King , it is their oun power in the fountain , and if they give it for their oun good , they have power to judge when it is used against themselves , and for their evil ; and so power to limit & resist the power that they gave . 5. From the way & manner of erecting Governours by Compact , the necessity whereof is proven Head. 2. Many arguments might be deduced ; I shall reduce them to this form : If people must propose Conditions unto Princes , to be by them acquiesced in & submitted unto at their Admission to the Government , which thereupon becomes the fundamental Laws of the Government , and Securities for the peoples rights & Liberties , giving a Law Claim to the people to pursue the Prince , in case of fai●ing in the main & principal thing Covenanted , as their oun Covenanted Mandatarius who hath no Ius or Authority of his oun , but what he hath from them , and no more power but what is contained in the Conditions , upon which he undertaketh the Government ; Then when either an Usurper will come under no such conditions , or a Tyrant doth break all these conditions , which he once accepted , and so become stricto jure no Prince , and the people be stricto jure Liberated from subjection to him , they may & must Defend themselves and their fundamental Rights & Priviledges , Religion & Laws , and Resist the Tyanny overturning them : But the former is true Ergo — The Connexion is clear : And the Minor is proved Head. 2. And at length demonstrated and applied to the Government of Charles the Second by Ius Populi . cap. 6. See Arg. 4. & 5. Head. 2. 6. From the Nature of Magistracy it may be argued thus . That power which is properly neither Parental , nor Marital , nor Masterly , & Despotick , over the Subjects Persons & goods , but only fiduciary and by way of trust , is more to be Resisted than that which is properly so : But that power which is properly so , that is Parental power , and Marital , and Masterly , may be Resisted in many cases : Ergo that power which is not so properly , but only fiduciary is more to be Resisted . That a Kings power over his subjects is neither Parental , nor Marital , &c. is proven Head. 2. And the Major needs no Probation . The Minor is clear by Instances . 1. If Children may in case of necessity resist the fury of their father , seeking to destroy them ; then must private subjects Resist the rage & Tyranny of Princes , seeking to destroy them , and what is dearest to them ; for there is no stricter obligation Moral between King & people , than between Parents & Children , nor so strict ; and between Tyrants & people there is none at all : But the former cannot be denyed : Ergo — 2. If Wives may Lawfully defend themselves against the unjust violence of enraged Husbands ; then must private subjects have power to Resist the furious assaults of enraged Tyrants , for there is not so great a tye betwixt them and people , as between man & wife ; yea there is none at all : But the former is true : Ergo — 3. If Servants may defend themselves against their Masters ; then must private subjects defend themselves against a Tyrant or his Emissaries : But the former is true : Ergo — 4. If the Kings power be only fiduciary , and by way of Paun , which he hath got to keep ; then when that power is manifestly abused , to the hurt of them that entrusted him with it , he ought to be Resisted by all whom he undertook to protect : But the former is true : Ergo the latter . 7. From in the Limited power of Princes it may be thus argued : If Princes be limited by Laws & Contracts , and may be resisted by Plea's in Law , and have no absolute power to do & command what they will , but must be limited both by the Laws of God and man , and cannot make what Laws they will in prejudice of the peoples Rights , nor execute the Laws made according to their pleasure , nor conser on others a Lawless licence to oppress whom they please ; Then when they turn Tyrants , and arrogate a Lawless Absoluteness , and cross the Rules & transgress the Bounds prescribed by Gods Law & mans Law , and make their oun lust a Law , and execute the same arbitrarly , They must be Resisted by force , when a legal resistence cannot be had , in defence of Religion and Liberty : But all Princes are limited &c. Ergo — The Minor is proved Head. 2. And the Connexion may be thus confirmed in short : That power which is not the Ordinance of God may be resisted : But an absolute illimited power , crossing the Rules and transgressing the bounds prescribed by Gods Law and mans , is not the Ordinance of God : Ergo it may be Resisted . 8. Further from the Rule of Government it may be argued several wayes . 1. That power which is contrary to Law , evil & Tyrannical , can tye none to subjection , but if it oblige to anything , it tyes to Resistence : But the power of a King against Law , Religion , and the Interests of the subjects , is a power contrary to Law , evil & Tyrannical : Ergo — The Major is plain , for Wickedness can tye no man but to resist it : That power which is contrary to Law evil & Tyrannical is Wickedness . 2. That power and those Acts , which neither King can exerce nor command , nor others execute , nor any obey , must certainly be Resisted : But such is the power and Acts that oppress the subjects , and overturn Religion & Liberty : Ergo — The Minor is evident from Scriptures condemning oppression & violence , both in them that command , and in them that execute the same , and also them that obey such wicked commands . The Major is clear from Reason : both because such power & such Acts as cannot be commanded , cannot be executed , cannot be obeyed Lawfully , are sinful & wicked ; and because it cannot be a Magistratical power , for that may alwayes be exerced & executed Lawfully . And what a man cannot command , the resisting of that he cannot punish : But acts of oppression against Law , Religion , & Liberty , a man cannot command . Ergo the Resisting of these he cannot punish . 3. That Government or Administration , which is not subordinate to the Law & Will of God , who hath appointed it , must be Resisted ; But that Government or Administration , which undermines or overturnes Religion & Liberty , is not subordinate to the Law & Will of God : Ergo — The Major is clear : for nothing but what is the Ordinance of God , subordinate to His Law & Will , is irresistible Rom. 13. 2. The Assumption is undenyable . 9. From the Ends of Government , which must be acknowledged by all to be , the Glory of God , and the Good of Mankind : yea all that have been either wise or honest , have alwayes held that Salus Populi est Suprema Lex , The Arguments may run thus , in short . 1. That Doctrine which makes the Holy one to cross His oun ends in giving Governours , must be absurd & Unchristian , as well as irrational : But such is the Doctrine that makes all Kings & Tyrants irresistible upon any pretence whatsoever . Ergo — The minor I prove : That Doctrine which makes God intending His oun Glory & the peoples good , to give Governours both as Fathers to preserve and as Murderers to destroy them , must make the Holy one to cross His oun ends ; for these are Contradictory : But the Doctrine that makes all Kings & Tyrants irresistible &c. is such : For by Office they are Fathers to preserve , and by Office also they must be Murderers , vested with such a power from God actu primo , if they be irresistible when they do so ; seeing every power that is irresistible is the Ordinance of God. Hence also when a Blessing turns a Curse it is no more the Ordinance of God , but to be resisted : But when a King turns a Tyrant , overturning Religion & Liberty , then a Blessing turns a Curse : Ergo — 2. Means are to be Resisted , when they are not useful for but destructive to the ends they were appointed for : But Governours overturning Religion & Liberty , are Means not useful for , but destructive to the ends for which they were appointed , Seeing then they are neither for the Glory of God , nor the good of Mankind . Ergo — 3. If all powers & Prerogatives of men , are only means appointed for and should vaile unto the Supreme Law of the peoples Safety , and all Laws be subordinate to and corroborative of this Law , and when cross to it are eatenus null & no Laws , and all Law-formalities in Competition with it are to be laid aside , and all Parliamentary priviledges must yeeld to this , and King & Parliament both conspiring have no power against it , and no Soveraign power by virtue of any resignation from the people can comprize any Authority to act against it ; Then it is duty to obey this Supreme Law , in Resisting all powers & Prerogatives , all Laws & Law-formalities , and all conspiracies whatsoever against this Supreme Law , the Safety of the people : But the former is true , as was proven Head. 2. Ergo — 4. That power which is obliged & appointed to command & rule , Justly & Religiously , for the good of the people , and is only set over them on these conditions , and for that end , cannot tye them to subjection without Resistence , when the power is abused to destruction of Laws : Religion , and people : But all power is so obliged & appointed : Therefore whensoever it is so abused it cannot tye people to subjection , but rather oblige them to Rejection of it . 10. From the Obedience required to Government , It may be argued thus . 1. If we may flee from Tyrants , then we may Resist them : But we may flee from Tyrants : Ergo we may Resist them . The Connexion I prove ( 1 ) If all grounds of Justice will warrand the one as well as the other , then if the one be duty so is the other : But the former is true : For the same justice & equity that warrands declining a Tyrants unjust violence by flight , will warrand Resistence when flight will not do it ; The same Principle of self defence , that makes flight duty when Resistence is not possible , will aso make Resistence duty when flight is not possible ; The same Principle of Charity to Wives & Children , that makes flight Lawful when by Resistence they cannot avoid Tyranny , will make Resistence duty when by flight they cannot evite it ; The same Principle of Conscience to keep Religion free , that prompts to flight when Resistence will not save it , will also prompt to Resist when flight is not practicable . ( 2 ) If to flee from a just power , when in Justice we are obnoxious to its sword , be to resist the Ordinance of God and so sin ; then to flee from an unjust power must be also a Resisting of the abusing of it , and so duty , for the one is Resistence as the other , but the difference of the power resisted makes the one Lawful the other not : Again , if Royal power may be resisted by interposing seas and miles , why not also by interposing walls & armes ? both is resistence , for against a Lawful Magistrate that would be resistence . ( 3 ) If a Tyrant hath irresistible power to kill and destroy the people , he hath also irresistible power to cite & summond them before him ; and if it be unlawful to resist his murders , it must be as unlawful to resist his summonds . ( 4 ) For a Church or Community of Christians persecuted for Religion , to flee with Wives & Children , strong & weak , old & yong , to escape Tyrannical violence , and leave the Land , were more unlawful than to Resist : For what is not possible as a Natural means of preservation , is not a Lawful mean ; but this were not a possible mean : Neither is it warranted in Natures Law , or Gods Word , for a Communitie or Society of Christians , that have Gods Right and mans Law to the Land and the Covenanted Priviledges thereof , to leave the Country and Cause of Christ , and all in the hands of a Tyrant & Papist , to set up Idolatry upon the ruines of Reformation there . A private man may flee , but flight is not warranted of them as of a private single man. 2. If it be duty to disobey , its duty to Resist Tyrants , in defence of Religion & Liberty : But it is duty to disobey them . Ergo — The Connexion only will be stuck at which is thus strengthened : If subjection be no more pressed in Scripture than obedience , then if non-obedience be duty , non-subjection must be so also , and consequently Resistence : But subjection is no more pressed in Scripture than obedience : For all Commands of subjection to the Higher powers as Gods Ministers , under pain of damnation , do only respect Lawful Magistrats , and in Lawful things and do include obedience ; and non-obedience to the power so qualified is a resisting of the Ordinance of God , as well as non-subjection : If then obedience to Magistrats be duty , and non-obedience sin , and obedience to Tyrants sin and non-obedience duty ; Then by Parity of reason , subjection to Magistrats is duty and non-subjection is sin , and also subjection to Tyrants is sin and non-subjection duty . 11. From the Resistence allowed in all Governments , it may be argued thus : If it be duty to defend our Religion , Lives , & Liberties , against an invading army of Cut-throat Papists , Turks , or Tartars , without or against the Magistrats warrand ; Then it must be duty to defend the same against invading home-bred Tyrants , except we would subscribe our selves home-born slaves : But the former is true : Ergo — The Minor cannot be doubted ; because the Magistrats power cannot be privative & destructive to defence of our Religion , Lives , & Liberties ; nor can it take away Natures birth-right to defend these ; or make it fare the worse than if we had no Magistrats at all , now if we had no Magistrats at all we might defend these against Invaders , and whether we have Magistrats or not we are under Moral obligations of the Law of God to endeavour the defence of these : But this needs not be insisted on . The Connexion of the Proposition is clear : If Princes be more Tyrannical in invading Religion & Liberties themselves , than in suffering others to do it , or hindering them to be opposed ; And if their invasion be more Tyrannical , hurtful , & dangerous than the invasion of Strangers ; Then if it be duty to resist Strangers invading these Interests , it is more duty to Resist home-bred Tyrants invading the same : But the former is true : Therefore the latter . Resisting in the one case is no more Resisting the Ordinance of God than in the other . 12. From the Motives of Resistence we may draw this Argument , which might be branched out into several , but I shall reduce it to this Complexe one : If when we are in a Capacity , we cannot acquit our selves in the duties that we owe to our Covenanted Religion , and our Covenanted Brethren , and Posterity , and our selves , nor absolve & exoner our selves from the sin & Judgment of Tyrants , who overturn Religion , oppress our Brethren , impose slavery on our selves , and entail it upon Posterity , by a Passive subjection , submission to , and not opposing these mischiefs ; Then Resistence is necessary : But the former is true : Ergo — The Connexion is clear : for there cannot be a Medium ; if we cannot discharge these duties by subjection , submission , and not opposing ; then we must do them by non-subjection , non-submission , and opposing ; since they must be done some way . The Assumption is thus confirmed . 1. The duties we owe to Religion , when it is corrupted , declined from , & overturned , are not only to Reforme our oun hearts & wayes , and keep our selves Pure from the Corruptions established , and to rebuke and witness against the Complyers with the same , and so by work , doing & suffering , keep & contend for the Word of our Testimony ; But further , when by the Constitution of the Kingdom Religion is become a fundamental Law , and consequently the Magistrate overturning it , is violating & everting the main grounds & ends of the Government , and turning grassant & ingrained Tyrant , especially when it is not only so Authorized & Confirmed by Law , but Corroberated by solemn vowes & Covenants made & sworn unto God by all ranks of people , to maintain & defend this Religion with their lives & fortunes — and resist all contrary errors & corruptions according to their vocation ; and the uttermost of that power that God puts in their hands , all the dayes of their lives , As also mutually to defend & assist one another . ( as in the National Covenant ) And sincerely , really , & constantly endeavour — the Preservation of the Reformed Religion in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , & Government , the extirpation of Poperie , Prelacie &c — and to assist & defend all those that enter into the same bond in the maintaining thereof — ( as in the Solemn League ) Then to defend & maintain that Religion and themselves Professing it ; when it is sought to be razed ; This must be an Interest as necessary to be defended , as that of our bodies which is far inferiour , and as necessary a duty , as to defend our Natural & Civil Liberties from perpetual slaverie , and as preferrable thereunto , as Christ Interest is to mans , and as the end of all self preservation is to the means of it , the preservation of Religion being the end of all self preservation : But this duty cannot be discharged without Resistence , in a meer Passive subjection & submission ; Otherwise the same might be discharged in our universal submission to Turks coming to destroy our Religion . Certainly this Passive way cannot answer the duty of Pleading for Truth Isai. 59. 4. seeking the Truth Ier. 5. 1. being valiant for it Ier. 9. 3. making up the hedge , standing in the Gap &c. Ezek. 22. 30. which yet are necessary incumbent duties according to our Capacity ; Therefore we cannot answer the duties we owe to Religion in a meer Passive way . 2. The duty we owe to our Covenanted Brethren , is to assist & defend them , and releive them when oppressed , as we are bound by our Covenants , and antecedently by the Royal Law of Christ , the foundation of all Righteousness among men toward each other , Math. 7. 12. All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to yow , do ye even so to them — We would have them helping us when we are oppressed , so should we do to them when it is in the power of our hands to do it , and not forbear to deliver them for fear the Lord require their blood at our hand , Prov. 24. 11 , 12. But this cannot be done by meer subjection with out Resistence . 3. There is no way to free our selves of the sin & judgment of Tyrants by meer Passive subjection : We find in the Scriptures , people have been so involved and punished for the sins of Tyrants ; As the people of Iudah for Manasseh 2 King. 21. 11. &c. Ier. 15. 4. whose sins if they had not been committed , the judgments for them had been prevented , and if the people had hindered them they had not smarted ; But being joyntly included with their Rulers in the same bond of fidelity to God , and made accountable as joynt Principals with their Kings for that debt , by their Mutual as well as Several engagments to walk in His Wayes , they were lyable to be punished for their Rebellion & Apostasie , because they did not hinder it . Hence some-what must be done to free our selves of their sin and to escape their Judgments : But this can be nothing else but opposition to them by Resistence ; or else if we make any other opposition , it will make us more a prey to their fury . II. Secondly this Truth is Confirmed from the Common Practice of the people of God , even under Persecution . Whence I shall draw an Argument ab Exemplis , which to condemn were impious , and to deny were most impudent . And for formes sake , it may run thus : What the people of God under both Testaments have frequently done , in time of Persecution , for defending , vindicating , or recovering their Religion & Liberties , may & ought to be done again in the like Circumstances , when these are in the like hazard : But under both Testaments , the people of God frequently in times of Persecution have defended , vindicated , or Recovered their Religion & Liberties by defensive Armes , Resisting the Soveraign powers that sought to dostroy them : Ergo this may & ought to be done again when these Religious Civil & natural priviledges , are in the like hazard to be destroyed by the violent encroachments of the Soveraign powers . The Proposition cannot be denyed , except by them that do profess themselves enemies to the people of God , and condemn their most frequently reiterated practices most solemnly & signally ouned of God , to the confusion of their enemies , to the conviction of the World , that the Cause for which they contended was of God , and to the encouragment of all the Patrons of such a Cause , to hope that when it is at the lowest it shall have a Revival & Glorious Issue . It is true somtimes they did not Resist , when either they were not in a Capacity , or did not see a Call to such an Action , but were extraordinarly Spirited of the Lord for Passive Testimonies under a suffering dispensation : But 't is as true , that many times they did Resist , when the Lord capacitated , called , & Spirited them for Active Testimonies . And therefore , if their Suffering under these Circumstances may be imitated by a people so stated ; Then also their Actions under these other Circumstances may be imitated , by a people in the like case . And by an impartial Scrutiny it will be found , that the examples of their endeavoured Resistence will be litle inferiour , if not superiour in number or importance , to the examples of their submissive Sufferings in all ages : Which will appear in the Probation of the Assumption , by adduction of many Instances , which I shall only cursorly glean out of that plentiful harvest that Histories afford . 1. I need only to glance at that known & famous History of the Maccabees , of undoubted verity , though not of Cannonical Authority . In which , according to Scripture Predictions , we have a notable account of Heroick Interprizes , Atchievments , & Exploits , performed by them that knew their God , and tendered His Glory and their Religion & Countries Liberties , above the Common Catechrestick notions of incontrollable irresistible Royaltie , and absolute implicite Loyaltie , that have abused the world in all ages . We have there an account of the noble & successful Resistence of a party of a few Godly & zealous Patriots , without the concurrence of Civil Authority , or countenance of the Ephori or Primores regni , against a King universally acknowledged & subjected unto , that came in Peaceably , and obtained the Kingdom by fl●tt●ries , with whom the greatest part and those of the greatest note took part , and did wickedly against the Covenant and Nations Interest , and were corrupt by flatteries : Yet a few Priests , with the concurrence of some common Country-men , did go to armes against him and them ; And the Lord did wonderfully assist them for a considerable time , as was foretold by Daniel . 11. This fell out under the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes , and was happily begun by Mathias a Godly Priest , and his five Sons , who being commanded under severe Certifications to Worship according to the then Law and the Kings wicked lust , did valiantly resist that abomination , and went to defensive armes : which while living he Patronized , and when adying did encourage his sons to it by a notable Oration , shewing what case his Country was in , and what a duty & dignity it was to redeem & deliver it . This was vigorously prosecuted by Iudas Maccabeus , expressly for the quarrel of Religion & Liberty , against that mighty Tyrant & all his Emissaries . 2. To come to the History of the Gospel Dispensation : It is true , in that time of the Primitive Persecutions under Heathen Emperours , this Priviledge of Self Defence was not much improved or contended for by Christians , who studied more to play the Martyrs than to play the Men , because in these Circumstances the Lord was pleased to Spirit for and call them unto , and accept off their hands , passive Testimonies ; while they were incorporate under a Civil relation with the Heathens , in subjection to Governours who did not by open Tyrannie overturn their Civil Liberties , only did endeavour to eradicate Religion , which at that time had never become their Right by Law ; while they were scattered and out of Capacity , and never could come to a separate formed Community by joynt Concurrence & Correspondence , to undertake a Declared Resistence ; while Religion was only a propagating through the Nations , and the Lord Providentially did preclude the least appearance that might be of propagating it by any formed force , being the Gospel of Peace designed to save and not to destroy : Yet even then , Instances are not wanting of Christians Resisting their Enemies , and of Rescuing their Ministers &c. As these are found on record . 1. How some inhabiting Mareots , with force rescued Dyonisi●● of Alexandria , out of the hands of such as were carrying him away , about the year 235. 2. How about the year 310. the Armenians waged war against Maximus , who was come against them with an Army , because of their Religion . 3. How about the year 342. the Citizens of Alexandria defended Athanasius their Minister , against Gregorius the intruded Curate , and Syrianus the Emperours Captain , who came with great force to put him in . 4. How about the year 356. the people of Constantinople did in like manner stand to the defence of Paulus , against Constantius the Emperour , and killed his Captain Hermogenes : And afterwards in great Multitudes they opposed the intrusion of the Heretick Macedonius . 5. How , when a wicked Edict was sent forth to pull doun the Churches of such as were for the Clause of one Substance , the Christians that maintained that Testimony resisted the bands of Souldiers , that were procured at the Emperours Command by Macedonius , to force the Mantinians to embrace the Arrian Heresie : But the Christians at Mantinium , kindled with an earnest zeal towards Christian Religion , went against the Souldiers with Cheerful minds & valiant Courage , and made a great slaughter of them . 6. How about the year 387. the people of Cesarea did defend Basil their Minister . 7. How for fear of the people , the Lievtenant of the Emperour Valens , durst not execute those 80 Priests who had came to supplicate the Emperour , and were commanded to be killed by him . 8. How the Inhabitants of Mount Nitria espoused Cyril●s quarrel , and assaulted the Lievtenant and forced his Guards to flee . 9. How about the year 404. when the Emperour had banished Chrysostome , the people flocked together , so that the Emperour was necessitated to call him back again from his Exile . 10. How the people resisted also the transportation of Ambrose by the command of Valentinian the Emperour ; And chused rather to lose their lives , than to suffer their pastor to be taken away by the Souldiers . 11. How the Christians , oppressed by Baratanes King of Persia , did flee to the Romans to seek their help . And Theodosius , the Emperour , is much praised for the war which he commenced against Chosroes King of Persia , upon this inducement , that that King sought to ruine & exstirpate those Christians in his Dominions , that would not renounce the Gospel . 3. But when Religion was once imbraced in imbodyed Corporations , and established by Law , and became a peoples common Interest & Liberty , in a Capacity to defend it with their lives & other Liberties , and when it was propagated through the Nations : Then the Lord did call for other more Active Testimonies , in the preservation & defence of it : Of which we have many Instances in Histories . About the year 894. The Bohemian Christians Resisted Drahomica their Queen , who thought to have destroyed them & reintroduced Paganisme . About the year 1420. they maintained a long defensive war against the Government , and the Popes Legats , under the managment of their brave Captain Zizca ; which was further prosecuted after him by the remaining Thaborites . And again in this Century , anno 1618. They maintained a Defensive war against the Emperour Ferdinand the Second , electing and erecting a new King in opposition to him , Frederick Palatine of the Rhine , in which Cause many received the Crown of Martyrdom : and this was also espoused by King Iames the 6. who sent to aid his Son in Law against the Emperour . 4. If we look to the Histories of the Waldenses , these constant Opposers of Antichrist , we will find many Instances of their Resistence . About the year 1194. very early , while Waldo ( from whom they had their name ) was alive , they began to defend themselves by Armes , after the bloody Edict of Aldephonsus King of Arragon ; an Edict so like to many of ours emitted this day , that as it would seem our Enemies have taken the Copy of it , so it were very seemly for the people grieved with such Edicts to imitate the Copy of the Waldenses their practice , in opposition to them . Anno 1488. they resist by Armes Albert de Capitaneis sent by Pope Innocent the 8. in Pragola & Frassaniere , and through out Piedmont ; where for the most part the off-spring of the old Waldenses had their residence , where very evidently , through many successions of ages , they shewed themselves to be the true Successors of their Worthy Progenitors , valiant for the Truth . That 's a famous Instance of their Resistence , in opposing vigorously the Lord of Trinity , in that same Piedmont , at which time they so solemnly asked their Ministers , Whether it were not Lawful to defend themselves against his violence ? Who answered affirmatively . And accordingly they did it with wonderful success at that time , and many times thereafter . Especially it is notour ; in the memory of this present age , how anno 1655. a vigorous defensive war was prosecuted against the D. Savoy , by their Captains Gianavel , Iahier &c. which was espoused by many Protestant Princes . And no further gone than the very last year , it is known how they resisted the Armes of the Tyger , and the French that helped him , and that their Simplicity in trusting Popish promises was their ruine . 5. If we look over the Histories of the Albigenses , we find many Instances of their Defensive Resisting their Oppressing Superiours . About anno 1200. They defended themselves at Beziers and Carcasson , against the Popes Legat and his Crossed Souldiers , under the Conduct , first of the Earle of Beziers , and then of the Earle of Foix , and Earle Remand of Thoulouse , and were helped by the English who then possessed Guienne bordering upon Thoulouse : which resistence continued several years . Afterwards anno 1226. they maintained a Resistence against the King of France . 6. In Spain , we find the people of Arragon contesting with Alphonso 3 d. and associating themselves together against him . And they tell Pedro 3 d. their King , that if he would not contain himself within the limits of the Laws , they would pursue him by Armes , about anno 1283. As also other Spaniards , who rose in Armes several times against Pedro the 1 King of Castile . 7. It was this which brought the Cantons of Helvetia into this State of freedom , wherein they have continued many years . For about the year 1260. they levied war against their oppressing nobles . And anno 1308. they joined in Covenant to defend themselves against the house of Austria : and anno 1315. they renewed it at Brunna , in which at length the rest of the Cantons joined , and formed themselves into a Common-wealth . 8. If we take a glance of the Germans , we will find at the very Commencement of the Reformation , as soon as they got the name of Protestants , they Resisted the Emperour Charles the fifth . The Duke of Saxon , the Land Grave of Hesse , and the City of Magd●burgh , with Advice of Lawyers , concluded That the Laws of the Empire permitted Resistence of the Emperour in some cases , that the times were then so dangerous , that the very force of Conscience did lead them to Armes , and to make a League to defend themselves , though Caesar or any in his name should make war against them — for since he attempteth to root out Religion , and subvert our Liberties , he giveth us cause enough to resist him with a good conscience : The matter standing as it doth , we may ( say they ) Resist , as may be shewed both by Sacred & Profane Histories — And so they undertooke and stated the war upon the account of Religion & Liberty . 9. If we but cast an eye over to the Hollanders , we will find how much they stand obliged to this practice of Defensive Armes ; having thereby recovered both Religion & Liberty , and established themselves into a fiourishing State. We find even in the time of D. de Alva's Persecution , they began to defend Haerlem and Valenciennes in Henault , and went on till under the conduct of William of Nassaw Prince of Orange , they declared the King of Spain to have fallen from the Government of those Countries : and so effectually shook off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannie . 10. If we go to the French Hugenots , we will find many Instances among them , and many brave Heroes raised up , to maintain the principle and prosecute the practice thereof , of older & later date . The History of the Civil wars of France is stored with their Trophees ; and the Memories of Condie & Coligni will ever be fragrant . There were many Resistences there , both before & since the Parisian Massacre . It is sad , that the present Protestants there are so far degenerate from the Spirit of their Ancestors . 11. The many practices of the Hungarians , Resisting the encroachments of the house of Austria , prove the same . And when Mathias denyed the free exercise of Religion unto the Protestants of Austria , they took up Armes in their oun defence , and sent a Protestation unto the Estates of Hungarie , requiring their Assistence , conforme to their League . And now this present war there founded upon this plea. 12. The Polonians have often times levied war against their Kings : and we are furnished by Clark in his Martyrol . with a late Instance of their Resistence against the Soveraign Powers , at Lesita in Poland anno 1655. 13. The Danes & Swedes have not been wanting for their parts in taking course with their Christierns , Kings of that name , whom they resisted & punished . And generally , wherever the Reformation was received , we find this principle espoused and the practice of it prosecuted . Nay there hath been no Nation in the world , but it will be found , they have either resisted or killed Tyrants . 14. The most Deserving & Celebrated Monarchs in the world , have espoused the quarrel of oppressed Subjects . Not only such as Tamerlanc , whose observable Saying is noted , when he advanced against Bajazet , I go ( sayes he ) to chastise his Tyrannie and to deliver the afflicted people . And Philip & Lewis of France , who assisted the Barons of England against King Iohn . And Charles the Great , who upon this ground undertook a war against the Lombards in Italie . But even Constantine the Great , hath it recorded for his honour , that he employed his power & force against L●cinius , upon no other Motive but because he banished , tortur'd , & destroyed those Christians in his Dominions , that would not abandon their Religion . And Q. Elizabeth is commended , for assisting the Dutch to maintain their Religion by force , when they could not enjoy it by favour . And King Iames the 6. gave publick aid to the Protestants in Germany & Bohemia against the Emperour . Against whom also Gustavus Adolphus marched , that he might deliver the oppressed Cities from the bondage that Ferdinand had brought them into . Yea King Charles the first , this mans Father , pretended at least to help the Protestants in France at Ree and Rochel : And though he himself was avowedly Resisted by the Parliaments of both Ringdoms , yet he was forced to Declare in his Acts of Oblivion & Pacification , The Scots late taking up Armes against him , in defence of their Religion , Laws , & Priviledges , to be no Treason nor Rebellion — See Apol. Relat. Sect. 11. pag. 149. And thô the late Charles the Second condemned all the Risings of the people of Scotland for defence of Religion & Liberty , and their lives & priviledges , which his oun Tyrannie forced them into ; yet he justified the present Revolt of Heathens & Mahumetan Subjects from the young King of Bantam in Iava Major in the East Indies , who , when he got the Government in his hands by his Fathers Resignation , killed his subjects , and caused them to be killed without any cause , which was the reason of their revolt ftom him , and defending the Father against the son : This defensive war of these Subjects was justied by the said Charles , in his sending Amunition &c. for their relief . These , and many moe Instances that might be adduced , are sufficient evidences of the Righteousness and Reason of such Resistences , when the Greatest of Princes have undertakent he Patrocinie of them . III. From Scripture-Proofs , I shall but briefly gather some of the many that might be pressed , which being put together to me seem impregnable . I shall reduce them to these heads . 1. I shall aduce some practices of the Lords people , frequently reiterated , never condemned , alwayes approven , confirming this Point . 2. Some severe Reprehensions for their omission of this duty , in the season thereof . 3. Some promises both of Spiriting for the duty , and of Countenancing it , when undertaken . 4. Some precepts commanding such Atchievments . 5. Some prayers supplicating for them . All which put together will make a strong Argument . First , For practices of this kind , there is nothing more common in Scripture Historie . 1. I shall begin at the first war that is recorded in the World : wherein some loss fell to the Godly at first , but afterwards by the virtue & valour of their Brethren they were vindicated , and the victory recovered with honour . Lot & his family living in Sodom was taken Prisoner , by Chedarlaomer and his Confederates Gen. 14. 12. but Abraham hearing of it , armed his trained servants , and pursued them to Dan , and rescued him vers . 14-16 . thereby justifying that Rebellion of the Cities of the plain , by taking part & vindicating the Rebells . Hence , he that may rescue subjects from the violence of any Tyrannizing Domination by armes , may also rise with these subjects to oppose that violence : But here is an example of that in Abraham — Ergo — 2. After the Lords people were possessed of Canaan , and forgetting the Lord did enter into affinity with these interdicted Nations , some of them were left to prove Israel , that the Generations of the Children of Israel might know to teach them war. Iudg. 3. 1 , 2. And when they did evil in the sight of the Lord , He sold them into the hand of Chushan-rishathaim King of Mesopotamia , whom they served and were subject to eight years ver . 8. but when they cried unto the Lord , their Rebellion , shaking off that yoke , was successful under the Conduct of Othniel ver . 10. And after a relapse unto the like defection , they became subject to Eglon King of Moab , whom they served eighteen years vers , 14. but attempting the same remedy by armes , under the Conduct of Ehud , they recovered their Liberty . And after his death , falling into that sin again which procured the like Miserie , they became subject to Iabin King of Canaan , who twenty years mightily oppressed them Iudg. 4. 1-3 . but by the Lords Commandment , under the Conduct of Deborah & Barak , they Rebelled & prevailed . Whence , If the Lords people , serving a Soveraign Domineering power , may shake off the yoke of their subjection ; then it is duty to defend themselves and Resist them , for there is no other way of shaking it off : But these examples prove the former : Ergo — Object . If any Cavil that these were not their oun Kings , to whom they owed Allegiance , but only invading Conquerours , whom they might resist . 1 Ans. ( 1 ) Yet they were the Soveraign powers for the time : And therefore , if Royalists & Loyalists grounds hold good , they ought upon no pretence whatsoever to have been Resisted : And thô possibly they might not be by Compact their oun Kings , yet by Conquest they were , as much as that would make them , and by their oun Consent , when they paid them Kings due , viz , tribute . ( 2 ) No more are they our oun Kings , who either intrude themselves into an Arbitrary Domination over us ( without any terms of a Compact , upon a pretence of hereditary succession ) or being our Covenanted Kings overturn all the Conditions of their Compact , & degenerate into Tyrants : To such we owe no Allegiance , more than Israel did to these Dominators . ( 3 ) I retort that old recocta Crambe , who should be Judge , whether they were their oun Lawful Kings or not ? For they acted as Kings , and thought themselves their absolute Lords , and gave themselves out to be such ; And yet we find an approved Rebellion against them . Mr Gee in his Magistrats Original chap. 8. Sect. 4. Pag. 268. improves these Instances to the same purpose , And addes Neither ( as far as my observation goes ) can any immediate or extraordinary Command or Word for what they so did be pretended to , or pleaded from the Text , for many of them , or for any save Barak or Gideon . 3. Yet Gideons example , thô he had an extraordinary Call , cannot be pretended as unimitable on the matter ; for that was ordinary , thô the Call & Manner was extraordinary . He , with the Concurrence of a very few men , did break the yoke of subjection , to Midian Iudg. 6. & 7. Ch : And having called his Brethren out of all mount Ephraim , into a conjunction with him in the pursuit of his victory ; When he demanded supply of the Princes of Succoth , and of the men of Penuel , and they denied it , he served them as Enemies . Whence , If a small party may with Gods Approbation deliver themselves , and the whole of their Community , from the bondage of their oppressing Dominators whom they had served several years , and may punish their Princes that do not come out to their help , in a Concurrence with them and encouragement of them in that attempt ; Then must it be duty to defend themselves against their Oppressours that rule over them , and all ought to concur in it ; or else there would not be justice in punishing them that were defective in this work : But we see the former from this Example Ergo — Object . If it be said , Gideon , and the rest of the extraordinary raised Judges , were Magistrats , therefore they might defend & deliver their Country , which a private people that are only subjects may not do . I ans . ( 1 ) They were subject to these Tyrants that oppressed them , who were then the Soveraign powers of that time , and yet they shook off their yoke by defensive armes . ( 2 ) They were not the● Magistrats , when they first appeared for their Countries defence & deliverance , neither in that did they act as such , but only as Captains of Rebells , in the esteem of them that had power over them . It is clear Gideon was not Ruler , till that Authority was conferred upon him after the deliverance . See Iudg. S. 22. &c. Yet he did all this before . 4. When his bastard Abimelech Usurped the Government , and was made King by the men of Schechem ; At length God sending an Evil Spirit between him and his Complices that set him up , not only was he Resisted by the treacherous Shechemites ( which was their brand & bane , in the righteous Judgement of God , for their aiding him at first in killing his Brethren ) Iudg. 9. 23 ; 24. &c. but also he was opposed by others of the men of Israel , as at Thebez , where he was slain by a woman vers . 50. ad fin . Whence , If an Usurping Tyrant , acknowledged as King by the Generality , may be disouned by the Godly , and threatened with Gods vengeance to consume both him & h●s Complices that comply with him ; and if he may be opposed & Resisted not only by those that set him up , but also by others that were in subjection to him , and at length be killed by them without resentment of the rest of the Nation ; Then must it be duty for a people , who had no hand in the erection of such a Dominator , to defend themselves against his force : But the former is true by this Example : Ergo — 5. When Israel fell under the Tyranny of Ammon , oppressing them eighteen years , they did by Resisting these Supreme powers shake off their yoke , under the Conduct of Iephthah . And being challenged sharply by the men of Ephraim , who it seems claimed the Prerogative of making war , and therefore came to revenge & reduce Iephthah & his Company to order , Casting herein belike a Copy to our regular Loyalists , who are very tenacious of this Plea of the Ephraimites , that at least without the Primores Regni no war is to be made ; yet we find Iephthah did not much regard it , but stoutly defended himself , & slew of them 42000 men known by their Shibboleth Iudg. 12. If people then when questioned for defending themselves , by them that claim a Superiority over them & should deliver them , may defend themselves both without them & against them ; then it is a peoples duty & priviledge : But the former is true by this Example . 6. They were then made subject to the Philistims 40 years , whom the men of Iudah acknowledged for their Rulers : yet Samson , that rackle-handed Saint , never ceased from pelting them upon all Occasions ; and when challenged for it by the men of Iudah , saying , knowest thow not that the Philistims are Rulers over us ? what is that that thow hast done ? Samson objects nothing against their being Rulers ; but notwithstanding prosecutes his purpose of vindicating himself , in defence of his Country , As they did unto me , sayes he , so have I done unto them Iudg. 15. 11. Hence , If Saints may avenge themselves upon them whom the Country calls Rulers , and when enabled by God may do to them as they did to them ; then must it be duty for them to defend themselves against them : But the Antecedent is true by this Example . 7. When Saul , in the pursuit of the Philistims , had charged the people with a foolish Oath ( like unto many of the ensnaring Oaths that Monarchs use to impose upon people ) not to eat any food until the evening , Ionathan his son tasted but a litle honey and lo he must die ; Which Saul confirmed with another peremptory Oath , God do so to him and more also if he should not die ? Whereupon the people , as resolute on the other hand to save him , Resisted the rage of that Ruler , and swore as peremptorly that not one hair of his head should fall to the ground : So the people rescued Ionathan that he died not 1 Sam. 14. 44 , 45. Hence , If people may Covenant by Oath to Resist the Commands , and Rescue a man from a Tyrants Cruelty ; then it is duty to defend themselves against him : The Antecedent is true here . 8. Afterwards when the manner of the King , presaged by Samuel was verified in Sauls degeneration into many abuses of Government ; this priviledge of Resistence was not wholly mancipated , but maintained by Davids defensive Appearance with his litle Army He took Goliahs sword not for ornament , or only to fright Saul , but to defend himself with it , and was Captain first to four hundred men 1 Sam. 22. 2. had a mind to keep out ●eilah against him with 600 men 1 Sam. 23. 13. and afterwards a great host came to him to Ziklag , while he kept himself closs because of Saul the son of Kish 1 Chron. 12. 1. throughout ▪ where they left Saul , and came & helped David against him . This is proved at length by Lex Rex quest 32. Pag. 340. 9. The City Abel , whither Shebah the Traitor had fled , did well to Resist Ioab the Kings General , coming to destroy a whole Citie for a Traitors sake , and not offering peace to it ( according to the Law Deut. 20. 10. ) and defended themselves by Gates & Walls , not withstanding he had a Commission from the King 2 Sam. 20. And after the Capitulating , they are never challenged for Rebellion . 10. The ten tribes revolted from the House of David , when Rehoboam claimed an Absolute power , and would not acquiesce to the peoples just conditions 1 King. 12. 2 Chron. 10. Which is before justified Head. 2. Hence , if it be Lawful for a part of the people to shake off the King , refuse subjection to him , & set up a new one , when he but resolves to play the Tyrant ; then it must be duty to resist his violence , when he is Tyrannizing : But the Antecedent is clear from this Example . This is vindicated at more length by Ius Pop. Ch. 3. Pag. 52. 11. The Example of Elisha the Prophet is considerable 2 King. 6. 32. Elisha sat in his house , and the Elders with him ; And the King sent a man before him , but ere the Messengers came to him , he said to the Elders , see how the son of a Murderer hath sent to take away mine head ; look when the Messenger cometh , shut the door , and hold him fast at the door ; is not the sound of his Masters feet behind him ? Here was violent Resistence resolved against both the man & the Master , thô the King of the Land for the time . And this calling him the son of a Murderer ; and resisting him , is no more extraordinary ( thô it was an extraordinary mans Act ) than it is for a plaintiff to lybel a true crime against a wicked person , and for an oppressed man to close the door upon a Murderer , Lex Rex Quest. 32. Pag. 346. Hence , if a King or his Messenger coming to use unjust violence against an innocent Subject , be no more to be regarded than a Murderers Emissarie , but may be resisted by that innocent Subject ; Then must a Community of such innocent Subjects defend themselves against a Tyrant or his Emissaries , coming against them on such a wicked errand : The Antecedent is here clear . 12. The City Libnah revolted from under Iehorams Tyrannie 2 Chron. 21. 10. P. Martyr on the place saith , they revolted because he endeavoured to compell them to Idolatrie . This is justified above Head. 2. Hence , if it be Lawful for a part of the people to revolt from a Tyrannical Prince , making defection from the true Religion ; then it is duty to defend themselves against his force : The Antecedent is here plain . 13. When Athaliah usurped the Monarchy , Iehojada the priest strenghtened himself , and made a Covenant with the Captains &c. to put her doun , and set up Ioash 2 King. 11. 2. Chron. 23. and when she came & cried , Treason , Treason , they regarded it not , but commanded to kill her and all that help her . Whence , if those that are not Kings may Lawfully kill an Usurpress , and all her helpers , then may a people resist them : But Iehojada though no Magistrate did it . 14. The repressing & punishing Amaziah the son of Ioash is an undenyable Instance , vindicated by Mr Knox ; see above Per. 3. Pag. 38. After the time that he turned away from following the Lord , the people made a Conspiracy against him in Ierusalem , and he fled to Lachish , but they sent & slew him there 2 King. 14. 19. 2 Chron , 25. 27. Hence , a fortiori , If people may conspire & concur in executing Judgment upon their King turning Idolater & Tyrant , then much more must they defend themselves against his violence . 15. The same power of peoples Resisting Princes , was exemplified in Uzziah or Azariah , when he would needs be supreme in things Sacred as well as Civil 2 King. 15. 2 Chron. 26. fourscore priests , that were valiant men , withstood him , and thrust him out of the Temple , deturbarunt eum , saith Vatablus , expulerunt eum saith Ar. Mont. vid. Pool Synopss . in Loc. See this vindicated by Mr Knox. Per. 3. Pag. 33. above . Hence , If private Subjects may by force resist and hinder the King from transgressing the Law , then must they resist him when forcing them to transgress the Law of God. 16. After the Return from the Babylonish Captivity when the Iewes were setting about the Work of building the Temple , which they would do by themselves , and not admit of any Association with Malignants ( upon their sinister misinformation , & Sycophantick Accusation , that they were building the rebellious & bad City , and would refuse to pay the King toll , tribute , & custome ) they were straitlie discharged by Artaxerxes to proceed in their Work , and the inhibition was execute by force & power Ezrah . 4. But by the encouragement of the Prophets , Haggai & Zechariah , countermanding the Kings decree ▪ they would not be hindered , the eye of their God being upon them , thô Tatnai the Governour of those parts , Shetharboznai , and their Companions , would have boasted them from it , with the Usual Arguments of Malignants , who hath commanded yow to do so & so ? Ezrah . 5. 3-5 . And yet this was before the decree of Darius was obtained in their favours , Ezrah . 6. Hence , if people may prosecute a duty without & against a Kings command , and before an allowance by Law can be obtained ; Then may a people resist their Commands and force Used to execute them : But here the Antecedent is manifest . 17. When Nehemiah came to Ierusalem , and invited the Iewes to build up the Walls of the City , they strengthened their hands for that good work against very much opposition : And when challenged by San●allat the Horonite , Tobiah the Servant the Ammonite , and Gesh●m the Arabian . Great Kings-men all of them , who despise & ●oasted them , what is this that ye do ? will ye rebeli against the King ? say they . He would not plead Authority , thô in the general he had the Kings warrant for it : Yet he would not give them any other satisfaction , than to intimate , whether they had that or not , having the Call of God to the Work , they would go on in the duty , and God would prosper them against their opposition , Nehem. 2. 19 , 20. And accordingly , not withstanding of all Scoffs & Plots & Conspiracies to hinder the building , yet they went on , and were encouraged to remember the Lord , & fight for their Brethren &c. and to build with weapons in their hands , N●h . 4. and brought it to an end , notwithstanding of all their Practices to fright them from it , chap. 6. Hence , If neither Challenges of Rebellion , nor Practices of Malignant Enemies who pretend Authority , nor any discouragements whatsoever , should deter people from a duty which they have a Call & Capacity from God to prosecute , and if they may promove it against all opposition by defensive armes ; Then , when a people are oppressed & treated as Rebells , for a necessary duty , they may & must defend themselves , and maintain their duty , notwithstanding of all Pretences of Authority against them . 18. I shall adde one Instance more , which is vindicated by jus populi , from the Historie of Esther . Because Mordecai refused to do homage to a Hangman ( Haman I should say ) a cruel Edict was procured from Ahasuerus , to destroy all the Jewes , written & sealled with the Kings ring , according to the Laws of the Medes & Persians , becoming a Law irrevocable & irreversible Esther . 3. 12 , 13. Yet the Lords Providence , always propitious to His People , brought it about so , that Haman being hanged , & Mordecai advanced , the Jewes were Called & Capacitated , as well as Necessitated , to resist that armed Authority that decreed to Massacre them , and that by the Kings oun Allowance , Esther . 9. When his former decree drew near to be put in execution , in the day that the Enemies of the Jewes hoped to have power over them , it was turned to the Contrary that no man could withstand them . Here they had the allowance of Authority to resist Authority : And this was not a Gift of a new right by that Grant , which they had not before ; only it was corroborative of their radical right to defend themselves , which is not the Donative of Princes , And which they had power to exerce & use without this , thô may be not the same Capacity : for the Kings warrand could not make it Lawful in point of Conscience , if it had not been so before . Hence , If people may have the Allowance of well advised Authority , to resist the decree & force of unlawful Authority ; then may a people maintain right Authority , in defending themselves against the injuries of pretended Authority : But by this Instance we see , the Jewes had Ahasuerus his Allowance to resist the decree & force of his oun ill-advised Authority , thô irreversible . And hence we see , that Distinction , in this Point , is not groundless , between resisting the Authority of Supreme powers , and the abuses of the same . Secundly , We have in the Scripture both tacite & express Reproofs , for lying by from this duty in the season thereof . 1. In Jacobs Swan-Song or Prophetical Testament , wherein he foretells , what should be the fate & future condition of each of the Tribes , and what should be remarked in their carriage influencing their after Lot in their generations , for which they should be commended or discommended , approved or reproved ; Coming to Issachar , he Prophetically exprobates his future Ass-like stupiditie , that indulging himself in his lazie ease and lukewarm security , he should mancipate himself & his Interests into a servile subjection unto his Oppressors Impos●itions , even when he should be in a Capacity to shake them off , and free himself by Resistence , Gen. 49. 14 , 15. Issachar is a strong Ass couching doun between two burdens . This is set doun by the Holy Ghost , as the brand & bane , not of the person of Issachar Jacobs Son , but of the Tribe , to be inured upon them , when they should be in such a concition by their oun silliness : Hence I argue , If the Holy Ghost exprobrate a people for their stupid subjection to prevailing Tyranny , when they do not improve their Ability , Capacity , & Right to maintain & defend their Liberties & Priviledges ; Then this implies a Commanded duty to defend them , according to their Capacity , from all unjust invasion : But the former is true here : Therefore also the later . 2. In Deborahs Song after their victorious Resistence , the people are severely upbraided for not concurring in that Expedition Iudg. 5. 16 , 17 , 23. and Meroz is particularly cursed for not coming to the help of the Lord , to the help of the Lord against the Mighty . This is Recorded as a resting Reproof , against all that will withdraw their helping hand from the Lords people , when necessitate to appear in defensive Armes for the preservation of their lives & Liberties . On the other hand , Zebulon & Naphtali are commended for jeoparding their lives in the high places of the fields , and are approved in that practice of fighting against the Kings of Canaan , that then ruled over them vers . 18 , 19. Hence , if people be Reproved & Cursed for staying at home to look to their oun Interests , when others jeopard their lives for their Countries defence & freedom from Tyrannie & Oppression ; Then this implies its a duty to concur in so venturing : But here , Rubeen , Dan , Asher , & Meroz , are Reproved & Cursed for staying at home , when Zebulon & Naphtali jeoparded their lives &c. Ergo. Thirdly , we have in the Scriptures many promises of the Lords approving & countenancing the duty of Defensive Armes even against their Oppressing Rulers . 1. In that forecited Testament of the Patriarch Iacob , in that part of it which concerns Gad , he Prophecies that Tribe should have a lot in the world answering his name , and be engaged in many Conflicts with Oppressing Dominators , who at first should prevail over him , but at length God should so bless his endeavours to free himself from their oppressions , that he should overcome . There is an excellent Elegancy in the Original , answering to the Etymology of the name Gad which signifies a Troop , reading thus in the Hebrew , Gad a Troop shall overtroup him , but he shall ouertroup them at the last Gen. 49. 19. And Moses homologating the same Testimony , in his blessing the Tribes before his death , shewes that he should make a very forcible & successful Resistence , and should execute the Justice of the Lord over his Oppressors Deut. 33. 20. 21. Wherein is implied a promise of Resistence to be made against Oppressing Conquerours , who should acquire the supreme rule over them for a time : And the success of that Resistence for overcoming , necessarly supposes Resistence . Hence , where there is a promise of success at last to a peoples Conflicts against prevailing Tyrannie , there is implied an Approbation of the duty , and also a promise of its performance wrapped up in that promise : But here is a promise &c. Ergo — 2. In that Threatening against Tyrants , shewing how they shall be thrust away & burnt up with fire , there is couched a promise , and also an implyed Precept of Resisting them 2 Sam 23. 6. The Sons of Belial shall be all of them as thorns thrust away — with hands fenced with iron &c. which clearly implies Resistence , and more than that . Rejection & Repression . Hence , If it be threatened as a Curse against Rulers of Belial . and promised as a Blessing , that they shall be so roughly handled ; then this implies a duty to resist them , who cannot be otherwayes taken : But here this is threatened &c. 3. When the Lord shall have mercy on Iacob & choose Israel , It is promised Isai. 14. 2 , 3. that they shall take them Captives whose Captives they were , And they shall rule over their Oppressors — This necessarly implies & infers a Promise of Resistence against these Oppressing Rulers , in the time off their Domineering , as well as revenge after their yoke should be broken ; And some thing of mens action as wel as Gods Judgement in breaking that yoke : for they could not take them Captives , nor Rule over them , except first they had resisted them whose Captives they were : There is Resisting of the Supreme Power , subjection whereunto was the bondage wherein they were made to serve . Hence ; If it be promised , that a Captivated & subjugated people shall break the yoke & free themselves of the bondage of them that had them in subjection ; then it is promised in that case , they must resist the Supreme Powers ; for such were they whose Captives they were : The Antecedent is here express . 4. There are promises that the Lords people , when those that rule over them are incensed against the Holy Covenant , and when many of their Brethren that should concur with them shall be frighted from their duty by fear , o r corrupted with flatterie , shall be made strong to do exploits , thô in such Enterprizes they may want success for some time , and fall by the sword & flame and by captivity & spoyl many dayes Dan. 11. 30-34 . Which is very near Paralel , to the case of the Covenanted people of Scotland their appearing in Defensive exploits against their Covenant-breaking Rulers these many years bygone . This was very eminently fulfilled , in the Historie of the Maccabees , before r●hearsed . Hence , If it be promised that a people shall be strong to do exploits , in Resisting the Armes of their Rulers , opposing their Covenant , and overturning their Religion & Liberties ; Then it must be approven that such a Resistence is Lawful , even thô it want success : But this is here promised . To the same purpose it is promised , that after the Lords people have been long kept as Prisoners under the bondage of Oppressing Rulers , they shall by a vigorous Resistence be saved from their Tyrannie Zech. 9. 13-17 . when the Lord shall bend Iudah for him and raise up Zions Sons against the Sons of Greece — So it was in their Resistences & victories , against the Successors of Alexander , who had the rule over them for a time . And so it may be again , when the Lord shall so bend His people for Him. Hence , If the Lord promises to fit & Spirit His people for Action against their Oppressing Rulers , and to Crown their Atchievements when so fited & Spirited with Glorious success ; Then it is their duty , and also their honour , to Resist them : But here that is plainly promised . 5. There are promises of the Lords making use of His people , and strengthening them to break in pieces the power of His & their Enemies , and His defending & maintaining them against all their power & projects , when they think most to prevail over them . As is promised , in the threatened Catastrophe of the Babylonian Usurpation Ier. 51. 20-24 — Thow art ( sayes He to Israel , of whom He speaks as the rod of His Inheritance in the preceeding verse ) my battle ax & weapons of war , and with thee will I break in pieces &c. Whensoever this hath been or shall be accomplished ( as it may relate to the vengeance to be execute upon the New Testament Babylon ) it clearly implies their breaking in pieces Powers that were Supreme over them . Hence , If the Lord will make use of His peoples vindictive Armes against Babylon ruling over them , then He will Justifie their Defensive Armes against Babylon Oppressing them : Here it is promised &c. So Mic. 4 ▪ 11. to the end , Many Nations shall be gathered to defile & look upon Zion , and then the Lord shall give Allowance & Commission to His people to arise & thresh &c. What time the accomplishment of this is referred to , is not my concern to inquire : It seems to look to the New Testament times , wherein the Lords people shall be first in great straits , and then enlarged : But to restrict it to the Spiritual Conquest over the Nations by the Ministrie of the Word ( thô I will not deny but that may be included ) seems too great a straitening of the Scope , and not so apposite to the Expressions , which certainly seem to import some forcible action of men , and more than the Peaceable Propagation of the Gospel . It is usually referred to the latter dayes of that Dispensation , when both the Iewish & Gentile Zion shall be totally & finally delivered from Babylon or Antichristian Tyrannie , before or about which Period , the Enemies of Christ and of His people shall attempt their Ultimus Conatus to destroy the Church groaning under their bondage ; but when they are all well mustered in a General Randezvous , the Lords people shall have a gallant game at the chase . But whensoever the time be of fulfilling the promise , it ensures to the people of God the success of their Defensive Armes against them , that pretended a Domination over them . And it looks to a time , when they should have no Rulers of their oun , but them under whose subjection they had been long groaning , and now brought to a very low pass : yet here they should not only resist but thresh them . Hence , If in the latter dayes the people of God are to be honoured , and acted forth with such a Spirit & Capacity to thresh & beat doun these powers under which they have been long groaning ; Then when the Lord puts them in such Capacity to attempt it , they should be ambitious of such a honour : But here it is promised &c. The same may be inferred from the Prophets vision Zech. 1. 19 , 20. He sees four Carpenters Resisting the four hornes : the hornes scattered Iudah , so that no man did lift up his head ; but the Carpenters came to fray them , to cast out the hornes of the Gentiles , which lifted up their horn over the Land of Iudah . These hornes had the Supreme power over Iudah for a time , while they were in no Capacity to resist them ; But as soon as the Lord furnishes them with Capacity & Instruments impowered to resist them , they do it effectually . The Carpenters are certainly the Lords people themselves ; for here they are opposite to the Gentiles , which all were except the Lords people . Hence , If the Lord promises , when reconciled to His people , to furnish them with Instruments to fray & scatter the power of Tyrants , who have long born doun their head ; Then when they are so furnished , they may resist them : But the Lord here promises that &c. This is more plainly promised also Zech. 10. 5. &c. Then they shall be as mighty men which shall tread doun their Enemies — And the pride of Assyria shall be brought doun — Hence , If the Lord , when He shall have Mercy on His people , will bless their Resistence so , as to bring doun the pride & Scepter of them that had the Supreme power over them ; Then , in hope of such a blessing , they may attempt such a duty , when the Call is clear . Fourthly , we have also Precepts , from whence we may consequentially conclude the Approven duty of Defensive Armes against Oppressing Rulers . 1. The Children of Israel are Commanded to vexe the Midianites & sinite them , for saith the Lord , they vexe yow with their Wyles Numb . 25. 17 , 18. And to avenge themselves Numb . 31. 2. Which did not only oblige the people , when they had Moses for their Magistrate to lead them forth ; but in the dayes of Gideon , when they were under their rule whom they were to avenge themselves upon . Hence , If people must vexe their Enemies , & avenge themselves of them , by a war offensive , when ensnared by their Craftiness ; much more may they resist them by a war Defensive , when invaded by their Cruelty . 2. There is a Command to pu●ish every City or party , making Apostasie into Idolatry Deut. 13. 12-15 . Upon this Moral Ground was Israels war against Benjamin Iudg. 20. And their bringing Amaziah into Condign punishment , which is vindicated by Mr Knox. See above Per. 3. pag. 41 , 42. Hence , If people are to bring to condign punishment Idolatrous Apostates seeking to Intyce them ; Then much more ought they to resist such Tyrants seeking to Inforce them to such Apostasie . 3. There is a precept , not only to defend , but also to rescue & deliver our Brethren when in hazard Prov. 30. 11 , 12. We must not for bear to deliver them when drawen to death : which will at least infer the duty of assisting them when forced to defend themselves ; for , If it be a duty to to rescue them from any prevailing power that would take their lives unjustly , much more is it duty to defend them and our selves both against their Murdering violence : But it is duty to rescue them &c. 4. All that would learn to do well , are commanded Isai. 1. 17. to relieve the Oppressed : which is not spoken to Magistrates only , many of whom were the Oppressors , the Princes were rebellious & Companions of thieves vers . 23. So also Isai. 58. 6. It is required of a people that would be accepted of God in their humiliations , to let the Oppressed go free , and to break every yoke . Hence , If it be duty to relieve the Oppressed by breaking the yoke of them that Oppress them ; Then it is duty to defend them and our selves both against them that would oppress us more : But the former is here commanded : Therefore &c , 5. There is a Command for a spoyled Oppressed people , when the Lord is reconciled to them and Sympathises with them , to deliver themselves from their Rulers servitude Zech. 2. 7. Deliver thy self O Zion which dwellest with the daughter of Babylon . Which comprehends all the ordinary Active means of peoples delivering themselves , from oppressing powers that rule over them : And consequently Defensive Resistence ; for it cannot only be restricted to flight included ( vers . 6. ) the promise annexed ( vers . 9. ) imports more , when they that spoyled them shall be a spoyl to their servants : Whereby it is insinuated , they were so to deliver themselves , as not only to free themselves from their servitude , but to bring their Masters under subjection . Hence , If the Lords people , being subject to Tyrants ruling over them for the time , may deliver themselves from their Oppressing Masters , then may they resist them & Defend themselves : The Antecedent is express here in the Command . 6. There is a Command given by Christ to His Disciples , to provide themselves with Defensive weapens , necessary for their Defence against them that would pursue after their lives ; as well as with other things necessary for their sustenance Luk. 22. 36 — Now he that hath a purse let him take it and likewise his scrip , and he that hath no sword let him sell his garment & buy one . Before , when he had sent them out upon an extraordinary Commission , as it were to serve their Apprentship in the Work of the Gospel , He did not allow them such sollicitous care to provide themselves , because He would give them a proof of His sufficiency to sustain & protect them , without the ordinary means of their oun Diligence . But now , when He was about to withdraw His bodily presence from them , and would warn them of the Discouragements they were to expect in the Prosecution of their more continued Work , which they had a Commission for not to be retracted , He would not have them to expect Provision & Protection by a Course of Miracles , but to provide themselves with means for their sustenance , and also for their Defence against the violence of men ; which chiefly was to be expected from their Rulers , who would persecute them under the notion of Transgressors of the Laws of their Kingdoms & Countries . He was not indeed to make much use of them , at that time , for Himself ; Who was then to finish the Work of Redemption by Suffering : Only , that what was written might be accomplished in Him , He would make so much use of them , as voluntarely to be involved under the censure & reproach of Rebellion , being taken among men in Armes , that He might be reckoned among Transgressours vers . 37. Therefore when they told him , they had two swords , He said , It is enough vers . 38. I need not stand upon that Impertinency of a Conceit , that these were Spiritual swords : Which deserves no Confutation , being fitter to be put among Quakers delirious distractions , than to be numbered among the notions of men of understanding : for then the Purse and the Scrip must be Spiritual too ; And these Spritual things must be bought by sellings of Garments ; And yet they would be such Spiritual tools , as would have a sharp edge for cutting off of Carnal ears , and such as would be both visible & sensible ; And two of them would be enough . They were then ordinary Material swords , which the Lord Commands His Followers to provide themselves with , for their defence as Men , in cases of necessity , and , when they should be in a Capacity , to improve them against their Murdering Persecuters , against whom He gives His Royal Grant of Resistence ; that the world may know , His Subjects , thô they have more Priviledges Spiritual , yet they have no less humane Priviledges than other men : Albeit at that Period of His determined Suffering , He would not allow the present use of them . Hence , If the Lords people should provide themselves with Armes of defence , thô they should be reputed Transgressors for so doing ; Then may they use these Armes of Defence , against them that Persecute them under that Notion : But the Antecedent is clear : Therefore &c. Fifthly , We may infer the same Truth from some of the Prayers of the Saints , wherein they glory in the confident expectation of the Lords strengthening them , & favouring & approving their helpers , & in the experience of the Lord Assisting them , while in the mean time constitute in a formed Appearance of Resistence . I shall only hint these . 1. In that prayer Psal. 44. 5. They glory in hope that through the Lord they will push doun their enemies &c. yet now they were under the power of Tyrannizing Dominators which they were Resisting : for vers . 9. they complain they were put to shame , because the Lord went not forth with their Armies , & they which hated them spoyled them — And for His Sake were killed all day long : Hence they plead , that the Lord would awake — and not forget their affliction & oppression . Whereby it is evident , they were under the yoke of Tyrannizing powers , and Resisting according to their might . Which , by whomsoever or upon what occasion soever the Psalm was compiled , shewes , that no want of Success in Resisting Tyrants , can mar the Saints faith in pleading for the Lords Assistence & Approbation of the Duty . Hence , they that in faith may pray for & boast of their treading doun their Tyrannizing powers . that rise up against them , may also in faith attempt the Resisting of them in their oun defence : But here the Lords people did the former . 2. We find David under Sauls persecution , while he had a party of 600. men to defend himself against his rage , in the Psalmes which he composed upon that occasion , not only complaining of Oppressors , but encouraging himself in the faith that God would be with them that assisted him , in his essay of defending himself , and imprecating destruction to Saul & his Complices ; that the Lord would cut them off in His Truth , and let him see his desire upon them Psal. 54. 4 , 5. ult . And Psal. 57. 4. And Psal , 57. throughout , And Psal. 140. 7 , 9. He imprecates against the head of them that compassed him about , and consequently against Saul . Whence I argue . 1. If the Lords people , conflicting with & encompassed with Oppressing Rulers as so many Lyons & Dogs , may pray & praise for the help of those that assist them , in their endeavours of Self-preservation from them ; then may they make use of their help for their Defence , for which they pray & praise : But here we see the Lords people did the former : Therefore they may do the latter . 2. If we may pray against Kings , and for preservation from them ; Then may we Defend our selves against them , and endeavour the means of that preservation for which we pray . The Connexion is before cleared : yet here I adde ; That which will give a Dispensation from our duty of praying for them , will also dispense from the duty of being passively subject to their will ; And consequently will allow defending our selves from their violence : But here we see Tyrannie & Treacherie , and designed Mischief will give a Dispensation from our duty of praying for them , thô that be duty as indispensable as subjection . Again , if any thing demur us from Resisting of Princes , it must be respect to their Majestie , and the Character of the Lords anointing upon them : But we see , no respect to that will demur a Believer from praying in faith against them : Therefore no such respect will hinder , but that he may defend himself against his violence . And indeed , if we consider it right , if the impression of any Majestie God hath put upon Princes should bind up our hands from any Resistence , it will restrain from prayer-resistence : for , if that impression have any force at any time , it must be when a man is most solemnly stated before God , and speaking to God as a Christian , rather than when he is acting as a man with a man like himself : And as prayer-resistence is the more formidable & forcible Resistence than any other ( as this Saul , and many other Kings , have found by their woful experience ) so it is more restricted than other Resistence ; for , we may defend our selves against many whom we must not pray against , to wit , our private enemies , for whom we are commanded to pray ; yet no body will deny but we may resist their violence : And likewise , we are commanded to pray for Kings , when invested with Gods Authority : But when their degeneration looses us from that obligation to pray for them , and allowes us to pray against them when they turn Enemies to God ( as we see in the prayers of the Psalmist ) Then also we may more warrantably resist them by Defensive Armes . 3. Among the Halle-luyahs , in the end of Psalmes , there is one Calcula●e for the prevailing time of the Church , when the Lord shall take pleasure in His people . In that time of the Saints being joyful in Glory , when they may glory in the rest & security the Lord will vouchafe upon them , they are Prophetically & very Pathetically excited to praise prayer-wise Psal. 149. 6. to the end . Let the high praises of God be in their mouth , and a two edged sword in their hand — to bind their Kings with chains — to execute upon them the Iudgement written ; this h●nour have all the Saints , Halle-lujah . This was their praise & honour , when they were brought in to execute vengeance upon the Kings & Nobles of 〈◊〉 . This also in Davids time was the ambition and also the attainment of the Saints , in their Triumphant victories over many of their Oppressors round about them . But it looks to a further & more famous execution of vengeance upon the Tyrants of the earth , when they shall have long kept under the Church of God , & at length the Lord shall give His people a Capacity to break their yoke : which , when ever it shall be , shall be their honour . Hence , If it be the honour of the Saints , when the Lord puts them in Capacity , to execute vengeance upon their Enemies , thô they be Kings that Oppress them ; Then it may be their ambition to seek it , at least they may resist them . Thus from several Scripture Practices , Reproofs , Promises , Precepts , & prayers , this Truth may be proven : from which Scriptures , though other precious Truths are more Natively deduced , yet this Truth by unstrained & unconstrained Consequence may be also clearly inferred . HEAD . VI. The Sufferings of Some , upon the account of Extraordinary executing of Iudgement upon Notorious Incendiaries & Murdering publick Enemies by private persons in the circumstances wherein they were stated , vindicated . SUrely ( saith Solomon ) Oppression maketh a wise man mad , as on the other hand , a gift destroyeth the heart . Which , whensover there is a Concurrence & verification of both together , makes it very incident , and no wayes to be admired , that either some Actions of the Oppressed be Censurable ; Or that there be found many to Censure them , either out of ignorance , or prejudice , at a far off glance , which a nearer & narrower inspection of circumstances , through a Prospect of Charity , would not so readily condemn . When the Oppression of Tyrants comes to such a hight & pinch of Extremity , that it not only threatens a Community with desolation , but induces a necessity of unavoidable dissolution , and reduces a people to such a paroxisme of Desperation & consternation ( in respect of humane deliberation bringing them to their wits end ) that either they must succumb as slaves , and mancipate consciences , persons , Liberties , properties , and all they are or have , to the lust of raging Tyrants and their revening Emissaries ; or surrender themselves , and their posterity , and which is dearer the Interest of Religion , to be destroyed : Then it is no wonder , that they be sometimes necessitated in such an extremity ; extremis malis extrema adhibere remedia , and forced to fall upon such expedients to prevent their utter extermination , as at other times common Order , and ordinary Justice would make extravagant . Yea it is no marvel , thô they fall into several real Extravagances , which are not to be justified nor extenuated ; but rather it is to be acknowledged , as a Miracle of the Lords Mercy , that in such a case they are restrained from more scandalous Excesses of that nature . Yet even then , such as live at ease , free of oppression , who are blinded with prejudice at the Oppressed , and bribed with the Indulgence & Lenity of the Oppressours towards themselves , will look upon these Actions as transports of madness , and effects of extravagant zeal , while they weigh them only in the scales of Ordinary Justice , and do not ponderate them in the ballance of Necessitated Virtue ; nor perpend the circums●ances which made those extraordinary Acts of Judgement , which materially are Lawful at all times to be executed by some , to be then necessary Acts of Justice to be inflicted by them in such a case . But if either the Oppressours themselves ; Or such who are blinded & bribed with their gifts and killed with their kindness , not only into an omission of concurring , but into a condemning of such extraordinary Attempts of taking off those Destroyers ; Or if On-lookers at a Distance , would seriously consider , and ingenuously declare their opinion in a particular application of the case to themselves , what they would do in such circumstances : I doubt not , but as Charity should oblige them to be sparing of their Censures , in a case whereof they have no experience ; So Justice , in resolving this point for themselves , would constrain them to justify such extraordinary necessitated Practices for self preservation , in preventing perishing by destroying their Destroyers , and move them rather to admire their Patience , who have suffered so much and so long those beasts of prey to devour them , than to censure their precipitancies , in being constrained to endeavour to deliver themselves at last from , and put an end to their Cruelty who did most annoy them . Yea ( as Naphtali sayes very well ) It were impossible that rational men , after the feeling of so sore grievances , and the teaching of so many & sad experiences , should still couch under the burden , and submit themselves to the yoke of such vile Apostate Upstarts and bloody Villains , and not rather acquit themselves like men , by pulling off these vizards , under which they mask their Villanies and clock their violence ; and plucking them out of that Sanctuary of Loyaltie , and Refuge of Authority , which they do not more pretend than profane by all their horrid Rebellion against God , and cruel Murders executed upon the Lords people , to the effect that in the righteous & deserved punishment of these wicked men , both the sin of the Land might be sisted , and the fierce Anger of the Lord averted , Naph . Prior edit . Pag. 134. Nevertheless such Lawful , and ( as one would think ) laudable Attempts , for cutting off such Monsters of Nature , beasts of prey , burdens to the earth , as well as Enemies to the Common-wealth , are not only condemned as Murders & horrid Assassinations , but Criminally & Capitally punished as such . And upon this account , the Sufferings of s●ch , as have left a Conviction upon the consciences of all that knew them , of their honesty , integrity , soundness , in the principles , and seriousness in the practice of Religion , have been several , singular , and signally severe ; and ouned of the Lord to the admiration of all Spectators : Some being cruelly tortured & executed to the death , for essaying such execution of Judgement , as Mr Mitchel ; others for accomplishing it , as Mr Hackstoun of Rathillet , and others , who avowed their accession to the cutting of that Arch-Traitor Sharp , Prelat of St Andrewes ; And others for not condemning that and the like Acts of Justice , thô they were as innocent of the facts as the Child unborn . The foregoing Historical Representation of the matters of fact , doth clear the Circumstances of the Actions : which , if ever any of that nature performed by private men without publick Authority , could be justified , will at least demur the condemning of them . For , the men , or rather monsters , thus removed , had not only been perjured Apostates from , and conjured Enemies against God , in a Conspiracy with the Devil to destroy the Reformation and the Remnant that professed it , affronted Blasphemers , perfidious Betrayers of the Country , and Enemies to the Commonweath , Malignant Incendiaries , and habitual Murderers of many of the Lords people , who for many notorious Crimes had forfeited their lives to Justice ; But were insolently prosecuting their Murdering designs , informing the Council , and instigating them against innocent people to destroy them utterly , procuring from them bloody Orders to spare none but cut off all who might fall into their hands , and vigorously & vigilantly with all violence pursuing their Murdering Mandats , both in their oun persons , and by villains whom they hounded out as Intelligencers to get & to give notice where any of those people might be detected , whom they vowed ( and avowed a design ) to destroy , when in the heat & hight of their rage they were cut off . The Actors were no wayes subject to them , nor any other way related than declared & Independent Enemies are to one another , having renounced all relation to them and their Masters as Magistrats or their superiours ; and were in no terms of peace with them , but maintaning an hostile opposition , and carrying without cessation , armes to resist them ; and when they got that advantage over them , that these Enemies were seeking against them , they declared solemnly to them , and dyed declaring it to the world , that they were not moved out of private revenge for personal injuries they had done against themselves , but being touched with the zeal of God , love to their Country , respect to Justice trampled upon by Tyrants , and for saving themselves , rescuing their Brethren , and preventing their Murthering them , because there were none that would or could execute Justice upon them legally , therefore they were forced to put forth their hands against them as enemies , with whose preservation their oun could not consist . Their Circumstances were such , that they were redacted to the greatest of Extremities , precluding all other humane possibility of preserving themselves and their Brethren from the destruction intended , and declaredly resolved , and restlessly sought & prosecuted , by these Murderers : being persecuted to the death by them , daylie chased , hunted , way-laid , turned out of their oun habitations , intercommuned , discharged & denyed all harbour in any house , under the hazard of the same pains that themselves were lyable to , which was death by the present Law , and so forced to hide in Caves & Dens ; out of which they durst not come forth , if it were but to seek bread for themselves , without eminent danger of their lives ; the Country raising the hue & cry after them , whensoever they were seen , whereby many were killed as soon as they were apprehended : Hence they could neither escape in the Land , nor by flight out of the Land , all passages by sea & Land being stopt , and none suffered to go any where , without strict examination what they were , which was impossible for them to elude : And many other specialities of miserie & danger were ingredients in their Circumstances , that no words can represent to them that are altogether strangers to them . Wherefore in such a strait & pinch of Perplexity , when they could not otherwise escape the fury of these firebrands , nor demur & deter the rest of them from an uncontrolled pursuit after the lives of Innocents , nor otherwise avert the wrath of God against the Land for the impunity of such vermine ; And seeing there was no access to address themselves to Magistrats , who by Office are obliged to bring such villains to condign punishment , And none were found in publick Authority but such as patronized & Authorized them , whom in Conscience they could not acknowledge , and in prudence durst not make application to them for fear of their lives ; What could they do ? what was left them to deliberate , but to fall upon this Extraordinary Course ; wherein if they have stumbled into some extravagancies , as to the manner , who can think it strange , considering the Case ? But as that is not the debate ; so as for such Acts of vengeance as are peccant in the matter , and were not circumstantiate as above rehearsed , being disouned in their publick Declarations , and the Actors excluded from their Communion for whom I plead ; it were iniquous to impute the scandal of them to that Suffering people . It is only the so Circumstantiate , necessitated , extraordinary execution of Judgement , upon notoriously gross & grassant Incendiaries , Tyrants , and terrible Murdering Enemies , when there is no living for them , that I vindicate . And thô the handling of this tender & quick-sented subject may seem odious to some , and my Discourse upon it as pregnant with an oblique design ; to obivate such unmerited surmises , I must say , it is only the wiping off of such Reproaches as reflect on Religion , the vindication of preterite extraordinary practices of this nature , the investigation of present duty with respect to future Emergencies , and the restraining all Extravagancies incident in this Head , that I intend . However this may be exploded by this generation as odious & un-couth Doctrine , yet in former Periods of this Church it hath been maintained with Courage , & asserted with Confidence . How the Ancient Scots , even after they received the Christian faith , served their Tyrants and Oppressours , how in the begining of the Reformation the killing of the Cardinal , and of David Rizio , were and are generally to this day justifed , and what was the Judgement & pleading of our Reformers for practising this principle against Idolaters &c. needs not be here repeated : Mr Knox's Judgement in particular is before declared , and will be further discovered , if we consider how he resented his slackness , in puting people to execute Judgement in these words , insert in Second Part of the Cloud of Witnesses Pag. 60. For God ( said he ) had not only given me knowledge , and a tougne to make known the impiety of the Idol , but had given me Credit with many , who would have put in execution Gods Judgements , if I would only have consented thereto : but so careful was I of the common Tranquility , and loath was I to offend some , that in secret conference with zealous men , I travelled rather to slacken that fervency God had kindled in them , than to animate & encourage them to put their hands to Gods Work ; wherein I acknowledge my self to have done most wickedly , and from the bottom of my heart I do ask God pardon , that I did not what in me lay to have suppressed that Idol in the begining . But the preceeding Historical Representation doth abundantly demonstrate this is no Noveltie , to assert , That when the ruine of the Countrie , suppression of Religion , destruction of the Remnant professing & suffering for it , and the Wrath of God is threatened in & for the impunity of Idolaters & Murderers , that by the Law of God & Man should die the death , and supposing alwayes such as are in publick Office not only decline their duty , but encourage those destroyers , yea Authorize them themselves ; we may not only maintain defensive Resistence according to our Capacity , but endeavour also vindictive & Punitive force in executing Judgment upon them in cases of necessity , as before Circumstantiate . And ● am the more confident to assert it , that what I say cannot be condemned , till first what our Reformers have proven be confuted . However to endeavour to make it some what clear , I shall first premit some Assertions , to clear the State of the Question : And then give some Reasons for it when clearly Stated . First , It will be needful for clearing our way , to shew what length we may warrantably go in this matter of executing Judgment , in our private Capacity , in extraordinary Cases of necessity , by setting doun some propositions negative & positive : Signifying what we disoune , and what we oune in this point . I. What we disoune , may appear in these Assertions . 1. No necessity not Circumstance supposible whatsoever , can justify the Murder of the Righteous or Innocent , or vindicate the unlawful taking away of their life directly or indirectly , immediately or mediately , which in thought as well as deed we must abhor , as a horrid breach of the Sixth Command . The Guilt whereof may be incurred several ways ; As by killing them Immediately , as Cain did his brother Abel ; or Commanding them to be killed , as Saul commanded Doeg to kill the Lords Priests ; or Contriving their Murder , as David did Uriahs , and Iezebel Naboths ; or Counselling thereunto , as the people advised the Princes to the murder of Ieremiah , and all that cryed Crucifie Iesus were Murderers of Christ ; Or by procuring it , as Haman was guilty of the intended murder of the Iewes ; Or Concurring therein , as Ioab was guilty of Uriahs death as well as David , and Iudas of Christs by betraying him ; Or by the Patrocinie thereof , defending & sparing the Murderers ; when called by Office to punish them , as David was guilty in not punishing Ioab , Ahab in patronizing the Murder of Naboth ; Or by Consenting thereunto , as Saul consented to the death of Stephen ; or by knowing & permitting , & conniving at it , as is condemned Prov. 24. 11 , 12. Whether this be done under colour of Law , as Pilate Murdered our Lord , Herod killed Iames ; or without all colour , by Absolute power , as Herod the Ascalonite murdered the Infants ; or whether it be done by purpose , as Ioab murdered Abner & Amasa ; or without previous purpose , yet with knowledge of the Action in the perpetrating of it , as men may do in passion when provoked beside their purpose , or in a Tumult without intending it before hand , yet that is Murder , Barabas committed Murder in the Insurection . For , as for Casual killing contrary to intention without knowledge , that 's no breach of the Command . And , whatever may be said of necessitated delivering up the Innocent , pursued by a potent Enemy , to deliver the City from his fury ; or of prefering our oun life to our innocent neighbour , in a case when both cannot be preserved , and by preserving the one Lawfully the other happens to lose his life ; I do not medle with these Cases . But since this is taken for granted by Casuists , I infer , if it be Lawful that an innocent man die in case of necessity , that others may be preserved ; Then much more is it Lawful , that the nocent wo are guilty of murdering the Righteous all these wayes above specified , and actually prosecuting their murdering designs by these methods , should rather be made to die than the Righteous be destroyed . But of this sort of Murder , taking away the life of the Righteous , none hath the impudence to accuse that Reproached people . 2. Thô a man kill an innocent unwittingly & unwillingly , besides his knowledge and against his will ; yet he may be guilty of sinful homicide , if he was obliged to know that he was in hazard of it , and neglected to consider , lest a man might be killed by what he was doing : as if a man should shoot at random , when he doth not know but some may be killed thereby ; or if one were hewing with an axe , which he either knew or might have known to be loose , and the head not well fastened to the helve , did not advertise those about him of it , if by flying off it happened to kill any person , he were not innocent , but if he knew not without any inadvertency , then he were guiltless , Deut. 19. 5. See Durham on 6. Com. So if a man built a house without battlements , he should bring blood upon his house , if any man fell from thence Deut. 22. 8. But of this the question is not . 3. Thô a person be not altogether innocent , nor to be reckoned among the Rigtheous ; but suppose him wicked & profane , and engaged in an evil Course , dishonourable to God , prejudicial to the Church & Kingdom , and very injurious to us : Yet it may be Murder to kill him , if he be not guilty of Crimes that deserve death by the Law of God : for the life of man is not subjected to the arbitrement of any , but His who is the Author of life & death : It s necessary to all to obey the Law , Thow shalt not kill , without exception , but such killing as is approven by the Author of the Law , as saith Ames●de Consciencia cap , 31. quest . 2 , Hence , this people so much reproached with extravagant Actions , do abundantly clear themselves of that imputation of being of the mind to kill all that differ from them , which was the impudent forgerie of the father of lies , in their Informatory Vindication Head. 2. Pag. 54. We positively disoune ( say they ) as horrid Murder , the killing of any because of a different perswasion or opinion from us , albeit some have invidiously cast this odious Calumny upon us . And it is as clear , they that took the Oath of Abjuration swore a lie , when they abjured the Apologetical Declaration , in so far as it asserted it was Lawful to kill all imployed in the Kings service , when it asserted no such thing , as is shewed above Head. 3. To think so much , let be to declare it , far more to practise such a thing against all that served the King , or any meerly because they served him , or because they are in a wicked Course , or because they have oppressed us , were abominable : for these things simply do not make men guilty of death , to be punished Capitally by men according to the Law of God. But when they are stated in such opposition to us , and serve the Tyrants Murdering Mandats by all those wayes above specified ; then we may by the Law of God and Nature and Nations destroy , slay , and cause to perish , and avenge our selves on them that would assault us and are seeking our destruction , as it was Lawful for the Iewes to do with Hamans Emissaries Esther . 8. 11 , 13. & 9. 1 , 2 , 5. This Charge then cannot reach the Case . 4. Thô Murderers , and such as are guilty of death by the Law of God , must be punished by death , for he that sheddeth mans blood by man must his blood be shed : Yet it may be Murder for a man to kill another , because he thought him so Criminal , and because he thought it his duty , being moved by a pretended Enthusiastical Impulse , in imitation of the extraordinary Actions of such as were really moved by the Spirit of God. As when Iames & Iohn would have commanded fire to come doun to consume the Samaritans , the Lord rebuked them , saying , ye know not what manner of Spirit ye are of , for the Son of man is not come to destroy mens lives but to save them Luk. 9. 54-56 . Such impulses had need to be well examined , for ordinarly they will be found not consistent with a Gospel Spirit , which is alwayes averse from act of Cruelty . Blind zeal sometimes may incite men to fearful work : yea the persecuters have often most of that Spirit , as our Lord foretells , the time cometh that whosoever killeth yow shall think that ●e doth God service Iohn . 16. 2. Paul in his Pharisaical zeal breathed out slaughter against the disciples . And Satan can drive men under several colours , to act such things , as he did the Bours in Germany , and Iohn of Leyden and his followers , whose practices are deservedly detested by all that have any spark of Christianity or humanity : for if this were espoused as a Principle , there would be no security for mens lives . But hence it cannot be concluded , that God may not animate some to some rare Enterprises , for the cutting off of Tyrants and their bloody Emissaries , Incendiaries , Destroyers of innocent people , and puting an end to and stoping the Career of their Murders , in a time of real extreame necessity , the matter of the action being unquestionably Lawful , their ends & intentions really good & commendable , there being also a deficiency of others to do the work , and themselves in some probable Capacity for it . See Ius Popul . Cap. 20. Pag. 410. Neither can it be denyed , but true zeal may sometimes incite people to such exploits , for the preservation of Religion & Liberty , their oun lives and Brethren , all like to be destroyed by the impunity of beasts of prey . This will be found very consistent with a Gospel Spirit : And though this Principle be asserted , and also put in practice , all persons notwithstanding thereof would have sufficient securitie for their life , except such as hath really forefeited their lives by all Law of God & man. Those that are led by Impulses , may pretend the imitation of extraordinary examples and abuse them ; yet hence it will not follow , that in no case these extraordinary Examples may be imitated . Shall the examples of good Magistrats , executing Justice on Idolaters & Murderers , be altogether unimitable , because Tyrants abuse them in persecuting the innocent ? If this arguing were good , it would make all vertuous Actions in the world unimitable ; for these may be abused by pretenders . See Ius Popul ▪ ubi supra Pag. 412. But it cannot be charged upon the Sufferers upon this head , that they had nothing to give as the reasons of their Actions but pretexts of Enthusiasmes . 5. Thô a man be really so Criminal , as tha● he deserves death by the Law of God & man ; yet it may be murder to kill him , if we do not certainly know it , and can prove it , and convict him of it upon Tryal : for no man must be killed indictâ or incognitâ causâ . Thus even Magistrats may Murder Murderers , when they proceed against them without probation or cognition according to Law , far more private persons . Thus the Abiezrites would have murdered Gideon , not only unjustly for his duty of throwing doun the Altar of Baal , but illegally , because they would had him brought out that he might die without any further Tryal Iudg. 6. 29 , 30. So likewise the Iewes that banded & bound themselves under a curse to kill Paul before he was tried , would have Murdered him , not only unjustly for his duty , but illegally before he was tried Act. 23. 12. But this doth not condemn the Actions of those Sufferers , in maintaining the necessary execution of Judgement , upon persons who are Notorious Murderers , yea professing a trade and prosecuting habitually a tract of continued Murdering the people of the Lord. 6. Thô it should be certainly known , and sufficiently proven , that a man is a Murderer &c. Yet it were Murder for an inferiour , under a relation of subjection to him , to kill him , as long as that subjection were acknowledged : for whensoever the common & mutual right or relation , either Natural , Moral , Civil , or Religious , to the prejudice or scandal of the Church or State or particular persons , is broken by killing any person , that is Murder ; thô the person killed deserve to die . As if a Subject should kill an acknowled King , a Son by Nature or in Law should kill his Natural or legal father , a Servant should kill his Master , breaking these relations , while their right & tye were acknowledged ( as some of them must still be acknowledged as long as the Correlates continue in being , to wit , that of a father is not broken by his becoming a Murderer ) and to the danger , detriment , & scandal of the Church & State ; That were properly Assassination : for Assassines are they , who being subject to others , either out of their oun head for their oun ends , or by command of their Superiours , kill their Superiours , or such as they command them to kill , as Alstedius describes them Theolog. Cas. cap. 18. de homicid . reg . 55. Therefore David would not kill Saul , because he acknowledged him to be the Lords Anointed , to whom he was under a relation of subjection ; and because he was his Master and Father in Law ; And because it would have tended to the hurt of the Kingdom , and involved it in Combustions & Contentions about the succession , and prejudged his oun right , as well as to the scandal of the people of God , thô Saul deserved otherwise to be capitally punished . So Ishbosheth was killed by Baanah & Rehab 2 Sam. 4. 7. So Iozachar & Iehozabad who killed Ioash 2 King. 12. 21. were punished as Murderers chap. 14. 6. because they were his servants , and did assassinate him to whom they were subject . So the servants of Amon were punished by the people , as Conspirators against their King & Master 2 King. 21. 23 , 24. though Amon deserved to have been punished as well as Amaziah was . Hence generally it is observed by some , that thô right be given to equals or Superiours to bring their nearest relations to condign punishment , when they turn entycers to Idolatry Deut. 13. 6. Yet no right or jus , upon any cause or occasion whatsoever , is given to inferiours , as Children &c. to punish their fathers . See Pool . Synop. Critie . in Locum . However it be , this cannot condemn the taking off of Notorious Murderers , by the hand of such as were no way subject nor related to them , but as enemies , who in extreame necessity executed righteous Judgement upon them , without prejudice of the true necessary & chief good of the Church & Commonwealth , or of any particular persons just right & security , as Napthali qualifies it Pag. 22. 23. Prior edit . 7. Thô the matter of the Action were just , and the Murderer such a person as we might punish , without any breach of relative obligations or duties ; Yet the manner may aggravate it to some degree of Murder ; if it be done Secretly , when it may be execute publickly ; or suddenly & precipitantly , when it may be done deliberately , without rushing upon such an Action , or hurrying the Murderer to eternity , as this also might have had some weight with David not to murder Saul secretly & suddenly in the Cave , or when he was sleeping , So Ishbosheth and Io●sh and Amoa were murdered ; Or if it be done subtilly , when it may be performed in more plain & fair dealing ; or teacherously , under colour of friendship ; or cruelly without regard to humanity ; and especially when the Actors are at peace with the person , whose blood they shed , as Ioab shed the blood of war in peace 1 King. 2. 5. in killing Abner & Amasa so craftily & cruelly ; and Absalom made his servants Assassinate Amnon 2 Sam 13. 28 , 29. But this cannot be charged upon them , who executed righteous Judgement , as publickly , deliberately , and calmely , as the extraordinary exigence of pressing necessity , in extremity of danger , could allow , upon notorious Murderers , with whom they were in open and avowed terms of hostility . 8. Thô the manner also be inculpable ; yet if the principle and motive of killing , even those that deserve to die be out of malice , hatred , rage , or revenge , for private or personal injuries , it is Murder . For the affection & intention doth make one and the same action of taking away the life , homicide or no homicide , as Lex Rex saith Quest. 31. Pag. 338. If a man out of hatred deliberately take away another mans life , he is a Murtherer eatenus ; but if that same man had taken away the others life , by the flying off of his axe head , he neither hating him before nor intending to hurt him , he is no Murtherer by Gods express Law , allowing Cities of refuge for the one , and not for the other Deut. 4. 42. Deut. 19. 4. &c. private revenge is indignity to God , whose it is to take vengeance Deut. 32. 35. Rom. 12. 19. Dearly beloved avenge not your selves , for vengeance is the Lords . For which cause Iacob curses Simeon & Levi their Murder of the Schechemites , for in their anger they slew a man Gen. 49. 6 , 7. So David would not put forth his hand against Saul , for his oun private & personal quarrel . So Ioab killed Abner , and Absalom Amnon . But this doth not make the execution or Judgement , out of zeal for God , respect to Righteousness , love to the Nations Interest , and care to preserve the persecuted people of God from imminent destruction , upon publick Enemies Incendiaries , that are trampling upon all these precious Interests , and threatening the utter ruine of them , and in a particular manner their destruction who thus prevent them . 9. Thô the motive or cause were upon a publick account , yet it may be Murder to have a wrong End in it : as either to intend simply the destruction of the person on whom they execute Judgement , as the end to which all their Action is directed , or to make their oun advantage or honour the end of the Action . Thus David would not kill Saul , because it might have been thought he did it to obtain the Kingdom , of which he was rightfull successor : And deservedly he punished the Amalekite , that brought newes of his killing Saul ; and Baanah & Rechab , for their killing Ishbosheth , thinking thereby to advance themselves at Davids Court. So also Ioab murdered Amasa to secure himself in the Generals place . And Iehu , though upon the matter he executed righteous Judgement , his end was only himself , it is condemned as murder . But when the execution of righteous Judgement is both formally intended by the Actors , and natively & really doth conduce to the Glory of God , the preservation of the Remnant threatened to be destroyed by these Murderers , the suppressing of impiety , doing of Justice , turning away wrath , and removing of present and preventing of future judgments , then it may be duty Naph . Pag. 23. Prior edit . 10. Thô the end also were not culpable ; yet it may be Murder to kill Criminals by transgressing the sphere of our vocation , and usurping upon the Magistrats sword : for he by Office is a Revenger , to execute wrath upon him that doth evil Rom. 13. 4. none must make use of the sword of vindictive Justice , but he to whom the Lord giveth it , therefore they that came to take Christ are condemned & threatened for this Math. 26. 52. all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword . The God of Order hath assigned to every man his station & calling , within the bounds whereof he should keep , without transgressing by defect or excess , let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called 1 Cor. 7. 20. and study to be quiet and do his oun business 1 Thess. 4. 11. Therefore David would not kill Saul , because he would have done it beside his calling . And therefore the killing of Ioash and Amon was murder , because the Assassines did transgress their vocation . But when Notorious Incendiaries do not only transgress their vocation , but the Limits of humane societie , and turn open enemies to God & man , destroying the innocent , making havock of the Lords heritage , and vaunting of their villanies and boasting of their wickedness , and thereby bringing wrath upon the Land if such effrontries of insolence should pass unpunished , and when there is no Magistrate to do that work of Justice , but all in that p●ace are airt & part with them , patrons & defenders of them , yea no Magistrate that can be acknowledged as a Minister of God to be applied unto ; in that case , it is no a transgression of our vocation , nor an Usurpation upon the Magistrats , where there is none , to endeavour to avert wrath , by executing righteous Judgement . Otherwise if for fear , or suspicion of the accidental hazard of private mens Usurping the Office or doing of the duty of Publick persons , every vertuous Action which may be abused shall be utterly neglected , Impiety shall quickly gain Universal Empire , to the extermination of all goodness Naph . Pag. 24. Prior edit . To clear this , it must be considered , that a mans calling is two fold ; his particular calling , whereunto in the ordinary course of things he is regularly confined ; and his general calling , not circumscribed by particular rules , which from the common obligation of the end for which all callings are institute , in the clear exigence of an extraordinary emergent , according to the general rules of righteousness , bind to an aggreeable practice : Therefore circumstances may sometimes so diversitie Actions , that what in the ordinary & undisturbed state of things would be accounted an excess of our particular calling , & an Usurpation , in an extraordinary occurrence may become a necessary duty of our general calling . 11. Thô it were no Usurpation beyond our calling ; yet it may be murder , to kill any without the Call of God in a case of necessity , either in tute●â vitae proximâ , or though it be remotâ when the hazard is unavoidable . Every thing must have Gods Call in its season to make it duty , so also the time of killing Eccles. 3. 3. For want of this , David would not kill Saul . Lex Rex saith excellently to this Quest. 31. pag. 329 , 330. David might have killed Saul when he was sleeping , and when he cut of the lap of his garment , but it was unlawful for him to kill the Lords anointed , as it is unlawful to kill a man because he is the image of God Gen. 9. 6. except in case of necessity — David having Saul in his hand , was in a remote posture of defence , the unjust invasion then was not actual , nor unavoidable , nor a necessary mean in humane prudence for self preservation ; for King Saul was not in an actual pursuit of the whole Princes , Elders , Community of Israel ; Saul did but seek the life of one man David , and that not for Religion , or a National pretended offence , and therefore he could not in conscience put hands on the Lords Anointed , but if Saul had actually invaded David for his life , David might in that case make use of Goliahs sword ( for he took not that weapon as a Cypher to boast Saul ) and rather kill then be killed : Thus he . By a Call here we do not mean an express or immediate Call from God , such as the Prophets might have to their extraordinary executions of Judgement , as Samuel & Elijah had to kill Agag and Baals Prophets : but either the allowance of man , then there is no question about it ; Or if that cannot be had , as in the case circumstantiate it cannot , Then the Providential & Morall Call of extream necessity , for preservation of our lives , and preventing the murder of our Brethren , may warrant an extraordinary executing of righteous Judgement upon the Murderers . Men may have a Call to a necessary duty , neither every way mediate nor immediate , as the Call of runing together to quench a fire in a City , when Magistrats through wickedness or negligence will not or do not call people forth unto that work ; they have not mans call , nor an immediate call from Heaven , yet they have a Lawful Call from God : So they do not intrud upon the Magistrats Office , nor want they a call to this execution of Judgement , who do materially that work for that exigent which Magistrats by Office were bound to do , being called thereto by God , by Nature , and the call of inevitable Necessity , which knoweth no h●mane Law , and to which some Divine positive Laws will cede . Ius populi cap. 20. pag. 423. 12. Thô this be a principle of reason & natural Justice , when all the forementioned circumstances are clear , that it is Lawful for private persons to execute righteous Judgement , upon notorious Incendiaries and Murdering publick Enemies , in cases of necessity : yet it might be a sinful breach of the Sixth Command , to draw extraordinary examples of it to an ordinary practice in killing all who might be found Criminal , and would deserve death by the Law , as all that have served under a banner of Tyrannie & violence , displayed against God & His people , to the ruine of the Reformation , wasting of the Country , oppression of many honest families , and destruction of many innocent people , are and would be found guilty of Murder ; as the Chief Captain would have truly alledged Paul to have been a Murderer , if he had been the Egyptian which made an uproar , and led out four thousand men that were Murderers Act. 21. 38. As for the vulgar & ordinary sort of those Vermine of Varlets , it is of no advantage for oppressed people to foul their fingers upon them , when their slaughter would not put a stop to , but rather encrease , the destruction of the people of God ; and were unlawful to prevent & anticipate the due & Legal execution of Justice , where there is any prospect or expectation of its runing in its right channel . But for the chief & principal Ring-leaders , and common publick & habitual Incendiaries , and Masters of the ●rade of Murdering the Lords people , when there is no other way of being rid of their rage , and preserving our selves and preventing the destruction of our Brethren , we may in that case of necessity make publick examples of them , in an extraordinary Procedure against them , that may be most answerable to the Rules of the ordinary Procedure of Justice , and in imitation of the Heroick Actions recorded and justified in the Word of God , in the like extraordinary cases ; which are imitable , when the matter of their Actions is ordinary , that is , neither preternatural nor Supernatural thô the occasion was singular , just and necessary , both by Divine precept , and as a mean to good & necessary ends , and when there is no other to do the work , nor any prospect of access to Justice in its ordinary & orderly course , nor possibility of suspending it till that can be obtained . We need not then any other call than a Spirit of holy zeal for God , and for our oun & our Brethrens preservation , in that pinch of extremity . We do not hold these extraordinary Actions for regular & ordinary Precedents , for all times & persons universally : which if people should fancy , and heed more the glory & fame of the Action , than the sound & solid Rule of the Scriptures , they may be tempted & carried to fearful extravagances . But they may be Warrants , for private persons in their doing of these things , in an extreame necessity , to which at other times they are not called . And when the Lord , with Whom is the residue of the Spirit , doth breath upon His people moe or fewer , to the exciting of more than ordinary zeal , for the execution of Justice upon such Adversaries , we should rather ascribe Glory & Praise to Him , Whose hand is not shortened , but many times chooseth the weak & foolish things of the world to confound the mighty & the wise , than condemn His Instruments for doing such things Naph . pag. 24 , 25. Prior Edit . All these cases , which are all I can think on at present , comprehending all that may any way infer the guilt of murder , I have collected ; to the end I may conclude this one Argument , and leave it to be considered : If this extraordinary executing of Judgement , upon Notorious Incendiaries and Murdering publick Enemies , by private persons , in the circumstances above declared , cannot be reduced to any case that can infer the guilt of murder ; Then it cannot be condemned but justified : But this extraordinary executing of Judgement &c. cannot be reduced to any case that can infer the guilt of murder ( as will appear by the induction of all of them ) Ergo this extraordinary executing of Judgement &c. cannot be condemned but justified . II. In the Next place , What we oune may be done warrantably in taking away the life of men without breach of the Sixth Command , will appear by these propositions & Assertions , which will bring the matter to the present Circumstantiate Case . 1. It is certain , thô the Command be indefinitely expressed , it doth not prohibite all killing , but only that which is condemned in other explicatorie Commands . Our Lord Jesus repeating this Command , explains it by expressing it thus , Math. 19. 18. — Thow shalt not Murder . And if any be Lawful , it is granted by all , that is , which is unavoidable by the invincible necessity of Providence , when a man following his duty doth that which beside & contrary his intention and without any previous neglect or oversight in him , proveth the hurt & death of another , in which case he was allowed to flee to the City of refuge by the Law of God. Whence if that Physical necessity did justify that kind of killing , shall not a Moral necessity every way invincibly unavoidable ( except we suffer our selves and our Brethren to be destroyed by beasts of prey ) vindicate this kind , in an extraordinary extremity , when the Murderers are protected under the sconce of pretended Authority ? In which case the Law of God would allow deliberate Murderers should be pursued by the Avenger of blood , and not to have Liberty to flee to these subterfuges and pretexts of Authority ( meer Tyranny ) but to be taken from the horns of such altars , and be put to death , as Mr Mitchel sayes in vindicating his oun Action , in a Letter dated Feb. 1674. 2. It is Lawful to take the life of known & convicted Murderers by publick Justice : Yea it is indispensably necessary by the Law of God , and no mercy nor pardon of the Magistrate may interpose to spare them ; for , Whoso killeth any person the Murderer shall be put to death by the mouth of Witnesses — ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a Murderer — but he shall surely be put to death , He was not to be admitted to the benefit of any refuge : And the reason is , blood defiles the Land , and the Land cannot be cleansed of the blood that is shed therein , but by the blood of him that shed it Numb . 35. 30 , 31 , 32 , 33. Hence if it be so necessary to cleanse the Land , then when the Magistrate is not only negligent in his duty , but turns a Patron & Protector of such Murderers , and imployes them as his Emissaries to murder & destroy , it cannot be expected he should cleanse the Land , for then he should free it of the burden of himself , and begin with himself : Therefore then there must be more incumbent upon private persons , touched with the zeal of God , than at another time . And as Mr Knox in his Conference with Queen Mary , sayes They that in the fear of God execute Judgement where God hath commanded , offend not God thô Kings do it not : and adduces the examples of Samuel killing Agag , Elias killing the Prophets of Baal , and of Phineas killing Zimri & Cozbi . 3. It is Lawful for private persons to kill , in Moderamine inculpatae tutulae , their unjust Assaulters , in defending themselves against their violence , and that both in Tutela vitae proxima , in the immediate defence of our life against an immediate assault , in the instant of the assault , and also in tutela remotâ in a remote defence of our selves , when that is as necessary as the first , and there is no other way of escaping the destruction intented by Murtherers , either by flight or resistence ; then it is Lawful to preserve our selves by taking advantages to cut them off . 4. It is Lawful in a just war to kill the enemie ; yea in the defensive war of private subjects , or a part of the Commonwealth , against their oppressing Tyrants , as is proven Head. 5. Where several of the Arguments used to evince that Truth will confirm this : as namely those Arguments taken from the peoples power in Reformation , and those taken from the hazard of partaking of others sin & Judgment . For if all the Magistrats , Supreme & subordinate , turn principal patrons and patterns of all abominations , and persecuters and destroyes of the people for not complying with them , then the people are not only under an obligation to resist them ; but seeing otherwise they would by lyable to their sin , in suffering them thus to trample on Religion and the Interests of God as well as their oun , in order to turn away the wrath of God , it is incumbent upon them to vindicate Religion , and Reform the Land from these Corruptions , in an endeavour to bring those Malignant Enemies of God and Destroyers of the people to condign punishment , that the heads of the people being hanged up before the Lord against the sun , the fierce anger of the Lord may be turned away from the Land Numb . 25. 4. In this case , as Buchannan sayes of a Tyrant , de jure regni , A Lawful war being once undertaken with such an enemy as a Tyrant is , every one out of the whole multitude of mankind may assault with all the calamities of war a Tyrant , who is a publick Enemy , with whom all good men have a perpetual warfare . And thô the war ●e not alwayes actually prosecute in a hostile manner , yet as long as peace is not concluded and the war ceased , they that have the just side of the quarrel may take advantages in removing & taking off ( not every single souldier of the Contrary side , for that would contribute nothing to their prevailing in the end ) but the principal Instruments & promoters of the war , by whose fall the offending side would suffer great loss , and the defending would be great Gainers . So Iael killing Sisera Iabins Captain-General , is greatly commended . Now this was the Case of the Sufferers upon this head , as Mr Mitchel one of them represents it , in his fore-cited letter I being ( sayes he ) a Souldier , not having laid doun my armes , but still upon my oun defence , having no other end nor quarrel at any man — besides the prosecution of the ends of the Covenant , Particularly the overthrow of Prelats & Prelacy ; And I being a declared enemy to him ( that is Sharp ) on that account , and he to me in like manner , I never found my self obliged — to set a sentinel at his door for his safety , but as he was alwayes to take his advantage , as it appeareth , so I of him to take any opportunity offered ; Moreover we being in no terms of Capitulation , but on the contrary , I by his instigation being excluded from all grace & favour , thought it my duty to pursue him at all occasions . 5. It is Lawful to kill enemies in the rescue of our Brethren , when they are keeping them in bondage , and reserving them for a sacrifice to the fury of Tyrants , or leading them forth to the slaughter , or in the time of acting their Murdering violence upon them , Then , to break Prisons , beat up Garrisons , surprise the Murderers , and kill them in the rescue of our innocent Brethren , is very Lawful , according to that Command Prov. 24. 11 , 12. and the practice of Moses , who seeing one of his Brethren suffering wrong , he defended him , and avenged him that was oppressed , and slew the Egyptian Act. 7. 24. For that is a certain Truth , which Grotius saith in locum , jus naturae dat innocenti & innocentem tutanti jus in nocentem . Hence it cannot but be Lawful also , in a case of necessity , when both our selves and our Brethren are pursued incessantly by destroying Murderers , to avenge our selves on them , and slay them , when there is no other way to be rid of their violence . 6. It is Lawful to prevent the Murder of our selves or our Brethren , when no other way is left , by killing the Murderers before they accomplish their wicked design , if they be habitually prosecuting it , and have many times accomplished it before . This followeth upon the other : And upon this account it had been duty for Gedaliab to have suffered I●banan to slay Ishmael , and so prevent the Governours murder , if it had been certainly known that Ishmael was sent by the King of Ammon to assassinate him Ier. 40. 14 , 15. for nothing is there objected against the Lawfulness of the thing , but only it was alledged that he spoke falsly . Alstedius asserts this Theol. Cas. de h●micidio reg . 6. pag. 331. Licitum est praevenire eum qui vult invadere , & praeveniendo occidere antequam invadat , si necessarium est praevenire , quia aliter vita propria defendi non potest nisi preveniendo . It is Lawful to prevent him that would assault us , and by preventing to kill him before his invasion , if it be so necessary , to prevent him , that our life cannot be otherwise defended but by preventing . And hence he justifies that saying , licitum est occidere insidiantem , It is Lawful to kill him that lyeth in wait to murder , ibid. This is all the length that the reproached Sufferers , whom I am vindicating , go in asserting this principle , as may be seen in their Informatory Vindication Head 2. pag. 55. where they say , We maintain it as both righteous & rational , in defence of our lives , Liberties , & Religion , after an orderly & Christian manner , to endeavour by all means Lawful & possible , to defend our selves , rescue our Brethren , and prevent their murder , in a martial opposition against wicked Persecuters , who are seeking to destroy them & us , and imbrue their hands in our blood , according to the true import of the Apologetical Declaration . Which is very rational . Especially considering . 7. These Murderers , who are thus to be prevented , are such whom the Law of God commands to be put to death , and no where allowes to be spared being publick Enemies to God and good men , Open Blasphemers , avowed Idolaters , affronted Adulterers , Notorious Murderers , habitual Tyrants , suppressing Religion , oppressing the Innocent , and professing a trade of destroying the Lords people . Surely if God hath expressly in His Laws provided , that Blasphemers , Idolaters , Murderers &c. should not be suffered to live , He never intended men dayly guilty , yea making profession of these Crimes , should be allowed impunity , either by virtue of their Office , or because there is none in Office to execute Judgement upon them ; but in a case of extreame necessity these Laws will not only allow but oblige people , dayly Murthered by them , for their oun preservation , for vindication of Religion , for purging the Land of such wickedness , for turning away the wrath of God , to prevent their prosecuting their Murdering designs any further , and put a stop to their persecution by puting an end to their wicked lives . Seeing , as Buchannan sayes de jure Regni , It is expressly commanded to cut off wickedness & wicked men , without any exception of rank or degree , and yet in no place of Sacred Scripture are Tyrants more spared than private persons . Much less their bloody Emissaries . Now seeing all these Cases of Killing I have collected , are justifyable in Scripture , and none of the Sufferers upon this Head whom I am vindicating , have exceeded in principle or practice the amount of these Assertions , What is said already may have some weight to demur a censorious condemnation of them . But as the True Non-Conformist well observes , in answer to Dial. 7. pag. 391. Seeing the consideration resulting from the Concurrence of all circumstances , whereupon the right dignoscing of such deeds when actually existent doth mostly depend , doth more contribute to the clearing & passing a judgement on a case of this nature , when the whole contexture is exposed to certain examination , than to set doun general rules directive of such practices ( which yet will all justify this in question ) Therefore to clear the case further , all may be resolved into this State of the Question . Whether or not private persons , incessantly pursued unto death , and threatened with ineluctable destruction by Tyrants and their Emissaries , May , to save themselves from their violence in case of extreame Necessity , put forth their hand to execute righteous Judgement upon the Chief & principal Ringleaders , Instruments , & Promoters of all these destructive Mischiefs & Miseries , Who are open & avowed Enemies to God , Apostates , Blasphemers , Idolaters , Tyrants , Traitors , Notorious Incendiaries , Atrocious Murderers , and known and convict to be publick Enemies , prosecuting their Murdering Designs notourly & habitually , and therefore guilty of death by all Laws of God & man ; And in such an extraordinary case , put them to death who have de jure forefeited their lives to Justice , when there is no access to publick Justice , nor prospect of obtaining it in an orderly way , nor any probability of escaping their intended destruction , either by flight or resistence , if they be past longer unpunished ; And so deliver themselves from their Murdering Tyranny , while they are under no acknowledged subjection to them , nor at peace with them , but maintaining a defensive resistence against them ; And in this extraordinary execution of Justice , being not chargable with ignorance of matters of fact so manifest , nor mistake of circumstances so palpable , nor with malice rage or revenge against their persons for private & particular injuries , nor with Enthusiastick Impulses pretended as their Rule , nor with deceit or Treacherie in the manner , nor with any breach of relation or obligation , nor Usurpation upon or prejudice to any Lawful Right whatsoever in the matter , nor with any selfish or sinistrous ends in the design ; But forced to performe this Work of Judgement , when there is none other to do it , out of zeal for the Glory of God , Care of the Countries good , love to their Brethren , sense of their oun Danger , & Respect to Justice ; to the end , that by the removal of these wicked Destroyers , their war against the prevailing faction of their Malignant Enemies may be more successfully maintained , their Religion , Lives , Laws , & Liberties more securely defended , their Brethren rescued , their Murder prevented , Impietie suppressed , the Land cleansed from blood , and the wrath of God averted ; That this is the true State of the Question , the preceeding Assertions all comprehended here do make it evident . To which I answer in the Affirmative . And shall come to give my Reasons . Secondly , Then I shall offer some Reasons for this , first from some grounds & Hypotheses of Reason : Then more expressly from Scripture proofs . I. There may be some Arguments offered from the Dictates of natural reason . Which I shall but only glance at . 1. I premit the Consideration of the Practice of all Nations , even such from whom Patterns have been taken for Government , and who have had the most polite & purest Policy , and have been the severest Animadverters upon all Extravagants & Transgressers of their vocation : Yet even among them , for private persons to destroy and rid the Common-wealth of such burdens , and vile vermine so pernicious to it , was thought a virtue meriting rather Commendation , than a thing to be Condemned . I shall not here instance the laudable practices recorded in Scripture : These may be seen in their oun place . Neither do I speak of ruder Nations , among whom this is a rel●ct of reason , not of ruderness : as the Oriental Indians have a Custome , whenever any person runs a muck , that is , in a revengeful fury takes such a quantity of Opium , as distracts them into such a rage of mad animosity , that they fear not to assault ( which is the common operation of that potion there ) and go through destroying whom they can find in their way : Then every man Armes against him : and is ambitious of the honour of first killing him : which is very rational , for otherwise no man could be safe ; and it seems to be as rational , to take the same Course with our mad Malignant mucks , who are drunk with hellish fury , and are runing in a rage to destroy the people of God whom they can meet with . But all the Nations where the best Policy was established , have been of this mind . In Greece publick rewards were enacted to be given , and honours appointed by several Cities , to those that should kill Tyrants , from the mightiest of them to the meanest ; with whom they thought there was no bond of humanity to be kept . Hence Thebe is usually commended for killing her husband , Timoleon for killing his Brother , because they were pernicious & destructive to the Common-wealth : which , thô it seem not justifyable , because of the breach of relation of natural subjection , yet it shewes what sentiments the most politick Nations have had of this practice . As also among the Romans , Cassius is commended for killing his son , and Fulvius for killing his oun son going to Catiline , and Brutus for killing his kinsmen having understood they had conspired to introduce Tyranny again . Servilius Ahalas is commended for killing even in the Court Sp. Melius , turning his back and refusing to compear in judgement , and for this was never judged guilty of bloodshed , but thought nobilitate by the slaughter of a Tyrant , and all posterity did affirme the same . Cicero , speaking of the slaughter of Cesar , stiles it a famous & divine fact , & positum ad imitandum . Sulpitius Asper , being asked , why he had combined with others against Nero , and thought to have killed him ? made this bold reply , that he knew not any other way to put a stop to his villanies , and redeem the world from the infection of his example , and the evils which it groaned under by reason of his crimes . On the contrary , Domitius Corbulo is reprehended by all , for neglecting the safety of mankind , in not puting an end to Nero's Cruelty , when he might very easily have done it : And not only was he by the Romans reprehended but by Tyridates the Persian King , being not at all afrayed lest it should afterward befall an example unto himself . When the Ministers of Cajus Caligula , a most cruel Tyrant , were with the like crueltie tumultuating for the slaughter of their Master , requiring them that killed him to be punished , Valerius Asiaticus the Senator cried out aloud , I wish I had killed him , and thereby both composed their clamour & stopt their rage . For there is so great force in an honest deed ( saith Buchannan de jure Regni , relating this passage ) that the very lightest shew thereof , being presented to the minds of men , the most furious assaults are allyed , and fury will languish , and madness it self mu●t acknowledge the soveraignity of reason . The Senate of Rome did often approve the fact , thô done without their order oftentimes by private hands : As upon the slaughter of Commodus , in stead of revenging it , they decreed that his Carcass should be exposed and torn in pieces . Sometimes they ordered before hand to have it done ; As when they condemned Didimus Iulianus , they sent a Tribune to slay him in the Palace : Nay they have gone so far , as in some cases to appoint reward for such as should kill those Tyrants that trampled upon their Laws , and murdered virtuous & innocent people ; As that sentence of the Senate against the two Maximim doth witness , qui cos occiderit proe●ium merebitur . Buchannan ubi supra , rehearsing many instances of this nature , gives reasons of their approvableness . And these I find here and there scattered , in his book de jure Regni . 1. They that make a prey of the Common-wealth , are not joined to us by any civil bond or tye of humanity , but should be accounted the most Capital enemies of God and of all men . 2. They are not to be counted as within humane societie , but transgressors of the limits thereof ; Which who so will not enter into , and contain himself within , should be taken & treated as wolve● , or other kinds of noysome beasts , which whosoever spares he preserves them to his oun destruction , and of others , and whosoever killeth doth not only good to himself , but to all others , and therefore doth merit rather reward than to be condemned for it . For if any man , divested of humanity , should degenerate into such Crueltie , as he would not meet with other men but for their destruction ) as the Monsters I am speaking of could meet with none of the party here treated on , but to this effect ) he is not to be called a man , no more than Satyres , Apes , or Bears . 3. It is expressly Commanded to cut off , wickedness & wicked men , without any exception of rank or degree : And if Kings would abandon the Counsells of wicked men , and measure their greatness rather by duties of virtue , than by the impunity of evil deeds ; they would not be grived for the punishment of Tyrants , nor think that Royal Majestie is lessened by their destruction , but rather be glad that it is purged from such a stain of wickedness . 4. What is here to be reprehended ? is it the cause of their punishment ? that is palpable : Is it the Law which adjudges them to punishment ? All Laws were desired as necessary for repressing Tyrants ; whosoever doth condemn this must likewise condemn all the Laws of Nations : Is it the person executing the Laws ? where will any other be found to doe it , in such circumstances . 5. A Lawful war being once undertaken with an enemy for a just cause , it is Lawful not only for the whole people to kill that enemy , But for every one of them : every one therefore may kill a Tyrant , who is a publick enemy , with whom all good men have a perpetual war-fare . Meaning , if he be habitually Tyrannical , and destructive to the people , so that there is no living for good people for him : Otherwise , thô a man by force or fraud acquire Soveraignity , no such violence is to be done to him , providing he use a moderate way in his Government , such as Vespasian among the Romans ; Hiero in Syracuse . 6. Treason cannot be committed against one who destroyes all Laws and Liberties of the people , and is a pernicious plague to the Common-wealth . 2. Such is the force of this Truth in the case circumstantiate ; that it extorts the acknowledgment of the Greatest Authors , Ancient & Modern , Domestick & Forreign , and even of all rational Royalists , ( as Mr Mitchel sayes in his Post-script to the forecited letter ) that it is Lawful for any private person to kill a Tyrant sine titulo and to kill Tories or open Murderers as devouring beasts , because the good of his Action doth not only redound to the person himself , but to the whole Common-wealth , and the person acting incurs the danger himself alone . Tertulltan , though a man loyal to excess , sayes , Every man is a souldier enrolled to bear Armes against all Traitors & publick Enemies . The Ancient Ecclesiastical Historian , Sozomene , relating the death of Iulian , and intimating that he was supposed to have been slain by a Christian souldier , addes , Let none be so rash as to condemn the person that did it , considering he was ●us couragious in behalf of God & Religion . Sozom. Hist. Lib. 6. cap. 2. Barcla●us , a great Royalist , saith , Tyrannos ut hostes publ●s , non solum ab universo populo , sed a singulis etiam , impeti caedique jure optimo posse , tota Antiquitas ceasuit . That Tyrants as publick Enemies may be attacqued , and Lawfully slain , not only by all the people but every one of them , all Antiquity judged . Grotiue de jure be●i Lib. 1. cap. 4. saith , 〈◊〉 & cui juris gentium requisita non adsint , imperium arripuerit , ●●que pactio u●a sequuta sit , aut fides illi data , sed sola vi re●●●tur possessio , videtur manere bellis jus ; ac proinde 〈◊〉 eum 〈◊〉 quod in hostem licet , qui a quolibet , etiam pri●ato jure , po●est interfici . Yea King Iames the 6. in his R●m●●strancs for the right of Kings , sayes , The publick Laws makes it Lawful and free for any private person to enterprize against an Usurper . Divines say the same . Chamier Tom. 2. Lib. 15. cap. 12. Sect. 19. Cives omnes jus habent insurgendi contra Tyrannos . Aisted . Theolog. Gas. cap. 17. reg . 9. pag. 321. Tyrannum absque Titulo , qui est invasor , quilibet pr. vatus potest & debet ● medio tollere , quia patriam hostiliter invadit . And cap. 18. reg . 14. pag. 332. Licitum est privato cuivis occidere Tyrannum , qui injuste invadit Dominium . But Dr Ames . de Cons●tentia Lib. 5. cap. 31. de homicidio quest . 4. asserts all that is here pleaded for in terminis Quest. 4. An aliquando licet occidere hominem Authoritate privata ? Resp. Aliquando licet occidere nulla publica Cognitione precedente , sed tum solum , quando causa evidenter postulat ut hoc siat , & Authoritas publica non potest implorari : In isthoc enim casu , privatus publice Minister constituitur , tam n●●tu Dei , quam omnium hominum consensu . He propones the question : If sometimes it be Lawful to kill a man by private Authority ? He answers , It is sometimes Lawful to kill another without publick Cognition , proceeding , but then only when the cause doth evidently require it that it be done , and publick Authority cannot be implored ; for in that case any private man is constitute in stead of a publick Minister of Justice , both by Gods allowance , and by the consent of all men . These propositions carry such evidence in them , that the Authors thought it superfluous to confirme them , and sufficient to affirme them . And from any reason that can be adduced to prove any of these Assertions , it will be as evident that this Truth I plead for is thereby confirmed , as that it self is thereby strengthened . For it will follow natively , if Tyrants and Tyrants sine titulo , be to be thus dealt with ; then the Monsters of whom the question is , those Notorious Incendiaries and Murdering publick Enemies , are also to be so served : For either these Authors assert the Lawfulness of so treating Tyrants sine titulo , because they are Tyrants , or because they want a title : If the first be said ; Then all Tyrants are to be so served ; and reason would say , and Royalists will subscribe , if Tyrants that call themselves Kings may be so animadverted upon , because of their perniciousness to the Common-wealth by their Usurped Authority , then the subordinate firebrands that are tho immediate instruments of that destruction , the inferior emissaries that act it and actually accomplish it in Murdering innocent people , may be so treated ; for their persons are not more sacred than the other , nor more impunible : If the second be said , it is Lawful to kill them because they want a title ; Then it is either because they want a pretended title , or because they want a real & Lawful one : The Latter is as good as none , and it is proved Head. 2. Arg. 7. that no Tyrants can have any : The former can not be said , for all Tyrants will pretend some , at least before they be killed . 3. But thô some of these Great Authors neither give their reasons for what they assert , nor do they extend it to all Tyrants that Tyrannise by virtue of their pretended Authority , yet it will not be difficult to prove , that all great & small that murder , destroy , and Tyrannise over poor people , are to be punished , though they pretend Authority for what they do . And hence , If all Tyrants , Murderers , & Destroyers of mankind ought to be punished ; then when it cannot be done by publick Authority , it may be done by private : But all Tyrants , Murderers , & Destroyers of mankind , ought to be punished : Ergo — The Minor is manifest from the General Commands of shedding the blood of every man that sheds● it Gen. 9. 6. of puting to death whosoever killeth any person Numb . 35. 30 , 31. of respecting no mans person in Iudgement Deut. 1. 17. and universally all penal Laws are general without exception of any , for under that reduplication of criminal transgressing those Laws , under that general Sanction , they are to be judged ; which admits of no partial respect : for if the greatest of men be Murderers , they are not to be considered as great , but as Murderers ; just as the meanest are not to be considered as mean or poor , but as Murderers . But I need not insist on this , being sufficiently proved Head. 2. Arg. 9. And through out that Head , proving that Tyrants can have no Authority . And , if they have no Authority , then Authority ( which they have not ) cannot exempt them from punishment . The Connexion of the Major Proposition may be thus urged : When this Judgement cannot be executed by publick Authority , either it must be done by private Authority in case of extreame necessity , or not at all : for there is no Medium but either to do it by publick Authority , or private : If not at all , Then the Land must remain still defiled with blood , and cannot be cleansed Numb . 35. 33. Then the fierce anger of the Lord cannot be averted Numb . 25. 4. for without this executing of Judgement , He will not turn it away Ier. 5. 1. Then must Murderers be encouraged by their impunity to make havock of all according to their Lust , besides that poor Handful who cannot eschape being their prey , as their Case is circumstantiate . Besides , this is point blank contrary to these General Commands , which say peremptorely , The Murderer shall be put to death , but this supposed Case when publick Authority will not or cannot put them to death , sayes , they shall not be put to death . In this Case then I demand , whether their impunity is necessary , because they must not be put to death ? or because they cannot be put to death ? To say the Latter , were an untruth : for private persons can do it , when they get access , which is possible : If the former , then it is clearly contradictory to the Commands , which say , they must be put to death , excepting no Case , but when they cannot be put to death . If it be said , they must not be put to death , because the Law obliges only publick Authority to execute Judgement . To this I reply . 1. I trust to make the Contrary appear from Scripture and by . 2. If the Law obliges none but those in publick Authority to execute Judgement , then when there is no Judgement execute , it must be the sin of non but those in publick Authority : And if it be only their sin , now comes others to be threatened & punished for this , that Judgement is not executed ? if they must only stand by and be spectators of their omissions unconcerned , What shall they do to evite this wrath ? Shall they exhort them ? or witness against them , But that more than all this is required is proved before several times , where this Argument of peoples being punished for the sin of their Rulers hath been touched . 3. Then when there is no Authority , it must be no sin at all that Judgement is not executed , because it is the sin of none : it can not be sin , except it be the sin of some . 4. What if those in publick Authority be the Murderers ? who shall put them do death ? By what Authority shall Judgement be execute upon them ? Whither publick or private ? publick it cannot be : for there is no formal publick Authority above the Supreame , who are supposed the party to be punished : If it be by the radical Authority of the people , which is the thing we plead for , then it is but private , as that of one party against another : The people are the party grieved , and so cannot be Judges : At best then this will be extrajudicial executing of Judgement . And if the people may do it upon the Greatest of Tyrants , then a part of them who are in greatest hazard may save themselves from those of Lesser Note , by puting them to death : for if all the people have right to punish Universal Tyrants , because they are destroyers of all ; then a part hath right to punish particular Tyrants , because they are destroyers of them , when they cannot have access to publick Authority , nor the concurrence of the whole body . 4. Let these Murderers & Incendiaries be considered , either as a part of the Community with them whom they murder & destroy , or not : If they be a part , and do belong to the same Community ( which is not granted in this case , yet let it be given ) Then when the safety of the whole or better part , cannot consist with the sparing or preserving of a single man , especially such an one as prejudges all and destroyes that better part ; he is rather to be cut off , than the whole or the better part be endangered : for the cutting off of a Contagious Member that destroyes the rest of the body , is well warranted by Nature , because the safety of the whole is to be preferred to the safety of a part , especially a destructive part : But now who shall cut it off ? since it must be cut off , otherwise a greater part of the body will be presently consumed , and the whole endangered . It is sure the Phisicians duty : but what if he will not ? or can not ? or there be no Phisician ? then any that can may & must : yea one member may in that case cut off another . So when either the Magistrate will not , or dare not , or does not , or there is none to do this necessary work of Justice , for the preservation of the Community ; any member of it may rather prevent the destruction of the whole , or a greater part , by destroying the Murdering & destructive Member , than suffer himself & others to be unavoidably destroyed by his being spared . If they be not within , or belonging to that Societie , then they may be dealt with & carried towards as publick Enemies & Strangers , and all advantages may be taken of them in cases of necessity , as men would do if invaded by Turks or Tartars . 5. Let it be considered , what men might have done in such a case before Government was erected , if there had been some publick & notour Murderers still preying upon some sort of men . Certainly then private persons ( as all are in that case ) might kill them to prevent further destruction . Hence if this was Lawful before Government was established , it cannot be unlawful when people cannot have the benefit of the Government ; when the Government that is , instead of giving redress to the grieved & oppressed , does allow & impower them to destroy them : otherwise people might be better without Government than with it , for then they might prevent their Murderers by cutting them off . But so it is that this was Lawful before Government was established . For let it be adverted , that the Scripture seems to insinuate such a Case before the flood . Cain , after he Murdered his brother , feared that every man that found him should slay him Gen. 4. 14. If he had reason to fear this , as certainly he had , if the Lord had not removed that by proroguing the execution of vengeance upon him , for his greater punishment and the worlds more Lasting instruction , and by seting a mark upon him , and inhibiting under a severe threatening any to touch him ; Then either every man that should have killed him was the Magistrate ( which were ridiculous ) or every man was every & any private person universally , which might have killed him if this inhibition had not past upon it . Anisworth upon the place sayes , that among the ancient Romans every one might kill without a challenge , any man that was Cursed for some publick Crime , and cites Dyonis . Halicarnas . L. 2. And so Cain spoke this from a dictate of Nature and a guilty Conscience . 6. At the Erection of Government , thô the people resign the formal power of life & death and punishing Criminals over to the Governour , Constitute by them ; yet as they retain the radical power & right virtually , So when either the Magistrats neglects their duty of vindicating the innocent and punishing their destroyers , or impowers Murderers to prey upon them ; In that case they may resume the exercise of it to destroy their destroyers , when there is no other way of preventing or escaping their destructions : because extremis morbis extrema remedia . In an extraordinary exigent , when Ahab & Iezebel did undo the Church of God , Elias with the peoples help killed all Baals Priests against and without the Kings will , in this case its evident the people resumed their power , as Lex Rex saith Quest. 9 , Pag. 63. There must be a Court of Necessity , no less than a Court of Justice , when it is in this extremity as if they had no Ruler , as that same Learned Author sayeth Quest. 24. Pag. 213. If then the people may resume that power in cases of necessity which they resigned to the Magistrate ; then a part may resume it , when a part only is in that necessity , and all may claim an interest in the Resumption , that had an interest in the Resignation . 7. Especially upon the dissolution of a Government , when people are under a necessity to revolt from it , and so are reduced to their primeve Liberty , they may then resume all that power they had before the resignation , and exert it in extraordinary exigents of necessity . If then a people that have no Magistrats at all may take order with their destroyers , then must they have the same power under a Lawful revolt . As the ten tribes , if they had not exceeded in severity against Adoram R●h●boams Collector , had just cause to take order with that Usurpers Emissarie , if he came to oppress them : But if he had come to Murder them , then certainly it was duty to put him to death , and could not be censured at all , as it is not , in the Historie 1 King. 12. 18. But so it is that the people pursued by these Murderers , some of which in their extreame exigences they put to death ; have for these several years maintained a declared Revolt from the present Government , and have denyed all subjection to it upon the grounds vindicated Head. 2. And therefore they must be considered as reduced to their primeve Liberty , and their pursuers as their publick Enemies , to whom they are no otherwise related than if they were Turks , whom none will deny it Lawful to kill , if they invade the Land to destroy the inhabitants . 8. Hence , seeing they are no other than publick Enemies , unjustly invading , pursuing , and seeking them to destroy them ; what Arguments will prove the Lawfulness of Resistance , and the necessity of self Defence , in tutelâ vitae proximà , will also prove the Lawfulness of taking all advantages upon them , in tutelâ remotà ▪ for if it be Lawful to kill an enemy in his immediat assault , to prevent his killing of them when there is no other way of preserving themselves from his fury ; Then it must be Lawful also , in his remote but still incessant pursuit , to prevent his Murdering them by killing him , when the●e is no other way to escape in a case of extreame necessity . But that this was the Case of that poor people , Witnesses can best prove it ; And I dare appeal to two sorts of them that know it best , that is , all the pursuers , and all the pursued . 9. This is founded , and followes upon the 4 Art. of the Solemn League & Covenant : Where we are bound with all faithfulness to endeavour , the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries , Malignants , or evil Instruments — that they may be brought to publick trial & receive condign punishment . Now as this obliges to the orderly & ordinary way of prosecuting them , when there is access to publick Judicatories : so when there is none , Either this Article obliges to no endeavour at all ( which cannot be , for it is Moral duty to endeavour the punishment of such ) or else it must oblige to this extraordinary Action & execution of Judgement , if to any at all . Especially considering , how in the sense of the short comings of this duty , it is renewed in the Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & Engagement to duties That we shall be so far from conniving at Malignity , injustice , &c. that we shall — take a more effectual Course , than heretofore , in our respective Places & Callings , for punishing & suppressing these evils — Certainly we were called to one way of prosecuting this obligation then , when it was first engaged into , and to another now , when our Capacity & Circumstances are so materially & formally altered : if the effectual Course then , was by publick Authority ; then now when that is wanting , there must be some obligation to take some effectual Course still , that may suit our Places & Callings , which will certainly comprehend this extraordinary way of suppressing those-evils , by preventing their growth in curbing the Instruments & executing Judgement upon them , in a case of extreame Necessity , which will suit with all Places & all Callings . II. From the Scriptures , these Arguments are offered . First , Some approven Examples , and imitable in the like Circumstances , will clear & confirm the Lawfulness of this extraordinary Work of Judgement executed by private persons , upon notorious Incendiaries , firebrands , & Murderers , guilty of death by the Law of God. 1. Moses spyed an Egyptian smiting an Hebrew one of his Brethren , and he looked this way and that way , and when he saw that there was no man , he slew the Egyptian and hid him in the sand . Exod. 2. 11 , 12. Here 's an uncondemned Example : whereof the Actor who was the Relator did not condemn himself , thô he condems himself for faults that seem less odious ; yea in effect he is rather commended by Stephen the Martyr Act. 7. And thô it be extraordinary , in that it was done by private Authority , not by a Judge , as it was objected to him the second day : yet it was not unimitable ; Because that Action , thô Heroical , whereof the ground was ordinary , the Rule Moral , the Circumstances commonly incident , the managment directed by humane prudence , cannot be unimitable : But such was this Action , thô Heroical . The ground was ordinary , spying his Brother in hazard , whose Murder he would have prevented . The Rule was Moral , being according to that Moral precept of rescuing our Brother in hazard Prov. 24. 11 , 12. The Circumstances were incident in a case of extreame necessity , which he managed very prudently , looking this way & that way , and hiding him in the sand . Therefore it may be imitated in the like Case . It signifies nothing to say that he was moved by the Spirit of God thereto : for unto every righteous performance , the motion of the Spirit of God is requisite . This Impulse that Moses had and others aftermentioned , was nothing but a greater measure of that assisting Grace , which the extraordinariness of the case and the difficulties therein occurring did call for ; but the intervening of such motions , do not alter the Rule , so as to make the action unimitable . Impulses are not the Rule of duty , either under an ordinary or extraordinary exigence ; but when they are subsequent & subservient both to the Rule of duty ▪ and to a mans call in his present circumstances , they clearly determine to the species of an Heroick Enterprise ; in so much that it is not only the particular deed that we are to heed for our imitation , but we are to emulate the Grace & Principle of zeal which produced it , and is thereby so conspicuously relucent for our upstirring to acts in like manner , as God may give opportunity As is observed by the True Non-conformist Dial. 7. Pag. 392. &c. 2. When Israel Joyned himself unto Baal-Peor , the Lord said unto Moses , take all the heads of the people , and hang them up before the Lord against the Sun , that the fierce Anger of the Lord may be turned away from Israel . And Moses said unto the Judges , slay every one his men that were joyned unto Baal-Peor . And when Zimri brought the Medianitish Cozbi , in the sight of Moses , and in the sight of all the Congregat●on , who were weeping before the door of the Tabernacle ; And when Phinehas . saw it , he rose up — and took a javelin in his hand , and he went after the man of Israel , into the Tent , and thrust both of them through — So the Plague was stayed — And the Lord spake unto Moses , saying , Phinehas hath turned my wrath away from the Children of Israel , while he was zealous for my sake among them — I give unto him my Covenant of Peace — because he was zealous for his God , and made an atonement for the Children of Israel Numb . 25. 3 — 13. This Action is here much commended , and recorded to his commendation Psal. 106. 30 , 31. Then stood up Phinehas & executed Iudgement and so the Plague was stayed and that was counted unto him for righteousness unto all generations that is — in justitiam facti coram hominibus , qui alios potuissent hoc factum pessime interpretari , tanquam temerarium , intempesti●um , a privato contra Magistratum patratum , crudele nimis ab negatum poenitentiae spatium , Deus tamen aestimavit tanquam insigniter justum . Pool Synops. Critic . in Locum . It is certain , this Action was some way extraordinary ; because Phinehas was not a Magistrate , nor one of the Judges whom Moses commanded to slay every one his men vers 5. Otherwise , if this had been only an ordinary execution of Judgement by the Authority of Moses , Phinehas his Action would not have been so much taken notice of , nor so signally rewarded ; but here it is noted as a singular act of zeal , which it could not have been , if it was only an ordinary execution of the Magistrats command : yet thô this action was signally Heroical , proceeding from a Principle of pure zeal for God , and prompted by a powerful motion of the Spirit of God to that extraordinary execution of Judgement : It is notwithstanding imitable in the like Circumstances . For , the matter is ordinary , being neither preternatural nor supernatural , but just & necessary . The end was ordinary , to turn away the wrath of God , which all were obliged to endeavour . The principle was ordinary , ( thô at the time he had an extraordinary measure of it ) being zealous for the Lord , as all were obliged to be . The rule was ordinary , to wit , the Command of slaying every man that was joined to Baal-Peor vers . 5. only this was extraordinary , that the zeal of God called him to this Heroical Action , thô he was not a magistrate , in this extraordinary exigent , to avert the wrath of God ; which was neither by Moses his command , no● by the Judges their obedience , turned away , onely by Phinehas's act of another nature , and his zeal appearing therein & prompting him thereto , the Lord was appease● & the plague stayed . In which fervour of zeal , transporting him to the omission off the ordinary solemnities of Judgement , the Spirit of the Lord places the righteousness & praise of the Action . Yet the same Call & Motion of zeal might have impowered others to do the like : the Text speaks of no other Call he had , but that of zeal vers . 11 , 12 , 13. ye● another was obliged to do the same , upon the ground of that Moral Command Deut. 13. 6 — 9. having the ground of Gods ordinary Judgement , which commandeth the Idolater to die the death , and therefore to be imitate of all that prefer the true honour & Glory of God to the affection of flesh & wicked Princes , as Mr Knox affirmeth in his conference with Lithingtoun , rehearsed before Per. 3. Further , let it be inquired , what makes it unimitable ? Certainly it was not so , because he had the motion & direction of Gods Spirit ; for men have that to all duties . It was not , because he was raised & stired up of God to do it , for God may raise up Spirits to imitable actions . It was not , because he had an extraordinary Call , for men have an extraordinary Call to imitable actions , as the Apostles had to Preach . We grant these Actions are extraordinary & unimitable ; which , first , do deviate from the rule of com ; mon virtue , and transcend all rules of common reason & Divine Word ; but this was not such , but an heroick Act of zeal & fortitude : Next these Actions , which are contrary to a Moral ordinary Command are unimitable , as the Israelites robbing the Egyptians , borrowing & not paying again , Abrahams offering his son Isaac ; but this was not such : Next those Actions , which are done upon some special Mandate of God , and are not within the compass of ordinary obedience to the ordinary rule ; are unimitable ; but this is not such : As also Miraculous Actions , and such as are done by the extraordinary inspiration of the Spirit of God , as Elias his killing the Captains with their fifties by fire from Heaven ; but none can reckon this among these . See Ius populi at length discussing this point , and pleading for the imitableness of this Action cap. 20. If therefore the Lord did not only raise up this Phinehas to that particular act of Justice , but also warrant & accept him therein & reward him therefore , upon the account of his zeal , when there was a Godly & zealous Magistrate , able , and whom we cannot without breach of charity presume , but also willing to execute Justice , how much more may it be pleaded , that the Lord , who is the same yesterday , to day & for ever , will not only pour out of that same Spirit upon others , but also when He gives it , both allow them , thô they be but private persons , & also call them , being otherwise in a Physical & Probable Capacity , to do these things in an extreamely necessi●ous and otherwise irrecoverable state of the Church , to which in a more intire condition He doth not call them ? And particularly , when there is not only the like or worse provocations , the like necessity of execution of Justice & of Reformation , for the turning away of wrath & removing of Judgments , that was in Phinehas's case ; but also , when the Supreme Civil Magistrate , the Primores regni & other inferiour Rulers , are not only unwilling to do their duty , but so far corrupted & perverted , that they are become the Authors & Patronizers of these abominations Naph . Prior Edit . Pag. 23. 3. When the Children of Israel served Eglon the King of Moab , and they cried unto the Lord , He raised them up a Deliverer , Ehud the son of Gera , who made a dagger , & brought a present unto Eglon , and put forth his left hand , and took the dagger from his right thigh , and thrust it into his belly Iudg. 3. 21. That this Action was approven will not be doubted , since the Lord raised him up as a Deliverer , who by this Heroical Action commented it , and since it was a Message from God. And that it was extraordinary were ridiculous to deny , for sure this was not the judicial Action of a Magistrate : Neither was Ehud a Magistrate at this time , but only the Messenger of the people sent with a present . Yet it is imitable in the like case , as from hence many grave Authors concluded the Lawfulness of killing a Tyrant without a Title . 4. When the Lord discomfi●ed the host of Iabin , and Sisera his Captain fled into the house of Heber the Kenite , Iael Hebers wife took a nail of the tent , and went softly ●nto him , and smote the nail into his temples Iudg. 4. 21. Of which the Prophetess Deborah sayes , chap. 5. 24. blessed above wemen shall Iael the wife of Heber the Kenite be , blessed shall she be above women in the tent . Yet not only was Iael no Magistrate , but in subjection to & at peace with Iabin , thô she killed his Captain . But , nulla hic erat in●ustitia , cum declaratus esset hostis publicu● , justum erat Bellum , Oppressor erat Populi Dei ; debebat Iael , quasi membrum reipublicae ; communem hostem prodere & perdere . Itaque peccasset Iahel si eum non occidisset . Martyr & al●i cirati in Pool . Synops. Critic . in Locum , Albeit that Author himself , in his English Annotations , does cut the knot in stead of loosing it , in denying Deborahs Song to be Divinely inspired in its first composure , but only recorded as a History by Divine inspiration , as other Historical Passages not approven , only because this Heroick fact of Iael is there commended ; which is too bold an attempt upon this part of the holy Canon of the Scripture : Whence we see , what inconveniences they are driven to , that deny this principle of natural Justice the Lawfulness of cutting off publick Enemies to procure the Deliverance of the Lords people . Hence , if it be Lawful for private persons , under subjection to and at peace with the publick Enemies of the Lords people , to take all advantages to break their yoke , and deliver the oppressed from their bondage , by killing their Oppressors ; it must be much more Lawful , for such as acknowledge no such subjection nor aggreement , to attempt the same in extreame necessity : But the former is true : Therefor the later . 5. When Samson married the Timnite , and obliged himself by compact , to give them thirty sheets and thirty change of garmentts , upon their solving his riddle : The Spirit of the Lord came upon him , and he went doun to A●hkelon , and slew thirty men of them and took their Spoyl Iud. 14. 19. And afterwards , when he lost his wife by the crueltie & treacherie of those Philistines , he said unto them , Though yow have done this , yet will I be avenged of yow , and after that I will cease , and he smote them hip & thigh with a great slaughter chap. 15. 7 , 8. And wen the Iewes , who acknowledged the Philistims for Rulers , 〈◊〉 to Et●m to expostulate with him , all the satisfaction he gave them was to avouch , that as they did unto him so he had done unto them● and to kill a thousand more of them vers . 11. &c. These were extraordinary Heroick facts , not only because they flowed from an extraordinary power wherewith he was endued , and from an extraordinary Motion & Call , but because of his avenging his oun private injuries for the publick good , in a way both of fortitude & prudence , without a declared war , provoking the enemies against himself , and diverting from the people and converting against himself all their fury , in which also he acted as a Type of Christ ; and also because he acted not as a Magistrate at this time , for by whom was he called or counted a Magistrate ? not by the Philistines , nor by the men of Iudah , for they tell him that the Philistines , were their Lords , and they bound him and delivered him up to them : Yet in his private Capacity , in that extraordinary exigence , he avenged himself and his Country against his publick enemies , by a Clandestine war : which is imitable in the like case , when a prevailing faction of Murdering enemies domineer over & destroy the people of God , and there is no other way to be delivered from them : for his ground was Moral , because they were publick enemis to whom he might do as they did to him . Hence , If Saints sometimes in cases of necessity may do unto their publick enemies as they have done unto them , in prosecuting a war not declared against them ; then much more may they do so in cases of necessity , to deliver themselves from their Murdering violence , when a war is declared : But here is an example of the former : Ergo — 6. When these same Philistims again invaded and overran the Land in the time of Saul , Ionathan his son and his Armour-bearer fell upon the Garrison of these uncircumcised , and killed them 1 Sam. 14. 6 , 13. This was an Heroick Action , without publick Authority , for he told not his father vers 1. And singular indeed , in respect of the effect , and were a tempting of the Lord for so few to assault such a multitude , as it were to imitate Sams●n in his Exploits : but in this respect , these Actions are only unimitable in consideration of prudence , not of Conscience , or as to the Lawfulness of the thing : their ground was Moral , to cut off publick enemies . Hence , If it be Lawful to fall upon a Garrison of publick enemies , oppressing the Country , then it must be Lawful to fall upon one or two , that are the Ring-leaders of publick Enemies , and main promoters of their destruction , that are as pernicious , and have no more right or power , than the Philistims : But such is the Case of those about whom the question is . 7. When David dwelt in the Country of the Philistims , he and his men went up & invaded the Gesharites and the Gezrites and the Amalekites : And David smote the Land , and left neither man nor woman alive 1 Sam. 27. 8 , 9. This was without publick Authority , having none from Saul , none from Achish in whose Country he dwelt , and none of his oun , being no Magistrate . We deny not the Divine motion , but plead that it is imitable from its Moral ground , which was that Command to cut off the Amalekites Exod. 17. and the Amorites whose relicts these Nations were ; the same Ground that Saul the Magistrate had to destroy them . Whence it is Lawful sometimes for others than Magistrates to do that which is incumbent to Magistrates , when they neglect their duty . All I plead for from it , is , If it be Lawful for private persons , upon the Call of God , to cut off their publick enemies , when they are obliged by the Command of God to destroy them , thô they be living quietly & peacably in the Country ; then may it be Lawful , in cases of necessity , for private persons , to cut off their publick enemies , whom they are obliged by the Covenant of God to bring to condign punishment , and to exstirpate them ( as the Covenant obliges in reference to Malignant Incendiaries ) when they are ravening like Lyons for their prey . 8. In the dayes of Ahab & Iezebels Tyranny , whereby the Idolatrous Prophets of Baal were not punished according to the Law , Elijah said unto the people , take the Prophets of . Baal , let none of them escape ; and they took them to the brook Kishon & slew them there 1 King. 18. 40. How Mr Knox improved this passage we heard before , in the Historical Representation Per. 3. And Ius Pop : vindicates it , that in some cases private persons may execute Judgement on Malefactors , after the example of Elias here . Which fact Peter , Martyr in Loc. defendeth thus [ I say it was done by the Law of God : for Deut. 18. 20. God decerned that the false Prophet should die , and chap. 17. the same is said of private men & women , who would worship Idols : But chap. 13. not only is death threatened against a seducing Prophet , but a Command is added that no man should spare his Brethren — thirdly it is Commanded , that the whole City when it becometh Idolatrous , should be cut off by fire , & sword : And Levit. 24 , 14 — 16. it is Statute , that the Blasphemer should not live , to which we may adde the Law or equity of Taliation ; for these Prophets of Baal caused Iezebel & Ahab kill the Servants of the Lord. See Ius Pop. cap. 20. Pag. 425. Upon this also Mr Mitchel defends his fact ubi supra — Also Elijah by virtue of that precept ( Deut. 13 ) gave commandment to the people to destroy Baals priests , contrary to the command of the seducing Magistrate , who was not only remiss & negligent in executing Justice , but became a Protector & defender of the Seducers , then & in that case I suppose the Christians duty not to be very dark : 9. This Idolatrous & Tyrannical house was afterwards condignly punished by I●hu 2 King. 9. And 10 chapt . who destroyed all the Idolaters , who were before encouraged & protected by that Court chap. 10. 25. This extraordinary fact was not justified by his Magistratical Authority : for that was as extraordinary as the fact it self ; and conferred as a mean to accomplish the fact . He had no Authority by the peoples suffrages , nor was he acknowledged as such by the Court or body of the people , only the Lord gave it extraordinarly . But it is not the imitation of his assumption of Authority that is here pleaded for , but the imitation of his fact in extraordinary cases , when not only Tyrants & Idolaters pass unpunished , but their insolency in Murdering the Innocent is intolerable . Mr Knox vindicates this at length ubi supra , and shewes that it had the ground of Gods ordinary Judgement , which commands the Idolater to die the death ; And that thô we must not indeed follow extraordinary examples , if the example repugn to the Law , but where it agrees with and is the execution of the Law , an example uncondemned stands for a Command , for God is , constant and will not condemn in ages subsequent what He hath approved in His Servants before . See the Testim . of Period . 3. above , and Ius pop . cap. 20. pag. 418. 10. When Athaliah , the Mother of Ahaziah , had Tyrannized six years , at length Iehojada with others made a Conspiracie against her , to depose her and make Ioash King : which when it was discovered , she cried Treason , Treason , as indeed it would have been so if she had been the Lawful Magistrate ; for it was an attempt of Subjects against her that had the possession of the Soveraign power . But I●●●●da commanded the Captains to have her forth without the ranges , and him that followeth her kill with the sword : And they laid hands on her , and she was slain 2 King. 11. 14 — 16. That this is imitable in the punishment of Tyrants , is cleared above . If therefore it be Lawful for Subjects to kill Usurping Tyrants , and such as follow them to help them , under , whom nevertheless people might have a life ; then it must be Lawful for private persons to put forth their hand against their Cut-throat Em●ssaries , in a case of necessity , when there is no living for them . 11. When Amaziah turned Idolater & Tyrant , after the time that he turned away from following the Lord , they made a Conspiracy against him in Ierusalem , and he fled to Lachish , but they sent to Lachish after him , & slew him there 2 Chron. 25 ▪ 27. This fact is before vindicated by Mr Knox Period 3. afterward Head 2. and Head 5. 12. When Esther made suite to reverse Hamans Letters , the King granted the Iewes in every City , not only to gather themselves together and to stand for their life , but also to destroy , to slay , and to cause to perish , all the power of the people and Province , that would assault them , both litle Ones & Women — and to avenge themselves on their Enemies : And accordingly in the day that their enemies hoped to have power over them , the Iewes gathered themselves to lay hand on such as sought their hurt , and smote all their enemies with the stroke of the sword , Esther 8. 11 , 13. chap. 9. 1 — 5. &c. They had indeed that Law of Nature fortified by the Kings accessory Authority , as Valentin●●● by his Edict granted the like Liberty , to resist any unjust invader to depopulate the Lands of his Subjects , ut digno ilico supplicio subjugetur ac mortem quam ininabatur accipiat — And the like of Arcadius is extant in Codice Iustinaneo , titulo , Quomodo liceat unicuique sine judice se vindicare vel publicam devotionem . But that doth not exclude the Lawfulness of such Resistences in case of necessity , without publick Authority : So here , it was not the Kings commandment that made the Iewes avenging themselves Lawful , if it had not been Lawful before & without it ; it gave them only Liberty to improve that priviledge , which they had from God and Nature . Surely their power of Resisting did not depend on the Kings Commandment , as is proven Head 5. Ergo neither their power of avenging themselves , to prevent their Murder by their enemies : Which they could and were obliged to do , if there had been no such Authority : Ergo it was not only suspended upon the Kings Authority . And as for Hamans sons and adherents , being Agagites , they were obliged by a Prior Command to avenge themselves on them , on all occasions , by that Command to destroy Amalek : Therefore it must be Lawful , even without publick Authority , in some cases of necessity , to prevent the Murder of publick Enemies , by laying hands on them that seek the hurt of all the people of God. Secundly , There are some Precepts from which the same may be concluded . 1. There is a Command , and the first Penal Statute against Murderers , we read Gen. 9. 6. Whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed . Here the Command is given in general to punish Capitally all Murderers : but there may be some that no Magistrate can punish , who are not here exempted , to wit , they that are in Supreme Authority and turn Murderers , as was said above . Again the Command is given in general to Man , involving all the Community ( where the Murderer is ) in guilt if his blood be not shed : as we find in the Scripture , all the people were threatened & punished because Judgement was not executed , and when it was executed even by these that were no Magistrates , the Wrath of God was turned away , Whereof there are many examples above . Further , if the Command to shed the blood of Murderers be given before the Institution of Magistracy , then in case of necessity to stop the Course of Murderers , it may be obeyed . When there is no Magistrate to execute it : But here it is given before the Institution of Magistracy , when now there was no Government in the world , but family-Government , as Grotius on the place saith , Cum enim lex haec ●ata est , non dum constituta sunt judicia , itaque naturale justaliatus hic indicatur ; quod , aucto humano genere & in gentes distributo , merito solis judicibus permissum fuit , extra casus quosdam exceptos , in quibus mansit jus illud 〈◊〉 . When this Law was given publick Judgement was not yet constitute , Therefore the natural right & Law of Taliation is here held forth , which when mankind was increased and divided into several Nations , was justly permitted only to Judges , some cases excepted in which that primaeve right did remain . And if in any , then in this case in question . Hence Lex Rex answereth the P. Prelate essaying to prove that a Magi●●racy is established in the Text , denyes that Ba Adam , by man , must signify a Magistrate , for than there was but family Government , and cites 〈◊〉 of the same mind , that the Magistrate is not spoken of here . Though this Command afterwards was given to the Magistrate Numb . 35. 30. yet in a ease of necessity , we must recur to the Original Command . 2. This same Command of punishing Murdering Enemies , is even after the Institution of Magistrates , in several cases not astricted to them , but permitted to the people , yea enjoyned to them : As ( 1 ) Not only Magistrates , but the people , are Commanded to avenge themselves on their publick Enemies , as the Israelites , after their being insnared in the matter of Peor ; are Commanded to vexe the Midianites & smite them , because they beguiled them , and brought a Plague upon them Numb 25. 17 , 18 and Numb . 31. 2. to avenge themselves on them , and for this end to arme themselves , and go against them , and avenge the Lord of Midian : Which they executed with the slaughter of all the males . So likewise are they Commanded to destroy Amalek . It is true these Commands are given primarly & principally to Magistrates , as there to Moses , and afterwards to Saul : yet afterwards we find , other than Magistrates upon this Moral Ground , having the Call of God , did execute Judgement upon them , as Gidion & David , before they were Magistrates , did avenge themselves and the Lord upon them , as is before cleared . It is also true , that there was some holy severity then to be extended against particular Nations as such , peculiar to that Dispensation , which is not pleaded as imitable : but the ground was Moral , and the right of a peoples saving themselves by the destruction of their enemies ; when there is no other way for it , is Natural . And this is all we plead for here . If people may vexe their enemies , and avenge themselves against them , even without publick Authority , when ensnared by their Craftiness ; Much more may they put a stop to their insolency , by cutting off their principal & most pernicious Instruments , in case of necessity , when invaded by their Cruelty : But here a people is Commanded to vexe their enemies , and avenge themselves on them , and accordingly Gideon & David did so , without publick Authority , and that upon a ground which is Moral & Natural : Ergo — ( 2 ) The execution of the punishment of Murderers is committed to the people : The revenger of blood himself shall slay the Murderer , what he meeteth him he shall slay him , Numb . 35. 19 , 21. So that if he met him before he got into any Refuge , he might Lawfully slay him , and if he did flee to any , he was to be rendered up to the Avengers hands Deut. 19. 12. that the guilt of innocent blood may be put away from Isra●l vers . 23. This revenger of blood was not the Magistrate : for he was the party pursuing Numb . 35. 24. between whom and the Murderer the Congregation was to judge : He was only the next in blood or kindred . In the Original he is called Goel , the redeemer , or he to whom the right of redemption belongs , and very properly so called , both because he seeks redemption and compensation for the blood of his Brother , and because he redeems the Land from blood guiltiness , in which other-wise it would be involved . I do not plead that this is alwayes to be imitated , as neither it was alwayes practiced in Israel : but If a private man , in a hot pursuit of his Brothers Murderer , might be his avenger , before he could be brought to Judgement , then much more may this power be assumed , in a case of necessity , when there is no Judgement to be expected by Law , and when not only our Brethren have been murdered by them that profess a trade of it , but others also and our selves are dayly in hazard of it , which may be prevented in cutting them off . I do not see what is here meerly Iudicial , so as to be rejected as Iudaical : for sure Murderers must be slain now as well as then , and there is the same hazard of their escaping now as then , Murder involves the Land in guilt now as well as then , and in this case of necessity especially , that Law that gives a man right to preserve himself gives him also right to be his oun avenger , if he cannot otherwise defend himself . ( 3 ) Not only the execution , the decision of matters of life & death , is committed to them ; as in the case of Blasphemie & Cursing , all that heard were to lay their hands upon his head , and all the Congregation was to stone him Levit. 24. 14 , 16. The man-slayer was to stand before the Congregation in Judgement , Then the Congregation shall judge between the slayer and the avenger of blood Numb . 35. 12 , 24. The people claimed the power of life & death , in seeking to execute Judgement upon those that had spoken Treason against Saul , bring the men ( say they ) that we may put them to death 1 Sam. 11. 12. Especially in the case of punishing Tyrants , as they did with Amaziah . Certainly this is not so Judicial or Judaical , as that in no case it may be imitated : for , That can never be abrogated altogether which in many cases is absolutely necessary ; but that the people , without publick Authority , should take the power of life & death , & of puting a stop to the insolency of Destroyers by puting them to death , is in many cases absolutely necessary ; for without this they cannot preserye themselves against Grassant Tyrants , nor the fury of publick enemies or fire-brands within themselves , in case they have no publick Authority , or none but such as are on their Destroyers side . ( 4 ) Not only the power of purging the Land , by Divine precept is incumbent on the people , that it may not lye under blood guiltiness ; but also the power of Reforming the Courts of Kings , by taking Course with their wicked Abetters and evil Instruments , is committed to them , with a promise that if this be done , it shall tend to the establishment of their Throne : which is not only a supposition in case it be done , but a supposed Precept to do it , with an insinuation of the necessity & expediency of it , that it is as suitable as the taking away of the dross from silver , in order to the production of a vessel Prov. 25. 4 , 5. Take away the wicked from before the King , and his throne shall be established in Righteousness : Which is not only there given to Kings , for then it would be in the second person spoken to them , but to the people to do it before them ; as the people did with Baals Prophets from before Ahab . And Our Progenitors many times have done with wicked Counsellors , as may be seen in the foregoing Representation , and more fully in the Historie of the Dowglasses , and in Knox & Calderwoods Histories . Hence If it be duty to Reforme the Court , and to take away a Kings wicked Sycophants Counsellors , Agents & Instigators to Tyrannie ; Then it must be Lawful , in some cases of necessity , to restrain their Insolency , & repress their Tyrannie , in executing Judgement upon such of them , as are most unsupportable , who are made drunk with the blood of Innocents : But the former is true : Therefore — ( 5 ) For the Omission of the executing of this Judgement on Oppressors & Muderers , involving the whole Land in blood guiltiness , which cannot be expiated but by the blood of them that are so Criminal ; Not only Magistrates , but the whole people have been plagued : As for Sauls murdering the Gibeonites , the whole Land was plagued , until the man that consumed them , and devised against them to destroy them , seven of his sons were delivered unto them , to be hanged up before the Lord 2 Sam. 21. 5 , 6. So also for the sins of Manasseh . The reason was , because if the Magistrate would not execute Judgement , the people should have done it : for not only to the King , but also to his Servants , and to the people that entered in by the gates , the Command is , Execute yee Iudgement , and deliver the spoyled out of the hand of the Oppressor Jer. 22. 2 , 3. thô it be true , this is to be done by every one in their station , salvâ justitia , salvo ordine , & pro modulo vocationis , and it chiefly belongs to Judges & Magistrates : Yet this is no wrong to Justice , nor breach of Order , nor sinful transgression of peoples vocation , not only to hinder the shedding of innocent blood , to prevent Gods executing of what He there threatens , but also to execute Judgement on the Shedders , to prevent their progress in Murdering Villanie ; when Inferiour as well as Superiour Magistrates are oppressing & Tyrannizing : Therefore this seeking & doing & executing judgement is so often required of the people , in such a Case , when Princes are rebellious & Companions of Thieves , and in the City where Judgement used to be , now Murderers bear sway Isai. 1. 17 , 21. the Lord is displeased where there is none Isai. 59. 15 , 16. Jer. 5. 1. See this vindicated in Lex Rex quest . 34. pag. 367. and in jus popul . cap. 10. pag. 237. 3. That Command concluds the same against Idolaters , Apostates , and Entycers thereunto Deut. 13. 6. &c. If thy brother — or thy friend , which is as thi● oun soul , entyce the secretly , saying , let us go & serve other gods — thow shalt not spare nor conceal him , but thow shalt surely kill him — because the hath sought to thrust thee away from the Lord thy God — And all Israel shall hear & fear and do no more any such wickedness . And vers . 13. &c. If thow shalt hear say in one of thy Cities — saying , Certain men , the Children of Belial , are gone out — and have withdrawn the Inhabitants of their City , saying , let us go to serve other gods — Then shalt thow enquire — and behold if it be truth , and the thing certain — thow shalt surely smite the Inhabitants of that City with the edge of the sword , destroying it utterly — This Cause of the Open Entycers to Idolatry , was not brought to the Judges , as common Idolaters , and such who were entyced to serve other gods & worship them , were to be brought to the gates , and to be stoned first by the hands of the Witnesses , and afterwards by all the people Deut. 17. 3 , 5 , 7. But this is another Law : Of which the Iewish Antiquaries , and particularly Grotius out of Philo and the Rabb . in Loc saith , Cum in alijs criminibus soleret reus servari &c. i. e. Whereas in other crimes the guilty used to be kept after the sentence a night & a day , that if he could say any more for himself he might , these were excepted from this benefit ; And not only so , but it was permitted to any to execute Judgement upon them ( viz. Entycers to Idolatry ) without waiting for a Judge : The like was used against the Sacrilegious Robbers of the Temple , and priests who sacrificed when they were polluted , and those who cursed God by the Name of an Idol , and those who lay with an Idolatress , chiefly those who denyed the divine Authority of the Law : And this behoved to be before the people , at least ten , which in Hebrew they called Hheda — Neither is this to be admired in so grievous a Crime , when even the manslayer without the place of refuge might have been killed by the Kins-man of the defunct , And upon Numb . 15. 30. the punishment of presumptuous Blasphemers , he sayes , Caeteram hic intelligenda hoc modo &c. i. e. But here these are to be understood thus , that the guilty shall not be brought to the Judges , but be killed by them that deprehended them in the Crime , as Phin. has did to Zimri : and proves it out of Mamonides Pool . Synops. Critic . in Loc. And it must be so : for in this case no mention is made either of Judges , or Witnesses , or further Judgement about it , than that he that was tempted by the Entycer should fall upon him , and let the people know it , that they might lay hands on him also ; otherwise evil men might pretend such a thing when it was not true . But in case of a Cities Apostasie , and hearkening to Entycers , the thing was only to be sollicitously enquired unto , and then thô it was chiefly incumbent upon the Magistrate to punish it , yet it was not astricted to him , but that the people might do it without him . As upon this Moral Ground , was Israels war stated against Benjamin Judg. 20. 13. when there was no King nor Judge , and also when there were Kings that turned Idolaters & Tyrants , they served them so , as here is Commanded : Witness Amaziah , as is shewed above . Hence not only Moses , upon the peoples defection into Idolatrie in the Wilderness , commanded all on the Lords side , every man to put his sword by his side — and s●ay every man his brother and every man his Companion and every man his neighbour , whereby three thousand fell at that time by the sword of the Levites Exod. 32. 27 , 28. But also Joash , Gideons father , upon the same Moral Ground , thô he was no Magistrate , could say to the Abiezrites , Will ye plead for Baal — he that will plead for him , let him be put to death while it is yet morning — Judg. 6. 31. Moreover ( as Mr Mitchel adduces the example very pertinently , we see that the people of Israel destroyed Idolatry , not only in Judah wherein the King concurred , but in Ephraim and in Manass●h , where the King himself was an Idolater ; and albeit they were but private persons , without publick Authority : for what all the people was bound to do by the Law of God , every one was bound to do it to the uttermost of his power & Capacity . Mr Mitchel offers this place to vindicate his fact of shooting at the prelate . Deut. 13. 9. Wherein ( sayes he ) it is manifest , that the Idolater or intycer to Worship a false god , is to be put to death by the hand of those whom he seeks to turn away from the Lord : Which precept I humbly take to be Moral , and not meerly Iudicial , and that it is not at all Ceremonial or Levitical . And as every Moral precept is Universal , as to the extent of place , so also as to the extent of Time , & persons . The chief thing Objected here is , that this is a Judicial precept , peculiarly suited to the Old Dispensation ; which to plead for as a Rule under the New Testament , would favour of Jewish rigidity inconsistent with a Gospel Spirit . Ans. How Mr Knox refells this , and clears that the Command here is given to all the people , needs not be here repeated ; but it were sufficient to read it in the foregoing Representation Period . 3. Pag. 30. as it is also cited by Ius Pop. Pag. 212. &c. But these General Truths may be added , concerning the Iudicial Laws . 1. None can say that none of the Judicial Laws , concerning political Constitutions , is to be observed in the New Testament : for then many special Rules of Natural & Necessary equity would be rejected , which are contained in the Judicial Laws of God : Yea all the Laws of equity in the World would be so cast ; for none can be instanced , which may not be reduced to some of the Judicial Laws : And if any of them are to be observed , certainly these Penal Statutes , so necessary for the preservation of Policies , must be binding . 2. If we take not our measures from the Judicial Laws of God , we shall have no Laws for punishment of any Malefactors by death , juris Divini , in the New Testament . And so all Capital punishments must be only humane Constitutions ; and consequently they must be all Murders : for to take away the life of man , except for such Causes as the Lord of our life ( to whose Arbitriment it is only subject ) hath not approven , is Murder , as Dr Ames saith de homocidio Conscience . Lib. 5. cap. 31. quest . 2. For in the New Testament , thô in the general the power of punishing is given to the Magistrate , yet it is no where determined , neither what , nor how Crimes are to be punished . If therefore Penal Laws must be taken from the Old Testament ; the Subject of executing them , as well as the Object , must be thence deduced , that is , what is there astricted to the Magistrate must be so still , and what is permitted to the people must remain in like manner their Priviledge ; since it is certain , the New Testament-Liberty is not more restricted as to Penal Laws than the Old. 3. Those Judicial Laws , which had either somewhat Typical , or Paedagogical , or peculiar to the then Iudacial State , are indeed not binding to us under that formality ; thô even these Doctrinally are very useful , in so far as in their general nature , of equity of proportion , they exhibite to us some Documents of Duty : But those Penal Judgements , which in the matter of them are appended to the Moral Law , and are in effect but accurate determinations & accommodations of the Law of Nature , which may suit our Circumstances as well as the Jewes , do oblige us as well as them . And such are these Penal Statutes I adduce ; for , that Blasphemy , Murder , & Idolatry , are heinous Crimes , and that they are to be punished , the Law of Nature dictates ; and how , and by whom , in several cases , they are to be punished , the Law judicial determines . Concerning the Moral equity even of the strictest of them , Amesius de Conscienc . lib. 5. de Mosaicis appendicibus praeceptorum , doth very learnedly assert their binding force . 4. Those Judicial Laws , which are but Positive in their forme , yet if their special internal & proper Reason & Ground be Moral , which pertains to all Nations , which is necessary & useful to Mankind , which is rooted in and may be fortified by humane reason , and as to the substance of them approven by the more intelligent Heathens ; those are Moral , and oblige all Christians as well as Jewes : And such are these Laws of punishing Idolaters &c. founded upon Moral grounds , pertaining to all Nations necessary & useful to Mankind , rooted in & fortified by humane Reason , to wit , that the Wrath of God may be averted , and that all may hear & fear and do no more so wickedly ; especially if this Reason be superadded , when the case is such , that innocent & honest people cannot be preserved , if such wicked persons be not taken order with . 5. Those Judicial Laws , which being given by the Lords immediate Authority , thô not so solemnly as the Moral Decalogue , are neither as to their end Mortuae , dead , nor as to their use Mortiferae , deadly , nor as to their nature , Indifferent , nor in any peculiar respect restringible only to the Jewes , but the transgressions whereof both by omission & commission are still sins , and were never abolished neither Formally nor Consequentially in the New Testament , must be Moral : But such as these Penal Laws I am speaking of , They cannot be reputed among the Ceremonial Laws , dead as to their end , and deadly as to their use , or indifferent in their nature : for sure , to punish the Innocent upon the account of these Crimes , were still sin , now as well as under the Old Testament ; and not to punish the Guilty , were likewise sin now as well as then . If then the matter be Moral and not abolished , the execution of it by private persons , in some cases when there is no access to publick Authority , must be Lawful also . Or if it be Indifferent , that which is in its oun nature Indifferent , cannot be in a case of extreame necessity unlawful , when otherwise the destruction of our selves & Brethren is in all humane consideration inevitable . That which God hath once Commanded , and never expressly Forbidden , cannot be unlawful in extraordinary cases , but such are these precepts we speak of : Therefore they cannot be in every case unlawful . Concerning this case of the obligation of Judicial Laws , Ames . de Conscienc . lib. 5. cap. 1. quest . 9. 6. Those Laws which are predicted to be observed & executed in the New Testament times , cannot be Judicial or Judaical , restricted to the Old : But such is this . In the day , that a fountain shall be opened for th● house of David for sin & for uncleaness ; which clearly points at Gospel-times , It is said , the Lord will cause the Proph●ts and the unclean Spirits to pass out of the Land : And it shall come to pass . that when any shall yet Prophesie , then his father & his mother that begat him shall say unto him , thow shalt not live — and shall thrust him through when he Prophesieth Zech. 13. 3. Which cannot be meant of a Spiritual penetration of the heart : for it is said , he shall not live ; and the wounds of such as might escape , by resistence or flight , are visible in his hands vers 6. It is therefore to be understood of Corporal killing Intycers to Idolatrie , according to the Law Deut. 13. 9. either by delivering them up to the Judges , as Piscator on the place sayes ; Or as Grotius saith , transfodient ut Phineas Zimri Numb . 25. hoc intellige de Pseudo-propheta populum volente abducere ad cultum falsorum deorum ; nam in tales quemvis Iudaeum Lex armabat , Deut. 13. quae Lex expresse addit , in tali crimine nec filio parcendum . From all which I conclude , If people are to bring to condign punishment Idolatrous Apostates , seeking to intyce them ; Then may oppressed people , dayly in hazard of the death of their Souls by Complyance ; or of their bodys by their Constancy in Duty , put forth their hand to execute Judgement , in case of necessity , upon Idolatrous Apostates & Incendiaries , and the principal Murdering Emissaries of Tyrants , that seek to destroy people , or enforce them to the same Apostasie : But the former is true : Therefore &c. 4. The same may be inferred from that Command of Rescuing & Delivering our Brother , when in hazard of his life ; for omitting which duty . no pretence even of ignorance will excuse us Prov. 24. 11 , 12. If thow forbear to deliver them that are drawen unto death , and those that are ready to be slain , if thow sayest , behold we knew it not ; doth not He that pondereth the heart consider it ? and He that keepeth thy Soul doth not He know it , and shall not He render to every man according to his works ? eripe h. e. ex manu invasoris , latronis , injusti Magistratus &c. idque vel manu , vel lingua defendente , vel quovis alio modo licito : Solent homines multas excusationes nectere , se nescire illius vel periculum , vel innocentiam , non tanta authoritate valere ut eum liberent , rerum suarum satagere , alienis nolle se ingerere &c. hic unam excusationem reliquas omnes complectentem exempli causâ proponit , & refellit : as Commentators say , Pool Synops. Critic . in locum . This precept is indefinitely given to all : Principally indeed belonging to righteous Magistrates ; But in case of their omission , And if instead of detending them they be the persons that draw or send out their destroying Emissaries to draw them to death , then the precept is no more to be restricted to them , than that vers 2. not to be envious against evil men , or that vers 10. If thow faint in the day of Adversity thy strength is small , can be said to be spoken only to Magistrates . Hence , If it be a Duty to Rescue our Brethren from any prevailing power that would take their lives unjustly , and no pretence even of ignorance will excuse the forbearance of it ; Then it must be Lawful , in some extraordinary cases , to prevent the Murdering violence of publick Incendiaries , by killing them rather than to suffer our selves or our Brethren to be killed , when there is no other way in probability either of saving our selves or Rescuing them : But here the former is Commanded as a duty : Therefore the Later also must be justified , when the duty cannot otherwise be discharged . Now having thus at some length endeavoured to discuss this some way odd & esteemed odious Head : to which Task I have been as unwillingly drawn , as the Actors here pleaded for were driven to the occasion thereof ; whom only the necessity of danger did force to such Atchievements to preserve their oun and Brethrens lives , in prosecuting the Cause ; and nothing but the necessity of duty , did force me to this Undertaking , to defend their Name from Reproach , and the Cause from Calumnies . I shall Conclude with a humble Protestation , that what I have said be not stretched further than my obvious & declared Design doth aim at : which is not to press a practice from these precedents , but to vindicate a Scripture Truth from invidious or ignorant Obloquies ; and not to specify what may or must be done in such Cases hereafter , but to justify what hath been done in such Circumstances before . Wherein I acknowledge , that thô the Truth be certain , such things may be done , yet the duty is most difficult to be done with Approbation . Such is the fury of corrupt passion , far more fierce in all than the pure zeal of God is to be found fervent in any , that too much Caution , Tenderness , & Fear , can scarce be adhibite , in a Subject wherein even the most warrantable provocation of holy zeal is ordinarly attended with such a concurrence of Self-interest and other carnal Tentations , as it is impossible without the signal Assistance of special Grace to have its exercise in any notable Measure or Manner , without the Mixture of sinful allay , as the True Non-conformist doth truly observe ubi supra Pag. 391. Yet this Doctrine , thô in its defined and uncautioned Latitude be obnoxious to accidental abuses ( as all Doctrines may be abused by mens corruption , or ignorance ; misapplying the same ) is nevertheless built upon such Foundations , that Religion will oune to be firme , and Reason will ratify their force . And I hope it is here so circumscribed with Scripture-boundaries , and restricted in the narrow Circumstantiation of the Case , that as the Ungodly cannot captate advantage from it , to encourage themselves in their Murdering villanies , seeing they never were , never can be so Circumstantiate , as the Exigence here defined requires ; So as for the Godly , I may presume upon their tenderness , and the Conduct of that Spirit that is promised to lead them , and the zeal they have for the honour of Holiness , with which all real Cruelty is inconsistent , to promise in their Name , that if their Enemies will repent of their wickedness , and so far at least Reforme themselves as to surcease from their cruel Murdering violence , in persecuting them to the death , and devouring them as a prey ; then they shall not need to fear from them the danger of this Doctrine , but as saith the proverb of the Ancients , Wickedness proceedeth from the Wicked but their hand shall not be upon them . But if they shall still proceed to Murder the Innocent , they must understand , they that hold this Truth in Theorie , will also reduce it to practice . And bloody Papists must know , that Christians now are more Men , than either stupidly to surrender their throats to their Murdering swords , or supinely to suffer their villanie to pass unpunished ; and thô their favours have flattered many , and their sury hath forced others , into a faint succumbing & superceding from all Action against them ; Yet all are not asleep : and I hope there are some , who will never enter in any terms of peace with them , against whom the Mediator hath declared and will prosecute a war for ever , but will still oune & aim at this , as the highest pitch of their ambition , to be found among His chosen , called , & faithful ones , who maintain a constant opposition against them . However , thô the Lord seems in His providence , to put a bar upon all publick Appearances under a display of open war against them ; and it is not the design of what is said here on this and the foregoing Head , to incite or invite to any : Yet Certainly , even at this present , all that have the zeal of God and love to His righteous Cause rightly stated in their hearts , will find themselves called not to supercede altogether from all Actions , of avowed and even violent opposition against them , whom we are all bound both by the Morality of the duty , and the Formality of Solemn & Sacred Covenants , to hold out from a violent intrusion into and peaceable possession of this Land devoted to God , and to put them out when they are got in either by their fraud or force ; And this plea , now brought to an end , will oblige all the Loyal Lovers of Christ , to an Endeavour of these . 1. To take Alarms , and to be fore-warned and fore-armed , resolute & ready to withstand the invasion of Poperie ; that it be neither established by Law , through the supineness of such , who should stand in the Gap , and resolve rather to be sacrificed in the spot , by a valiant resisting , than see such an Abomination set up again ; Nor introduced by this Liberty , through the wyles of such , whose chiefest principle of policy is perfidie , who design by this wide Gate , and in the womb of the wooden horse of this Toleration , to bring it in peaceably ; Nor intruded by force & fury , fire & sword , if they shall fall upon their old game of Murders & Massacres . It concerns all to be upon their Guard , and not only to come out of Babylon , but to be making ready to go against it , when the Lord shall give the Call. 2. To resist the beginings of their Invasions , before they be past remeady : And for this effect , to oppose their gradual erections of their Idolatrous Monuments , and not suffer them to set up the Idol of the Mass , in City or Country ; without attempting , if they have any force , to overthrow the same . 3. In the mean time , to defend themselves and the Gospel , against all their Assaults , and to Rescue any out of their hands upon all occasions , that for the Cause of Christ they have caught as a prey , & to oppose & prevent their oun & the Nations ruine & slaverie . But to Conclude : As it will be now expected , in Justice & Charity , that all the Vassals & Votaries ; Subjects and Servants , of the One Common Lord & King , Christ Jesus , every where through out His Dominions , who may see this Representation of the case and Vindication of the cause of a poor wasted & wounded , persecuted & reproached , Remnant of the now declining , sometimes Renouned , Church of Scotland , will be so far from standing Esaw-like on the other side ; either as Enemies , rejoicing to look on their Affliction in the day of their Calamity ; or as Neutral , unconcerned with their distressed Condition ; or as Strangers , without the knowledge or sense of their Sorrowes & Difficulties ; Or as Gallio's caring for none of these things , or thinking their case not worthy of Compassion , or their cause of Consideration , or possibly condemning their Sufferings , as at best but Stated upon slender , subtile , & nice Points , that are odd & odious , and invidiously represented : It is now expected , I say , that Christians , not possessed with Prejudice ( which is very improper for any that bear that Holy & honourable Signature ) and not willing to be imposed upon by Misinformations , will be so far from that Unchristian temper towards them , as to be easily byassed with all Reports & Reproaches to their disadvantage , that if they weigh what is in this Treatise offered , and truly I may say candidely Represented , without any design of prevarication , or painting , or daubing , to make the Matter either better or worse than it will seem to any impartial Observer ; they will admit & intertain a more charitable Construction of them , and not deny them Brotherly Sympathie and Christian Compassion , nor be wanting in the duty of Prayer & Suppltcation for them , that at length the Lord would turn His hand upon the litle Ones , and bring at least a thrid Part , a Remnant of Mourners , through the fire . So to that litle Flock , the poor of the Flock , that wait upon the Lord , and desire to keep His way ; I shall only say , Though I judged Necessity was laid upon me , in stead of a better , to essay this Vindication of your cause : as stated betwixt yow and your , and your Lords Enemies , the men that now ride over your heads , that say to your Soul , bow doun that we may go over yow , I desire not that yow should , yea I obtest that yow may not , lay any Stress on the strength of what I have said ; but let its weight lie where it must be laid , on that firm Foundation , that will bear yow and it both , that Stone , that tried Stone , that Precious Corner Stone , that sure Foundation , Christ Jesus : And search the Scriptures of Truth , to see whether these things be so or not : And I doubt not , but by that Touchstone if these Precious Truths be tried , they will be found neither hay nor stubble , that cannot abide the fire , but as silver tried in a furnace of earth purified seven times . Do not offend , that they are contemned as small , and contradicted as odious , but look to the importance of His Glory , whose Truths & Concerns they are , and from Whom they are seeking to draw or drive yow , who oppose and oppugu these Truths . Stand fast therefore in the Liberty where with Christ hath made yow free , and hold fast every Word of His patience , that yow may be kept in this hour of tentation . Let no man take your Crown , or pull yow doun from your excellency , which is alwayes the design of your wicked Enemies , in all their several shapes & shewes , both of force & fraud , craft & cruelty . Beware of their snares , and of their tender Mercies , for they are cruel ; and when they speak fair beleeve them not , for there are seven abominations in their hearts . Say ye not a Confederacy , to all them to whom this people shall say a Confederacy , neither fear ye their fear , nor be afraied ; Sanctify the Lord of Hosts Himself , and let Him be your fear , and let Him be your dread , And He shall be for a Sanctuary , but for a stone of stumbling and for a rock of offence , to both the houses of Israel , for a gin & for a snare to the Inhabitants of Ierusalem . Wait upon the Lord , who hideth His face from the House of Iacob , and look for Him , among His Children , though now yow be reputed for signs & wonders in Israel , from the Lord of Hosts Which dwelleth in Mount Zion . Who knowes , but therefore will the Lord wait , that He may be Gracious unto yow , and therefore will He be exalted that He may have Mercy upon yow , for the Lord is a God of Judgement , Blessed are all they that wait for Him. To Whom be all the Glory . AMEN . FINIS . ERRATA . Pag : Lin : 26 6 for way read may . 34 14 f. bloodh r. blood . ibid. ult . r. Governours . 36 35 f. he r. the. 52 5 r. hinted . 70 38 f. at r. a. 75 32 r. accursed . 76 27 r. thought . 94 33 next Christians r. this being . 103 30 r. Elogium . 147 29 r. ruines . 169 31 f. may r. way . 174 17 r. humble . ibid. 25 f. mast r. most . ibid. ult . f. tune r. time . 203 8 r. Tyranny . 209 27 r. Christ. 220 7 f. them r. then . 267 18 f. them r. then . 284 23 f. servas r. servos . 286 3 f. upon d. up an . ibid. 20 r. subjects . ibid. 35 f. amittitis r. amittit is . 343 27 f. at r. as . 345 4 f. as r. us . 374 15 r. Israel . 381 36 f. he r. the. 385 7 f. 27. r. 25. 389 23 f. way r. may . 390 16 f. 137. r. 136. 397 19 f. & r. an . ibid. 31. f. ehe r. the. 432 1 f. ar r. or . 433 ult . f. ars r. are . 435 17 f. trust r. thrust . 451 36 r. Jehojachin . 456 28 f. not odiously r. notoriously . 467 25 f. stealing his r. his stealing , 494 43 f. divine r. divines . 542 24 r. if there be any thing here . 551 8 f. by r. be . 563 28 r. afterwards . 598 6 dele . in . 612 35 r. Kingdoms . 641 4. wo r. who . 662 35 f. proceeding r. preceeding . Besyds these , in some places for Incendaries read Incendiaries , also there are some other escapes as an s for an f , an e for an c , an u for an n , or the like , and some others in the pointing which will not mar the sense , and it s hoped the discreet Reader will readiely excuse . Having come to a conclusion of the six heads proposed to be treated of ; I Judged it conduceing by way of postscript to subjoin a Seventh , in vindication of these consciencious and truely tender sufferers , who in the dread and aw of the holy , Soveraigne & Supreme Law-giver , who commandeth his subjects and followers to abstain from all appearance of evill , did in obedience to him and his Royall Law , choose rather to suffer the rage , robberies & violence of Crwel and bloody enemies , togither with Censurs , reproaches , obloquies & contempt of appostatiseing professors , than to give any aid or encowragement to the avowed and declared enemies of Christ , that might contribute to the promoveing their Sacrilegious Tyrannicall and hellish projects & practices , calculat & prosecut against the Gospel and Kingdome of Christ , the Covenanted reformed Religion of the Church , the Rights , Laws and Liberties of the people , and to the Introduceing of Antichristian Idolatrie , Tyrannie & Slaverie , by paying any of their wicked & wickedly imposed exactions , raised for furthering their hellish designes , of which , none who payes them can be Innocent . HEAD . VII . The Sufferings of many , for Refusing to pay the wicked Exactions of the Cess , Locality , Fynes &c. Vindicated . IT will possibly seem impertinent , or at least preposterous at such a time , when the pressure of these ●urdens is not more pinching to the Generality of professing people , and in such a retrograde order , as after the discussion of the foregoing Heads , to subjoyne any disquisition of these Questions , which are now out of date and doors with many . But considering that the Impositions of these Burdens are still pressing to some and the difficulties of doubts & disputes about them still pusling , the sin & scandal of complying with them still lying upon the Land , not confessed nor forsaken , the leaven of such Doctrine as daubs & defends the like complyance still intertained , the Sufferings of the Faithful for refusing them , still contemned & condemned , and the fears & expectations of more snares of that nature , after this fair weather is over , still encreasing , if I may be so happy as to escape impertinencies in the manner of managing this disquisition , I fear not the Censure of the impertinency or needlessness of this Essay . As to the order of it , it was intended to have been put in its proper place among the Negative Heads of Sufferings : But knowing of how litle worth or weight any thing that I can say is with the prejudged , and having a Paper writ by two famous Witnesses of Christ against the Defections of their day , Mr. McWard & Mr. Broun , more fully & largely detecting the iniquity of the Cess ( from which the wickedness of other exactions also may be clearly deduced ) thô at such distance at the writing of the foregoing Heads , that it could not be had in readiness to take its due place , and time would not allow the suspending other things until this should come to hand ; I thought it needful , rather than to omit it altogether , to insert it here . However , thô neither the form of it , being by way of Letter , nor the method adapted to the design of a moving disswasion , nor the length & prolixitie thereof , will suffer it to be here transcribed as it is ; yet to discover what were their sentiments of these things , and what was the Doctrine Preached and Homologated by the most faithful both Ministers and Professors of Scotland , eight or nine years since , how closely continued in by the Contendings of this Reproached Remnant , still persecuted for these things , and how clearly abandoned & resiled from , by their Complying Brethren now at Ease , I shall give a short Transumpt & Compend of their Reasonings ; in a method subservient to my Scope and with Additions necessary for applying their Arguments against the other Exactions here adduced in this Head , and bringing them also under the dint of them , thô not touched by them expressly . I must put altogether , because it would dilate the Treatise already excressed into a bigness , far beyond the boundaries I designed for it , to handle them distinctly ; and their affinity , both as to their fountain , nature , & ends , is such , that what will condemn one of them will condemn all . What and how many & manifold have been the exorbitant Exactions , as the fruits & soments of this crwel Tyranny , that the Godly in our Land , have been groaning under these 27 years , and upon what occasions they have been at diverse times , and in diverse manners & measurs imposed , I need not here relate , the first part of the Treatise doth represent it . The first of these Tyrannical Exactions , were the Fynes for not hearing the Curats , and other parts of Non-conformity ; which , together with paying the Curats stipends , were too universally at first complyed with : But afterwards upon more mature consideration and after clearer discoveries of the Imposers projects & practices , they were scrupled & refused by the more tender . And their Sufferings , upon the account of that Recusancy , have been very great & grievous , to the utter impoverishment & depopulation of many Families , besides the personal Sufferings of many in long Imprisonments , which some chose rather to sustain with patience , than pay the least of those Exactions . Yea , some when ordered to be legally liberate , and set forth out of Prison , choosed rather to be detained still in bondage , than to pay the Iaylour-fees , their Keepers demanded of them . Many other wicked Impositions have been pressed & prosecuted , with great rigor & rage , as Malitia-money , and Locality , for furnishing Souldiers , listed under a banner displayed against Religion & Liberty , with necessary provision , in and for their wicked service ; which of late years have been contended against by the Sufferings of many , and daylie growing a Tryal to moe . But the most impudently insolent of all these Impositions , and that which plainly paraphrases , openly expresses & explains all the rest , calculate for the same ends , was by that wicked Act of Covention , enacted Anno 1678. Declaring very plainly its ends , to levy & maintain forces for suppressing Meetings , and to shew unanimous affection for maintaining the Kings Supremacy established by Law. Or as they represent it in their Act , for continuation of it , Act. 3. Parl. 3. Char. 2. August 20. 1681. Seeing the Convention of Estates holden at Edinburgh in the moneth of Iuly 1678 upon weighty Considerations therein specified , and particularly the great danger the Kingdom was under , by seditious & rebellious Conventicles , and the necessity which then appeared , to encrease the forces , for securing the Government , and suppressing these rebellious Commotions , which were fomented by seditious principles & practices , did therefore humbly & dutifully offer a chearful & unanimous Supplie of 800000 pound Scots — in the space of five years — And the Estates of Parliament now conveened , having taken to consideration , how the dangers from the forsaids Causes do much encrease , in so far as such as are seditiously & rebelliously enclined , do still propogate their pernicious principles , and go on from one degree of rebellion to another , till now at last the horrid villanies of murther , assassination , & avowed rebellion , are ouned , not only as things Lawful , but as obligations from their Religion — Do therefore , in a due sense of their duty of God , to their Sacred Soveraign , and the preservation of themselves and their posterity , of new make an humble , unanimous , chearful , & heartly offer , for themselves , and in name of , and as representing this his Maj. ancient Kingdom , of a continuation of the foresaid Supply , granted by the Convention of Estates ; And that for the space of five years or ten terms successive , begining the first Terms payment at Martin-mas 1683. which yet is to be continued until Martin-mas 1688. Here is a Sample of their wicked Demands , shewing the nature , quality , & tendency of all of them : Wherein we may note . 1. That they continue it upon the same Considerations , upon which it was first granted . 2. That these were , & yet remain to be , the danger of the Meetings of the Lords people for Gospel Ordinances , by them forced into the Fields , which they call Rebellious Conventicles ; and the necessity of securing their Usurpation upon the Prerogatives os Christ , Liberties of His Church , and Priviledges of Mankind ( which they call their Government ) and suppressing the Testimonies for the Interest of Christ ( called by them Rebellious Commotions . ) 3. That their motive of continuing it , was their Considerations of some weak Remainders of former zeal for God , in prosecuting the Testimony for the Interests of Christ , and Principles of the Covenanted Reformatton ( which they call propogating pernicious Principles ) and some weak attempts to oppose & resist their Rebellion against God , and vindicate the Work , & defend the people of God , from the destruction they intended against them , and their Lawful & obliged endeavours to bring the Destroyers & Murderers to condign punishment ( which they call horrid vil●anies of Murder , Assassination , & av●wed Rebellion . ) Here all the Active Appearances of the Lords people , vindicated in the foregoing Heads , are industriously Represented , under these odious & invidious Names , as motives to contribute this Supplie of means to suppress them , and to involve all the Contributers in the guilt of condemning them . 4. That as a Test of their Allegiance unto , & Con●ede●acy with that Execrable Tyrant ( which they call their duty to their Sacred Soveraign ) they enact this as Representatives of the Kingdom , and must be ouned as such by all the payers . 5. That it is the same Cess , that was granted by the Convention of Estates , and the Terme of its continuation is not yet expired . And hence it is manifest , that that Act of Convention , thô its first date be expired , and thereupon many plead for the Lawfulness of paying it now , that formerly scrupled at and witnessed against it , yet is only renewed , revived , & corroberated , and the Exaction continued upon no other basis or bottom but the first State Constitution . Which was , & remains to be a Consumating & Crimson wickedness , the cry whereof reaches Heaven : Since upon the matter it was the setting of a day , betwixt & which ( exceeding the Gadarens wickedness , & short of their Civility ) they did not beseech Christ & His Gospel to be gone out of Scotland , but with armed violence declared , they would with the strong hand drive Him out of His possession ; in order to which their Legions are levied , with a professed Declaration , that having exauctorate the Lords Anointed by Law , and cloathed the Usurper with the spoils of His Honour , they will by force maintain what they have done , and having taken to themselves the House of God in possession , they will sacrifice the Lives , Liberties , & fortunes of all in the Nation , to secure themselves in the peaceable possession of what they have robbed God ; And that there shall not be a Soul left in the Nation , who shall not be slain , shut up , or sold as slaves , who will oune Christ and His Interest . All which they could not , nor cannot accomplish , without the subsidiary Contribution of the peoples help . This is the plain sense of the Act for the Cess ; and , thô not expressed , the tacite & uniforme intention of all the rest . Yet for as monstrous and manifest the wickedness of these designs are , so judicially were the bulk of our Seers plagued with blindness , that many of them were left to plead for the payment of these Impositions ; others , thô they durst not for a world do it themselves , to be silent , and by their silence to encourage & embolden many to such a Complyance ; presuming with themselves , and without furrher enquirie , that the zeal of God , and love to His Glory , and the Souls of their Brethren , would constrain them to speak in so clamant a case , if they did observe any sin in it . Whereby the Universality was involved in the guilt of these things , especially deceived by the patrociny & pleadings of such of late , who formerly witnessed against it . O that it might be given to us to remember Lots wife , turned into a Pillar of Salt , to season us lest the stink of our Destruction , and what may follow upon it , be all that the posterity get for a warning not to tread our paths . As for the few that have suffered upon this Head , they have been so discruciated with perplexities , in their Conflicts with the rage of Enemies , and reproach of Friends , and fear of these snares attending every lot or occupation they could put themselves in , that they have been made to desire death , as their best refuge , and only retreat wherein they may find rest from all these rackings : For in no place could they escape the reach of some of these Impositions , nor the noise of their clamarous Contendings of Arguments that pleaded for it . But some have had more Love to Christ and His Interests , than language to plead for Him , and more resolution to suffer than learning to dispute for His Cause ; And where pure zeal for Christ , and love to His bleeding Interests , in a time when He is crucified afresh , and put to open shame , and the Concurrence of all is required to help forward the War against Him , is in integrity & vigor , it will burn with its flame those knots that it cannot in hast loose ; And chuse rather to lie under the imputation of being zealous without knowledge , than lose or let go such an opportunity of witnessing a good Confession ; yea when it could do no more , expire with an Ichabod in its mouth . But shortly to come to the point . I shall 1. Permit some Concessions . 2. Propose some paralel Questions . 3. Offer some Reasons to clear it . 1. I shall willingly grant in the General , concerning paying of Exactions , Impositions , or Emoluments . 1. They are to be paid to these to whom they are due : As Tribute & Custom is to be paid to the Powers ordained of God , and for this Cause that they are Gods Ministers attending continually upon this very thing Rom. 13. 6 , 7. So Stipends and all outward Encouragments are due to Ministers of the Gospel , who sow Spiritual things and should reap these carnal things 1 Cor. 9. 11 , 12. Fynes also , and all legal Amercements for Delinquencies against just Laws , must be payed , Deut. 22. 19. And whatsoever is due by Law to Officers , appointed by Law for keeping Delinquents in Custody : As all Debts whatsoever . But Tyrants Exactions , enacted & exacted for promoving their wicked designs against Religion & Liberty ; Hirelings Salaries , for encouraging them in their intrusions upon the Church of God ; Arbitrary Impositions of pecuniary punishments for clear Duties ; And extorted hirings , of the subordinate instruments of Persecuters oppressions , are no wise due and cannot be debt , and therefore no equity to pay them . 2. It s Lawful to pay them , when due and debt either by Law or Contract , even thô they should be afterward abused and misimproven to pernicious ends . But these payments for such wicked ends , either particularly specified & expressed in the very Act appointing them , or openly avouched by the Exactors are of another nature , than Impositions fundamentally appointed for the publick good ; and the after misapplication thereof , made by such as are entrusted therewith , is no more imputable unto the Land or Payers , than is the theft of a Collector stealing or running away with the same without making Count or reckoning to Superiours . It is then a foolish thing to say , that former Impositions were peacably payed , thô we saw and were convinced that their use was perverted , and they were used against the good of the Land and Gods people . For no such thing was laid doun as the ground , or declared as the end , of these exactions ; but what fell out was by the personal abuse and perversion of those in power ; which was rheir oun personal fault , and posteriour to the legal engagment and submission to the payment thereof by the Land in their Representatives . 3. It s Lawful to pay them sometimes , even when fundamentally and Originally from the first Constitution of them they were not due , but Illegally or Usurpatively challenged & exacted , if afterwards they were by dedition or voluntary engagment legally submitted unto by the true Representatives . But not so , when they were never either Lawfully enacted , or legally exacted , or voluntarly engaged by the Representatives , except such as represented the enslavement of the Nation , and betrayed the Country , Religion , Liberty , Property , and all precious Interests , and declaredly imposed to further the destruction of all . Nor can any with reason say , that this Case is but like the Case of the people of Israel under the feet of Enemies , paying to them of the fruits of their Ground , as was regrated & lamented by Nehemiah Chap. 9. 36 , 37. For so they must say , the Exactions now in debate are their Redemption-money , and by these they purchase their Liberty of Life & Lands , and oune themselues to be a people under Conquest . And yet they cannot deny , but they are both exacted & payed as Tests of their Allegiance as Subjects , and Badges of their Loyaltie & Obedience . But this is answered before Head 2. Conces . 7. § . 2. Pag. If any should object the practice of Christ , thô otherwise free , yet paying Custom lest He should offend : It is fully solved ibid. Head 2. Conces . 9. Pag. Here it s sufficient to hint ( 1 ) That which made ●hem marvel at His wise Answer was , that He left the Title unstated , and the Claim unresolved , whether it belonged to Cesar or not , and taught them in the general to give nothing to Cesar with prejudice to what was Gods ; which condemns all the Payments we speak of , which are all for carrying on the War against God. ( 2 ) Cesar was no Tyrant nor Usurper at this time , because they had legally submitted themselves unto several Cesars successively before . ( 3 ) It was , lest He should offend : But here it will be evident , that the offence & scandal lyeth upon the other hand , of paying the Exaction : And it is against all Religion to say , that both the doing and refusing to do the same Act , can give offence . But ( 4 ) make the Case like ours , and I doubt not to call it Blasphemy to say , that Christ would have payed , or permitted to pay a Taxation , professedly imposed for levying a War against Him , or banishing Him and His Disciples out of the Land ; Or to fill the mouths of the greedy Pharisees , devouring widowes houses , for their pretence of long Prayers ; Or that He would have payed , or suffered to pay their Extortions , if any had been exacted of Him , or His Disciples , for His Preaching , or working Miracles ; Or if help or hire had been demanded , for encouraging those that rose to stone Him for His good deeds . 4. It is Lawful to pay a part to preserve the whole , when it is extorted only by force & threatenings , and not exacted by Law ; when it is a yeelding only to a lesser suffering , and not a consenting to a Sin to shift suffering . The Objection of a man being seised by a Robber , transacting with him to give him the one half or more to save the rest and his life , commonly made use of to justify the paying of these Impositions , while under the power and at the reverence of such publick Robbers , cannot satisfie in this Case . It is thus far satisfying , that there is a manifest Concession in it , that instead of righteous Rulers , we are under the power , and fallen into the hand of Robbers , from whom we are not able to rise up . But there is no paritie . For to bring it home without halting , and make it speak sense , we must suppose that the Robber , not only requires a part for himself , and a part for his underling Shavers , horse-rubbers &c. but a part upon this declared Account , that he may by that supplie be enabled & furnished with all things necessary , for murdering my Father , Mother , Wife , Children , Kinsmen , & Friends ( all whom he hath now in his power ) yea , and for doing that besides , which is worse than all these put together : Whether then shall I , by giving the Robber that part which he seeks , enable him to do all these mischiefs ? Or by refusing , expose my self to the hazard of being robbed or slain ? Let the Conscience of any man answer this ( for nothing can be here alledged against the paritie as now propounded ) and then I fear not but the Objection shall be found a blaze of empty words , blown away by any breath . But Alas ! will this Tattle of a Robber be found relevant in that day , when the publick Robbers shall be proceeded against by the just Judge ? Let them who think so , think also , they see the Court fenced , and the Judge set , and hear these words sounding in their ears , ye are cursed with a Curse , for ye have robbed Me. even this whole Nation ; And then they are like to lay as litle weight on the Objection , for fear of falling under the weight of the Curse , as I do . 5. It is Lawful Passively by forcible constraint to submit to the execution of such wicked Sentences , as impose these burdens , if it be not by way of Obedience to them : This is suffering and not sinning . Hence it is easie to refell that Objection : If it be Lawful ( which hitherto was never questioned ) for a man , who is sentenced to die , to go to the place of execution , then a man being under the Moral force of a Law , which is equivalent , may pay Cesses , Localities , Fines &c. Ans. 1. Might it not be doubted , whether a mans going upon his oun feet to be execute , had as manifest , and ex natura rei , a tendency , yea & proper Causuality to advance the design of the enemy , and his refusing to go had as clear a Testimony against the Clamant wickedness of their Course , as his refusing to pay their Impositions ; Whether , I say in this case a man might no● , yea ought not to refuse to go to the place of execution . But 2. Whosoever would conclude any thing from it , to give it either life or legs , must make it run thus : Let the order run in this forme ( else there is no paralel , and so no inference ) we appoint all the Opposers of our Course ( that is all the lovers of our Lord Jesus ) whom we have for their Rebellious Randevouzing at Conventicles sentenced as Enemies & Traitors to die , to come and be hanged by virtue of our sentence ; Otherw●se besides the Moral force of the Law , adjudging them to die , we shall use force , and drag them like Dogs to the place of execution ; And in puting us to this Trouble , they shall fall under the reproach , that being sentenced to die , they scrupled forsooth , yea refused to go on their oun legs to the Gibbet . Let this I say be made the Case , which to me is the exact paralel , and their every Child will know what to Answer , or to hiss the Objection as pure ridicule . 3. I suppose the Objection speaks of a righteous & innocent person , who for Righteousness is brought , as a Sheep to the slaughter ( for a Malefactor , who hath lost all right to his life , is not to be understood ) Then to make the Case paralel , it must be taken for granted ( 1 ) There is a publick Law with the penaltie of death statute for the violation thereof . ( 2 ) That the person to be executed , hath not only transgressed that Law , but his disobedience to the Law is notour . ( 3 ) That he is processed and convict of the transgression thereof : Whereupon followes ( 4 ) The Sentence , and then the Execution . Now the Law being wicked , and the man from the fear of God being constrained to disobey the Law , he can in nothing be justly construed Active , but in that disobedience or renitence : But in the whole of what befalls him for this , he being a captive Prisoner , is to be looked upon as passive . Yea the very Act of going to the place of execution in the present Case , howbeit as to its Physical entitie , it is of the same kind with the Executioners Motion that goes along with him , yet in its Moral & Religious being , whence it hath its specification , it s wholly the Suffering of a Captive , Well then , ere any thing can be pleaded from the pretended paritie ; seeing there are Laws , made for paying such Exactions , Cesses , Salaries , & Fynes , for the declared ends of ruining the people & Interests of Christ. It s necessary , in order to a just paralel , that the Law must be ●irst disobeyed . ( 2 ) The disobedience must be notour . ( 3 ) The delinquent must be processed & pursued , as guilty of the transgression , and convicted thereof , whereupon Sentence passeth against him for the breach of the Law. Here I grant all with advantage to the Cause : As in the first Case , so in this , he who is judged guilty of the breach of this wicked Law , and who is sentenced for that violation , ought to suffer patiently the spoiling of his goods , and not to decline suffering , if it were unto blood , striving against this sin . 6. It s Lawful of two evils of Sufferings to chuse the least : where both come in the election , as in the Cases forementioned , and in a mans throwing of his goods over board in a storm : These and the like are deeds in the present exigent voluntary & rational , being upon deliberation & choise , where the least evil is chosen under the notion of good , yea of the best that can be in the present case , and accordingly the will is determined , and meets & closes with its proper object : Or one of them only be proposed to be submitted to , but another lesser evil of suffering is in a mans power to chuse & propose , for purchasing his immunity from a greater ; which is not imposed nor exacted of him , either by a wicked Law , or for wicked ends declared , but voluntarely offered ; As in the Case of parting with some money to a Robber or Murderer to save the life , when he is seeking only the life ; As the ten men that were going to the House of the Lord said unto Ishmael , slay us not for we have treasures in the field , for which he forebare and slew them not Ier. 41. 8. In this a man does nothing , which under such circumstances is not only Lawful ( one of the main ends for which goods are given to him , to wit the preservation of his life , being thereby attained ) but it were a grievous sin , and would conclude him guilty of self-murder , not to make use of such a mean for preservation of his life , which God hath put in his power , and is in the case called for by His Precept . But however force may warrant one to do that , which may be done for shunning a greater evil of loss ; yet it is never sufficient to make one do that which is a greater evil , than all the evil that can be said to be shunned : For the evil shunned is suffering , but the evil done to shun this , is real and active Concurrence , in manner , measure , & method , enjoyned by Law , in strengthening the hands of those who have displayed a banner against all the Lovers of our Lord Jesus Christ ; A manifest chusing of sin to shun suffering , and a saving of life with the prejudice of that in the preservation whereof he should be ready to lay doun all , and be at a point to endure the worst this wicked world can make him suffer , ere he be found guiltie in the matter of a Complyance of that nature . And thô the rod of the wicked should seem to rest on his lot , for his refusal , and he be the object of their rage & revenge , for holding his integritie ; yet he shall be honoured as a faithful Witness , helped to endure as seeing Him who is invisible , and amidst all his sufferings & sorrowes , made to rejoice , in the hope that when God shall lead forth these Workers of iniquity , he shall not be found amongst the Company of these who have turned aside with them into their crooked Courses , and for that shall be overturned & crushed with them , under the Curse that is hovering over their heads , . It s true a man should not cast himself and his family ( which if he provide not for , he is worse than an Infidel ) upon sufferings , either needlessly or doubtfully , when he is not perswaded it is Trurh & Duty he suffers for , and of value sufficient to countervail the loss he may sustain for it . But on the other hand , in the present and all like cases it is highly of the concernment of all men to be careful & circumspectly Cautions , when the Case comes to be stated upon suffering or not suffering , in examining well whether the Course whereby a man shuns suffering● be of God , and not to take Plausibilities for Demonstrations ; seeing the flesh is not only ready to inculcate that Doctrine , spare thy self , but is both witty of invention to plead for what will affourd ease , and as unwilling to listen to what would , if attended unto , expose us to the malice & rage of rigorous enemies : It being alwise more becoming the Professors of the Gospel , and the Followers of our Lord Jesus , who must walk to Heaven bearing His Cross , to abstain at all hazards when the case is doubtful , than to rush forward upon an uncertainty , when it is not evident they have Gods approbation for what they do . Yea suppose a person erred to his oun hurt in the first case , through weakness , yet it will argue much more sincerity & uprightness towards God , and is done with less danger than in the other . And as many as walk according to this Rule , are like to have the Peace of the Israel of God , to compense whatever of trouble or loss they may meet with in the world , when others shall not have this bird of Paradise to sing in their bosome . II. But shunning prolixity , to come neare● the point , because perhaps some may alledge such Cases are not determined in the Scriptures , nor can any Case be found paralel to these under Consideration , from which we may gather the determination thereof ; Which I think indeed hard to find , because in the wickedness of former ages such monstrous Exactions had never a Precedent , for such declared ends , so declaredly impudent . I shall make some Suppositions , and propose some Questions , all of a piece , and some way paralel to this under debate , and leave any Conscience touched with the fear of God to answer . 1. Suppose , when our Lord Iesus and His Disciples were tossed upon the waves by the storm at sea . and he was sleeping , that then Herod or Pilate , or the Chief Rulers had sent peremptory orders to all men , to supply and furnish with such things as he had , the men they imployed , to capacitate them once for all and for ever to sink that floating bottom out of sight ; and that somewhat should be given to the Souldiers engaged in that Enterprise , somewhat to the Pharisees fot perswading them to it , and fynes to be exacted from the Recusants , and Rewards to be given to such as should keep them in Custody that should fall in their hands , either of them that refused to pay the Moyety prescribed , or of such of them as should escape drouning . In this Case would , or durst any of the Lovers of Iesus comply with any of these demands ? and not rather chuse to perish with Him , or in opposition to such wicked attempts ? Now hath not the Lord Jesus , and all the Interest He hath in the Nation , been imbarqued as it were in one bottom , and floating like a wrack in the sea ? And have not these called Rulers in this Land , in their rage against the Lords Anointed , and the handful who adhere to Him , sent their peremptory orders to pay a Cess for sinking His floating Interests ; and to pay the Curats for perswading to it ; and fynes for not concurring in it ; And rewards to Iaylors & others that are appointed to oppress the Recusants ? Who durst concur then in this Complyance , who had love to Christ in exercise , and who had his friends in the same bottom imbarqued ? And besides seeing the Great God had the man of whom this is required , bound with his oun consent , under a Sacred & Solemn Oath , and under the penaltie of never seeing His face , if he do not venture life & fortune to preserve that precious Interest , and all who are embarqued with it from perishing . Shall he notwithstanding of this , give what these enemies to Christ , call for as His Concurrence , to enable them to execute their wicked Contrivance ? Does any man think or dream that the pitiful Plea , of what they call a Moral force , will clear and acquit him before God from the guilt of a Concurrence in this Conspiracie , while in the mean time he furnished whatsoever these Enemies demanded of him with this express Declaro that it was for this Cause exacted , and for this end imposed ? Or can he think to be saved , when they shall be sentenced who with so much deliberation & despight have done this thing ? O let us consider the after reckoning ! And let us not with pretences distinguish our selves into a Defection , or distract our selves into the oblivion of this , that God is righteous to whom the reckoning must be made . 2. Let it be supposed , under Sauls Tyranny , when the Ziphims informed him of Davids hiding himself with them , Or when Doeg informed him of Abimelechs resetting him , That an order had been given forth to all Israel , with this Narrative : Whereas that Rebel David had now openly despised Authority , had been intertained by the Priest , received Goliabs sword from him , and gathered a Company of armed men together , therefore to the end he and his Complices , may be brought to Justice , We ordain all from Dan to Beersheba , to concur either personally in this Expedition against him , or to pay Cess to our standing forces to maintain them in this expedition , or so much to gratify the Ziphims for their kindness , or to furnish Doeg with a sword , to murder the Priests of the Lord. Would any that favoured Davids righteous Cause , have dared to do any of these ? Would these that durst not concur themselves , contribute any encouragment to the Concurers ? Would Sauls Servants that would not fall upon the Priests of the Lord themselves , have given Doeg one of their swords to do it , or money to buy one , if it had been demanded ? To the same purpose , suppose a party comes to a Dissenter , with an express order , and this Narrative , Whereas there is such a Minister , meet with some people , at an execrable Conventicle as they call it ( but in it self the pure Worship of God ) therefore to the end the Minister may be taken & murdered , and the Servants of the Lord for the Countenance they gave him may be brought to the same punishment , they ordain him , for the accomplishing of their design , to furnish that partie with all necessares , or to pay such a summ of money for not concuring with them : Now should he in this case not only forbear to lay doun his life for his brethren , and forbear to deliver them , that are thus drawn unto death on such an account , ( into which forbearance the Great God will make so accurate an inquirie Prov. 24. 11 , 12. as may make us tremble , whether we look backward or forward ) but also furnish according to the tenor of this Order , that partie of the Dragons Legions , in their War against the Prince Michael & His Angels , with supplies , and think to put off the matter and plead innocent with this , that he was under the Moral force of a Law , accompanied with such military force , as if he had refused , they would have taken away all he had & c. ? For this Plea in its full strength , is to do evil that some good may come of it ( no true good ) which brings just damnation Rom. 3. 8. or to chuse sin rather than affliction . 3. What if Manasseh , or other Idolatrous Princes , that sacrificed to Devils , and made Children pass through the fire to Molech , had enacted a Cess , or under severe Impositions of Fynes had commanded all to concur to a solemn Sacrifice of that nature , charging every man against a certain day , to bring in his proportion in order to celebrate the Sacrifice with all its statute solemnities ; Or should have taken a child from every father , and then made a Law that each of these should contribute such a summ , for furnishing with all necessaries , and maintaining these Murderers , whom they had conduced to shed the blood of their innocent Children or sacrifice them to Molech : Could it be expected that any of the Godly would have payed such Exactions , and then have wyped his mouth with the notion of a moral force ? This comes home enough to our Case : For no sacrifice they can offer to the Devil , can be more real or so acceptable , as what they declare they intend to do ; being so direct , not only an opposition to the coming of the Kingdom of Christ , but the deletion of His precious Interests , and exstirpation of His faithful Remnant , and the giving Satan such an absolute Dominion in the Nation , as that they who have made the decree , and all who put it in execution , practically declare thereby they have mancipate themselves to his slavery , and sold themselves to work wickedness , in the sight of the Lord : So likewise , that all the rest of the Nation , may with themselves become his vassals , and in evidence of their opposition to Christ , and in recognition of Satans Soveraignity & their subjection , they are appointed to pay these black Meales . 4. Let it be supposed , that after Nebuchadnezzar had made the decree , for all to fall doun & worship his Image , and the three Children were apprehended for refusing it , he had made another , that all the Jewes especially should contribute , every one a Faggot , or money to buy it , to heat the furnace , or a rope to lead them to it : Can any man suppose , that Daniel , or the rest of the faithful , would have payed it ? Even so , let it be supposed , that any one of these faithful Ambassadours of Christ , or all these zealous Workers together with God , who have laboured among the people in the Preached Gospel , should fall into the hands of these Hunters ; And then they should make a Law , and appoint every man in the Nation , to send but one threed , to make a Towe , to hang that Minister , or to hang the whole Company of Christs Ambassadours , and a farthing to pay the Executioner : Can any man , without horrour think of complying so far as to contribute what is commanded ? Or would not a Gracious man frighted into an abhorrence at the attrociousness of the wickedness , or fired into a flame of zeal for God , say without demur , as not daunted , with fear of what flesh could do unto him , I will rather venture my All to keep them alive , or be hanged with them , than by doing what is demanded be brought forth & classed in the cursed & cruel Company of those who shall be dragged before the Tribunal of Christ , with their fingers dyed & dropping with the blood of those who are peculiarly dear to Him ? I know it will be said that in all these cases it would be a clear case of Confession . Well , that 's all I would have granted : For that which doth over ballance to a Testimony , in all the cases mentioned , is so far from being wanting in the cases now under consideration , that they have all to enforce the duty , that all of them put together do include ; As will be clear to any who consider ( 1 ) The preciousness of the things & Interests to be destroyed ( 2 ) The Concurrence called for from every one , that this desperate design may be accomplished . ( 3 ) The great , manifold , & indispensible obligations all are under , not only to abstain from the required Concurrence , but to preserve also & maintain these things in opposition to all , whom Satan sets on work to serve him in this Expedition against the Son of God , and to do it or endeavour it with the loss of life , and all things dearest to men , to the end that these things which are Satans eyesore , as only obstructive of His Kingdom , may be preserved among the poor Remnant , and propogate in their power & purity to the posteritie . Happy he who shall be found so doing now , when the Dragon and his Angels are drawn into the fields , and have proclaimed the War , and published to the world the Causes thereof ; So that now this General having laid aside all his old disguises , doeth in his true shape march upon the head of his black Legions , who wear his badge & colours , and fight under his banner & standart . III. In the last place , with all possible brevity , I shall offer some Reasons against Complyance with these Exactions in Cumulo . 1. To pay these Impositions , upon such declared Accounts , for such declared Causes , and for such declared ends , would condemn the Contendings & Sufferings of many eminently Godly , especially in our day who have refused them . Of these Questions & Sufferings thereupon among the Godly in former times , we cannot instruct much , for such insolent Impositions , as to all the dimensions of their heinousness , were never heard before . But we want not Examples of the Saints refusing to give their money and other such things to wicked men , either to comply with their wicked demands , obey their wicked Laws , encourage their wicked courses , or furtheir their wicked designs . In Scripture we find Paul would not give Felix money that he might be loosed , thô he sent for him often for that end Act. 24. 26. Mr Durham in his exposition of the Revelation . Chap. 6. vers 9. Lect. 6. Pag. gives an account , that when in the persecution of Dioclesian the Persecutors sought but the Bibles , poors coats , money , or Cups ( wherewith they served ) to be given them , as some Evidence of their ceding ; But they refused to accept deliverance upon these terms : yea when the Souldiers , partly wearieing to be so bloody , partly desirous of seeming victory over Christians , did profess themselves content to take any old paper or clout in place of the Bible , they refused to give any Ecvola ( as it was called from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or cast-away clout ; yea when Souldiers would violently pluck such things from them against their wills , they would follow them , professing their Adherence unto the Truth , and that they had not any way willingly delivered these things , as it is to be seen in Baronius . An. 303. pag. 748. It is reported of one Marcus Arethusius , who was put to torment under Iulian , because he would not build the Idol Temple which he had formerly demolished , when they were content to accept some part of the Expenses from him , and to spare his life , he refused to give obolum or one half penny , Sozom. Lib. 5. 9. Cent. Mag. Cent. 4. pag. 797. and 833. By which and many other instances we may see , how resolutly the primitive Saints held fast their Testimonies : from which especially they were called Martyrs or witnesses ; and by which often , not only many weak ones were strengthened , but also many Persecuters convinced and made to cry out , Certainly great is the God of the Christians ; while as they saw that no Allurments on the one side , nor Terrors on the other , could make them loose their grips , but still Truth and Christ were born witness unto , and well spoken of by them . It will not be unnecessary here to consider some of Mr. Durhams observations in the fourth Lecture , for clearing thereof , he adduced these matters of fact . Such as Obs. 7. That the giving of a Testimony by outward Confession of the Truth when called for , is necessary , and commendable , as well as soundness of faith ; yea it is oftentimes the outward testifieing of the Truth before men , more than the faith of it before God , that bringeth on suffering : And there was nothing more abhorred in the primitive Christians than dissembling of a Testimony , to evite suffering , as appeareth in Augustins writings de mendacio & contra mendacium , and the writings of others to that purpose . Obs. 8. That every Truth of the word may be a ground of suffering warrantably : For the least thing that hath a Truth in it , as well as the more concerning fundamental Truths , is the word of God , and so can not be dispensed with by His people . Obs. 9. Every Truth in the word hath an outward Testimony joined to it , and sometimes may be called for upon very great hazards . Obs. 10. When it is called for , this Testimony or confession to any Truth befor men , is no less necessary , and ought as peremptorily to be held and st●ck to as the former : Therefor it is called ( Rom. 10. ) Confession unto Salvation . And called for by a peremptorie certification . Matt. 10. 32. 33. Obs. 11. That these who are sound in the Faith of the word , will be also exceeding tonacious of their Testimony , in Scripture , and in primitive times , we will find the Saints sticking at , and hazarding themselves on things which appear of very small moment , yet were to them of great concernment ▪ because of the Testimony , which was involved in them , which they would not let go . Such was Mordecai , Ester 3. Daniel 6. his not shutting of his windowes . Yea further in his lately printed Sermons on Matth. 16. 24. Serm. 7. pag. 155. the same Author saith . There is not in some respect a more and a less in the matter of duty and in the matter of Truth or in respect of Suffering . And a little after . § . 5. he sayes , We would not limit sufferings for Christ to things simply Lawful or unlawful , for it may be sometimes for things indifferent in their oun nature , which yet being so & so circumstantiated to us may draw on suffering ; a thing may be indifferent & Lawful to some , which to others stated under such & such circumstances may be counted a receding from some part of a just Testimony ; even thô the matter be not such in it self and in its oun nature , yet it may be so circumstantiate to some persons as it may be lyable to that Construction if they shall recede from or forbear it ; as in the Example of Daniel , who suffered for opening his windowes , which was a thing indifferent in it self and not essential to his worshiping of God , but — he finds himself bound in conscience , and that on very just ground , to do as he was wont to do before , and that on the manifest hazard of his life , left his malicious enemies should have it to say , that he receded from his duty , & that he thought more shame now , or was more afraid now , than before to worship the true God. How worthy Mr Knox argueth for withholding Emoluments from the false Bishops and Clergy may be seen before , part . 1. per. 3. pag. 28 , 29. The general Assembly in their Declaration dated Jullij ult : 1648. concerning the then unlawful engadgement in a War against England , plainly & positively Dehorteth all members of the Kirke of Scotland from contributing any assistence thereunto , expressed as followeth ; That they do not concur in , nor any way assist this present engadgement , as they would not partake in other mens sins , and so receive of their plagues but that by the grace & assistence of Christ , they stedfastly resolve to suffer the rod of the wicked , and the utmost which wicked mens malice can afflict them with , rather than to put forth their hands to iniquitie . In which Declaration may be seen at large , that candor , faithfullness & freedom which becometh the Ministers of the Gospel , & dignitie of Watchmen , in their seasonable warning & disswading all from assisting any way to that unlawful engadgement , perceiving the sin and snare thereof , So obviously tending to the involveing the Land in guilt , & exposeing to wrath ; yea and that notwithstanding of the fair and plausible pretexts of the engadgers and joyners therein , who pretended & professed their undertaking to be for the furthering reformation , establishing and securing the Covenanted Religion from the plotings & endeavours of the Popish , Prelatick & Malignant enemies thereof , and prosecuting the ends of the Covenants ; Pretences which no doubt our silent & time-serveing Ministers ( if they had any such now to plead ) would streniously improve , in vindication of their prudent silence , sinfull & shamfull Complyances . Alas how sad & lamentable is the condition of the Church & Nation now ! that even when the case is so far altered that not only all such pretences are laid aside , Reformation deserted & disdained , the established Religion razed & ruined , the Covenant broken & burned , and the owning the obligation thereof declared Treason , but also an absolute Power pleaded & exercised to the suspending , stoping & disabling all penal Laws against Poperie & Prelacy , a gap opened by an Antichristian toleration to the leting in all the Heresies , Idolatries & blasphemies of the mother of Harlots , and the Land openly defiled therewith , unjust & wicked Taxations arbitrarily imposed and levied , for the most dreadful , Sacrilegious and hellish ends that ever was publ●shed to the world , far exceeding in wickedness these testified against by the Assembly 1648 , or any formerly . While the Watchmen have so far abandoned their duty of seting the trumpet to their mouth and giveing due warning of the sin and danger of those dreadfull and Judgement-procuring courses , that they are caught in the snare & found complementing & encouraging , the principall Instrument of all these evills , by their scandalous flattering Adresses . How faithfull & tender some have been even in our day their sufferings and losses in a measur above others makes manifest , amongst whom the worthy Laird of Kersland is not to be forgotten , whose Estate heritable & moveable was declared forfeited , and seased , for his appearing in Arms to joyn with that faithfull party who by horrid oppression were forced to betake themselves to defensive resistence anno 1666 ; who considering the equitie of the cause he appeared for , the indispensibleness of the obligations binding him to that duty , and how much a good Conscience is to be prefered to an Estate , durst not part with the sweet comforts of the one for the uncertain profits of the other ; And as he was earnest with God by frequent & fervent Prayer for light & stedfastness in the matters of his suffering & Testimony , So it pleased the Lord , so to determine his heart therein , as that all the endeavours & perswasions used both by friends & foes to move him to a composition with the enemies for his Estate proved unsuccessfull , yea it is well known how that severals , both of his near relations & others , who used the most forcible & perswasive Arguments , as the consideration of the ancient & honourable Familie he was descended from ; The miserable case that he , his Lady and Children should be in , without his Estate ; The Counsel & Judgement of grave & Godly Ministers ; The freedom & practice of other learned and knowing men ; Togither also with the imputation of vain scrupulocity , simple & unwarrantable nicitie & precisness &c , that yet even some of those who dealt most with him , were by his defences & reasonings convinced of the equitie of his cause , and brought to commend his upright resolution , and to applaud his tenderness and faithfullness ; and in particular his own father , who pleaded much that he would only consent , that he with others of his friends might compone in favours of his Familie , and that he himself should be no wayes concerned in it further than to assent that the thing be done , but could not prevail , who afterwards blessed God that he did not , declaring that he had much more satisfaction , & comfort in his sons honestie , & stedfastness than many such Estats could ever have affourded him . I shall here mention some considerations which prevailed with him to decline all composition directly or indirectly with the enemies in that matter . ( 1 ) That he could never attain to freedom to use any such manifest dissimulation , as deliberatly to assent to any thing that might import his acknowledgeing that to be a sin & fault ( yea such a sin & fault as Rebellion ) which he was convinced in his conscience to be unquestionable duty both before God & man , nor therby dissemblingly to insinuat his undoubted right to his Estate , to be in the person or at the ●isposeing of any other . ( 2 ) Considering that there can be no new right procured upon a composition , and granted to any , but such as shall carry in the narative thereof that he had forfeited that Estate by Rebellion , with a long preamble condemning the cause of God , and dutyfull endeavours of his people for Reformation , and in defence of Religion & Libertie , all as Sedition , Rebellion & Treason ; whereupon he resolved rather to part with his Estate , than be any way instrumental & occasional to the indignifieing that holy & honourable Cause with such disdainfull , reproachful & blasphemous Epithets . And albeit such tenderness in principle & practice of this Worthy Gentleman , and of many others of the faithfull sufferers in our day , be censured & condemned by the luke-warm & worldly-wise Professors in this age , as an unprecedented noveltie , or precise & unwarrantable notion , yet we find it the same with the faithfull sufferers in former ages , and exactly agreeing with the Doctrine & Principles of the most orthodox and famous Divines , for the Reverend and learned Calvin● haveing the same case of conscience proposed to him by the Godly , persecuted in his age , to which his solid and faithfull Answer is extant in his 375 Epistle , Article third , thus proposed and Answered . An a principe peti possit confiscatio bonorum , illorum nomine & gratia , quibus persecutio intenditur ? Resp : certum est illud fieri non posse sine peccato , rescriptum enim sive indultum principis , complectitur omnino blasphemias apertas , contra Dei gloriam , quia fiet illic mentio , errorum & crimìnum , & laesoe majestatis divinae , à damnatis ; quod rescriptum erit deinde in jure exhibendum illi qui eo uti cogitabit , atque illud est approbationis genus quoddam , nullo modo ferendum , quare non video ut viro pio & recte justituto in Evangelio , ejusmodi fictionibus sese liceat involvere . i. e. Whither the confiscation of goods can be sought back again from a Prince , in the name and behalf of these who are forfaulted for Religion ? to which he Answers , that it is certain it cannot be done without sin ; for the new right , or the de novo damus , ( as we call it ) granted by the Prince , doeth really contain , open blasphemies against the glory of God ; because therein mention is made of errors , crims , & divine lese-Majestie , whereof the condemned are found guilty ; which new right most in Law be exhibited by him who intendeth to use the same ; and that is a certain kind of approbation no ways to be tolerat . Wherfore I see not that it is Lawfull for a Godly man rightly instructed in the Gospel , to involve himself into such fictions . 2. From the Fountain & Conveyance , whence they proceed ; the iniquity of these payments might be concluded ; which is nothing else than that Arbitrary Power domineering over us , and oppressing & overpressing the Kingdoms with intolerable Exactions ; which to pay is all the consent & Concurrence required of us to entail slaverie on the posterity . I mean to pay it , out of submission only to the Moral force of its Imposition , which is all the justification required of that absolute Tyranny imposing it . For we have the Testimony of a King for it ( K. Iames Speech to the Parliament anno 1609. ) that a King degenerateth into a Tyrant , when he leaveth to rule by Law , much more when he begins — to set up an Arbitrary Power , impose unlawful Taxes &c. It can be denyed by none , that know either Religion or Liberty , and are not enemies to both , that these Impositions under consideration , upon such accounts , for such ends , are as unlawful Taxes , and as illegally and arbitrarily imposed , as ever could demonstrate the most Despotical Absoluteness , Paramount to all Law , or precedent , but that of Benhadad , of a very Tyrannical strain , Thus saith Benhadad , thy silver & thy gold is mine — yet I will send my Servants , and they shall search thine house , and it shall be that whatsoever is pleasant in thine eyes , they shall put in their hand , & take it away , 1 King. 20. 3 , 6. which even an Ahab and his Elders would not hearken to nor consent . But from an Exotick Dominator this were not so intollerable , as from such as pretend an hereditary right to Govern , who should remove violence & spoyl , and take away their Exactions from the Lords people , as the Lord saith , Ezek. 45. 9. but instead of that , that they may do evil with both hands earnestly , the Prince asketh and the Iudge asketh for a reward , and the great man uttereth his mischievous desire , so they wrap it up , Mic. 7. 3. The easie Complyance with which , makes Zion as the grape gleanings of the vintage . If those Exactions be wicked , then Complyance with them must be iniquity : For it justifies the Court that enacts & exacts them , a pa●qued Iunct● of a prevalent faction made up of perjured Traitors , in a Course of enmity against God , and the Country , who to prosecute the War against the Almighty , and root out all His people out of the Land , condescend upon these Cesses , Fynes &c. as a fit & adapted Medium thereunto . Wherefore , of necessity all that would not oune that Conclusion , as their oun deed , in these Representatives , and oune them as their Representatives in that deed , must bear witness against the same , by a Refusal , to oune the debt , or pay the same . But I shall conclude this , with observing ( 1 ) The holy & remarkable righteousness of the Lord , that we , who would not contend earnestly for the Liberty of the Gospel , who would not acquit our selves like men , in witnessing our Loyaltie to Christ , were not fixed in our Engagements , nor stedfast in holding the Liberties , wherewith Christ hath made us free , did not reclaim nor reluctate when we saw our Royal Masters Prerogative invaded ; should be trode upon in all Civills , and treated as Slaves , even by these , whom we had gratified with a base & sinful forbearance to plead for God , and preserve from their violence these things , these precious & invaluable things , which we should have kept more tenderly than the apple of our eye . O the relucency of this Righteousness , in making the Gods whom we have served smite us , and in making them , whose interest we minded with a misregard & Perjury-involving neglect of the Interest of Christ , thus to destroy our poor pitiful Interests ! And thus having taught them to be Captains over us , we must now sit in the house of bondage in our Land. ( 2 ) Who will not adore & admire the Righteousness of the Lord , particularly in leaving some of these to be designedly trode upon , who not only were involved in the common guilt of not with-standing these Encroachments , but first went a great way in concuring to the making of these wicked Laws ; And now have been made to lye under the load , laid upon their loyns , by the hands of such , to whom they gave the hand in overturning the Work of God ? Why should not they be spoyled ? Why should not the young Lyons roar upon them , and make their Land wast ? Why should not men of the same mettal & soul with the Children of Noph & Tahapanes , break the Crown of their head ( or feed upon their Crown ) who have sold & set the Crown of Christ upon anothers head , and concured to crush His faithful Remnant ? O let us learn to read & revere ! Let us not be wheedled with we know not what , out of our good old Principles into the espousing the Interest , or embarquing into the same bottom with men of such Principles & Practices . And whoso is wise , and will observe these things , even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord : Great loving kindness , that He hath shewed to his poor Remnant , in delivering us from deliverances by such Deliverers , whereby the work had been more really and more shamefully ruined , and the hope of the posterity more certainly razed . 3. From the declared Ends of all of them , declared either verbally or virtually , and indisputably & universally known : To wit , that by such Exactions they might be enabled to maintain & prosecute the National Rebellion against Christ , and root out His Gospel , and all the faithful Preachers & Professors thereof . These designs being notour , and the Impositions demanded being the best expedients , and most adapted means to attain them , it cannot but be manifest , that whosoever complyes with the means do cooperate with the ends : Which , if any thing , will involve the Complyers in the Contrivers sin , and make the Payers obnoxious to the Enacters judgments . If they that take rewards to slay Innocents , be lyable to a Curse Deut. 27. 25. they cannot be free who give them : They cannot say Amen to it , who so cooperate to the effectuating the slaughter . If any thing make Zion lyable to be plowed as a field , when the heads thereof judge for reward , Mic. 3. 11 , 11. it must be , when they demand such rewards , and the demands are complyed with . But some may pretend , and under that pretence think to shut the shour of suffering , and command the serenity & sun-shine of a good Conseience too , and to shelter their soul under that shadow ; That these Exactions may be necessary for other ends : Can any State be without Exactions ? Is it not necessary that forces be maintained and such as are in publick office in the Kingdom ? Wherewithall shall the Nation be guarded against forreign invasion ? Alas ! the pretence is so false & frivolous as he could not escape the Censure of foolish , who in answering it appeared serious , save in a just indignation at its empty vanitie . What are these forces and publick Officiers for ? What are they employed about , but to promote the Dragons designs , and serve his drudgerie ? Shall these guard the Nation , who together with Religion tread upon the poor remaining shadow of Liberty ? Do they indeed fear a forreign invasion ? No , it doth not hold us here : These called Rulers hide not their designs , but hold them to our eye that we may not pretend ignorance . They will do the greatest hast first : Christ and His Interest is their great eyesore . This one Iesus who calls Himself a King ( yea and He will be so to their cost ) and His Subjects as the most dangerous partie , are to be discussed in the first place : And thereafter , when they are liberate from that fear of His returning to His Throne , whom they have exauctorate ( for if ever He do , they are ruined , make hast O Lord● ) and have eaten the flesh and drunk the blood of His people , then they will be in a better case to defend the Land , by shewing the Enemy those Teeth & Tusks , wherewith they have torn the people of the Lord. But will men put out their oun eyes , that they may be taken with the more tameness to grind in their Mill , and make them merry at our madness ? Have we lost our senses , that we may with confidence jeopard our Souls ? Have they not invaded the Mediators Kingdom , and taken to themselves His House in possession ? And because Reavers may not be Rewers , they will destroy all in the Land , who seem faithful to Christ , and resolute to follow the Captain of the host of Israel . But is it not enough that they menace Heaven ? Will they mock us into the same Rebellion with themselves ? He will not be mocked , but turn their jest into earnest . I cannot here shift the transcribing some of the very words of that Author , whose Reasonings I am but gleaning on this subject . Oh Brittain ! O Scotland ! bent into , & bold in backsliding , the wrath of God , and thy wo seems to be upon the wing . And alas ! I am afraid , that by this Crowning & Crimson wickedness , the Lord God Almighty is making a way to His Anger , and preparing the Nation for a Sacrifice , to expiate in the sight of the world our Perjurie , defection & Heaven-daring Provocations . Alas ! I am afraid that the sword of the Lord , which shall avenge the quarrel of His Covenant , is near to be drawn — that the Contributers , as well as the stated partie of contrivers , decreers and cruel Executioners of these decrees , may fall under the blow of the forbished sword of the Lord God : And that the Land of such abominations , may be swept of its Inhabitants with the besome of destruction , and soaked with the blood of those , who instead of contending for Christ , have by this payment associate with His stated , His declared , and implacable Enemies , whose rage is come up before Him , and will bring Him doun to take revenge . Alas ! My fears , My fears are multiplied upon me , that the war shall not only at last Land in Britain : But that He hath been all this while training up a Militia abroad , breeding them in blood , and teaching them how to be skillful to destroy , against the time He give them order to march , and put the flaming sword in their hand , to be bathed in the blood of backsliding Brittain ! Oh if our turning unto Him , that He might turn away from the fierceness of His Anger , might prevent this woful day ! But since instead of any turning unto Him , we surpass the deeds of the heathen , and out do in wickedness all that went before us , and proceed with a petulancy reaching Heaven from evil to worse ; I am afraid that all the bloodshed since the sword was drawn in the Nations about , all the sacked Cities all the burnt dorps & villages , all the wasted Countries , all the slain of the Lord by sea or Land , all the pillagings , rapes , Murders outrages ( which rage it self , could hardly outdo ) all the horrid & inhumane Cruelties , that have been committed during this bloody war ( wherein the sea hath been dyed , and the Land as it were drouned with the blood of the slain ) all the truculent & treacherous Murthers of that Monster Alva in the Low Countries , all the incredible Cruelties of the Guises , and the bloodshed in the Massacres of France , all the Tortures that the people of the Lord have been put to in the valleys of Piedmont , by that Litle fierce Tyger the Duke of Savoy , all the savage and barbarous butcheries of the Irish Massacre ; shall be forgotten , or seem things not to be mentioned in one day ; when what shall be done in Brittain comes to be reinembered . O Brittain ô Brittain : of all Nations under the Cope of Heaven , most ripe for the sickle of vengeance ! shall this Throne of iniquity , which hath framed so many mischiefs into Laws , and all that are Complices in this wicked Conspiracie , who now are gathering themselves against the soul of the Righteous , & condemning the innocent blood , be able to save its subjects , when He comes to make inquisition for that blood ? or shall the subjects calling in all from 60 to 16 , be able to support the Throne ? Alas ! in vain shall they offer to draw up , and draw the sword & defend , when the Lord God of hosts drawes His sword , to accomplish upon them the vengeance written , & wrapt up in these words , He shall bring upon them their oun iniquity ▪ and shall cut them off in their oun wickedness , yea the Lord our God shall cut them off . And if it come to this , then in that day escape who will , Professing Gentlemen , and others who in this have complyed with the Rulers , shall not escape : Then shall they be payed for this Payment . The storme of His displeasure ( even thô they get their souls for a prey , yea so much the more as He will not suffer them to perish eternally ) shall be observed to fall particularly upon their houses , Interests , & Estates . Who can think upon the wickedness of Brittain , with its just aggravations , and imagine the righteous Lord will proportion His Judgments , to the heinousness of our guilt , and His revenges to the rage , whereby He , and His Christ hath been , and is opposed , and take other measures ? 4. From the Nature of these Payments , it is not our they are sinful Complyances & Transactions with Christs declared Enemies , and do partake of Unitive Confederacies with them ; which are demonstrated to be sinful , Head 3. Arg. 1. in gen . Pag. Certainly such bargains cannot be discretive , exacted and complied with by Persons no wayes incorporate together , being only overcome by meer force : since they are not only demanded and granted Acknowledgements of that Power that imposes them , as legally Lording over them , but obediential submissions to these wicked Laws that enacts them ; which is a formal justifying of these Laws : For Laws cannot be obeyed except they be justified , seeing Laws unjust and unjustifyable cannot be obeyed . Therefore , seeing the Payment of the Cess , Locality , Fynes stipends , fees &c. is an obediential Complyance with the Laws that enjoyn them , that obedience can no more be justified , than the Laws enacting such Payments : which none can justify but he that is an enemy to those things for opposing which they are exacted . If then Complyances with the wicked Impositions & exactions of Arbitrary Dominators , enemies to the Work & People of God , be in Scripture condemned , then such Payments cannot be justified : But such Complyances are condemned , and cannot be approven . This was Issachars brand , that being a strong Ass , he couched between burdens , and bowed his shoulder to bear and became a servant to Tribute Gen. 49. 14. This was Asa's folly , that he so far Complyed with Benhadad , as to give money to take his help 1 King. 15. 18. Condemned by the Prophet Hanani 2 Chron. 16. 7. &c. much more if he had given it to help him . It s one of the instances of the Evil that Menahem did in the sight of the Lord , 2 King. 15. 18 — 2c . that when Pul the King of Assyria came against the Land he gave him a thousand talents of silver , that his hand might be with him , which he exacted of Israel : This was certainly evil in the sight of the Lord , for if the Confederacy was evil , then this price to procure it was evil also : And if Menahems exaction was evil , then Israels Complyance was evil also ; for thus Ephraim was oppressed & broken in judgement , because he willingly walked after the Commandment , Hos. 5. 11. It was also a part & proof of Ahaz's Confederacy with Tiglith-Pileser King of Assyria , that he sent money to him 2 King. 16. 8. Which to all the fearers of the Lord is condemned & discharged Isai. 8. 12 , 13. Which if it was evil , then also Hezekiahs Complyance with Sennacherib , giving him money , and offering to bear that which was put on him , 2 King. 18. 14 , 15. was evil : And also Iehojakims taxing the Land , to give the money according to the commandment of Pharoh 2 King. 23. 35. was sinful to the Exacter , and likewise to the Complyers . These were all sinful Complyances and Confederacies with the wicked , making their peace with them to whom they payed them : Therefore all Peace-making payments , by way of Unitive aggreement with the wicked , must be sinful . And accordingly in the time of Montrose , the Gen. Ass. made an Act for Censuring the Complyers with the Publick Enemies of this Church & Kingdom , Iun. 17. 1646. Sess. 14. See Part. 1. Per. 5. Pag. 82. 5. Where these Exactions are extorted only as badges of bondage , without Consent unto the Law imposing them , it s a Case more suitable for lamentation then Censure , that she that was Princess among the Provinces should become tributary Lam. 1. 1. But when they are Acknowledgemens of the Lawgivers , and an exact obedience to the Law , and voluntary agreement & bargain with them , strengthening them to the prosecution of their Mischiefs , they cannot be free of the Imposers sin . It was the sin of the men of Shechem , and a proof of their hearts inclination to follow Abimelech , that they gave him threescore and ten pieces of silver , enabling him to kill threescore & ten persons and to hire vain & light persons to follow him , which they payed as an acknowledgement of his usurped Power , Iudg. 9. 3 — 5. for which afterwards fire came out of the house of Abimelech & devoured them . Certainly a voluntary consent into a Mischief is a partaking with the sin of it , a consent unto Theft is a partaking with it Psal. 50. 18. But if there be any consent unto a Mischief , it must be when the person agrees it be done against himself , and voluntarily subjects himself to the force of the Law imposing it , and not only does not oppose or witness against the doing of it against others , but yeelds to its reaching himself , and gives what is demanded to strengthen the Robbers to exercise their Robberie over all . As the Payer of the Cess , Fynes , & Fees , &c. gives all the consent required of him , to these Mischiefs framed into Law , not only to rob himself , but the Church & Nation of its dearest Treasure the Gospel , for the punishment of ouning which , and as means to remove it , these Payments are exacted . But the Plea of the payers is , that they are constrained to it , and they do it against their will. Ans. 1 He who sayes he understands this , that the Payer of these Exactions can purge himself of the guilt of them , is like to buy an after wit at a dear rate . Can it be thought by any man of knowledge & conscience , that so remote a force makes the deed unvoluntary , whereby the payer is purged from the guilt of accession to the Imposers deed , whom hereby in this very Imposition he ounes as his Representatives ! 2. The payment cannot be involuntary ; for the Law enjoyning it , being the publick & declared will of the Nation , requires no other voluntareness but obedience , and judgeth no other thing involuntareness but disobedience . So that the Law being fatisfied , it absolves the Satisfier from all transgression , and looks npon all who yeeld obedience as equally willing , and equally out of the reach of its appended penaltie , in case of disobedience . Neither are we to please our selves with other fancies & fictitious unwillingness , when real obedience is yeelded , whereby the Law is satisfied , and the Law-maker capacitated thereby to act all his intended Mischiefs . For to be unwilling to part with money in the Case , as it is no vertue in it self , so I suppose there are few who will be sollicitous to purge themselves of this . And to be unwilling from some struglings of light & conscience , is such an unwillingness as aggravates the guilt of the Giver , and makes it more heinous in the sight of God , and hateful in the eyes of all tender men : The Law enjoyning such payments takes no notice of such reluctancies , only requireth obedience , and when that is yeelded , the Law is satisfied , as to the voluntareness of the Action , and must construe the Agent a willing walker after the Command , and a voluntary Complyer with the publick will of the Nation . 3. It must be simply , really , & truly a voluntary deed , when there is Deliberation and Election . The Law requiring these payments being promulgate , every man must be supposed to put the question to himself , what shall I do in the case ? Shall I obey and be free ? Or disobey and suffer ? Here is Election & choice upon mature deliberation : And so the deed becomes truly voluntary . This will be confirmed , if we consider the Law of God , Deut. 22. 25. concerning Rapes . Where , to make the unvoluntareness of the betrothed Virgin , she must not only be supposed to strugle & resist the attempt made upon her chastitie & honour by the villain , but she must cry for assistence in that resistence , without which she is held in Law willingly to consent to the committing of that wickedness . And moreover if we consider the Law vers . 13. it will be manifest , in order to her escaping of death , that when violented and the villain hath committed this villany , she is to carry as Tamar ( when defiled of that beast , thô of the blood Royal ) did 2 Sam. 13. 19. that is , to complain & cry , and crave Justice against him , and be wanting in nothing , that may bring him to condign punishment . This doth aptly correspond to our Case . Scotland is the betrothed Virgin : We were espoused to Jesus Christ , and joyned to Him , by a Marriage Covenant , never to be forgotten ; But the Rulers , and with them the body of the Land have treacherously broken it : yet there is a Remnant that adhere to Him as Head & Husband ; because of which , these called Rulers incensed against Him will violently commit a Rape upon them , and have them prostitute their bodies , their fortunes , yea their Souls & Consciences to their lusts , and thus they will needs ravish the Queen in the Kings presence . And so , while with displayed banner they declare they will drive our Covenanted Husband out of the Nation , and destroy all who will oune Him as such , they call for our Assistence & Complyance , to enable them to accomplish this wickedness . Now either must we make all the Resistence that is in our power ; or the Law judgeth us willingly to consent ; and because of that we fall in the hands of the righteous Judge , and have neither the evidence of our Resisting , nor Crying , nor pursuing the wicked for this violent Rape , to produce and plead upon , why Sentence should not pass , and the Laws just severity be execute upon us . What ? Alas ! do they declare they will stone our Husband ? ( Ah! for which of His good deeds is this done ) And shall they make a Law whereby we shall be obliged to furnish them with stones to do it ? And shall they be obeyed ? Is this our strugling ? Is this our Crying ? Is this our endeavour that the wicked may be brought to condign punishment ? Oh! let us meditate terror , lest we be brought forth as willing Consenters ! For whatever vengeance the jealous & just God shall execute upon them , who have committed the Rapt , shall equally , in its crushing & everlastingly confounding weight , fall upon them who do not by their-Refusing , & their Resisting make their unwillingness manifest ; which in the present Case is their strugling their Crying , and calling God and man , to witness , they are not Consenters , but continue constant & loyal in their love to their betrothed Husband . 6. A formal Consent to the wickedness of these Impositions were the less matter , if the payment of them were not also a Concurrence to assist them , and a strengthening their hands in it . But this is so manifest , that the paying of the Cess , Locality , Fynes , Fees , &c. is a Concurrence with and a Contributing towards the promoving the wicked designs for which they are imposed , that he must have a conscience of brass , and in a great measure seared who will run upon such a formal Engagement against the Lord and His anointed King in Zion . If it was Aarons sin which made the people naked , and which brought so great a sin upon them , to take , and the peoples sin & shame to give , that Contribution of Golden ear-rings for making a Calf , Exod. 32. 3. &c. And if it was Gideons sin to take , and Israels to give , that Contribution of the ear-rings of their prey , to make an Ephod Iudg. 8. 25. Then , as it is our oppressors sin to take , so it must be our sin & shame to give , their demanded Exaction to help them in erecting such Idols of Jealousie , as they have set up , and are commanding al● to bow to , to provoke the Lord to Jealousie , especially when they affrontedly require such Contributions to be payed , both as punishments for not assisting , and as means to assist in their establishment . Should we thus help the ungodly , and love them that hate the Lord ? And will not this bring doun wrath upon us from the Lord ? 2 Chron. 19. 2. Alas ! instead of Arguing , it were more fitt to fall a weeping , when it s come to be a question amongst us , whether , in stead of coming to the help of the Lord , against the Mighty , we shall really help the Mighty against the Lord , and that while they call for our assistence formally upon this declared account . As the very inscription of their Acts does carry it in their front , requiring a supply to his Majestie &c. If this be not a Casting in a Lot among them , who can tell what it is ? Sure it is a preparing a table for that troup , and a furnishing a drink-offering unto that number , Isai. 65. 31. Seeing it is a supplying them with necessaries , to solemnize their Idolatrous fest vities , who forsake the Lord , and not only forget but lay waste His Holy Mountain , for which all that have any accession to it , are threatned to be numbered to the sword . If any thing be a strengthening the hands of evil doers , Ier. 23. 14. certainly this is . For as they cannot accomplish their cursed ends without these Exactions , so the payment of them , is all the present , personal , & publick Concurrence in wageing this war with Heaven , that is required of the Nation , to wit , such a summ to furnish them with all necessaries , and maintain the Executioners of their hell-hatched and Heaven-daring Decrees & Orders : And the Law requiring no more but contributing what is appointed , looks equally upon all the Givers , as followers of the Command , and active Concurrers in complying with its end , and carrying on & promoving its design , and so assoils them from all the statute serverities , in case of Deficiencie . 7. If it were only a Concurrence in their wickedness to pay those their Exacted supplies , it were more easily comported with : But I fear it shall be found a hire & reward for their wicked service . At first they were only enacted & exacted as Helps to capacitate this Popish Prelatical & Malignant faction to prosecute the war they had undertaken & declared against Christ : But now , having thereby been enabled to carry it through this length that they have almost got all visible Appearances for Christ , in ouning His Gospel , and propagating His Testimony , quite suppressed by means of these Impositions , and having got the fields cleared of those that formerly opposed their Course & Career , and all obstacles removed that might stand in the way of the Reception , they have prepared for their Mistris , the Babylonish lady , the Mother of Harlots ; they now demand these payments , as their wages and Hire for their labour : Which to pay now is more than a justifying , seeing it is a rewarding them for their work . And to pay these Pimps , and to purchase their peace thereby , is worse than to bring the hire of a whore into the House of the Lord ( Deut. 23. 18. ) since it is a hyring them to bring the whore into the House of the Lord. O how hath Scotland plaid the Harlot with many Lovers ! Is this the zeal we should have had to our Covenanted husband , and the honour of His House , that we have not only suffered His Enemies , to come in and take Possession of it , but Consented to their invasion , and not only Consented , but Invited them to come in , and not only Invited them , but Prostitute our Estates & Consciences also to their Arbitrary Lusts , and not only plaid the harlot with them , but hyred them also when they had done ! And for this the Lord may say to Scotland , as He said to His People of old , They give gifts to all whores , but thow givest thy gifts to all thy Lovers , and hirest them that they may come unto thee on every side , for thy whoredome ; And the Contrary is in thee from other women in thy whoredoms — in that thow givest a reward , and no reward is given unto thee , therefore thow art contrary , Ezek. 16. 33 , 34. There Israel is taxed for hyring the Assyrians : But let it be considered and enquired into in the History , how this was : What evidence can be given of this in their Transactions with them ? Was only that they were entysed , or did entyse them into a Communion with their Idolatry ? It is true , Ahaz may be an instance of that , in his sending the pattern of the Altar he saw at Damascus , 2 King. 16. 10. And it cannot be denyed but in several respects they did partake with the Assyrians in their Idolatrie , which was their Adulterie . But what could be their hire they gave them for it , if it was not their Taxations they payed , and money they sent unto them ? as Ahaz did vers . 8. and Hezekiah also , thô a good man , 2 King. 18. 14 , 15. Which can no more be justified , than Asa's paying to Benhadad . It was then their Confederacies , and the hire of them the Lord calls the hire they gave unto their lovers . With this also Ephraim is charged , that he hyred lovers , Hos. 8. 9 , 10. of this we have instances in Menahems giving to Pul a thousand Talents of silver , and exacting it of the People , 2 King. 15. 19. 20. And in Hoshea his becoming servant to Shalmanesar King of Assyria , and giving him presents , 2 King. 17. 3. If then hyring wicked men in Confederacies to help the Lords People , be a hyring of lovers so much condemned in Scripture , what must a hiring of them to hurt them , and rewarding them after they have done , and when they formally seek it for such work be ? but a giving the reward they seek to slay the Innocent ( Deut. 27. 25. ) and a voluntary yeelding that which they take ( Ezek. 22. 12. ) Which if it be sin in the Takers , cannot be justified in the Givers , but will render both obnoxious to the Indignation of a provoked God , in the day when He shall begin to Contend for the wrongs He hath got , both by the Work and the wages . Now let all the Acts for the Cess and Continuation thereof , and other Acts & Edicts for fines & forfeitures , be considered in their just import , according to the trwe meaning of the Enacters , and the Causes for which they exact them , and will have them Complyed with , It will be found they were both declared , intended , & improved , and accordingly approved by the Complyers ▪ Not only as Helps but as Hyres for our Oppressours and Destroyers , and for such as have been , and are more destructive and explicitely declared Enemies to Christs Interests & People in Scotland , than ever the Assyrians were to the Church in the old Testament . The Cess was not only a help but a hire to the Tyrant & His Complices , for suppressing Meetings for Gospel Ordinances ; Especially the Continuation of it , from time to time was humbly , unanimously , chearfully & heartily offered , for themselves and in name of , and as representing this Kingd●m , as a hire for the doing of it , and an encouragment to suppress what remained of these Conventicles . The Localitie was intended as a help to the Souldiers in their quarterings upon this account , But afterwards , being expressly discharged to be furnished without payment according to the current rates of the Countrie , Act. 3. Parl. 3. K. Char. 2. Aug. 20. 1681. The Contribution of it gratis must be interpreted for a reward of their service , Fines are appointed , not only for a punishment of Contraveeners of their wicked Laws , but for a hire to their most violent Executers . Stipends for a hire to their Hireling Curats . And fees as a hire to Iaylors to keep the Lords People in bondage . By which hyres these destroyers have been rewarded , by them whom they have destroyed , and for which the righteous Lord will reward both . 8. Let it be considered , how far these submissions are short of , and how clearly these Complyances are inconsistent with , that duty which lies upon us with reference to them . Our obligation to God and our Brethren doth indispensibly bird us to a Contrary carriage . If it bind us in our Station & Capacity to an Active renitency , It doth much more bind us up from such Complyances . Neither is it imaginable , how Moral force can ever justify our doing that deed , we are obliged by all imaginable bonds , yea if in any probable Capacity , by the utmost of real force , to counteract . Can we give them that which they require , and by which they are enabled to murder our Brethren , which we are so indispensibly obliged to rescue our Brethren , Prov. 24. 11 , 12. to relieve the oppressed Isai. 1. 27. to loose the bonds of wickedness , to undo the heavy burdens , to let the oppressed go free , and to break ever● yoke Isai. 58. 6. What do we owe to these Enemies , but seeing they have constitute themselves by these Acts implacable Enemies to Christ , His People & Interests in habitu , not only plainly & importunately to pray that He would overturn them , but to oppose their Course , to the uttermost of our power , and to concur to wrest that power out of their hands ? And since they will needs make the whole Nation a Curse , they are so far from being to be complyed with , that for these Exactings & Exactions they are to be looked upon , and carried unto , not only as these who have sold themselves to work wickedness , but endeavour also to engage with themselves all in the same guilt , and expose them to the same Curse . And therefore that the Anger of the Lord may be turned away from His people , every one in his station is obliged to endeavour to bring these Achans to condign punishment . 9. As it must be taken for granted , that these wicked Oppressions by Law are Perjurie avouched in the sight of God , yea in a peculiar manner , our Covenanted subjection unto Him is turned into an open War against Him : So we cannot but beleeve , that for this hight of wickedness the Curse of God ( to which in the Covenant the Nation in case of breach , is liable by their oun consent ) and the Mediators Malediction shall follow , pursue , overtake , and fall upon the head of these , who have made the Decrees , and upon all who concur in the execution , and carry on this Course : Oh! its impossible to keep them company , and not fall with them into the hands of the living God. Well then , seeing every one from whom these Exactions are required , is under an anterior obligation to God and the Brethren , to preserve these precious Interests , which the Imposers have been long essaying to root out & ruine , and His people whom they have been destroying , with the loss of all he hath , life not excepted . ( For I suppose none , who acknowledgeth his Soul is still under the bond of the Covenant ( and it s like to cost him his soul who denies it ) but he will oune this to be duty ; Nay none who hath any sense of Religion , but abstracting from the subjective obligation of a sworn Covenant , he will oune an objective obligation from the Law of the great superior , that doth immediately bind the Conscience to witness against this course , and to lay doun , if it should come to that , his life for his Brethren ) Then for a man to give his goods to destroy these things & persons , which he is obliged to defend & preserve with the loss of all , is so clear a making himself a Tyransgressor , in paying his proportion , and being at the expense of destroying what he built , and building what he destroyed , that it seems inexplicable how he can dream to be innocent ; especially when more lies upon it than the souls of the Complyers are worth , even the Interest of Christ in the Land. And to close this I would put home the question , and pose the Conscience of any that took that Covenant ; If in that day the question had been asked at him whether he would have judged the paying of a Cess for the ends narrated , to suppress a Testimony for that Covenanted Reformation , the paying of fines & fees ( for ouning it ) to the overturners , Breakers & Burners of it , to be a plain Perjurie & palpable counteracting of the ends thereof ? And let him speak his soul , and it s beyond debate with me , he will not dare to say he took it in a sense which can subsist with these Complyances . Nay I doubt not , if to any Morally serious , it had been then said , yow will pay money &c. for destroying this Covenant and its ends , and deleting the Remnant that shall be found to adhere to it , he would have given Hazaels answer . It concerns every man , that would be free of the Curse of it , to consider how he is brought to make enquirie after vowes ; or to dream of Consistencies betwixt the performing those Engagements , and the plainest concurring in a Counteracting thereof . 10. If then these Impositions be so wicked , and for such wicked Ends & Causes ; Then , in order to my being free of this heinous guilt there is a necessity of my giving a Testimony , and such an one , which when brought to the Touchstone , will get Gods approbation , and be my Acquittance from a Concurrence . Now it is not imaginable that my Testimony , can be the exact obedience to the Law , against the wickedness whereof it is witnessed : But on the Contrary , it must be at least a plain & positive Refusing to yeeld obedience to that Law , when I am in no other case to counteract these Commands , for I must either obey and be guilty , or refuse and be innocent . I shall not here plunge into the Labyrinth of these debates & difficulties , wherewith this matter of Testimonies hath been perplexed , and mostly by those who have had no great mind to the thing . I shall only propound these few Queries ( 1 ) Wether any thing less than a Testimony can free me of this guilt , whereby the Nation involved in it , is made a Curse ? ( 2 ) Wether we beleeve that the Testimony of every one shall be called for , in the day when God shall seek out this wickedness ? ( 3 ) Whether , if ever it be necessary , it be not then when Christ is openly opposed , and every one is called either to concur or to testifie ? ( 4 ) Whether a Testimony against a wicked Law must not be notour ? for my Testimony must make it evident that the Law is not obeyed by me , else it is no Testimony . ( 5 ) Whether it be not necessary also , that it be with that plainness & boldness , as it may keep some proportion with the prodigiousness of that wickedness testified against ? ( 6 ) Whether to the making it a Testimony indeed , it is not only required , that an opposition be made at first , out that this be so persisted in , as by no subsequent deed , it be weakened ? ( 7 ) Whether we do not take it for granted , that according as a man hath Testified , the sentence of the righteous Judge shall pass ? For he who hath not purged himself thereby from the guilt of this Conspiracy , shall be led forth & punished with these Workers of iniquity . It s a saying which should sink in the soul of every one who would be saved , especially in such a day , Whosoever therefore shall Confess me before men , him will I Confess also before my Father which is in Heaven , but whosoever shall deny me before men him will I also deny &c. Oh that men would now judge of things & Courses , as in that hour they desire to be judged and then there would be litle difficulty , what to determine in the Case . 11. From what is said it appears , that there is no other way of Testifying against it , or shunning the sin of this wickedness , imposing & enjoyning these Complyances , but by Refusing them : Which as it is clear duty , so it hath many Advantages to countervail all the supposed loss that can be sustained thereby . It is a shameful subterfuge to say , I strengthen them more by doing thus which will make them take all , and so put themselves in better case to do the Mischief decreed . For as it is then my suffering not my sin , so it is simply false that I do hereby strengthen their hands ; for hereby I do more certainly weaken their hands , and wound their Cause by my Counteracting , Testifying & Suffering . For. 1. I do really to the uttermost of the sphere of my activity Counteract their design , And hence besides my oun upmaking Peace of Conscience ( which is my hundredfold in this Life ) I glorify God in the day of visitation , behaving as the Subject & Souldier of the Prince Michael : And thô I losse my life in the Conflict , yet the victory over the Dragon , and his Lievtennant & Trustees , and their Lictors is thereby gained , and they are foiled , while I fight & overcome by my not loving my life in the present case unto the death . 2. I do by my example encourage my Brethren to stand fast , and withstand in this evil day . 3. I hereby transmitt to Posterity a Pattern for imitation , and so propogate an opposition to this Course to succeeding generations . 4. I hereby ( so to speak ) engage God to arise & appear to plead His oun Cause and His Peoples . For when we out of love to Him and zeal for His Interests , take our lives in our hands , or expose our substance as a prey in witnessing for Him , then He is engaged to oune us , and to plead His Cause taking the quarrel then to be against Himself . Hence it is that when He puts on the Garments of vengeance for cloathing , and goes forth to meet them who in their risings up against His People run upon the bosses of His Buckler , His Arm is said to bring salvation to Himself , Isai. 59. 16 , 17. and Isai. 63. 5. This keeps a man in case to Pray against such a Partie ; Whereas a Complyance with them in the least degree , will wound a mans faith , and weaken His Confidence , so that he cannot wrestle with God to prevail : For that wherein his strength lay , a good Conscience being sinned away , in vain doeth he essay , when he hath cut his oun hair , to shake himself as at other times . Alas ! If by keeping a due distance from his enemies , we were in case to play the Samsons or Iacobs on our knees , this Enemy who think it their stability to stand upon the ruines of Christs Interest , should not stand long upon their feet . He who would have his prayer heard , Thy Kingdom come , should make his Practice in a conformity thereto speak this plain language , If I perish I perish , but Comply I will not : For it s not necessary that I live , or have an estate , but its necessary I should witness a good Confession against the wrongs done to Christ. 6. This keeps a man in case , either to Act for God with advantage , if an opportunity be put in his hand , or to Suffer , as under His supportings , and the shinings of His face , whereby even while dieing he becomes an Ornament to his Profession , gives a dash to the Enemy , and so becomes more than a Conquerer . 12. Let us consider the matter of Scandal in the present case , and remember whose words these are , Wo to the World because of offences , and Wo to him by whom offences ●ome : And it will appear the payers of these Exactions become highly guilty before God. 1. In stumbling & hardening this Partie of Enemies . For , thô there was never a Partie before them in the Nation ( and I much doubt if ever a Partie can come after them to outdo them ) who had so many evidences of Plagues poured upon their hearts , that He may pour furth His wrath , & cause His fury to rest upon them ; And that , in His spotless Justice He will rain snares upon them , that thereafter He may rain fire & brimstone , & a horrible tempest as the portion of their Cup , when He shall come to plead His oun Cause : yet we would beware lest we do any thing that may embolden them , or make them bless themselves in this their stated opposition to Christs . And because we know not but some of the Elect , may for a time be carried doun with the Current of this impetuous opposition to Him , and may concur actively for a season in promoving this Course , we ought even upon this supposition so to witness , and so to keep a distance from all apparent or interpretative Complyance with what they contrive & carry on , as they may by beholding our stedfastness be provoked to consider their oun Course ; that considering at last how their feet go doun to death , and their steps take hold on hell , they may hasten their escape from the Company of His Enemies , lest they be consumed with the fire of His Indignation , if found congregate with the men of these God-provoking practices . 2. By paying what is required , I stumble also & offend my weak Brethren , while by my example they are encouraged to rush into the same Complyance . O let every man , whose Practice may be pleaded as a Pattern , remember that Word , and who spoke it , It were better that a Mistone were hanged about his neck , and he cast into the midst of the sea , than offend any of these litle ones . 3. Sufferers for refusing this payment are offended , when the payer doth not only encourage the Persecuters to proceed with rigor & rage against him as a peevish & froward Malecontent , but does what in him lies to wound the heart & weaken the hands of such a faithful Witness : Whereas , if the poor Sufferer saw himself by a Joynt Testimony ouned by his Brethren , he would be comforted , strengthened , & become more confident in the Conflict . 4. In paying these things , the Complyers either by their Example lay a snare for the posterity , to whose knowledge their Carriage may come ; and so in stead of leaving them a Pattern of contending earnestly for the faith , they spread a net for their feet , yea pave them a way to defection & Apostasie : Or else they engage the Great God , out of zeal to His oun Glory , and tenderness to His People who shall succeed , for preventing of their following of such Progenitors , wherein they have not been followers of Him fully , to give such a Testimony against their untenderness , and set such marks of displeasure upon their Course , that the thoughts of turning aside with them , and following their steps shall be terrible to all that hear of it , le●t for such a Complyance they fall as they did , for falling from their oun stedfastness into the hands of the living God. But Alas ! for the Posterity , under whose Curse we are like to go off the stage , because of our not having done what we ought , yea what we might , both for transmitting pure Ordinances unto them , and for not transcribing in our Pactice the noble Example of our zealous & Heroick Ancestors , who valiantly resisted vvhen violently attacqued , and by their valour wrestled us into a State of Liberty ? Well , if we leave those that shall succeed us such an Example as this , He is like to make us such an Example as will fright the following Generations , and force them to serve themselves heirs to them who have gone before us , who did acquit themselves as the good Souldiers of Jesus Christ , and not to us , the debt of whose declensions & defections cannot be payed , without the destruction of those who shall serve themselves heirs to us . But Alas ! who does think on what he owes to the poor Posterity ! Or who doth make Conscience to preserve for them that precious Treasure put in our Custodie , and judges it more necessary than to live , to leave the Tract of a way of Contending zealously for God , and the Preservation of His Interests , and the Propogation of His oun pure Ordinances to the Posteritie , shining so clearly by suffering & blood , as the way-faring man , and they who shall come after , though fools need not erre therein . Our only Comfort is , that the Lord who shall see His seed , and must prolong His dayes , will make His pleasure prosper , and preserve some to be Witnesses of it to His Praise . FINIS . 
A47584	----	The historie of the reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five books : together with some treatises conducing to the history. Knox, John, ca. 1514-1572. 1644 Approx. 2171 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 328 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47584 Wing K738 ESTC R12446 12426413 ocm 12426413 61872 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47584) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61872) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 280:11) The historie of the reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five books : together with some treatises conducing to the history. Knox, John, ca. 1514-1572. Buchanan, David, 1595?-1652? [84], 460, 122 p. Printed by John Raworth for George Thomason and Octavian Pullen ..., London : 1644. "To the reader" signed: D.B. Edited, with a life of Knox and a preface, by David Buchanan. Cf. DNB. "Published by authority" Errata: p. [84]. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Includes: "The appellation of John Knox, from the ... sentence pronounced against him (p. 1-33); "The admonition of John Knox to his beloved brethren the commonalty of Scotland" (p. 34-42); "A faithfull admonition made by John Knox to the true professors of the Gospel of Christ within the kingdom of England, 1554" (p. 43-79); "The copie of a letter delivered to Queen Mary, Regent of Scotland" (p. 80-97); and "A sermon preached by John Knox [August 19, 1565]" (p. 96 [i.e. 98]-122). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Knox, John, ca. 1514-1572. Mary, -- Queen, consort of James V, King of Scotland, 1515-1560. Church of Scotland -- History. Reformation -- Scotland. Scotland -- Church history -- 16th century. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND . THE HISTORIE Of the REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND ; Containing five Books : Together with some TREATISES conducing to the History . Published by Authority . JEREM. 5.1 . Run ye to and fro thorow the streets of Jerusalem , and see now , and know , and seek in the broad places thereof , if ye can finde a man , if there be any executeth Iudgement , that seeketh the Truth , and I will pardon it . 2 COR. 13.8 . For we can do nothing against the Truth , but for the Truth . LONDON , Printed by Iohn Raworth , for George Thomason and Octavian Pullen , and are to be sold at the signe of the Rose in Pauls Church-yard . MDCXLIV . To the Reader . Christian Reader , HEre I present unto thee a Piece , I dare promise , worthy of thy reading ; wherein thou hast a true and plain Relation ( without disguising ) of many memorable Passages happened in the Church of God , and likewise some notable ones in the State of the Kingdom of Scotland , from the very first setling of State and Church in that Countrey . But namely , and chiefly , thou hast here related what principally passed in Church and State in this our Countrey , during the great Work of purging the Church from the Superstitions and Idolatry , and freeing both Church and State from the Tyranny and Slavery of Popery , untill the coming of King James , our late Soveraign , to the Crown of Scotland . Further , beside the true and faithfull Relation of many Occurrences that fell out in these dayes in Scotland , thou hast unfolded unto thee , and made plain , the strong Reasons , and necessery Causes that moved these men who are here named , although infirm and weake in themselves , to undergo the great Work of Reformation : With the solid Grounds upon which they went on with this weighty Businesse willingly and cheerfully , notwithstanding the great rubs and difficulties they met withall , through the help and assistance of God , who by them , mean Instruments , brought things to passe , in despight of the malice and stratagems of Sathan , with his agents , for the good of his People , and the setling of his Church in Purity and Liberty . All these things are set down plainly and simply , in familiar and homely Language ; Yet so , that they may be with ease apprehended and understood by any one . From what thou hast here , written in this Volume , although there were no other Writings in this kinde extant , thou mayest see easily , by what means the great Mystery of Iniquity , from the very first Rise , hath been set afoot , and constantly , ever since , hath been carried on ; to wit , By cunning Devices , impudent Lyes , continued and crafty Plots , under specious Pretexts , and open Oppression , Tyranny , and Cruelties , within Scotland , till the yeer of Christ 1567. After which time , the enemies of God , and of his People , have not been sleeping , till this present , more then formerly . Wherefore , for thy good , Christian Reader , I have thought fit in this place to point at some main Occurrences from that time till now . First then , the adversaries of Truth and Goodnesse , under the specious Pretext of restoring Queen Mary to her Liberty , and of re-establishing her in full Authority , and sole Power , did disquiet and trouble both Church and State in Scotland , both with open Force , and subtill Plots , for some yeers , that is , to the 1573 yeer . But finding that all their Undertakings , under this pretext , proved to be in vain , and without successe , and standing to their main Designe of undoing Religion and Liberty , they bethought themselves of another way , in appearance more plausible , for compassing their wicked Intents ; it was , To deal , by way of entreaty and request , with the chief Ministers of State and Church then , To have the Mother set at liberty , and to be joynt in Authority and Power with her Son. And , for the obtaining of this , was employed the credit of the French Court for the time , with all its skill and cunning ; but to small purpose : For these rude fellows , who managed the publike Affairs then of State and Church , could not be corrupted with the French Complements . In this way the enemies continued , till the yeer 1577 , and did not then give over , notwithstanding their bad successe ; but , according to their wonted and resolved custome , they went on with their Designe , betaking themselves to a new course ; wherein , they had indeed more successe then in either of the former two : It was this ; They did set awork certain men , who with fair words , and flattering tales , so craftily dealt with the young King , hardly yet twelve yeers of age , that they made him cast off , as a yoke , the counsell and service of those , who , ever since his Birth-day , had carefully laboured for the good of State and Church , with the pereservation of his Authority , and safety of his Person : And so the inconsiderate young King , although of most nimble wit and knowing , above his yeers , under the shew of freedom , put himself in the power of those who wished no good to his Person and Authority , and as little to the Church and State , making no scruple to trouble both for their own ends , according to the Instructions of the Masters who set them awork . So , in very short time , they gave unto the young King such impressions ( which did stick too much to him ) that not onely he became averse from those who had been so usefull to the publike , and so serviceable to him , but also he suffered them to be persecuted , yea , some by death , and others by banishment . While the enemies were thus working businesse with us in Scotland , they were not idle with our neighbours in England ; for they were contriving and plotting , under colour of setting the imprisoned Queen at liberty : And were gone so far on in this way in both Kingdoms , that to stop the course and progresse of the enemies , both Countries thought it necessary to enter into a mutuall League and Covenant one with another , for the defence of the Reformed Religion , and Liberties of both Kingdoms , with the preservation of the Persons and Authorities of both Princes , King James and Queen Elizabeth , against the common enemy . This was done by the consent of both Princes , in the yeer 1686. After this , the enemy seeing the warinesse of both Kingdoms to be such , that in a short time he was not likely to advance the main Designe according to his minde , by craft and cunning leaveth off for a time to act the part of the Fox , and openly declares himself to be a ravishing Wolf : So the yeer 1588 the Armado cometh against both Kingdoms , which God , in his mercy unto our fathers and us , brought to nought . About this time , and some yeers before , the agents of the enemy were very busie with King James to break with England , and to revenge the hard usage , and ill treatment of his Mother : But God did direct him so , for his own good , that he did give no consent to their evil counsell . Upon this refusall of the Kings , the agents of the common enemy do bestir themselves to trouble both King and Kingdom ; which they did in a high measure , in the yeer 1595. This gave occasion then both to Prince and people to enter into Covenant for the defence of the Truth , and pure Doctrine of the Church , with the Reformed Discipline , and of the safety of the King and Kingdom ; by which means , the proceedings of the enemies was stopped for a while . Now the time drawing neer of the Kings coming to the Crown of England , the watching enemy returns to work again , in another manner then he had done hitherto ; which was this : By the mouths of some timerous and worldly men , he causeth to present unto the King the consideration of great difficulties that he was likely to finde , in his succeeding to the Crown of England , by two parties there , who were given out to be the Strength of the Kingdom ; to wit , the profest Papists , and the Prelaticall men ; therefore , to facilitate the businesse , they must be in some sort contented . For the satisfaction of the Prelates , the King , by degrees , must endeavour to bring again into Scotland Prelacy , with all its dependences ; for no neglecter or contemner of the holy Order could be kindely received to reigne in England : and so this part of the advice was followed with all possible care and diligence . To content the Papists , they not onely must have given unto them under-hand hopes of connivence , and over seeing their practice ; but also there must be a Letter written to the Pope , to assure his Holinesse of the Kings affection to the Catholike Cause . Thus both these parties were calmed so far , that the King came to the Crown of England , Anno 1602 , without manifest opposition , albeit not without the grumbling and grudging of some . As for the stricter sort of Professors of the Reformed Religion , going under the nick-name of Puritans , no opposition or trouble to the Succession was feared from them , because the Principles upon which they go on , rising from the Word of God , are far other then those of worldlings , which flow from interest , and consequently , they needed not Atonement , or Propitiatory Sacrifice , to befriend the King. But the holy Father not finding reall performance by the King of what he looked for , remembers the King in good earnest of his promise not kept , by the Gun-powder Plot , Anno 1605. After which ( by Gods mercy failing ) men would have thought , that the Popish party should leave off all undertakings hereafter . But they follow their businesse more constantly then so ; for no sooner one Plot fails , but incontinent they put another afoot ; yea , they have severall Plots at one and the same time in hand , whereof it is likely that either one or other will take . Now this great Plot of the Gun-powder being come to nothing , they , as it were , go back for a time , to come forward in due season with another ; and leaving for a while the open and devouring ravishing of the Wolf , they have recourse again to the cunning of the Fox . The next care then , after the calming in some measure the spirits of men , after so horrid a Treason , is to look about , and to studie by whom : he affairs of these Dominions were managed : And finding , by serious inspection , That all affairs received great influence from the Court , after mature deliberation , they resolved to make friends there ; which they did , by subtill insinuations , fair words , high promises , and some reall performances of good Offices ; yea , when money was absolutely necessary , it was not spared . Thus , by degrees , having gotten friends at Court , in it they make a party next , for whose subsistence and increase , they employ all that they can . Now having power and credit at Court , more and clearly perceiving it to be the fountain from whence all preferment to Honour and benefit in Church and State did flow , they judged it fit for their purpose to make sure of some prime men both in Church and State , according to their minde ▪ which was done as they desired . Thus having gained men chief in State and Church for their use , then they went to the corrupting of the Universities , being the Seminaries of all Liberall Education . This likewise they did effectuate ; first , by the Over-seers connivence to loosenesse of life in young people ; next , by the bad example of the Seniors the Iuniors were invited to do mischief . Then the Teachers , by their bad instruction , did corrupt , namely , in Theologie , all sound Doctrine . And for this purpose , the earnest studie of the Old Testrment in the Originall Hebrew was cryed downe , as beseeming rather men of the Synagogue , then those of the Christian Schools . Likewise the Greek of the New Testament must not be read with diligence , for fear of spoyling the elegancy of the Greek Language , which is to be found in profane Authors . So they withdrew the Students from the studie of Scriptures in the Originall , and recommended to them the reading of humane Writings , particularly in Theologie , the Books of the Ancients , which are commonly called Fathers . Likewise was recommended unto young men the studie of the Sophistry of the Monks , as of Thomas and Scotus namely , with their Expositors . True it is , That if young men were well instructed in Theologie from the Scriptures , and taught the true Principles of Philosophie , in a setled course , by some judicious and diligent Professor , they might reade all these Books , and others in their kinde , with pleasure and benefit . But alas , young men not knowing the rudiments of Theologie , nor the first Elements of Philosophie , are let loose unto themselves , and so by reading these Books , having no sure ground to stick to , learn onely to doubt , and put Queries , yea , of the very Principles of all sound knowledge , both Divine and Humane . Thus being brought to waver and doubt , they are easily led , what by interest , what by weaknesse , to embrace a bad Opinion ; or at least , to hold all uncertain , as the ancient Scepticks , not being able to resolve : Yea , doubting is come to that height , that , in the opinion of many , he is the bravest fellow , and wittiest , that can raise most Queries , answer them who will or can : And so Wit is hugely cryed up , which is but meer froth ; and poor solid Wisedom is not so much as named , or thought on . Then those of the richer sort , having spent some time idly and loosely at the Universities , go beyond Sea , particularly to Italy , forsooth , either upon their own trust , or , which is little better , if not worse , many of those who go along with young men , to advise and direct them , have as much need of one for their guide , as the young men themselves ; having neither staidnesse , discretion , nor probity . So that if there were a just account cast up of all those who either have been bred in the Universities , or gone beyond Sea these many yeers , I will speak within compasse , That of twenty you shall hardly finde one who is improved in vertue by this Breeding , for the good of the Church and State , whereof they are members , and perhaps considerable too , if they were wise and good . At this present both Church and State findes this to be true , by wofull experience , namely , in the Clergie , Gentry , and Nobility . Now these evils have not been in England alone , for Scotland , according to its proportion , in compasse of Bounds , numbers of people , provision of means , and in its distance from Court , hath its full share of all the evil : For first , the Schools of breeding young people at home were become very corrupt ; and many in their travelling abroad , have either miscarried , or little benefited themselves : The fruit we have found , namely , in our corrupt Clergie , yea , and in some of our infatuated Gentry and Nobility : but blessed be God , things are now in a better posture and constitution there , then they have been formerly ; God grant we may have occasion to say the like of England . For Religion , sound knowledge , and true wisedome , with probity have been so neglected and contemned there , to the ignominy and reproach of Christianity , that in these times , there we have seen the dolefull effects of want of Religion , and of these other vertues . But to return to the Court. The Popish party , although they had both power and credit at Court , yet they were not assured to go on so smoothly and speedily with the great Designe , so long as there were any of eminency there , of whom they could not be certain : So Prince Henry was first wished to be out of the way , next , by untimely death was taken away , to the grief of many honest men . This conceived Remora being laid aside , they resolve to go on more freely in their Designe . But although they had gained much upon the affection of the King , yet they can suffer him to expresse the Notions of Religion and wisedom , both by word and writing : Yea , they will yeeld him to follow so far his former Principles , as to match his daughter to one of his Profession : so he marries the Lady Elizabeth to the Prince Elector Palatine , although it was not altogether so pleasing to some chief ones at Court then . These things passed , in the yeer 1613. who , although they would not stop the Marriage to go on , yet they managed the businesse so , that they hindered the Prince Elector Palatine to receive the advantages which in reason he should have had by vertue of it , as help and ayd at his need , &c. Here we must make a little step beyond Sea , and presently return back . Now then , we must know , That as the Popish party have been very busie in these our Dominions , in carrying on the Work of the great Designe of subjecting all to the Pope , directly , or indirectly ; so in other places , where Idolatry and Tyranny had been cast off , they have not been sleeping nor idle , namely , in our neighbour Countreys ; where , when they had made things up for a combustion of War , by their crafty forecasting divisions and corruptions in life and Doctrine of men of place , they kindled the fire ; witnesse the businesse of Barnevel in the Low Countreys , in the yeer 1619. And not long thereafter , the troubles raised in France against the Professors of the Truth ; then in Germany likewise , having all things ready for a War , as they were thinking that the two Houses of Saxe , to wit , the Weymerian , and the now Electorall , was most fit and easie to be embroyled , by reason of the emulation of the Weymerian against the other , for the Electorall Dignity ; taken from it , and given to the other : But conveniently for their purpose , the Elector Palatine being made King of Bohemia , the great agent of the Pope , the House of Austria , takes occasion to make War against him , leaving the House of Saxe , &c. Now to come home again . King James by this time is turned about , and his affection so much cooled and turned from the Protestant party distressed , that for all help or supply to the Protestants of France , he sends complements by Embassadours , with fair promises . And for his son-in-Law , with other Protestants his adherents in Germany , he did little more ; so senselesse is he of the sufferings of Jacob , and unmindefull of his own interest , by suffering those in France and Germany to perish , who not onely did so much honour him , but they being preserved , made him the most redoubted and considerable Prince in Christendom . To speak nothing of his tye by nature unto his own children . Then , contradicting his own published Dictates , he must seek after a Popish wife for his son ; and , to hasten the businesse , the young Prince must be sent into Spain , where he had two men by whom he was then advised ; who , although they did not love one another , yet they did agree among themselves , To betray their old Master , with their Countrey , and their young Master in their company ; whom they theu counselled to embrace Popery , and by writing engage himself unto the Pope . This is upon Record . At last , the Prince cometh home without the wife , which was never really intended for him , howsoever things were given out , notwithstanding all the pains of the young Prince , and the earnest sollicitude of the Father , with the compliance of both . If it had not been for the hatred to the Palatine House , and fear of its advancement to the succession of those Dominions , the Prince never had seen this Island again , but in a Map. Howsoever , King James is glad to have his son safe returned : And at length , seeing clearly how he had been misled and gulled , bethinks himself how to amend his former mistakes and errours ; but alas , it was too late : for as he was thus consulting with himself , death takes him away , An. 1625. not without suspition of wrong done unto him . The new King must have a Popish wife ( according to the former intention ) she cometh from France , and bringeth along with her , her strange gods . The Prelats had a main hand in this Popish Match , by actuall furtherance thereof , and by opening the way how the free exercise of Popery might be had , in favour of the Queen and her adherents , without breach of the Law of the Land. The same yeer of the death of the late King , and of the Marriage of our now Sovereign , there was an Expedition made against the Spaniard , without any reall intention to do harm , as appears by the slack performance of the War , and by the shamefull Peace made thereafter . The main drift of this undertaking was , first , To try how ready the people would be to endure Souldiers in the Countrey , which they had not seen for a long time , and how willing they would be to undergo a War , at the command of the corrupt Court , and uphold it with Supplies of men and moneys . Next , There must be an Expedition against France , under pretext to help the then distressed Protestants there ; which really was intended for the hastening of their ruine , and encrease of their desolation : and so it proved indeed , although the main and chief undertaker was prevented , by death , to see the effect of his intents . The other end of this undertaking was , To have Forces at command , both Horse and Foot , by Land , and a well-provided Navie at Sea , for the enslaving of the people to spirituall and temporall Bondage ; which in all humane probability had not been difficile to effectuate then , such was the sheeppish sillinesse , and knavish basenesse of many men in these Dominions , of all ranks , conditions , and professions ; as also the unpreparednesse of the wiser and better Patriots and Members of the Church , to withstand this mischief , if God in his mercy , by the unexpected death of the Court-ruler , and chief agent in the businesse , had not put in a Remora and lett : At which time , if men had returned unto God , amending their lives in private , and had expressed their true zeal then to the good of the Church and Countrey whereof they are members , according to their severall ranks and conditions , the designe of the common enemy had been fully dasht . But God in his wisedom hath been pleased to keep us yet a while longer under the rod of tryall , to see if we will return unto him at last . The Romish party , although astonished and surprised at the death of their Engine and main Instrument here among us , gives not over , but continues the great Designe , without intermission , albeit not with such speed as formerly ; for those to whose care principally the businesse was committed , and in whose hands the managing of matters had fallen , by the death of the late Fac totum , were not so powerfull to obtain , without refusall , what they pleased , at the Kings hands ; neither were they in such opinion and reputation with inferiours , to make them go on in the work so earnestly ; wherefore the Queen must be brought now of necessity , to take upon her the main care , and to obtain from the King whatsoever may conduce and further the businesse , and take away all letts and stops which may hinder the proceedings : Then , to employ all her credit abroad , for countenancing and advancing affairs : And next , by her authority to draw on inferiours to act their part with affection and ardour . Now all things being thus cunningly and carefully , by degrees , in few yeers , prepared and disposed , for enslaving Church and State , Prince and People , to Rome again , it was thought fit , by the hottest of the party , to wit , the Iesuites , to hasten the work openly , and delay no more time ( the compassing of the Designe being conceived to be infallible ) By this means they thought to shorten the businesse , and to make themselves so considerable , as to share deeply in the Booty ; of which they looked for but little , if things were still lingred , and carryed on slowly . But how , and where to begin this new undertaking , was consulted upon ; and , after deliberation , the Scots must be begun at , the way is resolved on , there must be a new Prayer-Book put upon these rude fellows , that they may say their Prayers in modo & figura a la Romaine , and not so rudely and irregularly as they were wont to do , in the Northern way . Then they must have high-Commission Courts , Canons , and Etcetera's : Which things , if the Scots be so wise to accept , as doubtlesse they will ( reasoned these men : but he that reckons without this host , reckons twice ) for their chief men of State are either actually at Court , or provided to places in the Countrey from Court , at least , they can do no businesse of moment , without the favour of the Court. At this time the devout and religious Prelats , with the rest of their good Clergie , are not onely in all earnestnesse bent for the work , according to their severall places in the Church , but also they over-sway all busines in State , Wherefore , without difficulty , we will compasse our main Designe thorow all these Dominions ( said they . ) And truely so they had , in all likelihood , as we may see by the wofull carriage of businesse , and so ill managing so good a Cause in England since ; But God had , in his mercy towards us all , ordained otherwise . And if the Scots ( say they ) should be so mad as to refuse the commands from the Court , and think upon resistance , they shall be made obey the holy Mandate with a Vengeance and say their prayers with a rod ; for we shall over-run their Countrey speedily , and subdue them , as poor , silly , ignorant fools , destitute of all means for War , to wit , wisedom , with resolution , not having breeding , and pressed down with poverty , to undertake and undergo such a businesse as War ; and money and Arms to go on in it ; for the S●yl being barren , and the Havens bad , they cannot have the advantages of a fertile Countrey , furnished with good Harbours , and Commanders or Leaders , to manage a War , their Military men being abroad , who will not easily quit the honorable and beneficiall Employments they have in forreigne Countreys , and come home to suffer want , with losse of credit . But God , who laughs from above at the foolish Counsells of vain men , in this particular hath made us see , That he hath an ●ver-ruling power over the affairs of men , making little and contemptible ones do great things , and bring to nothing the undertakings of the mighty and wise of this world . By this time the new Prayer-Book , designed at Rome , and perfected at London , is sent down into Scotland . After some little reluctancy , it is received by the Councell there , the major part whereof then were either Church-men , or their addicted friends . Then it is sent to the Churches , to be put in use and practice : But unexpected and unlooked for , it is opposed by inferiour people ; from whence the opposition riseth to those of higher ranks : whereupon Petitions are drawn up , and sent to the King , to supplicate His Majesty , in all due respect , to free the Church of Scotland from this new Prayer-Book , with the High-Commission Courts , Canons , Etcetera's . To these Demands of the Scots no answer is given , but hot threatnings ; after which , preparatives of War were made against the Scots : and because the King did not shew himself propense enough to the undertaking of War , nor the Queen forward enough to engage the King in this holy War , the Queen-Mother , who , for her known faithfulnesse to her husband , and for her care of her son , both late Kings of France , must come to her Son-in-law ( against his will ) to help him with her best advice and counsell , and to better instruct her daughter how to carry her self with earnestnesse and addresse in the businesse . Things being thus disposed , there is an Expedition undertaken against the Scots , and followed to the Borders by the King present in person ; but to small purpose ; for the Scots came to the Borders duly prepared , notwithstanding their pre-conceived wants and indisposition , to sell their Religion and Liberty at a dear rate : which being perceived by the Court , the Scots Demands , formerly rejected , are granted , and a Peace concluded . Then some of the chief men of the Scots were invited to go to Court , for the time at Barwick ; who , upon certain advice of a Plot against them , were stopped by their friends , to trust themselves to the faith of the Court. After things in a kinde calmed there , the King , not suffered by his Counsell to go into Edinburgh to settle things fully , he sends Deputies thither , and returns to London . At his return , the Scots Commissioners are imprisoned at London , against their Safe-Conduct ; and the Agreement with the Scots is burnt publikely , by the hand of the Hang-man , and a new Expedition , with more cunning and strength then the former , is undertaken against the Scots : Whereof the Scots duely advertised , judging it not to be safe to play alwayes after-games , settle their Countrey , make sure the strong Holds , which they had delivered , in simplicity of heart , unto the King , at the late Agreement , and come into England with such an Army , that they made their enemies retire . Upon this point of necessity , the King assembled divers of the Nobles , by whom he is advised to call a Parliament ; which is granted , although with difficulty . At the overture of the Parliament , having gained all the party possible , the King is made to demand assistance to repell the Scots from England , and chastise them ; but to no purpose , wherefore the Parliament must pay for it ; and to this purpose , the English Army afoot must be brought to London , under some pretext . This Plot failing , and discovered , the Scots must be tempted , under great offers , no lesse then the plunder of London , and the propriety of the adjacent Counties to their Countrey . The Scots not onely refused these great offers , but also give advice of them to the Parliament . Then the Scots must be hastened home , and the King must go into Scotland , under pretext to settle things there , but really , to make a party , viewing by the way the Scots Army ; and to make sure of some men dis-affected to the Designe of the Court. These things not succeeding , to smooth a little the shamefull businesse , Titles of Honour , and Pensions are given to many . While the King is in Scotland , the Rebellion riseth in Ireland , having its influence from the Court , whether by sealed Patents , or otherwise , I will not enquire now ( more then of the Spanish Navie ) but certain it is , it had its rise from Court. Some dayes after the Rebellion begun in Ireland , the King must return in all speed to London , under pretext to consult with the Parliament how to represse this odious Rebellion ; but really , to be revenged of the Parliament , for not assisting against the Scots , and for punishing the main agents of the Scotish party , witnesse the faction the Queen had made in the City , during the Kings abode in Scotland , to divide the City and Parliament , and the demanding of the Members of the Houses , against all Law , upon accusation of Treason ; whereof the chief and main point was , To have favourized the Scots Affairs in England , against expresse Acts of Oblivion of both Parliaments of Scotland and England . As for the repressing of the Rebellion in Ireland , it is so little taken to heart , that the King seldom goes to the House ; and being there , speaks but little of the businesse . After a while , with much ado , the Popish Irish in Arms are declared Rebells , when they had ruined many families , and killed many of the innocent Protestants : But of the Kings Declaration there were but few Copies Printed , and of the few hardly any dispersed ; when the Scots , before they had gathered any Head , were Prelatically excommunicated , and cursed thorow all the Parishes of England , and declared Rebells every where by printed Papers : Who , as they intended no ill , so , blessed be God , never men of War in a Countrey did lesse harm then the Scots did . Yea , which is more , all the good intentions of both Parliament and City , with the ready offers of the Scots for the speedy help of the poor Protestants against the bloody Butchers in Ireland , was delayed , deluded , yea , almost put off , by the Court , and the corrupt Members of both Houses , who since have shewed themselves openly what they are , in publike Affairs . But these Designes failing of apprehending the Members , and of dividing the City and Parliament , as was seen by the accompanying the Members to the Houses again , the King must leave London . Here before we proceed any further , we shall go a little back . When the first undertaking was against the Scots , all things within these Dominions being disposed for the best furthering of the work , the holy Conclave of Rome forecasting all chances : and fearing that England would not altogether be so forward to contribute much unto the destruction of Scotland , wherefore the King must be assured of some good friend abroad , and not far off , who may help in case of need : None is thought so fit as the Prince of Orange , being able to help with Moneys , Arms and Men for command : He must be gained , by offering him for his Son one of the Kings Daughters ; who , notwithstanding his high minde , would have been glad of a lower Match . Now at the first , the Prince of Orange did onely look to have the second Daughter in due time : But , to engage him further , he shall have the elder ( not staying for her till she be nubile ) and that presently , although she did little more then , then well discerne her right hand from her left . But this is not all ; for the Mother must carry the Daughter to the Prince of Orange , to gain him more speedily , and make him more affectionate and sure to the Designes of our corrupted Court : So the Kings Daughter is sold , and made a Sacrifice for furtherance of the Catholike Cause , as his Grand-mother was sold to France to the same Designe , by the corrupt Court of Scotland for the time . What mischief this Marriage , and the Queens Voyage into Holland hath brought into this Countrey , and what stain she hath brought upon her self by it , we see all . And so many evils fell upon Scotland , after the sending the then young Queen into France . Here you shall observe the jugling knavery of our corrupt Court , who cry out against the Scots for taking Arms for the just defence of their Liberty and Religion , without any by-respect , as their whole proceedings to this instant do testifie , as guilty of the most horrid crime of Rebellion against Higher Powers , as they call it ; yet the same corrupt Court makes the King give his Daughter unto him , who is not onely a chief man , but a main Instrument to make War for the Liberty and Religion of the Countrey where he liveth , against the unjust oppression of their Sovereign ; as his renowned Brother , and most vertuous Father did before him ; and as he intends to make his Son after him , witnesse the reversion of his Place he hath obtained , unto him , from the States . If the King of Spain by necessity hath been constrained to acknowledge the United Provinces free , it is nothing for the justice of their taking Arms to defend their Religion and Liberty : And if he had power , they would not be long free , witnesse the secret Plots to divide them , and over-reach them . Farther , he is very shie in his Writs , to call them Free , as every man knows . The Queen of Bohemia must not onely be neglected , and seen lose all that she and hers can claim for their own , but she and hers must be serviceable to those who have undone them : To this end she must have People about her , namely , Court-Chaplains , to disguise businesse unto her , and so make her have a bad conception of those who are her best friends , to wit , the true Professors of the Truth , and good Patriots in these Dominions . Next , her eldest son , after a long and great neglect of yeelding him any help for the recovery of his own , is betrayed at our corrupt Court , when he is put in away to do somewhat for his own restoring , &c. And after this , by the same Court , he is sollicited to take Arms here against the onely men , who really and constantly have expressed unto him and his , true affection ; but they being stopped by the Court , could not effectuate much by their good will. He in wisdome refuseth to fight against his friends . Since he will not , his two next Brothers must be employed ; the eldest whereof is released from prison to that effect : And so they hazard their lives , and spend their blood , to serve the party who hath undone their Fortunes , and now strives to undo their persons . The King having left London , after he had been in severall places , retires to Yorke , where he begins to raise men against the Parliament . The Scots seeing this , send to him thither , to intreat him to lay aside all such intentions , and offer their service by way of Mediation betwixt him and the Parliament , to take away all known mistakes . The Scots Commissioners were not suffered to proceed any further then , in the businesse , and were sent back , beyond the expectation of men . After a long Pen-skirmishing on both sides , Armies are leavied , many men killed and taken at divers times on each side ; yea , a set Battell fought , where numbers of men are slain . The Scots not being able any longer to see their Brethren in England destroyed , and the Executioners of Ireland butchering man , woman and childe ( the help that the innocents should have had from England being almost altogether diverted , by the Intestine War ) and neither say nor do in the businesse , under safe-Conduct send to the King and Parliament Commissioners , to intercede for an Agreement : But they being arrived at Court , were neglected with their Commission , and not suffered to repair unto the Parliament : At last , they are dismissed , not without difficulty , and , having done nothing , return . Upon this , the Scots convene the States , to consult concerning their own safety , and the help of their friends : At this nick of time , when they received many fair promises from the Court , with a request to be quiet , a Plot of the Papists , set afoot by the Court , for embroyling the Countrey , is discovered ; by the means whereof , they were incited to look more narrowly to themselves and their friends . Then the Parliament of England sends to the Scots for help . Upon this , a Covenant is made betwixt the two Nations , for the defence of the true Religion , and Liberty of the Countreys , with the Kings just Rights : and , after due preparation , the Scots having setled their own Countrey , enter into England with a strong Army , to fight the Battells of the Lord ; having for scope of their Expedition , The glory of God , and the good of his People , with the Honour of the King. Here we shall observe , in these our Countreys , in these last yeers , such Riddles of State and Church , as have hardly been heard of : A Protestant Prince makes one Protestant Nation fight against another , for the Protestant Religion , which have been thought to be of one and the same Doctrine , for the main : One Church thunders Curses against another : Then , a Prince misled , with the ayd of Papists and Atheists , spoyling and destroying the professors of the Truth , because they professe it , for the good and advancement of the Protestant Religion : Next , in a very short time , a Prince to have all his subjects declared Rebells : First , he is made declare the Scots ; Then , he is constrained to declare the Irish : An Army gotten together in the Kings name , declares all those that did oppose them , Rebells : The Parliament declares all those who in the Kings name oppose them , Rebells and Traytors : Farther , under the Kings Authority , the named Rebells in England by the King , maintain a War against the declared Rebells in Ireland . But the late carriage of things at Court , and by the Court-Instruments at home and abroad , hath solved the Riddle , namely , The Patent for the Rebellion in Ireland , The detaining of help ordained for the repressing of it , The Kings offer to go into Ireland , The Cessation , and bringing over of the Irish , and , The last-discovered Plot in Scotland , all other things laid aside , tell us cleerly , howsoever the Proclamations and Protestations going in the Kings name be soft and smooth as the voyce of Jacob , yet the hands are rough as of Esau , destroying , and seeking to destroy the true Religion , grounded in Gods Word , with the professors thereof , as also the lawfull Liberty of the Countrey , and bring all unto slavery . Let Ireland and England say , if this be not true ; and Scotland likewise , according to its genius , speak truth . I shall close up all with two or three Instances of eminent men amongst the Papists Clergie , to shew clearly how they stand affected to the Protestants . Cardinall Pool , in an Oration to Charles the fifth , Emperour , saith , You must leave off the War against the Turks , and hereafter make War against the Heretikes ; so names he the professors of the Truth : He adds the reason , Because the Turks are lesse to be feared then the Heretikes . Paul Rodmek in a Book expresse , tells us , That the Heretikes must be put to death , slain , cut off , burnt , quartered , &c. Stapleton the Iesuite tells us , That the Heretikes are worse then the Turks , in an Oration he made at Doway . Campian the Iesuite , in a Book of his , Printed in the yeer 1583 , in Trevers , declares thus , in the name of his holy Order , Our will is , That it come to the knowledge of every one , so far as it concerns our Society , That we all , dispersed in great numbers thorow the world , have made a League , and holy solemn Oath , That as long as there are any of us alive , that all our care and industry , all our deliberations and counsells , shall never cease to trouble your calm and safety . That is to say , We shall procure and pursue for ever your ruine , the whole destruction of your Religion , and of your Kingdom . He speaks to the English. Now it is long since we have taken this resolution , with the hazard of our lives : so that the businesse being already well begun and advanced , it is impossible that the English can do any thing to stop our Designe , or surmount it . Let these few Passages satisfie for this time . I wish that thou maist reap some benefit of what is written here for thy good . So , praying for your happinesse , I rest , Yours , in the Lord , D. B. The LIFE OF IOHN KNOX . IOHN KNOX was borne in Gifford , neer Hadington , in Lothian , the yeer of Christ , 1505. of honest Parentage : His father was a brothers son of the House of Ranferlie , which is an ancient Family of Gentlemen in the West . When he left the Grammar Schoole in the Countrey , he was sent to the Vniversity of Saint Andrews , to studie under M. John Mair , who in those dayes was very famous for his Learning , which particularly did consist in the ergotie or disputative part of Philosophy , and in School-Divinity , wherein formerly , for many yeers together , almost all Learning was placed . In a very short time , John Knox became such a Proficient , that in this kinde of knowledge wherein his Master most excelled , he surpassed him ; and being yet very young , was thought worthy of Degrees in the School : Moreover , before the time ordinarily allowed by the Canons , he entred in Church Orders . Thereafter , laying aside the idle Disputes and Sophistry of the School , he betook himself to the reading of the Ancients ; namely , of Augustine , with whose Writings he was much taken , by reason of their plainnesse and solidity . Last of all , he betook himself to the earnest study of the holy Scriptures ; wherein having found the Truth of God concerning the salvation of Mankinde fully revealed , he in good earnest did embrace it , and freely professed it ; yea , made it his main work to make it known to all men , and believed by them ; in which work he was very active and vigilant , at home and abroad , namely , at home . For the Cause of the Truth he suffered very much by Sea and by Land , in minde and in body ; among forraigners , and amongst his own Countreymen , as ye may see in this History of the Church , which now here we present unto you : Which History , namely , so much of it , I mean , as formerly was published , hath gone commonly under his name , because he is the man of whom most is spoken thorowout the whole History , as being a most earnest and diligent agent in the businesse of Reformation in the Church : Next , because he hath penned with his own hand , or spoken by word of mouth , the most part of the most remarkable and most usefull things for Posterity in the History . Thirdly , the whole History is gathered out of his Papers and Manuscripts : And so ye see why it is generally received to be of John Knox. But to return to his Life . He being constrained for a time to leave his Countrey , by reason of the Persecution raised in Scotland , by the then Bishops , against the professors of the Truth , he came into England , where for some yeers he was busied , in preaching the Evangell of Christ , with a great deal of content and benefit to those that had the happinesse to hear him . His chief abode was in Berwick , Newcastle , and London : This was in the dayes of King Edward the sixth , with whom he was in great favour and esteem ; By whom being offered a Bishopricke , he not onely refused and rejected it , but with a grave and severe speech declared , That the proud Title of Lordship , and that great State , was not to be suffered to be in the Church of God , as having quid commune cum Antichristo ; that is , somewhat common with Antichrist . King Edward being dead , the persecution of Mary made him leave England , with many other godly Ministers , who went beyond Seas . First , John Knox went to Frankford , where for a time he preached the Gospel to the English Congregation there ; From whence he wrote the Admonition to England : But being molested there , partly by open Papists , and partly by false Brethren , was constrained to retire : And from thence he went to Geneva , from whence he wrote his Letter to Mary Regent of Scotland , his Appeal to the Nobility of Scotland , and Admonition to the Commons of Scotland . From Geneva , after some yeers abode there , he was called home to his own Countrey , the yeer of Christ 1559. which was the 54 of his age , by the Noble-men , and others who had taken upon them the generall Reformation of the Church of Scotland ; where , how soon that the reformed Church had any liberty , he was setled Minister at Edinburgh , where he continued exercising his Ministery to his dying day ; but not without interruption , by reason of the Civill disorders that fell out in those dayes . During this his being at Edinburgh , he Preached many excellent Sermons ; whereof there be but few that were printed and conserved to Posterity , he not being willing to busie himself with the Presse : Yet some of them we have , as this , namely , which he Preached Aug. 19 , An. 1564. and for which he was forbidden to Preach for a time : He , to make known to the world what ground there was to deal so with him , took the care to have this Sermon printed , as you will finde it at the end of this History . Here I cannot let slip a remarkable passage ; which was this ; Anno 1566. the Earle of Murray was slain upon the Saturday : The morrow after , John Knox preached in Edinburgh ; where , as he was reading the Papers wherein was written the names of those that desired the Prayers of the Church , he findes a paper with these words , Take up the man whom ye accounted another god : which he passed , without expressing any commotion , and went on with his Prayer and Sermon . At the end of the Sermon , he made moan for the losse that the Church and State of Scotland had , by the death of that vertuous man ; and said , That as God in his mercy giveth good and wise Rulers , so taketh he them away from a people in his wrath . Then he added , There is one in this company that maketh the subject of his mirth this horrible murther , whereat all good men have occasion to be sorry : I tell him , That he shall die where there shall be none to lament him . He who had written the aforesaid words in the paper , was Thomas Metellan , a young Gentlemen of most rare parts , but youthfull , and bearing small affection to the Earle of Murray ; who , when he heard this Commination of John Knox , went home to his lodging , and said to his sister , That John Knox was raving to speak of he knew not whom . His sister replyed , with tears in her eyes , If you had followed my advice , ye had not written these words ; and withall told him , That none of John Knox his threatnings fell to the ground without effect . And so it fell out in this particular ; For shortly thereafter the young Gentleman went beyond Seas to travell , and died in Italy , having no known man to assist him , much lesse to lament him . Towards the latter dayes of his age , his body became very infirm , and his voice so weake , that the people could not hear him , Preaching in the ordiplace , wherfore he made choice of another more commodious within the Town , reading to his auditors the history of the Passion , in which , he said , it was his desire to finish and close his Ministery . Thus he continued Preaching , though with much weaknesse , two moneths and more , after this retiring : And foreseeing that he was not to remain long with them , he was instant with the Counsell of the City to provide themselves of a worthy man to succeed in his Place . Master James Lauson , who at that time professed Philosophy in the Vniversity of Aberdene , being commended for a good Preacher , Commissioners were directed from the Body of the Church of Edinburgh , and from Master John Knox in particular , to desire him to accept of the Charge . To the Letter that the Commissioners carried , after that he had set his hand , he added this Postscript , Accelera mi frater , alioqui sero venies : Make haste , Brother , otherwise ye shall come too late : Meaning , That if he made any stay , he should finde him dead and gone . These last words moved M. Lauson to take journey the morrow thereafter . When he was come to the Town , and had preached two severall times , to the good liking of the people , order was taken by the Rulers of the Church for his admission , and the day appointed ; at which day John Knox himself would not onely be present , but also preach , though he could scarce walk on foot to the Chayre ; which he did with such fervency of spirit , that at no time before was he heard to speak with such great power , and more content to the hearers : And in the end of the Sermon , calling God to witnesse , That he had walked in a good conscience amongst them , not seeking to please men , nor serving either his own , or other mens affections , but in all sincerity and truth preached the Gospel of Christ : With most grave and pithie words , he exhorted them to stand fast in the Faith they had received : And having conceived a zealous Prayer for the continuance of Gods blessing among them , and the multiplying of his Spirit upon the Preacher who was then to be admitted , he gave them his last fare-well . The people did convey him to his lodging , and could not be drawn from it , so loath were they to depart from him ; and he the same day in the afternoon , was forced to take bed . During the time he lay ( which was not long ) he was much visited by all sorts of persons , to whom he spake most comfortably : Amongst others , to the Earle of Morton , who came to see him , he was heard say , My Lord , God hath given you many blessings ; he hath given you Wisdom , Honour , high Birth , Riches , many good and great friends , and is now to prefer you to the Government of the Realme ( the Earle of Marr , late Regent , being newly dead ) In his Name I charge you , That ye will use these blessings better in times to come , then you have done in times past : In all your actions seek first the glory of God , The furtherance of his Gospel , The maintenance of his Church and Ministery ; and next , Be carefull of the King , to procure his good , and the welfare of the Realme . If you shall do this , God will be with you , and honour you : If otherwise ye do it not , he will deprive you of all these benefits , and your end shall be shame and ignominy . These speeches , the Earle , about nine yeers after , at the time of his Execution , called to minde , saying , That he had found them to be true , and him , therein , a Prophet . A day or two before his death , he sent for Master David Lindsay , Master James Lauson , and the Elders and Deacons of the Church , to whom he said , The time is approaching , for which I have long thirsted , wherein I shall be relieved of all cares , and be with my Saviour Christ for ever : And now , God is my witnesse , whom I have served with my spirit , in the Gospel of his Son , That I have taught nothing but the true and solid Doctrine of the Gospel ; and that the end I proposed in all my Doctrine , was , To instruct the ignorant , To confirm the weak , To comfort the consciences of those that were humbled under the sense of their sins , and born down with the threatnings of Gods Judgements : Such as were proud and rebellious , I am not ignorant that many have blamed , and yet do blame my too great rigour and severity ; But God knoweth , That in my heart I never hated the persons of those against whom I thundred Gods Judgements ; I did onely hate their sins , and laboured , according to my power , to gain them to Christ : That I did forbear none , of whatsoever condition ; I did it , out of the fear of my God , who hath placed me in the Function of his Ministery , and I know will bring me to an account . Now , brethren , for your selves ; I have no more to say , but to warn you , That you take heed to the Flock over which God hath placed you Overseers , which he hath redeemed by the Blood of his onely begotten Son. And you , Master Lauson , fight a good fight , do the Work of the Lord with courage , and with a willing minde : And God from above blesse you , and the Church whereof you have charge : Against it ( so long as it continueth in the Doctrine of the Truth ) the gates of hell shall not prevail . This spoken , and the Elders and the Deacons dimitted , he called the two Preachers unto him , and said , There is one thing that grieveth me exceedingly ; You have sometimes seen the courage and constancy of the Laird of Grange in the cause of God ; and that most unhappy man hath cast himself away : I will pray you two to take the pains to go unto him , and say , from me , That unlesse he forsake that wicked course wherein he is entred , neither shall the Rock in which he confideth defend him , nor the carnall wisedom of that man whom he counteth half a god ( this was young Lethington ) yeeld him help ; but shamefully he shall be pulled out of that nest , and his carkase hung before the Sun ( meaning the Castle he did keep against the Kings Authority : And so it fell out the yeer next following ; for the Castle was taken , and he was publikely hanged , and his body hung before the Sun ) The soul of that man is dear unto me ; and , if it be possible , I could fain have him to be saved . They went , as he had desired , and conferred a long space with Grange ; but with no perswasion could he be diverted from his course : Which being reported , he took most heavily . Yet Grange , at his death , did expresse serious repentance for his sins . The next day , he gave order for making his Coffin wherein his body should be laid ; and was that day , as thorow all the time of his sicknesse , much in prayer , crying , Come , Lord Jesu ; Sweet Jesu , into thy hands I commend my Spirit . Being asked by those that attended him , if his pains were great , he answered , That he did not esteem that a pain , which would be to him the end of all troubles , and beginning of eternall Joyes . Oftentimes , after some deep meditations , he burst forth in these words ; O serve the Lord in fear , and death shall not be troublesome unto you : Blessed is the death of those that have part in the death of Jesus . In the evening , which was the last of this wretched life , having slept some hours together , but with great unquietnesse , for he was heard to send forth many sighs and groans ; one Campbell , and one John Johnston , which two waited very diligently upon him , asked , after he awaked , How he did finde himselfe , and what it was that made him to mourn so heavily in his sleep ? To whom he answered , In my life time I have oft been assaulted with Satan , and many times he hath cast in my teeth my sins , to bring me to despair ; yet God gave me strength to overcome all his tentations : And now that subtill Serpent , who never ceases to tempt , hath taken another course , and seeks to perswade me , That all my labours in the Ministery , and the fidelity that I have shewn in that Service , hath merited heaven and immortality : But blessed be God , that brought to my minde these Scriptures , What hast thou that thou hast not received ? And , Not I , but the grace of God in me : With which , he is gone away ashamed , and shall no more returne : And now I am sure my Battell is at an end ; and that without pain of body , or trouble of spirit , I shall shortly change this mortall and miserable life , with that happy and immortall which shall never have an end . After which discourse , a Prayer was said neer his bed where he lay : which being ended , it was asked , If he heard the Prayer ? He answered , Would to God that ye had heard it with such an ear and heart as I have done ; Adding , Lord Jesu receive my Spirit . With which words , without any motion of hands or feet , as one falling a sleep , rather then dying , he ended his life . He was a man endued with many excellent gifts , and with a very great measure of the Spirit : God raised him up to be a chief Instrument of the glorious Work of Reformation . The Court claw-backs and parasites , have been , and are displeased with his Doctrine touching the Authority of Princes and Civill Magistrates , although there was never man born , who did more heartily reverence Civill Authority , nor obey more willingly the lawfull commands thereof , then he : All his Doctrine concerning the Civill Authority , was , To correct the corruption brought in by the slavish flatterers , who , abusing the simplicity and debonaritie of those whom God has placed in Authority , maketh them inconsiderately to rebell wilfully and openly against God and his Son , and turn all things up-side down , and undo the poor people of God , for whose good and safety they are placed so high . Likewise were and are to this day the proud Prelats and idle belly-gods highly offended with his Doctrine concerning Church-Government , although he intended no other thing , but the pulling down of Antichristianisme fully , and casting all tyranny and Idlenesse out of the House of God. Never was a man more observant of the true and just Authority of the Church-Rulers , according to the Word of God , and practice of the purest Primitive times . He alwayes urged pressingly due Obedience by the people , to the faithfull Pastors and Elders of the Church . Although he was both learned and eloquent , yet did he not much apply his minde to compose Books for Posterity ; for he was wont to say , That God had called him rather to instruct the ignorant , comfort the sorrowfull , rebuke the sinners , and confirm the weak living in his time , then to make Books for ages to come . Neverthelesse , he wrote severall good Pieces ; for besides what we have spoken of already , namely , he left these , A learned Treatise against the blasphemous Anabaptists , Two Treatises against the Masse , One , of the Eucharist , Some Sermons upon Genesis , Some also upon the Psalms , An Exhortation to all afflicted Churches , An Advice in time of trouble , The first blast of the Trumpet , &c. He died , Anno Dom. 1572 , and of his age , 62. His body was interred at S. Giles , without the Church . To his Buriall assisted many men of all Ranks ; among others , the Earle of Morton , who being neer to the grave , as the Corps was put in , said , by way of Epitaph , Here lies the body of him , who , in his life time , never feared the face of man. THE PREFACE . THe SCOTS , by the most judicious Writers , and by those who have most diligently studied their Antiquities , are acknowledged to be among the first who embraced the Faith of Christ : yea , they are said to be , by some , of the very first-fruits of the Gentiles : For in few yeers after the Ascension of our Saviour Jesus Christ , the Apostles and Disciples being constrained to leave Ierusalem and Iudea , by reason of the Persecutions raised against them by the Jews , according to the dispensation of the All-wise God , went up and down the world ; and speaking to every People in their own Language , declared unto them the glad Tydings of Salvation in Christ Jesus . Those who came into our Northern Parts , to wit , into Scotland , and first made known unto our Fathers the Mysteries of Heaven , were of the disciples of Iohn the Apostle . Some yeers thereafter , to wit , in the second Persecution raised against the Christians , many Britons Provincials of the Empire , professing the Name of Christ , left their own countrey , and went into Scotland , for shelter from the generall Massacre then executed thorowout the whole Empire , by that bloody Butcher Domitian ; and to enjoy the freedom of the Gospel , which they knew to be received then in Scotland . Among these fugitive Britons there were sundry learned and pious men , who stayed in Scotland ( the Persecution ended ) propagating the Faith of Christ there by their Preaching . This we have related unto us by the Historians of best trust . We have not then from the Sea of Rome our first Institution in the Christian Faith ; yea , we are so far from it , that , for many yeers together , we hardly had any communication with Rome at all . Palladius was the first , some yeers after the beginning of the fifth Age , who made our acquaintance with Rome ; although the generall current of the Romish Writers give out , That the Gospel was first planted amongst us in Scotland by the means of Victor Bishop of Rome : Yet Baronius , that renowned Chronologer , albeit he would fain have the Scots owe this Obligation unto Rome , disclaimeth this opinion of his Party , as untrue , and disagreeing with the best Antiquity . Tertullian , who lived in the second Age , and wrote Books divers yeers before the end thereof , and so was so neer the planting of the Christian Faith amongst the Nations , that in a manner he may be said to have been an eye-witnesse unto it , in his Book against the Jews , speaking how the Light of the Gospel was spread thorow the whole world , saith thus , The Euangel was diffused into all the parts of the world , yea , into Britanie , and into that part of the Island whereunto the Roman Forces did never pierce . By these last words of Tertullian , are meant the inhabitants of that part of the Island which lieth benorth the walls , first built by Adrian , then by Antoninus Pius , thirdly by Severus ; and these were the Scots by name : For the Romans put walls betwixt them and the Scots Bowe-men , as our Poet expresseth it : Roma sagitti feris praetendit maenia Scotis . And Claudian , many hundred yeers before this our Poet , speaking of the Legion which then was called from its Garrison on the aforesaid walls , saith thus , The Legion came , which was placed before the utmost Britans , and which bridled the fierce Scot. Lucius Florus , many yeers before Claudian , who wrote towards the later end of the fourth Age , to wit , in the beginning of the second Age ; and Spartianus , who alleadgeth Florus , writ towards the later end of the third Age. Lucius Florus the Poet ( is the same with the Historian , who writ the short History of the Romans , as judgeth Salmasius ) is brought in by Aelius Spartianus , in the History of the Life of Adrian the Emperor , saying these words , I would not be Caesar , to walk among the Britans , and suffer the Scots morning hoar Frosts . The word pruina , which the Author useth , doth signifie so much ; for it is quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morning . What Florus , in these words here alleadged , calleth in his Language Scoticas pruinas : Claudian calleth Caledonias pruinas , speaking of another Roman , in these words , And he placed his Camp in the middle of the Caledonian morning ●oar Frosts . I know that commonly in Spartian , of whom we have these Verses of Florus , it is read , Scythicas , for Scoticas , but wrong , notwithstanding that the great Criticks have not corrected it : For how , I pray you , can Adrian be said to suffer Scythicas pruinas , who never was in the Countrie which then went under the name of Scythia ? yea , the Romans had never any War with the Scythes ; for albeit the Scythes heard of the Romans Arms , yet they never felt them : Besides , what sense had it been in Florus to say unto Adrian , That he would not be Caesar , to walk in Britany , and endure the morning hoary Frosts of Scythia ? For although the Romans heard say , That Scythia was a cold Countrey ; yet they more perfectly knew Scotland to be cold , having been upon the place . Now it was very easie to those who copied Books of old , and hardly understood what they writ , to change one letter for another , namely , when two letters are so like one to another , as these two Vowels O , O ; for O not being Initiall or Capitall , was written formerly without the draught under it , which hath been written for distinction sake , as we see it commonly now , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This change of these two Vowels , hath been found elsewhere then in this place of Florus , by the Criticks , in the same words ; who seeing the name of the Sea upon the Coast of Scotland written Scythicum , presently mended it , and made it Scoticum . Then Erasmus smelled out the same fault in Ierome his Epistle to Ctesiphon , against Palladius , and his disciple Caelestius , in these words , Britannie and the Scots Nations had not then known Moses and the Prophets . Erasmus finding Scythicae , he changed it into Scoticae . Lucius Seneca , about an hundred yeers before Florus , that is , about fourty yeers after Christ , now 1600 yeers since , in his Satyre upon the death of Claudius , makes mention of the Scots in the composed word Scoto-Brigantes , as thus followeth ; He ( i. e. Claudius ) commanded the Britans beyond the known Seas , and the blue Scoto-Brigantes , to submit their necks to the Roman Chains . This word above named hath puzzled many of the Criticks how to reade it , so that a right meaning or sense might be had of these lines , with the true measure of the Verse , some reading it one way , some another way ; till at last , the learned Ioseph Scaliger corrected it as you have it here , giving to the words a plain and easie sense , and keeping the law of the Verses , against which all others did faile : And to this Correction of Scaliger hath submitted many learned men : yet some , partly for envie against the Nation of whom is here spoken , partly for vanity , will stand out against the truth , because of the authority of this Correction , at whose great and most rare Learning they are offended , as the former are at any advantage that the Nation whom these words doth concern may have . The Scots are called Cerulaei , or blue , because they used much blue in their Garments ; and so doth the old Scots to this day , witnesse their Plaids , whereof the best sort ordinarily hath the ground blue ; as also their blue Caps . Mamertin , in his Panegyrick to Maximinian , tells us , That the Britans had War with the Scots and Picts , before Iulius Caesar entered into the Island . So , by these Testimonies , ye see how injurious they are unto the Scots , that will not have their name known , till many yeers , yea , some hundred yeers after the entry of the Romans into the Island . The Romans having setled themselves in the Island , they divided the whole into two parts : Their part , or the South part , they called Britannia major and superiour ; and their Provincialls went most commonly under the name of Britones , although sometimes under the name of Britanni , but not so oft : and they were sub-divided into severall Peoples . The other part of the Island without the Roman Province , that is , the northern part , was called Britannia minor , and inferiour : Now all the inhabitants of this northern part , who were in continuall Bickerings and Warre with the Romans and their Provincialls , were called Scoti , sometime Transmarins , sometime Forreigners ; and they did consist of two chief Peoples , to wit , Brigantes , and Picti ; which both were sub-divided into severall lesser Peoples , of which we forbear to speak at this time . So the name of Scoti was at first appellative , and given to more then to one People ; but in successe of time , appropriated to one . And this is not singular in this name , for the proper names of divers Peoples at first hath been appellative , and thereafter appropriate to one alone : I will instance onely in one , for brevity sake , which is this ; The name Franck or French , at first was common to all those that stood out together for Franchise and Liberty against the Romans about the Rhyne , and other parts of Germany ; But at length it became peculiar unto one people , as we see it is at this day . Moreover , that the name of Scoti was appellative , and given to more then one people , you may cleerly see by the ordinary expression of ancient Writers in the plurall number , thus , Scotorum gentes , Scoticae gentes ; when otherwise all men ordinarily , both by word and writing , have ever used , and to this day use the singular number , speaking of one people ; as gens , not gentes ; populus , not populi ; nation , not nations . As all the northern people of the main Land , or Continent , both in Europe and Asia , went anciently under the name of Scythae , witnesse Strabo , in these words , The ancients commonly called the northern people Scythes . And in another place he saith , The ancients did call by one name of Scythes all the known places towards the North. He means , in the Continent , or main Land. So the northern people of Britannie , which is another little world , were of old , and to this day are called Scoti . The two names Scytha and Scotus do signifie one and the same thing , to wit , an Archer , or Bow-man ; in Latin , Arcuarius ; in Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The ancient Writers tell us , That the Scythes were much given to Archery , and to Hunting ; so were anciently , and to this day are the old Scots Bow-men ; In Hebrew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keshut , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keshet , Bow. And so you have the signification of Scytha and Scotus ; which are truely one and the same , with little change , more in Latin then in Greek ; for the one is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so at first the other was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which afterward they turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This is the true origine of the name Scotus : It comes neither then from the fabulous Scota , neither from the foolishly-invented 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , darknesse ; For if the days be as long in summer , as the nights are in winter , Why should the Countrey be called Scotia , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather then Photia , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , light ? Also the Britan Writers use one and and the same word , when they speak of Scyth and Scot , to wit , y Scot ; as likewise the Low German calleth them both Schutten : From the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keshet , we have the vulgar schut and schot . Now this Etymologie of Scot , as it is true , so it is easie , by the transposition of a letter ; to wit , by putting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 behinde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is ordinary , not onely in the derivation of words from one Language into another , but also obvious in one and the same Language , in common discourse . Let this one Example satisfie for all , to be short , Is not one and the same word both written and pronounced , according to the writing thirty and thrity , in our vulgar Tongue ? As the names of Scyth and Scot do signifie one thing ; so the people , in many things , may be said to be like one another ; as for Example ; The Scythes , in the Continent , generally were of two kindes ; to wit , European , and Asiatick : So the Scots in Britanie were of two sorts in generall ; to wit , the Brigantes , and Picti . Next , the Scyths did not till the ground , but feeding cattell and sheep , had a Custome to remove from one place or solitude to another : Of old , so did all the Scots ; and to this day , the ancient or prisei Scots do . The Scythes did live much upon milk , and so do our old Scots . The Scythes , not knowing the use of riches , did not desire them : and so it is with many of our old Scots . The Scythes were never vanquished by Forreigners : so the Scots were never utterly overthrown , although they have suffered very much by their enemies at severall times . The Scythes were hard for toyling and War ; so are our Scots , as is known to all , &c. We have said , That the In-dwellers of the north part of the Island were named Scoti ; and that by a generall Division they were of two kindes , Brigantes , and Picti : Now we must enquire who are Brigantes , and who Picti ; where they both lived , and from whence they came . And , to begin at Picti , They inhabited the East side of Britannia minor , which is the best : and , for the most part , they were of the ancient native Britons ; of whom , sundry of old , before the entry of the Romans into the Island , had drawn themselves Northward , to have more elbow-room for their course of life , which was , To feed Cattell , and to hunt , removing from one place to another , whereunto largenesse of Bounds is required . Then others of the old Britons flying from the Tyranny of the Romans , upon grievance , went from time to time Northward , beyond the Limits of the Empire , to their ancient com-Patriots . Next came in to these North Britans , at divers times , severall Colonies of Northern people from beyond Sea. Hence it is , that some late Authors have written , That the inhabitants of the East side of Britannia minor came from Scandie . The North Britans having received these men come from beyond Sea , into their Society , and being joyned with them , made up a People , called the Romans and South Britons Picti , because they continued the Custom of painting their bodies , of old in use among many Nations : which custome the South Britons left off , with other Rites , now become Provincialls of the Empire . The whole Island was first called Albion ; of which we shall speak anon , God willing . Then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Britannia , which signifieth a woody Countrey ; for of old it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sylvis obsita , covered with Woods , as Strabo terms it . And to this day , we see that part of the countrey opposite to the Continent , full of Woods and Inclosures . We finde in ancient Authors , the Peninsule of Italy , next Sicilie , whereof Rhegium was the Metropolis , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the same reason , because it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Strabo names it also . The Origine of the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barat , which signifieth severall kindes of trees , Fir , Ash , Cedar , &c. The Picti had divers people under them , whereof the chief were Caledonii ; by whose name , sometimes all the Picts were named , although Caledonii properly were those of the Picts who dwelt among the lesser hills ; of which hills , some are called Ocelli montes , in vulgar language Ochell hills . The countrey of the Caledonii did begin at Forth , and went Northward beyond Tay , where their chief City was Caledon , now Dunkell , by a transposition . In this countrey were the Woods called saltus Caledonius , or sylva Caledonia . The rockie and hillie part of Aetolia in Greece , was called by the same name : and there was there a Town of this name , yea , and a Forrest , so much spoken of by the old Poets . True it is , That the second vowell is now and then changed , which makes no difference ; for in words the consonants are mainly regarded . Strabo , Lib. 10. calleth the one and the other countrey 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hillie and stonie or rockie : the name cometh from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Galeaetan , which is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tumulus asper , a rough little hill . Benorth the Limits of the Empire in this Island , all people , beside the Picts , were called Brigantes , which importeth as much as In-dwellers of Mountains , or high hills : So you have the Brigantes neer the Lake of Constance , in-dwelling Mountains . On the Alps in Daulphine you have Brigantium Brianson , the highest Town in Europe . The Brigantes of Spain , as those of Ireland , of old did inhabite Mountains ; and so did our Brigantes in this Island mainly keep upon the Mountains . The name cometh from Briga , Brica , or Bria , as it is diversly written : It signifieth an high place , or Mountain : Our vulgar hath interpreted it Bray ; hence we haply call our Brigantes Bray-men , vvhom vve call othervvise High-landers , or High-land-men . Strabo tells us , That bria , amongst the Thracians , doth signifie a Tovvn , or City . And so the vvord Bria must needs come from the Hebrevv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bira , Tovvn or Palace , by the transposition of a letter ; vvhich is ordinary in the derivation of vvords , as vve have said a little before . Here , for further proof of the transposition of a letter in a derivative vvord , take this example onely , Dumbarton , for Dumbriton . Cansabon , in his Notes upon Strabo , tells us , from Hesychius , That bria signifieth a Village or Tovvn upon a hill : So bria signifieth not simply a Tovvn or Village , but such a one as is builded upon a hill . And truely , in the most ancient times , Tovvns or Villages vvere , for the most part , builded upon high places ; as any man that hath taken the pains to remark , either by Histories , or by considering the places he may have seen , knovveth . So then Brigantes are men inhabiting the hills , or having their Tovvns , Cities , Villages upon the hills . Yea , in old times , vvhen they had not yet fixed their abode certain , they were wont to remove from hill to hill , as we have said formerly ; and to this day some of our Highlanders do , within their own extent and limits . The Brigantes in the Continent namely , were so given anciently to take away goods from their enemies with a strong hand , that by successe of time , all those that openly did rob and plunder , were called Brigantes : And the French has from hence derived the verb , Brigander , to rob or plunder . Next , there is a kinde of Armour called Brigantine , the use and manner whereof is borrowed from the Brigantes ; it is like a Male-Coat . Lastly , there is a kinde of Ship used at the Sea , called Brigantine , of the middle size , as being most proper for War at Sea. Thus much for the name of Brigantes . The Brigantes of this Island came hither from Ireland , at divers times , and upon divers occasions . The Brigantes in Ireland , by Ptolomie , are placed well Southward : But those that are come after Ptolomee , I mean those of neerer Antiquity , have placed them more Northerly by many miles ; as ye may see easily by looking upon Ptolomee his Maps ; and Ortelius his Maps of Geographie of the Ancients . So ye see that the Brigantes , at their first coming to Ireland from Spain ; for thence they came , with many other inhabitants of that Island , dwelt in the South parts , but by degrees drew Northward , for conveniency to their wandring course of life , in keeping cattell , and hunting , and for freedom from the trouble of too neer neighbors : They went , by successe of time , so far North , till at length , having come to the part next unto Britannie , they came hither , and possessed themselves of the little Islands and hills next unto Ireland ; and finding themselves firted in this new-found Land for their purpose , according to their minde , they made their abode there , and drew dayly more and more company unto them , till at length they made up a great Body of people in Britannie , and by little and little came all along the West side of Britannie , keeping the hills , till they came to the River Belisana , that is , Rhibet , in Lancashire , and from thence went straight Eastward , till they came to the mouth of Abus , now Humber . The North Britans were glad to give them way , contenting themselves with the East side of Britannia minor ( which indeed was , and is the best ) and were glad also to have them for a Rampart against their enemies in the South , or in majore Britannia . The Brigantes were great enemies to the Romans , with whom they had divers Bickerings ; but at last they were compelled to go Northward , and were hem'd in by the wall built by the Romans , betwixt the fluve Tina , now Tyne on the East side , and Itrina , now Eden in Cumberland , on the West side . Although they left the Countrey besouth this wall , yet the Romans continued there the names of Brigantes ; yea , some of the Brigantes , allured by the bounty of the Soyl , did chuse rather to submit to the Roman yoke , then change their abode , although it was with thraldome . Then , after many various encounters with the Romans , they were yet constrained to yeeld more ground unto the Romans , who hedged in both them and the Picts northward with a Wall , betwixt Bodotria , or Forth , and Glotta , or Clyde . At last , the Romans , by cunning , raised jealousies betwixt the Brigantes and Picts , and so not onely withdraws the Picts from the friendship of the Brigantes , but makes them joyn with them , to overthrow the Brigantes ; and taking occasion of the Brigantes domestick troubles , fights with them ; yea , at length , after a bloody well-fought Battell , defeats them , gives the best of the Lands they possest to the Picts , for their reward . After this the Brigantes were constrained , for the most part , ( I mean of the better sort ) to retire thence , whereof some went to the next Isles ; some returned to Ireland , to their ancient Patrie ; and some went to the North Countreys beyond Seas , and so they were for a time distressed , and in exile , till after divers attempts , they were restored again under the conduct of Fergus the second . Here let us remember , That the whole Island Britannie was first named Albion , from Albe , or Alpe , which signifieth hill , or high place . This word Albe , or Alpe , cometh from Albus , white ; and this from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laban , per metathesin , Alban , Albus ; & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek ; because the high hills and mountains , yea , in the hot Countries , are frequently covered with Snow , and so appear white ; witnesse the high hills betwixt France and Italy , which , by reason of their highnesse above other mountains , are named particularly Alps. The Island , when it had given unto it the name of Britannia , by little and little left off the old name of Albon , which continued in the North part of the Island , benorth the limits of the Empire ; and so the whole Countrey beneath the Humber was called ; and Albion in this second sense , in following times was called Britannia minor , as we have heard ; but as the Romans did gain ground upon the in-dwellers of Albion , or Britannia minor , beating them Northward , they lessened Albion , or Britannia minor , so far , till they brought them to keep North Bodotria , or Forth , and Glotta , or Clyde . Last of all , the Romans having by their cunning divided the Brigantes and Picts ; and having drawn the Picts on their side against the Brigantes , Albion was taken for that part of Britannia minor , beyond Clyde and Forth , which did not belong to the Picts ; that is , the Northwest side of that hillie Continent , with the hillie Islands adjacent , where to this day dwelleth our Highlandmen , or Highlanders , who are the remnant of the ancient Brigantes . That the ancient name of a whole great Countrey , as this Island is , should be conserved in one corner , or a little portion thereof , may not seem strange , I have thought fit to tell you , That you have the like in our neighbour Countrey , of old called Gaule , now France ; where the ancient name of Gaule , among the vulgar , is onely conserved in a little Countrey lying about Sens , of old , Senones : this little Countrey is called Pays Gaulois , and is divided in Haute , & basse Gaule . So it was judiciously said by the Historiographer , The name of the Isle Albion is derived from Albe , and remains in Scotland , as it were in its Native Soyl. Of Alpe , or Albe , signifying hill , or high place , you have the in-dwellers thereof sometimes named Albani , as in Asia , Dalmatia , Italy , and North Britannia ; and their Countrey Albania , sometimes Albici , Albigois in Languedock , and their Countrey Albium , or Albi , in vulgar language , sometimes Albini , or Alpini , and Albienses , as the in-dwellers of our Albion , who to this day call themselves as they have done of old , &c. which name is one and the same with Brigantes . Here let us remark , That as the Provincialls or In-dwellers of Britannia superiour , subject to the Romans , are ordinarily called by the Writers Britones ; so the others , benorth the Empire , have been called by the Writers Britanni , peregrini , & transmarini , strangers , and beyond-Sea-men , as if they had been of another Island . And truely , if it were not for the Strait betwixt the Rivers afore-named , which did serve for Border unto them , they were in another Island . Hence England is said to be inter quatuor maria . Ptolomeis , Tacitus , and Seneca tell us , That the Brigantes inhabited Albion , which when they writ , was that part of the Island beyond the Roman Empire . Therefore the Brigantes were then Albini , or Albani . Moreover , the Brigantes about Eboracum , now Yorke , were of the Scots , who came from Ireland , a great and mighty People . Iohn Fordon , in his Scoti Chronicon , writes , That the Scots came so far South as Humber , and possessed Lands there . Also the Isle of Man was for a long time under the Crown of Scotland ; which Isle is as far South , as the Countrey about Yorke , although it be Westward , and in the Sea. And these were the Brigantes we now have spoken of . The Brigantes , at their first coming into Albion , came , as we have said , without any certain or setled way of Government : but being grown to a considerable number or Body , they sent into Ireland for Fergus the first , to be their King ; whose ( with a new Colonie ) coming into Albion , is reckoned to be about Alexander the Great his time ; that is , about three hundred yeers before the Birth of Christ. The Brigantes , alias , Albini , for a certain time , by some have been called Dalreudini ( although this name did not last long ) from the King Reuda , who brought into Albion the second remarkable Colony from Ireland , after Fergus , about 180 yeers before Christ ; that is , about 220 yeers after Fergus , And Dale , which signifieth Countrey and Province , as is known to this day : There is a certain place in the West of Scotland , called to this very day Ridsdale . We have heard , That the people benorth the Roman Province , upon the East side , were originally Britains , whence they were called Britanni Picti ; and somtimes Britanni Caledonii , from one of the chief people ; sometimes simply Picti , or Caledonii . Also we have heard , That the people benorth the Province , on the West side , were come from Ireland , and called Brigantes , or Album ; yea , for a time Dalreudini . Likewise we have heard , That all the people benorth the Empire , by a generall Appellation , were called Scoti , where they were all spoken of together : but when they were spoken of apart , those of the East were called Scoto-britanni : Those of the West were called Scoto-brigantes , as we have heard out of Seneca . Moreover , by progresse of time , the Irish came to go under the name of Scots , with those of Britannia minor , or Albion , who from them had help , supply , and recruites , in their War against the Romans and Britans Provincialls . Thus naming the Irish by the name of Scots , began some hundred yeers after Christ ; that is , towards the middle Ages . And about that time Ireland was called by the name of Scotia , as Abrahamus Ortelius hath remarked , in these words ; I have observed Ireland to be named Scotia , by the Writers of the middle Age. And so it hath been observed by the learned , That ancient Authors did never name Ireland Scotia ; as you may see by those who have exactly reckoned up the old names of Ireland , out of the ancient and Classick Authors . So it was not said much amisse by one , That this naming of Ireland by the name of Scotland , was first about Beda his time , who lived in the beginning of the eighth Age. Scaliger tells us , That the word Scot is no Irish word , but British ; that is not used in Ireland , but in Britannia : what is the origine and signification of the word , we have heard before . As the Irish began to be called Scots , so the Picts left off to be so named ; now withdrawing themselves from the Brigantes , or Albini , and striking in with their enemies the Irish , by the Writers were called Scoti Hibernienses , and the Albins were called Scoti Albienses : And Ireland was called Scotia major , because Albania or Albion in those dayes , which they called Scotia minor , was of lesse extent . But this name of Scots was not for any long time given to the Irish ; So that at length the name of Scots became peculiar to the Albins or Brigantes alone . Lastly , the Albins having subdued the Picts , and made them no more a People , communicated into the Countrey , newly conquered by them , the name of Scotia , as one Countrey with Albinia ; and so all the in-dwellers there , were called Scots , with the Albins , as one people with them , and so they are to this day . Now the Albins or Brigantes being the onely Masters of Britannia minor , came to be called Scoto-Britanni ; as the Picts had been of old , and are upon occasion called so to this day , to distinguish them from the South Britons , of whom , some are called Cambro-britanni , the rest , Anglo-britanni . Although the ancient Brigantes were called by forreigners Scoti , namely , by the Britons Provincialls , and the Romans , yet they did never name themselves so , by this name Scoti ; neither do the High-landers to this day , in their own language call themselves Scots , but Albins . So Scaliger had just reason to say , That Scoti was not an Irish name . As the Hellenes did never name themselves Greeks , although they were so commonly called by the forreigners : And the Misraims did not call themselves Egyptians , although forreigners named them so . The Scots now adayes are divided in Highland-men , and Lowland-men : The Highlanders are the true Progenie of the ancient Brigantes , or Albins , for the most part , I say , because some are come in later times from other Countreys . And to this day our Highlanders , as the Brigantes of old , makes main use of their Bowes and Arrows , in their war , namely , when they are among the hills ; so when they praise one for a Military man , they say , He is a good Bowe-man , and Bray-man ; which two Epithites were expressed by the ancients in one composed word , Scoto-Brigantes . The Lowland-men are made up of divers Nations ; for a few of them are a little remnant of the ancient Picts ; other few are descended from the ancient Albins : who leaving the hills , after the defeat of the Picts , did betake themselves to the Low Countrey . Divers from the South parts of Britannie , had fled thither from the Tyranny of the Saxons , Danes , and Normans , as they did of old from the Tyranny of the Romans . Then the English , being so oft in Scotland with their Armies , have left divers in the Countrey . Also Marriages , and other private occasions , have drawn sundry men from England into Scotland . Lastly , sundry of the Low-Countrie people are come from beyond Seas , as from France , Germany , Hungary , Flanders , Ireland , &c. of late dayes : So all being reckoned , they are but few in the Low Countrey come of the old Albins , Brigantes , or old Picts . The Low-Countrey men calls the High-landers Irish , not so much for their ancient descent , as for their language , onely differing from the Irish by dialect ; and for their wayes of living not much unlike : yet one main difference is to be seen in the activity of the Scots , and the lazinesse of the Irish. On the other side , the Highlanders calls the Low-Countrey men Saxons , not so much for their descent ( although many of them are come from the Southern people , as we have said , who are a Progenie of the Saxons ) as for the language , which differeth onely by dialect from the language of the South , which acknowledgeth the Saxon language for its mother Tongue , and for the way of living not so different , save that the Scots are harder bred , and consequently , more fitted for toyling at War namely , then the English are ; for we see the English to have pain to toyle , and endure Wars , at the first going to the Field , by reason of their tender and soft breeding . The language of the South - Britons of old , was not much different from that of the Gauls , from whence they came into Albion ; witnesse Tacitus , in Agricola his Life : The Gauls then did speak a corrupt Greek , for they are come of the Greeks . Besides , many words of the old Gaulois , the phrase and construction , are to this day in the French language kept ; which doth signifie , that of old the Greek was spoken in Gaule , although corrupt grosly by ignorant men without learning , who neither could reade nor write . Yet in the South parts of Gaule , neer the Mediterranean Sea , wherein the Greek Islands are , the Greeke was spoken and taught , at Marseilles namely . The ancient language of the Britons suffred a great change by the Romans , and other forreigners , who brought in amongst them their terms of Law , of divine Service , of War , and of Policie , with the names of divers Commodities , and the names of divers Trades . When the Saxons and Danes came into the Land , they confined the remnant of the ancient Britons unto the West Countrey , with their language , such as it was left unto them by the Romans , and other forreigners of old , and with themselves planted the language which is spoken in all England now adays , with some alteration and change . The first notable change happened by the Normans , in whose language the Law hath been administred , &c. The next change is from the Latin , in which language divine Service hath been for many yeers Officiated . Then the English language hath borrowed from all neighbour Nations many words , without any great change ; so that the English language is said to be the quintessence of all neighbour Languages : From it the Scotish Tongue differs but in dialect , as we have said . The Highlanders Language , as hath been said likewise , is Irish , which of old was a corrupt Greek also ; for the Irish came into Ireland from the North parts of Spain , who spake a corrupt Greek , as those of Gaule did ; for the ancient in-dwellers of the North parts of Spain came also from the Greek Islands . So that of old , the Language of the ancient Britons was not altogether strange unto the Brigantes , or Alpins ; yea , in this time wherein we live , notwithstanding the great changes that both the Languages have sustained by time , and Commerce of forreign Nations , they have many words which are one and the same , signifying the same thing . Thus much I have written of the beginning , names , way of living , and Languages of Scotland , to make known to all , how unjust and injurious unto us are some modern Antiquaries of our neighbour Countreys ; who first think they cannot prove their own people to be sufficiently ancient , except they take from their neighbour their just right of good Antiquity . Next , they conceive they cannot set forth fully enough the greatnesse of their own Countrey , except they make their neighbours no people at all , or at least , hardly considerable . Thirdly , they imagine , That they cannot extoll and magnifie the glory of their Countrey highly enough , unlesse they not onely depresse and extenuate their neighbours name , but also attribute unto themselves the advantages of their neighbours . But if these Antiquaries had considered with the eyes of men , That there is enough to be said for the credit of their own Countrey , without wronging others , they had not so stuffed their Books with mistaken and mis-applied Allegations of good ancient Authors , nor with Collection of fabulous and lying Monks tales , wherein some of them do fansie Learning mainly to consist . But of this enough . For this place , I will only adde this : As the Scots , although they be not of the greatest people , yet they are truely one of the most ancient People in Europe ; So I dare be bold to say , That God ( to whose praise be it spoken ) in his goodnesse towards them hath raised up of them , and amongst them , so many excellent and vertuous men , in Church and State , in Piety and Learning , in Policy and War , at home and abroad , of old and of late , that few Nations , ancient or moderne , although of greater bounds , can compare with them ; fewer equall them , and hardly any at all go beyond them in this ; for which we praise God , who of the best things hath given us the best measure ; and say with the Historian , That the Land is more fertile of good men , then of good fruits . But now , since all former walls of separation and division , both ancient and moderne , Civill and Ecclesiasticall , are in a great measure taken away by Gods blessing : and since in so many respects the Scots and English are so neer one unto another , as we have said : But above all , since they both are members of the true Church and pure Spouse of Christ Jesus , to the upholding of whose Truth , and purging of it from uncleannesse they have newly bound themselves together as one People , yea , as one man , Let them then , in Gods Name , laying aside all excuses , envies , jealousies , and by-ends , as feeling members of one and the same Body , concur unanimously , with their mutuall and best endeavours , to settle the true Worship of God in all true purity , and quiet all things speedily with wisedom , to the good of the people , with due obedience to our lawfull Sovereign under God , as we are taught by the Law of God , the Law of Nature , the Law of Nations , and the Municipall Laws of our severall Countreys . But to return to the Church . The Scots , although they received amongst them the light of the Gospel with the very first of the Gentiles , as we have said , yet had they not the Evangel so universally professed thorow the whole Countrey , till towards the first yeers of the third Age ; that is , till Donald the first ; who not onely professed the Faith of Christ himself , with his Family , but did his best to cast out Idolatry wholly from his Dominions , and to settle the Ministery of the Gospel in every corner thereof : But this religious King could not bring to passe this his good Designe fully , being diverted by continuall Wars against the Romans the whole course of his life . After the death of Donald , till toward the later end of the third age ; that is , to the Reign of Crathilinth , this work of totally putting down Idolatry , and setling the Gospel every where in the Countrey , by the negligence of the following Princes , was at a stay . In this King Crathilinth his dayes fell out the ninth persecution under Aurelius , and the tenth under Dioclesian , which gave occasion to many Christians from divers parts of the Empire , but namely from the South parts of Britanie , now another time to flie into Scotland for refuge , as they had done before under Domitian . Among those fugitives who did then repair into Scotland for shelter from the generall massacre , were many excellent men in Piety and Learning , whom the King Crathilinth not onely kindely received , but also employed to ayd and help him and his Councell in the further setling of Christs Truth in his Kingdom , and in the totall extirpation of Idolatry out of it ; which was so much the harder work , because of the Druides , the principall false Prophets , and Idolatrous Priests in those dayes ; who not onely by their subtill hypocrisie , and sense-pleasing Divine Service , but also by a cunning forecast , having drawn into their hands the hearing and determining of Civill affairs , had so gained upon the spirits of the poor and simple people , that they could not imagine how to be without them , and live . The resolute care and diligence of King Crathilinth and his Councell , with the help of those pious and learned men , surpasseth all difficulties ; and having put quite down the Groves and Altars under the Oaks , and , in a word , all Idoll Service , established the pure Worship of the true God in every place of his Dominions , and filled up the rooms of those false Prophets , with godly and learned Teachers of the people ; which was done every where thorow the Kingdom , but particularly in the Islands , which those pious men chose for their principall abode , as being most fit for a retired life ; and namely , in the Isle of Man the King Crathilinth caused to build a Church to the honour of our Saviour , which in following times , by corruptions , was called Fanum Sodorense , for Soterense , the word originall is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hence the Town neer the Church was called Sodora , as Minster in our vulgar language , and Moustier in French , signifying a Town , in a secondary signification , neer a Church . Those godly men being setled as aforesaid , and having withdrawn themselves from the sollicitude of worldly affairs , did wholly give themselves to divine Service , that is , To instruct the ignorant , comfort the weak , administer the Sacraments to the people , and to train up Novices and Disciples , to do the same service in their due time . These men , for their single and retired life , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Monks , by abbreviation ; and for their travelling altogether in Gods Worship and Service , were called Colidei , or Culdees . These Culdees were so given to the exercise of devotion , by the meditating the Mysteries of the Kingdom of Heaven , and by Prayers , that the very Cells whereinto they had inclosed and separated themselves from the world , after their death were reputed so many Temples or Chappels set aside for Divine Service ; hence to this day Cella is taken for a Church among the ancient Scots , as you may see in these composed names , Kelmarnoc , Marnoc his Church , Celpatric , Patrick his Church . The Culdees thus setled , as we have seen , did chose out of themselves some eminent men , in piety , knowledge , and wisedom , to oversee the rest , and to keep them to the discharge of their duty towards the People , and towards the Disciples , with an orderly and discreet carriage of each one towards another , in their severall societies , and in their private . These Overseers or Superintendents chosen of themselves , and by themselves , did discharge the Duties of their Function , indifferently every where , thorowout the whole Kingdom , without restraining themselves to any certain place , or Lording over their Brethren , or any part of the Flock of Jesus Christ , not attributing unto themselves any particular distinct holy order from the rest , belonging onely to them , and to be onely conferred by them . This way of instructing the People , and governing the Church by Culdees , did continue for many yeers , under Gods mercy ; the Ministery of Gods Church , as yet , not being become a businesse of gain , and of worldly pomp and pride ; So these Culdees and Overseers of others , had no other emulation , but of weldoing , nor striving , but to advance true Pietie and godly Learning . The Overseers of Superintendents of the Culdees , were commonly called by the Writers who writ of those dayes , Scotorum Episcopi , without any definition of place , or preeminence of one above another . But to return to Crathilinth , who till his dying day , which was about the 312. yeer , did constantly continue to advance the Kingdom of Christ , as likewise his successor Fincormac ; under whose dayes the Gospel did flourish in Puritie and in Peace ; he died about the yeer 358. After the death of Fincormac , both the Church and State of Scotland fell in great disorder and troubles , by domestick dissensions and factions for some yeers . The Roman Lievtenant Maximus , seeing the intestine troubles of Scotland , began to lay hold upon the occasion . First , he foments their divisions within them ▪ next , not onely he withdraws under fair promises from the Scots their ancient Allies , the Picts , but also obtains help of the Picts to make Warre against the Scots , and so to defeat them , which he did effectuate indeed in a battell fought with much bloodshed on both sides , at the Water of Dun , in Carrick , wherein the King Ewen was killed ( this defeat fell out about 380. in the yeer of Christ ) the most part of the Nobilitie , and numbers of People of those that escaped , some fled into the West Isles , some into Ireland , and others to the Northern parts of Germany or Scandia ; some submitted themselves to the will and discretion of the Conquerour , with the poor people that had not taken arms . Among those that fled away , was Ethod the Kings Brother , who went with sundry of the Nobilitie unto Scandia , where he and they stayed divers yeers , and from whence now and then they made secret attempts upon Scotland , with the help of their Brethren , retired into the Islands and Ireland , but to small effect . Now as the face of the politique State of the Countrey was quite altered and undone , so the condition of the Church also was much disordered , and the Culdees were constrained to withdraw , and seek shelter up and down , where they could finde any ; namely , they returned into the Isles , and into Ireland : At last the Picts perceiving by severall attempts made by the exiled Scots , to return home , and re-establish their State ( although with little successe , as we have said ) that the Scots were fully resolved to bestirre themselves continually , till they were restored , and re-established in their ancient Inheritances ; the Picts themselves being moved with the groaning miseries of their neighbour poor people of Scotland , now under the Roman yoak , chiefly by their means ; and taking to their consideration , how foolishly they had suffered themselves be so farre circumvented and deluded by the Romans , as to contribute to the ruine of their old friends ; by whom , mainly in former times , they had withstood the common enemy , did not onely comfort the poor oppressed remainers of the Scots at home , but also did invite these that were in exile to return , promising unto them the Lands which they had of theirs , and to help them with all their strength and counsell , in the recovery of their whole State from the Roman Tyrants . The exiled Scots under the conduct of Fergus the second , son to Ethod , beyond Sea , gathered all they could , both of their own people , and of their friends , from the places of their exile , namely , from Scandie , and from Ireland likewise , and came into Scotland , from whence they chased away the Romans , by strong hand , with the help of the Picts , who made good their promise unto them , both in assisting them in the action of Warre , and in restoring unto them the Land that they had been possessed with by the Romans . The Auxiliaries from Ireland stayed still in Scotland , and had allowed unto them the Countrey of Galloway for their reward ; and because they were of the ancient Brigants of Ireland , some of the late Writers have said , That the Brigantes of Albion had their abode in Galloway . No sooner is Fergus Crowned in the fatall Chair , and setled in his Kingdom , but he takes to his first care to restore the puritie of Divine Service , which had been eclipsed in these bounds for severall yeers ; and to this effect , he calls some of the dispersed Culdees of his Country , whom he settles in their ancient abodes ; namely , in the Isle of Iona , where he furnished them with a Library of Books which he had gathered beyond Sea , as the Story tells us . This return of Fergus into Scotland , son of Ethod , Brother to late Ewen , fell out about the yeer 420. The regaining by the Scots of their native Countrey , under the command of Fergus the second , will not seem strange unto them who have read what they did under the commands of William Wallace , and how under the conduct of Robert Bruce , they recovered their liberty from the thraldom wherewith they were then oppressed . Ewen , son to Fergus the second , by the counsell and ayd of his Grand-father by his Mother Grame ; did not onely keep his Fathers ancient Kingdom , but also did enlarge the Limits thereof , having passed the next Wall of the Romans , which by Grame was pulled down in many places , hence it is called Grames Dyke ; and he possessed himself , and the Picts with all the Lands lying an hundred miles Southward , that is , unto Tyne , and kept them till the entry of the Saxons into the Island . Next , he took unto his care not onely to seek out the Culdees fugitives , which had not yet returned , under his Father , but also he sent for others into the neighbour Countrey of Britaine , and assigned unto them convenient places for their abode , with a moderate competency of means for their maintenance , that they should be in no wayes burdensome to the people , now looking to have some respite from their pressures and grievances . And such was the happinesse of these dayes , that a very small proportion did content the Church-men , setting wholly their mindes to the conscionable discharge of their calling , which they did , Preaching Gods Word carefully , truely , and simply , instructing the people in the fear of God , and so gaining their souls to their Maker and Redeemer . By this their carriage , they gained very much respect among the people , who honoured them , as Fathers , Instructers , and Guiders to Heaven , under God ; the vertuous civill Magistrate was the secondary cause of this good behaviour of Church-men , who by his authority kept them in order , and by his own example taught them to discharge their duty faithfully , and live discretly ; But so soon as the civill Magistrate left them to themselves , then they neglecting their calling , set their minde upon ambition and avarice , and consequently upon all evill , thinking of nothing lesse , then of that they were called to . Here we are to observe , That as the Scots did constantly withstand the ancient Romans , and kept themselves so free of their yoak , that they neither acknowledged their Authority , nor received any Law from them , although it was not without great struggling and hazard , yea , almost to their utter ruine , as it fell out under Ewen the first ; but after some few yeers , the Scots under the conduct of Fergus the second , and Ewen the second , not onely regained what they had lost by the Romans and Picts , but also conquered a great deal of ground beyond their last Limits , as we have newly said . So the Scots in Church affairs , for many yeers together , had nothing to do with the Bishop of Rome , neither made they acknowledgement unto him in any way , neither did they receive any Laws from him ; for as they had the Gospel planted among them , without his help , to wit , by the Disciples of Saint Iohn the Apostle , so they kept themselves unto the Constitutions and Canons , setled by the same first Planters of the Gospel amongst them ; but by successe of time , they became to be infected by their neighbour Nations , with the poyson of the Pelagian Heresie . Celestine then Bishop of Rome , take● occasion to send unto the Britons , a learned man called Palladius , to help the Orthodox Britons to convince the Heresie of Pelagius , then spreading it self amongst them , which was done accordingly . Ewen the second , King of Scots , hearing how the Britons , by the help of Palladius , had repressed the Pelagianisme , being most desirous to purge the Church of his Kingdom also , where this Pelagian errour had crept in ; sends for Palladius ; who with small difficulty assisted the Orthodox , to disabuse those who had been carryed away by Pelagianisme , and thereafter in a very short time , by subtill in●inuations , gained so far upon the well-meaning Scots , that they consented to take new Governours of their Church , who were to have a Degree and Pre-eminence above their brethren , to wit , the Prelat-Bishops . Hitherto the Church of Scotland had been governed by Monks and Priests , without any such dignity or pomp . I call their new Governours , Prelat-Bishops , to distinguish them from their former Overseers and Superintendents of the Culdees , who are sometime by Writers called Bishops , as they were indeed ; but they had no Pre-eminence or rank of Dignity above the rest ; neither were they of any distinct Order from the rest of their Brethren . That at this time by Palladius was brought into Scotland these new kinde of Bishops , it appears by the relations of the Authors following , thus . Palladius is thought to be the first who made Bishops ( that is , of this new order ) in Scotland ; for till then the Churches were without Bishops , governed by Monks ; with lesse vanity truely and outward pomp , but with greater simplicity and holinesse . Before him , saith Hector Boece , Palladius was the first of all that did bear the holy Magistrature among the Scots , being made Bishop by the great Pontif or Bishop ; for till then , by the suffrage of the people , the Bishops were made of the Monks and Culdees . Iohn Mair speaks thus , Before Palladius , by Priests and Monks , without Bishops , the Scots were instructed in the faith . Iohn Lesley saith this , Among us ( Scots ) the Bishops were onely designed by the suffrage of Monks . Iohn of Fordon , in his Scots Chronicle , saith , Before the in-coming of Palladius , the Scots had for Teachers of the Faith , and Ministers of the Sacraments , Presbyters onely , or Monks , following the Rites or Customs of the Primitive Church . Mark the later words ; for according to this saying goes the judgment of the best Divines , who write the truth without any respect . Whose minde Iohn Semeca declareth thus , In the first Primitive Church the Office of Bishops and Priests was common to the one and the other ; and both the names were common , and the Office common , to one and the other : But in the second Primitive Church , the names and the Offices began to be distinguished . Baleus of the Briton writers , Before Palladius the Scots had their Bishops and Ministers , according to the Ministerie of the sacred Word , chosen by the suffrage of the people , after the custom of those of Asia : But those things did not please the Romans , who hated the Asiaticks . Baronius in his Annalls saith this , The Scots gat their first Bishop from Celestine Pontif Roman . Prosper in his Chronic. The Pontif Celestine sendeth unto the Scots Palladius to be their Bishop . Item , Vnto the Scots then believing in Christ Palladius is ordained by Pope Celestine , and sent thither the first Bishop . Beda , in the History of England , Palladius was sent first Bishop unto the Scots , by Celestine , Pontif of the Roman Church . By these Authorities we see , That the Scots , before Palladius , had no Bishops at all ; or at least , their Bishops were not of any distinct Order from other Priests and Culdees , by whom they were ordained , and of whom they were chosen , as we have touched before : and so they were not as those Bishops have been with us , in these later times . Next , let us observe , That the Scots Bishops , since Palladius , must acknowledge themselves clients of the Roman Antichrist , seeing of him they have their beginning and dependance : although in words , yea , in some part of Doctrine , they seem to disclaim him , yet in many parts they shew themselves to be of his Family , namely , in Government ; for they , with him , Lord over the Inheritance of Christ , and , forsooth , take unto themselves the name of Lords Spirituall , as if they were Lords of the Spirits of men , contrary to Gods Word , wherein we are taught , That the Father and Maker of Spirits , is the onely Lord over them : or at least , Lords of Spirituall things , against the expresse words of the Apostles , who acknowledge themselves to be onely Ministers of the Spirit , and spirituall things , reputing it the greatest honour in the world to be so . And Peter , who after he had stiled himself no more then co-Presbyter with the rest of the Presbyters , he forbids them to Lord over the sort of Christ. Then , since in the first Primitive Church the Functions of Bishop , and Pastor , and Presbyter were undistinguished , and any one of the names indifferently denoted the Office , it must be confessed , That the change of Government which hath entred into the Church is not immediately from Christ and his Apostles , neither by Precept nor Example , but contrary to Christs Will and Intention , declared in his Word ; and according to the inventions of men , serving to the exorbitant affections of avarice , ambition , and lust ; to the satisfaction of which , they have domineered over the Flock of Christ , like tyrants , devoured the substance thereof , like ravening Wolves : yea , what is worse , they have not onely been negligent and carelesse to distribute unto the people the Word of God , but also with their might and power have hindered and stopped others to make known unto Gods people the pure light of his Gospel , the ordinary means of salvation ; and consequently , so farre as in them lieth , by thus starving the people of this heavenly Food , send them to hell . Such were these Spirituall Lords ; who , as they have encroached upon the Spirituall Lordship of Christ Jesus over his Flock , and usurped his Authority ; yea , and opposed it flatly , under the name of Spirituall Authority and Jurisdiction ; so have they boldly and cunningly invaded the Prerogative of civill Magistrates , by their Courts and Regalities within the Dominions of Princes where they live : Yea , in sundry places they usurp the full Authority of Princes , and in others they flatly oppose it . And all this hath been done , not onely of old , by those who were called Romish Bishops , but also in our dayes by Bishops ; who in some things make a shew that they disclaim their Father the Pontif Roman , whom in their heart they love and respect , as their actions do witnesse . Although by Palladius Prelacy was brought in the Church of Scotland , and by that means the Government was changed ; and thereafter immediately by degrees other alterations crept into the Church , yet those times after Palladius , till the sixth Age , I mean , till Augustine the Monk , may be said to be golden times , and pure , in regard of the following dayes , wherein Church-men , without any restraint , abandoned themselves to ambition , avarice , and lust , neglecting altogether their Function ; for in these fourth and fifth Ages they were many godly and learned men , who were diligent in discharging the true Duty of a Pastor , as Colombe , Libthac , Ethernan , &c. Then Knitogerne , who by nick-name was called Mongo ; because his Master Servian speaking unto him , used ordinarily this expression , Mon ga , which in corrupt French is as much to say , as My boy . Palladius having brought into the Church of Scotland Hierarchie , as we have said , takes to his next care to provide for the maintenance of this new Degree and Order ; which was obtained without great difficulty , both of Prince and people , under pretext of Piety ; but with bad successe , as by the wofull experience of following times we have found . These new Bishop-Prelats , having pretty well setled their own condition for maintenance , which although it did exceed much the allowance of former Ages to Church-men , yet it was very moderate in regard of the following times : Next , they obtained great Lands and Revenues from Prince and People , for other Presbyters and Ministers , who formerly had been very little burdensome to the people ; for by their own industry and work of their hands , did provide for themselves , necessaries for the most part ; by this means , the Prelats tie the other Presbyters and Ministers to them , and secondarily bring in , by little and little , idlenesse , and slacknesse in discharging their calling , from whence are risen all the evills we have seen since in the Church . After the beginning of the fifth Age , to wit , 521. yeers , in this Island began ( the old Saturnalia of Rome , which was first kept in honour of Saturne ; but by the Successors of Iulius Caesar , it was ordained to be kept , to the memory of him , and was called Iulia ) to be celebrated unto the honour of Christs Birth , in the later end of December . The occasion was this , Arthur that renowned Prince wintering at York ( whereof , he newly had made himself Master ) with his Nobles , bethought himself with them , to passe some dayes in the dead of winter in good chear and mirth , which was done forth with , as it is given out for devotion to Christ , although , that then true Devotion was very little regarded ; for as these men did exceed the Romans during this Feast in Ryot and Licentiousnesse ; So they continued the Feast double the time that the Ethnick Romans were wont to kept it ; for the Romans kept it onely five dayes , but these kept it ten dayes with their new devotion ; yea , those of the richer sort in time following have kept it fifteene dayes . Thus was the beginning of the prophane idlenesse and ryot of Christmas , now kept twelve dayes with foolish excesse and ryot . As these Christmas keepers did mistake the way of honouring Christs Birth , by this kinde of solemnity ; so did they mistake the time of his Birth ; for the most exact Chronologers tells us , that Christ was born in October , and not in December . The Scots retain still the old name Iulia , of this preposterous-holy-Feast , for they call it corruptly Iul : Although they never kept it of old , not being subject to the Romans . The French and Italians , in this , are nothing behinde with us ; for beside , That they share with us in these Saturnalia , Iulia , or Christmas ; They go beyond us in ryot and fooleries in their Bacchanalia , which they call Carnaval or Mardigras before Lent ; which in old time was kept to the honour of Bacchus . But the corruptions that were brought in our Church from Rome in the fourth and fifth Age , were nothing to what was brought in in the sixth and seventh Age , for then was Religion turned upside down , and so changed into Superstitious Ceremonies , and Idolatry , authorized by false miracles , that there was hardly left any trace of true Religion among men in these dayes . Palladius was the first that acquainted us with Rome , as we have said , and that brought in Prelacy amongst us , a little after the beginning of the fourth Age , which he and his Successors by degrees brought unto a great height , both in worldly pomp and means ( for the times ) by the inconsiderate , debonnarty of the Prince , and simplicitie of the people , but not without struggling and resistance , by pious and wise men , for many yeers ; it was the work of Church-men , set a foot by Palladius so till the sixth Age , that is , upon the matter , two hundred yeers , to raise themselves to Power , and Authority , and Means , whereunto they came insensibly , so much the rather , because they were sparing for these dayes , to invert the main Doctrine of the true Religion . The People and Magistrate seeing their Religion remaining in its maine , were , without great difficulty , drawn over to give way unto the greatnesse of the Church-men ; But when these gallant fellows had wrought their own ends , they did shew plainly what was within their hearts ; for then they declared themselves to be enemies both to God and to Man , by their vitious lives , contrary to the Laws of God and man ; Their false Doctrine , contrary to Gods Word ; their Tyrannicall domineering over the people ; and withdrawing themselves from due obedience , unto the lawfull Magistrate . In a word , by directly opposing God , abusing men to their utter ruine of soul and body , and setting up their own inventions for the Laws of God , and men , they were a bringing this height of iniquitie to passe , about the matter of two hundred yeers likewise , to wit , the sixth and seventh Age , although the workers of iniquity did at last bring their mischievous designe to an end , by the permission of God , irritated against men for their sins , who not adhearing unto him , were abandoned so , that they became a prey unto Satan and his instruments , to follow all iniquity ; yet , such was the mercy of God towards men in these most corrupt times , that the devill and his instruments went not so cleerly on with their wicked businesse , but they had now and then , from time to time , remoraes and lets in it , by those whom God raised up to bear witnesse to his Trueth ; and in these dayes , sundry of the Scots Divines were very stout in the keeping of the ancient Tenets and Rites ( which they had received from their first Apostles , Disciples to Saint Iohn , according to the Church of the East ; Witnesse the great strugling they had about the keeping of Pasche , or Easter-day ; for till then , the Scots had kept the day of Pasche , upon the fourteen day of the Moon , whatsoever day of the week it fell out on ; the Romanists called those that kept so this day , quartadecimani , and condemned them as Hereticks , and they kept the day constantly upon the next Sunday following , and not upon a working day ; at last the Scots were constrained to yeeld in this , as in other Rites , unto Rome . Culman , and divers others Scotish men , did so stoutely oppose the Romanists in the point of Easter-day , and in other Tenets , that they chose , it being given to their choice , either to submit unto Rome , or to quit the setlings they had in the North of England , rather to lose their Benefices , then to yeild . So standing fast to the Customes of the Scots Church , wherein they had been born and bred , they returned home to Scotland . About the end of the seventh Age ; men from Scotland , given to ambition and avarice , went frequently to Rome for preferment in the Church ; and seeing it lay much that way then , they did their best to advance the designe of the Romish Party , wherein all the skill of worldly men was employed , both in Rome , & among the Scots of that Party ; many men went to and fro , between Rome and Scotland , to bring the Scots to a full obedience unto Rome , and conformitie ; by name there was one Boniface sent from Rome to Scotland , a main Agent for Rome in these affairs ; but he was opposed openly , by severall of the Scots Culdees , or Divines ; namely , by Clemens , and Samson , who told him freely , That he , and those of his Party , studied to bring men to the subjection of the Pope , and slavery of Rome , withdrawing them from obedience to Christ ; and so in plain termes , they reproached to him , and to his assistants ; That they were corrupters of Christs Doctrine , establishing a Sovereignty in the Bishop of Rome , as the onely successour of the Apostles , excluding other Bishops ; That they used and commanded Clericall tonsure ; That they forbad Priests Marriage , extolling Celibat ; That they caused Prayers to be made for the dead , and erected Images in the Churches ; to be short , That they had introduced in the Church many Tenets , Rites and Ceremonies , unknown to the ancient and pure times , yea , contrary to them . For the which , and the like , the said Clemens , and those that were constant to the Truth , with him were excommunicated at Rome as Hereticks , as you have in the third Volume of the Concels : although the true reasons of their excommunication be not there set down . In the eighth Age , the poor people were so blindly inslaved and intoxicat with the Cup of Rome , that they thought it a truely holy Martyrdome to suffer for the interest of Rome ; yet , although most men had left God , to worship the Beast , in these dayes God raised up sundry great Lights in our Church , as Alcuin , Rabanus Maurus his Disciple , Iohn Scot , and Claudius Clemens . In this we shall remarke the constant goodnesse of God towards his people , who made his Light shine in some measure thorow the greatest and thickest darknesse , by raising up these men , who did bear witnesse to the Truth , both by word and writing ; so that God did not altogether leave off his people . The Bishop of Rome caused to declare Alcuin ( for his Book of the Eucharist ) many yeers after his death an Heretike . So Rome persecutes the Saints of God , even after their death . In the ninth Age , both Prince and People , by dolefull experience , did finde the idlenesse , pride , ambition , avarice and ryot of Church-men , occasioned by the indulgence of Prince and People ; wherefore , at Scone under King Constantine the second , there was had a convention of States for reforming the disorders in the Church . In this Assembly it was ordained , That Church-men should reside upon their charge ; have no medling with secular affairs ; that they should instruct the people diligently , and be good examples in their conversations ; that they should not keep Hawks , Hounds , and Horses , for their pleasure ; that they should carry no Weapons , nor be pleaders of civill Causes , but live contented with their own provisions : in case of failing in the observance of these points ; For the 1 , time , they were to pay a pecuniary mulct or fine ; for the 2 , they were to be deprived from Officio and Beneficio . Thus you see , in these most blinde and confused times , That resolute Princes and People did oppose manifestly the Popes omnipotency , and highest Sovereignty . In the later part of the same Age , King Gregory was most indulgent to Church-men ; he was so farre from curbing and keeping them under , that he granted them many things they had not had before . Then in a convention of States holden at Forsane , it was ordained , That all Church-men should be free of paying Taxes and Impost ; from keeping watch , and going to warfare . Item , They should be exempt from all Temporall judicature . Item , All Matrimoniall Causes were given over to be judgement of Church-men ; as also Testaments , Legative Actions , and all things depending upon simple faith and promise . Likewise , the right of Tithes , with liberty to make Lawes , Canons , and Constitutions ; to try without the assistance of the temporall Judge , Heretikes , Blasphemers , Perjured Persons , Magicians , &c. Lastly , it was ordained , That all Kings following , at their Coronation , should swear , to maintain Church-men in these their Liberties and Priviledges . In these dayes lived a Learned man , called Iohn Scot , sirnamed Aerigiena , because he was born in the Town of Aire ; he published a Treatise , De corpore & sanguine Domini in Sacramento , wherein he maintained the opinion and doctrine of Bertram ; whereby he offended highly the Sea of Rome . In the tenth Age things grew worse and worse , The Church-men did so blinde the King Constantine the third , That they perswaded him to quit the Royall Crown , and take the Clericall Tonsure of a Monk , which he did at Saint Andrews ; There were some Priests in these dayes , who did strive to have liberty to take lawfull Wives , but in vain . A little thereafter , there were new disputes for Priests marriage ; one Bernet a Scots Bishop , stood much for that cause in a nationall Councell . In this Age , although that avarice and ambition , had corrupted , and perverted Religion generally , yet there were constantly some godly men , who albeit they could not openly stop and oppose the torrent of these times , given to Idolatry and Superstition , did instruct and teach the people , That Christ was the onely propitiation for sin , and that Christs blood onely did wash us from the guilt of sin . In the eleventh Age , Malcome gave away a part of the Crown Lands among his Nobles , for their good service against the Danes ; the Nobles in recompence thereof , did grant unto the Crown the ward of these Lands , with the benefit that was to arise by the marriage of the Heir . Untill the later part of this Age , the Bishops of Scotland , although they had raised their Order unto a great power and riches , yet they were not distinguished in Diocesses , so till then indifferently , wheresoever they came , they did Ministrate their Function , without lording over one particular place , or calling themselves Lords of any place . The Diocesses wherein Scotland was divided at first , were these , Saint Andrews , Glasgo , Murray , Catnes , Murthlac , or Aberdene . The Bishops of Rome taking upon them in these dayes to be above Kings , and to conferre in matters of Honour , upon Kings , how , and where they pleased ; and so by this means , to put a farther tye of Vassalage and subjection upon Princes . To this effect , in the yeer 1098. ordained King Edgar to be anointed with externall Oyl by the Bishop of Saint Andrews , a rite , which till that day , had not been in use among our Kings : yet they were as much the anointed of the Lord before , as they have been since , and as any other Princes , who before them had this externall anointing from the Sea of Rome ; although the Romish Writers do make a greater esteem of these Kings anointed by them , then of others , because they conceive them to be more their own . Here note by the way , That all Princes whatsoever in Scripture-Language , are said to be the Anointed of the Lord ; and so Cyrus was named , although he was never anointed with externall Oyl . Next , although the first Kings of Israel were anointed , as Saul , David , and Solomon , with some of the following Kings ; namely , where there was any opposition feared of setling them in the Royall Throne ; for further Confirmation were anointed . Read diligently the History of the Kings , and you shall not finde that each one , or every one of them was anoynted externally , although they were all the Anoynted of the Lord. Next , you shall note , That the Oyl wherewith Samuel anoynted Saul and David ( and so the Oyl wherewith other Kings were anoynted ) was not an Oyl consecrated , as that wherewith the High-Priest , &c. was anoynted , but common Oyl . The reason of the Scripture-phrase whereby all Princes are said to be anoynted , is this : Anoynting , in first and most ancient times , was a signe of setting apart of a man for the Office of a King. Hence , by progresse of time , any man that was set aside by Gods providence to execute the Office of a King , whether he came thereunto by Succession , or by choice , or by Conquest , was called the Anoynted of the Lord , because they had the thing signified by Gods appointment , notwithstanding they wanted the signe , to wit , the Oyntment . Further we shall observe here , That not onely those whom God hath set aside to be Kings , be called the Anoynted of the Lord ; but also the people whom he hath set aside or apart for a peculiar end : So the Prophet , speaking of the People of Israel in Gods Name , useth this expression , Touch not mine Anoynted : For their sake I have reproved Kings . Moreover note , That as the people set aside by God are said to be his Anoynted , so they are also called , A Royall Priesthood , Kings and Priests . Not that every one of the people is a King or a Priest , these being particular Callings , no more then they were anoynted ; but because they are set aside by God as Priests , to offer daily unto him the Sacrifice of Righteousnesse , &c. And as Kings were anoynted with Oyl , to signifie their setting aside for their peculiar Office ; so every one of us , being anoynted in Baptisme by the holy Spirit , is set aside to do justice , &c. as a King , in our severall station . Thus much have I , in few words , spoken of Kings anoynting , and how the people are said to be anoynted , or to be Priests and Kings , because in the beginning of the fifteenth Age , sundry were condemned as hereticks , for saying , That every man is a Priest in some kinde ; and that the anoynting of Kings is now needlesse , being an invention of Rome , to subject Princes unto it . Some yeers after the beginning of the twelfth Age , King David , beside the Bishopricks formerly erected , did erect the Bishoprick of Rosse , Breachen , Dunkel , and Dumblane . This debonaire Prince was so profuse towards Church-men , that he gave them a good part of the ancient Patrimony of the Crown : So he and his Successors were necessitated to lay Taxes and Impost upon the people , more then formerly , to the harm of the Common-wealth . In this also he wronged the Church : for the Clergie being rich and powerfull , left their Function , and gave themselves over to all riot and idlenesse . Till riches made Church-men lazie , this distinction in discharging the Duty of a Pastor , or of the souls per se , aut per alium , was unknown . While riches did not so abound in the Church , Church-men kept more conscience in the discharging of their places . In this twelfth Age , the Scots , although they had Bishops ever since Palladius , who for a long time did discharge the Function indifferently in every place where they came to : And although they had of later times distinguished the limits of the bounds wherein they were to execute their Calling , by Diocesses ; yet in that Age , I say , they were not come to that height , to have Primates , Metropolitans , and Arch-bishops . Wherefore their neighbour , the Arch-bishop of Yorke , having gained the consent of the Pope , bestirred himself very earnestly , by the assistance of his King , to have the Scotish Bishops acknowledge him for the Metropolitane ; whereunto the stoutest of the Scotish Clergie would not consent ; but they would depend immediately upon the Pope : and to this effect , Legats were sent from Rome to Scotland ; who being come hither , and seeing the resolution of the Scotish Bishops not to submit to the Archbishop of Yorke ; and finding their own benefit thereby , they did exempt and free the Scots Clergie , from the trouble of the Arch-bishop of Yorke . There was one Gilbert Bishop of Catnes a great strugler for this businesse . About the later end of this Age , sundry Priests were put from their Office , because they had taken Orders upon Sunday . In that time there was a Synod in Perth of Divines , such as they were , who decreed , That Sunday should be kept holy from all work , from Saturday at mid-day , or twelve of the clock , till Munday morning . In the thirteenth Age , few yeers after the beginning thereof , divers kindes of Monks came into Scotland , formerly unknown to the Land ; as Dominicans , Franciscans , Iacobins , and sundry other of that sort of Locusts . In this Age these Vermine of Monks did so multiply every where , that at a Councell at Lyons it was decreed , That no more new Orders of Monks should be admitted or tolerated . But how the Decree hath been kept , we see in our dayes . Next , the Monks of severall kindes gave themselves so to Begging , that the people were much eaten up by them , and the poor his portion was withdrawn ; which occasioned a great murmure among the Commons . Upon this , there was a Decree made then , That onely the Minorites , Praedicants , Carmelites , and Hermits of S. Augustine , should have liberty to beg : Whence they are called , The four Mendicants ; Les quatre Mendiants . Towards the end of this thirteenth Age fell out that great desolation of the State of Scotland , occasioned by the Controversie for the Succession of the Crown , betwixt Baliol and Bruce ; Baliol being constrained by the States of Scotland to break the promise he had made to Edward of England , To subject the Crown of Scotland unto him , for judging the cause on his side . After much trouble and misery of War , the State of Scotland receives Robert Bruce , come of the second Branch , for King , recalling all the subjection and Allegiance that they had given to Baliol , because of his unworthinesse to Reign : who , beside unfitnesse to bear rule over a Military People , had basely condescended to enslave that Nation , to whom their Liberty hath been so dear to this day , that for it , and the purity of true Religion , which both , by Gods mercy , they now enjoy , they have willingly and cheerfully undergone all hazard of life and means ; judging , That if they suffered these two twins , Liberty and Religion , either to be infringed , or taken from them , they had nothing left them , whereby they might be called men . The remarkable History of King Iames the first of Scotland , fitteth this purpose very well . The Passage is this : King Iames the first going into France , was taken by the English , and kept prisoner by them for many yeers . In that time the King of England goes to France , to make Warre ; and at his arrivall there , he findes an Army of Scots ready to fight for the Alliay of Scotland , the French King , against the English. Upon this , the King of England moves King Iames , whom he had taken along with him , to write unto the Scots , and to charge them , upon their Allegiance , not to draw their Sword against the party where he their King was in person . The Scots answered , That they were sent into France to assist their Alliays against the common enemy . As for him who writ unto them , since he was a prisoner , and not a free man , they neither owed him Allegiance , nor would they give him any , so long as he was in prison ; but if he were set at liberty , and were living among them , they would obey him according to the Laws of the Countrey ; since the Crown was setled upon him by the consent of the States , and so they did ; for these Kingdoms were governed in his name , without any communication with him , during the time of his imprisonment , which was very long ; but when he went home , he was received and obeyed as King. From this Princes may learn , that although people do submit themselves to their Government ; the resignation is not so full as to devest themselves of all power in such a way , That the Prince may dispose of them as he thinks right or wrong , he ordinarily being misled and kept captive , by those that are about him ; who for the most part , have no regard to the publike good , nor to the credit and esteem of him , to whom in shew they professe themselves so addicted ; the people have constantly reserved even unto themselves by the consent of all men , yea , of the greatest Court-parasites and Sycophants of Princes , that the Prince cannot , nor ought not to enslave or subject the people to any Forreign Power ; and where Princes by Pusillanimitie and ill counsell , have essayed or attempted such a thing , they have smarted for it , witnesse Baliol , who not onely was excluded himself from the Crown , but also his Posterity ; and it was setled upon the next Branch , to wit , Robert Bruce , with his descendents , where it continues to this day by Gods providence . Then since the people have reserved this power in themselves , to stop the Prince , to put them under any Forreign yoak or slavery ; is it possible , That they have not reserved a power to right themselves from domestick , and intestine slavery , and misery , slavery being ever one and the same ? For what is it to me by whom I suffer evil of one and the same kinde and degree , whether it be by a neighbour , or a stranger , a forreigner , or a con-citizen ? yea , when I suffer by him who should be my friend , and stand for the same Freedom with me , my suffering is the greater . To this purpose you have a memorable Passage of William the Norman ; who , although he had invaded England with the Sword , and by it had defeated him who did oppose him for the Crown , with all his adherents and party , and in consequencie of this Victory , had committed many out-rages with a strong hand ; yet the same William could never assure himself nor his Posterity of the Allegeance of the People , till he had sworn solemnly ( according to the Rite of the times ) for himself and his , To govern according to the good and approved Laws of the Land , as the best Kings before him had done . Then the County of Kent , in its own name , and in the name of the whole Kingdom , declared , That neither Kent , nor any other of the Kingdom , was conquered , but in a peaceable way did submit to William the Norman , upon Condition , and with Proviso , That all their Liberties , and free Customs in use and practice , should be kept . If this was not accomplished afterwards , it was sillinesse of the People that suffered themselves to be abused , and the fault of misled Princes , that did not keep their promise whereunto they were tyed : And sundry , for the breach of this promise , have had occasion to repent , when it hath been too late . We shall adde one example more , which is , of Henry the eighth ; who , anno 1525 , the seventeenth yeer of his Reign , by the advice of his Councell , put a Tax upon the people ; which the people did not onely refuse to pay , but declared , That the thing was unjust and unlawfull . Withall , wherever they met those whom the King had employed for the gathering the money , they used them so kindely , that they did never come twice to one place for the payment of the Tax . The King seeing this , he disclaims the Imposition of the Tax , and so do the Nobles that convened at London , by his Command , for that purpose , and layes all the fault upon ill counsell , namely , upon Wolsey . This was Henry constrained to do , notwithstanding his resolutenesse against all forreign enemy , chiefly the Pope , with his shavelings . By this instance , Henry acknowledged his power to be limited , and no wayes arbitrary : Against the doctrine of our now Cout-parasites . Now if the People have this much power in them , as to stand for their Temporall Liberty , both against forreign and domestick slavery ; far more may they , and ought they , to defend the Spirituall Freedom , which Christ , having purchased with his Blood , hath left them , as Members of his Church . But all this defence of Liberty and Religion ought to be made so , that it be without by-ends , sinistrous respects , of hatred , malice , ambition , &c. The onely scope and main drift being , To have Gods glory , in the Light of his Gospel , setled and maintained , The People at quiet , The Prince obeyed , in God , and for God ( i. e. ) according to the Law of God , Nature , Nations , and the Countrey or Kingdom , so far as possibly can be . This being lookt to carefully , there is no gap opened to Rebellion ; which is a fighting against Gods Ordinance , and not the just and necessary opposing of the abuse and corrupting of the good Ordinance of God. But here a Court-slave will say , If things be so , there is no absolutenesse in Monarchs and Princes ? To answer this , we must know what is to be meant by absolute , or absolutenes ; whereof I finde two main significations . First , absolute signifieth perfect , and absolutenesse , perfection : Hence we have in Latin this expression , Perfectum est omnibus , numeris absolutum . And in our vulgar Language we say , A thing is absolutely good , when it is perfectly good . Next , absolute signifieth free from tye or bond ; which in Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now , say I , if you take absolute for perfect , that Prince or Magistrate is most absolute , that is most perfect , who governs most absolutely , or most perfectly . The absolutenesse or perfection of Government consists in its conformity to the perfect Rule which is written in the Law of God , printed in the heart of man , received generally of all wise People , and in practice by all particular well-polished Common-wealths . Next , I say , if you take absolute for free from tye or bond , That no Prince nor Magistrate is free ; for every Magistrate or Prince , as well as the private man , is bound to keep the Law of God , of Nature , &c. not onely in particular things , for his own singular carriage , but also in publike businesses , for the good and society of men , or of the people : for God hath given his Law , and Nature her Dictates to all , to the observance of which all men are tyed . Yea , farther , they are not onely bound in their severall Conditions , and tyed to the performance thereof in their own persons ; but also are bound to further it with all their might , and take away all things that may lett and stop this performance , or deterre and withdraw men from it . Read Levit. 19.17 . where every man is commanded to rebuke his neighbour , and stop him from sinning . Read Deut. 17.19 , 20. where the King is commanded to have continually the Copie of the Law before him for his Rule and Guide . What is in 1 Sam. 8.10 . is what a King is likely to do , and not what he ought or should do . This is cleer ; for in the place now named , in Deuteronomy , the King is told what he ought to do ; but that he is said to do in Samuel , is contrary to the Ordinance of God. Confer the places , and you will easily see this truth . Next , a Prince is said to be absolute , that is , not in any kinde subaltern to another , and whose subjects acknowledge ( under God ) no other but him . Hence you may see , That the Popish Kings and Princes are not absolute ; for , beside the great number of people within their Dominions who are immediate sworn vassalls to the Pope , I mean , the Shavelings ; The Prince himself takes Oath , at his Reception , To uphold the over-ruling Government of the Pope , under the masked name of Spirituality ; and the simple abused Prince shall have for a reward , to make up all , a little holy Oyl to anoynt him , and bear the Title of most Christian or Catholike Princes . Farther , I say , That the Prince , who although in some things hath cast off the yoke of this god upon earth ( for so is the Pope now and then called ) but keeps up a part of his tyranny in the Church of God over his people , wants and loses so much of his absolutenesse , for this tye upon him from a forreign Prince , the Pope . But here the Pope sheweth the height of his cunning ; for he seeing that Princes are told frequently , That they are either absolute , or ought to be such , bethinks himself to keep up his super-eminency above Princes , as his vassalls , and yet make the Princes finde an absolutenesse ; which he acts by his Emissaries , and their inferiour instruments , for their own private ends , whom he makes inculcate in the ears of Princes , That their absolutenesse consisteth in doing with the Life , Liberty and Fortunes of the People , as seems good in their eyes , without any regard to the good of humane Society , which is the true End of all Government : But with this Proviso , That those who have relation to him immediately , be exempted : and these are not onely his shavelings , who are openly obedient to his commands and orders , &c. but also those , yea , in Kingdoms where his name is in a kinde rejected , who keep up his tyrannicall Laws and Ordinances , as we have felt of late , namely , in these Dominions wherein we live , to our wofull experience ; for they , to uphold and encrease their power , have cast both Prince and People into great troubles , making the Prince believe , That without them he hath no being . But to shew thee that Princes may use the people committed to their Charge like beasts , and yet neverthelesse are not absolute , cast thy eyes in the neighbour Countreys onely upon the Duke of Savoy , and the Duke of Florence ; who , although they be Sovereigns in a kinde over the people , and deal most hardly with them , taking their Lives and Fortunes away at their pleasure , yet they are not acknowledged to be absolute Princes ; for they are vassalls of the Empire , and their chief titles are to be Officers thereof : So the Duke of Savoy is qualified Vicar of the Empire , &c. If you consider the Prince , and people committed to his Charge , as having relation one to another , I say , they are both bound one to another by Duty ; the Prince first bound to rule and govern according to the Law of God , of Nature , of Nations , and Municipall Laws of the Countrey and the People is bound to obey him accordingly : but if the Prince command any thing against these , his commands are not to be obeyed , God being onely he , to whose commands Obedience is simply due , and to be given ; but to men , onely obedience with limitation , and in externall things , according to the Laws so oft above named , at the least not against them , or opposite to them . The Chimaera , or rather Solaecisme in reason of passive Obedience , is not to be thought on among rationall men , it being the invention of Court-parasites , a meer nothing , or non ens , for Obedience consisteth in action , as all other vertues do , and not is suffering . Farther , whosoever , for not obeying a wicked command of a Superiour , suffereth , if he can stop it , or shun it , is an enemy to his own being , wherein he offends against nature ; for you see every naturall thing striveth to conserve it self against what annoyeth it ; then he sins against the Order of God , who in vain hath ordained us so many lawfull Means for the preservation of our Being , if we suffer it to be destroyed , having power to help it . But then it will be demanded ; What , is there no absolutenesse in humane Authority ? I answer , simple absolutenesse there is none under God ; For all humane Authority is limited by the Laws aforesaid , and extends to farther then externall things ; yet comparatively humane Authority is said to be absolute , when it is free from any Forreigne Superiour Power . So when Henry the eighth , having cast off the Romish yoak , and putting down the vassallage of these his Dominions unto the Pope , caused divers Books to be written of the absolute Empire or Authority of the Prince ; although , after the freeing himself from the Pope , he had not , nor did not pretend to have any more absolute power over the people , then he had before ; but albeit this Prince did much for the regaining the absolute Authority to the Crown again , in chasing away the Romish Pontiff , yet , he did it not fully , in so farre as he kept still the Romish Rites , and the Hierarchy , or Prelacy , wherein the Romish Fox lurking , hath kept himself in these Countreys unto this day ; and now having acted the Fox long enough , he is acting the Woolf by dedestroying the people of God ; if the Successors of King Henry had not kept in the Romish Superstitious Rites and Hierarchy , they , and we all had had better times , then we have all tasted of . Although King Henry for his Vices , be blame worthy to all posterity , yet I must say , in all humane appearance , That if the Prelat-Bishops , to whom he trusted the reforming of the abuses of the Church , had been as forward , as he was willing , there had been a better Reformation then was in his time , witnesse this instance , The People desired freedome to read the Scripture , the then Bishops refused this unto the People . Whereupon the King was petitioned in the name of the People , the King grants their Petition ; the Bishops hearing of the Kings grant , thus limit it , not daring to deny it flatly , That all Gentlemen should have liberty to read the Scripture , since it was the Kings pleasure ; but for others , the permission was stopped : As if Yeomen and Tradesmen , had not as much interest in Gods Word , as Gentlemen . Then remarke all those that were put to death for the testimony of the Truth in Henry the eighth his dayes , were persecuted by the Bishops of the time , although the blame lieth upon the Prince ; for albeit they had in compliance to the King renounced the Pope by word of mouth , yet in effect they kept up his tyranny , by his doctrine ( with small alteration changed ) his Rites and Ceremonies , Canons and Laws , Prelacie or Hierarchie maintained : And seeing the King so opposite to the Pope , they condescended that the King should bear the blasphemous Title of the Pope , Head of the Church , although with reluctancy : and so it proved ; for notwithstanding all the Statutes that were made in favour of this Title taken from the Pope , and attributed to the King , the Bishops with cunning and subtill proceedings , kept a foot the power of the Pope ; and so soon as they saw the occasion of Queen Marie her Reigne , they freely and easily brought all back again to Rome , without Maske or Limitation : and ever since , their successors , although by the course of affairs ( they ) have been obliged to disclaim the Pope his authority , yea , and his doctrine in some measure ; yet they , ever since , to this day , have expressed their inclinations , and done their endeavours to return thither again , as we all know by dolefull experience . But here it may be demanded , What drift or policie can it be in the Bishops , to desire to be subject to Rome , rather then to their Prince , and Laws of the Countrey ? The answer is , The propensitie of us all , to follow evill rather then good , is known , namely , When the evill hath the mask of worldly dignitie , pomp , power , and pleasure , which hinders it to be seen in its own colours . Now the Bishops and all the rabble of that corrupt Clergy , are given to Temporall , howsoever unlawfull advantages , as their ambition , avarice , and lust , from the very beginning hath shewn ; which exorbitant passions lead men headlong , without measure , when once way is given unto them , unlesse they meet with some lett or stop , which is both lesser and slower , when it is a farre off , namely , when it cometh from one who is possessed with the same distempers , and himself of the same order of men with the Delinquent ; and so the Bishops of this Island , had rather have to do with the Pope , then with the Prince . First , Because of mutuall infirmity the Pope proveth more indulgent then any Prince . Next , The Prince is too neer them , and so it is best for them to be so free of the Prince his Jurisdiction , that they may be able not onely to neglect him , but also to oppose him . For all , let that example of the Canterbury-prelat serve ; who made the King for the time to hold the Stirrup when he gat up upon his horse . The Story is known . I called a little before the Title of Head of the Church , used by the Pope , and then given to Henry , blasphemous . To lay aside all other things that may be alleadged against this Title , I shall onely say this ; The Church is the Spouse of Christ : No Spouse can be said to have any other Head , but him whose Spouse she is . Now if the Church should acknowledge her self to be the Spouse of any other but of Christ , she were a professed Whore and Adulteresse . By no means then a Prince is to be called , The Head of the Church : For although the civill Magistrate is obliged , according to his rank and place , to see the Ministers of the Church do the work of the Lord , truely , diligently , and carefully , and to make them do it according to the Will of God declared in his Word ; yet for all this , he is nothing but a servant , overseer , or grass , and not the Head , which is a Title belonging onely to Christ ; wherefore , Princes or Magistrates , that by slavish flatterers had this Title given unto them at the first , had done well to reject it , as their Successors , who have followed , had done well likewise , ( according to God his Will ) if they had not suffered this Title to have been continued unto them , namely , in the publike prayers , where the time-serving inconsiderate Minister prayeth , in the name of the Church , for her Head ; if the Head of the Church needs to be prayed for , then the influences of the Head , upon the Church , will be but poor and weak , &c. But of this enough for this place . Moreover , The flattering Preachers , unrequired in the publike prayers in the name of the Church , call the Prince forsooth , The Breath of our Nostrils , taking for his ground , the words of Ieremy , in his Lamentations , Chap. 4. vers . 20. Which words , by the Current of the Ancients , and Septuagint , are to be understood of Christ Jesus ; True it is , The Rabbins have interpreted the words of one of the Kings of Iudah , to wit , Iosias , or Zedekias ; and hence some of the later Expositors have explained these words , That first and literally they may be applyed to one of the Kings of Judah , who were all figures of Christ to come , but principally , and mainly the words are to be understood of Christ Iesus , by the consent of all ; So to attribute these words to any Prince earthly , cannot be without offense to Christ ; For who can be said properly , and well , To be the Breath of our Nostrils , but he , who inspireth into us life , that is God. In like manner , the inconsiderate Ministers of the Gospel , abusing the Text of the eightieth Psalm , which , by the consent of all , is understood of Christ truely , and of David , as a figure of Christ to come , call the King , The man of thy right hand , this in no wayes , without Blasphemie , can be attributed unto any earthly Prince ; for none is to be said a figure of Christ , as David , and his Successors were by a particular dispensation . But if misapplying , and mistaking of Texts of Scripture will do businesse , since Magistrates are said to be gods , you may as well call the Prince god , as the Roman Emperour was of old by some so called , and now the Pope , by his Court-parasites : which Titile of god , no Prince will suffer to be given unto him ; Surely , as it is a very great crime , not to give due respect , reverence , and obedience unto him , whom God hath set over us for our good , according to his wise Ordinance ; so on the other side , it is a huge sin to Idolize the Prince , making him a god , when he is but a weak , and infirme man , servant of God. This second fault is committed chiefly by the Sycophants and Parasites , who have no other Church , nor Chappell , but the Court , and make Petition to none , but to the King , whom to please , they wholly study , that they may catch somewhat to satisfie their inordinate desires . And the first is committed , namely , by their prelaticall Clergy , who withdraw from the Prince a great part of his due , when they study to exempt themselves from his Obedience , and take from him any inspection upon them , namely , concerning the discharge of their calling , although by Gods Ordinance it be a main part of his Office , to see God served , and worshipped , according to his Will revealed in his sacred Word . We have a little above seen , how that by the flattery of some Court-preachers , the custome is brought into the Church , to give unto the Prince , not onely swelling , but blasphemous Titles in the publike Prayer , that is made by the Minister in the name of the Chruch ; but although , this be too great an evill , and requireth Reformation , yet the flattery of some Preachers hath not stayed here ; for they , according to their custome , having addicted themselves to any one , whom they conceive may help them to preferment , stick not in the pulpit , where all relation should be laid aside , save that of a Minister of Gods Word , to publish themselves , yea , in their Prayers , to be varlets to this man , or that man ; and , what is worse yet , in the Prayer they call their Masters and Lords Vertuous , Pious , and Religious , when it is known to all , That for the most part they have little Vertue , lesse Piety , and no Religion at all . To have pointed at these things , shall suffice for this place . If any man will be contentious for these practices , I answer him , That the wel-Reformed Churches have no such Customs ; for among the other abuses whereof they have been purged , by the care and diligence of the faithfull Vine-dressers , under Gods blessing , they have been pruned of this rotten Bud of slavish flattery , as a corruption much opposite and contrary to the dignity and power of the Gospel . But let us return , after this long Digression . In these dayes ( that is , in the thirteenth Age ) lived Michael Scot , renowned for his Learning in Physick , Astronomy , &c. He is remembred by Picus Mirandula , and Cornelius Agrippa , very honourably . Also then lived Thomas Lermouth , commonly called , The Rythmer ; whose Predictions are extant to this day : But no wise man can make any thing of them , more then of Merlin his Prophesies , who lived long before him ; although sundry have pleased their fansies with idle Expositions of these two mens dreams . Towards the end of this thirteenth Age , the good Roman Pontif Boniface the eight , making use of the havie moans and complaints that some of Scotland , namely , of the Bishops and other Clergie-men , with their clients , made against King Edward of England , who then did cruelly afflict the Countrey , claims a right unto the Crown of Scotland , as re●igned unto him by the States : And upon this he writes an insulting Letter , and full of threatnings , unto Edward , that he was so malapert as to do any wrong to his vassalls and subjects , where he had none , truely , save the Bishops , and Shavelings , with their clients . Whether the Clergie did make this offer of subjection unto the Pope , or whether he did falsly invent this lye , we cannot tell , but it is betwixt the Pope and his shaved creatures ; such master , such men . Let this teach us , how the Popes are , and have been , and will be ever constantly ready watching at all occasions , to draw all things to their Crosse. But this owning of the Scots by the Pope for his peculiar people did not last long ; for in a very short time thereafter , notwithstanding the great ignorance of these dayes , the Scots shewed themselves refractaries to his holy Orders ; and he , in revenge , did thunder the fire-bolts of his Excommunication against these rude fellows , putting them to the Interdict , all to small purpose ; for by these Bolts they were but very little dashed . We have heard how that in former times the Church of Scotland was served by Culdees , and they ruled by their Presbyteries or Elders , having a Moderator , or Prefect of themselves , and of their own chusing : This was for many yeers . When Palladius brought in Prelacie , a new holy Order , into the Church of Scotland , unknown to the preceding Ages , it was with this Restraint , That Bishops should be chosen by the Culdees , and of them : But when Bishops had once gotten certain Diocesses and Limits alotted unto them , they set up a new Presbytery of their own , or Councell of Canons or Regulars , which they called Chapters ; by whom they intended to be chosen in following times . The Culdees seeing this , did oppose it with their main strength , namely , under King David , who did take up the businesse thus ( being carried away by the Prelats ) That so many of the Culdees as would be Canons , should have hand in the chusing of the Bishops . But the Bishops , to elude this Ordinance of the Prince , obtained a Mandate from the Pope , That no Culdee should be received in the Convent of Canons , but by the consent of the Prior , and most part of the Canons . By these means the Culdees were kept out , and deprived of their voyce in chusing of the Bishop . In the time of the troubles of Baliol and Bruce , one William Cumin , Prefect of the Culdees , thinks it fit for to bestir himself , to trie what he could regain upon the Canons ; and so he opposeth the Election by the Canons of one William Lamberton to the Sea of S. Andrews : The businesse being come to a great height , by Appeal was drawn to Rome , where , after much debate pro forma , time and moneys employed , the holy Father Boniface the eight pronounces sentence , in favour of his dear Clients the Canons ; and so Lamberton is made Bishop , and consecrated by the Pope Boniface . This fact turned so to the disgrace of the Culdees , that after that time we reade no more of them ; so the Name and Order by little and little came to be quite extinguished , about the beginning of the thirteenth age . In the beginning of the fourteenth age , the Order of the Templers was put down , whether for their just demerits , or for private ends and hatred , we leave it to the Histories of these times , Pope Clement the fift by his Bull did cashier them , the Bull beginning thus , Quanquam de jure non possumus , tamen pro plenitudine potestatis dictum Ordinem reprobamus , &c. After which all Christian Princes did cause them to be apprehended in their severall Dominions , and put them from their estates , which was then given to Hospitallers and Knights of Saint Iohn , after they had stood about two hundred yeers , instituted by Baldonin King of Ierusalem , for defence of that Citie and Temple , and the safe conveying of all such as did travell thither : They are also called Red friers , because their Gownes were Red. In this fourteenth age did flourish the great Scholastick Iohannes , called Scotus from his Nation , and Duns from the place of his Birth , for he was born in the Town of Duns in the Mers ; he was a great Opposer of Thomas of Aquin his Doctrine ; his Sectaries were called Scotists , his Epitaph was thus : Scotia me genuit , Anglia suscepit , Gallia edocuit , Germania tenet . In the beginning of the fifteenth age there was a great Schisme in the Romish Church , Pope against Pope ; yea , sometimes there were three Popes at one time fighting one against another , and excommunicating one another ; this Schisme lasted about thirty yeers , and by the Councell of Constance Martin the fift was made Pope , and the rest defeated : There was one Iohn Fogo , a Monke of Milros , who in Scotland defended the Election of Martin by the Councell , against Benedict , alias , Peter de Lune . During this forenamed Schisme , many ( taking occasion of the opennesse of the times ) began boldly and freely to speak against the bad Doctrine , Government and Lives of the Church-men , and that not only in private discourse , but they also preached it publikely , as Iohn Wickliffe in England , Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prague in Bohemia , who spoke before the people freely of the Tyrannie of the Government of the Clergie , the corruption of their Doctrine , and wickednesse of their lives . In those dayes also there were some in Scotland , who feared not to make known to the people the Truth of God , as namely Iames Resby and Paul Craw ( among others ) who suffered Martyrdom for the Truth . About this time the Carthusians were brought from England into Scotland , and had built unto them a Monasterie at Perth . In this Age the Universitie of Saint Andrews was set up , chiefly by the means of Henry Wardlaw Bishop of the place , that in some kinde the Schools of Learning might not bee altogether wanting , which formerly had flourished for so long a time among the Culdees , and of later yeers had quite decayed ; this good did Wardlaw : As his Predecessor William Trail had built the Castle of the same City ; So his Successour Iames Kenedy built the old Colledge likewise , called Saint Salvator his Colledge ; Patrick Grahame , that came after him , was the man that brought into Scotland the Title of Primate , Metropolitane , and Archbishop , by Bull of Sextus quartus . From the first Preaching of the Gospel , till Palladius , the Church of Scotland was happy without Bishops . From Palladius to King Malcolme his days the Bishops had no distinct Diocesses or Parishes from King Malcolme : till Patricke Grahame they were without Archbishops ; this Title and higher rank of Authoritie did not succeed well with Grahame , for the other Bishops could suffer no Superiour under the Pope , namely so neer them , hitherto having rejected all the pretentions of the Archbishop of York ; The inferior Clergie also were afraid of the increase of the Authority of the Man whom they conceived austere and rigid , and so by the Faction of the corrupt Court and disordered Clergy , poor Grahame lost the Title he had procured , with the Benefice , and one Shevez got his spoyl ; and what a sweet Bird Shevez was , the Stories of that time doe sufficiently manifest . Robert Blacater seeing the Bishop of Saint Andrews now a Metropolitane and Archbishop , obtains from Alexander the sixt a Bull , whereby he is made Archbishop also , and hee had under him the Bishops of Galloway , Argyle and Isles ; which new dignitie angred the Archbishop of Saint Andrews , above the losse of his Vassals ; for to have a Companion in equall dignity set up beside him was hard ; but he must digest the Pill , since the Pope will have it so . Lastly , David Beaton brought in the Title of Cardinall into Scotland , who hath beene the onely man that hath born that Title in this Countrey , and how it did speed with him , the following Historie will tell you . As in the beginning of the fifteenth age the Schisme for the Papacie opened thorow Christendom many mens mouthes , and busied their Pennes to set forth the corruption of the Church , and the Vices of the Clergie ; even so in the beginning of the sixteenth age , those that fought for the Bishoprick of Saint Andrews , by their dissention gave occasion to many in Scotland to speak in publike and private of the corruption of Church-mens Lives , Government and Doctrine in Scotland ; which coming to the Popes ears , presently he sent unto the King , Iames the fourth , a Sword , with the Title of Protector of the Faith ; as if all Christian Princes were not in dutie bound to protect the Faith in Christ ; but the Faith whi●h the Pope would have the King to protect , was his erroneous Doctrine , and Tyrannicall Authoritie . Some few yeers after this , Henry the eighth was declared by the Pope , Defender of the Faith , and had the Sword likewise . Iames the 4 of Scotland being dead , now by the corrupt Courtiers the yong inconsiderate King Iames was made beleeve , That the conferring of this new Title by the Pope , did bring unto him a great preheminence ; yea , the Court Sycophants did not stick to call it , A new Royaltie , when in effect it was nothing else but a new note of his Vas●allage to Rome ; and by the accepting of the Sword he did engage himself to make warre for Rome ; and so he did indeed , for sundry men after this , during his short Reign , were persecuted , and suffered death for the Truth of Christ. This is the second remarkable Badge of slavery put upon our Princes by the Pope ; the former was their Anointing by him , as wee have seen before . Here be pleased with me to remark , That of all the Bishops of Scotland before the Reformation , namely , since they were made Lords of certain places , and had particular Diocesses , you cannot finde one who had any care of the true Charge of Pastor ; for their whole studie was , to raise their power , and to encrease their means for the upholding of their power : and , to effectuate this more easily and fully , they kept both Prince and people in dark ignorance of Gods Will and Word . But because they must seem to do somwhat for the name sake of Bishops , they caused to build walls of Temples and Chappels , set up images and pictures richly dressed , to content the eyes , and brought into the Church Instruments of Musick , and artificiall Singing with great skill , to content the ear ; Also they brought in sweet perfume and incense for the smell ; so the most subtill senses were thus satisfied . And , to make a shew to keep under the senses which are more grosse , there must be some kinde of Fasting enjoyned to the people , and chastenesse to the Church-men . But how , and to what purpose these two last have been kept , all men know . But kept or not , all is one , all these Ordinances which the Bishops set up for Religion , have been discovered by Gods mercy , to be not onely without Warant in Gods Word , but plainly contrary to the same . Of all the Bishops of Scotland in time of Reformation , there was onely one or two who embraced the Truth , all the rest were either professed persecutors of Gods Children , and open enemies of the Truth , or else they were given altogether so to satisfie their bellies and lusts , that they had no care of Religion ; witnesse George Creichton ( in the name of all the rest ) Bishop of Dunkell , who confessed truly , That he had lived a long time Bishop , and never knew any thing of the Old or New Testament . Impietie , Ignorance and Wickednesse came to such height among the Church-men of all ranks , degrees and professions , that God being , after so long patience , in a manner vexed with them , did stirre up the people to chase them from the service of his House , and to put others in their places , as you will see in this following Historie , whereunto I referre you . And I shall close up this discourse with one or two passages , worthy to be known ; whereby you may see the learning of the Church-Doctors in those dayes , and how they did imploy the knowledge they had to abuse the poor people . The first Passage is this : One Richard Marshall Prior of the Blackefriers at Newcastle in England , preached in Saint Andrews , That the Pater-noster should be said to God onely , and not to the Saints : The Doctors of Saint Andrews offended at it , made a Gray frier , called Tottis , preach against Marshall his Tenet ; which hee did thus , ( taking his Text out of the fift of Saint Matthew , Blessed are the poore in spirit ) Seeing we say , Good day , Father , to any old man in the Street , we may call a Saint , Pater , who is older then any alive ; And seeing they are in Heaven , we may say to any of them , Our Father which art in heaven : And seeing they are holy , we may say to any of them , Hallowed be thy name : And since they are in the Kingdom of Heaven , we may say , Thy kingdom come : And seeing their will is Gods Will , we may say to any of them , Thy will be done . But when the Gray Fryer preaching came to the fourth Petition , Give us this day our dayly bread , he was hissed at , and so was constrained not onely to leave off Preaching , but also to leave the City for shame . Yet among the Doctors then assembled , the Dispute continued about the Pater ; for some would have it said to God formaliter , and to the Saints materialiter ; others , to God principaliter , to the Saints minus principaliter ; others , primariò to God , secundariò to the Saints ; others would have it said to God taking it strictè , and to the Saints taking it latè : Notwithstanding all these Distinctions , the Doctors could not agree upon the businesse . A fellow , called Tom , servant to the Sub-Prior of Saint Andrews , one day perceiving his Master much troubled with some businesse , and as he conceived weighty , said to him , Sir , what is the matter of this your trouble ? The Master answered , We cannot agree about the saying of the Pater . The fellow replied , To whom should it be said , but to God alone ? The Master answers again , What shall we do then with the Saints ? The fellow duplies , Give them Ave's and Credo's enough , that may suffice them , and too well too . If this was good Divinity , God knows . The second passage likewise is very well worth the knowing , and to this purpose very fit , which fell out about the same time with the former , that is , about the first beginning of the Reformation . A little before the death of George Wischard , there came home from Rome a fellow charged with very many holy Reliques , and new things of great vertue , as he gave out ; but the things were not to be had , nor any benefit by the sight or touching of them , without moneys . Now upon a holy day , in a village neer Hadington , this Romish Pedler did open his pack , to try if he could vent any of his Wares among the Countrey people . Among other commodities , the good Merchant did shew unto the people there was a Bell of much value , by reason of its great vertue ; which he gave out to be this , That if any two parties had any difference , which could not be otherwise decided but by Oath , the truth of the Oath was to be made known by this Bell : for ( said he ) when any one sweareth , laying his hand on this Bell , if he swear true , he shall after the Oath sworn remove his hand easily from from the Bell , without any change to the Bell : But if he that sweareth having his hand upon the Bell sweareth falsly , his hand will stick to the Bell , and the Bell will rive asunder . Now we must tell you , That already there was a rift in the Bell , which this Romipete did affirm had happened by a false Oath of one that had sworn having his hand upon the Bell. At this tale the poor simple people were astonished , and fell in admiration . But among them was one Fermer , who had some light of the Truth of God ; he drawing neer the Romish Merchant , desired to have the Bell in his hand , to see it neerly . This desire was granted unto him . Then he takes the Bell , and looks on it , expressing great admiration at first ; but immediately thereafter , he asked at the Romipete , if he would suffer him to swear in presence of the company , having his hand upon the Bell , for he had minde to take an Oath upon a weighty businesse . The man could not refuse him . Then said the Farmer to the company , Friends , before I swear , you see the rift that is already in the Bell , and how big it is , and that I have nothing upon my fingers to make them stick to the Bell. With this he sheweth them his hand open : then laying his hand upon the Bell , he did swear this ; I swear , in the presence of the living God , and before these good people , That the Pope of Rome is Antichrist , and that all the rabble of his Clergie , Cardinalls , Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , Monks , with the rest of the crew , are Locusts , come from hell , to delude the people , and to withdraw them from God : Moreover , I promise , They will return to hell . Incontinent he lifted up his hand from the Bell before them all , and said , See , friends , that I have lifted up my hand freely from the Bell , and look unto the rift in the Bell , it is one and the same , without change ; this sheweth , according to the saying of this Merchant , That I have sworn truth . Then this poor fellow went away , and never was more seen in Scotland , nor any other of his kinde , who brought Reliques , or other like toyes from Rome . Many more of this kinde might be alleadged , but let these suffice , to demonstrate the miserable ignorance from which God in his mercy hath delivered us ; To whom be praise and glory , for this and all other benefits . With this I end the Preface , that you may come to the History it self . 1553. PAtrick Hamilton was three and twenty yeers of Age when he suffered . After his death , his brother German Iames Hamilton of Levinston was accused likewise ; but the King did cause to convey him secretly out of the way . Also Katherine Hamilton , his sister , was accused , and being questioned upon Works ; she answered , That none was saved by his works . Then Iohn Spencer spake to her of the works of congruo and condigno ; to which she answered , Work here , work there ; what kinde of working is all this ? no works can save me , but Christ's . At this , the King , being present , laughed , and after conveyed her away secretly . One Henry Forest , a Monk of the Order of Benet and Collet , as they spoke then , was also accused of heresie ; but without sufficient proof . Then he was sent to Walter Ange , ( whom Buchanan , in his Satyre against the Gray Friers , called Langius ) to be confessed : Langius having asked him , by way of confession , What he thought of Patrick Hamilton ? He answered , That he was a good man , and that his Articles were to be maintained . Lange discovers this simple mans confession ; and this confession being taken for a sufficient proof , the poor man was condemned to be burnt , and so he was , immediately after they had degraded him , according to their Custom . As they were leading him to the Execution-place , he complained of the Fryer who had betrayed him , and said , Let no man trust the false Fryers , after me ; they are despisers of God , and deceivers of men . They burnt him at the North Style of the Abbey Church in Saint Andrews , that the Hereticks of Angus might see the fire . 1558. One Andrew Oliphant accused with heat Walter Mill , an ancient man , and formerly a Priest , and said to him , being at his devotion , Rise up , Sir Walter . He answered , when he had ended his prayer , My name is Walter : I have been too long one of the Popes Knights ( for all Priests are Sirs . ) Andrew Oliphant said to him , Thou keepest my Lords too long here , therefore haste . He answered , I must obey God before men . Being questioned by Oliphant concerning Priests Marriage , he answered , It was Gods Ordinance , That every man that had not the gift of chastity , should marry : but you abhor it , vowing chastity , which you cannot keep , but take other mens wives and daughters . Then , being asked if there were not seven Sacraments , he answered , Let me have two , take you the rest to your selves . Being asked about the Masse , he answered , A Lord sendeth , and calleth many to his dinner ; and when all is ready , he causeth ring the Bell , the guests come into the hall ; but he turning his back upon them , eateth all himself : And so do you . Then he added , The Scripture is not to be understood carnally ; Christ hath put an end to all carnall Sacrifices , by offering once for all his body upon the Crosse. Many other Queries were put to him , to which he answered stoutly . Being desired to recant , he told them , That he was corn , and not chaff . I will , said he , neither be blown by the winde , nor bruised with the Flail , but I will abide both : I will not recant the Truth . Being commanded to go to the stake by Oliphant , he answered , By the Law of God I am forbidden to put hand on my self , therefore put thou me to it with thy hands , and then thou shalt see my resolution . After he had said his Prayer , he gat leave , with difficulty , to speak to the people standing by : In his Speech he told them , That although he was a great sinner , yet it was for Gods Truth , contained in his Word of the Old and New Testament , that he suffered , and that God , in the abundance of his mercy towards him , did honour him so far , as to make him seal his Truth with his life , among other of his Servants . He added , Dear friends , as you would escape eternall death , be no more seduced with lies of Arch-bishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Priests , Monks , Friers , and the rest of the Antichristian rabble , but onely trust in God. This was the last man that died for Religion in Scotland : And by his death was given the very dead blow to Popery ; for by his death the people of all ranks and conditions were so moved , that they made open profession of the Truth , without any more dallying ; and presently was , upon this occasion , made a Covenant or Bond of mutuall defence , To defend one another by Arms , against the Tyranny of the Bishops , and their Parties . Errata . THe Life . Page 2. line 7. dele he . P. 5. l. 38. r. ordinarily . P. 6. l. 24. r. would . Preface . P. 4. l. 23. r. Author , P. 37. l. 5. d. in , P. 39. l. 12 , 13. r. the Kingdom was , l. 25. r. ever , P. 40. l. 20. r. any part , P. 45. l. 8. r. grief . The first Book . P. 4. l. 43. r. he did , p. 36. l. 3● . r. drowned , p. 37. l. 7. r. used not , p. 39. l. 6. r. inviolably , l. 7. r. worthy , p. 76. l. 47 d. from , p 58. l. 33. d. not , p. 73. l. 14. r. Kitching . l. 45. r. designe , p. 17. l. 48. adde , they call it , wrote to , p. 104. l. 44. r. seen so , p. 105. l. 36. r. did , l. 37. r. him for , p. 109. l. 9. r. never so , p. 15. l. 36. r. onely . The second Book . P. 124. l. 20. r. these , p. 134. l. 19. r. with , l. 39. r. were , l. 46. r. their , p. 144. l. 21. r. we , p. 147. l. 27. r. bondmaide , p. 152. l. 16. r. assisters , p. 155. l. 47. r. concur , p. 157. l. 33. r. also , l. 37. r. is true , p. 158 l. 32. r. such time , p. 163. l. 17. r. first the , p. 165. l. 44. r. without , p. 166. l. 26. r. his , p. 168. l. 2. r. nor , p. 172. l. 43. r. thereof is , l. 44. r. moved , p. 174. l. 38. r. is not , p. 175. l. 3. r. as well , p. 179. l. 1. r. just , l. 29. r. persons , p. 190. l. 4. r. to say , p. 198. l. 19. r. to us by her , l 21. r. as we that be , In the Margin , p. 201. r. heart . P. 203. l. 32. r. many , p. 209. l. 32. r. offended not , p. 210. l. 28. r. uncertain , l. 30. r. uncertain , l. 39. in their . The third Book , P. 214 ▪ l. 19. r. at , p. 415. l. 13. r. did God , p. 227. l. 17. r. declare , p. 228. l. 34. r. perswade me of , p. 229. l. 2. r. in you , p. 230. l. 14. r. at the , p. 243. l. 23. d. which , p. 244. l. 32. r. wife , p. 248. l. 18. r. shall not , p. 249. l. 12. r. their parts , p. 255. l. 20. defrauded , p. 261. l. 25. r. restrained , p. 264. l. 14. r. as it , p. 266. l. 47. r. as , p. 271. l. 6. r. we , l. 28. r. not to , l. 48. r. which they , p. 274. l. 23. r. foulelesse , p. 282. l. 21. r. upon , p. 284. l. 24. r. if any man , l. 23. r. would put , p. 288. l. 1. r. drops , p. 297. l. 3. r. hath , p. 300. l. 4. r. peace kept . The fourth Book , P. 304. l. 24. d. the , p. 305. l. 19. d. must , p. 306. l. 1. r. surfeit wet , p. 307. l. 19. r. as , p. 311. l 40. r. as well , p. 312. l. 2. r. authority , p. 313. l. 12. r. he , l. 39. r. shall onely , l. 47. r. is , p. 316.35 . r. might not , p. 317. l 9. r. whither , p. 319 l. 15. r. concurre , l. 20 r. she , p. 321. l 34. r. charge , p. 324. l. 28. r. meats , p. 326. l. 7. r. modified , p. 327. l. 39. r. women , p. 352. l 3. r. dearth . l. 5. r. many , p. 359. l. 1. r. her , p. 366. l. 12. r. within , l. 19. r. dayes , p 369 ▪ l. 24. r. unlawfull , p. 373. l. 36. r. if the , p. 375. l. 32. r. all through , l. 34. r. sins , p. 386. l. 35. r. death , p. 387. l. 1. r. which , l. 45. r. what , p. 392. l. 25. r. will say , p. 393. l. 4. r. misknow , p. 397. l. 5. r. this , l. 10. r. the. The fifth Book , P. 413. l. 39. r. best , p. 414. l. 17. r. to , p. 416. l. 5. ● . celerity , p. 421.36 . r. as you , p. 436. l. 26. r. foolish cagots , p. 437. l. 7. r. to such , p. 447. l. 5. dele was , l. 23. r. saying . Appendix , P. 7. l. 43. r. ye ▪ p. 29. l. 6. r. result , l. 10. world , p. 60. l. 44. r. Mistresse , p. 78. l. 15. r. time , p. 79. l. 7. r. Iehu , pag. 99. l. 1. r. whole , l. 11. r. finall , p. 102. l. 4● . r. punished , p. 106. l. 1. r. all , p. 111. l. 17. r. him , p. 112. l. 24. r. perceived . THE HISTORIE OF THE REFORMATION Within the Realme of SCOTLAND , from the yeer 1422. Till the 20. day of August . 1567. THE FIRST BOOK . IN the Records of Glasgow is found mention of one whose name was Iames Resby , an Englishman by Birth , Scholler to Wickliff ; He was accused as an Heretike , by one Lawrence Lindors in Scotland , and burnt for having said , That the Pope was not the Vicar of Christ , and that a man of wicked life was not to be acknowledged for Pope . This fell out , Anno 1422. Farther our Chronicles make mention , That in the dayes of King Iames the first , about the yeer of God 1431. was deprehended in the University of Saint Andrewes , one named Paul Craw , a Boheme , who was accused of Heresie , before such as then were called Doctors of Theologie . His accusation consisted principally , That he followed Iohn H●s and Wickliff , in the opinion of the Sacrament ; Who denied that the substance of Bread and Wine were changed by vertue of any words ; Or that Confession should be made to Priests ; or yet Prayers to Saints departed : While that God gave him grace to resist them , and not to consent to their impiety ; He was committed to the secular Judge ( for our Bishops following Pilate , who both did condemne , and also wash his hands ) who condemned him to the fire , in the which he was consumed in the said City of Saint Andrews , about the time afore written . And to declare themselves to be the generation of Satan , who from the beginning hath been enemy to the Truth , and he that desireth the same to be hid from the knowledge of men , They put a ball of Brasse in his mouth , to the end he should not give Confession of his Faith to the people ; neither yet that they should understand the defence which he had against their unjust accusation and condemnation . Both these godly men Resby and Craw , suffered Martyrdome for Christ his Truth , by Henry Ward-Law , Bishop of Saint Andrewes , whom the Prelates place amongst their Worthies ▪ But that their wicked practise did not greatly advance their Kingdom of darknesse , neither yet was it able utterly to extinguish the Trueth ; for albeit , that in the dayes of King Iames the second and third , we finde small question of Religion moved within this Realm ; yet in the time of King Iames the fourth , in the sixth yeer of his Reign , and in the twenty two yeer of his age , which was in the yeer of God 1494. were summoned before the King and his great Counsell , by Robert Blacater , called , Archbishop of Glasgow : The number of thirty persons remaining , some in Kyle St●wart , some in Kingstyle , and some in Cunninghame : Among whom were George Campbell of Cesnok , Adam Reade of Barskyning , Iohn Campbell of Newmyls , Andrew Schaw of Polkemac , Helene Chalmer , Lady Pokellie , Isabelle Chambers , Lady Stairs . These were called the Lollards of Kyle , they were accused of the Articles following , as we have received them out of the Register of Glasgow . 1. First , ●hat Images are not to be had in the Kyrk , nor to be worshipped . 2. That the Reliques of Saints are not to be worshipped . 3. That Laws & Ordinances of men , vary from time to time , and that by the Pope . 4. That it is not lawfull to fight for the Faith , nor to defend the Faith by the Sword , if we be not driven to it by necessity , which is above all Law. 5. That Christ gave power to Peter , as also to the other Apostles , and not to the Pope his pretended Successour , to binde and loose within the Kyrk . 6. That Christ ordained no Priests to consecrate as they do in the Romish Church , these many yeers . 7. That after the Consecration in the Masse , there remains Bread , and that there is not the naturall Body of Christ. 8. That Tythes ought not to be given to Ecclesiasticall men , as they were then called , to wit , wholly , but a part to the poor , widow , or orphans , & other pious uses . 9. That Christ at his coming hath taken away power from Kings to judge . This Article we doubt not to be the venomous accusation of the enemies , whose practise hath ever been to make the doctrine of Jesus Christ suspect to Kings and Rulers : As if God thereby would deprive them of their Royall Seats ; While on the contrary nothing confirms the power of Magistrates more then doth Gods Truth . But to the Articles . 10. That every faithfull man and women is a Priest , in that sence that they are called by the Apostle Saint Iohn , Apoc. 1.6.5.10.20.6 . 11. That the Unction of Kings , ceased at the coming of Christ ; and truely it was but late since Kings were anointed , namely in Scotland , for Edgar was the first anointed King in Scotland , about the yeer 1100. 12. That the Pope is not the successour of Peter , but where he said , Go behinde me Satan . 13. That the Pope deceives the people by his Buls , and his Indulgences . 14. That the Masse profiteth not the souls , who in those dayes were said to be in Purgatory . 15. That the Pope and the Bishops deceive the people by their Pardons . 16. That Indulgences ought not to be granted to fight against the Saracens . 17. That the Pope exalts himself against God , and above God. 18. That the Pope cannot remit the pains of Purgatory . 19. That the blessings of the Bishops ( of dumb Dogs they should have been stiled ) are of no value . 20. That the Excommunication of the Kyrk is not to be feared , if there be no true cause for it . 21. That in no case it is lawfull to swear , to wit , idly , rashly , and in vain . 22. That Priests may have wives , according to the constitution of the Law , and of the Primitive Christian Church . 23. That true Christians receive the body of Iesus Christ every day by Faith. 24. That after Matrimony be contracted , and consummate ; the Kyrk may make no Divorcement . 25. That Excommunication bindes not , if unjust . 26. That the Pope forgives not sins , but onely God. 27. That Faith should not be given to Miracles , to such namely as the Romish were then , and are to this day . 28. That we should not pray to the glorious Virgin Mary , but to God onely , since he onely hears us , and can help us . 29. That we are no more bound to pray in the Kyrk then in other places * . 30. That we are not bound to beleeve all that Doctors of the Kirk have written . 31. That such as worship the Sacrament in the Kyrk ( we suppose the Sacrament of the Altar ) commits Idolatry . 32. That the Pope is the head of the Kirk of Antichrist . 33. That the Pope and his Ministers are murtherers of souls . 34. That they which are called Princes and Prelates in the Church , are Theeves , and Robbers . By these Articles which God of his mercifull providence caused the enemies of his truth to keep in their registers , may appear how mercifully God hath looked upon this Realm , retaining within it some spark of his lyght , even in the time of greatest darknesse . Neither ought any man to wonder , albeit that some things be obscurely , and some things doubtfully spoken . But rather ought all faithfull to magnifie Gods mercy , who without publike Doctrine gave so great light . And further , we ought to consider that seeing that the enemies of Jesus Christ gathered the foresaid Articles , thereupon to accuse the persons aforesaid , that they would deprave the meaning of Gods servants so far as they could ; as we doubt not but they have done , in the heads of Excommunication * , Swearing * , and of Matrimony * : In the which it is no doubt but the servants of God did damne the abuse only , and not the right Ordinance of God : for who knows not that the Excommunication in these dayes was altogether abused ? That Swearing aboundeth without punishment or remorse of conscience : And that Divorcements was made , for such causes as worldly men had invented . But to our History . Albeit that the accusation of the Bishop and of his Complices was very grievous , yet God so assisted his servants , partly by inclining the Kings heart to gentlenesse ( for divers of them were his great familiars ) and partly by giving bold and godly answers to their Accusators ; that the enemies in the end we●e frustrate of their purpose . For while the Bishop in mockage said to Ad●m Reade of Barskeiming ; Reade , beleeve ye that God is in heaven ? He answered ; Not as I do the Sacraments seven : Whereat the Bishop thinking to have triumphed , said ; Sir , lo , he denies that God is in heaven ? Whereat the King wondring , said ; Adam Reade ! What say ye ? The other answered ; Pleaseth your Majesty to hear the end betwixt the churle and me : and therewith he turned to the Bishop and said ; I neither think nor beleeve , as thou thinkest that God is in heaven ; but I am most assured , that he is not onely in heaven , but also in the earth : But thou and thy faction declare by your works , that either ye think there is no God at all , or else that he is so set up in heaven , that he regards not what is done upon the earth : for if thou firmly beleevedst that God were in the heaven , thou shouldest not make thy self check-mate to the King , and altogether forget the charge that Jesus Christ the Son of God gave to his Apostles , which was , To Preach his Gospel , and not to play the proud Prelates , as all the rabble of you do this day : And now , Sir , said he to the King , judge ye , whether the Bishop or I beleeve best that God is in heaven . While the Bishop and his band could not well revenge themselves , and while many taunts were given them in their teeth . The King willing to put an end to further reasoning , said to the said Adam Reade ; Wilt thou burn thy bill ? He answered ; Sir , the Bishop and ye will. With these and the like scoffs , the Bishop and his band were so dashed out of countenance , that the greatest part of accusation was turned to laughter . After that Diet , we finde almost no question for matters of Religion , the space neer of thirty yeers ; for not long after , to wit , in the yeer of God 1500. the said Bishop Blaktar departed this life , going in his superstitious devotion to Ierusalem : Unto whom succeeded Master Iames Betone , son to the Laird of Balfor in Fife , who was more carefull of the world , then he was to Preach Christ , or yet to advance any Religion , but for the fashion onely , and as he sought the world it fled him not : For it was well known that at once he was Archbishop of Saint Andrews , Abbot of Dunfermeling , Aberbrothe , Kylwinning , and Chancellour of Scotland : For after the unhappy field of Flowdonne , in the which perished King Iames the fourth , with the greatest part of the Nobility of the Realm , the said Betonne with the rest of the Prelates , had the whole Regiment of the Realm . And by reason thereof held and travelled to hold the truth of God in thraldome and bondage , till that it pleased God of his great mercy in the yeer of God 1527. to raise up his servant Master Patrick Hammilton , at whom our History doth begin : Of whose progenie , life , and erudition , because men of fame and renown have in divers works written ; we omit all curious repetition , sending such as would know further of him then we write to Francis Lambert , Iohn Frith , and to that notable work lately set forth by Iohn Fox , English man , of the lives and deaths of Martyrs within this Isle in this our age . This servant of God Master Patrick Hamilton , being in his youth provided to reasonable honours and living ( he was intituled Abbot of Fern ) as one hating the world and the vanitie thereof , left Scotland , and passed to the Schools in Germany ; for then the fame of the Universitie of Wittenberg was greatly divulgate in all Countreys : where by Gods providence he became familar with those lights and notable servants of Christ Jesus of that time , Martin Luther , Philip Melancthon , and the said Francis Lambert , did so grow and advance in godly knowledge , joyned with fervencie and integrity of life , that he was in admiration with many . The zeal of Gods glory did so eat him up , that he could not long continue to remain there , but returned to his countrey where the bright beams of the true light , which by Gods grace was planted in his heart , began most abundantly to burst forth , as well in publike as in secret ; for he was ( besides his godly knowledge ) well learned in Phylosophie , he abhorred Sophistrie , and would that the Text of Aristotle should have been better understood , and more used in the Schools than then it was ; for Sophistrie had corrupted all , as well in Divinitie , as in humanitie . In short processe of time , the fame of his reasons and Doctrine troubled the Clergie , and came to the ears of Bishop Iames Betonne , of whom before we have made mention , who being a conjured enemy to Christ Jesus , and one that long hath had the whole regiment of this Realm , bare impatiently that any trouble should be made to the Kingdom of darknesse , whereof within this Realm he was the head . And therefore he so travelled with the said Master Patrike that he gat him to Saint Andrews , where after the conference of divers dayes he had his freedom and liberty . The said Bishop and his bloody Butchers , called Doctours , seemed to approve his Doctrine , and to grant that many things craved Reformation in the Ecclesiasticall regiment . And amongst the rest , there was one that secretly consented with him almost in all things , named , Frier Alexander Campbell , a man of good wit and learning , but yet corrupt by the world , as after we will hear : when the Bishops and Clergie had fully understood the minde and judgement of the said Master Patrick , and fearing that by him their kingdom should be endamaged , they travailed with the King , who then was young , and altogether addict to their commandment , that he should passe in Pilgrimage to Saint Dothesse in Rosse , to the end that no intercession should be made for the life of the innocent servant of God , who suspecting no such cruelty as in their hearts was conceived , remained still , ( a lambe amongst the wolves ) till that upon a night he was intercepted in his chamber , and by the Bishops Band was caried to the Castle , where that night he was kept , and upon the morrow after brought forth to Judgement , he was condemned to die by fire for the testimony of Gods Truth . The Articles for the which he suffered , were but of Pilgrimage , Purgatory , prayer to Saints , and for the dead , and such trifles . Albeit that matters of greater importance had been in question , as his Treatise which in the end we have added , may witnesse . Now that the condemnation of the said M. Patrike should have greater Authority , they caused the same to be subscribed by all those of any estimation that with them were present ; and to make their number great , they took the subscription of children , if they were of the Nobility ; for the Earle of Cassilles , which last deceased in France , then being but twelve or thirteene yeers of age , was compelled to subscribe his death , as himself did confesse . Immediately after dinner the fire was prepared before the old Colledge , and he led to the place of Execution , and yet men supposed that all was done but to give nnto him terrour , and to have caused him to have recanted , and have become recreant to those bloodie beasts ; but God for his own glory ; for the comfort of his servant , and for manifestation of their beastly tyrannie , had otherwise decreed ; for he ●o strengthned his faithfull Witnesse , that neither the love of life , nor yet the fear of that cruell death , could move him a jote to swerve from the truth once professed . At the place of execution , he gave to his servant who had been chamberlain to him of a long time , his Gown , his Coat , Bonnet , and such like garments , saying , These will not profit in the fire , they will profit thee ; after this , of me thou canst receive no commoditie , except the example of my death , which I pray thee bear in minde , for albeit it be bitter to the flesh ▪ and fearfull before men , yet is it the entrance unto eternall life , which none shall possesse that denies Christ Jesus before this wicked generation . The innocent servant of God being bound to the stake , in the midst of some coales , some timber , and other matter appointed for the fire , a traine of powder was made , and set on fire , which gave to the blessed Martyr of God , a blaise , and scorched his left hand and that side of his face , but neither kindled the wood nor yet the coales , and so remained the appointed to death in torment , till that men ran to the Castle again for more Powder , and fire wood more able to take fire , which at last being kindled , with loud voice , cried ; Lord Iesus receive my spirit ; How long shall darknesse overwhelm this Realme ? And how long wilt thou suffer this tyrannie of men ? The fire was slow , and therefore was his torment the more : But most of all was he grieved by certain wicked men , amongst whom Campbel the black Frier ( of whom we spake before ) was principall , who continually cryed , Convert Heretick , Call upon our Lady , say , Salve Regina , &c. To whom he answered , Depart , and trouble me not , thou messenger of Satan . But while that the aforesaid Frier still roared , one thing in great vehemence he said unto him ; Wicked man , thou knowest the contrary , and the contrary to me thou hast confessed ; I appeale thee before the tribunall seat of Christ Iesus . After which , and other words , which well could not be understood nor marked because of the tumult , and vehemencie of the fire . The witnesse of Jesus Christ gate victory , after long sufferance , the last of February , in the yeere of God 1527. The said Frier departed this life within few dayes after , in what estate , we referre to the manifestation of the generall Day . But it was plainly known , that he died in Glasgow in a phrenzie , and as one despaired . Now that all men may understand what was the singular erudition , and godly knowledge of the said M. Patrike Hamilton , we have inserted this his little pithie Work , containing his Assertions and Determinations , concerning the Law , the Office of the same ; concerning Faith , and the true Fruits thereof ; first by the said Master Patrike collected in Latine , and after translated into vulgar Language . Of the Law. THe Law is a Doctrine that biddeth good , and forbiddeth evill , as the Commandments here contained do specifie . The ten Commandments . THou shalt worship but one God. 2. Thou shalt make thee no Image to worship it . 3. Thou shalt not swear by his Name in vain . 4. Hold the Sabbath day holy . 5. Honour thy father and thy mother . 6. Thou shalt not kill . 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery . 8. Thou shalt not steal . 9. Thou shalt bear no false witnesse . 10. Thou shalt not desire ought that belongeth to thy neighbour . He that loveth God and his neighbour , keepeth all the Commandments of God. Love the Lord thy God with all thine heart , with all thy soul , and with all thy minde : this is the first and great Commandment . The second is like unto this , Love thy neighbour as thy self ; in these two Commandments hang all the Law and Prophets . He that loveth God , loveth his neighbour : If any man say , I love God , and yet hateth his neighbour , he is a lyer : He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen , how can he love God whom he hath not seen ? He that loveth his neighbour as himselfe , keepeth the whole Commandments of God. Whatsoever ye wovld that men should do unto you , even so do unto them , for this is the Law and the Prophets . He that loveth his neighbour , fulfilleth the Law ; Thou shalt not commit adultery , Thou shalt not kill , Thou shalt not steal , Thou shalt not bear false witnesse against thy neighbour , Thou shalt not desire , and so forth ? If there be any other Commandment , all are comprehended under this saying , Love thy neighbour as thy self . He that loveth his neighbour , keepeth all the Commandments of God , Rom. 13. Gal. 5. He that loveth God , loveth his neighbour , 1 Joh. 4. Ergo , He that loveth God , keepeth all his Commandments . He that hath the faith , loveth God ; My Father loveth you , because ye love me , and believe that I came of God. He that hath the faith , keepeth all the Commandments of God ; he that hath the faith , loveth God , and he that loveth God , keepeth all the Commandments of God. Ergo , He that hath faith , keepeth all the Commandments of God. He that keepeth one Commandment , keepeth them all . For without faith it is impossible to keep any of the Commandments of God ; and he that hath faith , keepeth all the Commandments of God. Ergo , He that keepeth one Commandment of God , keepeth them all . He that keepeth not all the Commandments of God , he keepeth none of them ; he that keepeth one of the Commandments of God , he keepeth all : Ergo , He that keepeth not all the Commandments , he keepeth none of them . It is not in our power without grace to keep any of Gods Commandments . Without grace it is impossible to keep one of Gods Commandments , and grace is not in our power . Ergo , It is not in our power to keep any of the Commandments of God. Even so may you reason concerning the holy Ghost and faith . The Law was given us to shew us our sin . By the Law cometh the knowledge of sin ; I knew not what sin meant , but through the Law. I knew not what lust had meant , except the Law had said , Thou shalt not lust . Without the Law sin was dead , that is , It moved me not , neither wist I that it was sin , which notwithstanding was sin , and forbidden by the Law. The Law biddeth us do that which is impossible for us ; for it bids us keep all the Commandments of God , and yet it is not in our power to keep any of them . Ergo , It biddeth us do that which is impossible for us . Thou wilt say , Wherefore doth God command us that which is impossible for us ? I answer , To make thee know , That thou art but evill , and that there is no remedy to save thee in thine own hand ; and that thou maist seek remedy at at some other : For the Law doth nothing but command thee . Of the Gospel . THe Gospel is as much to say in our Tongue , as good Tydings , like as every one of these Sentences be . Christ is the Saviour of the world . Christ is our Saviour . Christ died for us . Christ died for our sins . Christ offered himself for us . Christ bare our sins upon his back . Christ bought us with his Blood. Christ washt us with his Blood. Christ came into the world to save sinners . Christ came into this world to take away our sins . Christ was the Price that was given for us and our sins . Christ was made Debtor for our sins . Christ hath paid our Debt , for he died for us . Christ hath made satisfaction for us , and for our sins . Christ is our Righteousnesse . Christ is our Wisedom . Christ is our Sanctification . Christ is our Redemption . Christ is our Satisfaction . Christ is our Goodnesse . Christ hath pacified the Father of Heaven . Christ is Ours , and all His. Christ hath delivered us from the Law , from the devill , and hell . The Father of heaven hath forgiven us for Christs sake . Or any such other as declare unto us the mercies of God. The nature of the Law , and of the Gospel . The Law Sheweth us our sin . Sheweth us our condemnation . Is the word of ire . Is the word of despair . Is the word of displeasure . The Gospel Sheweth us a remedy for it . Sheweth us our Redemption . Is the Word of Grace . Is the Word of Comfort . Is the Word of Peace . A Disputation betwixt the Law and the Gospel . The Law saith , Pay thy Debt . Thou art a desperate sinner . Thou shalt die . The Gospel saith , Christ hath paid it . Thy sins are forgiven thee . Be of good comfort , thou art saved . The Law saith , Make amends for thy sin . The Father of heaven is wrath with thee . Where is thy righteousnesse , goodnesse and satisfaction ? Thou art bound and obliged unto me , the devil and hell . The Gospel saith , Christ hath made it for thee . Christ hath pacified him with his Blood. Christ is thy righteousnesse , goodnesse , & satisfaction . Christ hath delivered thee from them all . Of Faith. FAith is to believe God , like as Abraham believed God , and it was counted to him for righteousnesse . He that believed God , believed his Word . To believe in him , is to believe his Word , and accompt it true that he speaketh : he that believeth not Gods Word , he compteth him false , and a lyar , and believeth not that he may and will fulfill his Word , and so he denieth both the might of God , and himself . Faith is the gift of God : Every good thing is the gift of God. Faith is good ; Ergo , Faith is the gift of God ; The gift of God is not in our power : Faith is the gift of God , Ergo , Faith is not in our power . Without faith it is impossible to please God ; all that cometh not of faith , is sin ; for without faith , can no man please God. Besides that , he that lacketh faith , he trusteth not God ; he that trusteth not God , trusteth not in his Word ; he that trusteth not in his Word , holdeth him false , and a lyar ; he that holdeth him false and a lyar , he believeth not that he may do that he promiseth , and so denieth he that he is God : O how can a man , being of this fashion , please God! No manner of wayes , yea suppose he did all the works of man and Angel. All that is done in faith , pleaseth God. Right is the Word of God , and all his works in faith : Lord thine eyes look to faith ; that is as much to say , as , Lord thou delightest in faith : God loveth him that believeth in him , how can they then displease him ? He who hath faith , is just and good , and a good tree bringeth forth good fruit . Ergo , all that is done in faith , pleaseth God. Moreover , he that hath faith , beleeveth God ; he that believeth God , believeth his Word ; he that believeth his Word , wotteth well that he is true and faithfull , and cannot lie ; but knoweth well that he both may and will fulfill his Word . How can he then displease him ? For thou canst do no greater honour unto God , than to count him true . Thou wilt then say , That theft , murder , adultery , and all vices please God : No verily , for they cannot be done in faith ; for a good tree beareth good fruit . He that hath faith , wotteth well that he pleaseth God ; for all that is done in faith , pleaseth God ; faith is a surenesse : Faith is a sure confidence of things which are hoped for , and a certainty of things which are not seen : The same spirit certifieth our spirit , that we are the children of God. Moreover , he that hath the faith , wotteth well that God will fulfill his Word : Ergo , faith is a surenesse . A man justified by faith . ABraham believed God , and it was imputed to him for righteousnesse ; we suppose therefore that a man is justified ( saith the Apostle ) without the works of the Law. He that worketh not , but believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith is counted unto him for righteousnesse . The just man liveth by faith , Abac. 2. Rom. 1. We know that a man that is justified , is not justified by the works of the Law , but by the faith of Jesus Christ , and not by the deeds of the Law. Of the faith of Christ. THe faith of Christ is , To believe in him , that is , To believe in his Word , and to believe that he will help thee in all thy need , and deliver thee from all evill . Thou wilt ask me , What Word ? I answer , The Gospel : he that believeth in Christ , shall be saved . He that believeth the son , hath everlasting life ; Verily verily I say unto you , He that believeth in me , hath everlasting life . This I write unto you , that believing in the Name of the Son of God , ye may know that ye have eternall life . Thomas , because thou hast seen me , thou believest , but happy are they that have not seen , and yet believe in me . All the Prophets to him bear witnesse , That whosoever believeth in him , shall have remission of their sins . What must I do that I may be saved ? the Apostle answereth , Believe in the Lord Iesus Christ , and thou shalt be saved . If thou acknowledge with thy mouth that Jesus is the Lord , and believe in thine heart , That God raised him up from the dead , thou shalt be safe . He that believeth not in Christ , shall be condemned . He that believeth not the son , shall never see life , but the ire of God abideth upon him . The holy Ghost shal reprove the world of sin , because ( saith Christ ) they believe not in me . They that believe in Jesus Christ , are sons of God. Ye are all the sons of God , because ye believe in Jesus Christ. He that believeth in Christ the son of God , is safe . Peter said , Thou art Christ the son of the living God. Jesus answered and said unto him , Happy art thou , Simon the son of Ionas , for flesh and blood hath not opened unto thee that , but my father which is in heaven . We have believed and known that thou art Christ , the son of the living God. I believe that thou art Christ the son of the living God , which should come into the world . These things are written that ye might believe that Jesus Christ is the son of God , and that in believing ye might have life . I believe that Jesus is the son of the living God. He that believeth God , believeth the Gospel . He that believeth God , believeth his Word , and the Gospel is his Word . Therefore he that believeth God , believeth his Gospel . As Christ is the Saviour of the world , Christ is our Saviour ; Christ bought us with his Blood , Christ washed us with his Blood , Christ offered himself for us , Christ bare our sins upon his back . He that believeth not the Gospel , believeth not God ; he that believeth not Gods Word , believeth not himself ; and the Gospel is Gods Word . Ergo , He that believeth not the Gospel , believeth not God himself . And consequently , they that believe not , as is above written , and such other , believe not God. He that believeth the Gospel shall be saved ; Go ye into all the world , and preach the Gospel unto every creature , he that believeth and is baptized , shall be saved ; but he that believeth not , shall be condemned . A Comparison betwixt Faith and Incredulity . Faith Is the root of all good , Maketh God and man friends , Bringeth God and man together . Incredulity Is the root of all evill , Maketh them deadly foes , Bringeth them asunder . All that proceedeth from Faith , pleaseth God. All that proceedeth from Incredulity , displeaseth God. Faith onely maketh a man good and righteous , Incredulity maketh him unjust and evill . Faith onely maketh a man The Member of Christ , The Inheritor of heaven . The Servant of God. Faith sheweth God to be a sweet Father . holdeth stiffe by the word of God. counteth God to be true . knoweth God. loveth God and his neighbour . onely saveth . extolleth God and his works . Incredulitie maketh man a member of the devill . maketh him inheritour of hell . maketh him the servant of the devill . maketh God a terrible Judge . causeth man wander here and there . maketh him false and a liar . knoweth him not . loveth neither God nor neighbour . onely condemneth . extolleth flesh and her own deeds . Of Hope . HOpe is a trustie looking for of things that are promised to come unto us , as we hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promised unto all that beleeve in him ; we should put our hope and trust in God onely , and in no other thing . It is good to trust in God , and not in man. He that trusteth in his own heart , he is a fool ; It is good to trust in God , and not in Princes : They shall be like unto Images that make them , and all that trust in them : He that trusteth in his own thoughts doth ungodly : Cursed be he that trusteth in man : Bid the rich men of this world that they trust not in their unstable riches , but that they trust in the liv●ng God : It is hard for them that trust in money to enter into the kingdom of God. Moreover , we should trust in him surely , that can help us , yea we should trust in him onely . Well is him that trusteth in God , and wo to them that trust him not . Well is the man that trusteth in God , for God shall be his trust : He that trusteth in him shall understand the truth . They shall all rejoyce that trust in thee , they shall all ever be glad , and thou wilt defend them . Of Charitie . CHaritie is the love of thy neighbour : The rule of Charity is , To do as thou wouldest were done unto thee ; for Charitie esteemeth all alike , the rich and the poor , the friend and the foe , the thankfull and unthankfull , the kinsman and stranger . A comparison betwixt Faith , Hope , and Charitie . FAith cometh of the word of God : Hope , cometh of Faith ; And Charity springeth of them both : Faith beleeves the word ; Hope trusteth after that which is promised by the word ; and Charity doth good unto her neighbour , through the love that she hath to God , and gladnesse that is within her self . Faith looketh to God and his word : Hope looketh unto his gi●t and reward Charity looketh unto her neighbours profit ; Faith receiveth God. Hope receiveth his reward : Charity looketh unto her neighbour with a glad heart , and that without any respect of reward . Faith pertaineth to God onely ; Hope to his reward ; and Charity to her neighbour . Of good Works . NO manner of works make us righteous : We beleeve that a man shall be justified without works . No man is justified by the deeds of the Law , but by the Faith of Jesus Christ ; and we beleeve in Jesus Christ , that we may be justified by the Faith of Christ , and not by the deeds of the Law. If righteousnesse come by the Law , then Christ died in vain : That no man is justified by the Law , it is manifest , for a righteous man liveth by his Faith ; but the Law is not of Faith. Moreover , since Christ the maker of heaven and earth ; and all that therein is , behoved to die for us : We are compelled to grant , that we were so far drowned in sins , that neither the deeds , nor all the creatnres that ever God made or might make , might help us out of them : Ergo , No deeds nor works can make us righteous : No works make us unrighteous ; for if any work made us unrighteous , then the contrary works would make us righteous . But it is proved that no works can make us righteous ; Ergo , No works make us unrighteous . Works make us neither good nor evil . IT is proved that works neither make us righteous nor unrighteous . Ergo , No works neither make us good nor evil ; for righteous and good are one thing , and unrighteous and evil , another . Good works make not a good man , nor evil works an evil man. But a good man maketh good works , and an evil man evil works ; good fruit maketh not the tree good , nor evil fruit the tree evil . But a good tree beareth good fruit , and an evil tree evil fruit . A good man cannot do evil works , nor an evil man good works , for an evil tree cannot bear good fruit , nor a good tree evil fruit . A good man is good before he do good works , and an evil man is evil before he do evil works ; for the tree is good before it bear good fruit , and evil before it bear evil fruit . Every man is either good or evil ; either make the tree good , and the fruit good also ; or else make the tree evil , and the fruit likewise evil . Every mans work is either good or evil ; for all fruit is either good or evil . Either make the tree good and the fruit also , or else make the tree evil , and the fruit of it likewise evil . A good man is known by his works , for a good man doth good works , and an evil , evil works : Ye shall know them by their fruits : for a good tree bringeth forth good fruit , and an evil tree evil fruit . A man is likened to the tree , and his works to the fruit of , the tree . Beware of false Prophets which come unto you in sheeps cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves : ye shall know them by their fruit . None of our works either save us nor condemne us . IT is proved that no works make us either righteous or unrighteous , good or evil : but first we are good , before that we do good works and evil before we do evil works : Ergo , No work either saveth us nor condemneth us . Thou wilt say ▪ Then maketh it no matter what we do ? I answer thee ; Yes . For if thou do evil , it is a sure argument that thou art evil , and wantest Faith : If thou do good , it is an argument that thou art good , and hast Faith ; for a good tree beareth good fruit , and an evil tree evil fruit . Yet good fruit maketh not the tree good , nor evil fruit the tree evil : So that man is good before he do good works , and evil before he do evil works . The man is the tree ; the works are the fruit . Faith maketh the good tree ; Incredulity the evil tree : Such a tree such a fruit , such man works . For all that is done in Faith pleaseth God , and are good works : And all that is done without Faith displeaseth God , and are evil works . Whosoever thinketh to be saved by his works , denieth that Christ is our Saviour , and that Christ died for him ; and finally all things that belongeth to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour , if thou mightst save thy self with thy works ? Or to what end should he have died for thee , if any works of thine might have saved thee ? What , is this to say Christ died for thee ? Is it not that thou shouldst have died perpetually , and that Christ to deliver thee from death died for thee , and changed thy perpetuall death into his own death ? for thou madest the fault , and he suffered the pain , and that for the love he had to thee , before ever thou wast born , when thou hadst done neither good nor evil . Now since he hath paid thy debt , thou diest not , no thou canst not , but shouldest have been damned , if his death were not . But since he was punished for thee thou shalt not be punished . Finally , he hath delivered thee from condemnation , and desireth nothing of thee , but that thou shouldest acknowledge what he hath done for thee , and bear it in minde ; and that thou wouldest help others for his sake both in word and deed , even as he hath helped thee , for nought , and without reward . O how ready would we be to help others , if we knew his goodnesse and gentlenesse towards us ? he is a good and a gentle Lord , and he doth all things for nought . Let us , I beseech you , follow his footsteps , whom all the world ought to praise and worship . Amen . He that thinketh to be saved by his works , calleth himself Christ. FOr he calleth himselfe a Saviour , which appertaineth to Christ onely . What is a Saviour ? But he that saveth . And thou sayest , I save my selfe , which is as much to say , as , I am Christ ; for Christ is onely the Saviour of the world . We should do no good works to the intent to get the inheritance of heaven or remission of sins through them . For whosoever beleeveth to get the inheritance of heaven , or remission of sins through works , he beleeveth not to get that for Christs sake . And they who beleeve that their sins are not forgiven them , and that they shall not be saved for Christs sake , they beleeve not the Gospel ; for the Gospel saith . Thou shalt be saved for Christs sake ; Sins are forgiven you for Christs sake . He that beleeveth not the Gospel , beleeveth not God : And consequently , they that beleeve to be saved by their works , or to get remission of sins by their own deeds , beleeve not God , but account him a liar , and so utterly deny him to be God. Thou wilt say , Shall we then do no good works ? I say not so : But I say , we should do no good works , to the intent to get the kingdom of heaven , or remission of sins ; for if we beleeve to get the inheritance of heaven through good works , then we beleeve not to get it through the promise of God. Or if we think to get remission of our sins , by good works , we believe not that they are forgiven us by Christ , and so we count God a liar ; for God saith , Thou shalt have the inheritance of heaven for my Sons sake . You say , It is not so , but I will gain it through mine own works . So I condemn not good works , but I condemn the false trust in any works , for all then works that a man putteth confidence in , are therewith intoxicate or impoysoned , and become evil . Wherefore do good works , but beware thou do them not to get any good through them , for if thou do , thou receivest the good , not as the gift of God , but as a debt unto thee , and makest thy self fellow with God , because thou wilt take nothing from him for nought . What ? needeth he any thing of thine , who giveth all things , and is not the poorer ? Therefore do nothing to him , but take of him , for he is a gentle Lord , and with a gladder heart will give us all things that we need , then we take it of him . So that if we want any thing , let us blame our selves . Presse not then to the inheritance of heaven , through presumption of thy good works ; for if thou doest , thou countest thy self holy and equall unto him , because thou wilt take nothing of him for nought ; And so shalt thou fall as Lucifer fell from heaven for his pride . Thus ends M. Patricks Articles . And so we return to our History . When those cruell wolves had ( as they supposed ) clean devoured the prey , they found themselves in worse case then they were before ; for then within S. Andrews , yea , almost within the whole Realm ( who heard of that fact ) there was none found who began not to inquire , wherefore M. Patrike Hamilton was burnt , and when his Articles were rehearsed , Question was holden , if such Articles were necessary to be beleeved , under the pain of damnation . And so within short space , many began to call in doubt , that which before they held for a certain verity , insomuch that the University of S. Andrews and S. Leonards Colledge , principally by the labours of Master Gawin Logy , the Novises of the Abbey , and by the sub-Prior , began to smell somewhat of the verity , and to espie the vanity of the received Superstition ; yea , within few yeers after began both black and gray Friers publikely to Preach against the pride and idle life of Bishops , and against the abuses of the whole Ecclesi●sticall estate ; amongst whom was one called Will. Arith● ; who in a Sermon preached in Dundie , spake somewhat more liberally against the licentious life of the Bishops , then they could well bear . He spake further against the abuse of cursing and of Miracles . The Bishop of Brechain , having his Parasites and Jack-men in the Towne , buffeted the Frier , and called him Hereticke . The Frier impatient of the injury received , past to S. Andrews , and did communicate the heads of his Sermon with Master Iohn Mair , whose word then was holden as an Oracle , in matters of Religion ; and being assured of him , than such Doctrine might well be defended , and that he would defend it , for it contained no Heresie . There was one day appointed to the said Frier , to make repetition of the same Sermon : and advertisement was given to all such as was offended at the former , to be present . And so in the Parish Church of S. Andrews upon the day appointed ▪ appeared the said Frier , and had amongst his Auditors , M. Iohn Mair , M. George Lockart , the Abbot of Gambuskeneth , M. Patricke Hepburn Prior of Saint Andrews , with all the Doctours , and Masters of the Universities . The theme of his Sermon was ; Verity is the strongest of all things . His discourse of cursing was ▪ That if it were warily used , it were the most fearfull thing upon the face of the earth ; for it were the very separation of man from God ; but that it should not be used rashly , and for every light cause , but onely against open and incorrigible sinners : but now ; said he , the avarice of Priests , and the ignorance of their Office , hath caused it altogether to be vile-pended . For the Priest ( saith he ) whose Duty and Office is to pray for the people , standeth up on Sunday , and cryeth , Anne has lost her Spindle ; There is a Flail stollen behinde the barne ; The goodwife on the other side of the gate hath lost a horne spoon ; Gods curse and mine I give to them that knoweth of thy goods , and restoreth them not . How the people mocked their cursing , he further told a merry tale , How after a Sermon that he made at Dumfermeling , he came to a house where gossips were drinking their Sundayes penny ; and he being drie , asked drink ; Yes Father ( said one of the gossips ) ye shall have drinke , but ye must first resolve one doubt which is risen among us , to wit , What servant will serve a man best at least expences ? The good Angel , said I , who is mans keeper , who maketh good service without expences . Tush , said the gossip , we mean no such high matters ; we mean , What honest man will do greatest service for least expences . And while I was musing ( said the Frier ) what that should mean , she said , I see , father , that the greatest Clerks are not the wisest men . Know ye not how the Bishops and their Officials serve us husbandmen , Will they not give to us a letter of cursing for a plack , to last for a yeare , to curse all that look over our ditch , and that keep our Corne better nor the sleeping boy that will have three shillings of Fee , a shirt , and a pair of shooes in the yeer . And therefore if their cursing do any thing , we hold the Bishops the cheapest servants in that behalf , that are within the Realme . As concerning Miracles , he declared what deligence the ancients took to try true miracles from false . But now , said he , the greedinesse of Priests not onely receive false miracles , but also they cherish and hire knaves for that purpose , that their Chappels may be the better renowned , and Offerings may be augmented . And thereupon are many Chappels founded , as that if our Lady were mightier , and that she took more pleasure in one place than in another ; As of late dayes our Lady of Karsgreng hath hopped from one green hillock to another : But honest men of Saint Andrewes ( said he ) if ye love your wives and daughters , hold them at home , or else send them in good honest company ; for if ye knew what miracles were wrought there , ye would neither thank God nor our Lady . And thus he meerly tanted their Priests of whoredome and adultery used at such devotion . Another Article was judged more hard ; for he alleadged the common Law , That the Civill Magistrate might correct the Church-men , and deprive them of their Benefices for open vices . Another day the same Frier made another Sermon of the Abbot of Unreason , unto whom , and whose Laws ; he compareth Prelats of that age ; for they were subject to no Laws , no more than was the Abbot of Unreason . And among other things , he told such a merry jest : There was , said he , a Prelate , or at least a Prelats Peere , a true servant to the King of Love , who upon a night after Supper , asked of his Gentlemen , by the faith that they ought to the king of Love , that they truely declare how many sundry women every one of them had , and how many of them were mens wives . One answered , He had lien with five , and two of them were married . The other answered , I have had seven , and three of them are married . It came last to my Lord Abbot himself , who making it very nice for a little space , gave in the end a plain confession , and said , I am the youngest man , and yet have I had the round dozen , and seven of them are mens wives . Now said the Frier , This god and king of Love , to whom our Prelates do homage , is the master devill of hell , from whom such fruits and works do proceed . This Frier was known by his proper tokens to have been Prior Patrike Hepburne , now Bishop of Murray , who to this day hath continued in the profession that he hath made to his god and king of love . It was supposed , notwithstanding this kinde of preaching , that this Frier remained Papist in his heart : For the other Friers fearing to lose the Benediction of the Bishops , to wit , Their Malt and their Meale , and their other appointed Pensions , caused the said Frier to flie to England , where for defence of the people and Papistry , he was cast into prison at King Henries commandment . But so it pleased God to open the mouth of Balaams own Asse to cry out against the vitious lives of the Clergie of that age . Shortly after this , new consultation was taken there that some should be burnt ; for men began liberally to speak . A merry Gentleman named Iohn Lindsey , familiar to Bishop Iames Betonne , standing by when consultation was had , said , My Lord , If ye burne any more , except ye follow my counsell , ye will utterly destroy your selves ; if ye will burne them , let them be burnt in hollow Cellars ; for the smoke of Master Patrike Hammilton hath infected as many as it blew upon . Thus it pleased God that they should be tanted in their own face . But here followeth the most merry of all : One Alexander Furrour , who had been imprisoned seven yeers in the Tower of London , Sir Iohn Dungwaill ( according to the charity of Church-men ) entertained his wife , and wasted the poor mans substance ; for the which cause at his returning , he spake more liberally of Priests , then they could bear : And so was he declared to be accused for heresie , and called to his answer to Saint Andrewes , he leapt up merrily upon the Scaffold , and casting a gambade , said , Where are the rest of the Players ? Master Andrew Olyphant offended therewith , said , It shall be no Play to you , Sir , before ye depart , and so began to reade his Accusation ; the first Article whereof was , That he despised the Masse . His answer was , I heare more Maffes in eight dayes , than three Bishops there sitting say in a yeare . Accused secondly of the contempt of the Sacraments . The Priests , said he , were the most common contemners of Sacraments , and specially of Matrimony . And that he witnessed by many of the Priests there present , and named the mans wife with whom they had medled , and especially Sir Iohn Dungwaill , who had seven yeers together abused his own wife , and consumed his substance ; and said , because I complain of such injuries , I am here summoned and accused as one that is worthy to be burnt : For Gods sake , said he , will ye take wives of your own , that I and others whom ye have abused , may be revenged upon you . Then Bishop Gawin Dumbar , named the old Bishop of Aberdein , thinking to justifie himself before the people , said , Carle , thou shalt not know my wife . The said Alexander answered , My Lord , ye are too old , but with the grace of God I shall drink with your daughter or I depart , and thereat was smiling of the best , and loud laughter of some , for the Bishop had a daughter married with Andrew Balfour in that Town . Then the Bishop bade away with the carle . But he answered , Nay , I will not depart this hour , for I have more to speak against the vices of Priests , than I can expresse this whole day . And so after divers purposes , they commanded him to burn his Bill . And he demanding the cause , they said , Because ye have spoken these Articles whereof ye are accused . His answer was , The great devill beare them away that first and last said them ; and so he took the Bill , and chawing it , he spat it in Master Andrew Olyphants face , saying , Now burn it or drown it , whether ye wil , ye hear no more of me . But I must have somewhat of every one of you , to begin my pack againe , which a Priest and my wife , a Priests whore , have spent . And so every Prelat and rich Priest , glad to be quit of his evill , gave him somewhat , and so departed he , for he understood nothing of Religion . But so fearfull it was then to speak any thing against Priests , that the least word spoken against them , yea , albeit it was spoken in a mans sleep , was judged Heresie , and that was practised upon Richard Carmichell , yet living in Fyfe , who being young , and Singer in the Chappel Royal of Sterelin , happened in his sleep to say , The devill take away the Priests , for they are a greedy pack . He therefore accused by Sir George Clapperton , Dean of the said Chappel , was compelled forthwith to burne his Bill . But God shortly after raised up against them stronger Champions : For Alexander Seton , a black Frier , of good learning and estimation , began to blame the corrupt doctrine of Papistry . For the space of a whole Lent , he taught the Commandment onely , ever beating in the ears of his auditors , That the Law of God had of many yeers not been truely taught : for mens Tradition had obscured the purity of it . These were his accustomed Propositions ; 1. Christ Jesus is the end and perfection of the Law. 2. There is no sin , where Gods Law is not violated . 3. To satisfie for sins , lies not in mans power ; but the remission thereof cometh by unfained Repentance , and by faith apprehending God the Father mercifull in Jesus Christ his Son. While oftentimes he puts his auditors in minde of this and the like Heads ; he maketh no mention of Purgatory , Pardons , Pilgrimage , prayer to Saints , nor of such trifles . The dumb Doctors , and the rest of that forsworne rabble began to suspect him , and yet said they nothing publikely , till Lent was ended . And he passed to Dundie : And then one in his absence , hired to that purpose , openly condemned the whole Doctrine that before he had taught . Which coming to the ears of the said Frier Alexander , then being in Dundie , without delay he returned to Saint Andrewes , caused immediately to toll the Bell , and to give signification that he would preach , as that he did indeed , in the which Sermon he affirmeth ( and that more plainly than at any other time ) whatsoever in all his whole Sermons he had taught before , the whole Lent past ; adding , That within Scotland there were no true Bishops , if that Bishops should be known by such notes and vertues as S. Paul requires in Bishops . This delation flew with wings to the Bishops ears , who without further delay sent for the said Friar Alexander , who began sharply to accuse that he had so ●landerously spoken of the dignitie of Bishops , as to say , That it behoved a Bishop to be a Preacher or else he were but a dumb dog , and fed not the flock , but fed his own bellie . The man being witty , and minding that which was his most assured defence , said , My Lord ▪ The reporters of such things are manifest liars . Whereat the Bishop rejoyced , and said , Your answer pleaseth me well ; I never could think of you that ye would be so foolish as to affirm such things : Where are the knaves that have brought me this tale ? Who comparing and affirming the same that they did before , he still replyed , That they were liers . But while the witnesses were multiplied , and men were brought to attention , he turned him to the Bishop , and said , My Lord , ye may hear and consider , what ears these Asses have , who cannot discern betwixt Paul , Esay , Zachary , and Malachy , and Frier Alexander Seton . In very deed , My Lord , I said , That Paul saith , It behoveth a Bishop to be a Teacher ; Esay said , That they that fed not the flock are dumb dogs ; and Zachary saith , They are idle Pastors : I of mine own head affirmed nothing , but declared what the Spirit of God before pronounced : At whom , my Lord , if ye be not offended , justly ye cannot be offended at me . And so yet again , my Lord , I say , That they are manifest liars that reported unto you that I said , That ye and others that preach not , are no Bishops , but belly-gods . Albeit after that the Bishop was highly offended , as well at the scoffe and bitter mock , as at the bold liberty of that learned man , yet durst he not hazard for that present , to execute his malice conceived . For nought only feareth he the learning , and bold spirit of the man , but also the favour that he had , as well of the people , as of the Prince , King Iames the fifth , with whom he had good credite , for he was at that time his Confessor , and had exhorted him to the fear of God , to the meditation of Gods Law , and unto purity of life . But the said Bishop , with his complices , foreseeing what danger might come to their estate , if such familiarity should continue betwixt the Prince and a man so learned , and so repugning to their affections , laboureth by all means to make the said Frier Alexander odious unto the King , and easily found the means by the gray Friers ( who by their hypocrisie deceived many ) to traduce the innocent as an Heretick . This accusation was easily believed of the young Prince ; who being much given to the lusts of the flesh , abhorred all counsell that repugned thereto . And because he did remember what a terrour the admonitions of the said Alexander was unto his blinded conscience , without resistance he subscribed to their accusation , affirming that he knew more then they did in that matter . For he understood well enough that he smelled of the new Doctrine , by such things as he had shewed to him under Confession . And therefore he promised that he should follow the counsell of the Bishops in punishing of him , and of all others of that Sect. These things understood by the said Alexander , as well by the information of his friends and familiars , as by the strange countenance of the King unto him ; provideth the next way to avoid the fury of a misled Prince , and so in his habit he departeth the Realme ; and coming to Berwicke , wrote back again to the King his Complaint and Admonition ; The very Tenour and Copy whereof followeth , and is this . MOst gracious Soveraigne Lord , under the Lord and King of all , of whom onely thy Highnesse and Majestie hast power and authority , to exercise Justice within this thy Realme under God , who is King and Lord of all Realms , and thy Majestie , and all mortall kings are but onely servants unto that onely immortall Prince , Christ Jesus , &c. It is not , I wot , unknowne to thy gracious Highnesse , how that thy Majesties sometime servant and Orator ( and ever shall be to my lives end ) is departed out of thy Realm , unto the next adjacent of England ; neverthelesse , I believe the cause of my departing is unknown to thy gracious Majesty : Which onely is , Because the Bishops and Church-men of thy Realm have had heretofore such authority upon thy subjects , that apparently they were rather King , and thou the subject ; which unjust Regiment is of it self false , and contrary to holy Scripture , and Gods Law. Then thou art the King and Master , and they thy subjects , which is very true , and testified expresly by the Word of God. And also because they will give no man of any degree or state ( whom they often call Hereticks ) audience , time , nor place to speak and have defence , which is against all Law , both the old Law ( called the Law of Moses ) and the new Law of the Gospel . So that if I might have had audience and place to speak , and have shewed my just defence , conformable to the Law of God , I should never have fled to any other Realm , suppose it should have cost me my life . But because I believed that I should have no audience , nor place to answer ( they are so great with thy Majestie ) I departed not doubting , but moved of God , unto a better time ▪ that God illuminate thy Majestie , even to give every man audience ( is thou shouldst and mayst , and is bound by the Law of God ) who are accused to the death . And to certifie thy Highnesse that these are no vain words , but of deed and effect , here I offer me to thy Majestie to come in thy Realme again , so that thy Majestie will give me audience , and hear what I have for me of the Law of God : and cause any Bishop or Abbot , Friar or Secular , which is most cunning ( some of them cannot reade their Mattins , who are made Judges of Heresie ) to impugne me by the Law of God ; and if my part be found wrong , thy Majestie being present and Judge , I refuse no pain worthy or condigne for my fault . And if that I convince them by the Law of God , and that they have nothing to lay to my charge , but the law of man , and their own inventions to uphold their own glory and pridefull life , and daily scourging of thy poor subjects ▪ I refer my self to thy Majestie as Judge , Whether he hath the victory that holds him at the Law of God , which cannot fail , or be false , or they that holds them at the Law of man , which is very oft plain contrary , and against the Law of God ; and therefore of necessity false , and full of lies . For all things that is contrary to the veritie ( which is Christ and his Law ) is of necessity a lie . And to witnesse that this comes of all my heart , I shall remain at Berwike while I get thy Majesties answer , and shall without fail return , having thy hand write , that I may have audience , & place to speak . No more I desire of thee , whereof if I had been sure , I should never have departed ; and that thou mayst know the truth thereof , if fear of the justnesse of my Cause , or dread of persecution for the same , had moved me to depart , I could not so pleasantly revert , onely distrust was the cause of my departing . Pardon me to say that which lieth to thy Majesties charge . Thou art bound by the Law of God ( suppose they falsly lie , saying it pertaineth not to thy Majestie to intermeddle with such matters ) to cause every man in any case accused of his life , to have their just defence & their accusers produced conform to their own law . They blinde thy Matie eyes , that knows nothing of thy law : but if I prove not this out of their own law , I offer me to the death . Thy Matie therefore by experience , may daily learn ( seeing they neither fear the King of Heaven , as their lives testifie , neither thee their Naturall Prince , as their usurped power in their actions shews ) why thy Highnes should be no longer blinded . Thou maist consider that they pretend nothing else , but onely the maintenance and upholding of their barded mules , augmenting of their insatiable avarice , and continuall overthrowing and swallowing up thy poore subjects ; neither preaching nor teaching out of the Law of God ( as they should ) the rude ignorant people , but contend who may be most high , most rich , and neerest thy Majesty ; to put thy Temporal Lords and Lieges out of thy counsell and favour , who should be , and are most tender servants to thy Majesty in all time of need , to the defence of thee and thy Crown : And where they desire thy Majesty to to put out thy Temporal Lords and Lieges , because they despise their vitious life , What else intend they , but onely thy death and destruction , as thou maist easily perceive : suppose they colour their false intent and minde with the pursuit of heresie ; for when thy Barons are put downe , What art thou but the king of Land , and not of men , and then of necessity must be guided by them : and there ( no doubt ) where a blinde man is guide , must be a fall in the mire . Therefore let thy Majesty take boldnes and authority , which thou hast of God , and suffer not their cruell persecution to proceed , without audience given to him that is accused , and just place of defence : and then , no doubt , thou shalt have thy subjects hearts , and all that they can or may do in time of need , tranquility , justice , and policy , and finally , the Kingdom of the heavens . May it please you to give one Copy of this to the Clergie , and keep the Original , and thy Majestie shall have experience , if I go against one word that I have spoken . I shall daily make my hearty devotion for thy Majestie , and for the prosperity and welfare of thy body and soul. I doubt not but thy gracious Highnesse will give answer to this Letter , unto the Presenter of it unto thy Highnesse . At Berwike , by thy Highnesse servant and Orator . Sic subscribitur , Alexander Seton . This Letter was delivered to the Kings own hands , and of many read ; but what could greatly avail , where the pride and corruption of Prelats commanded what they pleased ; and the flattery of Courtiers fostered the unadvised Prince in all dissolutenesse , by which means they made him obsequious unto them . From the death of that constant Witnesse of Jesus Christ , M. Patrike Hammilton , God disclosing the wickednesse of the wicked , as before we have heard . There was one Forrest of Linlytquow taken , who after long imprisonment in the said Tower of S. Andrews was adjudged to the fire , by the ●aid Bishop Iames Betonne and his Doctors , for no other crime , but because he had a new Testament in English. Further of that History we have not , except that he died constantly , and with great patience at S. Andrews . After whose death th● flame of Persecution ceased , till the death of M. Norman Gurlaw , the space of ten yeeres , or thereabout , not that the bloody beasts ceased by all means to suppresse the lyght of God , and to trouble such as in any sort were suspected to abhorre their corruption ; but because the Realme in these times was troubled with intestine and cruell warres , in the which much blood was shed ; first at Melrosse , betwixt the Dowglas and Balclench , in the yeere of God 1526. the 24. day of July : Next at Lynlythcow , betwixt the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox , who was sisters son to the Earle of Arran ▪ where the said Earle with many others lost his life , the thirteenth day of September , in the same yeere : And last , betwixt the King himself and the foresaid Dowglas , whom he banished the Realme , and held him in exile during his whole dayes . By reason of these , we say , and of other troubles , the Bishops and their bloody bands could not finde the time so favourable unto them as they required , to execute their Tyrannie . In this middle time , so did the wisedome of God provide , that Henry the eight , King of England , did abolish from his Realme the name and authority of the Pope of Rome , commanded the Bible to be read in English , suppressed the Abbeys and other places of Idolatry , with their Idols , which gave great hope to divers Realmes , that some godly Reformation should thereof have ensued : And therefore from this our Countrey did divers learned men , and others that lived in feare of Persecution , repaire to that Realme , where albeit they found not such purity as they wished ( and therefore divers of them sought other countreys ) yet they escaped the tyrannie of mercilesse men , and were reserved to better times , that they might fructifie within his Church in divers places and parts , and in divers vocations . Alexander Setonne remained in England , and publikely ( with great praise and comfort of many ) taught the Gospel in all sincerity certain yeers . And albeit the craftinesse of Gardner Bishop of Winchester and of others , circumvented the said Alexander , so that they caused him at Pauls Crosse , to affirme certaine things that repugned to his former Doctrine : yet it is no doubt but that God potently had assisted him in all his life , and that also in his death ( which shortly after followed ) he found the mercy of his God , whereupon he ever exhorted all men to depend . Alexander Alaesius , Master Iohn Fyfe , and that famous man Doctor Machabeus departed unto Dutchland , where by Gods providence they were distributed to severall places . Makdowell for his singular prudence , besides his Learning and Godlinesse , was elected borrow-Master in one of their steads . Alaesius was appointed to the Universitie of Lipsia , and so was Master Iohn Fyfe , where for their honest behaviour and great erudition they were holden in admiration with all the godly . And in what honour , credit , and estimation Doctour Machabeus was , with Christian , king of Denmark , Cawpmanhowen and famous men of divers nations can testifie . This did God provide for his servants , and did frustrate the expectation of these bloody beasts , who by the death of one ( he meanes M. Patrick Hamilton ) in whom the lyght of God did clearly shine , intended to have suppressed Christs Trueth for ever within this Realme , but the contrary had God decreed : for his death was the cause ( as is said ) that many did awake from the deadly sleep of ignorance ; and so did Jesus Christ the onely true Lyght shine unto many , for the way taken of one . And albeit that these notable men did never after ( M. Iohn Fyfe onely excepted ) comfort their countrey with their bodily presence , yet made he them fructifie in his Church , and raised them up Lyghts out of darknesse , to the praise of his own mercy , and to the just condemnation of them that then ruled ; To wit , of the King , Counsell , and Nobility , yea , of the whole people , who suffered such notable personages without crimes , counted to be unjustly persecuted , and so exiled ; others were after even so dealt withall , but of them we shall speak in their own place . No sooner gate the Bishops opportunity ( which alwayes they sought ) but so soon renewed they the battell against Jesus Christ. For the aforesaid leprous Bishop in the yeere of God 1534. caused to be summoned Sir William Kyrk , Adam Dayis , Henry Kernes , Iohn Stewart of Leyth , with divers others , such as Master William Iohnston Advocate , Master Henry Henderson , Schoole-master of Edenburgh , of whom some compeered in the Abbey Kyrk of Halyrud-house , and so abjured , and publikely burnt their Bills : others compeered not , and therefore was exiled . But in judgement were produced two , to wit , David Straton , a Gentleman , and Master Norman Gowrlay , a man of reasonable erudition , of whom we may shortly speak . In Master Norman appeared knowledge , albeit joyned with weaknesse ; But in David Straton could onely be espied for the first ; a hatred against the pride and avaritiousnesse of Priests , for the cause of his delation was , he had made to himselfe one Fish-boat to go to the sea ; The Bishop of Murray , then being Prior of Saint Andrews , and his agents , urged him for the tythe thereof ; His answer was , If they would have tythe of that which his servants wan in the sea , it were but reason that they should come and receive it where they got the stocke , and so as it was constantly affirmed , he caused his servants to cast the tenth fish in the sea again : Processe of cursing was laid against him for not paying such tythes , which when he contemned , he was summoned to answer for Heresie . It troubled him vehemently , and therefore he began to frequent the company of such as were godly ; for before he had been a man very stubborne , and one that despised all reading ( chiefly of those things that were godly ) but miraculously , as it were , he appeareth to be changed , for he delighteth in nothing but in hearing of reading ( for himselfe could not reade ) and was a vehement exhorter of all men to concord and quietnesse , and the contempt of the world . He frequented much the company of the Laird of Dun Areskin , whom God in those daies had marvellously illuminated : upon a day as the Laird of Lawriston that yet liveth , then being a young man , was reading unto him in the New Testament , in a certain quiet place in the fields , as God had appointed , he chanced to read these Sentences of our Master Jesus Christ ; He that denieth me before men , or is ashamed of me in the midst of this wicked generation , I will deny him in the presence of my Father , and before his Angels . At which words , he suddenly being as one revived , cast himselfe upon his knees , and extending both hand and visage constantly to the heaven a reasonable time , at length he burst forth in these words ; O Lord , I have been wicked , and justly mayest thou withdraw thy grace from me : but Lord , for thy mercies sake , let me never deny thee , nor thy Trueth , for fear of death or corporall paine . The issue declared that his prayer was not vain ; for when he with the aforesaid Master Norman , was produced in judgement in the Abbey of Halyrud-House , the King himselfe ( all clad in red ) being present , great labour was made , that the said David Straton should have recanted , and burnt his Bill : But he ever standing at his defence , alleadging that he had not offended , in the end was adjudged to the fire , and then when he perceived the danger , asked grace at the King ( which he would willingly have granted unto him ) the Bishops proudly answered , That the Kings hands were bound in that case , and that he had no grace to give , to such as by their Law were condemned . And so was he with the said Master Norman , after dinner , upon the seven and twentieth day of August , in the yeere of our Lord 1534. aforesaid , led to a place besides the roode of greene side : and there they two were both hanged and burnt , according to the mercy of the Papisticall Church . To that same diet were summoned as before we have said , others of whom some escaped into England , and so for that present escaped the death . This their tyranny , notwithstanding , the knowledge of God did wonderfully increase within this Realme , partly by reading , partly by brotherly conference which in those dangerous dayes was used to the comfort of many ; but chiefly by Merchants and Mariners , who frequenting other countreys , heard the true Doctrine affirmed , and the vanity of the Papisticall Religion openly rebuked : Amongst whom were those of Dondie and Lieth principals , against whom was made a very strait inquisition , by David Beton , cruell Cardinall . And divers were compelled to abjure and burne their Bills , some in Saint Andrews , and some at Edinburgh . About the same time , Captaine Iohn Berthwick Provost of Lithcow , was burnt in figure , but by Gods providence escaped their furie . And this was done for a spectacle , and triumph to Mary of Lorraine , lately arrived from France , as wife to Iames the fifth King of Scots : what plagues she brought with her , and how they yet continue , such as are not blinde may manifestly see . The rage of these bloody beasts proceeded so farre , that the Kings Court it selfe escaped not that danger ; for in it divers were suspected , and some accused . And yet ever did some lyght burst out in the midst of darknesse ; for the trueth of Christ Jesus entred even into the Cloisters as well of Friars and Monks as of Channons . Iohn Lyn , a gray Frier , left his hypocriticall habit , and the den of those murtherers , the gray Friers . A black Frier , called Frier Killor , set forth the History of Christs passion in forme of a Play , which he both Preached and practised openly in Sterlin , the King himselfe being present upon a Good-Friday in the Morning , in the which all things were so lively expressed , that the very simple people understood and confessed , That as the Priests and obstinate Pharisees perswaded the people to refuse Christ Jesus , and caused Pilate to condemne him ; So did the Bishops , and men called Religious , blinde the people , and perswade Princes and Judges to persecute such as professe Christ Jesus his blessed Gospel . This plain speaking so inflamed the hearts of all that bare the Beasts mark , that they ceased not , till the said Friar Kill●r , and with him Frier Beaverege , Sir Duncane Symson , Robert Forester Gentleman , and Deane Thomas Forrat , Channon regular , and Vicar of Dolour , a man of upright life , who altogether were cruelly murthered in one fire upon the Castle hill the last of February , in the yeere of our Lord 1538. This cruelty was used by the aforesaid Cardinall , the Chancellour , the Bishop of Glasgow , and the incestuous Bishop of Dumblane . After that this cruelty was used in Edinburgh upon the Castle hill , to the effect that the rest of the Bishops might shew themselves no lesse fervent to suppresse the lyght of God , then he of S. Andrews was , were apprehended two of the Diocesse of Glasgow ; The one named Ieronimus Russell , a gray Frier , a young man , of a meeke nature , quicke spirit , and good Learning ; And one Alexander Kennedie , who passed not eighteen yeers of age , one of excellent wit in vulgar Poesie . To assist the Bishop of Glasgow in that cruell judgement , or at least to dip his hands in the blood of the Saints of God , were sent Master Iohn Lawd●r , Master Andrew Olyphant , and Frier Meitman , servants of Satan , apt for that purpose ; The day appointed to the cruelty approached ; The two poore Saints of God were presented before those bloody butchers , grievous were the crimes that were laid to their charge : Kennedie at the first was faint , and gladly would have recanted : but while the place of repentance was denied unto him ▪ the spirit of God , which is the spirit of all comfort , began to work in him ; yea , the inward comfort began to burst forth , as well in visage , as in tongue and word , for his countenance began to be cheerfull , and with a joyfull voice upon his knees he said , O eternall God , how wonderfull is that love and mercy that thou bearest unto mankinde , and unto me the most caitife and miserable wretch above all others ; For , even now , when I would have denied thee , and thy Son , our Lord Iesus Christ my onely Saviour , and so have cast my self into everlasting damnation ; Thou by thine own hand hast pulled me from the very bottome of hell , and made me to feele that heavenly comfort , which takes from me that ungodly feare wherewith before I was oppressed . Now I defie death , do what ye please ; I praise my God , I am ready . The godly and learned Ieronimus , railed upon by these godlesse Tyrants , answered ; This is your houre , and power of darknesse ; Now sit ye as Iudges , and we stand wrongfully accused , and more wrongfully to be condemned ; but the day shall come , when our innocencie shall appeare , and that ye shall see your own blindnesse , to your everlasting confusion . Go forward , and fulfill the measure of your iniquity . While that these servants of God thus behaved themselves , a variance ariseth betwixt the Bishop and the beasts that came from the Cardinall ; For the Bishop said , I thinke it better to spare these men , then to put them to death : Whereat the idiot Doctors offended , said , What will ye do my Lord ? will ye condemne all that my Lord Cardinall and the other Bishops and we have done ? If so ye do , ye shew your selfe enemy to the Church and us , and so we will repute you , be ye assured . At which words , the faithlesse man afraid , adjudged the innocents to die , according to the desire of the wicked . The meeke and gentle Ieronimus Russell comforted the other with many comfortable sentences , oft saying unto him , Brother , fear not , more mighty is he that is in us , than he that is in the world : the pain that we shall suffer is short , and shall be light ; but our joy and consolation shall nevea have end : and therefore let us contend to enter in , unto our Master and Saviour , by the same strait way which he hath taken before us : Death cannot destroy us , for it is destroyed already by him for whose sake we suffer . With these and the like comfortable sentences they passed to the place of execution , and constantly triumphed over death and Sathan , even in the midst of the flaming fire . And thus did those cruell beasts intend nothing but murther in all the quarters of this Realme : for so far had they blinded and corrupted the inconsiderate Prince , that he gave himself to obey the tyrannie of those bloodie beasts : and he made a solemne Vow , That none should be spared that was suspect of Heresie , yea , although it were his own son . To presse and push him forward in this his fury , he lacked not flatters enow ; for many of his Minions were pensioners to Priests : Amongst whom , Oliver Synclare , yet remaining enemy to God , was principall . And yet did not God cease to give that blinded Prince documents that some sudden punishment was to fall upon him , if he did not repent , and amend his life ; and that his own mouth did confesse : For after that Sir Iames Hamilton was beheaded ( justly or unjustly we dispute not ) this Vision came unto him , as to his familiars himself did declare ) the said Sir Iames appeared unto him , having in his hands a drawn sword , with the which he stroke from the King both the arms , saying to him these words , Take that , till thou receive a finall payment for all thy impiety . This Vision with sorrowful countenance , he shewed on the morrow , and shortly thereafter died his two sons , both within the space of 24 hours , yea , some say within the space of six hours . In his own presence George Steill , his greatest flatterer , and greatest enemy to God that was in his Court , dropped off his horse , and died not saying one word that same day , that in audience of many , the said George had refused his portion of Christs Kingdom , if the prayers of the Virgin Mary should not bring him thereto . How terrible a Vision the said Prince saw lying in Lintlightow that night that Thomas Scot , Justice Clerk , died in Edinburgh , men of good credite can yet report : For afraid at midnight , or after , he called aloud for Torches , and raised all that lay beside him in the Pallace , and told that Thomas Scot was dead ; for he had been at him with a company of devills , and had said unto him these words ; O we to the day that ever I knew thee or thy service ; for serving of thee , against God , against his servants , and against Iustice , I am adjudged to endlesse torment . How terrible voyces the said Thomas Scot pronounced before his death , men of all estates heard ; and some that yet live can witnesse his voice ever was , Iusto Dei judicio condemnatus sum ; that is , I am condemned by Gods just Judgement . He was most oppressed for th● delation and false accusation of such as professed Christs Evangel , as M. Thomas Mairioribanckes , and M. Heus Rig , then advocates , did confesse to M. Henry Balnaves , who from the said Thomas Scot came to him , as he and M. Thomas Ballenden were sitting in Saint Giles Church , and asked him forgivenesse of the said Thomas . None of these terrible forewarnings could either change or alter the heart of the infortunate and misled Prince , but still he did proceed in his accustomed wayes . For in the midst of these evils , he caused , to put hands on that notable man M. George Buchanan , to whom for his singular erudition and honest behaviour , was committed the charge to instruct some of his naturall children : But by the mercifull providence of God he escaped ( albeit with great difficulty ) the rage of those that sought his life ; and remaines alive to this day in the yeere of God 1566. to the glory of God , to the great honour of this nation , and to the comfort of those that delight in letters and vertue . That singular Worke of Davids Psalms , in Latin Meeter and Poesie , besides many others , can witnesse the rare graces of God given to that man , which that Prince by instigation of the gray-Friers and of his other flatterers , would altogether have devoured , if God had not provided remedy to his servant by escaping ( the keepers being asleep he went out at the window ) This cruelty and persecution , notwithstanding the monsters and hypocrites , the gray-Friers , day by day came farther in contempt , for not onely did the learned espie and detest their abominable hypocrisie , but also men in whom no such graces or gifts were thought to have been , began plainly to paint the same forth to the people . As this Ryme which here we have inserted for the same purpose , made by Alexander Earle of Glevearne to this day 1566 alive can witnesse , intituled , An Epistle directed from the holy Hermite of Larites , to his Brethren the gray-Friers . I Thomas Hermite in Larite Saint Francis brother heartily greete , Beseeching you with firme intent To be watchfull and diligent For thir Lutherans rissen of new Our ordour dayly doth pursew These smacks do set their whole intent To read this Engls ' new Testament And sayth we have them cleane desceivd Therefore in haste they must be stopped Our stately hypocrisie they pryse And do blaspheme us on this wise Saying that we are heretiks And false loud lying Matin tykes Cummerers and quellers of Christs Kyrk Such lasie scemlers that will not wirk But idlely our living winnes Devouring Wolfs into Sheepe-skinnes Hurkland with huids into our neck With Judas minde to Jowcke and Bek Seeking Gods people to devore The overthrowers of Gods glore Professors of hypocrisie . Doctors in Idolatrie Fishears with the feynds nette The upclosers of heaven gate Cancard corrupters of the Creede Hemlock sowers among good seed To throw in brambles that do men twist The hye way kennand them from Christ Monsters with the Beasts marke Dogs that never stintes to barke Church men that are to Christ unkend A sect that Sathans selfe has send Lurking in holes lyke trator todes Maintainers of Idolles and false godes Fantastike fooles and frenzie flatterers To turne from the trueth the very teachers For to declare their whole sentence Would much cumber your conscience To say your fayth it is so stark Your cord and loosie cote and sark Ye lippin may you bring to salvation And quyte excludes Christ his passion I dread this doctrine and it last Shall either gar us worke or fast Therefore with speede we must provide And not our profit overslide I schaip my selfe within short while To curse our Ladie in Argyle And there some craftie wyse to worke Till that we builded have one Kyrk Since miracles made by your advice The kitterells thought they had but lyce . The two parts to us they will bring But orderly to dresse this thing Aghaist I purpose for to cause gang By counsayll of Frear Walter Lang Which shall make certaine demonstrations To help us in our procurations Your holy ordor to decore That practise he provd once before Betw●xt Kyrkcadie and Kinggorne But Lymmers made thereat such skorne And to his fame made such digression Since syn he heard not the Kings confession Though at that time he came with speede I pray you take good will as deede And some among your selves receave As one worth many of the leave What I obtaine you through his art Reason wold ye had your part Your order handles no money But for other casualtie As beefe , meale butter and cheese Or what else you have that you please Send your brethren and habete As now not els but valete Be Thomas your brother at command A Culrune kethed through many a land . After God had given unto that mis-informed Prince sufficient documents , that his warring against his blessed Gospel should not prosperously succeed . He raised up against him Warres as he did of old against divers Princes that would not hear his voice , in the which he lost himself , as we shall hereafter heare . The occasion of the Warre was this , HENRY the eighth , King of England , had a great desire to have spoken with our King , and in that point travelled so long , till that he gat a full promise made to his Ambassadour , Lord William Howard : The place of meeting was appointed Yorke , which the King of England kept with such solemnitie and preparations , as never for such a purpose was seene in England before . Great brute of that journey , and some preparation for the same was made in Scotland : But in the end , by perswasion of the Cardinall David Beton , and by others of his faction , that journey was stayed , and the Kings promise falsified . Whereupon were sharp Letters of reproach sent unto the King , and also unto his counsell . King Henry frustrate returneth to London , and after his indignation declared , began to fortifie with men his frontiers toward Scotland . There was sent to the borders , Sir Robert Bowes , the Earle of Angus , and his brother , Sir George Dowglas . Upon what other trifling questions ( as for the debetable land and such ) the Warre brake up , we omit to write . The principall occasion was the falsifying of the promises before made . Our King perceiving that Warre would rise , asked the Prelats and Churchmen , what support they would make to the sustaining of the same : for rather would he yet satisfie the desire of his Uncle ▪ then he would hazard warre where he saw not his force able to resist . They promised mountains of gold ( as Satan their father did to Christ Jesus if he would worship him ) for rather would they have gone to hell , then he should have met with King Henry , for then thought they , Farewell our Kingdom of Abbots , Monks , &c. And farewell , thought the Cardinall , his credit and glory in France . In the end , they promised fifty thousand crowns by yeere , to be well paid so long as the Warre lasted : and further , That their servants and other that appertained to them , and were exempted from common service , should neverthelesse serve in time of necessity . These vain promises lifted up in pride the heart of the unhappy king , and so begins the Warre . The Realme was Quartered , and men were laid in Iedburgh and Kelso : All men ( fools we mean ) bragged of victory , and in very deed the beginning gave us a faire shaw : For at the first Warden Reade which was made on Saint Bartholomewes day , in the yeere of our Lord , 1542. was the Warden Sir Robert Bowes , his brother Richard Bowes Captaine of Norhame , Sir William Mamebery Knight , a Bastard Sonne of the Earle of Angus , and Iames Dowglas of Parkhead , then Rebels , with a great number of Borderers Souldiers and Gentlemen taken : The Reade was termed Halderig . The Earle of Angus and Sir George his brother , did narrowly escape . Our Papists and Prelats , proud of this victory , encouraged the King , so that there was nothing heard , but All is ours : They be but Heretickes , if we be a thousand and they ten thousand , they dare not fight ; France shall enter into one part , and we the other , and so shall England be conquest within a yeere . If any man was seene to smile at such vanitie , he was no more but a Traytour and an Hereticke . And yet by these meanes men had greater liberty then they had before , as concerning their conscience , for then ceased the persecution . The Warre continued till midde September : And then was sent down the old Duke of Norfolke , with such an Army as a hundred yeeres before had not come into Scotland . They were in gathering their Forces , and setting forward of their Preparations and Munitions , which were exceeding great , till midde October and after . And then they Marched from Barwick and tended to the wast , ever holding Tweid upon their own side , and never camped from that River the space of a mile , during the whole time they continued in Scotland , which was ten or twelve dayes . Forces were sent up and down to Smallame , Stichell , and such places neere about , but many snappers they gat , some Corn they burnt , besides that which the great host consumed , but small bootie they carried away . The King assembled his Forces at Fallowe ( for he was advertised that they had promised to come to Edinburgh ) and tooke the Musters all at an houre , two dayes before Hallowe even . There were found with him eighteen thousand able men : Upon the Borders that awaited upon the English Army , were ten thousand good men with the Earle of Huntlie , Lords Erskin , Seton , and Hume . These were judged men aneuh to hazard Battell , albeit the other were esteemed fourty thousand . While the King lay at Fallowe , abiding upon the Gunes , and upon advertisement from the Army . The Lords began to remember how the King had been long abused by his flatterers , and principally by the Pensioners of the Prelats . It was then concluded that they would make some new remembrance of Lawder brig , to see if that would for a season somewhat help the state of their Country . But because the Lords could not agree among themselves upon the persons that deserved punishment ( for every man favoured his friend ) the whole escaped , and the purpose was opened to the King , and by him to the courtiers , who till they came to Edinburgh stood in no little fear : but that was suddenly forgot , as we shall after hear . While time is thus protracted , the English army , for want of victuals ( as was bruted ) retired over Tweid in the night , and so begin to skale & sunder ; wherof the King advertised , desired the Lords and Barons to assist him to follow them into England ; whose answer was with one consent , That to defend his person and Realme , they would hazard life , and whatsoever they had : But to invade England , neither had they so just Title as they desired , neither yet could they be able to do any thing to the hurt of England , considering that they had long before beene absent from their houses , their provision was spent , their horses wearied , and that which was greatest of all , the time of the yeere did utterly reclaime . This their answer seemed to satisfie the King : for he in words praised their prudent foresight and wise counsell . But the essay made to his Courtiers , and that bold repulse of his desires given to him in his owne face , so wounded his high stomacke ( for long had he runne as himselfe listed ) that he decreeth a notable revenge , which no doubt he had not failed to have executed , if God by his owne hand had not cut the dayes of his lyfe . He returnes to Edinburgh , the Nobility , Barons , Gentlemen , and Commons , to their habitations . And this was the second and third dayes of November . Without longer delay at the palace of Halyrud-house was a new councell assembled , a councell we meane of his abusers , wherein were accusations layd against the most part of the Nobilitie ; Some were Hereticks ; Some favourers of England ; Some friends to the Dowglas : and so could there be none faithfull to the King in their opinion . The Cardinall and Prelats cast fagotts in the fire with all their force , and finding the King wholly addicted to their devotion , delivered unto him a schroll , containing the names of such as they in their inquisition had convict for Hereticks . For this was the order of Justice which these holy Fathers kept in condemning of innocent men ; Whosoever would accuse any of Heresie , he was heard , no respect nor consideration had , what minde the accuser bare to the person accused ; Whosoever was produced for witnesse , were admitted , how suspitious and infamous so ever they were ; if two or three had proved any point that by their Law was holden Heresie , that was an Hereticke : There rested no more but a day to be affixed to his condemnation , and to the execution of their corrupt sentence : What man could be innocent where such ●udges were partie , the world may this day consider . True it is , by false Judgement and false Witnesses have innocents been oppressed from the beginning . But this freedome to shed innocent blood got never the Devill but in the Kingdome of Antichrist ; That the innocent should die , and neither know accuser , nor yet the witnesse that testifieth against him . But how sh●ll the Antichrist be knowne , if he shall not be contrarious to God the Father , and his Sonne Christ Jesus , in Law , Life , and Doctrine . But this we omit . The same schroll had the Cardinall and Prelats once presented to the king before , at that time when he returned from the Navigation about the Isles , in the yeere 1534. But then it was refused by the prudent and stout councell of the Laird of Grainge , who opened cleerely to the King the practices of the Prelats , and the danger that thereof might ensue : Which considered by the King ( for being out of his passion he was tractable ) gave this answer in the palace of Halyrud-house to the Cardinall and Prelats , after that they had uttered their malice , and shewed what profit might arise to the Crowne , if he would follow their councell : Packe you Iuglers , get you to your charges , and reforme your owne lives , and be not instruments of discord betwixt my Nobilitie and me ; Or else , I vow to God , I shall reforme you , not as the King of Denmarke by imprisonment doeth , neither yet as the King of England doth by hanging and heading : but I shall reproove you by sharpe punishments , if ever I heare such motion of you againe . The Prelats dashed and astonished with this answer , ceased for a season to attempt any further by rigour against the Nobility . But now being informed of all proceedings by their Pensioners , Oliver Sincler , Rosse Laird of Cragie and others , who were to them faithfull in all things : they conclude to hazard once again their former sute : which was no sooner proponed , but as soone it was accepted , with no small regreate , by the Kings own mouth , that he had so long despised their counsell : For ( said he ) now I plainely see your words to be true ; The Nobility neither desire my honour nor countenance , for they would not ride a mile for my pleasure to follow mine enemies : Will ye therefore finde me the meanes how that I may have a roade made into England without their knowledge and consent , that it may be knowne to be mine owne reade , and I shall binde me to your counsell for ever . There were gratulations and clapping of hands ; there were promises of diligence , closenesse , and fidelity among them . Finally , conclusion was taken that the West borders of England , which was most empty of men and Garrison , should be invaded . The Kings own Banner should be theirs , Oliver the great Minion should be Generall-Lieutenant , but no man should be privie ( except the counsell that was then present ) of the enterprise , till the very day and execution thereof . The Bishops gladly tooke the charge of that device . Letters were sent to such as they would charge , To meet the King at the day and place appointed : The Cardinall with the Earle of Arran was directed to go to Hadington , to make a shew against the East Border , when the others were in readinesse to invade the West : And thus neither lacked counsell , practise , closenesse , nor diligence , to set forward that Enterprise ; and so among these consulters there was no doubt of any good successe . And so was the scroell thankfully received by the king himselfe , and put into his owne pocket , where it remained to the day of his death , and then was found . In it were contained more then an hundred landed men , besides other of meaner degree : Among whom was the Earle of Arran , notwithstanding his siding with the current of the Court , and his neernesse in blood to the King. It was bruted that this roade was devised by the Lord Maxwell , but the certaintie thereof we have not . The night before the day appointed to the Enterprise , the King was found at Lochmabane . To him comes companies from all quarters , as they were appointed , no man knowing of another ( for no generall Proclamations past , but privie Letters ) neither yet did the multitude know any thing of the purpose till after midnight when that the trumpet blew . And commanded all men to march forward , and to follow the King ( who was constantly supposed to have been in the host ) guides were appointed to conduct them towards England , as both faithfully and closely they did ; upon the point of day they approached to the enemies ground , and so passed the water without any great resistance made unto them . The forward goeth foorth , feare rises , hership might have been seen on every side . The unprovided people were altogether amazed , for bright day appearing , they saw an army of ten thousand men : Their Beacons on every side , send flames of fire unto the heaven : To them it was more then a wonder that such a multitude could have been assembled and conveyed , no knowledge thereof coming to any of their Wardens . For support they looked not , and so at the first they utterly despaired , and yet began they to assemble together , ten in one company , twenty in another , and so as the Fray proceeded their Troopes increased , but to no number ( for Carlile fearing ●o have been assaulted , suffered no man to issue out of their gates ) and so the greatest number that ever appeared or approached before the discomfiture past not three or four hundreth men , and yet they made hot skirmishing , as in their own ground , in such feats as they are most expert , about ten hours : When fires were kindled , and almost slackned on every side , Oliver thought time to shew his glory , and so incontinent was displayed the Kings Banner , and he upholden by two Spears , lift up upon mens shoulders there with sound of Trumpet was proclaimed Generall Lieutenant , and all men commanded to obey him , as the Kings own Person , under all highest pains . There was preseut the Lord Maxwell , Warden , to whom the regiment of things in absence of the King properly appertaineth . He heard and saw all , but thought more than he spake : There were also present the Earls of Glencarne and Cassels , with the Lord Flemyng , and many other Lords , Barons , and Gentlemen of Lothaine , Fife , Angus , and Mearnes . In this Mountain did the skirmishing grow hotter than it was before , shouters were heard on every side ; some Scottish-men were stricken down , some not knowing the ground , were mired , and lost their horses : Some English Horse of purpose were let loose , to provoke greedie and imprudent men to presse at them , as many did , but found no advantage . While such disorder rises more and more in the Army , every man cried aloud ▪ My Lord Lievtenant , What will ye do ? Charge was given that all men should light , and go to array in order , for they would fight : Others cried , Against whom will ye fight ? yonder men will fight none other wayes than ye see them do , if ye will stand here while the morrow . New purpose was taken , That the Footmen ( they had there with them certain Bands of Souldiers ) should safely retire towards Scotland , and the Horse-men should take their Horse again , and so follow in order . Great was the noyse and confusion that was heard , while that every man calleth his own sluggards ; the day was neer spent , and that was the cause of the greatest fear . The Lord Maxwell perceiving what would be the end of such beginnings , stood upon his feet with his friends , who being admonished to take his horse , and provide for himselfe , answered , Nay , I will rather abide here the chance that it shall please God to send me , than to go home , and there be hanged ; and so he remained upon his foot , and was taken while the multitude fled , and tooke the greater shame . The enemies perceiving the disorder , increased in courage . Before they shouted , but then they stroke ; they shot Spears , and dagged Arrows where the Companies were thickest ; some encounters were made , but nothing availeth , the Souldiers cast from them their Pikes and Culverings , and other Weapons fencible ; the Horse-men left their Spears , and so without judgement all men fled . The Sea was filling , and so the water made great stop ; but the fear was such , as happy was he that might get a taker : Such as passed the water , and escaped that danger , not well acquainted with the ground , fell into the slimy mosse ; the entry thereof was pleasing enough , but as they proceeded , all that took that way , either lost their horse , or else themselves and horse both . To be short , a greater fear and discomfiture without cause , hath seldome beene seen ; for it is said , That where the men were not sufficient to take the Bands of prisoners ; Some ran to houses , and rendered themselves to women . Stout Oliver was without stroke taken fleeing full manfully . And so was his glory ( stinking and foolish proudnesse we should call it ) suddenly turned to confusion and shame . In that discomfiture were taken the two Earls aforesaid , the Lords Fleming , Somerwell , and Olyphant , and many other Barons and Gentlemen , besides the great multitude of servants . Worldly men say , That all this come but by misorder and fortune , as they term it : But whosoever hath the least spark of the knowledge of God , may as evidently see the work of his hand in this discomfiture , as ever was seen in any of the Battells left to us in Register by the holy Ghost : For what more evident Declaration have we that God fought against Benhadad , King of Aram , when he was discomfited at Samaria , than now we have , that God fought with his own Arm against Scotland in this former discomfiture ? There did two hundred and thirty persons in the Skirmish , with seven thousand following them in the great Battell , put to flight the said Benhadad , with thirty Kings in his Company . But here there is in this shamefull discomfiture of Scotland , very few more than three hundreth men , without knowledge of any Backe or Battell to follow , put to flight ten thousand men , without resistance made . There did every man recounter his marrow , till that the two hundred and thirty slew such as matched them : But here , without slaughter , the multitude fled . There had those of Samaria the Prophet of God to comfort , to instruct , and to promise Victory unto them : But England in that pursuit had nothing , but as God secretly wrought by his providence in the men that knew nothing of his working , neither yet of the cause thereof , more then the wall that fell upon the rest of Benhadads Army knew what it did . And therefore yet again we say , That such as in that sudden dejection beholds not the hand of God fighting against pride , for freedome of his own little Flock injustly persecuted , doth willingly and maliciously obscure the glory of God ; but the end thereof is yet more notable . The certain knowledge of the discomfiture coming to the Kings ears ( who waited upon news at Lochmaban ) he was stricken with a sudden fear and astonishment , so that scarcely could he speak , or had purpose with any man : The night constrained him to remain where he was ; and so went to bed , but rose without rest , or quiet sleep : His continuall complaint was , O fled Oliver , is Oliver taken ? O fled Oliver : And these words in his melancholly , and as it were carried in a Trance , repeated he from time to time to the very hour of death . Upon the morn , which was Saint Katherines day , returned he to Edinburgh , and so did the Cardinall from Hadington . But the one being ashamed of the other , the brute of their communication came not to publike audience . The King made Inventory of his Treasure , of all his Jewels , and other substance . And thereafter ashamed to look any man in the face , secretly departed to Fife , and coming to Hallzairdes , was humanely received of the Lady of Grange , an ancient and godly Matron ( the Laird at his coming was absent . ) In his company was onely with him William Kirk●ldy , now Laird of Grange , and some other that waited upon his Chamber . The Lady at Supper , perceiving him pensive , beganne to comfort him , and willeth him to take the Work of GOD in good part : My portion , said he , of this world is short , for I will not be with you fifteen dayes . His servants repairing unto him , asked where he would have provision made for Christmas , which then approached : he answered with a disdainfull countenance , I cannot tell , chuse you the place ; but this I can tell you , Or Christmas day you will be masterlesse , and the Realme without a King. Because of his displeasure , no man durst make contradiction unto him . So after that he had visited the Castle of Carny , pertaining to the Earle of Crawfurde , where the said Earles daughter , one of his Mistresses was , he returned to Falkland , and took bed . And albeit there appeared unto him no signes of death , yet he constantly affirmed , Before such a day , I shall be dead . In this mean time was the Queen upon the point of her delivery in Lynlitquow , who was delivered the 8 of December , in the yeere of God , 1542 yeeres , of Mary , that then was born , and now doth raigne for a scourge to this Realme , as the progresse of her whole life has to this day declared . The certainty that a daughter was born unto him coming to his ears , he turned from such as spake with him , and said , The devill go with it , it will end as it began , it came from a woman , and it will end with a woman . From Mary , daughter to Robert Bruse , married to Walter Stuart , he feared that his daughter should be married to one of another Name and Family ; but you see by Gods providence , the Crown remains in one and the same Family and Name to this day , notwithstanding the many Plots of the pretenders to the Crowne both at home and abroad . After that he spake not many words that were sensible , but ever harped on his old song , Fie , fled Oliver , is Oliver taken , all is lost . In this mean time , in his great extremity , comes the Cardinall ( a fit comforter for a desperate man ) he cries in his eare ; Take order , Sir , with your Realme , who shall rule during the minority of your daughter : ye have knowne my service , What will ye have done ? Shall there not be four Regents chosen ? And shall not I be principall of them ? Whatsoever the King answered , Documents were taken , That so it should be , as my Lord Cardinall thought expedient . As many affirme , a dead mans hand was made to subscribe one blank , that they might write above what it pleased them best ; the Cardinall having hired one Henry Balfour , a Priest , to make a false Testament ; which was done accordingly , but in vain . This finished , the Cardinall posted to the Queen , lately before delivered , as is said . At the first sight of the Cardinall , she said , Welcome , my Lord , is not the King dead ? What moved her so to conjecture , divers men are of divers judgements . Many whisper that of old his patte was in the pot , and that the suspition thereof caused him to be inhibite the Queens company . Howsoever it was before , it is plain , That after the Kings death , and during the Cardinalls life , whosoever guided the Court , he gate his secret businesse sped , of that gracious Lady , either by day or by night . Howsoever the tidings liked her , she mended with as great expedition of that daughter , as ever she did before of any son she bare . The time of her Purification was sooner than the Leviticall Law appoints : but she was no Jew , and therefore in that she offended not . The noyse of the death of King Iames divulgate , who departed this life the 13 day of December , in the yeere of God 1542 aforesaid , the hearts of men began to be disclosed . All men lamented that the Realme was left without a male to succeed . Yet some rejoyced that such an enemy to Gods Truth was taken away . He was called of some ; A good poore mans King : of others he was termed , A murtherer of the Nobility , and one that had decreed their whole destruction . Some praised him for the repressing of theft and oppression ; others dispraised him for being much given to women . The Prelats and Clergie feared a change in the Kings minde , as he had expressed himself some few yeers before . And thus men spake even as their affection led them , and yet none spake altogether besides the truth ; for part of these aforesaid were so manifest , that as the vertues could not be denied , so could not the vices by any craft be cloked . Yet to speak truth of him , his vices may justly be attributed to the times , and his breeding , and not any wickednesse in his nature ; for he gave many expressions of a good nature , namely , in his sobriety and justice , &c. The question of Government was thorow this Realme universally moved . The Cardinall proclaimed the Kings last Will , and therein were expressed four Protectors or Regents , of whom himself was the first and principall , and with him were joyned the Earls of Huntley , Argyle , and Murhay : this was done on Munday , at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh . But the Munday following took the whole Regents remission for their usurpation : for by the stout and wise counsell of the Laird of Grange , did the Earle of Arran , then so neer to the Crown , cause assemble the Nobility of the Realme , and required the equity of their judgements in that his just suit to the Government of this Realm , during the minority of her to whom he pretended to succeed , failing of her , and of her lawfull succession . His friends convened , the Nobility assembled , the day of decision is appointed ; the Cardinall and his faction opposes them , and are against the Government of one man , and especially of any called Hammilton : For who knowes not ( said the Cardinall ) that the Hammiltons are cruell murtherers , oppressors of innocents , proud , avaritious , double , and false , and finally , the pestilence in this Common-wealth ? Whereto the Earl answered , Defraud me not of my right , and call me what ye please : whatsoever my friends have been , yet unto this day hath no man cause to complain upon me , neither yet am I minded to flatter any of my friends in their evill doing , but by Gods grace shall be as forward to correct their enormities , as any within the Realme can reasonably require of me ; And therefore yet again , my Lords , in Gods Name , I crave that ye do me no wrong , nor defraud me of my just Title , before ye have experience of my Government . At these words , were all that feared God , or loved honesty so moved , that with one voyce they cryed , That Petition is most just ; and unlesse ye will do against Gods Iustice and Equity , it cannot be denied . And so in despight of the Cardinall , and his suborned Faction , was he declared Governour , and with publike Proclamation so denounced to the people . The Kings Pallace , Treasure , Jewels , Garments , Horse , and Plate was delivered unto him by the Officers that had the former charge ; and he honoured , feared ; and obeyed , more heartily than ever any King was before , so long as he abode at God. The cause of the great favour that was born unto him , was ; That it was bruted that he favoured Gods Word ; and because it was well knowne that he was one appointed to have been persecuted , as the Scroll found in the Kings pocket after his death did witnesse . These two things , together with an opinion that men had of his simplicity , bowed the hears of many unto him in the beginning ; who after , with dolour of hearts , were compelled to change their opinions : but hereof we will after speak . The variety of matters that occurred , we omit , such as the order taken for keeping of the young Queen ; of the provision for the mother ; the calling home of the Douglas , and other , such as appertain to a Universal History of the time . For , as before we have said , we minde onely to follow the progresse of the Religion , and of the matters that cannot be severed from the same . The Earle of Arran thus being established in the Government , godly men repaired unto him , exhorted him to call to minde for what end God had exalted him to be Governour , out of what danger he had delivered him , he being in the bloody Scroll , as we saw before ; and what expectation all men of honesty had of him , because they saw him a soft man , they conceited goodnesse of him . At their instant suit , more than of his own motion , was Thomas Guilliame , a black Frier , called to be Preacher . The man was of sound judgement , of reasonable letters ( as for that age ) and of a prompt and good utterance . His Doctrine was wholsome , without great vehemency against superstition . Preached also sometime Iohn Rough , ( who after for the verity of Christ Jesus suffered in England ) albeit not so learned , yet more simple , and more vehement against all impiety . The Doctrine of these two provoked against them and against the Governour also , the hatred of all such as more favoured darknesse than light ; and their own interest , more than God. The gray Friers ( and amongst the rest Frier Scot , who before had given himself forth for the greatest Professor of Christ Jesus within Scotland , and under that colour had disclosed , and so endangered many . ) These slaves of Sathan rowped as they had been Ravens ; yea rather they yelled and roared as devills in hell ; Heresie , heresie , Guilliame and Rough will carry the Governour to the devill . The Towne of Edinburgh , for the most part , was devoured in superstition . Edward Hope , young William Adamson , Sibilla Lyndsay , Patrike Lyndsay , Francis Aikman ; And in the Cannongate , Iohn Mackaw , and Nivian Browne , with few others , had the burit of knowledge in these dayes . One Wilson , servant to the Bishop of Dunckell , who neither knew new Testament nor the old ; made a despightfull railing Ballad , against the Preachers , and against the Governour , for the which he narrowly escaped hanging . The Cardinall moved both heaven and hell to trouble the Governour to stay the Preaching : but yet was the Battell stoutly fought for a season ; for he was taken and put first in Dalkeyt , after in Seaton . But at length , by Bribes given to the said Lord Seaton , and to the old Laird of Lethington , he was restored to Saint Andrewes , from whence he wrought all mischief , as we shall after heare . The PARLIAMENT approached which was before EASTER , there began question of the abolishing of certaine Tyrannicall ACTS made before , at the Devotion of the Prelates , for the maintaining of their Kingdome of Darkenesse . To wit , That under paine of Heresie , no man should reade any part of the Scriptures in the Vulgar Tongue , neither yet any Tractate or Exposition of any place of Scripture : Such Articles began to come in question we say : And men began to enquire , If it were not lawfull to men that understood no Latine , to use the word of their Salvation in the Tongue they understood , as it was for the Latine men to have it in Latine , Grecians or Hebrews to have it in their Tongues . It was answered , That the Church , he means the Prelats , first had forbidden all Tongues but the three viz. Hebrew , Greek , and Latine . But men demanded , when that Inhibition was given , and what Counsell had ordained it ; considering that in the dayes of Chrysostome , he complained , That the people used the Psalmes and other holy Books in their owne Tongues : And if ye will say they were Greeks , and understood the Greek Tongue ; We answere , That Christ Jesus commanded his word to be Preached to all Nations ; now if it ought to be Preached to all Nations , it must be Preached in the Tongue they understand . Then if it be lawfull to Preach , and heare it Preached in all Tongues ; Why should it not be lawfull to reade it , and hear it read in all Tongues ? to the end that the people may try the spirits , according to the commandment of the Apostle . Beaten with these and other Reasons , they denied not but it might be read in the Uulgar Tongue , provided if the Translation were true . It was demanded , What could be reprehended in it ? And when much searching was made , nothing could be found : But that Love say they was put in the place of Charity : When the Question was asked , What difference was betwixt the one and the other ; and if they understood the nature of the Greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were dumb . Reasoned for the party of the seculars , The L. Ruthwen , father to him that prudently gave counsell to take just punishment upon that knave David , for that he abused the unhappy K. Henry Stuart , in mo cases then one , a stout and a discreet man in the cause of God , and M. Henry Balneves , an old professour . For the part of the Clergy , one Hay , Dean of Lastarrik , and certain old Bishops with him . The conclusion was , the Commissioners of Broughes , and a part of the Nobility , required of the Parliament , that it might be Enacted , That it should be lawfull to every man to use the benefit of the Translation which then they had of the Old and New Testament , together with the benefit of other Treatises containing wholsome Doctrine , untill such time as the Prelats and other Church-men should give and set forth unto them a Translation more correct . The Clergie hereto long repugned . But in the end convinced by Reasons , and by multitude of voyces in their contrary , they also condescended ; And so by Act of Parliament it was made free to all men and women to read the Scriptures in their owne Uulgar Tongue , and so were all Acts made to the contrary abolished . This was no small Victorie of CHRIST JESUS , fighting against the conjured enemies of his Veritie ; No small comfort to such as before were holden in such bondage , that they durst not have read , The Lords Prayer ; The ten Commandments ; nor , The Articles of their Faith in the Uulgar Tongue , but they should have been accused of Heresie . Then might have beene seene the Bible lying almost upon every Gentlemans Table . The New Testament was borne about in many mens hands . We grant that some ( alas ) prophaned that blessed Word , for some that perchance had never read ten Sentences in it had it most common in their hand , they would chop their familiars on the cheeke with it , and say , This hath lyne under my beds feet these ten yeers . Others would glory , O how oft have I been in danger for this Booke , how secretly have I stollen from my wife at midnight to reade upon it . And this was done we say of many to make cowrt , and curry favour thereby : For all men esteemed the Governour to have been one of the most fervent Protestants that was in Europe . Albeit we say that many abused that libertie , granted of God miraculously , yet thereby did the knowledge of God wonderously increase , and God gave his holy spirit to simple men in great abundance : Then were set forth works in our owne Tongue , besides those that came from England , that did disclose the pride , the craft , the tyrannie , and abuses of that Romane Antichrist . The fame of our Governour was spread in divers countreys , and many praised God for him . King Henry the eight sent unto him his Ambassadour M. Radulph Saidlair , who lay in Edinburgh a great part of the Summer , his Commission and Negotiation was to contract a perpetuall amitie betwixt England and Scotland . The occasion whereof God had so offered , that to many men it appeared that from heaven he had declared his good pleasure in that behalfe . For to King Henry , of Iane Seymer ( after the death of Queene Katherine , and of all others that might have made his Marriage suspect ) was given a sonne , Edward the sixth of blessed memory , elder some yeeres then our Mistresse ; and unto us was left a Queene , as before we have heard . This wonderfull providence of God caused men of greatest judgement to enter into disputation with themselves , Whether that with good conscience any man might repugne to the desires of the King of England , considering that thereby all occasion of Warre might be cut off , and great commodity might ensue to this Realme . The offers of King Henry was so large , and his demands so reasonable , that all that loved quietnesse were content therewith . There were sent from the Parliament to King Henry in Commission , Sir Iames Lermont , and M. Henry Balnevis , who long remaining in England , so travailed , that all things concerning the Marriage betwixt Edward the sixth and Mary Queen of Scots was agreed upon , except the time of her deliverance to the custody of English-men . Upon the finall conclusion of the which head , were added to the former Commissioners , William Earle of Glencarne , and Sir George Dowglas , to whom was given ample Commission and good Instructions . In Scotland remained M. Radulph Saidlaire : advertisements past so frequently betwixt , yea , the hands of our Lords liberally were anointed , besides other commodities promised , and of some received , for divers Prisoners taken at Solway mosse , were sent home free upon promise of their fidelity , which as it was kept , the issue will witnesse . But in the end so well were all once content , ( the Cardinall , the Queene , and the faction of France ever excepted ) that solemnely in the Abbey of Hallyrud-house was the Contract of Marriage made , betwixt the persons aforesaid , together with all the Clauses and Conditions requisite for the faithfull observation thereof , read in publike audience , subscribed , sealed , approoved , and allowed of the Governour for his part , Nobilitie and Lords for their parts , and that nothing should lacke that might fortifie the matter was Christs Body sacred ( as Papists terme it ) broken betwixt the said Governour and M. Saidlar Ambassadour , and received of them both , as a signe and token of the unitie of their mindes , immediately to keepe that contract in all points , as they looked of Christ Jesus to be saved , and after to be reputed men unworthy of credit before the world . The Papists raged against the Governour , and against the Lords that had consented and abode fast to the Contract , and to confound all as after follows . But upon the returning of the aforesaid Ambassadours from England , pacification was made for that time , for by the judgements of eight persons for either partie chosen , to judge whether that any thing was done by the said Ambassadours in the Contracting of that Marriage , which to do , they had not sufficient power from the Counsell and Parliament . It was found that all things were done according to their Commission , and that so they should stand . And so were the Seales of England and Scotland interchanged . Master Iames Fowles , then Clerke of the Register , received the great Seale of England : And Master Saidlare received the great Seale of Scotland . The heads of the Contract we passe by . These things newly ratified , the Merchants made preparation to Saile , and to their Traffique , which by the troubles of Warres had some yeeres been hindered . From Edinburgh were fraughted twelve Ships richly laden , according to the wares in Scotland : From other Townes and Ports departed other , who all arrived upon the coasts of England toward the South , to wit , in Yarmouth ; and without any great necessity entred not onely Roads , but also within Ports and places of commandment , and where that Ships might be arrested . And because of the late contracted amitie and gentle entertainement that they found at the first , they made no great dispatch : But being ( as they supposed ) in security , in merrinesse they spent the time , abiding upon the winde . In this meane time arrived from France to Scotland the Abbot of Paislay ( called now of late Iohn Hamilton , bastard brother to the Governour , whom yet many esteemed sonne to the old Bishop of Dunikelden , called Crichton ( and with him M. David Panter , who after was made Bishop of Rosse . The brute of the learning of these two , and their honest life , and of their fervencie and uprightnesse in Religion was such , that great hope there was that their presence should be comfortable to the Church of God. For it was constantly affirmed of some , that without delay , the one or the other would go to the Pulpit , and truely Preach Jesus Christ. But few dayes disclosed their hypocrisie . For what terrours , what promises , or what enchaunting boxes they brought from France , the common people knew not . But shortly after , it was seene that Frier Guilliam● was inhibited to Preach , and so departed into England : Iohn Rough to Kylle ( a receptacle of Gods servants of old . ) The men of counsell , judgement , and godlinesse that had travailed to promote the Governour , and that gave him faithfull counsell in all doubtfull matters , were either craftily conveyed from him ; or else by threatning to be hanged were compelled to leave him . Of the one number was the Laird of Grange aforesaid , M. Henry Balneves , M. Thomas Ballenden , and Sir David Lindesay of the Mount : Men by whose labours he was promoted to honour , and by whose councell he so used himselfe at the beginning , that the obedience given to him was nothing inferiour to that obedience that any King of Scotland of many yeeres had before him , yea , in this it did surmount the common obedience , in that it proceeded from love of those vertues that was supposed to have beene in him . Of the number of these that were threatned , were M. Michael Durham , M. David Borthinke , David Forresse , and David Bothwell : who counselled him to have in company with him , men fearing God , and not to nourish wicked men in their iniquity , albeit they were called his friends , and were of his surname : This counsell understood by the aforesaid Abbot , and by the Hamiltons ( who then repaired to the Court , as Ravens to the Carrion ) in plaine words it was said , My Lord Governour nor his friends will never be at quietnesse , till a dozen of these knaves that abuse his Grace be hanged . These words were spoken in his own presence , and in the presence of some of them that had better deserved , then to have beene so used : the speaker was allowed for his plain and bold speaking . And so the wicked counsell followed , honest and godly men left the Court and him , in the hands of such as by their wicked counsell led him so far from God , that he falsified his promise , dipt his hands in the blood of the Saints of God , and brought this Common-wealth to the very point of utter ruine . And these were the first fruits of the Abbot of Paislay his counterfeit Godlinesse and Learning : But hereof we will heare more . All honest and godly men banished from the Court , the Abbot and his counsell beginneth to lay before the inconstant Governour , the dangers that might ensue the alteration and change of Religion . The power of the King of France , the commodity that might come to him and his house , by retaining the ancient League with France , and the great danger that he brought upon himselfe , if in one jote he suffereth the authority of the Pope to be violated or called in doubt within this Realme : Considering that thereupon onely stood the security of his pretended right to the succession of the Crowne of this Realme : For by Gods word could not be good the divorcement of his father from Eliz. Hume , sister to the Lord Hume , his lawfull wife , and consequently his marriage with Beton , Neece to Iames Beton , Bishop of S. Andrews ( Elizabeth Hume being alive ) must be null , and he declared Bastard . Caiphas spake Prophesie , and yet wist not what he spake : For at that time there was hardly any man that truely feared God that minded any such thing , but with their whole force would have fortified him in the place that God had given unto him , and would never have called in question things done in time of darknesse . But this head we passe by till God declare his will therein . Another practise was used : As for the Cardinall , he being set at libertie ( as before we have heard ) ceased not to traffique with such of the Nobility as he might draw to his faction , or corrupt by any meanes , to raise a partie against the said Governour , and against such as stood fast at the Contract of Marriage and Peace with England . And so assembled at Lynlytquow , the said Cardinall , the Earles Argyle , Huntlie , Bothwell , the Bishops and their bands . And thereafter they passed to Strevelin , and took with them both the Queenes , the mother and the daughter ; and threatned the deposition of the said Governour , as Inobedient to their holy Mother the Church ( so terme they that harlot of Babylon , Rome ) The inconstant man , not thorowly grounded upon God , left ( by his owne fault ) destitute of all good counsell , and having the wicked ever blowing in his eare , What will you do ? you will destroy your selfe and your house both for ever . The unhappy man ( we say ) beaten with these temptations , rendred himselfe to the appetites of the wicked ; for he quietly stole away from the Lords that were with him in the Palace of Halyrud-house , past to Sterlin , subjected himselfe to the Cardinall and to his Councell , received absolution , renounced the profession of Christ Jesus his holy Gospel ▪ and violated his Oath that before he had made , for the observation of the Contract and League made with England . At that time was our Queene crowned , and a promise made to France . The certainty hereof coming to King Henry , our Scottish Ships were stayed , the Sailes taken from the Rigs , and the Merchants and Mariners were commanded to sure custody . New Commission was sent to Master Radulph Saidler ( who then still remained in Scotland ) to demand the cause of that sudden alteration , and to travell by all meanes possible , that the Governour might be called back to his former godly purpose , and that he would not do so foolishly , and dishonestly , yea , so cruelly and unmercifully to the Realme of Scotland : that he would not onely lose the commodities offered , and that were presently to be received . But that also that he would put it to the hazard of fire and sword , and other inconveniences that might ensue the war that was to follow upon the violation of his Faith. But nothing could availe . The devil kept fast the grype that he got , yea all the dayes of his government : For the Cardinall got his eldest son in pledge , whom he kept in the Castle of S. Andrews , while the day that Gods hand punished his pride . King Henry perceiving that all hope of the Governours repentance was lost , called back his Ambassadours , and that with fearfull threatnings as Edinburgh after felt : Denounced War , made our Ships prises , and Merchants and Mariners lawfull prisoners , which to the Broughes of Scotland was no small hership . But thereat did the Cardinall and Priests laugh , and jestingly he said , When we shall conquer England the Merchants shall be recompensed . The Summer and the Harvest passed over without any notable thing : For the Cardinall and Abbot of Paislay parted the prey amongst them ; The abused Governour bare the name onely . In the beginning of Winter came the Earle of Lenox to Scotland , sent from France in hatred of the Governour , whom the King ( by the Cardinals advice ) promised to pronounce Bastard , and so to make the said Earle Governour ; First , because he himselfe was borne by Beto● , his fathers lawfull wife , Elizabeth Humes being yet alive ; Next , because his Grandfather was borne by Mary Stuart to Iames Hamilton , when her lawfull husband Thomas Bo●d was yet alive . So the Earle of Lenox did not onely pretend to be lawfully next to the Crowne , as the late King Iames the fifth did often declare , That if he died without heire male , he would settle the Crowne upon him , but also lawfull heire of the Earledome of Arran , as being descended from Margaret Hamilton , borne to Mary Stuart and Iames Hamilton , after the death of Thomas Boyd her former husband ( now by this time the inconstant Earle of Arran had given himselfe wholly to the Cardinall ) The Cardinall farther put the E. of Lenox in vain hope that the Queen Dowager should marry him . He brought with him some money and more he after received at the hands of Labrosse . But at length perceiving himselfe frustrate of all expectation that he had , either by France , or yet by the promise of the Cardinall ; he concludeth to leave France , and to seek the favour of England : And so began to draw a faction against the Governour , and in hatred of the others inconstancy many favoured him in the beginning : For there assembled at Christmas in the Town of Ayre , the Earles of Angus , Glencarne , Cassilles ; The Lord Maxwell , The Laird of Dumlanrig , The Sheriffe of Ayre , Campbell ; with all the force that they and the Lords that remained constant at the opinion of England might make ; and after Christmas they came to light . The Governour and Cardinall with their forces kept Edinburgh ( for they were slackly pursued ) Men excused the Earle of Lenox in that behalfe , and laid the blame upon some that had no will of the Stewards Regiment . Howsoever it was , such an appointment was made , that the said Earle of Lenox was disappointed of his purpose , and narrowly escaped , and first gat him to Glasgow , and after to Dumbartane . Sir George Dowglas was delivered to be kept as pledge . The Earle his brother was in the Lent after taken at the siege of Glasgow . It was bruted , that both the brethren , and others with them had lost their heads , if by the providence of God the English Armie had not arrived in time . After that the Cardinall had gotten the Governour wholly addict to his devotion , and had obtained his intent above a part of his enemies : He began to practise , how that such as he feared , and therefore deadly hated , should be set by the eares , one against another ( for in that thought the carnall man put his greatest securitie ) The Lord Ruthwen he hated , by reason of his knowledge of Gods Word . The Lord Gray he feared , because at that time he used the company of such as professed godlinesse , and bare small favour to the Cardinall . Now thus reasoned the worldly wise man ; If I can put enmity betwixt these two , I shall be rid of a great number of unfriends ; For the most part of the Countrey will either assist the one or the other , and so will they be otherwise occupied , then to watch for my displeasure . He finds the means without long processe ; for he labours with Iohn Chartarous ( a man of stout courage and many friends ) to accept the Provostrie of S. Iohnston , which he purchased to him by donation of the Governour , with a charge to the said Towne , to obey him as their lawfull Provost : Whereat not onely the said Lord Ruthwen , but also the Towne being offended , gave a negative answer ; alleadging that such intrusion of men to office was hurtfull to their priviledge and freedom : which granted unto them free election of their Provost from yeere to yeere , at a certain time appointed , which they could not nor would not anticipate . Hereat the said Iohn , offended , said , That he would take that office by force , if they would not grant it unto him of benevolence . And so departed and communed the matter with the Lord Gray , with Norman Leslie , and with others his friends , whom he easily perswaded to assist him in that pursuit . Because he appeareth to have the Governours right , and had not onely a charge to the Towne , as is said , but also he purchased Letters to besiege it , and to take it by strong hand , if any resistance were made unto him . Such letters , we say , made many to favour his action . The other made for defence , and so took the Master of Ruthuen , ( the Lord that after departed into England ) the maintenance of the town , having in his company the Laird of Montcreif , and other friends adjacent . The said Iohn prepared for the pursuit , and upon Saint Magdalens day in the morning , anno . 1543. approached with his Forces ( the Lord Grey tooke upon him the principall charge . It was appointed , that Norman Lesley , with his friends , should have come by Ship with Munition and Ordnance , as they were in readinesse . But because the Tyde served not so soon as they would : the o●●er thinking himself of sufficient force for all that were in the Towne , entred in by the Bridge , where they found no resistance , till that the former part was entered a pretty space within the Fish-Gate ; And then the said Master of Ruthuen with his Company stoutly recountred them , and so rudely repulsed the foremost , that such as were behinde gave back . The place of the retreat was so strait , that men that durst not fight , could not flie at their pleasure ( for the most part of my Lord Grayes friends were upon the Bridge ) and so the slaughter was great ; for there fell by the edge of the Sword threescore men * . The Cardinall had rather that the mishap had fallen on the other part : but howsoever it was , he thought that such trouble was his comfort , and advantage . The knowledge whereof came to the ears of the party discomfited , and was unto them no small grief . For as many of them entred into that action for his pleasure , so thought they to have had Fortification and assistance ; whereof finding themselves frustrate , they began to look more narrowly to themselves , and did not so attend upon the Cardinals devotion , as they had wont to do before : and so was a new jealousie engendered among them ; for whosoever would not play the good servant unto him , was reputed his enemy . The Cardinall drew the Governour to Dundie ; for he understood that the Earle of Rothesse , and Master Henry Balnaveis were with the Lord Gray in the Castle of Huntley . The Governour sent and commanded the said Earle and Lord , with the foresaid Master Henry to come unto him to Dundie , and appointed the next day , at ten of the clock before noon ; which hour they decreed to keep , and for that purpose assembled their folks at Balgavie , or thereby . The Cardinal advertised of their number ( they were no more than 300 men ) thought it not good that they should joyn with the Towne ; for he feared his owne estate , and so he perswaded the Governour to passe forth of Dundie before nine hours , and to take the straight way to S. Iohnston : which perceived by the foresaid Lords , they began to fear that they were come to pursue them , and so put themselves in order , and array , and marched forward of purpose to have bidden the uttermost . But the crafty fox foreseeing that in fighting stood not his security , ran to his last refuge , that is , To manifest Treason , and so consultation was taken how that the force of the others might be broken . And at the first were sent the Laird of Grange , and the Provost of S. Andrews ( knowing nothing of the Treason ) to ask why they molested my Lord Governour in his journey . Whereto they answered , That they meant nothing lesse , for they came at his Graces Commandment , to have kept the houre in Dundie appointed by him ; which because they saw prevented , and knowing the Cardinall to be their friend , they could not but suspect their unprovided coming forth of the Towne , and therefore they put themselves in order , not to invade , but to defend , in case they were invaded . This answer reported , was sent to the Bishop of Saint Audrewes , the Abbot of Paisley , Master David Panter , the Lairds of Balcleuch and Coldinknowes , to desire certain of the other company to talk with them ; which they easily obtained ( for they suspected no treason . ) After long communication , it was demanded , If that the Earle and Lord , and Master Henry aforesaid , would not be content to talk with the Governour , provi●ed that the Cardinall and his company were on the place : They answered , That the Governour might command them in all things lawfull . But they had no will to be in the Cardinals mercy . Fair promises enow were made for their security . Then was the Cardinall and his Band commanded to depart , as that he did , according to the purpose taken . The Governour remained , and a certain number with him : To whom came without company , the said Earle , Lord , and M. Henry . After many fair words given to them all , to wit , That he would have them agreed with the Cardinall , and that he would have Master Henry Balnaves the worker and instrument thereof , he drew them forwards with them towards Saint Iohnston , whereto the Cardinall was ridden . They began to suspect ( albeit it was too late ) and therefore they desired to have returned to their folks , for putting order unto them : But it was answered , They should send back from the town , but they must needs go forward with my Lord Governour : and so , partly by flattery , and partly by force , they were compelled to obey ; and as soon as they were in the Towne , they were apprehended , and on the morrow sent all three to the Black Nesse , where they remained as it pleased the Cardinals gracelesse Grace , and that was till the Band of Manred , and of service , set some of them at liberty . And thus the Cardinal with his craft perswaded on every side ; so that the Scots Proverb was true in him , So long rinnes the Fox , as he fute hes . Whether it was at this journey , or at another , that that bloody butcher executed his cruelty upon the innocent persons in S. Iohnston , we cannot affirme : neither yet therein study we to be curious , but rather we travell to expresse the verity , whensoever it was done , than scrupulously and exactly to appoint times ▪ which yet we omit not , when the certainty occurres . The verity of that cruell fact is this ; At S. Pauls day , before the first burning of Edinburgh , came to S. Iohnston the Governour and Cardinall , and there upon envious delation , were a great number of honest men and women called before the Cardinall , and accused of heresie . And albeit they could be convinced of nothing , but onely of suspition that they had eaten a Goose upon Friday , four men were adjudged to be hanged , and a woman to be drowned ; which cruell and most unjust sentence , was without mercy put in execution : the husband was hanged , and the wife , having a sucking babe upon her brest , was drowned . O Lord , the Land is not yet purged from such beastly cruelty , neither hath thy just vengeance yet stricken all that were criminall of their blood . But the day approacheth when that the punishment of that cruelty , and of others , will evidently appears . The names of the men that were hanged , were , Iames Hunter , William Lambe , William Anderson , Iames Ruvals , Burgesse of Saint Iohnston . At that same time were banished , Sir Henry Eldar , Iohn Eldar , Walter Piper , Laurence Pullar , with divers others , whose names come not to our knowledge . That sworn enemy to Christ Jesus , and unto all in whom any spark of knowledge appeared , had about that time in prison divers ; amongst whom was Iohn Roger , a black Frier , godly and learned , one that had fruitfully preached Christ Jesus , to the comfort of many in Angus and Mearnes , whom that bloody man caused to murther in the ground of the Sea Tower in S. Andrews , and then caused to cast him over the wall , spreading a false brute , That the said Iohn seeking to flie , had broken his own neck . This ceased not Sathan by all means to maintaine his kingdome of Darknesse , and to suppresse the light of Christs Gospel . But mighty is he against whom they ●●ght : for when the wicked were in greatest security , then began God to show his anger . For the third day of May , in the yeer of our Lord 1544 yeers , without knowledge of any man in Scotland , ( we mean of such as should have had the care of the Realme ) was seen a great Navy of Ships arriving towards the Fyrth . The Posts came to the Governour and Cardinall ( who both were in Edinburgh ) what multitude of Ships were seen , and what course they took . This was on the Saturday before noon . Question was had , What should they mean ? Some said , It is no doubt but they are English-men , and we fear that they will land . The Cardinall skipped , and said , It is the Island flote , they are come to make a shew , and to put us in fear . I shall lodge all the men of Warre in mine eye , that shall land in Scotland . Still sitteth the Cardinall at his dinner , eating as though there had been no danger appearing . Men assembled to gaze upon the Ships , some to the Castle hill , some to the mountains , and other places eminent . But there was no question , With what Forces shall we resist , if we be invaded . Soon after six of the clock at night , were arrived , and had cast Ankor in the Road of Leith , more than two hundred Sail. Shortly after , the Admirall shot a flott Boat , which from Granton hills , till by East Leith , sounded the deep , and so returned to her Ship. Hereof were divers opinions ; men of judgement foresaw what it meant , but no credit was given to any that would say , They minded to land , and so passed every man to his rest , as if the Ships had been a guard for their defence . Upon the point of day upon Sunday the fourth of May , addresse they for landing , and they ordered the Ships so , that a Galley or two laid their snouts to the hills : the small Ships , called Pinnaces and light Horse-men , approached as neer as they could . The great Ships discharged their Souldiers into the smaller Vessels , and they by Boats set upon dry Land before ten of the clock , 10000 men , as was judged , and more . The Governour and Cardinall seeing then the thing that they could not , or at least they would not believe before , after they had made a brag to fight , fled as fast as horse could carry them ; so that after , they approached not within twenty miles of the danger . The Earle of Angus , and Sir George Dowglas were that night freed of Ward ( they were in Blacknesse ) The said Sir George in merrinesse , said , I thanke King Henry , and my gentle Masters of England . The English Army betwixt one and two of the clock entered into Leith , found the Tables covered , the dinners prepared , such abundance of wine and victualls , besides the other substance , that the like riches within the like bounds was not to be found neither in Scotland nor England . Upon Munday the fifth of May , came to them from Barwick and the borders , two thousand Horse-men , who being somewhat reposed , the Army upon the Wednesday marched toward the Town of Edinburgh , spoiled and burnt the same , and so did they the Palace of Halyrud-house . The Horse-men took the House of Craigmiller , and gat great spoils therein ; for it being judged the strongest House neer the Towne , after the Castle of Edinburgh , and all men sought to save their moveables therein . But the stoutnesse of the Laird gave it over , without shot of Hacke but , and for his reward was caused to march upon his feet to London : He is now Captain of Dumbar , and Provost of Edinburgh . The English-men seeing no resistance , hurled by force of men Cannons upon the street , to the Butter trone , and above , and hazarded a shot against the fore-entry of the Castle ; but that was to their own pains ; For they lying without Trench or Gabion , were exposed to the force of the whole Ordnance of the said Castle , which shot , and that not all in vain , for the Wheel and Axletree of one of the English Cannons was broken , and some of their men slain , and so they left with small honour , that enterprise taken rather of rashnesse , than of any advised counsell . When the most part of the day they had spoiled and burnt , towards the night they returned to Leith , and upon the morrow returned to Edinburgh , and executed the rest of Gods judgements for that time . And so when they had consumed both the Towns , they laded the Ships with the spoiles thereof , and they by Land returned to Barwick , using the Countrey , for the most part , at their own pleasure . This was a part of the punishment which God took upon the Realm for the infidelity of the Governour , and for the violation of his solemne Oath . But this was not the end ; for the Realme was divided into two factions ; the one favoured France , the other the League lately contracted with England : The one did in no things credit thorowly the other , so that the Countrey was in extreme calamity : for to the English-men were delivered divers Strengths , such as Carelaverock , Lochmaben , and Langham : the most part of the Borderers were confederate with England : And albeit at Ancrome mure in February , in the yeer of God 1544. was Sir Rafe Ewers , with many other English-men slain , and the yeere after were some of the said strengths recovered , yet was it not without great losse and detriment of the Common-wealth : For in the month of Ianuary , in the yeer of God 1545. Monsieur de Lorge , with Bands of men of War , came from France , for a destruction to Scotland : For upon their brag was an Army raised ; forwards they go towards Warke , even in the midst of harvest . The Cardinalls Banner was that day displayed , and all his Files were charged : to be under it many had before promised , but at the point it was left so bare , that with shame it was shut up into the pock againe , and they after a shew returned with more shame to the Realm , then hurt to their enemies . The black book of Hamilton maketh mention of great vassallage done at that time by the Governour and the French : but such as with their eyes saw the whole progresse , knew that to be a lye , and do repute it amongst the veniall sinnes of that race , which is to speak the best of themselves they can . That winter following so nurtured the French-men , that they learned to eat ( yea to beg ) cakes ( which at their entrie they scorned ) without jesting ; they were so miserably used , that few returned into France again with their lives . The Cardinall then had almost fortified the Castle of S. Andrews , which he made so strong in his opinion , that he regarded neither England nor France . The Earle of Lenox , as is said , disappointed of all things in Scotland , passed into England , where he was received of King Henry into protection , who gave him to wife Lady Margaret Dowglas , of whom was borne Henry , sometime husband to our Queen and Mistresse . While the inconstant Governour was sometimes dejected , and sometimes raised up againe by the Abbot of Paislay ( who before was called , Chaster then any maiden ) began to shew himselfe ; for after he had taken by craft the Castles of Edinburgh and Dumbar , he took also possession of his enemies wife , the Lady Stanehouse . The woman is and hath been famous , and is called , Lady Gilton : her Ladyship was holden alwayes in poverty . But how many wives and virgins he hath had since , and that in common , the world knoweth , albeit not all , and his bastard birds bear some witnesse . Such is the example of holinesse , that the flock may receive of the Papisticall Bishops . In the midst of all the calamities that came upon this Realme , after the defection of the Governor from Christ Jesus , came into Scotland that blessed Martyr of God M. George Wischarde , in company of the Commissioners before mentioned in the yeere of our Lord 1544. a man of such graces , as before him was never heard within this Realme , yea , and are rare to be found yet in any man , notwithstanding this great light of God that since his dayes hath shined unto us : he was not onely singularly learned , as well in all Godly knowledge , as in all honest humane Science : but also he was so clearely illuminated with the spirit of Prophesie , that he saw not onely things pertaining to himselfe , but also such things as some Townes , and the whole Realme afterward felt , which he forespake not in secret , but in the audience of many , as in their own places shall be declared . The beginning of his Doctrine was in Mount Rosse , therefrom he departed to Dundie , where with great admiration of all that heard him , he taught the Epistle to the Romanes : till that by procurement of the Cardinall , Robert Myle , then one of the principall men in Dundie , and a man that of old had professed knowledge , and for the same had suffered trouble , gave , in the Queenes and Governours name , Inhibition to the said Master George , that he should trouble their Towne no more , for they would not suffer it : And this was said to him being in the publike place ; which heard , he mused a pretie space , with his eyes bent unto the heaven . And thereafter looking sorrowfully to the speaker , and unto the people , he sayd , God is witnesse that I never minded your trouble , but your comfort : yea , your trouble is more dolourous unto me , then it is unto your selves : But I am assured , that to refuse Gods word and to chase from yo● his messenger shall not preserve you from trouble , but it shall bring you into it : For God shall send unto you messengers who will not be afraid of burning , nor yet for banishment . I have offered unto you the word of Salvation , and with the hazard of my life I have remained amongst you . Now ye your selves refuse me , and therefore must I leave my Innocencie to be declared by my God , if it be long prosperous with you , I am not led with the Spirit of Truth . But if trouble unlooked for apprehend you , acknowledge the cause , and turne to God. For he is mercifull , but if ye turne not at the first , he will visit you with fire and sword . These words pronounced , he came downe from the Preaching place . In the Church present was the Lord Marshall , and divers noble men , who would have had the said M. George to have remained , or else to have gone with them into the Countrey . But for no request would he either tarry in the towne or on that side of Tay any longer . But with possible expedition past to the West-land , where he began to offer Gods word , which was of many gladly received , till that the Bishop of Glasgow , Dumbar , by instigation of the Cardinall , came with his gatherings to the Towne of Ayre to make resistance to the said M. George , and did first take the Church . The Earle of Glencarne being thereof advertised , repaired with his friends to the Towne with diligence , and so did divers Gentlemen of Kyle ( amongst whom was the Laird of Lefnoreise , a man far different from him that now liveth , in the yeere of our Lord 1566. in manners and Religion ) of whom to this day yet many live , and have declared themselves alwayes zealous and bold in the cause of God , as after will be heard . When all were assembled , conclusion was taken that they would have the Church . Whereto the said M. George utterly repugned● saying , Let him alone , his Sermon will not much hurt ▪ Let us go to the Market Crosse : And so they did , where he made so notable a Sermon , that the very enemies themselves were confounded . The Bishop Preached to his Jackmen , and to some old Bosses of the Towne . The sum of all his Sermon was , They say we , should Preach ; Why not ? Better late thrive , then never thrive . Hold us still for your Bishop ; and we shall provide better the next time . This was the beginning and the end of the Bishops Sermon : Who with haste departed the Towne , but returned not to fulfill his promise . The said M. George remained with the Gentlemen in Kyle , till that he gat sure knowledge of the estate of Dundie . He Preached commonly at the Church of Gastonne , and used much in the Barrie . He was required to come to the Church of Machlyne , and so he did : But the Sheriffe of Ayre caused to man the Church , for preservation of a Tabernacle that was there beautifull to the eye . The persons that held the Church was George Campbell of Mongarswood , that yet liveth Anno 1566. Mung● Campbell of Bro●●syde , George Rid in Dandilling the Laird of Tempilland . Some zealous of the Parish , amongst whom was Hugh Campbell of Kingarcleuch , offended that they should be debarred their Parish Church , concluded by force to enter . But the said M. George withdrew the said Hugh , and said unto him , Brother , Christ Iesus is as mighty upon the fields as in the Church ; And I finde that ●e himselfe after Preached in the Desert , at the sea side , and other places judged prophane then , he did in the Temple of Jerusalem . It is the word of Peace that God sends by me : The blood of no man shall be shed this day for the Preaching of it . And so withdrawing the whole people , he came to a ditch in a More-edge , upon the South-west side of Machlyne , upon the which he ascended : The whole multitude stood and sate about him ( God gave the day pleasant and hot ) he continued in Preaching more then three houres : In that Sermon God wrought so wonderfully with him , that one of the most wicked men that was in that countrey , named Larence Ranckin , Laird of Sheld , was converted . The teares ran from his eyes in such abundance , that all men wondered ; His conversion was without hypocrisie , for his life and conversation witnessed it in all times to come . While this faithfull servant of God was thus occupied in Kyle , word rose , that the Plague of Pestilence rose in Dundie , which began foure dayes after that the said M. George was inhibited Preaching , and was so vehement , that it passed almost credibility , to hear how many departed every foure and twenty houres . The certainty understood , the said Master George tooke his leave of Kyle , and that with the regrate of many . But no request could make him to remain ; His reason was , They are now in trouble , and they need comfort : Perchance this hand of God will make them now to magnifie and reverence that word which before ( for the feare of men ) they set at l●ght price . Coming unto Dundie , the joy of the faithfull was exceeding great . He delayed no time , but even upon the morrow gave signification that he would Preach . And because the most part were either sick , or else were in company with those that were sick , he choosd the head of the East port of the Towne for his Preaching place , and so the whole stood or sat within , the sick and suspected without the Port or gate . The Text upon the which his first Sermon was made , he took from the hundred and seventh Psalme ; The Sentence thereof , He sent his Word and healed them ; And therewith joyned these words , It is neither herbe nor plaister , O Lord , but thy Word healeth all . In which Sermon he most comfortably did entreat of the dignity & utility of Gods word , the punishment that comes for the contempt of the same ; the promptitude of Gods mercy to such as truly turn to him ; yea , the great happinesse of them whom God taketh from this misery , even in his own gentle visitation , which the malice of man can neither mend nor pair . By the which Sermon he so raised up the hearts of all that heard him , that they regarded no death , but judged them more happy that should depart , then such as should remain behinde . Considering that they knew not if they should have such a comforter with them at all times . He spared not to visit them that lay in the very extremity . He comforted them as he could , being such a multitude ; He caused minister all things necessary to those that could use meat or drink , and in that point was the Town wonderous beneficiall ; for the poore was no more neglected then was the rich . While he was spending his life to comfort the afflicted , the Devill ceased not to stir up his owne son the Cardinall again , who corrupted by money a desperate Priest , named Sir Iohn Weighton , to slay the said M. George , who looked not to himselfe in all things so circumspectly as worldly men would have used . And upon a day the Sermon ended and the people departing , no man suspecting danger , and therefore not heeding the said M. George ; The Priest that was corrupted stood waiting at the foot of the steps , his gowne loose , and his dagger drawne in his hand under his gowne . The said Master George , as that he was most sharpe of eye and judgement , marked him , and as he came neere , he said ; My friend , what would you do ? And therewith he clapped his hand upon the Priests hand wherein the dagger was , which he took from him . The Priest abashed fell down at his feet , and openly confessed the verity as it was . The noise rising , and coming to the eares of the sicke . They cryed , Deliver the traytor to us , or else we will take him by force ; And so they burst in at the gate : But M. George took him in his armes , and said , Whosoever troubles him shall trouble me , for he hath hurt me in nothing , but he hath done great comfort to you and me , to wit , he hath let us to understand what we may feare , in times to come we will watch better : And so he appeased both the one part and the other , and saved the life of him that sought his . When the Plague was so ceased that almost there was none sicke , he tooke his leave of them , and said , That God had almost put an end to that battell . He found himselfe called to another place . The Gentlemen of the West had written unto him that he should meet them at Edinburgh ; for they would require Disputation of the Bishops , and that he should be publikely heard , whereto he willingly agreed . But first he passed to Montrosse to salute the Church there , where he remained , occupied sometimes in Preaching , but most part in secret Meditation : In the which he was so earnest , that night and day he would continue in it , while he was so occupied with his God , the Cardinall drew a secret draught for his slaughter ; He caused to write unto him a Letter , as it had been from his most familiar friend , the Laird of Kinneir , desiring him with all possible diligence to come unto him , for he was stricken with a sudden sicknesse . In the mean time had the traitor provided 60 men with Jacks and Spears to lie in wait within a mile and halfe to the town of Montrosse for his dispatch . The Letter coming to his hand , he made haste at first ( for the boy had brought a horse ) and so with some honest men he passed forth of the Town , but suddenly he stayed , and musing a space , returned back , whereat they wondring , he said , I will not go , I am forbidden of God , I am assured there is treason ; Let some of you , saith he , go to yonder place , and tell me what ye finde . Diligence made ; They found the Treason as it was , which being shewn with expedition to M. George , he answered , I know that I shall end my life in that blood-thirstie mans hands , but it will not be on this manner . The time approaching that he had appointed to meet the Gentlemen at Edinburgh , he tooke his leave at Montrosse , and sore against the judgement of the Laird of Dune , entred on his journey , and so returned to Dundie . But remained not , but passed to the house of a faithfull brother named Iames Watson , who dwelt in Inner-Gowrie , distant from the said Towne two miles , and that night ( as information was given to us , by William Spadin and Iohn Watson , both men of good credit ) before day he passed forth into a yard , the said William & Iohn followed privily , and tooke heed what he did , when he had gone up and down in an alley a reasonable space , with many sobs and deep grones , h● fell upon his knees , and sitting thereon , his grones increased . And from hise knees he fell upon his face . And then the persons aforenamed , heard weeping , and as it were , an indigest sound of prayers , in the which he continued neer an hour , and after began to be quiet , and so arose , and came into his bed . They that waited upon him came before , as if they had bin ignorant , till that he came in , and then began they to demand where he had been : But that night he would answer nothing . Upon the morrow they urged him again ; and while that he dissembled , they said , M. George , Be plain with us , for we heard your mourning , and saw you both upon your knees , and upon your face . With dejected visage , he said , I had rather ye had been in your beds , and it had been more profitable for you ; for I was scarce well occupied . When they instantly urged him to let them know some comfort , he said , I will tell you , That I am assured that my travell is neer an end , and therefore call to God with me , that now I shrinke not when the battell waxes most hot . And while that they weeped and said , That was small comfort unto them ; he answered , God shall send you comfort after me . This Realme shall be illuminated with the light of Christs Gospel , as cleerly as ever any Realme since the dayes of the Apostles . The House of God shall be builded in it ; yea , it shall not lack ( whatsoever the enemy imagine in the contrary ) the very Kepstone , meaning , That it should once be brought to the full perfection . Neither ( said he ) shall this be long to ▪ there shall not many suffer after me , till that the glory of God shall evidently appeare , and shall once triumph in despight of Sathan . But alas , if the people shall be after unthankfull , then fearfull and terrible shall the plagues be that shall follow . And with these words he marched forwards in his journey towards S. Iohnston , and so to Fyfe , and then to Leyth , where he arrived ; and hearing no word of those that appointed to meet him , to wit. The Earle of Cassels , and the Gentlemen of Kyle and Cuninghame , he kept himself secret a day or two . But beginning to wax sorrowfull in spirit , and being demanded of the cause , of such as were not in his company before , he said , What differ I from a dead man , except that I eat and drinke ? To this time God hath used my labours to the instruction of others , and unto the disclosing of darknesse , and now I lurke as a man that were ashamed , and durst not shew himself before men . By these and the like words , they that heard him understood that his desire was to preach , and therefore said , Most comfortable it was unto us to hear you ; but because we know the danger wherein ye stand , we dare not desire you . But dare ye and others hear ( said he ) and then let my God provide for me as best pleaseth him . Finally , it was concluded , That the next Sunday he should preach in Leith , as he did , and took the Text , The Parable of the sower that went forth to sow seed , Matth. 13. And this was upon the fifteenth day before Christmas . The Sermon ended , the Gentlemen of Lowthan , who then were earnest Professors of Christ Jesus , thought not expedient that he should remain in Leith , because that the Governour and Cardinall were shortly to come to Edinburgh , and therefore they took him with them , and kept him sometimes in Brunston , sometimes in Langnidrie , and sometimes in Ormeston . For these three diligently waited upon him . The Sunday following , he preached in the Church of Enneresk , besides Mussilburgh , both before and at after noon , where there was a great confluence of people , amongst whom was Sir George Dowglas , who after the Sermon said publikely , I know that my Lord Governour . and my Lord Cardinall shall hear that I have been at this preaching ( for they were then at Edinburgh ) Say unto them , That I will avow it , and will not onely maintain the Doctrine that I have heard , but also the person of the Teacher , to the uttermost of my power . Which words greatly rejoyced the people , and the Gentlemen then present . One thing notable in that Sermon we cannot passe by : Amongst others , there came two gray Friers , and standing in the entry of the Church door , they made some whispering to such as came in : which perceived , the Preacher said to the people that stood neer them , I heartily pray you to make room to those two men , it may be that they be come to learne . And unto them he said , Come neer ( for they stood in the very entry of the door ) for I assure you ye shall hear the Word of verity , which shall either seal in you this same day your salvation or condemnation . And so proceeded he in Doctrine , supposing they would have been quiet : But when he perceived them still to trouble the people that stood neer them ( for vehement was he against the false worshipping of God ) he turned unto them the second time , and with an irefull countenance said , O Sergeants of Sathan , and deceivers of the souls of men , Will ye neither heare Gods Truth , nor suffer others to heare it ; Depart , and take this for your portion , God shall shortly confound and disclose your hypocrisie within this Realme ; ye shall be abominable unto men , and your places and habitations shall be desolate . This Sentence he pronounced with great vehemency in the midst of the Sermon : And turning to the people , he said , You wicked men have provoked the Spirit of God to anger . And so he returned to his matter , and proceeded to the end . The dayes travell was ended , he came to Langindrie , and the two next Sundays preached in Tranent , with the like grace , and like confluence of people . In all his Sermons after his departure from Augus , he forespake the shortnesse of the time that he had to travell , and of his death , the day whereof approached neerer than any would believe . In the latter end of those dayes that are called the holy dayes of Christmas , past he , by consent of the Gentlemen , to Hadington , where it was supposed the greatest confluence of people should be , both by reason of the Towne , and of the Countrey adjacent . The first day before noon , the auditors were reasonable , and yet nothing in comparison of that which used to be in that Church . But the afternoon , and the next day following before noon , the auditory was so slender , that many wondred . The cause was judged to have been , That the Earle Bothwell , who in those bounds used to have great credit and obedience , by procurement of the Cardinall , had given inhibition , as well unto the Towne , as unto the Countrey , that they should not hear him , under the pain of his displeasure . The first night he lay within the Towne , with David Forrest , now called the Generall , a man that long professed the truth , and upon whom many in that time depended . The second night he lay in Lethington , the Laird whereof was ever civill , albeit not perswaded in Religion . The day following , before the said M. George past to the Sermon , there came to him a boy , with a Letter from the Westland ; which received and read , he called for Iohn Knox , who had waited upon him carefully from the time he came to Louthaine , with whom he began to enter into purpose , That he wearied of the world , for he perceiveth that men began to be weary of God. The cause of his complaint was ; The Gentlemen of the West had written unto him , That they could not keep the meeting at Edinburgh . The said Io. Knox wondering that he desired to keep any purpose before Sermon ( for that was not his accustomed use before ) said , Sir , the time of Sermon approacheth , I will leave you for the present to your meditation . And so he took the Bill containing the purpose aforesaid , and left him : the said Master George walked up and down behinde the high Altar more than half an houre . His weary countenance and visage declared the grief and alteration of his minde . At last he passeth to the Pulpit ; but the Auditory was small , he should have begun to have treated of the second Table of the Law : but thereof in that Sermon spake he very little . He began on this manner : O Lord , How long shall it be that thy holy Word shall be despised , and men shall not regard their owne salvation ? I have heard of thee , Hadington , That in thee would have been , at any vaine Clarke Play , two or three thousand people ; and now to hear the Messenger of the Eternall God , of all the Towne or Parish , cannot be numbred one hundred persons : Sore and fearfull shall the plagues be , that shall ensue upon of this thy contempt , with fire and sword shalt thou be plagued : Yea , thou Hadington in speciall , strangers shall possesse thee , and you the present inhabitants shall either in bondage serve your enemies , or else ye shall be chased from your own habitations ; and that because ye have not knowne , nor will not know the time of Gods mercifull visitation . In such vehemency and threatning continued that servant of God , neer an hour and an half ; in the which he declared all the plagues that ensued as plainly , as after our eyes saw them performed . In the end he said , I have forgotten my self , and the matter that I should have treated of : But let these my last words concerning publike Preaching remain in your mindes , till that God send you new comfort . Thereafter he made a short Paraphrase upon the second Table , with an Exhortation to patience , to the fear of God , and unto the works of mercy , and so ended , as it were making his last Testament , as the issue declared fully . The Spirit of Truth and of true Judgement were both in his heart and mouth : for that same night was he apprehended before midnight , in the house of Ormeston , by the Earle Bothwell , made for money butcher to the Cardinall . The manner of his taking was thus : Departing from the towne of Hadington , he took his good-night , as it were , for ever , of all his acquaintance , especially from Hewe Dowglas of Langindrie . Iohn Knox pressing to have gone with the said Master George , he said , Nay , returne to your children , and God blesse you ; one is sufficient for one Sacrifice . And so the said Iohn Knox albeit unwillingly obeyed , and returned with Hewe Dowglas of Langindrie , Master George having to accompany him the Laird of Ormeston , Iohn Sandelandes of Calder younger , the Laird of Brounston , and others , with their servants , passed upon foot ( for it was a vehement Frost ) to Ormeston . After supper he held comfortable purpose of Gods chosen children , and merrily said , Methinke that I desire earnestly to sleep : And therewith he said , Shall we sing a Psalm ? And so he appointed the One and fiftieth Psalme , which was put in Scottish Meeter , and began thus , Have mercy on me now good Lord after thy great mercy , &c. Which being ended , he past to his Chamber , and sooner then his common diet , was to passe to bed with these words , And grant quiet rest . Before midnight the place was beset about , that none could escape to make advertisement . The Earle Bothwell came and called for the Laird , and declared the purpose , and said , That it was but in vain to make him to hold his house , for the Governour and the Cardinall with all their power were coming ( and indeed the Cardinall was at Elphinston , not a mile distant from Ormeston ) But if he would deliver the man to him , he would promise upon his Honour , That he should be safe , and that it should passe the power of the Cardinall to do him any harme or hurt . Allured with these words , and taking counsell with the said Master George , ( who at the first word said , Open the gates , the blessed will of my God be done . ) They received in the Earle Bothwell himself , with some Gentlemen with him : To whom Master George said , I praise my God , that so honourable a man as you , my Lord , receiveth me this night , in the presence of these noble men : For now I am assured , That for your Honours sake , ye will suffer nothing any wayes to be done to me , but by the order of Law. I am not ignorant that all their Law is nothing but corruption , and a cloake to shed the blood of the Saints . But yet I lesse fear to die openly , than secretly to be murthered . The said Earle Bothwell answered , I shall not onely preserve your body from all violence that shall be purposed against you against order of Law , but also I promise here in the presence of these Gentlemen , That neither shall the Governour nor the Cardinall have their will of you , But I shall retaine you in mine owne hands , and in mine owne house , till that either I shall make you free , or else restore you in the same place where I receive you . The Lairds aforesaid , said , My Lord , If ye will do as you have spoken , and as we thinke your Lordship will do , then do we here promise unto your Lordship , That not onely we our selves shall serve you all the dayes of our life , but also we shall procure the whole professors within Lothan to do the same . And upon either the preservation of this our brother , or upon his delivery againe to our hands ; we being reasonably advertised to receive him , That we , in the name and behalfe of our friends , shall deliver to your Lordship , or any sufficient man that shall deliver to us againe this servant of God , our Band of Manred in manner requisite . And thus promise made in the presence of God , and hands stricken upon both the parties for observation of the promise , the said Master George was delivered to the hands of the said Earle Bothwell ; who immediately departing with him , came to Elphinston , where the Cardinall was . Who knowing that Calder Younger , and Brunston , were with Iohan Cocburne Laird of Ormeston , sent back with expedition to apprehend them also . The noyse of Horse-men being heard , the servants gave advertisement , That more then departed , or was there before , were returned . And while that they dispute what should be the motive , the Cardinalls Garrison had seized both the outer and inner Close . They called for the Laird , and for the Laird of Calder , who presenting themselves , demanded what their COMMISSION was . To bring you two , and the Laird of Brouneston to my Lord GOVERNOUR . They were nothing content ( as they had no cause ) and yet they made faire countenance , and intreated the Gentlemen to drinke , and to baite their horses , till that they might put themselves in readinesse to ride with them . In this meane time Brounston conveyed himselfe first secretly , and then by speed of foot to Ormiston wood , and from thence to Dundallon , and so escaped that danger ; the other two were put into the Castle of Edinburgh , where the one , to wit , Calder Zounger , remained untill his baud of Manred to the Cardinall , was the meanes of his deliverance : And the other , to wit , Ormiston , freed himselfe by leaping off the wall of the Castle , betwixt ten of the clock and eleven before noon : And so breaking Ward , he escaped prison , which he unjustly suffered . The servant of God M. George Wischarde , was carried first to Edinburgh , thereafter brought backe , for fashion sake , to the house of Hailles againe , which was the principall place that then the Earle Bothwell had in Lothiane . But as gold and women have corrupted all worldly and fleshly men from the beginning , so did they him : For the Cardinall gave gold , and that largely ; and the Queen , with whom the said Earle was then in the Glunders , promised him favour in all his lawfull suites to women : if he would deliver the said M. George , to be kept in the Castle of Edinburgh . He made some resistance at the first , by reason of his promise . But an effeminate man cannot long withstand the assaults of a gracious Queene , and so was the servant of God transported to Edinburgh , where the Cardinall then had a convention of Prelats , wherein somewhat was said of redressing the abuses of the Church , and reforming the lives of the Clergie , but it tooke no effect . M. Wischarde remained but few dayes in Edinburgh : For that bloodie woolfe the Cardinall , ever thirsting after the blood of the servant of God , so travelled with the abused Governour , that he was content that Gods servant should be delivered to the power of that Tyrannie . And so small inversion being made , Pilate obeyed the petition of Caiaphas , and of his fellows , and adjudged Christ to be crucified . The Cardinall seeing it was forbidden by the Canon Law to Priests to sit as Judges upon life and death , although the crime were Heresie , sent to the Governour , desiring him to name some Lay-Judge to pronounce Sentence against M. Wischarde . The Governour had freely condescended to the Cardinalls request , without delay , if David Hamilton of Preston , a godly and wise man , had not remonstrated unto him , That he could expect no better end then Saul , since he persecuted the Saints of God , for that Truth which he professed once with such a shew of earnestnesse ; the profession thereof , being the onely cause of his advancement to that high degree wherein he was : The Governour moved at this Speech of David Hamiltons , answered the Cardinall ; That he would not meddle with the blood of that good man ; and told him , That his blood should be on him , for he himselfe would be free of it . At this the Cardinall was angry , and said he would proceed , and that he had sent to the Governour of meere civility , without any need . And so the servant of God , delivered to the hand of that proud and mercilesse Tyrannie , triumph was made by the Priests . The godly lamented , and accused the foolishnesse of the Governour : For by the retaining of the said M. George , he might have caused Protestants and Papists ( rather proud Romanists ) to have served ; The one , to the end the life of their Preacher might have been saved ; The other , for feare that he should have set him at liberty again , to the confusion of the Bishops . But where God is left ( as he had plainely renounced him before ) what can counsell or judgement availe ? How the servant of God was dealt withall , and what he did from the day that he entred within the sea Tower of S. Andrews , which was in the end of January , in the yeere of God 1546. unto the first of March the same yeere when he suffered , we cannot certainly tell , except we understand he wrote somewhat in prison , but that was suppressed by the enemies . The Cardinall delayed no time , but caused all Bishops , yea , all the Clergie that had any preheminence , to be called to S. Andrews , against the seven and twentieth day of February , that consultation might be had in that question ; which in his minde was no lesse resolved , then Christs death was in the minde of Caiaphas . But that the rest should bear the like burden with him , he would that they should before the world subscribe whatsoever he did . In that day was wrought a wonder , not unlike that which was at the accusation and death of Jesus Christ , when Pilate and Herod , who before were enemies , were made friends , by consenting of them both to Christs condemnation ; differs nothing , except that Pilate and Herod were brethren under their father the Devill , in the estate called Temporall ; And these two of whom we are about to speake , were brethren ( sons of the same father the Devill ) in the estate Ecclesiasticall . If we interlace merrynesse with earnest matters , pardon us good Reader , for the fact is so notable that it deserveth long remembrance . The Cardinall was knowne proud ; and Dumbar Archbishop of Glasgow was knowne a glorious foole : And yet because sometimes he was called the Kings Master , he was Chancellour of Scotland . The Cardinall cometh even the same yeere , in the end of harvest before to Glasgow , upon what purpose we omit . But while they remaine together , the one in the Towne , the other in the Castle ; Question riseth for bearing of their Crosses . The Cardinall alleadged , That by reason of his Cardinalship , and that he was Legatus natus , and Primate within Scotland , in the kingdome of Antichrist ; That he should have the preheminence , and that his Crosse should not onely go before , but that also it should onely be borne wheresoever he was . Good Gukstone Glakstone , the aforesaid Archbishop , lacked no reasons , as he thought , for maintenance of his glory . He was an Archbishop in his owne Diocesse , and in his owne Cathedrall Seat and Church , and therefore ought to give place to no man. The power of the Cardinall was but begged from Rome , and appertaineth but to his own person , and not to his Bishoprick , for it might be , that his successour should not be Cardinall , but his dignity was annexed with his office , and did appertaine to all that ever should be Bishops of Glasgow . Howsoever these doubts were resolved by the Doctors of Divinity of both the Prelats , yet the decision was as ye shall heare ; Comming forth ( or going in , all is one ) at the Queere doore of Glasgow Church , begins striving for state betwixt the Crosse-bearers , so that from glouming they came to shouldring , and so from shouldring they go to buffets , and from dry blowe-neffaling ; and then for charities sake , they cry , Disperst● dedit pauperibus , and essay which of the Crosses was finest mettall , which staffe was strongest , and which Crosse-bearer could best defend his Masters preheminence ; and that there should be no superiority in that behalf , to the ground go both their Crosses . And then began no little fray , but yet a merry game , for rockets were rent , tippets were torne , crowns were knapped , and side gowns might have been seen wantonly to wagge from the one wall to the other : Many of them lacked beards , and that was the more pity , and therefore could not buckle other by the brises , as bold men would have done . But fie on the Jackmen , that did not their duty : For had the one part of them recountred the other , then had all gone right ; but the Sanctuary we suppose saved the lives of many . How merrily so ever this be written , it was bitter mirth to the Cardinall and his court . It was more then irregularity ▪ yea , it might well have been judged laese majesté to the son of perdition , the Popes own person ; and yet the other in his folly , as proud as a Peacocke , would let the Cardinall know , that he was a Bishop , when the other but Beton , before he gat the Abbey of Aberbroth . This enmity was judged mortall , and without all hope of reconciliation . But the blood of the innocent servant of God , buried in oblivion all that bragging and boast . For the Archbishop of Glasgow was the first unto whom the Cardinall wrote , signifying unto him what was done , and earnestly craving of him , that he would assist with his presence and counsell , how that such an enemy to their estate might be suppressed . And thereto was not the other slow , but kept time appointed , sat next to the Cardinall , waited and subscribed first in ranke , and lay over the East block-house with the said Cardinall , till the Martyr of God was consumed with fire : for this we may note , That all these beasts consented in heart to the slaughter of that Innocent . So did they approve it with their presence , having the whole ordnance of the Castle of S. Andrews , bent towards the place of execution , which was neere to the Castle , ready to have shot , if any would have made defence or rescue to Gods servant . The manner of his Accusation , Processe , and Answers followeth , as we have received from certaine Records , which we relate truely , as neere as possibly we can . Upon the last of February was sent to the prison where the servant of God lay , the Deane of the Towne , by the commandment of the Cardinall and his wicked counsell , and there summoned the said Master George , that he should on the morrow following appeare before the Judge , then and there to give account of his seditious and Hereticall Doctrine . To whom the said Master George answered ; What needeth ( said he ) the Cardinall to summon me to answer for my Doctrine openly before him , under whose power and Dominion I am thus straightly bound in irons ? May not he compell me to answer , of his extort power ? Or beleeveth he that I am unprovided to render account of my Doctrine ? To manifest your selves what men ye are , it is well done that ye keepe your old Ceremonies and Constitutions made by men . Upon the next morrow the Lord Cardinall caused his servants to addresse themselves in their most warlike array , with Jack , Knapscall , Splent , Spear , & Axe , more seemly for the war then for the Preaching of the true word of God. And when these armed Champions , marching in warlike order , had conveyed the Bishops into the Abbey-church , incontinently they sent for M. George , who was conveyed unto the said Church by the Captaine of the Castle , and the number of an hundred men , addressed in manner aforesaid , like a Lamb led they him to the sacrifice . As he entred in at the Abbey-Church doore , there was a poore man lying vexed with great infirmities , asking of his almes , to whom he flung his purse , and when he came before the Cardinall , by and by the Sub-prior of the Abbey , called Deane Iohn Winrame , stood up in the Pulpit , and made a Sermon to all the congregation there then assembled , taking his matter out of Matth. 13. Whose Sermon was divided into foure parts . The first was , A short and briefe declaration of the Evangelist . The second , of the interpretation of the good seed : And because he called the Word of God the good seed , and Heresie the evil seed ; he declared what Heresie was , and how it should be knowne . He defined it on this manner ; Heresie is a false Opinion , defended with Pertinacie , clearely repugning the Word of God. The third part of his Sermon was , The cause of Heresie within that realm , and all other realms . The cause of Heresie ( said he ) is the ignorance of them which have the cures of mens soules : to whom it necessarily belongeth to have the true understanding of the Word of God , that they may be able to winne again the false Teachers of Heresies , with the sword of the Spirit , which is , the word of God : and not onely to win again , but also to overcome , as faith Paul to Timothy , A bishop must be faultlesse , as becometh the minister of God , not stubborn , nor angry , no drunkard , no fighter , not given to filthy lucre , but harberous , one that loved goodnesse , sober-minded , righteous , holy , temperate , and such as cleaveth unto the true Word of Doctrine . That he may be able with wholsome learning , and to impugne that which they say against him . The fourth part of his Sermon was , how Heresies should be knowne ; Heresies ( quoth he ) be knowne on this manner ; As the God-smith knoweth the fine gold from the unperfit , by the touch-stone ; So likewise may we know Heresie by the undoubted Touch-stone , that is , The true , sincere , and undefiled Word of God. At the last he added , That Hereticks should be put down in this present life . To which Proposition , the Gospel he treated of appeareth not to repugne , Let them both grow to the harvest . The harvest is the end of the world , neverthelesse he affirmed , That they should be put down by the civill Magistrate , and Law. And when he ended his Sermon , incontinent they caused M. George to ascend into the Pulpit , there to heare his Accusation and Articles , for right against him stood one of the fat flock , a monster , Iohn Lawder , a Priest , laden full of cursings , written in paper of the which he took out a roule , both long , and also full of outrages , threatnings , maledictions , and words of devilish spite and malice , saying to the innocent M. George , so many cruell and abominable words , and hit him so spitefully with the Popes thunder , that the ignorant people dreaded lest the earth then would have swallowed him up quick . Notwithstanding he stood still with great patience , hearing their sayings , not once moving or changing his countenance . When that this fat sow had read thorowout all his lying menaces , his face running down with sweat , and froathing at the mouth like a boare : He spate at M. Georges face , saying , What answers thou to these sayings ? Thou runagate , traitour , theefe , which we have duely proved by sufficient witnesse against thee . Master George hearing this , sate downe upon his knees in the Pulpit , making his prayer to God. When he had ended his Prayer , sweetly and Christianly , he answered unto them all in this manner : Master George his ORATION . MAny and horrible sayings unto me a Christian man , many words abominable for to heare , have ye spoken here this day , which not onely to teach , but also to thinke , I thought it ever great abomination . Wherefore I pray your discretions quietly to heare me , that ye may know what were my Sayings , and the manner of my Doctrine . This my Petition ( my Lords ) I desire to be heard for three causes . The first is , Because through preaching of the Word of God , his glory is made manifest . It is reasonable therefore , for the advancing of the glory of God , that ye heare me teaching truely the pure and sincere Word of God , without any dissimulation . The second reason is , Because that your health springeth of the Word of God , for he worketh all things by his Word . It were therefore an unrighteous thing , if ye should stop your eares from me , teaching truely the Word of God. The third reason is , Because your Doctrine speaketh forth many pestilentious , blasphemous , and abominable words , not coming by the inspiration of God , but of the devill , on no lesse perill than my life . It is just therefore and reasonable for your discretions , to know what my words and Doctrine are , and what I have ever taught in my time in this Realme , that I perish not unjustly , to the great perils of your selves . Wherefore both for the glory of God , your owne health , and safeguard of my life , I beseech your discretions to heare me , and in the meane time I shall recite my Doctrine , without any colour . First and chiefly , since the time that I came into this Realme , I taught nothing but the ten Commandments of God , the twelve Articles of the Faith , and the Prayer of the Lord in the mother Tongue . Moreover , in Dundie I taught the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romanes . And I shall shew your discretions faithfully what fashion and-manner I used , when I taught without any humane dread . So that your discretions give me your eares benevolent and attentive . Suddenly then , with a loud voyce cryed the accuser , the fat sow , Thou Hereticke , Runnagate , Traytor , and Thief , It was not lawfull for thee to preach ; thou hast taken the power at thine owne hand , without any authority of the Church . We forthinke that thou hast been a Preacher so long . Then said the whole Congregation of the Prelats , with their complices , these words ; If we give him license to Preach , he is so crafty , and in holy Scriptures so exercised , that he will perswade the people to his opinion , and raise them against us . M. George seeing their malicious and wicked intent , appealed to an indifferent and equall Judge . To whom the accuser , Iohn Lawder aforesaid , with hoggish voyce answered , Is not my Lord Cardinall the second person within this Realme , Chancellor of Scotland , Archbishop of Saint Andrewes , Bishop of Merepose , Commendator of Arbroth , Legatus natus , Legatus a Latere . And so reciting as many Titles of his unworthy Honours as would have laden a Ship , much sooner an Asse : Is not he ( quoth Iohn Lawder ) an equall JUDGE apparently to thee . Whom other desirest thou to be thy JUDGE ? To whom this humble man answered , saying , I refuse not my Lord Cardinall , but I desire the Word of God to be my Iudge , the Temporall estate with some of your Lordships mine auditors , because I am here my Lord Governours prisoner . Whereupon the pridefull and scornfull people that stood by , mocked him saying , Such man , such Iudge , speaking seditious and reproachfull words against the Governour , and other of the Nobles , meaning them also to be hereticks . And incontinent , without all delay , they would have given sentence upon M. George , and that without further Processe , had not certain men there councelled my Lord Cardinall to reade againe the Articles , and to heare his answers thereupon , that the people might not complaine of his wrongfull condemnation . And shortly for to declare . These were the Articles following , with his Answers , as far they would give him leave to speak . For when he intended to mitigate their leasings , and shew the manner of his Doctrine , by and by they stopped his mouth with another Article . The first Article . Thou false Hereticke , Runnagate , Traytor , and Thief , Deceiver of the people , despisest the Church , and in like case contemnes my Lord Governours Authority . And this we know of surety , That when thou preachedst in Dundie , and was charged by my Lord Governours Authority to desist ; neverthelesse thou wouldest not obey , but persevered in the same : And therefore the Bishop of Breachen cursed thee , and delivered thee into the Devils hand , and gave thee then Commandment , That thou shouldest preach no more ; yet notwithstanding thou didst continue obstinately . The Answer . My Lords , I have read in the Acts of the Apostles , That it is not lawfull , for the threats and menaces of men , to desist from the preaching of the Gospel : Therefore it is written , We shall rather obey God than men . I have also read the Prophet Malachie ; I shall curse your blessings , and blesse your cursings , saith the Lord. Believing firmly , That he would turn your cursings into blessings . The second Article . Thou false heretick didst say , That a Priest standing at the Altar saying Masse , was like a Fox wagging his taile in July . The Answer . My Lords , I said not so . These were my sayings , The moving of the body outward , without inward moving of the heart , is nought else but the playing of an Ape , and not the true serving of God. For God is a secret searcher of mens hearts . Therefore who will truely adore and honour God , he must in spirit and verity honour him . Then the accuser stopped his mouth with another Article . The third Article . Thou false hereticke Preachest against the Sacraments , saying , That there are not seven Sacraments . The Answer . My Lords , It is not so by your pleasures , I taught never of the number of the Sacraments , whether there were seven or eleven : so many as are instituted by Christ , and are showne to us by the Gospel , I professe openly . Except it be the Word of God , I dare affirme nothing . The fourth Article . Thou false hereticke hast openly taught , That Auricular Confession is not a blessed Sacrament , and thou saist , That we should onely confesse us to God , and to no Priest. The Answer . My Lords , I say , That Auricular Confession , seeing that it hath no promise of the Gospel , truely it cannot be a Sacrament . Of the Confession to be made to God , there are many testimonies in Scripture , as when David saith , I thought that I would acknowledge mine iniquity against my self unto the Lord , and he forgave the trespasses of my sins . Here confessing signifieth the secret knowledge of our sins before God. When I exhorted the people on this manner , I reproved no manner of Confession : And farther , Saint Iames saith , Acknowledge your sins one to another , and so let you have peace among your selves . Here the Apostle meaneth nothing of Auricular Confession , but that we should acknowledge and confesse our selves to be sinners before our brethren , and before the world , and not to esteeme our selves , as the Gray Friers do , thinking themselves already purged . When that he had said these words , the horned Bishops and their complices cryed and gyrned with their teeth , saying , See ye not what colours he hath in his speech , that he may beguile us , and seduce us to his opinion ? The fifth Article . Thou false heretick didst say openly , That it was necessary for every man to know and understand his Baptisme ; which is contrary to Generall Councels , and the Estates of holy Church . The Answer . My Lords , I believe there be none so unwise here , that will make Merchandise with any French-men , or any other unknowne stranger , except he know and understand first the condition or promise made by the French-man or stranger . So likewise I would that we understood what thing we promise in the name of the Infant unto God in Baptisme . Then said M. Peter Chaplin , That he had the devill within him , and the spirit of terrour . Then answered him a childe , saying , The devil cannot speak such words as yonder man doth speake . The sixth Article . Thou false Hereticke , Traytor , and Thiefe , thou said , That the Sacrament of the Altar was but a piece of bread baken upon the ashes , and no other thing else ; and all that is there done , is but a superstitious Rite , against the Commandment of God. The Answer . Oh Lord God! so manifest lyes and blasphemies , the Scripture doth not teach you . As concerning the Sacrament of the Altar ( my Lords ) I never taught any thing against the Scripture , the which I shall ( by Gods grace ) make manifest this day , I being ready therefore to suffer death . The lawfull use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God. But the great abuse of it , is very detestable unto him : But what occasion they have to say such words of me , I shall shortly shew your Lordships . I once chanced to meet with a Iew , when I was sayling upon the water of Rhene ; I did enquire of him , What was the cause of his pertinacie , that he did not believe that the true Messias was come , considering that they had seen all the Prophesies which were spoken of him , to be fulfilled : Moreover , the Prophesies taken away , and the Scepter of Iuda . By many other testimonies of the Scripture I witnessed to him , and proved that the Messias was come , the which they called Iesus of Nazareth ? This Iew answered again unto me , When Messias cometh , he shall restore all things , and he shall not abrogate the Law which was given unto our Fathers , as ye do ; for why ? We see the poor almost perish through hunger amongst you , yet you are not moved with pity towards them : But amongst us Iewes , though we be poor , there are no beggers found . Secondarily , It is forbidden by the Law to fain any kinde of Imagery , of things in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the Sea under the earth , but one God onely to honour . But your Sanctuaries and Churches are full of Idolls . Thirdly , a piece of bread baked upon the ashes , ye adore and worship , and say that it is your God. I have rehearsed here but the sayings of a Iew , which I never affirmed to be true . Then the Bishops shook their heads , and spitted on the ground ; and what he meaned in this matter further , they would not hear . The seventh Article . Thou false hereticke didst say , That extreme Unction was not a Sacrament . The Answer . My Lords , forsooth I never taught of extreme Unction , in my Doctrine , whether it was a Sacrament or no. The eighth Article . Thou false hereticke didst say , That holy water is not so good as Wash , and such like . Thou contemnest conjuring , and sayest , That holy Churches cursing availeth not . The Answer . My Lords , as for holy water , what strength it is of , I taught never in my Doctrine . Conjurings and Exorcisms , if they were conformable to the Word of God , I would commend them ; but in as much as they are not conformable to the Commandment and Word of God , I reprove them . The ninth Article . Thou false Hereticke and runagate , hast said , That every man is a Priest ; and likewise thou sayest , That the Pope hath no more power then another man. The Answer . My Lords , I taught nothing but the Word of God , I remember that I have read in some places of S. Iohn , and S. Peter , of the which one saith , He hath made us kings and priests . The other saith , He hath made us the kingly Priesthood . Wherefore I have affirmed , Any man understanding and perfit in the Word of God , and the true faith of Jesus Christ , to have his power given him from God , and not by the power or violence of men , but by the vertue of the Word of God , the which word is called , The power of God , as witnesseth S. Paul , evidently enough . And againe I say , Any unlearned man , and not exercised in the Word of God , nor yet constant in his Faith , whatsoever estate or order he be of ; I say , he hath no power to binde or to loose , seeing he wanteth the instrument by the which he bindeth and looseth , that is to say , The Word of God. After that he had said these words , all the Bishops laughed , and mocked him : When that he beheld their laughing ; Laugh ye ( said he ) my Lords ? Though that these my sayings do seem scornfull , and worthy of derision to your Lordships , neverthelesse they are very weighty to me , and of a great value ; because that they stand not onely upon my life , but also upon the honour and glory of God. In the meane time many godly men , beholding the woodnesse and great cruelty of the Bishops , and the invincible patience of the said M. George , did greatly mourne and lament . The tenth Article . Thou false Hereticke saidst , That a man had no free-will , but is like to the Stoicks , which say , That it is not in mans will to do anything , but that all desire and concupiscence cometh of God , of whatsoever kinde it be of . The Answer . My Lords I said not so , truely , I say , That as many as beleeve in Christ firmely , unto them is given liberty conformable to the saying of S. Iohn , If the Sonne make you free , then shall you verily be free : Of the contrary , as many as beleeve not in Christ Jesus , they are bond-servants of sin : He that sinneth , is bound to sin . The eleventh Article . Thou false Hereticke sayest , It is as lawfull to eat flesh upon Friday , as on Sunday . The Answer . Pleaseth it your Lordships , I have read in the Epistles of S. Paul , That who is cleane , unto him all things are cleane : Of the contrary , to the filthy men all things are uncleane . A faithfull man , cleane and holy , sanctifieth by the Word , the creature of God ; but the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God. So that a creature cannot sanctifie any impure and unfaithfull man. But to the faithfull man all things are sanctified by the prayer of the word of God. After these sayings of M. George , then said the Bishops with their complices ; What needed we any witnesse against him , hath he not here openly spoken blasphemie ? The twelfth Article . Thou false Hereticke doest say , That we should not pray unto Saints , but to God onely ; Say whether thou hast said this or no , say shortly . The Answer . For the weaknesse and infirmity of the hearers , he said , without doubt plainely , That Saints should not be honoured , nor called upon . My Lords ( said he ) there are two things worthy of note . The one is certaine , and the other uncertain . It is found plainely and certain in Scriptures , That we should worship and honour one God , according to the saying of the first Commandment , Thou shalt onely worship and honour thy Lord God with all thine heart . But as for praying to , and honouring of Saints , there is great doubt amongst many , whether they heare or no the invocation made unto them . Therefore I exhorted all men equally in my Doctrine , That they should leave the unsure way , and follow the way which was taught us by our Master Christ. He is onely our Mediatour , and maketh intercession for us to God his Father . He is the doore by the which we must enter in : He that entreth not in by this doore , but climeth another way , is a thiefe and a murderer . He is the veritie and life : he that goeth out of the way , there is no doubt he shall fall into the mire : Yea , verily he is fallen into it already . This is the fashion of my Doctrine , the which I have ever followed . Verily that which I have heard and read in the Word of God , I taught openly and in no corners , and now ye shall witnesse the same , if your Lordships will heare me : Except it stand by the Word of God , I dare not be so bold to affirme any thing . These sayings he rehearsed divers times . The thirteenth Article . Thou false Hereticke hast Preached plainely , That there is no Purgatory , and that it is a fained thing , for any man after this life to be punished in Purgatory . The Answer . My Lords , as I have oftentimes said heretofore ; Without expresse witnesse and testimony of Scriptures , I dare affirme nothing . I have oft , and divers times read over the Bible , and yet such a terme found I never , nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thereto . Therefore I was afraid ever to teach of that thing which I could not finde in Scripture . Then said he to M. Iohn Lawder , his accuser ; If you have any testimony of the Scripture , by the which you may prove any such place , shew it now before this auditory . But that dolt had not a word to say for himselfe , but was as dumbe as a Beetle in that matter . The fourteenth Article . Thou false Hereticke hast taught plainly against the Vows of Monks , Friers , Nuns , and Priests , saying , That whosoever was bound to such like Vows , they vowed themselves to the state of damnation . Moreover , That it was lawfull for Priests to marry wives , and not to live sole . The Answer . Of this , my Lords , I have read in the Gospel , That there are three kinde of chaste men , some are gelded from their mothers womb : some are gelded by men , and some have gelded themselves for the kingdom of heavens sake ; Verily , I say , these men are blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have not the gift of chastity ; nor yet for the Gospel , have overcome the concupiscence of the flesh , and have vowed chastity ; ye have experience , although I should hold my tongue , to what inconveniences they have vowed themselves . When he had said these words , they were all dumb , thinking it better to have ten concubines then one wife . The fifteenth Article . Thou false Hereticke , and runnagate sayest , That thou wilt not obey our Generall Provinciall Counsells . The Answer . My Lords , what your generall Counsells are , I know not , I was never exercised in them , but to the pure Word of God , I gave my labours . Read here your generall Counsells , or else give me a book , wherein they are contained , that I may read them ; if they be agreeable with the Word of God , I will not disagree . Then the ravening Wolves turned unto madnesse , and said ; Wherefore let we him speak any farther ? Read forth the rest of the Articles , and stay not upon them . Amongst those cruell Tygers , there was one false hypocrite , a seducer of the people , called Iohn Scot , standing behinde Iohn Lawders backe , hasting him to reade the rest of the Articles , and not to tarry upon his wittie and godly answers ; For we may not abide them ( quoth he ) no more then the devil may abide the signe of the Crosse , when it is named . The sixteenth Article . Thou Hereticke sayest , That it is vain to build to the honour of God costly Churches , seeing that God remaineth not in Churches made by mens hands , nor yet can God be in little space , as betwixt the Priests hands . The Answer . My Lords , Salomon saith , If that the heaven of heavens cannot comprehend thee , how much lesse this house which I have builded . And Iob consented to the same sentence , saying , Seeing that he is higher then the heavens , therefore what canst thou build unto him ; he is deeper then the hell , then how shalt thou know him , he is longer then the earth , and broader then the sea , so that God cannot be comprehended in one place , who is infinite . These sayings notwithstanding , I said never that Churches should be destroyed : But of the contrary I affirmed ever , That Churches should be maintained and upholden , that the people should be assembled in them to hear the Word of God Preached . Moreover , wheresoever is the true Preaching of the Word of God , and the lawfull use of the Sacraments , undoubtedly there is God himselfe : So that both these sayings are true together ; God cannot be comprehended in any one place : And wheresoever are two or three gathered in his Name , there is he present in the midst of them . Then said he to his accuser , If thou thinkest any otherwise ; Then I say , Shew forth thy reasons before this auditory . Then he without all reason was dumbe , and could not answer a word . The seventeenth Article . Thou false Hereticke contemnest fasting , and sayest thou shouldest not fast . The Answer . My Lords , I finde that fasting is commanded in the Scripture , therefore I were a slanderer of the Gospel , if I contemned fasting . And not so onely , but I have learned by experience , that Fasting is good for the health and conservation of the body . But God onely knoweth who fasteth the true Fast. The eighteenth Article . Thou false Hereticke hast Preached openly , saying , That the soules of men shall sleepe to the latter day of judgement , and shall not obtaine life immortall untill the last day . The Answer . God full of mercy and goodnesse forgive them that say such things of me . I wot , and know surely by the Word of God , that he who hath begun to have the Faith of Jesus Christ , and to beleeve firmely in him ; I know surely , I say , that the soule of that man , shall never sleepe , but ever shall live an immortall life , the which life from day to day is renewed in Grace , and augmented , nor yet shall ever perish , or have an end , but shall ever live immortall with Christ the head . To the which life , all that beleeve in him shall come , and rest in eternall glory . Amen . WHen that the Bishops with their complices , had accused this innocent man , in manner and forme aforesaid , incontinently they condemned him to be burnt as an Hereticke , not having respect to his godly answers , and true reasons which he alleadged , nor yet to their own consciences ; Thinking verily that they should do to God good sacrifice , conformable to the sayings of Jesus Christ , in the Gospel of Saint Iohn the 16. Chapter ; They shall excommunicate you , yea , and the time shall come , that he which killeth you , shall thinke that he hath done to God good service . The Prayer of Master George Wischarde . O Immortall God , how long shalt thou suffer the rage and great crudelitie of the ungodly , to exercise their fury upon thy servants which doe further thy Word in this world , seeing they desire to do the contrary ; That is , to choke and destroy thy true Doctrine and Veritie , by the which thou hast shewed thee unto the world which was all drowned in blindnesse and misknowledge of thy Name . O Lord , we know surely that thy true servants must needs suffer for thy Names sake , persecution , affliction , and troubles in this present life , which is but a shadow , as thou hast shewed to us by thy Prophets and Apostles . But yet we desire thee ( mercifull Father ) that thou wouldst conserve , defend , and help thy congregation , which thou hast chosen before the beginning of the world , and give them thy grace to heare thy Word , and to be thy true servants in this present life . Then by and by they caused the common people to remove , whose desire was always to hear that Innocent man speak . Then the sons of darknesse pronounced their sentence definitive , not having respect to the Judgement of God. When all this was done and said , the Cardinall causeth his tormentors to passe again with the meek Lambe unto the Castle , untill such time as the fire was made ready . When he was come into the Castle , then there came two fiends , two gray-Friers , Frier Scot and his mate , saying , Sir , you must make your confession unto us . He answered , I will make no confession : Go fetch me yonder man that preached unto us this day , and I will conferre with him . Then they sent for the Sub-prior of the Abbey , who came to him with all diligence . And conferred with him a pretty while , at last burst forth in teares , but so soon as he was able to speak , he asked him , If he would receive the Communion ; Master Wischarde answered , He would most willingly , if he could have it according to Christs institution under both kindes . The Sub-prior went to the Cardinall and his Prelats , he told them , That Master Wischarde was an innocent man ; which he said , not to intercede for his life ; but to make known the innocency of the man unto all men , as it was known to God. At these words the Cardinall was angry , and said to the Sub-Prior , Long agoe we knew what you were ; Then the Sub-Prior demanded , Whether they would suffer M. Wischarde to receive the Communion or no ; They answered , No. A while after M. Wischarde had ended with the Sub-Prior , the Captaine of the Castle , with some other friends , came to him , and asked him ; If he would break fast with them ; He answered , Most willingly , for I know you to be most honest and godly men ; So all being ready , he desired them to sit downe , and heare him a while with patience ; Then he discoursed to them about halfe an houre concerning the Lords Supper , his Sufferings and Death for us ; He exhorteth them to love one another , laying aside all rancor , envie , and vengeance as perfect members of Christ , who intercedes continually for us to God the Father . After this he gave thanks , and blessing the Bread and Wine , he took the Bread and brake it , and gave to every one of it , bidding each of them , Remember that Christ had died for them , and feed on it spiritually ▪ So taking the Cup , he bade them , Remember that Christs blood was shed for them , &c. And after he gave thanks and prayed for them . When he had done , he told them , That he would neither eat nor drink more in this life ; and so retired to his Chamber . Immediately after came to him ( sent from the Cardinall ) two executioners ; one brought him a coat of Linnen died black , and put it upon him ; The other brought some baggs full of Powder , which they tied to severall parts of his body : Thus having dressed him , they brought him to an outer Roome , neere to the gate of the Castle ; Then the fire was made ready , and the Stake at the West port of the Castle , neere to the Priory . Over against the place of execution , the Castle Windows were hung with rich hangings and Velvet Cushions , laid for the Cardinall and Prelats , who from thence did feed their eyes with the torments of this innocent man. The Cardinall dreading that Master George should have been taken away by his friends ; Before had commanded to bend all the ordnance of the Castle right against the place of execution ; and commanded all his Gunners to be ready , and stand beside their Gunnes , unto such time as he was burnt . All this being done , they bound Master George his hands behinde his backe , and with sound of Trumpet , led him forth with the Souldiers , from the Castle , to the place of their cruell and wicked execution . As he came forth of the Castle gate , there met him certain beggars , asking of him almes for Gods sake ; To whom he answered , I want my hands , wherewith I was wont to give you almes ; But the mercifull Lord , of his benignity and abundant grace , that feedeth all men , vouchsafe to give you necessaries both unto your bodies and soules . Then afterward met him two false Fiends , ( I should say Friers ) saying , M. George , pray to your Lady , that she may be a Mediatrix for you to her Sonne : To whom he answered meekly ; Cease , tempt me not , I intreat you . After this he was led to the fire , with a rope about his neck , and a chaine of iron about his middle . When that he came to the fire he sat downe upon his knees , and rose againe ; And thrice he said these words ; O thou Saviour of the world , have mercy on me : Father of heaven , I commend my spirit into thy holy hands . When he had made this Prayer , he turned him to the people , and said these words , having obtained leave to speak a little : I beseech you Christian brethren and sisters , that ye be not offended at the Word of God , for the affliction and torments which ye see already prepared for me . But I exhort you that ye love the Word of God for your salvation , and suffer patiently , and with a comfortable heart , for the Words sake , which is your undoubted salvation , and everlasting comfort . Moreover , I pray you , shew my brethren and sisters , which have heard me oft before , that they cease not , nor leave off to learne the word of God which I taught them , after the grace given unto me , for no persecutions nor troubles in this world , which last not : And shew unto them that my Doctrine was no wives fables , after the constitutions made by men ; And if I had taught mens doctrine , I had gotten greater thanks by men . But for the Words sake and true Gospel , which was given to me by the grace of God , I suffer this day by men , not sorrowfully , but with a glad heart and minde . For this cause I was sent , That I should suffer this fire for Christs sake . Consider and behold my visage , ye shall not see me change my colour : This grim fire I fear not , and so I pray you for to do , if that any persecution come unto you for the Words ●ake ; and not to fear them that slay the body , and have no power afterward to slay the soul. Some have said of me , That I taught that the soul of man should sleep untill the last day : But I know surely , and my faith is such , That my soul shall sup with my Saviour this night , ere it be six hours , for whom I suffer this . Then he prayed for them which accused him , saying , I beseech the Father of heaven to forgive them that have of any ignorance , or else of any evil minde forged lies upon me ; I forgive them with all my heart : I beseech Christ forgive them that have condemned me to death this day ignorantly . And last of all , he said to the people on this manner ; I beseech you brethren and sisters to exhort your Prelats to the learning of the Word of God ▪ that they may be ashamed to do evil , and learn to do good ; And if they will not convert themselves from their wicked errour , there shall hastily come upon them the wrath of God , which they shall not eschew . Many faithfull words said he in the meane time , taking no heed or care of the cruell torments which were then prepared for him . Then the Executioner that was his tormentor , sate down upon his knees , and said , Sir , I pray you forgive me , for I am not guilty of your death . To whom he answered , Come hither to me : When he was come to him , he kissed his cheek , and said , Lo here is a token that I forgive thee , my heart , do thy Office : And then by and by the Trumpet sounding , he was tyed to the stake , and the fire kindled . The Captain of the Castle , for the love he bore to M. Wischarde , drew so neer to the fire , that the flame thereof did him harme ; he wished M. Wischarde to be of good courage , and to beg from God the forgivenesse of his sins ; to whom M. Wischarde answered thus ; This fire torments my body , but no wayes abates my spirit . Then M. Wischarde looking towards the Cardinall , said , He who in such state , from that high place , feedeth his eyes with my torments , within few dayes shall be hanged out at the same window , to be seen with us much ignominy , as he now leaneth there in pride . Then with this , the Executioner drawing the Cord , stopt his breath ; presently after , the fire being great , he was consumed to powder . The Prelats would not suffer any prayers to be made for him , according to their Custome . After the death of Master Wischarde , the Cardinall was cryed up by his flatterers , and all the rabble of the corrupt Clergie , as the onely Defender of the Catholike Church , and punisher of hereticks , neglecting the authority of the sluggish Governour : And it was said by them , That if the great Prelates of latter dayes , both at home and abroad , had been so stout and zealous of the credit of the Catholike Church , they had not onely suppressed all hereticks , but also kept under the Lay-men , who were so froward and stubborne . On the other side , when that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent , they could not withhold from piteous mourning , and complaining of the innocent lambs slaughter . After the death of this blessed Martyr of God , began the people in plaine speaking , to damne and detest the cruelty that was used ; yea , men of great birth and estimation and honour at open tables avowed , That the blood of the said Master George should be revenged , or else it should cost life for life : and that in a short time they should be like hogs kept for slaughter , by this vitious Priest , and wicked Monster , which neither minded God , nor cared for man. Amongst those that spake against the Cardinalls cruelty , Iohn Lesley , brother to the Earle of Rothes was chief , with his Cozen Norman Lesley , who had been a great follower of the Cardinall , and very active for him but a little before , fell so foule with him , that they came to high reproaches one with another . The occasion of their falling out was a private businesse , wherein Norman Lesley said he was wronged by the Cardinall : On the other side , the Cardinall said he was not with respect used by Norman Lesley his inferiour . The said Iohn Lesley in all companies spared not to say , That that same dagger ( shewing forth his dagger ) and that same hand should be put in the Cardinalls brest . These brutes came to the Cardinalls ears : but he thought himselfe stout enough for all Scotland : For in Babylon , that is , in his new Block-House , he was sure , as he thought , and upon the fields he was able to match all his enemies : And to speak the truth , the most part of the Nobility of Scotland had either given unto him their Bands of Manred , or else were in confederacy , and promised amity with him , and so he gave his bastard eldest daughter in Marriage to the Earl of Crawford his eldest son and heir , and caused the Wedding to be celebrate with such State , as if she had been a Princes lawfull daughter . He onely feared them in whose hands God did deliver him , and for them he laid his nets so secretly ( as that he made a full compt ) that their feet could not escape , as we shall after hear . And something of his former practices we may recompt . After Easter he came to Edinburgh , to hold the Seingnye ( as the Papists termed then their unhappy Assembly of Baals shaven sort ) It was bruted that something was purposed against him at that day by the Earle of Angus and his friends , whom he mortally feared , and whose destruction he sought ; but it failed , and so returned he to his strength ; yea , to his god and onely comfort , as well in heaven as in earth ; and there he remained without all fear of death , promising to himself no lesse pleasure then did the rich man of whom mention is made by our Master in the Gospel ; for he did not onely say , Eat and be glad , my soul , for thou hast great riches laid up in store for many dayes ; but he said , Tush , a figge for the fooles , and a button for the bragging of heretickes , and their assistance in Scotland : Is not my Lord Governour mine ? witnesse his eldest son in pledge at my table . Have I not the Queen at my owne devotion ( he meant of the mother Mary that now 1566 raigns ) Is not France my friend , and I am friend to France ? What danger should I feare ? And thus in vanity the carnall Cardinall delighted himself a little before his death . But yet he had devised to have cut off such as he thought might trouble him : For he had appointed the whole Gentlemen of Fyfe to have met him at Falkland the Munday ; but he was slain upon the Saturday before . His treasonable purpose was not understood , and it was this ; That Norman Lesley , Sheriff of Fyfe , and apparent heir to his Father the Earl of Rothes ▪ the foresaid Iohn Lesley , Father brother to Norman ; the Lairds of Grange , elder and younger ; Sir Iames Learmond of Darsie , and Provost of Saint Andrewes ; and the faithfull Laird of Raith , should either have been slain , or else taken , and after to have beene used at his pleasure . This enterprise was disclosed after his slaughter , partly by Letters and Memorialls found in his chamber , but plainly affirmed by such as were of the counsell . Many purposes were devised , how that wicked man might have been taken away ; But all faileth , till Friday the twenty eighth of May , anno 1546. when the aforesaid Norman came at night to Saint Andrewes , William Kirkaldie of Grange younger , was in the Towne before , waiting upon the purpose . Last came Iohn Lesley as aforesaid , who was most suspected : What conclusion they took that night , it was not knowne , but by the issue that followed . But early upon the Saturday in the morning , the 29 of May , were they in sundry Companies in the Abbey Church-yard , not far distant from the Castle : First , the Gates being open , and the draw-Bridge letten downe , for receiving of Lime and Stones , and other things necessary for building ( for Babilon was almost finished ) First , we say , assayed William Kirkcaldie of Grange younger , and with him six persons , and getting entry , held purpose with the Porter , If my Lord was walking ; who answered , No : ( and so it was indeed , for he had been busie at his compts with Mistris Marion Ogilbie that night , who was espied to depart from him by the privie Posterne that morning ; and therefore quietnesse , after the rules of Physick , and a morning sleep , was requisite ( for my Lord. ) While the said William and the Porter talketh , and his servants made them to look the work and workmen , approached Norman Lesley with his company ; and because they were in great number , they easily gat entrie . They addresse to the midst of the Court : and immediately came Iohn Lesley , somewhat rudely , and four persons with him : The Porter fearing , would have drawne the Bridge ; but the said Iohn being entred thereon , stayed it , and leapt in ▪ And while the Porter made him for defence , his head wa● broken , the Keyes taken from him , and he cast into the ditch , and so the place was seized . The shout ariseth ; the work-men , to the number of more then a hundred , ran off the walls , and were without hurt put forth at the Wicket Gate . The first thing that ever was done , William Kirkaldie took the Guard of the privy Posterne , fearing lest the Fox should have escaped . Then go the rest of the Gentlemens Chambers , and without violence done to any man , they put more then fifty persons to the Gate : The number that enterprised and did this , was but sixteen persons . The Cardinall wakened with the shouts , asked from his window , What meant that noyse ? It was answered , That Norman Lesley had taken his Castle : Which understood , he ran to the Posterne ; but perceiving the passage to be kept without , he returned quickly to his Chamber , took his two handed sword , and caused his Chamberlain to cast Chests and other impediments to the doore . In this mean time came Iohn Lesley unto it , and bids open . The Cardinall asking , Who calls ; he answered , My name is Lesley . He demanded , Is that Norman ? The other saith , Nay , my name is Iohn . I will have Norman , saith the Cardinall , for he is my friend . Content your self with such as are here , for other you shall have none . There were with the said Iohn , Iames Melvene , a man familiarly acquainted with Master George Wischarde , and Peter Carmichaelle , a stout Gentleman . In this mean time , while they force at the door , the Cardinall hides a box of gold under coales that were laid in a secret corner . At length he asketh , Will ye save my life ? The said Iohn answered , It may be that we will. Nay ( saith the Cardinall ) Swear unto me by Gods wounds , and I will open you . Then answered the said Iohn , It that was said , is unsaid ; and so cryed ; Fire , fire , ( for the doore was very strong ) and so was brought a chimley full of burning coales , which perceived , the Cardinall or his Chamberlain ( it is uncertain ) opened the doore , and the Cardinall sat down in a chaire , and cryed , I am a Priest , I am a Priest , ye will not slay me . The said Iohn Leslie ( according to his former Vows ) stroke him first once or twice , and so did the said Peter . But Iames Melvin ( a man of nature most gentle and most modest ) perceiving them both in choler , withdrew them , and said , This work and judgement of God ( although it be secret ) ought to be done with greater gravity . And presenting unto him the point of the sword , said , Repent thee of thy former wicked life , but especially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God M. George Wischarde , which albeit the flame of fire consumed before men , yet cries it for vengeance upon thee , and we from God are sent to revenge it . For here before my God , I protest , That neither the hatred of thy person , the love of thy riches , nor the fear of any trouble thou couldst have done to me in particular , moved , or moveth me to strike thee ; But onely because thou hast been , and remainest an obstinate enemy against Christ Iesus and his holy Gospel . And so he stroke him twice or thrice thorow with a stog sword : And so he fell , never word heard out of his mouth , but I am a Priest , fie , fie , all is gone . While they were thus busied with the Cardinall , the fray rose in the Town , the Provost assembles the Commonalty , and comes to the house side , crying , What have ye done with my Lord Cardinall ? Where is my Lord Cardinall ? Have ye slain my Lord Cardinall ? They that were within answered gentlely ; Best it were for you to return to your own houses , for the man ye call the Cardinall hath received his reward , and in his own person will trouble the world no more . But then more inragedly they cry , We shall never depart till that we see him . And so was he brought to the East block-house head , and shewed dead over the wall , to the faithlesse multitude , which would not beleeve before they saw , and so they departed without Requiem aeternam , & requiescat in pace , sung for his soule . Now because the weather was hot ( for it was in May , as ye have heard ) and his funerals could not suddenly be prepared , it was thought best to keep him from stinking to give him great salt enough , a cope of lead , and a corner in the bottom of the sea Tower ( a place where many of Gods children had been imprisoned before ) to await what exequies his brethren the Bishops would prepare for him . These things we write merrily , but we would that the Reader should observe Gods just judgements , and how that he can deprehend the worldly wise in their own wisdom , make their table to be a snare to trap their own feet , and their own purposed strength to be their own destruction . These are the works of our God , whereby he would admonish the tyrants of this earth , that in the end he will be revenged of their crueltie , what strength soever they make in the contrary . But such is the blindnesse of man ( as David saith ) that the posterity doth ever follow the footsteps of their wicked fathers , and principally in their impiety . For how little differs the cruelty of that bastard , that yet is called Bishop of S. Andrews , from the cruelty of the former we will after heare . The death of this aforesaid Tyrant , as it was pleasing to some , to wit , to those who had received the Reformation of Religion , for they were mightily afraid of him ▪ and also to sundry Romanists whom he kept under as slaves ; so on the other side it was dolorous to the Priests , dolorous to the Governour , dolorous to the Queene Dowager : for in him perished faithfulnesse to France , and the comfort to all Gentle-women , and especially to wanton widows : His death must be revenged . To the Court again repaires the Earle of Angus , and his brother Sir George ; labour is made for the Abbacie of Arbroth , and a grant was once made of the same ( in memory whereof George Dowglas , bastard sonne to the said Earle , is yet called Postulant . ) But it was more proper ( think the Hamiltons ) for the Governours itching , then for reward to the Dowglasses ; And yet in hope thereof , the said Earle , and Sir George his brother , were the first that voted , that the Castle of S. Andrews should be besieged : Divers Gentlemen of Fyfe went into the Castle , and abode there with the Leslies during the first siege ; and Iohn Rough was Preacher to them . The Bishop , to declare the zeale that he had to revenge the death of him that was his predecessour ( and for his riches he would not have had him living againe ) still blew the coles . And first he made summons , then he denounced accursed , at last rebels , not onely the first enterprisers , but all such also as after did accompany them . And last of all a siege was concluded , which began in the end of August ( for the 23 day thereof departed the Souldiers from Edinburgh ) and continued neer to the end of January . At what time , because they had no other hope of winning of it , but by hunger , and thereof also they despaired , for they within had broken through the East wall , and made a plaine passage by an iron gate to the sea , which greatly relieved the besieged , and abased the besiegers ; for then they saw that they could not stop them of victuals , unlesse that they should be masters of the sea , and that they clearly understood they could not be ; for the English Ships had once been there , and had brought William Kirkcaldie from London , and with much difficultie ( because the said gate was not then prepared ) and some losse of men , had rendered him to the Castle againe ; and had taken with them to the Court of England , Iohn Leslie , and Master Henry Balnaves , for perfecting of all Contracts betwixt them and the King Henry , who promised to take them into his protection , upon condition onely that they should keep the Governours son , my Lord of Arrane , and stand friends to the Contract of Marriage , whereof before we have made mention . These things clearly understood ( we say ) by the Governour and his Counsell , the Priests and the shaven sort ; they concluded to make an appointment , to the end , that under Truce , they might either get the Castle betrayed , or else some principall men of the company taken at unawares . In which dressing was the Abbot of Dunfermeling principall ; and for that purpose had the Laird of Monquhanie ( who was most familiar with those of the Castle ) laboured with foot and hand , and proceeded so in his traffique , that from entring in day light , at his pleasure , he gat licence to come in in the night , whensoever it pleased him . But God had not appointed so many to be betrayed , albeit that he would that they should be punished , and that justly , as hereafter we shall heare . The Heads of the coloured appointment were ; 1. That they should keep the Castle of S. Andrews still , while that the Governour and the authority of Scotland should get unto them a sufficient absolution from the Pope Antichrist of Rome , for the slaughter of the Cardinall aforesaid . 2. That they should deliver pledges for the deliverie of that house , as soone as the aforesaid absolution was delivered unto them . 3. That they , their friends , familiars and servants , and others to them pertaining , should never be pursued in Law , by authority , for the slaughter aforesaid . But that they should enjoy commodities , spirituall or temporall , whatsoever they possessed before the said slaughter , even as if it had never beene committed . That they of the Castle should keep the Earle of Arran so long as their Pledges were kept . And such like Articles liberall enough , for they never minded to keep word of them , as the issue did declare . Iohn Rough left the Castle , seeing he could do little good upon those that were within , so addicted were they to their evil wayes ; he went into England to Preach Gods Word there . The appointment made , all the godly were glad , for some hope they had that thereby Gods Word should somewhat bud , as indeed so it did : For Iohn Rough ( who soon after the Cardinals slaughter entred within the Castle and had continued in it during the whole siege ) having left the Castle , because he could do little good upon those that were with him ; so addicted were they to their evil wayes , began to Preach in the city of S. Andrews . And albeit he was not the most learned , yet was his doctrine without corruption , and therefore well liked of the people . At the Easter after Anno 1547. came to the Castle of S. Andrews , Iohn Knox , who wearied of removing from place to place , by reason of the persecution that came upon him by the Bishop of S. Andrews , was determined to have left Scotland , and to have visited the Schools of Germany ( of England then he had no pleasure , by reason that although the Popes name was suppressed , yet his laws & corruptions remained in full vigor . ) But because he had the care of some Gentlemens children , whom certain yeers he had nourished in godlinesse . Their father 's solicited him to go to S. Andrews , that himselfe might have the benefit of the Castle , and their children the benefit of his Doctrine . And so ( we say ) came he the time aforesaid to the said place ; and having in his company Francis Dowglas of Langnidrie , George his brother , and Alexander Cokburne , eldest son then to the Laird of Ormeston , began to exercise them , after his accustomed manner . Besides the Grammar and other books of humane Learning , he read unto them a Catechisme , account whereof he caused them give publikely in the Parish Church of S. Andrews . He read moreover unto them the Gospel of Iohn , proceeding where he left at his departure from Langnidrie , where before his residence was , and that Lecture he read in the Chappell within the Castle at a certain houre . They of the place , but specially M. Hen. Balnaves & Iohn Rough Preacher , perceiving the manner of his Doctrine , began earnestly to travell with him , that he would take the Function of Preacher upon him : but he refused , alleadging that he would not run where God had not called him , meaning , that he would do nothing without a lawfull vocation . Whereupon they privily amongst themselves advising , having with them in counsel Sir David Lindsay of the Mount * , they concluded that they would give a charge to the said Iohn , and that publikely , by the mouth of the Preacher . And so upon a certain day , a Sermon of the Eelection of Ministers , what power the Congregation ( how small soever that it was , passing the number of two or three ) had above any man , namely , in the time of need , as that was , in whom they supposed , and espied the gifts of God to be ; and how dangerous it was to refuse , and not to heare the voyce of such as desire to be instructed . These & other heads ( we say ) declared the said Iohn Rough Preacher , directed by his words to the said Iohn Knox , saying , Brother , ye shall not be offended , albeit that I speak unto you that which I have in charge even from all those that are here present , which is this : In the Name of God , and of his Son Iesus Christ , and in the name of these that presently call you by my mouth , I charge you that ye refuse not this holy Vocation , but as ye tender the glory of God , the encrease of Christs Kingdom , The edification of your Brethren , and the comfort of me , whom ye understand well enough to be oppressed by the multitude of labours , That ye take upon you the publike office and Charge of Preaching , even as ye looke to avoyd Gods heavy displeasure , and desire that he shall multiply his Graces upon you . And in the end he said to those that were present , Was not this your Charge to me ? And do ye not approve this Vocation ? They answered , It is , and we approve it . Whereat the said M. Iohn abashed , burst forth in most abundant tears , and withdrew himself to his Chamber : His countenance and behaviour , from that day , till the day that he was compelled to present himself to the publike place of Preaching , did sufficiently declare the grief and trouble of his heart ; for no man saw any signe of mirth of him , neither yet had he pleasure to accompany any man , for many dayes together . The necessity that caused him to enter in the publike Place , besides the Vocation aforesaid , was Dean Iohn Annan ( a rotten Papist ) had long troubled Iohn Rough in his Preaching . The said Iohn Knox had fortified the Doctrine of the Preacher by his Pen , and had beaten the said Dean Iohn from all defences , that he was compelled to flie to his last refuge ; that is , To the authority of the Church , which Authority , said he , damned all Lutherans and Heretickes , and therefore he needed no further disputation . Iohn Knox answered , Before we hold our selves , or that ye can prove us sufficiently convinced , we must define the Church by the right notes given to us in Gods Scripture , of the true Church : we must discerne the Immaculate Spouse of Iesus Christ , from the mother of Confusion , Spirituall Babilon ; lest that imprudently we embrace a Harlot , instead of the chaste Spouse ; yea , to speake it in plain words , Lest that we submit our selves to Sathan , thinking that we submit our selves to Iesus Christ : For as for your Romane Church , as it is now corrupted , and the Authority thereof , wherein stands the hope of your Victory , I no more doubt but that it is the Synagogue of Sathan ; and the Head thereof , called the Pope , to be that man of Sin of whom the Apostle speaketh , then that I doubt that JESUS CHRIST suffered by the procurement of the visible Church of Jerusalem . Yea , I offer my self by word or writing , to prove the Romane Church this day farther to degenerate from the purity which was in the dayes of the Apostles , then was the Church of the Iewes from the Ordinance given by Moses , when they consented to the innocent death of JESUS CHRIST . These words were spoken in the open audience of the Parish Church of Saint Andrewes , after the said Dean Iohn had spoken what it pleased him , and had refused to dispute . The people hearing the offer , cryed with one consent , We cannot all reade your writings , but we can all hear your Preaching : Therefore we require you in the Name of God , That ye let us heare the approbation of that which ye have affirmed : For if it be true , we have beene miserably deceived . And so the next Sunday was appointed to the said Iohn , to expresse his minde in the publike Preaching place : Which day approaching , the said Iohn took the Text written in Daniel , the seventh Chapter , beginning thus ; And another King shall rise after them , and he shall be unlike unto the first , and he shall subdue three Kings , and shall speak words against the most High , and shall consume the Saints of the most High , and thinke that he can change Times and Lawes : And they shall be given unto his hands untill a time , and times , and dividing of times , &c. In the beginning of his Sermon , he shewed the great love of God towards his Church , whom he pleased to forewarne of dangers to come , so many yeers before they come to passe . He briefly treated of the state of the Israelites , who then were in bondage in Babylon , for the most part , and made a short discourse of the four Empires , The Babylonian , The Persian , That of the Greekes , And the fourth of the Romanes ; in the destruction whereof , rose up that last Beast , which he affirmed to be the Romane Church ; for to none other power that ever hath yet beene , do all the notes that God hath shewed to the Prophet appertain , except to it alone ; And unto it they do so properly appertaine , that such as are not more then blinde , may cleerly see them . But before he began to open the corruptions of Papistrie , he defined the true Church , shewed the true notes of it , whereupon it was built , why it was the Pillar of Verity , and why it could not erre ; to wit , Because it heard the voyce of the onely Pastor , JESUS CHRIST , would not heare a stranger , neither would be carried with every winde of Doctrine . Every one of these heads sufficiently declared , he entred to the contrary ; and upon the notes given in his Text , he shewed that the Spirit of God in the new Testament gave to this King other new names ; to wit , The man of sin , The Antichrist , The Whore of Babilon . He shewed , That this man of sin , or Antichrist , was not to be restrained to the person of any one man onely , no more then by the fourth Beast , was to be understood the person of any one Emperour . But by such names the Spirit of God would forewarne his chosen of a body and a multitude , having a wicked head , which should not onely be sinfull himself , but also should be occasion of sin , to all that should be subject unto him ( as Christ Jesus is the cause of Justice to all the Members of his Body ) and is called the Antichrist , that is to say , One contrary to Christ , because that he is contrary to him in Life , Doctrine , Lawes , and Subjects . And there began to decipher the lives of divers Popes , and the lives of all the Shavelings for the most part : Their Doctrine and Lawes , he plainly proved to repugne directly to the Doctrine and Lawes of God the Father , and of Christ Jesus his Son. This he proved by conferring the Doctrine of Justification expressed in the Scriptures , which teach that man is justified by Faith onely ; That the blood of Iesus Christ purgeth us from all our sinnes . And the Doctrine of the Papists , which attribute Justification to the works of the Law , yea , to the works of mens inventions , as Pilgrimage ▪ Pardons , and other such baggage . That the Papisticall lawes repugned to the Lawes of the Gospel , he proved , by the Lawes made of observation of dayes , abstaining from meats , and from Marriage , which Christ Jesus made free ; and the forbidding whereof , Saint Paul calleth the doctrine of devils . In handling the notes of that Beast given in the Text , he willed men to consider if these notes ( There shall another rise , unlike to the other , having a mouth speaking great things and blasphemous ) could be applyed unto any other , but to the Pope , and his kingdome : For if these ( said he ) be not great words and blasphemous , The Head of the Church , most holy , most blessed , that cannot erre ; That can make right of wrong , and wrong of right ; That of nothing can make somewhat ; And that had all verity in the Shrine of his brest ; yea , That had power of all , and none power of him . Nay , not to say , That he doth wrong , although he draw ten thousand Millions of souls with himself to hell . If these ( said he ) and many other , easie to be showne in his own Cannon-Law , be not great and blasphemous words , and such as never mortall men spake before , let the world judge . And yet ( said he ) is there one most evident of all , to wit , Iohn in his Revelation sayes , That the Merchandise of that Babylonian Harlot , among other things , shall be the bodies and souls of men . Now let very Papists themselves judge , If any before them , took upon them power to relax the pains of them that were in Purgatory , as they affirme to the people that daily they do , by the merits of their Masse , and of their other trifles . In the end he said , If any here ( and there were present Master Iohn Maire , the University , the Sub-Prior , and many Cannons , with some Friers of both the Orders ) that will say , That I have alleadged Scripture , Doctor , or History , otherwise then it is written , let them come unto me with sufficient witnesse , and by conference I shall let them see , not onely the Originall where my Testimonies are written , but I shall prove , That the Writers meant as I have spoken . Of this Sermon , which was the first that ever Iohn Knox made in publike , was divers brutes : Some said , He not onely hewes the branches of Papistry , but he strikes at the root also , to destroy the whole . Others said , If the Doctors , and Magistri nostri , defend not now the Pope and his Authority , which in their own presence is so manifestly impugned , the devill may have my part of him , and of his Lawes both . Others said , Master George Wischarde spake never so plainly , and yet he was burnt , even so will he be . In the end others said , The Tyranny of the Cardinall made not his cause the better , neither yet the suffering of Gods servant made his cause the worse . And therefore we would counsell you and them to provide better defences then fire and sword ; for it may be that else ye will be disappointed ; men now have other eyes then they had then . This answer gave the Laird of Nydrie , a man fervent and upright in Religion . The bastard Bishop , who yet was not execrated ( consecrated the Sub-Prior of S. Andrews , who ( Sede vacante ) was Vicar Generall , That he wondered that he suffered such Hereticall and Schismaticall Doctrine to be taught , and not to oppose himselfe to the same . Upon this rebuke , was a convention of gray-Friers , and black-Fiends appointed , with the said Sub-Prior Deane Iohn Winrame , in S. Leonards Yard , whereunto was first called Iohn Rough , and certain Articles read to him . And thereafter was Iohn Knox called for . The cause of their convention , and why that they were called , is expounded . And the Articles were read , which were these . 1. No mortall man can be the head of the Church . 2. The Pope is an Antichrist , and so is no member of Christs mysticall body . 3. Man may neither make nor devise a Religion that is acceptable to God , but man is bound to observe and keep the Religion that from God is received , without chopping or changing thereof . 4. The Sacraments of the New Testament , ought to be ministred as they were instituted by Christ Iesus , and practised by his Apostles , nothing ought to be added unto them , nothing ought to be diminished from them . 5. The Masse is abominable Idolatry , blasphemous to the death of Christ , and a prophanation of the Lords Supper . 6. There is no Purgatory , in the which the soules of men can either be pined or purged after this life . But heaven resteth to the faithfull , and hell to the reprobate and unfaithfull . 7. Praying for the dead is vain , and to the dead is Idolatry . 8. There is no Bishop , except he Preach even by himselfe , without any Substitute . 9. The Tythes by Gods Law do not appertain of necessity to the Church-men . The strangenesse ( said the Sub-Prior ) of these Articles which are gathered forth of your Doctrine have moved us to call for you , to hear your own answers . Iohn Knox said , I for my part praise my God , that I see so honourable , and apparantly so modest and quiet an Auditory : But because it is long since that I have heard , that ye are one that is not ignorant of the Trueth , I may crave of you in the Name of God , yea , and I appeal your conscience , before that supreme Judge ; That if ye think any Article there expressed , contrary unto the Truth of God , That ye oppose your self plainely unto it , and suffer not the people to be therewith deceived . But on the other side , if in your conscience ye know the Doctrine to be true , then will I crave your Patrocinie thereto ; That by your authority the people may be moved the rather to beleeve the Truth , whereof many doubts , by reason of your thoughts . The Sub-Prior answered , I came not here as a Judge , but onely familiarly to talke , and therefore I will neither allow nor condemne . But if ye list , I will reason . The Sub-Prior . Why may not the Church ( said he ) for good causes devise Ceremonies to decore the Sacraments , and other Gods Service . Iohn Knox. Because the Church ought to do nothing , but in Faith , and ought not to go before , but is bound to follow the voice of the true Pastor . The Sub-Prior . It is in Faith that the Ceremonies are commanded , and they have proper significations to help our Faith , as the hards in Baptisme signifie the roughnesse of the Law , and the oyle the softnesse of Gods mercy ; and likewise every one of the Ceremonies hath a godly signification , and therefore they both proceed from Faith , and are done in Faith. Iohn Knox. It is not enough that man invent a Ceremony , and then give it a signification according to his pleasure . For so might the Ceremonies of the Gentiles , and this day the Ceremonies of Mahomet be maintained . But if that any thing proceed from Faith , it must have the Word of God for its assurance . For ye are not ignorant ; That Faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the Word of God. Now if that ye will prove that your Ceremonies proceed from Faith , and do please God , ye must prove that God in expresse words hath commanded them . Or else shall you never prove that they proceed from Faith , nor yet that they please God ; but that they are sinne , and do displease him , according to the words of the Apostle , Whatsoever is not of Faith is sinne . The Sub-Prior . Will ye binde us so straight , that we may do nothing without the expresse Word of God. What and I ask drink , Think ye that I sinne ? and yet I have not Gods Word for me . This answer gave he as might appear to shift over the Argument upon the Frier , as that he did . Iohn Knox. I would ye should not jest in so grave a matter , neither would I that ye should begin to hide the Trueth with Sophistrie , and if ye do , I will defend it the best that I can . And first to your drinking , I say , that if ye either eat or drink without assurance of Gods Word , that in so doing ye displease God , and sinne in your very eating and drinking . For saith not the Apostle ( speaking even of meat and drink ) That the creatures are sanctified unto men , even by word and prayer . The word is this , All things are cleane to the cleane . Now let me hear this much of your Ceremonies , and I shall give you the Argument , but I wonder that they compare things prophane and holy things so indiscreetly together . The Question was not , nor is not of meat or drink , whereinto the Kingdom of God consisteth not . But the Question is of Gods true worshipping , without the which we can have no societie with God. And here it is doubted , if we may take the same freedom in the using of Christs Sacraments , that we may do in eating and drinking . One meat I may eat , another I may refuse , and that without scruple of conscience . I may change one with another , even as oft as I please . Whether may we cast away what we please , and retaine what we please ? If I be well remembred , Moses in the Name of God saith to the people of Israel ; All that the Lord thy God commandeth thee to do , that do thou to the Lord thy God , adde nothing to it , diminish nothing from it . By these rules think I that the Church of Christ will measure Gods Religion , and not by that which seems good in their own eyes . The Sub-Prior . Forgive me , I spake it but in mowes , and I was dry . And now father ( said he , to the Frier ) follow the argument , ye have heard what I have said , and what is answered to me againe . Arbugkill gray-Frier . I shall prove plainely that Ceremonies are ordained by God. Iohn Knox. Such as God hath ordained we allow , and with reverence we use them . But the question is of those that God hath ordained , such as in Baptisme , are spittle , salt , candle , ( except it be to keep the barne from the cold ) hardes , oyle , and the rest of the Papisticall inventions . Arbugkill . I will even prove those that ye damne to be ordained of God. Iohn Knox. The Proofe thereof I would gladly hear . Arbugkill . Saith not Saint Paul , that another foundation then Jesus Christ , may no man lay . But upon this foundation , Some build gold , silver , and precious stones , some hay , stubble , and wood . The gold , silver , and the precious stones are the Ceremonies of the Church , which do abide the fire , and consumeth not away , &c. This place of Scripture is most plaine , sayeth the foolish fiend . Iohn Knox. I praise my God through Jesus Christ , for I finde his promise sure , true , and stable . Christ Jesus bids us not fear when we shall be called before men to give confession of his Trueth , for he promiseth that it shall be given unto us in that houre what we shall speak . If I had sought the whole Scriptures , I could not have produced a place more proper for my purpose , nor more potent to confound you . Now to your Argument . The Ceremonies of the Church ( say ye ) are gold , silver , and precious stones , because they are able to abide the fire . But I would learne of you , What fire is it which your Ceremonies do abide ? And in the mean time , while ye be advised to answer , I will shew my minde , and make an Argument against yours , upon the same Text. And first , I say , that I have heard this Text adduced for a proofe of Purgatory , but for defence of Ceremonies , I never heard nor yet read it . But omitting whether ye understand the minde of the Apostle or not ; I make my Argument and say : That which can abide the fire , can abide the Word of God ; But your Ceremonies cannot abide the Word of God. Ergo , They cannot abide the fire . And if they may not abide the fire , then are they not gold , silver , nor precious stones . Now if ye finde any ambiguity in this terme Fire , which I interpret to be the Word , finde ye me another fire , by the which things builded upon Jesus Christ should be tried , then God and his Word , which both in the Scriptures are called fire ; and I shall correct mine Argument . Arbugkill . I stand not thereupon , but I deny your Minor ; to wit , That our Ceremonies may not abide the triall of Gods Word . Iohn Knox. I prove , That abides not the triall of Gods Word , which Gods Word . condemnes : But Gods Word condemnes your Ceremonies ; Therefore they do not abide the triall thereof . But as a thief abides the triall of the Inquest , and thereby is condemned to be hanged , even so may your Ceremonies abide the triall of Gods Word , but not else . And now in few words to make plain that wherein ye may seem to doubt , to wit , that Gods Word damnes your Ceremonies , it is evident : For the plain and strait Commandment is , Not that thing that appears good in thine eyes shalt thou do to the Lord thy God but what the Lord thy God hath commanded thee , that do thou ; adde nothing to it , diminish nothing from it . Now unlesse that ye be able to prove that God hath commanded your Ceremonies , this his former Commandment will damne both you and them . The Frier somewhat abashed what first to answer , while he wanders about in the mist , he falls in a foule mire . For alleadging that we may not be so bound to the Word , he affirmed , That the Apostles had not received the Holy Ghost when they did write their Epistles , but after they received him , and then they ordained Ceremonies ( few would have thought that so learned a man would have given so foolish an answer , & yet it is even as true as he did bear a gray Coull ) Iohn Knox , hearing the answer , start , and said , If that be true , I have long been in an errour , and I think I shall die therein . The Sub-Prior said to him , Father , What say ye ? God forbid that ye affirme that ; for then farewell the ground of our faith . The Frier astonied , made the best shift that he could to correct his fault , but it would not be . Iohn Knox brought him oft again to the ground of the Argument . But he would never answer directly , but ever fled to the authority of the Church : whereto the said Iohn answered ofter then once , That the Spouse of Christ had neither power nor authority against the Word of God. Then said the Frier , If so be , ye will leave us no Church . Indeed , said the other , in David I reade that there is a Church of the Malignants ; for he saith , Odi Ecclesiam malignantium : That Church ye may have without the Word , and doing many things directly fighting against the Word of God. Of that Church , if ye will be , I cannot hinder you . But as for me , I will be of none other Church , except of that which hath Iesus Christ to be Pastour , which hears his voice , and will not heare a stranger . In this Disputation many other things were merrily skoft over : For the Frier after his fall could speak nothing to any purpose . For Purgatorie , he had no better proofe but the authority of Virgil , in the sixth of his Aeneiads ; and the paines thereof to him was an Evil wife . Iohn Knox answered that , and many other things as he himself witnesseth , in a Treatise that he did write in the Gallies , containing the sum of his Doctrine , and the confession of his Faith , and sent it to his familiars in Scotland , with his exhortation , That they should continue in the Truth , which they had professed , notwithstanding any worldly adversity that might ensue thereof . Thus much of that disputation have we inserted here , to the intent that men may see how Satan ever travelleth to obscure the Light , and how God by his power working in his weak vessels , confounds the craft , and discloseth the darknesse of Satan . After this the Papists and Friers , had no great heart of further disputation or reasoning , but invented another shift , which appeared to proceed from godlinesse , and it was this : Every learned man in the Abbey , and in the Universitie should Preach in the Parish Church his Sunday about . The Sub-Prior began , followed the Officiall , called Spittall ( Sermons was penned ) to offend no man , followed all the rest in their ranks . And so Iohn Knox smelled out the craft , and in his Sermons which he made upon the Weeke-dayes , he prayed to God , that they should be as busie in Preaching , when there should be more want of it , then there was then . Alwayes ( said he ) I praise God that Christ Jesus is Preached , and nothing is said publikely against the Doctrine that ye have heard . If in my absence they shall speak any thing which in my presence they do not ; I protest that ye suspend your judgement , till that it please God ye hear me againe . God so assisted his weak Souldier , and so blessed his labours , that not onely all these of the Castle , but also a great number of the Town openly professed by participation of the Lords Table , in the same purity , that now it is ministred in the Churches of Scotland , with that same Doctrine that he had taught unto them . Amongst whom was he that now either rules , or else misrules Scotland , to wit , Sir Iames Balfour ( sometimes called M. Iames ) the chiefe and principall Protestant , that then was to be found within this Realm . This we write because that we have heard , that the said Master Iames alleadgeth , that he was never of this our Religion , but that he was brought up in Martin Luthers opinion of the Sacrament , and therefore he cannot communicate with us . But his own conscience , and two hundred witnesses besides , know that he lies , and that he was one of the chief ( if he had not been after his cups ) that would have given his life , if men might credit his words , for defence of the doctrine , that the said Iohn Knox taught . But albeit that those that never were of us ( as none of Monquhauneys house have shewed themselves to be ) depart from us , it is no great wonder . For it is proper and naturall , that the children follow the father , and let the godly beware of that race and progenie , by eschewing it . For if in them be either fear of God , or love of vertue , further then the present commoditie perswades them , men of judgement are deceived . But to return to our History . The Priests and Bishops enraged at all these proceedings that were in Saint Andrews , ran now upon the Governour , now upon the Queene , now upon the whole Counsell , and there might have been heard complaints and cryes ▪ What are we doing ? Shall we suffer this whole Realme to be infected with pernicious Doctrine ; fie upon you , and fie upon us . The Queen , and Monsieur d'Osell ( who then was a secretis mulierum in the Court ) comforted them , and willed them to be quiet , for they should see remedy or it were long . And so it proved indeed : For upon the nine and twentieth day of Iune , appeared in the sight of the Castle of Saint Andrewes , one and twenty French Galleys with a great Army , the like whereof was never seen in that Haven before . This treasonable means had the Governour , the Bishop , the Queen , and Monsieur d'Osell , under their appointment drawne . But to excuse their Treason , eight dayes before , they had presented an Absolution unto them , as sent from Rome , containing , after the aggravation of the crime , this clause , remittimꝰ irremissibile , that is , We remit the crime that cannot be remitted : Which considered by the worst of the company that was in the Castle , answer was given , That the Governour and Councell of the Realme had promised unto them a sufficient and assured absolution , which that appeareth not to be , and therefore they could not deliver the House , neither thought they that any reasonable man would require them so to do , considering that promise was not kept unto them . The next day after that the Gallies were arrived , they summoned the House : Which being denied ( because they knew then no Magistrates in Scotland ) they prepared for Siege ; and first they began to assault by Sea , and shot two days ; but thereof they neither got advantage nor honour , for they threw down the Slates of houses ; but neither slue man , nor did harme to any wall . But the Castle handled them so , that Sancta Barbara ( the Gunners goddesse ) helped them nothing , for they lost many of their Rowers , men chained in the Gallies , and some Souldiers both by Sea and Land. And farther , a Galley that approached neerer then the rest , was so beaten with the Cannon , and other Ordinance , that she was striken under water , and almost drowned , and so she had been , had not the rest given her succour in time , and drawn her to the west Sands , without the sho● of the Castle , and afterward to Dundie ; where they remained , till that the Governour , who then was at the Siege of Langhope , came unto them with the rest of the French Faction . The Siege by Sea and Land was laid about the Castle of S. Andrews the three and twentieth day of Iuly : The Trenches were cast , Ordnance was planted upon the Abbey Church , and upon Saint Salvators Colledge ( and yet was the Steeple thereof burnt ) and some upon the street that leads to the Castle , which so annoyed the Castle , that neither could they keep their Block-house , the Sea Tower head , nor the west wall ; for in all those places men were slain by great Ordnance : yea , they mounted the Ordnance so high upon the Abbey Church , that they might discover the ground of the court of the Castle in divers places . Moreover , within the Castle was the plague ( and divers therein died ) which more affrayed some that were therein , then did the externall force without . But Io. Knox was of another judgement ; for he ever said , That their corrupt life , having fallen into all kinde of licentiousnesse , puft up with pride of their successe , and relying upon England for help in case of need , could not escape the punishment of God ; and that was his continuall advertisement , from the time that he was called to Preach . When they triumphed of their Victory ( the first twenty dayes they had many prosperous chances ) he lamented , and ever said , They saw not what he saw : when they bragged of the force and thicknesse of their walls , he said they should be but egge-shells . When they vaunted , England will rescue us , he said , Ye shall not see them ; but ye shall be delivered into your enemies hands , and shall be carried into a strange Countrey . Upon the nine and twentieth of Iuly at night , was the Ordnance planted for the Battery thirteen Cannons , whereof four were Cannons Royall , called double Cannons , besides other Pieces . The Battery began at four of the clock in the morning ; and before ten hours of the day , the whole South quarter , betwixt the fore Tower , and the East Block-house , was made faltable . The lower Gallery was stopped , divers slain in it ; and the East Block-house was shot off from the place . Betwixt ten of the clock and eleven , there fell a shower of rain , that continued neer an hour , the like whereof had seldome been seen ; it was so vehement , that no man might abide without a house . The Cannons were left alone . Some within the Castle were of judgement , that men should have issued , and put all in the hands of God. But because that William Kirkcaldie was coming with the Prior of Cappua , who had the Commission of that Journey from the King of France , nothing was enterprised . And so appointment made , and the Castle rendered , upon Saturday the last of Iuly . The Heads of the Appointment were ; That the lives of all within the Castle should be saved , as well English as Scots , that they should be safely transported to France . And in case that upon conditions which by the King of France should offered unto them , they could not be content to remaine in service and freedome there , they should upon the King of France his expences be safely conveyed to what Countrey they would , other then Scotland . With the Governour they would have nothing ado , neither with any Scottish-man , for they had all trayterously betrayed them ( which , said the Laird of Grange elder , a man simple , and of most stout courage , I am assured God shall revenge it or it be long . ) The Galleys well furnished with the spoile of the Castle aforesaid , after certain dayes returned to France , and escaped a great danger ( for upon the back of the Sands they all chocked ) they arrived at Felcam in November , and thereafter passed up the water of Sequane , and lay before Roan , where the principall Gentlemen who looked for freedome , were dispersed , and put in sundry prisons ; the rest were left in the Galleyes , and there miserably use . Amongst whom , the foresaid Master Iames Balfour was , with his two brethren , David and Gilbert ; which we write , because that we heare that the said Master Iames , principall misguider now of Scotland , denies that he had any thing to do with the Castle of Saint Andrewes , or yet that ever he was in the Galleys : among others , Iohn Knox was in the Galleys all the Winter . Then was the joy of the Papists , both of Scotland and of France , even in full perfection ; for this was their song of triumph : Priests content you now , Priests content you now , For Norman and his company have fill'd the Gallies fow . The Pope wrote Letters to the King of France , and so did he to the Governour of Scotland , thanking him heartily for taking pains to revenge the death of his kinde creature the Cardinall of Scotland , desiring them to continue in their begun severity , that such things thereafter should not be attempted . So were all those that were deprehended in the Castle , condemned to perpetuall prison : And the ungodly judged , That after this , Christ Jesus should never triumph in Scotland . On thing we cannot passe by : From Scotland was sent a famous Clerke ( laugh not Reader ) M. Iohn Hammilton of Milburne , with credit to the King of France , and unto the Cardinall of Loraine ( and yet he had neither French nor Latine , and some say his Scotish tongue was not very good . ) The sum of his Negotiation was , That those of the Castle should be sharply handled : In the which Suit he was heard with favour , and was dispatched from the Court of France with Letters , and great credit , which that famous Clerke forgate by the way . For passing up to the Mountaine of Dumbartane , before his letters were delivered , he brake his neck , and so God took away a proud ignorant enemy . But now to our History . These things against promise ( for Princes have no Fidelity further then for their owne advantage ) done at Roan , the Galleys departed to Nantes in Britanie . Where , upon the water of Lore , they lay the whole Winter . In Scotland that Summer was nothing but mirth , for all went with the Priests even at their own pleasure . The Castle of S. Andrewes was razed to the ground ; the Block-house thereof cast downe , and the walls round about demolished . Whether this was to fulfill their law , which commands that places where Cardinals are slain , so to be used ; or else for fear that England should have taken it , as after they did Brouchtie Rock , we remit to the judgement of such as were of counsell . This same yeer , in the beginning of September , entereth Scotland an Army of ten thousand men from England by Land , and some Ships with Ordnance come by Sea. The Governour and the Bishop hereof advertised , gathered together the Forces of Scotland , and assembled at Edinburgh . The Protector of England , with the Earle of Warwicke and their Army , remained at Praeston , and about Praeston Panes ; for they had certaine Offers to propose unto the Nobility of Scotland , concerning the promise before made by them , unto the which King Henry before his death gently required them to stand fast : And if they would so do , of him nor of his Realme they should have no trouble , but the helpe and the comfort that he could make them in all things lawfull . And hereupon there was a Letter directed to the Governour and Councell ; which coming to the hands of the Bishop of Saint Andrewes , he thought it could not be for his advantage that it should be divulgate ; and therefore by his craft it was suppressed . Upon the Friday the seventh of September , the English Army marched towards Leith , and the Scotish Army marched from Edinburgh to Ennernes . The whole Scotish Army was not assembled , and yet the skirmishing began ; for nothing was concluded but Victory , without stroke . The Protector , the Earle of Warwicke , the Lord Gray , and all the English Captaines were playing at the Dice . No men were stouter then the Priests and Channons with their shaven crowns , and black Jacks . The Earl of Warwick , and the Lord Gray , who had the chief charge of Horse-men , perceiving the Host to be molested with the Scotish Preachers , and knowing that the multitude were neither under order nor obedience ( for they were divided from the great Army ) sent forth certain Troops of Horse-men , and some of their Borderers , either to fetch them , or else to put them out of their sight , so that they might not annoy the Host. The Skirmish grew hot , and at length the Scotish-men gave back , and fled without gain turne : The chase continued far , both towards the East , and towards the West ; in the which many were slain , and he that now is Lord Home , was taken , which was the occasion that the Castle of Home was after surrendered to the English men . The losse of these men neither moved the Governour , nor yet the Bishop his bastard brother , bragging , That they would revenge the matter well enough upon the morrow ; for they had hands enow ( no word of God ) the English hereticks had no faces , they would not abide . Upon the Saturday the Armies of both sides past to Array . The English Army takes the middle part of Fawside hill , having their Ordnance planted before them , and having their Ships and two Galleys brought as neer the Land , as water would serve . The Scotish Army stood first in a reasonable strength , and good order , having betwixt them and the English Army the water of Esk ( otherwise called Mussylburgh water ) But at length a charge was given , in the Governours behalf , with sound of Trumpet , That all men should march forward , and go over the water . Some say that this was procured by the Abbot of Dunfermeling , and Master Hew Rig , for preservation of Carbarrie . Men of judgement liked not the journey ; for they thought it no wisedom to leave their strength . But commandment upon commandment , and charge upon charge was given , which urged them so , that unwillingly they obeyed . The Earle of Angus being in the Vant-guard , had in his company the Gentlemen of Fyfe , of Angus , Mearnes , and the Westland , with many others , that of love resorted unto him ; and especially those that were professors of the Gospel , for they supposed that England would not have made great pursuit of him . He passed first thorow the water , and arrayed his Host , direct before the enemies : Followed the Earle of Huntley , with his Northland men : Last come the Governour , having in his company the Earle of Argyle , with his own friends ; and the Body of the Realme . The English-men perceiving the danger ; and how that the Scotish-men intended to have taken the top of the hill , made to prevent the perill . The Lord Gray was commanded to give the charge with his men at Armes , which he did , albeit the hazard was very unlikely . For the Earle of Angus Host stood even as a wall , and received the first assaulters , upon the points of their Spears ( which were longer then those of the English-men ) so rudely , that fifty Horse and men of the first rank lay dead at once , without any hurt done to the Scottish Armie , except that the Spears of the former two Ranks were broken . Which Discomfiture received , the rest of the Horse-men fled , yea , some passed beyond Fawside Hill ; the Lord Gray himselfe was hurt in the mouth , and plainly denied to chage againe ; for he said , It was alike to run against a Wall. The Galleyes and the ships , and so did the ordnance , planted upon Myde-hill shoot terribly . But the ordnance of the Gallies shooting amongst the Scottish Army affraied them wonderously . And while that every man laboured to draw from the North , from whence the danger appeared , they begin to faile , and with that were the English foot-men marching forward : Albeit that some of their horse-men were upon the flight . The Earle of Angus army stood still , looking that either Huntly or the Governour should have recountred the next battell . But they had decreed that the favourers of England , and the Hereticks ( as the priests called them ) and the Englishmen should part it betwixt them for that day . The feare riseth , and at an instant , they which before were victors , and were not yet assaulted with any force ( except with ordnance , as is said ) cast from them their spears and fled : So that Gods power was so evidently seen , that in one moment , yea at one instant time , both the armies were fleeing . The shout came from the hill , from those that hoped no victory upon the English part . The shout rises ( we say ) They flee , they flee , but at the first it could not be beleeved , till at the last , it was clearly seene , that all had given back , and still began the cruell slaughter ( which was the greater , by reason of the late displeasure of the men of arms ) the chase and slaughter lasted till neer Edinburgh upon the one part , and toward Dalketh upon the other . The number of the slain upon the Scottish side , were judged nigh ten thousand men . The Earle of Huntly was taken and carried to London : But he relieved himselfe , being surety for many reasons , Honesty or unhonesty , we know not , but as the bruite was , he used policie with England . In that same time was slain the Master of Erskin , dearly beloved of the Queene : for whom she made great lamentation , and bare his death many dayes in minde . When the certaintie of the discomfiture came , she was in Edinburgh , abiding upon tidings . But with expedition she posted that same night to Sterlin with Monsieur Dosell , who was as fearfull as a Fox when his hole is smoaked . And thus did God take the second revenge upon the perjured Governour , with such as assisted him to defend an unjust quarrell . Albeit that many innocents fell amongst the middest of the wicked . The English armie came to Leyth , and their taking order with their prisoners and spoile , they returned with this victory ( which they looked not for ) to England . That Winter following was great hearships made upon all the borders of Scotland , Broughtie mountain was taken by the Englishmen , and besieged by the Governor , but still kept : And at it was slain Gawine , the best of the Hamiltons , and the ordnance left . Whereupon the Englishmen encouraged , began to fortifie upon the hill above Broughty house , which was called , The fort of Broughty , and was very noisome to Dundie , which it burnt and laid waste , and so did it the most part of Angus , which was not assured , and under friendship with them . The Lent following was Hadington fortified by the English men : The most part of Lothian , from Edinburgh East , was either assured or laid waste . This did God plague in every quarter . But men were blinde , and would not , nor could not consider the cause . The Lairdes Ormeston and Brunstone , were banished , and after sore assaulted , and so were all those of the Castle of S. Andrews . The sure knowledge of the troubles of Scotland coming to France , there was prepared a Navie and Army . The Navie was such as never was seen to come from France for the support of Scotland , for besides the Gallies , being twenty two in number , they had threescore great Ships , besides Victuallers . How soon so ever they took the plain seas , the red Lion of Scotland was displayed , and they holden as rebels unto France ( such policie is no falshood in Princes ) for good peace stood betwixt France and England . And the King of France approved nothing that they did . The chiefe men to whom the conducting of the Army was appointed , were Monsieur Dandelott , Monsieur de Termes , and Peter Strozi . In their journey they made some harship upon the coast of England , but it was not great . They arrived in Scotland in May , in the yeere of our Lord 1549. The Gallies did visit the Fort of Broughtie , but did no more at that time . Preparations were made for the siege of Hadington , but it was another thing , that they meant , as the issue declared . The whole body of the Realm assembled , the form of a Parliament was set to be holden there , to wit , in the Abbey of Hadington . The principall head was , the Marriage of the Princesse ( by the State before contracted to King Edward ) to the King of France , and of her present deliverie , by reason of the danger she stood in , by the invasion of the old enemies of England . Some were corrupted with buds , some deceived by flattering promise , and some for fear were compelled to consent ; for the French Souldiers were the officers of Arms in that Parliament . The Laird of Balcleuch , a bloody man , with many Gods-wounds , swore , They that would not consent , should do worse . The Governour got the Title of Duke of Chattelherauld , with the order of the Cockle , and a Pension of 12000. lib. turn . with a full discharge of all intermissions , with King Iames the fift his treasure and substance whatsoever , with possession of the Castle of Dumbartane , till that issue should be seen of the Queenes body . With these and other conditions stood he content to sell his Soveraigne out of his own hands , which in the end will be his destruction . God thereby punishing his former wickednesse ( if speedie repentance prevent not Gods judgements , which we heartily wish ) Huntly , Argyle , and Angus , were likewise made Knights of the Cockle ; and for that and other good deeds received , they sold also their part . Shortly none was found to resist that unjust demand . And so was she sold to go to France ; To the end , that in her youth , she should drink of that liquor that should remain with her all her life time for a plague to this Realm , and for her own ruine . And therefore albeit that now a fire cometh out of her , that consumes many , let no man wonder she is Gods hand , in his displeasure punishing our former ingratitude . Let men patiently abide Gods appointed time , and turn unto him with hearty repentance , then God will surely stop the fire that now comes from her , by sudden changing her heart to deal favourably with his people ; or else by taking her away , or by stopping her to go on in her cou●se by such meanes as he shall think meet in his wisdom , for he having all in his hand disposeth of all , and doth with all according to his own will , unto which we must not onely yeeld , but also be heartily pleased with it , since it is absolutely good , and both by Sacred and Prophane History we are taught to do so ; for in them we finde , That Princes have been raised up by his hands to punish his people ; But when they turned unto him with hearty repentance , he either turned the heart of the Prince to deal kindly with his people , or else did take him away , or at least did stop his violent course against his people . Of this , the examples are so frequent , that we spare to name them heere . But to returne to our Historie . This conclusion , That our Queene ( without further delay ) should be delivered to France . The siege continued , great shooting , but no assaulting , and yet they had fair occasion offered unto them . For the English-men approaching to the Town , for the comforting of the besieged , with powder , victuals , and men , lost an Army of six thousand men . Sir Robert Bowes was taken , and the most part of the borderers were taken or slain . And so might the Town justly have despaired of any further succour to have been looked for . But yet it held good for the stout courage and prudent government of Sir Iames Wolford General , who did so incourage the whole Captains and Souldiers , that they determined to die upon their walls . But from the time that the French-men had gotten the Bone , for the which the Dog barked , the pursuit of the Town was slow . The siege was raised , and the Queen she was conveyed by the west seas to France , with 4 Gallies & some Ships . And so the Cardinall of Loraine got her in his keeping , a morsell I assure you , meet for his own mouth . We omit many things that occurred in this time , as the sitting down of the Ship , called , The Cardinall ( the fairest Ship in France ) betwixt S. Colmes Inch and Cramond , without any occasion except negligence , for the day was faire and weather calme . But God would shew , that the Countrey of Scotland can beare no Cardinals . In this time also was there a Combat betwixt the Gallies and the English Ships . They shot frankely a while . An English Ship took fire , or else the Gallies had come short home , and as it was , they fled without mercy , till that they were above S. Colmes Inch. The Captaines left the Gallies , and took a Fort , made in the Inch , for their defence . But the English Ships made no pursuit ( except that they burnt the Cardinall , where she lay ) and so the Gallies and the Galley-men did both escape . Order was taken that the next September some Gallies should remain in Scotland , and that the rest should return to France , as they did all , except one that was taken by an English Ship , ( by an English Ship , onely we say ) as they were passing betwixt Dover and Calice . That winter remained Monsieur de Arfe in Scotland , with the bands of French-men . They fortified Enneresk , to stay the English that they should not invade Edinburgh and Leyth . Some skirmishes there were betwixt the one and the other , but no notable thing done , except that the French had almost taken Hadington ; The occasion whereof was this : The French-men thinking themselves more then masters in all parts of Scotland , and in Edinburgh principally , thought they could doe no wrong to no Scottish-man . For a certaine French-man delivered a Colvering to George Tod , Scottish-man , to be stocked , who bringing it thorow the street , another French-man claimed it , and would have taken it from the said George , but he resisted , alleadging that the French-man did wrong : Thus began parties to assemble , as well to the Scottish-man as to the French , so that two of the French-men were stricken down , and the rest chased from the Crosse to Nudris-winde-head . The Provost being in the street , apprehended two of the French , and was carrying them to the Tolbuith , but from Monsieur de Essies lodging , or close , issued forth French-men , to the number of threescore persons , with drawn swords , and resisted the said Provost . Then the Town assembling , repulsed them , till that they came to the nether Bow. And there Monsieur de la Chapelle , with the whole bands of French-men armed recountred the said Provost , and violently repulsed him ( for the Town was without weapons , for the most part ) and so made invasion upon all that they met . And first in the entrie of the Bow were slain David Kyrk , and David Barber ( being at the Provosts back ) and afterward was slain the said Provost himself , being Laird of Stanehouse , and Captain of the Castle , Iames Hamilton his son , William Chapman , M. William Stuart , William Purvesse , and a woman named Elizabeth Stuart . And thereafter tarried within the Town by force , from five of the clock till after seven at night , and then retired to the Cannon gate , as to their receptacle and refuge . The whole Town , yea the Governour and Nobility commoved at the unworthinesse of this bold attempt , craved justice upon the malefactours , or else they would take justice of the whole . The Queen craftily enough , Monsieur de Essie , and Monsieur Doseil , laboured for pacification , and promised , That unlesse the French-men by themselves alone , should do such an act as might recompence the wrong that they had done , that then they should not refuse , but that Justice should be executed to the rigour . These faire words pleased our fools , and so were the French bands the next night directed to Hadington , to the which they approched a little after midnight so secretly , that they were never espied till that the foremost were within the outer Court , and the whole Company in the Church-yard , not two paire of Buts length distant from the Town . The Souldiers English-men were all asleep except the watch , the which was slender ; and yet the shout arises , Bowes and Bils , Bowes and Bils ; which is signification of extreme defence , to avoide the present danger in all Towns of war. They affrighted arise , weapons that first came to hand serve for the need . One amongst many came to the East-gate , where lay two great peeces of Ordnance , and where the enemies were known to be , and cried to his fellows , that were at the gate making defence . Beware before , and so fires a great peece , and thereafter another , which God so conducted , that after them was no further pursuit made : for the Bullets redounded from the wall of the Frier-Church , to the wall of S. Katherines Chappell , which stood directly over it , and from the wall of the said Chappell to the said Church wall again , so oft , that there fell more then an hundred of the French at those two shots onely . They shot oft ; but the French retired with diligence , and returned to Edinburgh without harme done , except the destruction of some drinking Beere , which lay in the Sands , Chappell , and Church . And this was satisfaction more then enough , for the slaughter of the foresaid captain , and Provost , and for the slaughter of such as were slain with them . This was the beginning of the French fruits . This winter , in the time of Christmas , was the Castle of Hume recovered from the English , by the negligence of the Captain , named Dudley . This winter also did the Laird of Raith most innocently suffer , and after was forsalted , because that he wrote a Letter to his son Iohn Melvin , who then was in England , which was alleadged to have been found in the house of Ormeston ; but many suspected the pranks and craft of Ninian Cokburne , now called Captain Ninian , to whom the said Letter was delivered . But howsoever it was , the cruell beast the Bishop of S. Andrews , and the Abbot of Dunfermeling , ceased not , till that the head of that noble man was striken from him ; especially , because that he was known to be one that unfainedly favoured the Truth of Gods Word , and was a great friend to those that were in the Castle of S. Andrews , of whose deliverance , and of Gods wonderfull working with them during the time of their bondage , we will now speak , lest that in suppressing of so notable a work of God , we should justly be accused of ingratitude . First then , the principalls being put in severall houses , as before we have said , great labours were made to make them have a good opinion of the Masse : But chiefly , travell was taken upon Norman Leslie , the Laird of Grange , the Laird of Pitmillie , who were in the Castle of Scherisburgh , that they would come to Masse with the Captain : Who answered , That the Captain had commandment to keep their bodies , but he had no power to command their consciences . The Captain replyed , That he had power to command , and to compel them to go where he went. They answered , That to go to any lawfull place with him , they would not refuse : But to do any thing that was against their conscience , they would not , neither for him , nor yet for the King. The Captain said , Will ye not go to the Masse ? They answered , No ; and if ye compell us , yet we will displease you farther ; for we will use our selves there , that all those that are present shall know we despise it . These same answers ( and somewhat sharper ) William Kirkcaldie , Peter Carmichell , and such as were with them in Mount S. Michell , gave to their Captaine ; for they said , They would not onely heare Masse every day , but that they would help to say it , providing that they might sticke the Priests , or else they would not . M. Henry Balnaves , who was in the Castle of Roan , was most sharply assaulted of all ; for because he was judged learned ( as he was and is indeed ) therefore learned men were appointed to travell with him ; with whom he had many conflicts , but God so ever assisted him , that they departed confounded , and he by the power of Gods Spirit remained constant in the Truth , and professing of the same , without any wavering , or declining to Idolatry . In the prison he wrote a comfortable Treatise of Justification , and of the works and conversation of a man justified ; which is extant to this day . Those that were in the Gallies , were threatned with torments , if they would not give reverence to the Masse ( for at certain times the Masse was said in the Gallies , or else hard by upon the shore , in presence of the Forsaris ) but they could never make the poorest of that company to give reverence to that Idoll : yea , when upon the Saturday at night they sung their Salve Regina , all the Scotish men put on their caps , their hoods , or such things as they had to cover their heads ; & when that others were compelled to kisse a painted boord ( which they called nostre Dame ) they were not pressed after once ; for this was the chance . Soon after their arrivall at Nantes , their great salve was song , and a glorious painted Lady was brought in to be kissed , and amongst others was presented to one of the Scotish men then chained . He gently said , Trouble me not ; such a jewell is accursed , and therefore I will not touch it . The Patron and the Arguiser , with two Officers , having the chief charge of all such matters , said , Thou shalt handle it : and so they violently thrust to his face , and put it betwixt his hands . Who seeing the extremity , took the Idoll , and advisedly looking about him , he cast it into the River , and said , Let our Lady now save her selfe ; she is light enough , let her learne to swim . After that was no Scotish man urged with that Idolatry . These are things that appear to be of no great importance ; and yet if we do rightly consider , they expresse the same obedience that God requireth of his people Israel , when they should be carried to Babylon : for he gave charge unto them , When they should see the Babylonians worship their gods of gold , silver , metall , and wood , they should say , The gods that have not made heaven and earth , shall perish from the heaven , and out of the earth . That confession gave that whole number , during the time of their bondage , in the which would God they had continued in their freedome ; for then had not M. Iames Balfour been Official , neither yet born a Cope for the pleasure of the Bishop . But to proceed : The said M. Iames Balfour being in the Galley with Iohn Knox ; and being wonderous familiar with him , would oftentimes ask his judgement , If he thought that ever they should be delivered ? Whose answer was ever , from the day that they entred into the Gallies , That God would deliver them from that bondage , to his glory , even in this life . And lying betwixt Dundie and S. Andrews , the second time that the Gallies returned to Scotland , the said Iohn Knox being so extremely sick , that few hoped his life , the said Master Iames willed him to look to the Land , and asked if he knew it ? who answered , Yes , I know it well , for I see the Steeple of that place , where God in publike opened my mouth to his glory : And I am fully perswaded , how weake soever that I now appeare , that I shall not depart this life , till that my tongue shall glorifie his holy Name in the same place . This reported the said M. Iames , in the presence of many famous witnesses , many yeers before that ever the foresaid Iohn set his feet in Scotland this last time to Preach . William Kirkcaldie , then of Grange younger , Peter Carmichell , Robert and William Leslies , who were altogether in Mount S. Michell , wrote to Iohn Knox , asking counsell if they might with safe conscience break their prison ? Whose answer was , That if without the blood of any shed or spilt by them for their deliverance , they might set themselves at freedome , that they might safely do it : But to shed any mans blood for their freedom , thereto would he never consent . Adding further , That he was assured that God would deliver them , and the rest of that company , even in the eyes of the world , but not by such means as they looked for . That was by the force of friends , or by their other labours . By such means he affirmed , they should not be delivered , but that God would so work in in the deliverance of them , that the praise thereof should redound to his glory onely . He willeth therefore every one to take the occasion that God offered unto them . Providing that they did nothing against Gods expresse Commandment for deliverance of themselves . He was the more earnest in giving his counsell , because the old Laird of Grange and others repugned to their purpose ; fearing lest that the escaping of the others , should be an occasion of their worse entreatment . Whereunto the said Iohn answered , That such feare proceeded not from Gods Spirit , but only from a blinde love of thy self , and therefore that no good purpose was to be stayed , for things that were in the hands and power of God. And added , That in one instant , God delivered the whole company into the hands of unfaithfull men , but so would he not relieve them : But some would he deliver by one means , and at one time , and others must abide for a season upon his good pleasure . This counsell in the end was embraced , upon the Kings even , when French men commonly use to drinke liberally . The aforesaid four persons having the help and conducting of a boy of the house , bound all that were in the Castle , put them in sundry houses , locked the doors upon them , took the Keys from the Captain , and departed without harm done to the person of any , or without touching of any thing that appertained to the King , Captain , or the house . Great search was made thorow the whole Countrey for them . But it was Gods good pleasure so to conduct them , that they escaped the hands of the faithlesse , albeit it was with long travell , and great pain and poverty sustained ; for the French boy left them , and took with him the small money that they had : And so neither having money , nor knowledge of the Countrey . And farther , fearing that the boy should discover them ( as that in very deed he did ) they purposed to divide themselves , to change their garments , and to go in sundry parts . The two brethren , Will. and Rob. Leslie ( who now are become , the said Robert especially , enemies to Christ Jesus , and unto all vertue ) came to Roan ; Will. Kirkcaldie , and Peter Carmichell , in beggars garment came to Conquet ; and by the space of 12 or 13 weeks they travelled as poor Mariners , from Port to Port , till at length they gat a French Ship , landed in the West of Scotland , and from thence came to England , where they met before them the said Io. Knox , who that same Winter was delivered , and Alexander Clerk in his company . The said Iohn was first appointed Preacher to Barwick , then to Newcastle , last he was called to London , and to the South part of England , where he remained till the death of King Edward the sixt . When he left England , he then passed to Geneva , and there remained at his privy studie , till that he was called by the Congregation that then was assembled at Franckford , to be Preacher to them : which Vocation he obeyed ( albeit unwillingly ) at the commandment of that notable servant of God , Iohn Calvin : At Franckford he remained , till that some of the learned ( whose names we suppresse ) more given to unprofitable Ceremonies , then to sincerity of Religion began to quarrell with the said Iohn ; and because they despaired to prevail before the Magistrate there , for the establishing of their corruptions , they accused him of treason committed against the Emperour , and against their Soveraigne Queen Mary ; That in his Admonition to England he called the one little inferiour to Nero , and the other more cruell then Iesabell ; The Magistrate perceiving their malice , and fearing that the said Iohn should fall in the hands of his accusators , by one mean or by other gave advertisement secretly to him to depart their City , for they could not save him , if he were required by the Emperour , or by the Queen of England in the Emperours name . And so the said Iohn returned to Geneva , from thence to Diep , and thereafter to Scotland , as we shall after hear . The time and that Winter that the Gallies remained in Scotland , were delivered M. Iames Balfour his two brethren , David and Gilbert , Iohn Anchinlek , Iohn Sibald , Iohn Gray , William Gutrie , and Stevin Bell. The Gentlemen that remained in prisons , were by the procurement of the Queen Dowager to the Cardinall of Loraine , and to the King of France , set at liberty in the month of Iuly , anno 1550. who shortly thereafter were called to Scotland , their peace proclaimed , and they themselves restored to their lands , in despight of their enemies . And that was done in hatred of Duke Hamilton , because that then France began to have the Regiment of Scotland in their own hands . Howsoever it was , God made the hearts of their enemies to set them at liberty and freedom . There rested a number of common servants yet in the Gallies , who were all delivered upon the Contract of peace that was made betwixt France and England , after the taking of Bullen ; and so was the whole company set at liberty , none perishing ( no not before the world ) except Iames Melvin , who departed from the misery of this life in the Castle of Brest in Britaigne . This we write , to let the posteritie to come to understand how potently God wrought in preserving and delivering of those that had but a small knowledge of his truth , and for the love of the same hazarded all . That if either we now in our dayes having greater light , or our posteritie that shall follow us , shall see a fearfull dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety , or take upon them to punish the same otherwise then laws of men will permit : If we , say we , or they , shall see such left of men , yea , as it were despised and punished of God , yet let us not damne the persons , that punish vice ( and that for just cause ) nor yet despair but that the same God that dejects ( for causes unknown to us ) will raise up again the persons dejected to his glory & their comfort . And to let the world understand in plain terms what we mean , that great abuser of this Common-wealth , that pultron , and vile knave Davie , was justly punished the ninth of March , in the yeer of our Lord 1565. for abusing of the Common-wealth , and for his other villanies , which we lift not to expresse , by the counsell and hands of Iames Dowglas Earl of Mortoun , Patrick Lord Lindsay , and the Lord Ruthwen , with other assisters in the company , who all for their just act , and most worthy of all praise , are now unworthily left of all their brethren , and suffer the bitternes of banishment & exile But this is our hope in the mercies of our God , That this same blinde Generation whether it will or not , shall be compelled to see , That he will have respect to them that are injustly pursued , That he will pardon their former offences , That he will restore them to the liberty of their Country and Common-wealth again ; And that he will punish ( in despight of man ) the head and the taile , that now troubles the just , and maintaineth impiety . The head is known , the tail hath two branches . The temporall Lords that maintain such abominations as we see , & flattering counsellors of State , blasphemous Balfour , now called clerk of Register , Sinclare Dean of Lestarrig , and Bp. of Brechen , blinde of one eye in the body , but of both of his soul , upon whom God shortly after took vengeance . Leslie Preistesgate , Abbot of Londrosse , and Bishop of Rosse . Simon Preston , of Cragmillar , a right Epicurian : Whose end will be ere it be long according to their works . But now to return to our History . Hadington being kept , and much hearship done about in the Countrey ( for what the English-men destroyed not , that was consumed by the French ) God begins to fight for Scotland : For in the Town he sent a Plague so contagious , that with great difficultie could they have their dead buried . They were oft refreshed with new men , but all was in vain . Hunger and plague within , and the pursuit of the enemy with a campe volant lay about them , and intercepted all victuals ( except when they were brought by a Convoy from Barwick ) so constrained them that the Councel of England was conpelled in the spring time , to call their Forces from that place . And so spoiling and burning some part of the Town , they left it to be occupied to such as first should take possession , and those were the French-men , with a meane number of the ancient inhabitants , and so did God performe the words and threatnings of M. George Wischard , who said , That for that contempt of Gods Messenger , they should be visited with sword and fire , with pestilence , strangers and famine ; All which they found in such perfection , that to this day yet , that Town hath neither recovered the former beauty , nor yet men of such wisdom and ability , as then did inhabit it . Hereafter was Peace contracted betwixt France , England , and Scotland ; yea , a severall Peace was contracted betwixt Scotland and Flanders together with all the Easterlings . So that Scotland had peace with the world . But yet would their Bishops make War against God : For as soone as ever they got any quietnesse , they apprehended Adam Wallace , alias , Fian , a simple man without great learning , but one that was zealous in godlinesse , and of an upright life : He , with his wife Beatrice Levingstonne , frequented the company of the Lady Ormeston , for instruction of her children , during the trouble of her husband , who then was banished . This Bastard , called Bishop of S. Andrews , took the said Adam forth of the place of Wynton ( men supposed that they thought to have apprehended the Lairde ) and carried him to Edinburgh , where after certain dayes he was presented to judgement in the Church of the Blacke Theeves , alias , Friers , before Duke Hamilton , the Earle of Huntly , and divers others besides . The Bishops and their rabble , they began to accuse him ( Master Iohn Lawder was his accusator ) That he took upon him to Preach . He answered , That he never judged himselfe worthy of so excellent a vocation , and therefore he never took upon him to Preach ; but he would not deny , that sometimes at Table , and sometimes in some other privie places he would reade and had read the Scriptures , and had given such exhortation as God pleased to give to him , to such as pleased to heare him . Knave , quoth one , What have you to do to meddle with the Scripture ? I think , ( said he ) it is the dutie of every Christian , to seek the will of his God , and the assurance of his salvation where it is to be found , and that is within the Old and New Testament . What then ( said another ) shall we leave to the Bishops and Church-men for to do ? if every man shall be a babler upon the Bible . It becometh you ( said he ) to speak more reverently of God ; and of his blessed Word : if the Judge were uncorrupted he would punish you , for your blasphemie . But to your Question , I answer ; That albeit ye and I , and other five thousand within this Realm should read the Bible , and speak of it , what God should give us to speak , yet left we more to the Bishops to do , then either they will do , or can do . For we leave to them publike●y to Preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ , and to feed the flock , which he hath redeemed by his own blood , and hath commanded the same to all true Pastors . And when we leave this unto them , me thinks , we leave to them a heavie burden ; And that we do unto them no wrong , although we search our own salvation where it is to be found , considering that they are but dumb Dogs , and unsavory Salt , that hath altogether lost the season . The Bishops hereat offended , said , What prating is this ? Let his accusation be read . And then was begun , False Traitour , Hereticke ; Thou Baptizedst thine own Childe . Thou saidst , There is no Purgatory ; Thou saidst , That to pray to Saints , and for the dead , is Idolatry , and a vaine Superstition , &c. What sayest thou to these things . He answered , If I should be bound to answer , I would require an upright and an indifferent Judge . The Earle of Huntly disdainefully said ; Foolish man , Wilt thou desire any other Judge then my Lord Dukes Grace , great Governour of Scotland ; and my Lords the Bishops , and the Clergie here present ? Whereto he answered ; The Bishops can be no Judges to me , for they are open enemies to the Doctrine that I professe . And as for my Lord Duke , I cannot tell whether he hath the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and discern betwixt Lies and the Trueth , the Inventions of men , and the true worshipping of God. I desire Gods Word ( and with that he produced the Bible ) to be judge betwixt the Bishops and me , and I am content that ye all hear ; and if by this Booke I shall be convinced , to have taught , spoken , or done , in matters of Religion , any thing that repugneth to Gods will , I refuse not to die . But if I cannot be convinced ( as I am assured by Gods Word I shall not ) then I in Gods name desire your assistance , That malicious men execute not upon me unjust Tyrannie . The Earle of Huntley said , What a babling foole is this ? Thou shalt get none other Judges then these that sit here . Whereunto the said Adam answered ; The good will of God be done : But be ye assured , my Lord , with such measure as ye mete to others , with the same measure it shall be met to you againe . I know that I shall die , but be ye assured , that my blood shall be required at your hands . Alexander , Earle of Glencarne , yet alive , said to the Bishop of Orknay , and others that sate nigh him , Take heed all you my Lords of the Clergie , for here I protest , for my part , that I consent not to his death : And so without feare prepared the said Adam to answer . And first to the Baptizing of his own Childe , he said , It was and is as lawfull to me , for lacke of a true Minister , to Baptize my owne Childe , as that it was to Abraham to Circumcise his son Ismael , and his family . And as for Purgatory , Praying to Saints , and for the dead , I have oft read ( said he ) both the New and Old Testaments , but I neither could finde mention , nor assurance of them ; And therefore I beleeve that they are but meere inventions of men , devised for covetousnesse sake . Well , quoth the Bishop , ye hear this , my Lords . What sayest thou of the Masse , speires the Earle of Huntly ? He answered , I say , my Lord , as my Lord Jesus Christ saith , That which is in greatest estimation before men , is abhomination before God. Then all cried out , Heresie , Heresie . And so was the simple servant of God adjudged to the fire , which he patiently sustained that same day at after-noon upon the Castle-hill . And so began they again to pollute the land which God had lately plagued , for yet their iniquity was not come to full ripenesse , as that God would that they should be manifested to this whole Realme ( as this day they are ) to be Fagots prepared for everlasting fire ; and to be men whom neither Plagues may correct , nor the light of Gods Word convert from their darknesse and impiety . The Peace as is said , is contracted . The Queen Dowager past by sea to France , with Gallies that for that purpose were prepared , and took with her divers of the Nobility of Scotland . The Earles Huntley , Glencarne , Mershell , Cassiles : The Lords Maxwell , Fleiming , Sir George Dowglas , together with all the late Kings naturall sons , and divers Barons , and Gentlemen of Ecclesiasticall estate ; the Bishop of Galloway , and many others , with promise that they should be richly rewarded for their good service . What they received we cannot tell , but few were made rich at their returning . The Dowager had to practise somewhat with her brethren , the Duke of Gwise , and the Cardinall of Loraine . The weight whereof the Governour after felt ; for shortly after her returne , was the Governour deposed of the government ( justly by God , but most unjustly by man ) and she made Regent , in the yeer of our Lord 1554. and a Crown put upon her head , as seemly a sight ( if men had eyes ) as to put a Saddle upon the backe of an unruly Cow. And so began she to practise , practise upon practise , How France might be advanced , her friends made rich , and she brought to immortall glory : For that was her common talk , So that I may procure the wealth and honour of my Friends , and a good fame unto my selfe , I regard not what God do after with me . And in very deed , in deep dissimulation to bring her owne purpose to effect , she passed the common sort of women , as we will after heare . But yet God , to whose Gospel she declared her selfe enemie , in the end frustrated her of all her devices . Thus did light and darknesse strive within the Realme of Scotland : The darknesse ever before the World suppressing the light , from the death of that notable servant of God , Master Patricke Hamilton , untill the death of Edward the sixth , the most godly and most vertuous King that had been known to have reigned in England , or elsewhere , these many yeeres by past , who departed the miseries of this life the sixth of July , Anno 1553. The death of this Prince was lamented of all the godly within Europe , for the graces given unto him of God , as well of nature , as of erudition and godlinesse , passed the measure that accustomably is used to be given to other princes in their greatest perfection , and yet exceeded he not 16 yeers of age . What Gravity , above age ? What Wisdom , wherein he passed all understanding or expectation of man ? And what Dexterity in answering in all things proposed , were in that excellent Prince . The Ambassadours of all Countries ( yea , some that were mortall enemies to him , and to his Realme , amongst whom the Queen Dowager of Scotland was not the least ) could and did testifie : For the said Queen Dowager returning from France through England , communed with him at length , and gave record when she came to this Realme , That she found more wisdome and solide judgement in young King Edward , then she would have looked for in any three Princes that were then in Europe . His liberality towards the godly and learned that were in other Realms persecuted was such , as Germans , French-men , Italians , Scots , Spaniards , Polonians , Grecians , and Hebrews born , can yet give sufficient document . For how honourably was Martin Bucer , Peter Martyr , Iohn Alasco , Emanuel Gualterus , and many others upon his publike stipends entertained , their parents can witnesse , and they themselves during their lives would never have denied . After the death of this most vertuous Prince ; of whom the godlesse people of England ( for the most part ) were not worthy , Satan intended nothing lesse then the light of Jesus Christ utterly to have been extinguished within the whole Isle of Britain . For after him was raised up in Gods hot displeasure , that Idolatresse and mischievous Mary of the Spaniards blood , a cruell persecutrix of Gods people , as the acts of her unhappy reigne can sufficiently witnesse . And in Scotland that same time ( as we have heard ) reigned that crafty practiser , Mary of Loraine , then named Regent of Scotland , who bound to the devotion of her two brethren , the Duke of Guise , and Cardinall of Loraine , did onely abide the opportunity to cut the throat of all those , in whom she suspected any knowledge of God to be within the Realme of Scotland . And so thought Satan that his kingdome of darknesse was in quietnesse and rest , as well in the one Realme as in the other . But that provident eye of our eternall God , who continually watches for preservation of his Church , did so order all things , that Satan shortly after found himselfe farre disappointed of his conclusion taken . For in that cruell persecution used by Queen Mary of England , were godly men dispersed into divers nations ; of whom it pleased the goodnesse of God to send some unto us for our comfort and instruction . And first came a simple man , William Harlaw , whose erudition , although it excell not , yet for his whole and diligent plainnesse in Doctrine , is he to this day worthy of praise , and remaines a fruitfull member within the Church of Scotland . After him came that notable man Iohn Willocke , as one that had some Commission to the Queen Regent , from the Dutchesse of Emden . But his principall purpose was to essay what God would worke by him in his native countrey . These two did sometimes in severall companies assemble the brethren , who by their exhortations began greatly to be encouraged , and did shew that they had an earnest thirst of godlinesse . And last came Iohn Knox in the end of the harvest , Anno 1555. who first being lodged in the house of that notable man of God Iames Sime , began to exhort secretly in that same house , whereunto repaired the Laird of Dun , David Forresse , and some certain personages of the Town , amongst whom was Elizabeth Adamson , then spouse to Iames Barrone Burgesse of Edinburgh , who by reason that she had a troubled conscience delighted much in the company of the said Iohn , because that he , according to the grace given unto him , opened more fully the Fountaine of Gods Mercies , then did the common sort of Teachers , that she had heard before ( for she had heard none except Friers ) and did with such greedinesse drinke thereof , that at her death she did expresse the fruit of her hearing , to the great comfort it of all those that repaired unto her . For albeit she suffered most grievous torment in her body , yet out of her mouth was heard nothing , but praising of God , except that sometimes she lamented the troubles of those that were troubled by her . Being sometimes demanded by her sisters ; What she thought of that pain which she then suffered in body , in respect of that wherewith sometimes she was troubled in spirit . She answered , A thousand yeere of this torment , and ten times more joyned unto it , is not to be compared in the quarter of an houre that I suffered in my spirit . I thanke my God , through Iesus Christ , that hath delivered me from that fearfull pain , and welcome be this , even so long as it pleaseth his godly Majestie to exercise me therewith . A little before her departure , she desired her sisters and some others that were beside her , to sing a Psalme , and amongst others she appointed the 103. Psalme , beginning , My soule praise thou the Lord alwayes , which ended , she said , At the Teaching of this Psalme , began my troubled soule , first effectually to taste of the mercy of my God , which now to me is more sweet and precious , then if all the kingdomes of the earth were given to me to possesse them a thousand yeeres . The Priests urged her with their Ceremonies and Superstitions . To whom she answered , Depart from me ye Sergeants of Satan : for I have refused , and in your own presence doe refuse all your abominations . That which you call your Sacrament , and Christs body ( as ye have deceived us to beleeve in times past ) is nothing but an Idoll , and hath nothing to do with the right Institution of Iesus Christ , and therefore in Gods Name I command you not to trouble me . They departed , alleadging , That she raved , and wist not what she said . And she shortly after slept in the Lord Jesus , to no small comfort of those that saw her blessed departing . This we could not omit of this worthy woman , who gave so notable a Confession , before that the great light of Gods Word did universally shine thorowout this Realme . At the first coming of the said Iohn Knox , he perceiving divers who had a zeale to godlinesse , make small scruple to go to the Masse , or to communicate with the abused Sacraments in the Papisticall manner , began as well in privie Conference as in Preaching , to shew the impietie of the Masse , and how dangerous a thing it was , to communicate in any sort with Idolatrie : wherewith the conscience of some being affrighted , the matter began to be agitate from man to man. And so was the said Iohn called to Supper , by the Laird of Dun , for that same purpose , where were assembled David Forresse , Master Robert Lockart , Iohn Willocke , and William Maitland of Lethington younger , a man of good Learning , and of sharpe wit and reasoning . The Question was Proposed , and it was answered by the said Iohn ; That in no wise it was lawfull to a Christian to present himselfe to that Idoll . Nothing was omitted that might serve for the purpose , and yet was every head so fully answered , and especially one , whereunto they thought their great defence stood : To wit , That Paul at the commandment of Iames , and of the Elders of Ierusalem , passed to the Temple , and fained himselfe to pay his vow with others . This , we say , and other things , were so fully answered , that William Maitland concluded , saying , I see very perfectly that our shifts will serve nothing before God , seeing that they stand us in so small stead before men . The answer of Iohn Knox to the fact of Paul , and to the commandment of Iames was ; That Pauls fact had nothing to do with their going to Masse . For to pay Vowes was sometimes Gods Commandment , as was never Idolatry : But their Masse from the originall , was , and remained odious Idolatry ; Therefore the fact was most unlike . Secondarily , said he , I greatly doubt whether either Iames his commandment or Pauls obedience , proceeded of the holy Ghost : We know their counsell tendeth to this , That Paul would shew himselfe one that observed diligently the very small points of the Law , to the end he might purchase to himself the favours of the Jews , who were offended at him , by reason of the bruites that were spread , That he taught defection from Moses . Now while he obeyed their counsell , he fell into the most desperate danger that ever he sustained before ; whereby it was evident , That God approved not that mean of reconciliation ; but rather , that he plainely declareth , That evil should not be done , that good might come of it . Evil it was for Paul to confirme those obstinate Jewes in their Superstition by his example ; worse it was to him to expose himselfe and the Doctrine which before he had taught to slander and mockage . And therefore concluded the said Iohn , That the fact of Paul , and the sequell that thereof followed , appeared rather to fight against them that would go to the Masse , then to give unto them any assurance to follow his example ; unlesse that they would that the like trouble should instantly apprehend them , that apprehended him for obeying worldly-wise councell . After these , and like reasonings , the Masse began to be abhorred of such as before used it for the fashion and avoiding of slander ( as then they termed it ) Iohn Knox , at request of the Laird of Dun , followed him to his place of Dun , where he remained a moneth , daily exercised in Preaching , whereunto resorted the principall men of that countrey . After this returning , his residence was most in Calder , whither repaired unto him , the Lord Erskin , the Earle of Argyle , then Lord of Lorne , and Lord Iames , then Priour of S. Andrews , and after Earle of Murrey , where they heard , and so approved his Doctrine , that they wished it to have been publike . That same Winter he taught commonly in Edinburgh , and after Christmas , by the conduct of the Laird of Bar , and Robert Campbell of Kingieancleuch , he came to Kyle , and taught in the Bar , in the house of the Ca●nell , in the Kingieancleuch , in the Town of Air , and in the houses of Uchiltrie and Gathgirth , and in some of them he ministred the Lords Table . Before Easter the Earl of Glencarne sent for him to his place of Fynlaston , where after Sermon , he also ministred the Lords Table . Whereof besides himself , were partakers , his Lady , two of his sons , and certain of his friends . And so returned he to Calder , where divers from Edinburgh , and from the Countrey about , assembled , as well for the Doctrine , as for the right use of the Lords Table , which before they had never practised . From thence he departed the second time to the Laird of Dun , and teaching then in greater liberty , the Gentlemen required , That he should minister likewise unto them the Table of the Lord Jesus , where were partakers , the most part of the Gentlemen of the Mernes , who God be praised , to this day do constantly remain in the same doctrine which then they professed . To wit , That they refused all society with Idolatry , and bent themselves to the uttermost of their powers to maintain the true Preaching of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , as God should offer unto them Preachers and opportunitie . The bruite hereof spread ( for the Friers from all quarters flocked to the Bishops ) the said Iohn Knox was summoned to appear in the Church of the blacke Friers in Edinburgh , the fifteenth day of May , which day the said Iohn decreed to keep , and for that purpose Iohn Erskin of Dun , with divers other Gentlemen assembled to the Town of Edinburgh . But that Diet held not . For whether the Bishops perceived informalitie in their own proceedings , or if they feared danger to ensue upon their extremity , it is unknown unto us . But the Saturday before the day appointed , they cust their own summons , and the said Iohn , the same day of the summons taught in Edinburgh , in a greater audience then ever before he had done in that Town . The place was the Bishop of Dunkelles , his great lodging , where he continued in Teaching ten dayes , before and after noon . The Earle of Glencarne allured the Earle of Masrchell , who with Henry Drummond ( his counseller for that time ) heard an exhortation ( but it was in the night ) who were so well contented with it , that they both willed the said Iohn to write unto the Queen Regent somewhat that might move her to hear the Word of God. He obeyed their desire , and wrote that which after was published ▪ which we have caused to be Printed at the end of this Book , and is called , The Letter to the Queen Dowager ; Which was delivered unto her own hands by the said Alexander Earle of Glencarne : Which Letter when she had read , within a day or two , she delivered it to the proud Prelate Betone , Bishop of Glasgow , and said in mockage ; Please you my Lord to read a Pasquill : Which words coming to the ears of the said Iohn , was the occasion that to his Letter he made his additions , as yet may be seen . As concerning the threatnings pronounced against her own person , and the most principall of her friends ; let these very flatterers see what had failed of all that he had written . While Iohn Knox was thus occupied in Scotland , Letters came to him from the English Church that was assembled at Geneva ( which was separated from that superstitious and contentious company that was at Franckford ) commanding him in Gods Name , as he that was their chosen Pastour , to repaire unto them for their comfort . Upon the which the said Iohn took his leave from us , almost in every congregation where before he had Preached , and exhorted us to Prayers , to Reading of the Scriptures , and mutuall conference , untill such time as God should give unto us greater libertie . And hereupon he sent before him to Deep , his mother in Law Elizabeth Bowes , and his wife Marjory , with no small dolour of their hearts , and of many of us . He himselfe by procurement and labours of Robert Campell of Kingi●ancleuch , remained behinde in Scotland , and passed to the Earle of Argile , who then was in the castle Campbell , where he taught certain dayes . The Laird of Glenurqahay ( which yet liveth ) being one of his auditours , willed the said Earle of Argile to retaine him still , but he resolved on his journey , would not at that time stay for no request , adding , That if God blessed those small beginnings , and if that they continued in godlinesse , whensoever they pleased to command him , they should finde him obedient . He said , That once he must needs visit that little flock which the wickednesse of men had compelled him to leave . And so in the moneth of July he left this Realm , and past to France , and so to Geneva . Immediately after , the Bishops summoned him , and for non-appearance burnt him in effigie , at the Crosse of Edinburgh , in the yeer of our Lord 1555. from the which unjust Sentence the said Iohn made his appellation , and caused to Print the same , and direct it to the Nobility and Commons of Scotland , as yet may be read . In the Winter that the said Iohn abode in Scotland , appeared a Comet , the course whereof was from the South and South-West , to the North and North-east . It was seen the moneths of November , December , and January ; It was called , The firie bosom . Soon after died Christierne King of Denmark ; and War arose between Scotland and England , the Commissioners of both Realms were disappointed , who almost the space of six moneths had been upon the conditions of Peace , and were upon a neere point of conclusion . The Queene Regent with her Councell of the French faction decreed , War at New Battell , without giving any advertisement to the Commissioners for the part of Scotland . Such is the fidelitie of Princes , guided by Priests , whensoever they seeke their owne affections to be served . In the end of that next harvest was seen upon the borders of England and Scotland a strange fire , which descended from the heaven , and burnt divers cornes in both the Realms , but most in England . There was presented to the Queen Regent , by Robert Ormestone , a Calfe , having two heads , whereat she skipped , and said , It was but a common thing . The Warre began in the end of the harvest , as is said , and conclusion was taken that Warke should be assieged . The Army and Ordnance past forward to Maxwell Hewcht . The Queen Regent remained in the Castle of Hume , and thinking that all things were in assurance , Monsieur Dosell , then Lieutenant for France , gave charge that the Canons should be transported over the water of Tweid , which was done with expedition ( for the French in such facts are expert ) but the Nobility of Scotland nothing content of such proceedings , after consultation amongst themselves , past to the Pavilion of Monsieur Dosell , and in his own face declared , That in no wayes would they invade England . And therefore commanded the Ordnance to be retired : And so it was without further delay . This put an affray in Monsieur Dosells breeches , and kindled such a fire in the Queen Regents stomacke , as was not well slacked till her breath failed . And thus was that enterprise frustrate . But yet Warre continued , during the which , the Gospel of Jesus Christ began wonderously to flourish . For in Edinburgh began publikely to exhort William Harlow , Iohn Dowglas who had ( being with the Earle of Argyle ) Preached in Leyth , and sometimes exhorted in Edinburgh . Paul Meaffen began publikely to Preach in Dundie , and so did divers others in Angus and the Mernes . And last , at Gods good pleasure arrived Iohn Willocke , the second time from Emden , whose returne was so joyfull to the brethren , that their zeal and godly courage daily encreased . And albeit he contracted a dangerous sicknesse , yet he ceased not from labours , but taught and exhorted from his bed some of the Nobility ( of whom some are fallen back , amongst them the Lord Seaton is chief ) with many Barons and Gentlemen his auditors , and by him were godly instructed , and wonderously comforted . They kept their conventions , and held counsells with such gravity and closenesse , that the enemies trembled . The Images were stollen away in all parts of the Countrey . And in Edinburgh was that great Idol called Saint Gyle , first drowned in the North Loch , after burnt , which raised no small trouble in the Town ; for the Friers rooping like Ravens upon the Bishops , the Bishops ran upon the Queen , who to them was favourable enough , but that she thought it could not stand with her advantage to offend such a multitude as then took upon them the defence of the Gospel , and the name of Protestants . And yet consented she to summon the Preachers : whereat the Ptotestants neither offended , neither yet thereof afraid , determined to keep the day of Summons , as that they did . Which perceived by the Prelats and Priests , they procured a Proclamation to be publikely made , That all men that were come to the Towne without commandment of the Authority , should with all diligence repair to the Borders , and there remain fifteen dayes : For the Bishop of Galloway in this manner of rime said to the Queen ; Madame , because they are come without order ; I read ye send them to the Border . Now so had God provided , That the quarter of the Westland ( in the which was many faithfull men ) was that same day returned from the Border ; who understanding the matter to proceed from the malice of the Priests , assembled themselves together , and made passage to themselves , till that they came to the very privie chamber , where the Queen Regent and the Bishops were . The Gentlemen began to complain upon their strange intertainment , considering that her Majesty had found in them so faithfull obedience in all things lawfull . While the Queen began to craft , a zealous and a bold man , Iames Chalmers of Gaithgyrth , said , Madame , we know that this is the malice and device of the Iewels , and of that bastard ( meaning the Bishop of S. Andrews ) that standeth by you ; we avow to God we shall make a day of it . They oppresse us and our Tenants , for feeding of their idle bellies : They trouble our Preachers , and would murther them and us : Shall we suffer this any longer ? No , Madame , it shall not be . And therewith every man put on his steel Bonnets . There was heard nothing of the Queens part , but , My joyes , my hearts , What ayles you ? Me means no evil to you nor to your Preachers : The Bishops shall do you no wrong , ye are all my loving Subjects ; I know nothing of this Proclamation ; the day of your Preachers shall be discharged , and me will heare the controversie that is betwixt the Bishops and you ; they shall do you no wrong . My Lords ( said she to the Bishops ) I forbid you either to trouble them or their Preachers . And unto the Gentlemen , who were wonderously commoved , she turned again and said , O my hearts , should ye not love the Lord your God with all-your heart , with all your minde ? And should ye not love your neighbours as your self ? With these and the like words she kept the Bishops from buffets at that time . And so the day of Summons being discharged , began the brethren universally farther to be encouraged . But yet could the Bishops in no sort be quiet ; for Saint Gyles day approaching , they gave charge to the Provost-Ballies , and counsell of Edinburgh , either to get again the old Saint Gyle , or else upon their expences to make a new Image . The Counsell answered , That to them the charge appeareth very unjust ; for they understood that God in some places had commanded Idols and Images to be destroyed : But where he had commanded Images to be set up , they had not read ; and desired the Bishop to finde a warrant for his commandment . Whereat the Bishop offended , admonished , under pain of cursing , which they prevented by a former appellation , appealing from him , as a partiall and corrupt Judge , unto the Popes Holinesse ; and so great things shortly following that , passed in oblivion . Yet would not the Priests and Friers cease to have that great solemnity , and manifest abomination , which they accustomedly had upon Saint Gyles day ; to wit , They would have that Idoll borne , and therefore was all preparations duely made . A Marmouset Idoll was borrowed from the gray Friers ( a silver piece of Iames Carmichell was laid in pledge ) it was fast fixed with Iron nailes , upon a barrow called there Fertor . Their Asses , bloody Priests , Friers , Channons , and rotten Papists , with Tabors and Trumpeters , Banners and Bag-pipes : And who was there to lead the reigne , but the Queen Regent her selfe , with all her shavelings , for honour of that Feast . Well , about goeth it , and cometh downe the high street , and downe to the common Crosse. The Queen Regent dined that day in Alexander Carpentar his house , betwixt the Bowes : And so when the Idol returned back again , she left it , and past in to her dinner . The hearts of the brethren were wonderously enflamed ; and seeing such abomination so manifestly maintained , were decreed to be revenged . They were divided in severall companies , whereof not one knew of another . There were some temporizers that day ( amongst whom David Forresse , called the Generall , was one ) who fearing the chance to be done , as it fell , laboured to stay the brethren ; but that could not be : For immediately after that the Queen was entred in the lodging , some of those that were of the enterprise drew nigh to the Idol , as willing to help to bear him ; and getting the Fertor upon their shoulders , began to shoulder , thinking that thereby the Idol would have fallen , but that was provided and prevented by the Iron nailes , as we have said . And so began one to cry , Down with the Idoll , down with it : And then without delay it was pulled downe . Some brag made the Priests Patrones at the first ; but when they saw the feeblenesse of their god ( for one tooke him by the heeles , and dading his head to the street , left Dagon without a head or hands , and said , Fie upon thee , thou young Saint Gyle , thy father would have tarried for such . ) This considered ( we say ) the Priests and Friers fled faster then they did at Pinckey Clewch . There might have beene so sudden a fray as seldome hath been amongst that sort of men within this Realme ; for down goeth the Crosses , off goeth the Surplices , round Caps , Cornets with the Crowns . The gray Friers gaped , the black Friers blew , the Priests panted and fled , and happy was he that first gat the house ; for such a sudden fray came never amongst the generation of Antichrist within this Realme before . By chance there lay upon a stayre a merry English-man ; and seeing the discomfiture to be without blood , thought he would adde some merrinesse to the matter : and so cried he over the staire , and said , Fie upon you whorsons , why have you broken order , down the street they passed in aray , and with great mirth : why flee the villains now without order ? turn and strike every man a stroke for the honour of his God ; fie cowards fie , ye shall never be judged worthy of your wages againe . But exhortations were then unprofitable : For after that Bell had broken his necke , there was no comfort to his confused Armie . The Queene Regent laid up this amongst her other inventions , till that she might have seene the time proper to have revenged it . Search was made for the doers , but none could be deprehended : For the brethren assembled themselves in such sort , in companies , singing Psalmes , and praising God , that the proudest of the enemies were astonished . This Tragedie of Saint Gyles was so terrible to some Papists , that Durie , sometimes called for his filthinesse Abbot Stottikin , and then intituled , Bishop of Galloway , left his Riming , wherewith he was accustomed , and departed this life even as he had lived . For the Articles of his beleefe were . I referre . Decarte you . Ha , ha , the foure Kings and all made . The devil go with it ; It is but a varlet . From France we thought to have gotten a Rubie ; And yet is he nothing but a Cahoobie . With such Faith and such Prayers departed out of this life that enemy of God , who had vowed and plainly said , That in despight of God , so long as they that then were Prelates lived , should that Word ( called the Gospel ) never be Preached within this Realme . After him followed that belly-God Master David Panter , called , Bishop of Rosse , even with the like documents , except that he departed eating and drinking , which , together with the rest that thereupon depended , was the pastime of his life . The most part of the Lords that were in France at the Queens Marriage ▪ although that they got their leave from the Court , yet they forgot to return to Scotland . For whether it was by an Italian Posset , or French Feggs , or by the Pottage of their Apothecary ( he was a French-man ) there departed from this life , the Earl of Cassiles , the Earl of Rothesse , Lord Fleming , and the Bishop of Orknay , whose end was even according to his life : For after that he was driven back by a contratious winde , and forced to land again at Deep , perceiving his sicknesse to increase , he caused to make his bed betwixt his two coffers ( some said upon them ) such was his God , the gold that therein was inclosed , that he could not depart therefrom , so long as memory would serve him . The Lord Iames , then Prior of S. Andrews , had ( by all appearance ) licked of the same broath that dispatched the rest , for thereof to his death , his stomacke doth testifie . But God preserved for a better purpose . This same Lord Iames , after Earle of Murray , and the said Bishop were commonly at debate in matters of Religion ; and therefore the said Lord , hearing of the Bishops disease , came to visit him : and finding him not so well at a point , as he thought he should have been , and as the honour of the countrey required , said unto him ; Fie , my Lord , how lie you so ? will you not go to your Chamber , and not lie heere in this utter Roome . His answer was ; I am well where I am , my Lord , so long as I can tarry , for I am neer unto my friends ( meaning his coffers , and the gold therein . ) But my Lord ( said he ) how long have you and I been in plea for Purgatorie , I thinke that I shall know ere it be long whether there be such a place or not . While the other did exhort him to call to minde the promises of God , and the vertue of Christs death : He answered , Nay my Lord , let me alone , for you and I never agreed in our life , and I thinke we shall not agree now at my death , I pray you therefore let me alone . The said Lord Iames departed to his Lodging , and the other shortly after departed this life ; whither , the great day of the Lord will declare . When the word of the departing of so many Patrons of Papistry , and of the manner of their departing , came unto the Queene Regent , after astonishment and musing , she said ; What shall I say of such men ? They left me as beasts , and as beasts they die : God is not with them , neither with that which they enterprise . While these things were in doing in Scotland and France , that perfect hypocrite , Master Iohn Synclare , then Deane of Lestarrige , and now Lord President , and Bishop of Brechin , began to Preach in his Church of Lestarrige , and at the beginning held himselfe so indifferent , that many had opinion of him , That he was not far from the Kingdom of God. But his hypocrisie could not long be cloaked : for when he understood that such as feared God began to have a good opinion of him , and that the Friers and others of that sect began to whisper , That if he took not heed in time to himself and unto his Doctrine , he would be the destruction of the whole state of the Church . This by him understood , he appointed a Sermon , in the which he promised to give his judgement upon all such heads , as then were in controversie in the matters of Religion . The bruit hereof made his audience great at the first : But that day he so handled himself , that after that no godly man did credit him : for he not onely gainsaid the Doctrine of Justification and of Prayer , which before he had taught , but also he set up and maintained Papistry to the uttermost prick , yea , Holy-water , Pilgrimage , Purgatory , and Pardons were of such vertue in his conceit , That without them he looked not to be saved . In this mean time the Clergy made a brag , That they would dispute . But M. David Panter , which then lived and lay at Lestarrige , disswaded them therefrom , affirming , That if ever they disputed , but where themselves were both Judge and partie , and where that fire and sword should obey their decree , that then their cause was marred for ever : For their victory stood neither in God nor in his Word ; but in their own wills , and in the things concluded by their own counsells ( together with sword and fire ) whereto ( said he ) these new up-start fellows will give no place , but they will call you to your Count-book , and that is , to the Bible ; and by it ye will no more be found the men that ye are called , then the Devil will be approved to be God. And therefore if ye love your selves enter never into disputation , neither yet call ye the matter into question , but defend your possession , or else all is lost . Caiaphas could not give any better counsell to his companions , but yet God disappointed both them and him , as after we shall heare . At this same time some of the Nobility directed their Letters to call Iohn Knox from Geneva , for their comfort , and for the comfort of their brethren the Preachers , and others that then couragiously fought against the enemies of Gods Trueth . The Tenour of their Letter is this . Grace , Mercy , and Peace for Salvation . DEarly Beloved in the Lord , the faithfull that are of your acquaintance in these parts ( thanks be unto God ) are stedfast in the beliefe wherein yee left them , and have a godly thirst and desire day by day of your presence againe : Now if the Spirit of God will so move you , and grant time unto you , we all heartily desire you , in the Name of the Lord , That ye would returne again into these parts , where you shall finde all the faithfull that ye left behinde you , not onely glad to heare your doctrine , but also ready to jeopard their lives and goods for the setting forward of the glory of God , as he will permit . And albeit the Magistrates in this Countrey be as yet but in the state ye left them in , yet at the making hereof we have no experience of any more cruelty to be used , then was before : But rather we have beliefe , That God will augment his Flock , because we see daily the Friers , enemies to Christs Gospel , in lesse estimation with the Queen , and the Nobility of our Realm . This , in few words , is the minde of the faithfull being present , and others absent . The rest of our mindes this faithfull Bearer will shew you at length . Thus fare ye well in the Lord. At Sterlin the tenth of March , Anno 1556. This is the true Copy of the Letter , being subscribed by the names under-written . Sic subscribitur , Glencarne . Lorne , now Argyle . Erskin . Iames Stewart . The Letters were delivered to the foresaid Iohn in Geneva , by the hands of Iames Sym , who now resteth with Christ , and of Iames Barrone , who yet liveth . In the Moneth of May , immediately after these Letters were received and advised upon , he took consultation , as well with his owne Church , as with that notable servant of God Iohn Calvine , and with other godly Ministers ; who all with one consent said , That he could not refuse that Vocation , unlesse he would declare himselfe rebellious unto his God , and unmercifull to his Countrey : And so he returned answer , with promise to visite them with reasonable expedition , and so soon as he might put order to that deare Flocke that was committed to his Charge . And so in the end of the next September after , he departed from Geneva , and came to Deape , where there met him contrary Letters , as by his answer thereto we may understand . The Spirit of Wisedome , Constancie and Strength , be multiplied with you , by the favour of God our Father , and by the grace of our Lord Iesus Christ. ACcording to my promise , my Right Honourable , I came to Deape the four and twentieth day of October , of full minde , by the good will of God , with the first Ships , to have visited you . But because two Letters not very pleasing unto the flesh were there presented unto me , I was compelled to stay for a time . The one was directed to my self , from a faithfull brother , which made mention , that a new consultation● was appointed for finall conclusion of the matter before purposed ; and willed me therefore to abide in these parts till the determination of the same . The other Letter was directed from a Gentleman to a friend , with charge to advertise me , That he had communed with all those that seemed most franke and fervent in the matter ; and that in none did he finde such boldnesse and constancy as was requisite for such an enterprise ; but that some did ( as he writeth ) repent that ever any such thing was moved : Some were partly ashamed , and others were able to deny that ever they did consent to any such purpose , if any tryall or question should be taken thereof , &c. Which Letters when I had considered , I was partly confounded , and partly was pierced with anguish and sorrow . Confounded I was , that I had so far travelled in the matter , moving the same to the most godly and most learned that this day we know to live in Europe , to the effect that I might have their judgements and grave counsells , for assurance as well of your consciences , as of mine , in all enterprises . And then that nothing should succeed of so long consultation , cannot but redound , either to your shame or mine . For either it shall appeare that I was marvellous vain , being so solicited , where no necessity required ; Or else that such as were movers thereto , lacked the ripenesse of judgement in their first Vocation . To some it may appeare , a small and light matter , that I have cast off , and as it were abandoned , as well my particular care , as my publike Office and Charge , leaving my house and poor family destitute of all head , save God only , and committing that small ( but to Christ dearly beloved ) flock , over the which I was appointed one of the Ministers , to the charge of another . This , I say , to worldly men , may appeare a small matter : But to me , it was and is such , that more worldly substance then I will expresse , could not have caused me willingly to behold the eyes of so many grave men weep at once for my cause , as that I did in taking my last good night from them : To whom if it please God that I returne , and question be demanded , What was the impediment of my purposed journey , judge you what I shall answer . The cause of my dolour and sorrow ( God is my witnesse ) is for nothing pertaining either to my corporall contentment , or worldly displeasure ; but it is for the grievous plagues and punishments of God , which assuredly shall apprehend , not onely you , but every inhabitant of that miserable Realm and Isle , except that the power of God , by the liberty of his Gospel , deliver you from Bondage . I mean not onely that perpetuall fire and torment prepared for the devil , and for such as denying Christ Jesus , and his knowne Verity , do follow the sons of wickednesse to perdition ( which most is to be feared ) but also that thraldome and misery that shall apprehend your owne bodies , your children , subjects , and posterity , whom ye have betrayed ( in conscience I can except none that beare the name of Nobility ) and presently fight to betray them and your Realme to the slavery of strangers . The War begun ( although I acknowledge it to be the work of God ) shall be your destruction , unlesse that betime remedie be provided . God open your eyes , that ye may espie and consider your own miserable estate . My words shall appear to some , sharp , and undiscreetly spoken . But as charity ought to interpret all things to the best , so ought wise men to understand , That a true friend cannot be a flatterer . Especially , when the questions of salvation both of body and soule are moved ; and that not of one , nor of two , but as it were of a whole Realm or Nation . What are the sobs , and what is the affection of my troubled heart , God shall one day declare : But this will I adde to my former rigour and severity , to wit , If any perswade you for fear of dangers that may follow , to faint in your former purpose , be he so wise and friendly , let him be judged of you both foolish , and your mortall enemy : Foolish , for because he understood nothing of Gods approved wisedome ; and enemy unto you , because he laboured to separate you from Gods favour , provoking his vengeance , and grievous plagues against you : because he would , That ye should prefer your worldly rest to Gods praise and glory ; and the friendship of the wicked , to the salvation of your brethren . I am not ignorant that fearfull troubles shall ensue your enterprise ( as in my former Letters I did signifie unto you . ) But O joyfull and comfortable are the troubles and adversities , which man sustaineth for accomplishment of Gods will revealed by his word ! For how terrible soever they appeare to the judgement of the naturall man , yet are they never able to devour , nor utterly to consume the sufferers : For the invisible and invincible power of God sustaineth and preserveth according to his promise , all such as with simplicity do obey him . The subtill craft of Pharaoh many yeers joyned with his bloody cruelty , was not able to destroy the male children of Israel ; neither were the waters of the Red Sea , much lesse the rage of Pharaoh able to confound Moses , and the company which he conducted , and that because the one had Gods Promise that they should multiply ; and the other had his Commandment to enter into such dangers . I would your wisedoms should consider that our God remaineth one , and is immutable ; and that the Church of Christ Jesus hath the same promise of protection and defence , that Israel had of multiplication : And farther , That no lesse cause have ye to enter into your former enterprise , then Moses had to go to the presence of Pharaoh ( for your vassalls , yea your brethren are oppressed , their bodies and souls holden in bondage , and God speaketh to your consciences , ( unlesse ye be dead with the blinde world ) that ye ought to hazard your owne lives ( be it against Kings or Emperours ) for their deliverance . For onely for that cause are ye called Princes of the people . And ye receive of your Brethren , Honour , Tribute , and Homage , at Gods Commandment , not by reason of your Birth and Progenie ( as the most part of men do falsly suppose ) but by reason of your Office and Duty , which is to vindicate and deliver your subjects and brethren from all violence and oppression to the uttermost of your power . Advise diligently , I beseech you , with the points of that Letter which I directed to the whole Nobility ; and let every man apply the matter and case to himself ; for your conscience shall one day be compelled to acknowledge , That the Reformation of Religion , and of publike enormities , doth appertaine to more then to the Clergie , or chief Rulers , called Kings . The mighty Spirit of the Lord Jesus rule and guide your counsells to your eternall glory , your eternall comfort , and to the consolation of your brethren . Amen . From Deape the 27 of October . 1557. These Letters received and read , together with others directed to the whole Nobility , and some to particular Gentlemen , as to the Lairds of Dun and Petarrow , new consultation was had what was best to be done ; and in the end it was concluded , That they would follow forward their purpose once intended , and would commit themselves , and whatsoever God had given them , into his hands , rather then they would suffer Idolatry so manifestly to raigne , and the Subjects of that Realme so to be defrauded , as long as they had been of the onely food of their souls , the true Preaching of Christs Gospel . And that every one should be the more assured of other , a common Bond was made , and by some subscribed : The tenor thereof followeth . WE perceiving how Sathan in his members , the Antichrists of our time , cruelly do rage , seeking to overthrow and destroy the Gospel of Christ , and his Congregation , ought , according to our bounden duty , to strive in our Masters Cause , even unto the death , being certaine of the Victory in him : The which our duty being well considered ▪ We do promise before the Majestie of God , and his Congregation , That we ( by his grace ) shall with all diligence continually apply our whole power , substance , and our very lives , to maintain , set forward , and establish the most blessed Word of God , and his Congregation : And shall labour according to our power , to have faithfull Ministers , truely and purely to minister Christs Gospel and Sacraments to his people . We shall maintain them , nourish them , and defend them ; the whole Congregation of Christ , and every Member thereof according to our whole powers , and waging of our lives , against Sathan and all wicked power that doth intend Tyranny or trouble against the foresaid Congregation . Unto the which holy Word , and Congregation , we do joyne us ; and so do forsake and renounce the Congregation of Sathan , with all the superstitious abomination and idolatry thereof . And moreover , shall declare our selves manifestly enemies thereto , By this our faithfull Promise before God , testified to this Congregation , by our Subscription at these Presents . At Edinburgh the third of December , anno 1557. God called to witnesse . Sic subscribitur . A. Earle of Argyle . Glencarne . Mortoun . Archibald , Lord of Lorne . Iohn Erskin of Dun , Et caetera . A little before that this Bond was subscribed by the fore-written , and many other Letters were directed again to Io. Knox from the said Lords , together with their Letters to M. Calvin , craving of him , That by his authority he would command the said Iohn once again to visite them . These Letters were delivered by the hands of M. Iohn Gray , in the Moneth of November , anno 1558. who at that same time past to Rome , for expedition of the Bowes of the Bp. of Rosse , to M. Henry Sinclar . Immediately after the subscription of this foresaid Bond , the Lords and Barons professing Christ Jesus , convened frequently in counsell : in the which these Heads were concluded : First , It is thought expedient , advised , and ordained , That in all Parishes of this Realm the Common-Prayer be read weekly on Sunday , and other Festivall dayes publikely in the Parish Churches , with the Lessons of the Old and New Testament , conformed to the order of the Book of Common Prayers . And if the Curats of the Parishes be qualified , to cause them to read the same . And if they be not , or if they refuse , that the most qualified in the Parish use and reade the same . Secondly , It is thought necessary , that Doctrine , Preaching , and Interpretation of Scriptures be had and used privately in quiet houses , without great conventions of the people thereto , while afterward that God move the Prince to grant publike Preaching by faithfull and true Ministers . These two heads concerning the Religion , and some others concerning the policie being concluded , the old Earle of Argyle took the maintenance of Iohn Dowglas , caused him to Preach publikely in his house , and reformed many things according to his counsell . The same boldnesse tooke divers others , as well within Towns , as in the country , which did not a little trouble the Bishops and Queen Regent : As by this Letter and Credit committed to Sir David Hamilton , from the Bishop of S. Andrews to the said Earle of Argyle may be clearly understood . The Bishops Letter to the old Earle of Argyle . MY Lord , after most hearty commendations , this is to advertise your Lordship that we have directed this Bearer our Cousin towards your Lordship , in such businesse and affaires as concerneth your Lordships honour , profit , and great well-being , as the said Bearer will declare to your Lordship at more length . I pray your Lordship , effectuously to advert thereto , and to have care to use your Lordships friends , that alwayes hath wished the honour , profit , and prosperity of your Lordships house , as of our own . I pray you give credit to the Bearer . Iesu have your Lordship in everlasting keeping . Of Edinburgh , the five and twentieth day of March , Anno 1558. Sic subscribitur . Your Lordships at all power Saint Andrews . Followes the Credit . MEmorandum , To Sir David Hamilton , to my Lord Earle of Argyle , in my behalfe , and let him see and heare every Article . 1. Imprimis , To repeat the ancient blood of his house , how long it hath stood , how notable it hath been , and so many Noble-men hath been Earles , Lords and Knights thereof : How long they have reigned in their parts , true and obedient both to God and the Prince , without any spot in their dayes in any manner of sort : And to remember how many notable men are come of his house . 2. Secondly , To shew him the great affection I beare towards him , his blood , house , and friends , and of the ardent desire I have of the perpetuall standing of it in honour and fame , with all them that are come of it : Which is my part , for many and divers causes , as you shall see . 3. Thirdly , To shew , my Lord , how heavy and displeasing it is to me , now to heare , That he who is and hath been so Noble a man , should be seduced and abused , by the flattery of such an infamed person of the Law , and men sworne Apostate , that under the pretence that he giveth himself forth as a Preacher of the Gospel and Veritie , under that colour , setteth forth Schismes and Divisions in the holy Church of God , with Hereticall Propositions , thinking that under his maintenance and defence , to infect this Countrey with Heresie , perswading my said Lord , and others , his children and friends , that all that he speaketh is Scripture , and conform thereunto , albeit that many of his Propositions are many yeers past condemned by generall Councels , and the whole state of Christian people . 4. Fourthly , To shew to my Lord how perillous this is to his Lordship and his house , and decay thereof , in case that authority should be sharp , and should use rigour conform both to Civill and Canon , and also your own Municipall law of this Realm . 5. Fifthly , to shew his Lordship how woe I would be , either to heare , see , or know any displeasure that might come to him , his son , or any of his house or friends , and especially in his own time and dayes . And as how great displeasure I have now to hear great and evil bruites of him that should in his old age , in a manner , vary from his faith , and to be altered therin when the time is that he should be most sure and firme therein . 6. Sixthly , To shew his Lordship that there is delation of that man called Dowglas , or Grant , of sundry Articles of Heresie which lieth to my charge and conscience to put remedie to , or else all the pestilentious Doctrine he sowes , and such like , all that are corrupt by his Doctrine , and all that he draweth from our Faith and Christian Religion , will lie to my charge before God : and I to be accused before God for overseeing of him , if I put not remedy thereto , and correct him for such things he is delated of . And therefore that my Lord consider , and weigh it well , how highly it lieth both to my honour and conscience : for if I favour him , I shall be accused for all them that he infects and corrupts in Heresie . 7. Seventhly , Therefore I pray my Lord , in most hearty maner to take this matter in the best part for his own conscience , honour , and weale of himselfe , house , friends , and servants : and sik like for my part , and for my conscience and honour . Then considering that there are divers Articles of Heresie to be laid to him , that he is dilated of , and that he is presently in my Lords company : That my Lord would by some honest way part with this man , and put him from him , and from his sons company : For I would be right sorry that any being in any of their companies should be called for such causes , or that any of them should be bruited to hold any sik man. And this I would advertise , my Lord , and have his Lordships Answer and Resolution , before any Summons passed upon him . 8. Eighthly , Item , If my Lord would have a man to instruct him truely in the Faith , and Preach to him , I would provide a learned man to him , and I shall answer for his true Doctrine , and shall Pand my soule that he shall teach nothing but truly , according to our Catholike Faith. Of Edinburgh , this last of March 1558. Sic subscribiter . Saint Andrews . Moreover , I hope your Lordship will call to good remembrance , and weigh the great and heavie murmure against me , both by the Queene , the Church-men , Spirituall and Temporall estates , and well given people , moaning , crying , and murmuring at me greatly , That I do not my Office : To those such infamous persons with such perversed Doctrine within my Diocesses , and this Realme , by reason of my Legacie and Primacie , which I have the rather sustained and long suffered , for the great love that I had to your Lordship and posterity , and your friends and your house : As beleeving surely your Lordships wisedome should not have maintained and medled with such things that might do me dishonour or displeasure , considering that I have bin ready to put good order thereto alwayes , but have modestly abstained , for the love of your Lordship and house aforesaid , that I beare truely ; knowing and seeing the great harm , and dishonour , and lack apparantly that might come there through , in case your Lordship remedie not the same hastily , whereby we might both be quiet of all danger , which doubtlesse will come upon us both , if I use not my Office , or that he be called , while that he is now with your Lordship , and under your Lordships protection . Subscribed againe . Saint Andrews . By these former Instructions thou mayest perceive ( Gentle Reader ) what was the care that this Pastour , or rather Impostour , with his Complices took to feed the flock committed to their charge ( as they alleadge ) and to gain-stand false Teachers : Here is oft mention of conscience , of Heresie , & such other terms that might fray the ignorant , and deceive the simple . But we hear no crime in particular laid to the charge of the accused , and yet is he condemned as a forsworn Apostata . This was my Lords conscience , which he learned of his fathers the Pharisees , old enemies to Christ Jesus , who condemned him before they heard him . But who ruled my Lords conscience , when he took his cousins wife , the Lady Gilton . Consider thou the rest of his perswasions , & thou shalt clearly see , That honour , estimation , love to house and friends , is the best ground that my Lord Bishop hath , why he should persecute Jesus Christ in his members . We thought good to insert the answers of the said Earle , which follow . Memorandum , This present Writ is to make answer particularly to every Article , directed from my Lord of S. Andrews to me , by Sir David Hamilton , which Articles are in number nine ; and heere repeated and answered , as I trust , to his Lordships contentment . 1. THe first Article putteth me in remembrance of the antiquity of the blood of my house , how many Earles , Lords , and Knights hath been thereof ; how many Noble-men descended of the same house , how long it continued true to God and the Prince , without spot , in their dayes , in any manner of sort . Answer , True it is , my Lord , that there is well-long continuance of my house , by Gods providence , and benevolence of our Princes whom we have served , and shall serve truely , next to God. And the like obedience , towards Gods and our Princes remaineth with us yet , or rather better , ( praised be the Lords Name ) neither know we any spot towards our Princesse , and her due obedience . And if there be offence towards God , he is mercifull to remit our offences . For he will not the death of a sinner . Like as it standeth in his omnipotent power to make up houses , to continue the same to alter them , to make them small or great , or to extinguish them according to his own inscrutable wisdom . For in exalting , depressing , and changing of houses , the laud and praise must be given to that one eternall God , in whose hands the same standeth . 2. The second Article beareth the great affection and love your Lordship beareth towards me and my house , and of the ardent desire ye have of the perpetuall standing thereof in honour and fame with all them that are coming of it . Answ. Forsooth it is your dutie to wish good unto my house , and unto them that are coming of the same ; not onely for the faithfulnesse , amity , and society that hath been between our forefathers ; but also for the late conjunction of blood that is between our said house , if it be Gods pleasure that it have successe . Which should give sufficient occasion to your Lordship to wish good to my house and perpetuity , with Gods glory , without which nothing is perpetuall , unto whom be praise and worship for ever and ever . Amen . 3. Thirdly , Your Lordship declareth how displeasant it is to you that I should be seduced by an infamed person of the Law , and by the flattery of a forsworn Apostata , that under pretence of his giving forth , maketh us to understand , That he is a Preacher of the Gospel , and therewith raiseth Schismes and Divisions in the whole Church of God : And by our maintenance and defence would infect this Countrey with Heresie , alleadging that to be Scripture , which these many yeeres past hath been condemned as Heresie by the generall Councells , and whole estate of Christian people . Answ. The God that created heaven and earth , and all that is therein , preserve me from seducing : for I dread others ; many under the colour of godlinesse are seduced , and think that they do God a pleasure , when they persecute one of them that professe his Name . What that man of the Law is , we know not ; we hear none of his flattery , his perjured Oath of Apostasie is unknown unto us : But if he have made any unlawfull Oath , contrary to Gods commandment , it were better to violate it , then to observe it . He Preaches nothing to us but the Gospel , if he would do otherwise , we would not beleeve him , nor yet an Angel of heaven : we heare him sowe no Schismes nor Divisions , but such as may stand with Gods Word , which we shall cause him to confesse , in presence of your Lordship and the Clergy , when ye require us thereto . And as to it that hath been condemned by generall Councels , we trust you know well , that all the generall Councels have been at diversity among themselves , and never two of them universally agreeing in all points , in so much as they are of men . But the Spirit of Verity that bears testimony of our Lord Jesus , hath not , neither can erre . For heaven & earth shal perish , ere one jot of it perish . Beyond this , my Lord , neither teacheth he neither will we accept of him , but that which agrees with the Word of God , set forth by the Patriarks , Prophets , Apostles , and Evangelists , left to our salvation in expresse words . And so my Lord , to condemn the Doctrine not examined , is not required : For when your Lordship pleaseth to hear the confession of that mans Faith , the manner of his Doctrine , which agreeth with the Gospel of Jesus Christ , I will cause him to assist to judgement , and shall be present there at Gods pleasure , that he may render reckoning of his belief , and our Doctrine to the superiour Powers , according to the prescription of that blood of the eternall Testament , sealed by the Immaculate Lambe ; To whom with the Father and the holy Spirit , be all honour and glory for ever and ever . Amen . 4. The fourth Article puts me in remembrance , how dangerous it is , if the Authority would put me to it , and my House , according to comely and common Laws , and our own municipiall Lawes of this Realme , and how it appeareth to the decay of our House . Answ. All Laws are ( or at least should be ) subject to Gods Law , which Law should be first placed , and planted in every mans heart , it should have no impediment . Men should not abrogate it , for the defence and setting up of their owne advantage . If it would please Authorities to put at our House , for confessing of Gods Word , or for maintenance of his Law : God is mighty enough in his own Cause , he should be rather obeyed then man. I will serve my Prince , with body , heart , goods , strength , and all that is in my power , except that which is Gods duty , which I will reserve to him alone ; that is , To worship him in truth and verity , and as neer as I can to conform to his written Word , to his owne honour , and obedience of my Princesse . 5. The fifth Article puts me in remembrance how woe your Lordship would be , to hear , to see , or know any displeasure that might come to me , my son , or any of my House , and especially in my time and dayes : And as to heare the great and evill brute of me , that should now in my old age in a manner , begin to vary in my Faith , and to be altered therein , when it is time that I should be most sure and firm therein . Ans. Your Lordships good will is ever made manifest unto me in all your Articles , that you should be sorry to hear , see , or know my displeasure , for the which I am bound to render your Lordship thanks , & shall do the same assuredly . But as for wavering in my Faith , God forbid that I should so do : For I believe in God the Father Almighty , Maker of heaven & earth ; And in Jesus Christ his onely Son our Saviour . My Lord , I vary not in my Faith ; but I praise God , that of his goodnesse now in my latter days , hath of his infinite mercy opened his bosome of grace unto me , to acknowledge him the eternall Wisedome , his Son Jesus Christ , my one sufficient Satisfaction , to refuse all Idolatry , Superstition , and Ignorance , wherewith I have been blinded in times past , and now believe that God will be mercifull unto me ; for now he hath declared his blessed Will clearly to me , before my departing out of this transitory life . 6. The sixth Atticle declareth , That there are delations of sundry points of Heresie upon that man , Dowglas or Grant , which lies to your charge and conscience to put remedie to ; or else that all the pestilentious doctrine he sowes , and all whom he corrupteth with his seed , will be required at your hands , and all whom he draws from your Christian Faith ; and if ye should suffer him , that ye will be accused for all them whom he infecteth with Heresie ; and therefore to regard your Lordships honour and conscience therein . Answ. What is his sirname I know not , but he calleth himself Dowglas ; for I know neither his father nor his mother : I have heard him teach no Articles of heresie , but that which agreeth with Gods Word . For I would maintain no man in heresie or errour . Your Lordship regards your conscience in the punishment thereof : I pray God that ye do so , and examine well your conscience . He preacheth against Idolatry ; I remit to your Lordships conscience , if it be heresie or not . He preacheth against adultery and fornication , I refer that to your Lordships conscience . He preacheth against hypocrisie , I refer that to your Lordships conscience . He preaches against all manner of abuses , and corruption of Christs sincere Religion , I refer that to your Lordships conscience . My Lord , I exhort you , in Christs Name , to weigh all these affairs in your conscience , and consider if it be your duty also , not onely to suffer this , but in like manner to do the same . This is all , my Lord , that I vary in my old age , and in no other thing , but that I knew not these offences to be abominable to God , and now knowing his will by manifestation of his Word , abhor them . 7. The seventh Article desireth me to weigh these matters in most hearty manner , and to take them in best part , for the weale of both our consciences , my house , friends and servants , and put such a man out of my company , for fear of the rumour and brute that should follow thereupon , by reason he is delated of sundry heresies : And that your Lordship would be sorry to hear any of your servants delated or bruted for such a cause , or for holding of any such men ; and that your Lordship would understand mine answer hereunto , or any summons passed thereupon . Answ. I thank your Lordship greatly , that ye are so solicited for the weale of me and of my house , and are so humane , as to give me advertisement , before ye have summoned , of your owne good will and benevolence . I have weighed these matters , as highly as my judgement can serve me , both for your Lordships honour and mine . And when that I have reasoned all that I can do with my self in it ; I think it alwayes best to serve God , and obey his manifest Word , and not be obstinate in the contrary , and to give their due obedience to our Princes , Rulers , and Magistrates , and to hear the voice of Gods Prophets , declaring his good promise to them that repent , and threatning to obstinate wicked doers , everlasting destruction . Your Lordship knows well the man , he hath spoken with your Lordship : I thought you content with him , I heare no occasion of offence in him , I cannot well want him , or some Preacher . I cannot put away such a man , without I knew him an offender , as I know not ; for I heare nothing of him , but such as your Lordships self heares of him , and such as he yet will professe in your presence , whensoever your Lordship requires . Such a man that is ready to present himself to judgement , should not be expelled without knowledge of the cause ; for like as I answered before in another Article , when your Lordship pleaseth , that all the Spirituall and Temporall men of estate in Scotland be assembled , I shall cause him to render an account of his belief and Doctrine in your presences , then if he deserves punishment and correction , let him so suffer ; if he be found faithfull , let him live in his faith . 8. The eight Article proposes to me , That your Lordship would take the labour to get me a man to instruct me in your Catholike Faith , and to be my Preacher , for whose Doctrine ye would lay your soul , that he would teach nothing , but truely conform to your faith . Answ. God Almighty send us many of that sort , that will preach truely , and nothing but a Catholike or Universall Christian Faith ; and we Highland rude people have misse of them . And if your Lordship would get and provide me such a man , I should provide him a corporall Living , as to my self , with great thanks unto your Lordship : For truely , I and many more have great misse of such men . And because I am able to sustain more then one of them , I request your Lordship earnestly , to provide me a man as ye wrote ; for the harvest is great , but the labourers are few . 9. The last and ninth Article putteth me in remembrance to consider what murmure your Lordship suffers , and great brute , at many mens hands , both Spirituall and Temporall , and at the Queens hand , and other well given people , for not putting order to these affairs ; and that your Lordship hath abstained from execution hereof , for love of my House and Posterity , to the effect that my self should remedy it , for fear of the dishonour that might come upon us both for the same : which being remedied , might bring us out of all danger . Answ. My Lord , I know well what murmure and indignation your Lordship suffers at enemies hands of all estates , for not pursuing of poor simple Christians : And I know , That if your Lordship should use their counsell , who would by blood-shedding and burning of poor men , to make your Lordship serve their wicked appetites ; Yet your Lordship knows your owne duty , and should not fear the danger of men , as of him whom ye professe . And verily , my Lord , there is nothing that may be to your Lordships relief in this behalf , but I will use your Lordships counsell therein , and further the same , Gods honour being first provided , and the Truth of his eternall Word having liberty . And to abstain for my love from pursuit , as your Lordship hath signified , I am indebted to your Lordship , as I have written divers times before . But there is one above , for whose fear ye must abstain from blood-shedding , or else , my Lord , knock in your conscience . Last of all , your Lordship please to consider how desirous some are to have sedition amongst friends ; how mighty the devill is to sow discord ; how that many would desire no better game , but to hunt us at other . I pray your Lordship beguile them , we will agree upon all purposes with Gods pleasure , standing to his glory . There are divers Houses in Scotland neer us , that professe the same God secretly ; they desire but that ye begin the bargaine at us ; and when it begins at us , God knows the end therof , and who shall bide the next put . My Lord , consider this ; make no Preparative of us : Let not the vain exhortation of them that regard little of the weale and strength of both our Houses , stirre up your Lordship as they would , to do against God , your owne conscience , and the weale of your posterity for ever . And therefore now in the end I pray your Lordship weigh these things wisely ; and if ye do otherwise , God is God , was , and shall be God , when all is wrought that man can work . This answer received , the Bishop and his complices found themselves somewhat disappointed ; for the Bishops looked for nothing lesse , then for such Answers from the Earle of Argyle ; and therefore they made them for their extreme defence , that is , To corrupt , and by buds to stirre up the Queen Regent against us ; as in the second Booke we shall more plainly heare . Shortly after that , God called to his mercy the said Earle of Argyle from the miseries of this life ; whereof the Bishops were glad ; for they thought that their great enemy was taken out of the way , but God disappointed them : For as the said Earle departed most constant in the true Faith of Jesus Christ , with a plain renounciation of all Impiety , Superstition , and Idolatry ; so he left it to his Son in his Testament , That he should studie to set forward the publike and true preaching of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , and to suppresse all Superstition and Idolatry to the uttermost of his power . In which point small fault can be found with him unto this day . 10 Maii , Anno 1568. God be mercifull unto other offences . Amen . The Blinde , Crooked , Lame , Widows , Orphans , and all other poor , so visited by the hand of God as cannot work : To all the flock of Friers within this Realme , we wish restitution of wrongs past , and reformation in times coming , for Salvation . YE your selves are not ignorant ( and though ye would be ) it is now ( thanks be to God ) well knowne to the whole world , by his most infallible Word , That the Benignity or Almes of all Christian people pertaineth to us alone ; which ye , being whole of bodie , strong , sturdie , and able to work , what under pretence of poverty ( and yet neverthelesse possessing most easily all abundance ) what through cloked and hidden humility ( though your proudnesse is knowne ) and what fained holinesse ( which now is declared to be Superstition and Idolatry ) have these many yeers , expresly against Gods Word , and the practice of his holy Apostles , to our great torment ( alas ) most falsly stollen from us . And as ye have by your false doctrine and wresting of Gods Word , learned of your father Sathan , induced the whole people , high and low , into a sure hope and belief , That to clothe , feed , and nourish you , is the onely most acceptable Alms allowed before God ; and to give a penny , or a piece a bread once in a week is enough for us . Even so ye have perswaded them to build you great Hospitals , and maintain you therein by their force , which onely pertains now to us by all Law , as builded and given to the poore , of whose number ye are not , nor can be reputed , neither by the Law of God , nor yet by no other Law proceeding of Nature , Reason , or Civill Policy . Wherefore seeing our number is so great , so indigent , and so heavily oppressed by your false meanes , that none taketh care of out misery : And that it is better for to provide there our impotent members , which God hath given us , to oppose to you in plain controversie , then to see you hereafter ( as ye have done afore ) steale from us our houses , and our selves in the meane time to perish and die for want of the same . We have thought good therefore , ere we enter with you in the conflict to warne you , in the Name of the great God , by this publike writing , affixt in your gates where ye now dwell , that ye remove forth of our said Hospitals , betwixt this and the Feast of Whit-sunday next : So that we the only lawfull proprietaries thereof , may enter thereinto , and afterward enjoy the commodities of the Church , which ye have hereunto wrongfully holden from us . Certifying you , if ye faile , we will at the said terme , in whole number ( with the help of God , and assistance of his Saints in earth , of whose ready support we doubt not ) enter and take possession of our said Patrimony , and eject you utterly forth of the same . Let him therefore that before hath stollen , steal no more , but rather let him work with his hands , that he may be helpfull to the poore . From all Cities , Towns , and Villages of Scotland , Ianuary 1. 1558. The Bishops continued in their Provinciall Councell even unto that day that Iohn Knox arrived in Scotland , and that they might give some shew to the people that they minded Reformation ; they dispersed abroad a rumour thereof , and set forth somewhat in Print , which of the people was called , The two-penny Faith. Amongst their acts there was much a do , for Caps , Shaven crowns , Typpets , Long Gowns , and such other trifles . Item , That none should enjoy Office , or Benefice Ecclesiasticall , except a Priest. Item , That no Church-man should nourish his owne children , in his own company but that every one should hold the children of others . That none should put his own son in his own benefice . That if any were found in open Adulterie , for the first fault he should lose the third of his Benefice , for the second time the halfe , and for the third the whole Benefice . But here from appealed the Bishop of Murray , and other Prelates , saying , That they would abide at the Canon-Law . And so they might well enough do , so long as they remained Interpreters , Dispensators , Makers , and Disanullars of the Law. But let the same Law have the true interpretation , and just execution , and the Devil shall as soon be proved a true and obedient servant unto God , as any of that sort shall be proved a Bishop , or yet to have any just authority within the Church of Christ Jesus . But we will return to our History . The persecution was decreed as well by the Queen Regent as by the Prelates . But there rested a point which the Queen Regent and France had not at that time obtained ; to wit , That the Crown matrimoniall should be granted to Francis , husband to our Soveraign , and so should France and Scotland be but one kingdome . The Subjects of both the Realmes to have equall libertie , Scottishmen in France , and Frenchmen in Scotland . The glister of the profit that was judged hereof to have ensued to Scottishmen , at the first sight blinded many mens eyes . But a small winde caused that mist suddenly to vanish away : For the greatest Offices and Benefices within the Realme were appointed for the Frenchmen : Monsieur Ruby kept the great Seale ; Vielmort was Controller ; Melrosse and Kelso should have been a commends to the poore Cardinall of Loraine . The freedomes of Scottish Merchants were restrained in Roane , and they compelled to pay Tole and Taxations others then their ancient Liberties did beare . To bring this head to passe ; to wit , to the Matrimoniall Crown , the Queen Regent left no point of the Compasse unsailed with the Bishops and Priests . She practised on this manner ; Ye may clearely see that I cannot do what I would within this Realme : for these Hereticks and Confederates of England are so banded together , that they stop all good order . But will ye be favourable unto me in this suit of the Matrimoniall Crowne , to be granted to my daughters husband , Then shall we see how I shall handle these Heretickes and Traitours ere it be long . And in very deed in these her promises she meant no deceit in that behalfe . Unto the Protestants she said ; I am not unmindfull how oft ye have solicited me for Reformation in Religion , and gladly would I consent thereunto , but ye see the power and craft of the Bishop of S. Andrews , together with the power of Duke Hamilton , and of Church-men ever to be bent against me in all my proceedings : so that I may do nothing , unlesse the full authority of this Realme be delivered to the King of France , which cannot be , but by donation of the Crowne Matrimoniall , which thing , if ye will bring to passe , then devise ye what ye please in matters of Religion , and they shall be granted . With this Commission and Credit , was Lord Iames , then Prior of S. Andrews , directed to the Earle of Argyle , with moe other promises then we list to rehearse . By such dissimulation to those that were simple and true of heart , inflamed she them to be more fervent in her Petition , then her selfe appeared to be . And so at the Parliament holden at Edinburgh , in the moneth of October , in the yeere of God 1558. it was clearely voed , no man reclaiming ( except the Duke for his interest ) and yet for it there was no better Law produced , except that there was a solemne Masse appointed for that purpose in the Pontificall . This head obtained , whereat France and she principally shot , what faith she kept to the Protestants , in this our second Book shall be declared . In the beginning whereof we may more amply rehearse some things , that in this our first are summarily touched . The end of the first Booke . The Second Booke OF THE HISTORY OF Things done in SCOTLAND , in the Reformation of Religion : Beginning in the yeere of our Lord God 1558. OUr purpose was to have made the beginning of our History , from the things that were done , from the yeere of God 1558. till , The Reformation of Religion , which of Gods mercy we once possessed , and yet in Doctrine , and in the right use of administration of Sacraments do possesse . But because divers of the godly ( as before is said ) earnestly required , That such persons as God raised up in the midst of darkenesse , to oppose themselves to the same , should not be omitted : We obeyed their Request , and have made a short Rehearsall of all such matters as concerne Religion , from the death of that notable Servant of God , Master Patricke Hamilton , unto the aforesaid yeere , when that it pleased God to looke upon us more mercifully then we deserve , and to give unto us greater boldnesse , and better ( albeit not without hazard and trouble ) successe in all our enterprizes then we looked for , as the true Narration of this second Booke shall witnesse . The PREFACE whereof followeth . The Preface . LEst that Sathan by our silence shall take occasion to blaspheme , and to slander us the Protestants of the Realme of Scotland , as that our fact tended rather to Sedition and Rebellion , then to Reformation of Manners , and abuses in Religion , We have thought expedient so truely and briefly as we can , to commit to writing the causes moving us ( as we say , and great part of the Nobility and Barons of the Realme ) to take the sword of just Defence , against those that most unjustly seek our destruction . And in this our confession we shall faithfully declare , What moved us to put our hands to the Reformation of Religion ; How we have proceeded in the same ; What we have asked , and what presently we require of the sacred Authority . To the end that our Cause being knowne , as well our enemies as our brethren in all Realmes , may understand how falsly we are accused of tumult and Rebellion , and how unjustly we are persecuted by France , and by their Faction . And also that our brethren naturall Scotish-men , of whatsoever Religion they be , may have occasion to examine themselves , If they can with safe conscience oppose themselves to us , who seek nothing but Christ Iesus his glorious Gospel to be preached , his holy Sacraments to be truely ministred , Superstition , Tyranny , and Idolatry to be suppressed in this Realme , And finally , This our native Countrey to remaine free from the Bondage and Tyranny of Strangers . While that the Queen Regent practised with the Prelats , how that Christ Jesus blessed Gospel might utterly be suppressed within Scotland , God so blessed the labours of his weak servants , that no small part of the Barons of this Realme began to abhorre the Tyranny of the Bishops : God did so open their eyes , by the light of his Word , that they could cleerly discerne betwixt Idolatry , and the true honouring of God : Yea , men almost universally began to doubt whether they could ( God not offended ) give their bodily presence to the Masse , or yet offer their children to the Papisticall Baptisme . The doubts when the most godly , and the most learned in Europe had answered , both by word and writing , affirming , That neither of both we might do , without perill of our souls , we began to be more troubled : For then also began men of estimation , and those that bare rule amongst us , to examine themselves concerning their duties , as well towards Reformation of Religion , as towards the just defence of their brethren most cruelly persecuted . And so began divers questions to be moved ; to wit , If that with safe conscience such as were Iudges , Lords , and Rulers of the People , might serve the higher Powers in maintaining of Idolatry , in persecuting their Brethren , and in suppressing Christs Truth : Or , Whether they to whom God in some case hath committed the Sword of Iustice , might suffer the blood of their Brethren to be shed in their presence , without any declaration that such Tyranny displeased them . By the plain Scriptures it was found , That a lively faith required a plaine Conf●ssion when Christs Truth is oppugned , That not onely are they guilty that do evil , but also they that consent to evil . And plain it is , That they consent to evil , who seeing iniquity openly committed , by their silence seem to justifie and avow whatsoever is done . These things being resolved , and sufficiently proved by evident Scriptures of God , we began every man to look more diligently to his Salvation : For the Idolatry and Tyranny of the Clergy ( called the Church-men ) was and is so manifest , that whosoever doth deny it , declareth himself ignorant of God , and enemy to Christ Jesus . We therefore , with humble confession of our former offences , with Fasting , and Supplication unto God , began to seek some remedy in so present a danger . And first it was concluded , That the Brethren in every Towne at certaine times should assemble together , to Common Prayers , to exercise , in reading of the Scriptures , till it should please God to give the gift of Exhortation by Sermon unto some , for the Comfort and Instruction of the rest . And this our weake beginning God did so blesse , that within a few Moneths the hearts of many were so strengthned , that we sought to have the face of a Church amongst us , and open crimes to be punished without respect of persons : And for that purpose by common Election , were Elders appointed , to whom the whole Brethren promised Obedience : For at that time we had no publike Ministers of the Word ; onely did certaine zealous men ( amongst whom was the Laird of Dun , David Forresse , Master Robert Lockhart , Master Robert Hammilton , William Harlawe , and others ) exhort their Brethren , according to the gifts and graces granted unto them . But shortly after did God stirre up his servant Paul Methuen ( his latter fall ought not to deface the work of God in him ) who in boldnesse of spirit began openly to Preach Christ Jesus in Dundie , in divers parts of Angus , and in Fyfe ; and so did God worke with him , that many began openly to renounce their old Idolatry , and to submit themselves to Christ Jesus , and unto his blessed Ordinances ; Insomuch that the Towne of Dundie began to erect the face of a Publike Church Reformed , in the which the Word was openly Preached , and Christs Sacraments truely ministred . In this meane time did God send to us our deare Brother Iohn Willock , a man godly , learned , and grave , who after his short abode at Dundie , repaired to Edinburgh , and there ( notwithstanding his long and dangerous sicknesse ) did so encourage the Brethren by godly Exhortations , that we began to deliberate upon some publike Reformation ; For the corruption in Religion was such , that with safe conscience we could no longer sustaine it : Yet because we would attempt nothing without the knowledge of the sacred Authority , with one consent , after the deliberation of many dayes , it was concluded , That by our publike and common Supplication , we should attempt the favour , support , and assistance of the Queen then Regent , to a godly Reformation : And for that purpose , with all diligence after we had drawn our Oration and Petition as followeth , we appointed from amongst us a man whose age and yeers deserved Reverence , whose honesty and worship might have craved audience of any Magistrate on the earth ; and whose faithfull Service to the Authority at all times hath been such , that in him could fall no suspition of unlawfull disobedience . This Orator was that ancient and honourable Father , Sir Iames Sandelandes of Calder , Knight ; to whom we gave Commission and Power in all our names then present , before the Queene Regent to speak this : THE FIRST ORATION AND PETITION Of the Protestants of SCOTLAND : To the Queene Regent . ALbeit we have of long time contained our selves in that modestie ( most noble Princesse ) that neither the exile of body , losse of goods , nor perishing of this mortall life , was able to make us to aske at your Majestie Reformation , and redresse of those wrongs , and of that sore griefe patiently borne by us in bodies and mindes of long time : Yet are we now by very conscience , and by the feare of our God compelled to crave at your Majesties feet , remedy against the most unjust tyrannie , used against your Majesties most obedient Subjects , by those that be called the State Ecclesiasticall . Your Majestie cannot be ignorant what controversie hath been , and yet is , concerning the true Religion , and right worshipping of God. And how the Clergie ( as they will be termed ) usurpe to themselves such Empire above the consciences of men ; That whatsoever they command , must be obeyed ; and whatsoever they forbid , must be avoided ; without further respect to Gods Pleasure , Commandment , or Will , revealed to us in his most holy Word ; or else there abideth nothing for us but Fagot , Fire , and Sword. By the which many of our brethren most cruelly and most unjustly have been strucken of late yeeres within this Realme , which now we finde to trouble and wound our consciences . For we acknowledge it to have been our bounden duties before God , either to have defended our brethren from those cruell murtherers ( seeing we are a part of that power which God hath established in this Realme ) or else to have given open testification of our Faith with them : Which now we offer our selves to do , lest that by our continuall silence we shall seem to justifie the cruell tyrannie of those men , which doth not onely displease us : but your Majesties wisdome most prudently doth foresee , that for the quieting of this intestine dissention , a publike Reformation , as well in the Religion , as in the temporall government were most necessary . And to the performance thereof , most gravely and most godly ( as we are informed ) ye have exhorted as well the Clergie as the Nobility , to imploy their studie , diligence , and care . We therefore , in conscience , dare not any longer dissemble in so weighty a matter , which concerneth the glory of God , and our salvation : Neither now dare we withdraw our presence or counsell , or Petitions , lest that the adversaries hereafter should object to us , That place was granted for Reformation , and yet no man sued for the same : and so shall our silence be prejudiciall unto us in time to come . And therefore we knowing no order placed in this Realme , but your Majestie , and your grave counsell , set to amend , as well the disorder Ecclesiasticall , as the defaults in the temporall Regiment , most humbly prostrate our selves before your feet , asking justice and your gracious help , against them that falsly traduce and accuse us , as that we were Hereticks , and Schismatikes , under that colour seeking our destruction , for that we seek the amendment of their corrupted lives , and Christs Religion to be restored to the originall puritie . Further we crave of your Majestie with open and patent eares , to heare those our subsequent requests , and to the joy and satisfaction of our troubled consciences , bountifully to grant the same , unlesse by Gods plaine Word any be able to prove that justly they ought to be denied . Here beginneth the particular Demands . FIrst , Humbly we ask , That as we have by the Lawes of this Realme , after long debate obtained to reade the holy Books of the Old and New Testament , in our Vulgar Tongue , as Spirituall food to our soules : so from henceforth it may be lawfull , that we may meet publikely or privately to our Common-Prayers in our Vulgar Tongue , to the end that we may increase and grow in knowledge , and be induced by fervent and oft Prayer , to commend to God the holy Universall Church , the Queene our Soveraigne , her honourable and gracious Husband , the abilitie of their succession , your Majestie Regent , the Nobilitie , and whole State of this Realme . Secondly , If it shall happen in our said meetings any hard place of Scripture to be read , of which , without explanation , hardly can arise any profit to the hearers , that it shall be lawfull to any qualified persons in knowledge , being present , to interpret and open up the said hard places , to Gods glory , and to the profit of the Auditory . And if any thinke that this libertie should be occasion of Confusion , Debate , or Heresie , we are content that it be provided that the said Interpretation shall underly the judgement of the godly , and most learned within the Realme at this time . Thirdly , That the holy Sacrament of Baptisme may be used in the Vulgar Tongue , that the God-fathers and Witnesses may not onely understand the points of the League and Contract made betwixt God and the Infant , but also that the Church then assembled , more gravely may be informed and instructed of their duties , which at all times they owe to God , according to that promise made unto him , when they were received into his houshold by the lavacre of spirituall regeneration . Fourthly , We desire that the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper , or of his blessed Body and Blood may likewise be ministred unto us in the Vulgar Tongue , and in both kindes , according to the plaine Institution of our Saviour Christ Iesus . And lastly , We most humbly require , That the wicked , slanderous , and detestable life of Prelats , and of the state Ecclesiasticall , may be reformed , that the people by them have not occasion ( as of many dayes they have had ) to contemne their Ministerie , and the Preaching , whereof they should be Messengers . And if they suspect that we rather envying their honours , or coveting their riches and possessions , then Zealously desiring their amendment and salvation , do travell and labour for this Reformation : We are content , that not onely the Rules and Precepts of the New Testament , but also the Writings of the ancient Fathers , and the godly and approved Lawes of Justinian the Emperour , decide the controversie betwixt us and them . And if it shall be found , that either malevolently or ignorantly we aske more then these three forenamed have required , and continually do require of able and true Ministers in Christs Church , we refuse not correction , as your Majestie with right judgement shall think meet . But if all the forenamed shall condemne that which we condemne , and approve that which we require ; Then we most earnestly beseech your Majestie , that notwithstanding the long custome which they have had to live at their lust , that they be compelled either to desist from Ecclesiasticall administration , or to discharge their duties , as becometh true Ministers . So that the grave and godly face of the Primitive Church reduced ; Ignorance may be expelled ; True Doctrine and good Manners may once againe appeare in the Church in this Realme . These things we , as most obedient Subjects , require of your Majestie , in the Name of the eternall God , and of his Son Christ Iesus , in presence of whose Throne judiciall , ye , and all other that heere in earth beareth authority shall give account of your temporall regiment . The spirit of the Lord Iesus move your Majesties heart to Iustice and Equity . These our Demands being proposed , the State Ecclesiasticall began to storme , and to devise all manner of lies to deface the equitie of our cause . They bragged as that they would have publike Disputation , which also we most earnestly required , two things being provided ; First , That the plaine and written Scriptures of God should decide all Controversies : Secondly , That our brethren , of whom some were then exiled , and by them unjustly condemned , might have free accesse to the said Disputation , and safe-conduct to return to their dwelling places , notwithstanding any Processe which before had been laid against them in matters concerning Religion . But these being by them utterly denied ( for no Judge would they admit , but themselves , their Counsels , and Canon Law ) They and their faction began to draw certain Articles of reconciliation , promising unto us , If we would admit the Masse to stand in its former reverence and estimation ; Grant Purgatory after this life ; Confesse prayer to Saints , and for the dead , and suffer them to enjoy their accustomed Rents , Possession , and Honour : That then they would grant us to pray , and baptize in the Vulgar Tongue , so that it were done secretly , and not in the open assembly . But the grosenesse of these Articles was such , that with one voice we refused them , and constantly craved justice of the Queene Regent , and a reasonable answer of our former Petitions . The Queene then Regent , a woman crafty , dissimulate , and false-thinking , to make her profit of both parties , gave to us permission to use our selves godly , according to our desires provided , that we should not make publike assemblies in Edinburgh nor Lieth , and did promise her assistance to our Preachers , untill some uniform order might be established by a Parliament . To them ( we mean the Clergie ) she quietly gave signification of her minde , promising that how soon any opportunity should serve , she should so put order to these matters , that after they should not be troubled : for some say , they gave her a large purse 40000. l. Turn . or Scots , gathered by the Laird of Earleshale . We nothing suspecting her doublenesse nor falshood , departed fully contented with her answer , and did use our selves so quietly , that for her pleasure we put silence to Iohn Dowglas , who publikely would have preached in the Town of Lieth ; for in all things we sought the contentment of her minde , so far as God should not be offended against us , for obeying her in things as we thought unlawfull . Shortly after these things , that cruell Tyrant and unmercifull hypocrite , falsly called , Bishop of S. Andrews , apprehended that blessed Martyr of Christ Jesus , Walter Mill , a man of decrepite age , whom most cruelly and most unjustly he put to death by fire in Saint Andrews , the twenty eighth day of April , in the yeere of God 1558. Which thing did so highly offend the hearts of all godly , that immediatly after his death , began a new fervencie among the whole people , yea , even in the Towne of Saint Andrews , began the people plainely to condemne such unjust crueltie . And in testification that they would his death should abide in recent memory , there was cast together a great heap of stones in the place where he was burnt . The Bishop and Priests thereat offended , caused once or twice to remove the same , with denunciation of cursing , if any man should there lay any stones . But in vaine was that winde blowne , for still was the heape made , till that the Priests and Papists did steale away by night the stones to build their walls , and to other their private uses . We suspecting nothing that the Queene Regent was consenting to the forenamed murther , most humbly did complain of such unjust crueltie , requiring that justice in such cases should be ministred with greater indifferencie . She as a woman born to dissemble , and deceive , began with us to lament the cruelty of the Bishop , excusing her selfe as innocent in that cause , for that the sentence was given without her knowledge . Because the man sometimes had been a Priest ; therefore the Bishops Officiall did proceed upon him without any commission of the Civill authority , ex officio , as they terme it . We yet nothing suspecting her falshood , required some order to be taken against such enormities , which she promised as oft before . But because shortly after there was a Parliament to be holden , for certain affaires , pertaining rather to the Queens profit particular , then to the commodity of the Common-wealth , we thought good to expose our matter unto the whole Parliament , and by them to seek some redresse : we therefore with one consent did offer to the Queen and Parliament a Letter , in this Tenor : The Forme of the Letter given in Parliament . UNto your Majesty , and unto your Right honorable Lords , Barons , and Burgesses of this present Parl. Humbly means , and sheweth your Majesties faithfull and obedient subjects , That where we are daily molested , slandered , and injured by wicked and ignorant persons , place-holders of the Ministers of the Church , who most untruely cease not to infame us , as hereticks , & under that name they most cruelly have persecuted divers of our brethren ; and farther intend to execute their malice against us , unlesse by some godly order their fury and rage be bridled and stayed . And yet in us they are able to prove no crime worthy of punishment , unlesse that to reade the holy Scriptures in our Assemblies , to invocate the Name of God in publike Prayers , with all sobriety to interpret and open the places of Scripture that be read to the further edification of the brethren assembled ; and truely , according to Christ Jesus his holy Institution , to minister the Sacraments , be crimes worthy of punishment : other crimes ( we say ) in us they are not able to convince . And to the premises we are compelled , for that the said Place-holders discharge no part of their duties rightly to us , neither yet to the people subject to us ; and therefore , unlesse we should declare our selves altogether unmindfull of our own salvation , we are compelled in very conscience to seek how that we and our brethren may be delivered from the thraldom of Sathan : For now it hath pleased God to open our eyes , and manifestly we see , That without extreme danger of our souls , we may in no wayes communicate with the damnable Idolatry , and intolerable abuses of the Papisticall Church . And therefore most humbly require we of your Majesty , and of your Right Honorable Lords , Barons , and Burgesses assembled in this present Parliament , prudently to weigh , and as it becometh just Judges , to grant these our most just and reasonable Petitions : First , Seeing that the controversie in Religion which hath long continued betwixt the Protestants of Almany , Helvetia , and other Provinces ; and the papisticall Church is not yet decided by a lawfull and generall Counsell : And seeing that our consciences are likewise touched with the fear of God , as was theirs in the beginning of their controversie , we most humbly desire , That all such Acts of Parliament as in the time of darknesse gave power to the Church-men to execute their tyrannie against us , by reason that we to them were delated as hereticks , may be suspended and abrogated , till a Generall Councell lawfully assembled , have decided all controversies in Religion . And lest that this mutation should seem to set all men at liberty to live as they list , we secondarily require that it be Enacted by this present Parliament , That the Prelats and their Officers be removed from place of Iudgement , onely granting unto them neverthelesse the place of accusators in the presence of a Temporall Iudge ; before whom the Church men accusators shall be bounden to call any by them accused of heresie : To whom also they shall be bounden to deliver an authenticke Copy of all Depositions , Accusations , and Processe laid against any person accused . The Iudge likewise delivering the same to the partie accused , assigning unto him a competent terme to answer to the same , after he hath taken sufficient caution . De judicio sisti . Thirdly , We require , That all lawfull defences be granted to the person accused ; as , If he be able to prove that the witnesses be persons unable by Law to testifie against him , that then their Accusations and Depositions be null , according to justice . Item , That place be granted to the party accused to explaine and interpret his owne minde and meaning ; which confession we require be inserted in publike Acts , and be preferred to the deposition of any witnesse , seeing that none ought to suffer for Religion , that is not found obstinate in his damnable opinion . Last , We require that our brethren be not condemned for heretickes , unlesse by the manifest Word of God they be convinced to have erred from that faith which the holy Spirit witnesseth to be necesiary to Salvation : And if so they be , we refuse not but that they be punished according to justice ; Unlesse by wholesome admonition they can be reduced to a better minde . These things require we to be considered of by you , who are in the Place of the Eternall God ( who is God of Order and Truth ) even in such sort , as ye will answer in presence of his Throne judiciall : Requiring further , That favourably you would have respect to the tendernesse of our consciences , and to the trouble which appeareth to follow in this Common-wealth , if the tyranny of the Prelates , and of their adherents be not bridled by God and just Lawes . God move your hearts deeply to consider your owne duties , and our present troubles . These our Demands did we first present to the Queen Regent , because that we were determined to enterprise nothing without her knowledge , most humbly requiring her favourably to assist us in our just action . She spared not amiable looks , and good words in abundance . But alwayes she kept our Petition close in her pocket . When we required secretly of her Majesty that our Petition should be proposed to the whole Assembly : She answered , That she thought not that expedient ; for then would the whole Ecclesiasticall Estate be contrary to her proceedings , which at that time was great : For the Matrimoniall Crowne was asked , and in that Parliament granted . But , said she , how soon order can be taken with these things , which now may be hindred by the Church-men , ye shall know my good minde . And in the meane time whatsoever I can grant unto you , shall gladly be granted . We yet nothing suspecting her falshood , were content to give place for a time to her pleasure and pretended reason . And yet thought we expedient somewhat to protest , before the dissolution of the Parliament : For our Petition was manifestly knowne to the whole Assembly ; as also how that for the Queens pleasure we had ceased to pursue the uttermost . Our Protestation was formed in manner following . The Forme of the Protestation made in the Parliament holden at Edinburgh , Anno 1558. IT is not unknowne to this Honourable Parliament , what controversie is now lately risen betwixt those that will be called the Prelats and Rulers of the Church , and a great number of us the Nobility and Communalty of the Realme , for the true worshipping of God , for the duty of Ministers , for the right Administration of Christ Jesus holy Sacraments . How that we have complained by our supplication to the Queen Regent , That our consciences are burthened with unprofitable Ceremonies ; And that we are compelled to adhere to Idolary : That such as take upon them the Office Ecclesiasticall , discharge no part thereof as becometh true Ministers to do ; and finally , That we and our brethren are most injuriously oppressed by their usurped authority . And also we suppose it is a thing sufficiently known , That we were of minde at this present Parliament to seek redresse of such enormities : but considering that the troubles of the time do not suffer such Reformation as we by Gods plain Word do require , we are enforced to delay that which most earnestly we desire : And yet lest that our silence should give occasion to our adversaries to thinke that we repent of our former enterprisers , we cannot cease to protest , for remedy against that most unjust tyranny which we heretofore have most patiently sustained . And first we protest , That seeing we cannot obtain a just Reformation according to Gods Word , that it be lawfull to us to use our selves in matters of Religion and conscience , as we must answer unto God , unto such time as our adversaries be able to prove themselves the true Ministers of Christs Church , and to purge themselves of such crimes as we have already laid to their charge , offering our selves to prove the same whensoever the sacred Authority please to give us audience . Secondly we protest , That neither we , nor yet any other of the godly that list to joyn with us in the true Faith which is grounded upon the invincible Word of God , shall incur any danger of life or lands , or any politicall pain , for not observing such Acts as heretofore have passed in favour of our adversaries , neither yet for violating of such Rites as man without Gods Commandment or Word hath commanded . We thirdly protest , That if any tumult or uprore shall arise amongst the members of this Realme for the diversity of Religion ; and if it shall chance that abuses be violently reformed , that the crime thereof be not imputed to us , who most humbly do now seek all to be reformed by an Order . But rather whatsoever inconvenience shall happen to follow for lack of Order taken , that may be imputed to those that do refuse the same . And last we protest , That these our requests , proceeding from conscience , do tend to none other end , but to the reformation of the abuses in Religion onely : Most humbly beseeching the sacred Authority to take us faithfull and obedient subjects into protection against our adversaries , and to shew unto us such indifferency in our most just Petition , as it becometh Gods Lieutenants to do to those that in his Name do call for defence , against cruell oppressors , and blood-thirsty Tyrants . This our Protestation publikely read , we desired it to have been inserted in the common Register , but that , by the labor of enemies , was denied unto us . Neverthelesse the Queen Regent said , Me will remember what it protested , and me shall put good order after this to all things that now be in controversie . And thus after she by craft had obtained her purpose , we departed ed , in good hope of her favour , praising God inour hearts , that she was so well inclined towards godlinesse . The good opinion that we had of her sincerity , caused us not onely to spend our goods , and hazard our bodies at her pleasure , but also by our publike Letters written to that excellent servant of God Iohn Calvine we did praise and commend her , for her excellent knowledge in Gods Word , and good will towards the advancement of his glory ; requiring of him , That by his grave counsell , and godly exhortation , he would animate her Majestie constantly to follow that , which godlily she had begun . We did farther sharply rebuke both by word and writing , all such as appeared to suspect in her any venom or hypocrisie , or that were contrary to that opinion which we had conceived of her godly minde . But how far we were deceived in our opinion , and abused by her craft , did suddenly appear : For how soon that all things pertaining to the commodity of France were granted by us , and that Peace was contracted betwixt King Philip and France , and England and us , she began to spue forth , and disclose the latent venom of her double heart . Then began she to frowne , and to look forwardly to all such as she knew did favour the Gospel of Jesus Christ. She commanded her houshold to use all abominations at Easter ; and she first her self , to give example to others , did communicate to the Idol in open audience ; she controlled her houshold ▪ and would know where that every one received ther Sacrament . And it appeared , That after that day that malice took more violent and strong possession in her , then it did before ; for from that day forward she appeared altogether altered , insomuch that her countenance and facts did declare the venom of her heart : For incontinent she caused our Preachers to be summoned ; for whom when we made intercession , beseeching her Majesty not to molest them in their Ministry , unlesse any man were able to convince them of false Doctrine , she could not bridle her tongue from open blasphemy , but proudly she said , In despight of you and your Ministers both , they shall be banished out of Scotland , albeit they preached as true as ever did Saint Paul. Which proud and blaspemous answer , did greatly astonish us : and yet ceased we not most humbly to seek her favour ; and by great diligence , at last we obtained that the Summons at that time were delayed : For to her were sent Alexander Earl of Glenclarne , and Sir Hues Campbell of Lowdone Knight , Sheriff of Air , to reason with her , and to crave some performance of her manifold promises ; to whom she answered , It becomes not subjects to burthen their Princes with promises , further then it pleased them to keep the same . Both the Noble men faithfully and boldly discharged their duty , and plainly forewarned her of the inconveniences that were to follow : wherewith she somewhat astonied , said she would advise . In this mean time did the Town of Perth , called Saint Iohnston , embrace the Truth , which did provoke her to a new fury ; in which she willed the Lord Ruthuein Provest of that Towne , so suppresse all such Religion there . To the which when he answered , That he could make their bodies to come to her Majesty , & to prostrate themselves before her , till that she was fully satiate with her blood : but to cause them to do against their conscience , he could not promise . She in fury did answer , That he was too mallapart , to give her such answer , affirming that both he and they should repent it . She solicited M. Iames Haliburntoun Provest of Dundie , to apprehend Paul Methuen , who fearing God , gave secret advertisement to the man to avoid the Town for a time . She sent forth such as she thought most able to perswade at Easter , to cause Montrosse , Dundie , S. Iohnston , and other such places as had received the Gospel , to communicate with the Idoll of the Masse , but they could profit nothing , the hearts of many were bent to follow the Trueth revealed , and did abhorre Superstition and Idolatry . Whereat she more highly commoved , did Summon again all the Preachers to appear at Sterlin , the tenth day of May , in the yeere of our Lord 1559. Which understood by us , we with all humble obedience sought the means how she might be appeased , and our Preachers not molested : but when we could prevaile nothing , it was concluded by the whole brethren , That the Gentlemen of every Countrey should accompany their Preachers , to the day and place appointed ; Whereto all men were most willing . And for that purpose , the Town of Dundie , the Gentlemen of Angus and Mernes , passed forward with their Preachers to S. Iohnston , without Armour , as peaceable men , minding onely to give confession with their Preachers . And lest that such a multitude should have given feare to the Queene Regent , the Laird of Dun , a zealous , prudent , and godly man , passed before to the Queene , then being at Sterlin , to declare to her , That the cause of their Convocation , was onely to give confession with their Preachers , and to assist them in their just defence . She understanding the fervencie of the people , began to use craft with him , soliciting him to stay the multitude , and the Preachers also , with promise that she would take some better order . He a man most gentle of nature , and most addict to please her in all things not repugnant to God , wrote to those that then were assembled at S. Iohnston , to stay , and not to come forward , shewing what promise and hope he had of the Queens favour . At the reading of his Letters , some did smell the craft and deceit , and perswaded to passe forward , untill that a discharge of the former Summons should be had , alleadging that otherwise their Processe of Rebellion should be executed against the Preachers : And so should not onely they , but also all such as did accompany them , be involved in a like crime . Others did reason , That the Queens promise was not to be suspected , neither yet the Laird of Duns request to be contemned , and so did the whole multitude with their Preachers stay . In this mean time that the Preachers were summoned , to wit , the second of May 1559. arrived Iohn Knox from France , who lodging two nights onely in Edinburgh , hearing the day appointed to his brethren , repaired to Dundie , where he earnestly required them , That he might be permitted to assist his brethren , and to give confession of his Faith with them , which granted unto him , he departed unto S. Iohnston with them , where he began to exhort , according to the grace of God granted unto him . The Queen perceiving that the Preachers did not appear , began to utter her malice ; and notwithstanding any request made to the contrary , gave commandment to put them to the Horne ; inhibiting all men , under pain of high Rebellion , to assist , comfort , receive , or maintain them in any sort : which extremity perceived by the said Laird of Dun , he prudently withdrew himselfe ( for otherwise by all appearance he had not escaped imprisonment . ) For the Master of Maxwell , a man zealous and stout in Gods Cause ( as then appeared ) under the cloke of another small crime , was that same day committed to ward , because he did boldly affirme , That to the uttermost of his power , he would assist the Preachers and the Congr●gation , notwithstanding any sentence which unjustly was , or should be pronounced against them . The Laird of Dun coming to S. Iohnston , exposed the case even as it was , and did conceal nothing of the Queens craft and falshood : Which understood , the multitude was so inflamed , that neither could the exhortation of the Preachers , nor the commandment of the Magistrate , stay them from destroying the places of Idolatry . The manner whereof was : The Preachers had declared before how odious Idolatry was in Gods presence : What commandment he had given for the destruction of the monuments thereof : What Idolatry , and what abomination was in the Masse . It chanced that the next day , which was the eleventh of May , after that the Preachers were exiled , that after the Sermon , which was very vehement against Idolatry , a certaine Priest in contempt would go to the Masse ; and to declare his malapart presumption , he would open up a glorious Tabernacle , which stood upon the high Altar : There stood beside , certain godly men , and amongst others , a young boy , who cryed with a bold voice , This is intolerable , that when God by his Word hath plainely condemned Idolatry , we shall stand and see it used in despight . The Priest hereat offended , gave the childe a great blow ; who in anger took up a stone , and casting at the Priest , hit the Tabernacle , and brake down an Image : And immediatly , the whole multitude threw stones , and put hands on the said Tabernacle , and on all other Monuments of Idolatry ; Which they dispatched before the tenth man in the Town were advertised ( for the most part were gone to diner ) which noised abroad , the whole multitude assembled , not of the Gentlemen , neither of them that were earnest Professours , but of the rascall multitude , who finding nothing to do in that Church , did run without deliberation to the Gray and Black-Friers , and notwithstanding that they had within them very strong guards kept for their defence , yet were their gates incontinent burst up . The first invasion was upon Idolatry , and thereafter the common people began to seek some spoile . And in very deed the Gray-Friers was a place so well provided , that unlesse honest men had seen the same , we would have feared to have reported what provision they had , their sheets , blankets , beds , and coverlets were such , that no Earle in Scotland had better : Their naperie was fine , they were but 8 persons in the Convent , and yet had they 8 puncheons of salt Beef ( consider the time of the yeere , the eleventh of May ) wine , beere , and ale , beside store of victuals belonging thereto . The like abundance was not in the Black-Friers , and yet there was more then became men professing poverty . The spoile was permitted to the poore : For so had the Preachers before threatned all men , That for covetousnesse sake , none should put their hand to such a Reformation , that no honest man was inriched thereby the value of a groat . Their conscience so moved them , that they suffered those hypocrites to take away what they could , of that which was in their places . The Prior of the Charter-house was permitted to take with him even as much gold and silver as he was able to carry . So were mens consciences beaten with the Word , that they had no respect to their own particular profit , but onely to abolish Idolatry , the places and Monuments thereof , in which they were so busie , and so laborious , that within two dayes these three great places , Monuments of Idolatry , to wit , the Black and Gray Theeves , and Charter-house Monks ( a building of wonderous cost and greatnesse ) was so destroyed , that the walls onely did remain of all those great edifices . Which reported to the Queen , she was so inraged , That she did vow utterly to destroy S. Iohnston , man , woman , and childe , and to consume the same by fire , and thereafter to salt it , in signe of a perpetuall desolation . We suspecting nothing such cruelty , but thinking that such words might escape her in choler without purpose determined , because she was a woman , set on fire by the complaints of those hypocrites , who flocked unto her as Ravens to a carion . We ( we say ) suspecting nothing such beastly cruelty , returned to our own houses : leaving in S. Iohnston , Iohn Knox to instruct the people , because they were yong and rude in Christ. But she , set on fire partly by her own malice , partly by commandment of her friends in France , and not a little by bribes , which she and Monsieur Dosell received from the Bishops and the Priests here at home , did continue still in her rage . And first she sent for all the Nobility , to whom she complained , That we meaned nothing but Rebellion : She did grievously lament the destruction of the Charter-house , because it was a Kings foundation , and there was the tombe of King Iames the first , and by such other perswasions she made the most part of them grant to pursue us . And then incontinent sent she for her French men : For that was , and ever hath been her joy , to see Scottish men dip one with anothers blood . No man was at that time more franke against us then was Duke Hamilton , led by that cruell beast the Bishop of Saint Andrews , and by those that yet abuse him , the Abbot of Kilvinning , and Matthew Hamilton of Milburne , two chiefe enemies to the Duke and to his whole house , but in so far as thereby they may procure their own particular profit . These and such other pestilent Papists ceased not to cast fagots on the fire continually , crying , Forward upon these Hereticks , we shall once rid this Realme of them . The certaintie hereof coming to our knowledge , some of us repaired to the Towne againe , about the two and twentieth day of May , and there did abide for the comfort of our brethren : Where after Invocation of the Name of God , we began to put the Town and our selves in such strength , as we thought might best serve for our just defence . And because we did not utter despaire of the Queens favour , we caused to forme a Letter to her Majestie , as followeth . To the Queenes Majestie Regent , all humble obedience and dutie premised . AS heretofore with jeopard of our lives , and yet with willing hearts we have served the authoritie of Scotland , and your Majestie now Regent in this Realme , in service to our bodies dangerous , and painefull , so now with most dolorous mindes we are constrained by unjust tyrannie purposed against us , to declare unto your Majestie , That except this crueltie be stayed by your wisdome , we shall be compelled to take the sword of just defence , against all that shall pursue us for the matter of Religion , and for our conscience sake : which ought not , nor may not be subject to mortall creatures , further then by Gods Word man is able to prove that he hath power to command us . We signifie moreover unto your Majestie , That if by rigour we be compelled to seek the extreame defence , that we will not onely notifie our innocencie and Petition to the King of France , to our Mistresse and to her husband ; but also to the Princes and Counsell of every Christian Realme , declaring unto them , That this cruell , unjust , and most tyrannicall murther intended against Townes and multitudes , was , and is the onely cause of our revolt from our accustomed obedience , which in Gods presence we faithfully promise to our Soveraigne Mistresse , to her husband , and unto your Majestie Regent . Provided that our consciences may live in that Peace and Libertie , which Christ Iesus hath purchased to us by his blood , and that we may have his Word truely Preached and holy Sacraments rightly ministred unto us , without which we firmely purpose never to be subject to mortall man : For better we think to expose our bodies to a thousand deaths , then to hazard our souls to perpetuall damnation , by denying Christ Iesus , and his manifest Veritie , which thing not onely do they who commit open Idolatry , but also all such as seeing their brethren pursued for the cause of Religion , and having sufficient means to comfort and assist them , do neverthelesse withdraw from them their dutifull support . We would not your Majestie should be deceived , by the false perswasions of those cruell beasts the Church-men , who affirme , That your Majestie needeth not greatly to regard the losse of us that professe Christ Iesus in this Realme . If ( as God forbid ) ye give ear to their pestilent counsell , and so use against us this extremity pretended , it is to be feared , That neither ye , neither yet your posteritie shall at any time after this finde that obedience and faithfull service within this Realme , which as all times you have found in us . We declare our judgements freely , as true and faithfull Subjects . God move your Princely heart favourably to interpret our faithfull meaning : Further advertising your Majestie , That the selfe same thing , together with all things that we have done , or yet intend to do , we will notifie by our Letters to the King of France . Asking of you , in the Name of the eternall God , and as your Majestie tenders the peace and quietnesse of this Realme : That ye invade us not with any violence , till we receive answer from our Mistresse and her husb●nd , and from their advised Counsell there . And thus we commit your Majestie to the protection of the omnipotent . From Saint Johnston , the 22 of May 1559. Sic subscribitur . Your Majesties obedient Subjects in all things , not repugnant to God. The faithfull congregation of Christ Iesus in Scotland . To the same purpose we wrote to Monsieur Dosell in French , requiring of him , That by his wisdome he would mitigate the Queenes rage , and the rage of the Priests , otherwise that flame which then began to burn , would so kindle , that when some men would , it could not be slackned . Adding further , That he declared himself no faithfull servant unto his Master the King of France , if for the pleasure of the Priests he would persecute us , and so compell us to take the sword of just defence . In like manner we wrote to Captain Serre la Bourse , and to all other Captains and French Souldiers in generall , admonishing them that their Vocation was not to fight against us naturall Scotish-men , nor yet that they had any such Commandment of their Master : We besought them therefore not to provoke us to enmity against them , and to consider that they had found us favourable , in their most great extremities . We declared farther unto them , That if they entred in hostility and bloody War against us , that the same should remain longer then their owne lives , to wit , even in all posteritie to come , so long as naturall Scotish-men should have power to revenge such cruelty , and most horrible ingratitude . These Letters were caused to be spread abroad in great abundance , to the end that some might come to the knowledge of men . The Queen Regent her Letter was laid upon her Cushion in the Chappel Royall at Sterlin , where she was accustomed to sit at Masse ; she looked upon it , and put in the pocket of her Gown : Monsieur d' Osel and the Captains , received theirs , delivered even by their own souldiers ( for some amongst them were favourers of the Truth ) who after the reading of them , began to pull their own beards , for that was the modest behaviour of Monsieur d' Osell , when truth was told unto him , so that it repugned to his fantasie . These our Letters were suppressed to the utmost of their power , and yet they came to the knowledge of many . But the rage of the Queen and the Priests could not be stayed , but forward they move against us , who then were but a very few and mean number of Gentlemen in S. Iohnston ; we perceiving the extremity to approach , did write to all brethren to repair towards us for our relief , to the which we found all men so ready bent , that the Work of God was evidently to be espied : the Tenour whereof followeth . And because that we would omit no diligence to declare our innocency to all men , we formed a Letter to those of the Nobility , who then persecuted us , as after followeth : To the Nobility of Scotland . The Congregation of Christ Iesus within the same , desire the spirit of righteous Iudgement BEcause we are not ignorant that ye the Nobility of this Realme , who now persecute us , employing your whole study and force to maintain the kingdom of Sathan , of superstition and Idolatry , are yet neverthelesse divided in opinion . We the Congregation of Christ Jesus , by you unjustly persecuted , have thought good , in one Letter , to write unto you severally . Ye are divided , we say , in opinion ; for some of you think that we who have taken this enterprise to remove Idolatry , and the Monuments of the same , to erect the true Preaching of Christ Jesus , in the bounds committed to our Charges , are hereticks , seditious men , and troublers of this Commonwealth , and therefore no punishment is sufficient for us ; and so blinded with this rage , and under pretence to serve the Authority , ye proclaim War and destruction without all order of Law against us . To you , we say , that neither your blinde zeal , neither yet the colour of Authority , shall excuse you in Gods presence , who commandeth none to suffer death till that he be openly convinced in judgement , to have offended against God , and against his Law written ; which no mortall creature is able to prove against us : for whatsoever we have done , the same we have done at Gods commandment , who plainly commands Idolatry , and all Monuments of the same to be destroyed and abolished . Our earnest and long request hath been , and is , That in open Assembly it may be disputed , in presence of indifferent auditors , Whether that these abominations , named by the pestilent Papists , Religion , which they by fire and sword defend , be the true Religion of Jesus Christ or not ? Now this humble request denied unto us , our lives are sought in most cruell manner : And the Nobility ( whose duty is to defend innocents , and to bridle the fury and rage of wicked men , were it of Princes or Emperors ) do notwithstanding follow their appetites , and arme your selves against us your brethren , and naturall Countrey-men : yea , against us that be innocent and just , as concerning all such crimes as be laid to our charges . If ye think that we be criminall , because that we dissent from your opinion , consider , we beseech you , that the Prophets under the Law , the Apostles of Christ Jesus after his Ascension , his Primitive Church and holy Martyrs , did disagree from the whole world in their dayes . And will ye deny but that their action was just , and that all those that persecuted them were murtherers before God ? May not the like be true this day ? What assurance have ye this day of your Religion , which the world that day had not of theirs ? ye have a multitude that agree with you , and so had they : ye have antiquity of time , and that they lacked not : ye have Counsells , Laws , and men of reputation , that have established all things , as ye suppose : but none of all these can make any Religion acceptable unto God , which onely depended upon his owne will , revealed to man in his most sacred Word . It is not then a wonder that ye sleep in so deadly a security in the matter of your owne salvation ; considering that God giveth unto you so manifest tokens , that ye and your leaders are both declined from God. For if the tree shall be judged by the fruit ( as Christ Jesus affirmeth that it must needs be ) then of necessity it is , That your Prelats , and the whole rabble of their Clergie be evill trees : For if Adultery , Pride , Ambition , Drunkennesse , Covetousnesse , Incest , Unthankfulnesse , Oppression , Murther , Idolatry , and Blasphemy , be evill fruits , there can none of that Generation which claim to themselves the title of Churchmen , be judged to be good trees : For all these pestilent and wicked fruits do they bring forth in greatest abundance . And if they be evil trees ( as ye your selves must be compelled to confesse they are ) advise prudently with what consciences ye can maintain them to occupy the room and place in the Lords Vine-yard . Do ye not consider that in so doing ye labour to maintain the servants of sin in their filthy corruption , and so consequently ye labour that the devill may raigne , and still abuse this Realme by all iniquity and tyranny , and that Christ Jesus and his blessed Gospel be suppressed and extinguished . The name and the cloke of the authority which ye pretend , will nothing excuse you in Gods presence , but rather shall ye bear double condemnation , for that ye burden God , as that his good Ordinances were the cause of your iniquity : All Authority which God hath established , is good and perfect , and is to be obeyed of all men , yea , under pain of damnation . But do ye not understand , That there is a great difference betwixt the Authority which is Gods Ordinance , and the persons of those which are placed in Authority ; the Authority and Gods Ordinances can never do wrong , for it commandeth that vice and wicked men be punished , and vertue with vertuous men and just be maintained . But the corrupt person placed in this Authority , may offend , and most commonly doth contrary to this Authority : and is then the corruption of man to be followed , by reason that it is clothed with the name of Authority ? Or shall those that obey the wicked commandment of those that are placed in Authority , be excusable before God ? Not so , not so , but the plagues and vengeances of God taken upon Kings their servants and subjects , do witnesse to us the plain contrary . Pharaoh was a King , and had his Authority of God , who commanded his subjects to murther and torment the Israelites , and at last most cruelly to persecute their lives : But was their obedience ( blinde rage it should be called ) excusable before God ? the Universall plague doth plainly declare , That the wicked Commander , and those that obeyed , were alike guilty before God. And if the example of Pharaoh shall be rejected , because he was an Ethnicke , then let us consider the facts of Saul : He was a King anoynted of God , appointed to raign over his people ; he commanded to persecute David , because ( as he alleadged ) David was a Traytor , and Usurper of the Crowne : And likewise commanded Ahimeleck the High Priest and his fellows to be slaine : But did God approve any part of this obedience ? evident it is , That he did not . And think ye that God will approve in you , that which he did condemne in others ? be not deceived ; with God there is no such partiality . If ye obey the unjust commandments of wicked Rulers , ye shall suffer Gods vengeance and just punishment with them . And therefore , as ye tender your owne salvation , we most earnestly require of you moderation , and that ye stay your selves , and the fury of others , from persecuting of us , till our cause be tried in open and lawfull Judgement . And now to you who are perswaded of the justice of our cause , who sometimes have professed Christ Jesus with us , and who also have exhorted us to this enterprise , and yet have left us in our extreme necessity , at least looke out thorow your fingers in this our trouble , as that the matter appertained not unto you , we say , That unlesse ( all fear and worldly respects set aside ) ye joyn your selves with us , that as of God ye are reputed Traytors , so shall ye be excommunicated from our Society , and from all participation with us in the Administration of Sacraments : the glory of this Victory which God shall give to his Church , yea , even in the eyes of men , shall not appertain to you , but the fearful judgement which apprehended Ananias , and his wife Saphira , shall apprehend you and your posterity . Ye may perchance contemn and despise the Excōmunication of the Church now by Gods mighty power erected amongst us , as a thing of no force : But yet doubt we nothing , but that our Church , and the true Ministers of the same , have the same power which our Master Christ Jesus granted to his Apostles in these words , Whose sins ye shall forgive , shall be forgiven ; and whose sins ye shall retain , shall be retained , and that because they preach , and we believe the same Doctrine which is contained in his most blessed Word : and therefore , except that ye will contemne Christ Jesus , ye neither can despise our threatning , neither yet refuse us calling for your just defence . By your fainting , and by extracting of your support , the enemies are encouraged , thinking that they shall finde no resistance : in which point , God willing , they shall be deceived ; for if they were ten thousand , and we but one thousand , they shall not murther the least of our brethren , but we ( God assisting us ) shall first commit our lives into the hands of God for their defence . But this shall aggravate your condemnation , for ye declare your selves both Traytors to the Truth once professed , and murtherers of us and of our brethren , from whom ye withdraw your dutifull and promised support , whom your onely presence ( to mans judgement ) might preserve from this danger . For our enemies look not to the power of God , but to the force and strength of man ; when the number is mean to resist them , then rage they as bloody wolves ; but a part equall or able to resist them by appearance , doth bridle their fury . Examine your owne consciences , and weigh that Sentence of our Master Christ Jesus , saying , Whosoever denieth me , or is ashamed of me before men , I shall deny him before my Father . Now is the day of his Battell in this Realm , if ye deny us your brethren , suffering for his Names sake , ye do also deny him , as himselfe doth witnesse , in these words , Whatsoever ye did to any of these little ones , that ye did to me , and what ye did not to one of these little ones , that ye did not to me : If these sentences be true as concerning meat , drink , cloathing , and such things a appertain to the body , shall they not be likewise true in these things that appertain to the preservation of the lives of thousands , whose blood is now sought , for profession of Christ Jesus ? And thus shortly we leave you , who sometimes have professed Christ Jesus with us , to the examination of your own consciences . And yet once again of you , who blinded by superstition , persecute us : We require moderation , till our cause may be tried ; which if ye will not grant unto us for Gods Cause , yet we desire you to have respect to the preservation of your common Countrey , which we can no sooner betray into the hands of strangers , then that one of us destroy and murther another . Consider our Petitions , and call for the spirit of righteous judgement . These our Letters being divulgate , some began to reason , Whether in conscience they might invade us , or not , considering that we offred due obedience to the Authority , requiring nothing , but liberty of conscience , and our Religion and fact to be tried by the Word of God. Our Letters came with convenient expedition to the hands of our brethren in Cuninghame and Kyle , who assembled at the Church of Craggie ; where after some contrarious reasons , Alexander Earle of Glencarne , in zeal burst forth in these words , Let every man serve his conscience , I will , by Gods grace , see my brethren in S. Johnston : Yea , albeit never man should accompany me , yet I will go , and if it were but a Pike upon my shoulder ; for I had rather die with that company , then live after them . These words so encouraged the rest , that all decreed to go forward , as that they did so stoutly , that when the Lion Herault in his coat of Arms , commanded all men under pain of treason to return to their houses by publike sound of trumpet in Glasgow , never man obeyed that charge , but all went forward , as we shall after heare . When it was clearly understood that the Prelates and their adherents suppressing our Petitions so far as in them lay , did kindle the furie of all men against us : it was thought expedient to write unto them some Declaration of our minds , which we did in this forme following . To the generation of Antichrist , the pestilent Prelats , and their Shavelings within Scotland , the Congregation of Christ Iesus within the some saith , TO the end that ye shall not be abused , thinking to escape just punishment , after that ye in your blinde furie have caused the blood of many to be shed : This we notifie and declare unto you , That if ye proceed in this your malicious crueltie , ye shall be dealt withall wheresoever ye shall be apprehended , as murtherers and open enemies to God and unto mankinde . And therefore betimes cease from this blinde rage : Remove first from your selves , your bands of bloodie men of war , and reform your selves to a more quiet life , and hereafter mitigate ye the authority , which without crime committed on our part ye have inflamed against us , or else be ye assured , That with the same measure that ye have measured against us , and yet intend to measure to others , it shall be measured unto you ; that is , As ye by tyrannie intend not onely to destroy our bodies , but also by the same to hold our souls in bondage of the Devil , subject to Idolatry : So shall we with all force and power , which God shall grant unto us , execute just vengeance and punishment upon you , yea , we shall begin that same war which God commandeth Israel to execute against the Canaanites , that is , contract of peace shall never be made till that ye desist from your open Idolatry and cruell persecution of Gods children . And this we signifie unto you , in the name of the eternall God , and of his Son Christ Jesus , whose Verity we professe , and Gospel we have Preached , and holy Sacraments rightly ministred , so long as God will assist us to gain stand your Idolatry . Take this for advertisement and be not deceived . Notwithstanding these our Requests and Advertisements , Monsieur Dosell and his French men , with the Priests and their bands , marched forward against S. Iohnston , and approached within ten miles of the Town ; then repaired the brethren from all quarters for our reliefe . The Gentlemen of Fyfe ; Angus , Mernes , with the Town of Dundie were there , they that first hazarded to resist the enemy : and for that purpose was chosen a place of ground , a mile and more distant from the Town . In this mean time , the Lord Ruthuen , Provest of the Town of S. Iohnston , and a man whom many judged godly and stout in that action ( as in very deed he was even unto his last breath ) left the Town , and departed first to his own place , and after to the Queen ; whose defection and revolt was a great discouragement to the hearts of many , and yet did God so comfort them , that within the space of twelve houres after , the hearts of all men were set up againe . For those that were then assembled , did not so much hope of victory by their own strength , as by the power of him , whose Verity they professed , and began one to comfort another , till the whole multitude was erected in a reasonable hope . The day after that the Lord Ruthuen departed , which was the foure and twentieth of May , came the Earle of Argyle , Lord Iames Prior of S. Andrews , and the Lord Semple , directed from the Queen Regent , to enquire the cause of that Convocation of Lieges there . To whom when it was answered , That it was onely to resist the cruell tyrannie devised against that poore Towne , and the inhabitants of the same . They asked if we minded not to hold that Towne against the authority , and against the Regent . To the which Question answered the Lairds of D●n and Pitarro , with the Congregation of Angus and Mernes , the Master of Lindsay , the Lairds of Londy , Balvarde , and others Barons of Fyfe . That if the Queenes Majestie would suffer the Religion there begun to proceed , and not trouble their brethren and sisters that had professed Christ Jesus with them , That the Towne , they themselves , and whatsoever to them pertained , should be at the Queens commandment . Which answer understood , the Earle of Argyle and the Prior ( who both were then Protestants ) began to muse , and said plainly , That they were far otherwise informed by the Queen , to wit , That we meant no Religion , but a plaine Rebellion . To the which when he had answered simply , and as the trueth was , to wit , That we Convened for none other purpose , but onely to assist our brethren , who then were most unjustly persecuted , and therefore we desired them faithfully to report our answer , and to be intercessors to the Queen Regent , That such cruelty should not be used against us , considering that we had offered in our former Letters , as well to the Queens Majesty , as to the Nobility , our matter to be tried in lawfull judgement . They promised fidelity in that behalfe , which also they kept . The day after , which was the five and twentieth of May , before that the said Lords departed , in the morning Iohn Knox desired to speak with the same Lords , which granted unto him , he was conveyed to their Lodging by the Laird of Balvarde ; and thus began , The Oration of Iohn Knox to the Lords . THe present troubles , honourable Lords , ought to move the hearts , not onely of the true servants of God , but also of all such as beare any favour unto our Countrey and naturall Countrey-men , to descend within themselves , and deepely to consider , what shall be the end of this pretended tyrannie . The rage of Satan seeketh the destruction of all those that within this Realme professe Christ Iesus , and they that inflame the Queene , and you the Nobles against us , regard not who prevaile , provided that they may abuse the world , and live at their pleasure , as heretofore they have done : yea , I feare that some seek nothing more , then the effusion of Scottish blood , to the end that their possessions may be more patent to others . But because that this is not the principall which I have to speak , omitting the same to be considered , by the wisdome of those to whom the care of the Common-wealth appertaineth . 1. I most humbly require of you , my Lords , in my name , to say to the Queene Regent , That we in whom she in her blinde rage doth persecute , are Gods servants , faithfull and obedient Subjects to the authoritie of this Realme : That that Religion which she pretendeth to maintaine by fire and sword , is not the true Religion of Christ Iesus , but is expresse contrary to the same , a superstition devised by the braine of man , which I offer my selfe to prove against all that within Scotland will maintaine the contrary , liberty of tongue being granted unto me , and Gods written Word being admitted for judge . 2. I further require your honours in my name to say unto the Queen , That as oft before I have written , so now I say , That this her enterprise shall not prosperously succeed in the end , and albeit for a time she trouble the Saints of God , for she fights not against man only , but against the eternall God , and his invincible Verity , and therefore the end shall be her confusion , unlesse betimes she repent and desist . These things I require of you , in the Name of the eternall God , as from my mouth , to say unto her Majestie , adding , That I have been , and am a more assured friend to her Majestie , then they , that either flattering her , as servants to her corrupt appetites , or else inflame her against us , who seek nothing but Gods glory to be advanced ; Vice to be suppressed ; and Veritie to be maintained in this poore Realme . They all three did promise to report his words so far as they could , which afterwards we understood they did ; yea the Lord Sempill himselfe , a man sold unto sin , enemie to God and all godlinesse , did yet make such report , That the Queen was somewhat offended , that any man should use such libertie in her presence . She still proceeded in her malice , for immediately thereafter she sent her Lion Herald with Letters , straitly charging all men to avoid the Towne under the paine of Treason . Which Letters , after he had declared them to the chiefe men of the Congregation , he publikely proclaimed the same upon Sunday the 27 of May. In this meane time came sure knowledge to the Queen , to Duke Hamilton , and to Monsieur Dosell , That the Earle of Glencarne , the Lords Uchiltrie and Boyde , the young Sheriffe of Air , the Lairds of Craggy , Wallace , Sesnock , Carnell , Bar , Gairgirth , and the whole congregation of Kyle and Cuninghame approached for our reliefe , and in very deed they came in such diligence , and such a number , That as the enemy had just cause to fear ; so have all that professe Christ Jesus , just matter to praise God , for their fidelity and stout courage in that need : For by their presence was the tyrannie of the enemy bridled . Their diligence was such , that albeit the passage by Sterlin and six miles above was stopped ( for there lay the Queen with her bands , and caused the Bridges to be cut upon the waters of Forth , Gudy , and Teith , above Sterlin ) yet made they such expedition through desert and mountaine , that they prevented the enemy , and approached within sixe miles of our Campe , which then lay without the Towne awaiting upon the enemy , before that any assured knowledge came to us of their coming . Their number was judged to twentie five hundred men , whereof there was twelve hundred Horsemen . The Queene understanding how the said Earle and Lords , with their company approached , caused to beset all wayes , that no advertisement should come to us : To the end , That we despairing of support , might condiscend to such appointment as she required . And sent first to require that some discreet men of our number would come and speak to Duke Hamilton and Monsieur Dosell , ( who then with their Army lay at Achtererdoch , ten miles from S. Iohnston ) to the end , that some reasonable appointment might be had . She had perswaded the Earle of Argyle and all others , That we meant nothing but Rebellion ; and therefore had he promised unto her , That in case we would not stand content with a reasonable appointment , he would declare himselfe open enemy unto us , notwithstanding that he professed the same Religion with us . From us were sent the Laird of Dun , the Laird of Inuerquhartye , and Thomas Scot of Abbotshall , to hear what appointment the Queene would offer . The Duke and Monsieur Dosell required , That the Towne should be made patent , and that all things should be referred to the Queenes pleasure . To the which they answered , That neither they had commission so to promise , neither durst they in conscience so perswade their brethren : But if the Queene would promise , That no inhabitant of the Town should be troubled for any such crimes as might be alleadged against them , for the late mutation of Religion and abolishment of Idolatrie , and for down-casting the places of the same ; If she would suffer the Religion begun to go forward , and leave the Towne at her departing free from the Garrisons of French Souldiers ; That they would labour at the hands of their brethren , that the Queene should be obeyed in all things . Monsieur Dosell perceiving the danger to be great , if that a sudden appointment should be made , and that they were not able to execute their tyrannie against us , after that the Congregation of Kyle ( of whose comming we had no advertisement ) should be joyned with us , with good words dismissed the said Lairds to perswade the brethren to quiet concord . To the which we were all so well minded , that with one voice they cried ; Cursed be they that seek effusion of blood ; Let us possesse Christ Iesus , and the benefit of his Gospel , and none within Scotland shall be more obedient Subjects then we shall be . With all expedition were sent from Sterlin againe ( after that the coming of the Earle of Glencarne was knowne , for the enemie for feare quaked ) the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames aforesaid . And in their company a crafty man Master Gauin Hamilton , Abbot of Kilwinning , who were sent by the Queen to finish the appointment aforesaid . But before that they came , was the Earle of Glencarne and his honourable company arrived in the Towne : and then began all men to praise God , for that he had so mercifully heard them in their most extreame necessitie , and had sent unto them such reliefe as was able without effusion of blood to stay the rage of the enemie . The Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames did earnestly perswade the agreement , to the which all men were willing : but some did smell the craft of the adversary , to wit , That they were minded to keep no point of the promise longer then they had obtained their intent . With the Earle of Glencarne came our loving brother Iohn Willock , Iohn Knox was in the Town before . These two went to the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames , accusing them of infidelity , in so far as they had defrauded their brethren of their dutifull support , and comfort in their greatest necessity . They answered both , That their heart was constant with their brethren , and that they would defend that Cause to the uttermost of their power . But because they had promised to labour concord , and to assist the Queen in case we refused reasonable offers , in conscience and honour they could do no lesse then be faithfull in their promise made : And therefore they required that the brethren might be perswaded to consent to that reasonable appointment ; promising in Gods presence , That if the Queen did break in any jot thereof , that they with their whole powers would assist and concurre with the brethren in all times to come . This promise made , the Preachers appeased the multitude , and obtained in the end that all men did consent to the appointment foresaid ; which they obtained not without great labours ; and no wonder , for many foresaw the danger to follow : yea the Preachers themselves in open Sermon did affirme plainly , That they were assuredly perswaded that the Queen meant no truth . But to stop the mouth of the adversary , who unjustly did burthen us with Rebellion , they most earnestly required all men to approve the appointment , and so to suffer hypocrisie to disclose it self . This appointment was concluded the 28 of May , and the day following , at two in the after noon , departed the Congregation from Saint Iohnston , after that Iohn Knox had in his Sermon exhorted all men to constancy , and unfainedly to thanke God , for that it had pleased his mercy to stay the rage of the enemy without effusion of blood ; Also that no brother should be weary , nor faint , to support such as should after be likewise persecuted : for ( said he ) I am assured that no part of this promise made shall be longer kept , then till the Queen and her French-men to have the upper hand . Many of the enemies were at the same Sermon : For after that the appointment was made , they had free entry in the Towne to provide Lodgings . Before the Lords departed , was this Bond , whose Tenour followeth , as it was written and subscribed . The second Covenant at Perth . AT Perth the last of May , the yeere of God 1559 yeers , the Congregations of the West Countrey , with the Congregations of Fyfe , Perth , Dundie , Angus , Mernes , and Monrosse , being convened in the Towne of Perth , in the Name of Iesus Christ , for setting forth of his glory , understanding nothing more necessary for the same , then to keepe a constant amity , unity , and fellowship together , according as they are commanded by God , are confederate , and become bounden and obliged in the presence of God , to concurre and assist together in doing all things required of God in his Scripture , that may be to his glory ; And at their whole powers to destroy and put away all things that doth dishonour to his Name , so that God may be truely and purely worshipped . And in case that any trouble be intended against the said Congregation , or any part or member thereof , the whole Congregation shall concurre , assist , and convene together , to the defence of the same Congregation or person troubled : And shall not spare Labours , Goods , Substance , Bodies and Lives , in maintaining the liberty of the whole Congregation , and every member thereof , against whatsoever person shall intend the said trouble for cause of Religion , or any other cause depending thereupon , or lay to their charge , under pretence therof , although it happen to be coloured with any other outward cause . In witnessing and testimony of the which , the whole Congregation aforesaid have ordained and appointed the Noble-men and persons under-written , to subscribe these Presents . Sic subscribitur , Arch Argyle , Iames Steward , Glencarne . R. Lord Boid , Lord Wchiltrie , Matthew Campbell of Tarmganart . The 29 of May entred the Queen , the Duke , Monsieur d'Osell , and the French-men , who in discharging their Volley of Hacquebutes , did well mark the house of Patrike Murray , a man fervent in Religion , and that boldly had sustained all danger in that trouble ; against whose stayr they directed six or seven Shot even against the faces of those that were there lying ; all men escaped , except the son of the foresaid Patrike , a boy of ten or twelve yeers of age ; who being slain , was had to the Queens presence : but she understanding whose son he was , said in mockage , It is pity it chanced on the son , and not on the father ; but seeing that so it is chanced , we cannot be against fortune . This was her happy entry in Saint Iohnston , and the great zeal she beareth to Justice . The swarme of Papists that entred with her , began straight to make provision for their Masse ; and because the Altars were not so easie to be repaired again , they provided Tables , whereof some before used to serve for Drunkards , Dicers , and Carders , but they were holy enough for the Priest and his Pageant . The Queen began to rage against all godly and honest men , their houses were oppressed by the French , the lawfull Magistrates , as well Provest as Baylies , were unjustly , and without all order , deposed from their Authority : a wicked man , void of Gods fear , and destitute of all vertue , the Laird of Kilfans , was intrusted by her , Provest of the Towne : Whereat all honest men offended , left their owne houses , and with their wives and children sought amongst their brethren some resting place for a time . She took order that four Colours of the Souldiers should abide in the Town to maintain Idolatry , and to resist the Congregation . Honest and indifferent men asked why she did so manifestly violate her promise ? She answered , That she was bound to keep no promise to hereticks : And moreover , That she promised onely to leave the Towne free of French Souldiers ; which ( said she ) she did , because that these that therein were left were Scotishmen . But when it was reasoned in her contrary , That all those that took wages of France were counted French Souldiers , she answered , Princes must not be straitly bounden to keep their promises : My selfe ( said she ) would make little conscience to take from all that sort their lives and inheritance , if I might do it with as honest an excuse . And then she left the Towne in extreme Bondage : After that her ungodly French-men had most cruelly used the most part of those that remained in the ●ame , the Earle of Argyle , and Lord Iames foresaid perceiving in the Queen nothing but meer tyranny and falshood , mindefull of their former promises made to their brethren , did secretly convey themselves , and their Companies of the Town , and with them departed the Lord Ruthuen , of whom before mention is made ; then the Earle of Menteth , and the Laird of Tullybardin , who in Gods presence did confederate and binde themselves together , faithfully promising one to assist and defend another against all persons that would pursue them for Religion sake ; and also that they with their whole force and power would defend the brethren persecuted for the same Cause . The Queen highly offended at the sudden departure of the persons aforesaid , sent charges to them to return , under the highest pain of her displeasure . But they answered , That with safe conscience they could not be partakers of so manifest tyranny as was by her committed , and of so great iniquity as they perceived devised by her , and her ungodly counsell the Prelats , This answer was given to her the first day of Iune , and immediately the Earle of Argyle , and Lord Iames repaired toward S. Andrewes ; and in their Journey gave advertisement by writing to the Laird of Dun , to the Laird of Petarrow , to the Provest of Dundie , and others , professors in Angus , to visite them in S. Andrewes the fourth of Iune , for Reformation to be made there : which day they kept , and brought in their company Iohn Knox , who the first day after his coming to Fyfe , did preach in Carreal , the next day in Anstruther , minding the third day , which was the Sunday , to preach in S. Andrews . The Bishop hearing of Reformation to be made in his Cathedrall Church , thought time to stirre , or else never , and therefore assembled his colleagues , and confederate fellows , besides his other friends , and came to the Towne upon the Saturday at night , accompanied with a hundred Spears , of minde to have stopped Iohn Knox from Preaching . The two Lords and Gentlemen aforesaid were onely accompanied with their quiet housholds , and therefore was the sudden coming of the Bishop the more fearfull ; for then was the Queen and her French-men departed from Saint Iohnston , and were lying in Falkland , within twelve miles of S. Andrews ; and the Town at that time had not given profession of Christ , and therefore could not the Lords be assured of their friendship . Consultation being had , many were of minde that the Preaching should be delayed for that day , and especially that Io. Knox should not preach , for that did the Bishop affirme that he would not suffer , considering that by his Commandment the Picture of the said Iohn was before burnt . He willed therefore an honest Gentleman , Robert Colwill of Cleisse , to say to the Lords , That in case Iohn Knox presented himselfe to the Preaching-place , in his Towne and principall Church , he should make him be saulted with a Dozen of Culverings , whereof the most part should light upon his nose . After long deliberation had , the said Iohn was called , that his owne judgement might be had ; When many perswasions were made that he should delay for that time , and great terrours given in case he should enterprise such a thing ; as it were in contempt of the Bishop , he answered , God is witnesse that I never preached Christ Iesus in contempt of any man , neither minde I at any time to present my selfe to that place , having either respect to my owne private commodity , either yet to the worldly hurt of any creature : But to delay to preach to morrow ( unlesse the body be violently with-holden ) I cannot in conscience : For in this Towne and Church began God first to call me to the dignity of a Preacher , from the which I was re●t by the tyranny of France , and procurement of the Bishops , as ye well enough know , how long I continued prisoner , what torment I sustained in the Gallies , and what were the sobs of my heart , is now no time to recite . This onely I cannot conceale , which more then one have heard me say when my body was absent from Scotland , That my assured hope was , in open audience to preach in Saint Andrewes , before I departed this life . And therefore ( said he ) my Lords , seeing that God above the expectation of many hath brought my bodie to the same place where first I was called to the Office of a Preacher , and from the which most unjustly I was removed : I beseech your Honours not to stop me from presenting my selfe unto my Brethren : And as for the feare of danger that may come to me , let no man be solicite , for my life is in the custody of him whose glory I seek ; and therefore I cannot so feare their boast nor tyrannie , that I will cease from doing my duty , when of his mercy he offereth the occasion . I desire the hand and weapon of no man to defend me , onely do I crave audience ; which if it be denied here unto me at this time , I must seek further where I may have it . At these words the Lords were fully content that he should occupy the place , which he did upon Sunday the tenth of June , and did treat of the ejection of the buyers and the sellers forth of the Temple of J●rusalem ; as it is written in the Evangelists Matthew and Iohn , and so he applied the corruption that was then , to the corruption that is in Papistry : and Christs fact , to the duty of those to whom God giveth power and zeale thereto , that aswell the Magist●ates , the Provest and Baylies , as the communalty for the most part within the Towne , did agree to remove all Monuments of Idolatry , which also they did with expedition . The Bishop advertised h●reof , departed that same day to the Queen , who lay with her French-men , as is said , in Falkland . The hot fury of the Bishop did so kindle her choler ( and yet the love was very cold betwixt them ) that without farther delay conclusion was taken , to invade Saint Andrewes , and the two young Lords aforesaid , who then were very slenderly accompanied . Posts were sent from the Queen with all diligence to Cowper , distant onely six miles from Saint Andrewes , to prepare Lodgings and Victualls for the Queen and her French-men . Lodgings were assigned , and F●rriers were sent before . Which thing understood , counsell was given to the Lords to march forward , and to prevent them before they came to Cowper : which they did , giving advertisement to all brethren with all possible expedition to repair towards them , which they also did , with such diligence , that in their Assemblie the wonderous Worke of God might have been espied : For when at night the Lords came to Cowper , they were not an hundred Horse , and some few Foot-men whom the Lord Iames , brought from the Coast ●ide ; and yet before the next day at noon ( which was Tuesday the thirteenth of June ) their number passed three thousand men , which by Gods providence came unto the Lords from Lowthiane the Lairds of Ormeston , Calder , Hatton , Lestarrig , and Colston , who albeit they understood at their departing from their owne houses no such trouble , yet were they by their good counsell very comfortable that day . The Lord Ruthuen came from Saint Iohnston with some Horse-men with him : The Earle of Rothesse Sheriff of Fyfe , came with an honest Company . The Townes of Dundie and S. Andrews declared themselves both stout and faithfull . Cowper , because it stood in greatest danger , was assisted with the whole Force . Finally , God did so multiply our number , That it appeared as men had rained from the clouds . The enemy understanding nothing of our Force assured themselves of Victory . Who had beene in Falkland the night before , might have seen embracing and kissing , betwixt the Queen , the Duke , and the Bishop : But Master Gawin Hamilton , gaper for the Bishoprick of S. Andrews , above all others , was lovingly embraced of the Queen ; For he made his solemne Vow , That he would fight , and that he would never return till he brought those Traitours to her Majestie , either quick or dead . And thus before midnight did they send forward their Ordnance , themselves did follow before three of the clock in the morning . The Lords hereof advertised , assembled their company early in the morning upon Cowper-moore ; where by the advice of M. Iames Haliburtoun Provest of Dundie , was chosen a place of ground convenient for our defence : For it was so chosen ▪ That upon all sides our Ordnance might have beaten the enemy , and yet we have stood in safety , if we had been pursued till we had come to hand strokes . The Lord Ruthuen took the charge of the horsemen , and ordered them so , That the enemy was never permitted to espie our number ; the day was dark , which helped thereto . The enemy ( as before is said ) thinking to have found no resistance , after that they had twice or thrice made shew unto us , as that they would retire , marched forward with great expedition , and approached within a mile before that ever their horsemen stayed , and yet they kept betwixt us and them a water , for their strength . It appeared to us , That either they marched for Cowper or S. Andrews : and therefore our Horse-men in their Troope , and a part of the Foot-men with the Ordnance marched somewhat alwayes before them for safety of the Towne . The Lords , with the Gentlemen of Fyfe , and so many of Angus and Mearns as were present , kept themselves close in a knot , neere to the number of a thousand Speares . The Townes of Dundie and S. Andrews were arrayed in another battell , who came not to the sight of the enemy , till that after twelve of the clock the mist began to vanish , and then passed some of their Horse-men to a mountaine , from the height whereof they might discerne our number . Which perceived by them , their Horse-men and Foot-men stayed incontinent , Posts ran to the Duke and Monsieur Dosell , to declare our number , and what order we kept : And then were Mediators sent to make appointment , but they were not suffered to approach neere to the Lords , neither yet to the view of our Camp ; which put them in great feare . Answer was given unto them , That as we had offended no man , so would we seek appointment of no man ; but if any would seek our lives ( as we were informed they did ) they should finde us , if they pleased to make diligence . This answer received , were sent againe the Lord Lindsay , and Laird of W●nchton , who earnestly requested us to concord , and that we would not be the occasion that innocent blood should be shed . We answered , That neither had we quarrell against any man , neither yet sought we any mans blood : onely we were convened for defence of our own lives unjustly sought by others . We added further ▪ That if they could finde the meane , that we and our brethren might be free from the tyrannie devised against us , that they should reasonably desire nothing which should be denied for our part . This answer received , the Duke and Monsieur Dosell , having Commission of the Queen Regent , required , That Assurance might be taken for eight dayes ; to the end that indifferent men in the mean time might commune upon some finall agreement of those things which were then in controversie . Hereto did we fully consent , albeit that in number and force we were far superiour , and for testification hereof , we sent unto them our hand writs ; and we likewise received theirs with promise , That within two or three dayes some discreet men should be sent to us to S. Andrews , with further knowledge of the Queens minde . The tenour of the assurance was this . The Assurance . WE James Duke of Chattellerault , Earle of Arrane , Lord Hamilton ; and my Lord Dosell , Lieutenant for the King in these parts , for our selves , our assistaries , and partakers , being presently with us in company . By the tenor hereof promits faithfully in honour to my Lords Archibald Earle of Argyle , and James , Commendater of the Priory of S. Andrews , to their assistants and partakers being presently with them in company : That we and our company aforesaid , shall retire incontinent to Falkland , and shall with diligence transport the French men , and our other folkes now presently with us , and that no French men or other Souldiers of ours , shall remaine within the bounds of Fyfe , but so many as before the raising of the last Army lay in Disert , Kirkcaldie , and Kinghorne , and the same to lie in the same places onely , if we shall think good . And this to have effect for the space of eight dayes following the date hereof exclusive , That in the meane time certaine Noble-men , by the advice of the Queen and the rest of the Councell may convene to talk of such things , as may make good order and quietnesse amongst the Queens Lieges . And further , We , nor none of our assisters being present with us , shall invade , trouble , or disquiet the said Lords nor their assisters , during the said space . And this we binde and oblige us upon our loyall fidelitie and honour , to observe and keepe in every point above-written , without fraud or guile . In witnesse whereof , we have subscribed these presents with our own hands . At Garlebanke the 13 day of Iune 1559. Subscribed . Iames Hamilton . Meneits , Dosell . And this received , we departed first , because we were thereto requested by the Duke ; and so we returned to Cowper , lauding and praising God , for his mercy shewed , and thereafter every man departed to his dwelling place . The Lords and a great part of the Gentlemen passed to S. Andrews , who there abode certain dayes , still looking for those that were promised to come from the Queen for appointment to be made . But we perceiving her craft and deceit ( for under that assurance , she meant nothing else but to convey her selfe , her Ordnance , and French-men over the water of Forth ) took consultation what should be done for delivering S. Iohnston from these ungodly Souldiers , and how our brethren exiled from their own houses , might be restored again . It was concluded , That the brethren of Fyfe , Angus , Mernes , and Stratherne , should Convene at S. Iohnston the foure and twentieth day of June for that purpose , and in the mean time were these Letters written by the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames to the Queen then Regent . Letters to the Queen Regent . MAdame , after our hearty commendations of service , this shall be to shew your Majestie , That upon the 13 day of Iune , we were informed by them that were Communers betwixt the Duke , Monsieur Dosell , and us , That we should have spoken unreverently of your Majestie , which we beseech your Majestie , for the true service that we have made , and are ready to make at all times to your Majestie , That of your goodnesse you will let us know the sayers thereof , and we shall do the dutie of true Subjects , to defend our own innocency : As we take God to witnesse , of the good Zeale and Love we beare towards you , to serve you with true hearts , and all that we have , as well lands as goods ; desiring no other thing for our service , but the liberty of our conscience to serve our Lord God , as we shall answer to him , which your Majestie ought and should give us unrequired . Moreover , please your Majestie , That the Duke and the Noble-men being in Sterlin for the time , by your Majesties advice , solicited us to presse the Congregation assembled at the Town of Perth , to Commune of Concord , where we did our exact diligence , and brought it to passe , as your Majestie knows . And there is a point , that we plainly see it not observed to us , which is , That no Souldier should remain in the Town after your Majesties departing . And suppose it may be inferred , That it was spoken of French Souldiers onely , yet we took it otherwise , like as we do yet , That Scottish-men , or any other Nation , taking wages of the King of France , are reputed and holden French Souldiers . Therefore seeing we of good will and minde brought that matter to your Majesties contentment , it will please your Majestie of your goodnesse to remove the Souldiers and their Captains , with others that have gotten charge of the Town , That the same may be guided and ruled freely , as it was before , by the Ballyes and Counsell conforme to their infeoffments given to them , by the ancient and most excellent Kings of this Realme , to elect and chuse their officers at Michaelmas , and they to endure for the space of one yeere , conforme to the old Rite and Custome of this Realme : which being done by your Majestie , we trust the better successe shall follow thereupou to your Majesties content , as the bearer will declare at more length to your Majestie ; Whom God preserve . To Saint Iohnston , with the Gentlemen before expressed , did Convene the Earle of Monteith , the Laird of Glaneurquhair , and divers others , who before had not presented themselves for defence of their brethren . When the whole multitude was Convened , a Trumpet was sent by the Lords , commanding the Captains and their Bands , To avoid the Towne , and to leave it to the ancient Libertie and just Inhabitants of the same ; Also commanding the Laird of Kilfawnes , put in Provest by the Queen , with the Captains aforesaid , To open the gates of the Town , and make the same patent to all our Soveraigns lieges , to the effect , That as well true Religion now once begun therein , may be maintained , and Idolatry utterly suppressed , as also the said Town might enjoy and brook their ancient Laws and Liberties , unoppressed by men of War , according to their old Priviledges granted to them by the ancient Princes of this Realme , and conforme to the provision contained in the Contract of Marriage , made by the Nobility and Parliament of this Realme with the King of France , bearing namely , That our old Laws or Liberties should not be altered : Adding thereto , If they foolishly resisted , and therein happened to commit murther , That they should be treated as murtherers . To the which they answered proudly , That they would keep and defend that Towne , according to their promise made to the Queen Regent . This answer received , preparation was made for the Siege and assault . For amongst all , it was concluded that the Towne should be set at liberty , to what danger soever their bodies should be exposed . While preparation was in making , came the Earle of Huntly , the Lord Erskin , Master Iohn Ballenden , Justice Clerk , requiring that the pursuit of the Town should be delayed . To speake to them were appointed , the Earle of Argyle , Lord Iames , and Lord Ruthuen , who perceiving in them nothing but a drift of time , without any assurance that the former wrongs should be redressed , gave unto them a short and plaine answer , That they would not delay their purpose an houre : and therefore willed them to certifie the Captains in the Town , That if by pride and foolishnesse they would keep the Town , and in so doing slay any of their brethren , that they should every one die as murtherers . The Earle of Huntly , displeased at this answer , departed , and was highly offended that he could not dresse such an appointment , as should have contented the Queen and the Priests . After their departing the Town was again summoned : but the Captaines supposing that no sudden pursuit should be made , and looking for reliefe to have been sent from the Queen , abode in their former opinion . And so upon Saterday the nine and twentieth of June , at ten of the clock at night , commanded the Lord Ruthuen who besieged the west Quarter , to shoot the first Volley , which being done , the Town of Dundie did the like , whose Ordnance lay on the east side of the Bridge . The Captaines and Souldiers within the Town , perceiving that they were unable long to resist , required assurance till twelve houres upon the morrow ; promising , That if before that houre there came unto them no relief from the Queen Regent , that they would render the Town : Provided that they should be suffered to depart the Town with Ensigne displayed . We thirsting the blood of no man , and seeking onely the liberty of our brethren , condescended to their desires , albeit that we might have executed against them judgement without mercy , for that they had refused our former favours , and had slain one of our brethren , and hurt two in their resistance , and yet we suffered them freely to depart without any further molestation . The Town being delivered from their thraldom , upon Sunday the six and twentieth of June thanks was given to God for this great benefit received , and consultation was taken , what was further to be done . In this meane time , zealous men considering , how obstinate , proud , and despightfull , the Bishop of Murray had been before , how he had threatned the Town by his Souldiers and friends who lay in Scone , thought good that some order should be taken with him , and with that place , which lay neer to the Towns end . The Lords wrote unto him ( for he lay within two miles of S. Iohnston ) That unlesse he would come and assist them , they neither could spare nor save his place . He answered by his writing , That he would come , and would do as they thought expedient ; that he would assist them with his Force , and would consent with them against the rest of the Clergie in Parliament . But because this answer was slow in coming , the Town of Dundie partly offended for the slaughter of their men , and especially bearing no good favour to the said Bishop , for that he was and is chief enemy to Christ Jesus , and that by his counsell alone was Walter Mile our brother put to death , they marched forward : To stay them was first sent the Provest of Dundie , and his brother Alexander Halyburtoun Captaine ; who little prevailing , was sent unto them Iohn Knox ; but before his coming , they were entred to the pulling downe of the Idols and dortoir . And albeit the said Master Iames Halyburtoun , Alexander his brother , and the said Iohn , did what in them lay to have stayed the fury of the multitude , yet were they not able to put order universally , and therefore they sent for the Lords , Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames , who coming with all diligence , laboured to have saved the place and the place and the Church . But because the multitude had found buried in the Church a great number of hid goods , of purpose to have preserved them to a better day ( as the papists speak ) the Towns of Dundie and S. Iohnston could not be satisfied , till that the whole reparation and Ornaments of the Church ( as they terme it ) were destroyed . And yet did the Lords so travell , that they saved the Bishops Palace , with the Church and place for that night : For the two Lords did not depart , till they brought with them the whole number of those that most sought the Bishops displeasure . The Bishop greatly offended that any thing should have been enterprised in reformation of his place , asked of the Lords his Band and hand-writing , which not two hours before he had sent unto them ; which delivered to his Messenger Sir Adam Browne , advertisement was given , That if any farther displeasure chanced unto him , he would that he should not blame them . The Bishops servants that same night began to fortifie the place again , and began to do violence to some that were carrying away such Baggage as they could come by . The Bishops Girnall was kept the first night by the labours of Iohn Knox , who by exhortation removed such as violently would make interruption . The same night departed from S. Iohnston the Earl of Argyle , and L. Iames , as after shall be declared . The morrow following , some of the poor , in hope of spoyl , and some of Dundie , to consider what was done , passed up to the said Abbey of Scone ; whereat the Bishops servants offended , began to threaten and speak proudly : and as it was constantly affirmed , one of the Bishops sons thrust thorow with a Rapier one of Dundie , for because he was looking in at the Girnell door . This brute noysed abroad , the Town of Dundie was more enraged then before ; who putting themselves in Armour , sent word to the inhabitants of S. Iohnston , That unlesse they would support them to avenge that injury , they should never after that day occure with them in any action . The multitude easily enflamed , gave the Alarm , and so was that Abbey and Palace appointed to Saccage , in doing whereof they took no long deliberation , but committed the whole to the merciement of fire . Whereat no small number of us were so offended , that patiently we could not speak , to any that were of Dundie or Saint Iohnston . A poor aged matron seeing the flame of fire to passe up so mightily , and perceiving that many were thereat offended , in plain and sober manner of speaking , said , Now I see and understand that Gods judgements are just , and that no man is able to save where he will punish : since my remembrance this place hath been nothing else but a Den of Whore mongers : It is incredible to believe how many wives have been adulterate , and virgins deflowred by the filthy beasts which have been fostered in this den ; but especially by that wicked man who is called the Bishop . If all men knew as much as I , they would praise God , and no man would be offended . This woman dwelt in the Towne nigh to the Abbey . At whose words were many pacified , affirming with her , That it was Gods just Judgement . And assuredly if the labours or travell of any man could have saved that place , it had not been at that time destroyed : for men of greatest estimation laboured with all diligence for the safety of it . While these things were done at Saint Iohnston , the Queen fearing what should follow , determined to send certain Bands of French Souldiers to Sterlin , of purpose to stop the passage to us that then were upon the North side of Forth . Which understood , the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames departed secretly in the night , and with great expedition preventing the French , they took the Towne ( before whose coming the rascall multitude put hands on the thieves , I should say Friers places , and utterly destroyed them ) whereat the Queen and her Faction not a little afrayed , with all diligence departed from Edinburgh to Dumbar . And so we with reasonable diligence marched forward to Edinburgh , for Reformation to be made there ; where we arrived the 29 of June . The Provest for that time , the Lord Seaton , a man without God , without honesty , and oftentimes without reason , had before greatly troubled and molested the brethren , for he had taken upon him the protection and defence of the Black and Gray Friers ; and for that purpose did not onely lie himself in one of the Colledges every night , but also constrained the most honest of the Towne to watch those monsters , to their great grief and trouble . But hearing of our sudden coming , he abandoned his charge , and left the spoyl to the poor , who had made havock of all such things as was moveable in those places before our coming , and left nothing but bare walls ; yea , not so much as door or window : whereby we were the lesser troubled in putting order to such places . After that we had deliberate certain dayes what was best to be done , and what order was to be taken for suppressing all Monuments of Idolatry within that Towne , and the places next adjacent , determination was taken to send some Message to the Queen then Regent . For she had bruted ( as her accustomed manner was , by advice of her counsell , ever to forge lies ) that we sought nothing but her life , and a plain revoltment from the lawfull obedience due to our Soveraigne her Authority , as by the Tenour of these Letters may be seen . FRANCIS and MARIE By the Grace of God , King and Qneen of Scots , Doulphin and Doulphinesse of Viennois : To Our loved Lyon King of Armes , &c. Our Sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . Forasmuch as our dearest Mother Marie , Queen Dowager Regent of Our Realme , and Lords of our Secret Councell , perceiving the seditious tumult raised by one part of our Lieges , naming themselves , The Congregation ; who under pretence of Religion have put themselves in Armes . And that Our Mother , for satisfying of every mans conscience , and pacifying of the said troubles , had offered unto them to appoint a Parliament to be holden in January next to come ( this was a manifest lie , for this was neither offered , nor by her once thought upon , till we required it ) or sooner , if they had pleased , for establishing of a Universall order in matters of Religion by Our advice , and States of Our Religion , and in the meane time to suffer every man to live at liberty of Conscience without trouble , unto the time that the said order were taken by advise of Our foresaid States . And at last , because it appeareth much to stand upon Our Burrough of Edinburgh , offered in like manner to let the inhabitants thereof chuse what manner of Religion they would set up and use for that time , so that no man might alleadge that he was forced to do against his conscience . Which offer the Queen , Our said dearest Mother was at all times , and yet is ready to fulfill . Neverthelesse the said Congregation being of minde to receive no reasonable offers , hath since by open deed declared , That it is no Religion , nor any thing thereto pertaining that they seek , but onely the subversion of Our Authority , and usurpation of Our Crowne : In manifest witnessing whereof , they daily receive English-men with Messages unto them , and sendeth such like into England : And last of all , have violently intermitted , withtaken , and yet with-holds , the Irons of Our Coyning-House , which is one of the chiefe Points that concerneth Our Crowne : And such like have intromitted with our Pallace of Halyrud-house . Our Will is therefore , &c. That ye passe to the Market Crosse of Our said Burrough of Edinburgh , or any other place within the same , and there by open Proclamation , in Our Name and Authority , command and charge all and sundry persons of the said Congregation , or yet being presently within Our said Borough , other then the inhabitants thereof , that they within six hours next after Our said Charge , depart forth of the same , under the pain of Treason . And as that ye command all and sundry persons to leave their company , and to adhere to Our Authority ; with Certification , That such as do the contrary , shall be reputed and holden as manifest Traytors to Our Crowne . These Letters did not a little grieve us , who most unjustly were accused ; for never a sentence of the Narrative true , except , That we stayed the Irons , and that for just cause ; to wit , Because that daily there was such number of hard-heads printed , that the basenesse thereof made all things exceeding dear ; And therefore we were counselled by the wisest to stay the Irons while further order might be taken . The Queen Regent with all possible diligence posted for her Faction : Master Iames Balfour was not idle in the mean time . The Lords , to purge themselves of these odious crimes , wrote to her a Letter in form as after followeth : PLease your Majestie to be advertised , That it is come to our knowledge , that your Majestie hath set forth by your Letters openly proclaimed , That we , called by name , The Congregation , under pretence and colour of Religion convene together to no other purpose , but to usurp our Soveraignes Authirity , and to invade your person , representing theirs at this present . Which things appeare to have proceeded of sinister information made to your Majestie by our enemies , considering that we never minded such thing , but onely our minde and purpose was and is , To promote and set forth the glory of God , Maintain and defend the true Preachers of his Word , And according to the same abolish and put away Idolatry and false abuses which may not stand with the said Word of God. Beseeching your Majestie to beare patiently therewith , and interpose your Authority to the furtherance of the same , as is the duty of every Christian Prince , and good Magistrate . For as to the obedience of our Soveraignes Authority in all Civill and Politick matters , we are and shall be as obedient , as any other your Majesties subjects within the Realme . And that our convention is for no other purpose , but to save our Preachers and their auditors from the injury and violence of our enemies : Which should be more amply declared by some of us in your Majesties presence , if ye were not accompanied with such as have pursued our lives , and sought our blood . Thus we pray Almighty God to save your Highnesse in his eternall tuition . At Edinburgh the 2 of Iuly , 1559. And for further purgation hereof , it was thought necessary that we should simply expose as well to her Majesty , as to the whole people what were our requests and just petitions : And for that purpose after that safe-Conduct was purchased and granted , we directed unto her two grave men of counsell , to wit , the Lairds of Pittarrow and Cuninghamehead , to whom we gave commission and power , first to expose our whole purpose and intent , which was no other then before , at all times we had required ; to wit , First , That we might enjoy the liberty of conscience . Secondly , That Christ Jesus might be truely preached , and his holy Sacraments rightly ministred unto us . Thirdly , That unable Ministers might be removed from Ecclesiasticall Administration : And that our Preachers might be relaxed from the Horne , and permitted to execute their charges , without molestation unto such as either by a generall Councell lawfully convened , or by a Parliament within the Realme the controversies in Religion were decided . And for declaration that her Majestie was hereto willing that the Bands of French-men , who then were a burden intolerable to the Countrey , and to us so fearfull , that we durst not in peaceable and quiet manner haunt the places where they did lie , should be sent to France their native Countrey : Which things granted , Her Majestie should have experience of our accustomed obedience . To these Heads she did answer at the first so pleasantly , that she put both our Commissioners in full esperance that all should be granted , and for that purpose she desired to speak with some of greater Authority ; promising , That if they would assure her of their dutifull obedience , that she would deny nothing of that which was required . For satisfaction of her minde , we sent again the Earle of Glencarne , the Lord Ruthwen , the Lord Uchiltrie , and the said Laird of Pittarrow , with the same Commission as before . But then she began to handle the matter more craftily , complaining that she was not sought in a gentle manner . And that they in whom she had put most singular confidence , had left her in her greatest need . And such other things pertaining nothing to the Commission , she proposed to spend and drive the time . They answered , That by unjust tyrannie devised against them and their brethren ( as her Majestie did well know ) they were compelled to seek the extreame remedie , and therefore that her Majestie ought not to wonder though godly men left the company , where they neither found fidelity nor trueth . In the end of this communing ; which was the twelfth day of July 1559. She desired to have talked privately with the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames , Prior of S. Andrews ; for else ( as she alleadged ) she could not but suspect that they pretended to some other higher purpose then Religion . She and her crafty Counsell had abused Duke Hamilton , perswading him and his friends , That the said Earle and Lord Iames had conspired , first to deprive our Soveraigne her daughter of her authority , and thereafter the Duke and his Successors of their pretended Title to the Crowne of Scotland . By these invented lyes she inflamed the hearts of many against us , insomuch that some of our own number began to murmure . Which perceived , as well the Preachers in their publike Sermons , as we our selves by our publike Proclamation , gave purgation and satisfaction to the people , plainely and simply declaring what was our purpose , taking God to witnesse , That no such crimes were ever entred into our hearts , as most unjustly was laid to our charge . The Counsell after consultation , thought not expedient that the said Earle and Lord Iames should talke with the Queen in any sort ; for her former practises put all men in suspition , That some deceit lurked under such coloured communing . She had before said , That if she could by any meane sunder these two from the rest , she was assured shortly to come by her whole purpose . And one of her chiefe Counsell in those dayes ( and we feare but too inward with her yet ) said , That ere Michaelmas day they two should lose their heads ; and therefore all men feared to commit two such young plants to her mercy and fidelity . It was therefore finally denied that they should talk with the Queen , or any appertaining to her , but in places void of all suspicion , where they should be equall in number with those that should talk with them . The Queen perceiving that her craft could not prevaile , was content that Duke Hamilton , and that Earle of Huntley , with others by her appointed , should convene at Preston , to Commune with the said Earle and Lord Iames , and such others as the Lords of the Congregation would appoint , to the number of an hundred on each side : Of the which number , eight persons onely should meet for conference . The principals for their party , were the Duke , and Earle Huntly , the Lords Erskin and Somerwell , M. Gawin Hamilton , and the Justice Clerk. From us were directed the Earles of Argyle and Glencarne , the Lords Ruthuen and Lord Iames , Boyde and Uchiltrie , the Lairds Dun and Pittarrow . Who Convening at Preston , spake the whole day without any certaine conclusion : For this was the practise of the Queen and of her faction , By drift of time to weary our company , who for the most part , had been upon the fields from the tenth day of May : That we being dispersed , she might come to her purpose , in which she was not altogether deceived : For our Commons were compelled to scatter for lack of expences : And our Gentlemen partly constrained by lack of furnishing , and partly hoping some finall appointment , after so many Communings , returned for the most part to their dwelling places , for reposing of themselves . The Queen in all those Conventions seemed that she would give liberty to Religion ; Provided , That wheresoever she was , our Preachers should cease , and the Masse should be maintained . We perceiving her malicious craft , answered , That as we would compell her Majestie , to no Religion ; so could we not in conscience , for the pleasure of any earthly treasure , put silence to Gods true Messengers : neither could we suffer that the right administration of Christs true Sacraments should give place to manifest Idolatry , for in so doing we should declare our selves enemies to God , to Christ Iesus his Son , to his eternall Veritie , and to the libertie and establishment of his Church within this Realme : For your request being granted , There can no Church within the same be so established , but at your pleasure , and by your residence and remaining there , ye might overthrow the same . This our last answer we sent unto her with the Lord Ruthuen and Laird of Pittarrow , requiring of her Majestie in plaine words , to signifie unto us , What hope we might have of her favour towards the upsetting of Religion ? We also required , That she would remove her French-men , who were a feare to us , and a burden most grievous to our Countrey ; and that she would promise to us in the word of a Prince , That she would procure no man to be sent in . And then should we not onely support to the uttermost of our powers to furnish Ships and Victuals for their transporting , but also upon our honours should we take her body into our protection . And should promise , in the presence of God and the whole Realme , to serve our Soveraigne her daughter , and her Majestie Regent , as faithfully and as obediently , as ever did we Kings within Scotland . That moreover we should cause our Preachers give reason of their Doctrine in her audience to any that pleased to impugne any thing that they did or taught . Finally , That we should submit our selves to a lawfull Parliament . Provided that the Bishops , as the partie accused and our plaine enemies , should be removed from judgement . To no point would she answer directly , but in all things she was so generall and so ambiguous , that her craft appeared to all men . She had gotten assured knowledge that our company was scattered ( for her French-men were daily amongst us , without molestation or hurt done unto them ) and therefore she began to disclose her minde , and said , The Congregation hath reigned these two moneths past ; Me my selfe would reigne now other two . The malice of her heart being plainely perceived , deliberation was had what was to be done . It was concluded , That the Lords , Barons , and Gentlemen , with their chiefe domesticks , should remaine in Edinburgh that whole Winter , for establishing of the Church there . And because it was found , That by the corrupting of our Money the Queen made to her selfe immoderate gaines , for maintaining of her Souldiers , to the destruction of the whole Common-wealth : It was thought necessary , That the Printing yrons , and all things pertaining should be stayed , for feare that she should privily cause to transport them to Dumbar . In this mean time came assured word , first , That the King of France was hurt , and after that he was dead . Which albeit it ought to have put her in minde of her own estate and wicked enterprises : for he that same time in the fulnesse of his glory ( as she her selfe used to speak ) had determined most cruell persecution against the Saints of God in France , even as she her selfe was here persecuting in Scotland : and yet he so perished in his pride , That all men might see that Gods just vengeance did strike him , even when his iniquity was come to full ripenesse . Albeit we say , That this wonderous work of God in his sudden death , ought to have danted her fury , and given unto her admonition , That the same God could not suffer her obstinate malice against his Truth , long to be unpunished : Yet could her indurate heart nothing be moved to Repentance ; for hearing of the staying of the Printing yrons , she raged more outragiously then before , and sending for all such as were of her faction , exposed her grievous complaint , aggravating the same with many lies , to wit , That we had declared that which before she suspected : For what could we mean else but usurpation of the Crown , when we durst put hands to the Coining-house , which was a portion of the patrimonie of the Crown . She further alleadged , That we had spoiled the Coining-House of great sums of money . To the which we answered , both by our Letters sent to her and her Counsell , and by publike Proclamation to the people , That we without usurpation of any such thing , justly appertaining to the Crown of Scotland , did stay the Printing yrons , in consideration that the Common-wealth was greatly hurt by corrupting of our money . And because we were born Counsellers of this Realm , sworn to procure the profit of the same , we could do no lesse of dutie and of conscience , then to stay that for a time , which we saw so abused , That unlesse remedy were found , should turn to the utter detriment of the whole body of this Realme . And as to her false accusation of spoil , we did remit us to the conscience of M. Robert Richeson , master of the Coining-house , who from our hands received silver , gold , and mettall , as well Coined as un-Coined , so that with us there did not remain the value of a Bawbee , or Farthing . This our Declaration and purgation notwithstanding , she , partly by her craft and policie , and partly by the labours of the Bishops of Saint Andrews and Glasgow , procured the whole number that were with her , to consent to pursue us with all cruelty and expedition , before that we could have our company ( which then was dispersed for new furnishing ) assembled again . The certaintie hereof coming to our knowledge the Saturday at night , being the 25 of July , we did what in us lay to give advertisement to our brethren : but impossible it was that the Wast , Angus , Mernes , Straitherne or Fyfe , in any number could come to us . For the enemie Marched from Dumbar upon the Sunday , and approached within two miles of us before Sun-rising upon Munday . For they verily supposed to have found no resistance , being assured that the Lords onely with certain Gentlemen remained with their private houses : calling upon God for counsell in that straight , we sought what was the next defence . We might have left the Town , and might have retired our selves without any danger , but then we should have abandoned our brethren of Edinburgh , and suffered the Ministery thereof to have decayed ; which to our hearts was so dolorous , that we thought better to hazard the extremitie then so to do . For then the most part of the Town appeared rather to favour us then the Queens faction , and did offer unto us the uttermost of their support , which for the most part they did faithfully keep . The same did the Town of Leith , but they kept not the like fidelity . For when we were upon the field , marching forward for their support ( for the French marched nigh to them ) they rendred themselves without further resistance . And this they did , as is supposed , by the treason of some within themselves , and by perswasion of the Laird of Lestarrig , who before declared himselfe to be one of us ; and notwithstanding that same day rendred himselfe undesired to Monsieur Dosell . Their unprovided and sudden defection astonished many , and yet we retired quietly to the side of Cragingate , which place we took for resisting the enemy . In the mean time divers mediatours passed betwixt us , amongst whom the Lord Ruthuen for our part was principall . Alexander Erskin did much travell to stay us and our Souldiers , that we should not joyne with them of Leith , till that they , as is said , had rendred themselves to the French. The said Alexander did oft promise that the French would stay , provided , That we would not joyne with those of Leith . But after that they were rendred , we heard nothing of him but threatning and discomfortable words . Before it was eight of the clock in the morning , God had given unto us both courage , and a reasonable number to withstand their furie . The Towne of Edinburgh , so many as had subject themselves to discipline , and divers others besides them , behaved themselves both faithfully and stoutly . The Gentlemen of Lowthiane , especially Calder , Hatton , and Ormeston , were very comfortable , as well for their counsell as for their whole assistance . Some Gentlemen of Fyfe prevented the French-men , other were stopped by reason that the French had passed Leith . Alwayes the enemy took such a fear , That they determined not to invade us where we stood , but took purpose to have passed to Edinburgh , by the other side of the water of Leith : and that because they had the Castle to their friend , which was to us unknown , for we supposed the Lord Erskin , Captain of the same , either to have been our friend , or at least to have been indifferent . But when we had determined to fight , he sent word to the Earle of Argyle , to Lord Iames , his sisters son , and to the other Noble-men , That he would declare himselfe , both enemy to them and to the Town , and would shoot at both , if they made any resistance to the French-men to enter into the Town . This his treasonable defiance sent us , by the Laird of Ricarton did abate the courage of many , for we could not fight , nor stop the enemy , but under the mercy of the Castle and whole Ordnance thereof . Hereupon was consultation taken , and in conclusion , it was found lesse damage to take an appointment , albert the Conditions were not such as we desired ; then to hazard battell betwixt two such enemies . After long talking , certaine heads were drawn by us , which we desired to be granted . First , That no member of the Congregation should be troubled in life , lands , goods or possessions , by the Queen her Authority , nor any other justice within the Realm , for any thing done in the late Innovation , till a Parliament ( which should begin the tenth of Ianuary ) had decreed things in controversie . 2. That Idolatry should not be erected , where it was at that day suppressed . 3. That the Preachers and Ministers should not be troubled in their Ministery where they are already established , neither yet stopped to preach wheresoever they should chance to come . 4. That no Bands of men of War should be laid in Garrison within the Town of Edinburgh . 5. That the French-men should be sent away at a reasonable day ; and that none other should be brought into the Countrey without consent of the whole Nobility and Parliament . But these our Articles were altered , and another forme disposed , as followeth . At the Linkes of Leith , the 24 of July , 1559. It is appointed in manner following : IN the first Congregation and their company , others then the inhabitants of the said Towne , shall remove themselves forth of the said Town the morrow at ten hours before noon the 25 of Iuly , and leave the same void and rid of them and their said company conform to the Queens Majesties pleasure and desire . Item , The said Congregation shall cause the Irons of the Coyning-house taken away by them , be rendred and delivered to Master Robert Richeson ; And likewise the Queens Majesties Palace of Halyrud-house to be left , and rendred again to M. John Balfour , or any other , having her Majesties sufficient power in the same matter , as it was resolved ; and that betwixt the making of these Articles , and the morn at ten of the clock . For observing and keeping of these two Articles above written , the Lord Ruthuen , and the Laird of Pittarrow have entred themselves pledges . Item , The said Lords of the Congregation , and all the members thereof , shall remain obedient subjects to our Lord and Ladies Authority , and to the Queen Regent in their place ; And shall obey all Laws , and laudable Customs of this Realme , as they were used before the moving of this tumult and controversie , excepting the cause of Religion , which shall be hereafter specified . Item , The Congregation , nor any of them , shall not trouble or molest a Church-man by way of deed , nor yet shall make them any impediment in the peaceable brooking , enjoying , and uptaking of their Rents , Profits , and Duties of their Benefices , but that they may freely use and dispose upon the same , according to the Laws and Custome of this Realme , to the tenth of Ianuary next to come . Item , The said Congregation , nor none of them , shall use in no wayes from thenceforth any force or violence in casting downe of Churches , Religious places , or apparell thereof , but the same shall stand harmlesse of them , unto the tenth day of January . Item , The Town of Edinburgh shall without compulsion use and chuse what Religion , and manner thereof they please , to the said day ; so that every man may have freedom to use his owne conscience to the day aforesaid . Item , The Queen shall not interpose her Authority to molest or trouble the Preachers of the Congregation , nor their Ministry ( to them that please to use the same ) nor no other of the said Congregation , in their bodies , lands , goods , or possessions , Pensions , or whatsoever other kinde of goods they possesse ; nor yet suffer the Clergie , or any other , either Spirituall or Temporall Iurisdiction to trouble them in any manner of sort , privately or openly , for the cause of Religion , or any other action depending thereupon , to the said tenth day of Ianuary within written ; and that every man in particular live in the mean time according to his own conscience . Item , That no men of War , French nor Scots , be laid in daily Garrison within the Town of Edinburgh , but to repair thereto to do thsir lawfull businesse , and thereafter to retire them to their Garrisons . This alteration in words , and Order was made without knowledge and consent of those whose counsell we had used in all such causes before : For some of them perceiving we began to faint , and that we would appoint with unequall conditions , said , God hath wonderously assisted us in our greatest dangers : He hath stricken fear in the hearts of our enemies , when they supposed themselves most assured of Victory : Our case is not yet so desperate , that we need to grant to things unreasonable and ungodly ; which if we do , it is to be feared , That things shall not so prosperously succeed as they have done heretofore . When all things were communed and agreed upon by mid persons , the Duke , and the Earle of Huntlie , who that day were against us , desired to speake with the Earles of Argyle and Glencarne , the Lord Iames , and others of our party ; who obeying their requests , met with them at the Quarrell holes betwixt Leith and Edinburgh , who in conclusion promised to our Lords , That if the Queen brake to us any one jot of the Appointment then made , that they should declare themselves plain enemies to her , and friends to us . As much promised the Duke that he would do , in case that she would not remove her French-men at a reasonable day ; for the oppression which they did was manifest to all men . This Appointment made and subscribed by the Duke , Monsieur Dosell and the Earle of Huntlie , the 25 of July , we returned to the Towne of Edinburgh , where we remained till the next day at noon , when after Sermon , dinner , and Proclamation made at the Market Crosse , in forme as followeth , we departed . Forme of the Proclamations . FORASMUCH as it hath pleased God that Appointment is made betwixt the Queen Regent and us the Lords Protestants of this Realme ; We have thought good to signifie unto the chief Heads of the Appointment ; which be these : First , That no member of the Congregation shall be troubled in life , lands , goods , or possessions by the Queene , by her Authority , nor by any other justice within this Realme , for any thing done in this late Innovation , till that a Parliament hath decided things that be in controversie . Secondly , That Idolatry shall not be erected where it is now at this day suppressed . Thirdly , That the Preachers and Ministers shall not be troubled in the ministration , where they are already established , neither yet stopped to Preach wheresoever they shall happen to travell within this Realme . Fourthly , That no Bands of men of War shall be laid in Garrison within the Town of Edinburgh . The chief Heads of appointment concerning the liberty of Religion , and conservation of our brethren , we thought good to notifie unto you by this Proclamation ; that in case wrong or injury be done by any of the contrary faction , to any member of our Body , complaint may be made unto us , to whom we promise , as we will answer to our God , our faithfull support , to the uttermost of our powers . At this Proclamation , made with sound of Trumpet , were offended all the Papists : for first they alleadged , It was done in contempt of Authority . Secondarily , That we had proclaimed more then was contained in the Appointment . And last , That we in our Proclamation had made no mention of any thing promised unto them . To such murmures we answered , That no just Anthority could think it self contemned , because that the truth was by us made manifest unto all , who otherwise might have pretended ignorance . Secondly , That we had proclaimed nothing which was not finally agreed upon in word and promise betwixt us and those with whom the Appointment was made , whatsoever the Scribes had after written , who in very deed had altered both in words and sentences our Articles , as they were first conceived : And yet if their owne writings were diligeutly examined , the self-same thing shall be found in substance . And last , To proclaim any thing in their favours , we thought it not necessary , knowing that in that behalf they themselves would be diligent enough . And in this we were nothing deceived , for within fifteen days after , there was not a Shaveling in Scotland , to whom Tenths , or any other Rents pertaineth , but he had that Article of the Appointment by heart , That the Church-men should be answered of Tenths , Rents , and all other duties ; and that no man should trouble or molest them . We departing from Edinburgh the 26 of July , came first to Linlithqow , and after to Sterlin , where after consultation , the Band of defence , and maintenance of Religion , and for mutuall defence every one of the other , was subscribed of all that were there present . The tenour of the Bond was thus : WE foreseeing the craft and sleight of our Adversaries , who trie all manner of wayes to circumvient us , and by privy means intend to assayle every one of us particularly , by fair heights and promises , therethrough to separate one of us from another , to our utter ruine and destruction . For remedy thereof , we faithfully and truely binde us in the presence of God , and as we tender the maintenance of true Religion , That none of us shall in time coming passe to the Queen Dowager , to talk or commune with her , for any Letter or Message sent by her unto us , or yet to be sent with consent of the rest , or common consultation thereupon : and how soon that either Message or Writing should come from her unto us , with all diligence we shall notifie the same one to another ; so that nothing shall proceed therein without common consent of us all . At Sterlin the first day of August , 1559. This Band subscribed , and we foreseeing that the Queen and Bishops meant nothing but deceit , thought good to seek ayd and support of all Christian Princes against her tyranny , in case we should be more sharply pursued . And because that England was of the same Religion , and lay next unto us , it was judged expedient first to prove them ; which we did , by one or two Messengers , as hereafter , in its owne place , shall be more amply declared . After we had abided certaine dayes in Sterlin , the Earle of Argyle departed to Glasgow ; and because he was to depart to his owne Countrey ( with whom also passed the Lord Iames ) to pacifie some trouble , which by the craft of the Queen was raised in his absence ; he required the Earle of Glencarne , Lord Boyd , Lord Uchiltrie , and others of Kyle , to meet there , for some order to be taken that the brethren should not be oppressed ; which with one consent they did , and appointed the tenth of September for the next convention at Sterlin . While these things were in doing at Glasgow , Letters and a servant came from the Earle of Arran , to the Duke his father , signifying unto him , That by the providence of God he had escaped the French Kings hands , who most treasonably and most cruelly had sought his life , or at the least to have committed him to perpetuall prison : For the same time the said French King , seeing he could not have the Earle himself , caused put his younger brother , a childe of such age as could not offend , in strait prison , where he yet remained , to wit , in the Month of October , the yeer of our Lord 1559. Which things were done by the power and craft of the Queen Dowager , at the time that the Duke and his friends were most ready to set forth her cause . These Letters received , and the estate of her two sons knowne , of whom one was escaped , and the other cast in vile prison , the Duke desired communing with the said Earle of Argyle ; who partly against the will of some that loved him , rid unto the Duke from Glasgow to Hammilton , where abiding a night , he declared his judgement to the Duke , and to his friends , especially to Master Gawane Hammilton . The Duke required him and the Lord Iames to write their friendly and comfortable Letters to his son ; which they most willingly did , and thereafter addressed them to their journey . But the very day of their departing , came one Boutancourt ( from the Queen Regent with Letters , as was alleadged ) from the King and Queen of France , to the Lord Iames , which he delivered with a bragging countenance , and many threatning words : the Tenour of his Letter was this : The King his Letter to the Lord Iames. MY Cousin , I have greatly marvelled when I understood the troubles that are happened in these parts . And yet I more marvell , That ye , in whom I had whole confidence , and who has the Honour to be so neer the Queen my wife , and has received from the late King my Father , from the Queen my wife , and from me such graces and favours that ye should be so forgetfull , as to make your selfe the Head , and one of the principall beginners and nourishers of the tumults and seditions that are seen there : The which because it is so strange to me , and so farre against the profession that ye at all times have made , I cannot well beleeve it . But if it be so , I cannot think but ye have been entised and led thereto by some persons , that have seduced you and caused you commit such a fault as I am assured you repent of already , which will be a great pleasure to me , to the effect I may lose a part of the occasion I have to be miscontent with you ▪ as I will you to understand I am . Seeing you have so far deceived the esperance I had of you and your affection toward God , and the weale of our service , unto the which ye know , ye are as much and more obliged then any other of the Lords there . For this cause , desiring that the matters may be duely amended , and knowing what ye can therein , I thought good on this manner to write unto you , and pray you to take heed to return to the good way , from which ye have declined , and cause me know the same by the effects , That you have another intention then this , which the follies by-past maketh me now to beleeve , doing all that ever ye can to reduce all things to their first estate , and put the same to the right and good obedience that you know to be due unto God and unto me . Otherwise ye may be well assured , that I will put to my hand , and that in good earnest , that you and all they who have done and do as ye do , shall feele ( through your own fault ) that which ye have deserved and merited . Even as I have given charge to this Gentle-man , present bearer , to make you know more largely of my part : for which cause I pray you credit him , even as ye would do my selfe . Praying God , my cousin , to have you in his holy and worthy protection . Written at Paris the 17 day of July 1559. The same Messenger brought also Letters from the Queen our Soveraigne , more sharp and threatning then the former : For her conclusion was ; Vous en sentires la poincture a iamais . His credit was , That the King would spend the Crown of France , if that he were not revenged upon such seditious persons . That he would never have suspected such inobedience , and such defection from his own sister in him . To the which the said Lord Iames answered first by word , and then by writing , as followeth : The Lord Iames his Letter to the King. Sir , MY most humble duty remembred , Your Majesties Letters I received from Paris the 17 of Iuly last , importing in effect , That your Majestie doth marvell that I being forgetfull of the graces and favours shewed me by the King of blessed memorie , your Majesties father , and the Queen my Soveraigne , should declare my selfe head , and one of the principall beginners of these alleadged Tumults and Seditions in these parts , deceiving thereby your Majesties expectation in all times had of me , with assurance , That if I did not declare by contrary effects my repentance , I , with the rest that had put , or yet putteth hand to this Work , should receive that reward , which we had deserved and merited . SIR , It grieves me very heavily that the crime of ingratitude should b● laid to my charge , by your Majestie ; and the rather , Th●t I perceive the same to have proceeded of sinister information of them ( whose part it was not to have reported so , if true service past had been regarded . ) And as touching the repentance , and declaration of the same by certaine effects , That your Majesty desires I shew . My conscience perswades me in these proceedings to have done nothing against God , not the dutifull obedience towards your Majesty , and the Queen my Soveraigne . Otherwise it should not have been to be repented and also amended already , accord●ng to your Majesties expectation of me . But your Majestie being truely informed and perswaded , That the thing which we have done , maketh for the advancement of Gods glory , without any manner of derogation to your Majesties due obedience ; We doubt not but your Majestie shall be well contented with our proceedings , which being grounded upon the commandment of the eternall God , we dare not leave the same unaccomplished , onely wishing and desiring , your Majestie did know the same , and the truth thereof , as we were perswaded in our consciences , and all them that are truly instructed in the eternall Word of our God , upon whom we cast our care from all dangers that may follow the accomplishment of his eternall will , and to whom we commend your Majestie , beseeching him to illuminate your heart with the Gospel of his eternall Truth , to know your Majesties duty towards your poore Subjects , Gods chosen people , and what you ought to crave justly of them againe : for then we should have no occasion to feare your Majesties wrath and indignation , nor your Majesties suspition in our inobedience . The same God have your Majestie in his eternall saveguard . At Dunbartane the 12 of August 1559. This answer directed to the Queen our Soveraigne , and Francis her husband , the Queen Dowager received , and was bold upon it , as she might well enough , for it was supposed , That the former Letters were forged here at home in Scotland . The answer read by her , she said , That so proud an answer was never given to King , Prince , nor Princesse . And yet indifferent men , thought that he might have answered more sharply , and not have transgressed modesty nor trueth : For where they burden him with the great benefits which of them he had received , if in plain words he had purged himselfe ; affirming , That the greatest benefit that ever he received of them , was to spend in their service , that which God by others had provided for him ; no honest man would have accused him , and no man could have been able to have convinced him of a lye ; But Princes must be pardoned to speak what they please . For the comfort of the brethren , and continuance of the Church in Edinburgh , was left there our deare brother Iohn Willock ▪ who for his faithfull labours and bold courage in that battell , deserves immortall praise . For when it was found dangerous that Iohn Knox , who before was elected Minister to the Church , should continue there : the brethren requested the said Iohn Willock to abide with them , lest that for lack of Ministers , Idolatry should be erected up again . To the which he so gladly consented , That it might evidently appeare , that he preferred the comfort of his brethren and the continuance of the Church there to his own life . One part of the French-men were appointed to lye in Garison at Leith , ( that was the first benefit which they gate for their confederacie with them ) the other part were appointed to lye in the Canon-gate , the Queen and her train abiding in the Abbey . Our brother Iohn Willock the day after our departure preached in S. Giles Church , and fervently exhorted the brethren to stand constant to the Truth which they had professed . At this , and some other Sermons was the Duke , and divers other of the Queens faction . This liberty of Preaching , and resort of all people thereto did highly offend the Queen and the other Papists . And first they began to give terrours to the Duke , affirming , That he would be reputed as one of the Congregation , if he gave his presence to the Sermons . Thereafter they began to require , That Masse might be set up again in S. Giles Church , and that the people should be set at liberty to chuse what Religion they would . For that said they was contained in the appointment , That the Town of Edinburgh should chuse what Religion they listed . For obtaining hereof were sent to the Town the Duke , the Earle of Huntly , and the Lord Seaton , to solicite all men to condiscend to the Queens minde , wherein the two last did labour what they could , the Duke not so , but as a beholder , of whom the brethren had good hope , and after many perswasions and threatnings made by the said Earle and Lord , the brethren stoutly and valiantly in the Lord Jesus , gain-said their most unjust Petitions . Reasoning , That as in conscience they might not suffer Idolatry to be erected , where Christ Jesus was truely Preached ; so could not the Queen nor they require any such thing , unlesse she and they would plainely violate their Faith , and chiefe Article of the appointment . For it is plainely appointed , That no member of the Congregation shall be molested in any thing ; That at the day of the appointment they peaceably possessed . But so it was , That we the brethren and Protestants of the Town of Edinburgh , with our Ministers the day of the appointment , did peaceably enjoy Saint Giles Church , appointed us for Preaching of Christs true Gospel , and right ministration of his holy Sacraments . Therefore without manifest violation of the appointment , you cannot remove us therefrom , untill a Parliament have decided the Controversie . This answer given , the whole brethren departed , and left the foresaid Earle , and Lord Seaton , then Provest of Edinburgh , still in the Tolbuith . Who perceiving that they could not prevaile in that manner , began to entreat that they would be quiet , and that they would so far condiscend to the Queens-pleasure , as that they would chuse them another within the Town , or at the least be content that Masse should be said , either after or before their Sermon . To the which , answer was given ; That to give place to the devil ( who was the chiefe Inventer of the Masse ) for the pleasure of any creature , they could not . They were in possession of that Church which they could not abandon , neither yet could they suffer Idolatry to be erected in the same , unlesse by violence they should be constrained so to do . And then they were determined to seek the next remedy . Which answer received , the Earle of Huntly did lovingly intreat them to quietnesse , faithfully promising , That in no sort they should be molested , so that they would be quiet , and make no farther uproare . To the which they were most willing , for they sought onely to serve God , as he had commanded , and to keep their possession , according to the appointment : which by Gods grace they did , till the moneth of November , notwithstanding the great boasting of the enemy . For they did not onely convene to the Preaching , daily suppl●cations and administration of Baptisme , but also the Lords Table was ministred , even in the eyes of the very enemy , to the great comfort of many afflicted consciences , and as God did strongly work with his true Ministers , and with his troubled Church : so did not the devil cease to inflame the malice of the Queen , and of the Papists with her . For that after her coming to the Abbey of Halyrud-house , she caused Masse to be said first in her own Chappell , and after in the Abbey where the Altars before were cast down . She discharged the Common-Prayers , and forbade to give any portion to such as were the principall young men who read them . Her malice extended in like manner to Cambu●kenneth , for there she discharged the portions of as many of the Canons as had forsaken Papistry : She gave commandment and inhibition , that the Abbot of Lyndors should be answered of any part of his living in the North , because he had submitted himselfe to the Congregation , and had put some Reformation to his place : By her consent and procurement was the Preachers Chaire broken in the Church of Leith , and Idolatry was erected in the same , where it was before suppressed . Her French Captains , with their Souldiers in great companies , in time of Preaching and Prayers resorted to Saint Giles Church in Edinburgh , and made their common deambulation therein with such loud talking , as no perfect audience could be had . And although the Minister was there-through oft times compelled to cry out on them , Praying to God to rid them of such Locusts , they neverthelesse continued still in their wicked purpose devised and ordained by the Queen , to have drawn our brethren of Edinburgh and them in cumber , so that she might have had any coloured occasion to have broken the League with them . Yet by Gods grace they behaved themselves so that she could finde no fault in them , albeit in all these things before-named , and in every one of them she is justly accounted to have gaine-said the said appointment . We passe over the oppressing of our brethren in particular , which had been sufficient to have proved the appointment to have been plainly violated . For the Lord Seaton , without any occasion offered unto him , brake a chase upon Alexander Whitlam , as he came from Preston , accompanied with M. William Knox , towards Edinburgh , and ceased not to pursue him , till he came to the Towne of Ormeston . And this he did , supposing that the said Alexander had been Iohn Knox. In all this mean time , and while that moe French-men arived , they are not able to prove that we brake the appointment in any jote , except that a horned Cap was taken off a proud Priests head , and cut in four quarters , because he said , He would wear it in despight of the Congregation . In this mean time , the Queen , then Regent , knowing assuredly what force was shortly to come unto her , ceased not , by all meanes possible to cloke the in-coming of the French , and to inflame the hearts of our Countrey-men against us . And for that purpose she first wrote unto Duke Hamilton , in forme , as followeth . The Queen Regents false flattering Letter to Duke Hamilton . MY Lord and Cousin , after hearty commendations , We are informed that the Lords of the West-land Congregation intend to make a Convention and assembly of your kin and friends upon Gowan Moore , besides Glasgow , on Munday come eight dayes , the 28 day of August instant , for some high purpose against us , which we can scantly believe , considering they have no occasion on Our part so to do . And albeit we know the Appointment was made against and without Our advise , yet we accepted the same at your desire , and have since made no cause , whereby they might be moved to come in the contrary thereof . Like as we are yet minded to keep firme and stable all things promised by you in Our behalfe . We thinke on the other part , it is your duty to require them , that they violate not their part thereof in no wise . And in case they mean any evil towards Us , and so will break their promise , We believe ye will at the uttermost of your power convene with us , and compell them to do that thing which they ought , if they will not ; praying you to have your self , your kin and friends , in readinesse to come to us , as ye shall be advertised by Proclamation , in case the Congregation assemble themselves for any purpose against Us , or the Tenour of the said Appointment : Assuring you , without they gather , and give first occasion , We shall not put you to any pains in that behalf . And that you advertise Us by writ what we may trust to herein by this Bearer , who will shew you the fervent minde we bear to have good concord with the said Congregation , what offers We have made them , and how desirous we are to draw them to the obedience of Our Soveraignes Authority , to whom you shall give credit : and God keep you . At Edinburgh the tenth of August , 1559. The like Letter she wrote to every Lord , Baron , and Gentleman , of this Tenour . The Queen Regents Letter to the Barons . TRusty friend , after hearty commendations , We doubt not but you have heard of the Appointment made beside Leith , betwixt the Duke , the Earle of Huntlie , and Monsieur Dosell , on the one part ; And the Lords of the Congregation , on the other part : Which Appointment We have approved in all points , albeit it was taken without Our advise , and is minded to observe and keep all the contents thereof for Our part . Neverthelesse , as We are informed , the Lords of the Congregation intend shortly to convene all such persons as will assist them , for enterprising of some high purpose against Us , Our Authority , and Tenour of the said Appointment ; which we cannot believe , seeing they neither have , nor shall have any occasion given thereto on Our part . But in case against all reason they should mean any such thing , We have thought it good to give warning to Our speciall friends of the advertisement We have gotten ; and amongst the rest , to you , whom We esteem of that number , praying you to have your self , your kin and folks in readinesse to come to Us , and so forth , as in the other Letter above sent to the Duke , word by word . After that by these Letters , and by the decitfull surmising of her soliciters , she had somewhat stirred up the hearts of the people against us , then she began openly to complain , That we were of minde to invade her Person , That we would keep no part of the Appointment , and therefore she was compelled to crave assistance of all men , against our unjust pursuit . And this practise she used , as before is said , to abuse the simplicity of the people , that they should not suddenly espie for what purpose she brought in her new bands of men of War , who did arrive about the midst of August , to the number of 1000 men : The rest were appointed to come after with Monsieur de la Brosse , and with the Bishop of Ammians , who arrived the nineteenth day of September following , as if they had been Ambassadours : But what was their Negotiation , the effect did declare , and they themselves could not long conceal ; for by both tongue and pen they uttered , That they were sent for the extermination of all those that would not professe the Papist call Religion in all points . The Queens practise and craft could not blinde the eyes of all men , neither yet could her subtilty hide her owne shame , but that many did espy her deceit ; and some spared not to speak their judgements liberally , who foreseeing the danger , gave advertisement , requiring that provision might be found , before that the evil should exceed our wisedome and strength to put fit remedy to it : For prudent men foresaw , That she pretended a plain conquest ; but to the end that the people should not suddenly stir , she would not bring in her full force at once ( as before is said ) but by continuall traffique purposed to augment her Army , so that in the end we should not be able to resist . But the greatest part of the Nobility , and many of the people , were so enchanted by her treasonable soliciters , that they would not hear nor credit the truth plainly spoken . The French then after the arriving of their new men , began to brag : then began they to divide the Lands and Lordships according to their owne fantasies ; for one was stiled , Monsieur de Argyle ; another , Monsieur le Prior ; the third Monsieur de Ruthwen ; y●a , they were assured , in their own opinion , to possesse whatsoever they listed ; so that some asked for the Rentalls and Revenues of divers mens lands , to the end that they might chuse the best : And yet in this mean time she was not ashamed to set out a Proclamation in this form : A Proclamation set forth by the Queen Regent , to blinde the vulgar People . FOrasmuch as We understand that certain seditious persons have of malice invented and blown abroad divers rumours and evill brutes , intending thereby to stir up the hearts of the people , and so to stop all manner of reconciliations betwixt us and our subjects being of the number of the Congregation , and consequently to kindle and nourish a continuall strife and division within this Realme , to the manifest subversion of the whole State thereof ; And amongst other purposes , have maliciously devised for that effect , and have perswaded too many , That We have violated the Appointment lately taken , in so far as any more French men since came in , and that we do minde to draw in great Forces of men of War forth of France , to suppresse the Liberty of this Realm , oppresse the inhabitants thereof , and make up strangers with their lands & goods . Which reports are all ( God knoweth ) most vain , fained , and untrue : For it is of truth , That nothing hath been done on our part since the said Appointment , whereby it may be alleadged that any part thereof contravened ; nor yet was at that time any thing commoved or concluded to stop the sending in of French-men , as may clearly appear by inspection of the said Appointment , which the Bearer hereof hath present to shew . Whatsoever number of men of War be arrived , We have such regard to Our honor , and quietnesse of this Realm , that in case in the room of every French-man that is in Scotland , there were an hundred at our command , yet should not for that any jot that is p●omised be broken , or any alteration made by our provocation , but the said Proclamation truely and surely should be observed in every point . If the said Congregation will in like manner faithfully keep their part thereof : Nor yet mean we to trouble any man in the peaceable possession of their goods , & rooms : Nor yet to enrich the Crowne , and far lesse any strangers , with your substance ; for Our dearest son and daughter the King and Queen , are by Gods provision placed in the room where all men of judgement may well consider they have no need of any mans goods . And for Our Self , we seeking nothing but dutifull obedience unto them , such as good subjects ought to give to their Soveraigne , without diminution of your liberties and priviledges , or alteration of your Laws . Therefore We have thought good to notifie unto you Our good minde foresaid , and desire you not to give ear nor credit to such vain imaginations , whereof , before God , no part entered in our conceit , nor suffer your selves be thereby led from your due obedience , assuring you , ye shall ever finde with Us truth in promise , and a motherly love towards all you , behaving your selves as Our obedient subjects . But of one thing We give you warning , That whereas some Preachers of the Congregation in their publike Sermons speak irreverently and slanderously , as well of Princes in generall , as of Our Selfe in particular , and of the obedience of higher Powers , inducing the people by that part of their Doctrine , to defection from their duty ; which pertaineth nothing to Religion , but rather sedition and tumult , things direct quite contrary to Religion . Therefore We desire you to take order in your Towns and bounds , that when the Preachers repair thither , they use themselves more modestly in these behalfs , and in their Preaching not to meddle so much with Civill Policy , and Publike Government , nor yet name Us , or other Princes , but with reverence , otherwise it will not be suffered . And seeing you have presently the Declaration of Our Intention , We desire likewise to know what shall be your part to Us , that We may understand what to trust for at your hands , whereof we desire a plain Declaration in writing with this Bearer , without delay . At Edinburgh the 28 of August , 1559. This Proclamation she sent by her Messengers thorow all the Countrey , and had her solicitors in all parts , who painfully travelled to bring men to her opinion ; amongst whom these were the principall ; Sir Iohn Ballenden , Justice Clerke , Master Iames Balfour , Officiall of Lowthian ; Master Thomas and Master William Scots , sons to the Laird of Balwerie ; Sir Robert Carnegie , and Master Gaw●n Hammilton , who fo● fainting of the brethrens hearts , and drawing many to the Queens fa●tion against their native Countrey , have declared themselves enemies to God , and Traytors to the Common-weal : But above all others ▪ Master Iames Balfour , Official for the time , ought to be abhorred ; for he of an old professor , is become a new denier of Christ Jesus , and manifest blasphemer of his eternal Verity , against his knowledge and conscience , seeking to betray his brethren and native Countrey into the hands of a cruell and unfaithfull Nation . The answer to this former Proclamation was made in forme as followeth . To the Nobility , Burgesse , and Commonty of this Realme of Scotland , the Lords , Barons , and others Brethren of the Congregation , wisheth encrease of all wisedom ; with advancement of the glory of God , and of the Common-wealth . THe love of our native Countrey craveth , the defence of our honours requireth , and the sincerity of our consciences compelleth us ( dear brethren ) to answer in some part to the last Writs and Proclamations set forth by the Q Regent , no lesse to make us and our Cause odious , then to abuse your simplicity , and to work your finall destruction , conspired of old , and now already put to work . And first , where she alleadgeth , That certain seditious persons have of malice invented and blown abroad divers rumors , tending thereby ( as she alleadgeth ) to stir up the hearts of the people to sedition , by reason that the French-men are crept in of late in our Countrey . True it is ( dear brethren ) that all such as bear naturall love to their Countrey , to you their brethren inhabitants thereof , to our houses , wives , children , the esperance of our posterity ; and to be short , To our Common-wealth , and to the ancient Laws and Liberties therof , cannot but in heart lament , and with mouth & tears complain , the most crafty assaults devised and practised , to the utter ruine of all these things forenamed . This is so manifestly gone to work , that even in our eyes , our dear brethren , true members of our Common-wealth , are most cruelly oppressed by strangers ; in so far , as some are banished their owne houses , some robbed and spoiled of their substance purchast by their just labours in the sweat of their brows , some cruelly murthered at the pleasure of these inhumane souldiers , and altogether have their lives in such fear and dread , as if the enemy were in the midst of them ; so that nothing can seem pleasant unto them which they possesse in the bowells of their native Countrey ; so neer judged every man ( and not without just cause ) the practise used upon their brethren , to approach next unto them , their wives , childrens , houses , and substances , which altogether are cast at the feet of strangers men of War , to be by them thus abused at their unbridled lusts desire . Now if it be sedition ( dear brethren ) to complain , lament , and pour forth before God the sorrows and sobs of our dolorous hearts , crying to him for redresse of those enormities ( which elsewhere is to be found ) which altogether do proceed of the unlawfull holding of strange Souldiers over the heads of our brethren . If this to complain be sedition , then indeed ( dear brethren ) can none of us be purged of that crime ; for as in very heart we condemne such inhumane cruelty , with the wicked and crafty pretence thereof , so can we not , nor dare we , neither by mouths speaking , nor yet by keeping silence , justifie the same . Neither do we here aggravate the breaking of the Appointment made at Leith ( which alwayes hath manifestly been done ) but herein we remember what oath we have made to our Common-wealth , and how the duty we ought to the same compelleth us to cry out , That the Queen by wicked and ungodly counsell goeth most craftily about utterly to oppresse the same , and the ancient Lawes and Liberties thereof : As well against the King of France his promise , her own duty , in respect of the high promotions that she hath received thereby : which justly should have caused her to have been in deed , that which she would be called ( and is nothing lesse in verity ) to wit , a carefull mother over this Common-wealth . But what motherly care she hath used towards you , ye cannot be ignorant of . Have ye not been , even from the first entrie of her Reigne , ever smitten and oppressed with unaccustomed and more exorbitant Taxations then ever were used within this Realm ? Yea , and how far was it sought here to have been brought in upon you and your posterity , under colour to have been laid up in store for the wars . The inquisition taken of all your goods , moveable and unmoveable by way of Testament , the seeking of the whole C●ale and Salt of this Realme to have been laid up in store , and in garnell , and she alone to have been Merchant thereof doth teach you by experience some of her motherly care . Again , What favour to our Common-wealth doth she at this instant bear , when even now presently , and of a long time by-gone , by the Ministery of some ( who better deserve the Gallows then ever did Cochran ) she doth so corrupt the good money , and hath brought it to such businesse , and such a deale of strife , that all men that had their eyes open may perceive an extream beggery to be brought there-through upon the whole Realme . So that the whole exchange and traffique to be had with Forraigne nations ( a thing most necessary in all Common-wealths ) shall thereby be utterly extinguished , and all the gaines received thereby is , That she therewith entertaineth strangers upon our heads . For brethren , you know that her money hath served for no other purpose in our Common-wealth this long time bygone . And the impunity of those wicked Ministers ( whom lately we spake of ) hath brought the matter to such a licentious enormitie and plaine contempt of the Common-weale , that now they spare not plainely to break down and convert the good and weighty money Coined in our Soveraignes lesser age into this their corrupted skruife and baggages of Hard-heads and Non-sunts , most like as she and they had conspired to destroy all the whole good Coine of this Realme ; and consequently that part of the Common-weale . Besides all this , their clipped and r●nged Sols which had no passage these three yeers past in the Realme of France are commanded to have course in this Realme , to gratifie thereby her new-come Souldiers , and all these things together are done without the advice or consent of the Nobilitie and Counsell of thi● Realme ; and manifestly there-through against our ancient Laws and Liberties . Thirdly , her last and most weightie proceeding , more fully declareth the motherly care her Majestie beareth to our Common-weale and us , when in time of Peace , without any occasion of Forraigne Wars , thousands of Strangers are laid here and there upon the necks of our poore members of this Common-weale . Their idle bellies fed upon the poore substance of the Commonaltie conquest by their just labours in the painfull sweat of their brows , which to be true , Dumbar , North-Barwick , Travent , Pres●on , Panes , Missilburgh , Leith , Cannongat , Kinghorne , Kirkcaldie , Disert , with the depauperate souls that this day dwell therein can testifie . Whose oppression as doubtlesse it is entred in before the Justice-seat of God , so ought it justly to move our hearts to have pity and compassion upon these our poore brethren , and at our powers to provide remedie for the same . And albeit her strangers had been garnished with money ( as you know well they were not ) yet can there here lying be no wayes but most hurtfull to our Common-wealth , seeing that the fertility of this Realme had never been so plentifull that it was able of any continuance to sustain it selfe and inhabitants thereof , without support of Forraigne Countreys , far lesse able besides the same to sustain thousands of strangers wherewith it is burthened , to the dearthing of all victuals , as the murmure and complaint of Edinburgh this day doth testifie . But to what effect the Common-weale is thus burdened , the end doth declare . For shortly were they brought to the fields against our Soveraigns true Lieges , even us your brethren , who ( God knoweth ) sought nothing else but peace of conscience , under protection of our Soveraigne , and Reformation of these enormities , for no other cause but that we would not renounce the Gospel of Jesus Christ , and subdue our necks under the tyranny of that wicked Man of sin , the Romane Antichrist and his forsworn Shavelings , who at that time most tyrannically oppressed our souls with hunger of Gods true Word , and rest our goods and substances , to waste the same upon their foule lusts and stinking harlots . But ( O dear brethren ) this was not the chiefe pretence and finall scope of her proceedings ( as these dayes do well declare ) for had not God given in our hearts to withstand that oppression , with weapons of most just defence , thou , O Saint Iohnston and Dundie , had been in no better state then your sister of Leith is this day . For though we in very deed ( God is witnesse ) meant then nothing , but in the simplicity of our hearts , the maintenance of true Religion , and safetie of our brethren , Professours of the same , yet lay there another serpent lurking in the brest of our adversaries , as this day ( praise to God ) is plainely opened to all that list to behold , to wit , To bring you and us both under the perpetuall servitude of strangers . For we being appointed , as ye know , touching Religion to be reasoned with all in the Councell , at the day affixed , and no occasion made to break the same on our side ( as is well known ) yet come there forth writings and complaints , That this day and that day we were prepared to invade the Queens person ( when in very truth there was never such thing thought , as the very deed hath declared . ) But because she was before deliberate to bring in French-men to both our destructions , that you should not stir therewith , she made you to understand , That those Bands came onely for safety of her own person . O craft , brethren ! O subtilty ! But behold the end : They are come ( yet not so many , no not the sixth part that she desired and looked for ) and how , not onely with weapons to defend her person , but with wives and children to plant in your native rooms , as they have already begun in the Town of Leith , the principall Port and Staple of this Realm . The gernall and furniture of the Councell , and seat of Justice . And here will they dwell , till they may reinforce themselves with greater number of their fellow-Souldiers , to subdue then the rest , if God withstand not . And yet her Majestie feared nor shamed not to write , if they were a hundred French-men for every one of them that is in Scotland , yet they should harme no man. Tell thou now Leith if that be true ; If this be not a craftie entrie to a manifest conquest fore-thought of old , judge you deare brethren : Thus to fortifie our Towns , and even the principall Port of our Realm , and to lay so strong Garisons of strangers therein , not onely without any consent of the Nobility and Councell of this Realm , but also expresse against their minde ( as our Writ sent to her Majestie beareth record ) if this be not to oppresse the ancient Lawes and Liberties of our Realme , let all wise men say to it . And further , to take the Barne-yards new gathered , the Gernalls replenished , and to sit down therein , and by force to put the just possessours and ancient inhabitants there-from , with their wives , children , and servants to shift for themselves in begging , if they have no other means , they being true Scottish-men , members of our Common-wealth , and our deare brethren and sisters , borne , fostred , and brought up in the bowels of our common and native Countrey , if this be not the manifest declaration of their old pretence , and minde towards the whole Scottish Nation ; let your owne conscience ( brethren ) be judge herein . Was all Leith of the Congregation ? No , I think not , yet were all alike served . Let this motherly care then be tried by the fruits thereof : First , by the great and exorbitant Taxations used upon you , and yet ten times greater pressed at , as ye know . Secondly , the utter depravation of our Coine , to purchase thereby money to entertaine strangers , French Souldiers upon you , and to make them strong holds , lest you should sometime expell them out of your native roomes . Thirdly , by the daily re-inforcing of the said French Souldiers in strength and number , with wives and children , planting in your brethrens houses and possessions . Indeed her Majestie is , and hath been at all times carefull to procure by her craft of fair words , of fair promises , and sometimes of buds to allure your simplicity to that point , to joyn your selves to her Souldiers , to daunt and oppresse us , that you the remnant ( we being cut off ) may be an easie prey to her sleights : Which God of his infinite goodnesse hath now discovered to the eyes of all that list to behold . But credit the works ( deare brethren ) if ye will not credit us , and lay the example of Forreign nations , yea , even of our brethren , before your eyes , and procure not your own ruine willingly . If you tender true Religion , you see how her Majestie beareth her selfe plaine enemy thereto , and maintaineth the tyrannie of those idle bellies the Bishops , against Gods Church : If Religion be not perswaded unto you , yet cast you not away the care you ought to have over your Common-wealth , which you see manifestly and violently ruined before your eyes : If this will not move you , remember your deare wives , children and posterity , your ancient heritages and houses , and think well these strangers will regard no more your right thereunto , then they have done your brethren of Leith , when ever occasion shall serve . But if you purpose ( as we doubt not but that all those that either have wit or manhood will declare and prove indeed ) to brook your ancient roomes and heritages , conquered most valiantly , and defended by your most noble Progenitors , against all strangers , invaders of the same , as the French pretendeth plainly this day , if ye will not be slaves unto them , and to have your lives , your wives , your children , your substance , and whatsoever is dear unto you cast at their feet , to be used and abused at the pleasure of strange Souldiers , as you see your brethrens at this day before your eyes . If you will not have experience some day hereof in your own persons ( as we suppose the least of you all would not gladly have , but rather would chuse with honour to die in defence of his own native roome , then live and serve so shamefull a servitude ) then brethren let us joyn our forces , and both with wit and manhood resist their beginnings , or else our liberties hereafter shall be dearer bought . Let us surely be perswaded , when our neighbours houses be on fire , that we dwell not without danger . Let no man withdraw himselfe herefrom , and if any will be so unhappy and mischievous ( as we suppose none to be ) let us altogether repute , hold and use him ( as he is in deed ) for an enemie to us , and to himselfe , and to his Common-weale . The eternall and omnipotent God , the true and onely revenger of the oppressed , be our comfort and Protectour against the furie and rage of the Tyrants of this world : And especially from the insatiable covetousnesse of the Cardinall of Guyse , and the Hamiltons . Amen . Besides this our publike Letter , some men answered certaine heads of the Queens said Proclamation on this manner . If it be sedition to speak the trueth in all sobriety , and to complaine , when they are wounded , or to call for help against unjust tyrannie before that their throats be cut , then can we not denie , but we are criminall and guilty of tumult and sedition . For we have said , That our Common-weale is oppressed , that we and our brethren are hurt by the tyrannie of strangers , and that we fear bondage and slaverie , seeing that multitudes of cruell murtherers are daily brought into our Countrey without our counsell , knowledge , and consent . We dispute not so much whether the bringing in of moe French-men be violating of the appointment ( which the Queen and her faction cannot deny to be manifestly broken by them in moe causes then one ) as that we would know , if that the heaping of strangers upon strangers , above us , without our counsell or consent , be a thing that may stand with the Liberty of our Realme , and with the profit of our Common-wealth . It is not unknown to all men of judgement , That the fruits of our Countrey , in the most common yeers , be no more then sufficient reasonable to nourish the born inhabitants of the same . But now seeing we have been vexed with wars , taken upon us at the pleasure of France , by the which the most fruitfull portion of our Countrey in Corne hath been wasted . What man is so blinde , but that he may see , That such bands of ungodly and idle Souldiers can be nothing else but an occasion to famish our poore brethren . And in this point we refuse not ( which is the chiefe ) the judgement of all naturall Scottish-men . The Queen Regent alleadged , That although there was an hundred French-men for one that is in Scotland , yet she is not minded to trouble any unjust possession . Whereto we answer , That we dispute not what she intended ( which neverthelesse by probable conjectures it is to be suspected ) but alwayes we affirm , that such a multitude of French-men is a burden not onely unprofitable , but also intolerable to this poor Realme ; especially being treated as they are by her and Monsieur Dosell : For if their wages be paid out of France , then are they both ( the Queen , we say , and Monsieur Dosell ) traytors to the King and Counsell ; for the poor Commons of this Realme have sustained them with the sweat of their brows , since the contracting of the Peace , and somewhat before . What motherly affection she hath declared to this Realm , and to the inhabitants of the same , her works have evidently declared , even since the first hour that she hath borne Authority . And albeit men will not this day see what danger hangs over our heads , yet fear we that ere it be long , experience shall teach some , that we have not feared without cause . The cruell murther and oppression used by those whom now she fostereth , is to us a sufficient argument what is to be looked for when her number is so multiplied , that our force shall not be able to gainstand their tyranny . Where she complaineth of our Preachers , affirming that unreverently they speak of Princes in generall , and of her in particular , inducing the people thereby to defection from their duty , &c. And therefore that such a thing cannot be suffered . Because this occasion is laid against Gods true Ministers , we cannot but witnesse what course and order of Doctrine they have kept , and yet keep in that point . In publike prayers they recommend to God all Princes in generall , and the Magistrates of this our native Realme in particular . In open audience they declare the Authority of Princes and Magistrates to be of God , and therefore they affirm that they ought to be honoured , feared , and obeyed , even for conscience sake ; provided that they command nor require nothing expresly repugning to Gods Commandment and plain Will revealed in his holy Word . Moreover , they affirm , That if wicked persons abusing the Authority established by God , move Princes to command things manifestly wicked , That such as can and do bridle those inordinate appetites of misled Princes , cannot be accused as resistaries of the Authority , which is Gods good Ordinance . To bridle the rage and fury of misled Princes in free Kingdoms and Realms , they affirm it appertaineth to the Nobility , sworn and borne Councellors of the same , and also to the Barons and people , whose votes and consents are to be required in all great and weighty matters of the Common-wealth ; which if they do not , they declare themselves criminall with their misled Princes , and so subject to the same vengeance of God , which they deserve , for that they pollute the seat of Iustice , and do as it were make God author of Iniquity . They proclaim and cry , That the same God who plagued Pharaoh , repulsed Sennacherib , struck Herod with worms , and made the bellies of dogs the grave and sepulcher of the spitefull Jesabell , will not spare misled Princes , who authorize the murtherers of Christs members in this our time . On this manner they speak of Princes in generall , and of your Majesty in particular . This onely we have heard one of our Preachers say , rebuking the vain excuses of such as flatter themselves by reason of Authority ; Many now adayes ( said he ) will have no other Religion nor faith , then the Queen and Authority had : But is it not possible that the Queen be so far blinded , that she will have no Religion , nor no other faith , then may content the Cardinall of Loraine ? And may it not likewise be true that the Cardinall is so corrupt , that he will admit no Religion which doth not establish the Pope in his kingdome ? But plain it is , That the Pope is Lieutenant to Sathan , and enemy to Christ Iesus , and to his perfect Religion . Let men therefore consider what danger they stand in , if their salvation shall depend upon the Queens faith and Religion . Further , we never heard any of our Preachers speak of the Queen Regent , neither publikely nor privately . Where her Majestie declareth , It will not be suffered that our Prerchers meddle with Policy , or speak of her , or of other Princes , but with reverence : we answer , That as we will justifie and defend nothing in our Preachers which we finde not God to have justified and allowed in his Messengers before them ; so we dare not forbid them openly to reprehend that which the Spirit of God , speaking in the Prophets and Apostles , hath reprehended before them . Helias did personally reprove Achab and Jesabell of idolatry , of avarice , of murther , and such like : Esaias the Prophet called the Magistrates of Jerusalem in his time , companions to thieves , Princes of Sodome , bribe-takers , and murtherers ; he complained that their silver was turned into drosse , That their wine was mingled with water , and that Iustice was bought and sold. Jeremie saith , That the bones of King Jehoiakim should wither with the Sun. Christ Iesus called Herod a Fox ; and Paul calleth the high Priest a painted wall , and prayeth unto God that he should strike him , because that against justice he commanded him to be smitten . Now if the like ( and greater ) corruptions be in the world this day , Who dare enterprise to put to silence the Spirit of God , which will not be subject to the appetites of misled Princes . We have said before , That the tenth of September was appointed for a convention to be holden at Sterlin , to the which repaired the most part of the Lords of the Congregation . At that same time arrived the Earle of Arran , who after he had saluted his father , came with the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames to Sterlin , to the said convention ; in which divers godly men complained of the tyrannie used against their brethren . And especially that more French-men were brought in to oppresse their Country . After the consultation of certain dayes , the principall Lords with my Lord Arran , and the Earle of Argyle past to Hammilton for consultation to be taken with the Duke . And in this mean time came assured word that the French-men had begun to fortifie Leith ; which thing , as it did more evidently discover the Queens craft , so did it deeply grieve the hearts of all the Nobility there , who with one consent agreed to write unto the Queen in form as followeth . At Hammilton the 29 day of September . MAdame , we are credibly informed that your Army of French-men should instantly begin to plant in Leith , and to fortifie the same , of minde to expell the ancient inhabitants thereof , our brethren of the Congregation , whereof we marvell not a little , that your Majestie should so manifestly breake the Appointment made at Leith , without any provocation made by us and our brethren . And seeing the same is done without any manner of consent of the Nobilitie and counsell of this Realme , we esteem the same not onely oppression of our poore brethren , and in-dwellers of the said Towne , but also very prejudiciall to the Common-wealth , and plain contrary to our ancient Laws and Liberties . We therefore desire your Majestie to cause the same work enterprised to be stayed , and not to attempt so rashly and so manifestly against your Majesties promise , against the Common-wealth , ●he ancient Laws and Liberties thereof ( which things , besides the glory of God , are most dear and tender to us , and onely our pretence ) otherwise assuring your Majestie , we will complain to the whole Nobility and Commonalty of this Realme , and most earnestly seek for redresse thereof . And thus recommending our humble service unto your Highnesse , whom we commit to the Eternall Protection of God , expecting earnestly your answer . At Hammilton the day and yeer aforesaid : By your Majesties humble and obedient servitours . This Letter was subscribed with the hands of the Duke , the Earles of Arran , Argyle , Glencarne , and Menteth ; by the Lords Ruthwen Uchiltrie , Boyd , and by divers others Barons and Gentlemen . To this request she would not answer by wret , but with a Letter of credit she sent Sir Robert Carnegie , and Master Danid Borthwike , two , whom amongst many others , she abused , and by whom she corrupted the hearts of the simple . They travelled with the Duke , to bring him again to the Queens Faction : Labrosse and the Bishop of Amians were shortly before arrived , and , as it was bruted , were directed as Ambassadours , but they kept close their whole Commission ; they onely made large promises to them that would be theirs , and leave the Congregation . The Queen did grievously complain , That we had intelligence with England , and the conclusion of their Commission was to solicite the Duke to put in all in the Queens Will , and then she would be gracious enough . It was answered , That no honest men durst commit themselves to the mercy of such throat-cutters as she had about her ; whom if she would remove , and joyn to her a Councell of naturall Scotish-men , permitting the Religion to have free passage , then should none in Scotland be more willing to serve her Majesty then should the Lords and Brethren of the Congregation be . At the same time the Duke and the Lords wrote to my Lord Erskin , Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh , in form as followeth . Letter to the Lord Erskin . MY Lord and Cousin , after our hearty commendations , this present is to advertise you , That we are credibly informed that the Army of French-men now in this Realme , without any advice of the Councell or Nobility , are fortifying , or else shortly intendeth to fortifie the Towne of Leith , and expell the ancient inhabitants thereof , whereby they proclaim to all that will open their ears to hear , or eyes to see , what is their pretence . And seeing the faithfulnesse of your antecessors , and especially of your Father of honourable memory , who was so recommended and dear to the Estates and Councellors of this Realme , through affection they perceived in him towards the Common-wealth thereof , that they doubted not to give in his keeping the key , as it were , of the Councell , of the Iustice and Policy of this Realme , the Castles of Edinburgh and Sterlin , we cannot but believe ye will rather augment the honourable favour of your House by stedfast favour and loyalty to our Common wealth , then through the subtill perswasions of some ( which care not what after shall come to you and your House , at the present would abuse you to the performance of their wicked enterprises and pretences against our Common-wealth ) utterly destroy the same . And herefore seeing we have written to the Queen to desist from the enterprise , otherwise that we will complain to the Nobility and Commonalty of the Realm , and seek redresse thereof ; We likewise beseech you as our tender friend , brother and member of the same Common-wealth with us ▪ that in no wise you meddle with , or assent to that ungodly enterprise against the Common-wealth : And likewise that ye would save your body , and the jewels of this Countrey , committed to yours and your predecessors loyalty and fidelity towards your native Countrey and Common-wealth , if ye thinki to be reputed , hereafter one of the same : And that ye would rather be brother to us then to strangers ; for we do gather by the effects , the secrets of mens hearts , otherwise unsearchable unto us . Thus we write , not that we are in doubt of you , but rather to warne you of the danger , in case ye suffer your selfe to be inchanted with fair promises , and crafty Councellors : For let no man flatter himself ; we desire all men to know ; That though he were our father ( seeing God hath opened our eyes to see his Will ) if he be enemy to the Common wealth , which is now assailed , and we with it , and all true members thereof , he shall be knowne , and as he is indeed enemy to us , to our lives , our houses , babes , heritages , and whatsoever is contained within the same : For as the Ship perishing , What can be safe that is within ? So the Common wealth being betrayed , What particular member can live in quietnesse . And therefore in so far as the said Castles are committed to your credite , we desire you to shew your faithfulnesse and stoutnesse , as ye tender us , and whatsoever appertaineth to us . And seeing we are assured ye will be assayled both with craft and force , as now by warning we help you against the first , so against the last ye shall not misse in all possible haste to have our assistance , onely to shew your selfe a man. Save your person by wisedome , strengthen your self against force : And the Almighty God assist you in both , that one ayd the other , and open the eyes of your understanding to see and perceive the craft of Sathan and his supposts . At Hamilton the 29 day of September , 1559. By your Brethren . The Duke and Lords understanding that the Fortifications of Leith proceeded , appointed their whole Forces to convene at Sterlin the 15 day of Octob. that from thence they might march forward to Edinburgh , for the redresse of the greatest enormities which the French did to the whole Countrey , which by them was so oppressed , that the life of all honest men was bitter unto them . In this mean time the Lords directed their Letters to divers parts of the Countrey , making mention what danger did hang over all men , if the French should be suffered to plant in this Countrey at their pleasure . They made mention farther , How humbly they had besought the Queen Regent , That she would send away to France her French-men , who were a burden unprofitable and grievous to this Common-wealth , and how that she notwithstanding did daily augment their number , bringing wives and children , a plain declaration of a plain conquest . The Queen Regent perceiving that her craft began to be espied , by all means possible travelled to blinde the people ; And first she sent forth her pestilent Post forenamed , in all parts of the Countrey , to perswade all men , that she offereth all things reasonable to the Congregation ; and that they refusing all reason , pretended no Religion , but a plaine revolt from Authority . She tempted every man , in particular , as well those that were of the Congregation , as those that were neutralls . She assaulted every man as she thought most easily he might have been overcome . To the Lord Ruthuen she sent the Justice Clerk , and his wife who is daughter to the wife of the said Lord , what was their Commission and credit , is no further known , then the said Lord hath confessed , which is , That large promise of profit was promised , if he would leave the Congregation , and be the Queens . To Lord Iames , Prior of Saint Andrews , was sent Master Iohn Spens of Condie , with a Letter and Credit , as followeth . The Memoriall of Master Iohn Spens of Condie , the thirtieth of September . 1. YE shall say , That the Queens great favour towards you moveth her to this . 2. That she now knoweth that the occasion of your departing from her , was the favour of the Word , and of the Religion , with the which , albeit she was offended , yet knowing your heart ▪ and the hearts of the other Lords firmely fixed thereupon , she will beare with you in that behalfe , and at your owne sights she will set forward that Cause at her power , as may stand with Gods Word , the common policie of this Realme , and the Princes honour ( note good Reader what venome lurked here , for plaine it is that the policie which she pretended , and the Princes honour will never suffer Christ Iesus to reigne in this Realme . ) 3. To speak of the occasion of assembling of these men of Warre , and fortifying of Leith , you must know , That it was given to the Queen to understand by some about her , that it is not the advancement of the Word and Religion which is sought at this time , but rather a pretence to overthrow or alter the authority of your Sister , of the which she beleeveth still that ye are not participant : and considering the tendernesse betwixt you and your Sister , she trusted more in you , in that behalfe , then in any living . But before the Earle of Arrane arrived , and that the Duke departed from her faction , she ceased not continually to cry , That the Prior sought to make himselfe King ; and so not onely to deprive his Sister , to make himselfe King , but also to defraud the Duke and his house of their pretension . But foreseeing a storme , she began to seek a new winde . She further willeth him , to offer the sending away of the men of War , if the former suspition could be removed , she lamented the trouble that appeared to follow , if the matter should long stand in debate , she promised her faithfull labours for reconciliation , and required the same of him . Requiring further , Faith , Honour , and kindnesse towards his Sister , and to advertise for his part , what he desired ; with promise , That he might obtaine what he pleased to desire . To this Letter and Credit the said Lord Iames answered as followeth . MADAME , I Received your Highnesse Writ , and have heard the credit of the Bearer , and finding the businesse of such importance , that dangerous it were to give hastie answer . And also your Demands are such , That with my honour I cannot answer them privately by my selfe , I have thought good to delay the same till that I may have the judgement of the whole Councell . For this point I will not conceale from your Majestie , That amongst us there is a solemned Oath , that none of us shall traffique with your Majestie secretly , neither yet that any of us shall treat or deale for himselfe particularly : Which Oath , for my part , I purpose to keep unviolated to the end . But when the rest of the Noble-men shall conveene , I shall leave nothing that lyeth in my power undone , that may make for the quietnesse of this poore Realme : Provided , That the glory of Christ Iesus be not hindered by our concord . And if your Majestie shall be found so tractable , as now ye offer , I doubt not to obtaine of the rest of my brethren such favour towards your service , as your Majestie shall have just occasion to stand content : For I take God to record , That in this action I have neither sought , neither yet seek any other thing then to increase Gods glory , and the Libertie of this poore Realme to be maintained . Further , I have shewed unto your Messenger what things have misliked me in your proceedings , even from such a heart as I wish to God you knew fully , and all men else . And this , with hearty commendation of service to your Majestie , I heartily commit your Highnesse to the eternall protection of the omnipotent . At Saint Andrews , the first of October . Sic subscribitur . Your Majesties humble and obedient Servitour . I. St. This answer received , she raged , as hypocrisie useth when it is pricked , and perceiving that she could not work what she would at the hands of men particularly , she set forth a Proclamation , universally to be proclaimed , in the tenour as followeth . The Queens Proclamation . FOr so much as it is understood by the Queen , that the Duke of Chattellawralt hath lately directed his Missives into all parts of this Realm , making mention that the French-men late arrived with their wives and children , are begun to plant in Leith , to the ruine of the Common-weale , which he and his partakers will not passe over with patient beholding , desiring to know what will be every mans part . And that the fortification of Leith , is a purpose devised in France , and that therefore Monsieur de la Brosse , and the Bishop of Amiens , are come to this countrey . A thing so vaine and untrue , that the contrary thereof is knowne to all men of free judgement . Therefore the Queen , willing that the occasions whereby her Majesty was moved so to do , be made patent , and what have been her proceedings since the appointment last made on the Linkes beside Leith . To the effect that the trueth of all things being made manifest , every man may understand how unjustly that a desire to suppresse the liberty of this Realm is laid to her charge ; we have thought expedient to make this discourse following . First , although after the said appointment , divers of the said Congregation , and that not of the meanest sort , hath violently broken the points thereof , and made sundry occasions of new cumber . The same was in a part winked at , and over-looked , in hope that they in time would remember their duty , and abstaine from such evil behaviour , which conversion her Majestie ever sought , rather then any punishment , with such care and solicitude by all means , and in the mean time nothing was provided for her own security . But at last by their frequent Messages to and from England , their intelligence then was perceived , yet her Majestie trusted the Queen of England ( let them seek as they please ) will do the office of a Christian Princesse , in time of a sworne Peace , through which , force was to her Majestie , seeing so great defection of great personages , to have recourse to the Law of Nature . And like as a small Bird , being pursued , will provide some nest , so her Majestie could do no lesse in cases of pursuit , but provide some sure retract for her selfe and her company , and to that effect chose the Town of Leith , as a place convenient therefore : because it was her dearest daughters property , and no other person could claime Title or Interesse thereto , and also because in former times it had been fortified : About the same time that the seeking support of England was made manifest , arrived the Earle of Arrane , and adjoyned himselfe to the Congregation , upon further promise then the pretended quarrell , or Religion that was to be set up by them in authority , and so to pervert the whole obedience , and as some of the Congregation at the same time had put into their hands , and taken the Castle of Brochtie , put forth the keepers thereof . Immediately came from the said Duke to her Majestie unlooked for , a Writ , beside many others complaining of the fortification of the said Town of Leith , in hurt of the ancient inhabitants thereof , brethren of the said Congregation , whereof he then professed himselfe a Member . And albeit that the Bearer of the said Writ was an unmeet Messenger , in a matter of such consequence , yet her Majestie directed to him two persons of good credit and reputation , with answer ; Offering , If he would cause amends to be made for that which was committed against the Lawes of the Realme , to do further then could be craved of reason . And to that effect , to draw some conference , which by his fault and his Colleagues took no end ; neverthelesse they continually since continue in their doings , usurping the authority , commanding and charging free Boroughs to chuse Provests and officers of their naming , and to assist to them in the purpose they would be at : and that they will not suffer provision to be brought for sustentation of her Majesties houses . A great part have so plainely set aside all reverence and humanitie , whereby every man may know , That it is no matter of Religion , but a plaine usurpation of the authority : and no doubt but simple men of good Zeale in former times , therewith falsly have been deceived . But as to the Queens part ( God who knoweth the secrets of all hearts well knoweth , and the world shall see by experience ) that the fortification of Leith was devised for no other purpose , but for recourse to her highnesse and her company , in case they were pursued . Wherefore , as good Subjects that have the feare of God in their hearts , will not suffer themselves by such vaine perswasions to be led away from their due obedience : but will assist in defence of their Soveraigns quarrell , against all such as shall pursue the same wrongfully . Therefore her Majestie ordaineth the officers of Arms to passe to the Market-Crosses of all the head Burroughs of this Realme , and there by open Proclamation command and charge all and sundry the Lieges thereof , that none of them take in hand to put themselves in arms , nor take part with the said Duke or his assistaries , under the paine of Treason . These Letters being divulgate , the hearts of many were stirred , for they judged the Narration of the Queen Regent to have been true , others understood the same to be utterly false . But because the Lords desired that all men should judge in their cause , they set out the Declaration subsequent . The DECLARATION of the Lords , against the former PROCLAMATION . WE are compelled unwillingly to answer the grievous accusations most unjustly laid to our charges by the Queen Regent , and her perverse Counsell , who cease not by all craft and malice to make us odious to our dearest brethren , naturall Scottish-men , as that we pretended no other thing , but the subversion and overthrow of all just authoritie , when God knoweth we sought nothing , but , That such authoritie as God approveth by his Word , be established , honoured , and obeyed amongst us . True it is , that we have complained ( and continually must complaine , till God send redresse ) That our common Countrey is oppressed with strangers ; That this inbringing of Souldiers with their wives and children , and planting of men of War in our free Townes ; appeareth to us a ready way to conquest . And we most earnestly require all indifferent persons to be judge betwixt us and the Queen Regent in this cause , to wit , Whether our complaint be just or not ? For , for what other purpose should she thus multiply strangers upon us , but onely in respect of conquest : Which is a thing of late divised by her and her avaritious house . We are not ignorant that six yeers ago the question was demanded of a man of honest reputation ; What number of men was able to daunt Scotland , and to bring it to the full obedience of France ? She alleadged , That to say that the fortification of Leith was of purpose devised in France , and that for that purpose were Monsieur de la Brosse , and the Bishop of Amiens sent to this Countrey ; Is a thing so vaine and untrue , that the contrary thereof is notorious to all men of free judgement . But evident it is , whatsoever she alleadged , That since their arrivall Leith was begun to be fortified . She alleadged , That she seeing the defection of great Personages , was compelled to have recourse to the Law of Nature , and like a small bird pursued to provide for some sure retract to her self and her company . But why doth she not answer for what purpose did she bring in her new Bands of men of War ? Was there any defection espied before their arrivall ? was not the Congregation under Appointment with her ? Which whatsoever she alleadged , she is not able to prove that we have violated in any chiefe point , before that her new throat-cutters arrived , yea , before that they began to fortifie Leith , a place , saith she , most convenient for her purpose ; as indeed it is , for the receiving of strangers at her pleasure : for if she had feared the pursuit of her bodie , she had Inche , Colme , Dumbar , and Blacknesse , Forts and Strengths already made ; yet all these could not so well serve her turne as Leith , because it was her daughters property , and none other could have title unto it , and because it had been fortified oft before . That all men may know the just title her daughter and she had to the Town of Leith , we shall in few words declare . It is not unknown to the most part of this Realm , that there hath been an old hatred and contention betwixt Edinburgh and Leith ; Edinburgh continually seeking constantly to possesse the liberty of Leith which by donation of ancient Kings they have long enjoyed : And Leith , by the contrary aspiring to a liberty and freedom in prejudice of Edinburgh . The Queen Regent , a woman that could make her profit at all hands , was not ignorant how to compasse her own businesse , and therefore secretly she gave advertisement to some of Leith , that she would make their Towne free , if that she might do it with any colour of Justice . By which promises the principall men of them did travell with the Laird of Lestarrig , a man neither prudent nor fortunate , to whom the superiority of Leith appertained , That he should fell his whole Title and Right to our Soveraigne for a certain sum of Money , which the inhabitants of Leith paid , with a large Taxation more , to the Queen Regent , in hope to be made free , in desp●ght and defraud of Edinburgh : Which Right and Superiority when she had gotten , and when the Money was paid , the first fruits of their liberty they now eat with bitternes , is , That strangers shall possesse their Towne : This is the just Title which her daughter and she might claim to that Towne . And where she alleadged , That it was fortified before ; we ask , If that was done without the consent of the Nobility and Estates of the Realme , as now she and her crafty counsellors do , in despight and high contempt of us the lawfull and borne Counsellors of this Realme . How far we have sought support of England , or of any other Prince , and how just cause we had and have so to do , we shall shortly make manifest unto the world , To the praise of Gods holy Name , and to the confusion of all those that slander us for so doing : For this we fear not to confesse , That as in this our enterprise , against the Devill , Idolatry , and the maintainers of the same , we chiefly and onely seek Gods glory to be notified unto man , sin to be punished , and vertue to be maintained : So where power faileth in our selves , we will seeke it wheresoever GOD shall offer the same : And yet in so doing , we are assured neither to offend GOD , neither yet to do any thing repugnant to our Duties . We heartily praise God , who moved the heart of the Earle of Arran to joyn himself with us his persecuted brethren . But how malicious a lye it is , That we have promised to set him up in Authority , the issue shall declare : God we take to record , That no such thing hath entred into our hearts , neither yet hath the said Earle , neither any to him appertaining , moved us unto any such matter : which if they should do , yet are we not so slender in judgement , that inconsiderately we would promise that , which after we would repent . We speak and write to the praise of Gods glory ; the least of us knoweth better what obedience is due to a lawfull Authority , then she and her counsell doth practice the Office of such as worthily may sit upon the Seat of Justice : For we offer , and we perform all obedience which God hath commanded ; and we deny neither Toll , Tribute , nor Fear , to her nor her Officers , we onely bridle her blinde rage , in the which she would erect and maintain Idolatry , and would murther our brethren , who refuse the same : But she doth utterly abuse the Authority established by God , she prophaneth the Throne of his Majestie on earth , making the Seat of Justice , which ought to be the Sanctuary and Refuge of all godly and vertuous persons unjustly afflicted , to be a den and receptacle to Thieves , Murtherers , Idolaters , Whoremongers , Adulterers , and of Blasphemers of God , and all godlinesse . It is more then evident what men they are , and long have been , whom she by her power maintaineth and defendeth ; and also what hath been our conversation , since it hath pleased God to call us to his knowledge , whom now in her fury she cruelly persecuteth . We deny not the taking of the houses of Brochtie ; and the causes being considered , we think that no naturall Scotish man will be offended at our fact . When the assured knowledge came to us that the Fortification of Leith was begun , every man began to inquire , What danger might ensue to the rest of the Realm , if the French should plant in divers places , and what were the places that might annoy us . In conclusion it was found , That the taking of the said house by French men , should be destruction to Dundie , and hurtfull to S. Iohnston , and to the whole Countrey ; and therefore it was thought expedient to prevent the danger , as that we did , for preservation of our brethren and common Countrey . It is not unknown what enemies those two Towns have , and how gladly would some have all good order and policy overthrown in them . The conjectures that the French-men were of minde shortly to have taken the same place , were not obscrure : but whatsoever they pretended , we cannot repent that we ( as said is ) have prevented the danger ; and would God that power had been in the same manner to have foreclosed their enterprise at Leith : For what trouble this poor Realm shall endure before that those murtherers and unjust possessors be removed from the same , the issue will declare . If her accusations against the Duke , and that we refused conference , be truly and simply spoken , we will not refuse the judgement of those very men , whom she alleadgeth to be of such reputation . They know that the Duke did answer , That if the Realme should be set at liberty from the bondage of those men of War , which presently did oppresse it , and was so fearfull to him , and to his brethren , that they were compelled to absent themselves from the places where she and they made residence : That he and the whole Congregation should come and give all dutifull obedience to our Soveraigne her daughter , and unto her , as Regent for the time : But to enter into conference so long as she kept above him and his brethren that fearfull scourge of cruell strangers , he thought no wise man would counsell him . And this his answer we approve , adding further , That she can make us no promise which she can keep , nor we can credit , so long as she is forced with the strength , and ruled by the counsell of France . We are not ignorant that Princes think it good policy to betray their subjects by breaking of promises , be they never so solemnly made . We have not forgotten what counsell she and Monsieur Dosell gave to the Duke , against those that slue the Cardinall , and kept the Castle of S. Andrewes , which was this , That what promise they list to require should be made unto them ; but as soon as the Castle was rendred , and things brought to such passe as was expedient , that he should chop the heads from every one of them . To the which the Duke answered , That he would never consent to so treasonable an act , but if he promised fidelity , he would faithfully keep it . Monsieur Dosell said in mockage to the Queen in French , That is a good simple nature , but I know no other Prince that would so do . If this was his judgement in so small a matter , what have we to suspect in this our Cause ? For the question is not of the slaughter of one Cardinall , but of the just abolishing of all tyranny , which that Romane Antichrist hath usurped above us ; of the suppressing of Idolatry , and of the Reformation of the whole Religion , by that vermine of shavelings utterly corrupted . Now if the slaughter of a Cardinall be a sin irremissible , as they themselves affirme ; and if faith ought not to be kept to hereticks , as their owne law speaketh , What promise can she that is ruled by the counsell and commandment of a Cardinall , make to us that can be sure ? Where she accuseth us , That we usurp Authority to command and charge free Boroughs , to chuse Provests and Officers of our naming , &c. We will that the whole Boroughs of Scotland testifie in that case , Whether we have used any kinde of violence , but lovingly exhorted such as asked our support to chuse such in Office , as had the fear of God before their eyes , loved equity and justice , and were not noted with avarice and bribing . But wonder it is with what face she can accuse us of that , whereof we are innocent , and she so openly criminall , that the whole Realme knoweth her iniquity : In that case hath she not compelled the Towne of Edinburgh to retaine a man to be their Provest most unworthy of any Regiment in a well-ruled Common-wealth ? Hath she not enforced them to take Bayliffes of her appointment ? and some of them so meet for their Office in this troublesome time , as a sowter is to sayle a Ship in a stormy day . She complaineth that we will not suffer provision to be made for her house : In very deed we unfainedly repent that before this we took not better order that these murtherers and oppressors whom she pretendeth to nourish for our destruction , had not been disappointed of their great provision of Victualls which she and they have gathered , to the great hurt of the whole Countrey : But as God shall assist us in times coming , we shall do diligence somewhat to frustrate their devillish purpose . What both what she and we pretend , we doubt not but God ( who cannot suffer the abuse of his owne Name long to be unpunished ) shall one day declare , and unto him we fear not to commit our Cause . Neither yet fear we in this present day , that against us she maketh a malicious lye , where that she saith , That it is not Religion that . we go about , but a plain usurpation of Authority . God forbid that such impiety should enter in our hearts , that we should make his holy Religion a cloke and covertour of our iniquity : From the beginning of this controversie , it is evidently knowne what have been our requests ; which if the rest of the Nobility and Commonalty of Scotland will cause to be performed unto us , if then in us appear any signe of Rebellion , let us be reputed and punished as traitors . But while strangers are brought in to suppresse us , our common wealth and posterity ; while Idolatry is maintained , and Christ Jesus his true Religion despised , while idle bellies , and bloody tyrants the Bishops are maintained , and Christs true Messengers persecuted ; while finally , vertue is contemned , and vice extolled ; while that we a great part of the Nobility and Commonalty of this Realme are most unjustly persecuted , What godly man can be offended that we shall seek Reformation of these enormities ( yea , even by force of Arms , seeing that otherwayes it is denyed unto us ) we are assured that neither God , neither nature , neither any just Law forbiddeth us . God hath made us Councellors by birth of this Realme , Nature bindeth us to love our owne Countrey , and just Laws command us to support our brethren unjustly pursued , yea , the Oath that we have made to be true to this Common-wealth compelled us to hazard whatsoever God hath given us , before that we see the miserable ruine of the same . If any thinke it is not Religion which now we seek , we answer , That it is nothing else but the zeal of the true Religion which moveth us to this enterprise : For as the enemy doth craftily foresee , That Idolatry cannot universally be maintained , unlesse that we be utterly suppressed , So do we consider that the true Religion ( the purity whereof we openly require ) cannot universally be erected , unlesse strangers be removed , and this poor Realme purged of those pestilences which before have infected it . And therefore in the Name of the Eternall God , and of his Son Christ Jesus , whose Cause we sustain , we require all our brethren naturall Scotish-men prudently to consider our Requests , and with judgement to discerne betwixt us and the Queen Regent , with her faction , and not to suffer themselves to be abused by her craft and deceit , That to lift their weapons against their brethren , who seek nothing but Gods glory , Or yet to extract from us their just and dutifull support , seeing that we hazard our lives for preservation of them and us , and of us and our posterity to come : Assuring such as shall declare themselves favourers of her Faction and enemies unto us , That we shall repute them , whensoever God shall put the Sword of Justice in our hands worthy of such punishment as is due for such as study to betray their Countreyes into the hands of strangers . This our answer was formed and divulgate in some places , but not universally , by reason of our day appointed to meet at Sterlin , as before is declared . In this mean time the Queens Posts ran with all possible expedition to draw men to her devotion . And in very deed she found more favourers of her iniquity then we suspected . For a man that of long time had been one of our number in profession , offered ( as himselfe did confesse ) his service to the Queen , to travell betwixt her Majestie and the Congregation for concord ; she refused not his offer , but knowing his simplicitie , she was glad to imploy him for her advantage . The man is Master Robert Lockard , a man of whom many have had and still have good opinion , as touching his Religion . But to enter in the managing of such affaires , not so fit as godly and wise men would require : he travelleth not the lesse earnestly in the Queen Regents affairs , and could not be perswaded , but that she meant sincerely , and that she would promote the Religion to the uttermost of her power . He promised in her name , That she would put away her French-men , and would be ruled by the counsell of naturall Scottish-men : when it was reasoned in his contrary , That if she were so minded to do , she could have found Mediatours a great deale more fit for that purpose . He feared not to affirme , That he knew more of her minde , then all the French or Scots that were in Scotland ; yea , more then her own brethren that were in France . He travelled with the Earle of Glencarne , the Lords of Uchiltrie and Boyd , with the Laird of Dun , and with the Preachers , to whom he had certaine secret Letters , which he would not deliver , unlesse that they would make a faithfull promise , That they should never reveale the thing contained in the same . To the which it was answered , That in no wayes they could make such a promise , by reason that they were sworne one to another , and altogether in one body , That they should have no secret intelligence , nor deale with the Queen Regent , but that they should communicate with the great Counsell whatsoever she proposed unto them , so they did answer unto her , as by this answer written by Iohn Knox to the Queen Regent may be understood . The tenour whereof followeth . To the Queen Regent . MADAME , MY duty humbly premised : Your Majesties servant , Master Robert Lockard , most instantly hath required me and others to whom your Majesties Letters , as he alleadged , were directed , to receive the same in a secret manner , and to give him answer accordingly ; but because some of the number that he required , were , and are of the great Counsell of this Realme , and therefore are solemnely sworne to have nothing to do in a secret manner , neither with your Majestie , nor with any that cometh from you , or from your Counsell . And so they could not receive your Majesties Letters with such conditions as the said Master Robert required , therefore thought he good to take backe to your Majestie againe the said Letters close ; And yet because , as he reporteth , he hath made to your Majestie some promise in my name , at his request , I am content to testifie by my Letter and Subscription , the sum of that which I did communicate with him . In Dondie , after many words betwixt him and me , I said , That albeit divers sinister reports had been made of me , yet did I never declare any evident token of hatred nor enmity against your Majestie . For if it be the office of a true friend to give true and faithfull counsell to them whom he seeth run to destruction for lack of the same , I could not be proved enemy to your Majestie , but rather a friend unfeigned . For what counsell I had given to your Majestie , my Writings , as well my Letter and Addition to the same , now Printed , as divers others which I wrote from S. Johnston , may testifie . I further added , That such an enemy was I unto you , that my tongue did both perswade , and obtaine , That your authority and Regiment should be obeyed of us in all things lawfull , till you declare your selfe open enemy to this Common-wealth , as now , alas , ye have done . This I willed him moreover to say to your Majestie , That if ye following the counsell of flattering men , having no God but this world and their belly , did proceed in your malice against Christ Iesus his Religion , and true Ministers , that ye should do nothing else but accelerate and hasten Gods plague and vengeance upon your selfe and those that followeth you . And that ye ( if ye did not change your purpose hastily ) should bring your selfe in such extreame danger , that when ye would seek remedy it should not be so easie to be found as it had been before . This is the effect and sum of all that I said at that time , and willed him if he pleased to communicate the same to your Majestie . And the same yet againe I notifie unto your Majestie by this my Letter , written and subscribed at Edinburgh , the 26 day of October 1559. Sic subscribitur . Your Majesties to command in all godlinesse , John Knox. Postscriptum . God move your heart yet in time to consider , That ye fight not against men , but against the eternall God , and against his Son Iesus Christ , the onely Prince of the Kings of the earth . At which answer , the said M. Robert was so offended , that he would not deliver his Letters , saying , That we were ungodly , and injurious to the Queen Regent , if we suspected any craft in her . To the which it was answered by one of the Preachers , That time should declare whether he or they were deceived , if she should not declare her selfe enemy to the true Religion which they professed , if ever she had the upper hand , then they would be content to confesse , That they had suspected her sincerity without just cause . But if she should declare her malice no lesse in times comming then she had done before they required that he should be more moderate , then to condemne them whose conscience he knoweth not , and this was the end of his travell for that time . After that he had troubled the conscience of many godly and quiet persons . For he and others who were her hired postes , ceased not to blow in the eares of all men , That the Queen was heavily dealt with , That she required nothing but obedience to her daughter , That she was content that the true Religion should go forward , and that all abuses should be abolished , and by this mean they brought a grudge and division among our selves . For many ( and our brethren of Lowthian especially ) began to murmure , That we sought another thing then Religion , and so ceased to assist us certain dayes , after that we were come to Edinburgh , which we did according to the former Diet the 16 day of October . This grudge and trouble amongst our selves was not raised by the aforesaid M. Robert onely , but by those pestilents whom before we have expressed , and M. Iames Balfoure especially , whose venemous tongues against God and his true Religion , as they deserve punishment of men , so shall they not escape Gods vengeance , unlesse that speedily they repent . After our coming to Edinburgh , the day forenamed , we assembled in Counsell , and determined to give new advertisement to the Queen Regent of our convention , and in such sort , and so with common consent we sent unto her our Request , as followeth . The second Admonition to the Queen Regent . MAdame , Your Majestie may call to minde , how at our last Convention at Hamilton , we required your Highnesse in most humble manner to desist from the fortifying of the Town of Lieth , then enterprised and begun , which appeared to us ( and yet doth ) an entrie to a conquest and overthrow of our Liberties , and altogether against the Lawes and Customes of this Realm , seeing it was begun , and yet continueth without any advice and consent of the Nobility and Counsell of this Realm . Wherefore now , as oft before , according unto our duty to our Common-wealth , we most humbly require your Majestie , to cause your Strangers and Souldiers whatsoever , to depart the said Town of Lieth , and make the same patent , not onely to the inhabitants , but also to all Scottish men , our Soveraign Ladies Leiges ; assuring your Highnesse , That if refusing the same , ye declare thereby your evil minde towards the Common-wealth , and Liberty of this Realm , we will ( as before ) move and declare the causes unto the whole Nobility and Commonalty of this Realm . And according to the oath which we had sworn for the maintenance of the Common-weale , in all manner of things to us possible , we will provide remedy therefore , requiring most humbly your Majesties answer in haste with the Bearer , because in our eyes the act continually proceeds , declaring your determination of conquest , which is presumed of all men , and not without cause . And thus after our commendation of service , we pray Almighty God to have your Majesty in his eternall tuition . These our Letters received , our Messenger was threatned , and withholden a whole day , thereafter he was dismissed ; without any other answer , But that she would send an answer , when she thought expedient . In this mean time , because the rumour ceased not , that the Duke usurped the authority , he was compelled with the sound of trumpet at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh to make his Purgation as followeth , the 19 of October . The Purgation of the Duke . FOrasmuch as the Duke of Chatellarault , understanding the false report made by these about the Queen Regent against him , That he and his son the Lord Arrane , should pretend usurpation of the Crown and authority of this Realm , when in very deed , he , nor his said son never once hath made any shew of any such thing , but onely in simplicity of heart , moved parly by the violent pursuit against Religion , and true Professours thereof , partly by compassion of the Common-wealth , and poore Commonalty of this Realme , oppressed with strangers ; he joyned himselfe to the rest of the Nobility , with all hazard , to support the common Cause of the one & of the other ; and hath thought expedient to purge himselfe and his said son in presence of you all , as he had done in presence of the counsell of that said crime of old , even by Summons laid to his charge the second yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Ladie : Which accusation hath continued ever against him , as guilty of that crime ; he therefore now openly and plainly Protesteth , That neither he nor his said son , sues nor seeks any preeminence , either to the Crown or authority , but as far as his puissance may extend , is ready , and ever shall be , and his son also , to concurre with the rest of the Nobility his brethren , and all others , whose hearts are touched to maintain the common causes of Religion , and Liberty of their native Countrey , plainly invaded by the said Regent , and her said Souldiers , who onely do forge such vain reports , to withdraw the hearts of true Scottish-men from the succour they owe of bounden dutie to their Common-weale oppressed . Wherefore exhorting all men , that will maintain the true Religion of God , or withstand this oppression or plain conquest enterprised by strangers upon our native Scottish-men , not to credit such false and untrue reports . But rather concurre with us and the rest of the Nobility , to set our Countrey at liberty , expelling strangers therefrom , which doing , ye shall shew your selves obedient to the ordinance of God , which was established for maintenance of the Common-weale and true members of the same . The 21 of Octob. came from the Queen Regent M. Robert Forman , Lion King of Arms , who brought unto us a Writing in this Tenor and Credit . AFter commendations , We have received your Letter of Edinburgh , the 19 of this instant , which appeareth to us , rather to have come from a Prince to his Subjects , then from Subjects to them that beare authority . For answer whereof , we have presently directed unto you this Bearer , Lion Herald King of Arms , sufficiently instructed with our minde , to whom ye shall give credence . At Leith , Octob. 21. 1559. Sic subscribitur . Mary R. His Credit is this . THat the Queen wonders how any durst presume to command her in that Realm , which needeth not to be Conquest by any force , considering that it was already Conquest by Marriage . That French-men could not justly be called strangers , seeing that they were Naturalized ; and therefore that she would neither make that Town patent , neither yet send any man away , but as she thought expedient . She accused the Duke of violating his promise . She made long Protestation of her love towards the Common-wealth of Scotland , and in the end commanded , That under the pain of Treason all assistaries to the Duke and unto us , should depart from the Town of Edinburgh . This answer received , credit heard , preconceived malice sufficiently espied , consultation was taken what was expedient to be done . And for the first , it was concluded , That the Herald should be stayed , till further determination should be taken . The whole Nobility , Barons and Burgesses then present , were commanded to convene in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh , the same one and twentieth day of October , for deliberation of those matters , where the whole cause being exposed by the Lord Ruthuen , the question was propounded , Whether she that so contemptuously refused the most humble request of the borne Councellors of the Realme , being also but a Regent , whose pretences threatned the bondage of the whole Common-wealth , ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them . And because that this question had not been before disputed in open assembly , it was thought expedient that the judgement of the Preachers should be required ; who being instructed in the case , Iohn Willock , who before had sustained the burthen of the Church in Edinburgh , commanded to speak , made discourse as followeth : Affirming , first , That albeit Magistrates be Gods Ordinance , having of him Power and Authority , yet is not their Power so largely extended , but that it is bounded and limited by God in his Word . And secondarily , That as subjects are commanded to obey their magistrates , so are the Magistrates commanded to give some duty to their subjects , so that God by his Word hath prescribed the Office of the one and of the other . Thirdly , That albeit God hath appointed Magistrates his Lieutenants on earth , and hath honoured them with his own Title , calling them Gods , That yet he did never so firmly establish any , but at his pleasure , he seeing just cause , might deprive them . Fourthly , That in deposing of Princes , and those that have been in Authority , God did not alwayes use his immediate power , but sometimes he useth second means , which his wisedome thought good , and Justice approved : As by Asa , he removed Maacha his owne mother from Honour and Authority which before she had used . By Iehu , he destroyed Ioram , and the whole posterity of Achab. And by divers others he hath deposed from Authority those whom before he had established by his own Word . And hereupon concluded he , That sith the Queen Regent denied her chief duty to the subjects of this Realme , which was , To minister Justice to them indifferently , to preserve their Liberties from invasion of strangers , and to suffer them to have Gods Word freely and openly preached amongst them . Seeing moreover that the Queen Regent was an open and obstinate Idolatresse , a vehement maintainer of all Superstition and Idolatry , as also she openly declares the Countrie to be conquest , and no more free . And finally , That she utterly despiseth the counsell and requests of the Nobility : he could see no reason why they the borne Counsellors , Nobility , and Barons of the Realme might not justly deprive her from all Regiment and Authority amongst them . Hereafter was the judgement of Iohn Knox required , who approving the sentence of his brother , added , first , That the iniquity of the Queen Regent and disorder , ought in no wise to withdraw neither our hearts , neither yet the hearts of other subjects from the obedience due unto our Soveraigne . Secondly , That if we deposed the said Queen Regent rather of malice and private envie , then for the preservation of the Common-wealth , and for that her sins appeared incurable , That we should not escape Gods just punishment , howsoever that she had deserved rejection from honors . And thirdly , he required , That no such sentence should be pronounced against her , but that upon known and open repentance , and upon her conversion to the Common-wealth , and submission to the Nobility , place should be granted unto her of regresse to the same honours from the which for just causes she justly might be deprived . The Votes of every man particularly by himself required , and every man commanded to speak as he would answer to God , what his conscience judged in that matter , there was none found amongst the whole number , who did not by his tongue consent to her deprivation . Thereafter was her Processe committed to Writing , and registred as followeth . Articles against the Queen Regent . AT Edinburgh the one and twentieth day of October , 1556. the Nobility , Barons and Burgesses convened , to advise upon the affairs of the Common-wealth , and to ayd , support and succour the same , perceiving and lamenting the enterprised destruction of their said Common-wealth , and overthrow of the liberties of their native Countrey , by the means of the Queen Regent , and certain strangers her privie Counsellors , plain contrary to our Soveraign Lord and Ladies mind , and direct against the counsell of the Nobility , to proceed by little and little , even unto the uttermost ruine ; So that the urgent necessity of the Common-wealth may no longer suffer delay , and earnestly craveth our support . Seeing therefore that the said Q. Regent ( abusing and overpassing our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies Commission given and granted to her ) hath in all her proceedings pursued the Barons and Burgesses within this Realme , with Weapons and Armour of strangers , without any Processe and order of Law , they being our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies true Lieges , and never called nor convinced of any crime by any judgement lawfull . As first , at S. Iohnston , in the moneth of May , she assembled her Army against the Towne , and the Inhabitants thereof , never called nor convinced of any crime , onely because they professed the true Worship of God , conform to his most sacred Word . 2. And likewise in the moneth of June last , without any order or calling going before , invaded the persons of sundry Noble-men and Barons with force of Armes , convened at S. Andrews , onely for Cause of Religion , as is notoriously known , they never being called nor convinced of any crime . 3. Again , laid Garrisons the same moneth upon the Inhabitants of the said Town , oppressing the liberties of the Queens true Lieges : For fear of which her Garrisons , a great part of the Inhabitants thereof fled from the Towne , and durst not resort again unto their houses and heritages , untill they were restored by Arms ; they notwithstanding never being called nor convinced of any crime . 4. Further , at that same time did thrust in upon the heads of the Inhabitants of the said Towne , Provest , and Bayliffs , against all order of Election , as lately in this month of September she had done in other Towns of Edinburgh and Iedburgh , and divers other places , in manifest oppression of our Liberties . 5. declaring her evill minde towards the Nobility , Commonalty , and whole Nation , she hath brought in strangers , and daily pretends to bring in greater force of the same , pretending a manifest Conquest of our native rooms and Countrey , as the deed it self declareth ; in so far , as she having brought in the said strangers without any advise of Councell and Nobility , and contrary to their expresse minde sent to her in Writing , hath placed and planted her said strangers in one of the principall Towns and parts of the Realm , sending continually for greater Forces , willing thereby to suppresse the Common-weale , and liberty of our native Countrey , to make us and our posterity slaves to strangers for ever ; which , as it is intolerable to Common-wealths and free Countreys , so it is very prejudiciall to our Soveraign Lady and her Heirs whatsoever , in case our Soveraigne Lady decease without Heirs of her Person . And to performe these her wicked enterprises , conceived ( as appeareth ) of inveterate malice against our whole Countrey and Nation , caused ( without any consent or advise of the Councell and Nobility ) to coyn lead Money , so base , and of such quantity , that the whole Realme shall be depauperate , and all Traffique with forraigne Nations everted thereby . 6. Again , she so placeth and maintaineth against the pleasure of the Councell of this Realme , a stranger in one of the greatest Offices of credit in this Realme , that is in keeping of the Great Seal thereof , wherein great perills may be ingendred to the Common-weale , and Liberty thereof . 7. Further , lately sent the Great Seal forth of this Realme by the said stranger , against the advice of the said Councell , to what effect , God knoweth . 8. And hath also by this means altered the old Law and Custome of this our Realme , ever obser-served in the Graces and Pardons granted bo our Soveraigns to all their Lieges , being repentant of their offences committed against their Majesties , or the Lieges of the Realme . And hath introduced a new captious stile and form of the said Pardons and Remissions , conform to the practices of France , tending thereby to draw the said Lieges of this Realm , by processe of time , into a deceivable snare , and further shall creep in the whole subversion and alteration of the remanent Laws of this Realme , contrary to the Contents of the Appointment of Marriage . 9. And also Peace being accorded amongst the Princes , retaineth the great Army of strangers , after commandment sent by the King of France to retire the same , making excuse that they were retained for the suppressing the attempts of the Lieges of this Realme ; albeit the whole subjects thereof of all estates , is , and ever hath been readie to give all dutifull obedience to their Soveraignes , and their lawfull ministers proceeding by Gods Ordinance : And the same Army of strangers not being paid in wages , was laid by her upon the necks of the poor Commonalty of our native Countrey , who were compelled by force to defraud themselves , their wives and children , of that poor substance which they might purchase with the sweat of their brows , to satisfie their hunger and necessities , and quit the same to sustain the idle bellies of her strangers ; through the which , in all parts rose such heavy lamentation and complaint of the Commonalty , accusing the Counsell and Nobility of their sloth , that as the same oppression we doubt not hath entred in before the Justice Seat of God , so hath it moved our hearts to pity and compassion . And for redresse of the same , with other great offences committed against the publike weale of this Realme , we have convened here as said is : and as oftentimes before have most humbly and with all reverence desired and required the said Queen Regent to redresse the said enormities , and especially to remove her strangers from the necks of the poor Commonalty , and to desist from enterprising of fortification of Strengths within this Realme , against the expresse will of the Nobility and Councell of the same ; yet we being convened the more strong for fear of her strangers , who we saw presume no other thing , but with Arms to pursue our lives and possessions , Besought her to remove the fear of the same , and make the Town Patent to all our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies Lieges . The same in no wise would she grant unto , but when some of our company in peaceable manner went to view the Towne , there was both great and small Munition shot forth at them . And seeing therefore that neither accesse was granted to be used , nor yet she would joyn her self to us to consult upon the Affairs of our Common-wealth , as that we be borne Councellors to the same by ancient Laws of the Realme : But fearing lest the judgement of the Counsell would reform , as necessity required ▪ the aforesaid enormities , she refuseth all manner of assistance with us , and by force and violence intendeth to suppresse the Liberties of our Common-weale , and of us the favourers of the same . We therefore , so many of the Nobility , Barons , and Provests of our Boroughs , as are touched with the care of the Common-weale ( unto the which we acknowledge our selves , not onely borne , but also sworne Protectors and Defenders , against all and whatsoever invaders of the same ) and moved by the foresaid proceedings notorious , and with the lamentable complaint of oppression of our Commonalty , our fellow members of the same . Perceiving farther , That the present necessity of our Common-weale may suffer no delay , being convened ( as said is ) presently in Edinburgh , for support of our Common-weal , and ripely consulted and advised , taken the fear of God before our eyes , for the causes foresaid , which are notorious , with one consent and common vote . Every man in order his judgement being required , in the Name and Authority of our Soveraign Lord and Lady , suspend the said Commission granted by our said Soveraigne to the said Queen Dowager , discharging her of all Administration or Authority she hath , or may have thereby , unto the next Parliament ; to be set by our advice and consent : And that because the said Queen , by the foresaid faults notorious , declareth her selfe enemy to our Common-weale , abusing the Power of the said Authority , to the destruction of the same : And likewise we discharge all members of her said Authority from thenceforth ; and that no Coyn be coyned from thenceforth , without expresse consent of the said Councell and Nobility , conform to the Laws of this Realme , which we maintain , And ordaine this to be notified and proclaimed by Officers of Arms , in all head Boroughs within the Realm of Scotland . In witnesse of the which our common consent and free Vote , we have subscribed this present act of suspension with our hands , day , yeere , and place aforesaid . Sic subscribitur . By us the Nobility and Commons of the Protestants of the Church of Scotland . After that this our act of suspension was by sound of Trumpet divulgate at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh , we dismissed the Herald with this Answer . MADAME , WE received your Answer , and heard the credit of Lion King of Armes , whereby we gathered sufficiently your perseverance in evil minde towards us , the glory of God , our Common-weale , and Liberty of our native Countrey . For safety of the which , according to our duty , we have in our Soveraign Lord and Ladies name suspended your Commission , and all administration of policie which you may pretend thereby , being most assuredly perswaded , That your proceedings are direct contrary to our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies will , which we ever esteem to be for the weale , and not for the hurt of this our Common-wealth . And as you will not acknowledge us our Soveraigne Lord and Lady , their true Barons , and Leiges for your Subjects and Counsel , no more will we acknowledge you for any Regent or lawfull Magistrate unto us , seeing , if any authority ye have by reason of our Soveraignes Commission granted unto you , The same for most worthy reasons is worthily suspended by us , in the name and authority of our Soveraigne , whose counsell we are of in the affaires of this our Common-weale . And forasmuch as we are determinate with hazard of our lives to set that Town at liberty wherein you have most wrongfully planted your Souldiers and strangers ; For the reverence we owe to your person , as mother to our Soveraigne Lady , we require your Highnesse to transport your person therefrom , seeing we are constrained for the necessity of the Common-weale , to follow the same by Arms , being denied oft the liberty thereof by sundry requisitions made oft before . Again , we desire you cause depart with you out of the said Town , any person having Commission in Embassie , if any such be , or in Lieutenantship of our Soveraigns , together with all French-men Souldiers , being within the same ( whose blood we thirst not , because of the old amity and friendship betwixt the Realme of France and us ; which amity by the occasion of the marriage of our Soveraigne Lady to the King of that Realm , should rather increase then decrease . ) And this we pray your Highnesse and them both to do , within the space of twenty foure houres , for the reverence we owe to your persons . And thus recommending our humble service to you , we commit your Highnesse to the eternall protection of God. At Edinburgh , the 24 of October 1559. Your Highnesse humble servitors The day following we summoned the Town of Leith by the sound of Trumpet , in forme as followeth . I Require and charge in the name of our Soveraign Lord and Ladie , and of the Counsell presently in Edinburgh , That all Scots and French-men of whatsoever estate and degree they be , depart out of the Towne of Lieth within the space of twelve houres , and make the same patent to all and sundry our Soveraigne Ladies Leiges : For seeing we have no such hatred at either the one or the other that we thirst the blood of any of the two , for the one is our naturall brother , born , nourished , and brought up within the bowels of one common Countrey , and with the other our nation hath continued long amity and allie , and hopeth that so shall do , so long as they use us as friends , and not strive to make slaves of friends , which this strengthening of our Towns pretendeth . And therefore most heartily desire , that one and the other to desist from fortifying or maintaining of this Town , in our Soveraignes and their said Councells name , requiring them to make the same free within the space of twelve houres . Defiance given , there was skirmishing , without great slaughter , preparation of Scales and Ladders was made for the Assault , which was concluded by common consent of the Nobility and Barons . The Scales were appointed to be made in Saint Giles Church , so that Preaching was neglected , which did not a little grieve the Preachers , and many godly with them . The Preachers spared not openly to say , That they feared the successe of that enterprise should not be prosperous , because the beginning appeared to bring with it some contempt of God and of his Word ; other places , said they , had been more apt for such Preparations , then where the people conveaned to Common-Prayers and unto Preaching . In very deed the audience was wonderfully troubled all that time , which ( with other disorder espied amongst us ) gave occasion to our Preachers to affirme , That God could not suffer such contempt of his Word and abuses of his Grace , long to be unpunished . The Queen had amongst us her assured espies , who did not onely signifie unto her what was our estate : but also what was our counsell , purposes , and devices . Some of our own company were vehemently suspected to be the very betrayers of all our secrets ; for a boy of the Officials of Lowthian , Master Iames Balfour , was taken carrying a Writ , which did open the most secret thing that was devised in the Councell ; yea , those very things which were thought to have been known but to very few . By such domesticall enemies were not onely our purposes frustrate , but also our determinations were oft times overthrowne and changed . The Dukes friends gave unto him such terrours , that he was greatly troubled , and by his feare , were troubled many others . The men of Warre ( for the most part were men without God or honesty ) made a mutiny , because they lacked a part of their wages . They had done the same in Linlithquow before , where they made a Proclamation , That they would serve any man , to suppresse the Congregation , and set up the Masse againe . They made a fray upon my Lord Argyles Hie-land men , and slew one of the principall men of his Chamber , who notwithstanding , behaved himselfe so moderately , and so studious to pacifie that tumult , that many wondered , as well of his prudent councell and stoutnesse , as of the great obedience of his company . The ungodly Souldiers in hatred of goodnesse and good men , continuing in their disorder , mocked the Laird of Tullibarne , and other Noble-men , who exhorted them to quietnesse . All these troubles were practised by the Queene , and put in execution by the Traitours among our selves : Who albeit then lurked , and yet are not manifestly noted , yet we doubt not but God shall make them knowne to their confusion , and to the example of others . To pacifie the men of Warre a collection was devised : But because some were poore , and some were niggards and avaritious , there could no sufficient sum be obtained . It was thought expedient that a Coyne-House should be made ; That every Noble-man should Coyn his Silver-work and Plate , to supply the present necessity . And there-through David Forresse , Iohn Hart and others , who before had charge of the Coyning-House , did promise their faithfull labours . But when the matter came to the very point , the said Iohn Hart and others of his faction stole away , and took with them the instruments apt for that purpose ; Whether this was done by the falshood and feeblenesse of the said Iohn , or the practising of others , is yet uncertaine . Rested then no hope amongst our selves , that any Money could be furnished : And therefore it was concluded by a few of those whom we judged most secret , That Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir Iames Crofts , then having charge at Barwick , should be tempted , If they would support us with any reasonable sum in that urgent necessitie . And for that purpose was the Laird of Ormeston directed unto them , in so secret manner as we could devise . But yet our counsell was disclosed to the Queen , who appointed the Lord Bothwell ( as himselfe confessed ) to wait upon the returning of the said Laird , as that he did with all diligence , and so being assuredly informed , by what way he came , the said Earle Bothwell foreset his way , and comming upon him unaware , did take him , after that he was evil wounded in the head , for neither could he get his ledd Horse , not his steele Bonnet ; with him was taken the sum of foure thousand Crowns of the Sun , which the forenamed Sir Ralph and Sir Iames most lovingly had sent for our support . By the brute hereof coming to our eares , our dolour was doubled , not so much for losse of the Money , as for the losse of the Gentlemen whom we suspected to have been slain , or at the least , that he should be delivered to the Queene hands . And so upon the sudden the Earle of Arrane , the Lord Iames , the Master of Maxwell , with the most part of the Horse-men , tooke purpose to pursue the said Earle Bothwell , if they might apprehend him in Crychton or Morhan , whitherto ( as they were informed ) he had retired himselfe after his treasonable act : We call his act treasonable , because that three dayes before he had sent his especiall servant , Master Michael Balfo●re , to us to Edinburgh , to purchase of the Lords of the Councell License to come and speak with us , which we granted , after that he had promised , That in the mean time he should neither hurt us , nor yet any to us appertaining , till that he should write his answer again , Whether that he would joyne with us or not . He gave us farther to understand , That he would discharge himselfe of the Queene , and thereafter would assist us . And yet in this meane time he cruelly and traiterously hurt and spoiled the Noble-man aforesaid . Albeit that the departure and counsell of the Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames , with their company aforesaid , was very sudden and secret , yet was the Earle Bothwell , then being in Crychton , advertised , and so escaped with the money which he tooke with himselfe , as the Captaine of his house Iohn Somerwaile ( which was taken without long pursuit ) confessed and affirmed ; Because that the Noble-men that sought redresse , sought rather his safetie and reconciliation , then destruction and hatred . They committed his house to the custodie of a Captain , to wit , Captain Forbesse . To whom , and to all Souldiers there left , was given a sharpe commandment , That all things found within the said house of Crychton ( which were put in inventory , in presence of the Lords ) should be kept till that the Earle Bothwell should give answer , Whether he would make restitution or not : time of advertisment was granted unto him , the whole day subsequent , till going down of the sun . In absence of the said Lords and horsemen ( we meane the same day that they departed , which was the last of October ) the Provest and Town of Dundie , together with some Souldiers , passed forth of the Town of Edinburgh , and carried with them some great Ordnance , to shoot at Leith . The Duke , the Earle of Glencarne , and the rest of the Noble-men were gone to the Preaching , where they continued almost till noone . The French being advertised by one named Clerk ( who after was apprehended ) that our horsemen were absent , and that the whole company were at dinner , issued , and with great expedition came to the place where our Ordnance was laid . The Town of Dundie with a few other , resisted a while , as well with the Ordnance as hakbuts , but being left by our ungodly and feeble Souldiers , who fled without stroke offered or given , they were compelled to give back , and so to leave the Ordnance to the enemies , who further pursued the fugitives , to wit , to the midst of the Canongate , and to the foot of Leith winde . Their cruelty began then to discover it selfe , for the maimed , the aged , the women and children , found no greater favour in their fury , then did the strong man , who made resistance . It was very apparant , that among our selves there was some treason . For when upon the first alarme all men made haste for reliefe of their brethren , whom in very deed we might have saved , and at least we might have saved the Ordnance , and have kept the Cannongate from danger . For we were once marched forward with bold courage , but then ( we say ) was a shout raised amongst our selves ( God will disclose the traitours one day ) affirming , That the whole French Company were entred in at Leith-winde upon our backs . What clamour and disorder did then suddenly arise , we list not to expresse with multiplication of words . The horsmen , and some of those that ought to have put order to others , over-rode their poor brethren at the entry of the nether Bow. The cry of discomfort arose in the Towne , the wicked and malignant blasphemed . The feeble ( amongst whom the Justice Clerk , Sir Iohn Ballenden was ) fled without delay . With great difficulty could they be kept in at the West Port. M. Gawan Hamilton cryed with a loud voice , Drinke now as ye have brewed . The French perceiving by the clamour of our fray , followed as said is , to the midst of the Cannon-gate , to no great number , but a twenty or thirty of their foot losse ; for in the mean time the rest retired themselves with our Ordinance . The Earle of Argyle and his men were the first that stopped the flying of our men , and compelled the Port to be opened after that it was shut . But in very deed , Lord Robert Stewart , Abbot of Halyrud-house was the first that issued forth ; after him followed many upon the backs of the French. At last came the Duke , and then was no man more busie , then was M. Gawan Hamilton aforesaid . The French burnt a Back-house , and took some spoile from the poor of the Cannon-gate . They slue a Papist , and a drunken Priest named Sir Thomas Sklaitter , an aged man , a woman giving suck , and her childe ; and of our Souldiers , to the number of ten : Certain were taken , amongst whom Captain Mowet was one , M. Charles Geddes , domestick to the Master of Maxwell . The Capt. of the Castle that day shot a Shot at the French , declaring them thereby friends to us , and enemy to them , but he suddenly repented of well-doing . The Queen glad of Victory , sate upon the Rampart , to salute and welcome her victorious souldiers : one brought a Kirtle , another a Petticoat , the third a Pot or Pan ; and of envy , more then womanly laughter , she asked , Where bought ye your ware ? Ie pense que vous l'aues achete sans argent . This was the great and motherly care which she took for the trouble of the poor subjects of this Realme . The Earle Bothwell lifted up in his owne conceit , by reason of this our repulse and discomfiture , utterly refused any restitution ; and so within two dayes after was his house spoyled , in which were no things of great importance , his Evidences , and certain Clothing excepted . From that day back the carriage of money was dejected , with great difficulty could men be retained in the Towne ; yea , some of the greatest estimation determined with themselves to leave the enterprise ; many fled away secretly , and those that did abide ( a very few excepted ) appeared destitute of counsell and manhood . The Master of Maxwell , a man stout and witty , foreseeing the danger , desired most gravely either to take such order , that they might remaine to the terrour of the enemy , or else that they should retire themselves with their Ordnance , and Banners displayed in order . But the wits of men being dashed , no counsell could prevaile . We continued from Wednesday the last of October , till Munday the fifth of November , never two or three abiding firme in one opinion the space of four and twenty houres . The pestilent wits of the Queens practisers did then exercise themselves ( God shall recompence their malicious craft in their owne bosome , we doubt not ) for they caused two godly and forward young men , the Lairds of Farnihaste and Cesfurd , who once had gladly joyned themselves with us , to with-draw themselves and their friends . The same they did to the Earle Morton , who promised to be ours , but did not plainly joyn . They enticed the Captain of the Castle to deny us support , in case we were pursued . And finally , the counsell of some was no lesse pestiferous against us , then was the counsell of Achitophel against David , and his discomfited souldiers . ( Render Lord to the wicked according to their malice . ) Upon Munday the fifth of November did the French issue out of Leith betimes in the morning , for keeping of the Victualls which should have come to us , we being troubled among our selves , and as said is divided in opinions , were neither circumspect when they did issue , neither yet did we follow with such expedition as had been meet for them that would have sought our advantage . Our souldiers could scarcely be driven forth of the Towne : The Earle of Arran , Lord Iames , and certain with them , made haste ; many honest men then followed , and made such diligence , that they caused the French once to retire somewhat affrayedly . The rest that were in Leith perceiving the danger of their fellows , issued out for their succour . The Earle of Arran and Lord Iames aforesaid , being more forward then prudent and circumspect , did compell the Captains , as is alleadged , to bring their men so nigh , that either they must needs have hazarded battell with the whole French-men ( and that under the mercy of their Cannons also ) or else they must needs retire in a very narrow corner : For our men were approached neer to Lestarrig : The one part of the French were upon the North toward the Sea , the other part marched from Leith to Edinburgh ; and yet they marched so , that we could have foughten with neither Company before that they should have joyned . We took purpose therefore to retire towards the Towne , and that in haste , left that the former Company of the French should either have invaded the Towne before that we could have come to the rescue thereof , or else have cut us off from the entry of the Abbey of Halyrud-house ; as apparantly they had done , if that the Laird of Grange , and Alexander Whitlaw , with a few Horse-men , had not stayed both their Horse-men and Foot-men . The Company which was next us perceiving that we retired , with speed sent forth their skirmishers , to the number of three or four hundred , who took us at a disadvantage , before us having the mire of Lestarrig betwixt us and them : and we were enclosed by the Park ditch , so that in no wise we could avoid their shot . The Horse-men followed upon our heels , and slue divers . Our own Horse-men over-rode our Foot-men ; and so by reason of the narrownesse of the place , there was no resistance made . The Earle of Arran , the Lord Iames , in great danger , lighted amongst the Foot-men , exhorting them to have some respect to order , and to the safety of their brethren , whom by their flying they exposed to murther , and so were criminall of their death . Captain Alexander Halyburnetoun , a man that feared God , tarried with certain of his Souldiers behinde , and made resistance , till that he was first shot , and then taken ; but being known , those cruell murtherers wounded him in divers parts to the death , and yet as it were by the power of God , he was brought in to the Towne , where in few , but yet most plaine words , he gave Confession of his Faith , testifying , That he doubted nothing of Gods mercy , purchased to him by the Blood of Christ Jesus , neither yet that he repented that it pleased God to make him worthy to shed his blood , and spend his life in defence of so just a Cause . And thus , with the dolour of many , he ended his dolour , and did enter ( we doubt not ) into that blessed Immortality , within two hours after our departure . There were slain to the number of twenty four or thirty men , the most part poor . There was taken the Laird of Pitmillie , the Laird of Pharnie younger , the Master of Bowchane , George Cuwell of Dundie , and some others of lower rank , Iohn Dumbar Lieutenant to Captain Movet , Captain David Murray had his horse slain , and himselfe hurt in the legge . Few dayes before our first departure , which was upon Alhallow Even , William Maitland of Lethington younger , Secretary to the Queen , perceiving himself not onely to be suspected as one that favoured our part , but also to stand in danger of his life , if he should remain amongst so ungodly a company ; for whensoever matters came in question , he spared not to speak his conscience : which liberty of tongue , and gravity of judgement , the French did highly disdain . Which perceived by him , he conveyed himself away in the morning , and tendred himself to M. Kirkcaldie Laird of Grange ; who coming to us , did exhort us to constancy , assuring us , That in the Queen there was nothing but craft and deceit . He travelled exceedingly to have retained the Lords together , and most prudently laid before their eyes the dangers that might ensue their departing from the Towne : but fear and dolour had so seized the hearts of all , that they could admit no consolation . The Earle of Arran , and the Lord Iames offered to abide , if any reasonable company would abide with them ; but men did so steal away , that the wit of man could not stay them : yea , some of the greatest determined plainly , That they would not abide . The Captain of the Castle , then Lord Erskin , would promise unto us no favour , but said , He must needs declare himself friend to those that were able to support and defend him . Which answer given to the Lord Iames , discouraged those that before determined to have abidden the uttermost , rather then to have abandoned the Towne , so that the Castle would have stood their friend : but the contrary declared , every man took purpose for himself . The complaints of the brethren within the Towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore : the wicked then began to spue forth the venome which then lurked in their cankred hearts : The godly , as well those that were departed , as the inhabitants of the Town , were so troubled , that some of them would have preferred death to life at Gods pleasure . For avoiding of danger , it was concluded , That they should depart at midnight . The Duke made provision for his Ordnance , and caused it to be sent before , but the rest was left to the care of the Captain of the Castle , who received it , as well that which appertained to the Lord Iames , as that of Dundie . The despightfull tongues of the wicked rayled upon us , calling us Traytors and Hereticks ; every one provoked other to cast stones at us : One cryed , Alas if I might see another defie given ; Give advertisement to the French-men , that they may come , and we shall help them now to cut the throats of these hereticks . And thus , as the sword of dolour passed thorow our hearts , so were the cogitations and former determinations of many hearts then revealed : For we would never have believed that our naturall Countrey-men and women could have wished our destruction so unmercifully , and have so rejoyced in our adversity ( God move their hearts to repentance ) for else we fear that he whose Cause we sustain , shall let them feel the weight of the yoke of cruell strangers , into whose hands they wished us to have been betrayed . We stayed not , till we came to Sterlin , which we did the day after that we departed from Edinburgh ; for it was concluded , that there consultation should be taken , What was the next remedy in so desperate a matter . The next Wednesday , which was the 7 of November , Iohn Knox preached ( Iohn Willock was gone into England , as before he appointed ) and treated of the 5 , 6 , 7 , and 8 Verses of the 80 Psalm , where David , in the person of the afflicted people of God , speaketh this in the fourth Verse : The Sermon of Iohn Knox in Sterlin , in the greatest of our trouble . O thou the eternall , the God of Hosts , how long shalt thou be against the prayer of thy people ? 5 : Thou hast fed us with the bread of tears , and hast given to us tears to drinke in great measure . 6. Thou hast made us a strife unto our neighbours , and our enemies laught us to scorne amongst themselves . 7. O God of Hosts , turne us againe , make thy face to shine , and we shall be saved , &c. This Psalme had the said Iohn begun in Edinburgh , as it were foreseeing our calamity , of which in very deed he did not obscurely speak , but he plainly did admonish us , That he was assured of troubles suddenly to come , and therefore he exhorted all men to prayers . He treated the first three Verses in Edinburgh , to the comfort of many . The Argument of the 80 Psalme . He declared the Argument of the Psalme , affirming for his judgement , That it was made by David himself , who in the Spirit of Prophesie foresaw the miserable estate of Gods people , especially after the ten Tribes were divided , and departed from the obedience of Iuda ; for it was not ( said he ) without cause , that Ioseph , Ephraim , Benjamin , and Manasse was especially named , and not Iuda ; to wit , Because that they came first to calamity , and were translated from their own Inheritance , while that Iuda yet possessed the Kingdome . He confessed that justly they were punished for Idolatry committed ; but he affirmed , That amongst them there remained some true worshippers of God , for whose comfort were the Prophets sent , as well to call them to repentance , as to assure them of deliverance , and of the promises of God to be performed unto them . The Division . He divided the Psalme into three parts ; to wit , 1. In a Prayer . 2. In the ground whereupon their Prayer was founded . 3. And in the lamentable complaints , and the Vow they made unto God. Their Prayer was , That God should convert and turne them , That he should make his face to shine upon them , And that he should restore them to their former dignity . The Grounds and Foundations of their Prayers were , 1. That God himself had become Pastor and Governour unto them . 2. That he had taken the protection of them into his own hand . 3. That he had chosen his habitation amongst them . 4. That he had delivered them from Bondage and Thraldome . 5. That he had multiplied and blessed them with many notable Benedictions . Upon those two parts he gave these Notes . First , That the felicity of Gods people may not be measured by any externall appearance ; for often it is , That the same people to whom God becometh not onely Creator , but Pastor and Protector , is more severely dealt with , then those Nations where very ignorance and contempt of God raigneth . Secondly , That God never made his acquaintance and league with one people by his Word , but that there he had some of his elect , who albeit they suffered for a time in the midst of the wicked , yet in the end they found comfort , and felt in very experience , that Gods promises are not vaine . Thirdly , That those prayers were dyted unto the people by the holy Ghost , before they came to the uttermost of trouble , to assure them that God , by whose Spirit the Prayer was dyted , would not contemne the same in the midst of their calamities . The third part , containing the lamenable complaint , he treated on in Sterlin , in presence of the Duke , and of the whole Councell . In the exposition thereof , he declared wherfore God in wisedom sometimes suffered his chosen Flock to be exposed to mockage and dangers , and to appearing destruction ; to wit , That they may feel the vehemency of Gods indignation , That they may know how little strength is in themselves , That they may leave a testimony to the Generations following , as well of the malice of the Devill against Gods people , as of the marvellous work of God in preserving his little flock by farre other means than man can espie . In explaning these words , How long shalt thou be angry , O Lord , against the prayer of thy people ; he declared how dolorous and fearfull it was to fight against that temptation , that God turned away his face from our prayers , for that was nothing else than to comprehend and conceive God to bee armed to our destruction : which temptation no flesh can abide nor overcome , unlesse the mighty Spirit of God interpose himself suddenly . The example he gave , The impaciency of Saul , when God would not hear his prayers . The difference betwixt the Elect and Reprobate in that Temptation , he plainly declared to be , that the Elect sustained by the secret power of Gods Spirit , did still call upon God , albeit he appeared to contemne their prayers : which ( said he ) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God , and is in a manner even to fight with God , and to overcome him , as Iacob did in wrastling with his Angell . But the Reprobate ( said he ) being denyed of their requests at Gods hand , do either cease to pray and contemne God , who straightlie commandeth us to call upon him in the day of adversitie , or else they seek at the Devill , that which they see they cannot obtain by God. 2. In the second part he declared how hard it was to this corrupt nature of ours not to rejoyce and put confidence in our selves when God giveth victory , and therefore how necessary it was that man by affliction should be brought to the knowledge of his own infirmitie ▪ least that he being puffed up with vain confidence , he make an Idoll of his owne strength , as did King Nebuchadnezzar . He did gravely dispute upon the nature of the blinde world , which in all ages had insolently rejoyced when God did chasten his own children , whose glory and honour because the Reprobate can never see , therefore they despi●e them , and the wondrous works of God in them . And yet ( said he ) the joy and rejoycing of the world , is but meer sorrow , because the end of it tendeth to sudden destructon , as the riotous banquetting of Baltasar declareth , applying these heads to the time and persons ( he said ) if none of Gods children had suffered before us the same injuries that presently we sustaine , these our troubles would appear intollerable , such is our tender delicacie , and selfe-love of our owne flesh . That these things which we lightly passe over in others , we can greatlie complaine of , if they touch our selves . I doubt not but that some of us have ofter then once read this Psalme , as also that we have read and heard the travell and troubles of our ancient Fathers . But which of us , either in reading or hearing their dolours and temptations did so discend into our selves that we felt the bitternesse of their passions ? I think none . And therefore hath God brought us to some experience in our own persons . But yet because the matter may appear obscure , unlesse it be more properly applyed ; I cannot in conscience but use such plainnesse as God shall grant unto me . Our faces are this day confounded , our enemies triumph , our hearts have quaked for fear , and yet they remain oppressed with sorrow and shame . But what shall we think to be the very cause that God hath thus dejected us ; if I shall say , Our sins , and former unthankfulnesse unto God , I speak the truth , but yet I speak more generally then the present necessity requireth : For when the sins of men are rebuked in generall , seldome it is that man descendeth within himself , accusing and condemning in himself that which most displeaseth God ; but rather he doubteth that to be a cause , which before God is no cause indeed . For example , The Israelites fighting against the Tribe of Benjamin , were twice discomfited with the losse of 40000 men . They lamented and bewailed both first and last ; but we finde not that they came to the knowledge of their offence and sin which was the cause that they fell by the edge of the sword , but rather they doubted that to have been a cause of their misfortune , which God had commanded , for they asked , Shall we go and fight any more against our brethren the sonnes of Benjamin . By which question it is evident , That they supposed that the cause of their overthrow and discomfite was , Because they had lifted the sword against their brethren and naturall Countrey-men : And yet the expresse Commandment of God that was given unto them , did deliver them from all crime in that cause . There is no doubt , but that there was some cause in the Israelites that God gave them so over into the hands of these wicked men , against whom he sent them , by his own expresse Commandment , to execute his Judgements . Such as do well mark the History , and the estate of that people , may easily see the cause why God was offended : All the whole people had declined from God , Idolatry was maintained by the common consent of the multitude , and , as the Text saith , Every man did that which appeared good in his own eyes . In this mean time the Levite complained of the villany that was done unto himself , and unto his wife , which oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah , died under their filthy lusts : which horrible fact enflamed the hearts of the whole people to take vengeance upon that abomination ( and therein they offended ) but in this they failed , That they go to execute judgement against the wicked without any repentance , or remorse of conscience of their owne former offences , and defection from God. And farther , Because they were a great multitude , and the other were far inferiour unto them : They trusted in their own strength , and thought themselves able enough to do their purpose , without any invocation of the Name of God : But after that they had twice proved the vanity of their own strength , they fasted and prayed ; and being humbled before God , they received a more favourable answer , and assured promise of the Victory . The like may be amongst us , albeit suddenly we do not espie it : And to the end that every man may the better examine himself , I will divide the whole company into two sorts of men . The one are those that from the beginning of this trouble have sustained the common danger with their brethren : The other be these which be joyned to our fellowship . In the one and in the other I fear that just cause shall be found , why God should thus have humbled us . And albeit that this appear strange at the first hearing , yet if every man shall examine himself , I speak as that his conscience dyteth him , I doubt not but he shall subscribe to my sentence . Let us begin at our selves who longest hath continued in this Battell . When we were a few number in comparison of our enemies , when we had neither Earle nor Lord ( a few excepted ) to comfort us , we called upon God , and took him for our Protector , Defence , and onely Refuge . Amongst us was heard no bragging of multitude , nor of our strength nor policy , we did onely sob to God to have respect to the equity of our Cause , and to the cruell pursuit of the tyrannicall enemy . But since that our number had been thus multiplied , and chiefly since the Duke with his friends have been joyned with us , there was nothing heard , but , This Lord will bring these many hundred Speares ; This man hath the credit to perswade this Countrey ; If this Earle be ours , no man in such bounds will trouble us . And thus the best of us all , that before felt Gods potent hand to our defence , hath of late dayes put Flesh to be our Arme. But wherein yet had the Duke and his friends offended ? It may be , That as we have trusted in them , so have they put too much confidence in their owne strength . But granting it be not so , I see a cause most just , why the Duke and his friends should thus be confounded amongst the rest of their brethren . I have not yet forgotten what was the dolour and anguish of my owne heart , when at Saint Iohnston , Cooper-Moure , and Edinburgh Craigs , those cruell murtherers that now hath put us to this dishonour , threatned our present destruction ; The Duke and his friends at all three Journeys was to them a great comfort , and unto us a great discouragement : For his name and authority did more astonish us , then did the force of the other ; yea , without his assistance , they could not have compelled us to appoint with the Queen upon so unequall Conditions . I am certaine , if the Duke hath unfainedly repented of that his assistance to those murtherers unjustly pursuing us : yea , I am certaine , if he hath repented of the innocent blood of Christs blessed Martyrs which was shed by his fault : But let it be , that so he hath done ( as I hear that he hath confessed his offence before the Lords and Brethren of the Congregation ) yet I am assured , That neither he , neither yet his friends , did feel before this time the anguish and grief of hearts which we felt , when their blinde fury pursued us ; and therefore hath God justly permitted both them and us to fall into this confusion at once ; us , for that we put our trust and confidence in man ; and them , because that they should feel their owne hearts , how bitter was the cup which they made others to drinke before them . Resteth that both they and we turn to the Eternall our God ( who beateth down to death , to the intent that he may raise up again to leave the remembrance of his wonderous deliverance , to the praise of his owne Name ) which if we do unfainedly , I no more doubt but that this our dolour , confusion , and fear , shall be turned into joy , honour , and boldnesse , then that I doubt that God gave Victory to the Israelites over the Benjamites , after that twice with ignominy they were repulsed and driven back : yea , whatsoever shall become of us and our mortall carkasses , I doubt not but that this Cause ( in despight of Sathan ) shall prevaile in this Realme of Scotland . For as it is the eternall Trueth of the eternall God , so shall it once prevaile , howsoever for the time it be impugned . It may be that God shall plague some for that they delight not in the Trueth , albeit for worldly respects they seem to favour it : Yea God may take some of his dearest children away before that their eyes see greater troubles . But neither shall the one nor the other so hinder this action , but in the end it shall triumph . This Sermon ended , in the which he did vehemently exhort all men to amendment of life , to Prayers , and to the Works of Charity , the mindes of men began wonderously to be erected : and immediately after dinner the Lords passed to counsell , unto the which the said Iohn Knox was called to make invocation of the Name of God ( for other Preachers were none with us at that time ) in the end it was concluded , That William Maitland aforesaid , should passe to London , to expose our estate and condition to the Queen and Counsell , and that the Noble-men should depart to their home and quiet to the 16 day of December : Which time was appointed to the next Convention in Sterlin , as in this our third Booke following shall be more amply declared . With this we end the second Book of the History of the progresse of Religion within Scotland . Look upon us , O Lord , in the multitude of thy mercies , for we are brought even to the deep of the dungeon . The end of the second Booke . THE THIRD BOOK OF The Progresse of true Religion WITHIN The Realme of SCOTLAND . AFter this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh , the fury and rage of the French increased , for then durst neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus within the Town be seen . The houses of the most honest men were given by the Queen to Frenchmen for a part of their reward . The Earle Bothwell by sound of Trumpet Proclaimed the Earle of Arrane Traitour , with other despightfull words , which all was done for the pleasure , and by the suggestion of the Queene Regent , who then thought the battell was wonne without further resistance . Great practising she made for obtaining of the Castle of Edinburgh . The French made their fagots with other preparations to assault the said Castle , either by force or else by Treason : But God wrought so mightily with the Captain , the Lord Erskin , at that time , that neither the Queen by flattery , nor the French by treason prevailed . Advertisement with all diligence past to the Duke of Guise , who then was King of France ( as concerning power to command ) requiring him to make expedition , if he desired the full conquest of Scotland ; Who delayed no time , but with a new Armie sent away his brother Marquis Dalbuif , and in his company Marticks , promising that he himselfe should follow . But the righteous God , who in mercy looketh upon the affliction of those that unfainedly sob unto him , fought for us by his own out-stretched arm : For upon one night upon the coast of Holland were drowned of them eighteen Ensignes , so that onely rested the Ship , in the which were two principals aforesaid , with their Ladies , who violently driven back to Deepe , were compelled to confesse , That God fought for the defence of Scotland . From England returned Robert Melvin , who past in company to London with the Secretary , a little before Christmas , and brought unto us certain Articles to be answered , as by the contract that after was made , more plainely shall appeare . Whereupon the Nobility assembled at Sterlin , and returned answer with diligence ; Whereof the French advertised , they marched to Linlithquow , spoiled the Dukes house , and wasted his lands of Kinneill , and after came to Sterlin , where they remained certaine dayes ( the Duke , the Earles of Argyle and Glencarn , with their friends passed to Glasgow . The Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames passed to Saint Andrews . For charge was given to the whole Nobility Protestants , to keepe their owne bodies , till that God should send them further support . ) The French tooke purpose first to assault Fyfe , for as it was their great indignation . Their purpose was to have taken and fortified the Towne and Abbey , with the Castle of Saint Andrews , and so they came to Culrosse , after to Dunfermeling , and then to Brunteiland , where they began to fortifie : but desisted there from , and marched to Kinghorn , upon the occasion as followeth . When certaine knowledge came to the Earl of Arrane and to Lord Iames , That the French were departed from Sterlin , they departed also from S. Andrews , and began to assemble their Forces at Cowper , and sent their men of War to Kinghorne , unto whom there resorted divers of the coast side , of minde to resist rather at the beginning , then when they had destroyed a part of their Townes . But the Lords had given an expresse commandment , That they should hazard nothing , till that they themselves were present . And for that purpose was sent unto them the Lord Ruthuen , a man of great experience , and inferiour to few in stoutnesse : In his company was the Earle of Sudderland , sent from the Earle of Huntly , as he alleadged , to comfort the Lord ▪ in their affliction . But others whispered , That his principall Commission was unto the Queen Regent . Howsoever it was , he was hurt in the arme by the shot of an Haquebut , for the men of War and the rascall multitude , perceiving certaine Boats of French-men landing , which came from Leith , purposed to stop their landing , and so not considering the enemies that approached from Brunteiland : unadvisedly they rushed downe to the Pretticure ( so is that Bay by West Kinghorne called ) and at the sea coast began the skirmishing . But they never took heed to the enemy that approached by land , till that the horsemen charged them upon the backe , and the whole bands came directly in their faces , and so were they compelled to give back with the losse of six or seven of their men , and with the taking of some , amongst whom were two that professed Christ Jesus , one named Paul Lambert , a Dutch man , and a French boy , fervent in Religion , and clean of life , whom in despight they hanged over the Steeple of Kinghorne . Thou shalt revenge , O Lord , in thy appointed time . The cause that in so great a danger there was so small a losse , next unto the mercifull providence of God , was the sudden coming of my Lord Ruthuen ; for even as our men had given back , he and his Company came to the head of the Bray , and did not onely stay the French-men , but also some of ours brake upon their Horse-men , and so repulsed them , that they did no further hurt to our Foot-men . In that recounter was the Earle of Sudderland foresaid shot in the arme , and was carried back to Cowper . The French-men took Kinghorne , where they lay and wasted the Country about , as well Papists as Protestants ; yea , even those that were confederate with them , such as Seafield , Weames , Balmowto , Balwearie , and others , enemies to God , and traytors to their Countrey ; of those ( we say ) they spared not the Sheep , the Oxen , the Kine , and Horses , and some say that their wives and daughters gat favour of the French Souldiers , and so did recompence the Papists in their own bosoms ; for besides the defiling of their houses , as said is , two of them received more damage , then did all the Gentlemen that professed the Gospel within Fyfe , the Laird of Grange onely excepted , whose house of the Grange the French-men overthrew with Gun-Powder . The Queen Regent proud of this Victory , burst forth into her blasphemous railing , and said , Where is now John Knox his God ? my God is now stronger then his , yea even in Fyfe . She posted to her friends in France newes that thousands of the hereticks were slain , and the rest were fled , and therefore required that some Noble-man of her friends would come and take the glory of that Victory . Upon that information was Marticks with two Ships , and some Captains and Horses directed to come into Scotland , but little to their own advantage , as we shall after hear . The Lords of the Congregation offended at the foolishnesse of the rascall multitude , called to themselves the men of War , and remained certaine dayes at Cowper , unto whom repaired Iohn Knox , and in our greatest desperation Preached unto us a most comfortable Sermon : his Text was , The danger wherein the Disciples of Christ Iesus stood when they were in the midst of the Sea , and Iesus was upon the mountain . His Exhortation was , That we should not faint , but that we should still row against the contrarious blasts , till that Jesus Christ should come ; for , said he , I am assuredly perswaded that God will deliver us from this extreme trouble , as that I am assured , That this is the Gospel of Jesus Christ , which I preach unto you this day . The fourth watch is not yet come , abide a little , the Boat shall be saved , and Peter , which hath left the Boat , shal not drown . I am assured , That albeit I cannot assure you by reason of this present rage , God grant that ye may acknowledge his hand , after that your eyes have seen his deliverance . In that Sermon he comforted many , & yet he offended the Earl of Arran ; for in his discourse upon the manifold assaults the Church of God sustained , he brought for example the multitude of strangers that pursued Iehosaphat after he had reformed Religion . He spake of the fear of the people , yea , and of the King himself at the first . But after he affirmed , that Iehosaphat was stout ; and to declare his courage in his God , he comforted his people and his Souldiers ; he came forth in the midst of them , he spake lovingly unto them . He kept not himselfe ( said he ) enclosed in his chamber , but frequented the multitude , and rejoyced them with his presence , and godly comfort . These and the like sentences took the said Earle to be spoken in reproach of him , because he kept himself more close and solitary then many men would have wished . After these things , determination was taken , That the Earle of Arrane , and Lord Iames , with men of War , and some Companies of Horse-men , should go to Disert , and there lie to wait upon the French , to stop them from destroying the Sea-coast , as they intended utterly to have done . The said Earle , and Lord Iames did as they were appointed , albeit their Company was very small ; and yet they did so valiantly , that it passed almost credit ; for twenty and one dayes they lay in their clothes , their Boots came never off : They had skirmishing almost every day , yea , some days from morning to night . The French were four thousand Souldiers , besides their favourers and faction of the Countrey . The Lords were never together five hundred Horse-men , with an hundred Souldiers , and yet they held the French so busie , that for every horse was slain to the Congregation , they lost four French Souldiers . William Kirkcaldie of Grainge , the day after that his house was cast down , sent his defiance to Monsieur Dosell , and unto the rest , declaring that to this hour he had used the French favourably , yea he had saved their lives , when that he might have suffered their throats to have been cut ; but seeing they had used him with that rigour , let them not look for the like favours in time to come . And unto Monsieur Dosell he said , He knew that he should not get him in skirmishing , because he knew he was a very coward : but it might that he should quite him a common either in Scotland , or else in France . The said William Kirkcaldie , and the Master of Lindsay , escaped many dangers . The Master had his horse slain under him ; and William was almost betrayed in his house at Halyards . But yet they never ceased , for night and day they waited upon the French : They laid themselves in a secret place with some Gentlemen before the day to wait upon the French , who used commonly to issue in Companies to seel● their prey : And so came forth one Captain Batu with his hundred , and began to spoyle ; whom the Master , after Lord Lindsay , and William suffered , without declaration of themselves , or of their Company , till that they had them more then a mile from Kinghorne , and then began the horse-men to break ; which perceived , the French altogether drew to a place called Glames house , and made for debate ; some took the house , other defended the Court and Yards : The hazard appeared very unlikely , for our men had nothing but Spears , and were compelled to light upon their feet : The other were within ditches , and every man had a Culverin ; the shot was fearfull to many , and divers were hurt , amongst whom was Robert Hamilton , and David Kirkcaldie , brother to the said Laird , who both were supposed to have been slain : the said Laird perceiving men to faint , and begin to recule , said , Fie , let us never live after this day , that we shall recule for French scybalds and rascals . And so the Master of Lindsay and he burst in at the gate , and others followed . The Master struck with his Spear at la Bartu , and glasing upon his harnesse , for fear stumbled upon his knees ; but recovering suddenly , he fastned his Spear , and bare the said Captain backward , who because he would not be taken , was slain , and fifty of his Company with him . Those that were in the house , with some others , were saved , and sent to Dundie to be kept . This mischance to the French-men , made them to be more circumspect in straying and wandring abroad into the Countrey , and so the poor people gat some relief . To furnish the French with Victualls , was appointed Capt. Culan , with two ships , who travelled betwixt the South shore and Kinghorne for that purpose : For his wages he spoyled Kinghorne , Kirkcaldie , and so much of Disert as he might . For remedy whereof , were appointed two Ships from Dundie , Andrew Sands , a very stout and fervent man in the Cause of Religion , was the principall . This same time arrived Martickes , who without delay landed himself , the Coffers , and the principall Gentlemen that were with him , at Leith , leaving the rest in the Ships till better opportunity : But the said Andrew and his company striking Sayl , and making as they would cast Ankor hard beside them , boarded them both , and carried them to Dundie : in them were gotten some horses , and much harnesse , with some other trifles , but of money we heard nought . Hereat the French offended , avowed the destruction of Saint Andrews and Dundie , and so upon a Munday in the morning , the thirteenth of Ianuary , they marched from Disert , and passed the water of Levin , ever keeping the Coast , by reason of their Ships and Victualls , as said is : about noon they espied Ships ( which were seen that morning by us that were upon the land , but were not known ) Monsieur Dosell affirmed them to be French Ships , and so the Souldiers triumphed , shot their Volley for a salve , and marched forward to Kingcraig , fearing no resistance . But shortly after , the English Ships met with Captain Culen , and seized upon him and his Ships , which made them a little to muse . Then suddenly came M. Alexander Woode , who had been upon the Admirall , and assured Monsieur Dosell that they were English men , and that they were the forwarners of a greater number that followed , who were sent for support of the Congregation . There might have been seen pulling of beards for anger , and might have been heard such despight as cruell men use to spue forth when God bridleth their fury . Wearinesse and the night constrained them to lodge there : They supped scarcely , because their Ships were taken , in the which were their victualls and Ordnance , which they intended to have placed in Saint Andrews . They themselves durst not stray abroad to seek , and the Laird of Wemes carriages , which likewise was coming with furnishing unto them , were stayed . And therefore betimes in the morning they retired towards Kinghorne , and made more expedition in one day in returning , then they did in two in marching forward . The storm which had continued neer the space of a moneth , brake in the time of their returning , whereby many thought that they should have been stayed , till that reasonable company might have been assembled to have foughten with them . And for that purpose did William Kirkcaldie cut the Bridge of Tullibody : But the French , expert enough in such feats , took down the Roof of a Parish Church , and made a Bridge over the same water called Donane , and so they escaped , and went to Sterlin , and thereafter to Leith ; yet in their returne they lost divers , amongst whom there was one whose miserable end we may rehearse . As the French spoyled the Countrey in their returning , one Captaine or Souldier , we cannot tell , but he had a red Cloke , and a gilt Murriow , entred upon a poor woman that dwelt in the white side , and began to spoyle . The poore woman offered unto him such bread as she had ready prepared , But he in no wise therewith content , would have the Meale , and a little salt Beef which the poore woman had to sustain her owne life , and the lives of her poor children ; neither could tears , nor pitifull words , mitigate the mercilesse man , but he would have whatsoever he might carry . The poore woman perceiving him so bent , and that he stooped downe in her Tub , for the taking forth of such stuffe as was within it , first coped and turned up his heels , so that his head went downe . And thereafter , whether by her self , or if any other company come to help her , but there he ended his unhappy life , God so punishing his cruell heart , who could not spare a miserable woman in that extremity . Let all such Souldiers receive such reward , O Lord , seeing that thou onely art the revenger of the oppressed . And now , because that from this time forward frequent mention will be made of the comfortable support that we in our greatest extremity received by Gods providence from our neighbours of England , we thinke it expedient simply to declare by what instruments that matter was first moved , and by what means it came to passe that the Queen and Councel of England , shewed themselves so favourable unto us . As Iohn Knox had fore-warned us by his Letters from Geneva , of all dangers that he foresaw to ensue our enterprise ; so when he came to Deipe , mindefull of the same ; and resolving with himself , what remedy God would please to offer , he took boldnesse to write to Sir William Cecil , Secretary of State in England , with whom the said Iohn had been before familiarly acquainted , intending thereby to renew acquaintance , and so to open further of his minde . The tenor of his first Letter follows : The spirit of Iudgement , Wisedome , and Sanctification , I wish unto you , by Iesus Christ. AS I have no pleasure with long writing to trouble you ( Right Honorable ) whose minde I know to be taken up with most grave matters , so I minde not greatly to labor by long Preface , to conciliate your favors , which I suppose I have already ( howsoever rumors brute the contrary ) as the favour it becometh one member of Christs Body to have of another : The contents therfore of my present Letter shall be absolved in 2 points : In the former , I purpose to discharge in few words my conscience towards you : And in the other , sum what must I speak , for my own defence , and in defence of that poor Flock of late assembled in the most godly reformed Church and City of the world , Geneva : To you , Sir , I say , that as from God you have received , life , wisdom , honours , and the present estate in the which you now stand , so ought you wholly to apply the same to the advancement of his glory , who onely is the author of life , the fountain of wisdom , and who most assuredly doth and wil honor & glorifie them that with simple hearts do glorifie him ; which alas in times past you have not done , but being overcome with common iniquity , you have followed the world , in the way of perdition : for to the suppressing of Christs true Evangel , to the erecting of Idolatry , and to the shedding of the blood of Gods most deare Children ; Have you by silence consented and subscribed this your most horrible defection from the knowne Trueth , and once professed , hath God to this day mercifully spared ? Yea , to mans judgement he hath utterly forgotten , and pardoned the same : He hath not dealt with you as he hath done with others ( of like knowledge ) whom in his anger ( but yet most justly according to their deserts ) he did shortly strike after their desertion : But you , guilty in the same offences , hath he fostered and preserved , as it were in his owne bosome , during the time of that most miserable thraldome , of that professed enemy of God , mischievous Mary : And now hath set you at such liberty , as the fury of Gods enemies cannot hurt you , except that willingly against his honour , you take pleasure to conspire with them . As this benefit which you have received is great , so must Gods Justice require of you a thankfull heart ; For seeing that his Mercie hath spared you , being Traitour to his Majestie ; Seeing further , That amongst your enemies he hath preserved you ; And last , seeing , although worthy of hell , he hath promoted you to honour and dignity ; of you must he require ( because he is just ) earnest repentance for your former defection ; and heart mindfull of his mercifull providence , and a will so ready to advance his glory , That evidently it may appeare , that in vaine you have not received these graces of God ; to performance whereof , of necessity it is , That carnall wisdome and worldly policie ( to the which both , you are bruted too much inclined ) give place to Gods simple and naked Trueth : very love compells me to say , That except the Spirit of God purge your heart from that venome , which your eyes have seen to have been destruction to others , that you shall not long escape the reward of dissemblers . Call to minde what your eares heard Proclaimed , in the Chappell of S. Iames , when this Verse of the first Psalme was handled , Not so , O wicked , not so , but as the dust which the winde tosseth , &c. And consider , that now you travell in the same way which then they did occupie , to speak plainely , now you are in that estate and credit , in the which you shall either comfort the sorrowfull and afflicted , for righteousnesse sake , or else you shall molest or oppugne the Spirit of God speaking in his Messengers ; the Comforters of the afflicted for godlinesse , hath promise of comfort , in their greatest necessities : but the troubles of Gods servants ( how contemned that ever they appeare before the world ) are threatned to have their Names in execration to the posterities following . The examples of the one and of the other , are not onely evident in Scriptures , but also have been lately manifested in England . And this is the conclusion of that , which to your self , I say , except that in the cause of Christs Evangell , you be found simple , sincere , fervent , and unfained , you shall taste of the same cup , which politick heads have drank in before you . The other Point concerning my self , and that poore flock now dispersed , and as I heare say , rudely used , is this ; By divers Messengers I have requested such Priviledges as Turkes commonly do grant to men of every Nation ; to wit , That liberty should be granted to me freely to passe through England , to the end that with greater expedition I might repaire towards my owne Countrey , which now beginneth to thirst for Christs Trueth . This request I thought so reasonable , that almost I had entered the Realme , without license demanded ; and yet I understand that it hath been so rejected , that the soliciters thereof , did hardly escape imprisonment ; and some of that poore flocke I heare to be so extreamely handled , That those who most rudely have shed the blood of Gods most deare Children findes this day amongst you greater favours , then they do ; Alas , this appeareth much to repugne to Christian Charity : for whatsoever hath been mine offence , this I fear not to affirme in their cause ; That if any that hath suffered exile in those most dolorous dayes of persecution , deserve praise and commendation , for Peace , Concord , sober and quiet living , it is they . And as for me , how criminall that ever I be in Gods presence , for the multitude of my sins ; yet before his Justice-seat I have a testimonie of a cleare Conscience , That since my first acquaintance with England , willingly I never offended person within it , except in open Chaire , to reprove that which God condemneth , can be judged offence : but I have ( say you ) written a Treasonable Book against the regiment and Empire of women ; If that be my offence , the poore flock is innocent ( except such as this day do fastest cry Treason ) For Sir ( in Gods presence I do write ) with none in that company did I consult before the finishing of the same . Therefore in Christs Name I require , That the blame may be upon me alone . The writing of that Book I will not deny , but to prove it Treasonable , I think it shall be hard ; for Sir , No more do I doubt of the Trueth of my Proposition , then that I doubt that this was the voice of God , which first did pronounce this penaltie against women ; In dolour shalt thou beare thy children . It is bruited , That my book is , or shall be written against , or answered : If so be Sir , I greatly feare , That flatterers shall more hurt then helpe the matter which they would seem to maintaine ; for except my errour be plainly shewne and confuted , by better authority then by such Lawes as from yeere to yeere may and do change , I dare not promise silence in so weighty a businesse ; lest that in so doing , I shall appeare to betray the Verity which is not subject to the mutabilitie of time . And if any thinke me either enemy to the person , or yet to the Regiment of her , whom God hath now promoted , they are utterly deceived in me , for the miraculous Work of God , comforting his afflicted by an infirme vessell , I do acknowledge , and I will obey the power of his most potent hand ( raising up whom best pleaseth his Mercy , to suppresse such as fight against his glory ) albeit that both nature , and Gods most perfect Ordinance repugne to such Regiment . More plainly to speak , If Queen Elizabeth shall confesse , That the extraordinary dispensation of Gods great mercy , makes that lawfull unto her , which both nature and Gods Lawes do deny unto all women ; then shall none in England be more willing to maintaine her lawfull authority then I shall be : But if ( Gods wondrous worke set aside ) she ground ( as God forbid ) the justnesse of her Title upon consuetude Lawes and Ordinances of men : Then I am assured , That as such foolish presumption doth highly offend Gods supreame Majestie ; so do I greatly feare , That her ingratitude shall not long lacke punishment . And this in the name of the eternall God , and of his Son Jesus Christ ( before whom , both you and I shall stand to make an account of all counsell we give ) I require you to signifie unto her Majestie , in my name ; Adding , That onely humility and desertion of her selfe before God , shall be the firmenesse and stability of the Throne , which I know shall be assaulted mo wayes then one . If this you conceale from her Majestie , I will make it patent to the world , That thus farre I have communicated with you ; having also further to speak , if my judgement may be heard . Alas , Sir , is my offence ( although in that time , and in that matter , I had written ten Bookes ) so hainous , that I cannot have Licence , by Preaching of Christ Jesus , to refresh those thirsty soules , which long have lacked the Water of Life : No man will I presently accuse , but I greatly feare , That the Leprous have no gre●t pleasure to behold faire faces in cleare glasse : Let none be afraid , that I require to frequent the Court , or yet to remaine any long time in England ; but onely thirsts , in passing thorow to my native Countrey , to communicate with you , and some others , such things as willingly I list not to commit to Paper , neither to the Credit and knowledge of many . And then in the North parts to offer Gods favours , to such as I suppose do mourne for their desertion . And this , I trust , shall be no lesse profitable to the Queen , and to all godly within England , then it should be pleasing to me in the flesh . This is the third time that I have begged Licence to visite the hungry and thirstie amongst you , which if now be denied , as before God , I have a testimonie , that I seek not for my selfe , but the advancement of Christs Evangell , and the comfort of such , as whom I know afflicted : so shall the godly understand that England in refusing me refuseth a friend , how small that ever the power be . The mighty Spirit of the Lord Jesus moove your heart deeply to consider your dutie unto God , and the estate of that Realme , in which by his appointment you now serve . From Deepe , the 10 of April , 1559. Yours to command in godlinesse , Iohn Knox. To this Letter was no answer made : for shortly the said Iohn Knox made forward to Scotland by sea , when he landed the third of May , and had such successe , as is in the second book declared . The said Iohn being in S. Andrews , after Cowper-Moore , entred in deep discourse with the Laird of Grange ; the danger is very evident , but the support was not easie to be seen . After many words Iohn Knox burst forth as followeth ; If England would foresee their own commodity , yea , if they would consider the danger wherein themselves stand , they would not suffer us to perish in this quarrell ; for France hath no lesse decreed the conquest of England then of Scotland . After long reasoning , it was concluded betwixt them two , That support should be craved of England : And for that purpose the said Laird of Grange , first wrote to Sir Henry Percie , and after rode from Edinburgh and spake with him ; to whom he made so plaine demonstration of the danger appearing to England , that he tooke upon him to write to Secretarie Cecil , who with expedition returned answer back again , giving him to understand , That our enterprise altogether misliked not the Councell , albeit that they desired further resolution of the principall Lords . Which thing understood , it was concluded to write to him plainely our whole purpose . The tenour of our Letter was this : The first Letter to Sir William Cecill , from the Lords of the Congregation . THe contents of a Letter directed by you ( right Worshipfull ) to Sir Henry Percie , was notified unto us by Master Kirkcaldie of Grange this Sunday the 26 of July : By the which we perceive that the said Laird of Grange , of zeale , and faithfull heart which he beareth to the furtherance of this our great , and before the world , dangerous enterprise , hath travelled with you , as with an unfained favourer of Christs true Religion , and of the libertie of our Countrey , for knowledge of your mindes towards us , in case that we be assaulted by any forraigne invasion , or greater power then we be well able to resist . Your comfortable answer to this question we have considered , to our joy and comfort , as also your motions , and what you demand ; To wit , What the Protestants within this Realme do purpose ; To what end we mean to direct our actions ; How we will , and how we be able to accomplish the same ; What doubts we have of any adversary power ; And finally , in case that support should be sent from you , What manner of amity might ensue betwixt these two Realmes , &c. To the which , in briefe , we answer ; That our whole and onely purpose ( as God knoweth ) is to advance the glory of Christ Jesus , the true Preaching of his Gospel within this Realme . To remove superstition , and all sort of externall Idolatry , to bridle to our powers the fury of those that heretofore have cruelly shed the blood of our brethren ; and to our uttermost , to maintaine the liberty of this our Countrey from the tyrannie and thraldome of strangers , as God shall assist us . How we be able to accomplish these premises , is to us unknown , onely our hope is good , That he that hath begun this good worke in us , and hath by his power to this houre confounded the faces of our adversaries will performe the same to his glory , which chiefly we seek in this our enterprise . Because we suppose , That neither our present danger , neither yet the warlike preparation which France maketh against us , are hid from you , nor from the counsell , we omit that part . As touching the assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betwixt these two Realmes : As no earthly thing of us is more desired , so crave we of God to make us the instruments , by which this unnaturall debate which long hath continued betwixt us may once be composed , to the praise of Gods Name , and to the comfort of the faithfull in both Realms . And if your wisedoms can foresee and devise the means and assurances how the same may be brought to passe , perswade your selves not onely of our consent and assistance , but also of our constancy , as men can promise , unto our lives end . Yea farther , of charge and commandment by us to be left to our posterity , That the Amity betwixt us ( in God ) contracted and begun , may be by them kept inviolate for ever . As for the revolting from you to France , which ye seem to fear and suspect at their pleasure , we utterly abhorre that infidelity ; for now doth the voyce of God continually sound in our ears , That such as prophane the terrible and reverent Name of God , shall not escape vengeance . Our Confederacy , Amity and League shall not be like the Pactions made by worldly men , for worldly profit ▪ but as we require it for Gods Cause , so will we call upon his Name for the observation of the same . Moreover , if we should lack any thing in Temporall commodity , yet should we never have occasion to returne to them : for we now perceive and feel the weight of their yoke , and intend ( by Gods grace ) to cut away such instruments as by whom this Realme was before abused . True it is , That as yet we have made no mention of any change in Authority , neither yet were we minded to do any such thing , till extreme necessity compelleth us thereto . But seeing it is now more then evident , That France , and the Queen Regent here , with her Priests , pretendeth nothing but the suppressing of Christs Gospel , the ruine of us , and the subversion of this poor Realme , committing our innocency to God , and unto the judgement of all godly and wise men , we are determined to seek the next remedy ; in which we heartily require your counsell and assistance . And thus farre we have enterprised to make you participant of our purpose , because in the said Letters ye required the said Master Kirkcaldie some farther assurance then his owne word or writing , which we doubt not but ye shall shortly receive , from more then from us . We dare not hastily make the Assembly , neither of Nobles , neither of Barons , privie in this Cause , for dangers that may ensue by policie and craft of the adversaries ; your wisdom , we doubt not , will communicate these onely with such as ye know favourers of such a godly Conjunction . It should much help , in our opinion , if the Preachers , both in perswasion , and in publike Prayers ( as ours do here ) would commend the same unto the people . And thus , after our most humble commendations to the Queenes Majestie ( whose Raigne we wish may be prosperous and long , to the glory of God , and comfort of his Church ) we heartily commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent . From Edinburgh the 17 of Iuly , 1559. With this our Letter Iohn Knox wrote two , one to the said Secretary , and another to the Queens Majesty her self : The Tenour whereof follows thus : Iohn Knox his second Letter to M. Cecile , for the delivery of one other to the Queen . SIR , AFter my humble commendations , please you deliver this other enclosed to the Queen : It containeth a few and simple words of my Confession what I think of her Authority , how it is just , and what may make it odious in Gods presence . I hear that there is one Confutation set forth against the first blast ; God grant that the writers thereof have no more sought the favours of this present world , no lesse the glory of God , and the stable good of his Countrey , then he who enterprised in that blast to utter his conscience . When I shall have time ( which now is somewhat precious unto me ) to peruse that work , I will communicate my judgement with you . The time is now , Sir , that all , who either thirst for Christ to raigne in this Isle , or yet the hearts of the Inhabitants be joyned together in love unfained , ought rather to study how the same might be brought to passe , then vainly to travell for the maintenance of that , whereof already we have seen the danger , and feel the smart : If the most part of women be wicked , and such as willingly we would not should raigne over us : And if the most godly , and such as have are graces , be yet mortall , we ought to take heed , lest in establishing of one judged godly , and profitable to her Countrey , we make an Interest and Title to many ; by whom not onely will the Truth be impugned , but also will the Countrey be brought into bondage . God give you , and other favourers of your Countrey eyes to see , and wisedome to avoid the dangers appearing . By divers Letters I have required license to have visited the North parts of England , but as yet I have received no favourable answer . The longer , Sir , this it be delayed , the lesse comfort will the faithfull there receive ; yea , the weaker will the Queens favour be : If I were not an unfained friend to her Majestie , I would instantly beg such liberty ; which to me , I know , will neither be profitable nor pleasing in the flesh . The common things here , I doubt not you know : some things I have ( as often times I have written ) which gladly I would communicate , but I minde not to commit them to Paper and Inke ; finde therefore the means that I may speake with such a one as you will credit in all things . The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with you . I heartily beseech you to have my service recommended to the Queens Majesty , adding , That whosoever maketh me odious to her Majestie , seeketh somewhat besides the glory of God , and her Majesties prosperity , and therefore cannot be assured and unfained friends from , &c. The Letter sent from the said Iohn to the Queens Majestie of England , being enclosed in the foresaid M. Ceciles Letter . To the vertuous and godly Elizabeth , by the Grace of God , Queen of England : John Knox desireth the perpetuall comfort of his holy Spirit . MADAME , AS your Majesties displeasure against me , most unjustly conceived , hath been and is to my wretched heart a burden grievous , and almost intolerable , so is the testimony of a clear conscience to me a stay and uphold , that I sinke not in despair , how vehement soever the temptations appear : For in Gods presence , my conscience beareth me record , That maliciously , nor of purpose , I never offended your Majesty , nor your Realme : And therefore , howsoever I be judged of man , I am sure to be absolved of him , who onely knoweth the secrets of hearts . I cannot deny the writing of a Book against the usurped Authothority , and unjust Regiment of Women ; neither yet am I minded to recant , or call back any principall Point or Proposition of the same , till truth and verity do further appear . But why that your Majesty , or any such , who unfainedly favour the liberty of England , be offended at the Author of such a Work , I can perceive no just occasion : For first , my Book touched not your Majesties Person in speciall , neither is it prejudiciall to any Liberty of the Realme , if the time of my writing be indifferently considered . How could I be enemy to your Majesties Person , for delivery whereof , I did more studie , and undertake further , then any of those who now accuseth me ? And as concerning your Government , How could or can I envy that ? which most I have wished for , and for which ( as my weak memory will suffer ) I render thanks unfainedly to God , to wit , That it hath pleased him of his eternall goodnesse to exalt your head ( which sometime was in danger ) to the manifestation of his glory , and extirpation of Idolatry . And as for my offence , which I have committed against England , either by writing that Book , or by any other work , I will not refuse that moderate and indifferent men judge and discerne betwixt me , and those that accuse me , viz. Whether of the parties do most hurt to the Liberty of England : I , who affirme that no woman may be exalted above any Realme , to make the Liberty of the same thrall , and subject to a strange , proud , and cruell Nation : Or they , that approve whatsoever pleaseth Princes for the time . If I were as well disposed to accuse , as some of them ( to their own shame ) have declared themselves , I nothing doubt , but that in few words I should let reasonable men understand , That some that this day lowly crouch and bow to your Majestie , and labour to make me odious in your eyes , did in your adversity neither shew themselves faithfull friends to your Majesty , neither yet so loving and carefull of the native Countrey , as they would be esteemed . But omitting the accusation of others , for my owne purgation , and your Majesties satisfaction , I say , That nothing contained in my book , is or can be prejudiciall to your Majesties just Regiment , providing that you be not found ungrate unto God , ungrate you will be proved in the presence of his Throne ( howsoever that flatterers justifie your fact ) if you transfer the glory of that honour in which you now stand , to any other thing , then to the dispensation of his mercy , which onely maketh that lawfull to your Majestie , which Nature and Law denieth to all women , to command and bear rule over men . Neither would I that your Majesty should fear , That this your humiliation before God , should in any case infirm or weaken your Majesties just and lawfull Authority ; Nay , Madame , such unfained confession of Gods benefits received , will be the establishment of the same , not only to your self , but also to your seed and Posterity : Where contrariwise , a proud conceit , and elevation of your self , will be the occasion that your Raigne will be unstable , troublesome , and short . God is witnesse , That unfainedly I both love and reverence you Majestie ; yea , I pray that your Raigne may be both prosperous and quiet , and that for the quietnesse which Christs Members , before persecuted , have received under you . But yet if I should flatter your Majesty , I were no friend , but a deceivable traytor ; and therefore in conscience I am compelled to say , That neither the consent of the people , the processe of time , nor multitude of men , can establish a Law which God shall approve ; but whatsoever he approveth by his Eternall Word , that shall be approved , and stay constantly firme ; and whatsoever he condemneth , shall be condemned , though all men on earth should travell for the justification of the same . And therefore , Madame , the onely way to retain and keep the benefits of God , abundantly of late dayes poured upon you and your Realme , is unfainedly to render unto God , to his mercy , and undeserved grace , the whole glory of this your exaltation , forget your Birth , and all Title which hereupon doth hang ; and consider deeply , How for fear of your life you did decline from God , and bow to Idolatry , going to Masse under your sister Mary her persecution of Gods Saints : Let it not appear a small offence in your eyes , That you have declined from Christ Jesus , in the day of your Battel : Neither yet would I that you should esteem that mercy to be vulgar and common which you have received , viz. That God hath covered your offence , Hath preserved your Person , when you were most unthankfull ; And in the end , has exalted and raised you up , not onely from the dust , but also from the ports of death ; to rule above his people , for comfort of his Kirk . It appertaineth to you therefore , to ground the justice of your Authority , not on that Law , which from yeer to yeer doth change , but upon the eternall providence of him , who contrary to the ordinary course of Nature , and without your deserving , hath exalted your head : If thus in Gods presence you humble your self ; as in my heart I glorifie God for that rest granted to his afflicted Flock within England , under you a weak Instrument ; so will I with tongue and pen justifie your Authority and Regiment , as the holy Ghost hath justified the same in Deborah , that blessed Mother in Israel . But if you neglect ( as God forbid ) these things , and shall begin to brag of your Birth , and to build your Authority and your Regiment upon your own Law ; flatter you who so listeth , your felicity shall be short . Interpret my words in the best part , as written by him , who is no enemy to your Majestie . By divers Letters I have required to visite your Realme , not to seek my self , neither yet my own ease and benefit : which if you now refuse and deny me , I must remit my cause to God , adding this for conclusion , that commonly it is seen , That such as refuse the counsel of the faithfull ( appear it never so sharp ) are compelled to follow the deceit of flatterers to their own perdition . The mighty Spirit of the Lord Jesus move your heart to understand what is said , and give unto you the direction of his Spirit , and so rule you in all your actions and enterprises , that in you God may be glorified , his Kirk edified , and you your self , as a lively Member of the same , may be an example of vertue & godlinesse of life to all others . So be it . Of Edinb . 28 Iuly , 1559. These Letters were directed by Alexander Whitlaw , a man that oft had hazarded himself , and all that he had for the Cause of God , and for his friends , being in danger for the same Cause . Within a day or two after the departing of the said Alexander , there came a Letter from Sir Henry Percie to Iohn Knox , requiring him to meet him at Annick the third day of August , for such affaires as he would not write nor yet communicate with any , but with the said Iohn himselfe , while he was preparing himselfe for the journey ( for Secretary Cecill had appointed to have met him at Stampford ) the French-men furiously came forth of Dumbar , of purpose to have surprised the Lords being in Edinburgh , as in the second Book before is declared , which stayed the journey of the said Iohn , till that God had delivered the innocents from that great danger , and then was he sent , having in his company M. Robert Hamilton , Minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , directed from the Lords with full Commission and Instructions to decline their whole case and estate wherein they stood . Their passage was from Pittenweame by sea , they arrived at Holy-Iland , and being advertised that Sir Henry Percie was absent from the North ; They addressed themselves to Sir Iames Crofts , then Captain of Barwick , and Warden of the East Marches of England . They shewed unto him their Credit and Commission ; He received them courteously , and comforted them with his faithfull Counsell , which was , That they should travell no further , neither yet should they be seen in publike , and that for divers considerations . First , The Queen Regent had her spies in England . Secondly , The Queen and the Councell that favoured our faction , would that all things should be secret so long as they might . And last , said he , I think it not expedient , that in such rarity of Preachers , ye two be any long time absent from the Lords of the Congregation . And therefore ( said he ) ye shall do best to commit to writing your whole minde and Credit , and I shall promise to you upon my honour , to have answer at you , and at the Lords again , before that ye your selves can be at London . And where that your Letters cannot expresse all things so fully , as your presence could , I shall supply the same , not onely by my pen , but also by my own presence , to such as will informe the Councell sufficiently of all things . The said Iohn and M. Robert followed his Councell ( for it was faithfull , and proceeded of love at that time ) they tarried with him very secretly within the Castle of Barwick two dayes . In the which time returned Alexander Whitlaw aforesaid , with answer to the Lords , and unto Iohn Knox. The tenour of whose Letter was this : Master Cecils Letter to Iohn Knox. Master Knox , NOn est masculus neque f●min● , omnes enim ut ait Paulus , unum sumus in Christo Iesu benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino , & erit Dominus fiducia ejus . I have received you Letters , at the same time that I thought to have seen your selfe at Stamford . What is now hitherto the cause of your let , I know not . I forbeare to descend to the bottom of things , untill I may conferre with such one as ye are . And therefore if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither , I wish you furnished with good Credit , and power , to make good resolution . Although my answer to the Lords of the Congregation be somewhat obscure , yet upon further understanding ye shall finde the matter plaine . I need to wish you no more prudencie then Gods grace , whereof God send you plentie . And so I end , Sic subscribitur . Yours as a member of the same body in Christ , M. Cecill . From Oxford the 28 of Iuly , 1559. Albeit the said Iohn received this Letter at Barwick , yet would he answer nothing till that he had spoken with the Lords whom he found in Sterlin , and unto whom he delivered the answer sent from the Councell of England ( for Alexander Whitlaw took sicknesse betwixt Barwick and Edinburgh , and was troubled by the Lord Seaton , as in the former Booke is declared ) the answer sent by Master Cecill was so generall , that many amongst us despaired of any comfort to come from that Countrey . And therefore were determined that they would request no further . Iohn Knox laboured in the contrary , but he could prevaile no further , but that he should have licence and libertie to write as he thought best : And so took he upon him to answer for all , in forme as followeth . Answer to Master Cecils writing . TWo causes hindred me ( Right Worshipfull ) to visit you in any part in England . Before this no signification of your minde and pleasure was made unto me , for onely did Sir Henry Percie will me to come and speake with him , which conveniently at that time I could not do , by reason that the French-men ( which was the second cause of my stay ) did then most furiously pursue us , while our company was dispersed , and then durst I not be absent for divers inconveniences ; neither did I thinke my presence with you greatly necessary , considering that the matter ( which I most desired ) was opened and proposed . To the which I would have wished , That a more plaine and especiall answer should have been made . For albeit Master Whitlaw by his Credit , Master Kirkcaldie by his Letter , and I , both by Letters and by that which I had received from Sir Iames Crofts , did perswade your good mindes ; yet could not the councell be otherwise perswaded , but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose . It is not unknown what good will we three do beare to England : And therefore I wish , That rather your Pen , then our Credit , or any thing written to any of us , should assure the Lords and others , of your good mindes ( who are now in number but five hundred . ) Unlesse that money be furnished without delay to pay the Souldiers for their service past , and to retaine another thousand foot-men , with three hundred horse-men ; till some stay be had in this danger , these Gentle-men will be compelled to leave the fields . I am assured , as flesh may be of flesh , That some of them will take a very hard life , before that ever they compose , either with the Queen Regent , or with France : but this I dare not promise at all , unlesse in they see greater forwardnesse . To support us , will appear excessive ; and to break promise with France , will appear dangerous . But the losse of expences , in mine opinion , ought not to be esteemed from the first payment , neither yet the danger from the first appearance . France is most fervent to conquer us , and avoweth , That against us they will spend the Crown ( so did mine own ears hear Butten Court bragge ) But most assuredly I know , That unlesse by us they thought to make an entrie to you , that they would not buy our poverty at that price . They labour to corrupt some of our great men by money ( and some of our number are poore , as before I wrote , and cannot serve without support ) some they threatned , and against others they have up one party in their owne Countrey . In this mean time , if ye lie by as neutralls , what will be the end , you may easily conjecture . And therefore , Sir , in the bowells of Christ Jesus , I require you to make plain answer , What the Gentlemen here may trust to , and what the Queens Majestie will do , may without long delay be put in execution . I rest in Christ Jesus . Of Saint Iohnston the day of , &c. Answer with great expedition was returned to this Letter , desiring some men of credit to be sent to the Lords to Barwicke , for the receiving of the money for the first support , with promise , That if the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise then before they had written , and if they would enter into League with honest Conditions , they should neither lack men nor money to their just Causes . Upon this answer was directed from the Lords to Barwicke , Master Henry Balnaves , a man of good credit in both the Realmes ; who suddenly returned with such a sum of money as served all the publike affairs till November next ; when Iohn Cockburne of Ormeston , sent for the second support , and receiving the same , unhappily fell into the hands of the Earle Bothwell , was wounded , taken , and spoyled of a great Sum : upon which mischance , followed all the rest of the troubles before rehearsed . In the second Book preceding , we have declared how Secretary Leehington was directed to England : But one thing before we have passed by : In that our greatest dejection , this order was taken ; That the Duke , the Earle of Glencarne , Lord Boyd , Lord Uchiltrie , and their friends , should remaine together at Glasgow , for comfort of the Countrey , and for giving of answers , as occasion should require ; and that the Earle of Arrane , the Lord Iames , the Earle of Rothesse , the Master of Lindsay , and their adherents , should continue together within Fyfe for the same causes , that advertisements might go from the one to the other , as need required . In the Negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and Councell of England ( in the which he travelled with no lesse wisedom and faithfulnesse , then happy successe ) many things occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lords . After that the Queen and Councell of England had concluded to send their Army to Scotland for expelling of the French , the Duke of Norfolke was sent to Barwick with full instructions , power and Commission to do in all things concerning the present affaires of Scotland , as the Queen and Councell in their own persons had power to do . Hereupon the said Duke required such a part of the Lords of Scotland , as had power and Commission from the whole , to meet him at such a day and place as pleased them to appoint . This advertisement came first to Glasgow by the meanes of the Master of Maxwell : Which read and considered by the Lords , conclusion was taken that they would meet at Carleil , and that was the procurement of the said Master of Maxwell for his ease . Hereupon were Letters directed from the Lords being in Glasgow , to Lord Iames , requiring him with all possible expedition to repaire towards them , for the purpose aforesaid . Which Letters read and advised upon , commandment was given to Iohn Knox to make the answer . For so it was appointed at division of the Lords , that he should answer for the part of those that were in Fyfe ; and M. Henry Balnaves for the part of them that abode at Glasgow . The said Iohn answered as followeth . To the Duke , and the other Lords at Glasgow . AFter humble commendation of my service : Albeit I have written more then once to Master Henry Balnaves , what things have misliked me in your slow proceedings , as well in supporting your brethren , who many dayes have sustained extreame danger in these parts , as in making provision how the enemie might have been annoyed , who lay few in number , nigh to your Quarters in Sterlin . And in making likewise provision , how the expectation of our friends , who long have waited for your answer , might have been satisfied . Albeit ( I say ) that of these things I have before complained , yet , in conscience , I am compelled to signifie unto your Honours , That unlesse of these and other enormities I shall see some redresse , I am assured , That the end shall be such , as godly men shall mourne , that a good Cause shall perish for lacke of Wisdome and Diligence . In my last Letters to Master Henry Balnaves , I declared , That your especiall friends in England wonder , that no greater expedition is made , the weight of the matter being considered . If the fault be in the Duke and his friends , I wrote also , That the greatest losse should be his and theirs in the end . And now I cannot cease , both to wonder and lament , That your whole Councell was so destitute of Wisdome and Discretion , as to charge this poore man the Priour , to come to you to Glasgow , and thereafter to go to Carleil , for such affaires as are to be handled . Was there none amongst you who did foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from these parts ? I cease to speake of the dangers by the enemie . Your friends have lyen in your Haven now fifteene dayes past , ( what was their former travell it is not unknowne ) they have never received comfort of any man ( him onely excepted ) more then if they had lyen upon the coast of their mortall enemy . Do ye not consider , That such a company shall need comfort and provision from time to time ? Remove him , and who abideth there who carefully will travell in that or any other weighty matter in these parts ? Did ye not farther consider , That he that had begun to meddle with the Gentlemen , who have declared themselves back-friends heretofore ; and also that order should have been taken for such as have been neutrall ; now by reason of his absence , the one shall escape without admonition , and the other shall be at their own liberty . I am assured that the enemy shall not sleep , neither in that , nor in other affairs , to undermine you and your whole Cause , and especially to hurt this part of the Countrey , to revenge their former folly . If none of these former causes should have moved you to have considered that such a journey ( at such a time ) was not meet for him , neither yet for them that must accompany him : yet discreet men would have considered , that the men that have lien in their jacks , and travelled their horses continuall the space of a moneth , required some longer rest , first to themselves , then but especially to their horses , before they had been charged to such a journey , as yet they have not had . The Priour may for satisfaction of your unreasonable mindes , enterprise the purpose ; but I am assured he shall not be able to have six honest men in all Fyfe to accompany him ; and how that either standeth with your Honors , or with his safety , judge ye your selves . But yet wonder it is , that ye did not consider , To what pain and griefe shall ye put our friends of England , especially the Duke of Norfolk and his Councell , whom ye shall cause to travell the most wearisome and troublesome way that is in England . In mine opinion , whosoever gave you that counsell , either lacked right judgement in things to be done , or else had too much respect to his own ease , and too small regard to the travell and damage of their brethren . A common cause , requireth a common concurrence , and that every man bear his burden proportionable . But prudent and indifferent men espie the contrary in this cause , especially of late dayes ; for the weakest are most grievously charged , and they to whom the matter most belongeth , and to whom justly greatest burden is due , are exempted in a manner , both from travell and expences . To speak the matter plainly , wise men do wonder , what the Dukes friends do mean , that they are so slack and backward in this cause ; In other actions they have been judged stout and forward , and in this , which is the greatest that ever he or they had in hand , they appear destitute both of grace and courage . I am not ignorant that they that are most inward of his counsell , are enemies to God , and therefore cannot but be enemies to this Cause . But wonder it is , That he and his other friends should not consider , That the losse of this godly enterprise , shall be the rooting out of them and their posterity from this Realme . Considering , my Lords , That by Gods providence ye are joyned with the Duke in this common Cause , admonish him plainly of the danger to come , will him to beware of the counsell of those that are plainly infected with Superstition , with Pride , and with the venome of particular profit : which if he do not at your admonition , he shall smart before he be aware . And if ye cease to put him in minde of his duty , it may be that for your silence ye shall drinke some portion of the plague with him . Take my plain speaking , as proceeding from him that is not your enemy , being also uncertaine , when I shall have occasion to write hereafter . God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ assist you with the Spirit of wisedom and fortitude , that to his glory , and to your Lordships common comfort , ye may performe that thing which godlily was once begun , Amen . From Saint Andrewes the 6 of February in haste , 1559. Sic subscribitur , Your Lordships to command in godlinesse , J. K. Upon the receit of this Letter , and consultation had hereupon , a new conclusion was taken ; to wit , That they would visite the said Duke of Norfolke at Barwicke where he was . Thus far we have digressed from the text of our History , to let the Posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God wrought the familiarity and friendship that after we found in England . Now we returne to our former History . The parts of Fyfe set at freedom from the Bondage of these bloody worms , solemne thanks were given in S. Andrews unto God for his mighty deliverance . Shortly after the Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames apprehended the Lairds of Wemes , Seafield , Bawgony , Durie , and others , that assisted the French , but they were set shortly at freedom upon such conditions , as they minded never to keep , for such men have neither faith nor honesty . Master Iames Balfour , who was the greatest practiser , and had drawn the Band of the Balfours , escaped . The English Ships daily multiplied , till that they were able to keep the whole Fyrth , whereat the French and Queen Regent enraged , began to execute their tyranny upon the parts of Lowthiane that lay nigh to Edinburgh . Let M. David Borthwicke witnesse what favour his wife and place of Adeston found of the French , for all the service that he did to the Queen Regent . In the midst of February were directed to England , from the Duke and the Congregation , the Lord Iames , Lord Ruthuen , the Mast of Maxwell , the Master of Lindsay , Master Henry Balnaves , and the Laird of Pittarrow ; who with their honest companies and Commission departed by Sea all , except the Master of Maxwell , to Barwicke ; Where there met them the Duke of Norfolke , Lieutenant to the Queen of England , and with him a great company of the Gentlemen of the North , with some also of the South , having full power to contract with the Nobility of Scotland , as they did , upon such Conditions as are in the same Contract specified : and because we have heard the malicious tongues of wicked men make false report of that our fact , we have faithfully and truely inserted in this our History the said Contract , as well that which was made at Leith , during the siege , as that which was first made at Barwicke , that the memory thereof may abide to our Posterity , to the end that they may judge with indifferency , Whether that we have done any thing prejudiciall to our Common-wealth , or yet contrarious unto the dutifull obedience which true subjects owe to their Superiours ; whose Authority ought to defend and maintain the Liberty and Freedom of the Realms committed to their Charge , and not to oppresse and betray the same to stranger . The Tenour of our Contract followeth : The Contract at Barwick . JAMES , Duke of Chattellarault , Earle of Arrane , Lord Hamilton , and others of the Councell , Nobility , and principall States of Scotland ; To all and sundry whose knowledge these presents shall come , Greeting . We have well considered , and are fully perswaded , in what danger , desolation , and misery , the long enmity with the Kingdom of England hath brought our Countrey heretofore : how wealthie and flourishing it shall become , if those two Kingdoms , as they are joyned in one Island by Creation of the World , so they may be knit in a constant and assured friendship . The considerations grounded upon a most infallible Trueth , ought no lesse to have moved our Progenitours and for fathers then us . But the present danger hanging over our heads , by the unjust dealing of those , of whom we have alwayes best deserved , hath caused us to weigh them more earnestly then they did . The misbehaviour of the French Monsieurs , I had almost said Monsters , here , hath of late yeers been so great . The oppressions and crueltie of the Souldiers , the tyrannie and ambition of their Superiours and Rulers , so grievous to the people , the violent subversion of our liberty , and conquest of the land , whereat they have by most crafty and subtill means continually pressed , hath been , I say , so intollerable to us all , that at last when we could not obtain redresse by humble suits , and earnest supplications presented to the Queen Dowager , who both for duties sake , and place , she doth occupie , ought to have been most carefull of our state , we have been by very necessitie constrained , not onely to assay our own Forces , but also to implore the Queens Majestie of Englands aide and support , which her Majestie hath most willingly granted , upon certain conditions specified in a Treaty past at Barwick , betwixt the Duke of Norfolk , Lieutenant to her Majestie , on the one part , and certain our Commissioners on the other part , whereof the Tenour followeth . At Barwick the 27 day of February , the yeer of our Lord God 1559 yeers ▪ It is appointed , and finally Contracted , betwixt the noble and mighty , Thomas , Duke of Norfolk , Earle Marshall of England , and Lieutenant to the Queens Majestie of the said Realm , in the Name and behalf of her Highnesse on the one part ; and the Right Honourable Lord Iames Stewart , Patrick Lord Ruthuen , Sir Iohn Maxwell of Terregles , Knight , William Maitland of Lethington younger , Iohn Wischarde of Pittarrow , and Master Henry Balnaves of Halhill ; in name and behalf of the Noble and Mighty Iames , Duke of Chattellarault of Scotland , and the Lords of the Congregation , joyned together in this Cause , for maintenance and defence of the ancient Rights and Liberties of their Countrey on the other part , in forme as after followeth : That is to say , That the Queen having sufficiently understood , as well by information sent from the Nobility of Scotland , as by the proceedings of the French , that they intend to conquer the Realm of Scotland , suppresse the liberty thereof , and unite the same unto the Crown of France perpetually , contrary to the Laws of the said Realm , and the Pacts , Oathes , and Promises of France . And being thereto most humbly and earnestly required by the said Nobility ; for , and in the name of the whole Realm , shall accept the said Realm of Scotland the said Nobility and subjects thereof into her Majesties protection and maintenance , onely for preservation of the same in their own freedoms and liberties , and from conquest , during the time that the Marriage shall continue betwixt the Queen of Scots and the French King , and a yeer after : And for expelling out of the same Realme of such as presently and apparently goeth about to practice the said Conquest , her Majesty shall with all speed send into Scotland a convenient aide of men of War , both Horse and Foot , to joyn with the power of Scotish men , with Artillery , Munition , and all other Instruments of War meet for that purpose , as well by Sea as by Land , not onely to expell the present Power of the French within that Realme oppressing the same , but also to stop , as far as conveniently may be , all greater Forces of French to enter therein , for the like purpose , and shall continue her Majesties ayd to the said Realme , Nobility , and subjects of the same , unto the time the French ( being enemies to the said Realme ) be utterly expelled hence ; and shall never transact , compose , nor agree with the French , nor conclude any League with them , except the Scots and the French shall be agreed , that the Realme of Scotland may be left in a due freedom by the French ; nor shall leave the maintenance of the said Nobility and subjects , whereby they might fall as a prey into their enemies hands , as long as they shall acknowledge their Soveraigne Lady the Queen , and shall endeavour their selves to maintain the liberty of their Countrey , and the State of the Crowne of Scotland . And if in case any Forts or Strengths within the Realme be won out of the hands of the French at this present , or at any time hereafter by her Majesties ayd , the same shall be immediately demolished by the Scotish-men , or delivered to the said Nobility aforesaid , at their option and choice ; neither shall the power of England fortifie within the ground of Scotland , being out of the bounds of England , but by the advice of the Duke , Nobility , and States of Scotland . For the which causes , and in respect of her Majesties most gentle clemency , and liberall support , the said Nobility , as well such as be joyned , as such as shall hereafter joyn with them already joyned , for the defence of the liberty of that Realme , shall to the uttermost of their power ayd and support her Majesties Army against the French and their partakers , with Horse-men and Foot-men , and with Victualls , by Land and Sea , with all manner of other ayd , to the best of their power , and so shall continue during the time that her Majesties Army shall remain in Scotland . Item , They shall be enemies to all such Scotish men and French as shall in any wise shew themselves enemies to the Realm of England , for the ayding and supporting of the said Nobility in the delivery of the Realme of Scotland from Conquest . Item , They shall never assent nor permit that the Realme of Scotland shall be conquered , or otherwise knit to the Crown of France , then it is at this present , onely by Marriage of the Queen their Soveraign to the French King , and it be ruled by the Laws and Liberties of the Realme , as it ought to be . Item , In case the French-men shall at any time hereafter invade , or cause to be invaded the Realme of England , they shall furnish the number of two thousand Horse-men , and one thousand Foot-men at the least , or such part of either of them , at the charge of the Queen of England , and shall conduct the same to passe from the borders of Scotland , next England , upon her Majesties charges , to any part of the Realme of England , for defence of the same . And in case the invasion be on the North parts of England , on the North side of the water of Tyne towards Scotland , or against Barwick , on the North side of the water of Tweid . They shall convene and gather their whole Forces upon their owne charges , and shall joyne with the English power , and shall continue in good and earnest pursuite of the Quarrell of England , during the space of thirty dayes , or so much longer , as they were accustomed to tarry in the fields for defence of Scotland . At the commandment of their Soveraignes at any time by past : and also the Earle of Argyle : Lord Justice of Scotland , being presently joyned with the rest , shall imploy his force and good will , where he shall be required by the Queens Majestie to reduce the North parts of Ireland to the perfect obedience of England , conforme to a mutuall and reciproque contract to be made betwixt her Majesties Lieutenant or Deputie of Ireland being for the time , and the said Earle ; wherein shall be contained what he shall do for his part , and what the said Lieutenant or Deputie shall do for his support , in case he shall have to do with Iames Mackconell , or any others of the Isles of Scotland , or Realme of Ireland . For performance and sure keeping whereof , they shall for their part come to the said Duke of Norfolk , the pledges presently named by him , before the entry of her Majesties Armie in Scottish ground , to remain in England for the space of six moneths , and to be there exchanged upon deliverance of new hostages , of like , or as good condition as the former ; or being the lawfull sons , brethren , or heires of any of the Peers or Barons of Parliament , that have , or hereafter shall shew themselves and persist open enemies to the French in this quarrell , and so forth from six moneths to six moneths , or foure moneths to foure moneths , as shall best please the partie of Scotland . And the time of continuance of the hostages , shall be during the marriage of the Queen of Scots to the French King , and a yeere after the dissolution of the said Marriage , untill further order may be had betwixt both the Realmes , for Peace and Concord . And furthermore , the said Nobility , being Peers and Barons of Parliament joyned together , shall subscribe and seale these Articles and agreement , within the space of twenty or thirty dayes at the uttermost , next following the day of the delivering of the said hostages , and shall also procure and perswade all others of the Nobility that shall joyne themselves heereafter with the said Lords for the cause above-specified , likewise to subscribe and seale those Articles , at any time after the space of twenty dayes after their conjunction , upon requisition made by them on the partie of the Queens Majestie of England . And finally , the said Nobility joyned together , certainly perceiving that the Queens Majestie of England is thereunto moved , onely upon respect of Princely honour and neighbourhood , for defence of the freedom of Scotland from Conquest , and not of any other sinister intent , doth by these presents testifie and declare , That they , nor any of them , mean by this agreement to withdraw any due obedience to the Soveraign Lady the Queen , nor in any lawfull thing to withstand the French King her husband and head , that during the marriage shall not tend to the subversion and oppression of the just and ancient Liberties of the said Kingdom of Scotland . For preservation whereof , both for their Soveraigns honour , and for the continuance of the Kingdom in its ancient state , they acknowledge themselves bound to spend their Goods , Lands , and Lives . And for performance of this present Contract for the part of England , the Queens Majestie shall confirm the same , and all Clauses therein contained , by her Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England , to be delivered to the Nobility of Scotland , upon the entrie of the Pledges aforesaid , within the ground of England . In Witnesse whereof , the said Duke of Norfolke hath subscribed these Points , and thereunto affixed his Seal , the day , yeer , and place aforesaid . Which Contract we finde honest and reasonable ; and that our said Commissioners therein hath considerately respected the Common-weale of this Realme , of us , and our posterity ; And therefore do ratifie , allow , confirme and approve the same , with all Clauses and Articles therein contained by these Presents . In Witnesse hereof we have subscribed the same with our Hands and sealed with our Seals of Arms in such causes accustomed are appended . At the Camp before Leith the tenth day of May , the year of God 1560 yeers . Follow the Subscriptions . The Subscriptions . The Duke of Chattellarault . Earle of Arrane . Earle of Glencarne . Earle of Rothesse . Earl of Argyle . Earle of Huntlie . Earle of Morton . Earle of Menteth . Lord Ogilbye . Lord Iames Steward . Alexander Gordon . Lord Boyd . Lord Uchiltrie . Gawin Hamilton of Kilwinning . Abbot of Culrosse . Lord Bothwike . Lord of Saint Iohn . Lord Iohn Abirbr●thok . Lord Simmerwaile . Lord Robert Steward . Abbot of Kynlosse . Iames Stewart of Saint Colmes Inche . The Instructions given , subscribed , to the said Commissioners following : 1. IN the first place , if it shall be asked of you by the Duke of Norfolk , and by other the Queens Majesties appointed Commissioners , If your Pledges be in readinesse ; ye shall answer , That they are , and in Saint Andrews the 25 of this instant , and shal be ready to be delivered in Hostage for security of our promises and part of the contract , they offering and making security for their part by the Queenes Majesties Subscription aud Great Seal , and delivering the same unto you . Providing , That they choose and make their election of the Pledges as is commoned . 2. Secondly , If the said Commissioners shall demand of you , What enterprise the Army of England shall take in hand at their first incoming ; Ye shall answer in generall ; The expulsion of the French Souldiers out of this Realme ; and first and in especiall , out of the Town of Leith , seeing their great Forces are there . 3. Item , If it shall be asked of you ; At what place our friends and brethren of England shall be met ? And , at what day ? What number ? And , What Noble-men in company ? Ye shall referre all these things to their election and choice . 4. Item , If it shall be asked of you , How the Armies shall be furnished with Victuals , and especially the Horse-men ? Ye shall answer , That with their advice sufficient order shall be taken therein . 5. Item , If it be required , How the Munition shall be carried , and oxen furnished to that effect ? You shall answer , as we have given in Commission to Lethington , which we ratifie . 6. Item , If it shall be asked , Who shall be Lieutenant to the Army of Scotland ? Ye shall answer , The Duke of Chattellarault . 7. Item , If it shall be enquired , What number our whole Army extends to ? Ye shall answer , They will be , God willing , five thousand men . 8. Item , If it shall be asked , What manner of way Leith shall be assaulted ? Ye shall desire all preparations to be in readinesse , and the advice to be taken after the placing of the Armies , and view of the strength shortly . 9. Item , If it shall be asked concerning the Castle of Edinburgh , If they will stand friends or not ? Ye shall declare our diligence made , and to be made shortly ▪ herein ; but for the present we can assure them of nothing . 10. Item , If it be asked , In case the Castle be enemy , Where the Armie shall be placed ? Ye shall answer , For the first in Muschilbrough and Tranent , and those parts , till the Batterie and all preparations be in readinesse . 11. Item , In case it be enquired of all by-lyers and neutrals , and in especiall of the Lord of Huntley , and the North ? Ye shall answer in generall ; A good hope is had of the most part thereof : And touching the Lord of Huntley in especiall , Ye shall shew how he hath sent Writings to my Lord of Arrane , with a servant of credit , to assure him of his assistance . And for that cause hath desired Letters of suspension of the Queen Dowagers Commission to be sent to him to be used in those parts ; and other Letters to arrest the Clergies Rents and Hires , both in those parts ; With Proclamations to cause all men to be in readinesse to passe forwards for maintaining of the Religion , and expulsing of strangers . The Nobility hath written to him , That he may come to him in proper person ; Whereof the answer is not returned as yet . 12. Item , If it shall be asked the place and manner of meeting of our folks , or of us and them , in case Sterlin be kept ? We refer the answer hereof to your discretions . 13. Item , If it shall be asked , That their leaden money shall have passage for their necessities ? Ye shall reason the commodity and discommodity thereof with the Councell . 14. Item , If it shall be asked , What Pioners shall be had ? Ye shall answer , the number being expressed , and money in readinesse to so sold or pay them , They shall have sufficiencie . 15. Item , If they shall desire , That we declare our causes unto the Princes of Almaigne and the King of Denmark or Germany , desiring their assistance ; Ye shall answer , That we think the same good , and shall speedily take order therewith . 16. Item , If it shall be desired of you to confirme for us and in our name the things past and granted by our former Commissioner , the young Laird of Lethington : Ye shall in all points for us , and in our name , confirme the same , so far as it shall make either for the weale and conjunction of the two Realms , or this present Cause , or yet for the security of our part for fulfilling of the same . And as ye shall accept their offers tending to the same end ; and such security on that part as ye may purchase , and especially such as we have heretofore expressed : Given at Glasgow the 10. of February 1559. 17. Item , We give and grant you full power to augment or diminsh the said Heads and Articles , as ye think the weale of the cause shall require in all points . Sic subscribitur . Iohn of Menteth . Andrew of Rothesse . R. Boyd . William Murray of Tulibarn . Iohn Erskin of Dun. Iames Hamilton . Alexander Gordon . Alexander Argyle . Glencarne . Uchiltrie . Iames Haliburntoun . Shortly after this Contract were our pledges delivered to Master Winter Admirall of the Navie , that came to Scotland , a man of great honestie , so farre as ever we could espie in him ; who were safely conveyed to Newcastle , and so the English Armie by land began to assemble towards the border . Whereof the French and Queen Regent assured , they began to destroy what they could in the Towns and Countrey about : for the whole Victuals they carried to Leith , the Mills they brake , the Sheep , Oxen and Kine , yea the Horses of poore Labourers all made they to serve their Tyrannie . And finally , they left nothing which the very enemies could have devised , except that they demolished not Gentlemens houses , and burnt not the Town of Edinburgh . In which point God bridled their fury , to let his afflicted understand , That he took care for them . Before the comming of the Land Armie , the French past to Glasgow , and destroyed the Countrey thereabout . What tyrannie Marticks used upon a poore Scottish Souldier , it is fearefull to heare , and yet his fact may not be omitted . Silver would they give none to the poore man , and they were so slow to depart out of the Towne ; That albeit the Drum stroke , the Ensigne could not be gotten . There was a poore Crafts-man , who had bought for his Victuals a brown Loaf , and was eating a morsell of it , and was putting the rest of it into his bosome . The Tyrant came to him , and with the poore wretches own dagger first stroke him in the brest , and after threw it at him , and so the poore man staggering and falling , the mercilesse tyrant ran him thorow with his Rapier , and thereafter commanded him to be hanged over the stayre . Lord thou wilt look and recompence such Tyranny , how contemptible soever the person was . The second of April , the yeer of our Lord 1560. the Army of the Land entred into Scotland , the conducting whereof was committed to the Lord Gray , who had in his company the Lord Scrope , Sir Iames Crofts , Sir Henry Percie , Sir Francis Lake , with many other Captains and Gentlemen , having charge some of Foot-men , and some of Horse-men . The Army by Land was esteemed ten thousand men . The Queen Regent past to the Castle of Edinburgh , and some others of her faction : At Preston met them , the Duke , the Earle of Argyle ( Huntlie came not till that the siege was confirmed ) Lord Iames , the Earle of Glencarne , and Menteth , Lords Ruthuen , Boyd , Uchiltrie , with all the Protestants , Gentlemen of the West , Fyfe , Angus , and Mearnes , so that in few dayes the Army was great . After the deliberation of two dayes had at Inneresk , the whole Camp marched forward with Ordnance , and all preparations necessary for the siege , and came to Lestarrig the Palme Sunday Even . The French had put themselves in Battell Aray upon the Linkes without Leith , and sent forth their skirmishers ; who beginning before ten of the clock , continued skirmishing till after four of the clock at afternoon , when there was given upon them a charge by some Horse-men of Scotland , and some of England : But because the principall Captaine of the Horse-men of England was not present , the whole Troops durst not charge , and so was not the overthrow and slaughter of the French so great as it once appeared to have been ; for the great Battell was once at the trot ; but when it perceived that the great Force of Horse-men stood still , and charged not , they returned , and gave some rescue to their fellows that fled ; and so there fell onely in that defeat about three hundred French-men . God would not give the Victory so suddenly , lest that man should glory in his owne strength . The small Victory that was gotten , put both the English and Scotish in over-great security , as the issue declared . The French enclosed within the Towne , the English Army began to plant their Pavilions betwixt Leith and Lestarrig . The Ordnance of the Towne , and especially that which lay upon Saint Anthonies Steeple , did them great annoyance ; against which place were bent eight Cannons , which shot so continually , and so just , that within few dayes that the Steeple was condemned , and all the Ordnance that was on it discomfited , which made the English-men somewhat more negligent , then it became good men of War to have been : For perceiving that the French made no pursuit without their Walls , they tooke an opinion that they should never issue more , and that made some of the Captaines for pastime go to the Towne . The Souldiers for their ease laid their Armour beside them , and as men without danger , fell to the Dice and Cards ; and so upon the Easter Munday , at the very houre of noon , the French issued both upon Horse and Foot , and with great violence entred within the English Trenches , slue and put to flight all that was found therein . The Watch was negligently kept , and so were the Succours slow and long in coming ; For the French , before that any resistance was made unto them , approached hard to the great Ordnance : But then the Horse-men trooped together , and the Foot-men gat themselves in Aray , and so repulsed the French back again to the Town ; but the slaughter was great , some say it double exceeded that which the French received the first day . And this was the fruit of their security and ours , which after was remedied : For the English men most wisely considering themselves not able to besiege the Town round about , devised to make Mounts at divers quarters of it , in the which they and their Ordnance lay in as good strength , as they did within the Town : The common souldiers kept the Trenches , and had the said mountains for their saveguard and refuge , in case of any greater pursuit then they were able to sustain . The patience and stout courage of the English men , but principally of the Horse-men , is worthy of all praise : For where was it ever heard , That eight thousand ( they never exceeded that number that lay in Camp ) should besiege four thousand of the most desperate throat-cutters that were to be found in Europe , and to lie nigh unto them in daily skirmishing , the space of three moneths and more ? The Horse-men night and day kept Watch , and did so valiantly behave themselves , that the French gat no advantage , from that day back to the day of the assault , whereof we shall shortly hear . In this mean time was this other Band made of all the Nobility , Barons , and Gentlemen professing Christ Jesus in Scotland , and of divers others that joyned with us , for expelling of the French , amongst whom the Earle of Huntlie was a prime man. The Band followeth . The last Band at Leith . AT Edinburgh the seven and twentieth of April , the yeer of our Lord 1560 yeers , We whose names are under-written , have promised and obliged our selves faithfully in the presence of God , and by these Presents do promise , That we together in generall , and every one of us in speciall by himself , with our bodies , goods , friends , and all that we can do , shall set forward the Reformation of Religion , according to Gods Word , and procure by all means possible , that the Truth of Gods Word may have free passage within this Realme , with due Administration of the Sacraments , and all things depending upon the said Word , and such like ; deeply weighing with our selves the misbehaviour of the French Ministers here , the intolerable oppression committed by the French men of War upon the poor subjects of this Realme , by maintenance of the Queen Dowager , under colour and pretence of Authority : The tyranny of their Captains and Leaders , and manifest danger of Conquest , in which this Countrey at this present standeth , by reason of divers Fortifications upon the Sea-coast , and other novelties of late attempted by them ; promising , That we shall each one with another , all of us , together with the Queen of Englands Army , presently come in for our deliverance , effectually concurre , joyn in one , take and hold one plain part for expulsion of the said strangers , oppressors of our Liberty , forth out of this Realme , and recovery of our ancient Freedoms and Liberties , to the end that in time coming , we may under the obedience of the King and Queen our Soveraigns be onely ruled by the Laws and Customs of the Countrey , and borne men of the Land ; And that never one of us shall have privy intelligence , by writing , message , or communication with any of our enemies or adversaries in this Cause , but by advice of the rest ( at least of five ) of the counsell . Again , That we shall tender the common Cause , as if it were the cause of every one of us in particular : And that the causes of every one of us now joyned together being lawfull and honest , shall be all our causes in generall ; And that he that is enemy to the Cause aforesaid , shall be enemy to us all , in so far , That what person soever will plainly resist these our godly enterprises , and will not concur as a good and true member of this our Common-wealth , we shall fortifie the said Authority of the Councell , to reduce them to their duty , like as we shall fortifie the said Authority of the Councell in all things tending to the furtherance of the said Causes . And if any particular debate , quarrell , or controversie shall arise , for whatsoever cause that is past , present , or to come , betwixt any of us ( as God forbid ) in that case , we shall submit our selves , and our said questions , to the decision of the Councell , or to Arbitrators to be named by them , &c. Providing always , That this be not prejudiciall to the ordinary Jurisdiction of Judges , but that men may pursue their Actions by order of Law , Civilly or Criminally , as it pleaseth them . This Contract and Band came not onely to the ears , but also to the sight of the Queen Dowager : whereat she stormed not a little , and said , The malediction of God I give unto them that counselled me to persecute the Preachers , and to refuse the Petitions of the best part of the true subjects of this Realm . It was said to me , That the English Army could not continue in Scotland ten dayes ; but now they have lien neer a moneth , and are more like to remain , then they were at the first day that they came . They that gave information to the Queen , spake as worldly wise men , and as things appeared to have been ; for the Countrey being almost in all the parts thereof wasted , the Victuals next adjacent to Leith , either brought into their Provision , or else destroyed ; the Mills , and other places , as before is said , being cast down , it appeared that the Camp could not have been furnished ( except it had been by their own Ships ; and as that could not have been of any long continuance , so should it have been little comfortable . ) But God confounded all worldly wisedom , and made his own Benediction as evidently to appear , as if in a manner he had fed the Army from above : For all kinde of Victuall there was more aboundant , and at more easie prices in the Camp all the time that it lay , after that eight dayes were past , then either they have been in Edinburgh any of two yeers before , or it hath been in this Towne to this day , the 20 of May , Anno 1566. The people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of the French , that they would have given the substance that they had , to have been rid of that chargeable burthen , which our sinnes had provoked God to lay upon us , in delivering and giving into the hands of a woman , whom our Nobility in their foolishnesse sold unto strangers , and with her the Liberty of this Realme . God for his great mercy sake preserve us yet from further Bondage , in which we are like to fall , if he provide not remedy ; for our Nobility will yet remain blinde still , and will follow their affection , come after what so may . But to returne to our History . The Camp abounding in all necessary Provision , order was taken for continuation of the Siege ; and so the Trenches were drawn as neer the Town as possibly they might . The great Camp removed from Lestarrig , to the West side of the water of Leith ; and so were the Cannons planted for the Battery , and did shoot at the Southwest wall : But by reason all was earth , the Breach was not made so great upon the day , but that it was sufficiently repaired upon the night : whereof the English-men beginning to be weary , determined to give the Breach an Assault , as that they did upon the seventh day of May , beginning before the day light , and continued till it was nigh seven a clock . And albeit that the English and Scottish with great slaughter of the Souldiers of both were repulsed , yet was there never a sharper assault given by so few hands ; for they exceeded not a thousand men , that assaulted the whole two quarters of the Town , and yet they damned the whole Block-house , yea , they once put the French clean off their Walls , and were upon both the East and West Block-house , but they lacked backing , for their Scales lacked six quarters of the just height ; And so while the former were compelled to fight upon the top of the wall , their fellows could not joyn to support them , and so were they by multitude driven back again , when it was once thought that the Town was won . Sir Iames Crofts was blamed of many for not doing his duty that day , for he was appointed with a sufficient number of the most able men , to have assaulted the Northwest quarter upon the Sea side , where at a low water ( as at the time of the assault it was ) the passage was easie . But neither he nor his approached to their quarter appointed . He had before at the first coming in , spoken with the Queen Regent , at the fair Block-house of the Castle of Edinburgh : Whether she had enchanted him or not , we know not , but by suspition of that day in which he deceived the expectation of many , and so farre as man could judge , was the cause of that great repulse ; some ascribed the shortnesse of the Ladders to him ; but that omitted which might have proceeded of negligence , his absence from the pursuit of his Quarter , was the cause that such French as were appointed there to defend , seeing no pursuer came to the relief of their fellowes , and so they two joyning together , with great slaughter gave the repulse to our Company . The French-mens harlots , of whom the most part were Scotish whores , did no lesse cruelty then did the Souldiers : For besides that they charged their Pieces , and ministred unto them other weapons , some continually cast stones , some carried Chimneyes of burning fire , some brought Timber and other impediments of weight , which with great violence they threw over the wall upon our men , but especially when they began to turn back . Now albeit in all this we acknowledge , to be the secret work of God , who by such means would beat down as well the pride of England as of Scotland , yet neither ought the feeblenesse nor falshood of man be excused , neither yet the crueltie of the adversaries concealed . The Queen Regent sat all the time of the assault ( which was both terrible and long ) upon the fore-Wall of the Castle of Edinburgh , and when she perceived the overthrow of us , and that the Ensignes of the French were again displayed upon the Walls , she gave a gawfe of laughter , and said ; Now will I go to the Masse , and praise God for that which mine eyes have seen . And so was Frier Black ready for that purpose , whom she her selfe a little before had deprehended with his Harlot in the Chappell . But Whoredom and Idolatry agree well together , and that our Court can witnesse this day , the 16 of May 1566. The French proud of the Victory , stripped naked all the slain , and laid their dead carkases before the hot Sun along the wall , where they suffered them to lie more dayes then one : Unto the which , when the Queen Regent looked , for mirth , she leapt , and said ; Yonder is the fairest tapistrie that ever I saw , I would that the whole fields that is betwixt this place and you were strowed with the same stuffe . This fact was seen of all , and her words were heard of some , and it was misliked of many . Against the which Iohn K●ox spake openly in Pulpit , and boldly affirmed , That God should revenge that contumelie done to his Image , which not onely in the furious and godlesse Souldiers , but even in such as rejoyced thereat . And the very experience declared , That he was not deceived : For within few dayes after ( yea , some say , that same day ) began her belly and loathsome legs to swell , and so continued , till that God did in his wisdome take her away from this world , as after we shall heare . After the Defeat received , the Queen Regent and her faction were fully perswaded that the Siege would rise , and that the English Armie would depart . And so began the Papists wonderously to brag ; and yet God did frustrate their expectation : for the Armie concluded to remaine , till new advertisement came from the Queen and Counsell . The Duke of Norfolk , who then lay at Barwick , commanded the Lord Gray to continue the Siege ; and promised , That he should not lack men , so long as any were to be had betwixt Trent and Twead , for so far was he Lieutenant : he further promised his own presence , in case he should be required , and for assurance thereof , he sent his own Tents , such as seldome before had been seen in Scotland , with his Officers and provision . And with expedition were sent two thousand fresh men , whereby the Camp greatly comforted , began to forget the former discomfiture , and to sustain the daily skirmishing , as they did before : In the which , the French after the day of the assault did ever receive the hurt , and the repulse , as the slaughter of many that came to the Cole-rake did witnesse . The greatest damage that either English or Scotish received after that day , was the slaughter of two Gentlemen , the one master of houshold to my Lord Iames , Robert Colwin of Clesch , a man stout , modest , and wise , who was shot in the thigh with a Falcon , or Harquebute of Croke , and so departed the misery of this life within two houres after . The other was Alexander Lockart , brother to the Laird of Bar , who rashly discovering himselfe in the Trenches , was shot in the head , and immediately thereafter departed this life . While the Siege thus continued , a sudden fire chanced in Leith , which devoured many houses , and much Victuall , and so began God to fight for us , as the Lord Erskin in plaine words said to the Queen Regent ; Madame ( quoth he ) I can see no more , but seeing that men may not expell unjust possessours forth of this land , God himselfe would do it ; For your fire is not kindled by man. Which words offended the Queen Regent not a little ( whose sicknesse daily increasing ) great craft she used , That Monsieur Dosell might have been permitted to have spoken with her , belike she would have bidden him fare-well , ( for their old familiaritie was great ) but that denied , she Writ , as it had been to her Chyrurgeon and Apothecarie , shewing her sicknesse , and requiring some Drogs . The Letter being presented to the Lord Gray , he espied the craft , for few Lines being written above , and so much White-Paper left , he said , Drogs are abundant and fresher in Edinburgh , then they can be in Leith . There lurketh here some other mysterie , and so he began to try , and by holding the Paper to the fire , he perceiveth some writing appear , and so began he to read ; but what it was no other man can tell , for immediately he burnt the Bill , and said to the Messenger ; Albeit I have been her Secretary , yet tell her , I shall keep her councell ; But say to her , Such Wares will not sell till a new Market . The answer received , she was nothing content , and then travelled she earnestly , That she might speak with the Earles Argyle , Glencarne , Mershall , and with the Lord Iames. After deliberation it was thought expedient , that they should speak with her , but not all together , lest that some part of the Guisians practice had lurked under the colour of such friendship . Her regrate was unto them all , That she had behaved her selfe so foolishly , as that she had compelled them to seek the support of others , then of their own Soveraigne , and said , That she sore repented , that ever it came to that extremitie : but she was not the wight , but the wicked counsell of her friends on the one part , and the Earle of Huntley on the other : for if he had not been , she would have fully agreed with them at their Commoning at Preston : They gave unto her both the Councell and the Comfort which they could in that extremitie , and willed her to send for some godly learned man , of whom she might receive instruction , for these ignorant Papists that were about her , understood nothing of the Mysterie of our redemption . Upon their motion was Iohn Willock sent for , with whom she talked a reasonable space , and who did plainely shew unto her as well the vertue and strength of the death of Jesus Christ , as the vanity and abomination of that Idoll the Masse : She did openly confesse , That there was no salvation , but in and by the death of Iesus Christ ; but of the Masse we heard not her Confession . Some say she was anointed with extreame Unction , after the Papisticall manner , which was a signe of small knowledge of the Trueth ; and of lesse Repentance of her former Superstition : Yet howsoever it was , Christ Jesus gate no small Victorie over such an enemie . For albeit before she had Vowed , That in despight of all Scotland , the Preachers of Jesus Christ should either die , or be banished the Realme : yet was she compelled not onely to heare , That Christ Jesus was Preached , and all Idolatry openly rebuked , and in many places suppressed : but also she was constrained to heare one of the principall Ministers within the Realme , and to approve the chiefe head of our Religion , wherein we dissent from all Papists and Papistrie . Shortly thereafter she finished her life , unhappy to Scotland , from the first day she entred into it , unto the day that she departed this life , which was the ninth day of June , in yeere of God 1560. The Guisian Councells , as they were wicked and cruell to the people , so they proved mischievous to themselves , and to them that followed them , to this day . Upon the sixteenth day of June , after the death of the Queen Regent , came to Scotland Monsieur Randam , and with him the Bishop of Valance in Commission from France , to negotiate a Peace : From England there came Sir William Cecill , chiefe Secretary , and Doctor Whitton . Their negotiation was longsome ; for both England and we fearing deceit , sought by all meanes that the contract should be sure . And they on the other part , meaning to gratifie such as had sent them ( who meant nothing but meere falshood ) protracted time to the uttermost : yea , while that those of Leith were very scarce of victuals , and those of the Inch had perished , had not been that by policie they gat a ship with Victuals , and some Munition , which was upon Midsommer Even , whereof they made no small triumph , which also for a season stayed the appointment , yet in the end Peace was concluded , in forme as followeth . The Articles Translated and agreed by John , Bishop of Valance , and Monsieur Randam , Deputies to the King and Queen of Scotland , upon the matters presented to them , by way of Petition , for the part of Nobilitie and people of Scotland . IN the first , Upon the Complaint and Petition of the said Nobility , and the people of this Countrey , and the number of men of War sustained by their Majesties in these parts in the time of Peace . It is humbly remonstrated to the said Deputies , that they would provide convenient remedie thereunto , for the comfort and reliefe of the Countrey . The said Deputies considering the said desires to be just , and conformable to reason , condescended , agreed , and assured , That the King and Queen should procure no French Men of Warre , nor no other nation to come to these parts in time comming . But if strangers would pretend to enter into this Realme with a Navie or Armie , to occupie the same : In the which cause provision shall be made by their Majesties , the judgement and counsell of the States of the Realme being had thereto , and that the French Men of Warre being now in the Town of Leith , shall be sent to France the same time , that the Navie and Armie of English-men and Scottish-men be scattered and departed both by sea and land , the which shall be done in the best manner may be , as at more large consideration shall be had thereupon , and as to the bands of Scottish men of warre , being at the said place , they shall be broken , and the men of war licensed to depart . Moreover , as to the Forts of Dumbar , and Incheketh ▪ that there shall remain in them an 120. Frenchmen of war onely , which shall be parted and distributed in these two places , and there shall remain no more in Dumbar , but threescore men of warre , so it be affirmed by the Captains chosen to that effect by both the parties , that for the keeping of the same , a greater number is not need full : also to depart when the States of the Realm can finde any good and sure remedie upon the expences made in the said places , to keep the same from perill of invasion or ruine thereof from them that would pretend to occupie the same , they shall immediatly shew the same unto their Majesties as hastily as may be done : and in the mean time the number of the said men of war shall not be augmented . And in like manner , it shall not be lawfull to the said men of warre , to do any injuries to any persons , nor yet to maintain and defend any Scottish men , of what qualitie soever they be of , against the will and authoritie of the Magistrates of the Realm , nor to receive them in the said places that the Minister of Justice may not put hands on them , nor yet shall intromit in any manner of way , with the quarrels and discords of the Lords , and other particular men of this Realm : But they themselves shall be bound in cases of any quarrell , to be punished after the Laws and constitutions of this Realm , and to answer for themselves before the Judges Ordinaries of the same . Last of all , that from henceforth they be not compelled to take on credite , they shall be every moneth satisfied of their wages , so that two Scottish Lords chosen by the Councell , may present it , at the Wapon shawing and musters of the said men of warre , and also to visit the said Forts , to see if the number of them be liked , and it shall not be lawfull to the said men of war to take any victuals for their sustentation , or for munition of the said places , but by paiment of readie money numerate , and with the pleasures of them that delivereth the same unto them : And therefore the said Lords obliges themselves to give them so much as is needfull unto them , they having to pay therefore . Item , upon the petition pre●ented unto the said Lords Deputies , anenst the demolition of the fortifications , the said Deputies consent , agree and assureth , that the fortification of Leith shall be demolished , and that two , three , or four Captains shall be chosen by both the parties to view the Castle of Dumbar , and if it be found by them , that the reparation , amplification ▪ and fortifying made thereof now after the peace ▪ greater number of men to the keeping thereof be required , the reparation and fortification thereof shall be abolished , so soon as may be done , and shall remaine onely untouched that thing while we may make the said Castell more sure , and in lesse danger from invasion . Providing not the lesse that no greater number of men therein be required for keeping of the same . Moreover , in times comming the King and Queene shall make no mo● new Forts within this Realm ▪ and shall not augment them , that are else made , nor shall repair them that are demolished without counsell and consent of the Estates ; nor yet shall transport to these parts , any Artillery , Munition of Warre , Powder , or Victuals , but so much as may serve for keeping of the said places by the space of six moneths , or a yeer . Item , Anenst the Demand made about the debts contracted by the French men of War in this Countrey , The saids Deputies consenteth , That the King and Queen shall cause to be restored all that which happeneth to be found given and granted to the Kings Lieutenant , and his Captains , and other Officers , for the nourishment , sustentation , and maintenance of the said French-men ; or that which is found owing by the Lieutenants for service of their Majesties , that may appear by writ , or confession of parties . Item , Upon the Petition made anenst the Convention of States of this Realm , the said Deputies Consented and Accorded , &c. That the States of the Realme may convene and hold a Parliament the twentieth day of the moneth of Iuly next to come ; upon the which day the Parliament shall be continued , as the use is , unto the first day of the moneth of August following . Providing alwayes , That before they begin to handle any thing in the said Parliament , all tumult of War be discharged , and cease , that they who are present may be free without fear of men of War , or others ; and that in this mean time a Messenger be sent by the said Deputies to the King and Queen , to certifie them of the things agreed , treated and accorded , requesting their Majesties humbly to be contented with the same . And the said Convention shall be as lawfull in all respects , as the same had been ordained and done by expresse Commandment of their Majesties . Providing that no matter be treated therein before the said first day of August . Item , Upon the Article presented concerning War and Peace , the said Deputies Consented , Accorded , &c. That the King and Queen neither make Peace nor War on their parts , but by the Counsell , Judgement , and consent of the States , according to the Ordinance of the Countrey , and as was observed by their Predecessors . Item , Upon the Petition presented to the said Deputies concerning the Government and Regiment of the Policy , they have Consented , &c. That four and twenty worthy men of this Realme be chosen by the States , of the which the King and the Queen shall chuse seven , and the States five ; which in their Majesties absence shall take order , and make one ordinary Councell for the administration aforesaid , so that no man of whatsoever quality he be , shall have the power to order any thing to be done touching the said businesse , without the mediation , authority , and consent of them ; and the said Councellors shall convene together as oft as they can conveniently , but shall convene no lesse nor fix together . And when any matter of importance occurreth , they shall all be called to consult , and order to be taken by them , or the most part of them , if need be : And if it happen any of the said seven chosen by the King and Queen to decease , their Majesties shall chuse another forth of the said number of four and twenty in the place of him that deceased . And if any of the said five chosen by the States dieth , the remnant forechosen by them shall name another of the number of 24. Moreover , if it be thought expedient to the said States that other two be augmented to the said number of 12. then and in that cause , the King and Queen shall chuse one , and the States another ; and so was this Article agreed under condition , that is to say , That the same be no prejudice in times coming to the King and Queen , and Rights of the Crown . And the said Deputies offered their labours to make mediation to the King and Queen , for maintaining Pensions and Expenses of the said Councellors , and ordinary Officers of the said Councell , to be provided of the Rents and Revenues of the Crown . Item , Upon the Petition made to the said Depu●ies anenst the Officers of this Realm , they consented and accorded , &c. That in time to come the King and Queen shall not depute any stranger in the administration of the Civill and Common Justice , and likewise in the Office of Chancery , Keeper of the Seale , the Treasurer , Controller , and every like Offices , and shall not use them , but shall be content with their owne subjects borne in the Realm . Moreover , It shall not be lawfull to put the Office of Treasury , Controller , into the hands of any Church-man , or other which are not able to exercise the said Offices ; the which Treasurer and Controller shall be provided of sufficient Commission to use the said Offices : But it shall be lawfull to them to dispose or sell Wards of Marriages , or other casualties , or any other things whatsoever they be , pertaining to their Offices , without advice and consent of the said Councell , to the effect that the Councell may know that all things be done to the profit of the King and Queen : And yet they will not binde or astraint the King or Queen to this Article , that they may not give when they think expedient . Item , They accorded , That in the first Convention and Parliament of the States of this Realme , there shall be Constituted , Ordained , and Established , an Act of Oblivion , which afterwards shall be confirmed by the Kings and Queens Majesties , by the which the remembrance of bearing Armour , and other things which have been done shall be buried and forgotten , from the sixth day of the moneth of March , in the yeer of our Lord God 1558 yeers : And by the same Act , they which have contravened the Laws of the Realme , shall be excused , and free of all pains contained therein , even so as if it had never been contravened . Providing , That the Priviledge of the said Act be not extended to them which the States of the Realme shall judge unworthy thereof . Item , It is agreed and concluded , That in the said Convention or Parliament , the States of the Realme , as the Custome is , and ordinarily is required , shall be called ; in the which all they that have used to convene and to be present , may come without all fear or force done , or to be done to them by any person ; so that the said States shall oblige them . That where in time coming any Sedition , or gathering of men of War shall happen to be without command of the Councell , being of the number of twelve , the Realme and Countrey shall repute the causers thereof , and they that convene , as Rebells , and shall pursue them as such like , that they may be punished by the Laws of the Realm , so that the K. and Q. shall not be compelled in time coming to send any men of War strangers in these parts , for obtaining due obedience of their subjects . Item , They Offered , Accorded , and Agreed , That there shall be a generall peace and reconciliation amongst all Lords and subjects of this Realm , so that they that are called of the Congregation , and they which are not of the same , shall lay no reproach to others for the things which are done from the said sixth day of March , 1558. Item , They Offered , Accorded , and Affirmed , That the King and Queen shall not pursue , revenge , nor make any persecution for the things that have been done , nor yet shall they suffer the same to be done by their subjects French-men , but shall have all things in Oblivion , as if the same had never been done . And such like the Lords of this Realm of Scotland shall do in all businesse betwixt them and the French-men on their . And if by sinister information , or any other occasion , their Majesties have conceived evill opinion against their subjects , they shall utterly forget and change the same : Nor shall they deprive any of them , nor take from them any of them , their Subjects , the Offices , Benefices , or Estates , which they have brooked and enjoyed in the said Realm before , by reason of any things they have medled with , from the said sixth day of March , 1558. And further , shall make no occasion of deprivation , nor deposing of them by any other colour , without just cause , but rather they shall esteem and use them in time coming , as good and obedient subjects . Providing , That the said Lords , and other subjects on their part , make to their Majesties all obedience such like , as other faithfull and naturall subjects owe to their Soveraigns . Item , It is Accorded and Agreed , That it shall be lawfull to none of the Lords and Nobility of Scotland , or any other , to make Convocation of men of War , but in the ordinary cause approved by the Laws and Custome of the Realme ; And none of them shall cause any men of War strangers to come to their parts ; and much lesse shall attempt to do any thing against the King and Queen , or against the Authority of the Councell , and other Magistrates of the Realme ; and they which have presented the Petition shall be bound thereunto . And in case any of them , or others , finde occasion to invade or take Armour against any man as he pretendeth , after that he hath communicated the matter with the Councell of the Realme , he shall present his Complaint to their Majesties , and generally they shall oblige them under the said pains , to do the things which pertaineth to good and faithfull Subjects , for the quietnesse and tranquility of the Realme , and Rights of their Soveraigne . Item , It is Agreed , That if any Bishops , Abbots , or other Church-men , shall finde or alleadge them to have received any injuries , either in their persons or goods , the Complaints shall be seen and considered by the States of the said Convention and Parliament , and there shall be made redresse , as they shall finde according to reason ; and in the meane time no man shall stop them , but they shall brook and enjoy their goods , nor shall do any hurt , injury or violence to them : And if any doth contravene to this Article , he shall be pursued by the Lords as a perturber of a good Common-wealc . Item , It is Accorded , &c. That the said Lords shall binde them to observe , and cause to be observed , all and sundry Points and Articles agreed in this Treaty ; And if it happen that any of them , or any other should gainsay the same , the remnant Lords , and residue of the whole people , shall be enemies to him , and shall pursue him till he be chastned , and punished according to his demerits . Item , It is Concluded , &c. That all the whole Realm may know that the King and Queen are not willing to keep any remembrance of the troubles and differences past , and so far as concerns the Nobility , and other subjects of this Realme ; That their Majesties desire is to use them humanely , and to be favourable unto them , the said Deputies have promised and accorded , That the Duke of Chattellarault , and all other Noble-men of Scotland , shall be restaured and setled again in all their goods and benefices , which they had enjoyed in France ; That they may brook and enjoy the same , in the same manner as they did before those debates , the said sixth day of March , and yeere aforesaid , even as the said controversies had never chanced . And also that all Capitulations and Articles agreed upon in times past , and especially those that were appointed in the King and Queens Contract shall be observed and kept , as well for the part of their Majesties , as for the part of the Nobility and people of Scotland . And as concerning David , son to the Duke of Chattellarault , now being in Bois de Vincennes , liberty shall be granted unto him to returne into Scotland , and to do as he pleaseth . Moreover , when the said Deputies exposed that some time it might chance , That the King might have need and use of his great Guns and Artillery in France , the said Lords having consideration thereof , accorded , That no other Artillery be translated out of this Realme , but those which were sent and brought in , from the said day of the decease of Francis King of France , of good memory , to these parts : And that all other Artillery aud Munition be reposed into the places whence they were taken forth , and in speciall they that have the Arms of Scotland , shall be put into the places whence they were taken forth of . And there shall be Noble-men of Scotland appointed therefore , and two for the part of the Kings Majesty , are to be deputed to agnosce and view the same afore the Shipping thereof . And moreover , That whereas in the names of the Nobility and people of Scotland certain Articles concerning Religion and other Points have been presented , which the said Deputies will not touch ; and considering the weight and importance of them , has remitted the same to be cognosced and decided by their Majesties ; The said Lords and Nobility do promise , That a certain number of Noble-men should be chosen in the next Convention and Parliament to be sent to their Majesties , which shall expose to their Highnesses those things that shall be thought needfull for the state of their busines , and for the forementioned and other Articles and Points undecided by the Deputies , to the effect they may know their Majesties intention & good wil concerning those things which shal be exposed from the Country : the which also shall have with them a confirmation & ratification by the states of the Realm , of those articles which are concorded , &c. by the Deputies ; to whom also the same time or before shal be given and delivered , and like Confirmation and Ratification made by their Majesties , so being that the said States send their Ratification aforesaid . The Proclamation of the things above-written , made the 8 of Iuly , in the yeere of God 1560. TO the glory of the Almighty Lord God , and to the comfort of all Christians , the most puissant Prince and Princesse , and most Christian King and Queen Francis and Mary , by the grace of God , King and Queen of France and Scotland : and by the most puissant Princesse Elizabeth , by the same Grace , Queen of England , France , and Ireland , &c. It is accorded , and Reconciliation of Peace and Amitie made , which is to be observed inviolably , amongst them , their Subjects , Realms and Countries . For as much as in name of the said Prince and Princesse it is commanded , and straitly charged to all manner of persons under their obedience , or being in their service , from henceforth to desist from all hostility both by Sea and Land , and to keep a good Peace the one with the other , and with charge , that none shall break the same under perill of , &c. These things transacted , and the Peace Proclaimed , as is said , sudden provision was made for transporting of the French to France , of whom the most part were put in the English Ships , who also carried with them the whole spoile of Leith : and that was the second benefit which they received of their late promised liberty , the end whereof is not yet . The English Army departed by land the 16 day of July , in the yeere of God 1560. The most part of our Nobility Protestants , honourably conveyed them ( as in very deed they had well deserved ) But Lord Iames would not leave the Lord Gray with the other Noble-men of England , till that they entred into Barwick . After whose returning , the Councell began to look as well upon the affaires of the Common-wealth , as upon the matters that might concern the stability of Religion . As before we have heard the Parliament was concluded to begin the tenth of July , and to be continued till the first of August next , and therefore the Lords made the greater haste and diligence , that all things should be put in convenient order . But before all things the Preachers exhorted them ( for then in Edinburgh were the most part of the chief Ministers of the Realme ) to be thankfull unto God , and next to provide that the Ministers should be distributed , as the necessity of the Countrey required . A day was appointed , when that the whole Nobility , and the greatest part of the Congregation assembled in S. Giles Church in Edinburgh , where after the Sermon made for that purpose , publike thanks were given unto God for his mercifull deliverance , in forme as followeth . Thankesgiving for our deliverance with Prayers . O Eternall and everlasting God , Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , who hath not onely commanded us to Pray , and promised to hear us ; but also willest us to magnifie thy mercies , and to glorifie thy Name , when thou shewest thy selfe pitifull , and favourable unto us , especially when thou deliverest us from desperate dangers : for so did thy servants , Abraham , David , Iehosaphat , and Ezechias , yea , the whole people of Israel omitted not the same , when thou by thy mighty hand didst confound their enemies , and didst deliver them from feare and danger of death intended . We ought not , nor can we forget , O Lord , in how miserable estate stood this poore Countrey , and we the just inhabitants of the same , not many dayes past ; When Idolatry was maintained ; When cruell strangers did bear rule ; When Virgins were defloured , Matrones corrupted , Mens Wives violently and villanously oppressed , The blood of innocents shed without mercy . And finally , when the unjust commandments of proud tyrants were obeyed as Law. Out of these miseries ( O Lord ) could neither our wit , policie nor strength deliver us , yea , thou didst shew to us how vain was the help of man , where thy blessing giveth not victory . In these our anguishes , O Lord , we sobbed unto thee , we cried for thy help , and we reclaimed thy Name , as thy troubled flock persecuted for thy Trueths sake . Mercifully hast thou heard us ( O Lord ) mercifully , we say , because that neither in us , neither yet in our confederates was there any cause why that thou shouldst have given unto us so joyfull and sudden a deliverance . For neither of us both ceased to do wickedly , even in the midst of our greatest troubles , and yet hast thou looked upon us so pitifully , as that we had given unto thee most perfect obedience . For thou hast disappointed the counsels of the craftie ; Thou hast bridled the rage of the cruell ; and thou hast of thy mercy set this our perishing Realm , at a reasonable liberty . Oh give us hearts ( thou Lord , that onely givest all good gifts ) with reverence and fear to meditate thy wondrous works late wrought in our eyes . Let not the remembrance of the same unthankfully to slip from our wavering mindes . We grant and acknowledge , O Lord , That whatsoever we have received , shall fall into oblivion with us , and so turn to our condemnation ; unlesse thou by the power of thy Spirit keep and retain us in recent and perpetuall memory of the same . We beseech thee therefore , O father of mercies , that as of thy undeserved grace , thou hast partly removed our darknesse ; suppressed Idolatry ; and taken from above our heads the devouring sword of mercilesse strangers , that so it would please thee to proceed with us in this thy grace begun . And albeit that in us there is nothing that may move thy Majestie , to shew us this favour ; yet for Christ Jesus , thy onely welbeloved Sons sake , whose Name we bear , and whose Doctrine we professe ; we beseech thee never to suffer us to forsake or deny this Verity which now we professe . But seeing that thou hast mercifully heard us , and hast caused thy Veritie to triumph in us ; so we crave of thee continuance to the end , that thy godly Name may be glorified in us thy creatures . And seeing that nothing is more odious in thy presence ( O Lord ) then is ingratitude and violation of an Oath and Covenant made in thy Name . And seeing thou hast made our Confederates of England the Instrument by whom we are now set at this libertie , and to whom in thy Name we have promised mutuall faith againe . Let us never fall to that unkindnesse ( O Lord ) that either we declare our selves unthankfull unto them , or prophaners of thy holy Name . Confound thou the Counsell of those , that goe about to break that most godly League contracted in thy Name , and retaine thou us so firmly together by the power of thy holy Spirit , that Sathan have never power to set us again at variance nor discord . Give us thy grace to live in that Christian charitie , which thy Sonne our Lord Jesus hath so earnestly commended to all the members of his body , that other Nations provoked by our example , may set aside all ungodly warre , contention and strife , and studie to live in tranquilitie and peace , as it becometh the Sheepe of thy Pasture , and the people that daily look for our finall deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Jesus . To whom with thee and the Holy Spirit be all honour , glory and praise now and ever . Amen . Hereafter were the Commissioners of Boroughs , with some of the Nobility and Barons , appointed to see the equall distribution of Ministers to change and transport , as the most part should think expedient . And so was Iohn Knox appointed to Edinburgh , Christopher Goodman ( who the most part of the troubles had remained in Ayre ) was appointed to Saint Andrews , Adam Heriot to Aberdeene , Master Iohn Row to Saint Iohnston , Paul Meaffen ( to whom was no infamie then knowne ) to Iedburgh , William Christison to Dundie , David Fargeson to Dunfermelin , and Master David Lindsay to Leith . There were nominated for Superintendents , and Overseers , that all things in the Church should be carried with Order , and well , Master Iohn Spottiswood for Lowthian , Master Iohn Wyram for Fyfe , Master Iohn Willock for Glasgow , the Laird of Dun for Angus and Mearnes , Master Iohn Carswell for Argyle and the Isles . These to be elected at the dayes appointed ; unlesse that the Countreys whereto they were to be appointed , could in the mean time finde out men more able and sufficient , or else shew such causes as might disable them from that imployment . The Parliament approaching , due advertisement was made by the Councell , to all such as by Law and ancient Custome had , or might claime to have Title therein . The assembly was great , notwithstanding some , as well of those that be called Spirituall as Temporall Lords , contemptuously did absent themselves . And yet the chief Pillars of the Papisticall Church gave their presence , such as the Bishops of Saint Andrews , Dumblane , and Dunkell , with others of the inferiour sort , beside those that had renounced Papisterie , and openly professed Jesus Christ with us , such as the Bishop of Galloway , the Abbots of Lindrosse , Culrosse , Saint Colmes Inch , New-battell , Halyrud-house , the Priour of Saint Andrews , Coldinghame , Saint-Mary I le , the Sub-priour of S. Andrews , and divers others , whom we observed not . At the same time of Parliament Iohn Knox publikely Preached upon some Texts of the Prophet Haggai , the Doctrine was proper for the time . In application whereof he was so speciall and so vehement , that some ( having greater respect to the world then to Gods glory ) feeling themselves pricked , said in mockage , We may now forget our selves , and beare the Barrow to build the house of God. God be mercifull to the speaker , for we fear yet he shall have experience , That the building of his own house ( the house of God being despised ) shall not be so prosperous , and of such firmitie as we desire it were . And albeit some mocked , yet others were godly moved , who did assemble themselves together , to consult what things were to be proposed to that present Parliament : And after deliberation , was this subsequent supplication offered . The Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , and other true Subjects of this Realm , professing the Lord Iesus within the same . To the Nobilitie and States of Parliament presently assembled within the said Realm , desire Grace , Mercy and Peace , from God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , with the increase of his holy Spirit . PLease your Honours to call to remembrance , how divers and sundry times , we ( with some of your selves ) most humbly Petitioned , at the feet of the late Queen Regent , for freedom and liberty of Conscience , with a godly Reformation of abuses , which by the malice of Satan and negligence of men , are crept into the Religion of God , and are maintained by such as take upon them the name of Clergie . And albeit that our godly and most reasonable suit was then disdainfully rejected , whereof no small troubles have ensued , as your Honours well know , yet seeing that the same necessity yet remaineth , that then moved us ; And moreover , that God of his mercy hath now put into your hands , to take such order ; As God thereby may be glorified ; This Common-wealth quieted ; And the Policy thereof established : We cannot cease to crave of your Honours the redresse of such enormities , as manifestly are ( and of long time have been ) committed by the place-holders of the Ministerie , and others of the Clergie within this Realm . And first , seeing that God of his great mercy hath by the light of his Word manifested to no small number of this Realme , That the Doctrine of the Romane Church , received by the said Clergie , and maintained through their tyrannie by fire and sword , contained in it selfe many pestiferous errours , which cannot but bring damnation to the souls of such as therewith shall be infected ; such as are the Doctrine of Transubstantiation ; of the Adoration of Christs Body , under the form of Bread , as they terme it ; of the Merits of Works , and Justification that they alleadge commeth thereby ; together with the Doctrine of the Papisticall Indulgences , Purgatory , Pilgrimage , and Praying to Saints departed , which all either repugne to the plain Scriptures , or else have no ground in the Doctrine of our Master Jesus Christ , his Prophets and Apostles . 1. We humbly therefore crave of your Honours , That such doctrine and Idolatry as by Gods Word are both condemned , so may they be abolished by Act of this present Parliament , and punishment appointed for the transgressors . Secondarily , seeing that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ are most shamefully abused and profaned by that Romane Harlot and her sworne vassals ; and also because that the true Discipline of the ancient Church is utterly now amongst that Sect extinguished : For who within the Realme are more corrupt in life and manners then are they that are called the Clergie , living in whoredom , adultery , deflouring Virgins , corrupting Matrons , and doing all abomination , without fear of punishment . We humbly therefore desire your Honors to finde remedy against the one and the other . 3. Thirdly , Because that man of sin falsly claimeth to himselfe the titles of , The Vicar of Christ , The Successor of Peter , The Head of the Church , That he cannot erre , That all power is granted unto him , &c. By the which usurped Authority , he taketh upon him the distribution and possession of the whole Patrimony of the Church , whereby the true Ministry of the Word of God long time hath been altogether neglected , the godly learning despised , the Schools not provided , and the poor not only frauded of their portion , but also most tyrannously oppressed : we likewise hereof desire remedy . And lest that your Honors should doubt in any of these premises , we offer our selves evidently to prove , That in all the rabble of the Clergie there is not one lawfull Minister , if Gods Word , the practices of the Apostles , the sincerity of the Primitive Church , and their own ancient Laws , shall judge of lawfull Election . We further offer to prove them all thieves and murtherers , yea , rebels and traytors to the lawfull Authority of Emperors , Kings and Princes , and therfore unworthy to be suffred in any reformed Common-wealth . How maliciously they murthered our brethren , for no other cause , but for that they offred to us the light of Gods Word , your Honours cannot be ignorant ; and into what hazard their tyranny hath brought this whole Realm , the Ages after will consider . If ye look for other fruit in times to come , then ye have seen in them whom we accuse , we are assured ye shall be deceived . Now hath God , beyond all expectation of man , made you , who somtimes were suppliants with us for Reformation , Judges , as it were , in the Cause of God : At least , he hath so subdued your enemies unto you , that by violence they are not able to suppresse the Verity , as heretofore they have done . We therefore , in the bowels of Jesus Christ , crave of your Honors , That either they may be compelled to answer to our former accusations , and unto such others as justly we have to lay to their charges ; or else that all affection laid aside , ye pronounce them such by censure of this Parliament , and cause them to be so reputed , as by us most justly they are accused : Especially , that they may be discerned unworthy of honour , authority , charge or cure in the Church of God , and so from henceforth never to enjoy voice in Parliament : Which if ye do not , then in the fear of God , and by assurance of his Word we forewarn you , That as ye leave a grievous yoke , & a burden intolerable upon the Church of God in this realm , so shall they be thorns in your eyes , and pricks in your sides , whom after , when ye would , ye shall have no power to remove . God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give you upright hearts , seeking his glory , and true understanding , what this day he who hath delivered you from Bondage both Spirituall and Temporall , craveth of you by his servants , and your Honours answer most humbly require . This our Supplication being read in audience of the whole Assembly , divers men were of divers judgements ; for as some there were that uprightly favoured the Cause of God ; so were there many that for worldly respects abhorred a perfect Reformation ( for how many within Scotland who have the name of Nobility , and are unjust possessors of the Patrimony of the Church ) and yet were the Barons and Ministers called , and commandment given unto them , to draw into plain and severall Heads the sum of that Doctrine which they would maintain , and would desire the present Parliament to establish , as wholesome , true , and onely necessary to be beleeved , and to be received within the Realm : Which they willingly accepted ; and within four dayes presented this Confession as it followeth , without alteration of any one sentence . The Confession of Faith professed and believed by the Protestants within the Realme of Scotland , published by them in Parliament , and by the Estates thereof Ratified and Approved , as wholesome and sound Doctrine , grounded upon the infallible Truth of God. MATTH . 24. And this glad Tydings of the Kingdom shall be preached thorowout the whole world for a Witnesse unto all Nations , and then shall the end come . The Preface . The States of Scotland , with the Inhabitants of the same professing Christ Jesus his holy Gospel , To their naturall Countrey-men , and unto all other Realmes and Nations professing the same Lord Jesus with them , Wish Grace , Mercy , and Peace , from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , with the Spirit of righteous Judgement , for Salvation . LOng have we thirsted ( dear Brethren ) to have notified unto the world the sum of that Doctrine which we professe , and for the which we have sustained infamy and danger . But such hath been the rage of Sathan against us , and against Christ Iesus his Eternall Verity lately now again borne amongst us , that to this day no time hath been granted unto us , to clear our consciences , as most gladly we would have done : For how we have been tossed a whole yeer past , the most part of Europe ( as we do suppose ) doth understand . But seeing that of the infinite goodnesse of our God ( who never suffereth his afflicted utterly to be confounded ) above expectation , have we obtained some rest and liberty , we could not but set forth this briefe and plain Confession of such Doctrine as is proposed unto us , and as we believe and professe ; partly for satisfaction of our Brethren , whose hearts , we doubt not , have been , and yet are , wounded by the despightfull rayling of such as yet have not learned to speak well : And partly for stopping the mouths of impudent blasphemers , who boldly condemne that which they neither heard nor understood : Not that we judge that the cankred malice of such is able to be cured by this simple Confession ; No , we know that the sweet savour of the Gospel is and shall be death unto the sons of perdition . But we have chief respect to our weak and infirme Brethren , to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts , lest that they be troubled or carried away by diversity of rumours which Sathan spreadeth against us , to the defeating of this our most godly enterprise ; Protesting , That if any man will note in this our Confession any Articles or sentence repugning to Gods holy Word , that it would please him of his gentlenesse , and for Christian charities sake , admonish us of the same in writing ; and we upon our Honours and fidelity do promise unto him satisfaction from the mouth of God ( that is , from his holy Scriptures ) or else Reformation of that which he shall prove to be amisse . For God we take to Record in our consciences , That from our hearts we abhorre all Sects of Heresie , and all teachers of erroneous doctrine ; And that with all humility we embrace the purity of Christs Gospel , which is the onely food of our soules ; and therefore so precious unto us , that we are determined to suffer the extremest of worldly danger , rather then that we will suffer our selves to be defrauded of the same . For hereof we are most certainly perswaded , That whosoever denieth Christ Iesus , or is ashamed of him in presence of men , shall be denied before the Father , and before his holy Angels . And therefore by the assistance of the mighty Spirit of the same our Lord Iesus , we firmly purpose to abide to the end in the confession of this our Faith. The first Article . Of GOD. VVE confesse and acknowledge one onely God , to whom onely we must cleave , whom onely we must Worship , and in whom onely we must put our trust ; who is Eternall , Infinite , Unmeasurable , Incomprehensi●le , Omnipotent , Invisible , one in Substance , and yet distinct into three Persons , The Father , The Son , And the holy Ghost ; by whom we confesse and believe all things in heaven and earth , as well Visible as Invisible , to have been Created , to be Retained in their being , and to be Ruled and Guided by his inscrutable Providence , to such end as his eternall Wisedom , Goodnesse and Justice hath appointed them , to the manifestation of his own Glory . II. Of the Creation of Man. VVE confesse and acknowledge this our God to have Created man ( to wit , our first Father Adam ) of whom also God formed the Woman , to his own Image and Similitude ; To whom he gave Wisedom , Lordship , Justice , free-Will , and clear Knowledge of himself ; so that in the whole Nature of man there could be no imperfection : From which Honour and Perfection Man and Woman did both fall ; the Woman , being deceived by the Serpent ; and Man , obeying to the voice of the Woman , both conspiring against the Soveraigne Majesty of God , who in expresse words had before threatned death , if they presumed to eat of the forbidden Tree . III. Of Originall Sin. BY which transgression , commonly called Originall Sin , was the Image of God utterly defaced in Man , and he and his Posterity of Nature became enemies to God , slaves to Sathan , servants to Sin , insomuch that Death everlasting hath had , and shall have power and dominion over all that hath not been , are not , or shall not be regenerate from above ; which Regeneration is wrought by the power of the holy Ghost , working in the hearts of the Elect of God an assured Faith in the Promises of God revealed to us in his Word ; by which Faith they apprehend Christ Jesus , with the Graces and Benefits promised in him . IIII. Of the Revelation of the Promises . FOr this we constantly believe , That God , after the fearfull and horrible defection of man from his obedience , did seek Adam again , call upon him , rebuke his sin , convince him of the same , and in the end made unto him a joyfull Promise , to wit , That the Seed of the Woman should breake downe the Serpents head ; that is , He should destroy the works of the devill : which Promise , as it was repeated and made more cleer from time to time , so was it embraced with joy , and most constantly retained of all the faithfull , from Adam to Noah , from Noah to Abraham , and from Abraham to David , and so forth to the Incarnation of Jesus Christ ; who all ( we mean the faithfull Fathers ) under the Law , did see the joyfull dayes of Christ Jesus , and did rejoyce . V. The Continuance , Encrease , and Preservation of his Church . VVE most constantly believe , That God Preserveth , Instructeth , Multiplieth , Honoureth , Decoreth , and from death called to Life his Church in all Ages , from Adam , till the coming of CHRIST JESUS in the Flesh : For Abraham he called from his fathers Countrey , him he instructed , his Seed he multiplied , the same he marvellously preserved , and more marvellously delivered from the Bondage of Pharaoh ; to whom he gave his Lawes , Constitutions and Ceremonies . Them he possessed in the Land of Canaan , to them after Judges , and after Saul , he gave David to be King ; to whom he made promise , That of the fruit of his Loynes should one sit forever upon his Regall Seat. To this same people from time to time he sent Prophets to reduce them to the right way of their God , from the which oftentimes they declined by Idolatry . And albeit for their stubborne contempt of Justice , he was compelled to give them into the hands of their enemies , as before he threatned by the mouth of Moses : Insomuch that the holy City was destroyed , the Temple burnt with fire , and the whole land left desolate the space of seventy yeeres ; yet of mercy did he reduce them again to Ierusalem , where the Citie and Temple were reedified , and they against all temptations and assaults of Satan , did abide till the Messias came , according to the promise . VI. Of the Incarnation of Christ Iesus . VVHen the fulnesse of time came , God sent his Sonne , his eternall Wisdome , the substance of his own Glory into this World , who took the nature of manhood , of the substance of a woman ; to wit , of a Virgine , and that by the operation of the holy-Ghost , and so was born , The just seed of David , The Angel of the great councell of God , The very Messias promised , whom we acknowledge , and confesse , Emanuel , very God and very man , two perfect natures united and ioyned in one person . By which our Confession , we condemne the damnable and pestilent Heresies of Arrius , Martion , Eutiches , Nestorius , and such others , as either denie the Eternitie of his God-head , or the Veritie of his humane nature , or confound them , or yet divide them . VII . Why it behoveth the Mediatour to be very God and very man. VVE acknowledge and confesse , That this most wondrous conjunction betwixt the God-head and Man-hood of Christ Jesus , did proceed from the eternall and immutable Decree of God , whence also our salvation springeth and dependeth . VIII . Of Election . FOr that same eternall God , who of meere grace elected us in Christ Jesus his Sonne , before the foundation of the world was laid , appointed him to be our Head , our Brother , our Pastour , and great Bishop of our soules : But because that the enmitie betwixt the justice of God and our sinnes , was such , That no flesh by it self , could , or might have attained unto God ; It behoved that the Son of God should descend unto us , and take himself a body of our body , flesh of our flesh , and bones of our bones , and so become the perfect Mediatour betwixt God and man ; giving power to so many as beleeve in him , to be the sons of God , as he himself doth witnesse . I passe up to my Father and your Father , to my God and unto God : By which most holy fraternity , whatsoever we have lost in Adam , is restored to us again . And for this cause are we nothing afraid to call God our Father , not so much in that he hath created us ( which we have common with the reprobate ) as for that , that he hath given to us his onely Sonne to be our Brother , and given unto us grace to imbrace him for our onely Mediatour , as before is said . It behoved further the Messias and Redeemer to be very God and very Man , because he was to suffer the punishment due for our transgressions , and to present himself in the presence of his fathers judgement , as in our person to suffer for our transgression and disobedience , by death to overcome him that was Authour of death . But because the onely God-head could not suffer death , neither could onely the Man-hood overcome the same , he joyned both together in one person , that the imbecilitie of the one should suffer and be subject to death ( which we had deserved ) and the Infinite and Invincible power of the other ; to wit , of the God-head should triumph , and purchase unto us life , libertie , and perpetuall Victory : and so we confesse , and most undoubtedly beleeve . IX . Christs Death , Passion , Buriall , &c. THat our Lord Jesus offered himself a voluntary Sacrifice unto his Father for us ; That he suffered contradiction of sinners ; That he was wounded and plagued for our transgressions ; That he being the clean and innocent Lambe of GOD , was condemned in the presence of an earthly Judge ; that we might be absolved before the Tribunall Seat of our God : That he suffered not onely the cruell death of the Crosse ( which was accursed by the sentence of God ) but also , That he suffered for a season the wrath of his Father , which sinners had deserved . But yet we avow , That he remained the onely welbeloved and blessed Sonne of his Father , even in the midst of his anguish and torment , which he suffered in body and soule , to make the full satisfaction for the sinnes of his people . After the which , we confesse and avow , That there remains no other sacrifice for sinnes ; which if any affirme , we nothing doubt to avow , That they are blasphemous against Christs Death , and the everlasting purgation and satisfaction purchased unto us by the same . X. Resurrection . VVE undoubtedly beleeve , That in so much as it was impossible that the paines of death should retain in bondage the Authour of life , that our Lord Jesus Crucified , Dead , and Buried , who descended into hell , did rise again for our Justification , and destroying him who was the authour of death , brought life again to us that were subject to death , and to the bondage of the fame : We know that his Resurrection was confirmed by the testimony of his very enemies . By the Resurrection of the dead , whose sepulchres did open , and they did arise and appeared to many within the City of Ierusalem . It was also confirmed by the testimonie of Angels , and by the sences and judgements of his Apostles and others , who had conversation , and did eat and drink with him after his Resurrection . XI . Ascension . VVE nothing doubt , but that the self-same Bodie , which was born of the Virgin , was Crucified , Dead and Buried , and which did rise again , did ascend into the Heavens , for accomplishment of all things : Where , in our names , and for our comfort , he hath received all power in heaven and in earth : Where he sitteth at the right hand of the Father , enthronized in his Kingdome , Advocate and onely Mediatour for us ; which glory , honour , and prerogative , he alone amongst the Brethren shall possesse , till that all his enemies be made his foot stoole , as that we undoubtedly beleeve they shall be in the finall judgement , to the execution whereof , we certainly beleeve that the same our Lord Jesus shall visibly and apparantly returne , as that he was seene to ascend . And there we firmely beleeve that the time of refreshing and restitution of all things shall come , insomuch that those that from the beginning have suffered violence , injury and wrong for righteousnesse sake , shall inherite the blessed immortality promised from the beginning . But contrary wayes the stubborn , cruell , inobedient , oppressors , filthy persons , adulterers , and all sorts of unthankfull men , shall be cast into the dungeon of utter darknesse , where their worme shall not die , neither yet their fire bee extinguished : the remembrance of the which day , and of the judgement to be executed in the same , is not onely to us a Bridle , whereby our carnall lusts are reserved , but also such inestimable comfort , that neither may the threatning of worldly Princes , neither yet the feare of temporall death and present danger move us to renounce and forsake that blessed societie , which we the members have with our Head and onely Mediatour Christ Jesus ; whom we confesse and avow to be the Messias promised , the onely Head of the Church , our just Lawgiver , our onely High Priest , Advocate and Mediator . In whose honours and Offices , if a man or Angell presume to intrude themselves , we utterly detest and abhorre them , as blasphemous to our Soveraigne Governour Christ Jesus . XII . Faith in the Holy Ghost . THis our faith , and the assurance of the same proceedeth not from flesh and blood ; that is to say , from no naturall powers within us , but is the inspiration of the Holy Ghost , whom we confesse , God equall with the Father , and with the Sonne , who sanctified us , and bringeth us into all veritie by his own operation , without whom we should remaine for ever enemies to God , and ignorant of his Sonne Christ Jesus . For of nature we are so dead , so perverse and blinde , that neither we can feel when we were pricked , see the light when it shineth , nor assent to the will of God when it is revealed , onely the Spirit of the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is dead , removeth the darknesse from our mindes , and boweth our stubborne hearts to the obedience of his blessed will , and so as we confesse that God the Father created us when we were not , as his Sonne our Lord Jesus redeemed us , when we were enemies to him ; So also we confesse that the Holy Ghost doth sanctifie , and regenerate us without all respect of any merit proceeding from us , be it before , or be it after our regeneration . To speak this one thing yet in more plain words , as we willingly spoile our selves of all honour and glory of our own Creation and Redemption , so do we also of our regeneration and sanctification ; for of selves we are not sufficient to thinke one good thought , but he who hath begun the good work in us , is onely he that continueth us in the same , to the praise and glory of his undeserved grace . XIII . The cause of good works . SO that the cause of good Works we confesse to be , not of free Will , but the Spirit of the Lord Iesus , who dwelling in our hearts by true faith , bringeth forth such good works , as God hath prepared for us to walke in ; for this we most boldly affirme that blasphemie , it is to say that Christ Jesus abideth in the heart of such , as in whom there is no spirit of sanctification ; and therefore we feare not to affirme , that Murderres , Oppressors , cruell Persecutors , Adulterers , Whoremongers , filthy Persons , Idolaters , Drunkards , Theeves , and all workers of iniquitie , have neither true faith , neither any portion of the Spirit of Sanctification , which proceedeth from the Lord Jesus , so long as they obstinately continue in their wickednesse . For how soon so ever the Spirit of the Lord Jesus ( which Gods Elect Children receive by true faith ) taketh possession in the heart of any man , so soon doth he regenerate and renew the same man , so that he begins to hate that which before he loved , and beginneth to love that which before he hated ; and from thence cometh to that continuall battaile , which is betwixt the flesh and the Spirit in Gods Children , while the flesh and naturall man ( according to their own corruption ) lusteth for things pleasing and delectable to it self , grudgeth in adversitie , is lifted up in prosperitie , and at every moment is prone and ready to offend the Majestie of God ; but the Spirit of God which giveth witnessing unto our spirit , that we are the sonnes of God , maketh us to resist the Devill to abhorre filthie pleasures , to groane in Gods presence for deliverance from this bondage of corruption , and finally to triumph over sinne , that it reigne not in our mortall bodies . This battaile have not the carnall men , being destitute of Gods Spirit , but do follow and obey sinne with greedinesse , and without repentance , even as the Devill and their corrupt lusts do prick them . But the Sons of God ( as afore is said ) do fight against sin , do sob and mourn when they perceive themselves tempted to iniquity , and if they fall , they rise again with earnest and unfained repentance : and these things they do not by their own power , but the power of our Lord Jesus ( without whom they were able to do nothing ) worketh in them all that is good . XIIII . What works are reputed good before God. VVE confesse and acknowledge , That God hath given to man his holy Law , in which not onely are forbidden all such works as displease and offend his godly Majesty , but also are commanded all such as please him , and as he hath promised to reward . And these works be of two sorts ; the one are done to the honour of God ; the other to the profit of our neighbours : And both have the revealed Will of God for their assurance ; To have one God , To worship and honour him , To call upon him in all our troubles , To reverence his holy Name , To hear his Word , To believe the same , To communicate his holy Sacraments , are the works of the first Table . To honour father and mother , Princes , Rulers , and superiour Powers , To love them , To support them , yea , To obey their Charges ( not repugning to the Commandment of God ) To save the life of Innocents , To represse tyranny , To defend the oppressed , To keep our bodies clean and holy , To live in sobriety and temperance , To deal justly with all men , both in word and deed ; and finally , To represse the appetite of our neighbours hurt , are the good works of the second Table , which are most pleasing and acceptable unto God , as those works are commanded by himself . The contrary thereof is sin most odious , which always displeaseth him , and provoketh him to anger ; as , Not to call upon him alone when we have need , Not to hear his Word with reverence , To contemne and despise it , To have or to worship Idols , To maintain and defend Idolatry , Lightly to esteem the reverent Name of God , To profane , abuse , or contemne the Sacraments of Christ Jesus , To disobey or resist any that God hath placed in Authority ( while they passe not over the bounds of their Office ) To murther , or consent thereunto , To bear hatred , or to suffer Innocent blood to be shed , if we may gainstand it ; and finally , The transgressing of any other Commandment in the first or second Table , we confesse and affirm to be sin , by the which Gods hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankfull world : So that good works we affirme to be those onely that are done in Faith , and at Gods Commandment , who in his Law hath expressed what be the things that please him : And evill works we affirme , not onely those that are expresly done against Gods Commandment , but those also that in matters of Religion , and worshipping of God , have no assurance , but the invention and opinion of man , which God from the beginning hath ever rejected , as by the Prophet Isaiah , and by our Master Christ Jesus , we are taught in these words ; In vaine do they worship me , teaching doctrines which are the Precepts of men . XV. The perfection of the Law , and the imperfection of man. THe Law of God we confesse and acknowledge most just , most equall , most holy and most perfect , commanding those things , which being wrought in perfection , were able to give life , and to bring man to eternall felicity . But our Nature is so corrupt , so weak and imperfect , that we are never able to fulfill the works of the Law in perfection ; yea , if we say we have no sin ( even after we are regenerate ) we deceive our selves , and the Verity of God is not in us . And therefore it behoveth us to apprehend Christ Jesus with Justice and Satisfaction , who is the End and Accomplishment of the Law to all that believe , by whom we are set at this liberty , that the curse and malediction of the Law fall not upon us , albeit we fulfill not the same in all points : For God the Father beholding us in the Body of his Son Christ Jesus , accepteth our unperfect obedience , as were perfect , and covered our works which are defiled with many spots , with the Justice of his Son. We do not mean that we are set so at liberty , that we owe no obedience to the Law ( for that before we have plainly confessed ) but this we affirm , That no man in earth ( Christ Jesus onely accepted ) hath given , giveth , or shall give in work , that obedience to the Law , which the Law requireth ; But when we have done all things , we must fall down and unfainedly confesse , That we are unprofitable servants . And therefore whosoever boast themselves of the merits of their own works , or put their trust in the works of Supererogation , they boast themselves of that which is not , and put their trust in damnable Idolatry . XVI . Of the Church . AS we believe in God the Father , Son , and holy Ghost , so do we most earnestly believe , That from the beginning there hath beene , now is , and to the end of the world shall be , A Church ; that is to say , A Company and Multitude of men chosen of God , who rightly worship and embrace him by true faith in Christ Jesus , who is the onely Head of the same Church , which also is the Body & Spouse of Christ Jesus , which Church is catholike , that is , Universal , because it containeth the elect of all Ages , all Realms , Nations and Tongues , be they of the Jews , or be they of the Gentiles , who have Communion or Society with God the Father , and with his Son Christ Jesus , through the Sanctification of his holy Spirit ; and therefore it is called , Communion ( not of profane persons ) but of Saints , who are Citizens of the heavenly Ierusalem , have the fruition of the most inestimable benefits ; to wit , of one God , one Lord Jesus , one Faith , and one Baptisme ; without the which Church there is neither life nor eternall felicity : And therefore we utterly abhorre the blasphemy of those that affirm , That men that live according to equity and justice shall be saved , what Religion soever they have professed : For as without Christ Jesus there is neither life nor salvation : so shall there none bee participant thereof , but such as the Father hath given unto his Sonne Christ Jesus , and those in time to come to him , avow his doctrine , and beleeve in him ( we comprehend the Children , with the faithfull Parents ) This Church is invisibly known onely to God , who alone knoweth it , whom hee hath chosen , and comprehendeth as well ( as is said ) the Elect that be departed ( commonly called the Church triumphant ) as those that yet live , and fight against sin and Sathan , as shall live hereafter . XVII . The immortalitie of the Soules . THe Elect departed are in peace , and rest from their labours , not that they sleep , and come to a certain oblivion ( as some fantanstick heads do affirme ) but that they are delivered from all fear , all torment , and all temptation , the which we and all Gods Elect are subject unto in this life , and therefore doe bear the name of the Church militant . As contrary alwayes the reprobate and unfaithfull departed , have anguish , torment and paine , that cannot be expressed , so that neither are the one nor the other in such sleepe , that they feele not joy or torment , as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth of Luke , his words to the Theefe ▪ and these words of the souls crying under the Altar : O Lord , thou that art righteous and just , how long shalt thou not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth , doth plainly testifie . XVIII . Of the Notes by the which the true Church is discerned from the false , and who shall be Iudge of the Doctrine . BEcause that Sathan from the beginnig hath laboured to deck his pestilent Synagogue with the Title of the Church of God , and hath inflamed the hearts of cruell murtherers to persecute , trouble and molest the true Church and Members thereof , as Cain did Abel , Ishmael , Isaac , Esau , Iacob , and the whole Priesthood of the Iewes , Jesus Christ himself , and his Apostles after him . It is a thing most requisite , that the true Church be discerned from the filthy Synagogue , by cleere and perfect Notes , lest we being deceived , receive and embrace to our own condemnation the one for the other . The Notes , Signes , and assured Tokens whereby the Immaculate Spouse of Christ Jesus is knowne from the horrible Harlot the Church malignant , we affirm , are neither antiquity , title usurped , lineall descents , place appointed , nor multitude of men approving any errour ; For Cain in age and title was preferred to Abel and Seth. Ierusalem had prerogative above all places of the earth , where also were the Priests lineally descended from Aaron , and greater multitude followed the Scribes , Pharisees , and Priests , then unfainedly believed and approved Christ Jesus and his Doctrine ; and yet ( as we suppose ) no man of whole judgement will grant that any of the forenamed were the Church of God : The Notes therefore of the true Church of God , we beleeve , confesse , and avow , to be first the true preaching of the Word of God ; in which God hath revealed himself to us , as the writings of the Prophets and Apostles doe declare . Secondly , the right administration of the Sacraments of Christ Jesus , which may be annexed to the word and promise of God , to seale and confirme the same in our hearts . Lastly , Ecclesiasticall discipline uprightly ministred , as Gods Word prescribeth , whereby vice is repressed , and vertue nourished , wheresoever then these former Notes are seen , and of any time continuall ( be the number never so few above two or three ) there without all doubt is the true Church of Christ , who according to his promise is in the midst of them ; not of that universall ( of which we have before spoken ) but particular , such as was in Corinthus , Galatia , Ephesus , and other places in which the Ministerie was planted by Paul , and were of himselfe named the Churches of God : and such Churches we the Inhabitants of the Realme of Scotland , professours of Christ Jesus , confesse us to have in our Cities , Townes , and places reformed : For the Doctrine taught in our Churches , is contained in the written Word of God , to wit , in the Books of the New and Old Testaments ; in those Books we meane , which of ancient have been reputed Canonicall , in the which we affirme that all things necessary to be beleeved for the salvation of mankinde is sufficiently expressed . The interpretation whereof , we confesse , neither appertaineth unto any private nor publike person ; neither yet to any Church for any preheminence or prerogative personall or locall , which one hath above another , but appertaineth to the Spirit of God , by the which also the Scripture was written . When controversie then hapneth for the right understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture , or for the reformation of any abuse within the Church of God , we ought not so much to looke what men before us have said and done , as unto that which the Holy Ghost uniformly speaketh within the body of the Scriptures , and unto that which Christ Jesus himself did , and commanded to be done . For this is a thing universally granted , That the Spirit of God , which is the Spirit of unitie , is in nothing contrary to himselfe . If then the interpretation , determination or sentence of any Doctor , Church or Councell , repugne to the plain Word of God , written in any other place of Scripture , it is a thing most certain that there is not the true understanding and meaning of the Holy Ghost ; supposing that Counsels , Realms , and Nations have approved and received the same . For we dare not receive and admit any Interpretation , which directly oppugneth to any principall point of our faith , to any other plain text of Scripture , or yet to the rule of charitie . XIX . The Authoritie of the Scriptures . ANd we beleeve and confesse the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct , and make the man of God perfect , so do we affirm and avow the Authoritie of the same to be of God , and neither to depend on men nor Angels : We affirme therefore , That such as alleadge the Scriptures to have no authority , but that which is received from the Church , to be blasphemous against God , and injurious to the true Church , which alwayes heareth and obeyeth the voice of her own Spouse and Pastour , but taketh not upon her to be Mistresse over the same . XX. Of the Generall Councells , of their Power , Authoritie , and Cause of their Convention . AS we not rashly condemne that which godly men assembled together in Generall Councells , lawfully gathered , have approved unto us : So without just examination dare we not receive whatsoever is obtruded unto men , under the name of Generall Councells , for plain it is , that as they were men , so have some of them manifestly erred , and that in matters of great weight and importance . So far then as the Councell proveth the Determination and Commandment , that it giveth by the plain Word of God , so far do we reverence and imbrace the same . But if men under the name of a Councell pretend to forge unto us new Articles of our Faith , or to make Constitutions repugning to the Word of God , then utterly we may refuse the same , as the Doctrine of Devils , which draweth our souls from the voice of our onely God , to follow the Doctrines and Constitutions of men . The cause then why Generall Councells convened , was neither to make any perpetuall Law ( which God before had not made ) neither yet to forge new Articles of our beliefe , neither to give the Word of God authority , much lesse to make that to be his Word , or yet the true interpretation of the same , which was not before by his holy Will expressed in his Word . But the cause of Councells ( we mean of such as merited the name of Councels ) was partly for Confutation of Heresies , and for giving publike Confession of their Faith to the posterities following , which both they did by the authority of Gods written Word , and not by any opinion or prerogative that they could not erre , by reason of their generall assembly . And this we judge to have been the chiefe cause of Generall Councells . The other was for good policie and Order to be constituted and observed in the Church , in which ( as in the house of God ) it becometh all things to be done decently , and in order : not that we think that one Policie , and one Order in Ceremonies can be appointed for all ages , times , and places ; for as Ceremonies ( such as men have devised ) are but temporall , so may , and ought they to be changed , when they rather foster superstition , then that they edifie the Church using the same . XXI . Of the Sacraments . AS the Fathers under the Law , besides the verity of the Sacrifices had two chief Sacraments ; to wit , Circumcision and the Passeover , the despisers and contemners whereof were not reputed for Gods people : so we acknowledge and confesse , That we now in time of the Gospel , have two Sacraments onely , instituted by the Lord Jesus , and commanded to be used by all those that will be reputed to be Members of his Body ; to wit , Baptisme ; and , The Supper , or Table of the Lord Jesus , called , The Communion of his Body and Blood. And these Sacraments ( as well of the Old as of the New Testament ) were instituted of God , not onely to make a visible difference betwixt his people , and those that were without his league ; but also to exercise the Faith of his children , and by participation of the same Sacraments , to seale in their hearts the assurance of his ●romise , and of that most blessed Conjunction , Union , and Societie , which the Elect have with their Head , Christ Jesus . And thus we utterly condemne the vanity of those , that affirme Sacraments to be nothing else but naked and bare signes : No , we assuredly beleeve , That by Baptisme we are ingrafted into Jesus Christ , to be made partakers of his Justice , by the which our sinnes are covered and remitted . And also , That in the Supper rightly used , Christ Jesus is so joyned with us , that he becometh the very nourishment and food of our soules . Not that we imagine any Transubstantiation of Bread into Christs naturall Body ; and of Wine into his naturall Blood ( as the Papists have perniciously taught , and damnably beleeved ) but this Union and Communion which we have with the Body and Blood of Christ Jesus in the right use of the Sacraments , is wrought by operation of the holy Ghost , who by true Faith carrieth us above all things that are visible , carnall , and earthly , and maketh us to feed upon the Body and Blood of Christ Jesus , which was once broken and shed for us , which now is in the heaven , and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us . And yet notwithstanding the far distance of place which is betwixt his Body now glorified in the heaven , and us now mortall in this earth : Yet we most assuredly beleeve , That the Bread that we break is the Communion of Christs Body ; and , The Cup which we blesse , is The Communion of his Blood. So that we confesse and undoubtedly beleeve , That the faithfull in the right use of the Lords Table , so do eat the Body and drink the Blood of the Lord Jesus , That he remaineth in them , and they in him : Yea , That they are so made flesh of his flesh , and bones of his bones , That as the eternall God-head hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus ( which of the owne condition and nature was mortall , and corruptible ) life and immortalitie , so doth Christ Jesus Flesh and Blood eaten and drunken by us , give to us the same prerogatives ; which albeit we confesse , are neither given unto us at that onely time , neither yet by the proper power and vertue of the Sacraments onely ; yet we affirme , That the faithfull in the right use of the Lords Table hath such conjunction with Christ Jesus , as the naturall man cannot comprehend : yea , and further we affirme , That albeit the faithfull oppressed by negligence , and manly infirmity , doth not profit so much as they would at the very instant action of the Supper , yet shall it after bring forth fruit ; as lively seed sowne in good ground ; for the holy Spirit which can never be divided from the right institution of the Lord Jesus , wil not frustrate the faithfull , of the fruit of that mysticall action ; but all this we say cometh by true Faith , which apprehendeth Christ Jesus , who onely maketh his Sacraments effectuall unto us , and therefore whosoever slandereth us , as though we affirmed or beleeved Sacraments to be openly naked and bare signes , do injurie unto us , and speak against a manifest truth . But this liberally and frankly we must confesse , That we make a distinction betwixt Christ Jesus in his naturall substance , and betwixt the elements in the Sacramentall signes . So that we will neither worship the signes , in place of that which is signified by them , neither yet do we despise and interpret them , as unprofitable and vain , but do use them with all reverence , examining our selves diligently before that so we do , because we are assured by the mouth of the Apostle , that such as eat of that Bread , and drink of that Cup unworthily , are guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord Jesus . XXII . Of the right administration of the Sacraments . THat Sacraments be rightly ministred , we judge two things requisite : The one , that they be ministred by lawfull Ministers , whom we affirme to be onely they that are appointed to the Preaching of the Word , or unto whose mouthes God hath put some Sermon of Exhortation , they being men of lawfull choosing thereto by some Church . The other , That they be ministred in such elements , and in such sort as God hath appointed . Else we affirme , That they cease to be right Sacraments of Christ Jesus . And therefore it is , that we flee the societie with the Papisticall Church , in participation of their Sacraments ; First , because their Ministers are no Ministers of Jesus Christ ( yea , which is more horrible ) they suffer women , whom the holy Ghost will not suffer to teach in the Congregation , to Baptize . And secondly , because they have so adulterate , both the one Sacrament and the other , with their own inventions , that no part of Christs action abideth in the originall purity , for Oyl , Salt , Spittle , and such like in Baptisme , are but mens inventions , Adoration , Veneration , bearing through Streets and Townes , and keeping of bread in Boxes , are prophanation of Christs Sacraments , and no use of the same : For Christ Jesus said , Take and eat , &c. Do ye this in remembrance of me . By which words and charge he sanctified Bread and Wine to be the Sacrament of his Body and Blood ; to the end , that one should be eaten , and that all should drink of the other , and not that they should be kept to be worshipped and honoured as God , as the blinde Papists have done heretofore , who also have committed Sacriledge , stealing from the people one part of the Sacrament ; to wit , The blessed Cup. Moreover , that the Sacraments be rightly used , it is required , That the end and cause why the Sacraments were instituted , be understood and observed , as well of the Minister as the Receivers : for if the opinion be changed in the Receiver , the right use ceaseth : which is most evident by the rejection of the sacrifices ( as also if the teacher teach false Doctrine ) which were odious and abhominable unto God ( albeit they were his own ordinances ) because that wicked men used them to another end then God hath ordained . The same affirm we of the Sacraments in the Papisticall Church , in which we affirm the whole action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterate , as well in the externall form , as in the end and opinion ; What Christ Jesus did , and commanded to be done , is evident by the three Evangelists who speak of the Sacrament , & by S. Paul ; what the Priest doth at his Altar , we need not to rehearse . The end and cause of Christs institution , and why the self-same should be used , is expressed in these words , Do ye this in remembrance of me , as oft as ye shall eat of this Bread , and drink of this Cup , ye shall shew forth ( that is , extoll , Preach , and magnifie ) the Lords death till he come . But to what end , and in what opinion the Priests say their Masses , let the words of the same their own Doctours and Writings witnesse ; to wit , That they are Mediatours betwixt Christ and his Church , to offer unto God the Father , a Sacrifice propitiatorie for the sinnes of the quick and the dead : Which Doctrine , as blasphemous to Christ Jesus , and making derogation to the sufficiencie of his onely Sacrifice once offered for purgation of all those that shall be sanctified , we utterly abhorre , detest , and renounce . XXIII . To whom Sacraments appertaine . VVE confesse and acknowledge , That Baptisme appertaineth as well to the infants of the faithfull , as unto those that be of age and discretion ; And so we condemne the errour of the Anabaptists , who deny Baptisme to appertaine to children , before that they have Faith and understanding . But the Supper of the Lord we confesse to appertaine onely to such as have been of the houshold of Faith , can try and examine themselves , as well in their Faith , as in their duties towards their neighbours . Such as eat at that holy Table without Faith , or being at dissension and division with their brethren do eat unworthily . And therefore it is , that in our Churches Ministers take publike and particular examination of the knowledge and conversation of such as are to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus . XXIV . Of the Civill Magistrate . VVE confesse and acknowledge Empires , Kingdomes , Dominions and Titles , to be distincted and Ordained by God , the powers and authorities in the same ( be it of Emperours in their Empires , of Kings in their Realms , Dukes and Princes in their Dominions , or of other Magistrates in free Cities ) to be Gods holy Ordinance , ordained for manifestation of his owne glory , and for the singular profit and commoditie of mankinde . So that whosoever goeth about to take away , or to confound the holy state of Civill Policies , now long established ; We affirm the same men not onely to be enemies to mankinde , but also wickedly to fight against Gods expresse will. We further confesse and acknowledge , That such persons as are placed in authority , are to be loved , honoured , feared , and holden in most reverent estimation , because they are the Lieutenants of God , in whose Session God himself doth sit and judge ( yea , even the Judges and Princes themselves ) to whom by God is given the sword , to the praise and defence of good men , and to revenge and punish all open malefactours . To Kings , moreover Princes , Rulers , and Magistrates , to affirme , that chiefly and most principally the reformation and purgation of Religion appertaineth , so that not only they are appointed for civill policie but also for maintenance of the true Religion , and for suppressing of Idolatry and Superstition whatsoever , as in David , Iosaphat , Ezekias , Iosias , and others highly commended for their zeal in the cause , may be espied . And therefore we confesse and avow , that such as resist the supreme Powers ( doing that which appertaineth to their charge ) do resist Gods Ordinance , and therefore cannot be guiltlesse : And further we affirme , that whosoever deny unto them their aide , counsell , and comfort , while the Princes and Rulers vigilantly travell in the executing of their Office , that the same men denie their help , support and counsell to God , who by the presence of his Lieutenant craveth it of them . XXV . The gifts freely given to the Church . ALbeit that the word of God truly preached the Sacraments rightly ministred , and discipline executed according to the Word of God , be the certain and infallible signes of the true Church , yet doe we not so meane , that every particular person joyned with such a company , be an Elect Member of Christ Jesus , for we acknowledge and confesse that Darnell , Cockle , and Chaffe may be sowne , grow in great abundance , lie in the middest of the Wheate , that is , the Reprobate may be joyned in the societie of the Elect , and may externally use with them the benefits of the Words and Sacraments . But such being but temporall professors in mouth , but not in heart , doe fall backe and continue to the end . And therefore have they no fruit of Christs death , resurrection and ascension . But such as with heart unfained beleeve , and with mouth boldly confesse the Lord Jesus ( as before we have said ) shall most assuredly receive these gifts , first in this life remission of sinnes , and by faith onely in Christs blood , in so much , that albeit sinne remain and continually abide in these mortall bodies , yet it is not imputed unto us , but is remitted and covered with Christs justice . Secondly , in the generall judgement there shall be given to every man and woman resurrection of the flesh For the Sea shall give her dead , the earth those that therein be inclosed ; yea , the Eternall our God shall stretch out his hand upon the dust , and the dead shall arise incorruptible , and that in the substance of the same flesh that every man now bears , to receive according to their works glory and punishment , for such as now delight in vanitie , crueltie , filthinesse , superstition , or idolatry shall be adjudged to the fire inextinguible , in the which they shall be tormented for ever , as well in their bodie , as in their soules ; which now give to serve the devill in all abomination . But such as continue in well doing to the end , boldly professing the Lord Jesus , to whose glorified Body all his Elect shall be like , when he shall appear againe to Judgment , and shall render up the Kingdom to God his Father , who then shall be , and ever shall remain All in All things God blessed for ever : To whom , with the Son , and with the holy Ghost , be all Honour and Glory , now and for ever . Amen . Arise , O Lord , and let thine enemies be confounded ; let them flie from thy presence that hate thy holy Name : Give thy servants strength to speake thy Word in boldnesse , and let all Nations attain to thy true knowledge . These Acts and Articles were read in face of Parliament , and ratified by the three States of this Realm , at Edinburgh the 17 day of Iuly , in the yeer of our Lord 1560. This our Confession was publikely read , first in audience of the Lords of the Articles ; and after , in the audience of the whole Parliament , where were present , not onely such as professed Christ Jesus , but also a great number of the adversaries of our Religion , such as the forenamed Bishops , and some other of the Temporall State , who were commanded in Gods Name to object , if they could say any thing against that Doctrine . Some of our Ministers were present , standing upon their feet , ready to have answered , in case any would have defended Papistry , and impugned our affirmatives . But while that no objection was made , there was a day appointed for concurrence in that and other Heads . Our Confession was read every Article by it self over again , as they were written in order , and the voice of every man was required accordingly . Of the Temporall State , onely gave their voice on the contrary , the Earl of Athol , the Lords Simmerwaile and Borthwicke : And yet for their disassenting , they produced no better reason , but , We will believe as our Fathers believed . The Bishops ( Papisticall we mean ) spake nothing . The rest of the whole three States by their publike Votes , affirmed the Doctrine ; and the rather , Because that fain the Bishops would , but durst say nothing on the contrary ; for this was the Vote of the Earle Marshall ; It is long since I have had some favour unto the Truth , and since that I have had a suspicion of the Papisticall Religion . But I praise my God , who this day hath fully resolved me in the one and the other : For seeing that the Bishops , who for their learning can , and for their zeal that they should bear to the Verity , would , as I suppose , have gainsaid any thing that directly repugneth to the Verity of God. Seeing , I say , the Bishops here present speak nothing in the contrary of the Doctrine proposed , I cannot but hold it for the very Truth of God , and the contrary to be deceivable Doctrine . And therefore so far as in me lieth , I approve the one , and condemne the other : And do farther ask of God , That not onely I , but also all my posterity , may enjoy the comfort of the Doctrine that this day our ears have heard . And yet more I must Vote , as it were by way of Protestation , That if any person Ecclesiasticall shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confession , that they that have no place nor credit ; considering that they having long advertisement , and full knowledge of this our Confession , none is now found in lawfull , free , and quiet Parliament to oppose themselves to that which we professe : And therefore if any of this Generation pretend to do it after this , I protest he be reputed rather one that loveth his own commodity , and the glory of the world , then the Truth of God , and the salvation of mens souls . After the Voting and Ratification of this our Confession by the whole Body of the Parliament , there were also pronounced two Acts ; the one against the Masse , and the abuse of the Sacraments ; and the other against the Supremacy of the Pope . The Tenour whereof followeth . An Act against the Masse , and the Sayers and Hearers thereof . IN the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the tenth of Iuly , the yeer of God , 1560. The said Parliament being continued to the first of August next thereafter following , with continuation of dayes , upon the twenty fourth day of the said moneth of August , the three States then being present : The which day , forsomuch as Almighty God , by his most true and blessed Word , hath declared the Reverence and Honour which should be given to him ; and by his Son Iesus Christ hath declared the true use of the Sacraments , willing the same to be used according to his Will and Word ; By the which it is notorious , and perfectly knowne , That the Sacraments of Baptisme , and of the Body and Blood of Iesus Christ , hath been this long time past , corrupted by the Papisticall Church , and by their Ministers . And at this present time , notwithstanding the Reformation already made according to Gods Word ; yet neverthelesse , there is some of the same Popes Church that stubbornly persevereth in their wicked Idolatry , saying Masse , and Baptizing conform to the Popes Church , profaning therethrough the Sacraments aforesaid in quiet secret places , regarding therein neither God nor his Word : Therefore it is Decreed and Ordained in this present Parliament , That no manner of person or persons , in any time coming , administrate any of the Sacraments secretly , in any manner of way , but they that are admitted , and having power to that effect ; Nor say Masse , nor yet heare Masse , nor be present thereat , under the pain of confiscation of all their goods , and punishing of their bodies at the discretion of the Magistrates within whose Iurisdiction such persons happeneth to be apprehended for the first fault ; banishing out of the Realme for the second fault , and chastising by death for the third fault . And Ordaineth all Sheriffs , Stewards , Baylies , and their Deputies , Provosts and Bayliffs of Burroughs , and other Iudges within this Realm , to make diligent sute and inquisition within their Bounds , where any such usurped Ministry is used , Masse-saying , or they that be present at the doing thereof , ratifying , and approving the same , and take , and apprehend them , to the effect , that the pains above written may be executed upon them . Extractum de Libro Parliamenti , per me , &c. Sic Subscribitur . Iacobus Magill . The Act for the abolishing of the Pope , and his usurped Authority in SCOTLAND . IN the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the tenth of July , the year of God 1560. And thereafter continued to the first day of August next thereafter following , with continuation of dayes upon the 24 of the said Moneth of August , the three States then being present , understanding that the Iurisdiction and Authority of the Bishop of Rome , called the Pope , used in this Realm in times past hath been very hurtsome and prejudiciall to our Soveraigns Authority and Common-weale of this Realm . Therefore hath decreed and ordained , That the Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction nor Authority in this Realm in times comming . And that none of our said Soveraigns Subjects , claim , and desire in any time herafter title or right by the said Bishop of Rome , or his sect , to any thing within this Realm , under the pains of Baratrie , that is to say , Proscription , banishment , and never to brook and enjoy honour , office , nor dignity within this Realm ; and the contraveners hereof to be called before the Iustice , or his Deputies , or before the Lords of the Session , and punished therefore , confirm to the Laws of this Realm ; and the furnishers of them with fynance of money , and purchasers of their title of right , or maintainers or defenders of them , shall incur the same pains : And that no Bishop , nor other Prelat of this Realm , use any Iurisdiction in times to come , by the said Bishop of Romes Authority , under the pain aforesaid . Extractum de Libro Parliamenti , per me , Ut supra . These and other things orderly done in lawfull and free Parliament , we directed to France to our Soveraign Sir Iames Sandelandes Lord of Saint - Iohn , with the Acts of the said Parliament , that by them they might be ratified , according to the promises of their Majesties Commissioners made to us , as by the Contract of Peace may evidently appear . But how the said Lord of Saint Iohn was received and used , we list not to rehearse : But alwayes no ratification brought he unto us , but that we little regarded , or yet do regard ; for all that we did , was rather to shew our dutifull obedience , then to beg of them any strength to our Religion , which from God hath full power , and needed not the suffrage of man , but in so far as man had need to beleeve it , if that ever he shall have participation of the life everlasting . But somewhat must we answer to such as since hath whispered , that it was but a pretended Parliament , a privie Convention and no lawfull Parliament . Their reasons are , The King and Queen were in France , there was neither Scepter , Sword , nor Crown born , &c. And some Principall Lords were absent . We answer , That we rather wish the Papists to be quiet then too curiously to travell in that Point : for it may be , while they thinke to hurt us , they give the Queene and her authority a great blow , and yet amend themselves nothing . For in whose default we pray you was the Queen absent from this Realm ? We think they will not be so shamelesse as that they will blame the Protestants thereof . Her person was absent , and that to no small grief of our hearts : But were not the States of her Realm assembled in her name ? Yea , had they not her full power and Commission , yea , the Commission and commandment of her head the King of France , to convocate that Parliament , and to do all things that may be done in lawfull Parliament ? Even as if our Soveraigns had been there in proper persons : If they will limit the power of Princes to the places onely where their bodily presence is , it will be thought strange ; for so not onely shall Kings be compelled to content them with one Realme , but also with one Citie : For the bodily presence of Kings can no more be in divers cities at one instant , then that they can be in divers Realms . Hitherto we have understood , that wheresoever the great Councellers of the King with his power and Commission are assembled , to do any thing at his just commandment , That there is the Kings sufficient presence and authority , wheresoever his own body be living at freedome and liberty ; which if the Papists deny , we will finde faults with them , and with the Princes whom they have abused , that more will annoy them , then any thing that we can lose by the insufficiencie of that Parliament : Which neverthelesse we are bold to affirme to have been more lawfull and more free , then any Parliament that they are able to produce this hundred yeeres before it , or yet any that hath ensued since it was , ( he meanes untill 1566. when this Book was written ) for in it the voices of men were free , and given in conscience , in others they were bought , or given at the devotion of the misled Prince . All things in it concluded , are able to abide the triall , and not to be consumed at the proofe of the fire : of others the godly may justly call in doubt things determined . To the Sword and Scepter , nor yet to the absence of some Lords , we answer nothing . For our adversaries know well enough that the one is rather a pompe , and vaine-glorious ceremonie , then a substantiall point of necessitie required to a lawfull Parliament : And the absence of some prejudges not the powers of the present duely assembled : Providing , that due advertisement be made unto them . But now we return to our History . The Parliament dissolved , consultation was had , how the Church might be established in a good and godly policie , which by the Papists was altogether defaced . Commission and charge was given to Master Iohn Winram Sub-priour of S. Andrews , Master Iohn Spottiswood , Iohn Willock , Master Iohn Dowglas Rectour of S. Andrews , Master Iohn Row , and Iohn Knox , to draw in a Volume the Policie and Discipline of the Church , as well as they had done the Doctrine , which they did , and presented it to the Nobility , who did peruse it many dayes . Some approved it , and willed the same to have been set forth by a Law , others perceiving their carnall liberty and worldly commodity somewhat to be impared thereby , grudged , in so much that the name of the Book of Discipline became odious unto them . Every thing that repugned to their corrupt imaginations was termed in their mockage , Devout imaginations . The cause we have before declared , some was licentious , some had greedily griped the possessions of the Church ; and others thought that they would not lack their part of Christs Coat , yea , and that before that ever he was Crucified , as by the Preachers they were oft rebuked . The chief great man that had professed Christ Jesus , and refused to subscribe the Book of Discipline , was the Lord Erskin . And no wonder , for besides that , he had a very evill woman to his wife , if the Poore , the Schooles , and the Ministerie of the Church had their owne , his Kitchin would lack two parts and more , of that which he unjustly now possesseth . Assuredly some of us hath wondered how men that professe godlinesse could of so long continuance hear the threatnings of God against theeves and against their houses , and knowing themselves guilty , in such things as were openly rebuked , and that they never had remorse of conscience , neither yet intended to restore any thing of that which long they had stollen and reft . There were none within the Realme more unmercifull to the poore Ministers then were they which had greatest rents of the Churches . But in that we have perceived the old Proverb to be true ; Nothing can suffice a wretch . And again , The belly hath no eares . Yet the same Book of Discipline was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility ; To wit , The Duke , the Earle of Arrane , the Earles Argyle , Glencarn , Mershell , Menteth , Morton , Rothesse , Lord Iames after Earle of Murray , Lords Yeaster , Boyd , Uchiltrie , Master of Maxwell , Lord Lindsay elder , and the Master after Lord Barrons , Drunlaurige , Lothingwar , Garleisse , Bargany , Master Alexander Gordon Bishop of Galloway , ( this Bishop of Galloway , as he renounced Popery , so did he Prelacie , witnesse his subscription of the Book of Discipline , as the rest of the Prelats did who did joyne to the Reformation ) Alexander Campbell Deane of Marray , with a great number moe subscribed and approved the said Book of Discipline in the Town-Buith of Edinburgh , the 27 day of January , the yeere of our Lord God 1560. by their approbation ; In these words : WE which have subscribed these presents , having advised with the Articles herein specified , and as is above-mentioned from the beginning of this Book , thinks the same good and conforme to Gods Word in all points conforme to the Notes and Additions thereto , asked , and promise to set the same forward at the uttermost of our powers . Providing that the Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and other Prelates and Beneficed men which else have adjoyned themselves to us , brooke the revenues of their Benefices during their life times , they sustaining and upholding the Ministerie and Ministers , as is heerein specified , for Preaching of the Word and Ministring of the Sacraments . What be the contents of the whole Book , and how that this promise was illuded from time to time we shall after heare . Shortly after the said Parliament were sent from the Councell Ambassadours to England , the Earles Morton and Glencarne , together with William Maitland of Lethington , yonger . The chief point of their Commission was earnestly to crave the constant assistance of the Queens Majestie of England , against all forraigne invasion and common enemies . That same time was the Castle of Semple hard besieged and taken . Because the Lord thereof disobeyed the Lawes and Ordinances of the Councell in many things , and especially in that , that he would maintain the Idolatrie of the Masse , and also , that he beset the way to the Earle of Arrane , with a great gathering , as he was riding with his accustomed company . The Papists were proud , for they looked for a new Armie from France at the next Spring , and thereof was no small appearance , if God had not otherwise provided . For France utterly refused the confirmation of the Peace contracted at Leith , would ratifie no part of our Parliament , dismissed the Lord of Saint Iohn , without a resolute answer , began to gather new Bands of throat-cutters , and to make great preparation for Ships . They further sent before them certain practisers , ( amongst whom the Lord Seaton who had departed with the French out of Leith was one ) to raise up new troubles within this Realme . And all this came partly of the malice of the house of Guise , who had avowed to revenge the displeasure of their sister both upon England and Scotland , and partly by instigation of proud Beton , falsly called Bishop of Glasgow , of Dury Abbot of Dunfermeling , and Saulles Seaton , and Master Iohn Sinclair Deane of Restalrige , with such others of the French faction , who had openly spoken , That they had refused all portion of Scotland , unlesse that it were under the government of a French-man . Recompence them ( O Lord ) as thou knowest most expedient for thine owne glory , and for the perpetuall shame of all Traitours to their Common-wealth . The certain knowledge of all these things came to our eares , whereat many were afraid , and divers suspected that England would not be so forward in times to come , considering that their former expences were so great . The principall comfort remained with the Preachers , for they assured us in Gods Name that God would performe in all perfection that worke in our hands . The beginning whereof he had so mightily maintained , because it was not ours , but his own . And therefore exhorted us , That we should constantly proceed to reform all abuses , and to plant the Ministery of the Church , as by Gods word we might justifie it ; and then commit the successe of all to our God , in whose power the disposition of Kingdoms standeth . And so we began to do , for troubles appearing , made us give eare to the admonitions of Gods servants . And while that we had scarcely begun again to implore the help of our God , and to shew some signes of our obedience unto his Messengers , and holy Word , Lo the mighty hand of God from above sent unto us a wonderfull and most joyfull deliverance : For unhappy Francis , husband to our Soveraigne , suddenly perished of a rotten eare . But because the death of that young man was not onely the cause of joy to us in Scotland , but also by it were the faithfull in France delivered as it were from the present death . We think expedient to speak of the same somewhat more largely . These cruell and conjured enemies of God and of all godlinesse , the Duke of Guise , the Cardinall of Loraine , and their faction , who then at their owne appetite plaid the Tyrants in France , had determined the destruction of all that professed the true knowledge of Jesus Christ within that Realme . What tyrannie late before they had used at Amboyse , the History of France doth witnesse : now in Orleance in the moneth of November , conveaned the King , unhappy Francis , the Queen our Soveraigne , and the Queen mother of the King , the Duke of Guise , with all his faction : The King of Navarre , and the Prince of Condie , his brother . So that great was the confluence of the Nobilitie , but greater was the assembly of the murtherers , for there was not a Hang-man in all France which was not there . The prisons were full of the true servants of God : The King of Navarre , and the Prince of Condie were constituted Prisoners . The Sheriffe of Orleance , a man fearing God , was taken , and so were many others of the Towne . Briefly , there was none that professed God or godlinesse within that Towne , that looked not for the extremity , for the Walles and Gates were night and day kept with the Garisons of the Guysians , miserable men were daily brought in , to suffer judgement , but none was suffered to depart forth , but at the devotion of the Tyrants . And so they proceeded till the tenth or twelfth of December , when that they thought time to put their bloody councell in execution , and for that purpose conclusion was taken , That the King should depart out of the Towne , and lie at a certaine place ; which was done to this intent , That there should no suite be made to the King for the safetie of any mans life , whom they thought worthy of death . And so was the Kings house in Orleance broken up , his beds , cofers , and tapistrie sent away , his owne bootes put on , he sitting at the Masse immediately hereafter to have departed , and so their tyrannie to have begun . When all things , we say , were in this readinesse to shed the blood of innocents , the eternall , our God , who ever watcheth for the preservation of his owne , began to worke , and suddenly did put his own work in execution , for as the said King sat at Masse , he was suddenly stricken with an Aposthume , in that deaf ear that never would hear the Trueth of God , and so was he carried to a void and empty house , laid upon a palliase unto such time as a Cannaby was set up unto him , where he lay till the fifteenth day of December , in the yeere of God 1560. When his glory perished , and the pride of his stubborne heart vanished in smoke ; And so was the snare broken ; The Tyrants disappointed of their crueltie ; Those that was appointed to death , raised , as it were , out of their graves ; And we , who by our foolishnesse had made our selves slaves to strangers , were restored againe to freedome and libertie of a free Realme . O that we had hearts deepely to consider what are thy wondrous works ( O Lord ) that we might praise thee in the midst of this most obstinate and wicked generation , and leave the memoriall of the same to our posterities , which alas , we feare shall forget these thy inestimable benefits . Some in France , after the sudden death of Francis the 2. and calling to minde the death of Charles the 9 in blood ; and the slaughter of Henry the 2. did remark the Tragicall ends of these three Princes , who had persecuted Gods servants so cruelly by their instruments the Guisians , and by their Pens both in Prose and Verse , did advise all other Princes not to authorize any Persecution or wrong done unto Gods servants , left they should have the like end . And indeed the following Kings of France unto this day , hath found this true by their infortunate and unexpected ends . The death of this King made great alteration in France , England and Scotland ; France was erected in some esperance that the tyranny of the Guisians should no longer raigne above them , because God at unawares had broken the staffe whereupon they leaned ; but alas , they were deceived : For the simplicity of some was so abused , that against the Lawes of the Realm , to the Queen mother was committed the Regiment , which lifted up as well the Duke of Guise , as the cruell Cardinall , for a season . The Queen of England , and the Councell , remitted our Ambassadours . The pride of the Papists of Scotland began to be abated , and some that ever had shewn themselves enemies unto us , began to think , and plainly to speak ( amongst whom the old Sheriff of Ayre was one ) That they perceived God to fight for us . The Earle of Arrane having suffered repulse in his designe to marry the Queen of England , he began to fancie unto himselfe that the Queen of Scotland bare unto him some favour : And so he wrote unto her , and sent for credit a Ring , which the said Queen our Soveraign knew well enough . The Letter and Ring were both presented to the Queen , and by her received : Such answer was returned to the said Earle , after the which he made no further pursuit in that matter : And yet neverthelesse he did bear it heavily in heart , and more heavily then his friends would have wished ; for grief he was troubled in his understanding . The certainty of the death foresaid was signified unto us both by Sea and Land. By Sea received Iohn Knox ( who then had great intelligence both with the Churches abroad , and some of the Court of France ) That the King was mortally sick , and could not well escape death . Which Letters received that same day at afternoon he passed to the Duke to his own lodging at the Church of Field , with whom he found the Lord Iames in conference alone : The Earle of Arrane was in Iedburgh , to whom he opened such news as he had received , and willed them to be of good comfort ; for , said he , the advertiser hath never deceived me : It is the same Gentleman that first gave us knowledge of the slaughter of Henry King of France ; and shewed unto them the Letter , but would not expresse the mans name . While they were reasoning in divers purposes , and he comforting them : For while ( we say ) they three were familiarly communing together , there came a messenger from the Lord Gray forth of Barwick , assuring him of the death of the K. of France . Which noysed abroad , a generall Convention of the Nobility was appointed to be holden at Edinburgh the fifteenth day of Ianuary following , in the which the Book of discipline was perused newly over againe , for some pretended ignorance , by reason that they had not heard it . In that assembly was Master Alexander Anderson Subprincipall , and Under-Master of one of the Schools of Aberdein , a man more subtill and craftie than either learned or godly , called , who refused to dispute anent his faith , abusing a place of Tertullian , to cloak his ignorance . It was answered unto him , That Tertullian should not prejudge the Authoritie of the Holy Ghost , who by the mouth of Peter commandeth us to give reason of our faith to every one that requireth the same of us ; It was farther answered , that we neither required him , neither yet any man to dispute in any point concerning our faith ▪ which was grounded upon Gods Word , and fully expressed in his holy Scriptures , for all that we beleeved without controversie . But we required of him , as of the rest of Papists , that they would suffer their Doctrine , Constitutions , and Ceremonies to come to triall . And principally , that the Masse and the opinion thereof by them taught unto the people , might be laid to the square rule of Gods Word , and unto the right Institution of Jesus Christ , That they might understand whether that their Preachers offended , or not , in that , that they affirmed . The Action of the Masse to be expresly repugning unto the last Supper of the Lord Jesus , The sayer of it to commit horrible blasphemie in usurping up-him the Office of Christ , The hearers to commit damnable Idolatry , and the opinion of it conceived to be a derogation , and as it were a disanulling of Christs death . While the said Master Alexander denied , that the Priest took upon him Christs office , to offer for sin , as he alleaged , a Masse book was produced , and in the beginning of the Canon were these words read , Suscipe Sancta Trinitas hanc oblationem quam ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo Deo & vero , pro peccatis meis , pro peccatis totius Ecclesiae vivorum & mortuum . Now said the reasoner , if to off●r for the sinnes of the whole Church , was not the Office of Christ Jesus , yea that Office that to him onely might , and may appertaine , let the Scripture judge . And if a vile Knave , whom ye call Priest , proudly taketh the same upon him , let your own Books witnesse . The said Mr. Alexander answered , Christ offered the propitiatory , and that could none do but he ; but we offer the remembrance . Whereto it was answered , We praise God that ye have denyed a sacrifice propitiatorie to be in the Masse ; and yet we offer to prove , that in moe than a hundreth places of your Papisticall Doctors this proposition is affirmed , The Masse is said to be a Sacrifice propitiatory . But the second part , where ye alleage that ye offer Christ in remembrance ; we ask first , Unto whom do ye offer him ? and next by what authority are ye assured of well-doing ? In God the Father there falleth no Oblivion : And if ye will shift and say , that ye offer it not as God , were forgetfull , but as willing to apply Christs merits to his Church . We demand of you , What power & commandment have ye so to do ? We know that our Master Christ Jesus commanded his Apostles to do that which he did in remembrance of him , But plain it is , that Christ took bread , gave thanks , brake bread , and gave it to his disciples , saying , Take ye , eate ye , this is my body which is broken for you , do this in remembrance of me , &c. Here we finde a commandment , to take , to eat , to take and to drinke ; but to offer Christs Body either for remembrance or application , we finde not : And therefore we say , To take upon you an Office which is not given unto you , is unjust usurpation , and no lawfull power . The said Master Alexander being more then astonished , would have shifted ; but then the Lords willed him to answer directly , whereto he answered , That he was better seen in Philosophie , then in Theologie . Then was commanded M. Iohn Leslie ( who then was Parson of Une , and now Abbot of Londors , and after was made Bishop of Rosse ) to answer to the former Argument ; and he with great gravity began to answer , If our Master have nothing to say to it , I have nothing ; for I know nothing but the Cannon Law : And the greatest reason that ever I could finde there , is , Nolumus and Volumus , and yet we understand that now * he is the onely Patron of the Masse . But it is no marvell , for we understand that he is a Priests get and Bastard , and therefore we should not wonder , albeit that the old truan Verse be true , Patrem sequitur sua proles . The Nobility hearing that neither the one nor the other would answer directly , said , We have been miserably deceived heretofore ; for if the Masse may not obtaine remission of sins to the quick and to the dead , Wherefore were all the Abbies so richly doted and endowed with our Temporall lands . Thus much we thought good to insert here , because that some Papists are not ashamed now to affirm , That they with their reasons could never be heard , but that all we did , we did by meer force ; when that the whole Realme knoweth , That we ever required them to speak their judgements freely , not onely promising unto them protection and defence , but also that we should subscribe with them , if they by Gods Scriptures could confute us , and by the same Word establish their assertions . But who can correct the leasings of such as in all things shew them the sons of the Father of all lies . Preserve us , Lord , from that perverse and malicious Generation . Amen . At this same Assembly was the Lord Iames appointed to go to France to the Queen our Soveraigne , and a Parliament was appointed to begin the 20 of May next following ; for at that time was the returne of the said Lord Iames looked for : and so was that Convention dissolved , without any other thing of importance concluded . The said Lord Iames prepared him for his journey ( for albeit he past in the publike affairs , he sustained the charge of his own expences ; and yet there never past from this Realme in the company of one man so many , and so honest thorow England to France . ) Before he departed , he was forewarned , as well of the danger in France , as of the Queens craft ( not that we then suspected her nature , but that we understood the malice of her friends ) he was plainly premonished , That if ever he condescended that she should have Masse publikely or privately within the Realme of Scotland , that then betrayed he the Cause of God , and exposed the Religion even to the uttermost danger that he could do . That she should have Masse publikely , he affirmed that he would never consent : But to have it secretly in her Chamber , Who could stop her ? The danger was shewn , and so he departed . The Forme and Order of the Election of the Superintendent , and all other Ministers at Edinburgh , March the 9. 1560. John Knox being then Preacher . FIrst , was made a Sermon , in the which these Heads were handled : First , The necessity of Ministers and Superintendents , or Overseers . The second , the crimes and vices that might unable them of the Ministry . Thirdly , the vertues required in them . Fourthly and lastly , Whether such as by publike consent of the Church were called to such Office , might refuse the same . The Sermon finished , it was declared by the same Minister , maker thereof , That the Lords of the Secret Councell had given Charge and Power to the Churches of Lowthian , to to chuse Master Iohn Spottiswood Superintendent or Overseer ; And that sufficient warning was made by publike Edict to the Churches of Edinburgh , Linliethquow , Sterlin , Tranent , Hadington , and Dumbar , as also to the Earles , Lords , Barons , Gentlemen , and others , that have , or that might claim to have Vote in Election , to be present that day , and that same hour . And therefore enquiry was made , Who were present , and who were absent . After was called the said Iohn , who answering the Minister , demanded , If he knew any crime or offence to the said Master Iohn , that might unable him to be called to that Office ? and that he demanded thrise . Secondly , question was moved to the whole multitude , If there was any other whom they put in Election with the said Master Iohn : The people were asked , If they would have the said Master Iohn Superintendent or Overseer ? If they would honour and obey him as Christs Minister , and comfort and assist him in every thing pertaining to his Charge ? They answered : We will and do promise unto him such obedience , as becometh Sheep to give unto their Pastor , so long as he remaineth faithfull in his Office. Tne answers of the people , and their consent received , the questions were propounded to him that was to be elected . Question . Seeing that ye hear the thirst and desire of this people ; Do ye not thinke your selfe bound in conscience before God to support them , that so earnestly call for your comfort , and for the fruit of your labours ? Answer . If any thing were in me able to satisfie their desire , I acknowledge my selfe bound to obey God calling by them . Question . Do ye seek to be promoted to this Office and charge , for any respect of worldly commodity , riches , or glory ? Answer . God knoweth the contrary . Question . Beleeve ye not that the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles , contained in the Books of the Old and New Testaments , are the onely true , and most absolute foundation of the Universall Church of Christ Jesus , in so much that in the same Scriptures are contained all things necessary to be beleeved for the salvation of mankinde ? Answer . I verely beleeve the same , and do abhorre and utterly refuse all Doctrine alleadged necessary to salvation , that is not expressedly contained in the same . Question . Is not Christ Jesus man of man , according to the flesh ; to wit , The Sonne of David , The seed of Abraham , Conceived by the holy Ghost , Born of the Virgine his mother ; and that he is the onely Head and Mediatour of his Church ? Answer . He is , and without him there is neither salvation to man , nor life to Angel. Question . Is not the same Lord Jesus , The onely true God , The eternall Son of the eternall Father , in whom all that shall be saved were elected before the foundation of the world was laid ? Answer . I confesse and acknowledge , and confesse him in the Unitie of his God-head , to be God above all things blessed for ever . Question . Shall not they whom God in his eternall Councell hath elected , be called to the knowledge of his Sonne , our Lord Jesus , and shall not they who of purpose are called in this life , be justified , and justification and free remission of sins is obtained in this life by free grace ? Shall not the glory of the sons of God follow in the generall Resurrection , when the Son of God shall appear in his glorious Majestie ? Answer . This I acknowledge to be the Doctrine of the Apostles , and the most singular comfort of Gods children . Question . Will ye not then containe your self in all Doctrine within the bounds of this foundation ? Will ye not studie to promove the same , as well by your life , as by your Doctrine ? Will ye not , according to the graces and utterance that God shall grant unto you , professe , instruct , and maintaine the puritie of the Doctrine contained in the sacred Word of God , and to the uttermost of your power ? Will ye not gain-stand and convince the gain-sayers , and the teachers of mens inventions ? Answer . That do I promise in the presence of God , and of his Congregation heere assembled . Question . Know ye not that the excellencie of this Office to the which God hath called you , requireth that your conversation and behaviour be such , as that ye may be irreprehensible , yea , even in the eyes of the ungodly ? Answer . I unfainedly acknowledge , and humbly desire the Church of God to pray with me that my life be not slanderous to the glorious Gospel of Christ Iesus . Question . Because you are a man compassed with infirmities , will you not charitably and with lowlinesse of spirit receive admonition of your brethren ? And if ye shall happen to slide or offend in any point , will ye not be subject to the Discipline of the Church , as the rest of your brethren . The Answer of the Superintendent or Minister to be elected . I acknowledge my self a man subjected to infirmity , and one that hath need of correction and admonition , and therefore I most willingly subject my selfe to the wholsome Discipline of the Church , yea , to the Discipline of the same Church by which I am now called to this Office and Charge , and here in Gods presence and yours , do promise obedience to all admonitions , secretly or publikely given ; unto which , if I be found inobedient , I confesse my selfe most worthy to be rejected , not onely from this honour , but also from the societie of the faithfull in case of my stubbornnesse . For the vocation of God to beare charge within his Church , maketh not men Tyrants nor Lords , but appointeth them servants , Watch-men , and Pastors to the flock . Thus ended , question must be asked again of the multitude . Question . Require ye any further of this your Superintendent , or Overseer and Minister . If no man answer , let the Minister proceed . Question . Will ye not acknowledge this your brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus , your Overseer and Pastour ? Will ye not reverence the Word of God that proceedeth from his mouth ? Will ye not receive of him the Sermon of Exhortation with patience ; not refusing the wholsome Medicine of your soules , although it be bitter and unpleasing to the flesh ? Will ye not finally maintain and comfort him in his Ministerie and watching over you , against all such as wickedly would rebell against God and his holy Ordinance ? The people answered . We will : as we will answer to the Lord Iesus , who hath commanded his Ministers to be had in reverence , as his Ambassadours , and as men that carefully watch for the salvation of our soules . Let the Nobilitie be urged with this . Ye have heard the dutie and profession of this our brother by your consents appointed to this charge , as also the dutie and obedience which God requireth of us towards him heere in his Ministerie . But because that neither of both are able to performe any thing without the especiall grace of our God in Christ Jesus , who hath promised to be with us present even to the consummation of the world , with unfained hearts let us crave of him his benediction and assistance in this work begun , to his glory , and for the comfort of his Church . The Prayer . O Lord , to whom all power is given in heaven and on earth , thou that art the eternall Sonne of the eternall Father , who hast not onely loved thy Church , that for the redemption and purgation of the same , hast humbled thy selfe to the ignominious death of the Crosse , and thereupon hast shed thy most precious and innocent blood , to prepare to thy self a Spouse without spot , but also to retain this most excellent benefit in recent memory , hast appointed in thy Church , Teachers , Pastours , and Apostles , to instruct , comfort , and admonish the same ; Look upon us mercifully , O Lord , thou that onely art King , Teacher , and high Priest , to thine own flock : and send unto this our Brother , whom in thy Name we have charged with the chief care of thy Church within the bounds of L. such portion of thy holy Spirit , as thereby he may rightly divide thy Word , to the instruction of thy flock , and to the confutation of pernicious errours and damnable Superstitions . Give unto him , good Lord , a mouth and wisdome , whereby the enemies of thy Trueth may be confounded , the Wolves expelled and driven from thy Fold , thy Sheep may be fed in the wholsome Pastures of thy most holy Word , the blinde and ignorant may be illuminated with thy true knowledge . Finally , that the degrees of Superstition and Idolatry which now resteth within this Realme , being purged and removed , we may all not onely have occasion to glorifie thee our onely Lord and Saviour , but also daily to grow in godlinesse and obedience of thy most holy will , to the destruction of the body of sin , and to the restitution of that image , to the which we were once created , and to the which after our fall and defection we are renewed by participation of thy holy Spirit , which by true Faith in thee we do professe , as the blessed of thy Father , of whom the perpetuall increase of thy graces we crave , as by thee our Lord , King , and onely Bishop we are taught to pray . Our Father , &c. The Prayer ended , the rest of the Ministers , if any be , and Elders of that Church present , in signe of their consent , shall take the elected by the hand . The chiefe Minister shall give the Benediction , as followeth ; God , the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , who hath commanded his Gospel to be Preached , to the comfort of his Elect , and hath called thee to the Office of a Watch-man over his people , multiply his graces with thee , illuminate thee with his holy Spirit ; comfort and strengthen thee in all vertue ; governe and guide thy Ministerie , to the praise of his holy Name , to the propagation of Christs Kingdom , to the comfort of his Church ; and finally , to the plaine discharge and assurance of thine owne conscience in the day of the Lord Jesus ; to whom with the Father and with the holy Ghost , be all honour , praise , and glory , now and ever . So be it . The last Exhortation to the elected . TAke heed to thy selfe , and unto the flock committed to thy charge , feed the same carefully , not as it were by compulsion , but of very love which thou bearest to the Lord Jesus . Walk in simplicity and purenesse of life , as it becometh the true servant and the Ambassadour of the Lord Jesus . Usurpe not dominion nor tyrannicall authority over thy brethren , be not discouraged in adversity , but lay before thy self the example of the Prophets , Apostles , and of the Lord Jesus , who in their Ministery sustained contradiction , contempt , persecution , and death : fear not to rebuke the world of Sin , Justice , and Judgement . If any thing succeed prosperously in thy Vocation , be not puft up with pride , neither yet flatter thy self , as that the good successe proceedeth from thy vertue , industrie or care . But let ever that sentence of the Apostle remain in thine heart ; What hast thou which thou hast not received ? If thou have received , why gloriest thou ? Comfort the afflicted , support the poore , and exhort others to support them . Be not carefull for things of this life , but be fervent in prayer to God for the increase of his holy Spirit . And finally , behave thy selfe in this holy vocation , with such sobriety as God may be glorified in thy Ministery . And so shalt thou shortly obtaine the Victory , and shalt receive the Crowne promised , when the Lord Jesus shall appeare in his glory , whose omnipotent Spirit assist thee and us to the end . Sing 23. Psalme . As the servants of God uprightly travelled to have vice punished , and vertue planted ; so did the devill ever stirre up some in the contrary of both . There was a Law made against fornicators and adulterers , that the one and the other should be Carted thorow the Towns , and so banished , till that their repentance was offered and received . And albeit this was not the severity of Gods Law , especially against adulterers , yet was it a great bridle to the malefactors , whereat the wicked did wonderously storme . It chanced that one Sanderson a Fletcher or Boutcher , was deprehended to have put away his lawfull wife ( under colour that he was lawfully parted after the manner of the Papisticall Religion ) and had taken to him another in his house . The complaint and slander proposed to the Church , and triall taken , That he was not married with the second woman , neither that he was able to prove that he was divorced by any order of the Law from the first , he was committed to the hands of the Magistrates , who according to the Laws commanded him to be Carted . But the rascall multitude enflamed by some ungodly Crafts-men , made insurrection , brake the Cart , boasted and threatned the Officers , and took away the malefactor . This was the beginning of farther evils , as we shall after hear . In this mean time , while Lord Iames ( we say ) was in France , there came an Ambassadour from France , suborned , no doubt , with all craft that might , to trouble the state of Religion . His Demands were , first , That the League betwixt us and England should be broken . Secondly , That the ancient League betwixt France and Scotland should be renewed . Thirdly , And that the Bishops and Church-men should be restored in their former places , and be suffered to intermit with their Livings . The Councell delayed answer , untill the Parliament appointed in May. In the mean time the Papists of Scotland practised with him . The Earls of Huntlie , Atholl , Bothwell , and others , intended to have taken Edinburgh before the said Parliament . The whole Bishops assembled , and held Councell in Sterlin . Some whispering there was , that the Duke , and the Bishop of Saint Andrews were too familiar ; and some feared that the Authority of the Queen should have been usurped , by reason of her absence , and that the Duke was the second Person , for thereat had some of his pressed immediately after the death of the King of France . The Protestants thereof advertised , prevented them , and came to Edinburgh . The Earle of Arran stood constant with his brethren ; there were some that carefully and painfully travelled that nothing prejudiciall to the Queens Authority should be done in the absence of the Lord Iames , to whom the Queen hath recompenced evil for good service . Master Iames Magill in that point did both stoutly and truely ; for Iohn Knox and he were then fallen in familiarity , in which they yet continue , 20 Octobris 1567. by reason that the said Master Iames had embraced the Religion , and professed it publikely . The Papists and Bishops disappointed of their principall enterprise , did yet make broyle for trouble : For the rascall multitude were stirred up to make a Robin-Hood , which enormity was of many yeers left off , and condemned by Stature and Act of Parliament ; yet would they not be forbidden , but would disobey and trouble the Town , especially upon the night : Whereat the Bayliffs offended , took from them some Swords and Ensigne , which was occasion that they that same night made a mutiny ; kept the Gates of the Towne , and intended to have pursued some men within their owne houses ; But that upon the restitution of their Swords and Ensigne , was stayed . And yet they ceased not to molest , as well the Inhabitants of Edinburgh , as divers Countrey-men , taking from them money , and threatning some with farther injuries : Wherewith the Magistrates of the Town highly offended , took more diligent heed to such as resorted to the Town , and so apprehended one of the principall of that disorder , named Balon , a Shoo-maker , whom they put to an Assizes ; and being convinced ( he could not be absolved , for he was the chief man that spoyled Iohn Mubray of ten Crowns of the Sun ) they thought to have executed Judgement upon him , and so erected a Gibbet beneath the Crosse. ( Whether it came by Paction with the Provest and some other , or by instigation of the Crafts-men , who ever have been bent too much to maintain such vanity and riotousnesse , we fully know not ) but suddenly there did arise a tumult , the Tolbuith was broken up , and not onely the said Balon , who before was condemned , was violently taken forth , but also all other malefactors were set at freedome , the Gibbet was pulled downe , and despightfully broken . And thereafter , as the Provest , and some of the Councell , assembled to the Clerks Chamber for consultation . The whole rascall banded together , with some knowne and honest Crafts-men , and intended invasion on the said Chamber ; which perceived , the Provest , and such as were in his company , past to the Tolbuith , suspecting nothing that they would have been so enraged , to make new pursuit , after that they had obtained their intent : But they were suddenly deceived ; for from the Castle hill they came with violence , and with stones , Guns , and such other Weapons as they had , and began to assault the said Tolbuith , ran at the door of it , till that partly by stones cast from above , and partly by a Pistoll shot by Robert Norwell , ( which hurt one Tuedy ) they were repulsed from the door . But yet ceased they not to cast and shoot in at the windows , threatning death to all that were within . And in very deed the malice of the Crafts-men , who were suspected to be the occasion of that tumult , bare no good will to divers of those that were with the Provest . The Arguments that the Crafts-men were the causes of that uprore , besides their first disorder that they had used before , in taking Sandersone from the execution of punishment , are two . The former , Archibald Deware , Patricke Shaugzie , with other six Deacons , came to Iohn Knox , and willed him to solicite the Provest and the Towne to delay the execution . Who did answer , That he had so oft solicited in their favours , that his own conscience accused him , That they used his labours for no other end , but to be a Patron to their impiety ; for he had before made intercession for William Harlaw , Iohn Frissell , and others that were convinced of the former tumult : They proudly said , That if it was not stayed , both he and the Bayliffs should repent it . Who answered , He would not hurt his conscience for the fear of any man : And so they departed ; and the tumult , as said is , immediately thereafter did arise . The second Argument is ; The tumult continued from two at afternoon , till after eight at night . The Crafts-men were required to assemble themselves together for deliverance of the Provest ; but they past to their four hours penie , or afternoons Pinte , and in their jesting , said , They will be Magistrates alone , let them rule the multitude alone . And so , contrary to the Oath which they had made , they denied their assistance , counsell , & comfort to the Provest and Bayliffs , which are arguments very probable that the said tumult rose by their procurement . The end thereof was , That the Provest and Bayliffs were compelled to give their hands writs , that they should never pursue any of those that were of that tumult , for any crime that was done in that behalf . And this was proclaimed at the Crosse , after nine of the clock at night ; and so was that trouble quieted : But the Nobility vowed , That they would not spare it , nor forget it ; and so a great number of that faction were absent from the Towne , till the arrivall of the Queen . The whole multitude were holden excommunicate , and were admitted to no participation of the Sacraments , untill such time as they satisfied the Magistrates , and made humble suit unto the Church . Of the death of the Queen Regent , we have heard before spoken ; but of her Buriall was nothing heard . And it may appear , That such matters are unworthy of remembrance : And if all things should be rightly weighed , we shall perceive Gods just Judgements , how secret soever that they be . Before we heard the barbarous inhumanity that was used at Leith by the French , who exposed the naked carkasses of the slain , as it were in a spectacle despighting God. We have heard that the Queen Regent rejoyced at the sight , but her joy was suddenly turned into sorrow , as we have heard . The question was moved of her Buriall : The Preachers boldly gainstood , That any Superstitious Rites should be used within that Realm , which God of his mercy began to repugne . And so conclusion was taken , That her Buriall should be deferred till farther advertisement ; and so was she wrapped in a Coffin of Lead , and kept in the Castle , from the ninth of Iune , untill the 19 of October , when she by Pynours was carried to a Ship , and so carried to France : what pomp was used there , we neither heard , nor yet regard : But in it we see , That she that delighted that others lay without Buriall , gat it neither so soon as she her selfe ( if she had been of the counsell in her life ) would have required it ; neither yet so honourable in this Realm , as sometimes she looked for . As men do , so they receive . The Papists , a little before the Parliament , resorted in divers Bands to the Town , and began to brag , as that they would have defaced the Protestants : Which thing perceived , the brethren assembled , and went in such Companies , and yet in peaceable manner , that the Bishops and their Bands forsook the calsay or street . The Brethren understanding what the Papists meant , convened in Councell in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh the seven and twentieth of May , the yeer of God 1561. and after consultation , concluded , That an humble Supplication should be presented unto the Lords of the Secret Counsell , and unto the whole Assembly that then was convened , in the which should these subsequent Heads be required , and a Law to passe thereupon . 1. First , That Idolatry , and all Monuments thereof should be suppressed thorowout the whole Realme : That the sayers , hearers , maintainers , and hanters of the Masse , should be punished according to the Act of Parliament , as said is . 2. That speciall and certain provision be made for the maintenance of the Superintendents , Ministers , Exhorters and Readers : That Superintendents and Ministers should be planted where none were : That punishment should be appointed for such as disobeyed or contemned the Superintendents in their Function . 3. That punishment may be appointed for the abusers of the Sacraments , and for the contemners of the same . 4. That no Letters of the Session , or Warrant from the Iudge , be given to answer or pay to any person of their Tenths , without especiall provision that the Parishioners retain so much in their owne hands , as is appointed for the maintenance of the Ministry : And that all such as are else given be called in and discharged ; And likewise that no Sheriffs give Precepts to that effect . 5. That neither the Lords of Session , nor any other Iudges , proceed upon such Precepts or Warnings past at the instance of them that of late have obtained fewis of Vicarages and Parsons Manses , and Church-yards : And that six akers ( if so much there be of the Gleebe ) be alwayes reserved to the Minister , according to the appointment of the Book of Discipline . 6. That no Letters of Session , nor other Warrants , take place while the stipends contained in the Book of Discipline for maintenance of the Ministers , be first consigned in the hands at the least of the Principals of the Parishioners . 7. That punishment be appointed against all such as purchase , bring home , or execute within this Realme the Popes Bulls . The Tenour of the Supplication was this : PLease your Honours , and the wisedoms of such as are presently convened with you in Councell , to understand , That by many arguments we perceive what the pestilent generation of that Romane Antichrist within this Realme pretendeth , to wit , That they would of new erect their Idolatry , take upon them Empire above our conscience , and so to command us , the true subjects of this Realme , and such as God of his mercy hath ( under our Soveraigne ) subject unto us , in all things to obey their appetites . Honesty craveth , and conscience moveth us , to make the very secrets of our hearts patent to your Honours in that behalfe , which is this ; That before ever those Tyrants and dumb dogges Empire above us , and above such as God hath subjected unto us , that we the Barons and Gentlemen professing Christ Iesus within this Realme , are fully determined to hazard life , and whatsoever we have received of God in Temporall things . Most humbly therefore beseeching your Honours , That such order may be taken , that we have not occasion to take againe the Sword of just Defence into our hands , which we have willingly ( after God had given Victory both to your Honours and us ) resigned over into your hands ; To the end that Gods Gospel may be publikely Preached within this Realme , The true Ministers thereof reasonably maintained , Idolatry suppressed , and the committers thereof punished , according to the Lawes of God and man. In doing whereof your Honours shall finde us not onely obedient unto you in all things lawfull , but also ready at all times to bring under order and obedience such as would rebell against your just authority , which in absence of our Soveraigne we acknowledge to be in your hands , beseeching your Honours with upright judgement and indifferencie , to look upon these our few Articles , and by these our brethren to signifie unto us such answer againe , as may declare your Honours worthy of that place , whereunto God ( after some danger sustained ) in his mercy hath called you . And let these enemies of God assure themselves , That if your Honours put not order unto them , that we shall shortly take such order , That they shall neither be able to do what they list , neither yet to live upon the sweat of the brows of such as are no debters unto them . Let your honours conceive nothing of us , but all humble obedience in God. But let the Papists be yet once againe assured , That their Pride and Idolatry we will not suffer . Directed from the assembly of the Church the 28 of May 1561. And sent by these brethren ; The Master of Lindsay , The Laird of Lochinvar , The Laird of Pharmherst , The Laird of Whittingham , Thomas Menzeis Provest of Aberdeene , and George Lowell Burgesse of Dundie . Upon the which Request and Articles , the Lords and Counsell aforesaid , made an Act and Ordinance , answering to every head of the foresaid Articles , and commanded Letters to be answered thereupon , which divers Ministers raised and copied , as in the Books of secret Councell is yet to be found . And thus gat Satan the second fall , after that he had begun to trouble the state of Religion , once established by Law. His first assault was by the rascall multitude , opposing themselves to the punishment of vice . The second was by the Bishops and their bands , in which he thought utterly to have triumphed : And yet he in the end prospered worse then ye have heard . In this meane time returned from France the Lord Iames , who beside his great expences , and the losse of a box wherein was his secret purse , escaped a desperate danger in Paris : for his returning from our Soveraigne ( who then was with the Cardinall of Loraine her Uncle in Rhemes ) understood of the Papists in Paris , they had conspired some treasonable act against him ; for they intended either to have beset his house by night , or else to have assaulted him and his company as they walked in the streets : Whereof the said Lord Iames advertised by the Rinegrave , by reason of old familiaritie which was betwixt them in Scotland ; he took purpose suddenly and in good order , to depart from Paris , as he did the second day after that he arrived there : And yet could not he depart so secretly , but that the Papists had their privie ambushes : For upon the new decayed pont of change , they had prepared a Procession , which met the said Lord and his Company even in the teeth ; and knowing that they would not do the accustomed reverence to them and their Idols , they thought thereupon to have picked a Quarrell : And so as one part passed by , without moving of hat to any thing that was there , they had suborned some to cry , Hugonots , and so cast stones . But God disappointed their enterprise ; for the said Rinegrave , with other Gentlemen , being with the Lord Iames , rebuked the foolish multitude , and over-rode some of the formost , and so the rest were dispersed , and he and his companie safely escaped , and came with expedition to Edinburgh , while that yet the Lords and assembly were together , to the great comfort of many godly hearts , and to no little astonishment of the wicked : for from the Queen our Soveraigne he brought Letters to the Lords , praying them to entertain quietnesse , and to suffer nothing to be attempted against the contract of Peace which was made at Leith , till her own home coming , and to suffer the Religion publikely established , to go forward , &c. Whereupon the said Lords gave answer to the French Ambassadour , a Nega●ive to every one of his Petitions . The Lords Answer to the French Ambassadour . 1. And first , That France had not deserved at their hands , that either they or their posteritie should enter with them againe in any League or Confederacie , offensive or defensive , seeing that so traiterously and cruelly they had persecuted them , their Realme and Liberties , under pretence of amitie and Marriage . 2. Secondly , That besides their conscience , they could not take such a worldly shame , as without offence committed to break the League , which in Gods Name they had made with them , whom he hath made instruments to set Scotland at freedome from the tyrannie of the French , at least of the Guisians and of their faction . 3. And last , That such as they called Bishops and Church-men , they knew neither for Pastours of the Church , neither yet for any just possessours of the patrimony thereof . But understand them perfectly to be Wolves , Theeves , Murtherers , and idle Bellies ; and therefore as Scotland hath forsaken the Pope and Papistry , so could not they be debters to his forsworn Vassals . With these answers departed the said Ambassador , and the Lords of secret Counsell made an Act , that all places and Monuments of Idolatry should be destroyed . And for that purpose was directed to the West , the Earl of Arrane , having joyned with him the Earls of Argile and Glencarne , together with the Protestants of the West , who burnt Paslay ( the Bishop of Saint Andrews , who was Abbey thereof , narrowly escaped ) cast down Failfurd , Kylwinning , and a part of Cosraguell : The Lord Iames was appointed to the North , where he made such Reformation , as nothing contented the Earle of Huntly , and yet seemed he to approve all things . And thus God so potently wrought with us , so long as we depended upon him , that all the World might see his potent hand to maintain us , and to fight against our enemies : yea , most to confound them , when that they promised to themselves victory without resistance . Oh that we would rightly consider the wondrous works of the Lord our God. In the Treatie of Peace contracted at Leith , there were contained certain Heads that required the Ratification of both Queens . The Queen of England , according to her Promise , Subscription , and Seale , without any delay performed the same , and sent it to our Soveraigne , by her appointed Officers . But our Soveraigne ( whether because her own craftie nature thereto moved her , or that her Uncles chiefe Counsellers so would , we know not ) with many delayes frustrated the expectation of the Queen of England , as by the Copie of a Letter sent from the Ambassadour of England to his Soveraigne we may understand . The Ambassadours Letter . MADAME , I Sent Sommer to the Queen of Scots for audience , who appointed me to come to her the same day after dinner , which I did . To her I did remember your Majesties hearty commendations , and declared unto her your Majesties like gladsomnesse of her recoverie from her late sicknesse , whose want of health , as it was grievous unto your Majestie , so , I told her , did you congratulate , and greatly rejoyce of the good termes of health she was in for the present . After these offices of civilitie , I put her in remembrance againe what had passed from the beginning , in the matter of your Majesties demand of Ratification , according to the Tenour of the said Treatie , as well by me at the first , as afterward by my Lord of Bedford , at his being here , and also followed sithence again by me in open audience , and by my Letter to her being in Loraine , adding hereto your Majesties further commandment , and re-charge to me again presently to renue the same demand , as before had been done . At Paris the 23 of June 1561. The said Queen made answer as followeth . Monsieur L'Ambassadour , I Thank the Queen , my good sister , for this gentle visitation and congratulation of this my recoverie , and though I be not yet in perfect health , yet , I thank God , I feele my selfe in a very good case , and in way of a full recoverie . And for answer to your demand ( quoth she ) of my Ratification , I do remember all these things that you have recited unto me : And I would the Queen my good sister should think that I do deferre the resolute answer in this matter , and performing thereof , untill such time as I might have the advises of the Nobles and States of mine own Realme , which I trust shall not be long a doing , for I intend to make my voyage thither shortly . And though this matter ( quoth she ) doth touch me principally , yet doeth it also touch the Nobles and States of my Realm too : and therefore it shall be meet that I use their advises therein . Heretofore they have seemed to be grieved , that I should do any thing without them . And now they would be more offended , if I should proceed in this matter of my selfe without their advises . I do intend ( quoth she ) to send Monsieur Dosell to the Queen your Mistresse my good sister , who shall declare that unto her from me , that I trust shall suffice her . By whom I will give her to understand of my journey into Scotland , I mean to embarke at Calice . The King of France hath lent me certain Galleyes and Ships to convey me home , and I intend to require of my good Sister those favours that Princes use to do in those cases . And though the termes wherein we have stood heretofore , have been somewhat hard , * yet I trust that from henceforth we shall accord together as Cosins and good Neighbours . I mean ( quoth she ) to retire all the French men forth of Scotland , who had given jealousie to the Queen my Sister , and discontent to my Subjects ; so as I will leave nothing undone to satisfie all parties , trusting the Queen my good Sister will do the like ; and that from henceforth none of my disobedient Subjects ( if there be any such ) shall finde ayd or support at her hands . I answered , That I was not desirous to fall into the discourse how those hard termes first began , nor by what means they were nourished , because therein I must charge some party with injury , and perill offered to the Queen my Mistresse , which was the very ground of those matters . But I was well assured there could be no better occasion offered to put the former unkindnesse in forgetfulnesse , then by ratifying the Treatie of Peace , for that should repay all injuries past . And Madame , quoth I , where it pleased you to suspend and delay the ratification , untill you have the advices of the Nobles and States of your Realm , the Queen my Mistresse doth nothing doubt of their conformitie in this matter , because the Treatie was made by their consents . The Queen answered , yea , by some of them , but not by all ; it will appeare , when I come amongst them , whether they be of the same minde that you say they were then of : But of this I assure you , Monsieur Lambassadour ( quoth she ) I for my part am very desirous to have the perfect and the assured amity of the Queen my good sister , and will use all the means I can , to give her occasion to think that I mean it indeed . I answered , Madame , the Queen my Mistresse you may be assured will use the like towards you , to move you to be of the same opinion towards her . Then ( said she ) I trust the Queen your Mistresse will not support nor encourage none of my Subjects to continue in their disobedience , nor to take upon them things that appertain not to Subjects ( this we may answer here , It appertaineth to Subjects to worship God as he hath commanded , and to suppresse Idolatry , by whom so ever it be erected or maintained . ) You know ( quoth she ) there is much adoe in my Realme about matters of Religion . And though there be a greater number of a contrary Religion unto me then I would there were , yet there is no reason that Subjects should give a Law to their Soveraigne , and specially in matters of Religion , which I feare ( quoth she ) my Subjects shall take in hand ( answer for the part of Scotland , and if so they had done , they had escaped Gods heavie indignation which hath been felt , and still hangeth over this Realm , for the Idolatry , and other abominations committed in the same , which shall not cease till that it be suppressed ) I answered , Madame , your Realme is in none other case at this day , then all other Realms through Christendome are . The proofe whereof you see verified in this Realm . And you see what great difficultie it is to give order in this matter , though the King of France and all his Councell be very desirous thereunto . Religion is of the greatest force that may be ; you have been long out of your own Realm , so as the contrary Religion to yours had won tbe upper hand , and the greatest part of your Realme : Your mother was a woman of great experience of deep dissimulation and policy , as they terme it now adayes , and kept that Realme in quietnesse , till she began to constrain mens consciences ; and as you think it unmeet to be constrained by your subjects , so it may please you to consider , The matter is as intolerable to them to be constrained by you , in matters of conscience ; for the duty due to God cannot be given to any other , without offence of his Majesty . Why ( said she ) God doth command subjects to be obedient to their Princes , and commandeth Princes to read his Law , and governe thereby themselves , and the people committed to their charges . Answer . Yea , Madame ( quoth I ) in those things that be not against his Commandments . Well ( quoth she ) I will be plain with you : The Religion that I professe , I take to be most acceptable to God ; and indeed , neither do I know , nor desire to know any other . Constancy doth become all folks well , but none better then Princes , and such as have rule over Realmes , and specially in matters of Religion ( the Turke is as constant in his Alcoran , as the Pope and his Sect are in his Constitutions ) I have been brought up ( quoth she ) in this Religion , and who might credit me in any thing , if I should shew my selfe light in this case . And though I be young , and not well learned , yet I have heard this matter oft disputed by my Uncle the Cardinall , with some that thought they could say somewhat in the matter ; and I found therein no great reason to change my opinion ( neither yet did the high Priest , when Christ Jesus did reason in his presence . But what was the Cardinall compelled to confesse at Poysie ? ) Madame ( quoth I ) if you will judge well in that matter , you must be conversant in the Scriptures , which are the Touch-stone to try the right from the wrong . Peradventure you are so partially affected to your Uncles arguments , that you could not indifferently consider the other party : Yet this I assure you , Madam ( quoth I ) your Uncle the Cardinall , in conference with me about these matters , hath confessed , That there be great errours and abuses come into the Church , and great disorder in the Priests and Clergie , in so much that he desired and wished that there might be a Reformation of the one , and of the other . I have oftentimes heard him say the like ( quoth she . ) Then I said , Well , I trust God will inspire all you that be Princes , that there may be some good order taken in this matter , so as there may be one Unity in Religion thorow all Christendom . God grant ( quoth she ) but for my part you may perceive I am none of those that will change my Religion every yeer . And , as I told you in the beginning , I mean to constrain none of my subjects , but would wish that they were all as I am ; and I trust they shall have no support to constrain me . I will send Monsieur Dosell ( quoth she ) to you before he go , to know whether ye will any thing in England . I pray you so order your self in this matter betwixt the Queen my good sister and me , that there may be perfect and assured Amity betwixt us ; for I know ( quoth she ) Ministers may do much good and harm . I told her I would faithfully and truely make declaration of all that she said unto me , unto your Majestie ; and trusted that she would so satisfie your Majesty by Monsieur Dosell in all things , as I should hereafter have no more occasion to treat with her of any thing , but of the encrease of Amity , of which there should be no want on her behalf . This is the effect of the Queen of Scotlands answer to your Majesties demand of her said Ratification , and of my Negotiation with her at this time . These advertisements somewhat exasperated the Queen of England , and not altogether without cause ; for the Armes of England were before usurped by our Soveraigne , and by her husband Francis ; and Elizabeth Queen of England was of the Guysians reputed little better then a Bastard . It was appointed that this title should be renewed . But hereof had our ill counselled and misled Queen no pleasure , and especially after that her husband was dead ; for , thought she , the shew of England shall allure many suiters to me . The Guisians , and the Papists of both Realms , did not a little animate her in that pursuit : The effect whereof will sooner appear then the godly of England would desire . Queen Elizabeth , we say , offended with the former answer , wrote unto the Nobility and States of Scotland in form as followeth . The Queen of Englands Letter to the States of Scotland . RIght Trusty , and Right entirely Beloved Cousins , We greet you . We doubt not , but as our meaning is , and hath alwayes been , since our Raigne , in the sight of Almighty God straight and direct towards the advancement of his Honour , and Truth in Religion ; and consequently , to procure Peace , and maintain Concord betwixt both these Realms of England and Scotland ; So also our outward acts have well declared the same to the world , and especially to you , being our neighbours , who have tasted and proved in these , our friendship and earnest good will , more then we think any of your antecessors have ever received from hence ; yea , more then a great number of your selves could well have hoped for of us , all former examples being well weighed and considered . And this we have to rejoyce of , and so may ye be glad , That where in the beginning of the troubles in that Countrey , and of our succours meant for you , the jealousie , or rather the malice of divers , both in that Realme and in other Countreys was such , both to deprive both us in the yeelding , and you in requiring our ayd , that we were noted to have meant the surprise of that Realm , by depriving of your Soveraigne the Queen of her Crown ; and you , or the greatest part of you , to have intended by our succour the like ; and either to prefer some other to the Crown , or else to make of that Monarchie a Common-weale ; matters very slanderous and false . But the end and determination , yea , the whole course and processe of the action on both our parts have manifested , both to the slanderers , and to all others , That nothing was more meant and prosecuted , then to establish your Soveraigne the Queen , our Cousin and Sister in her State and Crowne , the possession whereof was in the hands of strangers . And although no words could then well satisfie the malicious , yet our deeds do declare , That no other thing was sought , but the restitution of that Realme to the ancient Liberty , and as it were to redeem it from Captivity . Of these our purposes and deeds , there remaineth among other arguments good testimony , by a solemne Treaty and Accord made the last yeer at Edinburgh , by Commissioners sent from us , and from your Queen , with full Authority in writing under both our Hands , and the great Seals of both our Realms , in such manner as other Princes our Progenitors have always used . By which Treaty and Accord , either of us have faithfully accorded with other , to keep Peace and Amity betwixt our selves , our Countreys and subjects . And in the same also a good Accord is made , not onely of certain things happened betwixt us , but also of some differences betwixt the Ministers of the late French King your Soveraigns husband and you the States of that Realm , for the alteration of Laws and Customs of that Countrey attempted by them . Upon which Accord there made and concluded , hath hitherto followed , as you know , surety to your Soveraignes State , quietnesse to your selves , and a better Peace betwixt both Realms , then ever was heard of in any time past . Neverthelesse how it happeneth we know not ( we can , for she in her conceit thinketh her selfe Queen of both ) That your Soveraigne either not knowing in this part her owne felicity , or else dangerously seduced by perverse Counsell , whereof we are most sorry ; being of late at sundry times required by us , according to her Bond with us , signed with her own Hand , and sealed with the great Seal of that Realme , and allowed by you , being the States of the same , to ratifie the said Treaty , in like manner as we by writing have done , and are ready to deliver it to her , who maketh such delatory answers thereunto , as what we shall judge thereof , we perceive by her answer , That it is fit for us to require of you : For although she hath alwayes answered since the death of her husband , That in this matter she would first understand the mindes of certain of you , before that she would make answer . And so having now of long time suspended our expectation , in the end , notwithstanding that she hath had conference both by Messengers , and by some of your selves , being with her , yet she still delayed it , alleadging to our Ambassadour in France ( who said that this Treaty was made by your consents ) it was not by consent of you all ; and so would have us to forbear , untill she shall returne into that her Countrey . And now seeing this her answer depended , as it should seem by her words , upon your opinions , we cannot but plainly let you all understand , That this manner of answer , without some more fruit , cannot long content us : We have meant well to our sister your Queen in time of offence given to us by her We did plainly , without dissimulation , charge her in her own doubtfull state : while strangers possessed her Realme , we stayed it from danger . And now , having promised to keep good Peace with her , and with you her subjects , we have observed it ; and shall be sorry if either she or you shall give us contrary cause . In a matter so profitable to both the Realmes , we think it strange that your Queene hath no better advice : And therefore we do require you all , being the States of that Realme , upon whom the burden resteth , to consider this matter deeply , and to make us answer , whereunto we may trust . And if you shall think meet she shall thus leave the Peace imperfect , by breaking of her solemne promise , contrary to the order of all Princes , we shall be well content to accept your answer , and shall be as carelesse to see the Peace , as ye shall give us cause ; And doubt not , by the grace of God , but whosoever of you shall incline thereto , shall soonest repent . You must be content with our plain writing . And on the other side , if you continue all in one minde , to have the Peace inviolably kept , and shall so by your advice procure the Queen to ratifie it , we also plainly promise you , That we will also continue our good disposition to keep the same in such good termes as now it is : And in so doing , the honour of Almighty God shall be duely sought and promoted in both Realms , The Queen your Soveraigne shall enjoy her State with your surety , and your selves possesse that which ye have with tranquility ; to the encrease of your Families and Posterities , which by the frequent Wars heretofore your antecessors never had long in one state . To conclude , we require you to advertise us of what minde you be , specially if you all continue in that minde , that you mean to have the Peace betwixt both the Realmes perpetually kept : And if you shall forbear any longer to advertise us , ye shall give us some occasion of doubt , whereof more hurt may grow then good . From , &c. These Letters received and perused , albeit the States could not be convened , yet did the Councell , and some others also in particular , return answers with reasonable diligence . The Tenour of our Letters was this : MADAME , PLease your Majestie , that with judgement we have considered your Majesties Letters : And albeit the whole States could not suddenly be assembled , yet we thought expedient to signifie somewhat of our mindes unto your Majestie . Far be it from us , that either we take upon us , That infamy before the world , or grudge of conscience before our God , that we should lightly esteem the observation of that Peace lately contracted betwixt these two Realmes . By what motives our Soveraigne delayed the ratification thereof , we cannot tell : But of us ( of us , we say , Madame , that have protested fidelity in our promise ) her Majesty had none . Your Majestie cannot be ignorant , That in this Realme there are many enemies ; and farther , That our Soveraigne hath Councellors , whose judgements she in all such causes preferred to ours . Our obedience bindeth us , not onely reverently to speak and write of our Soveraigne , but also to judge and thinke : And yet your Majestie may be well assured , That in us shall be noted no blame , if that Peace be not ratified to your Majesties contentment : For God is witnesse , That our chief care in this earth , next the glory of God , is , That constant Peace may remain betwixt these two Realmes , whereof your Majestie and Realme shall have sure experience , so long as our counsell or votes may stop the contrary . The benefit that we have received is so recent , that we cannot suddenly bury it in forgetfulnesse . We would desire your Majesty rather to be perswaded of us , That we to our powers will studie to leave it in remembrance to our posterity . And thus with lawfull and humble commendation of our service , we commit your Majesty to the Protection of the Omnipotent . Of Edinburgh the sixteenth day of Iuly , 1561. There were some others that answered some of the Ministers of England somewhat more sharply , and willed them not to accuse nor threaten so sharply , till that they were able to convince such as had promised fidelitie , of some evident crime , which although they were able to lay to the charge of some , yet respect would be had to such as long had declared themselves constant procurers of quietnesse and peace . The sudden arrivall of the Queen made great alteration even in the Councell , as after we will hear . In this mean time , the Papists by surmising troubled what they might , their Posts , Letters , and Complaints were from day to day directed , some to the Pope , some to the Cardinall of Loraine , and some to our Queen . The principall of those Curriers were Master Steven Wilson , Master Iohn Leslie , called Nolumus and Volumus , Master Iames Throgmorton , and others , such as lived , and still live by the traffique of that Romane Antichrist . The Preachers vehemently exhorted us to establish the Book of Discipline , by an Act and publike Law ; affirming , That if they suffered things to hang in suspence , when God had given unto them sufficient power in their hand , they should after sob for it , but should not get it . The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published , that we shall forbear● to Print them at this time , hoping that no good men will refuse to follow the same , till God in a greater light establish a more perfect . The end of the third Booke . THE FOVRTH BOOK OF The Progresse and Continuance of true Religion within SCOTLAND . IN the former Bookes ( Gentle Reader ) thou mayest clearly see how potently God hath performed in these our last and wicked dayes , as well as in the ages that have passed before us , the promises that are made to the servants of God , by the Prophet Isaiah , in these words , They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength , they shall mount up with wings as Eagles , they shall run , and not be weary , they shall walk and not faint . This promise , we say , such as Satan hath not utterly blinded , may see performed in us , the Professours of Christ Jesus , within this Realme of Scotland , with no lesse evidence , then it was in any age , that ever passed before us . For what was our force ? What was our number ? Yea , what wisdome or worldly policie was in us , to have brought to any good end so great an enterprise ? our very enemies can bear witnesse . And yet in how great purity God did establish amongst us his true Religion , as well in Doctrine as in Ceremonies ? To what confusion and fear were Idolaters , adulterers , and all publike transgressours of Gods Commandments within short time brought , the publike Orders of the Church , yet , by the mercie of God preserved , and the punishment executed against malefactours , can testifie unto the world . For as touching the administration of the Sacraments used in our Churches , we are bold to affirme , That there is no Realme this day upon the face of the earth , that hath them in greater puritie ; yea , we can speak the Trueth , whomsoever we offend , there is none ( no Realme I meane ) that hath them in the like purity , for all others , how sincere that ever the Doctrine be that by some is taught , retain in their Churches , and in the Ministers thereof , some footsteps of Antichrist , and dregs of Papistry : But we ( all praise to God alone ) have nothing within our Churches that ever flowed from that man of Sin. And this we acknowledge to be the strength given to us of God , because we esteemed not our selves wise in our owne eyes ; but understanding our own wisedome to be but meer foolishnesse before our God , laid it aside , and followed onely that which we found approved by himselfe . In this point could never our enemies cause us to faint ; for our first Petition was , That the Reverend face of the first , Primitive and Apostolike Church should be reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men . And in that point ( we say ) our God hath strengthned us , till that the Work was finished , as the world may see . And as concerning the suppressing of vice , yea , and of the abolishing of all such things as might nourish Impiety within the Realm , the Acts and Statutes of the principall Towns reformed , will yet testifie : For what Adulterer , what Fornicator , what known Masse-monger or pestilent Papist durst have been seen in publike , within any Reformed Town within this Realme , before that the Queen arrived ? And this Victory to his Word , and terrour to all filthy livers , did God work by such as yet live , and remaine witnesses ( whether they will or not ) of the aforesaid works of God. We say our God suffered none of these , whom he first called to the Battell to perish or to fall , the while that he made them Victors of their enemies : For even as God suffered none of those whom he called from Egypt , to perish in the Red Sea , how fearfull that ever the danger appeared ; so suffered he none of us to be approved , nor yet to be taken from this life , till that now the Pharaohs , then one , was drowned , and we set at freedom , without all danger of our enemies ; to let both us and our Posterity understand , That such as follow the conducting of God , cannot perish , albeit they walked in the very shadow of death . But from whence ( alas ) cometh this miserable dispersion of Gods people within this Realme this day , in May 1561 ? And what is the cause that now the just is compelled to keep silence , good men are banished , Murtherers , and such as are knowne unworthy of common Society ) if Justice were put in execution ) bear the whole Regiment and sway within this Realme ? We answer , Because that suddenly the most part of us declined from the purity of Gods Word , and began to follow the world , and so againe shake hands with the devill , and with Idolatry , as in the fourth Book we will heare . For while that Papists were so confounded , that none within the Realme durst more avow the hearing or saying of Masse , then the theeves of Tiddisdale durst avow their stouth or stealing , in the presence of any upright Judge : No ware Protestants found who are not ashamed at Tables , and other open places , to aske , Why may not these men have their Masse , and the forme of their Religion ? What can that hurt us , or our Religion ? And from these two , Why and What , at last sprang out this Affirmative , The Queens Masse and her Priests will we maintain ; This hand and this Rapier shall fight in their defence , &c. The Inconveniences were shown both by Tongue and Pen ; but the advertisers were judged to be men of unequall Spirits ; Their Credit was defaced at the hands of such , as before were not ashamed to have used their Counsell in matters of greater importance , to have refused the Masse . But then my Lord , my Master may not be thus used ; he hath that Honour to be the Queens Brother ; And therefore we will that all men shall understand , That he must tender her as his Sister : And whosoever will counsell him to displease her , or the least that pertains unto her , shall not finde him their friend ; yea , they are worthy to be hanged , that would so counsell him , &c. These and the like reasons took such deep root in flesh and blood , and was ( as yet alas they are ) preferred to God , and to his Messengers , rebuking vice and vanity , that from thence hath all our misery proceeded . For as before , so even yet , although the Ministers be set to beg , the Guard and the men of Warre must be served ; Though the blood of the Ministers must be spilt , yet it is the Queens Servants that did it . Although Masse be multiplied in all Quarters of the Realme , Who can stop the Queens Subjects to live of the Queens Religion ? Although Innocent men be Imprisoned , it is the Queens pleasure . So she is offended at such men , although under pretence of Justice , Innocents be murthered : The Lords shall weep , but the Queenes minde must be satisfied . Nobles of the Realme , Barons and Councellors are banished , their Escheats disposed of , and their lives most unjustly pursued . The Queen hath lost her trusty Servant David , he was deare unto her ; and therefore for her Honour sake , she must show rigour to revenge his death . And yet farther , albeit that some knew that she hath plainly purposed to wrack and undo the Religion within this Realme ; That to that Romane Antichrist she hath made her promise ; And that from him she hath taken money to uphold his pomp within this Realme , yet will they let the people understand , That the Queen will establish Religion , and provide all things orderly , if she were once delivered . If such dealing , which is too common amongst Protestants , be not to prefer flesh and blood , to God , to his Truth , to Religion , and to the oppressed Liberty of the Realme , let the world judge . The plagues have been , and in some places are present , that were before threatned ; the rest approaches : And yet who from the heart cryeth , I haue offended , Now thou Lord knowes , in thee onely is the trust of the oppr●ssed ▪ for vain is the help of man. But now to returne we to our History . The 19 day of August , 1561. betwixt seven and eight hours before noon , arrived Mary Queen of Scotland , then widow , with two Gallies out of France : In her company ( besides her Gentlewomen called the Maries ) were her Uncles , the Duke Aumale the grand Prior ; the Marquesse d'Albuff . There accompanied her also , d'Anville son to the Constable of France , with other Gentlemen of inferiour Condition , besides servants and Officers . The very face of the Heaven , at the time of her Arrivall , did manifestly speak what comfort was brought into this Countrey with her ( to wit ) Sorrow , Dolour , Darknesse , and all Impiety ; For in the memory of man , that day of the yeer was never seen a more dolorous face of the Heaven , then was at her Arrivall , which two dayes after did so continue : For besides the Surface Wet and Corruption of the Ayre , the Mist was so thick and dark , that scarce might any man espie another the length of two payre of Butts : the Sun was not seen to shine two dayes before , nor two dayes after . That forewarning gave God unto us ; but alas the most part were blinde . At the sound of the Cannons , which the Galleyes shot , the multitude being advertised , happy was he or she that first must have the presence of the Queen ; the Protestants were not the slowest : And therein they were not to be blamed . Because the Palace of Halyrud-house was not thorowly put in order ( for her coming was more sudden then many looked for ) she remained in Leith , till towards the evening , and then repaired thither . In the way betwixt Leith and the Abbey , met her the Rebells the Crafts-men , of whom we spake before ; to wit , Those that had violated the Acts of the Magistrates , and had besieged the Proveist . But because she was sufficiently instructed that all they did was done in spight of their Religion , they were easily pardoned . Fi●es of joy were set forth at night , and a Company of most honest men with Instruments of Musick , and with Musi●ians , gave their Salutations at her Chamber Window ; The M●lody ( as she alleadged ) liked her well ; and she willed the same to be continued some nights after with great diligence . The Lords repaired to her from all Quarters : and so was nothing understood but mirth and quietnesse , till the next Sunday , which was the 24 of August : When that preparations began to be made for that Idoll of the Masse to be said in the Chappell : Which perceived , the hearts of all the godly began to be emboldened ; and men began openly to speak , Shall that Idoll be suffered again to take place within this Realme ? It shall not . The Lord Lindsay ( then but Master ) with the Gentlemen of Fyfe , and others , plainly cryed in the Close or Yard , The Idolatrous Priests should die the death , according to Gods Law. One that carried in the Candle was evill affrayed ; but then began flesh and blood fully to shew it self . There durst no Papist , neither yet any that came out of France , whisper : But the Lord Iames , the man whom all the godly did most reverence , took upon him to keep the Chappell door : his best excuse was , That he would stop all Scotish-men to enter in to the Masse ; But it was and is sufficiently known , That the doore was kept that none should have entry to trouble the Priest ; who after the M●sse was ended , was committed to the protection of the Lord Iohn of Coldingham , and Lord Robert of Halyrud-house ; who then were both Protestants , and had Communicate at the Table of the Lord : Betwixt them two was the Priest conveyed to his Chamber . And so the godly departed with grief of heart , and after noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies , and gave plain signification , That they could not abide that the Land , which God by his power had purged from Idolatry , should in their eyes be polluted again : Which understood , there began complaint upon complaint . The old Duntebors , and others that had long served in the Court , and hoped to have no remission of sins , but by vertue of the Masse , cryed , They would away to France without delay , They could not live without the Masse : the same affirmed the Queens Uncles . And would to God that they all , together with the Masse , had taken goodnight at the Realme for ever : for so had Scotland been rid of an unprofitable burthen of devouring strangers , and of the malediction of God , that hath stricken , and yet will strike for Idolatry . The Councell assembled , disputation was had of the next remedy : Politicke heads were sent unto the Gentlemen , with these and the like perswasions : Why , alas , Will you chase our Soveraigne from us ? She will incontinently returne to her Galleyes , and what then shall all Realmes say of us ? May we not suffer her a little while ? I doubt not but she will leave it : If we were not assured that she might be won , we should be also as great enemies to her Masse , as ye can be . Her Uncles will depart , and then shall we rule all at our pleasure : Would not we be also sorry to hurt the Religion , as any of you would be ? With these and the like perswasions ( we say ) was the fervency of the Brethren quenched . And an Act was framed , the Tenour whereof followeth . Apud Edinburgh , 25 Aagustii , 1561. FOrasmuch as the Queens Majestie hath understood the great inconveniences through the divisi●n p●esently standing in this Realme , for the difference in matt●rs of Religion , which her Majestie is most desirous to see pacified by any good order , To the Honour of God , and Tranquility of her Realm , and means to take the same , by Advice of her States , so soon as conveniently may be , to their serious Consideration . And lest that her Majesties godly Resolutions therein may be greatly hindered , in case any Tumult and Sedition be raised amongst the Lieges , if any Alteration or Innovation be Pressed or Attempted before that good Order may be Established ; Wherefore , for the eschewing of the said Inconveniences , her Majestie Ordains Letters to be Directed , to Charge all and sundry her Lieges , by open Proclamation at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh , and other Places needfull , That they , and every one of them , contain themselves in all Quietnesse , keep Peace and Civill Society amongst themselves in the mean time , while the States of the Realm may be Assembled , and then her Majestie have taken a finall Order by their Advice , and publike Consent ; which her Majestie hopes shall be to the Contentment of all , the Law bidding , That none of them should take in hand privately or openly , any Alteration or Innovation of the state of Religion , or attempt any thing against the same , which her Majestie found Publikely and Universally standing at her Majesties Arrivall in this her Realme , under Pain of Death . With Certification , That if any Subject of the Realme shall come in the contrary Thereof , ●e shall be esteemed and holden a Seditious Person , and Raiser of Tumult , and the same Pain shall be executed upon him with all Rigour , To the Example of others . And her Majestie , with the Advice of the Lords of the Secret Councell , Commands and Charges all her Li●ges , That none of them take in hand to Mol●st or Trouble any of her Majesties Domesticke Servants , or Persons whatsoever come forth of France in her Company at this time , in Word , Deed , or Countenance , for any Cause whatsoever , either within her Palace , or without , or make any assault or invasion upon any of them , under whatsoever Colour or Pretence , under the said Pain of Death . Albeit that her Majestie be sufficiently perswaded , That her Good and Loving Subjects would do the same , for the Reverence they bear to her Person and Acts , notwithstanding no such Commandment were published . This Act and Proclamation Penned , and put in Forme by such as before professed Christ Jesus ( for in the Councell then had Papists neither power nor voyce ) It was publikely Proclaimed at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh upon Munday the day aforesaid . No man reclaimed , nor made repugnance to it , except the Earle of Arrane onely ; who in open audience of the Herald , protested , That he disassented that any Protection or Defence should be made to the Queens Domesticks , or to any that came from France , to offend Gods Majestie , and to violate the Laws of the Realme , more then any other Subjects : For Gods Law had pronounced death to the Idolater ; and the Lawes of the Realme had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers of the Masse ; which , said he , I here protest , be Universally observed ; and that none be exempted , untill such time as a Law also publikely made , and also consonant to the Law of God , have disannulled the former . Hereupon he took Documents and Acts , as the Tenour of this his Protestation witnesseth . IN so far as by this Proclamation it is made understood to the Church of God , and Members thereof , That the Queen is minded that the true Religion and Worship of God already established , proceed forward , that it may daily encrease : Unto the Parliament , that order may be then for extirpation of all Idolatry out of this Realme . We render most hearty thanks to the Lord our God for her Majesties good minde , earnestly praying that it may be encreased in her Majesty , To the Honour and Glory of his Name , and Weal of his Church within this Realme . And as touching the molestation of her Highnesse Servants , we suppose that none dare be so bold as once to move their finger at them , in doing of their lawfull businesse : And as for us , we have learned at our Master Christs Shoole , To keep Peace with all men . And therefore for our part we will promise that obedience unto her Majestie ( as is our dutie ) That none of her servants ▪ shall be troubled , molested , or once touched , by the Church , or any member thereof , in doing their lawfull businesse . But since that God hath said , That the Idolater shall die the death ; We Protest solemnely , in the presence of God , and in the eares of all the people that heares this Proclamation , and especially in the presence of you , Lion Herauld , and the rest of your Colleagues , maker of this Proclamation , That if any of her servants shall commit Idolatry , especially say Masse , participate therewith , or take the defence thereof ( which we are loath should be in her Highnesse company ) in that case , That this Proclamation is not extended to them in that behalf , nor be not a safe-guard nor girth to them in that behalfe , no more then if they commit slaughter or murther , seeing the one is much more abominable and odious in the sight of God , then is the other . But that it may be lawfull to inflict upon them the paines contained in Gods Word against Idolaters , where ever they may be apprehended , without favour . And this our Protestation we desire you to notifie unto her , and give her the Copie hereof , lest her Highnesse should suspect an uproare if we should all come and present the same . At Edinburgh , the day and yeere aforesaid . This boldnesse did somewhat exasperate the Queene , and such as favoured her in that point . As the Lords ( then called of the Congregation ) repaired to the Towne , at the first coming they shew themselves wonderfully offended , That the Masse was permitted : So that every man as he came , accused them that were before him , but after they had remained a certaine space , they were as quiet , as were the former ▪ Which thing perceived , a zealous and godly man , Robert Campbell of Kingzieclench , said unto the Lord Uchiltrie ; ( My Lord ) now you are come , and almost the last of all the rest ; and I perceive by your anger , that the fire edge is not off you yet : but I feare , that after that the Holy-water of the Court be sprinkled upon you , that you shall become as temperate as the rest : For I have been heere now five dayes , and at the first I heard every man say , Let us hang the Priest : But after that they had beene twice or thrice in the Abbey , all that fervencie past . I think there be some inchantment , whereby men are bewitched . And in very deed so it came to passe : For the Queenes faire words upon the one part , ever still crying , Conscience , Conscience , It is a sore thing to constraine the Conscience : And the subtill perswasions of her supposts ( we meane , even of those who were judged most fervent amongst us ) upon the other part ; blinded all men , and put them in opinion , She will be content to heare the Preaching ; and so no doubt but she may be wonne . And this of all , it was concluded , To suffer her for a time . The next Sunday , Iohn Knox inveighing against Idolatry , shewed what terrible plagues God had taken upon Realmes and Nations for the same ; and added , That one Masse ( there were no more suffered at first ) was more fearfull unto him , then if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of the Realme , of purpose to suppresse the whole Religion ; for ( said he ) in our God there is strength to resist and confound multitudes , if we unfainedly depend upon him ; whereof heretofore we have had experience : But when we joyn hands with Idolatry , it is no doubt but both Gods amiable presence , and comfortable defence , will leave us ; and what shall then become of us ? Alas , I fear that experience will teach us , to the grief of many . At these words the guiders of the Court mocked , and plainly spake , That such fear was no point of their faith ; it was besides his Text , and was a very untimely Admonition . But we heard the same Iohn Knox , in the audience of these same men , recite the same words againe in the midst of troubles ; and in the audience of many , asked God mercy that he was not more vehement and upright in the suppressing of that Idoll in the beginning : For ( said he ) albeit I spake that which offended some ( which this day they see and feel to be true ) yet did I not that which I might have done ; for God hath not onely given unto me knowledge and tongue to make the impiety of that Idoll knowne unto the Realme , but he had given me credit with many who would have put in execution Gods Judgements , if I would onely have consented thereto : But so carefull was I ( said he ) of that common Tranquility , and so loth was I to have offended those of whom I had conceived a good opinion , that in secret conference with dearest and zealous men , I travelled rather to mitigate , yea to slacken that fervency that God had kindled in others , then to animate or encourage them to put their hands to the Lords Work ; wherein I unfainedly acknowledged my self to have done most wickedly , and from the bottome of my heart do aske of my God grace and pardone , for that I did not what in me lay , to have suppressed that Idoll in the beginning . These and many other words did many heare him speake in publike in the moneth of December , 1565. when such as at the Queenes Arrivall onely maintained the Masse , were exiled the Realme , summoned upon Treason , and decreit of forfeiture intended against them . But to returne from whence we have digressed . Whether it was by counsell of others , or of the Queens owne desire , we know not , but the Queen spake with Iohn Knox , and had long reasoned with him , none being present , except the Lord Iames , two Gentlemen stood in the one end of the room . The sum of their reasoning was this : The Queen accused him , That he had raised a part of her subjects against her Mother and her self ; That he had written a Book against her just Authority ; ( she meant the Treatise against the Regiment of Women ) which she had and would cause the most learned in Europe to write against it ; That he was the cause of great sedition , and great slaughter in England ; And that it was said to her , That all that he did was by Necromancy . To the which the said Iohn answered ; Madame , it may please your Majestie patiently to hear my simple answers : And first ( said he ) my simple Answers : And first , ( said he ) if to teach the Word of God in sincerity , if to rebuke Idolatry , and to will a people to worship God , according to his Word , be to raise Subjects against their Princes , then cannot I bee excused ; for it hath pleased God of his mercy , to make me one ( amongst many ) to disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall Religion , and the deceit , pride , and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist : But Madame , if the true knowledge of God and his right worshipping be the chief cause which must move men to obey their just Princesse from their heart , ( as it is most certain that they are ) wherein can I be reprehended ? I thinke , and am surely perswaded , that your Majestie has had , and presently hath as unfained obedience of such as professe Christ Jesus within this Realm , as ever your Father or Progenitours had of those that were called Bishops : And touching that Booke that seemeth so highly to offend your Majestie , it is most certaine , that if I wrote it , I am content that all the learned of the world judge of it : I heare that an Englishman hath written against it , but I have not read him ; if hee hath sufficiently confuted my reasons , and established his contrary Propositions , with as evident testimonies , as I have done mine ; I shall not bee obstinate but shall confesse mine errour and ignorance . But to this houre I have thought , and yet thinkes my selfe alone more able to sustaine the things affirmed in that my Work , than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it . You thinke ( said shee ) that I have no just Authoritie : Please your Majestie , ( said he ) that learned men in all ages have had their judgements free , and most commonly disagreeing from the Common judgement of the world ; Such also have they published , both with Pen and tongue , notwithstanding they themselves have lined in the common Societie with others , and have borne patiently with the errour and imperfections which they could not amend . Plato the Philosopher wrote his Booke of the Common wealth , in the which hee condemnes many things that were maintained in the world , and required many things to have beene reformed : And yet notwithstanding he lived under such Politicks , as then were universally received without farther troubling any State : Even so Madame am I content to do , in uprightnesse of heart , and with a testimony of good Conscience , I have communicate my judgement to the world ; if the Realme findes no inconveniencies in the Regiment of a woman , that which they approve , shall I not further disallow , then within my owne brest , but shall be all well content , and shall live under your Majestie , as Paul was to live under the Roman Emperour : And my hope is , that so long as ye defile not your hands with the Blood of the Saints of God , that neither I nor that Booke shall either hurt you or your Authoritie ; for in very deed Madame , that Booke was written most especially against that wicked Mary of England . But ( said shee ) you speake of women in generall ; most true it is Madame , ( said the other ; ) and yet plainly appeareth to me , that wisedome should perswade your Majestie never to raise trouble for that which this day hath not troubled your Majestie , neither in person , nor in anxietie . For of late yeeres many things which before were holden Stable have been called in doubt ; yea , they have been plainely impugned . But yet , Madame , I am assured , That neither Protestant nor Papist , shall be able to prove , That any such Question was at any time moved , in publike or in private . Now , Madame , said he , if I had intended to trouble your State , because you are a woman ; I might have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose then I can do now , when your own presence is within the Realme . But now , Madame , shortly to answer to the other two accusations , I heartily praise my God , through Jesus Christ , that Satan , the enemy of mankinde , and the wicked of the World , have no other crimes to lay to my charge , then such as the very World it selfe knoweth to be most false and vaine . For in England I was resident onely the space of five yeeres . The places were Barwick , where I abode two yeeres ; So long in New-castle ; And a yeere in London . Now , Madame , if in any of these places , during the time that I was there , any man shall be able to prove , That there was either Battell , Sedition , or Mutinie , I shall confesse , That I my selfe was the Malefactour , and shedder of the blood . I am not ashamed further to affirme , That God so blessed my weake labours then in Barwick ( wherein then commonly used to be slaughter , by reason of quarrells that used to arise amongst Souldiers ) there was also great quietnesse , all the time that I remained there , as there is this day in Edinburgh . And where they slander me of Magick , Necromancie , or of any other Art forbidden of God , I have witnesse ( besides mine owne conscience ) all the Congregations that ever heard me , what I speak , both against such acts , and against those that use such impietie : But seeing the wicked of the world said , That my Master the Lord Jesus was possessed with Beelzebub , I must patiently beare ; Albeit that I , wretched sinner , be unjustly accused , of those that never delighted in the Veritie . But yet ( said she ) you have taught the people to receive another Religion then their Princes can allow : And how can that Doctrine be of God ? Seeing that God commandeth Subjects to obey their Princes . Madame ( said he ) as right Religion tooke neither Originall nor Antiquity , from worldly Princes , but from the eternall God alone : So are not Subjects bound to frame their Religion according to the appetite of their Princes ; For oft it is that Princes are the most ignorant of all others , in Gods true Religion , as we may reade in the Histories , as well before the death of CHRIST JESUS , as after : If all the seed of Abraham should have beene of the Religion of Pharaoh , to whom they had beene a long time Subjects , I pray you ( Madame ) what Religion should there have been in the world ? Or if all men in the dayes of the Apostles , should have beene of the Religion of the Romane Emperours , What Religion should have been upon the face of the earth ? Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchad-nezzar , and unto Darius , and yet ( Madame ) they would not be of their Religion , neither of the one , nor of the other ; For the three Children said , We make it knowne to thee , O King , That we will not worship thy Gods. And Daniel did pray publikely unto his God , against the expresse Commandment of the King : And so , Madame , ye may perceive that Subjects are not bound to the Religion of their Princes , albeit they are commanded to give them obedience . Yea , ( quoth she ) none of these men raised their Sword against their Princes . Yet Madame ( quoth he ) ye cannot deny but they resisted : For those that obey not the Commandments given , in some sort resist . But yet ( said she ) they resisted not by the Sword. God ( said she ) Madame ) had not given them the power and the meanes . Thinke you ( said she ) That Subjects , having power , may resist their Princes ? If Princes do exceed their Bounds ( quoth he ) Madame , and doe against that wherefore they should be obeyed , there is no doubt but they may be resisted , even by Power : For there is neither greater Honour , nor greater Obedience to be given to Kings and Princes , then God hath commadned to be given to Father and Mother : But so it is , That the Father may be stricken with a Phrenzie , in the which he would slay his owne Children ; Now , Madame , if the children arise , joyn themselves together , apprehend the Father , take the Sword or other Weapon from him , and finally , binde his hands , and keepe him in Prison till that his Phrensie be over-past , Thinke ye ( Madame ) that the children do any wrong ? Or thinke ye , Madame , that God will be offended with them that have stayed their Father from committing wickednesse . It is even so ( said he ) Madame , with Princes that would murther the children of God , that are subject unto them . Their blinde zeale is nothing but a very mad phrenzie ; and therefore to take the sword from them , to binde their hands , and to cast them into prison , till that they be brought to a more sober minde , is no disobedience against Princes , but just obedience , because that it agreeth with the Word of God. At these words the Queene stood , as it were amazed , more then a quarter of an houre ; her countenance altered , so that the Lord Iames began to entreat her , and to demand , What hath offended you , Madame ? At length she said , Well , then I perceive that my Subjects shall not onely obey you , and not me ; And shall do what they list , and not what I command , and so must I be subject unto them , and not they to me . God forbid ( answered he ) that ever I take upon me to command any to obey me , or yet to set Subjects at liberty , to do whatsoever please them ; but my travell is , That both Princes and Subjects obey GOD. And thinke not ( said he ) Madame , that wrong was done unto you , when you are willed to be subject unto GOD , for it is he that subjects the people under Princes , and causes obedience to be given unto them ; yea , God craves of Kings , That they be , as it were , Foster-Fathers to the Church , and commands Queens to be Nourishers unto his People . And this subjection ( Madame ) unto God , and to his troubled Church , is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon the face of the earth , for it shall carry them to everlasting glory . Yea ( quoth she ) but ye are not the Church that I will nourish ; I will defend the Church of Rome , for I think it is the true Church of God. Your will ( quoth he ) Madame , is no reason , neither doth your thought make that Romane Harlot to be the Immaculate Spouse of Jesus Christ. And wonder not , Madame , that I call Rome an Harlot ; for that Church is altogether polluted with all kinde of Spirituall Fornication , as well in Doctrine , as in Manners : yea , Madam , I offer my selfe further to prove , That the Church of the Jewes , who crucified Jesus Christ , when that they manifestly denied the Sonne of God , was not so farre degenerated from the Ordinances and Statutes which God gave by Moses and Aaron unto his People , as the Church of Rome is declined , and more then five hundred yeers hath declined from the Purity of Religion which the Apostles taught and planted . My conscience ( said she ) is not so . Conscience , Madame ( said he ) requires knowledge ; and I fear that of right knowledge you have but little . But ( said she ) I have both heard and read . So , Madame ( said he ) did the Jewes that crucified Christ Jesus , reade both the Law and the Prophets , and heard the same interpreted , after their manner . Have ye heard ( said he ) any teach , but such as the Pope and his Cardinalls have allowed ? And you may be assured , That such will speak nothing to offend their owne state . Ye interpret the Scriptures ( said she ) in one manner , and they in another ; Whom shall I believe , and who shall be Judge ? Believe ( said he ) God , that plainly speaketh in his Word : And further then the Word teacheth you , ye shall neither believe the one nor the other . The Word of God is plain in it self ; And if there appear any obscurity in one place , the holy Ghost , which is never contrarious to himself , explains the same more clearly in other places : So that there can remaine no doubt , but unto such as obstinately will remaine ignorant . And now , Madame , ( said he ) to take one of the chief Points which this day is in controversie betwixt the Papists and us , for example . The Papists alleadge , and boldly have affirmed , That the Masse is the Ordinance of God , and the Institution of Jesus Christ , and a Sacrifice for the quick and the dead . We deny both the one and the other , and affirme , That the Masse , as it is now used , is nothing but the Invention of man ; and therefore it is an Abomination before God , and no Sacrifice that ever God commanded . Now ( Madame ) who shall judge betwixt us , two thus contending ? It is not reason that either of the persons be further believed , then they are able to prove by insuspect witnessing : Let them lay downe the Book of God , and by the plain words prove their affirmatives , and we shall give unto them the play granted . But so long as they are bold to affirme , and yet do prove nothing , we must say , That albeit all the world believe them , yet believe they not God , but do receive the lyes of men for the Truth of God. What our Master Christ Jesus did , we know by his Evangelists : What the Priests do at the Masse , the world seeth . Now doth not the Word of God plainly assure us , That Christ Jesus neither said , nor yet commanded Masse to be said at his last Supper , seeing that no such thing as the Masse is made mention of within the whole Scriptures . You are over-hard for me ( said the Queen ) but if they were here whom I have heard , they would answer you . Madame , ( said the other ) would to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe , and he that you would best believe were present with your Majestie to sustain the argument ; and that ye would abide patiently to hear the matter reasoned to the end ; for then I doubt not , Madame , but that you should hear the vanity of the Papisticall Religion , and what small ground it hath within the Word of God. Well ( said she ) ye may perchance get that sooner then you believe . Assuredly ( said the other ) if ever I get that in my self , I get it sooner then I believe ; for the ignorant Papist cannot patiently reason , and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your audience ( Madame ) to have the ground of their Religion searched out ; for they know they are not able to maintain any argument , except by fire and sword , and their own Laws be judges . So say you ( quoth the Queen ) and I believe it hath been to this day . ( Quoth he ) for how oft have the Papists in this and in other Realmes , been required to come to conference , and yet could it never be obtained , unlesse themselves were admitted for Judges : and therefore I must yet say again , That they dare never dispute , but where themselves are both judges and party . And when you shall let me see the contrary , I shall grant my self to be deceived in that Point . And with this the Queen was called unto dinner ; for it was afternoon . At departing , Iohn Knox said unto her , I pray God , Madame , that you may be also blessed within the Common-wealth of Scotland ( if it be the pleasure of God ) as ever Deborah was in the Common-wealth of Israel . Of this long conference , whereof we onely touch a part , were divers opinions : The Papists grudged , and feared that which they needed not ; the godly thinking at least , That she would have heard the preaching , rejoyceed ; but they were utterly deceived , for she continued in her Massing , and despised , and quickly mocked all exhortation . Iohn Knox his owne judgement , being by some of his familiars demanded what he thought of the Queen , said , If there be not in her a proud mind , a crafty wit , and an indurate heart against God and his Truth , my judgement faileth me : and this I say with a grieved heart , for the good I wish unto her , and by her , to the Church and State. When the whole Nobility were convened , the Lords of Privie Councell were chosen , where were appointed the Duke , the Earles of Huntley , Argyle , Atholl , Mortoun , Glencarne , Mershell , Bothwell ; Lords Arskeme , and Lord Iames , after Earle Murray ; and these were appointed as certain to wait upon the Court by course : But that Order continued not long ; Duke d'Anville returned with the Galleyes to France . The Queen entred in her Progresse , and in the Moneth of September travelled from Edinburgh , Linlithgow , Sterlin , S. Iohnston , Dundie , S. Androes ; all these parts she polluted with the Idolatrous Masse : Fire followed the Court very commonly in that Journey , the Towns propined the Queen liberally , thereof were the French enriched . About the beginning of October they returned to Edinburgh ; and at the day appointed the Q. was received in the Castle : whereat preparations were made for her entry into the Town , in Farces , in Masking , and other Prodigalities : fain would our fools have counterfeited France : Whatsoever might set forth her glory , that she heard , and gladly beheld . The Keyes were delivered unto her by a pretty Boy , descending , as it were from a Cloud : The Verses of her own Praise she heard , and smiled ; But when the Bible was presented , and the Praise thereof declared , she began to frowne ; for shame she could not refuse it , but she did no better , for she gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the Realme , to wit , To Arthur Arskeme . Edinburgh since that day have reaped as they sowed : They gave her some taste of their Prodigality : And because the Liquor was sweet , she hath licked oft of that Bust or Box , oftner then twice since . All men know what we mean ; The Queen cannot lack , and the Subjects have . In Edinburgh it hath been an ancient and laudable Custome , That the Provests , Bayliffs , and Councell , after their Election , which used to be at Michaelmas , caused publikely proclaim the Statutes and Ordinances of the Town ; And therefore Archbald Dowglas Provest , Ed. Hope , Adam Fullartoun , &c. Bayliffs , caused proclaim according to the former Statutes of the Town , That no Adulterer nor Fornicator , no noted Drunkard , no Masse-monger , no obstinate Papist that corrupted the people , such as Priests , Friers , and others of that sort , should be found within 41 hours thereafter , under the Pains contained in the Statutes : Which blowne in the Queens ears , there began pride and maliciousnesse to shew it selfe ; for without further cogitation of the cause , was the Provest and Bayliffes charged to Ward in the Castle , and immediately was Commandment given , That other Provests and Bayliffs should be elected . Some gainstood for a while : The new Election alleadged , That the Provest and Bayliffs whom they had chosen , and to whom they had given their Oath , had committed no offence ; therefore that justly they might be deprived . But while Charge was doubled upon Charge , and no man found to oppose himself to impiety , the misled Queens Letter and wicked will is obeyed , as just Law. And so was M. Thomas Makalan chosen Provest for the other . The man , no doubt , was both discreet , and sufficient for that Charge ; but the deposition of the other was against all Law. God be mercifull to some of our owne , for they were not all blamelesse , that the Queens unreasonable will was so far obeyed . A contrary Proclamation was publikely made , That the Town should be patent to all the Queens Lieges : And so Murtherers , Adulterers , Theeves ( Whores , Drunkards , Idolaters , and all Malefactors , got protection under the Queens wings , under colour that they were of her Religion : And so got the devill freedome againe , where that before he durst not have been seen in day light upon the common streets . Lord deliver us from this Bondage of sin . The Devil finding his raines loose , ran forward in his course , and the Queen ( evil men abusing her name and authority ) took upon her greater boldnesse , then she , and Balaams bleating Priests durst have attempted before ; for upon All-Hallow day they bended up their Masse with all mischievous solemnitie . The Ministers thereat offended , in plaine and publike place , declared the inconvenience that thereupon would ensue . The Nobility were sufficiently admonished of their duties ; but affection caused men to call that in doubt , wherein oft before they seemed most resolute ; to wit , Where that the Subjects might have hand to suppresse the Idolatry of their Prince ? And upon this Question conveaned in the house of Master Iames Mackgill , the Lord Iames , Earle of Morton , the Earle of Marshall , Secretary Lethington , the Justice Clarke , and the foresaid Master Iames Clarke of the Register ; who all reasoned for the part of the Queen , affirming , That the Subjects might not take her Masse lawfully from her : In the contrary judgement were the principall Ministers , Master Iohn Row , Master George Hay , Master Robert Hamilton , and Iohn Knox. The reasons of both parties we will omit , because they will be explained after , where the said Question and others , Concerning the Obedience due to Princes , were long reasoned in open assembly : The conclusion of that first reasoning was ; That the Question should be formed ; Letters directed to Geneva for the resolution of that Church ; Wherein Iohn Knox offered his labour . But Secretary Lethington , alleadging , That there stood much in the information , said , That he should write : But that was onely to drive time , as the trueth declared it selfe . The Queenes partie urged , That the Queen should have her Religion free in her own Chappell , to do , she and her houshold , what they list . The Ministers affirmed , and Voted the contrary ; adding , That her liberty should be their thraldome , ere it be long . But neither could reason nor threatning move the affections of such as were creeping in Credit , and so did the Votes of the Lords prevaile against the Ministers . For the punishment of Theft and Reafe , which had encreased upon the border : and in the South from the Queenes arrivall , was the Lord Iames made Lieutenant , some suspected that such honour and charge proceeded from the same heart and counsell that Saul made David Captain against the Philistines ; but God assisted and bowed the hearts of men , both to feare and obey him ; yea , the Lord Bothwell himselfe at that time assisted him , but he had remission for Liddisdall , except that execution was there made in Edinburgh , for her twenty eight of one clan , and other , were hanged at that Justice Court , bribes , budds , or sollicitation , saved not the guilty , if he might be apprehended . And therefore God prospered him in that his integrity that same time the Lord Iames spake with the Lord Gray of England at Kelsoe , for good rule to be kept on both the borders , and agreed in all things . Before his returning , the Queene upon a night tooke a fright in her bed , as if horsemen had been in the Close , and as if the Palace had been enclosed about ; whether it proceeded of her own womanly fantasie , or if men put her in feare , for displeasure of the Earle of Arrane : And for other purposes , as for the electing of the Guard , we know not ; but the feare was so great , that the Towne was called to the Watch ; Lord Robert of Hallyrud-house , and Iohn of Coldingham kept the Watch by course ; Skouts were set forth , and Sentinels , upon pain of death , were commanded to keep their Stations . And yet they feared where there was no fear , neither yet could ever any appearance or suspition of such things be tried . Shortly after the returning of the Lord Iames , there came from the Queen of England , Sir Peter Mewtes , with Commission to require the Ratification of the Peace made at Leith . Her answer was , even such as we have heard before ; That she behoved to advise , and then she should answer . In presence of her Councell she kept her selfe grave ; for under the mourning weed and apparell she could dissemble in full perfection : but how soon that ever the French people had her alone , they told her , That since she came to Scotland , she saw nothing there but gravity , which repugned altogether to her breeding , for she was brought up in joviality , so tearmed she her Dancing , and other things thereto belonging . The generall Assembly of the Church approached , holden in December , after the Queens arrivall , in the which began the rulers of the Court to draw themselves apart from the Societie of their brethren , and began to strive and grudge , That any thing should be consulted upon , without their advices , Master Iohn Wood , who before had shewed himselfe very fervent in the Cause of God , and forward in giving of his councell in all doubtfull matters , refused to assist the Assembly again , whereof many did wonder ; The Courtiers drew unto them some of the Lords , and would not conveane with their Brethren , as before they were accustomed , but kept themselves in the Abbey ; The principall Commissioners of the Church , the Superintendents , and some Ministers , past unto them , where they were assembled in the Abbots Lodging within Hallyrud-house , both the parties began to open their griefes ; The Lords complained , That the Ministers drew the Gentlemen into secret , and held Councell without their knowledge : The Ministers denied , That they had done any thing in secret , otherwise then the common Order commanded them ; And accused the Lords ( the flatterers of the Queen we meane ) that they kept not the Convention with their Brethren ; considering , That they knew the Order , and that the same was appointed by their own advice , as the Book of Discipline subscribed with the most part of their own hands would witnesse ; some began to deny , That ever they knew such a thing as the Book of Discipline : And called also in doubt , Whether it was expedient , that such Assemblies should be or not : for gladly would the Queen and her secret Councell have had all Assemblies of the godly discharged ; The reasoning was sharpe and quicke on either side : The Queens faction alleadged , That it was suspicious to Princes , that Subjects should assemble themselves , and keep Conventions without their knowledge . It was answered , That without knowledge of the Princes , the Church did nothing , for the Princes perfectly understood , That within this Realme was a Reformed Church ; and that they had their Orders and appointed times of Convention . And so without knowledge of the Princes , they did nothing : Yea ( said Lethington ) the Queen knew , and knoweth well enough ; But the Question is , Whether that the Queen alloweth such Conventions : It was answered , If the Libertie of the Church should stand upon the Queens allowance or disallowance , we are assured , not onely to lacke Assemblies , but also to lacke the publike Preaching of the Evangell , that affirmative was mocked , and the contrary affirmed , Well ( said the other ) time will try the truth ; But to my former words , this I will adde ; Take from us the freedomes of assemblies , and take from us the Evangell ; for without assemblies , how shall good order and unity in Doctrine be kept ? It is not to be supposed , That all Ministers shall be so perfect , but that they shall need admonition , as well concerning Manners as Doctrine : As it may be , that some be so stiffe-necked , that they will not admit the admonition of the simple ; As also , it may be that fault may be found with Ministers without just offence committed : And if order be not taken both with the Complainer , and with the persons complained upon : It cannot be avoided but that many grievous offences shall arise ; For remedy whereof , of necessity it is , That generall Assemblies must be . In the which , the judgements and gravitie of many may occurre , to correct or represse the follies or errours of a few . Hereunto consented the most part , as well of the Nobility as of the Barrons , and willed the reasoners for the Queen to be sent to her Majestie , if that she stood in suspition of any thing that was to be handled in their assemblies , that it would please her Majestie to send such as he would appoint , to hear whatsoever was propounded or reasoned . Hereafter was the Book of Discipline proposed , and desired to have been ratified by the Queens Majestie , but it was stopped , and the Question demanded , How many of those that subscribed to that Book would be subject unto it ? It was answered , All the godly : Will the Duke , said Lethington ? If he will not , answered the Lord Uchiltrie , I would that he were scraped out , not onely of that Book , but also out of our number and company ; for what purpose shall labour be taken to put the Church in order , and to what end shall men subscribe , and then never mean to keep a word of that which they promise ? Lethington answered , Many subscribe there in fide Parentum , as Children are baptized . One , to wit Iohn Knox , answered , Albeit ye think that scoffe proper , yet as it is most untrue , so it is most improper : That Book was read in publike audience ; and by the space of divers dayes , the hearers thereof were resolved , as all that here sit know well enough , and you your selves cannot deny ; So that no man was required to subscribe that which he understood not : Stand content , said one , that Booke will not be obtained : Let God ( said the other ) require the lack and want which this poor Common-wealth shall have of the things therein contained , from the hands of such as stop the same . Thomas Borrows perceiving that the Book of discipline was refused , presented unto the Councill certain Articles , requiring Idolatry to be suppressed , their Churches to be planted with true Ministers , and some certain propositions to be made for them , according to equitie and Conscience , for unto that time the most part of the Ministers , had lived upon the benevolence of men ; for many had into their owne hands the profits that the Bishops , and others of that Sect had before abused , and so some part was bestowed upon the Ministers . But when the Bishops began to gripe again to that , which most unjustly they called their own : for the Earle of Arrane was discharged of Saint Andrews and Dumfermling , wherewith before by vertue of a Factory and Commission , he had intromitted and medled : And so were many others . Therefore the Barons required , That order might be taken for the Ministers , or else they would no more cause Rents to be paid unto any , that formerly belonged to the Church-men , nor suffer any thing to be collected for the use of any whosoever , after the Queenes arrivall , then that they did before ; for they verily supposed , that the Queens Majestie would keep promise made to them , which was , Not to alter their Religion , which could not remain without Ministers ; and Ministers could not live without provision : And therefore they heartily desired the Councell to provide some convenient order in that behalf . This somewhat moved the Queens flatterers , for the Rod of impiety was not then strengthened in her and their hands . And so began they to practise how they might please the Queen , and yet seem somewhat to satisfie the faithfull ; And so devised they , That the Church-men should have intromission and medling with the two parts of their Benefices ; and that the third part should be gathered by such men as thereto should be appointed for such uses ; As in these subsequent Acts are more fully expressed . Apud Edinburgh vicesimo Decemb. Anno 1561. THe which day ; Forasmuch as the Queens Majestie , by the advice of the Lords of her secret Councell , foreseeing the imminent troubles , which apparantly threaten to arise amongst the Lieges of this Realme for matters of Religion , to stay the same , and shun all incommodities that might thereupon ensue , having intercommuned and spoken with a part of the Clergie , or State Ecclesiasticall , with whom then , reasoning being had , It was thought good and expedient by her Highnesse , That a generall Assembly should be appointed , the 15 day of December instant , whereto the rest of the States might have appeared : and by the advice of Lawyers , one reasonable overture be made , and order taken for staying of the approaching trouble , and quieting of all the Countrey ; which Assembly , being by her Majestie appointed , and sundry dayes of Counsell kept ; and the said Ecclesiasticall State oft-times required , That the said Order might be taken , and overture made for staying of the trouble , and quieting of the Countrey . Last of all , in presence of the Queens Majesty , and Lords of the Councell aforesaid , and others of the Nobility of this Realm , compeired , Iohn Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews , Patrick Bishop of Murray , Henry Bishop of Rosse , and Robert Bishop of Dunkeld : And for themselves respectively offered unto the Queens Majestie , to be content with the two parts of the Rents of their Benefices ; and the third part to be imployed as her Majestie thought expedient . And because the certaintie thereof was not knowne , not yet what summes of Money would sustaine the Ministery , and Ministers of Gods Word within this Realme , neither yet how much was necessary to support the Queenes Majesty above her own Rents , for the common affairs of the Countrey , Therefore it is Ordained , Concluded , and Determined by the Queens Majesty , and the Lords of the Councell aforesaid , and others of the Nobility present , That if the fourth part of the whole Benefices within this Realm , may be sufficient to sustain the Ministers thorowout this whole Realme , and support the Queens Majesty to maintain and set forwards the common affairs of the Countrey failing thereof , the third part of the said Profits , and more , if it be found sufficient for the effect afore●aid , to be taken up yeerly in time coming , that a generall order may be taken therewith , and so much thereof to be employed to the Queens Majesties use , for entertaining and setting forward of the common affairs of the Countrey ; and so much thereof to the Ministers , and sustentation of the Ministry , as may reasonably sustain the same , at the sight and discretion of the Queens Majesty , and Councell aforesaid , and the excrescens and superplus to be assigned to the old Possessors . And to the effect that the Rents and yeerly Profits of the whole Benefices within this Realme may be cleerly known to the Queens Majesty and Councell aforesaid , It is Statuted and Ordained , That the whole Rentals of the Benefices of this Realm be produced before her Majesty and Lords aforesaid , at the time under-written : that is to say , The Rentalls of the Benefices on this side of the Water , before the 24 of Ianuary next coming : And those beyond the water , the 10 of February next thereafter ; and ordains Letters to be directed to the Sheriffs in that part , to passe charge , and require all and sundry Archbishops , Bishops , Commendators , Abbots , Priors , on this side of the Water , personally to be apprehended , and failing thereof , at their dwelling places , or at the Parish Churches where they should remain , Cathedrall Churches or Abbeyes : And all Archdeacons , Deans , Chanters , sub-Chanters , Provests , Parsons and Vicars , and other Beneficed men whatsoever , their Chamberlains and Factors , personally , or at their dwelling places , or at the Parish Churches where they should remain , To exhibite and produce before the Queens Majesty and Lords aforesaid , before the said 24 day of Ianuary next coming , the just and true Rentals of the values and rents of their Benefices , to the effect aforesaid : And to chare the Prelats , and the other Beneficed men on the other side of the Water in manner aforesaid , to exhibite and produce the just and true Rentals of their Benefices before the Queens Majesty and Lords aforesaid , the said 10 of February , to the effect aforesaid ; with certification to them , That if any fails to appeare , the Queens Majesties and Councels wills are , That they should be proceeded against here , as the matter requires : And likewise to charge the whole Superintendents , Ministers , Elders and Deacons of the principall Towns and Shires of this Realm , to give in before the Queens Majesty and Lords of the Councell aforesaid , before the said 24 of Ianuary next coming , a formall and sufficient Roll and Memoriall , what may be sufficient and reasonable to sustain Ministry , and whole Ministers of this Realme , that her Majesty , and Lords of the Councell aforesaid , may rightly and diligently weigh and consider what necessary support is required to be taken yeerly of the fruits of the said Benefices ( by her Majesties own yearly Rent ) to entertain and set forward the common affairs of this Realme , against the said 24 day of Ianuary next coming , that it may be proceeded in the said matter , all parties satisfied , and the whole Countrey , and Lieges thereof set in quietnesse . Apud Linlithgow , 24 Ianuarii , &c. FOrasmuch as the Queens Majesty , with the advice of the Lords of her Secret Councell , directed her Letters , commanding all and sundry Arch-bishops , Bishops , Abbots , &c. and all other Beneficed men , their Factors , Farmors , Takesmen , to appear before her Highnesse and Lords aforesaid at Edinburgh , or where it should happen them to be for the time , so many as dwells upon this side of the water , before the 24 day of Ianuary instant ; and them that dwells beyond the water , the 10 of February next coming , that the just value of their Benefices might be knowne ; so that hereafter her Highnesse may take order for the Sustentation of the Ministry of the Church , and the publike businesse of the Realme . And because the Queens Majesty is presently busied with other affairs , and may not her self attend upon the receipt of the said Rent , therefore her Highnesse hath given and granted , and by these Presents gives and grants full power and Commission to Master Iames Mackgill of Rankellor nether , Clerk of the Register , Sir Iohn Ballenden of Archnenell , Knight , Justice Clerk to the Treasurer , Secretary of State , Advocate of the Crowne , and Laird of Pittarrow , to call before them within the City of Edinburgh , all and sundry Prelates , and Beneficed men , which are charged by vertue of the said Letters , now presently being in Edinburgh , or shall happen hereafter to repair thereto , their Factors or Farmers , and there enquire of them the Rentalls of their Benefices , and receive the same from them to the effect aforesaid . And likewise that the said Commissioners cause warne all Seperintendents , Over-seers , Ministers . Elders and Deacons , to give unto them the names of all the Ministers of this Realme , that the just Calculation being made and considered by the said Commissioners of the value of the said Benefices , they may report the same unto the Queens Majesty , that her Highnesse may take order herein , according to the just Tenour of the first Ordinance made thereupon . Apud Edinburgh , 12 February , 1561. FOrasmuch as by Statute and Ordinance made by the Queens Majesty , and Lords of the Secret Councell , and her Highnesse Letters directed thereupon , all and sundry Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , &c. and other Beneficed men , were charged to produce the Rentalls of their Benefices before her Majesty and Lords aforesaid , in manner following ( that is to say ) The said Beneficed men dwelling on this side of the Water , before the four and twentieth of Ianuary last past : And on the other side of the Water , before the tenth of February instant ; to the effect that order might be taken therin to conform to the Ordinance ; With certification to them , that if they fayled , the Queens Majestie , and Counsell aforesaid , would take order therein , as the same Ordinance bears . Notwithstanding of the which the Queens Majestie , and Counsell , and others appointed , for receiving of the said Rentalls , have continually since the said 24 of Ianuary aforesaid , waited upon the receiving of them ; yet a very small number of them have produced their Rentalls , thereby not onely contemning her Majesties Ordinance and Proclamation aforesaid , but also her selfe and her Authoritie , as they were Princes and not Subjects , expresse against Equitie , Reason , and Justice ; For remedy whereof the Queene Majestie ordains , with advice of the Lords of her secret Councill , That Factors , Chamerlains or Stewards bee appointed to intromett , gather , uplist and receive , to our Soveraign Ladies use , all and sundry mailles , tythes or tiends , farmes , rents , provents , emoluments , fruits , profits , and due tyes of whatsoever benefices , whereof the Rentalls are not produced conforme to the said Ordinance . And if any Retalls already produced bears not the just value , but is Fraudulently made , to intromet and uptake as much of the profits and fruits of the said benefices , as are omitted forth of the said Rentalls , and the In-givers of the Rentalls , and Professors of the Benefices thereof , shall never have action to claime , crave or receive from the Tenants and Occupiers further then is contained in the same Rentals , already produced by them ; and the Tenants and Possessors shall be holden to pay no more than is contained in the same Rentalls , already produced , as aforesaid : And the said Chamerlains and Factors to be appointed by the Queenes Majestie , shall have sufficient power to intromitt and uptake the fruits and profits aforesaid , in such fulnesse as if speciall Letters of Factory and Chamerlancie were granted to them thereupon ; and ordains the Lords of the Session to direct forth Letters at the said Factors and Chamerlaines instancies either of horning or poynding , as shall be thought expedient , for causing of them to bee answered of fruits of the said Benefices to be forth-commanded to the Queenes Majesties behalf and use , while further order be taken therein . Apud Edinburge , 15. February 1561. FOr as much as the Queenes Majestie by the advice of the Lords of her secret Councell , and others , divers of the Nobility had of before the two and twentieth day of December last past , ordained , that if the fourth part of the fruits , and Rents of all the Benefices within this Realme were not sufficient for the Supporting of her Majesties present wants , and the particular Charges under-written , necessary to be borne for the weale of the Countrey , than the third of the said fruits more or lesse should be taken up to the effects aforesaid ; and ordained Letters to be directed , charging all and sundry Beneficed men on this side of the Water , to produce their Rentalls before the foure and twentieth day of Ianuary last past . And the tenth of February instant , were prefixed by the said Letters , for the bringing in all Rentalls of the Benefices beyond the water ; with certification ▪ That who produced not the said Rentalls at the dayes aforesaid respectively , the Queens Majesty and her Councell would provide remedy : according to the which Certification , her Highnesse , with advice of her Councell aforesaid , hath Ordained , That they who have not produced their Rentalls whole and full , intromission shall be had of their fruits , by them whom her Majesty shall direct thereto : And who have not given their just Rentalls , whatsoever part omitted forth of their said Rentall , shall be intromitted in like manner . And further , having consulted rightly , and diligently advised upon the common affairs , and necessities concerning the Queens Majesty , and charges to be borne for the Common-weale of the Realme , and sustentation and maintenance of the Preachers and Readers , conform to the said Ordinance made thereupon of before , hath Ordained and Declared the whole third part of all Benefices , of the which Rentalls are produced , to be taken up by the person or persons to be nominated by her Majesty , and to begin upon this last Crop of the yeer of God 1561. the same to be employed to the effect aforesaid : Together with the whole Profits of the Benefices whereof the Rentalls are not produced ; And also , all that is omitted out of the Rentalls produced : And that order be directed by the Queens Majesty to the Lords of the Session , That the old Possessors may be answered of the remnant fruits of the said Benefices ; providing , That the third part aforesaid , be full and whole taken up by the persons to be deputed to the taking thereof ; And this Order to continue and stand , while further order be taken by the Queens Majesty , with the advice of the States . Moreover , her Highnesse , with the advice of the Councell aforesaid , hath Statuted and Ordained , That Annuells , Marles , and Duties within free Burroughs , or other Townes of this Realme , as well pertaining to Chaplanries , Prebendaries , as to Friers , together with the Rents of the Friers Lands , where-ever they be , setting and disposing thereupon , be intermedled with , and taken by such as her Majesty shall depute thereto , for employing of the same by her Highnesse to Hospitalls , Schools , and other godly uses , as shall seeme best to her Highnesse , with advice of her Councell . And knowing that nothing is more commodious for the foresaid Hospitality , then the places of Friers that are yet undemolished ; and also to the entertainment of Schools , Colledges , and other uses aforesaid , ordains the Provests and Bayliffs of Aberdeine , Elgmen , Murray , Inneresk , Glasgow , and other Burroughs of this Realme , where the same are not demolished , to entertain and uphold the said Friers places standing in the said Townes , upon the Common goods thereof , and to use the same to the Common weale and service of the said Townes , untill the Queenes Majesty be further advised , and take finall order in such things , notwithstanding of any Gift , Title , or Entryes , given to whatsoever persons of the said places , with their Yards and Orchards , and other Pertinents , by our Soveraign Lady of before . The Lords of secret Councell that were present at the Voting and making of the aforesaid Acts , were Iames Duke of Chattellarault , George Earle of Huntley , Archibald Earle of Argyle , William Earle Mershall , Iohn Earle Atholl , William Earle of Montrosse , Iames Earle Morton , Alexander Earle of Glencarne , Iames Commendator of Saint Andrews , Iohn Lord Erskin , The Treasurer , The Justice Clerke , The Steward and Controller . For the first Acts , the Earle of Huntley said jestingly , Good morrow , my Lords of the two parts . The whole Rentals being gathered , the sum of the third , according to their own calculation , was found to extend to , &c. The Ministers even in the beginning of publike Sermons opposed themselves to such corruption , for they foresaw the purposes of the Devill , and clearly understood the Butt whereat the Queene and her flatterers Shot . And so in the chaire of Edinburgh Iohn Knox said , Well , if the end of this Order , pretended to be taken for sustentation of the Ministers , be happy , my judgement failes me ; for I am assured , That the Spirit of God is not the Authour of it , for first I see two parts freely given to the Devill , and the third must be divided between God and the Devill . Well , said he , beare witnesse to me , that this day I said it , Ere it be long the Devill shall have three parts of the third ; and judge you then , what Gods portion will be . This was an unsavory saying in the eares of many ; Some were not ashamed to affirme , That the Ministers being sustained , the Queen will not get at the yeers end , to buy her a paire of new shoes . And this was Secretary Lethington . There were appointed to modifie the Ministers stipends , The Earle of Argyle , Murray , and Morton , Lethington , Justice Clarke , and Clerke of the Register . The Laird of Pittaro , was appointed to pay the Ministers Stipends , according to their Modification : Who would have thought that when Ioseph ruled Egypt , that his brethren should have travelled for Victuals , and have returned with empty Sacks unto their families ; men would rather have thought that Pharaohs Pose , Treasure , and Gilnells should rather have been diminished then that the houshold of Iacob should stand in danger to starve for hunger . But so busie and circumspect were the Modificators ( because it was a new Office the terme must also be new ) that the Ministers should not be over-wanton ; That a hundred * Marks was sufficient to a single man , being a common Minister : Three hundred Marks was the highest that was appointed to any , except the Superintendents , and a few others ; shortly , Whether it was the ingratitude of their own hearts , or the care that they had to enrich the Queene , we know not : But the poore Ministers , Readers and Exhorters , cryed out to the heaven ( as their complaints in all assemblies do witnesse ) That neither were they able to live upon the Stipends appointed , neither could they get payment of that small thing that was appointed , so faine would the Controllers have played the good Vallet , and have satisfied the Queen , or else their own profit : The good Laird of Pittaro was an earnest Professour of Christ , but the great Devill receive the Controller , for he and his Collectours are become greedy factors . To put an end to this unpleasing matter ; When the brethren complained of their poverty ; it was disdainfully answered of some , There are many Lairds that have not so much to spend , when men did reason , that the Vocation of Ministers craved of them , books , quietnesse , study , and travell to edifie the Church of Christ Jesus , when many Lairds were waiting upon their worldly businesse ; and therefore that the stipends of Ministers , who had no other industry , but to live upon that which was appointed , ought not to be mollified according to the living of other common men , who might and did daily augment their Rents by some other industry . When such reasons were laid before them , they got none other answer , but , The Queen can spare no greater Sums ; Oft was it cryed out in their ears , O happy servants of the Devill , and miserable servants of Iesus Christ , if after this life there were nor Hell nor Heaven : For to the servants of the Devill , these dumbe Dogs , and horrid Bishops ; To one of those idle bellies , I say , ten thousand was not enough , but to the servants of Christ , that painfully preach his Evangell , a hundreth will suffice ; how can that be sustained ? One day in reasoning of this matter , the Secretary burst out in a piece of his collor , and said , The Ministers have thus much payed unto them by year , who ever yet said to the Queen , Grand mercies for it ? was there ever a Minister that gave thanks to God for her Majesties liberalitie towards them ? One singled , and answered , Assuredly , I think , that such as receive any thing gratis of the Queen , are unthankfull if they acknowledge it not , both in heart and minde : But whether the Ministers be of that rank , or not , I greatly doubt ▪ gratis I am sure they receive nothing , and whether they receive any at all from the Queen , wise men may reason ; I am assured , that neither third nor two parts ever appertained to any of her Predecessors within this Realm these thousand years last past , neither yet hath the Queens Flatterers better title to that which she usurpes , be it in-giving to others , or taken it to her self , then the souldiers who crucified Jesus Christ had to divide his Garments amongst them . And if the truth may be spoken , she hath not so good Title as they had , for such spoile ought to be the reward of such men . And in that point the Souldiers were more gentle than the Queenes Flatterers , for they parted not the Garments of our Saviour , till that he himself was hung upon the Crosse ; but her Flatterers do part the spoil whilest that poor Christ is yet preaching amongst you . But the wisedome of our God taketh tryall of us by this meanes , knowing well enough what the Court faction have purposed to do : Let the Papists , who have the two parts , some that have their thirds free , and some that have gotten Abbeys , and few Lands , thanke the Queen , and King , Placebo Domine , the poore Preachers will not yet flatter , for feeding of their bellies . These words were judged proud and intollerable , and ingendred no small displeasure to the Speaker . This we put in memory , that the posterity to come may know that God once made his truth to triumph , but because some of our selves delighted more in darknesse , than in light , God hath restrained our freedom , and put the whole body in bondage , yea , the greatest Flatterers have not escaped so free as they supposed , yea , the latter plagues appear yet to be worse than the first . Be mercifull unto us , ( O Lord ) and deal with us not according to our deservings , but look thou to the equitie of the cause which thou hath put in our hands , and suffer not iniquitie to oppresse thy Trueth , for thy own names sake , O Lord. In this mean while , to wit , in February , 1561. was Lord Iames , first made Earl of Murray , and then marryed one Agnes Keith , daughter to the Earl Marshall . The marriage was publike in the Church of Edinburgh ; at the blessing of the marriage they both got one admonition to behave themselves moderately in all things : For said the Preacher to him , The Church of God hath received comfort by you , and by your labours unto this day . In the which , if hereafter you shall be found fainter then you have been formerly , it will be said , That your Wife hath changed your nature . The greatnesse of the Bankquet , and the vanitie used thereat , offended many Godly ; There began the Masking , which from yeer to yeer , hath continued since . Master Randolph , Agent for the Queen of England was then , and sometime after in no small esteem with our Queen : For his Mistris sake , she did drink to him in a Cup of Gold , which he possessed with great joy , more for the favour of the giver , then of the gift , and value thereof , and yet it was honourable . The things that then were in handling betwixt the two Queens , whereof Lethington , Secretary Cecill , and Master Randolph , were Ministers , were of great weight , as we will after heare . This Winter the Earl of Bothwell , the Marquis D'albuff , and Lord Iohn of Coldingham committed ryot in Edinburgh , and disordered the whole Town , brake Cuthbert Ramseyes Gates and Doors , searched his House for his Daughter in law , Alison Craige . And this was done in despight of the Earl of Arrane , who was suspected to have been in love with the said Alison , the horrours of this fact , and the veritie of it highly commoved all godly hearts . The Assembly , and also the Nobilitie , for the most part were in the Town ; and so they concluded to crave justice , and so they did , as by this subsequent supplication doth appear . To the Queens Majestie , Her secret Councell , Her Highnesse faithfull and obedient Subjects , The professors of Christ Iesus , his holy Evangell , wish the Spirit of righteous judgement . THe fear of God conceived of his holy Word ; the naturall and unfained love we bear unto your Majestie ; the duetie which we owe to the quietnesse of our Country ; and the terrible threatnings which our God pronounceth against every Realm , and Citie ; in the which horrible Crimes are openly committed , and then by the Committers obstinately defended , compells us , a great part of our Subjects , humbly to crave of your Majesties , upright and true judgement against such persons as have done , what in them lye , to kindle Gods wrath against this whole Realm . The impiety by them committed , is so haynous , and so horrible , That as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard of within the Realm , and principally within the Bowels of this Citie ; So should we thinke our selves guiltie of the same , if negligently , or yet for worldy fear we put it over with silence ; and therfore your Majestie may not think that we crave any thing , while that we crave open Malefactors condignly to be punished ; But that God hath commanded us to crave , and also hath commanded your Majestie to give to every one of your Subjects ; for by this Lynk hath God knit together the Prince and people , that as he commands honour , fear and obedience to be given to the powers established by him ; so doth he in expresse words command and declare what the Prince oweth unto the Subjects , to wit , That as he is the Minister of God , bearing the sword for vengeance to be taken on evill doers , and for the denfence of peaceable and quiet men ; so ought he to draw the sword without partialitie , so oft as in Gods Name he is required thereto . Seeing so it is ( Madame ) that this crime so recently committed , and that in the eyes of the whole Realm now publikely assembled , is so hainous ; for who heretofore hath heard within the bowels of Edinburgh , Gates and Doors under silence of night broken , Houses ripped or searched , and that with hostillity , seeking a woman , as appeareth to oppresse her . Seeing ( we say ) that this crime is so hainous , that all godly men fear not onely Gods dispeasure to fall upon you and your whole Realm ; but also that such licentiousnesse breed contempt , and in the end sedition , if remedie in time be not provided , which in our judgement is possible , if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed . Therefore we most humbly beseech your Majestie , that all affection set aside , you declare your self so upright in this case , that ye may give evident demonstration to all your Subjects , that the fear of God , joyned with the love of common tranquility , hath principall seat in your Majesties Heart . This , further Madame , in conscience we speak , That as your Majesty in Gods Name doth crave of us obedience , which to render in all things lawfull we are most willing ; so in the same name doe we the whole Professors of Christs Evangell within this your Majesties Realme , crave of you and of your Councell sharp punishment of this crime . And for performance thereof , that without delay the most principall Actors of this haynous crime , and the perswaders of this publike Villany , may be called before the Chief Justice of this Realm , to suffer an Assise , and to be punished according to the Laws of the same ; and your Majesties Answer most humbly we beseech . These Supplications was presented by divers Gentlemen ; the Flatterers of the Court at first stormed , and asked who durst avow it ? To whom the Master , after Lord Lyndesay , answered , A thousand Gentlemen within Edinburgh : others were ashamed to oppose themselves thereto in publike ; but they suborned the Queen to give a gentle answer , untill such time as the Convention was dissolved ; and so she did : and then after in fair words , shee alleaged , That her Uncle was a Stranger , and that he had a young Company with him ; but she should put such order unto him , and unto all others , that hereafter they should have no occasion to complain : And so deluded she the just Petition of her Subjects : And no wonder , for how shall she punish in Scotland that vice , which in France she did see so free without punishment , and which Kings and Cardinalls commonly use , as the Mask and Dancing of Orleans can witnesse ; wherein virgins and mens wives were made common to King Harry , Charles the Cardinall , and to their Courtiers and Pages , as common women in Bordells are unto their Companions . The manner was thus : At the entry of King Henry of France in the Town of Orleans , the Matrons , Virgins , and mens wives were commanded to present themselves in the Kings Palace to dance : And they obeyed ; for commonly the French Nation is not very hard to be entreated to vanity . After Fidling and Flinging , and when the Cardinall of Loraine had espied his prey , he said to the King , Sire le premiere est a vous , & fault queje soy le second : that is , Sir , the first choyce is yours , and I must be the second . And so the King got the preeminence , that he had his first Election . But because Cardinalls are companions to Kings , the Cardinall had the next . And thereafter the Torches were put out , and every man commanded to provide for himself the best he might . What cry there was of husbands for their wives , and wives for their husbands , of ancient matrons for their daughters , of virgins for their friends , for some honest men to defend their pudicity , Orleance will remember more Kings dayes then one . This horrible villany , a fruit of the Cardinalls good Catholike Religion , we shortly touch , to let the world understand , what subjects may look for of such Magistrates ; for such Pastime to them is Jollity . It had been good for our Queene , that she had been brought up in better company , both for her credit , and for the course of her life : And it may be , that her excellent naturall enduements had been better employed for her reputation and happinesse , then they were to her great misfortune , and to the grief of those that wished her truely well . But punishment of that enormity , and fearfull attempt , we could get none . Yea , more and more they presumed to do violence , and frequented nightly Masking , and began to bear the matter very heavily . At length the Dukes friends began to assemble in the night time on the calsay or street . The Abbot of Kylwinning , who then was joyned to the Church , and so , as we understand , yet abideth , was principall man at the beginning . To him repaired many faithfull , and amongst others , came Andrew Stewart , Lord Uchiltrie , a man rather borne to make peace , then to brag upon the calsey , he demanded the quarrell : And being informed of the former enormity , said , Nay , such impiety shall not be suffered , so long as God shall assist us : The Victory that God hath in his owne mercy given us , we will by his grace maintaine . And so he commanded his son Andrew Stewart , then Master , and his servants , to put themselves in order , and to bring forth their spears and long weapons ; and so did others . The word came to the Earle Bothwell and his son , that the Hamiltons were upon the street : vows was made , that the Hamiltons should be driven , not onely out of the Town , but also out of the Countrey . Lord Iohn of Coldingham married the E. Bothwels sister ( a sufficient woman for such a man ) Alliance drew Lord Robert , and so they joyned with the E. Bothwell . But the stoutnes of the Marq. le Beuf ( d'Albuff they call him , is most to be commended ; for in his Chalmer in the Abbey , he start to an Halbert , and ten men were scarce able to hold him that night , and the danger was betwixt the Crosse and Tron ; and so he was a long quarter of a mile from the shot & sklenting of Bolts . The M. of Maxw . ( after L. Herreis gave declaratiō to the Earle Bothwell , That if he stirred forth of his Lodging , he , and all that assist him , should resist him in the face . Whose words did somewhat beat down that blast . The Earles of Murray and Huntley being in the Abbey , where the Marquesse was , came with their company sent from the Queen , to stay that tumult ; as they did , for Bothwell and his were commanded under pain of Treason , to keep their lodgings . It was whispered by many , That the Earle of Murray's displeasure was as much sought , as any hatred that the Hamiltons did bear against the Earle of Bothwell , or yet he against them . And in very deed , either had the Duke very false servants , or else by Huntley and the Hamiltons the Earle of Murray's death was oftener conspired then once ; the suspition whereof burst forth so far , that upon a day the said Earle being upon horse to have come to the Sermon , was charged by one of the Dukes own servants , to turn and abide with the Queen . The fame whereof spread over all : What ground it had , we cannot say ; but shortly after , the Duke , and some of the Lords , remained at Glasgow ; their conclusion was not known . The Earle of Arrane came to Edinburgh , where the Earle Bothwell lay . The Queen and the Court were departed to Fyfe , and remained sometimes in S. Androes , and sometimes in Falkland . The Earle Bothwell , by means of Iames Barron Burgesse , and then Merchant of Edinburgh , desired to speak with Iohn Knox secretly ; which the said Iohn gladly granted , and spake with him upon a night , first in the said Iames his lodging , and after in his own Study : The sum of all their conference and communication was ; The said Lord lamented his inordinate life ; and especially , That he was provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent , to do that which he sore repented , as well against the Laird of Ormestoun , whose blood was spilt , albeit not by his faults : But his chief grief was , That he had misbehaved himself toward the Earle of Arrane , whose favour he was most willing to redeem , if possible it were that so he might : For ( said he ) if I might have my Lord Arranes favour , I would aye wait upon the Court with a Page and a few servants , to spare my expence ; where now I am compelled to keep for my own safety a number of wicked and unprofitable men , to the utter destruction of my state that is left . To which the said Iohn answered , My Lord , would to God that in me were Counsell and Judgement , that might comfort and relieve you ; for albeit that to this hour it hath not happened to me to speak with your Lordship face to face , yet have I born a good minde to your house ; and have been sorry at my heart of the trouble that I have heard you to be involved in ; for ( my Lord ) my great Grandfather , Grandfather , and Father , have served your Lordships Predecessors , and some of them have died under their standers ; and this is a part of the Obligation of our Scotish kindenesse : but this is not the chiefe ; But as God hath made me his publike Messenger of glad Tydings , so it is my earnest desire that all men may embrace it , which perfectly they cannot , so long as there remaineth in them rankor , malice , or envie : I am sorry that you have given occasion unto men to be offended with you : But more sorrowfull , That you have offended the Majesty of God ; wherefore he often punisheth the other sins of man : And therefore my counsell is , That you begin at God , with whom if you enter into perfect reconciliation , I doubt not but he shall bow the hearts of men to forget all offences . And as for me , if you will continue in godlinesse , your Lordship shall command me as boldly , as any that serves your Lordship . The said Lord desired him that he would trie the Earle of Arrans minde , If he would be content to accept him in his favour : Which he promised to do . And so earnestly he travelled in the matter ; and it was once brought to such an end , as all the faithfull praised God for such agreement : The greatest stay stood upon the satisfaction of the Laird of Ormestoune , ( who beside his former hurt , as is before declared , was even at that time of the coming , pursued by the said Earle Bothwell , and his son Master Alexander Cockburne was taken by him , and carried by him to Berwicke , but courteously enough sent back again . The new trouble so greatly displeased Iohn Knox , that he almost gave over further travelling for amity : But yet upon excuse of the said Earle , and upon declaration of his minde , he re-entred into labour , and so brought it to passe , that the Laird of Ormestoun referred his satisfaction in all things to the Judgement of the Earles of Arrane and Murray , to whom the said Earle submitted himselfe in that Head : And thereupon delivered his hand writing ; and so was conveyed by vertue of his friends , to the Lodging of the Church of Field , where the Earle of Arrane was with his friends , and the said Iohn Knox with him , to beare witnesse and testification of the end of the Agreement . As the Earle of Bothwell entred the Chamber , and would have done those Honours that friends had appointed , Master Gabriel Hamilton , Abbot of Kilwinning , and the Laird of Richardton , were the chief friends that communed , the said Earle of Arrane gently past unto him , embraced him , and said , If the hearts be upright , few Ceremonies will serve , and content me . The said Iohn Knox , in audience of them both , and of their friends , said , Now , my Lords , God hath brought you together by the labour of simple men , in respect of such as would have travelled therein : I know my labours are already taken in evill part ; but because I have the testimony of a good conscience before God , That whatsoever I have done , it is in his fear , for the profit of you both , for the hurt of none , and for the tranquility of this Realm : Seeing therefore that my conscience beareth witnesse to me what I have sought , and do continually seek , I the more patiently bear the misreports , and wrongfull judgements of men . And now I leave you in Peace , and desire you who are the friends , to study that Amity may encrease , all former hatred forget . The friends on either party embraced other ; and the two Earles departed to a window , and talked by themselves a reasonable space . And thereafter the Earle of Bothwell departed for that night , and upon the next day in the morning returned with some of his honest friends , and came to the Sermon with the said Earle , whereat many rejoyced . But God had another work to work , then the eyes of men could espie . The Thursday next they dined together ; and thereafter the said Earle Bothwell , and Master Gabriel Hamilton , rode to the Duke , who then was in Enmell : what communication was betwixt them , it is not certainly knowne ; but by the report which the said Earle of Arrane made to the Queen , and unto the Earle of Murray , by his writings , for upon the third day after their Reconciliation , the Sermon being ended , the said Earle of Arrane came to the house of the said Iohn Knox , and brought with him Master Richard Strange , and Alexander Guthrie , to whom he opened the grief of his minde before that Iohn Knox was called ; for he was busie , as commonly he used to be after his Sermon , in directing of writings : Which ended , the said Earle called the three together , and said , I am reasonably betrayed , and with these words began to weep . Iohn Knox demanded , My Lord , Who hath betrayed you ? One Iudas or other ( said he ) I know it is but my life that is sought ; I regard it not . The other said , My Lord , I understand no such dark manner of speech ; if I shall give you any answer , you must speak more plainly . Well ( said he ) I take you three to witnesse , That I open this unto you , and I write it unto the Queen : An act of Treason is laid to my Charge . The Earle Bothwell hath showne to me in Councell , That he shall take the Queen and put her in my hands , in the Castle of Dumbartane ; And that he shall slay the Earle of Murray , Lethinton , and others that now misguide her , and so shall he and I rule all . But I know this is devised to accuse me of Treason ; for I know he will informe the Queen of it : But I take you to witnesse , That I open it here unto you : And I will passe incontinent , and write to the Queens Majesty , and unto my Brother the Earle of Murray . Iohn Knox demanded , Did you consent ( my Lord ) to any part of that Treason ? He answered , No. Then ( said he ) in my judgement his words , although they were spoken , can never be Treason to you ; for the performance of the Fact depends upon your will , whereunto ye say ye have disassented ; and so shall that purpose vanish and die of it selfe , unlesse that you waken it ; For it is not to be supposed , That he will accuse you of that , which he himselfe hath devised , and whereunto you would not consent . Oh ( said he ) you understand not what craft is used against me : It is Treason to conceale Treason . My Lord ( said he ) Treason must import consent and determination , which I hear on neither of your parts : And therefore ( my Lord ) in my judgement , it will be more sure , and more Honourable unto you , to depend upon your your Innocency , and to abide the unjust accusation of any other ( if any follow thereof ) as I thinke there shall not ) then to accuse , especially after so late reconciliation . I know ( said he ) That he will offer the Combate unto me , but that would not be suffered in France : But I will do that which I have purposed . And so he departed , and took with him to his Lodging the said Master Alexander Guthrie , and Master Richard Strange , from whence was written and endited a Letter to the Queens Majestie , according to the former purpose : which Letter was directed with all diligence unto her Majesty , who then was in Falkland . The Earle himselfe rode after to Kinneill to his Father the Duke ; but how he was used , we have but the common bruit . But from thence he wrote a Letter with his owne hand in Cyphers to the Earle of Murry , complaining of his rigorous handling and entertainment by his owne father and friends . And assured further , That he feared his life , in case he got not sudden rescue . But thereupon he remained not , but broke the Chamber wherein he was put , and with great pain passed to Sterling , and from thence was conveyed to the Haly-yards , where he was kept till that the Earle of Murray came unto him , and conveyed him to the Queen , then being in Falkland , who then was sufficiently instructed in the whole matter ; and upon suspition conceived , had caused to apprehend Master Gawan Hamilton and the Earle Bothwell aforesaid , who knowing nothing of the former advertisements , came to Falkland , which augmented the former suspition . But yet the Letters of Iohn Knox made all things to be used more circumspectly , for he did plainly forewarne the Earle of Murray , that he espyed the Earle of Arran to be stricken with phrensie , and therefore willed not over great credit to be given unto his words and inventions . And as he advertised , so it came to passe forthwith in few dayes , his sicknesse increased , he talked of wondrous signes that he saw in heaven ; he alleaged that he was bewitched , he would have been in the Queens Bed , and affirmed that he was her husband ; and finally , in all things he behaved himself so foolishly , that his phrensie could not be hid . And yet were the Earl Bothwell and Master Gawan Abbot of Kilming kept in the Castle of Saint Andrews , and convent before the Councill with the Earl Arran , who ever stood firm , that the Earl of Bothwell proposed to him such things as he advertised the Queens Majestie of ; but stiffely denyed that his father , the said Abbot , or his friends knew any thing therof , either yet that they intended any violence against him ; but alleaged that he was inchanted , so to think and write . Whereat the Queen , highly offended , committed him to prison , with the other two , first in the Castle of Saint Andrews ; and thereafter caused them to be conveyed to the Castle of Edinburgh ; Iames Stewart of Cardonhall , called Captain Iames , was evill bruited for the rigorous entertainment that he shewed to the said Earle in his sicknesse , being appointed Keeper unto him . To consult upon these occasions the whole Counsell was assembled at Saint Andewes , the eighteenth of April 1562. years ; in which it was concluded , that in consideration of the former suspition , the Duke should render to the Queen the Castle of Dunbartan the custody thereof was granted unto him by appointment , till that lawfull succession should be seene of the Queens body : But Will prevailed against Reason and promise , and so was the Castle delivered to Captain Anstruther , as having power from the Queen and Councill to receive it . Things ordered in Fyfe , the Queen returned to Edinburgh , and then began mirth to grow hot , for her friends began to triumph in France : The certainty hereof came to the ears of Iohn Knox , for there were some that then told him from time to time the state of things , and amongst others he was assured , That the Queen had been merry , excessively dancing till after midnight , because that she had received Letters , that pacification was begun again in France , and that her Uncles were beginning to stirre their taile , and to trouble the whole Realme of France , upon occasion of this Text , And now understand O ye Kings , and be learned ye that judge the Earth ; he bagan to taxe the ignorance , the vanity and despite of Princes , against all vertue , and against all those in whom hatred of vice and love of vertue appeared ; the report hereof made unto the Queen , the said Iohn Knox was sent for , Master Alexander Cokburne , who before had been his Schollar , and was very familiar with him , was the messenger who gave him some knowledge , both of the report , and of the reporters . The Queen was in her Bed-Chamber , and with her ( besides the Ladies and common servants ) were the Lord Iames , the Earle Morton , Secretary Lethington , and some of the Guard that had made the report ; he was accused as one that had irreverently spoken of the Queene , and that travelled to bring her into hatred and contempt of the people ; and that he had exceeded the bounds of his Text ; and upon these three heads made the Queene a long Oration ; whereto the said Iohn answered as followeth , Madame , this is oftentimes the just recompence which God gives the stubborn of the world ; that because they will not hear God speaking to the comfort of the penitent , and for amendment of the wicked , they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others , to their great displeasure . I doubt not , but that it came to the Ears of Herod , that our Master Jesus Christ called him a Fox , but they told him not how odious a thing it was before God to murther an Innocent , as he had lately done before , causing to behead Iohn the Baptist to reward the dancing of an Harlots daughter : Madame , if the reporters of my words had been honest men , they would have reported my words and the circumstances of the same ; but because they would have credit in Court , and wanting vertue worthy thereof , they must have somewhat to please your Majestie , if it were but flatteries and lies : But such pleasure ( if any your Majestie take in such persons ) will returne to your everlasting displeasure ; for ( Madame ) if your own Ears had heard the whole matter that I treated , if there be in you any spark of the Spirit of God , yea , of honestie and wisedome , you would not justly have been offended with any thing that I spake . And because you have heard their report , please your Majesty to hear my self rehearse the same so near as memory will serve , ( it was even upon the next day after that the Sermon was made ; ) My Text ( said he ) Madame , was this , And now , O Kings , understand , be learned ye Iudges of the Earth : After ( Madame said he ) that I had declared the dignity of Kings and Rulers , the honour wherein God hath placed them , the obedience that is due unto them , being Gods Lieutenants , I demanded this question ; But oh ( alas ) what account shall the most part of Princes make before that Supreme Judge , whose Throne and Authoritie so manifestly and shamefully they abuse , the complaint of Solomon is this day most true , to wit , That violence , and oppression do occupie the Throne of God here in this Earth ; for whilest that murtherers , blood-thirsty men , oppressors and Malefactors dare be bold to present themselves before Kings and Princes , and that the poor Saints of God are banished and exiled , what shall we say , but that the Devill hath taken possession in the Throne of God , which ought to be fearfull to all wicked doers , and a refuge to the innocent , oppressed : and how can it otherwise be , for Princes will not understand , they will not be learned , as God commands them ; but Gods Law they despise , his Statutes and Holy Ordinances they will not understand , for in fidling and flinging they are more exercised than in reading or hearing Gods most blessed Word ; and Fidlers and Flatterers ( which commonly corrupt the Youth ) are more precious in their eyes then men of wisedome and gravitie , who by wholesome admonitions may beat down in them some part of that vanity and pride wherein we all are born , but in Princes take deep root and strength by evill education . And of dancing ( Madame ) I said , That albeit in Scriptures I found no praise of it , and in prophane Writers , that it is termed the gesture rather of those that are Mad , and in phrensie , then of sober men ; yet do I not utterly condemn it , providing that two vices be avoyded ; the former , That the principall Vocation of those that use that exercise , be not neglected for the pleasure of Dancing . Secondly , That they dance not as the Philistins their Fathers , for the pleasure that they take in the displeasure of Gods people ; for if they do these , or either of them , they shall receive the reward of Dancers , and that will be to drink in Hell , unlesse they speedily repent ; so shall God turne their mirth into sudden sorrow : For God will not alwayes afflict his people , neither will he alwayes wink at the Tyranny of Tyrants . If any ( Madame , said he ) will say that I spake more , let him publikely accuse me , for I think I have not onely touched the summe , but the very words as I spake them . Many that stood by did bear witnesse with him , that he had recited the very words that publikely he spake . The Queen looked about to some of the Reporters , and said , Your words are sharpe enough as you have spoken them , but yet they were told me in another manner ; I know ( said she ) that my Uncles and you are not of one Religion , and therefore I cannot blame you to have no good opinion of them ; but if you hear any thing of my self that mislikes you , come to my self and tell me , and I shall hear you . Madame ( quoth he ) I am assured , that your Uncles are enemies to God , and unto his Son Jesus Christ , and for maintenance of their own pompe and worldly glory , that they spare not to spill the blood of many Innocents ; and therefore I am assured , that these enterprises shall have no better successe than others have had , that before them have done as they doe now . But as to your own person , ( Madame ) I would be glad to doe all that I could to your Majesties contentment , providing that I exceed not the bounds of my Vocation : I am called ( Madame ) to a publike function within the Church of God , and appointed by God to rebuke the vices and sins of all ; I am not appointed to come to every man in particular to shew him his offence , for that labour were infinite ; if your Majestie pleaseth to frequent the publike Sermons , then I doubt not but that you shall fully understand both what I like and mislike , as well in your Majesty , as in all others : Or if your Majesty will assigne unto me a certaine day and houre when it will please you to hear the form and substance of Doctrine , which is proposed in publike to the Churches of this Realm , I will most gladly wait upon your Majesties pleasure , time and place ; but to come to wait upon your chamber door , or elswhere , and then to have no further liberty but to whisper my minde in your Majesties eare , or to tell you what others think and speak of you , neither will my conscience , nor the vocation whereto God hath called me , suffer it ; for albeit at your Majesties commandment I am here now , yet I cannot tell what other men will judge of me , that at this time of the day I am absent from my book , and waiting at the Court. You will not alwayes ( said she ) be at your Booke , and so turned her back ; And the said Iohn departed , with a reasonable merry countenance ; whereat some Papists offended , said , He is not afraid ; which heard by him , he answered , Why should the pleasant face of a Lady afray me : I have looked in the faces of many angry men , and yet have not been afraid above measure ; and so left he the Queen , and the Court for that time . In this mean time the negotiation was great betwixt the Queen of England and our Soveraigne , Letters , Curriours and Posts ran frequent , great bruit there was of the interviewe and meeting at Yorke , and some preparation was made therefore in both the Realmes ; but that failed upon the part of England , and that by occasion of the troubles moved in France , ( as was alleaged ; ) which caused the Queene of England , and the Councill attend upon the South parts of England , for avoyding of Inconveniences . This Summer there came an Embassadour from the King of Sweden , requiring marriage of our Soveraigne to his Master the King ; His entertainment was Honourable ; but his Petitions liked not our Queene one whit , for as yet she could not resolve to be Wife to the King of Sweden , having been lately Queen of France : And yet she refused not one much inferiour to a Soveraigne King. The Earle of Lennox and his Wife were committed to the Tower of London , for traffiquing with Papists ; the young Laird of Barre was a stickler in that businesse , and was apprehended with some Letters , which was the cause of his and their trouble . The Earle of Murray made a private journey to Hawicke upon the Fayre day thereof , and apprehended fifty Theeves , of which number were seventeen drowned , others were executed in I●dburgh , the principall were brought to Edinburgh , and there suffered , according to their merits upon the Burrow Mure. The Queene was no whit content of the prosperitie and good successe that God gave to the Earle of Murray in all his enterprises , for she hated his upright dealing , and the Image of God that evidently did appear in him ; but at that time she could not well have been served without him . The assembly of the Church at Midsommer the four and twentieth day of Iune , 1562. approached , in the which were many notable heads handled concerning good Order to be kept in the Church , and for the Papists , and for the Idolatry of the Queen which troubleth the former good order ; Some Ministers , such as Master Iohn Sharpe , had left their charges , and entered into other Vocations , more profitable for the belly , against whom were Acts made , although this day they have not put them in execution . The tenour of the Supplication , read in open audience , and approved by the whole Assembly , to be presented to the Queens Majesty , was this : To the Queens Majesty , and her most honorable Privy Councell . The Superintendents and Ministers of the Evangell of Christ Iesus within this Realme , together with the Commissioners of the whole Churches , desire Grace and Peace , from the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , with the Spirit of righteous Iudgement . HAving in minde that the fearfull sentence pronounced against the Watch-men that see the Sword of Gods punishment approach , and do not in plain words forewarn the people , yea , the Princes and Rulers , that they repent , we cannot but signifie unto your Highnesse , and to your Councell , That the state of this Realme is such for this present , that unlesse redresse and remedy be shortly provided , Gods hands cannot long spare in his anger , to strike the Head and the Tayle ; the inobedient Prince , and sinfull People : For as God is unchangeable and true , so must he punish , in these our dayes the grievous sins which before , we reade , he hath punished in all Ages , after that he hath long called for repentance , and none is showne . And that your Majesty and Councell may understand what are the things we desire to be reformed , we will begin at that which we know assuredly to be the Fountain and Spring of all other evils that now abound in this Realme : To wit : That Idoll and base service of God , the Masse , the fountain , we call , of all Impiety , not onely because many take boldnesse to sin , by reason of that opinion which they have conceived of that Idoll , to wit , That by vertue of it they get remission of their sins ; But also because that under this colour of the Masse , are Whores , Adulterers , Drunkards , Blasphemers of God , of his holy Sacraments , and such other manifest Malefactors , maintained and defended : For let any Masse-sayer , or earnest maintainer thereof be deprehended in any of the fore-named crimes , no execution can be had ; for all is done in hatred of his Religion : And so are wicked men permitted to live wickedly , cloked and defended by that wicked Idoll . But supposing that the Masse was occasion of no such evils , yet in it self it is so odious in Gods presence , that we cannot cease with all instance to desire the removing of the same , as well from your selfe , as from all others within this Realm ; Taking Heaven and earth , yea , your own Consciences to record , That the obstinate maintenance of that Idol , shall in the end be to you , destruction of soul and body , if you do not repent . If your Majesty demand , Why that now we are more earnest , then we have been heretofore ? We answer ( our former silence no wayes excused ) Because we finde our selves frustrate of our hope and expectation ; which was , That in processe of time your Majesties heart should have been mollified , so farre , as ye would have heard the publike Doctrine taught within this Realme ; by the which , our further hope was , That Gods holy Spirit should so have moved your heart , that you would have suffered your Religion ( which before God is nothing but abomination and vanity ) to be tryed by the true Touch-stone , the written Word of God ; And that your Majesty finding it to have no ground nor foundation in the same , should have given that glory unto God : that you would have preferred his Truth to your own preconceived vain opinion , of what antiquity that ever it hath been , whereof we in part now discharged , can no longer keep silence , unlesse we would make our selves criminall before God of your blood , perishing in your own iniquity ; for we plainly admonish you of the danger to come . The second thing that we require , is , Punishment of horrible vices , such as are Adultery , Fornication , open Whoredome , Blasphemy , Contempt of God , of his Word and Sacraments ; Which in this Realme do even so abound , that sin is reputed to be no sin . And therefore , as we see the present signes of Gods wrath now manifestly appear , so do we forewarn , that he will strike ere it be long , if his Law without punishment be permitted thus manifestly to be contemned . If any object , That punishment cannot be commanded to be executed without a Parliament ; we answer , That the Eternall God in his Parliament , hath pronounced death to be the punishment of Adultery , and for Blaspheming : whose Act if we put not in execution ( seeing that Kings are but his Lievtenants , having no power to give life , where he commands death ) as that he will repute you , and all others that foster vice , patrons of Impiety , so will he not fail to punish you , for neglecting the execution of his judgements . Our third request concerning the poor , who be of three sorts : The poor labourers of the ground , the poor desolate Beggers , Orphans , Widows and Strangers , and the poor Ministers of Christ Jesus his holy Evangel ; which are so cruelly used by this last pretended Order taken for sustentation of Ministers , that their latter misery farre surmounteth the former ; for now the poore labourers of the ground are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their hire , that they for the most part encroach upon the poore , in whatsoever they pay unto the Q●een , or to any other . As for the very indigent and poor , to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided of the Tenths , they are so despised , that it is a wonder that Sun giveth heat and light to the earth , where Gods Name is so frequently called upon , and no mercy ( according to his Commandment ) showne to his Creatures . And also for the Ministers , their Livings are so appointed , that the most part shall live but a Beggers life : And all cometh of that impiety , that the idle bellies of Christs enemies , must be fed in their former delicacy . We dare not conceal from your Majestie , and honours our conscience , which is this , That neither by the Law of God , neither yet by any just Law of man , is due unto them , who now most cruelly do exact of the poor and rich , the two parts of their Benefices , as they call them . And therefore we most humbly require , That some other Order may be taken with them , that they be not set up againe to empire above the people of God ; for we fear that such usurpation of their former state , will be neither in the end pleasant to themselves , nor profitable to them that would place them in that Tyranny . If any think that a competent Living is to be assigned to them , we repugne not , provided that the Labourers of the ground be not oppressed , the poor be not utterly neglected , and the Ministers of the Word so hardly used , as now they are . And finally , That those idle bellies , who by Law can crave nothing , shall confesse , that they receive their sustentation and maintenance , not of debt , but of benevolence . Our humble request is therefore , That in every Parish some part of the Tythes may be assigned to the sustentation and maintenance of the poor within the same : And likewise that some publike relief may be provided for the poor within Burroughs , that Collectors may be appointed to gather ; And that strict Accounts may be taken , as well for their Recepts , as of the disbursements . The further consideration to be had of our Ministers , we in some part remit to your wisedoms , and to their particular complaints . Our fourth Petition is for the Mause-Yards and Gleebs justly appertaining to the Ministers , without the which it is impossible unto them quietly to serve their Charges ; and therefore we desire that order be taken without delay . Our fifth concerns the disobedience of certain wicked persons , who not onely trouble , and have troubled Ministers in their Functions , but also disobey the Superintendents in their Visitation : wherefore we humbly crave remedy ; which we doubt , not so much for the feare that we and our Ministers have of the Papists , but for the love that we bear to the common tranquility . For this we cannot hide from your Majesty and Councell , That if the Papists thinke to triumph where they may , and to do what they list , where there is not a party able to resist them : that some will thinke , That the godly must begin where they left , who heretofore have borne all rhings patiently , in hope that the Lawes should have bridled the wicked ; whereof if they be frustrate ( albeit that nothing is more odious to them then Tumults , and domestick Discord ) yet will men attempt the uttermost , before that in their owne eyes they behold the house of God demolished , which with travell and danger God hath within this Realm erected by them . Sixthly , we desire , That such as receive release of their Thirds , be compelled to sustain the Ministers within their Bounds , or else we forewarne your Majesty and Councell , that we feare , That the people shall retain the whole in their hands , untill such time as their Ministers be sufficiently provided . Seventhly , we desire the Churches to be repayred , according to an Act set forth by the Lords of the Secret Councell , before your Majesties Arrivall into this Countrey : That J●dges be appointed to heare the causes of Divorcement ; for the Church can no longer sustain the burden , especially , because there is no punishment for the offenders : That sayers and hearers of Masses , prophaners of the Sacraments ; such as have entred into Benefices by the Popes Bulls , and such other transgressors of the Law made at your Majesties Arrivall within this Realme , may be severely punished ; for else men will think there is no truth meant in making of such Laws . Eighthly , We most humbly desire of your Majesty and your honourable Councell , a resolute answer to every one of these Heads afore-written , that the same being known , we may somewhat satisfie such as be grievously offended at manifest iniquity now maintained at , oppression , under pretext of Law , done against the poore , and at the rebellious disobedience of many wicked persons , against Gods Word , and holy Ordinance . God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , so rule your hearts , and direct your Majesty and Councels judgements by the judgement and illumination of his holy Spirit , that you may answer so , as your offences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge , the Lord Jesus ; and then we doubt not but your selves shall finde felicity , and this poor Realme , that hath long been oppressed by wicked men , shall enjoy tranquility and rest , with the true knowledge of God. These things read in publike Assembly as aforesaid , were approved of all : And some wished that more sharpnesse had been used , because that the time so repuired . But the Minions of the Court , and Secretary Lethington above others , could not abide such hard spoken words ; for whoever shall write ( said he ) to a Prince , That God would strike the head and the tayle ; That if Papists do what they list , men would begin where they left : But above all others , that was most offensive That the Queen was accused , as that she would raise up Papists and Papistry again ; To put that in the people heads , was no lesse then Treason : yea , Oathes was made , That she never meaned such thing . To whom it was answered , That the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of speaking ; And it was no doubt but that he was acquainted in the Court , for it was supposed that he was of the Kings Stock : but howsoever it was , his words make manifest that he spake to the Court , and to the Courtiers , to Judges , Ladies , Princes and Priests ; and yet , saith he , The Lord shall cut away the head and the tayle , &c. And so said the first writer , I finde that such phrase was once used before us : And if this offend you , that we say , Men must begin where they left , in case the Papists do as they do , we would desire you to teach us , not so much how we shall speak , but rather what we shall do , when our Ministers are stricken , our Superintendents disobeyed , and a plain Rebellion decreed against all good Orders . Complain , said Lethington . To whom ? said the other . To the Queen , said he . How long shall we do so ? quoth the other . Till that you get remedy , said the Justice Clerke : Give me their names , and I shall give you Letters . If the Sheep , said one , shall complain to the Wolfe , That the Wolfs whelps have devoured their Lambs , the Complainer may stand in danger , but the offender we fear , shall have leave to hunt after his prey . Such Comparisons ( said Lethington ) are very unsavoury ; for I am assured , That the Queen will not erect nor maintaine Papistry . Let your assurance ( said the other ) serve your selfe , but it cannot assure us ; for her manifest proceedings speaketh the contrary . After such cautious reasoning on both sides , the pluralitie concluded , That the supplication as it was conceived , should be presented , unlesse that the Secretary would make one more fit to the present necessitie ; he promised to keep the substance of ours , but he would use other termes , and aske things in a more gentle manner . The first Writer answered , That he served the Churches at their commandment , and was content , That in his ditement , men should use the libertie that best pleased them ; providing , That he were not compelled to subscribe to the flattery of such , as more regarded the persons of men , then the simple truth of God : And so was this former supplication given to be reformed , as Lethingtons wisedome thought best . And in very deed , he framed it so , That when it was delivered by the Superintendents of Lothain and Fyfe . And when the Queen had read somewhat of it , she said , Here are many faire words , I cannot tell what the hearts are ; And so for our painted Oratory we were termed by the next name , Flatterers and dissemblers ; but for that Session , the Church received no other answer . Short after the Convention of the Church , chanced that unhappy persuite which Iohn Gordon , Laird of Finlater , made upon the Lord Ogilvie , who was evill hurt , and was for a long time mitilate ; The occasion was for certain Lands , and Rights , which old Finlater had resigned to the Lord , which he was pursuing by Law , and was in appearance to obtain his purpose ; whereat , the said Iohn , and his servants were offended , and therefore made the said pursuite , upon a Saterday , at night , betwixt nine and ten . The friends of the said Lord , were either not with him , or else not willing to fight that night , for they took stroakes , but gave few that left markes . The said Iohn was taken and put in the Tolbuith , where he ramained certain dayes , and then broke the Prison : Some judged , at his Fathers commandment ; for he was making preparation for the Queens coming to the North , as we will after heare . The enterview and meeting of the two Queens delayed till the next yeer . Our Soveraign took purpose to visite the North , and departed from Sterlin in the moneth of August ; whether there was any paction and confederacy betwixt the Papists of the South , and the Earle of Huntly and his Papists in the North ( or to speak more plainly ) betwixt the Queen her Self , and Huntly : We cannot certainly affirme , But the suspitions were wondrous vehement , that there was no good will borne to the Earle of Murray , nor yet to such as depended upon him , at that time . The History we shall faithfully declare , and so leave the judgement free to the Readers . That Iohn Gordon broke the Prison , we have already heard , who immediately repaired to his Father George , Earle of Huntly ; and understanding the Queens coming , made great provision in Strabogie , and in other parts , as it were to receive the Queen . At Aberdeine , the Queen and Court , remained certaine dayes to deliberate upon the Affaires of the Countrey , where some began to smell , that the Earle of Huntly was privately gathering men , as hereafter shall be declared . Whilest things was so working in the North , the Earle of Bothwell broke his prison , and came forth of the Castle of Edinburgh the eight and twentieth day of August ; some say he broke the Stancheours of the Window ; others whispered , that he got easie passage by the gates : one thing is certain , to wit , The Queen was little offended at his escaping . There passed with him a servant of the Captains , named Iames Porterfield . The said Earle shewed himself not very much afraid , for his common residence was in Louthain . The Bishop of Saint Andrews and Abbot of Crosrainell kept secret convention that same time in Paislay , to whom resorted divers Papists ; yea , the said Bishop spake to the Duke , unto whom also came the Lord Gordon from the Earle of Huntly , requiring him to stirre his hands in the South , as he should do in the North , and so it should not be Knox crying and preaching that should stay that purpose : The Bishop , be he never so close , could not altogether hide his minde , but at his own Table said , The Queen is gone into the North , belike to seek disobedience , she may perchance finde the thing she seeks . It was constantly affirmed , That the Earle Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spake together , but of their purpose we heard no mention . That same year , and in that same instant time , were appointed Commissioners by the Generall Assembly , to Carrick and Cunningham ; Master George Hay , who with great profit preached the space of a moneth in all the Churches of Carrick . To Kyle and to the parts of Galloway was appointed Iohn Knox , who besides the doctrine of the Evangell , shewne to the common people , forewarned some of the Nobilitie and Barrows , of the dangers that he feared , and that were appearing shortly to follow ; and exhorted them to put themselves in such order , as that they might be able to serve the authoritie , and yet not to suffer the enemies of Gods truth to have the upper hand : Whereupon a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen of Kyle , Cunningham and Carrick , professing the true doctrine of the Evangell , assembled at Ayre ; and after the exhortation made , and conference had , subscribed this Bond , the Tenour whereof followeth : WE whose Names are under-written , do promise in the presence of God , and in the presence of his Son , our Lord Iesus Christ , that we and every one of us , shall and will maintain the preaching of his holy Evangell , now of his mercy offered and granted unto this Realm ; and also will maintaine the Ministers of the same against all persons , power and authoritie that will oppose themselves to the Doctrine proposed , and by us received : And further , with the same solemnitie , we protest and promise , that every one of us shall assist another , yea , and the whole Body of the Protestants within this Realme , in all lawfull and just occasions , against all persons ; So that whosoever shall hurt , molest or trouble any of our bodies , shall be reputed enemies to the whole , except that the offender will be content to submit himself to the Government of the Church now established amongst us : and this we do , as we desire to be accepted and favoured of the Lord Iesus , and accepted worthy of credit and honesty in the presence of the godly . At the Burgh of Aire the fourth day of September , in the year of God , 1552. Subscribed by all these with their hands , as followeth : The Earle Glencairne , Lord Boyde , Lord Uchiltrie and Failfurd , Mathew Cambell of Lowdoune Knight , Allaine Lord Cathcart , Caprington elder and younger , Cuninghameheid , Rowallan , Waterston , Craigie , Lefnoreis , Achinharvy , Middleton , Master Michael Wallace Provest of Ayr , with fourty more of the honestest Burgesses of that Towne . The Master of Boyd , Graitgirth , Barr , Carnell , Dreghorne , Hested , Skeldon , Wolston , Carsland , Fergnshill , Polquhairne , Stair , Barkskyning , Kinganelech , with a hundred more Gentle men of worth ; Iohn Dumbar of Blantyre , Carleton and his brother , Halrig Cers , Kirckmichael , Dalyaroich , Crosclayes , Horsclench , Carbiston , Kelwood , Tarmganoich , &c. THese things done at Ayr , the said Iohn passed to Nithsdaill , and Galloway , where , in conference with the Master of Maxwell , a man of great judgement and experience ; he communicated with him such things as he feared , who by his motion wrote to the Earle of Bothwell to behave himself as it became a faithfull Subject , and to keep good quietnesse in the places committed to his charge , and that his crime of breaking the Ward would be the more easily pardoned . Iohn Knox wrote unto the Duke , and earnest-exhorted him neither to give ear to the Bishop his Bastard brother , no● yet to the perswasions of the Earle of Huntly ; for if he did , he assured him , that he and his house should come to a sudden ruine . By which meanes was the South parts kept in reasonable quietnesse during the time that the troubles were a brewing in the North ; and yet the Bishop and the Abbot of Cosraynell did what in them lay to have raised some trouble ; for , besides the fearfull bruits that they spearced abroad , sometime that the Queen was taken , sometimes that the Earle of Murray and all his were slain , and sometimes that the Queen had given her self to the Earle of Huntly ; besides such bruits the Bishop to break the Countrey of Kyle , where quietnesse then was greatest , raised the Crawfords , against the Reides , for the payment of the Bishops Paschfynes ; but that was pacified by the labor of indifferent men , who favoured peace . The Abbot of Cosrainell required disputation of Iohn Knox for maintenance of the Masse , which was granted unto him ; and the dispute held in Mayboll three dayes : The Abbot had the advantage that he required , to wit , he took in hand to prove , That Melchisedec offered Bread and Wine unto God ; which was the ground that the Masse was built upon to be a Sacrifice , &c. But in the work of three dayes there could no proofe be produced for Melchizedecks Oblation ; as in the disputation , ( which was afterwards Printed ) clearly may appeare . The Papists looked for a revolt , and therefore they would have some brag of reasoning ; the Abbot further presented himself to the Pulpit , but the voyce of Master George Hay so affrayed him , that after once he was wearied o● that exercise . After that the Queene was somewhat satisfied of hunting , and other pastimes , she came to Aberdein , where the Earle of Huntly met her , and his Ladies , with no small Train , who remained in Court , and was supposed to have the greatest credite , departed with the Queen to Buchan , met her againe at Rothemay , looking that shee should have passed with him to Strabogy ; but in the journey certain word came to her , that Iohn Gordon had broken promise in not re-entring in ward ; for his Father the Earle had promised , that he should enter againe within the Castle of Sterlin , and there abide the Queens pleasure ; but whether with his Fathers knowledge and consent , or without the same , we know not ; but he refused to enter : which so offended the Queen , that she would not go to Strabogy , but passed thorow Straithla to Innernesse , where the Castle thereof was denyed unto her ; the Captaine was commanded to keep it , and looked for relief ; for so had Iohn Gordon promised ; but being thereof frustrate , the Castle was rendred , and the Captain called ; Gordon was executed upon the place , the rest were condemned , and the hands of some bound , but escaped . This was the beginning of further trouble , for the Earle of Huntly thereat offended , began to assemble his Folkes , and spared not to speak that he would be revenged ; But alwayes his Wife bare a faire countenance to the Queen ; and it is verily supposed , that no other harme then the Queen her self could easily have stood content with , was meaned unto her own person . But the whole matter lay upon the Earle of Murray , Secretary Lethington and the Laird of Pittaro ; yet the Queene began to be afraid , and by Proclamation , caused to warn Sterling Shire , Fyfe , Anguis , Mernes , and Stratherne , charging all substantiall men to be in Aberdein the fifth day of October , there to remaine the space of twenty dayes ; In her return from Innernesse she required the Castle of Finlater , which was likewise denyed , and so was Anchndowne ; which more angred the Queen . The Earle of Huntly was charged to cause deliver the said house , under the pain of Treason ; to shew some obedience , he caused the Keyes of both to be presented by his servant Master Thomas Keir ; But before had the Queen sent young Captaine Stewart , son to Iames , ( who to this day hath neither been stout , happy , nor true ) with sixscore to lye about the places of Finlater . They lodged in Culan , not farre distant from the said place . But upon a night Iohn Gordon came with a company of Horsemen , took the Captain , slew certain of the Souldiers , and disarmed the rest . This fact done ( as the Queen alleaged ) under trust , so inflamed her , that all hope of reconciliation was past ; and so the Earl of Huntly was charged under the pain of putting him to the Horn , to present himselfe , and the said Iohn before the Queen and Councill within six dayes ; which charge he disobeyed , and so was denounced Rebell : Whether it was Law or not , we dispute little thereof ; but it was a preparative to others , that after were served with the like measure : he was sought at his Place of Stragobie , but escaped . The evil encreased , for the Earle assembled his fellowes out of all parts of the North : He marched forwards towards Aberdiene , and upon the two and twentieth of October , 1562. came to the Lough of Skeine . His Army was judged to be seven or eight hundred men . The Queens Army , both in number and man-hood , far surmounting his , and yet he took no fear ; for he was assured of the most part of them which were with the Queen ; as the issue did witnesse : Within the Town they stood in great fear , and therefore it was concluded , That they would assayle the uttermost upon the fields . The Forbesses , Hayes , and Lesleyes took the Vant-guard , and promised to fight with the said Earle , without any other help . They passed forth of the Towne before ten hours in the morning ; they put themselves in aray , but they approached not the enemy , till that the Earle of Murray and his Company were come to the fields , and that was after two after noon ; for he was appointed with his Company , onely to have beholded the Battell : but all things turned otherwise then the most part of men supposed . The Earle of Huntley was the night before determined to have retired himselfe and his Company : But that morning he could not be wakened , before it was ten hours ; and when he was upon his feet , his spirits failed him , by reason of his corpulency , so that rightly , a long time he could do nothing : Some of his friends fearing the danger , left him . When that he looked upon both the Companies , he said , This great Company that approacheth neerest to us , will do us no harme , they are our friends : I onely feare that small Company that stands on the hill side , they are our enemies : But we are enough for them , if God be with us . And when he had thus spoken , he fell upon his knees , and made his Prayer in this form : O Lord , I have been a blood-thirstie man , and by my means hath much innocent blood been spilt : But wilt thou give me Victory this day , and I shall serve thee all the dayes of my life . Note and observe , good Reader , he confesseth that he hath beene a blood-thirsty man ; and that he had been the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood ; but yet would he have had Victory : And what was that else , but to have had power to have shedded more , and then would he have satisfied God for altogether ; wherein is expressed the nature of hypocrites , which never fear nor love God further then present danger or profit perswadeth . But to our History . The Lesleyes , Hayes , and Forbisses , espying the Earle of Murray and his to have lighted upon their feet , and made forward against the Earle of Huntley and his , who stood in Correthieburne ( some call it Farabanke ) But ere they approached nigh , by the space of the shot of an Arrow , they cast from them their Spears and long Weapons , and fled directly in the face of the Earle of Murray and his Company : The danger espied , the Laird of Pittarrow ( a man both stout , and of a ready wit ) with the Master , after Lord Lyndsey , and Tutor of Pitcur , said , Let us cast down Spears to the foremost , and let them not come in amongst us ; for there is no doubt but this flying is but Treachery : And so they did , so that they that fled of Huntley seeing the Vaunt-guard flie , said unto his Company , Our friends are honest men , they have kept promise ; Let us now encounter the rest . And so he and his , as sure of Victory , marched forward . The Secretary in few words , made a vehement Oration ; and they willed every man to call upon his God , to remember his duty , and not to fear the multitude : And in the end concluded thus : O Lord , thou that rulest the heaven and the earth , look upon thy servants , whose blood this day is most unjustly sought , and to mans judgement , are sold and betrayed , our refuge is now unto thee , and our hope is in thee : Iudge thou , O Lord , betwixt us and the Earle of Huntlie , and the rest of our enemies : If ever we have justly sought his or their destruction and blood , let us fall on the sword . And , O Lord , if thou knowest our innocency , maintain thou and preserve us , for thy great mercies sake . Shortly after the speaking of these and the like words , the former Rank rejoyced ; for Huntlies Company made great haste : They were repulsed by the Master of Lyndsay ; and the Companies of Fyfe and Angus , some of them that had fled , returned , and followed the Earle of Murray , but gave no stroke , till that Huntlies Company gave back . In the Front there was slain eighteen or four and twenty men ; and in the flying there fell 100. There were taken 100. and the rest were spared : The Earl himselfe was taken alive ; his two sons , Iohn aforesaid , and Adam Gordon , were taken with him . The Earle , immediately after his taking , departed this life , without any wound , or yet appearance of any stroke , whereof death might have ensued : And so , because it was late , he was cast overthwart or upon a payre of Creilles , and so was carried to Aberdeine , and was laid in the Tolbuith thereof , that that which his wives Witches had given , might be fulfilled ; who all affirmed ( as the most part say ) That same night he should be in the Towne of Aberdeine , without any wound upon his body . When his Lady got knowledge thereof , she blamed her principall Witch , called Iannett ; but she stoutly defended her selfe ( as the devill can do ) and affirmed , That she gave a true answer , albeit she spake not all the truth ; for she knew that he should be there dead , but that could not profit my Lady . She was angry and sorry for a season : But the devill , the Masse , and Witches , have all great credit with her this day , the twelfth of Iune , 1566. as they had seven yeers agoe . The Earle of Murray sent a Message unto the Queen , of the marvellous Victory ; and humbly prayed her to shew that obedience to God , as publikely to convene with them , to give thanks unto God for his notable deliverance . She glomed and frowned both at the Message , and at the Request , and scarcely would give a good word , or blythe and merry countenance to any that she knew earnest favourers of the Earle of Murray , whose prosperity was , and yet is a very venome to her boldned heart : For many dayes she bare no better countenance ; whereby it might have been easily espied , That she rejoyced not greatly of the successe of that matter ; And albeit she caused to execute Iohn Gordon , and divers others , yet it was the destruction of others that she sought . Upon the morrow after the discomfiture , the Lady Forbesse , a woman both wise , and fearing God , came , amongst many others , to visite the Corps of the said Earle ; and seeing him lie upon the cold stones , having onely upon him a Doublet of Canvas , a payre of Scotch gray Hose , and him covered with an Arras work . She said , What stability shall we judge to be in this world ? There lieth he that yesterday in the morning was esteemed the wisest , the richest , and man of greatest power that was within Scotland . And in very deed she lyed not ; for in mans opinion , under a Prince , there was not such a one these three hundred yeers in this Realme produced : But felicity and worldly wisedom so blinded him , that in the end he perished in them , as shall all those that despight God , and trust in themselves . Iohn Gordon , at his death , confessed many horrible things , devised by his father , by his brother , and by himself . There were Letters found in the Earles pocket , that disclosed the Treason of the Earle of Sutherland , and of divers others . Master Thomas Keir , who before was the whole Councellor of the said Earle , disclosed whatsoever he understood might hurt the Gordons and their friends , and so Treason plainly disclosed ; which was , That the Earle of Murray should have been murthered in Stragobie ; the Queen should have been taken , and kept at the devotion of the said Earle of Huntley . These things , we say , revealed , the Queen left the North , and came to Dundie , Saint Iohnston , Sterlin , and then to Edinburgh : The Earle of Huntleys body was carryed about in a Boat , and laid without Buriall in the Abbey of Halyrud-house , till the day of his Forefaltor , as after shall be declared . The Duke apprehended the Lord Gordon his son in Law , because that the Queen had straitly commanded him so to do , if that he repaired within his bounds . Before that he delivered him , the Earle of Murray laboured at the Queens hands for the safety of his life , which hardly was granted ; and so was he delivered within the Castle of Edinburgh , the eight and twentieth day of November . 1562. where he remained till the eighth day of February ; when he was put to an Assise , accused and convinced of Treason ; but was restored againe ; first , to the Castle aforesaid , and thereafter was transported to Dumbar , where he remained prisoner till the moneth of August , in the yeer of God 1565. as we will after hear . In the mean time the troubles were hot in France , and the intelligence and outward familiarity betwixt the two Queens was great ; Lethington was directed with large Commission , both to the Queene of England , and to the Guisians . The Marriage of our Queen was in all mens mouthes ; some would have the Infant of Spaine , some the Emperours Brother , some Duke Denemours , and some truely guessed at the Lord Darley . What Lethingtons Credit was , we know not ; but shortly after there began much to be talked of the Earle of Lenox , and of his son the Lord Darley . It was said that Lethington spake to the Lady Margaret Dowglas ; And that Robert Melvill received a horse to the Secretaries use from the Earle of Lenox , or from his wife . Howsoever it was , Master Fouller servant to the said Earle , came with Letters to the Queene , by which , License was permitted to the Earle of Lenox to come to Scotland , to travell in his lawfull businesse . That same day the Queens License was granted , the Secretary said , This day I have taken upon me the deadly hatred of all the Hamiltons within Scotland , and have done unto them no lesse displeasure , then if I had cut their throats . The Earle Bothwell , who before had broken Ward , fearing apprehension or taking , prepared to passe to France ; but by storm of Weather was driven into England , where he was stayed , and was offered to have been rendred by the Queen of England : But our Queens answer was , That he was no Rebell , and therefore she requested that he should have liberty to passe whither he pleased . And thereto Lethington helped not a little , for he travelled to have friends in every faction of the Court. And so obtained the said Earle Lincense to passe to France . The Winter after the death of the Earle of Huntley , the Court remained for the most part at Edinburgh . The Preachers were wondrous vehement in reprehension of all manner of Vice , which then began to abound ; and especially Avarice , Oppression of the poore , Excesse , Ryotous Cheer , Banquetting , immoderate Dancing , and Whoredome , that thereof ensues . Whereat the Courtiers began to storme and to pick quarrells against the Preachers , alleadging that all their Preaching was turned to Rayling ; whereunto one of them gave answer as followeth ; It comes to our eares that we are called Raylers , whereof albeit we wonder , yet we are not ashamed , seeing that the most worthy servants of God that before us have travelled in this Vocation , have so been stiled : But unto you do I say , That the same God , who from the beginning hath punished the Contempt of his Word , and hath poured forth his Vengeance upon such proud mockers , shall not spare you ; yea , he shall not spare you before the eyes of this same wicked Generation , for the pleasure whereof ye despise all wholesome Admonitions : Have you not seen greater then any of you sitting where presently ye sit , pick his nayles , and pull down his Bonnet over his eyes , when Idolatry , Witchcraft , Murther , Oppression , and such Vices , were rebuked : Was not this his common talke ? When these Knaves have rayled their fill , then will they hold their peace : Have ye not heard it affirmed to his owne face , That God should revenge that his Blasphemie , even in the eyes of such as were witnesse to his iniquity . Then was the Earle of Huntley accused by you , as the maintainer of Idolatry , and onely hinderer of all good Orders ; him hath God punished , even according to the threatnings that his and your ears heard , and by your hands hath God executed his Judgements : But what amendment can be espied in you ? Idolatry was never in greater quiet , Vertue and vertuous men were never in more contempt ; Vice was never more bold , nor punishment lesse feared . And yet who guides the Queene and Court ; who but the Protestants . O horrible slanderers of God , and of his holy Evangell ; Better it were unto you , plainely to renounce Christ Jesus , then thus to expose his blessed Evangell to Mockage : if God punisheth not you , That this same age shall see and behold your punishment , the spirit of righteous judgement guides me not . This vehemency provoked the hatred , not onely of the Courtiers , but also of divers others against the Speaker , which was Iohn Knox ; for such as be in credit , never lack flatterers . Their Brethren of the Court were irreverendly handled . What was that , but to raise the hearts of the people against them ; They did what they could . Such speaking would cause them to do lesse . And this was the fruit that the Preachers gathered of their just reprehensions ; The generall Assembly of the Church held on the 25 of December , 1562. approached . In the which , great complaints were made ; That Churches lacked Ministers ; That Ministers lacked their Stipends ; That wicked men were permitted to be Schoole-Masters ; and so to infect the youth amongst them , whom one Master Robert Cunning Schoole-master in Aberbrothoke , was complained upon by the Laird of Dun , and sentence pronounced against him . It was further complained , That Idolatry was erected in divers parts of the Realm : For redresse hereof , some thought best , That a new supplication should be presented to the Queen ; others demanded , what answer was received of the former . The superintendent of Lowthian confessed the delivery of it ; but ( said he ) I received no answer . It was answered for the part of the Queene , ( for her supposts were ever there ) that it was well known to the whole Realm , what troubles had occurred since the last Assembly ; and therefore , That they should not wonder , albeit that the Queen had not answered , but betwixt that and the Parliament , which was appointed to be in May , they doubted not but such order should be taken , as all men should have occasion to stand content . This satisfied for that time the whole Assembly . And this was the practice of the Queene , and of her Councell , with faire words to drive time , as before we have said . The Assembly notwithstanding proceeded forward in establishing of such orders , as whereby vice might be punished , and vertue might be maintained , And because there was a great slander risen upon Paul Meffane of whom mention is made in the second Booke of the Historie , Commissions and charge was given unto Iohn Knox , Minister of Edinburgh , and unto certain of the Elders of the Church of Edinburgh , to passe to the Town of Iedwart , where the slander was raised , and to be found there , the third of Ianuary next , was the tryall to be taken of the slander raised , and to hear the Articles and complaint of the said Paul : and after the tryall , to report the truth to the Session of the Church of Edinburgh ; To whom with the assistance of the superintendent of Lowthian Commission was given to discerne therein . The tryall and examination of that crime was difficile , the slander was universall in that Towne and Country ; the servant woman of the said Paul , had betwixt that and Christmas left his House , she had borne a child , no father to it could she finde , but alleaged her self to have been suppressed late in an Evening ; the said Paul constantly affirmed himself innocent , and would have given his publike purgation ; but because his Accusators had taken on them to prove ther accusation that was denyed , many witnesses were produced , of whom some deposed so clearly , that the Commissioners suspected , that they had been suborned , and therefore they required to have inspection of the places , where some said they saw , and some said they heard them in the very act of iniquitie . The sight and consideration of the place augmented greatly the suspition ; but one thing was most suspitious of all other , for the Wife of the sad Paul ( an ancient Matron ) was absent from him the space of eight or nine weeks in Dundie ; which time ( or at least a great part thereof ) they suspected , and he lay nightly in one house without other company then a Childe of seven or eight yeers of age . The Judges , notwithstanding these suspitions , having a good opinion of the honestie and godlinesse of the man , travelled what they could ( conscience not hurt ) to purge him of the slander : But God , who would not that such a Villanie should be cloaked and concealed within his Kirk , otherwayes had decreed , for he brought the brother of the guilty woman to the Towne , having no minde of such matters , who being produced by the Accusators , as one that was privy to the fact ; and knew the veritie of all circumstances ; this witnesse , we say , ( which could not be suspected ) being produced , made the matter so plain and clear , that all suspition was removed ; for he it was that conveyde the woman away , he it was that caused the Childe to be baptised , alleaging it to be his own ; he it was that carried frequent message betwixt them , and from Paul carryed money and clothes divers times : How soon that ever the said Paul saw that man produced , as Witnesse , he withdrew himselfe and left the Town , by that means plainly taking upon him the Crime ; And so the Commissioners with full information , returned to Dundie , and notified the same unto the Kirke , who caused publikely to summon the said Paul to hear the sentence pronounced ; who not appearing in the end , for his odious Crime and contumacy , was publikely excommunicated , and was deprived of all functions within the Kirke of Scotland , and so left the Realme . For two causes we insert this horrible fact , and the order kept in punishing of the same ; the former to forewarn such as travell in that Vocation , that according to the admonition of the Apostle , Such as stand , take heed lest they fall . No man in the beginning of the Evangell , was judged more fervent and more upright ; and yet we have heard how far Sathan has prevailed against him ; God grant that we may hear of his repentance ; neither yet should this fall do any thing to prejudice the Authoritie of the Doctrine which he taught , for the Doctrine of God hath its authority of no creature , but hath the assurance of God himselfe , how weak or imperfect soever the Instruments be by whom it pleaseth God to publish the same . The treason of Iudas , the Adultery of David , and abnegation of Peter did derogate nothing from the glory of Christs Evangell , nor yet the Doctrine which before they had taught ; but declared the one to be a Reprobate , and the other to be Instruments in whom mercy must surmount judgement . The other cause is , that the World may see what difference there is betwixt the uprightnesse of the Kirke of God , and the corruption that reignes in the Synagogue of Sathan , the Papisticall rabble ; for how many of that sort hath been , and still remaine openly knowne Whoremongers , Adulterers , Violators of Virgines , yea , and committers of such abominations as we will not name ; and yet are they called and permitted to be Bishops , Archbishops , Cardinalls and Popes themselves : For what sinnes can unable the sworne servants of Symonie , and of their Father the Devill ? For bragg what they list of Christ , of Peter , and of Paul , their lives and conversation bear witnesse to whom they belong . But we return to our History of things done in Court. Amongst the Menizoons of the Court , there was one named Monsieur Chattelet , a Frenchman , that at that time passed all others in credit with the Queene : In dancing of the purpose , so terme they that dance , in the which man and woman talketh secretly , wise men would judge such fashions not agreeable to the gravity of honest women . In this dance the Queen choose Chattelet , and Chattelet took the Queen , for he had the best dresse . All this winter Chattelet was so familiar with the Queen , that the Nobilitie being by this means stopped to have so free accesse as they thought fit and due unto them , were highly offended ; at length Chattelet having conveyed himselfe privately under the Queens Bed , but being espied , was commanded away : The Bruit arising , the Queene called the Earle of Murray , and bursting in a womanly affection , charged him , that as he loved her , he should slay Chatelet , and let him never speak word . The other at the first made promise so to doe ; but after calling to minde the judgement of GOD pronounced against the shedders of innocent blood , and also that none should die without the testimonie of two or three witnesses , returned , and fell upon his knees before the Queen , and said , Madame , I beseech your Majestie cause not me to take the blood of this man upon me ; Your Majestie hath used him so familiarlie before , that you have offended all your Nobilitie ; and now if he shall be secretly slain at your owne commandment , what shall the world judge of it ? I shall bring him to the presence of Justice , and let him suffer by Law according to his deserving . Oh , said the Queene , you shall not let him speake . I shall doe ( said he ) Madame , what in me lyeth , to give your Majestie content . Poor Chattelet was brought back from Kingorne to Saint Andrews , examined , put to an Assize , and so beheaded the two and twentieth day of February , Anno Dom. 1562. He begged license to write to France the cause of his death ; which said he , in his Tongue was Pour estre trouve en lien trop suspect ; that is , Because I was found in a place too much suspected . At the place of Execution , when he saw that there was no remedie , but death , he made a godly confession , and granted , that his declining from the truth of God , and following of vanitie and impietie , was justly repayed unto him : But in the end he concluded , looking unto the Heavens , with these words , O cruelle Dame ! What that complaint imported I leave it to conjecture ; and so received Chattelet the reward of his dancing , for he lost his Head , that his Tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen ; deliver us , O Lord from the rage of so inordinate a Court. The year of God , 1563. there was a universall death in all Scotland , but in the North , where ( the Harvest before ) the Queene had been , there was a great Famine , of which may died in that Countrey . the dearth was great over all , but the Famine in the Wheat , the Beare or Barley , the Meale , the Oates , Beefe , Mutton , &c , were exceeding dear and scant ; yea , all things appertaining to the sustentation of man , in triple , and more exceeded , their accustomed prices . And so did God according to the threatning of the Law punish the Idolatry of our wicked Rulers , and our ingratitude that suffered them to defile the Land with that abomination again , that God so potently had purged by the power of his Word ; for the riotous Feasting and excessive Banquetting used in City and Countrey , wheresoever that the prophane Court repaired , provoked God to strike the Staffe of Bread , and to give his maledictions upon the fruits of the earth . But alas , who looked , or yet looks to the true cause of our Calamitie ? Lethington was absent ( as before we have heard ) in the Queens affairs ; the Papists at that Pasch. Ann. 1563. in divers parts of the Realm , had erected that Idoll the Masse , amongst whom the Bish. of S. Andrews , the Prior of Quihithorn , with divers others of that faction would avow it . Besides the first Proclamation , there had Letters past in the contrary with certification of death to the contraveiner . The Brethren universally offended , and espying that the Queene by Proclamation did but delude them , determined to put to their own hands , and to punish for example of others ; and so some Priests in the West-Land were apprehended ; Intimation made unto others , as to the Abbot of Cosragnell , the Parson of Sangohar , and such , that they should neither complaine to the Queene nor Counsell , but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to Idolaters in his Law , by such means as they might , where ever they should be apprehended . The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking , but she could not amend it , for the Spirit of God , of boldnesse , and of wisdome had not left the most part of such as God had made Instruments in the beginning , they were of one minde to maintaine the truth , and to suppresse Idolatry , particularities had not divided them ; and therefore could not the Devill working in the Court , and in Papists , do then what they would ; and therefore the Court began to invent a new craft ; The Queen advised , to send for Iohn Knox to come to her where she lay , at Lochlevin ; She dealt with him earnestly two houres before supper , that he would be the Instrument to perswade the people , and principally the Gentlemen of the West , not to put hand to punish any man for the using of themselves in their religions as pleased them . The other perceiving her craft willed her Majestie to punish Malefactors according to the Laws , and he durst promise quietnesse upon the par● of all them that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland ; But if her Majestie thought to delude the Laws , he said , he feared some would let the Papists understand , that without punishment they should no be suffered so manifestly to offend Gods Majestie . Will ye ( quoth she ) allow that they shall take my Sword in their hand . The Sword of Justice ( quoth he ) Madame , is Gods , and is given to Princes and Rulers for one end : which if they transgresse , sparing the wicked , and oppressing the Innocents . They that in the fear of God execute Judgement where God hath commanded , offend not God , although Kings do it not ; neither yet sin they that bridle Kings to strike innocent men in their rage : The examples are evident ; for Samuel spared not to slay Agag , the fat and delicate King of Amelek , whom King Saul had saved : Neither spared Elias , Iezabels false Prophets , and Baals Priests , albeit that King Achab was present : Phineas was no Magistrate , and yet feared he not to strike Zimri and Cozbi , in the very act of filthy Fornication . And so , Madame , your Majesty may see that others then chief Magistrates may lawfully punish , and have punished the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished : For Power by Act of Parliament is given to all Judges within their own bounds , to search the Masse-mongers , or hearers of the same , and to punish them according to the Law. And therefore it shall be profitable to your Majesty to consider what is the thing your Majesties subjects look to receive of your Majesty ; and what it is you ought to do unto them by mutuall Contract . They are bound to obey you ; and that not , but in God ye are bound to keep Laws unto them : Ye crave of them service , They crave of you Protection and Defence against wicked doers . Now , Madame , if ye shall deny your Duty unto them , who especially crave that ye punish Malefactors ; Think ye to receive full Obedience of them ? I fear , Madame , ye shall not . Herewith she being somewhat offended , past to her Supper . The said Iohn left her , and informed the Earle of Murray of the whole reasoning , and so departed , of finall purpose to have returned to Edinburgh , without any further communication with the Queen : But before the Sun rising on the morne were two directed ( Wat Melvill was the one ) to him , commanding him not to depart , whilst he had spoken with the Queens Majesty ; which he did , and met her at the Hawking by West Kinros . Whether it was the nights sleepe , or a deep dissimulation locked in her brest , that made her to forget the former anger , wise men may doubt ; But thereof she never moved word , but began divers other purposes , such as the offering of a Ring to her by the Lord Ruthuen , whom ( said she ) I cannot love ( for I know him to use Enchantment ; and yet he is one of my Privy Councell . Whom blameth your Majesty ( said the other ) thereof ? Lethington ( said she ) was the whole cause . That man is absent for this present ( said he ) Madame , and therefore I will speak nothing in that behalfe . I understand ( said the Queen ) That ye are appointed to go to Dumfreis , for the Election of a Superintendent to be established in those Countreyes . Yes ( said he ) those Quarters have great need , and some of the Gentlemen so require . But I heare ( said she ) That the Bishop of Caithnes would be Superintendent . He is one ( said the other ) Madame , that is put in Election . If ye knew him ( said she ) as well as I do , ye would never promote him to that Office , nor yet to any other within your Kirk . What he hath been ( said he ) Madame , I never knew , nor yet will I enquire ; for in time of darknesse , What could we do but g●ope and go wrong , even as darknesse carryed us ; but if he feare not GOD now , he deceives many more then me : And yet said he , Madame , I am assured , GOD will not suffer his CHURCH to be so farre deceived , As that an unworthy man shall be Elected , where free Election is , and the Spirit of GOD is earnestly called upon , to decide betwixt the two : Well said she , do as ye will , But that man is a dangerous man , and therein was not the Queen deceived ; For he had corrupted the most part of the Gentlemen , not onely to nominate him , but also to Elect him , which perceived by the said Iohn , Commissioner , delayed the Election , and left it with the Master of Maxwell , Master Robert Pont , who was put in Election ( with the foresaid Bishop ) to the end that his Doctrine and Conversation might be the better tryed of these that had not known him before ; and so was this Bishop frustrate of his purpose for that present ; and yet was he at that time the man that was most familiar with the said Iohn in his house , and at Table . But now to the former conference , When the Queen had long talked with Iohn Knox , and he being oft willing to take his leave , she said , I have one of the greatest matters that have touched me since I came in this Realm , to open unto you , and I must have your help into it . And she began to make a long discourse of her Sister , the Lady Argile , how that she was not so circumspect in all things , as she wished her to be ; and yet said she , my Lord , her husband whom I love , useth her not in many things so honestly , and so godlily , as I thinke ye your self would require : Madam said he , I have been troubled with that matter before , and once I put an end to it ( and that was before your Majesties arrivall ) that both she and her friends , seemed fully to stand content ; and she her self promised before her friends , That she would never complain to any Creature , till that I should first understand the controversie by her own mouth , or else by one assured Messenger : I now have heard nothing of her part ; and therefore , I think there is nothing but concord : Well said the Queen , it is worse then ye beleeve ; but do this much for my sake , as once again to put them at Unitie ; and if she behave not her self , so as she ought to do , she shall finde no favour of me ; but in any wise said she , let my Lord know , That I have requested you in this matter ; For I would be very sorry to offend him in that , or in any other thing . And now said she , as touching our reasoning yesternight , I promise to do as ye required . I shall cause to summon all offenders , and yee shall know that I shall minister Justice . I am assured then said he , That ye shall please God , and enjoy rest and tranquilitie within your Realm , which to your Majesty is more profitable , then all the Popes power can be . And thus they departed . This Conference we have inserted , to let the World see how deeply Mary Queen of Scotland , can dissemble ; and how that she could cause men to thinke , That she bare no indignation for any controversie in Religion , which that yet in her heart was nothing but venome , and destruction , as shortly after did appeare . Iohn Knox departed , and prepared himself for his journey , appointed to Dunfreis . And from Glasgow , according to the Queens Commandment ; he wrote this Letter to the Earle of Argyle , the Tenour whereof follows . My Lord , THe Lord cometh , and shall not tarry . After commendation of my service unto your Lordship : If I had known of your Lordships sudden departing , the last time it chanced me to see and speak with you , I had opened unto you some of my grief : But supposing that your Lordship should have remained still with the Queen , I delayed at that time to utter any part of that which now my conscience compelleth me to do . Your behaviour towards your wife is very offensive unto many godly : Her complaint is grievous , That ye altogether withdraw your conversation from her : If so , ye have great need to look well to your own state ; for albeit that ye within your self felt no more repugnancie then any flesh this day on the earth , yet by promise made before God , are ye debtour unto her in all due benevolence . But if that ye burne on the one side , ( albeit ye do no worse ) and she in your default on the other , ye are not onely men sworn before God , but also doth what in you lieth , to kindle against your self his wrath and heavie displeasure . The words are sharp , and God is witnesse in dolour of heart I write them : But because they are true , and pronounced by God himself , I dare not but admonish you , perceiving you , as it were sleeping in sin . The proud stubbornnesse whereof your Lordship oft complained , will nothing excuse you before God ; for if ye be not able to convince her of any fault , ye ought to bear with her imperfections , as that ye would she should bear with you likewise . In the bowells of Christ Jesus , I exhort you , my Lord , to have respect of your own salvation , and not to abuse the lenity and long-suffering of God ; for that is a fearfull treasure that ye heap up upon your own head , while that he calleth you to repentance , and ye obstinately continue in your own impiety ; for impiety it is , that ye abstract your comfort and company from your lawfull wife . I write nothing in defence of her misbehaviour towards your Lordship in any sort ; but I say , If ye be not able to convince her of any fault committed since your last reconciliation , which was in my presence , that ye can never be excused before God , of this rude and strange usage of your wife . And if by you such impiety be committed as is bruted , then , before God , and unto your owne conscience , I say , That every moment of that filthy pleasure , shall turne to you , in a yeers displeasure ; yea , it shall be the occasion and cause of everlasting damnation , unlesse speedily ye repent : and repent ye cannot , except ye desist from that impiety . Call to minde , my Lord , That the servant knowing his masters will , and doing the contrary , shall be plagued with many plagues . Sin , my Lord , is sweet in drinking ; but in digesting , more bitter then the gall . The Eternall move your heart earnestly to consider how fearfull a thing it is , ever to have God to be enemy . In the end , I pray your Lordship not to be absent from Edinburgh , the 19 of this instant , for such causes as I will not write . Thus much onely I warne your Lordship , that it will not be profitable for the common quietnesse of this Realme , that the Papists brag , and Justice be mocked that day . And thus I cease further to trouble your Lordship , whom God assist . In haste from Glasgow , the 7 of May , 1563. Your Lordships to command in godlinesse , Sic subscribitur , JOHN KNOX . THis Letter was not well accepted of the said Earle , and yet did he utter no part of his displeasure in publike , but contrarily shewed himself most familiar with the said Iohn Knox : He kept the Diet , and sate in Judgement himself , where the Bishop , and the rest of the Papists , were accused as after follows . The Summons were directed against the Masse-mongers with expedition , and in the straitest forme : The day was appointed , the 19 of May , a day onely before the Parliament of Popes Knights appeared . The Bishop of Saint Androes , the Prior of Quinthorne , the Parson of Sanguhair , William Hamilton of Camskeneth , Iohn Gordon of Barskuch , with divers others . The Protestants convened whole , to crave for Justice . The Queen asked counsell of the Bishop of Rosse , and of the old Laird of Lethington ( for the younger was absent , and so the Protestants had fewer friends ) who affirmed , That she must see her Laws kept , or else she would get no obedience : and so was preparations made for their accusations . The Bishop , and his band of the exempted sort , made nice to enter before the Earle of Argyle , who sate in Judgement ; but at last he was compelled to enter within the Barre . A merry man , who now sleeps with the Lord , Robert Horwell , instead of the Bishops Crosse , bore before him a Steel Hammer : Whereat the Bishop and his Band were not a little offended , because the Bishops priviledges were not then currant in Scotland ( which day God grant our posterity may see of longer continuance then we possessed it . ) The Bishop and his fellows , after much ado , and long drift of time , came in the Queens will , and were committed to Ward , some to one place , and some to another . The Lady Arskine got the Bishops for her part . All this was done of a most deep craft , to abuse the simplicity of the Protestants , that they should not presse the Queen with any other thing concerning the matters of Religion . At that Parliament , which began within two dayes thereafter , she obtained of the Protestants whatsoever she desired ; for this was the reason of many , We see what the Queen hath done , the like of this was never heard within this Realme ; we will bear with the Queen , we doubt not but all shall be well . Others were of contrary judgement , and forespake things , as after they came to passe ; to wit , That nothing was meant but deceit ; and that the Queen , how soon that ever the Parliament was past , should set the Papists at freedome : And therefore willed the Nobility not to be abused . But because many had their private businesse to be handled at that Parliament , the common Cause was the lesse regarded . The Earle of Huntley , whose Corps had been unburied till the time it was brought to the Tolbuith ; he was accused his Arms rent off ; himself , the Earle of Sutherland , and eleven Barons , and Earles , bearing the surname of Gordon , were that day forfeited ; the Lady Huntley craftily protested and asked the support of a man of Law , or Counsellor . Such stinking pride of women , as was seen at that Parliament , was never seen before in Scotland . Three sundry dayes the Queen rode to the Tolbuith ; The first day she made a painted Oration , and there might have been heard amongst her flatteries , Vox Dianae , The voyce of a goddesse , for it could not be Dei , and not of a Woman : God save that sweet face ; Was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweetly , &c. All things misliked the Preachers ; They spake boldly against the superfluities of their Cloathes , and against the rest of their vanitie , which they affirmed should provoke Gods vengeance , not onely against these foolish Women , but against the whole Realme ; and especially against those that maintained them in that odious abusing of things that might have been better bestowed . Articles were presented for orders to be taken for Apparrell , and for Reformation of other Enormities , but all was winked at . The Earledome of Murray , needed confirmation , and many things were to be ratified that concerned the helpe of friends and servants ; and therefore they might not urge the Queene , For if they so did , she would hold no Parliament ; and what then should become of them that had medled with the slaughter of the Earle of Huntley , let that Parliament passe over ; and when the Queene shall aske any thing of the Nobilitie , as she must do before her marriage ; then shall Religion be the first thing that shall be established . It was answered , That the Poets and Painters erred not altogether , that fained and painted Occasion with a bald Hind-head : For the first , when it is offered , being lost , is hard to be recovered againe . The matter fell so hot betwixt the Earl of Murray , and some others of the Court , and Iohn Knox , That familiarly after that time , they spake not together more then a yeer and a half ; For the said Iohn by his Letter , gave a discharge to the said Earle of all further intromission or care with his affaires . He made unto him a discourse of their first acquaintance , in what estate he was , when that first they spake together in London , how God had promoted him , and that above mans judgement , and in the end made this conclusion : But seeing that I perceive my self frustrate of my expectation , which was , That ye should ever have preferred God to your own affection , and the advancement of his Truth , to your owne commoditie , I commit you to your wit , and to the conducting of those which can better please you . I praise my God , I leave you this day victor of your enemies , promoted to great honour , and in credite and authority with your Soveraigne . If so yee long to continue , none shall be more glad then I shall be . But that after this , ye decay , ( as I feare ye shall ) then call to minde , by what means God exalted you ; which was neither by plying with impiety ; neither yet by maintaining of pestilent Papists . This Letter and discharge was so pleasing to the Flatterers of the said Earle , that they triumphed of it , and were glad to have gotten their occasion ; for some envyed , that so great familiaritie was betwixt them ; and therefore from the time they got once that occasion to separate , they ceased not to cast Oyle in the burning Flame , which ceased not to burne , till that God by water of affliction began to slacken it , as we shall after heare . But least that they should altogether have been seen to have forsaken God , ( as in very deed , both God and his Word was vey farre from the hearts of the most part of the Courtiers of that Age , a few excepted ) they began a new Schift , to wit , To speak of the punishment of Adultery , of Witchcraft , and to seek the restitution of Gleibes or Manses to the Minister of the Church , and of the reparation of the Churches ; and thereby they thought to have pleased the Godly that were highly offended at their slacknesse . The Act of Oblivion passed , because some of the Lords had entresse ; but the Acts against adulterie , and for the Manses and Gleibes , were so modified , that no Law , and such a Law might stand in eodem predicamento ; To speak plain , no Law and such Acts were both alike : The Acts are in Print , let wise men read , and then accuse us , if without cause we complain . In the progresse of this corruption , and before the Parliament dissolved , Iohn Knox in his Sermon before the most part of the Nobilitie , began to enter in a deep discourse of Gods mercies which that Realme had felt , and of that ingratitude which he espied in the whole multitude which God had marvellously delivered from the bondage and tyrannie both of body and soule : And now my Lords , ( said he ) I praise my God , through Jesus Christ , that in your own presence I may powre forth the sorrows of my heart ; yea , your selves shall be witnesse if I make any lie in things by-past from the beginning of Gods mighty Works within this Realme : I have been with you in your most desperate temptations . Aske your own Consciences , and let them answer you before God , if that I ( not I , but Gods Spirit by me ) in your greatest extremity willed you not ever to depend upon your God , and in his Name promised unto you victory and preservation from your enemies , so that onely ye would depend upon his protection , and preferre his glory before your lives and worldly commoditie ; in your most extreme danger I have been with you ; Saint Iohnstou● Cowper-More , and the charges of Edinburgh , are yet recent in my heart ; yea , that dark and dolorous night wherein all you my Lords with shame and feare left this Town , is yet in my minde , and God forbid that ever I forget it : What was ( I say ) my Exhortation unto you ? and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth , ye your selves live and testifie . There is not one of you against whom death and destruction was threatned , perished in that danger ; and how many of your enemies hath God plagued before your eyes ; shall this be the thankfulnesse that ye shall render unto your God ? To betray his Cause when ye have it in your own hands , to establish it as you please ? The Queen sayes you will not agree with us ; aske ye of her that which by Gods Word ye may justly require , and if she will not agree with you in God , you are not bound to agree with them in the Devill ; Let her plainly understand so farre of your mindes , and steal not from your former stoutnesse in God , and he will prosper you in your enterprises : But I can see nothing but a recalling from Christ Jesus , that the man that first and most speedily fleeth from Christs Ensigne , holdeth himselfe most happy ; yea , I hear some say , That we have nothing of our Religion Established , neither by Law nor Parliament ; Albeit the malicious words of such can neither hurt the truth of God , nor yet us that thereupon depend ; yet the speaker of this Treason , committed against God , and against this poore Common-wealth , deserves the Gallows ; for our Religion being commanded , and so established by God , is received with this Realme in publike Parliament . And if they will say , That it was no Parliament , we must , and will say , and also prove , That that Parliament was also as lawfull as ever any that passed before it within this Realme . I say , if the King then living was King , and the Queen now in this Realm be lawfull Queen , that Parliament cannot be denyed . And now my Lords to put end to all , I hear of the Queens marriage , Dukes , Brethren to Emperours , and Kings strive all for the best gain ; But this my Lords will ( I say ) note the day , and beare witnesse after , Whensoever the Nobilitie of Scotland who professe the Lord Jesus , consents that an Infidell ( and all Papists are Infidels ) shall be Head to our Soveraigne , ye do , so farre as in you lyeth , to banish Christ Jesus from this Realme , yea , to bring Gods vengeance upon the Countrey , a plague upon your selves , and perchance you shall do small comfort to your Soveraigne . These words and this manner of speaking was judged intollerable , Papists and Protestants were both offended ; yea , his most familiars disdained him for that speaking , Placeboes and Flatterers posted to the Court , to give advertisement , That Iohn Knox had spoken against the Queens Marriage . The Provest of Glencludan , Douglas by sirname , of Drumlangrig , was the man that gave the charge , That the said Iohn should present himselfe before the Queen , which he did immediately after Dinner . The Lord Uchiltrie and divers of the faithfull bare him company to the Abbey , but none past in to the Queen with him in the Cabinet , but Iohn Arskin of Dun then super-intendent of Angus and Mernes . The Queen in a vehement fume began to crie out , That never Prince was used as she was ; I have ( said she ) born with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking , both against my selfe , and against my Uncles ; yea , I have sought your favours by all possible means ; I offered unto you presence and audience whensoever it pleased you to admonish me ; and yet I cannot be quit of you ; I Vow to God I shall be once revenged : and with these words scarce could Marnocke , one of her Pages , get Handkirchiefs to hold her Eyes drie , for the Tears and the howling , besides womanly weeping stayed her Speech . The said Iohn did patiently abide all this fume , and at opportunitie answered ; True it is Madame , your Majesty and I have been at divers controversies , into the which I never perceived your Majestie to be offended at me ; but when it shall please God to deliver you from that bondage of darknesse and errour , wherein ye have been nourished for the lack of true doctrine ; your Majestie will finde the libertie of my tongue nothing offensive ; without the preaching-place ( Madame ) I thinke few have occasion to be offended at me ; and there ( Madame ) I am not Master of my selfe , but must obey him who commands me to speak plaine , and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the Earth . But what have you to do ( said she ) with my marriage ? If it please your Majestie ( said he ) patiently to hear me , I shall shew the truth in plaine words . I grant your Majestie offered unto me more then ever I required , but my answer was then as it is now , That God hath not sent me to awaite upon the Courts of Princes , or upon the Chamber of Ladies , but I am sent to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ , to such as please to hear ; it hath two points , Repentance and Faith : Now ( Madame ) in preaching repentance , of necessity it is that the sinnes of men be noted , that they may know wherein they offend . But so it is that the most part of your Nobilitie , are so addicted to your affections , that neither Gods Word , nor yet their Common-wealth are rightly regarded ; and therefore it becometh me to speake , that they may know their dutie . What have you to do ( said she ) with my marriage , or what are you within the Common-wealth ? A subject , borne within the same , ( said hee ) Madame ; and albeit I be neither Earle , Lord , nor Barron within it , yet hath God made me , ( how abject that ever I be in your eyes ) a profitable and usefull Member within the same ; Yea , Madame , to me it appertaineth no lesse to forewarne of such things as may hurt it , if I foresee them , then it doth to any one of the Nobility ; for both my Vocation and Office craveth plainnesse of me : and therefore ( Madame ) to your selfe I say , that which I spake in publick , Whensoever the Nobilitie of this Realme shall be content , and consent that you be subject to an unlawfull husband , they doe as much as in them lieth , to renounce Christ , to banish the truth , to betray the freedome of this Realme , and perchance shall in the end doe small comfort to your selfe . At these words howling was heard , and teares might have beene seene in greater abundance then the matter required : Iohn Arskin of Dun , a man of meeke and gentle spirit , stood beside , and did what he could to mittigate the anger , and gave unto her many pleasant words , Of her Bounty , of her Excellencie , and how that all the Princes in Europe would be glad to seek her favours ; but all that was to cast Oyl into the flaming fire . The said Iohn stood still , without any alteration of countenance for a long time , while that the Queen gave place to her in ordinate passions ; and in the end he said , Madame , in Gods presence I speak , I never delighted in the weeping of any of Gods Creatures , yea , I can scarcely well abide the teares of mine own Boyes , when my own hands corrects them ; much lesse can I rejoyce in your Majesties weeping ; but seeing I have offered unto you no just occasion to be offended , but have spoken the truth , as my Vocation craves of me : I must sustaine your Majesties teares , rather then I dare hurt my conscience , or betray the Common-wealth by silence . Herewith was the Queene more offended , and commanded the said Iohn to passe forth of the Cabinet , and to abide further of her pleasure in the Chamber . The Laird of Dun tarried , and Lord Iohn of Coldinghame came into the Cabinet ▪ and so they remained with her neere the space of one houre . The said Iohn stood in the Chamber , as one whom men had never seene ( so were all afraid ) except that the Lord Uchiltrie bare him company ; And therefore began he to make discourse with the Ladies who were there sitting in all their gorgeous apparell : Which when he espied , he merrily said , Fair Ladies , How pleasant were this life of yours , if it should ever abide ; and then in the end that we might passe to Heaven with this geare : But fie upon that knave , Death , that will come whether we will or not ; and when he hath laid on the Arrest , then foule wormes will be busie with this flesh , be it never so faire and so tender . And the silly soule , I fear , shall be so feeble , that it can neither carry with it Gold , Garnishing , Targating , Pearle , nor precious Stones . And by such and the like discourse entertained he the Ladies , and past the time , till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart to his house , till new advertisement . The Queen would have had the sentiment of the Lords of the Articles , if that such manner of speaking deserved not punishment . But shee was counselled to desist ; And so that storme quieted in appearance , but never in the heart . Short after the Parliament , Lethington returned from his Negotiation in England and France . GOD in the February before had stricken that bloodie Tyrant the Duke of Guise ; which somewhat brake the heat of our Queene for a season : But short after the returning of Lethington , Pride and Malice began to shew themselves againe . The Queene set at liberty the Bishop of Saint Andrewes , and the rest of the Papists that before were put in prison for violating of the Laws . Lethington at his returning , shewed himselfe not a little offended that any brute should have beene raised of the Queenes Marriage with the King of Spaine ; for he took upon him to affirme , That any such thing had never entered into her heart : But how true that was , we shall hereafter heare . The end of his acquaintance and complaint was , To discredit Iohn Knox , who had affirmed , That such a Marriage was both proposed , and upon the part of the Queen , by the Cardinall accepted . Lethington in his absence had run into a very evil brute among the Nobility , for too much serving the Queens affections against the Common-wealth : And therefore had he , as one that lacked not worldly wisedome , made provision both in England and Scotland ; for in England he travelled for the Freedome of the Earle Bothwell , and by that means obtained promise of his favour : He had there also taken order for the home coming of the Earle of Lenox , as we shall after hear . In Scotland he joyned with the Earle of Atholl ; him he promoted , and set forward in Court ; and so began the Earle of Murray to be defaced : And yet to the said Earle , Lethington at all times shewed a fair countenance . The rest of that Summer , the Queen spent in her Progresse thorow the West Countrey , where in all Towns and Gentlemens places , she had her Masse ; which coming to the ears of Iohn Knox , he began that forme of prayer which ordinarily he saith after thanks-giving at his Table : ( 1. ) Deliver us , O Lord , from the bondage of Idolatry . ( 2. ) Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers . ( 3. ) Continue us in Peace and Concord amongst our selves , if they good pleasure be , O Lord , for a season . Whilst that divers of the familiars of the said Iohn asked of him , Why he prayed for quietnesse to continue for a season , and not rather absolutely , that we should continue in quietnesse : His answer was , That he durst not pray , but in faith ; and faith in Gods Word assured him , That constant quietnesse would not continue in that Realme , wherein Idolatry had been suppressed , and then was permitted to be erected againe . From the West Countrey , the Queen past into Argyle to the Hunting , and after returned to Sterlin . The Earle of Murray , the Lord Robert of Halyrud-house , and Lord Iohn of Coldingham , past to the Northlands , where Justice Courts were holden . Theeves and Murtherers were punished : Two Witches were burnt ; the eldest was so blinded with the devill , that she affirmed , That no Judge had power over her . The same time Lord Iohn of Coldingham departed this life in Innernes : It was affirmed , That he commanded such as were beside him to say to the Queen , That unlesse she left her Idolatry , God would not fail to plague her : He asked God mercy that he had so far born with her in her impiety , and had maintained her in the same ; and that no one thing did him more grief , then that he had flattered , fostered , and maintained in her fury against God and his servants . And in very deed , great cause had he to have lamented his wickednesse : For besides all his other infirmities , he in the end , for the Queens pleasure , became enemy to vertue , and all vertuous men , and a patron to impiety , to the uttermost of his power ; yea , his venome was so kindled against God and his Word , that in his rage he bursted forth these words ; Do I see the Queens Majesty so troubled with the railing of these knaves ? I shall leave the best of them sticked in the Pulpit . What further villany came forth of his stinking throat and mouth , modesty will not suffer us to write : whereof if he had grace unfainedly to repent , it is no small document of Gods mercies : But however God wrought with him , the Queen regarded his words as winde , or else thought them to have been forged by others , and not to have proceeded from himself ; and affirmed plainly , They were invented by the Laird of Pittarrow , and Master Iohn Wood , both whom she hated , because they flattered her not in her dancing , and other things . One thing in plain words she spoke . That God took alwayes from her those persons in whom she had greatest pleasure ; and that she repented . But of farther sins no mention . Whilst the Queen lay at Sterlin , with her Idolatry in her Chappell in the Palace of Halyrud-house , were left certain Duntiberis , and others of the French Menzie , who raised up their Masse more publikely then they had done at any time before : For upon the same Sundayes that the Church of Edinburgh had the Ministration of the Lords Table , the Papists in a great number went to the Abbey to their Abomination : Which understood , divers of the Brethren being sore offended , consulted how to redresse that enormity : And so were appointed certain of the most zealous , and most upright in Religion , to wait upon the Abbey , that they might note such persons as resorted to the Masse ; and perceiving a great number to enter into the Chappell , some of the Brethren thrust in also : Whereat the Priest and French Dames being afraid , made the Showt to be sent to the Town ; and Madame Baylie , Mistris to the Queens Dountibures ( for maids that Court would not then well bear ) posted on with all diligence to the Comptroller the Laird of Pittarrow , who then was in Saint Geills Church at the Sermon , and cryed for his assistance , to save her life , and to save the Queens Palace : Who , with greater haste then need required , obeyed her desire , and took with him the Provest and Baylies , and a great part of the faithfull ; but when they came where the fear was bruted to have been , they found all things in quiet , except the tumult they brought with themselves , and peaceable men talking to the Papists , forbidding them to transgresse the Laws . True it is , a zealous brother , named Patrick Cranston , past into the Chappell , and finding the Altar covered , and the Priest ready to go to his abominable Masse , said , The Queens Majesty is not here ; How dare you then be so malapert , as openly to do against the Law ? No further was done or said , and yet brute hereof was posted to the Queen ( with such information as the Papists could give : Which found such credit as their hearts could have wished for ) which was so haynous a crime in her eyes , that satisfaction for that sin was there none , without blood ; And therefore without delay were summoned Androe Armstrong , and Patrick Cranston ▪ to finde surety to under-lie the Law ; for fore-thought Fellony , having made violent invasion into the Queens Palace , and for spoliation of the same . These Letters divulgate , and the extremity feared , the few Brethren that were within the Towne , consulted upon the next remedy , and in the end concluded , That Iohn Knox ( to whom the charge was given to make advertisements , whensosoever danger should appear ) should write to the Brethren in all quarters , giving information as the matter stood , and requiring their assistance , which he did , in manner as here ensueth . The Superscription . Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my Name , there am I in the midst of them . T Is not unknown unto you ( dear brethren ) what comfort and tranquility God gave unto us in times most dangerous , by our Christian Assemblies , and godly Conference , as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of our own Body ; And how that since we have neglected , or at least not frequented our Conventions and Assemblies , The adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell , have enterprised and boldned themselves , publikely and secretly to do many things odious in Gods presence , and most hurtfull to the true Religion , now of Gods great favour granted unto us : The holy Sacraments are abused by prophane Papists ; Masses have been , and yet are said openly , and maintained : The blood of some of our dearest Ministers hath been shed , without fear of punishment or correction craved by us . And now last are two of our dear Brethren ; Patrick Cranston , and Androe Armstrong , summoned to under-lie the Law in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh the four and twentieth of this instant of October , for a fore-thought Fellony , pretended Murther , and for invading of the Queens Majesties Palace of Halyrud-house , with unlawfull convocation , &c. These terrible Summons are directed against our Brethren , because that they , with two or more , passed to the Abbey , upon Sunday the five and twentieth of August , to behold and note what persons repaired to the Masse . And because that upon the Sunday before ( the Queen being absent ) there resorted to that Idoll a rascall multitude , having openly the least devillish Ceremony ( yea , even the conjuring of their accursed water ) that ever they had in the time of greatest blindenesse : But because ( I say ) our said Brethren past , and that in most quiet manner , to note such abusers , these fearfull Summons are directed against them , to make , no doubt , a preparation upon a few , that a doore may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude . And if so it come to passe , God , no doubt , hath justly recompenced our former negligence and ingratitude towards him and his benefits , in our owne bosomes . God gave us a most notable Victory of his and our enemies : he brake their strength , and confounded their counsells ; he left us at freedome , and purged the Realme , for the most part , of open Idolatry ; To the end that we , ever mindefull of so wondrous a deliverance , should have kept this Realme cleane from such vile filthinesse , and damnable Idolatry . But we , alas , preferring the pleasure of flesh and blood , to the Pleasure and Commandment of God , have suffered that Idoll the Masse publikely to be erected againe : And therefore justly suffers he us now to fall in that danger , That to look to an Idolater going to his Idolatry , shall be reputed a crime little inferiour to Treason ; God grant that we fall not farther . And now I , whom God of his mercy , hath made one amongst many , to travell in setting forward his true Religion within this Realme , seeing the same in danger of ruine , cannot but in conscience crave of you , my brethren of all states , that have professed the truth , your presence , comfort , and assistance at the said day in the Town of Edinburgh , even as ye tender the advancement of Gods glory , the safety of your brethren , and your own assurance ; together with the preservation of the Church , in these appearing dangers : It may be ( perchance ) that perswasions be made to the Countrey , and that ye may be informed , that either your assembly is not necessary , or else that it will offend the upper Powers , and my good hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you so farre to decline from Christ Jesus , as that against your publike promise , and solemne Band , you will leave your Brethren in so just a cause ; and albeit there were no great danger , yet cannot our Assembly be unprofitable , for many things requiring consultation , which cannot be had unlesse the wisest and godliest convene . And thus doubting nothing of the assistance of our God , if that we uniformly seek his glory , I cease farther to trouble you , committing you heartily to the protection of the Eternall . JOHN KNOX . From Edinburgh the eighth day of October . 1563. THe Brethren advertised by this Letter , prepared themselves , so many as was thought expedient for every Towne and Province , to keep the day appointed ; but by the means of some false brethren , the Letter came to the hands of the Queene , and the manner was this , It was read in the Towne of Ayre , where was present Master Robert Cunningham , stiled Minister of F●itfurd , who then was holden a professor of the Evangell , ( by what meanes we know not ) gat the said Letter , and sent it with his token to Master Henry Sincleare , then President of the Seat and Colledge of Justice , stiled Bishop of Rosse , a perfect Hypocrite , and a conjured Enemie to Christ Jesus , whom God after stroke according to his deservings . The said Master Henry being Enemy to all that unfainedly professed the Lord Jesus , but chiefly to Iohn Knox , for the libertie of his Tongue , for he had affirmed , as ever still he doth affirme , That a Bishop that receives profit and feeds not the Flock , ( even by his owne labours ) is both a Thiefe and a Murtherer : The said Master Henry ( we say ) thinking himselfe happie that he had found so good occasion to trouble him , whose life he hated , posted the said Letter , with his counsell , to the Queen , who then lay in Sterlin . The lettet being read , it was concluded by the Councell of the Cabinet , that is , by the most secret Councell . That it imported Treason ; whereof the Queen did not a little rejoyce , for she thought once to be avenged of that her great Enemy . It was concluded , that the Nobilitie should be written for ; that the condemnation should have the greater Authoritie , the day was appointed , about the midst of December ▪ which was kept of the whole Councell , and of divers others , such as the Master of Maxwell , the old Laird of Lethington , and the said President . In the meane time the Earle of Murray returned from the North , to whom Secretary Lethington opened the matter , as best pleased him . The Master of Maxwell ( after made Lord Heris ) gave unto the said Iohn as it were a discharge of the familiaritie which before was great betwixt them , unlesse that he would satisfie the Queen at her own will. The answer of Iohn Knox was , that he knew no offence done by him to the Queens Majestie , and therefore he knew not what satisfaction to make . No offence , ( said he ) Have you not written Letters , desiring the brethren from all parts to convene , to Andro Armstrong and Patrick Cranstons ? That I grant , ( said the other ) but therein I acknowledge no offence done by me . No offence ( said he ) to convocate the Queens Leidges . Not for a just cause ( said the other ) for greater things were reputed no offence within these two yeers . The time ( said he ) is now other , for then our Soveraigne was absent , and now she is present . It is neither the absence nor the presence of the Queen ( said he ) that rules my conscience , but God plainly speaking in his Word ; what was lawfull to me the last yeer , is yet lawfull , because my God is unchangeable . Well ( said the Master ) I have given you my counsell , doe as you list , but I think you shall repent it if you bow not unto the Queen . I understand not ( said he ) what you meane ; I never made my selfe an adverse partie unto the Queens Majestie , except in the point of Religion , and thereunto I think you will not desire me to bow . Well ( said he ) you are wise enough , but you will not finde that men will beare with you in times to come , as they have done in times by past . If God stand my friend , ( said the other ) as I am assured he of his mercy will , so long as I depend upon his promise , and preferre his glory to my life and worldly profit , I little regard how men behave themselves towards me , neither yet know I wherinto any one man hath born with me in times by-past , unlesse it be , that of my mouth they have heard the Word of God , which in time to come if they refuse , my heart will be perfect , and for a season I will lament ; but the incommodity will be their owne . And after these words ( hereunto the Laird of Lochinvar was witnesse ) they departed , but unto this day , the seventeenth day of December , 1571. yea , never in this life met they in such familiarity as before . The bruit of the accusation of Iohn Knox being devulgate , Master Iohn Spence of Condie Advocate , a man of gentle nature , and one that professed the doctrine of the Evangell , came as it were in secret to Iohn Knox , to enquire the cause of that great bruite ; to whom the said Iohn was plain in all things , and shewed unto him the double of the Letter ; which heard and considered , he said , I thank God , I came unto you with a fearfull and sorrowfull heart , fearing that you had done such a Crime as Lawes might have punished , which would have been no small trouble to the heart of all such as have received the Word of life which you have preached ; but I depart greatly rejoyced , as well because I see your own comfort , even in the midst of the troubles , as that I clearly understand , that you have committed no such Crime as you are bruited with ; you will be accused ( said he ) but God will assist you ; and so he departed . The Earle of Murray and the Secretary sent for the said Iohn to the Clerk of the Registers house , and began to lament that he had so highly offended the Queens Majestie , for the which they feared should come a great inconvenience to him , if the businesse were not wisely foreseen ; they shew what pains and travel they had taken to mittigate her anger , but they could finde nothing but extremity , unlesse that he himself would confesse his offence , and put him in her Majesties will. To which Heads the said Iohn answered , as follows : I praise my God through Jesus Christ , ( said he ) I have learned not to crie Conjuration and Treason at every thing that the godlesse multitude doth condemn , nether yet to fear the things that they fear ; I have the testimony of a good conscience , that I have given no occasion to the Queens Majestie to be offended with me , for I have done nothing but my duty , and so whatsoever shall thereof ensue , my good hope is , that my God will give me patience to bear it ; but to confesse an offence where my Conscience witnesseth there is none , far be it from me . How can it be defended ( said Lethington ) have you not made a Convocation of the Queens Leiges ? If I have not ( said he ) a just defence for my fact , let me smart for it . Let us hear ( said they ) your defences , for we would be glad that you might be found innocent . Nay , ( said the other ) I am informed by divers , that even by you my Lord Secretary , I am already condemned , and my cause prejudged , therefore I might be reputed a fool , if I would make you privie to my Defences . At these words they seemed both offended , and so the Secretary departed , but the said Earle remained still , and would have entred into further discourse of the state of the Court with the said Iohn ; who answered , My Lord , I understand more then I would of the state of the Court , and therefore it is not needfull that your Lordship trouble me with the recounting thereof ; if you stand in good case , I am content , and if you do not , as I fear you do not already , or else you shall not do it ere it be long , blame not me , you have the Councellors whom you have chosen , my weak judgement both they and you despised : I can do nothing but behold the end , which I pray God it be other then my troubled heart feareth . Within four dayes the said Iohn was called before the Queen and Councell , betwixt 6 and seven a Clock at night ; the season of the year was the midst of December ; the report rising in the towne , That I. Knox was sent for by the Queen . The Brethren of the Town followed in such number , that the inner Close was full , and all the Staires , even to the Chamber door where the Queen and Counsell sate , who had been reasoning amongst themselves before , but had not fully satisfied the Secretaries minde . And so was the Queen retired to her Cabbinet , and the Lords were talking one with another , as occasion served . But upon the entry of Iohn Knox they were desired to take their places , as they did , sitting as Councellors one against another . The Duke , according to his dignity , began the one side , upon the other side sate the Earle of Argile , and consequently followed the Earle of Murray , the Earle of Glencarne , the Earle of Mershall , the Lord Ruthven , the common Officers , Pittaro then Controller , the Justice Clerk , with Master Iohn Spence of Condie Advocate , and divers others stood by ; removed from the Table , sate old Lethington father to the Secretary , Master Henry Sinclare then Bishop of Rosse , and Master Iames Makgill Clerke of the Register . Things thus put in Order the Queen came forth , and that with no little worldly pompe , was placed in a Chaire having two faithfull Supporters , the Master of Maxwell upon the one Torre , and Secretary Lethington upon the other Torre of the Chaire , whereon hee waited diligently ; at the time of the Accusation , sometime the one was speaking in her Eare , and sometime the other : Her pompe lacked nothing of an womanly gravitie ; for when she saw Iohn Knox standing at the other end of the Table bare-headed ; at the first she smiled , and after gave a guaf of laughter ; whereunto her Placebo●● gave their Plaudite , assenting with like countenance . This is a good beginning ( she said ) but know you whereat I laugh ? Yon man caused me to crie , and shed never a Tear himself ; I will see if I can cause him to grieve . At that word the Secretary whispered her in the Eare , and she him again , and with that gave him a Letter ; after the inspection whereof , he directed his visage and speech to Iohn Knox in this manner . The Queens Majesty is informed , That you have travelled to raise a Tumult of her Subjects against her ; and for Certification thereof , there is presented to her your owne Letter , subscribed in your name : Yet because her Majesty will do nothing without good advertisement , she hath convened you before this part of the Nobilitie , that they may witnesse betwixt you and her . Let him acknowledge ( said she ) his owne hand-writing , and then shall we judge of the Contents of the Letter ; and so was the Lettet sent from hand to hand to Iohn Knox , who taking inspection of it , said , I acknowledge this to be my hand-writing ; and also I remember , that I indited a Letter in the month of October , giving signification to the Brethren in divers Quarters , of such things as displeased me ; and so good opinion have I of the fidelity of the Scribes , that willingly they would not adulterate my originall ; albeit that I left divers blanks subscribed with them . And so I acknowledge both the Hand-writing , and the Dictatement . You have done more ( said Lethington ) then I would have done . Charity ( said the other ) is not suspitious . Well , well , ( said the Queen ) read your own Letter , and then answer to such things as shall be demanded of you . I shall do the best I can ( said the other ) and so with a loud voice he began to reade , as before is expressed . After that the Letter was read , it was presented again to M. Iohn Spence her Advocate ; for the Queen commanded him to accuse , as he did , but very gently . After ( we say ) that the Letter was read , the Queen beholding the whole Table , said , Heard you ever ( my Lords ) a more dispightfull and Treasonable Letter ? While that no man gave answer , Lethington addressed himself to Iohn Knox , and said , M. Knox , are you not sorry from your heart , and do you not repent that such a Letter hath passed your Pen , and from you hath come to the knowledge of others ? I. Knox answered , My Lord Secretary , before I repent I must be taught of my offence . Offence , ( said Lethington ) if there were no more but the vocation of the Queenes Leiges , the offence cannot be denyed . Remember your selfe ( my Lord ) said the other , there is a difference betwixt a lawfull Vocation and an unlawfull : If I have been guilty in this , I have oft offended since I came last in Scotland ; for what Vocation of Brethren hath ever been this day , unto which my Pen hath not served ? and before this no man laid it to my charge as a crime . Then was then , and now is now ( said Lethington ) we have no need of such Vocation , as sometimes we have had . Iohn Knox answered , The time that hath been , is even now before my eyes ; for I see the poor Flock in no lesse danger , then it hath been at any time before , except that the devill hath gotten a Vizard upon his face : Before he came in with his own face , discovered by open Tyranny , seeking the destruction of all that refused Idolatry ; and then , I think , you will confesse the Brethren lawfully assembled themselves for defence of their lives : And now the devill comes , under the cloke of Justice , to do that which God would not suffer him to do by strength . What is this ( said the Queen ) methinks you trifle with him : Who gave you Authority to make Convocation of my Lieges ? Is not that Treason ? No , Madame ( said the Lord Rnthuen ) for he makes Convocation of the people , to hear Prayer and Sermon , almost dayly : And what ever your Majestie or others thinke thereof , we think it no Treason . Hold your peace ( said the Queen ) let him answer for himself . I began Madame ( said Iohn Knox ) to reason with the Secretary ( whom I take to be a better Dialectationer then your Majestie is ) That all Convocation is not lawfull : And now my Lord Ruthuen hath given the instance ; which if your Majestie will deny , I shall make my selfe ready for the proof . I will say nothing ( said the Queen ) against your Religion , nor against your convening to your Sermons : But what Authority have you to Convocate my subjects when you will , without any Commandment ? I have no pleasure ( said Iohn Knox ) to decline from my former purpose ; And yet , Madame , to satisfie your Majesties two questions , I answer , That at my will I never convened four persons in Scotland , but at the Order that the Brethren hath appointed , I have given divers Advertisements , and great multitudes have assembled thereupon . And if your Majestie complaineth , That this was done without your Majesties Commandment ; I answer , So hath all that God hath blessed within this Realme , from the beginning of this action : And therefore , Madame , I must be convinced by a just Law , that I have done against the Duty of Gods Messenger , in writing of this Letter , before that I either be sorry , or yet repent for the doing of it , as my Lord Secretary would perswade me ; for what I have done , I have done at the Commandment of the Generall Church of this Realme . And therefore I thinke I have done no wrong . You shall not escape so ( said the Queene ) Is it not Treason , my Lords , to accuse a Prince of cruelty ; I thinke there are Acts of Parliament to be found , against such Whisperers . This was granted to be true of many : But wherein ( said Master Iohn Knox ) can I be accused ? Reade this part of your Letter ( said the Queene ) which began , This fearfull Summons is directed against them ( to wit , the Brethren aforesaid ) to make , no doubt , a preparation upon a few , that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude . Lord ( said the Queen ) What say you to that ? While many doubted what the said Iohn should answer , he said unto the Queen , Is it lawfull for me , Madame , to answer for my self ? Or shall I be condemned before I be heard ? Say what you can ( said she ) for I thinke you have enough ado . I will first then desire ( said he ) of your Majestie , Madame , and of this Honourable audience , Whether if your Majestie knows not that the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all that professe the Evangel of Jesus Christ ; And that they most earnestly desire the extirpation of all them , and of the true Doctrine that is taught within this Realme ? The Queen held her peace ; but all the Lords with common consent and voyce , said , God forbid that either the life of the faithfull , or yet the staying of the Doctrine , stood in the power of the Papists ; for just experience hath taught us what cruelty is in their hearts . I must proceed then ( said Iohn Knox ) seeing that I perceive that all will grant , That it were a barbarous cruelty to destroy such a multitude as professed the Evangell of Jesus Christ within this Realme , which oftner then once or twice they attempted to do by force , as things done of late dayes do testifie : Whereof they being ( by Gods providence ) disappointed , have invented more crafty and dangerous practices , to wit , To make the Prince party , under colour of Law ; and so , what they could not do by open force , they shall performe by crafty deceit : For who thinks ( my Lords ) That the insatiable cruelty of the Papists ( within this Realme , I mean ) shall end in the murthering of those two , now unjustly summoned , and more unjustly to be accused ? I thinke no man of judgement can so esteem , but rather the direct contrary ; that is , By this few number , they intend to prepare a way to their bloody enterprise against the whole . And therefore ( Madame ) cast up when you list , the Acts of your Parliaments , I have offended nothing against them ; For I accuse not in my Letter your Majestie , nor yet your nature , of cruelty : But I affirm yet again , That the pestilent Papists , who have enflamed your Majestie without cause against these poore men at this present , are the sons of the devill , and therefore must obey the desires of their father , who hath beene a Murtherer from the beginning . You forget your selfe ( said one ) you are not in the Pulpit . I am in the place ( said the other ) where I am commanded in my conscience to speak the truth ; and therefore the truth I speak , impugne it who so lists : And hereunto I adde ( Madame ) that honest , meeke and gentle natures ( in appearance ) by wicked and corrupt Councellors , may be changed and altered to the direct contrary . Example we have of Nero , whom in the beginning of his Empire we finde , having some naturall shame ; but after that his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety , alleadging that nothing was either unhonest , or yet unlawfull in his Person , who was Emperour above others : When he had drunken of this Cup ( I say ) to what enormies he fell , the Histories beare witnesse . And now , Madame , to speak plain , Papists have your Majesties ear patent at all times ; assure your Majestie , they are dangerous Councellors , and that your Mother found . As this was said , Lethington singled , and spake secretly to the Queene in her eare , What it was , that the Table heard not : But immediately she addressed her visage and speech to Iohn Knox , and said , Well , you speak fair enough here , before my Lords , but the last time I spake with you secretly , you caused me to weep many tears , and said to me stubbornly , Ye cared not for my weeping . Madame , ( said the other ) because now the second time your Majesty hath burthened me with that crime , I must answer , lest for my silence I be holden guilty : If your Majestie be ripely remembred , the Laird of Dun , yet living to testifie the truth , was present at that time , whereof your Majesty complaineth . Your Majesty accused me , That I had irreverently spoken of you in the Pulpit . That I denied . You said , What had I to do to speak of your Marriage ? What was I , that I should meddle with such matters ? I answered , As touching Nature , I was a worm of this earth ; and yet a subject to this Common-wealth : But as touching the Office wherein it hath pleased God to place me , I was a Watch-men both over the Realme , and over the Church of God gathered within the same ; by reason whereof , I was bound in conscience to blow the Trumpet publikely , so oft as ever I saw any appearance of danger , either of the one , or of the other . But so it was , that a certaine brute affirmed , That a Traffique of Marriage was betwixt your Majestie and the Spanish Allia . Whereunto I said , That if your Nobility and State did agree , unlesse that both you and your husband should be straitly bound , that neither of you might hurt the Common-wealth , nor yet the poor Church of God within the same ; in that case I should pronounce , That the consenters were troublers of the Common-wealth , and enemies unto God , and unto his Truth planted within the same . At these words , I grant , your Majestie stormed , and burst forth in an unreasonable weeping : what mitigation the Laird of Dun would have made , I suppose your Majesty hath not forgot : But while that nothing was able to stay your weeping , I was compelled to say , I take God to witnesse , I never took pleasure to see your Majestie make such regret ; But seeing I have offered to your Majestie no such occasion , I must rather suffer your Majestie to take your own pleasure , then I dare conceale the truth , and so both betray the Church , and the Common-wealth . These were the most extreme words I spake that day . After that the Secretary had conferred with the Queen , he said , Master Knox , you may returne to your house for this night . I thank God and the Queens Majesty ( said the other . ) And ( Madame ) I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry , and to preserve you from the counsell of flatterers ; for how pleasant that ere they appear to your ear , and corrupt affections for the time , experience hath taught us in what perplexity they have brought famous Princes . Lethington , and the Master of Maxwell , were that night the two stoups of her Chayre . Iohn Knox being departed , the Tables of the Lords , and others that were present , were demanded every one their voyce , If Iohn Knox had not offended the Queens Majestie ? The Lords voted uniformly , That they could finde no offence ( the Queen was past to her Cabinet . ) The flatterers of the Court ( and principally Lethington ) raged . The Queen was brought again , and placed in the Chayre : And they commanded to vote over again : Which thing highly offended the whole Nobility , and began to speak in open audience , What ? shall the Laird of Lethington have power to controll us ? Or shall the presence of a woman cause us to offend God , and to condemne an innocent against our consciences , for the pleasure of any creature ? And so the whole Nobility absolved Iohn Knox againe , and praised God for his modestie , and for his plain and sensible answers . Yet before the end , one thing is to be noted ▪ to wit , That amongst so many Placeboes ( we mean the flatterers of the Court ) there was not one that plainly durst condemne the said poore man , that was accused ; God ruling their tongues , that sometimes ruled the tongue of Balaam , when gladly he would have cursed Gods people . This perceived , the Queen began to upbraid Master Henry Sinclare , then Bishop of Rosse , and said ( hearing his vote to agree with the rest ) Trouble not the barne , I pray you , trouble him not , for he is newly wakened out of his sleep ; Why should not the old fool follow them that past before him ? The Bishop answered coldly , Your Majesty may consider , That it is neither affection to the man , nor love to his Profession , that moved me to absolve him , but the simple truth ( which plainly appears in his defence ) drawes me hereunto , albeit that others would have condemned him and it . This being said , the Lords and whole Assistants arose and departed . That night was neither dancing nor fidling in the Court , for our Soveraigne was disappointed of her purpose ; which was , To have had Iohn Knox in her will , by voice of her Nobility . Iohn Knox absolved by the greatest part of the Nobility , from the crime intended against him , even in the presence of the Queen , she raged , and her Placeboes stormed : And so began new assaults to be made at the hands of the said Iohn Knox , to confesse an offence , and to put him in the Queens will , and she should promise , That his greatest punishment should be , But to go within the Castle of Edinburgh , and immediately to returne to his own house : He answered , God forbid that my confession should condemne these Noble-men , who in their conscience , and in displeasure of the Queen , have absolved me ; And further I am assured , ye will not in earnest desire me to confesse an offence , unlesse that therewith you would desire me to cease from Preaching : For how can I exhort others to Peace , and Christian quietnesse , if I confesse my self an author and mover of sedition . The generall Assembly of the Church approached , which began the five and twentieth of December , 1563. But the just Petitions of the Ministers , and Commissioners of Churches , wer● despised at the first , and that with these words ; As Ministers will not follow our counsell , so will we suffer Ministers to labour for themselves , and see what speed they come . But then the whole Assembly said , If the Queen will not , we must ; for both third and two parts are rigorously taken from us , and from our Tenants . If others ( said one ) will follow my counsell , the Guard and the Papists shall complaine , as long as our Ministers have done . At these words , the former sharpnesse was coloured , and the Speaker alleadged , That hee meant not of all Ministers : Christopher Goodman answered , My Lord Secretary , if you can shew me what just Title either the Queene hath to the Third , or the Papists to the two parts , then I think I should resolve you whether she were Debtor to Ministers within Burgh , or not : But thereto he received this check for answer ; Ne sit Peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica ; that is , Let not a Stranger be curious in a strange Common-wealth . The man of God answered , Albeit I be a Stranger in your policy , yet so am I not in the Church of God ; and therefore the care doth no lesse appertain to me in Scotland , then if I were in the middest of England . Many wondred at the silence of Iohn Knox , for in all these quick reasonings he opened not his mouth ; the cause thereof he himself expressed in these words : I have travelled ( Right Honourable and beloved Brethren ) since my last arrivall within this Realme , in an upright conscience before my God , seeking nothing more ( as he is witnesse ) than the advancement of his glory , and the stability of his Church within this Realme ; and of late dayes I have been accused as a seditious man , and as one that usurpeth to my selfe power that becometh me not : True it is that I have given advertisment unto the Brethren in divers Quarters , of the extremity intended against divers faithfull , for looking to a Priest going to Masse , and for observing of those that transgresse against just Laws ; but that therein I have usurped further power then is given me , till that by you I be condemned , I utterly deny ; for ( I say ) that by you , that is , By the charge of the Generall Assembly , I have all just power to advertise the Brethren from time to time of dangers appearing , as I have power to preach the Word of God in the Pulpit of Edinburgh ; for by you was I appointed to the one , and to the other ; and therefore in the Name of God I crave your judgements . The danger that appeared to me in my Accusation was not so fearfull , as the words that came to my Ears were dolorous to my heart ; for these words were plainly spoken , and that by some Protestants , What can the Pope do more , then to send forth his Letters , and require them to be obeyed . Let me have your judgements therefore whether I have usurped any power to my self ; or if I have obeyed your commandment . The Flatterers of the Court ( amongst whom the Justice Clerk then not the least ) began to storme , and said , shall we be compelled to justifie the rash judgements of men ; My Lord ( said Iohn Knox ) you shall speak your pleasure for the present , of you I crave nothing , but the if Church that is here present , do not either absolve me , or else condemne me , never shall I in publike or in private , as a publike Minister , open my mouth in doctrine or reasoning . After long contention the said Iohn being removed , the whole Church found , that a charge was given unto him , To advertise the Brethren in all Quarters , as oft as ever danger appeared ; and therefore avowed that fact not to be his onely , but the fact of the whole assembly . Thereat were the Queens Claw-backs more enraged then ever they were , for some of them had promised the Queen to get the said Iohn convinced , both by the Councell , and by the Church ; and being frustrate of both , she and they thought themselves not a little disappointed . In the very time of the generall Assembly there comes to publike knowledge , or naynous murther committed in the Court , yea not far from the Queens Lap ; for a French-woman that served in the Queens Chamber had played the Whore with the Queens own Apothecary ; the woman conceived and bare a Childe , whom with common consent the father and the mother murthered ; yet were the cries of a new borne Childe heard , search was made , the Childe and the Mother were both apprehended , and so was both the man and the woman condemned to be hanged in the publike Street of Edinburgh . The punishment was notable because the Crime was hainous . But yet was not the Court purged of Whores and Whoredoms , which was the fountaine of such enormities , for it was well known , that shame hasted Marriage , betwixt Iohn Sempill called the Dancer , and Mary Leringston sirnamed the Lusty , what bruit the Maries and the rest of the Dancers of the Court had , the Ballads of that age did witnesse , which we for modesties sake omit , but this was the common complaint of all godly and wise men , That if they thought that such a Court should long continue , and if they looked for no better life to come , they would have wished their Sonnes and Daughters rather to have been brought up with Fidlers and Dancers , and to have been exercised in flinging upon a Floore , and in the rest that thereof followes , then to have been exercised in the company of the godly , and exercised in vertue , which in that Court was hated ; and filthinesse not onely maintained , but also rewarded ; witnesse the Abbacie of Abercone , the Barony of Anchvermuchtie , and divers others pertaining to the Patrimony of the Crowne given in heritage to Skippers , and Dancers , and Dalliers with D●mes . This was the beginning of the Regiment of Mary Queen of Scots , and these were the fruits that she brought forth of France . Lord lo●k upon our miseries , and deliver us from the wickednesse of this corrupt Court , for thy own Names sake . God from Heaven , and from the face of the Earth did declare , that he was offended at the iniquitie committed within this Realme ; for upon the twentieth day of Ianuary there fell rain in great abundance , which in the falling freezed so vehemently , that the earth was but a shot of Ice ; the Fowls , both great and small freezed , and might not flie , many dyed , and some were taken and laid beside the fire , that their feathers might dissolve ; and that same moneth the Sea stood still , ( as was clearly observed ) and never ebbed nor flowed the space of foure and twenty hours : In the moneth of February , the fifteenth and eighteenth dayes thereof , there was seen in the Firmament battels arrayed , spears , and all other weapons , as it had been the joyning of two Armies : These things were not onely observed , but also spoken of and constantly affirmed by men of judgement , and credit . But the Queen and our Court made merry , there was banquetting upon banquetting ; the Queen would banquet with the Lords ; and that was done onely upon policy to remove her displeasure against them , because they would not at her devotion condemne Iohn Knox. To remove ( we say ) that jealousie , she made the Banquet to the whole Lords , whereat she would have the Duke amongst the rest . It behoved them to banquet her again ; and so did banquetting continue till Lent ever after . But the poor Ministers were mocked , and reputed as Monsters ; the Guard , and the Affairs of the Kitchin were so gripping , that the Minsters stipends could not be had ; and yet at the Assembly last past , solemne promise was made in the Queens Name , by the mouth of Secretary Lethington , in the audience of the Nobilitie , and of the whole Assembly , who affirmed that he had commandment of her Highnesse , to promise full content unto all the Ministers within the Realme , and of such Order to be kept in all times to come , that the whole body of the Protestants should have occasion to stand content ; The Earle of Murray affirmed the same , with many other faire promises given by writing , by Lethington himself ; as in the Register of the Acts of the generall Assembly may be seene ; but how that or yet any other thing promised in her name , to the Church of God , was observed , the world can witnesse . The Ministers perceiving all things to tend to ruine , discharged their consciences in publike and in private , but they received for their labour hatred and indignation ; and amongst others , that worthy servant of God Master Iohn Craig , speaking against the manifold corruption that then ( without shame or fear declared it self , said , Sometimes was Hypocrites known by their noted habits , and we had men to be Monks , and women to be Nuns ; but now all things are so changed , that we cannot discerne the Earle from the Abbot , nor the Nunne from him that would be esteemed the Nobleman ; so that we have gotten a new order of Monkes and Nunnes ; But , said he , seeing you are not ashamed of that unjust profit , would to God that you had therewith the Kowll , the Vaile and the Tayle joyned withall , that so you might appear in your own colours . This libertie did so provoke the choler of Lethington , that in open audience he gave himself to the Devill , If that after that day he should regard what became of the Ministers , but he would do what he could , that his companion should have a share with him : And let them bark and blow ( said he ) as loud as they list . And so that was the second time that he had given defiance unto the servants of God. Whereupon arose whisperings and complaints , although the Flatterers of the Court , complaining that men were not charitably handled , might not since be reproved in generall , albeit men were not specially taxed , that all the world might know of whom the Preacher speakes ; whereunto was this answer made , Let men be ashamed publikely to offend , and the Ministers shall abstain from specialities ; but so long as Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to do against the Evangell of Jesus Christ , so long cannot the Ministers of God cease to crie , that God would be avenged upon such abusers of his holy Word . Thus had the servants of God a double battaile , fighting upon the one side against the Idolatry and the rest of the abominations mentioned by the Court ; and upon the other part , against the unthankefulnesse of such as sometimes would have been esteemed the chief Pillars of the Church within the Realme . The threatnings of Preachers was fearfull , but the Court thought it self in such security , that it could not miscarry . The Queen after the Banquetting , kept a dyet ( Monsieur Luserie a Frenchman , who had been accustomed with her malady before , being her Physitian ) and therefore she for the second time made her progresse in the North , and commanded to Ward in the Castle of Edinburgh , the Earle of Caithnes , for a Murther committed by his servants upon the Earle Mershals men ; he obeyed , but he was suddenly released ; for such blood-thirsty men , and Papists ( such as he is ) are good subjects thought at Court. Thy Kingdom come ( O Lord ) for in this Realme is nothing amongst such as should punish vice and maintain vertue , bu● abomination abounding without Bridle . The Flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor Preachers ; happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts , and disdainfull mocking of the Ministers ; and at length they began to jest at the Terme of Idolatry , affirming that men knew not what they spake when they called the Masse Idolatry ; yea , some proceeded further , and feared not at open Table to affirme , That they would sustaine the Argument that the Masse was no Idolatry . These things coming to the ears of the preachers , they were proclaimed in publike Pulpit of Edinbugh , with this complaint , directed by the speaker to his God ; O Lord , how long shal the wicked prevail against the just ? how long wilt thou suffer thy Self and thy blessed Evangell to be despised of men ? Of men ( we say ) that boast themselves Defenders of the truth ; for of thy manifest and known Enemies we complain not , but of such as unto whom thou hast revealed thy light ; for now it cometh to our Ears , that men ( not Priests we say , but chief Protestants ) will defend the Masse to be no Idolatry ; if it so were , miserably have I been deceived , and miserably ( alas , O Lord ) have I deceived thy people ; which thou knowest , ( O Lord ) I have ever more abhorred then a thousand deaths . But said he , ( turning his face towards the Room where such men as had so affirmed , sate ) If I be not able to prove the Masse to be the most abominable Idolatry that ever was used from the beginning of the world , I offer my self to suffer the punishment appointed by God to a false Preacher . And it appeareth unto me ( saith the Preacher ) that the Affirmers should be subject to the same Law ; for it is the truth of God , that you persecute as a blasphemy ; and it is the invention of the Devill , that obstinately against his Word you maintaine ; whereat albeit you now flute and flyre , as if so be all that were spoken were but winde ; yet am I all fully assured , as I am assured that my GOD liveth , That some that hear this your defection , and railing against the truth and the servants of God , shall see a part of Gods judgement powred forth upon this Realm , ( and principally upon you that fastest cleave unto the favour of the Court ; ) for the abominations that are by you maintained . Albeit that such vehemency provoked tears from the eyes of some , yet these that knew themselves guilty , in a mocking manner , said , We must recant , and burne our Bill , for the Preachers are angry . The generall assembly holden in Iune , 1564. approached , unto the which a great part of the Nobilitie ( of those that are called Protestants ) convened , some for assistance of the Ministers , and some to accuse them , as we shall after hear . A little before these troubles , which Sathan raised in the Body of the Church , began one David an Italian , to be great in the Court ; the Queen used him for Secretary , for things that appertained to her secret affairs , or elsewhere : great men made suit unto him , and their suits were the better heard : But of his beginning and progresse , we delay now further to speak , and refer it unto another fitter occasion of time and place , because that his end will require the description of the whole . The first day of the generall Assembly , neither the Courtiers ; nor the Lords that depended upon the Court , presented themselves in Session with their Brethren ; whereat many wondred . One ancient and honourable man , the Laird of Lundie , said , Nay , I wonder not at their absence ; but I wonder that at our last Assembly they drew themselves apart , and joyned not with us , but drew from us some of our Ministers , and willed them to conclude such things as were never proposed to the publike Assembly , very prejudiciall to the Liberty of the Church ; and therefore my judgement is , That they shall be informed of this offence , which the whole Brethren have conceived of their former Fact ; Humbly requiring , That if they be Brethren , that they would assist their Brethren with their presence and counsell , for we had never greater need : And if they be minded to fall back from us , it were better we knew it now , then afterwards . Thereto agreed the whole Assembly , and gave Commission to certaine Brethren , to signifie the mindes of the Assembly unto the Lords ; which was done that same afternoon . The Courtiers at the first seemed a little offended , that they should be as it were suspected of defection ; yet neverthelesse upon the morning they joyned with the Assembly , and came unto it ; but they drew themselves ( like as they did before ) apart , and entred into the inner Councell-House . They were the Duke , the Earls of Argyle , Murray , Mortoune , Glencarne , Mershall , Lord Rosse , the Master of Maxwell , Secretary Lethington , the Justice Clerk , the Clerk of the Register , and the Laird of Pittarrow Comptroller . After a little consultation , they directed a Messenger , M. George Hay , the Minister of the Court , requiring the Superintendents , and some of the learned Ministers , to confer with them . The Assembly answered , They convened to deliberate upon the common affairs of the Church , and therefore that they could not lack their Superintendents , and chiefe Ministers , whose judgements were so necessary , that the rest should sit ( as it were ) idle , without them ; And therefore willed them , as oft before , That if they acknowledged themselves Members of the Church , that they would joyn with their Brethren , and propose in publike such things as they pleased , and so they should have the assistance of the whole , in all things that might stand with Gods Commandment : But to send from themselves a portion of their company , they understood , That thereof hurt and slander might arise , rather then any profit or comfort to the Church ; for they feared that all men should not stand content with the conclusion , where the conference and reasonings were heard but of a few . This answer was not given without cause ; for no small travell was made , to have drawn some Ministers to the faction of the Courtiers , and to have sustained their Arguments and Opinions : But when it was conceived by the most politick amongst them , That they could not travell by that means , they prepared the matter in other termes , purging themselves , That they never meant to divide themselves from the Society of their Brethren , but because they had certain Heads to confer with certain Ministers . But the Assembly did still reply , That secret Conference would they not admit , in those Heads that should be concluded by generall Voice . The Lords promised , That no Conclusion should be taken , neither yet Vote required , till that both the Propositions and the Reasons should be heard and considered by the whole Body ; and upon that condition were directed unto them , with expresse charge , To conclude nothing , without the knowledge and advise of the Assembly , The Laird of Dun , Superintendent of Angus , the Superintendents of Lothain and Fyfe , Master Iohn Row , Master Iohn Craig , William Christieson , Master David Lyndsay , Ministers ; with the Rector of Saint Androes , and Master George Hay , the Superintendent of Glasgow : Master Iohn Willock was Moderator , and Iohn Knox waited upon the Scribe ; And so were they appointed to sit with the Brethren : And yet because the principall complaint touched Iohn Knox , he was also called for . Secretary Lethington began the Harangue , which contained these Heads ; first , How much we are indebted unto God , by whose providence we have liberty of Religion , under the Queens Majestie , albeit that she is not perswaded in the same . Secondly , How necessary a thing it is , That the Queens Majestie by all good Offices of the part of the Church ( so spake he ) and of the Ministers principally should be retained in that constant opinion , that they unfainedly favoured her advancement , and procured her subjects to have a good opinion of her . And last , How dangerous a thing it is , That the Ministers should be noted one to disagree from another in form of Prayer for her Majestie : And in these two last Heads ( said he ) we desire you all to be circumspect : But especially , we most crave of you our Brother Iohn Knox , to moderate your selfe , as well in form of praying for the Queens Majesty , as in Doctrine that you propose , touching her State and Obedience : Neither shall ye take this ( said he ) as spoken to your reproach , quia mens pulchra , interdum in corpore pulchro ; But because that others , by your example , may imitate the like liberty , albeit not with the same discretion and foresight ; and what opinion that may engender in the peoples heads , wise men may foresee . The said Iohn prepared himself for answer as follows : If such as fear God , have occasion to praise him , because that Idolatry is maintained , the servants of God despised , wicked men placed again in Honour and Authority ( Master Henry Sinclare was of short time before , made President , who before durst not have sitten in Judgement ) And finally , if we ought to praise God , because that vice and impiety over-floweth the whole Realm , without punishment , then we have occasion to rejoyce and praise God : But if these and the like , use to provoke Gods vengeance against Realms and Nations , then in my judgement , the godly within Scotland ought to lament and mourn , and so to prevent Gods Judgements , lest that he finding all in a like security , strike in his hot indignation , beginning , perchance , at such as think they offend not . That is one Head ( said Lethington ) whereunto you and I never agreed ; for how are you able to prove , That God ever struck or plagued any Nation or People for the iniquity of their Prince , if that they themselves lived godlily ? I looked ( said he ) my Lord , to have audience till that I had absolved the other two parts : But seeing it pleaseth your Lordship to cut me off before the midst , I will answer to your question . The Scripture of God teacheth me , That Ierusalem and Iuda were punished for the sins of Manasses . And if you alleadge , That they were punished because they were wicked , and offended with their King , and not because their King was wicked ; I answer , That albeit the Spirit of God makes for me , saying in expresse words , For the sins of Manasses , yet will I not be so obstinate , as to lay the whole sin , and plagues that thereof ensued , upon the King , and utterly absolve the people ; but I will grant withall , That the whole people offended with their King ; but how , and in what fashion , I fear that ye and I shall not agree : I doubt not but the great multitude accompanied him in all the abomination that he did ; for Idolatry and false Religion , hath ever been , and will be , pleasing to the most part of men : But to affirm , That all Iudah committed really the acts of his impiety , is but to affirm that which neither hath certainty , nor yet appearance of any truth ; for who can think it to be possible , That all those of Ierusalem should so shortly turn to Idolatry , considering the notable Reformation lately before had , in the dayes of Hezekias : But yet ( sayes the Text ) Manasses made Iuda , and all the inhabitants of Ierusalem to erre . True it is , the one part ( as I have said ) willingly followed him in his Idolatry , the other suffered him to defile Ierusalem and the Temple of God with all abominations , and so were they criminall of his sin ; the one by act and deed , the other by suffering and permission , even as Scotland is this day guilty of the Queens Idolatry ; and ye , my Lords , in speciall , above others . Well ( said Lethington ) that is the chief Head wherein we never agreed ; but of that we shall speak hereafter : What will ye say as touching the moving of the people to have a good opinion of the Queens Majesty , and as concerning obedience to be given to her Authority ? as also of the form of Prayer which ye commonly use ? My Lord ( saith he ) more earnestly to move the people , or yet otherwise to pray , then heretofore I have done , a good conscience will not suffer me ; for he who knows the secrets of hearts , knows , That privately and publikely I have called to God for her conversion , and have willed the people to do the same , shewing unto them the dangerous state wherein not onely she her self stands , but also the whole Realm , by reason of her indurate blindnesse . That is ( said Lethington ) wherein we finde the greatest fault , your extremity against her Masse in particular , passeth measure ; ye call her a slave to Sathan ; ye affirm that Gods vengeance hangs over the Realm , by reason of her impiety : And what is this else , but to raise up the hearts of the poeple against her Majesty , and against them that serve her . Then there was heard an acclamation of the rest of the flatterers , that such extremity could not profit . The Master of Maxwell said in plain words , If I were in the Queens Majesties place , I would not suffer such things as I hear . If the words of Preachers ( said Iohn Knox ) shall be alwayes wrested in the worst part , then will it be hard to speak any thing so circumspectly ( providing that the truth be spoken ) which shall not escape the censure of the calumniator . The most vehement ( as ye speak ) and most excessive manner of Prayer that I use in publike , is this : O Lord , if thy good pleasure be , purge the heart of the Queens Majestie from the venome of Idolatry , and deliver her from the bondage and thraldom of Satan , into the which she hath been brought up , and yet remains , for the lack of true Doctrine ; and let her see , by the illumination of thy holy Spirit , That there is no means to please thee , but by Iesus Christ thy only Son ; and that Iesus Christ cannot be found , but in thy holy Word ; nor yet received , but as it prescribes , which is , To renounce our own wisedom , and preconceived opinion , and worship thee as it commands ; that in so doing , she may avoid the eternall damnation which is ordained for all obstinate and impenitent to thee ; and that this poor Realm may also escape that plague and vengeance which inevitably followeth Idolatry , maintained against thy manifest Word , and the light thereof . This ( said he ) is the form of common Prayer , as your selves can witnesse : Now what is worthy of reprehension in it , I would hear . There are three things in it ( said Lethington ) that never liked me ; and the first is , Ye pray for the Queens Majesty with a condition , saying , Illuminate her heart , if thy good pleasure be ; Wherein it may appear , That ye doubt of her conversion ; Where have ye the example of such Prayer ? Wheresoever the examples are ( said the other ) I am assured of the Rule , which is this , If we shall ask any thing according to his Will , he shall grant us : And our Master Christ Jesus commands us to pray unto our Father , Thy will be done . But ( said Lethington ) Where ever finde ye any of the Prophets so to have prayed ? It sufficeth me ( said the other ) my Lord , that the Master and Teacher both of Prophets and Apostles , hath taught me so to pray . But in so doing ( said Lethington ) ye put a doubt in the peoples heads of her conversion . Not I ( said the other ) but her own obstinate rebellion , causeth more then me to doubt of her conversion . Wherein ( said he ) rebells she against God ? In all the actions of her life ( said M. Knox ) but in these two Heads especially ; The former is , That she will not hear the Preaching of the blessed Evangel of Jesus Christ. 2. That she maintaineth that Idol the Masse . She thinks not that rebellion ( said Lethington . ) So thought they ( said the other ) that sometimes offered their children unto Molech ; and yet the Spirit of God affirms , That they offered them unto devils , and not unto God : And this day the Turks think they have a better Religion then the Papists have ; and yet I think ye will excuse neither of both from committing rebellion against God ; neither yet can ye do the Queen , unlesse ye will make God to be partiall . But ( said Lethington ) Why pray ye not for her , without moving any doubt ? Because ( said the other ) I have learned to pray in faith ; now faith ( ye know ) depends upon the Word of God ; and so it is that the Word teacheth me , That prayer profiteth the sons and daughters of Gods Election ; of which number if she be one or not , I have just cause to doubt ; and therefore I pray that God would illuminate her heart , if his good pleasure be so to do : But yet ( said Lethington ) ye can produce the example of none that so hath prayed before you . Thereto I have already answered ( said Iohn Knox ) But yet for further declaration , I will demand a question , which is this , Whether ye think that the Apostles prayed themselves , as they commanded others to pray , or not ? who doubts of that , said the company that were present . Well then , said Iohn Knox , I am assured , that Peter said these words to Simon Magus , Repent therefore of this thy wickednesse , and pray God , That if it be possible , the thoughts of thy heart may be forgiven thee . Here we may cleerly see , That Peter joynes a condition with his Commandment , That Simon should repent and pray ; to wit , If it were possible that his sin might be forgiven , for he was not ignorant , that some sinnes are unto death , and so without all hope of repentance , or remission . And think ye not ( my Lord Secretary , said he ) but that same doubt may touch my heart ; as touching the Queens conversion , that then touched the heart of the Apostle ; I would never ( said Lethington ) heare you , or any other call that in doubt : But your will ( said the other ) is no assurance to my conscience . And to speak freely , My Lord , I wonder if yee your self doubt not of the Queens conversion ; for more evident signes of Induration have appeared , and do appear in her , then Peter outwardly could have espyed in Simon Magus ; for albeit sometimes , he was a Sorcerer , yet joyned he with the Apostles , beleeved , and was baptized . And albeit , That the venome of Avarice remained in his heart , and that he would have bought the holy Ghost ; yet , when he heard the fearfull threatnings of God pronounced against him , he trembled ; desired the assistance of the Prayers of the Apostles ; and so humbled himself , so farre as the judgement of man could peirce , like a true penitent ; and yet we see that Peter doubts of his conversion ; Why then may not all the godly , justly doubt of the conversion of the Queen , who hath used Idolatry , which is also most odious in the sight of the most jealous God , and still continues in the same ; yet she despises all threatnings , and refuseth all godly admonitions . Why say ye , That she refuseth admonition , ( said Lethington ) she will gladly hear any man : But what obedience ( said the other ) to God or to his word ensues of all that is spoken unto her , or when shall she be seen to give her presence to the publike Preaching ; I think never ( said Lethington ) so long as she is thus used . And so long ( said the other ) yee , and all others must be content , that I pray so , as I may be assured to be heard of my God ; that is , That his good will may be done , either in making her comfortable to his Church ; or if that he hath appointed her to be a scourge to the same , That we may have patience , and she may be bridled . Well , ( said Lethington ) Let us come to the second head ? Where finde ye , that the Scriptures calls any the bond slaves of Satan , or that the Prophets of God spake of Kings and Princes , so irreverently . The Scripture , said Iohn Knox , saith , That by nature wee are all the sonnes of wrath : Our Master Christ affirmes , That such as doe sinne , are servants to sinne , and that it is the onely Sonne of God that sets men at freedome ; now what difference there is betwixt the sonnes of wrath , the servants of sinne , &c. And the slaves of Satan , I understand not , except I be taught ; And if the sharpnesse of the terme offend you , I have not invented that phrase of speech , but have learned it out of Gods Scriptures ; for these words I finde spoken unto Paul , Behold I send thee unto the Gentiles , to open their eyes , that they may turne from darknesse unto light , and from the power of Sathan unto God. Mark the words , my Lord , and stirre not at the speaking of the holy Ghost . And the same Apostle writing to his Scholler Timothius , sayes , Instruct with meeknesse those that are contrary minded , if that God at any time will give them repentance , that they may know the truth , and come to amendment out of the snare of the Devill , which are taken of him at his will. If your Lordship do rightly consider these sentences , you shall not onely finde my words to be the words of the holy Ghost , but also the condition which I use to adde , to have the assurance of Gods Scriptures . But they speak nothing against Kings in Scripture in speciall ( said Lethington ) and your continuall crying is , The Queens Idolatry , The Queens Masse will provoke Gods vengeance . In the former sentence ( said the other ) I hear not Kings and Queens excepted , but all unfaithfull are pronounced to stand in one rank , and to be in bondage to one Tyrant the Devill . But beleeve me , my Lord , you little regard the state wherein they stand , when you would have them so flattered , that the danger thereof should neither be knowne , neither yet declared to the people . Where will you finde ( said Lethington ) that any of the Prophets did so use Kings , Queens , Rulers or Magistrates . In more places then one , ( said the other ; ) Ahab was a King , and Iezabel a Queen , and yet what the Prophet Elias said to the one , and to the other I suppose you are not ignorant . That was not cried out before the people , ( said Lethington ) to make them odious unto their subjects . That Elias said , Doggs shall lick the blood of Ahab , ( said Iohn Knox ) and eate the flesh of Iezabell , the Scriptures assures me ; but that it was whispered in their Eares , or in a Corner , I read not ; but the plain contrary appears to me , which is , that both the people and the Court understood well enough what the Prophet had promised ; for so witnessed Iehu after that Gods vengeance had stricken Iezabell . These were singular motions of the Spirit of God ( said Lethington ) and appertaineth nothing to our age . Then hath the Scripture ( said the other ) deceived me , for Saint Paul teacheth me , that whatsoever is written within the holy Scriptures , the same is written for our instruction ; And my Master saith , That every learned Scribe brings forth of his Treasure , both things old and things new ; and the Prophet Ieremy affirmes , That every Realme or Citie that likewise offends , ( as then did Ierusalem ) should likewise be punished . Why then , that the facts of ancient Prophets , and the fearfull judgements of God , executed before us , upon the disobedient , appertain not unto our age , I neither see , nor yet can understand . But now to put an end to this Head , my Lord , ( saith he ) the Prophets of God have not spared to rebuke Kings , as well to their faces as before the people and subjects ; Elizeus feared not to say to King Iehoram , What have I to doe with thee , get thee to the other Prophets of thy Mother ; for as the Lord of Hostes liveth , in whose sight I stand ▪ if it were not that I regard the presence of Iehosaphat , the King of Iudah , I would not have looked toward thee , nor seene thee ? Plaine it is , that the Prophet was a Subject in the Kingdome of Israel , and yet how little reverence he giveth to the King ; we heare Ieremy the Prophet was commanded to Cry to the King and Queene , and to say , Behave your selves lowly , execute justice , and judgement , &c. or else your Carcasses shall be casten to the heate of the day , and unto the frost of the night . Unto Conias , Sullim , and Zedekias , he speaketh in speciall , and shewes to them in his publike Sermons their miserable ends ; and therefore yee ought not to thinke strange my Lord ( said he ) albeit the servants of God , taxe the vices of Kings and Queenes , even as well as of other offenders ; and that because their sinnes be more noysome to the Common-wealth , then are the sinnes of inferiour persons . The most part of this reasoning , Secretary Lethington leaned upon the Master of Maxwells Breast , who said , I am almost weary , I would some other would reason in the chief head , which is yet untouched . Then the Earle of Mortoune , Chancellor , commanded Master George Hay to reason against Iohn Knox in the head of obedience due to Magistrates , who began so to doe ; Unto whom Iohn Knox said , Brother , that ye shall reason in my contrary , I am well content , because I know you to be both a man of learning , and of modesty ; but that you shall oppose your selfe unto the Trueth , whereof I suppose your owne conscience is no lesse perswaded , then is mine , I cannot well approve ; for I would be sorry , that yee and I should be reputed to reason , as two Schollers of Pythagoras , to shew the quickenesse of our wit , as it were to reason on both parts : I protest here before God , That whatsoever I sustaine , I doe the same in conscience ; yea , I dare no more sustaine a proposition , knowne to my selfe untrue , then I dare teach false Doctrine , in the publike place ; And therefore Brother , if Conscience move you to oppose your selfe to that Doctrine which yee have heard out of my mouth , in that matter , doe it boldly , it shall never offend me ; But that yee shall bee found to oppose your selfe unto mee , yee being perswaded in the same Trueth ; I say yet againe , it pleaseth me not ; for therein may be greater inconveniency , then either yee or I doe consider for the publike . The said Master George answered , That I will not oppose my selfe unto you , as one willing to impugne or confute that Head of Doctrine , which not onely yee , but many others ; yea , and my selfe have affirmed , farre be it from me , for so should I be found contrarious to my selfe ; for my Lord Secretary knows , my judgement in that Head. Marry , said the Secretary , you are ( in my opinion ) the worst of the two , for I remember that your Reasoning when the Queen was in Carricke . Well said Iohn Knox , seeing Brother , God hath made you one to fill the chaire of verity ; wherein I am assured , we agree in all principall Heads of Doctrine ; Let it never be said , That we agree not in disputation . Iohn Knox was moved thus to speake , because he understood more of the craft then the other did . Well ( said Lethington ) I am somewhat better provided in this last Head , then I was in the other two : Master Knox , said he , yesterday we heard your Judgement upon the thirteenth to the Romanes ; we heard the minde of the Apostle well opened ; we heard the causes why God hath established powers upon the earth ; we heard of the necessitie that mankinde hath of the same ; and wee heard the dutie of Magistrates sufficiently declared ; But in two things I was offended , as I thinke some other more of my Lords that were present : which was , Ye made difference betwixt the Ordinance of God , and the persons that were placed in Authoritie : And ye affirmed , That men might refuse the persons , and yet not offend against Gods Ordinance ; This is one , the other yee had no time to explaine ; but this me thought ye meant , That Subjects were not bound to obey their Princes , if they command unlawfull things , but that they might refuse their Princes ; and that they were not ever bound to suffer . In very deed , said the other , ye have rightly both marked my words , and understood my minde ; for of that same Judgement I have long been , and yet so remaine . How will ye prove your division and difference ( said Lethington , ) and that the persons placed in Authoritie , may be resisted , and the Ordinance of God not transgressed , seeing that the Apostle saith , He that resisteth , resisteth the Ordinance of God. My Lord said he , The plaine words of the Apostle makes the difference , and the facts of many approved by God , prove my affirmative . First the Apostle affirmes , That the powers are ordained of God , for the preservation of quiet and peaceable men , and for the punishment of malefactors ; whereof it is plaine , That the Ordinance of God and the power given unto man , is one thing , and the person clad with the Authoritie , is another ; For Gods Ordinance is the conservation of mankinde , The punishment of vice , and the maintenance of vertue , which in it self , is holy , just , constant , stable , and perpetuall ; but men clad with the Authoritie , are commonly prophane and unjust ; yee , they are mutable , transitory , and subject to corruption , as God threateneth by his Prophet David , saying , I have said yee are gods , and every one of you the sonnes of the most high ; but yee shall dye as man , and the Princes shall fall like others . Here I am assured , That the persons , yee soule and body are threatned with death ; I think that so ye will not affirm , is the Authothority , the Ordinance , and the Power , wherewith God endeued such persons ; for ( as I have said ) it is holy , so is the permanent will of God. And now , my Lord , that the Prince may be resisted , and yet the Ordinance of God not violated : It is evident that the people resisted Saul , when he had sworn by the living God that Ionathan should die ; The people ( I say ) swore in the contrary , and delivered Ionathan , so that a hair of his head fell not : Now Saul was the Anoynted Ki●g , and they were his subjects , and yet they resisted him , that they made him no better then men sworn . I doubt ( said Lethington ) That in so doing , the people did well . The Spirit of God ( said the other ) accuses them not of any crime , but rather praises them , and condemnes the King , as well for his foolish vow and Law made without God , as for his cruell minde , that so severely would have punished an innocent man : But herein will I not stand ; this that followeth shall confirme the former . This same Saul commanded Abimelech and the Priests of the Lord to be slain , because they had committed Treason ( as he alleadged ) for intercommuning with David : His Guard , and principall servants , would not obey his unjust commandment ; But Doeg the flatterer put the Kings cruelty in execution . I will not ask your judgement , Whether that the servants of the King , in not obeying his Commandment , resisted the Ordinance of God , or not ; or , Whether Doeg , in murthering the Priests , gave obedience to a just Authority : For I have the Spirit of God , speaking by the mouth of David , for assurance , as well of the one , as of the other ; for he in his 52. Psalme , condemnes that fact , as a most cruell murther ; and affirms , That God would punish , not onely the commander , but also the mercilesse executer : And therefore I conclude , That they who gainstood his commandment , resisted not the Ordinance of God. And now ( my Lord ) to answer to the place of the Apostle , who affirms , That such as resist the Power , resist the Ordinance of God ; I say , That the power in that place is not to be understood of unjust commandment of men , but of the just power wherewith God hath armed his Magistrates and Lieutenants , to punish sin , and maintain vertue . And if any man should enterprise to take from the hands of the faithfull Judge a murtherer and adulterer , or any malefactor that deserved death , this same resisteth Gods Ordinance , and procureth to himself vengeance and damnation , because that he stayed Gods Sword from striking . But so it is , if men in the fear of God oppose themselves to the fury and blinde rage of Princes ; for so they resist not God , but the devill , who abuses the Sword and Authority of God. I understand sufficiently ( said Lethington ) what ye mean ; unto the one part I will not oppose my self , but I doubt of the other ; for if the Queen would command me to slay Iohn Knox , because she is offended at him , I would not obey her : But if she would command others to do it , or yet by colour of Justice take his life from him , I cannot tell if I be bound to defend him against the Queen and her Officers . With protestation ( said the other ) That the auditors think not that I speak in favour of my self , I say , my Lord , That if ye be perswaded of my innocency , and if God have given unto you such power and credit as might deliver me , and yet suffered me to perish , that in so doing , ye should be criminall and guilty of my blood . Prove that , and win the play ( said Lethington . ) Well , my Lord ( said the other ) remember your promise , and I will be short in my probation : The Prophet Ieremy was apprehended by the Priests and Prophets ( who were a part of the Authority within Ierusalem ) and by the multitude of the people , and this sentence was pronounced against him , Thou shalt die the death ; for thou hast said , This house shall be like Siloh , and this City shall be desolate , without any Inhabitant , &c. The Princes hearing the uprore , came from the Kings house , and sate down in Judgement in the entry of the new Gate of the Lords House ; And there the Priests and Prophets , before the Princes , and before all the people , intented their Accusation in these words ; This man is worthy to die ; for he hath prophesied against this City , and your eares have heard . Ieremiah answered , That whatsoever he had spoken , proceeded from God ; and therefore said he ; As for me , behold , I am in your hands , do with me as ye thinke good and right ; But know ye for certaine , That if ye put me to death , ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your soules , and upon this Citie , and upon the inhabitants thereof : For of a truth , the Lord hath sent me unto you to speake all these words . Now , my Lord , if the Princes and the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophets blood , How shall ye , or others , be judged innocent before God , if ye shall suffer the blood of such as have not deserved their blood to be shed , when ye may save it . The causes were nothing alike ( said Lethington . ) And I would learn ( said the other ) wherein the dissimilitude stands . First ( said Lethington ) the King had not condemned him to death ; And next , The false Prophets , the Priests , and the People , accused him without a cause , and therefore they could not be guilty of his blood . Neither of these ( said Iohn Knox ) fights against my argument ; For albeit the King was neither present , nor yet had condemned him , yet were the Princes and chiefe Councellors there sitting in Judgement , who represented the Kings Authority , hearing the accusation laid unto the charge of the Prophet ; And therefore he forewarns them of the danger , as before is said ; to wit , That in case he should be condemned , and so put to death , That the King , the Councell , and the whole City of Ierusalem , should be guilty of his blood , because that he had committed no crime worthy of death : And if ye thinke that they all should have been criminall , onely because that they all accused him , the plain Text witnesseth the contrary ; for the Princes defended him , and so ( no doubt ) did a great part of the People ; and yet he boldly affirmed , That they should be all guilty of his blood , if he should be put to death . And the Prophet Ezekiel gives a reason , Why all are guilty of common corruption , Because ( saith he ) I sought a man amongst them , that should make up the hedge , and stand in the gap before me for the Land , that I should not destroy it , but I found none ; Therefore have I poured forth my indignation upon them . Hereof , my Lord , ( said he ) it is plain , That God craves , not onely that man should do no iniquity in his owne person ; but also that he oppose himself to all iniquity , so farre as in him lieth . Then will ye ( said Lethington ) make subjects to controll their Princes and Rulers . And what harme ( said the other ) should the Common-wealth receive , if the corrupt affections of ignorant Rulers were moderated , and so bridled by the wisedome and discretion of godly subjects , that they should do no wrong , nor no violence to any man. All this reasoning ( said Lethington ) is out of the purpose ; For we reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our Religion , that she should persecute it , and put innocent men to death ; while I am assured , she never thought , nor never will do ; For if I should see her begin at that end , yea , if I should suspect any such thing in her , I should be as farre forward in that argument , as ye , or any other within the Realme : But there is no such thing ; Our Question is , Whether that ye may suppresse the Queens Masse ; or , Whether that her Idolatry shall be laid to our charge . What ye may ( said Iohn Knox ) by force , I dispute not : But what ye may and ought to do by Gods expresse Commandment , that I can tell Idolatry ought not onely to be suppressed , but the Idolater also ought to die the death : But by whom ? By the people of God ( said the other ) for the Commandment was given to Israel , as ye may reade , Heare Israel , , ( sayes the Lord ) the Statutes and the Ordinances of the Lord thy God , &c. Yea , a Commandment is given , that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City , inquisition shall be taken ; and if it be found true , That then the whole Body of the People arise and destroy that City , sparing in it neither man , woman , nor childe . But there is no Commandment ( said the Secretary ) given to punish their King. If he be an Idolater , I finde no priviledge granted unto Kings ( said the other ) by God , more then unto the people , to offend Gods Majestie . I grant ( said Lethington ) but yet the people may not be judges to their King to punish him , albeit he be an Idoter . God ( said the other ) is the Universall Judge , as well unto the King , as to the People : So that what his Word commands to be punished in the one , is not to be absolved in the other . We agree in that ( said Lethington ) But the people may not execute Gods Judgements , but mst leave it unto himselfe , who will either punish it by Death , by Warre , by Imprisonment , or by some other kinde of his Plagues . I know ( said Iohn Knox ) the last part of the reason to be true : But for the first , That the people , yea , or a part of the people , may not execute Gods Judgements against their King , being an offendor : I am assured ye have no other Warrant , except your own imaginations , and the opinion of such as more fear to offend their Princes then God. Why say ye so ( said Lethington ) I have the judgement of the most famous men in Europe , and of such as ye your selfe will confesse both godly and learned . And with that he called for his Papers , which produced by Master Maitland , he bagan to reade with great gravity the Judgements of Luther , Melancthon , the mindes of Bucer , Musculus , and Calvin , how Christians should behave themselves in time of Persecution ; yea , the Book of Baruc was not omitted , with this conclusion , The gathering of those things ( said he ) hath cost me more travell then I thinke this seven yeers in reading Commentaries . The more pity ( said the other ) and yet what you have profited your own cause , let others judge . But as for my argument , I am assured you have infirmed it in nothing ; for your first two witnesses speak against the Anabaptists , who deny that Christians should be subject to Magistrates ; or yet that it is lawfull for a Christian to be a Magistrate : whose opinion , I no lesse abhor , then ye do , or any other that liveth . The others speak of Christians subject to Tyrants and Infidels , so dispersed , that they have no other force , but onely to sob unto God for deliverance ; that such ( indeed ) should hazard any further then these godly men wills them , I cannot hastily be of counsell : But my argument hath another ground ; for I speak of a people assembled in one Body of a Common-wealth , unto whom God hath given sufficient force , not onely to resist , but also to suppresse all kinde of open Idolatry : And such a people yet again I affirme , are bound to keep their Land clean and unpolluted . And that this my division shall not appear strange unto you , ye shall understand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his Seed , when he and they were strangers and Pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan ; and another thing required he of them , when they were delivered from the Bondage of Egypt , and the possession of the Land of Canaan granted unto them : The first , and during the time of their Bondage , God craved no more , but that Abraham should not defile himselfe with their Idolatry ; neither was he , nor his Posterity commanded to destroy the Idolls that were in Canaan , or in Egypt : But when God gave unto them possession of the Land , he gave unto them this strait Commandment , Beware that thou make not League or Confederacie with the inhabitants of this Land : give not thy sonnes unto their daughters , nor yet give thy daughters unto their sonnes , &c. But this ye shall do unto them , Cut down their Groves , destroy their Images , breake downe their Altars , and leave thou no kinde of remembrance of these Abominations which the Inhabitants of the Land used before ; for thou art a holy People unto the Lord thy God ; defile not thy selfe therefore with their gods , &c. To this Commandment , I say , are ye , my Lords , and all such as have professed the Lord within this Realme , bound ; for God hath wrought no lesse miraculously upon you , both Spiritually and Corporally , then he did unto the Carnall Seed of Abraham : For in what state your Bodies , and this poor Realme were , within these seven yeers , your selves cannot be ignorant ; you , and it were both in the Bondage of a strange Nation , and what Tyrants did raigne over your consciences , God perchance may yet again let you feel , because that ye do not rightly acknowledge and esteeme the benefits received , when our poore Brethren that were before us , gave up their bodies to the flames of fire , for the Testimony of Gods Truth . And when scarcely could be found ten in a Country that rightly knew God , it had been foolishnesse to have craved , either of the Nobility , or of the mean Subjects , the suppressing of Idolatry ; for that had been nothing , but to have exposed the simple Sheep in a prey to the Wolves : But since that God hath multiplyed knowledge , yea , and hath given the victory to his Truth , even in the hands of his servants , if yee suffer the Land again to be defiled , yee , and your Princes shall both drinke the cup of Gods indignation . The Queen , for her obstinate abiding in manifest Idolatry , in this great light of the Evangell of Jesus Christ ; And ye , for your permission and maintaining her in the same . ( Lethington said , ) In that point we will never agree . And where finde ye ( I pray you ) that ever any of the Prophets , or of the Apostles , taught such Doctrine , That the people should be plagued for the Idolatry of the Prince ; or yet , That the Subjects might suppresse the Idolatry of the Rulers , or them for the same . What was the Commission given unto the Apostles ? My Lord , ( said he ) we know it was to preach , and plant the Evangell of Jesus Christ where darknesse before had Dominion ; And therefore it behoved them to let them see the light , before that they should will them , to put their hands to suppresse Idolatry : What precepts the Apostles gave unto the faithfull in particular , other then that they commanded , all to fly from Idolatry , I will not affirme : But I finde two things which the faithfull did ; The one was , They assisted their Preachers , even against the Rulers and Magistrates ; The other was , They suppressed Idolatry , wheresoever God gave unto them force ; asking no leave of the Emperour , nor of his Deputies . Read the Ecclesiasticall Histories , and ye shall finde examples sufficient ? And as to the Doctrine of the Prophets , we know they were Interpreters of the Law of God ; and we know , They spake as well unto the Kings , as unto the People . I read that neither of both would heare them ; and therefore came the plague of God upon both ; but that they flattered the Kings , more then they did the people , I cannot be perswaded . Now Gods Law pronounces death ( as before I have said ) to Idolaters without exception of persons . Now , how the Prophets could rightly interpret the Law , and shew the cause of Gods Judgements , which ever they threatned , should fall for Idolatry , and for the rest of the abhominations that did accompany it ( for it is never alone , but still corrupt Religion brings with it , a filthy , and corrupt life . ) How ( I say ) the Prophets could reprove the Vice , and not shew the people their duty , I understand not ; And therefore , I constantly beleeve , That the Doctrine of the Prophets was so sensible , That the Kings understood their own abhominations ; and the people understood , what they ought to have done in punishing and repressing them . But because that the most part of the People was no lesse Rebellious unto God , then were their Princes ; Therefore the one , and the other , conjured against God , and against his servants . And yet my Lord , The facts of some Prophets are so evident , That thereby we may collect what Doctrine they taught ; For it were no small absurdity to affirme , that their facts did repugne to their Doctrine . I think ( said Lethington ) ye meane of the History of Iehu , What will yee prove thereby ? The chief head ( said Iohn Knox ) that ye deny , to wit , That the Prophets never taught , that it appertained to the people to punish the Idolatry of their Kings : The contrary whereof I affirme ; and for the probation , I am ready to produce the fact of a Prophet . For ye know my Lord ( said he ) that Elizeus , sent one of the children of the Prophets to annoint Iehu , who gave him a commandment to destroy the house of his Master Achab for the Idolatry committed by him ; and for the innocent blood that Iezabell his wicked Wife had shed . While he obeyed and put in full execution ( for the which ) God promised unto him , the stability of the Kingdome , unto the fourth Generation . Now ( said he ) here is the fact of a Prophet , that proves , that Subjects were commanded to execute Gods judgements upon their King and Prince . There is enough ( said Lethington ) to be answered thereto ; For Iehu was a King before he put any thing in execution . And besides , That the fact is extraordinary , and ought not to be Imitate : My Lord ( said the other ) he was a meere Subject , and no King , when the Prophets servant came unto him ; yea , and albeit that his fellow Captaines hearing of the Message , blew the Trumpet , and said , Iehu is King ; yet I doubt not , but Iezabel both thought , and said , that he was a Traytor ; and so did many others that were in Israel , and in Samaria . And as touching , That ye alleadge , that the fact was extraordinary , and is not to be imitate : I say , That it had the ground of Gods ordinary judgement , which commandeth the Idolater to dye the death . And therefore , I yet againe affirme , That it is to be Imitate of all those that preferres the true Honour of the true Worship and Glory of God , to the affection of flesh , and wicked Princes . We are not bound ( said Lethington ) to follow extraordinary examples , unlesse we have the like commandment and assurance . I grant ( said the other ) if the example repugne to the Law ; As if an avaritious and deceitfull man would borrow Silver , Rayment , or other necessaries from his Neighbour , and withhold the same ; alleadging , that so he might do , and not offend God ; because the Israelites at their departure forth of Egypt , did so to the Egyptians . The example served to no purpose , unlesse that they could produce the like cause , and the like commandment that the Israelites had ; and that because their fact repugned to this Commandment of God , Thou shalt not steale : But where the example agrees with the Law , and is , as it were the execution of Gods judgement , expressed within the same ; I say , That the example approved of God , stands to us in place of a Commandment ; For as God in his Nature , is constant and immutable , so can he not condemne in the Ages subsequent , that which he hath approved in his servants before us ; but in his servants before us , he by his own word confounds all such as crave further approbation of Gods will , then is already expressed within his Scriptures ; For Abraham said , They have Moses and the Prophets , whom if they will not beleeve , neither will they beleeve , albeit that any of the dead should rise . Even so ( I say ) my Lord , that such as will not be taught what they ought to do by the Commandment of God once given , and once put in practise , will not beleeve nor obey , albeit , that God should send Angels from Heaven to instruct that Doctrine . Yee have produced but one example ( said Lethington ) one sufficeth ( said the other ; ) but yet God be praised we lacke not others ; for the whole people conspired against Amasiah King of Iuda , after that he had turned away from the Lord , and followed him to Lachis , and slew him , and took Uzziah and annointed him King in steed of his father . The people had not altogether forgotten the League and Covenant , which was made betwixt their Kings and them , at the Inauguration of Iohas his Father ; to wit , That the King and the People should be the People of the Lord , and then should they be his faithfull Subjects . From the which Covenant when first the Father , and after the sonne had declined , they were both punished to death , Ioas by his own servants , and Amasias by the whole people . I doubt ( said Lethington ) whether they did well , or not . It shall be free for you ( said the other ) to doubt as you please , but where I finde execution according to Gods Law , and God himselfe not to accuse the doers , I dare not doubt of the equity of their cause . And farther it appeareth to me , that God gave sufficient approbation and allowance of their fact , for he blessed them with victory , peace and prosperity the space of fiftie two yeers after . But prosperity ( said Lethington ) does not alwayes prove that God approves the facts of men . Yes , ( said the other ) when the facts of men agree with the Law of God , and are rewarded according to his owne promise expressed in his Law ; I say , that the prosperitie succeeding the fact , is a most infallible assurance that God hath approved that fact . Now so it is That God hath pronounced in his Law , That when the people shall exterminat and destroy such as decline from him , that hee will blesse them and multiplie them , as he hath promised unto their Fathers . But so it is that Masiah turned from God ( for so the Text doth witnesse , and plaine it is the people slew their King ; and like plain it is , that God blessed them : Therefore yet againe conclude I , that God himselfe approved their fact , and so farre as it was done according to his commandement , it was blessed according to his promise . Well , ( said Lethington ) I thinke not the ground so sure , as I durst build my Conscience thereupon . I pray God ( said the other ) that your Conscience have no worse ground then this is whensoever you shall begin the like work which God in your owne eyes hath already blessed . And now , my Lord , ( saith hee ) I have but one example to produce , and then I will put an end to my reasoning , because I am weary longer to stand . Commandment was given that he should sit downe ; but he refused , and said , Melancholly reasons would have some mirth intermixed : My last example , ( said he ) my Lord is this , Uzziah the King not content with his Royall Estate , malapertly took upon him to enter within the Temple of the Lord to burn Incense upon the Altar of Incense ; and Azariah the Priest , went in after him , and with him fourscore Priests of the Lord , valiant men , and they withstood Uzziah , and said unto him , It appertaineth not unto thee , ( Uzziah ) to burn Incense unto the Lord , but to the Priest● the Sonnes of Aaron , that are consecrated to offer Incense ; Goe forth of the Sanctuary , for thou hast transgressed , and thou shalt have none honour of the Lord. Hereof , my Lords , I conclude , That Subjects not onely may , but also ought to withstand and resist their Princes , whensoever they doe any thing that expressely repugnes to God , his Law , or holy Ordinance . They that withstood the King ( said Lethington ) were not simple subjects , but were the Priests of the Lord , and figures of Christ , and such Priests have we none this day to withstand Kings if they doe any wrong . That the High Priest was the figure of Christ ( said the other ) I grant , but that he was not a subject , that I deny ; for I am assured , that he in his Priesthood had no Prerogative above those that passed before him ; now so it is , that Aaron was subject to Moses , and called him his Lord ; Samuel being both P●ophet and Priest , subjected himselfe unto Saul after hee was inaugurated of the People ; Sadoc bowed before David ; and Abiathar was deposed from the Priesthood by Solomon , which all confessed themselves subjects to the Kings , albeit therewith they ceased not to be the figures of Christ. And whereas you say , we have no such priests this day , I might answer , That neither have we such Kings this day as then were annointed by Gods commandment , and sate upon the seate of David , and were no lesse the figure of Christ Jesus in their just administration , then were the Priests in their appointed Office ; and such kings ( I am assured ) we have not now no more then wee have such Priests ; for Christ Jesus being annointed in our nature of God his Father , both King , Priest and Prophet , hath put end to all externall unction . And yet I thinke you will not say that God hath now diminished his graces from those whom he appoints Ambassadours betwixt him and his people , then he doth from Kings and Princes ; and therefore why the servants of Jesus Christ may not also justly withstand Kings and Princes that this day no lesse offend Gods Majestie then Uzziah did , I see not ; unlesse that ye will not say , that we in the brightnesse of the Evangell , are not so straitly bound to regard Gods glory , nor his Commandments , as were the Fathers who lived under the dark shadows of the Law. Well ( said Lethington ) I will dip no farther in that Head ; but how resisted the Priests the King , they onely spake unto him , without further violence intended . That they withstood him ( said the other ) the Text assures me , but that they did nothing but speak , I cannot understand ; for the plain Text affirms the contrary , to wit , That they caused him hastily to depart from the sanctuary , yea , and that he was compelled to depart ; which manner of speaking ( I am assured ) in the Hebrew Tongue , importeth more then exhorting , or commanding by word . They did that ( said Lethington ) after he was espyed to be leprous . They withstood him before , ( said the other ) but yet their last fact confirms my proposition so evidently , that such as will oppose themselves unto it , must needs oppose themselves unto God ; for my assertion is , That Kings have no priviledge more then hath the people to offend Gods Majestie , and if so they do , they are no more exempted from the punishment of the Law , then is any other subject ; yea , and that subjects may not onely lawfully oppose themselves to their Kings , whensoever they do any thing that expresly oppugnes Gods Commandment , but also that they may execute judgement upon them , according to Gods Law ; so that if the King be a Murtherer , Adulterer , or an Idolater , he should suffer according to Gods Law , not as a King , but as an offender : And that the people may put Gods Law in execution , this History cleerly proveth ; for how soon that the Leprosie appeared in his forehead , he was not onely compelled to depart out of the Sanctuary , but also he was removed from all publike society and administration of the Kingdom , and was compelled to dwell in a house apart , even as the Law commanded ; and gat no greater priviledge in that case , then any other of the people should have done : And this was executed by the people ; for it was no doubt but more were witnesses of his Leprosie then the Priests alone ; but we finde none oppose themselves to the sentence of God pronounced in his Law against the Leprosie : And therefore yet again I say , That the people ought to execute Gods Law , even against their Princes , when that their open crimes by Gods Laws deserve punishment ; but especially , when they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude . And now , my Lords , ( said he ) I will reason no longer , for I have spoken longer then I intended . And yet ( said Lethington ) I cannot tell what shall be the conclusion . Albeit ye cannot ( said the other ) yet I am assured what I have proved ; to wit , 1. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands of their King , and therefore offended not God. 2. That subjects have refused to strike innocents , when a King commanded , and in so doing , denied no just Obedience . 2. That such as strook at the commandment of the King , were before God reputed mutherers . 4. That God hath not onely of a subject made a King , but also he armed subjects against their naturall King , and commanded them to take vengeance upon them , according to his Law. 5. And lastly , That Gods people hath executed Gods Law against their King , having no further regard to him in that behalf , then if he had been the most simple subject within the Realme . And therefore , albeit ye will not understand what should be concluded , yet I am assured , That not onely may Gods people , but also , That they are bound to do the same , where the like crimes are committed , and when he gives to them the like power . Well ( said Lethington ) I think ye shall not have many learned men of your opinion . My Lord , ( said the other ) the Truth ceaseth not to be Truth , howsoever it be , That men must either know it , or gainstand it . And yet ( said he ) I praise God , I lack not the consent and approbation of Gods servants in that Head. And with that he presented unto the Secretary the Apologie of Magdeburgh , and willed him to reade the names of the Ministers , who had subscribed the defence of the Town to be a most just defence ; and therewith added , That to resist a misled King , is not to resist God , nor yet his Ordinance , &c. Who when he had read , he stouped and said , Homines obscuri . The other answered , Dei tamen servi . And Lethington arose , and said , My Lords , ye have heard the reasons upon both parts ; it becomes you now to decide , and to put an order unto Preachers , that they be uniform in Doctrine . May we ( think ye ) take the Queens Masse from her ? While that some began to give , as it were ▪ their Votes ( for some were appointed , as it were , leaders of the rest ) Iohn Knox said ; My Lords , I suppose you will not do contrary to your Lordships promise made to the whole Assembly , which was , That nothing should be voted in secret , till that first all matters should be debated in publike , and that then the Votes of the whole Assembly should put end to the controversie . Now have I onely sustained the argument , and have rather shewn my conscience in most simple manner , then that I have insisted upon the force and vehemency of any one argument : And therefore I for my part utterly disassent from all voting , untill the whole Assembly have heard the Propositions and the Reasons of both parties ; for I unfainedly acknowledge , That many in that company are more able to sustain the argument then I am . Think ye it reasonable ( said Lethington ) That such a multitude as are now convened , should reason and vote in such heads and matters that concerns the Queens Majesties own Person and Affairs . I think ( said the other ) That whatsoever should binde the multitude , the multitude should hear it ; unlesse they have resigned their power to Commissioners , which they have not done , so far as I understand ; for my Lord Justice Clerk heard them with one voyce say , That in no wise would they consent that any thing there should be voted or concluded . I cannot tell ( said Lethington ) if my Lords that be here present , and that bear the burthen of such matters , should be bound to their will : What say ye , my Lords , ( said he ) will ye vote in this matter , or will ye not vote ? After long reasoning , some that were made for the purpose , said , Why may not the Lords vote , and then shew unto the Church whatsoever is done ? That appears to me ( said Iohn Knox ) not onely a backward order , but a tyranny usurped upon the Church : But for me , do as ye list ( said he ) for as I reason , so I wrote ; yet protesting as before , That I disassent from all voting , till that the whole Assembly understand as well the questions as the reasons . Well ( said Lethington ) that cannot be done now , for too much time is spent ; And therefore , my Lord Chancellor ( said he ) ask ye the votes , and take ever , one of the Ministers , and one of us . And so was the Rector of Saint Androes commanded first to speak his conscience : Who said , I refer it to the Superintendent of Fyfe , for I think we are both of one judgement : and yet ( said he ) if ye will that I speake first , my conscience is this , That if the Queen oppose her self to our Religion ( which is the onely true Religion ) that in that case the Nobility and States of this Realme , professors of the true Doctrine , may justly oppose themselves to her : But as concerning her Masse , I know it is Idolatry , but I am not yet resolved , Whether by violence we may take it from her , or not . The Superintendent of Fyfe said , That same is my conscience : And so affirmed some of the Nobility . But others voted frankly , and said , That as the Masse is abominable , so it is just and right that it should be suppressed ; And that in so doing , men did no more hurt to the Queens Majesty , then they that should by force take from her a poysoned cup , when she were a going to drink in it . Last Master Iohn Craig , fellow Minister with Iohn Knox in the Church of Edinburgh , was required to give his judgement and vote ; who said , I will gladly shew unto your Honours what I understand ; but I greatly doubt , Whether my knowledge and conscience shall satisfie you , seeing you have heard so many reasons , and are so little moved by them : But yet I will not conceale from you my judgement , adhering first to the Protestation of my Brother , to wit , That our voting prejudge not the Liberty of the Generall Assembly . I was ( said he ) in the University of Bonnonia , in the yeer of our Lord 1554. where , in the place of the black-Friers of the same Town , I saw in the time of their Generall Assembly this Conclusion set forth ; the same I heard reasoned , determined and concluded , to this sense . Conclusion . ALl Rulers , be they Supreme or Inferiour , may and ought to be reformed or bridled ( to speak moderately ) by them by whom they are chosen , confirmed or admitted to their Office , so oft as they break that promise made by Oath to their subjects ; Because that the Prince is no lesse bound by Oath to the subjects , then are the subjects to their Princes ; And therefore ought it to be kept and reformed equally , according to Law , and Condition of the Oath that is made of either party . This Conclusion ( my Lords ) I heard sustained and concluded , as I have said , in a most notable Auditory . The sustainer was a learned man , Master Thomas de Finola , Rector of the University , a man famous in that Countrey : Master Vincentins de Placentia affirmed the Conclusion to be most true and certain , agreeable both with the Law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation and conclusion , was a certain disorder and tyranny that was attempted by the Popes Governours , who began to make Innovations in the Countrie against the Laws that were before established , alleadging themselves not to be subject to such Laws , by reason that they were not instituted by the People , but by the Pope , who was King of that Countrey : And therefore they having full Commission and Authority of the Pope , may alter and change Statutes and Ordinances of the Countrey , without any consent of the people . Against this usurped Tyranny , the learned and the people opposed themselves : And when that all reasons which the Popes Governours could alleadge were heard and consulted , the Pope himself was fain to take up the matter , and to promise , not onely to keep the Liberty of the people , but also that he should neither abrogate any Law nor Statute , neither yet make any new Law , without their owne consent : And therefore , my Lord , ( said he ) my Vote and my Conscience is , That Princes are not onely bound to keep Laws and Promises to their subjects ; But also , That in case they fail , they justly may be bridled : For the Band betwixt the Prince and the People is reciprocall . Then start up a claw-back of that corrupt Court , and said , Ye wot not what ye say ; for ye tell us what was done in Bononia ; we are a Kingdom , and they are a Common-wealth . My Lord , ( said he ) my judgement is , That every Kingdom is , or at least should be a Common-wealth , albeit that every Common-wealth be not a Kingdom ; And therefore I think that in a Kingdom no lesse diligence ought to be taken that Laws ought not to be violated , then they ought to be in a Common-wealth , because that the tyranny of Princes who continuing in a Kingdom , is more hurtfull to the subjects , then is the mis-government of those that from yeer to yeer are changed , in free Common-wealths : But yet , my Lord , to assure you , and all others , that Head was disputed to the uttermost ; and then in the end was concluded , That they spake not of such things as were done in divers Kingdoms and Nations , by Tyrannie and negligence of people : But we conclude ( said they ) what ought to be done in all Kingdoms and Common-wealths , according to the Law of God , and unto the just Laws of man : And if by the negligence of the people , by the tyranny of Princes , contrary Laws have been made , yet may that same people , or their posterity , justly crave all things to be reformed according to the originall institution of Kings and Common-wealths ; and such as will not so do , deserve to eat the fruit of their own foolishnesse . M. Iames Markgow , then Clerk of the Register , perceiving the Votes to be different , and hearing the bold plainnesse of the foresaid servant of God , said , I remember that this same question was long debated on before in my house ; and there , by reason we were not all of one minde , it was concluded , That M. Knox in all our names , should have written to M. Calvin , for his jugement in the controversie . Nay , ( said M. Knox ) my Lord Secretary would not consent that I should write , alleadging , That the greatest weight of the answer stood in the Narrative ; and therefore promised , that he would write , and that I should see it : But when divers times I required him to remember his promise , I found nothing but delay . Whereunto the Secretary answered , True it is , I promised to write ; and true it is , That M. Knox required me so to do ; but when I had ripely advised , and deeply considered the weight of the matter , I found more doubts then I did before : And this is one , amongst others ; How durst I , being a subject , and the Queens Majesties Secretary , take upon me to seek resolution of controversies depending betwixt her Highnesse and her subjects , without her own knowledge and consent . Then was an acclamation of the claw-backs of the Court , as if Apollo had given his Responce : It was wisely and faithfully done . Well ( said Iohn Knox ) let worldly men praise worldly wisdome so highly as they please , I am assured , that by such shifts Idolatry is maintained , and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed , whereof God one day will be avenged . At the and at the like sharpnesse were many offended , the Voting ceased , and every Faction began to speak as affection moved ; then Iohn Knox in the end was commanded yet to write to Master Calvin , and to the learned in other Churches , to know their judgement in that Question ; which he refused , shewing his Reason , I my self am not onely full resolved in conscience , but also I have heard their judgements , in this and all other things that I have affirmed within this Realme , of the most godly and most learned that he knew in Europe ; I came not to this Realme without their Resolution ; and for my assurance I have the hand-writing of many : And therefore if I should now move the said Questions again , what should I do other , but either shew mine own ignorance and forgetfulnesse , or else inconstancy : And therefore it may please you to pardon me , in that I write not . But I will teach you the surer way , which is , That you write and complain upon me , That I teach publikely , and affirme constantly such doctrine which offends you ; and so shall you know their plain mindes , and whether that they and I agree in judgement , or not . Divers said the offer was good , but no man was found that would be the Secretary , and so did that Assembly and long reasoning break up ; After the which time the Ministers ( that were called precise ) were holden as Monsters of all the Courtiers . In all that time the Earle of Murray was so frame and strange to Iohn Knox , that neither by word nor writ was there any Communication betwixt them , &c. The end of the long reasoning betwixt John Knox and the Secretary , in the moneth of June , 1564. The end of the fourth Book . THE FIFTH BOOK Of the Reformation of the CHURCH Of SCOTLAND . IN the next Moneth , which was Iuly , the Queen went into Athole to the Hunting ; and from thence she made her Progresse into Murray , and returned to Fyfe in September . All this while there was appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens ; For there was many Letters , full of Civility and Complements sent from either of them to the other , in signe of Amity ; besides costly Presents for Tokens . And in the mean time the Earle of Lenox laboured to come home forth of England , and in the moneth of October he arrived at Halyrud-house , where he was graciously received by the Queens Majestie ; namely , When he had presented the Queen of England her Letters , written in his favour : And because he could not be restored to his Lands without Act of Parliament , therefore there was a Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh the 13 day of December : But before the Queen would cause to Proclaim a Parliament , she desired the Earle of Murray , by whose means chiefly the said Earle of Lenox came into Scotland , That there should no word be spoken , or at least concluded , that concerned Religion in the Parliament . But he answered , That he could not promise it . In the mean time , the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox were agreed . At the day appointed , the Parliament was held at Edinburgh , where the said Earle of Lenox was restored , after two and twenty yeers Exile : He was banished , and forfeited by the Hamiltons , when they had the rule . There were some Articles given in by the Church , especially for the abolishing of the Masse universally , and for punishment of vice ; but there was little thing granted , save that it was Statute , That scandalous livers should be punished first by prison , and then publikely shewne unto the people with ignominy ; but the same was not put in execution . In the end of this moneth of December , the generall Assembly of the Church was held at Edinburgh , many things were ordained for setling of the affaires of the Church . In the end of Ianuary the Queen past to Fyfe , and visiting the Gentlemens houses , was magnificently banquetted every where , so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realme ; which caused the wilde Fowl to be so dear , that Partridges were sold for a crown a piece . At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament , the confirmation of the Fewes of Church Lands , at the desire of divers Lords , whereof the Earle of Murray was chief . During the Queens absence , the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear Masse ; and seeing there was no punishment , they waxed more bold : some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen , upon a certain Sunday in February they made an Evensong of their own , setting two Priests on the one side of the Quire , and one or two on the other side , with Sandy Stevin , Menstrall ( Baptizing their children , and making Marriages ) who within eight dayes after convinced of Blasphemy , alleadging , That he would give no more credit to the New Testament , then to a Tale of Robin-Hood , except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church . The said superstitious Evensong was the occasion of a great slander , for many were offended with it ; which being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the Privy Councell , especially to the Earle of Murray , who lamented the cause to the Queens Majestie , shewing her what inconveniency should come , if such things were suffered unpunished : And after sharp reasoning it was promised , That the like should not be done hereafter : The Queen also alleadged , That they were a great number ; and that she could not trouble their conscience . About the 20 of this moneth arrived at Edinburgh , Henry Stewart , Lord Darley ; from thence he past to Fyfe : And in the Place of Weemes he was admitted to kisse the Queens hand ; whom she liked so well , that she preferred him before all others ; As shall hereafter , God willing , be declared . Soon after , in the Moneth of March , the Earle Bothwell arrived out of France ; whereat the Earle of Murray was highly offended , because of the evil report made to him of the Lord Bothwell ; And passing immediately to the Queens Majestie , demanded of her if it was her will , or by her advice , that he was come home ; and seeing he was his deadly enemy , either he or the other should leave the Countrey , and therefore desired that he might have Justice . Her answer was , That seeing the Earle Bothwell was a Noble-man , and had done her service , she could not hate him : Neverthelesse she would do nothing that might be prejudiciall to the Earle of Murray , but desired that the matter might be taken away : within few days she caused summon the Earl Bothwell , to answer to the course of Law the 2 of May , for the Conspiracy which the Earl of Arrane had alleadged two yeers before , and for the breaking of the Ward of the Castle . In the mean while there was nothing in the Court , but Banquetting , Balling , and Dancing , and other such pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite ; and all for the entertainment of the Queens Cousin from England , the Lord Darley , to whom she did shew all the expressions imaginable of love and kindenesse . Within few dayes , the Queen being at Sterlin , order was given to Secretary Lethington to passe to the Queen of England : The chief point of his Message was , to declare to the Queen of England , That the Queen was minded to marry her Cousin the Lord Darley ; and the rather , because he was so neer of Blood to both Queens : For by his mother , he was Cousin German to the Queen of Scotland , also of neer kindred , and of the same name by his father : His mother was Cousin German to the Queen of England . Here mark Gods providence ; King Iames the fifth having lost his two sons , did declare his resolution to make the Earl of Lenox his Heir of the Crown ; but he prevented by sudden death , that designe ceased : Then come the Earle of Lenox from France , with intenion to marry King Iames his Widow ; but that failed also : He marries Mary Dowglas , and his son marrieth Mary , King Iames the fifth his daughter : And so the Kings desire is fulfilled , to wit , The Crown continueth in the Name and in the Family . The Queen of England , neverthelesse , shewed her self nothing pleased therewith , but rather declared , That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such Contracts or Alliance that might be prejudiciall to her , and for the same purpose sent a Post to the Queen with Letters , wherein she complained greatly of the mind of our Mistris , seeing the great affection she bare to her , intending to declare her Heretrix of her Realm of England , providing onely that she would use her counsell in Marriage ; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord Darley , although he was their neer Cousin by Birth , since he was below the Rank of the Queen by Condition , being but a private subject . At the same time she wrote to the Earle of Lenox , and to his son , commanding them to repair both into England . Some write , That all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England ; and from her heart she was glad of the Marriage ; for by that means the Succession of the Crown of England was secured , the Lord Darley being the right Heir after the Queen of Scotland : and Queen Elizab. was not angry to see her married to one of inferiour Rank , for by that means she thought the Scots Queen would be lesse proud . During this time , there were certain Letters directed to the Brethren of Edinburgh , to Dundie , Fyfe , Angus and Mernes , and other places , from the Brethren of Kyle , and other places in the West Countrey , desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places , to remember what the Eternall God had wrought , and how potently he had abolished all kinde of Idolatry and superstition , and placed his Word in this Realm ; so that no man could say otherwise , but it was the Work of God ; who also had delivered this Countrey from the bondage and tyranny of strangers : Neverthelesse by our slothfulnesse , we have suffered that Idol the Masse , not onely to be planted again , but to encrease so , that the maintainers thereof are like , by all appearance , to get the upper hand , which would be the occasion of our destruction : And for that the Papists purposed to set up their Idol at Easter following , in all places ; which was to be imputed to the slothfulnesse , and want of godly zeal of the Professors : Therefore they admonished the Brethren to strive to avert the evil in time , & not to suffer such wickednesse to continue and encrease , lest that Gods heavie wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire . By these Letters many Brethren were animated , and their spirits wakened , minding to provide as God should give them grace : And first of all , by the advice of the most learned in Edinb . there was a Supplication made , and given to the Queens Majestie by the Superintendent of Lowthian , containing in effect . That the Church in generall of the Realme had divers times most humbly craved of her Majesty , That committers of Adultery should be punished according to the Law of God , and the Acts of Parliament , neverthelesse they continued in their wickednes ; and the Papists of obstinate malice pretended nothing else , but to erect and set up their Idolatry and Superstition ; and especially at Easter day following they intended to put the same in practice , which the Brethren and Professors of the Evangel could not suffer ; Therefore wished her Majestie to take heed of the matter . This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the Superintendents of Lowthian and Glasgow , and told them , in the Queenes Name , That there should be such provision made , as should serve to their contentment : And for the same purpose , the Queens Majestie writ to all such places as were suspected , especially to the Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Aberdeine ( as was said ) not to use any Masse ; And that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the Protestants , or convene any Councell , and thereto commanded them . Now the Communion was administred in Edinburgh the first day of April , 1565. At which time , because it was neer Easter , the Papists used to meet at their Masse : And as some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things , they having with them one of the Bayliffs , took one Sir Iames Carvet riding hard , as he had now ended the saying of the Masse , and conveyed him , together with the Master of the house , and one or two more of the assistants , to the Tolbuith , and immediately revested him with all his Garments upon him , and so carried him to the Market-Crosse , where they set him on high , binding the Chalice in his hand , and himself fast tyed to the ●aid Crosse , where he tarried the space of one hour ; During which time , the boyes served him with his Easter egges . The next day following , the said Carvet , with his assistants , were accused and convinced by an Assize , according to the Act of Parliament : And albeit for the same offence he deserved death , yet for all punishment , he was set upon the Market-Crosse for the space of three or four hours , the hang-man standing by , and keeping him , the boyes and others were busie with egges casting ; and some Papists there were , that stopped as far as they could : And as the preasse of people encreased about the Crosse , there appeared to have beene some tumult . The Provest , Archibald Dowglas , came with some Halberdiers , and carried the Priest safe againe to the Tolbuith . The Queen being advertised , and having received sinister information that the Priest was dead , suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some extreme punishment , for she thought that all this was done in contempt of her , and of her Religion ; and it was affirmed , That the Towne should have beene sacked , and a great number executed to death ; she sent to such as she pleased , commanding them to come to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole Forces ; and in the mean time she sent her Advocate Master Spence of Condie to Edinburgh , to take a sure triall of the matter . The Provest and Councell wrote to the Queen the truth of the matter as it was , desiring her Majestie to take the same in good part , and not to give credit to false reports ; and therewith sent to her Majestie the Processe and enrolment of the Court of the Priest Conviet . Thus the Queens Majesty being informed of the truth by her said Advocate , sent againe and stayed the said meeting of men , and sent to the Town a grave Letter , whereof the Copie followeth . ❧ The Queens Letter to the Provest , Bailiffe , and Councell of Edinburgh . PRrovest , Bayliffe and Councell of our Citie of Edinburgh , We received your Letter from our Advocate , and understand by this report what diligence you took to stay the Tumult in the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh ; wherein , as you did your duty in suppressing the Tumult , so can we not take in good part , nor thinke our self satisfied of so notorious a thing , without certain seditious persons , who were pleased to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates Authoritie , be condignly and really punished for their rashnesse and misbehaviour ; for if all private Persons should usurpe to take vengeance at their owne hands , What lies in ours ? And to what purpose hath good Laws and Statutes been established ? Since therefore we have never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offendors , prescribed by the Lawes , but have alwayes maintained Iustice in that case without respect of persons . It is Our will , and We command you , as you will answer to Us upon your obedience and allegiance , That you will take before you certaine of the most responsall persons which are declared Authors of the said Sedition , and usurpers of our Authority , and to administer Iustice upon them , in such sort as We may know a sinceritie on your parts , and Our Authority no wayes slighted . But if you faile , perswade your selves , ( and that shortly ) we will not oversee it , but will account this Contempt not onely to be in the Committers thereof , but in your selves , who ought to punish it , and relieve us on our part , remitting the rest to your diligence and execution , which we look for so soon as reason will permit . Subscribed with Our Hand at STERLIN , this 24 of April , Anno 1565. BY this manner of writing and high threatning , may be perceived how grievously the Queens Majestie would have been offended if the said Tarbot and Masse-monger had been handled according to his demerite , being not onely a Papist Idolater , but a manifest Whoremaster , and a common Fighter and blasphemer ; neverthelesse within few dayes the Queen charged the Provest and Bailiffs to set him at libertie , commanding them further , That no man should trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause , and soon after rewarded him with a Benefice , and likewise his Assisters Iohn Low and Iohn Kennedie set at libertie in the same manner . At this Easter-Tyde in Sterlin the Queen made her domestick servants use Papisticall Rites and Ceremonies , and more , she perswaded others by faire means to do the same , and threatned those that were most constant at the Earle of Cassels House . Upon the second day of May 1565. conveened at Edinburgh the Earle of Murray with his friends in great numbers to keepe the day of Law against the Earle Bothwell , who being called , appeared not , onely the Laird of Rickerton protested , That the personall absence of the Earle Bothwell should not be prejudiciall to him , by reason that for just fear , which might happen in the heart of any man , since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray , who , next the Queens Majesty was of greatest estimation and Authority of any man within this Realm , to whom assisted at this present day of Law , seven or eight hundred men , which Force he could not resist , and therefore had absented himself ; which Protestation being made , those that had been Sureties for his appearance , were Outlawed . The said Earle Bothwell a few dayes after past into France , after he had been in Liddesdale , where suspecting almost every man , he was not in great assurance of his life , notwithstanding he was not put to the Horne , for the Queen continually bore a great favour towards him , and kept him to be a Souldier , as appeared within lesse then half a year ; for she would not suffer the Lord Morton , nor my Lord Ariskin , my Lord of Murrayes great friends to keep the day ; There assisted my Lord of Murray , the Earles of Argyle , Glencarne , and Crawford , with great numbers , and many Lords and Barons , who for the most part conveened the same Afternoon to Treat and Consult for the maintaining of Religion ; where some Articles were devised , and delivered to the Lord of Murray to be presented to the Queens Majestie and privie Councell , which Articles were enlarged at the generall assembly following , as shall be declared . In the meane time , as they were informed in Court of this great Assembly of people in Edinburgh , they were affraid , for naturally the Queen-hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own presence , and devised by her self . The chief Counsellors in the Court , were the Earls of Lenox and Athole . The Queen writ incontinent for all the Lords to come to Sterlin , so soone as she was advertised that they had Treated in Edinburgh of Religion ; She Writ likewise for the superintendants and other learned men who went thither , and being there they caused to keep the Ports or Gates , and make good Watch about the Towne . The speciall cause of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darley Title of Honour openly and solemnly , with consent of the Nobles , before the marriage . The fourth day of May the Earle of Murray came to Sterlin , where he was well received by the Queens Majestie , as appeared , and immediately , as he past with her to my Lord Darleys Chamber , they presented to him a Contract , containing in effect , That forasmuch , as , or since , the Queen had contracted Marriage with the Lord Darley , and that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobilitie had under-written , ratified and approved the same , and obliged themselves to grant unto him in full Parliament the Crowne Matrimoniall , ( by a new Court Solecisme in Policie , the Crowne for the second time is sirnamed Matrimoniall ; ( before , when the Queen was first married , it was so called also ) to serve and obey him and her as their Lawfull Soveraignes . The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe , as many others had done before ; which hee refused to do , Because ( said he ) it is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present , at least the principall , and such as he himself was posteriour unto , before that so grave a matter should be advised and concluded . The Queens Majesty no wayes content with this Answer , insisted still upon him , saying , The greatest part of the Nobilitie were there present and content with the matter , wished him to be so much a Stewart , as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the Family , and the sirname , according to their Fathers Will and desire , as was said of him a little before his death : But he still refused for the causes above written . Now as the Lords were assembled , an Ambassadour from England named sir Nicholas Throckmorton arrived at Sterlin , and in his company the Laird of Lethington ; the Ambassadour was at the Castle Gate or ever they were aware ; and as he stood there in the Entry , he was desired to passe to his Lodgings . The next day he had audience of the Queen , and was graciously received according to the dignity of his Message . The whole summe of this his Message was , to shew and declare to the Queene , how highly the Queene his Mistris was offended with this precipitated Marriage , and wondred what had moved her to take a man of inferiour rank and condition , to her selfe : And therefore disswaded her therefrom . And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home her Subjects the Earle of Lennox and the Lord Darley : But all in vaine for the matter was well farre proceeded . In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage ; first , because if Q. Mary had married a forraigne Prince , it had been an accesse to her Greatnesse , and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other ; next both Harry and Mary were alike and in equall degree of Consanguinitie unto her , the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being Children to her fathers sister . With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassadour depart , promising to do all she could to satisfie the Queen of England ; and for the same purpose she would send an Ambassador to her . In the meane time the Queens marriage with the Lord Darley , was prepared and propounded in Councell , and the chief of the Nobilitie , such as the Duke , the Earles of Argyle , Murray , Glencarne , with the rest , granted freely to the same , providing that they might have the Religion established in Parliament , by the Queene , and the Idolatrous Masse and Superstition abolished , shortly it was concluded , That they should convene again to Saint Iohnstoun , where the Queen promised to take a finall order for Religion . The day was appointed , to wit , the last of May at Perth , my Lord of Argile came too late . The Queens Majestie communed with the Lords , who were very plain with her , saying , Except the Masse were abolished , there should be no quietnesse in the Countrey . The twelfth day of May the Lord Darley was Belted , ( that is , Created ) Earle of Rosse , with great solemnity , a Belt or Girdle being tyed about his waste or middle ; and albeit all kinde of provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay , yet at that time it came not to effect , albeit the Crown and Robe-Royall were prepared to him for the same . For the entertainment of this Triumph there were many Knights made , to the number of 14. The next day , which was the 13 of May , the Queen called for the Super-intendants , by name Iohn Willock , Iohn Winram , and Iohn Spotswood , whom she cherished with fair words , assuring them that she desired nothing more earnestly then the glory of God and satisfying of mens consciences , and the good of the Common-wealth ; and albeit she was not perswaded in any Religion but in that wherein she was brought up , yet she promised to them that she would hear Conference and Disputation in the Scriptures : And likewise she would be content to hear publike preaching , but alwayes out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majestie ; and above all others she said she would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus ( for he was a milde and sweet natur'd man ) with true honesty and uprightnesse . Sir Ariskin of Dun. Soon after the Queen past to Saint Iohnstons , after that she had directed Master Iohn Hay Prior of Monimusk to passe to England , who sped at the Queen of Englands hand even as sir Nicholas Throckmorton did in Scotland . Before the day , which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Iohnston , my Lord of Murray most carefull of the maintenance of Religion , sent to all the principall Churches , advertising them of the matter , and desiring them to advise , and send the most able men in Learning and Reputation , to keep the day ; but their craft and dissimulation appeared , for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of France , with others , such as Mr. Iohn Lesley Parson of Vure , afterward Bishop of Rosse , caused the Queen to understand that thing whereof she was easily perswaded , to wit , That there ought to be given to all men libertie of conscience , and for this purpose to shun or put off the first day appointed ; The Queen writ to the Nobility , that because she was informed that there was great meetings out of every Shire and Town in great number ; and then the other partie ( so termed she the Papists ) were minded together to the said Convention , which should apparently make trouble or sedition , rather then any other thing ; therefore she thought it expedient , and willed them to stay the said meetings , and to deferre the same till such a day that she should appoint with advice of her Councell . At this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh the twentieth day of Iuly . By this Letter , some of the Protestants having best judgement , thought themselves sufficiently warned of the Inconveniences and troubles to come . Now her Councell at this time , was onely the Earles of Lenox and Athole , the Lord Ruthen , but chiefely David Rizio the Italian ruled all ; yet the Earle of Rosse already in greatest credit and familiarity . These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and twentieth day of May ; and within twelve dayes thereafter , she directed new Missives to the chief of the Nobility , desiring or , commanding them , to come to Saint Iohnston the three and twentieth day of Iune following , to consult upon such things as concerned Religion , and other things as her Majesty should propose ; Which day , was even the day before that the generall Assembly should have been held in Edinburgh . This last Letter uttered the effect of the former ; so that the Protestants thought themselues sufficiently warned . Always as the Earle of Murray was passing to Saint Iohnston to have kept the said day , he chanced to fall sick of the Fluxes in Lochlevin , where he remained till the Queen came forth of Saint Iohnston to Edinburgh , where the generall Assembly of the whole Church of Scotland was held , the four and twentieth day of Iuly . The Earls of Argyle and Glencarne assisted the Church with a great company of Lords , Barons , and others : It was there ordered and concluded , That certain Gentlemen , as Commissioners from the Church National , should passe to the Queens Majesty , with certain Articles , to the number of six , desiring her most humbly to ratifie and approve the same in Parliament . And because the said Articles are of great weight , and worthy of memory , I thought good to insert the same word by word . IMprimis , That the Papisticall and Blaspemous Masse , with all Papisticall Idolatry , and Papall Iurisdiction , be universally supprest and abolisht thorowout this Realme , not onely in the Subjects , but also in the Queens own Person , with punishment against all persons that should be deprehended to transgresse and offend in the same : And that the sincere Word of God , and Christs true Religion now at this present received , be published , approved , and ratified , thorowout the whole Realm , as well in the Queens owne Person , as in the subjects : And that the people be to resort upon the Sundayes at the least , to the Prayers , and Preaching of Gods Word , even as they were before to the Idolatrous Masse : And these Heads to be provided by Act of Parliament , and ratified by the Queens Majesty . Secondly , That provision be made for sustentation of the Ministry , as well for the time present , as the time to come : And that such persons as are presently admitted to the Ministery , may have their Livings assigned unto them , in places where they travell in their Calling , or at least next adjacent thereto : And that the Benefices now vacant , or hath been vacant since the Moneth of March , 1558. or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant , be disposed to qualified and learned persons , able to preach Gods Word , and discharge the Vocation concerning the Ministery , by Tryall and Admission of the Superintendents and Overseers : And that no Benefice or Living , having many Churches annexed thereunto , be disposed altogether in any time to come , to any man , but at the least the Churches thereof be severally disposed , and that to severall persons ; So that every man having Charge , may serve at his owne Church , according to his Vocation : And to that effect , likewise the Gleebs and the Manses , be given to the Ministers , that they may make residency at their Churches , whereby they may discharge their consciences according to their Vocation ; and also that the Kirks may be repaired accordingly ; And that a Law be made and established hereupon by Act of Parliament , as said is . Thirdly , That none be permitted to have charge of Souls , Colledges , or Universities , neither privately or publikely teach & instruct the youth , but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents or Visitors of Churches , and found sound and able in Doctrine , and admitted by them to their Charges . Fourthly , For the sustentation of the poor ; That all Lands founded for Hospitality of old , be restored again to the same use : And that all Lands , Annals , Rents , or any other Emoluments pertaining any wayes sometimes to the Friers , of whatsoever Order they had been of ▪ As likewise the Annuities , Alterages , Obits , and the other Duties pertaining to Priests , to be applied to the sustentation of the poor , and uphold of the Town-Schools in Towns , and other places where they be . Fifthly , That such horrible crimes as now abound within this Realme without any correction , To the great contempt of God and his Word ; such as Idolatry , Blasphemie of Gods Name , manifest breaking of the Sabbath day , Witchcraft , Sorcery , Inchantment , Adultery , manifest Whoredome , maintenance of Bordals , Murther , Slaughter , Oppression , with many other detestable Crimes , may be severely punished ; and Iudges appointed in every Province and Diocesse , for execution thereof , with power to do the same ; and that by Act of Parliament . Lastly , That some order be devised and established for ease of the poor Labourers of the Ground , concerning the reasonable payment of the Tythes , who are oppressed by the Leasers of the Tythes set over their heads without their own con-consent and advise . The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles and present them to the Queens Majestie , were the Lairds of ●unningham-Head , Lundie , Spot and Grange of Angus , and Iames Baron for the Broughs : These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Iohnston , where they presented the said Articles to the Queens Majestie , desiring and requiring her Highnesse most humbly to advise therewith , and to give them answer . The next day , ere they were aware , the Queen departed to Dunkeld , and immediately they followed ; And after they had gotten audience , they desired the Queens Majestie most humbly to give their dispatch . She answered , That her Councell was not there present , but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight dayes , and there they should receive their answer . At the same time , as the generall Assembly was holden in Edinburgh , the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag , and trouble like to be , they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard Cragg , where they concluded they would defend themselves ; and for the same purpose , elected eight persons of the most able , two of every Quarter , to see that the Brethren should be ready armed . And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court four or five dayes after her Majesties coming to Edinburgh , there the matter was proposed in Councell : And after long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles , at length it was answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary , That the Queens Majesties command was , That the matter should be reasoned in her presence ; which for the gravity of the same , there could nothing be concluded at that time , albeit the Queens Majestie had heard more in that matter , then ever she did before : But within eight dayes thereafter , she understood that a great part of the Nobility should be present in Edinburgh , where they should have a finall answer . At length , the one and twentieth of August , they received the answer in Writing in her presence , according to the Tenour hereof as followeth . The Queens Majesties Answer to the Articles presented to Her Highnesse , by certain Gentlemen , in the Name of the whole Assemblie of the Church . TO the first , Desiring the Masse to be suppressed and abolished , as well in the Head , as in the Members , with punishment against the Contraveners ; As also , the Religion professed to be established by Act of Parliament , it was answered , first for her Majesties part , That her Highnesse is no way yet perswaded in the said Religion , nor yet that any impiety is in the Masse ; and therefore believeth , That her loving subjects will not presse her to receive any Religion against her conscience , which should be unto her a continuall trouble by remorse of conscience , and therewith a perpetuall unquietnesse . And to deale plainly with her Subjects , her Majesty neither will , nor may leave the Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up ; and believeth the same to be well grounded ; Knowing , besides the grudge of conscience that she should receive , upon the change of her owne Religion , That she should lose the friendship of the King of France , the married Allia of this Realme , and of other great Princes her Friends and Confederates , who would take the same in evil part , and of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities ; And having no assured consideration that may countervaile the same , she will be loth to put in hazard all her friends at an instant , praying all her loving subjects , seeing they have had experience of her goodnesse , that she hath neither in times past , nor yet intends hereafter , to presse the conscience of any , but that they may worship God in such sort , as they are perswaded in their conscience to be best , That they will also not presse her conscience . As to the establishing of Religion in the Body of the Realme , they themselves know , as appears by their Articles , That the same cannot be done onely by consent of her Majestie , but requires necessarily the consent of the States in Parliament , and therefore so soon as the Parliament holds , those things which the States agree upon amongst themselves , her Majestie shall consent unto the same ; and in the mean time shall make sure , That no man be troubled for ●sing Religion according to conscience ; So that no man shall have cause to doubt , That for Religions sake mens Lives and Heritage shall be in any hazard . To the second Article , it is answered , That her Majestie thinks it no wayes reasonable , that she should defraud her self of so great a part of the Patrimony of the Crowne , as to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her own hands ; for her owne necessity , in bearing of her Port and common Charges , will require the retention thereof , and that in a good part , in her owne hands : Neverthelesse her Majestie is well pleased , That consideration being had of her owne necessity ; And what may be sufficient for the reasonable sustentation of the Ministers , a speciall Assignation be made to them in places most commodious and meet : With which her Majesty shall not meddle , but suffer the same to come to them . To the third Article it is answered , That her Majestie shall do therein as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament . To the fourth Article , Her Majesties liberality towards the poore shall alwayes be so far extended , as can be reasonably required at her hands . To the fifth and sixth Articles , Her Majesty will refer the taking order therein , unto the States assembled in Parliament . As the Queens Majestie came from Saint Iohnston , over Forth to the Callender , she was conveyed to the Water side of Forth with two hundred Spears : For at that time it was bruted , That there was some lying in wait at the Path of Dron . In the mean time the Earle of Murray was in Locklevin , and the Earle of Argyle with him . Now in the Callender the Lord Levingston had desired the Queens Majestie to be Witnesse to the Christning of a childe ; For his Lady was lately delivered and brought to Bed : And when the Minister made the Sermon and Exhortation concerning Baptisme , the Queens Majestie came in the end , and said to the Lord Levingston , That she would shew him that favour that she had not done to any other before ; that is , That she would give her presence to the Protestant Sermon , which was reckoned a great matter . The Queen being in the Callender , was informed both by word and Letters by false Brethren , That a great part of the Protestants of Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonards Craigs , and there made a Conspiration against her ; And had chosen for the same purpose , certain Captains to governe the rest ; And without any Tryall , or perfect notice taken in the Case , she sent to the Provest and Bayliffs of Edinburgh , commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie , Alexander Clerke , Gilbert Lawder , and Andrew Slater , and put them in prison in the Castle . This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very strange : And because the said four persons were not apprehended , she sent the next day a Charge to the Provest and Bayliffs , and to her owne great Treasurer , to passe to the houses of the said foure men , and likewise to their Booths or Shops , and there to take Inventory of all their Goods and Chattells ; And commanded the said Treasurer to take the Keyes of the said Houses and Booths , together with the said Inventory ; which was executed in effect , especially upon the said Alexander Guthrie his wife , he being then common Clerke , and one of the greatest in estimation within the Towne ; his wife and children were shut out of their house , and compelled to seek some other lodging in the Town . By this manner of proceeding , the hearts of all men of spirit and judgement were wonderfully abashed and wounded , seeing and perceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong Information , men never called to their answer , nor heard , nor any triall taken therein . Immediatly thereafter as she came to Edinburgh , she called to counsell such as pleased her Majestie , and there complains of the said matter , alleadging it to be a Conspiracy and manifest Treason . And another matter likewise was complained upon , That the Earle of Argile ( as the Queen was surely informed ) was riding with a great Army to invade the Earle of Athole and his Lands . For the first matter it was concluded by the Councell , That diligent inquisition should be made in the matter , and to that purpose appointed the Queens Advocates M. Iohn Spence of Condie , and M. Robert Crichton to examine such as they would ; and when the said Advocates had called before them , and examined a sufficient number , and their depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen , there was nothing found worthy of death nor Treason ; at length the said four persons were summoned to answer at Law. For the matter , That the Queens Majesty should send to the Earles of Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants to take order touching it . And when the Secretary , the Justice Clarke and Lord of Saint Colme had past to the said Earle of Argyle , they found no such thing ; but in Athole there was great fear come of a sudden fray ; for after many Proclamations , the Fire-Crosse ( which they made use of in lieu of Beacons ) was raised in Athole . Now as the day of the Parliament approached , the Lords pretending to consult before , what should be done , as well in Religion , as for the Commonwealth , the fifteenth day of Iuly there conveened at Sterlin the Duke , the Earles of Argyle and Murray , Rothes , and other Lords and Barons , and as they were devising and consulting , the Queens Majesty taking their meeting in evill part , sent her Advocates Master Iohn Spence and Master Crichton to them at Sterlin , requiring the cause of their meeting ; they answered , That the speciall occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof , according as they had lately written to the Queens Majesty in S●aton from the town of Edinburgh , they desiring then to prorogate the day . Finally , when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to come to Edinburgh , they returned again to Edinburgh and declared to the Queens Majestie according as they had found . In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queens Majesties command to the first of September next after following ; for it was thought , That the least part and principall of the chiefe Nobility being absent , there could no Parliament be holden : at the same time the Queens Majestie perceiving that the matter was already come to a maturity and ripenesse , so that the mindes and secrecy of mens hearts must needs be disclosed , she wrote to a great number of Lords , Barons , Gentlmen , and others that were nearest in Fife , Angus Lowthian , Mers Tevimdale , Perth , Lithgow Clidsdall , and others to resort to her , in this forme of words hereafter following . The Queens Letter . TRusty friend , We greet you well ; we are grieved indeed by the evill bruite spread amongst our Lieges , as that we should have molested any man in the using of his Religion and Conscience freely , a thing which never entred into our minde ; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such reports hath made them carelesse , and so we think it becomes us to be carefull for the safety and preservation of our state ; wherefore we pray you most affectionately , That with all possible hast ( after the receipt of this our Letter ) you with your kindred , friends and whole Force , well furnished with Arms for Warre , be provided for , fifteen dayes after your coming , addresse you to come to us , to waite and attend upon us , according to our expectation and trust in you , as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear to the maintenance of our Authoritie , and will doe us therein acceptable service . Subscribed with Our Hand at Edinburgh , the seventeenth day of July , 1565. THere was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh , That the Queen minded not the trouble , nor alter the Religion ; and also Proclamations made in the Shires above mentioned , for the same purpose , That all Freeholders and other Gentlemen should resort ( in the aforesaid manner ) to Edinbronth , where the Earle of Rosse was made Duke of Rothesay , with great triumph , the 23 day of Iuly . The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earle of Murray in open audience of all the Lords and Barons ; and the same day the Bans of the Earle of Rosse , and Duke of Rothesay , and the Queens Marriage were proclaimed . About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earle of Marre . In the mean time there were divers Messages sent from the Queens Majestie to the Lord of Murray , first , Master Robert Crichton to perswade him by all meanes possible to come and resort to the Queens Majestie : his answer was , That he would be glad to come to her self , according to his bounden duty ; yet for as much as such persons as were most privie in her company , were his capitall enemies , who also had conspired his death , he could no wayes come so long as they were in Court. Soon after my Lord Erskin and the Master Maxwell past to him to S. Andrews , rather suffered and permitted by the Queen , then sent by her Highnesse ; after them the Laird of Dun , who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar , but all this did not prevail with him ; and when all hope of his coming was past , an Herald was sent to him , charging him to come to the Queens Majesty , and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge within eight and fourty hours next after the Charge , under pain of Rebellion ; and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and forty hours , he was denounced Rebell , and put to the Horne . The same order they used against the Earle of Argyle , for the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had mete to others , meaning the said Argyle . In the mean while , as the fire was well kindled , and enflamed , all means and wayes were sought , to stir up enemies against the chief Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin ; for the Earle of Athole was ready bent against the Earle of Argyle : the Lord Lindsay against the Earle Rothesse in Fyfe , they being both Protestants ; for they had contended now a long time for the Heir-ship of Fyfe : And that no such thing should be left undone , the Lord Gordon , who now had remained neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar , was , after some little travell of his friends , received by the Queen ; and being thus received into favour , was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon , and soon after to the Earldom of Huntley , and to all his Lands , Honours and Dignities , that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earle of Murray . The 18 of Iuly , late in the evening , neer an hour after the Suns going down , there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh , containing in effect : THat forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God , the Queen had taken to her husband a right excellent and illustrious Prince , Harry Duke of Rothesay , Earle of Rosse , Lord Darley , Therefore it was her Will , That he should be holden and obeyed , and reverenced as King : Commanding all Letters and Proclamations to be made in the Names of Henry and Mary in times coming . The next day following , at six hours in the morning , they were marryed in the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-house , by the Dean of Lestarrig ; the Queen being all clothed in Mourning : But immediately , as the Queen went to Masse , the King went not with her , but to his Pastime . During the space of three or four dayes , there was nothing but Balling and Dancing , and Banqueting . In the mean time , the Earle Rothesse , the Laird of Grange , the Tutor Pitcur , with some Gentlemen of Fyfe , were put to the Horne , for none appearance ; And immediately the Swash , Tabron , and Drums , were stricken or beaten , for men of War to serve the King and Queens Majestie , and to take their Pay. This sudden alteration , and hasty creation of Kings , moved the hearts of a great number . Now amongst the people there were divers brutes ; for some alleadged , That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion , but rather for hatred , envie of sudden promotion or dignity , or such worldly causes : But they that considered the progresse of the matter , according as is heretofore declared , thought the principall cause to be onely for Religion . In this mean time , the Lords past to Argyle , taking apparantly little care of the trouble that was to come : Howbeit they sent into England M. Nicolas Elphinston for support , who brought some Moneys in this Countrey , to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin . There came one forth of England to the Queen , who got Presence the seventh of August in Halyrud-house . He was not well , &c. About the fifteenth of August , the Lords met at Aire , to wit , the Duke Hamilton , the Earles Argile , Murray , Glencarne , Rothesse , the Lord Boyd , and Ochiltrie , with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fife and Kyle , where they concluded to be in readinesse with their whole Forces the four and twentieth day of August . But the King and Queene with great cerity prevented them , for their Majesties sent thorow Lowthian , Fife , Angus , Stratherne , Tividaile and Chiddisdaile and other Shires , making their Proclamations in this manner , That forasmuch as certaine Rebels , who ( under colour of Religion ) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the Common-wealth , were to convene with such , as they might perswade to assist them ; therefore they charged all manner of men under pain of Life , Lands , and Goods , to resort and meet their Majesties at Linlithgow the 24 day of August . This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third pay of the said moneth . Upon Sunday the ninteenth of August , the King came to the high Kirke of Edinburgh , where Iohn Knox made the Sermon ; his Text was taken out of the six and twentieth Chapter of Esayas his Prophesie , about the thirteenth Verse , where in the words of the Prophet , he said , O Lord our God , other Lords then thou have ruled over us . Whereupon he tooke occasion to speake of the government of wicked Princes , who for the sinnes of the people are sent as Tyrants and scourges to plague them : And amongst other things he said , That God sets in that room ( for the offences and ingratitude of the people ) Boyes and women . And so other words which appeared bitter in the Kings ears , as , That God justly punished Ahab and his Posterity , because he would not take order with that Harlot Iezabel . And because he had tarried an hour and more , longer then the time appointed , the King ( sitting in a Throne made for that purpose ) was so moved at this Sermon , that he would not Dine ; and being troubled , with great fury he past in the afternoon to the Hawking . Immediately Iohn Knox was commanded to come to the Councell , where in the Secretaries Chamber were convened the Earle of Athole , the Lord Ruthven , the Secretary , the Justice Clarke , with the Advocate . There passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent men of the Towne . When he was called , the Secretary declared , That the Kings Majestie was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon , ( especially such as are above rehearsed ) desiring him to abstaine from preaching for fifteen or twenty dayes , and let Master Craig supply the place . He answered , That he had spoken nothing but according to his Text , and if the Church would command him either to speake or abstain , he would obey so far as the Word of God would permit him . Within four dayes after , the King and Queen sent to the Councell of Edinburgh , commanding them to depose Archibald Dowglas , and to receive the Laird Craigmiller for their Provest , which was presently obeyed . The five and twentieth of August the King and Queens Majesties past from Edinburgh to Linlithgow , and from thence to Sterlin , and from Sterlin to Glasgow . At their first arrivall , their whole people were not come . The next day after their arrivall to Glasgow , the Lords came to Paisley , where they remained that night , being in company about one thousand horses . On the morrow they came to Hamilton , keeping the high passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow , where the King and Queen easily might behold them . The night following , which was the penult of August , they remained in Hamilton with their Company ; but for divers respects moving them , they thought it not expedient to tarry ; especially , because the Earle of Argyle was not come ; for his Diet was not afore the second of September following , to have been at Hamilton . Finally , they took purpose to come to Edinburgh , the which they did the next day . And albeit Alexander Areskin , Captain under the Lord his brother , caused to shoot forth of the Castle two Shot of Cannon , they being neer the Towne ; And likewise that the Laird Craigmiller Provest , did his endeavour to hold the Lords forth of the Towne , in causing the common Bells to be rung , for the convening of the Towne , to the effect aforesaid , yet they entred easily at the West Port or Gate , without any molestation or impediment , being in number , as they esteemed themselves , one thousand three hundred Horses . Immediately they dispatched Messengers Southward and Northward to assist them ; but all in vain : And immediately after they were in their Lodgings , they caused to strike or beat the Drum , desiring all such men as would receive Wages for the defence of the Glory of God , That they should resort the day following to the Church , where they should receive good Pay : But they profited little that way ; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support , for none or few resorted unto them ; yet they got more rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh , then they had done in five or six nights before . The Noble-men of this Company were , The Duke , The Earles Murray , Glencarne , and Rothesse ; The Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie ; The Lairds of Grange , Cunningham-head , Balcomie , and Lavers ; The T●tor of Pitcur ; The Lairds of Barr , Carmell , and Dreghorn ; And the Laird of Pittarow Comptroller , went with them : Some said merrily , That they were come to keepe the Parliament , for the Parliament was continued till the first day of September : Upon the which day they wrote to the King and Queens Majesties a Letter , containing in effect , That albeit they were persecuted most unjustly , which they understood proceeded not of the King and Queens Majesties own Nature , but onely by evil Counsell , yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer according to the Lawes of the Realm , providing that the true Religion of God might be established , and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed : Beseeching their Majesties most humbly to grant these things : But otherwise , if their enemies would seek their blood , they should understand , It should be dear bought . They had written twice , almost to the same effect , to the King and Queens Majesties , after their passing from Edinburgh ; for the Laird of Preston presented a Letter to the King and Queens Majestie , and was therefore imprisoned , but soon after released ; neverthelesse they got no answer . The same day that they departed out of Hamilton , the King and Queens Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes : And passing towards Hamilton , the Army met their Majesties neer the Bridge of Cadder : As they mustered , the Master of Maxwell sate downe upon his knees , and made a long Oration to the Queen , declaring what pleasure she had done to them , and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earle Murray . Soon after , they marched forward in Battell aray : The Earle of Lenox took the Van-guard , the Earle of Mortoun the middle Battell , and the King and Queen the Reere : The whole number were about five thousand men , whereof the greatest part were in the Van-guard . As the King and Queens Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton , they were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning ; but where they pretended to be that night , it was uncertain : Alwayes soon after their returne to Glasgow , the King and Queen were certainly advertised , That they were past to Edinburgh ; and therefore caused immediately to warne the whole Army to passe with them to Edinburgh the next day ; who early in the morning , long before the Sun was risen , began to march : But there arose such a vehement Tempest of winde and raine from the West , as the like had not been seen before in a long time ; so that a little brook , turned incontinent into a great River ; and the raging storme being in their face , with great difficulty went they forward : And albeit the most part waxed weary , yet the Queens courage encreased man-like so much , that she was ever with the foremost . There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of Carren ; and amongst others , the Kings Master , a notable Papist , who for the zeal he bare to the Masse , carried about his neck a round god of bread , well closed in a Case , which alwayes could not serve him . Before the end of August , there came a post to the Queens Majestie , sent by Alexander Areskin , who declared , That the Lords were in the Town of Edinburgh , where there was a multitude of innocent persons , and therefore desired to know if he should shoot . She commanded incontinent that he should return again to the said Alexander , and command him , in her name , That he should shoot so long as he had either Powder or Bullet , and not spare for any body . At night , the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender , where they remained that night , and about eight hours at night , the first of September , the Post came again to the Castle , and reported the Queenes Command to Alexander Areskin , who incontinently caused to shoot six or seven shot of Cannon , whereof the marks appeared , having respect to no reason , but onely to the Queens Command . The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh , nor Souldiers for money , albeit they had travelled all that they could ; and being advertised of the Queens returning with her whole Company , they took purpose to depart : And so the next day betimes , long before day , they departed with their whole Company , and came to Lanrik , and from thence to Hamilton , where the Master of Maxwell came to them , with his Uncle the La●rd of Dumlanrick . And after consultation , the said Master wrote to the Queens Majesty , That being required by the Lords as he was passing homeward , he could not refuse to come to them ; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their Army , they thought it expedient to passe to Dumfreis to repose them , where they would consult and make their Officers , and send to their Majesties : And thus beseeching their Majesties to take this in good part . The Town of Edinburgh sent two of the Councell of the Town to make their excuse . The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin , and sent to Edinburgh , and caused a Proclamation to be made , commanding all men to returne to Glasgow , where having remained three or four dayes : And understanding that the Lords were past to Dumfreis , they returned to Sterlin , and from thence to Fyfe ; And in their passage , caused to take in Castle Campbell , which was delivered without impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar . Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin , there came from Edinburgh two Ensignes of Foot-men , to convey them into Fyfe . In the mean time the Burroughs were taxed in great Sums unaccustomed , for the payment of these Souldiers : Farther , there was raised divers Troops of Horse-men , to the number of five or six hundred Horse . The Souldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lords wages ; which two men being accused and convinced of , at the Queens Command , were hanged at Edinburgh , the third day after the Lords departing . At this time , M. Iames Balfour , Parson of Flesk , had gotten all the guiding in the Court. The third day after the Queens coming to Fyfe , the whole Barons and Lairds of Fyfe , convoyed her Majestie , till she came to S. Andrewes , where the said Lairds and Barons , especially the Protestants , were commanded to subscribe to a Band , containing in effect , That they obliged themselves to defend the King and Queens Persons , against Englishmen and Rebells : And in case they should come to Fyfe , they should resist them to their utmost power ; Which Charge every man obeyed . The second night after the Queens coming to S. Andrews , she sent a Band or Troop of Horse-men , and another of Foot , to Lundie , and at midnight took out the Laird , being a man of 80 yeers old : Then they past to Fawside , and took likewise Thomas Scot , and brought him to Saint Andrewes , where they , with the Laird of Bavard , and some others , were commanded to prison . This manner of handling and usage being o●kend and strange , were heavily spoken of , and a great terrour to others , who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come . In the mean time the houses of the Earles of Murray , Rothesse , and the houses of divers Gentlemen , were given in keeping to such as the Queen pleased , after that their children and servants had been cast out . At the same time the Duke , the Earls of Glencarne and Argyle , the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie , with the Lord of Cunningham-head , and the rest , were charged to come and present themselves in S. Andrews , before the King and Queens Majesties , to answer to such things as should be laid to their charge , within six dayes , under the pain of Rebellion : And the day being expired , and they not appearing , were denounced Rebells , and put to the Horne . As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews , the inhabitants of Dundie , being sore afraid , because of some evil report made of them to the Queen , as if they had troubled the Queen , in seeking men of War , and suffered some to be raised in their Town for the Lords ; for there was nothing done in Dundie , but it was revealed to the Queen ; especially that the Minister had received a Letter from the Lords , and delivered the same to the Brethren , perswading them to assist the Lords ; which being granted by the Minister , the Queen remitted it . After great travell and supplication made by some Noble-men , at length , the King and Queen being in the Town , they agreed for two thousand marks , five or six of the principall left out , with some others , that were put to their shift . After the King and Queen had remained two nights in the Towne of Dundie , they came to S. Andrews ; and soon after , they came over Forth , and so to Edinburgh . During this time , the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King and Queen , making offers for and in the name of the Lords . The next day after the King and Queens coming to Edinburgh , there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Crosse : And because the same is very notable , I thought good to insert it here word by word , albeit it be somewhat long . HEnry and Mary , By the Grace of God , King and Queen of Scots ; To all and sundry Our Lieges and Subjects whom it may concerne , and to whose knowledge these Letters shall come , Greeting . Forasmuch as in this Uprore lately raised up against us , by certaine Rebels ; and their assistants , the authors thereof ( to blinde the eyes of the simple people ) have given them to understand , That the quarrell they have in hand is onely Religion , thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly designes , and so , under that plausible argument , to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons , easie to be seduced . Now for the preservation of our good Subjects , whose case were to be pitied , if they blindely should suffer themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare , it hath pleased the goodnesse of God , by the utterance of their own mouthes and writings to us , to discover the poyson that before lay hid in their hearts , albeit to all persons of cleer judgment the same was evident enough before : For what other thing [ is this , but to dissolve the whole Policy , and in a manner to invert the very order ] might move the principal raisers of this tumult to put themselves in Arms against us so unnaturally , upon whom we had bestowed so many benefits ; But that the great honor we did them , they being thereof unworthy , made them misknow themselves ; and their ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches , & honor upon honor , unlesse they retain in their hands us , and our whole Realme to be led , used , and disposed at their pleasure . But this could not the multitude have perceived , if God ( for disclosing their Hypocrisie ) had not compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to Governe ; for now by Letters sent from themselves to us , which make plain profession , that the establishing of Religion will not content them , but we must be forced to govern by Councell , such , as it shall please them to appoint us ; a thing so farre beyond all measure , that we thinke the onely mention of so unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make their nearest Kinsfolks their most mortall enemies , and all men to run on them without further scruple , that are zealous to have their native Countrey to remain still in the state of a Kingdome : For what other thing is this , but to dissolve the whole policie , and ( in a manner ) to invert the very order of nature , to make the Prince obey , and Subjects command . The like was never demanded by any of our most Noble Progenitors heretofore , yea , not of Governours and Regents ; but the Prince and such as have filled their place chose their Councell of such as they thought most fit for the purpose . When we our selves were of lesse age , and at our first returning into this our Realme , we had free choice of our Councell at our pleasure , and now when we are at our full maturity , shall we be brought back to the state of Pupills , and be put under Tutory ? So long as some of them bore the whole sway with us , this matter was never called in question ; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do and undoe all at their pleasure , they will put a Bridle into our mouthes , and give us a Councell chosen after their fantasie . This is the quarrell of Religion they made you beleeve they had in hand , This is the quarrell for which they would have you hazzard your Lands , Lives and goods , in the company of a certain number of Rebels against your naturall Prince . To speak in good language , they would be Kings themselves , or at the least leaving to us the bare Name and Title , and take to themselves the credit and whole administration of the Kingdome . We have thought good to make publication hereof , to shew , that you suffer not your selves to be deceived under pretence of Religion , to follow them , who prefering their particular advancement to the publike tranquilitie ; and having no care of you , in respect of themselves , would ( if you would hearken to their voice ) draw you after them , to your utter destruction . Assuring you that you have heretofore good experience of our clemency , and under our Wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your Goods , and lived at liberty of your Conscience , so may you be in full assurance of the like hereafter , and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes to so many as shall continue your selves in due obedience , and do the office of faithfull and naturall Subjects . Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews the tenth of December , and of our Reignes the first and twentie three years . 1565. NOw the Lords desired , next the establishing of Religion , That the Queens Majesty , in all the Affairs of the Realme and Common-wealth , should use the counsell and advice of the Nobility , and ancient blood of the same ; whereas in the mean time the Councell of David and Francisco the Italians , with Fowler the Englishman , and Master Iames Balfour Parson of Flisk , was preferred before all others , save onely the Earle of Athole , who was thought to be a man of grosse judgement , but neverthelesse in all things given to please the Queen . It was now finally come to this point , that in stead of Law , Justice and equity , onely Will ruled in all things ; there was thorow all the Countie set out a Proclamation in the King and Queens names , commanding all persons to come and meet them at Sterlin the first day of October following , with twenty dayes provision , under pain of life , lands and goods . It was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or not , and I beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time ; for a report was , That by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept Fortified and Victualled at the Dukes command , that they would passe to siege the said houses , & give them some shot of a Canon ; others said , They would passe towards my L. of Argile , who had his people alwayes armed , whereof his neighbours were afraid , especially the Inhabitants of Athole and Lenox ; but at length it was concluded that they should passe to Dumfreis , as shall be declared . During this time there were Propositions made continually to the King and Queen , by the Lords , desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly to receive them into their hands : Their Articles tended continually to these two Heads , viz. To abolish the Masse , root out Idolatry , and Establish the true Religion , And that they and the affaires of the Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell of the true Nobility of the same ; offering themselves and their cause to be tried by the Lawes of the Countrey . Yet nothing could be accepted nor taken in good part , albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all meanes to redresse the matter , who also entertained the Lords most honourably in Dumfreis , for he had the government of all that Countrey . But he himself incurred the Queens wrath so , that he was summoned to present himself and appear before the King and Queens Majesties , after the same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with , and also commanded to give over the House of Lochmabben , and the Castle which he had in keeping for the Queen . And albeit he obeyed not , yet was he not put to the Horne , as the rest . Neverthelesse there was no man that doubted of his good will and partaking with the Lords , who in the mean time sent Robert Melvin to the Queen of England , and declared their state to her Majesty , desiring support . Now the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court , was , By what means they might come to have money , for notwithstanding this great preparation for warre , and eminent appearance of trouble , yet were they destitute of the sinewes of Warre ; albeit the Treasurers , and now Comptroller , to wit , the Laird of Tilbardin , had disbursed many thousands ; yet there was no appearance of payment of souldiers , nor scarcely how the King and Queens Houses and pompous Trains should be upholden ; there was about 600. Horsmen , besides the Guard and 3. Ensignes of footmen . The charge of the whole would amount to 1000. l. ster . every moneth ; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of Scotland . At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell , who was welcome , and graciously received by the Queen , and immediately placed in Councell , and made Lieutenant of the West and middle Marches . Now as every one of the Barons compounded to be exempted from this meeting ; the E. of Athole demanded of Edinburgh 200. l. ster . but they refused to pay it ; notwithstanding Octo. 27. there was a certain number of the principall and rich persons of the Town warned by a Macer to passe to the Palace of Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen , who declared to them by their own mouthes , speaking that they had use for money , and therefore knowing them to be honest men and the inhabitants of the best Citie in their Countrey , they must needs charge them ; and for security they should have other men bound for pledges , or any Hand therefore . The sum that they desired was 1000 l. sterl . and no lesse . They being astonished , made no answer ; but Parson Flisk standing by , said , That seeing the King and Queens Majesties desired them so civilly , in a thing most lawfull in their necessitie , they did shew themselves not honest to keepe silence and give no answer to their Majesties , for that must needs be had of them which was required ; and if they would not , they should be constrained by the Laws , which they would not abide ; for some of them had deserved hanging ( said he ) because they had lent large summs of money to the King and Queens enemies , and Rebels ; and therefore they must shortly suffer great punishment . Soon after they were called in one by one , and demanded how much they would lend ? some made this excuse , and some that , by reason there were that offered to lend money ; amongst whom there was one offered to lend 20 l. To him the Earle of Athole said , Thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of 20 l. seeing the Princes charge thee so easily . Finally , they were all imprisoned , and souldiers set over them , having their Muskets ready charged , and their Match lighted , even in the house with them , where they remained all that night , and the next day till night ; and then being changed from one prison to another , there were six chosen out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh , convoyed with Musketteers round about them , as if they had been Murtherers or most vile persons . At length ( the third day ) by means of the Laird of Craigmiller Provest , and some others , the summe was made more easie , to wit , a 1000 Marks sterling , to be paid immediately , and to have the superioritie of Leithin in Pledge ( to wit ) upon condition of Redemption . And besides the said summe of 1000 Marks sterlin they paid 1000 l. sterl . For the meeting at Dumfreis at the day appointed , for electing the officers , the Queen sent in a Ticket such as she would have them to chuse for Provest , Bailiffs , and Councell , whereof there was a number of Papists , the rest not worthy . Of the number given in by the Queen , they named such as should rule for that year ; Notwithstanding without free Election , the Laird Craigmiller , remained Provest , who shewed himself most willing to set forward Religion , to punish vice , and to maintain the Common-wealth . All this time the Ministers cried out against the Masse and such Idolatry , for it was more advanced by the Queen then before . The first day of October met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of Lothian , with all the Ministers under his charge , according to their ordinary custome ; for every Superintendant used to convene the whole Ministery , and there it was complained on , That they could get no payment of their stipends , not only about the City , but thorow the whole Realm . Therefore after reasoning and consultation taken , they framed a supplication directed to the King and Queen , and immediately presented the same to their Majesties by M. Iohn Spottswood Superintendant of Lothian , and Master David Lindsey Minister of Leith ; it contained in effect , That forasmuch as it had pleased the King and Queens Majesties ( with advice of the Privie Councell ) to grant unto the Ministers of the Word their stipends to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices , which Stipends are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles and changing of the Comptroller , whereby they are not able to live ; and therefore most humbly craved the King and Queens Majesty to cause them to be paid . Their answer was , That they would cause order to be taken therin to their contentment . Soon after the Lord Gordion came to Edinburgh , and left the most part of his people at Sterlin with his carriage ; the King and Queen for hope of his good service to be done , restored him to his Fathers place , to the Earledome of Hintley , the Lands and Heritage thereof . October 8. the King and Queene marched forth of Edinburgh towards Dumfreis , and as they passed from the Pallace of Hallyrud-house all men were warned with Jack and Spear . The first night they came to Sterlin , and the next to Craford ; the day after the Lairds of Drunlaurick and Lochinvar , met the Queen , albeit they had been with the Lords familiar enough . The Lords perceiving , that all hope of reconciliation was past , they rode to Ednam , where they remained till the Queen came to Dumfreis , and then they past to Carlile . Now the Master of Maxwell , who had entertained the Lords familiarly , and subscribed with them , and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of themselves , and had received large mony by that means , to wit , 1000. l. to raise a Band or Troup of Horsmen ; and that the same day the King and Queen came to Dumfreis ; the third day after their coming he came to them , conveyed by the Earle Bothwell , with divers other Noblemen . At length the Earles of Athole and Hintley were Sureties for him , and all things past remitted , upon condition , that he should be a faithfull and obedient subject hereafter . The same day they made Musters , the next day the Army was dispersed , being about 18000. men ; the King and Queen past to Lothinaben , where the Master of Maxwell gave a Banquet , and then forthwith marched to Tueddall , so to Peblis , and then to Edinburgh . The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realme , who also were the principall Instruments of the Reformation of Religion , and therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation , in manner above rehearsed , were banished and chased into England ; they were courteously received and entertained by the Earle of Bedford Lieutenant , upon the Borders of England . Soon after the Earle of Murray took Post towards London , leaving the rest of the Lords at Newcastle ; every man supposed that the Earle of Murray should have been graciously received of the Queen of England , and that he should have gotten support according to his hearts desire ; but farre beyond his expectation , he could get no audience of the Queen of England : But by means of the French Ambassadour , called Monsieur de Four , his true friend , he obtained audience . The Queen , with a fair countenance , demanded , How he , being a Rebell to her sister of Scotland , durst take the boldnesse upon him to come within her Realm ? These and the like words got he , instead of the good and courteous entertainment expected . Finally , after private discourse , the Ambassadour being absent , she refused to give the Lords any support , denying plainly that ever she had promised any such thing as to support them , saying , She never meant any such thing in that way ; albeit her greatest familiars knew the contrary . In the end , the Earle of Murray said to her , Madame , whatsoever thing your Majestie meant in your heart , we are thereof ignorant ; but thus much we know assuredly , That we had lately faithfull promises of ayd and support by your Ambassadour , and familiar servants , in your name : And further , we have your owne hand-writing ; confirming the said promises . And afterward he took his leave , and came North-ward from London , towards Newcastle . After the Earle of Murray his departure from the Court , the Queen sent them some ayd , and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour : Whether she had promised it in private to the Earle of Murray , or whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earle of Murray . At this time David Rizio Italian , began to be higher exalted , insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done without his advice . And during this time , the faithfull within this Realme were in great fear , looking for nothing but great trouble and persecution to be shortly . Yet Supplications and Intercessions were made thorowout all the Congregations , especially for such as were afficted and banished , That it would please God to give them patience , comfort , and constancy ; and this especially was done at Edinburgh , where Iohn Knox used to call them that were banished , The best part of the Nobility , Chiefe Members of the Congregation : Whereof the Courtiers being advertised , they took occasion to revile and bewray his sayings , alleadging , He prayed for the Rebels , and desired the people to pray for them likewise . The Laird of Lethington chief Secretary , in presence of the King and Queens Majesties and Councell , confessed that he heard the Sermons , and said , There was nothing at that time spoken by the Minister , whereat any man need to be offended : And further , declared plainly , That by the Scripture it was lawfull to pray for all men . In the end of November , the Lords with their complices , were summoned to appear the fourth day of February , for Treason , and laese Majestie : But in the mean time , such of the Nobility as had professed the Evangell of Christ , and had communicate with the Brethren at the Lords Table , were ever longer the more suspected by the Queen , who began to declare her self in the Months of November and December , to be maintainer of the Papists ; for at her pleasure , the Earles of Lenox , Athole , and Cassels , with divers others , without any dissimulation known , went to the Masse openly in her Chappell : Yet neverthelesse the Earles of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse , albeit they were in great favour with the Queen . As for the King , he past his time in Hunting and Hawking , and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his appetite , having in his company Gentlemen willing to satisfie his will and affections . About this time , in the beginning of as the Court remained at Edinburgh , the banished Lords by all means possible , by writings and their friends , made suit and means to the King and Queens Majesties , to be received into favour . At this time the Abbot of Kylwinning came from Newcastle to Edinburgh , and after he had gotten audience of the King and Queen , with great difficulty he got Pardon for the Duke , and his friends and servants , upon this Condition , That he should passe into France ; which he did soon after . The five and twentieth of December convened in Edinburgh the Commissioners of the Churches within this Realme for the generall assemblie , There assisted to them the Earles of Morton and Marre , the Lord Lindsay , and Secretary Lethington , with some Barons and Gentlemen . The principall things that were agreed and concluded , were , That forasmuch as the Masse , with such Idolatry , and Papisticall Ceremonies , were still maintained , expresly against the Act of Parliament , and the Proclamations made at the Queens Arrivall ; And that the Queen had promised that she would hear Conference and Disputation ; That the Church therefore offered to prove by the Word of God , That the Doctrine preached within this Realme was according to the Scriptures ; and that the Masse , with all the Papisticall Doctrine , was but the invention of men , and meer Idolatry . Secondly , That by reason of the change of the Comptroller , who had put in new Collectors , forbidding them to deliver any thing to the Ministry , and by these means the Ministry was like to decay and fail , contrary to the Ordinance made in the yeer of God 1562. in favour and support of the Ministery . During this time , as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making Court , some of them that had been Friers , as black Abercrommy and Roger , presented supplication to the Queens Majesty , desiring in effect , That they might be permitted to preach ; which was easily granted . The noyse was further , That they offered Disputation : For as the Court stood , they thought they had a great advantage already , by reason they knew the King to be of their Religion , as well as the Queen , with some part of the Nobility , who with the King after declared themselves openly : And especially the Queen was governed by the Earls of Lenox and Athole ; but in matters most weighty , and of greatest importance , by David Rizio the Italian afore mentioned , who went under the name of the French Secretary ; by whose means , all grave matters , of what weight soever , must passe ; providing always , That his hands were anoynted . In the mean time he was a manifest enemy to the Evangell , and therefore a greater enemy to the banished Lords . And at this time , the principall Lords that waited at Court were divided in opinions ; For the Earle of Morton Chancellor , with the Earle of Marr , and Secretary Lethington , were on the one part ; and the Earles of Huntley and Bothwell on the other part , so that a certain drynesse was amongst them ; neverthelesse , by means of the Earle of Athole , they were reconciled . Now as there was preparation made by the Papists for Christmas , the Queen being then at Masse , the King came publikely , and bare company ; and the Friers Preached the dayes following , alwayes using another stile then they had done seven yeers before , during which time they had not Preached publikely : they were so little esteemed , that they continued not long in Preaching . At the same time convened in Edinburgh the generall Assembly of the Ministers , and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed within this Realme : There assisted them of the Nobility , the Earles of Morton and Marr , the Lord Lindsay , and Secretary Lethington , with others . The chief things that were concluded in this Assembly , were , That for the avoyding of the plagues and scourges of God which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and ingratitude , there should be proclaimed by the Ministers a publike Fast , to be Universally observed thorowout all the Reformed Churches ; which manner of Fasting was soon after devised by Iohn Knox , at the Command of the Church , and put in Print , wherefore needs not here to be recited in this place . What followed upon the said Fast , shall be plainly , God willing , declared . The second thing that was ordained in this Assembly , was , concerning the Ministers , who for want of payment of their stipends , were like to perish , or else to leave their Ministry : wherefore it was found necessary , That supplication should be made to the King and Queens Majesties ; And for the same purpose , a certain uumber of the most able men were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid , to lament and bemone their case ; Which persons had Commission to propose some other things , as shall be declared . The names of them that past from the Church to the King and Queens Majesties , were , M. Iohn Spotswood , Superintendent of Lowthian ; Iohn Winrame , Superintendent of Fyfe ; M. Iohn Row , Minister of Perth ; M. David Lyndsay , Minister of Leith , who easily obtained audience of the King and Queens Majesties : And after their reverence done , M. Iohn Row , in name of the rest , opened the matter , lamenting & bewailing the miserable state of the poor Ministers , who by publike command had been reasonably satisfied three yeers or more , by vertue of the Act made with advice of the honorable Privie Councell , for the taking up of the Thirds of the Benefices , which was especially made in their favours : Neverthelesse the Laird of Tillibardin , new Comptroller , would answer them nothing : Wherefore they besought their Majesties for relief . Secondly , seeing that in all Supplications made to the King and Queens Majesties by the Church at all times , they desired most earnestly that all Idolatry and superstition , and especially the Masse , should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realme ; And that in the last generall Assembly of the Church , by their Commissioners , they had most earnestly desired the same ; And that their answer was then , That they knew no impediment in the Masse ; therefore the Assembly desired , That it might please their Highnesses to hear Disputation , to the end that such as now pretend to Preach in the Chappell Royall , and maintain such errours ; the Truth being tryed by disputation , that they might be known to be abusers , submitting themselves alwayes to the Word of God written in the Scriptures . To this it was answered by the Queen , That she was alwayes minded that the Ministers should be paid their Stipends ; and if there was any fault therein , the same came by some of their own sort , meaning the Comptroller Pittarow , who had the handling of the Thirds : Alwayes by the advice of her Councell she should cause such order to be taken therein , that none should have occasion to complain . As to the second , She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as were there present ; for she knew well enough that the Protestants were more learned . The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing but delay , and driving off time , in the old manner , went home every one to their own Churches , waiting upon the good providence of God , continually making Supplication unto Almighty God , that it would please him of his mercy to remove the apparant plague . And in the mean time the Queen was busied with Banqueting about with some of the Lords of the Session of Edinburgh , and after with all men of Law , having continually in her company David Rizio , who sate at Table neer to her self , sometimes more privately then became a man of his Condition , for his over-great familiarity was already supected ; and it was thought , That by his advice alone the Queens sharpnesse and extremity towards the Lords was maintained . In the end of Ianuary arrived an Ambassadour from France , named Monsieur Rambullet , having with him about fourty Horse in Trayn , who came thorow England : He brought with him the Order of the Cockle from the King of France , to the King , who received the same at the Masse , in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-house . There assisted the Earles of Lenox , Athole , and Eglington , with divers such other Papists as would please the Queen , who three dayes after caused the Herald to convene in Councell , and reasoned what Armes should be given to the King ; some thought he should have the Armes of Scotland ; some others said , Seeing it was not concluded in Parliament that he should have the Crown Matrimoniall , he could have Armes but onely as Duke of Rothesay , Earle of Rosse , &c. The Queen bade give him onely his due ; whereby it was perceived her love waxed cold towards him . Finally , his Arms were left blank ; and the Queen caused put her own name before her husbands in all Wrets ; and thereafter she caused to leave out his name wholly : And because formerly he had signed every thing of any moment , she caused to make a Seale like the Kings , and gave it to David Rizio , who made use of it by the Queens Command , alleadging , That the King being at his Pastime , could not alwayes be present . About the same time the Earle of Glencarne came from Barwicke to his owne Countrey . Soon after , the Earle of Bothwell was married unto the Earle of Huntley his sister . The Queene desired that the Marriage might be made in the Chappell at the Masse ; which the Earle Bothwell would in no wise grant . Upon Sunday the third day of March , began the Fasting at Edinburgh . The seventh day of March , the Queen came from the Pallace of Hallirud-house to the Town in wondrous gorgious apparell , albeit the number of Lords and Train was not very great . In the mean time the King accompanied with seven or eight horse , went to the Leith to passe his time there , for hee was not like to get the Crown Matrimoniall . In the Tolbooth was devised and named the Heads of the Articles that were drawn against the banished Lords ; Upon the morrow and Saturday following , there was great reasoning concerning the Attainder ; some alleadged , That the Summons was was not well Libelled or Dressed ; others thought the matter of Treason was not sufficiently proved ; and indeed they were still seeking proof , for there was no other way but the Queen would have them all attainted albeit the time was very short ; the twelfth day of March should have been the day , which was the Tuesday following . Now the matter was stayed by a marvellous Tragedy , for by the Lords ( upon the Saturday before , which was the ninth of March , about Supper-time ) David Rizio the Italian , named the French Secretary , was slain in the Gallery below Stairs ( the King staying in the room with the Queen , told her , That the Designe was onely to take order with that Villain ) after that he had been taken violently from the Queens presence , who requested most earnestly for the saving of his life ; which act was done by the Earle of Morton , the Lord Ruthven , the Lord Lindsay the Master of Ruthven , with divers other Gentlemen . They first purposed to have hanged him , and had provided Cords for the same purpose ; but the great haste which they had , moved them to dispatch him with Whingers or Daggers , wherewith they gave him three and fifty strokes . They sent away and put forth all such persons as they suspected . The Earles Bothwell and Hnntley hearing the noise and clamour , came suddenly to the Close , intending to have made work , if they had had a partie strong enough ; but the Earle Morton commanded them to passe to their Chamber , or else they should doe worse : At the which words they retyred immediately , and so past forth at a back Window , they two alone , and with great fear came forth of the Towne to Edmistone , on foot , and from thence to Crichton . This David Rizio was so foolish , that not onely he had drawne unto him the managing of all Affaires , the King set aside , but also his Equipage and Train did surpasse the Kings ; and at the Parliament that was to be , he was ordained to be Chancellour ; which made the Lords conspire against him : They made a Bond to stand to the Religion and Liberties of the Countreys , and to free themselves of the slavery of the Villain David Rizio : The King and his father subscribed to the Bond , for they durst not trust the Kings word without his Signet . There was a French Priest ( called Iohn Daniot ) who advised David Rizio to make his fortune , and be gone , for the Scots would not suffer him long . His answer was , That the Scots would bragg but not fight ; then he advised him to beware of the Bastard . To this he answered , That the Bastard should never live in Scotland , in his time ; ( he meant the Earle Murray ) but it happened , that one George Dowlas Bastard son to the Earle of Angus gave him the first stroke . The Queen when she heard he was dead , left weeping , and declared she would study revenge , which she did . Immediatly it was noised in the Town of Edinburgh , that there was murther committed within the Kings Palace , wherefore the Provest caused to Ring the common Bell , or , Sonner le toksain , ( as the French speaks ) and straightway past to the Palace , having about four or five hundred men in warlike manner ; and as they stood in the utter Court , the King called to the Provest , commanding him to passe home with his company , saying , The Queen and he were merry . But the Provest desired to hear the Queen speak her self ; Whereunto it was answered by the King , Provest , know you not that I am King ? I command you to passe home to your houses ; and immediately they retired . The next day ( which was the second Sunday of our Fast in Edinburgh ) there was a Proclamation made in the Kings Name , subscribed with his hand , That all Bishops , Abbots , and other Papists should avoid and depart the Town ; which Proclamation was indeed observed , for they had a Flea in their Hose . There were Letters sent forth in the Kings Name , and subscribed with his hand , to the Provest and Bailiffs of Edinburgh , the Bailiffs of Leith and Cannogate , commanding them to be ready in Armour to assist the King and his Company , and likewise other private writings directed to divers Lords and Gentlemen , to come with all expedition . In the mean time the Queen being above measure enraged , offended and troubled , as the issue of the matter declared , sometime railing upon the King , and sometime crying out at the Windows , desired her servants to set her at libertie ; for she was highly offended and troubled . This same tenth of March the Earle of Murray , with the rest of the Lords and Noblemen that were with him , having received the Kings Letter , ( for after the Bond , above named , was Subscribed , the King Wrote unto the banished Lords , to return into their Countrey , being one of the Articles of the said Bond ) came at night to the Abbey , being also convoyed by the Lord Hume and a great company of the borderers , to the n●mber of 1000 horses . And first , after he had presented himself to the King , the Queen was informed of his sudden coming , and therefore sent unto him , commanding him to come to her ; and he obeying , went to her , who with a singular gravitie received him , after that he had made his purgation , and declared the over-great affection which he bore continually to her Majestie . The Earles of Athole , Cathnes and Sutherland departed out of the Town , with the Bishops , upon the Munday , the third day after the slaughter of David Rizio . The Earles of Lenox , Murray , Morton , and Rothes , Lords Ruthven , Lindsay , Boyd , and Ocheltrie , sitting in Councell , desired the Queen , That forasmuch as the thing which was done could not be undone , that she would ( for avoiding of greater inconveniences ) forget the same , and take it as good service , seeing there were so many Noblemen restored . The Queen dissembling her displeasure and indignation , gave good words , neverthelesse she desired , That all persons armed or otherwise ( being within the Palace at that time ) should remove , leaving the Palace void of all , saving onely her domestick servants . The Lords being perswaded by the uxorious King , and and the facile Earle of Murray , condescended to her desire , who finally the next morning , two hours before day , past to Seaton , and then to Dumbar , having in her company the simple King , who was allured by her sugred words ; from Dumbar immediately were sent Pursuivants with Letters thorowout the Countrey ; and especially Letters to the Noble-men and Barons , commanding them to come to Dumbar , to assist the King and Queen within five dayes : In the mean time the Lords being informed of the sudden departure , they were astonished , and knew not what were best for them to do : But because it was the self-same day ( to wit , the twelfth day of March ) that they were summoned unto ; therefore having good opportunity , they past to the Tolbooth , which was richly hung with Tapistry , and orned ( but not for them ) and set themselves , making Protestations , the Earle of Glencarne , and some others , being present . The Earle of Argyle , who was written for by the King , came to Lithgow ; and being informed of the matter , he remained there . After this manner above specified , to wit , by the death of David Rizio , the Noble-men were relieved of their trouble , and restored to their places and rooms : And likewise the Church Reformed , and all that professed the Evangell within this Realm , after Fasting and Prayer , was delivered and freed from the apparant dangers which were like to have fallen upon them ; For if the Parliament had taken effect , and proceeded , it was thought by all men of the best judgement , That the true Protestant Religion should have been wrackt , and Popery erected ; and for the same purpose , there were certain Woodden Altars made , to the number of twelve , found ready in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-house , which should have been erected in Saint Gyles his Church . The Earles Bothwell and Huntley being informed of the King and Queenes sudden departure forth of Edinburgh , came to Dumbar , where they were most graciously received by the Queens Majesty ; who consulting with them and the Master of Maxwell , together with Parson Owin , and Parson Fliske , chief Councellors , what was best to be done , and how she should be revenged upon the murtherers . At first they did intend to go forward , and leaving no manner of cruelty unpractised , putting to death all such as were suspected : This was the opinion of such as would obey their Queens rage and fury for their own advantage ; But in the end they concluded , That she should come to Edinburgh with all the force and power she could make , and there proceed to Justice : And for the same purpose , she caused to summon , by open Proclamation , all persons of defence , and all Noble-men and Gentlemen , to come to her in Dumbar incontinent . In the mean time , the Captains laboured by all means to take up and enroll men and women . The Earles of Morton , Murray , Glencarne , Rothesse , with the rest that were in Edinburgh , being informed of the Queens fury and anger towards the committers of the slaughter , and perceiving they were not able to make any Party , thought it best to give place to her fury for a time ; for they were divided in opinions , and finally , departed out of Edinburgh , upon Sunday the seventeenth of March , every one a severall way ; for the Queens Majesty was now bent onely against the slayers of David Rizio ; and to the purpose she might be the better revenged upon them , she intended to give pardon to all such as before had been attainted , for whatsoever crime . The eighteenth day of March , the King and Queen came to Edinburgh , having in their company horse and foot , to the number of 8000 men ; whereof there were four Companies of Foot-men of War. The Town of Edinburgh went out to meet them , for fear of War. And finally , coming within the Town , in most awfull manner they caused to place their men of War within the Town , and likewise certain Field-Pieces against their Lodging , which was in the middle of the Town , over against the Salt Trove : Now a little before the Queenes entrance into the Towne , all that knew of her cruell pretence and hatred towards them , fled here and there ; And amongst others , Master Iames Magill the Clerk Register , the Justice Clerk , and the common Clerk of the Towne : The chief Secretary Lethington was gone before ; likewise Iohn Knox past West to Kyle : The men of War likewise kept the Ports or Gates . Within five days after their entry , there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Crosse , for the purgation of the King from the aforesaid slaughter ; which made all understanding men laugh at the passages of things , since the King not onely had given his consent , but also had subscribed the Bond afore-named ; and the businesse was done in his name , and for his Honour , if he had had wisedome to know it . After this Proclamation , the King lost his credit among all men , and so his friends , by this his inconstancy and weaknesse . And in the mean time the men of War committed great outrages in breaking up doors , thrusting themselves into every house : And albeit the number of them were not great , yet the whole Town was too little for them . Soon after , the King and Queen past to the Castle , and caused to warne all such as had absented themselves , by open Proclamation , to appear before their Majesties and the Privy Councell within six dayes , under pain of Rebellion ; which practice was devised in the Earle of Huntleys case , before the Battell of Corrichy : And because they appeared not , they were denounced Rebells , and put to the Horne , and immediately thereafter , their Escheats given or taken up by the Treasurer . There was a certain number of the Towns-men charged to enter themselves prisoners in the Tolbooth , and with them were put in certain Gentlemen : Where , after they had remained eight dayes , they were convoyed down to the Palace by the men of War , and then kept by them eight dayes more : And of that number was Thomas Scot Sheriff deput● of S. Iohnston , who was condemned to death , and executed cruelly ; to wit , hanged and quartered , for keeping the Queen in prison , as was alleadged , although it was by the Kings command : And two men likewise were condemned to death , and carried likewise to the Ladder foot ; But the E. Bothwell presented the Queens Ring to the Provest , which then was Justice , for safety of their life . The names of those two were Io. Mobray Merchant , and Will. Harlow Sadler . About the same time , notwithstanding all this hurliburly , the Ministers of the Church , and professors of Religion ceased not ; for the people , they convened to publike prayers & preaching with boldnesse ; yea , a great number of Noble-men assisted likewise . The E. Bothwell had now , of all men , greatest accesse and familiarity with the Queen , so that nothing of any great importance was done without him ; for he shewed favour to such as liked him ; and amongst others , to the Lairds of Ormeston , Hawton , and Calder , who was so reconciled unto him , that by his favour they were relieved of great trouble . The Earles of Argyle and Murray , at the Queens Command , past to Argyle , where , after they had remained about a Moneth , they were sent for by the Queene ; and coming to Edinburgh , they were received by the Queene into the Castle , and banquetted , the Earles of Huntley and Bothwell being present . At this time the King grew to be contemned and disesteemed , so that scarcely any Honour was done to him ; and his Father likewise . About Easter the King past to Sterlin , where he was Shriven , after the Papist manner : And in the meane time , at the Palace of Halyrud-house , in the Chappell , there resorted a great number to the Masse , albeit the Queen remained still in the Castle , with her Priests of the Chappell Royall , where they used Ceremonies after the Popish manner . At the same time departed this life Master Iohn Sinclar , Bishop of Rosse , and Dean of Lestarrig , of whom hath been oft mention , President of the Colledge of Justice , called the Session ; who also succeeded in the said Office and Dignity after the decease of his brother Master Iohn Sinclar , Bishop of Rosse , Dean of Glasgow , who departed this life at Paris , about a yeer before : They were both learned in the Laws , and given to maintain the Popish Religion , and therefore great enemies to the Protestants . A little before died Master Abrabam Crithton , who had been President likewise now in their rooms . The Queen placed such as she pleased , and had done her service ( alwayes very unfit ) The Patrimony of the Kirk , Bishopricks , Abbeyes , and such other Benefices , were disposed by the Queen to Courtiers , Dancers , and Flatterers . The Earle Bothwell , whom the Queen preferred above all others , after the decease of David Rizio , had for his part Melrosse , Hadington , and New Bottell ; likewise the Castle of Dumbar was given to him , with the principall Lands of the Earldome of Merche , which were of the Patrimony of the Crown . At the same time the Superintendents , with the other Ministers of the Churches , perceiving the Ministery like to decay for lack of payment of Stipends to Ministers , they gave this Supplication at Edinburgh . The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queene . UNto your Majesty , and your most honourable Councel , most humbly and lamentably complains your Highnesse poor Orators , the Superintendents , and other Ministers of the Reformed Church of God , travelling thorowout all your Highnesse Realme , in teaching and instructing your Lieges in all Quarters , in the knowledge of God , and Christ Jesus his Son ; That where your Majestie , with the advice of the Councell and Nobility aforesaid , moved by godly zeal , concluded and determined , That the travelling Ministery thorowout this Realme , should be maintained upon the Rents of the Benefices of this Realme of Scotland ; and for that cause your Majesty , with the advice of the Councell and Nobility aforesaid , upon the 15 day of December 1562. in like manner concluded and determined , That if the said part of the Rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiasticall within this Realme would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers thorowout the whole Realm , and to support your Majestie in the setting forward of your common affairs , should be employed accordingly : Failing thereof , the third part of the said fruits , or more , to be taken up yeerly in time coming , untill a generall Order be taken therein ; as the Act made thereupon at more length bears : Which being afterward considered by your Majesty , the whole Thirds of the fruits aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid , by Act of Councell . And we your Majesties poor Orators , put in peaceable possession of the part assigned by your Majestie to us , by the space of three yeers , or thereabouts , which we did enjoy without interruption ; notwithstanding all this , now of late , we your Majesties poor Orators aforesaid , are put wrongfully and unjustly from their aforesaid part of the above specified Thirds , by your Majesties Officers , and thereby brought to such extreme penury , and extreme distresse , as we are not able any longer to maintain our selves . And albeit we have given in divers and sundry complaints to your Majestie herein , and have received divers promises of redresse ; yet have we found no relief : Therefore we most humbly beseech your Majesty to consider our most grievous complaint , together with the right above specified , whereon the same is grounded . And if your Majestie , with the advice of your Councell aforesaid , findes our right sufficient to continue us in possession of our part assigned to us , while and untill a generall Order be taken ; which possession was ratified by the yeerly allowance of your Majesties Exchequers accompt , That your Majesty would grant us Letters upon the aforesaid Act and Ordinance past thereupon , against all intromettors and medlers with the aforesaid Thirds , to answer and obey , according to the aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession proceeding thereupon ; And likewise that we may have Letters , if need be , to arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the possessors hands , while and untill sufficient caution be found to us , for our part aforesaid . And your answer most humbly we beseech . This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of Lowthian , and M. Iohn Craig , in the Castle of Edinburgh , was graciously received by the Queen , who promised that she would take sufficient order therein , so soon as the Nobility and Councell might convene . The 19 of Iune , the Queen was delivered of a man-childe ( the Prince in the aforesaid Castle ) and immediately sent into France and England her Posts , to advertise the neighbour Princes , and to desire them to send Gossips or Wintesses of the Princes Baptisme . In the mean time there was joy and triumph made in Edinburgh , and such other places where it was known , after thanks and praises given unto God , with Supplications for the godly Education of the Prince ; and principally , wishing that he should be Baptized according to the manner and forme observed in the Reformed Churches within this Realme . About the same time , to wit , the 25 of Iune , the generall Assembly of the whole Church convened at Edinburgh ▪ The Earles of Argyle and Murray assisted at the Assembly : Paul Methvin , who before , as we heard , was excommunicate , gave in his Supplication , and desired to be heard , as he had done divers times ; for the said Paul had written oft times out of England to the Laird of Dun , and to divers others , most earnestly desiring to be received again into the Fellowship of the Church . After reasoning of the matter , it was finally granted , That he should be heard ; And so being before the Assembly , and falling upon his knees , burst out with tears , and said , He was not worthy to appear in their presence ; alwayes he desired them , for the love of God , to receive him to the open expression of his repentance . Shortly after , they appointed certain of the Ministers to prescribe to him the form of his declaration of Repentance , which was thus in effect , first , That he should present himself barefoot and bare-head , arayed in Sack-cloth , at the principall entry of Saint Gyles Kirk in Edinburgh , at seven hours in the morning upon the next Wednesday , and there to remain the space of an hour , the whole people beholding him , till the Prayer was made , Psalmes sung , and Text of Scripture was read , and then to come into into the place appointed , for expression of repentance , and tarry the time of Sermon ; and to do so likewise the next Friday following , and also upon the Sunday ; and then , in the face of the whole Church , to declare his repentance with his owne mouth . The same form and manner he should use in Iedwart and Dundie ; And that being done , to present himself again at the next generall Assembly following in Winter , where he should be received to the Communion of the Church . When the said Paul had received the said Ordinance , he took it very grievously , alleadging , They had used over-great severity ; Neverthelesse , being counselled and perswaded by divers notable Personages , he began well in Edinburgh to proceed , whereby a great number were moved with compassion of his state ; and likewise in Iedwart : but he left his duty in Dundie , and passing again into England , the matter , not without offence to many , ceased . The Ministers complaining that they could not be paid their Stipends , were licensed by the Assembly to passe to other Churches to Preach , but in no wise to leave the Ministery . And because that the Queens Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy , it was thought expedient that Supplication should be yet made , as before , That the Queens Majesty should cause such order to be taken , that the poor Ministers might be paid their Stipends . The Bishop of Galloway , who was brother to the Earle of Huntley , and now a great man in the Court , travelled much with the Queens Majesty in that matter , and got of her a good answer , and fair promises . A few yeers before , the said Bishop of Galloway desired of the generall Assembly to be made Superintendent of Galloway ; but now being promoted to great Dignity , as to be of the number of the Lords of the Privy Councell , and likewise one of the Session , he would no more be called Over-looker , or Over-seer of Golloway , but Bishop : Alwayes truth it is , That he laboured much for his Nephew the Earle of Huntley , that he might be restored to his Lands and Honours ; for the said Earle was new Chancellor , since the slaughter of David Rizio , and had for his clawback the Bishop of Rosse , Master Iohn Lesley , one of the chief Councellors to the Q●een : But of all men the Earle Bothwell was most in the Queens favour , so far , that all things past by him ; yea , by his means the most part of all those that were partakers in the slaughter of David Rizio got remission and relief . But from that day he was not present at any Sermon , albeit before he professed the Evangell by outward speaking , yet he never joyned to the Congregation . But this time the Earle of Cassells was contracted with the Lord of Glanes sister , by whose perswasion he became a Protestant , and caused , in the Moneth of August , to re●orm his Churches in Carrick , and promised to maintain the Doctrine of the Evangell . The Queen not yet satisfied with the death of her man David , caused in August to be apprehended a man called Hary , who sometime had been of her Chappell Royall , but afterward became an exhorter in a Reformed Church ; and for want of stipend , or other necessaries , past in service to my Lord Ruthuen , and chanced that night to be present when the said David was slaine ; and so finally , he was condemned , and hanged , and quartered . The King being now contemned of all men , because the Queen cared not for him , he went sometime to the Lenox to his father , and sometime to Sterlin , whither the Prince was carried a little before : Alwayes he was destitute of such things as were necessary for him , having scarcely six horses in Trayn . And being thus desolate , and half desperate , he sought means to go out of the Countrey : And about the same time , by the advice of Forlish Cagets , he wrote to the Pope , to the King of Spain , and to the King of France , complaining of the state of the Countrey , which was all out of order , all because that Masse and Popery were not againe erected , giving the whole blame thereof to the Queen , as not managing the Catholike Cause aright : By some knave this poor Prince was betrayed , and the Queen got a Copie of these Letters into her hands , and therefore threatned him sore ; and there was never after that , any appearance of love betwixt them . The Churches of Geneva , Berne and Basill , with other Reformed Churches of Germany and France , sent to the whole Church of Scotland , the sum of the Confession of their Faith , desiring to know if they agreed in Uniformity of Doctrine , alleadging , That the Church of Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them : Wherefore the Superintendents , with a great part of the other most qualified Ministers , convened in September in S. Andrews ; and reading the said Letters , made answer , and sent word again , That they agreed in all points with those Churches , and differed in nothing from them : Albeit in the keeping of some Festivall days our Church assented not ; for onely the Sabbath day was kept in Scotland . In the end of this Month the Earl Bothwell riding in pursuit of the theeves in Liddisdale , was ill hurt , and worse terrified , by a thief ; for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life , and sent word thereof to the Queens Majesty , who soon after past forth of Iedwart to the Hermitage , to visite him , and give him comfort : And within a few dayes after she took sicknesse in a most extreme manner , for she lay two houres long , cold dead , as it were without breath , or any signe of life , at length she revived , by reason they had bound small Cords about her shackle bones , her knees and great toes , and speaking very softly , she desired the Lords to pray for her to God , she said the Creed in English , and desired my Lord of Murray , if she should chance to depart that he would not be over extreme such as was of her Religion ; the Duke and he should have been Regents . The bruit went from Iedwart in the month of October , 1565. that the Queen was departed this life , or at least she could not live any time , wherefore there was continually prayers publikely made at the Church of Edinburgh , and divers other places for her conversion towards God , and amendment . Many were of opinion , That she should come to the Preaching , and renounce Popery ; But all in vain , for God had some other thing to doe by her . The King being advertised , rid Post from Sterlin to Iedburgh , where he found the Queen somewhat convalesced , but she would scarce speak to him , and hardly give him presence or a good word ; wherfore he returned immediately to Sterlin , where the Prince was , and after to Glascow to his Father . There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm , and especially in the Countreys neer the borders , if the Queen had departed at that time . as she began to recover , the Earle Bothwell was brought in a Charriot from the Hermitage to Iedburgh , where he was cured of his wounds ; in whose presence the Queen took more pleasure then in all the rest of the world ; alwayes by his meanes most part of all that were out-lawed for the slaughter of David Rizio got reliefe , for there was no other meanes , but all things must needs passe by him ; wherefore every man sought to him , where immediately favour was to be had , as before to David Rizio . Soon after , the Queen passing along the borders , she came within the bounds of Barwick , where she viewed the Town at her pleasure a far off , being within half a Mile and lesse ; all the Ordnance within Barwick were Discharged : The Captain came forth with fourscore Horses bravely arrayed , to do her honour , and offer her lawfull service . Then she came to Craigmiller , where she remained in November till she was advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors to the Baptisme of the Prince ; and for that purpose there was great preparation made , not without the trouble of such as were supposed to have money in store , especially of Edinburgh ; for there was borrowed a good round summe of money for the same businesse . All her care and solicitude was for that triumph . At the same time arrived the Counte de Briance , Embassadour of the King of France , who had a great Train . Soon after the Earle of Bedford went forth of England with a very gorgious company to the number of fourscore Horses , and passing to Sterlin he was humanly received of the Queens Majestie , and every day banquetted . The excessive expences and superfluous apparell , which was prepared at that time , exceeded farre all the preparation that ever had been devised or set forth afore that time in this Countrey . The 17 of December , 1566. in the great Hall of the Castle of Sterlin was the Prince baptized by the Bishop of Saint Andrews , at five a Clock at Even , with great Pompe , albeit with great paine could they finde men to beare the Torches , wherefore they took Boyes . The Queen laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the Salt , Grease and Candle , and such other things , but all refused ; she found at last the Earls of Eglington , Athole , and the Lord Seaton , who assisted at the Baptisme , and brought in the said Trash . The Counte de Briance ( being the French Ambassadour ) assisted likewise . The Earle of Bedford brought for a Present from the Queen of England a Font of Gold , valued to be worth three thousand Crownes . Soon after the said Baptisme , as the Earle was in communing with the Queen , who entertained him most reverently , he began to say merrily to her , amongst other talking , Madame , I rejoyce very greatly at this time , seeing your Majestie hath here to serve you so many Noblemen , especially twelve Earles , whereof two onely assist at this Baptisme to the Superstition of Popery . At the which saying the Queen kept good countenance . Soon after they banquetted in the said great Hall , where they wanted no prodigality . During the time of the Earle of Bedfords remaining at Sterlin , the Lords for the most part waited upon him , and conveyed him every day to the Sermon , and after to Banquetting . The King remained in Sterlin all that time ( never being present ) kept his Chamber : his father hearing how he was used , writ to him to repaire unto him ; who soon after went ( without good-night ) toward Glasgow to his Father ; he was hardly a Mile out of Sterlin when the poyson ( which had been given him ) wroght so upon him , that he had very great pain and dolour in every part of his body . At length , being arrived at Glasgow , the Blisters brake out , of a blewish colour , so the Physitians presently knew the Disease to come by poyson ; he was brought so low that nothing but death was expected ; yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the poison . During the time of this Triumph the Queen was most liberall in all things that were demanded of her ; amongst other things , she subscribed a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reasonable proportion , which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices : which writing being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway , was presented at the generall Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh , the five and twentieth day of December , 1566. where were conveened the Superintendents and other Ministers ▪ in reasonable number , but very few Commssioners . The first matter that was there proposed , was concerning the said Writing lately obtained ; and the most part of the Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter , after advice , and passing a little aside , they answered very gravely , That it was their duty to preach to the people the Word of God truly and and sincerely , and to crave of the Auditors the things that were necessary for their sustentation , as of duty the Pastour might justly crave of their Flock ; and further it became them not to have any care . Neverthelesse the Assembly taking in consideration , that the said Gifts granted by the Queens Majestie , was not to be refused ; they ordained , That certaine faithfull men of every Shire should meet , and do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said Corne and money , and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lowthian , and Master Iohn Row to waite upon the Bishop of Galloway , and concurre and assist him for further expedition in the Court , that the said Guift mi●t be dispatched through the Seales . In the same Assembly there was presented a Remonstrance by Writ by some Gentlemen of Kyle , containing in effect , That in asmuch as the Tythes ought to be given onely to the Ministers and Schooles of the Word , and for maintenance of the poor , that therefore the Assembly would Statute and Ordain , That all the Professors of the Evangell should keep the same in their own hands to the effects aforesaid , and no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith . This Writing took no effect at that time , for there was none else but the Gentlemen of Kyle of that opinion . It was Statuted in the said Assembly , That such publike Fornicators , and scandalous livers as would not confesse their offences , nor come to declare their repentance , should be declared by the Minister to be out of the Church , and not of the body thereof , and their names to be declared publikely upon the Sunday . After this Assembly , the Bishop of Galloway ( with the Superintendent of Lowthian and M. Iohn Row ) passing to Sterlin , obtained their Demands in an ample manner at the Queens Majesties hand , according to their desire ; and likewise they obtained for every Borough , a Guift or Donation of the Altarages , Annuals , and Obites , which before were given to the Papists , now to be disposed for the maintenance of the Ministers and Schooles within the Boroughs , and the rest to the poor or Hospitall . Notwithstanding the Domestick troubles that the Church of God in Scotland suffered in the time of these hurliburlies within the Kingdom , yet they were not unmindefull of the affliction of Iacob every where upon the face of the Earth ; namely , they had before their Eyes the State and condition of the Church of God in England , witnesse this Letter from the Generall Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in England . The Superintendents , with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God in the Kingdome of Scotland , to their Brethren the Bishops and Pastours of Gods Church in England , who professe with us in Scotland the Truth of Iesus Christ. BY Word and Letters it is come to our knowledge ( Reverent Brethren , Pastors of Gods Word in the Church of England ) that divers of our Brethren ( of whom some be of the most learned in England ) are deprived from all Ecclesiasticall Function , namely , Are forbidden to Preach , and so by you are stopped to promote the Kingdom of God , because they have a scruple of Conscience to use at the command of Authoritie such Garments as Idolaters in time of greatest darknesse , did use in their Superstitious and Idolatrous Service ; which Report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts , considering the sentence of the Apostle , If ye bite and devour one another , take heed ye be not consumed one of another . We intend not at this present to enter into the Question , which we hear i● agitated and handled with greater vehemency by either partie , then well liketh us , to wit , Whether such apparell be accounted amongst things indifferent , or not ; Wherefore ( through the Bowels of Iesus Christ ) we crave that Christian Charitie may so farre prevaile with you , who are the Pastors and Guides of Christs Flock in England , that ye doe one to another as ye desire others to do to you . You cannot be ignorant what tendernesse is in a scrupulous Conscience , and all that have knowledge are not alike perswaded ; the Consciences of some of you stirres not , with the wearing of such things , on the other side many thousands ( both godly and learned ) are otherwayes perswaded , whose Consciences are continually strucken with these sentences , What hath Christ to doe with Beliall ? What felloship is there betwixt Light and darknesse ? If Surplice , Corner-Cap and Tippet have been the Badges of Idolaters in the very act of their Idolatry , what hath the Preachers of Christian libertie , and the Rebukers of Superstition with the dregs of that Romish Beast ? yea , What is he that ought not to fear , either to take in his hand , or on his forehead the Prints and Mark of that odious Beast : The Brethren that refuse such unprofitable apparell do neither condemne nor molest you who use such Trifles . On the other side , if ye that use these things , will do the like to your Brethren , we doubt nor but therein you shall please God , and comfort the Hearts of many , which are wounded to see extremitie used against these godly Brethren : Humane arguments or coloured Rhetoricke , we use none to perswade you , onely in Charity we desire you to minde the sentence of Peter , Feed the Flock of Christ which is committed to your charge , caring for it , not by constraint , but willingly ; not being as Lords of Gods Heritages , but being examples to the Flock . We further desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul , Give no offence neither , to Iewes , nor Gentiles , nor to the Church of God ; in what condition you and we both travell , at least are bound to travell for the promoting of Christs Kingdom , you are not ignorant ; therefore we are the more bold to exhort you to deale more wisely , then to trouble the godly for such vanities , for all things which seem lawfull , edifie not ; if Authority urge you farther then your Consciences can bear , I pray you remember , that the Ministers of the Church are called the Light of the World , and Salt of the Earth ; all Civill Authority hath not alwayes the Light of God shining before their eyes , in Statutes and Commands , for their affections savour too much of the earth and wordly wisdome : therefore we tell you , That ye ought to oppose your selves boldly , not onely to all power that dare extoll it selfe against God , but also against all such as dare burthen the Consciences of the faithfull , farther then God chargeth them in his own Word . But we hope you will excuse our freedom in that we have entred in reasoning farther then we intended in the beginning ; now againe we return to our former request , which is , That the Brethren among you who refuse the Romish Rags , may finde of you who use and urge them , such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each one of his Members to shew to another , which we look to receive of your courtesie , not onely because you will not offend God in troubling your brethren for such vain Trifles , but also because you will not refuse the earnest request of us your Brethren and fellow Ministers , in whom although there appear no worldly pompe ; yet we are assured you will esteem us as Gods servants , travelling to set forth his glory against the Roman Antichrist ; the dayes are evill , iniquitie aboundeth , and Charitie ( alas ) waxeth cold , wherefore we ought to walk diligently , for the hour is uncertain when the Lord shall come , before whom we must all give an account of our administration . In conclusion , yet once more we desire you to be favourable one to another , Lord Iesus rule your hearts in his fear unto the end , and give to you and us victorie over that conjured Enemy of true Religion , ( the Pope ) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to cure againe ; but to destruction shall he go , and all his maintainers , by the power of our Lord Iesus , to whose mighty protection we commit you . From our Generall Assembly , Decemb. 27. 1566. At the same time the Bishop of Saint Andrews , by means of the Earle Bothwell , procured a writing from the Queens Majesty , to be obeyed within the Diocesse of his Jurisdiction , in all such causes as before in time of Popery were used in the Consistory , and thefore to discharge the new Commissioners ; and for the same purpose came to Edinburgh in Ianuary , having a Company of one hundred horses , or more , intending to take possession , according to his gift lately obtained . The Provest being advertised thereof , by the Earle of Murray they sent to the Bishop three or foure of the Councell , desiring him to desist from the said matter , for fear of trouble and sedition that might rise thereupon ; whereby he was perswaded to desist at that time . Soon after , the Queen came to Edinburgh , where she remained a few dayes . In the moneth of Ianuary she was informed that the King was recovered of the poyson given him at Sterlin , and therefore she past to Glasgow to visite him , and there tarried with him six dayes , using him wonderfully kindely , with many gracious and good words ; and likewise his father the Earle of Lenox ; insomuch that all men marvelled whereto it should turn , considering the great contempt and drynesse that had been before so long together the Queen notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him , with a known designe to take away his life , yet by her sweet words gains so far upon the uxorious husband , and his facile father , that he went in company with her to Edinburgh , where she had caused to lodge him at the Church of Field , in a lodging lately bought by Master Iames Balfour Clerk Register , truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted often to visite him , and lay in the house two nights by him ( although her lodging was in the Palace of Halyrud-house . ) Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and sudden change . The ninth of February the King was murthered , and the house where he lay burned with Powder . About twelve of the clock in the night ; his body was cast forth in a yard without the Town wall adjoyning close by . There was a servant likewise murthered beside him , who had been also in the chamber with him . The people ran to behold this spectacle ; and wondring thereat , some judged one thing , some another . Shortly thereafter , Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men of War , and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next house ; where , after a little , the Chirurgions being convened at the Queens command , to view and consider the manner of his death ; most part gave out , to please the Queen , That he was blown in the Ayre , albeit he had no mark of fire ; and truely he was strangled . Soon after , he was carryed to the Abbey , and there buryed . This tragicall end had Henry Steward , after he had been King eighteen moneths . A Prince of great Linage , both by mother and father : He was of a comely stature , and none was like unto him within this Island ; he died under the age of one and twenty yeers ; prompt and ready for all Games and Sports much given to Hawking and Hunting , and running of horses , and likewise to playing on the Lute , and also to Venus Chamber ; he was liberall enough : He could write and dictate well ; but he was somewhat given to wine and much feeding , and likewise to inconstancy ; and proud beyond measure , and therefore contemned all others : He had learned to dissemble well enough , being from his youth misled up in Popery . Thus within two yeers after his arriving in this Realme , he was highly by the Queen alone extolled ; and finally , had this infortunate end by her procurement and consent . To lay all other proofs aside , her Marriage with Bothwell , who was the main executioner of the King , notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that the King of France and Queene of England did earnestly & carefully give her , as other friends did likewise , witnesse anent their guilt . Those that laid hands on the King to kill him , by Bothwels direction , was Sir Iames Balfour , Gilbert Balfour , David Chalmers , black Iohn Spense , Francis Sebastien , Io. de Bourdean , and Ioseph the brother of David Rizio : These last four were the Queens domesticks and strangers . The reason why the Kings death was so hastened , because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not bear so long a delay , as the procurement of a Bill of Divorce required , although the Romish Clergie offered their service willingly to the businesse , namely , Bishop Hamilton , and so he came great again at Court ; and he for the advancement of the businesse , did good Offices to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen ; yea , some that had been the chief instruments of the Marriage of the King and Queen , offered the service for the Divorce , seeing how the Queens inclination lay : So unhappy are Princes , that men , for their own ends , further them in all their inclinations and undertakings , be they never so bad or destructive to themselves . The Earle of Lenox in the mean time wrote to the Queen , to cause to punish Bothwell , with his other complices , for murthering the King. The Queen not daring openly to reject the Earle of Lenox his solicitation , did appoint a day for the Triall of Bothwell by an Assize ; the members whereof , was the Earle of Cathnes President , the Earle of Cassels , ( who at the first refused , but thereafter , being threatned to be put in prison , and under the pain of Treason , was present by the Queens command ) Iohn Hamilton Commendator of Aberbrothok , Lord Rosse , Lord Semple , Lord Boyd , Lord Hereis , Lord Olyphant ; the Master of Forbes , the Lairds of Lochinuar , Langton , Cambusidentham , Barnbougel and Boyne : They , to please the Queen , and for fear , did pronounce Bothwell not guilty , notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by Bothwell , who before the Tryall , did make himself strong by divers means ; namely , by the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh , so that the accusers durst not appear , not being strong enough . The Earle of Marre did retire to Sterlin , and had committed to his charge the young Prince . All this was done in February . In April , Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords who had come to Edinburgh , to a meeting that was there ; and having gained some before , made them all , what by fear , what by fair promises , first of their private State , and then of advancing the Papists Religion , to consent by their subscriptions to the Marriage with the Queen . Then the Queen goes to Sterlin to see her son ; Bothwell makes a shew as if he were going to the Borders to suppresse Robbers , and so he raiseth some men of War ; which when he had done , he turneth towards the way to Sterlin , where he meets the Queen , according to appointment betwixt them , and carrieth her to Dumbar , as it had been by force , although every one knew it was with the Queens liking . The prime Nobility convened at Sterlin , and from thence sent to her , to know whether or not she was taken against her will : She answered , That it was true she was taken against her will , but since her taking , she had no occasion to complain ; yea , the courteous entertainment she had , made her forget and forgive all former offences . These expressions were used by way of preface to the Pardon , which was granted immediately thereafter to Bothwell ; for by Letters Patents he was pardoned by the Queen , for laying violently hands upon her Majestie , and for all other crimes : So by this , &c. the murther of the King was pardoned . During the Queens abode in Dumbar , there was Letters of Divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady ( who afterward was married to the Earle Sutherland ) she was sister to the Earle of . Huntley . The ground of the Divorce was , The parties being within the degrees prohibited , could not be lawfully joyned : Next , because Bothwell was an Adulterer , the Marriage was voyd . The Bill of Divorce was granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of Saint Androes . And here mark how they juggle in sacred things ; for when it pleaseth them , they untie the Bond of Marriage , as now , and as we have seen in the first Book of this History . When the Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband , it was proposed unto her to have Divorce upon the same ground from the King : To which , first ear was given , but after second thoughts , a Bill of Divorce was too tedious ( as we have now said ) and could not be stayed for , therefore the King must be dispatched . The Queen , when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a Letter of Divorce from his lawfull wife , sent a Letter signed with her own hand , to M. Io. Craig , Minister of Edinburgh , commanding him to publish the Band of Matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell . M. Io. Craig , the next Sermon day thereafter , declared in full Congregation , That he had received such a Command , but in conscience he could not obey it ; the Marriage was altogether unlawfull ; and of that he would declare the reasons to the parties , if he had audience of them , otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the hearing of the people . Immediately thereafter , Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell , where M. Craig told , first , That by an Act of the Assembly it was forbidden to allow the Marriage of any divorced for adultery : The Divorce of Bothwell from his lawfull wife , was by collusion , witnesse the quick dispatch thereof ; for it was sought and had within ten dayes , and his contracting with the Queen instantly thereafter ; then his rapt of the Queen , and the guilt of the Kings death , which was confirmed by this Marriage : Withall , he desired the Lords to stop the Queen from that infamous Marriage . The Sunday after , he told publikely to the people , what he had said to the Councell ; and he took heaven and earth to witnesse , That he detested that scandalous and infamous Marriage ; and that he discharged his conscience unto the Lords , who seemed unto him , as so many slaves , what by flattery ▪ what by silence , to give way to that abomination . Upon this , he was called to the Councel again , and was reproved , as if he had exceeded the bounds of his Calling . Whereunto he answered , That the bounds of his Commission was the Word of God , right reason , and good Laws , against which he had said nothing ; and by all these offered to prove this Marriage to be scandalous and infamous . At this he was stopped by Bothwell , and sent from the Councell . Notwithstanding all this done and said by M. Craig , and the opposition of many that wished well to the Queen , and were jealous of her Honour , the Marriage went on , and they were married the 15 of May. This makes good the Latine Proverb , Mala nubunt mense Maio ; and a Bishop must blesse the Marriage : The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney : If there be a good work to be done , a Bishop must do it . Here mark the difference betwixt this worthy Minister Master Craig , and this base Bishop . The Earle of Athole , immediately after the murther of the King , had tetired home , waiting for the occasion to revenge the Kings death : But seeing this abominable Marriage , he went to Sterlin , where other honest Lords with him had a Meeting , and made a Bond , To defend the young Prince from the murtherers of his father : As already they had had one Plot to cut him off , which God in his mercy did prevent . The Nobles that entred in this Bond , were the Earles of Argyle , Athole , Morton , Marr , and Glencarne ; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd . Argyle thereafter , seduced by some fair words , fell off ; and Boyd became a great Factionary for Bothwell in all things . The Queen , soon after the Marriage , was advised to send abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her forraigne friends and kindred ; And this must be a Bishop : It is pity that any good work should be done without a Bishop : Was not this a worthy employment for a Pastor in Gods Church ? Bothwell seeing the Bond made at Sterlin , causeth the Queen to write to sundry of the Nobility : Divers repaired unto her , where they found a Bond tendred unto them , by which they were to binde themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell . Some that were corrupt , did willingly subscribe ; others for fear did the same : And there was not one that went to Court that did refuse , but the Earle of Murray ; who refusing absolutely to enter into a Bond with Bothwell , said , It was not the part of a good subject ; Yet since he had been made friends with him some time before , he would keep his promise unto the Queen : And to enter into a Bond with the Queen , it was needlesse and unfit , since he was to obey her in all lawfull and just things . Upon this , he gat leave , although with great difficulty , to go into France . The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of S. Androes , into favour since these changes ; who was no lesse a faithfull Councellor to her , then he was a good Pastor of Christs Flock ; that is , He betrayed her , and disobeyed God. With this a Proclamation comes out in favour of the poor Protestants ; whereby the Queen declares , That she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her Arrivall into Scotland : This was done to stop the peoples mouthes ; but all in vain , for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court. Within few dayes , Bothwell and the Queen , were raising men , under pretext to go to the Borders to represse the Robbers there ; but in effect , to go to Sterlin , to have the Prince in their custody , that they might dispose of him according to their minde . Then a new Proclamation came out , That the Queen hereafter would rule onely by the advice of the Nobles of the Land , as her best Predecessors had done . The Lords at Sterlin hearing of this plot , strives to prevent it , and to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Humes to besiege the Castle of Borthwike , where the Queen and Bothwell was : But because the Earl of Athole did not come at the hour appointed , they had not men enough to environ and compasse the Castle ; so that Bothwel having notice given him of the businesse , escaped to Dumbar , and the Queen after him , in mans clothes . The Lords failing of their designe at Borthwike Castle , went to Edinburgh , whereof they made themselves Masters easily , having the affections of the people , notwithstanding the Earle Huntley , and the Archbishop of S. Androes perswasion to the contrary : These two , with their associates , were constrained to retire to the Castle , where they were received by Sir Iam. Balfour , left there by Bothwel . The twelfth of Iune , which was the next day following , the Lords at Edinburgh caused to publish a Proclamation , whereby they declared , That the Earl Bothwell , who had been the principall author , deviser , and actor of the cruell murther of the late King , had since laid hand upon the Queens person , and had her for the present in Dumbar in his power ; and finding her utterly destitute of all good counsell , had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with himself ; yea , that now he was gathering Forces , and stirring himself to get the young Prince in his hands , that he might murther the Childe , as he had murthered the Father . This wicked man the Nobles of the Land resolved to withstand , and deliver the Queen out of his bondage ; wherefore they did charge all Lieges within the Kingdom that could come to them , to be in readinesse at 3 hours warning to assist them , the Nobles , for the freeing of the Queen from captivity , and bringing the said Earle Bothwell to a Legall Triall , and condigne punishment for the aforesaid murther and other Crimes . All such that would not syde with the Lords were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within four hours , under the pain of being accounted enemies , &c. Notwithstanding this Proclamation , the people did not joyn unto these Lords as was expected , for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to the businesse , other stood as Neuters ; and withall , those that were convened together were not well provided of Armes and Munition for exploits of warre ; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and leave off their Enterprize till another time , and had absolutely done so ; but God had ordained other wayes , as the event did shew ( if the Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three or four dayes without any stirre ) but the Queen and Bothwell having gathered together about four or five thousand men , trusting in their Force ( the Queen being puft up by Flatterers ) set forth and Marched towards Leith : being come forward as farre as Glaidsmure , she caused publike Proclamation against the aforesaid Lords , calling them a number of Conspirators , and that she now discerned their inward malice against her and her husband , the Duke of Orkney ( for so now they called Bothwell : ) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her and her Husband at Brothwick , and had made a seditious Proclamation , under pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband ; and to free her from Captivity , giving out , That the Duke her husband had a minde to invade the Prince her Sonne ; all which was false , for the Duke her Husband had used all means to clear himself , both by a Legall way , and by the offer of a Combate to any that did accuse him , as they knew well enough : As touching her captivity , she was in none , but was in company with her Husband , unto whom she was publikely married in the view of the world , and many of the Nobles had given their consent unto this her marriage : As for the Prince her Sonne , it was but a specious pretence to the Treason and Rebellion against her their naturall Soveraign , and her Posterity , which they intended to overthrow ; wherefore she declared her self necessitated to take Arms , hoping that all her faithfull Subjects would adhere unto her , and that those who were already assembled with her , would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence ; and for the recompence of their valour they should have the Lands and goods of these unnaturall Rebels . After this Proclamation the Army went on , and the Queen that night came to Seaton , where she lay . About Midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queens approach , presently they took Arms , and at the Sun rising they were at Muselburgh , where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest . The Queens Camp was not yet stirring . About Midday the Scouts that the Lords had sent out , brought word that the Enemy was Marching towards them ; presently they put themselves in two Battalia's , the first was conducted by the Earle Morton , and the Lord Hume ; the second by the Earls Athole , Glencarne , the Lords Lindsey , Ruthuen , Semple and Sancharmar , with the Lairds Drumlanrick , Tullibardin , Cesfoord , and Graunge , with divers others , their number was almost as great as the Queens , their men better , being many of them expert men , that I say nothing of the Cause . The Queen had gained a Hill , called Carbarry , which the Lords ( by reason of the steepnesse of the ascent ) could not well come at ; wherefore they wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the Hill , where the Enemy was , and to have the Sunne behinde them in the time of the sight . At the first the Queen seeing their thus going about , did imagine they were fleeing away to Dalketh , but when she saw them come directly towards her , she found her selfe deceived . The French Ambassadour seeing them ready to fight , strived to take up the businesse , and having spoken with the Queen , went to the Lords , telling them , that the Queene was disposed to peace , and to forgive and pardon this Insurrection ; wherefore it was very fit to spare blood , to agree in a peaceable way . The Earle of Morton ( in the name of all rest ) answered , That they had taken up Armes , not against the Queen , but against the murtherer of the King ; whom if she would deliver to be punished , or at least put from her company , she should finde a continuation of dutifull obedience by them , and all other good subjects ; otherwise no peace : Besides , we are not to ask pardon for any offence done by us . The Ambassadour seeing their resolution to stand to the right of their Cause , withdrew , and went to Edinburgh . While the French Ambassadour was thus labouring for Accommodation , Bothwell came out of the Camp ( which was in the Trench that the Englishmen had left at their last being in these places , as was we have said in the former Books ) well mounted , with a defie to any that would fight with him . Iames Murray , brother to the Laird of Tullibardin , who before had accepted of Bothwells challenge , when he made the Rodomontade at Edinburgh , immediately after the Kings death ; but then Iames Murray did not make knowne his name . Bothwell refused to fight with Iames Murray , alleadging he was not his equall . Upon this the Elder Brother William Murrey , Laird of Tullibardin , answered , That he would fight with him , as being his Better in Estate , and in Antiquitie of House many degrees above him ; yet Bothwell refused him , saying , That he was not a Peer of the Kingdome , as he was ; then sundry Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell ; but the Lord Lindsey namely , who said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen , That he would take it as a singular favour of them , and as a recompence of his service done to the State , if they would suffer him to fight with the Braggadocio . Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor excuse , under-hand made the Queen to forbid him . After this challenge and answers , Bothwells Complices and Followers were very earnest to fight , but others that had come only for the Queens sake , became little cold , saying , That Bothwell would do well to fight himself , and spare the blood of divers Gentlemen that were there . Some counselled to delay the Battell till the Hamiltons came , whom they did expect . All this the Queen heard with anger ; and riding up and down , burst out in tears , and said , They were all cowards and traytors that would not fight . Immediately after , thus vapouring , the Queen pereceiving sundry to leave her , she advised Bothwell to look unto himself , for she said to him , She would render her self unto the Noble-men . Upon this she sent for Iames Kirkaldie of Grange , with whom she kept discourse for a while , till that she was assured that Bothwell was out of danger . Then she went to the Lords , whom she did entertain with many fair words , telling them , That it was neither fear , nor want of hope of victory , that made her come unto them , but a meer desire to spare shedding of innocent blood : Withall she promised to be ruled and advised by them . With this she was received with all respect : But shortly after , declaring that she would go to the Hamiltons , with promise to return , they restrained her liberty , and brought her along with them to Edinburgh at night : She was very slow in marching , looking to be rescued by the Hamiltons ; but in vain : She lay that night in the Provest his house . The next day , the Lords sent the Queen to the Castle that is within an Isle of Lochlevin . Sir Iames Balfour seeing the Queen committed , and Bothwell consequently defeated , he capitulated with the Lords for the delivery of the Castle . Bothwell finding himself thus in disorder , sent a servant to Sir Iames Balfour , to save a little silver Cabinet , which the Queen had given him . Sir Iames Balfour delivers the Cabinet to the messenger , and under-hand giveth of it to the Lords . In this Cabinet had Bothwell kept the Letters of privacy he had from the Queen : Thus he kept her Letters , to be an awe-bond ●pon her , in case her affection should change . By the taking of this Cabinet , many particulars betwixt the Queen and Bothwell were cleerly discovered . These Letters were after printed : They were in French ; with some Sonnets of her own making . Few dayes after the commitment of the Queen , the Earle of Glencarne with his domesticks , went to the Chappell of Halyrud-house , where he brake down the Altars and the Images : Which fact , as it did content the zealous Protestants , so it did highly offend the popishly affected . The Nobles , who had so proceeded against Bothwell , and dealt so with the Queen , hearing that the Hamiltons had a great number of men , and had drawn the Earls of Argyle and Huntley to their side , sent to Hamilton , desiring those that were there to joyn with them , for the redresse of the disorders of Church and State : But the Hamiltons thinking now they had a fair occasion fallen unto them to have all again in their hands , and to dispose of all according to their own minde , did refuse audience to the Message sent by the Lords , Upon this , the Lords moved the generall Assembly then met in Edinburgh , in the moneth of Iune , to write to the Lords that either were actually declared for the Hamiltons , or were neuters : And so severall Letters were directed to the Earles of Argyle , Huntley , Cathnes , Rothesse , Crauford , and Menteth ; to the Lords Boyd , Drummens , Grame , Cathcart , Yester , Fleming , Levinston , Seaton , Glamnis , Uthiltrie , Gray , Olyphant , Methven , Inderneth , and Somervile ; as also to divers other men of note . Besides the Letters of the Assembly , Commissioners were sent from the Assembly , to the Lords above-named ; to wit , Iohn Knox , Iohn Dowglas , Iohn Row , and Iohn Craig , who had instructions conforme to the tenour of the Letters , to desire these Lords and others , to come to Edinburgh , and joyn with the Lords there , for the setling of Gods true Worship in the Church , and policy reformed according to Gods Word , a maintenance for the Ministers , and support for the poor : But neither the Commissioners nor the Letters did prevail with these men ; they excused , That they could not repair to Edinburgh with freedome , where there was so many armed men , and a Garrison so strong : But for the Church-affairs , they would not be any wayes wanting , to do what lay in them . The Lords at Edinburgh seeing this , joyneth absolutely with the Assembly ( which had been prorogated to the 20 of Iuly , upon the occasion of these Letters and Commissioners aforesaid ) and promiseth to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve upon in the Assembly : But how they performed their promises , God knows alwayes . The Articles they agreed upon were these : 1. THat the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 24 of August 1560. touching Religion , and abolishing the Popes Authority , should have the force of a publicke Law ; and consequently this Parliament defended , as a lawfull Parliament , and confirmed by the first Parliament that should be kept next . 2. That the Thirds of the Tythes , or any more reasonable proportion of Benefices , should be allowed towards the maintenance of the Ministery ; and that there should be a charitable course taken concerning the exacting of the Tythes of the poor Labourers . 3. That none should be received in the Vniversities , Colledges , or Schools , for instruction of the youth , but after due tryall both of capacity and probitie . 4. That all crimes and offences against God , should be punished according to Gods Word ; and that there should be a Law made there-anent , at the first Parliament to be holden . 5. As for the horrible murther of the late King , husband to the Queen , which was so haynous before God and man , all true professors , in whatsoever rank or condition , did promise to strive that all persons should be brought to condigne punishment , who are found guilty of the same crime . 6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all violence , lest he should be murthered as his father was ; And that the Prince should be committed to the care of four wise and godly men , that by a good Education , he might be fitted for that high Calling he was to execute one day . 7. The Nobles , Barons , and others , doth promise to beat down and abolish Popery , Idolatry and Superstition , with any thing that may contribute unto it ; As also to set up and further the true Worship of God , his Government , the Church , and all that may concerne the purity of Religion and life ; And for this to convene and take Arms , if need require . 8. That all Princes and Kings hereafter in this Realm , before their Coronation , shall take Oath to maintain the true Religion now professed in the Church of Scotland , and suppresse all things contrary to it , and that are not agreeing with it . To these Articles subscribed the Earles of Morton , Glencarne , and Marre , the Lords Hume , Ruthen , Sanchar , Lindsey , Grame , Inermeth , and Uchiltrie , with many other Barons , besides the Commissioners of the Burroughs . This being agreed upon , the Assembly dissolved . Thereafter the Lords Lindsey and Ruthuen were sent to Lochlevin to the Queen , to present unto her two Writs ; the one contained a Renounciation of the Crowne and Royall Dignity , in favour of the Prince her son ; with a Commission to invest him into the Kingdome , according to the manner accustomed : Which , after some reluctancy with tears , she subscribed , by the advice of the Earle of Athole , who had sent to her ; and of Secretary Lethington , who had sent to her Robert Melvill for that purpose : So there was a Procuration given to the Lords Lindsay and Ruthuen , by the Queen , to give up and resigne the Rule of the Realme , in presence of the States . The second Writ was , To ordain the Earle of Murray Regent , during the Princes minority , if he would accept the Charge : And in case he refused , the Duke Chattellarault , the Earles of Lenox , Argyle , Athole , Morton , Glencarne and Marre , should governe conjoyntly . These Writs were published the 29 of Iuly , 1567. at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh : Then at Sterlin was the Prince Crowned King , where Iohn Knox made the Sermon : The Earl Morton and the Lord Hume , took the Oath for the King , That he should constantly live in the Profession of the true Religion , and maintain it ; And that he should governe the Kingdom according to Law thereof , and do Justice equally to all . In the beginning of August , the Earle Murray being sent for , cometh home ; in all haste he visites the Queen at Lochlevin , strives to draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons , or were neuters , to joyne with those that had bound themselves to stand for the Kings Authority : He was very earnest with divers , by reason of their old friendship ; but to little purpose . The twentinth of August , he received the Regencie , after mature and ripe deliberation , at the desire of the Queen , and Lords that were for the King , and so was publikely proclaimed Regent , and Obedience shewed unto him by all that stood for the young King. The end of the History of the Church of Scotland , till the yeer 1567. and Moneth of August . THE APPELLATION OF IOHN KNOX , From the cruell and most unjust Sentence pronounced against him , by the false Bishops and Clergie of Scotland : With his Supplication and Exhortation to the Nobility , States , and Communalty of the same Realme . To the Nobility and States of SCOTLAND : JOHN KNOX wisheth Grace , Mercy and Peace , from God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , with the Spirit of righteous Iudgement . IT is not onely the love of this Temporall life ( Right Honourable ) neither yet the fear of Corporal death , that moveth me at this present to expose unto you the injuries done against me ; and to crave of you , as of lawfull Powers by God appointed , redresse of the same ; But partly it proceedeth from that reverence which every man oweth to Gods Eeternall Truth : And partly , from a love which I bear to your Salvation , and to the Salvation of my Brethren abused in that Realme , by such as have no fear of God before their eyes . It hath pleased God of his infinite mercy , not onely to illuminate the eyes of my minde , and so to touch my dull heart , that cleerly I see , and by his grace unfainedly believe , That there is no other name given to men under the heaven in which Salvation consisteth , save the Name of JESUS alone , Who by that Sacrifice which he did once offer upon the Crosse , hath sanctified for ever all those that shall inherite the Kingdom promised : But also it hath pleased him of his superaboundant grace , to make and appoint me , most wretched of many thousands , a Witnesse , Minister and Preacher of the same Doctrine ; the sum whereof , I did not spare to communicate with my Brethren , being with them in the Realme of Scotland , in the yeer 1556 , because I know my self to be a Steward , and that accounts of the Talent committed to my charge , shall be required of me by him , who will admit no vain excuse which fearfull men pretend : I did therefore ( as God his minister ) during the time I was conversant with them ( God is record and witnesse ) truely and sincerely , according to the gift granted unto me , divide the Word of Salvation , teaching all men to hate sin , which before God was and is so odious , that none other Sacrifice would satisfie his Justice , except the death of his onely Son ; and to magnifie the mercies of our heavenly Father , who did not spare the substance of his own glory , but did give him to the world , to suffer the ignominious and cruell death of the Crosse , by that means to reconcile his chosen children to himself : teaching further , what is the duty of such as do believe themselves purged by such a Price , from their former filthinesse ; to wit , That they are bound to walk in the newnesse of life , fighting against the lusts of the flesh , and studying at all times to glorifie God by such good works as he hath prepared his people to walk in . In Doctrine I did further affirm ( so taught by my Master Christ Jesus ) That whosoever denieth him , yea , or is ashamed of him before this wicked Generation , him shall Christ Jesus deny , and of him shall he be ashamed , when he shall appear in his Majesty : And therefore I feared not to affirm , That of necessity it is , that such as hope for life everlasting , avoid all Superstition , vain Religion and Idolatry : Vain Religion and Idolatry , I call whatsoever is done in Gods Service or Honour , without the expresse Commandment of his own Word . This Doctrine I did believe to be so conformable to Gods holy Scriptures , that I thought no creature could have been so impudent , as to have condemned any Point or Article of the same : Yet neverthelesse me , as an heretick , and this Doctrine , as hereticall , have your false Bishops and ungodly Clergie condemned , pronouncing against me a Sentence of death ; in testification whereof , they have burned a Picture . From which false and cruell Sentence , and from all judgement of that wicked Generation , I make it known unto your Honours , That I appeal to a Lawfull and Generall Councell , to such , I mean , as the most ancient Laws and Cannons do approve , to be holden by such , as whose manifest impiety is not to be reformed in the same : Most humbly requiring of your Honours , That as God hath appointed you Princes in that People , and by reason thereof , requireth of your hands the defence of Innocents troubled in your Dominion , in the mean time , and till the controversies that this day be in Religion , be lawfully decided , ye receive me , and such others as most unjustly by those cruell Beasts are persecuted , in your defence and Protection . Your Honours are not ignorant , That it is not I alone , who doth sustain this Cause against the pestilent Generation of Papists , but that the most part of Germany , the Countrey of Helvetia , the King of Denmarke , the Nobility of Polonia , together with many other Cities and Churches Reformed , appeal from the Tyrannie of that Antichrist , and most earnestly call for a Lawfull and Generall Councell , wherein may all Controversies in Religion be decided , by the Authority of Gods most sacred Word . And unto this same , as said is , do I appeal yet once again , requiring of your Honours to hold my simple and plain Appellation of no lesse value nor effect , then if it had been made with greater circumstance , solemnity , and ceremony ; and that you receive me calling unto you , as to the Powers of God ordained , in your protection and defence , against the rage of Tyrants ; not to maintain me in any iniquity , errour , or false opinion , but to let me have such equity , as God by his Word , ancient Laws and Determinations of most godly Councells , grant to men accused or infamed . The Word of God wills , That no man shall die , except he be found criminall and worthy of death for offence committed , of which he must be manifestly convinced by two or three witnesses . Ancient Law do permit just defences to snch as be accused ( be their crimes never so horrible . ) And godly Councells wills , That neither Bishop nor person Ecclesiasticall whatsoever , accused of any crime , shall sit in Judgement , Consultation , or Councell , where the cause of such men as do accuse them is to be tried . These things require I of your Honours to be granted unto me , to wit ; That the Doctrine which our adversaries condemn for heresie , may be tried by the simple and plain Word of God ; That just Defences be admitted to us that sustain the Battell against this pestilent Generation of Antichrist ; And that they be removed from judgement in our Cause , seeing that our accusation is not intended against any one particular person , but against that whole kingdom , which we doubt not to prove to be a power usurped against God , against his Commandment , and against the Ordinance of Christ Jesus established in his Church by his chief Apostles ; Yea , we doubt not to prove the kingdom of the Pope , to be the kingdom and power of Antichrist . And therefore , my Lords , I cannot cease in the Name of Christ Jesus , to require of you , That the matter may come to examination , and that ye the States of the Realme , by your Authority , compell such as will be called Bishops , not onely to desist from their cruell murthering of such as do study to promote Gods glory , in detecting and disclosing the damnable impiety of that Man of Sin the Romane Antichrist ; but also that ye compell them to answer to such crimes as shall be laid to their charge , for not righteously instructing the Flock committed to their cares . But here I know two things shall be doubted : The former , Whether that my Appellation is lawfull , and to be admitted , seeing that I am condemned as an heretick : And secondly , Whether your Honours are bound to defend such as call for your support in that case , seeing that your Bishops ( who in matters of Religion claim all Authority to appertain to them ) have by their sentence already condemned me . The one and the other I nothing doubt most cleerly to prove : First , That my Appellation is most lawfull and just : And secondly , That your Honours cannot refuse to defend me thus calling for your ayd ; for in refusing , ye declare your selves rebellious to God , maintainers of murtherers , and shedders of innocent blood . How just cause I have by the Civill Law ( as for their Canon , it is accursed of God ) to appeal from their unjust sentence , my purpose is not to make long discourse ; Onely I will touch the points which all men confesse to be the just causes of Appellation : first , Lawfully could I not be summoned by them , being for that time absent from their Jurisdiction , charged with the Preaching of Christs Evangell in a free City , not subject to their Tyranny . Secondly , To me was no intimation made of their summons , but so secret was their surmised malice , that the Copie of summons being required , was denyed . Thirdly , To the Realme of Scotland could I have had no free nor sure accesse , being before compelled to quit the same by their unjust Tyranny . And lastly , To me they neither could nor can be competent and indifferent Judges , for that , before any summons were raised against me , I had accused them by Letters published to the Queen Dowager , and had intended against them all crimes , offering my self , with hazard of life , to prove the same , for the which they are not onely unworthy of Ecclesiasticall Authority , but also of any sufferance within a Common-wealth professing Christ. This my accusation preceding their summons , neither by the Law of God , neither yet by the law of man , can they be to me competent Judges , till place be granted unto me openly to prove my accusation intended against them , and they be compelled to make answer , as criminalls : For I will plainly prove , That not onely Bishops , but also Popes , have been removed from all Authority , and pronouncing of judgment , till they have purged themselves of accusations laid against them . Yea , further I will prove , That Bishops and Popes have most justly been deprived from all Honours and administration , for smaller crimes then I have to charge the whole rabble of your Bishops . But because this is not my chief ground , I will stand content for this present to shew , That it is lawfull to Gods Prophets , and to Preachers of Christ Jesus , to appeal from the sentence and judgement of the visible Church , to the knowledge of the Temporall Magistrate , who by Gods Law is bound to hear their causes , and to defend them from Tyranny . The Prophet Ieremy was commanded by God to stand in the court of the House of the Lord , and to preach this Sermon , in effect ; That Ierusalem should be destroyed , and be exposed in opprobrie to all Nations of the earth ; And that also that famous Temple of God should be made desolate , like unto Sylo , because the Priests , the Prophets , and the people , did not walk in the Law which God hath proposed unto them , neither would they obey the voyces of the Prophets whom God sent to call them to repentance . For this Sermon , was Ieremy apprehended , and a sentence of death pronounced against him , and that by the Priests , by the Prophets , and by the People : which things being bruted in the ears of the Princes of Iuda , they passed up from the Kings House , to the Temple of the Lord , and sate downe in Judgement for further knowledge of the cause : But the Priests and Prophets continued in their cruell sentence which before they had pronounced , saying , This man is worthy of death ; for he hath prophesied against this City , as your ears have heard . But Ieremy , so moved by the holy Ghost , began his defence against that their tyrannous sentence , in these words ; The Lord ( saith he ) hath sent me to prophesie against this House , and against this City , all the words which you have read . Now therefore make good your wayes , and hear the voyce of the Lord your God , and then shall he repent of the evil which he hath spoken against you . And as for me , behold , I am in your hands ( so doth he speak to the Princes ) do to me as you think good and right : Neverthelesse , know you this most assuredly , That if ye murther or slay me , ye shall make your selves , this City , and the inhabitants of the same , criminall and guilty of innocent blood ; for of a truth the Lord hath sent me to speak in your ears all these words . Then the Princes and the people ( saith the Text ) said , This man is not worthy of death , for he hath spoken to us in the Name of the Lord our God. And so , after some contention , was the Prophet delivered from that danger . This fact and history manifestly proveth whatsoever before I have affirmed ; to wit , That it is lawfull for the servants of God to call for the help of the Civill Magistrate , against the sentence of death , if it be unjust , by whomsoever it is pronounced ; And also that the Civill Sword hath power to represse the fury of the Priests , and to absolve whom they have condemned : For the Prophet of God was condemned by those , who then onely in earth were known to be the visible Church ; to wit , the Priests and Prophets who were in Ierusalem , the successors of Aaron , to whom was given a charge to speak to the people in the Name of God , and a Precept given to the people to hear the Law from their mouthes ; to the which if any should be rebellious or inobedient , he should die the death without mercy . These men , I say , thus authorized by God , first did excommunicate Ieremy , for that he did Preach otherwise then did the common sort of Prophets in Ierusalem : And last , apprehended him , as you have heard , pronouncing against him this sentence afore-written ; from the which neverthelesse the Prophet appealed , that is , Sought helpe and defence against the same , and that most earnestly did he crave of the Princes : For albeit he saith , I am in your hands , do with me as ye think righteous , he doth not contemne or neglect his life , as though he regarded not what should become of him , but in those his words most vehemently did he admonish the Princes and Rulers of the people , giving them to understand what God should require of them ; as if he should say , Ye Princes of Iuda , and Rulers of the people , to whom appertaineth indifferently to judge betwixt party and party , to justifie the just man , and to condemne the malefactor , you have heard a sentence of death pronounced against me , by those whose lips ought not to speak deceit , because they are sanctified and appointed by God himself , to speak his Law , and to pronounce judgement with equity ; but as they have left the living God , and have taught the people vanity , so are they become mortall enemies to all Gods true servants , of whom I am one , rebuking their iniquity , apostasie and defection from God , which is the onely cause they seek my life . But a thing most contrary to all equity , law and justice it is , that I , a man sent of God , to call them , his people , and you again to the true service of God , from the which you are all declined , shall suffer the death , because that my enemies do so pronounce sentence . I stand in your presence , whom God hath made Princes , your power is above their Tyranny , before you do I expose my cause , I am in your hands , and cannot resist to suffer what ye think just : But lest that my lenity and patience should either make you negligent in the defence of me in my just cause , appealing to your judgement , either yet encourage my enemies in seeking my blood , this one thing I dare not conceal , That if you murther me ( which thing ye do , if ye defend me not ) ye make not onely my enemies guilty of my blood , but also your selves , and this whole City . By these words , I say , it is evident , That the Prophet of God , being condemned by the Priests , and by the Prophets of the visible Church , did seek ayd , support and defence at the Princes and temporall Magistrates , threatning his blood to be required at their hands , if they , by their Authority , did not defend him from the fury of his enemies ; alleadging also just causes of his Appellation , and why he ought to have been defended ; to wit , That he was sent of God to rebuke their vices and defection from God ; That he taught no Doctrine which God before had not pronounced in his Law ; That he desired their conversion to God , continually calling upon them to walke in the wayes which God had approved ; and therefore doth he boldly crave of the Princes , as of Gods Lievtenants , to be defended from the blinde rage and tyranny of the Priests , notwithstanding that they claimed to themselves Authority to judge all matters of Religion . And the same did he when he was cast in prison , and thereafter was brought to the presence of King Zedechias . After , I say , he had defended his innocency , affirming , That he neither had offended against the King , against his servants , nor against the people , at last he made intercession to the King for his life , saying , But now , my Lord the King , take heed , I beseech thee , let my prayer fall into thy presence , command me not to be carried again into the house of Jonathan the Scribe , that I die not there . And the Text witnesseth , That the King commanded the place of his imprisonment to be changed . Whereof it is evident , That the Prophet did ofter then once seek help at the Civill power ; and that first the Princes , and thereafter the King did acknowledge , That it appertained to their Office to deliver him from the unjust sentence which was pronounced against him . If any man think that Ieremy did not appeal , because he onely declared the wrong done unto him , and did but crave defence according to his innocency , let the same man understand , That none otherwise do I appeal from that false and cruell sentence which your Bishops pronounced against me ; Neither yet can there be any just cause of Appellation , but innocency , or suspition to be hurt , whether it be by ignorance of a Judge , or by malice and corruption of those , who under the title of Justice , do exercise Tyranny . If I were a thief , murtherer , blasphemer , open adulterer , or any offender whom Gods Word commandeth to suffer for a crime committed , my Appellation were vain , and to be rejected : But I being innocent , yea , the Doctrine which your Bishops have condemned in me being Gods Eternall Verity , have no lesse liberty to crave your defence against that cruelty , then had the Prophet Ieremy to seek ayd of the Princes and King of Iuda . But this shall more plainly appear in the fact of Saint Paul , who after that he was apprehended in Ierusalem , did first claim the liberty of the Romane Citizens , for avoyding torment , when the Captain would have examined him by questions : Thereafter in the Councell , where no righteous judgement was to be hoped for , he affirmed that he was a Pharisee , and that he was accused of the Resurrection of the dead , and last , in the presence of Festus , he appealed from all knowledge and judgement of the Priests at Ierusalem , to the Emperour : Of which last Point , because it doth chiefly appertain to this my cause , I will somewhat speak . After that Paul had divers times been accused , as in the Acts of the Apostles is manifest , at the last the chief Priests and their faction came to Cesarea , with Festus the President , who presented uuto them Paul in Judgement , whom they accused of horrible crimes , which neverthelesse they could not prove , the Apostle maintaining , That he had offended neither against the Law , neither against the Temple , neither yet against the Emperour . But Festus willing to gratifie the Iews , said to Paul , Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem , and there be judged of these things in my presence ? But Paul said , I stand at the Iustice Seat of the Emperour , where it behoveth me to be judged ; I have done no wrong to the Iews , as thou better knowest : If I have done any thing unjustly , or yet committed crime worthy of death , I refuse not to die : But if there be nothing of these things true whereof they accuse me , no man may give me to them : I appeal to Caesar. It may appear at the first sight , That Paul did great injury to Festus the Judge , and to the whole Order of the Priesthood , who did hope greater equity in a cruell tyrant , then in all that Session , and learned company : which thing , no doubt , Festus did understand pronouncing these words , Hast thou appealed to Caesar ? Thou shalt go to Caesar. As if he would say , I , as a man willing to understand the truth , before I pronounce sentence , have required of thee to go to Ierusalem , where the learned of thine own Nation may hear thy Cause , and discern in the same . The controversie standeth in matters of Religion ; thou art accused as an apostate from the Law , as a violator of the Temple , and a transgressor of the Traditions of their Fathers ; in which matters I am ignorant , and therefore desire information by those that be learned in the same Religion whereof the question is ▪ and yet dost thou refuse so many godly Fathers to hear thy cause , and dost appeal to the Emperor , preferring him to all our judgments , of no purpose , belike , but to delay time . Thus , I say , it might have appeared that Paul did not onely injury to the Judge and to the Priests , but also that his cause was greatly to be suspected , partly for that he did refuse the judgement of those that had most knowledge ( as all men supposed ) of Gods Will and Religion ; and partly , because he appealed to the Emperour , who then was at Rome , far absent from Ierusalem , a man ignorant of God , and enemy to all vertue . But the Apostle considering the nature of his enemies , and what things they had intended against him , even from the first day he began freely to speak in the Name of Christ , did not fear to appeal from them , and from the Judge that would have gratified them . They had professed themselves plain enemies to Christ Jesus , and to his blessed Evangell , and sought the death of Paul , yea , even by factions and treasonable conspiracy , and therefore by no means would he admit them either as Judges in his cause , or auditors of the same , as Festus required ; But grounding himself upon strong reasons , to wit , That he had not offended the Jews , neither against the Law , but that he was innocent , therefore that no Judge ought to give him into the hands of his enemies : grounding , I say , his Appellation upon these reasons , he neither regarded the displeasure of Festus , neither yet the brute of the ignorant multitude , but boldly did appeal from all cognoscance of them , to the judgement of the Emperour , as said is . By these two examples , I doubt not but your Honours do understand , That it is lawfull to the servants of God , oppressed by tyrannts , to seek remedy against the same , be it by appellation from their sentence , or by imploring the help of Civill Magistrates : For what God hath approved in Ieremy and Paul , he can condemne in none that are so dealt withall . I might alleadge some History of the primitive Church serving to the same purpose ; as of Ambrose and Athanasius , of whom , the one would not be judged but at Millan , where that his Doctrine was heard of all his Church , and received and approved by many : And the other would in no wise give place to those Councells , where he knew that men conspiring against the Truth of God , should sit in Judgement and Consultation : But because the Scriptures of God are my onely foundation and assurance in all matters of weight and importance , I have thought the two former testimonies sufficient , as well to approve my Appellation reasonable and just , as to declare to your Honours , That with safe conscience ye cannot refuse to admit the same . If any think it arrogancy or foolishnesse in me to compare my self with Ieremy and Paul , let the same man understand , That as God is immutable , so is the Verity of his glorious Evangell of equall dignity , whensoever it is impugned , be the members suffering never so weak . What I think touching mine owne person , God will reveal , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed : and such as with whom I have been conversant , can witnesse what arrogancy or pride they espie in me . But touching the Doctrine and cause which that adulterous and pestilent Generation of Antichrists servants ( who will be called Bishops amongst you ) have condemned me , I neither fear nor shame to confesse and avow before man and Angel , to be the Eternall Truth of the Eternall God. And in that case I doubt not to compare my self with any member in whom the Truth hath been impugned , since the beginning : For as it was the Truth which Ieremy did Preach , in these words ; The Priests have not known me ( saith the Lord ) but the Pastors have treacherously declined and fallen back from me . The Prophets have Prophesied in Baal , and have gone after those thing● which cannot helpe . My people have left the fountain of living Water , and have digged to themselves pits , which can contain no water . As it was a truth , That the Pastors and Watch-men in the dayes of Isaiah , were become dumb dogs , blinde , ignorant , proud and avaricious . And finally , as it was a truth , That the Princes and the Priests were murtherers of Christ Jesus , and cruell persecutors of his Apostles , so likewise it is a truth ( and that most infallible ) That those who have condemned me ( the whole rabble of the Papisticall Clergie ) have declined from the true Faith , have given ear to deceivable spirits , and to doctrine of devils ; are the stars fallen from the heaven to the earth , are fountains without water ; and finally , are enemies to Christ Jesus , denyers of his vertue , and horrible blasphemers of his death and passion . And further , As that visible Church had no crime , whereof justly they could accuse either Prophets or the Apostles , except their Doctrine onely ; so have not such as seek my blood other crime to lay to my charge , except , That I affirm , as alwayes I offer to prove , That the Religion which now is maintained by fire and sword , is no lesse contrarious to the true Religion taught and established by the Apostles , then is darknesse to light , or the devill to God ; And also , That such as now do claim the title and name of Church , are no more the elect Spouse of Christ Jesus , then was the Synagogue of the Jews the true Church of God , when it crucified Christ Jesus , condemned his Doctrine , and persecuted his Apostles . And therefore seeing that my Battell is against the proud and cruell hypocrites of this age , as that Battell of those most excellent instruments was against the false Prophets and malignant Church of their ages : Neither ought any man to thinke it strange that I compare my self with them , with whom I sustain a common cause ; Neither ought your Lordships judge your selves lesse addebted and bound to me , calling for your support , then did the Princes of Iuda think themselves bound to Ieremy , whom for that time they delivered , notwithstanding the sentence of death pronounced against him by the visible Church . And thus much for the right of my Appellation , which in the bowells of Christ Jesus I require your Honours not to esteem as a thing superfluous and vain , but that ye admit it , and also accept me in your protection and defence , that by you assured , I may have accesse to my native Countrey , which I never offended ; to the end that freely and openly , in the presence of the whole Realm , I may give my confession of all such Points as this day be in controversie ; And also that you , by your authority which ye have of God , compell such as of long time have blinded and deceived both your selves and the people , to answer to such things as shall be laid to their charge . But lest that some doubt remain , That I require more of you , then you of conscience are bound to grant ; in few words ▪ I hope my Petition to be such , as without Gods heavy displeasure ye cannot deny . My Petition is , That ye , whom God hath appointed Heads in your Common-wealth , with single eye do study to promote the glory of God , To provide that your subjects be rightly instructed in his true Religion , That they be defended from all oppression and tyranny , That true Preachers may be maintained , and such as blinde and deceive the people , together also with all idle bellies , which do rob and oppresse the Flock , may be removed and punished , as Gods Law prescribeth . And to the performance of every one of these , do your Offices and Names , the Honours and Benefits which ye receive , the Law of God universally given to all men and the examples of most godly Princes , binde and oblige you . My purpose is not to labour greatly to prove , That your whole studie ought to be , To promote the glory of God ; Neither yet will I studie to alleadge all reasons that justly may be brought to prove , That ye are not exalted to raign above your brethren as men without care and solicitude ; for these be principles so grafted in Nature , that very Ethnicks have confessed the same : For seeing that God onely hath placed you in his Chayr , hath appointed you to be his Lieutenants , and by his own Seal hath marked you to be Magistrates , and to rule above your brethren , to whom Nature neverthelesse hath made you like in all points ( for in conception , birth , life and death ye differ nothing from the common sort of men , but God onely as said is , hath promoted you , and of his speciall favour hath given you this Prerogative , to be called Gods ) How horrible ingratitude were it then , that you should be found unfaithfull to him , that hath thus honoured you ? And further , What a monster were it that you should be proved unmercifull to them , above whom ye are appointed to raigne , as fathers above their children ? Because , I say , that the very Ethnicks have granted , That the chief and first care of Princes , and of such as be appointed to rule above others , ought to be , To promote the glory and honour of their Gods , and to maintain that Religion which they supposed to have been true ; And that their second care was , To maintain and defend the subjects committed to their charge in all equity and justice : I will not labour to shew unto you what ought to be your studie in maintaining Gods true honour , left that in so doing I should seem to make you lesse carefull to Gods true Religion , then were the Ethnicks over their Idolatry . But because other Petitions may appear more hard and difficile to be granted , I purpose briefly , but yet freely , to speak what God by his Word doth assure me to be true : to wit , first , That in conscience you are bound to punish malefactors , and to defend innocents imploring your help . Secondly , That God requireth of you to provide that your subjects be rightly instructed in his true Religion ; and that the same be by you reformed , whensoever abuses do creep in by the malice of Satan and negligence of men . And lastly , That ye are bonnd to remove from Honour , and to punish with death ( if the crime so require ) such as deceive the people , or defraud them of that food of their souls , I mean , Gods lively Word . The first and second are most plain by the words of S. Paul , thus speaking of lawfull powers . Let every soul ( saith he ) submit himself unto the higher Powers ; for there is no power but of God : Whosoever resisteth therefore the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of God ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation : For Rulers are not to be feared of those that do well , but of those that do evil . Wilt thou then be without fear of the Power ? Do that which is good , and so shalt thou be praised of the same : For he is the Minister of God for thy weal : But if thou do that which is evil , fear ; for he beareth not the Sword for nought ; for he is the Minister of God , to take vengeance on them that do evil . As the Apostle in these words most straitly commandeth Obedience to be given to lawfull powers , pronouncing Gods wrath and vengeance against such as shall resist the Ordinance of God ; so doth he assigne to the powers their Offices , which be , To take vengeance upon evil doers , To maintain the well doers , and so to minister and rule in their Office , that the subjects by them may have a Benefit , and be praised in well doing . Now if you be powers ordained by God , ( and that I hope all men will grant ) then by the plain words of the Apostle is the Sword given unto you by God , for maintenance of the innocent , and for punishment of malefactors : But I , and my brethren with me accused , do offer not onely to prove our selves innocents in all things laid to our charge , but also we offer most evidently to prove your Bishops to be the very pestilence , who have infected all Christianity : And therefore by the plain Doctrine of the Apostle , you are bound to maintain us , and punish the other , being evidently convinced , and proved criminall . Moreover , the former words of the Apostle do teach , How far high powers are bound to their subjects ; to wit , That because they be Gods Ministers , by him ordained for the profit and utility of others , most diligently ought they to attend upon the same . For that cause assigneth the holy Ghost , commanding subjects to obey , and to pay Tribute , saying , For this do you pay Tribute and Toll ; that is , Because they are Gods Ministers , bearing the Sword for your utility . Whereof it is plain , That there is no honour , without a charge annexed . And this one point I wish your wisedoms deeply to consider , That God hath not placed you above your Brethren , to raigne as Tyrants , without respect of either profit or commodity . You hear the holy Ghost witnesse the contrary , affirming , That all powers be Gods Ministers , ordained for the weal , profit , and salvation of their subjects , and not for their destruction . Could it be said ( I beseech you ) That Magistrates inclosing their subjects in a City without all victualls , or giving unto them no other victualls but such as were poysoned , did rule for the profit of their subjects ? I trust that none would be so foolish as so to affirm ; but that rather every discreet person would boldly affirm , That such as so did , were unworthy of Regiment . If we will not deny that which Christ Jesus affirmeth to be a truth infallible ; to wit , That the soul is greater and more precious then is the body , then shall we easily espie how unworthy of Authority be those that this day debar their subjects from hearing of Gods Word , and by fire and sword compell them to feed upon the very poyson of their souls , the damnable Doctrine of Antichrist . And therefore in this point , I say , I cannot cease to admonish your Honors diligently to take heed over your charge , which is greater then the most part of men suppose . It is not enough that you abstain from violent wrong and oppression which ungodly men exercise against their subjects ; but ye are further bound , to wit , That ye rule above them for their weal ; which we cannot do , if that ye either by negligence not providing true Pastors , or yet by your maintenance of such as be ravening Wolves , suffer their souls to starve and perish for lack of the true food , which is Christs Evangell sincerely preached : It will not excuse you in his presence who will require account of every Talent committed to your charge , to say , That ye supposed that the charge of the souls had been committed to your Bishops . No no , my Lords , so ye cannot escape Gods judgement ; for if your Bishops be proved to be no Bishops , but deceivable theeves , and ravening wolves ( which I offer my self to prove by Gods Word , by Law and Councells , yea , by the judgement of all the godly learned , from the primitive Church to this day ) then shall your permission and defence , be reputed before God a participation with their theft and murther : For thus accused the Prophet Isaiah the Princes of Ierusalem : Thy Princes ( saith he ) are apostates , ( that is , obstinate refusers of God ) and they are companions of theeves . This grievous accusation was laid against them , albeit that they ruled in that City , which sometime was called Holy , where then were the Temple , Rites , and Ordinances of God ; because that not onely they were wicked themselves , but chiefly because they maintained wicked men , their Priests and false Prophets , in honours and authority : If they did not escape this accusation of the holy Ghost in that age , look ye neither to scape the accusation nor the judgement of wicked men ; to wit , That the one and the other shall drink the Cup of Gods wrath and vengeance together . And lest ye should deceive your selves , esteeming your Bishops to be vertuous and godly , this do I affirm , and offer my self to prove the same , That more wicked men then be the whole rabble of your Clergie , were never from the beginning universally known in any age ; yea , Sodome and Gomorra may be justified in respect of them ; for they permitted just Lot to dwell amongst them without any violence done to his body , which that pestilent Generation of your shaven sort doth not , but most cruelly persecute by fire and sword the true members of Christs Body , for no other cause , but for the true service and honouring of God. And therefore I fear not to affirm that , which God will one day justifie , That by your Offices ye are bound , not onely to represse their tyranny , but also to punish them as theeves and murtherers , as Idolaters , and blasphemers of God ; and in their rooms ye are bound to place true Preachers of Christs Evangell , for the instruction , comfort , and salvation of your subjects , above whom else shall never the holy Ghost acknowledge , That you rule in justice for their profit . If ye pretend to possesse the Kingdom with Christ Jesus , ye may not take example neither by the ignorant multitude of Princes , neither by the ungodly and cruell Rulers of the earth , of whom some passe their time in sloth , insolency and riot , without respect had to Gods honour , or to the salvation of of their brethren ; and others most cruelly oppresse , with proud Nimrod , such as be subject to them . But your pattern and example must be the practice of those whom God hath approved by the testimony of his Word , as after shall be declared . Of the premises it is evident , That to lawfull powers is given the Sword , for punishment of malefactors , for maintenance of innocents , and for the profit and utility of their subjects . Now let us consider , Whether the Reformation of Religion fallen in decay , and punishment of false Teachers , do appertain to the Civill Magistrate and Nobility of any Realme . I am not ignorant that Satan of old time , for maintenance of his darknesse , hath obtained of the blinde world two chief points : The former , He hath perswaded to Princes , Rulers , and Magistrates , That the feeding of Christs Flock appertaineth nothing to their charge , but that it is rejected upon the Bishops , and State Ecclesiasticall . And secondly , That the Reformation of Religion , be it never so corrupt , and the punishment of such as be sworn Souldiers in their kingdom , are exempted from all Civill power , and are reserved to themselves , and to their cognizance . But that no offender may justly be exempted from punishment ; and that the ordering and reformation of Religion , with the instruction of subjects , doth especially appertain to the Civill Magistrate , shall Gods perfect Ordinance , his plain Word , and the facts and examples of those that of God are highly praised , most evidently declare . When God did establish his Law , Statutes and Ceremonies in the midst of Israel , he did not exempt the matters of Religion from the power of Moses , but as he gave him charge over the Civill policie , so he put in his mouth and his hand ; that is , he first revealed to him , and thereafter commanded to put in practice whatsoever was to be taught or done in matters of Religion . Nothing did God reveal particularly to Aaron , but altogether was he commanded to depend from the mouth of Moses : Yea , nothing was he permitted to do to himself , or to his children , either in his or their Inauguration and Sanctification to the Priesthood , but all was committed to the care of Moses , and therefore were these words so frequently repeated to Moses , Thou shalt separate Aaron and his sons from the midst of the people of Israel , that they may execute the Office of the Priesthood ; thou shalt make them Garments , thou shalt anoynt them , thou shalt wash them , thou shalt fill their hands with Sacrifice . And so forth of every Rite and Ceremony that was to be done unto them , especiall commandment was given unto Moses , That he should do it . Now if Aaron and his sons were subject to Moses , that they did nothing but at his commandment , Who dare be so bold as to affirm , That the Civill Magistrate hath nothing to do in matters of Religion ? For seeing that then God did so straitly require , That even those who did bear the figure of Christ , should receive from the Civill power as it were their Sanctification , and entrance into their Office : And seeing also that Moses was so far preferred to Aaron , that the one commanded , and the other did obey , Who dare esteem that the Civill power is now become so profane in Gods eyes , that it is sequestred from all intromission with the matters of Religion . The holy Ghost in divers places declareth the contrary . For one of the chief Precepts commanded to the King , when that he should be placed in his Throne , was to write the example of the Book of the Lords Law , that it should be with him , that he might reade in it all the dayes of his life , that he might learn to fear the Lord his God , and to keep all the words of his Law and his Statutes to do them . This Precept he requireth , not onely that the King should himself fear God , keep his Law and Statutes , but that also he , as the chief Ruler , should provide that Gods true Religion should be kept inviolated of the people and flock which by God was committed to his charge . And this did not onely David and Solomon perfectly understand , but also some godly Kings in Iuda , after the apostasie and idolatry that infected Israel by the means of Ieroboam , did employ their understanding , and execute their power in some notable Reformations : For Asa and Iosaphat Kings in Iuda , finding the Religion altogether corrupt , did apply their hearts ( saith the holy Ghost ) to serve the Lord , and to walk in his wayes : And thereafter doth witnesse , That Asa removed from Honours his mother ( some say grand-mother ) because she had committed , and laboured to maintain Idolatry . And Iosaphat did not onely refuse strange gods himself , but also destroying the chief Monuments of Idolatry , did send forth the Levites to instruct the people . Whereof it is plain , That the one and the other did understand such Reformations to appertain to their duties . But the facts of Ezechias and of Iosias do more cleerly prove the power and duty of the Civill Magistrate in Reformation of Religion : Before the Raign of Ezechias Religion was so corrupt , that the doors of the House of the Lord were shut up , the Lamps were extinguished , no Sacrifice was orderly made : But in the first yeer of his Raigne , in the first moneth of the same , did the King open the doors of the Temple , bring in the Priests and Levites , and assembling them together , did speak unto them as followeth : Hear me , O ye Levites , and be ye sanctified now , and sanctifie also the House of the Lord God of your fathers , and carry forth all filthinesse ( he meaneth , All monuments and vessels of Idolatry ) for our fathers have transgressed , and have committed wickednesse in the eyes of the Eternall our God , they have left him , and turned their faces from the Tabernacle of the Lord ; and therefore is the wrath of the Lord come upon Juda and Jerusalem : Behold , our fathers have fallen by the sword , our sons , daughters , and wives are led into Captivity : But now have I purposed in my heart to make a Covenant with the Lord God of Israel , that he may turne the wrath of his fury from us . And therefore my sons ( he sweetly exhorteth ) be not faint , for the Lord hath chosen you to stand in his presence , and to serve him . Such as be not more then blinde , cleerly may perceive that the King doth acknowledge , That it appertained to his charge , To reforme the Religion . To appoint the Levites to their charges , and To admonish them of their Duty and Office : Which thing he most evidently declareth , writing his Letters to all Israel , to Ephraim and Manasses , and sent the same by the hands of Messengers , having this tenour : You sons of Israel , return to the Lord God of Abraham , Isaac , and Israel , and he shall turn to the residue that resteth from the hands of Assur : Be not as your fathers and as your brethren were , who have transgressed against the Lord God of their fathers , who hath made them desolate , as you see . Hold not your heart therefore , but give your hand unto the Lord , return unto his Sanctuary , serve him , and he shall shew mercy unto you , to your sons and daughters that be in Bondage ; for he is pitifull , and easie to be intreated . Thus far did Ezechias by Letters and Messengers provoke the people , declined from God , to repentance ; not onely in Iuda where he raigned lawfull King , but also in Israel , subject then to another King. And albeit that by some wicked men his Messengers were mocked , yet as they lacked not their just punishment ( for within six dayes after Samaria was destroyed , and Israel led captive by Salmanazar ) so did not the zealous King Ezechias desist to prosecute his duty in restoring the Religion to Gods perfect Ordinance , removing all abominations . The same is to be read of Iosias , who did not onely restore the Religion , but did further destroy all Monuments of Idolatry which of long time had remained : For it is written of him , That after that the Book of the Law was found , and that he asked counsell at the Prophetesse Hulda , he sent and gathered all the Elders of Iuda and Ierusalem , and standing in the Temple of the Lord , he made a Covenant , That all the people , from the great to the small , should walk after the Lord , should observe his Law , Statutes , and Testimonies , with all their heart , and with all their soul ; and that they should ratifie and confirm whatsoever was written in the Booke of God. He further commanded Hilkias the high Priest , and the Priests of the inferiour Order , That they should carry forth of the Temple of the Lord all the vessels that were made to Baal , which he burnt , and did carry their powder to Bethel . He did further destroy all Monuments of Idolatry , yea , even those that had remained from the dayes of Solomon ; he did burn them , stamp them to Powder , whereof one part he scattered in the brook Kidron , and the other part upon the Sepulchres and Graves of the Idolaters , whose bones he did burn upon the Altars where before they made Sacrifice not onely in Iuda , but also in Bethel , where Ieroboam had erected his Idolatry : yea , he further proceeded , and did kill the Priests of the high places , who were Idolaters , and had deceived the people ; he did kill them , I say , and burnt their bones upon their own Altars , and so returned to Ierusalem . This Reformation made Iosias , and for the same obtained this Testimony of the holy Ghost , That neither before him nor after him was there any such King , who returned to God with his whole soul , and with all his strength , according to all the Law of Moses . Of which Histories it is evident , That the Reformation of Religion in all points , together with the punishment of false Teachers , doth appertain to the power of the Civill Magistrate : For what God required of them , his justice must require of others having the like charge and Authority ; what he did approve in them , he cannot but approve in all others who with like zeal and sincerity do enterprise to purge the Lords Temple and Sanctuary . What God required of them , it is before declared ; to wit , That most diligently they should observe his Law , Statutes and Ceremonies . And how acceptable were their facts to God , doth he himself witnesse ; For to some he gave most notable Victories without the hand of man ; and in their most desperate dangers , did declare his especiall favour towards them by signes supernaturall : To other he so established the Kingdom , that their enemies were compelled to stoup under their feet . And the names of all he hath registred not onely in the Book of life , but also in the blessed remembrance of all posterities since their dayes , which also shall continue till the coming of the Lord Jesus , who shall reward with the Crown of Immortality not onely them but also such as unfainedly study to do the will , and to promote the glory of his heavenly father in the midst of this corrupted Generation . In consideration whereof ought you , my Lords , all delay set apart , to provide for the Reformation of Religion in your Dominions and Bounds , which now is so corrupt , that no part of Christs Institution remaineth in the Originall purity ; and therefore of necessity it is , That speedily ye provide for Reformation , or else ye declare your selves not onely voyd of love towards your subjects , but also to live without care of your own salvation , yea , without all fear and true reverence of God. Two things perchance may move you to esteem these histories before briefly touched , to appertain nothing to you : First , Because you are no Jews , but Gentiles . And secondly , Because you are no Kings , but Nobles in your Realm . But be not deceived ; for neither of both can excuse you in Gods presence from doing his duty , for it is a thing more then certain , That whatsoever God required of the Civill Magistrate in Israel or Iuda concerning the observation of true Religion during the time of the Law , the same doth he require of lawfull Magistrates professing Christ Jesus in the time of the Gospel , as the holy Ghost hath taught us by the mouth of David ( Psal. 2. ) saying , Be learned , you that judge the earth , kisse the Son , lest that the Lord wax angry , and that ye perish away . This Admonition doth not extend to the Judges under the Law onely , but doth also include all such as be promoted to Honours in the time of the Gospel , when Christ Jesus doth raigne and fight in his Spirituall Kingdom , whose enemies in that Psalme be first most sharply taxed , their fury expressed , and vanity mocked ; and then are Kings and Judges , who think themselves free from all Law and Obedience , commanded to repent their former blinde rage ; and Judges are charged to be learned ; and last , are commanded to serve the Eternall God in feare , to rejoyce before him in trembling , to kisse the Son , that is , To give him most humble Obedience : Whereof it is evident , That the Rulers , Magistrates , and Judges now in Christs Kingdom , are no lesse bound to Obedience unto God , then were those under the Law : And how is it possible that any should be obedient , who despiseth his Religion , in which standeth the chief glory that man can give to God , and is a service which God especially requireth of Kings and Rulers ? Which thing Saint Augustine plainly did note , writing to one Bonifacius a man of Warre , according to the same argument and purpose which I labour to perswade your Honours : For after that he hath in that his Epistle declared the difference betwixt the heresie of the Donatists and Arrians , and hath somewhat spoken of their cruelty , he sheweth the way how their fury should and ought to be repressed , and that it is lawfull for the unjustly afflicted to seek support and defence at godly Magistrates ; for thus he writeth , Either must the Verity be kept close , or else must their cruelty be sustained . But if the Verity should be concealed , not onely should none be saved , but also should many be lost through their deceit . But if by Preaching of the Verity their fury should be provoked more to rage , and by that means yet some were delivered , and made strong , yet should fear hinder many weaklings to follow the Verity , if their rage be not stayed . In these first words Augustine sheweth three reasons why the afflicted Church in those dayes called for the help of the Emperour , and of godly Magistrates , against the fury of the persecuters . The first , The Verity must be spoken , or else mankinde shall perish in errour . The second , The Verity being plainly spoken , provoketh the adversaries to rage . And because that some did alleadge , That rather we ought to suffer all injury , then to seek support by man , he addeth the third reason ; to wit , That many weak ones be not able to suffer persecution and death for the Truths sake , to whom not the lesse respect ought to be had , that they may be won from their errour , and so be brought to greater strength . Oh that the Rulers of this age would ponder and weigh the reasons of this godly Writer , and provide the remedy , which he requireth in these words following ; Now when the Church was thus afflicted , if any thinke , That rather they should have sustained all calamity , then that help should have been asked of Christian Emperours by the godly , he doth not well to advert , That of such negligence no good counts nor reason could be given : For where such as would that no just Laws should be made against their impiety , alleadge , That the Apostles sought no such things of the Kings of the earth , they do not consider , That the time was other then it is now , and that all things are done in their owne time . What Emperour then believed in Christ , that he should serve him in making Laws for godlinesse against impiety ? While that saying of the Prophet was compleat , Why hath Nations raged , and people have imagined vanity ? The Kings of the earth have stood up , and Princes have convened together against the Lord , and against his Anoynted . That which is after in the same Psalme , was not yet come to passe : And now understand , O ye Kings , be learned you that judge the earth , serve the Lord in fear , and rejoyce to him with trembling . How do Kings serve the Lord in feare , but in punishing , and by a godly severity forbidding those things which are done against the Commandment of the Lord ? For otherwise doth he serve the Lord in so farre as he is man , otherwise in so farre as he is King. In so farre as he is a man , he serveth him by living faithfully ; but because he is also King , he serveth establishing Laws that command the things that be just , and that with a convenient rigour forbid things contrary . As Ezechias served destroying the Groves , the Temples of Idolls , and the places which were builded against Gods Commandment . So served also Josias , doing the same . So the King of the Ninivites compelling the whole City to mitigate the fury of the Lord. So served Darius , giving into the power of Daniel the Idol to be broken , and his enemies to be cast to the Lions . So served Nebuchad-nezzar , by a terrible Law forbidding all that were in his Realme to blaspheme God. Herein therefore do Kings serve the Lord , in so farre as they are Kings , when they do those things to serve him , which none except Kings be able to doe . He further proceedeth , and concludeth , That as when wicked Kings do raigne , impiety cannot be bridled by Laws , but rather is tyranny exercised under the title of the same ; So is it a thing without all reasons , That Kings professing the knowledge and honour of God , should not regard nor care who did defend nor who did oppugne the Church of God in their Dominions . By these words of this ancient and godly Writer , your Honours may perceive what I require of you , to wit , To represse the tyranny of your Bishops , and to defend the innocents professing the Truth . He did require of the Emperour and Kings in his dayes professing Christ , and manifestly concludeth , That they cannot serve Christ , except that so they doe . Let not your Bishops think that Augustine speaketh for them , because he nameth the Church : Let them reade and understand , That Augustine writeth for that Church which professeth the Truth , and doth suffer persecution for the defence of the same , which your Bishops do not , but rather with the Donatists and Arrians do cruelly persecute all such as boldly speak Christs Eternall Verity , to manifest their impiety and abomination . But thus much we have of Augustine , That it appertaineth to the obedience and service which Kings owe to God , as well now in the time of the Gospel , as before under the Law , to defend the afflicted for matters of Religion , and to represse the fury of the persecuters by the rigour and severity of godly Laws . For which cause , no doubt , Isaiah the Prophet saith , That Kings should be nourishers of the Church of God , that they should abase their heads , and lovingly embrace the children of God. And thus , I say , your Honours may evidently see , That the same Obedience doth God require of Rulers and Princes in the time of the Gospel , that he required in the time of the Law. If you do think that the Reformation of Religion , and defence of the afflicted doth not appertain to you , because you are no Kings , but Nobles and States of a Realme , in two things you are deceived : First , In that you do not advert , That David requireth as well that the Princes and Judges of the earth to be learned , and that they serve and fear God , as that he requireth that Kings repent . If you therefore be Judges and Princes ( as no man can deny you to be ) then by the plain words of David you are charged to be learned , to serve and fear God ; which ye cannot do , if ye despise the Reformation of his Religion . And this is your first errour . The second is , That ye neither know your duty which ye owe to God , neither yet your Authority which of him ye have received , if ye for pleasure or fear of any earthly man despise Gods true Religion , and contemn your brethren that in his Name call for your support . Your duty is to hear the voyce of the Eternall your God , and unfainedly to studie to follow his Precepts ; who , as is before said , of speciall mercy hath promoted you to Honours and Dignity . His chief and principall Precept is , That with reverence ye receive and embrace his onely beloved Son Jesus ; That ye promote to the uttermost of your powers his true Religion ; and That ye defend your brethren and subjects , whom he hath put under your charge and care . Now if your King be a man ignorant of God , enemy to his true Religion , blinded by Superstition , and a persecuter of Christs members , Shall ye be execused , if with silence ye passe over his iniquity ? Be not deceived , my Lords , ye are placed in Authority for another purpose then to flatter your King in his folly and blinde rage ; to wit , That as with your bodies , strength , riches and wisedom ye are bound to assist and defend him in all things which by your advice he shall take in hand for Gods glory , and for the preservation of his Common-wealth and subjects ; so by your authorities , counsell , and admonition , ye are bound to correct and represse whatsoever ye know him to attempt expressely repugning to Gods Word , Honour and glory , or what ye shall espie him to do , be it by ignorance , or be it by malice , against his subjects , great or small : Of which last part of your obedience if you defraud your King , ye commit against him no lesse Treason , then if ye did extract from him your due and promised support , when by his enemies unjustly he were pursued . But this part of their duty , I fear , do a small number of the Nobility of this age rightly consider ; neither yet will they understand that for that purpose hath God promoted them : For now the common song of all men is , We must obey our Kings , be they good or bad ; For God hath commanded it . But horrible shall the vengeance be , that shall be poured forth upon such blasphemers of God his holy Name and Ordinance ; For it is no lesse blasphemy to say , That God hath commanded Kings to be obeyed , when they command impiety , then to say , That God by his Precept is author and maintainer of all iniquity . True it is , God hath commanded Kings to be obeyed ; but like true it is , That in things which they commit against his glory , or when cruelly without cause they rage against their brethren the members of Christs body , he hath commanded no obedience , but rather he hath approved , yea and greatly rewarded such as have opposed themselves to their ungodly commandments and blinde rage ; as in the examples of the three Children , of Daniel and Abdemelech it is evident . The three Children would neither bow nor stoup before the golden Image at the commandment of the great King Nebuchadnezar . Daniel did openly pray , his windows being open , against the established Law of Darius and of his Councell . And Abdemelech feared not to enter in before the presence of Zedechias , and boldly to defend the cause and innocency of Ieremy the Prophet , whom the King and his Councell had condemned to death . Every one of these facts should this day be judged foolish , by such as will not understand what God doth require of his children , when his Verity is oppugned , or his glory called in doubt : such men , I say , as prefer man to God , and things present , to the heavenly inheritance , should have judged every one of these stubborn inobedience , foolish presumption and singularity , or else bold controlling of the King and his wise Councell . But how acceptable in Gods presence was this resistance to the ungodly commandments and determinations of their King , the end did witnesse ; for the three children were delivered from the Furnace of fire , and Daniel from the Den of Lions , To the confusion of their enemies , To the better instruction of the ignorant Kings , and To the perpetuall comfort of Gods afflicted children . And Abdemelech , in the day of the Lords Visitation , when the King and his Councell did drink the bitter cup of Gods Vengeance , did finde his life for a prey , and did not fall by the edge of the sword , when many thousands did perish : And this was signified unto them by the Prophet himself , at the commandment of God , before that Ierusalem was destroyed . This promise and cause were recited unto him in these words , I will bring my words upon this City unto evil , and not unto good ; but most assuredly I shall deliver thee , because thou hast trusted in me , saith the Lord. The trust and hope which Abdemelech had in God , made himself bold to oppose himself , being but one , to the King and to his whole Councell , who had condemned to death the Prophet , whom his conscience did acknowledge to be innocent : for thus did he speak in presence of the King , sitting in the Port of Benjamin ; My Lord the King , ( saith Abdemelech ) these men do wickedly in all things that they have done to Jeremy the Prophet . Advert and take heed , my Lords , that the men who had condemned the Prophet , were the King , his Princes and Councell , and yet did one man accuse them all of iniquity , and did boldly speak in the defence of him , of whose innocency he was perswaded : And the same , I say , is the duty of every man in his Vocation , but chiefly of the Nobility , which is joyned with their kings , to bridle and represse their folly and blinde rage : Which thing if the Nobility do not , neither yet labour to doe , as they are Traitours to their Kings , so do they provoke the wrath of God against themselves , and against the Realme , in which they abuse the Authoritie which they have received of God , to maintaine Vertue , and to suppresse Vice. And hereof I would your Honours were most certainly perswaded , That God will neither excuse Nobilitie nor people , but the Nobility least of all that obey and follow their Kings in manifest iniquity ; but with the same vengeance will God punish the Prince , People , and Nobility conspiring together against him and his Holy Ordinances ; as in the punishment upon Pharaoh , Israel , Iuda , and Babylon , is evidently to be seene ; for Pharaoh was not drowned alone , but his Captains , Charets , and great Army drank the same Cup with him . The Kings of Israel and Iudah were not punished without company , but with them were murthered the Counsellors , their Princes imprisoned , and their people led Captive : And why ? because none was found so faithfull to God , that he durst enterprise to resist , nor gainstand the manifest impietie of their Princes . And therefore was Gods wrath powred forth upon the one and the other . But the more ample discourse of this argument I deferre to better opportunity ; onely at this time I thought expedient to admonish you , That before God it shall not excuse you to alleadge , We are no Kings and therefore neither can we reforme Religion , nor yet defend such as be persecuted . Consider , my Lords , that ye are powers ordained of God ( as before is declared ) and therefore doth the Reformation of Religion , and the defence of such as unjustly are oppressed , appertaine to your charge and care ; which thing shall the Law of God ( universally given to be kept of all men ) most evidently declare ; which is my last and most assured reason , why ( I say ) ye ought to remove from your Honours , and to punish with death such as God hath condemned by his own mouth . After that Moses had declared what was true Religion , to wit , To honour God as he commanded , adding nothing to his Word , neither yet diminishing any thing from it ; and after also that vehemently he had exhort-the same Law to be observed , he denounced the punishment against the Transgressors , in these words , If thy brother , sonne , daughter , wife or neighbour , whom thou lovest as thine own life , solicitate thee secretly , saying , Let us go serve other gods , whom neither thou , nor thy fathers have knowne , consent not to him , hear him not , let not thine eye spare him , shew him no indulgency or favour , hide him not , but utterly kill him , let thy hand be the first upon him , that he may be slaine , and after the hand of the whole people . Of these words of Moses are two things appertaining to our purpose , to be noted ; The first is , that such as solicitate only to Idolatry , ought to be punished to death , without favour or respect of person ; For he that will not suffer man to spare his sonne , his daughter , nor his wife , but straitly commandeth punishment to be taken upon the idolatours ( have they never so nigh conjunction with us ) will not wink at the Idolatry of others , of what state or condition soever they be . It is not unknown , That the Prophets had Revelations of God , which were not common to the people ; as Samuel had the Revelation that Eli and his posterity should be destroyed , That Saul should first be King , and thereafter , That he should be rejected ; That David should raign for him . Michaiah understood by Vision , That Achab should be killed in the Battell against the Syrians . Elias saw that dogs should eat Iezabel in the Forts of Iezreel ▪ Elisha did see hunger come upon Israel by the space of seven yeers . Ieremiah did foresee the destruction of Ierusalem , and the time of their Captivity . And so divers other Prophets had divers Revelations of God , which the people did not otherwise understand , but by their affirmation ; and therefore in those dayes were the Prophets named Seers , because that God did open unto them that which was hid from the multitude . Now if any man might have claimed any priviledge from the rigour of the Law , or might have justified his fact , it should have been the Prophet : For he might have alleadged for himself his singular Prerogative that he had above other men , to have Gods Will revealed unto him by Vision or by Dream ; or , That God had declared particularly unto him , that his pleasure was , To be honoured in that manner , in such a place , and by such means . But all such excuses doth God remove , commanding , That the Prophet that shall so solicitate the people to serve strange Gods , shall die the death , notwithstanding that he alleadge for himself Dream , Vision , or Revelation ; yea , although he promise miracles ; and although that such things as he promised should come to passe , yet I say commandeth God that no credit be given to him , but that he die the death , because he teacheth apostasie and defection from God. Hereby your Honours may easily see , That none provoking the people to Idolatry , ought to be exempted from the punishment of death : For if neither that inseparable Conjunction which God himself hath sanctified betwixt man and wife , neither that unspeakable love grafted in nature , which is betwixt the father and the son , neither yet that reverence which Gods people ought to bear to the Prophets , can excuse any man to spare the offender , or to conceal his offence : What excuse can man pretend , which God will accept ? Evident it is , That no state , condition , nor honour can exempt the Idolater from the hands of God , when he shall call him to account , or shall inflict punishment upon him for his offence : How shall it then excuse the people , that they , according to Gods Commandment , punish not to death such as shall solicitate , or violently draw the people to Idolatry ? And this is the first which I would your Honours should note of the former words , to wit , That no person is exempted from punishment , if he can be manifestly convinced to have provoked or led the people to Idolatry : And this is most evidently declared in that solemn Oath and Covenant which Asa made with the people , To serve God , and to maintain his Religion , adding this penalty to the transgressors of it ; to wit , That whosoever should not seek the God of Israel should be killed , were he great , or were he small , were it man , or were it woman . And of this Oath was the Lord well pleased , he was found of them , and gave them rest on every part , because they sought him with their whole heart , and did swear to punish the offenders according to the Precept of his Law , without respect of persons . And this is it which I say I would your Honours should note for the first , That no Idolater can be exempted from punishment by Gods Law. The second is , That the punishment of such crimes as are Idolatry , Blasphemy , and others that touch the Majesty of God , doth not appertain to the Kings and chief Rulers onely , but also to the whole Body of the people , and to every member of the same , according to the Vocation of every man , and according to that possibility and occasion which God doth minister , to revenge the injury done against his glory , when that impiety is manifestly known : And that doth Moses more plainly speak , in these words ; If in any Cities ( saith he ) which the Lord thy God giveth to thee to dwell in them thou shalt hear this brute , There are some men the sons of Belial passed from thee , and have solicited the Citizens out of their Cities by these words , Let us go and serve strange gods which you have not known ; search and enquire diligently , and if it be true that such abomination is done in the midst of thee , thou shalt utterly strike the Inhabitants of that City with the Sword , thou shalt destroy it , and whatsoever is within it ; thou shalt gather the spoyl of it into the midst of the Market-place , thou shalt burn that City with fire , and the spoyl of it to the Lord thy God , that it may be a heap of stones for ever ; neither shall it be any more builded . Let nothing of that execration cleave to thy hand , that the Lord may turn from thee the fury of his wrath , and be moved towards thee with inward affection . Plain it is , That Moses speaketh not , nor giveth charge to Kings Rulers and Judges onely , but he commandeth the whole Body of the people , yea , and every member of the same , according to their possibility ; And who dare be so impudent , as to deny this to be most reasonabl● and just ? For seeing that God had delivered the whole Body from Bondage , and to the whole multitude had given his Law , and to the twelve Tribes had he so distributed the inheritance of the Land of Canaan , that no family could complain that it was neglected . Was not the whole and every member addebted to confesse and acknowledge the benefits of God ? yea , had it not been the part of every man to have studied to keep the possession which he had received ? Which thing God did plainly pronounce they should not do , except that in their hearts they did sanctifie the Lord God , That they embraced and inviolably kept his Religion established , and finally , except they did cut out iniquity from amongst them , declaring themselves earnest enemies to those abominations , which God declared himself so vehemently to hate , that first he commanded the whole inhabitants of that Countrey to be destroyed , and all Monuments of ther Idolatry to be broken down : And thereafter he also straitly commandeth , That a City declining to Idolatry , should fall by the edge of the sword , and that the whole spoyl of the ●ame should be burned , no portion of it reserved . To the carnall man this may appear a rigorous and severe judgement ; yea , it may rather seem to be pronounced in a rage , then in wisedom : For what City was ever yet , in which to mans judgement were not to be found many innocent persons , as infants , children , and some simple and ignorant souls , who neither did nor could consent to such impiety ? And yet we finde no exception , but all are appointed to the cruell death . And as concerning the City , and the spoyl of the same , mans reason cannot think , but that it might have been better bestowed , then to be consumed with fire , and so to profit no man : But in such cases Gods will is , That all creatures stoup , cover their faces , & desist from reasoning , when commandment is given to execute his judgement . Albeit I could adduce divers causes of such severity , yet will I search none other then the holy Ghost hath assigned : First , That all Israel , hearing the judgement , should fear to commit the like abomination . And secondly , That the Lord might turn from the fury of his anger , might be moved towards the people with inward affection , be mercifull unto them , and multiply them , according to his Oath made unto their fathers . Which reasons , as they are sufficient in Gods children to correct the murmuring of the grudging flesh , so ought they to provoke every man , as before I have said , to declare himself enemy to that which so highly provoketh the wrath of God against the whole people : For where Moses saith , Let the City be burned , and let no part of the spoyl cleave to thy hand , that the Lord may return from the fury of his wrath , &c. he plainly doth signifie , That by the defection and Idolatry of a few , Gods wrath is kindled against the whole , which is never quenched , till such punishment be taken upon the offenders , that whatsoever served them in their Idolatry , be brought to destruction , because that it is execrable and accursed before God , and therefore he will not that it be reserved for any use of his people . I am not ignorant that this Law was not put in execution , as God commanded ; But what did thereof ensue and follow , histories declare ; to wit , Plague after plague , till Israel and Iuda were led in Captivity , as the Books of the Kings do witnesse . The consideration whereof maketh me more bo●d to affirm , That it is the duty of every man who desireth to escape the plague and punishment of God , To declare himself enemy to Idolatry , not onely in heart , hating the same , but also in externall gesture , declaring that he lamenteth , if he can do no more , for such abominations . Which thing was shewed to the Prophet Ezekiel , when he gave him to understand why he would destroy Iuda with Israel ; and that he would remove his glory from the Temple and place that he had chosen , and so pour forth his wrath and indignation upon the City that was full of blood and apostasie , which became so impudent , that it durst be bold to say , The Lord hath left the earth , and seeth not . And this time , I say , the Lord revealed in vision to his Prophet , who they were that should finde favour in that miserable destruction ; to wit , That those that did mourn and lament for all the abominations done in the City , in whose foreheads did God command to Print and Seal Tau , to the end that the destroyer , who was commanded to strike the rest without mercy , should not hurt them in whom that signe was found . Of these premises , I suppose it be evident , That the punishment of Idolatry doth not appertain to Kings onely , but also to the whole people ; yea , to every member of the same , according to his possibility : For that is a thing most assured , That no man can mourn , lament , and bewail , for those things which will not remove to the uttermost of his power . If this be required of the whole people , and of every man in his Vocation , What shall be required of you , my Lords , whom God hath raised up to be Princes and Rulers above your Brethren , whose hands he hath armed with the sword of Justice , yea , whom he hath appointed to be as Bridles to represse the rage and insolency of your Kings , whensoever they pretend manifestly to transgresse Gods blessed Ordinance ? If any think that this my affirmation touching the punishment of Idolaters be contrary to the practice of the Apostles , who finding the Gentiles in Idolatry , did call them to repentance ▪ requiring no such punishment ; let the same man understand , That the Gentiles , before the preaching of Christ , lived , as the Apostle speaketh , Without God in the World , drowned in Idolatry , according to the blindnesse and ignorance , in which they were holden as a prophane Nation , whom God had never openly avowed to be his people , had never received in his houshold , neither given unto them his Laws to be kept in Religion nor Policy , and therefore did not the holy Ghost , calling them to repentance , require of them any corporall punishment , according to the rigour of the Law , unto the which they were never subjects , as they that were strangers from the Common-wealth of Israel . But if any think , That after that the Gentiles were called from their vain conversation , and by embracing Christ Jesus , were received in the number of Abrahams children , and so made one people with the Jews believing : If any think , I say , That then they were not bound to the same obedience which God required of his people Israel , when he confirmed his League and Covenant with them ; the same appeareth to make Christ inferiour to Moses , and contrarious to the Law of his heavenly Father : For if the contempt or transgression of Moses Law was worthy of death , What should we judge the contempt of Christs Ordinance to be ? ( I mean , after they be once received . ) And if Christ be not come to dissolve , but to fulfill the Law of his heavenly Father , Shall the liberty of his Gospel be an occasion that the especiall glory of his Father be trodden under foot , and regarded of no man ? God forbid . The especiall glory of God is , That such as professe themselves to be his people , should hearken to his voice : And amongst all the voices of God revealed to the world , touching punishment of vices , is none more evident , neither more severe , then is that which is pronounced against Idolatry , the teachers and maintainers of the same : And therefore I fear not to affirm , That the Gentiles ( I mean , every City , Realm , Province , or Nation amongst the Gentiles , embracing Christ Jesus , and his true Religion ) be bound to the same League and Covenant that God made with his people Israel , when he promised to root out the Nations before them , in these words , Beware that thou make not any Covenant with the Inhabitants of the Land , to the which thou comest , lest perchance that this come in ruine , that is , be destruction to thee ; but thou shalt destroy their Altars , break their Idols , and cut down their Groves : Fear no strange Gods , nor worship them , neither yet make you sacrifice to them : But the Lord , who in his great power , and out-stretched arm hath brought you out of the Land of Egypt , shall you fear , him shall you honour , him shall you worship , to him shall you make Sacrifice , his Statutes , Iudgements , Laws , and Commandments you shall keep and observe . This is the Covenant which I have made with you , saith the Eternall , forget it not , neither yet fear ye other gods ; but fear you the Lord your God , and he shall deliver you from the hands of all your enemies . To this same Law and Covenant are the Gentiles no lesse bound , then sometime were the Jews , whensoever God doth illuminate the eyes of any multitude , Province , people , or Citie , and putteth the sword in their own hand to remove such enormities from amongst them , as before they knew to be abominable ; then ( I say ) are they no lesse bound to purge their Dominions , Cities , and Countries from Idolatry , then were the Israelites , what time they received the Possession of the Land of Canaan . And moreover , I say , If any go about to erect and set up Idolatry , or to teach defection from God , after that the verity hath been received and approved , that then not onely the Magistrates , to whom the sword is committed ; but also the people are bound by that Oath , which they have made to God , to revenge to the utmost of their power , the injury done against his Majesty . In universall desections , and in a generall revolt , such as was in Israel after Ieroboam , there is a divers consideration ; for then , because the whole people were together conspired against God , there could none be found that would execute the punishment which God had commanded , till God raised up Iehu , whom he appointed for that purpose . And the same is to be considered in all other generall defections , such as this day be in the Papistry , where all are blinded , and all are declined from God , and that of long continuance , so that no ordinary Justice can be executed , but the punishment must be reserved to God , and unto all such means as he shall appoint : But I speak of such a number as after they have received Gods perfect Religion , do boldly professe the same , notwithstanding , that some , or the most part fall back ( as of late dayes was in England ) unto such a number , I say , it is lawfull to punish the Idolators with death , if by any means God give them power : For so did Ioshua and Israel determine to have done against the children of Reuben , Gad , and Manasses , for their suspected Apostasie and defection from God. And the whole Tribes did in very deed execute that sharp judgement against the Tribe of Benjamin for a lesse offence then for Idolatry . And the same ought to be one wheresoever Christ Jesus and his Evangell is so received in any Realm , Province , or Citie , that the Magistrates and people have solemnly avowed and promised to defend the same , as under King Edward of late dayes was done in England . In such places , it is not onely lawfull to punish to the death , such as labour to subvert the true Religion , but the Magistrates and people are bound so to , unlesse they will provoke the wrath of God against themselves . And therefore , I fear not to affirm , That it had been the duty of the Nobilitie , Judges , Rulers , and people of England , to have resisted and gain-standed Mary their Queen , with all the sort of her Idolatrous Priests , together with all such as should have assisted her , when that she and they openly began to suppresse Christs Evangell , to shed the blood of the Saints of God , and to erect that most devillish Idolatry , the Papisticall abominations , and his usurped tyranny , which once most justly by common Oath was banished from that Realm . But because I cannot at this present discusse this argument as it appertaineth , I am compelled to omit it to better opportunity ; and so returning to your Honours , I say , That if ye confesse your selves baptized in the Lord Jesus , as of necessity ye must confesse , That the care of Religion doth appertain to your charge : And if ye know that in your hands God hath put the sword , for the causes above expressed , then can ye not deny , but that the punishment of obstinate and malapert Idolaters ( such as all your Bishops be ) doth appertain to your Office , if after admonition they continue obstinate . I am not ignorant what be the vain defences of your proud Prelats ; they claim , first , A prerogative and priviledge , That they are exempted , and that by consent of Councells and Emperouts , from all Jurisdiction of the Temporalty . And secondly , when they are convinced of manifest impiety , abuses and enormities , as well in their manners , as in Religion ; neither fear nor shame they to affirm , That things so long established , cannot suddenly be reformed , although they be corrupted ; but with processe of time they promise to take order . But in few words , I answer , That no priviledge granted against the Ordinance and Statutes of God is to be observed , although all Councells and men on the earth have appointed the same : But against Gods Ordinance it is , That Idolaters , murtherers , false Teachers , and Blasphemers , shall be exempted from punishment , as before is declared ; and therefore in vain it is , that they claim for priviledge , when God saith , The murtherer shalt thou drive from my Altar , that he may die the death . And as to the Order and Reformation which they promise , that is to be looked or hoped for , when Satan , whose children and slaves they are , can change his nature . This answer , I doubt not , shall suffice the sober and godly reader : But yet , to the end that they may further see their own confusion , and that your Honours may the better understand what ye ought to do in so manifest a corruption and defection from God , I ask of them , What assurance they have of this their immunity , exemption or priviledge ? Who is the author of it ? And what fruit it hath produced ? And first I say , That of God they have no assurance , neither yet can he be proved to be author of any such priviledge . But the contrary is easie to be seen ; for God in establishing his Orders in Israel , did so subject Aaron ( in his Priesthood being the figure of Christ ) to Moses , that he feared not to call him in judgement , and to constrain him to give accounts of his wicked deed in consenting to Idolatry , as the History doth plainly witnesse ; for thus it is written ; Then Moses took the Calfe which they had made , and burned it with fire , and did grinde it to powder ; and scattering it in the water , gave it to drink to the children of Israel , declaring thereby the vanity of their Idol , and the abomination of the same : And thereafter Moses said to Aaron , What hath this people done to thee , that thou shouldest bring upon it so a great sin ? Thus , I say , doth Moses call Aaron , and accuse him of the destruction of the whole people ; and yet he perfectly understood that God had appointed him to be the high Priest , That he should bear upon his shoulders and upon his brest the names of the twelve Tribes of Israel , for whom he was appointed to make sacrifice , prayers , and supplications . He knew his dignitie was so great , that onely he might enter within the most holy place ; but neither could his Office nor dignitie exempt him from judgement , when he had offended . If any object , Aaron at that time was not anointed , and therefore was he subject to Moses ; I have answered , That Moses being taught by the mouth of God did perfectly understand to what dignitie Aaron was appointed , and yet he feared not to call him in judgement , and to compell him to make answer for his wicked fact . But if this answer doth not suffice , yet shall the Holy Ghost witnesse further in the matter . Salomon removed from honour Abiathar being the High Priest , and commanded him to cease from all function , and to live as a private man. Now if the Unction did exempt the Priest from Jurisdiction of the Civill Magistrate , Solomon did offend and injured Abiathar ; for he was Anointed , and had carried the Arke before David ; But God doth not reprove the fact of Solomon , neither yet doth Abiathar claime any prerogative by the reason of his Office , but rather doth the Holy Ghost approve the fact of Solomon , saying , Solomon ejected forth Abiathar , that he should not be the Priest of the Lord , that the word of the Lord might be performed which he spake upon the house of Eli. And Abiathar did thinke that hee obtained great favour , in that hee did escape the present death , which by his Conspiracie he had deserved . If any yet reason , That Abiathar was no otherwise subject to the judgement of the King , but as he was appointed to be the executor of that sentence , which GOD before had pronounced , as I will not greatly denie that reason , so require I that every man consider , That the same God who pronounced sentence against Eli and his house , hath pronounced also , That Idolaters , Whore-mongers , Murtherers and Blasphemers , shall neither have portion in the Kingdom of God , neither ought to be permitted to bear any Rule in his Church and Congregation . Now if the Unction and Office saved not Abiathar , because that Gods sentence must needs be performed , Can any priviledge granted by man be a Buckler to malefactors , that they shall not be subject to the punishments pronounced by God ? I think no man will be so foolish as so to affirm ; for a thing more then evident it is , That the whole Priesthood in the time of the Law was bound to give obedience to the Civill Powers ; and if any member of the same was found criminall , the same was subject to the punishment of the Sword which God had put into the hand of the Magistrate . And this Ordinance of his Father did not Christ disannull , but rather did confirm the same , commanding Tribute to be paid for himself and for Peter ; who perfectly knowing the minde of his Master , writeth thus in his Epistle ; Submit your selves to all manner of Ordinance of man ( he excepteth such as be expressely repugning to Gods Commandment ) for the Lords sake , whether it be to the King , as to the chief Head , or unto Rulers , as unto them that are sent by him for punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . The same doth the Apostle Saint Paul most plainly command in these words ; Let every soul be subject to the Superiour Powers . Which places make evident , That neither Christ , neither his Apostles , hath given any assurance of this immunity and priviledge which men of Church ( as they will be termed ) do this day claim : Yea , it was a thing unknown to the Primitive Church many yeers after the dayes of the Apostles : For Chrysostome , who served in the Church at Constantinople four hundreth yeers after Christs Ascension , and after that corruption was greatly increased , doth yet thus write upon the foresaid words of the Apostle , This precept ( saith he ) doth not appertain to such as be called seculars onely , but even to those that be Priests and religious men : And after he addeth , Whether thou be Apostle , Evangelist , Prophet , or whosoever thou be , thou canst not be excepted from this subjection . Hereof it is plain Chrysostome did not understand that God had exempted any person from obedience and subjection of the Civill Power , neither yet that he was Authour of such exemption and priviledge , as Papists do this day claim . And the same was the judgement and uniforme Doctrine of the Primitive Church for many yeers after Christ. Your Honours do wonder , I doubt not , from what Fountain then did this their immunitie ( as they term it ) and singular priviledge spring ; I shall shortly touch that , which is evident in their owne Law and Histories . When the Bishops of Rome , the very Antichrists had partly by fraud , and partly by violence usurped the superiortie of some places in Italy , and most unjustly had spoiled the Emperours of their Rents and possessions , and had also murthered some of their Officers , as Histories do witnesse , then began Pope after Pope to practise and devise , how they should be exempted from the judgment of Princes , and from the equity of Laws ; and in this point they were most vigilant , till at length iniquity did so prevaile in their hands , according as Daniel had before prophesied of them , that this sentence was pronouned , Neither by the Emperour , neither by the Clergie , neither yet by the people shall the Iudge be judged . God will ( saith Symmachus ) that the causes of others be determined by men , but without all question he hath reserved the Bishop of this Seat ( understanding Rome ) to his own judgement . And hereof diverse Popes , and Expositours of their Laws would seeme to give reasons ; for saith Agatho , All the Precepts of the Apostolike Seat are assured , as by the voyce of God himself . The Author of the glosse upon this Canon , affirmeth , That if all the world would pronounce sentence against the Pope , yet should his sentence prevail ; For ( saith he ) the Pope hath a Heavenly will , and therefore he may change the nature of things , he may apply the substance of one thing to another , and of nothing he may make somewhat ; and that sentence , which was nothing ( that is ) by his minde false and unjust , he may make somewhat that is true and just ; for ( saith he ) in all things that please him his will is for reason ; neither is there any man that may aske of him , Why doest thou so ? for he may dispence above Law , and of injustice he may make justice ; for he hath the fulnesse of all power . And many other blasphemous sentences did they pronounce every one after other , which for shortnesse sake I omit , till at the end they obtained this most horrible Decree ; That , albeit in life and conversation they were so wicked , and detestable , that not onely they condemned themselves , but that also they drew to Hell and perdition many thousands with them , yet that none should presume to reprehend or rebuke them . This being established for the Head ( albeit not without some contradiction , for some Emperours did require due obedience of them , as Gods Word commanded , and ancient Bishops had given before to Emperours , and to their Laws , but Sathan so prevailed in his suite before the blinde world , that the former sentences were confirmed , which power being granted to the Head ) then began provision to be made for the rest of the members in all Realms and Countries , where they made residence ; the residence whereof we see to be this , that none of that pestilent generation ( I mean the vermine of the Papisticall Order ) will be subject to any Civill Magistrate , how enormous soever his crime be , but will be reserved to their own Ordinary , as they terme it : And what fruits have hereof ensued , be the word never so blinde , it cannot but witnesse ; for how their Head that Romane Antichrist hath beene occupied ever since the granting of such priviledges , Histories do witnesse , and of late the most part of Europa , subject to the plague of God , to fire and sword , by his procurement hath felt , and this day doth feel : The pride , ambition , envie , excesse , fraud , spoil , oppression , murther , filthie life and incest , that is used and maintained amongst that rabble of Priests , Friers , Monks , Cannons , Bishops , and Cardinals , cannot be expressed . I fear not to affirm , neither doubt I to prove , that the Papisticall Church is further degenerate from the puritie of Christs Doctrine , from the footsteps of the Apostles , and from the manners of the primitive Church , then was the Church of the Iews from Gods holy Statutes , what time it did crucifie Christ Jesus the onely Messias , and most cruelly persecute his Apostles : And yet will our Papists claim their priviledges and ancient Liberties , which if you grant unto them , my Lords , ye shall assuredly drink the cup of Gods vengeance with them , and shall be reputed before his presence , companions of Theeves , and maintainers of Murtherers , as is before declared ; for their immunity and priviledge , whereof so greatly they boast , is nothing else , but as if Theeves , Murtherers , or Briggands should conspire amongst themselves , that they would never answer in judgement before any lawfull Magistrate , to the end that their theft and murther should not be punished ; even such ( I say ) is their wicked priviledge , which neither they have of God the Father , neither of Christ Jesus , who hath revealed his Fathers Will to the world , neither yet of the Apostles nor primitive Church , as before is declared : But it is a thing conspired among themselves , to the end that their iniquity , detestable life and Tyrannie may never be repressed , nor reformed . And if they Object , That godly Emperours did grant and confirm the same . I answer , That the godlinesse of no man is or can be sufficient Authoritie to justifie a foolish and ungodly fact , such I mean , as God hath not allowed by his Word ; for Abraham was a godly man , but the denyall of his Wife was such a fact , as no godly man ought to imitate : The same might I shew of David , Hezekiah , and Iosiah , unto whom I think no man of judgement will preferre any Emperour since Christ , in holinesse and wisdom , and yet are not their facts , no even such as appeared for good causes , to be approved nor followed . And therefore , I say , as errour and ignorance remain alwayes with the most perfect man in his life , so must their works be examined by another rule , then by their own holinesse , if they shall be approved . But if this Answer doth not suffice , then will I answer more shortly , That no godly Emperour since Christs Ascension hath granted any such priviledge to any such Church or person , as they ( the whole generation of Papists ) be at this day . I am not ignorant , that some Emperours of a certain zeale , and for some considerations granted liberties to the true Church , afflicted for their maintenance against Tyrants ; but what serveth this for the defence of their Tyrannie ? If the Law must be understood according to the minde of the Lawgiver , then must they prove themselves Christs true and afflicted Church , before they can claim any priviledge to appertaine to them , for onely to that Church were the priviledges granted ; it will not be their glorious Titles , neither yet the long possession of the name that can prevail in this so weighty a Cause ; for all those had the Church of Ierusalem , which did crucifie Christ , and did condemne his Doctrine . We offer to prove by their fruits and Tyrannie , by the Prophets , and plain Scriptures of God , what trees and generation they be , to wit , unfruitfull and rotten , apt for nothing , but to be cut and cast into Hell fire ; yea , that they are the very kingdome of Antichrist , of whom we are commanded to beware . Therefore , my Lords , to return to you , seeing that God hath armed your hands with the sword of Justice , seeing that his Law most straightly commandeth Idolaters and false Prophets to be punished with death , and that you be placed above your Subjects , to reigne as fathers over their Children ; and further , seeing that not onely I , but with me many thousand famous , godly and learned persons , accuse your Bishops , and the whole rabble of the Papisticall Clergie , of Idolatrie , of Murther and Blasphemie against God committed : It appertaineth to your Honours to bee vigilant and carefull in so weighty a matter ? The question is not of earthly substance , but of the glory of God , and of the Salvation of your selves , and of your brethren subject to your charge ; in which if you ( after this plain admonition ) be negligent , there resteth no excuse by reason of ignorance ; for in the name of God I require of you , That the Cause of Religion may be tried in your presence by the plain and simple Word of God ; That your Bishops be compelled to desist from their Tyrannie , That they be compelled to make answer for the neglecting of their Office for the substance of the poor , which unjustly they usurp , and prodigally they do spend ; but principally for the false and deceivable Doctrine which is taught and defended by their false Prophets , flattering Friers , and other such venomous Locusts : Which thing if with single eyes yee do , ( preferring Gods glory and the Salvation of your Brethren before all wordly Commoditie ) then shall the same God , who solemnly doth pronounce to honour those that do honour him , pour his benedictions plentifully upon you , he shall be your Buckler , protection and Captain , and shall represse by his strength and wisdom , whatsoever Satan by his supposts shall imagine against you I am not ignorant , that great troubles shall ensue your enterprise ; for Satan will not be expelled from the possession of his usurped Kingdom without resistance : But if you ( as is said ) preferring Gods glory to your own lives , unfainedly seek and study to obey his blessed will , then shall your deliverance be such , as evidently it shall be known , That the Angels of the Eternall do watch , make war and fight for those that unfainedly fear the Lord. But if you refuse this my most reasonable and just Petition , what defence that ever you appear to have before men , then shall God ( whom in me you contemne ) refuse you ; he shall pour forth contempt upon you , and upon your posterity after you ; the spirit of boldnesse and wisedome shall be taken from you ; your enemies shall raigne , and you shall die in bondage ; yea , God shall cut down the unfruitfull trees , when they do appear most beautifully to flourish , and shall so burne the root , that after you shall neither twigge nor branch again spring to glory . Hereof I need not to adduce unto you examples from the former ages , and ancient histories : For your brethren the Nobility of England are a mirrour and glasse , in the which ye may behold Gods just punishment ; For as they have refused him and his Evangell which once in mouth they did professe , so hath he refused them , and hath taken from them the spirit of wisedom , boldnesse , and of counsell ; they see and feel their own misery , and yet they have no grace to avoid it . They hate the bondage of strangers , the pride of Priests , and the monstriferous Empire of a wicked woman , and yet are they compelled to bow their necks to the yoke of the devill , to obey whatsoever the proud Spaniards and misled Mary list to command ; and finally , to stand like slaves with cap in hand till the servants of Satan , the shaven sort , call them to Councell : This fruit do they reap and gather of their former rebellion and unfaithfulnesse towards God ; They are left confusen in their own counsells ; he , whom in his members for the pleasure of a wicked woman they have exiled , persecuted and blasphemed , doth now laugh them to scorn , suffereth them to be pined in bondage of most wicked men , and finally , shall judge them to the fire everlasting , except that speedily and openly they repent their horrible Treason which against God , against his Son Christ Jesus , and against the Liberty of their own native Countrey they have committed . The same plagues shall fall upon you , be you assured , if ye refuse the defence of his servants that call for your support . My words are sharp ; but consider , my Lords , that they are not mine , but that they are the threatnings of the Omnipotent , who assuredly will perform the voices of his Prophets , how that ever carnall men despise his admonitions . The Sword of Gods wrath is already drawn , which of necessity must needs strike , when grace offered is obstinately refused . You have been long in bondage of the devill , blindenesse , errour and Idolatry , prevailing against the simple Truth of God in that your Realme , in which God hath made you Princes and Rulers : But now doth God of his great mercy call you to repentance , before he pour forth the uttermost of his vengeance : He cryeth to your ears , That your Religion is nothing but Idolatry ; he accuseth you of the blood of his Saints which hath been shed by your permission , assistance and powers : For the tyranny of those raging Beasts should have no force , if by your strength they were not maintained . Of those horrible crimes doth now God accuse you , not of purpose to condemne you , but mercifully to absolve and pardon you , as sometime he did those whom Peter accused to have killed the Son of God , so that ye be not of minde nor purpose to justifie your former iniquity . Iniquity I call not onely the crimes and offences which have been , and yet remain in your manners and lives , but that also which appeareth before men most holy , with hazard of my life I offer to prove abomination before God ; that is , your whole Religion to be so corrupt and vain , that no true servant of God can communicate with it , because that in so doing he should manifestly deny Christ Jesus and his Eternall Verity . I know that your Bishops , accompanied with the swarm of the Papisticall vermine , shall cry , A damned heretick ought not to be heard . But remember , my Lords , what I protested in the beginning , upon which ground I continually stand ; to wit , That I am no hereticke , nor deceivable Teacher ; but the servant of Christ Jesus , a Preacher of his infallible Verity , innocent in all that they can lay to my charge concerning my Doctrine ; and therefore by them , being enemies to Christ , I am unjustly condemned : From which cruell Sentence I have appealed , and do appeal , as before mention is made ; in the mean time most humbly requiring your Honours to take me in your protection , to be auditors of my just defences , granting unto me the same liberty which Achab , a wicked King , and Israel at that time a blinded people , granted to Elijah in the like case ; That your Bishops , and the whole rabble of your Clergie , may be called before you , and before that people whom they have deceived ; That I be not condemned by multitude , custome , by Authority or Law devised by man ; but that God himself may be judge betwixt me and my adversaries : Let God , I say , speak by his Law , by his Prophets , by Christ Jesus , or by his Apostles , and so let him pronounce what Religion he approveth ; and then , be my enemies never so many , and appear they never so strong and so learned , no more do I fear victory , then did Elijah , being but one man , against the multitude of Baals Priests . And if they think to have advantage by their Councells and Doctors , this I further offer , To admit the one and the other as witnesses in all matters debatable , three things ( which justly cannot be denied ) being granted unto me : First , That the most ancient Councells nighest to the Primitive Church , in which the learned and godly Fathers did examine all matters by Gods Word , may be holden of most Authority . Secondly , That no determination of Councells nor man be admitted against the plain Verity of Gods Word , nor against the determination of those four chief Councells , whose Authority hath been and is holden by them equall with the Authority of the four Evangelists . And last , That to no Doctor be given greater authority , then Augustine requireth to be given to his Writings ; to wit , If he plainly prove not his affirmation by Gods infallible Word , that then his sentence be rejected , and imputed to the errour of a man. These things granted and admitted , I shall no more refuse the testimonies of Councells and Doctors , then shall my adversaries . But and if they will justifie those Councells which maintain their pride and usurped Authority , and will reject those which plainly have condemned all such tyranny , negligence , and wicked life as Bishops now do use : And if further they will snatch a doubtfull sentence of a Doctor , and refuse his minde when he speaketh plainly ; then will I say , That all men are lyers , That credit ought not to be given to an unconstant witnesse ; and that no Councells ought to prevail , nor be admitted against the sentence which God hath pronounced . And thus , my Lords , in few words to conclude , I have offered unto you a tryall of my innocency : I have declared unto you what God requireth of you , being placed above his people as Rulers and Princes : I have offered unto you , and to the inhabitants of the Realme , the Verity of Christ Jesus : And with the hazard of my life I presently offer to prove the Religion which amongst you is maintained by fire and sword to be false , damnabl● , and diabolicall . Which things if ye refuse , defending tyrants in their tyrannie , then I dare not flatter , but as it was commanded to Ezechiel boldly to proclaim ; so must I cry to you , That you shall perish in your iniquity , That the Lord Jesus shall refuse so many of you as maliciously withstand his eternall Verity , and in the day of his apparition , when all flesh shall appeare before him , that he shall repell you from his company , and shall command you to the fire which never shall be quenched ; and then neither shall the multitude be able to resist , neither yet the counsells of man be able to prevail against that sentence which he shall pronounce . God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , by the power of his holy Spirit , so rule and dispose of your hearts , that of simplicity ye may consider the things that be offered ; and that ye may take such order in the same , as God in you may be glorified , and Christs Flock by you may be edified and comforted , to the praise and glory of our Lord Iesus Christ , whose Omnipotent Spirit rule your hearts in his true feare to the end . Amen . The Admonition of John Knox to the Commonalty of Scotland To his beloved Brethren the Commonalty of SCOTLAND : JOHN KNOX wisheth Grace , Mercy , and Peace ; With the Spirit of righteous judgement . WHat I have required of the Queen Regent , States and Nobility , as of the chief Heads ( for this present ) of the Realm , I cannot cease to require of you ( dearly beloved brethren ) which be the Communalty and Body of the same ; to wit , That it ( notwithstanding that false and cruell Sentence which your disguised Bishops have pronounced against me ) would please you to be so favourable unto me , as to be indifferent auditors of my just Purgation : Which to do if God earnestly move your hearts , as I nothing doubt but that your enterprise shall redound to the praise and glory of his holy Name ; so am I assured , That ye and your posterity shall by that means receive most singular comfort , edification and profit : For when ye shall hear the matter debated , ye shall easily perceive and understand upon what ground and foundation is builded that Religion which amongst you is this day defended by fire and sword . As for mine owne conscience , I am most assuredly perswaded , That whatsoever is used in the Papisticall Church , is altogether repugning to Christs blessed Ordinance , and is nothing but mortall venome ; of which whosoever drinketh , I am assuredly perswaded that therewith he drinketh death and damnation , except by true conversion unto God he be purged from the same . But because that long silence of Gods Word hath begotten ignorance almost in all sorts of men ; and ignorance joyned with long custome , hath confirmed superstition in the hearts of many , I therefore , in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ , desire audience , as well of you the Commonalty , my brethren , as of the States and Nobility of the Realm , that in publike Preaching I may have place amongst you at large to utter my minde in all matters of controversie this day in Religion . And further I desire , That ye , concurring with your Nobility , would competl your Bishops and Clergie to cease their tyranny : And also , That for the better assurance and instruction of your conscience , ye would compell your said Bishops and false Teachers to answer by the Scriptures of God to such Objections and crimes , as shall be laid against their vain Religion , false Doctrine , wicked life , and slanderous conversation . Here I know that it shall be objected , That I require of you a thing most unreasonable ; to wit , That ye should call your Religion in doubt , which hath been approved and established by so long continuance , and by the consent of so many men before you . But I shortly answer , That neither is the long continuance of time , neither yet the multitude of men a sufficient approbation , which God will allow for our Religion ; For as some of the ancient Writers do witnesse , neither can long processe of time justifie an errour , neither can the multitude of such , as follow it , change the nature of the same ; But if it was an errour in the beginning , so is it in the end , and the longer that it be followed , and the mo that do receive it , it is more pestilent , and more to be avoided : For if antiquity or multitude of men could justifie any Religion , then was the Idolatry of the Gentiles , and now is the abomination of the Turks , good Religion ; For antiquity approved the one , and a multitude hath received , and doth defend the other : But otherwise to answer , godly men may wonder from what Fountain such a sentence doth flow , that no man ought to trie his faith and Religion by Gods Word , but that he safely may beleeve and follow every thing , which antiquity and multitude have approved ; the Spirit of God doth otherwise teach us ; for the wisdome of God , Christ Jesus himself , remitted his adversaries to Moses and the Scriptures , to trie by them whether his Doctrine were of God , or not : The Apostles Paul and Peter command men to trie the Religion which they professe , by Gods plaine Scriptures , and doe praise men for so doing ; Saint Iohn straightly commandeth , That we beleeve not every spirit , but to trie the spirits whether they be of God , or not . Now seeing that these evident testimonies of the holy Ghost will us to trie our faith and Religion by the plain Word of God ; wonder it is that the Papists will not be content that their Religion and Doctrine come under the triall of the same . If this sentence of Christ be true ( as it is most true , seeing it springeth from the verity it self ) Who so doth evill hateth the Light , neither will he come to the Light , lest that his works be manifested and rebuked , then do our Papists by their own sentence condemne themselves and their Religion ; for in so farre as they refuse examination and triall , they declare that they know some fault which the Light will utter ; which is a cause of their fear , and why they claim that priviledge , that no man dispute of their Religion ; the Verity and Truth being of the nature of fine purified Gold , doth not fear the triall of the Fornace ; but the stubble and Chaffe of mans inventions ( such is their Religion ) may not abide the the flame of fire . True it is , that Mahomet pronounced this sentence , That no man should in pain of death dispute or reason of the ground of his Religion ; which Law to this day ( by the art of Sathan ) is observed amongst the Turkes , to their mortall blindnesse and horrible blaspheming of the Gospell of Christ Jesus , and of his true Religion ; And from Mahomet or rather from Sathan the father of all lies ) hath the Pope and his rabble learned this former lesson ; to wit , Their Religion should not be disputed upon , but what the fathers have beleeved , that ought and must the Children approve ; and in so divising Satan lacked not his foresight , for no one thing hath more established the kingdome of that Romane Antichrist , then this most wicked decree ; to wit , That no man was permitted to reason of his power , or to call his Laws in doubt : This is most assured , that whensoever the Papisticall Religion shall come to examination , it shall be found to have no other ground , then hath the religion of Mahomet ; to wit , mans invention , device and dreams overshaddowed with some colour of Gods Word : And therefore Brethren , seeing that the Religion is to man , as the stomack to the body , which if it be corrupted , doth infect the whole Members , it is necessary that the same be examined ; and if it be found replenished with pestilent humours , ( I mean with the fantasies of men ) then of necessitie it is , that those be purged , else shall your bodies and souls perish for ever : For of this I would ye were most certainly perswaded , that a corrupt Religion defileth the whole life of man , appear it never so holy . Neither would I that ye should esteem the Reformation and care of Religion lesse to appertain to you , because ye are no Kings , Rulers , Judges , Nobles , nor in Authoritie ; beloved Brethren , ye are Gods Creatures , created and formed to his own Image and similitude , for whose redemption was shed the most precious blood of the onely beloved Sonne of God , to whom he hath commanded his Gospell and glad-tydings to be preached , and for whom he hath prepared the heavenly Inheritance , so that ye will not obstinatly refuse , and disdainfully contemne the means which he hath appointed to obtain the same ; to wit , his blessed Evangell , which now he offereth unto you , to the end that ye may be saved : For the Gospell and glad Tydings of the Kingdome truly preached , is the power of God to the salvation of every Beleever , which to credite and receive your the Communalty are no lesse addebted , then be your Rulers and Princes ; for albeit God hath put and ordained distinction and difference betwixt the King and Subjects , betwixt the Rulers and the Common-people in the Regiment and Administration of Civill Policies , yet in the hope of the life to come he hath made all equall ; for as in Christ Jesus the Iew hath no greater Prerogative then hath the Gentile , the man then hath the woman , the learned then the unlearned , the Lord then the servant , but all are one in him , so is there but one way and means to attain to the participation of his benefits and spirituall graces , which is a lively faith , working by charitie ; and therefore I say , that it doth no lesse appertain to you , beloved Brethren , to bee assured that your faith and Religion be grounded and established upon the true and undoubted Word of God , then to your Princes or Rulers : For as your bodies cannot escape corporall death , if with your Princes ye eate or drink deadly poyson ( although it be by ignorance or negligence ; ) so shall ye not escape the everlasting , if with them ye professe a corrupt Religion ; yea , except in heart ye beleeve , and with mouth ye confesse the Lord Jesus to be the onely Saviour of the world , ( which ye cannot doe , except ye embrace his Evangell offered ) ye cannot escape death and damnation : For as the just liveth by his own faith , so doth the unfaithfull perish by his infidelitie : And as true faith is ingendred , nourished , and maintained in the hearts of Gods Elect , by Christs Evangell truely preached ; so is infidelity and unbelief fostered by concealing and repressing the same . And thus if ye look for the life everlasting , ye must trie if ye stand in faith , and if ye would be assured of a true and lively faith , ye must needs have Christ Jesus truly preached unto you . And this is the cause ( dear Brethren ) that so oft I repeat , and so constantly I affirme , That to you it doth not lesse appertain , then to you King or Princes , to provide that Christ Jesus be truely preached amongst you , seeing that without his true knowledge , can neither of you both attain to Salvation : And this is the point , wherein ( I say ) all men are equall , That all are descended from Adam , by whose sin and inobedience did death enter into the world , so it behoved all that shall obtain life , to be ingrafted in one , that is , in the Lord Iesus , who being the just servant , doth by his knowledge justifie many ; to wit , all that unfainedly beleeve in him . Of this equalitie , and that , God requireth no lesse of the subject , be he never so poor , then of the Prince and rich man in matters of Religion , he hath given an evident declaration in the Law of Moses ; for when the Tabernacle was builded , erected , and set in order , God did provide , how it and the things pertaining to the same , should be sustained , so that they should not fall in decay : And this provision ( albeit heaven and earth obey his Empire ) would he not take from the secret and hid Treasures which lie dispersed in the veines of the earth , neither yet would he take it from the rich and potent of the people ; but he did command , That every one of the sons of Israel ( were he rich or were he poor ) that came in count from 20 yeers and upward , should yeerly pay halfe a Sickle for an oblation to the Lord , in the remembrance of their Redemption , and for an expiation or cleansing of their souls , which money God commanded should be bestowed upon the Ornaments and necessaries of the Tabernacle of Testimony . He furthermore added a Precept , That the rich should give no more for that use , and in that behalf , then should the poor ; neither yet that the poor should give any lesse then should the rich in that consideration . This law , to mans reason and judgement , may appear very unreasonable ; for some rich man might have given a thousand sickles with lesse hurt of his substance , then some poor man might have payed the half Sickle : And yet God maketh all equall , and will that the one shall pay no more then the other , neither yet the poor lesse then the rich ; This Law ( I say ) may appear very unequall : But if the cause which God addeth be observed , we shall finde in the same the great mercy and inestimable wisdom of God to appear , which cause is expressed in these words ; This money received from the children of Israel , thou shalt give in for the service of the Tabernacle , that it may be to the clildren of Israel for a remembrance before the Lord , that he may be mercifull to your souls . This cause ( I say ) doth evidently declare , That as the whole multitude was delivered from the bondage of Egypt by the mighty power of God alone ; so was every member of the same ( without respect of persons ) sanctified by his grace , the richest ( in that behalfe ) nothing preferred before the poorest : For by no merit and worthinesse of man was he moved to choose and to establish his habitation and dwelling amongst them ; but their felicity , prerogative and honour which they had above all other Nations , proceeded onely from the fountaine of his eternall goodnesse , who loved them freely , as he freely had chosen them to be a priestly kingdome , and holy people from all Nations of the earth : Thus to honour them that hee would dwell in the midst of them , he neither was moved ( I say ) by the wisdome of the wise , by the riches of the potent , neither yet by the vertue and holinesse of any state amongst them , but of meer goodnesse did he love them , and with his presence did he honour the whole people , and therefore to paint out the same his common love to the whole multitude , and to cut off occasions of contention , and doubts of conscience , he would receive no more from the rich , then from the poor , for the maintenance of that his tabernacle , by the which was represented his presence and habitation amongst them . If the rich had been preferred to the poor , then as the one should have been puffed up with pride , as that he had been more acceptable to God by reason of his greater gift , so should the conscience of the other have been troubled and wounded , thinking that his poverty was an impediment that he could not stand in so perfect favour with God , as did the other , because he was not able to give so much , as did the rich , to the maintenance of his Tabernacle : But he , who of mercy ( as is said ) did choose his habitation amongst them , and also that best knoweth what lyeth within man , did provide the remedie for the one , and for the other , making them equall in that behalf , who in other things were most unequall . If the poor should have found himself grieved by reason of that taxe , and that asmuch was imposed upon him as upon the Rich , yet had he no small cause of joy , that God himself would please to compare him , and to make him equall ( in the maintenance of his Tabernacle ) to the most rich and potent in Israel . If this equality was commanded by God for maintenance of that transitory tabernacle , which was but a shadow of a better to come ; is not the same required of us , who now have the verity , which is Christ Jesus ? who being clad with our nature , is made Immanuel , that is , God with us ; Whose naturall body , albeit it be received into the Heavens , where he must abide till all be compleat that is forespoken by the Prophets , yet hath he promised to be present with us to the end of the world . And for that purpose , and for the more assurance of his Promise , he hath erected amongst us here in earth the Signes of his own presence with us , his spirituall Tabernacle , the true preaching of his Word , and right administration of his Sacraments ; to the maintenance whereof is no lesse bound the subject then the Prince , the poor then the rich : For as the Price , which was given for mans redemption , is one , so God requireth of all that shall be partakers of the benefits of the same , a like duty which is a plain confession , That by Christ Jesus alone we have received , whatsoever was lost in Adam . Of the Prince doth God require , That he refuse himself , and that he follow Christ Jesus ; of the Subject he requireth the same . Of the Kings and Judges it is required , That they kisse the Son ; that is , give honour , subjection and obedience to him : and from such reverence doth not God exempt the Subject that shall be saved ; and this is , That equality which is betwixt the kings and subjects , the most rich or noble , and betwixt the poorest and men of lowest state ; to wit , That as the one is obliged to beleeve in heart , and with mouth to confesse the Lord Jesus to be the onely Saviour of the world , so also is the other . Neither is there any of Gods children ( who hath attained to the yeers of discretion ) so poor , but that he hath thus much to bestow upon the Ornaments and maintenance of their spirituall Tabernacle , when necessity requireth ; neither yet is there any so rich , of whose hands God requireth any more : For albeit that David gathered great substance for the building of the Temple , that Solomon with earnest diligence and incredible expences erected and finished the same , That Hezekiah and Iosiah purged the Religion which before was corrupted : yet to them was God no further debter in that respect , then he was to the most simple of the faithfull posterity of faithfull Abraham ; for their diligence , zeal and works gave rather testimony and confession before men , what honour they did bear to God ; what love to his Word ; what reverence to his Religion , then that any work proceeding from them did either establish , or yet encrease Gods favour towards them , who freely did love them in Christ his Son , before the foundation of the world was laid : So that these forenamed , by their notable works , gave testimony of their unfained faith ; and the same doth the poorest , that unfainedly and openly professeth Christ Jesus , and doth embrace his glad tydings offered , That doth abhor Superstition , and flie from Idolatry . The poorest , I say , and most simple that this day on earth , in the dayes of this cruell persecution firmly believeth in Christ , and boldly doth confesse him before this wicked generation , is no lesse acceptable before God , neither is judged in his presence to have done any lesse in promoting Christ his Cause , then is the King , that by his sword and power which he hath received of God , rooteth out Idolatry , and so advanceth Christs glory . But to return to our former purpose : It is no lesse required , I say , of the subject to believe in Christ , and to professe his true Religion , then of the Prince and King : And therefore I affirm , That in Gods presence it shall not excuse you to alleadge , That yee were no chief Rulers , and therefore that the care and reformation of Religion did not appertain unto you . Yee , dear brethren ( as before is said ) are the creatures of God created to his own Image and similitude ; to whom it is commanded , To hear the voice of your heavenly Father , To embrace his Son Christ Jesus , To flie from all doctrine and Religion which he hath not approved by his own Will , revealed to us in his most blessed Word . To which Precepts and Charges if yee be found inobedient , ye shall perish in your iniquity as rebells and stubborn servants , that have no pleasure to obey the good Will of their Soveraign Lord , who most lovingly doth call for your obedience : And therefore , brethren , in this behalf , it is your part to be carefull and diligent : For the question is not of things temporall , which although they be endangered , yet by diligence and processe of time may after be redressed ; but it is of the damnation of your bodies and souls , and of the losse of life everlasting ; which once lost , can never be recovered . And therefore I say , That it behoveth you to be carefull and diligent in this so weighty a matter , lest that ye , contemning this occasion which God now offereth , finde not the like , although that after with groaning and sobs ye languish for the same . And that ye be not ignorant of what occasion I mean , in few words I shall expresse it . Not onely I , but with me also divers other godly and learned men , do offer unto you our labours , faithfully to instruct you in the wayes of the eternall our God , and in the sincerity of Christs Evangell , which this day , by the pestilent Generation of Antichrist ( I mean by the Pope , and by his most ungodly Clergy ) are almost hid from the eyes of men : We offer to jeopard our lives for the salvation of your souls , and by manifest Scriptures to prove that Religion that amongst you is maintained by fire and sword , to be false , vain and diabolicall . We require nothing of you , but that patiently ye will hear our Doctrine , which is not ours , but the Doctrine of salvation revealed to the world by the onely Son of God ; And that ye will examine our reasons , by the which we offer to prove the Papisticall Religion to be abominable before God : And last , we require , That by your power the tyranny of those cruell beasts ( I mean of Priests and Fryers ) may be bridled till we have uttered our mindes in all matters this day debatable in Religion : If these things in the fear of God ye grant to me , and unto others that unfainedly for your salvation , and for Gods glory require the same , I am assured , That of God ye shall be blessed , whatsoever Satan shall devise against you . But and if ye contemn or refuse God , who thus lovingly offereth unto you salvation and life , ye shall neither escape plagues Temporall which shortly shall apprehend you , neither yet the torment prepared for the devill and for his angels , except by your speedy repentance ye return to the Lord , whom now ye refuse , if that ye refuse the Messengers of his Word . But yet I think ye doubt what ye ought and may do in this so weighty a matter . In few words I will declare my conscience in the one , and in the other : Ye ought to prefer the glory of God , and the promoting of Christ his Evangell , and the salvation of your souls , to all things that be in the earth : And ye , although ye be but subjects , may lawfully require of your Superiours , be it of your King , be it of your Lords , Rulers and Powers , That they provide for you true Preachers , and that they expell such as under the name of Pastors , devour and destroy the Flock , not feeding the same as Christ Jesus hath commanded : And if in this point your Superiours be negligent , or yet pretend to maintain tyrants in their tyranny , most justly ye may provide true Teachers for your selves , Pastors according to the minde and heart of God , by whom you may be fed with that most comfortable food of your souls , Christs Evangell truly preached : Ye may moreover , in a peaceable manner , without sedition , with-hold the fruits and profits which your false Bishops and Clergy most unjustly receive of you , unto such time as they shall faithfully do their charge and duties , which is , To preach unto you Christ Jesus truely , rightly to minister the Sacraments according to his own Institution ; and so to watch for the salvation of your souls , as is commanded by Christ Jesus himself , and by his Apostles Paul and Peter . If God shall move your hearts in his true fear to begin to practice these things , and to demanded and crave the same of your Superiours , which most lawfully ye may do , then I doubt not but of his great mercy , and free grace , he will illuminate the eyes of your mindes , that his undoubted Verity will be a Lantern to your feet , to guide and lead you in all the wayes which godly wisedom doth approve ; he will make your enemies tremble before your faces ; he will establish his Evangell amongst you , to the salvation and perpetuall comfort of your selves , and of your posterity after you . But and if ( as God forbid ) the love of friends , the fear of your Princes , and the wisedom of the world draw you back from God , and from his Son Christ Jesus , be ye certainly perswaded , That ye shall drink the cup of his Vengeance ; so many , I mean , as shall contemn and despise this loving calling of your heavenly Father . It will not excuse you ( dear brethren ) in the presence of God , neither yet will it avail you in the day of his visitation , to say , We were but simple subjects , we could not redresse the faults and crimes of our Rulers , Bishops and Clergy : We called for Reformation , and wished for the same ; but Lords brethren were Bishops , their sons were Abbots , and the friends of great men had the possession of the Church , and so were we compelled to give obedience to all that they demanded . These vain excuses , I say , will nothing avail you in the presence of God , who requireth no lesse of the subjects , then of their Rulers ; That they decline from evil , and that they do good ; that they abstain from Idolatry , Superstition , Blasphemy , Murther , and other such like horrible crimes which his Law forbiddeth , and yet neverthelesse are openly committed and maliciously defended in that miserable Realm . And if ye think that ye are innocent , because ye are not the chief actors of such iniquity , ye are utterly deceived ; for God doth not onely punish the chief offenders , but with them doth he condemn the consenters to such iniquity ; and all are judged to consent , that knowing impiety committed , give no testimony that the same displeaseth them . To speak this matter more plain , As your Princes and Rulers are criminall with your Bishops of all Idolatry committed , and of all the innocent blood that is shed for the testimony of Christs Truth ; and that because they maintain them in their tyranny : so are you ( I mean so many of you as give no plain confession to the contrary ) criminall and guilty with your Princes and Rulers in the same crimes , because ye assist and maintain your Princes in their blinde rage , and give no declaration that their tyranny displeaseth you . This Doctrine , I know , is strange to the blinde world ; but the verity of it hath been declared in all notable punishments from the beginning . When the originall world perished by water ; when Sodome and Gomorra were consumed by fire ; and finally , when Ierusalem was horribly destroyed ; Doth any man think that all were alike wicked before the world ? Evident it is that they were not , if they be judged according to their externall facts ; for some were young , and could not be oppressors , neither yet could defile themselves with unnaturall and beastly lusts : Some were pitifull , and gentle of nature , and did not thirst for the blood of Christ , nor of his Apostles : But did any escape the plagues and vengeance which did apprehend the multitude ? Let the Scriptures witnesse , and the Histories be considered , which plainly do testifie , That by the waters all flesh in earth at that time did perish ; ( Noah and his family reserved ) That none escaped in Sodome , and in the other Cities adjacent , except Lot and his two daughters . And evident it is , That in that famous City Ierusalem , in that last and horrible destruction of the same , none escaped Gods vengeance , except so many as before were dispersed . And what is the cause of this severity , seeing that all were not alike offenders , let the flesh cease to dispute with God , and let all men by these examples learn betimes to fly , and avoid the society and company of the proud contemners of God , if that they list not to be partakers of their plagues . The cause is evident , if we can be subject without grudging to Gods judgements , which in themselves are most holy and just : For in the originall world none was found , that either did resist tyranny and oppression that universally was used , nor yet that earnestly reprehended the same . In Sodome was none found that did gain stand that furious and beastly multitude that did compasse about and besiege the house of Lot : None would believe Lot , that the City should be destroyed . And finally , in Ierusalem was found none that studied to represse the tyranny of the Priests , who were conjured against Christ and his Evangell ; but all fainted ( I except ever such as gave witnesse with their blood , or their flying , That such impiety displeased them ) all kept silence ; by the which all approved iniquity , and joyned hands with the tyrannts , and so were all arayed and set , as it had been in one Battell , against the Omnipotent , and against his Son Christ Jesus : For whosoever gathereth not with Christ in the day of his Harvest , is judged to scatter ; And therefore of one vengeance temporall were they all partakers . Which thing , as before I have touched , ought to move you to the deep consideration of your duties in these last and most perillous times . The iniquity of your Bishops is more then manifest ; their filthy lives infect the ayr ; the innocent blood which they shed , cryeth vengeance in the ears of our God ; the idolatry and abomination which openly they commit , and without punishment maintain , doth corrupt and defile the whole Land , and none amongst you do unfainedly study for any redresse of such enormities . Will God in this behalf hold you as innocents ? Be not deceived , dear brethren ; God hath punished not onely the proud tyrants , filthy persons , and cruell murtherers , but also such as with them did draw the yoke of iniquity , was it by flattering their offences , obeying their unjust commandments , or in winking at their manifest iniquity . All such , I say , God once punished with the chief offenders . Be ye assured , brethren , that as he is immutable of nature , so will he not pardon you in that which he hath punished in others ; and now the lesse , because he hath plainly admonished you of the dangers to come , and hath offered you his mercy before he pour forth his wrath and displeasure upon the inobedient . God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , who is the father of glory , and God of all consolation , give you the spirit of wisedom , and open unto you the knowledge of himself , by the means of his dear Son , by the which ye may attain to the esperance and hope , That after the troubles of this transitory life , ye may be partakers of the glorious Inheritance which is prepared for such as refuse themselves , and fight under the Banner of Christ Iesus in the day of this his Battell : That in deep consideration of the same , ye may learn to prefer the invisible and eternall joyes , to the vain pleasures that are present . God further grant you his holy Spirit , righteously to consider what I , in his Name , have required of your Nobility , and of the subjects , and move all together so to answer , that my Petition be not a testimony of your just condemnation , when the Lord Iesus shall appear to revenge the blood of his Saints , and the contempt of his most holy Word . Amen . Sleep not in sin ; for vengeance is prepared against the inobedient . Fly from Babylon , if ye will not be partakers of her plagues . Grace be with you . Your Brother to command in godlinesse , JOHN KNOX . Be witnesse to my Appellation . The 4. of Iuly , 1558. A faithfull ADMONITION made by IOHN KNOX , To the true Professors of the Gospel of CHRIST within the Kingdom of England . 1554. John Knox wisheth Grace , Mercy , and Peace from GOD the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , with the perpetuall Comfort of the Holy Ghost to be with you for ever and ever , dear Brethren , the afflicted Members of Christs Church in England . HAving no lesse desire to comfort such as now be in trouble within the Realm of England , ( and specially you for many causes most dear to me ) then hath the naturall Father to ease the griefe and pain of his dearest Childe ; I have considered with my selfe , what argument or parcell of Gods Scriptures was most convenient and meet to be handled for your consolation in these most dark and dolorous dayes : And so ( as for the same purpose I was turning my Book ) I chanced to see a Note in the Margine written thus in Latine , Videas Anglia , Let England beware ; which Note when I had considered , I found , that the matter written in my Booke in Latine , was this , Seldome it is that God worketh any notable work to the comfort of his Church , but that trouble , fear , and labour cometh upon such as God hath used for his Servants and Workmen ; and also tribulation most commonly followeth that Church were Christ Iesus is most truely preached . This Note was made upon a place of Scripture written in the fourteenth Chapter of Saint Matthews Gospell ; which place declareth , That after Christ Jesus had used the Apostles as Ministers and Servants to feed ( as it had been by their hands ) five thousand men , beside women and children , with five Barley Loaves and two Fishes ; he sent them to the Sea , commanding them to passe over before him to the other side . Which thing as they attempted to obey , and for the same purpose did travell and row forth in the Sea , the night approached , the wind was contrary , the vehement and raging storme arose , and was like to overthrow their poor Boat and them . When I considered ( as dolour and my simplicity would suffer ) the circumstances of the Text , I began to reckon and ask account of my self ( and as God knoweth , not without sorrow and sobs ) whether at any time I had been so plain by my tongue , as God had opened his holy Will and Wisdom in that matter unto me , as mine own Pen and Note beare witnesse to my conscience : And shortly it came to my minde , that the same place of Scripture I had handled in your presences , when God gave opportunity and time for you to heare Gods Messenger speak the words of eternall life . Wherefore I thought nothing more expedient , then shortly to call to minde againe such things as then I trust were touched ; albeit peradventure neither of me so plainly uttered , neither of you so plainly perceived , as these most dolorous dayes declare the same to us . It shall not bee necessary to handle the Text word by word , but of the whole summe to gather certain Notes and Observations , ( which shall not farre disagree from the state of these dayes ) it shall be sufficient . And first it is to be observed , That after this great miracle that Christ had wrought , he neither would retain with himself the multitude of people whom he had fed , neither yet his disciples ; but the one he sent away every man to return to his place of accustomed residence , and the others he sent to the danger of the Seas , not as he that was ignorant what should chance unto them , but knowing and foreseeing the Tempest , yea and appointing the same so to trouble them . It is not to be judged , That the onely and true Pastour would remove and send away from him the wandering and weak sheep ; neither yet that the onely provident Governour and Guide would set out his rude Warriours to so great a jeopardie , without sufficient and most just cause . Why Christ removed and sent away from him the people , the Evangelist Saint Iohn declareth , saying , When Iesus knew that they were come to take him , that they might make him King , he passed secretly ( or alone ) to the Mountain . Whereof it is plain what chiefly moved Christ to send away the people from him , because that by him they sought a carnall and worldly libertie , regarding nothing his Heavenly Doctrine of the Kingdom of God his Father , which before he had taught and declared unto them plainly , shewing them , That such as would follow him must suffer for his Names sake persecution , must be hated of all men , must deny themselves , must be sent forth as sheep among Wolves : But no part of this doctrine pleased them , or could enter into their hearts , but their whole minde was upon their bellies , for sufficing whereof they devised and imagined , that they would appoint Christ Jesus to be their worldly King ; for he had power to multiply bread at his pleasure . Which vain opinion and imagination perceived by Christ Jesus , he withdrew himselfe from their company , to avoid all such suspition , and to let them understand , That no such honours did agree with his Vocation , who came to serve , and not to be served : And when this same people sought him againe , he sharply rebuked them , because they sought him more to have their Bellies fed with corruptible meat , then to have their souls nourished with lively Bread that came down from Heaven . And thus in the people there was just cause why Christ should withdraw himself from them for a time . Why the Disciples should suffer that great danger , feare and anguish , Saint Marke in his Gospel plainly sheweth , saying , That their hearts were blinded , and therefore did neither remember nor consider the miracle of the Loaves : That is , Albeit with their hands they had touched that bread by which so great a multitude was fed ; and albeit also they had gathered up twelve Baskets full of that which remained of a few Loaves , which before the Miracle a Boy was able to have borne ; yet did they not rightly consider the infinite power of Christs Jesus by this wonderfull Miracle : And therefore of necessity it was , that in their owne Bodies they should suffer trouble for their better instruction . When I deeply consider ( dearly beloved in our Saviour Christ ) how abundantly , and how miraculously the poor and small flock of Christ Jesus was fed within the Realm of England under that elect and chosen Vessell of God to glory and honour Edward the sixt ; and now again behold not onely the dispersion and scattering abroad , but also the appearing destruction of the same , under these cursed , cruell and abominable Idolaters , me thinke I see the same causes to have moved God , not onely to withdraw his presence from the multitude , but also to have sent his welbeloved servants to the travels of the Seas , wherein they were sore tossed and turmoyled , and apparently most like to perish . What were the affections of the greatest multitude that followed the Gospel in this former rest and abundance , is easie to be judged , if the life and conversation of every man should have beene thorowly examined : For who lived ( in that rest ) as that he had refused himself ? Who lived in that rest , as that he had been crucified with Christ ? Who lived in that rest , as that he had certainly looked for trouble to come upon him ? Yea , who lived not rather in delicacy and joy , and seeking the world and pleasures thereof , caring for the flesh and carnall appetites , as though death and sin had clean been devoured ? And what was this else , then to make of Christ an earthly King ? The Word that we professed daily cryed in our ears ; that our Kingdome ; our joy , our rest and felicitie , neither was , is , nor should be upon the earth , neither in any transitory thing thereof , but in heaven , into which we must enter by many tiibulations . But ( alas ) we sleeped in such securitie , that the sound of the Trumpet could of many never be perfectly understood , but alwayes we perswaded our selves of a certaine tranquility , as though the troubles whereof mention is made within the Scriptures of God , appertained nothing at all to this age , but unto such as of long time are passed before us : and therfore was our heavenly Father compelled to withdraw from us the presence of his veritie ( whose voyce in those dayes we could not beleeve ) to the end that more earnestly we may thirst for the same , and with more obedience embrace and receive it , if ever it shall please his infinite goodnesse , in such abundance to restore the same againe . I mean nothing of those that followed Christ only for their bellies , for such perceiving that they could not obtain their hearts desire of Christ , have grudged , and left him in body and heart ; which thing their blasphemous voices spake against his eternall verity , doth witnesse and declare . For such ( brethren ) be ye not moved , for in the time of their profession they were not of us , but were very dissemblers and Hypocrites ; and therefore God justly permitteth that they blaspheme the Truth , which they never loved . I mean not that ever such dissembling Hypocrites shall embrace the verity , but I meane such as by infirmitie of the flesh , and by naturall blindnesse ( which in this life is never altogether expelled ) then could not give the very obedience which Gods Word required , neither now by weaknesse of faith dare openly and boldly confesse that which their hearts know to be most true , and yet lamenteth & mourneth , both for the imperfection by passed and present ; from such shall not the amiable presence of Christ for ever be withdrawn ; but yet again shall the eyes of their soretroubled hearts behold and see that light of Christs Gospell , wherein they most delight . We the Ministers , who were the distributers of this bread , ( the true Word of God ) wherewith the multitude within England was fed , lacked not our offences , which also moved God to send us to the Sea. And because the offences of no man are so manifest unto me , as mine own , I will onely censure my self . It is not unknown unto many , that I ( the most wretched ) was one of that number whom God appointed to receive that Bread ( as it was broken by Christ Jesus ) to distribute and give the same to such as he had called to this banquet , in that part of his table where he appointed me to serve . It is not in my knowledge nor judgement to define nor determine what portion or quantity every man received of this bread , neither yet how that which they received agreed with their stomacks ; but of this I am assured , That the benediction of Christ Jesus so multiplyed the portion which I received of his hands , that during the banquet ( this I write to the praise of his Name , and to the accusation of mine owne unthankfulnesse ) the bread never failed when the hungry soule craved or cried for food ; and at the end of the banquet , mine own conscience beareth witnesse , that mine hands gathered up the crummes that were left in such abundance , that the banquet was full among the rest . To be plain , mine own conscience beareth record to my self , how small was my learning , and how weak I was of judgement when Christ Jesus called me to be his steward , and how mightily day by day , and time by time he multiplied his graces with me , if I should conceale , I were most wicked and unthankfull . But alas , how blinded was my heart , and how little I did consider the dignity of that Office , and the power of God that then multiplied and blessed the bread which the people received of my hands , this day mine own conscience beareth witnesse to my selfe . God I take to record in my conscience , That I delivered the same bread that I received of Christs hands ; and that I mixed no poyson with the same ; that is , I teached Christs Gospel without any mixture of mens dreames , devises , or phantasies . But alas I did it not with such fervency , with such indifferency , and with such diligency as this day I know my duty was to have done . Some complained in those dayes , That the Preachers were undiscreet persons ( yea , some called them raylers , and worse ) because they spake against the manifest iniquity of men , and especially of those that then were placed in Authority , as well in Court , as in other Offices universally thorowout the Realme , both in Cities , Towns and Villages . And among others peradventure my rude plainnesse displeased some , who did complain , That rashly I did speak of mens faults , so that all men might know and perceive of whom I meant . But alas , this day my conscience accuseth me , That I spake not so plainly as my duty was to have done : For I ought to have said to the wicked man expressely by his name , Thou shalt die the death . For I finde Ieremiah the Prophet to have done so to Pashur the high Priest , and to Zedechiah the King. And not onely he , but also Elijah , Elisha , Michah , Amos , Daniel , Christ Jesus himself ; and after him his Apostles expressely to have named the blood-thirsty tyrants , abominable Idolaters , and dissembling hypocrites of their dayes . If that we the Preachers within the Realme of England were appointed by God to be the Salt of the earth ( as his other Messengers were before us . ) Alas , Why with-held we the Salt , where manifest compunction did appear ? ( I accuse none but my selfe . ) The blinde love that I did bear to this my wicked carkase was the chiefe cause that I was not fervent and faithfull enough in that behalfe ; For I had no will to provoke the hatred of all men against me : And therefore so touched I the vices of men in the presence of the greatest , that they might see themselves to be offenders ( I dare not say that I was the greatest flatterer . ) But yet neverthelesse I would not be seen to proclaim manifest Warre against the manifest wicked : Whereof unfainedly I ask my God mercy . As I was not so fervent in rebuking manifest iniquity as it became me to have been ; So was I not so indifferent a feeder as is required of Christs Steward : For in preaching Christs Gospel , albeit mine eye ( as knoweth God ) was not much upon worldly promotion , yet the love of friends , and carnall affection of some men with whom I was most familiar , allured me to make more residence in one place then in another , having more respect to the pleasure of a few , then to the necessity of many . That day I thought I had not sinned , if I had not been idle ; But this day I know it was my duty to have had consideration how long I had remained in one place , and how many hungry souls were in other places , to whom alas none took pain to break and distribute the bread of Life . Moreover , remaining in one place I was not so diligent as mine Office required ; but sometime by counsell of carnall friends I spared the body ; sometime I spent in worldly businesse of particular friends ; and sometime in taking recreation and pastime by exercise of the body . And albeit men may judge these to be light and small offences , yet I acknowledge and confesse , That unlesse pardon should be granted to me in Christs blood , that every one of these three offences aforenamed , that is to say , Lack of fervency in reproving sin , The lack of indifferency in feeding those that were hungry , And the lack of diligence in the execution of mine Office , deserved damation . And beside these , I was assaulted , yea , infected and corrupted with more grosse sins ; that is , My wicked nature desired the favours , the estimation and praise of men ; against which albeit that sometime the Spirit of God did move me to fight , and earnestly did stir me ( God knoweth I lye not ) to sob and lament for those imperfections ; yet never ceased they to trouble me when any occasion was offred : And so privily and craftily did they enter into my brest , that I could not perceive my self to be wounded , till vain-glory had almost gotten the upper hand . O Lord be mercifull to my great offence , and deal not with me according to my great iniquity ; but according to the multitude of thy mercies remove from me the burthen of my sin : for of purpose and minde to have avoided the vain displeasure of man , I spared little to offend thy Majestie . Think not ( beloved in the Lord ) That thus I accuse my selfe without just cause , as though in so doing I might appear more holy ; or that yet I do it of purpose and intent by occasion thereof to accuse others of my brethren the true Preachers of Christ of like or greater offences : No , God is Judge to my conscience , That I do it even from an unfained and sore troubled heart , as I that know my selfe grievously to have offended the Majesty of my God , during the time that Christs Gospel had free passage in England . And this I do let you understand , That the taking away of the heavenly Bread , and this great tempest that now bloweth against the poor disciples of Christ within the Realme of England ( as touching our part ) cometh from the great mercy of our heavenly Father , to provoke us to unfained repentance , for that neither Preacher nor Professor did rightly consider the time of our mercifull Visitation : But altogether so we spent the time , as though Gods Word had been Preached rather to satisfie our fantasies , then to reforme our evill manners . Which thing if we earnestly repent , then shall Jesus Christ appear to our comfort , be the storm never so great . Haste , O Lord , for thy Names sake . The second thing that I finde to be noted , is , The vehemency of the fear which the disciples endured in that great danger , being of longer continuance then ever they had at any time before . In Saint Matthewes Gospel it appeareth , That another time there arose a great stormy Tempest , and sore tossed the Boat wherein Christs disciples were labouring : But that was nigh the day light , and then they had Christ with them in the Ship , whom they awaked , and cryed for help unto him ( for at that time he slept in the Boat ) and so were shortly delivered from their sudden fear . But now were they in the midst of the raging Sea , and it was night , and Christ their Comforter absent from them , and cometh not to them neither in the first , second , nor third Watch ; What fear think ye were they in ? And what thoughts arose out of their so troubled hearts , during that storm ? Such as this day be in like danger within the Realme of England , doth by this storm better understand then my pen can expresse . But of one thing I am well assured , That Christs presence would in that great perplexity have been to them more comfortable then ever it was before ; and that patiently they would have suffered their incredulity to have been rebuked , so that they might have escaped the present death . But profitable it shall be , and somewhat to our comfort , to consider every parcell of their danger : And first , ye shall understand , That when the disciples passed to the Sea to obey Christs Commandment , it was fair weather , and no such Tempest seen . But suddenly the storme arose with a contrarious flaw of winde , when they were in the midst of their Journey . For if the Tempest had been as great in the beginning of their entrance into the Sea , as it was after when they were about the midst of their Journey , neither would they have adventured such a great danger ; neither yet had it been in their power to have attained to the midst of the Sea. And so it may be evidently gathered , That the Sea was calme when they entered into their Journey . Then it is to be remarked , By what means and instruments was this storme moved : Was the plunging of their Oars , and force of their small Boat such as might stirre the waves of the great Sea ? No , doubtlesse : But the holy Ghost declareth , That the Seas were moved by a vehement and contrary winde , which blew against their Ship in the time of darknesse . But seeing the winde is neither the commander nor mover of it self , some other cause is to be enquired , which hereafter we shall touch . And last , it is to be noted and considered , What the disciples did in all this vehement Tempest . Truely they turned not to be driven backe for land or shore , by the vehemency of the contrary winde ; for so it might be thought that they could not have escaped shipwrack and death : but they continually laboured in rowing against the winde , abiding the ceasing of that horrible tempest . Consider and mark , beloved in the Lord , what we reade here to have chanced to Christs disciples , and to their poor Boat ; and you shall well perceive , That the same thing hath chanced , doth and shall chance to the true Church and Congregation of Christ ( which is nothing else in this miserable life but a poor Ship ) travelling in the Seas of this unstable and troublesome world , toward the heavenly Port , and Haven of eternall felicity , which Christ Jesus hath appointed to his elect . This I might prove by the posterity of Iacob in Egypt ; By the Israelites in their Captivity ; and by the Church during the time that Christ himself did Preach ( and sometime after his Resurrection and Ascension ) against whom the vehement storme did not rage immediately after they entred into the Ship of their travell and tribulation : For the bloody sentence of Pharaoh was not pronounced against the seed of Iacob when he first did enter into Egypt : Neither was the cruell counsell and devillish device of proud Haman invented by and by after Israel and Iudah were translated from their possessions : Neither yet in the time of Christ Jesus being conversant with his Apostles in the flesh , was there used any such tyranny against the Saints of God , as shortly after followed in the persecution of Saint Stephen , and other disciples . But all these in the beginning of their travell with a contrary winde , had alway some calme ; that is , Albeit they had some trouble , yet had they not extreme persecution . Even so , most dearly beloved , is happened now to the afflicted Church of God within the Realme of England : At all times the true Word of God suffered contradiction and repugnancie ; And so the winde blew against us even from the beginning of the late up rising of the Gospel in England , but yet it could not stop our course , till now of late days , that the raging winde bloweth without bridle upon the unstable Seas , in the midst whereof we are in this hour of darknesse . To write my minde plainly unto you , beloved brethren : This winde that alwayes hath blown against the Church of God , is the malice and hatred of the devill , which rightly in this case is compared to the winde : For as the winde is invisible , and yet the poor disciples feel that it troubleth and letreth their Ship ; So is the pestilent envie of the devill working alwayes in the hearts of the reprobate so subtill and crafty , that it cannot be espied by Gods Elect , nor by his Messengers , till first they feel the blasts thereof to blow their Ship backward : And as the vehement winde causeth the waves of the Sea to rage , and yet the dead water neither knoweth what it doth , neither yet can it cease nor refrain ; so that both it is troubled by the winde , and also it self doth trouble Christs disciples in their poor Ship : So by the envie and malice of the devill , are wicked and cruell , as well subjects as Princes ( whose hearts are like the raging Sea ) compelled to persecute and trouble the true Church of Christ ; and yet so blinded are they , and so enthralled under the bondage of the devill , that neither can they see their manifest iniquity , neither yet can they cease to run to their own destruction . And hereof , England , hast thou manifest experience : For in the time of King Henry the eighth , how the wolf , that wicked Winchester , and others , by the vehement winde of six bloody Articles ( by the devill devised ) intended to have overthrown the poor Ship and Christs disciples , is evidently known already . But then had we Christ Jesus with us sleeping in the Ship , who did not despise the faithfull crying of such as then were in trouble : But by his mighty power , gracious goodnes , and invincible force of his holy Word , he compelled those wicked windes to cease , and the raging of those Seas to be stilled and calm : So that all the hearts of Gods Elect within the Realme of England did wonder at that sudden change , while that under a lamb the fearfull edge of that devouring sword was taken from the necks of the faithfull ; and the tyrannie of those ravening and blood-thirsty Wolves ( I mean of wily Winchester , and of some other his Brethren , the sonnes of Belial ) was repressed for a time : But yet ceased not the Devill to blow his winde , by his wicked Instruments , who found the means , how against nature the one brother should assent to the death of the other ; but that could not hinder the course of the travelling Boat , but forth she goeth in despight of the Devill , who then more cruelly raged , perceiving his owne honour and service ; that is , his detestable Masse , to be disclosed and opened before the people , to be damnable Idolatrie , and assured damnation to such as put their trust in it : And therfore began he more craftily to work , and finding the same Instruments apt enough , whose labours he had used before , he blew such mortall hatred between two , which appeared to be the chief pillars under the King ; for that wretched ( alas ) and miserable Northumberland could not be satisfied , till such time as simple Somerset most unjustly was bereft of his life ; what the Devill and his Members the pestilent Papists , meant by his away-taking , God compelled my tongue to speak in more places then one ; and specially before you , and in Newcastle , as sir Robert Bradling did not forget a long time after ; God grant that he may understand all other matters spoken before him then and at other times , as righly as he did that mine interpretation of the Vineyard , whose Hedges , Ditches , Towres and Winepresse God destroyed , because it would bring forth no good fruit : And that he may remember , that what ever was spoken by my mouth that day , is now compleate , and come to passe , except that finall destruction and vengeance is not yet fallen upon the greatest offenders , as assuredly shortly it shall , unlesse that he and some other of his sort , that then were enemies to Gods truth , will speedily repent ( and that earnestly ) their stubborne disobedience . God compelled my tongue ( I say ) openly to declare , That the Devill and his Ministers intended onely the subversion of Gods true Religion , by that mortall hatred among those which ought to have beene most assuredly knit together by Christian charity , and by benefits received ; and especially that the wicked and envious Papists ( by that ungodly breach of charity ) diligently minded the overthrow of him , that to his own destruction , procured the death of his innocent friend : Thus ( I say ) I was com●elled of conscience oftner then once to affirm , That such as saw and invented the means how the one should be taken away , saw and should finde the means also to take away the other ; and that all that trouble was devised by the Devill and his Instruments , to stop and let Christs Disciples and their poor Boat ; but that was not able , because she was not yet come to the midst of the Sea. Transubstansiation ( the Bird that the Devill hatched by Pope Nicholas and since that time fostered and nourished by all his Children , Priests , Friers , Monks , and other his conjured and sworn souldiers , and in these last dayes chiefly by Stephen Gardner , and his black brood in England ; ) Transustantiation ( I say ) was then clearly confuted and mightily overthrown ; and therefore God had put wisdom in the tongues of his Ministers and Messengers to utter that vain vanitie ; and specially gave such strength to that Reverend Father in God , Thomas Granmer , to cut the knots of Devillish Sophistry linked and knit by the Devils Gardener , and his blinde Buzzards , to hold the verity of the everliving God under bondage , that rather I think they shall condemn his works ( which notwithstanding shall continue and remain to their confusion , then they shall enterprize to answer the same . And also God gave boldnesse and knowledge to the Court of Parliament to take away the round clipped God , wherein standeth all the holinesse of Papists , and to command common Bread to be used at the Lords Table , and also to take away the most part of superstitions , ( kneeling at the Lords Supper excepted ) which before prophaned Christs true Religion . Then ( dear Brethren ) was the Boat in the midst of the Sea , and suddenly ariseth the horrible tempest , most fearfull and dolorous ; Our King is taken away from us , and the Devill bloweth in such Organs as alway he had found obedient to his Precepts , and by them he enflameth the heart of that wretched and unhappy man , ( whom I judge more to be lamented , then hated ) to covet the Imperiall Crown of England to be established to his Posterity , and what thereupon hath succeeded , it is not now necessary to be written . Of this short discourse ( Beloved in the Lord ) you may consider and perceive two speciall Notes ; 1. That the whole malice of the Devill hath alwayes this end , To vexe and overthrow Christs afflicted Church ; for what else intended the Devill and his servants ( the pestilent Papists ) by all these their crafty policies , during the time that Christs Gospell was preached in England , then the subversion of the same Gospell , and that they might recover power to persecute the Saints of God , as this day in the hour of darknesse they have obtained for a time , to their own destruction . Let no man wonder though I say , That the crafty policies of pestilent Papists wrought all the mischiefe , for who could more easier and better worke greater mischief , then such as bare authority and rule . And who ( I pray you ) ruled the roste in the Court all this time , by stout courage and proudnesse of stomack , but Northumberland ? But who ( I pray you ) under King Edward , ruled all by counsell and wit ? Shall I name the man ? I will writ no more plainly now then my tongue spake the last Sermon , That it pleased God that I should make before that Innocent and most godly King Edward the sixt , and before his Councell at Westminster , and even to the faces of such as of whom I meant . Handling this place of Scripture , Qui edit mecum panem sustulit adversus me calcaneum suum ; that is , He that eateth bread with me , hath lift up his heel against me . I made this affirmation , That commonly it was seen , that the most godly Princes had Officers and chief Councellors most ungodly , conjured enemies to Gods true Religion , and Traitours to their Princes , not that their wickednesse and ungodlinesse was speedily perceived and espied out of the said Princes and godly men , but that for time those craftie colourers could so cloke their malice against God and his truth , and their hollow hearts toward their loving Masters , that by worldly wisdome and policie at length they attained to high promotions . And for the proofe of this mine affirmation , I recited the Histories of Achitophel , Shebna , and Iudas ; of whom the two former had high Offices and promotions with great authority under the most godly Princes , David and Hezekiah ; and Iudas was Purse Master with Christ Jesus . And when I had made some discourse in that matter , I moved this Question ; Why permitted so godly Princes so wicked men to be of their Councell , and to bear Office and Authority under them ? To the which I answered ; That either they so abounded in worldly wisdom , foresight and experience touching the government of a Common-wealth , that their counsell appeared to be so necessary , that the Common-wealth could not lack them , and so by the colour to preserve the tranquilitie and quietnesse in Realms , they were maintained in Authority ; or else they kept their malice which they bare towards their Masters and Gods true Religion , so secret in their breasts , that no man could espie it , till by Gods permission they waited for such occasion and opportunitie , that they uttered all their mischief so plainly , that all the world might perceive it : And that was most evident by Achithophel and Sobna ; for of Achithophel it is written , That he was Davids most secret Councellour , and that , because his counsell in those dayes was like the Oracle of God ; and Sobna was unto good King Hezekiah sometime Comptroller , sometime Secretary , and last of all Treasurer ; to the which Offices he had never been promoted under so godly a Prince , if the Treason and malice which he bare against the King , and against Gods true Religion , had been manifestly known . No ( quoth I ) Sobna was a crafty Foxe , and could shew such a fair countenance to the King , that neithet he nor his Councell could espie his malicious Treason . But the Prophet Isaiah was commanded by God to go to his presence , and to declare his traiterous heart and miserable end . Was David ( said I ) and Hezekiah Princes of great and godly gifts and experience , abused by crafty Councellors and dissembling Hypocrites ? What wonder is it then , that a young and innocent King be deceived by craftie , covetous , wicked and ungodly Counsellors ? I am greatly afraid that Achitophel is Counsellor , that Iudas bears the Purse , and that Sobna is Scribe , Comptroller and Treasurer . This and somewhat more I spake that day , not in a corner ( as many yet can witnesse ) but even before those whom my conscience judged worthy of accusation : And this day no more do I write ( albeit I may justly , because they have declared themselves most manifestly ) but yet do I affirme , That under that innocent King , pestilent Papists had greatest Authority . Oh! who was judged to be the soule and life to the Counsell in every matter of weighty importance ? who but Sobna , who could best dispatch businesses , that the rest of the Councell might Hawk , and Hunt , and take their pleasure ? None like unto Sobna . Who was most frank and ready to destroy Sommerset , and set up Northumberland ? was it not Shebna ? Who was most bold to crie Bastard , Bastard ? Incestuous Bastard Mary shall never Reigne over us . And who , I pray you , was most busie to say , Fear not to Subscribe with my Lords of the Kings Majesties most Honourable Privie Councell , Agree to his Majesties last Will and perfect Testament , and let never that obstinate woman come to Authority , she is an arrant Papist , she will subvert the true Religion , and will bring in strangers to the destruction of this Common-wealth : Which of the Councell ( I say ) had these and greater perswasions against Mary , to whom now he coucheth and kneeleth ? Sobna the Treasurer . And what intended such Traytorous and dissembling Hypocrites by all these and such like crafty sleights and counterfeit conveyance ? Doubtlesse the overthrow of Christs true Religion , which then began to flourish in England ; the liberty whereof fretted the Guttes of such pestilent Papists , who now hath gotten the dayes which they long looked for , but yet to their own destruction and shame , for in the spite of their hearts the plagues of God shall strike them ; they shall be comprehended in the snare which they prepare for others for their owne counsels shall make themselves slaves to a proud , mischievous , unfaithfull and vile Nation . Now to the second Note of our Discourse , which is this ; Albeit the Tyrants of this earth have learned by long experience , that they are never able to prevaile against Gods Truth , yet because they are bound slaves to their Master the Devill , they cannot cease to persecute the members of Christ , when the Devill blowes his winde in the darknesse of the night , that is , When the light of Christs Gospel is taken away , and the Devil raigneth by Idolatry superstition and Tyrannie . This most evidently may be seene from the beginning of this world to the time of Christ , and from thence till this day . Ismael might have perceived , that he could not prevail against Isaac , because God had made his promise unto him , as no doubt Abraham their father teached to his whole houshold ; Esau likewise understood the same of Iacob ; Pharaoh might plainly have seen by many Miracles , that Israel was Gods people , whom he could not utterly destroy ; and also the Scribes , and Pharisees , and Chief Priests were utterly convinced in their Conscience , that Christs whole doctrine was of God , and that to the profit and commodity of man , his Miracles and works were wrought by the power of God , and therefore that they could never prevaile against him : And yet as the Devill stirred them , none of those could refrain to persecute him , whom they knew most certainly to be innocent . This I write that you shall not wonder , albeit now ye see the poysoned Papists , wicked Winchester , and dreaming Duresme , with the rest of the Faction ( who sometimes were so confounded , that neither they durst nor could speak nor write in the defence of their Heresies ) now so to rage and triumph against the eternall Truth of God , as though they had never assayed the power of God speaking by his true Messengers . Wonder not hereat ( I say ) beloved Brethren , that the Tyrants of this world are so obedient and ready to follow the cruell counsels of such disguised Monsters ; For neither can the one nor the other refraine , because both sorts are as subject to obey the Devill their Prince and Father , as the unstable Sea is to lift up the waves when the vehement winde bloweth upon it . It is fearfull to be heard , that the Divell hath such power over any man , but yet the Word of God hath so instructed us . And therefore albeit it be contrary to our phantasie , yet we must beleeve it . For the Divell is called the prince and god of this world , because he raigneth , and is honoured by tyranny and idolatry in it . He is called the Prince of Darknesse that hath power in the Ayr ; It is said , That he worketh in the children of unbelief , because he stirreth them to trouble Gods Elect ; as he invaded Saul , and compelled him to persecute David ; and likewise he entred into the heart of Iudas , and moved him to betray his Master . He is called Prince over the sons of Pride ; and father of all those that are lyers , and enemies to Gods Truth : Over whom he hath no lesse power this day , then sometimes he had over Annas and Caiaphas , whom no man denieth to have been led and moved by the devil to persecute Christ Jesus , and his most true Doctrine . And therefore wonder not ( I say ) that now the devil rageth in his obedient servants , wily Winchester , dreaming Duresme , and bloody Bonner , with the rest of their bloody butcherly brood ; for this is their hour and power granted unto them : they cannot cease nor asswage their furious fumes , for the devil their Sire stirreth , moveth , and carrieth them even at his will. But in this that I declare the power of the devil working in cruell tyrants , Think you that I attribute or give to him or to them power at their pleasure ? No , not so , brethren , not so ; for as the devil hath no power to trouble the Elements , but as God shall suffer , so hath worldly tyrants ( albeit the devill hath fully possessed their hearts ) no power at all to trouble the Saints of God , but as their bridle shall be loosed by Gods hands . And herein , dear brethren , standeth my singular comfort this day , when I hear that those bloody tyrants within the Realme of England doth kill , murther , destroy and devour man and woman as ravennous Lions now loosed from bonds . I lift up therefore the eyes of mine heart ( as my iniquity and present dolour will suffer ) and to my heavenly Father will I say : O Lord , those cruell tyrants are loosed by thy hand , to punish our former ingratitude , whom , we trust , thou wilt not suffer to prevail for ever , but when thou hast corrected us a little , and hast declared unto the world the tyranny that lurked in their boldned brests , then wilt thou break their jaw-bones , and wil● shut them up in their caves again , that the generation and posterity following may praise thy holy Name before thy Congregation . Amen . When I feel any taste or motion of these promises , then think I my self most happy , and that I have received a just compensation , albeit I , and all that to me in earth belongeth , should suffer present death , knowing that God shall yet shew mercy to his afflicted Church within England , and that he shall represse the pride of these present tyrants , like as he hath done of those that were before our dayes . And therefore , beloved brethren in our Saviour Jesus Christ , hold up to God your hands that are fainted through fear , and let your hearts that have in these dolorous dayes sleeped in sorrow , awake , and hear the voyce of your God , who sweareth by himself , That he will not suffer his Church to be oppressed for ever ; neither that he will despise our sob● to the end , if we will row and strive against this vehement winde ; I mean , if that ye will not run back headlong to Idolatry , then shall this storm be asswaged in despight of the devill ; Christ Jesus shall come with speed to your deliverance , he shall pierce thorow the winde , and the raging Seas shall obey , and bear his feet and body , as the massie , stable and dry land . Be not moved from the sure foundation of your faith : For albeit that Christ Jesus be absent from you ( as he was from his disciples in that great storme ) by his bodily presence , yet is he present by his mighty power and grace : He standeth upon the mountain in security and rest ; that is , his flesh and whole humanity is now in heaven , and can suffer no such trouble as sometimes he did : And yet he is full of pity and compassion , and doth consider all our travell , anguish and labours ; wherefore it is not to be doubted , but that he will suddenly appear to our great comfort . The tyranny of this world cannot keep back his coming , more then the blustering winde and raging Seas lett Christ to come to his disciples , when they looked for nothing but present death . And therefore yet again I say , beloved in the Lord , Let your hearts attend to the promises that God hath made unto true repentant sinners , and be fully perswaded with a constant faith , That God is alwayes true and just in his performance of his promises . You have heard these dayes spoken of very plainly , when your hearts could fear no danger , because you were nigh the land , and the storm was not yet risen ; that is , Ye were young Scholars of Christ when no persecution was felt or seen : But now ye are come into the midst of the Sea ( for what part of England heard not of your profession ? ) and the vehement storm whereof we then almost in every Exhortation spake of , is now suddenly risen up . But what ? Hath God brought you so far forth , that you shall both in souls and bodies every one perish ? Nay , my whole trust in Gods mercy and truth is to the contrary . For God brought not his people into Egypt , and from thence thorow the Red Sea to the intent they should perish , but that he in them should shew a most glorious deliverance : Neither sent Christ his Apostles into the middest of the Sea , and suffering the storm to assault them and their Ship , to the intent they should there perish , but because he would the more have his great goodnesse towards them felt and perceived in so mightily delivering them out of the fear of perishing , giving us thereby an example that he would do the like to us , if we abide constant in our profession and saith , with-drawing our selves from superstition and idolatry . We gave you warning of these dayes long ago : For the reverence of Christs Blood let these words be noted ; The same Truth that spake before of these dolorous dayes , forespake also the everlasting joy prepared for such as should continue to the end . The trouble is come ; O dear brethren look for the comfort , and ( after the example of the Apostle ) abide in resisting this vehement storm a little space . The third Watch is not yet ended ; remember that Christ Jesus came not to his disciples till it was the fourth Watch : and they were then in no lesse danger then you be now ; for their faith fainted , and their bodies were in danger . But Christ Jesus came when they looked not for him ; and so shall he do to you , if you will continue in the profession that you have made . This dare I be bold to promise , in the Name of him whose Eternall Verity and glorious Gospel ye have heard and received : who also putteth into my heart an earnest thirst ( God knoweth I lie not ) of your salvation , and some care also for your bodies , which now I will not expresse . Thus shortly have I passed thorow the outragious tempest wherein the disciples of Christ were tempted , after that the great multitude were by Christ fed in the desert , omitting many profitable Notes which might well have been marked in the Text , because my purpose is at this present not to be tedious nor yet curious , but only to note such things as be agreeable to these most dolorous dayes . And so let us now speak of the end of this storm and trouble , in which I finde four things chiefly to be noted : First , That the disciples at the presence of Christ were more afraid then they were before . Secondly , That Christ useth no other instrument but his Word to pacific their hearts . Thirdly , That Peter in a fervency first left his Ship , and yet after feared . Fourthly and lastly , That Christ permitted neither Peter nor the rest of his disciples to perish in that fear , but gloriously delivered all , and pacified the Tempest . Their great fear , and the cause thereof , are expressed in the Text , in these words ; When the disciples saw him walking upon the Sea , they were afraid , saying , It is a Spirit ; and they cryed through fear . It is not my purpose in this Treatise to speak of spirits , nor yet to dispute , Whether spirits good or bad may appear and trouble men : Neither yet to enquire , Why mans nature is afraid of spirits , and so vehemently abhorreth their presence and company . But my purpose is onely to speak of things necessary for this time . And first , let us consider that there was three causes why the disciples knew not Christ , but judged him to be a spirit . The first cause was , The darknesse of the night . The second was , The unaccustomed vision that appeared . And the third was , The danger and the tempest , in which they so earnestly laboured for the safeguard of their selves . The darknesse ( I say ) of the night letted their eyes to see him : And it was above nature , that a massie , heavy , and weighty body of a man ( such as they understood their Master Christ to have ) should walk , go upon , or be born up of the water of the raging Sea , and not sink . And finally , the horrour of the tempest , and great danger that they were in , perswaded them to look for none other , but certainly to be drowned . And so all these three things concurring together , confirmed in them this imagination , That Christ Iesus , who came to their great comfort and deliverance , was a fearfull and wicked spirit appearing to their destruction . What here happened to Christ Jesus himself , that I might prove to have chanced , and daily to happen to the verity of his blessed Word in all ages from the beginning . For as Christ himself in this their trouble , was judged and esteemed by his disciples at the first sight a spirit , or phantasticall body ; so is the Truth and sincere Preaching of his glorious Gospel , sent by God for mans comfort , deliverance from sin , and quietnesse of conscience , when it is first offered , and truely preached , it is ( I say ) no lesse but judged to be heresie and deceivable doctrine , sent by the devill to mans destruction . The cause hereof is the dark ignorance of God , which in every age since the beginning so overwhelmed the world , that sometimes Gods very Elect were in like blindenesse and errour with the reprobate : As Abraham was an Idolater ; Moses was instructed in all the wayes of the Egyptians ; Paul a proud Pharisee , conjured against Christ and his Doctrine : And many in this same our age , when the Truth of God was offered unto them , were sore afraid , and cryed against it , onely because the dark clouds of ignorance had troubled them before . But this matter I omit and let passe , till more opportunity . The chief Note that I would have you well observe and mark in this preposterous fear of the disciples , is this ; The more nigh deliverance and salvation approacheth , the more strong and vehement is the temptation of the Church of God. And the more nigh that Gods vengeance approacheth to the wicked , the more proud , cruell and arrogant are they . Whereby it commonly cometh to passe , That the very messengers of life are judged and deemed to be the authors of all mischief : And this in many histories is evident . When God had appointed to deliver the afflicted Israelites by the hand of Moses from the tyranny of the Egyptians , and Moses was sent to the presence of Pharaoh for the same purpose , such was their affliction and anguish by the cruelty which newly was exercised over them , that with open mouthes they cursed Moses ( and no doubt in their hearts they hated God who sent him ) alleadging , That Moses and Aaron was the whole cause of their last extreme trouble . The like is to be seen in the Book of the Kings , both under Elisha and Isaiah the Prophets : For in the dayes of Ioram , sonne of Achab , was Samaria besieged by the King of Syria : In which Samaria no doubt ( albeit the King and the most multitude were wicked ) there was yet some members of Gods Elect Church , which were brought to such extreme famine , that not onely things of small price were sold beyond all measure ; but also women against nature were compelled to eat their own children : In this same City Elisha the Prophet most commonly was most conversant and dwelt , by whose counsell and commandment , no doubt , the City was kept : For it appeareth , the King , to lay that to his charge , when he , hearing of the piteous complaint of the woman ( who for hunger had eaten her own son ) rent his clothes , with a solemne Oath and vow , That the head of Elisha should not stand upon his shoulders that day . If Elisha had not been of counsel , That the city should have been kept , Why should the King have more fumed against him , then against others ? But whether he was the author of the defending the City or not , all is one to my purpose ; for before the deliverance , was the Church in such extremity , that the chief Pastor of that time was sought to be killed by such as should have defended him . The like is read of Hezekiah , who defending his City Ierusalem , and resisting proud Sennacherib , no doubt obeying the counsell of Isaiah , at length was so oppressed with sorrow and shame , by the blasphemous words of Rabshakeh , that he had no other refuge , but in the Temple of the Lord ( as a man desperate and without comfort ) to open the disdainfull letters sent unto him by that hauty and proud tyrant . By these and many Histories mo , it is most evident , that the more nigh salvation and deliverance approacheth , the more vehement is the temptation and trouble . This I writ to admonish you , that albeit yet you shall see tribulation so abound , that nothing shall appear but extreme misery without all hope of comfort , that yet you decline not from God. And that albeit somtimes ye be moved to hate the messengers of life , that therefore ye shall not judge that God will never shew mercy after . No , deare Brethren , as he hath dealt with others before you , so will he deal with you . God will suffer tribulation and dolour abound , that no manner of comfort shall be seen in man , to the intent , that when deliverance commeth , the glory may be his , whose onely word may pacifie the tempest most vehement . He drowned Pharaoh and his Army . He scattered the great multitude of Benadad . And by his Angel killed the hoste of Sennacharib . And so delivered his afflicted when nothing appeared to them but utter destruction . So shall he do to you beloved Brethren , if patiently ye will abide his consolation and counsell . God open your eyes that ye may rightly understand the meaning of my writing . Amen . But yet peradventure you wonder not a little why God permitteth such blood thirsty tyrants to molest and grieve his chosen Church : I have recited some causes before , and yet more I could recite , but at this time I will hold me content with one . The justice of God is such , that he will not poure forth his extreme vengeance upon the wicked , unto such time as their iniquity be so manifest , that their very flatterers cannot excuse it . Pharaoh was not destroyed till his own houshold servants and subjects abhorred and condemned his stubborn disobedience . Iesabel and Athalia were not thrust from this life into death , till all Israel and Juda were witnesses of their cruelty and abominations . Iudas was not hanged till the Princes of the Priests bare witnesse of his Traiterous Act and iniquitie . To passe over the Tyrants of old time , whom God hath plagued , let us come to the Tyrants which now are within the Realm of England , whom God will not long spare ; If Steven Gardener , Cuthbert Tunstal , and Butcherly Bonnar , false Bishops of Winchester , Duresme , and of London , had for their false Doctrine and Traiterous acts suffered death , when they justly deserved the same , then would arrant Papists have alleadged ( as I and others have heard them do ) that they were men reformable , That they were meet Instruments for a Common-wealth ; That they were not so obstinate and malicious as they were judged , neither that they thirsted for the blood of any man : And of Lady Mary , who hath not heard , That she was not sober , mercifull , and one that loved the Common-wealth of England ? Had she ( I say ) and such as now be of her pestilent Councell , been dead before these dayes , then should not their iniquity and cruelty so manifestly have appeared to the world ; for who could have thought , that such cruelty could have entred into the heart of a woman ? and into the heart of her that is called a Virgine , that she would thirst for the blood of innocents , and of such as ( by just Laws and faithfull witnesses ) can never be proved to have offended by themselves . I finde , that Athalia ( through appetite to Reign ) murthered the Seed of the Kings of Iudah , and that Herodias daughter ( at the desire of a whorish Mother ) obtained the head of Iohn the Baptist ; but yet that ever a woman suffered her self to be called the most blessed Virgin , caused so much blood to be spilt for establishing of the usurped Authoritie of the Pope , I think the like is rare to be found in Scripture or other History . I finde that Iezabel ( that cursed Idolatresse ) caused the blood of the Prophets of God to be shed , and Naboth to be murthered unjustly for his own Vineyard ; but yet I think she never erected halfe so many Gallows in all Israel , as mischievous Mary hath done within London alone : But you Papists will excuse your Mary the Virgine : Well , let her be your Virgine , and a Goddesse meet to entertain such Idolaters , yet shall I rightly lay to her charge , that which I think no Papist within England will justifie nor defend : And therefore ( O ye Papists ) here I will a little turn my Pen unto you . Answer unto this Question , O ye Seed of the Serpent ; Would any of you have confessed two years ago , that Mary ( your mirrour ) had been false , dissembling , unconstant , proud , and a breaker of promises ( except such promises as she made to your god the Pope , to the great shame and dishonour of her noble Father ; ) I am sure you would hardly have thought it of her : And now doth she not manifestly shew her self to be an open Traitoresse to the Imperiall Crown of England , contrary to the just Laws of the Realme , to bring in a stranger , and make a proud Spanyard King , to the shame , dishonour and destruction of the Nobilitie ; to the spoile of their Honours , Lands , Possessions , chief Offices and promotions of them and theirs ; To the utter decay of the Treasures , Commodities , Navie and Fortifications of the Realm , to the abasing of the Yeomandry , to the slavery of the Commonalty , to the overthrow of Christianity and Gods true Religion , and finally to the utter subversion of the whole publike estate and Common-wealth of England ? Let Norfolk and Suffolke , let her own Promise and Proclamation , let her fathers Testament , let the Citie of London , let the ancient Laws and Acts of Parliaments before established in England , be judges betwixt mine accusation and her most tyrannous iniquity . First , her Promise and Proclamation did signifie and declare , That neither she would bring in , neither yet Marry any stranger ; Northfolk , Suffolk and the Citie of London do testifie and witnesse the same . The ancient Laws and Acts of Parliament pronounceth it Treason to transferre the Crown of England into the hands of a forraigne Nation ; and the Oath made to observe the said Statutes , cryeth out , That all they are perjured that consent to that her traiterous fact . Speak now ( O ye Papists ) and defend your monstrous Masters , and deny , if ye can for shame , that she hath not uttered her self to be borne ( alas therefore ) to the ruine and destruction of noble England ? Oh who would ever have beleeved ( I write now in bitternesse of heart ) that such unnaturall crueltie should have had dominion over any reasonable creature ? But the saying to be true , That the usurped Government of an affectionate woman is a rage without reason . Who would ever have thought , that the love of that Realme , which hath brought forth , which hath nourished and so nobly maintained that wicked woman , should not have moved her heart with pitie ? Who seeth not now , that she in all her doings declareth most manifestly , that under an English name she beareth a Spaniards heart ? If God ( I say ) had not for our scourge , suffered her and her cruell Councell to have come to Authority , then could never these their abominations , cruelty and treason against God , against his Saints , and against the Realm , whose liberties they are sworn to defend , so manifestly have been declared : And who ever could have beleeved , That proud Gardener , and treacherous Tunstall ( whom all Papists praised , for the love they bare to their Countrey ) could have become so manifestly Traiterous , not onely against their solemne Oathes , that they should never consent nor agree unto , that a forraigne Stranger should reigne over England ; but also that they would adjudge the Imperiall Crown of the same to appertain to a Spanyard by inheritance Lineall discent ? O Traiterous Traitours , how can you for shame shew your faces . It cometh to my minde , that upon Christmas day , Anno 1552. preaching , in New-Castle upon Tine , and speaking against the obstinacie of the Papists I made this affirmation , That whosoever in his heart was enemy to Christs Gospel and Doctrine , which then was preached within the Realm of England , was enemy also to God , and secret traitours to the Crown and Common-wealth of England ; for as they thirsted nothing more then the Kings death , which their iniquity could procure ; so they regarded not who should reign over them , so that their Idolatry might be erected again . How these my words at that time pleased men , the crimes and action intended against me did declare . But let my very enemies now say their conscience , if those may words have not proved true ? What is the cause that Winchester and the rest of his pestilent sect , so greedily would have a Spanyard to reign over England ? The cause is mafest ; for as that Hellish Nation surmounteth all other in pride and Whoredome , so for Idolatry and vaine Papisticall and devillish Ceremonies , they may rightly be called the very sons of superstition ; And therefore are they found and judged by the Progeny of Antichrist , most apt Instruments to maintain , establish and defend the Kingdom of that cruell Beast , whose head and wound is lately cured within England , which ( alas for pitie ) must now be brought into bondage and thraldome , that pestilent Papists may reigne without punishment . But , O thou Beast ! ( I speak to thee Winchester , more cruell then any Tygre ) Shall neither shame , nor fear , nor benefits received , bridle thy Tyrannous cruelty ? Art thou not ashamed ( thou bloody Beast ) to betray thy native Countrey , and the liberties of the same ? Fearest thou not to open such a door to all iniquitie , that whole England should be made a common Stewes to Spanyards ? Wilt thou recompence the benefits which thou hast received of that Noble Realm with that ingratitude ? Remembrest thou not that England hath brought thee forth ? that England nourished thee ? that England hath promoted thee to riches , honour and high dignitie ? And wilt thou now ( O wretched Captive ) for all these manifold benefits received , be the cause that England shall not be England ? Yea verily ; for so wilt thou gratifie thy Father the Devill , and his Lieutenant the Pope , whom with all his baggage , thou labourest now ( with tooth and naile ) to make florish again in England ; albeit like a dissembling Hypocrite , and double faced wretch , thou being thereto compelled by the invincible verity of Gods Holy Word , wrotest ( long ago ) thy book intituled True Obedience ; against that Monstrous Whore of Babylon , and her falsly usurped power and authority : but now ( to thy pepetuall shame ) thou returnest to thy Vomit , and art become an open Arch-Papist again . Furthermore , why seekedst thou the blood of Thomas Cranmer , of good father Hugh Latimer , and of that most learned and discreet man Doctor Ridley ? Doest thou not consider , that the lenitie , sincere Doctrine , pure life , godly conversation , and discreet counsell of these three is notably known in more Realms then England ? Art thou not ashamed to seek the destruction of those , who laboured for the safeguard of thy life , and obtained the same when thou justly deservedst death ? But , O thou sonne of Belial , well declarest thou , that nothing can mollifie the cruell malice , nor purge the deadly venome of him , in whose heart wickednesse beareth the dominion ; thou are like to Cain , and fellow to Iudas the Traitour , and therefore canst thou do nothing but thirst for the blood of Abel , and betray Christ Jesus and his eternall verity ? Thus ( dear brethren ) must the sons of the Devill declare their own impietie and ungodlinesse , that when Gods vengeance ( which shall not sleep ) shall be poured forth upon them , all Tongues shall confesse , acknowledge and say , That God is righteous in all his judgements : And to this end are cruell Tyrants permitted and suffered for a space and time , not onely to live in wealth and prosperity , but also to prevaile and obtain victory as touching the flesh , over the very Saints of God , and over such as enterpriseth to resist their fury at Gods commandment . But now to the subsequent , and that which followeth . The Instrument and means wherewith Christ Jesus used to remove and put away the horrible fear and anguish of his Disciples , is his onely word ; for so it is written , But by and by Iesus spake unto them , saying , Be of good comfort , it is I , be not afraid . The naturall man ( that cannot understand the power of God ) would have desired some other present comfort in so great a danger ; as , Either to have had the heavens to have opened , and to have shewed unto them such light in that darknesse , that Christ might have been fully known by his own face ; or else , That the Winds and raging Waves of the Seas suddenly should have ceased : or some other Miracle that had been subject to all their sences , whereby they might have perfectly known that they were delivered from all danger . And truely , equall it had been to Christ Jesus to have done any of these ( or any work greater ) as to have said , It is I , be not afraid : But willing to teach us the dignitie and effectuall power of his most Holy Word , he useth no other Instrument to pacifie the great and horrible fear of his Disciples , but the same his comfortable Word , and lively Voice ; and this is not done onely at one time , but whensoever his Church is in such straight perplexity , that nothing appeareth but extreme calamity , desolation and ruine ; then the first comfort that ever it receiveth , is by the meanes of his Word and Promise : As in the troubles and temptations of Abraham , Isaac , Iacob , Moses , David and Paul may appear . To Abraham was given no other defence , after that he had discomfited four Kings ( whose posterity and linage , no doubt , he , being a stranger , greatly feared ) but onely this promise of God made to him by his holy Word ; Feare not , Abraham , I am thy Buckler ; that is , Thy protection and defence . The same we finde of Isaac , who flying from the place of his accustomed habitation , compelled thereto by hunger , gat no other comfort nor conduct , but this promise onely , I will be with thee . In all the journeyes and temptations of Iacob , the same is to be espied ; As when he fled from his fathers house , for fear of his brother Esau , when he returned from Laban ; And when he feared the inhabitants of the Region of the Canaanites and Peresites , for the slaughter of the Sichemites committed by his sons ; he receiveth none other defence , but onely Gods Word and Promise . And this in Moses , and in the afflicted Church under him , is most evident : For when Moses himself was in such despair , that he was bold to chide with God , saying , Why hast thou sent me ? for since that time I have come to Pharaoh , to speak in thy Name , he hath oppressed this people : Neither yet hast thou delivered thy people . This same expostulation of Moses , declareth how sore he was tempted ; yea , and what opinion he had conceived of God , that is , That God was either impotent , and could not deliver his people from such a tyrants hands ; or else , That he was mutable , and unjust of his promises . And this same , and sorer temptations , assaulted the people ; For in anguish of heart , they both refused God and Moses ( as we before have partly touched . ) And what meanes used God to comfort them in that great extremity ? Did he straightway suddenly kill Pharaoh , the great Tyrant ? No. Did he send them a legion of Angels to defend and deliver them ? No such thing : But he onely reciteth and beateth into their ears his former promises to them , which oftentimes they had before ; And yet the rehearsall of the same wrought so mightily in the heart of Moses , that not onely was bitternesse and despair removed away , but also he was enflamed with such boldnesse , that without fear he went again to the presence of the King , after he had been threatned and repulsed by him . This I write , beloved in the Lord , that ye knowing the Word of God not onely to be that , whereby were created heaven and earth , but also to be the power of God to salvation , to all that believe ; the bright lantern to the feet of those that by nature walk in darknesse ; the life to those that by sinne are dead ; a comfort to such as be in tribulation ; the tower of defence to such as be most feeble ; the wisedom and great felicity of such as delighteth in the same ; and to be short , You know Gods Word to be of such efficacy and strength , that thereby is sin purged , death vanquished , tyrants suppressed , and finally , the devill the author of all mischief , overthrown and confounded . This ( I say ) I write , that ye , knowing this of the holy Word , and most blessed Gospel and voyce of God ( which once you have heard , I trust , to your comfort ) may now in this hour of darknesse , and most raging tempest , thirst and pray , That ye may hear yet once again this amiable voyce of your Saviour Christ , Be of good comfort , it is I , fear not . And also that ye may receive some consolation by that blessed Gospel which before you have professed , assuredly knowing , That God shall be no lesse mercifull unto you , then he hath been to other afflicted for his Names sake before you . And albeit that God speedily removeth not this horrible darknesse , neither suddenly pacifieth this tempest , yet shall he not suffer his tossed Ship to be drowned . Remember , brethren , That Gods vengeance plagued not Pharaoh the first yeer of his tyranny ; Neither did the dogges devour and consume both the flesh and bones of wicked Iezabel , when she first erected and set up her Idolatry : And yet , as none of them escaped due punishment , so did God preserve his afflicted Church , in despight of Sathan , and of his blinde and most wretched servants ; as he shall not fail to do in this great tempest and darknesse within the Realme of England . And therefore yet again , beloved in the Lord , let the comfort of Gods promises somewhat quicken your dulled spirits ; exercise your selves now secretly , in revolving that which sometimes you have heard openly proclaimed in your ears ; and be every man now a faithfull Preacher unto his brother : If your communication be of Christ , assuredly he will come before you be aware : His Word is like unto sweet smelling Oyntment , or fragrant flowers , which never can be moved nor handled , but forth goeth the odour , to the comfort of those that stand by ; which is nothing so delectable , if the Oyntment remain within the Box , and the flowers stand or lie without touching or motion . Mark well dear brethren , before that Christ spake , his disciples judged him to have been some wicked spirit , which was to them no delectable savour ; But when he speaketh , the sweet sound of his voyce pierceth their hearts ; For what comfort was in the hearts of the disciples , when they heard these words , Be of good comfort , it is I ? that is , Judge not that I am a spirit come to your destruction ; no , even I am come for your deliverance : It is I , your Master ; yea , your Master most familiar : It is I , whose Voyce and Doctrine you know , for ye are my sheep : It is I , whose works you have seen , although perfectly ye considered not the same : It is I , who commanded you to enter into this journey , and therefore am I come to you now in the hour of your trouble ; and therefore , be not afraid , this storm shall cease , and you shall be delivered . What comfort , I say , dear brethren , was in the hearts of the disciples , hearing Christs voyce , and knowing him by the same , can neither the tongue or pen of man expresse , but onely such , as after long conflict and strife ( which is betwixt the Flesh and the Spirit , in the time of extreme troubles , when Christ appeareth to be absent ) feeleth at last the consolation of the holy Ghost , witnesse and declare . And Peter giveth some externall signe , what Christs words wrought inwardly in his heart : For immediately after he heard his Masters voice , he saith , Lord , if it be thou , command me to come unto thee upon the waters . Here it may be seen what Christs voyce had wrought in Peters heart ; truely not onely a forgetting and contempt of the great tempest , but also such boldnesse and love , that he could fear no danger following , but assuredly did believe , That his Master Christs puissance , power , and might was such , that nothing might resist his Word and Commandment , and therefore he saith , Command me to come : As though he should say , I desire no more but the assurance of thy Commandment : If thou wilt command , I am determined to obey ; For assuredly I know , That the waters cannot prevail against me , if thou speake the word : So that whatsoever is possible unto thee , by thy Will and Word may be possible unto me . Thus Christ , to instruct Peter further , and us by his example , condescended to his Petition , and commanded him to come ; and Peter quickly leaving the Ship , came down from it , and walked upon the waters , to come to Christ. Thus far of Peters fact , in which lieth great abundance of Doctrine ; but I will passe over all that especially appertaineth not to the quality of this time within the Realm of England . Before it is said ( welbeloved Brethren ) That sometimes the messengers of life are judged to be the very messengers of death ; and that not onely with the reprobate , but also with Gods elect ; as was Moses with the Israelites ; Ieremiah with the City of Ierusalem , and Christ himself with his Apostles : But that is not a sin permanent , and that abideth for ever with Gods elect , but it vanisheth away in such sort , that not onely they know the voyce of their Pastor , but also they earnestly study to obey and follow it , with the danger of their own lives : For this is the speciall difference betwixt the children of God , and the reprobate : The one obeyeth God speaking by his Messengers , whom they embrace with unfained love : and that they do , sometimes not onely against all worldly appearance , but also against Civill Statutes and Ordinances of men : And therefore in their greatest extremity receive they comfort beyond expectation . The other alwayes resisteth Gods Messengers , and hateth his Word : And therefore in their great adversity God either taketh from them the presence of his Word , or else they fall into so deadly despair , that although Gods Messengers be sent unto them , yet neither can they receive comfort by Gods promises , neither follow the counsell of Gods true Messengers , be it never so perfect and fruitfull . Hereof have we many evident Testimonies within the Scriptures of God. Of Saul it is plain , That God so left him , that neither would he give him answer by Prophet , Dream , nor Vision . To Ahaz King of Iudah , in his great anguish and fear which he had conceived by the multitude of those that were conjured against him , was sent Isaiah the Prophet , to assure him by Gods promise , That his enemies should not prevail against him : and to confirm him in the same , the Prophet required him to desire a signe of God , either from the heaven , or beneath in the deep : But such was the deadly despair of him , that alwayes had despised Gods Prophets , and had most abominably defiled himself with Idolatry , that no consolation could enter into his heart , but desperately , and with a dissembling and fained excuse , he refused all the offers of God. And albeit God kept touch with that hypocrite for that time ( which was not done for his cause , but for the safety of his afflicted Church ) yet after escaped he not the vengeance of God. The like we reade of Zedekiah the wretched and last King of Iudah , before the destruction of the City of Ierusalem , who in his great fear , and extreme anguish , sent for Ieremiah the Prophet , and secretly demanded of him , How he might escape the great danger that appeared , when the Caldeans besieged the City . And the Prophet boldly spake and commanded the King , if he would save his life and the City , to render and give up himself into the hands of the King of Babylon . But the miserable King had no grace to follow the Prophets counsell , because he never delighted in the said Prophets Doctrine , neither yet had shewed unto him any friendly favour ; But even as the enemies of God , the chiefe Priests and false Prophets required of the King , so was the good Prophet evilly used ; sometimes cast into prison , and sometimes judged and condemned to die . The most evident testimony of the wilfull blinding of wicked Idolaters , is written and recited in the same Prophet Ieremiah , as followeth . After that the City of Ierusalem was burnt and destroyed , the King led away prisoner , his sons and chief Nobles slain , and the whole vengeance of God poured out upon the disobedient ; yet there was left a remnant in the Land , to make use of and possesse the same , who called upon the Prophet Ieremiah , to know concerning them the will and pleasure of God , Whether they should remain still in the Land of Iudea , as was appointed and permitted by the Caldeans , Or if they should depart and flie into Egypt : To certifie them of this their duty , they desire the Prophet to pray unto God for them : Who condescending and granting their Petition , promised to keep back nothing from them , which the Lord God should open unto him . And they in like manner taking God to record and witnesse , made a solemn Vow , To obey whatsoever the Lord should answer unto him . But when the Prophet , by the inspiration of the Spirit of God , and assured revelation and knowledge of his Will , commanded them to remain still in the Land that they were in , promising them , if they so would do , That God would there plant them ; and that he would repent of all the plagues that he had brought upon them ; and that he would be with them , to deliver them from the hands of the King of Babylon . But contrariwise , if they would not obey the voyce of the Lord , but would against his Commandment go to Egypt , thinking that there they should live in rest and aboundance , without any fear of Warre , and penury of victuall , then the very plagues which they feared , should come upon them , and take them : For ( saith the Prophet ) it shall come to passe , That all men that obstinately will go to Egypt , there to remain , shall die , either by sword , by hunger or pestilence : But when the Prophet of God had declared unto them this plain sentence and will of God , I pray you , what was their answer ? The text declared it , saying , Thou speakest a lie , neither hath the Lord our God sent thee unto us , commanding that we should not go into Egppt , but Baruch the sonne of Neriah provoketh thee against us , that he may give us into the power of the Caldees , that they might kill us , and lead us prisoners into Babylon : And thus they refused the counsell of God , and followed their owne fantasies . Here may be espied in this people great obstinacie and blindnesse ; for nothing which the Lord had before spoken by this Prophet Ieremy , had fallen in vain ; Their own eyes had seen the plagues and miseries which hee had threatned , take effect in every point , as he had spoken before ; yea , they were yet green and fresh both in minde and presence ( for the flame and fire wherewith Ierusalem was consumed and burnt , was then scantly quenched ) and yet could they not beleeve his threatnings then spoken , neither yet could they follow his fruitfull counsell , given for their great wealth and safeguard . And why so ? Because they never delighted in Gods Truth , neither had they repented their former Idolatry , but still continued and rejoyced in the same , as manifestly appeareth in the four and fortieth Chapter of the same Prophet ; and therefore would they and their wives have been in Egypt , where all kinde of Idolatry and Superstition abounded , that they ( without reproach or rebuke ) might have their Bellyes full thereof in despight of Gods holy Lawes and Prophets . In writing hereof it came to my minde , that after the death of that innocent and most godly King Edward the sixt , while that great tumult was in England , for the establishing of that most unhappy and wicked womans Authority ( I mean of Mary that now reigneth in Gods wrath ) entreating the same argument in a Town in Buckingam Shire , named Hammersham , before a great congregation , with sorrowfull heart and weeping eyes , I fell into this exclamation ; O England , now is Gods wrath kindled against thee , now hath he begun to punish , as he hath threatned a long while , by his true Prophets and Messengers ; he hath taken from thee the Crown of thy glory , and hath left thee without honour , as a body without a head : And this appeareth to be onely the beginning of sorrows , which appeareth to increase ; for I perceive that the heart , the tongue and hand of one English man is bent against another , and devision to be in the whole Realm , which is an assured signe of desolation to come . O England , England , doest thou not consider , that the Common-wealth is like a Ship sailing on the Sea , if thy Marriners and Governours shall one consume another , shalt thou not suffer shipwrack in short processe of time ? O England , England , ( alasse ) these plagues are powred upon thee , for that thou wouldest not know the most happy time of thy gentle Visitation : But wilt thou yet obey the voyce of thy God , and submit thy self to his holy words ? Truly , if thou wilt thou shalt finde mercie in his sight , and the estate of thy Common-wealth shall be preserved . But , O England , England , if thou obstinately wilt return into Egypt , that is , If thou contract Mariage , Confederacie , or League with such Princes , as do maintain and advance Idolatry ( such as the Emperour , who is no lesse enemy unto Christ then ever was Nero ; ) if for the pleasure and friendship ( I say ) of such Princes thou returnest to thine old abominations , before used under the Papistrie , then assuredly ( O England ) thou shalt be plagued and brought to desolation by the means of those whose favours thou seekest , and by whom thou art procured to fall from Christ , and to serve Antichrist . This and much more in the dolour of my heart , that day , in the audience of such as yet may bear record , ( through Gods permission ) I then pronounced : The thing that I then most feared , and which also my Tongue spake ( that is , The subversion of the true Religion , and bringing in of Strangers to reign over that Realm ) this day I see come to passe in mens councels and determinations ; which if they proceed and take effect , as by men it is concluded , then so assuredly as my God liveth , and as those Israelites that obstinately returned into Egypt againe , were plagued to the death ; so shall England taste what the Lord hath threatned by his Prophets before . God grant us true and unfained repentance of our former offences . God for his great mercies sake stirre up some Phinies , Elias , or Iehu , that the blood of abominable Idolaters may pacifie Gods wrath , that it consume not the whole multitude . Amen . But to returne to our matter ; of the premisses it is plain , That such as contemne Gods eternall verity and grace , can neither in their troubles receive comfort by Gods Messengers , neither yet can they follow the counsell of God , be it never so profitable , but God giveth them over , and suffereth them to wander in their owne vanities , to their owne perdition ; whereas contrarywise , such as beareth a reverence to Gods most Holy Word , are drawn by the power and vertue of the same ( as before is said ) to beleeve , follow and obey that which God commandeth , be it never so hard , so unapparent or contrary to their affections : And therefore as God alwayes keepeth appointment with them , so are they wonderously preserved , when Gods vengeances are powred forth upon the disobedient . And this is most evident in Abraham , at Gods commandment , leaving his Countrey , and going forth he knew not whither ; which was a thing not so easie to be done , as it is to be spoken or read . It appeareth also in Abraham , beleeving Gods promises , against all appearance , and also in offering his son Isaac , against all fatherly love and naturall affection . The same is said , in Moses , Samuel , Hezekiah , Michaiah , and other of the Prophets , which at the commandment of Gods Word , boldly passed to the presence of Tyrants , and there to them did their message , as charge was given unto them . But lest that some should alledge , that these examples appertaineth nothing to a multitude , because they were done in singular men , I answer , We will consider what the power of Gods Word hath wrought in many at one instance . After that the Israelites had made the golden Calfe , and so fallen to Idolatry ; Moses coming down from the mountain , and beholding their abominations ( the honour that they gave to an Idol ) and the people spoiled of their ear-rings and jewels , to their great rebuke and shame , was enflamed with such zeal , indignation and wrath , that first , he brake the Tables of the Commandments ; then he beat their Calfe to powder , and gave it to them to drink , to cause them to understand , That their filthy guts should receive that which they worshipped for God : And finally , he commanded that every man that was of God should approach and come nigh unto him : And the sons of Levi ( saith the Text ) came to him ; to whom he said , Thus saith the Lord God of Israel ; Let every man put his sword upon his thigh , and go in and out from Port to Port in the Tents ; and let every man kill his brother , his neighbour , and every man his nigh kinsman : And the sons of Levi did according to the word of Moses : And there fell the same day of the people nigh three thousand . It is evident by this history , That the power of Gods Word , pronounced by the mouth of a man , prevailed at one time in a great number against nature , and compelled them to be executers of Gods vengeance , regarding nothing the affinity nor nighnesse of blood : And also that their doing so well pleased Moses the Ambassadour of God , that he said unto them , Consecrate your hands this day every man in his own son , and in his own brother , that a fortunate benediction may be given to you this day . As though he should say ; Your father Levi prophaned and defiled his hands , killing the Sichemites in his blinde rage , which moved his father Iacob in his last Testament , to condemne , execrate and curse that his most vehement and ungodly zeale : But because in this work you have preferred Gods Commandment before blood , nature and also affection , in place of that rebuke and curse , you have obtained blessing and praise . The like puissance and vertue of Gods Word working in a multitude , is to be read in the Prophet Ieremiah ; who perceiving the time of Gods vengeance to draw nigh , and the City of Ierusalem to be besieged , boldly cryeth out in his open Sermon , saying , He that remaineth in this Citie shall die , either by sword , by hunger , or by pestilence . But he that shall go forth to the Caldeans , shall live , and shall finde his soul for a prey . This might have appeared a deceivable , seditious and ungodly Sermon , to command subjects to depart from the obedience and defence of their native Prince , rich Citizens and valiant souldiers from their possessions and strong Holds , and to will them to render themselves , without all manner of resistance , into the hands of strangers , being their enemies . What carnall man would not have judged the perswasions of the Prophet most foolish and false ? And yet in the hearts of such as God had elected and appointed to life , so effectually wrought this Sermon , that a great number of Ierusalem left their King , their City , riches and friends , and obeyed the Prophets counsell : for so may be espied by the answer of Zedechias the King , when Ieremiah counselled him , That he should render himself into the hands of Nebuchadonoser , he saith , I fear these Iews , that are fled to the Caldeans , lest perchance they give me into their hands . Hereof it is plain , That many were departed from him , whom he feared more then he did his enemies . Many more testimonies might be brought , to declare how mightily Gods Word , spoken by man , hath wrought in the hearts of great multitudes : As in the hearts of the Ninevites , who at Ionahs Preaching condemned their former Religion , conversation and life : And in the hearts of those three thousand who at Peters first Sermon openly made after Christs Ascension , acknowledged their offences , repented , and were soon after baptized . But these premises are sufficient to prove , as well that Gods Word draweth his Elect after it , against worldly appearance , against naturall affections , and against evil Statutes and Constitutions ; as also , That such as obey Gods speaking by his Ministers , never lacketh just reward , and recompence : For onely such as obeyed the voyce of the Prophet , found favour and grace , to the praise and glory of Gods Name , when his just judgements took vengeance upon the disobedient . But now briefly by Notes we will touch the rest of Peters act , and Christs mercifull deliverance of him ; which is the end of all troubles sustained by Gods Elect. And first , That Peter seeing a mighty winde , was afraid , and so , when he began to sink , he cryed , Lord save me , are three things principally to be noted : The first , From whence cometh the fear of Gods Elect. The second , What is the cause that they faint and fall in adversity . The third , What resteth with them in the time of this fear and down-sinking . And first , it is plain , That so long as Peter had his eyes fixed upon Christ , and attended upon no other thing but the voyce of Christ , he was bold and without fear : But when he saw a mighty winde ( not that the winde was visible , but the vehement storm and waves of the Sea that were stirred up and carried by the winde were seen ) then began he to fear , and to reason ( no doubt ) in his heart , that better it had been for him to have remained in his Ship ; for so might Christ have come to him : But now the storm and rage of winde was so vehement , that he could never come to Christ , and so he greatly feared . Whereof it is plain , That the onely cause of our fear that have left our Ship , and thorow the storms of the Sea would go to Christ with Peter , is , That we more consider the dangers and letts that are in our journey , then we do the Almighty power of him that hath commanded us to come to himself . And this is a sinne common to all the elect and chosen children of God , That whensoever they see a vehement trouble appearing to lett them , and drive them back from the obedience of God , then begin they to fear and to doubt of Gods power and good will. With this fear was Abraham stricken , when he denied his wife . This storme saw Moses , when he refused to be Gods Messenger . And Hezekiahs sore complaint declareth , That more he believed , considered , and looked upon the proud voyces , and great power of Sennacherib , then he did the promises of the Prophet . This I note for this purpose , That albeit this late and most raging storm within the Realme of England have taken from you the presence of Christ for a time , so that you have doubted whether it was Christ which you saw before , or not . And albeit that the vehemency of this contrary winde that would drive you from Christ have so employed your ears , that almost you have forgotten what he was who commanded you to come to himself , when that he cryed , Come unto me all ye that labour and are burthened , and I shall refresh you . Passe from Babylon , O my people , &c. Albeit ( I say ) that this raging tempest have stricken such fear in your heart , that almost all is forgotten ; yet ( dear brethren ) despair not , such offences have chanced to Gods Elect before you . If obstinately ye shall not continue , yet shall you finde mercy and grace . It had been your duty indeed , and agreeable to your profession , to have looked to Christ alone , and to have contemned all impediments ; but such perfection is not alway with man , but happy is he that feeleth himself to sink . The cause that Godt elect begin to faint and to sink down in the time of great adversitie , is fear and unbelief , as in Peter doth appear ; for so long as he neither feared danger , neither mistrusted Christs word , so long as the waves ( above , and contrary to their nature ) did obey and serve his feet , as they had been the drie , solid and sure ground : But so soon as he began to despair and fear , so soon began he to sink : To instruct us , That lively faith maketh man bold , and is able to carry us thorow such perils , as be uncapable to nature ; But when faith beginneth to faint , then beginneth man to sink down in every danger ; as in the Histories before rehearsed , it may appear , and in the Prophets it is plain ; for Elias at Gods Commandment passing to the presence of King Ahab , in the fervency of his faith , obtained the fire to come from heaven , and to consume his Sacrifice : by which also he was made so bold , that in the presence of the King he feared nothing to kill his false Prophets . But the same Elias hearing of the managing and threatnings of cursed Iezabel , and considering that the wrath of a wicked woman could by no reasonable means be appeased , he saw a storme , and feared the same , and so he prepared to flie ; which he doth not without some sinking down , for he began to reason and dispute with God , which never can be done by the Creature , without foolishnesse and offence . The same we finde in Ieremy , and many more . But the Question may be asked , Seeing Christ knew before what should happen to Peter , why did he not hinder him from coming from his Boat ? or else , Why did he not so confirm him in faith , that he should not have doubted ? To the which may be answered ; Albeit that we could render no reason of this work of Christ , yet were the work it self a sufficient reason ; and it were enough to answer , That so it pleased him , who is not bound to render a reason of all his works : But yet if we shall marke with deligence to what Office Peter was to be called , and what offences long rested with him , we shall finde most just and necessary causes of this work of Christ , and down sinking of Peter . It is plain that Peter had many notable vertues , as a zeal and fervency towards Christs glory , and a readinesse and forwardnesse to obey his commandments ; but it is like plain , That of long continuance there rested with Peter a desire of honor and worldly rest ( and that moved him to perswade Christ that he should not die . ) There rested with him pride , presumption , and a trust in himself ; which presumption and vain trust in his own strength , unlesse it had been corrected , he had never been fit to have fed Christs flock : And such sinnes can never be fully corrected or reformed , till they be felt , known , and confessed . Doubtlesse so arrogant is our nature , that neither will it know nor confesse the infirmitie of it self , untill such time as it hath a triall by manifest experience ; This is most plain by Peter , long after this tempest ; for when Christ said to his Disciples , This night shall ye all be slandered in me , Peter boldly bragged and said , Albeit that all should be slandered , and should flie from thee , yet shall not I be slandered , but I am ready to go to prison , and to die with thee . This was a bold presumption , and an arrogant promise spoken in contempt of all his Brethren , from which he could not be reduced by Christs admonition , but the more that Christ shewed him , that he should deny him , the more bold was he to affirm the contrary ; as though his Master Christ ( the Author of all Trueth , yea rather trueth it self ) should make a loud lie ; and therefore of necessitie it was , that he should prove in experience what was the frailtie of mans nature , and what was the imbecillity and weaknesse of faith , even in those , that were his chief Apostles , which had continually heard his heavenly Doctrine , seen daily his wonderfull Miracles , which had heard themselves so many admonitions of him , which also had followed and obeyed him in many things . That imbecillitie and weaknesse of faith , if Peter had not proved and felt it in himself , neither could he rightly have praised Gods infinite goodnesse , and imbraced his free mercy ; neither had he been apt and meet to have been a a Pastor to the weak sheep and tender lambs of Christ , but he should have been as proud a contemner and dispiser of his weak brethren , as the arrogant Papists , that contemn and dispise all godly and great learned men , though they be a thousand parts more excellent then they . But to correct and informe both presumptuous arrogancy and fraile imbecilitie and weaknesse of faith , Peter was permitted once to sink , and thrice most shamefully to refuse and deny his Master , to the intent that by the knowledge of his own weaknesse , he might be the more able to instruct others of the same ; and also that he might more largely magnifie Gods free grace and mighty deliverance : And that Christ taught him before his falling ; saying , When thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren : As though Christ should have said , Peter , yet art thou too proud to be a Pastor , thou canst not stoop nor bow thy back down to take up the weak sheep , thou doest not yet know thine own infirmitie and weaknesse , and therefore canst thou do nothing but despise the weak ones ; but when thou shalt be instructed by experience of thine own self , what hid iniquitie lurketh within the nature of man , then shalt thou learn to be humble , and stoop among other sinners ; and also shalt be an example to others which after shall offend , as thou didst , so that if they repent as thou didst , they need not despaire of mercy , but may trust most assuredly of Christ to obtain grace , mercy and forgivenesse of sins , as thou didst . This fruit have we to gather ( dear Brethren ) of Peters down-sinking in the sea , ( which was a secret knowledge and privie admonition , that he after should deny Christ ) that we are assured by the voice of Christ , if in the time of trouble and extreme danger we crie with Peter , we shall be delivered as he was ; and if we mourn for our deniall of Christ , as hee did , we shall finde the same grace and favour at Christs hand , that hee found . But now let us touch the third Note , which is this , That with Gods Elect in their greatest feare and danger there resteth some small sparke of faith , which by one means or other declareth it selfe , albeit the afflicted person in feare or danger , doth not presently perceive the same . As herein Peter is most cleare and manifest . For , perceiving himself to sink down , he cryed , saying , Lord save me , which words were a declaration of a lively and quick faith , which lay hid within his afflicted and sore perplexed heart , whose nature is ( I mean of faith ) to hope against hope , that is : against all appearance or likelihood to looke for help and deliverance , as the words of Peter witnesseth that he did . He saw nothing but the raging Sea ready to swallow him up . He felt nothing but himself sinking down in body , and sore troubled in heart , and yet he cryed : Lord save me . Which words first delare , that he knew the power of Christ able to deliver him . For foolishnesse it had been to have called for the help of him whom he had known to be impotent and unable to help . The calling for Christs help by prayer in this extream danger declared also that Peter had some hope through his gracious goodnesse to obtain deliverance . For in extream perils impossible it is , that the heart of man can cry for Gods help without some hope of his mercy . It is also to be noted , that in his great jeopardy Peter murmureth not against Christ. Neither doth he impute or lay any crime or blame upon Christ , albeit , at his commandment he had left his Bote. He saith not : Why lettest thou me sinke , seeing that I have obeyed thy Commandment . Moreover , Peter asked help at Christ alone , of whom he was perswaded both could and would help at a pinch . He cryed not upon Abraham , Iacob , Moses , Samuel , David ; Neither upon any other of the Patriarks , Prophets , or Saints departed : neither yet upon his own fellows in the Bote , but upon Christ , at whose commandment he had left the Bote. All these things together considered , declare , that Peter in this his extreame fear and danger had yet some sparke of faith ( albeit in that present jeopardy he had neither consolation nor comfort . ) For these premisses are undoubted tokens that he had faith . But now to the end , which is this . And immediately Iesus stretched forth his hand , and caught him , and said unto him : O thou of little faith , wherefore diddest thou doubt . And when they were come into the ship , the winde ceased ; And they that were in the ship came and worshipped him , saying , Of a truth thou art the Sonne of God : And immediatly the ship was at the Land whither they went. Hereof first is to be Noted , That God is alway nigh to those that call upon him faithfully ; and so willing is he to deliver them , that neither can fear nor extreme danger hinder his godly hand . Peter was sinking downe , and looked for no other thing but present death , and yet the hand of Christ prevented him . That that was visibly and openly done to Peter in that his great perill , is invisibly and secretly done to Christs holy Church , and to the chosen Members of Christs mysticall Bodie in all ages . How nigh and ready was the Hand of God to deliver his people Israel , when they were almost overwhelmed with despair in the dayes of Moses and Hester , the History doth witnesse : How nigh was God to Daniel amongst the Lyons , To Ionas in the Whales Belly , to Peter in the prison , is likewise most evidently declared in the holy Scriptures . How suddenly and beyond all expectation was David many times delivered from Sauls tyrany , his own heart confessed , and compelled his pen to write , and tongue to sing , saying , He sent from above , and hath delivered me , he hath drawn me forth of many waters . Open your ears ( dear brethren ) and let your hearts understand , That as our God is unchangeable , so is not his gracious hand shortned this day . Our fear and trouble is great , the storm that bloweth against us is sore and vehement , and we appear to be drowned in the deep : but if we unfainedly know the danger , and will call for deliverance , the Lords hand is nigher then the sword of our enemies . The sharp rebuke that Christ Jesus gave to Peter , teacheth us , That God doth not flatter nor conceal the faults of his Elect , but maketh them manifest , to the end that the Offendors may repent , and that others may avoid the like offences . That Christ called Peter of little faith , argueth and declareth ( as we before have noted ) That Peter was not altogether faithlesse , but that hee fainted , or was uncertain in his faith , for so soundeth the Greek terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof we ought to be admonished , That in passing to Christ thorow the storms of this world , is not onely required a fervent faith in the beginning , but also a constancy to the end ; as Christ saith , He that continueth to the end , shall be saved ; and Saint Paul , Unlesse a man shall strive lawfully , he shall not be crowned . The remembrance of this ought to put us in minde , That the most fervent man , and such as have long continued in profession of Christ , is not yet sure to stand at all hours , but that he is subject to many dangers , and that he ought to fear his own frailty , as the Apostle teacheth us , saying , Let him that standeth take heed lest he fall ; for if Peter that began so fervently , yet fainted ere he came to Christ , what ought we to fear , in whom such fervency was never found ? No doubt we ought to tremble and fear the worst ; and by the knowledge of our own weaknesse , with the Apostles , incessantly to pray , O Lord increase our faith . Christs demand and question , asking Peter , Why doubtest thou ? containeth in it self a vehemency ; as if he should have said , Whether doubtest thou of my power , or of my promises , or of my good will ? If my power had not been sufficient to have saved thee , then could I neither have come to thee thorow the stormy Sea , neither have made the waters obey thee , when thou beganst to come to me ; and if my good will had not been to have delivered thee , and thy Brethren , then had I not appeared unto you , neither had I called upon thee , but had permitted the Tempest to devour and swallow you up : but considering that your eye saw me present , your ears heard my voice , and thou Peter especially knewest the same , and obeyedst my commandment , why then doubtest thou ? Beloved brethren , If this same demand and question were laid to our charge , we should have lesse pretence of excuse then had Peter ; for he might have alleadged , That he was not advertised that any great Storme should have risen betwixt him and Christ , which justly we cannot alleadge ; for since that time that Christ hath appeared unto us by the brightnes of his Word , and called upon us by his lively voyce , he hath continually blown in our ears , That persecution and trouble should follow the Word that we professed , which dayes are now present . Alas then , why doubt we thorow this storme to go to Christ ? Support , O Lord , and let us sink no further . Albeit that Peter fainted in faith , and therefore was worthy most sharply to be rebuked , yet doth not Christ leave him in the Sea , neither long permitted he that fear and tempest to continue , but first they entred both into the Ship , and thereafter the winde ceased ; and last , their Ship arrived without longer delay , at the place for which they long had laboured . O blessed and happy are those that patiently abides this deliverance of the Lord ; The raging Sea shall not devour them : Albeit they have fainted , yet shall not Christ Jesus leave them behinde in the stormy Sea , but suddenly he shall stretch forth his mighty hand , and shall place them in the Ship amongst their brethren ; that is , He shall conduct them to the number of his elect and afflicted Church , with whom he will continue to the end of the world . The Majestie of his presence shall put to silence this boysterous winde , the malice and envy of the devill which so bloweth in the hearts of Princes , Prelates , Kings , and of earthly men , that altogether they are conjured against the Lord , and against his Anoyned Christ ; in despight of whom , he safely shall conduct , convey , and carry his sore troubled Flock to the life and rest for which they travell . Albeit ( I say ) that sometimes they have fainted in their journey , albeit that weaknesse in faith permitted them to sink , yet from the hand of Christ can they not be rent ; he may not suffer them to drown , nor the deep to devour them : But for the glory of his own Name he must deliver , for they are committed to his charge , protection , and keeping ; and therefore must he keep and defend such as he hath received at his father , from sin , from death , from devil and hell . The remembrance of these promises is to mine own heart such occasion of comfort , as neither can any tongue nor pen expresse , but yet peradventure some there is of Gods elect that cannot be comforted in this tempest , by any meditations of Gods election or defence , but rather beholding such as sometimes boldly have professed Christs Verity , now to be returned to their accustomed abominations ; And also themselves to be overcome with fear , that against their knowledge and conscience they stoup to an Idol , and with their presence maintaineth the same ; and being at this point , they begin to reason , Whether it be possible that the members of Christs body may be permitted so horribly to fall to the denyall of their Head ; and in the same to remain of long continuance : And from this reasoning they enter in dolour , and from dolour , they begin to sink to the gates of hell ; and Ports of despair . The dolour and fear of such I grant to be most just : For oh how fearfull is it , for the love of this transitory life , in the presence of man to deny Christ Jesus , and his known and undoubted Verity ? But yet to such as be not obstinate contemners of God , and of all godlinesse , I would give this my weak counsell , That rather they should appeal to mercy , then by the severe judgements of God to pronounce against themselves the fearfull sentence of condemnation ; and to consider that God includeth all under unbelief , that he may have mercy upon all : That the Lord filleth and giveth life ; he leadeth down to hell , and yet lifteth up again . But I will not that any man think , That by this my counsell I either justifie such as horribly are returned back to their vomit ; either yet that I flatter such as maintaineth that abominable Idoll with their dayly presence ; God forbid ; For then were I but a blinde guide leading the blinde headlong to perdition : Onely God knoweth the dolour and sobs of my heart , for such as I hear dayly do turn back : But the cause of my counsell is , That I know the conscience of some to be so tender , that whensoever they feel themselves troubled with fear , wounded with anguish , or to have sliden back in any point , that then they judge their faith to be quenched , and themselves to be unworthy of Gods mercies for ever ; to such direct I my counsell ; to those , I mean , that rather offends by weaknesse and infirmity , then of malice and set purpose . And I would that such should understand and consider , that all Christs Apostles fled from him , and denyed him in their hearts : And also I would they should consider , That no man from the beginning stood in greater feare , greater danger , nor greater doubt , then Peter did , when Christs presence was taken from him ; yea , no man felt lesse comfort , nor saw lesse appearance of deliverance ; and yet neither were the disciples rejected for ever , neither was Peter permitted to drown in that deep . But some shall object , Faith was not utterly quenched in them , and therefore they got deliverance , and were restored to comfort . Answ. That is it which I would that the afflicted and troubled consciences in this age should consider , That neither fear , neither danger , neither yet doubting nor backsliding , can utterly destroy and quench the faith of Gods elect , but that alwayes there remaineth with them some root and spark of faith , howbeit in their anguish , they neither feel nor can discern the same . Yet some shall demand , How shall it be known in whom the spark and root of faith remaineth , and in whom not , seeing that all fleeth from Christ , and boweth down to Idolatry ? Hard it is , and in a manner impossible , that one man shall wittingly judge of another ( for that could not Elijah do of the Israelites of his dayes ) but every man may easily judge of himself : For the root of faith is of that nature , that long it will not be idle , but of necessity , by processe of time , it will send forth some branches that may be seen and felt by the outward man , if it ramain lively in the heart ; as you heard it did in Peter , compelling him to cry upon Christ , when that he was in greatest necessity . Wilt thou have a triall whether the root of faith remaineth with thee or not ? ( I speak to such as are weak , and not to proud contemners of God. ) First , Feelest thou thy soul fainting in faith , as Peter felt his body sinke down in the waters ? Secondly , Art thou as sore afraid that thy soule should drown in hell , if thou consentest or obeyest Idolatry , as Peter was that his body should drown in the waters ? 3. Desirest thou as earnestly the deliverance of thy soul , as Peter did the deliverance of his body ? 4. Believest thou that Christ is able to deliver thy soul , and that he will do the same , according to his promise ? 5. Do'st thou call upon him without hypocrisie , now in the day of thy trouble ? 6. Do'st thou thirst for his presence , and for the liberty of his Word again ? 7. Mournest thou for the great abominations that now over-flowes the Realm of England ? If these premises ( I say ) remain in thy heart , then art thou not altogether destitute of faith , neither shalt thou descend to perdition for ever ; but mercifully shall the Lord stretch forth his mighty hand , and shall deliver thee from the very throat and bottom of hell : But by what means that he shall perform that his mercifull work , it neither appertaineth to thee to demand , nor to me to define : But this is requisite , and is our bounden duty , that such means as the hand of our God shall offer ( to avoid Idolatry ) we refuse not , but that willingly we embrace the same , albeit it partly disagree to our affections . Neither yet think I that suddenly , and by one means , shall all the faithfull in England be delivered from Idolatry : No , it may be that God so strengthen the hearts of some of those that have fainted before , that they will resist Idolatry to the death , and that were a glorious and triumphant deliverance . Of others God may so touch the hearts , that they will rather chuse to walk and go as Pilgrims , from Realm to Realme , suffering hunger , cold , heat , thirst , wearinesse , and poverty , then that they will abide ( having all aboundance ) in subjection of Idolatry . To some may God offer such occasion , that in despight of Idolaters ( be they Princes or Prelats ) they may remain within their own Dominions , and yet neither bow their knees to Baal , neither yet lack the lively Food of Gods most holy Word . If God offer unto us any such means , let us assuredly know , That Christ Jesus stretched forth his hand unto us , willing to deliver us from that danger wherein many are like to perish ; and therefore let us not refuse it , but with gladnesse let us take hold of it , knowing that God hath a thousand means ( very unappearing to mans judgement ) whereby he will deliver , support and comfort his afflicted Church . And therefore , most dearly beloved in our Saviour Jesus Christ , considering that the remembrance of Christs Banquet ( whereof , I doubt not , some of you have tasted with comfort and joy ) is not yet utterly taken from your minde ; And that we have entred in this journey at Christs Commandments ; considering that we finde the Sea windes blow contrary and against us , as before was prophesied unto us ; and that we see the same tempest rage against us , that ever hath raged against Christs elect Church ; And considering also that we feele our selves ready to faint , and like to be oppressed by these stormie Seas , Let us prostrate our selves before the Throne of Grace , in the presence of our heavenly Father , and in the bitternesse of our hearts let us confesse our offences , and for Christ Jesus sake let us ask deliverance and mercy , saying , with sobs and groanings from our troubled hearts ; Complaint . O God , the heathen are entred into thine Inheritance , they have defiled thy holy Temple , and have prophaned thy blessed Ordinance : In place of thy joyfull signes , they have erected their abominable Idolatry : The deadly cup of all blasphemie is restored againe to their harlots hand : Thy Prophets are persecuted , and none are permitted to speak thy Word freely : The poor sheep of thy pasture are commanded to drink the venomous waters of mens Traditions . But , O Lord , thou knowest how sore they grieve us . But such is the tyranny of these most cruell beasts , that plainly they say , They shall root us out at once , so that no remembrance shall remain of us on earth . O Lord , thou knowest that we are but flesh , and that we have no power of our selves to withstand their tyranny ; And therefore , O Father , open the eyes of thy mercy upon us , and confirm thou in us the Work which thine own mercy hath begun . We acknowledge and confesse , O Lord , That we are punished most justly , because we lightly regarded the tyranny of our mercifull Visitation . Thy blessed Gospel was in our ears like a lovers song ; it pleased us for a time , but alas , our lives did nothing agree with thy Statutes and holy Commandments : And thus we acknowledge that our iniquity hath compelled thy justice to take the light of thy Word from the whole Realme of England . But be thou mindefull O Lord , that it is thy Truth which we have professed , and that thy enemies blasphemeth thy holy Name , and our Profession , without Cause : Thy holy Gospel is called heresie , and we are accused as traytors , for professing the same . Be mercifull therefore , O Lord , and be salvation unto us in this time of our anguish : Albeit our sins accuse and condemne us , yet do thou according to thine own Name . We have offended against thee ; Our sins and iniquities are without number , and yet art thou in the midst of us , O Lord , albeit that tyrants bear rule over our bodies , yet thirsteth our souls for the comfort of thy Word : Correct us therefore , but not in thy hot displeasure ; spare thy people , and permit not thine inheritance to b● in rebuke for ever . Let such , O Lord , as now are most afflicted , yet once againe praise thy holy Name before thy Congregation : Represse the pride of those blood-thirsty Tyrants ; consume them in thine anger , according to the reproach which they have laid against thy holy Name . Pour forth thy vengeance upon them , and let our eyes behold the blood of thy Saints required of their hands : Delay not thy vengeance , O Lord , but let death devour them in haste : Let the earth swallow them up , and let them go downe quick to the hells : For there is no hope of their amendment ; the feare and reverence of thy holy Name is quite banished from their hearts , and therefore yet again , O Lord , consume them ; consume them in thine anger , and let them never bring their wicked counsells to effect ; but according to the godly powers , let them be taken in the snare which they have prepared for thine elect : Look upon us , O Lord , with the eyes of thy mercy , and shew pity upon us thy weak and sore oppressed Flock : Gather us yet once again to the wholesome treasures of thy most holy Word , that openly we may confesse thy blessed Name within the Realme of England . Grant this , O heavenly Father , for Christ Iesus thy sons sake . Amen . If on this manner or otherwise ( as God shall put in our hearts ) without hypocrisie in the presence of our God ( respecting more his glory then our private wealth ) continually we poure forth our complaint , confession and prayers . Then so assuredly as our God liveth , and as we feel these present troubles , shall our God himself rise to our defence , he shall confound the counsels of our enemies , and trouble the wits of such as most wrongfully troubleth us . He shall send Jesu to execute his just judgments against Idolators , and against such as obstinately defendeth them . Yea , the chiefe men of our times shall not escape the vengeance and plagues that are prepared for their portion . The flatterers and maintainers of her abominations shall drink the cup of Gods wrath . And in despite of the Devill shall yet the glory of Christ Jesus , and the brightnesse of his countenance so shine in our hearts by the presence of his grace , and before our eyes by the true preaching of his Gospel , that altogether we shall fall before him and say : O Lord thou art our God , we shall extoll thee , and shall confesse thy Name , for thou ●ast brought wonderous things to passe according to thy counsels , which albeit appear to be farre off , yet are they true and most assured . Thou hast brought to ruine the palaces of tyrants , and therefore shall the afflicted magnifie thee , and the City of tyrannicall Nations shall fear thee . Thou hast been , O Lord , a strong defence to the poor , a sure place of refuge to the afflicted in the time of his anguish . This no doubt , dear Brethren , shall one day be the song of Gods Elect within the Realm of England , after that God hath poured forth his vengeance upon these disobedient , and blood-thirsty tyrants : which now triumpheth in all abominations , and therefore yet again beloved in the Lord , Abide patiently the Lords deliverance , avoyding and flying such offences as may separate and divide you from the blessed fello●ship of the Lord Jesus at his second comming . Watch and pray , resist the ●ivell , and row against this vehement tempest , and shortly shall the Lord come , to the comfort of your hearts , which now are oppressed with anguish and care , but then shall ye so rejoyce , that through gladnesse you shall say : Behold this our God , we have waited upon him , and he hath saved us . This is our Lord , we have long thirsted for his comming , now shall we rejoyce and be glad in his salvation , Amen . The great Bishop of our souls ▪ Jesus our Lord so strengthen and assist your troubled hearts with the mighty comfort of his Holy Ghost , that earthly tyrants , nor worldly torments have no power to drive you from the hope and expectation of that Kingdom , which for the Elect was prepared from the beginning by our heavenly Father , to whom be all praise and honour , now and ever , Amen . Remember me ( dear Brethren ) in your daily prayers . The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all . Amen . Yours with sorrowfull heart , JOHN KNOX . The Copie of A LETTER Delivered To Queen Mary , Regent OF SCOTLAND , FROM IOHN KNOX Minister of Gods Word , in the yeer of our Lord , 1556. and thereafter augmented and explained by the Author , in the yeer of our Lord , 1558. To the most Excellent Princesse MARY , DOVVAGER Regent of Scotland . MADAME , THE cause which moved me to present this my Supplication unto your Majestie , enlarged , and in some places explained ( being in the Realm of Scotland in the Moneth of May , 1556. I caused to be presented to your Majesty ) is the incredible rage of such as beare the Title of Bishops , who , against all justice and equitie , have pronounced against me a most cruell sentence , condemning my Bodie to Fire , my Soul to Damnation , and all Doctrine taught by me , to be false , deceivable , and Hereticall : If this injury did tend to me alone , having the testimony of a good conscience , with silence I could passe the matter , being assured , that such as they curse and expell their Synagogues for such causes , shall God blesse , and Christ Jesus receive in his eternall societie : But considering that this their blasphemy is vomited forth against the eternall Truth of Christs Evangell , ( whereof it hath pleased the great mercy of God to make me a Minister ) I cannot cease to notifie , as well to your Majestie , as to them , That so little am I afraid of their Tyrannicall and surmised sentence , that in place of the Picture ( if God impede not my purpose ) they shall have the Body to justice that Doctrine , which they ( Members of Satan ) blasphemously do condemne . Advertising your Majestie in the mean time , That from them , their sentence and tyrannie , and from all those that lift to maintain them in the same , I do appeal to a lawfull and generall Councel ; beseeching your Majesty to take in good part , that I call you for witnesse , that I have required the libertie of tongue , and my Cause to be heard before your Majestie and the Body of the Realm , before that any such Processe was laid against me ; as this my Letter directed to your Majesty doth testifie . The beginning of the Letter . THE Eternall Providence of the same God , who hath appointed his chosen Children to fight in this transistory and wretched life , a battell strong and difficile , hath also appointed their finall victory by a marvellous fashion , and the manner of their preservation in their battell more marvellous ; their victory standeth not in resisting , but in suffering ; as our Soveraign Master pronounceth to his Disciples , that in patience they should possesse their soules : And the same foresaw the Prophet , Esay , when that he painteth forth all other battell to be with violence , tumult , and blood-shedding , but the victory of Gods people to be in quietnesse , silence and hope ; meaning that all others that obtain victorie , do enforce themselves to resist their adversaries , to shed bloood , and to murther : But so do not the Elect of God , but all things they sustain at the commandment of him who hath appointed them to suffer ; being most assuredly perswaded , that then onely they triumph , when all wen judge them oppressed : For in the Crosse of Christ alwayes is included a secret and hid victory , never well known till the sufferer appear all together to be ( as it were ) exterminate ; for then onely did the blood of Abel crie to God , when proud Cain judged all memory of his brother to have been extinguished ; and so ( I say ) their victory is marvellous , and how that they can be preserved and not brought to utter confusion , the eye of man perceiveth not : But he , whose power is infinite , by secret and hid motions , toucheth the hearts of such as to mans judgment hath power to destroy them , with very pietie and compassion to save his people , as ( in times past ) he did the hearts of the Egyptian Midwives , to preserve the men-children of the Israelites , when command was given of Pharoah for their destruction . The heart of Pharaohs daughter likewise , to pitty Moses in his young infancy , exposed to the danger of the waters . The heart of Nabuchadnezzar to preserve the Captives alive , and liberally to nourish the Children that were found apt to Letters : And finally , The heart of Cyrus , to set at liberty the people of God , after long bondage and thraldome . And thus doth the invisible power and love of God , manifest it self towards his Elect from time to time , for two causes specially . First , to comfort his weake warriers in their manifold temptations , letting them understand , That he is able to compell such as sometimes were enemies to his people , to fight their Cause , and to promote their deliverance . And secondarily , to give a testimony of his favour to them , that by all appearance did l●ve before ( as Saint Paul speaketh ) wanting God in the world , as strangers from the Common-wealth of Israel , and without the league of his mercifull promise and free grace m●de to his Church : For who would have affirmed , That any of these persons aforenamed , had been of that nature and clemency , before occasions were offered unto them ? But the works of mercie shewed to the afflicted , have left to as assurance , That God used them as vessels of his honour . For pitie and mercie shewed to Christs afflicted flock , as they never lacked reward temporall , so if they be continued , and be not changed into crueltie , are assured signes and seales of everlasting mercy to be received from God , who by his Holy Spirit moveth their heats to shew mercy to the people of God oppressed and afflicted . Addition . THis Preface I used to give your Majestie occasion more deeply to consider what hath been the condition of Christs Members from the beginning , that in so doing , ye might see ▪ That it is no new thing that the Saints of God be oppressed in the word ; that ye , moved by earnest contemplation of the same , might also study rather to save them from murder , ( although by the wicked councels of many ye were provoked to the contrary ) then to engage your self to the corrupt Clergie , who are servants to sinne and Sathan ; whose fury is bent against God and his verity : But this after followeth in our Let-which thus proceedeth . Letter . YOur Majestie perchance doth wonder to what purpose these things be recited , and I in very deed cannot wonder enough , that occasion is offered to me ( a worme most wretched ) to recite the same at this present , for I have looked rather for the sentence of death , then to have written to your Majestie in these last and most wicked dayes , in which Sathan so blindeth the hearts of many , that innocents are condemned , their Cause never tried . Addition . HEreof ye cannot be ignorant : For besides these whom ye hear from time to time most cruelly to be murthered in France , Italy , Spaine , Flanders , and now of late yeers besides you in England , for no other cause , but that they professe Christ Jesus to be the onely Saviour of the world , The onely Mediator betwixt God and man , The onely Sacrifice acceptable for the sins of all faithfull ; and finally , The onely Head to his Church . Besides these , I say ( of whom ye hear the brute ) ye have been witnesse , That some within the Realm of Scotland , for the same cause , most cruelly have been murthered , whose cause was never heard with indifferency ; But murtherers sitting in the Seat of Justice , have shed the blood of Christs true Witnesses ; which albeit did then appear to be consumed away with fire , yet it is resent in the presence of him for whose cause they did suffer , and ceaseth not to call for vengeance , with the blood of Abel , to fall upon , not onely such as were immediate and next authors of that murther , but also upon all those that maintain those tyrants in their tyranny , or that do consent to their beastly cruelty , or that do not stop , having the power in hand . Take not this as the affirmation of any man , but hear and consider the voice of the Son of God ; Fulfill ( saith he ) the measure of your fathers , that all the blood which hath been shed since the blood of Abel the just , till the blood of Zachariah , &c. may come upon this generation . Hereby it is evident , That the murtherers of our time , as well as in the time of Christ , are guilty of all the blood that hath been shed from the beginning . Fearfull , I grant , is the sentence ; yet it is most equall and just : For whosoever sheddeth the blood of any one of Christ Jesus his members , for professing of his Truth , consenteth to all the murther which hath been made since the beginning for that cause . So that as there is one communion of all Gods Elect , of whom every member is participant of the holy Justice of Christ ; so is there a communion among the reprobate , by which every one of the Serpents seed are criminall and guilty of all iniquity which the whole Body committeth , because they are altogether against Christ Jesus , and against his eternall Verity ; every one serving Sathan the Prince of this world in their rank , age , degree and estate . The murtherers of their brethren which this day live , are guilty with Cain of the blood of Abel : The Kings and Princes which by power oppresse the people of God , and will not suffer that the people truely worship God as he hath commanded , but will retain them in Egypt , are brethren and companions to Pharaoh : The Prelats and Priests , whose horrible iniquities and insolent life have infected all Realmes where they raigne , have with their fathers the old Pharisces , taken away the key of knowledge , and have shut up the Kingdom of heaven before men ; so that neither they themselves will enter , neither yet will they suffer others to enter into the same : And the multitude blinded , some by ignorance , some by fear , and by insatiable appetite of their part of the spoyl ( for Christ being crucified , the souldiers parted amongst them his garments ) are conjured to defend those murtherers , proud pestilent Prelats , against Christ Jesus , and against his poor Flock : And therefore , because of one crime , they are all guilty ( which is , of treason and rebellion against Christ ) of one torment they shall all taste , which is , Of the fire that never shall be quenched . And herein ought you , Madame , be circumspect and carefull , if that ye hope for the life to come : For if the consent which proceedeth of ignorance and blindenesse bringeth destruction and death ( as Christ our Master doth witnesse , saying , If the blinde lead the blinde , they shall both fall into the ditch ) What shall become of the proud and malicious contemners of Gods Verity offered ? But our Doctrine , perchance , shall be denyed to be the Verity : Whereunto I answer , That so was the Doctrine of Noah , of Moses , of the Prophets , of Christ Jesus , and of his Apostles ; and yet the originall world perished by water , Sodome and Gomorra by fire descending from heaven ; Pharaoh and his adherents in the Red Sea ; the City of Ierusalem , and the whole Nation of the Jews , by punishments and plagues , notwithstanding that the whole multitude cryed , This is a new doctrine , this is heresie , and tendeth to sedition . Our Petition is , That our Doctrine may be tryed by the plain Word of God ; That liberty be granted to utter and declare our mindes at large in every Article and Point which now are in controversie : Which if ye deny , giving ear to Christs enemies ( who condemne his doctrine for heresie ) ye shall drink the Cup of Gods wrath with them . But now to the former Letter . Letter . I doubt not but the rumors which have come to your Majesties ears , of me , have been such , that if all reports were true , I were unworthy to live upon the earth : And wonder it is , That the voices of the multitude should not so have enflamed your Majesties heart with just hatred of such a one as I am accused to be , that all accesse to pity should have been shut up . I am traduced as an heretick , accused as a false teacher and seducer of the people , besides other opprobries , which ( affirmed by men of worldly honour and estimation ) may easily kindle the wrath of Magistrates , where innonocence is not known . But blessed be God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , who by the dew of his heavenly grace , hath so quenched the fire of displeasure , as yet , in your Majesties heart ( which of late dayes I have understood ) that Sathan is frustrate of his enterprise and purpose ; which is to my heart no small comfort ; Not so much ( God is my witnesse ) for any benefit that I can receive in this miserable life , by protection of any earthly creature ( for the cup which it behoveth me to drink , is appointed by the wisedom of him whose counsels are not changeable ) as that I am for that benefit which I am assured your Majestie shall receive , if that ye continue in like moderation and clemency towards others that most unjustly are and shall be accused , as that your Majestie hath begun towards me , and my most desperate Cause : that is , If that by godly wisedome ye shall studie to bridle the fury and rage of them , who , for the maintenance of their worldly pomp , regard nothing the cruell murthering of simple innocents . Then shall he who doth pronounce mercy to appertain to the mercifull , and promiseth that a cup of cold water given for his Names sake shall not lack reward , first cause your happy Government to be praised in this present age , and in posterities to come ; and last recompence your godly pains and study with that joy and glory , which eye hath not seen , nor yet can enter into the heart of mortall creature . Addition . IF Christs words were esteemed true , That of every idle word an accompt shall be given ; and that nothing is so secretly done , which shall not come to knowledge and light ; I suppose that the tongues of men should be better bridled , then impudently to speak their pleasure in matters unknown . For albeit that the true fear of God should not move them to speak truth ; yet would I think ( if any spark of humanity remained ) that worldly shame should impede them to lye . When reasoning was , before your Majesty , what man it was that preached in Aire , and divers men were of divers opinions ; some affirming , that it was an Englishman , and some supposing the contrary ; a Prelate , not of the least pride , said , Nay , no Englishman , but it is Knox that Knave . It was my Lords pleasure so to Baptize a poor man. The reason whereof , if it should be required , his Rochet and Miter must stand for Authority . What further liberty he used in defining things like uncertain to him , to wit , of my learning and doctrine , at this present I omit , Lamenting more that such pestilent tongues have liberty to speak in the presence of Princes , then that I am sorry for any hurt that their venome can do to me in body or fame : For what hath my life and conversation been , since it hath pleased God to call me from the puddle of Papistry , let my very enemies speak ; And what learning I have , they may prove when they please . The report of your Majesties moderation , as well at that time , as after , when suite was made for my taking , moved me to write this my other Letter ; in which , albeit , I have not played the Orator , trimming and decking the matter for the pleasure of itching , and delicate ears ; yet doth my conscience bear me record , That with simplicity I have advertised you of a mortall danger ; As this portion subsequent shall prove . Letter . SUperfluous and foolish it shall appear to many , That I , a man of low estate and condition , dare enterprise to admonish a Princesse so honourable , indued with wisedom , and graces singular . But when I consider the honour which God commandeth to be given to Magistrates , which no doubt ( if it be true honour ) containeth in it self , in lawfull things , obedience , and in all things , love and reverence . When further I consider the troublesome state of Christs true Religion , this day oppressed by blindnesse of men ; and lastly , The great multitude of flatterers , and the rare number of them that boldly and plainly , dare speak the naked verity in presence of their Princesse , and principally in the cause of Christ Iesus : These things I say , considered , whatsoever any man shall judge of my enterprise , I am compelled to say , That Unlesse in your Regiment , and in using of Power , your Majesty be found different from the multitude of Princes , and head Rulers , That this pre-eminence wherein ye are placed , shall be your dejection to torment , and pain everlasting . This proposition is sore , but alas it is so true , That if I should conceal and hide it from your Majesty , I committed no lesse treason against your Majestie , then if I did see you by imprudency take a Cup which I knew to be poysoned , or invenomed , and yet would not admonish you to abstain from drinking of the same . The Religion which this day men defend by fire and sword , is a Cup invenomed , of which whosoever drinketh , ( except that by true repentance , he after drink of the water of life ) drinketh therewith damnation and death . How , and by whom it hath been invenomed , if it were no more tedious to your Majestie to read or hear , then it is painfull to me to write or rehearse , I would not spare the labour . But for this present , I have thought it some discharge of one part of my duty , if I , of very love , admonish your Majesty of the danger ; which I do , as God one day shall declare , preferring your Majesties salvation , and the salvation of the People ( now committed to your charge ) before any corporall benefit that can redound to my self . Addition . AS Satan by craft hath corrupted the most holy Ordinances of Gods precepts , I mean of the first Table , in the place of the spirituall honouring of God , introducing mens dreams , inventions , and fantasies . So hath he , abusing the weaknesse of man , corrupted the precepts of the second Table , Touching the honour which is due to Parents , under whom are comprehended Princes and Teachers . For now the devill hath so blinded the senses of many , that they cannot , or at least , will not learn what appertaineth to God , and what to Caesar. But because the spirit of God hath said , Honour the King ; therefore , whatsoever they command , be it right or wrong , must be obeyed . But heavy shall the judgement be , which shall apprehend such blasphemers of Gods Majesty , who dare be so bold as to affirm , That God hath commanded any creature to be obeyed against himself . Against God it is , That for the commandment of any Prince , be he never so potent , men shall commit Idolatry , embrace a Religion which God hath not approved by his Word , or confirm , by their silence , wicked and blasphemous Laws , made against the honour of his Majestie . Men I say , that so do , give no true obedience , but as they are Apostates from God , so are they Traytors to their Princes , whom by flattery they confirm in rebelling against God ; onely , they which to the death resist such wicked laws and decrees , are acceptable to God , and faithfull to their Princes ; As were the three children in the presence of Nabuchadnezzar , and Daniel in the dayes of Darius ( the Persian Emperour ) whose constant and free confession , as it glorified God , so did it notifie as well to those tyrants , as to all ages following , the great blasphemy which in their rage and fury they committed against God , from the which ( by all appearance ) neither of both so suddenly should have been called , if the three children had bowed among the rest , and Daniel had not declared the confession of his faith ; Which was , with Windows open to pray towards Ierusalem , manifestly thereby declaring , That he did not consent to the blasphemous law , and decree , which was established by the King and his Counsell . Experience hath taught us what surmises and blasphemies the adversaries of Christ Jesus , of his eternall verity , do invent and devise against such as begin to detect their impiety . They are accused to be Authors of sedition , raisers of tumults , violators of common orders , &c. I answer with the Prophet Esay , That all is not reputed before God sedition and conjuration , which the foolish multitude so esteemeth ; neither yet is every tumult and breach of publike order , contrary to Gods commandment ; for Christ Jesus himself coming to take the spoil from the strong armed , who before did keepe his house in quietnesse , is not come to send Peace , but a Sword , and to make a man disassent from his Father , &c. His Prophets before him , and Apostles after him , feared not to break publike Orders , established against God , and in so doing , to move ( as it were ) the one half of peoples , nations , and cities against the other ; and yet I trust that none , except the hired servant of Sathan , will accuse Christ of sedition , nor the Apostles of the troubling of Common wealths . True it is , that the most wholesome Medicine most troubleth ( for a time ) the body replenished with wicked and corrupted humours , but the cause hereof is known to be , not in the Medicine , but in the Bodie subject to Maladie ; even so the true Word of God , when it entreth to fight where Sathan hath born dominion , ( as he still doth in the whole Papistrie ) cannot but appear to be occasion of great trouble . But Madame , more profitable it is , that the pestilent humours be expelled with pain , then that they be nourished , to the distruction of the body . The Papisticall Religion is a mortall pestilence , which shall assuredly bring to death eternall the bodies and souls , from the which it is not purged in this life ; and therefore take heed betimes , God calleth upon you , beware that ye shut not up your ears : Judge not the matter after the vilenesse of my body , whom God hath appointed Ambassadour and Messenger unto you , but with reverence and fear consider him whose Message I bear . I come to you in the name of the Eternall God , and of Christ Jesus his Son , to whom the Father hath committed all power , whom he hath established Soveraign Judge over all flesh , before whose Throne you must make accompt with what reverence you hear such as he sendeth . It shall not excuse you to say or think , That you doubt whether I be sent of God or no ; I crie unto you , That the Religion which the Princes and blinded Papists maintain with fire and sword , is not the Religion of Christ ; That your proud Prelates are none of Christs Bishops ; I admonish you , That Christs Flock is oppressed by them , and therefore I require , and that yet again in the name of the Lord Jesus , That with indifferency I may be heard to preach , to reason , and to dispute in that Cause ; which if you deny , you declare your self to bear no reverence to Christ , nor love to his true Religion . Letter . BUt you think ( peradventure ) That the care of Religion is not committed to Magistrates , but to the Bishops and state Ecclesiasticall , as they term it ; but deceive not your self , for the negligence of Bishops shall no lesse be required of the hands of the Magistrates , then shall the oppession of false Iudges ; for they injustly promote , foster and maintain the one and the other : The false and corrupt Iudge to spoil the Goods , and to oppresse the bodies of the simple , but the proud Prelates do Kings maintain to murther the souls , for the which the blood of Christ Iesus was shed ; and that they do either by withholding from them the true Word of life , or else by causing a pestilent Doctrine to be taught unto them , such as now is taught in the Papisticall Churches . I know that you wonder , how that the Religion which is universally received , can be so damnable , and corrupted : But if you consider , That ever from the beginning , the multitude hath declined from God ( yea , even in the people , to whom he spake by his Law and Prophets ) if ye shall consider the complaint of the Holy Ghost , complaining , that Nations , People , Princes and Kings of the earth have raged , made Conspiracies , and holden Councels against the Lord , and against his Annointed Christ Iesus ; further , if ye shall consider the question which Iesus himself doth move in these words , When the Sonne of Man shall come , shall he finde faith on the earth ? And lastly , if your Majestie shall consider the manifest contempt of God , and of all his holy Precepts , which this day reigne without punishment , upon the face of the whole earth ; for as Hosea complaineth , There is no verity , There is no mercy , There is no truth this day among men , but lies , perjury , and oppression overflow all , and blood toucheth blood ; that is , Every iniquitie is joyned to another : If deeply ( I say ) your Majestie will contemplate the universall corruption that this day reigneth in all states , then shall your Majestie cease to wonder , That many are called , and few chosen ; and you shall begin to tremble and fear to follow the multitude to perdition : The universall defection , whereof Saint Paul doth prophesie , is easie to be espied , as well in religion as in manners . The corruption of life is evident , and Religion is not judged , nor measured by the plain Word of God , but by custome , consuetude , will , consent , and determinations of men . But shall he who hath pronounced all cogitations of mans heart to be vain at all times , accept the counsels and consents of men , for a Religion pleasing and acceptable before him ? Let not your Majestie be deceived , God cannot lie , God cannot deny himself , he hath witnessed from the beginning , That no religion pleaseth him , except that which he by his own Word hath commanded and established : The veritie it selfe pronounceth this sentence ; In vain do they worship me , teaching doctrines the precepts of men . And also , All plantation , which my Heavenly father hath not planted , shall be rooted out . Before the comming of his welbeloved Sonne in the flesh , severely he punished all such , as durst enterprise to alter or change his Ceremonies and Statutes , as in Saul , Uzziah , Nadab , Abihu , is to be read : And will he now , after that he hath opened his counsell to the world by his onely Son , whom he commandeth to be heard , and after that by his Holy Spirit , speaking in his Apostles , he hath established the Religion , in which he would have his true worshippers to abide unto the end , will ●e , now ( I say ) admit mens inventions in the matter of Religion which he reputed for damnable Idolatry ? If men and Angels would affirm , That he will or may do it , his own verity shall convince them of a lie ; for this sentence he pronounceth , Not that which seemeth good in thy eyes , shalt thou do to the Lord thy God , but that which the Lord thy God hath commandeth thee , that do thou ; adde nothing unto it , deminish nothing from it . Which , sealing up his New Testament , he repeateth in these words , That which ye have , hold till I come , &c. And therefore yet againe , it repenteth me not to say , That in this point , which is chief and principall , your Majesty must disassent from the multitude of Rulers , or else you can possesse no portion with Christ Iesus in his Kingdom and glory . Addition . KNowing by what craft Sathan laboureth continually to keep the world in blindnesse , I added these two former points , to wit , That ye should not think your self free from the Reformation of Religion , because ye have Bishops within your Realm , neither yet that ye should judge that Religion most perfect , which the multitude by wrong custome have embraced . In these two points doth Sathan busily labour ; First , That no civill Magistrate presume to take cognisance in the cause of Religion , for that must be deferred to the determinations of the Church . Secondly , That impossible it is , that that Religion should be false , which so long time ( so many Councels , and so great a multitude of men , so divers Nations have allowed , authorised and confirmed . What is the duty of Magistrates , and what power the people hath in such cases granted by God , my purpose is to write in a severall Letter to the Nobility and States of the Realm ; and therefore to avoid tediousnesse and repetition of one thing , I now supersede . And as touching the second , if ye rightly consider the testimonies of Scriptures , which I have before alleadged , I trust ye shall finde that Objection sufficiently answered ; for , if the opinion of the multitude ought alwayes to be preferred , then did God injury to the originall World , for they were all of one minde , to wit , conjured against God ( except Noah and his familie . ) And if antiquity of time shall be considered in such cases , then shall not onely the Idolatrie of the Gentiles , but also the false Religion of Mahomet be preferred to the Papistrie ; for both the one and the other is more ancient then is the Papisticall religion ; yea , Mahomet had established his Alcoram , before any Pope in Rome was crowned with a Triple Crown . But as touching antiquitie , I am content with Tertullian to say , Let that be the most pure and perfect Religion , which shall be proved most ancient ; for this is a chief point , wherein I will joyn with all the Papists on the earth , That their Religion ( such as it is this day ) is not of such antiquitie , as is that which we contend to be the true and onely Religion , acceptable before God ; neither yet that their Church is the Catholike Church , but that it is of late dayes in respect of Christs Institution , crept in and devised by man , and therefore am bold to affirme it odious and abominable ; for this is our chief Proposition , That in the Religion of God , his own Word ought onely to be considered ; That no Authority of man or Angell ought in that case to be respected . And as for their Councels , when the matter shall come to triall , it shall be easily seen for whom the most godly and most ancient Councels shall most plainly speak . I will prove by a Councell , That of more authority is the sentence of one man ( founded upon the simple Truth of God ) then is the determination of the whole Councell without the assurance of the Word ; But that all their determinations , which we oppugne , are not onely maintained without an assurance of Scriptures , but also are established against the truth of the same ; yea , and for the most part against the Decrees of the former Councels , I offer my self evidently to prove . But now to the rest of the former Letter . Letter . AN Oratour and Gods Messenger also might justly require of you now ( by Gods hand promoted to high dignity ) A motherly pitie upon your subjects , A justice inflexible to be used against murtherers and common oppressours , A heart void of avarice and partiality , A minde studious and carefull for maintenance of that Realm and Common-wealth ( above whom God hath placed you ) and by it hath made you honourable , with the rest of vertues , which not onely Gods Scriptures , but also Writers ( illuminated onely with the light of Nature ) require in Gods Rulers . But vain it is to crave reformation of manners , where Religion is corrupted ; for like as a man cannot do the office of a man , till first he have a beeing and life , so to work works pleasant in the sight of God the Father , can no man do without the Spirit of Iesus Christ , which doth not abide in the hearts of Idolaters : And therefore the most godly Princes J●siah , Hezekiah , and Jehosaphat , seeking Gods favour to rest upon them and upon their people , before all things , began to reform the Religion ; for it is as the stomack within the body , which , if it be corrupted , of necessitie it infecteth the whole body : And therefore ( often I repeate that , which to be done is most necessary ) if your Majestie pretend to reign with Christ Iesus , Then it behoveth you to take care of his true Religion , which this day within your Realm is so deformed , that no part of Christs Ordinances remain in their first strength , and originall puritie ; which ( I praise God ) to me is lesse difficile to prove then dangerous to speak : And yet neither the one nor the other I fear , partly because the love of eternall life quencheth the terrour of temporall death , and partly because I would with Saint Paul , wish my self accursed from Christ ( as touching earthly pleasure ) for the salvation of my brethren , and illumination of your Majestie ; which thing , Work , and very deed , and not bare writing , shall witnesse and declare , if I may purchase the liberty of tongue , but fourty dayes onely . Additon . THe wise and facund Democritus had sometimes a familiar sentence , that , Honest it was to commend such works as were worthy of praise , but to praise things that were wicked , could not proceed but from a deceivable minde ; and Themistius a Philosopher of great fame , seeing the Hall of Iovinian the Romane Emperour replenished with flatterers , said , Of their manners it may be espied , that more they worship the Scepter and the purple , then God ; signifying that they little regarded whether the Emperour were godly or ungodly , so that they might retain themselves in favour with him . Albeit that those were Ethnicks , and neither had the knowledge of God , as we pretend , neither had given so plain a confession to declare themselves enemies to all iniquity ( as we have done by Baptisme , and by our whole profession of Christianity ) yet do their words condemne no small number of us , and chiefly such as be conversant with Princes ; for who in these miserable dayes judgeth himself to have offended , albeit he praise , allow and maintain , whatsoever the Princes and upper powers devise : yea , although it bee to oppresse , and to spoil the poor , to pull from them their very skins , and as the Prophet sayeth , To break their bones , and to cut them in pieces , as flesh for the Caldron or Pot. Yet I say , That the Princes shall not lack Judges to cry , It is right , It is for the Common-wealth , for the defence of the Realm , and ease of the Subjects ; so that the state of times is even now such , as when the Prophet complained , saying : The Princes ask , and the Judge is ready to give , not his own , but the life and blood of the poor . How soon a great man hath spoken the corruption of his minde , he hath his flatterers ready to applaud and confirm whatsoever he speaketh . And let the Princes be of what Religion they please , that is all one to the most part of men ; so that with abnegation of God , of his honour , and Religion , they may retain the friendship of the Court. But alas , how miserable be Princes that so are abused , and how contageous a pestilence be such flatterers to Common-Wealths , Empires , and Realms , God hath declared even from the beginning , to paint out the mischief , which from them proceedeth to such as give ear unto them . The ancient Writers compare them to Harlots , to Ravens , and to most ravenous Beasts , and not without cause . For as Harlots can never abide , that their lovers should return to repentance and sobernesse of minde , so cannot flatterers sustain , that such as they deceive , shall come to right judgement . And as Ravens pike out the eyes of dead carions , and as ravenous Beasts devour the same , so do flatterers ( being more cruell ) pike at the eyes of living men , and blinding the eyes of their understanding , and judgement , do expose them to be devoured in body and soul , to Satan . This we have by prophane Writers onely , but the holy Spirit teacheth us this infallible Trueth , That where iniquitie reigneth in a Common-wealth , and none is found boldly and openly to reprehend the same , that there shall sudden vengeance and destruction follow . For thus it is written and pronounced by the Prophet Ezekiel . Shalt thou not judge the Citie of blood , which hath made Idols ? Whose Rulers shed blood to the uttermost of their power ? They have despised my holy things , they have devised iniquitie , and have performed the same . The conjuration of Prophets , hath gathered up the riches , and whatsoever is precious within the same . The Priests violently have torn and rent my Law. The people of the Land hath wrought deceitfully . They have oppressed the poor , and have done violence to the stranger without judgement , and I have sought of them a man to repair the hedge , and to stand in the gap before me , but I have found none . Therefore have I poured forth my wrath upon them , and in the fire of my hote displeasure , I have consumed them . Advert Madam , for these are not the words of mortall man , but of the eternall God , and were not spoken against Ierusalem onely , but against every Realm and Nation , that so offendeth . The sins that here be named , are Idolatry in all , avarice and crueltie in the Princes and Rulers , conjuration of the Prophets to defend the wicked , deceit , fraud , and violence in the common people ; and finally , an universall silence of all men , none being found to reprehend these enormities . Would to God that I might with safetie of conscience excuse you , your Counsell , and the Idolaters of that Realm from any of these crimes aforenamed . The Idolatry which is committed , is more evident then that it can be denyed , the avarice and crueltie as well of your self , as of such as be in authority , may be known by the facts ; For fame carrieth the voices of the poor ( oppressed by intolerable taxes ) not onely to us here , in a strange Country ; but I am assured , to the ears of the God of hostes . The conspiracy and conjuration of your false Prophets is known to the world , and yet is none found so faithfull to God , nor mercifull to your Majestie , that freely will and dare admonish you to repent before that God rise himself in judgement . When I name repentance , I mean no outward shew of holinesse , which commonly is found in Hypocrites , but I mean a true conversion to the Lord God from your whole heart , with a damning of all superstition and idolatry . In which ye have been nourished , which with your presence ye have decored , and to your power maintained and defended . Unlesse I say , that this poyson be purged from your heart , ( be your outward life never so glistering before the world ) yet in the presence of God , it is but abominable . Yea further , I say , that where this venome of the Serpent ( idolatry I mean ) lurketh in the heart , it is impossible , but that at one time or other , it shall produce pestilent fruits ; albeit peradventure not openly before men , yet before God no lesse odious , then the facts of Murtherers , Publicanes , and Harlots ; and therefore in my former Letter , I said , that superfluous it was to require Reformation of manners , where the Religion is corrupted . Which yet again I repeat to the end , that your Majestie more deeply may weigh the matter . But now to the rest of the same my former Letter . Letter . I Am not ignorant how dangerous a thing it appeareth to the naturall man , to innovate any thing in matters of Religion ; and partly I consider , That your power Madam is not so free , as a publike Reformation perchance would require . But if your Majestie shall consider the danger and damnation perpetuall , which inevitable hangeth upon all maintainers of a false Religion , then shall the greatest danger easily devour and swallow up the smaller . If you shall consider , That either ye must serve God to life everlasting , or else serve the World to death and damnation , then albeit , that man and angel should disswade you , ye will chose life and refuse death . And if further ye shall consider , that the very life consisteth in the knowledge of the onely true God , and of his Son Christ Iesus , and that true knowledge hath annexed with it , Gods true worship and honour , which requireth a testimony of his own Will , expressed by his Word , That such honour doth please him , if you do earnestly meditate these things aforesaid ; then albeit ye cannot do saddenly what ye would , yet shall ye not cease to do what ye may . Your Majestie cannot hastily abolish Superstition , and remove from offices unprofitable Pastours , of whom speaketh Ezekiel the Prophet , which to a publike Reformation , is requisite and necessary . But if the zeal of Gods glory be fervent in your Majesties heart ▪ ye will not by wicked Laws maintain Idolatry , neither will ye suffer the fury of Bishops to murther and devour the poor Members of Christs body , as in times past they have been accustomed ; which thing , if either by blind ignorance ye do , or yet for pleasure of others within this Realm , permit to be done , then except you speedily repent , ye and your posteritie shall suddenly feel the depressing hand of him , who hath exalted you . Ye shall be compelled , will ye or not , to know that he is eternall , against whom ye addresse the Battell , and that it is he , that moderateth the times , and disposeth Kingdoms , ejecting from authoritie such as be inobedient , and placing others according to his good pleasure : That it is he that glorifieth them , that do glorifie him , and powreth forth contempt upon Princes that rebell against his graces offered . Addition . IN writing of this parcell , as I remembred the impediments which might call you back from God , and from his true obedience ; so did I consider what occasion you had to tremble and to fear before his Majestie , and to undergo the losse of all the worldly glory , for the promoting of the glory of God. I do consider , that your power is but borrowed , extraordinary , and unstable , for you have it but by permission of others . And seldom it is , that women do long raign with felicitie and joy . Your most especiall friends moreover , blinded by the vanitie of this World ; yea , being drunken with the Cup of that Roman Harlot , are mortall enemies to Christ Jesus , and to his true Religion . These things may easily abash the minde of a Woman not confirmed by grace ; But yet , if you will a little consider with me the causes why , that ye ought to hazard all for the glory of God in this behalf , the former terrours shall suddenly vanish . I do not esteem that thing greatest , which peradventure some others do : to wit , That if ye shall enterprise to innovate any thing in matters of Religion , that then ye shall lose your Authoritie , and also the favours of your carnall friends . I look further , to wit , To the judgements of God , who hath begun already to declare himself angry with you , with your Seed , and Posteritie ; yea , with the whole Realm , above which it should have ruled . Impute not to fortune , that first your two sons were suddenly taken from you , within the space of six houres , and after your Husband , raft as it were , by violence , from life and honour ; the memoriall of his name , succession , and royall dignitie , perishing with himself . For albeit , the usurped abuse , or rather tyranny of some REALMS , have permitted Women to succeed to the honour of their Fathers ; yet must their glory be transferred to the house of a stranger . And so I say , That with himself was buried , his name , succession , and royall dignitie , as he himself did apprehend in dying ; And in this , If ye espy not the anger and hot displeasure of GOD ( threatning you and the rest of your Posteritie with the same plague ) ye are more obstinate , then I would wish you to be . I would ye should ponder and consider , deeply with your self , That God useth not to punish Realms and Nations with such rare plagues without great cause ; neither useth he to restore to honours and glory , the house which he beginneth once to deject , till repentance of the former crimes be found ; you may perchance , doubt what crimes should have been in your Husband , you , or the Realm , for the which God should so grievously have punished you . I answer , The maintenance , and defence of most horrible Idolatry , with the shedding of the blood of the Saints of God , who laboured to notifie and rebuke the same . This I say , ( other iniquities omitted ) is such a crime before the eyes of his Majestie , That for the same , he hath poured forth his extreme vengenance upon Kings , and upon their Posteritie , depriving them from honours and dignitie for ever ; As by the Histories of the Books of the Kings is most evident . To Ieroboam it is said , Because I have exalted thee from the midst of the people , and have made thee Prince over my people ▪ Israel , I have rent the Kingdom from the house of David , for Idolatry also , and have given it unto thee , but thou hast not been as David my servant , &c. But thou hast done wickedly above all that have gone before thee ; For thou hast made to thee , other gods , and molten images , to provoke me , and hast cast me behinde thy back ; Therefore shall I bring affliction upon the house of Jeroboam , and I shall destroy to Jeroboam , all that pisseth against the Wall ( signifying thereby the Male children ) and shall cast forth the Posteritie of Jeroboam , as dung is cast forth , till it be consumed . This sentence was not onely executed against this Idolater , but also against the rest of Idolaters in that Realm , as they succeeded one after another , for to Baasa , whom God used as an Instrument to root out the seed of Ieroboam , it is said : Because thou hast walked in the way of Jeroboam , and hast caused my people to sin , that thou shouldest provoke me in their sins ; therefore shall I cut down the posteritie of Baasa , and the posterity of his house , and shall make thy house as the house of Jeroboam . He that shall die to Baasa in the City , him shall dogs eat ; and be that shall die in the field , him shall the fowls devour : Of the same Cup , and for the same cause , drank Ela and Achab , yea , and the Posterity of Iehu , following the footsteps of their forefathers . By these examples , you may evidently espy , That Idolatry is the cause , why God destroyeth the posteritie of Princes ; not onely of those that first invent abominations , but also of such as follow and defend the same . Consider Madame , That God hath begun very sharply with you , taking from you , as it were together , two children and a husband ; He hath begun I say , to declare himself angry , beware that you provoke not the eyes of his Majesty ; It will not be the haughty looks of the proud , the strength of your friends , nor multitude of men that can justifie your cause in his presence ; If you presume to rebell against him ( and against him you rebell ) if you deny my most humble request which I make in his Name , and it is this : With the hazard of mine own life , I offer to prove , That Religion which now you maintain , to be false , deceiveable , and abomination before God ; And that I shall do by most evident testimonies of his blessed , holy , and infallible Word : If this , I say , you deny , ( rebelling against God ) The favour of your friends , shall little avail you , when he shall declare himself enemy to you . Which assure your self , he will shortly do , if you begin to display the banner of your malice against him . Let not the prosperity of others , be they Princes , Queens , Kings , or Emperours , bolden you to contemn God , and his loving Admonition . They shall drink the Cup of his wrath , every one in their rank , as he hath appointed them . No Realme in these quarters ( except it , that next lieth to you ) hath he so manifestly stricken with his terrible rod , as he hath done you , and your Realme ; And therefore , it becometh you first to stoup , except that you will have the threatnings pronounced by Isaiah the Prophet , ratified unto you . To wit , That your sudden destruction be as the rotten Wall , and your breaking , as the breaking of a Potsherd , which is broken without pitty ; so that no portion of it can be found able either to carry fire or water . Whereby the Prophet doth signifie , That the proud contemners of God , and of his Admonitions , shall so perish from all honours ; That they shall have nothing worthy of memoriall behinde them in the Earth . Yea , If they do leave any thing , as it shall be unprofitable , so shall it be in execration and hatred to the elect of God ; and therefore , Thus proceedeth my former Letter . Letter . HOw dangerous soever , it shall appear to the flesh , to obey God and to make warre against the divell , the prince of darknesse , pride , and superstition ; yet if your Majesty look to have your self , and seed to continue in honour , worldly , and everlasting , subject your self betimes , under the hand of him , that is omnipotent . Embrace his Will , despise not his Testament , refuse not his Graces offered . When he calleth upon you , withdraw not your ear ; Be not led away with the vain opinion , that your Church cannot erre . Be ye most assuredly perswaded , That so farre as in life , ye see them degenerate from Christs true Apostles , so in Religion are they further corrupted . Lay the Book of God before your eyes , and let it be judge to that , which I say . Which if ye , with fear , and reverence , obey , as did Josias the admonitions of the Prophetesse , then shall he ( by whom Kings do reign ) crown your Battell with double benediction , and reward you with wisedome , riches , glory , honour , and long life in this Regiment temporall , and with life everlasting , when the King of kings ( whose Members now do cry for your help ) the Lord Iesus shall appear in judgement , accompanied with his Angels , before whom yee shall make accompt of your present Regiment , when the proud and disobedient shall cry : Mountains fall upon us , and hide us from the face of the Lord. But then it shall be too late , because they contemned his voice , when he lovingly called . God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , by the power of his holy Spirit , move your heart so to consider , and accept the things that be said , That they be not a Testimony of your just condemnation in that great day of the Lord Iesus , to whose omnipotent Spirit , I unfainedly commit your Majesties . Addition . WHen Ieremiah the Prophet , at the Commandment of God , had written the Sermons , threatnings , and plagues , which he had spoken against Israel and Iudah , and had commanded them to be read by Baruch his Scribe , because himself was excommunicated , and forbidden to enter into the Temple ; by the providence of God it came to passe , That Michaiah the son of Gemariah , hearing the said Sermons , passed to the Kings House , and did communicate the matter with the rest of the Princes ; who also , after they had read the same Volume of Ieremiah his Preachings , did not conceal the truth from Iehoiakim , who then did raigne in Ierusalem . But the proud and desperate Prince commanding the Book to be read in his presence , before he had heard three or four leaves of the same , did cut it , and cast it into the fire , notwithstanding that some of the Princes ( I think not all ) made request in the contrary . But the Prophet was charged by God to write again , and to say to Iehoiakim , Thus saith the Lord , Thou hast burnt this Book , saying , Why hast thou written in it according to this sentence ? Assuredly the King of Babylon shall come , and shall destroy this land , and shall make it void of men and beasts . Therefore thus saith the Lord , of Jehoiakim the King , There shall not be one left alive to sit in the Seat of David : Their carkases shall be cast to the heat of the day , and to the frost of the night ( whereby the Prophet did signifie , the most vile death , and most cruell torment ) and I shall visite the iniquity of himself , and of his seed and servants : And I shall bring upon them , and upon the inhabitants of Ierusalem , and upon all Iudah , all the calamities which I have spoken against them : Albeit they would not hear . This is not written , Madame , for that time onely , but to assure us , That the like punishment abideth the like contemners , of what state , condition , or degree that ever they be . I did write unto you before , having testimony of a good conscience , That I did it in the fear of my God , and by the motion of his holy Spirit ( for the request of the faithfull brethren , in things lawfull , and appertaining to Gods glory , I cannot but judge to be the voice of the holy Ghost . ) But how ye did accept the same my former writing , I do not otherwise then by conjectures understand : whether ye did reade it to the end , or not , I am uncertain : One thing I know , That ye did deliver it to one of your Prelats , saying , My Lord , Will ye reade a Pasquill ? As charity perswadeth me to interpret things ( doubtfully spoken ) in the best sense ; so my duty to God ( who hath commanded me to flatter no Prince on the earth ) compelleth me to say , That if no more ye esteem the Admonition of God , then the Cardinalls do the scoffing of Pasquills , that then he shall shortly send you messengers with whom ye shall not be able on that manner to jest . If my person be considered , I grant my th●eatnings are no more to be feared , then be the merry sports which fearfull men do father upon Pisquillus in Rome . But , Madame , if ye shall deeply consider , That GOD useth men ( yea , and most commonly , those that be of lowest degree , and most abject before the world ) to be his Messengers and Ambassadours , not onely to notifie his will to the simple but also to rebuke the most proud Tyrants and potent Princes , then will ye not judge the liquor by the outward appearance and nature of the vessell . For ye are not ignorant , That the most noble Wine is inclosed within the Tun made of Fraile wood , and that the precious oyntment is often kept within the pot made of Clay . If further ye shall consider , that God will do nothing touching the punishment of Realms and Nations , which he will not reveale to his servants the Prophets , whose tongues he will compell to speak somtimes contrary to the appetites and desires of their own hearts , and whose words he will perform , be they never so unapparent to the judgement of men , If these ye do deeply weigh , then will ye fear the thing , which presently is not seen . Elias was but a man , as Saint Iames doth witnesse , like to his Brethren , and yet at his prayer was Achab the Idolater , and all Israel with him punished three yeares and six moneths , God shutting up the heaven , that neither rain nor dew fell upon the earth the space afore written . And in the end , God so wrought by him , that Baals Priests were first confounded , and after justly punished . And albeit that Iesabel sought his blood , and by oath had determined his death , yet as she was frustrate of her intent , so could she not keep her own bones from the dogs , which punishment , the Prophet ( God so ruling his tongue ) had before appointed to that wicked woman . Albeit Madam , that the Messengers of God are not sent this day with visible miracles , because they teach none other doctrine then that which is confirmed with miracles from the beginning of the world : yet will not he ( who hath promised to take charge over his poor and little flock , to the end ) suffer the contempt of their Embassage , escape punishment and vengeance . For the truth it self hath said : He that heareth you , heareth me , and he that contemneth you , contemneth me . I did not speak unto you , Madam , by my former letter , neither yet do I now as Pasquillus doth to the Pope , and his carnall Cardinals in the behalf of such as dare not utter their names , but I come in the name of Christ Jesus , affirming , that the Religion , which ye maintain , is damnable Idolatry : the which I offer my self to prove by the most evident testimony of Gods Scriptures . And in this quarrell I present my self against all the Papists in the Realm , desiring none other Armour but Gods holy Word , and the liberty of my tongue . God move your heart to understand my Petition , to know the truth , and unfeinedly to follow the same , Amen . REVEL . JOH . 21. I am the beginning and the end . I will give to him that is a thirst , of the well of the water of life freely . He that overcommeth , shall inherit all things , and I will be his God , and he shall be my son . But the fearfull and unbelceving , and the abominable , and murderers , and whoremongers , and sorcerers , and idolaters , and all lyers shall have their part in the lake , which burneth with fire and brimstone , which is the second death . JOHN KNOX , THE SERVANT OF JESUS CHRIST , In preaching of his Holy Evangell , To the benevolent Reader , desireth grace and peace , with the spirit of righteous judgement . WOnder not , Christian Reader , that all my studie and travell within the Scriptures of God , these twenty yeers , I have set forth nothing in expounding any portion of Scripture , except this onely rude and indigested Sermon , preached by me in the publike audience of the Church of Edinburgh , the nineteenth day of August , Anno 1565. That I did not in writing communicate my judgement upon the Scriptures , I have ever thought my self to have most just reason ; for , considering my self rather called of my God to instruct the ignorant , comfort the sorrowfull , confirm the weak , and rebuke the proud , by tongue and lively voyce , in these most corrupt dayes , then to compose Books for the age to come , seeing that so much is written ( and by men of most singular erudition ) and yet so little well observed ; I decreed to contain my self within the bounds of that Vocation , whereunto I found my self especially called . I dare not deny ( lest that in so doing I should be injurious to the Giver ) but that God hath revealed unto me , secrets unknown to the world , and also that he hath made my tongue a Trumpet to forewarn Realms & Nations , yea , certain great revelations of mutations and changes , when no such things were feared , nor yet was appearing ; a portion whereof cannot the world deny , ( be it never so blinde ) to be fulfilled ; and the rest ( alas ) I fear shall follow with greater haste , and in more full perfection then my sorrowfull heart desireth : Nothwithstanding these revelations and assurances , I did ever abstain to commit any thing to writing , contented onely to have obeyed the charge of him , who commanded me to crie . If any then will ask to what purpose this onely Sermon is set forth , and greater matters omitted ; I answer , to let such as Sathan hath not altogether blinded so , upon how small occasions , great offence is now conceived , This Sermon is it , for the which ( from my Bed ) I was called before the Councell , and after long reasoning , I was by some forbidden to Preach in Edinburgh so long as the King and Queen were in Town ; This Sermon is it that so offendeth such as would please Court , and will not appear to be enemies to the Truth , yet they dare affirm , That I exceeded the bounds of Gods Messenger : I have therefore faithfully committed unto writing whatsoever I could remember might have been offensive in that Sermon , to the end , That as well the enemies of Gods truth , as the professors of the same , may either note unto me wherein I have offended , or at the least cease to condemn me before they have convinced me by Gods manifest Word . If any man think it easie unto me to mitigate by my pen the inconsiderate sharpnesse of my Tongue , and so cannot men freely judge of that my Sermon ; I answer , That I am neither so impudent , that I will studie to abuse the world in this great light , neither yet so void of the fear of my God , that I will avow a lie in his own presence ; and no lesse do I esteem it to be a lie , To deny or conceale that which in his Name I have once pronounced , then to affirm , That God hath spoken , when his Word assures me not of the same ; for in the publike place I consult not with flesh and blood wha● I shall propose to the people , but as the Spirit of my God , who hath sent me , and unto whom I must answer , moveth me , so I speak ; and when I have once pronounced threatnings in his Name ( how unpleasant soever they be to the World ) I dare no more deny them , then I dare deny that God hath made me his Messenger to forewarn the inobedient of their assured destruction . At that Sermon were auditors unto me , not onely professors of the truth , and such as favour me , but rank Papists , dissembling Hypocrites , and no small number of covetous Clawbacks of the new Court ; now I will appeal to the conscience of them all , as they will answer in the presence of the Eternall God , that either they bear me record , now writing the truth , or else note unto me the sentences offensive then by me pronounced , and now omitted in writing ; for in Gods presence I protest , That so far as memory would serve me , I have written more vehemently then in the action I spake and pronounced ; but of purpose I have omitted perswasions and exhortations which then were made Quaedam hîc desunt . A SERMON Preached By John Knox. Esay 26.13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , &c. O Lord our God , other lords besides thee have had dominion over us ; but by thee onely will we make mention of thy Name . They are dead , they shall not live ; they are deceased , they shall not rise ; therefore hast thou visited and destroyed them , and made all their memory to perish . Thou hast increased the Nation , O Lord , thou hast increased the Nation , thou art glorified , thou hast removed it farre unto the ends of the earth . Lord , in trouble have they visited thee , they powred out a prayer when thy chastening was upon them . &c. AS the cunning Marriner ( being Master ) having his Ship tossed with a vehement tempest , and contrary windes , is compelled oft to traverse , lest that either by too much resisting to the violence of the Waves , his Vessell might be over whelmed ; or by too much libertie granted , to be carried whither the fury of the tempest would , his Ship should be driven upon the shore , and so make shipwrack ; even so doth our Prophet Isaiah in this Text , which now you have heard read ; for he foreseeing the great desolation that was decreed in the Councell of the Eternall , against Hierusalem and Iudah , to wit , That the whole people that bare the Name of God should be dispersed ; that the holy Citie should be destroyed , the Temple wherein was the Ark of the Covenant , and where God had promised to give his own presence , should be burnt with fire , the King taken , his sons in his own presence murthered , his own eyes immediatly after to be put out , the Nobilitie , some cruelly murdered , some shamefully led away captives ; and finally , the whose seed of Abraham razed , as it were , from the face of the earth : The Prophet ( I say ) fearing these horrible calamities , doth , as it were , sometimes suffer himself , and the people committed to his Charge , to be carryed away with the violence of the tempest , without further resistance ; then by pouring forth his and their dolorous complaints before the Majestie of God ; as in the 13 , 17 , and 18 verse of this present Text we may reade . At other times he valiantly resisteth the desperate tempest , and pronounceth the fearfull destruction of all such as trouble the Church of God ; which he pronounceth , that God will multiply , even in such time as when it appeareth utterly to be exterminate . But because there is no small rest to the whole Body , till that the Head returne to judgement , he calleth the afflicted to patience , and promiseth such a Visitation , as whereby the wickednesse of the wicked shall be disclosed , and finally recompenced in their own bosoms . These are the chiefest Points of which by the grace of God we intend more largely at this present to speak : First , the Prophet saith , O Lord our God , other lords besides thee have ruled us . This , no doubt , is the beginning of the dolorous complaint in the which he complaineth of the unjust tyranny that the poor afflicted Israelites sustained , during the time of their Captivity . True it is , That the Prophet was gathered to his fathers in peace , before that this apprehended the people : For a hundred yeers after his decease , was not the people led away captive : Yet he fore-seeing the assurance of the calamity , did before-hand endite and dictate unto them the complaint that after they should make . But at the first sight it appeareth , That the complaint hath but small weight : For what new thing was it , that other lords then God in his own person ruled them , seeing that such had been their Regiment from the beginning ? For who knoweth not that Moses , Aaron , and Ioshua , the Judges , Samuel , David , and other godly Rulers , were men , and not God ; And so other lords then God , ruled them in their greatest prosperity . For the better understanding of this complaint , and of the minde of the Prophet , we must first observe from whence all Authority floweth ; and secondly , To what end Powers are appointed by God : The which two points being discussed , we shall the better understand , what lords , and what authority rules beside God ; and who they are in whom God and his mercifull presence rules . The first is resolved to us by the words of the Apostle , saying , There is no Power but of God. David bringeth in the Eternall God , speaking to Judges and Rulers , saying , I have said , Ye are gods , and Sons of the Most High. And Solomon , in the person of God , affirmeth the same , saying , By me Kings raigne , and Princes discern the things that are just . Of which place it is evident , That it is neither Birth , influence of Stars , election of people , force of Arms ; nor finally , whatsoever can be comprehended under the power of nature , that maketh the distinction betwixt the superiour power and the inferiour , or that doth establish the Royall Throne of Kings , but it is the onely and perfect Ordinance of God , who willeth his Terrour , Power , and Majestie in a part to shine in the Thrones of Kings , and in the faces of Judges , and that for the profit and comfort of man ; So that whosoever would studie to deface that order of Regiment that God hath established , and by his holy Word allowed , and bring in such a confusion , as no difference should be betwixt the upper Powers and the subjects , doth nothing but evert and turne upside downe the very Throne of God , which he will to be fixed here upon earth ; as in the end and cause of this Ordinance more plainly shall appear : which is the second Point we have to observe , for the better understanding of the Prophets words and minde . The end and cause then , why God printeth in the weak and feeble flesh of man this Image of his own Power and Majestie , is not to puff up flesh in opinion of it self ; neither yet that the heart of him that is exalted above others , sh●ll be lifted up by presumption and pride , and so despise others , but that he shall consider , that he is appointed Lieutenant to one , whose eyes continually watch upon him , to see and examine how he behaveth himself in his Office. Saint Paul in few words declareth the end , wherefore the sword is committed to the powers , saying , It is to the punishment of the wicked doers , and unto the praise of such as do well . Of which words , it is evident , That the sword of God is not committed to the hand of man , to use as it pleaseth him , but onely to punish vice , and maintain vertue , that men may live in such society , as before God is acceptable . And this is the very and onely cause , why God hath appointed powers in this Earth . For such is the furious rage of mans corrupt nature , That unlesse severe punishment were appointed , and put in execution upon malefactors ; Better it were , that man should live among brute and wilde Beasts , then among men . But at this present , I dare not enter into the description of this common place ; for so should I not satisfie the Text , which by Gods grace I purpose to absolve . This onely by the way , I would that such as are placed in Authority , should consider , Whether they raign and rule by God , so that God ruleth them or if they rule without , besides , and against God , of whom our Prophet here doth complain . If any list to take tryall of this point , it is not hard : For Moses in the election of Judges , and of a King , describeth , not onely , what persons shall be chosen to that honour , but doth also give to him that is elected and chosen , the rule by the which he shall try himself , whether God raign in him or not , saying : When he shall sit upon the throne of his Kingdom , he shall write to himself an examplar of this Law , in a Book by the Priests and Levites ; it shall be with him , and he shall read therein , all the dayes of his life , That he may learn to fear the Lord his God , and to keep all the words of this Law , and these Statutes , that he may do them , that his heart be not lifted up above his Brethren , and that he turn not from the commandment , to the right hand , or to the left . The same is repeated to Ioshuah in his inanguration to the Regiment of the people by God himself , saying ; Let not the Book of this Law depart from thy mouth , but meditate in it day and night , that thou mayst keep it , and do according to all that which is written in it . For then shall thy way be prosperous , and thou shalt do prudently . The first thing then that God craveth of him that is called to the Honour of a King , is , The knowledge of his Will revealed in his Word . The second is , An upright and willing minde to put in execution such things as God commandeth in his Law , without declining to the right , or to the left hand . Kings then have not an absolute Power to do in their Regiment what pleaseth them ; but their Power is limited by Gods Word : So that if they strike where GOD hath not commanded , they are but murtherers ; and if they spare where GOD hath commanded to strike , they and their Throne are criminall and guilty of the wickednesse that aboundeth upon the face of the earth , for lack of punishment . O that Kings and Princes would consider what account shall be craved of them , as well of their ignorance and misknowledge of Gods Will , as for the neglecting of their Office. But now to returne to the words of the Prophet . In the person of the whole people he doth complain unto God , That the Babilonians ( whom he calleth , Other lords besides God , both because of their ignorance of God , and by reason of their cruelty and inhumanity ) had long ruled over them in great rigour , without pity or compassion had upon the ancient men , and famous matrons : For they being mortall enemies to the people of God , fought by all meanes to aggravate their yoke , yea , utterly to have exterminate the memory of them , and of their Religion ; from the face of the earth . After the first part of this dolorous complaint , the Prophet declareth the Protestation of the people , saying , Neverthelesse in thee shall we remember thy Name : ( others reade it , But we will remember thee onely , and thy Name : ) But in the Hebrew there is no Conjunction Copulative in that sentence . The minde of the Prophet is plaine , to wit , That notwithstanding the long sustained affliction , the people of God declined not to a false and vain Religion , but remembred God , that sometime appeared to them in his mercifull presence ; which albeit then they saw not , yet would they still remember his Name , that is , They would call to minde the Doctrine and Promise which at sometimes they heard , albeit in their prosperity they did not sufficiently glorifie God , who so mercifully ruled in the midst of them . The temptation , no doubt , of the Israelites , was great in those dayes : They were carried captives from the Land of Canaan , which was to them the gage and pledge of Gods favour towards them ; for it was the inheritance that God promised to Abraham , and to his seed for ever . The League and Covenant of Gods Protection , appeared to have been broken : They lamentably complain , That they saw not their accustomed signes of Gods mercifull presence ; The true Prophets were few , and the abominations used in Babylon were exceeding many : And so it might have appeared to them , That in vain it was , that they were called the Posterity of Abraham , or that ever they had received the Law , or Forme of right Religion from God. That we may the better feel it in our selves , the temptation , I say , was even such , as if God should utterly destroy all Order and Policie that this day is within his Church , that the true preaching of the Word should be suppressed , The right use of Sacraments abolished , Idolatry and Papisticall abomination erected up again ; And therewith , That our bodies should be taken prisoners by Turks or other manifest enemies of God , and of all godlinesse . Such , I say , was their temptation ; How notable , then is this their confession , that in bondage they make , to wit , That they will remember God onely , albeit , he hath appeared to turn his face from them , They will remember his name , and will call to minde the deliverance promised . Hereof have we to consider , what is our duty , If God bring us ( as for our offences and unthankfulnesse justly he may ) to the like extremity . This confession is not the fair flattering words of hypocrites , lying and bathing in their pleasures , but it is the mighty operation of the Spirit of God , who leaveth not his own destitute of some comfort , in their most desperate calamities . This is then our duty , not onely to confesse our God in time of peace and quietnesse , but he chiefly craveth , that we avow him in the midst of his , and our enemies . And this is not in us to do , but it behoveth , That the Spirit of God work in us , above all power of nature . And thus we ought earnestly , to meditate before the battell rise more vehement , which appeareth not to be far off . But now must we enter in somewhat more deeply to consider these judgements of God. This people dealt with all , as we have heard , was the onely people upon the face of the Earth , to whom God was rightly known ; among them onely were his Laws , Statutes , Ordinances , and Sacrifices used , and put in practise ; They onely invocated his Name , and to them alone had he promised his protection and assistance : What then should be the cause , that he should give them over into this great reproach , and bring them into such extremity , as his own name , in them , should be blasphemed . The Prophet Ezekiel , that saw this horrible destruction forespoken by Isaiah , put in just execution , giveth an answer in these words , I gave unto them Laws that were good , in the which , Whosoever should walk , should live in them ; But they would not walk in my wayes , but rebelled against me ; And therefore , I have given unto them Laws that are not good , and Iudgements , in the which they shall not live . The Writers of the Books of Kings , and Chronicles , declare this in more plain words , saying : The Lord sent unto them his Prophets , rising early , desiring of them to return unto the Lord , and to amend their wicked wayes ( for he would have spared his people , and his Tabernacle ) but they mocked his servants , and would not return unto the Lord their God to walk in his wayes . Yea , Iudah it self kept not the precepts of the Lord God , but walked in the Manners and Ordinances of Israel ; That is , Of such as then had declined to Idolatry from the dayes of Ieroboam . And therefore , the Lord God abhorred the whole seed of Israel , that is , The whole body of the people , he promised them , and gave them into the hands of those that spoiled them , and so he cast them out from his presence . Hereof it is evident , That their disobedience unto God , and unto the voices of his Prophets , was the cause of their destruction . Now , have we to take heed how we should use the good Laws of God , that is , his Will revealed unto us in his Word , and that Order of Justice , that by him , for the comfort of man is established amongst men . It is no doubt , but that obedience is the most acceptable sacrifice unto God , and that which above all things he requireth ; That when he manifesteth himselfe by his word , that men follow according to their vocation and commandment . Now so it is , that God by that great Pastor , our Lord Jesus , now manifestly in his word calleth us from all impiety , as well of body , as of mind , to holinesse of life , and to his spirituall service : And for this purpose , he hath erected the throne of his mercy among us , the true preaching of his word , together with the right administration of his Sacraments : But what is our obedience , let every man examine his own conscience , and consider what statutes and lawes we would have to be given unto us . Wouldst thou , O Scotland , have a King to raign over thee in justice , equity , and mercy ? subject thou thy selfe to the Lord thy God , obey his commandments , and magnifie thou that word that calleth unto thee , This is the way , walke into it , and if thou wilt not , flatter not thy self , the same justice remaineth this day in God to punish thee Scotland , and thee Edinburgh in especiall , that before punished the land of Iuda , and the City of Ierusalem . Every Realm or Nation ( saith the Prophet Ieremy ) that likewise offendeth , shall be likewise punished . But if thou shalt see impiety placed in the seat of justice above thee , so that in the Throne of God ( as Salomon doth complain ) raigneth nothing but fraud , & violence , accuse thy own ingratitude and rebellion against God , for that is the only cause , why God taketh away ( as the same Prophet in another place doth speak ) the strong man and the man of war , the Judge and the Prophet , the prudent and the aged , the Captain and the honourable , the Counsellor and the cunning Artificer . And I will appoint , saith the Lord , children to be their Princes , and babes shall rule over them . Children are extortioners of my people , and women have rule over them . If these calamities , I say , apprehend us , so that we see nothing but the oppression of good men , and of all godlinesse , and wicked men without God , to reigne above us ; Let us accuse and condemn our selves , as the onely cause of our own miseries . For if we had heard the voyce of the Lord our God , & given upright obedience unto the same , God should have multiplyed our peace , & should have rewarded our obedience before the eyes of the world . But now let us hear what the Prophet saith further . The dead shall not live , saith he , neither shall the tyrants , or the dead arise , because thou hast visited and scattered them , and destroyed all their memory . From this 14 verse , unto the end of the 19 , it appeareth , That the Prophet observeth no order ; yea , that he speaketh things directly repugning one to another : For first he saith , The dead shall not live : After , he affirmeth , Thy dead men shall live . Secondly , he saith , Thou hast visited and scattered them , and destroyed all their memory : Immediately after he saith , Thou hast increased thy Nation , O Lord , thou hast increased thy Nation . They have visited thee , and have poured forth a prayer before thee . Who , I say , would not think , that these are things not onely spoken forth of good order and purpose , but also manifestly repugning one to another . For , to live , and not to live , to be so destroyed that no memoriall remaineth ; and to be so increased , that the coasts of the earth shal be replenished , seem to import plain contradiction . For removing of this doubt , and for better understanding of the Prophets minde , we must understand , that the Prophet had to do with divers sorts of men ; he had to do with the conjured and manifest enemies of Gods people , the Caldees or Babylonians ; even so such as professe CHRIST JESUS , have to doe with the Turke and Sarazens . He had to doe with the Seed of Abraham , whereof there were three sorts . The ten Tribes all degenerate from the true worshipping of GOD , and corrupted with Idolatry , as this day are our pestilent Papists in all Realms and Nations , there rested onely the Tribe of Iudah at Ierusalem , where the form of true Religion was observed , the Law taught , and Ordinances of God outwardly kept ; but yet there were in that body ( I mean , in the body of the visible Church ) a great number that were Hypocrites , as this day yet are among us that do professe the Lord Jesus , and have refused Papistrie ; not a few that were licentious livers , some that turned their backe to God ; that is , Had for●aken all true Religion , and som that lived a most abominable life , as Ezekiel saith in his vision ; and yet there were some godly , as a few Wheat Cornes oppressed and hid among the multitude of Chaffe : Now according to this diversitie , the Prophet keepeth divers purposes , and yet in most perfect order . And first ( after the first part of the complaint of the afflicted , as we have heard in vehemency of spirit ) he bursteth forth against all the proud enemies of Gods people , against all such as trouble them , and against all such as mock and forsake God , and saith , The dead shall not live , the proud Giants shall not rise , thou hast scattered them , and destroyed their memoriall . In which words he fighteth against the present temptation and dolorous state of Gods people , and against the insolent pride of such as oppressed them ; as if the prophet should say , O ye troublers of Gods people , howsoever it appeareth to you in this your bloody rage , that God regardeth not your crueltie , nor considereth not what vio●ence you do to his poor afflicted , yet shall ye be visited , yea , your Carcases shall fall and lie as stinking Carrions upon the face of the earth , ye shall fall without hope of life or of a blessed resurrection ; yea , howsoever ye gather your substance , and augment your families , ye shal be so scattered , that ye shall leave no memoriall of you to the posterities to come , but that which shall be execrable and odious . Hereof have the Tyrants their admonition , and the afflicted Church inestimable comfort ; The Tyrants that do oppresse , shall receive the same end that they did which have passed before ; that is , They shall die and fall with shame , without hope of resurrection , as is foresaid , not , That they shall not arise to their own confusion and just condemnation ; but , that they shall not recover power to trouble the servants of God , neither yet shall the wicked arise ( as David saith ) in the Councell of the Just : Now have the wicked their Councells , their Thrones , and finally handling ( for the most part ) of all things that are upon the face of the earth ; but the poor servants of God are reputed unworthy of mens presence , envyed , mocked ; yea , they are more vile before these proud Tyrants , then is the very dirt and mire that is trodden under foot : But in that glorious resurrection this state shall be changed ; for then shall such as now by their abominable living and crueltie , destroy the earth and molest Gods children , see him whom they have pierced ; they shall see the glory of such as now they persecute , to their terrour and everlasting confusion . The remembrance hereof ought to make us patient in the dayes of affliction , and so to comfort us , that when we see Tyrants in their blinde rage , tread under foot the Saints of God , that utterly we despaire not , as if there were neither Wisdome , Justice nor Power above in the Heavens to represse such Tyrants , and to redresse the dolours of rhe unjustly afflicted ; No brethren , let us be assured that the right hand of the Lord will change the state of things that be most desperate : In our God there is Wisdome and Power in a moment , to change the joy and mirth of our enemies , into everlasting mourning , and our sorrows into joy and gladnesse that shall have no end . Let us therefore in these apparent calamities ( and marvell not that I say calamities apparent , for he that seeth not a fire begun , that shall burn more then we look for , unlesse God of his mercy quench it , is more then blinde , ) not bee discouraged , but with unfained repentance , let us return to the Lord our God , let us accuse and condemne our former negligence , and stedfastly depend upon his promised deliverance , so shall our temporall sorrows be converted into everlasting joy . The doubt that might be moved concerning the destruction of those whom God exalteth , shall be discussed , if time will suffer , after that we have passed thorowout the Text ; now proceedeth the Prophet , and saith ; Thou hast increased the Nations , O Lord , thou hast increased the Nations , thou art made glorious , thou hast inlarged all the coasts of the earth . Lord in trouble , &c. In these words the Prophet giveth consolation to the afflicted , assuring them , That how horrible soever that desolation should be , yet should the Seed of Abraham be so multiplied , that it should replenish the coasts of the earth ; yea , that God should be more glorified in their affliction , then he was during the time of their prosperitie : This promise ( no doubt ) was incredible when it was made , for who could have been perswaded , That the destruction of Ierusalem should have been the meanes whereby the Nation of the Iews should have beene increased , seeing that much rather it appeared , That the overthrow of Ierusalem should have been the very abolishing of the seed of Abraham : But we must consider , to what end it was that God revealed himself to Abraham , and what is contained in the promise of the multiplication of his Seed , and the benediction promised thereto . First , God revealed himself to Abraham , and that by the means of his Word ; to let all flesh after understand , That God first called man , and revealed himself unto him , that flesh can do nothing but rebell against God ; for Abraham ( no doubt ) was an Idolater before that God called him from Ur of the Caldees ; The Promise was made , That the Seed of Abraham should be multiplyed as the Stars of heaven , and as the sand of the sea ; which is not simply to be understood of his naturall Seed , as though it was sometimes greatly increased ; but rather of such as should become the spirituall Seed of Abraham , as the Apostle speaketh ; Now if we be able to prove , That the right knowledge of God , his Wisdom , Justice , Mercy and Power , was more amply declared in their captivity , then ever it was at any time before , then can we not deny , but that God ( even when to mans judgement he had utterly rased them from the face of the earth ) did increase the Nation of the Iews , so that he was glorified in them , and did extend the Coasts of the earth for their habitation . And for the better undestanding hereof , let us shortly trie the Histories , from their Captivitie to their deliverance , and after the same , to the comming of the Messias . It is no doubt , but that Sathan intended by the dispersion of the Iewes , so to have prophaned the whole Seed of Abraham , that among them should neither have remained the true knowledge of God , nor yet the Spirit of Sanctification ; but that all should have come to a like contempt of God : For I pray you , for what purpose was it , that Daniel and his fellows were taken into the Kings Court , were commanded to be fed at the Kings Table , and were put to the Schools of their Divines , Southsayers and Astrologians ? It may be thought that it proceeded of the Kings humanity , and of a zeal that he had , that they should be brought up in vertue and good learning ; and I doubt not but it was so understood of a great number of the Iews ; but the secret practise of the Devill was understood of Daniel , when he refused to defile himself with the Kings meat , which was forbidden to the Seed of Abraham in the Law of their GOD. Well , God beginneth shortly after to shew himself mindefull of his promise made by his Prophet , and to trouble Nebuchadnezzar himselfe , by shewing to him a vision in his dream , which did the more trouble him , because he could not forget the terror of it ; neither yet could he remember what the Vision and the parcels thereof were : Whereupon were called all Divines , Interpreters of dreams , and Southsayers , of whom the King demanded , If they could let him understand what he had dreamed ; But while that they answer , That such a question used not to be demanded of any Southsayer or Magician , for the resolution thereof onely appertained to the gods , whose habitation was not with men ; the charge was given ▪ That they all should be slain ; and amongst the rest Daniel was sought ( whose innocency the Devill envyed ) to have suffered the same judgement : He reclaimeth , and asketh time to disclose that secret ; ( I onely touch the History , to let you see by what means God increaseth his knowledge ) which being granted , the vision is revealed unto him , he sheweth the same unto the King , with the true interpretation of it ; adding , That the knowledge thereof came not from the Stars , but onely from the God of Abraham , who onely was , and is , the true God : which thing understood , the King burst forth in his confession , saying , Of a truth your God is the most excellent of all gods , and he is Lord of Kings , and onely he that revealeth the secrets , seeing that thou couldest open this secret . And when Nebuchadnezzar , after that , puffed up in pride by the counsell of his wicked Nobilitie , would make an Image , before the which he would that all Tongues and Nations , subject to him , should make adoration , and that Sydrack , Meshack and Abednago ; would not obey his unjust commandment , and so were cast in the flaming furnace of fire ; and yet by Gods Angels , were so preserved , that no smell of fire remained in their persons nor garments : This same King giveth a more notable confession , saying , The Lord God of Sydrack , Misack and Abednago , is to be praised , who hath sent his Angels , and delivered his worshippers , that put trust in him , who have done against the Kings commandment , who have rather given their own bodies to torment , then that they would worship another God , except their own God. By me therefore , is there made a decree , That whosoever shall blaspheme the God of Sydrack ▪ Misack and Abednago , that he shall be cut in pieces , and his house shall be made detestable . Thus we see how God began , even almost in the beginning of their Captivity , to notifie his name , to multiply his knowledge , and set forth as well his power , as his wisedom , and true worshipping , by those that were taken prisoners ; yea , that were despised , and of all men contemned , So that the name and fear of the God of Abraham , was never before notified to so many Realmes and Nations . This wondrous work of God proceeded from one Empire to another : For Daniel , being promoted to great honour by Darius King of Persians and Medes , falleth into a desperate danger ; For he was committed to prison among Lyons , because that he was deprehended , breaking the Kings Injunction ; not that the King desired the destruction of Gods servants , but because the corrupt Idolaters , that in hatred of Daniel had procured that Law to be made , urged the King against his Nature ; but God by his Angel , did stop the Lyons mouths , and so preserved his servant : Which considered with the sudden destruction of Daniels enemies , by the same Lyons , King Darius , besides his own confession , wrote to all people , tongues , and nations after this form ; It is decreed by me , That in all the dominions of my Kingdom , men shall fear and reverence the God of Daniel , because he is the living God , abiding for ever ; whose Kingdom shall not be destroyed , and his dominion remaineth , who saveth and delivereth , and sheweth signes and wonders in Heaven and in Earth , who hath delivered Daniel from the Lyons . This knowledge was yet further increased , in the dayes of Cyrus , who giving freedom to the Captives ▪ to return to their own Native Country , giveth this confession ; Thus saith Cyrus , the King of Persians , All the Kingdoms of the Earth , hath the Lord God of Heaven given unto me , and hath commanded me , that a house be built to him in Ierusalem , which is in Iuda . Whosoever therefore of you , that are of his people , Let the Lord his God be with him , and let him passe up to Ierusalem , and let him build the house of the Lord God of Israel ; for he onely is God , that is in Ierusalem . Time will not suffer me to intreat the points of this confession , neither yet did I for that purpose adduce the History ; But onely , to let us see how constantly God kept his promise in increasing of his people , and in augmenting of his true knowledge , when that both they that were the seed of Abraham , and that Religion which they professed , appeared utterly to have been extinguished , above mens expectation ; I say , he brought freedom out of bondage , light out of darknesse , and life out of death . I am not ignorant , that the building of the Temple , and reparation of the Walls of Ierusalem , were long stayed , so that the work had many enemies ; But so did the hand of God prevail in the end , That a decree was made by Darius ( by him I suppose , that succeeded to Cambises ) not onely that all things necessary for the building of the Temple , and for the Sacrifices that were to be there brent , should be ministred upon the Kings charges ; but also , That whosoever should hinder that work , or change that decree , that a balk should be taken out of his house , and that he should be hanged thereupon ; yea , that his house should be made a dunghill ; and thereto , he addeth a Prayer , saying , The God of Heaven , who hath placed his Name there , root out every King , and People ( O that Kings and Nations should understand ) that shall put his hand , either to change , or to hurt this house of God , that is in Ierusalem . And so , in despight of Sathan , was the Temple builded , the walls repaired , and the City inhabited , and in the most desperate dangers it was preserved , till that the Messias promised , the glory of the second Temple , came , manifested himself to the world , suffered and rose againe , according to the Scriptures : And so , by sending forth his Gospel from Ierusalem , did replenish the earth with the true knowledge of God ; and so did God in perfection encrease the Nation , and the spirituall Seed of Abraham . Wherefore , dear brethren , we have no small consolation , if the state of all things be this day rightly considered ; we see in what fury and rage the world , for the most part , is now raised , against the poor Church of Jesus Christ , unto the which he hath proclaimed liberty , after the fearfull bondage of that Spirituall Babylon , in the which we have been holden captives longer space , then Israel was prisoner in Babylon it self : For if we shall consider , upon the one part , the multitude of those that live wholly without Christ ; and upon the other part , the blinde rage of the pestilent Papists , What shall we think of the small number of them that do professe Christ Jesus , but that they are as a poor sheep , already seized in the claws of the Lyon ? yea , that they , and the true Religion which they professe , shall in a moment utterly be consumed ? But against this fearfull temptation , let us be armed with the Promise of God , to wit , That he will be the Protector of his Church ; yea , That he will multiply it , even when to mans judgement it appeareth utterly to be exterminate . This Promise hath our God performed , in the multiplication of Abrahams Seed , in preservation of it , when Sathan laboured utterly to have destroyed it , in deliverance of the same , as we have heard , from Babylon . He hath sent his son Christ Jesus , clad in our flesh , who hath tasted of all our infirmities ( sin except ) who hath promised to be with us to the end of the world . He hath further kept Promise , in publication , yea , in the restitution of his glorious Gospel ; Shall we then think that he will leave his Church destitute in this most dangerous age ? Onely let us stick to his Truth , and study to conform our lives to the same , and he shall multiply his knowledge , and encrease his people . But now let us hear what the Prophet saith more . Lord in trouble have they visited thee ; they poured out a prayer when thy chastning was upon them . The Prophet meaneth , that such as in the time of quietnesse , did not rightly regard God , nor his judgements , were compelled by sharp corrections to seek God , yea , by cryes and dolorous complaints , to visite him . True it is , That such obedience deserveth small praise before men , for who can praise , or accept that in good part , which cometh as it were of meer compulsion ; and yet rare it is , that any of Gods children do give unfained obedience , untill the hand of God turn them ; For if quietnesse and prosperity , make them not utterly to forget their duty , both towards God and man , as David for a season , yet it maketh them carelesse , insolent , and in many things unmindefull of those things that God chiefly craveth of them ; which imperfection espied , and the danger that thereof might ensue , our heavenly Father visiteth the sins of his children , but in the rod of his mercy , by the which they are moved to return to their God , to accuse their former negligence , and to promise better obedience in all times hereafter ; as David confesseth , saying , Before I fell in affliction , I went astray , but now will I keep thy Statutes . But yet for the better understanding of the Prophets minde , we may consider how God doth visite man , and how man doth visite God , and what difference there is , betwixt the visitation of God upon the reprobate , and his visitation upon the chosen . God sometimes visiteth the reprobate in his hot displeasure , pouring upon them his plagues for their long rebellion ; as we have heard before , that he visited the proud , and destroyed their memory . Other times , God is said to visite his people being in affliction , to whom he sendeth comfort , or promise of deliverance , as he did visite the seed of Abraham , being oppressed in Egypt : and Zachary saith , That God had visited his people , and sent unto them hope of deliverance , when Iohn the Baptist was borne . But of none of these visitations speaketh our Prophet here , but of that onely which we have already touched , to wit , when that God layeth his correction upon his own children , to call them from the venemous Breasts of this corrupt world , that they suck not in over-great aboundance the poyson thereof ; and doth , as it were , wean them from their mothers Paps , that they may learn to receive other nourishment . True it is , That this weaning ( or spaning , as we terme it ) from worldly pleasure , is a thing strange to the flesh , and yet it is a thing so necessary to Gods children , that unlesse they be weaned from the pleasures of the world , they can never feed upon that delectable Milk of Gods eternall verity ; For the corruption of the one , doth either hinder the other to be received , or else so troubleth the whole powers of man , that the soul can never so digest the truth of God , as that he ought to do . Albeit this appeareth hard , yet it is most evident ; For what liquor can we receive from the Breasts of the world , but that which is in the world , what that is , the Apostle Iohn teacheth , saying ; Whatsoever is in the world , is either the lusts of the eyes , the lusts of the flesh , or the pride of life . Now seeing that these are not of the Father , but of the world , how can it be , that our souls can feed upon chastitie , temperance , and humility , so long , as that our stomacks are replenished with the corruption of these vices ? Now so it is , that willingly , flesh can never refuse these forenamed , but rather still delighteth it self in every one of them ; yea , in them all , as the examples are but too evident . It behoveth therefore , that God himself shall violently pull his children from these venemous breasts , that when they lack the liquor and poyson of the one , they may visite him , and learn to be nourished of him . Oh if the eyes of worldly Princes should be opened , that they might see with what humour and liquor their souls are fed , while that their whole delight consisteth in pride , ambition , and lusts of the stinking flesh . We understand then how God doth visite men , as well by his severe judgements , as by his mercifull visitation of deliverance from trouble , or by bringing trouble upon his chosen for their humiliation : And now it resteth to understand how man visiteth God : Man doth visite God , when he appeareth in his presence ; be it to the hearing of his Word , or to the participation of his Sacraments ; as the people of Israel , besides the observation of their Sabbaths and daily oblations , were commanded thrice a yeer to present themselves before the presence of the Tabernacle , and as we do , and as often as we present our selves to the hearing of the Word ; for there is the footstool , yea , there is the face and throne of God himself , wheresoever the Gospel of Jesus Christ is truely Preached , and his Sacraments rightly ministred . But men may on this sort visite God hypocritically , for they may come for the fashion , they may hear with deaf ears ; yea , they may understand , and yet never determine with themselves to obey that , which God requireth : And let such men be assured , That he ( who searcheth the secrets of hearts ) will be avenged of all such . For nothing can be to God more odious , then to mock him in his own presence . Let every man therefore examine himself , with what minde , and what purpose , he cometh to hear the Word of God ; yea , with what ear he heareth it , and what testimony his heart giveth unto him , when that God commandeth vertue , and forbiddeth impiety . Repinest thou when God requireth obedience ? Thou hearest to thine own condemnation . Mockest thou at Gods threatnings ? Thou shalt feel the weight and truth of them , albeit too late , when flesh and blood cannot deliver thee from his hand . But the visitation ( whereof our Prophet speaketh , ) is onely proper to the sons of God , who in the time when God taketh from them the pleasures of the world , or sheweth his angry countenance unto them , have their recourse unto him , and confessing their former negligence with troubled hearts , cry for his mercy . This visitation is not proper to all afflicted , but appertaineth onely to Gods children : For the reprobates can never have accesse to Gods mercy in time of their tribulation , and that because they abuse as well his long patience , as the manifold benefits they receive from his hands ; For as the same Prophet heretofore saith , Let the wicked obtain mercy , yet shall he never learn wisdome , but in the land of righteousnesse , that is , Where the very knowledge of God aboundeth , he will do wickedly , which is a crime above all others abominable ; for to what end is it that God erecteth his Throne among us , but that we should fear him ? Why doth he reaveal his holy will unto us , but that we should obey it ? Why doth he deliver us from trouble , but that we should be witnesses unto the world , that he is gracious and mercifull ? Now when that men , hearing their duty , and knowing what God requireth of them , do malapertly fight against all equity and justice , what , I pray you , do they else , but make manifest warre against God ? yea , when they have received from God such deliverance , that they cannot deny , but that God himself hath in his great mercy visited them , and yet that they continue wicked as before ; what deserve they , but effectually to bee given over unto a reprobate sense , that headlong they may runne to ruine , both of body and soul ? It is almost incredible that a man should be so enraged against God , that neither his plagues , nor yet his mercy shewed , should move them to repentance ; but because the Scriptures beareth witnesse of the one , and the other , let us cease to marvell , and let us firmly beleeve , that such things as have beene , are even presently before our eyes , albeit many , blinded by affection , cannot see them . Ahab ( as in the book of the Kings it is written ) received many notable benefits of the hand of God , who did visit him in divers sorts ; sometimes by his plagues , sometimes by his word , and sometimes by his mercifull deliverance ; He made him king , and for the Idolatry used by him and his wife , he plagued whole Israel by Famine ; He revealed to him his Will and true Religion by the Prophet Elijah ; he gave unto him sundry deliverances , but one most speciall , when proud Benhadad came to besiege Samaria , and was not content to receive Ahabs gold , silver , sons , daughters and wives , but also required , that his servants should have at their pleasure whatsoever was delectable in Samaria : True it is , that his Elders and people willed him not to hear the proud Tyrant , But who made unto him the promise of deliverance ? and who appointed and put his Army in order ? who assured him of victory ? The Prophet of God onely , who assured him , That by the servants of the Princes of the Provinces , who in number were onely two hundred thirty and two , hee should deface that great Army , in the which there were two and thirty Kings , with all their Forces ; and as the Prophet of God promised , so it came to passe , victory was obtained , not once onely , but twice , and that by the mercifull visitation of the Lord. But how did Ahab visite God again for his great benefit received ? Did he remove his Idolatry ? did he correct his Idolatrous wife Iezabel ? No , we finde no such thing , but the one and the other , wee finde to have continued and increased in former impiety : But what was the end hereof ? The last visitation of God was , That dogs licked the blood of the one , and did eate the flesh of the other . In few words then wee understand , what difference there is betwixt the visitation of God upon the Reprobate , and his visitation upon his Chosen ; the Reprobate are visited , but never truly humbled , nor yet amended ; the Chosen being visited , they sob , and they cry unto God for mercy ( which obtained ) they magnifie Gods Name , and after declare the fruits of repentance . Let us therefore that hear these judgements of our God , call for the assistance of his holy Spirit , that howsoever it pleaseth him to visit us , that we may stoop under his mercifull hands , and unfainedly cry to him when he correcteth us ; And so shall we know in experience , that our cryes and complaints were not in vain . But let us hear what the Prophet saith further . Like as a woman ( saith he ) with child that draweth neer the travell , is in sorrow , and cryeth in her pains , so have we been in thy sight , O Lord , we have conceiv●d , we have born in vain , as though we should have brought forth the wind . Salvations were not made to the earth , neither did the inhabitants of the earth fall . This is the second part of the Prophets complaint in the which he in the person of Gods people complaineth , that of their great affliction there appeared not end . This same similitude is used by our Master Jesus Christ ; for when he speaketh of the troubles of his Church , he compareth them to the pains of a woman travelling in her child-birth . But it is to another end . For there he promiseth exceeding and permanent joy , after a sort , though it appear trouble . But here is the trouble long & vehement , albeit the fruit of it was not suddenly espied . He speaketh no doubt of that long and dolorous time of their captivity , in the which they continually travelled for deliverance , but obtained it not before the compleat end of 70 yeres ; during the which time , the earth , that is , the land of Iuda , which somtimes was sanctified unto God , but was then given to be prophaned by wicked people , got no help , nor perceiving any deliverance : For the Inhabitants of the world fell not , that is , the tyrants and oppressors of Gods people , were not taken away , but stil remained and continued blasphemers of God and troublers of his Church . But because I perceive the houres to passe more swiftly then they have done at other times , I mind to contract that which resteth of this Text into certain points . The Prophet first fighteth against the present despair . After he introduceth God himselfe calling upon his people . And last of all , he assureth his afflicted , that God will come , and require account of all the blood thirsty Tyrants of the earth . First fighting against the present despair , he saith , Thy dead shall live , even my Body ( or with my body shall they arise , ) awake and sing ye that dwell in the dust ; For thy dew is as the dew of herbes . The Prophet here pierceth through all impediments that nature could object ; And by the victory of faith , he overcommeth , not only the common enemies , but the great and last enemy of all , to wit , death it selfe : For this would he say , Lord , I see nothing to thy chosen , but misery to follow misery , & one affliction to succeed another , yea , in the end I see , that death shall devour thy dearest children . But yet , O Lord , I see thy promise to be true , & thy love to remain towards thy chosen , even when death appeared to have devoured them : For thy dead shal live , yea not only shal they live , but my very dead Carcase shall arise ; And so I see honour and glory to succeed this temporall shame , I see joy permanent to come after trouble , order to spring out of this terrible confusion ; and finally , I see that life shall devour death , so that death shall be destroyed , and so thy servants shall have life . This ( I say ) is the victory of faith , when in the midst of death , through the light of Gods Word , the afflicted see life . Hypocrites , in the time of quietnesse and prosperitie , can generally confesse , That God is true in his promises ; but bring them to the extremitie , and there ceaseth the Hypocrite further to trust in God then he seeth naturall means whereby God useth to work : But the true faithfull , when all hope of naturall means faileth , then flie they to God himself , and to the truth of his Promise , who is above nature , yea , whose works are not so subject to the ordinary course of nature , that when Nature faileth , his Power and Promise fail also therewith . Let us further observe , That the Prophet here speaketh not of all dead in generall , but saith , Thy dead , O Lord , shall live : In which words he maketh difference betwixt those that die in the Lord , and those that die in their naturall corruption , and in the old Adam . Dye in the Lord can none , except those that live in him ( I mean those that attain to the yeers of discretion ) and none live in him , but those that with the Apostle can say , I live , and yet not I , but Christ Iesus that dwelleth in me ; The life that I now live , I have by the faith of the Sonne of God. Not that I mean , That the faithfull have at all hours such sense of the life everlasting , that they fear not the death , and the troubles of this life ; no , not so , for the faith of Gods Children is weak , yea , and in many things imperfect : But I mean , That such as in death and after death shall live , must communicate in this life with Jesus Christ , and must be regenerate by the seed of life ; that is , by the Word of the everliving God , which whosoever despiseth , refuseth life and joy everlasting . The Prophet transferreth all the promises of God to himselfe , saying , Even my dead body shall arise ; and immediately after , giveth commandement and charge to the dwellers in the dust , that is , To the dead Carcases of those that were departed ( for the spirit and soul of man dwelleth not in the dust ) That they should awake , that they should sing and rejoyce ; for they should arise and spring up from the earth , even as the Herbs do , after they have received the dew from above . Time will not suffer that these particulars be so largely treated as they ought to be , and as I gladly would ; therefore let us consider , That the Prophet in transferring the Power and Promise of God to himself , doth not vindicate to himself any particular prerogative above the people of God , as that he alone should live and arise , and not they also ; But he doth it , to let them understand , That he taught a Doctrine whereof he was certain , yea , and whereof they should have experience after his death : As if he should say , My words appear to you now to be incredible , but the day shall come , that I shall be taken from you , my Carcase shall be inclosed in the bosome of the earth , and therefore shall ye be led away Captives to Babylon , where ye shall remain many dayes and yeers , as it were buryed in your Sepulchres . But then call to minde , that I said unto you before hand , that my body shall arise : Even so shall ye rise from your graves out of Babylon , and be restored to your own Countrey , and City of Ierusalem . This , I doubt not , is the true meaning of the Prophets . The charge that he giveth to the dwellers in the dust , is to expresse the power of Gods Word ; whereby , he not onely giveth life , where death apparantly had prevailed ; but also by it , he calleth things that are not , even as if they were . True it is , that the Prophet Isaiah saw not the destruction of Ierusalem , much lesse could he see the restitution of it with his corporall eyes ; but he leaveth this , as it were , in testament with them , That when they were in the extremity of all bondage , they should call to minde , what the Prophet of God had before spoken . And lest that his doctrine , and this promise of God made unto them by his mouth , should have been forgotten ( as we are ever prone and ready to forget Gods promises when we are pressed with any sorrow ) God raised up unto them , in the midst of their calamity , his Prophet Ezekiel , unto whom , among many other visions , he gave this ; The hand of the Lord first led him in a place , which was full of dry and dispersed bones . The question was demanded of the Prophet , if these bones , being wondrous dry , should live . The Prophet answered , The knowledge thereof appertained unto God. Charge was given unto him , that he should speak unto the dry bones , and say , Thus saith the Lord God to these bones , Behold , I shall give you breath , and you shall live ; I shall give unto you sinews , flesh , and skin , and you shall live . And while the Prophet spake ( as he was commanded ) he heard a voyce , and he saw every bone joyn in his Marrow ; he saw them covered with flesh and skin , albeit , there was no spirit of life in them . He was commanded again , to speak , and to say , Thus saith the Lord God , Come O spirit from the four quarters , and blow in these that are slain , that they may live . And as he prophesied , the spirit of life came ; They lived and stood , upon their feet . Now doth the Lord interpret what this vision meant , saying , O Son of man , these bones are the whole house of Israel . Behold , they say , our bones are dryed , our hope is perished , we are plainly cut off ; But behold , saith the Lord , I will open your graves , I will bring you forth of them , ye shall live , and come unto the Land of Israel , and ye shall know that I am the Lord. This vision I say , given to the Prophet , and by the Prophet preached to the people , when they thought that God had utterly forgotten them , compelled them more diligently to advert , what the former Prophets had spoken . It is no doubt , but they carryed with them , both the prophesie of Isaiah and Ieremy , so that the Prophet Ezekiel is a Commentary to these words of Isaiah , where he saith . Thy dead , O Lord , shall live , with my body they shall arise . The Prophet bringeth in this similitude of the dew , to answer unto that part of their fidelity , who can believe no further of Gods promises , then they are able to apprehend by naturall judgement ; As he would say , Think ye this impossible , that God shall give life unto you , and bring you to an estate of a Common-wealth again , after that ye be dead , and as it were raced from the face of the earth . But why do ye not consider , what God worketh from yeer to yeer in the order of nature , sometimes ye see the face of the earth decked and beautified with herbs , flowers , grasse , and fruits . Again , ye see the same utterly taken away by storms , and vehemency of the Winter . What doth God to replenish the earth again , and to restore the beauty thereof . He sendeth down his small and soft dew , the drops whereof , in their descending , are neither great nor visible , and yet thereby are the pores and secret veins of the earth , which before by vehemency of frost and cold were shut up , opened again ; and so doth the earth produce again the like herbs , flowers , and fruits . Shall ye then think , that the dew of Gods heavenly grace shall not be as effectuall in you to whom he hath made his promise , as that it is in the herbes and fruits that from year to year buddeth forth and decayeth ? If ye do so , the Prophet would say your incredibility is inexcusable , because ye do neither rightly weigh the power , nor the promise of your God. The like similitude useth the Apostle Paul against such as called the resurrection in doubt , because that by naturall judgement they could not apprehend that flesh once putrified , and resolved , as it were , in other substance , should arise again , and return again to the same substance and nature . O fool ( saith he ) that which thou sowest is not quickned , except it dye , and that which thou sowest , thou sowest not that body that shall be , but bare corn , as it falleth , of wheat , or some other , but God giveth it a body as it pleaseth him , even to every seed his own body . In which words and sentence , the Apostle sharply rebuketh the grosse ignorance of the Corinthians , who began to call in doubt the chiefe article of our faith , the resurrection of the flesh after that it was once resolved , because that naturall judgement ( as said he ) reclaimed thereto . He reproveth ( I say ) their grosse ignorance , because they might have seen and considered some proofe and document thereof in the very order of nature : For albeit the wheat , or other corn cast in the earth , appeareth to die or putrifie , and so to be lost , yet we see that it is not perished , but that it fructifieth according to Gods will and ordinance . Now if the power of God be so manifest in raising up of the fruits of the earth , unto the which no particular promise is made by God , what shall be his power and vertue in raising up of our bodies , seeing that thereto he is bound by the solemne promise of Jesus Christ his eternall wisdom ? And the verity it self that can not lie : yea , seeing that the members must once communicate with the glory of the head , How shall our bodies , which are flesh of his flesh , and bone of his bones , lie still for ever in corruption , seeing that our head Jesus Christ is now exalted in his glory . Neither yet is this power and good will of God to be restrained unto the last and generall resurrection onely , but we ought to consider it in the marvellous preservation of his Church , and in the raising up of the same from the very bottome of death , when by Tyrants it hath been oppressed from age to age . Now of the former words of the Prophet , we have to gather this comfort , That if at any time we see the face of the Church within this Realm so defaced ( as I think it shall be sooner then we look for ) when we shall see , I say , vertue to be despised , vice to be maintained , the verity of God to be impugned , lies and mens inventions holden in authoritie ; and finally , when we shall see the true Religion of our God , and the zealous observers of the same , to be trodden under the feet of such as in their heart say , That there is no God. Let us then call to mind what have been the wonderous works of our God from the beginning , that it is his proper Office to bring forth light out of darknesse , order out of confusion , life out of death ; and finally , that it is he , that calleth things that are not , even as if they were , as before we have heard : And if in the day of our temptation ( which in my judgement approacheth fast ) wee be thus armed , if our incredulity cannot utterly be removed , yet shall it so be corrected , that damnable despaire oppresse us not . But now let us hear how the Prophet proceedeth : Come ( saith he ) thou my people , enter within thy chamber , shut thy door after thee , hide thy self a very little while , untill the indignation passe over . Here the Prophet bringeth in God amiably calling upon his people to come to himself , and to rest with him , untill such time as the fury and sharp plagues should be executed upon the wicked and inobedient . It may appear at the first sight , That all these words of the Prophet in the person of God calling the people unto rest , are spoken in vain ; for we neither finde chambers nor rest more prepared for the dearest children of God ( so far as mans judgement can discern ) then there was for the rebellious and disobedient ; for such as fell not in the edge of the sword , or dyed not of pestilence , or by hunger , were either carryed captives unto Babylon , or else departed after into Egypt , so that none of Abrahams Seed , had either chamber or quiet place to remain within the Land of Canaan . For the resolution hereof , we must understand , That albeit the Chambers whereunto God called his Chosen , be not visible , yet notwithstanding they are certain , and offer unto Gods Children quiet habitation in spirit , howsoever the flesh be travelled and tormented . The chambers are then Gods sure promises , unto the which Gods people are commanded to resort , yea , within the which they are commanded to close themselves in the time of greatest adversitie . The manner of speaking is borrowed from that judgement and foresight , which God hath printed in this our Nature ; for when that men espie great tempests appearing to come , willingly they will not remain uncovered upon the fields , but straightway they will draw them to their houses or holds , that they may escape the vehemency of the same ; and if they fear any enemy to pursue them , they will shut their doors , to the end that suddenly the enemy should not have entry . After this manner God speaketh to his people ; as if he should say , The Tempest that shall come upon this whole Nation , shall be so terrible , that nothing shall appear but extermination to come upon the whole body : But thou my people ( I say ) that hearest my word , beleevest the same , and tremblest at the threatnings of my Prophets , now when the world doth insolently resist , let such ( I say ) enter within the secret Chamber of my promises , let them contain themselves quietly there , yea let them shut the door upon them , and suffer not infidelity , the mortall enemy of my trueth , and of my people that depend thereupon , to have free entry to trouble them ( yea , farther to murther ) in my promise ; and so shall they perceive that my indignation shall passe , and that such as depend upon me , shall be saved . Thus we may perceive the meaning of the Prophet ; Whereof , we have first to observe , That God acknowledgeth them for his people , that are in greatest affliction ; yea , such as are reputed unworthy of mens presence , are yet admitted within the secret Chamber of God. Let no man think that flesh and blood , can suddenly attain to that comfort ; and therefore most expedient it is , That we be frequently exercised in meditation of the same . Easie it is I grant , in time of prosperity , to say , and to think , That God is our God , and that we are his people ; But when he hath given us over in the hands of our enemies , and turned ( as it were ) his back unto us , then I say , still to reclaim him to be our God , and to have this assurance , That we are his people , proceedeth wholly from the holy spirit of God , as is the greatest victory of faith , which over-cometh the world ; for increase whereof , we ought continually to pray . This doctrine we shall not think strange , if we shall consider how suddenly our spirits are carryed away from our God , and from believing his promise , so soon as any great temptation doth apprehend us , then begin we to doubt , If ever we beleeved Gods promises , if God will fulfill them to us , if we abide in his favour , if he regardeth and looketh upon the violence and injury that is done unto us , and a multitude of such cogitations , which before lurked quietly in our corrupted hearts , burst violently forth when we are oppressed with any desperate calamity . Against the which , this is the remedy , once to apprehend and still to retain , God to be our God , and firmly to believe , that we are his people whom he loveth , and will defend , not onely in affliction , but even in the midst of death it self . Secondly , let us observe , That the judgements of our God , never were , nor yet shall be so vehement upon the face of the earth , but that there hath been , and shall be , some secret habitation prepared in the sanctuary of God , for some of his chosen , where they shall be preserved untill the indignation passe by , and that God prepareth a time , that they may glorifie him again , before the face of the world , that sometimes despised them ; And this ought to be unto us no small comfort in these appearing dangers , to wit , that we be surely perswaded , That how vehement soever the tempest shall be , that it yet shall passe over , and some of us shall be preserved to glorifie the name of our God , as is aforesaid . Two vices lurke in this our nature ; the one is , That we cannot tremble at Gods threatnings , before that the plagues apprehend us , albeit , that we see cause most just , why that his fierce wrath should burn as a devouring fire . The other is , That when calamities before pronounced , fall upon us , then begin we to sinke down in despair , so that we never look for any comfortable end of the same . To correct this our mortall infirmity in time of quietnesse , We ought to consider what is the justice of our God , and how odious sin is . And above all other , how odious Idolatry is in his presence , who hath forbidden it , and who hath so severely punished it in all ages , from the beginning ; And in the time of our affliction we ought to consider , what have been the wondrous Works of our God , in preservation of his Church , when it hath been in uttermost extremity : For never shall we finde the Church humbled under the hands of Traytors , and cruelly tormented by them ; but therewith , we shall finde Gods just vengeance to fall upon the cruell persecuters , and his mercifull deliverance to be shewed to the afflicted : And in taking of this tryall , we should not onely call to minde the Histories of ancient times , but also we should diligently mark what notable Works God hath wrought even in this our age , as well upon the one , as upon the other . We ought not to think that our God beareth lesse love to his Church this day , then that he hath done from the beginning : For as our God in his own nature is immutable , so remaineth his love towards his elect , alwayes unchangeable ; For as in CHRIST JESUS he hath chosen his Church , before the beginning of all ages , so by him will he maintain and preserve the same unto the end . Yea , he will quiet the storms , and cause the earth to open her mouth , and receive those raging flouds of violent waters , cast out by the Dragon , to drown and carry away the woman which is the spouse of Jesus Christ , unto whom , God for his own Names ●ake , will be the perpetuall Protector . This saw that notable servant of Jesus Christ , Athanasius , who ( being exiled from Alexandria by that blasphemous Apostata Iulian the Emperour ) said unto his flock , who bitterly wept for his envious banishment ; Weep not , but be of good comfort , said he , For this little cloud will suddainly vanish . A little cloud , he called both the Emperour himself , and his cruell tyranny ; And albeit , That small appearance there , was of any deliverance to the Church of God , or yet , of any punishment , to have apprehended the proud tyrants , when the man of God pronounced these words , Yet shortly after , God did give witnesse , That those words did not proceed from flesh , nor blood , but from Gods very spirit . For not long after , being in warfare , he received a deadly wound , whether by his own hand , or by one of his own souldiers , the Writers cleerly conclude not , But casting his own blood against the Heaven , he said , Vicisti tandem Galilee , That is , At last thou hast overcome thou Galilean ; So in despite , he termed the Lord Jesus , and so perished that tyrant in his own iniquity ; The storm ceased , and the Church of God received now comfort . Such shall be the end of all cruell persecuters , Their raign shall be short , their end miserable , and their name shall be left in execrations to Gods people ; and yet shall the Church of God remain to Gods glory , after all storms . But now shortly , let us come to the last point . For behold ( saith the Prophet ) the Lord will come out of his place to visit the iniquitie of the Inhabitants of the earth upon them , and the earth shall disclose her blood and shall no more hide her slain ; because that the finall end of the troubles of Gods Chosen shall not be before that the Lord Iesus shall return to restore all things to their full perfection . The Prophet bringeth forth the Etenall God , as it were from his owne place and habitation , and therewith sheweth the cause of his coming , to bee , That hee might take account of all such as have wrought wickedly ; for that he meaneth , where he saith , Hee will visit the iniquity of the inhabitants of the earth upon them . And lest that any should thinke , That the wrong doers are so many that they cannot bee called to an account , he giveth unto the earth ( as it were ) an Office and charge to beare witnesse against all those that have wrought wickedly , and chiefly against those that have shed innocent blood from the beginning ; and saith , That the earth shall disclose her blood , and shall no more hide her slain men . If Tyrants of the earth , and such as delight in the shedding of blood should be perswaded that this sentence is true , they would not so furiously come to their own destruction ; for what man can be so enraged , that he would willingly do even before the eyes of God , that which might provoke his Majestie to anger , yea , provoke him to become his enemy for ever , if that he understood how fearfull a thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God ? The cause then of this blinde fury of the world , is the ignorance of God , and that men think that God is but an Idoll , and that there is no knowledge above , that beholdeth their Tyranny ; neither yet Justice that will , nor power that can represse their impiety ; but yet the Spirit of truth doth witnesse the contrary , affirming , That as the eyes of the Lord are upon the just , and as his ears are ready to receive their sobbing and prayers , so is his angry visage against such as work iniquitie , he hateth and holdeth in abomination every deceitfull and blood-thirsty man , whereof he hath given sufficient document from age to age , in preserving the one , or at least in revenging of their cause , and in punishing of the other . Where it is said , That the Lord will come from his place , and that he will visit the iniquity of the inhabitants of the earth upon them , and that the earth shall disclose her blood , we have to consider , what most commonly hath been , and what shall be the condition of the Church of God , to wit , That it is not onely hated , mocked , and despised , but that it is exposed as it were , in a prey , unto the fury of the wicked ; so that the blood of the Children of God , is spilt like unto water upon the face of the earth . The understanding whereof , albeit it be unpleasant to the flesh , yet to us it is most profitable , lest that we seeing the cruell entreatings of Gods servants , begin to forsake the Spouse of Jesus Christ , because that she is not so dealt withall in this unthankfull world , as the just and upright dealing of Gods Children do deserve : But contrariwise , for mercy they receive crueltie ; for doing good to many , of all the reprobate they receive evill : And this is decreed in Gods eternall Councell , that the members may follow the trace of the head , to the end that God in his just judgement should finally condemne the wicked ; for how should he punish the inhabitants of the earth , if their iniquitie deserved it not ? How should the earth disclose our blood , if it should not bee unjustly spilt ? Wee must then commit our selves into the hands of our God , and lay downe our neckes , yea , and patiently suffer our blood to bee shed , that the righteous Judge may require account , as most assuredly hee shall , of all the blood that hath been shed , from the blood of Abel the just , till the day that the earth shall disclose the same ; I say , every one that sheddeth , or consenteth to shed the blood of Gods Children , shall be guilty of the whole : So that all the blood of Gods children shall crie vengeance , not onely in generall , but also in particular , upon every one that hath shed the blood of any that unjustly suffered . And if any thinke it strange , that such as live this day , can be guilty of the blood that was shed in the dayes of the Apostles , let them consider , that the verity it selfe pronounced , That all the blood that was shed from the dayes of Abel , unto the dayes of Zacharie ; should come upon that unthankfull generation , that heard his Doctrine , and refused it . The reason is evident , for as there is two heads and captains that rule over the whole world , to wit , Jesus Christ , the Prince of Justice and Peace ; and Sathan , called the Prince of the world ; so are they but two Armies that hath continued battell from the beginning , and shall fight unto the end : The quarrell is one which the Armie of Jesus Christ do sustain , and which the reprobate do persecute , to wit , The eternall truth of the Eternall God , and the Image of Jesus Christ printed in his Elect , so that whosoever in any age persecuteth any one Member of IESUS CHRIST , for his Truths sake , subscribeth as it were , with his hand , the persecution of all that have passed before him . And this ought the Tyrants of this age deeply to consider , for they shall bee guilty , not onely of the blood shed by themselves , but of all ( as is said ) that hath been shed for the Cause of Jesus Christ from the beginning of the world . Let the faithfull not bee discouraged , although they bee appointed as Sheepe to the Slaughter-house , for hee , for whose sake they suffer , shall not forget to revenge their cause . I am not ignorant , That flesh and blood will thinke that kinde of support too too late , for wee had rather bee preserved still alive , then to have our blood revenged after our death ; and truely if our felicitie stood in this life , or if death temporall should bring unto us any damage , our desire in that behalfe were not to bee disallowed or condemned ; But seeing that death is common to all , and that this temporall life , is nothing but miserie , and that death doth fully joyne us with our God , and giveth unto us the possession of our Inheritance , why should we thinke it strange to leave this world , and go to our Head and Soveraign Captain Jesus Christ ? Lastly , we have to observe this manner of speaking , where the Prophet saith , that The earth shall disclose her blood : In which words the Prophet would accuse the crueltie of those that dare so unmercifully and violently force from the Breasts of the Earth , the dearest Children of God , and cruelly cut their Throats in her bosome , who is by God appointed the common mother of mankinde , so that she unwillingly is compelled to open her mouth and receive their blood . If such Tyrannie were used against any naturall woman , as violently to pull her infant from her Breasts , cut the Throat of it in her own bosome , and compell her to receive the blood of her deare Childe in her owne mouth , all Nations would hold the fact so abominable , that the like had never been done in the course of nature ; no lesse wickednesse commit they that shed the Blood of Gods Children upon the face of their common mother the earth ( as I said before : ) But bee of good courage ( O little and despised Flock of Christ Jesus ) for hee that seeth your griefe hath power to revenge it , He will not suffer one teare of yours to fall , but it shall bee kept and reserved in his Bottell , till the fulnesse thereof bee poured downe from Heaven upon those that caused you to weep and mourne ; this your mercifull God ( I say ) will not suffer your blood for ever to be covered with the earth , nay , the flaming fires that have licked up the blood of any of our Brethren , the earth that hath beene defiled with it , I say , with the blood of Gods Children ; for otherwise , to shed the blood of the cruell blood-shedders , is to purge the land from blood , and as it were to sanctifie it ; The earth ( I say ) shall purge her selfe of it , and shew it before the face of God ; yea , the Beasts , Fowls , and other Creatures whatsoever , shall be compelled to render that which they have received , bee it Flesh , Blood or Bones that appertained to thy Children , O Lord , which altogether thou shalt glorifie , according to thy promise made to us in our Lord and Saviour IESUS CHRIST thy welbeloved Sonne , to whom with thee and the Holy Ghost be honour , praise , and glory for ever and ever . Amen Let us now humble our selves in the presence of our God , and from the bottome of our hearts , let us desire him to assist us with the power of his Holy Spirit , that albeit for our former negligences God giveth us over into the hands of other then such as rule in his fear , that yet he letteth us not forget his mercy , and that glorious Name , that hath beene proclaimed amongst us ; but that wee may look thorow the dolorous storm of his present displeasure , and see as well what punishment hee hath appointed for the cruell Tyrants , as what reward hee hath laid in store for such as continue in his fear to the end ; That it would further please him to assist . That albeit we see his Church so diminished , that it appear to bee brought ( as it were ) to utter extermination , that wee may be assured , that in our God there is great power and will , to increase the number of his Chosen , untill they bee enlarged to rhe uttermost parts of the earth : Give us ( O Lord ) hearts to visite thee in time of affliction , and albeit we see no end of our dolours , yet our faith and hope may conduct us to the assured hope of that joyfull resurrection , in the which wee shall possesse the fruit of that for which now we labour : In the mean time , grant unto us ( O Lord ) to repose our selves in the sanctuary of thy promise , that in thee we may finde comfort , till that this thy great indignation ( begun amongst us ) may passe over , and thou thy selfe appear to the comfort of thy afflicted , and to the terrour of thine and our enemies . Let us pray with heart and mouth . Almighty God and mercifull Father , &c. Lord into thy Hands I commend my spirit , for the terrible roaring of Gunnes and the noise of Armour do so pierce my heart , that my soule thirsteth to depart . The last day of August 1565. at four of the Clock in the Afternoon , written indigestly , but yet truly so farre as memomory would serve , of those things that in publike I spake on Sunday , August 19. for the which I was discharged to preach for a time . Be mercifull to thy Flock , O Lord , and at thy good pleasure put end to my misery . JOHN KNOX . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47584-e2960 Scoti ex discipulis Joannis Apostoli Christianismum edocti sunt . Buch. Lib. 5. Multi ex Britonibus Christiani saevitiam . Domitiani metuentes in Scotiam commigrarunt , è quib is complures doctrina & vitae integritate clari in eâ . subsisterunt . Buch. Lib. 4. E●angelium fuit diffusam in omnes orbis partes , etiam in Britanniam usque , eamque insulae partem , ad quam Romanae vires nunquam penetr●rum . Tert. lib. contra Judaeos . Antoninus Pius Britannos vicit , alio muro c●spicio submotis Barbaris ducto . Jul. Cap. Britanniam , muro per transversam insulam ducto , utrumque ad finem Oceani munivit . Adrianus murum primus ducit , qui Barbaros Romanósque dividit , Aelius Spartianus . Venit & extremis legio praetenta Britannis , Quae Scoto dat froena truci , id est , opposita Scotis , quae eorum furorem a Britannis propelleret in extrem● limite Britanniae & Scotiae , ut explicat Buchan . Lib. 1. nolo●aesar ●aesar esse , ●mbulare per Britannos , & Sc●●ic●● pati pricinas , Inque Ca●edonis posuit qui castra pruinis , Scythae dudiverunt , sed nunquam senserun● arma Romannorum . Britannia & Scoticae gentes Mosem & Prophetas nondum cognoverant . Ille Britannos ultra noti littora ponti , & Caeruleos Scoto-Brigantes dare Romuleis colla catenis jussit . In quibus Buchan . lib. 2. Et Salmasius in Plinium . Ex coloribus maxime purpureo & Cerulaeo delectautur prisci Scoti . Mamertinus in Panygyrico ait , Britones habuisse bellae contra Scotos & Pictos , ante Jul. Caes. Buchan . lib. 2. Ejus partes habitatores saepius a Britannis scriptoribus Britones quàm Brit●nni nominatur . Buc. l 2. Nomen Scotus erat commune omnibus gentibus quae excursionibus loca populi Romanae infestabant . Scal. in Euse. Sic vocat eos Beda modò transmarinos modò peregrinos Quod etiam notat Buch. Scoti dicuntur non solum Brigantes qui ex Hiberu . in Britanniam transmiserunt , sed etiam indigena Britanni veri Picti , Sermone prorsus a Brigantibus discreti . Scal. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strab. lib. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strab. lib. 11. Hence they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Scythae ab alieno imperio aut intacts , aut invicti . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sola manet invicta Britannia Scotis . Gens laboribus & bellis aspera . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vide Sal. pag. 321. in Plin. Hesychius explicat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ubi lego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut vulgò legitur . Vide sis Ptolomaei Tabulam primam Europae ; Et Ortelii tertiam : qùas conferas veii● ▪ Scoto-Brigantes primò ex Hibernia in Aebudas insulas & Montana continentis his proxima venerunt sine certo Imperio : deinde accersiverunt Fergusium cum novis Colonis cum res eorum crevissent , quem in Regem sibi sumpserunt . Ab Hibernia Scotici generis fuere Brigantes qui circa Eboracum habitabant , magna & valido natio , ac totius insulae latitudinem obtinebant . Buch. Britannia modò nomen totius insulae , modò partis ejus quae Romanis fascibus parebat eāque pars nunc Humbro , nunc vallo ad ●inam , nunc vallo ad Fortham finiebatur . Iohannes Forderus , in his 2 Book , 7 ch . of his Scoti-Chronicon , tells us , That Albania , that is , Albion , began for a time at Humber , then at Tyne , then at Forth . Nomen insulae ab Albo ductum Albion , in Scotia velut in natali solo haeret . Buch. In Albio sunt Brigantes Ptolomae . Tacitus , & Seneca . Brigantes circa Eboracum fuerunt Scotici generis , magna & valida natio . Buch. Florente tum Imperio Romano Brigantes in Albium trajecerunt . Deind post aliquot aetates domo pulfi in Hiberniam redierunt , unde majore cum numero duce Reuda in Albium reversi sunt . Quinte Caledonios iterum visure Britannos . Hiberniam nominatam Scotiam a mediae aetatis scriptoribus observaevit Ortelius in Geographia . Videsis Hermolaum Barbarum in Plinium , & Vadianum , in Solinum . Scotus non est nomen Hibernicum , sed Britannicum . In no Language are the Greek Authors so well turned , as in French. Terra virorum f●rtium quam frugum feracior Culdei vitam solitariam tanta sanctitatis opinione apud omnes vixerunt , ut vitâ functorum Cellae in Templa quum mutarentur ; & inde consuetudo apud posteros mansit , ut prisci Scoti Templa Cellas vocent . Buch. Veteres Scotorum Episcopie monasteriis electi , cum adhuc non honoris & ●ncri , sed sanctitatis & doctrinae inter cos certamen esset , sine invilia & aemulatione partium ubicunque obvenerat occasio suum munus obibant , nullis adhuc regionibus desinit●● , cum nondum finctio muneris ecclesiastici esset questuaria . Buch. Scotiae tunc temporis sanctissimorum fertilis virorum . Buc. l. 3. In Eugen. r Ceditur Palladius primos Episcopos in Scotia creasse , nam ad id usque tempus Ecclesiae absque Episcopis per Monachos regebantur ; minore quidem cum fastu & externa pompa , sed majore simplicitate & sanctimonia . Lib. 7. Cap. 128. Erat Palladius primus omnium qui sacrum inter Scotos egere Magistratum , a summo Pontifice Episcopus creatus , quum antea populi suffragiis ex Monachis elegerentur . Lib. 2. cap. 2. Ante Palladium per Sacerdotes & Monachos , sine Episcopis ▪ Scoti in fid● crudiebantur . Lib. 4. in Eugenio 2. Apud nos non nisi Monachorum suffragiis Episcopi designabantur . Lib. 3. Cap. 8. Ante Palladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei doctores , as Sacramentorum administratores presbyteros solummodo , vel Monachos , ritus sequentes Ecclesiae primitivae . In glossa De●●eti , Distinct. 93. Cap. Legimas . In prima primitiva Ecclesia commune erat Episcoporum & Sacerdotum officium , & nomina erant communia , & officia communia : sed in secunda primitiva Ecclesia caeperunt distingui & nomina & officia . Centur. 14. Cap. 6. Ante Palladium Scoti habebant fuos piscoposac Ministros ex Verbi divini Ministerio plebiū suffragio electos , juxta morem Asianorum : sed haec Romanis Asianorum osoribus non placebant . Ad annum 424. Scoti primum Episcopum a Celestino acceperunt . Ad annum 436. Ad Scotos Pontifex Celestinus Palladium mi●it Episcopum . Ad Scotos in Christum credentes ordinatur a Papa Celestino Palladius , & primus Episcopus mittitur . Lib. 1. Palladius ad Scotos in Christum credentes a Pontifice Romanae Ecclesiae Celestino primus mittitur Episcopus . See the Breviate of the Prelats by Huntley . 1637. Nunc in opprobrium Christianorum haec festa celebrantur . Colmannus & complures alii , qui maluerunt optione data loco ceders , quam ritus Romanae ecclesiae recipere . Read a Treatise , written in Laetine , 1546. and dedicated to the King by Iohn Dickinson , De Supremo & absoluto Principis Imperio . Read William Wraghton his Treatise , called the Romish Fox , written in English , and dedicated to King Henry , 1543. Read Matthew Paris in Henry the third . Domino Deo qui nostri . You may see Pope Boniface his Letter to King Edward , and to the Bishop of Canterbury for the time , in Iohn Fordon his Scoti-Chronicon . Notes for div A47584-e17350 Robert the third . 1422. Iames the first . 1431. Paul Craw burnt with a ball of Brasse in his mouth . Iames 4. 1494. 30 Persons accused . The Professors of the Tru●th at the first b●ginning of the Reform●tion were called in our Iland Lo●lards from on a g●dly man in this Iland named ●o●ard , w●o was ●n● of the first Teachers of the True●h : what other names they had ●lsewh●re , s●e the History of the Albigo●s , Lib. 1. cap. 3. Where you may see what accusations , and calumnies was made against these poor people . Conferre this 4. Article with the 16. Article . The Pope did bethink himself at last ●o subject Princes unto him , by this tye of invented unction . * Although the Temple be set a part for divine service , yet we are not so tied to the place as the Iews were , yea , not so much as the Rominists would have us to be , according to that of S. Ioh 21.22 23 for wheresoever 2 or 3 are gathered together in my N●●●r , I am in the midst of you . * Witnesse the Princes and people , that the Pope put to the Interdict without cause , to say nothing of private persons . * So that many do think it a liberty of Religion to swear and curse . * Witnesse the divorce of Mary Stuart , daughter to James 2. from her lawfull husband Tho. Boyde , and ma●ried to Iames Hamilton● Also of Mary , mother to Iames 5. who married after K. Iam. the fourths death , Ar●hibald Douglas Earle of Angus , & was divorced from him , and married to Henry Stuart , Lord Meffen . Adam Reade , his bold a●d godly answer . Note . 1500. 1513. 1527. Brothers son to Iames Hamilton Earle of Arran and sisters son to Iohn Stuart Duke of Althai . A Dominican Frier . Note how Church-men rules the good nature of the Prince . Frier Campbell apostate . M●ior . Deu● . 6. Matth. 12. Minor. 1. Joh. 4. Conclusio . Matth 7. Rom. 13. Galat. 5. Maior . Rom. 13. Minor. Joh. 19. Conclusio . Christ is the end and fulfilling of the Law to every one that believeth Rom. 10.14 . Rom. 3. Rom. 7. Gospel , quasi Godspel , that is Gods word , but ordinarily it is taken from that part which we call Evangel , that is , Good tidings , otherwise , Gospel , quasi Goodspel , that is , Good words , and so , Good tidings . Gen. 15. Joh. 5. Jam. 1. Rom 14. Heb 11. Heb. 11. Rom 8. Rom. 4. Rom. 4. Abac. 2. Rom. 1. Joh. 6. 1 Joh. 5. Act. 10. Rom. 10. Joh. 3. Gal. 3. Matth. 19. Joh 9. Joh. 20. Mark 16. Matth. 28. Psal. 117. 1. Tim. 6. This 〈…〉 derstood of circumstance of worldly m●n , and not of them of God for the neerer that me● draw to God , we are bound 〈◊〉 more to love them . Galat. 3. Matth 13. Matth. 7. Note . Note . Note . Quaere . Answer . Note . Note . Here you see verified , Cinis Martyrum , semen Ecclesiae . M. Gawyn Logy . Munks Preach Bishops devices M. Iohn Mair , whose History of Scotland we have , &c. He wrote upon the 4 Evangelists , &c. Arithe his Sermon . False Miracles . Alexander Furrour his Examination before the Bishops . Alexander Seton , a black Frier . Note . Note . Iames the fifth . Note . Ale●ander Seton his Letter . There was another Frier Forrest hanged in Smithfield , 1538. Note . For 10 yeers the persecution ceaseth . 1534. 1538. The civil troubles give some rest to Gods flock f●r a time . Note . Macdowel . Alaesius . John Fyfe . Machabeus . Note . 1534. This yeere was Lawes made against the Reformation , the Pope having sent to Scotland a Legat the yeere before . 6 Accused for Heresie . Note . 2 Gentlemen Straton and Gow●ley burnt . See how the Bishops did intrench upon the good disposition of the King , and his Soveraigne . 1534. Burning of the Bill was a signe of recantation . 1537. L●sly writes this done ▪ 1540. Iohn Berthwick fled into England , from whence Henry sent him into Germany to the Protestant Princes . Foure burnt . 1538. 1539. Ieremie Russell . Alex. Kennedie . Kennedie his thanks to God. His speech to the Judges . Note . Sir Iames Hamilton said , That God had justly brought him to that , because he had offended often , to gain the King favour , by unjust ways . Note . George Buchanan by the Kings c●mmand , then angry with the Friers , did write this Satyre against them . who thereafter having made their peace with the King , would not be appeased with G●orge Buchanan whom the king gave over to their importunity and so he was put in prison . The Earle of Gleaverne his verse upon the Gray Friers . The Church-men ingage the King to warre against his Uncle . Halderig Read. England called Hereticke , b●cause it renounced the Pope . Note . All hallow tyde Fallow Reade . Note . The Lords answer to the Kings desire . Note . Note . Note . An answer worthy of a Prince . By this answer you may see how good this Prince had bin if 〈◊〉 C●urch m●n and flatter●●s ●ad not abused him . Abused Prince by Prelats . So the evil advised Prince gave himselfe over to the false Prop●ets , I meane , the Prelats . The Reade of Holway masse by Oliver Sinclar . Wha●ton was then Warden in these parts . Stratageme . Note . Note . Oliver compared to Benhadad against Samaria . 2 King. 20. 300 men put to flight 10000 Others say , at Carlave●ok , neer by the place where the defeat was given , called Sob●●y Mosse : The King foretells his own death . Reginae Nativitas . Mark the Queens mourning for the King. Others stick not to say , That the King was hastned away by a Potion . Levit. 12. Regis exitus . Divers Charact●rs of the late King arise post fun●ra virtu● Character of the Hamiltons . Note the reasons why the Earle of Arran was thus favoured by the Countrey . 1543 Note Frier Scot. The Cardinal taken . 1543. An Act of Parliament for reading of the Scripture . Note the hypocrisie of worldlings . So long as men follow God , they are blessed Nothing could be said against the lawfulnesse of Edwards birth . Katharine of Spaine and Anne Bullen being dead before his mother was married to his father . Note well ▪ The Queenes marriage the second time ratified . He was before sometimes called Cunningham , sometimes Colwan , so uncertaine was it who was his father . Note . Note . This is the Prelats language . The Governour violated his faith , refused God , and took absulution of the devil , renouncing his Religion in the gray Friers . All this was then said by the Cardinall , Penes authorem fides est● . Note the device of the wicked to set men by the 〈◊〉 1543 Note . * And many trod under foot died . Note . As they went to Dundie ▪ they said they were going to burne the readers of the new Testament ; and that they would stick to the old ; for Luther said they had made the new , Note . A woman and her childe put to death because she prayed not to the Virgin Mary . Men put to death for eating a Goose upon Friday . Iohn Roger , a black Friet , murthered . 1544. The English Army arrived in Scotland . Note . Endinburgh burnt and spoiled by the English. Note . 1544. Lorge cometh to Scotland 1545. Note . The character of Hamilton . Note . George Wischarde Note a fals● brother . M. Wischard his words in Dundie . The Bishops Sermon . Note . Note M. Wescharde his zeale to gain soules . A Priest appointed by the Cardinall to stab M. George Wischarde . The second attempt of the Cardinall for the killing of M. George Wischarde . Note the spirit of Prophesie . Prophesie spoken by Master George Whischarde of the Church of Scotland . Note the resolution of a Preacher . Two gray Friers . Vengeance against Hadington . Master Wischarde taken at Ormeston . Note . He means Gods people . The Lord Bothwels promise . M Georges words to the Earl Bothwell . 1546. Note . The proud Cardinall , and the glorious foole Dumbar . A question worthy of such two Prelats . 1546. Who was a learned man and heartily favoured the pure Religion , in secret . Bona heresios definitio , &c. Note the cause of Heresie . The Proofe of Heresie . Note . Note . Note . Note . Note . Note this against the legality of the Bishops . Note . This was Fri●● Scot. Note . Note . Note . 1566 1546. How the Cardiall was occupied the night before that in the morning he was slain . The Cardinals demand . The Cardinals confession . The fact and words of Iames Melvin . The Cardinals last words . Advertisement to the Reader . Note . The Bishop of S Andrews was glad , and yet made himselfe to be angry at the slaughter of the Cardinall . Upon what conditions King Henry took the castle of S. Andrews into his protection . The first ●iege lasted from August to January . 1547. Iohn Knox goes into the Castle of S. Andrews . * Sir David Lindsay King of Armes then , who fore the time had good light both in Divine and Humane knowledge , as his works tell us . The first Vocation by name of Iohn Knox. Dean Iohn . Annan . The offer of Iohn Knox first and last unto the Papists . The first publike ●reaching of Iohn Knox , made in the Parish Church of S. Andrew●● . Contra Dei Spiritu● ad G●lat . cap. 2 v●r 17. & 11. Note . The great word● which Ant. christ speaketh . Iohn Knox had been disciple in his first yeers to Iohn Maire , Note . Note . Optima Collatio . Deut. 4. Note . Psal. 26.5 . Frier Arbucki●ls proofe of Purgatory . The cause of the inserting of this Disputation . The practises of Papists , that their wickednesse should not be disclosed . The protestation of Iohn Knox. M. Iames Balfoure once joyned with the Church , and did professe all Doctrine , taught by Iohn Knox. Filius sequitur patris iter . The rage of the marked beasts at the Preaching of the Truth . The first coming of Galleys ▪ Anno 1547. And the second Siege of the Castle The treasonable act of the Governour , and Queen Dowager . Note . The answer given to the Governour , when the Castle of S. Andrews was required to be delivered . The Gunners goddesse . Commonly called , The old Colledge . The sentence of Knox●o ●o the Castle of S. Andrews b●●fore it was won . Note . King Henry of England being dead . Prior of Cappua Leon St●ozi . The Castle of S. Andrews refused in greatest extremity to treat with the Governor , fearing the cruelty of his weak nature , in revenging the death of his Cousin the Cardinall . Nulla fides Rogni Socii , &c. Pinckey Cl●●ch . Duke of Sommerset . The security of the Scotishmen at Pinckey Clewch . Fridays chase . Brags . The repulse of the Horse-men of England . Note . Note . Note . Note . 1549. The Parliament at Hadington . Note . The Dukes fact and what appeareth to follow thereof . Experience hath taught , and further will declare . The siege of Hadington . Tuesdayes chase . Note . The slaughter of the Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh . Hadington almost surprised by the French. The recovery of the Castle of Home . The death of the Laird of Raith . The entertainment of those of the Castle of S. Andrews , during their Captivity . Note . Note . Note . This book was printed 1584. at Edinburgh , by Tho. Vtro●●● . A merry fact . Note . Jerem. 10. Note . Quamvis multa sunt justorum mala &c. Note diligently the Prophesie . Iohn Knox his answer and counsell to the captives . Le jour de Roys au soir quand els erient le Roy boit . The escaping of William Kirkcaldie and of his fellows forth of Mount Saint Michell . Note . To shew what is contained in this Admonition , we have caused it to be printed at the end of this History . 1550 Note . Note diligently . The slaughter of that villain Davie . The rulers of anno●566 ●566 . and their prediction . Note . The accusation of Adam Wallace and his answers . The Papisticall manner of accusation . Note . Adam Wallace his accusations and answers . Note . Protestation of the Earle of Glencarne . Note . The death and vertues of Edward the sixth . Who first after the death of King Edward began to preach in Scotland . Elizabeth Adamson , and her death . Note . Note . Note . Note diligently . Masse abhorred . Note . 1555. Note . You will finde this Appellation at the end of this book . War against England by the meanes of the Queen Regent . A calfe with two heads . The fact of the Nobility of Scotland , at Maxwel Hewcht The second return of Iohn Willock to Scotland . Lord Seton an Apostata . The abolishing of Images , and trouble therefore . The Preachers summoned . The practice of Prelats , and what thereof ensued . The bold words of Iames Chalmers of Gaithgyrth . O crafty flatterer ! The command of the Bishop The answer of Edinburgh . Edinburgh appealeth from the sentence of the Bishop of S. Andrews . Triumph for hearing of stock Gyle . The down casting of stock Gyle , and the discomfiture of Baals Priests . A merry English-man . Note . The death of the Bishop of Galoway , and his last confession . Qualis vita , finis ita . The Vow of that marked beast Dury , B. o● Galloway . The death of M David Panter . The death of the Bishop of Orknay Reid , & ● Orknays answer and his friends home . Note . The Queen Regents sentence of the death of her Papists . Dean of Lestarrige hypocrite began to preach . M. David Panters counsell 〈◊〉 his forsworne brethren the Bishops . The second Vocation of Iohn Knox , by Letters of the Lords . Note . Note . Let the Papists themselves judge of what spirit these sentences could proceed . The duty of the Nobility . The letter lost by negligence and troubles . God grant that our Nobility would yet understand . Note . The first Covenant of Scotland . 1557 Those that then did oppose Popery , were called the Congregation . Note . The Earl of Argyle the first man in this Covenant . The third Vocation of Iohn Knox , by the Lords and Churches of Scotland . Flesh & blood is preferred to God with the Bishop . Note . Note diligently . Note . Note the Earl of Argyle his Testament . Note . Here is one Solecisme in State expression , newly invented by the Court Parasites . Note . To call the Crowne Matrimoniall , is an absurd Solecisme , newly then invented at Court. Notes for div A47584-e52890 Note . And now in these later days it hath pleased God in his goodnesse to grant the pure and Primitive Discipline also unto the Church of Scotland . The first dou●t . The second . Note . Scriptures answering the doubts . This was called the privie Church . Iohn Willocke . The Laird of Calder , elder . The tyrannie of the Clergy Note . The Petition . The offer . The practise of Satan . Disputation with condition The offer of the Papists . The grant of the Queene Regent . The apprehension of Walter Mill. 1558. Note . The hypocrisie of the Queene Regent . Protestation . Let the Papists observe . Note . Letters to Iohn Calvine . Blasphemy . Note . She had gotten her lesson from the Cardinall . Forefather to the now Earle of Lowdone , Chancellor . Queen Regents answer . S. Iohnston embraced the Gospel . Lord Ruthuens answer . 1559 The first assembly at S. Iohnston . The Laird of Dun , stayed the congregation , and the Preachers . Note . 1559 Note . At this time the Professors of the Gospel were called the Congregation . The taking down of the F●iers in Saint Iohnston . Note . The Gray Friers their provision . Note . Note . A godly vow . The complaint of the Queene Regent . Note . Note . Note . O where is this fervencie now ? O would God that the Nobility should yet consider . The first of the Nobility . The constant request of the Protestants of Scotland . Note the duty of Noblemen . Note . Probation against the Papists . Against such as under colour of authority persecute their brethren . Difference betwixt the person and the Authority . Note . Note diligently . Pharaoh his fact Note . The fact of King Saul . The second sort of the Nobility . Note . Let both the one part and the other judge if God have not justified the cause of the innocents . From whence this courage did proceed the issue did declare . Note . The Earle of Glencarne his resolution . Speakers sent by the Queene to S. Iohnston . Note the answer . The false suggestion of the Queen Regent Let the Papists rather ambitious Romanists , judge . The diligence of the Earle of Glencarne , and of the brethren of the wast , for the relief of S. Iohnston . The Petition of the Protestants , for the rendering of S Iohnston . The answer of the Earle of Argyle and L. Iames , Prior of S. Andrews . The promise of the foresaid . Note . 1559 The first slaughter at the entry of the French-men . Idolatry erected against the appointment . Against the appointment the second time . Second answer of the Queen Regent . The third an●wer . The departure of the Earle of Argyle , and Lord Iames from the Queen Regent . The answer the Earle of Argyle . The Bishops good minde towards Iohn Knox. Iohn Knox his answer to the Lords , and the rest of the brethren . The Reformation of S. Audrews . For the old Earle of Argyle was dead . Cowper-Moore . M. Gawin Hamiltons Vow . First answer at Cowper-moore . The second answer . The delivery of S. Iohnston . The summoning of S. Iohnston . Communing at S. Iohnston . Huntly . The Bishop of Murray . The destruction of Scone . The cause of the burning of Scone . Speaking of an ancient matron when Scone was burning . The taking of Stirlin . Lord Shaton . The coming of the Congregaon to Edinburg . Let the Reader marke how this agrees with our time . The third Letter to the Queen Regent . The craftines of the Queen Regent may yet be espied . 1559. Accusations . Mark the craftie calumnies . The communing at Preston . The demand of the Queen Regent , and answer of the Protestants The last offers of the Protestants to the Q. Regent . The scoffing of the Queen Regent . Note . The death of Henry King of France . Note how this agrees with our times . Answer to the calumnie . Note , Nobles . Leith left us the congregation . The Lord Erskin and his fact . In contemplation of these Articles , arose this proverb , Good day , Sir. John , till Ianury ; Welcome , Sir John , till Ianuary . Note . The promise of the Duke and Earle of Huntly . Answer to th● complaint of the Papists . The third Bond of mutuall defence at Sterlin ▪ Note . ●he first knowledge of the escaping of the E●rle of Arran out of France . Let this be noted . The just reward of the Du●e for leaving God. Brags ●now . Note . Note . Note . The residence of Iohn Willock in Edinburg . Note . The Queen Regents malice against poore men . Note . The practise of the Queen Regent . See how this agreeth with our times . The arrivall of th French. Note . The division of the Lords lands by the French. How like to the Procl●mations of our times this is , let the Reader judge . Let the Bishop of Amians Letters ▪ and Monsieur de la Brosse Letters written to France ▪ witnesse that . Confer this with our times . Few dayes after declareth the truth of this . Confer this with our times . Let the Nobility judge hereof . Let Sir Robert Richardson and others answer to this . See how this agrees with our times . The cause of the Frenchmens coming with wives and children . Note . A proverbe . Note . The doctrine of our Preachers concerning obedience to be given to Magistrates . Let such as this day live , witnesse what God hath wrought since the writing and publication hereof . Note . The Prophets have medled with policy , and have reproved the corruptions thereof . The coming of the Earle of Arran to Scotland , and his joyning with the Congregation . Letters to the Queen Regent . The Petition of la Brosse . The answer . Note . The tyranny of the French. Note how this agrees with our times Note . Let this be noted , O cra●ty flatter●r ! Note . Elizabeth was come to the crown of England the yeere before , by the death of Mary . False lying tongue God hath confounded thee . God hath purged his people of that false accusation . Note . The avarice of those of Loraine and Guise . Note . The title that the Queen hath or had to Leith . The Laird of Lestarrig sup . riour to Leith . Note . Note diligently . The wickednesse of the Bishops . The cause that Broughtie Craig was taken . Let all men judge . The Dukes answer . Note . Note . Note . The quarrell betwixt Frauce and the Congregation of Scotland . The Lord Seaton unworthy of Regiment . Optim● collatio Let the Papists judge if God hath not given judgement to the displeasure of their hearts . Note . The causes that moved the Nobility of this Realme to oppose the Q. Regent . The s●me minde remaineth to this day . This promise was forgot , and therefore God plagued . Wha spirit could have hoped for victory in so desperate dangers . Note . Note how calumnies prevail upon the world for a time . Now the Duke seeing the Queens partie decline , and the Protestant party grow strong , he once more changeth the profession of his Religion , and joyneth with the Protestants , as strongest . How true this is , the whole and constant course of the family can tell . Let this be noted , and let all men judge of the purpose of the French and how good and wise Patriots they w●re , who sold our Soveraign to France for their private profit , and they by name were 〈◊〉 Hamiltons . The order of the suspension of the Queen Regent from Authority within Scotland . The discourse of Iohn Willock . The causes . The judgment of Iohn Knox in the deposition of the Queen Regent . Let no man then for privat ends , and by-wayes , do any thing against their Prince , ●nder pre●ence of the publike . 1559 The enormities committed by the Queen Regent . Her daughter followed the same , for to Davie was delivered the Great Seal . Note . Note . Note . Note . All done in the Soveraign● Name , as they do now a-day● Note . Treason among the counsell . The Duke and his friends fearfull . The ungodly Souldiers . The Queen● Regents practises . The fact of the councell . The treason of Iohn 〈◊〉 . Note the kindnesse of the English in need . The E. Bothwe●l false in promise and his treasonable fact . Note . The first departing of the Congregation . The cruelty of the French. Note this diligently . The Earle of Argyle . Lord Robert Stewart . The Castle shot one Shot . The Queen Regents rejoycing and unwomanly behaviour . The counsel of the Master of Maxwell . The last disc●m●●tu●e upon Munday . The death of Alexander Haliburnton Captaine . How , and why William Maitland left Leith . The Lord Erskin declared himself enemy to the Congregation . The despight of the Papists of Edinburgh . The worst is not yet come upon our enemies . Note . Note . Note diligently . Note . Speciali● Applicatio . Let Scotland yet take heed . Let janglers and inconstant m●n note . Le the House of Hamilton remember this . Conclusio . Let the Papists and greatest enemies witnesse . Notes for div A47584-e71280 Proclamation against the Earl of Arran● . Re 〈…〉 . The drowning of the French. Dominus pro nobis . The Earle of Sudderland shot Note the French favour to their friend● John 6. Exhortation of Iohn Knox. Note . The slaughter of a French Captain , with his Band. Note . The arrivall of the English Ships . Note . The Bridge of Tullibody . Note the death of a plunderer . Remark the Scots acknowledgement of the English help . Iohn Knox his first Letter to Sir William Cecile . Note . Note . Note . As England had interest then not to suffer Scotland to perish , so likewise Scotland hath interest now , not to see Eng●and undon● ▪ 1559. Note the Quaeres . And Answers . Let the enemies say , if their hope be not frustrate . Note diligently . Note . Note . Note . Sir Iames Crofts counsell . Note a braggadoshie . Note . Note . Note . Note . Note . Note . Note . Let us mark our advantage from France . Note . Note . Note . Note a cruell ●act . 1560 Note . Note . 1560. The fourth Covenant . Now hereupon came the pursuit . Let the Princes now adayes make use of this . So now the worldlings speak unto the King concerning the Scots into England . Note . The Hamiltons●am●ly ●am●ly . Note this diligently . We must go to the fi●st cause in all things . The inhumanity of the merc●l●ss ▪ French. The Qu●en Regents cruell heart . The comfortable Letter of the Duke of Norfolk . Note . Let the Princes now make use of these words of this dying Queen . Note . The death of the Queene Regent . Note a Character of Popishly addicted French officers of State. Note how they limit the Prince . Note how the Prince is limitated , and his will is not a Law. Note . The profit th●● Leith got of their promise liberty . Note a Covenant betwixt England and Scotland . 1560. Some Prelats left Antichrist , and did adher● unto Christ. William M●itlands mockage of God. See how this agrees with our tim●s . Deut. 14. 1 Cor. ● 8. Isai 44.4 , 5. 1 Tim. 1 27. 1 King 8.17 . 2 Chron. 8 18. Psal 139 78. G●n . 17 1. 1 Tim. 6.15 , 16 Exod 3.14 , 15. Matt. 28.19 . 1 Joh 57. Gen 1.1 . Heb. 1. ●3 . Act. 17.28 . Prov ▪ 16.4 . Gen 1.26 , 27 ▪ &c. Col. 3.10 . Ephes 4 24 Gen. 3.6 . Gen. 2. ●7 . Psal 51.5 . Rom. 5 10. Rom. 7.5 . 2 Tit. 2.6 . Eph. 2 23. Rom. 5.14 , 12. Rom. 6.23 . John 3 5. Rom. 5.1 . Phil. 1.29 . Gen. 3.15 . Gen. 3.9 . Gen. 12 3. Gen. 15 5 , 6. 2 Sam. 7.14 . Isai 7.14 Isai 9 6 Hag 2.6 John 8.38 . Ezek. 6.5 , 6.7 , 8 , 9 , &c. Gen. 1 12. Gen. 13.1 . Exod. 1.1 Exod. 1.20 . Josh 3. & 23 4 1 Sam. 10.1 . 1 Sam 16 13 2 Sam 7 12 2 King● 17.15 , 16 , &c. 2 King. 24. 34 , &c. Deu. 28.36 , 38 , &c. 2 Kin. 25. ● . Dan. 9 2. Ezr. 1 , &c. Hag. 1 14. Zach. 3.1 . Gal 4 4. Luke 1.31 . Matth. 1.18 . Matth. 2.1 . Rom. 1.3 . Matth. 1.23 . John. 1.2.45 . 2 Tim. 2 5. Ephes. 1.3.4 , 15 , 6. Ephes. 1.11 . Matth 25 34. Ephes. 1 21 , 22. Heb 27 8. Psal. 22.11 . Heb 13.26 . 1 Pet. 2.24 ▪ & 5. Psal. 130.3 . Psal. 143.3 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . John 1.12 . John 20.17 . Rom. 5.17 , 18.19 . Rom. 8.15 . Gal. 4 36. Act. 17.26 . Heb. 2.11 , 12. 1 Pet. 3 18. Isa. 53.8 . Act. 2.4 . 1 John 1 2. Act. 20 28. 1 Tim 3.16 . John 3.16 . Heb. 10.1 , 12. Isa 53.5 . Heb. 1 2.3 . John 1.29 . Matth. 26.11 . Deut. 20.23 . Matth. 15.1 , 2. Gal 3.13 . Luke 23.1 , 2. Matth. 26.38 . 2 Cor 5. Heb 9 12. Heb. 10.5 . Act. 2.23 . Act. 3.26 . Rom. 6.5 , 11. Act. 2.24 Rom. 4 25. Heb. 2.14 , 15. Matth. 28 John 20.27 & 21.7 . Luke 24.41 , 42 , 43. Joh. 21.12 , 13. Luke 24.51 . Act. 1.6 . Matth. 28.6 . Matth. 16.9 . Luke 24 6. John 20.9 . Matth. 28 18. 1 John 2.1 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . Psal. 110 1. Matth. 22 44. Matth. 12 36. Luke 20.42.43 Acts 1.1 . Acts 3.19 . 1 Thess. 1.4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Matth. 25.34 . Revel . 21.27 . Esay 66.24 Matth 25.41 . Matth 9.44 , 46 , 48 Matth. 22.13 . 2 Pet. 3 11. 2 Cor. 5.11 . Luke 21.28 . John 15.4 , &c. Esay 7.14 . Ephes. 1.22 . Col. 1.18 . Heb. 1.11 , 15. Heb. 10.21 . 1 John 2.1 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . Matth. 16.17 . John 14 26. John. 14.11 . Acts 5.4 . John 10.13 . Col. 2.13 . Ephes. 2. ● . John 9.39 . Revel 3.13 . Matth. 17.17 . Matth 9.19 . Luke 9 41. John 6 63. Mic 7.8 . 1 King. 8.8 . Psal. 10.3 . Rom. 5.10 . John 3.5 . Tit. 5.5 . Rom. 5 8. Psal. 3.9 . Psal. 1.6 . 2 Cor. 3.5 . Ephes 1 6. Ephes. 2.10 . Phil. 3.13 . John 15.5 . Rom. 8.9 . Rom. 7.15 , 16 , 17. Gal. 5.17 . Rom. 8 16. Rom. 7.24 . Som. 8 22. Ephes 4.17 , 18 , 19. 2 Tim. 2.26 . John 15 5. Exod. 20.3 , &c. Deut. 4.7 , &c. Luke 21.75 . Mica 6.7 . Ephes 6.17 . Ezech. 22.104 1 Cor 6.19 , 20 1 The 4.4 , 5 , 6 Jer. 22.3 9 9 , &c. Esay 50.1 , &c. 1 Thess. 4 6. Rom 13.2 . Ezek. 22.13 . 1 John 3 4. Rom. 14.23 . Heb. 1 16. 1 Sam. 15.22 . 1 Cor. 10.31 . 1 John 3.4 . Esay 29.19 . Matth. 15.9 . Mar. 7.7 . Levit. 18.5 . Gal. 3.12 . 1 Tim. 1.18 . Rom. 7.12 . Psal. 19.7 , 8 , 9. Deut. 5.29 . Rom. 10.3 . 1 Kin. 8.4 , 6. Chron. 6.36 . Eccles. 7.22 . Prov. 20.9 . 1 ●oh . 1.18 . Iohn 1.18 . Rom. 10.4 . Gal. 3 13. Deut. 27.26 . Phil. 2.15 . Isai. 64.6 . Luk. 17.10 . Mat. 28.20 . Ephes. 1.4 . Col. 1.18 . Ephes. 5.23 , 24 , 25 , 26. Apoc. 7.8 . Ephes. 2.19 . Iohn 5.24 . Iohn 17.6 . 1 Tim. 2.19 Iohn 13.14 . Ephes. 1.10 . Col. 1.10 . Heb. 12.4 . Apoc. 14.13 . Isai. 25 ▪ 8. Apoc 7.16 , 17 ▪ Apoc. 21.4 . Apoc. 16.10 , 11 Isai. 66.24 . Mark 9.44 , 36 , 48. Luke 23.43 . Luke ●6 . 24 , 25. Apoc. 6.9 , 10. Gen. 4.8 . Gen. 21. ● . Gen. 27.41 . Mar. 23.34 . Ioh. 15.18 , 19. Iohn 11 35. Ioh. 15.20 , 24. Act. 4.1 , &c. Act 5.17 , &c. Gen. 4 1. Psal. 48.1 , 2. Mat 5.35 . Iohn 12.42 . Ephes. 2.20 . Act. 2.42 . Iohn 10 , 27. Iohn 18.37 . 1 Cor. 1 13. 1 Cor. 11.20 , 23. Mat. 28 19 20 Mark 16.15 . Rom 4 11. Matth 18 20. 1 Cor 1.2 . 2 Cor. 1.1 . Gal. 1 2. Ephes. 1 1. Acts 16.9 , 10.18 . 1 Cor. 1. &c. A & 20 17 , &c. John 20.31 . 2 Tim 3 16 17 2 Pet. 1 20 , 21. John 5 29. Ephes 4 4 1 Tim. 3.16 , 17 Genes . 27. Gal 2.11 , 12 , 13 , 14. 1 Tim. 4.1.23 . Col. 2.18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. Act. 15.1 , &c. 1 Tim. 3.15 . Heb. 3.2 . 1 Cor. 14.40 . Gen. 17.10 . Exod. 12.32 . Gen. 17.4 . Num. 9.13 . Mat. 28.19 . Mar. 16.17 . Mat. 26.26 . Mar. 14.22 . Luke 22.19 . 1 Cor. 11.24 . & 10.16 . Rom. 6.3 , 4 , 5. Gal. 3.27 . Mar. 16.19 . Luke 24.51 . Act. 1.11 . Act. 3.21 . 1 Cor. 10 , &c. Ephes. 5.30 . Matth. 27.50 . Mar. 15.31 . Luke 23.46 . John 14.30 . & 6.51 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58. 1 Cor. 11.28 , 28. Mat. 26.26 , &c Mar. 14.22 , &c Luk. 22.19 , &c 1 Cor. 11.24 . Note . 1 Cor. 11.25 , 26 Heb. 9.27 , 28 Col. 2.11 , 12 Rom. 4.11 . Gen. 17.10 . Mat. 28.19 . 1 Cor. 28.29 . Rom. 13.1 . Titus 3.1 . 1 Peter 13.2 . Rom. 13.2 . Rom. 13.7 . 1 Pet 2.17 . Psal 82.1 . 1 Chron. 22.23 , 24 , 25. Chap. 26. 2 Chron. 29.30 , 31 , chap. 2 Chron. 34 , & 35. chap. Mat. 13.24 , 25 , 26 , &c. Mat. 13 20 , 21 Rom. 10.9 , 13. Rom. 7 , &c. 2 Cor. 5.21 . John 5.28 , 29. Apoc 20.28 . Heb 19 25 , 26 , 27. Mat 25 31. Apoc. 14.10 . Rom. 26.7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Phil. 3 21. 1 Cor , 15.28 . This we confirmed , 1567. in the first Parliament of Iames 6 held by the Earle Murray , and all Acts in any Parliament before whatsoever , against the truth , abolished . The Lord of the Articles are a Committee of 24. whereof in former times , there was eight Lords , eight Church-men , who were called Lords , and eight Commons : So from the greater part they were named Lords , and of the Articles , Because all Articles and Heads that are to passe in Parliament are first brought to them , who having discussed them , sends them to the House of Parl●ament . The latin Histories calls their Lords of the Articles Apolecti . The Earle Marshall his pious voyce in Parliament . This Act is particularly confirmed 1567. in the Parliament under Iames 6. holden by the Earl Murr●y . This also was confirmed by one particular Act 1567. by the Parliament holden by the Earle Murray . Note this diligently . Quest. Answ. Note this I pray you for these dayes sake . See how this agree● with the worldlings now adayes . What blessings hath been since in the house of Erskin , they know best . Note how although the Prelats being convinced of the truth , did subscribe unto it , yet it was with this Pro●iso , That they should enjoy their rents for their lives . Note men to their owne countrey . Note this for our dayes . Let this teach us to seek God. The death of the yong King of France husband to our Queen . 15. December 1560. Note this well Note . Note Lesley his answer . * That is , An. 1566 when this book was written . Note the liberality of the Earle Murray . Note this diligently . Where then are Pluralities and fatnesse of Livings in our dayes . Let the Church-men now adayes look to this . W●at can the P●elats say to this . Ambassadour from France , and his demands . See the study of France to divide the two Kingdoms newly bound for mantenance of Religion against the common enemies . Note . The Protestants faithfulnesse ill rewarded . A foolish play used in time of darknes Hence we say any foolish thing to be like a play of Robin-Hood . Some say his name is Killone . Of the Queen Regents death . Note . Note . Note diligently . Let this also be considered , and referred to our times . Note . Note . Reader remark the advantages that Scotland hath from France . A good Character of Bishops . Let us stick to God , and he will not leave us . Faire words to no purpose . That was a secret Lardon . She meant she would seek a safe conduct . * Ever till that she may shew her evill will. If France would have sustained rhem they had not yet departed . The second secret Lardon . The Arms of England were usurped . Your Papists and ours have practised , and still practise division . So that she might have England to the Popes Religion I think she said not amisse . The feare of God in the heart of Elias 〈◊〉 disobedi●●● to cursed 〈◊〉 . N●te . 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 well to 〈…〉 as 〈◊〉 the subjects . Note . The third Lardon of accusing England of inconstancy in Religion . Notwithstanding his own disorder . Note this false lye , and see how it answers to the calumnies of these dayes . The Peace and Contract at Leith . Many Princes little regarded that . All power is not then in the Prince , if the States have any , as they have . Note this , Note . Note the Scots acknowledgement . Notes for div A47584-e90010 Isaiah 40 31. A true acknowledgment o● mans weaknesse , to the glory of God ; and as it was then , so hath it been in this last Reformation . As it was then , so it is now , by Gods mercies ●o that Nation . The first Petition of the Protestants of Scotland . Let this be noted for example . The cause of the trouble within Scotland , flowed from the Courtiers who seemed to professe the Evangell . He means the Lo●d Iames , Earle Murray . The corruption that entred the Queens Court. The Theologie of the Court , and their reason● . Wicked Councellors ●athers all th●ir mischiev●us plots upon misled Princes , and causeth them to take all things upon them This was written when the seco●d rank of the Lord● was banished , Anno 1560 after Dan●●s s●aughter . The Queens Arriva●l from France 156● T●●●le & lugubre Coelum . The Queens first ●●ace in despight of Religion . The Queens . first Masse . Lord Iames , notwithstanding his sonner zeal to t●e Truth , complying with Court , favoureth Idolatry . ● godly reso●●●●on . The end is not yet seen . The persw●s●ons of the Courtiers . The Lord Arrans stout and godly Protestati●n against the Qu●ens Masse . Good resolution , if followed . Robert Campbell to the Lord Vchiltrie , The Queens practise at the first . The iudgment of Iohn Knox upon the suffering of the Masse . The Courtier making . Note diligently how wise and godly m●n are so mistaken oft , as to play after games : And this M. Knox doth acknowledge here . The first reasoning betwixt the Queen and Iohn Knox. Note how that Princ●s are informed against God● servant . Let this be noted diligently . Let the Prince note this . Let this wi●e reply be noted . Note this undertaking . The Queens second Objection . Answer . Note this comparison . Blinde zeal , what it is . When this was written there was no appearance of Maries imprisonment . The Queens Church . Strong Imagination , called conscience . Question . Note this . Iohn Knox his judgement of the Queen at the first , and ever since . The Queens first Progresse . Note the disposition of a misled soul. Bo●fours doctrine . Note this diligently . Yet in the Parliament holden 1563. there is an expresse Act for punishing of Adultery by death . It is the Act 74. The devil getting entry to his little finger will screw in his whole arm . Note this . The Queenes first fray in Hallyrud-house . Division between the Lords and the Ministers . The Queen fain would have had all Assemblies discharged . Note this dili●gently . Note this dil●gently . Note this passage . Iohn Knox his judgement of the thirds . Let this be noted . * That is , five old pieces . A proverb upon Pittaro , Controller . The right that Princes have to the Patrimony of the Church . Note . The marriage of the Earl of Murray . Note this diligently . Note this diligently . The Mask of Orleance . The Hamiltons against Bothwell and the Marquesse . The Earle of Bothwells communication with Iohn Knox 1562. Note the complement . Note diligently . Reconciliation betwixt the Earle of Arrane , and Earle of Bothwell . Note diligently . Psal. 2. The second communing of Iohn Knox with the Queen . Note diligently Note . Note . Note diligently Note . Let Princes note this . Let Court-Chaplains and unthrifts of the time , note this . The Earle of Lennox , and his Lady imprisoned in the Tower of London , for traffiquing with Papists . Sharp left preaching , and took him to the Laws . Note . This causeth the Qu●ens R●ligion to have many ●avourers . Note . Note . Note d●ligently . Note . Note this for our times . Note this for our times . An answer to Lethington . Note this diligently . Iohn Gordonne and Ogilvie . Bothwell brake the ward or prison . Note another wavering of the Hamiltons . A new Covenant , 1562. Note . So was the Duke . the Earls of Argyle , Murray , and Glencarne , with all their Company after ter served . The day of Correthie field . Octob. 22. 1562 The Earle of Huntlies prayer . Note . Corriethieburne , or Farabank . Secretary Lethingtons Oration . The Lady Forbesse her words . Let others that yet live mark this . Mens judgement of the Queens Marriage . Note this . The Preachers railed upon the Courtiers . The Preachers Admonition after the Earle of Huntlies death . Meaning of Huntley . The end declared their words to be true . The defence of the Courtiers . The Queens practise . The tryall of Pauls Meffanes fact . Chattelet and the Queen . The Queens desire concerning Chattelet . The punishment of God for maintaining and erecting of the Masse , death and famine . Iohn Knox sent for by the Queen . Reasoning between I. Knox and the Queen Note diligently . The Queens judgement of the Bishop of Cathaes . The Lady Argile was naturall Sister to the Queen , as the Earle Murray was naturall Brother . The Clergie did pretend to be free from all Jurisdiction , save the Popes . The judgment of some . Huntley forfeited . The pride of Women at that Parliament . Note diligently . And so was Religion and the Common-wealth , both neglected . Occasion painted with a bald Hind-head . Variance betwixt the Earle of Murray and Iohn Knox. Iohn Knox discharge to the Earl of Murray . God knowes if our times be better . The Speaker was the Dean of Restaruk . Iohn Knox his affirmation Let this serve for our times . Let the Papists judge this day 1567. Note Women . Lethingtons practice . Note diligently The last commendation of Lord Iohn to the Queen . M. Rob. Font stricken in the head with a weapon by Cap. Lawder . Bond to a mutuall defence in the cause of Religion . Note Pastors . The Master of Maxwells discharge to Iohn Knox , and their reasoning together . Before they disdained not to come to his own house . Iohn Knox his answer . Note a wise Reply . This was the first time the Earle Murray spake with Iohn Knox after the Parliament Iohn Knox called before the Queen and Counsell in Decemb. 156● . Note this diligently . Note . As the Irish Papists have done to Protestants in Ireland . Let this be noted for this day . Let the world judge what ensued . Note Pastors . Note diligently Note the craft of the Court. Note . I. Knox falsly reported of , his answer . Remark false brethren . Murther and Whoredome in the Court. Maries Regiment . Great Wet and Frost in Ian. 1563. The Sea stood still , neither ebbed ●or flowed for 24 houres . Cucullus . Note how this agrees with our time . Lethingtons counte●●nce at the threatnings of the preacher . Let the world judge whether this hath come to passe , or not , what hath fallen since that time . Lethington his Harangue at the Assembly , Anno 1564. Iohn Knox his answer . Note diligently , ●nd see how the Bishops did forbid to pray for the conversion of the Queen that now is in Britain . M. Maxwells words in the Assembly . Iohn Knox his prayer for the Queen . Note . 2 Tim. 2. Note . Note . Let this be no●ed diligently . Psal. 82. Note this . 1 Sam. 22. Note this Discourse diligently . God craves of us , That we should oppose our selves to iniquity . Let this be noted for our times . Whether this ▪ hath come to passe or not , let the world judge . Note this diligently . No●● . ● . Paral 25. When the Prince does serve God sincerely in private and publike , and hath a care that the people do the same , then assuredly they are faithfull to him ; but if he faile in these or in either of them , he findes disobedience in his people , be●ause he is not carefull to obey God , and to see him obeyed . Deut. 13. 2 Paral. 26. Let this be applyed to the late affairs of Scotland . 2 Paral. 26. Note . M. Iohn Dowgl●s Rector , his Vote . Master Iohn Craig his Vote . Note dil●gently Note deligently Notes for div A47584-e109000 There be two Epigrams extant , written by George Buchanan , of a rich Diamond sent from Qu. Mary to Queen Elizabeth . At this time an Italian , named Davie , entred in great familiarity with the Queen , so that there was nothing done without him . The Earl of Murray seeing the other Nobles consent , gave his , which before he refused . The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage : Before which , according to the Romish Law , it was unlawful to marry , being Cousin Germans , brother and sisters children , and so the degree of Consanguinity forbidden . Note this for our time . The King , to make himself more popular , and to take from the Lords of the Congregation the prete●t of Religion , he went to the Kirk to hear Iohn Knox preach . In answering he said more then he had preached , for he added , That as the King had ( to pleasure the Queen ) gone to Masse , and dishonoured the Lord God , so should God in his justice make her an Instrument of his ruine ; and so it fell out in a very short time : but the Queen being incensed with these words , fell out in Tears , and to please her Iohn Knox must abstain from preaching for a time . Note how this agrees with our times . Let this be conferred with our times . Note diligenly So was the Citie of London for warre against Scotland , vexed for the leavie of mony Note diligently Note diligently Q● Elizabeth . Here mark either deep dissimulation , or a great inconstancy . At the end of this Book you shall finde this . See in what sense proud ambitious men takes the name of Bishop . As is said before . This inconstant yongman sometimes declared himself for the Protestant ; witnesse his last Band : And now for the Papist . And as he left God , so he was left by him . The Queen intending vengeance upon the poor King , and being in love with the Earle Bothwell , grants to the Protestants their Petitions , that they may be quiet , and not trouble her Plots . As she had lately gratified the Protestants by granting their Petition , so at this time she yeelds unto the Papists their demands also , that she might be stopped by neither of them in her designe of vengeance and new love . Note . Note how God changeth things in a moment . Notes for div A47584-e122600 Heb. 10. 1 Cor. 3. Mat. 25. John 3. Rom 58. 2 Cor. 5. Rom. 6. Ephes. 4.5 . Ephes. 2. Matth. 10. Vain Religion , or Idolatry . A Sentence pronounced . Appellation from the same . The request of Iohn Knox. The Petition of Protestants . Deut. 17. The P●tition of Iohn Knox. Note well . Answer : 1. To Objections . Note . The Appellation is just and lawfull . Gods Messengers may appeal from unjust sentences , and Civill powers are bound to admit them . Jer. 26. Advert . The Princes did absolve the Prophet , whom the Priests had condemned . Deut. 17. The meaning of these words , I am in your hands , &c. Deut 17. Jerem 1. Deut 1 10. The causes of his Appellation , and why he ought to have been defended . Jerem. 38. Just cause of Appellation . Act. 22 , 23 , 24 , & 25. Act. 25. Why Paul would admit none of the Leuiticall order to judge in his cause . Upon what reasons the Appellation of Paul was grounded . The cause is to be regarded , and not the persons . Jerem. ● . Jerem. 1. Isai. 56. Act. 3 & 4. Jude 1. 2 Pet. 2. Let the cause be noted . Answer to an objection or doubt . The Petition of Iohn Knox. The singular honours which Magistrates receive of God , ought to move them with all diligence to promote his Religion . The duty of Magistrates . 1. 2. 3. Rom. 13. In what Points powers are bound to their subjects . Rom. 13. Let the similitude be noted . It is not enough that Rulers do not oppresse their subjects . The offer of Iohn Knox , and his accusation intended against the Papisticall Bishops . Isaiah 1. Jerem 23. & 27. Ezech. 13. Hosa 4. Note . If Powers provide not for instruction of their subjects , they do never rule above them for their Profit . What Satan hath obtained of the blinde world . The matters and Reformation of Religion appertain to the care of the Civill power . Exod. 21.24 , 25 , &c. Note . Exod. 28. The facts of godly Kings are an interpretation of the Law , and declaration of ●heir power . 2 Paral. 14. & 17 Note . 2 Paralip 19. Adver● that the King taketh upon him to command the Priests . 2 Paral. 30. Note . 2 Paral 35. 2 Reg. 23. The King commanded the Priests . 2 Par. 32. The facts of the godly Kings in Iuda , do appertain to the powers amongst the Gentiles professing Christs . Epist. 50. Advert . Note well . Augustine● words . Advert the minde of Augustine . In two sorr● ought Kings to serve God. Note . O that the world would understand ! Note . Isai. 49. An answer to the second Objection . Note . Note diligently Note . Note diligently Jerem 38. Jerem. 39. Note diligently . Deut. 12. Deut 23. & 27. Idolatry ought to be punish●d with out respect of person . If any state might have claimed priviledge , it was the Prophets . 1 Sam. 3 : 1 Sam. 9.15 . 1 King. 22. 1 Kings 21. 2 Kings 1. 2 Par. 15. Deut. 13. Why every man in Israel was bound to obey Gods Commandment . Deut 28 & 30. Deu● . 7● Gods judgements to the carnall man appear rigorous . For the Idolatry of a small number , is Gods wrath kindle● against the multitude not punishing the offencers . Ezek 9. Ezek 8. & 9. Note . Note . An answer to an O●jection . Why no Law was executed against the Gentiles being Idolaters . Eph. 2. The especiall honour which God requireth of his people . 1 Sam. 15. Exod. 34. Note . Note . Note . God is not author of any priviledge granted to the Papisticall Bishops , that they be exempted from the power of the civill sword . Exod. 32. The dignity of Aaron did not exempt him from judgment 1 King. 2. 1 Sam 3. Notewell . Gal. 4. 1 Tim. 3. Math. 17. 1 Pet. 2. Acts 4 and 5. Rom. 13. Chrysostome up●on Rom. ●3 . Let Papists answer Chrysostome . Let their own Histories witnesse . The mouth of the beast speaking great things . Distinct. 9. quest . 3. Their Laws do witnesse . Dist. 19. Cap. de Translatione Titl . 7. Dist 40. Note the equitie of this commandment The matter is more then evident . Whosoever maintaineth the priviledges of Papists , shall drink the Cup of Gods vengeance with them . Object . Answ. Deut. 28. Levit. 26. Isai. 27. & 30. Note this for our time . Note . Let England and Scotland both advert . God calleth to repentance before he strike in his hot displeasure . Papists had no force , if Princes did not maintain them . Acts 2. No true servant of God may communicate with the Papisticall Religion . An answer to the Objection , That an heretick ought not to be heard . 1 Kings 13. Touching Councels and Doctors . In prologo Retract . Ezech. 33. Mat. 24. & 26. Dan. 12. Mat 25. Notes for div A47584-e128570 Note . Petition . Answer to an Objection . Lactant. Firmian . Tertullian . Cyprian . John 5. & 7. Acts 17. 2 Pet. 1. 1 John 4. John 3. Why Papists will not dispute of the ground of their Religion . Mahomet and the Pope do agree . Note . Reformation of Religion belongeth to all that hope for life everlasting . Rom. 1. Rom. 1. The subject is no lesse bound to beleeve in Christ , then is the King. Gal 3. Abac. 2. Mark 16. John 3. Wherein all men are equall Rom 5. Isa 53. John 3 & 5. Exod. 30. Exod. 30. Exod. 19. The presence of God represented in the Tabernacle . Heb. 9. Isa 8. Act. 3. Mat. 28. The spirituall Tabernacle and signes of Christ● pre ▪ 1 Par. 29. 2 Par. 3.4 . & 5. 2 Par. 29.30 . & 35. 1 Par. 29. 2 Par. 3.4 , & 5. 2 Par. 29.30 , & 35. Note . Matth. 17. Note . The offer of Iohn Knox ro hi● native Realm . What he requireth . An answer to two questions . Subjects may lawfully require true Preachers of the●r Rulers . John 21. Acts 20. Things that may draw men back from the sincerity of Christs Evangell . Rom. 2. Note . Princes and Bishops are alike criminall . How subjects offend with their Princes . Gen. 7. & 19. Iosephus Egesippus . What subjects shall God punish with their Princes . Notes for div A47584-e129800 A note made upon the sending of Christs Disciples to the Sea , the miraculous feeding of the people . What chanced to Christs disciples after the feeding of the people in the desart . The first Note John 6. Matth. 14. Christ suffereth not his sheep and Pastours to be dispersed and troubled , but for cause reasonable . John 6. Why Christ sent away the people from him . Matth. 10. John 6. Matth. 20. John. 6. Mark 6. The disciples did not rightly consider Christs work . Note . Note this for our time . Note . John 18. Act. 14. Hypocrites are made manifest in the day of trouble . 1 John 2. Note . To deny or conceale the gifts of God which we have received , is unthankfulnesse . Let the Mi●ist●rs n●te this who are put from th●ir charges by the enemy . Ezech 3.33 . Jer. 20 34. 3 Reg 18 21 , 22. 4 Reg 3. Amos 7. Dan 5 Matth. 23. Act 13. The Preachers ●●●named t●e Salt of the earth The Conf●ssion of the Author . Preachers oug●t to feed Christs Flock . The lack of fervency of reproving ; of indifferency in seeding , and diligence in executing , are great sins , Spirituall temptations are soon espied . The prayer of the author . The troubles of these da●es cometh to the comfort of Gods elect The second Note . The great fear of the disciples . Matth. 8. The disciples also before this time were troubled in the Sea. Note . What time the tempest did arise . The Sea was calm when the disciples took their Ship. What moved the Sea. The tossed Ship is a figure of the Church of Christ. Exod. 1. Esth. 3. Act. 7 & deinceps . The malice of the devill compared to the winde . 1 Simile . The Sea cannot be quiet when the wind bloweth outragiously . The winde that blew in the dayes of King Hen. 8. A quiet calm wa under King Edw 6. The first secret pestilent winde that blew in the time of good K. Edward 6. The Devill raged when the Masse mischief was disclosed . Esa. 5. Mark well . This was affirmed both before the King , and also before Northumberland oftner then once . Transubstantiation overthrown by Th. Granmer . The tound god was taken away by Act of Parliament . When all the Papisticall abomi●ations were revolted , then was the Boat in the midst of the Sea. Two speciall Notes of this discourse . The first Note . Who ruled all by wit under K. Edward 6 John 13. Psalm . 40. Godly Princes commonly have most uugodly Counsellors . Note well . 2 Reg. 17. Esa. 22. Matth. 26. John 12. Quest. Answ. The enemies of the verity many times appear to be most profitable for a Common-Wealth . Mischief at the length will so utter it self , that men may espie it . Esa. 22.36 . Esa. 22. If David and Hezekiah were deceived by traiterous Councellors , how much more a young and innocent King. The Author might fear this indeed . Paulet is painted . The Treasurers words against the authority of Mary . Caiaphas prophesied . Judge at the end . The second Note . Tyrants cannot cease to persecute Christs Members . Gen. 21. Gen. 28. Exod. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , &c. John 5. & 12. The power of Gods Word put the Papists to silence in England , except it had been to brag in corners Princes are ready to persecute as malicious Papists will command . Job 12. 2 Cor. 4. Ephes. 2. 1 Reg 16 18. John 13. John 8. Wily Winchester D●eaming Duresme , Bloody Bonner . This is the cruse before omitted , why the winde blew to trouble Christs disciples . The prayer of the author . Exhortation . Isai. 48 51.54 62. The coming of Christ to his d●s●ipl●s upon the S●●s , is op●ned . Christ is sute upon the mountain . God never brought his people into trouble to the intent that they should perish therein . Mark these words . Christ came not to his disciples till the fourth watch . The causes why Christs disciples misknew him . What chanced to Christ , that also in all ages chanceth to his holy Word . The fear is greatest , when deliverance is ●ost n●gh . Exod. 5 , 6 , &c. 5 Reg. 7. Isai. 36 , 37. Note . Why God suffereth tribulation to abound and continue . Exod. 14. Note . Exod. 10● Iezabel , Athalia , and Iudas . Gard●●r , Tunstal , Bucherly Bon●r . The praise of Winchester , Durysme , and o●●dy Mary before these dayes . 4. Reg. 11. Matth. 14. 3. Reg. 18 3. Reg. 18. A digression to the Papists of Qu. Maries chaste dealing . A lively Picture of Mary the utter mischief of England What commodities the Spanish King shall bring to the Realm of England . A true saying . Under an English name , she b●areth a Spanyards heart . Spanyards sons of pride and superstition . Why Winchester would have Spanyards to reigne over England . To Winchester . The Book of true obedience both in Latine and in English , shall remain to thy perpetuall shame and condemnation of thy cankered Conscience . The wicked must declare their selves . Apocalip . 13. Note . Abraham . Gen. 15. Isaac . Gen. 16. Iacob . Gen. 23 31.32.35 . Moses . Exod 5. Rom. 1. Psal. 119. The power and eff●ctuall operation of Gods Word . Exod. 4 Reg 9. Luke 24 Simile . Math. & John , 〈◊〉 . Note that Peter consid●red not his own weaknesse . The sherp at length know the voyce of their own Pastor . The Elect. The Repr●bate . 1 Reg 28. Saul . 2 Reg. 18. Ahaz . Isai. 7. God sometime sheweth mercy to an hypocrit , for the cause of his Church Jerem. 37 , 38. Jerem. 42. Reade the Text , Jer 42. Jerem. 43. Great blindnes Jer. 44. As Papists would have League with the Emperor . What was said in Hamme●sham when uproar was for establishing of Mary in authority . A Common-wealth compared to a Ship sayling on the Sea. The end shall declare . Enemies to the Truth receive no comfort of Gods Messengers . The godly and chosen of God. Gen. 12. Gen. 15. Gen. 22. Exod. 5.7.10 . 1 Reg. 16. 3 Reg 21. Object . Answer . Exod. 32. Gods Word sometimes moveth great multitudes . Why Moses caused the Israelites do drink the powder of the golden calf . Exod. 32. A sharp sentence against Idolaters . Gen. 34. Gen. 49. Jerem. 21.38 . Jerem. 21. Jerem. 38 , Jerem. 38. Jon. 3. Act. 2. Jerem. 32. The cause of fear . Gen. 12. Exod. 34. Isa. 36 , 37. Matth. 11. Apoc. 18. Note . Lively faith maketh a man bold . 3. Reg. 18. 3. Reg. 19. The creature can never dispute w●th God without sin . Quest. Answ. Gods works by them self are a sufficient reason . Peters vertue ▪ The vice that long rested with Peter . Matth. 16. Note . Matth. 26. Why Peter was suffered to sink . Luke 22. What resteth with Gods Elect in their greatest danger . The nature of faith . Peter knew the power and good will of God. Psal. 144. How nigh God is in extream perill to deliver his Elect that syithfully call upon him . Exod 14. Hester 7.8 ● . Daniel 6. John 3. Act 12. Psalm . 18. God flattereth not his Elect. Peter was not faithlesse . Matth 10. 2 Tim 2. Such as have stood long , may yet fall . Luke 17. Note . We have lesse pretence of excuse then Peter had . Note . Consolation Matth. 28. Worldly Princes are conjured against God Psal. 2. The sheep of Christ cannot be rent from his hand . Joh. 10. Joh. 7. The temptations of Gods elect now in England . Good counsell to thee in faith Rom. 11. 1 Reg 2. Note . To whom appertaineth the former counsel . Matth. 28. Note . Objection . Answer . The root of faith remaineth with Gods elect in greatest danger . 3 Reg. 19. The root of faith is not idle . A tryall of faith in trouble It appertaineth not to man to know not to enquire how God will deliver . Note . Divers wayes of deliverance . Note . The means offered by God to avoid Idolatry are not to be refused , Repetition . Isai. 78. Psal. 74. Apocal. 17. Psal 74 , & 87. Prayer and Confession . Appealing to mercy . Isai. 33. Jerem. 4. Psal. 74. Psal. 59. Psal. 79. Jerem. 10 , 11 , 12. Psal. 95. Against the enemies of God. Esay 25. Of Gods Elect Exhortation . Esa 26. Notes for div A47584-e139500 Gen. 3. Matt● . 10. Act. 4. Matth. 5. Joh. 14 16. Esay . 9. In the Crosse of Christ i● victory hid . Esay 40.41.51 . Exod. 2. 4 Reg. 25. Jerem 52. Esd. 1. Note . ●phes 2. The causes why the Saints of God b● this day persecuted 1 Joh. 1.2 . Heb. 6. & 10. Ephes. 5. Matth. 23. Whosoever sheddeth the Blood of one of Christs members , for his Names sake , consenteth to the blood of all that have suffered since the beginning . Note . Gen. 4. Matth. 15. Answer to an Objection . Gen. 19. Exod. 14. Iosephus . The Petition of such as be persecuted . Matth. 5. Matth. 10. ● Cor. 2. Matth 10. Exod. 20. Rom. 13. 1 Pet. 2. The first proportion . The second proposition . John 4. Apo. 14. & 17. Note . Take heed of unlawfull obedience . Dan. 3. Dan. 6. Answ. Matth. 10. Act. 14. Note . The Papisticall Religion a mortall Pestilence . The Admonition . Answer to an Objection . Gen. 6. Ps●l . 14. Psal 2. Act. 4. Luk. 18. Hosea 4. Matth 20 Matth. 7. 2 Thess 2. Note . Deu 4 and 12 Matth. 15. 1 Reg. 13 & 15 2 Par. 26. Levit. 10. Matt. 17 Act. 1 2 , & 3. 1 Cor. 11. Col. 2. De●● 4. & 12. Apoc. 2. The craft of Sathan . The ground of ●●●●●ticall Religion . Note . Tertul. in Apol. The chief Preposition . N●cen . 1. The dutie of Magistrates . The Spirit of God abideth not with Idolaters . 3. Reg. ● 5. 2 ●ar . 17. 4 Reg 22. 2 Pa● . 34. 4 Reg 18. 2 Par. 29 , 30 , &c. 31. The second proposition . Stob. ser. 12. Niceph. Calist. Histor. Eccl●s . Lib 10. cap. 42. Note . Mich. 3. Note . Flatterers ▪ contagious stilence . Ezek. 22. Note . Idolatry is mother to all ●ice . Matth 6. Rom. 8. ● Reg. 18. John 17. Ezek. 34. Note this for our time . Daniel 2. 1 Reg. 2. Job 12. Psal. 107. Daniel 2. Note . Note . Note . 1 Reg. 14. 1 Reg. 16. 2 Reg. 10. 2 Reg. 17. The offer of Iohn Knox. Advert . Prosperity for a time proveth not Religion good . No Realme , England except , so grievously plagued at Scotland . Isai. 30. Isai. 14. Isai 6. Exhortation . Josh. 1. 2 Par 34. 2 Par. 1. Jerem. 36. Amos 2. Zach 15 James 5. 1 Reg 17. 1 Reg. 18. 1 Reg. 19. 2 Reg 9. 1 Reg 19. Mat 10. Notes for div A47584-e143040 The disposition . Note . Verse 23. From whenc● all Authority floweth . Psal. 82. 2. Point . Rom. 13. Note . Note . Josh. 1. What is required of a King or Prince . The Authority and Power of Kings is limited . Note . Usc. The duty of Gods people . Ezek 20. 2 Reg. 17. Isai. Jere. 9. Eccles 3. Isa. 3. Verse 14. Verse 15. Ezel . 8. Note . Apoc. Vers. 15. Vers. 16. Josh 24. Rom 9. Dan. 1. Dan. 2. Dan. 3. Dan. 6. 1 Esd 2. 1 Esd 6. A Prayer . Vers. 16. 1 Joh. 2. 1 Reg. 22. 2 Reg. 9. Verse 17. Verse 18. John 16. Vers. 19.20 . Verse 19. Gal. 2. 1 Pet. 1. Ezek. 37 Psal. 14. 1 John 5. Eccles. histor . Sozomoni . lib. 5. cap. 5. A terrible , but must true sentence . The Castle of Edinburgh was shooting against the exiled for Christ Jesus sake . 
A57969	----	The due right of presbyteries, or, A peaceable plea for the government of the Church of Scotland ... by Samuel Rutherfurd ... Rutherford, Samuel, 1600?-1661. 1644 Approx. 2136 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 402 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57969 Wing R2378 ESTC R12822 11827600 ocm 11827600 49702 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57969) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49702) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 41:3, 236:E41, no 1) The due right of presbyteries, or, A peaceable plea for the government of the Church of Scotland ... by Samuel Rutherfurd ... Rutherford, Samuel, 1600?-1661. [24], 468 [i.e. 768] p. Printed by E. Griffin, for Richard Whittaker and Andrew Crook ..., London : 1644. Numerous errors in paging. Errata: p. [24]. This work appears on reels 41 and 236. Reproduction of originals in the Yale University Library and the Thomason Collection, British Library. (from t.p.) 1. The way of the church of Christ in New England in brotherly equality and independency, or coordination, without subjection of church to another -- 2. Their apology for the said government, their answers to thirty and two questions are considered -- 3. A treatise for a church covenant is discussed -- 4. The arguments of Mr. Robinson in his justification of separation are discovered -- 5. His treatise, called, The peoples plea for the exercise of prophecy, is tryed -- 6. Diverse late arguments against presbyteriall government, and the tower of synods are discussed, the power of the Prince in matters ecclesiastical modestly considered & divers incident controversies resolved. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church polity -- Early works to 1800. Presbyterianism -- Early works to 1800. Congregational churches -- Government -- Early works to 1800. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Due right of Presbyteries , OR , A PEACEABLE PLEA FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE Church of Scotland , Wherein is examined 1. The way of the Church of Christ in New England , in Brotherly equality , and independency , or coordination , without subjection of one Church to another . 2. Their apology for the said Government , their Answers to thirty and two Questions are considered . 3. A Treatise for a Church Covenant is discussed . 4. The arguments of Mr. Robinson in his justification of separation are discovered . 5. His Treatise , called , The peoples Plea for the exercise of prophecy , is tryed . 6. Diverse late arguments against presbyteriall government , and the power of synods are discussed , the power of the Prince in matters ecclesiastical modestly considered , & divers incident controversies resolved . By SAMUEL RUTHERFURD Professor of Divinity at Saint Andrewes . CANT . 6. 10. Who is she that looketh forth as the morning , faire as the Moone , cleare as the Sun , and terrible as an Army with Banners ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LONDON , Printed by E. Griffin , for Richard Whittaker , and Andrew Crook and are to be sold at their Shops in Pauls Church-Yard , 1644. TO The most Noble and Potent Lord Archbald Marquesse of Argile , one of His MAJESTIES honourable Privy Councell , wisheth Grace , Mercy and Peace . WHo knoweth ( most Noble and potent Lord ) how glorious it is , and how praise-worthy , when the mighty , and these who are a called The shields of the Earth , and the Cedars of Lebanon cast their shadow over the City of God ? Airie wits and broken spirits chase fame , but fame and glory shall chase him , who is ( as the spirit of God speaketh ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sonne of courage , and one who hath done b many acts for the Lord. The followers of Christ are the sonnes of Nobles c All blood is of one colour , holinesse maketh the difference . Fortuna vitrea est , tum cum splendet , frangitur . Things we rest on here be made of cristall glasse , while they glister , they are broken . Plures tegit fortuna , quam tutor facit . The world may cover men , it cannot make them secure . But the Lord is a Sun and a shield . What hath Jesus Christ on Earth , which he loveth , as he doth his Church ? What a created peece is the true Church ? A woman clothed with the Sunne , and the Moone under her feet , and upon her head a Crowne of twelve Starres . Her very servants are the e glory of Christ. Yet is this poore woman in Brittaine , crying , travelling in birth , pained while shee be delivered , because of the Idolatry of the Land , and our defection and apostacy practised , countenanced , tolerated in both Kingdomes . Many graves , many Widowes , and the Land turned into a field of blood are the just fruits of many Altars , of Masse-idolls , of Bread worship , of many inventions of men , let then : have a name and flourish in the House of the Lord , and let them be written with the living in Jerusalem who contribute help for the desired birth of the manchild . Prelacy and Popery wither , as in a Land of drought , except they be planted beside Rivers of blood ; but the Lord shall build his own Jerusalem . Your honour may justly challenge this little expression of my obliged respects to your Lordship . I acknowledge it is little , though it may have some use . Etiam capillus unus habet umbram suam ; one haire casteth its owne shadow . Jmpotency to pay debt layeth not upon any the note of unthankfulnesse , except it be impotency of good will. If I be not a debter for will , I am nothing . And this I owe , and this Church and Nation may divide the sum with me ; for which , wishing to your Lordship all riches of Grace , I stand obliged . Your Lordships servant at all dutifull observance in Christ Jesus . Samuel Rutherfurd . To the Reader . THere be two happy things ( worthy Reader ) as a one sayth , The one is not to erre , the other is to escape from the power of error . Times wombe bringeth forth many truths , though truth be not a debter to Time , because Time putteth new robes on old Truth ; But truth is Gods debter , and oweth her being to him only . It is a great evil under the Sun , and the sicknesse of mans vanity , that the name of holy men should be a web to make garments of for new opinions , but the errors of holy men have no whitenesse , nor holinesse from men . And it is a wrong that mens praise should be truths prejudice , and mens gaine , truths losse . Yet I shall heartily desire that men herein observe the art of deep providence , for the Creator commandeth darknes to bring forth her birth of light , and God doth so over-aw , with a wise super-dominion , mens errors , that contrary to natures way , from collision of opinions , resulteth truth ; and disputes , as stricken flint , cast fire for light , God raising out of the dust and ashes of errors a new living truth . What mistakes , errors , or heresies have been anent Church government , that vigilant and never slumbering wisdome of Providence , hath thence made to appeare the sound doctrine of Gods Kingdome . So here Satan shapeth , and God seweth , and maketh the garment . Error is but dregs , by the artifice of all compassing Providence , from whence are distilled strong and cordiall waters . And what Antichrist hath conceived for a Hierarchy and humane ceremonies , hath put Christ in his two witnesses in Brittaine to advocate for the truth and native simplicity of his own Kingdom . But I heartily desire not to appeare as an adversary to the holy , reverend , and learned Brethren who are sufferers for the truth , for there be wide marches betwixt striving , and disputing . Why should we strive ? for we be Brethren , the Sonnes of one father , the borne Citizens of one mother Ierusalem . To dispute is not to contend . We strive as we are carnall , we dispute as we are men , we war from our lusts b we dispute from diversity of star-light , and day-light . Weaknesse is not wickednesse , a roving of wit must not be deemed a Rebellion of will , a broken inginne may part with a dead child , and yet be a Mother of many healthy children . And while our reverend and deare Brethren , fleeing the coast of Egypt , and Babylons wicked borders , aym to shore upon truth , wind may deceive good Sailors , naturall land-motions ( as when heavy bodies move downward , toward their own ( clay Countrey ) are upon a straight line . But Sea-motions of sailing are not by right lines , but rather by Sea-circles . We often argue and dispute , as we saile . Where grace and weight of Scripture make motion , we walke , in a right line , toward God. But where opinion , a messenger only sent to spie the Land of lies , and truth , usurpeth to conduct us , what marvell then we goe about truth , rather then lodge with Truth . And Christ his Kingdome , Scepter , Glory , Babylons fall , be the materiall object of opinions , on both sides ; And yet the word of God hath a right lith , that cannot suffer division . In Gods matters there be not , as in Grammar , the positive and comparative degrees , there are not here , truth , and more true , and most true . Truth is in an indivisible line , which hath no latitude , and cannot admit of spleeting . And therefore we may make use of the Philosophers word , amicus Socrates , amicus Plato , sed magis amica veritas . Though Peter and Paul bee our beloved friends , yet the truth is a dearer friend : The Sonnes of Babylon make out-cries of divisions and diversity of Religions amongst us , but every opinion is not a new Religion . But where shall multitude of Gods be had , for multitude of new wayes to Heaven , if one Heaven cannot containe two Gods , how shall all Papists be lodged after death ? what Astronomy shall teach us of millions of Heavens , for Thomists , Scotists , Franciscans , Dominicans , Sorbonists ? &c. But I leave off , and beg from the Reader candor and ingenuous and faire dealing , from Formalists , men in the way to Babylon , I may wish this , I cannot hope it . Fare-well . Yours in the Lord , S. R. A Table of the Contents of this Book . A Company of believers professing the truth and meeting in one place every Lords day , for the worshipping of God , is not the visible Church endued with ministeriall power . p. 1. 2 , 3. & seq . The keys of the Kingdome of Heaven are not committed to the Church of Believers destitute of Elders , p. 7 , 8. The keys are given to Stewards by office , p. 13 , 14 , seq . The places , Mat. 18. and Mat. 16. fully discussed , by evidence of the text , and testimonies of fathers , and modern writers , p. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. seq . Power ministeriall of forgiving sins , belongeth not to private Christians , as M. Robinson , and Others imagine , p. 20. 21. seq Private Christians , by no warrant of Gods Word , not in office , can be publick persons warrantably exercising judiciall acts of the keys , p. 26 , 27 , 28. & seq . Who so holdeth this , cannot decline the meere popular government of Morellius , and others , p. 28. These who have the ministeriall power by office , are not the Church builded on the Rock , p. 29. The place Col. 4. 17. say to Archippus , discussed , p. 26 , 27. The keys not given to as many , as the Gospell is given unto ; as Mr. Robinson saith . p. 28 , 29. seq . There is a Church-assembly judging , excluding the people as judges , though not as hearers and consenters , p. 32. 33. Reasons why our Brethren of New England allow of Church-censures to the people , examined , p. 33 , 34 , 35 , 36. There is no necessity of the personall presence of all the Church in all the acts of Church censu●es , p 36 , 37. seq . The place , 1 Cor. 5. expounded , p 36 , 37 , 38. How farre Lictors may execute the sentence that is given out , without their conscience and knowledge , p. 41. 42. seq . A speculative doubt ●nent the act , maketh not a doubting conscience , but onely a practicall doubt anent the Law , p. 43. Ignorance vincible and invincible , the former may bee a question of fact , the latter is never a question of Law. p. 43 , 44 , 45. The command of superiors cannot remove a doubting conscience , p. 45 , 46. The conscience of a judge , as a man , and as a judge , not one and the same , p. 46 , 47. The people of the Jewes not judges , as Ainsworth supposeth , p. 48 , 49. That there is under the New Testament , a provinciall and nationall Church , p. 50. 51. seq . A diocesian Church farre different from a provinciall Church , p. 52 , 53. The place , Acts 1. 21. proveth the power of a visible catholick Church , p. 54 , 55. The equity and necessity of a Catholick visible Church , p. 55. 56 , 57 , 58. How the Catholick Church is visible , p. 58 , 59. The Jewish and Christian Churches were of one and the same visible constitution , p. 60 , 61 , 62. The Iewish Church was a congregationall Church , p. 61. 62. seq . Excommunication in the Iewish Church , p. 62. 63 , 64 , 65. Separation from the Jewish , and the true Christian Churches both alike unlawfull , p. 68. 69. The Iewish civil state and the Church different , p. 68. 69 , 17. Separation from the Church for the want of some ordinances how far lawfull , p. 71 , 72 , 73. A compleat power of excommunication how in a Congregation , and how not , p. 76. 77. How all are to joyne themselves to some visible Church . p. 78. 79 , 80. The place , 1 Cor. 5. 12 considered , p. 80. That all without are not to be understood of all without the lists of a parishionall Church , ibid & 81. 82. That persons are not entered members of the visible Church , by a Church-covenant , p. 83 , 84 , 85 , 86 , 87. seq . That there is no warrant in Gods word , for any such covenant , ibid. in seq . The manner of entering in Church state in New England , p. 91. 92. The place , Act. 2 , 37 , 38. is not for a Church-covenant . ibid. The ancient Church knew no such Church-Covenant , p. 97. 98. No Church-Covenant in England , p. 98. 99. Nor of old , the places Genes . 17. 7. Exod , 19. 5. Acts 7. 38. favour not the Church-Covenant , p. 100. 101 , 102. Nor Deut. 29. 10. p. 104 , 105. seq . The exposition of Deut. 29. given by our Brethren favours much the glosse of Arminians and Socinians , not a Church-Covenant , p. 102. 103. 104. 105. A Church-covenant not the essentiall forme of a visible Church , p. 123 , 124. The place , 2 Chro. 9. 15. 2 Chro. 30. 8. speak not for a Church-covenant . p. 111. 112. Nor doth Nehemiahs Covenant ch . 10. plead for it , the place of Esai . 56. alledged for the Church-covenant discussed , p. 112. 113. The place Ezech. 20. 27. considered . p 114. 115. And the place , Jer. 50. 5. p 115. 116. And the place , Esay 44. 5. p 116. 117. The place , 2 Cor. 11. 2. violently handled to speak for this Church-covenant , p 118. 119. seq . A passage of Iustine Martyr , with the ancient custome of baptizing , vindicated , p. 121. John Baptists baptising vindicated , p. 121. The place Acts 5. and of the rest durst no man joyne himselfe to them , &c. wronged and put under the Arminian glosse , p. 123. 124. The pretended mariage betwixt the Pastor and the Church , no ground of a Church-covenant , and is a popish error , p. 127. 128. Power of election of Pastors not essentiall to a Pastor all relation , p. 128 , 129. It is lawfull to sweare a platforme of a confession of faith , p. 130 , 131 , 132. seq . Our Brethren and the Arminian arguments on the contrary are dissolved , p. 136 , 137 , 138. Pastors and Doctors how differenced , p. 140. Of ruling Elders , p. 141. 142. And the place , 1 Tim. 5. 17. farther considered , the place 1 Tim. 5. 17. Elders that rule well examined , p. 141 , 142 , 143. especially , 144 , 145. seq . Arguments against ruling Elders answered , p. 152. 18. seq . The places , 1 Cor. 12. 18. Rom. 12. 8 discussed and vindicated p. 154. 155 , 156 , 157. seq . Of Deacons , p. 159. 160. seq . The place Acts 6. for Deacons discussed , p. 161. 162. The Magistrate no Deacon , p. 161 , 162. Deacons instituted , p. 163. 164. seq . Deacons are not to preach and Baptize , p. 165 , 166. seq . Os Widdowes , p. 172. 173 , 174. How the Church is before the Ministery , and the Minestery before the Church , p. 175 176 , 177. The Keys and power of ordaining Officers not committed to the Church of believers destitute of Elders , p. 180. 181. 182. Robinsons reasons on the contrary , siding with Arminians and Socinians , ( who evert the necessity of a Ministery ) are dissolved , p. 182. 183. No Ordination of Elders by a Church of onely Believers , but by Elders , in a constituted Church , p. 184. 185. seq . Ordination and Election differ , ibidm Corrupt rites of the Romish Church added to ordination destroy not the nature of Ordination , though such an Ordination be unlawfull yet is not invalid and null , p 186. 187 , 188. The various opinions of Romanists anent Ordination , ibid. Election may stand for Ordination , in case of necessity , p. 187. Of the succession of Pastors to Pastors , p. 185. 186. Calling of Pastors seems by our Brethrens way not necessary , p. 200 Arguments for Ordination of Elders by a Church of onely Believers dissolved , p. 189. 190 , 191 seq . Believers , because not the successors of the Apostles , have not power of Ordination , p. 192. 193 , 194. seq . The Keys , by no warrant of Gods word , are given to Pastors as Pastors , according to the Doctrine of our Brethren , p. 197. seq . They side with Sociaians who ascribe Ordination to sole Believers , p. 200. Election belongeth to the people , p. 201. 202. seq . In the ancient Church this was constantly taught , till Papists did violate Gods Ordinance , p. 203. Election of a Pastor not essentiall to his calli●g , p. 205. The calling of Luther how ordinary , and how extraordinary , p. 205 , 206 , 207. seq . The essence of a valid calling , p. 208. 209. How it may be proved by humane testimonies that the now visible Church hath been a visible Church since the dayes of the Apostles , p. 229. 230. & seq . Since the long continuance of the Waldenses , p. 235 , 236. seq . A calling frow the Papists Church as valid , as Baptisme from the same Church , p. 237 , 238. seq . Robinsons arguments are removed , p. 239. 240. Of addition of members to the Church , p. 241. What sort of Professors , whether true or seeming believers doe essentially constitute a visible Church ; divers considerable distinctions anent a visible Church , p. ib. 242. 243 , seq . The invisible , not the visible Church the prime subject of the Covenant of grace , and of all the priviledges due to the Church , and of all title , claime and interest in Jesus Christ , and how by the contrary doctrine our brethren imprudently fall into a grosse poynt of Arminianisme , p. 244. 245 , 246 , 247 , 248. seq . The invisible Church hath properly right to the seales of the Covenant , our brethren in this poynt joyne with Papists whom otherwise they sincerely hate , p. 242 , 205 , 251. seq . What sort of profession doth constitute a visible Church p. 356. That Christ hath provided no Pastors as Pastors , for converting of soules and planting visible Churches , is holden by our Brethren , p. 256. The arguments of our brethren for a pretended Church of visible Saints , not only in profession , but also in some measure of truth and sincerity , as the author saith , are disolved , p. 256. 257 , 258. Robinsons arguments at length are discussed , p. 268. 269 , seq The Lords adding to the Church invisible , no rule for our adding , p. 256. The places Mat 22. & Mat. 13 of the man without his wedding garment comming to the feast , and of the t●res in the Lords Field discussed , p. 261 , 262. 263. The typical Temple no ground for this pretended visible Church p. 263 , 264. Nor the place , 2 Tim. 3. 5. p. 261. Nor Rev. 22. 15. without are Dogs , p. 267. 268. And of diverse other places and persons at length , in seq . Ordinary and prosessed hearing is Church-Communion , p. 268 , 269 , 270 & seq . Excommunicated persons not wholy cut off from the visible Church , p. 272 , 273 , 274 seq . Sundry distinctions thereanent collected out of the Fathers and Schoolemen , p. 277 , 278 , 279 , 282. Some Separatists deny that the regenerated can be excommunicated , as Robinson ; some say onely the Regenerated are capable of excommunication , as Peter Coachman , p 279 , 280 , 281. Of the diverse sorts of excommunication and the power thereof p. 282 , 283 , 295. The reason why Papists debar not the excommunicated from hearing the word , p. 275 , 276. How the Seals are due to the visible Church , only in foro Ecclesiastico properly , p. 281. In what diverse considerations the word preached is a note of the visible Church , p. 283 , 284. seq . The difference betwixt nota and signum , p. 301. And nota actu primo & notificativa , and nota actu secundo , and notificans , p. 285. Arguments of Robinson and others answered , p. 286. 287. Whether discipline be a note of the true church , diverse distinctions thereanent , p. 287 , 288. The order of Gods publick worship , p. 228. Of the Communion of the visible Catholik Church , p. 289 , 290. The Ministery and Ordinances are given principally to the guides of the Catholick Church , and to , and for the Catholick Church , p. 289 , 290 , 291. And not to a Congregation only , ibid 292. Congregations are parts of a Presbyteriall Church , p. 293 , 294. Christ principally the head of the Catholick Church and secondarily a Spouse , Head , Lord , King of a praticular Congregation , p. 295. The excommunicated is east out of the Catholick visible Church p. 295 , 296. A sister Congregation doth not excommunicate consequenter only , but antecedenter also , p. 297. How Presbyteriall Churches excommunicate not by power derived from the Catholick visible Church , p. 299 , 300. Of the power of the Catholick visible Church , p. 300 , 301. A Congregation in a remote I le hath power of Jurisdiction , p. 302. A Presbyteriall Church is the first and principall subject of the Ordinary power of Jurisdiction , p. 302 , 303. What power generall councells have and how necessary , p. 304. Power of excommunication not in a single Congregation consociated with other Churches , p. 205 , 206. Synods or councels occasionall , rather then ordinary , p. 307. A Congregational Church , how it is by divine right , p. 307. 308 Tell the Church , Mat. 18. not restrained to a single Congregation only , p. 310 , 311. The place ( Mat. 18. 17. Tell the Church ) considered , p. 310 , 311 , 312 , 313 , seq . An appeale from a Church that hath lawful power , p. 315. A representative Church , p. 316. The power of a single Congregation , p 320 , 321 , 322. Matthew 18. Tell the Church , establisheth a Church Court , p. 322 , 323 , 324. What relation of Eldership do the members of the classicall Presbytery beare to the whole Presbyteriall Church , and to all the congregations thereof , p. 325 , 326 , 327 , 328 329 , & seq . They have power of governing all Congregations in those bounds , and not power of Pastorall teaching in every one of them , ibidem Oncrousnesse of ruling many Churches , whereof the Elders of the classicall Presbytery are not Pastors , no more then the onerousnesse of advising that is incumbent to sister Churches , p. 331 , 332 , 333. The power of Presbyteries Auxiliary , not destructive to the power of Congregations , p 334. 335. A Church-congregationall within a Church Presbyteriall , p. 336 , 337 , 338. Entire power of government in one Congregationall Church against nature and the order of grace , p. 340 , 341. A Nationall Church no Iudaisme , but Christian , p. 342 , 343. How Pastors are Pastors in relation to these Congregations , p. 344 , 345. And Churches whereof they are not proper Pastors , p. 344 , 345 , 346. The place , 1 Cor. 5. considered , if it can prove that all the multitude have an interest of presence in all acts of Iurisdiction , p. 348 , 349 , 350. The place Acts 15. for a lawfull Synod considered at length , Acts 15. p. 355 , 356 , 357 , 358 , 359 , 360 , 361 , 362. & seq . All the requisites of a juridicall Synod here , p. 355 , 366 , 357. The Apostles did not act in this Synod , as Apostles , p. 358 , 359 , 360. 361 , 362 , & seq . 368. 369 , 370. The power of this Synod not doctrinall onely , but also juridicall , p. 365 , 366 , 367. The Church Acts 15. 22. seemeth to be a Synodicall Church , p. 346 , 347. If the Apostles as infallible did reason in this Synod , p. 371 , 372. How the Holy Ghost is in all lawfull Synods , p. 373 , 374. And what Holy Ghost is meant , ibidem This Synod not a company of counsellors , p. 382 , 383 , 384. Church power intrinsecally in every part of the Church and not derived either by ascending or descending , p. 383 , 384. Which is the first Church , and five necessary distinctions , thereanent , p. 384 , 385 , 386. Presbyteriall government warranted by the light of nature , p. 386 , 387. Power of censures in this Synod , p. 388 , 389 , seq . Acts of this Synod could not have been performed by any one man , p. 387 , 390 , 391. 393. Reasons proving that the Apostles acted in this Synod as Apostles , are removed , p. 391 , 392 , 323. A power to act Church-acts cannot want a power of censuring the contraveners , p. 396. How the decrees Acts 15. bind all the Churches , p. 398 , 399. What was in question Acts 15. p 403 , 404. The Apostles proceeding by way of disputing not by apostolick infallibility in this Synod , p. 406 , 407. seq . The question Acts 15. a Church question , p. 410 , 411. The synagogue of the Iewes a compleat Church though all the Ordinances of God were not there , p. 414 , 415. The power of an Oecumenick Synod above a nationall Church , what it is , p. 416 , 417 , 418. There is a visible Catholick Church , 1 Cor. 12. p. 418 , 419 , 420. The Church of Herusalem was a Presbyteriall Church , p. 425 427 , 428. The Church of Jerusalem an ordinary Christian Church , p. 429 , 430 , 431 , 432. A presbyteriall Church after the dispersion , p 438 , 439. The Apostles exercised acts of a classicall presbytery as ordinary Elders , Acts 6. p. 440. 444. seq . The seales not to be denied to approved professors , though they be not members of a parishionall Church , p. 185 , 186 seq . Whether the invisible or visible Church hath right to the Seales , p. 188. The visible Church of the Jewes , and the visible Church of the Gentiles of one and the same nature and essentiall constitution , p. 190 , 191 , 162. Whether for every sinne of ignorance there was need of a sacrifice , p. 191. Arguments to prove that only members of a parishionall Church are capable of the seales dissolved , p. 192. No strong hand of providence , such as necessary absence from the congregation , as traffiquing , but only morallimpediments maketh men uncapable of the Seales , p. 197 , 198. The place , 1 Cor. 5 , 12. concerning these who ore without , again discussed , p. 200 , 201. Pastors doe warrantably performe pastorall acts in other congregations , then their own , p. 204 , 205. seq . The place , Acts 20. 28. discussed . p. 206 , 207. The congregation make and unmake Pastors , by our Brethrens Doctrine ex opere operato , 207 , & seq . Arguments of our Brethren hereanent dissolved , p. 208. That persons are received into the visible Church by Baptisme , diverse distinctions hereanent , p. 210 , 211 , 212 , 213. The efficacy of the Sacraments handled , p. 202. A fourefold consideration of Sacraments , p. 212 , 213. The error of Papists making Sacraments physicall instruments , the error of Arminians , Socinians and of our Brethren , making them naked signes , p. 212. 213. Of Sacramentall grace , p. 214. Arguments of our Brethren removed , p. 605. 606 607. The mind of Socinians , the difference of a Sacrament and a civill seale most considerable , p. 215 , 216 , 217 , 218 , 219 , 220. In what case separation is lawfull , p. 221. Fundamentalls , p. 221. Of fundamentals , superstructures circa fundamentalia , things about the foundation , p. 221 , 222. Matters of Faith , and poynts fundamentall different , p. 222. Ignorance of Gods matters have a threefold consideration , p. 222 , 223. Ignorance of fundamentals , ibidem Knowledge of fundamentals how necessary , p. 223. What are fundamentall poynts , p. 223. How Iewes nnd Papists have all fundamentals , and how not , p. 230 , 231. The error of Papists hereanent , that the Churches determination maketh fundamentals , p. 224. Nine considerable distinctions anent fundamental poynts , containing diverse things anent fundamentals , p. 224 , 225. & seq . Our Brethren ignorant of the nature of a visible Church , p. 231 , 232. Neither believing , nor unbelieving essentiall to the visible Church , ibidem Robinsons arguments for separation found light and empty , p. 232. 233. seq . The place 2 Cor. 6. 14. fully vindicated , p. 233 , 234. seq . By evidence of the place , fathers and protestant divines , ibid. The place Iohn 17 6 , 7 , 8. fully vindicated , Robinson his interpretation borrowed from Arminius , and other places and reasons discussed at length , p. 246 , 247 , 248. seq . Eight distinctions anent separation , p. 253 , 254 , & seq . Infants of visible professors are to be baptized , p. 255 , 256 seq . Arguments on the contrary dissolved , ibid. What right to baptisme the child hath from parents , p. 257 seq . Conversion of soules an Ordinary fruit of a sent Ministery , p. 266 , 267 , 268. seq . Rom. 10. 14. how shall they preach except they be sent , diseussed , diverse sending acknowledged by our brethren , p. 269. seq . No warrant for the preaching of gifted personsnot called by the Church in a constituted Church , Six distinctions thereanent , p. 272 , 273. seq . Socinians deny the necessity of a sent Minister , p. 271. Robinson expoundeth the place Rom. 10 , 14. as Socinians do ibid. & 275 276 , 277 , 278. Robinsons arguments for preaching of unofficed Prophets , answered , as from Eldad and Medad , p. 281 , 282. And 2 Chro. 17. 7. from the Hebrew Text and R. Jarchi Salomon his exposition cleared , p. 282 , 283. And Jehoshaphat his Sermon , how Kings may exhort , p. 284 , 285. That Christs disciples before his Resurrection and the seventy disciples were not unofficed preachers , p. 286 , 287. And other places , p. 290. As Joh. 4. 28. Luk. 8. 39. Act. 8. 1 , 2. 3. p. 291. 292 , 293. seq . And 1 Pet. 4 , 10. 11. Rev. 11. 3. Rev. 14. 6. fully vindicated , p. 294 , 295 , 296 , 297. That there be no ground for unofficed Prophets , 1 Cor. 14 , p. 297 , 298 , 299. seq . The place Heb. 5. 11. vindicated all objections from 1 Cor. 14. of Robinson , particularly discussed , and found empty and most weake , p. 297 , 298 , 299 , seq . Mr. Coachmans arguments dissolved , p. 305 , 306 , 307. seq . The way of Church judging in independent congregations examined , p. 308 , 309. That there be no peculiar authority in the Eldership , for which they can be said to be over the people in the Lord , according to the doctrin of independency of Churches , and their six ways of the Elders authority confuted , p. 311 , 312 , 313 , 314 , 315. seq . That independency doth evert communion of sister-Churches , and their seven wayes of Churches-communion refuted from their own grounds , p. 324 , 325 , 326. seq . The divine right of Synods , Ten distructions thereanent , p. 331 , 332. seq . The desinition of a generall or Oecumenick Synod , p. 332. 333 The place Acts 15 farther considered , p. 334 , 335. Synods necessary by natures Law , p. 336. Papists no friends to councells , p. 336 , 337 , 338. seq . 340 , 341. Three ways of communion of sister-Churches according to the doctrin of independent Churches confuted , p. 346 , 347. seq . How the magistrate hath power to compell persons to the profession of the truth , p. 352 , 373. seq . Six distinctions thereanent , 2 part . p. 352 , 353. The Magistrates power over a people Baptized , and over Pagans who never heard of Christ , in this poynt of Coaction to profession , not alike , p. 353 , 354 , 355. The magistrates compelling power terminated upon the externall act , not upon the manner of doing , sincerely , or hypocritically , p. 355 , 356. The magistrates power over hereticks , with sundry distinctions thereanent , p. 356 , 357 , 358. seq . Socinians judgement and Arminians hereanent , p. 359 , 360 , A farther consideration of compelling , or tolerating diverse Religions , p. 361 , 362. Some indirect forcing lawfull , p 362. Erroneous opinions concerning God and his worship though not in Fundamentalls censurable , p 363 364. Diverse non Fundamentalls are to be believed with certainty of Faith , and the non-believing of them are si●nes punishable , p. 365. 366 367 seq . Arguments on the contrary dissolved and the place Philip. 3. 15. cleared , p 316. & seq . How an erring conscience obligeth , p. 378 , 379 , 380 , 381 seq . Arguments on the contrary answered , p. 383 , 384. seq . The Princes power in Church affairs ; Ten distinctions thereanent , p. 391 , 392. 393. How the Magistrate is a member of the Church , p. 392 , 393. The Prince , by his Royall Office , hath a speciall hand in Church-affaires . p 393 , 394. The intrinsecall end of the Prince is a supernaturall good to be procured by the Sword and a coactive power , and not only the externall peace of the State , Spalato resuted , p 396 , 397 , 398. seq . How the Magistrate is subordinate to Christs mediatory Kingdome , p 402 , 403 , 404 , seq . The ordinary power of the Prince is not Synodicall teaching , or making Church-Lawes , p. 403 , 404 , 405 , 406. seq . The influence of the Princes civill power in Church-Canons , p. 409. 410 , 411 seq . The government of the visible Church spirituall , and not a formall part of the Magistrates Office , p. 417 , 418. seq . The power of Ordination and Deprivation not a part of the Magistrates Office , p. 427 , 428. seq . Instances from David , Salomon , Ezechiah , &c. answered , and our Doctrine and Iesuites differenced , p. 438 , 439. seq . Difference betwixt the Princes commanding Church-duties , and the Churches commanding these same , p. 417 , 418 , seq . The Kings ordinary power to make Church-Lawes examined , p. 438 , 439 , 440. seq . The intrinsecall end of the Magistrate a supernaturall good , p. 442 , 443 , 446 , 447 , 448. The Popes pretended power over Kings , protestants contrary to to Papists herein , what ever the author or Popish libeller of the survey , and the night-Author of Treason Lysimachus Nicanor say on the contrary , p. 449 , 450 , 451 , 452. seq . The way of Reformation of Congregations in England , according to the independent way , examined , p. 457 , 458. The originall of Church-Patronages , p. 459. And how unwarrantable by Gods Word , p. 462 , 463. Other wayes of Reformation of England according to the way of independent Churches modestly considered , as about maintenance of Ministers , and replanting of visible Churches there , p. 464 , 465 , 466. seq . Errata . THe Author could not attend the Presse , therefore pardon errors of the Printing ; Observe , that the Author was necessitated to make some occasionall addition to the mids of this Treatise which occasioned-variation of the Figures of the Pages , and therefore stumble not , that when the Booke commeth to page 484 the next page not observing due order , is page 185. 186 and so forth to the end of the Treatise , page 60. title of the page 60 , &c. page 61 , 62. 64. dele not ; and for , not of the same essentiall frame , &c. read of the same essentiall frame , &c. page 484 , line 22 , Churches their persecution , read Churches through their persecution , for page 229 read 209. for page 259. read 269. for . p. 484. r. p. 498. יהוה THE Way of the Church of Christ In NEW ENGLAND , Measured by the Golden Reed of the SANCTUARY . Or , The way of Churches walking in brotherly equality and independence , or coordination without subjection of one Church to another , examined and measured by the Golden Reed of the Sanctuary . Propositions concerning the supposed visibility and Constitution of independent Churches , examined . CHAP. 1. SECT . 1. PROP. 1. THe Church which Christ in his Gospell hath instituted , and to which he hath committed the keys of his Kingdome , the power of binding and loosing , the Tables and Scales of the Covenant , the Officers and Consures of his Church , the Administration of all his publick worship and Ordinances , is , coetus fidelium , a company of Believers , meeting in one place , every Lords day , for the administration of the holy ordinances of God to publick edification . 1 Cor. 14. 23. 1 Because it was a company whereof Peter confessing and believing was one , and built on a rock , Mat. 16. 18. a Such as unto whom any offended brother might complaine , Mat. 18. 17. 3 Such as is , to cast out the incestuous ▪ Corinthian , 1 Cor. 5. Which cannot agree to any diocesian , provinciall , or Nationall assemblie . Ans. From these we question . Quest. 1. If a company of believers and saints builded by faith , upon the rock Christ , and united in a Church-Covenant , be the only instituted visible Church of the New Testament , to the which Christ hath given the keys : Let these considerations be weighed . 1. Dist. The matter of an instituted visible Church is one thing , and the instituted visible Church is another , as there be ods betwixt stones and timber , and an house made of stones and timber . 2 Dist. It is one thing to govern the actions of the Church and another thing to governe the Church , the Moderator of any Synod , doth govern the actions of the Synod , but he is not for that a Governour , Ruler , and Pastor of the Synod . Or , ordering actions , and governing men are diverse things . 3. Dist. A thing hath first its constituted and accomplished being in matter , forme , efficient and finall causes , before it can performe these operations and actions that flow from that being so constituted , a Church must be a Church , before any Ministeriall Church actions can be performed by it . 4. Dist. It is one thing for a company to performe the actions of a Church mysticall and redeemed of Christ , and another thing to performe actions ministeriall of a Church instituted and ministeriall . 1. Concl. A company of believers professing the truth is the matter of the Church , though they be saints by calling and builded on the rock , yet are they but to the Church instituted , as stones to the house . 2. Because they cannot performe the actions of a constituted Church , till they be a constituted Church . 3. Our Divines call men externally called , the matter of the visible Church , so Trelcatius , Tilenu● , professors of Leyden ; Piscator , Bucanus , so say our brethern . 2. Concil . Ordination of Pastors , and election of Officers , administration of the seales of grace , and acts of Church censures , are holden by Gods Word , and by all our Divines , actions of a ministeriall and an instituted visible Church , and if so , according to our third distinction . It is a wonder how a company of Believers united in Church-Covenant , cannot performe all these , for they are united , and so a perfect Church , and yet cannot administrate the Sacraments : for though they be so united , they may want Pastors , who onely can performe these actions , as this Treatise sayth , and Robinson and the Confession . And it is no lesse wonder that Officers and Rulers who are to feed , and governe the Flock , are but only accidents and not parts , not integrall members of a constituted Church : no perfect Corporation maketh its owne integrall parts or members , a perfect living man doth not make his owne Hands , Feete , or Eyes , the man is not a perfect one in all his members , if all the members be not made with him ; but Officers by preaching make Church-members . 3. Concl. The visible Church which Christ instituted in the Gospel is not formally a company of believers meeting , for publick edification , by common and joynt consent , as this Author sayth . 1. The instituted Church of the New Testament is an organicall body of diverse members , of eyes , eares , feete , hands , of Elders governing , and a people governed . 1 Cor. 12. 14 , 15. Rom. 12. 4 , 5 , 6. Act. 20. 28. But a company of believers , meeting for publick edification by common consent , are not formally such a body ; for they are a body not Organicall , but all of one and the same nature , all believers and saints by calling , and are not a body of Officers governing , and people governed ; for they are , as they are a visible Church , a single uncompounded body , wanting Officers , and are as yet to choose their Officers : and all thus combined are not Officers , Rom. 10. 14. How shall they preach except they be sent ? 1 Cor. 12. 29. Are all Apostles ? are all Prophets ? we justly censure the Papists , and amongst them , Bellarmine , who will scarce admit an essentiall Church of believers , but acknowledgeth other three Churches beside , to wit , a representative Church of their Clergy onely , excluding the Laickes ( as they call them ) 2 A consistoriall Church of Cardinalls . 3. A virtuall Church , the Pope who hath plenitude of all power in himselfe , against which our writers Calvin , Beza , Tilenus , Iunius , Bucanus , professors of Leyden , Whittaker , willet doe dispute ; so the other extremity can hardly be maintained , that there is an instituted , visible , ministeriall Church to which Christ hath given the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , exercising Church actions , as to ordaine , and make and un-make Officers and Rulers without any officer at all . The major of our proposition is grantted by our brethren , who cite , 1 Cor. 12. Rom. 12. Acts 20. 28. To prove a single Congregation to be the onely visible Church instituted in the New Testament . Nothing can be said against this , but a Church of Governours and People governed is an instituted visible Church ; but there is an instituted visible Church before there be Governours , but such an instituted Church we cannot read of in Gods Word , which doth and may exercise Church acts of government without any Officers at all . 2. That company cannot be the Church ministeriall instituted by Christ in the New Testament , which cannot meete all of them , every Lords day , as the Church of Corinth did for administration of the holy Ordinances of God , and all his Ordinances to publick edification ; for so this Author describeth a visible instituted Church , 1 Cor. 14. 23. But a company of believers meeting for publick edification , by joynt and common consent cannot meete for the publick administration of all the Ordinances of God , 1. They cannot administer the seales of the Covenant being destitute of the Officers , as the Scripture , and their confession saith , 2. They cannot have the power of publick edification , being destitute of Pastors , because the end cannot be attained without the meanes appointed of Christ. But Christ for publick edification and Church edification hath given Pastors , Teacher● and other Officers to his Church Eph. 4. 11. 1 Tim. 5. 17. I● is not enough to say , that such a company meeting hath power of Pastorall preaching and administration of the Seales of grace , because they may ordaine and elect Officers , for such publick edification , but 1. we prove , that that which our brethren call the onely instituted visible Church of the New Testament , hath not power to administrate all the Ordinances of Christ , and how then are they a Church ? can we call him a perfect living man , who cannot exercise all the vitall actions , which flow from the nature and essence of a living man ? 2. If this be a good reason that such a company should be the only instituted Church in the New Testament having power of all the Ordinances , because they may appoint Officers , who have such a power ; then any ten believers , who have never sworne the Church-Covenant , meeting in private to exhort one another is also the only instituted Church ministeriall , in the New Testament , for they have power to make such Officers , and may invest themselves in right , to all the Ordinances of Christ , by our brothers Doctrine , 3. All the places cited by the Author , speake of a Church visible made up of , Officers governing , and people governed & as Mat. 16. Mat 18. cannot exclude Pastors who binde on Earth , and in heaven , or Pastors who are stewards , and beare the keyes , as hereafter , I shall prove . Also the Church of Corinth did meete for the administration of the Lords Supper , 1 Cor. 11. 20. and so were a Church of Officers and governed people , they met with Pauls spirit , and the authority of Pastors . 1 Cor. 5. 4. another Church that exercised Discipline , as Collosse Col. 2. 8. was a Church of Officers and people Col. 4. 17. Philippi consisted of Saints , Bishops , and Deacons . Phil. 1. 1. 2. Ephesus of a flocke , and an eldership , Acts 20. 28. so the visible ministeriall Church that the word of God speaketh of , as all the seven Churches of Asia and their Angels , had in them Officers to governe , and people governed , and therefore they were not a number of sole . believers united in a Church-covenant , which in very deed i● but stones and timber , not an house builded of God ; for in the ministeriall Church of the New Testament , there is e●e● a relation betwixt the Elders and the flock : wee desire to to see a Copy of our brethrens instituted visible Church , to the which Elders are neither essentiall , nor integrall parts , for their instituted visible Church hath its compleat being and all its Church-operations , as binding , loosing , ordeining of Officers , before there bee an Edldership in it , and also when the Eldership is ordained , they are not Eyes and Eares to the instituted Church , nor watchmen , because it is a body in essence and operation compleat without officers . 2. the officers are not Governors , for as I trust to prove , they have no act of ministeriall authority of governing ; over the people by our brethrens Doctrine , 2. all their governing is to Rule and moderate the actions of the whole governing Church , which maketh them no wayes to be governours , nor over the believers in the Lord , nor overseers , nor watchmen : as a Preses who moderateth a Judicatorie , a moderator in a Church-meeting , a Prolocutor in a convocation , is not over the Judicatorie , Synod , or meeting , or Convocation . 3. The Eldership are called by them , the adjuncts , the Church , the subject : the subject hath its perfect essence without its accidents and common adjuncts . 2 Quest. Whether or not Christ hath committed the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , to the Church of Believers , which as yet wanteth all Officers , Pastors , Doctors , &c. The Author sayth , this company of believers and Church which wanteth Officers , and ( as we have heard ) is compleat without them , is the corporation to which Christ hath given the keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven ; which deserveth our brotherly censure : for wee then aske a Scripture for the Lords giving of the keys to Pastors and Elders ; if the keys be given to Peter , Mat. 16. as a professing believer , by what Word of God are they given to Peter , as to an Apostle and Pastor , it would seem the Pastors have not the keys jure Divino ; for by this argument our Divines prove the Bishop not to bee an Office of power and jurisdiction above a Pastor and Presbyter , because the keys were not given to Peter as to the Archbishop , but as to a Pastor of the Church , and indeed this would conclude that Pastors are not Officers of authority and power of jurisdiction , jure Divino . Hence the question is , if it can be concluded that the keyes of of the Kingdom of Heaven , Mat. 16. Mat. 18. were given to Peter , as he represented all professing believers , or if they were given for the good of professing believers , but to Peter as carrying the person of Apostles , Pastors , and Church-guides ? 1. Distinction , There is one question of the power of the keyes , and to whom they are committed , and another of the exercise of them , and toucheth the government of the Church , if it be popular and democraticall or not ? 2. Dist. It is not inconvenient , but necessary that Christ should give to his Church , gifts , Pastors and Teachers , of the which gifts the Church is not capable , as a subject as if the Church might exercise the Pastor and Doctors place : and yet the Church is capable of these gifts , as the object , and end , because the fruit and effect of these gifts redoundeth to the good of the Church , see a Parker , see the b Parisian schoole and c Bayner . 3. Distinct. There is a formall ordinary power , and there is a vertuall or extraordinary power . 1. Concl. Christ Iesus hath immediatly himselfe without the intervening power of the Church or men , appointed offices and Officers in his house , and the office of a pastor , and Elder is no lesse immediately From Christ ( for men as Christs Vicars and Instruments can appoint no new Office in the Church ) then the office of the Apostles , Eph. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. 28. Mat. 28. 19. The Offices are all given to the Church immediatly , and so absolutely , and so the power of the keys , is given to the Church the same way . But the Officers , and key bearers now are given mediatly , and conditionally , by the intervening mediation of the ruling and ministeriall Church , that she shall call such and such , as have the conditions required to the office by Gods Word , 1. Tim. 3. 12 , 3. Hence we see no reason , why the keys can be said to be given to believers , any other wayes , then that they are given for their good . 2. Concl. I deny not , but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the Church of believers , to supply the want of ordination of pastors , or some other acts of the keyes simply necessary , hic & nunc ; this power is virtuall , not formall , and extraordinary not ordinary , not officiall , not properly authoritative , as in a Church in an Iland , where the pastors are dead , or taken away by pest or otherwayes , the people may ordaine Pastors or rather doe that which may supply the defect of ordination , as David without immediate Revelation , from Heaven to direct him , by only the Law of nature , did eate shewbread ; so is the case here , so answer the casuistes and the schoolemen , that a positive Law may yield in case of necessity , to the good of the Church ; so a Thomas b Molina c Suarez d Vasquez e Vigverius , f Sotus g Scotus h Altisiodorensis i Durand k Gabriel , and consider what the learned l Voetius sayth in this . What if in an extreame case of necessity , a private man , endued with gifts and zeale should teach publickly , after the example of the faithfull at Samosaten . Yea and Flavianus and Diodorus preached in Antioch , as m Theodoret sayth ; yea , saith Voetius , an ordinary ministery might be imposed on a Laick , or private person by the Church , though the presbytery consent not , in case of necessity . God ( sayth n Gerson ) may make an immediate intermission of a calling by Bishops ; yea ( sayth o Anton. speaking of necessities Law ) The Pope may commit power of Excommunication , quia est de jure positive , pure Laico & mulieri , to one meere Laicke , or a woman ; though we justifie not this , yet it is hence concluded that God hath not tied himselfe to one set rule of ordinary , positive Lawes : a captive woman ( as Socrates saith ) preached the Gospell to the King and Queen of Iberranes , and they to the people of the Land. 3. Concl. The Author in the foresaid first proposition , will have no instituted visible Church , in the New Testament , but a Congregationall or Parishionall Church , that meeteth together ordinarily , in one place , for the hearing of the Word . But we thinke , as a reasonable man is the first , immediate and principall subject of aptitude to laugh , and the mediate and secondary Subjects are , Peter , Iohn and particular men , so that it is the intention of nature to give these and the like properties , principally and immediately , to the speci●e , and common nature , and not immediately to this or that man ; so are the blessings of the promises , as to bee builded on a Rock ; victory over hell , and such , given principally and immediately to the Catholick and invisible Church , as to the first and principall subject ; and no wayes to a visible Congregation consisting of 30 or 40. professing the Faith of Christ : but onely to them , not as Professors , but to them as they are parts and living members of the true Catholick Church . For sound professors , though united in a Church-covenant , are indeed the mysticall Church , but not as professors , but as sound believers , and therefore these of whom Christ speaketh , Mat. 16. Are builded on a Rock , as true believers ; but the keys are given not to them , but for them , and for their good , as professors making Peters confession , and in Gods purpose to gather them into Christ. But the Text evinceth that these keys are given to Peter , as representing the Church-guides especially , though not excluding believers , giving to them popular consent , and not to Believers , as united in a company of persons in Church-covenant , excluding the Elders . 1. To that Church are the keys given , which is builded on the rock as a house , the house of wisdome , Prov. 9. 1. The house of God , 1 Tim. 3. 15. Heb. 3. 4. By the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles , by Doctors and Teachers , whom Christ hath given , for the building of his house , Eph. 4. 11. But this house is not a company of professing believers united by a Church-covenant and destitute of Pastors and Teachers , but a Church edified by the Word , Seales , and Discipline : Ergo such a Church is not heere understood . The propofition is granted by the Author . I prove the assumption . The Church of believers combined in Church-covenant , but wanting their Pastors and Teachers , is not wisdomes house , nor builded by pastors and Doctors given to edifie and gather the body , but they are only the materialls of the house : yea wanting the pastors , they want Ministeriall power , for pastorall preaching and administrating the Seales , and for that , they want the power of edifying the body of Christ , which is required in a visible Church Eph. 4. 11. Though the building of this Church on the Rock Christ may well be thought to be the inward building of the Catholick and invisible Church in the Faith of Christ , yet as it is promised to the Church , to the which Christ promiseth the keys of the Kingdome of Heaven , it can be no other beside external and Ministeriall building by a publick Ministery . 2. Arg. To these are the keys here promised , who are stewards of the mysteries of God , 1 Cor. 4. 1. And servants of the house by office , 2 Cor. 4. 5. And are by office to open the doores and behave themselves aright in Gods house , 1 Tim. 3. 16. and to divide to these of the house their portion in due season , Mat. 24. 45. and to cut the word , 2 Tim. 2. 15. But a company of professing believers joyned together in a Church-covenant , and destitute of officers , are not stewards by office , nor servants over the house , &c. Ergo , to such a company the keyes are not here given . The proposition especially is to be proved ( for the assumption is granted by our brethren and evidently true ) but it is sure by the phrase of Scripture , Esai . 22. 22. And I will lay upon his shouldier the key of the house of David . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clavis a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apperuit , proveth this . a Shindlerus in Lexico , metonymicè significatur , Authoritas , Facultas , potestas omnis gubernationis , iubendo , ac vetando , expediendo ac coercendo , power of government b Musculus , so c Calvin : these who are made masters of housholds receive keys , whereby they open and shut , it is a token of power given to Kings d Iunius , it noteth a full government , by this borrowed speech , sayth e Beza , is signified the power of Ministers , Isai. 22. Mat. 16. f Pareus . I shall make the steward of my house , g Hierom the key is a power of excellency , and h Chrysostom , i Augustine , k Beda sayth the same . a Fulgentius calleth this the power of binding and loosing given to the Apostles ; so other Scriptures expound the keyes to be a power of office , as Esa. 9. 6. And the government shall be upon his shoulder , Interpreters say , Davids keys are given here , Rev. 3. 7. These things ( saith he ) that hath the key of David , who open●h and no man shutteth , and shutteth and no man openeth , Rev. 1. 18. I have the keys of hell and death , Rev. 9. 1. And to him was given the key of the bottomlesse pit ; so b Stephanus on the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Clavis . c Whittaker , it signifieth a power of office given to some , and not to all ; as d Calvin here ( saith he ) Christ speaketh of Peters publick office , that is , of his Apostleship e so , Bullinger , f Erasm. g Zwinglius h Marlorat , i Pareus on the same place . I think , while of late , never interpreter dreamed , that in the Text , Mat. 16. the keys of the Kingdome of Heaven are given to all believers , but only to the stewards of the house builded upon the Rock . 3. Arg. To these in this Text doth Christ give the keys , to whom he giveth warrant , for the actuall exercise of the keys , to wit , to bind and loose on Earth , and so open and shut the doores of the Kingdome . But this warrant and officiall authority of binding and loosing , Christ giveth to Peter onely as representing Apostles , Teachers and Elders , and not to the Church of believers convened Covenant-wayes , and destitute of Officers ; Ergo , the proportion is cleare in the Text ; to the same person , to whom the promiseth the power or keys , to the same he promiseth Officiall warrant to exercise the speciall acts of the keys , but to Peter is the promise of both made 19. and if Christ allude to the place , Is. 22. 22. Then ( I say ) these to whom Christ gave the keys , doe by Office represent him who hath the keys of Davids house and the Government on his shoulder , And I will give to thee the Keys of the Kingdome of Heaven , there is the power and authority granted ; And whatsoever thou shall bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven : there is a warrant , for the exercise of the acts of the power given also to Peter ; Now if the keys be not given to Peter as to a Pastor ; Peter and pastors , by this place , as pastors , neither have the keys , nor officiall warrant to preach , and to remit , or retaine sinnes ; and if by this place , they have it not , we desire to see a warrant from Christ , before he went to heaven , for pastorall preaching a Beza in his marginall notes in this Text , sayth , here is the Heavenly authority of the Church Ministery ; also binding and loosing is all one , with opening and shutting Heaven Gates , and with remitting and retaining sinnes , Ioh. 20. Papists , I know , deny that the Apostles were made priests judicially to remit sinnes before Christs Resurrection , Ioh , 2. so b the Cardinall Tolet , and c Maldonat d Cajetanus ; but the Truth is , what is given here Mat. 16. Is but repeated and enlarged Joh 20. And they are now sent to the whole World , whereas before they were to preach to Iudea only , but this Ioh , 20. e ( sayth Rollocus ) is but a reiterated power , it was given before his Resurrection , and f Beza sayth the same , and g Bullinger sayth , the promise is made here and fulfilled Ioh. 2 c. and h Pareus expoundeth ( what thou shalt loose ) here by these words Ioh. 20. So i Calvin k VVhittaker l Zwinglius m Musculus , Now this same n Author acknowledgeth that Ioh. 20. Christ gave pastorall power to all the Apostles to forgive sins . 2. To bind and to loose , are act . s of officiall power , and of Princes , Rulers , and Feeders , Ergo they are not given to the Church destitute of Feeders and Governors . I prove the antecedent . 1. To bind and loose , by all Interpreters , Augustine , Cyrill , Chrysost. C●prian , Euthymius , Hyeromi , Basilus , Ambrose , Sedulius , Primasius , and by our owne Calvin , Musculus , Gualther , Pareus , Beza , Zwinglius , Rolloc , VVhittaker , and the evidence of Scripture , i● , by publick and pastorall preaching , to re●nit and retaine sins , to believers or unbelievers ; and o Bullinger saith it is taken from the Scripture Isa. 52. 49 v. 9. where Christ is said to loose the prisoners , and so p Musculus q Beza , and r Calvin will have them to be words signifying the ●fficiall authority of Princes , Ambassadours , to set at liberty prisoners , or to cast malefactors in bands and prison , as Magistrates and Rulers doe , so binding in Scripture s is an authoritative act of Princes , Superiors , Governors and Rulers . And so is lo●sing a judiciall and authoritative act of Rulers and Overseers l as Scripture teacheth us . But the Church of believers wanting their Officers , watchmen , and Overseers , though combined in a Church Covenant , is not a company of Overseers and Rulers , or judiciall and authoritative binders and loosers exercising power over themselves . 4. Arg. If Christ doe not say in this place , nor in Mat. 18. that the keys and the actes of the keys , to wit , binding and loosing , are given to the Church of believers , without their Officers ; then neither places prove , that the keyes are given to such a Church . But Christ doth not say it ; Ergo , the Text cannot beare it : the assumption I prove . Christ , Mat. 16. 18. speaking of the Church builded on a Rock , sayth not , I will give to the Church so builded , the keys ; but he turneth the speech to Peter , when he promiseth the keys V. 19. And I will give to thee , ( Peter , not to the Church ) the keys of the Kingdome of Heaven , surely none needeth to teach our Lord to speak . This change of the persons to whom the keys are promised , wanteth not a reason . Our brethren say , the promise is made to Peter , because he gave a confession of Christ in the name of all believers , and because the keys are given to believers , as the Spouse of Christ , and as his body united to him : but this author , granteth every company of believers , because they are believers , are not an instituted visible Church , but they must be a company of believers professing Covenant-wayes Faith in Christ , and Church-communion . But , 1. then the keys are not given to believers because they are believers , and the Spouse of Christ , but because they are such professors , so and so combined in a Church-covenant . But yet I aske , whether true or false profession be the neerest intervening cause of these , to whom the keyes are given . If a true profession , then . 1. Unbelieving Pastors are not Pastors ; for their profession is not true . And children baptized by them are as not-baptized , or as baptized by Women , 2. If one shall be excommunicated by seven ( for such a a number this Author requireth to make a visible Church ) even , clave non errante , and most deservedly , he is not bound in Heaven , and excommunicated , in foro Dei , before God : for the profession of these seven may be false , and so the Church actes performed by them , are a non habentibus potestatem , and null , if they be no Church , 3. We can prove by Scripture b that Iudas though the child of perdition , was a called Apostle . But if a false profession be sufficient to make persons a true visible Church , the● . 1. The keys are not given to believers , because they are believers , and united to Christ , as his body and Spouse , but. 2. This Author sayth amisse , That the Church instituted by Christ is a company of believers , and faithfull and godly men , whereof Peter was one ; for a company of hypocrites are not such . 2. Our brethren prove the keys , to be a part of the liberty of the redeemed ones , but counterfeit professors are not redeemed ones , nor have they that liberty purchased to them in Christ. 4 It shall follow , that our brethren widely mistake a supposed difference which they devise , betwixt the Iewish and Christian Church , to wit , that to make men members of the Iewish Church , externall holinesse , as to be borne Jewes , was sufficient , and to be circumcised , and not a bastard , not descended within three or foure Generations of a Moabite , or Ammonite , but that the visible Church of the Gentiles after Christ must be the bride of Christ , and by true Faith united to him . Whereas the members of a Christian visible Church are and may be hypocrites , though not known to be such , as were the members of the Iewish Church . Also Mat. 18 18 , 19. Christ changeth the persons , v. 17. after he hath spoken of the Church v. 17. he sheweth v. 18. of what Church he speaketh , and directeth his speech to these to whom he spake v. 1. to the Disciples who were Pastors , verily I say unto you , What soever yee shall bind on Earth , shall be hond in Heaven , and therefore none can make an argument from , Mat. 16. to wit thus , to as many are the keys promised , as are builded on the Rock , but all the faithfull are builded on the Rock , Ergo to all the faithfull are the keys promised . 1. The proposition is not in the Text either expressely , or by consequent . 2. The proposition is false , for the Catholick invisible Church is builded on the rock , but by our Brethrens confession the keys are not given to the Catholick invisible Church , but only to such a company of professing believers , as make a Parishionall Congregation . 4. That Christ speaketh to Peter as to one representing the Apostles , and not as to one representing all believers , is cleare . 1. Because by the confession of our Brethren binding and loosing are denyed to many that make Peters confession , thou art Jesus the Son of the living God , as to believing Women and children ; and many out of Church . state . 2. If believers as giving Peters confession , and as builded upon the rock , Christ , by this place made a ministeriall Church , by Christ , and gifted with the power of the keys , then the Ministery & officiall power of preaching and binding and loosing should be made as stable and firme from defection , as the Church of elect believers , against whom the gates of hell cannot prevaile : now besides that this is most untrue since , visible Churches doe fall away , as these seven Churches in Asia , the Church of Corinth , Ephesus , Galatia , Thessalonica may prove , when as it is impossible that the elect Believers in Christ can fall away , it shall also give good warrant to Papists , to make such use of this place , as they doe , that the Church may erre in points of conversation and life , but cannot fall from the rock , nor be overcome by the powers of Hell in the definition of Articles of Faith. So a Gretser b Bellarmine c Suarez . d Gregor . de Valent. e Cardi. Hosius f Turrecremata , reason from this place ; and the connexion must be good , if the Ministeriall power not only be given to the Church as to the Object , that is , for the good and salvation of the Church , but also to the Church as to the Subject , who hath all the power of the Keys , and may use it also , because they are believers and builded upon the rock Christ ; nothing hindereth , but Ministeriall power should be as stable and free from being overcome with the ports of Hell , as the Christian state of perseverance in grace . Now we see , these who have Ministeriall power , abuse it , and fall from the rock and perish eternally ; which we cannot say of these , who by Faith are builded upon the Rock Christ Iesus . 3. These to whom Christ giveth the Keys , doe represent the person of Christ , and who despiseth them despiseth Christ , and he that honoureth them , honoureth Christ , which is evidently spoken of the Ministers of Christ , Matthew 10. 40. And is said here Matthew , 16. 19. Whatsoever then yee shall bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven , &c. Thus Christ bindeth and looseth in Heaven , when these to whom the Keys are given , binde and loose ; and so they are to be looked unto as co-workers with God. Now Scripture never maketh all believers Ambassadours in Christs roome . Where doe we reade that the despising of all believers commanding in Christs Name , is a despising of Christ , and that in obeying them , we obey Christ ? Nor are all Ambassadors , Pastores , &c. 5. These to whom the Keys are given doe authoritatively forgive and retaine sins , and their acts of forgiveing and retaining are valid in Heaven , according as the party repenteth and believeth , or according as they remain impenitent , as our Divines teach against the Papists , in their Doctrine of Sacramentall absolution . But the Church , or company of believers wanting their Officers , by no Scripture can authoritatively forgive , and retaine si●s . Robinson , Smith and others answer , that believers out of Office may forgive , as Mat. 18. 21. Peter said , How oft shall my brother offend me , and I forgive him ? Lu. 17. 3. 4. 2 Cor. 2. 10. But I answer , the place , 2 Cor. 2. 10. is controverted , and we doubt not , but of that same nature , with the power of Excommunicating . 1 Cor. 5. 4. But for private forgiving , it is not the Church-forgiving here meant , because 1. The private forgiving is a duty of charity commanded in the Law of Nature to all , even out of Church-state , and obligeth the Excommunicate , who , though they be cast out of the Church , are not exempted from the Law , that bindeth all , Mat. 6. 12. 14 , 15. Mat. 5. 44. 45. but the Church-forgiving is an Act of obedience to a positive Church-Law of Christ , 2. private Christians are to forgive their Enemies whether they repent , or not , even as Christ forgave those who crucified him , Col 3. 13. Luk. 23. 34. and when the party repenteth not , this forgivenesse is not ratified in Heaven , yet are we obliged to forgive , and to commit vengeance to God ; but the authoritative forgiveing is a thing that the Church , is not obliged unto , absoiutely ; nor may they , or can they forgive , except the Offender repent : and if they see that he repenteth not , they cannot lawfully forgive ; but , being in Gods roome , must take vengeance on all disobedience , and their retaining of sin and forgiveing , is valid in Heaven , because they are in Gods place . Now any forgiving or retaining of sin but these two , together with Gods forgiving and retaining , we know not . But Peters forgiving his offending brother seventy times seven times , is common to all private Christians , even out of Church-state , and so the instance given is not to the purpose , 6. To these only are the Keys given , who having Pauls pastorall spirit , may convene and deliver to Sathan , but the Church of believers without Officers , not having Pauls pastorall spirit which is a spirit officiall , and authoritative to preach , excommunicate , and administrate the seales of the Covenant , may not convene and doe this ; Ergo , &c. indeed a Francis Johnson sayth it is holden now by some of the Separation , that people out of Office may execute all the workes and duties of the ministery , in Baptisme , the Lords Supper , censures , &c. which I thinke followeth from the grounds of our brethren , to wit , that believers without Office are a compleat Church , having the whole power of the Keys : if administration of the Sacraments be not a speciall part of the Keys , and the opening of Heaven and forgiving of sins , we know not what belongeth to the power of binding and loosing ; yea this is not only contrary to Scripture b but also to their c own confession , and d is the Doctrine of Arminians e and Socinians f Cartwright sayth the Sanedrin , Mat. 18. to these who have skill in the Rabbines , especially in the Iewes Talm●d , was a selected Judicatory , and that to this Christ alludeth Mat. 18. g learned Beza , sayth much from Scripture for this , that the Church here signifieth not the multitude , h Parcus also is most cleare on this place i Calvin hath reason to say , he alludeth to Iewish Synedrie , k see also VVeems . I● it needlesse to cite Iunius , Zanchius , Peter Martyr , VVillet , Whittaker , Tilen , Becan , and all our Divines of the reformed Churches ; for when he hath spoken of the Church representative , Mat. 18. 16 , 17. and speaketh to these , to whom the Sermon was made , v. 1. at the same time came the Disciples to Jesus ( they were then Apostles in Office and called to preach and Baptize , though not yet sent to the whole world ) saying who is the greatest in the Kingdom of God ? Now to these Christ sayth , 18. to the Apostles , Verily I say to you , whatsoever you shall bind on Earth ; and this place is to be expounded by Mat. 16. 19. Where the Keys are given in a more restricted manner to Peter only , though as representing the whole Apostles and Church-rulers , and we have better reason to expound this place , Mat. 18. by the place foregoing , Mat. 16. then they have to expound the place , Mat. 16. by this place , Mat. 18. because these ●am● Keys that binde and loose in the one place , remit and retaine finnes , in the other ; and we find the keys given to Officers and Stewards only . And here is no Church , Mat. 18. or yet Mat. 16. without Pastors , except they say , that Christ Mat. 18. 18. speaketh not to the Disciples , but to the multitude of the Jewes , which is a great crossing of the Text. And to say , that Christ speaketh to the Apostles , not as to Apostles , but as to the Church of believers , is only a bare affertion , and cannot be proved , and all they can say , hangeth upon this one place , and this is the most . The power of binding and loosing is given to the Church , which is to be obeyed and heard in the place of God. But this Church , is never in the VVord of God ( say they ) taken for a company of Officers , Pastors , and Elders only ; it signifieth alwayes the Body of Christ , his Spouse , his Saints by calling , partakers of the most holy Faith. To which I answer , The body , Spouse of Christ , and Saints by calling , as they are such , is the invisible Church , and the keys and Seales a sayth this Author ) are not to be dispensed to all the faithfull as such , but as they arè confederate or joyned together in some particular visible Church , that is , sayth he ) as they are members of a visible Church ; Ergo , &c. the body and Spouse of Christ , as such , is not the Church here meant of , but the visible Congregation . Now the essence of a visible Church of which Christ speaketh here , is saved in ten , who are only visible professors , and not a Church of sound Believers , not the true body mysticall and Spouse of Christ : and yet , by this place , the Keys are given to such a Church ; now wee desire againe , a place , in all Gods Word , for a Church in this sense , and a Body of Christ and his Spouse in this meaning : for certainly , professors this way confederate , as professiors , are no more a Church of Christ , redeemed ones , and his Spouse , then an Assembly of Elders onely can be called such a Church of Believers ; for both Churches are , and may be ; where no believers are at all , at least for a time , and even while they exercise this power of Binding and Loosing , and so th● place , Matthew 18. is as much against our brethren , as against us . And Lastly our Doctrine is acknowledged , by all our Divines , against the Papists , proving that Mat. 16. the Keyes were given to Peter as representing the Apostles , and his successors in the pastorall charge , not as representing all believers . Also the Fathers Irenaeus , Nazianz●nus , Cyprianus , Basilius , Ambrosius , Theophilactus , Cyrillus , Euthymius , Hyeronimus , Augustine , Beda , Chrysostomus . And ordinaria glossa , Hugo de sanct . Victor . Haymo . Cardinalis Cusanus . Anastasius , Leo , Durandus , Thomas , Adrianus , Scotus , making a comparison between Peter and the rest of the Apostles , say , the keys were given to all the Apostles , when they were given to Peter : and Peter received them in the name and person of the rest of the Apostles , wherby , they declare , it was never their mind that Peter received the keys in name of all believers . Also the learned , as a Augustine b Beda c Gregorius , expound the Church builded upon the rock to be the Catholick Church , and not a particular visible Church . And d Gerardus giveth a good reason , why this Church , Mat. 16. cannot be a particular visible Church , because the gates of hell prevaileth against many joyned to the visible Church in externall society , e and VVicklif writing against the Monkes resureth that error of the Papists , that any members of the true Church can be damned ; and f Whittaker sayth , Augustin g against Petilian sayth , the Church builded on the rock is the Church of the Elect , not the visible Church . CHAP. 2. SECT . 2. PROP. THis Church ( saith the Author ) doth meete together every Lords Day , all of them , even the whole Church , for administration of the Ordinances of God , to publick edification . Ans. Two things are here said , 1. That all , even the whole Church , must meete for administration of the Ordinances of God , that so all and every one of the Church may be actors and Judges in dispensing of censures , this we take to be popular governement . 2. That there is a necessity of personall presence of all and every one of the Church ▪ Hence Quest. 3. Whether or no the multitude of Believers , and the whole people are to be judges , so , as private Christians out of Office are to exercise judiciall acts of the keys ? For the more easie clearing of the Question , let it be observed . 1. Dist. There is a dominion of Government Lordly and Kingly , and this is in Christ only in relation to his Church and in civill judges , and is no wayes in Church - guides , who are not Lords over the Lords inheritance ; there is a government Ministeriall , of service , under Christ , and this is due to Church-guides . 2. Dist. Regall power , being a civill power founded in the Law of nature ( for the Ants have a King ) may well be in the people originally and subjectively , as in the fountaine , nature teaching every communitie to govern themselves , and to hold off injuries , if not by themselves , yet by a King , or some selected Rulers ; but power of Church-government being supernaturall , and the acts of Church-government , and of the casting such as offend out of Christs Kingdome , being supernaturall , neither of them can be originally in the multitude of professing beleevers , but must be communicated by Christ to some certaine professing beleevers , and these are Officers . Therefore to put power and acts of government in all professors , is a naturall way drawne from civill incorporations . Christ is not ruled by our Lawes . 3. Dist. The government of Christs Kingdome is the most free and willing government on earth ; yet it is a government properly so called , for there be in it authoritative commandements , and Ecclefiasticke coaction , upon the danger of soule penalties ; in regard of the former , all the people by consent and voluntary agreement have hand in election of Officers , inflicting of censures , because it concerneth them all : but in regard of the latter , the whole people are not over the whole people ; they are not all Kings reigning in Christs government over Kings , but are divided into governours and governed ; and therefore the rulers Ecclesiasticke onely , by power of office , are in Christs roome , over the Church , to command , sentence , judge , and judicially to censure . 4. Distinct. The Officiall power of governing superaddeth to the simple acts of popular consenting , the officiall authoritative and coactive power of Christs Sceptor in discipline . That distinction in the sense holden by our brethren a that the state of the Church is popular , and the government Aristocraticall in the hands of the Eldership , is no wayes to he holden ; nor doe the Parisian b Doctors , the authors of this distinction , mind any Church-government to be in the people . Our brethren in the answer to the questions sent to them from England , explaine their minde thus : 1. We acknowledge a Presbytery , whose worke it is to teach and rule , and whom the people ought to obey , and we condemne a meere popular government , such as our writers condemne in Morellius . They adde ▪ Government meerly Aristocraticall , where all authority is in the hands of the Eldership , excluding the people from intermedling by way of power , we conceive to be without warrant and injurious to the people , infringing their liberties in chusing Officers , admitting members , censuring offenders , even Ministers , Col. 4. 16. To which doctrine we oppose these conclusions : 1. Concl. Our brethren hold a meere popular government , with Morellius . 1. Because nothing is left peculiar in government to the Officers which all the people have not . 2. Because a greater power of Church-Jurisdiction , as I shall prove , is given to the people then to the guides ; for , cursing by Excommunication of all the Officers , and blessing of them by pardoning their faults , and admitting of Members and laying on of hands , is the greatest power that can be given to people . But this and many other acts of jurisdiction the people have by our brethrens Doctrine . 3. The people is no more obedient to the Eldership , in teaching , then Indians and Infidels , who are hearers of the word , and are under an obligation to obey the word ; and under the very same obligation of an Evangelicke offer made to all : The people ( say they ) are under the obligation of obedience to Pastorall teaching , under the paine of Church censures , but so are not Indians , who may be onely hearers , but are in no Church-membership . I answer , Obligation to Church censures from the Pastors , as Pastors , lyeth not on the people , by our brethrens doctrine . 1. Because Pastors , as Pastors , are not the Church builded on the rocke , nor the Spouse of Christ , nor any part thereof ; nor any part of the visible Church , to the which Christ hath given the Keys : for the visible Church is a compleate Church in esse , & in operari , in their being and Church actions of a visible Church without all Pastors of any Officers , as they teach . 2. Because Pastors are onely parts of the visible Church , as believers , and so have the power of the Keyes as believers ; and this the believers have , which the Pastors have not ; and so seeing the Pastors as Pastors have not the Keyes , nor can they use the Keyes , or excommunicate as parts or members of the visible Church ; because , as Pastors , they are neither parts nor members of the Church , but adjuncts , and meere accidents of the visible Church , and therefore the people are under no obligation of obedience to Pastors , as Pastors under paine of Ecclesiasticke censures , more then Indians or Infidels , who are their hearers . 2. Concl. Christ hath given no warrant at all of actuall Church government , to all the whole visible Church . 1. so the places that I cited before a Iadde the styles of Officiall dignity given to Officers , because of their government , are given onely to Officers , and never to the people ; Ergo , the people have no power of government ; the consequence is sure , those who are priviledged of Christ to governe , ordinarily should be , and duely are Governours . But the stile of Gods is given to Church-guides , Ioh. 10. 33 , 36. Ioh. 20. 21. which title for governing is given to Judges , Psalm . 82. 6. Exod. 21. 6. And his Master shall bring him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Judges . Now the people are not Gods , nor are they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heb. 13. 17. over the people in the Lord. Which word , no doubt , the Apostle borrowed from the Septuagint , so stiling the Rulers , not because of their place of preaching onely , but of governing also , as Jos. 13. 21. Micah 3. 9. Ezech. 44. 3. Dan. 3. 2. Acts 23. 24. Matth. 27. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is given to the Kings or supreame rulers , 1 Pet. 2. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so it is frivolous , that they say Church-Officers are never called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : For these words of officiall power of government are no lesse powerfull , and never communicated to any but to Church-Officers , such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , watchmen , not onely for preaching , but also for government , Phil. 1. 1. 1 Tim. 3. 2. Acts 20. 28. and the people are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Governours , 1 Cor. 12. 28. nor are they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rom. 12. 8. nor obliged to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rulers , as they are the visible Church , nor should they bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Tim. 5. 17. nor are they to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Labourers , and over the Saints in the Lord. 1 Thess. 5. 12. 2. If all the people as contradistinguished from Officers , are to watch over one another , and by office to rebuke , censure , excommunicate , ordaine , and exauthorate Officers , then must they in Conscience attend the judging of all causes , of adultery , fornication , drunkennesse , swearing , oppressing , defrauding one another , as they fall under scandall . Now this is a calling distinct from their owne calling , in respect the holy Ghost alloweth to the Elders stipend and maintenance , 1 Tim. 5. 17. yea , and hire as to labourers , Matth. 10. 10. as to souldiers , husbandmen , dress●rs of vineyards , feeders of flocks , 1 Cor. 9. 7 , 8. yea , as to the oxe that treadeth out , or thresheth the corne , vers . 9. and by this all the people are made officers and stipendiaries , to whom by the Law of God and nature stipend is due : Now this looscth them from their own proper callings of Merchandise , Trading , Husbandry , Laws , Medicine , Manufactures , and maketh all these callings sinfull & unlawfull to the Saints by calling , who are members of a visible Church , according to that 2 Tim. 2. 4. No man that warreth , in t angleth himselfe with the affairs ( or callings ) of this life , which is grosse Anabaptisme condemned by Gods Word , 1 Cor. 7. 20 , 21. Eph. 6. 5. Col. 2. 22. 1 Thess. 4. 11. Now certainly , if actuall government , with the power of the Keyes , be committed to all the members of the visible Church , the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , and Canons of right government must be written to Timothy and Titus , not as to Pastors , but as to beleevers , as the Keyes were given in Peters person , and a warrant to binde and loose , Matth 18. Matth. 16. as representing beleevers , not as to a Pastor : then they are to commit the word to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , and to give up their earthly callings , as 2 Tim. 2. 2 3 , 4. and to lay hands suddenly on no man , and not to receive a testimony against an Elder , but before two or three witnesses , 1 Tim. 5. 22 , 19. and to war a good warfare , 1 Tim. 1. 18. And this must needs follow , since Separatists teach , That all the people are obliged in Conscience to judge , and to be personally present , and that by their Office and Church-calling , when ever any sentence is given out against offenders ; for , if the Elders be onely present and the people absent , the Elders shall tyrannize * ( saith Answorth ) over the peoples Consciences ; for the people being absent shall not know if the Eldership have proceeded right , yet must they repute the excommunicated person as an heathen or a publicane . 3. Arg. That government is not to be admitted which maketh men take honour to themselves , without God calling them thereunto . But the Doctrine of government in the hands of people is such , ergo ; the assumption is proved : 1. By it , all are Kings , Rulers , and Guides , and all have the most supreame power of the Keyes , as authoritative receiving in of members , and judiciall casting out , by the pastorall spirit of Paul , and all governe over all . 2. Beleevers are a ministeriall Church , a company of private Christians put in office , and doing acts of a Ministeries now a Ministerie is a peculiar state of eminency that God calle●h some selected & gifted persons unto that to the which he calle●h not all professors , as in Israel he chosed , one Tr be a to minister to himselfe , not all the visible Church of Israel , as the Scripture teacheth us . Ministers of the house of God , the Levites , the Lords Ministers , Ministers of Gods Sanctuary , and the ministery of the b New Testament , is a speciall emi●ency of office given to some few , and not to all believers , c a matter of worke that some , not all believers are put upon , and employed in , d the act , of the Ministery not common to all , but restricted to the Ministers of the Church , and not common to the whole visible Church . Now to ordaine Elders , excommunicate , admit members into the Church , are positive actes of a received ministery , and must flow from an other principle , then that which is common to all professing believers . 4. Arg. All who have received such a Ministeriall state to discharge such excellent and noble actes , as laying on of hands , receiving of witnesses , committing the Gospell to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , and must save some by gentle awaiting , and stop the mouthes of other Pastors , as a the Scripture saith , these must acquit themselves as approved worke-men to God , and shall therefore receive a Crowne of Glory at the appearance of the chiefe Shepheard , and must in a speciall manner fight the good fight of Faith , and must be worke-men who neede not to be ashamed . But these are not required of all the Church visible ; all are not men of God , and ministeriall Souldiers of Christ , and feeders of the flock , but only such as Timothy , Titus , and Elders like to Peter , as these b Scriptures prove . For the reward of a prophet is not due to all . 5. Arg. That Government is not of God which taketh away the ordinary degrees of members in Christs body the Church . But government exercised by all the visible body taketh away the deversity of offices , members , places , of Rulers and ruled , Ergo ; I prove the assumption . 1. All have one and alike equall power of governing , all the members are one in place , and office , all are Eyes , all Eares , all are hands , according as all have one joynt and common interest , and claime to Christ. One is not an Eye and head in relation to another : for all are both governours and governed , all the Watchmen , and all the City ; all the flock , and all the feeders , all the House , and all Rulers , Key-bearers , Stewards , all the children of the house , all the Fathers , Tutors , to bring up , nu●ture , and correct the children . 2. If the power and use of the Keys result from this , that the Corporation is the Spouse , Body , Sister of Christ , the redeemed flock , what should hinder but according as God inequally dispenseth the measure of grace , to some more , to some l●sse , so some should have more , some lesse power of the keys , and some exercise more eminent acts of government , as they be more eminent in grace ; some lesse eminent acts ; and if we grant this , we cannot deny the order of a Hierarchy amongst Pastors . This connexion may be denied happily by our brethren , but there is no reason , if their arguments be good , they alwayes conclude Church-power from the graces of the members of the Church . 3. Concl. It is cleare then that the state of the Church cannot be called popular , and the government Aristocraticall , or in the hands of the Elders , as our brethren meane . 1. Because by our brethren , the government and the most eminent and authoritative acts thereof are in the hands of the people . Ergo , both state and government are popular . 2. Because the people are not only to consent to the censures , and acts of government , but also authoritatively to judge with coequal power with the Eldership , as they prove from , 1 Cor. 5. 12. 3. a The Parisian Doctors , the authors of this distinction acknowledge a visible monarchy in the Church , and are far from popular government . Let us heare what our brethren say for the government of the people , and their judiciall power in generall . Quest. 15. Our brethren say , the Colossians are exhorted , Col. 4. 17. to say to Archippus , Take heed to the Ministery , that thou hast received of the Lord , to fulfill it in all points ; Ergo , the people are to censure and rebuke the Pastors , and therfore they may , and ought to exercise acts authoritative . Ans. 1. This is an argument off the way with reverence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 say to Archippus , take heede , Ergo , say Judicially and rebuke with all authority , it is an argument à genere ad speciem affirmativè , and a non-consequence , Mat. 18. 17. If he will not heare them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell the Church ; Ergo , exercise an act of authority over the Church , Ioh. 8. 48. The Jewes said unto him . Ergo , they said it authoritatively , 1 Ioh. 1. 8. If we say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have no sinne ; by no authority can we say we have no sinne , Luk. 12. 11. Take not thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what ye shall say Rev. 22. 17. 2. The Fathers , as a Augustine , b Chrysostome , c Ambrose , d Hyeronimus ; The Schoolemen , as e Aquinas , f D. Bannes , g Suarez , say , correcting of our brother is , ( sublevatio miseriae peccantis . ) a succouring of the misery of a sinner . h Cajetan●ait , actum correctionis elici à prudentia , imperari à misericordia : To warne or rebuke our brother is an act of prudence commanded by mercy and compassion . i And. Duvalius saith , it is an act , Non solum juris divini , sed etiam naturalis ; and he citeth Lev. 19. Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart , but shalt rebuke him ; and shall beare one anothers burdens , and so fulfill the Law of Christ. And k Greg. de Valent. saith it is a spirituall almes , & actum misericordiae , quo subveniatur spirituali necessitati fratris . So the Doctors l of the Canon Law. So the Fathers say , m as Basilius , esse benevolentiam potius , quam severitatem . n Augustin . Vulnus fratr is contemnis , vides cum perire & negligis , pejor es tu tacendo , quam ille te offendendo . o Excellently Hieronim . Sivide at in corpore carnes putridas , & dicat . An ad me pertinet ? scias , quiae crudelis est . And p Nazianz. Charitatem potius hic quam potestatem ostendendam . To rebuke is a worke of charity , rather then of power . q Calvin saith , Good Ministers stand in need to be admonished . r Davenant thinketh that Archippus in the absence of Epaphras his collegue was to supply his absence , and , it is like , was somewhat cold , and therefore needed to be admonished . But because the Collossians were to exercise an act of mercy towards their Pastor , which the Law of nature enjoyned them , it is a wide inference , therefore they had Church authority and power over him , to censure , deprive excommunicate him ; so the faithfull receiveth a charge , Hos. 2. 1. Say ye to your brethren Ammi , and to your sisters Ruhammah . 2. Plead with your mother , plead ; pleading for wheredomes is more then a simple exhorting of Archippus , yet none can well collect from these words , that those faithfull who kept themselves cleane from the common defection , had power of jurisdiction over their breth en , sisters , and mother , to censure them judicially , and by authority to un-Church them . And certainely the Apostle , if he had commanded here the judiciall act of Church-jurisaiction to all the Saints of Colosle , men and women who may admonish Archippus , we we would looke he had said , ( command , and charge with all authority Archippus to take heed to his ministery . ) Also , it is much to be doubted , if the duties of rebuking , exhorting , and comforting one another , be positive acts of Church-membership , which the fellow-members of a visible Congregation owe one to another by vertue of a Church-covenant , or that the people owe to the Pastor in a Church way , for these ( ex hort , teach , comfort one another ) are duties mutuall , not restricted to fellow-members of a visible Church , or Parish , but such as we owe to all the members of the Catholique Church , as we are occasionally in company with them . Yea , and duties ( as our brethren say ) that sister Churches owe to sister Churches , and acts of the Law of nature that we owe to all , as brethren , not as brethren in Church-membership , Levit. 19. 17. onely . I will here answer : What Robinson saith , a By the Keyes is meant the Gospell opening a way by Christ and his merits , as the doore into the Kingdome , the power of binding and loosing , opening and shutting Heaven , is not tied to any Office or Order in the Church , it dependeth onely upon Christ , who alone properly forgiveth sinnes , and hath the Key of David , and this Key externally is the Gospell , which , with himselfe , he giveth to the Church , Isa. 6. 9. Rom. 3. 2. Ergo , the Keyes are given to all , though not to be used by all and every one alike , which were grosse confusior . The Keyes were not given to Peter as Prince of the Apostles , as Papists say , nor to Peter as chiefe Officer of the Church , and so to Prelates ; nor to Peter as a Minister of the Word and Sacraments ; but we say , to the conf●ssion of faith , which Peter made by way of answer to Christs demand , and therefore to every faithfull man and woman , who have received the like precious faith with Peter , 2 Pet. 1. 1. Ans. 1. If the Keyes be given to as many as the Gospell is given unto , all have the Keyes who are beleevers , children , women , whether within or without the Church ; for all have obtained alike precious faith . So it is vaine to speake there of a Church builded on the Rock● , or of any ministeriall Churc● . 2. The Keyes are not given to the naked Office or Order , distinct from the spirits working and proving the acts of preaching and discipline to be mighty through God , 2 Cor. 10 5. to open hearts , Act. 16. 14. for what , or who is Paul ? and who is Apollo , but Ministers by whom ye beleeved ? 1 Cor. 3. 4 5. and Christ alone worketh with the Sacraments , and without him great Iohn Baptist can but baptize with water . Joh. 1. 26. yet all say administration of Sacraments externally is so tied to the Office , as none can administer them without warrant , but Pastors , 1 John 5. 25 Math. 26 19. 1 Cor. 1. 17. and therefore this is weake , to prove that because Christ onely hath the Keyes of the Word ; yea , and of the Sacraments also . that therefore he hath not committed the Keyes to certaine Officers under him , who are Stewards , and Key-bearers . 3. The places alledged prove not Is. 6. 9. Christ is given to us , that is , to the Church , as to the subject ; O say it not , but to us the Church , as the object and end for our salvation . Ergo , the Keyes and the Gospell are given to the Church , yea and to every faithfull , that they may , by preaching , open and shut Heaven . You cannot say so . Also Rom. 3. 2. to the Jewes were committed the Oracles and Scriptures , that every one might be a Priest and Prophet , to teach and sacrifice ; it is a shame to say so : but to the Jewes , as to the object and end , that by the Scriptures and faith in these Oracles , they might be saved . 4. The Keyes , that is , the Gospell , is given to all , though not to be used alike by all and every one ; which were grosse confusion : that is the same we say , the Gospell in use is not given alike to all ; but to the believers as to the object and end ; to the Officers , as to the subject and proper instrument . And so you fall into grosse confusion while you eschew it . Robinson , a The Keyes be one and the same in efficacy and nature , and depend not upon the number and excellencie of any persons , but upon Christ alone , though the order and manner of using them be different . Ans. The Sacraments remaine one and the same in nature and efficacy , who ever be the persons , many or few , excellent or not excellent , in whose hands soever they be ; it followeth not therefore , the power of administration of Sacraments is given to all . 2. We see no difference in the order and manner of using the keyes ; if all , even a faithfull man or woman either , may also truly and effectually loose and binde both in heaven and in earth , as all the Ministers of the world , for those be b your words . Robinson . c These keyes in doctrine may be turned also as well upon them , which are without the Church , as upon them which are within , and their sinnes either loosed or bound , Matth. 28 19. in discipline not so , but onely on them that are within . 1 Cor. 5 13. Answ. If this distinction were in Gods Word , we would receive it , but seeing by preaching there is receiving in and casting out , and binding and loosing . I aske , how these , who were never within , can bee judged and cast out by preaching more then by discipline ; may Pastors judge these who are without by preaching , and not judge those who are without by discipline , and that in a setled Church ? Robinson . a There is an use of the keyes publike , ministeriall , by men in office , by the whole Church joyntly together , or private , by one person severally who is out of office , and yet the power of the Gospell is still one and the same , notwithstanding the divers manner of using it . Answ. 1. If one alone have the keyes spoken of , Matth. 16. there be keyes Ministeriall made by Christ before the house be builded , and have walls , roofe , or doore , the keyes all take to be metaphoricall , and to presuppose a company , a constituted Church , where some are put in , some put out ; these private keyes of women to open and shut heaven upon men , and so to usurpe authoritie over the man , are no Church-keyes , and if they be not Church-keyes they are not for our dispute . Robinson b If the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven be appropriated to the officers , then can there be no forgivenesse of sinnes without the officers , and there is no entrance into heaven but by the doore , there is no climbing over any other way , and without the key the doore cannot be opened : Then if there be no officers in the Church , or if they take away the key of knowledge c then must the multitude perish eternally . Answ. Though the keyes be appropriated to officers , it followeth not , There is no forgivenesse of sinnes , nor opening of Heaven at all without officers ; but onely no Ecclesiasticall forgivenesse , no Church-opening by a Ministeriall power , but through Ministeriall keyes ; and opening cannot ordinarily be without officer● . Faith commeth by hearing , Ergo , no faith by reading . Baptisme saveth , Ergo , no salvation without Baptisme , so doe Anabaptists reason , as saith d Gerardus ; so reasoneth a Socinus , averring , It is a worke of charity necessary to salvation , therefore all may preach ; and the same doth both the Raccovian● b Catechisme and c Ostorodius say , yea , and Theoph. Nicolaides d defending Muncerus the Anabaptist . Though keyes bee a publike ordinary meane in a constituted Church , it followeth not therefore , there is no other way of opening Heaven . In the Sacraments remission of sinnes is sealed , and heaven opened , it follows not therefore , all may administer the Sacraments . 2. What inference is here ? if the keyes bee appropriated to officers , then people must perish when officers faile ; certainly so saith the Lords Spirit : Proved . e Where there is no vision , the people perish ; and this is a fearfull soul judgement , when God removeth the f candlestick ▪ g and there is no prophet to shew how long ; h and the people are plagued with a famine of the word of God ; yet there be other meanes then publike ministery . He addeth : i They which may forgive sinne and sinners , save soules , gaine and turne men to the Lord , to them are the keys of the Kingdome of Heaven given , by which they open the doore to such as they thus forgive , gaine , and save . But all th●se , such as are no Ministers may doe , as Matth. 18. 15. 2 Corinth . 2. 5 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Acts 8. 14. Answ. The proposition is false , for all who open the doore by exhorting and gaining soules , as Christians in no Church-state may in some cases doe , have not the Church-keyes ; for this were to make Church keyes without any Church , and to make keyes without house , doore , or lock : for the keyes are metaphorically so called , with necessary relation to the Church , the house of God , and to the stewards of the house ; the places alleadged are the controversie it selfe , and to others of them I shall answer hereafter . Robinson . k The twelve Apostles were not called to the office of Apostles , Matth. 16. Ergo , they doe not as Apostles receive the keyes . Answ. I trust to prove the contrary hereafter . 2. If the Apostles , Matth. 16. received not the keyes , by no warrant are the keyes given to Pastors at all . Robinson . l Every servant in the house , no lesse then Officers have authority ; for the word carrieth authority with it whither soever it goeth , Matth. 25. 14. and all have received some good thing or gift for the good of the Church , and all should watch , but especially the porter . Answ. What can be hence collected ? Ergo , the keyes are given to all , and all are porters , and all should watch as porters ; for , the word of exhorting given to all , is of like authority when a woman or boy speaketh it , as when a Prophet speaketh it . But it is not good to helpe Arminius and Jesuits , who reason for universall grace given to all and every one from these Parables : Mr. Pemble , and opposers of Jesuits , in the doctrine of grace , expound this of Pastors . 2. But let the Parable speake of all ; all have authority , because all have the word , all who privately exhort have the word , have authority objective , and of divine obligation , as Christians , it is true ; Ergo , all have the keyes , it followeth not : but all who privately and occasionally exhort , have not authority officiall by the calling of God and his Church , and therefore they have not this , they have not the keyes ; and the word by publike preaching none have , but usurpers , ( save onely called Officers ) and because they steale the Word , they steale the Keyes also ; and because the Sacraments have authority from God , it followeth not therefore that Baptisme administrated by women is of authority . Robinson m acknowledgeth , that Elders and Bishops were ordained to suppresse false doctrine , and lay hands suddenly on no man ; but it followeth not ( saith he ) that they are to doe this there alone . Answ. There alone they must lay on hands , that is , with the Presbytery , and in a judiciall way excluding all the people ; for people never in the new Testament laid on hands upon any , to ordaine them Elders , nor did they it in the old Testament . Robinson . n The officers , Ephes 4. 11. are chosen of Christ to watch ; so Mark 13. the porter should watch ; Ergo , the rest of the servants should not watch , it followeth not , Officers are to knit together the Saints , and so are all who are spirituall , Gal. 6. 1. The Officers are to edifie , so are all to edifie one another , 1 Thess. 5. 11. Answ. The argument must be thus , These who are to watch , to knit together the Saints , to edifie them , have received the keys , and are Governours , and are Officers ; but all the faithfull are to watch , to knit together the Saints , Ergo ; first , the major is false ; for if because the Saints may edifie , they shall have joynt power and use of the keys with the Officers , they may administrate the Sacraments . Now , because they may in a Christian way doe some acts of edifying , it followeth not that therefore they may doe these acts by power of the keyes , and with an Ecclesiasticall and Church-power ; they may doe the same duty , Ergo , with the same power . A scholler may teach his school-fellow the same lesson that his Master doth teach him ; Ergo , he may doe it by the same Magisteriall authority : A wife may cure a disease , Ergo , shee may by the same authority that a Doctor of Physicke , approved by the incorporation of Physicians , cure a disease , it followeth not : Beleeve me , so still doth a Socinus , and b Ostorodius , c Theoph. Nicolaides , reason against Gods ordinance of a sent Ministerie . d Robins . God hath indeed set in the body some to be eyes and mouth , and hath not said to all the Church , Goe and preach ; but , first , they have not their gifts from the Church . Secondly , you would have the body to starve , if such hands as Deacons will not feed ; and all the body blinde , if the eyes of the watchmen be blinde . Answ. Yet thus much is granted , that gifts give not the keyes , nor authority to use gifts ; and so that all beleevers , though gifted and graced also , have not power of the keyes . 2. It 's certaine , that in a constituted Church there be no hands nor mouthes to doe and speake by authority , and ex officio , by vertue of an office , save onely Elders and Pastors , and that if they doe or speake , they doe it extraordinarily , when Churches hands are lame , and her eyes blinde ; or if they doe and speake ordinarily , it is from the law of charity in a private way , not by power of the keyes , and as Judges and Officers . Manuscript . 5 ch . 4 sect . The Churches , not the Angels of the Churches , are blamed for not executing censures against Balaam , Jezabel , the Nicolaitans . ( g ) Robinson saith more , 1. These whose workes Christ commendeth , for that dwelling where Sathans throne was , they kept his name and denyed not his faith ; these he reproveth for suffering the doctrine of Balaam and the Nicolaitans 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. 2. They which were commended by Christ , for their workes , love , service , faith , patience , increase of workes ; are reproved for suffering Jezabel , but these were not the Angels onely . 3. These conjunctions ( but ) ( never the lesse ) say , though they were z●alous in many things , yet they failed in not being zealous enough against false teachers . Ans. 1. These connexions prove guiltinesse in Angels or Pastors , and one common fault may be laid upon them all , but hence it followeth not ; that they all , abused one and the same power of the Keyes , as being all collaterall Judges , no doubt the Angels preached not against Balaam , J●zabel , and the Nicolaitans doctrine , and yet women dwelt where Sathans throne is , and there faith and patience was commended , and yet our brethren will not say women are rebuked , and all the beleevers , because they did not pastorally preach against Balaam , and Iezabel ; so this argument hurteth them as much as our cause . The Pastors were guilty , because they did not in their place use the Keyes ; and the people , because they did not say to Archippus and their Officers , Take heed how you governe ; as Israel was involved in Achans trespasse , because they warned not one another . 2. Seeing the Spirit of God maketh mention of Churches in the plurall number , and every one of the seven Churches , of Ephesus , Rev. 2. 7. of S●yrna , v. 11. of Pergamus 17. of Thyatira 29 of Sardis 3. 6. Philadelphia 13. Laodicea 22. It is cleare , there were more Churches then a single Congregation , and an independent incorporation in every one of them , and so a Presbytery of Angels in every one of them behoved to be guilty of this neglect of discipline , yet not all one and the same way . It is not cleare enough , though that the whole Church in Ephesus was to be rebuked , or that all and every one of the Elders , whereof there were a good number , ( Act. 20. 26. He prayed with them all they all wept sore , ) were guilty of these abuses of the power of the Keyes ; for in Sardis there were a few names which had not defiled their garments , yet the whole body is rebuked . Manuscript , Ch. 5. Sect. 4. When the word Congregation is put for the Elders or Judges only , it is never understood of them sitting in consistery and judgement there alone by themselves , and apart from the people , but in the presence of the publick assembly , who also had liberty in such cases to rescue an innocent from unjust judgment , 1 Sam. 14. 45. I answer , we urge not a Church assembly of Elders only to exclude the people from hearing yea and in an orderly way , from speaking , reasoning and disputing even in our Generall assembly , but for judiciall concluding , we find not that given to any , but to the Church-guides , Act. 15. 6. Act. 16. 4. 2 It is not a good argument , the people sate with the Rulers and rescued innocent Jonathan , 1 Sam. 14. Therefore all the people may fit and give judiciall sentence or impede the Elders to sentence any . This I grant , is alledged by Ainsnorth a for to give popular government to the people ; as also , 1 King 21. 13. and Ier. 26. 11 , 12. but 1. a fact of the people is not a Law. 2. It was one fact and that in an extraordinary case of extreame iniquity in killing innocent Ionathan a Prince and Leader of the people . 3. in a civill businesse , and the people were to be executioners of the sentence of death , and they saw it manifestly unjust . 4. they were not the common people only , but in thar company were the Princes of the Tribes and heads , and the King and his family only on the other side ; what will this infer , but that there were no Kings in Israel , who had power of life and death , nor any judges , as Ainsworth , contrary to Scripture sayth , but that the people were joynt Judges with the King , and that the people in the New Testament are co-equall Judges with the Elders , from so poore an example ; and so the Separatists b proving from the peoples power of judging in civill causes ( which yet is a wide mistake ) and a punishment bodily to be inflicted upon strangers as c Paget doth learnedly observe ; doe conclude the peoples power of judging in Ecclesiastick causes , which concerneth only the members of the visible Church . Manuscript . We grant , it is orderly to tell the Elders the offence , that the whole Church be not frivolously troubled ; but it followeth not , that the Officers may judge there alone without consent of the people : he who told his complaint to the Levite , told it orderly enough to the whole Congregation assembled at Mizpeh Jud. 20. Ans. These to whom we are to complaine , these and these only , are to be heard , and obeyed as Judges binding and loosing in Earth and validly in Heaven , Mat. 18. but these are not the multitude , nor one Elder only , but the Church of Elders . 2. if the Church of Believers be the only subject ( as you teach ) of the Keys , and not the Elders , but in so far as they are parts of the believing Church , then it is more orderly to complaine to the multitude who only are proper Judges , then to Elders who are not properly Judges . Manuscript . A second reason why we allow such power to the people in Church censures , is from the Church of Corinth . 1. He directeth the whole Church of Corinth to whom he writeth , to excomunicate the incestuous man. Ans. He writeth to all the faithfull , and so to women ; the woman is not to usurpe authority over the man , 1 Cor. 14. 34. 1 Tim. 2. 11 , 12. but to voyce judicially in Excommunication is an act of Apostolick authority . Manuscript . Ib. The whole Church is to be gathered together and to Excommunicate , Ergo not the Bishop and Elders alone , 3. Pauls spirit was to be with them and Christs authority , 4. the whole Church , 2 Cor. 2. did forgive him , 5. nothing is in the Text that attributeth any power to the presbytery apart , or singularly above the rest , but as the reproofe is directed to all , for not mourning , so is the Commandement of casting out directed to all . Ans. 1. It is cleare that if some were gathered together in the power of Christ and the spirit of Paul , that is , in the authority that he received over the Corinthians , for edification , 2. Cor. 10. 8. and Pauls Rod , 1 Cor. 4. 21. then as many as were convened Church-ways , and mourned not for the same , did not cast out and authoritatively forgive ; seeing women and believing children did convene with the whole Church , and were not humbled for the sinne ; and yet women and believing children cannot be capable of pastorall authority over the Church , which was given for edification . 2. The power of the Lord Jesus , that is , the keys of the Kingdom of God were committed to Peter , as to a Pastor , Mat. 16. and power to bind and retaine , to loose and pardon sinnes , Joh. 20. 20 , 21 , 22. Which power is given to these who are sent as Ambassadors as the Father sent Christ , v. 21. which power cannot be given to puffed up women , 3. Except this be said , the Text must beare that there was not a Presbytery of Prophets , Governors and Teachers there of all , who had a more eminent act in excommunicating and Church pardoning , then the women who mourned not , for by what reason our brethren would have the act of excommunicating an act of the whole Church convened , including all to whom Paul writeth , women and children , by that same reason we may appropriate it to these only , who are capable of Pauls pastorall spirit , and authority , according as attributes are appropriated ( by good logick ) to their own subjects , else that cannot be expounded 1 Cor. 14. 31. For ye may all prophecy one by one . What ? may all that the Apostle writeth unto , 1 Cor. 1. 2. prophecy one by one ? even the whole Church , even all sanctified in Christ Jesus ? called to be Saints , and all that in every place call upon the Lord Iesus ? I thinke our brethren will not say so : so when Paul sayth , 1 Thess. 5. 12. Esteem highly of these that are over you if that command be directed to the whole Church of the Thessalonians which is in God our Father , as the Epistle is directed to them all , 1 Thess. 1. 1. then doth Paul command the Elders in Thessalonica to esteem highly of themselves , for their own workes sake : if exhortations be not restricted according to the nature of the subject in hand we shall mock the Word of God , and make it ridiculous to all . Ainsworth sayth , The putting away of leaven was commanded to all Israel . Ergo , the putting away of the incestuous person is commanded to them all in Corinth without exception , and the putting away of the Leper was commanded to all Israel . I answer . 1. Proportions are weake probations , 1. every single woman , 2. privately in her own house , 3. without Churches consent and authority was to put away Leaven ; but it is a poore inference , therefore every woman in Corinth he●e alone might excommunicate without the Churches authority , and in their private houses . 2. The Priest only judicially putteth away the Leper , Deut. 17. 13. and the Priests without the peoples consent put out Uzzah their Prince from the Sanctuary , when he was a Leper . 2. Ch●on . 26. 20. Manuscript . Lest this judgement should be restrained to Presbyteries only , he magnifieth the judging of the Saints , taking occasion from thence to stretch their judicature , in some cases , even to the deciding of civill causes , rather then that they should fly suddenly to Law one against another , before Infidels . Ans. That upon this Church judging , he taketh occasion to magnifiy the judging of the Saints , I see not , for he passeth to a new subject in reprehending their pleadng , before heathen Judges . 2. Though that cohesion of the Chapters were granted , yet doth he not magnifie the Judging , of all the multitude , the Saints of men and women shall judge the world by assenting to Gods Judging , but all the Saints , even women , are not Church-Iudges . Also he extendeth Judging of civill causes to the most eminent Seniors amongst them v. 5. Is there not a wise-man amongst you ? no , not one who shal be able to judge betwixt his brethren ? and therefore he layeth a ground , that far lesse can all the rest of men and women be Judges Ecclesiastick to binde and loose validly in Earth and Heaven , but onely the wiser and selected Elders . I may adde what Master Robinson sayth , that our argument from confession , may be objected to the Apostles no lesse then to Separatists , Acts 1. 23. They presented two ; that is , the multitude which were about an hundred and twenty men and women , and Act 6. 5. And the while multitude presented seven Deacons to the twelue Apostles , and the twelve Apostles called the multitude , and so spake to them and v. 6. prayed and laid hands on the Deacons . Now when the multitude Acts 1. presented Joseph and Matthias , it behoved them to speak ; spake they joyntly , or all at once ? this were confusion , contrary to , 1 Cor. 14. 14. did the women speak ? they must not meddle in Church-maters , v. 34. did children speak ? It is impossible ; so Acts 6. did all the twelve Apostles speak at once ? and pray ( vocally ) at once ? did the whole multitude speak when they presented the seven Deacons ? that is confusion ; by these and the like , women and children are utterly excluded from the Church , as no parts of it , Acts 15. 22. The whole Church sent Messengers to Antioch , 1 Co● . 14. 23. the whole Church commeth together in one , to exercise themselves in praying and prophecying , but children could not send messengers nor pray , nor prophecy , and women might not speak in the Church , and therefore women and children must be excluded from being parts of the Church ; if one be excluded , why not another ? and so till we come to the chiefe of the Congreation . Ans. This is much for us every way ; therefore the 120 , Acts 1. and the multitude , Acts 6. did present the two elect Apostles , and the seven Deacons by some select persons , and when these select persons spake , the Church spake , and when one Apostle prayed the whole twelve prayed ; Ergo , there is a representative Church which performeth Church actions in the name of the Church , and you will have a representative Church in the New Testament to be a point ( as you say a ) of Judaisme ; yet here you are forced to acknowledge it , 2. By all good reason when Christ , Mat. 18. sayth if he refuse to heare the Church , that is , the speaking and commanding Church , let him be as a heathen , he must speak of a representative Church ; for a collective body of all believers even women and children cannot command , nor soeak in the Church , and it were confusion that women and children should bind and loose on Earth as Christ doth in Heaven , and when Paul sayth that the convened Church , 2 Cor. 5. should cast out the incestuous person , he meaneth not that they should all Judge him by the power and authority of Christ , and the pastorall spirit of Paul ; therefore your doctrine is false , that as many are Judges in the Judiciall acts of excommunication , as did not mourn for the sin , as were Saints by calling , and to whom Paul writeth , 1 Cor. 2. and as met together for the publick worship , for it is as great confusion for women and children who are true parts of the Church to be Iudges , cloathed with Christs authority , and Pauls Ministeriall spirit , as for women to speak , or for twelve Apostles to pray all at once vocally in the Church ; and the whole Church is said , Acts 15. 22. to send messengers , and Canons to Antioch to be observed , and yet that whole Church are but , in the act of governing and decerning , and judiciall passing of these acts , only Apostles and Elders , Acts 15. 2. v. 6. Act 16. 4 : Act. 21. 5. ( Ergo ) it followeth not that we exclude women and children from being parts of the Church , or that all are excluded except Elders ; all are parts of the mysticall , and redeemed Church ; officers are only the ministeriall Church , and Mat. 18. Christ speaketh only of a ministeriall Church in the judiciall act of excommunication ; though if you speak of excommunication in all the acts of it , we doe not exclude the whole multitude , Mat. 8. nor 1 Cor. 5. from a popular consenting to the sentence , and a popular execution of the sentence of excommunication and therefore though the whole Church convene , yet the whole Church conveneth not with Pauls ministeriall spirit to excommunicate judicially ; either must our brethren here acknowledge a Synocdoche , as well as we , yea and a representative and select Church in the judiciall act of excommunication , else they must say , that women and children , Ex officio , by a ministeriall spirit doe Judge and so speake in the Church , for he who Judgeth Ex officio , in the Church , may and must speake and excommunicate in the Church Ex officio : but more of this hereafter . CHAP. 3. SECT . 3. QUEST . 4. WHether or no is there a necessity of the personall presence of the whole Church in all the acts of Church-censures ? The Author a giveth us ground for this question , whiles as he holdeth the company of believers cloathed with the whole power of the keys , and these meeting all of them , even the whole Church to be the only visible instituted Church . And b Ainsworth sayth , with what comfort of heart can the people now excommunicate him , if they have not heard the proceedings against him ? Let wise men Iudge , if this be not spirituall tyranny , that Elders would bring upon the conscience of men ? Also it would seem● if the people be to execute the sentence of excommunication , that they cannot in faith repute the excommunicated man , as a Heathen and a Publican , and eschew his company , except they be assured in conscience , that he is lawfully cast out : now how shall they have this assurance ? the Elders say , he is lawfully cast out , and the cast out man sayth , no , but he is wronged ; therefore it would seem that all the people must be personally present to heare that the processe be lawfully deduced against him , else they punish , upon a blind faith , now the like question is , if Souldiers can make war , if they be not present at the counsell of war to know the just reasons of war , which the Prince and States doe keepe up to themselves , upon grave considerations . And the same is the question , if the Lictor and executioner of the Judges sentence be obliged in conscience to know , if the Judge have proceeded orderly and justly , or if he upon the testimony of the Judge , may execute the sentence of death . 1. Distinction , There be oddes betwixt a free willing people executing the sentence of the Church , and meere Executioners and Lictors . 2. Dist. There is a doubting of conscience speculative , through ignorance of some circumstance of the fact ; and a doubt of conscience practicall through ignorance of something , which one is obliged to know , and so there is also a speculative and a practicall certainty of a thing . 3. Dist. There is one certaeinty required in questione Juris , in a question of Law , and another in questione facti , in question of fact . 4. Dist. There is , and may be an ignorance invincible which a man cannot help , in a question of fact ; but Papists and Schoole-men erre , who maintaine an invincible ignorance in questione Juris , in a question of Law , and in this they lay imperfection on Gods Word . 5. Dist. There is a morall diligence given for knowledge of a thing which sufficeth to make the ignorance excusable , and there is a morall diligence not sufficient . 6. Dist. There is a sentence manifestly unjust as the condemning of Christ by witnesses , belying one another , and a sentence doubtsomely false . 1. Conclu . The members of the visible Church are not meere Lictors and Executioners of the sentences of the Elder-ship , 1. Because they are to observe , warne , watch over the manners of their fellow members and to teach , exhort , and admonish one another ; and are guilty , if they be deficient in that , 2. Because by the Law of charity , as they are brethren under one head Christ , they are to warne and admonish their Rulers . And by the same reasons the people of the Jewes were not meere executioners , though they were to stone the condemned Malefactors , yet were they not Judges as Ainsworth sayth . It is true Levit. 20. 2. they were to kill him who offered his seed to Moloch ; but the precept is given first to Moses the supreme Magistrate , the accused for innocent blood stood before the children of Israel , Num. 35. 22. but their Gnedah signifieth the Princes , I●s . 20. 4. The slayer shall declare his cause before the Elders of that City , 2 Sam. 7. 7. there be Tribes who are feeding or governing Tribes , or 1 Chron. 17. 6. Judges : there is no reason to understand by the children of Israel or the Congregation , only the common people , when the word doth include a Congregation of Princes , so Num. 8. 11. the Levites are the children of Israels shake-offering a Ainsworth saith the people are put for the Princes , the sins of unjust Judges are peoples sinnes , not because they judicially exercise unjust acts , for they should not judge at all , but because they mourne not for the publick sins of Judges , Eze. 9 9. and because the people love to have it so , Jer. 5. 31. 2. Concl. When the sentence of the Judge is manifestly unjust , the executioners and Lictors are not to execute it ; for Doeg the Edomite sinned in killing the Lords Priests at the command of Saul , and the footmen of Saul did religiously refuse that service , 1 Sam. 22. 17. The Souldiers who crucified Christ , not only as men , but as Licto●s , sinned against a principle of the Gospel which they were obliged to believe ( Maries sonne is the true Messiah ) nor are we to joyne with a Church excommunicating a man , because he confessed Christ Iob. 9. nor need we consent to these , that the Senate of Venice is excommunicated by Paul the fift An. 1607. and Henricus Borbonius King of Navarre by Sixtus 5. and Elizabeth of England by Pius 5. and Henry the 4. by Gregory 7. or Hilderland , and Martin Luther by Leo the 10. An. 1520. the Pope is not the Catholick Church , as many learned Papists , especially , the Parisian Theologues teach . 3. Concl There is not required the like certainty of conscience practicall in a question of fact , that is required in a question of Law. 1. Because in a question of Law all ignorance is morall and culpably , evill to any who undertaketh actions upon conscience of obedience to others ; for to all within the visible Church the word of God is exactly perfect , for faith and manners ; and every on is obliged to know all conclusions of Law that are determinable by Gods word . 2. Every one in his actions is to do● out of a plerophorie , and a full perswasion of heart , that what he doth , pleaseth God , Rom. 14. 14. I know and am perswaded by the Lord Jesus , that nothing is uncleane of it selfe . 3. We are to doe nothing but what is lawfull , and what in our consciences we are perswaded is lawfull , and are to know what is sinne , and what is no sin . All Souldiers in war , and Lictors , and these who execute the sentence of excommunication , are to know , what are the just causes of war , and what crimes by Gods Law deserve death , and what not , as what homicide , sorcery , parricide , incest , and the like sinnes deserve by Gods Law , and what not : because every one is obliged to know morally , what concerneth his conscience that he be not guilty before God ; the executioner who beheaded Iohn Baptist sinned , because he was obliged to know this ( a prophet who rebuketh incest in a King , ought not to be put to death therefore ) It was unlawfull for the men of Iudah to come and make war with Ieroboam and the ten Tribes , because God forbade that war , 1 Ki. 12. 23 , 24. 4. Concl. It is not enough that some say , if the question be negatively just , then Souldiers and executioners , and people may execute the sentence , that is , if they see no unlawfulnesse in the fact , I meane unlaw fulnesse in materiâ juris , in a matter of Law ; hence some say , subjects and common Souldiers not admitted to the secrets of the councell of war , may fight lawfully , when there is this negative justice in the war ; but forraine Souldiers who are conduced , may not doe so a for the Law sayth he is not free of a fault who intermedleth with matters which belonge not to him , to the hurt of others ; so Teacheth b Suarez c D. Bannes d Andr. Duvallius , yet the command of the Prince can remove no doubt of conscience , also that the cause of the war in the matter of Law , so far as it is agreeable to Gods word is not manifest to executioners , is there culpable ignorance no lesse then the ignorance of a sentence manifestly unjust , Ergo , the practise of these who execute a sentence negatively only just , is not lawfull , I prove the antecedent , beacuse the practicall ignorance of what we doe which is not warranted by Gods Word is alwayes culpable , whether the cause be cleare or darke : for no obscurity of Gods Law doth excuse our ignorant practise , when the Word of God can sufficienty resolve us . 2. It is not enough that our morall actions in their lawfulnes be just negatively ; because actions morall which are beside the Word of God ( praeter dei verbum ) to us , who hold Gods Word perfect in faith and manners , are also , contra dei verbum , against the Word of God , and so unlawfull . 3. Because actions morall having no warrant but the sole will and Commandement of superiors , are undertaken upon the sole faith : that what superiors command , if it seeme not to us unjust , though it be in it selfe unjust , may lawfully be done . Now we condemne this in Schoolemen and Popish casuistes , that the Commandement of superiors ( as sayth Gregor . de Valent. Bannes , Suarez , Silvester , Navarre ) may take away and remove all doubting of conscience , and make the action lawfull . Whereas a Navarre , b Corduba c Sylvester d Adrian , hold that an action done without a due practicall certainty is unlawfull . If he shoud diligently ( e sayth Suarez ) search for the truth , and cannot find it , yet the doubter may practise , so he practically perswade himselse , he doth it out of a good mind ; and whereas the Jesuite sayth , that it is his negligence in not seeking the truth , he answereth , his negligence which is by past , cannot have influence in his present action , to make it unlawfull , because it is past and gone . But I answer , it is Physically past , but it is morally present , to infect the action as habituall ignorance , maketh the acts of unbeliefe morally worse or ill . And to these we may adde , that he who doth with such a doubt , 1. He sinneth , because he doth not in faith f 2. He exposeth himselfe to the hazard of finning , and of joyning with an unjust sentence . 3. It is the corrupt Doctrine of Papists who muzzle up the people in ignorance , and discharge them to reade Gods Word , and so maintaine ( because of the obscurity and imperfection of Gods Word which is not able to determine all questions ) that there is an ignorance of many lawfull duties which is invincible , and to be excused , as no wayes sinfull , and which vitiateth not our morall actions , so a Thomas b Bonaventura , c Richard d Gabriel e Occam f Antoninus g Adrianus h Almaine i Suarez , though Occam and Almain may be expounded favourably . 5. Concl. Souldiers , Lictors , Servants , People under the Eldership , are not meere instruments moved only by superiors , as Schoolemen say . 1. Because they are morall agents , and are no lesse to obey in Faith , then superiors are to command in Faith and they are to obey their Superiours only in the Lord. 2. They are to give all diligence that they be not accessary to unjust sentences , lest they partake of other mens sinnes . What k Aquinas l Greg. de Valent m and And. Duvallius saith against this , is not to be stood upon . 6. Concl. But in questione facti , in matters of fact , there is not required that certainty of conscience . But that we may more clearely understand the conclusion , a question of fact is taken three wayes . 1. For a fact expressely set down in Gods Word , as that Moses led the people through the wildernesse , that Cain slew his brother Ab●l , these are questions de facto , not questiones facti , and must be believed as n Almaine and o Occam say well , with that same certainty by which we believe Gods Word . 2. A question of fact is taken for a question , the subject whereof is a matter of fact , but the attribute is a matter of Law , as ( if Christ in saying he was the Son of God did blasphem ) if the Lords Priests in giving David shew-bread , did commit Treason against King Saul ) there is some question there made circa factum , about the fact , but it is formally a question of Law. For these questions may be cleared by Gods Word , and the ignorance of any questions which may be cleared by Gods Word , is vincible , and culpable , for the Law sayth a The ignorance of these things which we are obliged to know is culpable , and excuseth not . But thirdly a question of fact is properly a question ( whether this Corinthian committed incest or no ) ( whether Tittrs committed murther , or no ) and in this there is sometimes invincible ignorance , when all diligence morally possible is given , to come to the knowledge of the fact . Now we know here the question of Law must be proved by the Law , all are obliged in concience to know what sinnes deserve death and Excommunication . But whether this man Iohn , Anna , Marie hath committed such sins , is a question of fact and cannot be proved by the Law , or the Word of God , for a the L●● is not anent singulars or particulars , this is proved by sense and the Testimonie of witnesses ; and therefore the certainty practicall of conscience here is humane and failible , not Divine and infallible . Now though Souldiers , Lictors , or People joyne to the execution of a sentence , and have their doubtings anent the fidelity of the witnesses , yet when all diligence morally possible is given to try the matter , they may well be said to doe in Faith , though they have not certainty of Faith concerning the fact , , because there cannot be certainty of Divine Faith in facts ; mens confession , sense , the Testimony of witnesses cannot breed Divine Faith : yea here the Judge himselfe may condemne the innocent , and yet the sentence of the Judge may be most just because the witnesses are Lyers , and the Judge giveth out that sentence in Faith , because Gods Word hath commanded him to proceed , secundum allegata & probata , he must give sentence under b two or three witnesses ; yea , though the Judge saw , with his Eyes , the guilty commit the fact , yet he cannot by Gods Law condemne him , but upon the testimony of witnesses ▪ For the wise Lord seeth what confusion and tyranny should follow , if one might be both Index , actor , & t●stis , the Iudge , the accuser , and the witnesse . And when the Judge giveth out a sentence to absolve the guilty and condemne the innocent , his sentence is judicially and formally just , and materially and by accident and contrary to his intention only unjust , if the Judge in that case should say ( as Master Weemes observeth well ) c such a proposition is true when he knoweth it to be false , and being posed and urged in conscience , is this an innocent man or no ? it he should answer and say he is not , he should then answer contrary to his knowledge ? but as a Judge he must answer , he is not innocent , because witnesses being with all possible diligence examined , have condemned him , and it is no inconvenience here to say , that the Judge hath one conscience as a man , and another contrary conscience as a Judge , in the question of fact ; for God hath tyed his conscience , as a Judge , to the fidelity of witnesses , known not to be false . I desire the Reader to see anent this more in a Bonaventura b Richardus c Occam d Antoninus e Adrian , f and our Countreyman Iohn Weemes and g Henricus . Now because Souldiers , Lictors , and people are not Judges , if they know the fact in Law deserveth such and such punishments , where the sentence is not manifestly false and unjust , but in the matter of Law just , though erroneous in the matter of fact , all possible dilligence being used by the Judges , they are to execute that sentence upon the testimony of the Judges , though they be not personally present at the proceedings of the Judges and Eldership which may be proved many wayes . 1. By the confession of our brethren , i● any of the Congregation be absent by Sicknesse , Child-birth paine , Trading over Sea , imprisonment , the Congregation doth justly put away from amongst them the incestuous Corinthian , and they who are absent are to repute the party Excommunicate , as a Heathen ; as their own practise is at censures in the week-day , the largest halfe of the Congregation is absent , yet the absent upon the testimony of the Church hold valid what is done by the Church . 2. Other sister Churches who ought not to be present at Church-censures , as our Brethren teach , are to repute the Excommunicate cast out by a sister Church-independent ( as they say ) as an Heathen , because being bound in Heaven : here , is he not bound in a Church visible , one mile distant from the Church Excommunicating ? yet this is no tyranny of conscience . 3. Women are to execute the sentence and to eschew the company of the party Excommunicated , yet are they not to be present ●s Judges to n●●rp authority over the men . This h Robinson granteth . 4. This should evert all judicatories of peace and war , so many thousands , Acts 2. could not be present at every act of censure and that dayly , nor are acts o● Discipline necessarily tied to the Lords-day They are ( I grant ) acts of Divine worship , but the whole multitude of women and children are deprived of the liberty that God hath given them for six dayes to the works of their calling , if they must be personally present , at all the acts of Discipline , to cognosce of all scandals , and to here and receive Testimonies against Elders under two or three witnesses , which is the office of Timothy i this way the overseeing of the manners of the people , which also our Brethren laye upon the whole people , taketh up the great part of the Pastors office , and the whole office of ruling Elders . And if we lay upon the people the worke and all the acts of the office , how can we not lay upon them the office it selfe ? 5. All Israel gathered to war , from Dan to Beersheba , could not , by vertue of duty and obligation , be present personally at the determination of lawfull War : Nay if they were all present , as Judges , as c Mr. Ainsworth would have them , there be no Governors and Feeders in Israel , but all the governed are Feeders , and so no Magistrate and Ruler , as Anabaptists teach here . 1. It were not lawfull for one to be King over more people , then he could in his own personall presence judge , contrary to Gods Word , that teacheth us to obey these who are sent by the supreme Magistrate , as we obey the King , 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14. Ergo , these who are sent by him are lawfull Judges , and yet the King Judgeth by them , and in them . 2. This error is founded upon a worse error , to wit , that the supreme Magistrate had no power of life and death in Israel , without consent of the people , but certainly there are as specious and plausible reasons , if not more specious , for the peoples government in all civill matters , then there can be for their Church-power of judging in the Church-matters , and government therof . Yet there is no ground for it . 1. Because the Rulers only could not be charged , to execute judgement in the morning , to deliver the oppressed , to execute judgement for the Fatherlesse and the VViddow , nor can there be a promise made to establish , the Kings Throne for obeying that Commandement , as ( a ) Gods Word teacheth ; if the people have as great , yea , greater power in Judging , then the Rulers have by this our Brethrens argument . They say all the Believers at Corinth . 1 Cor. 5. could not be commanded to cast out the incestuous person , nor could they all be taxed for omitting that duty , if they had not power to excommunicate . 2. Neither can the Spirit of God complaint that the Judges builded Zion with blood , and the heads of the house of Jacob , and Princes of the house of Israel did abhor judgement and pervert equity as the Prophets say , e nor could they be condemned as roaring Lyons and evening Wolves , as the Prophet sayth : for the Judge● might well be faultlesse , when the poore were crushed in the Gate , and Judgement turned into Gall and Wormewood , because they cannot helpe the matter , the people are the greatest part in caring matters in judgement . 2. We see f Davids practise in condemning the Amalckite out of his own confession , not asking the peoples consent , and in condemning to death g Baanah and Rehab , for killing Ishbosheth . Solomon gave sentence h against Adoniiah , Ioab , Shimei , without consent of the people , David pardoned Shimei contrary to the counsell of Zerviahs sons . 3. If from the peoples witnessing and hearing of judgement in the Gate , we conclude the people were Judges , with the Rulers , there was never a time , when there was no King in Israel , and no Iudge to put evill doers to shame , but every man did what seemed good in his own Eys , contrary to Scripture i because all are a generation of Kings and Princes no lesse then the Ruler himselfe , as Anabaptists teach . By the Doctrine of our brethren I deny not but he that gathered stickes on the Sabbath was brought , Num. 15. 33. to Moses and to Aaron and to all the Congregation , but the Congregation signifieth not the common multitude . For 35. Moses received the sentence from God and pronounced it , and the Congregation stoned him to death , And Numb . 27. 1. The Daughters of Zelophehad stood before Moses , Eleazar , and before the Princes as Iudges , and before all the Congregation , as witnesses , not as Judges : but v. 6. 7. Moses gave out the judiciall sentence , from the Lords mouth . And 1 King. 21. 12. Naboth stood in presence of the people to be judged , but the Nobles and Princes were his Judges , because v. 8. Iezabel wrote to the Nobles and Princes that v. 10. they should carry out Naboth and stone him , to wit , judicially , and v. 11. The Nobles and Princes did as Iezabel had sent unto them . And Ieremiah cap. 26. pleaded his cause before the Princes and people , for v. 10. The Princes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Set down ( judicially ) in the entry of the new gate of the Lords House , nothing can be gathered from the place to prove that the people judged , but because Ieremiah spake to the Princes and the people who vers . 24 : were in a fury and rage against Ieremiah , if Ahikam had not saved him from their violence . CHAP. 4. SECT . 4. QUEST . 5. WHether there be no nationall or provinciall Church under the New Testament , but only a parishionall Congregation meeting every Lords day , in one place for the worship of God ? The Author , in this first proposition denieth that there is any Nationall or provinciall Church , at all , under the New Testament , for clearing of the question observe these . 1. Dist. VVe deny that there is any diocescan , provinciall or Nationall Church under the care of one Diocesan or Nationall Prelate or Bishop , but hence it followeth not , there is no visible instituted Church now , but only a particular Congregation . 2. Dist. VVe deny any Nationall typicall Church , where a whole Nation is tyed to one publick worship , in one place , as sacrificing in the Temple . 3. Dist. VVe deny not but the most usuall acception of a Church , or visible meeting is given , as the a refutator of Tylenus sayth , to a convention of people meeting ordinarily to heare the word and adminstrate the Sacraments b Stephanus deriveth it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And c Cyrillus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As d Causabon observeth ; so these who meete at one Sermon are called Ecclesia , a Church , and it is called Ecclesia & concio , sayth the Refutator of Tilen , e but this hindreth not the Union of more particular Congregations , in their principall members for Church-government , to be the meeting or Church representative of these many united Congregations . 4. Dist. A Parish-Church materiall , is a Church within such locall bounds , the members whereof dwell contiguously togegether , one bordering on the other , our Brethren , meane not of such a Church ; for as f Pa●● Baynes sayth well this God instituted not , because a company of Papists and Protestants may thus dwell together , as in a Parish , and yet they axe of contrary Churches , a Parish-Church formally is a multitude who meete in manner or forme of a Parish , as if they dwelt neere together in a place ordinarily , to worship God , as the 〈◊〉 of those who came together to celebrate the Lords Supper , is called the Church , 1 Cor. 11. 18. For first of all when ye come together in the Church , I heare that there are divisions amongst you . 〈◊〉 what ? have ye not houses to eat and drink in ? or despise ye the Church of God ? 1. Concl. If we shall evince a Church-visible in the Now Testament which is not a Parishionall Church , we evince this to be false which is maintained by our Brothren , that there is no visible instituted Church in the New Testament save onely a Parishionall Church , or a single independent Congregation . But this Church we conceive to have been no Parishionall Church . 1. Because these who met dayly and continued with one accord in the Temple , and breaking bread from house to house , that is , administrating the Sacraments together as our Brethren say , were a visible Church . But these being first an hundred and twenty , as Acts 1. and then three thousand added to them , Acts 2. 41. could not make all one single independent Congregation , whereof all the members had voyce in actuall government ▪ Ergo , they were a visible instituted Church , and yet not a Parishionall Church . The proposition is cleare , The Church of Ierusalem was one visible Church , and did exercise together a visible act of government , in sending messengers to 〈◊〉 Acts 15. 22. Then pleased it the Apostles and Elders and the whole Church ( our Brethren say , the whole collective Church Men , Women , and Children at Ierusalem ) to send men of their own company to Antioch 23. And wrote Letters , and some Decrees and Commandements to be observed . Now the many thousands of the Church of Ierusalem , by no possibility could meete a● one Parish , in one materiall house to administrate the Lords Supper : farre lesse could they be , as is said ; Acts 2. 42. all continuing stedfastly in the Apostles Doctrine and followship ( our Brethren say in P●rishionall or Congregationall fellowship ) and in breaking of bread and prayer , nor could they dayly continue in the Temple and breake bread from house to house , being all one Church , or a fixed parishionall meeting in one materiall house . Now it is cleare , they were 〈◊〉 even after they exceeded many thousands in number , in one Parishionall and Congregationall government , as our Brethren would prove from Acts 15 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25. And Acts 2. 42 , 43. Else how could they have all their goods common , if there be not one visible government amongst them ? but this government could not be of one single Congregation ; for all who sold their goods , and had all things common , could not meete to give voyces in Discipline , a judicatory of so many thousand Judges were impossible and ridiculous . 2. Paul writeth to the Galatians , where there were many Parish , Churches , Gal. 1. 2. as our Brethren teach , yet doth he write to them , as he doth to the Corinthians : where our Brethren will have one Parish - Church , and writeth to them of uniformity of visible government , that they meete not together to keepe dayes , Sabbaths , and yeers Gal. 4. 10. as the Iewes did , that they keep not Iewish and ceremoniall meetings , and conventions , Gal. 4. 9. these Churches are called one lumpe in danger to be leavened , as Corinth is a Parishionall lumpe in hazard to be leavened , as our Brethren teach . Now how could Paul will them that the whole lump of all the Churches and Congregations in Galatia , be not leavened , except he lay down a ground , that they were with united authority to joyne in one visible government , against the false Teachers : suppose there were twenty sundry Kings in Brittaine , and twenty Kingdoms , could our friends over Sea write to us as to one Nationall lump , to beware of the Spanish faction , except they laid down this ground , that all the twenty little Kingdomes , had some visible union in Government , and might with joynt authority of all the twenty Kingdomes concurre to resist the common Enemie ? Here that godly and learned Divine Mr. Baynes sayth , Communion in government is not enough to make them one Church , this ( sayth he ) a maketh them rather one in tertio quodam separabili ( in a third thing which may be separated ) then one Church ; Government being a thing that commeth to a Church now constituted , and may be absent , the Church remaning a Church , I answer this is a good reason against the Prelates Diocese●n Church , which , as Baynes sayth well , is such a frame in which many Churches are united with one head - Church ( under one Lord prelate , common Pastor to all the Pastors and particular Congregations of the Diocese ) as part aking of holy things , or at least in that power of government , which is in the chiefe , Church , for all the others within such a circuit . Now the prel●tes frame of a properly so called Church , under one Pastor being a Creature with a hundred heads , having Church and pastorall care of a hundred little Congregations and Churches , is a dreame , for we know no such Church fed by a Prelate , nor no such prelaticall Argos to oversee so many flocks ; nor doe we contend that the many Congregations united in a presbyteriall government , doe make a mysticall visible Church meeting for all the Ordinances of God. But union of many Congregations in a visible government is enough to make all these united Churches one visible , ministeriall and governing Church who may meete , not in one collective body , for the worship of God ; yet in one representative body , for government : though worship may be in such a convened Church also , as we shall heare . The name of the Church I thinke is given to such a meeting , Mat. 18. 17. Acts 15. 22. though more usually in Scripture the Church is a fixed Congregation , convened for Gods worship : now government is an accident separable , and may goe and come to a mysticall Church ; but I thinke it is not so to a Ministeriall governing Church . So the Church of Ephesus is called a Church in the singular number , Rev. 2. 1. and all the Churches of Asia , Rev. 1. 20. but seven Churches ; and Christ directeth seven Epistles to these seven , and writeth to Ephesus as to a Church having one government , v. 2. Thou hast tryed them which say they are Apostles and are not , and hast found them lyers . This was Ecclesiasticall tryall by Church-Discipline , yet Ephesus contained more particular Congregations then one . 1. Because Christ speaking to Ephesus only , sayth , v. 7. He that hath an Ear● to heare let him heare what the spirit sayth unto the Churches , in the plurall number 2. Because there were a good number of preaching Elders in Ephesus , Acts 20. 28. 36. 37. and it is incongruous to Gods dispensation to send a multiude of pastors , to over see ordinarily one single and independent Congregation . 3. This I have proved from the huge multitudes converted to the Faith in Ephesus , so huge and populous a City where many Iewes and Greeks dw●l● , and where the Word of God grew so migh●●ly , Acts 19. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. and Christ writeth to every one of the seven Churches as to one , and yet exhorteth seven times in every Epistle , that Churches in the plurall number heare what the spirit sayth . Now as our Brethren prove that the Churches of Galatia , so called in the plurall number , were many particular Churches , so doe we borrow this argument , to prove that every one of the seven Churches , who are seven times called Churche in the plurall number , contained many Congregations under them , yet doth . Christ write to every one of the seven , as having one visible Government . 2. Concl. A nationall typicall Church● was the Church of the Iewes , we deny . But a Church nationall or provinciall of Cities , Provinces , and Kingdomes , having one common government , we thinke cannot be denyed : so Paul Baynes citeth for this , 1 Pet. 1. 1. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Though we take not the Word Church for a my sticall body , but for a ministeriall company . But Acts 1. Matthias was elected an Apostle by the Church , as our Brethren confesse , but not by a particular Congregation who met every Lords-Day , and in ordinary to partake of all the holy things of God , the Word and Sacraments . 1. Here were the Apostles , whose Parish - Church was the whole World , Mat. 28. 19. Goe teach all Nations 2. In this Church were the brethren of Christ from Galilee , Acts 1. 14. and some from Jerusalem v. 15. 3. No particular Church had power Ecclesiasticall , as this Church had power to choose an Apostle , who was to be a Pastor over the Churches of the whole World , as our brethren teach , so * Mr. Paget sayth well ; These Disciples who waited upon Christ , such as Barsabas and Matthias , were no members of the Church of Jerusalem , and so what pow●r had a particular Church to dispose of them , who were no members of their Church ? 3. That which concerneth all , must be done by all , and that which concerneth the feeding and governing of the Church of the whole World , must be done by these who represent the Church of the whole World ; but that Matthias should be chosen , and ordained an Apostle to teach to the whole World , concerned all the Churches , and not one particular Church 〈◊〉 , Therefore there was here either no Church ( which no man dare say ) for ●here is here a company of believers where there is preaching and Church ▪ government , v. 15. 16. 26. or then there was here a Congregation which is against sense and Scripture ; or there is a Church Provinciall , Naturall , or Oecumenick ; call it as you please , it is a visible Church instituted in the New Testament , after the ascension of Christ , and not a Parishionall Church . Some answer , this was extraordinary and meerely Apostolick , that an Apostle should be ordained , and is no warrant for a nationall Church now , when the Churches of Christ are constituted . But I answer , this distinction of ordinary and extraordinary is wearied and worne to death with two much employment . 2. Beza , Calvin , Piscator , Tilenus , Whittaker , Chamier , Pareus , Bucanus , professors of Leyden , Walaeus , VVillet , P. Martyr , Ursinus , &c. and all our Divines , yea a Lorinus the J●suite , b Cajetan , alledge this place with good reason to prove , that the ordination and election of Pastors belongeth to the whole Church , and not to one man , Peter , or any Pope . Yea c Robinson and all our Brethren , use this place , to prove , that the Church to the second comming of Christ hath power to ordaine , and exanthorate and censure her officers . 2. We desire a ground for this , that the Ecclesiasticall power of the Church which is ordinary and perpetuall to Christs second comming , should joyne as a coll●terall cause in ordination and election of an Apostle ▪ which ordination is extraordinary , temporary & apostolick ; see for this d Pet. Martyr e VVhittaker f Bilson g Chamier , h Pareus , i Beza . k Calvin , l Harmonie of the confessions m Iunius , n Cartwright o Fulk p Ursinus q Zwinglius r Munsterus , and s Theodoret ▪ would have us to rest upon Apostolick demonstrations like this . And t Irenaeus speaketh against rectifiers of the Apostles in this u Cyprian sayth the like , 2 Acts 6. A Church of Hebrewes and Graecians , together with the twelve Apostles is not a particular Ordinary Congregation , and a governing Church choosing Deacons , therefore they are a nationall Church ; though the first ordination of Deacons be meerely Apostolick , and immediately from Iesus Christ , yet the ordination of these seven persons was a worke of the Churches power of the keys . Now let our Brethren speake , if this was a Congregationall Church , that meeteth ordinarily to the word and Sacraments , such as they say the Church of Corinth was , 1 Cor. ●1 . 18. So say I of the Church , Acts 15. 22. called Apostles , Elders and Brethren and the whole Church , this could not be a particular Church ; for no particular Congregation hath Ecclesiasticall power to prescribe Decrees , and Canons to all the Churches of the Gentiles , and that this was done by an ordinary Ecclesiastick power that remaineth perpetually in a Church , such as this was , is cleare , because our Brethren prove that the whole multitude spake in this Church from vers . 12. Then all the multitude kept silence , and therefore the multitude ( say our Brethren ) spake from v. 21. all the Church voyced in these Decrees and Canons , say they . 3. Sister Churchers keepe a visible Church-communion together . 1. They heare the word , and partake of the Seales of the Covenant , occasionally one with another . 2. They eschew the same excommunicated heretick , as a common Church-enemy to all . 3. They exhort , rebuke comfort , and edifie one another , as members of one body visible . 4. If one sister Church fall away , they are to labour to gaine her , and if she will not be gained , as your Author sayth a they tell it to many sister Churches , if shee refilse to heare them . they forsake Communion with her . 1. Here is a visible body of Christ , and his Spouse , having right to the keyes , word and seales of grace . 2. Here is a visible body exercising visible acts of Church-fellowship one toward another . Hence here a visible Provinciall , and Nationall Church exercising the specifick acts of a Church . Ergo , Here is a Provinciall and Nationall Church . For to whom that agreeth which essentially constituteth a Church visible , that must be a visible Church . You will say , they are not a visible Church because they cannot , and doe not ordinarily all meete in one materiall house , to heare one and the same word of God , and to partake of the same Seales of the Covenant joyntly : but I answer 1. This is a begging of the question . 2. They performe other specifick acts of a visible Church , then to meete ordinarily , to partake joyntly , and at once , of the same ordinances . 3. If this be a good reason that they cannot be a Nationall Church , because they meete not all ordinarily to heare the some word , and to partake of the same Ordinances , then a locall and visible and ordinary union joyntly in the same worship , is the specifick essence of a visible Church ; but then there was no visible Nationall Churches in Iudea , for it was impossible that they could all meete in one materiall house , to partake of the same worship . 4. These who for sicknes and necessary avocations of their calling , as Navigation , Traffiquing and the like , cannot ordinarly meet with the congregation to partake joyntly with them of these same Ordinances , loose all membership of the visible Church , which is absurd ; for they are cast out for no fault . 5. This is not essentiall to a nationall Church , that they should ordinarily all joyntly meet for the same worship , but that they be united in one ministeriall government , and meet in their chiefe members , and therefore our Brethren use an argument , à specie ad gen●s negativè ; a provinciall or nationall company of believers cannot performe the acts of a particular visible Church ; Ergo , such a company is not a visible Church , just as if I would reason thus : A Horse cannot laugh ; Ergo , he is not a living Creature , or it is an argument à negatione unius speciei , ad negationem alterius , such a company is not such a congregationall Church , Ergo , it is no visible Church at all ; an Ape is not a reasonable Creature . Ergo , it is not an Ape . 3. Conclu . There ought to be a fellowship of Church communion amongst all the visible Churches on Earth ; Ergo de jure and by Christ his institution there is an universall or catholick visible Church . I prove the antecedent . 1. Because there ought to be mutuall fellowship of visible Church-duties , as where there is one internall fellowship , because Eph. 4. 4. we are one body , one spirit , even as we are called in one hope of our calling , v. 5. one Lord , on Father , one Baptisme , v. 6. one God , and Father of all . There also should there be externall fellowship , and Church - fellowship , of exhorting , rebuking , comforting , and Church-praying , and Church-praising , in the behalfe of all the visible Churches on earth , even for those , whose faces we never saw , Coloss. 2. 1. and when one nationall Church falleth away , the visible Churches of the Christian world are obliged to rebuke , and to labour to gaine such a Church , and if she will not be gained , to renounce all the foresaid communion with such an obstinate Nation . 2. As the Apostles had one publicke care of all the Churches , and accordingly kept visible fellowship , as they had occasion to preach , write to them , pray , and praise God for them , so this care as Apostolick I grant is gone and dead with the Apostles ; but the pastorall and Church-care , and consequently acts of externall fellowship are not dead with the Apostles , but are left in the Church of Christ , for what Church-communion of visible fellowship members of one particular congregation keepe one with another , that same by due proportion , ought nationall Churches to keepe amongst themselves . 3. This is cleare Act. 1. where particular Churches with the Apostles did meete , and take care to provide a Pastor and an Apostle , Matthias , for the whole Christian Church , and why ●ut particular Churches , are hereby taught to confer all Church-authority that God hath given them , for the rest of the visible Churches ; and the Churches conuened in their speciall members , Acts 15. 12. extended their Church-care , in a Church-communion of Ecclesiastick canons to all the visible Churches of the Jewes and Gentiles . Hence Oecumenick and generall councells should be jure divino , to the second comming of Christ ; Neither need we stand much on this that our Brethren say , that one Catholick visible Church is a night dreame , because no Church is visible save only a particular congregation , the externall communion whereof in meeting in one materiall house ordinarily , and partaking of the same word and Sacraments , doth incurre in our senses , whereas a Church communion and visible fellowship with the whole Christian Churches on Earth is impossible , and no wayes visible . But I answer , if such a part of the Sea , the Brittish Sea be visible , then are all the Seas on earth visible also , though they cannot all come in one mans senses at one and the same time ; so if this Church particular be visible , then all the Churches also in their kind are visible . 2. There be acts of Church-communion externall with all the visible Churches on earth , Ergo , the whole Catholick Church according to these acts is visible . I prove the antecedent , we pray in a Church-way publickly for all the visible Churches on earth , we praise Church-wayes publickly for them , we fast and are humbled Church-wayes before God when they are in trouble , and so ought they to doe with us ; we by preaching , writing , and Synodicall constitutions proclaime the common enemie of all the Churches to be the Antichrist , his doctrine and the doctrine of that body whereof he is Head to be false and hereticall , by writings we call all the people of God to come out of Bab●l , and we renounce externall communion with Rome , in Doctrine , Discipline , Ceremonies : and Rites , all which are Church-acts of externall communion with the reformed catholick visible Churches , neither to make a Church visible to us , is it requisi●e that we should see the faces of all the members of the Catholick visible Church , and be in one materiall Church with them at once , partaking of the same visible worship : yea , so the Church of Iudea should not be one visible Church , which our Brethren must deny , for they had one Priest hood , on Temple , one Covenant of God visibly professed by all ; yet could they not all meete in one materiall Temple to partake together at once of all Gods O dinance● . For I partake in externall worship with these of New England , who are baptised according to Christs institution , without the signe of the crosse , though I never saw their faces . Hence all may see that Oecumenick councel's are de jure and Christs lawfull Ordinances , though de facto they be not , through the corruption of our nature ; yet such a visible Church-fellowship in externall Church-communion is kept in the whole catholics Church visible , as may be had , considering the perversity of men , and the malice of Satan . It is constantly denied by our brethren , that the Church of the Iewes was a congregationall Church , and of that frame and institution with the Christian Church : but that it was peculiar and meerely in laicall to be a nationall Church ; yet let me have liberty to offer a necessary distinction here . 1. a nationall Church is either when a whole Nation , and all the Congregations and Synogogues thereof are tied by Divine precept , to some publique acts of typicall worship , in one place , Which the Lord hath chosen ; so all Israel were to sacrifice at Jerusalem onely , and the Priests were to officiate in that kind , there onely , and they to pray toward the Temple , or in the Temple , and they to prese●t the male children there , as holy to the Lord , Luke 2. 23 &c. this way indeed the Church of the Jewes , in a peculiar manner , was a Nationall Church ; and thus farre our brethrens arguments doe well conclude , that the Jewish Church was Nationall in a peculiar manner proper to that Church onely . But a Nationall Church is taken in another sense now , for a people to whom the Lord hath revealed his statutes and his testimonies , Whereas he hath not d alt so with every Nation , Psal. 147. 19 , 20. which Church is also made up of many Congregations and Synagogues , having one worship and government that doth morally concerne them all . Thus the Iewish Church was once Nationall , and that for a time ; God chose them of his free grace , to be a people to himselfe , Deut. 7. 7. and Deut. 32. 8. When the most high divided to the Nations their inheritance . Iacob was the lot of his inheritance , Amos 3. 2. You onely have I chosen of all the families of the earth . But the Jewish Church was in this sence but Nationall for a time ; Now hath God ( Act. 11. v. 18. ) also granted to the Gentiles repentance unto life , and called the Gentiles , and made them a Nationall Church , Hos. 1. 11. 1 Pet. 2. 10 , 11. Esay 54. 1 , 2 , 3. that is , he hath revealed his testimonies to England , to Scotland , and He hath not done so to every Nation . So if a false Teacher should goe through Israel and call himselfe the power of God , as Simon Magus did . All the Congreations and Synagogues in Israel might joyne together to condemne him ; if there were such a thing as an Arke in Scotland , if it were taken captive as the Prelates kept the Gospell in bonds , it were a morall dutie to all the Congregations , to convene in their principall Rulers and Pastors to bring againe the Arke of God , and by the power of Discipline to set it free ; and if the whole Land were involved in a Nationall apostacie , they are to meet in their principall members , and this is morall to Scotland , as to Israel by Ordinances of the Church to renew a Covenant with God , that his wrath may be turned off the Land. In this sence , we see it never proved , that it was peculiar to Israel , onely to be a Nationall Church . Nay , I affirme , that the Jewes had their Congregationall Churches , as we have . For that is a Congregationall Church which meeteth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that same place , for Doctrine and Discipline . But the Jewes meet every Sabbath in their Synagogues , for teaching the people , Gods Law , and for Discipline . Ergo , the people of the Jewes had their Congregationall Churches , as we have . The major proposition is the doctrine of our brethren , except they say , ( as its like they must ) that except they meet to pa●take of all the Ordinances of God , they are not a Congregationall Church . Yet truely this is but a knot in a Rush , for 1 Cor. 14 meeting for prophecying onely , is a Church Convention ; and the forbidding of women to teach in the Church , is an ordering of a Congregationall worship ; and the meeting of the Church for baptising of Infants , is in the mind of our brethren the formall meeting of a Congregationall Church , though they should not celebrate the Lords Supper . 2. What Ecclesiasticall meetings can the meeting of Gods people be , in the Synagogues of God , as they are called ▪ Psal. 74. 8 for hearing the Word , and for exercise of Discipline , if not the Church meeting in a Congregation ? I prove the assumption by parts , and first I take it to be undeniable , that they did meet for doctrine , Act. 15. 21. For Moses of old time hath in every City them that preach him , being read in the Synag●g●e every Sabbath day . And Ps. 74. 8 , 9. these two are joyntly complained of , as a great desolation in the Church , the burning of Gods Synagogues in the Land. And v. 8. that there are no Prophets which know how long . And Math. 9. 35. Christ went about all Cities and Villages teaching in their Synagogues . Luke 4 16. He went into the Synagogue on the Sabbath day , and stood up to read , Math. 6. 2. And when the Sabbath day was come , he began to teach in the Synagogue ; and many hearing him were astonished . Luke 6. 6. And it came to passe , another Sabbath day , he entered into the Synagogue and taught . John 18. 20. I ever taught in the Synagogues , and daily in the Temple whither the Jewes alwayes resort . Math. 13. 54. And when he was come into his own● Countrey , he taught them in their Synagogue , in as much as they were astonished . And that there was ruling & government in the Synagogue , is cleare , 1 , by their Rulers of the Synagogue , Act. 13. 15. Act. 18. 17. 8. Luke 13. 14. Marke 5. 22. 35. And if this Ruler had beene any save a Moderator , if he had beene an unlawfull Officer , Christ would not have acknowledged him , nor would Paul , at the desire of the Rulers of the Synagogue have preached , as he doth , Acts 13. 15 , 16. 2. Also , if there was teaching cisputing , concerning the Law in the Synagogue , there behooved to be some ordering of these acts of worship ; for onely approved Prophets were licensed to preach in their Synagogues , to say nothing that there was beating in the Synagogues , and therefore there behoved to be Church discipline . Hence that word of delivering up to the Synagogue . Luke 21. 12. 3. There was the censure of excommunication , and casting out of the Synagogue , and a cutting off from the Congregation . Hence that act of casting out of the Synagogue any who should confesse Jesus . John 12. 42. which they executed on the blind man , John 9. 34. It is true , our brethren deny that there was any excommunication in the Church of the Jewes , and they alledge , that the cutting off from the people of God , was a taking away of the life by the Magistrates Sword ; or , ( as some other say ) Gods immediate hand of judgement upon them . But 1. to be cut off from the congregation , or from the people of God , is never called simply off-cutting , and expounded to be destroying , as it is Genes . 9. 11. but expressed by dying the death : for who will conceive that the Sword of the Magistrate was to cut off the male child that is not circumcised , who is said to be cut off from the people of God , Gen. 17. 14. or to cut off by death the parents ? I grant the phrase signifieth bodily death . Exod. 31. 14. and for this God sought to kill Moses . But Divines say it was excommunication , and never Ruler in Israel executed this sentence : not Moses , nor any Judge that ever we read tooke away the life of an infant for the omission of a ceremony . Nor are we to thinke , that for eating leavened bread in the time of the Passover , the Magistrate was to take away the life , as is said . Levit. 7. 20 , 21. 2. ●his word , to cut off , is expounded , 1 Cor. 5. to put away ; which was not by death , for he willeth them , 2 Cor. 2. to pardon him , and confirme their love to him . 2. Neither could Paul rebuke the Corinthians because Gods hand had not miraculously taken him away , or because the Magistrate had not taken away his life , which was not the Corinthians fault . 3. I am perswaded , to be cast out of the Synagogue , was not to be put to death , because Ioh. 9. the blind man after he is cast out of the Synagogue , Jesus meeteth with him in the Temple , and he believeth and confesseth Christ , and Christ Ioh. 16. distingusheth them cleerely , They shall kill you , and beside that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They shall excommunicate you . But though it were granted , t●●t the Jewish Church used not excommunication had they no Ecclesiasticall censures before for that ? I thinke it doth not follow ; for the excluding of the Leper , that these who touched the dead were legally uncleane , and might not eate the Passover , were censures , but they were not civill ; Ergo , Ecclesiasticall they must be , as to be excluded from the Lords Supper is a meer . Ecclesiasticall censure in the Christian Church . Also if Pastors and Preachers be complained of , that not only at Ierusalem , but every where , through all the land , they strengthened not the ●● eased sheep ; They did not bind up the broken , nor bring againe the loosed , but with force and cruclty they did governe , Ezek. 34. 4. and if every where , the Prophets did prophecy falsely , and the Priests bare rule by their meanes , and the people lov●d to have it so . Jer. 5. 31. Then in Synagogues there was Church-government , as at ●erusalem ; for where the Lord rebuketh any sinne , he doth recommend the contrary duty . Now Prophets and Priests are rebuked , tor their ruling with force and rigour every where , and not at Ierusalem onely , for that they were not compassionate to carry the Lambs in their bosome , as Iesus Christ doth , Esai . 40. 11. their ill government every where must be condemned . 3. Luk. 4. 16. Christ , as his custome was , went into the Synagogue on the Sabbath day ; Paul and Barnabas were requested , to exhort in the Synagogue , as the order was , that Prophets at the direction of the Rulers of the Synagogue , if they had any word of exhortation , they should speake , and consequently their order was that every one should not speake ; Ergo , they had customes and orders of Church-Discipline to the which Christ and his Apostles did submit themselves , And to tie all Church-government to the Temple of Ierusalem were to say , God had ordained his people elsewhere to worship him publickly , but without any order , and that Christ and his Apostles subjected themselves to an unjust order . I further argue thus . Those Churches be of the same nature , frame , and essentiall Constiutions , which agree in the same essentials , and diff●r only in accidents ; but such are the Church of the Iewes , and the Christian Churches ; Ergo , what is the frame and essentiall consti●●tion of the one Church , must be the frame and essentiall constitution of the other . Ergo , &c. the major is of undeniable certainty . I prove the assumption . These which have the same Faith , and the same externall profession of Faith , these have the same frame and essentiall constitution , but they and we be such Churches ; for we have the same covenant of grace , Jer. 31. 31. Jer. 32. 39 40. Heb 8. 8 , 9 10. Therefore that same faith , differing only in accidents : their faith did looke to Christ to be incarnate , and our faith to that same very God now manifested in the flesh . Heb. 13. 8. They were saved by faith , as we are , Heb. 11. Acts 10. 42 , 43. Acts. 11. 16 , 17 , 18. and consequently , what visible profession of faith doth constitute the one visible Church , doth constitute the other . I know , Papists , Arminians , Socinians doe make the Doctrine , and Seales of the Iewish and Christian Church much different , but against the truth of Scripture . The onely answer that can be made to this , must be , that though the Church of the Jewes wanted not congregations , as our Christian Churches have , yet were they a nationall Church of another essentiall , visible frame , then are the Christian Churches , because they had positive , typicall , and ceremoniall and carnall commandements that they should have one high Priest for the whole nationall Church , the Christian Churches have not for that , one visible Monarch and Pope ; they had an Altar , Sacrifices , and divers pollutions ceremoniall , which made persons uncapable of the Passover ; but we have no such legall uncleannesse , which can make us uncapable of the Seales of the New Testament : and therefore it was not lawfull to separate from the Jewish Church , in which did sit a typicall High Priest , where were Sacrifices , that did adumbrate the Sacrifice of our great High Priest , & c. not withstanding of scandalous persons in that Church ; because there was but one visible Church , out of which was to come the Redeemer Christ , according to the flesh , but the Christian Churches under the New Testament , be of another frame , Christ not being tyed to one Nation , or place , or Congregation : therefore if any one Congregation want the Ordinances of Christ , we may separate therefrom , to another Mount Sion , seeing there bee so many Mount Sions no● . Answ. 1. If the Church of the Iewes was a visible Church in its essentiall constitution different from our visible Churches , because they were under the Religions tie of so me carnall , ceremoniall , and typicall mandats and Ordinances , that we are not under , then doe I inferre , that the Tribe of Levy was not one visible Church , in the essentiall frame , with the rest of the Tribes , which is absurd , for that Tribe conteyning the Priests and Levites , was under the obligatory tie of many typicall Commandements proper and peculiar to them only , as to offer Sacrifices , to wash themselves , when they were to officiate , to weare linnen Ephods , to beare the Arke of the Covenant , now it was sinne for any that were not of the Sonnes of Aaron , or of another Tribe to performe these duties ; yet , I hope , they made but one nationall Church with the rest of the Tribes . Secondly , I infer , that the Christian Church that now is , cannot be of that same essentiall frame with the Apostolick Churches , because the Apostolick Church , so long as the Jewish ceremonies were indifferent , ( in statu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and mortall , but not mortiferae , deadly , was to practice these ceremonies , in the case of scandall , 1 Cor. 10. 31 , 32 , 33. and yet the Christian Church that now is , can in no sort practice these ceremonies : yea , I inferre that the Eldership of a Congregation doth not make one Church of one and the same essentiall frame and constitution with the people , because the Elders be under an obligatory tie to some positive Divine Commandements , such as are to administer the Seales , Baptisme and the Lords Supper , and yet the multitude of Believeres , in that same congregation , are under no such tie ; and certainly if to be under ceremoniall and typicall ordinances doth institute the whole Jewish Church in another essentiall frame different from the Christian Churches , reason would say that then , if the members of one Church be under Divine positive commandements , which doth in no sort tie other members of the same Church , that then there be divers memberships of different essentiall frames in one and the same Church , which to me is monstrous ; for then , because a command is given to Abraham to offer his sonne Isaak to God , and no such command is given to Sarah , in that case Abraham and Sarah shall not bee members of one and the same visible Church . But the truth is , different positive commandments of ceremoniall and typicall ordinances put ●o new essentiall frame of a visible Church upon the Jewish Church , which is not on the Christian Churches . These were onely accidentall characters and temporary cognizances to distinguish the Jewish and Christian Churches , while as both agree in one and the same morall constitution of visible Churches : for first , both had the same faith , one Lord , one covenant , one Iesus Christ , the same seales of the covenant in substance , both were visibly to professe the same Religion ; the differences of externals made not them and us different visible Churches , nor can our brethren say , they made different bodies of Christ , different Spouses , different royall Generations , as concerning Church-frame . Yet are wee not tied to their high Priest , to their Altars , Sacrifices , Holy dayes , Sabbaths , new Moones , &c. no more then any one private Christian in such a congregation , or a beleeving woman is tied to preach and baptize ; and yet her pastor Archippus , in that congregation , is tied both to preach and baptize . Secondly , the Jews were to separate from B thaven , and so are we . Thirdly , they were not to joyne with Idolaters in Idol-worship , neither are we . 2 Whereas it is said that it was not lawfull to separate from the Jewish Church , because in it did sit the typicall high Priest , and the Messiah was to be borne in it , and because they were the onely Church on earth ; but now there be many particular Churches . All this is a deception , a non causi● pro causâ , for separation from that Church was not forbidden for any typicall or ceremoniall reason , not a shadow of reason can be given from the Word of God for this : Because there can be no ceremoniall argument why there should be communion betwixt light and darknesse , or any concord betwixt Christ and Belial , or any comparting bètwixt the beleever and the infidell , or any agreement of the temple of God with idols , nor any reason typicall why Gods people should goe to Gilgal , and to Bethaven , or to be joyned with idols , or why a David should sit with vaine persons , or goe in to dissemblers , or why he should offer the drinke offerings of these who hasten after a strange god , or take up their names in his mouth . This is then an unwritten tradition ; yea , if Dagon had beene brought into the Temple , as the Assy●ian altar of Damascus was set up in the holy place , the people ●ught to have separated from Temple and Sacrifices both , so lo●g as that abomination should stand in the holy place : Nor can it be proved , that communicating with the Church of Israel as a member thereof ; was typicall and necessary to make up visible membership , as ceremoniall holinesse is ; for to adhere to the Church in a sound worship , though the fellow-worshippers be scandalous , is a morall duty commanded in the second Commandment ; as to forsake Church-assemblies is a morall breach of that Commandment , and forbidden to Christians , Hebr. 10. 25. who are under no Law of Ceremonies . And it is an untruth , that those who were legally cleane , and not ceremonially polluted , were members of the Jewish visible Church , though otherwise they were most flagitious : For to God they were no more his visible Israel then Sodome and Gomorrah , Isaiah 1. 10. or the children of Ethiopia , Amos 9. 7. and are condemned of God , as sinning against the profession of their visible incorporation in the Israel of God , Jerem. 7. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. But shall we name and repute them brethren , whom in conscience we know to be as ignorant and void of grace , as any Pagan ? I answer , That if they professe the truth , though they walke inordinately , yea , and were excommunicated , Paul willeth us to admonish th●m as brethren , 2 Thes. 3. 15. and calleth all the visible Church of Corinth ( for he writeth to good and bad ) amongst whom were many partakers of the table of devils , pleaders with their brethren before heathen , deniers of the resurrection , yea those to whom the Gospell was hidden , 2 Cor. 4. brethren and Saints by calling . But ( say our brethren ) to be cast out of the Iewish Church , was to be cast out of the Common-wealth ; as to be a member of the Church , and to be a member of the state is all one , because the state of the Jewes and the Church of the Jews was all one ; and none is said to be cut off from the people , but he was put to death . Answ. Surely Esay 66. vers . 5. these who are cast out by their brethren , and excommunicated , are not put to death , but men , who after they be cast out , live till God comfort them and shame their enemies ; but he shall appeare for your joy . Secondly , that the state of Gods Israel and the Church be all one , because the Jewish policie was ruled by the judiciall Law , and the judiciall Law was no lesse divine then the Ceremoniall Law , is to me a wonder : For I conceive that they doe differ formally , though those same men , who were members of the state , were members also of the Church ; but , as I conceive , not in one and the same formall reason ; first , because I conceive that the State , by order of nature , is before the Church , for when the Church was in a family state , God called Abrahams family , and by calling made it a Church . Secondly , the Kingdome of Israel and the house of Israel in covenant with God , as Zion and Jerusalem are thus differenced , That to be a State was common to the Nation of the Jewes with other Nations , and is but a favour of providence ; but to be a Church is a favour of grace , and implieth the Lords calling and chusing that Nation to be his owne people of his free grace , Deut. 7. 7. and the Lords gracious revealing of his Testimonies to Jacob and Israel , whereas he did not so to every Nation and State , Psal. 147. 19 20. but say they , The very state of the Iewes was divine , and ruled by a divine and supernaturall policie , as the judiciall Law demonstrateth to us . But I answer , Now you speake not of the state of the Jewes , common with them to all States and Nations ; but you speake of such a state and policie which I grant was Divine , but yet different from the Church ; because the Church , as the Church is ruled by the morall Law and the Commandments of both Tables , and also by the Ceremoniall Law ; but the Jewish State or Common wealth , as such was ruled by the judiciall Law onely , which respecteth onely the second Table , and matters of mercy and justice , and not piety and matters of Religion which concerne the first Table ; and this is a vast difference betwixt the state of the Jews and the Church . Thirdly , when Israel rejected Samuel , and would have a King , conforme to other Nations , they sought that the state and forme of governmnent of the Common-wealth should be changed , and affected conformity with the Nations in their state , by introducing a Monarchy , whereas they were ruled by Judges before ; but in so doing they changed not the frame of the Church , nor the worship of God , for they kept the Priesthood , the whole Morall , Ceremoniall , and Judiciall Law entire , and their profession therein ; Ergo , they did nothing which can formally destroy the being of a visible Church , but they did much change the face of the state and civill policie , in that they refused God to reigne over them , and so his care in raising up Judges and Saviours out of any Tribe , and brought the government to a Monarchy , where the Crowne by divine right was annexed to the tribe of Judah . Fourthly , it was possible that the State should remaine entire , if they had a lawfull King sitting upon Davids throne , and were ruled according to the Judiciall Law : but if they should remaine without a Priest and a Law , and follow after Baal , and change and alter Gods worship , as the ten Tribes did , and the Kingdome of Iudah in the end did , they should so marre and hurt the being and integrity of a visible Church , as the Lord should say , She is not my wife , neither am I her husband ; and yet they might remaine in that case a free Monarchie , and have a State and policy in some better frame ; though I grant , de facto , these two Twins , State and Church , civill Policy and Religion , did die and live , were sicke and diseased , vigorous and healthy together ; yet doth this More , that State and Church are different . And further , if that Nation had made welcome , and with humble obedience beleeved in , and received the Messiah , and reformed all , according as Christ taught them , they should have beene a glorious Church , and the beloved Spouse of Christ ; but their receiving and imbracing the Messiah should not presently have cured their inthralled state , seeing now the Scepter was departed from Iudah , and a stranger and heathen was their King ; nor was it necessary that that Saviour , whose Kingdome is not of this world , John 18. 36. and came to bestow a spirituall redemption , and not to reestablish a flourishing earthly Monarchy , and came to loose the works of the Devill , Heb. 2 : 14. and not to spoile Cesar of an earthly Crowne , should also make the Jews a flourishing State , and a free and vigorous Monarchy againe : Ergo , it is most cleare that State and Church are two divers things , if the one may bee restored , and not the other . Fifthly , the King , as the King was the head of the Common-wealth , and might not meddle with the Priests office , or performe any Ecclesiasticall acts , and therefore was Uzzah smitten of the Lord with leprosie , because he would burne incense , which belonged to the Priests onely . And the Priest in offering sacrifices for his owne sinnes , and the sinnes of the people did represent the Church , not the State. And the things of the Lord ; to wit , Church-matters , and the matters of the King , which were civill matters of State , are clearly distinguished , 2 Chron. 19. 11. which evidenceth to us , that the Church and State in Israel were two incorporations formally distinguished . And I see not , but those who doe confound them , may also say , That the Christian State and the Christian Church be all one State , and that the government of the one must be the government of the other ; which were a confusion of the two Kingdoms . It is true , God hath not prescribed judicials to the Christian State , as he did to the Jewish State , because shadows are now gone , when the body Christ is come ; but Gods determination of what is morally lawfull in civill Laws , is as particular to us as to them ; and the Jewish judicials did no more make the Jewish State the Jewish Church , then it made Aaron to be Moses . and the Priest to be the King and civill Judge : yea , and by as good reason Moses as a Judge should be a prophet , and Aaron as a Prophet should be a Judge ; and Aaron as a Priest might put a malefactor to death , and Moses as a Judge should proph●sie , and as a Prophet should put to death a malefactor ; all which wanteth all reason and sense : and by that same reason the State and Common-wealth of the Jews , as a Common-wealth , should offer sacrifices and prophesie ; and the Church of the Jews , as a Church , should denounce warre and punish malefactors , which are things I cannot conceive . Our brethren , in their answer to the eleventh question , teach , That those who are sui juris , as masters of families , are to separate from these Parish-assemblies , where they must live without any lawfull Ordinance of Christ ; and to remaine there they hold it unlawfull for these reasons : First , we are commanded to observe all whatsoever Christ hath commanded , Matth. 28. 10. Secondly , the Spouse seeketh Christ , and rests not till she finde him in the fullest manner , Cant. 1. 7 , 8. and 3. 1 , 2 , 3. David lamented when hee wanted the full fruition of Gods Ordinances , Psal. 63. and 42. and 84. although he injoyed Abiathar the high Priest , and the Ephod with him , and Gad the Prophet , 1 Sam. 23. 6 , 9. 10. 1 Sam. 22. 8. So did Ezra 8. 15 , 16. yea and Christ , though he had no need of Sacraments , yet for example , would be baptized , keepe the Passeover , &c. Thirdly , no ordinances of Christ may be spared , all are profitable . Fourthly , he is a proud man , and knoweth not his owne heart in any measure , who thinketh he may be well without any Ordinance of Christ. Fifthly say they , it is not enough the people may be without sinne , if they want any ordinances through the fault of the superiours , for that is not their fault who want them , but the superiours sinfull neglect , as appeareeth by the practice of the Apostles , Acts 4. 19. and 5. 29. For if they had neglected Church-ordinances till the Magistrates , who were enemies to the Gospell , had commanded them , it had beene their grievous sinne . For if superiours neglect to provide bodily food , we doe not thinke that any mans conscience would be so scrupulous , but he would thinke it lawfull by all good meanes to provide in such a case for himselfe , rather then to sit still , and to say , If I perish for hunger , it is the sinne of those who have authority over me , and they must answer for it . Now any ordinance of Christ is as necessary for the good of the soule , as food is necessary for temporall life . Ans. 1. I see not how all these Arguments , taken from morall commandments , doe not oblige sonne as well as father , servant as master , all are Christs free men , sonne or servant , so as they are to obey what over Christ commandeth , Matth. 18. 10. and with the Spouse to seeke Christ in the fullest measure , and in all his ordinances , and sonne and servant are to know their owne heart , so as they have need of all Christs ordinances ; and are no more to remaine in a congregation where their soules are samished , because fathers and masters neglect to remove to other congregations , where their souls may be fed in the fullest measure ; then the Apostles Acts 4. 29. and 5. 29 were to preach no more in the Name of Iesus , because the Rulers commanded them to preach no more in his Name . And therefore , with reve●ence of our godly brethren , I thinke this distinction of persons free , and sui juris , and of sonnes and servants , not to be allowed in this point . 2. It is one thing to remove from one congregation to another , and another thing to separate from it , as from a false constitute Church , and to renounce all communion therewith , as if it were the Synagogue of Satan and Antichrist , as the Separatists doe , who refuse to heare any Minister ordained by a Prelate : now except these arguments conclude separation in this latter sense , as I thinke they can never come up halfeway to such a conclusion , I see not what they prove , nor doe they answer the question , &c. concerning standing in Parish-assemblies in Old England , and if it be lawfull to continue in them . Which question must be expounded by the foregoing , Quest. 10. If you hold that any of our Parishionall assemblies are true visible Churches , &c. Hence the 11. Question goeth thus in its genuine sense ; are we not then to separate from them , as from false Churches ? Now neither the Spouse , Cant. 1. 7. c. 3. 1. 2 , 3. nor David , Psal. 63. Psal. 42. Psal. 84 nor Ezra . 8. 15 , 16. nor Christ , in these cases when they sought Christ in all his Ordinances in the fullest measure , were members of false Churches : nor did they seeke to Separate from the Church of Israel , nor is it Christs command , Mat. 28. 10. to separate from these Churches , and to renounce all communion with them , because these who sate in Moses Chaire , did neglect many Ordinances of Christ , for when they gave the false meaning of the Law , they stole away the Law , and so a principall ordinance of God , and yet Christ ( I believe ) forbad separation , when he commanded that they should heare them , Mat. 23. 3. Nor doe I judge that because there was but one visible Church , in Israel , and therefore it was not lawfull to separate therefrom , and because under the New Testament there be many visible Churches , and many Mount Sions , therefore this abundance doth make separation from a true Church , lawfull to us , which was unlawfull to the people of the Jewes . For separation lawfull , is , to not partake of other mens sins , not to converse bretherly with knowen flagitious Men , not to touch any uncleane thing , not to have communion with Infidels , Idols , Belial , &c. Now this is a morall duty obliging Iewes and Gentiles , and of perpetuall equity ; and to adhere to , and worship God aright , in a true Church is also a morall branch of the second commande , and a seeking of Christ , and his presence and face in his owne Ordinances , and what was simply morall , and perpetually lawfull , the contrary thereof cannot be made lawfull , by reason of the multitude of Congregations . 4. The most that these arguments of our Brethren doe prove , is but that it is lawfull to goe , and dwell in a Congregation where Christ is worshiped in all his Ordinances , rather then to remaine in that Congregation , where he is not worshipped in all his Ordinances ; and where the Church censures are neglected , which to us is no separation from the visible Church , but a removall from one part of the visible Church to another , as he separateth not out of the house , who removeth from the Gallery , to remaine and lie and eate in the Chamber of the same House , because the Gallery is cold and smoaky , and the Chamber not so , for he hath not made a vow never to set his foote in the Gallery . But to our Brethren to separate or remove from a Congregation , is to be dismembred from the only visible Church on Earth , for to them there is not any visible Church on Earth , except a congregation . And our Brethrens mind in al these arguments , is to prove , that not only it is unlawfull to stand in the Parish assemblies of Old England , because of Popish ceremonies ( and we teach separation from these ceremonies to be lawfull , but not from the Churches ) but also that it is necessary , to adjoyne to independent Congregations , as to the onely true visible Churches on Earth , and to none others , except we would sinne against the second Commandement , which I conceive is proved by not one of these arguments . And to them all I answer , by a deniall of the connex proposition . As this , These who must doe all which Christ commandeth , and seek Christ in all his necessary Ordinances , though superiors will not doe their duties , these must separate from true visible Churches , where all Christs Ordinances are not , and joyne to independent Congregations , as to the only true visible Churches on Earth . This proposition I deny . 5. If our Brethrens argument hold sure that we are to separate from a Church , in which we want some Ordinances of Christ , through the Officers negligence , because ( say they a ) The Spouse of Christ will not rest , seeking Her beloved untill she finde him , in the fullest manner , Cant. 1. v. 7. & 3. 1 , 2. then the Spouse Cant. 1. 7. & 3. 1 , 2. is separating from one Church to another , which the Text will not beare . 2. I would have our reverend Brethren to see and consider , if this argument doth not prove ( if it be nervose and concludent ) that one is to separate from a Congregation , where are all the Ordinances of Christ , as in New England now they are , so being , hee goe from a lesse powerfull and lesse spirituall Ministery , to another Congregation , where incomparably there is a more powerfull and more spirituall Ministery , for in so doing the separater should onely not rest as the Spouse doth , Cant. 1. & 3. seeking his beloved untill he find Him , in the fullest manner . For he is to be found in a fuller manner , under a more powerfull Ministery , and in a lesse full manner under a lesse powerfull Ministery . But this separation I thinke our Brethren would not allow , being contrary to our Brethrens Church-Oath which tieth the professor to that congregation , whereof he is a sworne member to remaine there . 6. The designe and scope of our reverent Brethrens argument , is that professors ought to separat from Churches where presbyteriall government is , because in these Churches , Professors , as they conceive , doe not injoy all the Ordinances of God. Because they injoy not the society of a Church consisting of onely visible Saints , and they injoy not the free use of the censure of excommunication in such a manner as in their owne Churches , and because in them the Seales are often administred by those Pastors who are Pastors of another Congregation then their owne , and for other causes also , which we thinke is not sound doctrine . But we thinke it no small prejudice ( say our Brethren ) to the liberty given to a congregation , in these words , Mat. 18. Tell the Church , if he heare not the Church , &c. That the power of excommunication should be taken from them , and given to a Presbyterian , or nationall Church , and so your Churches wante some ordinances of Christ. Answ. Farre be it from us , to take from the Churches of Christ any power which Christ hath given to them , for we teach that Christ hath given to a single congregation , Mat. 18. a power of excommunication , but how ? 1. He hath given to a congregation that 's alone in an Iland separated from all other visible Churches a power which they may exercise there alone , and. 2. He hath given that power to a congregation consociated with other sister congregations , which they may use but not independently , to the prejudice of the power that Christ hath given to other Churches , for seeing all sister Churches are in danger to be infected with the leaven of a contu●acious member , no lesse then that single congreation , wherof the contumacious resideth as a member , Christs wisdome , who careth for the whole , no lesse then for the part , cannot have denied a power conjunct with that congregation to save themselves from contag●ons , to all the consociated Churches , for if they be under the same danger of contagion with the one single congregation , they must be armed and furnished , by Christ Iesus , with the same power against the same ill : so the power of excommunication is given to the congregation , but not to the congregation alone , but to all the congregations adjacent , so when I say , the God of Nature hath given to the hands a power to defend the body , I say true , and if evill doe invade the body , nature doth tell it , and warne the hands to defend the body , but it followeth not from this , &c. if the power of defending the body be given by the God of Nature , to the hands therefore that same power of defence is not given to the feete also , to the eye to foresee the ill , to reason , to the will to command that locomotive power , that is in all the members , to defend the body , and if nature give to the Feete a power to defend the body , by fleeing , it is not consequence to infer , O then hath nature denied that power to the hands by fighting , so when Christ giveth to the congregation ( which in consociated Churches to us is but a part , a member , a fellowsister of many consociated congregations ) he giveth also that same power of excommunicating one common enemy , to all the consociated Churches , without any prejudice to the power given to that congregation whereof he is a member , who is to be excommunicated , because a power is commmon to many members , it is not taken away from any one member . When a Nationall Church doth excommunicate a man who hath killed his Father , and is , in an eminent manner , a publick stumbling ●lock to all the congregations of a whole Nation , it is presum●d that the single congregation , whereof this parricide is a member , doth also joyne with the nationall Church and put in exercise its owne power of excommunication , with the nationall Church , and therefore that congregation is not spoyled of its power , by the nationall Church , which joyneth with the nationall Church in the use of that power . And this I thinke may be thus demonstrated , The power of excomunication is given by Christ , to a congregation not upon a positive ground , because it is a visible instituted Church , or as it is a congregation , but this power is given to it upon this formall ground and reason , because a congregation is a number of sinfull men , who may be scandalized and infected with the company of a scandalous person ; this is so cleare that if a congregation were a company of Angels , which cannot be infected , no such power should be given to them , even as there was no neede that Christ as a member of the Church either of Iewes , or Christians should have a morall power of avoyding the company of Publicans and sinners , because he might possibly convert them , but they could no wayes pervert , or infect him , with their scandalous and wicked conversation , therefore is this power given to a congregation , as they are men , who though frailty of nature , may be leavened with the bad conversation of the scandalous , who are to be excommunicated , as is cleare , 1 Cor. 5. 6. Your glorying is not good , know yee not that a little leaven leavneth the whole lumpe ? therefore are we to withdraw our selves from Drunkards , Fornicators , Extortioners , Idolaters , and are not to eate and drinke with them , v. 10. And from these who walke inordinately , and are disobedient , 1 Thess. 3. 12 , 13 , 14. And from Hereticks after they be admonished , lest we be infected with their company , just as nature hath given hands to a man , to desend himselfe from injuries and violence , and hornes to oxen to hold off violence , so hath Christ given the power of excommunication to his Church , as spirituall armour to ward off , and defend the contagion of wicked fellowship . Now this reduplication of fraile men which may be leavened , agreeth to all men of many consociated congregations , who are in danger to be infected with the scandalous behavior of one member of a single congregation , and agreeth not to a congregation as such , therefore this power of excommunication must be given to many confociated congregations , for the Lord Iesus his salve , must be as large , as the wound , and his mean must be proportioned to his end . 2. The power of Church ●jection and Church separation of scandalous persons must be given to those to whom the power of Church communion , and Church confirming of Christian love to a penitent excommunicate is given , for contraries are in the same subject , as hot and cold , seeing and blindnesse , but the power of Church-communio at the same Lords table , and of mutuall rebuking and exhorting , and receiving to grace after repentance , agreeth to members of many consociated Churches , as is cleare , Col. 3. 16. Heb. 10. 23. 2 Cor. 2 6 , 7 , and not to one congregation only ; Ergo , &c. the assumption is cleare , for except we deny communion of Churches , in all Gods Ordinances , we must grant the truth of it . 2. We say that of our Saviours ( tell the Church ) is not to be drawen to such a narrow circle , as to a Parishionall Church only , the Apostle practice is against this , for when Paul and Bannabas had no small dissention with the Iewes of a particular Church , they determined that Paul and Barnabas , and certaine others of them , should goe and tell the Apostles , Elders and whole Church Nationall or Oecumemek , Acts 15. 2. v. 22. and complaine of those who taught that , they behoved to be circumcised , Acts 15. 1. and that greater Church v. 22. 23. commanded by their ecclesiastick authority the contrary , and those who may lay on burdens of commandements as this greather Church doth expresly , v. 28. Acts 16. v. 4. ch . 2. v. 25. they may censure and excommunicate the disobeyers . And Acts 6. 1. the Greek Church complained , Acts 6. of the Hebrewes , to a greater and superior Church of Apostles , and a multitude made up of both these v. 2. and 5. and they redresed the wrongs done to the Grecian Widdowes by appointing Deacons ; also though there was no complaint , Acts 1. Yet was there a defect in the Church , by the death of Judas , and a catholike visible Church did meete , and helpe the defect , by chosing Mathias : it is true the ordination of Matthias the Apostle , was extraordinary , as is cleare by Gods immediate directing of the lots , yet this was ordinary and perpetuall , that the election of Mathias was by the common suff●ages of the whole Church , Acts 1. 26. and if we suppose that the Church had been ignorant of that defect , any one member knowing the defect , was to tell that catholick Church , whom it concerned to choose a catholick Officer ; we thinke Antioch had power great enough intensively to determine the controversie , Acts 15. but it followeth not that the catholick Church v. 22. ( let me terme it so ) had not more power extensively to determine that same controversie , in behalfe of both Antioch , and of all the particular Churches : subordinate powers are not contrary powers . CHAP. 5. SECT . 5. PROP. 3. QUEST . 6. Manuscript . ALL who would be saved must be added to the Church , as Acts 2. 47. If God offer opportunity , Gen. 17. 7. Because every Christian standeth in need of all the Ordinances of Christ , for his Spirituall edification in holy fellowship with Christ Jesus . Answer : for clearing of this we are to discusse this question . Whether all , and every true believer must joyne himselfe to a particular visible congregation , which hath independently power of the keys within it selfe , God offering opportunity , if he would be saved ? 1 Dist. There is a necessity of joyning our selves to a visible Church , but it is not necessitas medii , but necessitas praecepti , it is not such a necessity , as all are damned who are not within some visible Church , for Augustine is approved in this , there be many Wolves within the Church , and many sheepe without ; but if God offer opportunity , all are obl●ged by God his Command●ment of confessing Christ before men , to joyne themselves to the true visible Church . 2. Dist. There is a f●llowship with the visible Church internall , of hidden believers , in the Romish Babel this is sufficient for salvation , necessitate medii , but though they want opportunity to joyne themselves to the Reformed visible Churches , yet doe they sin in the want of a profession of the truth and in not witnessing against the Antichrist , which is answerable to an adjoyning of themselves to a visible Church , And so those who doe not professe the Faith of the true visible Church , God offering opportunity , deny Christ before men , and this externall fellowship is necessary to all , necessitate praecepti , though our Lord graciously pardon this as an infirmity in his own , who for feare of cruell persecution , often dare 〈◊〉 confesse Christ. 3. Dist. The question is not whether all ought to joyne themselves 〈…〉 ●isible Church , God offering occasion , but , if all ought by Christs command , to joyne themselves to the Churches independent of their visible Congregations , if they would be saved ? our Brethren 〈…〉 it , we deny it . 1. Concl. An adjoyning to a visible Church either formally to be a member thereof , or materially , confessing the Faith of the true visible Church , God offering occasion , is necessary to all . 1. Because we are to be ready to give a confession of the ●●pe that is in us , to every one who asketh , 1 Pet. 3. 15. 2 Because he who denieth Christ before men , him also will Christ deny before 〈◊〉 Father , and before the holy Angells , Mat. 10. 33. 3 Yet if some die without the Church , having Faith in Christ , and want opportunity to confesse him before men , as repenting in the h●u●e of death , their salvation is sure , and they are within the invisible Church : so is that to be taken , extra Ecclesiam nulla salus , none can be saved who are every way without the Church , both visible and invisible ; as all perished who were not in Ncahs Arke . 2. Concl. When God offereth opportunity , all are obliged to joyne themselves to a true visible Church . 1. Because God hath promised his presence to the Churches as his Sonne walketh in the midst of the golden candlesticks , Rev. 2. 2. 2 Because Faith commeth by hearing a sent Preacher , Rom. 10. 4. 3 Separation from the true visible Church is condemned , Heb. 10. 24. Iud. v. 19. 1 Iohn . 2. 19. 4. Good men esteeme it a rich favour of God to lay hold on the skirt of a Jew , Zech. 8. 23. and to have any communion , even as a doore keeper in Gods House , and have desired it exceedingly and complained of the want thereof , Psal. 84. 10. v. 1 , 2. Psal. 27. 4 , Psal. 42. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Psal. 63. v. 1 , 2. 3. Concl. Our brethren , with reverence of their godlinesse and learning , erre , who hold all to be obliged , as they would be saved , to joyne to such a visible congregation of independent jurisdiction , as they conceive to be the only true Church visible instituted by Christ. That this is their mind is cleare by the first proposition of this Manuscript , and by their answer a to the 12 Question where they say , that all not within their visible congregation as fixed sworne members thereof , are without the true Church , in the Apostles meaning , 1 Cor. 5. 12. what have I to doe to judge them also that are without ? doe not yee judge them that are within ? which is a most violent torturing of the word . For , 1. without are dogs , Rev. 22. so our brethren expound the one place by the other , then all not fixed members of the congregationall Church ( as they conceive it ) of Corinth , are dogs , what ? was there not a Church of Saints on earth at this time , but in one independent congregation of Corinth ? and were all the rest Dogs and Sorcerers ? 2. If judgeing here especially is the censure of Excommunication used according unto Christs institution , that the spirit may be saved in the Day of the Lord , and so to be used only toward regenerated persons , then Paul was to intend the salvation of none by Excommunication , but these who are members of one single congregation , who are within this visible house of Christ , then all the rest are without the house and so in the state of damnation . 3. These who are without here are in a worse case , then if they were judged by the Church , that their spirit may be saved . So they are left , v. 13. to a severe judgement , even to the immediate judgement of God , as a Cajetan doth well observe ; for , sayth b Erasmus Sarcerius , Deus publica & occulta sceler a non sinet impunita , and c Bullinger maketh ( as it is cleare ) an answer to an objection , shall these who are without , even the wicked Gentiles commit all wickednesse without punishment ? The Apostle answereth , that , ( saith he ) God shall judge them , Non impune in vitiorum lacunis se provolvent prophani , sed destinato tempore commeritas dabunt Deo ultori paenas . And d Paraeus , num impune ibunt eorum scelera ? ●mo Judicem Deum invenient . 4. These who are within here , are these who are of Christs family , sayth e P. Martyr , and opposite to Gentiles and infidels saith f Paraeus , for all men are divided into two ranks , some domesticks , and within the Church , and to be judged by the Church ; and some strangers , without the covenant , not in Christ , neither in profession , nor truth , as Gentiles , who are left to the severity of Gods judgement , but our Brethrens Text shall beare that Paul divideth mankind into three ranke . 1. Some within , as true members of the Church . 2. Some without as infidels , and some without as not members of a fixed congregation , now Believers without , and not members of a fixed congregation , are not left to the severity of the immediate judgment of God , as these who are without here , because they are to be rebuked , yea nor was the excommunicated man , after he should be cast out , left to the immediate judgement of God : but he was , 1. To remaine under the medicine of excommunication , and dayly to be judged , and eschewed as a Heathen , that his spirit may be saved . 2. He was to be rebuked as a brother 2 T●ess . 3. 15. 3. Paul saying what have I to doe to judge these that are without , God judgeth them , he meaneth as much , as he will not acknowledge them , as any wayes belonging to Christ ; but the believers of approved piety , because they are not members of a fixed congregation , are not thus cast off of Paul , he became all things to all men , that he might gaine some , and would never cast off Believers , and say what have I to doe with you ? In a word ; by those who are without are meant Gentiles , as a Ambrose b Oecumenius c Theophilact . &c. d Calvin e Martyr f Bullinger g Paraeus h Beza , i Pelican . k Pomeranus l Meyer m Sarcerius n Marloratus o Paraphras . p the Papists , Haymo q Aquinas and r with them Erasmus , and all who ever commented on this place . Lastly , our Brethren expound these , who are within , to be the Church of Corinth , Saints by calling , and Saints in Christ Jesus , these to whom he prayeth grace and peace unto , and for whom he thanketh God for the grace given to them by Iesus Christ , 1 Cor. 1. 2. 3. Now these thus within must be regenerated , and opposed to all not within : this way , but without , that is who are not Saints by calling , not in Christ Iesus , then by these who are without , cannot be understood , all not fixed members of one visible Congregation , who yet are by true faith in Christ Iesus ; and our Brethren must mean , that Paul , if he were living , would take no care to judge , and censure us , who believe in Christ , and are members of provinciall and nationall Churches , and are not members of such an independent Congregation , as they conceive to be the only instituted visible Church of the New Testament . But if they all not without the state of salvation who are not members of such an independent flock . 1. All the Churches of Corinth , Galatia , Ephesus , Th●ssalonica , Philippi , Rome , the seven Churches of Asia , who were not such independent Churches must be in the state of damnation . 2. All are here obliged , who looke for salvation , by Iesus Christ , to joyne themselves to this visible independent Church ; then all who are not members of such a Church are in the state of damnation , if ( say our brethren ) they know this to be the only true Church , and joyne not to it . O but ignorance cannot save men from damnation , for all are obliged to know this so necessary a meane of salvation , where only are the meane● of salvation , for then it should excuse Scribes and Pharisees , that they believed not in Christ , for they knew him not , and if they had knowen , they would not have crucisied the Lord of glory . 1 Cor. 2. 9 , 10. Now we judge this to be the revived error of-the Donatists , whose mind was as a Augustine saith , that the Church of Christ was only in that part of Africa , where Donatus was , and Augustine writing to Vincentius b objecteth the same , as Morton answereth Bellarmine , and the same say Papists with Donatists , that out of the Church of Rome there is no salvation . And c Field answereth well , yee are to be charged with donatisme , who deny all Christian societies in the World , ●to be where the Popes feete are not kissed , to pertaine to the true Church of God , and so cast into Hell all the Churches of Aethiopia , Armenia , Syri● , Graecia , Russia , and so did Optatus ( sayth d Morton , Answer , Donatists you will have the Church only to be where you art , but in Dacia , Misi● , Thracia , Achaia , &c. where you are not , you will not have it to be , nor will you have it to be in Graecia , Cappadocia , Aegypt , &c. Where you are not , and in innumerable Istes and Provinces . See how Gerardus refuteth this e and certainly , if this be the only true visible Christian Church , to which all who looke for salvation by Christ Jesus , must joyne themselves , there is not in the Christian World , a true visible Church but with you . 3. I● all upon hazard of losing salvation , must joyne to such a Church , having power of jurisdiction independently within it selfe , then must all separate from all the reformed Churches , where there be provinciall and nationall Churches , now this is also the error of the Donatists and Anabaptists , against which read what a learned Parker saith and reverend b Brightman , and c Cartwright , but of this hereafter . 4. The principall reason given by the Author , is , The Lord added to the Church Acts 2. such as should be saved , this is not in the independent visible Congregation , as is proved elsewhere . A second reason he giveth , because every Christian standeth in neede of the Ordinances of Christ , for his spirituall edification , in holy fellowship , with Christ Iesus , or else Christ ordained them in vaine , therefore all who would be saved , must joyne to a visible independent congregation ; hence no Church hath title and due right to the Word and Sacraments , but members of such a congregation : this is the reason why men of approved piety are denied the Seales of the covenant , and their children excluded from Baptisme and themselves debarred from the Lords Supper , because they are not members of your congregation , and members they cannot be , because they finde no warrant from Gods Word , to sweare your Church-covenant , and to your Church-government , which is so farre against the Word of God : the Seales of the covenant belong to all professing Believers , as Gods Word sayth , Acts 10. 47. Acts 8. 37. Acts 16. 31 , 32 , 33. 1 Cor. 11. 28. Whether he be a member of a particular independent Church , or not , God the Lawgiver maketh not this exception , neither should man doe it . Propos. 3. All are entered by covenant into a Church-state , or into a membership of a visible Church . Answ. Here are we to encounter with a matter much pressed by our reverend Brethren , called a Church covenant . A Treatise came unto my hand in a Manuscript of this Subject ; In their Apology , and in their answer to the questions propounded by the Brethren of Old England this is much pressed . I will first explaine the Church-covenant according to our reverend Brethrens minde . 2 : Prove there is no such thing in Gods Word . 3. Answer their Arguments taken out of the Old Testament . 4. Answer their Arguments from the New Testament , both in this Treatise here in this Chapter , and hereafter ; and also their arguments in all their Treatises . Hence for the first two , I begin with this first question . Whether or not all are to he In-churched or entered Members of a visible Church by an explicit , and vocall or prof●ssed Covenant ? Our brethrens mind is first to be cleared . 2. The state of the question to be explained . 3. The truth to be confirmed . In the answers to the questions a sent to New England they require of all persons come to age , before they be received members of the Church : 1. A publiqu● vocall declaration of the manner and soundnesse of their conversion , and that either in continued speech ( saith b the Apologie ) or in answer to questions propounded by the Elders . 2. They require a publick prof●ssion of their faith , concerning the articles of their religion , the foresaid way also . 3. An expresse vocall covenanting by oath , to walke in that faith ; and to submit ( saith the Authour ) c themselves to God , and one to another , in his feare ; and to walke in a professed subjection to all his holy Ordinances , cleaving one to another , as fellow members of the same body in brotherly love and holy watchfulnesse unto mutuall edification in Christ Iesus . 4. And a covenanting , not to depart from the said Church , without the consent thereof . This Church-covenant ( saith the Apologie ) d is the essentiall or formall cause of a visible Church , as a flocke of Saints is the materiall cause , and so necessarily of the being of a Church , that without it none can claim Church-communion ; and therefore it is that whereby a Church is constituted in its integrity , that whereby a fallen Church is againe restored ; and that , which being taken away , the Church is dissolved , and ceaseth to be a Church ; and it is that whereby Ministers have power over the people , and people interest in their Ministers , and one member hath interest and powerover another fellow-member . The manner of entring in Church-state is this : 1. A number of Christians , with a gifted or experienced Elder meet often together ( saith this e Authour ) about the things of God , and performe some duties of prayer , and spirituall conference together , till a sufficient company of them be well satisfied , in the spirituall good estate one of another , and so have approved themselves to one anothers consciences , in the sight of God , as living stones , fit to be said on the Lords spirituall Temple . 2. They having acquainted the Christian Magistrate , and neerest adjoyning Churches , of their purpose of entring into Church-fellowship convene in a day kept with fasting and praying , and preaching , one b●ing chosen with common consent of the whole , in name of the rest , standeth up , and propoundeth the covenant , in the foresaid four Articles above named . 3. All the rest declare their joynt consent in this covenant , either by silence , or word of mouth , or writing , 4. The brethren of other Churches , some specials , in name of the rest , reach out to them the right hand of fellowship , exhorting them to stand stedfast in the Lord. Which done , prayers made to God for pardon and acceptance of the people , a Psalm is sung . But when a Church is to be gathered together of Infidels , they must be first converted believers , and so fit materials for Church fellowship , before any of those things can be done by them . 5. Baptisme maketh none members of the visible Church . 6. A Church fallen , cannot be accepted of God to Church fellowship , till they renew their Church covenant . Thus shortly for their mind about the gathering of a visible Church . Let these distinctions be considered for the right stating of the question . 1. Distinct. There is a covenant of free grace , betwixt God and sinners , founded upon the surety Christ Iesus ; laid hold on by us , when we believe in Christ , but a Church Covenant differenced from this is in question , & sub judice lis est . 2. Distinct. There is a covenant of baptisme , made by all , and a covenant vertuall and implicite renewed , when we are to receive the Lords Supper , but an explicite positive professed Church covenant , by oa●h in-churching a person , or a society , to a State-church is now questioned . 3. Distinct. An explicite vocall Covenant whereby we bind our selves to the first three Articles in a tacite way , by entring in a new relation to such a Pastor , and to such a Flocke , we deny not , as if the thing were unlawfull ▪ for we may sweare to performe Gods commandements , observing all things requisite in a lawfull oath . 2. But that such a covenant is required by divine institution , as the essentiall forme of a Church and Church-membership , as though without this none were entered members of the visible Churches of the Apostles , nor can now be entered in Church-state , nor can have right unto the seales of the covenant , we utterly deny . 4. Distinct. We grant a covenant in Baptisme which is the seale of our entry unto the visible Church . 2. That it is requisit that such Heretickes , Papists , Infidels , as be received as members of our visible Church , ( from which Papists have fallen , having received baptisme from us ) doe openly professe subjection to God , and his Church , in all the Ordinances of God. And that Infidels give a confession of their faith , before they be baptized . 3. Nor deny we that at the election of a Pastor , the Pastor and people tie themselves , by reciprocation of oathes , to each other , the one to fulfill faithfully the ministery that he hath received of the Lord ; the other to submit to his ministery in the Lord , but these reciprocall oathes , make neither of them members of a visible Church , for they were that before these oathes were taken . 5. Distinct. Any professor removing from one congregation to another , and so comming under a new relation to such a Church , or such a Ministery , is in a tacite and vertuall covenant to discharge himselfe in all the duties of a member of that Congregation , but this is nothing for a Church-covenant ; for when six are converted in the congregation whereof I am a member , or an excommunicated person heartily and unfainely repenteth , there ariseth a new relation betwixt those converts and the Church of God ; and a tie and obligation of duties to those persons greater then was before , as being now members of one mysticall and invisible body . Yet cur brethren cannot say , there is requisite , that the Church renew their Church-covenant towards such , seeing the use of the Covenant renewed is to restore a fallen Church , or to make a non-Church to be a Church ; and if those six be converted by my knowledge , there resulteth thence an obligation of a vertuall and tacite covenant betwixt them and me ; but there is no need of an explicite and vocall covenant , to tie us to duties that we are now obliged to in a stricter manner then we were before ; for when one is taken to be a steward in a great family , there may be a sort of Covenant betwixt that servant and the Lord of the house , and there resulteth from his office and charge a tie and obligation , not onely to the head of the family , but also to the children and fellow-servants of the house ; but there is no need of an expresse , vocall , and professed covenant betwixt the new steward and the children and servants ; yea and strangers also , to whom he owes some acts of steward-duties , though there doe result a vertuall covenant . Farre lesse is there a necessity of an expresse and vocall covenant before that steward can have claime to the keyes , or be received in office . So when one entereth into covenant with God , and by faith layeth hold on the covenant , there resulteth from that act of taking the Lord to be his God , a covenant-obligation to doe duty to all men , as the covenant of God doth oblige him ; yea , and to doe workes of mercy to his beast ( for a good man will have mercy on the life of his beast ) and he is obliged to a duty by that covenant with God to his children , which are not yet borne , to servants who are not yet his servants , but shall hereafter be his servants , to these who are not yet converted to Christ , now it is true a vertuall and tacite covenant , resulteth toward all these , even toward the beast , the children not yet borne , &c. when the person first by faith entereth in covenant with God ; but none , master of common sense and judgement will say there is required a vocall and explicite , and professed covenant , betwixt such an one entered in covenant with God , and his beast , and his children not yet borne , or that the foresaid tacite and vertuall covenant , which doth but result from the man his covenanting with God is either the cause , or essence , or formall reason , whereby he is made a formall contracter and covenanter with God. So , though when I enter a member of such a congregation , there ariseth thence an obligation of duty , or a tacite covenant , tying me in duties to all members present , or which shall be members of that congregation , though they should come from India ; yet in reason it cannot be said , that there is required an expresse vocall covenant betwixt me and all , who shall be fellow-members of this congregation ; and farre lesse that such a covenant doth make me a member of that congregation , yea because I am already a member of that congregation ; thence ariseth a tacite covenant toward such and such duties and persons . 6. I understand not how our brethren doe keepe Christian and religious communion , with many professours of approved piety , and that in private conference , praying together , and publiquely praising together , and yet deny to have any Church-communion with such approved professors , in partaking with them the seales of the covenant , and censures of the Church , I doubt how they can comfort the feeble minded , and not also warne and rebuke them , which are called acts of Church-c●nsure . Then the question is not , if there be a tacit and vertuall covenant when persons become members of such a visible congregation . 2. Nor doe we question whether such a Church-covenant may be lawfully sworne . We thinke it may , though to sweare the last article not to remove from such a congregation without their consent , I thinke not lawfull , nor is my habitation in such a place a matter of Church-discipline . 3. But the question is , if such a Church-covenant , by Divine or Apostolick warrant , not onely be lawfull , but the necessary and Apostolick meane , yea and the essentiall forme of a visible Church ; so as without it persons are not members of one visible Church , and want all right and title to a Church-membership , to the seales of grace , and censures of the Church . Our brethren affirme , we deny . Concl. The former considerations being cleare , we hold that such a Church-covenant is a conceit destitute of all authority of Gods Word , Old or New Testament , and therefore to be rejected as a way of mens devising , 1. Argum. All will-worship laying a band on the Conscience , where God hath layed none , is damnable ; but to tye the oath of God to one particular duty rather then another , so as you cannot , without such an oath , enter into such a state , nor have title and right to the seales of grace and Gods Ordinances , is will-worship , and that by vertue of a divine Law , and is a binding of the Conscience where God hath not bound it . The major is undeniable . Papists as a Alphonsus à Castro , and b Bellarmin● lay upon us , that which was the errour of Lampetians , that we condemne all sorte of vowe● , ●● snares to the Consciences of men . But Bellarmine c saith , that Luther and Ca●●in acknowledge , We thinke vowes of things commanded of God lawfull ; the truth is , we teach it to be will-worship to a person to vow single life , where God hath not given the gift of continency , because men binde with an oath that which God hath not bound us unto by a command . So d Origen , Gregory , Nazianzen , Ambrose , Augustine say , Those which want the gift of continency cannot live without wives , and so should not burne . See how e Bellarmine and f Maldonat contending for will-worship , prescribe the contrary . I prove the assumption ; for a Minister to sweare the oath of fidelity to his flocke , is lawfull ; but to tye an oath so to his Ministery , as to say the Apostles teach , he cannot be a minister who sweareth not that oath , is to lay a bond on the Conscience , where God hath laid none . That a father swear to performe the duties of a father , a master the duties of a master towards his servant , is lawfull ; but to lay a bond on him , that he is in Conscience , and before God no father , no master , except he sweare to performe those duties , is to lay a bond on the Conscience where God hath laid none . So to sweare subjection to such a Ministery and visible Church , is lawfull ; but to tie by an Apostolike Law and practice the oath of God so to such duties , as to make this Church-oath the essentiall forme of such membership , so as you cannot enter into Church-state , nor have right to the Seales of the Covenant without such an oath , is to binde where God hath not bound ; for there is no Law of God , putting upon any Church-oath such a state , as that it is the essentiall forme of Church-membership , without the which a man is no Church-member , and the Church visible , not swearing this oath is no Church . 3 That way are members to be in-Churched , and to enter into a Church-fellowship , which way members were entred in the Apostolike Church . But members were not entred into the Apostolike Church by such a Covenant , but onely they beleeved , professed beleefe , and were baptized ; when the incestuous person is re-entred ( it is said ) onely , 2 Cor. 2. he was grieved , and testified it , and they did forgive him , and confirme their love to him , 7 , 8. there is here no Church-Covenant ; and Samaria 8. 12. received the Word gladly , beleeved , and was baptized ; when Saul is converted Acts 9. Simon Magus baptised , Acts 8. Cornelius and his house baptized , Acts 20. the Church of Ephe●us planted , Acts 19. of Corinth , Acts 18. 8. of Berea , Acts 17. 10. Philippi Acts 16. Th●ssalonica , Acts 17. of Rom , Acts 28. We heare no expressed vocall Covenant . So Acts 2. three thousand were added to the visible Church ; now they were not gathered nor in-Churched as you gather : First , they did not meet often together for prayer and spirituall conference , while they were satisfied in Conscience of the good estate one of another , and approved to one anothers Consciences in the sight of God , as living stones fit to be laid in the Lords spirituall Temple , as you require ; a because frequent meeting and satisfaction in Conscience of the regeneration one of another could not be performed by three thousand , all converted and added to the Church in one day ; for before they were non-Converts , and at one Sermon were pricked in heart that they had slaine the Lord of glory , Acts 2. 37. 42. and the same day there were added to them three thousand souls . Our brethren say , It was about the P●ntecost , when the day was now the longest , and so they might make short confessions of the soundnesse of their conversation before the Apostles , who had such discerning spirits . Answ. Truly it is a most weake and reasonlesse conjecture for all the three thousand behoved to be miraculonsly quicke of discerning ; for they could not sweare mutually one to another those Church-duties , except they had beene satisfied in Conscience of the regeneration of one another . Surely such a miracle of three thousand extraordinarily gifted with the spirit of discerning would not have beene concealed , though it be sure , Ananias and Saphira , who deceived the Apostles , were in this number . Secondly , how could they all celebrate a day of fasting and prayer , and from the third houre , which is our ninth houre , dupatch the confessions and evidences of the sound worke of conversion of thirty hundred , all baptized and added to the Church ? Capiat qui volet ; because this place is used to prove a Church-covenant , I will here once for all deliver it out of our brethrens hands : The Author of the Church-covenant b saith , There was hazard of excommunication , John 9. 22. and persecution . Acts 5. 3. and therefore the very profession of Christ in such peri●●us times was a sufficient note of discerning , to such discerning spirits as the Apostles . Answ. If you meane miraculous power of discerning in the Apostles , that was not put forth in this company , where were such hypocrites as Ananias and Saphira . Secondly , this miraculous discerning behoved to bee in all the three thousand , for the satisfaction of their Consciences , of the good estate spirituall of all of them . And if it be miraculous ( as it must be , if done in the space of sixe houres , as it was done the same day that they heard Peter , vers . 41. ) then our brethren cannot alleadge it for ordinary inchurching of members as they doe . Secondly , if it be an ordinary spirit of discerning , then at one act of profession are members to be received , and so often meeting for the satisfaction of all their Consciences is not requisite . Thirdly , if profession for feare of persecution be an infallible signe , then those who are chased out of England by Prelates , and come to New England , to seeke the Gospell in purity , should be received to the Church , whereas you hold them out of your societies many yeeres . Fourthly , suffering for a while for the truth is not much , Iudas , Alexander , Demas , did that for a while . The c Apologie and discourse of the Church-covenant saith , d These converts professed their glad receiving of the VVord , vers . 37 38. in saving themselves from that untoward generation , else they had not beene admitted to baptisme . But all this made them not members of the Church for they might havereturned , notwithstanding of this , to Pontus , Asia , Cappadocia , &c. but they continued stedfastly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the doctrine of the Apostles . Secondly , they continued in fellowship , this is Church-fellowship ; for we cannot say , That it was exercise of Doctrine and Sacraments , and confound this fellowship with doctrine , no more then we can confound doctrine and sacraments , which are distinguished in the Text , and therefore it is a fellowship of holy Church-state , and so noteth ; 1. A combination in Church-state . 2. In gifts inward to edification , and outward in reliefe of the poore by worldly goods . Answ. 1. They could not continue stedfast in the Apostles doctrine and fellowship before they were added to the Church , for stedfastnesse in Doctrine , and saving themselves from the froward generation , could not be but habituall holinesse , not perfected in sixe houres . Now that same day , vers . 41. in the which they gladly heard the VVord , they were both baptized and added to the Church ; and therefore their stedfast continuing in Church-state , can no wayes make them members in Church-state . Secondly , though they should have returned to Pontus and Asia , &c. they returned added to the Church ; Church-state is no prison-state , to tie men to such a congregation locally , as you make it . Thirdly , there is no word of a Church-covenant , except when they were baptized they made it , and that is no Church-covenant , and that should not be omitted , seeing it conduceth so much , first , to the being of the visible Church , in the which we must serve God acceptably ; Secondly , and is of such consequence to the end , that the holy things of God be not prophaned , as you say . Thirdly , that the Seales of the Covenant be not made signes of falshood . Fourthly , wee would not be stricter then God , who received upon sixe houres profession three thousand to Church state . Fifthly , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fellowship is no fellowship of Church-order , which made them members of the visible Church , because the first day that they heard Peter they were added to the Church , and being added they continued in this fellowship , and in use of the Word , Sacraments , and Prayer ; as a reasonable soule is that which makes a man discourse , and discoursing is not the cause of a reasonable soule e Beza calleth it fellowship in Christian charity to the poore . And f the Syrian interpreter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g The Arablan interpreter saith the same . h The ancient Latine interpreter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Fourthly , if Baptisme bee the Seale of our entry into the Church , as 1 Cor. 12. 13. as Circumcision was the Seale of the members of the Jewes visible Church , then such a Covenant is not a formall reason of our Church-membership , but the former is true , as I shall prove hereafter ; Ergo , so is the latter . The Proposition standeth , because all the baptized are members of the visible Church before they can sweare this Covenant , even when they are Infants . 5. Argu. This Church-covenant is either all one with the Covenant of grace , or it is a Covenant divers from the Covenant of grace ; but neither wayes can it be the essentiall forme of a visible Church ; Ergo , First , the Covenant of grace cannot be the forme of a visible Church , because then all baptized , and all beleevess should be in Covenant with God , as Church members of a visible Church , which our brethren deny . If it be a Covenant divers from it , it must be of another nature , and lay another obligatory tie , then either the Covenant of workes , or the Covenant of grace , and so must tie us to other duties then either the Law or Gospell require of us ; and so is beside that Gospell which Paul taught and maketh the teacher , though an Angell i from Heaven , accursed , and not to be received . The k Apologie answering this , saith , First , We call it a Church-covenant , to distinguish it from civill Covenants , and also from the Covenant of grace ; for the Eunuch and godly strangers , Isaiah 56. 3. were in the covenant of grace by faith , and yet complained that they were separated from the Church , and not in Covenant with Gods visible Church . Answ. 1. No doubt an excommunicated person , whose spirit is saved in the day of Christ , may be in the Covenant of grace , and yet cut off from the visible Church for enormous scandals ; but this is no ground to make your Church-covenant different from the Covenant of grace . A beleever in the Covenant of grace may not doe a duty to father , brother , or master ; but it is a weak consequence , that therefore there is a Covenant-oath betwixt brother and brother , sonne and father , servant and master , which is commanded by a divine Law of perpetuall equity under both old and new Testament , as you make this Covenant of the Church to be , which persons must sweare , ere they can come under these relations of brother , son , and servant . The Covenant of grace , and the whole Evangell , teach us to confesse Christ before men , and to walke before God , and be perfect , and so that we should joyn our selves to the true visible Churh . But none can in right reason conclude , that it is a divine Law that necessitateth me to sweare another Covenant then the Covenant of grace , in relation to those particular duties , or to sweare over againe the Covenant of grace , in relation to the duties that I owe to the visible Church , else I am not a member thereof . And that same Covenant in relation to my father , brother , and master , else I cannot be a sonne , brother , or servant ; this were to multiply Covenants according to the multitude of duties that I am obliged unto , and that by a divine commandment . The word of God l layeth a tie on Pastors to feed the flock , and the flock to submit , in the Lord to the Pastors . But God hath not , by a new commandment , laid a new tie and obligation , that Timothy shall not be made a Pastor of a Church at Ephesus , and a member thereof , nor the Church at Ephesus constituted in a Church-state , having right to all the holy things of God , while , first , they be all perswaded of one anothers regeneration ; secondly , while all sware those duties in a Church-oath ; thirdly , and all sweare that they shall not separate from Church followship , but by mutuall consent . Heare a reply againe to this of the m Apologie ; such promises as leave a man in an absolute estate as he was before , and ingage onely his act , not his person , these lay no forcing band on any man , but as every man is tied to keepe his lawfull promise , are tied : But yet such promises or covenants as are made according to the Ordinances of God , and doe put upon men a relative estate , they put on them a forcing band to performe such duties , such as are the promises of marriage betwixt man and wife , master and servant , magistrate and subject , minister and people , brother and brother in Church-state ; these put on men a divine tie , and binde by a divine Ordinance to performe such duties . But these Scriptures make not these relations , these places make not every man who can teach , a Pastor to us , except we call him to be our Pastor ; indeed if we call him , we ingage our selves in subjection to him : you might as well say , It is not the c●venanting of a wife to her husband , or the subject to the magistrate , that giveth the husband power over his wife , and the magistrate power over his subject , but the word of God that giveth power to both , and yet you know well the husband cannot call such an one his wife , but by covenant made in marriage . Answ. This is all which with most colour of reason can be said . But these places of Scripture are not brought to prove the Pastors calling to the people , or their relative case of subjection to him , but onely they prove , that the covenant of grace and whole Gospell layeth a tie of many duties upon us , which obligeth us , without comming under the tie of an expresse , vocall , and publique oath , necessitating us by a divine Law , because in this that I professe the faith of Christ , and am baptized , I am a member of the visible Church , and have right to all the holy things and seales of grace , without such an oath , because the covenant of grace tieth me to a●joyne my selfe to some particular congregation , and a called Pastor who hath gi●●● , and a calling from the Church , is a member of the visible Church , before he be called to be your Pastor , though he be a member of no particular congregation ; for you lay down as an undeniable principle , and the basis of your whole doctrine of independent government ; that there are no visible Churches in the world but a congregation meeting in one place to worship God , which I have demonstrated to be most false : for if my hand be visible , my whole body is visible , though with one act of the eye it cannot be seene ; if a part of a medow be visible , all the medow , thought ten miles in bredth and length , is visible : so , though a congregation onely may be actually seene , when it is convened within the soure Angles of a materiall house , yet all the congregations on earth make one visible Church , and have some visible and audible acts of externall government cummon to all ; as that all pray , praise , fast , mourne , rejoyce , one with another ; and are to rebuke , exhort , comfort one another , and to censure one another , so farre as is possible , and of right and by Law meet in one councell , and so by Christs institution are that way visible ; that a single cong egation is visible which meeteth in one house , though many be absent de facto , through sickenesse callings , imprisonment , and some through sinfull neglect ; and therefore you doe not prove , that we are made members of the visible Church , having right to all the holy things of God , by a Church-oath or covenant as you speake ; neither doe we deny but when one doth enter a member to such a congregation under the ministery of A. B. but he commeth under a ●ew relative state , by an implicite and vertuall covenant , to submit to his ministery , yea and A. B. commeth under that same relative state of Pastorall feeding of such an one . But you doe not say , that A. B. entereth by a vocall Church-covenant , in a membership of Church order , and that by a commanded covenant of perpetuall equity , laying a new forcing band upon both the person and the acts of A. B. just as the husband and the wife come under a marriage covenant . So C. D. sometime excommunicated , now repenteth , and is received as a gained brother , in the bosome of the Church ; all the members of the Church come by that under a new relation to C. D. as to a repenting brother , and they are to love , reverence , exhort , rebuke , comfort him , by vertue of the covenant of grace , but ( I conceive ) not by a new Church covenant entering them as in a Church membership , and Church order towards him . So a new particular Church is erected , and now counted in amongst the number of the visible Churches ; all the sister Churches are to discharge themselves in the duties of imbracing , loving , exhorting , edifying , rebuking , comforting this sister Church new elected . But I thinke our brethren will not say , That all the sister Churches are to make a new expresse vocall Church covenant with this sister Church , and such a Church covenant as maketh them all visible Churches , which have right to all the holy things of God , in and with this new sister Church ; it is the covenant of grace once laid hold on by all these sister Churches , which tieth them to all Christian duties , both one toward another , and also toward all Churches to come in . I thinke there is no necessity of an expresse covenant of marriage betwixt this new Church , and all the former sister Churches , as there is a solemne marriage oath betwixt the Husband and the Wife , and a solemne covenant betwixt the supreame Magistrate and the King and his Subjects , when the King is crowned ; all we say is this , if for new relations God laid a bond and compelling tie of conscience , and that of perpetuall equity , whereby we are entered in every new relative state , beside the bond that Law and Gospell lay on us , to doe duties to all men both in Church and Common-wealth , then when a person is converted unto Christ , and another made a Lawyer , and another a Pastour , another a Physitian , another a Magistrat , another a learned Philosopher and President of an Academy , another a skilled Schoolemaster , and so come under new relations many and diverse in the Church and State , I should not be obliged to love , honour , and reverence them all by vertue of the fifth Commandement ; but I behoved by vertue of a particular Covenant ( I know not how to name it ) to come under some new relative marriage toward all these , else I could not performe duties of love and reverence to them ; and though there be a convenant tacite betwixt a new member of a congregation , and A. B. the Pastor , and they come under a new relation , covenant waies ( which I grant ) is not the point in question , but this new covenant is that which by necessity of a divine Commandement of perpetuall equity , maketh the now adjoyner a member of the visible Church , and giveth him right and claime to the seales of the covenant , so as without this covenant he is without , and not to be judged by the Church , but left to the judgement of God , as 1 Cor. 5. 12 , 13. one who is without . Thirdly , the * Apologie saith , and a Author of the Church covenant . The covenant of grace is done in private in a mans closet , betwixt the Lord and himselfe , the other in some publique assembly . 2. The covenant of grace is of one christian in particular , the other of a company joyntly , some call the one personall , the other generall . Answ. Though the covenant of grace may be layd hold on in a closet or private chamber , yet the principall party contracter is God on the one part ; and on the other not a single man , but Christ , b and all his seed , c yea the Catholique church , d all the House of Israel ; But our brethrens mind is , that conversion of soules to Christ is not a Church act , nor a Pastorall act , but a worke of charity , performed by private christians ; yet by the Pastorall paines of Peter , three thousand , Act. 2. were converted ; and this is a depressing of publique ministery , and an exalting of popular prophecying , which is the onely publique and ordinary meane blessed of God , for conversion . 2. By this all the covenants sworne in Israel and Iudah were not a swearing of the covenant of grace but of a Church covenant , which we must refute hereafter . 3. We desire an instance or practice of receiving any into the publique assembly , by this Church covenant ; publique receiving by baptisme we grant in Cornelius , Act. 10. the Eunuch , Act. 8. Lydia , and her house , Act. 16. the Iayler , Act. 16. but we never read of Sauls Church●covenant , and Church confession , wherby he was publiquely received into Church membership , nor of such private tryall of Church members and therefore wee thinke it to bee a devise of men . 6. Arg. If this Church-covenant be the essence and forme of a visible Church , which differenceth betwixt the visible and invisible Church , then there have beene no visible Churches since the Apostles dayes , nor are there any in the Christian World , this day , save only in New England and some few other places , for remove the forme and essence of a thing , and you remove the thing it selfe : now if this be true , and if Ministers have Ministeriall or pastorall power over people , and the people no relation unto them as to Pastors , except they mutually enter into this Church-covenant , then are they no Pastors to the people at all , and so all Baptised in the reformed Churches , where this covenant was not , are as Pagans and Infidels , and all their Baptisme no Baptisme , and all their Church Acts no Church Acts , and they all are to be Rebaptized . The Author of the Church-covenant a saith , there is a reall , implicite , and substantiall comming together , and a substantiall professing of faith and agreement , which may preserve the essence of the Church in England , and other places , though ●hers be not so expresse and formall a covenanting , as neede were ; The eternity of the covenant of God is such , that it is not the interposition of many corruptions , that may arise in after time , that can disanull the same , except they willfully breake the covenant , and reject the offer of the Gospel , which we perswade our selves England is not come unto , and so the covenant remaineth which preserveth the essence of the Churches to this day ; and he giveth this answer from learned Parker b and he alleadgeth Fox c who out of Gilda , saith England received the Gospell in Tiberi●● his time , and Joseph of Arimathea was sent from France to England by Philip the Apostle an . ●2 . Answ. I deny not but Tertullian , and Nicephorus both , say , the Gospell then came to the wildest in Brittaine , and no doubt be ●●ved to come to Scotland , when Simon Zelotes cam● to Brittaine ; but so did the Gospell come to Rome , Philippi , Corinth , will i● follow that the covenant is there yet ? And 1. If the not wilfull rejecting of the Gospell save the essenc● of a visible Church in England ( which charity we command in our Brethren ) Rome may have share of the charity also , and there may be a true visible Church there , as yet : and we then wronged them in separation from them , Because Gods people in Babel , did never wilfully reject the covenant . 2. Our brethren professe a they cannot receive into their Church , the godly persecuted and banished out of Old England , by Prelates for the truth , unlesse ( saith he ) they be pleased to take hold of our Church-covenant . Now not to admit into your Churches , such as cannot sweare your Church covenant , in all one as to acknowledge such not a true Church , and to separate from them , and so the want of an explicite and formall Church-covenanting , to you maketh professors no Church-visible , and unworthy of the seales of grace ; but reverend Parker b saith , that there is such a profession of the covenant in England , sic ut secessionem facere salvâ conscientiâ nullus possit , that no man with a safe conscience can separat therefrom . 3. The ignorants and simple ones amongst the Papists have not rejected the Gospell obstinately , in respect it was never revealed to them , yet the simple ignorance of points principally fundamentall maketh them a non-Church , and therefore the want of your Church-covenant must un-Church all the reformed Churches on Earth : It is not much that this Author saith , the primitive Church never did receive children to the communion , nor any till they made a confession of their Faith. What then ? a confession of their Faith and an evidence of their knowledge , is not your Chuoch-covenant for by your Church-covenant the parties to be received in the Church must give testimony of their conversion to the satisfaction of the consciences of all your Church ; The old confirmation of children was not such a thing . 2. The tryall of the knowledge of such , as were of old not yet admitted to the Lords Supper , is not an inchurching of them , because , if ●ny not that way tryed in the ancient Church , did fall into scan●alcus sins , they were , being come to yeeres lyable to the censures of the Church , which said , certainly the ancients acknowledged them to be members of that visible Church , but you say expresly , they are without , and you have not to doe to judge them , 1 Cor. 5. 12. And let the author see for this a the coun●ell of Laodicea , b Gregorius c Leo , d Augustine e Tertullian , f Cyprian , g Ambrose , h the councell of Elibert , i Perkins , k Martine Bucer l Chemnitius m Peter Martyr , who all teach that confirmation was nothing lesse then your Church-covenant . 2. That it had never that meaning to make persons formll members of the visible Church . 3. That that was sufficiently done in Baptisme . 4. That comfimation was never the essentiall forme of a visible Church , but rather the repetition of Baptisme ; so n Whitgift , ( a man much for confirmation , ) confirmatio apud nos usurpatur , ut pueri proprio ore , proprioque consensu , pactum quod in Baptismo inibant coram Ecclesiâ confirment , o Pareus sayth they were in the Church before , Sed impositione manuum in Ecclesiam adultorum recipie bantur . p Beza saith the same q Calvin , liberi infidelium ab utero adoptati , & jure promissionis pertinebant ad corpus Ecclesiae , r Bullinger acknowledging that in Baptisme infantes were received into the Church , saith , Pastorum manus illis impone bantur , quorum fidei committebatur Ecclesiarum cura . 7. Argum. A multitude of unwarrantable wayes partly goeth before , partly conveyeth this Church-covenant , As. 1. It is a dreame that all are converted by the meanes of private Christians , without the Ministery of sent Pastors , by hearing of whom Faith commeth , all are made materialls and convertes in private without Pastors ; judge if this be Christs order and way . 2. How it is possible a Church shall be gathered amongst Infidells ? this way Infidells cannot convert Infidells , and Pastors as Pastors cannot now be sent , by our Brethrens Doctrine , for Pastors are not Pastors but in relation to a particular congregation , therefore Pastors as Pastors cannot be sent to Indians . 3. They must be assured in conscience , at least satisfied in every one anothers salvation , and sound conversion : were the Apostles satisfied anent the conversion of Anainas , Saphira , Simon Magus , Alexander , Hymeneus , Philetus , Demas and others ? 4. By what warrant of the word are private Christians , not in office , made the ordinary and onely converters of Soules to Christ ? conversion commeth then ordinarily and solely by unsent Preachers , and private persons Ministery . 5. What warrant have the sister Churches , of the word , to give the right hand of fellowship to a new erected Church ? for , to give the hand of fellowship is an authoritative and pastoriall act , as Gal. 2 9. When Iames , Cephas , and Iohn perceived the grace that was given unto me , they gave unto me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship , that is , saith Pareus , a they received us to the colledge of the Apostles , so Bullinger b and c Beza , now this is to receive them in amongst the number of Churches , as Pareus , and members of the catholick Church , but Churches being all independent , and of a like authority , the Sister Churches having no power over this new erected Church , what authority hath Sister Churches , to acknowledge them as Sister Churches ? For 1. They cannot be upon two or three houres ●●ght of them , hearing none of them speak , satisfied in their consciences of their Regeneration . 2. By no authority can they receive them as members of the catholick Church , for this receiving it a Church-act and they have no Church-power over them . 3. What a meeting is this of diverse Churches for the receiving of a new Sister Church ? It is a Church ( I believe ) meeting together , and yet it is not a congregation , and it is an ordinary visible Church , for at the admitting of all converts to the Church-order , this meeting must be : surely here our brethren acknowledge that there is a Church , in the New Testament made up of many congregations , which hath power to receive in whole Churches , and members of Churches unto a Church-fellowship ; this is a visible provinciall , or nationall Church , which they other wayes deny . 6. We see no warrant , why one not yet a Pastor or Elder should take on him to speake to a congregation , though they all conse●t that he speak , exhort and pray , we desire a warrant from Gods Word , that such a thing should be ; here is preaching , and Church-preaching , Church-praying and praysing , and yet there is no Pastor nor man called to office , we see not how this will abide the measure of the Golden-neede , especially in a constituted Church ▪ 7. We desire to see such a Church-action , Acts 2. Where three thousand were added in one day to the Church . 8. If it be enough that all be silent , and testify their consent to the Church covenant by silence , how is the Church-Magistrate and these of other Churches satisfied in conscience of the conversion of all ? for all consent to this , the Magistrate may be a King , and he cannot acknowledge these as a Church , whose faces he never saw before . 9. They sweare to be good stewards of the manifold graces of God , and so to publick prophecying , for converting soules , here be men sworn in a Church-way to feede the flock , and yet they are not Pastor● . 10. Here are Church-acts and the power of the Keyes exercised in preaching , and praying , and discipline , and yet no stewards nor Officers of the house who have received the keys to feede . Quest. 2. Whether it can be proved from the Old Testament , that Christs visible Church was gathered , and being fallen , restored to a visible Church-state , by this Church-covenant . Our Reverend Bretheren contend that the Church was ever gathered by this Church-covenant . The Author a saith , that the Lord received Abraham and his children into the Church , by a covenant , Gen. 17. 7. Then when they violated the covenant , he renewed this covenant , Exod. 19. 1. 5. whence they were called the Church in the VVildernesse , Acts 7. 38. Answ. 1. The covenant , Gen. 17. 7. is not a Church-covenant such as you dreame off . 1. That covenant is the covenant of grace , made with all the people of the Jewes , yea , with children of eight dayes old , v. 7. I will establish my covenant betwixt me and thee , and thy seed after thee in their generations , for an everlasting covenant , to be a God , to thee , and to thy seed . Your covenant is not made with infants , for to you infants are not members of the Church visible , none are in your Church-covenant , but believers , of whose sound conversion you are satisfied in conscience : 2. This is the everlasting covenant made with Job , Melchisedech and many Believers ; not in Church-state , as you grant , your Church-covenant made with a visible Church , is no everlasting covenant . 3. Infants can make no confession ere they be receied in a visible Church . 4. If by this covenant Abrahams house was made a visible Church and all his children circumcised , then every family in the New Testament professing the Faith and covenant made with Abraham , and baptised as Abrahams children were circumcised , are the visible Church , and the place is for us . 5. Abraham and his house before this , when they were first called out of Aegypt , were a Church of called ones professing the Faith of the Messiah to come a 6. The Lord had a Church visible , before the renewing of the covenant at Mount Sinai , Exod. 19. even in Aegypt and when he brought them first out of that Land of bondage . Jerem. 31. 31 , 32. 33 and before this they did celebrate the Passover , the very night , that they came out of Egypt , Exod. 12. and therefore it is false , that for that covenant renewed , Exod. 19. They are called the church in the VVildernesse , all the forty yeares that they were in the Wildernesse , they were the Church in the VVildernesse , The apology b and c Author of the Church-covenant and Manuscript d alledge Deut. 29. 10. Yee stand all of you this day before the Lord , & c. v. 12. that thou mightest enter in covenant with the Lord thy God , and the Oath which the Lord thy God maketh with thee , v. 13. That He may establish thee to day a people to Himselfe . Hence they argue , That which maketh a society a people to God , to serue Him in all His Ordinances , that is that whereby a society is constituted in a Church-state ; but by a covenant , God maketh a society a people to God , to serve Him in all his Ordinances ; Ergo. Now that those were a true visible Church they prove , though the word say they had eyes and see not , &c. yet they were not in a carnall estate , but only dull and slow of hearkening , to discerne sundry gracious dispensations , which sinfull defects were in the Lords Apostles , Mat 8. 17. dull and slow of Heart , for this was the Generation which was not excluded out of Canaan , for their unbeliefe , whose carcasses fell not in the wildernesse , and they were now within the space of a moneth or thereabout , to enter into the promised Land , Deut. 1. 3. and it was they who entred by Faith , and subdned Kingdomes , and kept their children poore and constant in Gods worship all the dayes of Josuah 24. 31. It is true ( say they ) a God entered also into a covenant with their Fathers 40 , yeares before , but not till he had humbled them to a conscionable ( though a legall ) feare of His great Name ; and even some of them also ( it may be ) remembred that they were borne under the covenant of grace , from the Loynes of Abraham , though needfull it was that God should enter with them into a new covenant , and lead them from the Law to Christ , because they had so long degenerated from the spirit and wayes of Abraham , during their abode in Egypt , Exod. 20. 7 , 8. Answ. This place maketh both against the constitution of a visible Church , and against the Church-Oath framed by cu● brethren , Therefore once , for all , it must be vindicated ; and 1. I answer , the swearing of a covenant in truth by sound faith putteth person● in state of membership , with the invisible and true body of Christ ; it is true , but not in the state of a Church as visible , and therefore the Major of the first syllogisme it false , it is one thing to be a member of the Church as true , and of the people internally in covenant with God , or a Iew in the Heart ; and another thing to be in covenant externally and a member of the visible-Church , to be borne a Jew and circumcised , and to professe the doctrine of Moses his Law did formally make persons members of the Jewish visible Church , though they should never sweare this covenant , as many died in Egypt , and lived and died members of the Jewish Church , and did eate the Passover , and were circumcised , whose carcasses fell in the Wildernesse , because of their murmuring , these did never sweare , neither this covenant , Deut. 29. nor the covenant Exod. 19. 2. Here is a people in carnall estate and cannot be a covenanted , and churched society of Saints , for v. 3. the Lord objecteth to them habituall hardnesse . 3. The great temptations that thine eyes have seene , the signes and these great miracles . 4. Yet the Lord hath not given you an Heart to perceive , and eyes to see and eares to heare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this same day ; this is an habituall blindnesse , propagated from fathers to sonnes as Ez● . 2. 3. They and their fathers have rebelled against mee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even to the body of this day . Jerem. 25. 3. and Jeremy 3. 25. we have sinned we and our fathers from our youth to this day . Now this is not the state of the Disciples , Mar. 8. for Christ is not judging them of their state , as if they were yet carnall , but of their faithlesse actions , in some particular : when they wanted bread , they distrusted the Lord , when I brake the five Loaves amongst many thousands , how many baskets took yee up ? Christ rebuketh them , that they were yet hardened , notwithstanding some great miracles which might have induced them to believe he would furnish them with bread , But this people was hardened , ( I meane not of them all , but of the greatest part ) against all the meanes of grace , though Moses , by a Synecdoche , mention only signes , temptations and miracles , yet he understandeth and meaneth no lesse , then they were disobedient to all Gods dispensation of meanes , since the time that God first sent Moses to Pharaoh , and preached the covenant to them , Exod. 4. 3 , 4 , 5. Exod. 6. 6 , 7. and therefore nameth he Pharaoh and Egypt with a note of universality , yee have seen all which the Lord did to Egypt , and to Pharaoh and therefore this is an universall habituall hardnesse , and cannot be their infirmity . 3. This is his expression in the like stile , Ez● . 12. 2. Esa. 6. 9. 10. Mat. 13 15. 4. This interpretation of our Brethren doth but helpe Arminians , our Divines say against it , a Iunius , God ( saith he ) gave not an Heart , cum fructu , with fruite , to observe what you heard and saw , b Amesius hence proveth , that they were not converted , and that they wanted sufficient grace c Piscator d Calvin hence prove that many are externally called , who are never converted , yea a Papist as e Cajetan , and f Abulensis , carnalis itaque manifestatur hic populus , Arminians as these at Dort g Vorstius h Grevinchovius i Episcopius k are of mind , that such places as this hinder not , but all have sufficient grace , if they would believe : so doe the Socinians as the Catechis . l of Racovia m Socinus , n Edward Poppius , and our brethren by it will prove all these Jewes to be in the state of Regeneration . 5. The Author of o the Church-covenant saith , they were generally a generation of Believers , but this covenant is made universally with all , as is cleare , it is made with Israel , Captaines , Tribes , Officers , little ones , VVives , children , strangers , the absents , and these who are not borne , v. 10. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Now I aske , if all these were satisfied in their consciences , of one anothers salvation , as our p Author requireth , in fit materialls of a visible Church ; It was impossible , Ergo , this is not the Church-covenant of converted persons , knowne to the conscience of Moses , to be converted . 2. Moses saith expresly of the same generation , ch . 31. 20. That when they were come to the holy Land , they would serve other Gods , and provoke God unto wrath . And of that same generation God saith , v. 21. For I know their imaginations , which they goe about even now before I have brought them unto the Land which I sware ; this was ( as you say ) about a moneth before their entry to the holy Land. 27. I know thy rebellion and thy stiffe-necke ( saith Moses ) behold while I am yet alive , this day , ye have been rebellious against the Lord , how much more then after my death ? were they all then a generation , who by faith subdued kingdomes ? Surely this was but verified in their holy Judges , like Ioshuab , and some few others ; it is true they did not prosessedly in Ioshuabs daies make defection , yet they Were not all renewed , ( as our brethren say ) for Ioshuab saith ▪ ▪ ch . 24. 14. Put away the strange Gods , which your fathers served in the other side of the flood , and in Egypt , and serve the Lord. v. 23. Now therefore put away the strange gods , which are amongst you . And that song of Moses , ch . 32. was made for the conviction of the present generation . ch . 31. 22 , 23 , 24 , 25. Now in this song much is said of corrupting themselves , serving idols , forgetting of the rocke , and father who begate them , their sacrificing to devils , and therefore such were not generally such as subdued Kingdomes by fath , and by faith entered into Canaan , as yee say . And so also ( say we ) our Churches under the New Testament , though consisting of a mixed multitude , are rightly constituted , and true visible Churches ; therefore this covenant is not the formall being and essence of a Church . And what sort of people were they when the Lord covenanted with them in Hore● , Exod. 20. A generation who grieved the Lords Spirit , tempted him in the Wildernesse , offered to stem Moses , committed idolatry , would appoint themselves a Captaine to returne backe to Egypt , lusted in the Wildernesse , distrusted the Lord , and could not enter in through unbeliefe , and their carcasses fell in the Wildernesse , and three and twenty thousand were slaine for fonnication . And therefore there is no ground that Moses first or last made a Church covenant onely with some selected and choice persons , partakers of the heavenly calling , heires annexed with Christ , Kings , and Priests unto God , for all promiscuously were the materials of this Church ; yea those , who were not borne , and the absents , Deut. 29. 10. Yee stand this day , all of you before the Lord your God , your Captaines of your Tribes , you Elders , and your Officers , with all the men of Israel . V. 11. Your little ones , your wives , and the stranger that is within thy gate , from the h●wer of Wood , to the drawer of Water . V. 12. That thou shouldest enter into covenant with the Lord thy God , &c. Now were Moabites and Amonites made members of the Iewish Church , and all the strangers ? then they must enter into the Temple ; how then are they forbidden to enter into the congregation of the Lord , to the tenth generation ? You admitted not to your Church covenant in New England all professours , here none are excepted ; this covenant is made with absents , and those who are not yet borne ; now those who are not personally present , and those who are not yet come into the world , can make no restipulation of a covenant with God , nor can be the fellow members of the Church , except you make persons invisible to be visible members of a visible Church . 6. There is farre lesse ground to say , that because they had degenerated from the spirit and waies of Abraham , by idolatry , it was fit that God should renew a covenant with this generation , and so make them a visible Church ; for this is as fitting to say , a sicke man in whom there is a living soule , is made a living man by the entring of a new living soule in his body , for before this covenant the people was the Church visible in the Wildernesse ; the renewing of a covenant may quicken a decaying life of God in some , but it cannot give the being , and essentiall forme of a visible Church , to that which before was a visible Church . 7. Papists would be glad that we should put this in print , that there is a time when God hath no visible Church on earth at all , Bellarmin , Stapleton , Pererius , and others lay this upon us , but unjustly . It would gratifie Arminians as a Episcopius b the Remonstrantes in their confession , c Iacobus Arminius . And the Socinians , such as d Theophilus Nicolaides , ( e ) Smalcius , f and Ostorodius , to say that Christ may be a King and head , a husband and redeemer , and yet have neither subjects , members , spouse , nor redeemed people , and that it may fall out that Christ have no Church on earth ; for the laying hold on the covenant giveth being and life to the Church , as the body of Christ and his true spouse , as well as it giveth being to the visible Church , according to ou● brethrens doctrine , and if this covenant cease , there is not a Church of Christ on earth . 8. We have heard nothing here as yet , but the covenant of grace , and no Church-covenant . But saith the Authour of the Church-covenant , ( g ) Though it be indeed the covenant of grace , and made principally with God ; it followeth not hence , that it is not a covenant of the members amongst themselves , for the covenant of God tyeth us to duties to our neighbour , and to watchfulnesse , and edification one of another , Levit. 19 17. Deut. 29. 18. the neglect whereof in the matter of Achan , brought sinne on all the congregation , Josh. 7. yea it tieth us to duties to children not yet borne , who shall after become members of the Church , when Iehojadah made a covenant betwixt the King and the people ; it was but a branch of the Lords covenant , obliging the King to rule in the Lord , and the people to obey in God. Answ. 1. But if particular duties to our brethren bind us by a new Church-covenant , because Gods covenant commandeth these duties , then because Gods covenant commandeth sobriety toward our selves , and righteous dealing toward our brethren , there is required a selfe-covenant towards your selves , for temperance and sobriety toward your selves , as there is required a Church-covenant to binde you to duties to those who are in Church membership with you , this no man can say , nor can severall duties require severall covenants . 2. It is true when we enter into covenant with God , we sweare duties to all to whom we are obliged , but then we are made members of the visible Church , before we sweare this Church-covenant ; and this is , as if Abraham were made a living man before he have a reasonable soule , and as if Abraham were Israel his father , before Israel be Abraham his sonne , for if Abraham be in-Churched when he did sweare the covenant of grace , ( as the Authour granteth ) then he must be a member of a visible Church , while as yet there is not a visible Church ; to which Abraham is tied ; I deny not but Israel may sweare obedience to all Gods covenant , and all duties therein , and that he may sweare also in particular , to performe all duties to Abraham his father , in another oath , but that he cannot enter in the state of relation of sonneship to his father , while he sweare that oath in particular , is a dreame which hardly can be conceived . 3. The peoples finne in not warning Achan was a finne against a duty of the covenant , exacting obedience of all in brotherhead , though not in a Church-state , Levit. 19. 17. and Iob and his friends who were members of no visible Church , ( as you say ) did performe this , one to another , Iob 4. 3 4. Iob 2. 11. Iob. 4. 1. 4. The covenant that Jehojadah made betwixt the King and the people , will prove the lawfullnesse of a covenant to performe Church-duties , beside the generall covenant of grace , which we deny not , but doth not prove , that a covenant to Church-duties is the essentiall forme of Church-membership , and the onely way , by Divine precept , of entring persons in a Church-state ; for persons already in Church-state may , upon good reasons , sweare a covenant to these duties , yet are they not of new inchurched to that congregation , whereof they were members before . Their next principall argument as ( a ) the Apology saith , if a Church-covenant be the essentiall forme of a Church , as a stock of Saints is the materiall cause , then the Church-covenant is necessary to the being of the Church , and it is that wherby Ecclesia integra constituitur , collapsa restituitur , & quo sublato Ecclesia dissolvitur & destituitur , that is , it is by this covenant a Church is instituted in its integrity , and when it is fullen , it is restored to its integrity , and when this covenant ●eas●th , the Church is no longer a visible Church . Answ. When a Church falleth it is not restored to the state of a visible Church by circumcision , and yet circumcision is given as a signe of a covenant betwixt God and his Church , Gen. 17. 11. nor is a Church restored by Baptisme , or Baptizing over againe , and yet Baptisme is that whereby we are entered members of the visible Church . 2. When persons faile in omitting Church duties ; I thinke they faile against your Church-Oath , yea when they fall into any sinne that may be a scandall to others , yea the finne of adultery , yet if they repent and heare ●he Church , they are not excommunicated , neither doe they ●ose the right of Church-membership and right to the seales of the covenant , nor is it needfull they be restored by renewing a Church-covenant , but we desire to heare from Gods word proofes of the singular vertues of this Church-covenant . 3. Discipline is by all Divines thought necessary to the well being of a Church , but not to the simple being thereof , and for this we apeale to the learned Parker who denieth a Discipline to be an essentiall note of the visible Church , and citeth b Cartwright for this , and therefore saith that Calvin , Bortrandus de Logues , Mornaeus , Martyr , Marloratus , Galusius , and Beza omitteth discipline amongst the notes of the Church . The apology addeth c if the nationall Church of the Jewes was made a nationall Church by that covenant , and therby all the Synagogues had Church-fellowship one with another in the Temple , then the congregationall Church is made a visible Church by that covenant . 2. Also the fallen Church of the Jewes was restored to a Church-state ( say they ) by renewing a covenant with the Lord in the dayes of Asah & Hezekiah , and these who fell to Judah 2 Chron. 9. 25. are commanded not to stiffen their necks , or ( as in the originall ) to give their hand unto the Lord , that so they might enter into the sanctuary 2 Chron. 30. & 8. Answ. Is it credible or possible , that all the Synagoues of so many hundred thousand people , as were in the 12. Tribes were all satisfied in conscience , anent the regeneration one of another● and this is required of you to the right swearing of a Church covenant , else how could they in the Oath joyne themselves to all Israel , as to a Generation of Saints ? ●● Israel before this Oath , was circumcised , and had eaten the Passoyer , and so was a visible Church before , yea then God had no Church visible before this Oath , which is against Gods promise made to David , and his seed , Psal. 89. 28. ●9 . Also in Abijahs dayes Judah was the true Church of God , 2 Chron. 13. 8. And now y●t think to withstand the Kingdome of the Lord in the hands of the sonnes of David . 10. But as for us , the Lord is our God , and we have not forsaken Him. 3. The inchurching of members is a Church-action , as all the Church casteth out , so all the Church receiveth in , as you a say , but the putting of Iudah and the strangers of Israel to this Oath , was by the Kings authority , who convened them , 2. Chron. 15. 9. And Asah gathered all Judah , and Benjamin , and the strangers with them , and they were compelled by the Royall sanction of a civill Law to this covenant , v. 12. and they entred into covenant , &c. 13. That whosoever would not seek the Lord God of Israel , should be put to death , whether small or great , man or woman . 4. How were they all in , conscience satisfied anent the regeneration one of another , 1. Being such a number of Iudah , Benjamin and strangers out of Ephraim , Manasse and Simeon , v. 9. Were . 2. Gathered together and meet but one day ? 5. This covenant obliged young ones , your covenant seekes no Church duties of little ones , for to you they are not members of a visible Church . 6. The place , 2 Chron. 30. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yeild to God as servants b Iunius , humbly imploring his help , as the same phrase is Lament . 5. 6. we have served the Egyptians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Assyrians to be satisfied with bread , neither doth the Text say in infinitive , that yee may enter into the Sanctuary , as if a renewed covenant were a necessary preparation , before they could enter into the Sanctuary ; but it is set downe as an expresse Commandement of the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enter yee into his Sanctuary , and there is not a word of a covenant in the Text , but only of the peoples keeping the Passover , and though there had been a covenant ( of which the Spirit of God , speaking so much of Iosiah's zealous Reformation , would not have been silent ) it is not to a purpose Iudah was a visible Church , before Hezekiah wrote Letters to them , to ●ome to Jerusalem ; to keepe the Passover , as is cleare ch . 29. 17. they begun to sanctifie the House , the first day of the first moneth , and all the congregation worshipped . 36. And Hezekiah rejoyced at their zeale , and so there was a visible Church , and the Passover was eaten the 14. day according to the Law , also in all covenants renewed by the people of the Jewes , the matter was done suddenly , and all convened in a day , when a voluntary preparation , and evidenced regeneration , could not be evidenced to the satisfaction of the conscience of all the people ; nor can this preparation be called Jewish and temporary , for it is as morall to all who sweare Churches duties one to another , as the covenant it selfe , which our brethren say , is of perpetuall equity . And all these may be answered to the covenant , Neh. 10. where there is no insinuation of Church duties , but in generall . 29. Yo walke in Gods Law , and to observe and ●●e all the Commandements of the Law , and not to marry strange ●vives . The apology b saith it is to no purpose that the people . 2 Chro , 15. was a Church before this covenant , because the place is not alledged to prove that a people are made a Church by entering into covenant with God , but to prove that a decayed Church is restored by a covenant , now the Church at this time was corrupted with idols , sodomy , &c. Answ. 1. Yet it proveth well that this covenant is not the formall cause of a visible Church ; for a visible Church hath not its formall being , before it hath its formall cause . 2. The convening of all the people to sweare , is an act of the Church visible , now nothing can have operations , before it have the formall cause . 3. The Author saith , who knoweth that all the Tribes of Israel were yet in covenant with God , from the dayes of their Fathers ? Answer ; I think that it is easily knowne , that they used and exercised many Church actions also , and so were a Church visible of a promiscuous multitude , and it is know●n that none were excluded from this covenant , none selected and chosen out as Regenerates , who onely were thought fit to sweare this covenant , and so that it is not your Church-covenant that all were forced to , and commanded under pain● of death , to attest . Our brethren , as first a our Author , secondly b the Apology , thirdly the Author of the Church-covenant , repose much on Isai. 56. 3. where the stranger is joyned to the Lord , in a personall covenant , for his own salvation , for so the Text saith v. 3. 4. yet are they not joyned to the visible Church , while they lay hold on the covenant , that is , to sweare a Church-covenant , now that they are not members of the visible Church is cleare f●r Deut. 23. 1 , 2 , 3. The Moabit , Ammonite , though never so holy , cannot be members of the visible Church , because they are discharged , to enter into the congregation of the Lord. 2. They complain● that they are not of the visible Church . The Lord hath separated me from his people . 3. Adjoyning of them to the visible Church is promised ; as a reward of their faith and obedience , v. 8. even a Name in Gods House , Hence it is cleare , persons under the New Testament have a promise and propbecy th●● if they be inward●s joyned by faith God shall give them a Name of Church-membership amongst his people , by swearing a Church-Oath , or if they lay hold on the covenant of the Church . Ans. 1. There is no churching here of strangers and Eunuches by Church-Oath , but as c Calvin , Musculus , Gualter , d Iunius , observe , the Eunuch and stranger are comforted that under the Messi●hs Kingdome , they shall have no cause to complaine of their ceremoniall separation from Gods people and the want of some ceremoniall priviledges of that kind , because the stranger and Eunuch shall have . v. 5. an everlasting roome , and honor in Gods Hous● , and the Son of the stranger a place in the Catholick Church v. 6. 7. so being , they believe and obey . But 1. v. 6. to lay hold on my covenant is not to lay hold on the Church-covenant ; give us precept , promise , practise , or one syllable in Gods Word for this interpretation . 1. v. 4. to take hold on the covenant is to believe the covenant , and not to sweare a vocall Oath . 2. To lay hold on the covenant , saith e Musculus , is to keep the covenant , and not to depart from it , to live according to it , f saith Iunius ) and to rest on God , to doe what is Gods will commanded in the covenant ( saith ) g Calvin , and h Gualter ) and so all who spake sense on that place , and never one dreamed of a Church-covenant before . 3. God saith of it ( my covenant ) there is no reason then to call it a Church-covenant here more then Ierom. 31. 32. 33. Psal. 25. 10. Isai. 55. 3. Ierem. 50. 5. Zach. 2. 11. 4 Laying hold on the covenant is not an externall , professed , vocall , visible and Church embracing of the covenant , for then the Lord promiseth to the Eunuch the name of a faithfull visible fellow member , in a congregation , if he shall lay hold on the covenant , and sweare it in the Church assembly , this Church-swearing is not rewarded so , for how is it proved that a name , even an everlasting name , better then the names of sonnes and daughters , is the name of a fellow-member in some obscure congregation or parish ? is this better then the name of a borne Jew , who was also a member of the visible Church , and if he believed in Christ , had also the everlasting name of a member of the Jewish Church ? Surely there is no ground for this in Gods Word , the everlasting name must be some spirituall remembrance and some invisible honour beyond the externall honour of being named the sonne or daughter of a Jew , and by what warrant also of Gods word is Gods holy mountaine and his house of Prayer . v. 7. which in the New Testament can no more be literally expounded , then offering of burnt offerings by what warrant is this called a parochiall visible congregation , where visible saints meets in one materiall house ordinarily , and in one visible Church-way ? The house of Prayer there , is Joh. 2. expounded of the typicall Temple , which spiritually did typifie Christs body , as he expoundeth it himselfe , Ioh. 2. 18 , 19 , 20. deare brethren doe no violence to Gods Word . 2. There is no ground that the Eunuch and stranger had no other complaint , but want of visible membership : for his laying hold on the Lords Sabbaths saith the contrary , and though he should complain of that , it is a small comfort promised , th●● he shall be a member of a visible congregation , which membership many Iudasses and Hypocrites injoy also . 3. Though there were a visible Church-membership here promised ( as no intepreter that ever yet saw it , but your selves ) yet it should onely follow , before heathen , who are come to age , be Baptized , and so inchurched , they should externally lay hold on a professed covenant , and so , that they might be members of the invisible Church , before they be members of the visible Church , which is much for our Baptisme-covenant , and nothing for your Church-covenant . 4. Church-membership , by your exposition , is promised to none , but these , who inwardly by true faith are joyned to the covenant ; then all Church-Acts performed by pastors and professors not converted , though they proceed , clave no● errante , following Christ his rule are null , and no bapti●ing , no binding in heaven , for a promise conditionall is no promise ( say reason and lawyers ) where the condition is not fulfilled . The Author of the Church-covenant a citeth that of Ez●k . 16. 8. I entred into covenant with thee , and thou becamest min● , Eze. 20. 37. I will cause you to passe under the rod ; here is a covenant , not of a person , but of the whole House of Israel , v. 30. 39. This covenant is called a band , and Junius observeth well , takes from shepheards , who went amongst their sheep with a Rod , and selected and poynted out such as were for the Lords sacrifice , Lev. 26. 31. Ergo , under the New Testament , men enter not into the Church , hand over head , but they passe under the Rod of due tryall , and then , being ●ound meet , are inchurched . Answ. He entered into covenant with Hierusalem , dying in her owne blood , v. 6. v. 8. your covenant is made with a people washed and converted . 2. All are taken in promiscuously in this covenant externally , good and evill , who prospered to a kingdome , and were renowned amongst the Heathen , v. 13. 14. Your Church covenant is of persons who passe under the rod of pro●ation , and passe for sound converts . The other place is not to a purpose , for God is not speaking of gathering his people to a visible Church , but as a Calvin b Polanus , c Iunius , God is meeting with the peoples wicked conclusion , who said , v. 34. They were banished and cap●ives mixed amongst the Nations , and so free from Gods cor●ecting rod , or band of Discipline , and God saith , and I will make you to passe under the Rod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and I will bring you under the ●and of my covenant ; The Word is also Psal. 2. 3. and it is true ●hat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a staffe and a rod , Prov. 10. 13. but it signifieth also a Kings Scepter , Gen. 49. 10. but the band of the covenant signifieth no union of a visible Church , nor is the Lord in that place promising the mercy of a gathered Church , but by the contrary , he threatneth an evill , as v. 35. And I will bring you unto the wildernesse of the people , and there will I plead with you face to face , 36. Like as I peaded with your Fathers 37. And I will cause you to passe under the Rod , &c. To select you out from amongst the Heathen , as sheep for sacrificing , as the next verse . 38. and I will purge out from amongst you the Re●●lls , &c. This place is violently brought to witnesse unjustly : And what though God would have them tryed , who were taken under his covenant of protection ? it should be the covenant of grace , and not a Church-covenant , for he meaneth no such thing . They alleadge , Jerem. 50. 4. And in those dayes , and at that time , the children of Israel shall come , they and the children of Judah together , saying let us be joyned to the Lord , in a perpetuall covenant , that shall not be forgotten . Answ. 1. Israel and Judah together cannot be a parochiall congregation ; nor 2. Can Sion be a parish Church ; nor 3. is the Church-covenant , from which a man is loosed , when upon good warrants , and the consent of the congregation , he removeth cut of that Church to another , A perpetuall Covenant that shall never be forgotten ; for eternity is proper to the covenant of grace betwixt God and man , Jerem. 31. 33 , 37 , 38. Jerem. 32. 40. Isal. 54. 10. Isai. 55. 3. Isai. 59. 21. and there is no covenant betwixt mortall men , who shall d●e , an eternall covenant . The Author a saith , There is nothing more plaine then Isai. 44. 5. One shall say , I am the Lords ; and another shall call himselfe by the name of Jacob ; and another shall subscribe with his hand , and sirname himselfe by the name of Israel : These words are so plaine as nothing can be more plaine . Answ. This is a cleare place , that under the M●ssiah all people shall professe themselves in covenant with God , and the children of God and the Church , and b Calvin citeth Psal. 87. 5. and of Sion it shall be said , This and this man was borne in her . but this is not plaine at all , that these professe themselves sworne members of a particular Parish ; yea , the contrary is most plaine , that they shall call themselves by the name of Jacob and Israel ; that is , children of the whole visible Church , for Jacob and Israel is not restricted to one particular congregation . Before the peoples captivity , saith Musculus , c The names of B●●l and idoll gods sounded in their mouthes , but then they shall professe the true God , and that they are his people . Now Gods covenant is made principally , not with one single congregation , not is the blood that sealeth the covenant shed for one single congregation ; nor are the promises of the covenant , Yea and Amen is Christ , for one single flocke onely , and primò & principaliter , but for the whole Catholike Church , and therefore they shall name themselves Christians . The Author addeth , d Every Church is Christs married Spouse , united to Christ by covenant , the violation of marriage is the violation of a covenant ; yea , and there is a marriage betwixt the Church - members , Isa. 62. 5. as a young man marrieth a Virgin , so shall thy sonnes marry thee . Answ. A marriage betwixt Christ and his Church we grant and betwixt Christ and every particular soule beleeving in him , in respect of the love . 2. mutuall interest and claime one to another , Cant. 2. 16. and what holdeth betwixt Christ and a Church catholick , or particular , holdeth also betwixt Christ and every soule , and to extort a Church covenant betwixt Christ and a particular soule , who may be and often is a beleever , & yet out of Church-state , from the borrowed phrase of marriage , is ●oo violent blooding of comparisons ; and therefore from marriage belonging to the catholike Church principally , how can a marriage visible be concluded ? 2. the sonne● are the whole Church of the Gentiles ; too large a P●rish incolaeterrae , saith Musculus , b and excellently Calvin , c Christ so is the husband of his Church , that he marrieth upon his Church all people and Nations which are gathered to her , because while the Church wanteth children , she is as it were a widow ; now this is nothing for a Church-covenant . Thirdly , there is a relative obligation of mutuall duties of love betwixt fellow members of a visible Church , and betwixt sonnes and the mother congregation ; but this is first done in Baptisme expresly ; secondly , in our comming to be members of such a congregation , but the person is before a member of the visible Church . The Author addeth d If dissolving a covenant be that which dissolveth a Church , as Zach. 11. 9. 10. then the making of a covenant is that which constituteth a Church ; if dissipating of stones unbuild the house , then compacting of them together doth build the house ; but the breaking of the covenant under the name of breaking of the two staves , beauty and bands , Z●ch . 11. is the inchurching of the Iewes , Ergo ; Answ. The dissolving and breaking of the covenant of grace , and the removing of the Candlestick , and the Word of God , Revel . 2. 5. Am●s 8. 11 , 12. taketh away the being of a Church , both as a true Church , and as a true visible Church ; and of such a breaking of the covenant doth the Lord speake Zach. 11. v. 9. and I said I will not feed you ; that which dieth , let it die ; and that which perisheth , let it perish , &c. and it taketh away the union of brotherhead amongst the members , verse , 14. so the thing in question is not hence concluded ; for the question is , if a Church-covenant make a Church as visible , and the breach of that Church-covenant unmake and dissolve a Church as visible , and this place proveth what maketh and unmaketh a Church simply as a Church , not as visible and under that reduplication . Quest. 3. Whether by testimonies from the new Testament , and good reasons , a Church-covenant can be evinced . Our Author e alleageth , 2 Cor. 11. 2. I have espoused you to one husband , that I may present you as a chaste virgin to Christ ; so also the Apologie , f this was nothing else but the planting of the Church at Corinth ; if you say this Paul did while he converted them to the grace of Christ by his ministery ; if this were true , saith he , then should Christ have many thousands , hundreds , and scores at least of spouses in one Church , which we thinke inconvenient . Secondly , it is plaine he speaketh of the whole Church as of one spouse , and as it were one chaste Uirgin ; which argueth , he perswaded them all ( as the friend of the bridegroome ) to give up themselves with one accord as one man into one body , to the fellowship and worship of the Lord Jesus . Answ. it is a weake cause , that hangeth upon the untwisted thred of a misapplied metaphor . For 1. espoufing into Christ in the Text is opposed to being deceived and corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ , as Evah was deceived by the serpent , and opposed to the receiving of another spirit , and another Gospell ; so then to be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ , and to receive another Gospell , must have this meaning ; as Evah was deceived by the Serpent , so I feare that your simple minds be un-Churched and loosed from the visible Church of Corinth , and that you forget your covenant , wherein ye sweare to take Christ for your husband , and me for the friend of the Bridegroome , and that you be remisse in the duties of externall discipline ; and Church-fellowship , and in excommunicating scandalous persons , &c. A● brethren , let not our Lords word be thus tortured and wrested . 2. He expoundeth this espoufing , the presenting of them to Christ in the day of God , as a washed , redeemed , and saved wife of Christ , and not of their Church continuing in visible society . Yea , all interpreters , ancient and moderne , as Augustine , Theophylact , Chrysostome , Oecumenius , Cyrillus , Ambrose , Our latter , Calvin , Bullinger , Beza , Pom●ran , Pellicanus , Sarcerius , Marlorat , Paraphrastes , Erasmus ; and Papists , Aquinas , Haymo : give this sense . Paul as the friend to the Bridegroome finding the Corinthians despising him , and in love with false teachers , grew jealous of them for his Lords cause , that though he had betrothed them to Christ , as a virgin hand fastned by promise to a husband , left they should be drawne away to other lovers , by the cunning of false teachers as Evah was led from her Lord , by subtill Satan . 3. Though he speake of them , as of one body , spouse , virgin , how doth it follow that he speaketh of them , as of a ministeriall and a parochiall body ? for the marriage , the betrothing to Christ , and the acts contrary , the receiving of another spirit , the corrupting of their simple minds , are acts altogether spirituall , internall , invisible , and acts of a Church , as a true Church , & the contrary are acts of a false Church , as false , and not acts of a Church as visible , in a visible meeting , in a visible external act of marrying , nor is their any insinuation , that Paul feared the dissolving of the Church oath and visible order of government . 4. It is not inconvenient , that there be many Spouses , as in every true beleever , there be many single acts of marriage love , and of beleeving , and so of taking Christ for their husband and Lord. A visible Church is the House of God , 1 Tim. 3. 15. the Temple of God , Rev. 3. 12. and yet every beleever is a Temple , 1 Cor. 3. 17. and every one His House ; seeing he dwelleth in them by saith , Ephes. 3. 17. also if this be a good reason , he speaketh of them all , as of one chaste virgin . Ergo , he speaketh of them all , as of one visible parochiall Church . Then brethren , because Christ speaketh , Joh. 3. 29. of the whole Church of the new Testament , as of one bride of himselfe as the bridegroome , and of the whole Catholique Church , that Christ hath washen and redeemed , as of one glorious Virgin , Ephes. 5. 27. and of the one Lambes wife , Revel . 21. 9 , 10. it shall follow that the Catholique church is one visible Church , and so one Parochial congregation , for you mock at a Catholike visible Church , ( as your Authour doth ) who calleth it a a Chimaera , though without reason . 5. And certainely twenty beleevers in one house and so twenty hundred convened in one , yet out of Church-state , are a body married upon Christ in respect of his Spirit , and their faith laying hold on him , as on their husband ; yea , and the Church of Corinth , as Saints by calling ; and considered without the respect of a visible Church-fellowship , is more properly Christ● wife , and Christ their husband , then they can be called Christs wife , for an externall communion of a visible profession , which is common to them with many repro●ates ; yea , there is no ground at all to call a company , because of their visible profession , Christs wife , no● doth Gods Word speake so ; the converted by Prophets not in office are most properly his wife ; and these may say , we have betrothed you to Christ ; and be not deceived nor corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ Jesus . Hence that place also is not for our brethren , 2 Cor. 9. 12. The Apostle thanketh God for the Corinthians professed subjection to the Gospel , in their liberall contribution . Then ( saith the Apologie a ) here is a Church covenant ; but if this professed subjection be a ground of a Church-covenant , the Corinthians extended this charity to the poore a● Hierusalem , as the Churches of Macedonia did also , then many particular congregations are Church-members in Church-fellowship , with the Church of Ierusalem ; for they professed this subjection to the Gospell toward the distressed at Ierusalem , and so Corinth exercised Church-acts toward other Churches then their owne ; Independencie by this must fall . Secondly , to relieve the poore is a duty of Christian charity , common to beleevers in Church-state , or not in Church-state , how then can it prove a duty of Church-state ? The b Apology addeth , Hebr. 10. The Hebrews are commanded not to forsake the assembly of themselves together , as the manner of some is ; Ergo , they convened by mutuall consent , and so by covenant . Answ. Doe not Infidels and Indians , as you teach c come to your Assemblies to heare the VVord , and partake of the prayers and praises of the Church ? But ye will not say , They are to come to those Assemblies by a Church-covenant . Secondly , what though they intended Assemblies by consent , and tacite covenant ? it will not follow therefore by your Covenant , which is the formall cause of a visible Church , and this place proveth nothing , 2 Cor. 8. 5. The Churches of Macedonia first gave themselves to the Lord , and then to us , therefore they were In-churched , by way of covenant to our ministery , so a the discourse ; but these Churches gave themselves to God ( in that dutie of charity ) and then to us , the exhorters to that charity , and the conveyers thereof to Ierusalem ; then the Church of Corinth was married on God , on Paul , yea and on the Churches of Jerusalem , for the Author maketh this mariage-love , and so Jerusalem is erected a mother Church , and Corinth subjected unto her ; for these who give Almes , as becometh saints , are said to give their heart to God , and to the poore , as Isai. 53. 10. To draw out their heart to the poore , and that because of their chearefull and compassionate giving . Our Author b saith John Baptist repelled Scribes and Pharisees , and the prophane multitude , from his baptisme , Luke 3. 7. Mat. 3. 7. and this was godly zeale , for they were a generation of Vipers , Luk. 3. 7. 8. and therefore they were not meet for Baptisme , which is a Baptisme of Repentance , Luke 3. 3. Philip baptised not the Eunuch while he made profession of faith . These and the like the Author and our brethren bring to prove , that men are not inchurched but by confession covenant-wayes , and also to prove that the matter of the Church should be Saints by calling , hence c The Apology citeth Iustin Martyr d who saith three things were required of such ▪ as were to be received into the Church . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they be dedicated to God as members of their Church . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or regeneration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith or a confission of faith and. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a promise or covenant to live according to the rule of the Gospell ; and the Author saith e there were three questions prop●unded to these who were received by Baptisme , Abrenuncias ? Abrenuncio . 2 credis ? credo 3. spondes ? spon●eo , f Zipperus the Author saith hath more of this g . Answ. 1. Yee read not in the word that Iohn Baptist rejected any from his Baptisme , who desired to be baptized , yea by the contrary , Luk. 7. 29. It is said , and all they that heard him , and the Publicans justified God , being Baptized with the Baptisme of John. v. 30. but the Pharisees and Lawyers rejected the counsell of God , against themselves , being not baptized of John : then the Pharisees and Lawyers refuse to be Baptized , and Mat. 3. 5. Then went out unto him , Jerusalem and all Judea , and all the Regions round about Jerusalem , confessing their sins , but when he saw many of the Pharisees and Sadduces come to his Baptisme , he sayd unto them . O generation of Vipers , &c. But that he baptized , them by the same Sermon , is cleare , for v. 8. He exhorteth them to Repentance , and v. 9. dehorteth them from a● hypocriticall profession , v. 10. he threatneth judgement to them , and v. 11. saith , I did baptize you with water , that ( you ) is relative , to these whom he called a generation of Vipers , and includeth them , for there is no ground in the Text to exclude them , and Luk. 3. 7. and he said to the multitude , that came forth to be Baptized , O generation of Vipers , & c. v. 21. and when all the people was baptized , &c. Iesus also was Baptized . It is true , all that were baptized , and come to age confessed their sins , but they were entered members of the Christian Church by professing the covenant in baptisme , and their covenant was no Church-covenant , entering them members of a parochiall Church Oath , but entered them members of the whole visible Church , and they were not tyed to such and such Church-acts of prophecying and judiciall binding and loosing ; Also could they all be satisfied in conscience of one anothers regeneration , for they did not meete frequently together to prayer and spirituall conference ? 2. How could all Jerusalem and all Judea , Ma. 3. 5 , 6. and all the regions round about , and all the people baptized , Luk. 3. 21. all sweare a Church-covenant , and give a particular confession of their sinnes to the satisfaction of Iohn Baptistes conscience ? yea Iohn saith expresly of this visible baptized Church , Mat. 3. 10. 12. that they were some of them fruitles Trees to be hewen down , and some of them ch●ffe to be burnt with unquenchable fire , so the materials of this baptized Church are not visible Saints , and Lawyers hold of the covenant , as our brethren say . 2. The Eunuch coming to Jerusalem to worship , ( which is an act of a Church-member ) was in Church-state before he was baptized , and a Proselite . 3. It is true that you cite out of Iustin Martyr , but you omit a word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith Martyr ) a Baptisme-covenant and professed by the heathen come to age , of which also onely and of no other , Iustine Martyr speaketh , we wilingly acknowledge , but by that covenant they were received unto the catholick visible Church , and not unto a single independent Church only . 4. These Questions were propounded to the aged before they were baptized , and reason that heathen be tryed , before they be baptized , and in this we agree with the Synod of a Heidelburge , b in concione Lugdunensi against Papiste , and in Synods Parisiensi c and what Mr. Parker d saith further of this kind may be admitted , if well expounded . 5. Zipperus helpeth us , consuetum est , &c. He thinketh it an ancient custome in the primitive Church , that before any were received into the Church they should give a confession , either themselves , or ( saith he ) Parents and Tutors , and so he acknowledgeth that infants in baptisme were made members of the Church , though they could not sweare this Church-covenant , nor give evidences of their conversion , and this is acknowledged by all the reformed Churches , of France , Germany , Holland , Helvetia , Poland , England , Scotland , &c. The Apology e citeth , Acts 5. 13. And of the rest durst no man joyne himselfe to them , Greece , durst not be glewed to them , a word of marriage covenant , Mat. 19. 5. & Acts 9. 26. Saul desired to be glewed to them , the former word must note some voluntrary act of joyning to the visible Church , and that different from the act of conversion , for otherwayes it is grosse Armimainsme , to say that our conversion dependeth upon our daring , or not daring , or that it is suspended upon an act of our freewill , for it dependeth upon the omnipotent working of the grace of God ; and Saul Acts 9. 26. though converted , yea and baptized , yet was he not received into the Churchfellowship , untill they were better satisfied of his spirituall estate , by Barnabas , hence it is an error , that to be added to the Church is only to be converted to the faith , Ergo , a covenant is requisite . Answ. How strong is Gods truth , Brethren , yee make your opinion weake which hangeth upon a grammatication of one borrowed word , None durst joyne mariage-way to the Church-visible ; f Erasmus , g Beza say it is a word translated from Trees glewed together , and signifieth neither marriage , nor covenant , and signifieth either naturall or artificiall or morall conjunction , Acts 8. 29. Philip is bidden joyne himselfe to yonder Chariot , joyning of Chariots is neither by marriage , nor covenant , so is the word , Luk. 15. 15. 2. It is not joyned to a visible Parish Church , but to the whole Christian Church out of which Ananias and Saphira were cast . v. 9. 10. Which made great feare , and made those who were not baptized ( saith c Pomeranus ) to feare to joyne to the Church of God , and so it behoved to be the unbaptized and unconverted , who were feared , v. 12. and they were all with one accord , in Salomons porch , that is , all the faithfull added to the Church , now opposite to these , he saith of the unconverted and not added to the Church . v. 13. and of the ●est , without the Church , durst no man joyne himselfe to the Church : now this cannot be in a visible society , for then Luke should intimate , that the unconverted might have added themselves to the Church if they durst , and had not beene stricken with the terror of the miraculous killing of Ananias and Saphira , now this they could not have done ( as our Brethren say ) hand over head , they behoved first to be converted , and testified their conversion by a Church Oath , nay Cajetan a saith well , they durst not haunt their company , they sled from them , and from the Apostle Peter , as from a man slayer , Nor doth the holy Ghost ( I thinke ) meane of any Church fellowship , he presupposing that they were unconverted , at least our Brethren must say this . 3. It is an unlearned reason that they give to prove , he meaneth not of conversion , for all voluntrary acts supernaturall even of joyning to a visible Church and marrying of themselves to Christ , and his visible Church ( as our Brethren say ) are acts wrought by the irresistible , and omnipotent working of Gods grace , no lesse then our first conversion ; and to thinke otherwayes of our supernaturall actions , is grosse Arminianisme , for so all who have written against Arminians as the learned Doctor Twisse , Amesius , Pareus , Triglandius , have expounded that passage ( It is God who worketh in us both to will and to doe ) so Calvin , Beza , Sibrandus , Pareus , Ursine , Tilenus , Bucan , make all the operations of saving grace in conversion , and after conversion , irresistible . And it is knowen how the Dominicanes , Alvarez , Estius , Bannes Fran. Cumel , Matthew Rspolis , and many of that side hold a predeterminateing operation of grace ad modum causoe Physicoe , which beginneth before free will , so that no operations supernaturall , yea nor naturall are suspended upon the liberty of freewill , and they hold againsti Pelagianes , and the Jesuites , Snarez , Vasques , Valentia , Becan , Lod. Meratius , Hyeron . Fasolus , Did. Ruiz ; and if you suspend all voluntrary acts upon the influence of freewill , you follow Pelagians , Jesuites , Socinians , and Arminians in that point . 4. It is true the Disciples were affraid to admit Saul to their society , and no wonder , for he had not long since made havock of the Church ; but. 1. They did not inchurch him by an Oath . 2. They received him upon the sole testimony of Barnabas v. 27. which order you keepe not , refusing communion to Christians of approved piety , and knowen so to you , because they cannot sweare your Church covenant . 5. Who they be , who thinke , to be converted to the faith , and to be added to the visible Church , to be all one I know not ; our divines never said it . 6. Though all were granted you , they durst not joyne to the apostolick visible Church ; Ergo , there is a Church covenant , it is a great consequent . Now I desire to try your reasons for a Church covenant . It is not ( saith the Apology ) a hearty affection that uniteth Church-members in a visible Church , for so England and Scotland are united , nor . 2. cohabitation , for Papists and Protestants may cohabite , and yet they are not of one visible Church , nor 2. Meeting in one assembly uniteth not persons together , for infidels and Turkes . 1 Cor. 14. may come to Church-assemblies , and heare the word , Ergo , this union must be as in all Bodies , Cities , Houses , Armies , by Covenant ; none is made a Citizen to have right to the priviledges of the City , but by a Covenant , for when one is received a member of an House or of an Army , or of any incorporation , 〈◊〉 is by a Covenant . Answ. 1. The ennumeration is unsufficient , for the Seale of Baptisme and a profession of the truth , is that which maketh one a member of the visible Church . 1 Cor. 12. 13. for by one spirit , we are all baptized into one body , and can you deny the covenant , which is sealed in baptisme ? and by this are all the Citizens and Domesticks inchurched and received into the visible Church , and when one removeth from one congregation to another , hee maketh a tacite covenant to serve God in all his Ordinances with that new society , but he is not thereby made a member of the visible Church ; for that he was before : nor hath hee right to the Seales , as they are Seales of such a Church , but as they are Seales of the whole Catholick Church . The Apostles ( saith the a apology ) did two things when they planted Churches 1. They joyned them together in a Church covenant . 2. They constituted Elders in every Church , Acts 14 13. what the Apostles did , after they converted their hearers , a baptizing , praying for them , laying on of hands , exhorting , inchurching against persecuters , disputing against adversaries , miracles ▪ are acts tending to the good of the Church , not acts of planting a Church . Answ. 1. The first of these two is in question , we reade not of such a covenant , as our brethren speake of . 2. Converting of Soules after the Church is constitute , is an adding to the Church , and preaching tendeth to this ; The Law of the Lord converteth , Psal. 19. and when the Church is planted , it is not a perfect house , but stones are fitted and laid upon the corner stone dayly . 3. That the Apostles act of planting is conversion and gathering to a visible body by a covenant , we deny ; for planting is an erecting of Professors and Judges or Officer , whether they be converted , or not , so they professe the truth . 3. Arg. All Churches ( saith the discourse b ) are confounded , if there be not this Covenant to distinguish them , Smyrna is not Ephesus or Thyatira , none of them is Laodicea . 2. Every one of them is rebuked , for their own faults . 3. Faith or cohabitation doth not distinguish them . , Ergo , this Church-covenant only doth distinguish them . Answ. Particular congregations differ not in essence and nature , as Church covenants differ not in nature ; onely they differ in accidents and number , and it is folly to seeke differences , for Church covenants make not the difference ; for ● Church covenant ia common to them all . 2. So Peter may be rebuked for his fault , and John for his , yet Peter and John differ not in nature . The apology c addeth , it is not a Covenant simply and is generall , that doth constitute a Church , or distinguish it from another , but a Covenant with application , or appropriation , to these persons , as in mariage all promise these same duties , yet a Covenant applyed to this man , and this woman , maketh this man such a woman● husband , and no other man. Answ. If this be all , baptisme and professed Faith applied to this man rather then to this , shall as well distinguish persons and Churches , as Church covenants , so applied . 2. This is not a good and fit division , so to appropriate this Pastor to this flock , as he shall be a Pastor to no other people , but to them , and everteth all communion of Churches and Saints and denieth the use of the Seales in this Congregation from all members of another congregation whereas ; God hath made him a pastor in relation to the whole visible Church on Earth , though his labours be tyed to one determinate Church ; So Papists marry the Bishop and his Church , hence they thought it unlawsull for a Bishop to d mit his Church in any case , for a Enaristus calleth that spirituall adultery , and we cannot approve of the b councell of Antioch , and c Sardis , that none can leave his Wife , that is , his married Church , etiamsi à populis eri● Episcopus necessitate adactus ; And they say that d Cres●on was condemned in the councell of Carthage , for changing his Wife , to wit , his Church , e and Innocentius 3. saith , the spirituall baend of mariage betwixt a Bishop and his Church , is stronger , then the mariage-band betwixt a man and his wife ; yea , Dominicus a Soto f saith , to change Churches is against the Law of nature , as to change Wives ; yea saith Innocentius . 3. g Onnipotens Deus conjugium quod est inter Episcopu● & Ecclesiam suo tantum judicio reservavit dissolvendum . 3. Argu. A free people ( saith our Author ) h cannot be joyned in a body , but by mutuall consent , as appeareth in all Relations , betwixt Parents and Children , Husband and Wife , no Church ( saith he ) i can take charge of a stranger believer comming from another congregation , unlesse he give himselfe , and offer his professed subjection to the Gospell , also it is a part of the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free , that every one choose ●his own Pastor , Rom. 14. 1. we are to receive a weake believer ; Ergo , he is to offer himselfe to the Church and to their order , by Covenant . Answ. 1. It is true , the relation of Pastor and free people is founded upon a tacite Covenant , but this Covenant is made in Baptisme , for a pastor is a pastor to yound children whom ●he received into Covenant , in baptisme , according to that , Acts 20. 28. feed the flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers , now infants are of these , because he is to feed them as a pastor loveing Christ his lambes and young ones , no lesse then the aged . 2. Because hee exercised pastorall acts over young ones , when he baptizeth them , yet infants are not under a ministery by a Church covenant . 3. The act of election includeth a tacite promise of subjection to the Minister , who is elected , and the pastors acceptation of the Church-Office includeth a tacite promise to feede that flock , but this is no Church-covenant , which I prove by one argument unanswerable . The Church-covenant ( say our Brethren ) is the formall cause of our Churchmembership , and of a visible Church , as a reasonable soule is the formall essence of a man , now the covenant that can intervene betwixt a pastor elected , and a people electing , is a posterior and later by nature , then a Church-covenant ; for a people is a Church , as our brethren teach ) and so constitute in its full power of all Church operations , and so hath its entyre essence , and essentiall forme , before they elect a pastor , as a man must be a reasonable man , before he can exercise the second operations , or actus secundos flowing from a reasonable soule . Therefore a Church and Pastor d●e take charge of a stranger comming to the Congregation though there be no Church-covenant , betwixt the Pastor and stranger , for the Church covenant is prior to the comming of this stranger and hath already constituted the Church in its entyre essence and operations , though no stranger come at all , and though that stranger never covenant to obey the Pastor , and the Pastor never covenant to take care of that stranger . 4. Whereas it is said , It is a part of the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free , that every one choose his own Pastor , I see not the truth of this in Scripture ; The people hath power to choose , but that is a part of Christian liberty in this sense , I see not : the Prophets and Apostles exercised pastorall acts over many who made not choise of their Ministery , yea they preached to them against their will , and Paul preached as a Pastor to many in Corinth , against their will , and a faithfull Pastor may preach to many , who never made choise of him for their Pastor , and to whom the word is the savour of death unto death , and to whom he hath vengeance in readinesse . 5. There is no liberty purchased to us by Christ , but such as is regulated by Gods Word , and found reason , a liberty of sole will in embracing or refusing a Minister , is licence , not liberty : now in Christ , we are called to liberty , not to licence , and if some of a congregation wanting the spirit of discerning upon prejudice , refuse a called pastor , to be their pastor ; yet if the most part of the congregation elect him , he is a pastor to all , and to those who refused him , as Christ doth reigne in the word and Ministery , over hypocrites , in a congregation , who say in their hearts we will not have this man to reigne over us ; yet here is a Ministeriall charge which a pastor hath lawfully over such , as are not willing to submit to that ministery : the power of electing a pastor is not infallible ; what if they or most of them , upon sole groundlesse prejudice , refuse such a man to be their pastor , is he not their pastor because all consent not ? are we to thinke that Christ purchased a liberty in his bloud of refusing a called pastor ? nor can we thinke these who taught the doctrine of the Nicolaitans in Pergamus , and these who held the doctrine of Balaam , or that the woman Jezebel which called her selfe a prophetesse in Thyatira , and seduced the people of God to commit fornication , and to eate things sacrificed to Idols , were received in Pergamus and Thyatira by a Church covenant ; nor hath it colour of truth , that the faithfull there were satisfied in conscience , with the conversion of I●zabel , and such as held the doctrine of Balaam , and that they consented , and did choose the Angell of the congregation of Pergamus , and Thyatira ( as our brethren speake ) for their pastor , and yet the pastors and Church are rebuked for not executing the censures of the Church over the followers of Balaam , Revel . 2. 14 , 15. and upon Iezabel the false prophetesse ; Ergo they are not all such materialls of a visible Church , ( as our brethren say ) even saints by calling , and a Church doth well take the charge of those , who never offered their professed subjection to Christs Ordinances , we are not to thinke , that these who called themselves Apostles , and yet were Lyers , were visible saints approved in the sight of God to the consciences of the Church of Ephesus , and that such did offer their professed subjection to the Angell and Church of Ephesus , as you teach , yet that Church tooke care of them , by the censures of the Church , and are commended therefore , Revel . 2. 2. Thou canst not beare them that are evill , and hast tryed them , which say they are Apostles , and hast found them liers . If a false teacher shall come to a congregation , and be a hearer for some yeares , and at length fall to , and teach pernitious Doctrine , will not the Church censure him , labour to stop his mouth , yea and excommunicate him , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord ? I thinke they cannot but exercise some Church censures , and that the pastors convincing of such a gaine-sayer , and a stopping of his mouth , is the very pastorall charge , layd upon Titus by Paul , Tit. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. as is most cleare v : 13. Rebuke them sharply , that they may be sound in the faith . 6. That place Ro. 14. is not rightly , expounded , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to receive into Church-state by way of covenant , but it is , as Pareus a saith , am●●ter & placide instituere , patienter tolerare , to instruct him patiently in the Christian liberty about meates and dayes , and so b Beza , take him in ; and far lesse , slee not his company , c Marlorat , institute , fovete , donec proficiat , and so d Calvin , ( e ) Castellio , opitulemini , helpe him , and the word is Philem. 12. receive him as my bowells , not unto Church-state , for Philemon was no pastor . Question 3. VVhether or not , it be lawfull for one , or many particular Churches , to sweare a plate-forme , and prescribed vocall covenant , called the confession of Faith , of such a Church . It is a fit place , having spoken so much of a Church covenant , to speake of a covenant of the faith of a Church ; our Brethren being asked , what meanes have you to preserve unity and verity . Answ. 1. We have ( say they ) Scriptures . 2. The pastors , Epk● 4. 11. and Gods promise to leade them in all truth , Ierem. 32. 39. Ier. 16. 13. But this is not a right Answer , for when we inquire of the meanes to preserve verity and unity , we aske for the externall meanes , whereby the Scriptures are kept , from false glosses ; it is true the Scriptures keepe themselves from false interpretation : but the Question is , by what externall meanes doe the Scriptures keepe themselves from false glosses ? The answer is not right , the Scriptures keepe themselves from false glosse● , by keeping themselves from false glosse● . Also the Question is by what meanes doe pastors keep unity amongst themselves . It is not right answered , that pastors , by pastors , keepe ●nity amongst themselves . But we think a plat-forme ( say ●ur Brethren ibid : ) of doctrine and discipline , or a confession of Faith , or doctrine according to godlines , may be made by any Church or person , but ( say they ) ●● plat-forme to be imposed on our selves or others , as a binding Rule ●f faith , and practise , so that all men must believe and walke according to that plat-forme , without adding , altering , or omitting , we doubt whether such be lawfull , or convenient . Whence our brethren con●emne the swearing or subscribing by Oath , of a confession ●mposed or stinted by the Church . Let these considerations be weighed . 1. Distinction , There is a principall and originall and formall ●round of faith which is the Word of God in the Old or New Testament , this is the onely persit and formall ground of Faith. 2. There is a secondary and materiall ground of Faith , which is so far ● ground of Faith and practise , as it agreeth with the VVord ●f God. 2. Distinct. There is a confession which containeth fundamentalls only , the knowledge whereof is simply necessary for salvation , and the simple ignorance whereof condemneth ; There is a confession which containeth fundamentalls and non - fundamentalls , which are not simplie necessary to be knowen by all , necessitate ●●edii . 3. Dist. A confession of faith , is to be respected in regard of the matter , which is Divine Scripture , or according to the stile , conception and in●erpretation , which is in some respect , humane . 4. Distinct. There is a confession of a particular man , what such a person , or Church believeth de facto , as the confession of ●●e Belgick Arminians , and a confession de jure , what every one ought to believe , as the Nicen Creed , the Creed of ●thanasi●s . 5. Dist. There is a confession of a faith firme and sure , quoad ●ertitudinem fidei , quoad substantiam articulorum credendo●um , sure in the Articles believed , and a confession sure , quoad radicationem fidei in subjecto ; the first way all are obliged ●● believe the Articles contained in the word , But we see not , how now after the Canon of Scripture is closed , but the certainty of faith , according to the measure of light more or lesse , as our Lord more or lesse doth reveale himselfe , in a more , or lesse measure of ligh : doth not grow , wo● , or decrease , according to the certainy of faith , the second way , hence we say . 1. Conclusion , Onely the Word of God is the principall and formall ground of our Faith , Eph. 2. 20 , 21 , 22. 2 Tim. 3. 16. Luk. 14. 25. 2. Concl. A confession of Faith containing all fundamentall points , is so farre forth the Word of God , as it agreeth with the Word of God , and obligeth as a rule secundary , which wee believe with subjection to God , speaking in his owne Word , and to this plat-forme wee may lawfullly sweare . 1. What ever wee are obliged to believe and professe as the saving truth of God , that we may lawfully sweare to professe , believe and practise , that the bond of faith may be sure : but wee are obliged to believe and professe the nationall confession of a sound Church ; Ergo. The proposition is cleare , from Davids and the Saints practise who layed bands on their soules to tie themselves to that which is lawfull , as , Psal. 119. 106. I have sworn , and will performe it , that I will keep thy Righteous judgements . The major is the doctrine of our Dvines , and cleare , when they explaine the matter of a lawfull Oath as a Pareus b Bucanus c Tilenus , d Profess Leydens . e Calvin , Iunius , Beza , Piscator , Zanchi● , &c. That things lawfull , may lawfully be sworne to GOD , observing other due circumstances . The assumption is ●●deniable . 2. Arg. That whereof we are assured in conscience to be the truth and true Religion , bringing salvation to mens soules , to that we may tie our selves , by an Oath , upon the former grounds . But the sound confession of faith , set downe in a platform● is such , as we may and are to be assured of in conscience , ● the truth of God ; Ergo , The assumption is proved , because what is Gods Word and truth , of that we are to be assured of i● conscience , as Col. 2. 7. Being knit together in love unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding , and Heb. 6. 11. should keepe the full assurance of hope to the end , Col. 2. 2 , 3. Eph. 4. 14. 3. If the people of the lewes did sweare a covenant with God , to keep the words of the covenant , to doe them , Deut. 29. 9. 10 , 11. To seeke the Lord God of Israel with all their heart , and with all their soule , 2 Chron. 15. 12. and if they entered into a curse , and an oath , to walke in the Lords law which was given by Moses the servant of God , to observe and doe all the Commandements of the Lord , and subscribed and sealed the covenant , with their hands , Nehem. 10. 1. v. 29. Then is it lawfull for a Church to sweare , and by oath subscribe an Orthodox confession . But the former is true , as the places alledged cleare ; Ergo , so is the latter . That which onely may be doubted of , is the connexion of the major proposition , because Israel did sweare to nothing but to Moses written Law , which in matter and forme was Gods expresse written word ; but it will not follow , that we may sweare a plat-forme of Divine truth framed and penned by men ; but the connexion notwithstanding of this remaineth sure , because Israel did sweare the Lords covenant , according to the true meaning and intent of the Holy Ghost , as it is Gods Word , and we also sweare a Nationall covenant , not as it is mans word , or because the Church or Doctors , at the Churches direction , have set it down in such and such words , such an order or method , but because it is Gods Word , so that we sweare to the sense , and meaning of the platforme of confession , as to the Word of God ; now the Word of God , and sense and meaning of the Word is all one ; Gods Law and the true meaning of the Law are not two different things . When a Jew sweareth to the doctrine and covenant of God in the Old Testament , in a Jewish meaning , he sweareth not to the Word of God , because the Word of God unsoundly expounded is not the Word of God ; and though the Sadducees and Pharisees sweare the five bookes of Moses , and the very covenant which Asah and the Kingdome of Iud●h did sweare 2 Chron. 15. yet doe they not sweare the covenant of God , and that same which Gods people did sweare 2 Chron. 15. Or if any professing they worship idols should sweare that covenant , alledging the covenant doth not forbid idols to be memorials and objects by which absolute adoration is given to God , we would not thinke that they had sworne the covenant of God , but onely words of God falsely expounded , yea and made to be not Gods Word , but a plaine lying invention . Therefore it is all one whether a Church sweare a confession , in expresse words of Scripture ; or a covenant in other words expounding the Scriptures true meaning and sense according to the language and proper idiom of the Nation and Church ; for we sweare not words or a platforme as it is such , but the matter , sense , and meaning of the Scriptures of God set downe in that platforme ; and it is certaine , in Nehemiahs time there was some platforme , either the writings of Moses , or some sound exposition thereof ; else I see not how they could seale it , Nehem. 9. 38. And because of all this , we make a sure covenant , and write it , and our Princes , Levites and Priests seale unto it . Now that which was written could not but be a platforme either in Scripture onely , according to the meaning of the exacters of the oath , or some interpretation ; else every man writ his owne covenant and sealed it , which is not like , for they all joyntly sware this covenant ; and the reason of this written , sworne , and sealed covenant , being morall , as is cleare , because of the apostasie of the whole Church , and judgements upon them , for their apostasie , v. 38. And because of all this , we make , and write a sure covenant , saith the Text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & in toto hoe ( vertit a Arias montanus ) nos excidentes fidelitatem b Iudaei excudentes faedus fidele , c Iunius , pro toto hoc pepigimus constitutionem ; now sinnes , back-slidings , and judgements may be and often are in all the Christian Churches . 2. To sweare to the true religion , the defence and maintenance thereof is a lawfull oath ; as to sweare to any thing that is lawfull , and to lay a new band on our soules to performe holy duties , where we feare a breach , and finde by experience there hath beene a breach , is also a dutie of morall and perpetuall equity ; therefore such a sworne covenant is lawfull : I say not from this place , that it is necessary , that all subscribe with their hands a covenant , because I thinke onely the Princes , Levites , Priests and heads of families did subscribe the covenant , Nehem. 9. 38. but Nehem. 10. 28 , 29. The whole people , all who had separated themselves from the Lands sinne , and their strange wives , even their wives , their sonnes , their daughters , every one having knowledge , and having understanding . V. 29. They clave to their brethren , their Nobles and entered into a curse , and into an oath to walke in Gods Law. If it be replied , that there was in Israel no written covenant drawne up by a man , and put in a mans stile , language , method , and frame , they did sweare to keepe Moses his Law. I answer , when we sweare a covenant , our faith doth not relie upon words , characters , stile of language , or humane method , or any humane respects , but upon the truth of God , in that platforme ; and suppose we should swear and subscribe the Old and New Testament translated into our vulgar Language ; we doe not sweare to the translation , characters , and humane expression ; but to the matter contained in the translation ; and that because Iehovah our Lord hath spoken it in his Word . And if this be a good argument why we cannot sweare a platforme , then should none sweare a covenant at all , or make any holy vow , but those who understand the originall Languages in Hebrew and Greeke ; and yet the characters and imprinting is humane even in the original , so all religious covenants and oathes should be unlawfull . 4. Argum. What a Church or person is to suffer for , or to believe , and obliged to render account of to every one that asketh account of us , that we may sweare , and seale with our hands , because what we are to suffer death for , and the losse of temporall life , for which we owe a reckoning to God by vertue of the ●ixt Commandement , that is a matter of truth which we professe before God and men , and our dying for the truth , is a sort of reall oath , that we are before God professing that truth , is to be preferred to our life . But we are to suffer ( if God call us ) even death for the true Religion , Revel . 2. 13. Act. 7. 57 , 58. Luk. 21. 15 16. Phil. 1. 20 , 21. ●nd the truth ; and we are obliged to believe , and to give account thereof before all men , and a reason of our faith and hope , 1 Pet : ● , 15. Ergo , we may sweare it . Argum. 5. If an oath to the true Religion , and forme of wholesome Doctine , be a speciall remedy against back●iding , and a meane to keepe off false and heretical doctrine ; then is such an oath lawfull : but the former is true ▪ Ergo ; The Proposition is cleare ; Gods people say , Nehem. 9. 38. Because of all this ; that is , because they had done wickedly , and were tempted still to doe more , therefore they write and seale a Covenant ; and if false teachers teach , Circumcision must be if we● would be saved , then the Church may , according to Acts 15. condem●e that false doctrine by the VVord of God , and set downe Canons which the Churches are to observe ; and what they are to observe as warranted by Gods VVord , layeth on bands upon the Conscience , and what layeth on such a band , that wee may binde our selves , by oath , to performe , it being a speciall remedy lawfull against backsliding from the truth . 6. Arg. Our brethren have their grounds and reasons against the swearing of confession common to them , with the Arminians and Socinians , and their Arguments are all one ; for a Arminians censure the Belgick confession and the Pala●ines Catechisme , and propound thirteene questions against it , as the third question is , An quaecunque dogmata in confessione & Cat●chisme tractantur talia sunt , ut cuilibet Christiano ad salutem creditu necessaria sint . And their seventh question is , If such confessions may be called secundaria fidei norma ; a secundary rule of faith : also all Confessions , say they , b declare That Confessions serve not to teach what we ought to beleeve , but what the Authors of these Confessions did beleeve . Hence they reject all the determinations of the Orthodox Councels , condemning the heresies of Arrius , Eutiches , Macedonius , Apollinaris , Sabelli● , Samosate●us , Pelagius , and all the Oxthodox Confessions of the reformed Churches . Secondly , also upon these grounds they alledge in their Apologie c There be few things to be beleeves , that every sect may be the true Church , so they beleeve some few Articles not controverted amongst Christians , such as these , Th● there is a God , and that the Word of God is true , &c. Thirdly , they will not condemne the Macedonians , Arrians , Anti-trinitar●● , Pelagians , or others , of fundamentall herefies . Fourthly , that one Church of Christians may be made up of Papists , Protestants , Anabaptists , Macedonians , Sabellians , &c. and all sects so they leade a good life , according to the few Articles necessary to salvation , may be saved , and all may be saved of any sect or Religion . Fifthly , that to sweare Declarations , Confessions , Canons of Orthodox Councels , is to take away the liberty of prophesying and growing in the knowledge of the Word of God , and the praying for grace and light of the holy Spirit for the right meaning of Gods Word . Sixthly , that Athanasius spake amisse , when he said of the Creed , that it was to be beleeved of every one who is to bee saved , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the same is the doctrine of the Socinians , who doe in all these oppose all Confessions of Faith , and all Orthodox Decisions , Canons , and determinations of Sinods . So a Socinus rejecteth all Synods , all Confessions and Decisions even of the Church universall . So b Smalcius cal●eth it a rejecting of the Word of God. And c Theol. Nico●aides saith , That it is enough to know things absolutely necessary for salvation ; and that the Churches determination cannot remove errours and heresies . Our brethens first Argument against a Nationall Covenant ● , d If the doctrine contained in your platforme of Confession ●warve from the Scriptures , then the imposing thereof is so farre unlawfull ; if the doctrine be according to Scripture , the platforme is ●eedlesse , the Scripture being sufficient . Ans. 1. This is the argument of Arminians , Episcopius saith , e and expresly f Smalcius , Qui vnlt sensum scripturae ab il●s ( confessionibus ) peti , tacitè deserit scripta Apostolica , & traditiones humanas commendat . And therefore such decisions are ●ay the g Remonstrantes ) Pestes Ecclesiarum & regni An●christi , idest , tyrannidis fulcra & tibicines . Secondly , this Ar●ument may be as well propounded against the preaching of the Word , all printed Sermons , Commentaries , and interpretation of Scripture , as against a Confession : For if the doctrine in Ser●ons bee not agreeable to Scripture , then in so farre as Ministers commend and command it to their hearers , it is unlawf●ll ; if it be agreeable to the Scripture , it is needlesse , the Scriptures ( saith the Socinian Smalcius ) are sufficient . Our brethren answer , Preaching is an ordinance of God , but a ●atforme of confession is not an ordinance of God. Answ. A platforme , as it is conceived , in such a stile , me●hod , and characters , and words , is a humane ordinance , Tali ●rie & ordine , and so is preaching ; but we sweare to no plat-●orme in that consideration ; but a platforme according to the truth contained in it , in which sense onely it is sworne unto , is the Word of God , as are systemes of Divinity , ●ermons printed and Preached , and so though preaching be an Ordinanced God , as it is , Rom. 10. 14. yet according to the words , expression , dialect method , or doctrine , it is an humane ordinance ; and so the Argument is against preaching as against our platforme . Our Brethrens second Argument is ▪ The Platforme abridgeth Christian liberty , to try all things , and so though it be some means of unity , yet it is a dangerous hinderance of some verity , binding men to rest upon their former apprehensions , and knowledge , without libery to better their judgements . Ans. 1. This in stile of language and truth of words is the very argument of Arminian● . So in their a Preface , and in their b Apology it selfe they say . All liberty of prophecing and disputing against the Orthodox faith is taken away , if men be tied and obliged to decisions and confessions of Churches , and Synods . Yea to make an end of controversies ( saith c Episcopius ) otherwayes then by perswading , is to bring a tyranny into the Church of Jesus Christ , and wonderfully to bind , if not to take away liberty of consciences ; So in their Apology they say , confessions and decisions of Synods imposed by Oath , and to be firmely believed ar● contrary to the prayers of Saints , where they pray , that God would teach them his starutes , and reveale his Law and Testimonies ●● them , and open their Eyes to behold the wonders of Gods Law. But the truth is , though these of Berea did well to try Pauls Doctrine , if it was consonant to the Scriptures , or not . Yet Pauls Doctrine was the determination apostolick of Gods Spirit , to the which they were firmely to adhere , and their judgements are to be bettered , in graduali revelatione creditorum , ●●● revelatione plurium credendorum , in cleare revelation of things revealed . For so the children of God are to grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour , 2 Pet. 3. 14. After Christ is once revealed : but not in believing in a new Christ , or in believing of poynts contrary to the confession of faith . The Argument presupposeth the Doctrine of the Arminians , that there be a number of points in our confession , of which we have no certainty of faith , that they are Gods truth , but are things controverted , and , being not fundamentall poynts , may be holden , or we may forsake them , as false , after better information . Which indeed maketh our faith of Gods Word , ●o full perswasion , but as the learned professors of Leyden d say , a faith of an houre , or a month , or a yeare , which we may ●ast away , the next yeare . And this is to deny all confessions and points of truth , with pretence that the Spirit hath revealed new truth : but how are these new revealed truths ( the Revelation whereof wee obtaine by prayer ) rather workes of the spirit of truth ; then the former poynts which wee retract ? No man by this can be rooted and built in the faith , of any thing , except in the faith of things simply fundamentall . By which meanes all poynts at least many of them betwixt us and Papists , Arminia● , Macedonians , Sabellians , Arrians , Anabap●tiste , are matters reconcileable ; and either side may be holden , without hazard of salvation . Neither is this definition of confessions any tyranny . Because confessions are to be believed , in so far , as they are agreable to Gods Word , and lay upon us an obligation secondary onely , yet are they not so loose , as that we may leap from poynts of faith , and make the doctrine of faith arena gladiatoria a fencing field for Gamesters and Fencers . The materiall object of our faith , and the secondary ground and foundation thereof , may be very well , and is , Gods Word ; primary is preaching , confessions , Creeds , Symbols , which are not serie & ordine Scripturae : and yet have wee certainty of Divine faith in these things , because the formall object is , because God so saith in hi● Scripture , and wee believe these with certainty of Divine Faith , under this reduplication , because the Lord hath spoken these quoad sensum , in true meaning , though not in illâ scrie & ordine ; But more of this hereafter . CHAP. 6. SECT . 6. Touching Officers and their election . OUr Author laboureth to prove that Pastors and Doctors are different Officers , which wee will not much improves , but if the meaning be , that they are inconsistent , in one man person , wee are against him . 1. Because the Apostles in their owne persons , and in feeding the flock , 2 Tim. 3. doth both under the name of Overseers and Bishops , and exercised both , as they could , according as they did finde the auditory . 2. Because the formall objects the informing of the judgement , and exhorting are not so different , as that they should be imcompatible , for if God give them gifts both for the Doctors Chaire , and the pastors Pulpit , as hee often doth , what should hinder but the Church may call one and the same man , to both the Pastor and the Doctors Chaire , as hee is able to , overtake both . Author . 1. Reas. 1 Cor. 12. 8. To one is given a word of wisdom● ( for direction of practice , ) to another a word of knowledge ( for direction of judgement . ) Ans. This proveth they be different gifts and Offices , yet not that they are incompatible in one person , as one may have both gifts given unto him , as is cleare by experience . 2 Reas. Author ib. Hee speaketh of diverse members of the Church , as of diverse members of the naturall body , v. 4. 5. All the members have not one Office , it is the action of the Tongue to speak , not to see . Ans. The comparison holdeth not in all . The eye cannot heare , the eare cannot see , yet the pastor may both see as pastor , and heare and delate to the Church , as the Churches eare , the manners of the scandalous . 3. Reas. Author , If the Apostle speake of severall exercises of severall gifts , but both coincident to the same person or Church office ; why then doth he command the Teacher to waite on teaching , and the Exhorter upon exhorting ? One who hath a gift of giveing Almes , and shewing mercy , is not commanded to wait upon Almes giving , unlesse it be his office , as well as his gift . Ans. It is not fit that the Doctor should attend the pastorall duties , except he be a pastor also , and have both gift and office , but having gifts for both , he may attend both , as the Church calleth him to both . Author . Teaching and exhorting flow from severall gifts , and they are seldome found in one in eminency . Ans. Then where they are found in one in eminency ( as sometimes they are ) either hath God given a Talent , for no use , which is against the Wisdome of Gods dispensation , or then hee who hath gifts for both , may discharge both , as hee may and can through time and strength of body . But wee contend not with our brethren in this , seeing they confesse , he that is gifted for both , may attend both . CHAP. 7. SECT . 7. Of Ruling Elders . WE subscribe willingly to what our Author saith , for the office of ruling Elders in the Church . For Paul , Rom. 12. 8. from foure principall acts requisite in Christs house and body , v. 6 , 7 , 8. Teaching , Exhorting , Giveing of Almes , R●ling , maketh foure ordinary officers , Teachers , Pastors , Deacons and Elders . Opposite to the office of ruling Elders , object , that by Rulers may be understood , Governours of Families . Ans. Families as they are such , are not Churches , but parts of the Church , and cleare it is that the Apostle Speaketh of Christs Body , the Church in that place . 5. As we have many members in one body , &c. They Object that Paul speaketh of severall gifts , not of publick Offices in the Church , for he speaketh of all the power and actions , of all the members of the Body of Christ ; now the offices alone are not the body , but all the multitude of believers . Ans. This cannot well be answered , by these , who make all the believers governours , and a generation of Kings and Teachers : because it is expresly said , v. 4. all members have not the same office . Ergo , they are not all to attend ruling , and to rule with diligence . 2. 〈◊〉 is false that he speaketh not of Officers , and publick Officer . Hee who speaketh of reigning doth indeed speak of a King , as he who speaketh of exhorting which is the specifick act of a pastor , speaketh of a pastor . The place , ●1 Cor. 12. 28. 29. Is cleare for Ruling Elders : but some say , that governours are but arhiters , which Paul biddeth the Corinthians set up in the Church for decyding of civill controversies . 2. Cor. 6. that they goe not to Law one against another ▪ before heathen Judges . Ans. Paul commandeth to obey Judges , but never to set up a new order of Judges in their roome . 2. These arbitees we●● not governours to command , but rather faithfull Christians to counsell , and remove controversies , or Christian reconcilers to hinder them to goe to the Law , one with another before infi●●● judges . 3. The Apostle is speaking here of such Officers as Christ hath set in the Church , as the Church and Kingdom of Christ , but these civill arbitrators , are no Church-Officers , ●● Tim. 5. 17. The Elders who rule well are worthy of double honour , &c. This place speaketh cleare for ruling Elders . The adversaries say : here are meant Deacons to whom are allowed stipends , for either here , or elsewhere wages are allowed for Deacons . Answ. 1. Paul would not speake so honorably of Deacons , as to allow them the worth of a double honorable reward . Yea Gods Word purteth the Deacons out of the roll of Rulers and governours in Gods house , as having nothing to doe by their office to labour in the Word and Prayer , but are in Gods wisdome set lower to attend Tables , nor doth the word call them Elders , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in relation to the Church but onely in relation to their owne family and house . 2 Tim. 3. 12. their office is an office of meere service of Tables . 2. He is a labouring Elder worthy of wages , that the Apostle speaketh of here , as , v. 18. The Deaconship being to receive the mercy and charity , which is almes , and not debt , cannot be such an office as taketh up the whole man , so as hee must live upon the Churches charges . 3. Bilson a a man partiall in this cause , against the minde of all the ancients ( saith Didoclavius b giveth this interpetation . But it is seconded with no warrant of Gods Word , for Governours and Deacons are made two species of officers , Rom. 12. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he who ruleth with diligence , and he who hath mercy with chearefulnesse . And two opposite species are not predicated , the one of the other . And if well governing , Rom. 12. be ●ell teaching and diligent exhorting , all are confounded in that Text , where the Apostle marshalleth the officers and their severall exercises so accurately . Nor can hee meane here Bishops so old that they are not now ab●e to labour in the word and doctrine , for then pasto●s for their age and inhability to preach , should because of their age and infirmity , deserve lesse honour and reward , then the yonger who are able to labour in the word and doctrine . This is crosse to the sift Commandement , which addeth honour and double honour to age , and gray haires , being found in the way of righteousnesse . 2. Against Justice , that because yeares and paines in Gods Service , hath made them aged , for that they are to have lesse honour and reward : whereas they deserve the double ; rather then that the younger should be preferred to them . Nor. 3. Can the Apostles meaning be , that these who rule well that lead an exemplarily holy life , are worthy of honour , especially painefull preachers . Because 1. A person is never called a labourer , and worthy of hire , as the Oxe that treadeth out the Corne , because of holinesse of life , especially the Church ●s not to give stipend to a pastor , for his holy life . 2. Their life should be exemplarily holy , who did not labour in the word and doctrine , that is , we have a pastor passing holy in his life , but he cannot preach , or keepeth an ill conscience in his calling , because he is lazy and a loyterer in preaching . 3. What Word of God , or dialect in the word expresseth a holy life , by well gover●ing , for a holy life is the sanctity of mans conversation be he a private , or a publick man. But to govern well , is the paraphase of a good Governour and officer , in the Greeke tongue or any other Language . Nor. 4. Can the Apostle understand by labourers in the Word and Doctrine ( as Bilson a saith ) such as w●nt thorough the Earth , and made j●urnies , as Apostles and Evangelists did , to plant visit and confirme Churches , and by these who govern well , such as labour indeed in the Word and Doctrine , but are fixed to a certaine place . I answer , Then the well ruling Elders are not labourers in the Word and Doctrine ; for out of Question one of the species of Elders here mentioned , doe not labour in Word and Doctrine at all . But by this interpretation , both labour in the Word and Doctrine ; but the one in a fixed place , the other by Apostolike journeys through the World. And the object of one of these Offices , to wit , the Word and Doctrine differenceth the one from the other , whose object must be not the Word and Doctrine ; for word and Doctrine need not to be governed , but the Church , and persons in Church-state need to be governed . 2. There is no warrant of the Word , that to labour in the Word is proper to the Apostles and Evangelists , journeying through the World , seeing ( as a Didoclavius observeth● ) the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is ascribed to those who in a fixed place labour , 1 Thes. 5. 12 , 13. Who labour amongst you . Yea , and it is taken for any travell of minde or body in the Word . 3. He is not here to deny , nor can the Apostle deny , but travelling Apostles and Evangelists did governe well , especially in planting Elders in every Church , and governing the planted Churches , but he cannot speake of travelling to the wearying of the body : when the object of travelling is exprest , to wit , ( in Word and Doctrine ) which object is not given to the well ruling Elder . A more speciall consideration of Ruling Elders , Deacons , and Widdowes . 1 Tim. 5. 17. AFter the Apostle hath spoken of Widdowes , and their service in the Church , he passeth from them to speake of excellenter Officers , to wit , of the ruling and the teaching Elders . There be many interpretations ( say the opposers of ruling Elders ) given upon this place ; and therefore it is hard to build a new Church-officer on a Text so obnoxious to various debates . Answ. This would be concludent in part , if the nature of the Text were the native seminary of these various interpretations ; but most of these debates arise from the wits of parties interressed in the question , such as Papists , Prelates , or deniers of all Church-government . But I provoke to all the Fathers , especially to Chrysostome and the Greeke Fathers , who have expounded the place , if any ever did deny but this place holdeth forth two sorts of Elders , though I grant they vary concerning the Elders , which labour not in the word and doctrine . And this interpretation , Elders who rule well are worthy of double honour , especially 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because , or upon this consideration and respect , that they labour in the word and doctrine , was never knowne till of late . But we desire these five circumstances in the Text to be considered ; for we build not our interpretation on any one , or two , or three of them , but we desire they may be looked on copulatively ; for I confesse a participle being attributum , or quasi attributum , though doubled or multiplied , doth not multiply subjects , because two , six , an hundred attributes may agree to one subject ; and the Scripture and Greeke language can well beare this . As Col. 2. 5. I am present with you in the spirit , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) rejoycing and beholding your order . One Paul onely did both rejoyce and behold . And 2 Pet. 3. 11. What manner of persons ought we to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , looking for and hastening unto the comming of the day of God. Here is no multiplying of persons . 2. I confesse also , that two articles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe not multiply subjects , or make a distinction of divers sorts of persons . As Revel . 2. 1. These things saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is one and the same Jesus who holdeth the seven Starres in his right hand , and who walketh in the middest of the Golden Candlestickes . But we desire that the confluence of these five may be looked unto : as 1. there is a genus , a generall attribute , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders ; and this agreeth both to well ruling Elders , and to those which labour in the word and doctrine . 2. There be here two participles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. Two articles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. Two species , two kinds of Elders , under the generall attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As the one species or kind is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such Elders as rule well ; and the other kinde of Elders be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as labour in the Word , as Pastors ; and in Doctrine , as Doct●rs . And fiftly , which is most considerable , here be two Participles , two Articles , two speciall Elders divided and separated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the discretive particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And I provoke to all the Authours of the Greeke Language , Demost●enes , Isocrates , Aristophanes , Pindarus , &c. to the Septuagint in the Old Testament , to the whole New Testament for one parallel place , where one and the same subject or kinde is so expressed , except you play foule play to the Text : also that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a particle of discretion and multiplication of divers kinds , to me is cleare , ●● Ti●us 1. vers . 11. There ●● many unruly and vaine talkers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially those of the Circumcision , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the particle ( especially ) doe not divide two sorts of vaine talkers , some vaine talkers of the Circumcision , and some vaine talkers not of the Circumcision ; then must this particle conjoyne them , and make no vaine talkers , save onely these of the circumcision ; and Paul shall say then , there be many unruly and vaine talking persons of the circumcision , but especially those of the circumcision ; which non-sense is not to be ascribed to the spirit of God , so 1 Tim. 4. 10. Who is the Saviour of all men , especially of believers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doe not inferre that Christ is the Saviour of some who believe , and in a generall sence a Saviour of some who believe not ; then must Christ bestow one and the same salvation on all men , and also on beleevers , which neither Arminians nor common sence can affirme , 1 Tim. 5. 8. He who provideth not for his olvne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially for those of his own house . If it be not required that a believer provide for two sorts , to wit , these of his family , children and servants in an especiall manner ; and for friends also , who are not of his owne house ; then will Paul have the believer to provide for none but for his owne house , which doth belie the Text , which saith , he must provide for all his owne , and in a speciall manner for his owne house ; now if he be to provide for them , for this respect because they are of his owne house , then by this Text he is not to provide for his brethren , sisters , and blood-friends , because they are not of his owne as members of his house , or his owne , Gal. 6. 10. Let us doe good to all , but especially , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those who are of the houshold of faith . Ergo , we are to doe good to some who are of the houshold of faith , and to some who are not of the houshold of faith ; except you say the Text doth beare onely , that we are to doe good to none , save onely to those who are of the houshold of faith , which is non-sense , Phil. 4. 22. All the Saints , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , salute you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially those of Caesars house . Hence two sorts of Saints saluted the Philippians , some Saints of Caesars house , and some not of Caesars house ; this you must say if you will not have the Text to beare either that no Saints did salute the Philippians , save onely the Saints of Caesars house , contrary to sense ; for the Text saith , All the Saints ( here with me at Rome ) salute you . Otherwaies you must say , that the reason and motive why the Saints saluted the Philippians , was because they were Saints of Caesars house , as you say , the speciall cause and respect why the well ruling Pastor is worthy of double honour , is because he laboureth in the Word and ' Doctrine ; for so you expound it . Now this is two waies false , for 1. this can be no respect and cause why all the Saints saluted the Philippians , except all the Saints which did salute them were onely the Saints of Caesars house ; and so both the argument should be false , and the conclusion false , for they were not all of Caesars house who saluted the Philippians . Nor 2. was this the reason why they did salute them ; for the Saints did salute the Philippians upon this ground of Christian relation , because they were Saints , and loved one another in Christ , and not upon this civill and common consideration , because they were Caesars Domestickes , and Courtiers with the Emperour . So a Tim. 4. 13. Bring with thee the cloake which I left at Troas , and bookes , but especially the parchments . And thus doe also the Hebrews speake , Prov. 11. 31. Retribution shall be made to the just , far more to the wicked . Here be clearely two sorts of retributions , and two kinds of persons which are recompenced . And Prov. 17. 7. The li●s of honour are not seemely for a foole , much lesse is falsity to a liberall man , or to a Prince . I know these examples doe not every way come home to our point , but they prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to the Hebrews a note of discretion ; as also , ● Psalm . 31. v. 11. is even as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to the Greekes . It is true , where a genus and a species , a generall and a speciall under that are set downe , ( for as much as genus & species non faci●nt numerism ) there is no need that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the particle ( especially ) should be as a note of dicretion or multiplication . As if ( I should say , a Iudge is to be honoured , but especially judging righteously , ) I should not inferre that there are two sorts of Judges ; but the case is not so here , because two species are expresly set downe , to wit , those who rule well , and those who labour in the Word and Doctrine . And if I should say , ( a Iudge judging righteously for all , is worthy of much honour , especially he that judgeth righteously for the Widow and the Orphane ) I should in this hold forth , either two sorts of righteous Judges , or then I should say no other , but he who judgeth righteously for a●● , is to be honoured , especially he who judgeth righteously for these , and these comprehended under this ( all . ) Thirdly , I should in that also say that there be two things , though not two sorts of judges , worthy of much honour , to wit , the office of a Iudge , and his equall and unpartiall judging are both worthy of double honor . But Paul is not here allowing honour to the office in abstracto , and in a generall notion , but to the officer in specie and in concreto , who doth rule well , and labour in the word and doctrine . Object . 2. But Paul doth here understand by him that ruleth well , the civill Magistrate . Answ. When Paul is here speaking of the Oeconomy of Gods house , it is not consonant to the Text , that he would instruct Timothy of the wages due to the Emperour Nero , and yoice the Emperour in one verse , with the Pastor and the Doctor labouring in the word and doctrine , and prove from the Law that the mouth of Nero should not be muzled . Nor doth the VVord give this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to Magistrates , but some higher stiles , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Tit. 3. 1. Principalities and powers , Rom. 13. 1. Secondly , this Text would prove that double wages were due to Paul above Nero the Emperour , and that Pastors are more to bee honoured then Emperours and Kings . Thirdly , the Text speaks clearly of two parallel species of Elders in the Church , but the Magistrate is no parallel line with preaching Elders . Object . 3. By those who rule well , are understood Deacons , who take care of the poore . Answ. Didoclavius observeth , that Deacons are never called Rulers , but distinguished from them , Rom. 12. 8. Secondly , the well ruling here taketh up the halfe of the Pastors Office , and all that belongeth thereunto , except labouring in the word and doctrine ; as to receive accusations against an Elder , to judge and governe with the Pastor , to visit the sicke , to exhort and rebuse in a judiciall way ; but to serve Tables , and to take care of the poore onely , is the least and most inferiour part of well-governing of Gods house , and is but a care for their bodies : VVhereas to rule well , is an Ecclesiasticall Magistracy , to goe in and out before Gods people , to watch for their soules , as those which must give an accompt , Hebr. 13. 17. 1 Thess. 5. 12. The Deacon careth for the body onely , and the Deacon , that Bilson and others would have with him , is neither in this place , nor in all Gods VVord , as we shall heare . O● . 4. By these who rule well , are understord , Bishops , who for age , cannot preach yet rule well . Ans. Surely these who have laboured in the Word and Doctrine , and spent their strength in painefull preaching , and now , in old age , rule well , cannot in reason bee thought worthy of lesse honour and wages , then preaching Elders , but above them , as emeriti milites are not to be degraded : and if they have never laboured in the Word and Doctrine , they being Bishops , by office , must be dumb dogs , and worthy of no honour at all . 2. They cannot rule well , as Pastors , and yet be dumbe , and not labour in the word . 3. The Text speaketh not of Elders , aetate , by age , but of Elders , Officio , by office , who labour , as work-men in a vineyard , v. 18. Ob. 5. By ruling well he meaneth a holy life , so as he meaneth not only that Pastors should live holily , but also preach painfully . Answ. Didoclavius answereth , that then all that live holily , should have stipend , as workmen ; and certainly if Paul had spoken nothing of these who labour in the word and Doctrine , yet the Text doth hold forth that these who rule well , and doe not labour in the Word and Doctrine are worthy of honour ; for the comparative here , or superlative degree , doth well inferre the positive degree . But 1. Ministers shall bee worthy of honor , though they preach not . 2. The arguments which I brought , to prove , and that undeniably , that there be two sorts of Elders , in the Text fight against this sense , which inferreth that their is but one sort of preaching Elders here , to whom double honor is due , for two respects , to wit , holinesse of life , and painfull preaching . 3. Holinesse of life in all Gods Word , is never expressed by well governing , which is a worke of a publick Church-officer , as is cleare . Rom. 12. 8. 1 Thess. 5. 12. 13. holinesse of life is common to all private Christians , yea and to women , who cannot rule , nor rule well . Ob. 6. The Rulers here ought to have wages , as workmen , but your Elders have no wages . Ergo , your Elders are not in this Text. Answ. That is not concluded , which is in question ; for the assumption should be , but your Elders ought to have no wages , and are worthy of no honour , ) and the assumption is onely de facto , ( they have none ) 2. This argument might prove that a noble man , called to be a Minister , if he should take no stipend , were not a lawfull Minister ; and Paul then was no lawfull pastor , at Corinth , because hee refused stipend ; but stipend is due to both Pastor and Elder , and in the case of scandall , it is due to neither of them , hic & hunc . Ob. 7. If there be two sorts of Elders here , there must be two sorts of Bishops , for Presbyter and Bishop are synonyma , and one and the same , as is cleare , Tit. 1. 6 , 7. Acts 20. 17. They are called Elders , and v. 28. Bishops . But we cannot admit of two sorts of Bishops : some to rule , and some to preach , that were Antichristian . Answ. Though there be two sort of Elders here , it doth not follow that there be two sorts of Bishops : and it is not proved because Elder and Bishop are not proved to be synonyma from the alledged places , genus & species , as a living Creature and a man are not synonyma , but have different definitions . Gladius & ensis have the same definitions , as a man and a discoursing creature are synonyma . An Elder is a generall , and a Bishop a sort of Elder , and an Apostle is an Elder , and so Peter tearmeth himselfe , 1 Pet. 5. 1. an Elder : ●u● Divines say that a preaching Elder , and a Bishop are synonyma , one and the same , and synonyma non faciunt mum●rum , as Gladius & Ensis : but they never taught that an Elder in general and a Bishop , are synonyma and the same , nor doe the places , Acts 20. Tit. 1. prove it ; for if they be all preaching Elders , to whom Paul preached at Ephesus , Acts 20. as the Text seemeth to make them , Acts 20 , 28 , 29. then the Elders that Paul called for v. 17. are preaching Elders , and the same with Bishops v. 28. and Tit. 1. Paul willeth Titus to ordaine Elders , that is , both preaching & ruling Elders , and there he giveth an instance in preaching Elders , or Bishops , and sheweth what sort of men Bishops should be . 2. If there be two sorts of Elders , 1 Tim. 5. 17. then should there be two sorts of Bishops ; I distinguish the proposition , then are there two sorts of preaching Bishops , I deny the proposition in this sense , but if the meaning be , there be two species of Bishops , or Overseers , one ruling Overseers , and another preaching Bishops , we shall not contend for the word , if we agree upon the thing , though I much doubt , if the ruling Elder in the Scripture , come under the name of Bishop or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. This objection falleth under the stroake of the arguments proving that there be two sorts of Elders in this Text , and how they can bee answered , I know not . Ob. 8. That office is not in Scripture , whose Characters , qualities , and notes are not specified in Scripture , as the Characters of a Deacon are , 1 Tim. 3. and of a Bishop ibid. But the Characters , qualites and notes of a ruling Elder are not in the Scripture , Ergo , &c. Answ. 1. I deny the major proposition ; for then , because the Scripture saith not , an Apostle should be blameles , the husband of one wife , vigilant , sober , and thus and thus , and an Evangelist should be thus and thus , and a prophet should be thus and thus qualified , therefore Apostles , Evangelists , Prophets , are not in Scripture . It is true these were but temporall offices , yet it is enough to take off and breake the argument , for these temporary ●ffices , must be no lesse warranted , by the word , except they be unlawfull , then the offices that are of perpetuall indurance . 2. I distinguish the major proposition , That office is not in Scripture , whose characters are not in Scripture , neither in one particular place , expresly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not true ; for baptism : in no one place is so expresly set downe in Scripture , from all its Characters in particular , as is the Supper of the Lord , which is described , Mat. 26. Luk. 22. Mark. 14. 1 Cor. 11. in the Elements , sacred actions , prayer , consecration , words of institution , efficient , forme , end , gesture , &c. Yet is baptisme for that not excluded from the classe and number of Gods ordinances and seales , or , that office is not in Scripture whose Characters are not in Scripture , nether in divers places of Scripture , nor by good consequence , and lawfull analogy with other its fellow offices , that I yeeld willingy : but now the assumption is false : for as baptisme by analogy is described in many of its Characters , as prayer , consecration of the Elements , end &c. when the Supper of the Lord is described , making a just proportion betwixt baptisme and the other Sacrament , and by other places of Scripture , so is the ruling Elder in his characters described ; when the Bishop his fellow-officer is described . 3. The assumption also is false ; for the ruling Elder is described out of this Text. 1. negatively , that hence is gathered , by strong consequence , as is said , that he is an Elder who laboureth not in the Word and Doctrine . 2. Hee is described affirmatively , for an office is sufficiently described , when the specifick acts thereof are set downe , as a man is described when wee say , hee is a Creature who doth discourse , and make use of Reason ; so is this Elder described , when wee say it is his office to rule well , 1 Tim. 5. 17. hee is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a government which Christ hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instituted in the body , 1 Cor. 12. 28. and he is Rom. 12. 4. an Organ and member of Christs body , whose office it is to rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with diligence , Rom. 12 , 8. Ob. 9. But it is but a generall , that he rule , we have not these wherein the particulars of his ruling , consist . Ans. If this be strong , you have not , 1 Tim. 3. the particulars of the pastorall teaching , but onely the generals , a Bishop must be apt to teach . Yet in other places we have the particulars , a● instructing , rebuking , confuting , convincing ; so what ever the Scripture saith of the preaching Elders ruling , that same is saith of the ruling Elders ruling , seeing the ruling Elder is the assistant officer to help the preaching Elder , and both of them with the Doctor are to rule the House of God. Ob. 10. But if ruling be the specifick and essentiall note of the ruling Elder , he cannot be a speciall officer different from the preaching Elder , for what is essentiall to one species cannot agree to another , and what constituteth one species , doth not agree to another . Answ. This connexion may well be denied , and it is said well by one ; The ruling Elder solùm regit , doth onely governe , sed non solus regit , but he doth not govern his alone , but with the Pastor and Doctor . From these things I infer that as this is not a good consequence , Mat. 26. Luk. 22. Mark. 14. the Spirit of God doth set downe the Lords Supper in all its materialls , and passeth over Baptisme in silence , and goeth to another subject ; Ergo , Baptisme is not the other Sacrament of the New Testament so neither is this a good consequence , ( Paul , 1 Tim. 3. Discribeth the Bishop , and over skippeth the ruling Elder , passing to the Deacon ; Ergo , the ruling Elder is not an Ordinance of God ) for while hee describeth the Bishop , he teacheth what an one , both the Doctor , and ruling Elder should be , by cleare analogy , and it had beene superfluous for the Holy Ghost to say more , then he doth . And by this wee may answer to what is tenthly objected , The ruling Elder is omitted in Christs roll , Eph. 4. 11. Ergo , there is no such officer . Answ. It followeth in no sort negatively , from one particular place of Scripture , Rev. 1. It is said onely God hath made us Kings and Priests unto God ; Ergo , he hath not made us Prophets also , the contrary is , Esai . 54. 13. Ioh. 6. 45. so because , It is life eternall to know the Father , and the Sonne , Joh. 17. Socinians collect ; Erge , the holy spirit is not God , because no mention is made of him , in this place . 2. In this place Paul ennumerateth offices necessary rather for planting Churches , then for ruling Churches already constituted and planted : Miracles and Tongues are ad benè esse ; Elders and Deacons are not named here , because they are for the leading on of the Church , and the body already set up in a visible frame , and therefore reckoned out , Rom. 12. 4. 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. and consider , I pray you , how uncertaine and lubrick a way it is to pin Gods Spirit , and to fetter him to any one place in his enumerations , Behold , Rom. 12. 8 ▪ all the ordinary officers are expressed , and yet Apostles , Evangelists , Miracles , Tongues are omitted , all which are ennumerated , 1 Cor. 12 28 , 29. yet are specifick acts of Prophets , Teachers omitted , 1 Cor. 12. at lest onely spoken of in generall under the notion of hearing , seeing , walking , and Rom. 12. they be more particularly set downe . And 1. Tim. 3. Phil. 1. 1. onely Bishops and Deacons are mentioned , and governments , and Elders ruling well ●mitted ; and also all the extraordinary officers are omitted , and yet mentioned , 1 Cor. 12. 18 , 29. and Miracles , Tongues , Deacons , Governments are omitted , Eph. 4. 11. and , 1 Tim. 5. 17. Preachers , Rulers , Doctors are expressed , Deacons and extraordinary officers , Apostles , Evangelists , &c. passed over in silence : Ob. 11. The Keyes are not given to this ruling Elder , Ergo , he is no lawfull officer : the antecedent is proved , the keyes of jurisdiction , because they can operate nothing , but by the Key of knowledge , cannot be given to this new officer , now the key of knowledge is given only to the preaching Elder . Ans. All dependeth upon this false proposition ; To these only are the keyes of jurisdiction , and power of binding and loosing given , to whom the keyes of knowledge are given , ) for though the one key worke nothing without the other , yet the proposition is not from this made good , for the key of knowledge , and the power of pastorall preaching is given , uni subjectivè , non unitati nisi objectivè , to one man as to the subject , and to the Church , for her salvation and good , as for the end and object ; and the Pastor being once ordained a Pastor , may use these Keyes , quoad specificationem independently , for hee may preach mercy and wrath , not waiting the Churches suffrages , Et potestas clavium quoad jurisdictionem data ●st ecclesiae & subjectivè & objectivè , & data est non uni , sed unitati : but the power of the keyes , in censures , for binding and loosing is given to no one mortall man , but to the Church , both as to the subject , and the object . I meane the Ministeriall Church ; and not one man Pastor , Pope , o● prelate may use the Keyes , the Church hath them , and can onely validly use them . Ob. 12. But how is it proved that Ruling Elders are of divine institution ? Ans. God hath placed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ruling Elders in the body , as is said , 1 Cor. 12. 28. and this is , Rom. 12. 4. compared with v. 8. an Office that Christ hath appointed , and as these places prove the exhorter or pastor to be of Divine institution , and the Apostle , Teacher , Prophet , 1 Cor. 12. 28. and the Elder who laboureth in the Word and Doctrine , to be an instituted worke-man worthy of wages , 1 Tim. 5. 17 , 18. So must they prove the man who ruleth well , and with diligence , to be of divine appointment . Ob. 13. But the ruling in diligence , Rom. 12. 8. and the governments , 1 Cor. 12. 28. are generalls , and so cannot constitute a speciall office , in the body : for it is against logick , that that which is generall , and common to all the officers , can constitute a species , or a speciall kind : Answ. This obligeth the opponent , to teach , what is meant by governors , whether Magistrates , but these be not an office in Christs Body as is here said , Rom. 12. 4. and 1 Cor. 12. 14 , 15. or doe they meane masters of families ? but these be parts of heathen societies , as well as of Christian , and a Family as it is such , is not the Church . 3. Nor can hee meane here of Preachers , for Rom. 12. 8. 1 Cor. 12. 28. the exhorter and the ruler with diligence , the Teacher , and Prophet , and governments are clearely differenced , as different organs of the body , Eye , Eare , Hand , Foote , 1 Cor. 12. 14 , 15. Rom. 12. 4. nor ( 4 ) can they understand Rulers in generall : for , a genus , a generall doth not exist , or have actuall subsistence , but in some determinnate species ; as a living Creature doth not subsist but in man , or in some specifick nature of Birds and Beasts : now God is sayd to place these governments in the body , 1 Cor. 12. 28. even as the Eye , and Eare and Hand are seated in the body , 1 Cor. 12. 16 , 17 , 18. Now as a generall Eye , or an Organ in generall is not placed in the body , but such a determinat Organ , an Eye , an Eare , an Hand , a Foot ; so neither hath the wisdome of Christ appointed a governor in generall , and left it to the Churches discretion to specifie what this governour shall be , whether a Prelate , a Pastor , a ruling Elder : but as God hath not set Teachers in the body in generall , but hee hath placed such and such species , Apostles , not Popes , Evangelists , not Cardinalls ; so must hee have determined such and such Governors , ruling Elders , rather then a certaine Creature named a Diocesan prelate , an uncouth beast in the holy Scripture . A very Jesuite , Salmeron , saith , by the two Elders hee meaneth , 1 Tim. 5. 17. ( apertè sermonem esse de presbyteris & Episcopis ) of Elders and Pastors , and with that of Ambrosius , which wee all know to be ruling Elders , who were out of use in the Church , by the negligence , or rather by the pride of preaching Elders , forte Doctorum d●sidiâ , aut magis superbiâ ; and we are not to thinke , Chrysostom was ignorant of his mother Tongue , and hee findeth 1 Tim. 5. 17. two sorts of Elders in this place , and a popish Expositor Estius , porrò manefeste Colligitur ex hac sententia , fuisse , etiam apostolorum tempore , quosdam in ecclesia presbyteros , qui & benè praeessent , & duplici honore digni essent , nec tamen labotarent in verbo & Doctrinâ , neque id hodierni sectarii negant ; and all the haeresie that he layeth on Calvin , in this point , is that Calvin maketh these lay-men ; And Estius maketh a question what these Elders were , whether they be the Cardinalls , which the pope hath , or the Canonicall Elders , which their Bishops use as councellors in grave matters , or Elders which rule well , and labour not in the Word and Doctrine , such as were in the Apostles time , or rather such as did help the Bishops in offering sacrifice , and in administrating the Sacraments ; or if they be such as rule the people , but cannot preach , such as Alipius and Val●rius were in Augustines time ; so Estius knoweth not what these Elders bee , but inclineth to make them elders to the Apostles , in the administration of the Sacraments . Ob. 14. But Rom. 12. 8. the Apostle speaketh of divers gifts , as v. 6. having then gifts , differing according to the grace , that is given to us , whether prophecy , let us prophecy , &c. Ergo , the Apostle doth not speak of divers offices . 2. One and the same man may both teach , and exhort , and therefore Pastor and Doctor are not here differenced . 3. The Deacons office shall be here described , by the interjection of the ruling Elder , but the two acts of the deacon , which is to give with simplicity , and , to shew mercy with cheerefulnesse , and which is an insolent order , therfore the Apostle doth not here ennumerate divers offices . Answ. There is no better consequence in this , to say , he speaketh of divers gifts ; Ergo , he speaketh not of divers offices , then to say , he speaketh of divers faculties and habilities in the naturall body , as of an hability of seeing , hearing ; Ergo , hee acknowledgeth not divers members with divers offices , as the Eye to see , the E●re to heare , yea the contrary is rather a good consequence ; and the Text is cleare that he speaketh of divers offices , v. 4. for as we have many members in one body , and all members have not the same office . So we being many , are one body , in Christ , and every one members , one of another . Yea the Text holdeth forth these five to us to be distinctly considered . 1. That the Church is one body organicall , having divers members . 2. That there be divers gifts of the spirit in this body , as is cleare , Rom. 12. v. 3. 4 , 5. ( 3 ) That there be divers offices , and places and functions in this body , which the Apostle excellently divideth into two generalls according to the necessities of the members of Christs body . Now in generall this necessity is two fold , one respecting the soule , and for this , hee hath ordained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophecy , and for the bodily necessity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ministery and Service . v. 6. and v. 7. and these two having set downe in abstracto , hee commeth to divide them , in concreto , according to their severall offices and functions , which be foure in the Text. 1. The Teacher , or Doctor . v. 7.   2. The Exhorter , or Pastor . v. 8.   3. The ruler , or governing Elder . also ● . 8.   4. The Distributer , who is to shew me ●● on the poore , or the Deacon also . v. 8. Then ( 4 ) the Apostle doth set downe the severall specifick actions and operations of these offices , and that againe two wayes . 1. in generall . 1. Prophecying . v. 6.   2. Ministering . v. 7. 2. He setteth down the operations and specifick actions of the foure offices in particular , as 1. Teaching , in the Doctor . v. 7.   2. Exhorting , in the pastor . v. 8.   3. Ruling in , the Elder . v. 8.   4. Distributing , and shewing mercy , in the Deacon . v. 8. Then ( 5 ) he setteth downe the manner and holy qualification of these operations , and exercises of their offices ; and that also two wayes . 1. In generall . 2. In the foure particulars in generall . 1. In Prophecying ; but how ? according to the proportion of Faith v. 6.   2. Ministering , and how ? By being given or addicted to Ministering v. 7. 2. He setteth them downe in foure particulars , as 1. The Doctor or Teacher , is to be in , or given to Teaching . v. 7.   2. The pastor , is to be in Exhorting , Sedulous and painefull . v. 8.   3. The ruling Elder , to rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with diligence . v. 8.   4. The Deacon is to distribute , and shew mercy , on the Sick , poore , imprisoned , stranger , distracted , in simplicity , in Chearefulnesse . v. 8. Also though it be true , that one and the same man may both teach and exhort , and the comparison of the naturall body doth not in all things hold , for one member cannot both be the eye to see , and the eare to heare , but both are here a sort of eye to the Church ; yet hath Christ made the Pastor and the Doctor different . ( It is needlesse to dispute , if they differ in nature , and if it be a confounding of Christs order , that one be both , when Christ hath given gifts for both to one man ) for first , the VVord of God doth difference them ; secondly , we know that many have gifts to teach , who are but dull and weake to perswade and worke upon the affection , as is observed amongst the Fathers . Augustine excelled in teaching and disputing , Chryostome in exhorting . Salmeron observeth , that there Thomas Aquinas was eminent in informing the understanding , and Bonaventura excellent for moving the affections . And many are fitted to worke on the affections , as Pastors , who are not able to teach as Doctors in the Schools . So hath Chrysostome and Theodoret observed upon these words , Rom. 12. 7 , 8. Nor doth it move me much , that Paul speaketh twice in one verse of the Deacon , it is not unusuall to the Spirit of God in divers Scriptures so to doe , as Prov. 1. Prov. 2. Psal. 119. How dangerous it is to affirme , that all the Officers are not set downe in Gods VVord , we may be taught by Papists , for Estius giveth a reason , why the Apostle setting downe , 1 Cor. 12. 28. the Officers in Gods house , hath omitted the Pope ; he answereth , the Apostle is not here setting downe the degrees of the Hirarchicall Order , for then he should have set downe Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , which be parts of that Order , but onely he setteth downe some chiefe members of the Church , indued with rare gifts , and commenting on Ephes. 4. he saith , The Pope is set downe under the name of Pastors and Doctors , because he sendeth Pastors and Doctors to all the world ; and this was the reason why the Prelate was reputed a Pastor , and the onely Pastor , because though it was too base for him to preach ; yet he preached in and through poore Presbyters whom he sent . And Salmeron moveth the question , why 1 Cor. 12. 28. the Pope , Cardinals , and Patriarches are omitted in this place ; and we say , Why are Bishops , Archbishops , Primates , Metropolitans , Deanes , Archdeacons , Chancellours , Officials , &c. never once mentioned in the VVord of God. But Salmeron answereth , 1. They are implicitely set downe here , and under the name of helps , opitulations ; Paul hath instituted Deans , Archdeans , and the foure lesser orders . And what else doe divers answer , who teach that government 1 Cor. 12. 28. is but a generall ; and the Church , in a prudentiall way , under this may substitute and introduce such and such species of governments as they shall finde convenient , as ruling Elders , ruling Prelates , and such like . but I would gladly know why the Spirit of God hath particularly set downe the last specified Officers , as 1 Cor. 12. 28. Apostles , under which are no species of Apostles , but onely such individuall persons , Matthias , Paul , &c. and hath also set downe Pastors in specie , Doctors and Teachers in specie , Ephes. 4. 11. under which there be onely such individuall persons who are Pastors and Teachers , as John , Epaphroditus , Archippus , Thomas , &c. and there is no roome left for the Church to subdivide Pastors or Doctors into such and such new sp●cies , as Popes , Cardinals , &c. and yet under the generall of governments , many species and new kindes of governments in a prudentiall way may be brought in . If Christ have set downe the particulars of Pastors , Prophets , Apostles , according to their last specified nature , why hath his wisdome not beene as expresse and particular in all other offices necessary for feeding and governing the flocke of Christ ? a Pope , a Prelate , a Cardinall , an Officiall , would take as small roome in print , and in Christs Testament , as Apostle , Doctor , Pastor , though I grant they doe take halfe so much more roome in the State and Parliament . Of Deacons . WE conceive , according to Gods VVord Acts 6. that Deacons be of divine institution , because when some poore widowes were neglected in the dayly ministration , the Apostles appointed seven men of good report , and full of the holy Ghost , to take care of Tables and provide for the poore , that the Apostles might give themselves to the Word and Prayer . Object . 1. There is not one word of Deacons , Acts 6. not one word of the poverty of widows , and these seven were but civill curators and tutors of the widows , and not Church-officers , for any thing that can be collected from Gods Word . Answ. The equivalent of a Deacon in name , is Acts 6. there are those who are not to preach the VVord , but are to serve Tables , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and some did complaine because their widowes were neglected , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if widowes were neglected through the want of a dayly Deaconry , the Text must insinuate a Deaconry , and a want of a Table to these widowes . Secondly , it is unknowne divinity , that the twelve Apostles in a Church-assembly doe institute , and that with solemne prayer , and imposition of hands , officers meerly civill to tutor widowes . Thirdly , the daily ministration was the want of sustenance , as it is said , That certaine women ministred to Christ of their substance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 20. 34. Yea your selves doe know that those hands have ministred to my necessities . And is it like that the Apostles were civill curators to widowes before this time ? Object . 2. It is evident from the Text that these Deacons were not of divine institution , but of a meere temporary erection , for the present necessity of the Church . First , it is said they were appointed , Acts 6. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Secondly , they were erected upon occasion of the multiplying of the disciples . Thirdly , upon occasion of the poverty of widows , and therefore when there be no poore , there is no need of Deacons , and so it is but an office of a temporary standing in the Church . Answ. These words ( in those dayes ) are not so much referred to the institution of Deacons , as to the order of the history . Secondly , to Satans malice , who raised a schisme in the Church , when the number of Disciples grew . And thirdly , are referred to the murmuring of the widows ; and they doe no more prove that Deacons are a temporary institution , and brought in , by the Church , in a prudentiall way for the Chuches present necessity , then the Lords Supper is concluded to be but a temporary and prudentiall institution of the Church , because it is said , In the night that Iesus was betrayed , he tooke bread , &c. Secondly , the occasion of the multiplying of Disciples & the neglecting of the widows , doth not prove that Deacons are a prudentiall and temporary institution : for here I distinguish betwixt an occasion and a motive and cause ; divers Ordinances of God have both these . As the occasion of writing the Epistle to Philamon , was the flight of Onesmus a fugitive servant from his master , and his willing minde to returne to him againe , and upon that occasion Paul did write to Philamon ; but that will not prove that the Epistle to Philemon is but a prudentiall Letter , and obliging for a time , because the motive and cause why the holy Ghost would have it written , was , that it should be a part of Canonicall Scripture , obliging to the second comming of Christ. The like I say of the Epistle to the Galathians , written upon occasion of seducing Teachers , who had bewitched the Galathians , and made them beleeve , they must be circumcised and keepe the Law , if they would be justified in Christ : Yet hence is not proved , that the Epistle to the Galathians is but a prudentiall Letter , and not of divine and perpetuall institution ; for the cause and motive of writing was , that it might be a part of the Canon of faith . So also the Covenant of Grace and the Gospell was made upon this occasion , by reason that the first Covenant could not save us , Heb. 8. vers . 7. Rom. 8 2. 3. Gal. 3. 21 , 22. is therefore ( I pray you ) the Covenant of grace but a temporary and a prudentiall peece ? Upon the occasion of the death of Zelophead , who died in the wildernesse without a male-childe , whose name thereby was in danger to be delete and blotted out of Israel , the Lord maketh a generall Law through all Israel , binding till the Messiah his comming , Numb . 27. 8. If a man die and have no sonne , then shall you cause his inheritance to passe unto his daughter ; this was no prudentiall Law. I might alleage infinite Ordinances in Scripture , the like to this . Yea , most of all the Ordinances of God are occasioned from our spirituall necessities ; are they therefore but humane and prudentiall Statutes , that are onely to endure for a time ? I thinke , no. Ob. 3. But if the civill Magistrate had been a friend to the Church , Acts 6. his place had beene to care for the poore , for the law of nature obligeth him to take care of the poore , therefore did a woman in the famine at the siege of Samaria cry , Helpe O King ; and if this were done by Christian Magistrates , Pastors should be eased thereof , that they might give themselves to the Word and Prayer , and there should be no neede of a divine positive institution of Deacons for this charge . Answ. That the godly Magistrate is to take care of the poore , as they are members of the Common wealth , I could easily grant . But this is not now in question ; but whether , or not , the Church , as it is an Ecclesiasticall society , should not have a treasure of the peoples E●angelike free-will-offering for the necessity of the Saints , as Heb. 13. 16. 1 Cor. 16. 1 , 2. 2 Cor. 9. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , and concequently , whether or not Christ hath ordained , not the Pastors , but some officers besides , to attend this worke ? VVee affirme he hath provided for his poore members , even their bodily necessi ies . Secondly , if this be true , that there should be no Deacon but the Christian Magistrate , then were these seven Deacons but the Substitutes and Vicars of the Emperour and King. Now certainly , if Apostolike benediction and laying on of hands , in the wisdome of God was thought fit for the Vicars and Deputies of the Magistrates , it is like that beside the coronation of the Roman Emperour , the twelve Apostles ought to have blessed him with prayer , and separated him by laying on of hands for this Deaconrie ; for what Apostolike calling is necessary , for the temporary substitute is more necessary , and at least that same way necessary for the principall . But that civill Magistrates , ex officio , are to be separated for this Church-office so holden forth to us , 1 Tim. 3. 12. I can hardly beleeve . Thirdly , I see not what the Magistrate doth in his office , but he doth it as the Minister of God who beareth the sword , Rom. 13 4. and if he should compell to give almes , then should almes be a debt , and not an almes and free-will-offering . It is t●u● , there may intervene some coaction to cause every man to do his duty , and to force men to give to the poore ; but then I say , that forcing with the sword should not be an act of a separated Church-officer , who , as such , useth no carnall weapons . Four●●ly , the law of nature may lead to a supporting of the poore , but that hindreth not but God may ordaine it as a Church-duty , and appoint a Church-officer to collect the bounty of the Sain●● , 1 Cor. 16. 3. 5. I see not how the Apostle , 1 Tim. 3. should not hold forth his Cannons concerning a Deacon , to the King , if he ex officio be the Church-treasurer , but the Apostle doth match him with the Bishop , Acts 6. the appointing of the Deacon is not grounded Acts 6. upon the want of a Christian Magistrate , but on another ground , that the Apostles must attend a more necessary worke , then Tables . Object . 4. But the occasion of appointing Deacons was to disburden the Pastor , who was to give himselfe wholy to preaching and praying ; Ergo , at the first the Apostles and so also Pastors were Deacons ; if therefore the poore be fewer then they were at Ierusalem , Act. 6. where the Church did exceedingly multiplie ; this Office of Deaconry was to returne to the Pastors , as its prime and native subject ; and therefore is not essentially and primarily an Office separated from the Pastors Office. And if the poore cease to be at all , the Office ceaseth also . Ans. I cannot well deny but it is apparent from Act. 6. 4. that the Apostles themselves were once those who cared for the poore , but I deny that hence it followes in the case of fewer poore , that the Office can returne to the Pastors as to the first subject , except you suppose the intervention of a divine institution to place it againe in the Pastors ; as the power of judging Israel was once in Samuel , but upon supposition that Saul was dead , that power cannot returne backe to Samuel except you suppose that God by his authority shall re-deliver and translate it backe againe to Samuel . For seeing God by positive institution had turned the power of judging over from Samuel into the person of Saul , and changed the same into a regall and Kingly power , that same authority who changed the power must rechange it againe , and place it in , and restore it to its first subject . 2. The fewnesse of poore ; or no poore at all , cannot be supposed , Joh. 12. 8. for the poore you have alwaies with you . And considering the afflictions of the Churches , the object of the Deacons giving and shewing mercy , as it is Rom. 12. 8. cannot be wanting , as that the Churches fabricke be kept in good frame , the poore , the captives of Christian Churches , the sicke , the wounded , the stranger , the distracted be relieved , yea and the poor Saints of other Churches , 1 Cor. 16. be supported . 3. Not onely because of the impossibility that Pastors cannot give both themselves to praying and the Word , and to the serving of Tables ; but by reason of the wisdome of Christ in a positive Law , the Pastor cannot be the Deacon ex officie in any case . For 1. Christ hath made them distinct Offices , upon good grounds , Act. 6. 4. 2. The Apostle hath set downe divers qualifications , for the Bishop , 1 Tim. 3. 1. and for the Deacon , V. 12 , 13. And 3. the Pastor who is to give the whole man to the preaching of the Gospell , cannot entangle himselfe with Tables , 1 Tim. 4. 15. 2 Tim. 2. 3 , 4 , 5. if we should say nothing , that if there were need of Officers to take care of the poore , when there was such grace and love amongst the Saints and Apostles able and willing to acquit themselves toward the poore , and when all things were common Act. 2. 44 , 45 , 46 , 47. Act. 4. 31. 32 , 33 , 34. far more now is the Office needfull , when the love of many is waxen cold . Object . 5. But if there were a community of goods , and no man lacked any thing , Act. 5. 34. there were no poore at all , and so no need of Deacons . Answ. This is to carpe at the wisdome of God , who appointed seven men to serve Tables ; for justice might say , those who had nothing to give to the publique treasury of the Church , should expect nothing thence , charity would say the contrary . Object . 6. Distribution of earthly goods is not such a thing , at requireth a spirituall Office ; for money given by a Church-officer hath no spirituall influence on the poores necessity , more then money given by the Magistrate , or one who hath no Church-office . Answ. I deny the consequence : for then the Priests killing of Bullockes to God had no more influence , if we speake physically , then a Bullocke killed by another man. Now the Churches bounty and grace , 1 Cor. 16. 3. being a spirituall offering to God , by vertue of Christs institution , hath more in it then the common charity of an Heathen , if it were but for this , that the wisdome of God , in his Ordinance is to be considered ; and if we speake physically , the Word of God hath no more influence when spoken by a Pastour in publique , then when spoken by a private man ; yet if we looke to Gods Ordinance , the one hath more assistance when it is spoken , then the other , caeter is paribus . Object . 7. The Office of a Deacon is not mentioned in the Word , and what should be his charge is scarcely holden forth in Scripture . Answ. The Scripture saith the contrary , 1 Tim. 3. 13. They that have used the Office of the Deacons well , &c. V. 8. Likewise must the Deacon be grave , Phil. 1. 1. 2. The Scripture holdeth forth to us , that he must take care that Widdows and the poore be not neglected in the daily ministration , Act. 6. 1. and therefore must he serve Tables , v. 2. And 3. he must be appointed over this worke , v. 3. and 4. looke how farre giving and shewing mercy , and how farre singlenesse of heart and cherefulnesse in these things extend , as farre must the office of the Deacon extend , hence all in poverty , want , captivity , bonds , sicknesse , are to be helped by him . Object . 8. But it would seem , that a Deacon hath a higher imployment then to distribute goods , and that he is to preach , as Stephen and Philip did : for 1. they did choose men Act. 6. full of the Holy Ghost ; now to be full of the holy Ghost is a requisite in a preacher , and is not required in a man to distribute money ; yea these who are least esteemed in the Church , 1 Cor. 6. 4. may judge in things pertaining to this life , Ergo , they may suffice to distribute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things which belong to this life . Answ. To distribute in a civill and naturall way requireth not a man full of the Holy Ghost , but to distribute in simplicity , and with the grace of heavenly cheerfulnesse , Rom. 12. 8. and with the qualities of a compleat Deacon , 1 Tim. 3. 12 , 13 , 14. requireth the holy Ghost , though they may be good Deacons who are not full of the holy Ghost , but such were chosen , 1. because this was to be a rule to all ' Deacons to the Worlds end , and the rule should be as streight and perfect as can be . 2. Because there were choice of such men , as those in the Apostelike Church , and reason that God be served with the best of his owne . 3. The Holy Ghost is required for sanctification , as well as for gifts of preaching , Luke 1. 15. Matth. 10. v. 20. 4. Stephen did no more ch . 7. in his Apology then any witnesses of Christ convened before Rulers may doe who are obliged to be ready alwaies to give an answer to every one who asketh them of the hope that is in them , with meeknesse and feare , 1 Pet. 3. 15. yea though it were a woman who yet may not preach , 1 Cor. 14. 34. Philip was an Evangelist . 5. The Apostle , 2 Cor. 6. 4. doth sharply checke the Corinthians , for going to Law one with another , before heathen Judges , whereas the smallest amongst them might have supplied the bench of an heathen Judge in matters of this life , the losse whereof was nothing comparable to the great scandall they gave . But there is a greater grace required to the Church-distribution , and the officiall regulating of the conscience in a constant office of distribution , then in a transient and arbitrary act of deciding a matter of money . Object , 9. 1 Tim. 3. 9. The Deacon must hold the mystery of the faith ; Ergo , he must be able to preach . Answ. It followeth not , for there is a twofold holding of the mystery of faith : one for the preaching of sound doctrine recommended to Timothy , of this Paul doth not speake ; there is another holding of faith for stedfast beleevers , and for an holy and blamelesse conversation ; and therefore it is not said simply , holding the mystory of faith , but , holding the mystery of faith in a pure conscience . In which sense Christ saith to the Church of Pergamus , Rev. 2. 13. Thou holdest fast my name , and hast not denied my faith . And Paul saith of himselfe , 2 Tim. 4. 7. I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have kept the faith . He meaneth not , that he kept so much of the knowledge of the sound doctrine of faith as made him fit for the ministery , and qualified him to teach , and 1 Tim. 1. 19. holding faith and a good conscience , which is meant of the grace of saving faith . But that the Deacon is not to preach is , cleare , 1. because Paul clearely differenceth the Deacon from the preaching Elder , 1 Tim. 3. 1 , 2 , 12 , 13. and requireth that the preaching Elder be apt to teach , but requireth not this of the Deacon , and Act. 6. they are made two Offices not consistent in one man ; for if the Deacon must be a Teacher , he must either be a Teacher as a gifted man , or he must be a Teacher in Office ; he cannot ex officio , by his Office , be a Teacher as a gifted man , for the authours of that opinion hold that men are Preachers that way as Christians , and so the Deacon though he were not a Deacon , he might be a teacher in that sense , though he were onely a gifted Christian : Ergo , he cannot be such a teacher by his Office : but neither can he be an officiall teacher as a Deacon , for he who doth teach that way must also pray , for the one cannot be granted , and the other denied ; if then the Deacon , ex officio , by his office must pray and preach ; he must pray and preach 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in season and out of seasor , and give himselfe to it . But if he must give himselfe to praying and preaching by his office , then by his office he must give over the sorving of Tables , as is said , Act. 6. 2. and if he must leave Tables by his office , the Deacon by his office must quit and give up his office , and it shall belong to the Deacon by his office , to be no Deacon . 2. Whoever by his office may teach , by his office may administer the Sacraments , for Christ giveth one and the same royall Patent and Commission for both , Matth. 28 19. 1 Cor. 11. 23. Joh. 4. 1 , 2. but this is to be a Minister by Office , and so a Deacon , as a Deacon , is a Pastor . 3. The Deacons office is to preach if he be thereto called by the Bishop : hence the Bishop is the principall and sole Pastor ; the Preacher , Elder , and Deacon , none of them may preach or baptize , except they be called thereunto by the bishop . Hence judge what a Pastor that man i● , who actu primo , and by office is a preacher , but cannot nor may not exercise his Office , but by the will of a mortall man. Object . 10. The Deacon must be the husband of one wife , ruling his children and his own house well 1 Tim. 3. 12. Ergo , he must be able to governe the Church well , no l●sse then the Pastor of whom the same qualification is required , v. 5. and so the Deacon must be somewhat more then a carer for the poore . Answ. The Deacon is never called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Ruler ; nor is that same dignity of ruling the Church put upon the Deacon , v. 12. which is put upon the Pastor , v. 5. Nor are these same words spoken of both . Nor is it said that the Deacon must rule the House of God ; but the meaning is , he who cannot rule his owne children and house shall not be able to rule the Hospitall houses of the poore and sicke ; and this ruling is nothing but a cari●g for tables , and for the houses of the poore . Whereas taking care for the house of God is given to the Pastor , v. 5. but if you give to the Deacon the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , he is higher then his first institution can beare , Act. 6. where he is expresly removed from all officiall medling with word and prayer , and set to the serving of Tables . Object . 11. The Deacon by his Office is to serve Tables , Act. 6. 2. that is , to administer the Sacraments , at least he is by office to baptize ; for Iesus himselfe baptized not , but his Disciples , Io● . 4. 2. and Christ sent not Paul to baptize , but to preach ; therefore the dpostles baptized by others , by Deacons , and by others whose ministery and helpe they used in baptizing , Ergo , the Deacons office is not onely to care for the poore . Answ. I yeeld that the Deacon is to serve at the communion Table , and provide the Elements , and to carry the Cup at the Table : but that is no wayes the meaning of serving Tables in this place , Acts 6. 2. because the serving of Tables , here , is such a service , as was a remedy of the Widowes neglected in the dayly ministration , for of this neglect they complaine v. 1. but they did not complaine that they were neglected of the benefit of the Lords Supper , for the Apostles doe never thinke that the administration of the Lords Supper is a burden which they put off themselves as inconsistent with the preaching of the word and prayer , and which they devolve wholly over to Deacons , It s not so sayth the sixt councell , and Chrysostome seemeth to teach the same ; and because a Table signifieth an Altar , ( as Salmeron saith ) therefore some papists say that Deacons served at the Altar ; and so saith pontificale Romanum oportet diaconum ministrare ad altare , Baptizare , & praedicare : and Salmeron saith , to serve at the altar is essentiall to the Deacon , but to preach and baptize agreeth to him by commission and of necessity . 2. The Apostles in the Text , Acts 6. doe denude themselves , of serving of Tables in an officiall way , or , as serving of Tables was a peculiar office imposed upon seven men , of honest report , and full of the Holy Ghost , with apostolick benediction , and laying on of the hands of the Apostles , and doe manifestly make it an office different from their pastorall charge , which was to give themselves continually to prayer , and to the ministery of the word , v. 3. 4. for baptizing cannot but include praying and preaching . Mat. 28. 19. or at least must be necessarily conjoyned in one and the same Church-officer ; for where doth the word of God hold forth to us such a rare and strange Creature , who by office is to baptise , but by office is neither to preach nor pray ? now the Text doth clearely difference the office of serving Tables , and the office of continuall praying and preaching , as not consistent in one person v. 3. 4 , 5 , 6. Object . 12. Paul , 1 Tim. 3. requireth that the Deacon v. 10. should first be tryed , and thereafter use the office , so he be found blameles ; Ergo , the Deacon must be ordained with imposition of hands , as the presbyter , and so must be , by office , some more eminent person , then one who serveth Tables only ; for grace was given to Timothy ; by the laying on of hands , 1 Tim. 3. 14. and Chrysostome observeth , that Steven did no miracles ; nor did he speak with wisdome , that the adversaries were not able to resist v. 8. 9. 10. till first hee was appointed a Deacon , by imposition of hands , which evidenceth to us more then a poore office of giving almes to the poore . Answ. There is need that Deacons be tryed ; and it is sayd , they must be found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blamelesse in conversation , not 〈◊〉 , apt to teach , which is required in a Teacher , 1 Tim. 3. 1. for these who are to shew mercy with cheerfulnes , and to give with simplicity , as Deacons must by their office doe , Rom. 12. 8. must be of approved and tryed blamelesnes , lest they detrand the poore . 2. It is not sayd that Deacons were ordained with fasting and prayer , Acts 6. as the Elders are chosen in every Church , Acts 14. 23. and as hands are layd upon Paul and Barnabas ; Acts 13. v. 3. 4. but simply that the Apostles , Acts 6. 6. prayed and layd their hands on them . Which seemeth to mee , to be nothing , but a signe of praying over the Deacons , and no ceremony , or Sacrament conferring on them the Holy Ghost ; And Steven his working of miracles , and speaking with wisdome irresistible , was but the fruit of that grace and extraordinary measure of the Holy Ghost , abundantly powred forth on all rankes of persons , in those dayes , when the prophecy of Iocl was now taking its accomplishment ; Act. 2. 16 , 17 , 18 19. Iocl . 2. 28. 29. which grace was in Steven before hee was ordained a Deacon , by the laying on of hands . Act. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. And the Text saith not that Steven did wonders and signes amongst the people by vertue of imposition of hands , or of his Deaconry , but because he was full of faith and power . v. 8. else you must make working of miracles a gift bestowed on all those who serve Tables , and are not to give themselves to continuall praying , and the Ministery of the Word . I thinke , papists will not say so much of all their priests ; and we can say it of none of our pastors , nor doth Chysostome say that Steven , as a Deacon , and by vertue of the office of a Deacon wrought miracles ; but onely that his miracles and disputing was a meere consequent of laying on of hands . Fa●ther laying on of hands was taken from the cus●ome of blessing amongst the Jewes , Christ layd his hands upon young children and blessed them , yet did hee not , thereby , designe them to any office . The fourth councell of Carthage saith , Deacons should administer the Sacraments ; but times were growing worse then : and two things in ancient times made the office degenerate . 1. The l●zinesse of pastors who layd preaching and baptizing on the Deacon . 2. The Deacons having in their hands aerarium Ecclesiasticum , the Church Treasury , as the Church became rich , the Deacons were exalted ; and then came in their Archiliaconi , Archdeacons and Deacons , and so some Deacons were above pastors , whereas Acts 6. in their first institution they were inferior to pastors ; this moved Spalato to tell us of two sorts of Deacons , the apostolick Deacons , which we assert , and the ecclesiastick Deacons , popi● and of the newest cut ; which we discla●me . As concerning the perpetuity of Deacons . I conceive that Deacons must be as permanent in the Church , as distribution and shewing mercy on the poore . Ob. 13. How doe those words Act. 6. v. 7. and the word of God grew , and the number of Disciples multiplied in Jerusalem greatly , &c. follow upon the institution of Deacons v. 2 , 3 4. 5 , 6. if Deacons were not , according to their primitive institution and Office , ordained to be Preachers of the word , by whose paines the word grew ? Answ. The cohesion three wayes is good . 1. Because the Apostles being exonerated of serving Tables , and giving themselves to continuall praying and the ministery of the word v. 2. Through the constituting of the seven Deacons the word thereby did grow ( 2 ) Satan stirred up a schisme betwixt the Grecians and Hebrewes , which is prejudiciall to the growth of the Gospell and Church , yet the Lord being superabundantly gratious , where Satan is exceedingly malitious , will have his Gospell and Church to flourish . 3. These words v. 7. doe cohere kindly with the last verse of the foregoing Chapter . v. 41. And dayly in the Temple , and in every house , they ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ and Ch. 6. v. 7. And the word of God increased , &c. God blessing the labours of his persecuted Apostles , and the story of the ordained Deacons is cast in by Luke upon occasion of the neglected Grecian Widdowes , and the growth of the word could not arise from the appointing of such officers who were not to labour in the word and prayer , but imployed about Tables , to the end that the Apostles might labour in the word and prayer . Ob. 14. But doth not the faithfull administration of the Deacons office , purchase to the Deacon a good degree , that is , doth it make him ●●●ter in a preparatory way to be a Pastor ? Answ. The word of God , 1 Tim. 3. and elsewhere setting downe the qualification and previous dispositions of a Teacher , doth no where teach us , that none can be a minister , but he who is first a Deacon . 2. Didcclavius saith , many are faithfull Deacons who are never Teachers , nor apt to be Teachers , and many in the ancient Church were , of lay men , made Teache●r . Ambrosius heri Catechumenus , hodie Episcopus ; and Estius granteth , many good Deacons can never be Teachers , because of their ignorance . Hugo Cardinal saith , this is onely against these , qui subito ascendunt in pr●lationes , who suddainly ascend to prelacies , Cornelius a lapide saith , ut promereantur altiùs promoveri in sacerdotia ; they are to serve so , as they may deserve to be promoted to higher places ; but this doth not infer that none can be presbyters who have not first beene Deacons . As Chrysostome saith , we use not to place a novice in an high place , antequam fidei suae & vitae dederit doc●m●nta , before hee have given proofe of his faith , and good conversation . And Cyprian writing to Antonianus , commendeth Cornelius that hee came not by a leap and suddainly to be a Bishop , sed per omnia ecclesiastica officia promotus , being promoted by degrees to all Church-Offices ; and Bernard followeth the same meaning . Lyra , merebu●tur quod fiant sacerdotes , acquirunt altiorem gradum , saith Salmeron . Now it is cleare that the fathers and papists could extort no more out of the Text ; but that hee who useth the office of a Deacon well , doth deserve of the Church , to be promoted to an higher office , but there is no ground for papists , or others to make the Deacons office a necessiary degree , without the which none can be a Teacher . a Sozomenus saith the Deacons office was to keepe the Churches goods b Epiphanius , Diaconis in ecclefia non con creditum est , ut aliquod mysterium perficiant , sed ut administrent solùm & exequantur commissa ; then they might neither teach nor baptize , c Eusebius saith , the care of the poore and the keeping of the Church and the vessels thereof were committed to the Deacons d Ruffinus saith , Deacons disputed in Synods ; and Athanasius , when hee was a Deacon , helped his Bishop Alexander at the Nicen councell ; but this came ( as I suppose ) because about the fourth century , they were admitted to be scribes in Synods e Ambrose saith at the beginning , Deacons did preach and baptise , but after when the Church was well furnished with officers , they durst not presume to teach . The f Canon of the councel of Nice saith ; Diaconi ne sedeant in concessu presbyterorum , aut illis praesentibus Eucharistiam dividant , sed illis agentibus solùm ministrent ; if there was not a presbyter present g Ruffinus saith , then the Deacon might distribute the Elements . I conceive , the place 1 Tim. 5. saith , that Widowes were in the Apostolick Church , both poore aged Women , who were to be mantained by the Church , and also auxiliary helps , for meere service to helpe the Deacons in these hot Countries . Both is apparent from the Text ▪ honour Widowes that are Widowes indeed , that is as h Hugo Cardinalis expoundeth it , who want both the comfort of an husband and of Children to maintaine them ; and so also i Chrysostome , before him expounded it ; and k Hugo Cardinalis , the honour that is due to them , is , say Chrysostome , Theophylact , Anselmus , that they bee sustained by the oblations of the Church . Ecclesiae oblationibus sustententur , say l Salmeron and m Estius ; and Cornelius n à lapide , saith , as ( honour thy Father and thy Mother ) doth include ( h●norem sustentationis ) that children are to give the honour of maintenance to their indigent parents , no lesse then the honour of obedience and reverence , so are Widowes to have this honour . ( 2 ) It is said , if any VVidow have children or nephewes , let them learne first to shew mercy at home , and to requite their Parents ; Ergo , the children or grand children of these VVidowes were to sustaine them , and not to burden the Church , with them , and so they were poore Widowes ; and this . 3. The Text clearely holdeth forth , while the Apostle proveth that the children who are able , are to helpe the Parent being a desolate Widow ; because v. 8. all are to provide for these of their owne house , and to maintaine them in their indigence , else they be , in that , worse then Infidell children , who by natures love , doe provide for their poore parents . 3. This is cleare from , v. 16. if any man or woman that believeth , hath widows , let them relieve them , and let not the Church be charged , that they may relieve them that are widowes indeed ; Ergo , these widowes called also , v. 3. widowes indeed , did some way burden the Church with their maintenance , and they were not to be layd upon the Churches stock , to be maintained thereby , except they were desolate and without friends . But some may object , if these widowes had a charge , and did any worke or service to the Church , ( as it is cleare from the Text , v 9. they did ) in overseeing the poore , and the sick , were not wages due to them , for their worke ? for the labourer is worthy of his hire ; the Scripture saith not , if a Preacher have a father who is Rich , and may sustaine his Son ; let not the Church be burdened with his wages , but on the contrary , the Preacher is to have his wages for his work , as an hire ; ad modum debiti , non ad modum eleemo●ynae ; as a debt , not as an Almes . I answer , the reason is not alike of the preaching Elder , and of the Widow ; for the pastors service requiring the whole man was of that nature , that it was a worke deserving wages , as any worke-man , a dresser of a Vineyard deserveth wages , 1 Cor. 9 7. or a plower , or one that Thresheth v. 10. Therefore the Preachers wages is so wages that its debt , not almes : but a Widow of sixty yeeres being weake and infirme , cannot acquit her selfe , in such a painfull office as doth merit poore wages , and therefore the reward of her labour was both wages and an almes . Againe , that this Widow had some charge or service in the Church , ( I meane not any Ministeriall office , for she was not ordained as the Deacon , Acts 6. with imposition of hands ) I prove from the Text. 1. Because this Widdow was not to be chosen to the number or Colledge of Widowes , except shee had beene 60. Yeares , this is a positive qualification of a positive service , as if it were an office ; for else what more reason in 60. Yeares then in 61. or 62. or in 58. or 59. if shee was a meere eleemosynary and an indigent woman ? or can godlinesse permit us to thinke that Paul would exclude a Widow of 50. or 54. or 56 Yeeres , from the Colledge of Widowes , who were desolate and poore ? nor , 2. Would Paul rebuke the Widow taken into the society of these Widowes , because shee married an husband , except she had entered to this service , and had vowed chastity , nor is marrying the second time which is lawfull , Rom. 7. 1. 2. a waxing wanton against Christ and a casting off of the first faith ; as the marrying of these widowes is called . v. 11. 12. therefore this Widow , had some charge and service , in the Church . 3. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let a Widow be chosen of such an age , and not younger , and with such morall qualifications , as is required in the Deacon , &c. doth also evidence that it was an election to some service or charge , as is she be of good report , if she have brought up her children ; if she have lodged strangers ; if she have washed the saints feete ; which qualifications not being in a Widow poore and desolate , cannot exclude her from the Churches almes , and expose her to famishing for want : this also doth Ambrose , Augustine , tract . 58. in Ioan. Chrysostomus , Theophylact. Hieronymus observe on this place ; It is not unprobable to me that Phaebe called a Deacon , or servant of the Church of Cenchrea , was such a Widow , seeing she is Rom. 16. 1. expresly so called : how shee came to Rome , if shee was a poore Widdow and now 60. yeares old , I dispute not , seeing Gods Spirit calleth her so . We can easily yield that VVidows of sixty yeares entring to this service did vow not to marrie againe ; so teach Cyprian . l. 1. epist ▪ ad Pomponium , Hyeronym . contr . Jovia● . Epihan . 48. The last Canon of the councell of Nice ( as Ruffinus l. 1. c. 6. saith ) denieth Widowes to be Church-officers , because they were not ordained with imposition of hands . Hyeronimus in c. 16. ad Roman . saith , Diaconisses in the Orientall Church had some service in Baptisme . Epiphanius l. 3. tom . 2. Heres . 79. saith , they were in the Church , non ad sacrificandum , sed propter horam Balnci , aut visitationis — quando nudatum fuit corpus ●●lieris . Constantine placed them amongst the Clergy , to governe the Corps of the dead ; but Papists then have no warrant for their Nuns . CHAP. 8. SECT . 8. Of Election of Officers . HEre the Author teaches , that Election of Officers belongeth to the Church whose officers they are . 2. That the Church of believers , being destitute of all officers , may ordaine their own officers and Presbyters , by imposition of hands , in respect that the power of the keys is given to the Church of believers , Mar. 18. Answ. Election of Officers ( no doubt ) belongeth to the whole Church , not in the meaning of our Brethren ; but that this may be cleared , whether a Church without officers , may ordaine Elders , there be diverse other questions here to be agitated ; as 1. Whether the Church be before the Ministery , or the Ministery before the Churches . 1. Dist. There is an ordinary , and an extraordinary Ministery . 2. There is a mysticall Church of believers , and a ministeriall Church of Pastors and flock . 3. A Church may be so called by anticipation , as Hos. 12. Jacob served for a wise ; or formally , because it is constituted in its whole being . 4. A Ministery is a Ministery to these , who are not as yet professors , but only potentially members of the Church . 1. Concl. There is a Church of believers sometime before there be a ministeriall Church . 1. Because a company of believers is a mysticall Church , for which Christ died , Eph. 5. 25. And such there may be before there be a setled Ministery . As there is a house , before there be a Candlestick , because conversion may be by private meanes , as by reading and conference ; yea a woman hath carried the Gospell to a Land , before there was a Ministery in it . 2. Adam was first and Evah by order of ●ature a Church created of God , before there was a Ministery ; So Adams Ministery is founded upon a nature created according to Gods Image . 2. Concl. A publick ordinary Ministery is before a Church of believers . Eph. 4. 11. Pastors , Teachers , and a Ministery , are given to the inbringing and gathering of the Church ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is , edifying , and not onely for confirming , but for the converting of the Body of Christ. Nor is Robinson a and his fellowes here to be heard , that the word of restoring is the same which is used , Gal. 6. 1. and so nothing is meant but repairing of Christians already converted , not the converting of these who are yet unconverted . But I Answer 1. The Word of restoring doth no more import that they were converted before , then the word of renewing , Eph. 4. 23. Rom. 12. 2. and the word of awaking from sleepe of sinners , Ep● . 5. 14. doth import that these were new Creatures before , and that they had the life of God , before they be said to be renewed againe and made new , and awaked out of their sleepe . And this Pelagian and popish exposition , is a faire way to elude all the places for the power of grace ; and to helpe Papists and Arminian● . 2. By this there is , 1. no necessity of a publick Ministery , for the conversion of Soules to Christ , nor is a Ministery and Pastors , and Teachers given by Jesus Christ , with intention , to open the eyes of the blind , and to convert soules to God. All the ordinary wayes of conversion of Soules , is by the preaching of men out of office , and destitute of all calling of the Church to preach , which is a wonder . 3. The Fathers begetting , by order of nature , are before the children ; the pastors are Fathers , the seede before the plant or birth ; the word preached , Rom. 10. 14. is the immortall seed of the new birth , 1 Pet. 1. 23. The Ministery and ordinary use thereof , is given to the pastors as to Christs Ambassadours , 2 Cor. 5. 18. 20. Therefore the Ministery is before the Church of believers , though wee will not tie the Lord to these only : yet is this his ordinary established way : but more of this hereafter . Robinson objecteth b The Apostles and brethren were a Church of God , Acts 2. 25. when as yet no Pastors or Teachers were appoynted in it . How then are the Ministers spoken of Eph. 4. 11. before the Church out of which they were taken ? yea the office of pastors was not heard of in the Church then . Ans. 1. It is cleare there were in that meeting , eleven Apostles called to be pastors ; Mat. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. sent of God , Mat 29. 19 inspired or the Holy Ghost to open and shut Heaven , Ioh. 20. 21 , 22. Before Christs ascension ; and this meeting was after his ascension , Acts. 1. 15. and here was a governing Church , and without the Apostles , an Apostle could not be chosen and called by men . And an instance of such a calling is not in Gods Word . 2. He objecteth . The Apostles themselves , were first Christians and members of the Church , before they were Ministers . Answ. Men may be a Church of Christians , and a mysticall Church before they have a Ministery , but they are not a governing Church , having the power of the keyes , so long as they want officers and stewards , who only have warrant ordinary of Christ to use the keys . 3. He objecteth , God 1 Cor. 12. 28. hath set officers in the Church ; Ergo , the Church is before the Officers , as the setting of a Candle in a Candlestick . presupposeth a Candlestick . The Church is the candlestick . Rev. 1. The officers candles , lights , stars Answ. God hath put and breathed in man a living soule . Ergo , he is a living man , before the soule be breathed in him : friend your logick is naught . The Church is the Candlestick , not simply without Candles and Lampes : the Church ministeriall is the Candlestick , and the Ministers the Candles set in the Church ministeriall , as Eyes and Eares are seated , and all the seales are seated in a living man ; Ergo , he is a living man before the senses be seated in him , it followeth in no sort . Because by the candles seating in the Church , the Church becommeth a ministeriall and governing Church : It is as you would say the Lord giveth the wife to the husband ; Ergo. He is an husband before God give him the wife . 4. He objecteth . That it is senseles , that a Minister may be sent as a Minister , to the hidden number not yet called out , which are also his st●ck potentially , not actually ; as Mr. Bernard saith , because it is the property of a good shepheard , to call his own sheep by name . Ioh. 20. also it is a logicall error , that a man may have a● actuall relation to a stock potentially , it is as if a man were a husband because he may have a wife . But I answer ; he not onely may be , but is a pastor to these that are but potentially members to the invisible Church , though unconverted , except you say , a man hath no relation as a pastor to the flock , to all and every one of a thousand soules , which are his flock , except they bee all truly converted , and members of the invisible Church , which if you say , I can refute it easily as an Anabaptisticall falsehood ; for if they all professe the truth , and chuse him for their pastor , hee is their pastor , but they are a saved flock potentially , though actually a visible flock having actuall relation to him , as to their pastor . But. 2. That a good minister know all his flock by name , be requisite , and is spoken of Christ ▪ Ioh. 10. in relation to the whole Catholick Church , as is expounded v. 14. yet will it not follow , he is not a pastor nor not a good pastor , who knoweth not all his flock at all times . 3. A man is indeed not properly a pastor , and a Church officer to Indians , who neither are called nor professe the truth , if he preach to them , though he have not relation to such , as to a Christian flock , yet he hath a relation of a pastor to them in that case . Yea I desire our brethren to satisfie me in this even according to their grounds . A number of Christians is a Church mysticall , but they are not a Church ministeriall , while they be conjoyned covenant-wayes , and use the keyes in such acts of Church union : Ergo , They are not a Church ministeriall before they bee a Church governing : which is all wee say ; for then they should be a body seeing and hearing , before they be a body seeing and hearing . Quest. 2. VVhether there be any Church in the Scripture having power of the keys , yet wanting all Church-Officers ? The Question is neere to the former , yet needfull in this matter to be discussed . The Question is not , if the name Church be given to a company of Christians , without relation to their Officers , for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is given to a civill meeting . The Hebrews call , sometimes , any meeting of people a Church : as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth sometime signifie , Gen. 49. 6. my soule come not thou 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their assembly . So the Rabbines use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a place , where the Congregation meeteth . So the Chaldaick and Arabick use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the place where the worshippers met , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Caldaice & Syriace , Adoravit , because it is a place of meeting for adoration ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thè Congregation from the Arabick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 congregavit . Yet speaking of a governing and orderly constituted Church , you shall never finde , such a Church having the name of a Church , but such a company as hath officers , and is spoken of as a house and family , where there are stewards , keys , doores , bread and other things noting a City-incorporation . 1. Because the keys are given to stewards , who , by ▪ office , beare the keys ; for taking in and casting out , by power of censures , is proper to an ordered City , where there are governors , and people governed . 2. Because wee reade not that the keyes are given to a company of single believers , out of office . 3. Wee never finde in the word of God , any practice , or precept , that a single company did use the keyes , or can use them , wanting all Officers . Heare what Robinson objecteth , that he may establish a popular government . a Two or three making Peters confession , Mat. 16. are a Church . But two or three may make this confession without officers ; Ergo , The proposition is cleare , by the promise made to build the Church upon the Rock of Peters confession . Answ. 1. I deny the proposition , and it is not proved : two or three making Peters confession are not the Church ministeriall , to which Christ gave the keyes ; for the keys include pastorall power to preach and baptize , which Separatists b deny to two or three wanting officers , they may be a mysticall Church or a part of the redeemed Church , Eph. 3. 25. 26. nor doth Christ promise to build the ministeriall Church properly on the rock , but only the Church of believers , for whom he gave the keyes , but to whom he gave no keyes . 2. This argument will hurt our brethren : for two or three not entred in Church-state , nor in Courch-Covenant , without Church-state , as well , as without officers , may , and doe often make Peters confession ; yet are they not for that a governing Church , because they may not happily as yet bee united covenant-wayes . 2. He objecteth , If the Apostles appoint Elders in every Church . Acts 14. 23. If God se● in the Church Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , 1 Cor 12. 28. Then there is a Church before Officers , Apostles , Prophets : a Major presupposeth there was a City , before he was Major , a Steward presupposeth a family ; is not the Eldership an ordinance of the Church , and called the Elders of the Church ? The Church is not an ordinance of the Elders , or given ●● the Elders . Ans. Job . 10. 20. God hath granted to Iob life ; Ergo , Iob was a living man before God had given him life . The Lord breathed in man the breath of life ; Ergo , he was a breathing and a living man , before God breathed that life in him . God formed man of the dust , Gen. 2. 7. Ergo , hee was a man before God formed him . All these are as good consequences . So Iac●● served for a wife , Hos. 12. 12. Ergo , she was his wife before hee served for her ; it followeth not . 2. This proveth not there is a governing Church without Officers , but the contrary , because for that end doth the Lord appoint Elders in every Church , and a ruler in a City , a King in a Kingdome , to governe them , to feed the flock , Acts 20. 28. Ergo , before there be Officers in a Church , there is no government in it . And so it is not a governing Church ; nor is a City a governing incorporation without a Major or some other Rulers , nor a Kingdome a monarchicall state without a King. And so the Elders , are the Churches Elders , as life is the forme of a living man. And this argument is much against them God ( say our Brethren ) hath appoynted a Church-covenant , in his Church , will it follow : Ergo , there is a Church , before a Church-covenant ; They cannot say this . 3. These with whom ( sayth Robinson ) God hath made a covenant , to be their God , and to have them his people , and to dwell it them as his Temple , which have right to the promises of Christ and his presence , are his Church . But a company of believers without Officers are such ; Ergo , The proposition is Scripture , Gen. 17. 17. Levi. 26. 11 , 12. Mat. 18. 17. The assumption is true , because they may believe , separate themselves from the world , come out of Babel without Officers , except you say they must go to Rome , to Jerusalem , and beyond sea , to seeke a Church . Answ. The major is false ; for God is in covenant with six believers before they sweare a Church-covenant , and so all the promises are made to them , and yet by your grant , they are not a Church . Yea all these agree to the invisible Church , and every single member thereof . 2. Without officers , believers may not separate themselves from the world , and come out of Babel , by a positive and authoritative separation , to erect a new Church without pastors , or in an ordinary way ; though as Christians they may separate from Rome , negatively and touch no uncleane things . 3. We send none to Ierusalem and Babylon to seeke a Church yet , but except we fall unto the Tenets of Anabaptists , Socinians and Arminians : wee must send farther then to every house , where three believers are , to seeke such as have warrant from Christ to adminstrate the seales of grace , except you in casting downe Babel , build Iericho , and raise up a Tower of confusion , and evert the ministeriall order that Christ hath appoynted in his Church . 4. Then how often ( saith he ) the Officers die , so oft the Church dieth also ; to remove the candlestick is to dischurch the assembly ; but the death of Officers ( which may be in a great persecution ) is never said to be a dischurching of an assembly . And all communion of Saints shall perish , when the Officers are removed ; for Baptisme is without the visible Church ; Eph. 4. Answ. 1. When the shepheards are removed , the Tents cannot be called the Shepheards Tents , and persecution often doth deface the visible face of a Ministeriall Church , and to remove the candlestick is to remove the ministery , as to take away eyes , and eares and hands from the body , is to hurt the integrity of it , and make it lame . 2. All communion Ministeriall whereby we are a body visible , 1 Cor. 10. 16. eating one bread , may well be loosed , when pastors are removed , whose onely it is , by your owne confession , to administrate the Sacraments , except you allow all to administrate the Lords Supper , and women to Baptise ; nor is there a communion in a family betwixt husband and wife , if you remove husband and wife out of the family , except , you meane a communion by way of charity , to rebuke , exhort , comfort one another , which communion is betwixt two independent congregations , who are not in Church-state one to another : but if you meane in Church-communion , take heed that the keys of every christian family , and the keys of the Kingdome of Heaven be not by this , made all one . Also it is ( saith he ) unequall dealing to make a prophane multitude , under a diocesian prelate a Church , and to deny , that a company of faithfull believers is a Church . 2. God hath not tied his power or presence to any order , or office of the world , but accepteth of them that feare him , and worke Righteousnes . 3. A power to enjoy the officers is seated in the body , as an essentiall property . 4. Th● Lord calleth the body of the Saints the Church , excluding the Elders Acts 20. 17. 28. 1 Tim. 3. 15. because the Church is essentially in the saints , as the matter and subject formed by the covenant , unto the which the Officers are but adjuncts , not making for the being , but for the welbeing of the Church , and so the furtherance of their faith and their service . Answ. A profane multitude under a diocesian prelate , is not a Church mysticall of redemed ones , as a company of Believers are , but professing the truth and consisting of a flock of called Officers , they may wel be a Ministeriall Church , which foure Believers cannot be . It is true God hath not tied his power and presence to any order or office , as Anabaptists say : and so speaketh the Catech. of Raccovia a and Smalcius b and Nicolaides c say , there is no necessity of a Ministery , after that the Evangel i● preached by the Apostles and confirmed by miracles : and that a Ministery is onely profitable ad benè esse , and not necessary ; The Arminians teach so , the d Remonstrantes , praedicationem verbi ad id simplicitèr necessariam negant : quid clarius ? So e Eipscopius , pastoris actio non tam necessaria est quam utilis ad edificationem , postquam Scriptura omnibus & singulis legenda data est , ut ex ca suopte Marte discat quisque quantum satis est . But Paul maketh it in the ordinary way , necessary for salvation to believe , * to call on the Name of the Lord , and to heare a Prophet sent ; and the presence and power of God in the Seales of Righteousnes , is tyed to lawfull Pastors , who onely can administrate those Seales , Mat. 28. 19. as to meanes ordained of God , not as if God could not save without them , and accept the righteous doers without them , but see how this man would beare us in hand , that the comfort of pastorall preaching and the Sacraments cannot be tyed to called Ministers , exccept we call God an accepter of persons , which is denied , Acts 10 ? I believed Teachers and Doctors and Elders , had beene the Eyes , Eares and Hands , and so integrall parts of the visible Church , as Christ is the head of the catholick church . And this man maketh integrall parts adjunctes of the church , thereby declaring Ministers may be well wanted , and that they are passements ad bene esse , and things of order . Never did Anabaptists speake louder against the Ordinances of Christ ; and Socinians and Arminians are obliged to him . Thirdly , the beleevers have right to the Officers , and this right is an essentiall property of the Church ; then also , because beleevers have right to the Keys , the Keyes are onely an adjunct of the visible Church , which our brethren must deny . 4. Acts 20. 17. 1 Tim. 3. 15. The Church excluding the Officers is ( saith Robinson ) called the Church , as the Elders of the Church , and Timothy was to behave himselfe well in the Church of God. This is answered ; they are first a mysticall Church , not a governing Church . Secondly , a man is called a man excluding his soule , ( if your soule were in my soules stead . ) Therefore a man is a thing living , and a reasonable man without his soule : what vanity is here ! Fifthly , if the Church-Covenant be the essentiall forme of the Church , it is as accider tall to the well being of beleevers , as Officers are ; for they are the light of the world , the salt of the earth , which is more necessary then a Church-Covenant . And Robinson saith a further , Two or three have received Christ , and his power and right to all the meanes of grace , and Christ and his power are not divided ; also the wife hath immediate right to her husbands person and goods for her use . Answ. Two or three ( yea one beleever ) and these not entred in Church-state , but beleeving in Christ , have received Christ and his power in all Christian priviledges due to that state : True ; They have received Christ and his power in all ministeriall and Church-priviledges , it is false ; nor can our brethren admit of this by their grounds : for then should they have right in their owne person to preach pastorally , and administrate the Sacraments ; if Christ and the pastorall power to such acts cannot be divided , and if they have as immediate right to use the keys in pastorall acts as the wife hath to the husband and goods . Also ( saith he ) b Of the Churches of the Gentiles , some were converted to God by Apostles , others by private Christians , Acts 8. 12. and 10. 36 , 44 , 47 , 48. and 11. 19 , 20 , 21. and 13. 1 , 12 , 48. and 14. 1 , 7. Can we in reason thinks , during the Apostles absence , that the Churches never assembled together for edification in praying , prophesying , and other ordinances ? were not all they converts , who desired to be admitted to their fellowship ? Had they not use of excommunication ? The Apostles came but occasionally to the Churches , where they appointed Elders , Acts 14. 25. Why did Paul leave Titus at Crete , save onely that men of gifts might be trained up in prophesying ? Answ. All here said is conjecturall , he cannot give us an instance of a Church exercising Church-power , and destitute of Officers , onely he saith , Can we conceive that in the Apostles absence there was no Church meetings for edification ? But were there no Elders and Officers in the Apostolike Church , but onely Apostles ? I thinke there have beene Pastors , and when the Apostles first left the planted Churches , can we conceive that they left new converted flockes without Pastors ? and if without Officers they met for prophecying , can wee conceive that they wanted the Seales of the Covenant ? certainly , Sacraments without Officers are no rules for us to follow . Secondly , of conversion by private persons , I purpose to speake hereafter ; if they preached , it is not ordinary , nor a rule to us . Thirdly , at Crete there have beene Preachers , but of government without them I see nothing ; since Elders Timothy and Titus are limitted in receiving accusation : against Elders , and are forbidden to lay hands suddenly on any man ; I see not how the people without Officers did this . It is good , that this Church that they give us , is all builded upon conjectures , and an unwritten Church is an unwritten tradition . If the Apostles appointed Elders in the Church for this end , to governe ; wee gather the contrary of your collections . Ergo , there was no government in the Churches before there were governours , for the end could not be existing in Gods wisdome without the meanes ; that watchmen should goe about the walls before the City bee walled , and discipline erected , I cannot conceive : without Officers , the ordinary disciplinators , the City of God can be no governing City . It is ( saith he ) strange where multitudes are converted ; and that where neither Apostles nor Officers were present , that there were no Churches here ; it is grosse to say . That in the Apostles times nothing was begun but by them . A. There was conversion of multitudes to the Lord ; Ergo , there was a Church-Covenant in stating them all in Church-State ; you cannot say it your selves . Secondly , it is not grosse , but Apostolike , that all new Acts of government should take their beginning from the Apostles , as the chusing of Matthias , Acts 1. the ordaining of Deacons , Acts 6. the preaching to the Gentiles , Acts 10. had their beginning from the Apostles , who founded and planted Churches . 3. Quest. Whether or not ordination of Elders may be by the Church of beleevers wanting all Elders or Officers . Here these particulars must be discussed ; first , from whence is ordination of Elders from Elders or from the people . Secondly , if election by the people be all that is requisite in a lawfull calling . Thirdly , the argument from the calling of our reformers must be discussed . For the first , observe the following considerations : First , A succession in the Church is necessary ordinarily ; extraordinarily , and in cases of necessity it may be wanting . Secondly , we deny the popish succession to be a note of the Church , nor doe we in any sort contend for it . First , because a right succession must be a succession to truth of Doctrine , not personall or totall to the chaire and naked office . So a Tertullian , and falshood may succeed to truth , sicknesse to health , as b Nazianzen . Yea , as c Occam saith , Laymen and Teachers extraordinarily raised up , may succeed to hereticall Pastors . Secondly , there is succession to the errors of preceding teachers , either materiall without pertinacie , holding what they hold ; or formall to the same errors , with hatred of the truth and pertinacie ; the latter we reject , the former may be in lawfully called Pastors . See what Beza d saith of this . Neither will we here go from true succession , whereas e Ireneus saith , men , Cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis acceperunt . And as f Augustine , when they doe prove themselves to be the Church onely by Scriptures , non nisi caenonic is libris . Thirdly , we deny not but Asia , Africa , Egypt , and a great part of Europe heard not a word of Christ for a long time , as Binnius g observeth in the h La●eran Councell . And succession was interrupted many ages in the world , saith i Prosper and k Augustine . Nor can l Bellarmine deny it . 3. We desire that more may be seene of this also in m 〈◊〉 , n Cyprian , o Augustine . And a great Iesuit p Suariz in words passeth from this note . The Epistles of A●acletus to all ingenious men , except to such as Stapleton , are counterfeit ; and the Greeke Church hath as much of th●s as the Roman , and more . Antiochia , Alexandria , and Constantinople , may say more for it also . 3 Distinct. It is one thing to receive ordination from a P●●lat● lawfully and another thing to receive lawfull ordination . The former w● deny ; Ministers si●ne who receive ordination from a Pr●late , as they sinne , who receive baptisme from the Romish Church ; yet is the ordination lawfull and valid , because Prelacy , though different in nature from the office of a true Pastor , is consistent in the same subject with the Pastors office . 4. Distinct. Though election by the people may make a minister in some cases , yet it is not the essentiall cause of a called Pastor , as a Rose caused to grow in winter by art is of that same nature with aR●se produced by nature in summer , though the manner of production be different . So are they both true Pastors , those who have no call ba● the peoples election , and those who have ordination by Pastors . 5. Distinct. The substance and essence of ordination ( as we sh●● after heare ) consisteth in the appointing of such for the holy ministery by persons in office . All the corrupt rites added to this by Papists , take not away the essence and nature of ordination . For the Greeke Church , even this day at Rome , receiveth ordination by imposition of hands , & not by the reaching a cup and a platter , and that with the Popes good will. Whereas the Lati● Church have far other Ceremonies following the decree of E●ginius the fourth , and the common way of Rome , approved by q Innocentius the third , and yet they grant both wayes of ordinations lawfull ; because as r Bellarmine , s Uasq●● t Joan. de Lugo the Popes Professor this day at Rome saith , These are but accidents of ordination ; and because ( say they ) Christ ordained that this Sacrament should be given by some materiall signe , but whether by imposition of hands , or otherwise , he hath not determined in individuo ( particularly : ) see for this , Peter Arcudius his reconciliation of the Easterne and VVe●erne Church u in the Councell of Florence . x The Greek Church is not blamed , though imposition of hands be commanded in b the Councell or Carthage . See that variations may be in a Sacrament , and yet such as make not the Sacrament invalid , in c Sotus d Suarez , e Vasquez , f Ioan. de Lugo , g Scotus . But since h Robinson granteth , that the Baptisme of the Romish Church is not to be repeated , ordination of Pastors is of that same nature , and must stand valid also . Hence our first conclusion . In cases of necessity , election by the people onely may stand for ordination , where there be no Pastors at all . This is proved before by us ; i first , because God is not necessarily tied to succession of Pastors . Secondly , because where men are gifted for the worke of the ministery , and there be no Pastors to be had , the giving of the holy Ghost is a signe of a calling of God , who is not wanting to his owne gracious intention , though ordinary meanes faile . And see for this that learned Voetius k Nor do we thinke that we are in this straited , as the Papist Iansenius l in that place saith , That wee must wait for an immediate calling from Heaven , as also m Robinson saith . 2. Conclus . Thence may well be deduced that they are lawfull Pastors , and need not a calling revealed , who , in cases of extraordinary necessity , are onely chosen by the people , and not ordained by Pastors ; and that Pastors ordained by Pastors , as such , are Pastors of the same nature ; as Matthias called by the Church , and Paul immediately called from Heaven , had one and the same office by nature . 3. Conclus , The established and setled order of calling of Pastors , is by succession of Pastors to Pastors , and Elders by Elders , 1 Tim. 5. 22. Lay hands suddenly on no man. 2 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect not the gift which was given to thee by proph●cie , with the laying on of the hands of the Elders . Secondly , the practice of the Apostles is our safe rule , because at all ordination of Church-officers the Apostles and Pastors were actors and ordainers , as Acts 1. 15 , 16. Acts 6. 2. 3. Acts. 14. 23. 1 Cor. 3. 6. Tit. 1. 5. and this a Robinson granteth , because the charge of all the Churches did lie on the Apostles . As also before the Law , the people did not ordaine the Priest hood , but God ordained the first borne by succession to be teachers and priests ; b and after he chose the Tribe of Levi , without consent of the people , though the Princes and heads of Tribes said hands upon them . And also God of sundry other Tribes raised up Prophets , and did immediately call them , they had onely of the people not the calling , bu●●●t the least the silent approbation of the faithfull amongst the people . Christ comming in the flesh chose twelve Apostles not knowing either the governing Church or the people ; at length , when the Apostles established a Church-government , and a Pastor to a certaine flocke , they ordained that the ch●sing of the man should be with consen of the people , and beg●n this in Ma●thias , then the seven Deacons , then Acts 14. 23. Elders were chosen by lasting up of the peoples hands . But that persons were ordained Pastors and sanctified , and set apart for the worke of the ministery , by the authority of the sole multititude , and that without all Officers , we never read . And the laying on of the hands we see not in the New Testament ; we shall be d●si●ous to be informed of this by our deare brethren , and intreat them in the feare of the Lord to consider of an unwritten calling of a Ministery . Thirdly , if ordination of Pastors bee laid downe in the Apostolike Canons to Officers , as Officers , then is not this a charge that doth agree to the people , especially wanting Officers . But the former is true ; Ergo , so is the latter . I prove the proposition : What is charged upon Officers as Officers cannot be the charge of the people , because the people are not Officers . I prove the assumption , because 2 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. To commit to faithfull men the things of the Gospell , which Timothy heard Paul preach , is a charge laid on Timothy in the very tearms , that he is vers . 4. not to intangle himselfe with the affairs of this life , but to be separated for preaching the Gospell , from all worldly imployment ; as a Souldier sworne to hi● Captaine , can attend no other calling , vers . 5. and as he is to put other Pastors in minde of these things , and to charge them that they strite not about words ; and as he is to be an approved workman , dividing the word aright , vers . 14. 15. But these are laid upon Timothy as a Pastor . So 1 Tim. 5. as he sheweth the honour and reward due to Elders , so doth he charge Timothy not to heare accusations of Elders , but upon two or three witnesses testimony , which is the part of Church-Iudges ; even as hee is to rebuke sinne publikely , that others may feare , vers . 19 , 20. So according to that same office , must imposition of hands be conserred upon Pastors advisedly , vers . 22. As the Apostle commandeth all beleevers to lay hands suddenly on no man. Also Paul would have said , I left a Church of beleevers at Crete to appoint Elders in every City ; if it be the Churches part , even though destitute of Elders to appoint Elders over themselves , but by what po●er Titus was to rebuke sharpely the Cretians , that they may be found in the saith , by that power was he left at Crete to appoint Elders in every City ; but this is an officiall power , Titus 1. 13. due to Bishops , as a part of their qualification , vers . 9. 4. Argu. The speciall reason against ordination of Elders , by Elders onely , is weake ; and that is , a succession of Pastors must be granted ever since the Apostles times , which is ( say ourbrethren ) Popish . This reason is weak , because a succession of Elders and Pastors , such as we require , is no more popish then a succession of visible beleevers ; and visible Churches ordaining Pastors , is popish : but our brethren maintaine a succession of beleevers and visible prosessors since the Apostles daye . Secondly , we deny the necessity of a succession perpetuall , which papists hold . Thirdly , we maintaine onely a succession to the true and Apostolike Doctrine : papists hold a visible Cathedrall succession to the chaire of Rome , and titular office of Peter . 4. Quest. Whether or not our brethren doe prove that the Church of believers have power to ordaine Pastors ? In answering our brethrens reasons ; I first returne to our Author ; secondly , I obviate what our brethren say in the answer to a the Questions sent from old England ; and thirdly , shall answer Robinsons arguments . Our b Author saith , Beleevers have power to lay hands on their Officers , because to them Christ gave the keyes ; that is , the ministeriall power of binding and loosing , Matth. 16. 16 , 17 , 18. and Acts 1. The voices of the people went as farre as any humane suffrages could goe , of an hundred and twenty they chose two . And Acts 14. 23. The Apostles ordained Elders by the lifting up of the hands of the people . Acts 6. They are directed to looke out and chuse seven men to be Deacons . And the ancient Church did so from Cyprians words , c Vlebs vel maxime potestatem habet , vel dign●s sacerdotes eligendi , vel indignos recusandi . Answ. The places Math. 16. and 18. give , to some power ministeriall to bind and loose , open and shue , by preaching the Gospell , and administring the Sacraments , as to stewards the Keyes of an house are given : but this power is given to Elders o●ely , by evidence of the place , and exposition of all Divines . 2. If the ministeriall power and the warrantable exercise thereof , be given to all ; then are all Ministers ; for the faculty and exercise doth denominate the subject and agent ; but that is false by d Scripture . 2. That all the hundred and twenty did ordain● Matthias an Apostle , Act. 1. is not said , they did nominate and present him . 2. they did choose him . But authoritative separation for the Office was Christs and his Apostles worke . 3. That women , and Mary the mother of Iesus , v. 14. being there , had voice , and exercised authority in ordaining an Apostle cannot be orderly . Yea the Apostles names are se● downe , and these words , V. 23. and they appointed two , are relative to v. 17. these words , For he was numbred with us the Apostles , and to these V. 21. Wherefore of these men which have companied with us , &c. and to these v. 22. must one be ordained to be witnesse with us of his resurrestion , and they appointed two , that is , the Apostles ; and the rest are set downe as witnesses , v. 14. These continued , that is the Apostles , with the women , and Mary the mother of Iesus , &c. The women and others were onely consenters . 3. Here is no probation , that onely a company of believers wanting Pastors are ordainers of Matthias to the Apostleship , and this is the question . 4. The place Act. 14. 23. proveth that Elders appoint or ordaine Elder . with consent , or lifting up of the hands of the people , which is our very doctrine . 5. Act. 6 ▪ The multitude are directed to choose out seven men , as being best acquainted with them . Yet if Nicholas , the sect master of the fleshly Nicolaitans was one of them ; it is likely they were not satisfied in conscience of the regeneration of Nicholas , by hearing his spirituall conference and his gift of praying , which is your way of trying Church-members . But 2. they looke out seven men . 2. They choose the● . But v. 6. The Apostles prayed , and laid their hands on them ( which we call ordination ) and not the multitude . 6. Cyprian give●● election of Priests to the multitude , but neither Cyprian , nor any of the Fathers give ordination to them . Author Sect. 7. If the people have power to elect a King , they have power to appoint one is their name to put the crown on his head . Ergo , if beleevers elect their Officers they may by themselves or some others lay hands on them and ordaine them . Ans. The case is not alike , the power of electing a King is naturall , for Ants and Locusts have it , Prov 30 25 , 16 , 27. Therefore a civill Society may choose and ordaine a King. The power of choosing Officers is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a supernaturall gift . And because God giveth to people one supernaturall gift , it is not consequent that he should give them another , also beside ordination is another thing , then coronation of a King. Presbyters in the Word have alwaies performed ordination . Neither will it hence follow ( saith the Authour ) as some object that because the Church of believers neither make the Office nor authority of Pastors , that both are immediately from Christ , and that therefore the beleevers may not lay hands upon the Officers ; nor doth it follow , because they receive ordination from the Church , that therefore they should execute their Office in the Churches name ; or that they should be more or lesse diligent at the Churches appointment , or that the Church of beleevers have a Lordly power over them , or that the Elders must receive their commission from the Church , as an Ambassadour doth from the Prince who sent him , or that the Church in the defect of Officers may performe all duties proper to Officers , as to administer the Sacraments . For 1. most of the objections doe strike as much against imposition of hands by Bishops and Presbyters . 2. Though Officers receive the application of their office and powerly the Church , yet not from the Church ; and if from the Church , yet not from her by any Lordly power and dominion , but onely ministerially as from instruments under Christ , so that they cannot choose or ordaine whom they please , but onely him whom they see the Lord hath fitted and prepared for them ; nor can they prescribe limits to his Office , nor give him his Embassage , but onely a charge to looke to the Ministery that he hath received of the Lord. Ans. 1. I know none of ours who use such an Argument , that because a Pasters or Elders Office is from Christ , that therefore the Church cannot ordaine him . For it should prove that the Presbyterie cannot ordaine him a Pastor , because his Office is from Christ and not from the Presbyterie . It would prove also , that because the Office of a Judge is from God , that the free States of a Kingdome could not ordaine one to be their King ; or that the King could not depute Judges under him , because the Office of a King and Judge is from God , and not from men . 2. If Elders have their Ordination to that heavenly Charge from the people , as from the first principall and onely subject of all ministeriall power , I see not how it doth not follow , that Elders are the servants of the Church in that respect ; and that though it doth not follow , that they come out in the name of the Church , but in the name of Christ , whose Ambassadours they are , yet it proveth well that they are inferiour to the Church of beleevers . For 1. though the power of the Keys given to beleevers in relation to Christ be ministeriall , yet in relation to the Officers whom the Church sendeth , it is more then ministeriail , at lest it is very Lordlike . For as much of this ministeriall power is committed to the Church of possibly twenty or forty beleevers , as to the Mistresse , Lady , Spouse , and independent Queen , and highest dispencer of all ministeriall power ; and the Elders , though Ambassadours of Christ , are but meere accidents or ornaments of the Church , necessary ad benè esse onely , and lyable to exauthoration at the Churches pleasure ; yea , every way the Officers in jurisdiction are inferiour to the Church of beleevers , by your grounds , and not over the people of the Lord. For if the Church of believers , as they are such , be the most supreame governing Church , then the Officers , as Officers , have no power of government at all , but onely so farre as they are beleevers ; now if they be not believers ( as it falleth out very often ) then have they no power of the Keyes at all , and what they doe , they doe it meerely as the Churches servants , to whom the Keyes are not given marriage-waies , or by right of redemption in Christs blood : yea , Officers as they are such , are neither the Spouse , not redeemed Church , yea nor any part , or members of the redeemed Church . 2. The Church of believers are the ●od , the Officers meanes leading to the end , and ordained to gather the Saints ; if therefore , as the end , they shall authoritatively send Officers , they should call and ordaine Officers as the States of a Kingdome , with more then a power ministeriall ; Yea with a Kingly power , for all authority should be both formally and eminently in them , as all Regall or Aristocraticall power is in the States of a Kingdom , as in the fountaine . But neither doe we bring this argument to prove a simple Dominion of the Church of believers over the Officers , or a power of regulating , limiting , and ordering the Ambassage of Officers , as King and State lay bands upon their Ambassadours ; but we bring it to prove that this doctrine degradeth the Officers from all power of government above the believers , and putteth them in a state of ministeriall authority under these , above whom Jesus Christ hath placed them , contrary to a Scripture . 3. The Authour saith , believers may not administer the Sacraments in the defect of Pastors , because that , by appointment of Christ , belongeth onely to such as by Office are called to preach the Gospell , Math. 28. 29. which is indeed well said ; but I desire to be satisfied in these . 1. These places Math. 28. 29. Mar. 16. 14 , 15. Luke 24. 28. being all one with Math. 16. 17. and Joh. 20. 21 , 22 , 23. The Keyes of the Kingdome are given to Church-officers because of their Office. So the Text is cleare , and so the ancients have taught , as Tertullian , Irenaeus , Origen , Cyrill . Theophylact. Oecum●nius ▪ Clemens Alexandrin ▪ Iustin Martyr , Chrysost. August . Hilarius , Ambrose , Basil. Epiphanius , Ierome , Eusebius , Cyprian , Damascen , Beda , Anselme , Bernard . So our Divines , Calvin , Luther , Beza , Martyr , Iunius , Bullinger , Gualt●r , Daneus , Ti●enus , Bucanus , Trelcatius , Piscator , Pareus , Tossanus , Polanus , Decolampadius , Bucer , Hipperius , Viret , Zuinglius , Fennerus , Whittakerus , Feildus , Reynoldus , Anto. Wallaeus , Profess . Leydens . Magdeburgersis , Melanthon , Chemnitius , Hemingius , Aretius . Then the Keyes be given to Church-officers , because they are Officers , and Stewards of the Kingdome . And you will have the Keyes to be given to believers as believers , and as the Spouse of Christ. Now Elders and believers may be opposed , as believers and no believers , as the Church of the redeemed , and not the Church of the redeemed , but the accidents onely of that Church ; as you teach , and as the Spouse of Christ and his body , and not the Spouse nor his body . I see not by our brethrens doctrine that Officers as Officers have any right title or warrant to the Keyes , or to any use of them , seeing they are given to believers as believers , and as Christs body and Spouse . 2. The place Matth. 28. 19. is against you ; for you say , that Pastorall preaching and administration of the Seales are given onely to such as are Preachers by office . Now the converting of infidels and other unbelievers , to make them fit materials of a visible Church , is not ( as you say ) the charge proper to Pastors as Pastors , and by vertue of their Pastorall charge , as baptizing ; by this place is their proper charge , because Pastors as Pastors convert none at all , nor can they as Pastors exercise any pastorall acts toward the un-converted ; the un-converted by your way are under no Pastorall charge , but converted by Prophets , not in Office ; Pastors as Pastors exercise all pastorall acts toward these onely who are members of a visible Church , as toward these onely who have professed by oath subjection to their ministery , ad are partakers of the precious faith , and are the sonnes and daughters of the Lord God Almighty . So you teach . So by this Text , Pastors as Pastors cannot convert infidels , and we desire a warrant from Gods Word for the pastorall acts in converting soule● ; yea , seeing by this place persons out of office onely doe convert soules by your doctrine , with all reason persons out of place should baptize , for teaching and baptizing here , and by your owne doctrine are of a like extent . See to this , and satisfie us in this point of such consequence as everteth the ministery of the New Testament , which we believe our brethren intend not , being so direct Anabaptatisme and Socinianisme , points that , we know , our deare brethren doe not love or affect . The Author addeth , He who said to the Apostles , Whose sinnes ye retaine they are retained , and whose sinnes ye remit they are remitted , Joh. 20. 23. He also said to the Church , Whatsoever ye bi●● on earth shall be bound in Heaven . Math. 18. 18. Which is a Commission of the same power , and to the same ●ffect ; and so the Apostles and the Churches both received the same power immediately from Christ : and therefore though the Church presented their Officers chosen by themselves to receive ordination from the Apostles , 〈◊〉 now when the Apostles are ceased , and no other successors left in t●●● roome from whom their officers might receive ordination , but fr●● the Presbyterie of their owne Churches ; where such a Presbytery is yet wanting , and is now to be erected , the Church hath full power to give ordination to them themselves , by the imposition of their hands . Answ. If the Reverend Authour had framed an Argument here , it should have been thus : Those who have received immediately from God a Commission of the same power , and to the same effect , by the Text Math. 18. 18. Which the Apostles of our Lord received by the Text , Joh. 20. 23. These may doe what the Apostles did in ordaining of Elders , seeing they are the successors of the Apostles , where there be no Elders . But the Church of believers received the same Commission , Matth. 18. 18. which the Apostle did Joh. 20. 23. and where Edders are wanting in the Church , the Church of believers is their successors . Erge . &c. First , the assumption is false ; for if the Church receive the same Commission Math. 28. The Apostles received Joh. 20. and you must adde Math. 28. 19. for the same Commission is given to the Apostles , Math. 28. 19. which is given Joh. 20. 23. But the Disciples received Commission , Ioh. 20. and Math. 28. of Pastorall binding and loosing , and preaching , by vertue of their Office ; and to administer the Sacraments in their owne persons , as you grant : therefore the Church of believers received commission from Christ ( where Presbyters are not ) to preach by vertue of an Office , and administer the Sacraments in their owne persons . Ergo , the Church of believers may , where there is no Presbytery , preach by verue of an Office , and administer the Sacraments . You will happily say , there is no such necessity of baptizing as of ordination of Ministers , and baptizing is incommunicable , because we read not that any in the Apostolique Church baptized , but Pastors . I answer , there is , in an extraordinary necessity where there are no Presbyters at all , as little necessity of ordination if there be Presbyters in other Congregations to ordaine ▪ And since you never read that any in the Apostolique Church ordained Pastors , but Pastors onely ; why , but we may have recourse to a Presbytery of other Congregations for ordination , as well as for baptizing ; for it is petitio principii , a begging of the question , to say that baptizing is proper to Pastors , but ordination is not so . yea but ordination by precept & practice is never given but to Pastors , and Elders in consociation 1 Tin. 4 14 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 1. 6. 2 Tim. 2. 2 , 3. Tit. 1. 5. Act. 6. 6. Act. 13. 3 Act. 14 23. 2. There is good reason why Pastors should be successours of the Apostles in the act of ordaining Pastors ; & you grant , where Pastors and Elders are , they succeed to the Apostles in the acts of ordination ; but that all believers men and women should be the Apostles successours to ordaine Pastors , is a rare and unknowne case of Divinity , for 1 Cor. 12. 29. Are all Apostles ? are all Prophets ? Yea , not long agoe you said that Act. 1. an hundred and twenty , amongst whom there were women , had all hand in the ordination of Matthias to be an Apostle ; so that beleevers by you are made the Apostles successours ; and more , yea even co-ordainers , and joynt-layers on of hands with the Apostles . Yea , if believers received immediately this same Commission from Christ , Math. 18. which the Apostles received Ioh. 20. Believers are to ordaine Pastors no lesse , when the Presbytery and Elders are present , then when they are absent ; yea , and rather then the Apostles , because the Church of beleevers their patent passed the Seales first , even before the Lords resurrection . 3. It is good you grant that ordination and election are different , we will make use of it hereafter . The Authour addeth , We willingly also acknowledge , where God hath furnished a Church with a Presbytery , to them it appertaineth by imposition of hands to ordaine Elders and Deacons chosen by the Church ; but if the Church want a Presbytery , they want a Warrant to repaire to other Churches to receive imposition of hands to their Elders . 1. Because ordination is a worke of Church power , now as Church hath power over another , so no Presbytery hath power over another Church then their owne ; All the Apostles received alike power , Ioh. 20. 23. 2 The power of the keyes is a liberty purchased by Christs blood , Math. 28. 8. Phil. 2. 8 , 9 10. Therefore it is unlawfull for any Church to put over that power into the hands of another . Answ. We desire a warrant from Gods Word , where Elders , where they are present , are to ordaine Elders by imposition of hands , and not believers ; for ordination is a worke of the Church ; Officers are not the Church , nor are they parts or members of the Church , but onely accidents ; the Church hath its full being , the power and use of the Keyes given to them by Math. 18. though there be not a Pastor or Officer among them ; and if Christ before his resurrection gave the Keyes to beleevers as to his Spouse , living body , and such as have Peters faith Math. 16. Resolve us , we beseech you brethren , in this , how Christ can give the Keyes after his resurrection , Ioh. 20. 23. to the Apostles as Pastors , and as no believers , not his Spouse , not his body ; for Officers , as Officers , are not the redeemed of God , nor Christs Spouse . If you say that Christ , Ioh. 20. gave the Keyes to his Disciples as beleevers , then he gave the power of baptizing after his resurrection also , by the parallel place Math. 28. 19. to the Apostles as to beleevers . Hence 1. Christ hath never given the Keyes to Officers as Officers . 2. The place Ioh. 20. is but a renewing of the Keyes given to the Church , Math. 16. and Math. 18. and all believers are sent and called to be Pastors , as the Father sent Christ , and as Christ sent his Apostles , as our Lord speaketh , John 20. 21. This I thinke all good men will abhorre , though M. Smith saith these words , and that power Iohn 20. 21. was given to Cleo●has and Mary Magdalen . And by your way , Paul ( as I thinke ) without warrant interdicted women of the use of that power , that Christ purchased by his blood . 3. There is no warrant of the Word to make good , that Christ gave the Keyes to Officers as Officers , by your way , but onely to Officers as to beleevers ; and therefore believers ought rather to ordaine Pastors then the Officers , though there be Officers to ordaine . 3. That Pastors of other Congregations may not ordaine Pastors to Congregations , who have no Pastors of their owne . as they may baptize infants to them also , we see no reason . Yea , and Church power is not a thing that cannot be communicated to another Church by your Doctrine , for ye grant members of one Congregation may receive the Lords Supper in another Congregation , except you deny all communion of sister Churches , for it is a worke of Church power to give the Lords Supper to any , then if you give that Sacrament to members of another Congregation ; consider if the liberty purchased by Christs Blood be not communicable to other Churches . Thirdly , ( saith he ) if one Church repaire to another Church for ordination , they may submit to another Church for censuring of offenders , now how can Churches censure these that are not members ? Is not this a transgression of the Royall Law of governement ? Mat. 18. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Answ. The offence being great , and the offender deserving to be cast out of all the visible congregations round about , yea and to be bound in Earth and Heaven , the congregation is to have recourse to all the congregations consociated , when they are convened in one presbytery ; that they , being convened in their principall members , may all cast him out , because it concerneth them all : as if onely one congregation doe it , they transgesse that royall Law , Quod omnes tangit , ab omnibus tractari debet . 2. The Author granteth , that the Church presented their officers chosen by them , to receive ordination from the Apostles ; Ergo , The Church did give a way their liberty of ordination , bought by Christs bloud , to the Apostles , not as to Apostles , but as to pastors : which is against our Brethrens Doctrine ; for except the Apostles bee said to ordaine Officers , as Pastors , and not as Apostles , our Brethren shall find none to be the successors of Apostles in the power of ordination , but onely Believers ; so Pastors have no power at all to ordaine Pastors , the contrary whereof our Brethren teach . Now I come to the Brethrens minde in their Questions . It was objected a How can it be lawfull for meere lay and private men to ordaine Elders ? they answer , the persons ordaining are the publick assembly , and so cannot , in any congruity of speech , be called meere Lay-men . I answ . Seeing they have no Church office , they can be nothing , but meere private men ; For the unwarrantable action of ordination maketh them not publick Officers . As if a Midwife baptize in the name of the Church , shee is not a meere private person . 2. They say , The Church hath power from Christ for the greater , to wit , for Election ; Ergo , she hath power to doe the lesse , which is ordination ; or ordination dependeth upon Election , and it is nothing but the putting of a person in actuall possession of that office , wherunto he had right by Election . Answ. Ordination , by your owne grant , is more then Election , for the Apostles ordained , Acts 6. and must have done the most , and the multitude elected the seaven Deac̄ons , Acts 6 2. Ordination is more then the installing of a person chosen , it is a supernaturall act of the Presbytery separating a man to an holy calling , election is posterior to it , and is but an appropriation of a called person his Ministery , to such a particular flock . 3. Say they ; Ordination may be performed by the Elders , where there be Elders , 1 Tim. 4. 14. yet it is an act of the whole Church , as the whole man seeth , but by the Eye . Answ. Though you say , Pastors in the Churches name baptize , yet doth it not follow ; Ergo , where Pastors are not , the Church of believers may baptize . 4. They object , when the Church hath no Officers , the prime grave m●n performe ordination ; as Nu● . 8 , The Israelites layd on Hands on the Levites , that is , some prime Man layd on hands . Answ. Israel wanted not Officers . 2. These prime Men are called the Congregation ; Ergo , there is a representative Church . 5. They object ; If B lievers may not ordaine , it shall follow either that Officers may minister without ordination , against the Sripture , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Heb. 6. 1. or , by vertue of ordination received in another Church , they might minister . Now if this be , we establish an i●d●l●ble character of Papists , but if being called to another Church , there be need of a new Election , then there is need of a new ordination , for that dependeth upon this ; Ergo , then ordination commeth by succession , but we see not what authority ordinary officers have to ordaine Pastors to a Church , whereof themselves are not members . Answ. 1. That ordination be wanting , where Ministers are wanting , is extraordinary , and not against , 1 Tim. 4 14. No more then that one not baptized for want of a Pastor should yet believe in Christ. 2. We see no indeleble Character , because a Pastor is alwayes a called Pastor ; if the man commit scandals , the Church may call all his character from him , and turne him into a meere private man. But to renew ordination , when election to another congregation is renewed , is to speake ignorantly of ordination and election : for election maketh not the man a Minister , nor giveth him a calling , but appropriateth his Ministery to such a flock . But they speake of Election to a charge as of marriage , which is not well understood , for by marriage a man is both made a Husband , and a Husband to this Wife onely : by election a Pastor is not made a Pastor , by ordination he is made a Pastor of the Church Universall , though hee be not made an Universall Pastor . 3. The ordination by succession of Pastors , where Pastors are , you hold your selves . But a popish personall succession , wee disclaime , as well as you doe : The 5. Objection I omit to another time . The 6. * Objection is ; If there be a magistrate before , the succeeding magistrate receiveth keys or ( word from the preceding magistrate : but if there be none , he receiveth them from the people . So here . Answ. Christs calling is not ordered according to the patterne of civill governments , his kingdome is not of this world . People may both ordaine and elect to a civill office , without consent of the preceding Magistrate . But we reade of no officers ordained by the people , only in an ordinary way . Ordination ( say they ) is not of such eminency as is conceived , it is not mentioned in the Apostles first commission , Mat. 28 , 19. Marke 16. 15 , 16. The Apostles accompted preaching and praying principall . So a Perkins b VVillet c VVhittaker , d Amesius . Answ. So answer Arminians e and so doth the Socinian f Theol. Nicolaides , and g Socinus ; and so in your words saith h to reforme , but this is not to take away the necessity of ordination , by Pastors . I come now to answer , what Mr. Robinson doth adde , to what is said for the ordination of Pastors by Pastors , and not by single Believers , Mr. Robinson i saith , the question is , whether succession of Pastors be of such absolute necessity , as that no Minister can in any case be made but by a Minister , and if they must be ordained by popes , and prelates . Answ. But we say that this is no question at all , wee affirme ordination of pastors not to be of that absolute necessity , but in an exigence of necessity the election of the people , and some other thing , may supply the want of it . Nor doe wee thinke a calling from papists no calling , as we shall heare : before I proceed this must be discussed . Q. 5. UUhether Election of the people be essentiall to the calling of a Minister . ● . Election we are to consider , to whom it belongeth of right . 2. The force and influence thereof to make a Church-officer ; but let these considerations first be pondered . 1. Consid. Election is made either by a people gratious and able to discerne , or by a people rude and ignorant ; the former is valid , Jure & facto , the latter not so . 2. Consid. Election is either comparative or absolute ; when Election is comparative , though people have nothing possibly positively to say against a person , yet though they reject him and choose one si●ter , the Election is reasonable . 3. Consid. Peoples Election is not of a person to the Ministery as a VVi●is choyse of a man to be a Husband , but of a Minister ; Election doth not make a Minister . 4. Consid. Election is either to be looked to , quoad jus , or , quoad f●ctum . A people not yet called externally , cannot elect their own Minister , a Synod or others of charity ( as Reverend Junius a saith ) may chuse for them , though , de facto , and in respect of their case , they cannot chuse their own Pastor . 1. Conclus . The people have Gods right to chuse , for so the b word prescribeth . So c Tertullian , d Eyprian . Non blandiatur sibi plebs , quasi immunis à contagione delicti esse possit , cum sacerdote peccatore communicans & ad injustum atque illicitum propositi Episcopatum consensum s●um accommodans , &c. and d nefas sine consensu po●uli : and this Cyprian writ an hundreth yeeres before the Nicen Councell . Bellarmine lo●ed hi● face e to say this custome began in the time of the Nicon Councell . It was not a consuetude f Qu●d ipsum ( inquit Cyprianus ) videmus de Divina autoritate descender● ; g Ignatius , It is your part , as the Church of God to chuse the Pastor ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So speaketh hee to the people of Philadelphia ; and so speaketh h Ambrose to Valentinian , Omitto , quia jam ipse populus judicavit , i Origen : Requiritur ergo in ordinando sacerd te praesentia populi , &c. and his reason is Scripture , a pastor must be of good report . And k Chrysostome saith , all elections of pastors are null , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the conscience of the people . And the Councell of Nice did write this to the Bishops of Alexandria as l Theodoret saith , and the fi●st generall councell of Constantinople wrote the same to Daemasus , Ambrose , and others , as m Theodoret also sheweth n The councell of Africa is cited by Cyprian producing Scripture , as Acts 1. 23. Acts 6. to prove that the people had their consent in elections ; and o the councell of Chalcedon p the councell of Ancyron , and q of Laodicea ; and the Popes owne r Canons say this , s so Nicolaus the Pope in his Decrees saith , the Clergy and people did chuse the pope , Reliquus clerus & populus Romanus ad consensum nova electionis pontificis à Cardinalibus factae accedant . So t Gelasius the pope writeth to Philippus and Cernuti●● Bishops , so Stephanus ad Romanum u archiepiscopum Rav●●natensem , is cited in the glosse to that purpose ; in x the Epistles of Ivo Bishop of Chartres , we being called , by the will of God , the Cle●gy and people of such a City , and this Pope Ur●●● practised upon Ivo . 2. Conclus . But elections in the ancient Church were not by one single congregation , but by the Bishops of diverse other Churches . In the y councell of Sardis , Si unum tantùm in provincia contigerit remanere Episcopum , suporstes Episcopus con●●care debet Episcopos vicinae provinciae . & cum iis orainare sibi comprovincales Episcopos ; quod si id facero negligat , populus convocare debet Episcopos vicinae provinciae & peter● sibi rectorem . In the z councell of Toledo it was ordained , that the Bishop of Toledo might chuse in quibustibee Pr●vinciis , in any provinces about Bishops to be his successors , salvo privilegio unius●njusqu● provinciae . Cardinalls are forbidden to usurp to chuse a Bishop , if the see vace in the time of a generall Councell , this was enacted in the councell of * Constance and a Basil. The Abbot of Panormo saith , it was obtained of the councell of Carthage b to avoyde dissension , that they should transfer their right to the Cardinalls . So c Almain and d Gerson prove the equity of this by good reasons . That wicked councell of Trent , labouring to exalt the popes chaire , did abrogate these good acts to the offence of many , as the Author e of the review of the councell of Trent sheweth ; nor should good men stand for Leo his abrogation of what the councell of Basil did in this kinde , as may be seene in that wicked councell of Lateran f wherein much other wicked power is given to the pope and his Legates by Iulius III. and Paul the III. and Pius the IIII. and g Theodoret saith , all the Bishops of a Province ought to bee at the ordination of a Bishop . The ordination of the worthy , Ambrose , as hee h himselfe saith , was confirmed by all the Bishops of the East and West . Cornelius Bishop of Rome was confirmed by the Bishops of Africa . More of this may be seene in i Zonaras , In k Theodoret l the councell of Carthage and m Petrus a Navarre , who all witnes ordination of a Bishop was never done in the ancient Church by one single Congregation , and these destitute of pastors and Elders . The learned say , that Gregory the VII . or Hildebrand did first exclude the people from voycing in elections of pastors . Illiricus sayth onely from the time of Frederick the XI . about the yeare , 1300 they were excluded from this power . And though it were true , that the election of Alexander the III. was made 400 yeeres before that , by the Cardinalls onely , without the peoples consent , the Law and Logick both say ; from one fact no Law can be concluded . Yea the election of Gregory the VII . ( saith n Vasquez ) was five hundred yeeres before that , and like enough that such a monster and such a seditious head to the Lords annoynted to Henry the IIII , as this Gregory was , could violate Christs order . o Platina sayth so ; yet Bellarmine , Suarez and others grant , in the Apostles time it was so ; b●● because it was a positive Law ( some say ) and others that it was a Church constitution , not a divine Law , the Pope might change it . Yet the Jesuite Sanctius p in his comment proveth it from Scripture , q Azorius sayth , it should be common Law , communi jure , r Krantius layeth the blame of wronging the people in this , on Gregory the IX . yea s the councell of Bracare , the t second councell of Nice ; The councell of Constantinople . 4 called the eight generall Councell u the councell of * Laodicea are corruptly expounded by x Bellarmin . y V●squez and others : because . 1. They forbid onely disorder and confusion . 2. That all the multiude , without exceptionosage , gifts , or sexes , should come , and speak and voyce at the election . For in the councell of Antioch z it is expressely forbidden that the multitude should be debarred . And wee will not deny but a pastor may be sent to a Church of Infidels that knoweth nothing of Christ , without their knowledge , as a Ruffinu● sayth , that Frumentius was ordained Bishop to the Indians , they knowing nothing of it , Indis nihil scientibus neque cogitantibus . Epiphanius writeth to Iohn Bishop of Ierusalem , that hee had ordained Paulinianus a presbyter , the people not consenting . Gregorius ordained Augustine Bishop of England and sent him to them to teach them , Anglis nescientibus . And Gregorius II. ordained Bonifacius a Bishop to bee sent to Germany , Germanis nihil de eare cogitantibus . And thus b Perkins , if the Gospell should arise in America , where there were no Ministers , ordination might be wanting . And why not ( say I ) election also in another case , if as c Petrus Martyr sayth well ; a woman may be a Preacher of the Gospell ; Yea , and a Turke ( sayth d Zanchius ) converted by reading the New Testament , and converting others , may baptize them whom hee converteth , and be baptized where both ordination and election should be wanting : and this may answer what e Robinson saith for ordination by the people . Nor did the people first begin to have hand in election in f Tertullians time , as Bellarmine saith , nor yet that the people might love their Bishops , nor yet by meere custome . Conclus . III. It is false our g Brethren say , that the calling of a Minister consisteth principally and essentially in election of the people , for the Apostles were essentially pastors , yet not one of them , except Matthias was chosen by the people . 2. If , as our Brethren say , the peoples after acceptance may supply the want of Election at first , as Iacobs after consent to Leah made her his Wife , yet all the pastorall acts of Word , Sacraments , and censures going before the after consent shall be null , because he wanteth that which most principally and essentially is required in a calling . And all baptized by him must be rebaptized . And what if the people shall never assent , and it is ordinary that hypocrites in hearts will never consent to the Ministry of a gratious pastor , shall his acts of converting , and baptizing be no pastorall acts , and to the hypocrites no pastorall acts : and shall all be Infidels , who are baptized by him ? The people are not infallible in their choise , and may refuse a man for a pastor , whom God hath called to be a pastor ; election maketh not one a pastor , in foro Dei , then he shall be no pastor whom God hath made a Pastor , because people out of ignorance or prejudice consent not to his Ministery . Nor are we of Dr. Ames judgement , that the calling of a Minister doth essentially consist in the peoples election ; for his externall calling consisteth in the presbyters separation of a man for such a holy calling , as the Holy Ghost speaketh . Wee finde no Church-calling in all Gods Word of sole election of the people , and therefore it cannot be the essentiall forme of a right calling . All the arguments of Doctor Ames prove , that election is necessary to appropriate a made Minister to such a Congregation , but concludeth not the poyn . Qu. 5. From whence had Luther , Calvin , and our blessed Reformers their calling to the pastorall charge ? This question there is moved because of our Brethren , who thinke . 1. If ordination of pastors by pastors , be so necessary for an ordinary calling to the Ministery , and if Election of people be not sufficient , though they want pastors and Elders then Luther and our Reformers had no calling , for they were called by the Pope and his Clergy , for saith n Robinson when there be no 〈◊〉 Church-officers on Earth to give ordination , we must hold with Arrians , and expect new Apostles to give ordination ; neither can a true , pastor go and seek a calling from a false pastor . Hence observe carefully the following distinctions , to obviate both papists cavillations and our Brethrens doubts . 1. Distinct. That is . 1. Properly extraordinary , which is immediately from God , without any other intervening cause ; so Moses his calling , when God spake to him out of the Bush to goe to Pharaoh and command the letting goe of his people , was extraordinary , for , both the matter of the calling , and the persons designation to the charge was immediately from God Luthers calling this way was not extraordinary , because hee preached no new Gospell , nor by any immediate calling from God. 2. That is extraordinary which is contrary to the Law of of nature . Neither the calling of Luther nor of Hus and Wiccliff was extraordinary ; for , that any inlightened of God and members of the Catholick Church should teach , informe , o● helpe their fellow-members being seduced , and led by blind guides , is agreeable to the Law of nature ; but according to our Brethrens grounds Luthers calling here , was not onely extraordinary , but unlawfull and contrary to a Divine Law. For now when Apostles are ceased , Luher had no warrant ( if our Brethren say right ) no calling of God , to exercise pastorall acts of preaching , converting soules to Christ , and baptizing through many visible Churches & congregations , because that is ( say they ) Apostolick ; and no man now can bee a pastor , but in one fixed congregation whereof he is the elected pastor . 3. That is extraordinary , which is beside a Divine positi●● Law. So that one should be chosen a pastor in an Iland where there be no Elders nor pastors at all , and that the people onely give a calling , is extraordinary , and so it is not inconvenient tha● something extroardinary was in our reformers . 4. That is extraordinary , which is against the ordinary corruptions , wicked and superstitious formes of an ordinary caling : so , in this sense , Luher and our reformers calling was extraordinary . 2. Dist. A calling immediately from God , and a calling from God , some way extraordinary , are farre different . An immediate calling often requireth miracles to confirme it , especially the matter being new , yet not alwayes ; John Baptists calling was immediate , his Sacrament of Baptisme beside the positive order of Gods worship , yet hee wrought no miracles , but an extraordinary calling may be , where there is an immediate and ordinary revelation of Gods Will , and requireth not miracles at all . 3. Dist. Though ordinarily in any horologe the higher wheele should move the lower , yet it is not against ordinary art , that the hotologe be so made as inferiour wheeles may move without the motion of the superiour . Though by ordinary dispensation of Gods standing Law , the Church convened in a Synod should have turned about Hus , Wicliff , Luther , to regular motions in orthodox Divinity ; yet it was not altogether extraordinary , that these men moved the higher wheeles , and laboured to reforme them . Cyprian urged Reformation , Aurelius Bishop of Carthage , Augustin and the African Bishops did the like , the Bishop of Rome ●epining thereat It is somewhat extraordinary that Reformation should begin at Schollers , and not at principall Masters . 4. Dist. A calling may be expresly and formally corrupt , in respect of the particular intention of the ordainers , and of the particular Church , ex intentione ordinanris & operantis . Thus Luthers calling to bee a Monke was a corrupt calling , and eatenus , and in that respect hee could not give a calling to others . But that some calling may be implicitely and virtually good and lawfull in respect of the intention of the Catholick Church and ex inte●tione op●ris & ipsius ordinationis , he was called ●o preach the Word of God. 5. Dist. Luthers Oath to preach the Gospell did oblige him as a pastor , this is his calling according to the substance of his Office , and is valid ; but his Oath to preach the Roman Faith intended by the exacters of the Oath was eatenus , in so far ▪ unlawfull , and did not oblige him . Even a Wife married to a Turke , and swearing to bee a helper to her Husband in promoving the worship of the Mahomet , or being a papist is ingaged in an Oath to promote Romish Religion ; if shee bee converted to the true Faith of Christ , needeth not to be married de novo , but remaineth a married Wife ; but is not obliged by that unjust Oath to promove these false Religions , though the marriage Oath , according to the substance of marriage duties , tieth her . 6. Dist. A pastor may , and ought to have a pastorall care of the Catholick Church , as the hand careth for the whole body , and yet neither Luther nor Zuinglius are universall pastors , as were the Apostles . For they had usurped no power of Governing and Teaching all Churches : though , I professe , I see no inconvenience to say that Luther was extraordinarily called by God , to goe to many Churches , to others then to Wittenberg , where hee had one particular charge , yea even through Germany and the Churches of Saxony , and Zuinglius through the Helvetian and Westerne Churches , which yet doth not make them essentially Apostles , because . 1. They were not witnesses of Christs Death , and Resurrection , which as a new Doctrine to the World , as Apostles , they behoved to preach , Acts 1. v. 22. They only revealed the old truth borne downe by an universall Apostacy . 2. Because they were not immediately called , nor gifted with diverse Tongues . And the like I may say of Athanasius , for men in an extraordinary apostacy to goe somewhat farther then to that which a particular Church calleth them to , is not formally apostolick , yet lawfull . 7. A calling to the Ministery is either such as wanteth the essentialls , as gifts in any messenger , and the Churches consen● , or these who occupy the roome of the Church , the Church consen●ing , such a Minister is to bee reputed for no Minister . Or. 2. An entry to a calling , or a calling , where diverse of the Apostles requisites are wanting , may bee a valid calling , as if one enter as Caiphas who entered by favour and money , and contrary to the Law was High-Priest but for a yeer : ●yet was a true High-Priest , and prophecied as the High-priest . 8. If the Church approve by silence , or countenance the Ministery of a man who opened the Church doore to himselfe , by a silver key , having given the prelate a bud . The ordinance of God is conferred upon him , and his calling ceaseth not to be Gods calling , because of the sins of the instruments both taking and giving . 9. Though Luther was immediately called by Men An. 1508. by the Church of VVittenberg as may be seene a in his writings as Gerard b sheweth , and the Jesuit Becanus c saith , hee was called and ordained a Presbyter , and so had power to preach and administer the Sacraments , yet that hindereth not that his calling was ●●t from the Church , whereof hee was a member , that is from the Roman Church , and from God , and that his calling to cast downe Babylon was not from the Church of Rome : and his gifts being extraordinary . 2. His Spirit heroick and supernaturally couragious , and so extraordinary . 3. His Faith in his Doctrine greate , that hee should so bee blessed with successe in his Ministery extraordinary , his calling in these considerations may well bee called extraordinary , though not immediate or apostolick . 10. Then wee may well acknowledge a middle calling betwixt an ordinary and every way immediate calling , and an extraordinary and immediate calling , for the calling of Luther was neither the one , nor the other , in proper sense , but a middle betwixt two ; and yet not an immediate calling . See d Sadaecl and e 〈◊〉 . 11. The question , if such a pastor bee called lawfully , is a question of Fact not a question of Law ; as this , if such an one be baptized and there be an invincible ignorance in a question of Fact which excuseth . And therefore wee may heare a gifted pastor taken and supposed by the Church , to have the Churches calling , though indeed he received no calling from the Church , at his entry . 1. Conelus . To shew that our Church was a visible Church before Luther arose , and that our Reformers were lawfully called o● God , and h● Church , is a question of Fact : and cannot be proved by the Word of God. Because the Word of God is not a Chronicle of these who were the true Church and truly called to the Ministery since the Apostles departed this life . 2. Because these must be proved by Sense , and the Testimony of humane writtings , who can erre . 2. C●nclus . Yet may it be gathered from humane writers , that the visible Church of Protestants this day , hath beene since the Apostles dayes . I meane the determinate persons may be knowen by humane reasons and signes ; as . 1. If Orthodox Doctors are knowen to have lived in all ages since the Apostles it is likely that there was a visible Church , which approved of these Doctors ; and if we teach that same Doctrine in substance , that these Doctors did , then hath our Church , this determinate Church , beene since the Apostles time . But Orthodox Doctors are knowen to have lived in all ●ges as men of approved learning and soundnesse in the Faith ; Ergo , our present Church visible hath continued since the Apostles time . The proposition is probable , for these Fathers would not be so renowned , if the Church about thē had not approved their Doctri● . It is probable ( I say ) because the writters against them have beene suppressed , false Teachers have beeve spoken of and renowned , and true Prophets ill reported of , Mat. 5. 11 , 12. I prove the assumption ; for there lived in the first age , Iohn the Baptist , the Apostles , and Polycarpus , the Scholler of Iohn ( as they say ) and Ignatius . And in the 2. age , Iustinus , Clemens Alexandrinus , Ireneus , Melito Sardensis , Theophilus . In the 3. age Tertullian , Cyprian , Dyonisius , Alexandrin , Methodi●s , Origen ; It is likely they opposed purgatory , prayer for the dead , reliques and the Popes supremacy , which in their seede did arise in this age . In the 4. age were Eusebius Caesariensis , Basilius , Athanasius , Magnus Gregorius , Nissenus , Nazian . Macarius , Cyrillus Bishop of Jerusalem , Arnobius , Lactantius , Ep●phanius , Optatus Melivitanus , Hilarius , Ambrose , Prudentius , Hieronymus , Ammonius , Ephrem , Faeustinus . I thinke they opposed the infallibility of councells , invocation of Saints , and the monastick life springing up in this age . In the 5. age were Anastasius , Chrysostome , Augustine , Alexandrinus , Theodoretus , Leo , Socrates , Vigilianus , Cassianus , Prosper , Elutherius , Marcus eremita , Marius Victorius . Wee conceive these opposed the corrupt Doctrine anent freewill , sinne originall , justification by works , mens merits . In the 6. age were Fulgentius , Cassiadorus , Fortunatus , Olympiodorus , Gregorius Mag●●s , Max●ntius ; These opposed the heresies of this age , as the Doctrine of worshipping Images , Indulgences , Satisfactions , Crossing , Pilgrimages , Service in an unknowen Tongue , Offerings for the dead , worshipping of Reliques of Saints , necessity absolute of Baptisme , the making the Sacrament a Sacrifice for the dead . In the 7. age being a time of Darknesse very few , Isiodorus , and few others , here the holiest opposed the Popes stile and place of being universall Bishop , and the abominable Sacrifice of the Masse . In the 8. arose Beda , Paulus Diaconus , Joann , Damascen , a superstitious Monke , Carolus Magus , Albinus ; In this age came in Transubstantiation , the Sacrament of penance , and confirmation . It was an evill time . In the 9. age were Rabanus , Haymo , Re●igius , Hinaemarus , Pashasius , then extreme unction , orders , and marriage were made Sacraments . In the 10. age was Theophylact , Smaragdus , Giselbertus . In the 11. Anselme , Algerus . In the 12. Schoole Doctors , such as Peter Cluniarensis , Alexander Alensis , Thomas Aquinas , Scotus , at length Luther and Melanthon came , but from these we build no infallible argument to prove our Church to be the true Church . 2. The very visible Church that now is , was in the Waldenses . 1. One of their owne writters a Rainerus saith , quod duraverit à tempore Sylvestri , alii dicunt quod à tempore apostolorum , a Novator set out by the Jesuite Gretserus b Petrus Pilichdorffius saith , they arose eight hundereth yeeres after Silvester in the time of Innocentius the 2. In the City of Walden in the borders of France one arose , who professed voluntary poverty , and because they were against preaching of the Gospell , he and his followers were excommunicated , but he is found a lier by popish writters who lived long before Innocentius the 2. and make mention of them . The articles of Iohn Hus , saith c Aeneas Silvius , cum confessionibus Calvinianorum consonant , and Silvius is not our friend . I grant d Gretser denieth this , that the Faith of such as are called Calvinists agreeth with the articles of Hus ; because hee will have them grosser e Flaccius saith these Waldenses called Leonistae , their Doctrine was spread , per L●mbardiam , Alsatiam , totum tractum Rhenanum , Belgicam , Saxoniam , Pomeraniam , Borussiam , Poloniam , Luciniam , Sueviam , Silesiam , B●h●miam , Moraviam , Calabriam , & Siciliam . Carolus Lotharingus f the Cardinall complaineth , as also g Hegesippus , that for sixteene ages since Christ , the first onely was of God , and of the Church was a Virgin. And none made these complaints , but these who were Waldenses . So also complaineth h Lactantius , and i Isiodorus pelus●ota : Why did l Costerus taking on him to prove the succession of the Roman Church for 1400 yeeres , leaves 300. years blanck , where hee cannot finde his Mother Church ; and yet m Nicephorus saith Simon Zelotes preached the Gospell in Maur●tania & Aphrorum regione , even to Brittaine , that is , to the end of the Earth , yea Balaeus , Flemingus , Sirop●s say , that Ioseph of ●rimathea preached in Bri●taine , and n Tertullian in the second century which was his owne time saith the like . See the o Centuriasts , yea and p Barontus , and q Origen about an . 206. saith the same ; and Ierome r an . 407. Gattia , Britannia , Africa , Persis , oriens India , & omnes Barbarae nationes u●um Christum adorant , & unam observant regulam veritatis . What were all these but such as after were called VValdenses ? And in the first ages s Pius 2. saith , ante concilium Nicenu●● parvus respectus babitus fuerat ad Romanam ecclesiars ; before the Nicen councill little respect was ●ad to th . Church of Rome . See this learnedly Demonstrated by the learned t Voetius , and his reason is good . Ignatius , Ireneus , Iustin. Martyr , Cl●m . Alexandr . Tertullian , Cyprian speak not one syllable of popery or popish articles ; also Lucian , Porphyrius , Tryphe● , Cellus , Sosymus , Symmachus , Iulian , mockers of Reiligon would have spoken against transubstantiation , one body in many thousand places , worshipping of dead bones , the worshipping of a Tree , Crosse , and dumbe images , and bread , a Pope who could not erre , and they would have challenged and examined miracles , and I adde if they scoffed at the Doctrine of these called after VValdenses as the confession beareth , then were the Church of Waldenses ( though not under that name ) in their time . The Jewes objected against the Fathers Tatian , Theophilus , Athenages , Iustin , Tertullian , Alexand. Cy●rian , Chrysostome , Isiodorus , Hispalensis , Iulianus Po●nerius , They objected all they could devise against the Christian Faith , but not a word of poynts of popery now controversed ; Ergo , popery hath not beene in the World then , an . 188. In the Time of Victor many opposed victors Tyranny : and as Plessaeus w and Doctor Molineus x saith , were called Schismaticks therefore , and excommunicated . Neither can Gretserus y nor Bellarmine z defend this , but by lies and raylings . Yea from the 4. to the 7. age ( saith a Voetius ) produce one Martyr , professor , or Doctor . See Augustine de side ad Petrum , Ruffinus his exposition of the Creed , G●nnadius of the Articles of the Church , Theodoret his Epitome Divinorum decretorum , Cyrillus his tract de fide , and produce one holding the popish Faith. b Clemens Romanus and Elutheri●s c in the Epistle to the Bishops of France maketh all Bishops pastors of the Church universall . Any who readeth d Gre●serus against Pl●ssie may see in the 4. age that Baronius and Bellarmine cannot desend , that appeale was made to the Pope in the councell of Carthage , yea the Popes Legate brought Apiarius to the Councell , that his cause might be judged there , becaus● the Pope could not judge it , and that the Councell of Chalcedon was , per precepta Valentiniani , convened . and that Canstantinople was equall with Rome . That Simplicius , G●lasius and Symmachus were Judges in their owne cause , and that Hormisda an . 518. had no command over the O●ientall Churches , as may be seene in e Baronius . So Pelagius the 1. Ioan. the 3. and Pelagius the 2. were refused the honour of universall Bishops , and could not helpe the matter ; See f Gretser , and g Honorius must be defended as not denying two wills ; and two natures in Christ. See what saith B●ronius of this . The councell of h Constantinople would not receive the worshipping of Images . The best part of the Western Churches were against it . The Churches of France , Germany , Italy , Brittaine . The i councell of franckford , of k Paris , so did they all refuse the power of the Pope . So Occam , Gerson , Scotus , in most poynts were not papists . Nor Cajetan , Contaren , Alm●in , Ioa , Major , Caranza . Therefore said l Thuanus the Doctrine of the VValdenses were now and then renewed by 〈◊〉 and Hus , and when Hildebrand came in , all know what wicked new poynts hee brought in , as in the Tomes m of the councells may bee seene ; and n Onuphrius sayth , quod major pars antea parum in usu fuerit ; The greatest part of his novelty not heard before , or little in use . His Tyranny upon the consciences of Church-men forbidding marriage : and over the Lords people may be seene in o Sleidan p In Lampadius , and his forme of excommunicating the Emperour as it is written by q Beruriedenses and r Sigonius , s also Aventinus , t Gerochus Reicher sperge●sis t Orthuinus ; Gratius and others can tell . But ere I speake of this monster head I should not have omitted humble Stephanus the 5. To whom Lodovick the Emperour , descending from his Horse , fell down upon the Earth thrice before his feete , and at the third time saluted him thus , blessed be the Lord God , who commeth in the Name of the Lord , and who hath shined upon us . As u Theganus saith that Pashalis excuseth himselfe to the Emperour Lod. That hee had leapen to the Popedome without his authority , which saith , this headship is not supreame , as x Aimoinus saith , who was a murderer of Theodorus , The Roman Churches Seale-keeper and of Le● . for having first put out their Eyes , hee then beheaded them , say the same Aimoinus , Gregory the 4. caused Lodovick the Emperours sons to conspire against the Father and was upon that plot himselfe . Sergius the 2. made an act that a Bishop should be convinced of no fault but under sevety and two witnesses . Siconulphus a Prince desiring to have this Popes blessing , came to Rome and kissed ( sayth y Gretserus after z Anastasius ) his precious feete . Anguilbert Archiepisc. Mediolanensis departed out of the Roman Church for the pride of Rome , and Simon of Sergius , sayth Sigonius , a It was ordinary for all , sayth b Anastasius , to kisse the seate of Leo the 4. Platina c saith , hee was guilty of a conspiracy against Gratianus a godly and worthy man , to expell the French-men out of the Kingdome and bring in the Greciane● . Gretser the Jesuite saith , their owne Platina is a Lyer in this . Wee all know there was an English Woman-Pope called Ioanna , betwixt Leo the 4. and Benedictus the 3. Bellarmine , Baronius , Gretser , Lipsius will have it a fable . Platina a popish writter is more to be believed then they all , for hee affirmeth it as truth . A great schisme arose in the Church because Benedictus the 3. was chosen Pope without the Emperours consent . The Emperour did hold the bridle and lead the Horse of Nicolaus the 1. d Gretser cannot deny this ) hee defended and maintained Baldvinus , who was excommunicated by the Bishops of France , because he ravished Iuditha the daughter of C●rolus Calvus . Hee pleaded that there was no reason ; but the decretalls of the popes should be received as the Word of God , but because they were not written in the bookes of Church-Canons : for by that reason some bookes of the old and New Testament are not to be received as Gods Word ( e Grets . ) said , these Epistles were equall with Gods Word , and said , they had , neither these Epistles , nor the Scriptutes authority from the holy Spirit , but from the Church . That the church was foure hundred yeeres ignorant of the authority of the Scriptures : that hee himselfe was Jehova eternall , and that Gratianus had inserted it in his distinct . 96. That hee was God. Adrian the 2. approved of Basilius his killing of Michael the Emperour his Father . f Onuphrius who observeth 26. Schisms of antipopes thinketh Schismatick Popes , no popes , as Benedict . 5. and 10 Honorius 2. Clement 3. Gregor . 8. Celestinus 2 : Victor 2. Some Popes have beene declared Hereticks by papists , as g Gregorius 12. Benedictus 13. In the councell , of Pisa● ; and h Iohn 23. In the councell of Constance ; moreover Bonifacius 8. Sergius 3. Benedictus 7. Eugenius 4. Iohn 9. and Iohn 22. had no tolerable measure of learning to be priests , how then could they be universall prophets who could not erre ? Liberius was an Arrian ( as i Athanasius and Alphons . saith ) Zepherinus was a Montanist , as Tertullian k saith . Honorius was condemned , for saying Christ had but one will , in l generall councells at Constantinople , Marcellinus sacrificed to Idolls as m Bellarmine confesseth ; faelix was an Arrian and consecrated by an Arrian Bishop , ( as n Hieronim . saith ) Anastasius was a Nestorian ( as o Alphonsus saith ) Iohn 22. said , soules did not see God untill the Resurrection , as p Erasmus saith ) Innocentius 1. ordained the Eucharist to be given to Infants , as a Jesuite saith q to wit Maldonatus . All this is observed to prove the Church could not be in the Pope . 2. That the Waldenses were opposers of the pope , whose confession is set downe by r Gulielmus Reginaldus Turco-papista : as s Vsserus saith , and cast to by t the Jesuite Gretser to the end of Peter Pilichdorffius his Treaties contra Waldenses , and u by Reinerus contra Waldenses , Their confession containing a condemning of the popes Supremacy , unwritten Traditions , worshipping of Images , Invocation of Saints , &c. and all the Articles of popery . We know how well x Calvin thinketh of their confession y The slanderous Gr●tser saith , that Wicliffe renewed their errors and taught this Article . D●u● debet obedire diabolo . God should obey Satan . But that faithfull witnesse of Christ , hath no such thing in his writtings . Many other poynts are objected to the Waldenses , but z Thuanus saith , Reliqua quae à Waldensi●us affing untur , per invidiam assinguntur . Other lies and false Doctrines are laide upon them , but the a Magdeburgenses set downe faithfully the Articles that they held , which wee owne as the Truth of God. What b Sanderus c Coccius d and Parsonius objected to them that they Taught that carnall co●cupiscence was no sin . 2. That all oathes in any case are unlawfull . 3. That the Magistrate may not use the sword . 4. That the Apostles Creed is to be contemned these and other calumnies are well refused by Usser e and proved by the Testimony , that Papists gave of the Holy life of the Waldenses , to bee but Lies and meere cal●mnies . These who of old ( saith Serarius ) f were called Berengariani from Berengarius , are this day called Calvinists , and these who are this day ( sayth g Ioan , Wendelstonus ) called Protestants , are novi , s●n G●rmanici Waldenses . The new Waldenses of Germany . Nec vero ( saith h Usser , citing the foresaid Authors ) justam a●l●●c causam videre p●ssimus , quam●brem horum majnum pudere nos debcat ; we neede not thinke shame of our forbearers the Waldenses . Whether did Berengarius feare Leo the 9. his unjust sentence of excommunication : but contrary to Victor the 3. he did stoutly plead that the E●ements were a figure or signe of the body and blood of Christ , Ar. 1056. And before Nicol●us the 2. in a Synod at Rome before 113. Bishops , for the space of seven dayes hee pleaded the same cause . So saith Albericus i Diacon . Cassinens . and k Carolus Sig●nius . Yea , and hee lest behind him in his age multitudes of his followers , so as Rome was not able to suppresse the visible Church ever since her Cedar branches did spring up to the Cloudes . And we know that the Faith of the Councell of Trent , as pressed by Oath prescribed by Pius 4. and by the command of Gregorius 13. was not in the World the 10. age , Ambrosius , Catharinus , Martinus , Isengrenius , Contarenus , the Sorbonists of Paris , and the Doctors of Venice , in many substantiall poynts contradicted the Church of Rome : yea l Thuanus m and the Bishop of Spalato teach that after the councell of Trent the Reformation spread through the Christian World. In the 12. and 13. ages , the Doctrine of the Waldenses , of Wicliffe and Berengarius did grow , but few did write , ( saith n Voetius , ) in these times because of heavy persecution , multitudes in Germany Austria , Moravia , Silesia Leiden , Collen , Osenbruge , and many other parts opposed popery . Now we say there were multitudes professing the Truth , both of Doctors , Fathers , and witnesses opposing the Roman Church ! and what calling the Church of Rome gave to our reformers must be measured by the best of the Church consenting to their c●l●i●g : for wee are not to thinke that all professed popery , but many of the gu des opposed , many were burdened in 〈◊〉 and yet out of weakenesse durst not professe , because of the 〈◊〉 ●●ea●nesse . 3. They durst not write and preach ag 〈…〉 n of the time . 4. Many were simple , many 〈◊〉 . 3. 〈…〉 Luther and Zuinolius had their whole calling from the 〈…〉 ye● think we not that calling no calling , but that it hath that which ●ssentially constituteth a Ministe . 1. C●j phas entered most c●r●n●●ly to the Priesthood , by the favour of men , and to bee High-Priest for one yeare contrary to the Law , which ordained the high-priest to remaine for his lifetime . But as o Iosephus said p Toletus q Cajetan r Maldonat s Iansonius : yea and our owne writers t Calvin u Marlorat x Musculus y Rollock z Bullinger observe , all was done by the will and lust of men ; yet Cajaphas was the high-priest and prophecied , which is a specifick act of a called Prophet . John , Ex. 51. 52. It is said , he prophecied as high-priest . 2. The Scribes and T●aisees set in Moses chaire , and are to be heard , Mat. 23 1. In so far as they teach Gods Truth , and yet their entry to their calling was corrupt , if it be true that diverse say , that Christ , John 10 ▪ calleth the Scribes and Pharises . Theeves and Robbers , because they came not in by the doore , but climbed up another way , but however there was corruption in the way of their comming to the chaire , for they leavened all other the Ordinances of God , and the high priest was entered a false way , the rest of the Rulers could not come , but in a corrupt way . But though Augustine a and b Clemens Alexa● . expound the place , John 20. of such as want a lawfull calling ; but then the place cannot agree with Scribes and Pharisees , which seemeth to fight with the course of the Text. But our Interpeters c Brentius d B●z● e Rollocus , expound the place of these who preach not Christ soundly , and to be the doore and the foundation , but humane Traditions , and yet had a calling ; and the Text saith so much , where v. 9. Salvation is promised to every one who entereth in by Christ the doore , now salvation is not promised to a man , because hee hath a lawfull calling to the Ministery ; hee may have that and yet b●e a Child of perdition . 3. Wee are no where forbidden in Gods Word to heare Teachers sent and called , but onely Wolves in sheepe skinnes , voyd of all calling , and intruders : for pastors may be antichristian in the manner of the entry , as Cajaphas . 2. In the matter of their Doctrine Teaching some of mens Traditions , in place of Gods Word as Scribes and Pharisees . 3. Yea , and brooke an antichristian calling , as prelates doe and have done in Brittain● , and yet their Ministery be valid . For that the calling of a Minister be valid , and his Ministeriall acts not null , it is sufficient that the governing Church give him a calling , either by themselves , their expresse call , their silence , or tacite consen● , or their approbation communicating with him in his Ministery , or by these to whom the Church resigned her power , or by these who stand in place of the Church ; though prelates invade the place of the Church : yet because first they themselves be pastors and have power to teach and Baptize as pastors called of Christ. Mat. 18. 19. 2. Because they stand for the Church the Church approving , or some way by silence consenting ( as in the case of Cajaphas entry to the priest-hood ) thereunto . these who are baptized of them , are not rebaptized , and these who are ordained pastors by them are not reordained , but have a calling to the Ministery and doe validly confer a calling upon others . Yea , many of great learning thinke that at the beginning of Reformation thousands being under popery baptized by Midwives and private persons , were never rebaptized , not that they thinke such Baptisme valid , but where the Sacrament is wanting , ex invincibili ignorantia facti , out of an invincible ignorance of a fact , such that way baptized doe indeed want the Lords Seale ; but wee cannot for that say that they are no better then Infidells and unbaptized Turkes and Iewes , because . 1. Their being borne in the visible Church giveth a federall holinesse , as all of Jewish parents had a federall right to circumcision , and were , eatenus , in so far , separated from the wombe . 2. Because their profession of that Covenant whereof Baptisme is a seale , separateth them sufficiently from Infidells , though they want the seale externall . But our Divines esteeme , and that justly , baptisme administrated by Women , or such as have no calling , to be no baptisme at all ; for which let the Reader see a Calvin b Beza c the learned Rivetus . We stand not for what d Bellarmine e Maldonatus f Gretserus and other papists say on the contrary : and also g Cajetan and h Toletus . 4. Robinson i and our Brethren acknowledge that the Church of Rome hath true baptisme , for they retaine the essentiall causes of Baptisme , even as the vessells of the Lords house profaned in Babylon may be carried back to the Temple , but if these vessells were broken and mingled with brasse and iron , and cast in another mould they could not obtaine their former place in the Temple . Baptisme is a vessell profaned in Babell , but not broken ; but the ministry and priest hood of Rome is like the new melted and mingled vessell , and essentially degenerated from the office of pastorship . But I answer , if baptisme be valid in Rome so are the Ministers baptizers , for if the Ministers and priests be essentially no Ministers , the baptisme administrated by the Romish priests is no Ministery , and all one as administrated by Midwives and private persons , who therefore cannot administrate the Sacraments validly in the essentiall causes , because they are essentially no Ministers . If therefore Robinson will have the Romish priest-hood essentially no ministery , by that same reason he must say , baptisme administrated by Romish priests i● no baptisme , the contrary whereof he confesseth : otherwise hee must say baptisme administrated , à non habente potestatem , even by Women and private Men , is valid , and cannot be but esteemed lawfull in the substance of the act . 2. These have a ministery essentially entyre who have power under Christ to preach the Gospell and administrate the Sacraments , Matthew 28. 19. The Romish priests have this , and are called to this by the Church . But saith Robinson . How can England forsake the Church of Rome , and forsake the ministery , which is in the Church , as in the subject , especially , seeing you teach that a true ministery maketh essentially a true Church ? I answer , England may well separate from Rome everting the fundamentall parts of Faith , and not separate from Romes baptisme , or ministery , in so farre , as they be essentially the ordinances of Christ : and I retort this argument ; How can Separatists separate from both us and Rome , and yet retaine the baptisme in both our Church and Rome . 2. A ministery true in the essence may make a Church true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so far ; but because of many other substantiall corruptions in Rome , it is a Church which we ought to forsake . But sayth Robinson , a Apostates in the 10. Tribes leaving the Church which was radically at Jerusalem , upon their repentance were readmitted to enter into the Temple , into which no uncircumcised person might enter , but any of the priests following Idolls , were never readmitted to be priests , though they should repent ; Therefore the ministery and baptisme are not alike . I answer , that the true Church was onely at Jerusalem radically , as , you say , would import that the 10. Tribes revolting from Davids house ceased to be a Church , which is false : Israel though all the Land were in Covenant with God , had circumcision and the Passover , and so were a true visible Church , even when they did meete in their Synagogues . The Altar , sacrifices , Temple , are not the essentialls of a visible Church , they were a Church , and did pray toward the Temple even in Babylon , and were to professe the True God before the heathen , Ierem. 10. 11. 2. There be typicall reasons to hinder men why they cannot be capable of the priest-hood , that did not exclude them from Church state ; but this hindereth not but if the seales administated by a Minister be true seales , then is the Minister thereof catenus , in so far , a true Minister . He addeth b a Minister may leave off to be a Minister , and be justly degraded and excommunicated , but none ever attempted to unbaptize one who was baptized , nor can he be unbaptized who is baptized . Answ. That proveth a difference betwixt the ministery and Baptisme , which is not the question ; but it proveth not this to be false , if Romes baptisme be lawfull in its essence , so is Romes ministery . CHAP. 9. SECT . 9. Of the addition of Members to the Church . THE Author sayth , a Church cannot consist of a fewer number then seven , since there must be foure of them , a Pastor , Doctor , Elder , and a Deacon . Ans. And wee contend not for number , but foure may be a Church of your making , and in Church-covenant : for it is a wonder , that you require officers who by your Doctrine , cannot be parts of the Church , seeing you make them accidents of the Church , and teach that the Church , in its being and operation , is before any officers be ordained in it : the accidents of a subject , and a subject make not multiplication , Peter & his learning and whitenesse make not two Peters . And therefore seeing three believers may be united in your Church-covenant , they must be a Church : and seeing these foure officers , a Pastor , an Elder , a Doctor , and a Deacon must be chosen by the Church , yea and ordained also ( by your Doctrine ) neede they must have their ordination and lawfull calling from three , and so these three must be their Church electing them ; and a numerous congregation , we dislike with you . Author , These who are to be added , are to make knowen to the Elders their desire to be added , that they may be tryed , if he be found graceles or scand●lous , he is not to be presented to the Church ; if no exception be against him , he confesseth his Faith publickly , and sheweth the grace of God to his soule in drawing him out of the State of sin . Answ. 1. Wee reade not that three thousand added to the Church at one Sermon , Acts 2. Nor any other that we reade of , were in this manner and order added , and therefore this way we suspect . 2. You require in one to be added that he be not graceles and scandalous , to be free from scandals is visible and is required in a visible Church member , but grace is invisible and can be a note of a member of the invisible Church , but no wayes a note of a member of the visible Church . The Apostles required it not in Simon Magus . The Author in the same place proceedeth to prove that none can be members of the visible Church , but such as be regenerated so far as the Church can discerne . Hence our , 1. Quest. Whether the members of the visible Church be only visible saints , sons and daughters of the Lord God Almighty , temples of the holy spirit , &c. 1. Distinct. Any who blamelesly professeth Christ is Ecclesiastically , in foro Ecclesiae , a true and valid member of the Church visible , having Ecclesiasticall power valid for that effect : but , except he be a sincere Believer , he is not morally and in fo●o Dei , a living member of the invisible Church . 2. Dist. That which is unseene is the forme and essence of an invisible Church , and that which is visible must be the essentiall forme of a visible Church . 3. Dist. The invisible Church Catholick is the principall , prime and native subject of all the priviledges of Christians , the covenan● premises , titles of Spouse , bride , redeemed Temple of the holy spirit , &c. And the Church visible as she is such , is no wayes such a subject , the non-consideration whereof we take to be the ground of many errors , in our reverend brethren in this matter , which also deceived Papists , as our Divines demonstrate . 4. Dist. A seene profession is the ground of members admission to the visible Church . Hence there is a satisfaction of the conscience of the Church in admitting of members , either in the judgement of charity , or in the judgement of verity . 5. Dist. There is a satisfaction in the judgement of charity positive , when we see signes which positively assure us that such an one is regenerate : and there is a satisfaction negative when we know nothing on the contrary which hath a latitude : for I have a negative satisfaction of the regeneration of some , whose persons or behaviour I know neither by sight nor report . This is not sufficient for the accepting of a Church-Membership , therefore somewhat more is required . 6. Dist. There be three rankes of men here considerable . 1. Some professedly and notoriously flagitious and wicked ; little charity may exclude these . 2. Some professedly sanctifyed and holy , little charity may accept and welcome such to the visible Church . 3. Some betwixt these two , of whom we have neither a certainty full and satisfactory to the conscience , that they are regenerate ; nor have we any plerophory or persuasion , that they are in the State of nature . 7. It is no lesse sin to sadden the heart of a weake one , and to break the bruised reed , then out of overplus of strong charity , to give the hand to an Hypocrite , as a true Church-member . 8. Materially it is all one not to admit members of such a Church to your Church , as to separate from such a Church , and to Excommunicate such members : for it is a negative and authoritative leaving of such to Satan , if it be not a positive Excommunication . 9. There is a visibility of the Church by writing . 2. By Synods which meete for consultation , as our Brethren teach . 3. By Martyrdome . 4. The seene profession of many Churches , and these being without the bounds of a Congregation , it is not Iustice to restrict all visibility to one single Congregation . 10. Visible security , backslyding , over swaying predominants tolerated may consist with the Church , membership of a visible Church : 1. Conclus . These two be farre different , ( Hic vel in hoc satu est Ecclesia vera ) there or in this company there is a true Church . And this ( Haec est Ecclesia vera ) this determinat company of such persons by name is a true Church ) the former is true , where ever God setteth up his Candle , there be their Church-members of Christs Body either actually or potentially ; for asmuch as if their be no converts there at all , yet in respect of Gods Decree which Hee beginneth to execute while as Hee erecteth a Ministery , certainly there must be some converted there at last . But as concerning the latter proposition , none can say certainly , such visible persons by name , Iohn , Paul , Anna , Mary , &c. Are the true Spouse and redeemed of Christ , because , as Divines answer to Papists , we believe the Church of Christ rather then see it . Yea , the Spouse of Christ , as the true Spouse , is all glorious within , Psal. 45. 13. and that which essentially constituteth a Spouse of Christ , is not visible , but the hidden man in the heart , 2 Pet. 3. 4. Neither is there any Union of believers as believers visible . 2. Faith and true grace are not the essence of a visible Church , as it is visible , because nothing simply invisible can essentially constitute that which is visible . 2. Con. The invisible and not the visible Church is the principall , prime , and onely proper subject , with whom the covenant of grace is made , to whom all the promises doe belong , and to whom all Titles , Stiles , Properties and priviledges of speciall note , in the Mediator doe belong . If our reverend Brethren would be pleased to see this , they should forsake their Doctrine of a visible constituted Church , of separation , of popular government , of independency , of parochi●ll Churches , which they conceive to be the only visible Churches under the New Testament . 1. The Church , to whom the covenant , and the promises of the covenant are made , is an Church , and a seed which shall endure as the dayes of Heaven . Psal. 89. 35 36. and such as can no more fall away from being Gods people in an eternall covenant with him , then their God can alter what he has spoken , or lic , Psal. 89 33 , 34 , 35. They can no more cease from being in Gods Favour , or be cast off of God , then the ordinances of Heaven can depart from before God , then Heaven can be measured above , or the foundations of the Earth searched out beneath . Jerem. 31. 35. 36 , 37. Nor the Mountaines and Hills can be removed out of their places . Esa. 54. 10. Or the World can be destroyed , with the waters of Noah againe : Or then God can retract his O●th and promise . Heb. 6. 18 , 19 , 20. But the visible Church of 〈◊〉 or that congregation or parish ( as our Brethren say ) of Rome , Corinth , Colosse , Thessalonica , Philippi , and the seven Churches of Asia , shall not endure as the dayes of Heaven , yea they are all this day under horrible defection of Antichistian Idolatry and Turcisme and Judaisme : if it be said , the faithfull and believing of the visible Churches at Rome , Corinth , Colosse , &c. could no more fall away , then the house of Israel and seed of David could cease to be Gods people . I answer , this is to flee to the invisible Church ; but the Professors of these visible Churches as Professors and in Church-state might fall away from the Church profession . If they say , they cannot fall from the sincerity of a true profession ; now yet they are aside , and flee from the visible Professors , and Churches visibility agreeing to the Church as visible ; to the Churches sincerity and invisible grace of constancy proper to the invisible Church , and by this meaning , none are the true visible Church , nor members thereof , but only such as have profession , and withall sincerity of profession ; so Hypocrites , though never so fairely inchurched , have no power of the Keyes , of censures of excommunication , of admitting of Church members , of Baptizing , &c. All which is very Anabaptisme , that there is no visible Church on Earth , but a company of truely , and ( in foro Dei ) regenerated and converted persons and the onely redeemed of God ; and. 2. Our Divines in vaine contend with papists anent the visible Churches failing on Earth , for most certaine it is ( except we hold with Arminians , Socinians and Papists the apostacy of Believers ) neither the catholick Church , nor a particular congregation of sincere Believers can fall into heresies and lose true and saving Faith. But we hold that there is not a visible Church consisting of only visible professors never so orthodox , but it may fall into fundamentall heresies , and we give instance , in the sometime orthodox and visible Church of Rome which hath fallen from the sound Faith , and is become B●bel and a whore and mother of fornications . 3. A Church consisting of seven professors ( which our Brethren in this place say , is a visible Church ) may have foure or five , yea six hypocrites in it , and yet the essence of a visible Church , the nature of a Church-state , Church-covenant , the power and use of the keyes is 〈◊〉 in such a Church of seven : for it is certaine , Professon , 〈◊〉 uniting themselves together in one Church-state , are not led by an infallible and apostolick Spirit , that they cannot erre inconstituting a visible Church : but if they be fallible and obnoxious to error , then in erecting a Church of seven , five , six , and by the same reason all the seven may be ( in foro Dei ) in Gods Court , yea and ( in an ordinary providence now with relation to the state of man fallen into sin ) often are unbelievers and unconverted persons , and yet a visible Church performing all Church-acts of a visible profession . Now if our Brethrens grounds hold good , seven unbelievers are a company in covenant with God , and can no more fall from the covenant and grace thereof , then God can lie or alter that which is gone out of his mouth . 2. The Church with whom the covenant is made , and to whom the promises of the covenant are made , is the Spouse of Christ , his mysticall body , the Sons and Daughters of the Lord God Almighty , a royall priest-hood , a chosen generation , Kings and Priests to God : but this is the invisible Church of elect believers , not the visible Church of visible professors . Therefore the invisible , and not the visible Church , is the first subject of all the priviledges of Christians , and all the promises of the covenant . The proposition is not doubted . I prove the assumption ; The visible Church as it is such , is a company of professors of the truth , and connot be , as it is such , the Spouse of Christ and his Body . 1. Because then Professors , as Professors , should be Christs redeemed Body , which is openly false and against the Word of God : for Rom. 9. 6. for they are not all Israel , which are of Israel . 2. Our Brethrens argument is strong to prove , that the Church of Elders are not the true Church spoken of in the Word ; For , say they , the true Church is a flock that Christ hath Redeemed with his Blood , Acts 20. 28. The Temple of the living God , 1 Cor. 3. But the Church of Elders is not a flock of redeemed ones , and Temples of the holy Spirit , but in so far as they believe , and are elected to glory , and not as a flock of Elders , are they redeemed : so they say , true Elders , as Elders , are not a part of the true Church , nor the Church to whom Christ gave the keyes , Mat. 16. But the Church making Peters confession . So say wee , the Church of visible professors , as they are such , are not the redeemed of Christ , and Temples of the holy Spirit , but in so far as they are Believers and the elect of God. For if our Brethren say , the Church , as it is a company of visible Professors , is also essentially the Church of Redeemed ones , then only the Church of visible Professors , and all the Church of visible Professors are redeemed of God , but this is absurd and false . Quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Our Brethren acknowledge there may be an hundred Believers and Temples of the holy Spirit , who are a flock of redeemed ones , and yet not be a company of visible Professors . 1. Because they are not united ( say they ) covenant-wayes into a Church-body . 2. ( Say they ) because of weakenesse and for feare of persecution , men may hide their profession as many doe in the Church of Rome , and yet be the redeemed of God , and be the seven thousand who have not bowed their knees to Baal ; and our Brethren cannot say , that all the visible Church are the flock redeemed of God , for then should there be no hypocrites in the visible Church . 3. In this our Brethren maintaine one of the ●●ossest poynts of the Arminian , Popish and Socinian Doctrine , even that all visible Professors are chosen to glory , redeemed of God , and the children of the promise , and that in Gods purpose , the cove●ant of grace and the promises of the covenant are made to all and every one in the visible Church , and that God hath an intention that Christ shall die for all and every one of the visible Church , and that he inteneth to save all and every one of the visible Church . This I prove , for if th● covenant and promises of the covenant , if the stiles of Christs Body , his Love , his Spouse , his Sister and D●ve , if the revelation of Christ made not by flesh and blood , but by Christs Father the ground of that blessed confession of Peter Mat. 16. 17. For which the keys were given to the visible Church , if I say all these be proper to the visible Church as visible , and due to her as to the first principall and prime subject , and not to the chosen redeemed and invisible Church as such , then the promises of the covenant , and all these styles belong to the visible Church , and God promiseth and intendeth a new heart and a new spirit to all visible Professors as such , and so he intendeth redemption in Christ and salvation , and Christs Righteousnesse and Forgivenesse of sins to all the visible Church . But our Brethren do not ( I hope ) thinke that Gods intentions , are castles in the Aire , and new Ilands beyond the Moone , as if his intentions could be frustrated , and he could misse the white of the scope he shooteth at ; for certainly these to whom the covenant , and promises thereof belong as to the prime and first subject , these are his covenanted people ; now the orthodox and reformed Church holdeth , that the covenant and promises are preached to the whole visible Church , but for the elects sake , and that howsoever externally , the covenant of grace and promises be promulgated to every one , and all within the lists of the visible Church ; yet they belong in Gods Intention and gratious purpose only to the Elect of God , and his reseemed ones , to that invisible Body , Spouse , Sister , whereof Christ alone is Lord , Head , Husband , and Brother , and the first begotten amongst many Brethren . Hence let me reason thus . The Church whose gathering together , and whose unity of Faith , knowledge of the Son of God , and growth of the measure of the stature of the fulnes of Christ , the Lord intendeth by giving to them for that end , some to be Apostles , some Prophets , some Pastors and Teachers , Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. must be the Church to which all the promises of the covenant and priviledges do belong . But the Lord intendeth the gathering together , the unity of Faith , the knowledge of the Son of God and growth of the measure of the stature of Christ only of the invisible Elected and Redeemed Church , not of the visible professing or consesing Church , nor doth the Lord send Pastors and Teachers up-on a purpose and intention of gathering the visible Church , and visible Israel , except you flie to the Tents of Arminians . I conceive these arguments cannot be answered . If any say , that Christ in giving Prophets , Pastors and Teachers to his Church intendeth to save the true visible Church of the chosen and redeemed , in so far as they are chosen and redeemed , now they who answer thus , come to our hand and forsake the Doctrine of their visible Church , and say with us , that the Ministery and the keys are given only upon a purpose on Gods part to save the invisible Church , and that all these promises of the covenant , the styles of Christs Spouse , Sister , Faire one , are not proper to the visible Church , nor any ground or argument to prove that the keys , the power of excommunication , ordaining of officers are given to the visible Church , as to the prime and principall subject . 4. The invisible Church ; and not the visible Church as it is such , hath right to the Sacraments , because these who have right to the covenant , have right to the seales of the covenant ; and this is Peters argument to prove the baptizing of Infants to be lawfull , Acts 2. 38 , 39. But only the invisible Church hath right to the covenant . For God saith only of , and to the invisible Church . and not of the visible Church in his gratious purpose , Jerem. 32. 38. And I will be their God , and they shall be my people , Jer. 31. 33. I will put my Law in their inward parts , 34. They shall all know me ( all within the covenant ) I will forgive th●ir iniquity . Now the visible Church as the visible Church is not within the covenant , therefore the visible Church as the visible Church , and being no more but the visible Church , hath not right to the Seales of the covenant , but in so far as they are within the covenant , and in so far as God is their God , and they his pardoned and sanctified people , as it is , Ierem. 31. 33 34. 5. It is knowen that our Brethren here joyne with Papists , for Papists ignorant of the Doctrine of the visible Church , labour to prove that the visible Church on Earth , the Ministeriall , Teaching and Governing Church , cannot erre , but that she conver●ed in a visible Synod , and met in Christs Name , hath a promise of an infallible assistance . And by what argumunts do they prove it ? You know here Bellarmine , Pererius , Tolet , Stapleton , Bail●●s , Suarez . Vasquez , Harding , Gretsirus , Costerus , Turrecremata , Salmoron , Locinus , Cajetan , and an host of them say , because the Church is builded on a Rock , and against it the Gates of Hell shall not prevaile : because Christ saith , I have prayd to the Father that thy Faith faile thee not : because Christ saith , I will send you the holy Spirit , and he shall leade you into all truth . Now our Divines say , that the invisible Church of Elect believers cannot fall off the Rock , and cannot fall from saving Faith , and cannot erre by falling into fundamentall heresies , but it followeth not ; Ergo , the visible ministeriall and Teaching Church , either out of a Synod , or convened in a Synod , have an infallible and Apostolick Spirit to lead them so , as in their determinations they cannot erre . Just so our brethren take all the places for the priviledges , covenant , promises , stiles of Sister , Love , Dove , Spouse , mysticall Body of Christ , &c. Which are proper only to the invisible , redeemed , chosen , sanctified Church of God : and they give all these to their only visible ministeriall and right constituted Church in the New Testament ; and say that this visible church gathered in a church-state , because of the foresaid priviledges and stiles , hath the supreame and independent power and authority of the keys , above all Teachers and Pastors whatsoever , and that the right visible church consisteth only of a Royall generation , Temples of the Holy Ghost , a people in covenant with God , taught of God , partakers of the Divine nature , &c. And that all visible churches that meet not in a materiall House , in a visible and conspicious Society , as on visible Mount Zion , and not consisting of such a covenanted , sanctified , and separated people , are a false church , false in matter , not an ordinance of Christ , but an Idoll , an antichristian device , a Synagogue of Satan voyd of the power of the Keys . 6. A church in covenant with God , and the Spouse of Christ , and his mysticall Body , and a church which he redeemed with the Blood of God , Acts 20. 28. Eph. 5. 25. 26. Col. 1. 18. 1 Cor. 12. 12. Is a church whereof all the members without exception are taught of God. Jerem. 31. 34. They shall all know me ( saith the Lord ) from the least , unto the greatest . Esa. 54. 13. All thy children shall be taught of the Lord. And therefore they all haveing heard and learned of the Father , come to Christ , Iohn 6. 45. and therefore have all the anointing within them which teacheth them all things , 1 Iohn 1. 27. And so they have all Eares to heare . Yea among such a company , Esai . 35. 9. 10. there is no Lyon , no ravenous beast , but the Redeemed and Ransomed of the Lord. But so it is that no visible congregation on Earth , that are visible Professors of any competent number , is such a Church whereof all the members are taught of God , all ransomed and redeemed , and therefore no visible church , as such is a people or Church in covenant with God. See a Rodgers Catechisme . 3. Conclus . A visible profession of the Truth and Doctrine of godlinesse , is that which essentially constituteth a visible church , and every member of the visible church ; onely our Brethren and we differ much about the nature of this profession which is required in members added to the Church . Our Brethren will have none members of the visible Church , but such as are satisfactory to the consciences of all the visible church , and give evidences so cleare , as the judgement of discerning men can atraine unto , that they are truly regenerated . We againe do teach , that the scandalously wicked are to be cast out of the Church by excommunication , and these of approved piety are undoubtedly members of the visible Church , so these of the middle sort are to be acknowledged members of the Church , though the Church have not a positive certainty of the judgement of charity , that they are regenerated , so they be knowen . 1 To be Baptized . 2. That they be free of grosse scandals . 3. And professe that they be willing hearers of the Doctrine of the Gospell . Such a profession , as giveth evidences to the positive certainty of the judgement of charity , of sound conversion , is not required to make and constitute a true visible Church . 1. Argu. Israel entered in covenant with God , Deut. 29. was a true visible Church , as our Brethren Teach , because that they conceive to be a Church-covenant , Deut. 29 , but Churches by that Oath were not such , as to the satisfaction of Moses , and the whole people their consciences gave positive certainty of sound conversion . Because v. 4. The Lord ( saith the Text ) hath not given you an heart to perceive , nor eyes to see , nor Eares to heare to this day , Deut. 31. 27. for I know thy Rebellion and thy stifneck , behell , while I am yet alive with you this day , yee have been rebellions against the Lord. ver . 21. Deut. 32. v. 5. v. 15 , 16 , 17. Josh. 24. 23. 2. Argu. Christ would not seven times have said . He that hath Eares to heare , let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Churches , if he had not supposed that in these seven Churches , there were blind , obdurate , and carnall hearers , as there were when , Mat. 13. upon occasion of the like hearers , he uttereth these same words in substance . Now Christ would have blamed their ill discerning in admitting such to be the materialls of a visible Church , as hee reproveth their other faults in government . Neither could Christ reprove these Churches , for not exercising the Church-censures against liers , false Apostles , fleshly Nicolaitans , followers of Balaams wicked Doctrine , Jezebed and other ill doers and seducers , if these had not been Church-members , as our Brethren teach , how can we conceive , that Christ would call these Churches , who were false in the matter , or give his presence and communion by walking among the golden candlestickes , and holding the starres , the Ministery , in his right hand ? And if every one of these Churches were approved to the consciences one of another , that they positively knew they were all of them , a royall Priest-Hood , an holy Generation , all taught of God , all sonnes and daughters of the Lord God Almighty , how are there such grosse scandals put upon them by Jesus Christ ? 3. Argu. Paul clearely teacheth , 1 Cor. 5. That the Church of Corinth convened had the power of the Lord Iesus amongst them , and was a betrothed Bryde espoused in a Church covenant , even all of the visible Church as one chaste Virgin to God , as our Brethren prove from the , 1 Cor. 11. 1 , 2 , 3. Who had received the Spirit and the Gospell , their minds being knit thereunto , in the simplicity of Iesus Christ ; now if the matter of this betrothed Church was such , as our Brethren say , then Christs Power , and Presence and Spirit , were in these as the Temples of the Holy Ghost , and these were betrothed to Christ Iesus , and had received the Spirit and were Saints by calling , were justified , washen , sanctified , who were incestuous , Fornicators , Drunkards , Railers , carnall , Schismaticks , going to the Law one with another before Infidells , partakers of the Table of Christ and of divells , deniers of the Resurrection , to whom the Word was the savour of Death , and the Gospell as it is to these , whom the God of this world , Satan , hath blinded . What can be more repugnant to the truth and to the Gospell of Christ ? It cannot be answered , that these in Corinth who were hypocrites and walked so contrary to the Gospell were not members of the Church of Corinth . For only the truly converted were such . I answer . 1. Then Paul writeth not to the visible Church and to all whom he doth rebuke , the contrary whereof is cleare . 1 Cor. 2. 11. 2 Cor. 3. 22. 1 Cor. 5. 1. 2. 1 Cor. 6. 1. 2. 3. 1 Cor. 11. 17 18 19 , 30. 1 Cor. 15. 12. 1 Cor. 10. 21. 1 Cor. 8. and in many other places . 2. Then the visible church was not betrothed to Christ as a chaste Virgin : contrary to this our Brethren alleadged , 1 Cor. 11. 1 2 , 3. 3. Not only is conversion professedly true in the judgment of charity , but also in the judgement of verity , essentiall to a visible church as you teach ; and so none can be a member of the visible church , but he who is a member of the invisible Church , which is Anabaptisme . 4. Three thousand in one day were added to the visible church , who could not ( as I have proved ) all be approved to the conscience one of another , as true converts , Acts 2. Since amongst them were Ananias and Saphira , and the time was short . 5. If we are to beare one anothers burdens , and so fulfill the Law of Christ , and if grace may be beside many and great sinnes , as we see in Asa , in Salomon who remained the children of God , under many out breakings , if the children of God may be the children of God , and yet some of them habitually proud , passionate , some of them worldly minded , some talkative and imprudently rash in zeale , some lustfull , some slothfull , some ambiticus , yea and if Simon Magus his profession , though false , was esteemed sufficient , for to give him baptisme , the Seale of the covenant , Acts 8. 9. Then it is not required that all the members of the visible church be such as positively wee know ( so farre as humane knowledge can reach ) that they are converted , yea if this were true , then speciall commandements would be given , that as we are to examine and try our selves , 1 Cor. 11. 28. 2 Cor. 13. 5. And to try officers before they be admitted , 1 Tim. 3. 10. 1 Tim. 5 22. and to try the spirits of Prophets and their Doctrine , 1 Iohn 4. 1. and , 1 Thess. 5. 21. Acts 17. 13. So would God in his Word give a charge , that we try , examine and judge carefully one another , and that every man labour to be satisfied in conscience anent the regeneration one of another . But such commandements we reade not of . 6. If many be brought and called into the visible church , of purpose both on Gods revealed intention in his Word to convert them , and on the churches part that they may be converted ; Then doth not the church confist of these who are professedly converted , but the former ●● true ; Ergo , so is the latter . The proposition is sure , these whom God purposeth to convert by making them Church-members , they are not Church-members because they are already converted . I prove the assumption , because . 1. The contrary doctrine , to wit , that none are under a pastors care till they be first converted , maketh to the eversion of the publick Ministery , and gratifieth Arminians and Socinians , as before I observed , because Faith commeth not by hearing of sent pastors , as Gods ordinance is , Rom. 10. 14. but by the contrary , we aske a warrant from the Testament of Christ , that now since the Apostles are not in the Earth , private men not sent to preach , should be ordinary Fishers of men , and gatherers of Christs church and Kingdome . 2. That Christ hath provided no Pastors nor Teachers to watch over the Elect , yet remaining in the Kingdome of darknesse , and that Christ ascending on high , as a victorious King hath not given Pastors and Teachers by office to bring in his redeemed flock , which he hath bought with his blood , Acts 20. 28. 3. It is against the nature of the visible Kingdome of Christ which is a d●aw-net and an offici●● , a workehouse of externall calling into Christ , even such as are serving their honour , buying a Farme ; and their gaine , buying five yoke of Oxen ; and their lusts , having married a Wife . Luk. 14. 16 , 17 18. 4. It is against the nature of the Ministery , and Wisdomes maides , sent out to compell them to come in . Luke 14. 23. Matthew 22. 4 , 5 , 6. Prov. 9. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. who are yet without . 7. If none can be members while they be first converted . 1. The church visible is made a church visible without the Ministery of the church . 2. These who are baptized are not by baptisme entered in the visible Church contrary to Gods Word , 1 Cor. 12. 13. and the sound judgement of all Divines . 3. All these who are baptized . 2. Who write as Doctors for the defence of the Orthodox Faith. 3. Who seale the Truth with their sufferings and blood . 4. Who keepe communion with visible Churches , in hearing , partaking of the Word and Seales , as occasion serveth , if they be not professedly and notoriously to the consciences of a particular parish converted to Christ , are no members of the visible church . 8. All our Brethrens arguments to prove this Doctrine doe onely prove the truly regenerate to be members of the invisible Church , and not of the visible Church . And if the arguments bee naught , the conclusion must bee naught and false . 9. It is against the Doctrine of Fathers , as a Augustine b Cyprian c Gregorius d Chysostome e Nazianzen f Eusebius . Who al accord that the visible church is a company of professors , consisting of good and bad , like the Arke of Noah as g Hierome maketh comparison . I might cite Ireneus , Tertullian , Origen , Cyrillus , Basilius , Hilarius , Presper , Ambrosius , Primasius , Sedulius , Just. Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Euthymius , Theophylact , Epiphanius , Theodoret , and Luther , Melanchton , Chemnitius , Meisnerus , Hunius , Hemingius , Gerardus , Crocius , Calvin , Beza , Voetius , Sadeel , Plesseus , Whittakerus , Ioannes Whyte , Fransc. Whyte , Reynoldus , Iuellus , Rich. Feildus , Perkinsius , Pau. Baynes , Trelcatius , Tilenus , Piscator , Ursinus , Paraeus , Sibrandus , Professores Leydenses , Antonius Wallaeus , And. Rivetus , Pet. Molineus , Dam. Tossanus , Mercorus , Fest. Hommius , Bullingerus , Mnsculus , Rollocus , Davenantius , Mortonus . Quest. 2. Whether or no our Brethren prove by valid aguments , the constitution of the Church visible to be only of visible Saints , of sanctified washen and justified persons . Let us begin with our present Authour , and with what the ( a ) Apology saith . We admit all , even Infidells to the hearing of the Word , 1 Cor. 14. 24 ▪ 25. Yet we receive none as members ●●to our Church , but such as ( according to the judgement of charitable Christians , ) may be conceived to be received of God , unto fellowship with Christ the head of the Church . Our reasons be . 1. From the neere relation betwixt Christ Jesus and the Church , as also betwixt the Church and other persons of the Trinity . The Lord Jesus is the head of the Church ; even of the visible Church , and the visible Church is the body of Christ Jesus 1 Cor. 12. and 27. Answ. To admit as ordinary hearers of the Word and Church Prayers , is a degree of admission to Church-communion , and they who are baptized , and ordinarily heare , and professe a willing mind to communicate with the Church in the holy things of God , they being not scandalously wicked are to be admitted , yea and are members of the Church visible . ● . Set the first reason in forme it is thus ; These only are to be received as Church members who are conceived to be members of that body whereof Christ is head . But the promisccous multitude of professors are not conceived to be such , but only the sanctified in Christ Iesus are such . Or thus , If Christ be the head of the visible Church , then only such are to be admitted members of the visible Church , as are conceived to be members of Christ the head , and not the promiscuous multitude of good and bad . But the former is true ; Ergo , so is the latter . 1. If Christ be the head of the visible Church as visible , it would seeme onely these who are conceived Members of CHRIST , should bee admitted Members of the visible body . True and in this meaning let the Major passe ; but if Christ be the head of the visible church not as it is visible , but as it is a body of believers and invisible , then we see no reason to yeeld the connexion : Because Christ is the Head of True Believers , therefore none should be admitted members of the Church , but such as we conceive are Believers , because they are to be admitted to the visible Church , who are willing to joyne themselves are baptized and doe professe Christ to be their Head , though we cannot conceive whether they be sound believers or not ; for a profession is sufficient to make them members of the visible body , though indeed to be sou●d Believers , maketh them members of Christs Body invisible . 2. That Christ is the Head of the visible Church , as visible , i● not in all the Word of God , he is the Head of the Church catholick and invisible , by influence of the Life and Spirit of Christ , Eph. 1 , 22 , 23. Eph. 4. 16. Coloss. 1. 18. and in a large sense may be called the Head of the church-visible , as visible , in regard of the influence of common graces for the Ministery ; government , and use of the keys : but because of such a degree of Christs Head-ship , it followeth only that these are to be admitted members under Christ the Head , whom we conceive to be ●t members of the Church , as it is a Ministeriall and a governing society , and for this there is not required an union with Christ , as head , according to the influence of the life of Christ , but only an union with Christ , as head , according to the influence of common gifts , for the governing a Ministeriall Church ; in which respect , Christ may be called the Head of Judas the Traitor , and of some other hypocriticall Professors ; and also though the promiscuous multitude , that is a multitude of prophane Atheists and scandalous mockers , be not members of Christ , nor are to be acknowledged as his members , but to be Excommunicated , yet the promiscuous multitude of Professors , whereof there be Reprobate and Elect , good and bad , are to be received and acknowledged as members of Christs visible body , wherof he is Head in the latter sense . 2. The Argument proceedeth upon the false ground before observed and discovered , that Christ is Head of the Church and the Spouse , redeemer and Saviour of the visible Church , as it is visible , which is the Arminian Doctrine of universall grace . 3. If these who are conceived to be members of Christ the Head and sound Believers are to be admitted , why doe you professe that Brethren of approved piety , and so conceived to be Believers by you , and consequently members of Christ the Head , cannot be members of your Church , except they sweare to your Church government , which you cannot make good from Gods Word . Now to refuse communion to these who are knowen to be members of Christs body , and to separate from them is all one , and therefore in this you separate your selves from Christs Body . The Author addeth . The visible Church is said to be the habitation of God by the Spirit , Eph. 2. 22. to be the Temple of the Holy Ghost , and the Spirit of God to dwell in them , 1 Cor. 3. 16 , 17. To he espoused to Christ as a chaste Virgin. 2 Cor. 11. and sonnes and daughters of the Lord God Almighty . 2 Cor. 6. 18. And are exhorted to be followers of him as deare children , Eph. 5. 1. Now how can the visible Church be the members of the Body and the Spouse of Christ , & c. Except they be in charitable discerning ( as indeed the Holy Ghost discribeth them to be ) Saints by calling . 1 Cor. 1. 2. and faithfull Brethren , Gal. 1. 2. and that not only in externall profession ( for these are too high stiles for hypocrites ) but in some measure of sincerity and truth . Answ. The argument must be thus . These only we are to admit members of the visible Church , who in the judgement of charity are conceived to be such as were the members of the visible Church of Corinth and Ephesus . But only such as are the habitation of God by his Spirit , and the sons and daughters of the living God , not only in profession , but in some measure of truth and sincerity , were the members of the visible Church of Corinth and Ephesus : Ergo , such onely are we to admit to be members of the visible Church . Now this argument concludeth not what is in question ; Ergo , only these are to be admitted members of the visible Church , whom we conceive to be the Spouse of Christ , and truely regenerated . Now if our conception be erroneous ( as it cannot be infallible ) then we may admit these who are not regenerated , to the Church-membership , if we conceive them to be regenerated ; and so our Brethren say falsely , that the admitted must be Saints and faithfull , not only in profession , but in some measure of sincerity und truth , for these are members of the invisible Church who are truly and in a measure of sincerity regenerated , if our conception be not erroneous : yet it is by accident , that they are admitted de facto , who are not Saints in truth , for the Church may be deceived , and receive in for members of the Head Christ , hypocrites and such as are not the Habitation of God by his Spirit , but of Satan ; as is cleare in Ananias and Saphira admitted by the Apostles to Church-fellowship , Acts 5. 1. 2. and in Simon Magus , Acts 8. admitted to the Church and baptized by the Apostolick Church , who was yet in the Gall of bitterness . But. 1. The assumption is false , for the Apostle admitted to be members of the Church visible of Corinth and Ephesus , not only Saints by true profession , but also carnall men , deniers of the Resurrection , partakers of the Tables of Divells , and in Ephesus false Apostles and Liers , Revel . 2. 3. But Paul speaketh of Corinth according to the best part : for the Epistle and Doctrine of the covenant is written and preached for the Elects sake and for Believers ; neither is the covenant of grace made with the Reprobate and Unbelievers , nor doe the promises of the covenant , indeed , and in Gods Intention belong to the visible Church , though the Word be preached to carnall men for their conviction . 3 This proposition is false ( these onely we are to admit to the visihle Church , whom we conceive to be Saints , and are in the judgement of charity perswaded they are such ) for the Apostles admit all Professors , even three thousand at one Sermon in one day , Acts 2. and they could not be perswaded in the judgement of charity , that they were all Saints . 4. This argument sayth , that all the visible Church of Ephesus was a Spouse betrothed to Christ , and Saints by calling , which the Word of God sayth not . For were all the carnall in Corinth betrothed as one chaste Virgin to Christ ? were these who called themselves Apostles in Ephesus and tryed by Church censures to be Liers , Revel . 2. 2 , 3. betrothed to Christ as a chaste Virgin ? were all the visible Church the sinnes and daughters of the Lord God Almighty ? and that not only in profession but in some measure of sincerity and truth ? It is true , the stiles given to the Church of Corinth are too high to be given to hypocrites , but these stiles are not given to that Church precisely , as visible and as a professing Church , as you suppose , but as an visible and true Church of Believers : for a Church of Believers and a Church of Professors of beliefe are very different . Paul writing to the Corinthians writeth to a visible Church , but he doth not speake alwayes of them as a visible Church , but as of an invisible , when he calleth them Temples of the Holy Ghost , Saints by calling , &c. he wrote the Epistles to the incestuous man , whom he commandeth to cast out of the Church . We reade ( saith the Author ) Acts 2. 43. that the Lord added to the Church such as should be saved , and how then shall we adde to the Church , such as God addeth not ; such as have no shew of any spirituall worke in them to any spirituall discerning ? Ought not the Lords Stewards to be faithfull in Gods House ? And to doe nothing therein , but as they see God going before them , receiving whom he receiveth , and refusing whom he refuseth . So upon this ground Paul willeth the Romans to receive a weak brother , because God hath received him , Rom. 14. 1 , 2 , 3. Answ. Gods acts of speciall and gratious providence , are not rules of duties to us ; God addeth to the Church as it is invisible and Christs Body , it followeth not therefore we are to adde to the Church visible as visible . Gods adding is invisible by giving Faith and saving grace to some to professe sincerely , because we see not Faith nor sincerity , therefore Gods adding cannot be a rule to our adding . God doth adde a person falling into an open scandall to the Church invisible , having given him true Faith , but the Church is not to adde him , but to cut him off , if he be obstinate to the Church , and refuse him , and so this proveth nothing , nor is the place , Rom. 14. by any , except your selves , expounded of a receiving into a Church-communion , as is elsewhere declared . 2. Where there is no shew of saving worke of conversion ; there you thinke the Stewards want God going before to receive , but then except God be seene to goe before to regenerate , the Church Stewards cannot follow to adds such to the Church ; but since that same power that casteth out of the Church holdeth out of the Church , if any after they be received , shall be found to be not added of God , because they be not regenerated , yet we are not to cast any out for non-regeneration , even knowen , except it breake out into scandals , and then the person is not cast out for non-regeneration , for though he were knowen to be regenerated , yet for scandals the Church is obliged to cast him out , because the scandall leaveneth the whole Church , and. 2. The casting out is a meane to save the spirit in the day of the Lord. But I prove , none are to be cast out for non-regeneration , where there be no outbreakings into scandalls . 1. Because , de occultis Ecclesia non judicat , non-Regeneration where it is not backed with publick scandalls is a hidden thing , that the Church can neither judge nor censure . 2. None are to be cast out but for such a scandall , that if the party deny , should be proved by two witnesses , as Christs Law provideth , Mat. 18. 16. 1 Tim. 5. 19. 3. Onely publick scandalls which offend many , are to be censured by the Church , 1 Tim. 5. 20. that others may feare . But non-regeneration breaking out into no scandalls , can neither be proved by witnesses , if the party deny , nor is it a seene thing which giveth publick scandalls , and therefore is not the object of Church censures . For it is evident though the Stewards see some not regenerated , and so not added by the Lord to the Church they are to adde these same and cannot cast them out . And yet God goeth before them in adding them to the visible Church , when they professe the truth . 3. God addeth such as should be saved to the visible Church by baptisme , because the adjoyning to a visible Church is a way to salvation , but it followeth not that all whom God addeth to the visible Church are saved ones , for then the visible Church should consist only of believers , which only Anabaptists teach . 4. Whereas he sayth , The Stewards should be faithfull , and should not adde except God adde , it seemeth to infer that either all the people are Stewards , and so Officers contrary to Gods Word , Eph. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. 29. or that onely officers admit Church-members , which is against our Brethrens Doctrine , for they teach , that the whole multitude of believers are only to adde and cast out . 3. If Peters confession ( sayth the Author ) be a Rock on which the visible Church ( to which onely the Keys are given ) is built , then to receive these who can hold forth no such profession is to build without a foundation . Answ. This conclusion is against your selves , no lesse then against us , except all and every one whom you admit , be builded upon this Rock ; if there be hypocrites in your Church ( as you cannot deny it ) then you build without a foundation . 2. By this , Peter before this confession was an un-churched Pastor built upon no Church-foundation , 3. By this place is not proved that the keys are given to the Church of Believers , but to the Ministers , for then against no parochiall Church can the gates of Hell prevaile . All the Fathers with good reason , as Augustine , Chrysostome , Cyrill , Tertullian , Hieronim . Nazianzen , Cyprian , Ambrose , &c. And our Divines against Papists ( whom you side with in this ) deny , that Christ meaneth here of the visible Church , such as Rome or Corinth , but of the catholick and invisible Church . 4. When ( saith the Author ) Christ saith , Mat. 22. 12. Friend , how camest thou here not having thy wedding garment , he doth intimate a taxing of these , by whose connivence he came . Answ. The contrary is in the Text , v. 9. Goe ye therefore to the high wayes , and as many as you finde , bid . Here is a charge that ministers invite and call all , and so the Church is a company of externally called , though few of them be chosen , as v. 14. and their obedience is commended , v. 10. so these servants went out into the high wayes , and gathered together all , as many as they found both good and bad . This is a praising rather then a taxing , seeing they are commanded , without trying or selecting only the regenerated , to call in as many as they finde both good and bad . For as many as you finde is as good in sense , as both good and bad , and the latter doth expound the former , and when the Lord commandeth them to bring in as many as they finde , and they finde in the streetes both good and bad , therefore they bee commanded to bring in both good and bad . 2. Yea , the very scope of the parable is contrary to this ; the scope is that many are called externally , and so are the visible Church and that by Gods speciall command both here , v. 9. 10. and Luk. 14. v. 17. v. 21. v. 24. and yet few are chosen , and of the invisible Church . And Luk. 14. severall times the servants or pastors call all ( by the Lord of the feasts commandement ) without exception of regenerated or not regenerated . 5. Christ in the parable imputeth it to the sleepines and negligence of the servants , that tares were sowen amongst his wheat , Mat. 13. 35 , 38 , 39. Ergo , Pastors are to be blamed that there be scandalous persons in the visible Church . Answ. This doth but strengthren Anabaptists who objected the same a It is a fault that a very popish Doctor Aquinas condemneth . Theologia symbolic● non est argumentativa . For it is not said , while the servants sleeped , the envious man did s●w his seed , but while men sleeped , which is spoken ( saith b Pareus ) according to the manner of men , for otherwise Gods providence can hinder the growing of tares ; and c Cajetan saith , here is not accused the negligence of pastors , and certainly since as d Bullinger observeth well , Christ when he expoundeth the parable , passeth this part of it , to teach us ( as e Calvin saith ) not to presse every part and tittle of a parable , except we would be ( saith Bullinger ) Christo argutiores , sharper sighted then Christ , and therefore the Author alleadgeth that by sleeping of men is understood the negligence of pastors , but that is beside the Text and is not expounded at all of Christ , but signifieth that men cannot see the hollownesse and falsehood of Hypocrites , till it breake out in their actions , no more then the sleeping husbandman can see when weeds grow up in his F●elds . And if the Lord here condemne the sleepinesse of Pastors , for suffering scandalcus Professors to be members of the Church , how doth the Lord forbid these servants to plucke up the tares , but to let them grow till Harvest ? for he commandeth the officers to cast out of the Church and excommunicate the scandalous persons . Yea certainly , seeing the Field is the Field of the visible church , it maketh for us against our Brethren , that wicked men are growing in the visible church . It is true that Barow with the Anabaptistes expound the Field to be the Field of the World , mistaking Christs Words , v. 41. which indeed signifie the Field of the visible Kingdome of Christ , because the World of all mortall men is not the Lords Field , where he soweth his Wheate , but the visible Church only is such a Field . For seeing the Gospell , the immortall seed of the regenerate , 1 Pet. 1. 23. is not sowen through the whole World of mortall men , Psal. 147. 19 20. Mat. 10. 5 , 6. Acts 16. 6. but only in the visible Church , the Field must be Christs Field , or his World of Church-Professors . And also by this , their exposition falleth , for then it is the sleepines and sloth of Preachers that wicked men are borne in the World of mortall men , which is absurd . We are bidden , 2 Tim. 3. 5. Turne away from such as have a form of godlines , and have denied the power thereof ; Ergo , we cannot joyne in Church communion with them . Answ. It is cleare by this argument , to our Brethren , that one and the same reason holdeth for turning away , and separation from all persons and Churches , which are not inchurched by covenant , and constituted of visibly regenerated persons , and the not admitting Church-members . So our Brethren by this professe the lawfulnesse of separation from all Churches , except from their owne . 2. No marvell then Paul will have Timothy to separate from Apostates and from Resisters of the truth , v. 8. and from proud boasters , blasp●emers , Traitors . For such are to be excommunicated , as 1 Tim. 6. 3. 5. At l●quitur Paulus ( saith a Parkerus ) de fundamentali corruptione istius Doctrinae , qu● est secundum pi●tatem : but Paul here forbiddeth to exhort the proud and malitious blasphemers and resisters of the Truth , and not to waite upon them any longer , whereas otherwise he had said in the end of the preceding Chapter , 24. 25. 26. Others , who are detained in the snare of Satan , must be waited on , and instructed with meekenesse , if God will give them Repentance ; Ergo , Tim thy was as a Pastor to instruct unconverted persons , and to joyne in communion with them , but as for desperate enemies and blasphemers , he was not to waite on them , nor to exhort them with meekenesse . And if this Text prove any thing it will conclude against our Brethren , that such as deny the power of godlinesse , should not be hearers of the Word , and farre lesse ( as our Breathren reason ) members of the visible Church . Can any ( sayth the Author ) judge such persons fit materials for the constituting and edifying of a Church , who are more fit for the ruine and destruction of the Church , such as leave their first love ( as all hypocrites will at length do ) they procure the removall of the candlestick . Answ. The argument must be thus formed . All these whom God intendeth shall edifie and not ruine the Church , are to be only members of the visible Church : but all knowen hypocrites are such ; Ergo. The proposition is false , for if we speake of Gods secret Intention and his decreeing Will ; It is not a rule for the Church to square and to regulate them in the choysing or refusing Church-members , because God intendeth in his decreeing wi●l , that many hypocrites , such as Judas and D●mas , shall be Church-members , and let our Brethren judge if they be fit materialls to edifie the Church . If we speake of Gods revealed will , the proposition also is false ; for by our Brethrens Doctrine , it is Gods revealed will that the Church receive as Church-members latent hypocrites , such as Simon Magus , Acts 8. who are conceived to be regenerated , as the church , Acts 8. conceived Simon Magus to be a sound Believer , as our Brethren say , and yet latent hypocrites , are no lesse unfit materialls to build the Church , then knowen hypocrites . 2. We doe not thinke that hypocrites fallen from their first love , and by scandalous living declaring themselves to be such should bee kept in the Church . But so the Author alleadgeth , Revel . 2. That the Church of Ephesus falling from her first love , must bee a false constituted Church , in which there were members fitter to ruine , then to edifie the Church . And yet certaine it is , Paul , Eph. 1. and Christ , Rev●l . 2. acknowledgeth the Church of Ephesus to be a true visible Church . We passe ( saith the Author ) the types of the Old Testament , which yet are not without their due weight . Rough stones were not laid in the building of Salomons Temple till they were hewen and prepared before , 1 King. 6. 7. and behold a greater then Salomen is h●re , the attendance of the porteres suffering none to enter into the Temple who were uncleane ( 2 Chron. 23. 19. ) doth evidently type forth the watchfulnesse of the officers of Christs Church , to suffer none uncleane in estate or in this course of life , to enter into the fellowship of the Church , which ought to be a communion of Saints . Their apology sayth a though all Israel were admitted to the fellowship of the Ordinances administrated in the synagegne , yet none uncleane were admitted into the Temple ; for Revel . 21. without are dogs , &c. So Master Can and Robinson presse this place . Answ. In this Type many things are loose and doubtfull . 1. We desire a warrant from the Word , that the Temple was a Type of a visible Congregation , and that all must be as really holy before they enter into a visible congregation , as they behoved to be Typically holy , who entered into the Temple of Jerusalem . The Temple is a Type of Christs Body , Iohn 2. and of the Church of the New Testament invisible , which must consist of sanctified ones , but how it is a Type of the visible Church we see not . For the Lords spirituall building whereof the Corner-stone and the foundation is Christ ▪ is the Church invisible built by Faith as lively Stones upon Christ , 1 Pet : 2. 7. Unto you therefore which believe he is precious , v. 5. yee also as living Stones are built up a spirituall House . opposite to the disobedient , v. 7. who stumble at the Word , v. 8. 1 Cor. 3. 9. yee are Gods building , Eph. 2. 20 , 21 , 22. Expressely the building are these who are built on the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles , and grow up into an holy Temple in Christ , and are the habitation of God through his Spirit . This cannot agree to a visible Church , the members whereof may be ( as our Brethren teach from Revel . 2. ) Hypocrites who fall from their first love . Yea also the laying on of stones on the bulding is not the act of inchurching , or of union to a Church , as it must be , if the comparison prove the poynt , but the joyning of the stones to the building is the union of these stones by Faith to Christ , the chiefe corner stone , as is expounded , 1 Pet. 2. To whom comming as to a living stone , v. 5. yee also as liveing stones are built , &c. Yea , and Peter doth not build this comfortable Doctrine all upon the comforts of a Church-state in a single congregation ; for many of these to whom he writ , were dispersed and persecuted through Pontus , Asia , and Cappadocia , &c. And might have , and had an Union with Christ by Faith without a Church Union in a Parish . 2. Though in this Type were signified a morall obligation , that all before they be inchurched in a visible Congregation , should be converted , how is it proved that the Church should receive none to a visible Congregation till they bee converted ? for these are farre different . All should be converted , but there is no new Law commanding the Church to receive none into her fellowship , but the converted . 3. The hewers of stones or builders of the Temple , must Typifie Pastors in Office , dressing stones for the spirituall building , our Brethren make them to Typifie private Christians out of Office , and deny that any Pastors as Pastors doe fit and prepare stones to bee layd on the spirituall building . Also none layd stones on that Temple save onely builders by Office , but by our Brethrens Doctrine , onely Pastors doe not convert Soules . There were no Stones at all in the Temple of Jerusalem , but choice and well squared stones , are no members of the visible Church but the chosen of God ? 3. If the Porters typifie the Ministers of visible Churches , first only Porters hold out the uncleane ; Ergo , onely Pastors should hold out the scandalous , but you admit the whole Church with equall authority to take in , or refuse Church-members . 2. If the Temple be a Type of the visible Church , then no prophane person , nor uncircumcised in heart should meet with the visible Church to heare the Word , for hearing of the word prophanes the holy things of God. This you cannot say , for infidels may be , as you say , fellow-partners with the Church , in hearing the word . 3. Robinson holdeth a that Abrahams seed , and so all the Jewes were to separate themselves from the world , that they might be a visible Church to God , but we read not that the porters were to hold out any wicked person . Yea Jer. 7. professedly they came to the Temple of the Lord who were theeves , adulterers , and wicked persons . And so by that neither are the porters of the visible Churches of the New Testament to hold out unconverted persons because they are unconverted . Lastly , the place , Revel . 22. 15. For without are dogges , &c. is fouly abused when it is applied to the visible Church , where there may be , and ordinarily are dogges ; yea and liers , Revel . 2. 2. idolaters , v. 14. Napper , Pareus , Marlorat , expoundeth it of the Kingdome of glory , for it is that Kingdome spoken of , Rev. 21. 27. but within that Kingdome cannot enter any thing that defileth , neither what soever worketh abomination or maketh a lie , but they which are written in the Lambes booke of life , But it is against all reason and the Lords Word that in the visible Church is nothing that defileth , that is no sinne , but onely those who are written in the Lambes book of life . This is the very doctrine of Anabaptists though we know our deare brethren hate that Sect , and their Doctrine . a Robinson . The purest Church on Earth may consist of good and bad in Gods Eye , but the question is about the true and naturall members , whereof the Church is orderly gathered , but as it were fond Philosophy , in the discription of Wives and Children , to make Rebellion a naturall property of a child , and Whoredome of a Wife , so it is as profane Divinity to make ungodly persons the true matter of the Church , and prophanenesse a property of the same , because many seeming Saints creepe in . Answ. If the holiest Church visible on Earth consist of good and bad , before God , then to be partakers of the Divine nature , Temples of the holy Ghost , Saints by calling , is not of the essence of a visible Church , nor is it essentiall to make one a member of the visible Church , that he be converted . It is sufficient that he be a professor of the Faith. And it is a poore comparison to say , that prophannesse cannot be put in the description of a visible Church , for in the essence of a visible Church as visible , we neither include Holinesse nor Propanenesse , but only a visible company professing the Faith of Christ and called by the Ministery of the Word , whether they be Believers or Unbelievers it is all one , neither of the two belongeth to the essence of a visible church : a visible Church is saved in the number of fourty , all being converted , or in 40. being all unconverted , so they be externally called by the Ministery of the Gospell and prosesse the same . And it is as foolish to make holinesse the essence of a child , as to make it of a visible Church , and as vaine to make chastity the essence of a married Wife ; for this is not our philosophy , but a conceit of Mr. Robinson falsely imputed to us . a Robinson . All the Churches that ever the Lord planted consisted of good only , as the Church of the Angells in Heaven and of mankind in Paradise . God hath also these same ends in creating and restoring his Churches , and if it were the Will of God that persons notoriously wicked should be admitted into the Church , then should God directly crosse himselfe and his owne ends , and should receive into the visible covenant of grace , such as were out of the visible estate of grace , and should plant such in his Church for the glory of his Name , as served for no other use , then to cause his Name to be blasphemed . Answ. This argument proveth that the visible Church is not a visible Church , except it consist of onely holy and gratious persons , without any mixture ; and so not only holinesse in profession , but holinesse reall and before God is required essentially to a visible Church . Then Pastors , Doctors and Professors , binding and loosing , clave non errante , are not a visible Church . Yea , this is downe right Anabaptisme that no visible Churches are on Earth , but such as consist of reall Saints only . 2. It is most ignorantly reasoned , that God in creating Man and Angells good , did not intend that they should fall by his permission , but that they should continue holy and then God was frustrated of his end , as Arminians and Socinians Teach . So sayth a Arminius Antiperk . b Corvinus . The Remonstrants c at Dort , and d Socinus , that God intendeth and purposeth many things which never come to passe . 2. His Decrees faile and are changed . 3. Men may make Gods Decrees of election fast and sure , or loose and unsure , as they please . 3. Here is much ignorance that God intendeth nothing that may be against the glory of obedience due to him , as Law-giver ; as if sinners and hypocrites being in the Church because they are dishonorable to God , should crosse Gods end , and purpose : so Tertullian e bringeth in some whom he calleth dogges , thus reasoning against providence , which suffereth sinne to be in the World so contrary to his Will and goodnesse : And who denieth but Christ commanded Judas to preach , and that the Apostles according to Gods Will and Cammandement received Ananias , Saphira , Simon Magus in the visible Church by baptizing them ( for I hope the Apostles sinned not against Gods revealed Will in admitting them to the visible Church . ) And shall we say that God directly in that crosseth himselfe and his own ends , because God gathered hypocrites into his Churcch , and yet they dishonour and blaspheme the Name of God ? Whiles Robinson saith , Gods maine end in gathering a visible Church is , that they being separated f from the World , may glorifie his Name , he speaketh grosse Arminianisme , that God faileth in his ends . Lastly , he saith that God cannot will that persons notoriously wicked should be in his visible Church , for then he should crosse himselfe and his owne ends advert ( notoriously ) is vainely added , seeing we teach that notoriously wicked ought to be cast out of the visible Church ; as also if he shall will wicked persons , let alone notoriously wicked , or latent hypocrites to be in the Church , yea or in this visible World , he should by this Arminian argument crosse himselfe and his owne ends ? Do you believe with Arminians that Gods end is , that Angells and men should have stood in obedience , and that a Redeemer should never come to save sinners ? And that blasphemy and sinne is against Gods purpose and intended end , and that sinne crosseth him ? but when all is done it is his intention and revealed will that hypocrites be invited to the visible and preached covenant , and yet he knoweth that they are out of the visible , yea and invisible state of grace . a Robinson . In planting the first Church in the seed of the woman , there were only Saints without any mixture , now all Churches are of one nature and essentiall constitution , and the first is the rule of the rest . Answ. Though God planted Adam and Eve two restored persons , to be the first repenting Church ; from Gods fact you cannot conclude a visible Church gathered by men , should be voyd of all mixture , so as it is no visible Church ; if it be a mixed company of good and bad , this is contrary to his owne commandement , Mat. 22 9. Go and call as many as you finde . 2. Gods acts are not rules of morall duties , his Word and Commandement doth regulate us , not his Works . God hardeneth Pharaos heart , should Pharao harden for that his owne heart ? God forbid . Robinson . Cajan that evill on was broken off , and cast out of the Church , and by Moses it is imputed for sin , that the sonnes of God married with the daughters of men ; Ergo , it is far more unlawful to contract with the wicked in a religious covenant of the communion of Saints . Answ. Wee grant such as Cain are to be excommunicated , but what then ? Ergo , none can be members of a visible Congregation but such as Abel , we love not such consequences , a Though God forbade his people to marry with the Canaanites , yet he forbade not that the Godly and ungodly should come to the Temple together , and that Noah and cursed Cham should be in one Arke together . 3. Though it be a sinne that the wicked should mix themselves with the godly and come unto the Kings supper without the wedding garment , yet that is not the question , but if the pastors inviting all to come to the supper do sin , and 2. If the Church be not a true visible Church , though it consist of good and bad . Robinson . Circumcision is a seale of the righteousnesse of Faith , Gen. 17. 10. Rom. 4. 11. Now to affirme that the Lord will seale up with the visible seale of Faith any visibly unrighteous and faithlesse person , were , that God should prophane his own Ordinance . Answ. God doth by this argument profane his owne seale , when a visibly wicked person is sealed with the seale , as when one visibly unrighteous is sealed , for the latent hypocrite profaneth the seale of Righteousnesse , as the open and visibly unrighteous and faithlesse person doth . Yet it is Gods command that the latent hypocrite have the seales of Righteousnesse , since the Church conceiveth him to be a sound professor ; Ergo , by your Doctrine God commandeth to prophane his owne seales , but this is the wicked reasoning of Arminians , and Socinians . So Arminians against Perkins , Corvinus against Molin●us , the Arminians at the synod of Dort would prove an universall grace accompanying the Word and Sacraments , and they say that Sacraments doe not seale remission of sins , redemption in Christ , and that they be empty and toome ordinances yea and mocking signes , except all who receive the seales , both elect and repro●ate be redeemed in Christ , and have grace to believe . But the truth is , God doth not prophane his owne seales , because he commandeth that they be received with Faith : and let us see where any male child , reprobate or elect , borne amongst the Iewes , but he is by Gods Commandement to be circumcised , yet that seale was an empty ordinance to thousands in Israel . 3. Nor is the seale , a seale of righteousnesse , actu secundo , sed actu primo it is a seale of righteousnesse , as the Word of God is the power of God to Salvation , not to all , nor of it selfe , but by the efficacious grace of God , to every one that believes . Iohn Baptist ( saith Robinson ) Christ and his Apostles being to repaire the desolation of Sion , did not by the coactive Lawes of men s●● ffle together good and bad , as intending a new monster or Chimaera , but admitted of such and none other , as confessed their sins a and justified God , and were not of b the World , but chosen out of it , and c did receive the Word gladly , and communicated all of them in all things , as every one had neede , and that in gladnesse and singlenesse of heart , as receiving Testimony of the Holy Ghost himselfe , that they were such as should be saved , as were d all of them purchased by the Blood of God , as e for all for whom there was cause to thinke God , as whom the Apostle f did remember in his prayers with gladnesse , being perswaded that God would perfect his good Worke begun in them , as became him to judge of them all , being all partakers of the grace of God with him in the confirmation of the Gospell , and after whom all he longed from the g very heart roote in Christ , and for all whom he gave thankes , alwayes making mention of them in his prayers , without ceasing remembring their effectuall Faith , diligent love , and patient hope in the Lord Jesus , which did grow in every one of them . Answ. Here is much Scripture abused to no good use ; 1. that coactive Laws of Princes be the onely way of inchurching people , we never taught ; but of this hereafter . 2. He calleth the Kingdome of God which is a draw-net of good and bad h a called company invited to the Supper of the Gospell , whereof many are called , but few are chosen . i which is the field where grow Wheat and Tares k the Barne-floore wherein is Corne and Chaffe . l He calleth ( I say ) these men good and bad shuffled together in a new monster or Chimaera . Sinne is a monster , but that it should be in the world is not without the decree of efficacious providence , except we turne Epicures with Arminians . 3. That all and every one baptized by Iohn Baptist justified God , and were true converts is more charity , then the verity of the Text Luk. 7. can warrant . 4. And that the visible Church consisteth onely of men chosen out of the World , as he spake from Ioh. 15. is a plaine contradiction to that ( many are called , but few chosen out of the World ) and serveth much for Huberians , who will have all the visible Church chosen , and for Arminians who make all in Gods intention separated from the World , and so make election to life eternall , as universall in the visible Church as the preached Gospell . 5. It is an adding to the Text , Acts 2. That the visible Church ( all of them ) and you say did communicate in all things with singlenesse of heart , and were to be saved . For we have not so much charity to bestow on An●nias , Saphira , and Simon Magus , who were added to the Church visible : but why call you this the Testimony that the Holy Ghost giveth of all them ? where did you reade or dreame this ? The Holy Ghosts Testimony is true , and what Divinty is it , that all added to the visible Church shall be saved ? deeme you with Origen and some others that none are eternally d●mned ? 8. And you say of the visible Church , Acts , 20. 28. All of them were redeemed by the Blood of God. If Luke had said so , I could have believed it , but your saying is groundles . All whom they are commanded to feede , and all who were to be devoured by grievous Wolves , and all the drawen away Disciples of false Teachers , 29. 30. Are all these redeemed by the Blood of God ? Th●● Church is an Arminian Chimaera : that all to whom the Gospell is preached by Feeders and Pastors , must be obliged to believe that Christ by his Blood redeemed all and every one of them , is Arminianisme . a Corvinus and b Jac. Arminius , c Nic. Grevinchovius d Episcopius , e Socinus f Smaleius g Ostorodius will thanke you , for they hold that Christ gave his Blood for all the damned in Hell , and purposely to redeem them , and for his part gave his life for all the World , and especially for the visible Church . 7. That the Apostle gave thanks to God , for the sound faith of all who professed the Gosspell at Rome , and were perswaded that God would perfect the worke of salvation in all and every one of the Philippians , is a wicked dreame , that they were all partakers of the grace of the Gospell , and that all the Thessalonians , without exception had effectuall faith , diligent love , and patient hope . All this is said , without ground of Gods Word : and contrary to the Word . Were there none , Rom. 6. Servants of sinne ? None who walked after the flesh ? Rom. 8 So Rom. 14. and Phil. 3. 2. 18. Phil. 2. 21. 1 Thess. 4. 2. 2 Thess. 3. 8 9 , 10. None in Philippi whose God was their belly ? none who minded earthly things ? No dogs ? No evill workers ? a Robinson ; The Jewes were forbidden by God , under the Law to sow their Field with diverse seeds , and will he sow his own Field with Wheate and Tares ? and b the Lords Field is sowen with good seed , Mat 13 , 24 27 , 28. His Vine Noble c and all the seed true , his Church Saints and beloved of God d but through the malice of Satan , and negligence of such as keep the field adulterate seed and abominable persons may be . Answ. God who is above a law forbiddeth the Father to kill the son , yet may he command Abraham to kill his son , in positive Lawes , such as sowing of seeds , Gods practice is not a Law to us ; I remember Jesuites , especially Suarez , Didac . Ruiz Molina , Laessius , Lod. Meratius Hiero. Fasolus and their Disciples , the Arminians , labour to prove that God cannot predeterminate the will of man to the positive acts that are in sin : For then he should be the author and cause of sin which he forbiddeth us to do , and he would not do himselfe , say they , that which he forbiddeth us . Which is but in the generall a weake answer , for it followeth not hence , that he is the author of the malice , because he praedeterminates the will to the positive act of sinning . For though God in his working Providence permit wicked men to be in the Church ( as you cannot deny his providence here ) yet doth it not follow , that he soweth wicked men in the Church . Nor doe we say , that it is the Lords appoving and revealed will that hypocrites should joyne with his friends at the marriage supper of the Gospell , they wanting their wedding garment . It is hypocrites sin that they joyne themselves to the Church , they being heart Enemies to the truth . And in this respect God soweth them not in the Church . But the question is if the Church and Pastors sin in receiving such into the bosome of the Church , because they see not , in conscience , that they are regenerated : That we deny , yea the servants bid all come whom they finde . Mat. 22. 9. and that by the commandement of God. And in this respect God doth not plant his visible Church a noble Vine , and a Field sowen with good seed , yea it is his revealed Will that the Church and the Servants of God invite all to come to Wisdomes banquet , Prov. 9. 2. 3. and so all the called externally are not the choise Vines . This you are to prove , that the visible Church in all its members , or essentially as it is a visible Church is a choise Vine , and an holy seed . Nor is it the Pastors negligence that Tares grow in the Lords Field ( though it be Satans malice ) yea the Pastors here are to invite all to come in , and to call externally all to come to Christ. That they who are invited give not obedience is their own wickednesse , but neither the Churches , nor the Pastors sinne . ( a ) Robinson . There be amongst you hundreds and thousands partakers of the life of God in respect of your persons , but in respect of your Church Communion , and your Ordinances , you are all alike , because you are all alike partakers of one set forme of worship . Answ. The Church of the Jewes so should be a falsely constituted Church , because however there were many Believers amongst them , yet all are commanded to receive one Ministery of Sc●ibes and Pharisees sitting in Moses chaire . But know that the leaven of the externall worship ( except it evert the foundation ) doth not make the Church a falsely constituted Church . a Robinson , Mr. Smith truely affirmeth your Church to be a greater Antichristian Ministery and worship then Rome , as the Temple which sanctifieth the gold , and the altar which sanctifieth the offering is greater then the offering : so the Temple of the New Testament , the Church and people of God , by whose Faith all the Ordinances of the Church are sanctified , is greater then the Ministery , worship , or any other Ordinance , and being Idolatrous is a greater Idoll . Answ. This is a new poynt of Divinity that the Faith of the Ministery or congregation sanctifieth the worship ; as the Temple did the gold and the altar the offering : yea though the Minister were a Judas , and the people latent hypocrites , the Ordinances of God lose no authority , for all the Ministeriall sanctifying of the Ordinances is from Christ the Instituter , not from the instruments ; and the Donatists did suspend the power of the Ordinances of God , upon the holinesse , or unholinesse of the Instruments . 2. The Ministery in its substance is not Antichristian , though it be from the Antichrist . For Prelates giving of a ministery is not to be measured by the particular intention of the Ordainers , but by the Nature of Gods Ordinances , and the generall meaning of all the Catbolick Church . Robinson here objecteth , The Law sayth nemo potest plus juris in alium transferre , quam ipse habet . Prelates have no calling of God themselves , therefore they cannot give it to others . Answ. Prelates reduplicativè , as Prelates have no calling , yet as Pastors they have , and Antichristian prelacy destroyeth not the essence of a Pastors office in the subject . They object , as a Prelate he ordaineth Ministers , and not as a Pastor . Answ. 1. as a Prelate he usurpeth to give a Ministery , but as a Pastor he giveth it . 2. He invadeth the place of the Church and with consent of the Church standeth for the Church , though he be not the Church , but a simple Pastor , therefore what Ministery he conferreth , it is the deed and fact of the Church . 3. They object , No man can give that which he hath not . Answ. No man can give that which he hath not , neque virtualiter neque formaliter , true ; what he hath in no respect , that he cannot give . What he hath in vertue or in some respect , that he can give . What baptisme the hereticall Minister hath Ministerially , that he may give validly . a Hieronimus saith , the Luciferians admitted Baptisme conferred by an Heretick , but not a Ministery , Anatolus was consecrated by Dioscorus , Faelix by the Arrians , as Mr. b Ball observeth . So c Bellarmine . d Gratian e Nazianzen , f August . They say g we finde it by experience that the refusing of Church-communion hath been blessed of God , to their conversion who were holden cut . Answ. Manass●h his being bound in fetters was a meanes of his conversion . David by his afflictions learned to keep Gods Commandements : did therfore the persecuters of Manasseh or David right and lawfully ? The Apostles ( say they h had commission to Baptize none but Disciples , Mat. 28. 19. Answ. See you doubt not of a warrant for Baptizing children , who are not Disciples : for then the Apostles from this place had no warrant to baptize the infants of Believers . We should ( say they i open the doores of the Church more wi●● then God alloweth , how shall we lay wittingly and willingly dead stones in the living Temple ? If Christ be a Head of pure Gold , and the Churches golden candlestick , how shall we be allowed to put in leaden members ? Answ. This argument is against the Lords dispensation , because not without his providence are hypocrites in the Church . It is not against his Commandement , for he alloweth and commandeth the Church to take in Hypocrites , so they professe the truth , and so commendeth that leaden toes and members be added to Christ the Head of gold . Christ is the Head of the invisible Church properly and according to the influence of the Life of God , but he is the head of the visible Church as it is such according to the influence of common gifts , which may be in Reprobates . And they may be this way in Christs Body , who are not of Christs Body , as Augustine sayth . We are ( say they ) accessary to the prophaning of the Lords Ordinances . Answ. So far as they are notoriously scandalous they are to bee cast out of the Church , and debarred from the Seales . The Church ( say they ) shall be pestered with prophane and carnall men , and the blind shall lead the blind , if all be admitted to Church f●llowship . Answ. The admission or keeping in of all to partake especially of the Lords Supper , we doe not allow . 2. The multitude of carnall men in the Church is an inconvenience of providence , and resulteth by accident , from the receiving of Professors to Christs Body visible ; but it is no kindly fruit growing therefrom . A faithfull servant ( say they a would admit none into his Lords House , but servicable instruments , therefore neither may the Stewards of Gods House ( which is a spirituall building ) admit any but men of spirituall gifts , living stones , sanctifyed and meet for the Lords Worke. Answ. The comparison halteth many wayes . 1. All in a Noble mans house , are not stewards , you make all the Church to be stewards having the power of the Keys to put in , and out . 2. Members are received into the Church , not onely because they are serviceable , for the masters use , but to be made servicable and to be polished by the Word of God , and care of Pastors , but servants are taken into great houses because they are servicable ; for if that follow , that they are made more servicable , it is not the intent of the Lord of the house , or of the under-stewards . 3. The Oeconomy of Princes houses is no rule for the government of the house of the King of Kings . Mr. Coachman b while the materialls and pillars of the house are rotten , and the house founded upon Briers , Brambles and rubbish , that is , while wicked men are members , no Discipline , 〈◊〉 Reformation , no censures , no Election by the multitude will doe good . Answ. The connexion is naught , the fruit and power of Gods ordinances depend not upon the conversion or non-conversion of the instruments , the preaching , Sacraments , censures are of themselves golden and exercisers and dispensers thereof , following Christs direction therein are golden , eatenus in so far , though in respect of their personall estate they be wooden and clay members voyd of faith . 2. It is false that the visible Church is founded upon men or their Faith. God strengtheneth the barres of his own Sion . And Christ and the Gospell are the pillars thereof . Nay the Church strandeth not upon Peter and Paul and the Apostles faith subjective , because the Apostles were holy men and Believers , but upon the Apostles Faith objectivè , that is , upon the saving truth that the Apostles delivered from Christ to the Churches , Ephes. 20. 21. 1 Cor. 3. 11 , 12. Mat. 16 , v. 18. Quest. 3. Whether or no there be a true Church communion with ordinary hearers of the Word , who cannot be admitted to the Lords Supper , and what union excommunicated persons who d● heare the Word have with the visible Church ? and how the preaching of the Gospell is an essentiall note of the visible Church ? For the clearing of these confiderable poynts tending much to a fuller understanding of a true visible Church in its right constitution , let these considerations make way to what we can say of these poynts . 1. Dist. There is a difference betwixt ordinary and setled bearers of the Word , and transient and occasionall hearers . 2. Dist. Publick ordinary preaching for the converting of soul●● is a publick Church - worship . Another set way of ordinary publick use of converting soules , by preachers not in office , wee know not . 3. Dist. Some be members of the visible Church properly and strictly , such as are admitted to all the seales of the covenant and holy things of God. Others are lesse properly , or in an inferiour degree , members of the visible Church , such as are baptized and are ordinary hearers of the Word , but not admitted to the Lords Supper , of old the Catechumenoi were such . As there be decr●●s of Citizens , some having all the priviledges of the City and some onely right to some priviledges , but not to all . 3. Some have right to all , and are most properly in the visible Church . 4. Dist. Excommunication being medicinall and for edificati●● , cannot cut off the member close , except we should confound killing and curing . 5. Dist. There is a note of a ministeriall Church , such as is preaching of the Word of God , and a note of the visible Church of Believers , and obedience professed to the Word preached is such a note . 6. Dist. Preaching of the Word may well be a note of the Church invisible in fieri while it is in gathering , because God purposeth to convert where the Word is purely preached . 2. A note of the invisible Church already constituted , in so far as it is obeyed . And. 3. A note of the Ministeriall Church , in respect where God holdeth out the Standard of the preached word , there is his ordered army . 1. Conclusi . To communicate with the Church ordinatily and of set purpose is an act of externall Church communion . 1. Because if the preacher in preaching edifie the Church convened for that effect to receive edification , and if he convince the I●fidell by preaching and cause him fall downe and worship God , and report that God is in that meeting , then to communicate with the Church in hearing and preaching is an act of externall Church communion . Because an act of worship terminated and bounded upon the Church is a Church-act . But the prophet prophecying in publick to the Church edifieth the Church and converteth infidells in causing them to worship & acknowledge Gods presence in a Church-meeting . As is cleare . 1. Cor. 14. 4. He that prophecieth , edifieth the Church . v. 5. v. 12. seek that you excell to the edifying of the Church . 29. Yet in the Church I had rather speak five words with my understanding , &c. 23. If therefore the whole Church be come together into some place and all speake with tongues , and there come in these that are unlearned and Unbelievers , will they not say that yee are mad ? 24. But if all prophecy and there come in one that believeth not , or one that is unlearned , he is convinced of all , &c. And that this is a Church-meeting formally , it is cleare , because it is said , 34. let your women keepe silence in the Churches , now women out of a Church-meetings are not commanded silence , for Tit. 2. 4. They are to teach the younger women : and at home in the house , Prov. 31. 26. She openeth her mouth with wisdome , and the Law of grace is in her lips . Acts 20. 7. and upon the first day of the week the Disciples came together to breake bread , and Paul preached to them . Had they not then a Church Communion in hearing the Word , as in the receiving the Sacrament : Our brethren say that eating one bread together at the Lords Table is properly a Church Communion . For thereby , we may eat one bread we are one body , for we all partake of one bread 1 Cor. 10. 18. But heating one word is not a Church-communion , because Infidels and Turkes who are not members of the Church may heare one word , 1 Cor. 14. 24 25. I answer 1. Wee speake of a professed and resolved hearing . Turks and Infidels comming in without purpose to joyne with the Church , as 1 Cor. 14. 2. 25. are not such hearers . 2. If this were a good reason , a latent hypocrite eating one bread with sound believers at the Lords Table , should keepe no Church-communion with the Church , for by our Brethrens Doctrine , a ●ypocrilt is no more in deed and truth a member of the visible Church then a leg of wood is a member of a living body . But we hold that he is a true member of the Church as visible , and that his binding and loosing with the Church ( suppose he be an Elder ) is no lesse valid in Heaven , when Christs order is followed , then the binding and loosing of a believing Elder , and therefore that his eating at the Lords Table is an act of externall Church-communion , and of visible fellowship in a visible body , and the same is every way strong for a visible Church-fellowship , in hearing the Word , for that same Christ and fellowship with him , which is sealed in the Sacrament , is preached in the Word ; and as joynt communicating of hypocrites and Believers is an externall Church-communion , ought to seale an internall communion with Christ and his Church , so the joynt-hearing in a professed adjoyning to the visible Church it a compartning visible in a visible worship , and a prosessing of an union with that same Christ and his Church in the same word preached . For as the Apostle concludeth the unity of the catholick Church by one Baptisme , so doth he conclude it from one faith , and one Lord of the covenant preached to all . 2. The visible Church of called and chosen , and not chosen , is the scope of the parable , Mat. 22. and Luk. 14. 16. 17. &c. Now v. 9. Mat. 21. All are bidden come to the Supper , and be joynt-hearers of the Word of the Gospell , though all be not choses who are externally called . 1. Also if converting of soules to the Faith of Christ be the most formall and specifick act of edifying , and of laying stones upon the chiese corner stone in the building , 1 Pet. 2. 4. 5. seeing edifying is the end whereof Christ ascending on high , gifted his visible Church with Pastors and Doctors , Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. Then hea●ing and joynt-hearing of a sent Pastor , Rom. 10. 14. must be formally externall co●worshiping in a visible Church . For our Brethren hold that there be now no Pastors under the New Testament , but in relation to a particular and visible congregation . Now if our Brethren say , that pastorall teaching is an act of a visible Church , hearing of pastorall preaching must also be an act of Church worship . For they are relata quae se mutuo ponunt & tollunt ; yea members of a visible congregation have no Church-worship except receiving of the Sacraments and Church censures , if hearing of a pastor be not Church-worship . 3. Under the New Testament every congregation to our Brethren is a visible mount Sion . Now if under the New Testament the people are to incite one another to publick Church worship , and say . Let us go to the mountaine of the Lord , to the house of the God of Jacob. and he will teach us his wayes , Esa. 2. 3. And if they shall publickly worship and aske the way to Sion , that they may be joyned in covenant to the Lord , Jer. 50. v. 5. Then is hearing of he doctrine of Gods wayes and covenant , a publick church-worship , and the service of the Church or house of the God of Jacob . But the former is true ; Ergo , so is the latter . 4. If it be not Church-worship to heare the Word , a pure and sound preaching of the Word is no note of the Church , contrary to the Word , and the unanimous consent of the Reformed Churches . 5. Hearing of the word is a worshiping of God. Ergo , the Church-hearing of the word must be Church-worship . For all professing by their visible communion in hearing the Word , one Faith , one Lord , one Hope of glory , and that as one visible body , must thereby testifie they be all joynt-worshippers of Christ and of one God , whose covenant they preach and heare . 6. Professed hearing separateth a visible member of the church ( in genere notarum visibilium , in the kind of visible marks ) from an Infidell and Turke no lesse then the receiving of the Lords Supper doth . 7. Professed hearing maketh the hearer under a ty of being particularly rebuked of his sinne , but particular pastorall rebuking being done by the power of the keyes presupposeth the rebuked to be within ; for the Church cannot judge those who are without . 2. Conclu . Excommunicated persons though they be debarred from the Lords Supper , and delivered to Satan , and to be accompted as heathen and publicans , yet are they not altogether and every way cut off from the visible Church . 2. Thess. 3. 14. If any obey not our word by letter , ●arke such an one , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the note of Excommunication ( saith a Beza ) and have no fellowship with him , that he may be ashamed , that is , as Calvin well expoundeth , exclude him out of the company of the faithfull , and excommunicate him . So also c Bullingerus d Marlorat and e Iodoc. Vullichius , v. 15. Yet accompt him not as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother . I know Mr. Robinson f denieth this place to be understood of any Excommunicated person , but he willeth the Thessalonians not to countenance , but to shew their dislike of idle persons ▪ and his reasons are . 1. Because if Christ biddeth accompt the excommunicated person as an Heathen and a publican , would Paul thereafter accompt him as a brother ? 2. Idolaters and Hereticks are to be excommunicated , and will you have such a brotherhood , as brother idolater ? But I answer , 1. We read not in the New Testament , where Christ , or his Apostles bid break off Christian fellowship with any but there is excommunication signified . If these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have no fellowship with him , that he may be ashamed , signifie , not to forbeare fellowship with him , as a cast out person , but only to shew their dislike of the sin , that he may see it , and be ashamed : as Robinson sayth , there is no more punishment to be inflicted on a contumacious person who will not obey the Apostles words , then is inflicted for any sinne to which contumacy is not added ; for we are to shew our dislike of any sinne , even the seene infirmities of our Brethren . For Augustine saith , peccatum tuum est , quic quid tibi non displicet , every sin in another is thine , against which thou shewest not thy dislike . 2. The Law of nature doth inforce , that Lev , 19. 17. we should generally rebuk our brethren , and so shew our dislike for any sinne . 3. Be not mixed in fellowship with such a man , is a publicke ab●●nence from communion with him , else it doth not shame him . For every showen dislike or not-communion with another in his sinne , is not that which will put publick shame on him , that he may repent , as is intimated here . 2. Christ biddeth not accompt him a Publican , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a note of similitude . Simile qua simile non est idem . Every thing like is not the same . So that he may well be accompted as an Heathen , not being altogether an Heathen , and yet a Brother , whose salvation and gaining you must intend . Nor is it altogether against the comparison of Christ , and that gentle waiting on perverse idolaters and excommunicate persons to admonish them as Brethren . Seing it becommeth us to be mercifull as our Heavenly Father is , 2 Tim. 2 24 , 25. Mat. 5. 45. And we must forgive our offending Brethren seventy seven times , Mat. 18. 22. And therefore though he were twice excommunicated , he is to be dealt with as a Brother . And an Idolatrous brother is no worse then a Samaritan neighbour or friend . 2. If Excommunication be a medicine of the Church toward a sick sonne , the end whereof is salvation , that the spirit may be saved in the Lords Day , 1 Cor. 5. 5. that he may learne not to blaspheme , 1 Tim 1. 12. That be may be gained , Mat. 18. 15. Ergo , he is not altogether cut off from the Church , for delivering to Satan is medicinall , not vindictive , as the great Excommunication is which is called Anathema Maranatha , which we cannot use , but against such , as have sinned the sin against the Holy Ghrist , and is hardly discerned , and I would think , such an one as Julian the Apostate should be debarred from the communion of the word preached . But these who are ordinarily excommunicated for contumacy and particular faults , and not for universall Apostacy , are not altogether excluded from all brotherhood of the Church . 3. If the excommunicate person be excluded from all priviledges of Church-fellowship , then also is he excluded from hearing the word as a sick patient under Church-medicine , for it is a pastorall , and so to our Brethren a Church-act , that the Shepheard strengthen the diseased , heale that which is sick , bind up that which is broken , bring againe that which is driven away , seeke that which is lost , Ezec. 34. 4. And feed the flock with knowledge , as a Pastor according to Gods heart and a Bishop . Jer. 3. 15. Act. 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Jerem. 23. 1 , 2 , 3 4. Jer. 50. 7. Esay 56. 10. Z●ch . 11. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. It is a Pastorall act to preach with all authority , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long suffering and doctrine , 2 Tim. 4. 2. 5. He should as a Pastor teach sound doctrine , exhort , convince the gainsayers , and silence heretickes , Tit. 1. 9. But seeing the excommunicated person is not excluded from hearing the word , and the Pastor hath a Pastorall care of his soule , and is to intend that his spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. 5. he cannot be utterly cut off from all Church-fellowship . Also this Authour a saith , that Church-members are to be admonished , and if we doe it not , we hate them in our heart , Levit. 19. 17. and if we warne not an Achan , his sin is the sin of all Israel . Now if an excommunicated brother remaine one , whom we are to gaine , and whose salvation we are to intend , if he be an ordinary coworshipper in hearing , the object of Pastorall and brotherly teaching and admonishing , he cannot be wholly excluded from all Church-fellowship . And this also proveth that these be members of the visible Church in some degree of Church-worship , who yet are deba●red from the ●eale● of the Covenant . And it cannot be said that the excommunicated person ought not to rebuke his brother , and not hate him in his heart , as Levit. 19. 17. Penall excommunication looseth not from the Law of nature . But our brethren make rebuking and mutuall exhorting one of another Church duties of watchfulnesse ; then is the excommunicated in some degree of Church-membership . Nor can our brethren here reply with good reason . Indians and Turks may heare the Word as well as the excommunicated person , and therefore hearing of the word is no note of Church communion . I answer , the Turke and Indian must heare the word , but at the by , and not professedly ; but the excommunicated person by the●ty of his Covenant made in baptisme , and that relation he hath to the Church under whose cure he is , for the saving of his spirit , and to that Gospel which he professeth , is obliged to the Church-communion of publique hearing the Word ; yea , and according to his oath given , to be subject to the ministery of such a man whom he chose for his Pastor , to give obedience to him in the Lord , however in that one particular for which he is cast cut , he hath failed against all the foresaid obligations . 2. The Church , as a visible Church , exerciseth no medicinall acts upon Turks or Heathen persons , and doth not repute them as Heathen , but doth repute them to be Heathen . Nor hath the Pastors any pastorall charge of Turkes and Heathens , except they would desire to be baptized and professe the faith . But the Church as the Church exerciseth medicinall acts of shunning Christian f●ll●wship with the excommunicated , and that with a continuated intention even when he is excommunicated , that his spirit may be saved in the day of God , and the Pastor hath a pastorall , and so a ministeriall care and obligation of pastorall teaching , admonishing and perswading him to returne to God. 4. Neither doe we meane with a Suarez and other Schoolmen , that excommunication doth not so cut off a member as it removeth not that baptismall character , or that passive power to receive the Sacraments ; or that the prayers of the Church are not offered of direct intention , for the inwardly humbled and repenting excommunicated person , while the sentence of absolution be pronounced by the Church , as b Soto , c Adrianus , d and Alanus thinketh , because forsooth f Innocentius 111. saith , the excommunicated person , though repenting , and doing what he can to be reconciled to the Church , yet without absolution from the censure , he is mortuus Ecclesiasticè dead Ecclesiastically , and so in Heaven also . Though g Navar , h Turrecremata , i Richard , k Anton. thinke the penitent excommunicated person is included in the generall desires of the Church in their prayers , because it is not the intention of the Church to exclude a true and living member of Christs body from a communion spirituall with Christ. But our meaning is , that the excommunicated person is deprived of actuall fellowship with Christ in the Seales of the Covenant , as the l Councell of Arausican , A gremio 〈◊〉 matris Ecclesiae & consortio totius Christianitatis climina●us . His sin is bound in Heaven , yet so as the salvation of his spirit is intended by the Church , see for this m Augustine . We understand not a baptismall character , except regeneration and 〈◊〉 of sins , which cannot be taken away by excommunication , and therefore a morall claime to the holy things of God , and that for that time and state is rather removed , then any internall right to Christ. Therfore some say , in this he loseth rather possessionem quam jus , possession then right . As a Nobleman , for some offence , of three dwelling houses that he hath , is confined to one of the three , so as he may not remove from that one ; yet doth he not lose right to the other two . 5. Our brethrens doctrine is , that none can be judged and excommunicated , but those who are within the visible Church ; n now none are within to them but such as are supposed to be regenerated and saints ; yea and more , faithfull brethren , not onely in profession ( saith our o Authour ) but also in some measure of sincerity and truth . Hence none are to be excommunicated and delivered to Satan , but regenerated persons ; then it cannot be the Churches mind , that the excommunicated persons are wholy cut off from the visible Church , since they being the true matter of the Church , as our brethren teach , remains therefore a part of Christs body in covenant with God , having right to the promises of the Covenant , and so these to whom the keyes are given , by our brethrens grounds , and are regenerated , can onely be excommunicated , and none else can be excommunicated , by their way also , for the unregenerated are without , and so cannot be cast out . I know not what Mr. Robinson can meane p that the Church cannot cast out ( as he saith ) any part or parcell of her true matter . The Church cannot excommunicate the regenerated , 1. Because ( saith he ) the true matter of the Church , hath the forme and essence of the Church , and the Church cannot cast out her owne essence . 2. The Church should deliver to Satan the true members of Christs body , which he abhorreth to write . But I have learned of q Mr. Coachman that onely the converted are to be excommunicated , because they have a spirit to be saved in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. The non-converted are flesh ▪ but truely this is strange , Paul speaketh of the incestuous person according to the judgement of charity , as supposing hi● to have flesh and Spirit , as he professeth himselfe to be a member of the Church ; but truely this is weake : for in the same Chapter Paul will have drunkards , railers , extortioners , idolaters , to be excommunicated . Peter did really excommunicate Simon Magus excluding him from part and portion in the visible Church . Act. 8. 21. and are such not to be excommunicated because they cannot be cast out , who were never within ? See into what inconveniences our brethren are fallen , while they agree ( I speake with reverence of those godly men ) with Anabaptists in the nature of the visible Church . But truely hypocrites are within the Church , and when their hypocrisie doth breake out into grievous scandals , they are to be cast out of the visible Church ; but they cannot indeed be cast out of the invisible Church , because they were never within the same , but our brethren still doe confound the visible and invisible Church , which in nature and essence are opposed by way of contradiction , if Augustine say right , multae oves extra visiblem Ecclesiam , & multi lupi intra . For the Church invisible as it is such and essentially , is not the Church visible ; and the Church visible is not essentially invisible . But to returne to Robinson , if the regenerate cannot be excommunicated , they cannot fall into such grievous sinnes as incest , murder , and contumacy to the Church , which deserveth excommunication . But this latter none can say but Novatians . Ergo , neither can the former be said . The major is undeniable , whosoever can , and may commit sins deserving excommunication , are to be excommunicated , as Christ saith , Matth. 18. 17. 18. and Paul , 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5. Now if the converted cannot fall into grievous sins against the Church , such as contumacy ; neither can they fall into grievous sins against God , 2. By this doctrine no professors are to be excommunicated at all , for all within the visible Church are either converted or non-converted ; the converted are not to be excommunicated , saith Robinson , because they are the true members of the Church , and of Christs body ; now the non-converted far lesse can be excommunicated , because those cannot be cast out who are not within , as our brethren teach . For they are the false matter of the Church , and no part of it , yea ( and as our Authour saith , ) have no measure of sincerity and truth ; and therefore cannot be members of the Church . Now the Church ( say our brethren ) cannot judge those which are without , 1 Cor. 5. 12. 3 This opinion is just the opinion of the Anabaptists , that the true members of the visible Church are onely regenerate persons , and they onely have the essence of the true membership , which is false ; they are within the visible Church , and truely within the net , and a part of the ground called the Kingdome of God , Matth. 13. 4. Though they be not members of the invisible Church of believers and the redeemed in Christ. 4. The Nicolaitans , Iezabel , the false Apostles , the spreaders of Balaams doctrine , Revel . 2. and those who offend in Christs Kingdome are all necessarily either not to be excommunicated at all , or necessarily they are all unconverted , by Robinsons doctrine , or all converted , by Mr. Coachmans way . And the Church then shall not bind and loose in Heaven , but clave errante , except they be all known certainly to be converted who are excommunicated , or certainly knowne not to be converted . But this were ridiculous ; the object of excommunication by Christ is one which refuseth to heare the Church , whether he be converted , or not converted . 5. All our Divines standing for the cerainty of the perseverance of the regenerated , answer Papists and Arminians alledging for the apostacy of the Saints , the example of the regenerated who may be excommunicated , that excommunication doth never evince that the person excommunicated is out of the state of grace , but onely that he hath fallen into a scandalous externall fact , which deserveth that he should be delivered to Satan , and that one may be a member of the visible Church and converted to God , who is excommunicated . Lastly , Robinsons arguments doe bewray great Ignorance in the doctrine of the true Church ; to wit , that first it should follow , that if the Church excommunicate a converted person , it should destroy its own essence ; for conversion is the essence of the invisible Church , not of the visible Church , and is not destroyed by excommunication . But the beleever is edified thereby , for he is delivered to Satan for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord ; but that he is cut off from the visible Church is no more inconvenient , then to cut off a rotten apostume of excrescent carnosity of the body , which hurteth the physicall integrity of the body , but doth not take away any part of the essence , so as it should not thereafter be a living body . His mixt argument hath a cry , but no force ; It should follow that the member of Christs body ( saith he ) should be delivered to Satan ; which is not inconvenient , for this is the Ordinance of Christ to save the mens spirit , and to teach him not to blasph●me , 1 Cor. 5. 5. 2 Tim. 1. 20. It were an inconvenience to deliver a member of Christ to Satan morally , as 1 Cor. 6. 15. This is a sinfull deliverance , when one is given over to Satan , that Satan may worke in him as in his work-house , and as in a childe of disobedience , Ephes. 2. 2. a converted soule cannot thus be delivered to Satan , and this we abhor to write , no lesse then Robinson . But to deliver to Satan penally , as to a penall tortuter who worketh sorrow and feare in the conscience for sinne , to humble the offender , and to save his spirit in the day of Christ , is neither horrour by word nor by writ , but the Word of God , 1 Cor. 5. 5. Now to say something of the sorts and nature of excommunication . We acknowledge not what a Navarrus and b Gregory say , That excommunication , whether just or unjust , is to be feared ; for , the curse causl●sly doth not fall . The sentence is either given out , a jure , vel ab homine by the Law , or the persons . Secondly , it is either just or unjust . Thirdly , and that three wayes ; Exanimo , good or ill zeal ; secondly , Ex causa , a just or unjust cause ; thirdly , Ex ordine , when order of Law is kept . An unjust sentence is either valid or null . That which is invalid is either invalid through defect of the good minde of the excommunicators , and this is not essentiall to the excommuncations validitie . That which is invalid this way onely , ligat , it bindeth in fo●o exteriore . But that which is u●just through want of a just cause , it onely bindeth from externall communion ; but because Gods Ordinances are to be measured from their own nature , and the generall intention of the Catholike Church , and not from abuses and particular intentions of such excommunicators ; therefore they doe not exclude from the generall Church-desires . The fourth Councell of Carthage , c as also d Gerson saith , an unjust sentence neminem gravare debet ; should affright no man. I see not a warrant for division of excommunication into penall and not penall excommunication . The ancients made some excommunication not penall , as the e fifth Councell of Carthage , and f Concilium Arelatense . g Turraconense , h Concilium Agathense . As if one should culpably absent himselfe from a Synod , erat privatus Episcoporum communione ; He was for a space excommunicated from the communion of other Bishops . The Canonists i infer , that this excommunication was no Church-censure ; and k M. Antonius of Spalato defendeth them in this . But since Christ for scandals appointed onely publike rebuking ; or secondly , confessing ; or thirdly , excommunication from the Church , not onely of Church guides , but of professing beleevers ; l we see not how any are to be excommunicated from the fellowship of the Clergy , or Church-guides onely . For Christ ordained no such excommunication . and therefore wee are to repute this a popish device . Zosimus m saith Zancbius , n Celestinus , o Hormisda and Pelagius 2. p did threaten to excommunicate Iohn of Constantinople from the communion of the Apostolike seat , and of all Bishops . Spalato his argument q for this sort of excommunication is , 2 Thessalonians 3. 15. which commandeth all Thessalonians to forbeare any fellowship with such as obeyeth not the Apostles doctrine , and doth not infinuate any excommunication from the society of Church-guides onely . Nay , such an excommunication is not in Gods Word . Cajetan r calleth it excommunicatio claustralis , whereby some were interdicted the company of some other Church-orders . It is true , that in the ancient Church the excommunicated person was debarred from comming to the Church to heare divine Service . And Sylvester appointeth three degrees of excommunication ; first , Debarring of the contumacious from entring into the Church ; secondly , A suspending of them from communion with the Church ; thirdly , An anathema or imprecation by cursing them . So the fifth Synod under Symmachus appointed first that the contumacious should be deprived of the Communion ; and if he should not repent , it was ordained , ●● anathemate feriatur , that he should be cursed . So say diverse of the Schoolmen and Casuists , as s Soto , t Paludanus , u Cajetanus , x Sylvester , y Navarrus , that it is not lawfull to heart service , or to be present at a Masse with an excommunicated person . But in the z fourth Councell of Carthage , as a Papists acknowledge , no excommunicated person is debarred from hearing the Word . But it is to bee observed carefully , that for the same reasons Papists think the excommunicated persons should heare Sermons and the Word preached , that our brethren say , Because preaching is an act of jurisdiction and authority , but not an act of order ; and therefore preaching is not an act of Church-communion , but common to any who have not received orders , and may be performed , as the reading of the VVord by Deacons , and those who have Priest-hood or power to administrate the Sacraments . And b Innocentius the third saith , Preaching is proper to Priests , who have received orders by no divine Law. c Indeed Leo the first made a Law of it , for which cause d Suarez saith , That Christ in these words , Iohn 21. Feed m●sheep ; and Matth. 28. Preach the Gospel ; gave power of jurisdiction , but not of order onely : It is given commonly ( saith he ) to the Clergy to preach , and to Deacons , because decentius , it is more fi●ly and decently performed by them then by Laicks . Though it be true that two Cardinals , e Toletus and f Cajetanus be against Suarez in this , and say , that , Iohn 21. Peter is made the head and universall Pastor over sheep and lambs to feed and governe them . And g Navarrus saith , Preaching ( soli sacerdotio institutione divina adjuncta est ) is by divine institution proper to the Priesthood . Yet this excluding of them from comming into the Church , was from comming in to the holy place only where the Lords Supper was celebrated ; and they stood at the Church doore where they might heare the VVord , and therefore were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hearers and murmurers , as h Bas●lius saith , and i Field , Excommunication doth not wholly ( saith he ) cut off men from the visible Church , and his reason is good , because they may and often doeretaine , first , The profession of pure truth ; secondly , The character of Baptisme ; thirdly , They professe obedience to their Pastors ; fourthly , They will not joyne to any other communion . And therefore to say with our Author k we dare not , to wit , That though the seed of faith may remaine in the excommunicated person ; yet to the society of the faithfull joyned in a particular visible Church , they are not knit , but wholly cut off from their communion . Also , he is delivered unto Satan , and therefore wholly cut off from the communion of the Church ; and so from the seals , he and his seed , as heathen and heathens seed are . We condemne Novatians , because ( as l Cyprian saith ) they denied mercy to the repenting excommunicated person , and because ( as m Socrates said of them ) God onely can forgive sins . And we condemne the Donatists , who would not ( as n Augustine saith ) receive into the Churches commmunion againe such as had delivered to persecuters the Bible and other holy things . So we are to condemne these who are more rigorous toward such as are excommunicated , then Christ is : for Christ keepeth them , as sick children , within his visible Church , and useth Satan as the Physitians servant who boyleth Herbs and dresseth Drugs for them , while he by Gods permission , tormente●hthes spirit with the conscience of sinne . As when a child is sick ( saith worthy o Cartwright ) the Father calleth a Colledge of physicians to consult about medicine , to be given to the child . So i● the contumacious person under the medicine of excommunication administred by the Church-presbytery . Now this wee cannot say of heathen and publicans . And therefore p Augustine sayth excellently , excommunicated persons non esse Ethnicos , sed tanquam ethnicos ; are not heathen , but estemed as heathen . c. 6. and q Chrysostome saith the same in sense . Yea , I gather this necessary distinction out of the Fathers : as Chrysostome r Theophylactus s Hilarius t that they are not members of the visible Church actu pleno , in a full act , because they want externall communion with the Church , yet actu imperfecto , imperfectly they are members . A second distinction I collect from w Ireneus x Gregorius y Hieronim . z Optatus a Augustine , that they are exclusi ab ecclesia quoad communionem , non ab ecclesia ipsa . They are excluded from the visible communion of the Church , rather then from the Church . A third distinction may be drawen from b Eugenius c Chrysostome d Gregor . Nazianz●● , while they call Baptisme januam spiritualem , and lavacrum animae , the doore of our entry to the Church ( for which cause papists , though fondly , place their Font at the Church-doore ) as the Lavat●r of the soule . So as excommunicated persons are within the doore of the visible Church , though not admitted to the Kings Table . 4. The Schoolemen do allow to the excommunicated persons , jus , non consortium ; right , but not fellowsh ●● 5. e Turr●cremaeta f Vega. g Soto h Canus insin●●● distinctionem inter partes & membra Ecclesiae visibilis , because of some externall communion that they have , as Teeth are parts of the body in a new borne Infant ; but they are not members , but they deny them to be members because they are cut off . 6. i Suarez excellently , pr●vantur quoad communicationemcum al●s membris , non quoad esse membri . They are deprived acording to the act of communion with other members , not as if they ceased to be members ; as a member which cannot receive nourishment is yet still a member . Our Divines from Scripture make three degrees of excommunication . 1. A debarring from the Lords Supper , Mat. 5. 24. but it is not indeed a delivering to Satan or excommunication : this is called the lesser excommunication . 2. A delivering to Satan , the greater excommunication . 1 Cor. 5. 3. 4. of this we speake here especially . 3. Maran-atha in the Syriack an is utter cursing till Christs second comming . 3. Conclus . Wee hold the preaching of the word to be an essentia note of the visible Church . Our Brethren as k Mr. Coachman l Robinson m our present Author , deny that the profession or preaching of the Word is a true note of the visible Church . Because , Acts 17 , Paul preached to the scoffing Athenians , who were not for that a visible Church . 2. Papists have some of Gods Ordinances , and hereticks also , as baptisme ; and the Old and New Testament as the Philistins had the Arke of God amongst them . 3. The word may be preached , where Christ is but gathering a Church , and so is a meane of gathering a Church , and therefore not an essentiall note of a gathered and constituted Church . But herein our Brethren say no more against the Reformed Churches , then n Stapleton ; to wit , that truth of doctrine is no note of the Church , because it is not perpetuall and constant . 2. Truth of Doctrine concurs to give being to the Church and to the constitution of it . o Bellarm. This note may be found in other societies and companies beside the Church , a● amongst Scismaticks and Hereticks . More of this please the Reader to see in p Costerus q in the Jesuite Gordonius , Huntlaeus . And this is the doctrine of Socinians , as may be seene in the Cathechisme of r Raccovia s in Theo. Nicolaides , and t Francis. Smalcius , and Arminians second both in their w confession : because they think with Socinians , that there is no ministery now necessary , and so publick preaching is not a note of the Church , especially since every gifted man may preach the Word . Socinus in his tractate De Ecclesiâ , and his Catechisme of Raccovia , saith . Notae evangelicorum nihil valent ; ' Doctrina pura est Ecclesiae natura & essentia quae dat ei esse , ad●óque signum ejus esse non potest ; cum signum ipsum , a re c●jus est signum , differre oporteat . But the truth is , the preaching of the Word hath diverse relations . 1. As the members of the visible Church are in fi●ri , in the way to be gathered , the Word preached and believed is a way of gathering a Church , Rom. 10. 14. 1 Cor. 1. 23. 1 Cor. 3. 5. Acts 16. 14. 2. That same word preached , believed , and outwardly professed is a signe of the visible Church . For where Gods pastors and shepheards are , there be flocks of redeemed ones , Cant. 1. 8. Iohn 10. 12 , 13 , 14. 3 The Word simply preached and professed in a setled way of a fixed ministery is a note of a ministeriall Church ; this is cleare from Gods intention , for he sendeth it of purpose to save his own , as Rom. 10. 14. Acts 20. 28. For a man lighteth not a Candle in his house for nothing . So this word preached , as it is Gods Word , is not properly the forme and essence of the Church , but as believed and received , it is the forme of the Church invisible . 2. But to professe this word savingly , est signum Ecclesiae , non not A , it is a signe , that doth not infallibly notifie to us that such is for this time an invisible Church of redeemed ones : for I have not infallible certainty what one man , or what determinate number of men by name are true believers , profession may beguile me , as also the invisible Church ( as such ) is believed , and not knowen infallibly by any note or externall marke that incurreth into the senses . Neither is the preaching of the Word a note or infallible marke of the Church ministeriall to all , or in relation to Infidels ; for the Word preached actu primo & ex naturâ suâ , essentially and of its own nature , is more knowen and more sensible then the Church : because the preached word is a Doctrine expounding what the true Church is , and we do not expound ignotum per ignotius , vel per aequè ignotum . Darknesse cannot let us see darknesse , or colours ; only light doth reveale things . But the word preached in relation to unbelievers cannot be an infallible note of the Church , for to a blind man the morning as not a sensible marke that the sun is rising ; nor is smoake to a dead man , a sensible marke of fire , because he hath no senses to discerne either . So to the infidell though the word as a sound , or in a literall evidence be clearer then the Church , and in a confused knowledge he knoweth the one better than the other ; yet is the true word , in respect of certaine knowledge and spirituall evidence , as darke to him as the Church : for he hath not Eares to heare , nor eyes to see any of the things of God , either the word preached , or the Church ; and therefore the word is both by nature and to us , & naturâ & nobis , in respect of distinct knowledge , more knowen , but not simply as the word , actu primo , but actu secundo , as it both striketh upon outward and inward senses and as i● revealeth and discovereth the things of God , according to that , 1 Cor. 14. 24. But if all prophecy , and there come one who is an unbeliever , and an unlearned , he is convinced of all and judged of all . v. 25. and thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest , and so falling downe on his face , he will worship God and report that God is in you , of a truth . So here is Gods order how the word preached is a notifying marke discovering to an unbeliever the true Church . It I would poynt out one of the Kings Courtiers by this , that he hath a purple cloak and a blew scarf , if the man to whom I notifie the Courtier , do neither know what a purple garment is , nor what a blew scarf is , the marke shall be no marke to him : yet are these sufficient markes in their owne nature , if we suppose that no other Courtiers are in that manner apparelled . Therefore I would difference betwixt notam notificantem & notam notificativam , a note that of its owne nature doth make a thing knowen , or that which actually maketh a thing knowen to some . The settled professed preaching of the Word is a note of the visible Church Ministeriall , and that there either is , or in Gods own time shall be some invisible Church of sanctified ones there . 1. Because , Deut. 4. 6 the hearing and doing of Gods Word maketh the Church of the Jewes a renowned and wise people in the fight of the Nations . 2. The preaching of the Word and administration of the Sacraments are proper to the Church and distinguish them from other Nations , Psal. 147. 19. Hee sheweth his word unto Iacob , and to Israel his statutes and his judgments , 20. He hath not dealt so with any Nation . So Deut. 17. 29. 30 31 32. The Lords worship is so peculiar to his Church as it differenceth them from all others . So Esd. 2. 8. 3. Esa. 59. last verse . 3. The Church is defined , Acts 2. 42. a company of these who professe truly , and continue in the Apostles doctrine and breaking of bread . 4. The planting and gathering of Churches is expounded to be teaching and baptizing , Mat. 28. 19. 20. 5. Christs sheep heare his voyce in his own sent shepheards , Joh. 10. 27. 28. 6 The Church is a company built upon the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles , Eph. 2. 20. 7 The Church is the pillar and ground of truth , 1 Tim. 3. 15. because the Church teacheth , professeth , and keepeth the truth . So a Augustine b Tertullian c Hierom. d and Chrysostome will have us to seeke the true Church by the true Word of God , and not by mens word . e Robinson objecteth first ; Profession of the truth made by men of lewd conversation maketh them not the Church ; because they deserve to be cast out of the Church , but by men visibly and externally holy , Mat. 3. 6. Acts 1. 38. Act. 2. 37 , 38. 1 Cor. 15. 1. Mat. 10. 40. 41. Acts 8. 12 , 13. Answ. These and many other places do strongly prove our poynt ; and especially , that the profession of Simon Magus who before God deserved to be cast out of the Church , Acts 8. is sufficient to make one a member of a visible Church . Yea but none deserve in foro Ecclesiae , in the Churches Court to becast out , but such as either confesse scandalous sins , or are contumacious , or convicted judicially of the same before witnesses , otherwayes the dearest to Christ , do legally before God deserve all to be cast out . Robinson saith , The word in the Bible is no note of the true Church , but the Word believed and obeyed ; for Papists have the Bible . And f Mr. Coachman saith , the Philistims had the Arke amongst them ; and a Iesuit at a river side baptized with a skoop a thousand Indians ; were they for that a true Church ? and Papists , ( saith our g Authour ) have baptisme . Ans. The like is objected by Socinus , Theoph. Nicolaides , Cattch . Raccoviensis , and by Anabaptists . But first we make not the word and materiall Bible , and naked seales the marks of the true invisible Church ; we are now disputing about the markes of a visible Church . 2. We make not the naked presence of Word and Sacraments true markes of the Church ; but a setled professed erected feeding by shepheards , feeding with knowledge , we make a marke of the shepheards Tents ; which way neither Philistines nor Indians have the Word of God : and for the Church of Rome ; we cannot deny but she retaineth so much of the essence of a ministeriall Church , as maketh baptisme administrated by them to be true baptisme , that is , a valid seale , though she cannot 〈◊〉 be called a true ministeriall Church . Other two questions here are shortly to be discussed , as belonging to this purpose ; as 1. whether discipline be a marke of the visible Church ? Mr. Robinson h saith , the power of censures is simply necessary for the being of the Church , sundry of our Divines affirm it is . So the i learned Professors of Leyden , and k Ursin with Pareus . Great l Junius saith , it is a note belonging to the Churches order , ad decorum , the m Augustine confession leaveth it out from amongst the notes , and so doth Calvin n and Whittakerus o make two notes onely , Word and Sacraments . Learned p Beza maketh onely the preaching of the Word a note , not excluding the other two . I thinke Distinctions may help the matter ; 1. There is a power of discipline , and there is a care thereof . True Churches have a power given them of Christ , and this Robinson proveth , and no more ; yet the care to exercise the power may be wanting in a true Church . 2. Distinct. Right discipline is not necessary for the essence of a visible Church . All our Divines condemne Anabaptists and Pelagians , who plead that righteous men onely , and such societies as have right discipline to be true Churches . 2. Novatians and Donatists came neere to them in this also , as we may see in q Augustine . So r Rich. Field , s Parker , t Cartwright make it necessary to the wel-being of the Church ; 1. Because it is not indifferent . 2. Because it is commanded in Gods word . 3. Discipline in the substantiall points is immutable . 4. It is necessary in respect of the end . And all this w the learned Parker demonstrateth to be true . But it is not necessary simply to the being of it : as a City may be without walls , a Garden without an hedge . 3. Distinct. The power and right to discipline is a propriety essentiall to the Church , and is not removed from it , till God remove the Candlesticke , and the Church cease to be a visible Church ; but the exercise may be wanting and the Church a true visible Church , from which we are not to separate . 4 Discipline is a necessary note and unseparable from a visible Church , whole , intire , and not lame and imperfect . But ● Church may retaine the essence and being of a visible Church , and yet have no discipline in actuall use , or little , and though want of discipline doe leaven a Church , yet it doth not ( as Robinson saith ) evert the nature thereof , and turne it into Babylon and a den of Dragons . Robinson will have prophanenesse and impiety by absolute necessity rooted out by discipline , but he is too hasty . Nay not by publique preaching of a sent Pastor , through absolute , but onely through ordinary and conditionall necessity . You bind the Almighty too hard . The other question is , if conversion of sinners be an ordinary effect of a publique and sent ministery ? Our brethren in their answer to the 32 Questions sent to them , deny this ; but no marvell , seeing all conversion to them is done without the publique ministery by onely private Christians , and in this we see no necessity of a called ministery to convert men to Christ , which is the doctrine of Socinians and Anabaptists . So x Chemnitius , so y Gastius teacheth . The Socinian z Theo. Nicolaides , Luther erred , ( saith he ) when he asked from Muncerus his calling to preach , Muncerus was an Anabaptist . So a Ostorodius in his institutions , and b Raddetius who objected the same that our brethren doe , that the whole beleevers be a royall Priesthood . But though we deny not , but some may be converted by the teaching and private conference of private Christians ; yet the ordinary publique way is by the Word preached by a se●● Pastor , as is cleare , Rom. 10. 14. 1 Cor. 3. 5. Acts 9. 10. Acts 10. 5 , 6 , &c. CHAP. 10. SECT . 10. Concerning our order and form in administration of Gods publique worship . THe Authour here contendeth for the worship of God in its native simplicity , without all ceremonies ; to which I can oppose nothing , but shall prove the unlawfulnesse of humane ceremonies in another Treatise , God-willing . Of the communion of the visible Catholique Church . IEsus Christ hath now under the N. Testament a Catholique visible Church on earth ( for of that part of the Catholique Church now triumphing in glory ; or of that part which onely is a Church of elected Saints , and are not yet formally a professing Church , but onely such in the predestinatiun of God , I spake not now ) and to this Church universall , visible , hath the Lord given a ministery , and all his Ordinances of Word and Sacrament principally and primarily and to the ministery and guides of this Catholique visible Church hath the Lord committed the Keyes , as to the first subject , and for the visible Church Catholique , including also the invisible Church ; as for the object and end hath he given his ordinances and the power of the keyes ; And the Ministery and ordinances are not given to this or this Congregation which meeteth ordinarily in one place , principally , 1. The Lord Iesus gave this Ministeriall power to the universall guides of the catholick Church , the Apostles as they did represent the Presbytery of the whole Catholick visible Church , Ioh. 20. 21. As my Father sent me , so send I you . 22. And when he had thus sayd he breathed on them , and said , receive the Holy Ghost . 23 whosoever sinnes you remit , they are remitted ; and whosoever sinnes you retaine , they are retained . The Apostles here receive the keys in name of the whole Catholick Ministeriall guides . For in this the Apostles must stand in the person and roome of a single society of believers united by a Church covenant in one parishonall Church , if our brethrens grounds stand good ; so as a Parishionall Church must be the onely successors of the Apostles , but this no Word of God can warrant . Nor is the Eldership of a single Congregation that which the Apostles here represented ; except you say to this Eldership , as to the first subject , is this message of sending , as the Father sent Christ , committed , and to this Eldership within one Congregation is the power Ministeriall of pardoning and retaining sinnes given ; For I aske , from whence , or from whose hands do the Eldership of a Congregation receive the keys ? from Jesus Christ , say they , but this is no answer , the Ministery according to its institution is no doubt onely from the head of the body the Church , from Iesus Christ. But I aske now of an ordinary Church-calling ; and I demand from whose hands under Jesus Christ have this particular Eldership received Ministeriall power : they cannot say from themselves , for they doe not make themselves Ministers : they will not say from a Colledge of Presbyters of many congregations , for they are flatly against all such presbyteries , and that which they say indeed , the Eldership of a congregation hath their Ministeriall power from the people . Well then , the Apostles when they received the keys they did represent the people : but what people ? not the people of a classicall presbytery , of a Province , of a Nation , of the whole redeemed Church , but of one single congregation ; how shall this be made out of the Text , or out of one Word of God , I see not . 2. Christ ascending on high , and giving some to be Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers , 12. For the perfecting of the Saints , ( not of Ephesus , far lesse of one single Congregation onely ) for the worke of the Ministery ( in generall ) for the edifying of the Body of Christ ( not a congregationall body onely ) 12. Till we all meet in the unity of the Faith , and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God , unto a perfit man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ. Consider I pray you , that Christs intention in giving a Ministery is not for a congregation of forty , or sixty , or a hundred , as if hee intended to impawn all power in that Congregationall body ; but hee intended the edifying of his body Catholick , and the comming of all to the unity of the Faith. A Congregation of sixty cannot be all Saints , and this power is clearely given to that body , which the Lord is to make a perfit man , according to the measure of the fulnesse of the stature of Christ , this is a mysticall man , and the Catholick body of Iesus Christ. Call it a Congregation and you wrest the Scripture , and vilifie the noble and large end for the which Christ hath given a ministery : as aske to what end , and to what first and principall subject hath the Lord given reason and a faculty of discoursing , is it to Peter , to Iohn , &c. as to the first subject , and for them as for their good ? no , no , it is for and to the race of mankind . The case is is just so here , 1 Cor. 12. 28. God hath placed some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly Teachers , &c. Is the meaning thus ? God hath placed in the body of a single Congregation Apostles ? Where do you read that ? I believe Apostles have the Catholick visible Church for their Parish ; and is it a Congregationall body , wherein God placed such variety of members , as Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , Workes of miracles , gifts of Healing , Helps , Governments , & c ? So Rom. 12. 5. So we being many are one body in Christ , and every one members of another . Hence hee reckoneth out divers offices in this body . Now this is not one Congregation onely , but that one Body of Christ whereof Christ is head , this is the Catholick Church . 2. What power ministeriall our Brethren affirme to bee given to a Congregation , they say it is given to them under the notion of a flock of redeemed ones , of the Spouse , and body of Christ , as they cite for this act , 20. 28. & Col. 1. 18. Eph. 1. 22 and under the notion of the City of God , the Kingdome , house and building of Christ , but so they come to our hand , for this reduplication , or notion of a flock of redeemed ones , of the body and spouse of Christ , of the City , Kingdome , House , Building , agree first to the Catholick Church as is clear , Col. 1. 8. Eph. 5. 25 26. 1 Tim. 3. 15. Eph. 2. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and secondarily only to a Congregation as it is a part of this universall flock . 3. The whole Catholick Church visible is made one ministeriall body Cant. 6. 4. beautifull as Tirzah , comely as the City of Jerusalem , terrible as an army with banners . By reason of their order of discipline , and is there called an organicall body having v. 6 7 8. Eyes , Haire , Teeth Temples , Locks and haveing particular Churchs under her , three score Queens , fourescore concubines , and virgins without number . Yet is it sayd , v. 9. My Dove , my undesiled is but one , she is the only one of her Mother . Ainsworth who here may be more then a witnesse , sayth this one Church is the daughter of Jerusalem who is above and the mother of us ●ll . C●ton a witnesse not inferior saith on this place : The true catholick Church of Christ is the Mother of all reformed Daughters , and that argument that our Brethren useth to prove a particular Church to be visible , because of externall communion ( not in one House , for that is accidentall to visibility , one congregation may meet in three caves of the Earth , in time of persecution , and yet remaine one congregation ) holdeth good in this catholick church made up of so many organs , as a congregation is formed . 1. Begetting by the Ministery of the word , daughter-Churches to God , as they say a congregation doth , nor is it enough to say Ierusalem is not one by externall government and order of Discipline , because they cannot meet together to exercise Discipline , but shee is one invisibly , because shee hath one Faith , one Lord , one Baptisme , one Spirit , one Hope of glory . For the Text sayth , they have one and the same Organs , Teeth , Eyes , Haire , Temples , Locks ; they are one Ierusalem , and compact City , one Army terrible by the Sword of of discipline . 2. We do not say , to make them one visible church , that they must have one visible actuall government , in externall order : for when of a congregation of 60. their be 30 absent through sicknesse and the busines of a lawfull calling , they are one Church visible , though in one metting you cannot see them all with one cast of your Eye ; and when the church of Ierusalem exceeding in number ten thousand , did meet in part . from House to House , that is in sundry Houses ; yet continuing in the same doctrine of the Apostles , and in fellowship and in breaking of bread , and in prayer , Acts 2. 46. 32. our brethren will say , they are one church . And therefore the power of Discipline , and the exercise of the Word , Seales , and Discipline in parts , is sufficient to make one visible catholick Church . 4. To that Church hath Christ given , as to the first church , the ordinances and ministery , which he principally intendeth to perfit , to gather , and to bring to the unity of faith in a perfit body by these ordinances and that Ministery ; because the wisdome of Christ hath not given his Ministery , and Ordinances to the catholick Church , intending principally to save them , except he give them a power in that Ministery to the first subject , which being put forth in acts may compasse that end . But Jesus Christ principally intends , to perfit to gather , to bring to the unity of faith in a perfit body , by these ordinances and Ministery , the whole catholick visible church , and secondarily only this or this particular congregation . Ergo , Christ hath given to the whole catholick Church , as to the first Church , the ordinances and Ministery , and so in this Mioistery catholick , hee ha h given the Keys to this catholick Church visible as to the first Church . 5. I prove it thus , when ever Chrst giveth gifts to a whole , he giveth it to the whole , by order of nature , before he give it to the parts of that whole , as is cleare by induction . He gives Christ a gift to the whole Church , by order of nature , first to the World , Joh. 3. 16. Then to this or this believer of the World. So he giveth redemption and grace by order of nature first to his Church in generall , Eph. 5. 25. Christ dieth first for his Church , not this or that single company , or particular person , first for His sheep , that is , the whole flock , Joh. 10. v. 11. then for this or this company , or this of this straying sheep ; He came to seeke and save , first the lost , Luk. 19. 10. then this or this lost man. He died first to gather together in one , not one man onely , yee not the nation of the Iewes onely , but to gather together in one , all the Children of God , which were scattered abroad , Ioh. 11. 25. and he is a propitiatiou by order of nature . First , for the sinnes of the whole World , 1 Ioh. 2. 1. and then secondarily , for our sinnes , so hath hee given the gifts of Apostles , Prophets , and Teachers , first to , and for Saints , in common and in generall , and not for this and that Saint , or for this company of Saints at Ephesus . Now that particular Congregations are parts of the great visible Church ; I prove , and first that they are parts visible of a Presbytery , or a circuit of Congregations , within the locall bounds of a Presbytery . I make good thus . Those who have one common necessary object of externall government in Church-affairs , those are a whole visible community gifted with power from Christ to rule in that common and necessary object of government , and this and this portion of this whole community must be parts of that whole . But those Congregations within the locall bounds of the circuit of a Presbytery have one common necessary object of externall government , in Church affaires ; Ergo , those Congregations in such a circuit must be parts of this whole . The major I take from our Brethren , who therefore make a particular Congreation to be one in respect of ordinary meeting , to partake of word , seales , and to transect matters of jurisdiction , amongst themselves , but this agreeth to many congregations within one circuit , for they meet occasionally one with another in hearing the word and receiving the seales ; and for the assumption I prove it thus , all those congregations have these particulars of externall government in Church affaires , which they cannot transact within their owne Congregations , but doe ex aequo belong to them all . As 1. That they doe not give offence one to another ; that one Church doe not hold the Doctrine of Balaam to the effence and scandall of other Churches . 2. That one Congregation make not Acts and Canons against the Word of God , and against the Acts of another Congregation agreeable to the Word of God. 3. That one Church admonish , rebuke , comfort , provoke another to love and to good works , in such and such poynts ; now though a Congregation make acts and constitutions for governing this , or that member of the community ; yet they doe not , nor cannot make acts that oblige the community and the Church as the Church ; the Church as the Church being a part is to be regulated by the whole , and if there be things that ex aequo concerne all , and doe not concerne one particular Church more then another , one particular Congregation cannot governe in these . And by the like reason particular Churches and classicall Presbyteries , and Provinciall and Nationall Churches , are parts of the whole Catholick visible Church . 6. Because Christ hath not given the power of Ministery and Ordinances , and Jurisdiction to the single Congregation as to the first subject upon the ground that our Brethren speake , to wit , because the single Congregation is that Spouse to which Christ is referred as an Husband , and that body to which hee carrieth the relation of an head , communicating life to all the members , Eph. 1. 22. Col. 1. 18. nor is it that adequat number of ransomed persons , of sheepe , of lost ones , of fellow-citizens , of spirituall stones , &c. To the which Christ doth carry that adequat and compleat relation of a Saviour , of a good Shepheard , of a Seeker of lost ones , of a King and Governour , of the chiefe c●●ner-stone . Therefore that visible Church for whose salvation Christ hath given the Ministeriall power , must be the larger visible Church , just as the God of Nature hath given to the whole race of sheep , a power to seeke their own food , and because of their simplicity , a power to be ordered and led by the shepheard , and secondarily this power is given to this or this flock feeding on Mount Caermel , or elsewhere : so hath the God of Grace given a power to the whole visible Catholick flock to submit themselves , in the Lord , to other guides , and he hath given to the whole company of Shepheards as to the first subject the power of the Keys , and secondarily the power is given to this or this visible Church , and company of Pastors . 7. When any scandalous person is delivered to Satan , he is cast out of the whole Catholick Church ; Ergo , he was before his ejection a member of the whole catholick Church , for hecannot be cast out , who was never within . And when he is excommunicated , his sins bound , as in Heaven , so on Earth , that is , not only in that Tract of ground , where a handfull of a little Congregation independent ( as they say ) of 10 or 20 or an 100 doth ordinarily feed , but in all the visible World where God hath a Church . and all both within the little Congregation where hee is , and without , are to repute him as an Heathen and a Publican . It is true some of our Brethren say , he is excommunicated onely out of that Congregation whereof hee is a member antecedentèr , because Christ hath given the power of excommunication onely 1 Cor. 5. 4. To the congregated Church , when they are met together to deliver to Satan , and they must do it , in collegio , in consessu , coram tota Ecclesia , before and in presence of the Church congregationall , which is to give their consent and hath a certaine power of interest in the busines , but he is cast out and excommunicated to all other Churches onely consequentèr , by consequent , and by vertue of the communion of Churches : I answer , the plaine contrary ; hee is antecedentèr and formally delivered to Satan , by the power of the catholick visible Church which is put forth in exercises , and in act before that Church whereof he is a neerest member . Even as the left hand doth cut off a finger of the right hand , which otherwayes should infect the whole body . Now it is not the left hand onely that cutteth off the contagious and infectious finger , but the whole man , deliberate reason and the will consenteth it should be done for the preservation of the whole man ; the left hand is a meere instrument , and the losse of the finger is the losse of the whole body , and the finger is cut off the right hand not antedentèr , and onely off the right hand by that power intrinsecall onely in the right hand , but intrinsecall in the whole body ; it is true the contagion should creepe through , and infect the right hand , and right arme first , and therefore incision is made upon the right hand . So if the Eldership of a Congregation deliver to Satan , it is not done by that power that is intrinseally onely in that Congregation , but by the power intrinsecall in the whole universall Church , who shall keepe communion with him that Eldership cuts him off as the instrument , or hand of the Church catholick , and the incision ( as it were ) is performed there in that meeting ( I will not say of the whole Congregation , that is to be proved ) because the contagion shall come first upon these with whom the delinquent is to keepe the nearest fellowship , and that Excommunication be performed in a meeting I grant , and the place , 1 Cor. 5. 4. saith so much , and a meeting of the Church . But that that is a meeting of the congregation ▪ with favour of the learned , cannot be proved cogently ; though I thinke excommunication when it is actually performed , it should be done before the Congregation , but that is for the edification and nearest and most immediate practice of that Congregation , for the contagion is nearest to them , but the reason why the presence of the Congregation whereof the Delinquent is a member is requisit , is not because this Congregation hath the sole intrinsecall power in her selfe ; and because shee onely doth formally and antecedentèr Excommunicate , and the rest of the Churches consequenter , and by vertue of a communion : for the sister Churches are to debarre this excomunicate person from their communion with Christ in the Seales of the Covenant , and that by an intrinsecall authoritative , and Church power , where as if he were not excommunicated , they should have received him to a Communion with them in the Seales , and that by an intrinsecall authoritative and Church power , for one man cannot receive another to the Seales of the Covenant with him ; because no one man hath a Church authority . If therefore the Church as the Church is consociated by an intrinsecall Church-power should have admitted him , if he had not been excommunicated , it is evident that hee was a member not onely of the Congregation out of which he is excommunicated , but also of the whole consociated congregations . 2 , The man sins are bound on Earth antecedentèr , to all the consociated Churches . He is now equally uncapable of Church-fellowship in all the consociated Churches , as in that Congregation whereof he is a member . All without and within that Congregation are to hold him for no visible Saint ; not to eate or drinke with him , he is now to all the visible Churches , in regard of visible communion , no member of that body whereof Jesus Christ is head , no part of that City , of that building whereof Christ is the Lord and chief corner-stone . And he is to the sister Churches in their authoritative & Church-estimation ( to speake so ) and in relation to their power of Jurisdiction , in the very same case a member of Satan , that hee is in relation to the authoritative power of Jurisdiction of that Congregation whereof he was a neerest member ; just as the finger cut off is alike separated from the body , yea the whole body as from the hand ; and it is a wonder to me that Christ giveth an intrinsecall power to a Congregation of twenty believers to cut off a member , for the preservation of that little company of the Lords Flock , and that he hath denied that intrinserall power to the whole , which is no lesse in danger to be infected , seeing Christ principally intendeth in the giving of a Ministery to the whole Church , especially the gathering of the whole body ; To the full and perfit stature of the age of Christ , in the unity of Faith , Eph. 4. 11. yet he intendeth the salvation & preservation of the whole from infection more then the salvation of a part of this whole Body . That is , as it you would say , the God of Nature hath given an intrinsecall power to five hundred in a City to set guides over themselves and to rule themselves by wholesome Lawes , but hee hath denied that power to the whole City consisting of ten thousand ; and he hath given to the right hand an intrinsecall power to consent that a finger in the right hand infected with a Gangrene , be cut off , but he hath denied this intrinsecall power to the whole man. I beseech you doth the God of Nature in conferring this power to the right Arme , intend the preservation of the right Arme onely , and its wellbeing , and not rather the preservation of the whole body ? so doth not Christ intend that the whole consociated Churches shall be preserved from infection , and not that particular Congregation onely ? Then if Christs meanes be congruously fitted for his owne end , he must have given an intrinsecall power to many consociated Churches to cast out a contagious lumpe ; other wayes the consociated Churches are to exercise the punishment of avoyding the Excommunicated person as an Heathen , which floweth from a power which is no wayes in them ; what conscience is here ? 2. What if the Congregation cast the man out , clave errante , and undeservedly ? shall they , consequentèr , as sister Churches , in a brutish fraternity execute a sentence of a power intrinserall in another Church , and not any of them , or their guides have any power to discerne , whether the censure be justly or unjustly infflicted ? This our Brethren condemne in their owne Congregation : for because the reputing the ejected man an Heathen , is a matter of practise , that concerneth the conscience of every one of the Congregation , therefore must all the Congregation give their powers and consent ; yea do more then consent ( say some ) even exercise jurisdiction , or a power not different from it . Some things are objected against this way . Ob. 1. The power of the Keys cannot be given to the catholick representative Church , or catholick Presbytery , as to the first subject to be an ordinary and constant meane of edification ; The exercise whereof , in an ordinary and constant way , is unpossible ; But the exercise of this Ministeriall power given to the catholick visible Presbytery , as to the first subject , in an ordinary and constant way , is unpossible ; Ergo , such a power is not given to the Catholick representative Church , as to the first subject , to be an ordinary and constant meane of edification . The proposition is cleare , it is uncongruous to the Wisdome of Jesus Christ that hee should give that to bee a meane , which possibly cannot attaine the end . The Assumption is as evident ; for the Catholick visible Presbytery cannot meete in an ordinary and constant way . Answ. 1. By distinguishing the Major proposition ; That power of the Keyes remote cannot be given to the catholick presbytery as to the first subject , the exercise whereof in an ordinary and constant way is impossile physically and ex natura rei . True , but now the Assumption is false ; That neerer power cannot be given as a meane of edification , the exercise whereof is morally and through the corruption of mens nature physically impossible . That is false , and denyed , and in either sense the conclusion cannot be true . 2. I grant the whole , and yet nothing is concluded against us . For the power of the Keyes is not given to the catholick Presbytery as to the first subject , to be a meane of edification in an ordinary and constant way ; but onely in an extraordinay and occasionall way , in those things which concerne the power of jurisdiction belonging to the whole Catholick Church . By ( extraordinary ) here I meane not that which is against a particular Law of God , and cannot bee done without a Divine dispensation of providence , but by ( extraordinary ) I meane that which is rarò contingens , and doth not oft fall out ; as almost it never falleth out that the universall Church hath neede to excommunicate a nationall Church , for all and every one of a nationall Church doe never fall away from the Faith. Yet a remote power for Excommunication , is in the Catholique visible Church . 2. It is objected , if the visible catholick Church be the first and principall subject of all Church-power , then a Presbyteriall Church cannot Excommunicate , but by a power derived from the catholick visible presbytery , and so the presbytery should ●● excommunicate , but by consulting with the Catholique visible Church , but this latter were impossible and absurd ; Ergo , so must the antecedent be . The counexion is proved thus ; for as ●● things have beate in so farre as they partake of the Fire ; because heate is originally in the Fire , as in the first subject , so all Churches exercising Excommunication must partake of the power of censures , that is , first and principally in the originall subject , to wit , in the catholick visible Church . And it would seeme that none can use or put forthin acts , the power of the catholique Church visible , without the conscience of the catholique Church visible . Answ. This occasioneth me to speake somwhat of the power of the presbyteriall and catholick Church . Hence I say . 1. With submission to the learned . First , It is an hard way of arguing , to reason from the power to the severall exercises and diverse acts of the power . Our Brethren hold that all power of the Keys , and all power Ministeriall of preaching , administrating the Seales , is originally in caetu sidelium , in a Church of Believers : but they cannot say that therefore the acts of Preaching , administrating of the Sacraments and all acts of jurisdiction can be exercised by the Believers , because they are the first subject . Secondly , the farther that the members , or Churches either Congregationall , Presbyteriall , or Nationall are removed in locall distance , one from another ; the lesse is the visible and externall communion of rebuking , comforting , and admonishing one another ; yet the power and obligation of these duties are not removed . So though the Nationall Churches be locally distant one from another , yet their power of exercising duties , and so their power of Jurisdiction , in an O●cumenicke Councell , is not from thence concluded to be null . Yea , Nationall duties upon occasion are still obligatory● and communion of men of sundry Nations is cleare to mee , Esai . 2. 3. many Nations shall flow unto the Mountaine of the Lords House , Zach. 8. 23. Ten men shall take hold out of all Languages of the Nations , they even shall take hold of the skirt of him that is a Jew , saying , we will goe with you , for wee have heard that God is with you . I do not say , these Nations doe meete all in one Synod , but the places doe well prove the power lawfull of performing duties , whereas the exercise of them in one place is not hic & nunc , in ordinary providence , possible . And so this consequence must be weake ; the whole catholick visible Churches in their principall guides cannot ordinarily , and constantly meet , hic & nunc , for the exercise of their power ; Ergo , they have no such power . For if the power be exercised in parts , which through occurrences of Providence , and the corruption of mens nature cannot be exercised in whole , at once ; yet it s not hence evinced to be a power not given of Christ for e●ification ; for by our Brethrens grant three thousand are added to the Congregationall Church of Jerusalem , Acts 2. and to this Church of three thousand , and a hundred and twenty , Christ hath given the ordinary power of the Keyes as to the first subject , though through occurences of providence , and the corruption of mans nature , some of these , suppose a thousand , through sicknesse , pest , danger of persecution , and sinfull separating from the assembly of Saints , could not hic & nunc meet in one house , to exercise joyntly all the acts of that power which our Brethren say is given to them by Christ ; they cannot say therefore Christ never gave to this whole Church consisting of three thousand and a hundred and twenty , any such power . Thirdly , there is a great difference betwixt the power given ad esse simplictèr , to the being of a Church , and the power given ad benè esse tantùm , onely to the well-being . 2. Great difference also there is betwixt ordinary power to be exercised constantly , and ordinarily , because of neerer consociation of the Churches , in those things that concerne that Church in particular : suppose a presbyteriall or Congregationall Church , and a power to be exercised , but more rarely , not ordinarily , because of the lesse communion visible , and great locall distance of Churches , as it falleth out in the whole visible Church . Now from this . First , The ordinary power of Jurisdiction because of neerest vicinity , and contiguity of members is given by Jesus Christ to one Congregation in an Isle . 1. Because that Church is a Church properly so called , though it be not a perfit and complete Church . I say it is a Church properly so called , Because . 1. It is a little City , and a little Kingdome of Jesus Christ having within it selfe power of the Word and Sacraments : and that is a Church and hath the essence of a Church to which agree the essentiall notes of a visible Church . Now preaching of the Word and Administration of the Sacraments are essentiall notes of a visible Church . But I say it is not a compleate and perfit Church in the latitude of visibility , ( for Churches , are lesse or more visible , according as they have lesse or more visible communion ) for visible communion constituteth a visible Church . Now a Congregation in a remote Island hath a lesse communion visible with other visible Churches , then conscciated visible Churches have . 2. It is not compleate and perfit in its operations , because in case of doubts of conscience touching government and practice , and dogmaticall poynts , it wants the joynt authority , and power of Jurisdiction needfull for the well-being of a Church , which it should have , if it were consociated with many other Congregations : so as wee say an hand with five fingers is a compleate hand , but it is not a compleat organicall body , but a part of the organicall body of a man ; so is a Congregation a Church wanting nothing of the being and essence of a Church ; yet is it incompleate , because it is a part or member of a Presbyteriall Church , and not being consociated wanteth that which belongeth to the well being of a compleat visible Church . For visibility of a Church must have a latitude , because it is an accident or adjunct of an organicall politick body , which is totum integrale . Secondly , the ordinary power of ordinary Jurisdiction in a more perfit way , because of ordinary and perfiter consociation , is given to the Presbyteriall Church , as to the proper subject in the constant and ordinary exercise of Discipline , because contignity being the foundation of visible externall government , the Presbyteriell Church of Ierusalem , Ephesus Corinth , Antioch , and Rome , is a perfit compleat consocia●d body . To which the power of ordination , exauthoration , or deprivation of Pastors , of excommunication in a constant and ordinary way doth belong . For this is a principle of Church-policy . Every politick body of Christ hath power of Church government within it selfe . But a Presbyteriall church is such . 2. This is a received maxime also . Quod tangit omnes . ab omnibus , suo more , tractari debet . VVhat concerneth all , should be agitated by all , according to their degrees of concernment , but excom nunication of a person , in a consociated Church , concerneth all the consociated Churches in a Presbytery ; all are scandalized , all may be , and are in danger to be leavened with the infectious lumpe . And here it is to be observed , that as preaching of the Word is an essentiall note of the visible Church , and agreeing to the visible Church , as necessary ad esse simpliciter , to the very being of a visible Church . For if the word as Preached and some way promulgated be not in such a society , we cannot call it a visible Church ; so Discipline is a note of the visible Church , and necessary ad bene esse , and it cannot be a Ministeriall Church in a good condition exercising acts of edification , if the wall of Discipline be broken downe : and meeting in one place for Word and Sacraments is but accidentall for a Ministeriall Church . If the Word be preached , and the Sacraments administrated in sundry Congregations , though not in a Presbyteriall Church all convened in all its members in one place , yet hath the Presbyteriall Church the essentiall note of a visible Church . Because there is a difference betwixt carrying the colours in an Army tali modo , as all the Army at once may see the colours , and the carrying of the colours . Yet the colours are a note visible of such an Army : so there is a difference betwixt preaching the Word , simpliciter , and preaching the Word , tali modo ; in such a way in one materiall house onely . And therefore it is necessary that government which concerneth many Churches consociated , be in its exercise hic & nunc , larger then preaching of the Word in its exercise , hic & nunc : which cannot be done , but to a multitude which conveneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the same materiall place . And we see an act of government , Acts 15. by confession of our Brethren , belonging to divers consociated Churches and performed by them , and yet these cannot ordinarily meete to one and the same place in all their members for hearing of the Word . Thirdly , an extraordinary , and remote power of Jurisdiction which is but rarely and in extraordinary cases to be put forth in acts , is given to the Catholick visible Presbytery of the whole Catholick visible Church . Because the Oommunion externall and visible is lesse , where the locall distance of visible Churches is more : and therefore because oecumenicall councells , being necessary for the Catholick visible Church , neque ad esse simpliciter , neque ad b●●è esse , sed ad melius seu optimum esse , neither in respect of the Churches being , nor in respect of the Churches well-being , ●u● onely in respect of her best and most spirituall well-being , these councells are seldome to be had in an ordinary providence . For the Cresse of Iesus Christ is rather a marke of the catholick visible Church , then Bellarmine his prospe●ous condition , that he will have to be one of his fifteene notes of the Church : and since the Church cannot have her wishes , the want of generall councells is the Catholick Churches Crosse , not her sin ; we doe not say that God is deficient in meanes necessary to his Church , or to some of his owne Children ; because the Woman hath wings given her of God to stie to the Wildernesse to hide her selfe from the Dragon , Rev. 12. 14. and so cannot enjoy Gods ordinary presence , in his Sanctuary . Nor doe wee say that God hath denied a power to his Church in the Wildernesse , to enjoy them in a visible Sanctuary , I meane a morall power , and jus , a right and interest in that presence , because he interrupteth the Churches physicall power , for a while , in the injoying of these comforts of a visible Church-Communion , in the Sanctuary . Fourthly , hence it doth not follow , that because the catholick representative visible Church is the first subject of the power of the Keys , that the power of Excommunication is derived from the visible Church to a Presbyteriall Church , or that a Presbyteriall Church cannot excommunicate without consulting with , or fetching authority from the Catholick visible Church : Because the Catholick visible Church is a great integrall body of Iesus Christ , and he is the head of this body ; because though the power of seeing by order of nature be first in the whole man , and then in the Eye , yet the power of seeing in the Eye is not derived from the rest of the body , from Hands , Leggs , Shoulders , Armes , to the Eye . The light is first in the whole Body of the Sun , as the first and prime subject of light ; yet supposing now the received opinion of Astronomers , that the body of the Sun doth exceede the quantity of the Earth an hundred sixty and seven times , it doth not follow that this or that part of the Sun hath no light intrinsecall in it ; but that which is derived from the whole body of the Sun ; for then this or this part of the Sun should have borrowed light derived to it from another : so the Soule doth at one and the same instant , animate , and quicken the whole organized Body as its first matter and subject , but it doth not follow that the Hand hath life derived to it from the whole body : so because the power of the Keyes is also intrinsecall in the Presbytery , as in an O●cumenicall councell : it doth not follow , that the power that is intrinsecall in the presbytery is by derivation , or borrowed and at the second hand , from the Catholick presbytery of the whole World ; farre lesse that the Presbytery cannot Excommunicate , except it consult with the catholick visible Church . The power of the Keys , by order of nature , is onely in the catholick representative Church as in the first subject , but in order of time this power is communicated from the head Christ to all the integrall parts of this great Body according to the capacity of every part , so as it is intrinsecall in the particular Eldership of a single Congregation in these poynts of Discipline , that concerne a Congregation as a Congregation , and it is intrinsecall in the classicall Presbytery as it is such , and it is intrinsecall in the provinciall , and Nationall Synod , in poynts belonging to them as such . 3. They object ; if a single Congregation have not power of Excommunication , and of entire and compleat government within it selfe , because it is but a part of a Presbyteriall Church , and so an incompleat Church : by that same reason a Presbyteriall Church shall be a compleate Church , and not have entire and compleat power of Government within it selfe ; because a presbyteriall Church is a part of a provinciall Church , and a provinciall Church shall be in the same case , because it is a part of a Nationall Church , and a Nationall Church , in that same case ; because it is a part of the catholick visible Church , and there shall bee no perfit visible Church on Earth , which hath full and entire power of jurisdiction , save onely the caholicke visible Church , which by no possibility can convene , before her Oecunenick and highest catholick Court , a Nationall Church , or the Church of great Brittaine , and upon the testimony of three witnesses deliver her to Satan , and upon supposall of Repentance receive her againe to the catholick power of that same Court ; into fellowship of Church-union with the great catholick body . For so because this catholick Church , for many centuries , yea possibly for a million of yeeres , cannot convene to exercise her authority in a Court ( and out of her Court shee hath none ) the repenting Nationall Church , shall remaine in Satans bands for ever , by a physicall and invincible necessity . Answ. A single Congregation is a Church , but so as it is a part also and a member of a Presbyteriall Church , and because of neernesse of communion with consociated Churches under one Presbytery ; it can neither have compleat power of casting out one of its owne members , because that member hath so strict a visible Union of membership also with consociated Churches , nor can it exercise that intrinsecall power that it hath as a remote part of Christs Catholick body , but the case for ordinary and constant power of ordinary and constant Jurisdiction is not so in a Presbyteriall , in a provinciall , in a Nationall , in the Catholick visible Body . And therefore it followeth not that they are not compleat Bodies , and entire Churches for all ordinarie and constant Jurisdiction ; and the reason is cleare , because Synods or Synodicall Churches above a Presbytery to me are not ordinary ; not constant Courts , but extraordinary , and prore nata occasionall , having their rise from some occurrence of providence , as is most cleare , by Scripture . The Church of Ephesus being a Presbyteriall Church , did constantly exercise Discipline , and try false Prophets , and those which called themselves Iewes , but were lievs , Revel . 2. 2. Whereas that famous Councell at Ierusalem was not an ordinary and constant Court , but extraordinary , that is , occasionall ( for so I take the Word , for expressions cause ) and had its rise , Acts 15. 1. from a meere occasion , because some came from Iudea and taught the Brethren , except yee be circumcised after the manner of Moses , you cannot be saved , And the subject of this Court was not the constant and ordinary affaires of Discipline , that belonged to the presbytery of Ierusalem , and Antioch . No , v. 6. the subject was only an incident controversy raised by false teachers , subverters of soules , v. 24. and therefore it is said , v. 6. The Apostles and Elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consider of this matter ; therefore the presbyteriall Church hath both Word and Sacraments dispensed in it distributively through all the Churches , and for the power of Jurisdiction ordinary intensivè , and quoad essentiam Ecclesiae ministerialis , according to the entire essence of a ministeriall Church , it is as perfit and compleat in one single Congregation , as in a provinciall , as in a Nationall , yea as in the Catholick visible Body , whereof Christ is the Head ; onely a provinciall , nationall , and the Catholick Church visible , extensivè , according to the power of extension , is a larger and a superior Church , and though the presbyteriall Church be a part of the Catholick , it is so a part , as it is a perfit whole Church : as a man is a part of this great all , the World , yet so , as he is a perfit reasonable Creature , and so a whole man , and a part of the World : but a Congregation is so a part of the Presbytery , that it hath not a whole , entire , compleat intensive power over its owne members to excommunicate them , because its members are for contiguity and necessity of neere visible communion , parts that cannot avoyd dayly edifying or scandalizing of consociated Churches , and therefore the consociated churches trust have a power over the members of a Congregation . But our Brethren will say ; Contiguity of locall cohabitation doth not in be a visible Church , but only the voluntary agreement of Professors who doe , ex pacto , and by covenant tacit or expresse , make up a conseciation : for a Papist and a Protestant may cohabit in one house . Answ. That is true , but contiguity is such a necessary foundation of externall visible Church fellowship in one presbytery , as without that contiguity , I see not how , jure Divino , there can be either a Congregationall Church , or any other Church : for , sure I am , Christ hath not ordained me to be a member of a Congregation in America , or of a presbyteriall Church in Geneva . And that such persons and no more be members of a Congregation , is not juris Divini , yet without a contiguity lesse or more they cannot be members of a Congregation , nor is this single Congregation a limbe of this presbyteriall Church , jure Divin● ; onely this in abstracto is jus Divinum , that there be a Congregation of a convenient number , and a presbytery of such as may meete conveniently in their guides . But to returne , the Brethren do deny that God gave a power of Jurisdiction to the Catholick visible Court of the O●cumenick Church . And why ? because a generall councell cannot excommunicate , nor relax from Excommunication a nationall Church , But I answer , 1. It is by accident , and not through want of innate and intrinsecall power , that the Court of a Catholick councell cannot in an ordinary and constant way , exercise the power that Christ hath given to her , as the presbyteriall church doth ; and the exigence of providence maketh it so , because it falleth out by the blessing of God , that Zion must say , as it is , Esai . 49. 20. The place is too streight for me , give place to me that I may dwell . And because she inlargeth the place of her Tent , and stretcheth forth the curtains of her habitation , and lengthneth her cords , and breaketh forth on the right hand , and on the left , and her seed inheriteth the Gentiles , Esai . 54. 2 3. and because from the rising of the Sun , to the going d●●ne thereof , his Name is great amongst the Gentiles , and in every place incense is offered to him , Mal. 1. 11. yet have generall councells condemned Hereticks , as Nestorians , Macedonians , Eutyches and others ; and I see nothing to prove that a generall councell hath no power to excommunicate a Nationall Church . If the Lord should be pleased to give the Christian Churches a generall councell this day , they might lawfully , in a juridicall way , declare the faction of Romish pretended catholicks , to be mysticall Babylon , a cage of uncleane Birds , which is excommunication in the essence and substance of the Act ; nor is there need of a legall and juridicall citation of nationall Churches , or a citation of witnesses to prove Romish Heresies , and perfidious and detestable obstinacy : for their writings , and deeds , are so notorious , that the senses of men may as infallibly prove the fact , as we know there is such a City in the world as Rome , and C●n●tantinople ; as for the instance that a catholick councell cannot ordinarily be had , to relax a repenting nationall Church : I answer , the same inconvenience will follow , if we suppose an ordinary case , the Church congregationall ( as our Brethren suppose ) of Ierusalem , Acts. 2. consisting of three thousand and a hundred and twenty , having excommunicated Ananias , Saphira , and others , who yet by the grace of God , should truely repent ; in the meane time , the Sword of the Roman Emperor intervening scattereth this Church , that they cannot convene in a spirituall Court , to relax them ( and out of Court they have no authority of Jurisdiction ) here were an invincible necessity of their remaining in Satansbonds , in foro externo ecclesiae . But what then ? This is to limit God , as Papists do in binding and tying salvation of Infants to the outward signe of externall baptisme ; as if God , in soro caeli , in his own Court could not absolve penitent sinners , because the Church will not , which is more ordinary , through mens corruption , or cannot absolve , through the necessity of exigence of divine providence : and the more catholick that crosses be , as war● , the universall and catholick cruelty , and treachery of the church of M●lignants against the true catholick Church of Christ , the more easily are the Juridicall and Court-operations , actions and proceedings of the catholick universall Church impedited . And therefore this of our Saviours , tell the Church , is necessarily to be applyed to all Churches and Courts of Christ , even to a catholick councell , though Christ gave instances in an offended Brother , who is to tell the Church , But I am sure , ( tell the church ) is not to be restricted to a vocal & personall complaining of one brother against another , in the face of a single Congregation . For if the offence be committed before the Sun at noon-day in the seeing and hearing of the church , either congregationall , or presbyteriall , as some may , and one do by word and writ openly blaspheme God : in this case Christs affirmative command , tell the church , doth not in conscience oblige one man to come and deale with the delinquent in private , and then ( if he repent not ) before witnesses , & then to tell the church , so as one sinneth if he tell not the church ; for here Gods providence disposing of the notoriousnesse and publicknes of the scandall doth tell the church ; and yet , I hope , our Brethren could not deny , but this Text doth w●●●● that such a publick offender who scandalizeth many Churches should be excommunicated by this place , Mat. 18. from which I gather the weakenes of what is said for the independency of churches from , Mat. 18. Ob. 1. Here we cannot understand the Church universall . 1. Because he would not say where two or three are gathered in my Name , I will be in the midst of them , for two or three cannot represent all the Churches comprehended under the catholick visible Body of Jesus Christ. Ans. This is an argument from the lesse to the more . If I be present ( would our Saviour say ) where two or three , though they be but two or three : I will far rather be present in the assemblies of the Church . Nor can the words stand according to the letter strictly , according to our Brethrens mind , that two should be a Church ; for there should be Pastors and Elders , and Christian witnesses , two at least , and the accused Brother here . 2. two or three , and brother and brother are not to be taken as singular men only , but as two or thee men , or Churches , who as they may be offended . 1 Cor. 10 32. so may they give scandall and offence ; so may three , foure , of consociated Congregations give the offence , and that publickly ; what ? hath Christ provided no remedy against scandals in his whole Kingdome , but only for scandals fallen out in the single persons of a small Congregation consisting of ten , 20 100. or 200. only when these little congregations offend sister Congregations , they are left to the immediate judgement of God ? This is wonderfull . Ob. 2. The christian magistrate as a nursing father is to punish those who offend , and hath power to command Churches to confesse offences done to sister Churches , and command Church censures , as excommunication , to be used , and Christs power to be put forth in practise , according to the will of Jesus Christ. Answ. Yet doth it follow that the Apostolick Churches , & the succeeding Churches to them under the ten bloudy persecutions , when Magistrates were enemies to Christ , and his church , that the Churches wanted spirituall meanes to gaine fallen and scandalous churches . 2. Christ hath provided an Ecclesiasticall power to remove scandalls betwixt church and church ; for the Magistrates power is civill and put forth by the Sword , and by carnall weapons . Christs 〈◊〉 in this , Mat. 18. 19. s to remove scandalls , and gaine soales v. 15 for heare thee , thou o●st gained thy Brothe . The Sword of the Magistrate is not ordained to gaine so●les to Repentance . That 〈◊〉 who careth for the part of a visible church , doth he not far rather care in a spirituall way , for the whole ? 3. What can the Magistrate command here ? the Eldership of a Congregation turn●● Here●icks and scandalous to sister Churches and infecteth then . To● Magistrate commadeth that Church censures be used 〈◊〉 them as you say , who should use them ? not a sister Church 〈◊〉 is offended . She hath no power ; not the Eldership themselves offending . Christ never ordained that a church should excommunicate her selfe ; not the people ; Who gave them power ? And the major part of them turneth scandalous . Also Christ nere hath left n●re ne●y . but let them grow till Harvest , so say A●abaptists . Ob. 3. Christ here speaketh for a present and constant removing of scand 〈◊〉 Brother and Brother of one congregation . A cathalick 〈◊〉 of the whole visible Church is far off , ●nd cannot be 〈◊〉 . Answ. That he speaketh of a present and constant remedy only , and of no remedy against the scandall of whole Churches , is de●ed . He speaketh of all remedies to gaine any offenders , persons or churches . Ob. 4. Then should an universall councell of the whole world be absolutely necessary , if in some cases we must tell the whole catholickchurch Ans. Neither doth that follow generall councels are neither necessary to the being , nor to the well-being , but only to the best being of the catholick church , and if the catholick church enjoyed its best-being to which it hath jus , and due right , that is , a perfit Reformation in doctrine and discipline , then should generall councell be necessary for the keeping of this best being . And this rule of Discipline given by Christ supposeth a particular Congregation right constituted ( say our Brethren ) else this rule cannot be necessarily kept . So say we , that it may necessarily be kept in the catholick church , it supposeth the catholick church to be reformed ; but Christs church must sayle with a second wind , when she cannot have a first . Ob. 5. Refusing communion with sister Churches in case of scand●ll is as effectuall a way for edification , as authoritative excommunication of congregations by Presbyteries . Answ. Excommunication of Congregations is a possible , not an ordinary supposition ; but our grounds proceed , when the members of one sister-church offendeth another , if there be no presbyteriall power superi●r to both , that may take order with them , then hath not Christ , in the ordinary supposition of ill administration of the Eldership of a particular Congregation , provided an ecclesiastick way to remove scandalls out of His Kingdome . 2. non-communion is no more then I may do to a brother who offendeth me . 2. it is not so efficacious as a binding and loosing ratified in Heaven . 3. It hath not that speciall promise of Christs church presence walking in the midst of the Golden candle-sticks . 4. It is a secret condemning of the Wisdom of Christ in the institution of excommunication , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. 4. that some may learne not to blaspheme , 1 Tim. 1. 20. as if excommunication which is a publick authoritative meane were superfluous , if a private and brotherly non-communion be sufficient , and as efficacious a meane of edification , as Christs mean. Ob. 6. Either must you complaine to a presbyteriall , provinciall , and nationall Church , before you complaine to that congregation of which the ' Delinquent is a member , or after that you have complained to that congregation ; if the former be said , then you cannot tell the presbytery , or superior Courts , but in case of obstinacy ; for if you can gaine a Brother , or a Church in a private way , you are not to bring him to a more publickeshame , that is contrary to Christs order , v. 15. If he heare thee , thou hast gained thy brother . And if you tell it the Presbytery and the superior Courts , after you have told it to the Church , whereof he is a member , then you make foure steps , in your reclaiming your brother , where Christ hath made but three . Ans. Christs order according to the number of steps are three , when the fault is private , scandalls of many Congregations cannot be private , and in publick scandalls we cannot go but to that church which the offence doth immediatly concerne ; and if you make foure steps or five according to your grounds , I see no transgression ; if 1. You admonish the offender . 2. Before two . 3. Before the half of the Elders . 4. Before all the Elders , and. 5. If you be willing that the Elders bring it to the hearing of the Congregation the number of three precisely are not of positive Divine institution , they are only set downe by Christ to shew we are to labour to gaine our brother in private , before we publish his shame to the Church ; and if he commit the offence before two , I think you need not tell him your selfe alone , but before two , and yet the offence is private , if three only be privy to it ; seeing it is not yet come to the Church . 3. I much doubt if no faults be punishable by excommunication , but only obstinacy : I thinke the 〈◊〉 of incest , parricide and the like deserveth excommunication , though no contumacy be supervenient to such crimes . Ob. 7. The Church spoken of , Mat. 18. is all one with the House of God , and the House of Prayer , where two or three agree to pray for onething . v. 19. and the place where worshiping is , and word and Sa●raments , that society in which stewards give a portion of the trea●● of life to every child of the House , Mat. 24. 45 , 1 Cor. 4. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 publick Rebukes are tendered to these who sin publickly , before all , that others may feare , 1 Tim. 5. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : this must be in the Churches hearing and before the Congregation meet for the Word and Sacraments , for these ordinances of God worke for the edifying both of the party reproved and before all the Congregation , which shall heare and feare ; and they worke upon the Heart , as the Word of God doth : now a presbyteriall Church convened in some Elders of divers Congregations , for Church censures and exercise of jurisdiction , is not such a House of God , where are the Word , Sacraments and publick rebukes in the hearing of the Congregation ; for the Congregations of all the presbytery being 20. or 30. cannot meet in one Church . Answ. That onely a Congregation and not the catholick Church is the House of God , I judge , the Word of God cannot teach ; as Esai . 56. 5. To them will I give a name within my House . What a name ? to be a member of a single Congregation ? No , but of a whole visible Church , opposed to the condition of Eu●uches and strangers , v. 4. that were not of the people of God. Cant. 1. 17 The beames of our House are cedars , this is the catholick Church and Spouse of Christ , Cant. 3 4. I would not let Him goe , till I brought Him to my Mothers House , not a Congregation , but Ierusalem , ( saith Ainsworth ) the Mother of us all , Cotton , the Catholick Church ; Alstedius , Ierusalem , Heb. 3. 2. as Moses was faithfull in all his House . Not a single congregation . 2. This Church here is formally a Ministeriall Church meeting to bind and loose , and excommunicate . Nor is there need to expound it of an House of praying congregationally , but rather 2. 19. of ligatory and authoritative prayers of the Presbytery . 3. Nor is rebuking in a Congregation for the edifying of the hearers , any thing but the execution of the judiciall sentence of a Presbyteriall Church , which we grant may be done in the congregation , whereof the Delinquent is a member , and yet the Church here shall not signifie a congregation convened for the Word and S●crame●ts , except you say , all the people must necessarily be present , yea and authoritative actors to bind and loose , as this Church is expresly called , v. 18. for if the place speake , 1 Tim. 5. 20. of concionall rebuking ; then it proveth nothing , that is done by Timothy as a Pastor , virtute potest at is ordinis , and not by the Presbytery , as an act of jurisdiction which is done by the Church , not by one man , if it be meant of juridicall rebuking that is done in a Court , where all the congregation are not present ; or if it be done before the congregation in Name of the Presbytery , what is done before the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before many is not done by those many , as if they were the Church , which our Saviour biddeth us tell , and sure nothing i● here against us . Ob. 8. The Word Church is never used in the New Testament , for the Presbytery ; and if it signifie a Representative Church ; the meaning of this , the Angell of the Church of Pergamus might be the Angell of the Church of Pergamus ; for the Representative Church is the Eldership of that Church . Answ. This being the first time that Christ spake of the Church ( which the Hebrewes or Iewes who knew his language , behoved to understand ) hee could not meane any thing but a representative Church , not the common multitude ; and though it were taken other wayes in all Scriptures beside , here it must have this meaning ; because he speakth of a court . If he heart not the Church &c , 2 Of a company who bindeth and looseth on Earth . 3. Whose sentence is ●atified in Heaven . 4. Binding and loosing are words of highest royall judiciall authority in Scripture , Psal. 105. 20. The King sent and loosed him . 21. He made him Lord over his House , v. 22. to bind his Princes at his pleasure , Psal. 148. 8. To bind their Kings with chaines , and their Nobles with fetters of Iron . v. 9. To execute upon them the judgement written , Mat. 22. 13. Take him and bind him ; Pauls being in bands , is to be under the Judges power , Acts 12 6. Peter was bound with two chaines ; So the Captaine of the Guard , J●r . 40. 4. and now be hold I loose thee this day from thy chaines . 2. The representative Church is not called the Elders of the representative Church , nor the Angell of the representative Church , but of the collective Church : and therefore there is no Angell of a Church , of a Church here . Ob. 9. From the Church here spoken of , their is no appeale , because the sentence is ratified in Heaven . 2. It inflicteth the highest punishment , the censure of excommunication , and a higher judicature can doe no more . 3. Their is no reason to appeale to a higher judicature , because the inferior may erre , because all above a Congregation are Courts which may erre : for Presbyteries , Provinciall , Nationall , the universall councell of the Catholique Church may erre . So Mr. Mather . Answ. This is no reason why wee may not appeale from a Congregation , because the sentence is ratified in Heaven , because the sentence of an inferior Judge proceeding rightly is ratified in Heaven ; yet we may appeale from him : to appeale is but upon feares of ill administration to desert a lower Court , and go to a higher Court , so when we feare a counsell and advice given by a sister Church to be not according to the Word of God , which yet is according to the Word of God , upon the supposall of that feare wee decline that counsell , and take another . Neither are we to appeale , de jure , from a just sentence in a presbytery . Illud possumus quod jure possumus . What the inferior Sanedrim of Israel did justly , was ratified in Heaven : yet by Gods Law there might be an appeale from it to the highest Sanedrim . 2. Nor is this a good reason that we may not appeale from a Judicature which may inflict the highest censure ; for inferior Judicatures in Israel had power of life and death , yet might man appeale from them . 3. The cause of appeales is not because inferiour Judicature● may erre , for so wee might appeale from all judicatures , even from a general councell , for it may erre . But the true cause is . 1. Because rariùs errant , they do not so frequently erre . 2. They are not so inclined and disposed to erre , for many Eyes see more then one , and many Eyes doe more seldome miscarry in not taking up the right object then one . 3. Because we conceive more equality and lesse partiality in higher Courts . Ob. 10. You grant that a single Congregation in an Island hath power intrinsecall of Excommunication within it selfe ; Ergo , th● inconvenient which you put on independent Congregations , shall follow in the case of a remote congregation , Christ hath not then provided sufficiently for that Church in that case . Answ. It followeth onely ; Ergo , Christ hath not provided so sufficiently for that Church as for others in a consociation , which is nothing against us . For woe to him that is alone , and two are better then one . Ob. 11. If the Church here be a representative Church , the● it hath power from those whom they represent , but they represent the people , and so the power is first in the people , and the people must be the first visible Church , not the presbytery , not a generall councell . I prove the major , because the power the representer hath that must be first in the represented . Answ. A representer standeth for another either objectively or subjectively . What ever representeth another objectively , that is , doth such a businesse for another , or in remejus , for his behalfe and good , though he some way represent that other , yet hath he not his power from that which he representeth ; as the Eye objectively in seeing , and the Eare in hearing representeth the body , for the Eye seeth for the whole body , the Eare heareth for the whole body . But the eye hath not its visi●e , or seeing faculty from the body , nor the Eare the hearing faculty from the body . Now the Presbytery doth represent the people onely objectively , that is , for the good and salvation of the people , and so the Elders have not all their power of ruling from the people , but from Iesus Christ. That which representeth another subjectively hath indeed its power from that which it representeth , as he who carrieth the person and roome of a King as an Ambassador , doth fetch his power from the King , and that power is more principally in the King. But now the Assumption is false , because the Eldership doth not represent the people , in their power of Jurisdiction , subjectively , as standing in the place of the people , but as the Ambassadors of Christ , and as stewards they have both the Keyes from Christ , not from the people , and doe actually use the Keyes , in his Name and authority , not in the peoples name and authority . Hence is easily answered that Delegatus seu deputatus non potest facere delegatum ; one delegate cannot transfer his power to another delegate , that would bring a progresse infinite in government ; for one deligate standing in the roome of others , sibjectively cannot transfer his whole power to another , its true ; he cannot transfer his power in part and according to some singular acts , it is false : for Acts 15. 25. It is said by the councell , It seemed good unto us with one accord , to send chosen men to you , with Paul and Silar . Paul and Silas and these chosen men , suppose six or ten are in this Embassage , are but the deputies and Messengers of the councell , and yet they doe agree to make Paul their deputy , and mouth to speake for them all , seeing order requireth that six at once should not speake , in this case Paul speaking the minde of all the rest , in this singular act , he is a deputy of Deputies , and he representeth the whole six , who were Messengers of the Church sent with the Epistle , and these six were Deputies and Messengers of the councell , but as these six Messengers sent by the councell could not lay their whole power on another to carry the Epistle to the Church of Antioch , and bestow their labours elsewhere , nor could one of these six deligates , being chosen as deligate to speake for the rest , put that power of speaking the mind of the whole six off himselfe to another ; in which sense , one deligate cannot make another , one Messenger cannot send another ; so the Presbyteriall or classicall Court convened as the deligates of the whole Congregations under them , or rather deligates for them , then of them , decerning that one of a Congregation should be excommunicated , may deligate one in that Congregation to pronounce the sentence , and this one pronouncing the sentence as the deligate , and Messenger of the Church is a deligate & a deputy of deligates , and deputies , in one particular act ; and this our Brethren in their own Church-sentences pronounced by one Elder , must also say . Object . 12. That neerest Church to whom we delate the offence of one single offender , is a single Congregation , else we must over-leap this Church , and tell the Presbytery , contrary to Christs direction ; but if he heare not that very Church to whom we tell the businesse , he is excommunicated by that neerest Church , as the words beare ; Ergo , that nearest Church being single congregations , may excommunicate , and so it is the first Church , and the Presbyterial Church is not the first Church . Ans. That neerest Church to whom we delate the offence of the delinquent ; first , in the case of wilfull obstinacy ; secondly , in the case of consociation of Churches ( whom the obstinacy concerneth ) is not a congregationall Church , having power of Jurisdiction entirely and compleatly , to whom we must tell the offence , which is the subject of excommuncation . The whole ministeriall Church is that particular Church , together with the Presbytery ; and my reason is , there is a Church , Acts 2. consisting of one and thirty hundred and twenty , all called one Church . Now it is said of this Church that they continued , vers . 42. stedfastly in the Apostles doctrine and fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and prayer ; but where did they meet ? vers . 46. not onely in the Temple , but dayly from house to house . This whole number hath had v. 42. one Church-fellowship , one Word , one Supper of the Lord ; but in one meeting at once ? No , but they met from house to house , that is , in any private house , as the phrase is here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Acts 20. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now it is cleare there were Congregations and Churches , when Word and Sacraments were in private houses at Jerusalem , and from house to house in Ephesus ; but I hope these were but parts of the Church at Ierusalem and Ephesus , and that they could not meet all in one house . If one therefore complaine of a scandalous person to the Church of Ephesus convened in a house , possibly in an upper Chamber , or elsewhere , this is a meeting that continueth in prayer and breaking of bread , and so hath power of Church-censures to admonish and rebuke , which things belong to that single Congregation or Church in a private house ; but it hath not power to censure those that offend the consociated Congregations that meet also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in houses , that is , to excommunicate ; and therefore he must complaine to the Elders of Ephesus , ●o● we are not to thinke that the false Jewes who were censured by the Apostles of Ephesus , Rev●● . 2. 2. did onely infest houses , or one Congregation meet in a house , or that one House-Church , or House-Congregation of Ephesus , did try and censure those that called themselves Iewes , Revel . 2 , 2 but Christ giveth the praise of this to the whole Church of Ephesus , who had the power of censures . But it may be said , Ascandalous person may infect two Congregations of two neighbouring Presbyteries , he dwelling neere the borders of both : Ergo , if he be to be excommunicated , not by a Congregation onely , but by the Presbytery , because ●e may leaven many consociated Churches ; this man is not to be excommunicated , except you tell two Presbyteriall Churches , and so a whole Province ; and if he dwell in the borders of two Nations , betwixt England & Scotland , he may leaven two parts of two Nationall Churches ; and if the matter concerneth both the Nationall Churches , a higher Church then a Presbytery , to wit a Church made up of two Presbyteries , yea , of parts of two Presbyteries of two Nations , must by divine institution be that Church compleat and entire to which we must complaine , and which hath the power of excommunication . Answ. It is certaine , as the locall limits of a Congregation and the number is not properly of divine institution , onely a convenient number there must be to make up a Congregation ; and suppose a man do dwell in the borders of two Congregations , where he is equally distant from the place of meeting of these two Congregations , it is not of divine institution whether he be a member of the one or the other ; yet where his parents did willingly associate themselves to such a Congregation , or he himselfe did associate himselfe , and where he received Baptisme , he hath now a relation to that Church as a member thereof , and that Pastor is his Pastor , not any other , as the Elders of the Church of Ephesus ( suppose it were one single Congregation ) and the Angell of Ephesus is not the Angell of Thyatira ; the Angell of Pergamus is not to be called the Angell of Sard●s . So i● the matter in a Presbytery , or two Presbyteries of two distinct Nations ( I meane now a classicall Presbytery ) therefore these doe make Presbyteries , 1. A convenient number of Churches may be governed by one Colledge , or society of Elders . 2. Having ordinary conversing one with another . 3. Voluntarily upon these two grounds combining themselves in one society ; and upon these three the supervenient institution of Christ is grounded . And therefore though it be true , that one dwelling in the borders of two Congregations , of two classicall Presbyteries of two Nations , may equally infect other , and so ex natura rei , and in reality of truth he may leaven both ; yet the God of order having made him a combined member now by institution of one Presbyteriall Church , not of the other , he is to be excommunicated by the one , not by the other : For though locall distinction of Congregations and Presbyteries bee not of divine institution ; yet supposing consideration be had to , first , a competent number which may be edified ; secondly , to ordinary conversing ; thirdly , to voluntary combination , either formall , as at the first molding of Congregations and Presbyteries , or tacit and vertuall combination , as in after tracts of time . Gods institution maketh a relation of a particular membership of this man , so to this Congregation or Presbyterie ; as that now upon their foresaid suppositions , though he may leaven the neighbouring Presbyteries or Congregations , no lesse then those whereof he is a member , yet may he be censured by those and none others now , in respect of Christs ordinance applied to this Presbyteriall Church in this place , and in this Nation , and not in this . Object . 13. If the Congregation may admonish and rebuke , then may they excommunicate , for you may not distinguish where the Law of God distinguisheth not : for there is no reason why this or this exercise of jurisdiction should be given them , and not the exercise of all . Answ. The Law clearly differenceth , Matth. 18. I may rebuke and convince my brother with the consent of three witnesses , which is some degree of Church-censure , especially if a Pastor rebuke before three , yet may not a Pastor excommunicate ; the Church doth that . 2. We acknowledge that a Congregation may exercise all jurisdiction in re propria ; but excommunication , where Churches are consociated , is not a thing that is proper to a Congregation , but concerneth many . Obj. 14. We doe not thinke that the Church , Math. 18. 16. is the community its alone , nor the Elders there alone ; but the Elders in presence of the community . For even Act. 15. when the Apostles and Elders did give out decrees , they did it before the Church of Ierusalem , and in their presence , V. 22. Then pleased it the Apostles , Elders , and whole Church , to send chosen men to Antioch . For shew us a warrant in the Word , where the Elders there alone did exercise jurisdiction , the people not being convened , and where such a company of Elders there alone is called a Church . The Iudges in Israel judged in the gates before the people ; the Elders judged in , or , before the Church , as the eye seeth united to the head , not separated from it . Answ. Nor doe we exclude these from hearing the Elders exercise jurisdiction , if the matter concerne them ; but we aske if the whole people of Israel were obliged by vertue of Divine Institution to be present in the gates of the City when the Judges did sit there , and judge , as our brethren therein say ; by a Divine Institution the people are to be present , and to consent ; yea and have an honour above consenting , ( say they ) so as , if the people be not there to have their share of excommunication in their way , then is Christs order violated , because the Church cannot be said to excommunicate and bind and loose on Earth ; whereas the Elders onely , without the people , do only bind and loose , and excommunicate ; and the Elders ( say they ) without the people are not the Church , nor can be called the Church , and so the acts of the Elders , judging , and separated from the people are null , because not acts of the Church ; seeing the alone Elders are not the Church ; & by this reason the Judges could not judge in Israel , except all Israel had been present to consent , for all Israel are bidden to execute judgement in the morning , both the Rulers and people . 2. All the thousands in Ierusalem which made up many Congregations , were not , nor could they , and the whole Congreations of A●tioch , Syria , and Silicia , who were all concerned in conscience no lesse then Ierusalem , be present , and that by obligation of a Divine Institution : and therefore that Church , and that whole Church , Act. 15. 22. can be no other then the whole representative Church . And so we say , both here and Act. 15. the Church representative exerciseth jurisdiction without the people ; if people were present , it was by vertue of no Divine Institution : so as if they had not beene present the decrees could not have been called the decrees of the Church : and certainely the comparison of the eye which seeth not but as united to the body , if it be strictly urged , may well prove that the Elders , if the people be not present , even all and every one whom it concerneth , c●● no more exercise jurisdiction , or decerne that a scandalous person can be excommunicated , then an eye can see when it is plucked out of the head . Object . 15. Divines bring an argument from Math. 18. by ●●●logy and proportion from particular congregations , to prove Na●i●nall and generall Synods of the whole Christian world . Ergo , they suppose that a particular Church is the measure and patterne , and first Church which hath power of excommunication , Answ. Parker , and some few enclining to our brethrens mind doe so , but Divines understand by a Church a Presbyteriall Church , which they make the measure and patterne of Assemblies . Object . 16 Here is a particular Church , because here is an offended brother who is a member thereof . This particular Church hath Elders , this particular Church is a whole Church , 1 Cor. 14. if the whole Church come together . Jam. 5. Send for the Elders of the Church . It cannot be , that the sick● person is to send for the Elders of a Presbyteriall Church that are so farre removed from the sicke man. Answ. An hand with five fingers is a whole hand , but not a whole body ; a Congregation is a whole Church in its owne kind , whole for those things that concerne it selfe , but not whole and compleat for all jurisdiction . If Iames should bid , send for all the Elders , this consequence should have some colour . Object . 17. A Presbyteriall Church can be an offending Church , but this , Math. 18. is for an offending brother , if thy brother sinne against thee , &c. Answ. Christ giveth an instance onely in an offending brother , but the doctrine is for the curing of an offending Church also , for all persons to be gained , Thou hast gained thy brother . We are to gaine Churches even as we are not to offend Churches , 1 Cor. 10. 32. Object . 18 ▪ There are no Church-censures meant here , Christs scope is to resolve a case of conscience , how farre we are to goe on with an offending brother before we behave our selves to him as to an heather . ● , It is said , if thy brother sinne against thee , Ergo , it is a private offence , not a publique Church-scandall , that deserveth excommunication . Answ. Christs purpose is to shew how we may gaine to repentance an offending brother , Thou hast gained thy brother . And he will have us use both publique and private meanes to gaine him . 2. It is such a sinne as must be told to the Church , when obstinacy to the Church is added , and therefore at length it is a publique scandall and so deserveth excommunication . Ob. 2. Reprove him , that is , convince him , but is it not reproving to be brought before the Church ? must I reprove every one who offendeth me , even the King ? it is a mans glory to passe by an offence ; and Salomon for biddeth us to over-heare our servant cursing us . Answ. God hath made every man his brothers keeper , and we are not to suffer sin in our brother , but in any case to rebuke him , Lev. 19 , 17. the King is not every mans brother whom he is to use familiarly , as the brother meant of here ; though Kings should be rebuked by their Nobles , and by Pastors . 2. We are to passe over offences , that is , to forgive those that sin against us , and not to be too curious to know who reproacheth us , as Salomons meaning is to be taken , and to be willing to forgive , and yet to labour to gaine our brother by rebukes ; one act of love fighteth not with another . Ob. 3. Tell the Church , is not meant of a Christian Church , but he speaketh of a thing present , but there was no Christian Church as yet . Answ. It followeth not , it is a rule especially for time to come , though Christ speake after this manner , as if it were a thing present . Ob. 4. It is not much that the word , Church , signifieth onely in this place a company of godly men , witnesses of the mans offence ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth onely once , Joh. 3. the wind . 2. Christ spake in the Syriak and Gnedah , Psal. 22. Gnedah a company , or many Buls have comp●ss●d m● , 1 San. 19. a company of Prophets , Gnedah . The meaning is , if he be not convinced by the testimony of two , rebuke him before many . Answ. It is not like , that seeing in the Chapter preceding he s●ake of the Church , as of a company to whom the Keys of the Kingdome of Heaven were given , and that here he speaking of a Church which hath authoritative power to bind and loose , that Christ hath any such ●nsolent meaning of the word Church , as onely to note many Christians . 2. The Syriak is not the Originall , but the Greeke . Ob. 5. The witnesses sp●ken of here are not witnesses of the offences , but of the reproofe , and therefore there is nothing here of a judiciall proc●s . Answ. Yea , but these witnesses are witnesses both of the reproote , and of that obstinacy , for the which the mans sinnes are bound in Heaven . Ob. 6. Let him be to thee as an Heathen . He saith not , let him be to the C●urt as an Heathen , and therefore here is no shadow of any Court. Ans. It is an ordinary hebraisme , when the second person is put for the third , especially in Laws , as , Thou shalt not send him away empty . Also , Thine eye shall not spare him . Also , Then shalt out away evill out of Israel . And therefore here is a reall Court , it the context be considered . Christ speaketh so , Let him be to thee as an Heathen ; in opposition to that which he was called to be , for his obstinacy ; to wit , a brother , if thy brother offend . And how weake is this ? Let him be to thee as an Heathen . Ergo , He should not be to the Church as an Heathen . The contrary consequence is most necessary , if he be to thee as an Heathen , because he is now convinced of obstinacy before two brethren , and before all the Church . Ergo , these two brethren and the whole Church are to count him as an Heathen , for the offended brother hath gone along all the way in the unanimous judgement , and a consort of mind , with both the witnesses and the Church ; Ergo , this obstinate man is the same to the Church that he is to the offended brother , that is , he is to both as an Heathen and a Publican , and both are to abstaine from eating or brotherly conve si●g with him , as the Jewes would not familiarly converse with the heathen , and as Paul commandeth 1 Cor. 5. 10 , 11. that with an excommunicated man , we are not to eate . Ob. 7. Whatsoever you bind on earth , is in good sence , that he who offendeth any little one that believeth , his sinne is bound in Heaven , as the friends of Job c. 42. were not accepted of God , till they made their peace first with Iob , yet Iob had no power of the Keyes over his friends , and an offering is not accepted , while first the offerer be reconciled to his broth●r , and so his sinnes are bound in Heaven , and yet one brother hath not a jurisdiction over another . Answ. Binding and loosing in this , Chap. 18. must be the same with binding and loosing , Chap. 16. 19. but expresly their binding and loosing is by the Church . power of the Keyes , and is all one with that authoritative power of remitting and retaining sins 〈◊〉 . 20. 21 , 22 23. and in Scripture the keyes , and binding , and loosing , are never ascribed but to Stewards , Officers , Princes , and Judges , who have power of jurisdiction , as I have proved already ; and therefore that which is spoken of Jobs friends , and of the offerer not reconciled to his brother , Come not up to the point , for Iobs friends doe not binde on earth , and the offended brother is a more private man destitute of the keyes , and of all power of j●risdiction . It is first objected by our reverend brethren , The extent of the power of jurisdiction in the Elders of a classicall Presbytery must be proved by Gods Word , which cannot be . For if many classicall Elders have power over many Congregations , possibly twenty or thirty Churches , then they beare the relation of Elders to these thirty Congregations , and they must all be Elders of these Churches , as the Scripture saith , the Elders of Ephesus , the Angel of the Church of Pergamus , the Angel of the Church of Thyatira ; now this cannot be : for then , First , Deacons must be Deacons of many Congregations , and Deacons might meet in one Colledge to dispose of the Treasury of these thirty , and yet these thirty Churches should not be consulted with , nor could they all convene in one to give their consent and judgement concerning their Treasury . Now though Deacons be inferiour to Pastors , yet are they no l●sse Officers in their owne sphere , having power , then the Pastors ; and Paul writing to the Church of Philippi , writeth to the Deacons as to the Bishops , insi●uating that Deacons are Deacons in relation to that Church , no lesse then Pastors . Answ. I deny the Proposition , to wit , If many Elders be one Presbytery ruling many Congregations , then doe they beare the relation of Elders to these many Congregations , as proper Pastors to every Congregation , of , or within that Presbyteriall Church : nor doe they beare that relation of watchmen and proper Pastors to every one of these Congregations , that a Pastor of a particular Congregation beareth to his particular flock , that is to be ●oved . It is true they are called the Elders of the presbyteriall Church of Ephesus , the Colledge of the Angells of the Church of Pergamus ; but this is a generall and different relation from that which each Pastor , doth carry to his owne flock in those respects . 1. The Presbytery are Elders to the classicall Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●● ; not in things proper to each Congregation but in things common to all , or in that which is the proper object of government , to wit , those things which rather concerne the consociation , and combination of those thirty Churches then the thirty consociated , and combined Churches in particular . 2. The Presbytery doth rather take care of the reg●lation of the acts of governing in all these Churches , then the governed Churches : for they are to heed to the Pastors ordained , and to lay h●nds suddenly on no man , to commit the Word to faithfull m●n , to see that Pastors preach sound Doctrine , and exercise Discipline according to the rule , but they doe not feede as speciall Pastors the particular flocks , but every one is to feede his owne flock over the which the Holy Ghost hath set him , Acts 20 , 28. 3 The Elders of the classicall presbytery are Elders to all these Churches , as the Elders themselves are , in Collegio Presbyteriali , in the Colledge of Presbyters and properly as they are in the Court , but not separatim , and oct of Court , so this and this Archippus is not an Elder , or Pastor to all these Congregations , so as he hath to answer to God and to watch for the Soules of them all , but hee hath a charge of them onely in Collegio ; and if he doe any thing , as a classicall Elder , as if hee lay hands on a Pastor ordained to bee the Pastor of such a Congregation , hee doth it as the hand and instrument and deligate of the Presbytery , or if hee pronounce the sentence of excommunication in a Congregation , hee is virtualitèr in Collegio , when he doth that act , in respect he doth it as the deligate of the Presbytery . And this our Brethren may see in their owne particular Eldership of their independent flock , if an Elder occasionally rebuke any of the flock , never convened before the Church , he doth not in that exercise an act of Church Jurisdiction , because he is not now in a Court , and when hee is not in the Court hee cannot excommun●cate , Yet ●iting in Court hee doth , in Collegio , with the rest of the Eldership exercise Church Jurisdiction . And separatim , and not joyned in the Court they cannot exercise Church Jurisdiction . 2. The presbytery hath a Church-Relation to all these 30. Churches not taken distributively , but collectively as all those are united in one Church classicall under one externall and visible government , even as the Elders of an independent Church are not Elders of their single Congregation , being separated from their Court , and extra coll●gium Presbyteriale , in the notion of the relation of a Church-Jurisdiction , for they are Elders by reason of Church Jurisdiction only in their Court. 3. Classicall Elders in the Court have power of Jurisdiction in relation to this presbyteriall , or classiciall Church , but they have not properly an ordinary power of order to preach to them all and every one , and to administrate the Sacraments to them . The Elders of a particular Congregation , have power of order and power of Jurisdiction without the Court , but they have not power of Church jurisdiction , but in the Court ; for there is a difference betwixt a power of jurisdiction which Elders have as Watchmen , and a power of Church-Jurisdiction which Elders have not but in foro Ecclesiae , in the Court of Church-Jurisdiction . So the great Sanedrim beare rule over all the Tribes of Israel . But this Judge of the Tribe of Dan a member of the Sanedrim is not a Judge of the Tribe of Benjamin , or a Judge to a thousand of that Tribe , as the Captaine of that thousand . 2. I distinguish the proposition , if the Elders of the Presbytery be Elders of the Presbyteriall Church , then are they Elders in relation to the many Congregations in that Church , if they bee Elders in these common affaires which concerne government in generall , then are they Elders in feeding , by the word of knowledge , and in governing in all the particulars which concerne the government of each Congregation . That I deny , for their oversight in governing in things belonging to all the consociated Churches , doth not make them Elders of all those particular Congregations . 3. Deacons in some cases are also Deacons in relation to all the particular Churches in some reserved cases : if all the Deacons of Macedonia , Corinth and other Churches , should meete in one and take course for supplying the distressed Saines at Jerusalem , what inconvenient were in this ? Ob. 2. If Presbyteriall Elders be Elders to mary Congregations in a generall Relation , what sort of Elders are they ? are they Elders ruling , or are they Elders teaching ? it is unpossible that they can be Elders teaching , to so many Congregations ; for teaching is a personall and incommunicable act , that m●n cannot commit to any others , they must performe it in their owne persons , a●● cannot commit it to others , if they be Ruling Elders onely , and not teaching Elders , this is against the Scripture ; for the exten : of teaching and the extent of ruling are commexsurable in the Word , and of alike extersion , Acts 20. 28. These same whoe are to feede the fl●ck at Eph●sue , are to governe and rul● , and they are to feede the whole fl●ck● , not a part of it ; so the Text sayth , Take heede to the whole fl●cke , then they are not to governe all in a presbytery , and to feede with teaching the Word , one particular Congregation onely ; so 1 Pe● . 5. 2. feed the flock of God which is amongst you , not with knowledge onely , but be addeth their duty of governing : Taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly , &c. So H●b . 13. 7. Remember them that have the rule over you , who have spoken unto you the Word of God ; Ergo , these same who have the rule over the flock , and governe , du also speake the Word of the Lord and teach , v. 17. obey them that have the rule over you and submit to them , for they watch for your soules as these who must give accompt ; Ergo , these same who governe , doe also as Pastors watch for the flock , as those that are to give an accompt ; but the governing classicall Presbytery doe rule , but it is unpossible that they can give an accompt for all the Congregations of a classicall Presbytery , for they cannot watch over them all , except every one of these must have many Eyes : Nor can they be both ruling and teaching Officers , for then they should have two Offices , if one man be both a Physitian and a Chyrurgion to two severall companies , he must have two Offices in relation to two charges which he hath to those two companies , if he practise physick to the one company , and chyrurgery to the other , this is against the order that Paul Col. 2. rejoyced to behold . Therefore the classicall Elders cannot be Rulers having the oversight of the whole c●●ssicall Church , and yet every one of them must be a 〈◊〉 and teaching pastor only to the single Congregation over which 〈◊〉 . Answ. As grand-Fathers and fathers doe beare a relation to these same Children divers wayes , both are fathers and may tutor and provide for the children , but both are not begetting ●athers , so also doe the classicall Elders and the Elders of particular Congregations , beare divers relations to the flocks . the question then is what sort of Elders are the Presbyteriall Elders to the Presbyteriall Church ? I distinguish Church , I distinguish Elders . They are Elders classicall only to the classicall Church collectively taken , and they have an authoritative care over this Church . But they are proper Elders to the classicall Church taken distributively , that is , this man is an Elder to this part , or member of the Presbytery , to wit , to this Congregation . And another man to this Congregation as the Elders ; in the Court and Aslembly at Jerusalem , Acts 15. they are Elders in relation to the whole Churches of Antioch , Syria , and Silicia , and the Gentiles collectively taken in those dogmaticall poynts , with the confession of our Brethren , and these same Elders were in speciall manner Elders to the Congregations of Antioch , Syria and Silicia , and other Churches taken distributively ; so also the Elders of many consociated , and Neighbouring Churches are speciall watchmen over their own fl●cks , by teaching and ruling , according to our Brethrens grounds , and also they have a Brotherly care over all the consociated Church , to Councell , ●dmonrth , Comfort ; seeing every man is his Brothers keeper , by a Divine Law , and the care is like as is it were authoritative , onely , by our Brethrens way , it wanteth the relation of authority ; vet doth it not follow that Elders this way have two Offices . but onely that they performe two acts of one and the same Office ; also a Pastor of an independent flocke , who writcth ● B●●ke for the instruction of Sister-Churches as hee preache●● those same Sermons that are in the printed B●oke to his owne people and flocke , hath two Relations , one to his owne flocke whom hee preacheth unto . as a Pastor , another as an instructer of other Churches by his writings , yet for that hee hath not two Offices , as one who is a ' Physitian and a Chyrurgion to two sundry companies . if any say , hee writteth not Bookes as a Pastor , by vertue of his Office , but as a gifted man by power of fraternity , let mee deny the truth of the distinction , for this is to begge what is in question ; For to teach the Churches by writing should proceede from the authoritative power of a Pastor , as a Pastor ; and by that same officiall power that hee teacheth his owne flocke vivâ voce , by vocall preaching , as a Doctor hee teacheth other Churches by writing . But it was asked , whether are the classicall Elders ruling Elders , or Teaching Elders to the classicall Church ? Answ. They are both , and they are neither , in divers considerations , they bee teaching Elders in all the Congregations , distributively taken , they are Rulers in all collectively taken , they are Teachers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some reserved acts , resolving synodically some cases of conscience and dogmaticall poynts upon occasion , but they be not the constant Teachers to watch for the Soules of all . 3. The places , Acts 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Heb. 137. 17. prove that those that rule in common many Churches should be Teachers of these same Churches distributively , and all the Eldership at Ephesus should rule the whole Churches amongst them . And there should no Pastor be a sole Ruler and not a Teacher , as the Prelate is ; nor is there a Pastor who is a sole Teacher , and it is very true hee who is a ruling Pastor is also a Teaching Pastor , but not to that same flock alwayes . Neither is this true , that because power of jurisdiction is founded upon power of order , therefore teaching should be every way commensurable with ruling ; for 1. The Eldership convened in Court , and onely formalitèr in foro Ecclesiae , in this Court hath Church-power of Jurisdiction , in a Congregation , and in this Court they governe , but the Eldership in this Court neither doth preach , nor can preach . 2. The power of ruling is in the ruling Elder , but not the power of teaching , and the power of teaching publickly is in the un●fficed Prophet , as our Brethren teach , and yet in him there is no power of ruling . Ob. 3. It is strange that to excommunicate agreeth to the ruleing Elder in a classicall Presbytery , which he may doe in many Congregations , and so he may performe his principall acts over thirty or forty Congregations ; and yet the Pastor may not performe his principall act of teaching in many Congregations , by vertue of his office , but onely in one congregation , by this frame of a classicall Church . Answ. The ruling Elder doth onely in some common cases with the presbytery performe his speciall acts , but all the ordinary acts of the spirituall Jurisdiction the ruling Elder performeth in that Congregation whereof he is an Elder , nor is this an inconvenient ; but preaching which is given to unofficed men by our Brethren , should not be called the principall part of a Pastors charge . Ob. 4. It is unreasonable that a Prelate or a Pope should rule me , and not teach me , and we condemned this in Prelates that they would onely rule , and not teach : But the classicall presbytery doth fall in that same fault , for they governe the whole classicall Church , but they doe not teach the whole classicall Church ; It is dreadfull for a man to watch for the soules of one single Congregation , as being under necessity to give an accempt ; Ergo , far more dreadfull it is to watch also for a whole tract of thirty or forty Churches , the Apostle will have Him who watcheth for one flock to entangle himselfe with no other imployments . How then shall hee take the burden of thirty , or forty Flockes ? Answ. It is unreasonable that Prelate and Pope should rule me , and so many hundred Churches 1. as the sole and proper Pastors , and all under them be but suffragans and deputed Pastors , doing by borrowed authority from Pope and Prelate . 2. That their sole Office should be to command feeders as Pastors of pastors , and not to feede with knowledge the flocke , that is most true ; but the classicall presbyters are neither principall nor proper pastors of the whole classicall Churches collectively , nor are two or three pastors under them as deputies . 3. Nor is their Office to rule onely , not to feede with knowledge also . 2. The pastors of independent flocks are obliged by brotherly association , to be Vine-Keepers , Governours , fellow-Counsellers to forty sister - Churches , for they acknowledge that Churches cannot subsist in good government without the helpe of Synods ; Now if wee distinguish onerousn●sse , care , and labour of B●therly watching over one another , and oner●u●n●sse , care , and labour , by way of Jurisdiction , the former is as great in foro Dei , in the Court of Conscience as the latter , and so ou● Brethren make Governing without Teaching , as well as wee doe ; They in a Brotherly way , wee in a way of Jurisdiction . I prove that their way is as dreadfull and labo●ous in the ●oynt of conscience , and in a way of giving accompt to God , as our way . For 1. A divine command that wee be our Brethrens keepers , and we watch over one another commandeth onerousnesse , and care in Brotherly governing to them , as to us . 2. Wee make the ground and foundation of governing a Classicall Church that band of Love and Union of the members of one Body of Christ , and this band of Lovely and Brotherly consociation of many Congregations commandeth , and ti●th us to doe no more in Governing and i● Helping , and promoting the edification of sister - Churches , then if wee had no further warrant to prom●te edification , then the alone relation of Brotherly consociation , for the onely and very reason why the Wisdome of our Law-giver Christ hath put a speciall Commandement on consociated Churches to make one Presbytery , and to governe one Classicall Church , in these common poynts that concerne the whole Classicall Church , in the poynt of sound Doctrine and lawfull and Ministeriall Jurisdiction , is the necessity that Members of one Body have of Broth●rly Helpe , Light , Direction , Comfort one of another . Which poynt I desire carefully to bee observed : for wee see no ground to make the powers of a Congregation , of a presbytery , of a Province . of a Nationall Church , powers formally and essentially different , they differ onely in more or lesse extension , as the adjunct or genuine property of one and the same great visible Body , which is one integrall part ; That same . 1. Covenant of God. 2. That same Lord 3. That same Spirit . 4. That same Faith and Baptisme . 5. That same power of the Keyes in Nature and Essence belongeth to all ; onely the power must bee more or lesse , as the Body is more or lesse , as there is more of that vis loc●motiva , the power of moving in the Hand then i● one Finger , and in the whole Arme then in the Hand onely , and in the whole body then in the Hand . And I cleare it in this , a man is a gifted Preacher in a Congregation in an Island , there is none other gifted of GOD to Preach the Gospell but hee onely . I would thinke , as a Brother hee were under as great an Obligation of care , and laborious onerousnesse of conscience to bestow his Talent for the gaining of Soules by preaching , though hee were not called to bee their Pastor , and that by vertue of his Brotherly relation to the people , as if hee were called to bee their Pastor . I desire to know what the naked relation of Authority , or Jurisdiction addeth to his care and onerousnesse in poynt of labouring by preaching the Gospell . Indeed now being called , his care is Pastorall and more authoritative . But if according to the measure of the Talent , every one is to proportion his paines to gaine more Talents to his Lord , and if the relation of a Pastor adde no degrees of gifts to His Talent , as wee may suppose , I thinke his onerousnesse in labouring was as great before hee was a Pastor as after : but I speake not this , to say that in a constituted Church there is no calling required other then giftes . Nor doe I speake this to say , that a calling is not a new motive why a man should imploy his gifts for the honour of the Giver ; But only to shew that CHRIST hath united powers of Jurisdiction in Congregations , in Presbyteries , in Churches of Provinces and Nations ; that so , not onely gifts might conduce to helpe and promove edification , but also united powers of Jurisdiction which are also gifts of God , and though some may say that a calling to an Office layeth on M●n a more speciall Obligation , to make accompt for Soules , then gifts onely ( which in some sense , I could also yeeld ) yet seeing wee thinke the relation of the Eldership to a whole Classicall Church is not founded upon an Office different from the Offices of Pastors and Elders which they have , and are clothed with in relation to their particular Congregations , but onely authoritative acts of the same Office , and that for the common promoving of edification in the whole Classicall Church , grounded in the depth of his Wisdome who hath seven Eyes , upon a Brotherly Consociation , in which they must either edifie one another , and occasionally partake of these same holy things , or then scandaliz● and leaven one another , with their publique transgressions ; wee cannot see how presbyteriall Elders are more to give accompt for the Soules of the whole Classicall Church in Scriptures sense , Hebrewes 13. 17. then consociated pastors and Elders of consociated Churches are to give an accompt to GOD for sister Churches , over which they are to watch , and whose Soules they are to keepe , and so farre as they are Brethren must make a reckoning to GOD for them . And how can the presbytery be more said to intangle themselves , in governing the Classicall Church in some things , with things not proper to their calling , seeing consociated Churches , in a Brotherly way , doe medle with those same things , though not in a way of Jurisdiction ? For helping the Classicall Church by way of Fraternity is not unproper to a Christian calling of Brethren , and the joyning of power of Jurisdiction ; I meane of power lesser to another power greater , to helpe the Classicall Church , upon the same ground of Fraternity , cannot bee unproper to the calling of a Colledge of presbyters . Objecti . 5. The power of Presbyteries taketh away the power of a Congregation , therefore it cannot bee lawfull . The antecedent is thus confirmed . 1. Because if the Presbytery ordain● one to bee Excommunicated , whom the Elders of a Congregation in conscience thinke ought not to bee Excommunicated , the man , Jure Divino , must be Excommunicated , and the power of the Congregation , which Christ hath given to them is nul . And the exercise thereof impeded by a greater power . 2. the voyces of two Elders of a Congregation , which are now sitting in the greater and classicall Presbytery , are swallowed up by the greater number of Elders , of thirty or forty Congregations met in one great presbytery ; Ergo , the power of the Congregation is not helped by the presbytery , but close taken away . Answ. The Argument doth presuppose that which is against GODS Law , to wit. 1. That there is a contradiction of Voyces , betwixt the Elders of a Cong egation , and of the greater presbytery ; which should not bee , for Brethren even of Galathia , which contained many Congregations , as our Brethren confesse , should all minde and speake , and agree in one thing that belongeth to Church Discipline , as is cleare , Gala. 1. 8. Gala. 5. 10 v. 15. Gala. 6. 1. 2. 2. The Argument supposeth that the greater presbytery is wrong in their voycing , that such a man should be excommunicated , and the two Elders of the Congregationall Church is right , and hath the best part in judging that the same man ought not to be Excommunicated . But Christ hath given no power to any Church to erre , and that power which in this case the presbytery exerciseth is not of Christ ; and de jure , the power of the greater presbytery in this case ought to bee swallowed up of the two Voyces of the Elders of the Congregation . But suppose that the Elders of one Congregation , and the whole meeting all agree in the truth of GOD , as they all doe Acts 15. will you say that Peter , Paul , and Iames their power is null , and taken from them ; and their three voyces are swallowed up in that great convention , because to their power and voyces are added , in this dogmaticall determination ( which you grant even now to many consociated Churches ) the power and voyces of the rest of the Apostles and Elders ; yea and as some say , of the whole Church . Acts 15. 2 , v. 6. 25. Acts 16. 4. Acts 21. 18. 25 ? I believe addition of lawfull power doth not annull lawfull power , but corroborate and strengthen it . So this shall fall upon your owne Eldership of your independent Congregation . Suppose ●en Pastors , Elders and Doctors in one of your Congregations , whereas sometime there were but three , and these three had the sole power of Jurisdiction and exercise of the Keyes , you cannot say that the accession of six Elders to three , hath made null the power of three , and swallowed up their voyces ; for if their power and voyces were against the truth , it is fit they should be swallowed up : if they were for CHRIST , they are strengthened , by the accession of lawfull power and moe voyces , and neither annulled nor swallowed up . Object . 6. The Church at the first , for example , when it was but a hundreth and twenty , had the full entire power within it selfe : Ergo , it should bee in a worse case by the multiplication of Churches , if now that power bee given to Presbyteries . Ans. It is a conjecture , that the whole Christian Church Acts 1. was onely an hundreth and twenty . I thinke there were more , though these onely convened at the ordination of Matthias , for there were above five hundred Brethren at once which saw CHRIST after his Resurrection , 1 Cor. 15. 6. and these , I Judge , belonged to the Christian Church also . 2. It is constantly denied that addition of lawfull power to lawfull power doth arnull , or put in a worse condition the prexistent power ; it doth helpe it , but not make it worse : and twenty Churches adding their good and Christian counsells , and comforts to two Churches doe not annull , or hurt or swallow up either the power of good counseling in these two Churches or their good counsels , but do much confirme , and strengthen them . Object . 7. It is absurd that there should be a Church in a Church , and two distinct kind of Churches , or a power above a power , a Jurisdiction above a Jurisdiction , a State above a State , as Master and Servant , and Father and Sonne , so there is here a governing and a commanding Classicall Presbytery , and a governed and commanded Classicall Church , and in a politicall consideration formally different : now where there bee two different States , there be two different names , Titles , and Adiuncts , as 1 Cor. 12. 28. GOD hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets . So it is said , Genesis 1. GOD made two distinct Lights , a greater Light to serve the Day , and a lesser Light to rule the Night . But the Scripture maketh no mention of greater or lesser Presbyteries , wee have the name of Presbytery but twice in the New Testament , and in matter they differ not , for these same Elders are the matter of both : in form they differ not , for the same combination and union is in all : they differ not in operations , for the superior hath no operations but such as the inferior can exercise , for because a Pastor exhort●th a Pastor comsorteth , we doe not make two kindes of Pastors , if wee cannot finde a distinction betwixt presbyter and Presbyter , how can w●e 〈◊〉 a distinction betwixt Presbytery and Presbytery ? Hath the Wisdome of Christ left these Thrones in such a confusion , as by Scripture they cannot be knowen , by Name , Title , Nature , Operations ? And if there be a power above a power , wee have to a●end to a Nation and so to subdite a whole Nation , and their consciences to this Government , and we are to put a Kingdome within a Kingdom . Answ. A Church-Congregationall within a Church-Classicall is no more inconventent , then a part in the whole , an Hand in the Body , and that is a lesser body in a greater , and our Brethren call the people a Church , and the Elders the Elders of the Church , and what is this but a Church in a Church ? 2. A power above a power , is not absurd , ex●ept it be a Church-power , so above a Church-power , as the Superior power be privative and destructive to the inferior , as the Popes power distroyeth the power of the Chu●ch Universall , and the prelates power destroyeth the power of the 〈◊〉 where of he is pretended Pastor . But the power of the presbytery is A●xiliarte , and cumulative to helpe the Congregation , not privative and destructive to destroy the power of congregations . Secondly , a power above a power in the Church cannot be denied by our Brethren : for 1. In the Eldership of a ●●●gle Congregation , the Eldership in the Court hath a power of Jurisdiction above a power of order , which one single Minister hath , to preach the Word and administrate the Sacraments ; for they may regulate the Pastor and censure him , if he preach hereticall Doctrine : is not this a power above a power ? yea two Elders in the Court have a power of Jurisdiction to governe with the whole prebsytery , but the power of the whole presbytery is above the power of a part . But to com● neerer ; The Apostles and Elders at Ierusalem met in a Synod have a power , in dogmaticall poynts over the Church at Antioch , and others : and our Brethren say that the Church at Antioch might have in their inferiour Synod determined these same poynts which the Synod determined at Ierusalem ; her 's power above power . Thirdly , we doe not see how they be two , or divers indicatures formally and specisically different in nature and operations , for they differ onely in more or lesse extension of power , as the reasons doe prove , as the power of government in one City or Borough , doth not differ formally from the power of the whole Cities and Boroughs , incorporated and combined in one common Judicature , and the power of two or three , or foure Colledges , doth not differ from the power of the whole combination of Colledges combined in the comm on Judicature of the Universities : so here the powers of the inferior Judicatures do differ from the Superior onely in degree , and in number of members of the Judicatures ; the policy divine is one and the same , though the Superior can exercise acts of Jurisdiction different from the Acts of the inferior in an ordinary way ; such as are ordination of Pastors and excommunication , where many Churches are consociated ; though , where this consociation is not , Ordination and Excommunication may be done by one single Congregation : also to argue from the not distinction of Names , Titles and Adjuncts of the Iudicatures is but a weake Argument , because Congregationall , and presbyterian , provinciall and a nationall Church-Body make all one body , and the inferior is but a part and member of the Superior , and thefore it was not needfull that as Apostles and Prophets , and the Sun the greater light by name and Office is distinguished from the Moone Gen. 1. the lesser light , that Congregation and Presbyter should be distinguished by Names and Office and Titles in the Scripture ; for a Prophet is not formally a part of an Apostle , but an Officer formally different from him , and the Moone is not a part of the Sun , as a Congregation is a part of the Classicall Church : so Mat. 18. the Scripture distinguisheth not the people and Elders in the word ( Ecclesia ) Church , as our Brethren will have then both meant in that place , Mat. 18. Teil the Church . Now we say as they doe to us in the like , we are not to distinguish where the Law doth not distinguish . But the Scripture sayth , Mat. 18. The Church that the offended hath recourse unto , is that Church which must be obeyed as a Judicature and spirituall Court , but the people is neither a Judicature , nor any part thereof . And 2. Of that Church Christ doth speake that doth actually bind on Earth and loose on Earth , and that by the power of the Keyes , but the people neither as a part of the Court doth actually bind and loose on Earth by power of the Keyes . 3. Christ speaketh of that Court , and of that Church which doth exercise Church-power on Earth , under the title of binding and loosing ; but we find not a Church in the face and presence of the people binding and loosing under the name of the Church , in the Word of God. Shall we use such an insolent signification of the word Church , as the Word of God doth not use ? and Lastly , I say of these of Corinth gathered together convened together in the Name of the Lord Jesus , with the Ministeriall spirit of Paul and with the power of the Lord Iesus ; these cannot be the Church excommunicating before the people . The Text destinguisheth not the Court of Elders who hath the power of Jurisdiction from the people , and all these to whom he writeth , and who were puffed up and mourned not for the scandall , have no such power of Jurisdiction : nor can the Text beare that the Elders set up a Court before the Eyes of all the people , and delivered such a man to Satan , so as this is called the head of Elders and people , as our Brethren teach , and here they distinguish where the Scripture distinguisheth not . Fourthly , if the Scripture give to us Thrones really different , though names and titles cannot be found , more then we find expresly and in words ; two Sacraments , three Persons and one God , Christ Iesus in two Natures , and one Person , then have we what we seeke : but wee have these different in the things themselves , as Acts 2. 46. wee have a Church meeting in an House , for Word and Sacraments , as Acts 20. 8. and a Congregation in Corinth meeting in an House , 1 Cor. 11. 20. 1 Cor. 14. 23. and consequently here must bee some power in this meeting to order the worship of God : this single meeting is to rebuke those that sinne openly , and to hinder Women to preach in the Congregation ; and to forbid , by the power of the Keys , that two speake at once ; because God is the God of order ; to borbid Doctrine that edifieth not , and speaking Gods Word in an unknowen Tongue , &c. 2. There is an Eldership 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every City in Ephesus , in Ierusalem who met for Jurisdiction , Acts 21. 18. who layd hands on Timothy , 1 Tim. 14. 14. in Antioch , Acts 13. 1. 3. There is a meeting of a provinciall Church in Galathia ; where there are many Churches , as may be gathered from Acts 5. 9. 10. who were to purge out the scandalous and false Teachers who leavened all others , and who were Gal. 6. 1. to restore with the spirit of meekenesse any fallen Brother ; and 4. There a map and patterne of a generall Synod warranting both a nationall Church-meeting , and an O●cumenick councell . And the like may be gathered from that Synod , Acts 1. and Acts 6. where these universall guides of the whole Christian World , to wit , the Apostles were , and did exercise Jurisdiction , by ordaining of Officers ; and though instances of these could not be given in Scripture , there is a morall ground and warrant for it 1. Because joynt power of Jurisdiction are surer and better , then a lesser and dispersed power . For if the Keys be given to the Church visible , not to this or this little Church , as meetting in a private House , Acts 2. 46. Acts 20. 8. The division or union of this power , the extension of it must be squared by the rule of most convenient edification , and it cannot stand with edification if it be given to one Congregation onely : The God of nature for conserving humane societies , hath given the power of government originally , not to one , but to a multitude ; for one onely is not in danger to be wronged and oppressed in a society ; but a society is in this danger , therefore hath God given this power to a multitude : and a multitude is the formall object of policy and government , and cannot but be d●ssolved , where Lawes and Government are not ; So the God of Grace must have given a power of government to a society and multitude of little Churches : for a multitude of Congregations is a multitude , and therefore this society and consociation cannot subsist , except Christ have provided a supernaturall government for it . It is not reasonable , that some say , a morall institution is not an institution ; for Magistracy is both morall , and a Divine institution ; that God have a certaine day for his service is both morall , and also a Divine institution : all institutions are not meerly positive , as some suppose , such as is , that the last day of the week be the Sabbath , that Bread and Wine be signes of Christs Body br●ken , and his Blood shed for us . So supposing that Christ have a visible Church , it is morall that shee have power of government also , in so farre as shee is a Church . Yea power of government , upon this supposition , is naturall , or rather con naturall ; so by the same ground upon supposall that Christ have , in a Nation , a multitude of consociated Churches , who for vicinity may either edifie , encourage , comfort and provoke ●re another to love and good workes , they submitting themselves to the Lawes of Christs policy , or may scandalize one another ( as many consociated Churches in Galathia were bent to bite , dev●ure and consume one another , Gal. 5. 15. ) it is morall , yea and con-naturall that they be under a Divine policy externall . Nor is it more agreeable to the Wisdome of Christ that a multitude of consociated Churches in one Land should be left to the Lawes of nature , and Christian brother-hood , and be loosed from all Lawes of externall policy , then that the just Lord who intendeth the conservation of humane societies should leave every man to the Law of nature , and not give them a power to set up a Magistracy , and to appoynt humane and civill Lawes whereby they may be conserved . And I thinke we should all say , if God had appoynted every great Family ▪ yea or every twenty Families in the World to be independent , within it selfe and subordinate to no civill law , to no power , to no Magistracy without that independent little incorporation , that God had not then appoynted a power of civill Policy , and civill Lawes for the conservation of mankind ; and the reason should be cleare , because in one Shire , Countrey , Province and Nation there should be a multitude , to wit , ten hundred , ten thousand independent Kingdomes subject to no Lawes , nor civill policy , but immediately subordinate to GOD in the Law of nature , and when these ten thousand should rise up and with the Sword devoure one another , and one society independent should wrong another , the onely remedy should be to complaine to God , and renounce civill communion with such Societies ; that is , traffique not with them , ( doe not take or give , borrow or lend , buy or sell with them ) but it is unlawfull to use any coercive power of naturall , or civill reparation to compell them to doe duty , or execute mercy and Judgement one toward another : now seeing grace destroyeth not nature , neither can there be a policy independent which doth contradict this maxime of naturall policy , acknowledged by all , in all policies , civill , naturall , supernaturall , God intending the conservation of societies both in Church and State hath subjected all Societies , and Multitudes to Lawes of externall policy : but so it is , a Multitude of little Congregations is a Multitude ; and a Society . Then it must follow , that government of independent little bodies , under no coactive power of Church censures , must want all divine institution and so be will worship . For these it shall be easie to answer the obloquies of some , saying , that a nationall Church under the New Testament is Judaisme . Hence say they , a nationall Religion , a nationall Oath or Covenant , is like a World-Church , a Church , a huge body as big as the Earth : and so , if some Augustus should subdue the whole VVorld to himselfe with the Sword , Hee might compell the VVorld to bee all of one Church , of one Religion . Answ. The terme Nationall-Church is not in the Word of God , but I pray you in what sense can the Iewish-Church bee called a Nationall-Church ? I conceive not , because of the typicall and ceremoniall observances that put a Church-frame on the whole Nation : for if so , then the name of a Nationall Church or a nationall Religion cannot , by envy it selfe , bee put in the reformed Churches , or on Church of Scotland which hath suffered so much for Iewish and Romish Ceremonies . But if the Jewes were a Nationall-Church , because they were a holy Nation in profession , and God called the Nation , and made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Church externally called to grace and glory and the whole Nation commensurable , and of equall extent then all Christian Nations professing the true Faith , and the Gentiles , as well as the Iewes ; Then the believing Iewes of Pontus , Asia , Cappadocia , and Bythinia ( as Augustine , Eusebius , Oecumenius , Athanasius doe thinke that Peter wrote to the Iewes ) yea and the Gentiles , ( as many interpreters with Lorinus , Thomas , Lyra and others thinke ) are yet 1 Pet. 2. 9. an holy Nation , and so a Nationall Church ; and there is no more reason to scoffe at a Nationall Church in this sense , then to mocke the holy Spirit which maketh but one Church in all the World , Cant. 6. 9. as Cotton , Ainsworth , and other favorable witnesses to our Brethren , confesse ; And if the Gentiles shall come to the light of the Jewish Church , and Kings to the brightnesse of of their rising , Esai . 60. 3. if the abundance of the Sea shall be converted to the Iewes true Faith and Religion ; And the forces of the Gentiles shall come to them , vers . 5. and if all flesh shall see the revealed glory of the Lord , Esai . 40. 5. and the Earth shall bee filled with the knowledge of God , as the Seas are filled with Water . It is most agreeable to the Lords Word that there , is and shall be a Church through the whole World ; you may nickname it as you please , and call it a VVorld-Religion , a VVorld-Church . As if the lost and blinded World , Ioh. 2. 16 , 17. 1 Joh. 5. 19. 2 Corin , 4. 4. were all one with the Loved , Redeemed , Pardoned and Reconciled World , Ioh. 3. 16. Ioh. 1. 29. 2 Cor. 5. 19. as if wee confounded these two Worlds , and the Religion of these two Worlds . And if this World could meet in its principall lights , neither should an universall councell , nor an Oath of the whole Representative Church be unlawfull , but enough of this before . And what if the World bee subdued to the World , and a World of Nations come in , and submit to Christs Scepter , and royall power in his externall government : are the opposers such strangers in the Scriptures , as to doubt of this ? Reade then Esai . 60. 4. 5. c. 60. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 : v. 4. 5 , 6 7. Psal. 2. 8 , 9. Psal. 72. 8. 9. 10. Esai . 54. 3. Esai . 49. 1. Esai . 45. 22. 23. Psal. 110 : 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 5. and many other places , and there is a Kingdome in a Kingdome . Christs Kingdome and his Church lodging in a Worldly Kingdome , and Christ spiritually in his power triumphing over the World , and subduing Nations to his Gospell . Object . 8. If Classicall Presbyters be not Elders in ●elation to the classicall Church , and so to all the Congregations in it , yee must forsake all these places , where it is said , the Elders of Jerusalem , the Elders of Ephesus , the Angels of the seven Churches , which is absurd ; if they be Elders to all these Churches , then 1. All those people in those Churches must submit their consciences to them and their Ministery , as to a lawfull ordinance of God. 2. All the people of those Churches must have voyce in election of them all . 3. All these people owe to the●s maintenance and double honor . 1 Tim. 5. 17. for if the Oxes mouth must not be muzl●d , but he must be fed by me and my corne , he must tread my corne , and labour for me . These Churches cannot all meet in one , to ordaine , and chuse all these Ministers , and to submit to their Ministery . Answ. The Elders are Elders of Ephesus and Elders of Jerusalem , not because every Elder hath a speciall , pastorall charge over every Church distributively taken , for it was unpossible that one Congregation of all the converts in Ierusalem extending to so many thousands , could all beare the relation of a Church to one man as their proper Elder , who should personally reside in all , and every one of those Congregations to watch for their soules , to preach to all and every Congregation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in season and out of season . But they are in cumulo called Elders of Ephesus , in that sense that Kings are called the Kings of the Nations not because every King was King of every Nation , for the King of Edom was not the King of Babylon ; and the King of Babel was not the King of Assyria , yet amongst them they did all fill up that name to be called the Kings of the Nations , so were the Elders of Ierusalem in cumulo , collectively taken , Elders of all the Churches of Ierusalem collectively taken ; and as it followeth not that the King of Edom , because hee is one of the Kings of the Nations , is elected to the Crowne of Caldea , by the Voyces of the States and Nobles of Caldea ; so is it not a good consequence , such a number are called the Elders of the Church of Ierusalem , therefore the Elder of one Congregation at the Easterne Gate at Ierusalem , is also an Elder of a Congregation of the Westerne Gate . Nor doth it follow that these two Congregations should submit their consciences to one and the same Elder as to their proper Pastor ; to whose Ministery they owe consent in Election , Obedience in submitting to his Doctrine , and mainetenance for his labours ; all these are due to him , who is their owne proper Pastor : the as Caldeans owe not Honour , Allegiance , Tribute to the King of Edom , though the Kingdome of Caldea bee one of the Kingdomes of the Nations , and the King of Edom one of the Kings of the Nations . But if indeede all the Kings of the Nations did meete in one Court , and in that Court governe the Nations with common Royall authority , and counsell in those things which concerne all the Kingdomes in common ; then all the Nations were obliged to obey them in that Court , as they governe in that Court , but no farther : and when the people doe consent to the power of that common Court ●●citly , they consent that every one of these shall bee chosen King of such and such a Kingdome ; and promise also tracitly Obedience , and Subjection to every one of the Kings of the Nations , not simply as they are Kings in relation to such a Kingdome , but onely as they are members of that Court ; so the Congregations acknowledging and consenting to the classicall Presbytery , doe tracitly chuse and consent to the common charge and care that every Pastor hath , as hee is a Member of that common Court which doth concerne them all , therefore all these consequences are null . Object . 9. But when the Presbytery doth excommunicate in a particular Congregation by a delegate , they may with as good reason , preach by a delegate , as exercise Jurisdiction by a delegate ; the one is as personall and incommunicable , as the ●●●r . Answ. It is certaine there bee great oddes ; for the acts of jurisdiction performed by speaking in the Name of Iesus Christ , doe come from a Colledge and Court , and because it were great confusion that a whole Court should speake , therefore of necessity such acts must be done by a delegate . Indeed the Juridicall acts of the whole juridicall proceeding of decerning the man to be excommunicated cannot bee done by one man onely , it would bee most conveniently done by the whole Senate , or at least by a select number against which the accused party hath no exception , and is willing to bee judged by ; but the acts of order , as Preaching flowing from the power of order , can be performed only by the Pastor in his owne person , and not by a deputy . Except that a Synodicall teaching , which commeth from the power of Jurisdiction may bee sent in writ by Messengers and Deputies to the Churches , Acts 15. 25. Acts 16. 4. Object . 10. A Pastor is not a Pastor , but in relation to his owne Church , or Congregation . Therefore hee cannot doe Pastorall Acts of either Order , or Jurisdiction in a Presbyterie . Answ. How a Pastor is a Pastor in relation to all the World deserveth discussing . First , Some have neither power of Order nor Jurisdiction in any place , as private persons . Secondly , some have both power of Order and Jurisdiction through all the World , as the Apostles who might teach and administrate the Sacraments , and Excommunicate as Apostles , in every Church . Thirdly , some have power of Order , and Jurisdiction in a certaine determinate place , as Pastors in their owne particular Congregations . Fourthly , some have power of Order in relation to all the VVorld , as Pastors of a Congregation , who are Pastors validly Preaching and Administrating the Sacraments , but orderly and lawfully Preaching , where they have a calling of those , who can call to the occasionall exercise of their calling hic & nunc . In this meaning a Pastor of one flock is a Pastor , in regard of power of Order to all the World. Because though his pastorall teaching be restrained by the Church in ordinary , onely to this Congregation , yet hath hee a pastorall power to preach to all the World , in in an occasionall way , both by Word and Writ , yet doth not this power being but the halfe of his Ministeriall power , denominate him a Pastor to all the World , as the Apostles were ; and the same way hath hee power to administrate the Sacraments , and this way may our Brethren see that power of order to be a Minister or Pastor is given by the Presbytery , so as if the man were deprived clave non errante , hee now hath lost his pastorall relation to both the Catholick Church , and that Congregation , whereof hee is a Pastor . So as hee is now a private man , in relation not onely to that Congregation whereof hee was a Pastor , but also in relation to the whole visible Church ; now no particular Congregation hath power to denude him of this relation , that he had to the whole catholick Church . But a Pastor of a flock is a Pastor in respect of power of Jurisdiction , not over all the World , to excommunicate in every Presbytery , with the Presbytery , hee is onely capable by vertue of his power of order , to exercise power of Jurisdiction , where hee shall come , upon suposall of a call , if hee be chosen a Pastor there , or be called to be a Commissioner in the higher , or highest Courts of the Church catholick , but other wayes he hath no power of Jurisdiction , but in that Court whereof he is a member ; that is , in the Eldership of a Congregation , and in the Classicall Presbytery : for hee is so a member of a Congregation , as he is also a member of the Classical Presbytery , and therefore though he be not a Pastor one way in this Classicall Court , I meane in respect of power of order , yet is hee a Pastor , 〈◊〉 , in watching over that Church , in respect of power of Jurisdiction . Our Brethrens ground then is weake when they say . A Pastor cannot give the Seales to those of another Congregation , because he hath no Ministeriall power over those of another Congregation ; if they meane power of Jurisdiction , it is true , he hath no Jurisdiction over those of another Congregation : but if they meane , hee hath no power of order over them , that is , for what ever be the Churches part in this , it is certaine the Pastor doth administrate the Seales by power of order , and not by power of Iurisdiction , and the Church as the Church hath not any power of order , for shee is not called to any pastorall dignity , though wee should grant that , which yet can never bee proved , that shee is invested with a Ministeriall power . Object , 11. If the Church , which you suppse to be presbyteriall , to wit , the Church of Corinth , did excommunicate , or was commanded to excommunicate the incestu●us person , before the Congregation convened and met in one , then must your classicall Church exercise all other acts of Iurisdiction , before all the Congregationall Churches of the Classicall Presbytery meete in one . But this latter is as unpossible , as absurd ; For how shall thirty or forty Congregations meet all , in one place , for all the severall acts of Jurisdiction ? Also you confesse that many Congregations cannot meete in one place : that the proposition may be made good ; We suppose these grounds of the Presbyteriall frame of Churches : 1. That the presbyteriall Church of Corinth , not the Congregation had the onely power of excommunication . 2. That this man was to be excommunicated in presence , and so with the consent of the whole multitude , for so the Text sayth , 1 Cor. 5. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . When you are gathered together . 3. Excommunication is the highest act of Iurisdiction in the Church , being the binding of the sinner in Heaven and Earth , if therefore this highest act of Iurisdiction must bee performed before all the Church congregated in one , then must all acts of Iurisdiction be performed also in presence of the congregated Church ; for it concerneth their edification , and is a matter of conscience to then : all . 4. The reason why wee thinke sit hee should be excommunicated before , or in presence of that Congregation whereof hee is a member , is because it concerneth them , and hee is a member of this Congregation , But by your grounds , the whole Presbyteriall or classicall Church should be present , which were unpossible ; for hee is to you a Member of the whole Classicall Church , and the power of excommunication is in the whole classicall Church , and they ought to bee present by the same reason , that the Congregation , whereof hee is a neerest member , is present . Answ. 1. There be many things in this argument to be corrected , as 1. That the Church of Corinth conve●ed in the whole multitude whom it concerned , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not prove it ; for the same Word is spoken of the meeting of the Apostles and Elders , who met in a Synod with authority , Acts 15. 6. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is attributed to the multitude , Acts 21. v. 22. and to the Church of Believers , 1 Cor. 11. 20. and 1 Cor. 14. 23. therefore the one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemeth to bee no cogent Argument . 2. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is not here in all this Chapter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the New Testament , and by the seventy Interpreters , whose translation Christ and his Apostles doe frequently follow in the New Testament , use the words for any meeting of good or ill , of civill or Ecclesiasticall persons . As I might instance is a great many places of the Old and New Testament ; then what is it , I pray you , which restricteth the signification of these words to signifie a civill , rather then an Ecclesiasticall meeting ? certainly the actions which the company doth when they are met , and the end for which they meete . I give an instance in Acts 19. 41. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the like I say of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifieth not the Church of Christ , and why ? it is a reason that cannot bee controlled . They were assembled for to raise a tumult against Paul which was no Church-action , and so no Church end is here . So v. 39. But if you enquire any thing in other matters , it shall be determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a lawfull assembly ; surely the end of such an assembly in Ephesus , where this man was Town-Clark in the meeting , could be . no Church-businesse , Hence wee are led to know what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Assembly or Church signifieth here not the Church of Christ , so Psal. 22. 16. the Assembly of the wicked hath inclosed mee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Merighem the seventy Interpreters turne it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and T●rtullian followeth them , the persons congregated , the actions and end for which they convenc lead us to this , that the Word signifieth not a Church of Christ. So wee may see , Psal. 26. 5. the Congregation of Elders cannot bee a true Church , 2. 1 Cor. 11. 18. for first when you come together to the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I heare there are divisions amongst you . The place must signifie the Church of Believers , because the end of their meeting was the Supper of the Lord , or their communion , v. 20. as the Text cleareth , and 1 Cor. 14. 23. when the whole Church commeth together , that was for prophecying and hearing of the Word , as the Text is evident , v. 16 , 17 , 18 , 23 , 24 , 25 26 , 27. and therefore here the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie the Church of Pastors preaching , and people hearing the Word , praying and praising God. So in the third place when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Church is convened to bind and loose , and to excommunicate , as Mat. 18. 17. 18. 19. there is no necessity that the Word Church , should include those who have no power of the keyes , and cannot by power of the Keyes bind and loose . And therefore from the naked and meere Grammar of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no argument can bee drawen to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 18. 17. must signifie that same which it doth signifie , 1 Corin. 1. 1. 1 Corin. 11. 18. 1 Corin. 14. 23. for the word actu primo , and originally , signifieth any meeting , but the persons who are Congregated and the end for which they meete leadeth us to the meaning and Grammaticall sense of the word , in that place . Now Matth. 18. the Ecclesia , a Church Congregated there is such as bindeth and looseth in Heaven and Earth , and congregated for that use : therefore I see not how the circumstances of the place helping us to the Grammaticall sense of the word here , as in all other places , doth not inforce us to say in this place Mat. 18. the word Ecclesia , Church , must signifie onely those who have power to bind and loose , that is , only the Elders , and not the people . So to come to the place , 1 Cor. 5. Those who come under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , congregated together , must bee expounded by the persons Office , and the end of their meeting , now the persons Office is Ministeriall , hee will have them congregated by Pauls Ministeriall spirit , and in the name and with the power of the Lord Jesus , this is the power of the Keyes , which hee who hath Davids Keyes Esai . 22. 22. on his Shoulders , Revel . 3. 7. giveth to his owne Officers , Matth. 16. 19. and these persons cannot be all that hee writeth unto v. 1. all that were p●ffed up , and mourned not at the offence given by the incestuous 〈◊〉 , to Iesus Christs holy Nam● and Church , all who are to forbeare eating and drinking with excommunicated persons , vers . 11. all who were in danger to be leavened , vers 6. all who were to keepe the Feast in sincerity , not with the old Leaven of wickednesse and malice : for these directly were the whole multitude of Believers , Men , Women , and Children , who ( I am sure ) were not capable of the Keyes and the Ministeriall power of Paul. 2. The end wherefore these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were convened , did meete and convene , was , vers . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to deliver the man to Satan , they were not convened to celebrate the Lords Supper , as the Church is convened , 1 Cor. 11. 18. nor for hearing the Word of Prophecy , or Preaching , as 1 Cor. 14. 23 , 24. And whether you construe the Words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Power of the Lord Iesus , with the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to deliver to Satan , or with the Participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 congregated in the Name and Power of CHRIST , all is one ; the multitude of common Believers , of Men , Women , and Children , are neither capable of the power , nor of the exercise of that power to deliver to Satan . And therefore this meeting together , by no Grammar doth leade us to say that the sentence was to be pronounced in face and presence of the multitude convened , vers . 21. Giving , but not granting that the Church of Corinth , in all its members , must bee convened . Though I hold it not necessary by this place , yet it followeth not that all other acts of Jurisdiction must bee exercised in face of the whole Congregation : for there is a speciall reason of the pronouncing of the sentence , which is not in other acts : the pronouncing of the sentence , concerneth more the neerest Congregation of which the Delinquent is a member , in relation of nearest and dayly Communion , it concerneth also other Congregations of the Classicall Church , of which also the Delinquent is a member , but not so immediately and neerely , because ( as I sayd before ) the more universall the Church visible is , the externall visible Communion is l●sse ; even as when the number of a Family is cut off , by the Sword of the Magistrate , the matter first and more intimately and more neerely concerneth the Family whereof hee is a Member , yet it doth also concerne the Common-Wealth , of which also hee is a Member . A Finger of the right Hand is infected with a contagious Gangren , it is to bee cut off ; yet the cutting-off concerneth more neerely the right Hand , then it doth the left Hand , and the whole Body . For the contagion should first over-spread the right Hand and Arme , and Shoulder , before it infect the left Hand , and the whole Body ; though it doe not a little concerne the whole Body also . So though actuall Excommunication concerne all the Churches of the Presbyterie : yet it doth more neerely concerne the Congregation whereof hee is a Member . 2. The pronouncing of the sentence being edificative , it is a fit meane to worke upon others , but calling and trying of witnesses , and Juridicall decerning of a Man to bee Excommunicated , requiring secrecies , yea and some scandals , and circumstances of Adultery , Incest , Pestiality , requiring a modest covering of them , from Virgins , young Men , Children and the multitude , wee have no warrant of GOD , that they should bee tryed before the whole multitude , nor are acts of Jurisdiction for their excellency , to bee brought forth before the people but for their neerenesse of concernment , and use of edification . Object . 12. The people are to consent , yea they must have a power , and some thing more than a consent in Excommunication ; Ergo , they are all to bee present . The antecedent is proved , 1. Because they were not puffed up , they did not keepe the Feast , they did not dostaine from eating with the incestuous person , onely by consent . 2. Others not of that Church did excommunicate by consent . 3. It is said , v. 12 , doe yee not judge them that are within ? Answ. If you will have them to excommunicate the same way , that they doe other duties , you may say they excommunicate the same way that Pastors and Elders doe , and if they Judge , vers . 12. as the Elders doe , either all the people are Judges , and where are then all the governed , if all bee governours ? or then hee speaketh in this Chapter to the Churches-Iudges onely . 2. There bee degrees of consent , these of other Churches have a tacite and remote consent , the people of the Congregation are to heare , and know the cause , and deale in private with the offender , and to mourne , and pray for him . Object . 13. The highest and double honour is due to him who laboureth in the word , 1 Tim. 5. 17. but if the Presbyteriall Church be the highest Church , it shall not have the double honour , for it is onely the governing Church . Answ. Highest honour is due in suo genere , to both . And this is , as if you should compare obedience and honour , that I owe to my Father with that which I owe to my grand-Father , 2. Paul , 1 Tim. 5. 17. compareth Elders of diverse sorts together ; as the Ruling and Teaching Elder , here you compare Pastors to bee honoured in respect of one act , with themselves to bee honoured in respect of another act ; and this might prove , I am to give more honour to my Pastor for preaching in the Pulpit , then for ruling in the Church-Senate . Object . 14. The Congregation is the highest Church , for it hath all the Ordinances , Word , Sacraments , Jurisdiction ; Ergo , there is not any Presbyteriall Church higher which hath only disciplinary power . Answ. There is a double highnesse , one of Christian Dignity . 2. Another , of Church-prehemenency , or of Ecclesiasticall authority : indeed the Congregation , the former way , is highest , the company of Believers is the Spouse and ransomed Bride of Christ. But the Eldership hath the Ecclesiasticall eminency ; as the Kings heire and Sonne is above his Master and Teacher one way , yet the Teacher ( as the Teacher by the fift Commandement ) is above the Kings Sonne as the Teacher is above him who is taught ; And so is the Case here . Object . 15. The Arguments for a Classicall , or Presbyteriall Church do much side with Prelacy ; for you make many Lords ruling and not teaching . Answ. Let all judge whether the independent power of three Elders accountable to none , in a Church-way , but to Iesus Christ onely , as you make your little Kingdomes on Earth , be neerer to the Popes Monarchy , and especially when there is but one Pastor in the Congregation , then the subordinate Government of fourescore , or an hundred Elders● sure I am , three Neighbours are neerer to one Monarch , then three hundred . 2. One Monarchicall Society is as tyrannicall Antichristianism as one Monarchicall Pastor . 3. If wee made many ruling and dominering Lords , you should say something ; but wee make many servants endued onely with Ministeriall power , onely to teach and rule , and to bee accomptable to the Church ; your Eldership in this agreeth with the Pope , that though they deliver many Soules to Satan , yet no Man on Earth can , in a Church-way , say , What doe you ? ACT. XV. A Patterne of a juridicall Synod . THat the Apostles in that famous Synod , Act. 15. did not goe on by the assistance of an immediately inspired spirit and by Apostolick authority , but onely , as Elders , and the Doctors and Teachers assisted with an ordinary spirit , to me is evident from the course of the context . 1. Because Act. 15. when a controversie arise in the Church ●● Antiochia , a Epiphanius saith , as also b Hieronymus , by C●●mbus , and others , touching the keeping of Moses his Law , especially the Ceremonies , except they would bee losers in the bu●nesse of their salvation , Paul could not goe as sent by Ami●h to submit that Doctrine , which hee received not from flesh and blood , but by the revelation of Jesus Christ , Gal. 1. 12. to the determination of a Synod of Apostles and Elders for who would think that the immediatly inspiring spirit i● P●ul , would submit himselfe , and his Doctrine to the immediately inspiring spirit in Paul , Peter , Apostles , and Elders , therefore Paul and Birnabas , come as sent to Jerusalem , not ●● Apostles , or as immediately inspired , but as ordinary teach●● . Therefore saith c Diodatus , Not because these two A● 〈…〉 were every wayequall to the rest in the light and conduct 〈◊〉 Spirit , and in Apostolicall authority , Gal. 2. 6. 8. had any 〈◊〉 instruction , or of confirmation , but only to give the weake 〈◊〉 , who had more confidence in Peter and James , and in the Church at Jerusalem , and to stop false doctors mouths , and to esta●●●● , by common votes , a generall order in the Church . Hence when a controversie ariseth in the Apostolicke Church , and the Controversie is betwixt an Apostle as Paul was , and others , and both sides alledge Scripture , as here both did , out of all controversie , there is no reason , that the Apostle Paul , who was now a party should judge it : and when a single Congregation in the like case is on two sides , about the like question , nature , reason and Law cry that neither can bee judge , and therefore a Synod is the divine and Apostolick remedie which must condemne the wrong side , as subverters of soules , as here they doe , v. 24. And the Apostle when hee will speake and determine as an Apostle , hee taketh it on him in another manner , as Gal. 5. 2. Behold I Paul say unto you , that if you bee circumcised Christ shall profit you nothing ; hee speaketh now as an immediatly inspired pen-man and organ infallible of the holy Ghost : but it were absurd to send the immediately inspired organ of the holy Ghost as such , to aske counsell and seeke resolution from the immediatly inspired organs of the holy Ghost . 2. The rise of controversies in a Church is not Apostolick , nor temporary or extraordinary , but to ordinary wee have the Scriptures indeed to consult with , so had the Churches , whose soules were notwithstanding subverted , v. 24. and this assembly doth determine the controversie by Scripture , v. 14. Simeon hath declared how God at the first did visit the Gentiles , &c. v. 15. And to this agree the words of the Prophets , as it is written , &c. But because Scriptures may bee alledged by both sides , as it was here , and wee have not the Apostles now alive to consult withall , can Jesus Christ have left any other externall and Church-remedy , when many Churches are perverted , as here was the cases of the Churches of the Gentiles , v. 23. in Antioch , Syria , and Cilicia , then that Teachers and Elders bee sent to a Synod to determine the question according to the Word of God ? 2. Here also is a Synod and a determination of the Church of Antioch , v. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They determined to send Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem : I prove that it was a Church determination , for Chap. 14. 26. Paul and Barnabas come to Antioch ; v. 24. And when they were come , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having gathered together the Church of Antioch , they rehearsed all that God had done by them , and how hee had opened the doore of faith unto the Gentiles , ( 28. And there they abode a long time with the disciples ) Chap. 15. 1. And certaine m●n which came downe from Iudea , taught the brethren , Except yee bee circumcised after the manner of Moses , yee c●●●● bee saved ; hence v. 2. when there was much debate about the question , and it could not bee determined there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they made a Church-ordinance to send Paul and Barnabas as Church-messengers , o● Church-Commissioners to the Synod , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relateth to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gathered together Church , Chap. 14. v. 27. and it is ●eare , ● . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being sent on their way by the Church , to 〈◊〉 of Antiach : Ergo , this was an authoritative Church sending , and not an Apostolick journey performed by Paul as an Apostle , but as a messenger of the Church at Antioch , and as a messenger Paul returneth with Barnabas and giveth a due rec●oning and account of his commission to the Church of Antioch , who sent him , v. 30. So when they , ( Paul and Barnabas having received the determination of the Synod ) w●en they were dismissed , they came to Antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words are relative to Chap. 14. 27. having gathered together the Church , and to Chap. 15. 3. being sent on their way by the Church , so here having gathered the whole Church , the multitude , they delivered the Epistle of the Synod , and read it in the hearing of all the multitude , for it concerned the practise of all whereas it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Church which sent them , Cb. 14. 27. Ch. 15. 2. 3. So here wee have a subordination of Churches and Church-Synod , for the Synod or Presbytery of Antioch , called the Church con●eened , Ch. 14. 27. and the Church ordaining and enacting that Paul and Barnabas shall be sent as Commissioners to Jerusalem , is subordinate to the greater Synod of Apostles and Elders at Jerusalem , which saith to mee that controversies in an interiour Church-meeting are to be referred to an higher meeting con●●ting of more . 3. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this dissention and disputation betweene Paul and B●rnabas , and some of the beleeving Jewes who taught the brethren they behoved to be circumcised , was a Church-entroversie ; Paul and Barnabas did hold the negative , and defended the Church of the brethren from embracing such wicked opinions ; and when Antioch could not determine the question , Paul and Barnabas had recourse to a Synod , as ordinary Shepheards , who when they could not perswade the ●rethren of the falsehood of the doctrine , went to seeke helpe against subverters of soules , ( as they are called , v. 24. ) at the established judicatures and ecclesiasticail meetings ; for when Pauls preaching cannot prevaile , though it was canonicall , hee descendeth to that course which ordinary Pastors by the light of nature should doe , to seeke helpe from a Colledge of Church-guides ; Ergo , Paul did not this meerely as an Apostle . 4. Vers. 6. The Apostles & Elders came together in an assembly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consider of this matter This Synodicall consideration upon the Apostles part , was either Apostolick , or it was Ecclesiastick . It was not Apostelick , because the Apostles had Apostolically considered of it before , Paul had determined v. 2. against these subverters , that they should not bee circumcised , nor was it a thing that they had not fully considered before , for to determine this was not so deepe a mystery as the mystery of the Gospell ; now he saith of the Gospell , 〈◊〉 . 1. 13. I received it not of men , neither was I taught it , but by the revelation of Jesus Christ , v. 16. When it ples'ed God to reveale his sonne to me that I should preach him among the ●eathen , I conferred not with flesh and blood , neither went I up to Jerusalem to them that were Apostles before me , &c. then farre lesse did hee conferre with Apostles and Elders , as touching the ceremonies of Moses his Law. If any say , this was an Ecclesiastick meeting , according to the matter , Apostolick , but according to the forme , Ecclesiastick , in respect the Apostles and Elders meet to consider how this might be represented to the Churches as a necessary dutie in this case of scandall ; This is all wee crave , and the decree is formally ecclesiastick , and so the Apostles gave out the decree in an ecclesiasticall way , and this consideration Synodicall is an ecclesiasticall discussion of a controversie which concerned the present practise of the Churches , and it not being Apostolick must obliege many Churches convened in their principall guides , otherwise wee agree that the matter of every ecclesiasticall decree , be a Scripturall truth , or then warranted by the evident light of nature . 5. The manner of the Apostles proceeding in this councell holdeth forth to us that it was not Apostolicke , because they proceed by way of communication of counsells . 1. What light could Elders adde to the Apostles as Apostles , but the Elders as well as the Apostles , convened to consider about this matter , and Act. 21. 18. 25. All the Elders of Jerusalem with James take on them these acts as well as the Apostles , and they are the decrees of the Elders no lesse then of the Apostles , Act. 16. ● . 4. a derivation of the immediate impi●ing Spirit to ●●● Elders , and by them as fellow-members of the Synod to the Apostles , and a derivation of this immediat Apostolick spirit , by the Apostles to the Elders to make them also infallible , is unknowne to Scripture ; for one Prophet did not immediatly inspire another , and one Apostle did not immediatly inspire another , wee read not in the Word of any such thing , and therefore it is said , Act. 15. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , And when there had beene much disputing Peter s●●d up . All who interpret this place say , even Papists not ex●pted , as Salmero com . in 〈◊〉 Salmeron , L●●mus ● . Lorinus , Cornelius a lapt . Cornelius a lapide , and others on the place , that when there is not consultation and disputing on both sides to find out the truth , but an absolute authoritie used by commanding , the proceeding of the counceil is rash ( saith Salmeron ; ) now the Prophets were immediatly inspired , without any consultation with men in delivering Gods will , and they saw the visions of God , as it is said . And the Word of the Lord came to Jeremiah , to Ezechiel , to Hosea , &c. and bee said , &c. yea when a propheticall spirit came upon Ba●●m , Num. 24. bee seeing the visions of God , hee prophecied directly contrary to his owne carnall mind , and to his consultation with Bal●●k : now it is cleare that the Apostles , what they spake , by the breathings and inspirations of that immediatly inspiring Spirit is no lesse cannonick Scripture , then the prophecies of the immediatly inspired Prophets , who saw the visions of God , and therefore 2 Pet. 1. 16 , 17 , 18 , the voyce that the Apostles heard from heaven , This is my beloved Sonn● in whom I am well pleased , is made equall with the word of proph●cie and propheticall Scripture , which the holy men of God spale , ● they were moved by the holy Ghost , v. 19 , 20 , 21. and 2 Pet. 3. 16. Pauls Epistles are put in the classe with other Scriptures , v. 15 , 16. now all Scripture , 2 Tim. 3. 16. is given by divine inspiration , and 2 Peter 3. 2. puteth the words of the Prophets and Apostles in the same place of divine authority , 2 Pet. 3. 2. That yee bee mindfull of the words which were spoken before , by the holy Prophets , and of the commandements of us the Apostles of the Lord and Saviour , whence to mee this synodicall consultation is not Apostolicall , but such as is obligatory of the Churches to the end of the world , and a patterne of a generall Synod . 6. This assembly is led by the holy Spirit , as is cleare , v. 25. 28. but this is not the holy Spirit immediatly inspiring the Apostles as Apostles , but that ordinary Synodicall spirit ( to borrow that expression ) that is promised to all the faithfull pastors and rulers of the Church to the end of the world : because the immediatly inspiring spirit comming on Prophets and Apostles in an immediate inspiration , did necessitate the Prophets and Apostles to acquiesce , and prophesie , and to doe and speake whatsoever this spirit inspired them to doe , and to speake : but this spirit spoken of , v. 28. doth not so , but leaveth the assembly to a greater libertie , because the assembly doth not acquiesce to that which Peter saith from Gods Word , v. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. nor doth the Assembly acquiesce to what Barnabas and Paul saith , v. 12. but onely to that which James saith , v. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. but especially to his conclusion which hee draweth from the Law of nature , not to give scandall , and from the Scriptures cited by himselfe , and by Peter , v. 19 , 20. Wherefore my sentence is , saith James , &c. and this clearely is the sentence of James as a member of the Synod , v. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is an expression clearly insinuating that the judgement of James , though it was not contrary to that which Peter , Paul , and Barnabas had spoken , yet that is was somewhat diverse from them , and more particular , and the very mind of the holy Ghost which the whole Synod followed ; and therefore though Peter and Paul spake truth , yet did they not speake that truth , which did compose the controversie , and this is to mee an argument that they all spake , as members of the Synod , and not as Apostles . 7. The immediatly inspired Apostolick Spirit , though it may discourse and inferre a conclusion from such and such premisses , as Paul doth , Rom. 3. 28. and hee proveth from the Scripture , Rom. 4. 4. 5. 6. that wee are justified by saith without workes , and 1 Tim. 5. 17. 18. and Act. 9. 22. Act. 24. 14. 17. and so doth Christ reason and argument from Scripture , Matth. 22. 31. Luk. 24. 25 , 26 , 27. and so have both the Prophets and Apostles argued , yet the immediatly inspired Spirit of God in arguing doth not take helpe by disputing one with another . and yet doth not obtaine the conclusion in hand , but here Pe●●● and Paul argue from Scripture , and they prove indeed a true conclusion that the Gentiles should not keepe Moses his Law , as they would bee saved , yet they did not remove the question , nor satisfic the consciences of the Churches , in their present practise , for if James had not said more , then the Churches had not beene sufficiently directed in their practise by the Synod , and for all that Peter and Paul said , the Churches might have ea●●n meates offered to Idols , and blood , and things strangled , which at that time had been a sin against the Law of nature , and a great stumbling block , and a scandalizing of the Jewes . Except therefore wee say that the Apostles intending as Apostles to determine a controversie in the Church , they did not determine it , which is an injury to that immediatly inspiring spirit that led the Apostles in penning Scripture , wee must say that Peter , Paul , and James here spake as members of an eccle●iasticall Synod , for the Churches after-imitation . 8. If the Apostles here as Apostles give out this decree , then it would seeme that as Apostles , by virtue of the immediatly inspiring spirit , they sent messengers to the Churches , for one spirit directeth all , and by this Text , wee should have no warrant from the Apostles practise , to send messengers to satisfie the consciences of the Churches , when they should bee troubled with such questions : now all our Divines and reason doth evince that a Synod may by this Text send messengers to resolve doubting Churches , in points dogmaticall ; for what the Apostles doe as Apostles , by that power by which they writ canonick Scripture , in that wee have no warrant to imitate them . 9. I propounded another argument before , which prevaileth much with mee ; The Elders of an ordinary Presbytery and Churches , such as conveened at this Synod cannot be collaterall actors with the immediatly inspired Apostles for the penning of Canonick Scripture , but in this Synod not onely Elders , but the whole Church , as our reverend brethren teach , were actors in penning this decre , Act. 15. 28. Ergo , this decree is Synodicall , not Apostolick . I have heard some of our reverend brethren say , all were not actors in the decree , pari gradu authoritatis , with a like degree : and equall authoritie , every one according to their place did concurre in forming this decree . I answer , it cannot bee said that all in their owne degree saw the visions of God , and all in their owne degree were immediatly inspired to bee penmen of Canonick Scripture , for Paul in penning this , The cloake that I left at Troas bring with thee , and the Parchmen●s , was no lesse immediatly inspired of God , then were the Prophets , who saw the visions of God , and then when hee penned the , 1 Tim. 1. 15. That Jesus Christ came into the world to s●●● sinners ; except wee flee to a Popish distinction which Duvallius and Jesuits hold , that all and every part , tota Scriptura , and totum Scripturae , is not given by divine inspiration , because ( say they ) the Apostles spake and wrote some things in the New Testament as immediatly inspired by God , as did the Prophets , but they spake and wrote other things 〈◊〉 necessary , with an inferiour and Apostolick or Synodica●● spirit , which the Pe●e and Church may decree in Synods to ●ee received with the like faith and subjection of conscience , as if the Apostles had written them . 2. You must say there was two holy 〈◊〉 the penning of the decree , one immediatly inspiring the Apostles , another inferior assisting the Elders ; or at 〈◊〉 diverse and most different acts of that same ho●y 〈…〉 way inspiring the Apostles , and in a fallible way , inspiring the Elders . But with your leave , Act. 21. 24. The ordinary I●es●ytery at Ierusalem , by that same Synodicall spirit , by which they or●aine Paul to purifie himselfe , doe ascribe to themselves this decree , v. 25. 3. Wee de●ire a warrant from Gods Word , of commixion of immediatly inspired Apostles as immediatly inspired with Elders , assisted with an ordinary spirit , for the p●●ning of Scripture . 10. Wee thinke the Presbytery of Jerusalem as an ordinary Presbytery , Act. 21. 18. and contradivided from the Church of Jrusalem , v. 22. The multitude must needs come together , for they heare that thou art come , did ordaine Paul to purifie himselfe , and it is cleare Paul otherwise would not have purified himselfe , and therefore hee did not by the immediatly inspired spirit purifie himselfe , and obey their decree , which was grounded upon the Law of nature , not to scandalize weake beleevers , v. ●0 , 21. and bt this same holy spirit did Paul with other of the Apostles write this decree , as is cleare v. 25. 11. If the Apostles did all in this Synod as immediatly inspired by God , then should the Synod have followed the determination of any one Apostle , of Peter and Paul , as well as of 〈◊〉 , for the immediatly inspiring spirit is alike perfect in all ●●s determinations , but it is said expresly , v. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Then it seemed good to the Apostles , &c. and so to 〈◊〉 , and Peter , and Paul , to follow the sentence of James , 〈◊〉 the rest of the Apostles ; now if James spake as an immediately inspired Apostle , and not by vertue of that Synodicall Spirit given to all faithfull Pastors conveened in a lawfull Synod , then should James have acquiesced to what Peter and Paul aid , and not to what hee said himselfe , and Peter should have acquiesced to what hee said , and Paul to what hee said , ●● every inspired writer is to obey what the immediatly inspiring Spirit saith , and then there was no reason why the Synod should rather acquiesce to what Peter and Paul said who spake of no abstinence from blood and things strangled , then to what James said , Ergo , by the Apostles consequence , v. 24. ( we gave ●● such commandement , that you must bee circumcised , Ergo , you should not bee circumcised ) so this consequence is good , Peter and Paul speaking as Apostles gave no commandement in this Synod to abtaine from blood , Ergo , by the like consequence the Synod was not to command n● abstinence from blood , which consequence is absurd , Ergo , they command not here as Apostles , 2. The Synod should have been left in the midst to doubt , whether shall wee follow Paul and Peter , who speake and command n● abstinence from blood and things strangled , o● shall wee follow James , who commandeth to abstaine from blood and things 〈◊〉 , for all here command as immediatly inspired Apostles , and what the Apostles judge lawfull and command as Apostles , that must the Churches follow , and what they command not , that by an immediatly inspiring Spirit they command not , as is cleare , v. 24. and that also must the Churches not follow , therefore I thinke we must say they did not here speak as Apostles . 12. These words , v. 24. Some who pervert your soules say , you must bee circumcised , and keep the Law , to whom wee gave no such commandement ) doe clearely hold forth what the Apostles as Apostles command in Gods worship that the Churches must doe , what the Apostles as Apostles command not , in Gods worship , that the Churches must not doe whence they teach , 1. That an Apostolicke commandement of any one Apostle without any Synod might have determined the question , to what use then doth a Synod conduce ? Ergo , certainly either the Synod was convened for no use , which is contrary to Gods Word , Act. 25. 2. 6. Act. 16. 4. 5. it served to resolve the controversie and edifie the Churches , Act. 16. 4. They delivered them the decrees , &c. 5. And so the Churches were established in the saith , and increased in number daily , or then the Synodicall commandement , and so the Synodicall spirit spoken of v. 28. must bee some other thing then the Apostolicall commandement , and the immediatly inspiring spirit . 2. The Apostles gave no positive commandement to keep Moses his Law as Apostles , nay nor to keepe any part of it , they did not as Apostles forbid , before this Synod , that the Gentiles should abstaine from blood , and things strangled , which were Mosaicall Lawes before this Synod , yet now they give a commandement to keepe some Mosaicall Lawes , in the case of scandall ; hence wee must either judge that now as Apostles they command in positive commandements the keeping of Moses his Law , contrary to what they say , for their not commanding to keepe Moses his Law is a commanding not to keepe it , ( observe this ) or then their commandement here is but synodicall and so far binding as the case of scandall standeth in vigor , which certainly a Synod may command , and one Church may injoyne , by way of counsell , to another , for otherwise as Apostles forbidding scandall , which is spirituall homicide , they forbid also eating of blood , in that case when it stood indifferent . 3. The Apostles saying , To whom wee gave no such commandement , they clearely insinuate that their commandement as Apostles de jure , should have ended the controversie , but now for the edification and after-example of the Churches they tooke a Synodicall way . 13. The way of the Apostles speaking seemeth to mee Synodicall , and not given out with that divine and Apostolicall authoritie , that the Apostles may use in commanding : it is true , they use lovely and swasory exhortations in their writing , but this is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a decree , not an exhortation , now James saith , 1● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is set downe as his private opinion , with reverence to what Peter and Paul saith , and v. 7. Peter when many had disputed and spoken before him , standeth up and speaketh , and v. 12. Barnabas and Paul , after the multitude is ●●nt doth speake , which to mee is a Synodicall order , and the whole Synod , v. 28. say , It seemed good to us . They answer . 1. Consociated Churches have some power in determining of dogmaticall points , but this is no power of jurisdictim . The seventh Proposition to which almost all the Elders of New England agreed , saith ; The Synod bath no Church-power , but the cause enimeth with the Church . Corpus cum causa , the Church-body , and the cause which concerneth the Church-body , doe remaine together , ●nd therefore quaestio defertur ad Synodum , causa manet penes eccleiam , the question is brought to the Synod , the cause remaineth with the Church . Another Manuscript of Godly and learned Divines I saw , which saith ; That the ministeriall power of applying of the rules of the word and Canons to persons and things from time to time , as the occasions of the Church shall require , pertaineth to , and may be exercised by each particular Church , without any necessary dependance on other Churches , yet in difficill cases wee ought ( say they ) to consult with , and seeke advise from presbyteries and ministers of 〈◊〉 Churches , and give so much authoritie to a concurrence of judgements as shall , and ought to be an obligation to us , not to depart from any such resolutions , as they shall make upon any consideration but where in conscience , and hence our peace with God is apparently concerned . Answ. I perceive , 1. That our brethren cannot indure that a Synod should bee called a Church ; but 1. I verily thinke that when Paul and Barnabas , Act. 15. 1 , 2. had much dissention with those who taught , you must bee circumcised after the manner of Moses , that the Church of Antioch resolved to tell the Church , that is the Synod , while as they fall upon this remedy , v. 2. They determined that Paul and Barnabas and certaine other of them , 〈◊〉 goe up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and Elders , about this question , that is , that the Church of Antioch , ( when the subver●ers of soules would not heare their brethren of Antioch ) did tell the Synod convened at Jerusalem , that is , according to our ●viours order , Ma●●● . 18. 17. they did tell the Church : and my reason is , if the Church at Antioch could not satisfie the con●c●en●es of some who said , you must bee circumcised , else you cann●x in saved , they could not , nor had they power , in that cast not to goe on , but were obliged to tell the Synod , that is , the Church , whom it concerned as well as Antioch : for if they had sent the matter to the Synod as a question , not as a cause proper to the Synod , or Church ; then when the Synod had resolved the question , the cause should have returned to the Church of Antioch , and been determined at Antioch , as in the proper court , if that hold true , the question is deserred to the Synod , the cau●e remaineth with the body , the Church ; but the cause returned never to the Church of Antioch , but both question and cause was determined by the Synodicall-Church , Act. 15 v. 22. 23 , 24. and the determination of both question and cause ended in the Synod , as in a proper court , and is imposed as a commandement and a Synodicall Canon , to bee observed both by Antioch , v. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. and other Churches , Act. 16. 4 , 5. Ergo , either the Church of Antioch lost their right , and yet kept Christs order , Matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. or the question and cause in this case belongeth to a Synod . 2. It is said expresly , ● . 22. It pleased t● Apostles , Elders , and the whole Church to send chosen men of their own company to Antioch , &c. What Church was this ? the whole Church of ●●leevers , or the fiaternitie at Jerusalem ; ( say our brethren ) but with leave of their godlinesse and learning no , say ● . 1. What reason that the Church of all beleevers men and women of Jerusalem , should de jure , have beene present to give either consent or surfrage there : because it concerned then practise and conscience , but I say it concerned as much , if not more , the conscience and practise of the Church of Antioch , if not more , for the cause was theirs ( say our brethen ) and cause ad corpus ( say they ) quaestio ad synodum , and it concerned as much the practise and conscience of all the Churches , who were to observe these decrees , Act 16. 4. 5 Act. 21. 25. yet they were not present . If the multitude of ●●leevers of Jerusalem was present , because they were 〈…〉 to the Synod , whereas Antioch & other 〈…〉 were nor off , were not present , but in their commissioners , then I say the Church ●● the multitude of Jerusalem , whose commidic●●●s were here 〈◊〉 ; I say the multitude was present ●uely de 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 nor was there more law for their presence , then ●or all other Churches , who also in conscience were obliged to obey the councells determinations : but I , deare a warrant that the fact of the Synod , such as was sending of the decrees and Commissioners with the decrees to Antioch , should bee ●●●●ibed to the multitude of beleevers at Jerusalem , who by no Law of God were present at the Synod , and by no Law of God 〈◊〉 more consent then the Church of Antioch , and were present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by accident , because they dwelt in the 〈◊〉 where the Synod did sit , therefore say I , the 〈◊〉 Church in the whole Synod . 2. By what Law can Jerusalem a sister Church have influence or consent de jure , in sending binding Acts , as these were , as is cleare , v. 28. Ch. 16. 4 , 5. Ch. 21. 25. to the Church of Antioch ? for this is an authoritative sending of messengers , and the Canons to the Church of Antioch , as is evident , v. 2 2. 3. It is utterly denied that the Church of Jerusalem , I meane the multitude of beleevers , could meet all at one Synod . 4. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 12. which is said to hold their peace , is referred to the Apostles and Elders met Synodically , v. 6. and is not the multitude of beleevers . 5. Where are these who are called Elders , not Apostles , they are ever distinguished from the Apostles , as Act. 15. 2. v. 6. v. 22. Act. 16. 4. Act. 21. 18. 25. ●are is no reason that they were all Elders of Jerusalem , for 〈◊〉 can Elders of one sister Church impose Lawes , burdens , ●28 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decrees , Ch. 16. 4. upon sister Churches ? or h●w can they pen canonicall Scripture joyntly with the Apostles ? Some of our brethren say so much of those degrees , that they obliged formally the Churches as Scriptures doe oblige : the learned Junius saith well , that the Apostles did nothing as Apostles where there was an ordinarie and established Eldery●● in the Church ; therefore those Elders behoved to bee the 〈◊〉 of Antioch , for Act. 17. v. 2. 〈…〉 Commissioners were 〈◊〉 from Antioch then Paul and 〈…〉 . I thinke also the Churches of Cyria and 〈◊〉 〈…〉 there , as well as Antioch , and de jure , 〈…〉 should have beene there ; The case was theirs every way the same with the Church of Antioch , and their soules subverted , v. 24. 6. Those who are named v. 22. Apostles , Elders , and the whole Church are called v. 25. Apostles , and Elders , and Brethren , and elsewhere alwayes Apostles and Elders ( Elders including brethren , or the whole Church , v. 22. of some chosen men , and brethren ) as Act. 13. 2. v. 6. Ch. 16. 4. Act. 21. 18. 25. 2. I desire to try what truth is here , that this Synod but power and authoritie in points dogmaticall , but no Church-power ( saith the seventh proposition of the reverend and godly Brethren of New England ) and no power of jurisdiction , but the Church of Antioch had Church-power and power of jurisdiction to determine this cause and censure the contraveeners , as our Brethren say . But I assume , this Synod tooke this Church-power off their hand , and with the joynt power of their owne Commissioners sent from Antioch , v. 2. v. 22. 23. determined both cause and controversie , and it never returned to any Church-Court at Antioch , as is cleare , v. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. Ergo , this Synod had a Church-power . 2. A power and authoritie dogmaticall to determine in matters of doctrine is a Church-power proper to a Church , as is granted by our brethren , and as wee prove from , Act. 20. 29. This is a part of the over-sight committed to the Eldership of Ephesus , to take heed to men rising amongst themselves speaking perverse things , that is , teaching false doctrine ; and if they watch over them , as members of their Church ( for they were v. 30. men of their owne ) they were to censure them . 2. If Pergamus bee rebuked , Re●el . 2. 14. 15. and threatned with the removing of their Candlesticke , because they had amongst them those who held the doctrine of Balaam , and the doctrine of the Nicolaitans , hated by Christ himselfe , and did not use the power of jurisdiction against them ▪ then that Church which hath power dogmaticall to judge of doctrine , hath power also of jurisdiction to censure those who hold the false doctrine of Balaam , and v. 20. Christ saith to Thyatira . Notwithstanding I have a few things against thee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because thou suff●●● that woman Jesabel , which calleth herselfe a Prophetesse , to teach and to sedu●e my servants to commit fornication , and to eate things sacrif●●d to Idols . Hence I argue , what Church hath power to try the false doctrin of Jesabel , and is blamed for not censuring her , but permitteth her to teach and to seduce the servants of God , hath also power of jurisdiction against her false doctrine : this poposition I take to bee evident in those two Churches of Pergamus and Thyatira . I assume : but this Synod , Act. 15. hath authoritie and power to condemne the false doctrine taught by subverters of soules , teaching a necessitie of circumcision , in the Churches of Syria , Cilicia , Antioch , &c. Act. 15. vers . 23 , 24. Therefore this Synod hath power of jurisdiction . 3. Every societie which hath power to lay on burdens as here this Synod hath , v. 28. and to send decrees to be observed by the Churches , as Act. 16. 4. and to send and conclude , that they observe no such thing , and that they observe such and such things , Act. 21. 25. by the power of the holy Ghost , conveened in an Assembly , 25. and judging according to Gods Word , as ● . 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , &c. these have power of juridiction to censure the contraveners : but this Synod is such a societie , Ergo , it hath this power . The Proposition is , Matth. 18. 18. If hee refuse to heare the Church , let him be to thee as a heathen and a publican ; nothing can bee answered here , but because this Synod commandeth onely in a brotherly way , but by no Church-power , therefore they have no power of jurisdiction . But with reverence of these learned men , this is , petitio principii , to begge what is in question ; for the words are cleare , a brotherly counsell and advise is no command , no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no decree which wee must observe , and by the observing whereof the Churches are established in the faith , as is said of these decrees , Act. 16. 4 , 5. To give a brotherly counsell , such as Abigail gave to David , and a little maide gave to Namaan , is not a burden laid on by the commander ; but it is said of this decree , v. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It seemed good to the holy Ghost to lay no other burden on you . Also we do not say that power of jurisdiction is in provinciall or nationall Synods as in the Churches , who have power to excommunicate ; for 1. this power of jurisdiction in Synods is cumulative , not privative ; 2. It is in the Synod quoad actus imperatos , potius quam act us elicitos , according to commanded rather then to elicit acts , for the Synod by an ecclesiasticall power added to that intrinsecall power of jurisdiction in Churches , doth command the Churches to use their power of jurisdiction rather then use it actually her selfe . Let me also make use of two propositions agreed upon in a Synod at New England . Their 3. proposition . The fraternitie have an authoritative concurrence with the Preshyteny , in judiciall Acts. 4. Proposition . The fraternitie in an Organicall body , actu subordinate , id est , per modum obedientiae , in subordination by way of obedience to the Presbytery in such judiciall Acts , 2 Cor. 10. 6. Now if here the whole Church of Jerusalem , as they say from v. 22. was present , and joyned their authoritative concurrence to these decrees , there was here in this Synod an Organicall body of eyes , eares , and other members , that is , of Apostles , Teachers , Elders and people , and so a formed Church by our brethrens doctrine , ●●gs , Paul and Barnabas , v. 2. being sent to this Synod by the Church of Antioch to complaine , were sent to tell the formed and organicall Churches , as it is Matth. 18 19 which is a good argument , if not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Aristotle saith , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. If the Brethren here concurre as giving obedience to the Elders , and the Apostles doe here determine as Apostles and Elders , then the brothren in this Organicall body doe concurre to the forming of these decrees by way of obedience to the Elders ● Presbyters , and by the same reason the Elders concurre by way of obedience to the Apostles , for as the Elders as Elders and above the fraternitie , so the Apostles as Apostles are above the Elders : but then I much wonder how the acts are called the decrees of the Apostles and Elders joyntly , Act. 16. 4. and how the Elders of Ierusalem doe ascribe those decrees to themselves , Act. 21. 25. and how all the assembly speake as assisted by the holy Ghost , Act. 15. 28. Shall wee distinguish where the Scripture doth not onely not distinguish , but doth clearly hold forth qualitie and an identitie ? But some object , that the holy Ghost , v. 28. is the immediatly instiring Apostolick Spirit● and so the Apostles must here concurre in giving out those decrees as Apostles , not as ordinary Elders . 1. Is Peter and Paul alledge Scripture and testimonies of Gods Spirit in this Syned , as Elders , not as Apostles , then they reason in the Synod as falli●● men , and men who may erre , but that is impossible ; for if they 〈◊〉 Scripture , as men who may erre , the Scripture which they al●●dge 〈◊〉 be fallible . Answ. Though the Apostles here reason as Elders , not as Ap●st●●s , I see no inconvenience to say they were men who might ●re , though as led with the holy Ghost , they could not erre in this Syned following the conduct of the holy Ghost , as is said , ● . 28. though the holy Ghost there bee onely the ordinary holy Ghost given to all the Pastors of Christ assembled in Gods name and the authoritie of Iesus Christ , yet in this Act and as led by this Spirit , they were not fallible , neither men who could erre : for I see not how ordinary beleevers as led in such and such Acts by the holy Ghost , and under that reduplication can erre , for they erre as men in whom there is flesh and a body of corruption , and therefore , though both Apostles and Elders , modaliter , might erre , as Logick saith ; Aposta●●s err are est possible , yet de facto , in this they could not erre , being led by the holy Ghost , v. 28. and the necessitie of their not erring is not absolute , but necessary by consequent , because the Spirit of God led them , as v. 28. But the reason is must , weake , if they might erre , Ergo , the Scripture they alledge might bee fallible : for though hereticks alledge Scripture , and abuse it , and make it to bee no Scripture , but their owne fancie , while as they alledge it to establish blasphemous conclusions , yet doth it no way follow that Scripture can bee fallible , or obnoxious to error , but onely that abused and a●● applved Scripture is not Scripture . Object . 2. If ever the Apostles were led by an infallible spirit , 〈◊〉 to bee in a matter like this , which so much concerned the 〈◊〉 and consciences of all the Christian Churches amongst the Gen 〈◊〉 : E●go , in this Synod they could not bee led by a fallible spirit , but ●● an infallible , and so by an Apostolick Spirit . Answ. I conceive the spirit which led both Apostles and Elders in this Synod , was an infallible Spirit , but Ergo , an immediatly inspiring and Apostolick Spirit , it followeth not ; yea the holy Ghost of which Luke doth speake , v. 28. as the president and leader of this first mould of all Synods , and so the most perfect Synod , is never fallible , no not in the meanest beleever , and it were blasphemy to say the holy Ghost in any can bee obnoxious to errour ; and I thinke de facto , neither Apostles nor Elders could erre in this Synod , because , de fact● , they followed the conduct of the holy Ghost , without any byas in judgement ; but it followeth not , 1. that the men could not erre , because the holy Ghost leading the men could not erre , as wee answer Papists who produce this same argument to prove that generall councells , and so the Church must be infallible . 2. It followeth not , Ergo , this holy Ghost was that immediatly inspiring and Apostolick Spirit leading both Apostles and Elders , which is the question now in hand . Object . 3. This is a patterne of all lawfull Synods , then may all lawfull Synods say ; It seemed good to the holy Ghost , and to us : if therefore the men might erre , the leader , to wit , the holy Ghost might erre , which is absurd . Answ. It followeth onely that all lawfull Synods should so proceed , as they may say , It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us , and there is a wide difference betwixt Law and Fact , all are lawfull Synods conveened in the name and authoritie of Christ , and so by warrant of the holy Ghost speaking in his Word ; but it followeth not ( as Papists inferre , and this argument proveth ) that therefore all which de facto , those lawfully assembled Synods doe and conclude , that they are the doings and conclusions of the holy Ghost , and that in them all , they may say , It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us . 2. The consequence is false and blasphemous , that if all lawfully conveened Synods may not say , It seemed good to the holy Ghost and us , that therefore the holy Ghost is fallible , and may erre , but onely that men in the Synod following their owne Ghost , and spirit , can say no more but , it seemed good to our Ghost and spirit , and cannot say , it seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us : for an ordinary Pastor lawfully called and preaching sound doctrine in the power and assistance of Gods spirit doth speake in that act from the holy Ghost , and yet because in other acts , wherein with Nathan and Samuel hee may speake with his owne spirit , see with his owne eyes and light , it followeth not that he is infallible , or that the holy Ghost is infallible . Object 4 Is the Apostles did not conclude in this Synod , what they 〈…〉 an Ap s●a ●●k spirit , it shall follow that the holy Ghost 〈…〉 15. 28. is not that same holy Ghost of which Peter 〈◊〉 , 2 Pet. 1. 21. But holy men of God spake as they were moved 〈◊〉 Ghost , and if so , that holy Ghost which spake in the Pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not also speake in the Apostles . Answ. I see no necessitie of two holy Ghosts , 1 Cor. 12. 4. Now 〈◊〉 ●●●●ersities of gifts , but the same Spirit , there be divers acts of the same holy Ghost , and I willingly contend that the Synodicall acts of Apostles and Elders in this Synod , though comming from the holy Ghost assisting them as Elders in an ordinary Synod , v. 28. are different from the acts of that same holy Ghost as immediatly inspiring the Prophets and Apostles in prophecying and penning canonick Scripture ; and yet there bee not two holy Ghosts , for Paul did not beleeve in Christ by that same spirit which immediatly inspired him and the rest of the Apostles and Prophets to write canonick Scripture . ● meane it is not the same operation of the Spirit , because Paul by the holy Ghost given to all the faithfull as Christians , and not given to them as canonicall writers , or as Apostles or immediatly inspired Prophets doth beleeve in Christ , love Christ , contend for the prise of the high calling of God , as is cleare Rom. ● . 37 , 38 , 39. 1 Cor. 2. 12. 16. Phil. 3. 13. 14. 1 Cor. 9. 25. Yea Paul beleeveth not in Christ as an Apostle , but as a Christian , and yet hee beleeveth by the grace of the holy Ghost ; but ●● followeth not that the same spirit which immediatly inspired the Prophets doth not immediatly inspire Paul as an Apostle , and all the rest of the Apostles . Object . 5. These decrees , Act. 16. 4. are called the decrees of the Apostles and Elders , but if the Apostles in giving out these decrees gave 〈◊〉 as ordinary Elders , not as Apostles , then the sense of the words , Act. 16. 4. should bee , that they were the decrees of the Elders and of the Elders , which is absued . Answ. It followeth onely that they are the decrees of the Apostles who in that give them out as Elders , and as a part of the ordinary established Elders of Jerusalem . Whence if Christ promise the holy Spirit to lead his Apostles in all truth , hee promiseth also the holy Spirit to all their successors , Pastors , Teachers and Elders , not onely conveened in a Congregationall-Church , but also in a Synod , as hee maketh good his promise here , Act. 15. 28. and whereas the holy Ghost commandeth in a Synod of Apostles and Elders who are lawfully conveened , by our brethrens confession , and speaketh authoritatively Gods Word by the holy Ghost , Act. 15. 28. they cannot speake it as a counsell and brotherly advise onely , for that a brother may doe to another , a woman to a woman , Abigail to David , a maide to Naaman : wee desire a warrant from Gods Word , where an instituted societie of Pastors and Elders conveened from sundry Churches , and in that Court formally consociated and decreeing by the holy Ghost , as Act. 15. 28. against such and such heresies , shall bee no other then a counsell and advise , and no Church-commandement , nor binding decree backed with this power : Hee that despiseth you , speaking by the holy Ghost , the Word of God , despiseth mee , and whether doctrines , or canons concerning doctrine , comming from a lawfull Court , conveened in Christs name , have no ecclesiasticall power of spirituall jurisdiction to get obedience to their lawfull decrees ; for if every one of the suffrages of Elders bee but a private counsell having onely authoritie objective from the intrinsecall lawfulnesse of the thing , and no authoritie officiall from the Pastors , because Pastors , then the whole conclusion of the Synod shall amount to no higher rate and summe then to a meere advise and counsell . If it bee said , that when they are all united in a Synod , and speaking as assembled , Act. 15. 25. and speaking thus Assembled by the holy Ghost , v. 28. the authoritie is more then a counsell , yet not a power of Church-jurisdiction . Then 1. give us a warrant in Gods Word , for this distinction . 2. Wee aske whether this authoritie being contemned , the persons or Churches contemnibg it , bee under any Church-censure , or not ; if they bee under a Church-censure , what is this but that the Synod hath power of censure , and so power of jurisdiction ? if you say non-communion is a sufficient censure . But I pray you spare mee to examine this ; 1. If the sentence of non-Communion bee a sentence of 〈◊〉 . it must proceed from a judicature that hath a 〈◊〉 of jurisdiction , but give mee leave to say as all Church - 〈◊〉 have and must have warrant in Gods Word , so must 〈◊〉 , such as non-communion , for the ordinary Church punishments , such as publike rebu●ing have warrant in the Word , as in 1 Tim. 5. 20. and excommunication , 1 Cor. 5. 4. 〈◊〉 1● . and the great Anathema Maranatha , 1 Cor. 16. 22. and forbearing to eate and drinke with scandalous persons , 1 Cor. 5. 10 , 11. withdrawing from his company , 2 Th●s . 3. 14. and I pray you where hath the Word taught us of such a bastard 〈◊〉 - ensure , or if you will not allow it that name , a censure indicted by the Church or Churches , as is non-communion . May our brethren without Christs warrant shape any punishment equivalent to excommunication without Gods Word ? 〈◊〉 they may as well without the Word mould us such a censure as excommunication : if they say , separation warrenth this censure of non-communion . But 2. By what Law of God can an equall give out a sentence of non-communion a 〈◊〉 an equall , an equall cannot as an equall punish , when a Christian denieth followship to another because hee is excommunicated , hee doth not punish as an equall , for the punisher in this case denying fellowship to the excommunicated doth 〈◊〉 an equall , but as having authoritie from the Church , who hath given this commandement in the very sentence of communication . 1 Cor. 5. 4. compared with v. 10 , 11. Separation under a great controversie , and denyed in many cases ●● the way of those who are more rigid therein , even by our 〈◊〉 . 2. Christ , Matth. 18. 15 , 16. will not have any brother , who 〈◊〉 but private authoritie and no Church-authoritie over a bro●●●● 〈…〉 non habet potestatem ) to presently renounce 〈◊〉 give up all communion with his brother , though hee bee 〈◊〉 before two or three witnesses , and inflict on him the sentence of non-communion , while hee first tell the Church , and non-communion is inflicted on no man as if hee were a heathen 〈◊〉 ( to speak no thing of delivering to Satan ) while hee ●● conveened and judicially sentenced before the Church ; 〈◊〉 our brethrens sentence of non-communion is in inflicted by an equall Church upon a ●●ster Church in a meere p●●●● way , and by no Church-proces . 4. Non-communion , if it bee warranted by the law of ●●ture , as communion of equalls is , yet should wee not bee refused of the like favour , when wee plead that the Law of nature pleadeth for combination and communion of joynt authorities of s●s●er-Churches , in one presbytery : for if non-communion of Churches bee of the law of nature , so must communion of Churches , and authoritative communion , and authoritative and judiciall non-communion , by natures law must be as warrantable upon the same grounds . They 6. Object . ● the Apostles , were in this Synod as ordinary Elders th●n , The Synod might have censured , and in case of obs●inacie excommunicated the Apostles which were admirable . Answ. For re●ukeing of Apostles wee have against Papists a memorable warrant in Paul , Gal. 2. withstanding Peter to ●ce face , and Peter his giving an account , Act. 11 1 , 2 , 3. to the Church of Jerusalem of his going in to the Gentiles , which Parker acknowledgeth against Papists and Prelats to bee a note of Peters subjection to the Church . Papists say it was Peters humilitie ; other Papists say Peter gave but such a brotherly account to the Church , such as one brother is oblieged to give to another : also all our Divines , and those Papists who contend that the Pope is inferiour to universall councels . doc with good warrant alledge that by Matth. 18. Peter is subjected to the Church-censures , if hee sinn against his brother , and therefore we doubt not , but the Church hath , jus , law to excommunicate the Apostles , in case of obstinacie , and would have used this power i● Judas had lived now when the power of excommunication was in vigor ; but wee say withall , de facto , the su●position was unpossible in respect that continued and habituall obstinacie , and flagitious and at●ocious scandals deserving excommunication , were inconsistent with that measure of the holy Spirit bestowed upon those Catholick Organs and vessels of mercy : but this exempteth the Apostles from act all excommunication , de facto , but is our brethren ex●●pt them , a jure , from the Law , they transforme the Apostles into Popes , above all Law , which wee cannot doe , Apostolick eminencie doth 〈…〉 neither Peter nor Paul to bee above either the 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 Law , or the positive Lawes gi 〈…〉 One doth wittily say on these 〈…〉 Matth. 8. 15. The Pope is either a 〈…〉 if hee bee a brother offending , 〈…〉 complaine of him to the Church , 〈…〉 bee no brother , there 's an end 〈…〉 his father , and never after this 〈…〉 〈…〉 in a Synod as Apostles , doth not 〈…〉 in Apostolick acts could not use Sy 〈…〉 others ; 1. Because Daniel , 9. 2. 〈…〉 understood by books the num 〈…〉 Lord came to Jeremiah the 〈…〉 Paul. 1 Cor. 1. 1. and Timothi 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 , 1 Thess. 1. 1. and 3. The 〈…〉 , and yet ● oph●ts and Apostles were immedi 〈…〉 which they ●●ote and spake . Answ. 1. Daniel ●●d the Prophecie of Jeremiah , and the Pro 〈◊〉 the books of Moses , and the Apostles read the old Testament , 〈◊〉 and Paul read ●eathen Poets , and citeth them , Act. 17. 〈◊〉 . Ti● . 1. 12. and maketh them Scripture . 2. But the question is now , if as Prophets and immediatly in●●● Prophets and Apostles they did so consult with Scripture which they reade , as they made any thing canoni●k Scripture upon 〈◊〉 medium , and formall reason , because they did read it , 〈◊〉 it out of bookes , and not because the immediate i●●piration of the holy Ghost taught them , what they should 〈◊〉 canonick Scripture . Suppone a sentence of a ●eathen 〈◊〉 suppone this , that Paul left his cloake at Tro●s , not the ●●●wledge of sense , not naturall reason , not experience , none ●● these can bee a formall medium , a formall meane to make scripture but as , ( thus saith Jehovah in his word ) is the formall reason why the Church beleeveth the Scripture to be the Word ●● God , so the formall reason that maketh Prophets and Apostles to put downe any truth , as that which is formally canonicall scripture , whether it bee a supernaturall truth , as , the 〈◊〉 was made flesh , or a morall truth , as , Children obey your 〈◊〉 , or a naturall truth , as The Oxe knoweth his owner , or an experienced truth , as make not friendship with an angry 〈◊〉 a truth of heathen moralitie , as , mee are the off-spring of God , or a truth of sense , Paul lest his clo●ke at T●oas , I say the 〈◊〉 , formall reason that maketh it divine and Scripturall truth is the immediate inspiration of God , therefore though 〈◊〉 learned by bookes that the captivitie should indure seventi . yeares , yet his light by reading made it not formally Scripture , but Daniels putting it in the Canon by the immediat acti●r , impulsion , and inspiration of the holy Spirit ; and though Matthew did read in Esaiah , A Virgin shall conceive and beared Sonne , yet Matthew maketh it not a part of the New Testament , because Esaiah said it , but because the holy Ghost did imdiatly suggest it to him , as a divine truth : for a holy man might draw out of the Old and New Testament a Chapter of orthodox truths , all in Scripture words , and beleeve them to bee Gods truth , yet that Chapter should not formally bee the Scriptur . of God , because though the Author did write it by the light of faith , yet the Propheticall and Apostolicall spirit did not suggest it and inspire it to the author . I know some School● . Papists have a distinction here . They say there bee some sepernaturall truths in Scriptures , as predictions of things that tall out by the mediation of contingent causes , and the supernaturall mysteries of the Gospell , as that Achab shall bee killed in the wars , the Messiah shall bee borne , &c. Christ came to 〈◊〉 sinners , and those were written by the immediatly inspiring Spirit : others were but historicall and naturall truths of fact , as that Paul wrought miracles , that hee left his cleake at Troas , and these latter are written by an inferior spirit , the assisting , not the immediatly inspiring Spirit , and by this latter spirit ( say they ) much of Scripture was written ; and from this assisting Spirit commeth the traditions of the Church ( say they ) and the decrees of Popes and councells ; and this holy Spirit though infallible , may and doth use disputation , consultations , councells of Doctors , reading ; but wee answer that what counsells determin by an assisting spirit is not Scripture , nor yet ●m-ply infallible , nor doth Daniel advise with Jeremialis writing what hee shall put downe as Scripture , nor Paul with Sos●h●●●● , with Timothy and Silvamus , what hee shall write as Canonick Scripture in his Epistles , for then as the decrees of the coun 〈◊〉 at Jerusalem are called the decrees of the Apostles and Elders and this decree which commeth from the Apostles and Elders assem●led with one accord , and speaking with joynt suffrages from the holy Ghost , v. 7 , 8 9 , 10 , &c. v. 28. as collaterall authors of the decree , is the conclusion of Apostles and Elders ; so also should the proph●cie of Daniel , at least the first two verses of the ninth chapter , bee a part of Daniel , and a part of Jeremi●hs prophecie , and Pauls Epistles to the Corinthians should bee the Epistle of Paul and S●sthe●es , and his Epistles to the Colossians , and Thessah●ian● , the Epistles of Paul , of Timothy , of Silvanus , whereas Sosthenes , Timothy , Silvanus were not immediatly inspired collaterall writers of these Epistles with Paul , but onely joyners with him in the salutation . The erring and scandalous Churches are in a hard condition , if they cannot bee edified by the power of jurisdiction in presbyteries . Object . But it never or seldome in a century falleth out , that a Church is to bee excommunicated , and Christ hath provided Lawes for things onely that fall out ordinarily . Answ. It is true , wee see not how an whole Church can bee formally convented , accused , excommunicated , as one or two brethren may bee , in respect all are seldome or never deserted of God to fall into an atrocious scandall , and wilful obstinacie , yet this freeth them not from the Law : as suppose in a Congregation of a thousand , if five hundreth bee involved in libertinisme , are they freed , because they are a multitude , from Christs Law ? or from some positive punishment by analogie answering to excommunication ? 2. The Eldership of a Congregation being three onely , doth not seldome scandalously offend , and are they under no power under heaven ? The people may withdraw from them saith the Synod of New England , what then ? so may I withdraw from any who walketh inordinately , 2. Thes. 3. 14. 15. ( 3 ) It is not well said that Christ giveth no Lawes for sinnes that seldome fall out . What say you of Anathema Maranatha , 1 Cor. 16. 22. to bee used against an Apostate from the faith , and against such as fall into the sinne against the holy Ghost ? I thinke visible professors capable both of the ●nne and the censure , yet I thinke it falleth seldome out , it fell seldome but that an Apostle was to bee rebuked , ha● Paul then no law to rebuke Peter . Gal. 2. Object . 2. A Synod or presbytery may pr●nounce the d●●dfull sentence of non-communion against persons and Churches 〈…〉 . Answ. But I aske , where is the power , and institution from Christ , that one private man , as hee may counsell his brother , so hee may by our brethrens grounds , pronounce this sentence . Object . 3. One private man may not doe it , to a whole Church , ●● a classicall Presbytery and a Synod hath more authoritie over him , then hee hath over them . Answ. One private man may rebuke another , yea bee may plead with his mother the whole Church , that hee liveth in , for her whoredomes , Hos. 2. 2. But if hee justly plead and his mother will not heare , may hee not separate ? Our brethren of New England , I thinke , shall bee his warrant to separate ; for their sixth Synodicall proposition saith , the fraternitie , and people are to separate from the Eldership , after they refuse wholesome counsell . Now what Scripture warranteth twenty to withdraw and separate , shall also warrant ten , and five , and one , for no reason that if twentie bee carelesse of their salvation in the dutie of separation , and shall not separate , that one man shall not separate ; because a multitude doth evill , I am not to doe evill with them . Object . 4. But a Synod or a classicall presbytery hath more 〈◊〉 and authoritie , then one private man , or one single Congregation . 1. Because they are a company of Elders , to whom , as to the Priests of the Lord , whose lips should preserve knowledge , the ●●yes of knowledge , and consequently a power and Synodicall authoritie is given , though they have no power of jurisdiction . 2. Because as a private mans power is inferiour to a Pastors , so is the power of classicall and Synodioall meeting of Elders above a man , or a single congregation ; and a Synod , in dogmaticall power , ariseth so higher then these , ●● divine institution doth fall upon it . Answ. The power of order and the key of knowledge doth elevate a Pastor , whose lippes doth preserve knowledge , above a private Christian , yea as I conceive above a multitude of beleevers ; but I would know if a Synods dogmaticall power bee above the power of single congregations ; I thinke it is not , by our brethrens ●enents , for they say expresly a that every particular 〈…〉 , jus , to decide dogmaticall points , and this ●ight the Church of Antioch had , Act. 15. and laboured to end that 〈…〉 in her selfe , which sheweth that they had right and ● we , but they had not habilitie , and therefore in that case , they 〈…〉 , light and advise from other Churches , and they say b The c●niociation of Churches into classes and Synods , wee 〈◊〉 to bee lawfull , and in some cases necessary ; as namely in things 〈…〉 not peculiar to one Church , but common to all . And likewise when a Church is not able to end any matter , that concernes onely themselves , the● they are to seek advise & counsell from neighbour Churches : hence the power of Synods is only by way of counsel and advise , & a Pastors advise is but an advise , & he giveth not his advise , virtute 〈◊〉 , as he is a Pastor , for then his advise should bee pastorall and auth●●itative , and proceeding from the power of order , though not from the power of jurisdiction ; hee onely giveth his advise as a gifted and inlightned man , and so , to my poore knowledge , two hundreth , five hundreth holy and learned Pastors determining in a Synod any dogmaticall point , they sit all there not as in a court , not as Pastors , for then their Decrees should have pastorall authoritie , and some power formally ministeriall to determine , yea and to sway , in a ministeriall way , by power of the keyes of knowledge , all the inferiour Churches , whom the decree concerneth , even as the Eldership of Perg●mus , which to our brethren is a congregationall Church , doth decree by the dogmaticall power of the keyes of knowledge that the doctrine of Balaam is a false doctrine , therefore they sit there as gifted Christians , and so have no Church-power more then a private brother or sister of the Congregation hath toward , or over another : for though a multitude of counselling and advising friends be safer and more effectuall to give light , then a counselling friend , yet are they but a multitude of counselling friends , and the result of all counselling and advising men doth never rise higher then a counsell and advise , and can never amount to the nature of a command : as twenty sch●●●-fellowes , suppose as ●udent and wise as the twentie masters of an Universitie , if these twentie schoole-fellowes give their advise and counsell 〈◊〉 a weightie businesse that concerneth the practise and obedience of all the students , the result of their counsell and advise can never bee more then an advise , and cannot amount to the same determination of the twentie masters of the Universitie , the result of whose determination is a soveraigne commandement and an authoritative and judiciall decree and statute to all the whole Universitie . 2. Whereas these Godly brethren say the power of Synods in things which belong to particular Churches is but a counsell and advise , they should have told their mind , whether or no the Synod hath more then advise and counsell in things that are not peculiar to one Church , but common to all the Churches in that bounds , for it would seeme that a Synod is a colledge of commanders in dogmaticall points , that doe equally concerne all Churches ( this should have beenespoken to ) though in those things which are peculiar to each particular Church , they bee but a colledge of friendly advisers and counsellers . 2. If a Synod bee but a societie of counsellers , they have no more any authoritative power to pronounce the sentence of non-communion , against any single Congregation or private man , then a private man or a single Congregation hath authoritative power to pronounce that sentence against them : but 3. You make the Synodicall power so above the power of private Christians in counselling , as that this Synodicall power is of divine institution , as you say , but let me aske what to doe ? to counsell and advise onely ? then that power of counselling in Abigail to David , in one brother or sister to another brother and sister is of divine institution , warranted by the Law of nature , Levit. 19. 18. by the Law of charitie , by the communion of Saints , Col. 3. 15. 1 Thes. 5. 14. Heb. 3. 13. Heb. 10. 24. Mal. 3. 16. Zach. 8. 21 , 22 , 23. for there is a divine institution , for one brother to counsell and teach another . But if our brethren give a positive power to a Synod , to advise and counsell , which private Christians have not , then this Synodicall power shall not bee different from the power of private Christians gradually onely , as a lesser power to advise differeth from a greater power , but specifically and in nature . And indeed some of our brethren teach so , though I doubt if their brethren will returne them thankes ; for this way , which to me is doubtsome . For then the members of the Synod at Jerusalem , seeme to mee , to bee more then counsellers , and there must bee a positive institution by our brethrens grounds to warrant a power Synodicall sentially different from a Church-power , and essentially above it : for wee teach that because a congregation is a part of a classicall Church , and a classicall Church a part of a provinciall Church , that this power in Congregations , Presbyteries , and Synods differ onely gradually , in more or lesse extention , and by the way . Whereas some derive all Church-power from a single congregation to presbyteries and classes , ascendendo , by ascending , others derive it from presbyteries to a Congregation , descendendo , yea and some from the Catholick visible Church to nationall assemblies , and from nationall assemblies to provinciall Synods , and from Synods to Presbyteries , from Presbyteries to Congregations ; I , with reverence of the learneder , doe here conceive , that there is no such cursory derivation to bee dreamed of ; but because the Catholick visible Church is the great organicall body whereof Christ Jesus God blessed for ever is head and King , & it is to●um integrale , therefore there is no derivation either by climbing up staires , or going downe , but Jesus Christ hath communicated his power to this great politicall body , and all its parts immediatly ; to a Congregation hee hath given , by an immediat flux from himselfe , a politicall Church power intrinsecally in it , derived from none but immediately from Jesus Christ , and the object of this power is those things that concerne a Congregation ; and that same head and Lord hath given immediatly an intrinsecall power to the Presbytery , in things that are purely classicall , and that without either the intervening derivation of either a Congregation that is inferior to the Presbytery , by ascending , or without any derivative flux of a Synodicall , nationall or Catholick visible Church , by descending ; and the like immediatly conveyed power politicall commeth from this glorious head to a Synodicall , or nationall , or the Catholick visible Church , and the reason is , the very nature of the visible Church which is totum integrale , a great integrall intire body , now we know that life commeth to the thighes immediatly from the soule , neither by derivation from the feet and legs , by way of ascending , nor yet from the armes , brea●s , and shoulders , by descending . I deny not but here there may bee in other considerations , some order ; as , if you aske which is t●● first Church ; I answer with these distinctions of primatus , firstnesse . 1. The first Church , by way of constitution , is a congregation , in the family of Adam and E●● . 2. The first Church , by way of divine intention , is the Catholick Church . Hence secondly , The first Church , by generation , or the order of generation , and so the lesse perfit , is a Congregation , and here is an ascension still from the part to the whole , from a Congregation to a Presbytery , from thence to a provinciall Church , from thence to a nationall , from thence to the Catholick Church . And the first Church by way of perfection , is that Catholick Queen and Spouse which Christ is to present to the Father , without sp●● or wrinkle , and all parts are for this perfect whole , all the ministery , ordinances , the dispensation of the worke of redemption , Christ , his death , resurrection , intercession , &c. are for this as the end , the perfectum totum , Ephes. 5. 25 , 26. Ephes. 4. 11. 12. 13. 1 Cor. 15. 23 , 24. Hence thirdly , if wee regard the order of operation ; The Congregation is primum movens , and primum operans , for all the motions of the Catholick-Church beginneth at the inferior wheeles and at the lower spikes , if a generall councell bee to inact any thing , motions must begin at the single Congregation at Antioch , at Jerusalem , and from thence ascend to a Preshytery , and from thence a nationall Church is to send their Commissioners to act in a Catholick councell , though if wee looke to the power it selfe , it is intrinsecally in the whole and in every part of the Catholick Church . The fourth distinction considerable here is , that wee are to regard either , 1. The order of nature , Or 1. The order of the inhesion of this power . or 2. The order of time . Or 2. Of the reall derivation of 〈◊〉 power . If wee respect the order of nature , the power , by order of nature , is given by Christ immediatly , first to the whole Catholick Church , as is proved before at length , and by this order of nat●●● inhereth first in the whole Catholick Church , as mans organized intire whole body is , by natures order , the first adequat and principall subject of life and the reasonable soule , not this ●● this part , but in regard of order of time , or reall derivation of 〈◊〉 , this whole power is immediatly conferred by Jesus Christ on the whole Catholicke visible Church , and to every part of it , and any reall derivation of power from one part of the Catholick Church to another by ascension or descension is not to bee dreamed of here . As Commissioners of cities and shires have from those cities and shires who choosed them a virtuall power Parliamentary , yet is it not formally a power Parliamentary while the Parliament receive them as formall members , and then , by Law of the State , there falleth on them a formally parliamentall power : so Commissioners have from their Churches which sent them , onely a virtuall or radicall power , but they have never a formally Synodicall power , by virtue of a divine institution , while they bee convened in Christs name Syn dically . It is true , the members of a generall councell derive their virtuall power to voyce , and conclude from the na●●●n●ll Church that sent them to the councell , but give me leave , this is but a derived power of membership making them fit to bee incorporated in a Synod , but being once incorporated , they have by their power of order , and by Christs immediate institution , a power immediatly given by Christ , in whose ●ames they conveene , to voyce and conclude as a formall coun●●● , and to say , It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us ; they cannot say , 〈◊〉 good to the Churches that sent us . The 5. distinction is , that the power is considered either ●exercised ordinarily , or 2. occasionally . In regard of the ●●mer ordinary power is seated collaterally in the Congregation and Presbytery , in each according to its proportion of power , but because the power is compleater in the Presby●● , which is a compleat body , and lesse compleatly in the Congregation , which is lesse compleat , it is more principally seated in the Presbytery ; in regard of the latter Synods are the first subject of the occasionall Church-power , in things which ●e in common belong to many Presbyteries , or to a nationall - Church . But to returne , if the Synodicall power bee different in essence and nature and not gradually onely , from the counsell and advise of Christians , then , first , it is not a determination that bindeth , by way of counsell and brotherly advise onely , but under some higher consideration , which is as like a Church-relation of Church-power , as any thing can bee , seeing here bee Pastors acting as Pastors ; 2. formally gathered in a councell ; 3. speaking Gods Word ; 4. by the holy Ghost . But this shall bee against the Church-government of New England . a 2. If it bee essentially different from an advise and councell and warranted by divine institution , why doe not our brethen give us Scripture for it ? for if they give us Act. 15. then can they not say that the Apostles in this Synod did determine and voyce as Apostles by an Apostolick , and immediatly inspiring Spirit , for the spirit Synodicall is a spirit imitable and a rule of pertually induring moralitie in all Synods , and must leade us , for an Apostolick spirit is not now in the world . 3. As they require a positive divine institution , for the frame of a Presbyteriall Church in power above a Congregation , and will not bee satisfied with the light of nature , which upon the supposall of a spirituall government instituted by Christ in a Congregation which is a part , may clearely , by the hand , lead us to the inlarging of that same spirituall government in the whole , that is , to a number of consociated Churches which are all interessed , as one common societie in a common government , so they must make out , for their Synod endued with dogmaticall power a positive divine institution . 4. We desire a warrant from the Word why a colledge of Pastors determining by the Word of God as Pastors having power of order and acting in a colledge according to that power , should not bee a formall and ordinary great Presbytery . 5. How can they , by our brethrens determination , exercise such pastorall acts out of their owne Congregations towards those Churches to which they have no pastorall relation , virtute potestatis ordinis ? 6. How can the wisedome of Christ , ( who provideth that his servants bee not despised , but that despisers in a Church way should bee censured , 1 Tim. 1. 19 , 20. ) cloth his messengers in a Synod with a power dogmaticall and deny all power of i●●●diction to them , upon the supposall that their determinations be rejected ? I feare there bee something under this , that none are to bee censured or delivered to Satan for heterodox opinions , except they erre in points fundamentall . But farther it may bee made good that a power dogmaticall is not different in nature from a power of jurisdiction , for we read not of any societie that hath power to meet to make Lawes and decrees , which have not power also to backe their decrees with punishments : if the Jewish Synedry might meet to declare judicially what was Gods Law , in point of conscience , and what not , and to tie men to it , they had power to conveene and make Lawes , farre more may they punish contraveners of the Law , for a nomothetick power in a societie which is the greater power and is in the fountaine , must presuppose in the societie the lesse power , which is to punish , and the power of punishing is in the inferior judicature , so a nomothetick power ministeriall cannot want a power of censuring . It is true , a single Pastor may ministerially give out commandements in the authoritie of Christ , but hee cannot his alone censure or excommunicate the contraveners of those commandements , but it followeth well in an assembly hee hath power to censure and excommunicate , now here Pastors and Elders are in an assembly . It is objected ; Pastors in a Synod have no jurisdiction as Pasters ; for what they doe as Pastors that they may doe there alone , and on ; of a Synod : but they doe not , nor cannot determine and give out Canons there alone , and they cannot there alone determine juridically ; therefore they doe not wholly and poorely as Pastors in relation to those Churches , give out these decrees , yet doe they not give out the decrees as privite men wholly , but in some pastor all relation , for Pastors as Pastors have something peculiar to them in all Churches whither they come to preach so as a speciall blessing followeth on their labours , though they be not Pastors in relation to all the Churches they come to , even as a Sermon on the Lords day is instamped with a more speciall blessing b●●●use of Gods institution imprinted on the day , then a Sermon preached in another day . Answ. This argument is much for us , it is proper to acts of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall that they cannot bee exercised by one onely , but must bee exercised by a societie , now a Pastor as a Pastor his alone without any collaterally joyned with him exerciseth his pastorall acts of preaching and of administrating the Sacraments , but those who give out those decrees , cannot give them out Synodically , but in a Synod and Court-wayes as forensicall decrees , and so in a juridicall way , and because Pastors , whither so ever they come , doe remaine Pastors . 1. The Apostles are not in this Synod as Apostles , Secondly , nor yet as gifted Christians to give their counsell and advise ; nor , thirdly ( as this answerer granteth ) meerely as Pastors , then it must follow that , fourthly , they are here as such pastors conveened Synodically , by divine institution , and that this is the patterne of a Synod . Object . 2. But there is no censuring of persons for scandalls in this meeting , because there is nothing here but a doctrinall declaration of the falsehood of their opinion who taught a necessitie of circumcision ; and that all is done by way of doctrine and by power of the Keyes of knowledge , not of jurisdiction , is cleare from the end of this meeting , Act. 5. 2. Paul and Barnabas were sent from the Church of Antioc● unto Jerusalem unto the Apostles and Elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning this question , and v. 6. the Apostles and Elders came together to consider , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of this matter , consideration of questions being the end of the Synod is a thing belonging to doctrinal power meerely , so Mr. Mather . Answ. 1. It is false that there is no censuring of persons here , for to say nothing that Peter accuseth those of the wrong side as personally present at the Synod , either being summoned or comming thither by appeale , v. 10. Now therefore why tempt ye God to put a yoake upon the necke of the Discip'es , &c. which reproofe comming from one man onely , cannot be called a Synodicall reproofe ; It is more then evident that the publick Synodicall censure of rebuke is put upon those who held and urged the necessitie of circumcision , and why not excommunication also in case of obstinacy ? for the Synodicall censure of a publick Synodicall rebuke is onely gradually different , not specifically from excommunication and both must proceed from one and the same power ? Now the Synodicall censure is evident in the Text , v. 24. certaine went out from us , ( so it is cleare they pretended they were in this point followers of the Apostles ) and Lorinus thinketh that some deemed them schismaticks . 2. They have troubled you with words ; Lorinus citeth the Sy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vedalacachum , they have terrified you , as if your salvation were not sure , except you keepe Moses his Law of ceremonies and the morall Law. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , destraying by false arguments your soules , it is a word contrary to building up in sound knowledge ( as Aristotle taketh the word ) saying that you must bee circumcised and keepe the Law. 4. They abused the name of the Apostles as having an Apostolick commandement , and so a divine warrant for their false doctrine , and therefore are they refuted as liars , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence it is cleare they did labour to prove a necessitie of circumcision not onely from the old Testament and an expresse divine Law , but also from the authoritie of the Apostles , which was manifestly false ; out of which I argue thus . If the Apostles doe not onely in a doctrinall way refute a false doctrine in this Synod , but also in a Church-way , and by a juridicall power rebuke and Synodically charge the authors , as sub●erters of soules , and liars , then they doe not onely use a meere doctrinall power in this Synod , but also a juridicall power : but the former is true : Ergo , so is the latter . 2. Observe two things in these obtruders of circumcision . First , the error of their judgement . It is more then apparent , that they had a heterodox and erroneous opinion of God and his worship , and the way of salvation , as is cleare , Act. 15. 1. And certaine men which came downe from Judea , taught the brethren , ( and said ) except yee bee circumcised after the manner of Moses , yee cannot bee saved . This doctrine is clearely refuted both by Peter v. 10. That yoake of the Law wee disclaime , there is a way of salvation without that yoake , v. 11. But wee beleeve that through the grace of the Lord Jesus , wee shall bee saved as they , and it is synodically refuted , v. 24. wee gave no such commandement , it is not the mind of us the Apostles of the Lord that you keepe Moses Law , as you hope to bee saved ; there was for this error in their judgement required a doctrinall or dogmaticall power , and this the Synod used . 2. Besides this erroneous opinion in their judgement , there was another fault and scandall that the Synod was to censure , to wit , their obtruding of their false way upon the soules and consciences of the Churches , as vers . 1 They taught the brethren this false doctrine . 2. That they wilfully and obstinately did hold this opinion , and raised a Schisme in the Courch , v. 2. wherefore Paul and Barnabas had no small 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dissention , ( the word signifieth sedition which was raised by those who held that erroneous opinion ) and great disputation with them . 3. They laid a yoake upon the brethren , v. 10. and v. 7. They made great disputation against the Apostles , and v. 24. They troubled the brethren and perverted their soules . This was not simply an heterodox opinion which is the materiall part of a heresie , but had something of the formall part of an heresie , to wit , some degrees of pertinacie , of brutish and blind zeale , even to the troubling and perverting of the soules of the Churches , while as they would make disciples to themselves , and lead away soules from the simplicitie of the Gospell ; now the Synod doth not helpe this latter simply , in a Synodicall way , by a dogmaticall and doctrinall power , but by an authoritie Synodicall , and therefore they authoritatively rebuke them , as subverters of soules ; and whereas these teachers laid on an unjust yoake to keepe Moses his Law upon the Churches , v. 10. the Synod by their ecclesiasticall and juridicall authoritie doth free the Churches of that yoake , and they say in their decree . v. 28. It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us , ( not to lay the yoake of Moses his Law on you , as those who trouble you have done ) to lay upon you no greater burden , then these necessary things , &c. now if there had beene nothing to doe but to resolve the question , if this had beene the totall and adequat end of the Synod , in a meere doctrinall way to resolve the question , Whether must wee bee circumcised , and keepe the Law morall and ceremoniall of Moses , upon necessitie of salvation , as the argument of our brethren contendeth ; Peter , v. 10. 11. made a cleare issue of the question , We are saved by the grace of God , both ●●nes and Gentiles , and it is to tempt God to lay the yoake of the Law of Moses upon the brethren ; the resolving of that question is the end of the Synod , but not the adequat end , for here that , not onely the doctrinall power was to bee used , but beside that , 1. the schisme was to bee removed , and the authoritie of the Synod to bee used against the wilfulnesse and obstinacie of those obtruders of circumcision , in rebuking them as perverters of soules . 2. For the scandall which might have been taken if the Gentiles should have eaten blood and things strangled , and meats offered to idols , and therefore the Apostles and Elders behoved , as a conveened Synod to forbid a grievous scandall and a spirituall homicide against the Law of nature , to wit , that the Gentiles for feare of scandalizing weake . beleevers amongst the Jewes , should abstaine from the practise of some things at this time meerely indifferent in their nature , though not indifferent in their use , such as were to eate things offered to idols , things strangled and blood : and whereas our brethren , 3. Object , If the Apostles did any thing more then might have been done by private Pastors out of a Synod , it was meerely Apostolicall , and the Elders did but assent to the Apostles Apostolicall determination ; and every one did here , Apostles , Elders , and Brethren , more suo , Apostles as Apostles , Elders and Brethren as Elders and Brethren , after their manner as consenters to the Apostles , but other wayes it is a begging of the question , for to say the Apostles and Elders , rebuked Synodically the obtruders of circumcision , it s but said , because one Pastor might have rebuked those obtruders ; for the specification of actions must not bee taken from their efficient causes , but from their formall objects , therefore this is no good consequence , the Synod rebuked those obtruders , Ergo , the Synod rebuked them as a Synod , and by a power of jurisdiction , it followeth not , for Paul , Gal. 2. rebuked Peter ; Ergo , Paul had a power of jurisdiction over Peter . I thinke your selves will deny this consequence . I Answer , 1. These two answers are contradictory , and sheweth that our brethren are not true to their owne principles , for sometime they say the Apostles gave out this decree as Apostles , and sometime there is nothing here done by a meere doctrinall power , such as Paul had over Peter , or one single Pastor hath over another , now it is sure that Paul had no Apostolick , power over Peter , and that one Pastor have not Apostolick power over another . 2. When our brethren say here that the Apostles as Apostles by an infallible spirit gave out this Decree , they doe in this helpe the Papists , as Bellarmine , Becanus , Gr●●rut , and in particular the Jesuit a Lorinus , who saith , decr●um authenticum cujus inspirator spiritus sanct● , and so saith b Cornelius a lapide , visi●m est nob is inspiratis & decretis a Spiritu sanctus , therefore saith hee the councell cannot erre , and so c Salmeron and d Cajetan say , and expresly e Stapleton saith this Apostosack definition flowed from the instinct of the holy Ghost ; observandum ( saith Stapleton ) quanta habenda sit ecclesiae definienth authorit●s ; hence our brether here must yeeld either that all Synods are infallible , as Papists say , this Synod the patterne of all Synods being concluded by an Apostolick spirit could not erre , and so neither can councells erre , or they must with Socinians and Arminians say there is no warrant for Synods here at all . And certainly though wee judge our brethren as farre from Popery and Socinianisme , as they thinke wee detest Anti-Christian Presbytery , yet if this Synod bee concluded by an Apostolick spirit , it is no warrant to bee imitated by the Churches , and wee have no ground hence , for lawfull Synods . Whittakerus , Calvin , Beza , Luther , and all our Divines do all alledge this place as a pregnant ground not of Apostolick , but of ordinary and constant Synods to the end of the world ; and f Diodatus , good to the holy Ghost ) because they did treat of ecclesiasticall reders concerning the quietnes and order of the Church , wherein ecclesiasticall authoritie hath place , the Assembly used this tearme , it seemed good to us , which is not used , neither in articles of faith , nor in the commandements which meerely concerned the conscience : and to shew that authoritie was with holy reason and wisedome , there is added , and to the holy Ghost , who guided the Apostles in these outward things also , 1. Cer. 7. 25. 40. 2. If our brethren meane that the Elders and brethren were in this Apostolick and immediatly inspired Synodicall determination , not as collaterall penners of Scriptures joyned with the Apostles , but onely as consenters and as consenters by power of an ordinary holy Ghost working consent in them , more suo , according to their capacitie as ordinary Elders . 1. They yet more helpe the Papists because they must say onely Apostles , and so onely their successors ; the Prelates had definitive voices in this Synod , the Presbyters and Brethren did no more then Papists and Prelates say Presbyters did in generall councells of old , and therefore the Presbyter is to subscribe , Ego , A. N. Presbyter consentiens subseribo , whereas the Prelate subscribed ( say they ) Ego , A. B. Episcopus definiens subscribo ; wee crave a warrant in Gods Word to make an Apostle or a Prelate a Synodicall definer , having a definitive voyce , and the Elder Brother , or Presbyter to have a consultative voyce , for here all the multitude ( if there was a multitude present ) doe make Synodicall decrees by consulting and consenting , yea all the nation may come to a nationall Synod , and both reason , dispute , and consent , because matters of doctrine and government of the Church concerneth all , therefore all have an interest of presence , and all have an interest of reasoning ; and 3. by consequent all have an interest of consenting ; yea of protesting on the contrary , if the Synod determine any thing against the Word of God. If they say there is a threeford consent in this Synod , 1. an Apostolicall , 2. a second Synodicall agreeing to Elders as Elders , and a third , that of the people , or a popular ; What a mixt Synod shall this be ? but 1. then as the Epistle to the Tlxssalonians is called the Epistle of Paul , not the Epistle of Silvanus and Timotheus , though Silvanus and Timotheus did consent , so these ( dogmata ) or decrees should not be called the decrees of the Apostles and Elders , as they are called , Act. 16. 4. Act. 15. 6. Act. 21. 25. but onely the decrees of the Apostles ; seeing the Elders did onely consent , and had no definitive influence in making the decree , by this doctrine , as Silvanus and Timotheus were not joynt pen-men of Scripture with Paul. 3. When as it is said the specification of actions must not bee taken from the efficient cause , but from the formall object , and all that a done in this Synod might have beene done by a single Pastor . I answer , wee doe not fetch the specification of this rebuke and of these decrees from the efficient causes , but from the formall object , for an Apostle might his alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision , and made this decree materialiter , for Paul did , more his alone then this , when hee wrote the E●istle to the Romans , but yet one Pastor could not have Synodically rebuked , and given out a decree formally Synodicall , laying an Ecclesiasticall tie on moe Churches then one , there is great ods to doe one and the same action formally , and to doe the same action materially , and I beleeve though actions have not , by good logick , their totall specification from their efficient cause , yet that ordinances of God as lawfull have their specification from the efficient causes in part our brethren cannot deny . For what made the difference betwixt Aaron his fire offered to the Lord , and Nadab and Abihu their strange and unlawfull fire , that they offered to the Lord , but that the on fire had God for its author , the other had men , and the like I say of Gods feasts , and the feasts devised by Jeroboam , else if a woman preach and administrate the Lords Supper in the Church , that preaching and sacrament administrated by her should not have a different specification and essence , if wee speake morally or Theologically , from that same very preaching and celebration of the Supper performed in the Church by a lawfull Pastor ; it is ( as I conceive ) of the essence of an action Synodicall ( I say not its totall essence ) that it cannot bee performed by one in a Church-way , and with an ecclesiasticall tie , but it must be performed by many , else it is not a Synodicall action , and it is true that Paul , Rom. 14. and 1 Cor. 8. 10. hath in substance the same Canon forbidding scandall , which is forbidden in this Canon prohibiting eating of meats offered to Idolls , and blood , in the case of scandall ; but ( I pray you ) is there not difference betwixt the one prohibition and the other ? yea there is , for , Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 8. 10. it hath undenyably Apostolick authoritie , here it hath onely Synodicall . 2. There it is a commandement of God , here it is a Canon of the Church . 3. There it commeth from one man , here from a colledge of Apostles and Elders conveened , and yet materially it is the same prohibition . Object . 4. The Acts of this Synod are finaliter acts of government , because they are rules conducing for the governing of the Church , but formaliter , they are acts of dogmaticall power , and not formally acts of jurisdiction , for there is no rebuking of subverters of soules inordine to excommunication , no penall power is exercised here , sub poona , under the paine of excommunication , and therefore there an here no formall acts of government . Answ. 1. The acts of Church-government finaliter , that is , government , because to prescribe rules and directive Lawes ( for they are not properly Lawes which the Church prescribeth , Christ is the onely Law-giver ) are formall acts of governing , and one power doth not make Lawes for governing the Church , and another power different in nature punish the contraveners . And what power disposeth and ordereth , the meanes doe also dispose and order the end ; Canons of the Church tending to the edification of the Church are meanes tending to the government of the Church , and I appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren , if wee suppose that one single Congregation should doe all that this Synod doth , if they would not call it a formall governing of that particular Congregation : for example , in the Church of Pergamus , one ariseth and teacheth the doctrine of the Nicolaitans , suppose that fornication is indifferent is the eating of blood , and is no sinne ; the Angels of the Church of Pergamus preach against this doctrine , in private , they deale by force of arguments from Scripture , that it is a wicked doctrine , and destructive to holinesse , as Paul and Barnab as disputeth , Act. 15. 1. 2. with the obtruders of a necessitie of Circumcision , yet they prevaile not , now suppose this independent Church following the Apostle Pauls way , thinke good to convene a Synod or a parishionall assembly to determine Synodically that this is a wicked doctrine , and shall in their decree call the holders of this doctrine subverters of soules , and forbid fornication in their Synod , now supposing Pergamus to be a single Church in a remote Iland consociated with no neighbouring Churches , who could in reason deny that this Synodicall power so inacting were a power formally governing the Church of . Pergamus ? it is true , some of our brethren say , that it is even to us a received tenent that the power that disposeth of the meanes of governing doth not for that governe in respect that we teach that the classicall presbytery doth decree and in act , and the Congregation doth execute these Decreed , but I pray you doth this prove that the power ordering the meanes of governing is no formall act of governing ? yea the contrary is true , because the Congregation executing the acts of the classicall presbytery , as subordinat in that act to the classicall presbytery , & by their authority , therfore while they give out these acts or Canons , doe formally governe , that Congregation executing their acts , in this particular . Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson against Mr. Herle , c. 1. p. 9. teach that there is a power of clearing truth dogmatically , and that 〈◊〉 ‑ 〈◊〉 , ultimately , where the controversie is ended , but they will have this ultimate power not in a Synod onely , but also in a Congregation . But 1. they seeme to make this dogmaticall power a Church-power , and the exercise thereof formally an act of Church-government , and so it must bee Church-power and Church-government in the Synod , as well as in the Congregation . 2. The last period and conclusion of the controversie cannot bee both in the Congregation , de jure , by right onely , and in the Synod by right onely , for two last powers cannot bee properly in two subordinate judicatures , for if Antioch appeale to a Synod , as they doc , Act. 15. 2. then Antioch is not the sole , last and ultimate and finall judge ; and 3. If the controversie concerne many Churches , as this doth , Act. 15. 2. 23. 24. I see not how a Congregation , except they transgresse their line , can finally determine it . And here while as our brethren doe all edge that a Synod hath a power to decree , and make lawes , but hath no power at all to execute these Lawes or to punish the contraveners , but power of punishing is all in the single Congregation . ● . They tie all governing power to a punishing power , as if there were no other wayes to governe , but upon supposall of scandalls , whereas all Scripture and polliticians make a power of giving Lawes formally a governing power . 2. When one societie and Synod maketh the Lawes , and another must execute them and punish the contraveners , the single Congregation that punisheth , is more subjected by a truely prelaticall bondage , then if the Law-makers had onely the power of punishing the contraveners , at they onely have the power of making the Lawes . I take not here Lawes for Lawes properly so called , but for ministeriall directories having ecclesiasticall authoritie : and here in effect , our brethren lay truely a prelaticall bondage on the Churches of Christ , for they teach that a Synod may make a Law by a pastorall power , and that this Synod is an ordinance of Christ by Act. 15. and that as Prelates did , they send those Synodic●ll decrees to bee obeyed and put in execution by the Churches , and ordaine the contraveners to bee punished by the Churches , and here is a power above a power , and mandates for government sent by the Synod to the Churches to bee obeyed , and a Synod governing by Churches , this they call prelaticall in us . But 3. there is no penall power here ( say they ) and nothing decerved to bee obeyed , sub paena , under the paine of excommunication , therefore no power of jurisdiction . But this consequence is justly denyed , for no politician , no reason in the world can say that all power of jurisdiction is included in the power of excommunication . What ? hath the Church a Church-power to threaten , and no Church-power to pardon the penltent ? I think if the Church as the Church , Matth. 18. receive a power from Christ to bind in heaven and earth , doth not Christ in that same patent give to her also a power to loose in earth and heaven ? and when hee saith , if bee refuse to beare the Church , let him be to thee ● aube●hen and publican ; doth hee not give to the Church a power to command ? if hee command to heare and obey the Church , hee must give a power of jurisdiction to the Church to command , and a power to command not penall onely , but promissorie also , to loose and absolve upon condition of prosessed repentance . Now suppose the Church make a Law , that theresurrection of the dead is a truth of God to bee beleeved , and professed , upon occasion that in the Congregation Hymeneus & Alexander den yeth that Article , in that very Commandement doctrinall the Church doth governe the whole Congregation , and exerciseth a power of formall governing , though in their act they say nothing of the censure of excommunication , to those who shall deny that Article of the resurrection , for ( I hope ) a simple sanction maketh a Law , though no penaltie bee expressed in it , and though there had beene in the Decree , Act 15. 28. an expresse punishment , this should , to our brethren prove no power of jurisdiction exercised by many , for this which is said , Gal. 1. 8. Though wee or an Angel from heaven preach unto you ( another Gospel ) then that which wee have preached let him bee accursed , and that 1 Cor. 9. 16. Woe unto mee if I preach not the Gospel , and many other threatnings in Scripture , though a punishment bee annexed expressely , cease not to bee meerely doctrinall , and are not threatnings importing formally any power of Church-jurisdiction , and therefore though mention should have beene made of a censure , if there bee not here a Synod . 2. Having power and authoritie from Christ. 3. Commanding by the holy Ghost , ( as these indeed are all here ) the name of censure should prove no power of jurisdiction . Object . 5. The laying on of the yoake spoken of , v. 28. is a meer● , doctrinall yoake , and it importeth no more a poner of jurisdiction , then we can conclude that the obtruders of circumcision bad a power of jurisdiction , because they are said to lay on a yoake also , and to tempt God in so doing , vers . 10. Answ. I retort this reason , for we can then no more conclude that the Apostles by an Apostolick authoritie layd on this yoake , then wee can conclude that the obtruders of circumcision did lay on this yoake , because they are said to lay on a yoake and to tempt God , v. 10. It is a most unequall reasoning to argue against a iust Synodicall power from a sinfull and unjust power , for these obtruders of circumcision had no lawfull power at all to lay a yoake on the Disciples , but sinned and tempted God in laying on that yoake , but it is not denyed by our brethren , but the Apostles and Elders had a lawfull power to lay on a yoake in this Synod , onely it is controverted whether it bee a meere dogmaticall or doctrinall power , or if it bee a power of jurisdiction , nay the obtruders of circumcision by neither of these two powers layd on a yoake upon the Dsciples . Object . 6. These decrees which did no other wayes bind the Church of Jerusalem , then they did bind all the Churches of the world , cannot bee decrees of power of jurisdiction over the Church of Jerusalem , and over the Church of Antioch . But these decrees did no otherwise bind the Church of Jerusalem , then they did bind all the Churches of the world , for the decrees of Apostles and Elders at Jerusalem , Act. 6. 4 , 5. were sent to all the Churches of the world to bee observed , and seeing they could not as Synodicall Canons obliege all the Churches of the world , by an ecclesiasticall tie , because all the Churches of the world sent not Commissioners , and all the Churches of the world couldnot be represented in this Synod , but onely the Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch ; yea wee see not that this Synod is any more then the Church of Antioch seeking counsell from the sister Church at Jerusalem ; as one Church may advise another Church that is weaker in knowledge , in a matter of such difficultie , because the Apostles were at Ierusalem , and that 〈◊〉 . 1. The whole Canons are ascribed to the Church of Jerusalem onely , to the Apostles , Elders and the whole Church , Act. 15. 22. and Act. 15. 22. and Act. 16. 4 , 5. and Act. 21. 25. the Elders of Jerusalem take this act or canon to themselves . 2. It cannot be proven that the Churches of Syria and Cilicia had any commissioners he●● , farre lesse had all the Churches of the Gentiles , who yet are commanded to keepe those decrees by commissioners there , C. 15. 19. Act. 21. 25. Act. 16. 4 , 5. 3. It cannot bee proven that Antioch sent Elders to this meeting , but onely Commissioners , Act. 15. 2. Answ. This answer is much contradicent to what our brethren other waies hold , for if it be a patterne of a sister Church , giving advise and counsell to another , this is imitable to the worlds end , and if the Canon come from the Apostles as Apostles it is not imitable . 2. That one sister Church can lay burdens on another , and give out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decrees to bee kept is unwarrantable ; now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are called by all that understandeth Greeke , are not friendly advises of brethren ; the Seventie Interpreters use the word , Daniel 6. 26. to expresse a Law made by Darius , Luke useth the word , c. 2. 1. saith a decree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came from Augustus Caesar to taxe all the World. 2. It is a graver businesse then we can thinke of , to beleeve that these who onely give advise and counsell , and must conveene in a Synod , as Apostles and Elders doe here , v. 23. ( 2 ) that they can say as it is v. 28. It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us to lay no other burden on you then t●●se necessary things , for a counsell or advise can never amount to the burden imposed by the holy Ghost speaking in a Synod : 2. It is denied that this decree oblieged the Church of Jerusalem no other way then it oblieged all the Churches of all the world , for here bee three sorts of Churches , and three sorts of Churches are under a tie by this Synod ; first , Jerusalem , secondly , Antioch , Syria and Cilicia , thirdly , universally all the Churches of the Gentiles . The Church of Jerusalem have formall commissioners , here under an ecclesiasticall tie as concerning the faith of the things contained in the decree , that it is lawfull for the Gentiles to abstaine from things offered to idolls , from things strangled , and from blood ; and they were simply under a tie both of the seventh Commandement , and by the fifth Commandement , to abstaine from fornication , because the Synod had forbidden it . 2. They were under a tie by due proportion , not to keepe the Law of Moses and not to bee circumcised by any necessitie of a Divine Law , but onely by permission to use these ceremonies for feare of scandall . 3. They are tied by proportion also to give no offence in things indifferent . 4. Not to reject the Gentiles whom the Lord had called to his heavenly kingdome , as well as the Jewes . 2. These Churches of the Gentiles who never heard of the Synod , and so were not oblieged to bee there in their Commissioners or not tied at all by this Decree , by vertue of any ecclesiasticall tie , but are onely tied by the Law of Nature , not to abuse their libertie in the use of things in their owne nature indifferent , and so this is false that the Church of Jerusalem was tied no other way by these acts then all Churches of the world , for some of the Churches of the world were not tied at all , by any ecclesiasticall bond , but onely for the necessitie of the Law of Nature . 3. Jerusalem , Antioch , Syria and Cilicia were tied by an ecclesiasticall tie , because Jerusalem and the Churches of Antioch had here Commissioners , for Antioch sent Paul and Barnabas with certaine other of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this must relate to Pastors and Elders , if Syria and Cilicia had no Commissioners here , as certainly they were oblieged to send Commissioners , as well as Antioch , seeing their case was one with Antioch , v. 23. and they could not but heare of this Apostolick remedie to remove the scandall of false Doctrine , and therefore their Commissioners were either here , or then they were oblieged to bee here , and here wee have the true essence of a Synod , to wit , a meeting of the Churches of Antioch and Jerusalem at Jerusalem to determine of this question . But that the Church of Jerusalem did not determine all the businesse in a Presbyteriall way , and that others had hand in it , is cleare . 1. Because Paul and Barnabas and others with them are expresly sent from Antioch to Jerusalem as Commissioners and Elders , and here they reason and voyce , as is cleare , ch . 15. v. 12. v. 22. v. 28. ch . 16. 4. ch . 21. 25 , 26. and the Acts and Decrees are ascribed to all the Apostles and Elders who were present at the councell , ch . 14. 4. ch . 15. v. 22. v. 12. and amongst these were Paul and Barnabas , with certaine others sent from Anti●b , Act. 15. 2. and the Elders of Jerusalem , Act. 21. 25. with the Apostles , Act. 16. 4. ( 2. ) the reasons alledged are false , for Act. 16. 4. Act. 15. 22. Act. 21. 25. the Acts and Synodicall Decrees are not ascribed to Elders of Jerusalem onely , but to the Apostles who were not Elders at Jerusalem , and to the Elders in Jerusalem , Act. 16. 4. not of Jerusalem . 3. It is no matter though it cannot bee proven that the Churches of Syria and Cilicis had no Commissioners there , for first , the contrary cannot bee proven ; secondly , they ought to have had Commissioners here ; thirdly , the Acts are sent to them conjunctly with Antioch , and messengers to report the mind and sense of the Assembly as to Antioch , v. 23. ( 4. ) It is but a groundlesse conceit to say that Paul and Barnabas came to the Synod as Commissio●●●s , or as servants to receive information , not as Elders to give their decisive voices , because Paul carried himselfe in the assembly as Peter and James who were Elders in the assembly , and they being Apostles , the decrees are ascribed to the Apostles without any distinction , Act. 15. 28. Act. 16. 4. And if Paul and Barnabas , and Silas a Prophet of the Church at Antioch , Act. 15. v. 32. with Judas , v. 27. also a Prophet , had beene onely Commissioners and servants of the Church at Antioch , and not Elders and members of the Assembly , how could they have voices in the Church or Congregation of Jerusalem ? for the messengers of one Congregation hath not place to voyce in another Congregation . 2. It is said expressely , It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders , with the whole Church to send chosen men of their owne , with Paul and Barnabas , namely , Judas surnamed Barsabas , and Silas , chiefe men , ( leading men ) amongst the Brethren ; now I desire to bee resolved in two ; 1. how Judas and Silas were men of their owne company 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , certainly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must relate to the Assembly , to wit , to Elders and Apostles , by all good Grammar , and how are they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Captaines and leading men amongst the Brethren , which brethren are certainly these mentioned in the same verse , Apostles , Elders , and the whole Church , and these mentioned in the next verse , 23. Apostles , Elders and Brethren , that is , chosen men of this Assembly ; now it is evident that Judas and Silas were no part of Elders of the Church of Jerusalem , but Prophets at Antiab , v. 32. and members of that Presbytery spoken of Act. 13. 1 , 2. and Act. 15. v. 35. And what power then had the Assembly to send them , and especially what power had the Eldership or presbytery of Jerusalem to send men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of their owne company who were not men of their owne company ? therefore they were called chosen men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their owne company , and leading men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Brethren , because they were members of the Assembly , and of that councell gathered together with one accord , v. 25. and not because they were naked messengers of the Church of Antioch , but Elders , Prophets , v. 32. and members of the Assembly , v. 22. 23. And when as it is said Act. 16. 4. Act. 21. 28. These decrees are ascribed to the Elders in Jerusalem . I answer they are not called the Elders of the Church of Jerusalem , as Revel . 2. 1. To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , v. 8. To the Angel of the Church of Smyrna , and v. 12. of the Church of Pergamus , and v. 18. and Act. 20. 17. but the Eders which were at Jerusalem assembled : and this doth no more prove that all these Elders were onely the Elders of the Church at Jerusalem , then it proveth that the Apostles were the Apostles of the Church at Ierusalem which no man can say : yea by the phrase of Scripture used in other places , it is cleare they were not the Elders of the Church of Jerusalem ; and for Act. 21. 25. The Elders of the Church of Jerusalem taketh those Decrees upon them , not as if they made the whole Synod , but because they were a considerable part of the Synod , for it is cleare from the story , Act. 15. that the Apostles and others were members of that assembly , and therefore , that v. 25. Wee have written and concluded , &c. must bee expounded , wee as a part of the Synod , have written , &c. and it is a Synecdoche , and the pronoune 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( wee ) includeth no Apostle but James , whereas Peter , Paul , Barnabas , Iudas , Sil●s and others Elders and Brethren were members of the Synod , yea and ( as our Brethren say , though to mee it is not probable ) the whole Church of Ierusalem from v. 22. c. 15. Object . 7. They take away the scandall in a doctrinall way only , declaring that they ought to abstaine from things scandalous . Answ. The very delivering to Satan may thus bee called doctrinall , because it is a Declaration that the mans sinnes are retained in heaven , yet it is an authoritative declaration , and if it bee meere doctrinall , one Pastor and one Prophet might have done all which this venerable colledge of Apostles and Elders disputed , reasoned , and concluded Synodically . A meere doctrinall power layeth not on burdens and Decrees . Herodian calleth such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 senatusconsult●in , and Bude●●s a man excellently skilfull in the Greeke language saith the like of it , and so doth the civill Law make it a statute of the Senate . Object . 8. The reason why Patel could not , though hee was an Apostle , determine this at Antioch , was not because hee wanted Apostolick authoritie , but because his Apostolick power was more questionable , hee not having seene Christ in the flesh , nor being a witnesse of the life , death and resurrection of Christ , then the authoritie of James and Peter who wer● eye-witnesses of Christs life , doctrine , and sufferings , and saw him visibly ascend to heaven , and the believers doubted if hee was an Apostle , and the Synod was convened to have theresolution of the Apostles , and so it was meerely Apostolicall . Ans. Though I grant there beesome truth in this , that Pauls Apostolick calling was now more question 〈◊〉 , then the rest of the Apostles ; and I easily yeeld that these who disputed with him could not rest upon his authority ; yet I deny that hence wee can inferre no Synod : for if the Apostles had convened in Synod to satisfie those who doubted of Pauls authoritie as an Apostle ; then they would have reterred the matter to James and Peter , who to these beleevers were undoubtedly the Apostles of the Lord : but if the Apostles had had no intent , but to end the controversie in a mere Apostolick way , and not intended a Synodicall and an ●clesiasticall and perpetuall remedy in such cases of controversies , in particular Churches ; I shall not beleeve that the Apostles when they were to determine by a superior , an Apostolick and infallible light , they would have joyned with them the Elders , as Act. 15. 16. to consider of the question , and that the Church of Au●ioch doubting if Paul was an Apostle , would have decreed to seeke a resolution from Elders , and that in an Apostolick way , for they sent to the Elders at Jerusalem for a resolution as well as to the Apostles , Act. 15. 2. and judge yee if the Apostles being to determine infallibly as Apostles , would joyne the falliblo and inferiour light of Elders , v. 6. and Brethren , v. 22. if tlloy had not had a mind to determine the question in a Synodicall way . Object . 9. But it is not cleare that in this act they either censure persons , or doe any thing in order to Church-censure , but onely exercise a naked doctrinall power . Answ. A doctrinall power was in a higher measure in the Apostles , then in all the Elders of the world , who were all but fallible men , and James and Peter to these beleevers , who moved the question , were undenyably Apostles , and what doctrinall power could they seeke in the Elders to whose determination , by intention both of Antioch , ch . 15. 2. and by the Apostles intention , v. 6. the question is referred as well as to the Apostles ? if the matter was not to bee ended by a formall Synod . 2. Nor can they deny a power of jurisdiction though there were no persons rebuked and censured in this Synod ; for the object of a juridicall power is not onely persons , but things of order , decencie , circumstances , questions of doctrine , as is cleare , Re●el . 1. 14. 15. & officers to be ordained , Act. 6. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2 , 3. ( 3. ) Our brethren cannot deny but the sentence of non-Communion is a censure , and a great one , yea and of kindred and blood most neare to excommunication , and that if any Churches should have ref●●sed those Canons , by this Canon the Churches might have pronounced the sentence of non-communion against them , and to pronounce this sentence is an act of government as properly so called , as to pronounce the sentence of excommunication , for it is the formall halfe of the sentence of excommunication . Object . 10. It seemeth that Apostles here determine as Apostles , for they condenme the obtruders of circumcision , because they taught these things without any Apostolick , Commandement , v. 24. They teach that you must bee circumcised and keepe the Law , to whom , wee , ( the Apostles ) gave no such commandement . Answ. This is no more a good argument to prove that the obtruders of circumcision did teach false doctrine , and were not condemned by the Apostles and Elders Synodically , then if one should say , this is not a Synodicall decree of the Church , because it is proven and made good by the Word of God , for Synodicall decrees exclude not Gods word , though they bee not formally Scripture ; for in some part of the Epistle the Apostles may well speak of themselves as distinguished from Elders and as Apostles , and yet the assembly is an ordinary Synod and not an Apostolick meeting , for if wee should argue thus , the whole Church , men and women , v. 22. sent messengers to Antioch , as the Church , and not as Apostles , our brethren would thinke it a weake consequence to inferre , Ergo , this was nothing but a Congregational , not an Apostolical meeting . Yet our brethren contend that the whole Church and single Congregation of Ierusalem did concurre in this meeting as consenters , and having power also , though not of jurisdiction ; but I wonder why our brethren should so contend that there was no power of censuring put forth in this Assembly , seeing one of their speciall answers , whereby they would prove that this it not a patterne of an ordinary Synod , and such a Synod as wee contend for , having power of jurisdiction is , that this was an ordinary meeting of the Elders and Church of Ierusalem , giving counsell and advise with the Apostles to the Church of Antioch , but I am sure the businesse of not scandalizing did as much concerne the Church of Ierusalem , and therefore in the Synod they ought to put forth power of jurisdiction , if any of their members , hearing that the Apostles contended that the ceremoniall Law did not lay a tie on the conscience of either Jew or Gentile , in foro dei , before Gods court , as the places cited by Iames prove , v. 15 , 16 , 17. ( & Peter saith expresly that God now putteth no difference betwixt Iewes and Gentiles , v. 9. but 〈◊〉 are saved through the grace of our Lord Iesus , v. 11. ) should ab ●aine from blood , to the offence of the weaker , should not this Congregation all Church condemne such , in ordine ad censuram , in order to excommunication ? yea the Eldership and Congregation of Jerusalem here convened as our brethren say , should have failed in this first Synod , and also the Apostles with them , if they neglected to exercise juridicall power over their owne Congregation in the case of scandall , and a scandall as possible to them to fall in as the Gentiles , and therefore either this assembly consisting of Apostles and of the particular Church of Ierusalem erred , which wee cannot say , or then they did exercise power in order to excommunication towards their owne Church , and so there is some juridicall power put forth in this meeting . Object . 11. Though the Apostles in this Synod proceed by way of disputing and borrow light one from another , it followeth not th●● they goe not on here as Apostles , yea though Peter and Paul d●e not say all the truth , nor fall upon that which is the conclusion of the Assembly , as I ames doth , it doth not hinder but they are led in all these Synodicull deba●e● by the infallible and Apostolick spirit , because some things are revealed to one Evangelist and to one Prophet , which is not revealed to another ; Iohn the Divine saw visions and heavenly mysteries which none of the rest of the Apostles saw , nor could write in their writings and Canonicall Epistles , yet it doth not hence follow that James , Peter , Jude and Paul in their canonicall writings and Epistles were not immediatly inspired . It is enough to make the Apostles in their writings infallible Apostles and immediatly inspired , if that which they write bee the infallible truth and canonick Scripture , though every Apostle write not all canonick truth ; now what the Apostles setteth down in this Synod is Scripture , and the object of our faith , and written for our instruction ; so something was revealed to James which was not revealed to Peter and Paul in this dispute , but it followeth not , Ergo , what Peter and Paul spake , they spake it not by immediate revelation , and what they spake is not Scripture . Answ. 1. The strength of my argument is close mistaken , for I did not argue simply from the Apostles borrowing light one from another , to prove they act not here as Apostles but as Elders , neither did I argue simply from this , James saith more then Peter doth , Ergo , Peter is not immediatly inspired in what hee saith : for I grant the Apostles borrow ●ight from the Prophets , and their writings , one saith and writeth what another saith not , and cannot write , and yet all are immediatly inspired , in what they write . But I argued thus ; when ever the Apostles are consulted with to resolve a question as Apostles & do conveen● Synodically & intend to resorve the question if the Apostles in that case , or any one of them come short of the resolution , & do not see the conclusion they intend to see , but in so sarre as they are helped on by another in a way of disputation , in that they doe not act as Apostles , but the case is so here ; 1. all were consulted with , Act. 15. 2. ( 2 ) all intended to resolve the question , and did meet together for that end to resolve it fully , v. 6. ( 3 ) yet divers of the Apostles , as Peter , Paul and Barnabas see not the resolution fully that they aimed at , but determine the question imperfectly , and so , as if Iames had beene absent , or if hee had seene no more in resolving the question , then Paul and Barnabas and Peter said , which was onely that the Law of Moses was not to bee kept by either Iew or Gentile , upon the Necessitie of salvation , but that both Jewes and Gentiles are saved by the grace of Jesus Christ ; if James ( I say ) had seene no more then this , the consciences of both sides had not beene satisfied , and the question not resolved , but the Jewes should have gone on in a totall abstinence from all ceremonies , which because of the indifference of the ceremonies , was then dangerously scandalous , and spirituall homicide , and the Gentiles should freely have eaten blood , meates offered to idols , and things strangled , which also was scandalous in a high measure to the weake Jewes , and so the matter should have beene worse after this Synod , and the controversie hotter , the fire bolder , and the scandall more dangerous then it was before the Synod , which I cannot beleeve that the Apostles as Apostles could have done ; So wee know Nathan to have spoken as a man , and not as a Prophet , when being consulted with by David anent the building of the Temple , and purposing and intending fully to resolve the question , yet resolved it amisse and quite contrary to the mind of God ; now what the penmen of holy Scripture intended to write as Scripture , that they fully wrote and no more , and what they wrote not , that they intended not to write , but leave it to others of the penmen of the holy Ghost , because the immediatly inspiring holy Ghost consulted with and intending to resolve such a canonick truth , cannot misse in his blessed intention . And also the Elders at Jerusalem were consulted with to resolve the question as well as the Apostles , as is cleare Act. 15. 2. Now if the Church of Antiech had beene minded to referre the resolution to the Apostles as infallibles Apostle , they would never have referred it to the Elders , whom they knew could erre as well as themselves , nor would the Elders have joyned as fellow-disputers with the Apostles as Apostles , as they expresly doe , v. 6. for that is as you would say , some countrey men of ordinary spirit destitute of all propheticall light concurred with Esaiah to see the visions of God ; And it is as if David as king counsell at God , whether the men of Keilah would deliver him up to Saul , had consulted with God and with Abiathar , and some foure or five Elders of Keilah voyd of all propheticall spirit , whether the men of Keilah should deliver him up to Saul , or no : for these Elders of Jerusalem and Antioch and other brethren were as voyd of an Apostolick spirit as the Elders of Keilah were of a Propheticall spirit . It were a vaine action for the Elders to joyne themselves as joynt-disputers and fellow-resolvers of the controversie with the Apostles , for the fellow-resolvers were to seeke resolution at the Apostles , who could as Apostles infallibly resolve them . 2. What the Apostles set downe is Scripture , and is the object of our faith , and written for our instruction , Ergo , the Apostles did give it forth in the Synod as Scripture , it followeth not : I may preach Scripture , and that which is the object of faith , and written for our instruction , Ergo , I preach it as an Apostle by an Apostolick spirit , it followeth not ; for so if the Elders had spoken Scripture which is written for our instruction , the Elders should have spoken it by an Apostolick spirit , which is manifestly false ; and so if the Elders of Corinth , 1 Cor. 5. should have proven in their Presbytery that the incestuous person should bee delivered to Satan , from Matth. 18. they should have spoken that in the presbytery by an Apostolick Spirit : all which are manifestly false . The holy Ghost by Luke did make it Scripture formally , but that the Apostles spake it as Scripture by an Apostolick spirit , because it is the object of our faith that Luke did insert it in the Canonicall history , is no more hence proven then one might inferre that Gamaliel by the immediate inspiration of the Spirit spake the oration that hee uttereth to the councell of Priests and Pharisees , Act. 5. 34 , 35. & c. for that is formally made Scripture by Luke his inserting of it in the Register of Scripture ; yea the words of Satan , Matth. 4. by that reason behoved to bee spoken by divine and immediate inspiration : but the truth is , wee are not to take what Peter speaketh from the Prophet Amos , Act. 15. v. 16. to bee Scripture , because Amos spake it in the Old Testament , but because Luke by immediate inspiration saith that Peter uttered these words from the Prophet Amos. Immediate inspiration maketh any saying Scripture , and not the Apostles historicall relating of it out of the writings of the Prophets , though the sayings of the Prophets as they are registred in the bookes of Old Testament bee formally Scripture , yet as cited by the Apostles they d●e not become Scripture , except these saying , bee cited , tali modo , that is , by the influence of the immediatly inspiring holy Ghost , which influence onely maketh formally any saying to bee Scripture . Object . 12. If the Apostles did not in a Synod , with the Elders dispute and voyce as Apostles , it should follow that as Apostles , they did plant Churches , but after the Churches were planted they ceased to bee Apostles , and did all as ordinary Elders , which is most incongr●o●s , for then should they descend from an infallible to a fallible spirit . Answ. The Apostles did onely use their Apostolick power , when there was need of it ; as God worketh not miracles , but in some necessitating exigence of second causes : and what they could doe by an ordinary power , when the Churches were once constituted , they did not attempt to doe by their Apostolick power ; and though their Apostolick power was in them as a habit , yet the exercise thereof was rather under the dominion of an extraordinary and immediate rapt and influence of God , then under the mastery of their owne free-will . I would aske why the Church of Antioch , no doubt most lawfully , Act. 15. 2. did send to seeke resolution at the fallible spirit of Elders , and also ( as our brethren teach ) at the infallible spirit of the Apostles ? and why did they not from their infallible and Apostolick spirit seeke out and choose seven men to bee Deacons , but remitted to the fallible spirit of the multitude who are not infallible or Apostolick in their choise , both the nomination and election of these seven men ; but the Apostles did much honour the Churches of Christ in cooperating with them , and in doing most things with their consent , that by example they might interdict dominion , and assert a ministeriall power , and make Christ most Monarch-like in the government of his spirituall Kingdome : nor did they put off , or interdict themselves , nor forfeit their Apostolick power , after Churches were constituted , but used their Apostolick power at the Commandement of that great King exalted Jesus Christ , whose Catholick Ambassadours they were , as God immediatly moved them . Object . 13. Paul exercised the power of the Keyes of knowledge upon Barbarians , and might have preached to Indians , and did pres●h to the scefling Athenians . Ergo , hee might exercise power of jurisdiction over them , and judge those who are without , it is no consequence , and against the word of God , 1 Cor. 5. 12. Yea Paul by this power dogmaticall rebuked the Athenians , Act. 17. 22. I perceive that in all things yee are too superstitious , yet Paul had no power to excommunicate the Athenians . Mr. Mather . Answ. I deny not , but there is great odds betwixt a concionall rebukin● , by way of preaching , which may bee , and is alwayes performed by one , and a juridicall rebuking by a power juridicall of the Keyes , which is performed onely by a Church-s●ci●tie : now it cannot bee denyed but the rebuking of men , because they subverted soules , v. 24. is not a meere concionall rebuking , which may bee performed by one ; 1. it is a rebuking , v. 24. ( 2 ) it is a rebuking performed by many , by a whole Synod , v. 6. v. 22. ( 3 ) It is performed by a politicall societie and body having a dogmaticall power to judge and determine in a doct●inall way , as our brethren say , and consequently as wee say , having a juridicall power , v. 25. It seemed good unto us , being assembled with one accord , to send chosen men unto you , &c. which is undenyably a politicall body , an assembled company , as v. 6. met about a question which concerneth the Churches of Christ , as is cleare , v. 2. v. 6. v. 23. c. 16. 4 , 5. c. 21. 25. compared with v. 22. hence a businesse of doctrine which troubleth the Churches of Antioch , c , 15. 2. and of Jerusalem , v. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. and Syria and Cilicia , v. 23 , 24. must bee a Church-businesse in respect of the subject . 2. The question is a Church-question in the matter of practise , it cono●rneth the consciences of the Churches in the point of taking and giving offence , in a Church-societie as this doth , v. 19. That yee trouble not them which amongst the Gentiles are turned unto God , and v. 28 , 29. compared with 1 Cor. 10. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , & c. Rom. 14. 14 , 15. this was a Church-●candall or publick offence , as touching the matter , materia qu●nt . ( 2 ) The forme and manner of deciding the controversie was a publick Church-way by the Word of God , Act. 15. so 〈◊〉 proveth , v. 7 , 8. 9. and James , v. 15 , 16 , &c. maketh good . ( 4 ) The efficient causes and agents in the question , are 1. Church - 〈◊〉 , v. 6. Apostles and Elders . 2. Church-officers conveened Church-wayes in a Church-body or societie , v. 6. c. 15. and The Apostles and Elders came together ( in a Synod , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word which cur brethren acknowledgeth doth , 1 Cor. 5. 4. note a formall Church-assembly ) to consider of this matter , and ● , 25. It seemed good to us being assembled with one accord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the very word Church is not wanting though with reverence of others , it seemeth not to bee the multitude , seeing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beeing so generall , must have its signification from the action and end , for which the meeting is intended , as before I said ) as is cleare , v. 22. It pleased the Apostles , Elders , and whole Church . 5. The action they performe , when they are met in a politicall body , is to decide a Church-controversie , that troubled many Churches , Act. 15. 2. v. 23 , 24. ( 6 ) The end is the peace and edifying of the Churches , as that the Churches of the Gentiles bee not troubled with needlesse ceremonies , as James saith , v. 19. and the good of the Churches , v. 29. from which if you keepe your selves , yee shall doe well , c. 16. 4. And ●s they went through the cities they delivered them the Decrees to 〈◊〉 , v. 5. so were the Churches established in the faith . Consider 〈◊〉 is the happy end and fruit of this Synod ; The establish●●● of the Churches . Therefore have our brethren without reason ( I speake with reverence of their learning and godlinese ) denied the word Church to bee given to a Synod , or a meeting of Elders , which to mee is cleare , Act. 15. v. 6. The 〈◊〉 sending is the Eldership of Antioch ; the Church recei●●● , v. 4. is the Eldership at Jerusalem , and cannot conveniently bee exponed of the whole and numerous thousands that ●●e●ed at Jerusalem ; the rebuking cannot then bee meerely ●●●●inall by the power of the keyes of knowledge which is exercised by one , nor are the Apostles and Elders here considered as meerely Preachers and Teachers in the Act of teacher , for why then should they not bee formally a Church and a Church-assembly , as our Brethren say , if they bee an assembly meeting for preaching the Word ? for the exercise of the keyes of Knowledge in the hearing of a multitnde is essentially an act of preaching the Word . Object . 14. This Synod declares only in a doctrinall way what is necessary , what is scandalous , the same way , that Paul doth , Rom. 14. 14 , 15. i Cor. 8. 1 Cor. 10. Answ. This Synod and Paul declare one and the same thing , Ergo , with one and the same authoritie , it followeth not ; Paul writeth , 1 Cor. 5. that the incestuous man should bee excommunicated , and this hee wrote as canonicall Scripture , by the immediat inspiration , of the holy Spirit , if then the Church of Corinth should have excommunicated him , shall it follow that they gave out the sentence of excomunication by the immediate inspiration of the holy Spirit ? I thinke not , their Churches sentence had been given out by a meere ecclesiasticall authoritie , according to the wch Churches of Christ to the worlds end doth excommunicate , following the Church of Corinth as a patterne . Obj. 15. Though these obtruders of ceremonies did pervent so●ks , v. 24. yet the Synod doth not summond them before them , nor excommuncite them , but remit them to the particular Churches to whom it properly belonged to censure , and not to any Synod , or superiour Judicature . Answ. There was no need to summon them , for these subverters of soules were personally present at the Synod , and rebuked in the face of the Synod as perverters of soules , v. 24. for if they were not present ; 1. to whom doth Peter speake , v. 10. Now therefore why tempt yee God to put a yoake on the necke of the disciples , &c. the Apostles and Elders did not impose the yoake of Moses Law upon the beleeving disciples , nor any other , save onely the obtruders of circumcision . 2. Who were they in the Synod who made much disputing ? v. 7. note the Apostles , not any save these obtruders . Ergo , they were personally present at the Synod , nor needed they to excommunicate them , for I judge that they acquiesced to the determination of James , which was the sentence of the Synod , and the great dispute spoken of , v. 7. ceased , v. 13. and the conclusion is agreed upon , 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it seemed good to the Apostles , Elders and whole Church , and there was reason why these obtruders should acquiesce , so that there was no need of further censure , for there was satisfactiou in part given to both siddes . The question was , whether or no are beleevers now to keepe the Law and the ceremonies of Moses his Law ? It was answered by the Synod , by a distinction which favoured , in part , both sides , 1. There is no necessitie that the beleeving Gentiles who are saved by grace as well as the Jewes bee troubled to keepe all the ceremonies , and this satisfied the Apostles who taught that the Gentiles were now made one people with the Jewes , and both are freed in conscience from Moses his yoake , the other part of the distinction it was this , yet there bee some ceremoniall commandements , as not to eate things offered to Idols , blood , and things strangled , ( for fornication is of another nature , and abstinence therefrom is of perpetuall necessitie , 1 Cor. 6. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. 1 Thess. 4. 3. Col. 3. 5. ) these must bee avoided , for scandals sake , by all the Jewes , but especially by the Gentiles , lest the weake Jewes , who take these to be divine commandements yet in force , take offence , and this was satisfactorie to the obtruders , and wee heare no more of their disputing , and there is an end of the controversie by the blessed labours of a lawfull Synod . 3. I could easily yeeld that there is no necessitie of the elicit acts of many parts of government , such , as excommunication , ordination , admitting of heathens professing the faith to Church-membership , in Synods provinciall , nationall or oecumenicall , but that Synods in the case of neglect of presbyteriall-Churches , command these particular Churches whom it concerneth , to doe their dutie , and in this sense the Synod , Act. 15. is to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbytery of Antioch and Jerusalem , in the case of the obstinacie of these obtruders of circumcision , but so some power of government is due to the Synod , as prescribing of Lawes and Canons for presbyteries and Congregations . Object . 16. Therefore was the Synagogue of the Jewes no compleat Church , because all the ordinances of God cannot bee performed in the Synagogue , and therefore were the Jewes commanded onely at Jerus salem and in no other place to keepe the passeover , and to offer offerings and sacrifices , which were òrdinary worship , Deut. 12. but there is not any worship or sacred ordinance , ( saith that a worthy Divine Dr. Ames ) of preaching , praying , Sacraments , & c. prescribed , which is not to bee observed in every Congregation of the New Testament : Nor is there any ordinary minister appointed who is not given to some one Assembly of this kind . So also b Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson , teachers in New England . Others say because there was a representative worship of sacrificing of all the 12. Tribes at Jerusalem , therefore all the Synagogues were dependent Churches , and Jerusalem was the supreme and bighest Church , but there is no representative worship in the New Testament , and therefore no need of Synods , as higher Churches . Answ. Surely the aforesaid reverend Brethren of New England have these words , c But it seemeth to us that the power ( of a Synod ) is not proporly a power and exercise of government and jurisdiction , but a power of doctrine , and so a Synod is rather a ●aching then a governing Church ; from which I inferre ; 1. That out Brethren cannot deny a power of governing to a Synod , but it is not so proper governing , as excommunication and ordination performed in their Congregations , but ( say I ) it is more properly governing , as to make Lawes and rules of governing , is a more noble , eminent and higher act of governing ( as is evident in the King and his Parliament ) then the execution of these Lawes and rules . 2. Our brethren incline to make a Synod a teaching Church ; but I inferre that Synodicall teaching by giving out decrees tying many Churches , as our Brethren of d New England , and the forenamed e authors teach , is an ordinance of Christ that can bee performed in no single Congregation on earth , for a doctrinall Canon of one Congregation can lay no ecclesiasticall tie upon many Churches . Ergo , by this reason our Congregations shall bee dependent , as were the Jewish Synagogues . 3. With favour of these learned men it is a begging of the question to make Jerusalem the supreme Church , and the Synagogues dependent Churches , because it was lawfull onely at Jerusalem to sacrifice , for I hold that Jerusalem was a dependent Church no lesse then the smallest Synagogue in all the tribes , for in a Catholick meeting of all Judah for renewing a Covenant with God , Ierusalem was but a sister Church , with all of Iudah , Benjamin , Ephraim , Manasseh , who 2 Chron. 15. 9. 10. 11 , 12. made up one great Church which did sweare that Covenant . Ordinances doe not formally make Churches visible , nor divers ordinances divers Churches ; profession of the truth formally constituteth a visible Church , and Church union in ordinances and government , and this was alike in the Synagogues and in Ierusalem . It was a thing meerely typicall that at Ierusalem onely , and in the Temple onely should there bee offerings and sacrifices , because in Christ God-man , all our worship and service and prayers are accepted of the Father , but ( I pray you ) did this instampe Ierusalem with any note of Church-supremacy above the meanest Synagogue in all Israel and Iudah ? I see it not , all the Synagogues and all the land were members of the nationall Church , and every one a member of his owne Synagogue , the persons processing the truth and dwelling at Ierusalem had no supremacie over the Synagogues , because they did inhabit that typicall place , but the Priests and Levites were indeed servants to all the land , in offering sacrifices , and in governing in the Synedry either the greater , or the lesse , but these professors who did constitute the visible Church at Ierusalem had no Church supremacie at all for their relation to the Temple , their cohabitation or bodily contiguitie was no Church-relation then or now ; and that these of the Synagogues behooved to worship in some solemne acts onely at Ierusalem , did no more give supremacie to the inhabitants of Ierusalem to bee a Church over them , then the Synagogues could claime supremacie over the inhabitants of Ierusalem , for the inhabitants of Ierusalem were tied to worship there , and in no other place , and to stand to the determinntion of the great Synodrie without appeale , because there was not a Catholick visible Church in the world but the Church of the Iewes ; and this argument with as great force of reason might conclude that all the cities and incorporations of England are in government dependent and subordinate to London and the suburbs , because they are subordinate to the honorable Houses of Parliament , if wee should suppone that Westminster by a standing Law of the Kingdome were the unal●erable seat where the Parliament can fit , and in no other place , which yet could prove nothing , seeing London and the suburbs are in their government no lesse subordinate to the Parliament , then the meanest village and towne in England , and therefore I see no ground , because some representative worship was tied to Jerusalem , to give Jerusalem a Church-supremacie , 2. because one Congregation doth pray for another that is under pestilence and diseases , and praises God for the deliverance from these evills which also is a sort of representative worship ( every Church and person partaking of a Christian priesthood to offer up prayers and praises one for another ) it will not ( as I conceive ) prove that one Congregation hath Church-supremacie , and power of jurisdiction over another . Because 1. all Israel was alike circumcised ; 2. all alike the called people of God , in covenant with God ; 3. all had claime to the Altar , Sacrifices , Temple , Arke , &c. 4. All alike professed their subjection to God , to Priests and Prophets in these same ordinances , whether typicall , or judiciall , or morall , therefore every Synagogue alike at Ierusalem , at Dan or Bersheba , were alike Congregationall Churches , without dependance one upon another , and all depended upon the whole nationall Church , and on the Synodries supreme , subordinate , and the Synagogue-government according to their subordinations respectively ; and I see no nationall Church in Israel peculiar to them , or typicall , more then there is a nationall Church in Scotland or England , though God put some distinguishing typicall notes upon their government , yet it never made either the invisible or visible Church of the Iewes to differ in nature and essence from the Christian Churches . Object . 17. From the power of jurisdiction , in a Synod , you may inferre a power of jurisdiction , in a nationall Church , and a power of jurisdiction in the whole Christian world , and wee know not any Politicall Church Catholick and visible in Scripture , and if then were any such Church Catholick , then might they conveene and sweart a Catholick-covenant for uniformitie of doctrine , worship , and government of the Church , as wee have done in Britaine , and this Catholick Church might impose it , upon a nationall Church , even by that same Law of proportion , by which the nationall Church may impose it on particular Churches which are parts of the Nationall Church . Answ. I see not how the consequence holdeth every way good , that as wee inferre from a juridicall power in a presbytery , the same power juridicall in a Synod , and the same in a nationall Assembly , that therefore wee may inferre the same juridicall power in an Oecumenick councell : and the reasons of the disparitie I take to bee these ; 1. The farther remote in locall distance of place that Churches bee , ( as it falleth out in the Catholick visible Church ) the danger of scandalizing one another , by visible communion , and so the opportunitie of edifying one another is the lesse , and so the communion visible is the lesse , and consequently the power of jurisdiction is the lesse . 2. An universall and oecumenick councell of all the visible Churches on earth , is an act of the visible Church which supposeth all the visible Churches on earth to bee in that morall perfection of soundnesse of faith , of concord and unitie , that some one Congregation or classicall presbytery of Elders according to Gods heart may bee in , which morall perfection perhaps is not de facto attainable , ( though it bee not physically impossible ) in this life , except wee suppose the heavenly dayes of Christs visible reigne on earth a thousand yeares , when yet there shall bee no Temple nor externall ministery , of which state I cannot now dispute , and therefore I conceive these sixteene hundred yeares there never was an integrall and perfect oecumenick councell of all the Churches on earth , and therefore if wee should dispute of the juridicall power of such a Catholick assembly whether it may impose an oecumenick and Catholick oath on a nationall Church against their will , and excommunicate a nationall Church , is but a needlesse and a Ch●mericall dispute , and it includeth two contradictory suppositions . 1. That all the Churches on earth are of one sound faith , worship , doctrine and Church-government , and yet one nationall Church is supposed to bee heterodox , scandalous , and obstinate , so that that whole nationall Church must bee constrained to take a lawfull oath and must bee excommunicated ; such an hypothesis is not possible where the Gospell is preached , for even the whole Romish Church in all its members deserveth not excommunication , in respect wee are sure God hath thousands in the bosome of that Church ; who beleeve in Christ , and doe not defend popery with obstinacie , and such an hypothesis is contradicent to the supposition of the soundnesse of faith and unitie of all Christian Churches on earth , and therefore I plainely deny that Christ hath given the like power of jurisdiction to the Catholick visible Church , that hee hath given to a nationall Church , over a provinciall Church or Synod , and to a Synod over a classical Presbyterie ; yea I much doubt if a Catholick councell can formally excommunicate a nationall Church , though such a councell may use a power analogicall like to the power of excommunication . Object . 18. But you cannot demonstrate from Gods Word , that there is such a thing in the New Testament , as a Catholick visible Church . Answ. I said something of this before , but I conceive the subject of the 1 Cor. 12. is a Catholick , visible Church , But , 1. wee doe not understand a politicall body with ordinary visible government from one man who maketh himselfe the vicar of Christ , the Pope , whose members are Cardinals , Bishops , & c. and such like . But the Catholick body mysticall of Jesus Christ , and that as visible : and 1. that the Apostle is to bee understood of an universall , not of a Congregationall and particular politick Church that meeteth in one place , is cleare ; 1. hee speaketh of that Church wherein are diversities of gifts for the good of the whole Catholick body , as miracles , the gift of prophecie , the gift of interpretation , the gift of healing , &c. of whom hee saith , v. 5 , 6. there is the same spirit , and the same God , who worketh all in all , the particular Congregation is not such an all in all . 2. Hee speaketh of such a Church as taketh in all baptized into one spirit , but this is the whole visible Church , not one single Congregation onely . 3. Hee speaketh of such a Church as taketh in all , both Jewes and Gentiles , making them one body , v. 13. and that taketh in all the world . 4. Hee speaketh of such a Church as hath an adequat and full relation to Christ , from which this Church is denominated Christ mysticall , all the beleevers meeting in one mysticall body of Christ , as lines in one center , v. 12. now a single Congregation hath not a foot to fill this measure . 5. Hee speaketh of such a body as hath need of the helpe one of another , as the head hath need of the feet , v. 15 , 16 , 17. those of a single Congregation have need of those , who are eyes and eares without the congregation . 6. Hee speaketh of such a body , as is not to separate in their members , one from another , to make a schisme in the body . v. 25. but a single Congregation ought not to separate from the rest of the great body made up of many sister Churches . 7. Hee speaketh of such a body , the members whereof must care one for another , and suffer one with another , v. 26. now single Congregations are such members of this great bodie , as must mourne with these that mourne and rejoyce with these that rejoyce , therefore one single Congregation cannot bee this whole body , but its part onely . 8. Hee speaketh of such a body in which God hath set , v. 28. Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , mi●●cles , &c. now Christ hath not wedged in Apostles the Catholick Pastors of the whole world , to one single Congregation , nor hath hee confined such a multitude of officers ordinarie and extraordinary to one single Congregation . And that hee speaketh here of a Catholicke visible Church is cleare ; 1. Hee speaketh of such a body , to which is given the manifestation of the spirit to profit withall , v. 7. this must bee a visible policie . 2. Hee speaketh of a politicall and organicall body , having eyes , eares , hands , feet , &c. which must bee a visible ministery . 3. Hee speaketh of a body capable of the seales , such as Baptisme , v. 13. We all are baptized by one spirit into one body , this must bee a visible baptized body ; discerned by the visible character of baptisme from all societies of Jewes , Pagans , and others who professe not Christ Jesus . 4. Hee speaketh of such a body as standeth in need of the helpe one of another , as the eye cannot say to the hand , I have no need of the , v. 21. this evidently cryeth that hee supposeth a visible and externall policie in this body . 5. Hee speaketh of a body so tempered of God , as that there should bee no schisme in the body , nor separation from it , v. 25. now this cannot bee a separation from the invisible body of Christ , for so hypocrites which are members of this visible body , and are often officers , as eyes and eares , yea Pastors , and Teachers remaining in the body without any schisme or separation , are yet separatists from the invisible body of Christ , and no more parts of that body , then a woodden leg or arme is a member of a living man. 6. He speaketh of that body which is to expresse its care in praying , praising , mourning and rejoycing with the rest of the members as they are in a good or adverse condition of prosperitie or adversitie , v. 23 , 26. and this must bee a visible Church praying or praising God. 7. Hee speaketh of such a Church as the fellow members may see and know by their senses , to suffer , and bee in a hard condition , or to rejoyce , as v. 25. 26. and this is more then apparently cleare to bee a visible Church . 8. Hee speaketh of such a Church as God hath furnished with severall officers , in severall orders visibly knowne to bee different officers , as v. 28. Now God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondarily Prophets , thirdly teachers , these bee parts and most eminent and considerable organs of a visible Church . And the like I might prove by divers of these arguments of that body politicall of which the Apostle speaketh , Rom. 12. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. to the end of the Chapter . These speciall exceptions there bee against this . 1. That the Church , 1 Cor. 12. is the invisible and mysticall body of Christ , because it is a body baptized by one spirit . 2. A body called Christ , that is Christ mysticall . Answ. It is true that this visible body hath also an inward and spirituall baptizing , answerable to the externall and outward baptizing , and so according to that internall and mysticall union it is an invisible body , as these reasons prove : but the question is , if the Apostle speake of the body of Christ in that notion , we deny that , for hee speaketh plainly here of the Church , as it is a politicall , organicall and visible body . Object . 2. If one should say , God hath placed in the common-wealth Emperours , Kings , Dukes , Princes and Rulers , as the eyes and eares of the Commonwealth , it should no wayes follow that all the Common-wealths in the earth are one visible civill body having a government , so though it hee said God hath placed in the spirituall Common-wealths of the Church Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , &c. it followeth not that the Church is all one spirituall , politick visible body , it followeth onely that the Lord hath placed in the Church Apostles , Prophets , Teachers indefinitly , that is , that these may bee in any one single Congregation , as it is said , James 2. 2. If there come into your Assembly , or Synagogue , a man with a gold Ring , &c. now this will not prove that all the dispersed Jewes , to whom James wrote , were all but one Congregation . Answ. 1. It is true , if any should say , God hath placed in the Common-wealth Emperors , Kings , Dukes , Princes , it should not folow that Common-wealths are one body , even Jewes , Gentiles , Barbarians , Americans , because there is not this externall union of visible Communion in the Common-wealths of the earth , as there is in the Churches ; but if one should say , God hath placed Emperors , Kings , Dukes , Princes in the Common-wealths , as in one organicall body , having one head who hath given influence to so many Orgins of head feet , hands , eyes , eares , &c. as the Apostle speaketh of this body of the Church , he should then say all the Common-wealths of the world made but one body , but this indefinite speech must , by good logick , have the vertue either of an universall or a particular proposition , as if I say ( The Church hath seated in it Apostles , Prophets , Teachers , &c. ) you meane either the Cathlick visible Church , or the particular Congregation , or 3. some Church betwixt these two : our brethren cannot say they meane of a middle Church , for then they grant ( contrary to their owne principles ) a politicall visible Church , beside a Congregation ; if they say the first , wee have what wee crave ; if they say that the Congregation hath seated in it Apostles , Prophets , they fall in the former absurditie , for God hath placed Apostles , in the whole Christian world . Object . 3. When the Apostle saith , v. 21. The head cannot say to the feet , I have no need of you ; either must wee acknowledge here that ●ee meaneth the head of a Congregation , to wit a Pastor , or a Doctor , and so hee speaketh here of a Congregation ; or if hee speake of the Catholick Church , then Estius his argument may stand in force to 〈◊〉 the Pope to bee the head of the Church ; for Estius exponing these needs ( The head cannot say to the feet , I have no need of you ) by the head of the Catholick Church ( saith hee ) you either understand Christ the principall head , or then , some mortall man , the Pope , who is a ministeriall head ; the former you cannot say , because Christ being God , and also man perfectly happy , hee may say to all the members of his Church great and small , yea to the very Angels , I have no need of you ; for hee can sanctifie and governe his Church without the ●●d , the Sacraments , or any ministers , therefore the head which 〈◊〉 in need of the feet , must bee the ministeriall head the Pope , 〈◊〉 standeth in need of the feet for the governing of the body in a ministeriall way . I answer , there is no reason for a Popish argument to leave the truth , for this argument shall no lesse militate against cur brethren , then against us , because it shall prove that there is a ministeriall head and Pope in every Congregation , which is no lesse absurd then to make a Catholick head over all the visible Catholick Church . Secondly , as for the argument it is easily answered , for the Apostle here useth a comparison from the naturall body , and there is no ground to presse every to● , lith and sinew of a comparison ; and wee deny that the word ( head ) here doth signifie literally either Pastor or Bishop , for the eye also being that which watcheth and seeth for the whole body should also signifie the Pastor , but the intent of the Spirit of God is , that the most eminent members which are as the eyes & the head , whether their eminencie bee excellencie of saving grace , called , gratia gratum faciens , or excellencie of gifts , called , gratia gratis data , they have need of the gifts and graces of others inferiors and of meaner parts , and there is neither ministeriall head , nor ministeriall feet , nor ministeriall eyes in the Text. Object . 4. To every visible Church there should bee a Paster to feed and rule that Church , if then there bee here a Catholick visible Church , thers should also be a Catholick visible Pastor , & that is a Pope . Answ. That to every Church meeting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into one place , for Word and Sacraments , there should bee one Pastor onely and a supreme one , I deny ; there may bee more Pastors then one , but that to every Catholick Church there should be one head most eminent , that is farre rather to bee denied , for this is so great a flocke that there bee a necessitie of multitude of Pastors and watchmen to attend so Catholick a flock . Object . 19. You teach that the government of consociated Churches is warranted by the light of nature , which if it bee true , surely this light of nature being common to us , in civill , as in ecclesiasticall ca●ses , then by natures light every citie governed with rulers within it selfe , is suberdinate to a Classe of many cities , and that Classe to a nationall meeting of all the cities , and the nation must in its government bee subordinate to a Catholick or ●ecumenick civill court , and this same way may appeales ascend in civill courts ; and because by the same light of nature ( saith Mr. Mather , and Mr. Thomson ) there must bee some finall and supreme judgement of controversies le●t ●ppeaks should bee spun out in infinitum , it must bee proved that this sup●em 〈◊〉 lyeth not in a Congregation . Answ. 1. Appeales being warranted by the morall counsell which Je●hro gave to Moses , in which there is nothing typicall or ●remoniall , but a patterne that all Common-wealths on earth , without any danger of Judaizing may fellow , cannot but bee ( as Whittaker hath observed ) naturall , and supposing that God hath given warrant in his word , for Monarchies , which are knowne by Gods appointment to bee independent , as also the government of all free and unconquered States are , it doth follow by the light of nature , that appeales in all states are naturall , and that God hath appointed that the supremacie should lie within the bounds of every free Monarchie or State , so that there can bee no appeale to any oecumenicall or Catholick civill Court , for that is against the independent power that God hath given to States ; but in the Church it is farre otherwise , for God hath appointed no visible Monarchie in his Church , nor no such independencie of policie within an congregation classicall , provinciall or nationall Church and therefore though appeales bee warranted both in Church and State , by the light of nature , yet appeales to exotick and forraine judicatures is not warranted by any such light , but rather contrary thereunto . 2. Church-appeales , though warranted by the light of nature , yet it is supposed they bee rationall , and grounded on good reason , as that either the matter belong not to the congregation , or then it bee certaine or morally presumed the Congregation will bee partiall and unjust , or the businesse bee difficill and intricate , and if appeales bee grcundlesse and unjust , neither Christ , nor natures light doth warrant them , yea in such a case the supremacie , from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth sometime in the Congregation , sometime in the classicall presbytery , so as it is unlawfull to appeale , for illud tantumpossumus quod jure possumus , and neither Christ nor natures light doth warrant us to unjust appeales , or to any thing against equitie and reason : but that supremacy of power should bee in a Congregation without any power of appealing , I thinke our brethren cannot teach ; for when the Church of Antioch cannot judge a matter concerning the necessitie of keeping Moses his Law , or any difficill dogmaticall point , they by natures direction , Act. 15. 2. decree to send Pau ' , Barnabas and others to Jerusalem to the Apostles and Elders , as to a higher judicature , that their truth may bee determined , and this they did without any positive law that wee can imagine : for a Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson , as also b the Author of the Church government of New England teach that the Church of Antioch had , jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficultie had not light ●o judge thereof ; Ergo they must acknowledge appeales by natures light warrantable as well as wee , for suppose wee , that a Congregation inclineth to this ( that Arminianisme is the sound doctrine of grace opposite to Stoicisme ) one man is cited before the Congregation for holding the contrary , hee knoweth all the Congregation in those points to be Pelagians , would not our brethren say , that this man so unjustly accused for holding the truth against the enemies of grace may appeale to a Synod ? I thinke they must teach this by their grounds , though by the way I thinke the brethren erre in this to teach that Antioch had power to determine the controversie , Act. 15. in this case ; 1. when the Churches of Syria and Cilicia , to their knowledge , were troubled with the like question , as v. 24. may cleare ; 2. when as the partie against the truth was so prevalent within the Church of Antioch , Act. 15. 2. as that they opposed the Apostle Pau ' , and Barnabas , also in this case I doubt much if they had power to determine a question , that so much concerned all the Churches , for that was proper to a Synod of many Churches . 2. When the greatest part of a Church , as Antioch , is against the truth , as is cleare , Act. 15. 2. I beleeve in that they lose their jus , their right to determine ea●enus , in so farre , for Christ hath given no ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for the truth , and therefore in this , appeales must bee necessary . Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson against Herle , c. 2. p. 17. 18. say we do much Judaizein that we multiply appeales upon appeales , from the Congregation to a Classe , then to a Synod , then to a nationall assembly , then to an ●eckmenick councell , and this way , while the world indureth , causes are never determined , and Synods cannot alwayes bee had , even as in Jerusalem the supreme judicature was farre remote from all proselytes , as from the Eunuch of Aethiopia , Act. 8. and from the remotest parts of the holy Land ; But God hath provided better for us , in the New Testament , where every Congregation , which is at hand , may decide the controversie . Answ. 1. The speedinesse of ending controversies in a congregation , is badly compensed with the suddainnesse and temerity of delivering men to Satan , upon the decision of three Elders , without so much as asking advise of any classes of Elders , and with deciding questions deepe and grave , that concerneth many Churches , which is a putting a private sickle in a common and publick harvest . 2. All appeales without just warrant from Christs will , wee condemne , as the abuse of appeales to a court , which is knowne shall never bee . 3. Antiochs appeale to a Synod two hundreth miles distant ( as our brethren say ) in so weighty a question , was no Judaizing , but that which Paul and the Apostles was guiltie of , as well as wee . 4. Matters concerning many Churches must bee handled by many . The Doctrine of the Presbyteriall Churches of Jerusalem , Corinth , Ephesus , Antioch , vindicated . VVEe are convinced from the numerous multitude of beleevers , and the multitude of Pastors at this famous and mother Church of the Christians at Jerusalem , to beleeve the frame and mould was presbyteriall , and that it cannot bee so much as imagined or dreamed that it was moulded to the patterne of one single Congregation which could all meet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into one place . The frame of an independent single Congregation is such as no more doe meet ordinarily in one house , then may conveniently bee edified , in partaking of one Word , and one breaking of bread , that is , one Table at the Supper of the Lord ; nor can wee imagine that the first mould of a Christian visible Church was so inconvenient as that it crossed edification and conversion , which is the formall effect of a Church-meeting : Now the multitude was such as could not , neither morally ; nor physically , meet in one house . For at one Table many thousands and multiplied thousands could not meer and therefore consider their number ; they were , Act. 1. a hundreth and twentie met in one place , but I shall not bee of the opinion that this was all , seeing , 1 Cor. 15. 6. Christ after his resurrection was seene of Cephas , then of the twelve , after that hee was seene of above five hundreth brethren ; then in one day at one Sermon about three thousand soules , Act. 2. 42. and ch . 4. 4. though they were apprehended who preached the Gospell , yet many of them which heard the Word beleeved , and the number of the men was about five thousand . I deny not but worthy Calvin saith , id potius de tota ecclesia , quam de nova accessione intelligendum , this was the whole number including the three thousand that were converted , c. 2. but first hee saith , Potius , hee inclineth rather to this opinion : but secondly the Text saith of those which heard the word , it would seeme to mee , at the second Sermon of Peter , and a Augustine , b Chrysostome , c Bed● , d Basilius , e Oecumenius , f Hieronym . g Ireneus make this number divers from the former , so doe h Cornelius a Lap. i Salmeron , k Stapletonus , ( l ) Sanctius , m Lorinus , n Lyranus , o Cajetanus ; but we shall not contend about the matter , nor yet whether the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 includeth women , which it often doth in the Greek , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Demosthenes doth also ; yet the wisdome of God in the Apostles cannot admit us to imagine that five thousand could ordinarily meet to the Word , Sacraments , and government in one house , and after this many thousands were added to this Church . 1. Our brethren say , it is one thing to say that they could not meet in one place by reason of extrinsecall impediments of persecution , and through want of a capacious and large roome , and another thing to say , that it was unpossible that they could bee one Congregation , and meet in one place , for though wee prove they could not meet because of persecution , wee doe not prove that they were so numerous that they could not conveniently meet in one place . Answ. Though it bee evident that the Apostles were persecuted , cast in prison , and beaten , Act. 4. 3. c. 5. 18. 26. 33. 40. it is as evident that they had Assemblies , and Churches meetings , Act. 2. 37. 41. 46. c. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. c. 5. 10. v. 25. now the question then is not if they could not meet , for extrinsecall impediments of persecution ; for both our brethren and wee agree in this , that they had their Church-assemblies for Word and Sacraments , then the question is upon the supposall of Church assembles , which the persecution of the Jewes then fearing the people was not able to hinder , c. 5. 26 , whether or no was the Church at Jerusalem of such a competent number , onely as that they could meet not occasionally onely to heare a Sermon , but in an ordinary Church-meeting to heare the Word , and communicate in the breaking of bread , and seales of the Covenant ; and though the want of a capacious house bee also an extrinsecall impediment why they could not meet , yet that they wanted such a capacious house as the Temple , will prove nothing , but it cannot bee said that they wanted a capacious house for the ordinary meeting of a Congregation , the ordinary and genuine use whereof is to bee edified by the Word and Sacraments , and that an ordinary house could containe such a number of thousands and multitudes as can bee edified in a Congregationall way , is denyed . 2. Our brethren say ; that they did not eate the Supper in private houses , for the breaking of bread , Act. 2. 46. was common bread , and they had the use of the Temple , and taught in the Temple , for the Senate of the Jewes durst not extend their malice to the highest , Act. 5. 26. for they feared the people , and Act. 4. 21. So when they had s●●●her threatned them , they let them goe , finding nothing how they might punish them because of the people ; for all men glorified God , for that which was done , so the people favouring the Apostles , they made use of their libertie to the full , and bad their publick meetings for Word and Sacraments in the Temple , and did meet in private houses , Act. 20. 20. in a private way , not in a Church way , So Act. 2. 47. They had favour with all the people . Answ. It is said these beleevers , v , 44. were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one place , and those who , v. 46. did eate bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from house to house , met then being in one place , and ( eating of bread from house to house ) must bee exponed as wee doe , distributively , that is , divided in small Assemblies , for the argument that we bring militateth against the eating of their common meat in houses , all being in one private house ; were three thousand in ●ne place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all at one banquet , and that daily ? 2. It is true , divers expone the breaking of bread , v. 46. not of the Supper of the Lords yet of the banquets of love where there was an assembly of many ; but v. 42. It is cleare these three thousand did receive the Supper of the Lord together , and it is so true that the Syriack hath it in his exposition thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 un●isht an●hephin bavau but luthi u●aktsa●a deu●ha●rskia , it is memorable , saith Lorinus , that hee retaineth the name of Eucharistia , it a is rendred , Et communica●ant in oratione & fractione Eucharistia , yea and b Lutherus and c Calvin both expound it so , and as d Lorinus , e Cajetanus , f Cornelius a Lapide , they bee all spirituall exercises named here . But how can wee imagine that many thousands could in one meeting communicate at one Table in the Lords Supper , and that ordinarily ? 1. What voyce could reach to so many thousands , as they did grow unto ? 2. What Table could suffice to a Congregation of so many thousands added to the Church , for the supper is a Table ordinance , and requireth Table communion , Table gestures , which the Apostles could not so soone remove and change into an Altar , that all might conveniently heare and bee edified . 3. Can wee beleeve , that seeing Congregationall meetings of fewer , and that in private houses , was lesse obnoxious to the indignation of authoritie , then meeting in the Temple , as is most evident , Act. 4. 1 , 2. and seeing the Apostles had libertie to meet , Act. 5. 26. that they would draw the first mould of the Christian visible Church , after the patterne of a convention most unfit , yea unpossible , for attaining the intended end , to w●t , edification , especially not being compelled thereunto , by an extrinsecall necessitie . Our brethren say , three thousand , five thousand might all communicate in one place , though not at one time , súccessively , as it is in many numerous Congregations ; But I answer 1. after they were five thousand , ch . 4. I dare say , taking in the hundreth and twentie , the five hundreth brethren that all saw Christ at once , 1 Cor. 15. 6. and the fruit of the preaching of the other ten Apostles , all now present at Jerusalem , when the 〈…〉 the Spirit on all flesh , joe . 2. 28 , 29. 〈◊〉 15 , 16 , 17. was now to take effect at this time , there were 〈◊〉 thousand , but after there all it is said , Act. 6. 1. The 〈…〉 were multiplyed , v. 7. And the Word of God 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The 〈…〉 Disciples grew exceedingly , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great 〈◊〉 the Priests were obedient to the faith ; how many of the people were then obedient to the faith ? could all these make on : Congregation to eate at one Table ? But 2. when they are put to this shift , to say , that they did communicate suc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Table , and ( which must bee ) not all in one day , then 〈◊〉 brethren grant there was not here such a Congregation as is , 1 Cor. 11. 20 When you come together therefore into one 〈…〉 eat the Lords Supper , 23. Wherefore my brethren 〈…〉 together to eate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tarry one for another ; when 〈◊〉 come to eate at the love-feasts , especially at the Lords Supper , saith Di●datus ; if every one of the Congregation bee to waite on while another come , then in the Apostolick Church all the Congregation came together to the Lords Supper to one place and at one time , and this is not the Congregation where of hee speaketh , 1 Cor. 14. 23. if therefore the whole Church c●me together to the same place , and all speake with tongues , 〈…〉 in th●se that are unlearned and unbeleovers , will they 〈…〉 mad ? Hence all the Congegration come together to one place , at one time , and the place was so that heathen and unbeleevers might come into their worship of the Congregation , but our brethren make the meeting of this Congregation such as they were not to s●ay one for another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all at one time , but successively , and so as the whole Congregation could not come to one place at once , but by 〈◊〉 and quarters , and fractions and divided parts , now one 〈◊〉 , or two thousand , then another two thousand the next day , for the Apostles then celebrating the supper at night and after Supper , 1 C●r . 11. 21. few thousands should bee able to communicate after Supper . 2. There was no necessitie , that these wise master-builders should divide the Church , and the first visible Church in so many parts , and this successive communion doth clearely prove our point , that there were many Congregations , for every successive fraction being a competent convention of beleevers having the Word and Sacraments , and so power of jurisdiction not to admit all promiscuously to the Lords Table , is to our brethren a compleat Church , for to it indeed agreeth the essentiall Characters of a visible instituted Church , for there is here a ministery , the Word and Sacraments , and some power of jurisdiction within it selfe , and so what lacketh this successive fraction of an intire Congregation ? But what ground for so needlesse a conjecture , that the Apostolick Church did celebrate the Lords Supper in the Temple , never in private houses ? The contrary is , Act. 20. 7. And upon the first day of the weeke the Disciples came together to breake bread , Paul preached unto them , v. 8. And there were many lights in an upper Chamber , where they were conveened , so the Text is cleare , the first day of the weeke , 1 Cor. 16. 1. was the day of the Christians publick worship , and a Augustine , b Calvin , c Lu●her , d Melancthon , Bullinger , e Diodatus ; and so f Lorinus and g Sanchius say this was the Lords Supper , who can imagine that the Apostles did bring so many thousand Christians after Supper to the Temple , to celebrate a new Evangelick feast , and that immediatly after Peters first Sermon , Act. 2. 42 ? 1. Before the Apostles had informed the Jewes , that all their typicall and ceremoniall feasts were now abolished , yea while they stood in vigor , and the Apostles themselves kept them in a great part ? was this like the Spirit of the Gospel , which did beare with Moses his ceremonies for fortie yeares ? 2. The Apostles , Act. 4. 1. are indited before the Synedry , that they taught , in the Temple , Jesus Christ : if they had with so many thousands , gone to the Temple with a new extraordinary ceremoniall ordinance as a new Sacrament , so contrary in humane reason , to all the sacred Feasts , Sacrifices , and ceremonies , should not this with the first have beene put in their inditement , that they were shouldering Moses out of the Temple ? yet are they onely accused for teaching the people ; yea Christ the Law-giver , who preached the Gospell daily in the Temple , would not take the last Supper to the Temple , but celebrated it in a private Chamber ; and Paul being accused alwayes as an enemy to Moses and the Temple , his enemies the Jewes who watched him heedfully , could never put on him , that hee celebrated a Sacrament in the Temple : as for Baptisme it being a sort of washing , ( whereof the Pharisees used many , Matth. 15. Mark. 7. ) it was performed often sub di● in rivers , never in the Temple ; wee desire any author , father , ( Ocecumenius doubteth onely ) Doctor , Divine , Protestant , or Papist , late or old , who said the Apostles celebrated the Supper in the Temple . 3. Our brethren say all , These did conve●ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for Act. 4. 31. When they had prayed the place was shaken where they were assembled together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Act. 2. 46. and they continued daily with one accord in the Temple , and breaking bread from house to house , did eate their meat with gladnesse . Answ. The place , Act. 4. 31. saith not , that all the five thousand beleevers were in that one place , which was shaken , for v. 21. that when the Apostles were let goe by the Priests and Captaines of the Temple they returned to their owne company 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to their owne , but no circumstance in the Text doth inferre that they came backe to the whole five thousand , but onely to some few of the first beleevers , that were converted before the first Sermon of Peter was made , cap. 2 , they returned , Lyra and Hugo Cardinalis , to their owne company , ad domesticos suos , and so saith Lorinus , who citeth the Syriack 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hachaiehin ad fratres suos . Salmeron , ad suos ●apostolos , sive condiscipulos & domesticos fidei , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not signifie the whole Church , but friends and domesticks , as , Mark. 5. 19. Goe home to thy own house and shew thy friends , Luke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 compared with , Luk. 8. 39. and Gal. 6. 10 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 1 Tim. 5. 8. therefore the place saith that the five thousand were gathered together in this one place which was shaken . 2. Giving and not granting that they were all conveened to prayer , it doth not follow that they did meet ordinarily in one place , for partaking of Word and Sacraments , as one Congregation , for ●oe might conveene to prayer and hearing the Word , then could meet ordinarily in a Congregationall-way . Neither will any Text inforce us to expone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , collectively , but distributively , as wee say , all the Congregations in Scotland met , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one , every Lords day , that is , every one of the Congregations is in one place , but the sense is not that all the Congregations collectively are in one place . And wee may justly aske what this place was which was shaken , it is not like that it was the Temple , that which should have beene more prodigious like , and presaged a ruine to the Temple , would not have beene concealo● by the holy Ghost , for it would have more terrified the Jewes , and the Temple is never called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine adjecto , without some other thing to make it bee knowne to bee the holy place , if it was a private house , give us leave to say it could not containe five thousand to heare prayer , farre lesse a more numerous multitude . Wee re●it it to the judgement of the wise , if the Apostles were so lazie to propagate the Gospell , that where twelve of them were present undoubtedly , Act. 4. 23 31. Act. 6. 2. and ( as many of the learned thinke , the seventie Disciples ) that eleven Apostles did heare the Word onely , and one did speake to one Congregation onely , which consisted of so many thousands , for to the five thousand , if there were no moe , c. 5. 14. mere beleevers were added to the Lord , multitudes both of men and women , who could not conveniently heare ? This I thinke not imaginable ; for 1. now the harvest was large , thousands were to bee converted . 2. The Spirit was now powred upon all flesh . 3. Christ , when hee sent the tw●lve but to Jude● , hee sent them two and two , and would have every man at worke , and the Apostles went out in twoes , Act. 13. Paul and B●rna●as and sometimes but one Peter was sent to the Jewes , Paul to the Gentiles , and the world divided amongst them , 1. of other officers Timothy is sent to Ephesus , Titus to Crete , that so they might the more swiftly spread the Gospell to all the world . What wisedome could wee imagine would lead the twelve Apostles to speake to one single Congregation met in one place , at one time ? the rest , to wit the eleven and the seventic Disciples being silent ? for in the Church the God of order will have one to speake at once , 1 Cor. 14. 31. But our reverend brethren seeing and considering well that the Church at Jerusalem could not all meet in one Congregationall way , and that they were a Christian Church , and so behoo●ed to bee a Presbyteriall Church , they doe therefore betake themselves to another Answer , for they say that this Church at 〈…〉 an extraordinary constituted Church , and 1. wanted an Eldership , and presbytery , as Christian Churches have now : 2. the government was meerely Apostolicall : 3. the constitution was somewhat Jewish , rather then Christian , for their service was mixed with legall ordinances and Jewish observances for many yeares , and therefore cannot bee a patterne of the Christian visible Church which wee now seeke . To which I answer . 1. Because our brethren consider that the Church of Jerusalem will not bee their independent Congregation , before wee obtaine it , for us , as a mould of a presb●t●riall Church , they had rather quit their part of it , and permit the Jewes to have it , for us both , but wee are content that their Congregations in some good sense bee given to them , and not to Jewes . 2. There is no reason , but the Church of Jerusalem bee a Christian Church ; 1. The externall profession of a visible Church maketh it a visible Christian Church , but this Church professeth faith in Christ already come in the flesh and the Sacraments of the New Testament , baptisme , and the Sacramentall breaking of bread , Act. 22. 41 , 42. wee desire to know how saving faith in a multitude constituteh an invisible Church , and the externall and blamelesse profession of that same saving faith doth not contitute a visible Church also ? and how this is not a Christian visible Church not differing in essence and nature from the 〈◊〉 Churches that now are , to which the essentiall note of a visible Church agreeth , to wit the preaching or profession of the sound faith : if it bee called an Apostolick and so an extraordinary Christian Church because the Apostles doth governe ●it , that is not enough , if the Apostles governe it , according to the rule of the word framing the visible Churches of the New Testament , this way the Church of Corinth , 1 Cor. 5. shall bee an Apostolick and so an extraordinary Church , which our brethren cannot say . But wee desire to know wherein the frame of this first patterne Christian Church at Jerusalem is so extraordinary , that it cannot bee a rule to us to draw the mould of our Churches according to it , for if the Apostles make it a patterne of an ordinary Christian Church in Word and Sacraments , to say it was extraordinary in the government , except you shew that that government was different from the rule that now is in government , is petitio principii , to begge what is in question , for these same keyes both of knowledge and jurisdiction that by your grant , were given to the Church , Matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. were given to the Apostles , Matth. 16 , 17 , 18. and Joh. 20. 21. If you say it is extraordinary , because as yet they had not Deacons , for the Apostles did as yet serve tables , where as afterward Act. 6. that was given to the Deacons by office , and so they had not Elders , nor Doctors , nor Pastors as we now ha●e , but the Apostles were both Pastors , Ruling Elders , Doctors , and Deacons , and they were the onely governing Eldership , and this was extraordinary that they had no Eldership , and so they were for that same cause no presbyteriall Church , whence it followeth that you cannot make this Church which had no presbytery , a patterne of a presbyteriall Church . But I answer , this will not take off the argument , if wee shall prove that after they were more then could meet in one Congregation , and so after they were so numerous that they were moe Congregations then one , they had one common government , and 1. wee say though the Apostles had power to governe all the Churches of the world , and so many Congregations , yet if they did rule many Congregations as Elders , and not as Apostles , wee prove our point . Now we say where baptisme and the Lords Supper was , there behoved to bee some government , else the Apostles admitted promiscuously to baptisme and the Lords Supper any the most scandalous and prophane , which wee cannot thinke of the Apostles : it is true say you , they admitted not all , but according to the rule of right government , but this right government was extraordinary , in that it was not in a setled Eldership of a Congregation , which was oblieged to reside and personally to watch over that determinate flock , and no other flock , but it was in the hands of the Apostles , who might goe through all the world to preach the Gospell , and were not tied to any particular flock : and so from this neither can you draw your classicall Eldership , nor wee our Congregationall Eldership . But I answer , yet the question is begged , for though it bee unlawfull for a setled Eldership not to reside where their charge is , yet the question is now of a government in the hands of those who are oblieged to reside and give personall attendance to the flock , and the government in the hands of the Apostles , who were not oblieged to personall attendance over this and this particular flock , which they did governe ; were governments so different in nature , as the one is a patterne to us , not the other , and the one followeth rules different in nature and spirit from the other ; for though it were granted that the Apostles did governe many Congregations as Apostles , not as Elders , yet there was no extraordinary reason why these many Congregations should bee called one Church , and the beleevers added to them , said to bee added to the Church , as it is said , Act. 2. 47. And the Lord added to the Church daily such as should bee saved , except this Church bee one entire body governed and ruled according to Christs Lawes . 2. There bee seven Descons chosen to this Church , Act. 6. and Deacons are officers of the Church of Philippi which our brethren calleth Phil. 1. 1. a Congregationall Church , and Pnebe was a Deaconisse ( say they ) of the Church of Cenchrea , Rom. 16. 1. and if they had Deacons , they could not want Elders , who are as necessary . 3. This Church could not bee so extraordinary as that it cannot bee a patterne to us of the constant government of Churches by Elders , which wee call Aristocraticall , seeing it is brought as a patterne of the Churches government by the voices of the people , which is called by Divines , in some respect , democraticall , and this place is alledged by our brethren , and by all Protestant Divines against Bishops and Papists to prove that the people have some hand in government , to wit , in election of officers , and so the words are cleare , Act. 6. 5. And this saying pleased the whole multitude , and they choosed Steven , &c. so this multitude did not make one Congregationall Church , but it was a company of the multiplied disciples , both of Grecians and Hebrews , as is clearely related to these spoken of , v. 1. c. 6. Now Hebrewes and Grccians were directly one Church having one government , and seven Deacons , common to both , now that could not bee a single independent Congregation , as is already proved . 4. If the con●titution of this Church at Jerusalem bee sewish , because of some Jewish observations , and so no patterne of the frame of ordinary visible Churches Christian ; I say 1. this is no good argument , seeing the Christian visible Church , and the Jewish visible Church is of that same frame and constitution , having that same faith , s●all grant , except Papists , Socinians and Armini●ns , and so that same profession of that same faith . 2. If this were a good reason , then all the Churches of the Gentiles which are commanded for a time , in the case of scandall , to observe some Jewish Lawes , to abstaine from eating meates offered to Id●ls , and from blood , and from things strangled , Act. 15. 29. Act. 16. 4. shall bee also Churches in their constitution Jewish , and so no patterne to us ; and the Church of Rome and of Corinth shall bee Jewish also , and no patterne to us , because in case of scandall they are to abstaine from meats forbidden in the Law of Moses , Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 8. c. 10. but this our brethren cannot teach . 5. Though Apostles did governe all these Congregations , yet wee are not to thinke● that seeing there were such abundance of gifted men in this Church , on which the Spirit , according to Joels prophecie , was powred in so large a measure , that they did not appoint Elders who did personally watch over the converted flock , especially seeing Apostles use never this Apostolicall and extraordinary power , but in case of necessitie , where ordinary helpes are wanting , else this answer might clude all reasons drawn from the first moulded Churches which were planted by the Apostles and watered by their helpers . But I have heard some say , that multitude of Pastors at Jerusalem doth not prove that the Apostles were idle , if they did all attend me Congregation , because they had worke enough in the Synagogues 〈◊〉 convert the unconverted Jewes , all the twelve did not labour in preaching to the one single new converted Congregation . Answ. But if you lay downe our brethrens supposition , that the Apostles had no publick meetings for the Word and Sacraments of the Christian Church , but the Temple , and that they ceased not daily in the Temple , and from house to house to teach and preach Christ , as is said , Act. 5. 42. then consider that they preached not daily in the Synagogues , but in the Temple and i● houses , and their first conquest of five thousand was above three Congregations , beside those who daily came In : and c●r●ainly it the first was but one Congregation , yet one of the twelve preached to that Congregation , the other eleven b●hoor●d to have a Congregation also . 6. Our brethren acknowledge the Church of Jerusalem to be one Church , for it is called , even before the dispersion , one Church in the singular number , Act. 2. 47. And the Lord added to the Church daily . 〈◊〉 as should bee saved , Act. 5. 11. Great feare came upon all the Church , and Act. 8 1. A● that time there was a great persecution 〈◊〉 Church . 2. They grant before the disportion that it had a government , but they deny this government to bee presbyterial , thy s●y it was Apostolick and extraordinary , and that it had not in Eldership , nor read wee of any Elders till after the dispersion , Act. 8 1. When their number was diminished , so as it is cleare they 〈◊〉 meet in one Congregation . 3. You must prove this government bee one if you prove a Presbyteriall Church at Jerusalem . 4. 〈◊〉 must prove divers formed and organicall and severall Con●●●nions at Jerusalem , if you prove such presbyteriall Churches as 〈◊〉 have in Scotland ; but I pray you , The Apostles ( you say ) 〈◊〉 the Church of Jerusalem as Apostles , and so as extraordinary Elders , not as an ordinary Eldership and Presbytery , but give mee leave to say this is a meere shift . 1. What reason to call the Apostles governing of the Church extraordinary , more then their preaching the Word and their administration of the Sacraments is extraordinary ? and if Word and Sacraments doe prove that this was the first visible Church and a type and patterne to all visible Churches , why should its government bee extraordinary ? 2. Why should the government bee extraordinary , because the Apostles did governe it , in respect they were extraordinary officers , and should not the government bee by the Apostles ; and exercised by them as a common ordinary presbytery , seeing this Church in its goods , was governed by seven ordinary and constant Chu●ch-officers , the seven Deacons ? Act. 6. and seeing the people did exercise an act of ordination ( say our brethren ) but an act of popular election ( say wee ) which cannot bee denynyed to bee a politick act of divers Churches , Hebrewes and Grecians choosing their owne ordinary officers in relation to which they made one governed Church , under one common government , which is not congregationall ; because not of one Congregation , but of moe Congregations conveened in their principall members ( for they could not all meet in one , as wee have proved ) Ergo , it must bee presbyteriall . And that this government is one to mee is evident , because these seven Deacons were officers in ordinary to them all . 3. Wee see not how wee need to prove that the severall Congregations were severall formed , fixed and organicall bodies ; 1. Because it shall bee hard to our brethren to prove a Parishionall Church in its locall circuit in the Apostolick Church , and when Churches were moulded and framed first in locall circuits of parishes , I will not undertake to determine . 2. Ten Congregations in a great Citie , though not moulded locally and formally in ten little distinct Churches organicall , yet if sixteene or twentie Elders in common feede them all , with Word , Seales and common government , they differ not in nature from ten formed and fixed Congregations , and the government is as truely Aristocraticall , and presbyteriall , as if every one of them had their owne fixed Eldership out of these sixteene Elders , for fixing of this or this Elder to this or this Congregation is but accidentall to the nature of an organicall Church ; if ten little Cities have ten magistrates who ruleth them all in common , they are ten perfect politicall incorporations and societies , no lesse then if to every one of these ten were a fixed magistrate , to this or this citie ; Because the King and State might accuse them all for any misgovernment or act of unjustice done by the whole ten conveened in one judicature to judge themall ; for what unjustice is done by the major part is to bee imputed to the whole colledge , in so farre as the whole colledge hath hand in it . 2. The formall acts of a politicall Congregation not fixed are one and the same in nature and essence with the formall Church-acts of a fixed Congregation ; For 1. the Word and Sacraments are one and the same : 2. their acts of government , in rebuking , accusing , and joynt consenting to deliver to Satan an incestuous man are one and the same , whether the Congregation bee fixed , or not fixed ; shew us a difference . But it is said , they are different in a politicall or in a Church-consideration , 1. Because this determinate Congregation is to subject their consciences in the Lord , to this fixed Eldership whom they have called and chosen to bee their Elders , and not to the ministery of any others , as 1 Thess. 5. 12. Know them that labour amongst you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( not those who are over others , ) and that are over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are over you in the Lord , not over others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and adm●nish you , not others : and 2. The Pastors are to feed such a flocke over which the holy Ghost hath set them , Acts 20. 28. and they are to feede the flocke amongst them , 1 Pet. 5. 2. not any other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therefore Pastors are fixed by the holy Ghost to a fixed congregation . 3. Pastors are not rebuked by the Spirit of God , for remisse exercise of jurisdiction and Church-power , but over their owne fixed Congregation , not because they doe not exercise their power over other Congregations over which they are not , and for whose soules they do not watch , as is evident in the severall rebukes tendered by Christ to every Angell or Eldership of the seven Churches in Asia , Revel . 2. c. 3. where every Angel and Church is rebuked for their owne omissions towards their owne fixed and particular flocks . Answ. The places doe not come up , to prove fixed Congregations in the Apostles times ; for 1. wee deny that the Church of Thessalonica was one single fixed Congregation , or the Church of Ephesus either , and farre lesse can the Churches of Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Asia , and Bythinia , to which Peter writeth , and whose Elders , 1 Pet. 5. 1. 2. hee exhorteth to feede the flock of God , bee one fixed Congregation , nor doe they prove that fixed Congregations were , though I thinke it not unprobable that when Phebe , Rom. 16. 1. is called a Deac●nisse of the Church , which is at Cenchrea , that there were fixed Congregations at that time , but many things not without apparent strength of much probabilitie may bee said by the learned , on the contrary . 2. The Eldership of Ephesus I dare not call the Eldership of one Congregation , farre lesse of one fixed Congregation , and they are all commanded to feed the flocke over which the holy Ghost had set them , and no other Church that is most true . But how doe our brethren inferre a fixed Congregation at Ephesus from thence ? farre lesse I think can they in ferre that the formall Church-acts of a fixed , and a not fixed Congregation are different in nature ; and therefore , if we can show that in the Apostolick Churches they had many Congregations though not fixed , under one common Eldership , which did feed them in common with Word , Sacraments and Discipline , as is clearely proved , then have wee a patterne of a Presbyteriall Church . 3. The Elders of Ephesus and these Elders , 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. had all of them a burden of the soules amongst them , and over which the holy Ghost had set them , and they had not a burden and charge in particular of others as watching in particular for the soules of others : but how fixed Congregations are hence inferred I see not , for I may have with other six Pastors , a Pastorall burden and charge to watch for three Congregations , according to my talent and strength , though I bee not a fixed pastor to all the three collectively , or to any fixed one distributively , so as all the omissions of my six fellow-labourors shall bee laid to my charge , in the Court of the Judge and Lord of all , if I do what I am able : which I demonstrate thus . 1. That morall obligation of conscience which did obliege the Apostles as Pastors of the Christian world which was to bee converted , is not temporary but perpetuall and morall and did obliege the Apostles as Christians . Therefore this morall , obligation did lie upon the Apostles to feed the Catholick fiocke of the whole Christian world over which the holy Ghost had set them , just as the Elders of Ephesus , Act. 20. 28. are commanded to feed the whole flock of God which is at Ephesus : now I aske if every single Apostle is to make a reckoning to God for the soules of all the Christian world ? 2. If Peter must bee answerable to God , because Paul by negligence should incurre the woe of not preaching the Gospell , 1 Cor. 9. 16 ? ( 3. ) If upon this morall ground of an obligation lying on the Apostles to feed the Catholick flock of the whole world , amongst which they were , for the most part , by speciall commandement of Christ , to preach to all nations , Matth. 28. 19. to every creature , Mark. 16. v. 15. If ( I say ) the Apostles bee tied to plant Churches in such determinate quarters and fixed kingdomes of the habitable world , and if the dividing of the world into twelve severall parts , and large parishes to the twelve Apostles , bee juris divini , of divine institution ? I believe this can hardly bee proved by Gods Word . 2. Where there bee six Elders in a Congregation supposed to bee independent , every one of the six are oblieged in their place to feed the whole flocke , over which the holy Ghost hath set them , and that by the commandement of God , Act. 20. 28. 29. 1 Pet. 5. 1. as our brethren teach , but I hope by these places no humane logick would inferre , nor could our brethrèn collect , that , 1. every one of these six should , by divine institution , bee set over each of them the sixt determinate and sixt part of that Congregation . 2. That every one of the sixt were not to give a reckoning for the whole Congregation , and did not watch for the whole Congregation according to his Talent . 3. That one might not be accused , even one Archippus possibly at Colosse , Col. 4. 17 ▪ for his owne particular neglect to the whole flock , though others were also joyned with Archippus who fulfilled their part of their ministery , Col. 2. v. 5. yea & we justly aske if all the Elders of Thyatira were guiltie of remisse discipline against the false Prophetesse Jezabell , and if all the Church of Sardis did become sleepie , and secure , and had a name that they were living , and yet were dead , though the Eldership under the name of the Angel of the Church , bee indefinitely rebuked , Revel . 2. 20. c. 3. 1 , 2 , 3. 4. yea it is like to mee that seeing the Lord Jesus commendeth the one for love , service , faith , patience , Revel . 2. 19. and the other , that c. 3. 4 they had a few names that had not defiled their garments , that onely those who were guiltie , were rebuked , I beleeve , and therefore this is to bee proved that Elders are not rebuked , but for their remisse watching over an unfixed Congregation , the places to me , doe not prove it . Now whereas our brethren say , that they read of no Eldership before the dispersion of the Church at Jerusalem , Act. 8. 1. and therefore of no presbyteriall government , and after the dispersion , the number was so diminished as they might all meet in one Congregation , bec●use it is said , Act. 8. 1. They were all scattered abroad through●●● the regions of Iudea and Samaria except the Apostles . It is easily answered . 1. To what effect should the twelve Apostles not also have followed their scattered flocks , and to what end did twelve Apostles stay at Jerusalem to preach to one single handfull , that might all conveniently meet in one house , and a private house , for I thinke the persecution could as easily put them from publick meetings in the Temple and Synagogues , as it could scatter them all to so few a number as one congregation ? was the the harvest so great , and the Apostolick labourers so sparing in reaping , as eleven should bee hearers in one Congregation ? and one speake onely at once ? 2. Our brethren may know that wee prove a Presbyterlall government before the dispersion . 3. If our brethren elide the force of our argument from multitude of beleevers at Jerusalem , to prove a presbyteriall Church , they must prove that this dispersion did so dissolve the Church as that three thousand , Act. 2. and some added daily , v. 47. and five thousand , Act. 4. 4. and beleevers more added , multitudes both of men and women , Act. 5. 14. and Jerusalem was filled with the doctrine of the Apostles , c. 5. 28. and yet the number of the Disciples multiplied , c. 6. 1. and the Word of God increased , and the number of the Disciples multiplied in Jerusalem greatly , and a great company of the Priests were obedient to the faith , they must ( I say ) prove ( for affirmanti incumbit probatio ) that all this number and all these thousands by the dispersion , Act. 8. 1. came to one thousand and to a handfull of a single Congregation . 3. I see no necessitie that these ( all ) be the whole body of the Church , I grant Diod●tus saith so , and a Baronius conjectureth that there were fifteene thousand killed at this first persecution , b but Dorotheus saith there were but two thousand killed , and ( c ) Salmeron saith of Dorotheus his relation , Quae si vera sunt , profecta magna fuit persecutio , if it bee true , the persecution was indeed great , and wee cannot but thinke , seeing the spirit of God saith this was a great persecution , but the Church was greatly diminished : but let us see if the Text will beare that so many thousands ( for I judge at this time that the Church hath been above ten thousands ) were partly killed , partly scattered , so that the Church of Jerusalem came to one single Congregation which might meet ordinarily for Word and Sacran●ents in one private house , where the tewelve Apostles came to them : for my part I cannot see it in the Text , onely the persecution was great . 2. All were scattered except the Apostles . 3. Act. 26. Paul saith of himselfe at this time , 10. Many of the Saints did I shut up in prison , having received authoritie from the high Priests , and when they were put to death , I gave my voyce against them . 11. And I punished them oft in every Synagogue , and compelled them to blaspheme , and being exceedingly mad against them , I persecuted them to strange Cities ; all which saith many were imprisoned . 2. Some scattered , but the Text saith not that thousands were put to death , and it is not like that the holy Ghost who setteth downe the other sort of persecution and the death of Steven , would have beene silent of the killing of thousands . 3. Whereas it is said , they were all scattered except the Apostles , I see no ground of the Text to say that by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) all scattered , hee understandeth , all the Disciples as d Lyranus saith , so saith e Eusebius , though f Sanctius saith hee meaneth of the 70. Disciples . And my reasons are , 1. The Text saith , v. 3. Saul entering into every house , ●aling men and women committed them to prison , as you may read , Act. 26. 10 , 11. Ergo , all and every one without exception of any , save the Apostles , were not scattered . 2. Amongst so many thousands of men and women , many for age , weakenesse and sicknesse , and having young children , and women with child were not able to flee , therefore ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) cannot bee taken according to the letter every way . 3. Paul after this dispersion , Act. 26. 11. punished them in every Synagogne . What ? punished hee Jewes ? no Christians ; Ergo , after the dispersion there were Christians left in Synagogues at Jerusalem which were not dispersed . 4. The Text saith that the scattered abroad were Preachers , and as I prove elsewhere here after , extraordinary Prophets , and therefore all were scattered except the Apostles , seemeth to imply that especially the whole teachers were scattered , except the Apostles ; and g Chrysostome , h Athanasius , i Nissenus observes that God out of this persecution tooke occasion to spread the Gospell , by sending scattered Preachers to all the regions about , so k Lorinus , l Sanctius , m Cornelius a Lapide , say they were not all sattered , and n Cajetan exponeth these ( all ) onely of those upon whom the holy Ghost descended . 4. Though this Church should come to one Congregation now , this is but by accident , and from extrinsecall causes of persecution and scattering , but wee have proved at the first founding of this Church Apostolick the Church of Jerusalem called one Church , the first draught and patterne of the visible Christian Church was such as could containe many Congregations , and could not all meet in one . 5. There is no ground to say that Apostles after this dispersion erected an ordinary Eldership in Jerusalem , whereas before there was an extraordinary , because the Apostles was present with them , and you read of no Elders while after the dispersion , because 1. you read not of the institution of ordinarie Elders in the Church of Jerusalem after the dispersion , more then before , and so you are here upon conjectures . 2. There is no ground to say that the Apostles changed the government of the first patterne of the Christian Churches from extraordinary to ordinary . 3. Nor is there ground that the government of the first samplar of Instituted Churches of the New Testament , should rather bee extraordinarie , then that first ordering of the Word and Sacraments should bee extraordinary , seeing the Apostles the first founders of instituted Churches under the New Testament , had as ordinary matter to institute an ordinary presbytery and government , having beleevers in such abundance , upon whom , by the laying on of hands , they might give the Holy Ghost , as they had ordinary matter , to wit , a warrant , and command from Christ , to preach and administer the Sacraments . 4. The Apostles abode many yeares at Jerusalem , after there was an erected Eldership , Act. 15. 2. 22. Act. 16. 4. Act. 21. 18 , 19 , 20. Gal. 1. 18 After three yeares I went up to Jerusalem to see Peter , Gal. 2. 1. Then foureture yeeres after , I went up againe to Jerusalem , &c. 9. And when James , Cephas , and John who seemed to bee pillars , perceived the grace that was given unto mee , they gave to mee and Barnabas the right hands fellowship . 5. Though wee should give , and not grant that this dispersion did bring the Church of Jerusalem to so low an ebbe as to make it but one single Congregation , yet after the dispersion , all the Churches , Act. 9. 3. had peace , and were edified , and multiplyed , and so the Church of Jerusalem also was multiplied , if all France be multiplied , Paris which is a part of France must bee multiplied , and if there were many thousands of the Jewes that did beleeve , Act. 21. 20. though these many were for a great part come up to the feast at Pentecost , as some thinke , yet may wee well thinke a huge number of these thousands were of the Church of Jerusalem : it is said , v. 21. They are informed of thee that thou teachest all the Jewes which are amongst the Gentiles to forsak Moses , these belike were the Jewes at Jerusalem who heard that Paul was come to Jerusalem , and Act. 12. 24. The Word of God grew and multiplied ; it is the same phrase that is used , Act. 6. v. 7. to expresse the multiplying of the Church , by the multiplying of the Word , for there is no other multiplication of the Word but in the hearts of numbers who receive the Word in faith . Our brethren object ; 1. Though there bee Elders at Jerusalem , Act. 15. 2. v. 4. and Act. 21. 18. yet that doth not prove an Eldership o● a formall presbytery , even a presbytery of a classicall Church doth not prove that these Classicall Elders are Elders of a Classicall Church . Answ. Our brethren should give to us the measure which they take to themselves , for they prove from that which the Scripture , Act. 20. 28. doe name the Elders of the Church of Ephesus that there was an Eldership at Ephesus , which governed all the people of Ephesus ; and from Bishops and Deacons at Philippi , Phil. 1. 1. that there was an Eldership in that Church ; and from the Angel of the Church of Smyrna , Pergamus , Thyrtira , &c. that there was a colledge of Elders or a Presbytery in those Churches : for if those Churches had elders in them , though they were in their meaning Elders of a particular Congregation , and so an Eldership and a presbytery , they must give us the favour of the like consequence , in many of those Churches , they had Elders ; Ergo , they had a presbyteriall or classicall Eldership , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as seldome in Scripture to our brethren to prove their Congregationall Eldership , as it is to us to prove our Presbyteriall or classicall Eldership , and in this , jam sumns ergo pares ; and one government , and combination voluntary under one Congregationall presbytery shall bee as hardly proven , as one government , and one voluntary combination of many Congregations , and where the multitude is so numerous , as that they cannot meet in one , it is unpossible to prove that so many thousands did all agree , and that according to Christs institution , to meet ordinarily in one for doctrine and discipline , whereas the meeting in one of so many thousands is most inconvenient . 2. An Eldership doth prove there is a relation of those that make up the Eldership to all the Church distributively to which they have the relation of Elders , but doth not prove that the Eldership is an Eldership in a Church-relation to any one single person , and that that single person hath a reciprocall Church relation to that Eldership ; so here the classicall Eldership carrieth a relation to a classicall Church , and a classicall Church doth retort and reflect a reciprocall relation to the Eldership , but it doth not follow that every Congregation of the Classicall Church doth reflect a reciprocall relation of a Church classicall to either the classicall Eldership , or to any one Elder of the classicall presbytery . 2. They affirme , that there was no presbyteriall government exercised by the Apostles in the Church of Jerusalem ; for they say , for the substance of the Act ( it is true ) The Apostles did governe as Elders , that is , their Acts of government were not different from the Acts of government of ordinary Elders : but the Apostles did not governe under this formall reduplication as ordinary Elders , but as Apostles , because as Apostles they were Elders both in the Church of Jerusalem , and in all Churches of the world : but this proveth not an ordinary Eldership , Titus at Crete did but the ordinary Acts of an ordinary Elder at Crete in appointing Elders in every citie , yet this proveth not that there is in the successors of Titus an ordinary Episcopall government , for because of the extent of the Apostles power to all Churches on earth , you may from this prove as well an Episcopall power as a presbyteriall power in an Eldership over many Congregations ; and before you prove a presbyteriall power you must prove an extent and an ordinary extent of an Eldership over many Congregations , which you shall never prove from the extent of the Apostles power , which was universall and alike in all Churches . I answer , if our brethren had formed their arguments in a syllogisme , I could more easily have answered , but I will doe it for them . Those who did rule with an universall extent of power of government in all Churches , these did rule as Apostolick rulers , and not as ordinary presbyters , in the ruling and governing the Church of Jerusalem : but the Apostles before the dispersion did rule thus , Ergo , the Apostles before the dispersion did rule as Apostles , not as ordinary presbyters . The proposition they make good , because if those who rule with an universall extent of power , doe it not as Apostles , they have then prelates to succeed them as ordinary officers in their extent of power and extent of pastorall care over many Churches . But I answer by granting the major , and the probation of it in the connex proposition , because those who rule with an universall extent of power doe it as Apostles , but I deny the assumption that the twelve Apostles did rule the Church of Jerusalem with an universall extent of power over all Churches ; for it is true , the Apostles who did governe the Church of Jerusalem had an universall power over all Churches , but that they did rule the Church of Jerusalem as having this universall power , and by virtue of this universall and Apostolicall power , I utterly deny , and I deny it with the reduplication , and except our brethren prove that the Apostles did governe the Church of Jerusalem as having this Apostolick power , and under this reduplication , they doe not prove that they ruled as Apostles , which is the conclusion to bee proven . Now that I may give a solid reason of this , wee are to consider , what Apostles doe as Apostles and what as ordinary Elders , as take along this rule with you , what Apostles doe as Apostles ; every one of the Apostles his alone may doe , as quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conv●nit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , What ever agreeth to an Apostle as ●● Apostle , agreeth to all Apostles , as because Apostles may worke miracles , any one Apostle may worke a miracle , so Peter his alone , extra collegium , when hee is not with the twelve , hee may worke a miracle , his alone hee may speake with tongues , and his alone hee may preach and baptize through all the world , and therefore Peter as an Apostle , not as an ordinary Elder doth raise the dead , speake with tongues , preach and baptize in all nations without any calling of the people or without consent of the presbytery ; but what the Apostles doe as ordinary presbyters , and as a classicall Colledge that by cannot doe in that relation , but in collegie : as the eye doth not see but as fixed in the head , so when the Apostles do any thing in collegio , not without the suffrages of a colledge , that they must doe as ordinary Elders ; for example , Paul if hee delivered Hymeneus and Alexander his alone to Satan , 1 Tim. 1. 20. as many thinke hee did , then hee did that as an Apostle ; but suppose hee had beene present at Corinth , 1 Cor. 5. to obey his owne Epistle and direction that hee gave to excommunicate the incestuous man , hee should with the Eldership of Corinth delivered him to Satan as an Elder , not as an Apostle ; yea in a presbyteriall way Paul could not have delivered him to Sathan without the concurring joynt suffrages of the Eldership of Corinth . So because Act. 6. 1. 2. 3. the whole twelve doe call together the multitude , the whole twelve doe that as ordinary Elders , which I prove , for if they had conveened them as Apostles , by that transcendent Apostolick power by which they preach and baptize in all the Churches and by which they raise the dead , Peter his alone might have conveened them ; so they ordaine Elders by imposition of hands , as an ordinary Eldership now doth , all the twelve doe it in a Court , whereas if they had put on these seven men to bee Deacons upon the people by vertue of their Apostolick calling , they should not have convened the people , nor sought the free consent of the people ; for any one Apostle his alone , as Peter might , by the transcendent power of an Apostle have ordained those seven men to bee Deacons , but then hee should clearely have done it not in an ordinary Church way , so now the Apostles must , Act. 6. governe as ordinary Elders , also what the Apostles do by the interveening help of ordinary perpetually established meanes , that they doe not as Apostles but as ordinary Elders , as they work not miracles by advise and consent of the multitude , because they do it as Apostles , but here the twelve do all by the interveening help of the ordinary and perpetually established free voices of the multitude . 1. Because the twelve Apostles conveene . The Apostles did nothing in vaine , and without warrant , any one of the twelve might have instituted the office , then that all the twelve conveene it must bee to give a pattern of an ordinary Eldership ; for you never finde all the twelve meet to doe with joynt Forces an Apostolick worke , they never met all twelve to pen a portion of Scripture , twelve of them , nor a colledge of them never met to raise the dead , to worke a miracle , to speake with tongues , because these bee workes above nature , and one is no lesse an instrument of omnipotencie to work a miracle , then 12. or 20. therefore wee must say that these twelve conveened as ordinary Elders to bee a patterne of a presbytery . 2. The complaint is made by the Grecians to the court , not to one Apostle , for the whole twelve doth r●dresse the matter . 3. Tht colledge hath a common hand in this government for the poore , as their words cleare . 2. It is no reason that wee should leave the Word of God , and serve Tables . 4. They put on the people what is their due , to looke out and nominate to them seven men , as Apostles they should have chosen the men . 5. They doe put off themselves the charge of Deaconrie , and the daily care , as v. 1. Ergo they were before daily constant Deacons , and why not Elders also ? 6. They will doe nothing with out the free voices of people , and give to the people the ordinary election , this day , and to Christs second comming , due to them , Ergo , the Apostles stoope beneath the spheare of Apostolick power and condescend to popular power , and so must here bee as ordinary Elders , not as Apostles . 7. They doe ordaine seven men to be constant officers . 2. From this it is easie to deny that we may as well inferre Prelates to be the lawfull successors of T●us whose power was universall in every Church of Crete , as to in●erre a presbyteriall power , because Titus his alone 〈◊〉 an 〈◊〉 appointed Elders ; and wee cannot inferre a Monarchi● in the Church , from some extraordinary acts of the the first planters of Churches , because wee inferre from the Aristocraticall and ordinary power of the Apostles an Aristocraticall power of presbyteries now in the Church , shall wee hence inferre a Monarchie ? 3. If the Acts of government performed here , Act. 6. by the Apostles , bee extraordinary and Apostolick , they are not imitable by us , but all Divines teach that from Act. 6. the ordinary presbytery may according to this very patterne ordaine Deacons and Elders . The reverend brethren object . The Apostles did ordaine a new office here , to wit , an office of Deacons , as all our Divi●●s prove from the place , but the Apostles as ordinary Elders in an ordinary Colledge presbyteriall cannot appoint a new Office in the Church , for the presbyteries now also by that same presbyteriall power might also appoint a new office in Gods house which is absurd . Answ. I grant that the Apostles as Apostles performe some Acts of government in this place , and that they appoint a new office of Deacons here , but that is neither the question , nor against our cause , but I desire the opponents to make good that the Apostles did appoint this new office in a Church-way , as they ordaine these seven men to the office , and that , in collegio . I aske did the Apostles , 1. Crave the concurrence of the conveened multitude , and their free voices shall wee appoint this new office , men and brethren , or shall wee for beare ? 2. Did they voice the matter in a colledge amongst themselves , as they doe Act. 15. and do they say amongst themselves in the presbytery Apostolick , have wee warrant from Christ to appoint a new office of Deacons ? What is your mind Peter , what is your sentence , James , Matthias , & c ? now this is to proceed formally , in collegio , this they did not , nor could they doe in appointing the office , for they were immediatly inspired by the Spirit to appoint new offices , but in ordaining the officers , in concreto , that is , in ordaining the men , Steven , Philip , &c. they proceed after a presbyteriall way , every way as an ordinary presbytery doth . Object . But they ordaine Elders here upon this Apostolick ●round , because they were Apostles and Pastors to all the world , &c. if the ground was Apostolick , the action was formally Apostolick . Answ. Wee must distinguish betwixt ordination comparative and absolute : ordination comparative is in relation to the place , if the question bee , upon what ground doe the Apostles ordaine in all the world ; I answer because they are Apostles , and every where , Ergo , they may ordaine every where ; but as for absolute ordination , here in Jerusalem , if the question bewhy they did ordaine Stephen , Philip , &c. tali modo , by conveening the Church ; I answer , because the Apostles were Elders . But our brethren say , Then the Apostles in this act laid downe their infallible Apostolick spirit . I answer , they laid downe the ininfallible spirit , which they had as Apostles , and tooke them to ● fallible spirit , but they did not operate and governe in this Act , from this infallible spirit , but from an ordinary spirit , else you must say , 1. when the Apostles did eate and drinke , they laid downe an infallible and Apostolick spirit , and tooke an ordinary and fallible spirit , for they did not eate and drinke by immediate inspiration and as Apostles , but as men ; 2. because they were Apostles where ever they came , it shall follow by this that they did all by this Apostolick spirit ; as if the question bee upon what ground , Did the Apostles every where baptize , pray pasi●a●●y , exhort as Pastors , governe in Corinth , deliver the incestuous man to Satan at Corinth ? If you answer , because they were Apostles , then I say because they were Apostles alwayes , and in every place , they never used the ordinary power of the keyes given to them , as common to them and all Pastors to the end of the world , Matth. 18. 18. Matth. 16. 19. John 20. 23. and so they could not doe any thing as ordinary Pastors , or ordinary Elders . 2. Christ gave to the Apostles an ordinary power which they could never put forth in Acts 3. we have no warrant from the Apostles preaching , baptizing , exhorting , governing , retaining and remitting sinnes , excommunicating , rebuking , to preach , baptize , exhort , governe , retaine and remit sinnes , excommunicate and rebuke , because the Apostles , in Acts Apostolick and extraordinary , are no more to bee imitated by us , then wee are to imitate them in speaking with divers tongues , and raising the dead . Hence upon these grounds wee are certainly induced to beleeve that the Apostles did here ordaine , not as Apostles , but as ordinary Elders ; 1. Because in these Acts the Apostles are imitable , but in what they doe as Apostles they are not imitable . 2. What ever rules of the Word doth regulate the ordinary classicall presbytery , the Apostles goe along in all these acts here condescending to these rules , such as the meeting of the presbytery , the twelve do meet . 2. They tacitely acknowledge a neglect of the daily ministration to the widowes which is an act of misgovernment of the Deaconrie , which is an ordinary office of the presbytery , and therefore they desire of the Church to bee freed of this office . 3. They referre the nomination and election of the seven men to the people . 4. They ordaine seven constant and perpetuall officers , as the presbytery doth , Ergo , they doe not ordaine by their transcendent power , as Apostles . 3. From this place our brethren prove their Congregationall presbytery , which they would not doe , if the Apostles did here manage aff●ires as extraordinary officers . 4. This colle●ium of Apostles doe nothing in all this , which by confession of both sides may not bee done , and to the end of the world is not done in the transacting of the like businesse , by the ordinary presbytery . 4. What the Apostles doe as Apostles agreeth onely to Apostles , and can be done by none but Apostles , or by Evangelists , having their power , by speciall warrantable commission from them , as what a man doth as a man , what a Pastor doth as a Pastor , a Deacon as a Deacon , a Prophet as a Prophet , can bee done by none but by a man onely , a Pastor onely , a Deacon onely , except whereas one Act , as to teach , agreeth both to a Pastor and a Doctor , which yet have their owne differences , but all here done the Apostles might have done , if wee suppose , they had not beene Apostles . 5. If as Apostles they ordaine , any one of the twelve Apostles should compleatly and entirely ordaine all the seven , and so the seven Deacons should have beene twelve times ordained at this time , which needles multiplication of Apostolick actions were uselesse , served not for edification , and is not grounded in the Word , for the whole twelve , in collegio , doe ordaine , and what any one Apostle doth as an Apostle by the amplitude of a transcendent power , every Apostle doth it compleatly , and wholly his alone , as without helpe of another Apostle , Peter worketh a miracle , especially any one Apostle as Paul his alone might ordaine Timothy an Evangelist . 6. If they did here act as Apostles , any one Apostle might have ordained the Deacons in an ordinary way , as here ; but that wee cannot conceive , for then one and the same action should have beene ordinary , and not ordinary , for one man cannot bee a Church or a societie to doe the ordinary Acts of an ordinary societie , for it should bee extraordinary to one to act that which is the formall Act of many as many , and should involve a contradiction , except it were an Act which cannot bee performed by many , as when one Paster speaketh for many , for a whole Church ; but that is ordinary and necessary , because a multitude as a multitude cannot speake , without confusion in a continuated discourse , for that all the people say one word ( Amen ) is not a multitude as a multitude using one continuated speech . Object . 1. If the Apostles did not all their Ministeriall acts as Apostles , they did not fulfill their commission given to them , as to Apostles , Matth. 28. Goe and teach all Nations . Answ. The consequence is nought , if they had not done all things , which by vertue of their Apostolicall Office they were commanded to doe , they had not then fulfilled their commission given to them by Christ. That is true , but now the assumption is false , they were under no commandement of Christ to doe all their Ministeriall Acts as Apostles , prove that they did neither Preach , nor Baptize as Apostles ; but only as Apostles they did preach infallibly . 2. In all places of the world , as Catholick Pastors . 3. With the gift of Tongues . 4. Working of Miracles , which by divine institution were annexed to their preaching , but their preaching according to the substance of the act was ordinary . Object . 2. The Apostles went to Jerusalem by revelation , as Paul did , Gal. 1. Ergo , all their acts that they did there , they did them by immediate revelation . Answ. The consequence is null , Paul went by revelation up to Jerusalem , and there Gal. 2. hee rebuked Peter , as an Apostle ? no , as a Brother , for then Paul should have exercised Apostolick Authority over Peter , which is popish . Object . 3. If the Apostles did act as Presbyters here , they did wrong the particular Churches , and took their Liberty from them , in exercising ordinary Ministeriall acts there , which are proper to that Church . Answ. It followeth upon the denyed principles of an independent Congregation onely , for a Church without Elders hath no Presbyteriall power , and therefore such a power can not bee taken from it , you cannot take from a Church , that which by Law it hath not . If the Acts of the government in the Apostles , are according to the substance of the Acts all one with the Acts of government , in the ordinary presbytery ; Ergo , say I , those Acts come not from an Apostolicall and extraordinary power , even as the Apostles preaching and baptizing are not different in nature and essence , from the Acts of preaching and baptizing in ordinary Pastors , though they had power to preach and baptize every where , and wee onely where wee have an ordinary calling of the Church , and from the Apostles preaching and baptizing every where , wee may inferre , it is lawfull for the ordinary Elders their successors to preach and baptize in some place , why may we not inferre because the Apostles , in collegio , in one presbytery did ordaine ordinary officers , that we have thence a patterne for an ordinary presbytery ? Object . 4. If there were no institution for preaching and baptizing , but onely the Apostles naked practise , we were not warrantably to preach and baptize from the sole and naked example of the Apostles . Answ. Shew us an institution for preaching and baptizing then , for that which we alledge is an institution , Matth. 28. 19 , 20. Mark. 14. v. 15. to you is a commandement given to the Apostles as Apostles , as you said , in the 1. objection proponed by you , and therefore we have no more warrant to preach and baptize from the Apostles example , then we have to work miracles , and because by the same reason of yours , Christs command to his Apostles to preach before his death , Matth. 10. is not ordinary presbyteriall preaching , but conjoyned also with the power of casting out devills , Matth. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. it must also upon the same ground bee a Commandement given to the Apostles not as ordinary Pastors , but as Apostles , if we compare Matth. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. with Mark. 16. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. If you flee to John Baptist his practise of baptisme , 1. you are farther off then you were ; 2. What warrant more that John Baptist his practise should warrant preaching and baptizing , if it want an institution , then the Apostles preaching and baptizing when it is separated from an institution ? 2. This argument pincheth you as much as us , for a thousand times in your bookes , a warrant for our ordinary Elders to preach and baptize is fetched from the sole practise of the Apostles . 3. By this the argument for the Christian Salbath , from the Apostles observing that day , shall also fall . 4. This also shall make us loose in fundamentalls of Church government which are grounded upon the Apostles practise . 5. The Apostles had no Apostolick and extraordinary ground which moved them to preach and baptize , according to the substance of the Acts , for they did preach and baptize upon these morall and perpetuall motives and grounds which doe obliege ordinary Elders to preach and baptize even to Christs second comming , Ergo , their very practise , not considered with the institution , is our patterne and rule . It is as evident that there was a Presbyteriall Church at Ierusalem after the dispersion , seeing the dispersion , as we have proved did not re●rench them to one Congregation , because our Brethren doe conclude from a company of Elders of the Church of Ephesus , Acts 20. of Ierusalem , from the Angell of the Church of pergamus , of Thyatira a formall ordinary Presbytery of Ephesus , of Ierusalem , of Thyatira . Let us have the favour of the same argument , upon the supposall of many Congregations which the word doth warrant , and upon the supposall that it is called one Church alwayes , as Acts 2. 47. The Lord added to the Church , Acts 5. 11. feare came upon all the Church , Acts 8. 1. there arose a great persecution against the Church , Acts 12. 1. Herod stretched forth his hand to vex certaine of the Church , v. 5. prayer was made without ceasing of the Church unto God. Acts 15. 4. and when they were come to Jerusalem they were received of the Church , and of the Apostles and Elders , Acts. 21. 15. Paul went up to Jerusalem , and v. 18. The day following Paul went in with us , into James , and all the Elders were present . Here be Elders of the Church of Ierusalem , and Ierusalem is named one Church frequently , and alwayes before and after the dispersion ; it is called a Church in the singular number , not onely in relation to persecuters , but also in relation to government , and because they were a politicall society to which there were many added Acts 2. 47. and which hath Elders Acts 15. 4. Acts 21. 15. 18. And a Church-union in a constituted body hearing the Word and receiving the Sacraments , as this Church did , Acts 2. 42. is not a Church but in regard of Church-policy , and Church-government . They reply , That enemies doe persecute the Church , Acts 8. 1. Acts 12. 1. Acts 8. 3. Saul made havock of the Church , that is , of the faithfull of the Church , for Saul had no regard in his persecution , to a Church in their government , or Church - combination , therefore the enemies are said to persecute the Church materially . I answer , this objection I tooke off before . But 2. Principally the enemies persecuted the Church under the notion of ● Society politicall holding forth in a visible Church-profession their faith in Christ , and that by hearing , receiving the Seales , and subjecting themselves in a visible way obvious to the Eye of all , to the government of the Christian Church , Yea the enemies had no better character to discerne them to be Saints , and so worthy of their malice , then Church-characters of a Church-profession . But 2. Whereas the Holy Ghost giveth the name of one Church , to the Church of Ierusalem , all constantly speaking of it both as a Church , and in relation to persecuters , and that every way in that notion , as our Brethren say , that the Scripture speaketh of their own Corgregationall Church , wee have the same reason to call it one Church , because of one government ; for the question is not now if it bee many Congregations , but it it bee one Church . Object . 2. They are called the Elders at Jerusalem , not the Elders of the Church of Jerusalem ; Ergo , from this it is not concluded that they were one Church . Answ. Acts 16. 4. they are called Apostles and Elders in , or at Ierusalem Acts 16. 4. for another cause , these were Elders from other Churches , from Antioch no lesse , then Elders of Ierusalem , they onely sate in Synod at Ierusalem . 2. All Ierusalem was not converted to the Christian Faith , and therefore they may well bee tearmed Elders at Ierusalem , as the Church at Ephesus , at , or in Thyatira . 3. I deny that the Scripture speaketh any other wayes of the Elders of the Church of Ierusalem , then of the Elders of other Churches . 2. Those Elders ought to meete for the governing of the Church of Jerusalem , for this was their duty ; Ergo , they were one Presbytery . 2. They did meet Acts 15. 14. to receive Paul and Barnabas , and to heare what God had done by them for their edification ; and Acts 21. Paul goeth to Ierusalem and is received v. 15. by the Brethren , but the next day , v. 18. The day following Paul went in with us unto James and all the Elders were present ; and there the Elders doe presbyterially act for the removing of a Church-scandall , v. 21. The believing Jewes were informed that Paul taught all the Iewes which were amongst the Gentiles to forsake Moses . This was a publick scandall . 2. The offended multitude were to convene , v. 22. as plaintiffs . 3. The Eldership ordaineth Paul to remove the scandall by satisfying the offended , by purifying himselfe after the manner of the Jewes , and it is cleare Paul should not have satisfyed the scandalized Iewes , except Iames and the Elders had injoyned him so to doe . 4. This the very course of a presbytery , yea , our Brethrens doctrine , which a Congregationall presbytery would , and doth take with any other person who doth give offence , yea though it be taken and not given , if the way of remedy be lawfull and expedient , as this presbytery conceived Pauls purifying of himselfe to be , and if any scandalizing person should be disobedient to the voyce of a Congregationall eldership , such as our Brethren believe the Eldership of Jerusalem to be ; they would say they are to censure him , and therefore if Paul should have beene disobedient to this , he should have incurred a censure ; It is true Lorinus saith that Chrysostome and Oecumenius will have this to be a Counsell , not a Synod , to command Paul , and they deny any Juridicall power here , but v. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to mee it is , They were gathered together : Diodatus calleth them The colledge of the governours of the Church , Beda saith there were foure Synods and hee maketh the Synod Acts 1. at the chusing of Matthias the first , the second at the chusing of Deacons Acts 6. the third Acts 15. and this the fourth , Acts 21. 2. The Text seemeth to mee to say it , for as Acts 15. there was course taken for the Gentiles that they should abstaine from blood , lest they should either scandalize , or bee scandalized ; so the Eldership here taketh course that the infirme Iewes be not scandalized , as is cleare , v. 25. As touching the Gentiles which believe , we have written , &c. and to me they seeme to do both Synodically , some thinke that this fact of the Elders and Paul was not lawfull : but how ever , though it was not a generall councell , a presbytery I take it to be taking course to remove a scandall from the weake Iewes in this place , as they had by a Synodicall power removed it from the Gentiles , Act. 15. It is objected by Master Mather , that if a Church in an Island by Divine institution , and so this first founded congregation at Jerusalem which did meete in Salomons porch , had once an entire power of Iurisdiction within it selfe , though in an extraordinary case . 1. The case is ordinary , as in the Dominion of Wales , there is scarce a congregation to be found within twenty or thirty miles . 2. Suppose the case were extraordinary and rare , may they violate the ordinary rules of Christ ? for so some may thinke and say , that though according to ordinary Rules , Baptisms and the Lords Supper must be dispensed only by men and by Ministers , yet in the want of these , the one may be dispensed by a Woman , or Mid-wife , and both of them by such as are no Ministers . Answ. We thinke a Ministery and Discipline more necessary to a Congregation in a remote Island , or to the Church of Ierusalem before they increase to such a number as cannot meet for their numerous multitude in one Congregation , then the Sacraments , when there be no Ministers to dispense them . 1. That the Church be so in the Island its alone , may possibly be extraordinary , but that in such a case they have the Word preached and entire power of Discipline whole and entire within themselves to excommunicate scandalous persons is not extraordinay , when there be no consociated Churches , whom excommunication concerneth , that are in danger to be scandalized , for it floweth connaturally from a Church to which agreeth the essence of a Church , to exercise Jurisdiction over all its owne members , if there be no more consociated with that Church , that is by accident and an extraordinary exigence of Gods providence . As a master of a Family is to do his duty to educate his children in the feare of God ; but if God take all his children from him by death , he doth not transgresse the ordinary rule of educating his children in the feare of God , when hee hath none . This argument supposeth that a Congregation hath no power of excommunication at all either compleat or incompleat , as the Mid-wife hath no power to Baptize at all either compleat or incompleat : neither doth a Congregation transgresse any rule of Christ at all when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it selfe , whereas there be no consociated Churches to share with it in that power . A Congregation is capable of entire Jurisdiction , because it is a Church ; But a woman in no case is capable of administrating Baptisme , or the Lords Supper , except shee were extraordinarily and immediatly inspired to be a prophetesse , but for the exercise of entire power of Jurisdicton by a Congregation in a r●mote Island , I hope , it hath no such need of immediate inspiration . 2. There is no such morall necessity of the Sacraments , as there is of the Ministery of the word and consequently of some use of the Keys , where a scandalous person may infect the Lords flock . For where vision ceaseth the people perish , but it is never said , where Baptisme ceaseth the people perish , and therefore uncalled Ministers in case of necessity , without ordination or calling from a presbytery may preach , and take on them the holy Ministery and exercise power of Jurisdiction , because the necessity of the Soules of a Congregation , in a remote Island requireth so , but I hope no necessity in any the most extraordinary case requireth that a Midwife may Baptize , or that a private man remaining a private man may celebrate the Lords Supper to the Church without any calling from the Church . But Mr. Mather , if the power of Iurisdiction flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of a Church , and a congregation be essentially a Church , then this power agreeth to all Churches , whether consociated , or not consociated , and without respect of what neighbours they have , whether many , or few , whether any , or none . 2. A congregation its alone cannot have sole power of jurisdiction , and then be deprived of it , when God sendeth neighbour Churches ; for then neighbouring Churches which are given for helpe , should be given for losse , the contrary whereof Ames saith . Nor doe Synods ( saith he ) constitute a new forme of a Church . Answ. Power of Iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a congregation in an Iland ; Ergo , a totall and compleat power of jurisdiction , floweth from the essence of a Church or congregation consociated ; it followeth no wayes , so a pastor of a Congregation hath as a pastor power to rebuke sinne , and to administrate the Sacraments , Ergo , when three pastors are added to help him , he hath the sole power of rebuking sinne , and the sole and entire power to administrate the Sacraments , and none of these three pastors hath power with him , it followeth not ; and because these three pastors are added to help him and their pastorall power added to him is cumulative and auxiliary , but not privative or destructive of his pastorall power , therefore the first pastor suffereth losse by the addition of these three to him : who will say this ? our Brethren do conceive the power of Congregations , in its kind and essence , to be Monarchicall , so as if any power from consociated Congregations be added thereunto , the Congregations power Monarchicall is d minished ; and the essence of it changed . 2. Compleat and entire power to rule both the Congregation and the Members of consociated Churches in so far as they do keep communion with that Congregation , and may either edifie , or scandalize them , floweth not immediatly and necessarily from the essence of every Congregation even in remote Islands not consociated with others , that we never said . 3. A power to governe well , and according to the rule of the word added to another power to governe well and according to the word , is an auxiliary power and no way destrective of that power , to which it is added , indeed a power to governe well , added to a power of male administration in a Congregation is distructive of that power , and reason it should be so , because Christ never gave any such power of male administration to a Congregation ; but a power of right governing , added to a power of right governing is neither destructive thereof , nor doth it constitute a new forme of a Church , or a Church - power , but only inlarge the pr●existent form to extend it selfe farther , for the edification of more soules . But ( saith Mr. Mather ) if it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be the sole judge which must be , if the s●le power of Iurisdiction be in the Congregation ( as we grant in an extraordinary case , when a Congregation is in an Island its alone ) and so it shall be lawfull for a single Congregation to doe that which is against all equity and the very light of nature , it must then follow that it is not against the light of nature that a Congregation ( though consociated with other Congregations ) have entire jurisdiction within it selfe . Answ. None of us do teach that it is against the light of nature that the adverse party be the judge , it might fall out in a generall councell lawfully convened , from which there is no provocation , yea and in a nationall councell , ( for all councels may erre ) the adverse party may judge , as it was a lawfull councell according to a Church-constitution that condemned Christ of blisphemy , and they were also his enemies ; but we teach that it is not congruous to the wisdome of Christ , nor to the light of nature , that Christ should have appointed all the ordinary Churchcourts , so many thousand congregations , who may rather erre then extraordinary and higher Synods , to be the onely ordinary judges in their owne cause ; Nor doth any thing more follow from this argument , that when there is one congregation its alone in an Iland destitute of the helpe of consociated Churches ( which is a defect of an extraordinary providence of Christ in that one singular exigence ) that that congregation shall be both judge and party in its owne cause , if we suppose that one Micaiah shall contend for the truth , and all the rest of the Prophets and people of that congregation to be against the truth , and to judge and condemne one man , who seeketh the Lord in truth . It is a wonder to me that Thessalonica was but one single congregation , all hearing one Word , partakers of one Lords Supper at one Table ; yet the Apostle ascribeth to them that which is a note to worthy Baynes of the numerous multitude of the Church of Ierusalem , from whence went the Word of God to all the world , 1 Thes. 1. 8. For from you sounded out the Word of the Lord , not onely in Macedonia and Achaia , but also in every place your faith to God-ward is spread abroad . I deny not what Mr. Mather and Thomson say , but 5000 may meet to heare the word , and many thousands were gathered together Luke 12. to heare Christ ; but these reverend brethren doe leave out , 1. The inconvenience of thronging so all at once ; for , they trode one upon another . 2. Christ preached not to all those thousand at once , for it is expresly said , v. 1. He began to say to his Disciples . So Christ refusing to preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , who could not heare , and his doctrine being all for his Disciples , the very Sermon being preached to his Disciples onely , Matth. 10. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. and the Parable of the rich man v. 22. he applieth to his Disciples , Then he said to his Disciples , therefore I say unto you , take no thought for your life , &c. It evidenceth to me that Christ condemneth a numerous multitude in one congregation to heare at once . And whereas Chrysostome saith , 5000 persons did heare his voyce , at once , in one congregation , by meanes of Scaffolds and Galleries ; and Mr. Mather is willing to yeeld eight thousand an hundred and twenty were all assembled in one place to heare the Word , and that all the multitude of converts at Ierusalem were together in Salomons porch , Act. 5. 12. I grant three thousand could heare one at once ; but alas , this is a great uncertainty for independent congregations . But 1. this is to be proved that eight thousand ( Mr. Mather hath not added many other multitudes mentioned , Act. 5. 14. Act. 6. 1. v. 7. and elsewhere ) did meet daily in the Temple . 2. Daily and ordinarily from house to house . 3. To celebrate the Lords Supper daily in the Temple and in every private house ( there were need of many Scaffolds and Galleries ) to sit at one Table . 4. To make one judicature , and have more then power of consenting in Church . censures , as our brethren prove the whole Church of beleevers had , from Matth. 18. 17. 1 Cor. 5. 4. Act. 15. 22. 1 Cor. 14. 23. for my part I thinke such a miraculous Church cannot be the first mould of independent Churches to be established congregations meeting in one place , for to be edified by word , seales and censures . Yea Mr. Mather will have the whole convening as one independent congregation Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. and the many myriades or thousands of beleeving Jewes , Act. 21. 21 , 22 , 23. to meet as one congregation . Certainly the Apostles practice must be our rule , and then five hundred or a thousand being so farre beneath ten or eight thousand , may wel seem a number for fewnesse not competent ; and what shall we then thinke of seven onely , or ten ? Now let it be considered , if Rome being granted to be one Church , and in which to me there was a congregation and Church in the very family of Aquila and Priscilla , Rom. 16. v. 5. and whose faith was spread through all the world , Rom. 1. 8. so as famous writers say the halfe of the City beleeved , if they be but one single congregation meeting all in one place ? ard to me it is cleare , there was a single congregation in the very house of Aquila and Priscilla , Act. 18. 1 , 2 , 3 4. v. 26 27 , 28. and that Paul preached when he was there daily , beside his disputing in the Synagogue ; when he was at Rome there was a Church at his house , Rom. 16. 5. So Diodati saith on the place , That the Church at Aquila his house was the assembly of beleevers , who assembled themselves in their house ; for there were divers small assemblies in one and the selfe same City , 1 Cor. 16. 19. Col. 4. 15. Greet the Church that is at their house . Col. 1. 15. Salute Nymphus , and the Church at his house . Where Paul speaketh of believers only in a house , he giveth them not the name of a Church , as Ro. 16. 10. Salute them that are of Aristobulus houshold . V. 11. Greet them that are of the houshold of Narcissus . Phil. 4. 22. All the Saints salute you , especially those that are of Caesars house . I desire to know a reason of the difference of this Grammar , if there were no constituted Church in the house of Aquila and Priscilla , why in one Chapter the Apostle should change the phrase ? and I desire know what reason we have to goe from the literall meaning of the word , that is , a Church at Aquila his house , as well as a Church at C●rinth . For whereas some say that Rom. 1. 6. he saluteth not all of the house of Narcissus , but onely v. 11. those which are is the Lord ; 1. this exception is not brought concerning the house of Aristobulus , v. 10. 2 This exception confirmeth what I say , because where there is not a Church and an institured Society and politicall Church-meeting in the house of any of the Saint , there they are called beleevers of such a house , and not a Church at such a house . 3. This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used Rom. 16. 5. 1 Cor. 16. 19. Col. 4. 19. Phile. 2. must be the same with the Saints assemblea for the Word & Sacraments . Act. 5. 42. in the Temple , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from house to house daily , and it must be allope with Act. 2. 46. Where they continued daily in the Temple with one accord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and breaking bread from house to house ; and all one with the assembly of Disciples Act 20. 7. where they assembled for the Word and Sacrament of the Supper , especially seeing as the learned acknowledge , the Christians could not have Temples or houses built for the publique assemblies of the Saints as Rome and Corinth , but they met in private houses ; which seeing it cannot be denied , then were there at Rome two Churches at least ; one at the house of Aquila and Priscilla , 1 Cor. 16. 15. and another also pertaining to the rest of the Saints at Rome . And this saith , that if there had beene but one single Congregation at Rome , whereas one family had a Church , c. 165. and so many illustrious families received the faith of Christ , it is like their faith could not have been published through all the world , Rom. 1. 8. if the Christian faith had not had a greater prevalency in comparison of the false God● then worshipped at Rome , then to be in one poore single meeting . And for the Church of Corinth , I humbly conceive they could not be one single congregation , if these foure circumstances be considered : 1. The multitude of beleevers there . 2. The multitude of Teacher● . 3. The diversity of Tongues . 4. A Presbyteriall meeting of Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. For the first , Act. 18. 9. Many of the Corinthians believed , and were baptized . Now if we shall believe that the Apostolique Church conjoyned preaching and baptizing , the Word and the Sacraments ; and that the Apostles baptized none but those to whom they preached , I conceive it cannot be denied but there were divers assemblies for the Word and the Sacrament ; for Paul , 1 Cor. 14. 15. Baptized n●ne but Crispus and Gaius , and the houshold of Stephanus ; it many were baptized , other Pastors , not Paul baptized them , 1 Cor. 1. 14 , 15 , 16. and so they were baptized in other assemblies , then in those in which Paul baptized . 2. It is cleare that to comfort Paul whose spirit could not but be heavy , as you may gather from Rom. 7. 2 , 3. because he was Act. 18. 6 , 7. resisted so in his ministery by the blasphemies of the Jewes rejecting the Gospel , that he shooke his rayment on them , and said , your blood be upon your owne heads , I am cleane ; from henceforth I will goe to the Gentiles ; The Lord saith unto him in a vision , 9. Be not afraid , but speake , and hold not thy peace , 10. For I am with thee , and no man shall set on thee , for I have much people in this City . 11. And he continued there a yeere and six moneths , teaching the Word amongst them . Now let this in equity be considered , if the gaining of one single congregation which meet for the Word , Sacraments , 1 Cor. 11. 20 , 21 , 22. 1 Cor. 14. 19. and also to acts of Church-censures 1 Cor. 5. 4. as our brethren teach , which could not exceed one thousand conveniently in a setled and daily meeting , had first been much people ; secondly , much , in comparison of thousands of the Jewes who rejected the Lord Jesus , as may be gathered from comparing Act. 18. 5 , 6. and Act. 13. 43 , 46 , 47. with Act. 21. ●0 . where it is said , many thousands of the Jewes believed , for the greatest part of the Iewes rejected Christ , as is cleare 1 Thess. 2. 14. 15. 16. and so many more thousands behoved to reject Christ then believed ? Now what comfort could Paul have had in this , that many thousands of the Jewes rejected the Gospell , and yet all the much people that God had in Corinth were but fo●soot● to the number of one compleat Assembly of a single Congregation , which did meet in a private House , for the celebration of the Lords Supper ? For Piscator with all our Divines , 1 Cor. 14 teach that their were no capacious Temples in Corinth , where they did meet for Gods worship . 2. Judge if one single Congregation ( for the Congregations planted by the Apostles behoved to be competent , and convenient for edification , that all might heare and all partake of one bread , 1 Cor. 10. 16. and one Table of the Lord , v. 21. ) could necessitate Paul to stay at Corinth a yeare and six moneths , when as Paul by one Sermon made in a certaine mans House named Justus did bring many to believe and be Baptized , Acts 18 7. 8. And these many might conveniently make a Congregation beside the much people that God had there , v. 10. not yet called , but yet they were , as interpreters say , the Lords people , by Gods decree of predestination . 2. The multitude of Teachers proveth that their were more Congregation then one ; for 1. It is incongruous to the Wisdome of Christ to raise up many reapers , where the harvest is narrow , many builders for one congregationall House . 2. It is contrary to Christs practice , who sent not twelve Pastors to one place , but sent them out two by two , that all might find worke : now can we thinke , that where God had much people , as Acts 18. 10. that he would have hundreths of Prophets to be hearers and one at once to speak to one single Congregation ? to what end gave the Lord a Talent to such a huge multitude of prophets ? that they might be oftener hearers , then they could be in actuall prophecying ? It is not like . 3. Whereas it is said , 1 Cor. 14. 31. you may all prophecy one by one , that all may learne , and all may be comforted , Di●datus saith , yee may all prophecy , namely by course and in diverse or severall Assemblies . And Estius saith the same , to wit , that these Prophets were to prophecy in diverse assemblies ; and for this it is that he saith , v : 34. let your women 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keepe silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Churches ; Ergo , he supposeth there were more Congregations then one at Corinth ; Nor is there reason to say with some , he speaketh of Churches in the plurall number , because he made mention of all the Churches of the Saints in the verse going before , for 1. He saith , your Wom●n , let them be silent : now if he had not meant that there were many Congregations at Corinth , he would not have forbidden it in their Women , but of all Women , and it is knowen there was a great abuse of spirituall gifts in Corinth , so as women did prophecy in the assemblies , and this the Apostle forbiddeth in their Churches in the pl●● all number . And I pray you what roome or place was there for such a multitude of Prophets to edifie the Churches in one private House ? for there were no Temples where they might meet at Corinth . 4. If Kenchrea be comprehended under the Church of Corinth in this Epistle , and the Apostle writing to the Corinthians wrote also to this Church called Romans 16. 1. The Church at Kenchrea , then have we more Congregations then one at Corinth . Now the learned teach that Kenchrea was a Sea-port or Harbour of the Corinthians , a Origen saith it was a place neer to Corinth . Off the Aegean Sea one the East , and as b Strabo saith , ad sinum Saronicum , as Lechea was the other port . See c Plinius . And the multitude of Teachers ( I humbly conceive ) which did preach at Korinth may be gathered from 1 Cor. 1. 5. 1 Cor. 4. 6. 15. 1 Cor. 1. 12 , 13. 1 Cor. 3. 4 , 5. 1 Cor. 14. where there are multitudes of these who were all gifted to edifie others , as those who spake with Tongues , wrought miracles , had the gift of healing . And so many Prophets that Paul saith , v. 31. for yee may all prophecy , that all may lear●e , and all may be comforted , if these ( all ) who were to learne , and to be comforted be the much people which God had in this City Acts 18. 9. and this ( all ) to be instructed and comforted , I have no farther to say . And 3. I can hardly believe that the end why God sent the gift of diverse tongues amongst them was to e●ifie one single Congregation : for it is true that our Brethren say , that 1 Corinthia●s vers . 22. 14. Tongues are for a signe , not to them that believe , but to them that believe not . But that which they hence collect is most groundlesse , to wit , that therefore the gift of Tongues , according to its genuine end and intention is onely a miracle for the gaining of Heathen to the Faith , and not intended to edifie the Church and people of a strange Language , after they are brought in to the Church , and therefore there is no ground for people of divers congregations to be instructed by strange Tongues . Ans. The whole current of Divines answer , ( as also Estius observeth on the place ) Tongues are given especially for infidels , ut novitate mirac●li convertantur , that by the newnesse of the miracle they may be converted , though also Tongues serve to instruct these who believe , and consequently ; say I , that the Churches of divers Tongues may be edified . And let me adde that strange Tongues were a mixt miracle . I say mixt , because both they were given to be a miraculous signe to assure Heathen , that the sending downe of the Holy Ghost was a miraculous fruit of Christs Ascension to Heaven ; who promised that when he was ascended to the Father , he would send the other comforter , as is cleare Acts 2 , 89 , 10 , 11 12. and also it was so a miracle that Paul proveth that it is fruitlesse and wanteth the naturall and genuine end of speech and an humane voyce in the Church , if it edifie not , as 1. Tongues edifie not the Church , except you speak to these who know the Language , or except there be an Interpreter , for other ways the speaker with Tongues shall be as a Barbarian to these to whom ●e speaketh , and they as Barbarians to him 1 Cor. 14. 6. 7. 8 9 , 10 , 11. 2 He that speaketh with Tongues is to pray that he may interpret , v. 13. That he may edifie the Church . 3. He that speaketh with Tongues , if he be not understood , is fruitlesse and uselesse to others , because the hearers can neither say amen to his preaching , nor to his praying , v. 14. 15 , 16 , 17. ( 4 ) except a man teach others , his gift of Tongues teacheth not the Church , v. 18 , 19 10. ( 5 ) strange Tongues in the Church when the hearers understand not , are a judgement of God rather then an edifying of the Church , v. 21. & c. hence it is more then evident , that the edifying end , why the Lord had raised up these in the Church of Corinth , ( which was now a planted and watered Church , 1 Cor. 1. 1. ch . 3 5 , 6 , 7. and a building , the foundation whereof was layd , v. 10. 11 , 12 , &c. ) was that the Church might be edified . And so the gift of Tongues , as touching its edifying use and end , was fruitlesse , and of no effect ; yea as we teach against Papists , unlawfull in Gods publick worship , except there had been diverse assemblies and Congregations , which understood these Tongues . Nor can it be said , that all in Corinth understood Greeke . And therefore these of divers Tongues might be understood by all : for 1. This layeth a ground that there was no Tongue a strange Tongue , but the Greeke Tongue . 2. That all speaking with strange Tongues was well understood , whereas the Apostle sayth the contrary , v. 10. 11 , 12. v. 16. v. 23. That many spake with Tongues in that Church , and yet the hearers could not say amen to them , nor be edified by their preaching or praying , v. 19. if then strange Tongues were gifts of God given to that planted Church to edifie these who believed , and to edifie the Church , as well as to gaine heathen , there must needs be divers Congregations at Corinth , and therefore I cannot but thinke that weak which Mr. Mather ; and Mr. Thomson say ; But the place , 1 Cor. 14. 23. That speaketh of the whole Church comming together to one place doth unavaydably prove , that Corinth had their meetings , and not by way of distribution into severall congregations , but altogether in one congregation : and it is plaine , that though they had variety of Teachers and Prophets . yet they all used to c●●●e together to one place . I answ . 1. The place , 1 Cor. 14. 23. if the whole Church come together , &c. doth evince the contrary , for the Apostle doth there reason ab absurdo , from a great incongruity ; it were incongruous ( saith he ) and ridiculous that the whole Church of Corinth , and all their gifted men speaking with diverse Tongues ( so that they could not be understood by Infidells ) should all convene in one place , and speake with divers Tongues , for the unlearned and the unbelievers would say they were madde ; therefore hee presupposeth that the whole Church should not all come to one place , but that they should so come to one place v. 24. in diverse assemblies , and all prophecy in a Tongue knowen to the Infidells , as the unbeliever being convinced and judged of all the Prophers . he might fall down on his face , and worship God , and say , God is in you of a truth . 2. The whole Church is not the whole , much people of Corinth that believed , that did ordinarily meet in one place ; the Text saith no such thing , and that is to be proved and not taken as granted , and so the consequence is most avoydable ; for 1. You must say that at any one Assembly , all the Prophets and Teachers of Corinth did prophecy , for the Text saith , v. 24. He is convinced of all , he is judged of all . Whereas the consequence should be absurd , it should be a longesome and we●●● some meeting ; for Interpreters say they meet in diverse Assemblies , and the Text saith expresly , v. 29. That at one meeting they prophecied , but two or three : now if two only prophecied in one Congregation at one Assembly , as this Text will warrant clearely , then how doth this whole Church consisting of all the Believers of Corinth , a● is supposed by our Brethren , convince the infidell , so as it may beare this sense , v. 24. He is convinced of all , he is judged of all ? can two Prophets be all Prophets ? And how doth it be●re this v. 24. But if all prophesie , & c ? surely , for my part , I think it must unavoydably be said , that they all prophecied distributively and in severall Congregations . And it is very probable to me , that as women prophecied , so many prophecied at once , and that the Apostle correcteth their abuse , when he will have them to prophecy by course , v. 27. And that too numerous a multitude did prophecy in one Assembly , and therefore the Apostle reducing this Church to order , retrencheth the number v. 29. to two or three , and so this which he saith v. 31. for you may all prophecy one by one , &c. must unavoydably be understood distributively in divers Congregations and Assemblies , and so must we take the words where it is said , v. 24. all the Prophets convince , all judge , distributively ; and the whole Church v. 23. by this cannot beare this sense , that the whole Church of Corinth comprehending the the whole Prophets . Teachers , and ●elievers , did all collectively meet in one single Assembly . And that the much people which the Lord had at Corinth , Acts 18. 9. was one society partaking of one Table of the Lord , in one private house , and all in one consistory judging and censuring and excommunicating . Lastly , I thinke ( with reverence of the learneder ) that these Prophets were a Colledge of Teaching Prophets whose gifts were imployed in edifying severall Congregations ; only some , say they , were Prophets extrordinarily inspired . 2. They were not Prophets of the Church of Corinth , and therefore are not any patterne of a Presbytery , but I answer . 1. Though they were Prophets extraordinarily inspired , yet do they prove well some ordinary acts of a Presbytery , and that 2. They were Prophets of that same Church of Corinth , I conceive ; For they do here Prophecy according to the analogy of Faith , and that they have common with Prophets now adayes . 2. They are by these same rules regulated that our Pastors are now . 3. They exercise these same acts of Jurisdiction which Pastors do now exercise . 1. They are to prophecy in a knowen Tongue , v. 19. 20 , 21 , 22 ▪ and that the edification and comfort of the Church , ● . 31. even as P●stors now adayes , only the internall principle , to wit , the insused gift of prophecying made them extraordinary Prophets , in fi●ri , as our Prophets become Prophets by ordinary industry and studies , in furi : but in facto esse , and according to the substance of the acts of prophecying , these extraordinary Prophets , and our ordinary Prophets and Pastors differ not in specie and nature . As the Eyes put in the man borne blind Ioh. 9. and these Eyes which we suppose he was capable of from his mothers wombe , and the Wine miraculously made out of water by Iesus Christ , Ioh. 2. and the Wines that grew in Iudea , according to their manner of production and in fieri differed , but in facto esse they were of the same nature . Hence you see in the Text these Prophets are every way regulated as ordinary prophets , and as the Prophets of the Church of Corinth . 1 Because it is acknowledged by all Interpreters that the scope of the Chapter is to prescribe what is order and decency in the publick worship in the Church of Corinth ; as the last verse saith , v. 40. let all things be done decently and in order , and consequently how these Prophets should edifie the Church of Corinth , v. 4. 12 16 , 17. ( ● ) That these Prophets should not speake in publick the language of Barbar●an , v. 11 , 12. to the which the hearer could not say Amen , v. 16. and this way are our ordinary Prophets regulated , except that Papists will but say service in Latine , ( 3 ) A direction is put on the Prophets , on these who speake with Tongues , that they be not children in understanding , and that they be , in malice , as children , but as concerning understanding , men , v. 20. which agreeth well to Prophets as they are ordinary Pastors . ( 4 ) What more ordinary , then the comming together of the whole Church for prophecying , v. 23. 24. and convincing of unbelievers ? a● 25. ( 5 ) the Prophets are to be limited to a way of speaking to edification , as he who speaketh with Tongues , who must speake by an Interpreter , or then be silent in the Church , v. 27. 28. ( 6 ) These Prophets , a● our ordinary Prophets , must speake orderly , and that but one at once , to eschew confusion , v. 29. ( 7 ) What they speake is to be judged and put under censure , for the whole Colledge must judge , v. 29. 8. ( 8 ) And as the women are here put under a rule , when to speak , and when to be silent , v. 34. 35. So are these prophets , all which , and divers other rules doe regulate our ordinary Prophets , which clearely saith to me , that this is a patterne of a Colledge of ordinary Prophets under that same policy and rules of policy as the ordinary Colledge of Pastors at Corinth , and 3. To this Colledge agreeth a power dogmaticall of judging , and censuring the Doctrine of the Prophets delivered , 29. let the Prophets speak two or three , and let the other judge . This is not a power of judging that every Christian hath . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Piscator , doth relate to the Prophets who are to judge ; But ( as I take it ) a propheticall judging , which may , by good anology , warrant the juridicall power of a presbytery to judge and examine these who preach the word , that there creep not in false Teachers into the Church . And for Ephesus . The huge number of Believers and yet making one Church , Rev. 2. 2. saith that Ephesus was a presbyteriall Church as many circumstances evince , Acts 19. for . 1. Paul established twelve men Prophets who spake with Tongues , and prophecied . To what end did Paul set up twelve Labourers at Epheseus , with diverse languages , but to establish divers Assemblies ? did they all meet dayly in one house with Paul to heare him , and turned silent Prophets themselves , when they were indeed with the gift of Tongues to speake to the edification of Assemblies of divers tongues ? It is not credible . 2. And v. 10. Paul continued here for the space of two yeares , ( and was this for one competent number , who did all meet in one private house ? how can this be credible ? ) 3. All that dwelt in Asia heard the Word of the Lord Iesus , both Jewes and Greeks , then in great Ephesus there behoved to be more then one Congregation . 4. The great miracles done by Paul. v. 11. 12. to admiration of all , and to procure the imitation of false Prophets . 5. The name of the Lord Iesus was magnified by the Iewes and Greeks that dwelt at Ephesus . 6. There behoved to be a great work of God , when great Ephesus turned to the faith . It is , 1. Remarkable that Christ the wisdome of the father directed his Apostles to the most famous Cities , to cast out their nets , for conquering of soules to Christ , as in Indea they came to Samaria , and to great Jerusalem ; in Syria to Antiochia , in Grecia to Corinth , in Italy to Rome , in Asia the lesse to Ephesus ; now the Scripture is cleare the Apostles , that ever we read , planted but one Church , as is cleare in one City in Ierusalem , in Antiochia , in Corinth , in Rome , in Ephesus : and observe , the basis and prime principle of our Brethrens independent Churches doth all ly upon this meer conjecture , that the Lords Grace did restrict and limit the fruits of the triumphing Gospell , in the hands of the Apostles the conquerors of the World to Iesus Christ , that they planted but in the greatest Cities they came to ( and they appoynted Elders in every City ) onely one poore single Congregation , as a patterne of all independent Churches , and this consisted of no more then could meet conveniently in one House for Word , Sacraments , one Lords Table , and one Ecclesiasticall Church - court for censures . Certainly this Church being a patterne to all instituted Churches , could not exceed the number of a thousand men , or two thousand Believers , and this is a greater number by some hundreds , I am sure , then can make a competent Church-meeting , and I hope no man could say we erred , if we should now make eight or ten thousand one Congregation in ordinary , as our Brethren say the first Congregationall Church of Jerusalem wa● . B●t . 2. This City was the mother City and flower of Asia . 2. It was noble , because of Diana's Temple , the length whereof was foure hundred and twenty five foot , the breadth two hundred and twenty foot , the pillars were an hundred and twenty seven , the height of every pillar was sixty foot . Amongst which there were thirty pillars most curiously carded . Others say they were an hundred and thirty seven pillars made by severall Kings , the Temple was built by all Asia for the space of two hundred and twenty , ( some say ) fourty yeares . It was inlarged by Alexander ; And thither came all Asia the lesse to the Temple of great Diana . For they had no other Religion , here dwelt the proconsull of Asia , as saith a Philostratus , It abounded with artes and Sciences , Philosophers and Orators , b Chrysostom saith that in it were Pythagaras , Parmenides , Zeno , Democritus , it was compassed with excellent Cities , and noble for Asiatick commodities , see c Plinius , and d Alexander Neopolitanus , e Ignatius highly commendth it from the purity of the Gospell . All this I relate not as an unpertient digression , but to shew that the Gospell behoved to be more mighty here ; then that Paul set up but one single Congregation and an Eldership congregationall only , Acts 20. 28. v. 36. 37. Especially consider what Beasts Paul fought with at Ephesus , for here were many Jewes who opposed him . 2. All the multitude , by the instigation of Demetrius , avowing that their Diana was the goddesse not only of Ephesus but of all Asia ; yet God made the word so mightily to prevaile , for v. 10. Paul remaining there by the space of two yeares , all that dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord , both Jewes and Greeks . I aske how it could stand with Pauls universall commission to preach to Iew and Gentiles , 1 Cor. 9. 20. 21. as an Apostle , to ●em●ine neere three years at Ephesus for one single congregation , and the erecting of one Congregationall presbytery ? 3. We see how zealously mad they have been on their Religion , when they had such a curious Temple for Diana . And 4. Demetrius and the crafts had their living by making silver shrines to Diana . And 5. What power of the Gospell it behoved to be , which made their learned men who used curious arts , to submit to the Gospell and bring their Books and burne them before all men ? and the sums of these Books extended to a great sum of mony , the common people ordinarily follow the learned and the wise of the City and Land ; This could not have been done except the far greater part of the City had submitted to the Gospell , for when they were well neer ready to tear Paul in peeces , they behoved to be wounderfully tamed , when many Believed , and came and confessed and shewed their deeds , v. 18. Baynes com . on 1. ch . Ephes. saith , Ephesus was a City sogiven to riot that it banished Hermodor . Upon no other consideration , but because he was an honest sober man ; And also Paul 1 Cor. 16. saith , v. 9. for a great doore and effectuall is open to me at Ephesus , This was , as all Interpreters Protestant and popish say , uno ore , a large harvest . Upon these considerations , I leave to our reverend Brethren their judgement : if Mr. Mather , and Mr. Thomson say right , we doe not thinke they were more in number at Ephesus , then in Corinth and Ierusalem , where the Christians met all in one place . Likewise Samaria a numerous City was one Church , for that it is said of them , Acts 8 , 5 , 6. They heard Philip , v. 14. Samaria received the Word , it was a publick visible Churchreceiving of the word ; and v. 12. They believed and were Baptized both men and women . Where a multitude no better then Heathen as Samaria was , receive the Seale of the Covenant , to wit Baptisme , they must receive it in a Church-way , except we thinke that promiscuously all come to age were received to the Seales , and when Peter and Iohn came to Samaria to helpe Philip in the worke , it cannot be that they all went to one House , and to one single Assembly to preach the Word ; The Church of Antiochia must be a Presbyteriall Church , a● it is Acts 11. v. 19. 20. for the multitude of Believers may be collected from These who were scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about Steven — 20 — when they were come to Antioch , spaks unto the Grecians preaching the Lord Jesus . 21. and the hand of the Lord was with them : and a great number believed and turned to the Lord. This is not like to be one Congregation , seeing they are , 1. much people . 2. many scattered preachers . 3. And the Hand of the Lord accompained their labours 2. v. 23. when Barnabas , sent by the Church of Ierusasalem , came and saw the Grace of God , he exhorted them all , That with purpose of heart they would cleave to the Lord , and upon Barnabas his preaching , v. 24. — much people was added to the Lord. Here is a second accession made to the Church of Antioch . ( 3 ) v. 25. Then departed Barnabas to Tarsus to seek Saul . 26. And when hee had found him , hee brought him to Antioch . And it came to passe that a whole yeare they assembled themselves with the Church , and taught much people ( here is a third accession ; ) And such a huge multiplication , that the Church of Antioch giveth a denomination of Christianity to all the Christian Churches of the World. All which saith , it cannot be one poore single Congregation , for there was at least , if not more then one Congregation at Antioch , when tidings came to Jerusalem that the Lord had a Church at Antioch , before they sent Barnabas to these Churches , v. 22. and what might this Church grow to when much people was added to the Lord , by the labours of Barnabas ? v. 24. And how was it increased when Barnabas and Paul after that taught the Word to much people a whole yeare ? v. 26. It grew after that a great Church , so that a Chrysostom commendeth Antioch for the prime Church . And b Oecumenius saith , for this cause there was a Patriarch appointed at Antioch , which certainly sayth thus much , that it was a more numerous Church then one single Congregation , and c Cyrillus so extolled the Church of Antioch , because the Disciples were first named Christians there , that he saith , this was the new name that Esaiah said the Mouth of the Lord d should name , and so doth e Hilarius expound the Text ; which , seeing it is clearely the new glory of the Church of the Gentiles , adjoyned to the Church of the Iewes , it cannot arise from a handfull of a single Congregation , in the mind of these Fathers , and though we love not with some antiquity to make Antioch the first Church before Rome ; yet seeing it was of old before Rome , we may hence collect that that Church which was patriarchall , was not Congregationall , and therefore I make no use hereof , f Volaterranus who saith of old the Patriarch of Antioch had under him 14. Metropolitans , 53. Bishops , and 366 Temples , onely it is like that Antiquity hath believed that there was a great number of Believers in this Church at first . Now to These , which to mee prove it was more then one Congregation , wee may adde that there was , Ch. 13. 1. in the Church that was at Antioch , certaine Prophets and Teachers , as they are reckoned out ; These at Antioch Ministered to the Lord , in publick prayers ( saith g Beza ) and preaching , and ( saith n Diodatus ) in administration also of the Sacraments , and other parts of the Evangelick Ministery i Oecumenius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now I would know what all these Prophets and Doctors , beside Paul and Barnabas who preached a whole yeare at Antioch , did , in peaching to one single Congregation ? and also it is said , Acts 15. 35. Paul and Barnabas continued at Antioch , Teaching and preaching the Word of Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with also many others . Certainly here is a Colledge of preaching Pastors , who also did lay hands on Paul and Barnabas , Acts 13. v. 3. which all could not be busied in Teaching one single Congregation at Antioch . Mr. Mather saith that the whole multitude of the Church of Antioch were gathered together Acts 14. 27. and Acts 15. 30 , 31. to heare the Epistle read which was sent from the Synod . Therefore this Church was no more then might meete in one place . Answ. I answer , the place Acts 14. 27. is the representative Church , for they met for a poynt of Discipline , at least for a matter that concerned all the Churches , to wit , to know how God had opened the doore of faith to the Gentiles , then must the many thousands of Men and Women , which made up the Church at Ierusalem , Acts 2. 42. Acts 4. 4. Acts 5. 14. Acts 6. 1. v. 7. Acts 21. v. 22. be many Congregations ; now any Man may judge , how unpossible it was for the many thousands of the Church of Ierusalem to meet as one Congregation , for the Lords Supper and matters of Discipline , and it is knowen that the many thousands of the believing Iewes convened to the feast did not make one Church , Acts 21. 20. 21 , 22. for our Brethren say , that was an extraordinary confluence of many people from all ●udea came to the feast of Pentecost . And this , many learned Protestant Divines answer to that place . But 2. I doe believe that the assembling of the multitude at Antioch , c. 15. v. 30. which sayth Judas and Silas gathered to●ether the multitude , and delivered the Epistle , and Acts 11. 26. and Barnabas and Paul their assembling with the Church a yeare , must be taken distributively . And that there were more assemblings of the multitude and Church at Antioch then one , for Silas , Paul , Barnabas abode a good space at Antioch and taught the Word of the Lord with many others , Acts 15. 34 35. and therefore there is no ground or warrant , to say , that the Epistle was read to all that meeting in one day , and at one meeting , and as little warrant there is to say that Barnabas and Paul assembled themselves , Acts 11. 26. with one and the same single Church-assembly consisting of all the Christians at Antioch , in one house , and in one day , the space of the whole yeare in which they abode at Antioch , nor shall I believe that Paul and Barnabas and many other Teachers at Antioch , Acts 15. 35. Acts 11. 20 , 26. Acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. assembled all in one materiall house at one single Church-convention : but it suteth not with the wisdome of Christ who sent his Disciples out , two by two , for the hastening of the worke , Mat. 10. That they did all , even the many prophets at Antioch , Acts 15. 35. Acts 13. 1. 2. onely bestow their labours upon one single Congregation . And the word Church , and ( Synagogue ) both are taken distributively in the Scripture , and must of necessity be taken so . And so must we take the word , Exod. 12. 6. and so a Ainsworth readeth it , and the ( lambe ) shall be kept by you , untill the fourteenth day of this moneth , and the whole Church of the congregation of Israel shall kill it . between the two evenings , & immolabunt eum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Arias Montanus turneth it , omnis cetus catus Synagogae Israel . Now the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that place must be taken distributively . For all the children of Israel collectively did not meet to slay the Lambe ; for the Text saith , v. 3. it was to be slaine in the House , that is , ( saith c Ainsworth ) as the Greeke translateth , Houses . And here v. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the House of their Fathers . The word ( House ) here must bee taken distributively for d Rivetus with great reason inclineth to thinke that the Passeover was not a Sacrifice properly so called . And truly to me the Lord doth determine the question , Jer. 7. 22. for I spake not to your fathers , nor commanded them in the day that I brought them out of the Land of Egypt concerning burnt offerings and sacrifice , for 2 Chro. 30 , v. 2. 17. there is no necessity to expound the place of these convivall Lambes of the Passeover , but of other Sacrifices offered at this time , see e Lyran , and f Cajetanus . And also g Cornelius a lapide saith on the words ( because he can find no ground for the Mosse in the place ) hinc pate● universos sacerdotes non immolasse hos agnos paschales in Templo , uti sentit Claudius Sainctes , 1. Repet . Eucharist . c. 7. Abulensis in Exod. 16. & ex eo Serrarius in Josu . 5. 9. 22. and it is certaine every Master of the Family did slay his owne Lambe , and h Diodatus on these words ( in every House ) to shew the communion of the Church , in the enjoying of Christ and his benefi●s . And the i seventy Interpreters render the place , Exo. 12. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and k the Chaldee paraphrast , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immolabunt eum omnis Ecclesia filiorum Israel . l Hieron . immolabit eum universa multitudo filiorum Israel . However , there were neither Priests nor Temple as yet in Israel , when they came out of Egypt . And therefore every head of a Family did slay the Lambe , and so the Church of the Congregation distributively taken slew the Lambe , every one by himselfe ; and so is the word ( Synagogue ) taken where it s every way a Congregationall assembly ; as Mat. 13. 54. And when hee was come to His owne Country , He taught them in their Synagogue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The word ( Synagogue ) must be taken distributively . For he did not teach in one single Synagogue onely in his own Countrey , but in many Synagogues , one after another , in diverse places , and at divers times ; as it is expounded , Luke 4. 44. and Hee was preacking , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Sgnagogues of Galilee , in the plurall number , Mat. 9. 35. He went about all Townes and Villages teaching in their Synagogues , &c. Joh. 18. 54. I ever taught in the Synagogues , and dayly in the Temple whither the Iewes alwayes refort . And therefore ( Synagogue ) Mat. 13. 54. in the singular number must be expounded distributively , for many Synagogues in diverse places and diverse times , and so doe I thinke the word ( Church ) and muluitude Acts 11. 26. Acts 5. 30. must be taken distributively ; and so the word Church is taken . 1 Cor. 14. 19. Yet in the Church I had rather speak five words with my understanding , that I may teach others , then ten thousand words in an unknowen Tongue . Paul ( I hope ) desired not to speake in a knowen tongue to edifie in one single Congregation of Corinth onely , but in all the Churches where he taught , and 1 Cor. 14 35. It is a shame for a Woman to speake in the Church : the word Church cannot be in that place restricted to the one single Congregation , supposed to meet all in one house at one time in Corinth , because it is a shame for a Woman to preach in all the Churches of the World , as is clear , 1 Tim. 2 , 11 , 12. and Exod. 12. 47. all the Church , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of Israel shall doe it , that is , they shall eate the Lambe in their Houses , and shall not break a bone thereof , so the 70. Interpreters render it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Chaldee paraphrast , Omnis caetus Israel faciet illud . It were easie to b●ing infinite instances out of the Word of God to make good that a collective , noun such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Church , is taken distributively . So James 2. 2. if toere came unto your assembly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man with a gold Ring , &c. Except the word ( assemblie ) or , Church , be taken distributively and not collectively , it shall follow that all the dispersed Iewes , to whom Iames doth write , have one single place of Church-assembly , as Heb. 10. 25. not forsaking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the assembly of your selves together , a● the manner of some is ; but can any inferre from this place , more then from Acts 11. 26. Acts. 15. 35. that all the whole Hebrewes , to whom that Apostle doth write had one ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) single Church-meeting , and one Congregation , in the which they did all meet for worship ? I thinke not : or will it follow that there were none amongst all these Iewes who did separate from any Church-assemblie , except onely from the Church-assembly of a single Congregation , because the Apostle mentioneth onely one single Church-meeting ? I think not , and therefore the Apostles mentioning of one assembling of the Church , acts 11. 26. and of one multitude , in the singular number , acts 15. 30. can never prove that there was but one single Congregation at Antioch . Therefore there be great ●dds betwixt meeting in a Church , and meeting in the Church . Also Tit. 1. 5. for this cause was Titus left at Creet , that he might appaynt Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every City , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be not all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acts 14. 23. acts 16. 4. 5. That is , if ordaining of Elders of every City , bee not as good , as ordaining of Elders in every Church , then must there be but in all , and every City , where ever the Apostles or Evangelists planted Churches , but one single Congregation , and not any more then could meet in a single Congregation ; which is a conjecture , and much contrary to these times when the Gospell admirably grew in the World. And it must follow that every City had but such a competent number as met in one place ; and if this hold , as an uncertaine thing , in great Cities , then must we say an Eldership in a City , and an Eldership of many Congregations were the first planted apostolick Churches , and so rules to us also . And looke what frame of Churches the Apostles did institute in Cities , that same they behoved to institute in Villages also , for places cannot change the frame of any institution of Christ. 2. The communion of Saints and Church-edification is as requisite for Villages , as for Cities . Arguments removed , which Mr. Richard Mather , and Mr. William Thomson Pastors in New England , in their answer to Mr. Charles Herle , do bring , so far as they make against the authors former Treatises , and a scanning of some Synodicall propositions of the Churches of N. England . MR. Mather , Mr. Thomson , c. 1. 9. Governing power is only in the Elders , 1 Cor. 12. 28. Rom. 12. 8. Heb. 13. 17. the people hath no power but rather a liberty or priviledge , which when it is exercised about Ordination , Deposition , Excommunication , is of the whole communiter , or in generall , but not of all and every member in particular ; Women for their Sex , children for want of discr●tion are d●barred . Answ. If there be no governing power in Women , nor any act at all in excommunication . You loose many arguments that you bring , 1 Cor. 5. to prove that all have hand in excommunication . 1. Because Paul writeth to all . 2. All were to mourne . 3. All ware to forbeare the company of the excommunicated men . Then belike Paul writeth not to all Saints at Corinth , not to Women , and Women were not to mourne for the scandall ; nor to forbeare his company . 2. The priviledge being a part of liberty purchased by Christs Body , it must be due to Women , for the liberty wherewith Christ hath made Women free cannot be taken away by any Law of God from their Sex , except in Christ Iesus there be difference betwixt Iew and Gentile , male and female ; nor is it removed because i● i● a power or authority , for the authors say it is no power , but a priviledge . 3. What priviledge the people have in ordination to confer a Ministery which they neither have formally , nor vertually , I know not . But I doe willingly say something here of the peoples power ; The first Synodicall proposition of New England , is . 1. Propos. The fraternity is the first Subject of all Ministeriall power , radicalitèr , idest 〈◊〉 per modum collationis , some say suppletivè , non habitualitèr , non actualit ●r , non formalitèr . That is , ( if I conceive it right ) The people voyd of all Officers have a vertuall power to conferre a Ministery on their Officers though they have not this power in themselves . I could in some sense yield that Believers not Angells , are capable of the Ministeriall power to exercise it formally , but that Believers doe , or can , by any way of causative influence , make Church-Officers , I see not : they may design a man qualified to bean Officer to the Office , and that is all . But say they , people wanting , or being naked and without all Officers hath not formally or habitually any power in them , this latter part Igrant , and the 2. Proposition I grant , to wit. That the presbytery is the first subject of all presbyteriall power habitually , and formally . But I doe not see how it standeth with the third proposition ; which is 3. The fraternity or the people without the Officers , and without Women or children , have an authoritative concurrence with the presbytery , in judiciall acts . Because if the Brethren have an halfe Ministeriall power with the Officers in acts of Jurisdiction and Excommunication , Deposition , and Censures , I see not how there is not a Ministeriall power formally and habitually , at least in part , in the Brethren ; and so contrary to the third proposition , the Prasbytery is not the first subject of all Prebyteriall power , for the brethren are sharers with the Elders in this power . 2. We desire to see it made good by Gods Word , that the brethren have a joynt power of Jurisdiction with the Elders , for the Table giveth them a brotherly publick power not by way of Charity , but a politick Church power , in many eminent acts , especially in those eight ; and that constantly , 1. In the admission . 1. In Sending Messengers to the Churches . 2. In the excommunication of members . 2. 2. In interpretation of Scripture . 3. In the calling . 3. In a judiciall determination of controversies of Religion in a synod . 4. And Deposition of Ministers . 4. In a power of disposing of things indifferent . I cannot see any judiciall power , or any farther then a charitative yielding by way of a loving and brotherly consent , that the Scripture giveth to brethren . 3. How this can be denied to be a power of jurisdiction and governing ; and an actuall Ministeriall using of the Keyes of the Kingdome by those who ex officio , by place , and calling are no Officers , I believe is not easily understood . 4. The letter that I saw sayth , that that learned and godly Divine Mr. Cotton and some others thinke , that the Church as it is an Organicall Body made up of Elders , and people is the first subject of all Ecclesiasticall power , and they divide it into a power of authority , and a power of liberty , whereof the power of authority belongeth to the Elders or Eldership , and the power of liberty to the Fraternity , or Brethren that are not Officers ; and therefore these reverend brethren deny any authoritative concurrence to the brethren , and they thinke that the Church as it is an homogeneall body , that is , a company destitute of Officers , cannot formally ordaine , excommunicate , or censure the Elders , though in case of obstinacy they may doe that which is equivalent , and so separate from them . The 4. Proposition is ; The fraternity or Brethren in an Organicall Body , or in a ●●med and established Church consisting of Officers and people , act and use their authority , subordinate per modum obedi nt●ae , subordinately , and by way of due obedience to the Elders , 2 C●r . 10. 6. But I desire a word of Christs Testament for this , where wee a●de that collaterall Judges acting as Judges doe act by way of obedience and subjection one to another : for if the brethren , 1 Cor. 5. convened in Court with the Elders to deliver the incestuous man to Satan , do act in that Court as giving obedience to the Elders , I see not how they concurre authoritatively is sharers with them of that same Ministeriall power : if it be said , brethren though they act as Judges in excommunicating , yet they remaine brethren and a part of the flock , and so in all their morall acts of authoritative concurring with the Elders , they are under the pastorall care of these who watch for Soules , and so they judge and act even in the Court as under subjection to their watchmen , who must give an accompt for their Soules ; I answer , so the Elders in their acts of the most supreame Ministeriall authority and acting in a Church . court , leave not off to be brethren and a part of the flock of Christ , and so in subjection one to another ; for six Elders watch for the Soule of one , and one also for the Soules of six , and so if this were a good reason the Elders should act with subordination of obedience to Elders . As the people act with subordination to the Elders . 2. The place cited for this 2 Cor. 10. 6. where it is said , that the Preachers have in readinesse to revenge all disobedience , must inferre that they are to revenge , by the word which is mighty through God to cast downe strong holds , as is said there , v. 4. 5. even disobedience of Elders ruling unjustly and abusing the Keyes , no lesse then disobedience of the people . And I see not how brethen acting in a Church-Court joyntly with Elders , how in that they put on the relation of the flock , and the part governed in the very act of exercising acts of governing , for otherwayes one Pastor in the act of preaching in the Name of Jesus Christ , and so in authority above these to whom he preacheth , doth preach subordinatè , and as in subjection to the whole organicall and formed Church , who hath power to censure him , if he preach erroneous Doctrine . 3. I see not how the third Proposition doth stand , to wit , that the brethren , share with the Elders in authoritative acts of the Keyes , and yet they ●ct ( according to the. 4. Proposition ) as under the Eldership by way of subjection and obedience to them . Except this be that which our brethren meane , that the people of a single Congregation exercise acts of Jurisdiction by way of dependence , so as they may be censured by the Elders if they erre , but the Elders if they erre , are every way Popes , and so independent ; that there is no Church-power on Earth above them , that in a Church-way may censure them , or call them to an accompt . 4. The Table of New England divideth the actuall exercise of the power in a Charitative power by way of Love and Charity , and a politick or Church-exercise , the politick exercise againe is either brotherly , fraternall , or Presbyteriall , and the presbyteriall exercise is either 1. Teaching .   or ,   2. Governing . And Teaching is either by way of Office , or Administrating the Sacraments . The Presbyteriall exercise of the Keyes is independentElders , in the power of governing , sed respect● apotelesmatis s●u complementi censurae , in respect of the effect , or a compleat act of governing , the Elders Rule and Act with dependence upon the people , in these foure cases 1. In excommunication .   2. In judging .   3. In sentencing the aocused .   4. In election or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in calling of a Minister . So that the Elders there alone without the people , can exercise none of these acts completely , without the people so heare the Elders depend upon the people in their actuall governing , and the Fraternity or Brethren depend on the Elders by way of subjection , or obedience to them . Yet give me leave , the letter informeth me that it is said by many learned and godly men in New England , that if their policy should make the government of the Church popular , they should give up the cause . But I conceive the government to be popular , though the people only be not governours , for Mor●llius never taught any such thing ; now this government maketh Elders and people to governe the Church joyntly with mutuall dependence one upon another , which certainly maketh the brethren in the Lord , as well as the Elders ; for if the Elders be not these onely which watch for the peoples Soules as these which must give an accompt Heb. 13. 17 , 18. and they be not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over the people in the Lord , as is said 1 Thess. 5. 12. 13. Then the brethren must be taken in with them a● joynt governours , as is said Propos. 3. Which certainly must confound the Scripturall order established by God betwixt the Pastors and the Flock , the Watchmen , and the City , the shep●eards and the flock , these who are to obey , and these who are over them in the Lord. The 5. and 6. Proposition is , The Brethren may not excommunicate an Elder but mediante concilio , by the intervening sentence of the Elders ; is , but the brethren may separate and withdraw from the Presbyteris , after they refuse sound advise . Answ. 1. This is much contrary to that which they ordinarily teach , to wit , that people destitute of Officers may ordaine and excommunicate their Officers . 2. By this learning the Soules of Elders are in an hard case , for when they do all scandalously 〈◊〉 , there is no Ecclesiasticall meane of edifying them , for there is no Church on Earth to excomunicate Elders when they ●●re . Separation from them is an unwarrantable way , except they be excommunicated . 3. In the case of the Elderships incorrigible scandalls , the power of excommunication retireth into the brethren . yet it was never formally in the brethren , nor can they exercise this power , but mediante Presbyteri● , that is , they cannot excommunicate the Eldership , but by the Judiciall sentence of the Eldership , and so the power is but a shadow . Mr. Mather , Mr. Thomson , cap. 2. pag. 16 , 17. though some have appealed , as Luther and Cranmer from the Pope to a generall councell . Yet not from a Congreation to a generall councell . Answ. In matters doctrinall , some as Luther and others have justly appealed from a Congregation , to a generall councell , though Luther and Cranmer did it not ; though verily I professe I cannot see what power of Jurisdiction to censure scandalls can be in a generall councell , there may be some meerly Doctrinall power , if such a councell could be had , and that is all . M. Mather , Mr. Thomson , c. 2. pag : 20. if Churches be dependent on Synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , by the same reason Churches must end in a Monarchy on Earth . Answ. I see this sayd , without any probation . Churches depend on many above them for unity ; but what consequence is this ; Ergo , they depend upon one visible Monarch . It is an unjust consequence . Mr. Mather , Mr. Thomson , c. 2 , pag. 26. The Graecians and Hebrewes made not two Churches , but one Congregation , they called the multitude of Disciples together , v. 2. Answ. That the chiefe of both Grecians and Hebrewes were convened in one to give their consent to the admission of their Officers the Deacons , I conceive ; but that all the thousands of the Church of Jerusalem were here , as in one ordinary Congregation I judge unpossible . Mr. Mather , c. 3. pag. 27. 28. If your argument be good , if thy Brother offend and refuse to submit tell the Church , because Christs Remedy must be as large as the Disease : then if a Nationall Church offend , you are to complaine to a higher Church above a Nationall Church ; and because offences may arise betwixt Christians and Indians , you may complain of an Indian to the Church . Ans. Because ordinary communion faileth , when you got higher then a Nationall Church , and Christs way suppoleth an ordinary Communion , as is cleare . If thy Brother offend , &c. Therefore I deny that this remedy is needfull in any Church above a Nationall Church . 2. Christs remedy is a Church . remedy for Offences amongst brethren , and Members of the visible Church . And Indians are no Members of the Church , and so being without , they cannot bee judged , 1 Co. 5. 12. We say that if the Magistrate be an enemy to Religion , may not the Church without him convene and renew a Covenant with God ? Mr. Mather , and Mr. Thomson answer , c. 3. pag. 29. if the supreame Magistrate be an enemy to Religion , it is not like , but most or many of the people will be of the same mind . Regis ad exemplum — as it is in France , and Spaine , and was in the dayes of Queene Mary , and then the Believers in the Land will not be able to beare the name of the Land or Nation , but of a small part thereof ; nor can it be well conceived how they should assemble in a Nationall Synod , for that , or any other purpose , when the Magistrate is a professed Enemie , nor doth God require it at their hands . Answ. This is a weake answer : the Christians under Ner● were not like their Prince , and it s not like but sincere Christians will bee sincere Christians and professe truth . even when the Magistrate is an enemy . And 2. If your meaning be , it cannot be conceived how they should assemble in a Nationall assembly when the Magistrate is an Enemy ; because it is not safe for feare of persecution . Then you say nothing to the argument , because the argument is drawen from a duty , a Nation professing the Gospell after many backslidings are obliged to convene in a Nationall Synod , and are to renew their Covenant with the Lord , and your answer is from an ill of affliction : and if you meane that because the Princes power is against their Synodicall convening , this is nothing against the power of the Synods that CHRIST hath given to His Church ; But if your meaning be that it is not lawfull to them to convene in a Nationall Synod to renew a Covenant with GOD against the supreame Magistrates will , I hope you minde no such thing● ; for so doe Malignants a Now alledge that wee never read of any Reformation of Religion in Scripture warranted , but where the Prince did contribute his authority , because he onely is to reforme , and he onely rebuked for the standing of the high places , but hee may soone be answered . 1. Both Israel and Iudah were so bent to backsliding , that wee read not that ever the people made any reall Reformation of Religion , Josiah , Hezekiah and Asa did it for them . But what an argument is this : Iudah did never , for the most of the Land , seeke the Lord God of their Fathers with all their heart ; Ergo , the seeking of the Lord God with all the heart is an unwritten tradition ? 2. Princes are obliged to remove high places ; But are they obliged with their owne Hands to breake all the Images ? No , I thinke if they remove the high places by the Hands of their Subjects , or command their Subjects to remove them , they doe full well . But I see not this consequence . Ergo , Princes onely are obliged to remove the high places , it followeth not . 3. If it be the Princes part to command his Subjects this duty of Reformation and removall of the high places , then they may performe their duty without the Prince . 4. There is a twofold Reformation , one an heart-Reformation . Sure this is not the Princes onely . All the Land may repent without the King. There is another , an outward Reformation . And that is twofold , either Negative , or Positive● Negative is to refraine from ill , and the unlawfull and superstitious manner of worshipping GOD , as in new Offices not warranted by his Word , Antichristian Ceremonies , and a Masse-Booke , &c. Certainly all the Land are to abstaine from sinne , though the King command not : now all the Reformation for the most part in both Kingdomes is in obstinence from superstitious superadditions that defiled the worship of GOD , and to this there is no necessity of the Magistrates authority , more then wee need● the Kings warrant , to put an Obligation upon Gods Negative Commandements . All that is Positive is the swearing of a lawfull Covenant to observe and stand by the faith and true Religion of the Land , but I see no more a necessity that a King warrant the lawfull Vow of twenty thousand , then the Lawfull Vow of one Man , seeing it is a lawfull profession of CHRIST before Men commanded in the third Commandement . And to the observance of that Law of God , which God and Conscience hic & nunc doe oblige us , there is no addition of a Kingly authority by necessity of a Divine Law required to make it valid , no more then if all the Kingdome at such a solemne day of humiliation , should all in every severall Church sweare to Reformation of life . 5. The Apostles and Christ positively did reforme Religion , and the Church without and contrary to the mind of civill authority , nor is it enough to say the Apostles were Apostles , but wee are not Apostles , for upon this morall ground , Acts 5. 29. Wee ought rather to obey GOD than man , ) they reformed contrary to the Magistrates mind . And wee doe but contend for that very same Faith , Jud. 3. which was once delivered to the Saints . So to Reforme is to seeke the old way , and to walks in it , Jeremy 6. 16. to turne to the LORD with all the heart , Jeremy 1. and for this cause , Jeremy 3. 10. Iudah is sayd not to veturue to the LORD with her whole heart , but fainedly , because when a zealous King reformed , them they returned not with all their heart . Whence Reformation of Religion must bee the peoples duty , no lesse then the Kings ; and I believe such a divine precept carrying the new sense of our Malignant Divines should bee black policy , not sound Divinity , if any Ierimiah or Prophet should say ; amend your wayes and turne to the LORD with all your heart , and put away your Idolls and your strange Gods , providing the King will goe before you , and command you so to doe . Hence I say that 's a poore Court-argument of Parasites for Kings . Wee never read of any Reformation of Religion in Israel and Judah but when holy and zealous Kings commanded the Reformation ; Ergo , the Reformation begun in Scotland without the consent of the Supreame Magistrate , and a Reformation now prosecuted in England against the Kings will is unlawfull . To which . I desire the Malignant Divines to receive these answers for Justifying the zeale of both Kingdomes in their Reformation . 1. It is a question , if they question not the Reformation according to the substance of the action , that is , if they are not offended that the Queenes Masse , the popery of Prelates and Divines under their wings , and their Arminianisme , and Socinianisme should be abolished , or if they condemne not the Doctrine , but question onely the manner of abolishing such Heterodox stuffe . If the former be said , i● is knowen , never Malignant , Prelate or other had grace , by Word , or Writing , to entreate his M●jesty for a Reformation , and this is enough for the former . If they meane the latter , they bee very like the Pharisees , who when they durst not question the Doctrine and Miracles of Christ , they onely questioned the manner of doing . And sayd by what authority doest thou these ? But because they are joyned to the Papists side , and fight under their banner ; It is most evident it galleth their stomacks , that Popery , Atminianisine , and Socinianisme are cryed downe ; else the manner of doing a good worke , and such a necessary worke as Reformation , would not have offended them so highly , as to move them to kill the people of GOD ; an error in the circumstances of a good worke is very veniall to Papists and Arminians . 2. Let them give to us , since they argue from a practice , a warrant of any such practice , where a whole Land went on in a Negative Reformation without the Prince Ergo , Negative precepts , by this logick , shall lay no divine obligation on us , except it bee the Kings will to forbid that which GOD forbiddeth , then suppose Episcopacy and the Ceremonies were the Idoll of the Masse established by a standing Law , it should bee unlawfull for the Kingdomes to forbeare and abstaine from Idolatry , except the Kings Law forbid Idolatry . What were this else but to say , we are obliged to obey Christs will , but not except with a Reservation of the Kings will ? 3. This is an argument Negative , from one particular in Scripture , and therefore not concludent . For it is thus , Reformation without the King wanteth a practise in the Sc●ipture ; Ergo , it is unlawfull , it followeth not , except it want Precept , Promise and Practise , for the argument Negative from Scripture is onely undeniable in this sense ; And in this sense onely pressed by our Divines against Papists . And therefore it is like this argument , Purgatory is not commanded in this Chapter , Idolatry is not forbi●den in this Commandement , Ergo , neither Purgatorie , nor Idolatry is forbidden in Gods Word . So let the adversaries give me a practise in the Word of God , where a Brother kept this order of Christs three Steps , Mat. 18. First , to reprove an offender alone . Secondly , before two or three witnesses . Thirdly , in case of obstinacy , to tell the Church ; and to these adde , that the man was by the Church to be reputed as an heathen and a Publican . And I hope , because such a practise we doe not read , yet it followeth not that it is unlawfull . So where read you a Man forgiving his Brother seventy seven times : Ergo , it is unlawfull to forgive him seventy and seven times ? Where read you that Christ and His Apostles , and the Christian Church in the New Testament raised Warre and Armies either to defend or offend , but I hope Anabaptists have not hence ground to inferre , then must all Warres be unlawfull to Christians , for wee can produce warrantable precepts , where we want practise . Fourthly , where it is said , Kings onely are rebuked for not removing high places , and Kings onely are commended , because they are removed , therefore none should reforme but Kings . This followeth no wayes , but onely Kings by Royall authority should reforme ; but it followeth not ; Ergo , the people without the King are not obliged to reforme themselves in their manner , for I am sure , that the people should all universally resolve and agree , never to sacrifice in the high places and accordingly to practise : And to sacrifice onely in the place which the Lord had chosen to place His Name there , at GODS expresse Law commanded , Deuteronomy 13. 23. Deuteronomy 12. 14. 18. Deuteronomy 16. 2. 7. 11. 15. Deut. 31. 11. had beene a removall of the high places and a warrantable Reformation , though the King should have , by a standing Law , commanded that they should sacrifice in the high places , for the people are rebuked , because 2 Kings 17. 11. They burnt Incense in all the high places , 2 Chronicles 33. 17. Hosea 4. 13. and , a Chronicles 20. 33. the reason why the high places were not taken away , is : For as yet the people had not prepared their Hearts unto the GOD of their Fathers . If then not Sacrificing in the high places was the peoples duty , they were to remove the high places , in their place ; and so farre to reforme without the KING , yea suppose the KING command the contrary , the people ought to obey GOD , and the Parliament may by GODS Law abolish Episcopacy , popish Ceremonics , and the popish Service though the KING consent not , upon this ground that those he the high places of England , for the which the Wrath of the Lord is kindled against the Land. Fifthly , the adversaries may read , 2 Chronicles 15. 9. That the Strangers out of Ephraim , and Manasseh and Simeon gathered themselves together to Asa without the consent of their KING , and did enter in a Covenant to seek the Lord God of their Fathers . Sixtly , the Pastors of the Land are obliged to preach all necessary truth , without the KING , and accordingly are to practise what they preach ; now Reformation is a most necessary truth , they are then to reforme themselves and Religion without the KING : for the Word of GOD , not the KINGS will is the Pastors rule in preaching , and hee is to separate the pretious from the vile , that hee may be as Gods Mouth , Jeremy 15. 19. and Ezekiel 2. 7. Thou shalt speake my words unto them , that was the Doctrine of Reformation , not the KINGS words , vers . 8. But , thou sonne of man , heare what I say to thee ; yea Pastors are to preach against Kings and their sinnes , 1 Kings 13. 1. 2. 3. Jer. 1. 18. Ier. 26. 10 , 11 , 12. Seventhly , if no Reformation can be without the KING , 1. People are not to turne to the Lord , and repent th●m of the evill of their doings , and to prevent the Babylonish captivity , or a worse judgement , except the KING will , and all Religion and. 2. Church-worship must bee resolved ultimately on the KINGS will and pleasure : for if it be not the KINGS pleasure to reforme , the people must continue still where they were , and Scotland who contrary to the will and heart of authority at our first Reformation put away the Masse and Popery , and established Religion in sincerity , is greatly to bee condemned . Luther had authority against him , and the powers of the World , it was one point of Reformation that John Baptist tooke up , against the Law of the Land to preach against Herods sinne ; for if Popery be in a Land , to leave Popery is a great degree of Reformation , and if the people , without the Prince , may goe on in the greatest step of Reformation , why not also in the lesser ? except you say the people without the King , are not to abstaine from the grossest Idolatry under the Sunne , which is to worship and adore the worke of the Bakers hands . Mr. Mather , Mr. Thomson . The name Church , 1 Cor. 14. 4 , 5. 35. 26 , 27. 28. is plainly given to that company that did assemble and come together for performance of spirituall duties , and for the exercise of spirituall gifts , as Acts 14. 27. Acts 11. 26. 15. 4. 22. 30. 1 Cor. 11. 18. 20 22. 23. 3. Ioh. 6. which places doe abundantly shew that a company gathered together to one place is called by the name Church , as Cenc●rea , Rom. 16. 1. which could not containe many Congregations , being but the prot of Corinth . Answ. We seeke no more , if it be called a Church which conveneth for performance of spirituall duties : as some of your places doe well prove ; Ergo , no assembly should have the name of Church , but such as assemble for Word and Sacraments ; this now you cannot affirme , and it followeth not , the Church spoken of Matthew 18. is not assembled to Word and Sacraments , But to bind and loose on Earth . The meeting , 1 Cor. 5. 4. is not for Word and Sacraments , but to deliver to Satan , for ought wee can read , the word Church , Acts 14. 27. is not an Assembly for Word and Sacraments ; but to heare how God had opened the doors of Faith to the Gentiles , and whether this was preaching of the Word and receiving the Sacraments , or rather a matter that concerned the Apostles and Elders that they might not thinke hard to preach the Gospell to the Gentiles , I leave to the judicious Reader ; and if to be received of the Church , Acts 15. 4. be a matter of word and Sacraments , let all judge . And if to lend a decree of a Synod , Acts 15. 22. be the act of a Church assembled for word and Sacraments , let the World judge : and therefore all these places doe strongly confirme a Presbytery assembled for acts of Iurisdiction , and matters that belong to many Churches , as is most cleare , Acts 14. 27. Acts 15. 4. Acts 15. 22. and seeing wee finde the name ( Church ) given to a meeting assembled onely for discipline or things that concerne many Churches , for any thing wee can read or observe from the word : as Acts 14. 27. Acts 15. 4 22. 30. Matthew 18. 17. and also the word Church given to a meeting assembled for the word , 1 Cor. 14. 1 Cor. 11. 18. 20 , 22 , 23. Rom. 16. 1. and not for acts of Jurisdiction for ought that wee can collect from the word . I beseech you , Brethren , why doe we contend ? if the word Church , be a meeting of persons assembled to one place , for spirituall duties , sometimes for word and Sacraments onely , sometimes for acts of Jurisdiction onely , then is the word Church , by our brethrens argument taken both for the Congregation , and for the Elders of one , or of diverse Churches ; and so wee have our intent . And we desire our brethren to prove ( which they must prove , if they oppose our principles ) that the word ( Church ) is never taken for the Eldership onely , in all the Word of God , but these places prove the contrary , as I have shewen . 2. Whereas our brethren say ; a company gathered into one place ( which is nothing else but a Congregation ) are called by the name of a Church . I answer 1. Such a company is onely called by the name of a Church , as I have proved ; for a company meeting for discipline onely , Matthew 18. 17 1 Cor. 5. 4. is a Church also . 2. It is false that a company gathered in one place are nothing else but a Congregation . As you take the word ( Congregation ) for to you ( Congregation ) is an assembly of men and Women meeting for word and Sacrament with the Elders of the Church , I appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren ; If the Church , Mat. 18. 17. assembled to bind and loose , if the Church , 1 Cor. 5. 4. ( though the Text speake nothing of the word ( Church ) assembled to deliver to Satan . If the Church assembled , Acts 14. 27. Acts 15. 2. to heare things which concerned the Apostles , and many Churches , rather then one ; If the multitude convened , Acts 15. 30. to heare the decree of the Synod read , and if the Church of Apostles and Elders from Antiosh and Ierusalem . Acts 15. 22. be a Congregation or a Congregationall Church assembled for word and Sacraments , as the word Church is taken , Acts 11. 26. 1 Cor. 11 20 , 22 , 33. Mr. Mather , and Mr. Thomson , Num. 8. 10. The children of Israel which were not the Church of Officers layd on hands on the Levites , therefore when a Church hath no Elders the people may conferre ordination , and it is not to be tyed to the Presbytery onely . Hence other of our Brethren say , ordination is but accidentall to a Ministers calling , and may be wanting , if the people shall chuse , in the defect of Elders . Answ. Here two poynts are to be discussed shortly . 1. If Ordination belong to the People . 2. If Ordination to a certaine stick be necessary , for certainly the people doe not call but to a certaine flock . To the first I say ; There is not a place in all the Word of God where the people conferre ordination to the Pastors of the New Testament . Therefore our brethren flee to the Old Testament to prove it from the Levites who received imposition of hands from the children of Israel ; but our brethren hold , that the calling of the Levites and of the Pastors of the New Testament are different , as the Officers and Churches of the Jewish and Christian Church are different . 2. Our brethren grant pag. 49. That it wanteth all example in the New Testament that the people lay on hands . 3. These who layd on hands on the Levite , Num. 8. were Elders and ( our brethren say , ) It is like they were , but. 1. They did it not as Elders . 2. But as representing the people , not as Elders civill , for that belonged to Aaron and his sonnes , Levit. 8. else it will follow that where the Church hath no Magistrate to lay on hands , the Church may doe it . Nor did they lay on hands as Ecclesiasticall Elders , because what these which layd on hands did , they did as from the Congregation for 1. These Levites were taken in stead of the first borne of Israel and not in stead of the first borne of the Elders only , Num. 3 40 , 41. 2. They were presented to the Lord , as an offering of the children of Israel , not of the Elders only . 3. When the multitude brought an oblation , the Elders put their hands on the head of the sacrifice Levit. 4. 15. in stead of all the multitude . Answ. These who layd on hands , did it as a worke peculiar to the Elders , because the Elders were a part of the first borne , who by Office were Elders , and in whose stead the Levites were assumed , Num. 3. 40. 41. else the Church of Israel being a constituted Church before this time , wanted Officers , which is against all truth . 2. We grant the Magistrates layd not on hands , but they who layd on hands did it as Ecclesiasticall Elders . And the reasons against this conclude not . 1. The first reason concludeth not because these who layd on hands were the first borne , who by Office were Church men . 2. The other two reasons prove nothing , for because these who layd on hands , did lay on hands as representing the whole Congregation , alas it doth no wayes conclude that they layd not on hands as it is a works peculiar to them as Elders , for the Priest offered sacrifice first for his owne sinnes , and then for the peoples , Heb. 7. 27. and so did represent the people . But , I hope , it followeth not that therefore the Priest did not sacrifice as a Priest , and by vertue of a peculiar Office , but onely as a principall member of the Congregation . 3. What if there be no Elders in a single Congregation , as our brethren suppose there were no Elders in Office in Israel to lay hands on the Levites ? it will not follow therefore , the people are to lay on hands , except there were no Elders in all the Land or Nationall Church to lay on hands . And though I thinke imposition of hands not so essentiall perhaps as a Minister can be no Minister without it , yet I thinke not so of Ordination ( for these to mee are as different as the authoritative calling of a Minster , and a rite annexed to that calling ) because none can be a Minister in a constituted Church , but one which is called of God as was Aaron . But you will say , in a Church , in an Island one may bee a Pastor without any ordination , if the people elect him , and there be no Elders to ordaine . I answer , it is true : but so many Pastors send a Pastor to bee a Pastor to a Congregation , though that Congregation never chuse him , as possibly they bee for the most part Popish , or unwilling , yet both Cases are extraordinary and the Church not constituted and established . M. Mather , if the people may elect Officers , then in some cases they may ordaine them ! also , because ordination is lesse then election , and dependeth , upon it as a necessary antecedent , and it is nothing but a● consummation of election , or the admission of a person into the possession of that Office , whereto hee had right before by election . If then a single Congregation may elect , which is the greater , they may ordaine which is the lesser . Answ. Ordination is the more , and election the lesse ; for ordination is an act authoritative of the Presbytery , 1 Tim. 4. 14. and , for ought I see , the authors might argue thus , the people may ordaine ; Ergo , they may preach and baptize , for all the three are presbyteriall acts given to men in office . 2. Some doubt if I said rightly in my former Treatise , that ordination is prior to election , because ordination is that whereby a Minister is made a Minister , and election that whereby he who is a Minister first by order of nature , is made the Minister of such a fl●ck . I will not contend with any of either sides for order . But when I said so , I tooke the word ( election ) for the peoples actuall receiving and their compleat taking him for their Minister , after hee is now ordained a Minister this is his installing in his Office. And my reason is ; because the peoples naming of such a man to bee their pastor doth stand with his never being their pastor ; hee being unwilling to be their pastor , and the presbytery thinking it unfit hee be the pastor of such a people . 2. The people elect him as a pastor to be their pastor , they doe not elect him as a gifted man. And whereas some say . Acts 6. 3. 4 , 5. Election of seven men to be Deacons goeth before ordination and imposition of hands , v. 6. Answ. Election of the people goeth before ordination in the relation of Luke , true ; Ergo , election is prior by order of nature , it followeth not . But Acts 1. Ordination of Matthias ( God casting the lot upon him , vers . 25. ) is prior to the peoples electing of him , for the peoples appoynting of two , vers . 23. cannot be their election ; for they were to elect one , but I submit to the learneder my thoughts in this . As also my tearming Paphnutius neither Bishop nor Elder at the Councell of Nice , which I did not as denying him to bee a Bishop , but because hee was called to that Councell of Nice where as before hee had beene deprived , but was restored by Constantine , though in the estimation of these who contended for the single life of Priests , whose corruptions Paphnutius opposed , hee was in an Ecclesiasticall sense neither Bishop nor Presbyter but deprived from both . But let the righteous rebuke mee , and it shall be as Oyle to my Head. 3. It cannot bee that election of the people is the whole calling of a man to the Ministerie , and Ordination onely a supplement and an consummatory rite , or a benedictory signe which may bee spared . 1. Because by the imposition of the bands of the Presbytery , Timothy was made a Minister , 1 Timothy 4. 14. Paul and Silas separatted to preach to the Gentiles , Acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. the Deacons ordained , Acts 6. 6. and this is enjoyned with the right manner of acting it to Timothy , 1 Timothy 5. 22. 2 Timothy 2. 2. as a Ministeriall act . 2. A Ministeriall caling standeth in an authoritative sending , Romans 10. 15. and I see not well how the people themselves doe send a Minister to themselves . ( 3 ) The people have not either formally , or by any grant of CHRIST , vertually , the Keyes committed to them , how then can they give the Keyes to pastors ? 4. People may as the Sheepe of CHRIST , Ioh. 10. decern His Voyce , and so have a power of Election of their owne pastors , nor doth this make good which our Brethren say . Mr. Mather sayth , that because they are all taught of God , Esa. 54. 13. and they knew Christs ' Doctrine , Joh : 7. therefore they may judge of a Ministers fitnesse , for it is plaine that there it a twofold knowledge ; one of Christians , Esal . 54. 13. not denied to Women and believing Children , who cannot lay on hands nor ordaine Ministers , as the presbytery doth , 1 Timothy 4. 14. Acts 6. 6. Acts 13. 1 2. 3. 1 Timothy 5. 22. 2 Timothy 2. 2. but for trying of Ministers if they bee the sonnes of the Prophets and must be apt to teach , 1 Timothy 3. 1 , 2. able to convince subtile Hereticks and gain-sayers and to put them to silence , Titus 1. 10. 11. there must be in a constituted Church a Colledge of pastors and prophets to try the prophets , with a presbyteriall Cognizance . But here some object . If Election bee absolutely in the h●●ds of the people , then is the peoples will , because will , the absolute determiner who shall be the Pastor to such a flock ; but people certainly may erre , therefore the Presbytery must bee the last determiner in election ; And people have onely a rationall consent , and if their consent be irrationall , the Presbyter must chuse for them . I answer shortly in these propositions . 1 Pro. Neither is the People infallible in chusing , nor the Presbytery infallible in regulating the peoples choice , yet is power of regulating the choice , the presbyteries due , nor power of election to be denied to Gods people . 2. Pro. You must suppose the Church a settled and an established Church of sound professors , for if the Congregation or presbytery , either of them be , for the most part , popish , Arminian or unsound in the Faith , in so far hath Christ given neither power to the one , or other . 3. Prop. When it is acknowledged by both people and presbytery , that of two or three men , any one is qualified for the place , then the man is absolutely to bee referred to the peoples choice , and though the people give no reason why they chuse this man , rather then any of the other two , yet i● the Peoples choice reasonable , for no doubt Acts. 6. there were more men then these seven of good report and full of the Holy Ghost , and fit to be Deacons , therefore the multitudes choice of these seven , and their nomination of them to be Apostles rather then the nomination of any other men is rationall and approved by the twelve Apostles , though they give no reason ; Yea , though Nicolas be the S●ctmaster of the Nicolaitans ( as the learned thinke ) yet the election is Ecclesiastically lawfull and needeth not that a reason be given to the Apostles . 4. Prop. We never read that in the Apostles-Church a man was obt●uded upon the people against their will. And therefore Election by the people in the Apostolique Church , as Acts 1. 26. Acts 6. 2 , 3 , 4. Revel . 2. 12. Acts 20. 28. must be our rule , any election without the peoples consent must be no Election , for if it please not the whole multitude , as Acts 6. 5. it is not a choice . 5. Prop. We must distinguish Election and Regulation of the Election . 2. There is a Regulation of the Election , positive ; and a Regulation negative . Hence the presbyteries power consisteth only in a negative regulation of the peoples choice , not in a positive ; For example , Election is an elicit act of the people , and their birthright and priviledge that Christ hath given to them , and it cannot be taken from them ; if there be any Election , it must be made by the people , the presbytery even in case of the peoples aberration cannot usurpe the act of Election ; because the Apostles , who yet had the gift of discerning spirits , in a greater measure then the multitude , remit the choice of the seven Deacons to the multitude ; Ergo , the presbytery should doe the same ; yet may the presbytery negatively reggulate the Election , and if the people out of the humour of itching eares chuse an unfit man , in that case the presbytery may declare the Election irregular and null ; as suppose the multitude , Acts 6 had chosen such a man , or all the seven men , like Simon Magus , the twelve Apostles by their Ministeriall power might have impeded that Election , or rather nomination as irregular , and put them to chuse other seven men ; but the Apostles could not have chosen for them other seven , for then Election should have bin taken out of the peoples hands ; Hence that distinction of elicit and imperate acts , even as the understanding commandeth and directeth the will to such and such elicit . actions , and regulateth the will therein , and yet the understanding can neither nill , nor will , and the King may punish pastors who preach Hereticall doct in & vitiate the Sacrament ; but the King can neither preach the word himself , nor administate the Sacraments ; so the presbytery may regulate negatively and hinderth Election of an unfit man , but the presbytery cannot do , as the P●elate did who would name a man to the people , and desire their consent ( but consent is not all , the presbytery and neighbour Congregations have consent , but no elective liberty given them by Christ ) but if the people refused their consent , he Prelate without more a do , chose and ordained the man , and so he was obtruded on the people without any Election at all . Ordination of an ordinary pastor is always to a certain flock , Act. 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5. 1. Rev. 2. 1. yet here must we distinguish'd dedication to Christs service by the office . 2. The exercise of the office , in the former respect the pastor is a pastor every where , and may be sent as a Pastor to plant Churches , but ratione finis . He is primariò principally to feed this flock , and secundario and ratione med●i , secondarily , while he feedeth this flock , he feedeth the Church universall . Mr. Mather , if people may not m●dle with ordination , because it is proper to Timothy and Titus , this may prove that they were Bishops who did ordaine Elders there alone , which ministers may not do there ; for these Epistles are not written to them , as Bishops alone , nor as Elders alone , but as to a mixt state , including the people . Answ. Some parcells of these Epistles are written to Timothy and Titus as Evangelists , such as none may now do but they only , ●● 2 Tim. 4. 4. 1 Tit. 1. 3. Tim. 1. 5. and some other things which they gave in charge to Elders . 2. Some things are written to them as Christians , as 1 Tim. 1. 19. Tit. 3. 3. & finaliter or objectively all is written for the Churches good ; but ( 3 ) the builk of the Epistle is written to them as Elders , and is a rule of perpetuall government , and especially , 1 Tim. 1. 22. 2. Tim. 2. 2. for these and the like they were to doe with the presbytery , as is cleare , 1 Tim. 1. 14. Object . The Congregations of Jerusalem were not fixed in their members and officers , onely the Apostles preached to them ( if they were many congregations , which is possible ) in a circular way , now one Apostle to this assembly , then another . But in regard not one Paster could say ( this is my flock , not this ) nor any flock could say ( Peter is our Pastor , not Andrew . ) Therefore there was no Church-state in any of these congregations as where there is not a head of a Family and members , there is not a Family , and so you prove not Jerusalem a presbyteriall Church over many fixed and formed Churches , as they are in Scotland , and if the Apostles were pastors in a circular and fluid way to many congregations , every one was a pastor to many congregations and so elected by many congregations : which is absurd . Ans. 1. Fixed or not fixed cannot vary the essence of the government . 1. The Priests , Levites , and Prophets teaching in the wildernes from place to place , and the people by war scattered to sundry Tribes , doth not make these meetings not to be under the government of the great Sanedrim , more then if the meeting made a fixed Synagogue , divers members and dverso heads in one Family occasioned by death , and pestilence , diverse Souldiers and new Commanders in a Regiment , diverse Inhabitants , yea and weekly altered rulers and watchmen in a City , doth not infer that that family , Regiment , and City is not under one government of the City , one of the whole army , and one parliamentary law of the whole kingdome ; no more then if all were fixed in members and heads . 2. Churches their persecution may have both members and teachers removed to a corner , and altered , yet they remain the same single Congregation having the same government . 3. Officiating in the same word , seales , censures , by Peter , to day , and by Andrew , to morrow , though members also be changed , is of the same species and nature , even to the worlds and , if we suppose the Church of Ierusalem to be one Congregation induring a patterne these sixteen hundred yeares , members and officers must be often altered , yet it is one Congregation in specie , and one single Church in nature , though not in number , and the government not altered , through the fluidity and alteration of members and officers , as it is the same Parliament now which was in the raigne of King Iames , though head and members be altered ; fluidity and alteration of rulers and members must be , by reason of mortality accidentall to all incorporations , and yet their government for all that doth remaine the same in nature , if these same Lawes , and Government in nature by these Lawes remaine . CHAP. 4. SECT . 5. Why we doe not admit the Members of the Churches of Old England to the Seales of the Covenant . Quest. I. VVHether the Seales of the Covenant can be denyed to professors of approved piety , because they are not members of a particular visible Church , in the New Testament . Our Brethren deny any Church Communion , and the seales of the Covenant , Baptisme , to the children of Beleevers , the Lords Supper to beleevers themselves , who come to them from Old England , because they be not members of the particular Congregation to which they come , and because there is no visible , Church in the New Testament , but one particular Parish , and all who are without a particular Parish , are without the visible Church , and so are not capable of either Church censures , or the Seales of the Covenant , because 〈◊〉 have right to the seales of the Covenant , but onely this visible Church . We hold all who professe faith in Christ , to be members of the visible Church , though they bee not members of a visible Congregation , and that the seales of the Covenant should not be denyed to them . And for more full clearing of the question , let these considerations be observed . First , Dist. All beleevers , as beleevers , in foro Dei , before God have right to the seales of the Covenant , these to whom the Covenant and body of the Charter belongeth , to these the seale belongeth , but in foro Ecclesiastico , and in an orderly Church-way , the seales are not to be conferred by the Church upon persons because they beleeve , but because they professe their beleeving : therefore the Apostles never baptized Pagans , but upon profession of their faith . Second Dist. Faith in Christ truely giveth right to the seales of the Covenant , and in Gods intention and decree , called voluntas beneplaciti , they belong onely to the invisible Church , but the orderly way ●f the Churches giving the seales , is , because such a society is a professing or visible Church , and orderly giving of the seales according to Gods approving will , called , voluntas signi & revelata , belongeth to the visible Church . Third Dist. The Church may orderly and lawfully give the seales of the Covenant to those to whom the Covenant and promises of grace doth not belong in Gods decree of election . Fourth Dist. The Church may lawfully adde to the Church visible , such as God addeth not to the Church invisible , as they may adde Simon Magus , and the Church may lawfully cast out of the visible Church , such as Christ hath not cast out of the invisible Church , as the Church may excommunicate regenerate persons for scandalous sinnes . Fift Dist. Then the regenerate excommunicated have right to the seales of the Covenant , as they have to the Covenant , and yet the Church doth lawfully debarre them , hic & nunc , in such a scandalous case , from the seales of the Covenant . Wee hold that those who are not members of a particular Congregation , may lawfully be admitted to the seales of the Covenant . First , Because those to whom the promises are made , and professe the Covenant , these should be baptized . But men of approved piety are such , though they be not members of a particular Parish . The proposition is Peters argument , Act. 2. 38. Secondly , Those who are not Members of a particular Church may be visible professors , and so members of a visible Church , Ergo , the seales of the Covenant belongeth to them . Thirdly , The contrary opinion hath no warrant in Gods Word . Fourthly , The Apostles required no more of those whom they baptized , but profession of beleefe , as Act. 10. 47. Can any forbid water that these should not be baptized , who have received the Holy Ghost , as well as we ? Act. 8. 37. If thou beleevest with all thy heart , thou mayest he baptized : no more is sought of the Jaylor , Act. 16. 31. 34. The Authour saith : To admit to the Seales of the Covenant , is not an act of Christian liberty , that every Christian may dispense to whom he pleaseth , but an act of Church power given to the Ministers , to dispense to those over whom the Holy Ghost hath made them overseers ; but we have no Ministeriall power over those of another Congregation , and who are not members of a particular Congregation . Answ. First , To dispense the Seales to whom we please , as if mens pleasure were a rule , were licentiousnesse , not Christian Liberty . There may be a communion of benefits , where there is no communion of punishment : Beneficia sunt amplianda . Secondly , It is false that Pastors have no Ministeriall power over those who are not of their Congregation ; for if so , all communion of Churches should fall , for Letters of recommendation from other Churches , whereof they are Members , cannot make Pastors of New England to have a Ministeriall power over those of another Congregation , as set over them , by the Holy Ghost , as they are set over their owne Parish , to whom they be onely Pastors , having Ministeriall power , by a Church Covenant , and the peoples Ordination , as our Brethren teach . 2. Manuser . Those over whom ( saith our Authour ) we have no power of censure , over those we have no power to dispense the communion . Now if we should censure any such for drunkennesse , or other scandals , who are not of our Congregation , it should be a non habente potestatem , an act done by those who have no power . Answ. The major proposition by your owne Doctrine , is clearely false , for you say your a selfe , Strangers sojourning with us , members of other Churches , knowne not to be scandalous , are admitted to the Lords Supper ; yet can you not excommunicate strangers , sojourning for a time , falling in scandals . For , First , to you they are without , how then can you judge them ? as you say . Secondly , You have by the holy Ghost no ministeriall power over them , as over your owne flocke , as you expone , Act. 20. 28. Thirdly , You looke aside at excommunication , for those of other Churches consociated in a classe , we doe lawfully excommunicate and censure ; for excommunication is not a cutting off of a person from one single Parishionall Church onely , as you imagine , but a cutting off of a person from all the visible Churches consociated : first , because he is delivered to Satan , and his sin is bound in heaven , in relation to all the faster Churches , and is so to be esteemed , and not in reference to the one single Congregation , whereof he is a member . Secondly , all are to be humbled and mourne for his fall , and to consent he be cut off , and not one single Congregation onely . Thirdly , all consociated Churches shall be leavened , by keeping Church-fellowship with such a lumpe . Fourthly , all are to repute him as a Heathen , and a Publican . Fifthly , all are to admonish him as a Brother , 2 Thessalon . 3. 15. Sixthly , all are to forgive him , and receive him in Church-communion , if he shall repent , and occasionally to edifie him as a brother . The Seales of righteousnesse of faith a saith the Author ) are not seales to the faithfull as such , but as they are joyned together and consederate in some visible Church , none but in a visible Church may dispense the seales , in the O●d Testament , none were partakers either of the Passeover , or of Circumcision , unlesse they were either Israelites borne , or proselytes in the Church of Israel . We read not that Job and his friends , though righteous through faith , were circumcised , nor would they have omitted to speake of Circumcision , as of a pertinent evidence of the corruption of mans nature , of which they speake much ; the Sacraments ( saith this same Author b are not given to the invisible Church , nor to the members thereof as such , but to the visible particular Churches of Christ , and to the members thereof ; therefore the seales are not to be givento those , who are of no particular visible Church ? Answ. 1. The Seales of the Covenant are principally given to the invisible Church , as the Covenant it selfe in Gods decree of election is especially made with the elect , and such as shall never fall away , as is cleare , Jer. 31. 37. Jer. 32. 40. Esay 54 10. Heb. 8. 9. 10. and the invisible Church as such , as a number of beleevers have onely right before God to both Covenant and seales , yea and consequently are onely Christs body and Spouse , and redeemed Saints , and so onely have all the power of the keyes , and the ministeriall power of dispensing the Seales , and by our brethrens doctrine , the visible Church not as visible , but as the true body , Spouse , and Bride of Christ , & so as the invisible company of the redeemed ones have the Seales , and Covenant , and so all Ministeriall power of Christ is given unto them . 2. It is true the orderly and Ecclesiasticke way of dispensing the Seales , is that they bee dispensed onely to the visible Church , but this visible Church is not one parish , but all professing the faith of Christ , though they be not joyned in one visible parish by one Church oath , as the Author meaneth : for the Saints in Scripture , as Cornelius , the Eunuch , the Jaylor , did professe and visibly evidence their faith , and so that they were capable of the Seales by desiring to be saved , and saying , What shall we doe to be saved , by trembling at the Word of God , by asking the meaning of the Word of God , which expressions are in many not in-churched to particular Congregations , not did the Apostles aske if they were members of one parish before they baptized them , but if they beleeved in Christ. 3. Whether Job , his friends , Melchisedeck , Lot , and others the like were circumcised , we need not dispute , but that they were not circumcised , because they were not in a visible Church estate with Abraham , is a question and uncertaine , and therefore not sure to be a foundation of new opinions in Church Government ; but though it were granted , it followeth not , because none were circumeised but Abrahams seed , and all , and onely Abrahams seed were circumcised , therefore none are to be baptized but those who are members of one particular Congregation : Alas this is a weak● consequence , rather it followeth all borne of Jewes were circumcised , Ergo all borne of Christian parents are to be baptized ; and we see not but sacrificing was restricted to the visible Church , no lesse then Circumcision , yet Job sacrificed to God , Job 1. and Chap. 42. The Author addeth The difference here is . The circumcised in Israel might rightly keepe the Passeover amongst themselves , because the whole nation of Israel made but one Church , and the officers and ministers of any one Synagogue and the Priests and Levites were ministers in ●●mmune of the whole house of Israel , in proportion whereunto they that are baptized in any particular Church may in like manner require the Lords Supper , if there be no other impediment , in regard of their unfitnesse , to examine themselves , which is a thing requisite , to receive the Lords Supper , more then was required to receive the Passeover . But now because the Churches of the new Testament are of another constitution , then the nationall Church of all Israel , baptisme in one Church doth not give a man right to the Lords Supper in another , unlesse the Officers of the one Church were Officers of all ( as in Israel they ●er● ) or unlesse that one Church and the Officers thereof did recommend their right and power to another . Answ. 1. It is true , in the one Church of Israel there was something typicall , that is not in our Churches , as one Temple , ●●e high Priest , one place of sacrificing , one Priesthood , one A●ke , &c. but this was peculiar to Israel , as such a specifice Church , and typi●ied also the externall visible unitie of the whole visible Church of the new Testament in professing one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme , one externall communion , and government externall , de jure : but this agreed not to the Church of Israel properly as a Church ; for as a Church of a nation they might convene and assemble themselves in one nationall Assembly to reforme Religion , to renew a nationall Covenant , to turne away a nationall judgement , to make nationall acts , that they should seeke the Lord God of Israel , and put away strange wives , Deut. 29. 2 Chron. 15. 12 , 13. Nehem. 10. and this is morall , yea naturall to a number of Churches united in one nation , and no wayes typicall . 2. The proportion betwixt Israel and a parishionall Church is questioned , the Author beggeth what is in question , for it is evident that in Gods Word there is a visible Church of many Congregations , associated in many visible acts of government . 3. If the Church of Israel and the Churches of the New Testament be of different constitutions , as Anabaptists , Arminians and Socinians teacheth , we shall try . I affirme that the Constitution in matter and forme was one with the Christian visible Church . 1. Our brethren bring arguments from the constitution of the Church of the Jewes , that for matter they were a holy people , a royall generation , for forme they were united in one Church-state Covenant-wayes , as they prove from Deut. 29. 2. Separation from sinne and the wicked world , but not from the worship of God , was commanded to them , Psal. 26. 5 , 6. Esay 52. 11. 2 Cor. 6. 7. Levit. 26. 11 , 12. Communion with the wicked was forbidden to Israel , 2 Chron. 19. 2. 2 Chron. 30. 6. but communion in worship both in the Synagogue and Temple was commanded to them . 3. That God required not morall preparation in them for eating the Passeover , as he doth in us , before wee eate the Lords Supper , I conceive to bee an untruth . 1. Because not to prophane the holy things of God , and not to take Gods Law in their mouth and to hate to be reformed , Psal. 50. 16. not to sacrifice with bloody hands , Esa. 1. 11 , 12 , &c. Psal. 50. 8 , 9 , 10. Esa 66. 1. was morall , and did bind and oblige the Jewes as they doe us , and 2 Chron. 30. 6. The postes are sent to gather the people to the Passeover , charging them to turne to the Lord God of their fathers , not to be like their fathers ; and it is cleare by Hezekiab● prayer , ver . 18 , 19. Good Lord pardon him that prepareth his heart to seeke the Lord God of his fathers , though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the Sanctuary , vers . 20. And the Lord hearkened , and healed the people . Ergo , there was required a preparation of the heart for the right eating of the Passeover , besides the typicall and ceremoniall preparation . Yea God counted the ceremoniall preparation voyd of the morall preparation , but abomination , as Esa. 66. 1. Esa. 58. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. and Josiahs Passeover is commended from this , 2 Kings 23. 22 ( as Junius well observeth ) that none did with such care and zeale , as Josiah did prepare the Pr●es●s , the people and himselfe for the passeover , in removing all Id●latry and abominati●n , and in renewing their Covenant and resoluti●n , vers . 3. To walke after the Lord , and to keepe his Commandements with all their heart , and with all their soule . 4. The uncleane and uncircumcised in heart were no more members of the true and invisible Church of the Jewes , and of Christs mysticall body , his Spouse , his royall generation , then Sodom and Gomorrah , Esa. 1 10. then the Ethiopians , Amos , 9. 7. then Ammon and Moah , J●r . 9 25 , 26. as in the New Testament , and the true invisible Church amongst them , as amongst us were Kings and Priests unto God , Exod. 19. 5. 9. Psal. 149. 1. as we are , 1 Pet. 2. 9 , 10. Rev. 1. 5. 5. Amongst them no man could invade the Priests office , or runne unsent , no more then under the New Testament , Heb. 5. 4. 1 Tim. 4. 22. though they were to rebuke one another , Levit. 19. and they had sacrifices for sins of ignorance , Levit. 4. 27. 2. The place seemeth not to want difficultie , how many sacrifices would men offer , how often , yea while they were going home from Jerusalem ( which was a long Journey to many ) they might fall in these sinnes of ignorance , and as a Master Paget noteth there was no dispensation for this Law , yet when Abraham travelled three dayes to Mount Moriah from Beersheba in the South , and some of the Tribes Northward , would bee al 's farre distant , it would be seven dayes journey to many ; therefore the Text is , if be sinne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ignorance , or through ignorance , that is , meerely of ignorance , as when a man in drunkennesse killed a man , he shall offer a trespasse offering for it , the Jewes call it in their Language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 timgnol , magnal , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 megnal signifieth Pallium , if he sinned with a cloake casten over his eyes , and b Weemes said the sinnes were done of ignorance , not ignorantly , or the word in the Hebrew , is vel notificatum fuerit ei peccatum ejus , when the conscience is wakened and convinced , and he can finde no rest , let him offer sacrifices . And a third step was excommunication and casting out of the Synagogue after the captivity , which are the very degrees of our Church censure . They answer , Israel had civill c government which we have not . I answer , Deut. 17. 9. He that will not hearken to the Priest ( that standeth before the Lord to minister ) or unto the Judge , even that man shall dye . He saith not , Hee that hearkeneth not unto the People . 2. They say they could not in Israel forgive one anothers sinnes , as we doe in the New Testament . Answ. It is a divine Law in the Old Testament , they were to forgive even their enemies , Prov. 20. 22. &c. a Robinson saith , No Church hath the absolute promise of the Lords visible presente , which that Church then had , till the comming of Christ , Gen. 47. 10. and 17. 7. Exod. 19. 43 , 44. It was simply necessary that the Messiah should be borne in the true Church . 3. In their deepest apost asy God shewed them some signes of his presence , by raising up some godly King , Priest , or Prophet . Answ. That they had Prerogatives above us is cleare , Rom. 3. 1 , 2 , 3. Rom. 9. 4. and that in other respects , farre more excellent , wee have Prerogatives above them , is as cleare , 2 Cer. 3. 7 , 8 , 9. Matth. 13. 16 , 17. So one Christian Church have Prerogatives above another , but the essentiall constitution of the Church of the Jewes , and ours is one . 1. They were a ro●a●d Priest-hood , a People holy to the Lord , the Covenant made with them , as with us . 2. To them one little Leaven , leavened the whole lumpe . 3. Separation from sinne and Idolatrous worship was commanded them , as it is us . 4. Amongst them , none who hated to be reformed , were to take the Law of God in their mouth . But to returne to our Author , it is a false ground that one that is Baptized in one Church , hath not right to the Lords Supper in all Churches , for if he be Baptized to Christs death , he is Baptized to all Churches . And 2. professedly in Covenant with God in all Churches , and so hath right to the seales of the Covenant in all Churches , for Gods Covenant is not principally and first made with a Parishionall Congregation , but with the Catholike and universall Church comming under the name of Israel and Iudah ; and secondarily with a Parishionall Congregation . Is a beleever a member of Christs body in one Congregation and not in all Congregations ? Hath he the keyes as a member of Christs body , and a dwelling house for the holy Spirit in one Congregation , and loseth them and the holy Spirit both when he goeth to another Congregation ? Manuscript , Those who come from England to us are under publike scandals and reproach . It is an offence that they come to us , as members of no particular Church visible , ( for they leave that relatiin where they left their habitation ) but of one Nationall Church , whereof Christ hath given us no patterne in the New Testament , and in 〈◊〉 he hath appointed no Nationall worship to be performed . Answ. It is admirable that leaving a Parishionall Church in England , they leave not the true visible Church , so all the Parishionall Churches in England must be separated from , as ●●om no Churches ; yet in that Church , many of you had your Baptisme , your conversion to Christ , your calling to the Mini●e●● . 2. How can it be an offence to be Members of no independent Churches in England , whereas no such may be had there ? 3. Is it a fault to be members of a Nationall Church ? see if Act. 1. Act. 6. Act. 15. there be not a Church-meeting , and publike exercise of praying , discussing of matters by the Word , choosing of officers , refuting of false Doctrine ? This is worship , and it is not the worship of a particular Church , but there be no true Churches but yours , and all are in offences and scandalls , who are not members of your Churches ; this a Augustine layeth to Donatists , this b Pareus layeth upon Au●baptists , that they taught , they onely were the true Church . I conceive our deare Brethren are not of this mind . Manuscript , It is a publike offence , that though they were Baptized in some Parish Church in England ( saith the Author ) upon som● Covenant and stipulation of Parents , or God-fathers , which also was without warrant , yet they come to the Lords Table , without any publike profession of their faith or repentance ? Answ. To say nothing of God-fathers , who are civill witnesses , that the Parents shall take care to educate the childe , in the true Faith , we see no publike profession by a Church-oath , ( as you meane ) in the Church of Corinth , but onely that every man was to trye himselfe , and then to eate , nor in the Apostles Church at all , if you debarre them from the Lords Supper , who are not inchurched by your Oath , all the reformed Churches on Earth did never worthily eate and drinke the Lords body and blood . It is ( saith he ) a publike offence , that in the Parish Communion ( which not Communion of spirits , but cohabitation begetteth ) they partake with all ignorant and scandalous persons , not excluding drunkards , prophane swearers , whereby it commeth to passe that not a little leavin , but a great measure of leavin doth deepely leavin the whole lumpe . Answ. This tolleration of drunkards and swearers in the Lords Church , and at his Table , infecteth and is apt to leavin all , with their evill conversation , but doth not leavin the worship to the fellow-worshippers , nor is the sinne of private persons , yea nor of our Ministers , who hath not power to helpe it , ( but it is the fault of the Church ) except you make no separation from a Church where a scandalous person is tolerated ( for suffering moe or sewer doth not vary the spece ) to be a sin publickely to be repented , before any can be members of your Church , which is prodigious to us . Fourthly , It is a publicke offence ( saith the Authour ) that they have worshipped God , according to the precepts of men , &c. Answ. This is the crime of conformity which I wish were publickely repented , by all which hath defiled themselves with submitting to a Antichristian government , and the Will-worship of men , yet doth not this make Ministers no Ministers , so as they must receive Ordination to the Ministery of new . Peters fall took not away his Apostleship , nor Jonah● flying from God , nor Davids adultery made them not leave off to be Prophets . Other arguments that I find in Papers from New England are these : First , There is not a Church ( say they ) under the New Testament , but a Congregationall Church , so it will follow , that as City priviledges belong onely to the Citizens and their children , so baptisme and the Lords Supper , being Church priviledges , belong onely to the Members of particular Churches , and their seed ; and that seeing sigillum sequitur donum , to apply them to any other , is to abuse them . As the scale of an Incorporation is abused , when it is added to confirme a gift to one who is not a Free man of that Incorporation , he being incapable thereof . Answ. First , The case is not here , as in earthly Cities , a man who is a free Citizen in one burrough is not for that a free Citizen of all the Burroughes and Cities on earth ; nor is he who is civilly excommunicated and cast out of his City priviledges in one City , cast out of his City priviledges in all other Cities , whereof he is a free member : and the reason is , there is not one common owner , and Lord of all the Cities on earth , who can give , or take away , in a Law-way , City priviledges ; but the case is farre otherwayes in the priviledges of visible Churches , for he who is a member of one visible Congregation , is by his baptisme , and sincere profession , and his professed standing in Covenant with God , a Member of all visible Congregations on earth , as he is baptized in all Congregations on earth ; and if he be excommunicated out of a single Congregation , he is excommunicated out of all , and loseth right to the Scale of the Lords Supper , in all visible Congregations , as his sinnes are bound in heaven to all also , for that one common head and Saviour , who giveth him right to the Seales of Christs body and blood in one , giveth him right to these Seales in all . For we worthily communicate with Christ in his body and blood , 〈◊〉 his body was broken , and his blood shed for one single visible Congregation , but as broken and shed for the whole 〈…〉 universall . But this forme of reasoning utterly abolisheth all Communion of Churches , nor can a member of one Noble Church be capable of the Seales of grace in another visible Church , because he is not a Member of that visible Church , no more then one is capable of the Priviledges of Paris , who is onely a Citizen of London , and not a Citizen of Paris . If it be said , one who is a member of a visible Church , may receive the Seales in another Congregation , if he be recommended by Letters , as a sound Professor , to that other Congregation . I Answer , Recommendatory Letters can never give a Church-right to the Church-Priviledges of the Seales of the Covenant , they doe but onely notifie , manifest , and declare the Church-right , which the man had before . Ergo , either he cannot in any sort be capable of the Seales of the Covenant in another Congregation , then his owne , whereof he is an inchurched Member , which destroyeth all communion of sister Churches , or if he be capable of the Seales in another Congregation , he was capable and h●d a Church-right , in himselfe , before he received reconime●●a●ory Letters : yea , these whom we recommend by Letters as ●it to partake of the Sacraments in another Congregation , ●● presuppose they have Church-right to the Seales in another Congregation visible , then in their owne , whereof they are members ; except our testimony be false . Ergo , before our recommendatory Letters , the person of approved piety was a member of all the visible Churches about , hoc ipso , and by that same reason , that he is a member of one visible Congregation ; yea Peter clearely insinuateth that all who have received the Holy Ghost , are to be baptized , Act. 8. 47. as Philip , Act. 8. 37. and That if the Eunuch beleeved , be might be baptized . So that Faith , to speake properly , doth give us right to the Seales , and to speake accurately , a visible profession of faith doth not give a man right to the seales of grace , but onely it doth notifie and d clare to the Church , that the man hath right to the seales because he beleeveth , and that the Church may lawfully give to him the seales , and that profession is a condition required in the right receivers of the seales in an Ecclesiasticall way ; but faith giveth the right to these seales , and because the faith of the beleever goeth with the beleever , when he goeth to another visible congregation then his owne , that faith giveth him right to the seales in all places , and in all Congregations : for faith giveth right to receive Christ Sacramentally , not in one Congregation onely , but in all , and a visible profession doth , as a condition notifie this faith , and Church-right in all Congregations . Ergo , the man hath right in all Congregations , as he hath right in a parishionall Church . But our Brethren reply , Peter might baptize Cornelius , though he was no member of a visible Congregation , because the Apostles being ●fficers in al Churches , might dispense the Seales in all Churches : but Ministers now are pastors onely of the determina●e flocke , over which the holy Ghost hath set them , therefore they have not Citie Seales at their power to dispense to any other then to Citizens . Answ. Peter his argument to Baptize is not from a temporall reason , that endureth for a while , but from a morall argument of perpetuall equitie and necessitie , till Christs second comming . He that beleeveth and hath received the holy Ghost is to be baptized . But many out of Church-state , and who are not members of a particular Congregation , have received the Holy Ghost , and doe beleeve , being Christians of approved pietie ; we are to adde no restrictions , or exceptions where God addeth none . Non est distinguendum , ubi lex non distinguit . They that beleeve should receive the seales , but not except they be in-Churched and members of a particular Congregation . The proposition is Gods Word , but the restriction or exception is not Gods Word . 2. The Apostles , though they were universall Pastors of the world , yet teach us by word and practise , who are to be admitted to the seales , even to the supper , those who do try and examine themselves , and that to the end of the world . 2. Our brethren say , It is probable that Cornelius was in Church-state , and the Eunuch comming to Jerusalem to worship , argueth he was a proselyte , and a member of the Jewish Church not yet dissolved ; Lydia and the jaylor were members of the Church of Philippi , which Church communicated with Paul at the beginning of the Gospel , Psal. 4. 15. at least it is probable , that Lidia was a member of the Church of the Jewes . Answ. It is hard to build a new Church government contrary to the doctrine of the reformed Churches upon probabilities . 2. If Cornelius , Lydia and others were members of the Jewish Church , it was not a good consequence by our brethrens doctrine to make them members of a Christian Congregation , without in-churching of them by your Church-oath , for you make the constitution of the Jewish Church , and ours different ; yea and as you teach , all circumcised were members of the Jewish Church , and had right to their Passeover , but all circumcised are not meet to bee members of a Christian Church , for many circumcised were Idolaters , murtherers , prophane mo●ke●s of God , Esay 1. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. Jer. 10. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Ezek , 10. 6. 17. 18 , 9. And though the Church of Philippi was one of the 〈◊〉 Church 〈◊〉 communicated with Paul , yet was there no Christian Church of Elders and people there , when Lydia was converted , for Acts 16. 13. in the place where prayer was wont to be made on the Sabbath day , none heard Paul preach , but some women , Ergo there could not be a Christian Church there ; and it is certaine the jaylor before was a persecutor , and no member of a Christian Church . They say Abraham and his seede were not circumcised , till God called him into Church-Covenant , and so into Church-state , and there is the same reason and use of baptisme , as of circumcision . If the argument taken for baptizing of infants be good , why may we not inserre a necessitie of Church-membership , before baptisme , as of Church membership before circumcision ? So the Apologie saith . It cannot be proved that baptisme was imposed upon all beleevers , as such , no more then it can be proved that circumcision was imposed upon all beleevers as such ; and Baptisme is no more now necessary to a beleever , whose calling or another strong hand of Gods providence will not suffer to live in Church fellowship with Gods people , then circumcision was necessary to Melchisede●k , Job or others , whom the hand of God detained from Church-fellowship , with the posteritie of Abraham ; yea circumcision and the Passeover , seeing they were administrated in private houses , might more conveniently be administrated to persons not in Church-state , nor Baptisme and the Lords Supper can be administrated so , in respect they are seales given to a Church body in an assembly , 1 Cor. 10. 17. and 12. 13. Answ. Abraham , Sarah , and the Soules they had gotten in Charran , were in Church-state , obeyed God , built an Altar Gen. 12. 2 , 3 , 4. before the Church Covenant , which you speake of , Chap. 17. and it is denyed that that supposed oath of the Covenant made them a Church : So we see no necessitie of Church-membership , to one single Congregation , before either circumcision or baptisme ; for baptisme is a seale of our entry into the visible Church , as I shall prove . 2. We say not that baptisme is imposed on all who beleeveth , as they are such , for God saveth divers beleevers , who are not baptized , but Gods will , the supreme I aw-giver , here is to be looked into , God would have no circumcision from Adam to Abraham , and would himselfe have the people want circumcision in the Wildernesse fortie yeares , and would have it administrated in private houses , it being a bloody and painefull Sacrament , but we have an expresse Commandement of God to baptize all ordinarily of the visible Church ; yet not because they are members of one single Congregation , but because they beleeve & testifie themselves to be members of the visible Church in generall : we deny that the want of membership in a particular Congregatiō , is that strong band that should hinder baptisme or the seales of the Covenant . God hath appointed no lawfull calling , such as traffiquing by Seas & ●equent travelling ordinary to transient members of the visible Church , to be inconsistent with the lawfull partaking of the ordinances of grace , & seales of the Covenant ; for only those who doe not try and examine themselves , and are prophanely scandalous are excluded , as swine , from the holy things of God , and from the Lords Supper , not men , because they are necessarily busied in a lawfull calling , and must ordinarily travell to farre countries , and so cannot be members of a single parish . 1. This is a physicall impediment and not a sinne , nor a morall impediment , excluding any from the Seales of grace , yea and an unwritten tradition . 2. I speake against that difference which the author maketh , betwixt the seales of grace in the Old Testament , and the seales of grace in the New Testament , for there were Physicall and civill defects in the Old Testament , which by a divine Law , made some incapable of the Passeover , as if any were Lepers , bastards , borne Moabites and Ammonites , or typically uncleane , or had touched the dead , they could not eate the Passeover , though otherwise they did beleeve in Christ to come , and were morally cleane , but by the contrary under the New Testament , there be no Physicall or ceremoniall defects , no callings , no civill relations , but onely morall defects , and sinfull scandals , which doth exclude men from the Seales of grace , except you bring in ceremonies in the New Testament , of your owne devising , for all Nations , so they beleeve in Christ , Jew , or Gentile , Barbarian , or Scythian , bond or free , male or female , are to be baptized , Matth. 28. 19. God is no accepter of 〈◊〉 , or Nations , or callings , Act. 10. 34 , 35. compare this with ver . 46 , 47. and Gal. 3. 27. For as many of you as have beene baptized unto Christ , have put on Christ , v. 28. There is neither Iew nor G●●ek there is neither bond nor free , there is neither male nor female , for 〈◊〉 all me in Christ Jesus , so Gal. 6. 15. For in Christ Jesus neither circumcision● waileth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature . I must then say , it is boldnesse in men to say , that there is a lawfull calling in the New Testament , which our Brethren are pleased to call the strong hand of God , which maketh persons who are new creatures , and baptized unto Christ , uncapable of the seales of grace . Deare Brethren , yeeld to the cleare and evident truth of God. And for this cause , the seales of the New Testament must be more necessary in this respect , then were the Seales in the Old Testament . Our Brethren say , All circumcised might eate the Passeover ( though I doubt much of it ) and might enter into the Temple , if they were not legally uncleane , but all baptized may not ca●e the Lords Supper ; and all baptized , though excommunicated , may enter into the congregation for the publicke worship , hearing the word , praying , praising , &c. But all circumcised , might not enter into the congregation . The places 1 Cor. 10. 17. and 12. 13. prove not , that the Seales of grace are administrated to a Church body , of a particular congregation only , as they are such ; for these seales are common to all the visible Churches on earth . We many are one body , it is not to be exponed , We many are of one Parishionall Congregation , and onely are one body ; but We many of all the visible Churches on Earth , are one body in Christ. This you must say , except you deny all visible communion of sister Churches . The Object . They who are not capable of Church censures , are not capable of Church Priviledges . But those that are not within the Church covenant of a particular congregation , are not capable of Church censure . The proposition being evident , the assumption is proved , 1 Cor. 5. 12. What have I to doe to judge those who are without , that is , without the communion of a particular congregation , So Amesius , de consc . l. 4. c. 24. quest . 1. resp . ad . Answ. First , I answered before , the major is false , by your owne doctrine , those of another Congregation cannot be censured , but by their owne congregation , yet by Letters of recommendation , they may receive the Lords Supper in another Congregation . Also strangers of approved piety , may be capable of Church rebukes , which are Church censures . Secondly , The place , 1 Cor. 5. 12. is manifestly abused , for by those who are without , are meant onely the Insidels and Heathens who are without the whole visible Church , and not those of approved piety , who are baptized and professe the truth sincerely : for Peter Martyr , Beza , Calvin , Marlorat , Pareus , Zwinglius , so also Haymo , Aquinas , expone it with us ; which is cleare , first , by the phrase of speaking ( What have I to doe ? ) being a note of estrangement , as , Joh. 2. 4. Woman what have I to doe with thee ? and 2 Sam. 16. 10. David said , What have I to doe with you , ye sonnes of Zerviah ? now Paul and the faithfull at Corinth are not estranged from those of approved piety of other Congregations , he tooke care to edifie and rebuke them , and so are all the Saints to edifie , censure , and rebuke one another . Thirdly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alwayes those who are without , are taken in an ill part , in the Word of God , as Mark. 4. 11. Those who are without , are the blinded and hardned , and Rev. 22. 15. for without are dogges , our Brethren expone it of the visible Church . Now not to be in Membership of such a particular congregation , is not a sin , nor a just ground of Pauls estrangement of his Ministeriall power from them , it may be caused by persecution when the flocke are scattered by Wolves . Fourthly , Those who are here without , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are left by Paul to the immediate judgement of God , and not to be judged of the Church , ver . 13. But them that are without God judgeth . Now those who are members of another congregation then the Church of Corinth , or members of no particular congregation , and yet of approved piety , are not left to the immediate judgement of God , because they are without . The banished servants of God , who suffer for the Truth , or transient members , who because their calling is ordinarily traffiquing , and so not consistent with a membership in a setled congregation , are they ( I say ) without , not to be edified by the censures of the Church , but left to the immediate judgement of God ? this is contrary to Gods Word , and an insolent interpretation , and I find i● not in your place of Amesius . They reason from inconveniencies , Hence ( say they ) Church assemblies shall be confused meetings , if all out of Church membership ●e admitted . Answ. If by confused meetings you meane , meetings of sound beleevers and hypocrites , then Christs Kingdome compared to a draw-net , wherein are good and bad , are confused meetings and unlawfull ; which none can say but Anabaptists . But if you meane meetings of these of your owne Congregation and strangers of approved piety , these are not confused meetings , but you begge what is in question , and utterly abolish all Communion of Churches . They adde , the Church shall endanger the propbaning of the Seales , and want a speciall meanes whereby their grace and piety shall be dis●erned , if without respect of their Church estate , men be admitted to the seales ; for their owne testimony is not enough : also how can they be of approved piety , who against light refuse to professe subjection to the Gospell , by an orderly joyning themselves with some approved Church when they have opportunity ? seeing Church-fellowship is an action of piety required in the second Commandement , and this meane of tryall hath beene so blessed that many approved men have beene after tryall found light to others , and to their owne consciences . Answ. Meanes of discovering sincerity or hypocrisie would be warranted by Gods word , and meanes of eschewing the prophaning of the Seales also . Simon Magus was not so tryed , yea when Peter found him in the gall of bitternesse , we sinde not that he cast him out of the visible Church in respect his sinne was not that publikely scandalous , as to offend the whole Church . 2. We grant that strangers are not rashly to be admitted to the Seales , but you prove them not to be of approved piety , because they will not sweare your Church-oath , and your discipline , as the onely true way , and in so doing , you say they refuse Church-fellowship commanded in the second Commandement ; but this is to be proved , and not to be nakedly averred by you ; they beleeve , and can give evidences of their beliefe , & so should by the word of God be admitted to the Seales . Act. 10. 47. Act. 8. 37. Act. 16. 14 , 15. ver . 31 , 32 , 33. 1 Cor. 11. 38. you deny them the Seales , as i● they were dogges and unworthy prophaners of the Seales onely , because they cannot sweare to your Church-government , which you cannot prove from the word of God. 3. You deny them to be of approved piety who will not joyne to an approved Church , you meane your owne onely . But you adde if they have opportunity , but what if they want opportunity , then the strong hand of God deharreth them , & their seed from the Seales of Grace ; now if any be to traffique by Seas , and to travell to farre Countries in a lawfull calling , he is legally uncleane and incapable of the Seales to himselfe or his seede ; for he cannot in Conscience and through necessity of his lawfull calling sweare your Church-oath , for he must sweare to observe the manners of his fellow-members , to edifie them by exhortation , consolation , rebuking , to joyne himselfe in an eternall Covenant to that visible Church , yea never to remove thence , except the Congregation consent : so your oath obligeth him to all these , now this is impossible because of his lawfull calling , and because he cannot be a Church-member for ever : while he traffiqueth in his lawfull calling , the comfort of the Lords supper is denyed to him , and Baptisme to all his seede , and that by a strong hand of providence without any fault in him : shew us a warrant from the Law and the Testimony , where any are to be debarred from the Seales of the Covenant , and that ordinarily , ( where sicknesse and some other Physicall impediments doth not occurre ) where there is no morall unworthinesse or guiltinesse in the persons debarred : Will you debarre all from Church-comforts , the presence of Christ in his Church , the comfort of his walking , beside the Candlestickes , and his influence in the word Preached , the power of the keyes , the rebukes of the Saints , their exhortation and private comforting of sinners , the comforts of the Ordinances of Baptisme , and the supper of the Lord , because a strong hand of providence in a lawfull calling doth perpetually debarre them ? 4. You say your trying of Church-members is a meane blessed of God , to try many mens sincerity . I answer , Unlawfull meanes , as the persecution of Tyrants , may have this successe , what then ? is it a lawfull meane ? 2. I would Gods name were here spared ; it is not a meane blessed of God , it chaseth away many from the net of the Gospell , and the Pastorall care of the Shepheards , and is not a conquering way to gaine Soules . John Alasto ( say they ) in the dayes of Edward the sixth , would bapize none , but such as were members of that Church : and therefore p●●paned this question to the Fathers , ( Are these infants that you 〈◊〉 , the seede of this our Church , that they may lawfully be Baplized ? ) Answ. John Alasto had reason because of some present abuse , some indifferent Atheists , infidels in heart , refused to joyne to either Churches , either Protestant or Papists , and sought Baptismeto their children in either Churches , as they might have it , and therefore was that question proponed to the Fathers , but it proveth not your point . Alasto excluded the Children of Atheists , who would joyne to no Church , as his words cited beare . Ergo approved Christians and their seede are to be excluded from the Seales of the Covenant . How weake is your reasoning ? If the Rechabites ( say they ) the Posterity of Jethro , shall live in the ●idst of the Common-wealth of Israel , & some of them prove true beleeters , as Jonadab the sonne of Rechab . yet if they shall refuse to take bold of the Covenant of Israel , & to become Pr●selytes , it is no sinne for Israel to withold the Passeover from them , & circumcision from their Children ? Answ. You might have proved your point a nearer way , many legally uncleane , and yet sound beleevers , because of leprosie , for no sinne were debarred from the Seales amongst the Jewes : but have you any law to debarre any from the Seales of the Covenant of grace under the New Testament , and that ordinarily for no sinne ? 2. a Calvin thinketh their Vow not lawfull . b Bucanus , c Polyander , and d Willet think it the lawfull Vow of the Nazarites , commanded Numb . 6. What then ? If by Gods Law of the Nazarites , they abstained from wine , and the Passeover ? God is above his owne Law , Ergo , you may debarre men from the Seales under the New Testament for no sinne ; it doth not follow . 3. How prove yee , they abstained from the Passeover ? being so divine a Law , might not their Vow suffer an exception for a greater Law in eating the Passeover ? I thinke it might , for in case of necessity they came and dwelt at Jerusalem , for feare of the Army of the Chaldeans , Jer. 35. 11. and yet their vow was to dwell in Tents . From these ariseth , Quest. I. If Pastors may performe Ministeriall Acts in any other Congregation than their owne . This is answered unto , by a Manuscript , If you take a Ministeriall act improperly , when a Minister doth exercise his gift of praying and preaching , being required so to doe , so hee may exercise some Ministeriall acts , but this he doth not by vertue of any calling , but only by his gifts and occasionally : but if you meane by a Ministeriall act , an act of authority and power in dispensing of Gods Ordinances , as a Minister doth performe to the Church whereunto he is called to be a Minister , then we deny that he can so performe any Ministeriall act , to any other Church , than his owne . Hence though he may preach to another congregation , yet may he not administer the Sacraments to an other then to his owne . Answ. First , We hold that by a calling or ordination he is made a Pastor , by election he is restricted to be Ordinarily the Pastor of his flocke . Secondly , A Pastor is a Pastor of the Catholike Church , but he is not a Catholike Pastor of the Catholike Church , as were the Apostles . Thirdly , The Reformed Churches may send Pastors to the Indians , for that which Acosta saith of Jesuites , wee may with better reason say it of our selves : That Pasiors are as Souldiers , and some souldiers are to keepe order , and remaine in a certaine place , others run up and don ne in all places ; So some are affixed to a Congregation , to feed them , others may be sent to those people , who have not heard of the Gospel . Which sending is ordinary and lawfull , in respect of Pastors sending , and the Pastors who are sent , because in Pastors , even after the Apostles be dead , there remaineth a generall Pastorall care for all the Churches of Christ. Thus sending is not ordinary , but extraordinary , in respect of those to whom the Pastors are sent , yet is it a Pastorall sending . This opinion of our Prethren , is against the care of Christ , who hath left no Pastorall care on earth by this way , now since the Apostles dyed , to spread the Gospell to those Nations who have not heard of the name of Christ ; but a Pastorall care for the Churches , is not proper to Apostles onely , but onely such a Pastorall care by speciall direction from Christ immediately to Preach to all . 2. Backed with the gift of tongues and of miracles ; and this essentially differenceth the Apostle from the ordinary Pastor ; but the former Pastorall care to Preach the Gospell to all Nations , and to convert , is common both to the Apostle and Pastor . 2. Our Brethren distinguish betwixt office and the calling , and they say that the office extendeth no further then the call , and by 〈◊〉 he is onely a Pastor of this determinate flocke . But if he be a Pastor essentially in relation to none , but to his owne Congregation from which he hath all his calling , as is supposed , by that same reason a Christian , is a Baptized Christian to none but in relation to that particular Church in whose society he is admitted , and he doth partake of Christs body and blood in the Lords Supper in relation to no visible professors on earth , but onely to the Parish Church whereof he is a Member , 1 Cor. 10. 17. for they expone that onely of a Parishionall Communion within one single independant Congregation . And he must be a Heathen , or as a Pagan in all Congregations on earth , but in his owne , yea and he is a visible professor of the Covenant of grace , which is one in substance , ( as they say ) with the Church-Covenant , and hath claime to Christ and all his Ordinances in no Congregation save in his owne . I prove the consequence , for by Baptisme the Baptized person is incorporated in Christs visible Church . 1 Cor. 12. 13. If this be true when one removeth from one Congregation to another , hee must bee re-baptized and incorporated a visible member of a body visible with them . And I see not how one can be in-churched to another Congregation , and made one body therewith , while he eate of one bread with them , as they expone , 1 Cor. 10. 17. if he be not also a member of all visible Churches on earth . 3. If a Pastor can exercise no Pastorall acts toward any Congregation , save toward his owne , then a Pastor as a Pastor cannot pray for the whole visible Churches of God : but the latter is absurd : Ergo , so is the former . I prove the major , The praying for the whole visible Churches is a Pastorall Act , due to a Pastor as a Pastor . 1. Because every visible Church is oblieged as it is a Church to pray for all the visible Churches on earth : for as a Christian is oblieged to pray for all Churches visible ; so farre more is a Church : now a visible Church doth not pray but by the Pastor , who is the mouth of the People to God ; and that this is a Pastorall duty due to a Pastor , I thinke is said Isa. 62. 6. I have set watchmen on thy Tower , O Jerusalem , which shall never hold their peace day nor night . Yee that make mention of the Lord , keepe no silence till he establish , and t●ll ●● make Jerusalem the praise of the whole earth . Also Pastors as Pastors are to pray for the King , though the King be no member of that Congregation , whereof they be Pastors . 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. every Pastor as a Pastor is to Preach against the sinnes of the Land , else how can the People mourne for these sinnes ? Ergo , the Pastor doth exercise Pastorall acts upon all the visible Churches on earth , upon the King , and upon the whole Land , to which he is not a Pastor by speciall election . 4. If a Pastor be oblieged to Preach in season and out of season , and that as a Pastor , and because he is a Pastor . 2 Tim. 4. 2. Ergo he is to Preach as a Pastor in any Congregation where he shall be desired . They answer , He may Preach the word in another Congregation , not by vertue of a calling or office , but by vertue of his gifts . I answer , First , if he Preach by vertue of a gift onely , he Preacheth in that case , not as sent of God , and so int●udeth himselfe , and runneth unsent , and a meere gift to be a King or a Magistrate , maketh not a Magistrate , as a Master Robinson granteth . Ergo one cannot warrantably exercise a Pastorall act by vertue of a meere gift . 2. He may in another Congregation preach with Pastorall authority , and use the keyes by binding and loosing sinnes , according as hearers doe repent and harden their nockes against the Gospell . Ergo , he may preach as a Pastor to another Congregation . 3. There shall be no Communion betwixt Sister Churches in Pastorall acts as Pastorall , which is absurd , the Communion shall onely be of Pastorall acts as Christian acts , but in no sort betwixt them as Pastorall acts . 5. The Scriptures for this opinion are weak , Ergo the opinion it selfe is weake , I prove the antecedent . Act. 20. 28. feede the flocke , over which the holy Ghost hath made you overseers . &c. there is no ground to feede even by Preaching , or by vertue of a gift , these flockes over which the holy Ghost hath not set you : Obey them that are over you in the Lord , Heb. 13. 17. & c. there is no warrant to submit to other Pastors that are not over you in the Lord , though they command by vertue of a gift , not by vertue of an office or calling : these be loose consequences . 6. All reciprocation of mutuall duties amongst sister Churches , whereby they exhort , rebuke , comfort one another , must be unlawfull , for these be Church acts , and this Author saith , The office extendeth no further then the calling , but there is no calling of Church-membership betwixt sister-Churches , and therefore all these duties are not acts of the Communion of Churches , as they are such Churches or incorporations in a Church-state , but onely duties of Churches as they are Saints , but communion of Churches as Churches in the act of Church-dispensing of the Word and Seales reciprocally one to another , is not in the Word of God , as this opinion will inferre , which is a weighty absurd . 7. The Authors of this opinion hold , That if the Congregation , for no fault , reject the Pastor , whom they once called and elected to ●e their Pastor , though in so doing they sinne , and reject God in rejecting him , yet they take nomen & esse , the name and nature of a pastor from him , yet ( say they ) hee still remaineth a Minister of Christ , till he accept a call from another Congregation . Hence 1. such a one is a Pastor , and yet the people have taken name and nature of a Pastor from him , as they gave him name and nature : Ergo , he is either a Pastor without a calling , which is absurd , or he remaineth a person in relation to another flocke , who never choosed him , nor gave him any calling . 2. To adde by the way , if he be capable of a calling to another Church , Ergo , for the time he is no Minister , else they must say , he may be a Minister capable of two callings , to two sundry Ministeries , which yet maketh him a Pastor not in relation to one single congregation onely . It is true , they object that the Apostles , Matth. 18. were commanded to preach to all Nations , but Pastors are not so now , but are commanded to feed the flocke over which God hath appointed them , Act. 20. 28. but it is as true the Apostles were commanded to preach to all Nations , in opposition to the charge that the Prophets of old were to speake to the people of Israel onely , and the Apostles Matth. 10. forbidden to preach to the Samaritans and Gentiles ; and it is as true that Gods Spirit limited the Apostles to Preach to Macedonia , not to Bithynia ; now because this particular direction for places is wanting in the Church , it is certaine that a man is yet a Pastor in office in relation to as many as Gods hand of providence shall send him unto , though he be chosen by a people to feed ordinarily one determinate flocke , and though he be not an extraordinary and immediatly inspired planter of Churches , or the first planter , as were the Apostles , yet is he a Pastor in relation to all . And if this be not said , 1. It were simply unlawfull for Pastors now to plant Churches , and spread the Gospell to those nations , who have not heard it , because all Pastors now are ordinary , and none are immediatly inspired Apostles : but it is certaine what the Apostles did , by an extraordinary gift , as such immediatly called pastors , it is unlawfull for ordinary Pastors to attempt to doe , as to attempt to speake with tongues , and to plant Churches by speaking with tongues and confirming it with miracles , is unlawfull . Papists , as Bellarmine , Suarez , Acosta , ascribe this to the Pope and his Apostles . Our Divines answer that the Apostles that way have no successors ; But what the Apostles did by an ordinary pastorall gift , as to preach the word , administrate the Sacraments , to erect and plant Churches by ordinary gifts , where the Pastors can speake to the Churches by an ordinary gift in their owne language , they are oblieged both within and without the Congregation , to preach as Pastors , because where God giveth gifts pastorall to pastors , he commandeth them to exercise these gifts , else they digge their Lords talent in the earth : but God giveth to Pastors pastorall gifts to preach to others then their owne Congregation , and to administrate the seales to them also , and to plant Churches . Ergo , it is presumed that the Church doth give authoritie and an externall ministeriall calling to the exercise of these gifts . 2. It is an unwarrantable point of Divinitie that the Apostles and the Pastors succeeding to them doe differ essentially in this , that Apostles might preach as Pastors to more Congregations then one , and might plant Churches , but pastors succeeding to them may not as Pastors preach to more Congregations then their owne , and may not plan● Churches , for then planting of Churches now were utterly unlawfull , because it is certaine there be no Apostles on earth , and it is not lawfull for a Pastor , yea nor it is lawfull for any other gifted person to doe that which is essentiall to an Apostle and agreeth to an Apostle as to an Apostle . It is then unlawfull for our brethren , seeing they be not Apostles , to plant Churches in India . Nor is that comparison to be regarded much ; A Magistrate or an Alderman of a Citie may not lawfully exercise his office of Magistracie in another Citie whereof he is not a Maior , and therefore a Pastor cannot preach , ex officio , as a Pastor in another Congregation , whereof he is not a Pastor , nor can he exercise discipline in another Congregation then his owne , seeing another Congregation hath not by voluntary agreement , oath or paction submitted themselves to his ministry , nor chosen him for their Pastor . For I answer , the comparison halteth and doth not prove the point , for by one and the same act the citie hath chosen such a man both for to be a Magistrate , and to be their Magistrate , and have given him thereby authority over themselves onely , so he cannot exercise the office of a Magistrate over another Citie who hath not chosen him to be their Maior or ruler . But the flocke doth not both call such a man , in one and the same act to be a pastor , and to be their pastor , but hee is made by the laying on of the hands of the Elders , a Pastor , and a Pastor in relation to all to whom God in his providence shall send him to speake , the Congregation by election doth give him no authority pastorall , but onely appropriate his pastorall authoritie to themselves in particular ; and when they refuse him againe and cast him off , they take not pastorall authoritie from him , for they cannot take away that which they cannot give ; he remaineth a Pastor though they cast him off , as a Colledge of Physitians do promote a man to be a Doctor of Physicke to cure diseases , a towne calleth him to be their Physitian , he may yet exercise acts of his calling , and ex officio , as a Doctor , upon other cities and inhabitants of the countrey ; and when the city who choosed him for their physitian doth cast him off , they take not from him the office of doctorship which the Colledge of Physitians conferred upon him , for they cannot take from him that which they cannot give to him . Yea if any of another flocke shall come and heare the word , the Pastor offereth all in one pastorall sacrifice to God in prayer , though there be many of another Congregation in the Church hearing ; yea strangers beleevers communicate with him at the same Table , yet is he not their Pastor . If a Pastor of a Congregation die or be sicke , shall the children of beleevers , yea shall converted Pagans being desirous to be baptized be defrauded of the comfort of Baptisme , and of the Lords Supper , for no fault in them , but onely because their Pastor is dead , may not the Congregation by their desires and requests appropriate the office of Pastors of another Congregation in some particular acts to their necessitie ? yea is not their receiving of his ministry in that act ( when their Pastor is dead ) a calling warranting him to officiate , hie & nunc ? even as the desires and choise of his owne flocke electing him to be their constant Pastor , gave him a calling to be their Pastor constantly , and in all the ordinary acts of his calling ? yea and it is sure as the holy Ghost set him over his owne floeke in ordinary , because they choosed him to be their Pastor , so that same holy Ghost set him over this other Congregation , in this act , to preach and administrate the sacraments to them , in this exigence of the death of their Pastor ; for God who ruleth officers and disposeth of them in his house , disposeth of particular Acts of his owne officers , and he is sent as a pastor from God to speake to the stanger hic & nunc , and to worke his heart to the love of Christ , and that as a Pastor no lesse then to his owne flocke , except we destroy communion of gifts , and of Pastorall gifts , Paul by the holy Ghost was made the Apostle of the Gentiles , Peter of the Jewes , Gal. 2. 8. yet Peter as an Apostle preached to , and baptized the uncircumcised Gentiles , Act. 10. 11. and Paul exercised his office of an Apostle upon the Jewes also , both by preaching and baptizing , as the history of the Acts , chap. 16. chap. 17. and other places may cleare , Rom. 1. so that the contrary doctrine is a new conceite , not of God , and against the pastorall care of bringing in soules to Christ. Quest. II. Whether or no children be received into the visible Church by Baptisme . In this Chapter the Author will not have persons of approved pietie and baptized to be within the visible Church , and a the Author of the Apologie saith , We doe not beleeve that children are received within the visible Church by baptisme , for if they be not in Christs Church , before they be baptized , what hath a Minister to doe to baptize them who are not of the Church ? and if they be within the Church before baptisme , how shall they be received in the Church by baptisme ? if you say , they may be received , that is , declared by baptisme to have beene received into the Church by the Covenant of their fathers : We demand into which Church ? not into our owne Church , for their parents were never members of a Church , and we cannot put the seale of God upon a falsehood ? not into the Church from whence their fathers came , for we know not whether their fathers were casten out of the Church , or not . Some considerations are here to be set downe . 1. Baptisme is not that whereby we are entred into Christs mysticall and invisible body as such , for it is presupposed we be members of Christs body , and our sinnes pardoned already , before baptisme come to bee a seale of sinnes pardoned , but baptisme is a seale of our entry in Christs visible body , as swearing to the Colours is that which entreth a Souldier to be a member of such an Army , whereas before his oath , he was onely a heart friend to the army and cause . 2. Baptisme as it is such is a seale , and a seale as a seale addeth no new lands or goods to the man to whom the Charter and seale is given , but only doth legally confirme him in the right of such lands given to the man by the Prince or State , yet this hindereth not but baptisme is a reall , legall seale , legally confirming the man in his actuall and visible profession of Christ , remission of sinnes , regeneration , so as though before baptisme he was a member of Christs body , yet quoad nos , he is not a member of Christs body visible , untill he be made such by baptisme . 3. This question toucheth the controversie anent the efficiencie , working and operation of the Sacraments , of which I give a tast shortly . Sacraments are considered as Sacraments , in abstracto , in genere sign●rum ; the reprobate doe receive holy Seales and Sacraments , else they could not be said to prophane the holy things of God , and so they may be Sacraments and worke no grace either by themselves or from God , all operation from , or about the Sacrament then must be accidentall to a Sacrament . 2. Sacraments are considered in concreto , according to all which they include in their use , to wit , as they consist of the signe , the thing signified , the institution of God , and the promise of grace , and in this meaning a Altisiodorensis ( as I conceive ) maketh the Sacraments not efficient causes of grace , yet materiall causes containing grace , uti vas medicinam , so the Scripture saith , Baptisme saveth , as the Physitians glasse cureth the disease , and b Guliel . Parisiens . said not ill , that the Sacraments have a power to obtaine grace by faith and prayer , that is , being used in faith and sincere calling upon God , they obtaine grace ; so to speake accurately this is all about the Sacrament , rather then from the Sacrament : to which sense c Durandus , d Occam e Gabriel Biel f Aliacensis doe deny the Sacraments to be Physicall instruments producing grace in a Physicall way , ( though Papists cry out against our Divines for teaching so ) onely they say , God at the presence of the Sacrament produceth grace of his meere free will , ad praesentiam Sacramenti operatur deus gratiam ex solâ liberâ suâ voluntate . And for this cause g Gregorius de Valentia saith these Schoolemen nihil amplius tribuere Sacramentis , quam haeretici tribuunt , give no more to the Sacraments then hereticks give ; yet h Vasquez , and a Jesult professor at Rome i Joan. de Lugo teach that the Sacraments are morall causes of grace , but not physicall . It is grosse that k Henricus saith , that God createth grace , per tactum Sacramentorum , by the touch of the Sacraments , as Christ cured the Leper by the touch of his hand : for Sacraments are not miracles , as Papists say , Phisicke worketh upon a mans body when he sleepeth , so doe Sacraments justifie and worke grace , ex opere operat● , though the faith of the Sacrament-Receiver doe worke nothing at all . 4. Sacraments are considered . 1. As holy signes . 2. As Religious seales . 3. As instruments by which faith worketh . 4. As meanes used by , us out of conscience of obedience to Christs commandement who hath willed us to use them . Sacraments as signes are objective and morall causes , exciting the mind as the word doth in a morall way , they represent Christ and him crucified , and this Sacraments have commune with the word . The Sacrament is a visible word teaching us . 2. Sacraments have the consideration of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantum , they be seales , and not teaching and representing signes onely : this way also they have no reall or physicall action in them or from them ; for a seale of a Prince and State , as it is such , conferreth not an acre or rigge of land , but it is a legall Declaration that those lands written in the body of the Charter , doe duely belong to the Person to whom the Charter is given . But a Arminians do here erre , as b Episcopius , and also , c Socinus , and d Smalcius , who teach that the Sacraments be nothing but externall rites and declarative signes , scadowing out Christ , and the benefits of his death to us , because they find a morall objective working in the Word of God , but a substantiall and Physicall working betwixt us and Christs bodie ( they say ) is ridiculous , but they would remember that this is an insufficient enumeration , the seale of a Kings Charter hath besides a morall action on the mind , by bringing to the mind such lands given to such a man , and so the seales , worketh upon the witnesses , or any who readeth the Charter as well as upon the owner of the Charter : I say beside this the seale hath some reall action , I grant not in it , but about it , and beside it ; for it sealeth that such lands are really and in effect given by the Prince and State , the action is about the seale , not in or from the seale : When a Generall of an Army delivereth the keyes of a Castle to a Keeper thereof , he saith [ I deliver the house to you ] when he delivereth the Keyes onely Physically , and not the stones , walls or timber of the house , by a Physicall action or Physicall touch , contactu Physico , yet in delivering the keyes , he doth really deliver to him the Castle , but in a legall and morall way . Arminians and Socinians may see here that there is neither an action by way of naked representation and teaching , for the Sacrament is a teaching signe to the beholders who receive it not , nor is it a Physicall action , as if Christs Physicall body in a Physicall way were given ; yet it is an action reall , and morall : so the Sacraments are signes exhibitive and not naked signes . Our brethren doe side with Arminians and Socinians , who so often teach that Sacraments make nothing to be what they were not , but onely declare things to be what they are . It is true , the formall effect of a Sacrament is to seale and confirme ; to seale and confirme is but a legall strengthning of a right , and not the adding of any new thing . Yet in this the Sacrament differeth from a seale . 1. That to a civill seale there is not required the beleeving and faith of the owner of the Charter , to make the seale effectuall ; for whether the Lord of the lands beleeve that his seale doth confirme him in the lands , or not , the seale of it selfe by the Law of the Prince & State maketh good his right to the lands : but Sacraments doe not worke ex opere operato , as civill seales doe worke , even as Physicke worketh upon the body , without the faith of the mind , though the man bee sleeping . Hence the third consideration of a Sacrament as an instrument , Faith , in and through the Sacrament being wakened and stirred up layeth hold upon Christ his death and benefits , and for this cause there is a reall exhibition of the thing signified , and the Sacrament is an exhibitive seale . 4. The Sacrament in the use is considered as wee use it in obedience to God , who saith in the Lords Supper , Do this in remembrance of me , and in this it differeth from a civill seale also . The Prince doth not conferre a seale to confirme a man in his land upon condition , that he will make use of it , otherwayes it shall be to him as no seale . But God hath given the scale of grace upon condition that wee make use thereof in Faith , else the Sacrament is blanke and null . Therefore if you beleeve , and not otherwayes , the Sacrament of the Supper sealeth and confirmeth you in this , that Christ is given already , and is in the present given to be nourishment to your soule to life eternall ; and so oft as you eate , the certioration and assurance groweth , and the faith is increased , and a further degree of a communion with Christ confirmed ; but it is not so in civill seales , though yee repeate and reiterate the same seale of lands , ten thousand times , it never addeth one aker more to the in heritance , because the repetition of a civill seale is not commanded under the promise of addition of new lands , nor is it commanded , as obedience to the owner of the Charter , that hee should make use of the seale ; but from the using in faith , the Sacrament , we receive increase of Grace , and a Sacramentall Grace . Hence Baptisme is a seale of our incorporation in Christs visible Church , 1 Cor. 12. 13. For by one spirit we be all baptized into one body , whether we be Jew or Gentile , or whether we be bound or free , Act. 2. 41. Then they that received the word were baptized , and the same day there were added unto them three thousand souls , so Matth. 28. 19. the taught Disciples are to bee baptized in his name , Act. 8. 38. Philip was this way received in the Christian Church , and Cornelius , Act. 10. 47. and Lidia , Act. 16. 15. and the Jaylor , vers . 23. 2. That which distinguisheth by a visible note the Church as visible from the invisible Church , and from other visible societies , and sealeth our visible union with Christs body , that is , the seale of our entry in the visible Church , but baptisme is such , Ergo. 3. What circumcision was to the Church of the Jewes , that baptisme is to the Christian Church , because , in re significatâ , in the thing signified and inward substance of the Sacrament , they were both one , Col. 2. 11. 12. Phil. 3. 3. But circumcision was a seale of the Jewish entry in the visible Church , Gen. 17. 13. It being the Covenant of God in the flesh , & the uncircumcised being commanded to be cut off from Gods people , v. 14. 4. This is according to the Scriptures and the doctrine of the fathers , Augustine , Cyrill , Basilius , Tertullian , Hieronymus , Theophylact , Theodoret , Ambrose , Cyprian who constantly so teach ; so doe our Divines a Calvin , b Beza , c Bu●nus , d Pareus , e Piscator , f Anton. Wallaeus , g Tilenus , h Kickermanus . So Zanchius , Polanus , Sihrandus , Rivetus , Fennerus , Whittakerus , Raynoldus , Willetus , and the professors of Leyden 〈◊〉 . Our Brethren say , it is the opinion of the i Anabaptists , that the Church is made by baptisme , and Papists have the same conceit , and therefore place their Font at the Church doore to signifie mens entry into the Church by baptisme ; but we beleeve not that baptisme doth make men members of the Church , nor to be administrated to them who are without the Church , as the way to bring them in , but to them that are within the Church , as a seale to confirme the Covenant of Grace to them . Answ. 1. Anabaptists deny that any ought to be baptized while thy come to age , and while they beleeve and be regenerated : and they say not farre from your selves in this , who teach it to bee absurd , to put a blanke seale upon a falshood , and so you presuppone all to be regenerated , and truly within the Covenant before they can be sealed to be within the Covenant by baptisme ; and yet you do not think all Infants of beleeving parents to be regenerated and truly within the Covenant , then is the seale blanck . Also you say , baptisme is not to be administrated to those who are without , but onely to those who are within the Church , you meane not within the Church by profession , for Infants have no profession , and you say the Sacrament cannot be put on a blanke or a falshood , Ergo , you thinke all that are baptized ought to be within the Church really , and not in profession ouely ; Ergo they must all come to age and beleeve before they can be baptized . 2. We say not that baptisme maketh a Church mysticall , and the true and lively body and Spouse of Christ , but that it is a seale confirming us of our entry in the visible Church . 3. The placing of the Font at the Church doore as a mysticall signe of our entry in the Church is an Antichristian ceremony of mens devising , which wee disclaime . 4. If Infants baptized must bee within the Church , before they can be baptized , how deny you to receive them to the Lords Supper when they come to age , while they bee againe , by your Church-oath , received within the Church ? then are they both within the Church , because they are baptized , and without the Church , because they are not received in by your Church-oath againe . 5. If baptisme be a seale of grace to confirme the Covenant of grace to those who are within the Church , that is , onely a single Congregation , ( for you deny that there be any visible Churches in the New Testament save these onely ) then are persons baptized persons , and confirmed in the Covenant of grace onely within a single Congregation . I would know if baptisme should not then be repeated and reiterated in every ones person , as they come to a new Congregation ; for they are confirmed in the Covenant of grace , by baptisme onely in one single Congregation , as you teach . Their second and third reason is , a Baptisme and all ordinances are priviledges given to the Church , so it maketh not the Church , but the Church is before baptisme and all ordinances ; the use also of baptisme is to be a seale of the Covenant , now a seale is not to make a thing which was not , but to confirme a thing which was . Answ. 1. The Church is indeed the Church mysticall and the invisible body of Christ before baptisme , but this proveth not but baptisme is a seale of our entry in the visible Church , for if this be a good argument , your Church-covenant , which to you is an ordinance of God , falleth to the grrund ; for persons are the true Churches of Christ before all the ordinances of Christ ; Ergo , by your Church-covenant men doe not become Christs visible Church . 2. The argument hath no feet , for the ordinance of preaching the Word is a priviledge of the Church and ordinance of God , yet is not the Church before the preaching of the Word ; for birth is not before the seed , but the seed before the birth ; the preaching of the Word is the seed of the Church , 1 Pet. 1. 23. and a meane of gathering the Church , Rom. 10. 14. and it is also a priviledge of the Church , for hee dealeth not so with every nation to send his Gospell to them , Psal. 147. 19 , 20. 3. When you say that a Seale doth not make a thing that was not , but confirme a thing that was ; while you would seeme to refute Papists , who vainely teach that Sacraments doe confe●re grace ex opere op●rato , by the deed done ; yet doe you make the Sacrament but a naked signe , and take part with Arminians and Socinians , whose very arguments in expresse words you use ; for a Socinius goeth before you in this argument , and so doth b Smalcius follow him . 〈◊〉 and sealing there is required the trying of the thing , and some ●●●hing or document ; but that ceremony ( a baptisime ) and that rite , though it bee ●●ly , doth nothing to the remission of sins , but it doth onely shadow out , and as it 〈◊〉 deline●ue and point forth remission of sinnes by the washing of water ●xp●ned in the Word of God. You say , Sacraments 〈◊〉 make a thing that was not , but confirme a thing that was before ; you can have no other meaning then to deny all cansalitie and all reall exhibition of grace in the Sacraments : for if a Sacrament make not a thing that was not before , or if God give n●t , and really produce , conferre and exhibite grace , and a stronger measure of faith , and assurance of remission of sinnes , at the due and right use of the Sacrament , the Sacrament is a naked signe , and not an exhibitive Seale . But if Christ give and in the present exhibit as surely remission of sinnes , as the infant is washen with water , as our Divines , and the c Palatinate Catechise teacheth , yea and d the confession thereof , and e the Synod of Dort teacheth , then by the Sacrament of Baptisme , a thing is made that which it was not . It is true a civill seale , as I said before , addeth no new lands to the owner of the Charter , but if Christ by his Seales rightly and in faith used , doe not onely confirme grace and pardon , but also really exhibite and give grace and pardon in a further degree , and a new measure of assurance to the conscience which there was not before , you goe not a streas breadth from Arminians and Socinians , especially seeing f Episcopius , g Henricus Welsingius saith that remission of finnes is not sealed by baptisme , but signified onely , and h the Remonstrants in their Apologie while they expone our Communion with Christ in the Lords Supper , and will reject a Physicall union of our soules with the Physicall substance of Christs body , which we also reject , they say that communion signifieth onely a profession of one and the same worship , whereby Christians sol●mnly testifie that they adhere to Christ as to ●● partaker of the Table of devils and of devils themselves , 1 Cor. 10. 18 20. is a testimony of a communion with the Devills : but the Word of God saith more , Gal. 3. 17. As many of you as are baptized , have put on Christ , So Rom. 6. 3. Therefore we are buried with ●im by baptisme unto his death , that like as Christ was raised up from the dead , by the glory of the Father , even so we also should walke in newnesse of life , Ephes. 5. 26. That he might sanctifie and cleanse his Church with the washing of water by the word , T it . 3. 5. and 1 Pet. 3. 21. The like figure whereunto even baptisme doth also now save us , &c. all this is more then a naked signification , otherwise Manna saved Israel , and the water of the rocke did wash them from their sinnes , and the sacrifice of bulls and goates did cleanse from sinne , and open heaven to sinners . Therefore by baptisme and the Lords Supper something is made what it was not before , as by partaking of the Table of Devils , the partaker is really made a partaker with the devill , and an Idolater ; and his Idolatry that he committed before was not onely confirmed and signified to be what it was before . And in this civill Seales and Sacraments differ , as I observed before . Argu. 4. God ( say they ) had a Church when there was neither baptisme nor circumcision , yea baptisme hath beene administrated and no Church-members made thereby , and men have beene made members of Christ and not then baptized ; and John and Christs Disciples baptized , Matth. 3. 6. John 4. 1. but neither Christ nor John made new Churches , they all living and dying members of the Jewish Church of which they were before , and if any of them after became members of Christian Churches , they were not then baptized when they were so admitted , having beene baptized before . Answ. We teach not that baptisme constituteth the Church simply , as the Church , but that it is a seale of a visible membership , and all baptized by John Baptist , and the Disciples of Christ , were thereby entred in a visible profession that they beleeved in Christ already come , and so were made members and citizens by that publicke symbole and seale , that they were members of the Christian Church , though as yet it received not that name of a Christian Church , and they were members both of the Jewish and Christian Church : For these are not contrary incorporations , and they needed not to bee baptized againe when they were added to the Christian Church , for they were never added to the visible Christian Church ; nor needed they to be added , seeing they were members of that Church before . Argu. 5. These inconveniences ( say they ) should follow . 1. Baptisme should be administrate by such as are not ministers at all ; for who should baptize them who are converted without the Church ? extraordinary officers are ceased and ordinary are limited onely to their owne f●●ks : also the Church is before the ministers , for the Church hath power to choose ministers ; now if baptisme make the Church , then must ●●n be baptized before there be ministers to baptize them . Answ. You see to what absurdities your owne grounds drive you , for if none can baptize but these of a fixed Congregation , and if they can baptize none but their owne Congregation , none as a sent Pastor whose feet is pleasant on the mountaines , can preach and beget faith in a company of unbeleevers , not in a Church-state , which is a limiting of the wise God , who by Pastors as Pastors can beget faith in men without a parishionall Church , which is contrary to Gods Word , Rom. 10. 14. 2. It is false that the Church ministeriall , which only can baptize , is before the officers , for they should then be before themselves , which is absurd , nor is there such necessitie of baptisme , as that those who are no ministers should baptize . 2. Inconvenient . It should follow that Papists should be members of the Church , for they have baptisme so farre right , as that it cannot be repeated . Answ. If your Church-covenant bee that which essentially constituteth a Church-member , then Papists , Atheists , and Hypocrites may be Church-members also by this reason , because they may sweare your Church-oath . Hypocrites doubtlesse doe it . And this argument is as much for the Anabaptists as against us , for it should prove that none should be baptized but members of the true Church and sound beleevers : now by baptisme none a●e made members of the true Church except where baptisme is received by true faith , which is more , nor can bee done by a Papist ; nor is it inconvenient to say that Papists as baptized & under that reduplication are members of the visible Church , though as baptized thus and thus , they be not members of the true visible Church , professing the sound faith . Also ( say they ) baptisme may remaine where as Church-membership is dissolved , as in the case of excommunication , Matth. 18. 17. or of voluntary and unjust departure , 1 Job . 2. 19. Jude 19. Heb. 10. 25. in which case such Schismaticks are no members of the visible Church , as a Am●sius saith : and if the Church bee dissolved , the Church membership ceaseth , for , Relata se mutuo ponunt & tollunt . Answ. This is against your selves , and doth as well prove that baptisme is not a seale of the covenant of grace , for an excommunicate person may remaine externally without the covenant to the visible Church , when baptisme remaineth a seale , and may be a seale of a grace or priviledge , which is interrupted or removed in act , but remaineth in habite : as to bee the eldest sonne of a King , may be a seale of the sonnes hei●eship , and yet he may for a fault be disherited and cast out of his place . The Church and Church-membership are Relata secundum es● , not secundum dici onely , or relata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but baptisme and Church-membership are not so perfect relatives , but baptisme doth remaine and the Church-membership may bee dissolved : as the Burgesse ticket whereby a man hath right to all the citie priviledges may remaine , when the man for some crime committed against the citie hath lost all his citie priviledges and is not now a free citizen , in which case his Burgesse ticket sealeth nothing to him : so baptisme sealeth not actuall membership in case of excommunication , yet remaineth baptisme valid in the acts of sealing other things . As for Schismatickes who onely for Schisme are out of the Church , and doe hold no erroneous point of doctrine , and are not yet convinced , they are yet members of the visible Church , as a Morton saith from Gerson , as also b Glorianus ; but he who is casten out as a Schismaticke , is in the same case with an excommunicate person . Lastly , baptisme is not a priviledge of a particular visible Church onely ; nor doth the place of 1 Cor. 12. vers . 13. meane of the visible parishionall Church of Corinth , but of the whole visible Church of Jew and Gentile , bond and free , as the words doe beare . Quest. III. In what cases it is lawfull to separate from a Church . In this discourse three things must bee discussed , 1. With what Church retaining the doctrine of fundamentalls , we are to remaine . 2. Whether our separation from Rome bee not warrantable . 3. Whether wee may lawfully separate from true Churches , for the sinnes of the Churches . 1 Cor. 3. 11. Another foundation can no man lay , then that which is laid , Jesus Christ. Hence Jesus Christ is the foundation of faith reall or personall , and the knowledge of Christ is the dogmaticall foundation of faith , Upon this foundation some build gold , that is , good doctriae : some hay and stubble , that is , as c Calvin faith , curious doctrine , d Pareus , vaine and frivolous doctrine . We are to distinguish betwixt articles of faith , or res fidei , matters of faith , and fundamentall points of faith . Matters of faith I reduce to three . 1. Fundamentall points . 2. Supra-fundamentalia , superstructions ●●illed upon fundamentalls . 3. Circa-fundamentalia , things about ma●ers of Faith ; for praeter fundamentalia , things indifferent and besides the foundation in matters of Religion , and morall carriage , I acknowledge none ; fundamentalls are the vitall and noble parts or the soule of Divinitie . The ignorance of fundamentalls condemneth , which is to be understood two wayes . 1. The Ignorance of fundamentalls , such as are supernaturall fundamentalls , condemneth all within the visible Church as a sinne ; but it doth not formally condemne those who are without the visible Church , Job . 15. 22. It onely maketh those who are without the Church incurable , but doth not formally condemne them : as medicine not knowne , and so not refused , maketh sicke men incurable , as a losse , but doth not kill them as a sinne . 2. Superstructures , which by consequence , arise from fundamentalls , are fundamentalls by consequent and secondarily ; as the second ranke of stones that are immediatly laid upon the foundation , are a foundation in respect of the higher parts of the wall , and therefore are materially fundamentall : and the ignorance of these virtually condemne , and the denying of such , by consequence is a denying of the foundation . Things about the foundation , circa fundamentalia , are all things revealed in the word of God , as all Histories , Miracles , Chronol●gie , things anent Orion , the Pleiades , the North starres , Job 38. 31. 32. That Paul left his cloakc at Troas . The knowledge of these is considered three wayes . 1. As necessary , by necessitie of a meane , necessitate medii , and the knowledge ; so is not necessary to salvation , many are in glory ( I doubt not ) who lived in the visible Church , and yet knew never that Sampson killed a Lion ; but the knowledge of all these is necessary , necessitate praecepti , because all in the visible Church are oblieged to know these things , therefore the ignorance of these onely doth not actually condemne , but virtually and by demerit lead to condemnation . 2. This knowledge is considered as commanded in the excellency thereof , and so error and bad opinions about these are sinfully ill , though in the regenerate , by accident , such errors condemne not , where the foundation is holden . 3. The knowledge of these is considered as commanded and enjoyned to us with the submission of faith ; for the authority of God the Speaker , and the malicious opposing of these is a fundamentall error , not formally , but by evident consequent , for though the matter of these errors be not fundamentall , yet the malicious opposing of these is a fundamentall error against this principle [ What ever God saith is true ; ] but God saith there were eight soules in the Arke of Noah . Hence because the historiall things of Scripture and things about the foundation , as that Paul purified himselfe with the Jewes , Act. 21. that Paul rebuked Peter , Gal. 2. is no lesse true , because God hath so spoken in his Word , then this fundamentall point [ Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners ] it is cleare that the specifice and essentiall forme of a fundamentall article is not taken from the authoritie of God speaking in the Word , ( seeing Gods authoritie is one and the same in all that he speaketh ) but from the influence that the knowledge of an article hath to unite us to God in Christ , and bring us to salvation . And secondly , it will follow that this [ Thou shalt not by the use of things indifferent kill him for whom Christ died ] and the like be no lesse fundamentall , by evident consequent , in respect it is spoken by Gods own authority , then articles of our faith , Thirdly , it followeth that formalists ignorantly divide matters of Gods worship , into matters of Faith , or points fundamentall , and things indifferent , as if many Scripturall truthes were not to be found in Gods Word , such as the miracles of Moses , and Elias , the journeyes of Paul , which are neither matters fundamentall , nor yet things indifferent . Fourthly , many things may be fundamentall , by consequent , to one who can reade the Word , and heareth it read , which is not by consequent fundamentall to a rude and ignorant man. The knowledge of points fundamentall is necessary . 1. To obtaine salvation . 2. To keepe communion with a true Church ; for we are to separate from a Church subverting the foundation and laying another foundation . Fundamentalls are restricted by many to the Creed of Athanasius , and b Gregorius Nazimzen , and c Cyrillus of Jerusalem , to the Apostles Creed ; ( as it is called ) others reduce all fundamentalls to the famous Creeds of Ni●e , of Constantinople , of Ephesus , of Chalced●n ; d Estius restricteth fundamentalls to things necessary for the well ordering of our life ; e Davenantius saith better , That such are fundamentall , the knowledge whereof is simply necessary to salvation , i● ignorance whereof doth condemne . Doctor Potter calleth them P●ime and capitall doctrines of our Religion , or of that faith which essentially constituteth a true Church , and a true Christian ; which is good , but that he contradivideth from these things not fundamentall , which may be disputed on either side , and cannot be determined by the Word of God , and must lie under a [ non liquet ] is his error . Yet he may know that g Bellarmine saith right many things are of faith , ( and cleare in Scripture , as historicall relations ) which are not fundamentall . h Camero , and a greater Divine then Camero i Dom. Beza reduceth all fundamentalls to things which necessarily belongeth to faith and obedience : and k great Calvin retrincheth fundamentalls within the Apostles Creed : l Occam will have the militant ( Catholicke ) Church alwayes explicitely or expressly beleevings things necessary to salvation : and our Divines teach that the Catholike Church cannot erre in fundamentalls : they meane with pertinacie and obstinacie . 2. In all fundamentalls . 3. Totally and finally . But wee are not to beleeve Papists , who say things are fundamentall , materially in themselves , as all points necessary to bee beleeved , but things are not formally fundamentall , but such things onely as the Church d●fineth to be fundamentall . But 1. the foundation of our Faith is Gods Word , and Gods Word is necessary to be beleeved to salvation , whether the Church define it or no : to abstaine from Idolatry is necessary to be beleeved , though Aaron and the Church of Israel say the contrary , neither doth Gods Word borrow authority from men . 2. If the Church may make points to be fundamentall by their definition , whereas before they were not fundamentall , then may the Church make articles of faith ; Sure I am Paipsts , as Gerson , Occam , Almaine , Suarez , yea and a very Bellarmine is against this . Yea and by that same reason they may make fundamentall points to bee no fundamentall points , and they may turne the Apostles Creed into no faith at all , for ejusdem est potestos creare & annihilare . 3. There cannot be a greater power in the Church , to define Articles of faith , then is in God himselfe ; but the very authority of God doth not define a matter to bee an article of faith , except the necessitie of the matter so require , for God hath determined in his word , that Paul left his cloake at Treas , but that Paul left his cloake at Troas , is not ( I hope ) an article of faith , or a fundamentall point of salvation . 4. What can the Church doe , ( saith a Vincentius Lyrinens . ) but declare that that is to be beleeved , which before in it selfe was to bee beleeved : and b Bellarmine saith , Councells maketh nothing to be of infallible verity , and so doth c Scotus say , Verity before heresies ( erat de fide ) was a matter of faith , though it was not declared to be so by the Church : Determinatio non facit vertatem , saith O●cam , The Churches determination maketh no truth . 3. The evidence of knowledge of fundamentals is gravely to bee considered . Hence these distinctions . 1. One may beleeve that Christ is the Sonne of God by a Divine faith , as Peter doth , Matth. 16. 17. and yet doubt of the necessary consequences fundamentall . Ergo , Christ must bee delivered into the hands of sinners , and bee crucified , as the same Peter doubted of this : for as one may fall in a grievous sinne , though regenerated , and faile in act , and yet remaine in grace , in habitu , the seed of God remaining in him ; so may Peter and the Apostles doubt of a fundamentall point of Christs rising from the dead , John 20. v 8 , 9. in an act of weakenesse , and yet have saving faith in Christ , as it is like many of of the Saints at Corinth denyed an article of their Faith , the rising againe of the dead : one act of unbeleefe maketh not an infidell . 2. Dist. A simple Papist and a Lutheran not well educated doth beleeve upon the same former ground , that Christ is true man , & hath an habitual faith of this article , that Jesus Christ is truly the Son of David , & yet holdeth transubstantiation , or consubstantiati● , that Christs body is in many sundry places in heaven , and earth , on this side of the Sea , & beyond Sea , yet the conn●xion betwixt Christs humanitie and this monster of transubstantiation not being possible , all the error may be meerely philosophick , that the extention of quantitative parts without or beyond part , is not the essence of a quantitative body ; while as the rude man beleeveth firmely that Christ is true man , and so beleeveth contradictory things by good consequence ; therefore the qualitie of the conscience of the beleever is to be looked into , since fundamentall heresie is essentially in the mind , and pertinacy and selfe-conviction doth inseparably follow it . 1. There is a conscience simply doubting of fundamentall points , this may be with a habit of sound faith . 2. A scrupulous conscience which from light grounds is brangled about some fundamentall points , and this is often in sound beleevers , who may and doe beleeve , but with a scruple . 3. A conscience beleeving opinions and conjecturing and guessing , as in Atheists , this is damnable ; but where obstinacy is , as defending with pertinacie transubstantiation , and that it is lawfull to adore bread , this pertinacious defending of Idolatry doth inferre necessarily , that the faith of the article of Christs humanitie is but false and counterfeit , and not saving . 3. Dist. There is a certitude of adherence formall , and a certitude of adherence virtuall . A certitude of adherence formall is , when one doth adhere firmly to the faith of fundamentalls . A certitude of adherence virtuall is , when with the formall adherence to some fundamentall points , there is an ignorance of other fundamentall points , and yet withall a gracious disposition and habit to beleeve other fundamentalls , when they shall bee clearely revealed out of the word , so Luke 24. Christ exponed the resurrection , and the articles of Christs sufferings and glorification , vers . 25 , 26 , 27. to the Disciples who doubted of these before , and yet had saving faith of other fundamentall points , Matth. 16. 17. 18. 4. Hence there be two sorts of fundamentalls , some principally and chiefely so called , even the elements and beginning of the doctrine of Christ , as Credenda , things to be beleeved in the Creed , the object of our faith ; and p●tenda , things that we aske of God , expressed in the Lords Prayer , the object of our hope specially . 2. Agenda , things to be done , contained in the decalogue , the object of our love to God and our brethren ; Others are so secundarily fundamentall , or lesse fundamentalls , as deduced from these ; yea there be some artcles of the Creed principally fundamentall , these all are explicitely to be beleeved , noted by a Vigilius Martyr , and b Pareus : as that Christ died and rose againe , &c. Other Articles are but modi articulorum fundamentalium , and expositions and evident determinations of cleare articles : As Christs incarnation , and taking on our flesh is explained by this , conceived of the holy Ghost , and borne of the Virgin Mary ; the death and suffering of Christ is exponed by subordinate articles , as that he suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucisied , &c. and these lesser fundamentalls are to be beleeved , necessitate praecepti , because God commandeth them , but happily non necessitate medii . It is possible many bee in glory who beleeve not explicitely , but onely in the disposition of the mind , ( as some are baptized , in voto , in their desire onely ) these lesser fundamentalls , it is enough they have the faith of non-repugnancy , or negative adherence to these , so as they would not deny them , if they had beene proponed to them in a distinct and cleare way . 5. The faith of fundamentalls is implicit three wayes . 1. In respect of the degree of beleeving . 2. In respect of the object . 3. In respect of the subject , or our adherence to things beleeved . In respect of degrees the faith is implicite and weake three wayes , as Calvin may teach . 1. Because we are ignorant of some lesse fundamentalls . 2. Because we see in a mirror and imperfectly . 3. In respect of beleeving upon a false ground , as for miracles . In respect of the object , the certaintie is most sure , as sure as that God cannot lie . In respect of our adherence of understanding and affections ; in this respect the knowledge of fundamentalls must bee certaine . 1. By a negative certitude which excludeth doubting , and so Pastor and people must have a certitude of fundamentalls , as Rom. 14 , 5. Col. 1. 9. Heb. 5. 12. but for a positive certitude there is not that measure required in a teacher that is in a scholler , for all the body cannot be an eye , 1 Cor. 12. 17. yet is a Christian certitude and fulnesse of perswasion required even of all Christians , Colos. 2. 2. Colos. 3. 16. highest and greatest in its kind , though many may bee saved with lesse , yet a distinct knowledge of fundamentalls in all is not necessary by a necessitie of the meanes , necessitate medii , as Beza and Doctor Ames teach . There is a faith of fundamentalls implicite in respect of the will and affections which Papists make a wide faith , as the J●u●e Becanus thinke to beleeve these two fundamentalls , 1. That there is a God. 2. That this God hath a providence con●●●ning mens salvation , though other particulars be not knowne . Or implicite faith is , saith Estius , when any is ready to beleeve what the Church shall teach ; which faith ( Suarez saith ) though it include ignorance , yet keepeth men from the danger of errors , because it doth submit the mind to the nearest rule of teaching , to wit , to the Church ; the knowledge of fundamentalls in this sense doth not save , but condemne . Thomas saith better then he . 6. Dist. They are not alike who beleeve fundamentall here●ies . 2. And who defend them . 3. And who teach them , and obtrude them upon the consciences of others . For the first , many beleeve fundamentall errors who are ignorant of them , and doe thinke that they firmely adhere to Christian Religion , O●cam termeth such , haereticos nescientes , ignorant heretickes , as the Marcionites , and the Manicheans , and these the Church should tolerate while they bee instructed . It is true the Jesuite Meratius saith , When many things are proposed to the understanding for one and the same formall reason , to wit , for divine authoritie , the understanding cannot imbrace one but it must imbrace all , nor ●●ject one , but it must reject all , which is true of a formall malitious rejecting ; the Manichean beleeveth nothing because God saith it , and hath faith sound and saving in nothing , but it is not true of an actuall or virtuall contempt , in one or two fundamentalls , because beleevers out of weakenesse , ignorance , and through strength of tentation may doubt of one fundamentall , as the Disciples doubted of the resurrection , Joh. 20. 9. and yet in habite beleeve all other fundamentalls , but the Church is to correct such as professe fundamentall heresies , and to cast out of the Church seducers and deceivers . 7. Dist. It is one thing to hate a fundamentall point , as that [ Christ is consubstantiall with the Father ] as the Arians doe , and another thing , by consequence to subvert a fundamentall point , as Papists by consequence deny Christ to bee true man , while they hold the wonder of Transubstantiation , yet doe not they hate this conclusion formally [ that Christ is true man. ] 8. Dist. Though it were true which Doctor Christo. Potter saith , If we put by the Points wherein Christians differ one from another , and gather into one body the rest of the articles , wherein they all gnerallaly agree , we should finde in these propositions , which without all controversie are universally received in the whole Christian world , so much truth is contained , as being joyned with holy obedience may be sufficient io bring a man to everlasting salvation . I say , though this were true , yet will it not follow that these few fundamentalls received by all Christians , Papists , Lutherans , Arians , Verstians , Sabellians , Maccdonians , Nestorians , Eutychanes , Socinians , Anabaptists , Treithitae , Antitrinitarii ( for all these be Christians and validely baptized ) doe essentially constitute a true Church , and a true Religion . Because all Christians agree that the old and New Testament is the truth and Word of God , and the whole faith of Christian Religion is to bee found in the Old Testament , acknowledged both by Jewes and Christians ; for that is not the Word of God indeed in the Old Testament , which the Jewes say is the Word of God in the Old Testament . Yea the old and new Testament , and these few unc●n●●averted points received universally by all Christians are not Gods Word , as all these Christians expone them , but the dreames and fancies of the Jewes saying , that the old Testament teacheth that Christ the Messiah is not yet come in the flesh , the Treithitae say there be three Gods , yet are the Treithitae Christians in the sense of Doctor Potter : so that one principall as that There is one God , and Christ is God and man , and God is noely to be adored , not one of these are uncontraverted , in respect every society of Sectaries have contrary expositions upon these common fundamentalls , and so contrary Religions . Who doubteth but all Christians will subscribe and sweare with us Protestants the Apostolicke Creed but will it follow that all Christians are of one true Religion , and doe beleeve the same fundamentalls ? now these fundamentalls are the object of faith according as they signifie things . To us and to the Treithitae this first Article ( I beleeve in God ) as I conceive doth not signifie one and the same thing ; now joyne this ( I beleeve in God ) with holy obedience as wee expone it , and as the Treithitae expone it , it could never bee a step to everlasting salvation ; for it should have this meaning , ( I beleeve there is one only true God , and that there be also three Gods ) and what kind of obedience joyned with a faith made up of contradictions , can bee availeable to salvation ? 3. One generall Catechise and confession of faith made up of the commonly received and agreed upon fundamentalls , would not make us nearer peace , though all Christians should sweare and subscribe this common Christian Catechise , no more then if they should sweare and subscribe the old and new Testament , as all Christians will doe , and this day doth . 9. Disl . Though the knowledge of fundamentalls be necessary to salvation , yet it cannot easily be defined , what measure of knowledge of fundamentalls , and what determinate number of fundamentalls doth constitute a true visible Church , and a sound beleever , as the learned Voetius saith . Hence 1. They are saved , who soundly beleeve all fundamentalls materially , though they cannot distinctly know them , under the reduplication of fundamentalls , nor define what are fundamentalls , what not . 2. Though a Church retaine the fundamentalls , yet if wee beforced to avow and beleeve as truth , doctrines everting the foundation of faith , against the article of one God ; if we must worship as many Gods as there bee hosties , if Christs Kingly , Priestly , and Propheticall office be overturned , as we were forced in Popery to do , we are to separate from the Church in that case . It is not true that Master Robinson saith , This distinction of fundamentalls and non-fundamentals in injurious to growing in grace , whereas we should be led on to perfection , as if it were sufficient for a house , that the foundation were laid . Answ. It followeth not , for the knowledge of fundamentalls is onely , that wee may know what is a necessary meane of salvation , without which none can be saved , notwithstanding , he who groweth not , and is not led on to perfection , never laid hold on the foundation Christ ; nor are we hence taught to seeke no more , but so much knowledge of fundamentals , as may bring as to heaven , that is an abuse of this Doctrine . 2. Robinson faith fundamentall truthes are holden and professed by as vile heretickes as ever were since Christs dayes , a company of excommunicates may hold , teach and defend fundamentall truths , yet are they not a true Church of God ? Answ. Papists hold fundamentalls , and so doe Jewes hold all the old Testament and Papists hold both new and old , but we know they so hold fundamentalls , that by their doctrine they overturne them ; and though there bee fundamentalls taught in the Popish Church , which may save if they were beleeved , yet they are not a true and ministeriall Church simply , because , though they teach , that there is one God , they teach also there is a thousand Gods whom they adore , and though they teach , there is one Mediator , yet doe they substitute infinite Mediators with and besides Christ , so that the truth is , not a formall , ministeriall and visible active externall calling is in the Church of Rome , as it is a visible Church , in the which wee can safely remaine , though fundamentalls be safe in Rome , and the bookes of the old and new Testament be there , yet are they not there ministerially as in a mother whose breasts we can sucke ; for fundamentall points falsely exponed , cease to be fundamentall points , yea as they be ministerially in Rome , they be destructive of the foundation , though there bee some ministeriall acts valid in that Church , for the which the Church of Rome is called a true Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some respect , according to something essentiall to the true Church , yet never sine adjecto , as if it were a true Church , where we can worship God. Fundamentalls are safe in Rome materially in themselves , so as some may be saved who beleeve these fundamentalls ; but fundamentalls are not safe in Rome , Ecclesiastice , Ministeraliter , Pastoraliter , in a Church way , so as by beleeving these from their chaires so exponed , they can be saved who doe beleeve them . 2. Out of which we may have the doctrine of faith and salvation as from a visible mother , whose daughters we are . Some say the fundamentalls amongst Lutherans are exponed in such a way as the foundation is everted ? I answer , There is a twofold eversion of the foundation . 1. One Theologicall , Morall and Ecclesiastick , as the doctrine of the Councell of Trent , which is in a ministeriall way , with professed obstinacy against the fundamentall truths rightly exponed , and such an eversion of the foundation maketh the Popish Church no Church truely visible , whose breasts we can sucke . But for Lutheranes , their subversion of the foundation by philosophick consequences without professed hatred to the fundamentalls , and that not in an Ecclesiasticke and Ministeriall way , doth not so evert the fundamentalls , as that they bee no visible Church . The learned Pareus sheweth that there be no difference betwixt us and Lutherans in heads absolutely necessary to salvation , the dissention is in one point onely anent the Lords Supper , not in the whole doctrine thereof , but in a part thereof , not necessary for salvation . There were divisions betweene Paul and Ba●nabas , betwixt Cyprim an African Bishop , and Stephanus Bishop of Rome , anent baptisme of hereticks , which Cyprian rejected as no baptisme ; betwixt Basilius Magnus and Eusebius Ce●ariensis , because Basilius stood for the Emperour Va●ns his power in Church matters ; so was there dissention betwixt Augustine and Hier●nimus anent the ceremonies of the Jewes , which Hyeronymus thought might be retained to gaine the Jewes ; so there was also betwixt Epiphanius and Chrysostome anent the bookes of Orig●n . The Orthodox beleevers agreed with the Novations against the Arrians anent the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the consubstantialitie of Christ ; and though excommunicate persons defend and hold all fundamentalls sound , and so may bee materially a true Church , yet because their profession is no profession , but adenying of the power of godlinesse , they cannot be formally a visible Church , but are for scandalls casten out of the visible Church . But ( saith Robinson ) most of England are ignorant of the first rudiments and foundation of Religion , and therefore cannot bee a Church . Answ. Such are materially not the visible Church and have not a profession , and are to be taught , and if they wilfully remaine in that darknesse are to be cast out . But ( saith he ) the bare profession of fundamentalls maketh not a Church ; they must be a company of faithfull people , and if they must not be truely faithfull , then they must be falsely faithfull ; for God requireth true and ready obedience in his word , according to which wee must define Churches , and not according to casuall things . Answ. This is a speciall ground that deceiveth the Separatists , their ignorance ( I meane ) of the visible Church , for the visible Church consisteth essentially neither of such as be truely faithfull , nor of such as must be falsely faithfull ; for the ignorant man seeth not that the visible Church includeth neither faith , nor unbeliefe in its essence or definition . It is true , to the end that professors may be members of the invisible Church , they must be beleevers , & must beleeve , except they would be condemned eternally ; but to make them members of the visible Church neither beleeving nor unbeleeving is essentiall , but onely a profession ecclesiastically in tear , that is not scandalous & visibly & apparently lewd and flagitious , such as was the profession of Simon Magus , when he was baptized with the rest of the visible Church , Act. 8. And God indeed requireth of us true worship and ready obedience , as he saith , but not that a visible Church should be defined by true and sincere obedience : for essentials onely are taken in a definition , and casuall corruptions are only accidentall to Churches , and fall out through mens faults , and therefore should not be in the definition either of a visible or an invisible Church ; nor should ready and sincere obedience which is a thing invisible to mens eyes , be put in the definition of a visible Church , for it is accidentall to a visible Church , and nothing invisible can be essentiall to that which essentially is visible ; the visible Church is essentially visible . Anent separation from Rome we hold these Propositions . 1. Profession consistetly not onely in a publike ministeriall avowing of the truth , but also in writing , suffering for the truth , and death-bed-confessions of the truth ; These worthy men in their owne bowells , as Occam , Petrarcha , Gerson , Mirandula , these who in their death bed renued confidence in merits , Saints , Images , were the true Church , and the other side the false Church , all the Churches of Asia excommunicated by Victor , as a Bellarmine saith and Binnius ; b Pope Stephen then and his Councell denying communion to Cyprian and fourescore of Bishops must bee the Separatists , and Cyprians and his adherents the true Church . 2. In this division we are united to the true Apostolick , to the ancient Church , to the true ancient Church of Rome , which opposed the Apostate Church of Rome , but an immediate and personall adherence to , and union with the ancient Church is not essentiall to a visible Church . The separation from a true Church , where the Word of God Orthodox is preached , and the Sacraments duely administred , wee thinke unlawfull ; and the place for separation mainely I would have vindicated , 2 Cor. 6. 14. Be ye not unequally yoaked together with unbeleevers , &c. Robinson will have this strong for their separation , and saith . 1. It is true , he findeth fault with the beleeving Corinthians , communicating with the unbeleeters in the Idol feasts , but with all it must be considered , that the Apostle up in this particular occasion delive●eth a generall doctrine , as from ●●●●●tion , 1 Cor. 5. to forbid commingling with fornicators , with 〈◊〉 persons , with Idolaters , &c. and as he forbiddeth partaking with the wicked in their evills , yet then therein did he forbid all religious communion with them , since their very prayers , and other Sacrifices are their evills , wherein whilst the godly doth communicate with them , what doe they else but acknowledge their common right and interest in the holy things with them ? Answ. 1. It is good that Robinson with the interpreters doth acknowledge , that Paul forbiddeth communicating with unbeleevers a● Idol feasts , as the place will command us to separate from the Masse Service , and therein let it be that hee inferreth a generall ; Ergo , you are to separate from all the worship of the Gentiles Idols , and are not to be mixed with them in their service , which they give to their false gods : but this is not the generall which includeth separation from a Church , in the service of a true God , the service being lawfull , and onely evill to some worshippers and by accident , because they eate to themselves damnation , but not damnation to others . 2. But he forbiddeth ( saith he ) all partaking with the wicked in their evills . I distinguish their evills in their evills , of their personall sins in not worshipping the true God in faith , sincerity & holy zeale , that I deny , and it is to be proved , Christ himselfe and the Apostles eated the Passeover , and worshipped God with one whom Christ had said had a devill , and should betray the Sonne of man , and was an uncleane man , Job . 13. 11 , 12. 18. He forbiddeth all partaking with the wicked in their evills , that is , in the unlawfull and Idol-worship , or in their superstitions and will-worship ; that is true , but nothing against us , or for your separation . If it be said , Judas was neither convicted of his Traitory to Christ , nor was he knowne to the Apostles by name to be the man , for some of them suspected themselves , and not Judas to bee Traytor : but you communicate with such as be professed and avowed Traytors , and persons knowne to be scandalous , and so you acknowledge you have a common right in these holy things , with these persons . Answ. 1. Christ shewed to the Disciples that they were an uncleane societie , and that one had a devill , and therefore though they knew not the man by name who had the devill , they knew the societie to have a devill , and to be uncleane , for that one man his cause , and so neither Christ nor his Disciples should have taken part with the evills , and the Prayers and sacrifices of the wicked , for in so doing they acknowledge that they have commune right and interest in the holy things of God , with some who have a devill , and with an uncleane societie ; but you cannot condemne Christ and the Disciples communicating at that Supper . 2. Though the scandalous person bee not convicted of the scandall , that doth make the scandall more grievous and haynous to the scandalous person , in that he dare remaine in a sin , though he be convicted of his guiltinesse by the Church , but it doth not make the persons scandall to be no scandall , and no uncleannesse at all ; for magis & minus non variant speciem , more or lesse of sinne doth not vary the nature of sin : now if Paul will the Corinthians to meet together to eate the Lords body , as hee doth , 1 Cor. 11. and know that there bee amongst them carnall men , such as goe to Law with their brethren before Infidels , such as deny the resurrection , such as come drunke to the Lords Supper , though they bee not convicted of these sinnes by the Church , yet if they be knowne to others , as Paul doth declare them in that Epistle , they must pollute the Lords Table before the Church convict them , no lesse then after the Church hath convicted them , though the pollution may bee more and greater after Church-conviction , then before , yet Paul willeth all the Corimbians to acknowledge their communion with the sinnes of the non-convicted , and with their abominable and wicked sacrifices and prayers , which none can teach or beleeve of the Apostle led by an infallible spirit , and therefore to communicate with them , is not to take part of their evills . 3. He saith at last , They who communicate at the same Table with scandalous persons , what doe they else but acknowledge their commune right and interest in the holy things of God , with such scandalous persons ? And this is that which Master Coa●hman saith , This banquet of the Lords Supper , is the nearest fellowship that the Saints have in this world ; what lying signes and dec●avable demoust●ations d●e these make who communicate they care not where , nor with whom , but thinke if they examine themselves , it is well enough , forgetting that it is an act of communion ? for if we sever the word Sacrament from communion , we put out Gods tearme and put in our owne . But I answer . 1. These who are baptized by one spirit unto one body , as all the visible Churches are , 1 Cor. 12. 13. & professedly heare one Word preached , doe thereby acknowledge they have one communion , right and interest in these holy things , to wit , in a communion with Christ in remission of sinnes , and regeneration sealed in baptisme , and in one common Saviour , and common faith preached in the Gospell ; and is this communion unlawfull , and this fellowship a lying signe , because all baptized , and all hearing one Gospell , and that in an avowed profession , are not knowne to be regenerated ? Then should no Infants be baptized , except they know all in the visible Congregation baptized with them to bee regenerated also , for it is certaine that we have a communion most inteare and visible with all who are baptized . 2. It is no inconvenient to professe that we are all one visible body in the Lords Supper , 1 Cor. 10. 17. though wee be not one invisible , true , and mysticall , and redeemed body of Christ , as it is said , 1 Cor. 10. 2. That all were baptized unto Moses in the cloud , and in the Se●t , v. 3. and that all did eate the same spirituall meat , v. 4. and that all did drinke the same spirituall drinke , the rocke Christ , yet did they not sinne in this , and partake with the wicked in their ●ills , to wit in their wicked prayers and sacrifices , because it is said , v. 3. God was not pleased with many of them in the Wildernesse , because , v. 6. They lusted after evill things , and many of them were Idolaters , Epicures , fornicators , tempters of Christ , and mumurers , and there sell of them in one day twenty three thousand , v. 7. 89 , 10 , 11. And upon the same ground Paul saith in the same place , v. 16 , 17. that we many ( speaking of the Corinthians ) are all 〈◊〉 ●read , and one body , and yet v. 21. many of these were parta●ers of the Table and cup of the devills : and in the next Chapter , many came drunke to the Lords Table , many did eate and drinke their owne damnation , and were stricken therefore of God with sicknes and de●th , v. 18 , 19 , 20. 29 , 30 , &c. and yet v. 33. Paul charg●th them to come together to the Lords Supper , so farre is hee from a shadow of separation . The Sacrament is a seale of their unitie of one body , and is a Seale of their communion with Christ , v. 16. but all who receive the signe , have not a communion with Christ , nor are they all sealed , as one body mysticall of Christ , onely they are in profession by eating one bread , declared to be one body , and doe become one body visible , and no question many make the Sacrament to themselves a lying signe , and a blaneke ordinance . But first , this is not the sinne of such as doe communicate with those , who receive the blaneke seale , and make the Sacrament to themselves a lying seale and damnation ; for they are commanded to exaamine themselves , and so to eate , but they are not commanded to examine their fellow-communicants , and they are to judge themselves , but not to judge their fellow-communicants . Master Coachman . How can any godly man consent , or say Amen ( saith be ) to such an holy action , when it is joyntly done , by such , as for the most part , are the enemies of God ? Answer 1. This maketh against the man , and the Churches of New England , for they admit constantly to the hearing of the word , and so to the prayers of the Church , those who are not received members of the visible Church : how can any godly man say Amen to the action of hearing the word , when it is joyntly done by Gods enemies ? I prove the Antecedent , the unity of faith hearing one word of faith preached , Eph. 4. 5. maketh a visible body in profession , even as the joynt partaking of one bread , and one cup in the Lords Supper , maketh one body , by obsignation or sealing , 1 Cor. 10. 16 , 17. 2. Division of hearts in hearing , while some follow Paul , some Apollo , some Cephas , maketh a schisme and division in Christs body , 1 Cor. 13. Ergo , in hearing one and the same word preached , there is a visible Church-union , for all division of that kind presupposeth a union , and unity in a visible incorporation . 3. 1 Cor. 14. 26. When yee come together ( as one Church body ) every one of you hath a Psalme , hath a Doctrine , vers . 4. He that prophecieth edifiesh the Church , vers . 31. so yee may all prophecy one by one , that all may learne , and all may be comforted , 35 , it is shame for a woman to speake in the Church . Therefore the Saints meet together in one Church to be edified , and comforted by doctrine and hearing of the word , doe all joyntly performe an action of hearing and learning of the word of God , and are in that one Church , and one visible body , and called one Church , verse 4. 5. that the Church may receive edifying , verse 12. Seeke that yee may excell ( by prophecying ) to the edifying of the Church , vers . 23. If therefore the whole Church come together , unto some place , &c. vers . 28. if there be not an interpreter , let him keepe silence in the Church , verse 34 , 35. And these who understand , are all to say , Amen , to that which is prophecied , verse 16 , 17. And yet that action of hearing and saying Amen to the word preached , and to the prayers of the Church , is done by many unregenerated , who are yet in the state of enmity with God , as our Brethren grant , in that they doe admit all to be a Church , and one Church hearing the word preached . 2. But how can they say Amen , ( saith he ) to a holy action done 〈◊〉 Gods enemies ? I answer , 1. This objection is no lesse against Paul and the word of God , then against us ; for many enemies to God , whose hearts are rockie , thorny and stony ground , doe heare the 〈◊〉 of God , and that by Gods commandement , Matth. 13. vers . 2. 3 , 4 , 5. & c. The deafe and the blind are commanded to heare , Esai . 42. 18. Esai . 28. 9 , 10. and these whom God hath covered with a spirit of slumber , are to heare the words of the sealed booke , Isai. 29. 9. 10 , 11. even those who stumble at the word , and fall , and are broken , Esai . 8. 14. 15 , 16. 1 Pet. 2. v. 8. What godly man can say , Amen , to such a holy action , as is performed by Gods enemies ? 2. The godly say Amen to actions of Gods worship two wayes , 1. As it is the ordinance of God injoyned , and commanded , to the wicked and hypocrites , no lesse then to the godly , and we are to countenance their communicating , as we doe their hearing of the word , and to joyne with them both , in our reall and personall presence , and say Amen with them , as the Disciples gave their personall Amen , and their countenance and presence to a holy action at the last Supper , with one of their number , whom they knew to have a Devill , and to be a traitor , and dipped their hand in the dish with this man , after Christ had warned them , that there was such an one : but this is but to say Amen to the externall worship , which is lawfull , according to the substance of the act . 2. The godly may be throught to say Amen to the actions of worship performed by the enemies of God , by approving , allowing , and commending the manner of their performing the holy actions of Gods worship , that is , they may be thought to approve the manner of their hearing and receiving the Sacraments , that is , when they approve their performing of those holy actions without faith , and with wicked hearts and hands , and when they allow that they eats their owne damnation , thus no godly man can say Amen to holy actions performed by Gods enemies , nor is our externall communicating with them , a saying Amen to the wicked manner of receiving the seales , this is most unreasonable , and cannot be proved by Gods word . But Robinson will prove that in this place , 2 Cor. 6. the Lord forbiddeth communion not onely with evill workes of wicked men , but with their persons , and that he commandeth a separation , not onely reall , but personall . 1. Because ( saith he ) the Scripture hath reference to the yoaking of the unbeleevers in marriage , as the occasion of spirituall idolatrous mixture , which he reproveth ; now this joyning was not in an evill , or unlawfull thing , but with the wicked and unlawfull persons . Answer , If the man had formed a syllogisme it should be a crooked proportion , if Paul allude to the marriage with insides , then as we are not to joyne with Pagans in lawfull marriage , so neither with scand ●●ous Christians in lawfull worship . This connexion is gratis said , and we deny it ; But as we are not to marry with Pagans , so not to sit in their Idoll-Temple , and to be present in their Idoll-worship , else we were not to admit them , or their personall presence to the hearing of the word , contrary to your selves and to 1 Cor. 14. 24 , 25. So if because we are not to marry with them , we are not to be personally present with them , at the receiving of the Sacrament , neither at the hearing of the word , nor are we to be baptized , because Sim●n Magus , and many Hypocrites are baptized . 3. Locall separation from Idoll-worship , in the Idoll-Temple , we teach as well as Robinson , but what then ? he commandeth locall and personall separation from all the professors of the truth , in the lawfull worship of God , this we deny to follow . 2. The very termes saith Robinson ) beleevers , unbeleevers , light , darknesse , Christ , Belial , doe import opposition not of things only , but of persons also , for things sake , so the faithfull are called a righteousnesse , b light , and the ungody c darknesse , and so not onely their workes , but their persons are called . Answer . 1. We deny not opposition of persons , and separation locall from persons in Idoll-worship , at an Idoll-Table , but hence is not concluded personall separation from wicked men in the lawfull worship of God. 2. This is for us , we are to separate from the persons ; because the worship is unlawfull , and Idoll-worship , and therefore the contrary rather followeth , i● the worship were lawfull , we would not separate , for remove the cause and the effect shall cease . 3. The Apostle ( saith he ) forbiddeth all unlawfull communion in the place , but there is an unlawfull communion of the faithfull with the wicked in things lawfull , as with the excommunicated , idolatrous , 〈◊〉 , or my other flagitious person in the Sacraments , prayers , and other religious exercises , and the Iewes were to separate themselves , 〈◊〉 from the manners of the He●then , but even from their ●ers●s , ●zr . 19. 1. 2. and 10. 2 , 3. Nehem. 9. 10. 28 30. And Paul 〈◊〉 the Corinthians , 1 Cor. 5. for having fellowship , not onely in ●● persons in●est , but with the incestuous person , whom therefore they 〈◊〉 ●urge out , and to put away from amongst themselves , verse 5. ● . 13. Answer , It is true , there is an unlawfull communion of the faithfull that is overseers and guides of the Church , to whom God hath committed the keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , with excommunicated persons , in that they retaine one worthy to be excommunicated in the bosome of the Church : but communion with the Church in the holy things of God , is not hence concluded to be unlawfull , because the guides of the people communicate with that Church where the excommunicated person is suffered , it is the sinne of the Church-guides , that an excommunicated person is not cast out , and that he is suffered to communicate at the Lords Table , and to profane ● , in not discerning the Lords body , but it is not the sinne of either guides or the people , to communicate at one Table with the excommunicated person , or him that deserveth to be excommunicated ; for not casting out is one thing , and to communicate with the excommunicated in the true visible Church is another thing ; the former is a sinne , not to use the power that Christ hath given , but to communicate with the excommunicated person , is not a sinne , but a remembring of the Lords death at Christs commandement ; for one sinne maketh not another sinne to be lawfull , or to be no sinne ; to deliver one unto Satan is to debarre one from the Lords Supper , and to repute him as a Publican , and to judge him not worthy of the communion in the holy things of God , with the Church ; but this is not to repute the Church or guides or members as Publicans and Heathens , and as not worthy of Church-communion with the man who is cast out : we see the Church of Corinth rebuked , for not excommunicating the incestuous man , but not forbidden to come and eate the Lords Supper with him , and these who came and did eate their owne condemnation● 1 Cor. 11. yea they are commanded to come to the publike meeting : Ergo , it is one thing not to excommunicate the scandalous , a sinne , and another thing to communicate with the scandalous , which is not a sinne directly , nor forbidden at all . Though Paul have an allusion to the Lords separating of the Jewes from all other people , yet it followeth not that we are to separate from the wicked men and unrenewed , professing the truth that way ; first , because there was a typicall separation in marriage with Canaanites ; if the Jewes should marry with the Canaanites , the marriage was null , and the Moabites and Ammonites ought not to enter in the Temple . 2. The Jewes are to separate from the manners of Heathen , and from the persons of strange wives , yea and to put their wives of the Canaanites after they had married them , away from them , in token of their repentanee , because the marriage was not onely unlawfull , but null , as is cleare , Ezra . 9. 1 , 2 , 3. N●hem . 9. 1 , 2. And this was a peculiar Law binding the holy seed , but doth not inferre the like separation of Christians , for 1 Cor. 7. 11 , 12. it is not lawfull for a Christian to put away a Pagan wife , or for the beleeving wife to forsake the Pagan husband , and therefore that Jewish separation cannot inferre a separation from the persons and worship of unbeleevers ; and it is true that Paul commandeth , to cast out the incestuous person , and to separate him from the Church , but it followeth not , therefore the Church was to separate from the publike worship because he was not cast out . 4. Saith Robinson , the Apostle inj●yneth such a separation , at upon which a people is to be esteemed Gods people , the Temple of the living God , and may challenge his promise to be their God , and to dwell amongst them , and to walke there ; and as for the Temple , the stone● and timber thereof , were separated from all the trees of the Forest , and set together in comely order ; and he hath reference to the separating of the Jewes from all other people , as appeareth , Levit. 23 , 24 , 26. 11 , 12. And this must be the condition of the Israel of God , to the worlds end . Answ. There is a separation from Idol-worship here , such as is proper to the people in Covenant with God , de jure , the visible Church should separate from Idols and the prophane world in their Idol-worship , and sinfull conversation . Ergo they should separate from the worship of God ; What sewing is here ? this is nothing for separation from the true Church , or true worship , for the sinnes of worshippers . Heare what interpreters say , as a Non debet hoc simpliciter , de solo discessu , ●x● migratione , quae corpore fit , accipi , quasi mox migrandum sit ex●mnibus locis , in quibus vel superstitiones exercentur , vel stagiti●s●ct inhoneste vivitur , sic ex hoc mundo migrandum esset . b Calvin , de sugienda idololatria hic concionatur . Item , Nihil non sibi lice● putabant in externis , promiscue se impiis super ft itionibus pollu●bant , siquidem insidelium couvivia frequent ando , communicabant prophanos ● impuros ritus cum ill is , atqui cum gravissime peccarent , sibi tamen ●idebantur innoxii , ergo hic invehitur Paulus in externam idololatri●● . c Bullinger , Ego quam simplicissime intelligo de contagione ●orum , volupt●tum , sacrorum adeoque idolothytorum et rerum prophanarum omnium communione , putant quidam prot●nus migrandum ●x quibuslibet urbibus , si non omnes , in his , per omnia deo obediant . d Meyer , Objurgat ne majorem , quam dedeceret Christianos , cum Ethnicis haberent consuetudinem , vel idolothytis vescendo , vel ●●●jugium contrahendo , vel ludos theatrales spectando . e Marlorat , H●tur ut caveant ab omni contagione tot sordium . Ita Theophylactus , Ambrosius , et Augustinus . Paraphrastes , non in 〈◊〉 ( inquit ) sed in affectibus est fuga , quam suadet : so Beza , and Papists are not against this . Estius , neque Corinthii vocabantur h●bitare cum infidelibus , neque negotiari , neque cibum sumere . Chap. 8. v. 10. Signis vocat vos ad mensam &c. Vetat arctam so●i●atem , et necessitudinem ex qua oriebatur periculosa quaedam necessit●s communicandi in moribus et religione . Salmeron docet non li●ere Christianis jungi cum idelolatris , non relinquendo patriam aut lxum , sed cultum illorum ; All which Divines accord in this , that separation from Idolatry and the Idoll-tables of the Gentiles is here commanded , and that because the Church of God in the New Testament , is no lesse a people in covenant with God , to whom the promises doe belong , and the presence of God working in them , then the people of the Jewes were of old : But it followeth not hence that one part of the Israel of God under the New Testament should separate from the other . What weaknesse is this ? he alludeth to Israels separation from the Nations , which was personall ; therefore we are in person to separate from the true Church for their personall sinnes , when the worship is right . But m Robinson saith , Papists , Atheists , Idolaters , Anabaptists , and many more , doe worship Jesus , from whose societies notwithstanding you professe separation . 2. The Ismaelites and Edomites doe worship the true God , though not after a true manner , and yet the Israelites were a people separated from them , an Edomite might not beare any publike office among the Jewes to the third generation : yea Israel was commanded to separate from Israel , for a usurpation of the ministery , Num. 16. and upon Jeroboam his defection in the ministery , worship and new devised holy dayes , 2 Chron. 11. 13 , 14 , 15. 1 King. 12. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. Answ. 1. Papists , Anabaptists , Idolaters , are disavowed by us , and from them we separate , because though they professe the true God as Edom did , yet they closely doe evert the fundamentals ; neither we , nor the reformed Churches , in words or by consequence doe evert the fundamentals , and necessary points of salvation , and if the Church of Corinth was not to be separated from , nor Thyatira , where the resurrection was denyed , and false doctrine maintained , you have no reason to parallell us with Papists , Atheists , Anabaptists . 2. No Covenant is made with the one true God , and the Edomites and Ismaelites , but the promises are made to us , and to our children , and to as many as the Lord shall call , by the true Gospell preached , Act. 2. 39. Robinson . The Apostles ( saith he ) disjoyneth righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse , light and darknesse , as farre asunder , as beleevers and unbeleevers , as the Temple of God and Idols , in which former also the union betwixt Christ and Belial , is as monstreus as in the latter : also all unbeleevers are led by the devill , and cannot be the marter of the true Church , and that some persons led by the devill and some not should be the marter of the true Church is unknowne to Scripture . Answ. 1. In the Text , 2 Cor. 6. Righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse , light and darknesse are as farre asunder as the temple of God and Idols , and as Israel and Edom. I answer in respect of the object materiall of false worship , they cannot morally be united , that is true , beleevers at Corinth worshipping the true God in Christ , cannot be united with such , as in Idols temples are at one and the same Idol worship : and as to marry Christ and Belial , light and darkenesse , is a monster , so it is no lesse morally monstrous , that the true worshippers of God in Corinth , who give themselves out for the servants of God , should be joyned in any Societie with the service of dumbe Idols ; and thus farre Israel and Edom , a servant of God and an Idolater , must separate and part companies , but in respect of the persons they may be united in one visible corporation and Church ; else you may say by this argument , because faith in the eleven Apostles and unbeleefe in Judas , are as contrary as light and darkenesse , Christ and Belial , and as Israels true worship and Edoms false worship , and because the righteousnesse , light and faith of the Apostolick Church . Act. 8. and the unrighteousnesse , darkenesse and unbeleefe of Simon Magus are contrary to others ( as they are as contrary as light and darknesse ) that therefore the eleven Disciples and Judas made not one visible Church and the Apostolick Church , and Simon Magus and others in the gall of bitternesse with him , though baptized and joyned to the Church , did not make up one visible Church ; now since you acknowledge no visible Church , but there be in it beside unbeleevers , though not seene , there is no visible Church of your owne , wherein this monstruous combination of light and darkenesse is not . And so all your Churches are false in their constitution , if there may not be a union of the persons of men led by God , and regenerated , and of Hypocrites led by Satan , and unregenerated ; and these meeting to one and the same true worship , as Judas and the eleven did eate one and the same passeover . The Scripture ( saith Robinson ) denounceth the same judgement of God , Ezech. 18. upon him that defileth his neighbours wife as to him who lifteth his eyes to the mountaines and the Idols thereof , and murtherers are excluded out of the heavenly Jerusalem as well as Idolaters , and Matth. 28. We are to esteeme every obstinate offender as a heathen and a Publican , and Paul chargeth the Corinthians to avoyd F●rnicators , &c. 1 Cor. 5. as well as Idolaters , so all carnall men are Idolaters , making their belly their God : and the Apostle to Titus calleth prophane persons unbeleevers or infidels ; Ergo , wee should walke toward the one , as toward the other , that is , separate from them both . Answ. 1. It is true , God denounceth judgement against leud and unknowne hypocrites , as against worshippers of the Gods of the Zidonians , as your places prove , Ezek. 18. Rev. 22. but your Logick is poore and blind , that you will separate from the true Church , in which there bee secret hypocrites , and so from your owne Churches , as you would separate from the Church of the Zidonians , who worship professedly Baa● , and deny Jehovah to be God , you make arguments without head or foote . 2. Murtherers are excluded out of heaven , and haters of their brethren , who are murtherers from life eternall , 1 Joh. 3. 15. as Idolaters , what then ? Ergo , yee will exclude them out of the visible Church , and separate from them . It is good that you come out with Anabaptists to make these onely of your visible Church , who shall reigne in glory with Christ , and these onely , and all without your visible Church to be firebrands of Hell , as Revel . 22. 15. 3. We are 1 Cor. 5. to avoyd Fornicators , no lesse then Idolaters , true . Ergo , we are to separate from the Church , where there be Fornicators , seeing they make the Church to bee false in its constitution , as we are to separate from a societie of heathen Idolaters who worship a false God : doe you love such consequences ? men not forsaken of mother wit would say , I must separate from Aaron , and the whole Church of Israel , in the act of adoring the golden Calfe , which is indeed a separation from the false worship of the Church , but not separate from the Church ; but would you hence inferre , because God punisheth fornication no lesse then Idolatry , that I am to separate from the Church , and all their persons and societie in the very true worship of God , because some few persons there bee fornicators and carnall ? Surely then Paul did not his dutie , who commanded communion with the Church of Corinth , 1 Cor. 5. wherein there were carnall men , and deniers of the resurrection , and such as for gaine went to the Law , with their brethren , and that before Infidels ; yea because all sinne in the demerit thereof ( except you devise venials ) exclude men out of the new Hierusalem , we must separate from all Churches on earth , for there be none so cleane , but there bee some sinne in it , which excludeth out of the new Hierusalem , as Idolatry doth , though there bee degrees of sinne . But some ignorant ones say the place , 1 Cor. 5. 11. is to be expounded of eating at the Communion Table , or if it bee of familiar eating and drinking , of civill conversing , then much more are wee not to communicate with them at the Lords Table . But not to eate with such a one , is not to keepe intire fellowship with him , as the phrase noteth , Psal. 4. 9. He that eat of my bread hath lift up his b●ele against me . Joh. 13. 18. Psal. 55 13. So doth Chrysostome , The●phylact us , Oecumenius expound this place , Bullinger , contub●●nium & interiorem convictum prohibet ; So Calvin , Peter Martyr , B●za , Piscator , Pareus ; So Erasmus and Aquinas , Haymo , Gagneius . Nor is all eating whatsoever with Heathen persons forbidden , Paul practised the contrary , Act. 13. 14. 5. 6. Act. 14. 8. 9. Act. 17. 16 , 17. Act. 27. 34 , 35 , 36. Act. 28. 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 10. 27. 2. The wife is not to separate , a toro & mensa , from the excommunicated husband , nor the sonne from the excommunicated father , no positive Law can cancell the Law of nature , nor can hence bee concluded that it is unlawfull to keepe any Church communion with these , or to separate from the communion , though they be at the Table . 1. Because such eate damnation to themselves , not to others . 2. Because no private person can separate , for the Churches sinne , if the man be not convicted ; And lastly , here is to bee observed , that if the Church be not in its right constitution , that is , as Mr. Robinson teacheth us , if it be not a people in whose hearts the Lord ●●th written his covenant , wee are to separate from it ; so as if one be found to be a non-converted , though not scandalous , he must be excommunicated for non-conversion , never breaking out in scandalls , a thing contrary to the Word of God , as I have proved already . Mr. Robinson objecteth , Act. 2. 40. Save your selfe from this untoward generation . Ans. That is , from the malicious Jewes who deny Christ to be the Messiah . But what is this to separate from the true Church , professing Christ ? But Robinson saith , You deny visibly God , and his Sonne Christ. Answ. 1. Such as are thus scandalous are to be cast out . 2. If the Church neglect to cast them out , we are not to cast out and excommunicate the Church by separating from them , no more then the godly forsooke the Church of the Jewes , where there were many scandalous persons . 3. There be great oddes betwixt a froward generation professedly denying Christ to bee come in the flesh , as the Jewes , Act. 2. ( and from such a Church wee are to separate totally ; ) and betwixt a Church where there bee many wicked persons , who in their life and conversation deny Christ , and yet doe beleeve soundly or orthodoxly the fundamentall points of salvation , and hold in profession the orthodox faith : for though wee are to separate from the bad conversation of such a generation , yet are we not to separate from the Church-worship , and Church-societie of such a generation : therefore Paul might well break off communion with the Church of the Jewes , whereof he was once a member , because after Christs death , ascension , and the Gospell was preached , it now became a fundamentall point of salvation , simply necessary to bee beleeved by all ( That the Sonne of Mary was the Messiah ) which because the Jewes maliciously denyed , they left off to be a Church ; but a scandalous life in many of the professors , is not for that any ground to separate from the visible Church , professing such fundamentall points . Robinson saith from Job . 17. 6. 7. 9. Where the Church is said to be given to Christ , and chosen out of the world , it is cleare that the true visible Church is gathered , by separation from the world . But I answer , to be given to Christ and chosen out of the world is meant onely of the elect and invisible Church . But Arminians , Pelagians , and old Anabaptists expound it of the visible Church , that they may make Judas , whom they alledge was chosen out of the world , no lesse then Peter , an example of their universall election , and of the small apostasie , of the truly elected and regenerated . And you have to side with you in this the Apostate a Peter Bertius , b the Arminians at Hage , c Arminius himselfe , the Socinians , as d Socinus , e Theoph. 〈◊〉 ; and you may see your selves refuted by Amesius f refuting the Arminians in the conference at Hage : and this you expressely say with Arminians and Socinians . 1. Because , ( as you say ) Judas was one of them , whom the Father had given to Christ out of the world , whom alone of all them so given to him , he hath losed ; Ergo , Christ speaketh of a visible donation . Answ. The Antecedent is false , Joh. 6. 37. All that the Father had given me , commeth unto me , and him that commeth unto me I will in no wayes cast out , v. 39. And this is the Fathers will which ●●th sent me , that of all which he hath given me , I should lose nothing , but should raise it up at the last day . But Judas was cast out and losed , and is not raised up at the last day , as one which commeth , that is , beleeveth in Christ. 2. This is the very exception of the Arminians , and Amesius answereth , quae Scriptura manifesto est judicio Iudam non it a Christo datum & commendatum fuisse a Patre ut ●aeteros . Christ ( saith Robinson ) speaketh of such persons as the world hated , because they were not of the world , Job . 15. 14. But the wicked world 〈◊〉 not hate men , as they are elected before God , and invisibly or inwardly separated , ●ut as they are outwardly separated , whether they bee inwardly so or not . Answ. 1. Invisible election and the contrary spirit that the children of God are led by , which is most unlike to the spirit that leadeth the world , is the true ground and cause why the world doth hate them ; and this choosing out of the world , is seene and made visible by the fruits of the spirit to the wicked world , but the consequence is nothing , he speaketh of election that is visible or made visible , yet not as visible for often Paul t●●rmeth the visible Churches , Saints , Temples , of the holy Spirit , the sonnes and daughters of the living God , and when he tearmeth them such , he speaketh to , and of a visible Church , yet not as visible , because to be the temple of the holy Spirit , and a sonne and daughter of the living God , is a thing formally , and properly invisible : for faith and the spirit of adoptien are not things visible or obvious to the senses , but Separatis●s are often deceived with this , hee speaketh to the visible Saints , Ergo , he speaketh to them as visible Saints , this is the vaine collection of ignorant Anabaptists ; Paul writeth to the visible Church , but every priviledge that hee doth ascribe to them doth not agree to them , as they are visible . He saith to the visible Church of Colossians , ch . 3. v. 3. your life is hid with Christ in God , an unvisible life cannot agree to the Colossians , as they are a visible Church , so separation from the world made manifest and visible is the cause why the world hateth the children of God , yet that separation is formally invisible and not seene to the eye of men , for it is an action of God to choose men out of the world , and no eye mortall can see his actions , as they be such . And therefore except Robinson prove that this choosing out of the world is common to elect and reprobate , and to be seene in Peter and Iudas , he bringeth nothing against us to prove his point , but hee plainly contradicteth his owne tenents ; for in his first reason , he will have the true Church separated from the world , as Iudas the traytor was separated from the world , which we grant that is separation in show , and in profession , and so maketh his visible Church to be made up of traytors and hypocrites , who cannot bee the Spouse of Christ , nor a part of Christ his mysticall body , and his redeemed flocke . Now hee still harpeth on this , that the visible Church rightly constitute is the Spouse of Christ , the redeemed of God , the mysticall body of Christ , and so hee contradicteth himselfe , and saith with us that there bee no visible separation from the world , essentiall to such a Church as they dreame of , to wit , of called Saints , Temples of the holy Spirit , &c. and therefore never one of that side understood to this day the nature of a true visible Church , though they talke and write much of it ; for the truth is , the essence and definition of a Church agreeeth not equally to a true Church and a visible Church , yea a visible Church as it is visible is not formally a true Church , but the redeemed Church onely is the true Church . Lastly , He speaketh ( saith he ) of such a choosing out of the world as he doth of sending unto the world , v. 18. Which sending as it was visible and externall , so was the selection and separation spoken of . Answ. The choosing out of the world is not opposed to sending unto the world , for sending unto the world is an Apostolick sending common to Judas with the rest , whereby they were sent to preach the Gospell to the world , of chosen and unchosen , of elect and reprobate , but to bee chosen out of the world , and given to Christ , is proper to the elect onely , who are chosen out of the loosed and reprobate world . 2. It is also false that the sending of the Apostles is altogether visible , for the gifting of them with the holy Spirit is a great part of sending the Apostles , as our brethren say , a gifted man is a sent Prophet ; but the Lord his gifting of the Apostle is not visible . You cannot ( saith Robinson ) be partaker of the Lords Table and of devills . Ergo , we must separate from the ungodly . Answ. The Table of Idols is that Table of devils and of false worship kindly in respect of the object that wee must separate from , but a scandalous person at the Lords Supper partaketh of the Table of devils by accident , in respect the person being out of Christ eateth damnation to himselfe , but it is not per se and kindly , the Table of devils to others , and therefore I must not separate from it ; The Supper was to Judas the devils Table , because Satan entered in him with a sup , to cause him to betray the Lord ; and Christ told before , one of them twelve had a devill , and so to one of the twelve the Supper was the devils Table , yet could not the Disciples separate therefrom . Further he objecteth , Paul condemned the Church of Corinth as kn●●ed lumpe , and as contrary to the right constitution , finding so many aberrations and defections from that state , wherein they were gathered unto a Church ; who dare open so prophane a mouth as to affirme , that this faithfull labourer would plant the Lords v●neyard with such impes , or gather unto the Church flagitious persons , drunkards , i●●es●tous persons , or such as denied the resurrection ? Answ. 1. Paul never insinuateth in one letter , that these wicked persons , marred the constitution and matter of the visible Church , but onely that they marred the constitution of the invisible Church , that being bought with a price , they should give their bodies to harlotry , and that in denying the resurrection they denyed the Scriptures , and turned Epicures , who said , Let us ●a●e and drinke , for to morrow we shall die ; but there is nothing to insinuate separation from the Church , as false in the constitution . 2. Paul doth not plant wicked men as impes in the Lords Vineyard , they plant themselves in the roome of true members of the Church invisible , and as the redeemed of God , when they are not so indeed , and this sort of planting is given improperly to the pastors . But if you understand by planting , the casting out of the draw-net of the word of the kingdome preached , and the inviting of as many to come in as the Pastors doe finde , Matth. 22. 9. 10. even good and bad ; this way it is the mouth of truth , and not a prophane mouth , that Pastors invite professors to come in , and bee members of the visible Church , though their act of inviting have no kindly influence in the hypocrisie of their profession who are invited . To professe the truth is good and laudable , and to deny it before men , damnable , and to invite men to this profession of the truth , is good and laudable also . And wisedome sendeth out her maidens , and by them inviteth simple ones and fooles to professe the truth , and to come to the visible Church , Prov. 9. 4. Prov. 1. 20 , 21. but Pastors doe not plant drunkards , and flagitious persons in the visible Church , but the Apostolike Church calling to her communion Simon Magus , Act. 8. but doth not plant them as hypocrites , but as externall professors . Mr. Coachman saith , It is no wrong to leave the carnal multitude , as it was no hurt to Jehosaphat , when Elisha in his presence protested against Joram , as one , betwixt whom and God hee would not intercede . Answ. Put case Jehosaphat be a Church visible worshipping God aright , you wrong his societie , if you leave the shepheards tents , where Christ feedeth amongst the Lilies till the day breake , because there bee foxes in these tents and wicked persons . Is it not ( saith he ) sweeter to converse with the Godly , then with the ungodly ? Is not the presence of faithfull Christians sweeter , when one commeth to powre out his prayers , and offer his oblation , then the society of carnall men ? Answ. This will prove it is lawfull to separate from Pharisees preaching the truth in Moses his chaire , the contrary whereof you were , Sect. 4. Pag. 10. because it is sweeter to heare the word with the Godly , then with the ungodly . We have not found ( saith Coachman ) the honorable name of Christians or godly men given to liars , swearers , &c. no comfort , no priviledges belong to them in that state , it belongeth not unto them , but unto us to build the house of the Lord , Ezra 4. 3. Answer . Yea , God bestoweth the priviledges of externall calling unto good and bad , even to those who preferre their lusts to Christ , Matth. 22. 9. Luk. 14. 17 , 18 , 19. 2. The place of Ezra is corrupted , for those were the open adversaries of Judah and Benjamin , v. 1. and were not the Church at all . 3. Onely Pastors are publicke and authoritative builders of the Church , not private Christians . The wicked ( saith he ) have the things of this life above the godly , Ergo they should not be invested in the highest prerogatives above the godly : also it is a presumption to say to any carnall man , This is the body of the Lord , that was given for thee . Answer . It is the cry of a stone to reason thus , this argument is as much against Gods providence as against us , for God sendeth to Capernaum and Bethsaida , the priviledge of Christs presence , in preaching the Gospel , and working miracles , yet they are an unworthy people . 2. Pastors of the separation give the body of Christ to lurking Hypocrites , are they not herein presumptuous also ? They object , To live in the want of any of Gods ordinances is not lawfull , as Matth. 28. 20. 2 Chron. 30. 8. Cant. 1. 7. 8. so saith Robinson . A man is not onely bound in his place to admonish his neighbour , but also to see his place be such , as be may admonish his brother ; a calling absolutely tying a man to the breach of any of Gods Commandements , is unlawfull and to be forsaken . Answ. Seeing affirmative precepts tye not ad semper , and Christian prudence is to direct us here ; there be some in Church communion whom we cannot without palpable inconveniences rebuke : The Ministers of New-England in their answer to the n● question , say , such as are not free ( servants or sonnes ) may stay in paroch Assemblies in Old England , so as they partake of no corruptions , and live not in the want of any ordinances ( they meane wanting the Lords Supper ) through their default ; now to separate from the Lords Supper , because of the wickednesse of the fellow-worshippers is their default , which is against Robinson , yet we see not how masters or fathers should separate from Christs true Church more then servants or sonnes . 2. Not to admonish , in some cases , is not a breach of a Commandement , nor living besides scandalous persons in a Church , or for any to abstaine from the seales because such be in the Church , except we would goe out of the world , for Robinson presseth alwayes personall separation , no lesse then Church separation . Robinson . There is the same proportion of one member sinning , of a few , of many , of a whole Church : now if one brother sinne and will not be reclaimed , he is no longer to be reputed a brother , but a heathen : Ergo , so are we to deale with a Church though there be a different order , the multitude of sinners doe no wayes extenuate the sinne . Answ. 1. Then may a whole Church by this reason be excommunicated , which our brethren deny . 2. There is the same proportion to be kept when one sinneth , and when a whole Church sinneth , but by observing due order ; one may admonish a private brother , but not any one , or many private persons , may admonish and proceed after our Saviours order , against a whole Church in a Church way , in respect they are still inferiour to a whole Church : sister Churches and Synods are to keepe this order with one particular Church , that is incorrigible , for private persons have relation of brotherhood to private persons , and the relation is private , and Churches have Church relation to Churches , and the relation is publike ; Nor are whole Churches to be excommunicated , while God first remove the Candlesticke , as we see in Rome , and the seven Churches in Asia . 2. It is considerable , 1. If the whole Church be obstinate and incorrigible , or some few , or the most part . 2. If the sinnes be against the worship of God , as idolatry , or sinnes of a wicked conversation , the worship of God remaining pure , and sound , at least in professed fundamentals . 3. If the idolatry be essentiall idolatry , as the adoring of the worke of mens hands , or onely idolatry by participation , as Popish ceremonies , the Surplice , and Crosse , being as meanes of worship , but not adored , and so being Idols by participation ; as a Amesius and b M. Ball doe well distinguish , and before them , so doth the learned c Reynold , and d Bilson make use of the distinction . 4. All lenity must be used against a Church , if not more lenity , then we use in proceeding against single persons . 5. Divers degrees of separation are to be considered : hence these considerations , 1. There is a separation Negative , or a non-union , and a separation Positive . Though a Church of Schismaticks retaining the sound faith , yet separating from other , be deserted by any , it is a Negative separation from ● true Church , and laudable : as the faithfull , in Augustins time , did well in separating from the Donatists , for with them they were never one , in that faction , though they separated not from the true faith holden by Donatists , but kept a Positive union with them ; so doe all the faithfull well to separate from the Churches of the Separatists . 2. If the whole and most part of the Church turne idolatrous , and worship Idols , ( which is essentiall idolatry ) we are to separate from that Church : the Levites and the two Tribes did well , as e Mr. Ball saith , to make a separation from Jero●oams Calves ; and the godly laudably , 2 King. 16. 11. did not separate from the Israel , and Church of God , because the Altar of Damascus was set up , and because of the high places . Things dedicated unto Idols , as Lutheran Images , may be called , and are called 1 Cor. 10. 34. idolatry , yet are they idolatry by participation , and so the Cup of Devils , 1 Cor. 10. Paul doth not command separation from the Church of Corinth , and the Table of the Lord there . 3. Consideration . There is a separation from the Church in the most part , or from the Church in the least and best part . In Achabs time Israel , and the Church thereof , for the most part , worshipped Baal ; Elias , Micaja● , Obadiah , and other godly separated from the Church of Israel in the most part : Jeremiah wished to have a Cottage in the Wildernesse ( no doubt a godly wish ) that he might separate from the Church all then for the most part corrupted , yet remained they a part of the visible Church and a part in the visible Church , and therefore did he not separate from the Church according to the least and best part thereof ; The godly in England who refused the Popish ceremonies , and Antichristian Bishops , did well not to separate from the visible Church in England , and yet they separated from the mainest and worst part , which cannot be denied to be a ministeriall Church . 4. Considerat . If a Church be incorrigible in a wicked conversation , and yet retaine the true faith of Christ , it is presumed God hath there some to be saved , and that where Christs ordinances be , there also where Christs ordinances be , there also Christs Church presence is ; And therefore I doubt much if the Church should be separated from , for the case is not here as with one simple person , for it is cleare , all are not involved in that incorrigible obstinacy , & that is yet a true visible communion , in which we are to remaine , for there is some union with the head Christ , where the faith is kept sound , and that visibly ; though a private brother remaining sound in the faith , yet being scandalous and obstinately flagitious be to be cast off , as an Heathen , yet are we not to deale so with an orthodox Church , where most part are scandalous . 5. Considerat . I see not , but we may separate from the Lords Supper , where bread is adored , and from baptisme where the signe of the Crosse is added to Christs ordinances , and yet are we not separated from the Church , for we professedly heare the word , and visibly allow truth of the doctrine maintained by that Church , which doe pollute the Sacraments , and we are ready to seale it with our bloud , and it is an act of visible profession of a Church , to suffer for the doctrine mentioned by that Church . 6. We may well hold that f Ambrose saith well , that a Church wanting the foundation of the Apostles , is to be forsaken . 7. There is a forced separation through Tyranny from personall communion , and a voluntary separation ; David was forced to leave Israel , and was cast out of the Inheritance of the Lord ; the former is not our sinne , and our separation from Rome hath something of the former , the latter would be wisely considered . 8. There may be causes of non-union with a Church , which are not sufficient causes of separation : Paul would not separate from the Church of the Jewes , though they rejected Christ , till they openly blasphemed , Act. 13. 44 , 45 , 46. Act. 18. 16. And when they opposed themselves and blasphemed , Paul shooke his ●ayment and said unto them , Your blood be upon your owne heads , I am cleane , from henceforth I will goe to the Gentiles . There is a lawfull separation , and yet before the Jewes came to this , there was no just cause , why any should have joyned to the Church of the Jewes , who denyed the Messiah , and persecuted his Servants , Act. 4. Act. 5. seeing there was a cleaner Church , to which Converts might joyne themselves , Act. 2. 40 , 41 42. 9. There is no just cause to leave a lesse cleane Church ( if it be a true Church ) and to goe to a purer and cleaner , though one who is a Member of no Church , have liberty of election , to joyne to that Church , which he conceiveth to be purest and cleanest . 10. When the greatest part of a Church maketh defection from the Truth , the lesser part remaining sound , the greatest part is the Church of Separatists , though the maniest and greatest part in the actuall exercise of Discipline be the Church ; yet in the case of right Discipline , the best though sewest , is the Church ; for truth is like life , that retireth from the maniest members unto the heart , and there remaineth in its fountaine , in case of danger . CHAP. 4. SECT . 6. The way of the Churches of Christ in New England . IN this Section the Reverend Author disputeth against the Baptizing of Infants of unbeleeving , or excommunicated neareit Parents , of which I have spoken in my former Treatise : Onely here I vindicate , our Doctrine . And first the Authour is pressed with this , the excommunicated persons want indeed the free passage of life , and vertue of the Spirit of Jesus , till they be tuitched with repentance , yet they are not wholly cut off from the society of the faithfull , because the seed of faith remaineth in them , and that knitteth them in a bond of conjunction with Christ. The Authour answereth , It is true , such excommunicates , as are truely faithfull , remaine in Covenant with God , because the seed of faith remaineth in them , yet to the society of the faithfull joyned in a particular visible Church , they are not knit , but wholly cut off from their communion , for it is not the seed of faith , nor faith it selfe , that knitteth a man to this , or that particular Church , but a holy profession of the Faith , which when a man hath violated by a grievous sinne , and is delivered to Satan , he is now , not as a dead palsie-member , cut off from the body , though bee may remaine a member of the invisible Church of the first borne , yet he hath neither part , nor portion , nor fellowship in the particular visible Church of Christ Jesus , but is as an heathen and a publican : now Sacraments are not given to the invisible Church , nor the members thereof , as such , but to the visible particular Churches of Jesus Christ , and therefore we dare no more baptize his childe , than the childe of an heathen . I Answer , First , if Faith remaine in some excommunicated person , ( as you grant ) it must be seene in a profession , for though for some particular scandall , the man be excommunicated , yet is he not cut off ( as we now suppone ) for universall apostasie from the truth to Gentilisine , or Judaisme , for then he should be cursed with the great excommunication , 1 Cor. 16. v. 22. and so though he be to the Church as a heathen , in that act , yet is he not to the visible Church an heathen , but a brother , and to be admonished as a brother , 2 Thess. 3. 15. and the Church is to use excommunication as a medicine , with intention to save his Spirit in the day of the Lord , 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5. 1 Tim. 1. 20. an excommunicated apostate is not so : now if hee retaine faith to the Churches decerning , he retaineth the profession of Faith , and in so farre a visible membership , with the Church in the Covenant ; Ergo , for that professed Faith , by our brethrens grant , his childe should be baptized , and so is not wholly cut off , but is as a dead palsie member of the Church , and so as a member , though in a deliquie , and Lethargie . 2. You say to the faithfull of a particular Church , the excommunicate is wholly cut off : What doe you meane ? if his sinnes be bound in heaven , ( as they are , if he justly be excommunicated ) is he not also cut off , to all the visible Churches on earth● are not all the Churches to repute him as a publican and a heathen ? I beleeve they are , but you deny in this all visible communion of Chur●hes . 3. You say , it is not the seede of Faith that knitteth a man to a particular visible Church , but an holy profession . But in the excommunicate person , ( if the seede of faith remaine as you grant ) this faith must be seene , by you , in a holy profession , else to you , he hath no seed of faith ; and if his profession of faith remaine intire , though it bee violated in the particular obstinate , remaining in one scandall , for the which he is excommunicated , you have no reason to say , that to the particular Church , hee is wholly cut off , since his profession remaineth . 4. You say , It is not the seed of faith , nor faith it selfe that knitteth a man to this or that particular visible Church , but a holy profession of faith . Then I say , one may be knit to a particular visible Church , and a true member thereof , though he want both the seed of Faith , and Faith it selfe . I prove the connexion . A man is a perfect and true member of a Church , though he want that which doth not knit him to the Church , this is undenyable : But without the seed of Faith or Faith it selfe , ( as you say ) hee is knit to the true Church : Ergo. But this is contrary to your Doctrine , who require , chap. 3. sect . 3. that none must bee admitted members of a visible Church , but those who are Christ his body , the habitation of God by the Spirit , the Temples of the Holy Ghost , &c. And that no● onely by external● profession , but in some measure of sincerity and Truth . Now consider my Reverend Brethren , if there bee a measure of sincerity and Truth , where there is neither the seed of Faith , nor Faith it selfe : and surely by this you cast downe and marre the constitution of your visible Church , when you exclude from the members thereof , the seed of Faith , and Faith it selfe ; and you come to our hand , and teach , that the seed of Faith , and Faith it selfe , is accidentall to a visible Church as visible , which wee also teach : and so there is no measure of truth and sincerity required to the essentiall constitution of a visible Church . 5. But I would gladly learne how you contra-distinguish these two , Faith , and a holy profession of Faith ? Doe you imagin that there can be a holy profession knitting a man to the visible Church , where there be neither the seed of Faith , nor Faith it selfe ? It is Arminian holinesse , which is destitute of Faith , but if you meane by a holy profession , a profession conceived to be holy , though it be not so indeed , then you doe yet badly contradivide a holy profession from faith , for before any can be knit as a member to the visible Church , you are to conceive him to be a Saint , a Beleever , and so to have both the seed of Faith , and Faith it selfe , though indeed he have neither of the two , and so Faith is as wel that which knitteth a man as a member to the visible Church , as holinesse . 6. If he remaine a member of the universall Church of the first borne , is hee therefore so as a heathen , and so that you dare no more receive him to the Supper , nor his seed to baptisme , nor you dare receive a heathen , and his seed to the Seales of the Covenant ? is a heathen a member of the invisible Church of the first borne ? but the excommunicated you presume is such a one . 7. What warrant have you for this Doctrine , That the Sacraments are not given to the invisible Church , as it is such , but to the visible ? Certainely , God ordaineth the Sacraments to the beleevers as beleevers , and because they are within the Covenant , and their interest in the Covenant , is the onely true right of interest to the Seales of the Covenant , profession doth but declare who beleeve and who beleeve not , and consequently , who have right to the Seales of the Covenant , and who not , but profession doth not make right , but declareth who have right . The Author subjoyneth , Christ giveth no due right unto baptisme to the child , but by the Fathers right unto the Covenant and communion of the Church , so by taking away right unto the Covenant and Communion of the Church from the Father , he taketh away the childrens right also , the personall sinne of the parent in this case is not a meere private personall sinne , but the sinne of a publike person of his family : for as his profession of his faith at his receiving unto the Church , was as the profession of a publike person receiving him and his children , who could make no profession but by his mouth unto the Church , so his violation of his profession by a scandalous cri●● , was as a publike violation thereof for himself and his seed , who stand or fall before the Church in his name and his person . Answ. 1. It is true , Christ giveth right to baptisme to the child , by the Fathers right . I distinguish that , by the nearest father onely I deny , by the right of fathers in generall , true ; but then it will follow , that no infant is to be debarred from baptisme for the sinnes of his nearest parents , for if these who are descended of Abraham and David , many generations upward from them , were within the Covenant , and so had right to circumcision , for the Covenant made with David and Abraham , and the nearest fathers sinne is not the cause of taking away the right to the Covenant from the child , and right to the Church Communion . 2. I much doubt if the child have right to the seales of the Covenant , for the faith of the father , and so I deny that hee loseth right to the seales of the Covenant for the fathers scandalous crime , which is a violation of the Covenant . I doe reverence grave and learned divines , who speake so ; a Oecolampadius , and b Zuinglius say that Insants are sanctified by their parents faith ; but I conceive they take the word faith objectively , for the doctrine of faith profeffed by the father , and not subjectively . But I think that great Divine c Beza saith well , that no man is saved by another mans faith , nor can the parents faith be imputed to the children , which is no lesse absurd , nor to say that one man liveth by the soule and life of another man , and that he is wise by the wisedome of another man : how then are Infants within the Covenant for their parents ? I answer , for the faith of their fathers , that is , for the Covenant of their fathers they have right to baptisme , for that I will be thy God , and the God of thy seed , Galat. 3. 8. comprehendeth all the beleeving Gentiles . And for this cause the children of Papists and excommunicate protestants which are borne within our visible Church are baptized , if their forefathers have beene found in the faith ; and I thinke the reason is given by d Doctor Morton , who saith , The children of all Papists , Anabaptists , or other Hereticks , are to be distinguished from the children of Turkes and Pagans , because the Parents of Papists and Anabaptists have once beene dedicated to Christ in baptisme , and the child ( saith he ) hath onely interest in that part of the Covenant , which is sound and Catholike , while as the parents themselves stand guiltie of heresie , which by their owne proper and actuall consent , they have added unto the Church . And I thinke the Scripture saith here with us , that the nearest parents be not the onely conveyers and propagators of federall holinesse to the posteritie , Psal. 106. 35. They were mingled with the heathen and learned their workes , 36. and they served their Idols , &c. 44. Neverthelesse he regarded their affliction , 45. and he remembred , for them , his covenant . What Covenant ? His Covenant made with Abraham , and yet their nearest fathers sinned , v. 6. We have sinned and our fathers , v. 7. Our fathers understood not thy wonders in Egypt , they remembred not the multitude of thy mercies , but provoked him at the Sea , even at the red Sea , v. 8. Neverthelesse be saved them for his names sake . His name was the glory of the Covenant made with Abraham , by which his name and truth , by promise was ingaged , Esa. 63. 10. But they rebelled and vexed his holy Spirit , therefore hee was turned to bee their enemy , and hee fought against them , v. 11. Then he remembred the dayes of old , Moses and his people , saying , Where is he that led them , and brought them out of the red Sea ? So also Esay 51. 1 , 2 , 3. and most evidently , Ezek. 20. 8. They rebelled against me , &c. But I wrought for my names sake , that it should not be polluted before the heathen , among whom they were , in whose sight I made my selfe knowne unto them , in bringing them forth out of the land of Egypt . Now this name is to be expounded his Covenant , Jerem. 31. 32. which he made with them , when hee brought them out of the land of Egypt , which Covenant is extended unto the Christian Church , Heb. 8. 8. 9 , 10. Now if God gave right unto the sonnes of the Jewes , I meane federall right , to temporall deliverance , and the meanes of grace , for the Covenant made with Abraham , though their nearest parents rebelled against the Lord , that same Covenant in all the priviledges thereof indureth yet , yea and is made to all the Gentiles , ●al . 3. 8. Heb. 8. 8 , 9 , 10. for it is the covenant nationall made with the whole race , not with the sonnes upon the condition of the nearest parents saith , as is cleare after Christs ascension unto heaven , Act. 2. 39. For the promise is to you and to your children , and to all that are afarre off , even to as many as the Lord our God shall call . Now it is cleare that their fathers killed the Prophets , Matth. 23. 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35. they were a wicked generation under blood , v. 37. 2. It is cleare that these externally , and in a federall and Church profession have right ecclesiastick to the Covenant , to whom the externall calling of the preached Gospell doth belong , while he saith the promise ( of the Covenant ) is made to as many as the Lord our God shall call , so the called nation , though the nearest parents have killed the Prophets , and rejected the calling of God , Matth. 23. 33. 34. 37. is the nation which have externall and Church-right to the promises and Covenant , and Rom. 11. 28. As concerning the Gospell they are enemies for your sake , but as touching the election they are beloved for the fathers sake : now their nearest fathers maliciously opposed the Gospell , therefore it must be for the election of the holy nation , in which respect , the nation of the Jewes , v. 16. was a holy seed , and a holy root , and the children were also the holy branches , holy with the holinesse of the Covenant ; and Joshua had no reason to circumcise the people at Gilgal , for the holinesse of their nearest parents , whose earcasses fell in the wildernesse , yet he circumcised them , to take away the reproach of his people ; now this reproach was uncircumcision in the flesh , the reproach of the Philistims , ( so Goliah is called an uncircumcised Philistim ) and of all the nations without the Covenant of God : yea by this there were no reason to circumcise the sonnes of Achab and Jezabel , whose nearest parents were slaves to Idolatry , and who were bloody persecutors of the Prophets ; nor was there reason to circumcise Jeroboams sonne , in whom there was some good , for both father and mother were wicked Apostates : and very often , by this doctrine , should the people of the Jewes leave off to be the visible Church , and so the promise of the Covenant should faile in the line from Abraham to David , and from David to Christ ; even so oft as the nearest parents did evill in the sight of the Lord ; and many times should God have cast off his people whom be foreknew ; contrary to that which Paul saith , Rom. 11. 1 , 2 , 3. To these I adde , if the infants of the Christian Church have onely right to baptisme , through the faith of the nearest parents onely , then is this to be conceived either to bee true and saving faith , in the nearest parents , or onely faith in profession : if you say the former , then 1. The seed of the excommunicated parents , in whom is faith , or the seed thereof is to be baptized , the contrary , of which you affirme . 2. Then the seed and Infants of no Parents , but of such only as are members of the invisible Church of the first borne , are to be baptized , the contrary whereof you teach , while you say , The Sacraments are not given to the invisible Church , and the members thereof , but to the visible particular Churches . 3. The Infants of the unbeleeving parents , though members of the visible Church , have no right to baptisme , and the Covenant , though they be the elect of God , and borne within the visible Church , which is admirable to us , now it is knowne that Hypocrites and unbeleeving parents have often such a luster of a greene and fairelike profession , as that they goe for visible members of the Church , so as their children are by Christs warrant and right baptized . I come to the other point , if the faith of nearest parents , onely true in profession and show before men , give right to their Infants to bee sealed with the seales of the Covenant : Then 1. apparent and bypocriticall faith conferreth true right to the seales to Infants , and there is not required ( as the author saith Chap. 3. Sect. 3. ) that the members of the visible Church be the called of God , the sonnes and daughters of the Lord God Almighty , not onely in externall profession , but also in some measure of sinceritie and truth . 2. God hath warranted his Church to put his seale upon a falsehood , and to conferre the seales upon Infants , for the externall profession of faith , where there is no faith at all , this your writers thinke inconvenient and absurd . Also it is objected by us , that excommunicates children are in no better case by this doctrine , then the children of Turkes and Infidels . The Author answereth . We willingly ( saith he ) put a difference ; excommunicates are nearer to helpes , and meanes of salvation and conversion , then Turkes , 1 Cor. 5. 5. because excommunication it selfe is a meane that the spirit may be saved : and Turkes are nearer then Apostates , who turne enemies to the truth , for better never have knowne the way of truth , then to turne backe . But in this they agree , they are all of them as Heathen , Matth. 18. and therefore neither parents nor children have right to the seales . Answ. This is not an answer , for the Infants of excommunicates , though they be the seed of ancestors , as grandfathers , who were true beleevers , yet as infants and dying in Infancy , are no lesse without the Covenant , and excluded from the seales thereof , by you then the Infants of Turkes . 2. The Infants of nearest parents in the Jewish Church , though wicked , were not excluded from circumcision , nor were they in the case of the Infants of the prophane heathen ; and the same covenant made to the Jewes and their seed , is made to us , and to our seed , Gal. 3. 8. Heb. 8. 9. 10. Rom. 11. 27. 28. Act. 2. 38 , 39. We also affirme , that the Lord extendeth the mercy of the Covenant to a thousand generations , and therefore the line of the covenant-mercy is not broken off , for the unbeleefe of the nearest parents . Our Author answereth . Is the extension of Gods mercy to a thousand generations be a sufficient ground to extend baptisme to the Children of excommunicates in the right of their ancestors , it may suffice as well to the children of Turkes and Insidels , and Apostates , for it is not above sixty and six generations from Noah to Christ , as is plaine in the Genealogie , Luk. 3. 13. and there have not passed as many more generations from Christs time to the Turkes , and Infidels of the present age . And all will not amount ( say they in their answers ) to the summe of two hundred generations . The true meaning is , that God out of his abundant and rich mercy may and doth extend thoughts of redeeming and converting mercy and grace unto thousand generations , but he never allowes his Church any warrant to receive unto their Covenant and communion the children of godly parents , who lived a thousand yeares agoe , much lesse a thousand generations ; nay rather the Text is plaine , 1 Cor. 7. 14. that the holinesse of the children depends upon the next immediat parents , to wit , upon such faith as denominateth them beleevers in opposition to Pagans and Infidels , and that holinesse to the children is called federall , which receiveth them unto the Covenant and seales thereof . Answ. 1. We stand not on the number of a thousand precisely , nor doth the holy Ghost intend that , for as it is usuall in Scripture , a a definite number is put for an indefinite : Wrath followeth the Ammonite and Moabite to the tenth generation , Deut. 23. 2 , 3. and the Edomite and Egyptian though cursed , entereth into the Congregation of the Lord , the third generation , v. 7. 8. The Lord here walketh in a latitude , yet so as the mercy of the Covenant is extended to more generations , a thousand for foure , beyond the anger of God to the generation of the wicked ; nor doth the Authors consequence stand good , that then wee had right and warrant to baptize the children of Turkes , Pagans and Indians , ( as for one single Apostate , I account him as one single excommunicate Christian in this point ) because the Lords comparison of proportion holdeth in generations of the same kind , and is restricted to the generations within the visible Church , sheweth mercy unto thousands of them that love me and keepe my Commandements , which must be extended to professed love of a nation that is federally holy . Now Turkes and Indians are neither lovers of God , nor in profession , through federall holinesse such ; and it is most pregnant against such as confine and imprison the mercy of the Covenant towards poore Infants , to their next immediate parents , and by the Authors interpretation , the thousand generations to which God extendeth mercy , is confined to one , because if the wicked two , the father and mother bee violaters of the Covenant , though nine hundreth foregoing generations have beene lovers of God , yet the Covenant mercy is interrupted to the innocent Infants , ( in this innocent ) and they are translated over to the classe and roll of the children of Turkes and Pagans under the curse and wrath of God for hundreth of generations . The Lord in this having a respect to that people whom hee brought out of the Land of Egypt , in whom hee fulfilled this promise of shewing mercy to many generations , though their nearest parents were grievers of his holy Spirit , and rebellers against him : for Abraham , Isaac and Jacobs sake , cannot bee so narrow and pinched in mercy to the posteritie , as to reduce a thousand generations to one , as this Author would have him to doe . 2. It is a hungry extention of mercy , as the Author exponeth it , to Gods extending of thoughts , of redeeming and converting to a thousand generations , which hee hath to Turkes ; for these thoughts of redeeming are from the free and absolute decree of election to glory , but this is an expresse promise of extending the mercy of the Covenant to a thousand generations , and such as the Lord by necessitie of his veracitie and faithfulnesse of covenant , cannot contraveene . 3. The place 1 Cor. 7. is corrupted contrary to the Apostles intent , which is to resolve a case of conscience , whether the beleeving wife married on a Pagan husband , or a beleeving husband married on a Pagan wife should divorce and separate , because the seed would seeme by Gods Law to bee uncleane , Para 9. 2. Paul answereth , if one be holy and professe the faith , the 〈◊〉 is holy , v. 14. whereas if both father and mother were Pagans and heathen , the seed should be unholy , and voyde of federall holinesse , then were the children uncleane . But the consequence is frivolous , if both be Pagans , and Heathen , and unbeleevers ( for so the Author doth well expound the unbeleeving husband ) then the seed is uncleane and voyde of federall holinesse . But it followeth not : Ergo , if both the Christian Parents be excommunicated , and be scandalous and wicked , they are not members of a parishionall visible Church , then are the children uncleane and voyd of all federall holinesse , and have no right to the seales of the covenant . We deny this connexion , for there be great odds betwixt the children of Turkes , and children of excommunicated and scandalous parents . The children of Turkes and Heathen are not to be baptized , but the children of excommunicates , are as Turkes and Heathen ; Ergo , the children of excommunicates are not to bee baptized . The Syllogisme is vitious in its sorme ; 2. It faileth in its matter , for children of excommunicates , because of the Covenant made with their ancestors , are in Covenant with God , and the children of Turkes are not so . The Author addeth , The wickednesse of the parents doth not 〈◊〉 the election or redemption , or the Faith of the child : 〈◊〉 a Bastard is reckoned in the Catalogue of beleevers , He●●●nes 11. 32. Yet a bastard was not admitted to come unto 〈◊〉 Congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation , Deuteronom . ●3 . 2. Answ. It is true , the want of baptisme is no hazzard to the salvation of the childe , nor doe we urge that the infants of excommunicates , should be baptized , because we thinke baptisme necessary , necessitate medii , as Papists doe , but neither we nor Papists , nor any except Anabaptists , and the late Belgi●●e Arminians and Socinians , as a Episcopius , b Henri us S●●tius , c Somnerus , d Socinus deny baptisme to be necessary in respect of Gods Commandement ; and indeed if you urge the constitution of a visible Church , as you doe of members called of God , and Saints , not onely in externall profession , but also in some measure of sincerity and truth , as you doe expressely say ( e ) in this Treatise , we see not how you can hold that Infants can be baptized at all while they come to age , and can give tokens to the Church of their faith , and conversion to God , for if they beleeve not , you put Gods seale upon a blanke , which you thinke absurd . In the closing of this Section , the Author reasoneth against God-fathers , which are to us of civill use , and no part of baptisme : He alledgeth , he knoweth not any ground at all to allow a faithfull man liberty to entitle another man his childe , to baptisme , onely upon a pretence of a promise , to have an eye to his education , unlesse the childe be either borne in his house or resigned to him , to be brought up in his house as his owne . I Answer , 1. The Infants of beleeving Fathers absent in other Lands , upon their lawfull callings , are by this holden from the Seale of the Covenant , as if they were the Children of Pagans , for no fault in the Parents . 2. A promise of education in the Christian faith is here made a sufficient ground for baptizing an Infant , whereas alwayes before the Author contendeth for an holy profession of faith in both , or at the least in one of the nearest parents , but we know that a friend may undertake the Christian education of the childe of an excommunicate person , who is to you as the childe of a Pagan , we think , upon such a promise , you could not baptize the childe of a Turke : Ergo , excommunicated persons and Turkes are not alike , as you say . CHAP. 5. SECT . 1. and 2. T●●●hing the dispensation of the censures of the Church . Authour . WE proceede not unto censure , but in case of some knowne offence . Answ. What if a member of your Church doe ●how himselfe in private , to some brethren , to be a non-regenerated person , and so indeede not a member of the visible Church , by your doctrine , he should be excommunicated for non-regeneration , which is against Christs way , Matth. 18. who will have such sinnes as , if denyed , may be proved by two witnesses , onely to be censurable by the Church , else you shall retaine such an one , and admit him to prophane the Table of the Lord. In this first and second Section I have nothing to examine but what hath beene handled already , especially the Peoples power in Church-affaires hath beene fully discussed ; onely the Author will have the preaching of the word , a worship not pecu●iar to the Church , but commune to those who are not in the Church-state at all , and that ordinarily in respect that Indians and Heathens may come and heare the Word , 1 Cor. 14. but this proveth not but that preaching of the word is proper and peculiar to the Church : but there is another mystery here , as from the first chapter , second Section , then preaching of the word is to be performed by gifted persons , yea ordinary preaching for the conversion of Soules , before there be any Pastors in the Church to Preach . Hence is that . Quest. I. Whether conversion of soules to Christ , be ordinarily the proper fruite & effect of the word preached by a sent Pastor ; or if it be the 〈◊〉 and effect of the word preached by Pastors not as Pastors , but as 〈◊〉 to preach , and so of all persons not in office , yet gifted to preach ? The Churches of New-England in their Answers to the thirty two Questions , sent by the Ministers of Old - England , Answer by certaine Theses , which I set downe and examine . 1. The conversion of sinners followeth not alwayes the preaching of every one that is in lawfull office of the Ministery . 2. When conversion doth follow , it doth not follow from the preaching of a Pastor , or by vertue of his office , but by the blessing of God. Answ. 1. The former reason is most weake , conversion followeth not alway upon Christs preaching , and the Apostles their preaching did not alwayes produce conversion : but I pray you because they were not efficacious meanes of conversion , doth it follow , Therefore they were not ordinary meanes ? I thinke not . 2. The second is as weake , Conversion followeth not upon the preaching of a Pastor by vertue of his office , but by the blessing of God. What ? Ergo , Pastorall preaching is not an ordinary meane of conversion ? neither doth conversion follow upon preaching , by vertue of the gift , no more then by vertue of the office , but by the blessing of God : Ergo , neither is preaching of a gifted man , the ordinary mean of conversion , as you teach , nor are the Sacraments by this reason , ordinary meanes to seale up our communion with Christ , and the graces of the Covenant , for Sacraments are efficacious meanes onely by the blessing of God , and not by vertue of the office ; We doe not hold that the office hath influence , either in the word preached , or in the Soules of people , but it followeth not that the Pastorall preaching of these who are sent , Rom. 10. 14. Esa. 40. 9. and that with Pastorall authority , are not the meanes appointed of God for conversion , but here they confound meanes , actu primo , lawfull and ordinary , with meanes efficacious , and , in actu secundo , blessed with successe from the Lord. This we acknowledge ( say they ) that sound conversion of sinners , argueth that the instruments of such conversion were sent of God , Rom. 10. 14 , 15. Jer. 23. 32. yet we dare not say that Gods word is not effectuall to conversion , unlesse the man that speaketh it be a Minister , that is , a Church-officer , the contrary being evident , Joh. 4. 10. Act. 8. 4. Matth. 11. 19 , 21. 1 Cor. 7. 16. and to say so , mere to limit the Spirit of God , where he hath not limited himselfe . 1 Cor. 12. 11. 1 Cor. 1. 27. 29. Answ. 1. Sending Rom. 10. 14. is an officiall and authoritative sending , not onely a bare gifting and habilitating of the man sent , for it is such a sending , as the sending of Prophets , whose feete were pleasant upon the mountaines , and the watchmen who lift up their voice , Esa. 52. 7 , 8. Nah. 1. 15. and this is not a naked gifting , but besides they were commanded by God to speake , and so had authority : now though private Christians be instruments of conversion , yet it followes no wayes , that they are preachers sent of God , in the sense that the Scripture speaketh , Rom. 10. 14. 15. and farre lesse in the sense that is spoken , Jer. 23. 32. for it is said these who prophecie lyes in Gods name , and were not sent , shall profit the people nothing ; now the sending denyed to be in these false teachers , is not onely want of gifts , but want of an authoritative command of God to preach , as is cleare , v. 21. I have not sent these Prophets , yet they ranne ; I have not spoken unto them , yet they prophecyed . When it is said , The word of the Lord came to Jeremiah , to Ezekiel , &c. the meaning is not that Jeremiah was gifted onely , but beside 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an hability to prophecy , the Lord gave him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authority by a speciall Commandement , saying , Go speake , Loe I have sent thee , &c. Now this immediate Commandement from God himselfe speaking from heaven , or in a vi●on , is not in the Churches of the New Testament , yet God speaketh by the Elders and Presbytery to Pastors now , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Tit. 1. 9. 10. except you I say with Arminians and Socinians , there is no neede now of the Churches sending , all gifted may preach the Gospell , without any Church-call . 3. This consequence is loose , conversion of sinners argueth that the instruments were sent of God ; Ergo , the Preaching of Pastors ●● Pastors is not the ordinary meane of conversion . Lastly , We deny not but private Christians may be instruments of conversion , but the places which afterward shall be examined , prove not the point , that Pastorall preaching , in a constitute Church , is not the ordinary meane , but your Doctrine is that Pastors as Pastors doe onely confirme those in the faith , who are already converted , but that they convert none at all , as Pastors , but that the onely ordinary meanes of conversion , and of planting of men in formall state of Church-membership are men gifted to preach , and not Pastors by office ; Sending ( say they ) sometimes importeth but an act of Gods providence , whereby men are gifted , and permitted to do such a thing , though they be not commanded of God , nor do in obedience to God , but for sinisterous ends , so God sent the King of Assyria , Esay 10. 6. 2 King. 24. 2. So they that preached of envy , Phil. 1. 15. are sent : So Balaam was sent . 2. Some are sent who beside gifts and permission , have also a sincere mind to imploy their gifts , God by his Spirit stirring them up , 1 Joh. 7. 18. 3. Those are sent of God , who have both gifts , permission , and a sincere mind to imploy their gifts , and withall a lawfull calling to the office : if men want a lawfull calling to that office of the ministery , and are not sent of God the third way , yet may they preach and convert soules , as sent of God , the first and second way . Answ. 1. There should have beene places of Scripture to prove that Balaam and the enviers of Paul , Phil. 1. 15. who preached Christ of envy , were sent the first way : for Balaam prophecied of the Starre of Iacob , as one lawfully sent and a called Prophet , as all other Prophets , ( though hee was not a gracious man ) for Numb . 24. 2. Balaam saw the visions of God , and the Spirit of God came upon him . 4. He saw the visions of the Almighty , and fell in a trance : and Isaiah , Ieremiah , Ezekiel had no other calling as Prophets , though in zeale and simplicitie of prophecying , they differed from Balaam : and Paul would never have rejoyced that these teachers preached Christ , Phil. 1. 15. if they had without all calling of God preached Christ ; doubtlesse they had a calling of the Church to preach , except you thinke that none have a calling , as called pastors , but those who are converted . 3. By this distinction you hold that men may be ordinary Preachers gifted , and so sent of God to preach , and may and doe convert soules , though they have no calling of the Church ; which unsound doctrine the Arminians and Socinians hold this day : for they teach , 1. That all gifted persons may preach the Gospel , and convers soules . 2. That all who are gifted to preach , are sent and lawfully called to preach , though the Church doe not call them . 3. That now since the Gospell is sufficiently revealed , and the Apostles are dead , there is required no calling of the Church , to make one a Lawfull minis●er : And your Arguments they have , and you have their Arguments to evert all ministerie and order of calling of pastors ; so teach the Arminians , and so Episcopius ; disp . 26. thes . 4. 5. Necessitatem missionis jam cessare dicendum est , ac p●inde fas licitumve esse homini Christian● , non tantum in magno necessitatis casu , aut in enormi ecclesiae defectione , sed quovis etiam tempore v●rbum divinum docere , si ad docendum sit idoneus , & qui doari v●lunt , id serio & obnixè postulant . So doe the Socinians , A● lr . Roddeccius in not is in lib. Smiglecii pag. 3. Confitemur & olim ●●l●sie ministros vocari potuisse , imo vocatos fuisse , & nunc etiam voc●ri posse ; in vero id quod olim factum est , & hodie fieri potest , ad m●nus ministrorum requiratur , hoc vere & perpetuo quaeritur ; Cat●ch si● Raccoviensis , cap. 11. 305. 306. Cum per hujusmodi , ex praes●ripto Apostolicae doctrinae constituuntur , & in his duabus rebus praest ●ut , vitae innocontiâ & ad docendum aptitudine , propter ejusmodi constitutionem apud omnes authoritatem suam merito in venire debent . Smaleius in refut . thes . D. Frantzii parte 2. disp . 4. pag. 377. Hoc enim in questione est , an hujusmodi constitutio sit prorsus necessaria ad constituendum verbi dei ministrum : hoc autem nos negamus , nihil enim tale , ( quod caput reiest ) in descriptione eorum , quae ad episcopum constituendum requiritur , nec uspiam judicatum vel levissime videmus , cum qui talis sit , postea vocari , & mittiab aliquo debere , imo posse aliquem per se munus tale concupiscere vel aff●ctare manifeste scriptum legimus . Theoph. Nicolaid . in refut . tract . de miss . ministrorum cap. 10. pag. 80 , 87. 88. Munus docendi non tam est honos , quam labor , laborem autem semper sumere li●et , h●ores non item : & pag. 91. Docet Paulus rect● id fieri posse , unumqu●mque munus docendi aggredi , m●do ad id aptus sit , quod aggredi cogitat , vel cupit . Quest. II. Whether or not all gifted persons may preach the Word of God publikely , and ordinarily , for the gathering in of soules to Christ , though they be destitute of all officiall authoritie , or Church calling to that ministery ? Our brethren hold all gifted persons not in office may ordinarily preach publikely ; So teach Mr. Robinson in a Treatise intituled The peoples ple t for prophecying , the Arguments of which booke I shall shortly discusse . Hence these considerations . 1. Distinct. There is one power of publike preaching in a Church not constitute , and another in a Church constitute ; gifted persons in extraordinary cases , where a Church is not planted , may publikely preach , but the case is otherwise in a Church constituted . 2. Distinct. Pastors not onely as gifted men , but as Pastors are ●illed of God , for the conversion of soules , and the visible Church is Christs visible kingdome , and visible society , to make persons members of the invisible Church of the first borne . 3. Dist. Publike preaching , as it is the ordinary meane of saving such as beleeve , is proper and peculiar to the Church , both subjectively , as being onely in the Church , and objectively as being onely exercised on the Church members , perse , but upon P●gans by accident . 4. Dist. There is a call to an habituall and ordinary prophe●ying , here is required not onely a calling by gifts , but also a collation of authoritie to the office , either immediately by God , or mediately by the Church , and there is a call to some particular or occasionall acts of exhorting , as the Martyrs and Stephen are called to give consession of their faith , and a King in battell , to exhort his army , or a Prince his Subjects to piety , and to this latter there is no other call required , but the place and profession of the exhorter , though hee bee not by office a Pastor . 5. Dist. There is a formall calling of the Church , as the laying on of the hands of the Elders , and a virtuall and interpretative calling or tacite approbation of the Church , when learned men of eminent gifts , not in office , do write Commentaries , Sermons on Canonick Scriptures , and tractates resuting heresies ; to this the tacite approbation of the Church is required , but these have not ordinary pastorall care , nor are they the ordinary converters of soules to Christ , as the pretended Prophets of Separatists are . 6. Dist. Gifted Christians may occasionally admonish , warne , rebuke and exhort one another ; 1. privately ; 2. without any Pastorall care of soules as they are a Church , but onely as they occasionally converse with them ; 3. Excommuni officio charitatis , by the Law of nature , charitie tying one member to helpe another ; 4. Not authoritatively by speciall office ; but all authoritie here is from the word occasionally spoken . The Pastor is to preach , 1. Publikely ; 2. To the Church as the Church . 3. With a pastorall obligation to all alike , whether he converse daily with them or not . 4. Not onely by the tie of common Charitie , but by a vertue of a speciall office . 5. With authority both objective from the word , and officiall from his charge . 6. And is obli●ged to separate himselfe for this charge allanerly , as a watchman who must give an account in a speciall manner to Jesus Christ. Our brethren hold that the ordinary and established way in the Church of Christ to the end of the world , is that all that are converted are made fit materialls for the visible Church by private Christians , as gifted of God to preach publikely , and to gather a true Church to Christ. 2. That none unconverted , as they are such , are under any pastorall care of Christs officers . 3. That Pastors as Pastors , doe convert none , but onely confirme those who are already converted ; and that if Pastors shall convert any to Christ , it is by accident , as we say , with Aristotle , Musicus curat aegrotum , a Musician cureth a sick man , which he doth no wayes as a musician : for Pastors doe convert as gifted persons , and not as Pastors , and conversion of soules is no proper Church-worke , but accidentall to Pastors . But that none can take on him lawfully to preach the Word publikely , in the established and ordinarily approved way of Christ for the conversion of soules , but he who is not only gifted , but also called thereunto by God and his Church , I prove . 1. Argum. If faith come ordinarily by hearing a Pastor sent of God , and such Pastors as are called messengers with good newes , and watchmen not onely gifted , but also instructed with authority of office , then are not gifted persons , because gifted , called of God to be ordinary converters of soules . But the former is true , Rom. 10. 14. for they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of these the Prophet saith , Isa. 52. 8. Thy watchmen shall lift up the voyce . And it is thus confirmed , That Gospel which is the power of God and the wisedome of God to those who are saved , is the Gospel preached by such as are sent both to preach and baptise : but the Gospel preached by gifted men , only out of office , is not the Gospel preached by those who are sent both to preach and to baptise : Ergo , the Gospel preached by onely gifted persons voyd of all office , is not the power and wisdom of God to those who are saved . The assumption is granted , for gifted men out of office may not lawfully baptise . I prove the proposition , 1 Cor. 1. 23. but wee preach Christ , &c. That this [ wee ] is to bee understood of those who are sent both to preach and baptise , is cleare , vers . 17. But Christ sent mee not to baptise , but to preach , that is , he sent mee not to baptise principally , Ergo , in one and the same Patent from heaven , Paul was warranted to preach , and to baptise , as one commission is given , Matth. 28. 19. to teach all Nations , and to baptise , yea it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it is such a preaching as must bee backed with the sealing by baptisme ; also if he had meant that preaching was not peculiar to Apostles and other successors , hee should have said . But yet preach Christ crucified , &c. for Separatists do teach , with Socinians , that there was a multitude of unofficed Prophets at Corinth . Robinson , as if he had learned in Socinus his schoole , saith to this , But for the word sending which he so much urgeth , it must bee knowne , that all who teach lawfully are sent by Christ , in respect of their personall gifts and graces , so ordinary officers are not sent by those who appoint them to minister , as was the extraordinary Apostles sent by Christ who appointed them . Sending importeth a passeth of the sent from the sender to another , and so the Apostles were sent by Christ to preach the Gospel to the Jewes and Gentiles , and so are not Pastors sent by the Church ( which calleth them ) unto others , but to minister unto her selfe , after the exercise of publike ministery is ended , the Church doe publikely exhort and require , as the Rulers doe Paul and Barnabas , Act 13. 14. that if they have any word of exhortation , they would say on . Answ. Surely Mr. Yates , and wee both have much for us to urge the necessitie of sending , except men would runne unsent , and so be guilty of intrusion , for so doth the Scripture , Exod. 28. 1. Take to thee Aaron thy brother , &c. Numb . 1. 49. Thou shalt appoint the Levits over the Tabernacle of the Testimony , and over all the vessels , and all that belongeth thereunto : so saith Hezekiah to the Levites , The Lord hath chosen you to stand before him , and to minister unto him : Esay 6. 8. And I heard the voyce of the Lord saying , Whom shall I send , and who shall goe for me ? 9. and hee said , goe and say to this people , Jerem. 1. 4. And the Word of the Lord came unto me , saying , v. 5. Hos. 1. 1. and the Word of the Lord came to me , Heb. 1. 1. Joh. 1. 6. There was a man sent of God , Luk. 3. 2. Matth. 10. 5. Those twelve Jesus sent forth , Isa. 48. 16. Isa. 61. 1. Heb. 5. 4. Joh. 20. 21. Matth. 28. 19. Mark 16. 15. Rom. 11. 1. Rom. 1. 1. Gal. 1. 1. Act. 14. 13. Paul and Barnabas ordained Elders in every Church , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 ●im . 2. 2 , 3. Tit. 1. 9 , 10. If you urge not sending , you goe from the Scriptures . 2. He saith all who lawfully teach are sent of God in respect of personall gifts . But 1. where doth the holy Ghost speake so in the Scripture ? All then who have gifts to be Kings and Magistrates are sent of God to the throne and bench ? what bloody confusions would hence fellow ? Yea if they have gifts to bee Kings and do not all flie to the throne , they resist the calling of God , and sinne in so doing , as Jonah did , and hide their Lords Talent . 2. Women in whose lipps is the Law of grace , Prov. 31. 26. and who are to teach the younger women , Tit. 2. 3. 4. are so sent of God to preach ; O but ( say they ) they are forbidden to preach . I answer , true , then ( to be gifted to preach : ) is not all one with this ( to bee sent to preach ) for to bee sent to preach of God , is to be commanded to preach . If then women bee sent in respect of gifts , they are commanded to preach , and that by God , and yet Gods Word forbiddeth them to preach ; Ergo , that same will of God revealed doth command and forbid one and the same thing , which is absurd . Ergo , to be gifted is not to be sent to preach . 3. You here clearely side with Arminians and So●inians , for Episcopius a requireth no more to preaching , but that the man bee idoneous and apt to teach . And b Theoph Nocolaides , that there be in him an holy life and aptitudo ad docendum alios , aptitude to teach others . 4. Arminians and Socinians teach that the sending , Rom. 10. 14. and other places are meant of extraordinary sending which is now ceased , since the Apostles are dead . So ( c ) Episcopius d and Arminians in their confession . e Socinus f Ostorodius expound the place , Rom. 10. 14. Paulum de suo duntaxat tempore loqui , and so there is no need of sending now : and Robinson sympathizing with them , saith , Ordinary officers are not sent now by the Church , as the Apostles were then sent of Christ ; but the professors of Leyden g refuting the Arminians , say there is a necessitie of sending now as there was then , and h Calvin , i Beza , k Paraeus accord to this , that Paul speaketh of ordinary calling . 4. The Word of God differenceth the giving of gifts to the ministery , and the giving of authoritie , and sending authoritative by a lawfull calling , the one being collatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other 〈◊〉 , as Matth. 10. 1. Then he called the twelve , and gave them power , and v. 5. their sending and gifting by authoritie is cleare , these twelve he sent out : So Jer. 1. 5. I have separated thee , &c. this is calling and sending , & v. 9. Then the Lord put forth his hand and touched my mouth , this is a giving of gifts , and Isa. 1. 1. Isaiah is gifted when he saw the visions of God , but Chap. 6. 7. he is sent and receiveth authority to goe , beside that v. 8 , 9. and Job . 20. when Christ breathed upon the Disciples , hee giveth them the gifts of the holy Spirit , but when he saith , Go and teach , and as my father sent me , so send I you , he giveth them authoritie and sendeth them : yea though Prophets did prophecie true things that should come to passe , yet were they false Prophets , De●t . 13. 1 , 2. because the Lord sent them not . And for the place , Rom. 10 , 14. cited from Isa. 52. though Prophets hearing Isaiah and Jeremiah prophecie of the peoples returne from Babylon , should prophecy the same that Isaiah and Jeremiah had prophecied , yet not being sent of God , they should have beene false Prophets : and after the Spirit is entered unto Ezecbiel , ch . 2. 2. and so he is gifted , yet is there another sending , v. 3. then said the Lord unto me , &c. And might ( I pray you ) Baruch have preached all his Master Jeremiahs Prophecies ? But I thinke that should not have made him a Prophet : yea and Christ in whom was all fulnesse of gifts and grace , Job . 1. 16. Col. 2. 9. yet tooke not on him to be a Priest of the New Testament till he was called of God , as Aaron , Heb. 5. 4 , 5. Job . 1. 18. and Calvin , Musculus , Gualter , expone the Prophets and Pastors , prophecying peace , Isa. 52. to be the Prophets , who not onely were gifted to preach , but sent with speciall authority , to prophecie the peoples deliverance out of Babylon . And lastly , by this also have the gifted Prophets a calling of God , to administrate the Sacraments , because , if to be gifted , be to be sent of God , certainly they are gifted to administrate the Sacraments no lesse then to preach , and so l saith the Arminians , with their Socinians , as m Socinus and n Smalcius , If they say , Christ requireth a particular Minister to the Sacraments , but not so to the word : I answer , to pastorall preaching he requireth also a peculiar minister , as our brethren teach , from Act. 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5 4. 5. but to teaching by vertue of a gift any gifted man is sufficient : the same distinction may as well hold that there is a pastorall administration of the Sacraments and a common administration of them by vertue of a gift , yea and o Gerardus observeth well , that to the calling of the ministery belongeth the administration of the Sacraments , as a speciall part thereof , 1 Cor. 12. 29. Ephes. 4. 11. Jam. 3. 1. 7. yea and if ministers bee stewards , 1 Cor. 4. 12. are they not dispensators of the Sacraments , by their office , as of the Word ? 5. Robinson giveth for shame a sort of calling to the unofficed Prophets , to wit , that the Church requireth them , if they have a word of exhortation , to speake on , as Act. 13. But 1. not his Church , but the rulers required Paul and Barnabas to speake . 2. The Rulers knew them to be Apostles and Pastors by office , for there were Prophets there , Chap. 14. 1. but the Apostles would have none to preach , as Pastors by office , but such as are proved , and authorized by the Elders , 1 Tim. 3. 10. ch . 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2 , 3. 3. This calling of the Church is onely for orders cause in the constitute Church , but a thing not necessary by divine institution , and so the Socinians . So Smalcius p teach us that the Churches sending and calling in the Apostolick Church was a custome , 〈◊〉 decorum arbitramur ( saith Smalcius ) u● id observaretur ; and and so saith q Andr. Raddecius , and the r Arminians have also the same distinction : But this place approveth not that every by person ( so to speake ) might preach in the Jewes Synagogues . 2. Argum. If Christ ascending on high led captivitie captive , and gave gifts unto men , some to be Apostles and some Pastors and Doctors , and that for the gathering of Christs body , and if some , not all are Prophets , 1 Cor. 12. 29. then hath God appointed Pastors in office to bee the ordinary gatherers of soules in to Jesus Christ , and if this bee not said , when hee ascended on high , hee made all private Christians de jure , preachers to edifie publikely the whole Church , and if any bee not gifted , it is their owne fault , for they are obliged to bee such . 3. Argum. He who Matth. 10. 42. contradistinguisheth the prophet and the righteous man , as different persons , and having different rewards , he doth not acknowledge a righteous man to be a Prophet , hoc ipso , because he is a righteous man. But Christ doth contradistinguish them , v. 41. He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet , shall receive a Prophets reward , and he that receiveth a righteous man , in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward ; Ergo , Christ acknowledgeth them to differ . Now if a righteous man , hoc ipso , because hee is a righteous man , and a member of the Church , should exercise these same specifice acts with a Prophet , that is , if hee should publikely preach to convert soules , he should by this place bee a Prophet , and the reward of a Prophet should be given to the receiver of the righteous man , yea and more then the reward of a Prophet , in respect he is both a righteous man , and a Prophet . 4. To all Prophets a speciall promise of Gods assistance and presence is made in the word , as Jerem. 1. 18 , 19. Matth. 28. 20 Luk. 21. Verse 14. 15. Act. 9. Verse 17. But to these who are not prophets by office , there is no such promise in the word ; Ergo , 5. All that are sent of God as ordinary converters of soules from the kingdome of darkenesse to the kingdome of Jesus Christ , must seeke out fit words , as the Preacher did , Eccles. 12. 11. 12. hee must convince and judge the hearer , and make manifest the secrets of the heart , as 1 Cor. 14. 24 , 25. he must cut the word aright , as a Timothy , 2 Tim. 2 15. he must give every one of the house meate in due season , Matth. 24. 46. he must know and try the wayes of the people , Jerem. 11. 18. When he seeth the sword comming , he must warne the wicked to turne from his evill way , Ezech. 3. 18 , 19. Hee must watch for soules , as one who is to give an account , Heb. 13. 17. Hee must exhort the people to bee reconciled to God , and this hee must pray and request in Christs stead , 2 Cor. 5. 20. And hee must give himselfe wholly to reading , 1 Tim. 4. 15 , 16. And not intangle himselfe with any 〈◊〉 calling , 2 Tim. 2. 4. All these cannot be done by Prophets not in office . And all these are duties of Pastors in office , and to ty private Christians , who are commanded to attend their owne callings were unreasonable , and repugnant to the Word of God. The proposition is cleare ; no man can preach , but hee who must give himselfe to reading , and must watch and speake to the present case of the hearers ; but especially such Preachers as are the onely ordinary converters of soules to Christ , must give warning that the unrighteous die not in his sinne : now to say that all these were duties incumbent to merchants , artificers , fashioners , carpenters , cloathiers , were to mocke the word of God , and to say , these and these onely were the gatherers of a Church , and Kingdome to Christ , were unknowne Divinity . 6. All Prophets are set downe in Christs roll of lawfull officers . 2. The rules and canons for the right exercise of their ministery is set downe , especially seeing these pretended prophets are presumed to be the greatest part of the visible Church . 3. The onely ordinary gainers of soules to Christs kingdome and visible Church , even to the second comming of Jesus Christ. 4. Seeing the Lord doth so often complaine of idle Pastors , of dumbe dogges , by whose sleeping , soules are losed . Now this Argument for the proposition seemeth most reasonable . In the old Testament Priests , Levites , Prophets ; and all the edifying officers are set downe there , and so are the officers and canons anent their government set downe in the New Testament , Eph. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. 28. 1 Tim. 3. 2 Tim. 2. Act. 2. 17 , 18. Io●l 2. 28. Act. 20. 28. But no such things are written in the old or new Testament of gifted Prophets not in office . 7. All lawfull officers have power authoritatively from Iesus Christ to remit and to retaine sinnes , by the preaching of the Word . But Preachers out of office have no such power , Ergo , Preachers out of office , are not lawfull Preachers . The proposition is , Ioh. 20. 21. The assumption is evident , for where are they sent as the Father sent his Sonne Christ ? and that promise is made onely to the Apostles , and to their successors , Prophets without office are not the successors of the Apostles . a Robinson saith , the commission there given is peculiar to the Apostles onely , and confirmed by the miraculous inbreathing of the holy Ghost , and by them to be dispensed principally to unbeleevers , of all which nothing is common to ordinary officers , but else where , this power is given to the whole Church , Matth. 16. 17. 1 Cor. 5. 2 Cor. 6. 6. Yea to every faithfull brother , Matth. 16. 18. Ch. 18. 15. Luk. 17. 3. This is that which Anabaptists teacheth ( as b Chemnitius saith ) and the very doctrin of c Ostorodius , d Nicolaides , e Socinus , but except the miraculous inbreathing of the holy Ghost , there is nothing here peculiar to the Apostles onely : for the loosing and retaining of sinne , is nothing but binding and loosing of the sinnes , and this is nothing but the forgiving and retaining of sinne by the preaching of the word , and censures of the Church , and that binding and loosing , Matth. 16. is not given to the whole Church of beleevers , for the Text saith no such thing , but power of the keyes is given to Peter , that is , to the Church-guides the successors of Peter . 2. Authoritative power of forgiving of sinne , is not Matth. 18. said to bee ratified in heaven , but onely when the Church doth bind and loose ; and forgiving , Luk. 17. is betwixt sister and sister , who have not power to bind and loose in heaven . 8. All Prophets are either ordinary or extraordinary , as is cleare in Gods Word ; extraordinary now are not in the Church , and the ordinary Prophets now are not gifted to preach the Word , except as Timothy , from their youth they have beene trained up in the Scriptures , and have learning , sciences , knowledge of the tongues , if he would bee a man able to teach others , 2 Tim. 2. 3. 1 Tim. 3. hee must meditate , reade , and give himselfe wholly to these things , 1 Tim. 3. 15 , 16. and so must leave his calling contrary to the Apostle his commandement , 1 Cor. 7. 20 , 21 , 22. 1 Thess. 4. 11. Ephes. 4. 28. but if hee have a gift for publicke preaching , he is to separate himselfe for it , seeing a gift is a token of Gods separation . Quest. III. Whether the Arguments of Mr. Robinson for the p●ophecying of private persons , not in office , doe strongly conclude ? I shall set them downe in order and discusse them . If a Bishop must be apt to teach , then he must be tryed before he be● admitted to the office . Ergo , while be is o●t of office he must prophecie . Answ. This Argument concludeth not the Question , for by as good reason the sonnes of the Prophets or young Prophets , who behoved to exercise their gift , as 1 Sam. 10. 5. 2 King. 2. 7. 2 King. 4. 1. 1 King. 20. 35. before they bee fully received as Prophets , must be prophets and officers not in office differing from Prophets in office , even as their lay Prophets are different from Pastors , but an apprentise of a trade is not a different tradesman from the master to whom hee serves as apprentise , but he is onely different from him in degree . But their Lay-Prophets are tradesmen , not sonnes of the Prophets , not ayming at the pastorall charge , but ordinary officers for converting of soules , and doe differ from Pastors , as those who are non-Pastors , differ from Pastors . Robinson . If the Lords gifting of Eldad and Medad , Numb . 11. 29. with the spirit of prophecying , inabling them to prophecy , and made them extraordinary Prophets , why should not by due proportion an ordinary gift inabling a man to an ordinary prophecy , serve also to make him an ordinary Prophet ? Now Moses in wishing that all the people were Prophets , wisheth as well the use , as possession of the gift . Answ. The Jewes say that Eldad and Medad were of the 70. Elders , upon whom was powred part of that spirit of prophecy , that was on Moses , and they say they were written in the 70. papers , but not elected , because they drew the papers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a part and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Senex , but it is not like Joshu● would have envied if they had beene now Judges , or that Moses would have likened them unto the people . However , prophets they were . But both the Antecedent is false , and the consequence nulle , for if you meane by the Lords gifting of Eldad and Medad , a naked and a bare revealing to them of the visions of God , without an impulsive commandement from God , setting them on action to prophecie , ( this impulsion is an authoritative sending and calling , ) the antecedent is false , for that gifting of them onely made them able , but not formally authorized Prophets : but if the gifting of them did include both the gift and the command of God , to use the gift , as certainly it did , now the consequence is null , for the naked giving of an ordinary gift , except God by himselfe , and now by the authority of his Church , command the use of the gift , no gifted man , because gifted , is by and by a Prophet , but he must have a commandement ecclesiasticke now to preach , as Eldad and Medad had impulsive commandement to prophecy ; and if any be gifted by an ordinary way as Eldad and Medad was extraordinarily , then they are to be thrusted out to the pastorall calling , and none but a fleshly man will envie them . Robinson , 2 Chron. 17. 7. Jehos●aphat sent his Princes to preach or teach in the cities of Iudah , and with them the Levites , so the 70. Interpreters , so Pagnine , so Ierom , and the English translation : Ergo , Princes are Prophets not in office , who may teach . Answ. 1. Doctor Alexander Colveill my reverent colleague , and as learned , so well experienced in the Hebrew , saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and noteth the accusative case , and is to bee read ; And he sent the Princes , as Buxtorfius noteth , Thesaur . l. 1. e. 12. and this Chaldaisme is to be seene in these bookes of the Chronicles written after the Captivitie , as 2 Chron. 5. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they might praise Jehovah , and Chap. 32. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he writ letters also , to raile on the Lord , and so the parallell place , 2 King. 19. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the place , as the Doctor citeth , is well exponed by R. Salomon Iarc●i in his Commentary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , it was proper to the Priests and Levites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to teach & instruct , as it is written , Deut. 24. 28. according to al that the Priests and Levites shal teach you , do yee ; but the Princes went with them lest they should have rebelled against their words , that they might compell them to obey , &c. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in pihel signifieth this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in kall , didicit , in pihel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he caused him to learne , Dan. 1. 3 , 4. Nebuchadnezzar commanded also Penaz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to teach them learning and the language of Chaldea ; that honorable Courtier was not a Schoolemaster to teach the children of the captivitie himselfe , but he did it by others . The King of Syria saith to the King of Israel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou shall cure Naaman of his leprosie ; the Maide exponed it , thou shalt cure him by another , Elisha shall cure him . Pilat scourged Jesus , but Livius saith , the Judge said to a burrio , i. Lictor , colliga manus : so Deut. 31. 22. Moses therefore writ this song the same day , and taught it , v. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teach them this song , and put it in their mouth . It was impossible that Moses in his owne person , could teach the people , and put this song in their mouth , therefore he behooved to teach them by the Priests and Levites , as 24. 25. 2. The Hebrewes may read so , but he sent to his princes , for the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a note of the accusative case , of the dative , of the genitive , or of the accusative case with a certaine motion as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to David , or of David . Valet Haebraeis ( inquit Schindlerus ) ad , in , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super , and it noteth a motion to a thing , Gen. 2. 22. & aedificavit , he made the rib in a woman 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iud. 8. 27. and Gideon made it in an Ephod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Sam. 4. They annointed David 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee King. Then it must bee read , hee sent to the Princes , Benchail , &c. to teach in the Cities of Iudah , v. 8. and with them he sent Levites , v. 9. and they taught in Iudah : there is not the least signification in the Text that the Princes taught . Robinson . Princes and Iudges are to open and expone the Law by which they governe , else they governe with tyranny . Answ. Judges are to convince the theefe and the murtherer , 1. In a coactive way , not in an ecclesiastick way . 2. As these sinnes are troublesonie and hurtful to the State and Common-wealth . 3 That others may feare to hurt the State by the like sinnes , not that the malefactors may be converted to God , and their soules may be saved ; but your lay-Prophets simpliciter , not in ordine ad paenam , are the onely ordinary converters of soules . Robinson . There is an excellent Sermon ( saith he ) of Iel oshaphats to the Iudges , 2 Chron. 19. 6. and to the Levites , 9. 10. and a divine prayer , 8. 20. and Hezekiah hath an excellent Sermon to the Priests and Levites , in the very Temple , 2 Chron. 29. 4 , 5. And Nehemiah taught the people the Law of the Lord : Kings are Shepheards and feeders , not onely by government , but also by instruction . Answ. 1. These Sermons of Iehoshaphat and Hezekiah were first in time of extraordinary defections , when the Priests ( whose it were to teach the people ) were corrupted and turned dumbe dogs . 2. They were Sermons of Propheticall instinct and divine impulsions , as the very stile of them cleareth , and therefore cannot warrant Christian Princes to bee ordinary Prophets , except you make the King a nationall Pastor over Pastors , and two thousand Congregations ; for if , as Prince , hee bee their Pastor , he is equally Pastor and teacher to all these Congregations , and he must be as Prince , obliged to bee a Prophet to convert all : How exclude they a Pastor of Pastors and a diocesian prelate , who introduce a nationall Pastor ? Yea how deny we a Pope , if the King carry both the swords , both of the spirit as a Prophet , and that ordinarily , by his calling to feed soules , and the civill sword to take vengeance upon evill doers ? for whosoever preacheth the word of God as a Prophet , hath the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven committed unto him , to bind and loose , to remit and retaine sinnes on earth , and in heaven , for the preached Gospell is the keyes of the kingdome , as is the power of Church censures . Then must the Kings have both keyes of Church and State , and what hindereth but they admit the King as King , and a nationall Pastor , to be the head of the Church under Christ. 3. Consider the King as a Christian and gifted with learning , hee is parens patriae , and publick nurse father of the Church , and may occasionally upon some extraordinary exigent , at the meeting of the States , or when his armies are going out to battell , make use of the Word of God , to exhort them to generall duties of Religion , and Justice , and to be prepared for meeting with eternitie and judgement ; and this he doth as a Christian father , his subjects being his children : but what is this to inferre that the King as King is a Prophet , and an ordinary feeder of soules ex officio , by office , and that by knowledge and instruction , as Robinson saith , and an ordinary converter of soules , and such a Prophet as doth preach in the Church ordinarily , to the edifying of the Church , and conviction and conversion of Infidels , and gathering of a people to God , as they say of their Prophets out of office , 1 Cor. 14. 4 , 5. 12. 23 , 24 , 25. 31. And upon the same ground a King who hath the spirit of adoption , may publikely pray , as Jeboshaphat did for the Lord of hosts his presence , to goe out with his Armies against the enemies of the Gospel , but à speciei positione ad generis positionem male sequitur , hee may be the peoples mouth to God in such an exigence , and hee may give a word of exhortation anent duties generall of good subjects ; Ergo , hee is an ordinary Prophet , for the ordinary preaching of the Gospel to all his Subjects ; it is a loose and vaine collection . Lastly , Nehemiah a Prince taught the people , saith he . I answer , Nehemiah was a Prophet and Author of Canonick Scripture , as was Salomon , and therefore his teaching proveth not the point , Nehem. 1. v. 1. Nor can I finde where Nebemiah preached or prophecied to the people at all , but that Ezra the Scribe , Nehem. 8. and the Levites , Chap. 8. 〈◊〉 9. ( which Robinson citeth without warrant ) did instruct and ●each the people . Robinson . And if it were not ( saith he ) the received order in Israel of old for men out of office to speake and teach in publicke , how did Scribes , Pharisees and Lawyers teach publickly among the Jewes , of whom yet many were not Levites , or Churchmen , but indifferently of any tribe ? Phil. 3. 5. and how was Iesus admitted to dispute in the Temple with the Doctors , Luk. 2. 46. and to preach in the Synagogues , Matth. 9. 35. Luk. 4. 16 , 17. and how were Paul and Barnabas desired , if they had any word of exhortation , to say on ? Act. 13. 14. 15. For the rulers acknowledged Christ and Paul for no extraordinary Praphets , but onely admitted them to the use of their gifts . Answ. 1. It is great ignorance , if you thinke Scribes , Pharisees and expounders of the Law were not Prophets , because they were not of the Tribe of Levi , for Priests behooved onely to bee of the Tribe of Levi , but Prophets , as Ieremiah and others , were extraordinarily raised up of God out of any tribe , as Calvin well observeth , and all versed in Scripture , and that they were teachers in office is cleare , Matth. 23. 2. They sit in Moses his chaire , v. 13. 14. &c. and the office of teaching , though abused , is also ascribed by Christ , to the expounders of the Law , Luk. 11. 46. and what is said of Pharisees in taking away the key of knowledge , is said of them , v. 52. 2. Christs asking of questions , and that when hee was 12. yeares of age , all wondering at his learning , Luk. 2. 42. was no act of prophecying : and granting it had beene the practise of the Iewish Church to admit a child of twelve yeares to preach in the Temple , and to admit hand over head , tradesmen , and all to prophecy in the Temple , it is an Argument from their corrupt practise , à facto ad jus , and no more a rule for the preaching of fashioners , cloathiers , mariners , in the Temple , then the Jewes their taking up stones in the Temple to stone Christ : and it is knowne that Christ did not publickly prophesie in the Synagogues till he was baptized ( as all the learned thinke ) and while his name and fame spread abroad , that a great Prophet was arisen , Luk. 3. 21 , 22 , 23. Luk. 4. 14 , 15 , 16. Yea and the Pharisees knew him to be a teacher sent of God , Ioh. 3. 2. And all the people tooke him to be a Prophet , and therefore the rulers feared to apprehend him , and his doctrine and miracles got him the name of a Prophet sent of God , and Paul and Barnabas were known to be teachers in office , else the rulers would not have desired a word of exhortation , for they did not invite strangers promiscuously to prophesie , and this you onely say , but doe not prove , and is more for us nor against us . Robinson alleadgeth a place out of Ieremiah , 50. 3. 4. where it is said , That Israel and Iudah in a spirituall conference shall incourage ●●● another ( as Calvin saith ) to repentance , and to joyne themselves to the true Church ; which is nothing for publicke prophecying , for thus much private Christians , yea all that feare God , women not excepted , may doe in Christian conference , as is cleare , Zach. 8. 21. Mal. 3. 16. Psal. 42. 4. Esa. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. Heb. 3. 13. Heb. 10. 23 , 24 , 25. The fourth place which he bringeth is , Matth. 10. v. 1. ● . 6. Christ sent out the twelve Disciples to preach the Kingdome of ●eaven to the lost sheepe of the house of Israel , but they were not Apostles or Preachers in office , till his resurrection , but onely Apostles elect as you say , the major elect ; For 1. they received not commission till after Christs resurrection , Ioh. 20. 22. 23. Matth. 28. 19 , 20. 2. The least in the kingdome of God is greater then Iohn Baptist , for the Christian Church began not properly till his resurrection , and the Apostles being members of the Church of the New Testament , they could not be Apostles in office , before Christs death , except an adjunct be before the subject , and an officer before the incorporation , whereof he is an officer . 3. They were ignorant of many mysteries of Christ , his death , resurrection , nature of his Kingdome , Matth. 20. &c. which was unbeseeming Apostolick dignitie , to the which the highest degree if infallible revelation was requisite . 4. How did they returne , as non-residents to remaine with Christ till his death ? 5. Ephes. 4. 11. Christ till he ascended on high , and not till then , gave some to be Apostles , &c. Hence it must follow that the Disciples were Prophets not in office , and so did preach all this time . Answer . 1. I answer these frivolous reasons . 2. I prove they were Apostles , or at least Prophets in office , before Christs death and resurrection . And 1. They received not ample and largest commission to go and preach to all nations , before Christs resurrection , Matth. 28. 19. that is true , but what then ? Therefore they received no commission as Pastors in office to preach to Israel , not to the Gentiles or Samaritans , it no wayes followeth ; yea the contrary , a calling to a Pastorall charge they had , Matth. 10. 5. These twelve did Iesus send out , and commanded them saying , Goe , &c. And these directions and canons which concerne watchmen , 1 Tim. 3. are fully set downe , Matth. 10. when they receive both gifts , v. 1. and authoritie and a calling , v. 5. and speciall instructions , v. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. how they should discharge and acquit themselves in their ministery , the like whereof is never given to lay-Prophets ( I must crave leave to use this word . ) To the 2. I answer , That it is false that Christ died and lived a member of the Iewish Church onely , he received the Sacrament of baptisme as a member of the Christian Church , as hee was circumcised and keeped the Law of Moses , to testifie hee was a member of Jewish Church ; and it became him to bee a member of both Churches , who was to make of two one people , Ephes. 2. 15. And it is false that the Apostles were adjuncts of the Christian Church ; as Apostles invested in their full Apostolike dignity , to preach to all the world , they were parts and members , not adjuncts of the Catholick visible Church of Christians : when Pastors are called adjuncts of the visible Church , it is cleare that they are made but accidents of the visible Church , & so that the Ministery is not simply necessary to the visible Church , which is the wicked doctrin of a Arminians , b Episcopius , c Socinus , Nicolaides , d & the Anabaptists taught the same , as saith e Gasti●s , But though the Apostles , as invested with full Apostolick authority , be members of the Christian Church , and the New Ierusalem bee founded upon their doctrine , Ephes. 2. 20. Revel . 21. 14. yet this hindereth not , but as called Apostles and officers , limited to preach to losed Israel onely , Matth. 10. 5 , 6 , 7. they were members of the Jewish Church , and called Apostles . To the 3. I answer , ignorance of fundamentall points not fully proposed and revealed , if there bee a gratious disposition of saving faith , to beleeve these when they shall be revealed , such was as in the Lords Disciples , Matth. 16. 16 , 17. Luk. 12. 32. Luk. 22. 28 , 29. may well stand with the dignitie of young , and as yet limited Apostles , Matth. 10. 5 , 6 , 7. who had not yet received the holy Ghost , in that measure , Act. 1. 8 , 9. that was requisite for Apostles , in their full Apostolicke charge , and made infallible pen-men of Canonick Scriptures , sent to preach to all the world . To the 4. I answer , They were not non-residents , because they returned to reside with Christ after they had casten out devils , Ioh. 4. 1 , 2. ( which your lay-Prophets by your owne confession cannot lawfully doe ) not to bee idle , but to learne more , and to be eye and care witnesses of the doctrine , life , death , resurrection and ascension to glory of Christ , 2 Pet. 1. 16 , 17 , 18. 1 Joh. 1. 1 , 2 , 3. Matth. 26. 37 , 38 , 39. Luk. 24. 50 , 51 , 52. Joh. 20. 19 , 20. Act. 4. 20. which was necessary , that they might preach these things to the world . Nor is a Pastor in his studie attending , reading , as 1 Tim. 3. 15 , 16. though he be not , then teaching , a non-resident . To the 5. I say , when Christ ascended unto heaven , Ephes. 4. 11. He gave some to bee Apostles , &c. but that gifting of Apostles is not to restrict the institution of Apostles , to the precise time of his ascension : for you grant that after the Lords resurrection , and before his ascension they were ordained Apostles , Matth. 28. 19. Joh. 20. 23. but the full sending of the holy Spirit to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , is ascribed to his ascension as a speciall fruite of his ascension , Act. 1. 8 , 9. Joh. 16. v. 7 , 8 , 9. and therefore is their sending called an effect of the holy Spirit . For the second point , Giving and not granting that the Apostles were not Apostles , till after the resurrection , yet will it not follow , that they were lay-Prophets , or Prophets out of office , for they might have beene Pastors in office , though not Apostles in office , for there were beside these , others in the Jewish Church , else where were Scribes , Pharisees , Lawyers , Doctors , all sitters in Moses his chaire ? They were not Apostles sure ; what were they then ? all teachers out of office ? No ; If then I prove that the Apostles were teachers in office , though it were granted that they were not Apostles ( as in the fulnesse and plenitude thereof they were not ) till Christ arose from the dead , I prove as much as taketh this argument for lay-prophets out of their hands . But that they were not non-officed teachers , but called Apostles or Pastors , I prove . 1. Argum. Judas was chosen one of the twelve and an Apostle , Ergo , farre more were the rest . I prove the Antecedent , 1. Act. 20. Let another take his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his charge , 2. v. 17. He took part with us ( say they ) in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this ministery . 3. Matthias v. 25. was chosen in that place and Apostleship from which Judas fell . Now Lay-Prophets have no officiall Episcopacie , no Ministery , nor can any chosen in their place said to bee chosen to an Apostleship , Ioh. 6. 7. Have not I chosen you twelve ? this choosing was to an Embassage ; saith Cyrill , Augustine , Euthymius , and all our Divines with them . 2. Matth. 10. 2. These are the names of the twelve Apostles ▪ v. 5. he send them , What power he giveth to them in respect of al the world to remit and retaine sinnes , Iob. 20. that hee giveth to them toward the house of Israel , v. 11 , 12 , 13. under the name of offered peace , ( Magis & minus non variant speciem ) Mark. 13. 14. Mark. 3. 14. hee ordained twelve , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee made twelve to be with him , which he might send to preach , Luk. 9. 1. and he called the twelve , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be sent them , hee tooke them from their fishing , and made them fishers of men ; and Matth. 10. 10. hee calleth them workmen worthy of their hire : private Prophets are not gifted , nor sent , nor taken from their callings , nor are they workmen deserving stipend , for that is due to Prophets by office , 1 Cor. 9. 13. 14. Gal. 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 17. 3. Those who have power to dispense the seales of grace , and to baptize , are not private or unofficed Prophets , but sent of God and in office , as Matth. 28. 19. 1 Cor. 1. 17. and a Robinson granteth this , and so doe Separatists teach b . But the Disciples of Christ , before his resurrection , baptized , Ioh. 4. 2. 4. Those who were witnesses of the life , miracles , doctrine of Christ , and preached the same , and confirmed it by miracles , were pastors . 5. Those who were twelve selected men chosen , Luk. 6. 13. named Apostles , Mark. 9. 35. Mark. 10. 32. Luk. 8. 1. to whom the keyes of the kingdome were given , Matth. 18. 17 , 18 , 19. Matth. 16. 19. are not unofficed men . 6. This is a Popish opinion , and to be suspected , for Papists to advance Peter to a Popedome , will have him no Apostle , while after the resurrection , for c Bellarmine saith , Imposition of hands is essentiall to holy orders , and that the Apostle ordained no Presbyters while Christ was risen , and made the Apostles and gave them the holy Spirit : d The Councell of Trent hinteth at the same opinion ; Bellarmine saith the Apostles were made Priests , at the last Supper , to sacrifice Christs body , but not Presbyters till after that , when they received the holy Ghost ; and e Cardinall Hosius , f Martinus Ledesma , g Petrus a Soto say the Disciples are made Apostles , Ioh. 21. h Toletus saith they had power before this time to preach , but not to forgive sinnes , in the Sacrament of pennance while now . And i Cardinall Cajetan saith here was first the Sacrament of pennance ordained : and it is true k Cyrillus and l Chrysostome say that Iohn 21. Soli sacerdotes , onely Pastors by this place have power to forgive sinnes , but not by this place onely , for they say that Matth. 16. power is given , m Joannes de Lugo the Popes Professor at Rome , teach , that Joh. 21. the Apostles first received this power . And jayne with him n Suarez o Thomas Sanchez , p Aegidius Coniuk q and Vasquez , though as good as they say the contrary , as r Panormitanus , a late Schooleman , s Avila , and t Sylvester , and u John Bishop of Rochester writing against Papists , and their Popes power of dethroning Kings , saith , how could the Apostles who are examples of good order preach and baptize , if they were meere Layicks , and not Pastors while , after Christ was arisen from the dead ? x Robinson citeth Luk. 8. 39. Christ biddeth the dispossessed man g●shew what great things the Lord had done for him , and hee went and preached it ; now miracles are a part of the Gospel , and written that we should beleeve , Joh. 20. 30. and they prove that Jesus is the Sonne of God. Ergo , This man being no Prophet , preached the Gospel . Answ. 1. This will not conclude the Question . 1. One man published one single miracle wrought upon himselfe , which is a part of the Gospel onely . 2. And upon a particular occasion did show what things the Lord had done for him . 3. He is commanded to publish it to his friends , and domesticks onely , Matth. 5. 19. Go to thy house , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to thine owne friends , and show them what the Lord hath done for thee . Hence from this narrow antecedent a vaste and broad conclusion is drawne ; Ergo , it is lawfull , because this man published one particular of the Gospel , for any gifted man to preach the whole Gospell , because one man did it upon a miraculous occasion to his friends ; Ergo , all gifted men may prophesie the whole Gospel to all the Churches ordinarily , it is a vaine consequence . 2. Because hee published one particular , upon a particular exigence , therefore any gifted man may ordinarily , and weekly and daily Preach for the conversion of soules . 3. Because hee published one miracle to his friends in a private way , therefore any gifted man may preach the whole Gospell in publick , to all the Church , truly here is a weake reason . 2. It is most like that this man was an intruding Prophet , like the Separatists Prophets , for he requested that hee might be with Jesus , and bee made a Disciple to preach the Gospell , as Calvin , Marlorat , Bullinger expone it ; but Jesus suffered him not . Now if Christ had commanded him to be a Prophet , as Robinson will have him , he should have granted what he sought . Lastly , the man did more then Christ commanded , for Mark. 9. 20. Hee published it in Decapolis throughout all the citie , whereas Christ had limited the publishing thereof to his friends and house onely . Robinson saith , Luk. 10. The Seventie Disciples preached , and yet they were men out of office . I answer . 1. The Seventie Disciples were Pastors in office . 1. Satan by their ministery fell from heaven as lightning , v. 19. Christ saith , Behold I give you power to tread upon serpents , Luk. 10. 1. After these things the Lord apponted other Seventie , and sent them out ; here is a cleare calling , they confirme their doctrine by miracles , and casting out of devills , as the twelve Apostles . 2. Christ sent out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , also other Seventie , Ergo , as hee gave a calling to the Twelve , so hee did to these Seventie , and the same pa●●orall commission is given to them . Behold , I send you &c. Luk. 10. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. 3. The Seventie are called workmen , sent out to the Lords harvest , Luk. 10. 2. and the same is said of Shepheards in office , Matth. 8. 36 , 37 , 38. to whom wages are due , as to Pastors in Office , 1 Cor. 9. 13 , 14. Gal. 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 17. 3. It is said by Christ of these Seventie , He that heareth you heareth me , he that despiseth you despiseth me . Ergo , they were Ambassadors in Christs stead , as Pastors in office are , 2 Cor. 5. 20. The Samaritane woman ( saith Robinson ) Job . 4. 28. Preached , and many of the Samaritans beleeved because of her , v. 39. and without preaching of the word of God , none can beleeve , Rom. 10. 14 , 15. If a woman may teach without the Church , then may a man teach in the Church . Answ. 1. A woman may teach . 2. In a non-constituted Church , where there is no salvation , and they worship they know not what , Joh. 4. 22. 3. A woman may occasionally declare one point of the Gospel , that Maries Sonne is Christ ; but hence it followeth not , Therefore , 1 a man , 2 in a constituted Church , 3 may ordinarily preach the whole Gospell to the Church in publick : a weake sparre for so vast a roofe . 2. He abuseth the place , Rom. 10. 14. and would hence prove that a woman or any gifted teacher , is a sent Preacher by whom faith ordinarily commeth ; for otherwayes who dare deny but faith commeth by reading ? and just as the Catechise of Raecovia exponeth the place , Rom. 10. 14. to evert the necessitie of a sent ministery , so doth Robinson expone the place . Robinson , Act. 8. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 11. 20 , 21. All the Churches were scattered abroad , except the Apostles , and those who were scattered , preached every where the Gospell , Ergo , Disciples out of office may lawfully preach the Gospel . Answ. Whether these of the scattered Church , who preached , were the Seventie Disciples , as learned Divines thinke , I dispute not ; But that they were Prophets out of office , the Text saith not . But that they were extraordinarily gifted Prophets who preached , I conceive the text doth insinuate , for it is said , Act. 11. 21. The hand of the Lord was with them , the very word which is , Ezek. 3. 14. The hand of the Lord was strong with me . 2. In a scattered and dissolved Church , gifted persons may prophesie , Ergo , in a constituted Church gifted persons are the ordinary and onely Ministers of conversion , though they bee never called to the office , it doth no wayes follow . Robinson saith , it is not reasonable to think that they were all extraordinary Prophets , and that if they were immediately inspired , there had beene no need of so speedy sending of Barnabas from Hierusalem to Antioch with supply , though he were a man full of the holy Ghost , for ●● were such Prophets as well as ●ee , Ephes. 2. 20. and 3. 5. Answ. Wee doe not affirme , that all and every one of the Church , even women and children were extraordinarily gifted , but whether their gift was ordinary or extraordinary , the Text doth not say that they were Prophets out of office , and the Law of disputing saith , Affirmanti incumbit probatio ; the hand of God was with them , as it useth to bee with Prophets . 2. They travelled as farre as Phenice , Cyprus and Antioch , preaching the word of the Lord , this is that which the Apostolick planters of Churches did , as Master builders , laying the foundation of Churches , and Calvin calleth them Ministers , planters of the Gospel . Nor is it like that Prophets not in office , would so travell and preach the Gospel to the Gentile ●s and Calvin saith , singulari Dei impulsu hoc factum , and that many were turned unto the Lord. 2. Barnabas saw the grace of God in them . 3. And exhorted them that with purpose of heart they would cleave unto the Lord , Ergo , there was grace and a profession visible of cleaving to the Lord , before Barnabas came , and so a founded Church ; and if it had beene done by gifted Christians of ordinary gifts , and wanting the spirit of Prophecy , the work had been the more illustrious , and it would not have beene concealed , yea and helpe in so great an harvest by Barnabas an Apostolick man , was very needfull , the number being so great of those who were converted to the faith , seeing the great Apostles sought helpe , and Paul tooke Titus and Timothy with him often , for helping the worke of the Lord. The next Scripture ( saith Robinson ) is 1 Pet. 4. 10 , 11. As every man hath received the gift , so let him minister as good stewards of the manifold graces of God ; if any man speake , let him speake as the oracles of God. Answ. This saith with us , for private Christians are not stewards ; who gave them the keyes ? Yea 1 Cor. 4. 1. it is a word of office , and it is not given to Ministers not in office , as Beza observeth well ; he setteth downe one generall , that the Ministers be ready to distribute , and then two species . 1 Preaching Ministers , that they speake the Oracles of God. 2. Serving Ministers , Elders and Deacons , that they minister out of the habilitie that God giveth them ; and the place is against private Prophets . Robinson alledgeth , Revel . 11. 3. I will give power to my two witnesses , and they shall prophecy a thousand two hundreth and sixtie dayes , clothed in sackcloth . The Clergie men are not onely witnesses against the Antichrist . In the Antichrists raigne , no Church officer , a● an● officer , witnesseth against him , but all for him , as both having their authority from him , and binding themselves to submit their doctrine to his censure . The persons indeed that were officers , even Masse-Priests , Monkes , and Friers , witnessed some of them against him , but so did not their office , something was extraordinary , I acknowledge , in respect of the then prevailing order , and in respect of their degree of gifts and graces , but no extraordinary and miraculous gift of prophecying : and Brightman exponeth the two witnesses to bee the holy Scriptures and assemblies of the faithfull . Answ. The two witnesses ( saith a Junius ) are the Ministers , for number , few , and for place , contemptible , so saith Couper ; b and c Paraeus induceth many paires of witnesses , as in Bohemia , John Hus , and Jerome of Prague , An. 1415 , 1416. in Saxonie , Luther and Melancthon ; in Argentine Bucer and Cariton ; in Helvetia , Zwinglius and Oecolampadius ; in France , Farell , and Calvin , and these were Pastors in office . We need not stand upon the number of two , but because two is the least and fewest number , the witnesses were two . But first there is no reason to fetter and restrict the Text , to witnesses and Martyrs out of office , excluding the Ministers and Prophets in office , and to inferre thence that gifted persons in a constitute Church are the ordinary Ministers of conversion . 1. These two witnesses did prophecie in the midst of Popish Babylon , where God had no visible Church . They did upon a particular exigence , being called thereunto as the Martyrs of Christ , to give a witnesse for Christ against Antichrist , and they sealed the truth with their blood : but the consequence is null , a Martyr at the stake , though no Pastor , may give a confession of his faith , to the persecutors , as Stephen did . Therefore a gifted person not in office , may ordinarily preach in the Church . I would not buy such logick with a rotten nut . 3. Many women were witnesses and Martyrs , and gave a testimony against Antichrist ; Ergo women may preach in the Church : what vanitie is this ? 2. Also if those witnesses had an extraordinary measure of gifts and graces to beare witnesse to the truth , it followeth not ; Ergo , Christians gifted with an ordinary measure of the Spirit are ordinary Prophets for the conversion of soules . 2. Though these witnesses were only unofficed Prophets , yet the prophecying ascribed to them , after they arose from the dead , will not inferre that unofficed Prophets are ordinarily to preach , for the rising againe of slaine Prophets is not to be exponed of the raising againe of the persons of unofficed Prophets to preach , but it is to be exponed of the rising againe of the buried Gospel ; which in the ministery of faithfull Pastors and in other new Martyrs , Pastors and others arose againe from the dead , with the Spirit and power of these Martyrs , and that buried truth , that was in former times persecuted by Antichrist did now revive againe to the wondering of Babylon ; for the intent of the Spirit is to show that the Gospel , and true Church , slaine and buried , shall arise againe within a short time , as three dayes and a halfe . 4. It is vaine that he saith none of the Clergy witnessed and prophecied against Antichrist ; he is not versed in the Churches history who teacheth so , for Monkes and Fryars were Ministers , ( though their office unlawfull ) and as Ministers of Christ. Luther , Melancthon , and thousands other gave testimony against Antichrist . Robinson addeth , Revel . 14. 6. Where an Angell flyeth in the midst of heaven , that is , in the visible Church , having the everlasting Gospell to preach to them that dwell on the earth , and to every nation and kinred . That is , God raised men in the midst of popery , not miraculously inspired ( for you can show me no such ) who preached the Gospel , not by vertue of an office ; The office of a Friar , Monk , or Mass●-Priest , is no ministery of Christs appointment ; and when they gave their clearest testimony , they were almost all excluded out of Rome , and so in respect of their personall gifts and graces , they were Angels of God , in respect of their office , they were Angels of Antichrist . Answ. 1. There is no reason to reject the interpretation of d Junius , that this Angell was a type of the servants of God , who opposed Popery after the times of Bonifacius the eight , as Cassiodorus the Italian , Arnoldus de villa nova , Occam , Dante 's , Petrarcha , Ioann●s de Rupe the Franciscan , Wickliff ; And Pareus e refers the type to Wickliffe , Marsilius Patavinus , Petrarcha ; Our country man f Napper exponeth it of Luther , Melancthon , and Calvin in the seventh age , Anno 1541 , and it is false that they were all excommunicated , and though the accident of their office , to be a Monke , a Fryar , was Antichristian , yet the ministery it selfe was of Christ , and by it they did preach against Antichrist , as they did validely baptize , for I hope they did not baptize as unofficed Prophets . Lastly , this Angel did not preach in the visible Church , but in the midst of Popery , and therefore doth not prove it is lawfull in a true visible constituted Church , for gifted Prophets out of office , to bee ordinary Preachers . Robinson much urgeth the place , 1 Cor. 14. 1 Because the Apostle speaketh of the manifestation of the gifts and graces common to all , as well brethren as ministers , ordinary as extraordinary . 2. Hee speaketh of the fruits common to all , edification , exhortation , and comfort , compared with , 1 Thess. 5. 11. 14. and of that which at all times remaineth amongst the Christians , to wit , love . Answ. The cohesion of this Chapter with the former is cleare , charitie should be followed , because so excellent . Therefore cover gifts , which are most conducing to love and edification , and that is to prophecie ; he proveth excellencie of prophecying above others , and teacheth in this Chapter the right ordering of publick Church meeting . Now Robinsons Argument is this , if it stand good , As many as may love one another , and may edifie , exhort and comfort one another , may expresse their love by publick prophecying , for edification in love : but all Christians , even such as are not in Church-state , nor officers , are to love one another , to edifie , exhort and comfort one another . Ergo. The proposition is most false ; women are obliged to love one another , and to exhort and edifie one another , Prov. 31. 26. Til. 2. 3. yet can they not prophesie in the Church , 1 Cor. 14. 34 , 35. yea excommunicated persons are not loosed from the duties of love and mutuall rebuking in private , if they may bee exhorted as brethren , 1 Thess. 3. 15. They may exhort and rebuke others , Levit. 19. 17. which the law of nature requireth , yea Peter as a Pastor out of love to Christ is to preach , Ioh. 21. 15. 16 , 17. But therefore private Christians are not obliged to Pastorall preaching , and administration of the Seales , which are expressions of the love of Christ , yet to administer Sacraments is an act of edification , is therefore every act of edification and love common to all , because to love , and in some private way , to edifie all , is incumbent as a dutie to all ? nay a King out of love of Christ , should governe Gods people , a Captaine fight Gods battells , a Sea man saile , & a Professor teach in the Schooles ; will it follow , because to love one another is common , that all private men may bee Kings , may kill men in battell , and that the Plowman should saile and invade the Mariners calling ? this were Anabaptisticall confusion of places and callings , and should evert states , places , charges and callings , and overturne Church and State , and make the Church an old Chaos ; the God of order hath not so ordered callings and places . But ( saith the man ) if the end , which is edification and comfort , continueth , therefore the gift of prophecying continueth . Answ. 1. Prophecying continueth , who taketh it out of the world ? It continueth in such , as God hath set in the Church for that end and use , 1 Cor. 12. 29. but not in all , and every Plowman , who in his place is obliged to edifie . 2. The Argument is also weake , that continueth , the end whereof continueth , forso circumcision , passeover , sacrificing , the end of all which was edifying , should continue in the Church : Mr. Yates answered to him , extraordinary gifts , as strange tongues , miracles , are for edification , yet they continue not . Mr. Robinson answereth to him , strange tongues and the office of the Ministery doe not properly edifie , but the use of strange tongues . I answer , there doth much weaknesse here appeare , love in Mr. Robinsons breast doth not edifie , nor his habit of prophecying , but the acts of expressions of love , and the use of prophecying , edifieth , and for that cause wee may well say that the office doth edifie There being ( saith Robinson ) no other meanes to edifie , exhort , and comfort , left in the Church , but propbecying , Paul argueth from the common grace of love , as well upon brethren as officers , to ordinary , as to extraordinary , and at all times prophecying , that all out of office may prophesie to the worlds end , if they have gifts . Answ. Is there no meanes to edifie , exhort , and comfort , but prophecying ? and that prophecying publick in the Church and pastorall ? that is denyed , what say you of private and domestick exhorting , praying , praysing , reading , and Christian conference , Coloss. 3. 16. Mal. 3. 16. Zach. 8. 21. are not they singular meanes of edifying ? hath Christ left no meanes of edifying , exhorting , and comforting , but the publick prophecying of Clothiers , Mariners , Fashioners ? 2. Faith commeth by hearing of a sent minister , Rom. 10. 14. It pleased God by preaching , of sent Pastors , 1 Cor. 1. 17. 21. to save those who beleeve . Robinson . 2 Argu. v. 31. You may all prophesie , that all may learne , that all may be comforted ; be speakes of prophecying of all , as largely as of learning of all , according to the received rule of exponing the notes of universalitie . Answ. Women , ungifted brethren , infidels in the Church , by his owne grant , may learne , but they may not prophesie in the Church , Ergo , many more are to learne then may prophesie : and the one ( All ) is narrower then the other , for all are not Prophets , 1 Cor 12. 29. therefore all may not prophesie in one and the same verse , 1 Cor. 11. v. 32. and Isa. 53. v. 6. the notes of universalitie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( wee all ) are taken divers wayes ; yea one and the same word applyed to divers subjects is taken divers wayes , as 1 Sam. 12. 18. And the people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel ; and my sonne ( saith the Wise man ) seare the Lord and the King. Prov. 24. 21. Mr. Yates said well , all ought to have the gift of hearing , but not of prophecying . Robinson answereth , every particular person is not bound to have the gift of prophecying , but if he speake to purpose , he must say , that no ordinary brethren out of office ought to have the gift of praphesie , which if it be true , then ought none to strive for fitnesse to become officers , neither were that reproofe just , Heb. 5. 11. Answ. He speaketh to purpose , to destroy your Argument , which you destroy your selfe , while as you grant , many may learne who may not prophecie . 2. Hee may say truely , no ordinary brethren out of office , but purposed to remaine artificers , are to strive for fitnesse to the office of ministery ; but many out of office may have the gift of prophecying , who are not Prophets ; and you grant , I thinke , many are gifted to be Kings , who neither are Kings , nor may lawfully exercise acts of royall majestie , without treason both to God and their King : For the place , Heb. 5. 11. the Apostle rebukes the Hebrewes , both officers and people as dull of hearing , whereas they ought to bee teachers of others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , ( as you expone it ) Prophets out of office , who ought to prophesie publickly to the edifying of the Church . But take home this Argument thus . Those whom the Apostle rebuketh as dull of hearing , who ought to bee teachers and unofficed Prophets , are obliged to be indeed such Prophets ; for a rebuke is for the omission of a morall dutie which wee are oblieged to doe , or for the committing the contrary , but he rebuketh teachers in office , women , children , and ungifted brethren as dull as hearing , for that they ought to be Prophets & were not , Ergo , all , even teachers in office , women , children and ungifted brethren ought to be Prophets not in office . Now the conclusion is absurd and against your selfe , for you say , Pag. 58. every particular person in the Church is not bound to have the gift of prophecying , women are not bound I am sure , yet are women rebuked for being dull of hearing , and for that they ought to be teachers of others , and were not . 2. Hence it is cleare that you corrupt the word of God , and to be teachers , in that place , is to be such , as so aboundeth in the knowledge of God , as to teach , rebuke , admonish , and comfort mutually one another in a private way , not to preach publikely in the Church , for the ordinary conversion of soules , for which sort of Prophets you do contend . Robinson addeth . The Apostle cannot meane extraordinary Prophets , 1 Cor. 14. there could not bee such a number of extraordinary Prophets , now when extraordinary Prophets were beginning to cease in the Church . Answ. 1. When the Church of Corinth abounded in every thing , in all knowledge , and utterance , and came behind in no gift , 1 Cor. 1. 5. 7. and so much grace was given them in Jesus Christ , v. 4. It is cleare there were abundance of Prophets even then in Corinth . 2. It is not to purpose for lay-Prophets whether they were ordinary or extraordinary Prophets . They were Prophets as the Spirit of God calleth them , 1 Cor. 12. 29. set in the Church as officers , even as Apostles , and Governors , and Teachers , who are officers . And there is no reason that you should impose significations on words , at your owne pleasure , without warrant of the Word . Now shew us in all the old , or new Testament , when the word Prophet signifieth a naked gifted man out of office , in the Lords house , for you have as good warrant for you to say there were lay-Apostles , lay-Teachers , lay-Governors , who were gifted persons not in office , as you have for lay-Prophets . 3. Multitude of Prophets may consist with the time , when Seers and foretellers of things revealed in visions were beginnings to cease , even as the gifts of the holy Ghost given abundantly at the Pentecost , Act. 2. 17. 18. Ioel 2. 28. did consist with the time when things concerning Christ must now have an end , Luk. 22. 37. Luk. 24. 44. Robinsons 3. Argument is . The Apostle in forbidding women to prophesie in the Church , licenceth men . 1. The Apostle in , and for the worke , opposeth the men to the women , Sexe to Sexe , and in forbidding women , hee must license men , when the holy Ghost opposeth faith and workes in the cause of justification and denyeth that we are justified by workes , is not then the consequence good , we are justified by faith ? 2. If in prohibiting women he gave not libertie to men , where were the prerogative of men above women , which is the onely ground upon which hee buildeth the prohibition ? 3. Ver. 34. 35. Women are not permitted to speake in the Church , yet may they speake to their husbands at home ; now if the husbands might not speake in the Church more then the women , what reason can be rendred of the Apostle his so speaking ? 4. The Apostle in the whole Chapter , taketh order that some should prophesie in the Church , and debarring women therefrom , he must either admit men , or then we have a third sort of Persons to prophesie , who are neither men , nor women . Answ. Here is a great noyse of Arguments for just nothing , and a faire sophisme , concluding that secundum quid , which should be concluded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for we deny not but some men in office are permitted , yea and commanded to prophesie in publick ; and we grant that Sex and Sex are opposed , but the opposition made by Robinson is creeple and throwne-backed , for all and every one of mankind are not permitted to prophesie , as all and every woman is forbidden to prophesie or teach in the Church ; by the Lawes of France a woman may not sit on the Throne and sway the Scepter ; but friend , can you say then the Lawes of France doth license any Frenchman whatsoever he be to sit on the throne and be King ? Mr. Robinson proveth men are licensed to preach , Sed indefinita propositio in materia contingente ●quipollet particulari , but he knoweth all men are not licenced to prophesie in publick , for ungifted men are not sent of God , and we say , neither all gifted tradesmen , never called by the Church , nor educated in Schooles , or sent of God to preach in the Church . This he covereth and proveth never , onely he setteth downe foure armies of Arguments to prove , I know not what , to prove forsooth that men may prophesie in publike , and not women , but who denyeth that ? And the similitude of faith and workes crooketh here , for saving faith is opposed to all good workes whatsoever , both in kind and individualls , for wee are neither justified by good workes in specie , nor by any one good worke in individuo , but though all women be debarred from teaching in the Church , yet are not all men licensed to teach in the Church , but onely those ( say we ) who are called of God , as was Aaron . 2. I would bandy the Argument thus ; It is not permitted to women to administer the Sacraments , Ergo , It is permitted for any man , though not a Prophet by office , to administer the Sacraments . The Antecedent is Pauls , the consequence is yours ; and so all these foure Arguments prove not what is in question , to with that ; Ergo , a gifted person not in office may preach publickly . Mr. Robinson addeth , In restrayning women he sheweth his meaning to be of ordinary , not of extraordinary Prophets , because women immediatly and extraordinarily inspired , might speak without restraint , Exod. 15. 20. Jud. 4. 24. Luk. 2. 36. Act. 2. 17 , 18. Answ. Robinson cannot show that the same kind of prophecying in women , v. 34. is taxed by Paul , which is regulated in men , v. 26 , 27 , 28. and therefore that connexion is denied , hee restraineth women from ordinary prophecying in the temple , Ergo he speaketh of the ordinary prophecying of men ; for , 1. he compareth prophecying with tongues , extraordinary with extraordinary , and he desireth them to covet to prophesie , ordinary he cannot meane , for in all the Word you find not private professors are commanded to desire to bee ordinary Prophets , for so God should command them to pray , that they might leave their callings and stations , contrary to 1 Cor. 7. 20. and give themselves to study sciences and tongues : for if the holy Ghost command the meanes , he must command the end , and if hee command the end , hee must command the meanes . But v. 34. he setteth downe a new canon about women who tooke on them to prophesie publickly , and hee inhibiteth so much as ordinary prophecying , yea so much as speaking in the Church ; and I deny not but a Irenaeus , b Eusebius , yea and Tertullian , Cyrill , Chrysostome , Theophylactus , with warrant teach , that alwayes women extraordinarily inspired may prophesie , for in that God immediately exalteth them above men . But for ordinary prophecying in publick , it is of morall equitie , and perpetuall , that the women should not teach , for Adam was first formed ; this Paul bringeth as a morall argument against womens preaching . His fourth Argument is from 29 and 32. verses . Let the Prophets speake two or three , and let the rest judge . The Apostle cannot ( saith Robinson ) speake of extraordinary Prophets , for they cannot erre , but are infallible ; but the Prophets here spoken of are not infallible , because they are to be censured , and their doctrine judged by the Prophets : now if such could erre , our faith were not immediately builded upon the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles . Answ. This is before examined by me , the consequence is null , for the holy Spirit ( saith Pareus ) did not dite all things which the Prophets spake , they might have mixed in some thing of their owne . Robinson saith , that Paul could not have said , ( if any thinke himselfe to be a Prophet , &c. let such an one acknowledge that the thing I wrote are the commandements of the Lord ) if these had beene extraordinary Prophets , they should have knowne Pauls writings undoubtedly to have beene the Canonick word of God , and could not have beene ignorant thereof . Answ. This presupponeth that these extraordinary Prophets might have beene ignorant , that the Apostles commandements was the commandements of the Lord , which is not absurd , for Nathan and Samuel were ignorant of Gods will in some points , for Prophets see and know sometimes as men , and sometimes as Prophets , in the former they may erre , in the latter they are infallible . He subjoyneth . The word of God came it to you , or came it from you ? if the word of God came after a sort to the Corinthians , and not from them , then were they not immediatly and extraordinarily inspired , whereas indeed the Word of God came from the Apostles . Answ. This proveth not the point , for hee condemneth the arrogancie of some immediately inspired Prophets , Came the word of God from you ? that is , are yee above the Apostle to whom the word of God was committed , that it may bee preached to all the world , that it might come from the Apostles to others ? Or came it to you onely , as to the only Apostolick teachers , that you neede no admonition ? but hence it followeth not , but they were extraordinarily inspired Prophets , for Peter might be rebuked , though an Apostle & a chief one . Neither is it any imputation to Paul , or to any who hath received the Spirit in measure , to be censured . It is true , Canonick doctrine , as it is such , cannot be censured , but the teachers thereof , though infallible , even Paul , Act. 17. 10 , 11. and every spirit is to bee tried , whether they be of God or no , 1 Joh. 3. 1. yea to say that the Church cannot be builded upon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles ( as Mr. Robinson saith , pag. 68. ) if these Prophets extraordinary can erre , or can bee subject to the censure and judgement of the Church , is the very argument of Papists ; for they say , that the Word of God borroweth authoritie quoad nos , in respect of us , from the Church , and is to be beleeved , because Peter , Paul , the Prophets and Apostles , the then present Church , say it is the Word of God. So a Stapleton ( as Whittakerne teacheth ) that Christ was the Sonne of God , dependeth to our faith upon the testimony of John Baptist. See Bellarmine , Gregorius de Valent. Gretser ; So three famous commentators say , b Jansenius , c Cardinalis Cajetan , and d Cardinalis Toletus . But our Divines answer , that the Word of God is true in it selfe , and the authentick ground of our faith , not because the Prophets and Apostles say it is the word of God , not because Paul or an Angel from heaven saith it is so , Gal. 1. 8. for even the Prophets and Apostles were but men , and so their testimony not infallible , but because God himselfe saith so . See for this e Rivetus , f Whittakerus , g Bucerus , h Calvinus , yea and the Fathers most expressely say , that the Prophets and Apostles are not the foundation of our faith , nor their word , because they were infallible , but Gods word , by their mouths and penne . So i Thea●●●lact , k Chrysostome , l Beda , m Ambrosius , n Occam , and o Gerson doe roundly acknowledge that their Popes word is not the foundation of faith , quia Papa potest hereti●ari , because the Pope may erre . What ? because Samuel was deceived in calling Eliah the Lords annointed , are not his bookes a part of canonick doctrine , whereupon our faith is builded ? Lastly saith p Robinson , Pastors must preach and pray before they hee put in office , otherwise they cannot bee tr●ed , if they bee apt to teach , as they must be , 1 Tim. 3. 2. Tit. 1. 9. It is decreed that all may preach , q Ministers , Teachers , Elders , Deacons , and if there beam , ex ipsa plebe , any of the common people , who would imploy their gift for the good of the Church , and it is practised in the Colledges , where all must preach , though they were never Priests . Answ. 1. It is lawfull , that these ayming at the office ; 2. Brought up in humane sciences ; 3. Called by the Church preach , by way of tryall , before they be admitted to the office : but hence it cannot be concluded , that tradesmen and artificersvoyd of learning and ignorant of the Scriptures should preach , not for try all , or as ayming at the office of the Ministery , but as ordinary ministers of the conversion of soules to the faith , and that without any calling of the Church either to the office , or to the degree preparatorie to the office . 2. All gifted should preach , yea and in England ought to bee put in office , where there is a reading ministery which Christ never ordained to bee in his house , and this the harmony of confession and Synods teach , and no more . It is a fault that in Colledges all doe preach , whether Christ hath called them , or not ; such unsent runners Mr. Robinson cannot approve . r Ambrose saith at the beginning it was granted that all should preach , and baptize , that the Church might grow ; and s Origen said the same . But otherwise t Hieronymus saith , it is praesumptio temeritatis , a rash presumption for any to preach , who are not sent ; and u Theophylact calleth them false Prophets ; x Augustine will have them all to come before Christ , and so to bee theeves and robbers who commeth not sent , Sicut Moses & Prophet● , as Moses and the Prophets were sent . y Coachman saith , if preaching be tyed to the ministery , and that order , there shall neither bee faith nor grace in a Church where there is no ministery . Answ. It followeth not , for faith may come by reading , by conference , and you expone , Rom. 10. 14. As Arminians and Socinians doe . 2. We as Embassadors pray you in Christs stead to be reconciled , 2 Cor. 5. 20. Ephes. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 12. 29. Are all Prophets ? Ergo , would you say no reconciliation in a land without apostolick Ambassadors ? It followeth not , ex negatione unius medii , for then there should be no grace , nor salvation , where there be none of your lay-Preachers . Coachman . Knowledge , judgement , utterance , with gravitie , authoritie , power , maketh a man a Minister , whether he be in office or not ; Preaching is accidentall to the office , and no part of the office , but onely an ornament or appendix of it , a Minister is in full office of the order of Priesthood , though he never preach ; an office maketh not a Preacher , it maketh him onely such a peoples Preacher , when they have chosen him , hee preacheth by vertue of his gift , not by vertue of his office . Answ. 1. Here are Socinian mysteries revealed , z Gerardus saith , by this meane the Heretickes called Pepuziani permitted , in the primitive Church , to women , the Ministery of the Sacraments . And upon this ground the Socinians and Anabaptists proceeded , that except a man would digge his Talent in the earth , hee may preach , though he have not a calling of the Church ; so doth Mr. Coachman make talents , as judgement and utterance , enough to constitute one a Minister , whether he be called to the office , or not . And Gerardus setteth downe a good answer of a Luther to the Argument . God giveth talents , but to those whom hee calleth , therefore gifted men should in the use of their calling attend and accept the calling of God. It may be the Church perversly set , denyeth a calling to one who is gifted . Then I say , let him use his talent in private . God reapeth not where he doth not sow . 2. This is a wild saying , A man is a Minister whether he be in office or not . A ministery is essentially an office , or a place that the Lord hath called a man unto , else define what an officer is , and how can he expone that , Rom. 10. 14. how can they preach except they he sent ? if as our Divines doe ? then none are sent , but such as are called to the office , and this is against him , if as S●ini●ns say , all gifted men are sent of God to preach , then gifts essentially constituteth a sent man , and what is a sent man , ●ut a man called to the office ? 3. Preaching is accidentall to the office of a man that maketh court and the world his conscience , it is true indeed , but that preaching is accidentall to the office of a Pastor , is Popish and Prelaticall ; for what is essentiall to the office ? to administer the Sacrament and consecrate the body of Christ ? Well said for the Popish cause . b Pope Eugenius in his decree and the councell of Florentine teach us , that the essential forme of the office of the Priests is in these words , receive power to offer a sacrifice in the Church , for the living and the dead : for saith c Scotus and the Councell of d Trent teach us , that all the essentials of the Priesthood be in two . ● . In a power to consecrate Christs body , and this is given in the last Supper . 2. In a power to absolve a sinner , so saith e Meratius the Jesuite , where the reader shall observe silence of preaching the word , and f Bellarmine saith the same ; g Gulielmus Eslius saith , the essentiall and most principall worke of the Priest is to offer Christs body , and then to absolve from sinnes , and this they have from their h Master Aquin●s , and further warrant for a Priest essentially dumbe , you may find in Suarez , And Vasquez doth collect from i the fainzed Canons of the Apostles from k Clemens his Epistles , such a Priest. I desire ( if preaching be accidentall to the office of a Pastor ) to know if feeding of the people , Act. 20. 28. and ●eeding the flock , Ezekiel , 34. 2. be all in administring of the Sacrament . It is strange , if a watchman as as a watchman , and by office , should not preach and give warning , Ezek. 3. 17 , 18. if an Ambassadour , as an Ambassadour , in Christs stead should not pray the people to be reconciled to God , 2 Cor. 5. 20. if a Pastor , as a Pastor , should not feed the flocke with knowledge , Jer. 3. ● . 15. if as a workeman and a Minister he should not divide the word aright , 2 Tim. 2. 15. if as a fisher he should not catch men ; but of this enough . Lastly , 1 Cor. 1. v. 17. Christ sent mee not to baptize , but to preach , Joh. 4. 2. Christ baptized none , but was sent to preach , Luk. 4. 43. Chap. 5. Sect. 3. The way of Church judging in New England . VVE doe not ( saith the Author ) carry matters either by an over-ruling power of the presbytery , nor by the consent of the major part of the Church , but by the generall and joynt consent of all the members of the Church , and we are of one accord as the Church of Christ should be , Act. 2. If any disassent out of ignorance , we labour to bring him to our mind , by sound information . 2. If by pride bee disassent , the libertie of his voyce is taken from him . If , 3. the matter be difficill , we seeke advice of sister Churches . Answ. Unitie is much to be desired in the Church with veritie , but your way we understand not . Nor doe we in our Synods carry matters by the major and maniest voices , because they are maniest , nor because they are the the voice of men , but because the thing concluded is agreeable to the word of God : but what if the Church be divided , and the people ( upon whose voyces principally the conclusion of the Church dependeth ) goe against both the truth and the Elders ? They answer , These are miserable mistakes , either to thinke that the people or Elders must needs disassent , or that except they all consent , there can be no rule ? I answer , it is a miserable necessitie , through the corruption of our nature , not a mistake ; for Simon Magus , and fortie like to him , in a Church consisting of threescore , must dissent from twentie , whose hearts are streight in the truth : You have no refuge here , but let the maniest carry the matter to a mischiefe , and the other twentie must separate , and make a new Church presently . Againe say I , what if the Church differ ? They answer , That ought not to bee , nor will it bee , if the Church will lay aside corrupt judgement and affections , and if they attend the rule , and depend upon Christ , considering the promises made to the Church , Jer. 32. 39. Zech. 3. 9. Matth. 1. 10. But if such a thing fall out , as not often it doth , if the Elders and major part consent , and one disassent ; it is either of corrupt affection , and pride , and so he Ioseth his voyce , or of weaknesse , and then he is to submit his judgement to the Church . Answ. But to beginne at your last , if one out of weaknesse disassent , he is to submit his judgement to the Church . But I say , what if forty out of weaknesse disassent from twenty , may not that whole Church as well submit to a Synod , as Act. 15. as one must submit his judgement to a Church ? the conscience of one should no more be fettered , then the consciences of a whole Church . 3. I grant the maniest should have Scripture , but what if they say the Scripture , yea and the Apostles are with them , when there is no such thing , as the case was Act. 15. 20. the wrong side alleadged Scripture and the Apostles commandement , when the Apostles gave no such commandement , should you not take Gods remedy to appeale to a Synod , as the Apostolike Church doth ? Act. 15. 6. They answer , in our Churches hitherto , the major part , yea all mind one thing , as Rom. 15. 16. 1 Cor. 1. 10. Act. 1. 14. I answer , 1. that is because they are in Church-government all one , and a conspiracy in error , is but seeming unity . But 2. I say , good men as Paul and Barnabas will differ . But 3. what if all be wrong of three parts , as 1 Cor. 1. 12. Some said , I am of Paul , some , I am of Apollo , some , I am of Christ ; all the three were wrong , in that case , doth not a Synod by the word of God determine the matter best ? certainly , though Synods may erre , yet are they of themselves Christs lawfull way to preserve veritie and charity and unity . But our brethren answer us , divisions ought not to be , and they will not but all agree in the truth , if the Church will lay aside corrupt judgement , and depend on Christ , considering the promises made to the Church , Jer. 32. Ephes. 3. 9. Matth. 18 20. Let me answer , there is much more charity in this answer , then verity . 1. They ought not to disassent from truth : true , but what then ? the remedy is not given except you returne to a Synod ; the division , Act. 15. ought not to be ; the house should not be fired : true , but the question is how shall water be had to quench it , for many things are , which ought not to be . 2. ( Neither will divisions be , ) that is false , 1 Cor. 1. 12. 3. As heresies must be , so scandals must be , our author saith ( they will not be ; they will not be ) ( say the brethren ) if the Church lay aside corrupt judgement , and affection , and attend upon the rule , and depend on Christ. I answer . There is but vanity , and no solidity ( I crave pardon ) in this answer , it is the vaine answer of Arminius in the case of the Saints perseverance . The regenerate ( say they ) cannot fall away if they be not inlaking to Gods grace , and if they in holy feare take heed to their wayes , so saith a Arminius in his Declaration ; and in his b answer to Perkins : so also c say the Arminians in their confession , and d Episcopius . But what is this , but regenerate persons shall persevere , upon condition that they shall persevere ? for not to be inlaking to the grace of God , is to cooperate to the grace of God , or with the grace of God , and to cooperate with the grace of God is very perseverance it selfe ; for saith the e the wicked Socinus , and f Smalcius , and so say our brethren , all shall agree in the truth , if they lay aside corrupt judgement . And what is that , if they lay aside corrupt judgement ? that is , if they agree with the truth , and assent to the Word of God. But so it is , that the best regenerate , even Barnabas , a man full of the holy Ghost , Act. 11. doth not lay aside corrupt judgement . But our brethren proveth they will law aside corrupt judgement ; but how ? you alleadge the Papists abused Scriptures , Ier. 32. God promiseth to put his Spirit and feare in his Church , that they shall not depart from the Lord. True ( say I ) they shall not depart from God , providing they lay aside corrupt judgement , as you teach us . But doe you not teach us by your answer to elude these pregnant places , which unanswerably prove the necessity of the perseverance of the regenerated ? But 2. what though God promise to put his feare in the heart of the regenerate ? this promise is not made to the visible Church conveened in a Synod , as it is such , nor will it prove that a Synod shall all agree in the truth , & that the whole Church shall lay aside corrupt judgement , except you serve your selves with these and the like places , as Papists , and by name as Bellarmine , G●etserus , Snarez , Bucanus , Stapleton , Gregorius de Valentia doe serve themselves with them , and the like , to prove that Councels are in fallible . What is said in the fourth Section anent the power of the people in Church-govern●●●● is already examined , onely in the closure thereof , they seeme to give something peculiar to the Elders , which the people have not , which I discusse in the insuing question . Quest. VIII . What peculiar auhority is in the Eldership , for the which they are over the people , in the Lord , according to the doctrine of our brethren ? We hold that Christ hath given a superiority to Pastors and Overseers in his House , whereby they are , by office , government , and power of the keyes , above the people . But 1. this authority is limited , and conditionall , not absolute , as if they may doe what they please . 2. It is a power ministeriall , not a Dominion ; for as meere Servants and Ambassadours of Christ , they doe but declare the will and commandement of the King of Kings . 3. When this authority is not exercised by the precise rule and prescript of the Law of God , it is not valid , but null , and of no force . 4. They are so above the people , as 1. they are their Servants , for Christs sake , 2 Cor. 4. 5. yea we are their servants servants : not as if the people had a dominion over the Pastors , or as if they had their authority from the people , they have it immediately from Christ , but because all their service is for the good , and the salvation of the people . 5. They have so superiority , as they are subject to the Prophets to be judged , and censured by the Church representative of Pastors , Doctors and Elders . It will be found that our brethren give no authority or superiority to the Eldership above the people . In their answers to the 32. questions . We acknowledge ( say they ) a Presbytery , whose worke it is , to teach and rule , and whom the people ought to obey , and condemne a meere popular government , such as our writers condemne in Morellius . Answ. So say our brethren in their Doctrine , we acknowledge that the people , and gifted men not in office , should teach , and all the faithfull is the governing Church , to which Christ hath committed the keyes , and power of ordination , and highest Church censures , even excmmunication , and that the Elders should obey the Church of beleevers . Ergo , in teaching and ●uling you acknowledge no Presbytery . 2. Seeing you ordaine the Elders to be ordained by the imposition of the peoples hands , to be elected , called , censured , excommunicated , exauthorited , shew us why the people are not the Rulers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Elders ruled . 3. The key of knowledge is a chiefe part of the keyes , and these keyes by which sinnes are remitted and retained , and men bound or loosed on earth and heaven : and seeing Morellius , Anabaptists , and your selves teach that these keyes were given to the whole Church of beleevers , how doe you thinke that people are not in teaching , Overseers as properly as the Elders , and that your government is meerely popular , as Morellius taught ? to say nothing that when you deny your government to be meerely popular , you doe not deny , but it is popular ; for a government meerely popular admitteth of publike men to rule for the people , and we never read of a government in Athens , Lacedemonia , or any where , in the which all the people did actually judge , rule , and command , and so was meerely popular . But the Word of God giveth a reall superiority to the Pastors and Church guides over the people in the Lord , as Jer. 1. 10. So I have set thee this day over the Nations , and over the Kingdomes , to roote out , and to pull downe , and to destroy , and to throw down , to build and to plant , here is a reall authority given to Jeremiah , onely by his office of his prophecying , without any power of the seales or sacrificing , or judging , or governing , which was the part of the Tribe of Levi , of which Tribe Jeremiah was not , Matth. 10. v. 40. He who receiveth you , receiveth me , Luke 10. 16. He that heareth you , heareth me , he that despiseth you , despiseth me , and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me , John 13. 20. 2 Cor. 10. 8. For though I should boast something of the authority which the Lord hath given us for edisication , and not for your destruction , I should not be ashamed , 1 Cor. 4. 1. Let a man so account of us , as of the Ministers of Christ , and of the Stewards of the mysteries of God , John 20. 23. Whose soever sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , and whose sinnes yee retaine , they are retained , 2 Cor. 5. 18. And he hath given to us the word of reconciliation , 20. Now then wee are Ambassadours for Christ , 1 Cor. 12. 28. And God hath set some in the Church , first Apostles , secondly Prophets , &c. Eph. 4. 11. And he gave some Apostles , &c. 1 Thes. 5. 12. And we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the Lord , and admonish you , Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , Acts 20. 28. Take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flocke over which the Lord hath made you Overseers , to feed the Church of God , which he hath purchased with his owne bloud , 1 Pet. 5. 2. Feed the flock of God , which is among you , taking the over-sight thereof , not by constraint , &c. 1 Tim. 3. 2. A Bishop then must be blamelesse , &c. 4. One that ruleth well his owne house , &c. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour , v. 21. 28. 2 Tim. 2. v. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Tit. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. 2. The Lord in his house , putteth a difference betwixt the Feeders , and the flocke , the Governours , and the governed ; those who are over the people in the Lord , and those who are under them in the Lord ; the Overseers and Watchmen , and the City over which they watch ; the Stewards , and the family ; therefore there must be a peculiar authority in those who are Elders . 3. The flock is to obey , heare , follow , in the Lord , to have the Elders in high estimation , to submit to their doctrine , to receive them as Christ ; Ergo , some authority they must have . 4. The Lord hath given to them an over-sight , Act. 20. 28. and hath committed to them a ministery , 2 Cor. 5. 15. hath put them in his worke and ministery , 1 Tim. 1. 12. 5. God will seeke an account of the bloud of the lost at their hand , Ezech. 3. 20. Heb. 13. 17. and God giveth a reward for the discharge of their office , 1 Pet. 5. 4. 2 Tim. 4 8 Matth. 24. v. 45. 46. Ergo , they must have a place of authority over the people , which the people have not . 6. The proportion betwixt the priesthood in the Old Testament , and the ministery of reconciliation which is more excellent and glorious , 2 Cor. 3. 7 , 8. requireth the same . Now the Lord in a peculiar manner choosed the Tribe of Levi , Deut. 33. 8 , 9. Esay 52. 11. Num. 3. 12. v. 45. ch . 8. v. 6. Separate the Levites to me , ch . 18. 23. Josh. 3. 3. 1 Chron. 15. 2. Josh. 14. 3. 8. But let our Author speake what peculiar authority , or what singular acts of authority are due to the Elders above the people . The Church ( saith he ) exerciseth severall acts of authoritie over the Elders . 1. In calling and electing them to office , and ordaining them in defect of the Presbytery . I answer . 1. Calling and electing are not to be confounded ; electing is no act of authority ; but that the people calleth and ordaineth the Elders , wanteth example in the word of God , and therefore the Author addeth , that the people ordaineth the Elders in defect of their Presbytery , that is , where there is no Presbytery ; then in case of extraordinary necessitie , and where the Church is not constituted , they are to ordaine the Elders , but in a Constitute Church , the power of ordination is in the Presbytery ; Ergo , ordinarily the people doe not exercise this authoritie over the Elders . 2. The Church of beleevers , saith the Author , sendeth forth the Elders for the publick service of the Church ; as the whole Church of Jerusalem sent forth chosen Ministers , with letters of instruction to Antioch , and to other Churches , Act. 15. 22. Now the Ambassadour is not greater then he that sent him , but usually inferiour , Joh. 13. 16. Answ. 1. I deny not , but a Church of beleevers in the least Congregation is greater then any Pastor , or number of Pastors , as they are such ; for the Pastors are servants for the Church , and meanes for the end , and lesse and inferior in respect of Christian dignity , but this is not the point , wee doe not now dispute of Christian dignitie , one redeemed soule in that respect is of more worth then a thousand Pastors as they are but meere Pastors , but because the Church sendeth the Elders , the Elders are a part , and a great part of the visible Church , which also send themselves ; but it proveth not the Peoples Church authority , as they are contradistinguished from Elders to be superior and above the authority of Elders ; for here the comparison must not be betwixt one or two Elders , and the Church including all the people and the rest of the Elders , but the comparison is betwixt spece and spece , the office and dignitie and authoritie of the Elders as Elders , and the people as people ; and the Church of Jerusalem was not a Parishionall , but a Presbyteriall Church , consisting of many Elders , and Congregations : now we deny not two Elders to be inferior in authoritie to the whole Colledge of Elders and people , and so there is no authoritie of the people above the Elders , from this proved . 2. a Morton answereth Papists in the like argument , that sending proveth onely that those who are sent , are not superiors to those who sent them , for the Father sent his Sonne into the world . 3. ( Saith the Author ) if an Elder or a whole Eldership erre , the Church may call him , or them to account , and in case of obstinacie excommunicate them : for it is not reason that Elders should want the medicine of excommunication to save their soules , if they stand in need thereof , more then other . As Peter gave an account , Act. 11. to the Church of Jerusalem of his going in to the uncircumoised . Answ. 1. If a warrant or example from the word , that one single company of sole beleevers wanting Elders , did in a Church way censure any one Pastor , or a whole Eldership , and that the Church of Jerusalem consisting onely of beleevers without Elders , called Peter before them judicially to give an account of going in to the uncircumcised , is a dreame : and though Peter should have given satisfaction to a number of sole beleevers , to remove the scandall , it proveth not that they had authoritie over Peter , for one private offender is obliged to give an account , and a satisfaction to another private brother , whom he hath offended , Matth. 18. 15. yet hath not a brother Church authoritie over one another , to excommunicate him , as our brethren say , that a company of onely private beleevers may excommunicate all the Elders of the Congregation . 2. It followeth not that Elders should want the medicine of excommunication , when they stand in need thereof , because the people may not excommunicate them , for there be others who of office should excommunicate ; and also the want of a meane of salvation , as the want of baptisme , where such are wanting , as have the onely Church power , to administer such means , doth not condemn men . On the other side , ( saith the Author ) the Elders have rule over the Church , and that in sundry Acts , as 1. in calling together the Church upon any weighty occasion , Act. 6. 2. Answ. 1. This power of conveening the multitude , cannot bee the power of governing Gods house spoken of , 2 Tim. 3 , 4 , 5. Tit. 1. 5. to obey those who watch for our soules , Heb. 13. 17. cannot bee to conveene to a Church meeting at their commandement . 2. To conveen the Church meeting or Synods , is an action of the whole Church , for Christ hath given power to his owne Church an ecclesiastick power to conveen her owne Courts , and this can no more be a peculiar act of authoritie , agreeing onely to the Elders , or to a Pastor , then the act of excommunication , for it is given to all the faithfull by your owne grounds , 1 Cor. 5. 4. 1 Cor. 11. 18 1 Cor. 14. 23. how then is it a peculiar act of auhoritie in the Elders ? 1. The Elders , if they bee to bee accused and censured , are they to conveen the Judicatory , as the Consull did conveen the Senate , and to summon themselves ? also if they have any power to conveen the Church , it is but delegated , for orders sake , to them , by the Church ; Ergo , this authoritie is principally and first in the Church , and so it is no authoritie peculiar to the Elders ; also , if it be but a thing of meere order , it is not an act of jurisdiction over the Church ; a Moderator who conveeneth the Synod , or a Consul who conveenth the Senat , have not in that , jurisdiction or authoritie over the Synod or Senat , and may the Elders hinder , I pray you , the conveening of the Church ? I thinke not . 3. This is but a Popish argument , Pope Julius the third , in his Bull taketh this upon him , to conveene Councells . The Cardinall de Monte President for the Pope gave leave by a speciall Bull from the Pope to the Councell of Trent to advise about the translating of the Councell from Trent to Bonony . And a Good Bellarmine and b Harding , as Jewell teacheth us , make this a part of the transcendent power and authoritie of the Pope over the Church , to conveen the Church Catholick ; and if it bee an act of authoritie over the Church to conveene the Church , farre more must it bee in the Pope to conveene the Catholick Church . Lastly , this power in Elders should bee made good by the Word of God. Secondly , ( saith hee ) their authority over the Church is in opening the doores of speech and silence to any of the Assembly , Act. 13. 13. unlesse it be where the Elders themselves lie under offence or suspition , then the offended party may begin with them , Act. 11. 2. Yet with due reverence observed , as to their yeares , so to their place , 1 Tim. 5. 3. Answ. If to speake first in a Church meeting , prove that the Elders have authority over the Church ; then one Elder hath authority over all the rest of the Elders , and must be a little Pope , or a great Prelate , for two or foure Elders cannot all speake first . We seeke now an act of authority due to Elders or Pastors , as they are such , and above the people ; if you make this an act of authority , you then give us in every Church-meeting and Synod a Pastor of Pastors , and an Elder of Elders , and a Pope . 2. If this be an act of authority over the Church , then have Papists well proven that Peter hath an authority and power over all the Church , for c Suarez , and d Bellarmine , and e Harding prove Peter to be a Pope , because he speaketh first in the councell , Act. 13. 13. and the text that you cite , they cite also : But f Whittakerus , and g Gerson saith , as also h Lyran , and i Carthusian , It is like that James spake first as President of the Councell . 3. The Author leaveth this act of authority , as weake , and saith , that the offended party may speake first . Ergo ( say I ) to speake first is not an authoritative act of Pastors as Pastors agreeing to them , by vertue of their office , seeing this act is communicated to those who are out of office . Ergo , they have not shewen as yet any Pastorall act of office due to the Elders as Elders ; and if it were most convenient that Elders should first speake , our brethren will not say that it is due to them by their office , but for their age and gifts , and so they say nothing . Thirdly , ( saith the Author ) Elders have rule over the Church in preaching the word , and they have power to teach and exhort , to charge and command , to reprove and rebuke with all authoritie , 1 Tim. 5. 7. and 6. 17. 2 Thes. 3. 6. Answ. It can not be denied , but Elders , that is , preaching Elders or Pastors , have authoritie over the people in preaching and rebuking with all authoritie ; but 1. I aske at our brethren , by what authoritie of the Scripture is pastorall binding and loosing an authoritative act of the preaching Elder onely ? for the concionall or preaching power of remitting and retaining sinnes , Joh. 20. 21. is all one with the power of the keyes , Matth. 16. and that is given ( saith our brethren ) to the whole Church , and by these texts are not restricted to Pastors as they expone them . 2. Our brethren alledge there is a two-fold power of preaching in Pastors , one by vertue of their gift , another by vertue of their office . By the first Pastors doe preach to Infidels , Turkes , and unconverted ones ; now this preaching is not proper to Pastors as Pastors , nor is it any authority peculiar to Pastors over all the flocke , for all gifted persons ( as our brethren teach ) may preach , and so the gifted ones amongst the people have authority over the Pastors in this meaning , as well as the Pastors have over them , and so the difference of rulers and ruled , of feeders and the fed , is taken away . Now for the power of Pastorall teaching , the Pastors have authority over the Church , but that is over the invisible Church of beleevers , and regenerated persons , for Pastors as Pastors doe not convert Soules , and so they preach to the unconverted not as Pastors , or with any Pastorall care : for they teach that Pastors , Doctors , and Church-officers are given , Ephes. 4. 11. onely for confirming of those who are already converted , not for converting of Soules , and by this meanes , 1. Pastors doe not preach the Law , for the humbling of unconverted sinners , they doe not as Pastors , or by vertue of the office open the eyes of the blinde , nor are they Ministers by whom men beleeve , 1 Cor. 3. 5. nor are they Fathers who begot men in Christ Jesus , through the Gospell , as 1 Cor. 4. 25. Nor doe they pray men in Christs stead to be reconciled unto God , as 2 Cor. 5. 20. Which is strange and uncouth Doctrine of our brethren , for all these acts ministeriall are performed upon non-converts , who are not properly members of Christs mysticall body , nor of the spouse of Christ , nor members of the visible Church , nor the Sonnes and Daughters of the Lord God Almighty , nor have some measure of sincerity and truth , as this author Chap. 3. Sect. 3. requireth of members of the visible Church , and these are not under any pastorall care , really and in very deed , who are yet unconverted to the faith , therefore the Pastor , if hee convert any by his preaching , he doth it by vertue of his gift , not as a Pastor or by vertue of his office , as they teach in their answer to the 32. questions , & so as Pastors they have no authoritie over the unconverted within the visible Church ; and this authoritative act of Elders over the people , falleth to the ground , by their principles . 3. This authoritative preaching doth not yet make over to the Elders authoritative power above , or over the people , such as wee now seeke . For 1. By this ruling Elders who do not preach and labour not in the Word and doctrine , 1 Tim. 7. 17. by office , have not this power ; Ergo , yet you give no peculiar authoritie to the whole Eldership over the people . 2. The Spirit of God requireth an authority of overseeing and governing to bee in Pastors beside the authoritative power of preaching ; for besides that a Bishop should bee ●apt to teach , 1 Tim. 3. 2. hee must also , v. 4 , 5 , 6. bee one , who can both govern his own house , and also the Church of God , and not onely must hee not neglect the gift of prophecying , 1 Tim. 4. 14. but also hee must know , 1 Tim. 3. 13. how to behave himselfe in the Church of God , and must bee circumspect in receiving accusations against an Elder , and lay hands suddenly on no man , and not be partaker of other mens sinnes , 1 Tim. 5. 19. 22. he must not onely bee an approven workman , to divide the Word aright , 1 Timothey 2. 15. and preach in season and out of season , 2 Tim. 4. 2. but also must commit the Word to faithfull men who are able to teach others , 2 Tim. 2. 2. All which are singular points of authoritative power of government different from authoritative power of teaching . And so Titus must not onely have the oversight by sound doctrine to exhort and convince the gainesayers , Tit. 1. 9. but hee hath power in governing to order the things of discipline , and to appoint Elders in every citie , Tit. 1. 9. Act. 4. 23. yea there is an oversight in watching for soules , in governing no lesse then in teaching , H●b . 13. 17. Now this Author sheweth us nothing , that is a peculiar authoritative power in ruling , governing and a disciplinary overseeing of soules , which the Word giveth to Elders , as they are Elders , and called Governors of Gods people , as yet , yea all the people are governors , rulers and overseers in government by them , no lesse then the Elders . 4. The Author saith , Elders have rule over the Church in dispensing all the censures of the Church , ( unlesse it bee in their owne cause ) for though they take the consent of the Church in dispensing a censure , yet they set on the censures with great authoritie , in the name of the Lord ; yea it is no small power , that they put forth in directing the Church , what censures are due according to the word : as , though the Judge dispense no sentence , but according to the verdict of the Jury , yet his authority is great both in directing the Jury to give their verdict according to the Law , and in pronouncing the sentence with power and terrour ; the like d●e the Elders in dispensing Church censures . Answ. This dispensing of Church censures hath two branches . 1. A directing of the Church in the qualitie of the censures . 2. A binding of the censures upon them , or in executing the censures of the Church . For the former , if it bee a pastorall direction , it is all one with preaching of the Word , and is not an act of authority by way of governing , but by way of pastorall teaching . But , 1. Wee would have a word from God , giving this power of the keyes peculiarly to the Pastors , for if you give the keyes to all the Church of beleevers , as beleevers , and because they are Christs Spouse , his mysticall body , the habitation of his Spirit by faith , then with your good leave , there bee neither keyes , nor any power of the keyes given to the Pastors as Pastors , and in respect of their office , but onely as they are a part of Christs body ; now as Pastors or Elders , they are neither beleevers , nor the bride , nor a part of the bride , but at best the friends of the Bridegroome , Joh. 3. 29. especially seeing the Church as the Church , and as using actually the keyes , doth censure and judicially prescribe the qualitie and quantitie of the censure , as they are directed , Matth. 18. 1 Cor. 5. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. yea and the Church judicially , and authoritatively pronounceth the sentence , and maner of the censure on the sentence : for example , of ten collaterall and coequall Judges , if two of these ten bee skilled Juristes , and shall direct the rest in the qualitie of the punishment to bee inflicted upon a malefactor , that direction commeth from them , not as Judges over the rest , nor by any peculiar power that they have above the rest , seeing all the ten are equally and joyntly Judges of a like power , but that direction commeth from them as skilled Jurists : So here , though the Elders direct the Church anent , the qualitie of the censure , they doe not this by an authority above the Church , seeing the Church with them have received the Keyes ; yea they principally as the Spouse of Christ , and his mysticall body , have received the keyes , and the Pastoes and Elders as such have the keyes , not but as they are beleevers and a part of the mysticall body , but as they are Pastors and Elders they have not received the keyes at all , by our brethrens doctrine ; yea as Elders or officers they are not parts of the Church , but onely adjuncts and ornaments thereof . For the second , to wit , the execution of the censures of the Church , if they doe it as Pastors , and by vertue of their office execute the sentence of the Church as Pastors , they are meere servants of the Church , not collaterall Judges , with the Church , and are not as the Judge who doth direct the Jury : for the Jury doth only cognosce of the fact , but hath no judiciall power to pronounce the sentence or discerne the qualitie of the punishment , nor can the Jury at all discerne any punishment . But the Judge cognosceth both of the Law , and the fact , and authoritatively pronounceth sentence ; but the Elders have no authoritative power in directing the people to pronounce , or not pronounce the sentence ; or what sentence to pronounce , or what censure to inflict ; for if they have this authoritative power , then we seeke Scripture to warrant this power . 2. The Elders must then have the keyes in a more emminent manner then the people or Church of beleevers ; so all bee but blanke and emptie titles given to Elders hitherto . Fiftly , saith the Author , The Elders have power to dismisse the people or Church , and that with a blessing , Numb . 6. 23. to 26. which is an act of seperioritie , Heb. 7. 7. An. This is but an emptie title also . For , 1. The Pastoronly , & one dismisseth Doctor , Elders , Deacons , and the whole Congregation ; and so one is a Pastor of Pastors , and an Arch-Elder of Elders hath authority , by this , over his fellow Elders , and candismisse them , therefore there is nothing peculiar in an officiall power , here to the whole presbytery , above the people . 2. A majority or superioritie is one thing , and a power of jurisdiction is another . Blessing of the Church at their dismission is nothing , but a prayer of the whole Church ( the Minister being mouth ) who blesseth all , and is no act of superioritie of jurisdiction , or power of the keyes , of which wee now dispute . And you cannot thinke that to obey those who are over you in the Lord , and submit to them , as it is , Heb. 13. 17. is nothing but to receive a dismissory blessing from the Pastor . And I much doubt , if the Priests blessing of the people , Numb . 6. was morall , and if it was not typicall , hee not taking in himselfe , but as a type of Christ , pronouncing the whole visible Church blessed , sorypifying Christ our Priest , in whom all the nations of the earth are blessed , Gal. 38. 14. And do not the people pay the Pastor home in his owne coyne , for you make the Church of beleevers to ordaine their owne Elders , and to lay hands upon them and blesse them , so you teach . 3. Nor is dismissing of the Church an act of authoritie , or of officiall power , for your preaching and unofficed professors may dismisse , as well as they may publikely pray and preach . 2. A dismission is agreed upon by the Church , before hand , and floweth from the nature of all publike meetings . 3. Ejusdem est potestatis congregare & dimittere caetum congregatum ; you know to conveene Christs Courts authoritatively is due to no man on earth ; the Church hath an intrinsecall power of herselfe to conveene ( being the Court of the Lord Jesus ) and so also to dissolve , and this is the usurped power that the Antichrist taketh to himselfe to conveene the generall councells ; as a Bellarmin , b Suarez , c Pighius , and d Cajetanus teach us . Sixtly , our Author saith ; In case of Apostasie of the Church , or other notorious scandals , or obstinacie thereof , their Elders have power to denounce the judgement of God against the Church , and withdraw themselves from it ; As upon the Idolatry of the Israeli●es , Moses tooke the Tabernacle and pitched it without the camp , Exod. 33. And Paul with Barnabas rejected the Jewes for their blasphemy , and turned to the Gentiles , Act. 13. 45 , 46. Answ. Here be two diverse things sewed together to make up one thing : 1. to denounce the judgement of God is one thing , 2. to separate from the Church is another thing ; the former is an act of authoritie , being rightly taken , the latter is an act of no authoritie . But for the first , to denounce judgement on a visible Church , and that with a separation , is ● nothing but an act of Pastorall teaching , and so no act of officiall power of governing in the Elders above the Church , is brought in all these six , and so yet the difference betwixt the feeders and the fed , the shepheards and flocke , the watchman and the citie , or the people who are to submit and obey these who are over them in the Lord , who rule well , is close everted , and all the Churches are turned masters , feeders , governors , rulers ; for Elders have no officiall authoritie by our brethrens doctrine , which is not in the Church of beleevers . 2. To denounce judgement to an Idolatrous and obstinate Church , who by their Apostasie do declare themselves , not to bee Christs body , is a Pastorall act of Pastors exercised on those who now leave off to be Churches , and this is to play the Pastors to that which is not a flocke , and as unlawfull as for a husband to exercise the actions of a husband to one who is not his wife . 3. To separate from an obstinate Church is by you thought lawfull to all private Christians , who would not defile themselves with the pollutions of the Church , how then do you make it an authoritative act of ruling Pastors ? 4. For Pastors to remove the Gospell , and preach no more to an obstinate Church , is not , nor can it , in reason , be , that wherein wee are to submit and obey those , who are over us in the Lord. My reason is , we are to be agents , at least , for most part , in submitting and yeelding our selves to those who in teaching and governing are over us in the Lord , because they watch for our soules . But in their separating from us and removall of the Gospel , wee are meere patients and cannot be agents . 5. Moses his removall of the Tabernacle , and Paul his turning from the Jewes , was by another spirits warrant , then Pastors now a dayes can dare to remove themselves , and their Ministery from a visible Church , for Paul turned from the Jewes for their universall Apostasie , blasphemy , and opposing of the maine and principall foundation of the Christian faith , to wit , that Christ Jesus came in the world , died for sinners , rose againe , and ascended to heaven , &c. The 4. case , to wit , of any particular scandall , or scandals and of obstinacie therein , cannot bee the like ground for Elders to separate from a Church and never preach the Gospel againe to them . CHAP. 6. SECT . 1. Of communion of sister Churches amongst themselves . I Here bee seven wayes , saith the Author , by which wee leepe the communion of Saints in divers Churches . 1. By way of participation . 2. Of recommendation . 3. Of consultation . 4. Of Congregation . 5. Of contribution . 6. Of admonition . 7. Of propagation , or multiplication of Churches . It is allowed by the consent of our Churches , that when the members of any other Churches are occasioned to rest with us on the Lords day , when the Supper commeth to be administred , and neither the persons themselves , nor the Church they came from , under any publick offence , they bee by us admitted to the participation of the Lords Supper : for wee looke at the Lords Supper , not onely as a seale of our communion with the Lord Jesus , but also of our communion with his members , and that not onely with the members of our owne Churches , but of all the Churches of the Saints ; and this is the first way of communion with other Churches , to wit , by participation . Answ. 1. We heartily embrace the doctrine of the communion of Saints , but many things are here which are incompatible with your doctrine ; as first communion of Churches , which you call a branch of the communion of Saints , cannot consist with your doctrine , for a Church by you is relative onely , to the Eldership of a Church , as sonnes are relative to Fathers , but a Sonne is not relative to a brother , so neither is a Parishionall Church properly a Church in relation to a neighbour Church ; for a Church hath no Church-state , no Church-priviledges , no Church-worship , in relation to a sister-Church ; therefore you should say , the Communion of Christians of sister-Churches , not the Communion of Churches , for no Church by your doctrine hath any Church-state ; or Church-worship in relation to any , but to its owne members . 2. This enumeration is defective , you make a Communion of Churches in the members of sister Churches , in the Lords Supper , though the members of neighbour Churches bee not inchurched in Church-state , by oath , as a member of that Church , where hee partaketh the Lords Supper ; and why should not the Child of beleeving parents in the death or absence of the Pastors of neighbour Churches have communion with you in baptisme also ? for this communion in baptizing , you deny to any but those who are members of that Church , wherein they receive baptisme . 3. if you admit communion of Churches in some things , to wit , in the Lords Supper , how can you deny communion of Churches in other holy things of God ? for you admit no communion of Churches in the power of the keyes , as in mutuall counselling , warning , rebuking , binding and loosing , for Christ hath left no common power of the keyes in many visible Churches , who are united together in an Iland or Nation , or Continent , by which these acts of communion should bee regulated , and in case of neglect and abuse , censured according to Gods Word as you say , for you deny all authoritative power in Synods , let me bee resolved , deere brethren , in this , how Christ hath put whole Churches and their soules in worse case then members of your independent Congregations are , for the keyes of the kingdome of heaven in binding and loosing , in excommunicating , that the spirit may bee saved in 〈◊〉 day of the Lord , the removing of scandalls out of sister parishionall kingdomes of Christ , the gaining of sister Churches from heresies and scandalls , as brethren are to bee gained , Matth. 18. 15. 1 Cor. 5. 5. 1 Tim. 1. 30. by censures , the keeping of the holy things of God from profanation , authoritative rebuking , warning , that others may feare , and that the rebuked may bee ashamed , and all these meanes of salvation are denied to your particular Congregations , as if they were Angels and Popes , who cannot be lacking in duties , and yet all these are granted to members of any one particular Church , how hath the care & wisedome of Christ denied these meanes to many united Churches , and yet you acknowledge that sister Churches have communion amongst themselves , and that seven wayes , in visible acts of externall communion ? I beleeve this one argument , though there were no more , doth strongly conclude the lawfulnesse of Synods , and by consequent , the Law of nature would say , if Christs wisdome provide wayes to regulate the publike actions of the members of a particular Church , that they may be edified and builded up in the most holy faith , farre more hath he taken care for many Churches united in a visible communion seven wayes , that Lord that careth for the part , must farre rather care for the whole body . 4. You say members of other Churches are admitted to the Lords Supper amongst you , by consent of your Churches , but what consent doe you meane ? is the consent authoritative , by power of the keyes ? 1. This consent authoritative is either concluded in a Synod of many Churches , and so you acknowledge the authoritative power of Synods , if it be done and agreed upon in every particular Church by them alone ▪ then I aske , seeing to administer the Lords Supper to any , and so to make in your Church meeting , that it shall be administred to any , is ( as you teach ) an act of ministeriall power over those , to whom you administer the Seale , chap. 4. Sect. 5. Now how doe you exercise acts of ministeriall power , or conclude ecclesiastically to exercise these acts in your parishional meeting toward those over whom you have no ministeriall power ? for members of neighbour Churches are under no ministeriall power in your particular Church , as you teach in the same place , as you can exercise no power of the keyes when some are absent , that is tyranny upon the conscience , saith a Answorth , who will have none censured , or excommunicated , except the whole congregation be present : also he who of another Church communicateth with you , 1. Hath no faith of the lawfull calling , and choosing your Ministers , for he neither could nor ought to be present thereat . 2. He knoweth not but he may be leavened by a scandalous lumpe , which leaveneth the whole Church , and is enough , as you say ( chap. 4. Sect. ) to hold any from communicating in the Seales with any Church . Now these and many other things he must take in trust from you , which Answorth thinketh tyranny of conscience ; neither can a letter of recommendation make one of another congregation , capable of Seales with you ; for to dispone is to alienate and give away the ministeriall power of the Seales to another Church . Now this power ( say you , chap. 5. Sect. 4. ) is a part of the liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free , and so you cannot dispone it to another Church , except you bring your selfe in bondage , contrary to Gal. 5. 1. 5. Mr. Best . b and your c selfe , bold that a Pastor can exercise no pastorall act , but over his owne flocke , and you say that the Scripture saith so , Act. 20. 28. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Ergo , either to administer the Lords Supper , is no pastorall Act , and may be done by non-Pastors , ( as Arminians and Socinians destroying the necessity of a ministery , doe averre ) or then a Minister cannot administer the Lords Supper to any but his owne flocke : see you to this . 6. If the sister Church lie under any offence , you will not admit any of their members to the Lords Supper , though these members be of approven piety ; and why ? What a separation is this ? What if these members do not consent to that offence , as some of the godly in Corinth might be humbled and mourne , that the Church did not cast out the incestuous person , shal they be debarred by you from the seales , because they separate not from that infected lump ? the Apostle alloweth communicating , ( so that every one examine himselfe , 1 Cor. 11. 21. 30. ) with drunken persons , and where many were stricken of God , with death , and diverse diseases , as eating and drinking their owne damnation . 7. You looke at the Lords Supper , as a seale of communion with all the Churches of the Saints . What communion meane you ? invisible ? no. You deny that the seales are given to the invisible Church , and the members thereof , but to the visible Church , as you say ; d If you meane a visible communion of all the visible Churches of the Saints , why then brother doe you call the universall visible Church a Chimera , or a dreame , as you say ? e and if all the visible Churches have a visible communion , it is to deny Christs wisdome and care of his Church , to deny the lawfulnesse of a Oecumenick and generall councell of all the Churches of the Saints . We recommend ( saith the Author ) Brethren for a time to other Churches , as Paul recommended Phoebe to the Church of Rome , Rom. 16. 1. 2. or we give letters dismissorie to such as are for ever to reside in another congregation ; but members are not to remove from their congregation , but upon just and weighty reasons made knowne and allowed by the whole Church , for wee looke at our Church Covenant , as an everlasting Covenant , Jerem. 50. v. 5. And therefore though it may be resigned , and translated from one Church to another , ( as Gods hand shall direct ) yet it is not to be violated , and rejected by us ; if members cut off themselves by excommunication , it is their owne fault ; if any upon light reasons be importunately desirous to remove , the Church is to use indulgence , as not willing to make the Church of God a prison , but often the hand of God in poverty and scandall followeth such , and driveth them to returne : when a person recommended by letters commeth to another congregation , the Church by lifting up their hands , or by silence receive him ; if he ●e altogether unknowne , and doubted of , because the Church may erre , be is not received till due triall be taken of him . Answ. We see not how letters of recommendation , most lawfull , as we judge , and necessary , can resigne ministeriall power , a liberty bought with Christs bloud , ( as you say ) to any other Church , for we think all the visible Churches are one Catholike visible Church , and should have a visible communion , and so that there is no resignation of ministeriall power in these letters , but they are declaratory of the Christian behaviour of the dismissed Christian. We aske if dimissory letters be authoritative , and done by the Church as the Church , and how can a Church usurp authority ( by your way ) over a sister Church to recommend a sojourner to a Church state and Church liberties , and seales of the Covenant ? one Church hath no authority over another . If these letters be meerely private , and meerely declaratory , to manifest and declare the sojourners Christian behaviour only then he had power and right without these letters , or any act of resignation , or giving away ministeriall power , to be a Church-member , of the visible Church to the which he goeth . Ergo , he was a member of the visible Church , to which he goeth before the dimissory letters were written ; and the letters doe resigne no right , but onely notifie and declare the sojourners preexistent right , and so there is a visible Church and a visible communion of all congregations on earth , and most be an externall power and authority in all , for Synods . Let our brethren see to this . 3. The person to remove must be dismissed and loosed by the consent of the whole congregation ( it conveniency permit ) else he is not exonered of his Church-oath made to that congregation ; What if conveniency doe not permit ? then is he loosed from an oath without consent of the Church , which did by oath receive him . I thinke eju●dem p●testatis est ( as the Law saith ) ligare & solvere , that Church power which bindeth must loose . 4. If the Church-Covenant be an everlasting Covenant , as Jer. 50. 5. tying the man to the membership of that particular congregation for ever ; I see not how the Church can use indulgenees , and Pope-like dispensations against the oath of God , to breake it upon light and frivolous reasons ; for if God punish Covenant breaking , so also should the Church , and can by no indulgence be accessory to the breach of Gods oath , there is too great a smell of Popery , Arminianisme , and Socinianisine in this way , in my weake judgement . But if the man be not sworne a member of that particular Church by his oath , he is sworne a member of the visible Church universall , which our brethren cannot well say . Neither is any Covenant called an everlasting Covenant in the Scripture , but the Covenant of grace , Jer. 31. 33. c. 32. 40. Isa. 54. 9 , 10. and that is made with the invisible Catholike Church of beleevers , as is the Covenant , Jer. 50. 5. and not a Covenant with one visible congregation , and what warrant hath the Church to dispense with the breach of such an everlasting Covenant ? 5. The testimony of other Churches , if it be a warrant to you , in faith , to receive into the Church such a one as a Saint , and a Temple of the holy Spirit , how should it not also be a warrant to you , to cast out and excommunicate also ? 6. The person comming from another Church , if of approven piety , is received , by lifting up of the hands , or silence of the Church , as you say , 1. Have we a warrant from Gods word , for such a new inchurching ? 2. Why is he not received by a Church oath ? as a Minister transplanted to another Church , must have ordination and election of new , for to you there is alike reason . 3. If there be no need of a new Church oath to make him a member of that visible Congregation , seeing now he is loosed from the former , you in●inuate his former Church-oath did make him a member of a visible Church , and so ●e that is a visible member in a Church , is a visible member of all , and so there must be a visible Church-Catholike , if there be a Catholike visible membership in any one member , and so you destroy what you build . Manuscr . 16. A third way of Communion with other Churches ( saith the Author ) is by seeking their helpe and presence . 1. In admitting of members . 2. In case of differences of judgments . 3. In matters darke and doubtsome . Answ. We seeke a warrant from the word for this , for Elders are present at the admission , and choosing of officers , as prime agents by authority , not by way of naked counsell and advise . Act. 1. 13. c. 6. 26. c. 14. 23. Act. 13. 3. 1 Tim. 1. 13. Manuscr . The fourth way , ( saith he ) is by gathering many Churches , or their messengers in a Synod , to examine and discusse either corrupt opinions , or suspicious practises . Here 1. the Magistrate is acquaint with our Assembly , he being a nourishing Father of the Church . 2. They meete in Christs name . 3. The Elders declare their judgement in order , and the reasons thereof . 4. All may speake till the truth either be cleared , and all either convinced or satisfied , as Act. 15. 7. 5. If things be not fully cleared , and if it seeme that the nature of them admit farther disquisition , yea and difference of judgements , without disunion of affections , or prejudice of salvation , each man is left to his Christian liberty , and if any be otherwayes minded , God shall reveale the same thing to him . Answ. This Section being closed , I have here two considerable points to be discussed ; the one anent the power of Synods : the other anent the power of the civill Magistrates . Quest. I. Whether or not Synods have authority , by divine right , to obleige the Churches to obedience , in things lawfull and expedient ? For the fuller clearing of this grave question , I would have these considerations weighed by the godly reader . Consider . 1. Canons of Councells may be thought to ●ye as authoritative Commandements , or as advises and friendly counsells . 2. An advise or counsell doth obleige and tye both for the intrinsecall lawfulnesse of the counsell , it being for matter Gods word , and also for the authority of the friends counselling , because the first Commandement enjoyneth obedience to all our betters , not onely inplace , and officiall relation , as to Kings , Fathers , Pastors , &c. but also to all above us in age , gifts , knowledge , experience . 3. Hence there is a superiority of dominion , or jurisdiction , and a superiority of reverence , and endowments : the former is the narrower , inadequate , and straiter subject of the fifth Commandement , and both are considerable objects , in this Commandement . 4. All who as friends , equalls , brethren , and indued with more grace , experience and light , doe advise and counsell good , are superiors in so farre , but it is a superiority of reverence , not of jurisdiction : for by this they who are aged , and may counsell what is lawfull , have not power to censure or excommunicate those who follow not their counsell . Yet if David had rejected the counsell of Abigail , disswading him from passionate revenge , he had in that despised God , unlessethe Prince or the High-Priest had given that counsell by way of command , though there be degrees of Latitude in despising the one , rather then the other . 5. There is a difference betwixt hability to judge , and right or power to judge : a Presbyteriall Church may have right , jus , and ecclesiasticall Law to judge of a point , to the judging whereof , they want hability , and therefore de facto , it belongeth to a higher Synod , where more learned men are , though de jure the Presbytery may judge it . 6. Though government of the Church by Synods , be Gods positive Law , yet upon the laid downe ground , Christ hath given the keyes and power of Government to every visible Church , the Government of united Churches by Synods , is a branch of the Law of nature . 7. Synods are necessary for the well-being of the Church , and still are in the visible Church in more , or lesse degrees , for the authority of Synods consisting of fix onely , differeth not in nature and essence , from a generall councell of the whole Catholike visible Church . Magis et minus non variant speciem . And therefore if Synods be warranted by the word of God , ( as no question they are ) there is no neede to prove by particular places of the word , the lawfulnesse of every one of these , a sessionall meeting of the Eldership of a single Congregation . 2. A Presbytery , or meeting of the Elders , or Pastors & Doctors of more Congregations . 3. A Provinciall Synod of the Presbyteries of a whole province . 4. The Nationall Assembly , or meeting of the Elders of the whole Nation . 5. The generall and Occumenick Councell of Pastors , Doctors , and Elders of the whole Catholick Church visible ; for all these differ not in essence , but degrees , and what word of God , as Matth. 18. 16 , 17. proveth the lawfulnesse of one , is for the lawfulnesse of all the five sorts of Synods . 8. Grant the consociation of authorities in sundry Churches , and you cannot deny the authority of Synods above particular Churches . 9. Consociation of Churches to give advise and counsell , is not Consociation of Churches as Churches , but onely consociation of Christian professors , who are obleiged to teach , admonish , and rebuke one another . 10. There is a right of dominion , and a right of jurisdiction , as we shall heare anon . Hence our first conclusion , a generall councell is a Congregation of Pastors , Doctors , and Elders , or others , met in the name and authority of Jesus Christ , out of all Churches , to determine according to the word of God , all controversies in faith , Church-government , or manners , no faithfull person , who desireth , beeing excluded from reasoning and speaking . Neither is the definition of a A●m●in , and b Gerson much different from this , save that they thinke that councells are lawfully conveened , if such and such onely , as are of the Hierarchike order be members thereof , which we thinke Antichristian . 2. As also the Pope president here , we disclaime . Yet doth Almain confesse that a generall councell may be conveened without the Pope in three cases . 1. when the Pope is dead , either departing this life , or civilly dead , being excommunicated . for any crime of heresie : for the Apostolike Sea hath vaiked often two yeares together . 2. When the Pope is averse and opposeth reformation . 3. When time and place hath beene assigned for the next generall , councell , as was done in the councell of Basil ; and the Papists grant that , Matth. 18. Tell the Church , is a warrant for a generall councell . 1. Because it is a meane for the saving of the spirits of all men , even Pastors and Apostles in the day of the Lord. 2. Because Apostles , though in prophecying and writing canonick Scripture , when they were inspired , could not erre , yet otherwise they might erre ; and if Peter should have remained obstinate in his Judaizing , Gal. 2. and resused to heare Paul or the Church , hee was to bee excommunicated . 3. By the Church , Matth. 18. ( saith d the Schoole of Paris ) cannot bee understood , the Prelats of the Church onely , because Christ did speake to Peter ; and saith Almain and Gerson , Peter cannot bee both an ac●user , a witnesse , and a Judge . 4. There is a power of the keyes to bind and loose , given immediatly by Christ to all the rulers of the Catholick or universall Church visible ; Ergo , the exercise of this power , though it bee sometimes ( physice ) impossible , because of the corruption of mans nature , there being bloody warres in Christendome , yet it is morally lawfull , for many things may bee inconvenient , through mans wickednesse , and so hic & nunc not expedient , which are morally lawfull . 2. Conclusion ; Every particular Pastor hath a power , though unproper , of dominion and authoritie , even out of a Synod , about the Acts of preaching and determining truth ; according to the word of God , as Jer. 1. 10. See , I have this day set thee over the nations , and over the kingdomes , &c. 1 Tim. 6. 17. Charge them that are rich that they bee not high minded , &c. 2 Tim. 4. 1. I charge thee before God , and the Lord Jesus Christ , who shall judge the quick and the dead , &c. So any Pastor hath power of dominion and authoritie over a Synod , and Paul as a Pastor might preach , even before the councell at Jerusalem passed their Synodicall determination , Act. 15. that circumcision was not necessary , and that to obstaine from things strangled , from blood and fornication was necessary and lawfull , yea and in preaching truth the Pastor is subject to no Synod . But the Pastor hath not full power of jurisdiction about his acts of preaching necessary truth . 1. Because the Church may for just causes deprive him from preaching . 2. Because hee cannot use the censure of excommunication against those who refuse to receive his true and necessary doctrine , without the Church joyne her power of jurisdiction with him . 3. He , his alone , cannot in a Synod determine ecclesiastically , and in an authoritative Church power , that same truth which as a Pastor hee determined , and with the power of pastorall dominion hee pressed upon the consciences of the Church , yea of the whole Synod , because one man is not the Church , or Synod ; and James his alone , Act. 15. v. 15. could but say , Wherefore my sentence is that yee trouble not them , which from among the Gentiles are turned unto God , though this was the very word of God , which James as a Pastor , even as an ordinary Pastor might have preached in the name of God ; yet is it not the decree of the Church , which the Churches is to keep , Act. 16. 4. while it bee determined by the Church . An example wee may have possible not unlike to this . A man hath a power of dominion over his owne proper lands and goods to use them in God , for his owne use , but the supreme magistrate and Parliament hath a dominion of jurisdiction in a judiciall sentence over those same lands to forfeit them for crimes committed against King and State : or this may cleare it , Samuel hath a power immediately from God , to annoint David King , and in this hee is not subject to the suffrages of the tribes of Israel , hee hath a power of dominion here ; but suppose wee that Samuel live till Gods time , when all Israel shall crowne David King at Hebron , Samuel as a part of the Assembly of Israel , his alone , without the suffrages of Israel , could not make him King at Hebron . Hence wee may see how weake the assertion of our brethren is , who e say , That Synods should have power to bind the Churches ( say they ) wee see not ; f Bellarmine indeed holdeth so . But orthodox writers hold that the sentence of councels is but a certaine inquisition of the truth , and a ministeriall and limited sentence , so that the decree of a councell is of as great force as the reason thereof , so saith Amesius and g Junius . But certainly this is a meer mistake of our brethren , as if they were not orthodox writers , but conspirers against the truth with Bellarmine , who hold the authoritie of Synods . The essentiall end ( to speak so ) of Synods is unitie , and the eschewing of schisme ; and wee doubt not , but Peter , Paul , James had in their Sermons , and doctrine determined that same veritie , to wit , that the Law of Moses and ceremonies was a yoak not to bee laid upon the Christian Churches , yet it was not a decree for unities sake , and fuller authoritie binding the Churches to observe these , as Act. 16. 4. while it was determined in a Synod , Act. 5. 24. 25. But truely wee hold nothing in this common with Jesuites and Papists , for wee condemne not that in Bellarmine , that hee holdeth that lawfull Synods ( for of such wee dispute with him ) do bind the Churches to obedience in God , to their decrees , not because they say it , but because they say it authoritatively from Gods Word ; authoritie of Synods no orthodox writers deny , authoritie officiall as the representative Church of Christ they have , He that heareth you heareth mee , hee that despiseth you despiseth me ; Where two or three are gathered together ( in a Synod , say our Divines ) I will bee amongst them . But authoritie objective they have not , so as what they say , because they say it , therefore the very matter , object and thing said by them , is no lesse the Word of God , then if the Prophets and Apostles by divine inspiration had said it ; at least it is not infallibly true , because they say it , for that wee disclaime , and it is that authoritie of Synods , which Bellarmine and Papists hold , Councells ( saith h Bellarmine ) and Scripture are both infallible , and i the Jesuits of Rhemes , and k Lorinus the Jesuite said councells are infallible , the holy Spirit is there present ; l Gratian said , all the decretall Epistles of Popes , and m the Canons of the Councells are of equall authoritie with the Scriptures : and their o Gregorius said hee received with the same reverence and authoritie the foure generall Councells , & the foure Evangelist● ; it is certaine ( saith p Suarez ) that a Councell is an infallible rule of faith , and q Turrecremata saith the same : It is certaine ( saith r Bailius ) Councells are ●● the Oracles of God to us in difficulties , so saith s Cajetanus , t Canus , and u Gregorius de Valentia ; wee hold the authoritie of Councels , but ascribe to them as much power over the conscience , as there is reason in them from Gods Word , and no more . But 2. This is a weake reason , councels have no power to command obedience , because their Canons and Decrees are of no more force , then they have reason from Gods Word . For 1. Friends , brethren , equals , by that have no warrant to rebuke , because their rebukes have but as much force , as they have reason from the word of God , for the reason is alike in both ; lawfull Pastors cannot command obedience in the Lord , your independent Congregations cannot command that which bindeth the Church to obedience , because the word or a commandement of a Pastor , or your independent Church is onely a commandement ministeriall and limited , and hath as much force as there is reason in it , from the Word of God ; yea the Church of Corin●h hath not then the power of the Lord Jesus to excommunicate the incestuous person , nor the Church of Thyatira , to cast out and condemne Jezabell the false prophetesse ; nor do these commandements of the Synod , or Church assembly have any power to bind the Churches to obedience , because these commandements and decrees of censure are but ministeriall and limited , and in so farre onely of force , as they have reason from the Word of God , as you say . 3. Conclusion : There is an authoritative power in Synods , whereby they may and doe command in the Lord the visible Churches , in their bounds ; the whole Churches are subject to the ordinance and decree of the Church , Act. 1. where with common consent of a Synodicall meeting , Matthias is ordained an Apostle ; Ergo , all the Churches are to take him for an Apostle . This argument cannot bee repelled , because the Apostles by their extraordinary power did choose Matthias . Because , 1. they themselves cite this place to prove the peoples power ordinary , which is to indure to Christs second comming , in calling and electing their owne officers and Elders . 2. Almain x a Papist alleadgeth the place with good reason , to prove that a generall councell is above Peter or the Pope , because Peter would not choose Matthias without consent of the Apostles and Church . 3. If this was extraordinary that Matthias was chosen , why then is the vow and consent of the Church sought ? for there is nothing extraordinary and Apostolick flowing from an Apostolick spirit , which is concluded or done by the spirit ordinary of the Church of beleevers . So also Act. 6. If the Apostles did not by the ordinary and Synodicall power of ordinary Pastors choose seven Deacons , how doe they first require that the Churches of Grecians and Hebrewes should seek out seven men ? v. 3. and did ordaine them with the common consent of the whole multitude , v. 5. Act. 15. A Synod of moe Churches give decrees which obliege the Churches , v. 28. ch . 16. v. 4. Ergo , Synods have authoritie over the Churches . Those who say this Synod is not a patterne for after Synods , say farre aside ; for their reason is , this was 1. An Apostolick Synod ; 2. the holy Ghost was here ; 3. the thing determined was canonick Scripture . But this is a way to clude all the promises made to Pastors in the word , when as they are first made to Apostles : this promise , Behold I am with you to the ●nd of the world , and this , I will send you the other Comforter , who 〈◊〉 lead you in all truth , cannot bee made to faithfull Pastors , and the Christian Church , that now is , for it is certaine Christ is otherwise present with his Apostles , then with his Pastors after them . And that he gave them a tongue & a spirit when they were before the councels and rulers , as to Apostolick men , as Act. 4. 8. 9 , 10. Act. 5. 29. as Christ promised , Matth. 10. 19. 20. Luk. 21. 13 , 14 , 15. for they were full of the holy Ghost before rulers , but by our brethrens doctrine , it shall follow none of these promises belong to Pastors now adayes in the like , because no pastors now are Apostles . Surely this were to fetter and imprison many glorious promises within the pale of the onely Apostolick Church ; and because Christ ascending to heaven sent downe the Apostolick spirit to his Apostles to write and preach canonick Scripture , it shall follow he fulfilleth that promise , John 16. 13. to none now adayes , because none have the Apostolike spirit in the manner and measure that the Apostles had . Yea further it is canonick Scripture that the Apostles at the last supper did shew forth the Lords death till be come againe ; therefore it shall follow that we have no warrant to shew forth the Lords death till he come againe . 2. But that the Apostles in an ecclesiastick way did determine in the Synod for our imitation , and not in an Apostolike way , is cleare by many evidences in the text , as Act. 15. 2. Paul and Barnabas were sent commissioners to the Apostles and Elders about this question : Paul as an Apostle needed not be sent to know more of the matter then he knew , as an Apostle ; for as an Apostle he knew the whole mystery of the Gospel , Gal. 1. 16. 17. Ephes. 3. 4 , 5. Ergo , he was sent to the Synod as a Pastor , and that as an ordinary Pastor . 2. They came together , v. 6. to consider of this businesse , but as Apostles they needed not the help of a Synod . Ergo , they came together as ordinary Pastors for the Churches after imitation . 3. There was much debating and disputing , v. 7. about the matter . 4. They set down their minds and sentences in order , one after another , as Peter first , v. 7. 8. then Barnabas and Paul , v. 12. then James , v. 13. and to James his sentence the whole Councell agreeth , v. 22. Now what the Apostles , as Apostles and from an infallible Spirit do , they doe it not by seeking light and help one from another . 5. The Decree of the Councell is a thing that Apostles , Elders , and Brethren , and the whole Church resolveth after much dispute , v. 22. But all these , especially brethren , and the whole beleevers , as our Brethren say , doe not joyne themselves with the Apostles , either to write canonick Scripture , or to give their consent to the writing of it , therefore they doe consent by a synodall authority , for the after imitation of the Churches . Also there bee reasons of moment for Synods ; and 1. if according to the Law of nature , and nations , no man can bee a Judge in his owne cause , then are appeales from the Eldership of one congregation , when they are a party to the accused person , naturall , and from a Session to the Presbyteries and Synods of many moe Elders . But the former is reason , nature , Law of Nations . Ergo , so is the latter . 1. It is best reason which hath most of Scripture . Paul and Barnabas , Act. 15. 1. 2. had no small disputation with those who said circumcision was necessary ; finding their parties could not be Judges . They appeale to a generall councell at Jerusalem , where were the Apostles and Elders ; The Church of the Grecians and the Church of the Hebrewes strive , neither of them can judge other , and both appeale to a higher judicatory , to the twelve Apostles , and their owne Churches meeting with them , and there is the matter determined a●ent helping the poore by Deacons ; if the Judge doe wrong , and one particular congregation shall oppresse one sincere and sound beleever , what remedy hath the care of Christ provided for this ? that the oppressours may be edisied by Church censures , and the oppressed freed , and delivered by remedy of discipline of Christ , whose it is to judge the poore of the people , and to save the children of the needy , Ps. 72. 4. Now it is knowne that Diotrephes doth sometime excommunicate , a and the evill se●vant ruleth all , b Hieronymus saith Arrians ruled all in the dayes of Constantius and Valens : c Basil saith , we may say in our time , that there is neither Prince , nor Prophet , nor Ru●●● , nor oblation , nor incense : d Athanasius and e Vincentius Lirinent complain'd that it was in the Arrians times , as with the Church and Prophets in the dayes of Elias : and amongst Papists f Occam g the author of Onus ecclesiae , and h Picus Mirandula complaine , there was in their time , no saith , no truth , no Religion , no discipline , no modesty ; but all sold offices , Churches , dignities , and benefices , and that ambitious Popes spill all , the Clergy entered by Simony , ruled by Simony , the holy place corrupted . At which times all the godly were crying for a free generall councell , as a remedy against the corruption of inferior judicatories . Sa●ano●ala reputed a Prophet , counselled Charles the eighth of France , to reforme the Church , as he would returne from Italy , with honour , as saith i Philip de Comines . k Gerson pleadeth for the necessity of a generall Councell . l Genebrard saith , for an hundred and fifty yeeres , Popes , to the number of fifty , had made defection , from the faith and godlinesse of their Ancestors . m Aventinus maketh the same complaint , and n Almain also , that Prelats were more eaten up with the zeale of money , then the zeale of Gods house . Is there not need then of a generall Councell ? Hence came also appeales from the Pope . The Emperour Lodovicus Bavarus ( saith o the German Chronicle ) appealed from Pope John 22. misinformed to a generall Councell , and the Pope better informed , and the crime was , because he had taken the title of Emperour before he was confirmed by the Pope , for which he was excommunicated . Sigismond Duke of Austria appealed from Pope Pius the second , to the next succeeding Pope , and a generall Councell under him , for the Pope excommunicated Sigismond , because he kept backe Cardinall Cusan from the Bishoprick of Brixen within his Dominion ; for the Bishoprick was given to him , by a commendam , by the Pope : See p Aeneas Silvius . Philip the fourth appealed from wicked Boniface the eighth , to the Sea Apostolike then vacant , and to a future Councell ; so q Platina relateth . The University of Paris appealed from Leo the tenth , who wickedly condemned the Councell of Basill , to a future Councell , as you finde it in the treatise called r Fasciculus , &c. The Archbishop of Cullen excommunicated by Paul the third , appealed to a lawful Councel in Germany , because the Pope stood accused of heresie and idolatry , as s Sleidan saith . The t glosse of the Canon Law saith , the Pope cannot be Judge in his owne cause ; and we all know how justly Luther appealed from Leo the tenth , to a generall Councell : all which saith that the like is warranted by the Law of nature , where a particular Eldership and congregation is accused of scandals , that superiour Synods there must be to discusse such causes . And the good use of councels you may see in one : The Councell of Constance , Sess. 11. art . 67. condemned John 23. because he taught there was no life eternall , Neque●aliam , post hanc , vitam ; pertinaciter credidit animam hominis cum corpore mori , & extingui , ad instar animalium brutorum , dixitque mortuum semel esse etiam in novissimo die minime resurrecturum . The necessity of Assemblies when common enemies trouble the Church , prove that Christ hath instituted Synods . And 1. our present Authour reasoneth from the Churches necessity , Synods may conveene to examine ( saith he ) either corrupt opinions or suspitious practises ; and citeth for this the Councell of Jerusalem , Act. 15. Now this councell did authoritatively command , Act. 15. 28. Act. 16. 4. Act. 20. 19. and not give advise or counsell onely . 2. If by the Law of nature , and by vertue of the communion of Saints , Churches conveened , may give advise ; then say I , as communion of counsels and advises is lawfull , so by the Law of nature communion of authoritative power is lawfull . As after the eye ( saith w Almain ) seeth the danger of the body , it should give warning to the rest of the members to use their power . And this power ( saith he ) denunciative , or by way of charity , though not authoritative , is in private persons for the conveening of a Councell . As after ( saith Almain x in the same place ) any is instructed by a skilled Physitian of that which is necessary , for the health and safety of the whole body , he is obliged to use that necessary meane , not now by vertue of the precept , or rather counsell and advise of the Physitian , but by vertue of the precept and authoritative power of the Law of nature , for the safety of his body : yea further ( saith he ) if the right band were fettered with chanizees , or should refuse pertinaciously at the nodde of the imagination to defend the body , then the whole power of defending the body , should remaine in the left hand . And certainly this is most naturall , if a forraine enemy should invade a whole Land , or any part of a Land , the whole Land by the Law of nature were obliged with joynt authority and power to resist that common enemy . Now seeing a number of consociated sister Churches make one visible Church body , having visible communion together , as the Author granteth in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , which is ( saith he ) a seale of the communion of all the Churches of the Saints , and in other externall acts of Church communion , as hearing the Word , exhorting , rebuking , comforting one another , then are all these visible Churches with united authority and Church power , as Churches , and not as Christians onely , to conveen and condemne a common heretick infecting all or any part of that visible Church body ; and if any one Church or Congregation under the pretence of plenitude of independencie of government within themselves , should refuse to joyne with the whole , yet the authoritative power of Synodicall judging and condemning such a heretick , doth reside by the Law of nature , in the rest of the body . If there bee a communion of gifts , there is also a communion of authoritie . And if a nation have intrinsecally authoritative power under a Prince to repell a common enemy , for the safetie of the whole , then hath a visible body of many Churches in joyning one externall communion of sisterly consociation , under one Christ , one Church , power to repell a scandalous heretick , who is a common enemy to the whole Churches visible . This Argument is grounded upon the necessitie of Synods ; our brethren are forced to acknowledge their necessitie , by way of counselling , and advising , but Synods as Synods to bee necessary , they thinke popish . The best popish councell wee read of , is that of Basil , where it was ordained that a a generall councell should be holden within five yeers next following , the next councell within seven yeers , and alwayes after that , every ten yeers ; and in the b councell of Basil the Pope is discharged to transgresse that time of convocating a councell . Now the councells as councells are no popish devices , but rather hated by right downe , and well died Papists , as is cleare by Gersons complaint c who saith omission of generall councells is the Churches plugue ; a lover of reformation d Franc. Zabarell saith , wicked P●pes neglecting generall councells , have undone the Church . The learned e author of the review of the councell of Trent saith gravely , It is but a theating of Christ●ndome above board , to leave the judgement of the necessitie of generall councells to the Popes will. and no marvell then Popes decline councells ; for the councell of Pisan ( as f Bellarmine granteth ) was convocated against Julius the second that wicked man , and therefore was rejected by Julian the second in the councell of g Lateran , yet this councell and all the decrees thereof was approven and confirmed by Alexander the first , who was accounted lawfull Pope ; and ( b ) Platina faith , this councell was approved , and that in it Gregory 12. and Benet 13. were deprived of their papall dignitie , all nations assenting , except neither Spaine , the King of Scotland , and Earle of Arminac , who followed Pope Benet : and for approbation of the councells of Pise , Constance , and Basil , which censured Popes and deprived them , and subjected them to a generall councell , let any man read the i Review of the Councell of Trent , and Bellarmine is therein fully consuted . Also generall councells have condemned the doctrine of the Church of Rome , for which they thinke them not necessary , as the councell of Frankford , saith k Bellarmine , and Basil and Constance are not approved in all , because they favour not the Roman Churches doctrine and the Popes supremacy above Councells ; yea and generall councells cannot bee simply necessary ( saith hee l because the Catholick Church remained safe , the first three hundreth yeers after Christ , without generall councells , and might have remained safe other three hundreth yeers , and so a thousand yeers , and faults may bee amended by the Lawes of Popes , and by provinciall councells ( saith hee ; ) and their Costerus m saith , the Pope him selfe without councells hath condemned many heresies , and this is a shorter and more compendious way , then by councells , for it is hard and laborious to conveene councells , therefore the Churches salvation doth not depend upon them , saith n Bellarmine , yea it is in vaine ( saith the Jesuit o Pererius ) to doe that by many , which may as conveniently bee done by fewer , he meaneth councels may be wanted . Our brethren rejecting councells , and their necessitie at all , in this sideth with Papists . Though p Calvin saith , Nullum esse nec melius , nec certius remedium , that there is no better , nor surer remedy to find out the truth , then a Synod of true Pastors . And Arminians and Socinians thinke that Synods are neither necessary , nor profitable ; for as our brethren here give no authoritie to Synods , but to counsell and advise : the very same is taught by a grand Arminian q Episcopius , who saith , Synods are not profitable , for the establishing the truth , or rooting out of errors and heresies , but onely to advise , sist , examine , and by reasons and arguments to perswade , and therefore are not profitable , either for the being , or for the well being of the Church . Synodici conventus nec ad ●esse , nec ad bene esse ecclesiae absolute necessarii sunt ; ad veritatis divinae stabilimentum , & hereseon , errorumque averruns itionem vel exstirpationem , eo tantum casu utiles esse statuimus , si ad deliberandum , ventilandum , examinandum , & rationibus argumentisque persuadendum congregentur ; litium finem facere , circa religionis capita , aliter quam persuadendo , est tyrannidem in ecclesiam invehere , & libertatem conscientiarum , si non omnino tollere , saltem vehementer astringere & ligare . To ●nd controversies in the Church any otherwise , then by perswading , is to bring in a tyranny in the Church of Christ , and to hurt , if not altogether to evert the libertie of consciences of men . And the Arminians in their Apologie r teach us that a decision or a determination of a Synod obligeth not those who were not present at the making of that decision . And so have I shown from s Answorth , and our brethrens doctrine that they teach , people cannot assent , without tyranny of consciences , to the decrees of the Elders , at the making whereof they were not present , and present , consenters . 2. A Synods decision doth incline the mind to consider of the decision , but doth not compell authoritatively to consent and obey . 3. This is violence to the conscience . 4. To setch expositions of the word from confessions of faith , or decrees of councells is dangerous ; and this is the doctrine of Socinians : for t Theophil . Nicolaides saith , the Church in a Synod cannot decide controversies , because shee may erre , neither can shee take them away , for that were to doe violence to mens consciences : and u Smalcius saith , this were ( tacite ) quietly to leave the writings of the Apostles , and commend humane traditions . So our brethren give nothing , but a power of counselling and morall perswading to Synods , and no authoritie to command , because ( say they x in their answers to the 32. questions ) Synods may erre , and their decrees have no more force then they fetch reason from Gods Word ; and truely our brethren with Socinians and Arminians here do fall in many foule errors . For , 1. all preaching of the Word , and all power of authoritie of Pastors commanding in the name of the Lord , faith and obedience , is onely morall and to perswade , and not authoritative to command , because Pastors may as well erre in preaching , as the Church may erre in Synods . 2. Because what Pastors preach hath no more force over the conscience , then they have warrant to speake from the Word of God , as is cleare , Ezek. 3. 7. Gal. 1. 9. 1 Thess. 2. 13. 2. All confessions of faith that are set downe by lawfull Synods are null . 3. Libertie of prophecying , and a Cassandrian licence of beleeving in things controverted , any thing in this or on that side , is lawfull . 4. A perpetuall doubting of conscience , except in two or three points fundamentall , that all Christians beleeve , yea and all hereticks , is brought in in the Church . 5. The Lords working with the word preached , is but by way of morall perswasion . 6. But our Divines hold the authoritie of Synods , and of Pastors preaching the Word from the Scriptures : z but I find both our brethren and Arminians do misken the authority of the Church , and of Pastors in both Preaching and Synods , for they thinke to set up the authoritie of Synods , is to cast downe the authoritie of the Scriptures , because things to bee distinguished are confounded ; for wee deny that Synods or Pastors have peremptory , absolute , and illimited authoritie , and power to determine as they please in Sermons and Synods , their Power is limited according to the Word of God , and their word is onely to bee beleeved , in so farre as it is agreeable to the Word of God ; but hence it followeth not , that Pastors and Synods have no power and authoritie at all to determine , but onely to counsell , advise and perswade ; for private Christians , our equalls and inferiours , have power to counsell , perswade , and advise in a private way by teaching , a admonishing , b exhorting , c rebuking , d conference . They build upon the reproving of events of councells by e Nazianzen , which is not against their authoritie and true fulnesse , and he speaketh of the councells of his time , and it is not to bee denyed but f Panormitan saith well , dictum unius privati est praeferendum dicto papae , si ille moveretur melioribus rationibus veteris & novi Testamenti ; and g Augustine saith , latter councells may correct older councells ; and Petrus de h Monte under Eugenius complained that there was no godly and learned Bishops in his time , to determine truth in a Synod , when Doctors , Professors , Bishops , and all have sworne obedience to the Pope , to their Occumenick councells , and to the wicked decrees of the councell of Trent , as the Bull of Pius the fourth requireth . But before I say any thing of the second question anent the magistrates power , I shall close the other wayes of communion of sister Churches . CHAP. 6. SECT . 5. Three other wayes of communion of sister Churches . A Fift way of communion ( saith the author ) is by helping and contributing to sister Churches , Prophets , and Teachers , when they are in scarstie , as Act. 11. 29. Rom. 15. 25. 26. Ans. This way of communion we acknowledg , but we see not how this communion can stand , wi●hout the authoritie of Synods ; if Churches bee not united in one visible body , they cannot authoritatively send helpe of teachers one to another ; and this is a direct acknowledgement of a visible union of more Churches in one visible body ; for the Church of Jerusalem authoritatively sent Pastors , Paul and Barnabas , as Pastors to the Gentiles , you will have them sent as gifted men , and that they are not Pastors while they bee ordained , and chosen by these Churches to which they goe . A sixt way of communion ( saith hee ) is by admonition ; if a sister Church or any member thereof bee scandalous , wee are then to send Elders to warn them to call Archippus or any other Elder , to take beed to do their dutie ; if the Elders or Church bee remisse in consuring , wee are to take the helpe of two or three Churches moe ; if yet that Church ●eare not , wee are to tell a Congregation of Churches together ; or if the offence bee weightie , wee are to withdraw the right hand of fellowship from such a Church , and to forbeare all such sort of exercise of mutuall brotherly communion with them , which all the Churches of Christ are to walke in , one towards another . Answ. You acknowledge that same order which Christ commandeth , Matth. 18. to gaine a brother , is to bee kept in the gaining of scandalous Churches . But 1. What warrant have you of the two first steps of Christs order against scandalous Churches , and to omit the third judiciall and authoritative way , when sister Churches turne obstinate ? Christs order for gaining the scandalous is as necessary in the third , as in the former two . 2. Why doe you allow the third in a sort ? for if the sister Church will not bee admonished , you will have her rebuked , before moe sister Churches , that are conveened , that is , before a Synod ; is it because you thinke there is more authority in a Synod , then in one sister Church ? then you thinke there is authoritie in a Synod ; for by good Logick , wee may inferre the positive degree from the comparative , and there is no other reason why the matter should come before a Synod , for all in a Synod wanteth authority and power to censure , as you thinke , yet to complaine to a Synod is an acknowledgement of the authoritie of a Synod , as Christs order saith , Matth. 18. 17. If hee neglect to heare them , tell it to the Church . 3. What is the withdrawing of brotherly communion from obstinate sister Churches , but as a Amesius saith well , excommunication by proportion and analogie ? Ergo , say I , in this a Synod hath a Synodicall authoritie over the Churches within the bounds of the Synod by proportion , for who can inflict a punishment of a Church censure , by proportion answerable to excommunication , but a Church , or a Synodicall meeting , which hath the power of the Church by proportion ? Amesius would prove that a particular Church cannot bee excommunicated , because a Church cannot bee cast out of communion with it selfe , for then she should bee cast out of herselfe . But this argument with reverence of so learned and godly a man , proveth onely that a particular Church cannot excommunicate herselfe , which I grant , but it concludeth not , but a particular obstinate Church may bee excommunicated out of the societie of all sister Churches , who meeting in a Synod in the name of Jesus Christ have power to save the spirits of sister Churches in the day of the Lord , and are to edifie them by counsell and rebuking , as the Author granteth , and why not by an authoritative declaring that they will have no communion with such an obstinate sister or rather daughter Church ? Wee have never , saith the Author , been put to the utmost extent of this dutie , the Lord hitherto preventing by his grace , yet it is our dutie . The Church , Cant. 8. tooke care not onely for her owne members , but also for her little sister , that had no brests , and would have taken care , if having breasts they had been distempered with corrupt milke : if the Apostles had a care of all the Churches , 1 Cor. 8. 11. is that spirit of grace and love dead with them ? ought not all the Churches to care for sister Churches , if not , virtute officii , by vertue of an office , yet intuitu charitatis , for charities sake ? Answ. That you have never beene put to these duties to the utmost , will never prove that the government is of God , for Corinth , Ephesus , Pergamus , Thyatira , which were glorious Churches by your owne confession , were put to a necessitie of the utmost extent of these duties ; yea it proveth your government to bee rather so much the worse , because Christs government is opposed by secret enemies in the Church . 2. You make the spirit of love in a pastorall care over other Churches to bee dead , because none have any pastorall care over any other Churches , but the particular Congregation over which they are Pastors , and pastorall love to unconverted ones , as pastorall , you utterly deny . The last way of communion ( saith the Author ) is by propagation or multiplication , which is , as the Apostles had immediat calling from God to travell through the world , and to plant Churches , so have particular Churches given to them immediatly from Christ , the fulnesse of measure of grace , which the inlargement and establishment of Christs kingdome doth require , that is , when the Bee-hive a parishionall congregation is surcharged , they have power to send forth their members , to enter , by Covenant , in Church-state amongst themselves , and may commend to them such able gifted Ministers , as they thinke may bee Ministers in that young Church . Answ. 1. This way of inlarging Christs kingdome is defective . 1. It sheweth the way of inlarging the number of invisible Churches , and multitudes of converts into new incorporations , but doth shew no way how to plant soules who were non-converts , and branches of the wild olive in Christ Jesus , and to make new visible Churches ; but it is certaine that the Apostles as Apostles , and as Pastors , by vertue of their office converted obstinate sinners to the faith of Christ , and planted them in a visible Church , consisting of professors of the faith , partly converted , partly not converted ; but the pastors by your doctrine have no power as Pastors , or by any Pastorall authoritie , to plant the Gospell where it hath never beene , that pastorall spirit is dead with the Apostles ; and in this , contrary to all reason and sense , and contrary to the Scriptures , you make private Christians the successors of the Apostles to plant Churches , and to convert soules , and to make them fit materialls for the visible Church of regenerate persons ; for Pastors as Pastors , and visible Churches as visible Churches doe nothing at all to the multiplying of Churches , seeing Pastors and visible Churches as they are such , by your doctrine , are but nurses to give suck to those who are already converted , but not fathers to convert them ; for private Christians , or pastors as Christians gifted to prophesie , not as Pastors , doe multiply Churches , and convert men to Christ , as you teach , now wee all know that nurses as nurses doe not propagate , or by generation multiply people in the Common-wealth , that fathers and mothers onely can doe ; your Churches have no ministeriall breasts , but to give suck to babes who are already borne : but wee see by your doctrine no ministeriall power of Pastors or Churches to send forth members to enter in a Church covenant , or to enter in a new Church relation of a daughter , or a sister visible Church ; if they send a number to bee a new Church , your Pastors or visible Church did not multiply them , it is presumed they were converts , before they were members of the visible Church , which now sendeth them out ; and if they bee multiplied in the bosome of your visible Church and converted , they were not truely members of that visible Church before their conversion , and also that they were not converted by any publike ministery , but by private Christians gifted to prophesie , who are the onely successors of the Apostles to plant visible Churches : but what pastorall authoritie have you to send them forth to bee a new visible Church ? none at all ? they have as beleevers power to remove from you , and because of multiplication , to make themselves a new Church , and this ministeriall power of making themselves a new Church they have not from you , but from their fathers who converted them , so that you make a visible Church within a visible Church , but not a Church begotten or borne of a visible Church , as a child of the mother ; and wee desire a word of God , either precept , promise , or practise of such a Church multiplication , mans word is not enough . 2. Wee hold that the sending of the Apostles to all the world was not in it selfe , that which essentially distinguisheth the Apostle from the now ordinary Pastor , who is fixed to a single Congregation , but the gift of tongues to preach to all the world upon the Lords intention to send the Gospel to all nations , that as many as were chosen to life , might beleeve , was that which essentially differenceth the Apostle from the ordinary pastor , together with a speciall revelation of God , to goe to such and such people , to Macedonia , and not yet to Bythinia . And now seeing these two are taken away , the ordinary Pastors which now are , have as Pastors a sufficient calling to preach the Gospel to all nations , to whom by Gods providence they shall come , and can understand their language , whether of their owne Congregation or not . Neither is a Pastor tied as a Pastor by Gods Word , to one onely Congregation , for then it should bee unlawfull for a Pastor as a Pastor to plant a new Church ; but shall it bee lawfull for private Christians to plant new Churches , who are not the Apostles successors , and yet it shall bee unlawfull for Pastors , who are the undoubted successors of the Apostles , to plant new Churches ? I would think that admirable doctrine , for so you give to private Christians that which you make essentiall to the Apostles , and you deny it to the undoubted successors of the Apostles , to wit , to Pastors . But we hold a lawfull Pastor is a Pastor in relation to all the world , with this distinction , hee is by Christs appointment and the Churches a Pastor to all congregations , to plant and water , and preach , but by speciall designation of Gods providence , and the Churches appointment designed and set apart for such a determinate flock , just as the Apostles in generall were made Pastors to all the world , Matth. 28 19. Go teach all nations , but by speciall revelation and Apostolick appointment , Peter was appointed the Apostle of the Jewes , Paul of the Gentiles , Gal. 2. 9. yet Paul was a Pastor in relation to the Jewes , and Peter also in relation to the Gentiles : so by speciall revelation , Act. 16. they are forbidden to preach the word in Bythinia , and commanded to preach it elsewhere ; and for this cause , pious antiquity , as Morton a observeth , called some learned fathers Pastors of the World , b Athanasius is saluted Pontifex maximus , as Russinus saith , and Origen magister ecclesi●rum , master of the Churches , so c Hieronymus , and Cyprian totius orbis praeses , Cyp●ian the Bishop of all the world , yea and Pope , so d Nazianz. Hilarius is called by e Augustine insignis ecclesiae doctor , a renowned teacher of the Church , and f Nazianzenus calleth Basilius the light of the word , and g Damascenus the light of the whole world , and h Theodoret saith Chrysostome is called totius orbis terrarum doctor , the Doctor and teacher of the whole world : all which titles saith evidently that antiquitie beleeved never a Pastor , or Bishop , not to bee a Pastor onely in relation to the one single Congregation , whereof hee is Pastor , but a Pastor in relation to the whole visible Church , though by designation of the Church his ministery bee appropriated to one particular Church . Thus it is cleare that our brethren deny all communion of Churches , while they confine a visible Church to one onely single and independent Congregation , subjected in its visible government to Christ Jesus immediatly , and to no universall visible Church or Synod on earth . Quest. II. Whether the Magistrate hath power to compell persons to a Church profession ? Anent Magistrates sundry things are questioned to make presbyteriall government odious . And first our brethren complaine that our Churches are constitute by the authoritie of the Magistrate , i Robinson saith , it was a presumptuous enterprise , that people were haled against their will into covenant with God , to sweare obedience to the protestant Faith , being a profane multitude , living before in grosse idolatry , and that by the authority of the supreme magistrate , for the commandement of the magistrate ( say they ) can make no members of the visible Church , or of Christs body , because it is a voluntary act of obedience to Christ , that men adjoyne themselves to the visible Church ; Ergo , none can be compelled thereunto by the authoritie of the Magistrate ; faith may bee counselled , it cannot bee compelled . For the clearing of this question , these considerations are to bee weighed . 1. The Magistrate may compell to the meanes , and externall acts of worship , and to desisting from externall false worship of the false God , or of the true God worshipped in a false way , hee cannot compell to internall acts of faith , love , and such like , as having no power over the conscience . 2. There is one consideration of a Heathen or Pagan nation which never received Christianitie , and the true faith , and another consideration of a nation baptized and professing Christ. 3. A Magistrate may compell a heathen nation to the negative reverence of Christ in a indirect way , and that with the sword , though he cannot compell to the positive worshipping of him : if a Christian Prince subdue a Pagan nation , hee cannot force them with the Sword to a positive receiving of the doctrine of the Gospell , but if it bee a nation expressely blaspheming Christ , as the nation of the Jewes now do , hee may compell them to an abstinence from a professed blaspheming of Christ , because he is to use the sword against blasphemy . 4. The weapons of the Church as the Church are not carnall , but spiritual and mightie through God. 5. The compelling power of the Magistrate is terminated upon externall worship as abstracted from either hypocrisie or sinceritie in worship , 6. Though no man resist the Magistrate in a matter of religion , except in a hypocriticall way , save onely he who thinketh hee hath reason 〈◊〉 , and is led by the judgement and inditement of conscience to resist , ●et is not the in litement of conscience , but onely the Word of God ●et rule of mans obedience , or resisting in actions , purposes & conversation . 1. Conclusion . Fire and sword , or warre , or the coactive power of a magistrate is not Gods way of planting the Gospell in a heathen nation , which never heard of the Gospell before . 1. Because the Apostles were commanded , by teaching the Gospell to all nations , Matth. 28. 19 , 20. Mark. 16. 15. Act. 7. 8. and not by warre , to spread the Gospel . 2. Because Christs Kingdome is not of this world , for then his servants would fight for him , Joh. 18. 36. nor are the weapons of our warfare carnall , 2 Cor. 10. 4. nor is Christs sword any other thing , then the Word of God , Rev. 19. 15. Gal. 6. 17. And in this meaning , and with relation to the internall acts of sound beleeving , have the learned taught us , that , religio suaderi potest , cogi non potest : if these bee the constitutions of a Clemens , let it goe for a truth in this sense , that God hath given libertie of will to men , not punishing them with temporall death , but calleth them to give an account of ●●eir doings , in the life to come : which yet cannot bee universally true , except that the Author with Anabaptists take away the power of the civill magistrate ; and b Athanasius meaned with us , when hee citeth that , If any will come after me , let him take up his crosse ; to prove that the will cannot bee compelled ; and that of c Lactantius is approved by all , defendenda tamen religioest , non occidendo , sed moriendo , non saevitiâ , sed sapientiâ , non s●●lere , sed fide ; illa enim malorum sunt , baec bonorum ; & necesse est bonum in religione versari , non malum : Nam si sanguine , si tormentis , si malo religionem defendere velis , jam non defendetur illa , fed polluetur , & violabitur . Nihil est tam voluntarium quam religio , in qua si animus sacrificantis est eversus , jam sublata , jam nulla est : all which tendeth to this , that religion is like free-will , and free-will like a Virgin which cannot bee ravished . Let that of d Tertullian stand , Lex nostra non se vindicat ultore gladio● e Procopius saith that Justinian was blamed , because hee compelled the Samaritans to imbrace the Christian faith . 2. Conclusion . A Christian Prince subduing a heathen Nation , may compell them to desist from a negative dis●onouring of Christ , and from an externall false worship . Dan. 3. 29. Therefore I make a Decree , that every People , Nation , and Language , which speake any thing amisse against the God of Sadrach and Abednego , shall be cut in peeces , and their houses shall be made a dung●ill . 2. The Magistrate beareth not the sword for nothing , or invaine , for he is the minister of God , a revenger to execute wrath on those who doe evill , Rom. 13. 4. Therefore he should be Gods Minister to execute wrath on those who dishonour Christ. Nor must we approve of that of Tiberius , f that Gods take care of wrongs dene to themselves : and that of the Emperour Alexander , g it 's sufficient that the breach of an oath hath God to be the revenger . Yet the Emperour h Constantine commanded all the Churches of the Pagan Gods to be closed up , and i Ambrose and k Augustine both commended the fact ; and Ferdinand King of Spaine , commanded all the Jewes , who would not turne Christians , to remove out of Spaine . 3. Conclus . Where a Nation hath embraced the faith , and sworne thereunto in Baptisme , it is lawfull for the Magistrate to compell them to professe that truth to the which they have sworne in Baptisme . 1. Because the Magistrate is a keeper of both Tables of the Law. Ergo , he may take care that these who are baptized , and sworne to be followers of Christ , should professe what they have sworne to professe . 2. Because the Magistrate may compell , ad actus imperatos , non ad actus elicitos , commanded and externall acts of worship , though he have no power over the conscience to command the elicit acts of will and mind . 3. He may command to use the meanes of Religion , though he cannot force Religion it selfe : and this Jehoshaphat , Ezechiah , Asa , and Josiah , and other good Kings commanded , and in that are set forth to all Princes as patterns of zeale . 4. The most pungent argument of our brethren in the contrary is of no weight , because ( say they ) for one to adjoyn himself to the visible Church in a profession of the faith , it is a supernaturall worke of Grace , and must be voluntary , else the Magistrate should compell men to hypocrisie , yea and he should , saith l Gregorius de Valentia , following Cajetanus , indirectly concurre to sacriledge , to profane the holy things of God ; and feare of punishment maketh an action against the will , secundum quid , in some respect , and for the point of supernaturality of professing , m Durandus handleth it . Now ( I say ) that this is of no weight , because ( as n Suarez . saith ) one may be compelled to heare the Word , who yet cannot be compelled to beleeve ; so ( say I ) to make such a profession , as may constitute any one a member of the visible Church , is no supernaturall act , though there be a morall obligation tying the professours to the supernaturall sincerity of the act , yet there is no essentiall obligation , as touching the essence of a visible member tying him thereunto , and therefore the Magistrate may compell thereunto , and so o Antonius following p Gregorius doe teach that an indirect compulsion to the faith is lawfull ; and the compelling power of the Magistrate is terminated upon the profession , not upon the hypocrisie of the profession ; else it were as good an argument to prove that the Magistrate by the sword cannot compell subjects to ab●taine from murther , sorcery , perjury ; because many in an hypocriticall and servile manner , for feare of the Magistrates wrath , not for feare of God , doe abstaine from these ils , nor is their abstinence from worshipping idols , a thing of it selfe , as the Magistrate commandeth it , supernaturall . Neither would men by the Covenant of the Lord , which King Asa did cause the people to sweare , to wit , that they should seeke the Lord God of their fathers , 2 Chron. 15. 12. be compelled , so as their seeking of God , should not be willingly performed . 5. This opinion is the way to Arminian liberty of conscience , that men in a Christian Common-wealth , may be of any Religion , and the Magistrate is to behold men as an indifferent spectator , not caring what religion they bee of , whether they be Papists , Jewes , Pagans , Anabaptists , Socinians , Macedonians , &c. which should inferre , that the Magistrate were no nurse-father of the true Church , nor yet a preserver of Religion , if men might be of any Religion . Neither is this the way ( as saith q Robinson ) to the Papists implicite faith , when men beleeveth , as the Church beleeveth , though they know not what it is : nor is it a compelling of men ( as he saith ) to blasphemy , and apparent wickednesse , because the Magistrate is not to compell to profession of the truth immediately , and without any foregoing information of the mind ; for the Church is to teach and instruct in all the externall acts of worship , before the Magistrate doth compell to these acts ; yea and the same r Robinson acknowledgeth that Jehoshaphat made compulsive lawes about Religion . Ergo , if he should execute these Lawes , he should compell to some acts of Religion , and should compell to hypocrisie , as the same Mr. Robinson argueth against us . 4. Conclus . It is one thing to command acts of divine worship , under the paine of civill punishment , and another thing to punish , or inflict civill punishment , when these commandements are transgressed , Christian Princes may doe both . And that they doe the latter by Gods commandement and warrant is cleare , in that Jehu destroyed all the house of Ahab for Idolatry , and killed Baals Priests . Good Josiah killed the Priests of the high places , and burnt their bones upon the Altar . Elias , when the Magistrate would not doe his duty , in an extraordinary way , killed Baals Priests ; and if the Magistrate also in the New Testament have the sword given to him of God , for the punishing of evill doers , as Rom. 13. 4 , 5. that same Law must now also have force , though in the use of the sword sundry hereticks are here to be distinguished , as 1. seducing hereticks , drawing others away , from the worship of the true God to idolatry , such are not to be pitied by the Magistrate , as Deut. 13. 5 , 6 , 7. Zach. 13. 4 , 5 , 6. whereas seduced , and drawne away soules , for simple heresie , cannot be put to death . 2. Hereticks falling away in many particulars from the faith to Popery , or other hereticall wayes , are more severely to be punished , then those who are hereticks in one or two fundamentall points onely . And those who are universall Apostates , and fall from the Christian faith to Judaisme and Paganisme , deserve no lesse then death . 3. Selfe-condemned hereticks , after sufficient information , and malitious opposers of the truth , deserve harder dealing , then simply seduced hereticks . 4. All who beleeve blasphemies to be truth , and hold them , are not to be reckoned amongst formall blasphemers , whose malice carrieth them on to raile upon the unspotted wayes of God. 5. No hereticks having false opinions of God , such as Antinomians and Libertines , who thinke that the regenerate cannot sinne , or that the worshipping of a creature is not idolatry , can be innocent , as if ●●●mply acts of the judgement and mind not conforme to Gods will revealed in his word were not sinnes , ( as Arminians teach ) whereas all the faculties of the soule are under Gods Law. 2. Hardly doth the mind conceive false thoughts of God , or his worship , but there be wicked crookes in the will and affections inclining thereunto the mind , and smoaking the mind with will-guiltinesse . 6. Except God was too rigorous and cruell in the Old Testament ( God avert such blasphemous thoughts ) what ever punishment even to bloud and death was inflicted upon hereticks , seducing Prophets , Idolaters , Apostates , these same stande yet in the plentitude of morall obligation against such as offend in the New Testament , if the Magistrate beare the Lords sword , as he doth in the New Testament , Rom. 13. 4 , 5. Monfortius the Anabaptist as s Beza saith , had no Scripture to say , because Christ is a meeke Saviour , all corporall punishment inflicted upon hereticks in the Old Testament , is turned over in spirituall punishment ; onely our brethren who deny that the Magistrate can compell any to an externall profession of the Gospel , doe herein follow Arminians and Socinians . So the t Re●onstrants , and w Episcopius deny that the Magistrate can use any bodily punishment against hereticks . The learned x Professors of Leiden observe that Arminians here teach that same with the Socinians , and the same is refuted well by y Vedelius , yea and Gerardus , and z Mersnerus , and other pretended Disciples of Luther in this side with Arminians and Socinians : and Socinians teach in this , 1. that Hereticks should not be molested nor punished with the sword . So a Socinus , b Theophilus Nicolaides , c Ostorodius , because the tares are not to be rooted out till harvest . 2. d Episcopius , e Slatius amongst Arminians , and f Ostorodius , and g the Catechise of Raccovia teach farther , that the Magistrate may punish by fines and pecuniall mulcts , but he cannot shed bloud , or punish to death any murtherer , because the Commandement of our meeke Saviour , doth not permit to take away any mans life ; now it is certaine meeke Jesus , while hee was on earth , did neither fine nor imprison , more then put to death . 3. So●inians teach that all warres under the new Testament are unlawfull ; for saith Smal●ius , h warres cannot consist with the 〈◊〉 of our enemie , commanded by Christ : i Socinus and Ostorodius say it is an old precept not to shed blood , and never retracted in the New Testament , and God licenced it to the Jewes , because he promised to them an earthly kingdome , which hee hath not now promised under the New Testament . Our Divines hold ringleading and seducing hereticks are to bee punished to death , for so k Beza , l Junius , m Bucanus , n Zanchius , o Perkinsius , p Daneus , q Bullingerus , r the Professors of Leiden teach . All that can be said commeth to this , that Hereticks should not bee punished , 1. s Cyprian saith to Demetrius that hee was greater then his Gods , because he revenged the wrongs done to his Gods , and that it was a shame for him to hope for helpe from the Gods which hee behooved to defend . Answ. This proveth that the false Gods of Demetrius were but false Gods , because they were not able to revenge the wrongs done to themselves , as the true God , who made the heaven and the earth , can doe , but nothing against the punishing of the Hereticks , for then it should follow , that blasphemy against the holy Ghost , and no sinnes should bee punished , for all sinnes are injuries done to God , and therefore neither Magistrates , nor parents , nor doctors , yea nor the Church should use any rod , either corporall or spirituall , against subjects , children , or scandalous persons , because God can revenge his owne quarrell ; yea excommunication is a revenging of a wrong done to God. 2. They object the Apostles way was to watch against Hereticks , Act. 20. 29. 31. and Rom. 16. 17. to es●hew them , 2 Tim. 2. 25. the servant of the Lord must bee gentle . Answ. This is objected by t Gerardus , as also because they may bee converted , Ergo , they are not to bee killed , Christ would not have fire comming downe from heaven to destroy the Sa 〈◊〉 , for afterward they were converted ; but wee thinke not any should be put to death for simple heresie , as u Mus●u●us and Whittaker teach , they are to bee instructed , censured , x rebuked , eschewed , but though Ananias and Saphira might bee converted , Peter strake them with death , and Paul did right in ●iking Elymas the Sorcerer with blindnesse , Act. 13. because he laboured to turne away Sergius Paulus from the faith , these were extraordinary judgements , but yet they doe well prove that where the Magistrate is armed with authority , hee ought to inflict bodily punishment upon the seducing hereticks , so it hee done as y Augustine saith , Animo corrigendi , non vindicandi . See z Beza , a Professors of Leyden , and what Elias did by an extraordinary power in killing Baals Priests , that Achab the then supreme Magistrate should have done . 3. They object that it is contrary to the meeke spirit of Christ in the New Testament , that any should bee punished for heresie , and that it is proper to enemies of the truth , and Antichrist so to doe , as their b practise declare . Nestorius being made Archbishop of Constantinople , said to the Emperour , I will give thee heaven O Emperour , if thou with free the earth of hereticks ; Dioscorus compelled , with armed souldiers , the Bishops to subseribe to the heresie of Entyches ; Eud●xius the Arrian obliged Valens the Arrian Emperour to root out 〈◊〉 orthodox professors . The Turke in his Alcoran commandeth to kill all who obey not his law . Answ. The sword is expressely given by God , Rom. 13. to Christian Magistrates , and this is not against the meeknesse of Christ , no more nor to deliver to Satan , or to curse and excommunicate Apostats with that great curse called Anath●ina Maranatha , 1 Cor. 16. 22. And though Hereticks and Mahomet teach that Hereticks , as also they teach that manslayers , adulterers , paricides should die the death , it followeth not that we are not to teach the same . Fourthly , The parable of letting the Tares grow , while the day of judgement is alleaged . It is true c Chrysostome saith that many innocent persons are killed in the rooting out the tares by bloody warres ; d Chrysologus saith , Neither Matthew the publican , nor Paul should have beene comerted , if the Sword had beene used , and Augustine e seemeth to call the tares haereticorum falsitates , and f Theophylact , Zizania sunt haereses . But I answer , Christ exponeth the tares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Syriace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Beza , filii illius improbi , h Erasmus diaboli , the children of the devill , and Theophylact addeth , Zizania sunt h●reses , vel malae cogitationes , and Gerardus perverteth Theophylact , for he extendeth the tares not onely to Hereticks , but also to wicked men , to Matthew who was a publican , but not a Heretick properly . And first the field is the world of the visible Church , where the seed of the Word is sowne , and it must bee meaned of all scandalous persons in Christs visible kingdome , so all shall bee spared , and there shall neither bee use of the Magistrates sword , nor of the Church discipline in the Church , as Anabaptists expone the place . 2. There should not so much as rebukes and threatnings beene used , but wicked men should bee permitted to grow , while the day of judgement , that the Angels root them out . Now it is knowne that the power of the word preached hath rooted out some tares , because it hath converted them . 3. Hereticks are not all things which offend ; the incestuous Corinthian offended also . 2. Onely Hereticks are not such as worke iniquitie , there bee others also in the visible Church , as our brethren expone , Revel . 22. 15. nor are onely hereticks to be cast out in the furnace of fire , where there shall bee weeping and gnashing of teeth . 3. Nor are onely the good wheat those who are orthodox and opposite to hereticks , who shall shine as the Sunne in the kingdome of their father , p. 42. 43. except wee would say that all sound in the faith and holding no hereticall doctrine shall shine in the firmament as the Sun. 4. The casting out of Hereticks out of the visible Church by excommunication is a rooting of them out of the field of the visible Church ; Let more of this be seen and considered in those who have written thereof , as in G●rardus , loc . cit . Beza de puniend . Haeret. Bellarm. de laicis , c. 21. Costerus Enchirid. de mori●us haereticor . Pelr. Gregorius , lib. 12. de repub . c. 4. Suarez . de tripl . virtut . theolog . disp . 18. sect . 2. Gregorius de Valent. 〈◊〉 . 3. disp . l. q. 10. punc . 6. Jus Canonicum C. Quid autem . dist . 49. Meiser . lib. 4. de legibus , sect . 1. ● . 10 , 11 , 12. Lipsius l. 4. 〈◊〉 . c. 2. Co●●d B●unus , l. 3. de haeretic . c. 13. Paulus Windeck . lib. de exs●irpandis haeretic . APPENDIX . A further consideration of compelling , or tolerating , those of contrary Religions and Sects in the Church . WEe still hold ( as is already said ) that Christian Magistrates cannot compell Pagans to embrace the Christian faith . Nor can the Church in a Church-way compell Pagans or Jewes comming to remaine amongst us Christians , because Pagans are to bee gathered to a Church , by the preaching of the Word , and by that way that the Apostles planted Churches , which was by the sword of the Spirit only , as Matth. 28. 19 , 20. 1 Cor. 2. 1. 2. 2 Cor. 10. 4 , 5 , 6. But the argument which the a Jesuit Tannerus , & other Papists bring for it , I judge most weake , for they will not have them compelled to the faith , because , 1. faith is a voluntary and free act , 2. because it is a supernaturall worke of God , and so they are not under the stroake of the Magistrates sword ; for freewill in supernaturall acts is alike uncogible and free from all externall violence , in both those who are baptized professors within the bosome of the visible Church , and in Pagans ; and the truth is , neither the Magistrate nor the Church can censine opinions , even erronious in fundamentall points , as they are opinions ; for no societie , no humane authoritie can either judge of , or punish the internall acts of the mind , because as such they are indeed offensive to God , but not offensive or scandalous to either Church or Commonwealth , and so without the Spheare of all humane coercive power : nor is Titus , Tit. 1. To rebuke gainesiyers , v. 9. that they may be sound in the faith , v. 13. but in so farre as that faith is visible , and as it commeth out of perverse mouthes , which must be stopped , v. 11. Also punishments either civill or ecclesiasticall do no other wayes worke upon the mind and heart , but by a morall & swasory influence , for it is a palpable contradiction , that freewil can physically be compelled , & therefore here ( saith b Philip Gamacheus ) there is no need of an Emperours sword , but of a Fishers Angle . Let it goe then , which is taught as a truth , in this point , by c Covarruvias , ( e ) Gregori . de Valent. e Gamacheus , f Tannerus , g Malderus , that Princes have neither from the Law of nature , or from any divine Law , a coercive power over the faith of Pagans ; nor is h Scotus in this to bee heard , that the same divine law obliegeth all Princes , and the Churches , that did lie upon Israel to destroy the Cansanites . Yet may it bee lawfull in some cases indirectly to force them , in their false worship , ( as i Molina saith against k Alphonsus a Castro ) if they kill their innocent children to their false Gods , because it is lawfull to defend the innocent ; neither is that to bee regarded , as a sufficient reason that these Infants doe not consent , that they should bee defended , because as l Malderus saith it is lawfull to hinder a man , who is willing to kill himselfe , from unjust violence against his owne li● . 2. It is lawfull as saith m Aegidius Conin k , n Lorca , o Aquinas , and p Cajetanus , to compell Pagans to desist from violent impeding of Pastors to preach the Gospell to some amongst them , who are willing to heare , because in that they are injurious to the salvation of those , who are appointed to bee saved , and doe manifestly hinder the Gospels progresse , which the Church is ( so farre as is in her power ) to propagate , even as her prayer is , let thy kingdome come . d 2. Nor doe we thinke that Princes may compell Pagans , who are under their dominions , to the faith , without foregoing information of their conscience , or that simply they may compell them to embrace the faith ; except that here Princes have greater libertie , indirectly to force them , because they being now living ( as wee suppose ) in a visible Church , they may infect the Church , and therefore here should bee an indirect hindering of the exercise of their false religion , in so farre as it is infectious to the Church of God , ne pars sincera trahatur : for to this by a certaine proportion the power of excommunication given to the Church by Christ , may lead us , 1 Cor. 5. 6. and if wee must live by Lawes , and not by examples , q Paul the fourth his suffering of the Jewes Synagogues at Rome , and their ancient feasts , which faith r Malderus ) of themselves are not evill , is no law to us , yea but s to Christians it is a falling from Christ , and his grace ; nor is t Rome who tolerateth Jewith religion , nor the u edict of Honorius and Theodosius our warrant . 3. Nor can wee beleeve , that no other sinnes , in opinion , concerning God , his nature , attributes , worship and Church-discipline , ( except onely such as are against those points , which are called fundamentall , and the received principles of Christianitie ) should bee censurable by the Church , or punishable by the Magistrate . 1. Because Jesus Christ , Mat. 18. ordaineth that every sin against our brother , or a Church , 1 Cor. 10. 31 , 32. in which the delinquent shall continue , with obstinate refusall to heare the Church , should bee censured with excommunication . But there bee divers opinions concerning God , his nature , attributes , worship and Church-discipline , which are not against points fundamentall , which being professed are sinnes against our brother and the Churches . Ergo , many opinions not against points fundamentall , if professed , are censurable by the Church , and punishable by the Magistrate . I prove the proposition , because Christ , Matth ▪ 18. maketh no distinction and exception of any sinne , but saith universally , v. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if thy brother trespasse against thee , &c. and wee can make no exception against an indefinit and Catholick statute , and ordinance of Jesus Christ. I prove the assumption : because there bee many scandalous points of Arminianisme , Pelagianisme , of Poperic anent Church government , traditions , the power and ●fficacie of grace , circumci●ion , forbidding of marriages , and of meates , which are doctrines of devills , comming from such , as have consciences burnt with an hot Iron , 1 Tim. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. many points of Anabaptisme , Antinomianisme , Socinianisme , and of divers other sects are not points fundamentall , because many ( no doubt ) are glorified , who lived and beleeved in Christ and died ●gnorant of either opinions , either on the one side or the other , & yet being professed , preached and maintained , especially wilfully and obstinately , do wonderfully scandalize our brethren and the Churches . Nor can I say that such as beleeve that marriage of Churchmen is unlawfull , and defend it , as many holy and learned men in Popery did , and died in that error , if otherwise they beleeve in Christ , and the like I say of Chastising the body , and abstaining from such and such meates , which yet are doctrines of devills , and offensive to our brethren , 1 Tim. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. can bee points fundamentall , so as the holding of these must bee inconsistent with saving faith . Some doe yet maintain that circumcision is lawfull , and yet beleeve all points fundamentall ; shall wee say , that such are damned ? and wee read , Gal. 5. 2. Beh●ld I Paul say unto you , that if yee bee circumcised , Christ shall profit you nothing . 2. Opinions in points not fundamentall , are either sinnes forbidden by Gods Law , or they are not sinnes ; the latter can by no reason bee asserted , because God hath in his word determined all controversies not fundamentall , as well as fundamentall , therefore it is necessary , necessitate praecepti , by vertue of a divine precept , that ●ee beleeve that to bee true , what God saith in his Word , therefore the not beleeving of it must bee a sinne and a transgression of a Divine Law. 2. If it bee no sinne , it must bee because the mind is under no Law of God , except in so far as the minde is ruled and led by the dominion of free-will ; but this is Pelagianisme and Arminianisme , and Papists and Pelagians will needs examine the inclinations , powers , and motions of the soule , which goe before the wills consent , or arise in us without the wills consent , from all subjection to a Law , that so originall sinne may bee no sinne , because ( as P●●agius said ) it is not voluntary , and concupiscence , when the will joyneth no consent to it , is no sinne ; yea so the unbeleefe and ignorance of fundamentall points , as they remaine in the mind , shall bee no sinne . 3. If this bee no sinne , we are not to pray for illumination , to see either the truth on the one side , nor on the other ; and what actions wee doe according to these opinions , in things not fundamentall , wee doe them not with any certaintie of faith , or any plerophorie , but blindly , or doubtingly , and so sinfully , which is expresly condemned , Rom. 14. 13. and is expressely against that full assurance of faith , that wee are to have in those very actions , which in their owne nature are indifferent , as is evident , Rom. 14. 14. I know and am perswaded by the Lord Jesus , that there is nothing uncleane of it selfe , ● . 5. Let every one bee fully perswaded in his owne mind . 4. If they be not sinnes , then are none to bee rebuked for these opinions , no more then they are to bee excommunicated for them , and though any erre in points not fundamentall , they are not to bee rebuked , yea nor to bee convinced of them by the light of the word . ( 2. ) If they bee sinnes , then when they are publickly prosested , they must scandalize our brother , but there bee no sinnes which scandalize our brother , but they are susceptible and in capacitie to bee committed with obstinacie ; Every sinne sub ratione scandali , is the subject of Church-censure ; Yea I●m . 16. 17. Every one is to bee avoyded , who causeth divisions , and 〈◊〉 es contrary to the doctrine which the Church hath learned of the Apostles , and every one who walketh disorderly , 2 Thess. 3. 11. and 〈◊〉 not the commandement of the Apostles , is to bee excommunicated , 〈◊〉 hee bee ashamed , v. 14. but opinions contrary to the Apostles doctrine in non-fundamentalls , are not fundamentalls , and if they bee professed , cause divisions and offences contrary to the Apostolik doctrine , for many non-fundamentalls are the Apostles doctrine . 3. What ever tendeth to the subversion of fundamentalls , tende●●●● 〈…〉 to the subversion of faith , and so doth much truly scandaliz●an● bring on damnation , that Christ hath ordained to be removed out of the Church by Church-censures : but erroneous opinions , in points not fundamentall , and in superstructures , being professed and instilled in the eares and simple mindes of others , tend to the subversion of fundamentalls , as having connexion , by just consequent , with fundamentalls , and doe scandalize and bring on doubtings about the foundation , and so bring damnation . Ergo , erroneous opinions , in points not fundamentall , must be removed out of the Church by Church-censures . The proposition is cleare , he that falleth in a publicke scandalous sinne is to be delivered to Satan , both for his owne sake , that he be not damned himselfe , but that 1 Cor. 5. 5. to the destruction of the flesh , the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord ; and so also for others , because a little Leaven leaveneth the whole lump , v. 6. The assumption is proved by dayly experience , for corruption in Discipline and Government in the Church of Rome , brought on corruption in Doctrine , and the same did we find in the Churches of Scotland and England . 4. Fundamentalls are no other thing , then that which the Apostle calleth , Heb. 6. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first principles of the oracles of God , and ch . 6. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Doctrine of the Principles of Christ , which are laid as foundations , as ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not laying the foundation againe , &c. Then non-fundamentalls must be such superstructures as are not the first Principles of the Oracles of God , and are not the Doctrine of the Principles of Christ. But the Apostle will not have us to fluctuate and doubt as Skeptickes , in a Py●rhonian Vacillation and Uncertainty , in these , which he calleth the superstructures . 1. As is evident by his words : 11 Of whom we have many things to say , and hard to be uttered , but you are dull of hearing . 12. For when , for the time , yee ought to be teachers , yee have need that one teach you againe , which be the first Principles of the Oracles of God , and are become such as have neede of milke , and not of strong food . 13. For every one that useth milke is unskilfull in the word of righteousnesse : for he is a babe . 14. But strong meate belongeth to them that are of full age , even those who by reason of use , have their senses exercised to discerne both good and evill . Chap. 6. 1. Therefore leaving the doctrine of the beginning of Christ , let us goe on unto perfection , not laying againe the foundation of repentance from dead workes , &c. Whence it is more then evidently apparent to any intelligent mind . 1. That when he saith , they ought to be teachers of others , he cannot be thought to meane that they should teach fundamentalls onely to others , because he would have them to be capable of the food of such as are stronger , and have their senses exercised to discerne good and ill , and will have them carried on to perction : now fundamentalls are expressely the foode of babes which b●● neede of milke , c. 6. v. 12. and not the foode of the stronger ; if then they ought to teach superstructures , and non-fundamentalls to others , they cannot teach and exhort privately , ( for of such he speaketh ) these things whereof they have no certainty of faith , and which they beleeve with a reserve , as ready to reject them to morrow , upon second thoughts , for what we teach to others , those ( as I conceive ) we are oblieged to speake , because we beleeve . Psal. 116. 10. 2 Cor. 4. 13. and those we are to perswade , because we know ( not with a reserve , but with certainty of faith ) the terror of the Lord , 2 Cor. 5. 11. If it be said , teachers now are not oblieged to know all that they teach now to be divine truths , with such a certainty of faith , as Prophets and Apostles , who were ledde by an infallible Spirit : for our private exhorting , our publick Sermons come not from a Spirit , as infallible as that Spirit which spake and wrote canonick Scripture , for we may erre in exhorting , in Preaching , in writing , but the pen-men of canonick Scripture were infallible . I answer , the pen-men of Scripture when they did speak and write Scripture , were infallible . & de jure , & de facto , they could neither erre actually , and by Gods word they were oblieged not to erre , and in that they were freer from error , then we are , who now succeed them to preach and write ; but what God hath revealed in his word , whether they be fundamentalls or superstructures , doth obliege us to belief and certainty of faith , no lesse then it obliegeth the Pen-men of Scripture ; and our certainty of saving faith , is as infallible as the faith of the Prophets and Apostles , except with Papists we say no man can be assured that he is in the state of grace . If therefore we be oblieged to beleeve all revealed superstructures , though not fundamentall , as the Prophets and Apostles were , we sinne scandalously ( when obstinacie is added to ignorance ) if we beleeve them with such a reserve as is contrary to faith , and because there is no ignorance of those who teach others , but it is capable of ob●tinacie , and consequently it is capable of Church censure , Matth. 18. 17. I grant the weake and unlearned , though ignorant of their Christian liberty , in that interim , and case when many things are indifferent , as the case was , Rom. 14. though they be instructed by Paul sufficiently , that nothing is uncleane , and that they erre in that , out of an erring consciences light , or rather darkenesse , they abstain from such and such meates as Gods law hath now made lawfull to both Jew and Gentile , yet are they not to be censured , nor troubled with thorny disputations , but if these weake ones , 1. persist in their error , and 2. teach it to others and mislead them , they knowing that they beleeve these errors with a reserve , are ( as I conceive ) false teachers , and censurable by the Church and State , and not weake , but obstinate . 2. We are not to be dull of hearing , but are to be fully instructed , und certainly perswaded so of superstructures , which are not the first principles of the Oracles of God , as that we are to teach others . Ergo , a Pyrrbonian fluctuation in these , is damnable . How then can it be a principle , next to Gods word , most to bee followed , not to make our present judgement and practise , in matters not fundamentall , a binding Law to us for the future ? 2. The Apostle ought not to rebuke them for being dull of hearing of those things , whereof either sides may be beleeved , in a necessary case of syncretisme and pacification , without any hazard of punishment or Church-censures ; for what is a necessary principle , and to be holden and enacted , as the most sacred Law of all others , next unto the Word of God , the matter of that principle being unknowne , and neither sides understood , received , or beleeved , cannot put on any the rebuke of dull hearing : For example , if the point of Presbyteriall government of the Church , or of independencie of single congregations , be a point not to be received , with such certainty of faith and assurance , but we are to reject either , or both , when we shall receive new light , that they are false and contrary to the rule of holy Scripture ; and againe , if we are to reject the opinion contradicent to these former points of Presbyteriall government and independent congregations , for there is by this opinion , the same reason of the contradicent , as of the formerly affirmed opinions ; I see not how I may not be dull of hearing , yea how I may not simply be ignorant of both and not sinne against God. 3. Those superstructures which are not fundamentall , are the strong persons food , as the knowledge of principles fundamentall is the food of babes , vers . 12 , 13. Then I must be perswaded of the truth of them , else they cannot feed my soule with knowledge , because knowledge of Pyrrhonian fluctuation , which is conjecturall , and may be no lesse false then true , and which I must so beleeve for truth , as possible the tyde of a contrary light may carry me to beleeve the just contrary as truth , can never be the strong food of such as are skilled in the word of righteousnesse . 4. The knowledge of these superstructures or non-fundamentals belongeth to those who are of full age , and have their senses exercised to discerne both good and ill , vers . 14. and which are carried on to perfection , c. 6. v. 1. having now left the fundamentals , as food to babes and unskilled , c. 5. v. 12. But I heartily crave to learn , what perfection doewe arive unto ? and what encrease of fuller age , what experience of more spirituall knowledge , perfecting the spirituall senses , doe I attaine , to know certaine truths , which to me may be no lesse rotten conclusions , and meere forgeries of mens braines , then divine truths ? Hence if this Arminian liberty of prophecying , and this perpetuall fluctuation of men alwayes learning , and never comming to the knowledge of the truth ; be contrary to growing in the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , 2 Pet. 3. 18. and contrary to that which is called , 1 Cor. 1. 5. all knowledge , and to the abundance of knowledge , which in the last dayes , is to fill the earth , as the sea is filled with waters ; so that when I have once over-sailed that point of the coast of the knowledge of fundamentall articles , I am now in a Sea of foure contrary winds , and foure contrary tydes at once , and I know nothing for truth , but its contradicent may be , yea , and to me is as true , ( I say ) if this fluctuation of knowledge be contrary to growing in knowledge , it must be rejected as a Chimera , and the dreame of mens heads . 5. Let us take one point not fundamentall , to wit this , ( Every congregation hath absolute power of Church government within it selfe , without subjection to Classes , Presbyteries , and Synods ) You are so perswaded of the truth of this , that your present judgement and practice is no binding Law to you , for the morrow ; but you leave roome in your judgement to beleeve , to morrow , the contradicent , when new light shall appeare . Well then to morrow , this non-fundamentall , and this contradicent is now to you true , ( No congregation hath absolute power of Church-government within it selfe , but hath its power in dependance upon , and with subjection unto Classes , Presbyteries , and Synods . ) Well , to morrow is come , and this you beleeve now to be Gods truth , yet so , as your present judgement , and practice is no binding Law to you , for the second morrow , but you leave roome for light , which shall appeare the second morrow ; well , in the second morrow , new light appeareth and convinceth you , that the contradicent is true , and you recurre in a circle , to beleeve your first proposition againe is true , to wit , the contradicent of your second dayes proposition , and now to you this is true , as it was once , ( Every congregation hath absolute power of Church-government within it selfe , without subjection to classes , Presbyteries , and Synods : ) Now , on the third morrow , a new light appearing , you are to beleeve the contradicent ; and because all circular motions are in credit to be deemed eternall , and your mind is alwayes obliged to stoop and fall downe before new light , and the conscience is to render her selfe captive to every emergent truth : what can you here say but there is no end of fluctuations and doubtings ? But you say , Gods spirit , the revealer of all truth , doth not fluctuate , though I change , God Jebovah changeth not , he can reveale no contradictory truths , for one of them must be a lie , and he is the Lord who cannot lie . Answ. Then I say , these non-fundamentals are in themselves and intrinsecally certaine , and if God reveale them in his Word , he must reveale them under the notion of things certaine , and we are to beleeve them as certaine truths , having intrinsecall necessity in themselves from the authority of God the revealer , therefore I am not to beleeve them with a fluctuation of mind to casheere the truth of them , to morrow , and the next , and the third morrow . But you say , I doe beleeve non-fundamentals as they are revealed , now they are not revealed to me in the word , in that measure and degree of clearnesse and evidence of light , that fundamentall points of faith are revealed , therefore I may lawfully beleeve these non-fundamentals , which are lesse evidently revealed , with a reserve , that , upon the supposall , I see I had an error of judgement in taking them to be truths , whereas now I see them to be untruths , I doe renounce them ; but because fundamentals are clearely revealed , I am to beleeve them , without any reserve at all . Answ. The degrees of revelation and proposals of truths to our minds , lesse or more , evident , or lesse evident , so they be revealed by God , in a sufficient measure of evidence , they free us from obligation of faith , in tanto , non in toto , as is cleare , John 15. 22. If I had not come to them , they should not have had sinne , the sin of unbeliefe , and in such a measure ; yet if God reveale these non-fundamentals , though not so perspicuously as he revealeth fundamentals , we are obliged to know them and beleeve them with certainty of faith , and upon this formall reason , because Jehovah speaketh them in his word , no lesse then we are obliged to know and beleeve fundamentals : for our dulnesse and blindnes of mind doth not licence us to beleeve what God revealeth to us in his Word with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a fluctuation of mind , no more then the naturall man is licenced to beleeve the fundamentals of the Gospel with doubting , because they come in under the capacity of his understanding , as foolishnesse , 1 Cor. 2. 14. But , say you , upon supposall that our darkened hearts doe not see these non-fundamentals clearely , we are obliged to take their meaning and sense , with a reserve , and so to receive and entertaine the truths of these non-fundamentals , as we leave roome , upon supposall of our misapprehensions , to retract our judgement , and to beleeve the contrary of what we once beleeved , and this bindereth not but that we are simply and absolutely obliged to beleeve the non-fundamentalls . Answ , If we be simply and absolutely obliged to beleeve non-fundamentals , though they be not so clearely revealed to us as the fundamentals , as no doubt we are , then doe we contrary to the morall obligation of a divine precept , and so sinne in beleeving , with a doubting and hesitation , of that which God hath revealed in his word : and when we beleeve Gods truth with a reserve to retract our judgement , when a cleare light shall make naked to us our error , that revealed error , if revealed to be an error , by the Lord speaking in his word , doth clearely evince that God never revealed , nor meant to reveale in his Word , the former truth that was beleeved with a reserve , for God cannot reveale things contradictory , and out of the mouth of the Lord commeth no untruth : therefore God in these non-fundamentals revealeth to us but one thing to be beleeved , and that absolutely without all reserves , for God can no more shine with a new light , to delare the contradicent of what he hath once revealed as truth , then he candeny himselfe , or lie ; which to assert were high blasphemy : and if the first truth of the non-fundamentall doe onely appeare truth to our understanding , and be no such thing , but in it selfe an untruth , then doth the God of truth reveale no such thing . 2. Upon supposall that we see not the truth of these non-fundamentals clearly , we are neither to beleeve with a reserve , nor to beleeve them absolutely , nor yet are we to suspend our beliefe , because I conceive all the three to be sinfull , and we are never obliged to sinne , but we are obliged to know and beleeve simply without all reserve , having laid away our darke and confused conscience , and are to know clearely and beleeve firmely that God speaketh this , not this in his Word ; nor , because I doe fluctuate about the truth of these non-fundamentals , am I obliged to follow in non-fundamentals the endictment of a fluctuating conscience , seeing holding the plenitude and plenary perfection of Gods Word , the Lord hath no lesse manifested his will , in setting downe superstructures and non-fundamentals , in his Word , then he hath revealed his mind to us in fundamentals . But our Brethren prove that we may tolerate one another in diverse and contrary opinions about non-fundamentals , from Phil. 3. 15. Let us therefore , as many as be perfect , be thus minded : and if in any thing yee be otherwise minded , God shall reveale this unto you . 16. Neverthelesse , whereunto we have already attained , let us walke by the same rule , let us mind the same thing . Now there is nothing more opposite to this rule , then the practises of some , who will exclude and allow communion in nothing , where there is difference in anything . The labours of Davenant and others in this needfull case of syncretisme and pacification in those times are very seasonable . I answer , I distinguish three things that may be judged the object of syncretisme or mutuall toleration . 1. Fundamentalia , fundamentall points . 2. Supra & circa fundamentalia , things that are builded on the foundation or superstructures , or things about the foundation , as many positive and historicall things that cannot result by good consequence off , or from the foundation , as that there were eight soules in Noahs Arke , and some rituals of Gods institution in the Sacrament of the Supper and Baptisme , &c. 3. Praeter fundamentalia , things meerely physicall , not morall , having no influence in Gods worship at all ; as such a day for meeting of an Assembly of the Church , Wednesday rather then Thursday ; a cloake when you pray in private , rather then a gowne ; these have , or contribute of themselves no morall influence to the action , as in what corner of your Chamber you pray in private , these are meerely indifferent , and tolerance in these I would commend . It is true , there is a strict connexion often betwixt the physicall and the morall circumstances , so as the physicall circumstance doth put on , by some necessity , a morall habitude and respect , and then the physicall circumstance becommeth morall , as in what corner of your Chamber you pray , it is meerely physicall and indifferent , but if that corner that you pray in , cast you obvious to the eyes of those who are walking in the streets , that they may see and heare your private prayers , then the place putteth on the morall respect of a savour of some Pharisaicall ostentation , that you pray to be seene of men ; and so the circumstance now is morall , and is to be regulated by the Word , whereas the circumstance that is meerely physicall is not , as it is such , in any capacity to receive scripturall regulation , nothing is required but a physicall convenience for the action . Now for fundamentall superstructures , for things about the foundation , in so farre as they have warrant in the Word , to me they oblige to faith and practises , in so farre as the Lord intimateth to us in his Word , either expressely , or by good consequence , that they are lawfull . Now I may adde to these , that there be some things adjacent , circumvenient , circumstantiall to these fundamentals , superstructions , and others that I named , wherein mutuall tolerance is commendable ; Nor doe we thinke any Church Reformation so perfect as that reformers have not left it in some capacity more or lesse of receiving increase and latitude of Reformation ; but truely I doe not see the consequence , that therefore in all points not fundamentall the conscience must be of that compliable latitude of Kid-leather to take in , and let out , so as none of these superstructures or non-fundamentals are to be beleeved but with a reserve , that you take them to day as Gods truths , and are in capacity to beleeve their contradicents to be Gods truth to morrow . And for the place , Phil. 3. 14. 15. The sense given by Zanchius pleaseth me . We that are reputed perfect , let us all think and mind this truth that I write , to contend for the price of the high-calling of God ; and if any mind any other thing contrary to , or diverse from my doctrine , God in his owne time shall reveale it to him . Zanchius saith , Deus id quoque revelabit suo tempore , nempe an falsum sit vel verum . God shall reveale it to him in his owne time , whether it be true or false : to which part I doe not subscribe ; that God shall reveale to any other minded then Paul , whether his doctrine be true or false , for that may inferre a possibility that Paul taught in this point , or in the matter of ceremonies , something false : but the meaning is , God shall make him know by the revelation of truth , that what I have taught is true ; and he addeth as Zanchius , Estius , Cornelius à Lapide , S●lmeron , yea our owne Calvine , Marlorat , and others , upon this condition , that they walke with us in peace and concord , according to the 〈◊〉 the Gospel : and that these words are a condition , I beleeve , because Christ saith , John 7. 17. If any man will doe his will , he shall know of the doctrine whether it be of God , or whether I speake of my selfe . But I see nothing here that reacheth the conclusion that we deny ; it will beare this indeed , if any man be otherwise minded , and thinke that Paul hath not delivered sound doctrine , either concerning our pressing forward toward the prise of the high calling of God in Jesus Christ , or concerning ceremonies ; that is , if any man beleeve untruths contrary to Pauls doctrine , let him beleeve these untruths , leaving roome to Gods light , to bow downe under truths feet , when God shall reveale that Pauls doctrine is true , and that his thoughts diverse from Pauls doctrine was misapprehensions and errours ; but there is nothing here , that if any beleeve true non-fundamentals , he is to beleeve them with a reserve , that if God , with a new light , shall appear , to discover these truths to be untruths , he shall change his mind . Now the supposition is vaine , and as unpossible , as to say , God can contradict and belie his owne truth , nor is there any word of toleration of Sects in the text . Yea , but ( say they ) Paul professeth to walke according to the rule to which they 〈◊〉 all attained , with those who are contrary minded . Ergo , we are to tolerate and to keepe peaceable communion with those who are contrary minded in opinions , and disagree from us . Answ. Marke , I pray you , that Paul doth not say he will walke with them , and keepe communion with them simply ; but onely , 1. while God shall reveale their error , and by his light make them see that Pauls doctrine is true . 2. So in other things , they be of one minde with Paul , as perfect men should be : and so I thinke Paul doth indeed condemne separation and breach of love for diversity of opinions in some things ; and we doubt not , but if the servant of the Lord should with gentlenesse instruct malicious opposers of the truth , and wait on them to see , if God , peradventure , will give them repentance , to the acknowledgment of the truth , 2 Tim. 2. 24 , 25. farre rather should Paul walke with those that are perfect according to the same rule , though they be of another mind ; but it followeth not that those who are of another mind from Paul , should , 1 obstinately continue in that mind , after that God hath by writings and dispute convinced them of their error . 2. It followeth not that their ob●tinate continuance in their error should alwayes be tolerated , and never censured , especially if it be such an error as causeth divisions and offences , Rom. 16. 17. for then such should be avoided , saith Paul , in that same place . 3. It followeth not that we are to beleeve no superstructures or non-fundamentals , but with a reserve : it is observable that Paul speaketh here of those who beleeve errors and doctrines contrary to Pauls doctrine ; Now consider then the force of the argument , those who beleeve errors contrary to Pauls doctrine , have no certainty of faith , that what they beleeve is true , and therefore must beleeve with a reserve , leaving roome to new light ; therefore those who beleeve any true superstructures and any non-fundamentals , have also no certainty of faith , but must beleeve with a reserve , that when light shall appeare , they shall beleeve the contradicent of what they now beleeve , there is no force in this connexion . It is just like the question betwixt us and the Papists , whether a man can be certaine with any divine and infallible certainty that he is in the state of grace and salvation . Papists say hypocrites beleeve that they are in the state of grace , and yet they have no certainty thereof , Ergo , ( say they ) the regenerate beleeving that they are in the state of grace , can have no certainty . This is a very ill consequence , for a sleeping man is not certaine whether he be dreaming or waking . Ergo , a waking man knoweth not whether he be waking , or not . So a distracted man hath no certainty that he is as wise as seven men who can render a reason ; therefore a man sober in his wits knoweth not that he is in his sober wits : these be poore and loose consequences . It is true , when we beleeve some alterable circumstances of some things rather about , then in doctrine and discipline , which are disputable , and to us both sides have great probability , we have not certainty of faith , and possible here in our opinions learned and holy men ; yea and whole Churches may looke beside their booke , and be deceived ; and these we take not to be the subject of a sworne confession of faith , and here we grant a [ non liquet ] on both sides , and doe allow some graine weights of reserve to persons and Churches , to retract in those things : but hence it is badly concluded that we beleeve these non-fundamentals of discipline , for which we have certainty of evidence from Gods Word , with a reserve , and with a loosnesse of assent and credulity to beleeve the contrary to morrow ; for so the same argument should militate against the certainty of faith in some fundamentals : for a person , yea any particular Church may erre in denying the resurrection of the dead , as some did in the Church of Corinth ; and Christs Disciples , though true beleevers , doubted of his rising from the dead , John 20. 9. Peter and the disciples doubted of Christ dying for the losed world , Mat. 16. 21 , 22. Luke 24. 25 , 26. and because any true beleever may fall in that temptation and weaknesse , as to deny all the articles of faith , taken divisively , for they may deny this or this article fundamentall , ( though I doe not thinke a regenerated person can deny the whole systeme and body of fundamentals collectively ) it shall follow by this argument that regenerated persons and particular Churches are to beleeve some fundamentals with a reserve , and keeping roome for light to beleeve the contrary , and so if this argument be good , wee have no certainty of faith in beleeving any one fundamentall article its alone . Nor can Nathan or Samuel have certainty of faith in beleeving their owne prophecies flowing from the immediate inspiration of the Spirit ; but they are to beleeve them with a capacity to receive the faith of the contradicent prophecies , because Nathan had no certainty of faith in commanding David to build the Temple ; and Samuel had as little certainty in pronouncing Eliah to be the Lords annoynted . Another doubt against this is , That if any , out of weaknesse and meere tendernesse of conscience , deny some superstructures , which are indeed scripturall truths , they are not to be counted hereticks , because out of weaknesse , not out of obstinacy they erre , nor to be censured with excommunication or censures of Church or Magistrate , and therefore in these we are to beleeve truths , with a reserve , and to tolerate the contrary minded , if they agree with us in fundamentals . Answ. That this may be answered , 1. The object of these opinions would be distinguished . 2. The persons , weak or strong . 3. The manner of refusing instruction , or of admitting light , of meere weaknesse , or of obstinacy . For the first , if the matter be faultlesse or light , as eating meats or not eating meats , in time when they are meerely indifferent , and the person weake and scarce capable of disputation , he is to be tolerated , and not received into knotty and thorny disputations , about things indifferent : for so Paul Rom. 14. is to be understood , when he will not have the weake taken in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so Michael strove with the Angel disputing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : if the matter concerne an institution of Christ , and our necessary practise in a Church , and the party be not weake . It is a question what maketh obstinacy , and what tendernesse and weaknesse , a Turrecremata saith , he who is ready to yeeld to light , is not obstinate , b Scotus , grosse ignorance , c Canus saith , affected ignorance maketh obstinacie , d Malderus saith that grosse ignorance may leave a man ready to yeeld to the information of the Church , e Alphonsus a Castro saith better , he is obstinate who 1. defendeth an opinion against the Scripture , or , saith he , ( which is his error ) against the definition of a generall Councell , or of the Pope . 2. Who being admonished doth not amend . 3. Who seeketh not resolution from the learned , with a purpose to render himselfe truths captive . 4. Who sweareth that he shall adhere to the end , to that opinion . By the light and knowledge of the holder of the opinion , it may be collected whether he seeketh truth , and is ready to yeeld himselfe and his understanding thereunto : and except the point be fundamentall , it can hardly be judged heresie : if the point may be holden without any scandall , or breach of peace , much tolerance is required where error seemeth to be a temptation to holy men , but finall tolerance , and unlimitted , where the party is of great knowledge , and hath sway in the minds of many , to prevaile to draw others after him , is harder . Object . But hee that serveth God in these is acceptable to God , Rom. 14. 18. and if a man judge some doctrine to bee error , though it bee no error , yet to him that so judgeth it is error ; if hee suffer death for that hee judgeth truth , hee suffereth for righteousnesse , being truth in his judgement , and therefore libertie of conscience is to bee given to all sects ; Christ would not forbid a man that preached in his name , to preach , though hee did not follow him , Mark. 9. 38. Luk. 9. 50. The best way to hinder Sects is to re●ute them by the Scriptures , and not to set decrees of Synods to others , because that is done already by Christ and his Apostles ; for Gods judgement shall still bee on you , while you establish Christs Jubilee , and freedome of consciences , Luke 4. 18. Answ. Let none thinke that these bee the words of our brethren , but of a certaine Anabaptist , and of Arminians and Socinians who object the same ; for Paul , Rom. 14. 18. hee that serveth God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to bee understood ( as the context teacheth us ) that is , that they relate the words going before , v. 17. hee who serveth God in righteousnesse , in peace , in joy of the holy Ghost , the meaning is not that hee is acceptable who serveth God in following the inditement of his light and conscience , because it is his conscience , for then some should please God in sinning against God. But it is a point worthy our consideration , what tie and obligation an erroneous conscience layeth on men : hence with correction these considerations . 1. The true cause why an erring conscience obliegeth to abstinence from the fact in the case of error and misrepresentation of conscience , is , 1. Because conscience is the nearest divine principle of our morall actions , and standeth in the roome of God , and therefore hee who doth any thing against the very erroneous ditement of conscience , is hence convinced to have a perverse will to sinne against the majestie of God , because hee who should beleeve usury to bee theft , ( though we should suppose with Calvin and other great Divines usurie to bee in some cases lawfull ) should yet take usury , hath a the●teous will in that , and doth steale . 2. Because the oblieging Law of God is not applyed to our actions at all , but by the interveening actuall use of our conscience ; see f Pirerius . 2. Consideration In the question , whether an erroneous conscience doth obliege a man , or no. It is taken for a thing out of controversie , yea that this is no question at all , Whether or no doth an erroneous conscience so bind , that we can doe nothing against the standing enditement of an erring conscience : for the Scripture is cleare in this , Rom. 14. 14. I know and am perswaded by the Lord Jesus , that there is nothing ( of meat-kind now under the Gospel ) uncleane ( or unlawfull to eat ) of it selfe , but to him that esteemeth any thing to bee uncleane , ( in the light of his il-informed and erroneous conscience ) to him ( so thinking ) it is uncleane , that is , to this man now under the actuall darknesse and errour of an ill-informed conscience it is not lawfull to eat , but hee must abstaine from eating , not simply from eating , but from eating , ●●li modo : So all who have commented on the place , Calvin , Beza , Par●us , Rollocus , &c. and of the Fathers , all who either commented on , or handled the text occasionally , as Theodoret , Chrysostome , Basilius , Augustine , Cyprian , Ambrose , Origen , Anselm , all the Popish writers , Lyra , Hugo Cardinalis , Aquinas , Toletus , Pirerius , Estius , Cornelius a Lapide , &c. yea g Adrianus , h Vasquez , i Pezantius , say it is manifestly against the Scripture , and hereticall to say , it is no sinne to doe contrary to the commandement or prohibition of an erring conscience . 3. Hence the conscience carrieth to the agent from God a twofold obligation most considerable here ; 1. one from the action it selfe to be done , or not done ; and this commeth wholly from the oblieging Law of God , and not from the conscience : there is another obligation that consisteth not in the action , and commeth not from the action , but in the manner of doing , and this obligation commeth from conscience it selfe , and that is that we doe nothing , in such a manner , that is against the light or inditement of our conscience : for this is an imbred Rose & Flower of divinifie and majestie that groweth kindly out of conscience according to that high place of some sort of royaltie , that it hath to bee something of God , a little breast-God , a little Deputie and Judge not to bee contemned ; so when a proconsull bringeth to mee a forged commandement from my Soveraigne and Prince , I may receive it with non-obedience , if I know it to bee a forgery , but I am not to despise and put any note of disgrace upon the proconsull , be cause hee is in respect of his office the deputie of my Soveraigne , though in this particular mandat , hee doth prevaricate , and not represent the soveraigne power and Prince , whose deputie otherwayes he is , by vertue of his office ; so is this the deputed royaltie of conscience , that it standing to me , bic & nunc , as representing a message from God , though it represent it falsely , that I can doe nothing in the contrary , that deputry and message standing actually in vigor . 4. I desire that these two obligations of conscience bee carefully kept in mind ; hence I say , that conscience carrying the former obligation of Gods Law , from which formally the action hath its lawfulnesse , and in an eccentrick and irregular discrepance from which , it hath its unlawfulnesse , it doth not obliege mee to the action , because it is conscience simply ; for when it offereth an action to mee as lawfull , which in very deed , and a parte rei , in it selfe is unlawfull , I am not oblieged to that unlawfull action : for as God hath given to no ruler made of clay , any royall power to bee a tyrant and to destroy , where as his office is as a father to save and governe ; so hath not God given to conscience any power to obliege me to sinnes ; yea and conscience remaineth conscience , when it representeth forged and illegall mandates under the notion of things good , even when men love to goe to hell by reason , yet in that false representation conscience is not Gods deputie ; therefore though if a man judge some doctrines to bee errors , though they bee in themselves truths , to him that so judgeth they are errors , yet are these truths not to bee rejected simpliciter and absolutely , by him who judgeth so , ony they are to be rejected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some respect as they come in under the notion and garments of errors ; & also , if any suffer death for an error which in conscience he conceiveth to be truth , that error is to him truth . Distinguo : it is to him truth , that is ; he conceiveth and dreameth that it is truth ; that is most true : but to him it is truth , that is , it ought to bee beleeved by him as truth , and practised as lawfull ; that is most false : for it ought to bee rejected both in point of beleefe , and in point of practise , and the erroneous opinion thereof should bee rejected , and therefore if hee receive it as truth , and professe it , and die for it , hee dieth not for righteousnesse sake , but hee dieth for errour , and for the dreames of his owne head , and so is not blessed as one who dveth for righteousnesse ; for this vaine reason saith , 1. that it is no sinne for the mind to beleeve a lie , to bee a divine truth : and it is righteousnesse upon the beleefe , whereby I beleeve a lie to bee a truth , to suffer for a lie under the notion of a truth . Both these are false : the former is false , for the mind is under Gods oblieging Law to conceive aright of all divine truths , as all the faculties of the soule are under a Law. 2. The latter is false , for to beleeve lies as divine truths , and suffer for them , because the erring conscience saith they are divine truths , is not righteousnesse , but sinfull credulity , and blind zeale . 1. Because wee are not to beleeve what our conscience dictateth as truth , under this formall reduplication , because our conscience thus doth dictate , and saith it is truth , but because Gods spirit saith to our conscience , it is a divine truth ; not because our owne spirit and our owne dreaming and mis●ed conscience saith so . This is the controversie betwixt us and Papists , anent the authoritie of Gods Word , but with a little change , for our conscience or the testimony of our conscience as such , is no more the formall object of our faith , and the formall medium and reason why with a divine faith I beleeve a divine truth to bee a divine truth , then the testimony of the Church or the Pope is the formall reason of my faith ; so An ●baptists make a Pope and an infallible spirit of their owne conscience : but the whole formall obligation tying mee to receive this , and this point as a divine truth , is because God hath revealed it in his Word ; the consciences representing of it is but a necessary condition of my beleeving , but not the formall object of my beleeving : the conscience is the cause why I beleeve it , tali modo , after a rationall way , and by the evidence of practicall reason , but it is not the formall cause why I beleeve it simpliciter ; for Papists , Arrians , Macedonians , and the most detestable Hereticks have consciences representing to them fundamentall truthes , as lies and untruths , and have died for these lies , did they suffer for righteousnesse for that ? and yet to their judgement that which they suffered for was truth . All the legall obligation is here from Gods Law , not from our conscience . Arminians , Socinians , Anabaptists imagine that our conscience is the nearest rule of our actions , which is most false ; our present judgement is never a binding Law to us for the time to come , no not when we beleeve fundamentalls ; Gods Word , because it is Gods Word , is a binding Law onely ; our judgement is regula regulata , and not regula regulans , to be led , and not a leading or binding Law to us ; for conscience , because conscience , is no more a Pope to us , then the dictates of the Bishop of Rome speaking out of his chaire , can captivate the conscience of any man ; and Malderus g holdeth that our opinion is a Law , according to h Ambrose , and hee correcteth himselfe , and saith our opinion or conscience ( non tam legem esse , quam legis quaddam praeconium , promulgationem , insinuationem ) is not so much the Law of God , as the promulgation of Gods Law : but hee addeth , ( which maketh the businesse as bad ) and saith , promulgatio legis recte dicitur obligare ; but the truth is , the promulgation of the Law doth not obliege , for who can say that the Law hath an oblieging power from the Herald his act of proclaiming , reading or declaring the Law ? the promulgation of the Law is an approximation of it to the understanding of the people , but the Law of man hath its oblieging power from the honesty of the matter of the Law , and it hath its obligation to punishment not from the Herauld , but from the authoritie of the Law-giver . And our conscience doth onely promulgate Gods oblie●ing Law , but it layeth not on us the oblieging power , except wee speake of an oblieging power in the manner of receiving and beleeving the Law of God , that is , ( as I said ) that wee receive not as a truth what God proposeth as an untruth , or that wee receive not as a lie , what God proposeth as spoken by himselfe , for that is to receive truths against the light of our conscience . And when Ambrose calleth our opinion an obliging Law , he speaketh ( as Augustine often doth ) of the Law of nature , which is that habituall opinion naturall that wee have of right and wrong , or of the ●aw written in our heart . I would not here distinguish betwixt ( recta ratio ) right reason , and ( vera ratio ) true reason , for some make right reason the nearest rule of our actions , so as the action is lawfull , it our conscience perswade to it , though the action swa●ve and decline from Gods Law , For to mee reason is never right which is not true and agreeable to Gods Law. It is objected , if one shall beleeve it is lawfull to kill a protestant King , because it is good service in God , to kill a heretick ; ( as there bee good store of consciences of this mettall amongst the nation of Jesui●es ) if hee kill him not bee sinneth against God , because be sinneth against the light of his conscience by the sinfull omitting of good service to God , and if bee kill him 〈◊〉 sinneth also in committing murther , both against the sixt Commandement , and also against the fist , which commandeth to honour Kings ▪ out of which it must follow that either an erring conscience , because it is conscience , obliegeth us to doe that , which because wee doe it , in obedience to an erring consceence , now leaveth off to bee sinne to the actor under this condition of conscience ; or then that there may bee such a perplexitie wherein a man by way of contradiction , whether hee doe such ●n all , or doe it not , is necessitated by Gods providence to sinne , which absurdity shall make God the author of sinne . Answ. There is no necessitie by way of contradiction , that a man thus perplexed must sinne , whether hee doe or not doe such anaction : for I give easily a third case different from both , for such a perplexed Jesuite is neither oblieged to kill the Prince , nor yet to abstaine from killing in such a perplexed manner ; but hee is oblieged not to kill the Lords annointed , tali modo : hee is oblieged to abstinence , but not to abstinence tali modo , such a way , for hee is oblieged to lay aside his erroneous and hereticall conscience , and so to abstaine from killing with a well informed conscience : for no man is brought under a lawfull perplexitie to sinne , but men may bring themselves under sinfull perplexities of conscience , which is not to bee fathered upon the holy Lord , who hateth sinne with a perfect hatred . I answer to the places , Mark. 9. 30. and Luk. 9. they be manifestly corrupted , for the man who cast out devills in Christs name , and followed not Christ , was not a man who followed the light of an erroneous conscience , who thought it service to God to cast out devills in Christs name , and not to follow Christ ; for hee was not oblieged to follow Christ as the Disciples followed him , except he had had the same command to follow Christ that the Apostles had , which wee read not of ; nay it is most like if it had beene the error of his conscience not to follow Christ , then should Christ have rebuked it , but Christ did not rebuke it in the man , but directly insinuateth , v. 40. that the man was with Christ , and a spirituall follower of Christ , though hee did not in such a bodily way follow Christ , as did Judas and the eleven ; and it was the fault of the Disciples to tie all the duties of a Disciple , casting out devills in Christs name , to a bodily following of Christ , which was their pride . 3. It is a good way , to refute sects , and erroneous opinions by Scriptures , and so is it a good way to convince an incestuous man of the hainousnesse of his sinne by Scriptures , and to convince Hymeneus and Alexander of their blasphemous opinions by Scripture , for Scripture layeth open the vildnesse of sinnes and here●es : but it doth not follow , therefore it is not also a good way to deliver incestuous persons , and blasphemets to Satan , that the spirit may bee saved in the day of the Lord , and that they may learne not to blaspheme , 1 Cor. 5. 5. 1 Tim. 1. 5. Preaching of the Word is one meane to beare downe sects and erroneous opinions , but it taketh not away , but establisheth Church-discipline as another meane , and the one is subordinate to the other : if Matth. 18. an offending brother can bee convinced and brought to repentance by the power of the Word ( as all rebukes must bee from the Word ) it is good , but if he remaine obstinate in his offence , Christ will have the man excommunicated , and esteemed a Heatben and a Public●n . 4. It is a vaine thing to say that God hath refuted all here●●s in the Word , and therefore there is no need of Synods to refute them , and to make determinations on the contrary , for it was certaine that the Word of God had refuted the necessitie of circum●ision and of observing Moses his Law , as Peter , James , Paul , Act. 15. doe strongly prove from the Word of God and the word of God condemned the eating of things strang●●● , and of things sacrificed to Idolls in the case of scandall ; therefore none of sound judgement will inferre that the determination of a Synod , such as is Act. 15. 22. is not necessary ; yea because the bookes of Moses condemned the Sadduces in their Epicurith opinion of denying the resurrection of the dead , I hope it is not for that superfluous for Christ out of Moses his writings to determine and prove , Matth. 22. that the dead must ●i●c againe ; you may by as good reason say , nothing should bee determined in preaching , nor in writings , because all these are already determined in the Word , by the Lord , his Prophets and Apostles : this shall close evert all ministery , ( as S●inians doe ) especially now after the cannon of the Scripture is closed , for they use the same very arguments against the necessitie of a ministery , because now the Gospell is fully revealed , there is no necessitie of a sent ministery , as was in the Apostles time : so teach a Andr. Raddeccius , b Smalcius , and c the Arminians . And lastly , it is a vild abusing of Scripture to say that the accept th●e yeare of the Lord , of which Christ speaketh , Luk. 4. 18 , 1● . is that Jubilee yeare of libertie of conscience to all sects of Papists , Arminians , Socinians , Anabaptists , &c. 1. Because a libertie of hereticall and blasphemous opinions of God , his nature , worship , and Word , cannot bee the acceptable yeare of the Lord which Christ as Mediator came to proclaime , Esa. 61 2. 5. for that is licence , not libertie ; Christs acceptable yeare , Fsiy 61. is the spirituall Jubilee of remission of sinnes , and eternall redemption proffered in the Gospel , and really bestowed upon the meeke , the broken hearted , the captives , the prisoners , the mourne●s in Zi●n , and those whom Christ is sent to comfort , and to clothe with the garments of praise ; but hee is not sent to comfort Macedonians , Sabellians , papists , Socinians , &c. because they are Sectaries , and doe adhere to their rotten and false grounds of divinitie ; for then libertie of conscience should have beene a mercy purchased by Christs death , and Arius should obtaine by Christs death a power to bee an Arian , and to deny the divinitie of Jesus Christ. 2. In the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ultio , a revenging , is an allusion to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naeham , consolatus est , for this yeare was to the beleevers Nechama , or consolation , and to unbeleevers Nekama , a revenge or a vengeance , which cannot sort with sectaries . 3. The acceptable yeare is as Paul expoundeth it , 2 Cor. 6. 2. the acceptable time of the Gospell , and the day of salvation , and as d Hugo Cardinalis expoundeth it well , the time of the fulnesse of grace under the Gospel , and that which is called , Esay 49. 8. the day of salvation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratson , the day of good will ; and so e Beda , f Toletus , g Cyrillus , h and the Jesuit Salmeron and i Glossa Ordinaria expoundeth it faith and salvation , k Procopius the day of the Lords incarnation , as l Hieronymus expoundeth the day of vengeance opposit thereunto , to bee the day of damnation ; and m Lyra the yeare of Christs suffering , in which Christ is pleased with mankind . Quest. III. Whether the Jesuited Lysimachus Nicanor , and the Author of the Survey of Discipline , doth with good reason impute ●● the Church-Government of the reformed Churches , the eversion of the 〈◊〉 Magistrates power ●n matters ecclesiasticall ? There came to the light of day , a night-peece of darkenesse , Anno 1640. A Pamphlet by one Lysimachus Nicanor , acting the person of a ●esuite , but better resembling ● is nature , against our blessed Reformation , imputing to us Treason to Kings , as the Popish author of the Survey had ledde the poore man : a both of these , as Jesuites , doe raile against Calvin , Beza , and the Geneva-discipline , as Becanus , Suarez , Uasquez , Bellarmine , Gre●serus , and other their Doctors and teachers doe leade them . That I may adde to what I have said before , I desire the reader to eye and consider these distinctions . 1. b Paraeus teacheth that there is a double Church-power , one internall and proper , as to preach , hinde , and loose , to administrate the Sacraments , &c. This is not in the Prince : and there is another improper and externall , which is exercised about Church-matters , and Church-officers : and this distinction is grounded upon that saying of Constantine the Emperour to the Bishops , as c Eusebius relateth it . 2. An externall power about matters ecclesiasticke is three-fold . 1. A power of order and jurisdiction about the externall , or rather in the externall acts of the Church , which are visible and incurreth in the 〈…〉 , as to preach , baptize , and these , ( as saith that learned and d worthy preacher at Middleburgh , Guliel . Apollonii ) doe properly pertaine to the spirituall and proper Church-government , and without controversie doe not belong to the Prince . 2. A power externall about Church-matters , which is objective , in respect of the object , sacred or ecclesiastick , but improperly , and by a 〈◊〉 enely ecclesiasticke , and essentially and in it selfe politick , such as we hold to be the Magistrates power in causing Church-men doe their duty in preaching sound doctrine , and administrating the Sacraments , ●cording to Christs institution , and punishing hereticks and false teachers . 3. Some have devised a mixed power ecclesiastick , ( as Henric. e Salcobrigiensis ) whereby the Prince is the head of the Church , and hath a nomotheticke , and legislative power , in things ecclesiasticall : and this is not onely objective in respect of the object ecclesiasticall , but also subjective in respect of the subject , ecclesiasticall , in respect that the Prince by vertue of his civill office , as a King may ordaine Prelats , and make Lawes in Church-matters . Distinction . 3. There is a twofold power in a King , one in a King as a King , this is alike in all , and ordinary , regall , coactive ; whether the King be a Heathen , a Turke , or a sound beleeving Christian . There is another power in a King , as such a King , either a King and a Prophet also , or as a Propheticall King : and this extraordinary power was in Solomon and David , to write Canonicke Scripture , and to prophecie , and is not properly a Kingly power : or there is in a King as such a King , even as a Christian beleeving King , an other power ordinary indeede , but it is not a new regall power , but potestas executiva , a power or a gracious hability to execute the Kingly power that he had before as a King ; so Christianity addeth no new Kingly power to a King , but onely addeth a Christian power to use , inlarge , and dilate the Kingly power , that he had before . Distinction 4. The Magistrate as a Magistrate is a politicke head and ruler of the Common-wealth , but as a Christian he is a member of the Church . 5. The Kings power as King in things ecclesiasticke , is not servi●e and meerely executive , as the Churches servant , to put their decrees in execution , but it is regall , princely and supreame . 6. The object of the Kings power is not simply a peaceable life , and externall peace of humane societies , but also honesty and godlinesse , but to be procured by a civill , politicke , regall and coactive way , by the Sword of the secular arme , as the object of the Church power is honesty and godlinesse to be procured by a ministeriall , ecclesiasticall , and spirituall power , without any forcing of men by externall power . 7. The end of Kingly power , de jure , by Gods right and divine Law , exintentione Dei approbativâ , is godlinesse , but the end of Kingly power according to its essence , and de facto , is a quiet life , though it attaine not Godlinesse , as it doth not attaine that end , nor can it attaine it , amongst Pagans , and yet there is a Kingly power in its essence , whole and intire amongst Pagans , where there is no godlinesse , or Christian Religion . 8. There is in Heathen Kings a regall and Kingly power to establish Christian Religion and adde regall sanctions to Christian Synods , though there neither is , nor can be , during the state of Heathen Paganisme , any Christian Religion there ; this power is essentially and actu primo , regall , yet as concerning execution , it is vertuall onely . 9. There is a difference betwixt a royall command under the paine of 〈◊〉 punishment , with a royall power to punish the contraveners 〈◊〉 ecclesiasticke , and a nomotbeticke power to make Church Lawes ; 〈…〉 hath the former power , but not the latter . 10. If the royall power be of that transcendent and eminent greatnesse , as to make Lawes in all things , belonging to Church 〈◊〉 , and so as f Camero must be heard , saying , that the ●ing is the supreame ruler , and Church-men be as servants , and instruments under him , and doe all in the externall government of the Church by vertue of the Kings supreame authority , the King is not much honoured by this ; for they must say that the King in the Physitian giveth dregs to the sicke , in the Plow-man laboureth the earth , in the fashioner seweth and s●a●eth garments , whereas Paraeus g who without reason also giveth to the Prince a nomothetick power in Church-matte●s , doth except some things that the Prince cannot doe , sometimes for want of right and law , other sometimes for want of knowledge , sometimes because it is against the dignity of his Majesty , as in sordid and base arts . 11. The power of governing the Church of the Jewes , though it was ordinarily in the Priesthood , the Sonnes of Aaron , whose ●ippes did preserve , ex officio , knowledge , Mal. 2. yet as the Prophets were raised up by God , extraordinarily to teach , they 〈◊〉 by that same extraordinary power did governe , and therefore though the Kings of Israel were not Priests , yet without doubt some of them were Prophets , and as Prophets they did prophecy , and as Prophets determine many things of Government , by that same extraordinary power by which some of them , to wit David , and Solomon , did prophecy , and pen Ca● ni●k Scripture . 12. There is one consideration of abuses and heresies manifestly re 〈◊〉 to Gods word , and another of those things that are ordinar● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the former there is no neede of the Churches ministeriall power of condemning them , and therefore Ezechias , Jos●as , Asa , ●●osaphat , did manifestly by the light of nature , and Gods word 〈◊〉 abuses , and Idolatry in Gods worship without the Churches 〈◊〉 , seeing the Church representative was guilty of these cor 〈◊〉 us themselves ; but in the latter , seeing the Kings place is to com 〈◊〉 and compell by externall force and bodily punishments , and it is the Churches part to teach , inserme , binde , and loose , therefore the King can make no Church Canons . Hence our first conclusion . The Christian Magistrate as a Christian is a member of the Church , but as a Magistrate he is not formally a member or part of the Church . 1. Because he is neither a Pastor , Doctor , Elder , nor Deacon , as is cleare to any , for these offices were compleate in the Church without the Magistrate , Ephes. 1. 11. else Christ ascending to heaven should have given Kings , for the edifying of his body ; Neither is hee as a Magistrate a part of the company of beleevers . 1. Because then all Magistrates as Magistrates should bee professors of the faith , which is knowne to bee false . 2. Because the Magistrate , as such , is the head of an externall politick civill societie , not of Christs body . 2. The Magistrate as a Magistrate wanteth such things as essentially constituteth a member of the Church , as a Magistrate onely hee hath neither baptisme , profession , nor faith , because then heathen Magistrates should not bee Magistrates , the contrary whereof the Word of God saith , Jeremiah in Gods name commanded to obey the King of Babylon , and Paul commanded to pray for Kings and heathen Magistrates , 1 Tim. 2. 1. Hence let us have leave to deny these , ( Hee who is the Churches nurs-father , is the Churches father , and a part of the family . ) 2. ( Whose office it is to cause all in the visible Church to professe the truth , obey God , and keep his Commandements , hee is a member of the Church . ) 3. ( Hee who is a keeper and preserver of Law and Gospell by his office , hee is by his office a member of the Church . ) For the first : hee is a father metaphorically , and doth by an externall coactive power , and by the sword nourish the Church , and therefore is not the Church , nor a part of the Church , ex officio , by his office , as the nurs-father is not the child , nor a part of the child , whereof hee is nurse-father ; and this , and both the other two are to bee denyed , because the Magistrate doth neither nurse the Church , nor cause the Church doe their dutie , nor desend the Law and Gospell by any power that is intrinsecally Church-power , but by the sword , and coactive power , which in no sort belongeth to Christs kingdome as a part thereof , either as it is internall , and invisible , or externall or visible , which is not of this world , Joh. 1● . 36. 3. By no word of God can h Salcobrigiensis , and i Weemes prove , that the Magistrate as the Magistrate is a mixt persen , and his power a mixt power , partly civill , partly ecclesiastick , for ●● the ruler commeth in amongst the ordinary Church-officers , ● m. 12. Ephes. 4. 11. 1 Tim. 2. 2. which the Word of God doth ●●ver insinuate , and hee should no lesse watch for soules , as ●●e who is to give an account to God , then other Church-officers , Heb. 13. 17. for the Magistrates office may bee performed by himselfe alone , hee himselfe alone may use the sword in all things , which hee doth as a Magistrate , as is cleare , Rom. 13. 1. and 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14 the King judging his alone , and the Kings deputie sent by him judging his alone is to bee obeyed , but no Church power , mixt or pure , and unmixt is committed to any one man , but to many , as to the Church , Matth. 18. 17. 1 Cer. 5. 2. 3 4. 2 Cor. 2. 6 4. The Magistrate as the Magistrate hath a civill dominion ever the body , goods and lives of men . 2. And hath the sword to compell men to doe their duties . 3. And compelleth to externall obedience , and leadeth men on to godlinesse and to eternall life , by externall pompe , force and the terrors of bodily and externall punishment , and his warfare is carnall , a● the k Scripture doth prove ; but the Church , and members of the Church as they are such , have no majoritie of dominion , 1 Pet. 5. 3 , 4. Luke 22. 24. 25. over the body , and goods , and blood of men . 2. They have not the sword , nor power of the sword , Joh. 18. 36. John 8. 11. Luke 12. 13. 14. 2 Cor. 10. 4. 3. The Church as the Church dealeth by the word of admonisting , teaching , rebuking , excommunicating , praying and requesting , as the l Scripture cleareth : therefore the power of the Church and the power of the magistrate must dister in spece and nature . 5. If the Magistrate be a chiefe member of the Church , as a Magistrate with mixt power to make Church-Lawes , then is the Church not perfect in its beeing , and operations , to obtaine the end convenient to the Church as the Church , so long as it wanteth the Magistrate , because it should bee made defective , and not able to exercise all its operations for the edification of Christs body , and gathering of the Saints , Ephes. 4. 11. without this principall member , especially seeing the Magistrate is alleadged to bee a member , or integrall part of the Church , such as the head or eyes , otherwise without this , or that professor , a Church may be perfect , as an army may be perfect , without this or that common Souldier , but wanting a Leader it should not bee perfect . But so it is that the Church is and was perfect in its being , and operations , without the civill Magistrate ; the Church of Corinth where the Magistrate was a heathen , and a Pagan , 1 Cor. 6. 1 , 2 , 3. is yet a Church sanctified in Christ Jesus , called to bee Saints , 1 Cor. 1. 2 graced , v. 4. inriched by Christ in all utterance and knowledge , v. 5. comming behind in no gift , v. 7. with power of excommunication which attaineth its proper end , the saving of the spirit in the day of the Lord Jesus , 1 Cor. 5. 4. A perfect body of Christ , 1 Cor. 12. able to edifie the whole body , 1 Cor. 14. 12. 25 , 26 , 27. having power of the seales of the Covenant , 1 Cor. 11. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. So was there a perfect Church-Synod without the civill Magistrate , Act. 1. Act. 6. Act. 15. and all for the saving of the redeemed Church is laid upon the Eldership of Ephesus , Act. 20. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31. without the Magistrate . 6. If the King bee a mixt person indued with Church power to make canons , and because annointed with holy oyle , capable of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , as some say , then as hee is a King by birth , so is hee also borne with an ecclesiasticall power to exercise spirituall jurisdiction : but Paul saith , all ecclesiasticall power that hee had , was given of God , not borne with him ; hee was made , not borne a Minister , Col. 2. 25. the power to edifie was given him , 2 Cor. 10. 8. 2. Conclusion . Wee cannot by the Word of God acknowledge that difference , betwixt the Magistrate , and the Christian Magistrate , that the Magistrat as a Magistrate hath a kingly power to rule over men as men , and the Christian Magistrate hath a Christian kingly power to rule over men as they are Christians . Because by one and the same kingly power the King ruleth over men as men , and men as Christian men , commanding by the sword and kingly power that Pastors preach sound doctrin , administrate the Sacraments aright , that all the Church professe Christ , and abstaine from blasphemy , and Idolatry . Hee is the minister of God for good , Rom. 13. Ergo , hee is the Minister of God for all good , for a Christian good , and is a King compelling to a Christian good : Also though the King were not a Christian magistrate , yet hath hee a Kingly power to command men as Christians , and it is by accident , that hee cannot in that state actually command Christian duties , and service to Christ , because hee will not , and cannot command these duties remaining ignorant of Christ , even as a King ignorant of necessary civill duties cannot command them , not because hee wanteth kingly power to command these civill things , for undeniably hee is a Judge in all civill things , but because hee hath not knowledge of them . 3. Christianitie maketh him not a King over Christians as Christians , for then hee could not bee their King , and were not a King over Christians , so long as hee wanteth Christianitie , which is false , for the Christians acknowledged heathen Emperours as their Kings ; the people of God were to obey Nebuchadnezzar , Darius , Cyrus , and other beathen Kings . Paul will have obedience and subjection due to every power , Rom. 13. 1 , 2. 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 Pet. 2. 7. 18. 4. It maketh way to the popish dethroning of Kings when they turne hereticks , and leave off to bee members of the Christian Church , which wee abhorre . 5. A King is parens patriae , the father of the Commonwealth . Now Christianitie addeth no new fatherly power to a father over his children , for a heathen father is as essentially a father , as a Christian Father , and a heathen commander in warre , a heathen husband , a heathen master , a heathen doctor or teacher , are all as essentially commanders , husbands , &c. in relation to their soul diers , wives , servants , and schollers , as are the Christian commander , the Christian husband , the Christian master , and Christian Doctor , in relation to Christian souldiers , Christian wives , &c. and no man can say that Christianitie giveth a new husband-right to the husband , once a heathen , over his wife , that hee had not before . 3. Conclusion . The King is not debarred as King from the inspection , oversight , and care of ecclesiasticall affaires , but the end of the Kingly power , is not onely externall peace , but also godlinesse , 1 Tim. 2. 2. And in the intrinsecall end of magistracie as magistracie , is not onely naturall happinesse , and a quiet of life ; as a Spalat● , and after him that learned author b Apollonius saith , but also godlinesse that wee may lead a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and b●nes●ie ; Ergo , in all that may conduce to life eternall , hee is a King by office , but in a coactive and regall way . 2. The ruler is ( Rom. 13. 4 ) The minister of God to thee for good , v. 3. Do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the Ruler : then looke how farre good and well doing , which is praiseworthy extendeth , as farre doth the intrinsecall end of magistracy reach ; but this good , and welldoing which the magistrate as the magistrate procureth , is not onely a naturall happinesse , and the quiet life of a civill societie , but also the good and well doing of Christians as Christians , to wit , publick praying , praysing , preaching , hearing of the word , religious administration and receiving of the Sacraments , all which the King as King is to procure ; for what ever good externall Pastors as Pastors doe procure , that same also , but in a civill and coactive way , is the King as the King to procure , and therefore his end as King is godlinesse , and eternall life , but he is busied about this end , after a farre other and more carnall way then the pastor , the weapons of whose warfare are not carnall . 3. That the Kings end intrinsecall , as King , is more then externall and naturall peace , is cleare , because ill doing against which he as the Minister of God , is to execute vengeance , and wrath , Rom. 13. 3 , 4. is not onely that which is contrary to externall quietnesse of the commonwealth , and the naturall happinesse of civill societies , but also that which is contrary to the happinesse supernaturall of the Church as beleevers in the way to life eternall , for hee is to take vengeance upon blasphemy , idolatry , professed unbeleefe , neglect of religious administration of the seales , and the eating and drinking damnation at the Lords Table , which are ills not formally contrary to externall quietnesse , but which are directly scandalls , and morall ills hindering men as members of the Church in their journey to life eternall ; for though men should never falle o● sinne against the externall quietnesse of the naturall happinesse of the members of a commonwealth , yet the magistrate as the magistrate is to execute vengeance upon all externall ill-doing , as blasphemy , adoring of idolls . 4. The magistrate as the magistrate , in the zeale of God , is to set himselfe against sinnes , as dishonorable to God , and his glory , seeing the judgement that hee executeth , is not mans , but the Lords , 2 Chron. 1● . 6. and hee is a little God in the roome of God , yea God ●●tteth judging in , and through him , Psal. 82. v. 1. and therefore his end is not onely to punish sinnes , as they trouble the externall peace of the commonwealth , but all externall sinnes , that may wound the honour of God , and against which the magistrate , as he is such , is to be armed and cloathed with zeale . 5. Those who with Spalato teach that life eternall is not the end of the magistrate , as a magistrate , but onely the extrinsecall end of the magistrate , or the end of the person who is the magistrate , must foulely erre ; so it is not , in their meaning , the end of the office or kingly art to maintaine religion and pi●tie , but this is the end of the person cloathed with the office , and so they deny that God hath destined the kingly office to helpe men as Christians to heaven , and to promove Christs kingdome mediatory , and they must bee forced to say , God hath ordained magistracie to helpe men as men , or as they have a life common to them with the beasts , and not to helpe them as Christian men , to ●●ie from the wrath to come , and obtaine life eternall , which certainly is against the honour of magistracie , b which of its owne nature is destined for the promoving of religion , else the magistrate as the magistrate is not a nurs-father in the Church , nor to bring his glory to the new Jerusalem , nor to kisse the Sonne , nor to exalt the throne of Jesus Christ , contrary to the Word of God. 6. Yea they were onely to promove the Church as a societie of men , and to set up the throne of justice for the second table of the Law , and not a throne for pietie , and for the first table of the Law , which is observed by c Augustine , who will have Kings to serve the Lord , not onely ●●men , but also as Kings , in such sort which none can doe , who are not Kings , and that ●● onely in civill ●ffaires , but also in matters concerning divine religion : which passage , as d Bellarmine corrupteth it on the one hand , making the King a Governour of men according to their bodies , and his old father the Antichrist a governou● of men according to their soules , so doth that virulent libeller e Lysimachus Nicanor , with no reason inferre that the King is head of the Church , and hath a Nomothetick power to impose the service booke , and booke of Canons upon the Church of Scotland . But because the King as King is to promove religion , therefore f saith Junius ) Minos , Ly●urgus , Charondas , Zeleu●us , and Numa obli●ged men to their Lawes by some colour of religion . 7. Nor doe I thinke what is said against this by some learned men of great weight ; see g Guliel . Apollonius , h Spalatensis , i Tilenus , k Daneus , l Bu●anus , m Professor . Leidens . Some say the magistrates power and the ecclesiastick power differ in the objects , the Magistrates powers ( say they ) object is things earthly , and the externall man ; the power of the Church is things spirituall , and the inner man. I answer , these two powers differ in the objects no question , I meane in the formall objects , not in the materiall , for the magistrate as a magistrate is a nurs-father , and keeper , and avenger of both Tables of the Law , and hath a coactive power about hearing the word , administration of the Sacraments , Idolatry , blasphemy , and the right serving of God in Jesus Christ , and these things are not res terrenae , earthly things , or things of this life , but spirituall things . Yea the affaires of Jehovah and the Kings matters , 2 Chron. 19. 11. saith Amesius , o are not so different , non it a disparata sunt , as that the care and knowledge of the things of God , belongeth not to the King , sed it a distinguuntur , ut in modo procurandi , rex politice suas partes agat , & sacerdos ecclesiastice suas ; the objects of the magistrates power , and of the Churches power may be materially and are one & the same , but the King worketh in a coactive and kingly way , and the Church in an ecclesiastick and spirituall way . For doe not both the King as King , and the Church as the Church , command and forbid one and the same thing ? doth not the King command the right worship of God , and forbid Idolatry , and the Blasphemy of God ? and doth not the Church in their Synodical Canons command and forbid one and these some things ? yea certainly , but the King doth command and forbid by a kingly and coactive power , under the paine of bo●●lv punishment , as incarceration , exile , proscription , or death , according to the quality of the fact . And the Church commandeth also the right worship of God , and forbiddeth Blasphemy and Idolatry , but by a spirituall and ecclesiastick power , and under the paine of spirituall and ecclesiasticall censures , as open rebuke , suspension , and excommunication ; and they differ not so in their ends , as some teach , so as the end of the Church powes should be the communion of Saints , and the edifying of the body of the Church , which I grant is true , and the end of the Ruler should be onely preservation of peace , and the externall tranquillity of the Common-wealth : yea ( I say from the Word of God ) that externall peace is too narrow an end , and it doth belong to the second Table , the Kings end as Nurse-father and his a like care is to preserve the first Table , and as a Nurse-father , to see that the childrens milke be good and wholesome , though the milke come not from his owne breasts ; and so his power hath a kingly relation to all the Word of God , and not to externall peace and naturall happinesse onely . And the King as the King , his end is edification and spirituall good of soules also , but alwayes by a kingly power , and in a coactive way , by the sword , whereas the Church , are in their care of edifying soules , to use no such carnall weapons in their warfare , 2 Cor. 10. 4. For which cause p that learned P. Martyr , and q 〈◊〉 Parker , and also r the Professors of Leyden say that Ministers deale with consciences of men , Quoniam Spiritus Sanctus ( inquit Martyr ) vim suam adjungit cum praedicationibus orthodoxis , the holy Spirit conjoyneth the power and influence of grace with sound preaching ; and the Magistrate doth onely exercise externall discipline . And Parker reasoning against Whitgift and 〈◊〉 , proveth well that the Church visible , though externall , yet is Christs spirituall Kingdome , and that Church discipline is a part of Christs spirituall Kingdome , and that the externall government of Christ by discipline , is spirituall every way , according to the efficient , 1 Cor. 12. 1. according to the end , spirituall ●dification , Ephes. 4. 12. according to the matter , the Word and Sacraments , 2 Cor. 10. 3 , 4. according to the forme of working , by the evidence of the Spirit , 2 Cor. 2. 4. 13. And this is the cause ( I conceive ) why great Divines have said the object of the Magistrates power as a Magistrate is the externall man , and earthly things , because he doth not in such a spirituall way of working , take care of the two Tables of the Law , as the Pastor doth ; and yet the spirituall good and edification of the Church in the right preaching of the Word , the Sacraments , and pure discipline is his end . It is true , whether the blasphemer professe repentance , or not , the Magistrate is to punish , yea and to take his life , if he in seducing of many , have prevailed , but yet his end is edification , even in taking away the life ; for he is to put away evill , that all Israel may feare , and doe so no more : but this edification is procured by the sword , and by a coactive power , and so the Church power and the kingly power differ in their formall objects , and their formall ends . But s Spalato speaketh ignorantly of Kings . Who saith , as the internall and proper end of the Art of painting , the Art of sailing , &c. is not life eternall , but onely to paint well , according to the precepts of Art , and to bring men safe to their harborie , though the persons who are painters and sailers may direct works of their Art to life eternall : so ( saith he ) the end of the kingly Art is not life eternall , but onely the externall peace of the Common ▪ wealth ; hence inferreth he , that there is no subordinatim betwixt the power of the Magistrate , and the power of the Church , but that they are both so immediate under God , as the Church cannot in a Church way regulate the King , as a King , but onely as he is a christian man ; the Church may rebuke the King , while as he abuseth his kingly power to the destruction of soules , and that the Church power , as such , is not subordinate to the kingly power , onely the King may correct with the sword the Pastors , not as Churchmen and Pas●ors , but as men who are his subjects . But , 1. whereas it is certaine the King in respect of politick power is the immediate Vicegerent of God , and above any subject in his Dominions , so doth the Bishop , make the Shoe-maker , the Painter , the master-fashioner immediate unto God and censurable by none , as they are Artificers , even as the King is censurable by none as King , and so the King is dishonoured , who by office is the Lords annoynted , and a little God on earth , Psal. 82. v. 1. ( 2 ) The intrinsecall end of kingly power is no more the advancing of godlinesse , and the promoving of the Kings daughter towards life eternall , by the sincere milke of the Word , as the Lords Vicegerent , and Nurse-Father of the Church , then the Painter as a Painter , or a Sea-man as a Sea-man is to advance godlinesse : for this mans intrinsecall and is onely a safe harbour and shoare to temporall lives , not the harbour of salvation to soules ; and his end is onely a faire Image of Art in Paper or Clay , not the Image of the second Adam ; and by this the King as King is interdicted of any Church businesse , or care of soules to be fed by the Word or Sacraments , to keepe them cleane ; if he looke to any of these , as an end , that is not the eye or intention of the King as King , but of the King as a godly Christian , ( saith Spalato : ) hence to care for the spirituall good of the Church , and the promoving of the Gospel is as accidentall , as to say , an excellent Painter , such as Ap●ies , intendeth in his painting life eternall : so the King , by this , looketh to the Law of God , to Religion and the eternall happinesse of the Church , by guesse , by accident , and as King , hath neither chaire nor roome in Christian Synods , nor a seat in the Church . 3. If the meaning be , that the King as King , that is rightly exercisng the office of a King , is subordinate to no Church power , that is , he cannot be justly and deservedly rebuked by Pastors , that is most true , but nothing to any purpose ; for so the Pastor as a Pastor , Jeremiah as he doth truly and in the name of the Lord exercise the propheticall office , cannot be deservedly censured , nor punished either by the Church-synodrie , or the King and Princes of the Land : but thus way all members of the Church , an I any one single beleever , doing his duty , should be as immediate , and independent , and highest next on earth to Christ as the King , and his three Estates of the Honourable Parliament are in civill matters , and as an Occumenick Councell , or in our brethrens meaning , independent Congregation , which is against reason . But if the meaning be , the acts of a King as aberring from justice , not as a King , but as a fraile man , may be censured and rebuked deservedly by Pastors in a Church way ; this way also , the Pastor as a Pastor is not subject to the Church , but onely as a fraile man , and so nothing is said to the purpose in this more then the in the former . But if the meaning be thirdly , that which onely maketh good sense , that the acts of the King abstracted from good or bad , or as kingly , or not morall , nor acts of justice or injustice , more then the acts of Painting , of sailing , of making of Shooes , and thus the King is not subject to the Church power , nor is his intrinsecall end as King , justice , and godlinesse and preservation of Religion , the man speaketh non-sense , and wonders ; for the King as a King is a morall agent , and not infallible in his Lawes or administration . Ergo , as a King he is under the Scepter of the King of Saints in discipline , and in the keyes of the Kingdome of God , and so the kingly office is subordinate to the power of Christ in his Ministers and Church discipline , and by that same reason , the power and offices of Ministers as they are morall agents and obnoxious to sinne , to false doctrine , blasphemy , idolatry , idlenesse and sleepinesse in feeding the flock , are under the coactive power of the supreme Governour ; and he doth as King use the sword against them : hence it is cleare that both the kingly power is subordinate to Church-power , and that the subordination is mutuall , that also the Church-power is subordinate to the kingly power , and that both also in their kind are supreme ; the kingly power is the highest and most supreme , and under no higher coactive power : I meane the kingly as kingly conjoyned with the collaterall power of Parliaments , where the Realme is so governed , and the Church-power is the highest in the kind of Ecclesiasticall power . t Joan. Major saith well , that they are not subordinate , that is , not one of them is above another , that I grant , but that which he and Spalato saith , neutri in alteram est imperium , that neither of the two hath a commandement over another , that we deny , yet are they powers in office and nature different , for they differ in their objects . 2. Use and end . 3. And their manner of specifick operations , and the Kings power is not ecclesiastick . Others say that there was a perfect civill policy , having no need of the Church power , anent the perfect civill government amongst the Heathen , and in Christian Common-wealths , the civill power of it selfe and of its owne nature can doe nothing , for the attaining of eternall happinesse , except we would goe to the tents of Pelagians , whither Papists doe lead us , while as they teach that the naturall end of civill power , of its owne nature and intrinsecally is ordained to eternall happinesse . But the civill power of it selfe doth conferre nothing , whereby the spirituall power of the Church hath intrinsecally , and properly , and formally its dignity , power , strength , and proper vertue ; and doth produce its owne proper effect and end , because , as saith w Spalato , the civill Magistrates end is of another republike different from the Church , he is head of the Common-wealth , and civill body : see x Apollonius . But I answer , there is a Policy civill without the Ecclesiasticall Policy , and the King is essentially a King , though neither he be a Christian himselfe , nor his subjects Christians ; and to the essence of a King , and to the essence of a civill government , Christianity and a Church-power is not required , yet hath the King as King essentially a right and civill coactive power to promove Christian Religion , and the edification of Christs body , though he be a Heathen ; the want of Christianity doth not take away his kingly right , onely it bindeth up and restraineth the exercise thereof ; but though he be a King essentially , and actu primo , while he wanteth Christianity , and so is a perfect Magistrate , quoad esse , and the State that he ruleth over , a perfect civill body , quoad esse , in respect of essence and being , yet is he not a perfect Magistrate , quoad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 operari , neither he nor his civill State and body are perfect in operations . And it followeth not that the King as King can doc nothing about the obtaining of life eternall , for as a King he hath a perfect right , and kingly power to doe , and being a Christian he actually exerciseth that power , as a Nurse-father of the Church , to see that the Kings daughter be fed with wholsome milke , to see that the first and second Table be kept , and that men serve Christ , and have the seales of the Covenant in purity , under the paine of suffering the weight of his royall sword ; and I wonder that this should be called nothing for the obtaining of eternall happines , seeing it is a way to eternall happinesse to be thus fed under a Christian King as a King. But ( say they ) it is Pelagianism that the Kings power compelling the Nurses to let out their breasts to the Kings daughter , that she may sucke the sincere milke of the Word , should be a meane of eternall happinesse . I answer , and it is also Pelagianisme to say , that the planting of Paul , and watering of Apollos , and the ministeriall power and paines of Ministers , without the grace of God , can produce or effectuate supernaturall happinesse , and it is false that the kingly power of it self doth confer nothing whereby the spirituall and ecclesiasticall power hath intrinsecally and formally dignity , and power , and its proper effect ; for it is true , the kingly power maketh not the ecclesiasticall power , but it setteth it on worke , in a coactive way , for the edifying of Christs body , and doth causatively edifie . Lastly , whereas it is said the King as King is over the civill body and the Common-wealth , which is a body different in nature from the Christian body or Church ; I say , that is false , for the King as King ruleth over men , as men , and also as Christian men , causing them to keepe both the Tables of Law. But 3. ( say they ) the office of a King is not a meane sanctified of God for a supernaturall good , because it is amongst the Gentiles . I answer , this is no consequence , for that office of it selfe is sanctified and ordained of God , for keeping of both Tables of the Law , and that it worketh not this , in its owne kind , is not from the nature of the kingly office , but from the sinfull disposition of the Gentiles ; so the Word is the savour of death to some , through their default . Ergo , it is not a meane sanctified for that end ; it followeth not . But 4. the office of the King of it selfe and its owne power doth not governe or subdue the inward man , for immediately and of its owne power it cannot bind the conscience , but onely by the interveening mediation of the Word of God. Ergo , of it selfe it intendeth not to produce a supernaturall and eternall good . Answ. Nor can the office of a Minister of it selfe , and in its owne power , produce a supernaturall good , but onely by the authority of the Word , Esa. 8. 20. Jer. 23. v. 22. Tit. 1. 9. 10. is it therefore no office sanctified for a supernaturall end ? But 5. they reason , a supernaturall good , and life eternall , are effects flowing from the mediatory office of Christ , bestowed upon the Church : but the kingly power floweth not from the Mediator Christ , but from God as Creator , who bestoweth lawfull Kings and Magistrates upon many Nations , who know nothing of a Saviour . I answer , When I consider the point more exactly , I see not how Kings , who reigne by the wisdome of God Jesus Christ , Prov. 8. 14. 15. have not their kingly power from Christ , who hath all power given to him in Heaven and in Earth , Matth. 28. 18. for they are Nurse-fathers of the Church as Kings , Esa. 49. 15. they are to kisse the Sonne , and exalt his Throne , as Kings , Psal. 2. 11. they bring presents and kingly gifts to Christ as Kings , Psal. 72. v. 10. 11. and they serve Christ not onely as men , but also as Kings , as Augustine saith : y therefore are they ordained , as meanes , by Christ the Mediator , to promote his kingly Throne . Some of our Divines will have the kingly power to come from God as Creator , in respect God giveth Kings , who are his Vicegerents , to those who are not redeemed , and to Nations who never heard of Christ ; and others hold that the kingly power floweth from Christ-Mediator , in respect he accomplisheth his purposes of saving of his redeemed people , by Kings authority , and by the influence of their kingly government , procureth a feeding ministery and by their princely tutory , the edification of his body the Church , which possibly both aime at truth . See a the groundlesse carping at Cartwright , Calvin , Beza , and others , by that sharp toothed envier of truth the Author of the Survey of holy discipline : of this hereafter more . 4. Conclusion . The King as King hath not a nomothetick , or legislative power to make Lawes in matters ecclesiastick , in a constitute Church , nor hath he a definitive sentence , as a Judge . 1. All power of teaching publikely the Church or the Churches of Christ , is given to those who are sent and called of God for that effect : but Magistrates as Magistrates are not sent nor called of God to the publike teaching of the Church . Ergo. The proposition is cleare from the like , Rom. 10. 14. How shall they preach , except they be sent ? Ergo , how shall they publikely and synodically teach , except they be sent ? Heb. 5. 4. No man taketh this honour upon him , but he that is called of God , as was Aaron , &c. Ergo , if none be a Priest to offer a Sacrifice without Gods calling , neither can he exercise the other part of the Priesthood , to teach synodically , & to give out ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) decrees , Acts 16. 4. that obligeth the Churches ecclesiastically , but he who is called . 2. Who so hath nomothetick power to define and make Lawes in matters ecclesiastick , have onely a ministeriall power to expone Christs will in his Testament , under paine of Church-censures , and hath no coactive power of the sword to command these Lawes enacted , and to injoyne them on the Churches . But onely Church-men , who are formally members of the Church , as Pastors , Doctors , Elders , and others sent by the Church have this ministeriall power ; without the coactive power of the sword , and what ever the Magistrate as the Magistrate , commandeth , he commandeth it , in things ecclesiastick necessary and expedient , under bodily punishment ; I adde this , because threatning of bodily punishment , is not essentiall to Lawes in generall , because some Lawes are seconded onely with rewards , as the Judge offereth by law a reward to any , who shall bring unto him the head of a Boar , or of some notorious robber . Ergo , &c. The proposition is cleare ; the learned b Junius giveth to the Magistrate with our Divines , an interpretation of Scripture , as a Judge ; which concerneth his owne practise , they are interpreters , pro communi vocationis modo , in a Christian way , as private men , but they have no power of ecclesiastick interpretation . 2. c Gul. Apollonius saith , the Prince as a Christian , hath an office to exhort the Svnod , by word or Epistle , as Constantius did the Fathers of the Nicen Councell ; and his Legates exhorted the Councell of Chalcedon , ut Deo rationem reddituri . See d Ruffinus e and the acts of the Councell of Chalcedon . 3. The Magistrate hath a power judiciall , as a Magistrate , in so farre as his owne practise is concerned , to expone the things defined , but this expotition he useth , non instruendo synodice , non docendo ecclesiastice , sed docendo seu potius mandando cum certa relatione ad paenam à brachio seculari insligendam contemptoribus , not in an ecclesiasticall way teaching and instructing synodically , but teaching or rather commanding with a certaine relation to civill punishment , to be inflicted upon the contemners ; as he teacheth , what is just , or unjust in his civill Lawes , not directly to informe the mind , but to correct bad manners , and this maketh the object of kingly power about Churches matters , and the object of ecclesiasticall power , formall objects different . 3. Those who have a nomothetick power to define in Synods , are sent by the Church to Synods with authoritative commission and power for that effect , representing the Church which sent them , as all who are sent with any ambassage doe represent those who sent them . But Magistrates as Magistrates , are not sent to represent those who sent them with authoritation commission of the Church . Ergo , they have no such power ●●d●ine in Synods . I prove the proposition from the Apostles practise : Paul and Barnabas were sent as chosen men by the Church 〈◊〉 Antioch , Acts 15. 2. 3. Acts 15. 6. the Apostles and Elders came from the Church to consider of this matter , Acts 21. 18. Acts 22. 17. 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 8 17 , 18. if the Apostle with the Church sent Titus 〈◊〉 Brother , whose praise is in the Gospel , as chosen of the Churches , to travell with us , v. 19 , in gathering the charity of the Saints , for the poore at Jerusalem , then by the like , those who are sent to declare the minds of the Churches , are also clothed with the authority of the Churches , who sent them ; but Magistrates a● such , are not sent , but are there with the sword of Common-wealth , and not with the mind of the Church , as Magistrates , except they be also Christians . 4. The Apostolike Synods , is to us a perfect patterne of Synods . but persons defining in them are Apostles and Elders , Acts 16. 4. Acts 15. 6. the Church , Matth. 18. 18. defineth , and 1 Cor. 5. 4. those who are conveened in the name of the Lord ●esus , and the Apostles pastorall spirit , those who are over us in the Lord , and watch for our soules , 1 Thes. 5. 14. Heb. 13. 17. but in these Synods there are no Magistrates , yea there was at C●rinth a Heathen Magistrate , 1 Cor. 6. 1. and in the Apostolike Church a persecutor , Acts 22. 1 , 2 , 3. &c. And the Magistrate as the Magistrate , is not a member of the Church , and is neither Pastor , Elder , nor Doctor , nor a professor of the Gospel , except he be more then a Magistrate . 5. No Ecclesiasticall power , or acts formally Ecclesiasticall , are competent to one who is not an Ecclesiasticall person , or not a member of the Church , but a civill person ; but a power to define in Synods , and the exercise of acts Ecclesiasticall and matters Ecclesiasticall , are due to Ecclesiasticall persons , and to the Church . Ergo , they are not competent to the civill Judge . The proposition is evident by differences betwixt Ecclesiasticall persons and civill Magistrates , which might be more accurately set downe by others , then by me . But they differ , 1. that the Churches power is spirituall , the Magistrates causatively , effectively or objectively spirituall , but not intrinsecally and formally spirituall , because he may command by the power of the sword spirituall acts of preaching , administrating the Sacraments purely , of defining necessary truths in Synods , and forbid the contrary , but he cannot formally himselfe exercise these acts . 2. The Church-men are members of the Church , the Magistrate as such is a politick Father and Tutor of the Church , but not formally , as he is such a member of the Church . 3. The power of the Magistrate is carnall , and corporall , and coactive upon the bodies ; for which cause , Tylenus , Daneus and others say , the externall man is the object of his power , the power of the Church is spirituall , not carnall , not coactive , not bounded upon the body ; the Church hath neither power of heading or hanging , but onely they may use the sword of the Spirit , exhortations , rebukes , censures , excommunication . 4. Edification to be procured by the Word and Sacraments and Church-censures , is the end of Church-power , but edification to be procured by the sword , is the end of the civill Magistrate . 5. The Magistrate judgeth not what is true and false to be beleeved simply , as teaching , instructing , and informing the conscience , but onely what is true and false to be beleeved or professed in relation to his sword and bodily punishment , or civill rewards . 6. The Magistrates judgement is kingly , supreame , peremptory , and highest on earth , from which we are to provoke in no sort , except in appealing to God ; the Churches judgement is ministeriall , conditionall , limited by the Word of God. 7. The Magistrates power is over all , Heathen and Christian , over men as men , and over men as Christians , and agreeth to Heathen and Christian Magistrates alike ; the Church power agreeth onely to members of the Church , and is onely over members of the Church as they are such . 8. What ever causes the Magistrate handleth , as hurtfull to the Common-wealth , and contrary to the Law of God , in a politicke and civill way , these same the Churches handleth as they promote edification ; or if they be sinnes , the Church cognosceth of them , sub ratique scandali , as they are Church scandals . 9. The civill power is above the Church-men as they are Church-men , and members of a Christian Common-wealth , and the Church power is above the Magistrate as he is a member of the Church and to be edified to salvation , or censured for scandals , Matth. 18. 17. 2 This. 15. 13. 1 Tim. 5. 20. and therefore there is both a mutuall subordination betwixt the honors , and also because both are highest and most supreme in their ●ind , they are also coordinate , and two parallel supreme powers on earth : as the Church hath no politick power at all , so hath the Church no politick power above the King , but he is the onely supreme power on earth immediate under God ; so the King hath no power formally and intrinsecally ecclesiasticall over either the Church , or any member of the Church , but the Churches power is supreme under Christ the King and head of the Church . 10. The Churches power may be without the Magistrate , and is compleat both in being and operation , as Acts 1. 1. and Acts 15. 1 , 2. 1 Cor. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. without it , yet it is helped much by the Magistrates power , which is cumulative , to ad help to the Church , and not privative , to take away any right or priviledge from the Church , for then the Church should be in worse case and greater bondage , under a Christian King , then if there were no King to defend the Church at al , if the Kings power were privative ; and it is true the Churches own power is cumulative , & not privative , because the Church hath no power to take nothing from it selfe ; but the King is to adde his royall ●●ield to the Bride of Christ , out of zeale to the honour of the Bridegroome , for a politick promoving of godlinesse , which the Church as such wanteth . But the kingly power though it may be , and is , in Heathen Nations perfect in its being without the Church power , yet is it not perfect in its operations , as is said . 11. The Church power is to goe before , and to define , prescribe and teach first , and the civill power to adde a civill sanction thereunto , as an accumulative and auxiliary supplement . 12. The Magistrate hath no power properly to define controversies , yet hath he the power of the judgement and discretion , and also may with a coactive power cognosce in a politick way of Church matters in reference to the use of the sword , but the Church as the Church hath a ministeriall power 〈◊〉 , to define controversies according to the Word of God. 13. Every one helpeth another to obtaine their owne ends , but hey cannot be contrary one to another formally , yet doe these differences prove , that the Magistrate , as such , cannot detine in a Synod , what is truly to be beleeved and practised by members of the Church , what not . And also godly Princes have refused this . Hosius Cordubensis writeth to Constantius the Arrian Emperour , which words Athanasius commendeth . Desine , desine , quaeso , & memineris te mortalem esse , reformida di●m judi●ii , neque te immisecas eco'esiasticis , nec nobis in hoc genere praecipe , se●e● potius a nobis disce : tibi autem d●us imperiun● commisit , nobis autem quae sunt ecclesiae , concredidit . Ambrosius epist. 14. ut alii . 33. ad Marcellinam sororem , dicit , se Valentiniano dicere , Nolite gravare , imperator , ut ●u●es te in e t , quae divina sunt , imperiale jus habere , noli te extollere , sed si vis divinitus imperare , esto &c. subditus — ad imperatorem palatia pertinent , ad sacerdotem ecclesia ; publicorum tibi maenium jus ancessum est , non sacrorum . Augustin . Epist. 48. & 162. Neque ausus est Christianus imperator , sic eorum ( Donaristarum ) tumultuosas et fallaces querelas suscipere , ut de judicio Episcoporum , qui Romae sederent , ipse judicaret 16. iis ipse ( imperator ) cessit ut de illa causa , post Fpiseopos , ipse judicaret , a sanctis antistitibus postea veniam petitucus . Chrysost. hom . 4. & 5. de verbis Esa. Qumquam admirandus videtur thronus regius , tamen rerum terrenarum administrationem sortitus est , nee praeter potestatem hanc , praetere ●quicquam autoritatis habet . Leontius Tripolis Lydiae Episcopus , cum Constantius in eonventu Episcoporum multa praescriberet , Miror ( inquit ) qui fiat , ut aliis curandis destinatus , alia tractes , qui cum rei militari et reipublicae praesis , Episcopis ea praescribas , quae ad solos pertinent Episcopos . Constantinus Magnus in concilio Niceno ( ut ait Ruffinus hist. l. ● . addit . Eusebio cap. 2. ) re●usavit ferre ju licium inter Episcopos . D●us ( inquit ) vos constituit sacerdotes , & nobis a d●o d ●ti isiis judices , & conveniens non est , ut homo judicet deos . S●zomenus hist. l. 6. c. 7. Mibi ( inquit Ualentinianus senior ) qui sum in sorte plebis , fas non est talia negotia & ecclesiastica , ●erserutari ; sacerdotes , quorum ista curae funt , inter seipsos , quocunque voluerint loco , conveniant . Theodosius Junius epist. ad Fphesinum Synodum . Deputatus est Candidianus magnificus Comes strenu●rum domesticorum transire usque ad sanctissimam Synodum testram , ac in nullo quidem , quae facienda sunt , de piis dogmatibus qu●stiones ●ommunicare : illicitum namque est , eum qui non sit ex ord●●●anctorum Episcoporum , ecclesiasticis immisceri tractatibus . Gregorius Mag. l. 5. Epist. 25. Notum est piissimos dominos dicip●inam diligere , ordines servare , canones venerari , & in causis sa 〈◊〉 ●ese non immiseere . Distin. 96. C. satis evidenter , illicitum est imperatorihus ecchsiasti ● s● immiscere tractatibus . Constantius would not take on him to judge the Arrian cause , but conveened a Councell , and commanded them to judge according to the word : So saith Eusebius de vita Constant. l. 3. c. 10. ad Theodor. l. 5. c. 9. Neither can it be said that Constantine judged with the Synod as Emperour , as some affirme , for though it be true , yet he judged not in the Synod as Emperour , but as Episcoporum conservus as he nameth himselfe , and as Eusebius saith , de vita Constant. l. 3. c. 16. ipse tanquam unus e vestro numero , non recusabam . Now Constantine as Emperour was not a fellow-servant with Pastors or one of the number , but above them , as the annointed of the Lord ; but he judgeth with them , as one of their number , as a Christian having one faith , one baptisme , one Lord , with them ; and so as a member of the Church , and so saith he in that same place , Literarum divinitus inspiratarum testimonio res in quaestionem adductas dissolvamus . And let this be our first distinction . Emperours of old defined in Synods , as Christian members of the Church , not as Emperours , for as Emperours they be politicke heads of the men of the Church . Gerardus Tom. 6. de Magist. polit . n. 175. pag. 586 , 587. who giveth also a nomotheticke power to Magistrates in matters ecclesiasticall , furnisheth us with an argument here , because the Magistrate is a principall member of the Church , and all the members of the Church are to judge and try the spirits , and to try all things , now this proveth well as a member of the Church , and so as a Christian he may judge , and that in a meere ecclesiastick way , as Pastors and Elders doth , as private Christians may doe , being called thereunto by the Church , though the ground be weake , for the Kingly power maketh not New , Tiberius and other Emperours , members of the Church , onely grace , faith , and communion with Christ , maketh Kings members of the invisible Church , and baptisme and profession of the faith , and not any earthly Prerogative of Scepter , or Crowne , maketh them members of the visible Church . Our second distinction from Fathers , is , that Emperours have a Kingly power politicke to confirme , and adde their civill sanction to Church constitutions , but they have no power formally ecclesiasticke to define and make Church-lawes . So a Augustine : as a man the King serveth the Lord , vivendo fideliter , by living the life of a sound beleever , and as a King he serveth the Lord , by adding the convenient vigour of a civill sanction to just Lawes — as the King of Ninive did , by compelling the men of Ninive to pacifie God. And when Gaudentius the Donatist objected that the Emperour could not take course with the Schism made in the Church by their separation , because God hath laid upon Prophets , not upon Kings , the Preaching of the word : Augustine b answereth , not that Kings may either preach , or define controversies in the Church , but that , sinco Donatists separate from the Church , it should be the care of Kings to see , that none rebell against the Church of Christ. Hence I reason thus , no Synods ecclesiasticall can meddle with the blood and temporall lives of men , nor can they forbid the beliefe and profession of heresies and erroneous doctrine , or scandalls against pure discipline under the paine of bodily punishment , as banishment , imprisonment , heading or hanging . But Emperours and Kings , either in a Synod or out of a Synod , may lawfully forbid such things , and that by a Kingly power , therefore if Emperours in Synods make any Lawes of this kinde , they are not Synodicall , nor ecclesiasticall Lawes , nor doe they make such Lawes , jointly with the Church-Synod , as some teach , nor by any ecclesiastick power , for coactive power , and ecclesiasticall power , cannot be joyned together as one power , to make one and the same ecclesiasticall lawes . Let any judge then if the ancient Lawes of some Emperours were any other things , but civill and politick sanctions of Church-constitutions . And judge of this Law , which some call the ecclesiasticall determination of c Heraclius the Emperour by the consent of Pope John , he ordained that there is n●●ther one nor two operations in Christ. Heraclius a Monothelite commanded this under the paine of civill punishment , as is certaine . But had Pope John as collaterall Judge with the Emperour in this , that same coactive power that the Emperour had ? I thinke none can say it . So d three Emperours commanded all people to hold the doctrine of the Trinity , and that those who hold not this be heretickes . This is but a civill sanction of a Church Law. So e Martianus commandeth that the decrees of the Councell of Chalcedon be established , and that no man dispute or call in question these decrees . This is clearely the Emperours civill ratification of Church-lawes : and f Justinianus forbiddeth any publick service to be in the Church by laicks onely , in the absence of the Clergie , and g commandeth the Bishops not to muttter in to themselves , but to speake in the administration of the Sacraments with a cleare and distinct voice . If Emperours did proceede any further , as some say that Theodosius deposed the Nestorian Bishops , though indeed he onely h commanded them to be deposed , their deeds are not Lawes , a facto ad jus non valet consequentia . Papists here are in two extremities . For 1. they will not have Princes to meddle with Church-affaires , whereas by office they are Nurs-fathers in the Church . Charles the fift is rebuked by Paul the third , because he conveened councells for composing of dissentions in the Church , and he compareth him to Uzzah , who touched the Arke without warrant , as we may see i Wolsius . 2. Stapleton , Bellarmine , k and Papists will have them to be brutish Servants , to execute whatsoever the Pope and Councells shall decree , good or bad , without examination also ; as l Suarez , the Councell of Paris , their n Law saith , and o Innocentius the first , and p Gregory the seventh doe teach : Making Kings in their judgement slaves to the Pope and ' his determinations , and to have no light but from their vertuall Church , as the Moone hath all her light from the Sunne . Our third distinction is , that the Magistrate as Magistrate , and a preserver of publicke peace , may doe some thing , when a Schisme and dissention is among the Church-men in a Synod . 1. In this case he may punish perturbers of peace , as Augustine answereth q Gaudentius the Donatist , and the separaters from the Church , in which case the Magistrate indirectly condemneth one of the parties , which the Church hath condemned : but there be many other cases of dissention in this case ; therefore when the Magistrate findeth the Synod divided in two parties equally ; or three , i● the corrupt part prevaile ; or foure , in the case of the Churches aberration in one particular fact : or five , if there be an universall apostasie of the whole representative Church : or sixe , an universall defection of both the representative and essentiall Church : all these being too casuall and of too frequent occurrence , one and the same answer cannot be given , and here be sundry subalterne distinctions considerable . Hence our fifth Conclusion : when there is an equall rupture in the body , nothing extraordinary would be attempted , if ordinary wayes can be had : if Saul the ordinary Magistrate had at Gods Commandement killed Hagag , Samuel the Prophet should not have drawne his Sword , and therefore in this case the Magistrate would first seeke helpe from other Churches , as that r learned Apollonius saith . But if that cannot be conveniently had , as in a nationall Church it may fall out , then the Magistrate as a preserver of peace and truth , may command the sincerer part to conveene in a Synod , and doe their duty , as the good Kings of the people of God did : 2 Chron. 15. Asa gathered together a people who entered in Covenant to seeke the Lord God with all their heart , and layed an obligation of punishment to death on the rest , v. 12 , 13. and Jehoshaphat , 2 Chron. 23. 4. he layed charge on Hilkiah the High Priest , and the Priests of the second order , whom he knew to be better affected to the worke , to bring out the Vessels made for Baal ; which proveth that the King should put the sincerest to doe that , which in common belongeth to the whole , in which case of the erring of the most part of the Church , the Prince indirectly condemneth the erring part of the Synod , because it is his place to forbid and to punish with the sword , the transgressors of Gods Law. But because his power is accumulative , not privative , under that pretence hee hath not power to hinder the sincerer part to meet and determine according to the Word of God. 6. Conclusion . In the case of the prevailing of the corrupt part of the Church , or in the fourth case of the aberration of the Church in one particular , the King hath a regall power to punish the Canonists , if they shall decree in their Synod Popery , and hereticall doctrine , and so give to the Bride of Christ noysome and deadly milke ; the Prince as nursefather may punish the Canonists . 1. Because hee is a keeper of both Tables of the Law , and hath a royall power to inflict bodily punishment upon all sinnes , even committed , in foro exteriore ecclesiae , as the King may punish false teachers . 2. Because the Magistrates power is auxiliary & accumulative , as a tutor and nur●efather , who hath law to helpe the Pupill , and to adde to the inheriritance , but hath no Law nor power to take away any part of the inheritance from the Pupill ; Ergo , as a nursefather , hee is to helpe the Church of Christ , against the wicked Canons of the representative Church . If any object , then the King as King hath power to rescind and annull the ecclesiasticall Canons ; the contrary whereof that learned author of Altare Damascenum s doth prove . I answer , that learned and worthy author proveth that the Prince cannot annull the Church-Canons , and that the councell of Trent thought shame that the Pope should absolve any condemned by the Church-Canons ; and certainely the same power that maketh Canons should dissolve them ; but the Kings power cannot make Church-Canons , for it is a part of the ministeriall calling to make Canons , and therefore hee cannot annull and dissolve Canons : but some greater Kingly power is due to the King in the case of the Churches aberring , then in the case of the Churches right administration ; and as our Divines doe justly give to the Prince an extraordinary Kingly power in the case of universall apostasie of the Church , as Jehoshaphat , Hezekiah , Josiah , and other worthy reformers in the Church of the ●ewes , did warrantably use their Kingly power , when the Church-men were corrupted and negligent in their dutie ; so in a particular case of a particular error of the Synod , the King as King , may use his Kingly power in this fact , that is , secundum quid extraordinarie , for the King is oblieged as King to adde his accumulative power of a civill sanction to all just and n●cessary Church constitutions , and it the Canon or Church constitution bee wicked and popish , he is oblieged to deny his civill sanction , and not that onely , ( for hee that is not with Christ is against him ) but hee is to imploy his kingly power against such Canons , and so is to deliver the Church of God in that , and in denying his accumulative power to unjust Canons , hee addeth his kingly power accumulative to the true Church , in saving them from these unjust Canons . 2. Also it may bee objected , If the King by a regall and coactive power may annull and rescind unjust Canons , hee may by this coactive power make Canons , for it is that same power to make and unmake Canons . I answer , if hee may annull unjust Canons , that is , liberate his subjects from civill punishment to bee inflicted for refusing obedience to such Canons , and for bid the practise of wicked Church constitutions under the paine of the sword ; It will not follow , that therefore hee may make Canons , but onely that hee may adde his civill sanction to just Canons . 2. Neither can the King properly annull the Canon , but onely deny to adde his civill authoritie for the execution of such Canons . But thirdly , it is objected , that the King bath a judgement that such Canons are wicked and superstition ; the Church-mens judgement at the assembly of Glascow , Edenbrough , an . 1638 , 1639. is that such Canons are lawfull , edificative , and necessary , then is the King obliged as King to deny his royall sanction , and who shall bee Judge in the matter ? If you say the Word of God , it satisfyeth not , because both the King , and the Synod , alledgeth the Word of God , as norm ● judicandi , a rule of judging , but the rule of judging is not formally the Judge , but wee uske who shall bee the visible ministeriall and vocall Judge under Christ , speaking in his owne Testament , for the King is a Politick and civill Judge , and the Church an Ecclesiasticall Judge . I answer , this same is the question betwixt us and Papists anent the Judge of controversies , whether the Judge bee a Synod or the Scriptures ; and wee answer by a distinction , the Scripture is norm i judicandi . 2. Christ , the peremptory and infallible Judge speaking in his owne Word . 3. A Synod lawfully conveened , is a limited , ministeriall , and bounded visible Judge , and to bee beleeved in so farre as they follow Christ the peremptory and supreme Judge speaking in his owne Word . But wee deny that there is on earth any peremptory and in fallible visible Judge . But to come yet nearer ; if the King have sworne to that same religion which the Church doth professe , and so acknowledge and professe the reformed religion of that Church , hee must then acknowledge the lawfull officers of that Church to bee his ordinary teachers , and the lawfull ministers of the Church , and that they are both in a Synod , and out of the Synod , to preach , and to bee ministeriall definers of things contraverted , and that they shall first determine in an ecclesiasticall way according to Gods Word , and hee as King is to command them to determine according to Gods Word , under the paine of civill punishment , and the Kings civill and coactive way of judging is posterior and ratificator●e of the right and oxthodox ecclesiasticall determination , and Junius saith that the Magistrates judging politick , presupposeth the Church judging ecclesiasticall , going before ; and d Calvin e and Amesius are cleare that in this case the Church is to cognosce of hee owne ecclesiasticall affaires . Ambrose writeth to the Emperor Valentinian , that none should judge of this cause which is ecclesiasticall as one said , but a Church-man , qui nec munere sit impar , ne●jure dissimilis . Gelasius the Pope inveigheth against Anastasius the Emperour , because hee confounded these two , civill and ecclesiasticall causes . But if the Emperour or King professe not the religion of the land , and repute it false , and if the religion bee indeed hereticall , then the Church is not constitute , and the case extraordinary ; but the truth is , neither the Kings judgement , as a certaine rule to the representative Church , nor the representative Churches judgement a rule to the King , but the Word of God the infallible rule to both . Judgement may crooke , truth cannot bow , it standeth still unmoveable like God the father of truth ; but in this case if both erre , ex cellently saith f Junius , the Magistrate erring the Church may do something extraordinarily , and t●e Church erring the Magistrate may do something also in an extraordinary way , as cōmon equitie and mutuall law requireth that friends with mutuall tongues bicke the wounds of friends . Also fourthly , some say , they who make the King the head of the Church , acknowledge that the King doth not judge , except the matter be first defined in the Scriptures , and in the generall councells , yet they give a primacie spirituall in matters ecclesiasticall to the King , and therefore if the King as King may forbid the inacting of wicked Canons , hee determineth them to bee wicked , before the Synod have passed their judgement of them . I answer , that learned g Calderwood saith indeed , the pretended Lords of high Commission have an act for them under h Queene Elizabeth for this effect , but it is made for the fashion , for all errors and heresies are condemned in Scripture , but not onely should there bee a virtuall and tacit determination of matters ecclesiastick , which is undeniably in Scripture , and may bee in generall councells also , but also a formall Synodicall determination in particular must goe before the Princes determination in a constitute Church . The Prince may before the Synods determination exhort to the determination of what hee conceiveth is Gods will in his Word , but hee cannot judicially and by a Kingly power determine in an orderly way , what is to bee defined in a Synod , except hee infringe the Churches liberties , and judicially prelimit under the paine of civill punishments , the free voyces of the members of the Synod , which is indeed , an abuse of the authoritie of a nurs-father . But fiftly , it may bee objected that hee may , in a thing that is manifestly evident by the Word of God to bee necessary truth , command by the power of the sword , that the Synod decree that , or this particular , so cleare in the Word , the contrary whereof being Synodically determined , hee may punish by the sword , and so hee may judicially predetermine some things before the S●nod passe their Synodicall act thereon , and if hee may predetermine judicially one thing , hee may predetermine all things . I answer : what the King may judicially determine and pun●●h with the sword , that hee cannot judicially predetermine and command in any order that hee pleaseth , but in a constitute Church , whereof hee is a member and to bee taught , hee is to determine judicially in an orderly way , as a nurs-father . But sixtly , it may bee objected , that if the King have a judiciall power by the sword to annull unjust acts , then hath hee a power to 〈◊〉 them , though hee abuse that power in making them , as unjust , and then hath hee a power to interpret Church acts , and to defend them ; 〈…〉 Law i saith , it is not same power to make Lawes , and to d●●●nd them , and interpret them : see k Paraeus . I answer , the proposition is not universally necessary , except onely in civill matters , in the which , as the Prince who is absolute hath supreme authority to defend , and interpret civill lawes , so hath hee power to make them ; for if the Magistrate hath a supreme judiciall power to interpret Church-Lawes , hee is a minister of the Gospell in that case , and may by that same reason administer the Sacraments , so the argument is a just begging of the question . 2. Though the King have power in case of the Church aberration ( which is somewhat extraordinary ) it followeth not therefore , in ordinary , hee hath a nomothetick power to make Church-Lawes . Also seventhly , it may bee objected , if the King in case of the Churches aberration , may by the sword rescind Church-Lawes , then may hee make a Law to rescind them : but those who a●firme that the King hath a sort of primacie and headship over the Church , say not that the King hath any power formally ecclesiasticall to make Lawes , as Ministers in a Synod do , but onely that hee hath a power to command any forme of externall worship , under the paine of bodily punishment , they say not that the King may preach , administrate the Sacraments , or excommunicate or inflict any Church-censures . I answer , the transcendent power of Princesand their commissioners is not well knowne , for the authors ( saith l Calderwood ) agree not among themselves ; but it is true in words , the author m est Tortura torti , the Bishop of Eli denyeth in words ( if you have strong faith to beleeve him ) all spirituall headship over the Church , to the King , and n Burbillus also . But o Henric. Salcobrigiensis calleth the King primatem ecclesiae Anglicanae , the Primate of the Church of England and ●ges oleo sacro uncti , capaces sunt jurisdictionis spiritualis , because they are annointed with holy oyle , therefore are they capable of spirituall jurisdiction ; also may ( saith hee p creat propria autoritate , by his owne authoritie , create Bishops and d●prive them . See what q Calderwood hath said , and excerped out of the writings of these men ; the King as King , 1. convocateth Synods ; 2. defineth ecclesiasticall canons ; 3. giveth to them the power of an ecclesiasticall Law ; 4. executeth Church Canons ; 5. appointeth commissioners , who in the Kings authoritie and name , may try heresies and errors in doctrine , punish non-conformitie to Popish ceremonies , may confine , imprison , banish Ministers ; 6. descerne excommunication and all Church censures , and use both the swords ; 7. relax from the power and censures of all ecclesiastick Lawes , give dispensations , annull the censures of the Church , upon causes knowne to them , give dispensations against Canons , unite or separate Parish Churches , or diocesan Churches ; and by a mixt power partly coactive and civill , partly of jurisdiction and spirituall , the King may doe in foro externo , in the externall court of Church discipline , all and every act of discipline , except hee cannot preach , baptize , or excommunicate . And whereas Cartwright saith , when a lawfull Minister shall agree upon an unlawfull thing , the Prince ought to stay it ; and if Church ministers shew themselves obstinate , and will not bee advised by the Prince , they prove themselves to be an unlawfull Ministery , and such as the Prince is to punish with the sword . O but , saith hee r the author of the Survey , how shall the Prince helpe the matter ? shall be compell them to conveene in a Synod , and retract their mind ? but they will not doe this . 2. By what authoritie shall the Prince doe this ? even by extraordinary authority , even by the same right that David did eate of the Shew-bread , if by ordinary authority the Prince would doe it , yet doe you resist that authority also . Answ. Though the Prince had not externall force to compell Church-men to decree in their Synods things equall , holy , ju● , and necessary , yet it followeth not that the King as King hath not Gods right , and lawfull power to command and injoyne them to doe their dutie ; force and Law differ much , as morall and physicall power differ much . 2. If they decree things good , lawfull and necessary , the Prince hath a power given him of God to ratifie , confirme , and approve these by his civill sanction , but hee hath no power ordinary to infringe , or evert what they have decreed . 3. And if the Church bee altogether uncorrigible and apostate , then wee say as followeth . 7. Conclution . When the representative Church is universally apostaticall , then may the Prince use the helpe of the Church essentiall of found beleevers , for a reformation , and if they also bee apostatick , ( which cannot be , except the Lord utterly have removed his candlestick ) wee see not what hee can doe , but heare witnesse against them , but if there bee any secret seeker of God , in whose persons the essence of a true Church is conserved . The King by a royall power , and the Law of charitie is oblieged to reforme the land , as the godly Kings , with a blessed successe have hitherto done , Asa , J●siah , Jehoshaphat , 〈◊〉 , in which case the power of reformation , and of performing many acts , of due belonging to the Church officers , are warrantably performed by the King as in a diseased body , in an extraordinary manner power recurreth from the members to the ●●●●tick head and Christian Prince , who both , as a King , 〈◊〉 ●● , in an authoritative way is oblieged to do more then ord●●●y , and as a Christian member of the Church , in a charitative and common way , is to care for the whole body . 8. Conclusion . The influence of the Princes regall power in making constitutions is neither solitary , as if the Prince his 〈…〉 could doe it ; nor is it 2. collaterall , as if the Prince and Church with joynt concurrence of divers powers did it ; nor is 3. as some flatterers have said , so eminently spirituall as the consultation and counsell of Pastors , for light onely hath influence in Churches Canons , but the Princes power hath onely the power to designe , so as the Canon hath from the Prince the power of a Law in respect of us . The Kings influence in Church Canons ( as wee thinke ) is as a Christian antecedent , to exhort that the Lord Jesus bee served ; 2. concomitant , as a member of the Church to give a joynt suffrage with the Synod ; 3. consequent , as a King to adde his regall sanction to that which is decreed by the Church according to Gods Word , or otherwise to punish what is done amisse . Now that the Prince as a solitary cause , his alone defineth Church matters and without the Church , and that by his ordinary Kingly power , wanteth all warrant of the Word of God. 2. The King might have given out that constitution , Act. 15. It seemeth good to the holy Ghost , and to us , which in reason is due to the ministeriall function , for these are called Act. 16. 4. the decrees of the Apostles and Elders , not the decrees of the King or Emperour , either by Law or fact . 3. Christ ascending to heaven gave officers requisite for the gathering of his Church , and the edification of the body of Christ , but amongst these in no place we finde the King. 4. If this bee true , heathen Kings have right to make Church-Canons , though they bee not able , and bee not members of the Christian Church , and so without , and not to bee judged by the Church , nor in any case censured , Matth. 18. 17. 1. Cor. 5. 11. and this directly is a King Pope , who giveth Lawes by a Kingly power to the Church , and yet cannot bee judged by the Church . Burhillus and Thomson acknowledge that a Heathen King is primat and head of the Church ; and must hee not then have power aciu primo , to make Lawes , and to feede the flocke by externall government ? But Lancel . Andreas , Biship of Ely s Tortura torti saith that a heathen King hath a temporall Kingly power , without any relation to a Church power , and when hee is made of a Heathen King a Christian King , bee acquireth a new power . But the question is , if this new power be a new kingly power , or if it be a power Christian to use rightly his former kingly power ; if the first bee true ; then 1. as learned Voetius t and good reason saith , hee was not a King before hee was a Christian , for the essence of the Kingly power standeth in an indivisible point , and the essence of things admit not of degrees . 2. Then should hee bee crowned over againe , and called of God to bee a Christian King , and so hee was not a King before , which is against Scripture ; for Nebuc●adnezzar was to bee obeyed , and prayed for as King by the people of God , at Jeremiahs expresse commandement . 3. So a pagan husband becomming a Christian should by that same reason acquire a new husband-right over his wife ; contrary to the 1 Cor. 7. 13 , 14 , 15. the Captains , or Masters , who of heathens become Christians , should obtaine a new right and power over their Souldiers and Servants , and they should come under a new oath and promise to their Captaines and Masters . 4. If the heathen King have onely temporall Kingly power , he had no power as King to take care that God were worshipped according to the dictates of the Law of nature , and Law of nations , & had power to punish , perjury , Sodomie , parricid , as sins against the Law of nature , and the heathen King should not by office and Kingly obligation bee oblieged to be a keeper and a defender of the tables of the Law of nature , which is against all sense . But if the power which a heathen King becomming a Christian King acquireth , be onely a Christian power to use for Christ the Kingly power that hee had while hee was a heathen King , then a heathen King , jure regali , by a regall right is the head of the Church , though hee bee a Woolfe and a Leopard set over the redeemed flocke of Christ ; yea though hee bee the great Turke , hee is a Pastor called of God & the Church , though for his moralls , hee bee a Woolfe and a hireling , yet by office and Law , hee is a feeder of the flocke . Talis est aliquis , qualem ius offi●ii requirit . And certainly it is impossible that a heathen King can bee a member of the true Church , hee wanting both faith and profession , which doe essentially constitute a Church-membership : if it bee said hee is ex officio , by his office a member , that is nothing else but hee ought to bee a member of the Church , so all mankind are members of the Church , for they are oblieged to obey Christ , and submit to him upon the supposall of the revealed Gospel , and the heathen King is no otherwise a member by the obligation regall that layeth upon him as King ; yea when the Gospel is preached , and the heathen King converted to the faith , hee is not a member of the Christian Church , as a King , but as a converted professor , and so Christianitie maketh him not a Kingly head of the Church , but what essentially constituteth him a King , that also constituteth him a Christian King ; Christianitie is an accidentall thing undoubtedly to the office of a King. 2. They doe no lesse erre , who make the King and the Church officers collaterall Judges in Church matters , so as with joynt and co●quall influence they should bee Canon makers . 1. Because perfect Synods are and have beene in the Apostolick Church without any influence collaterall of Christian Magistrates , as being against their will and mind , who were Rulers of the people , as Acts 1. 14 , 15. Acts 2. 46 , 47. Acts 4. 1 , 2. Acts 6. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Acts 15. 6 , 7 , 8. &c. 2. What the Church decreeth in the name of Christ , standeth valid and ratified in Heaven and Earth , Matth. 18. 17 , 18. Joh. 20. 21 , 22. whether the Magistrate assent to it or not , so that he hath not a negative voyce in it by any ecclesiastick power , for Christ saith not , What yee bind on earth , in my name , shall be bound in Heaven , except the Magistrate deny , as a collaterall Judge , his suffrage ; Now if he be a collaterall Judge by divine institution , no Church act should be valid in Christs Court without him , as excommunication not in the name of Christ , or performed by those who are not the Church , but onely in civill offices , is not excommunication ; also what ever the Magistrate doth , as the Magistrate , he doth it by the power of the sword . Ergo , if he take vengeance on the ill doer , as his office is , Rom. 13. 3. 4. his acts are ratified in Heaven , though the Church as collaterall Judges say not Amen thereunto . 3. The coactive power of the King , and the Ecclesiasticall power of the Church , differ as carnall and spirituall , spirituall and not spirituall , of this world , and not of this world , and are not mixed by the Word oft , as Joh. 18. 36. 2 Cor. 10. 3 , 4. 2 Tim. 2. 4. and therefore it in one and the same Church constitution , the King and the Church be joynt and coequall Judges and joynt definers , the constitution must both be injoyned under the paine of bodily punishment , which the Church , whose weapons are not carnall , cannot command , and under the paine of Church censures , as suspension , rebukes , and excommunication the King must command . Now the Canon should neither be an Ecclesiasticall , nor yet a civill Canon , but mixt , for the Canon makers injoyneth with powers and paines which are not due unto them , nor in their power . Now to make a Law ( saith w Feild ) is to prescribe ●●aw under the paine , which the Law-maker hath power to inflict : but neither hath the Church the power of the sword , 2 Cor. 10. 3 , 4. Joh. 18. 36. nor hath the King , by Gods ●aw , the power of excommunication . See x Calderwood . And one and the same Law should be backed both by a carnall and worldly power , and not by a worldly and carnall power . 3. The King as King must have a mixt power , halfe kingly , ●●● halfe ecclesiastick , and by the same reason , the Church must have a mixt power , partly Ecclesiasticall and partly civill , and this were to confound the two kingdomes , the kingdome of this world , and the spirituall kingdome of Christ , which is not of this world , Joh. 18. 36. condemned by y Anselm● , and a Hilarius , and b Bernard , and c Augustin . Put if they say , that every one hath their influence partialitate causae , non eff●cii , according to the nature of causes , then is not one and the same Church constitution from both King and Church . See d Apollonius . But the Kings Canon is civill , the Churches Ecclesiasticall , and every one of them without another , perfect in their one kind . See e what the learned Gerson , Bucer , and f Amesius saith , further to adde light to this point . Those who maintaine a third , that the Church Canons hath all the power of being Church Lawes from the King , and all Ecclesiasticall and oblieging authority from him , and that they have onely some helpe of consulting power from the Church , are grosser Divines . See g Joan. Weemes , for so the King is the onely Canon maker , and the Church-men giveth advice onely , as h the Kings Proclamation speaketh , having taken 〈◊〉 counsell of our Clergy , we command such a worship , & ● . and so the Canon runneth , it seemeth good to the holy Ghost and the King as the Canon speaketh , Acts 15. 2. the King is made an Ecclesiasticall and ministeriall Pr●acher to expone publikely the Scriptures to the Church of God , for all lawfull Church Canons are but Ecclesiasticall expositions of Gods Word , and so the Emperours and Christian Kings are the onely lawfull Canon makers and definers in Oecumenick Councels , and Bishops , and Pastors , and Doctors have all a meere power of advising and counselling , which certainely all Christians on earth sound in the faith , except women , have . O whither are all the tomes of the Councels Oecumenick , nationall , and provinciall , evanished unto ? 3. Kings justly by this are made Popes , and more then Popes , for Kings onely have a definitive voyce in councells , whereas Papists give a definitive voyce to all the lawfull members of the councell , no lesse then to the Pope . i Weemes hath a distinction to save the Kings invading the Church-mens place , while as hee giveth to Pastors a ministeriall interpretation of Scripture in the Pulpit , and to the King a decretive and imperiall power of interpreting Scripture in the Senat. But 1. there is no exposition of the word at all imperiall , but onely ministeriall by the Word of God , except that imperiall interpretation , that the Pope usurpeth over the consciences of men , and this is as k Bancroft said , that the King had all the honors , dignities and preheminencies of the Pope , as l Calderwood observeth , and yet Edward the sixth , and Edward the eighth would neither of them take so much on them . What difference betwixt a Sermon made by the King in the Senat , and the Pastor in the Pulpit ? It is that same word of God preached ; only the Kings is imperiall , and so must bee in his owne as King , the Pastors ministeriall , in the name of Christ ; the distance is too great . The administration of the Sacraments may be imperiall due to the King also , as a pastorall administration is due to the Pastors 4. In the government of Church there is nothing set downe of the King , but of Pastors , to feede the flocke , Act. 20. 28 , 29. to edifie the body of Christ , Ephes. 4. 11. to rule the house of God , 1 Tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 4. 16. to feede the sheepe and Lambs of Christ , John 21. 14 , 15 , 16. and alwayes this is given to Pastors and Elders . I know that Kings are nurs-fathers , to feed , edifie , and watch over the Church , causatively , by causing others so to doe ; but this will not content the formalists , except the King command and prescribe the externall worship of God. Tooker , Bancroft , Whitegift , La●celot Andreas , Salcobrigiensis have a maine distinction here : That Pastors and Elders rule the Church , as it is an invisible body , by the preaching of the word and administration of the Sa●raments , and of this government the foresaid places speake : but as the Church is a politick visible body , the government thereof is committed to the King. m Bancroft said all the externall government of the Church is earthly , and W●i●e●gyft and Bancroft two grosse Divines made for the court , say t●e externall government of the Church , because externall , is ●●spi●●tuall , and not a thing belonging to Christs externall kingdome , ( ●aith Bil●●n : ) but this is , 1 false , 2. Popish , 3. Anabaptisticall , 4. ●yrannicall . False , 1. Because externall and vocall preaching , and a visible administration of the Sacrament in such an orderly way , as Christ hath instituted , is an externall ruling of Church members according to the ●aw of Christ as King , an externall ordaining of the worship , is an externall ordering of the worshippers according to the acts of worship thus ordered , as sense teacheth us : but the externall ordaining of the worship , to preach , this , not this , to celebrate in both kinds , by prayer and the words of institution , and not in one kind onely , is an externall ordering of Gods worship : therefore as Kings cannot administrate the Sacraments , nor preach , so neither can they have the externall government of the Church in their ●ands . 2. The feeding of the flocke by Pastors set over the Church by the holy Ghost , Act. 20. 28. includeth the censuring by discipline , even the grievous Woolves entring in , not sparing the flocke , but drawing disciples after them , vers . 29 , 30 , 31. and therefore Pastors as Pastors are to watch , and to try those who say they are Apostles 〈◊〉 not , but doe lie , R●vel . 2. 2. by discipline ; so this externall ●e●ding is externall governing committed to Pastors , whereas inward governing is indeed proper to Christ the head of the Church . 3. What ? doe not the Epistles to Timothy containe comman dements about externall government to bee kept invi●●able by Timothy , not as a King I hope , but as a Pastor , even 〈◊〉 the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ , 1 Tim. 6. 14. and this taketh away that poore shif● , that the externall government of the Church , as n Tookerus saith , was in the Apostles hands , so long as persecuting Magistrates were over the Church . but now , when the Magistrates are Christians , the case is changed , but the government of all su●● as Timothy is , must bee visible , externall , and obvious to men , as 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 3. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. ● . 16. 1 Tim 5. 9. 1 Tim. 5. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. 2 Tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 2 Tim. 3 5. all which must bee kept untill the comming of Christ , 1 Tim. 5. 21. 1 Tim. 6. 13. 2 Tim. 4. 1 , 2. 4. If externall government were in the Kings power , then were it his part to rebuke publikely , to excommunicate , and to lay on hands upon the Timothies of the Church ; all which are denied by the formalists , and are undoubtedly the Churches part , as the Church , Matth. 18. 17 , 18. 1 Tim. 5. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 1 Tim. 3. 14. 1 Tim. 1. 20. 1 Cor. 5. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 5. o Parker proveth well that the keyes are Christ as Kings ruling in word and discipline . 2. This is popish , for so doth the Papists teach , as p Stapleton and q Becanus , that the Pope , quo ad externum infiuxum , according to externall influence of visible government is head of the Church , and Christ according to the internall influence of the spirit is the head of the invisible body of Christ , and here the King is installed in that externall government , out of which our Divines by Scriptures have extruded the Pope , which is a notable dishonor done to Kings ; and as r Parkerus observeth . s Joan. Raynoldus answereth that , from two offices of the head , which is to give life and influence of motion to the members , and also to guide and moderate the actions externall of the body , wee cannot make two heads ; and because the King hath some civill government about the Church , wee cannot make two heads over the Church , Christ one , and the King another under him . 3. This is Anabaptisticall ; for because the visible government of the Church is externall , wee are not to cut off all necessitie of the ministery to feed and rule with ecclesiasticall authority , and because the Prince is gifted and a Christian , to give all to him , for a calling there must bee from God , for the King to governe the Church of Christ by Lawes , and prescribing externall worship therein , for Christ hath left , Ephes. 4. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 3. men to bee feeders and governours of his Church by office , whose it is to bee answerable for soules , Heb. 13. 18. 4. It is tyrannicall , because it putteth power into the Magistrates hand , to take from the Church , that inbred and in●rinsecall power of externall and visible government over her selfe and members , which all civill incorporations by instinct of nature have , and the Magistrate , as such , not being a member of the Church hath a headship , even being a heathen Magistrate , over the redeemed body of Christ. 2. By this reason , the Lord Jesus as King hath no Pastors in his name to use the ●●ves of his kingdom , by binding and loosing ; for discipline being an externall thing ( say they ) is not a part of Christs kingly power , but the King as Christs civill vicar hath this power : but I say all acts of Christ as hee is efficacious by the Gospel to gaine soules , are acts of Christ as powerfull by the Scepter of his Word , and those who are his instruments to exercise these acts are subordined to him as King of the Church , but Church-men by an externall ecclesiasticall power delivering to Satan , and externally and visibly casting out of the Church , that the spirit may bee saved in the day of the Lord , are instruments subordined to Christ , who is efficacious to save spirits by excommunication , and to gaine soules by rebukes . t Gregorius Magnus saith , those to whom Christ hath given the Keyes of his kingdome , by these hee judgeth , and why is this word the word of his kingdome ? the Scepter of his kingdome ? the sword that commeth out of his mouth , by which hee governeth his subjects , and subdueth nations , so called ? but because Christs kingly power is with those , whom hee hath made dispensators of his Word . 9. Conclusion . Nor hath the King power of ordaining Pastors , or depriving them , or of excommunication . 1. All these are acts of spirituall and ecclesiasticall power , 1 Tim. 3. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Act. 6. 6. Act. 13. 3. Act. 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5 , 6. and flow from the power of the keyes , given by Christ to his Apostles and their successors , Matth. 28. 18 , 19 , 20. Mark. 16. 14 , 15 , 16. Joh. 20. 21 , 22 , 23. Hence I argue , to whom Christ hath given out his power , as King of the Church , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. power of the keyes , Matth. 18. 18. Matth. 16. 19. and a commandement to lay hands , and ordaine qualified men , for the ministry , and those who by the holy Ghosts direction practised that power by ordaining of Elders , these onely have right to ordaine Elders , and their successors after them : but Apostles and their successors onely are those to whom Christ gave that power , and who exercised that power , as the places prove . 2. Ordination and election both in the primitive Church of the Apostles was done by the Church , and consent of the multitude , Act. 1. Act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. 5 , 6 , &c. but the civill Magistrate is neither the Church , nor the multitude . 3. Ordination is an act formally of an ecclesiasticall power , but the Magistrate as the Magistrate , hath no ecclesiasticall power ; Ergo , hee cannot exercise an act of ecclesiasticall power . 4. If ordination were an act of Kingly power , due to the King as King ; then 1. The Apostles and Elders usurped in the Apostolick Church the office and throne of the King , and that behoved to bee in them an extraordinary and temporary power , but wee never find rules tying to the end of the world , given to Timothies and Elders of the Church anent the regulating of extraordinary and temporary power , that were against the wisedome of God to command Timothy to commit the Word to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , as 2 Tim. 2. 2. and to set downe the qualification of Pastors , Elders , Doctors , and Deacons to Timothy , as a Church man , with a charge to keepe such commandements unviolable to Christs second appearing ; if Timothy and his successors in the holy ministry were to bee denuded of that power , by the incoming of Christian Magistrates . 2. The King by the laying on of his hands , should appoint Elders in every citie , and the spirits of the Prophets should bee subject to the King , not to the Prophets , as the word saith , 1 Cor. 14. 32. 5. Those who have a Church power to ordaine and deprive Pastors , must by office try the doctrine , and be able to 〈…〉 sayers , and to finde out the Foxes in their hereticall wayes , and to rebuke them sharpely , that they may bee sound in the faith : but this by office is required of Pastors , and not of the King , as is evident , 1 Tim. 3. 2. 2 Tim. 2. 2● . Tit. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. It is not enough to say , it is sufficient that the King try the abilities of such as are to bee ordained , and the bontgates of hereticall spirits to bee deprived , by Pastors and Church men , their counsell and ministery , and upon their testimony the King is to ordaine , and make , or exauthorate , and unmake Pastors ; because 1. so were the King a servant by office , to that which Church men shall by office determine , which they condemne in our doctrine , which wee hold in a right and sound meaning . 2. He who by office is to admit to an office , and deprive from an office , must also by office , bee obliged to bee such as can try what the office requireth of due to bee performed by the officer ; nor is it enough which some say , that the ignorance of the King in civill things taketh not away his legall power to judge in civill things , and by that same reason , his ignorance in Church matters taketh not away his power to judge in ecclesiasticall matters , for I doe not reason from gifts and knowledge that is in the King simply , but from gifts which ●x●fficio , by vertue of his Kingly office is required in him . It is ●●ue as King hee is oblieged to read continually in the book of the Law of God ▪ Deut. 17. and to know what is truth , what here●ie , in so fa●re as hee commandeth that Pastors preach sound doctrine , and that as a Judge hee is to punish heresie . Some say hee is to have the knowledge of private discretion , as a Christian , that hee punish not blindly . I thinke hee is to know judicially as a King , 1. Because hee hath a regall and judiciall knowledge of civill things , even of the major proposition and not of the assumption and fact onely . Ergo , seeing hee is by that same kingly power to judge of treason , against the Crown & the civill State , by which he is to judge of heresie , & to punish heresie , it would seeme as King hee is to cognosce in both , by a kingly power , both what is Law , and what is fact . 2. Because the judgement of private discretion , common to all Christians , is due to the King as a Christian , not as a King : but the cognition that the King is to take of heresie and blasphemy , whether it bee heresie or blasphemy , that the Church ●●●●eth heresie and blasphemy , is due to the King as King , because hee is a civill Judge therein , and if the Church should call Christs doctrine blasphemy , Caesar and his deputie Pontius Pilat , as Judges civill , are to judge it truth . Neither would I ●●i●●●ly here contend ; for whether the Kings knowledge of herese in the major proposition bee judiciall , or the knowledge of discretion onely , as some say , wee agree in this against Papist● , that the King is not a blind servant to the Church , to punish what the Church calleth heresie , without any examination or tryall ▪ but though the Kings knowledge of heresie in the proposition and in Law , bee judiciall and kingly , yet because hee is to cognosce onely in so farre as hee is to compell and punish with the sword , not by instructing and teaching . It would not hence follow that hee is to make Church constitutions as King , but onely that hee may punish those who maketh wicked constitutions , because the Canon maker is a ministeriall teacher , the King as King may command that hee teach truth , and hee may punish hereticall teaching , but as King he is not a teacher , either in Synod or Senate , in Pulpit or on the Throne ; now if the King by office ordaine Pastors , and deprive them , by office hee is to know who are able to teach others , a●d must bee able also to stop the mouthes of the adversaries , and to rebuke them sharpely , that they may bee sound in the faith , and this is required in Titus , Ch. 1. 5 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. as a Pastor , and as an ordainer of other Pastors ; therefore that which is required of a Pastor by his office , must also bee required to bee in the King by his office . 6. It is admirable that they give to Kings power to deprive ministers , but with these distinctions . 1. He may not discharge them to preach and administer the Sacraments , but to preach and administer the Sacraments in his kingdome , or dominions , because the King hath a dominion of places . 2. Hee may discharge the exercise of the ministery ; but hee cannot take away the power of order given by the Church . 3. Hee may deprive ( say some ) by a coactive and civill degradation , because the supreme magistrate may conferre all honours in the Christian common-wealth , Ergo , hee may take them away againe , but hee cannot deprive by a canonicall and ecclesiasticall degradation . 4. Hee may caus●tively deprive , that is , compell the Church to deprive one whom he judgeth to bee an heretick , and if the Church refuse , hee may then in case of the Churches erring , and negligence , as King deprive himselfe . But I answer , the King as King hath dominion civill of places and times , as places and times , but not of places as sacred in use , and of times as sacred and religious : for his power in Church matters being accumulative , not privative , hee cannot take away a house dedicated to Gods service , no more then hee can take away maintenance allotted by publick authority , upon Hospitalls , Schooles , Doctors and Pastors . God hath here a sort of proprietie of houses and goods as men have . Places as sacred abused are subject to regall power , hee may inhibit conventions of hereticks . 2. The Apostles might preach in the Temple , though civill authoritie forbid them . 3. Kings are as much Lords of places as sacred and publick , as they have a dominion of civill places , in respect the King may be coactive power hinder that false and hereticall doctrine bee preached , either in publick , or private places , for this hee ought to doe as a preserver of both tables and a beare of the Sword for the good of Religion ; and if they may command pure doctrine to bee preached , and sound discipline to be exercised , they may command the same to bee done in publick places . The second distinction is not to purpose . 1. To discharge the exercise of a ministery ( saith u Calderwood ) is a degree of suspension , and suspension is an ecclesiasticall degree to the censures of excommunication , and therefore the King may as well excommunicate , and remit and retaine sinnes , ( which undoubtedly agreeth to the Apostles , ) as hee can suspend . 2. As for taking away the power of order , it is a doubt to formalists , if the Church can doe that at all , seeing they hold Sacraments administred by ministers justly deprived to bee valid ; Ergo , they must acknowledge an indeleble character in Pastors , which neither King nor Church can take away . If then the King deprive from the exercise , hee must simpliciter deprive , by their grounds it is weake that they say , the King may deprive from the exercise of a ministry within his owne dominions ; for ( saith Calderwood x they all know well that the King hath not power to deprive men from the exercise of the holy ministery , in ether forraine Kingdomes . For the third way of deprivation , it hath a double meaning also . 1. If the meaning bee , that as the King by a regall and coactive power may take away all honours , either civill or ecclesiasticall , as hee giveth all honours , then this way of depriving Ministers cannot bee given to the King , for the King may give and take away civill honours , for reasonable causes , according to the Lawes . But in ecclesiasticall honours there bee three things . 1. The appointing of the honour of the office to bee an Ambassadour of Christ. 2. To give the true foundation and reall ground of a Church honour , that is , gifts and gracious abilities for the calling , neither of these two doe come either from King or Church , or from mortall men , but onely from Jesus Christ , who ascending on high gave gifts unto men , and appointeth both office , and giveth grace for to discharge the office . Yea since morall philosophy maketh honor to bee praemium 〈◊〉 , a reward of vertue ; the King doth not give that which is the soundation of honour civill , for civill vertue is a grace of God but in Church honour there is a third , to wit , a de●●●nation of a qualified man , for the sacred office of the ministry , and an ordination by the imposition of hands used in the Apostolick Church , Act. 6. 6. Act. 13. 3. Act. 14 23. 1 Tim. 4 14. 1 Tim. 5.22 Whether imposition of hands bee essentiall to ordination , or not , I disput not , it is apostolick by practise , yet there is something ecclesiasticall , as praying of Pastors , and an ecclesiasticall designation of men , or the committing of the Gospell to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , 2 Tim. 2. 2. 1 Tim. 5. 22. No Scripture can warrant that the King ordaine Pastors by publick praving , by laying on of hands , or ecclesiasticall blessing , or by such an ordination , as is given to Timothy , and the Elders of the Church , Acts 13. 3. Acts 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5,6 . 7,8 9. 1 Tim. 4. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2. If any say the King hath a publick and regall power in ordaining of Ministers , and so in d●priving them , or a mixt power , partly regall , partly ecclesiasticall , as hee is a mixt person , and the Church hath their way of purely and unmixt ecclesiasticall calling or ordaining of Ministers , or the Church and the Magistrate both doth elect and choose the man , yet so that he is not elected without the consent of the King or Magistrate in the Kings roome . I answer , many things are here to be replyed . 1. That the King who may be borne an heire to an earthly Kingdome , is also borne and by nature a mixt person , and halfe a Minister of the Gospell , is against Gods word ; ministers in whole , or in part , are made so of God , not so borne by nature : in Aaron● Priestha●d men by birth came to a sacred office , but that is done away now in Christ. 2. With as good reason may the King preach and administer the Sacraments , as a mixt person , as he may ordaine , by ecclesiasticall blessing , imposition of hands , ecclesiasticall designation any person to the Ministery , that same auth nity of Christ which said to Timoth , Lay hands suddainly 〈◊〉 man , said also to him , 2 Tim. 2. 15. Study to be approved unto 〈◊〉 , a workeman that needeth not to be ashamed , dividing the word right ; that is , both ordaining of Ministers , and pastorall preaching of the Word , or pastorall acts flowing from an ecclesiasticall power . How then can the one be given to the King by vertue of that same mixt power ? especially seeing baptizing it directly called 1 C●r . 1. 17. a lesse principall worke of the ministery then preaching . It it be said , as ordination is performed by the King , is not an ecclesiasticall action , but civill , or mixt , partly civill , partly ecclesiasticall . I answer : by that reason , if the King should preach and administrate the Sacraments , these actions should not be called ecclesiasticall actions , and Uzzah's touching the Arke , should not be called an action by office incumbent to the Levites only ; and it might be said , the person being civill , the actions are civill . And Uzziah's burning of incense upon the Altar of incense , was not a Priestly act , but an act of a mixt power , he was partly a King , and partly a Priest , who did performe the action , but he was a Priest by sinfull usurpation in that action , as we know . 2. This answer is a begging also of the question . 2. Whereas it is said that the Church ordainech Pastors , and the King also , but divers wayes : the one by a regall power , the other by me el●siasticall power . I answer : this is spoken to make the people , ad saciendum populum , for ejusdem potestatis est , ( saith the Law ) constituere & desti●●ere , it is the same power to ordaine and to destroy . The high-Commission by the Kings authority doth deprive Ministers , without so much as the knowledge of the Church . If then the King as King may deprive ministers without the notice of the Church , then may the King as King also ordaine Pastors without the notice of the Church . For the action of the instruments as such , is more principally the actions of the principall cause . 3 Election of a Pastor is farre different from ordination of a Pastor : the whole multitude as Christians have voyces in the election of a Pastor , and so hath the King or his Magistrate , as a part and member of the Church , but this giveth no negative voice to the Magistrate in election , but ordination is not done by all the multitude , it is a worke of authority done onely by the Church-officers . 4. The coactive and civill degradation , must have also correspondent thereunto a coactive and civill ordination of Pastors . Now I ask what is a coactive ordination . If it be the Kings royall and civill authority , commanding that the Church officers ordaine Pastors at Christs commandement ; This we deny not , they fight with a shadow or a night ghost ; not against us , who contend for this . But if they meane a coactive degradation by the Sword , in banishing , imprisoning , yea and for just causes , punishing Ministers to death with the Sword , this indirect deprivation we doe not deny . But so the King depriveth a man from being a Minister , when he is beheaded , or hanged , or banished for civill crimes , no other wayes , but as he depriveth a man from being a Fashioner , a Sai●●r , a Plower , a Souldier , or a Father to his owne barnes , a husband to his owne wife , for when the man is beheaded or hanged , by the sword of the Magistrate , he is d●prived from being a fashioner , a sailer , a father , a husband : and Solomen did not other way deprive Abiathar from the Priest-hood , then indirectly by consining him for treason at Anathoth , so as he could not exercise the Priests office at Jerusalem . So after a Junius , b Calderwood , c Gul. Apollonius , d Sibrandus , yea e Muketus , a man for the times , denyeth that the Prince can take away that ecclesiasticall power that the Church hath given . And so f acknowledgeth Wedelius the same . That reasonlesse lyer Lysimach Nicanor in this ▪ and in other things , hath no reason to say , we borrow Jesuites doctrine to answer this argument , for g the Jesuite Becanus is not ●nacquainted with Jesuits doctrine against the power of Kings , yet he answereth that Solomen as King had no power over Abiathar for treason , or any other crime , and therefore following Bellarmine and Gretserus saith , that Solomon did this by an extraordinary propheticall instinct , yet h Abulensis a great textuall Papist , and i B●naventura a learned Schooleman saith this p●oveth that the King is above the Priest , and that Priests in the Old Testament were not eximed from the civill Judges sword and power : this is very doubtsome to k Suarez who ●aith , that it was a temp●rall civill punishment of exi●e , and that ●●●siti●n from the exercise of the Priests office followed upon the other . But we neede not this answer , for Solomons sentence containeth in t●rminis , a meere civill punishment ; and these words 1 King. 27. S. Solomon thrust out Abiathar from being Priest to the Lord , seem not to be words of the Kings sentence of banishment , but are relative to the fulfilling of the Lords word , and a consequent of divine justice relative to the prophesie against Elies house . Though verily I see no inconvenience to say that Solomon did indeed deprive him from the Priest-hood by an extraordinary instinct of the Spirit , as he was led of God to build the Temple . 1. Because the text saith , so Solomon thrust out Abiathar from being Priest to the Lord , and ver . 35. and Zadok the Priest did the King put in the roome of Abiathar , which is a direct deprivation from the Priest-hood : but I contend not here . But that the King causatively may deprive , that is , command the Church to cast out hereticks , and to commit the Gospell to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , 2 Tim. 2. 2. wee confesse : as for the power of convocating of Synods , some thinke that the King may convocate Synods as men , but as Church men they have power , if the Magistrate bee averse , to convocate themselves , see l Junius who insinuateth this distin●tion . But certainly though the Kingly dignity be thought meerely civill , yet let this be thought on ; it may be thought that the Kings power is divine three wayes . 1. Effectually , and so we thinke that the Kingly power is an Ordinance of God lawfull , jure divin● ; many Papists say the contrary , but we thinke with Gods word , it is of divine institution , as is cleare , Psal. 2. 11. Prov. 8. 14. 15. Rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Matth. 22. 21. 1 P●t . 2. 17 , 18. Eccles. 9. 20. Prov. 25. 2. Prov. 20. 2. 2 The Kings power may be thought divine , formally , and so as divine is opposed to civill , it is a humane ordinance , and not formally divine or ecclesiasticall , nor subjectively . 3. It may be thought divine and ecclesiastick , objectively and finaliter . The end intrinsecall being a spirituall good , and so the King hath power to conveene Synods not onely as they are men , and his Subjects , but also as they bee such subjects and Christian men , and members of Synods ; as the King may command the minister of the Gospell both as a man , yea and as a Preacher in the Pulpit , to preach ●ound doctrine and to give wholesome and good milke to the Church , and this is formally an act of a nurie-father , such as the King is by his Kingly office : and this way also doth the King send members to the Synod , and moderate , and preside in Synods , actu imp●rato ▪ n●n elicito : actu objective ecclesiastico ; non intrinsece , non formaliter , non subjective eccles●astico . The King ruleth by the Sword , and commandeth the Synods to meete , ordereth politically and civilly the members and meeting , and as King cooperateth , but by a civill and regall influence , with the Synod , for the same very end that the Synod intendeth , to wit , the establishing of truth , unity , and the edification of Christs-body . But this power of the Kings to conveene Synods , is positive , not negative , auxiliary and by addition , not by way of impedition or privation . For the Church of her selfe , hath from Christ her head and Lord , power of conveening without the King , beside his knowledge or against his will , if he be averse , as is cleare Matth. 18. 17 , 18. if they be conveened in his name he is with them ; not upon condition that the Prince give them power . And Joh. 20. 19. there is a Church-meeting without the Rulers , and a Church-meeting for praying , preaching , and discipline , Act. 1. 13 , 14. &c. without the Magistrate , & Act. 15. 1 , 2. and when the Magistrate is an enemy to the Church . 2. Where Christ commandeth his disciples to preach and baptize , Matth. 28. 19 , 20. and with all faith in the exercise of their ministry , they shall be persecuted by rulers , as Matth. 10. 17 , 18 , 19. Luk. 21. 12 , 13 , 14. He doth by necessary consequence command Church-meetings , and Synods , even when the Magistrate forbiddeth , and this is practised , 1 Cor. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. where the Magistrate is an heathen , chap. 6. 1 , 2 , 3. 3. It should follow that Christ cannot have a true visible Church , and ministry on earth , except the Magistrate countenance his Church , which is both against experience , and Christs Kingly power , who reigneth in the midst of his enemies , Psal. 110. 2. And what glorious Cour●bes had Christ in Asia , with power of doctrine and discipline , and ●o with all Church-meetings , Rev. 2. chap. 3. where Tyrants did slay the witnesses of Christ , Rev. 2. 13. and certainely by what power Kings allead●e that Synods may not meet , for the exercise of discipline and good order in Gods house , by that same power they may say there should be no Church meeting for the hearing of the word and receiving the Sacraments , without their authority . For Church Synods for doctrine differ not , in spece , and nature , from Synods for discipline , all be one and the same acts under Christ as King and head of his Church , for which see m Spalato , n U●●tius , o Am●sius , p Calderwood , q the Professors ●● L●yden . Now what any say on the contrary , for the power of Princes in matters ecclesiasticall , is soone answered , r Gerardus saith that Moses gave Lawes both to the People and Priests , Exod. 20. Lev. 8. Num. 3. I answer , if this be a good argument , the Magistrate his alone without advise of the Church may impose Lawes , yea and institute new Laws , and dite Canonicall Scripture also , as did Moses , Deut. 5. Exod. 20. but it is certaine that Moses gave these Laws , not as a Magistrate , but as a Prophet of God , who spake with God face to face , and it is more for us , then for our adversaries . David also brought the Ark to its place , at Gods speciall direction , the Levites carrying it by Gods Law , though they failed in that sinfull omission , 2 Sam. 6. but 1 David did convocate the chosen of Israel , even thirty thousand , to reduce the Ark to its place , and so the Levites and Church-men , and did it not as King his alone , as 1 Chron. 13. hee did it . And s Junius saith ( and the text is cleare ) that he did it by the counsell of an Assembly and the whole Church , and that a King may doe that in Gods worship , in case of the negligence of the Church , that is warranted by Gods word , is but his duty . Now Jesuites answer not to any purpose in this , for t Becanus , and u Suarez answer nothing to Davids placing of the Arke in its place , onely they say all the people conveved the Arke and danced before it , as well as David , but it is not hence proved , that all the people are heads of the Church , as they say the King is : and Lysimachus the Jesuite seeth in this that wee a●●ee not with his friends the Jesuits . Solomon builded the Temple , and dedicated it to Gods service , but this is no ground to make the King a Law-giver in the Church . 1. Because none can deny but Solomon did all this , as a Prophet , by speciall revelation : for 1. if Solomon might not build an house to the Lord , but by speciall revelation , that hee should bee the man , and not David his father , 2 Sam. 7. 6. 13. farre more could hee not as an ordinary King , build that typicall house , which had a resemblance of Christ , and heaven it selfe , especially seeing the signification of the Holy of holiest in the Sanctuary is expressely given to the holy Spirit , Heb. 9. 7 , 8. and the Temple was a type of Christ , Joh. 2. 20 , 21. and they may say Kings by an ordinary power as Kings might pen Canonick Scripture , as well as they could build a typicall Temple like Solomons . God filled that Temple with his glory , and heard prayers made in that temple and toward that Temple . I thinke Kings as Kings cannot now build such Temples ; therefore Solomon by a Propheticall instinct built that house . Jesuites give no answer to this , for u Suarez saith Kings may build Churches to God ; because of it selfe it is an act of Religion which requireth riches for the building thereof , and for the dedication it includeth two , 1. By some religious action to consecrate a house to God ; and this way onely the Priests by sacrificing dedicated the Temple , and God by filling of it with his presence , dedicated it to himselfe . 2. It includeth an offering and giving of an house to Gods service . I answer : by this Solomon as a private man builded the Temple , and dedicated it to God , and not as either King or Prophet ; but this is a vaine answer , for no private man could have builded an house to God , with such typicall relations to Christ , and to the Church of the New Testament , except hee had been immediatly inspired by the holy Ghost . x Becanus saith three sorts of men were actors here , 1. Solomon , 2. The Priests , 3. The people : Solomon prayed and gave thankes , the Priest● ●arried the Arke , the Tabernacle , the holy vessels , and sacriji ●s , the 〈…〉 present , rejoyced and gave thank●s to God : there is nothing 〈…〉 Solomons headship ; Solomon dedicated a Temple to God , what , it will no more follow , hee was the head of the Church for that , 〈…〉 ●ffered stones and timber to God , then the wom●n can ●ee 〈◊〉 of the Church , who offered to God g●●d , purple , 〈…〉 budd●● Temple to God , many Mer●han●s ●ubild Temple● upon their 〈…〉 God , and pray to God to accept these Temples ; 〈◊〉 in England 〈◊〉 Temples to God , they are not for that head of the Church . Answ. 1. This is another Temple then Temples builded daily ; 1. Because it was wil-worship for David to build this Temple , and service to God for Solomon a King of peace , and a type of our King of wisedome Christ , to build this Temple and for no other ; any Merchant may build a common house to Gods service , without a speciall word of promise , which word Solomon behoved to have , or then hee could not build this house . 1. To dedicate an house to God typicall of Christ ; 2. Filled with the cloud of Gods presence , where God said , hee would dwel in this house ; 3. With such ornaments as the Holy of holiest in it ; 4. In which God said he would heare prayers ; whereas now in all places hee heareth prayers , Joh. 4. 21. 1 Timoth● 2. 8. this is another positive worship then that a merchant build a house for Gods daily service , which hath no relative holinesse in it , but onely is holy in the use , and to dedicate a house in these termes is more then an ordinary dedication to Gods service , and their Prelates in England , who dedicated Temples to God , cannot answer this reply of the Jesuites , nor can the new Jesuite Lysimachus Nican●r their brother answer the Jesuite herein ; wee say from warrant of Gods Word , that Solomon did all this , by a propheticall instinct , by the which also hee prophecied , and did write the booke of the Pro●●rbs , Ecclesiastes , and Solomons Song ; else Jesuites may say that these bookes doe no more prove Solomon to bee a Prophet , then the tomes written by Becanus and Suarez , doth prove that they were divinely inspired Prophets . Obj. David also prepared materialls for the Temple , 1 Chron. 22. 2. and dicided the Levites in certaine rankes and orders , 1 Chron. 23. 4. Answ. 2 Chron. 8. 13. for so had David the man of God commanded , the man of God is the Prophet of God , not the King of Israel as King , 2 Chron. 29. 25. and hee set the Levites in the house of God with Cymba's and psalteries and ●arpes according to the commandement of David , and of Gad the Kings Seer , and N●uh●n the Prophet , for so was the commandement of the Lord by his Prophets ; they may prove then God the Prophet is the head of the Church , and hath power to make Church-Lawes . But it is a great mistake . H●●●●iah , David , Solomon , commanded the people and the ●evites to doe their duties according to Gods Word . Ergo , Kings may make Church-constitutions by a mixt power , it followeth in no so●● ; wee deny not but the King may command in Gods worship , what is already of cleare and evident divine institution , but that hee may obtrude it , as a thing to bee observed , by all Church men , and urge it , as a constitution come from authoritie , to b●e observed under the paine of ecclesiasticall censures , wee deny : now this formalists teach , that hee may command in the externall government , as a Church constitution to bee in his royall name executed , by Church men with Church censures , though the Church never heard of it before . It is true that Jehoshaph ●t , 2 Chron. 19 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. set of the Levites and Priests , and the chiefe of the fathers of Israel , for the judgement of the Lord , and for controversies — and charged them , to doe in the feare of the Lord , v. 11. and behold Amariah the chie●e Priest ( saith hee ) is over you in all the matters of the Lord ▪ and Zebadiah the sonne of Ismael , the ruler of the house of Judah , for all the Kings matters ; also the Levites shall bee officers before you ; deale c●●ra●iously , and the Lord shall bee with the good . Hence doth T●oker and other court parasites inferre , 1. That the King constituting Levites , and Priests in a Citie , must bee head of the Church , and 2. That Jehoshaph at having constitute two Vicars and D●puties under him , one in Church matters , to wit , Amariah , another in civill matters , to wit , Zebadiah , therefore hath the King a jurisdiction and headship in both Church and State. Answer 1. The institution of Priests is one thing , and the calling of the persons to the Office another ▪ the former was Gods due , who himselfe chused the tribe of Levi , and this the King did not . But it is another thing to constitute Priests and Levites , who were instituted and called of God , to serve in such a place at Jerusalem , rather then in any other place ; this is but to apply a person , who is jure divine , by Gods right in office , to such places and times . This is not a point of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , for placing and timing Preachers belongeth to the people calling them , and in the time of Apostasy , as this was , Jehoshaphat sent Levites to teach , and commanded them to do their duty ; but that the High Priest is the Kings Deputy or Vicar , as if the King offered sacrifices to God , as the principall and Church head , or by the Ministry and service of Amariah , as his instrument , deputy and servant , is most idly , and untruely spoken . Yet will I not use the argument of Be●anus the Jesuite , who saith , If Amariah was the Kings Vicar , then may the King by himselfe sacrifice , for what ever the Vicar o● deputy may d●e , that may the person above him , who giveth him power , d●e without the Vicar . The Kings royall commandement is formally terminated upon the quality and manner of Ecclesiasticall acts , that they bee done according to Gods Law , rather then upon the acts according to their substance . It * is one thing for Ministers to Preach sound Doctrine , and administrate the Sacraments in obedience , and at the Kings commandement , which wee acknowledge a truth , and another thing for Ministers to Preach in the name and authority of royall Majesty , as having a calling from him : this latter is false : as the King may do an act of justice , at the direction of a Minister , commanding him in Gods name to execute judgement impartially : yet the King doth not an act of justice in the name and authority of the Church . And that is true which Be●anus saith , What the instrument doth , the principall cause may do , where the Vicar or Deputy , and the principall substitut●r of the Vicar are both civill persons , or are both Ecclesiasticall persons , for in a large and unproper sense , the nurse is a sort of deputy under the nurse father , the Father may take care that the nurse give milke , and wholsom milke to his child , yet cannot the Father give milke himself . The King may take care , actu imperato , as one intending , in a Kingly way , that Christs body bee edifyed , that the Priests and Prophets feed with knowledge , the Church and sister of Christ , and so are the Priests under the King , and at his command to feed , and to feed with wholsome food the flocke , and in obedience to the King all are to do their duty , and his care is universall over all , and his end universall . That which is the end of Pastors , Doctors , Elders , Deacons , Lawyers , Judges , &c. is , in an universall intention , the Kings end , even Gods honor , by p●●curing in a regall way , that all do their duty in keeping the two Tables of the Law , and so is hee the great politick wheel moving by his royall motions , all the under wheeles toward that same end : yet cannot the King without sinne , and being like a Bird wandring from her nest , do that which is properly Pastorall , so that the Office is not subordinate to him , but immediately from God , yet are the operations of the Office , and to Preach tali modo , diligently sound Doctrine subordinate to him , but in a generall and universall way , as hee is a kingly mover of all , to keep the two Tables of the Law. Neither did the King ( as a Suarez saith ) one and the same way appoint both the High Priest and the civill Judge . And b Cajetan saith , he decerneth the two chiefe heads of Church and Common-wealth , but hee appointed not both , for God appointed Amariah , to bee High Priest , and not the King , but here is nothing to prove the Kings headship . Asa reformed the Church and renewed the Covenant ; Ezekia● reformed Religion also , and brake in peeces the Brazen Serpent , and all these in the case of universall apostasie , and the corruption of the Priest-hood did reforme the Lords house , breake in peeces graven Images , but all this giveth to them no mixt Ecclesiasticall power of making Canons , of ordaining and depriving Pastors . Whereas some object , That the care both of temporall good , and spirituall good , belongeth to the Magistrate , therefore , hee must have a power to make Church Laws . See c Pareus . For his care cannot bee supreme , if hee must rule at the nod and beck of Church-men . I Answer , the connexion is weak : hee who hath the care of both the temporall and spirituall good of the people , hee hath a nomothetick power to procure both these two goods , it followeth no way , for then might hee have a power in his own person to Preach , and administrate the Sacraments , this power procureth the spirituall good , but such as is the care , such is the power , the care is politick and civill , Ergo , the power to procure the spirituall good , must bee politick and civill . 2. Neither is the King to do all at the nod and direction of the Priesthood , blindly and without examination . That is the blind doctrine of Papists , wee hold that hee hath a regall power to examine , if the Decrees of the Church bee just , Orthodox , and tend to edification , For hee is the Minister of God , for good , and to take vengeance on evill doing . And there is no just obligation to sinne , hee is not obliged to punish with the sword , well-doing , but evill doing , and the Church can oblige the Magistrate to do nothing , but that which in case there were no Church Law , and in case of the Churches erring , hee should doe . 2. They object , He to whom every soule is subject , he hath a power to make Church Laws , about all good : but all and every soule , without exception of Apostles , or Church-men , is subject to the civill Magistrate . Ergo. The proposition is proved from the Law of relatives , for he to 〈◊〉 we are subject , he may give Lawes unto us , for our g●●d . See d Pareus . Answ. He to whom we are subject , may give any Lawes , or command any manner of way , for our good . I deny the proposition in that sense ; for then he might in the Pulpit preach the Commandements of God , for our good . He might give Laws under the paine of excommunication . It is enough that he may give Laws by sanction and civill enacting of Church Laws , and pressing us by the power of the Sword , to doe our duty , for the attaining of a spirituall good . He to whom we are subject , he may give Laws , that is presse , in a coactive way , obedience to Laws , that is most true , but it proveth not a nomothetick power in the King. 3. They object , What ever agreeth to the Kingly power concerning the good of Subjects , by the Law of Nations , that doth farre more agreeth Kings by the Law of God. For the Law of God doth not desir 〈…〉 ●e Law of Nations . But by the law of Nations , a care 〈◊〉 Religion belong th to the King , for Religion by the Law of nature is ind●●ed and brought in by the Law of Nations . As e Cicero saith . And therefore to a Christian Kingly power , the care of Religion must be due . Answer : we grant all , for a care in a civill and politick way belongeth to the Christian Prince , but a care by any meane whatsoever , by Preaching , or by making Church Canons , is not hence proved by no light of nature , or Law of Nations , in an ecclesiasticall care of Religion due to the Christian Prince , but onely in a politick and civill way . 4. All beleevers , even private men , may judge of Religion , not onely by a judgement of apprehension , but also of discretion , to try what Religion is true , and to be holden , and what is false , and to be rejected . Ergo , farre more may the Christian Magistrate definitively judge of Religion , so he doe it by convenient meanes , such as are sound and holy Divines , and the rule of Gods word . The consequence is proved , because the faithfull Prince hath supreame power , which is n●mothetick , and a power to make Lawes . Answer : it is true , all private beleevers may try the Spirits , whether they be of God or not : but hence we may as well conclude , therefore Princes may preach and administer the Sacraments , as therefore the Prince may define matters ecclesiasticall . For a eivill coactive power giveth to no man an ecclesiasticall power , except he be called thereunto , as Aaron was . 2. The meanes alleadged are the judgement of holy and pious Divines , and the word of God , but Moses whom they alleadge for a patterne of a civill ruler , who had a nomothetick power in Church matters , used not the advise of Divines , nor the rule of the written word , but as a Prophet immediately inspired of God , gave Lawes to Gods people , and prescribed a Law to Aaren , and to the Priest-hood . Now if rulers have such a power of defining Lawes , they neede not follow the rule of Gods word . But how shall they prove that Moses gave the Law to the people and the Priesthood , as a King , and not as the Prophet of God , inspired immediately of God ? For if Moses his Law came from the ordinary power of Kings , as it is such , then commeth Moses Law from a Spirit which may erre , for the ordinary Spirit to Kings , is not infallible , but with reverence to Kings , obnoxious to erring . God save our King. 5. It is a Princes part by office to defend Religion , and to banish false Religion , and to roote out blasphemies and heresies . Ergo , he ought to know and judge by his office of all these . But if he be to use the sword at the nodde onely of the Church , without knowledge or judgement , he is the executioner and lictor of the Church , not a civill Judge . Answ. In a Church right constitute , we are to suppone , that the Lawes of Synods are necessary and edificative , and that the Magistrate is obliged by his office to adde his sanction to them not by an unfolded faith , and as blind ; but he is to try them , not onely by the judgement of discretion , as a Christian , ( for so all Christians are to try them ) but also ( saving the judgement of some Learned ) by a judiciall cognition , as he tryeth civill crimes , which he is to punish : but his judiciall cognition is onely in relation to his practise , as a Judge , to authorize these Lawes , with his coactive power , not to determine truth in an ecclesiasticall way , under the paine of Church censures . Neither doe I beleeve , that the Magistrate is not subordinate to the Kingdome of Christ , as mediator , but subordinate to God as Creator onely . Though some Divines teach , that there should have beene Kings and supreme Powers in the world , though man had never fallen in sinne , and a Saviour had never beene in the World , and so that Kings are warranted by the Law of nature , and Nations , and not by any Law evangelick and mediatory : yet we thinke with reverence , this argument not strong , for generation and creation and multiplication of mankind should have beene in the World , though never a sinner nor a Saviour thould have beene in the world , yet are creation , generation and multiplication of mankind , by our divines , Junius , Trekatius , Gomaras , Calvin , Beza , Melancthon , Polanus , Rollocus , and many others , and with warrant of the word of God , made meanes subordinate to the execution of the decree of prede●tination to Glory , which decree is executed in Christ , as the meane and meritorious cause of salvation purchased in his blood . What heathen Magistrates as Magistrates know not Christ the Mediator ; Ergo , they are not means subordinate to Christs Mediatory Kingdome . It followeth not . For by Christ the wisedome of God , Kings doe reigne , though many of them know him not . As they are created by Christ , as the second person of the Trinity , though they know not the second person of the Trinity . It is their sinne that they know him not . 2. It is objected . The Magistrate is not given to the Church under the New Testament , by the calling of Christ , as an exalted Saviour , as all the gifts instituted for the government of the mediatory Kingdome are instituted for that end , Ephes. 4. 11. but it is instituted by God , as governer of the World , rewarding good and ill , Rom. 13. 1. 6. Answ. Neither is creation a gift of Christ as exalted mediator , therefore it is not a meane leading to the possession of that life purchased by the mediators bloud , it followeth not . For the Magistracy is a nurse-father of the redeemed spouse of Christ with the sincere milke of the word . I meane a formall meane procuring , by a coactive power , that the Church shall be fed , and it procureth not onely the Churches peace , which respecteth the second Table of the Law , but also godlinesse , which respecteth the first Table of the Law , 1 Tim. 2. 2. and Ephes. 4. 11. there be reckoned downe onely officers , which actibus elicitis , by formall elicit acts , procureth the intended end of Christs mediatory Kingdome . Not all the offices which procureth edification any way . Such as is in civill Governours , who are to see that the body of Christ be nourished , and grow in godlinesse , for that is an essentiall and specifick act of the Churches nurs-father . 3. It is objected . Magistracy compelleth men to the observance of Gods Law , Deut. 17. and doth not immediately , of it selfe , by spirituall gifts of the evangell , produ●e its effects . But all the mediatory Kingdome of Christ and the Government thereof , of its selfe and its owne nature , produceth the saving effects of the evangel● , by vertue of its institution , as faith , repentance , and salvation . Answ. A Magistracy as a Magistracy , of it selfe concurreth , but in a coactive way , for producing of peace , honesty , and godlinesse , and serveth to edification : but I grant , not in such a spirituall way , as a Church-ministry , therefore it is not a meane subservient to the end of Christs mediatory Kingdome . It followeth not . It is not a spirituall meane . Ergo , it is not a meane . The consequence is null , and it is false , that all the meanes of Christs mediatory Kingdome are of their owne nature spirituall , for that is to begge the question , for the Magistrate procureth that the Church be fed , he punisheth blasphemers , that others may feare , and so abstaine , and so be edified , though the way be coactive , yet is it a way and meane appointed of God , as the nurse-father is a meane for the childs nourishing , though the nurse-breasts be a more subordinate meane , immediate meane . 4. It is objected . The Magistrate is not the Lords Ambassadour and minister in name of the Mediator Christ , as the Minister is , but it is extron ●call to the government of Christs Mediatory Kingdome , and 〈◊〉 helpe onely to those things , which concerne the externall man. Answ. Hee who is called God , and so is the vicegerent of God , is Gods Ambassador politick commanding in Gods name , but in another way then a preaching Ambassador commandeth : and though Christ as Mediator , may attaine to his end without the King , as many were edified in the Apostolick Church where the civill Magistrate contributed no helpe , and was rather an enemy to the kingdome of Christ , and so Magistracy may bee called accidentall to Christs mediatory government : but if this bee a good argument to prove that Magistracie is not subordinate to Christs mediatory kingdome , then Oecumenicall and provinciall Synods consisting onely of Church men shall be no meanes subordinate to Christs kingdome , because Christs kingdome may subsist in one Congregation , without a provinciall assembly , and circumcision is no meane subordinate to that kingdome in the Jewish Church , because that mediatory kingdome substisted fortie yeeres in the Jewish Church in the Wildernesse without circumcision ; yea and Apostles and Evangelists are no meanes subordinate to that kingdome , because Christs mediatory kingdome subsisteth now without these officers . 2. Neither is it true that magistracie conferreth no helpe to this kingdom , but in these things which concerne the externall man , for in a politick and coactive way , the Magistracy taketh care by commandements , that the Church bee fed with the pure Word of God ; onely this proveth that magistracie , and Church ministery have two different objects , and the way of proceeding of these two states , the one carnall and with the sword , Joh. 18. 36. Rom. 13. 3 , 4. the other spirituall , to the manifestarion of the truth to the conscience , 2 Cor. 4. 1 , 2. Psal. 110. 1. 2. Es●y 11. 4. Heb. 4. 12. which we grant to be true . 5. It is objected , Christ himselfe performed all the parts of his mediatory kingdome , and all the functions thereof , in his owne person , and by his disciples , while hee was on earth ; but hee refused all civill Magistracy , and did inhibit his disciples thereof , because it is not contained under the administration of his mediatory office , as subordinate thereunto . Answ. Christ refused magistracie , not because it is not subordinate to edification , which is the end of Christs mediatory kingdome , but because it is not compatible with his spirituall kingdome , in one and the same person , and therefore this is a caption , à non causa pro causa , in one and the same person and subject ; the civill and the Ecclesiasticall power are inconsistent and incompatible , that is true . Ergo , in the kind of lawfull meanes these two powers are unconsistent and uncompatible . I deny it to follow , for both royall power and Church power concurre for the producing of one and the same end , to wit , edification and obedience to both Tables of the Law , but after different wayes , carnall and spirituall . * I thinke it most considerable that though the Prince may by a coactive way , command that same which a Church Synod may command in an ecclesiasticall way , yet differeth these same powers in their formall objects , because the King commandeth that which is good , religious , decent in Gods worship as a thing already taught and determined judicially , either expressely in Gods Word , or then by a pastorall or Synodicall determination , and that not by way of teaching , informing the mind , exponing the Scripture , or by pastorall dealing with the conscience , as oblieging to a Church Liturgie , and ceremonies , as one who intendeth formall edification and faith , repentance , and obedience to God ; but the King commands that which is good and extra , as it is already taught , and expounded , and as it is an imperated act of externall worship , or mercy and justice done by a coactive power . Hence the Magistrates power is not to edifie formally , but to procure that edification may bee . 2. The Magistrates power is Lordly , the Churches power is onely ministeriall . 3. The Magistrates power may bee in one , to wit , in the King , the Churches power of the keyes is in the Church . 4. They differ in formall objects , as hath been said . Now to obviate what the Jesuite Lysimachus Nicanor saith , wee are no wayes of Papists mind in the matter of the Magistrates power , for Papists , 1. exclude Kings and Emperours from any medling with Church matters . Charles the fift was upbraided by Paul the third , the Pope of Rome , because hee did , as became a Prince , ordaine meetings , conferences , and assemblies for composing of differences in Churches matters , not giving the power of conveening councells , onely to the Pope , a comparing his fact to the attempt of Uzzah , who put his hand to the Ark , and to C●rah , Dathan and Abirams conspiracie against Moses ; yea and b Nicolaus the first in his Epistle to Michael the Emperour , denyeth that Emperours are to bee present in Synods , except in generall Synods , where both Church men and laicks are present : wee teach that the Magistrate is as the hand , the ministry as the eyes , and both are to concurre for the spirituall good of the body of Christ. 2. Papists will have the Magistrates so to defend the faith , as they have not power to judge , not as Christians with the judgement of descretion what is right , or wrong , but they must , as blind servants , execute what Prelates decree , yea and see ( non pr●priis ( saith c Henr. Blyssemius ) sed alienis Episcoporum ac p●aelatorum suorum oculis videre ) not with their owne eyes , but with the eyes of their Prelates , yea and the Magistrate should not read the Scripture , ( say Papists and Nican●rs brethren the Jesuits ) expresly contrary to Gods Word , Deut. 17. 17. Hee shall read in the booke of the Law , all the dayes of his life , Joshua 1. 8. but onely beleeve as the Church beleeveth , and this is blind obedience that they require of Princes ; this faith or obedience wee thinke abominable in all men , as in Princes . Of old , Popes and Prelates were subject to Kings and Emperors , as wee teach from the Word of God , Rom. 13. 1. and 1. wee teach against the Jesuit Lysimachus Nicanor , that his Prelates should not invade the King and civill Magistrates sword , and be civill Judges , as Popes and Prelates are ; against which writeth a Tertullian , b Origen , c Hilarius d Chrysostome , e Ambrosius , f Augustinus ; The g author of the Survey saith , that if every Eldership be the tribunall seat of Christ , what appellation can bee made there from to either provinciall or generall councell ? and hee meaneth , that there can bee no appellation to the King , seeing the Presbytery in Churches causes is as immediatly subject to Jesus Christ , and the highest Judicature on earth , as the King is Gods immediate vicegerent on earth , nearest to Jesus Christ , in civill causes . I answer : the cause that is meerely ecclesiasticall , as the formall act of preaching and ecclesiasticall determining of truth in Pulpits , and the determining the truth in Church assemblies , in an ecclesiasticall way in Synods , and the excommunicating of a scandalous person , are immediatly subject to Jesus Christ , speaking in his owne perfect Testament : and these causes lie not at the feet of Princes to bee determined by them , as Kings , but in a constitute Church they are to bee determined by the ordinary Church assemblies , and in this place there is no appeale from the Presbytery to a King ; but it followeth not , that there can bee no appellation from a Presbytery to a provinciall , or to a nationall assembly ; 1. Because though every Presbytery bee the tribunall seate of Christ , yet it is but a part of the tribunall seat of Christ , and such a part as may easily erre , and therefore appellation may bee made from the weaker , and the part more inclined to erre , to the stronger and maniest , or the whole , who may more hardlier erre : and that is not denied by this author , who dare not deny , but they may appeal from a Bishop who doth , and may misleade soules , and emptie purses , to a Metropolitan , and an Archbishop , who is as dexterous and happy in emptying of poore mens purses , and destroying soules , if not large better , as a pettie Lord Prelate , from whom hee appealed ; yet is the one Lord Prelate the Vicar of Christ , as well as the other , by formalists bookes . And , 2. If the cause bee proper to the Presbytery , they have just right to judge it , as well as the provinciall assembly hath , but possibly not such knowledge , and if the partie complaine that hee is wronged , or may bee wronged , hee may well appeale to a larger part of Christs tribunall , lesse obnoxious to erring , which is no wrong done to the Presbyterie . This man laboureth to make a division amongst our Divines , because we know not whether to make our Pastors , Doctors , and Elders immediat 〈…〉 to Christ , as Priests , because then they are Priests of the New Testament , or ●ubject to Christ , as King , and then all our officers shall 〈◊〉 Kings , under Christ , and the Christian M●gistrate shall be so thrust out of his kingdome and chaire . And the ignorant railer maketh much adoe in this matter , but the truth is stronger then this Popish scribler ; for 1. as Christ is a Priest having a body to offer for the sinnes of the people , and a reall Sacrifice , our Divines deny that Christ hath any substitute and demie Priests under him , or master Priests to offer sacrifices reall to God : if this Author put any Priests under Christ in this meaning , hee is upon an unbloody Masse-sacrifice , much good doe it him ; if h Fenner make this propheticall office of Christ a part of Christs Priesthood , because the Priest was to teach the people , Matth. 2. 7. Hos. 4. 6. and i Abraham Henrick say the same , there is no absurd to make the officers of the New Testament subordinate to Christ , as to our high Priest teaching us Gods will , not to Christ as our high Priest offering a bloody or a reall sacrifice to God , & this Author maketh much ado to cite k Cartwright , l Fenner , m Bez●● , n and Sonnius , men whose bookes hee is not worthy to beare , making the officers of Christs kingdome subordinate to Christ as King , for as much as Christ as King prescribed the forme of ecclesiasticall government , and then saith the poore man o the Pastors under Christ ●● King must bee all Emperors , the Doctors Kings , the Elders Dukes , the Deacons Lords of the treasury , &c. and if they bee Christs immediat vicegerents , within their owne Kingdomes , who shall controll any of them , on whithot shall an injured man appe●le ? Answ. 1. Wee are to blesse God that these Officers , Pastors , Doctors , Elders & Deacons are expresly in the Word of God , and that this railers officers , to wit , Bishops , Archbishops , Metropolitans , Primats , Deanes , Archdeanes , officials , &c. are in no place of Christs testament , onely they are in the Popes Masse book : now if the man offend , because they are subordinate to Christ as King , hee must make his Primates , his Metropolitans , his Diocesan Lords , his Deans , Officials , and such wild Officers , Emperours , Kings , Dukes and Lord Treasurers under Christ , for some roome these creatures must have , else they must bee put out at the Church doors , and if a man bee injured by the Primate , to whom shall hee appeale , but to some above him , a Cardinall ? and if that creature be a Christ , who cannot do wrong , well and good it is , wee rest , but if hee bee a man like the rest of the world , surely poor folk must appeale to his high holines the Pope . 2. Deacons are not men of ecclesiastick authoritie in our account , but are to serve tables , Acts 6. 3. nor are our officers little Kings under Christ , ( for the man cannot hold of the sent of a Lord Bishop ) but meere ministers and servants , and the Ambassadors of the King of Kings , who have no power to make lawes , as if they were little Kings , but are to propound Christs lawes ; hee is ignorant of Christs kingdome , for the officers of the New Testament are under Christ as their King ; Ergo , they are under him as little deputie Kings to make Lawes , as Judges earthly are under those whose kingdome is of this world , Joh. 18. 36. the man is both beside his booke , and his wit , to infer this ; Christ hath no Popes nor visible substitute Kings under him , but under him are meere servants and heralds . 4. Wee are farre from holding , that one Church man such as the Pope may excommunicate Kings ; Gregorius the second excommunicated the Emperour Leo , and Gregorius the seventh , alias wicked Hildebrand , excommunicated Henry the fourth ; Christ hath committed the power of excommunication to the whole Church , 1 Cor. 5. 4. Matth. 18. 17 , 18. and therefore Lysimachus Nicanor cannot but side with Papists in laying this power upon one Prelate , as the Kings substitute , or rather the Popes Vicar . 5. Wee doe not teach that the Pope or any Church man may dethrone Kings , and alienate their crownes to others . Gregory the first in a certaine decree saith , Kings and Judges , who contr●veneth the constitution of the Sea of Rome , are to bee deprived of her honour ; Gregory the second having excommunicated the Emperour Leo , discharged the Italians to pay him tribute , and that because Leo was against the worshipping of Images ; See p Haiminsfieldius , and q Arniseus , and r Baleus saith the Pope drew the subjects of this Leo Isaurus , in apertam rebellionem , to 〈◊〉 rebellion , and so the Emperors of the east were deprived of the kingdome of Italy , per sanctissimum diabolum , by a most holy devill : Pope Zachariah , ( not the Prophet ) deprived Childericus King of France of his kingdome , and procured that Pipinus the father of Charles the great , should bee created King , so saith s Baleus also . Let the third transferred the Empire from the Grecians to the Romans , and by the hand of Pope Leo ( saith Sigebertus ) Charles was crowned ; See for this t Shardius . Gregorius the fift being the brother germane of Otbo the Emperour , made a Law that the Emperour should bee chosen by seven Princes electors , which fact weakned the majestie of the Empire , which went before by inheritance , hence An. 1350. Charles the fourth , that his sonne might succeed him in the Empire , laid in pledge the free Cities of the Empire , in the hands of the Prince electors , which to this day are not redeemed . So did the Pope shake the Empire , at his owne will. Gregory the third began , and Leo the third finished the devise of erecting a new Empire in the West , and weakned the power of the Emperour of Constantinople . Gregorius the seventh , alias gracelesse Hildebrand , deprived Henry the fourth , and created another in his place , as u Sleidan and x Lampadius relateth . Innocentius the third dethroned Otho the fourth : and Innocentius the fourth dethroned Frederick the second , and the like did Clemens the sixth to Lodovick the fourth , by Bellarmines owne confession . No Emperours can bee created but by their consent , saith the y Author of that learned worke , Catalog . testium veritatis . They loose the subjects from the oath of fidelitie . Lodovick the fourth answering the calumnies of John the 22. z saith it is against all Law that the Emperour hath no imperiall authoritie and power , except hee bee anointed , con●e●rated and crowned by the Pope ; he citeth their owne a Law on the contrary . That Joannes the 22. ( saith the Emperour ) insinuateth in his Bull , that hee is universall Lord in both temporall and spirituall matters . Bonifacius the eighth setteth out a Bull against Philip the Faire , Philippus Pulcher King of France ( as saith b Stephanus Aufrerii ) and speaketh thus , that he is universall Lord of the earth in both temparall and spirituall thing● Bonifacius Episcopus servus ser●orum dei , Philippo Fr●n 〈◊〉 regi , deum time & mandata ejus serva , seire te volumus quod in spritualibus & temporalibus nobis su●es , benificiarum & pre●end●●● ad te c●●●io nuda spectet , &c. Beleeve if ye will , that Constan●●●● gave to the Popes of Rome freedome and immunity from the imperiall Laws , and that he gave to the Pope the territories of Rome , and the City of Rome the Seat of the Empire to be Peter the fishers patrimony , and this ( say they ) Constantine gave to Silvester , which is the Patrimony of the Crowne , and the very Empire it selfe given to Peter , we teach no such Kingly power given to Church-men , and judge this donation to be a forged lye , invented by Papists , because they are their owne witnesses of this donation . For c Hieronymus Pa●●●us Cath●lanus , a Lawyer , and Chamberlaine to Pope Alexand●r the sixth , saith exprelly there was no such donation made by Constantine . And because those who are most diligent observers of memorable antiquities speake nothing of this donation , as neither Eusebius , nor Hieronymus , nor Augustine , nor A●brase , nor Basilius , nor Chrysostome , nor Ammianus , nor Histeri● T●ip ●●tita , nor Pope Damasus in his Chronicle , nor Beda , nor Oros●us , it is but a dreame , yet it is certaine that three hundreth veares after Constantine the Emperours keeped Rome , and the Townes of Italy , by their presidents and deputies , as may be seene in d Justini●n . And this they did to the time of Inn●●●ntius the second , as Chronicles doe beare . 6. Wee doe not teach that Church-men are loosed from the positive Lawes of Emperours and Kings . Bellarmine e saith that the Magistrate can neither punish Church-men , nor conveene them before the tribunall● so Innocentius the third , saith f the Empire is not above the Pope , but the Pope is above the Empire . And Bonifacin● the eighth g saith , all upon hazard of their salvation , are subject to the Pope of Rome , who hath the power of both swords , and judgeth all and is judged by no man. Now it is knowne to 〈◊〉 Nicanor , that the Prelats of England and Scotland in their high Commission , had the power of both swords , and that by Episcopall Lawes , the Primate 〈◊〉 all the 〈◊〉 , and is judged by none , and who but he ? and who ever spake as h Suarez ? That Church-m●n 〈…〉 co 〈…〉 against Princes , even to detbrane them . And as he saith , 〈…〉 , by divine Law the Pope is eximed from a● Laws of Princes : and shall we in this beleeve i Bellarmin● , k Sato , l ●●●etanus , m Turrecremata , n Gr●g●rius de Valent. o Sua●●●● and then forsooth they bring us their p Canon Law to judg the Law of God , & to prove it , because it is said by their Silvester , nemo judicabit primam ●dem , and their q Gratian learned this jus divinum , this divine Law from Innocentius the Pope . And what they alledge for Peters exemption from paying tribute , will exime all the disciples , and so all Church-men by divine right from the Lawes of Princes . Yea all Clergy-men ( say they ) by a divine positive Law are eximed from the Laws of Magistrates . So saith r Suarez , s Bellarmine , and t the 〈◊〉 of Rbeimes , but with neither conscience , nor reason . And contrary to their owne practise and doctrine . For Paul will have every soule subject to superiour Powers , and except the Roman Clergy want Soules , they must also be subject . Salomon punished Abiathar , Josiah burnt the bones of the Priests upon the A●tar , Christ subjected himselfe to his Parents , payed tribute to Caes●r , and commanded Scribes and Pharisces to doe the like , Matth. 22. Willing that they should give to Cesar those things which are Caesars . Paul appealed to Caesars Tribunall , and Rom. 13. as many , as may doe evill , as many , as are in danger of resisting the power , are to be subject . Rom. 13. 4. 2. but Church-men are such , therefore they are subject . Agatho Bishop of Rome writing to Constantius the Emperour , calleth himselfe imperii famulum , a Subject of the Empire , and saith , pro obedientia quam debuimus . Leo submitted himselfe to Lodovick the Emperour . w The Clergy of Constantinople may be conveened before the Patriarch or President of the City . See the x Law. And y and z Bishops , Clerks , Monkes , &c. for criminall causes are judged by the Presidents : If a man have a suit with a Clerk , for a money matter , if the Bishop resuse to heare , tunc ad civilem judicem , &c. a say they . Sigebertus , as also b Luitprandus doth witnesse that the Bishops of Rome were compelled to pay a certaine summe of money to the Emperors , to be confirmed in their Bishopricke , ev●n till the yeare 700. Leo the fourth , who is canonized by Papists as a Saint , c writeth to Lotharius the Emperour , that they will keepe the Emperors Lawes for ever , and that they are lyars who say the contrary . Arcadius made a Law , that if a Priest were found to be seditious and troubling the publick peace , he should be banished an hundred miles from that place . But how farre Popes have surpassed bounds in these ; see their blasphemies . As they say d God should not have beene discreet , nisi potestatem Pontifici super principes contulisset , except he had given power to the Pope above Princes . Also e Papam superioritatem habere in imperatorem , & vacante imperatore , imperatori succedere . Also f Papa habet utriusque potestatis , temporalis nempe & spiritualis , Monarchiam . Also g Quanto sol lunam , tanto Papa superat Imperatorem . The Pope is above the Emperor and succeedeth to the Emperors throne , when it is vacant , and he is as farre above the Emperor , as the Sunne is above the Moone . The Pope also ( h ) in the Nativity night , blesseth a Sword , and giveth it to some Prince , in signe , that to the Pope is given all power in heaven and in earth . 7. The Pope may loose all Subjects from their oath of Loyalty and may command that a Jesuite stabbe or poyson a King , when he turneth enemy to the Roman Faith. All these Satan and envy it selfe cannot impute to our doctrine . Let L●simachus the Jesuite heare this , and see if his owne little Popes , the Prclats , doe not teach or aime at all these points against the Kings of the earth . CHAP. 7. SECT . 1. Of the way of Reformation of the Congregations of England . IN the first article , the Author acknowledgeth the Church of England was once rightly , and orderly gathered , either by Apostles ●● apostolick men , whether Philip , or Joseph of Arimathea , or Simon Zelotes , as we may read in Fox , &c. Sothat all the worke now , is not to make them Churches which were none before , but to reduce and restore them to their primitive institution . Answ. Though the Churches of England were planted by the Apostles , yet since Popery universally afterward prevailed , in both England and Scotland , as Beda and Nicephorus and ancient histories witnesse , we thinke by our brethrens grounds England losed the very essence of a true Church . So that there be neede of the constituting of a new Church , and not of simple restitution to the first restitution . 1. Because the Congregations wanteth the essentiall constitution of right visible Churches , as you say . 2. Because you receive none comming from the Church of New-England , to the seales of the Covenant , because they are members of no visible Church . Sect. 2. Certaine propositions tending to Reformation . In the third or fourth Proposition the Author condemneth Laicks Patronages . 2. Dedicating of Lands to the Ministry ; to these adde what the Ministers of New-England say a in their answer to the thirty two Questions sent to them from Old-England , where they condemne stinted maintenance . Though the right of Church Patronages were derived from Romulus , it is not for that of noble blood . ●or b Dionysius Halicarnasseus saith Romulus instituted Patronages , when he had divided the people in noble and ignoble , called , Patricii & Plebeii . But this Patronage was civill , and when servants and underlings were hardly used , it hath a ground in nature , that they choose Patrons to defend them , therefore hee who gave libertie to a a servant , amongst the Romans was called a Patron , and c he who defended the cause of the accused , as Valla saith , was called a Patron . If it bee said that the servant was the proper goods , and part of the Masters patrimony , because hee might sell his servant , and therefore there could bee no Law given to prove men may limit the dominion of the master over the servant . I answer ; the servant was a part of his masters patrimony , but a part thereof for sinne , not as his Oxe or his Asse , is a part of his patrimony ; therefore by the Law of nature , whereby the weaker imploreth helpe of the stronger , as the Lambe seeketh helpe from the mother , and the young Eagle from the old , the slave might well have libertie to choose a Patron , and this is a ground that the Magistrate the Churches nurs-father by office should plead the Churches cause , as her Patron , and every one in power is to defend the Church in her liberties and patrimony ; and therefore in the Apostles time , when holinesse and the power of Religion did flourish , and was in court , there was not need of any positive , civill or Church Law , for a Patron to the Church , every beleever in power is oblieged to defend the Church : but when men became Vulturs and ravenous birds to plucke from the Church what was given them , the Councell of Millian d in the yeare of God 402. wherein some say Augustine was president , under Honorius and Arcadius , some holy and powerfull men were sought from the Emperour to defend the Church in her patrimony , and rights against the power and craft of avaritious men , and they were called Patrons , and the same was desired e in the first Councell of Carthage , but with the Bishops advice , cum provisione Episcoporum . Hence it is cleare , patronages from their originall were not Church priviledges , and Bishops being a part of the Church , could not be the Patrons , quia nemo sibi ipsi potest esse patronus , and for this cause that learned f thinketh this was the originall of Church Patronages , but the Patrons have beene chosen with consent of the Church ; hence they were not as our Patronages are now , which goeth 1. by birth , 2. and are a part of a mans patrimony , and civill thing , that the Patron hath right unto , under the Kings great Seale ; but as a Minister is not a Minister by birth , neither was a Patron a Patron by birth : and from this wee may collect , that the Patrons right was but a branch of the Magistrates right , and accumulative , not primitive , and that hee could take nothing from the Church , and 〈◊〉 lesse might the Patron forestall the free election of the people , by tying them and their free suff●ages to a determinate man , whom hee presented ; and it is not unlike which g A●entinus 〈◊〉 , when Bishops gave themselves onely to the Word of God , to preaching and writing bookes in defence of the truth , the Emperour tooke care that they should bee furnished with food and ●aiment , and therefore gave them a p●tronus quem 〈◊〉 patronum curatoremque vocabant , whom they called a patron ; and here observe the Bishop of old was the client , and the sonne and Pupill , now hee must bee the Patron and Tutor , and therefore in time of Popery , Antichristian Prelates would bee Patrons both to themselves and to the Churches . But this seemeth not to bee the originall of patronages , because this ground is common to all Churches , but not all , but onely some certaine Churches have patronages , therefore their ground seemeth rather to bee that some religious and pious persons founded Churches , and dotted , and mortified to them benefices , and the Church by the Law of gratitude did give a Pat●onage over these founded Churches to the first foundators and their heires , so as they should have power to nominate and present a Pastor to the Church . But there were two notable wrongs in this ; for 1. If the fundator have all the Lands and Rents in those bounds , where the Church was erected , hee is oblieged to erect a Church , and furnish a ●●pend , both by the Law of nature and so by Gods Law also . Ergo , the Church owe to him no gift of patronage for that , nor is hee to keepe that patronage in his hand , when hee erecteth a Church ; but and if hee being Lord heritor of all the Lands and Rents , both erecteth a Church , and dotteth a stipend , sub modum eleemosynae , non sub modum debiti , by way of almes , not by way of debt , then is there no gratuitie of honour , nor reward of Patronage due to him , for almes as almes hath no reall or bodily reward to bee given by those on whom the almes is bestowed , but onely the blessings of the poore , Joh 31. 20. it being a debt payed to God , hee doth requite it . And h Calderword saith , no wise man would thinke that the Church men should allure men to found Churches , and to workes of Pietie , by giving them the right of presenting a man to the change : and also hee would call it Simonie , not pietie or religion , if one should refuse to doe a good worke to the Church , except upon so deare●t rate , and so hard a condition as to acquire to himselfe po●er over the Church of God. Though the ●ight of presenting a man to benefice were a meere temporall thing , yet because it removeth the libertie of a free election of the fittest pastor , as i Origen saith , it cannot bee lawfull , but it is not a temporall or civill right , but a spirituall right , though wee should grant that the people have a free voyce in choosing , and that the patron were oblieged to present to the benefice , the man onely whom the people hath freely chosen , and whom the Elders , by imposition of hands , have ordained . 1. Because the Pastors hath right to the benefice , as the workeman is worthy of his hire , and hee hath a divine right thereunto by Gods Law , 1 Cor. 9. 8 , 9. & c. Gal. 6 6. Matth. 10. 10. Ergo , if the patron give any right to the Pastor to the benefice , it must bee a spirituall right . If it bee said , hee may give him a civill right before men , that according to the Lawes of the Commonwealth , hee may legally brook and injoy the benefice ; this is but a shift , for the civill right before men is essentially founded upon the Law of God , that saith , the workeman is worthy of his hire : and it is that fame right really that the Word of God speaketh of : now by no Word of God , hath the Patron a power to put the Preacher in that case , that hee shall bee worthy of his wages , for hee being called , chosen as Pastor , hee hath this spirituall right not of one , but of the whole Church . 2. It is true , Papists seeme to bee divided in judgements in this , whether the right of patronage bee a temporall or a spirituall power ; for some Canonists as wee may see k in Abb. decius , l and Rubio , and the Glosse m saith it is partly temporall , partly spirituall . Others say it is a spirituall power , as n Anton. de Butr. and o Andr. Barbat . and p Suarez , and whereas Papists doe teach that the Church may lawfully give a right of presenting to Church benefices , even to those who are not Church men , the power must bee ecclesiasticall and spirituall , and cannot bee temporall ; also Suarez saith , that the right of patronage may bee the matter of Sim●ny , when it is ●●ld for m●ney . Ergo , they thinke it an holy and spirituall power . It is true q the Bishop of Spalato calleth it a temporall power , which is in the hand of the Prince , but there is neither reason nor Law , why it can bee called a temporall power due to a man , seeing the patron hath ( amongst us ) a power to present , and name one man , whom he conceiveth to be qualified , for wee find the nomination of a list , or the seeking out of men fit for the holy ministry , some times ascribed to the Church , as Act. 1 23. Then they appointed two , Joseph called Barsabas , who was surnam d Jus●us , and Matthias , which words may well bee referred to the eleven Apostles , and so they nominated men , or to the Church of beleevers , and so though it bee not an authoritative action , it is an ecclesiasticall action , and belongeth to the Church as the Church , and so to no Patron : and the looking out of seven men to be presented as fit to bee ordained Deacons , is expresly given to the Church of beleevers , Act. 6. 3. Wherefore Brethren , looke yee out amongst you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seven men of honest report ; and sometimes the Apostles doe nominate men for the ministery , but never doth the holy Ghost mention a Patron . But if the thing it selfe ( say they ) hee necessary , then is the office not unlawfull . But it is most necessary that some one or more eminent and powerfull men , should have power to see that the Church goods bee not delapidated . Answ. It is a part of the Magistrates office , with his accumulative power , whereby hee seeth that every one doe their dutie , to take care that vulturs and sacrilegious devourers of Church livings bee punished ; and the Church themselves are to censure all guiltie of Simony or delapidation of the rents of the Church , as may bee gathered by due analogie from Peters punishing with death , the sacriledge of Ananias and Saphira , and the Simony of Simon Magus . 2. The ancient Church ●ooke care of dividing of the Church rent very carefully in foure parts ; one was given to the Pastor , who was not to imploy ●ents of the Church upon Horses and Coaches , and conquering Baronies and Lordships to their sonnes , as our idle belleys were in custome to doe , but the Bishop was to entertaine Hospitalls , and to feed the poore , to take care of bridges , rep●ring of Churches , so as r Ambrose saith , what ever is the Biships , it is the poores ; a second part was given to the Elders and Deacons ; a third part was for the repairing of Churches , and a fourth part for Hospitalls , for poore and strangers ; this distribution with some other order , is made , if wee beleeve Papists , s in a Synod at Rome under Silvester the first , though Socrates , Theodoret , Sozomen , and others well versed in antiquitie speake nothing of this Synod , but you may see this cleare in t Synodo Bracarensi , in u Aventinus , in x Gregorius , so there is no need of a Patron , nor was there any in the Apostolick Church . Deacons were to take care for tables , and the goods of the poore , no reason that men seeme more carefull for the good of the Church then Jesus Christ. 3. Though there bee a necessitie that the Church bee defended in her liberties , yet is there no reason , an office should be made thereof ; as the Canonists make it an office , with a sort of stipend ; And therefore to make a Patron they require not onely the founding of a Church , but also the building of the house , upon his owne charges , and the dotation of a mainten●nce for the Church , y and for this cause the Patrou hath a buriall place in the Church ; and if hee or his children become poore , they are to be entertained of the Church rents ; and therefore they call it jus ●uti'e , a gainefull power . 2. It is jus b●norifioum , hee hath power to nominate and present a man to the benefice of the vaiking Church . 3. It is jus onerosum , because hee is oblieged to defend the Church ; see the● z Law for this ; so see also a Calderwood , b Gerardus , c Suarez , d Anton. de dom . arcb . Spal H●spinianus ; yet Justinianus himselfe forbiddeth that the Patron should present a man to the Bishop to bee examined and tryed , and certainly this place and charge for the defending of the Church of Christ from injuries and wrongs 〈◊〉 Christ of want of foresight and providence , who hath not appointed officers civill and e f eccle●●asticall to take care of his Church , for no power over the Church was ever given to builders of Synagogues , and therefore a calling by the Patron is no more Christs way , then a calling by the Prelate and his Chaplaine . 2. Nor would the Church receive the ministers from Christ Jer. 2. 5. and the laying on of the hands of the Elders , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 2 Tim. 2. 2. but by the authoritie of the Patron , who doth nominate the man , and may charge the Presbyterie , by Law to admit him minister of such a flock . Nor is it enough to say that the Patron doth present to such a benefit onely , and doth leave all the ecclesiasticall part to the Church , and the officers thereof , for this would say something , if the Patron were tied to the Churches free choise , whereas the contrary is true , that the Church is tyed to the Patrons free election of the man , but this is nothing , because the Patron being but one man onely , and so the Church can have no lawfull proprietie , right and dominion over the rents of the Church , for Christ is onely Lord and proprieter , and just titular of all rents dotted for the maintenance of the ministery , and under Christ , when the place vaiketh , the rents recurre to the Church , as the proper proprieter under Christ : as the goods of Ananias and Saphira are the goods of the Church , after they had given them in to the publick treasurie of the Church ; Ergo , the Patron can give no right to any person to bee presented and ordained , for no man can give to another that title and right which hee hath not in himselfe . If it bee said , hee may give in the Churches name , as the Churches Patron , those goods which are mortified to the Church , well , then is the Patron in the act of presenting the representative Church , and hath the Churches power ; Ergo , hee is but the Churches servant in that , and to doe at the Churches will , and the Church is the first presenter , this is a new representative Church , that wee have not heard of . 2. This is against the nature of the Patrons office , whose it is , when hee foundeth and buildeth a Church , to reserve the right of patronage to himselfe , and never to give that right to the Church ; Ergo , by his owne authoritie , and not in the Churches name , hee giveth title to the benefice , to the Pastor of Minister . 3. The Church hath not power to alien ate and dispose to one particular man , those goods which are given to God , and to his Church , so as that one hath power in Law to dispose those goods to any , without the Churches consent , as the Patron may doe . The Church may dispose and give power to one man to doe certaine actions in the Churches name , but yet so as the Church retaineth power to regulate that her delegate , or commissioner in these acts , and to correct him , in case of aberration ; but the Church hath no power over the Patron as Patron to limit him in the exercise of his power , for the right of Patronage is his by birth , he may sel it for mony to another ; to a Papist , to an excommunicate person , to a Jew , or an enemy of the Church , as hee may sell his lands and houses , and hath a civill right thereunto under his Majesties great Seale ; therefore the patron doth here , proprio suo jure , by his owne proper right , present and give title and Law to the Church benesice , and doth not present in name of Church , or as having from the Church a power . 3. What ever taketh away an ordinance of Christ , that is not lawfull : but the power of Patrons taketh away the ordinance of Christ , and the free election of the People , because the people have power to choose out of many one fittest , and most qualified , for the office ; as is cleare , Act. 6. 3. Act. 1. v. last . Act. 14. 23. because the man chosen should bee one of a thousand , as g Didoclavius or Calderwood saith in that learned Treatise , called Altare Damascenum . Nor can it be said ( saith that learned Author ) that the Church may transferre her right of presenting to a Patron , for that is in effect to transferre her power of election , but that ( saith hee ) . the particular Church cannot doe except by the decrce of a gener all assembly , neither can that right bee transferred over to a generall assembly , especially a perpetuall and hereditary right , because ( as saith h Cartwright ) it is a part of that libertie , which is purchased by Christs blood , which the Church can no m●re alienate and dispose , then shee can transferre or dispose to another her inheritance of the kingdome of God , to the which this libertie is annexed : thus he . 4. The discerning of the spirits , and the knowing of the voyce of Christ speaking in his called servants , is laid upon the flocke of Christ , whose it is to elect , but not upon the Patron , which may bee a Heathen , and a Publican , and as such is no member of the Church . 5. Every humane ordinance not warranted by Christs Tostament , and abused to sacriledge , rapine , delapidation of Church-rents , and Simoniacal pactions with the intrants into the holy ministery , is to bee abolished , and is unlawfull : but the right of patronages is such as experiences teacheth to many and lamentable . The proposition is above cleared . 6. That calling in part or in whole , which giveth no ground of faith , and assurance of a lawfull calling to the Ministers entry to that holy charge , cannot belawfull ; but the calling to the ministery by the good will and consent of the Patron as Patron , is such . Ergo. The proposition is cleare , every lawfull meane and way of entry unto that calling is warranted by a word of promise , or precept , or practise ; the calling by the patrons consent , hath neither word of promise , or precept , or practise in the Word ; and stayeth not the conscience of the man of God , that hee did not runne unsent : but a man is never a whit the more staid in his conscience , that hee is presented by a Patron , to the tithes , and parsonage and vicarage of such a Congregation . It is but a cold comfort to his soule , that the Patron called him . 7. What ever priviledge by the Law of nature all incorporations have to choose their owne rulers and officers , this Christ must have provided in an eminent manner to the Church : but all cities , societies , incorporations and kingdomes have power to choose their owne rulers , officers , and members , as is cleare by an induction of all free colledges , societies , cities and republicks . Ergo , this cannot bee laid upon a Patron ; see for this also i Amesius , k Guliel . Apollonius , who citeth that of l Ath●nasius , Where is that Canon in the Word , that the sent Minister of Christ , is sent from the Court , or the Princes Pala●e ? As concerning the other two , this author condemneth Lands dedicated to the ministery , because the New Testament speaketh nothing of such Lands . Answ. This speaketh against Glebes of Ministers , but the New Testament speaketh not of Manses or houses , or of moneys for Ministers ; yet a wage wee know is due , Matth. 10. 10. 1 Cor. 9. 8 , 9 , 10. Gal. 6. 6. and the Levites were not to bee distracted from the most necessary worke of the Tabe●●acle , and service of God , more then Ministers , yet they had Lands and Townes assigned of God to them ; though the lesse dis●ract●ous the wages bee , the better , and the more convenient they are , 2 Tim. 2. 3. 4. 5. As for the tithes wee thinke quotta decimarum , or a sufficient maintenance , of tithes , or what else may conduce for food and raiment , of divine right , Matth. 10. 16. 1 Cor. 9. 8 , 9. tithes formally as tithes are not necessary , so the Ministers bee provided , and a stipend bee allowed to them , not as an almes , but as a debt , Luk. 10. 7. But the stinting of maintenance for Ministers the author condemneth , because when Constantine gave large rents to the Church , it proved the lane of the Church . But I answer , stinting maketh not this , but excesse , for mountaines of rents may bee stinted , no lesse then mole-hills . In the first proposition Pastors are to bee chosen of new , in England , though they have beene Pastors before , and that by the imposition of the hands of some gracious and godly Christians . Answ. Such an ordination wanteth all warrant in the Word of God. 2. Why are they ordained over againe , who were once ordained already ? belike you count them not Ministers , and baptisme administred by them , no baptisme , though these same gracious Christians have beene baptized by such , and so England hath no Church visible at all , and no ministry ; see what you lay upon Luther and some of our first reformers , who had their externall calling from Antichristian Prelates , the same very thing which Papists lay upon them . 3. If there bee called Pastors in England to lay on hands on Ministers , why are not they to impose hands on such as you judge to bee no ministers ? because possibly the Prelates laid hands upon them , seeing you grant Chap. 5. Sect. 9. where there are Presbyters to lay on hands , it is convenient that ordination should bee performed by them . I confesse I am not much for the honoring of the Prelates foule fingers , yet can they not bee called no Pastors , no more then in right wee can say , Caiaphas was no High Priest. Proposition 6. Hee willeth Pastors , and Doctors , and Elders to bee put in the ●●●me of Parsons and Vicars . Answ. If the offices of Parson and Vicar bee set up , it is reason they be abolished , but for the names there is not much necessitie of contending , though in such cases it bee safer to speake with the Scripture , then with Papists : the Vicar Generall is indeed the Bishops delegat , and a creature to bee banished out of the house of God , of whose unprofitable place & stile , see that learned writer m D●●id Calderwood , who findeth him to bee made of the metall of the Popes service , base Copper not Gold. n and the Popish parson is as the Vicar ; Firewood for Antichrists Caldron . In the 12. and 13. Propositions , it is said , that it is necessary 〈◊〉 Preachers countenanced from King , and State , were sent to 〈◊〉 to congregations generally ignorant , and prophane , and till they 〈…〉 measure of gracious reformation , as they can testifie their faith and repentance , it were meet they should never renew their C●●●nant made in baptism , nor yet have the Seales of the Covenant con●●●ed upon them , but till then they shall lament after the Lord , as the 〈◊〉 did when the Arke had beene long absent , 1 Sam. 7. 2. Answ. In these Propositions most of all the Congregations of England , except some few following the way of independencie of Church government , though they bee baptized and professe the truth , are brought just to the state of Turkes and Indians willing to heare the Word , or of excommunicated persons , for they and their seede are to want the Scales , their children Bapti●me , themselves the Lords Supper . But 1. how can the 〈◊〉 in ordinary rebukes , and excommunication from the S●al● bee exercised upon these who are without , and no Churche as yet ? for while they sweare the Covenant , they are not Churches . 2. It is said , godly Preachers must bee sent to them , 〈◊〉 th●y 〈◊〉 reformed ; but why not godly Pastors ? because th●ugh these preachers preach unto them , yet exercise they no Pastorall care over them , because they are not yet a visible Church and flocke , and therefore have no more Pastors to care for their soules , then Turkes and Indians , and Preachers have 〈◊〉 a Pastorall relation to these , though baptized , and 〈◊〉 Christ , then to Indians , Jewes or Turkes , as our brethren teach , & a paterne of such flocks is not hard in the word , where ordinarily the word is preached to a number of people baptized , and yet baptisme denyed to all their seed , and the Lords Supper to themselves . 3. It is the same Covenant the author speaketh of here with the Church Covenant that 〈◊〉 and Judah made with God , and which they say essentially constituteth a Church , and hinteth at the Covenant of the Church of Scotland , sworne and subscribed by many thousands ign●rant and prophane , and who never came to such a measure of gracious reformation , as they can testifie their faith and repentance ; yet did this nation right in putting all to sweare and enter into a Covenant with God , for Israel , Deut. 29. where there was many who had not eyes to see , eares to heare , and a heart to understand , v. 3. 4. and where there were many rebellious and stiff-hearted , Deut. 31. 27. entered all of them into Covenant with God , Captaines , Elders , Officers , all the men of Israel , Deut. 29. v. 10. Little ones , wives , children , hewers of wood , &c. all which attained not to such a measure of gracious reformation . 2 Chron. 15. 9. all Judah and Benjamin , and the strangers with them out of Ephraim and Manasseh , and out of Simeon , entered into a Covenant with God ; who after such Apostasie could not all have attained to that measure of gracious reformation , as to testifie their faith and repentance by prayer , conference , experiences of Gods wayes in their heart and confession , and yet the Author saith o that there is no colour to conceive this way of entering into Church estate by Covenant , to be peculiar to the pedagogue of the Old Testament . 4. Israels lamenting after the Lord , 1 Sam. 7. 2. was not the repentance of a people , who was not a Church visible , but was onely a people to bee prepared for a Church State , and not fit to receive circumcision and the passoever ; as you conceive of the ignorant and prophane in England , which to you are no visible Churches ; for Israel at this time was a true visible Church . The rest of the propositions tending to reformation not discussed elsewhere , I acknowledge to be gracious and holy counsells , meet for a reformation . The Lord build his owne Temple in that Land , and fill it with the cloud of his glory . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57969-e350 a Psal. 47. 9. b Sam. 23. v. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Omnis sanguis concolor . Franc. Petrarch . Psal. 84. 11. Revel . 12. 1. e 2 Cor. 8 , 23. Notes for div A57969-e730 a Cassian . de incar . lib. 1. c. 4. Primum est errores penitus non in curr●rc , sec●ndum bene repudiare . b James 4. 1. Notes for div A57969-e1200 The way of the Churches of Christ in New England , c. 3. sect . 3 Fundamentalls Authority of Elders . Magistrats power in matters Ecclesiasticall . Notes for div A57969-e7760 The way of the Churches . Trelcat . loc . 16. a●t . ● . Tylen . Syntag. disp . 14. de Eccl. dis . 1. Thes. 19. Profess . leyd . synop pur . Theol. dis . 4. thes . 34. 35 Piscator dis . 23. n. 15 , 16. Bucan . loc . 41. quest . 7. s. 5. Answer to Quest. 2. Way of the Church . Ch. Sect , compare with . chap. 2. Robins . Iustifie . pag. 106. Confess . Separ . art . 37. Bell de Eccl. li. 3 cap. 2. 1 Cor. 11. 23. Mat. 28. 19. 1 Cor. 1. 17. Confess . art . 37. Quest. 2. a Parker de po●it . Eccl. l. 3. c. 8. b C●hol . Paris . pag. 8. c Paul Baynes docesart tyrall . 3. q. concl . 3. pa. 83. a Thom. 22. q. 28. art 10 ad 2. b Molina tom . 6 tract . 5. dis . 57. n. 6. c Suarez . Tom. de legib . lib. 2. cap 15. d Vasq. 12. dis . 129. cap. 2. e Viguertus in institut Theol. cap. 15. s. 1. f Sotus de instit li. 2. q. 3. art . 8. g Scotus 3. dist . 37. quest . 1. h Altisiodore . l. 3 sum tract . 7. cap. 1. Qu. 5. i Durandus 1. k Gabriel . 3. dist . 37. q. 1. Art. 1. Concl. 2. l Voetius des . causa . pap . li. 2. c. ca. 21. sect . 3. 6. m Theodo . l. 4. ca. 14. c. 24. n Gerson par . 2. Sermon Rhen. dom . 2. postpashat o Anton. 3. l. 3. c. 83. a Shindler in Lexico . b Muscul. com . in Is. 22. 22. Insigne acceptae potestatis , Occonoms & Praeposito domûs commendantur claves , quibus potestatem suam administret . c Calvin comment ib. Gualter Homil. 114. Claves symbolum potestatis , regibus Claves offerunt d Iunius . Plenam administrationem e Beza in . Ma. aunot . Potestas Ministrorum , in Mat. 16. f Pareus . domus meae faciam te aeconomum g Hieron . Clavis , potestas excellentiae h Chrysostom . Homil. 55. in Mat. Magnam potestatem i August . de civit . de lib. 20. ca. 9. potestatem pastoris k Beda in Iohan. Clavis est potestas ligandi & solvendi . a li. de fide ad Pet. b Stephan . in thesaur . ling. Graecae . c Whittakee tom . 2. contr . 4. c● . 5. d Calvin . ib. dissert . de Apostolatu Petri. e Bullinger ib. f Erasm. Para. g Zwinglius . h Marlorat com . i Pareus . ib. a Beza . Ministerii Ecclesiastici , authorit●● caelestis . b Tolet comment in Joan. in loc . an . 21. c Maldonat . Harm . in loc . d Cajetan . com . in Ioh. 20. 23. ideo hoc in loco instituitur & promulgatur sacramentum paenitentiae . e Rolloc . ib●cpetita & reiterata potestas . f Beza in ani . mad . in Mat. 16. sicut Ioannes iuterpretatur in sra . c. 21. g Bulling . Mat. 16. h Pareus . Quicquid solveris , id est , Joh. 20. quorum peccata remiseritis . i Calv. instit . 4. ca. 6. k Whittaker . tom . 2. contr . 4. q. 2. ca. 5. l Zwinglius com . m Asuscul . in Joh. 21. n Way of the Church of n. E. ca. 2. sect . 9 o Bulling . in loc . Mat. 16. Bullinger comment , Mat. p Muscul. ibid q Beza an . r Calvin comment s Psa. 105. 27 Judg. 15. 10. Psal. 149. 8. Mat. 22. 13. Acts 21. 11. Acts 22. 4. Mark. 3. 37. l Levit. 14. 7. Psal. 102. 20. Jer. 40. 4. Ps. 105. 20. Act. 2. 24. Rom. 7. 2. 1 Cor. 7. 27. Rev. 20. 3. Rev. 9. 15. Job . 12. 18. a Cap. 3. Sect. 1. b Mat. 10. 2. Joh 6. 70. Acts 17. 20. 21. a Gretser de in Augnr Doctor Luther . p. ●9 . b Bel● . de cöcli . vut . l. 2 , ca. 2. c Suarez de trip . virt●dis . 9. de Eccl. Sec. 7. n. 7. d Greg de Valent tom . 3. dis . 1. q. 1. punct . 7. e Hosius in confess . Polmiea . f Joan. de Turre cremat . de Gal. l. 1. ca. 24 , 25 , 26. a Fran. Iohnson art . 5. in M. Clisions booke . p. 29. b Mat. 18. 19. 1 Cor. 11. 23. 1 Cor. 1. 17. Joh. 4. 12. c Consess . art . 27. d Remonst . conf . 21. & apol . cons. ib. e Socin . tract . de Eccl c. 1. n. 140. Gatechis . Raccoviens . c. 11. n. 305. f Cartwright ans . to the adm●nit . tract . 18. c. 1● div . 5. p 663. g Beza an . in Mat. 17. h Pareus , Apostolis dict manisestum est , quicquid vos Apostoli ligaveritis , ut supra Petro dixerat Christus , Mat. 16. 19. i Calvin com . ib. k Joh. Weemes vol. 3. expos . of the judiciall Law. c. 16. a Way of the Church of n. E. c. 4. sec. 5. Irenaus i● qui in Ecclesia sunt , Presbyteris obed● oportet , iis qui successionem habent ab Apostolis : qui cum Episcopatus successione , charisma veritatis certum , secundum beneplacitumpatris , acceperunt . Nazianzen . o● at . 21. de laud. Bas. ejusdem throni particeps est Petrus , cum reliquis Apostolis , in illa verba , dabo tibi Claves Cyprian de unita Ecclesia , Christus eandem dedit omnibus Apostolis potestatem , & hoc erant utique & caeteri Apostoli , quod , Pe●●us suit , pari consortto praediti & honoris & potestatis , he should have said , Hoc erant utique & caeteri credentes in Christum , quod Petrus suit ; also Basil de vita solitar . c. 21. Omnibus pastoribus & Doctoribvs candem potestatem tribuit , cu●us signum est , quod omnes , exaequo & ligant & solvunt . He should have said , Omnibus credentibus in Christum eandem potestatem tribuit . Ambros. in Ps. 38. & in Luc. 10. Ser. 66. Quod hic dictum est , Apostolis omnibus dictum ; non ait , omnibus credentibus dictum . The p●ilact . in Mat. 6. Quamvis soli Petro dictum , tamen omnibus Apostolis concessae sunt ( Claves . ) Cyrill● in Joh. 4. l. 4. Responsionem illi Christus committebat , qui ordine primus , omnibus Apostolis : non ait , omnibus credentibus . Euthymius in Mat. ca. tibi dabo claves , atqui donum hoc ceterorum fuit Apostolorum . Hugo de sanct . victor Tom. 2. institut sanct . monaster . Quamvis potestas solvendi & ligandi soli Petro data videatur , tamen caeteris Apostolis data est , Haymo . Homil in festo Petri & Pauli . Quod Petro dixit , in Petro , caeteris Apostolis dixit . Cardin Cusan . concord . Cathol . 2. c. 13. Nih l dictum a●●ctrum , quod alits Apostolis n●n di●tum . Glossa ordinaria , Pet●us tanquam principa is inter alios ( Apostolos ) non inter alios creientes , pro aliis dat respensionem . Cyrill in Es. 4. orat 2. sancti Apostoli & Evangelist●e fundamenta . Hyeron li. 1 cont . Iovian , Omnes Apostoli acceperunt claves , non solus Petrus . Anselm in Mat. 16. Habent eandem judiciariam potestatem al●i Apostoli . Anastasius in quest . sac . script q. 79. in 6. Tom Biblioth . Potestatem clavium non soli Petro , sed aliis etiam Apostolis , & toti Ecclesie in Episcopis & Presbyteris datam . August . tract . in Joh 50. & lib. de ag●d . Christi c. 30. Beda , homil . in Mat. 16. Chry●ostom Homil. 70. ad popul . Hilarius ae trinit l. 6. Euscbius histor . Eccl. lib 2. c. 14. Leo Serm. 10. de assumpt . & citat Bellar. de Pont. lib. 1. c. 14. Petro hoc singulariter creditur , quia cunct is rectoribus Petri formâ proponitur , Lyra in Mat. 16. durand 4 dis : 18. q 2. Pro omnibus Apostolis dictum . Thom. 4. d. 24. q. 3. Scot. 4. d. 24. q. 3. Adrian 6. in . 4. d. q. 2. Synod Coloniens . sub . Adulph c. 1. med . 6. Hugo Cardinal . in Matthew 16. concilum aqu●sgranens . cap. 9. a Augustine de trinit . lib. 2. cap. 6 & in Psalm . 60. b Beda in Joh. 21. c Gregor . li. 3. c. 33. d Gerard. loc . com●tom . 5. de Eccl. c. 6. n. 50. e Wiclefus tract . cont . monach . c. 39. f Whittaker cont . 4. q. 2. c. 3. g August . cont . Petilian . l. 2. c. ult . a Presbytetiall government examined , p. 23. b Doct. Parisiens . de polit . Eccles. pag. 10 , 11. Quest 15. a Pauls Presbytery , c. 6. 63. 64. * Answ. in his Animadvers . pag. 42 , 43. a H●b . 8. 2. Ez●k . 7. 24. Ezr. 8. 17. Jer. 33. 21. Ezek. 44. 11. Jod . 1. 9. Ez●k . 45. 5. Ex. 28. 1. 3. 35. Ex. 29 1. Ex. 14. 15. Levit. 16. 32 Num. 1. 50. Deur . 10. 5. Deut 18. 6. 7. 1 Chron. 16. 37. 2 Chron. 5. 14. 2 Chron. 13. 10. b Eph. 3. 7. Col. 1. 25. Col. 4. 7. 1 Thest. 3. 2. 1 Tim. 4. 6. Acts 26. 16. c Eph. 4. 12. Colos. 4. 17. 1 Tim. 1. 12. Act. 1. 17. 25. d 1 Cor. 4. 1. 2. 2 Cor. 4. 1. 2 3. 2 Cor. 5. 18 , 19 , 20. 2 Cor. 3. 3 , 4 , 5. Gal. 6. 6. a 1 Tim. 5. 22. 19. 2 Tim. 2. 2. 2 Tim. 3. 15. Tit. 1. 11. b 2 Tim. 2. 15 1 Pet. 5. 1 , 2. 5. 1 Tim. 6. 12 1 Tim. 6. 11. 1 Tim. 6. 13 , 14. a Pag. 10. a August . de civ . Det. l. 1. c. 9. b Chrysost. Homil. in Exod. 23. c Ambros. in Luc. 17. d Hiieronimus in Luc. 18. e Aquinas , 22. q. 23. art . 2. f Bannes , in 1 33. art . 2. g Suarez , tom . de fid . spe & charit . d●s . 8. de con . h Cajetan . in 22. q. 33. ar . 1. i And. Duvallius in 22. tom . poster . tract . de charit . q. 9. art . 2. k Gregor . de valent . tom . 3. dis . 3. de correc . fra . quest . 10. punct . 2. l Doct. juris Canonici in decret . 2. q. 1. caus . peccaverit haec . m Basil in Ps. 14. n August . de verbo domin . serm . 16. o Hieronim . in Ps. 140. in illud corripiet me j●stus . p Nazianzen in or at . de moderatione , in disputat . q Calvin in Epist. ad col . c. 4. r Davenantius com . ib. a Robinson justif . separation p 124 , 125. 126 167. a Robinson justif . p. 127. b Rob. lb. pag. 127. c lb. a Rob. Ib. 127 , 128. b Ib. 128. c Mat. 23. 13. d Gerard. loc . com . tom . 6. de minist . Eccles. n. 64. pag. 71. a Socinus tract de Eccles. pag. 14. b Catechis . ● Raccov . 2. pag. 1 44. c Ostorod . in insi●t . German . cap. 42. p. 437. d Theoph. Nicolaides defens . Soc. de Eccles. cap. 1. pag. 146. e Prov. 29. 18. f Rev. 2. 5. g Psal 74. 9. h Amos 8. 11 , 12. i Rob. justif . of separation , pag. 128 , 129. k Rob. 129. l Robins . 129 , 130. m Rob. 129 , 130. n Rob. 133 , 134. a Socin . tract . de Eccl. pag. 13. b Ostorodius in instit . cap. 42. pag. 437. c The. Nicol. tract . Soc. dc Eccl. c. 2. p. 118. d Rob. 137 , 138. 139. Way of the Church of Christ , in n. E. ( b ) Robinson pag. 141. Way of the Church of ch . in n. E. a Ainsnorth . b Cons. art . 24. ap 8. c John Paget defence of Church-gover . ch . 3. pa. 13. and p 7. Manus . ih , ch . 5. Sect. 4. Ib. Ch. 5. Sect. 4. Manuscript , ●b . a Inf. pag. 163 a Manuscript . The way of the Church of Ch. in n. E. b Ainsworth animad vers . p. 20. 21. a Ainsworth animadvers . p. 25. a Regula juris 19. in 6. and 38. in ff . non est sine culpa , qui , rebus , quae ad ipsum non spectant , se immiscet , cum periculo alterius . b Suarez , de tripl . virt dis . 13. de bello sect . 6. n. 8. c Bannes in 22. q. 40. concl . 1. d An. Duvallius in 22. tract . de charit . art . 3. a Nava●re dist . 7. de poe●itē . c. St qu●s aute● . b Corduba dist . 3 q. 4 & 5. c Sylvester confessor . 3. s. 10. d Adrian quo . l libet 2. e Suarez . 1. 1. par . 2. de oper . sex dier . de proxim . regul . bonit . & malit . dis . 12. sect . 5. n. 3. f Rom. 14. 23 a Thomas 12. q. 19. art . 9. b Bonavent . ib. art . 1. q. 3 c Richard act . 1. q. ● . d Gabriel ib. a●t 3. e Occam in 3. q. 3. f Antoni . 1 part tit . 3. c. 10. s. 4. g Adrian quod . l. 4. ar . 2. h Almaintrac . de opere morali . 1. c. 5. i Suarez de oper . sex dic● in 12 par . 2. de prox . Reg. Bon. & mal . act . dis . 12. sect . 4 n. 6. k Aquin. 22. q. 19. art . 9. l Valentia . tom . 3. dis . 3. q. 16 princ . 2. m Duvallius 2. Tom. 1. tract . de human . act . 10 q. 4. art . 12. n Almain . de potest . Eccle. & Laica . c. 16. o Occam . in . 3. q. 3. a Reg. juris Culpabilis est ignorantia rerum quas scire tenemur . a Reg. juris lex non est de singularibus , lex non c●rat de particula●●bus . b Deut. 19. 15. Mat. 18. 16. ● Tim 5. 19. Exod. 23. 1. c Ioh. Weemes 3. vel expos . of judiciall Larres ch . 17. p. 69. a Bonavent . 1. q9 . b Rich. a●t . 1. q 3. c Occam . q● 3. a● . 3. d Anton. 1. ● . ● act . 3. ca. 10. ● . 4. e Adrian . quod . lib. 4 〈◊〉 . ●● . f Weemes loc . cit . g Henricus 2● . q●●●ll . 1. q. 8. h Robnson justi● . of sepa●at . p. 170. i ● Tim. 5. ●● . c Ains . loc . cit . Jer. 22. 3 , 4 , 5. Deut. 17. 18 , 19 , 20. 1 Ki. 11. 38. 39. Isa. 1. 22. 23. e Micah . 3. 9 , 10. 11. f Zeph. 3. 3. g 2 Sam. 1. 15 h 2 Sam. 4. 8. 12. i 1 Ki. 2. Jud. 18. 1. v. 7. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cont . Tylen . parenes . l. 1. c. 25. sect . 4. & 5. b Steph. in Thesau . c Cyrill . Hyerosolamita . d Causab . cont . Baron . 6. 42. e Loc. cit . f Baynes diocesan tryall . q. 1. p. 12. 1 Cor. 5. a Paul Baynes dioces . tryal . q. 1. p. 13. ib. p. 11. * Paget defence of Church government Chap. 6. a Lorin . comment in act . b Cajetan com . ●b . c Robin justi . p. 168 , 169. d Pet. Martyr com in 1 Cor. 15. e Whittaker com . 4 q. 1. p. 381 f Bilson perpet . govern . p 338. g Chamier pan . l. 6. ●om 2. h Pareus 1 Cor. 1. 5. com . Mat. 18. i Beza , annot . in act . 1. v. 23. & 26. k Calvin . comment in act . 1. 26. l Harmon . confess . art . 29 , 30. m 〈◊〉 de Eccl. li 1. c. 4 n Cartwright refut R●em 1 Gor. 5 3 4 o Fulk against the Rhemistes act 1. 26 p Ursin explic . Par 2. p. 534. q Zwinglius expl act . 1. 23. 26 r Munsterus in Mat. 18. s Theodoret. dialog . 1. t Irenaeus cont Herm●g lib. 3. u Cyprian l. 2. Epist. 4. a Way of the Church of Chin N. E. c. 6. sect . 1. Hosea 2. 2. To the eleventh question , pag. 32 , 33. Church-government discussed . lb. pag. 35 , 36. a Church government discussed , answer to quest . 11. pag. 33. When Christ layeth 〈◊〉 a warrant for the power of binding and looseing given to all Churches , his wisdome hath fitted the rule , so that it agree to al churches , to a congregation that 's alone in a remote Iland , to a Church presbyteriall , or nationall , as Parker doth apply it to prove the power of Synods . If a little body of a congregation , in a remote Isle , have power from Christ , to cut off a rotten member , l●st it infect the whole body ; shall we doubt but our wise lawgiver hath given that same power to a greater body of many visible congregations , which is under the danger of the same con●agious infection ? The way of the Church of Christ in . N. Eng. a The 12. question propounded by the godly and learned Brethren of old England . a Cajetan . coment . ib. b Eras. Sarcer . in loc . c Bullinger oomment . d Paraeus v. 13. e P. Martyr . ib. f Paraeus in ●s . 12. a Ambrosus . b Oecumenius in loc . c Theophylact. d Calvin . e Pet. Martyr . comment . f Bullinger . g Pareus h Beza . i Pelican . k Pomeran cō . l Meyer . m Sarcerius com . n Marloratus . o Paraphraste● . p Haymo com . q Aquinas . r Eras●●● Paraph. a Augustine saith , haeres . 69. Eccl. siam Christi de ●oto te●rarum or●e 〈◊〉 , ●que●s Africa Dona●i parte remansyle . b Augustin . Epist. 48 ad Uincent in illa verba , indica , ubi pascis in meridie Viden. solam & solam illi in Meridie , vos in occidents ? saith Morton apolog p. 1. c. 31. answereth Bellarmine de Ecclesia mil●● l. 3. c. 13. c Field of the Church 3. book . 28. ch . d Morton grand imposture ch . 14. 2. challeng p. 342. e Gerard. to . 5. de Ecclesia c. 4. p. 231. 232. nu . 35. a Pa●k●r ●n the Crosse parag . 2. c. 9. p. 113. d● c. 14. b Brightman in Apocal. 3. c Cartwright repl . 1. p. 175. Non distinguendum , ubi lex , ubi legislator non distinguit . Manuscript ch . 1. sect . 3. a Quest. 8. b Apology of the Churches of New England , c. 3. c The way of the Church of Christ in New England , ch . 1. sect . 1. prop. 3. d Apology for the Church of N. E. ch . 3. e Way of the Church , chap. 1. sect . 2. The state of the question concerning the Church covenant . a Alphonsus à Castr. tit . vota . b Bellarm. de eccles . milit . lib. 4. cap. 9. ●andem heresin . Lampetianorum Lutherus tenet . c Bellarm , de Monarch . l. 2. c. 15. d Origen . Nazianzen . Ambrose . Augustinus exponit i●lud , Matth. 19. 11. e Bellarm. de Monach , lib. 2. cap. 31. f Maldonat . in Math. 19. a The way of the Churches , Chap. Sect. 2. b Discourse of Church-covenant , fol. 22 , 23. c Apolog. chap. 6. d Discourse of the Church-covenant , fol. 24. e Beza annot . marg . Act. 2. 43. f Syrus interp . ibid. g Arab. interp . ibid. h Latin. interp . ibid. i Gal. 1. 8. 2 Ep. Joh. 10. k Apologie of the Church of new England . l Act. 20. 28. 〈◊〉 . 13. 17. 1 Tim. 5. 17. 1 Pet. 5. ● , 4. m Apol. ●● . 8 * Apology for the Churches of New England , c. 5. a Discouse of a Church covenant , fo . 2. b Gal. 3. 16. Psal. 2. 8 , 9. Esau 53. 10. c Heb. 8. 8. d Ier. 31. 31. ch . 32. v , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41. I●rem . 50. 5. a Discourse of the Church-covenant fol. 26 , 27 , 28. b Parker de pol. Eccles. l. 3. c. 16. p. 166. 167. c Fox acts & monum . 137. a Apology c. 8. b P●●ker de polit . 3. c. 6. a Concl. Laodi● . c. 7. b Gregorius de consecrat . c. 8. c. ab antiqua . c Leo Epist. 77. d Augustin . in Joan. tract . 6. de trinit . li. 15. c. 1. de Baptismo l. 3. c. 5. e Tertulli●n de resurrell . carnis . f Cyprian . epist 73. ad Iubajan . g Ambros. de Sacram l 3. c. 2. h Concil . Elibert . c. 38. & 77. i Perkins . problem p. 184. k Martin . Bucer in leiturg . Angl. ch . 482. l Chemnitii examen concili Trident. l. 2. p. 71. m Pet. Martyr loc . com . class . 3. de confirm . n Whitgift p. 59. 4. o Pareus comment : in Heb. 6. p Beza annot . in Job . 6. q Calvin comment in Heb. 6. r Bullinger comment . Heb. 6 a Pareus , in collei●●m apostolorum nos receperunt , dextrit nobiscum jūctis , quod intimae conjunctionis nostrae signum fuit & obsignatio . b Bullinger ib. c Beza , a●not . a Way of the Churches of Christ in . N. Eng. ch . 1. sect . 1. Prop. 3. a Esai . 51. 1. 2 , 3. Josh. 24. 2 , 3 , 4. b Apology ch . 3. c. 4. 5. c Discourse of the Church covenant . fol. 5. 6. d The way of the Church ib. a Apolog , c. 3. a Iunius anal . Deut. 29. non dederat vobis co● ad res visas & auditas observandum . b Amesius Coron . 3. Art. Arg. 2. p 254 & Antisy● . Art. 3. c. 4. p. 294. c Piscator . amicâ duplicat . ad Vorst . p. 539. d Calvin com . in Deut. 29. e Cajetan in Deut. f Abulensis 29. g Remons . in Script . dordr . art . 4. p. 113. h Vorstius contra Piscat . p. 539. 540. i Grevinchov . con . Amis . p. 38. k Episcop . disp . 9. Th●ll . 3. l Catech. Raccov . c. 10 p. 259. m Socin . ad object . critteni . p. 86. n Edvard . Poppius , August . part . p. 91. & . c. 31. 66. o Discourse of the church-covenant fol. 5. p Way of the church ch . 1. sect . 2. a Episcop . disp . 27. thesi , 8 , 9 , 10. b Remonst . in confess . cap. 21. thesi 6. c Iac Armin. Antiperke , pag. 224. in illa Math. 16. d Theoph. Nicolaides in refut . tractat● de eccle . cap. 3 , p 23 , 24 25. Smalcius disputat de eccles . 8. p. 9. f Ostorodius jnslit . c. 42. p. 4. 2. a Apology c. 4. a Parker de polit . l. 1. c. 17. b Cartwright adversus Harrin . sonum . c Apology ch . ● . a Way of the Church ch . 3. ●ct . 1. b Juni●● in annot . prostrati auxilium cjus imploran●es . b Apolog. ubi supra . a The way of the churches of Christ in New England ch . 3. sect . 4. b Apolog. c 5. Author of the discourse of church-covenant . fol. 12. c Calvin Musculus in comme . Gualther in loc . d Iunius annot . e Musculus ib. f Iunius annot g Calvin com . h Gualter . Regul . j●ris conditionatum ●ihil ponit , nisi ponatur conditio . a Discourse of the Church covenant art . 1. a Calvin . b Pola● . com . c Iunius . a Discourse of a Church-covenant , ●ol . 23. b Calvin praelect . ●b . c Musculus com . Isai. 44. d Discourse of the Church covenant . f. 9. b Musculus . c Calvinus pr●l●ct . ●●●o sic Deus Ecclesia m●●itus est , ut Ecclesie sue maritet ●●nes p●pulos , qui ad cam aggregantur . d Author of the Church-covenant . e The way of the Churches , chap. 3. sect . 4. prop. 3. f Apologie chap. 6. a Way of the Churches of Christ in new England , ch . 1. sect . 2. a Apology , ch . 11. b Apology , ch . 11. c The way of the Churches of Christ in New England , c. 3. sect . 2. a Discourse of the Church covenant , fo . 9. b The way of the churches c. 3. sect . 4. c Apolog. ch . 11. d Iustin Martyr apol . e Discoruse of the Church coven . 25. f Zipperus de polit . Ecclesiastica . l. 1. c. 14. Consuctum est nt qui admittantu● ad S. caenam corā totâ ecclesia , publicè sidei consessionem edam per parentes aut c●s qui erant parentum loco . g Discourse fol. 25. Also if you w●ge a confession of faith before Baptisme of all and every one , ourdivines from Iohn his Baptizing of all Judea , doe prove the Baptizing of Infants , you call in question with Anabaptists , if it be law full to Baptise Infants , & you make a Church covenant necessarily requisite before Baptisme , and so all Baptized must be members of the visible Church , which you deny . a Synod . Heideburg . c. 64. b Synod . Lugdinens . act . 17. c Parisiens . art . 3. d Parker de polit . Ecclesiast . l. 3. c. 16. 9 , 4 , 5. e Apology ch . 6. f Erasmus in paraph. g Beza annot in loc . c Pomeran . comment . a Cajetan . com . in loc . a Apolog. c. 6. 1 Arg. from Reason . a Apolo ib. ch 6. 2 Arg. b Discourse of the church covenant ●●l . 10. 11. c Apology p. 11. a Enaristus Epis● 2. de Episcopis ●j●ctis sicut vir non debet adul●erare uxorem suam , ita neque episcopus ecclesi● suam ut cam demitttat . b Concil . Antioch . c. 21. c Concil . Sardi . cons. 1. d Concil Carthaginense . 3 c. 38. e I●nocetius . 3. f Dominicus Sotus justit . & jure . l. 3. quest . 6. art . 2. g Innocent 3. h Way of the church ch . 1. sect . Prop. 3. i Ibid. ch . 3. sect . 4. a Pareus comment , Rom. 14. b Beza ann●t . c Calvin . com . d Castellio . Quest. 18. sent and resolved by the postors of New England . a Pareus Urfin . in mand . 3. q● . 102. art . 4. b ' Bucanus loco 45. quest . 6. c Tilen . sint . disp . 42. in tert . pr●c●pt disp . 1. Thess 17. d Profess . Leyd . synop . purior . theolog . disp . 38. Thess. 5. e Calvin in mand . 3. a Arias Mont. b Hebraei . c Iunius annot . a Remonst . in scrip . Synodicis pag. 81. b Remonst . in presat . ● Declarat . suam Confessiones co fine editae , non ut authores earum , testatum facerent quid sit credendum sed quid ipsi crederent . c Apolog. Rem●str . fol. 6. a Socinus Respon . & Resp. & Volani pag. 2 22. b Smalcius refut . lib. de error . Arr. au . 1. c. 1. f. 6. c Nicolaid . in resut . tract . de Ecclesia c. 9. pag. 75. d Quest. ●8● e Episc●pius disp . 32. thes . 2. f Smalcius loc . cit . g Remonst . Apol. f. 29. a Remonstrant . apol . Hoc itaque fundamento se●el 〈◊〉 j●cto , semper in Ecclesia Christi sarta tecta man●●it libertas ( 〈◊〉 ●an-di ) quâ sine periculo in formulas islas ( ●d est fidei cōfessiones ) inquirere , iisque sine periculo contradicere licebit . b Apol. Remonst . s 7. Theologiae ipsius ani ma suffocatur atque eliditur , ubi decisiones sunt , quibus constanter sirmiterque haerendum esl . c Episcop . disp . 32. Thes. 11. li●i ●m sinem facere circa Religionis capita ( per confessones & cavones synodicos ) aliter quam persuadendo , est tyrannidem invehere in Ecclesiam , l. C. Et libertiu● conscientiarum si non omnino toll●re , saltem vehementer astringere & ligare . d Censure declar ▪ profess , Leyd . in praefa . Fides ●orari● , vel menstrua stc erit . Ruling Elders . Acts 6. v. 2. a Bilson . de gube● nat . Eccles. c. 0. p. 179. b Didoclav . in altar Damascen . p. 918. a Bilson . de gubern . p. 183. a Didoclavius altar . Damascen . p. 921. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prov. 21. v. 27. Bilson de Guber . c. 10. p. 179. Didoclavius Altar . Damascen . p. 920. Salmeron in 1 Tim. 5. 17. disp . 15. Tom. 15. Ambrosius in 1 Tim. Chrysost. hom . 15. Estius , comment . 1 Tim. 5. Salmeron comment . in Rom 12. v. 8. Estius com . in 1 Cor. 12. Idem com . in Ephes. c. 4. 11. Salmeron in 1 Cor. 12. 28. Luke 8. 3. 6. Synod . can 16. invenimus eos esselocutos ( Act. 6 non de viris qui ministrant mysterits , sed de ministerio quod in usu mensarun● ad hibebatur , secundum Chrysostom . Chryost . ●omil . 13. ● act . Altar Damas● . p. 110. Estius com . in 1. Tim. Hugo Card. com . in loc . Cornelius a lap . in loc . Chrysostome in locen . Cyprian l. 4. epist. 2. ad Antonianū . Bernard Serm. 3. de ●ssiupt . Lyra in loc . Salmero com . in loc . a Sozomen l. 5. c. 8. b Epiphan . l. 5. c. 19. c Eusebius l. 4. de vna cons. d Ruffinus l. 1. c. 14. e Ambros. c. 4. ad Ephes. f Concl. Nice c. 20. g Ruffin . l. 2. c. 6. h Hugo Cardinal . com . in loc . i Chrysost. in loc . k Hugo Cardin . c. in . loc . Chrysosto . Theophyl . Anselmus . l Salmer . com . in loc . m Estius in loc . n Cornelius à lapid . com . in loc . The way of the Churches of Christ. a Robinson Iust. of s●pa● . p. 320. b Iust of separ . p. 320. 321. a Robinson . Just. separ p. 107. 108. b Confess art . 37. lb. 108. Robins . Iust of sepa● . p. 110. 11● a Catech. Rac. de eccles . ch . p. 301. 302. b Smalcius in refut . thesiii Dr. sra●zii . par . 2. disp . 4 p. 379. c Nicolai● . in defens . tract . Socinian● de ministr . missione contra Miedziboz●um p. 140. d Remons . apol . f. 246. e Episcop . disp . 28. Thes. 11. * Rom. 10. 14 , 15. a p. 112 , 113. b Just. p. 1●7 ▪ a T●rtul . de praescrip c. 32. b Naz. orat . 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Occam dial . p. 1. l. 4. c 9. & sect 5. c. 3. &c 28. qut sidem primitus fundavit catholicam , tot●st date pauperes , simplices ill●crator & rusticos in aedis●●ationem Eccles. orthodoxae . d Beza to . 3● in . opusc . p. 140 , 141. e Iren. l. 4. c. 43. f Aug. de vinc . c. 16. g Binnius to . 4 p. 599. h Concil . lateran . c. 10. s. 8. iacet desolata Asia &c. i Prosper de voc t gent●um l. 2 c. 6. k Aug. de con e●s . Evang. s. 2. c. 31. l Bellarm de Pont. Rom. 3. cap. 4. m lren . l. 3. c. 3. n Cyprian l. ● . cp . 6. o 〈◊〉 165 p 〈…〉 . The 〈◊〉 9 do eccles . sect . 7. n. 6 q Innocent . 4. ca. de Sacram. non iteran . tis . r Bell. tom . 2. 〈◊〉 sacr . or . l. l. 8. c 9. s Uasquez In 3. part . Theol. disp . 239. t Joan de lugo to●n . de sacra . disp . 2 sect 4. n. 86. u Petr. Arcudites de co ●cor . Eccles. Occ. & orient . in sacra . administrat . l. 6. c. 4. cired initium rapitis . x Concil . Floren . b Concil . Carthag . llll . c. an . 3 , 4. c Sotus 4. d. 1. q. 1. art . 8. d Suarez in 3 part . disp . 2. sect 5. e Vasq. in 3. part . disp . 129. c. 6. & c. 7. f Joan. de lugo desacra . disp . 2. sect . 6. n. 104 , 105. g Scotus in . 4. disp . 3. q. 2. h Robins . Inst. sapa p 334. i Ut supra ; k U●et . disp . causa Papatus . l. 2. sect 2. c. 20. & c. 21. p. 263 , 264 , 265. l Apud Uoetium loc . cit . m Robinson Just. sepa . a Robinson Iust. of sepa . p 327. b Gen. 21. 9. Gen 25. 31 , 32 Num. 3. 12 , ●2 Num. 8 , 15 , 16 a Quest. 13. b The way of the Churches of Christ in new England , c. 2. sect . 6. c Cyprian epist. 4. l. 4● . d 1 Cor. 4. 1 , 2. 1 Cor. 3. 6. 2 Cor. 4. 1. 2 Cor. 5. 18 , 20. 1 Cor. 12 28. Ephes. 4 11. Manuscript . ( a ) Way of the Churches of Christ in new England , ch . 1. sect 2. a Ier. 1. 10. Ioh. 10. 35 , 36. Rom. 12. 7 , 8. 1 Cor. 12. 17 , 18 , 28 , 29. Ephes. 4. 11. 2 Cor. 10. 8. 1 Thes. 5. 1● . Heb. 13. 17. 1 Tsm. 3 4 , 5. 1 Tim. 5. 17. 19 20. 21. Acts 20. 28. Tit. 1. 5. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Revel . 2. 1. Ib. sect . 8. Vbi sup . sect . 7. c. 2. a Quest. 21. Quest. 21. * 6. Reas. ib. a Perkins . on Gala. b Willet synop . con . 1. 4 , 3. p. 371. c Whittaker de eccles . q. 5. c. 6. d Ames . Bel. l●m . enerv . de cler . l. 3. de ordin . c. 2. e Apol. Remostran . c. 21. ● . 227 missio seu ordinatio Episcoporum non est ●am necessaria in ecclesia constitut● . f Nicola●d . in d●s●tract . de miss . min. c. 1. ● . 144. In c●●ombus Apostolorum , quibus describuntur om●●● . quae pertinent ad constituend●● Episcopos & Doctores , quon●am nulla sit mentio missionis ( ordinatio is ; ) h●nc concludinus eam ad ips● muneris Episcopalis substantiā & naturam nul●o modo requi●i . g Socinus in loc . ad Rom. 10. h Ostorodius in de sens . de Eccles. & miss . Ministr● . adversus M●edzeboz . c. 1. f. 10● . & . c. 2. falsum est Apostolos semper requisivisse in Ministro ordinationem . i Robins . Ins●i● . p. 325 , 326. a Iunius contra Bellarm. de Cl●r . l. 1. c. 7. b Acts 15. 22. 1 Cor. 16. 3. 1 Cor. 8. 19. Acts 6. 6. Acts 14. 23. c Tertul. apol . 39. d Cyprian . l. 1. epist. 4. ad soeli . presbyterum . d Cyprian cp . 9 c. 2. l. 2 ep . 5. e Bellarmine . f Cyprian ep . 17 g Ignatius ep , ad Philadelph . h Ambros. ●p 32. quae est ad Valentin . i Origen H●m . 6. ad c. 8. Levit. k Chrysost. de sacerdot . l. 3. l Theodoret bist . l. 1. c. 9. m Theodoret. bist . l. 5. c. 9. n Concil . Africanum . o Con. Chalcedon . 1. 6. p Concil . Ancyr . c. 18. q Conc. Laodic . can . 5. & can . 13 r Gratian. ex constis . 63 glossa ad regul . 29. s Nicolaus papa c. in nomine d. 23. t Gelasius pap . ad Phil. & Ser. epist. dist . 62. u Dist. 62. x Jvo Episcop . Carnatensis ep . 3. y Concil . Sardicens . ut ha be●ure . 3. dist . 65. z Concil . Tolet , 12. can . 6. ut citatur cum longe dist . 63. * Concil , Constan . Sess. 24. a Concil . Basil. Sess. 37. b In c. licet de electione dist . 2. c Jac. Ahnain de potest . Eccles. d Ja. Gerson de potest Eccles. e Review of the Councell of Trent . l 4. c. 1. f Concil . L●teran . g Theodoret. l. 5. c. 23. h Ambros. Epist. 82. i Zonaras in Con. Laodic . c. 1. & 5. k Theol. hist , l. 1. c. 9 l Concil . Carthag . an . 418. m Petru● a Navar. de rest . ablator . l. 2. c. 2. n Vasquez 3. 〈◊〉 . 3. disp . 144. c. 5. uum . 55. o Platin. i● vit . pontis . p Sanctius cō . Acts 14. 22. q Azorius Instit . moral . par . 2. l. ● . c. 26. r Krantius metropol . l. 8. c. 8. s Concil . Bracar . c. 2. t Concil . Nic. 11. ca. 3. u Concil . Constant . 4. c. 28. * Conc. Laodic . c. 13. x Bellarm. de cler . 1. c. 2. & l. de ordin . c. 9. y Vasquez in 3. ●om . 3. de sacra . dis . 144. c. 5. z Concil . Antioch . a Ruffinus Histor. l. 10. c. 9. b Perkins on Gal. 1. 8. c Peter Martyr on Judg. c. 4. v. 5 d Zanchius com . in , Eph. 5. e Robinson Iustification of separ . p. 338 , 139 , 340. f Tertulliam Apologe● . c. 30. g Quest. 20. n Robinson Iustif. p. 119. a Tom. 9. Wettenber . p. 104. b Gerard. lo●cem . to . 6 de minister . eccles sect . 8 p. 148. c Be●an . in opulc de voc . min N T thil . 48. p. 128. d Saddeel adversus articul . Burdegal●uses Art. 5● p. 502. e Paraeus com . 1 ad Rom. a Raynerus rerum Bohemic . script . p. 222. 223. b Petr. Pilichdorff . cōtra ●●aldenses c. 1. c Aneas Sylvius hist. Bohe● . c. 35. d Gretserus in exam . plessaeani myst . c. 63. e Flaccius in Catalog . Testim . verit . f Petr. Ram. Epist. ad Lotharing . ann . 1 570. g Hegesippus apud Euseb. l. 3. c. 32. h Lactantius div . Instit. l. 5. c. 2. i Pelusiot . l. 3. Ep 408. l Costerus . cont . Causab . p. 21. m Nicephor l. 2. c. 40. n Britannoru loca Romanis i●accessa ( id est . Scotia ) Christo subdua sum advers . Judeos c. 6. 7. o C●nt 1. l 2. p Baron anna . An. 183. sect . 6. q Origen hom . 4. in Ezech. r Hierom. ad Euagrium . s Pius 2 Ep. 228. l. 1. t Voetius disp . caus . papatus l. 3 sect . 2. w Plessaeus in myster . iniquit . c. 2. x Molin . de novitate papismi . c. 3. l. 1. part . 1. y Gretser . exam . myster . pless . ● . 3. z Bellarm de pontif . Ro. l. 2. c. 19. a Vo●t . disp caus p●pat . l. 3. sect . 2. b ●l●m . Romā . ●●nstit . l 6. c. 14. c Eleuther . d Gretser , exam . pless . myster . c. 21. 16. c. 24. e Baron . An. 118. p. 70. f Gretser . exā . m●st . pless . c. 30. g Honorius . h Concl. Constant . An. 754. i Concl. Francosurtens . k Concil . parision . An. 1596. l Thuanus histor . l. 5 p. 460. doctrinam ( Haldensiū ) per intervalia intermortuam renovavit . m Concl. ●om . 3 par . 2. p. 1196. n Onuphrius in Gregor . 7. vita . o Sleidan hist. 1. 5 , period . c. 8. p Lampad . in Me●●isic . hist. p. 3. 204 , 205. q B●rur●edensses de vit . Greg. r Sigon . de regno ●tal . l. 9. s Avent . l. 5. p. 563 , 564. t Geroch . Reichers l. 2. de investig . Anti-Christ . t Orthuin . Grat. in fasciculo rerum expetendarum , & . An. 1595. u Thegan . de gest . Lod. Imp. c. 16. x Aimoin . l. 4. c. 105. y Gretser . exam . pless . myster . c. 37. z Anast. in ●ergio . a Sig. de reg●● Ital. l. 5. b Anast. in Lev. 4. c Platin. in vit . L●on . 1. d Grets . in exa . myst . pless . c. 39. e Grets . Ibid. f Onuphr . l. de pontis . et cardin . in praefat . g Concil . Pisanum , An. 1411. h Concil . Constan . Genebraid , Chron. ad Anno. 901. per annos sere 150. a Ioanne scilice● 8. ad Leonem 9. Pontifices circiter q●●quaginta ● virtute majorii desecerunt , apostatiei verius qua Apostolici . The Monk Mantuanus l. de Calam , Romae , templa , sacerdotes , altaria , sacra , coronae , Ignis , thur● , preces , coelum est venale Deusq . i Athanasius Ep. ad Solitar . Alphonsus a Cast. adversus haereses l. 2. c. 4. k Tertullian adversus praxean . c. 1. l Tom. 2. Concil . Art. 13. m Bell. de pon . Ro. l. 4. c. 8. n Hyerom . in catalog . in Acac. o Alphonsus ● C●str . l. 1. c. 4. p Erasm. prae fat . ad Jrenae . l. 5. q Maldon . in Joan. 6. c. 14. r Reginald in Calvino-Turk . l. 2. c. 5. s Vsserus de Eccles. Christ. suc . c. 6. p. 158. t Gret . ad Petr. Pilichd . p. 309. u Reinerus . x Calvin Ep. 298. ad Waldenses . Ep. 244. ad Tolonos . y Gret . in exam 〈◊〉 . c. 5. z Thuanus H●jlor . l. 5. a Magdeburgenses ●ent . 12. c. 8. p. 1206 , 1207. b Sanderus de visibil Monarch . l. 7. An. 1198. c Coccius Thesau tom . 1. l. 8. Art. 3. d Parsonius de tribu● Anglie conversionib . p : 2. c. 10. e Usser de c●r . eccles . suc . c. 6. p. 158. 160 , 161 , 162 , & 〈◊〉 . f Serarius 〈…〉 5 g Ioan Wendelstonus p 〈…〉 & dec●et . pe●t . h Usser . de Eccles. Christ. S●c . & stabil . c. 7 p. 195. i Albericus cass●● in Chrom . l. 3. c. 33. k Sig●nius de regm Italic . l. 9. Au. 1059. l Thuand . 3. p. 214. m Aut●n . de dom . Archi Spalatens . l. 2. sect . 2. c. 2. n Voetius disp . ca● . papat . l. 3. sect . 2. p. 634. o Josephus Antiq l. 15. c. 3. p Tolet. com . in Ioan. 11. q Cajetan 16. r Maldonat . s Ianson . can . t Calvin . u Marlorat . x Muscul. com . in Ioan. y Rollocus . z Bullinger . a Augustinus contra . advers . leg . & pro. l. 3. c. 4. vencrunt a seipsis , non missi . b Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. Non missi a Deo. c Brentius , bumanarum traditionum doctores . d Beza in loc . e Rolloc . com . ib. a Calvin Inst. l. 4. c. 15. Sect. 20. Epst. 326. b Beza libel . quest . de baptism . c Rive●●s in Cathol . Orthod . ●om . 2. tract . 2. q. 7. d Bellarm. de baptism . c 7. e Maldonat . com . in Ioann . c. 6. v. 33. f Gretser . in cas . conscien . q. 4. de baptism . p. 17. 18. & seq . g Cajetan . com . in loan . 3. h Toletus in 3. An. 3. i Robins . Iustific . p. 276 , 277. a Robinson Iustif. p. 316. b Page 317. Way of the Church of Christ in , N. E. Cap. 9. Sect. 9. a Rodger . Catechism part . 2. art . 6. p. 176 , 177. a Augustin . contr . Crescom . l. 1. 6. 29 de baptis . l. 7. c. 51. contr . donati● . coll . 20. b Cyprian● . l. Eph. 6. c Gregror . hom . 11 , 12 & 35. in evang . d Chrysost. in Psal. 39. & l. 3. de sacerd . e Nazianzen , orat . 1. in Julia. f Eusebius de ● praep . evang . l. 6. c. 18. g Hierom contr . Pelag. & Luciser . dialog . Way of the Churches of Christ in N. E. Ch. 3. Sect. The Way of the Churches in N. E. Ibid , a An●ibaptist . in coloquio francola●●ns . b Pareus com . ib. c Cajetan com . d Bullinger com . e Calvin com . ib. Barow discov . of a false Church . The Author objecteth . Ib. a Parkerus de polit l. 1. 6. 14. p. 41. The Author ibid. Ibid. a A●olog . c. 9. Can. necessit . of separat c. 4. sect . 3. p. 175. a Robinson 〈◊〉 ●6 . It is true that our divines say , that it is one & the same church which is both visible and invisible , and that visibility is an accident of the church , but they then speake of the Catholick visible Church , but if we speak of a particular visible Church in this , or that place , all in such a Church as they exist , are either holy or prophane , but neither is holinesse , nor prophanes essentiall to a church visible , as visible . a Robinson Justi . separat p. 97. a Robinson . Ibid. 97. a Arm. Antip. p. 60. b Corvinus ep . ad Wallachros p. 19. c Remonst . in script . Synod . art . 2. p. 256. in apolog . c. 9. sol . 105. d Socinus contra puticum . c : 10 sol . 32● . e Tertullian contra Marcionem . O ca●es &c. Si Deus bonus & praescius futuri & potens , cur hominem possus est lahi ? f Robins . p. 98. a Robinson p. 98. ●id . Page 98. Robinson Justif. of lepat . p. 99. a Luk. 7. 29. 30. b John 15. 18. 19 , 20. c Acts 2. 41. 42. d Act 20 28. e Rom. 1. 8. f Phili. 1. 3. 4 , 5. g 1 Thes. 1. 2 , 3. & 2 Ep. 2 , 3. h Mat. 13. 47. 48. i Mat. 22. 9. 14 k Mat. 13. 36 , 37 , 38. l Mat. 3. 12. a Corvinus contra . Molm. c. 27. b A●n . Antip. p. 72. 73. c Grevincho . contra . Am●sium . p. 8. 9 , 14. 15 , 21. d Episcop . disp . 6. Thess. 1. 2. e Socinus praebet . Theol. c. 22. f. 139. f Smalicus resp . ad 4. par . resu Smigles . c. 28 s. 259. g Ostorodius Iustit . c. 36 , 37. sect . 2. a Robinson . ib. p. 104. b Page 103. c Jer. 2. 21. d Rom. 1. 7. ( b ) Robinson . Justis . 212. a Robinson Iustis p. 164. a Hieron . in diale● advers . Lucif●rian . b Iohn Ball answer to Can p. 98. c Bellarm. de sacrific . li c. 26. d Gratian. decret c. 1. q. 1. c. 32. 32. e Nazianz. Orat. 40. f August . consess . ar . S. g Apol. c. 1. h Apol. c. 2. i Apol c. 9. a Apol. c. 11. b Peter Coachman cry of ● stone sect . 7. p. 16. 17. Mat. 13. The Church of he●rers is called the visible kingdome , v. 41. Exod. 20. Heare O Israel Ez. 33 31. they sit before thee ( to heare the Word ) as my people . a Beza . an . in loc . Calvin com . in loc . c Bulling . com . in loc . d Marlorat . in loc . e Iodoc●s vullichius in loc . f Robin . 249. a The way of the Churches , ch . 1. sect . 1. p●op . 3. a Suarez to● . 5. ad tert . part . Thom. de censur . disp . 5. sect . 1. de excom . not . 3. b Soto 4. d. 22. q. 1. c Adrian de clavibus q. 3. ad 1. d Alanus de sacrif . Misse , l. 2. c. 3. f Innocentius 1 1 1. de excom . g Navar. c. 27. n. 18. h Turrecrem . c●si quis Episco . 11. quest . 3. i Richard. in 4. d. 18. sect . 7. q. 2. k Anton. 3. part . tit . 24. c. 76. l Concil . Araus . 11. q. 3. m Augast . in Joa● . tractat . 5. and epist. 77. n 1 Cor. 5. 11 , 12 , o The way of the Churches , cap. 3. sect . 3. p Robin . justif . of separat . p. 248. q Coachman , cry of the stone sect . 4. p. 12. August . de doct . Christi , l. 3. c. 32. Contra cresoen . l. 2. c. 21. a Navar. Enc●●r . c. 27. n. 13. b G●●g . n. q. 3. c. 1. c Concil 4. Carthag . d Gerson de excom . cons. 4. e Concil . Carthag . 5. c. 10. f Concil . Arelatens . 2. c. 19. g Concil . Turraconens . c. 6. h Concil . Agathens c. 35. i Stephan . Qu. in summa . Bulla 5. con . provinc . n. 7. q. 18. k M Antonius de Dom. Arch. Spalat . de repub . eccles . l. 5 c 9 n. 6 , 7. l Mat. 18. 17 , 18. m Z●s . epist. 2. n Coelcst . cp . 6. o Horm . cp . 45 p Pelag. 2. cp . 1 q M. Anton. de dom . loc . citat . n. 8. r Cajet . com . in 2 Thess. 3. 15 s Solo disp . 22. q. 1. art 4. t Paludanus . d. 18. q. 6. u Cajet . in verb. excom . major . c. ultimo . x Sylvest . excom . n. 5. y Navar. in summ● 27. n. 19. z Concil . Car. ●hag . 4. c. 84. Ep●scopus nullum pre●ibeat ingredi Ecclesiam , & audi● verbum ' Dei sive gentilem , sive h●reticum , sive Iudaemn a ' De consestat . dist . 1. c. 67 b Innocent . 3. verb. excom . c Leo 1. cp 63 cap. adjicimus ib q. 1. d Suarez . to . 5. disp . 12. de excom sect . 2. n. 4. Christus hic Joan. 21. Mat. 28 Non dedit po●estatem ordinis sed jurisdictionis . Neque jure divino hic actus requirit ordinem , se● authoritatem pasloris . e Tol. com . in Joan. 21. an 7. f Cajet . com . in . Joan. 21. v. ib. g Navar. sum . 26 c. 11. 163. h Basil , cp . 3. ad Amph. c. 58. i Field book 3 of the Church . cap. 15. k The Way of the Churches of Christ in N. E. ch . 4. sect . 6. l Cyprianl . 4. cp . 2. m Socrates l. 7. c. 25. n August . contra Donatistas de bapt . lib. 5. cap. 1. o Cartwright C t●h . p August . de 〈…〉 . q Chrysostm . ●om . 11. ad Eph. r Chrysostome . s Theophylact. ●● Mat. 18. t Hilarius . w Ireneus l. 4. c. 62. x Gregor . hom . 24. in Evang. y Hieron . in Au●s 1. z Optatus con . parm●nd . 1. c. 2. a August tract . ●● 〈◊〉 . 122. b Eugenius 4. 〈…〉 ent . c Chrysost. hom . 21. in ●oann . d Gregor . Nazi●a . orat . ad ●anct . e Turr●●rem . l. 1. c. 57. f Vega in Trident●n . con . l. 23 c. 10. g Pet. a Scto . ● part . defens●●n . B●ent . h Can. loc . com . 4. i Suarez . de ●●ipl . virtute Theolig●d . 9. sect . 1. n. 14. k Coachman . the cry of a stone sect . 3 p 8. l Robinson . Justis . of separat . p. 8. m The way of the churches Ch. 1. Sect. 2. n Stapleton relect . 1. con . de Eccl. 4. 4. ar . 5. & ib. note ● . o Bellarm. de eccl . militant . l. 4. c. 2. p Costerus de Eccl c. 2. p. 109. q Gordonius Huntlaeus tom . 1. cont . 2. c. 4. p. 141. q. 4. r Raccovia . c. 1 s Theol. Nicolaides in defenstractat . de eccles . p. 54. 55. t Smalcius in refut . fran . disp . 6. p. 282. 283. w Remons . in Belgro in confess . sua . c. 22. Thes. 8. a August . l. de unitat . Eccles. c. 2. b Tertullian advers . Heret . c Hieron . com . in Psal. 133. d Chrysostom . bom . 40. in Mat. e Robins . just . p. 256. f Coachman ●ry of the stone sect 3. pag. 8. & p 3. g The way of the Churches ch . 1. sect . 3 h Robins . just . of separ . p. 282 , 283. i Prof. Leyd . in Synop. pur . Theol. disp . 4. thes . 41. k Ursin , Pareus in Catech. Expl. q. 59. art . 6 de Ecces . l Jun. to 1. disp . theol . 44. Thes. 41 42. m August . confes . art . 7. n Galvin . inst . 4. c. 1. sect . 9. o Whittak . de Eccl. cont . 2. q. 5. c. 17. p Beza in confes . art . 7. q August . cont . Don●●ist . r Serv. of the Church book . 1. ch . 18. s Parker de polit . Eccl. l. 1. c. 17. t Cartwright advers . haeres . ibid citatur . w Parker de Politia l 1. per totum lib●um . x Chemnitius part . 2. Locor . de Eccles. p. 314 Anabaptis●ae dicunt si quis doctrinam Evangelii tr●elligat seve sit sutor sive sartor 〈◊〉 faber eam do●ere & concionari d●bere . y Gastius de err●ribus Catabaptistarnm , l. 1. c. 15. z Theol. Nicolaides ●● act . 〈◊〉 de Eccles. c. 1. p. 146. a Ostorodius inst . c. 42. b Raddetius in notis ad lib. Smigles . p. 32. Ainsworth an . in Cant. 6. Cotton in Cant. 6. Abulensis ●u loc . etiam si non si●t 〈◊〉 . Ainsworth an . in can . 3. Cotton expo . on Cant. 3. 4. Alst. in loc . quod ●rat veluti conclave Ecclesi● Catholicae . M. Mather and Mr. Tom●on in Ans. to Mr. He●le . c. 2. p. 13. 14. Isa. 1. 10. 16 , 17 Ass●●tion of 〈…〉 ● . 19. a Epiphanius haer . 26. al●●s 28 b Hieronymus Epist. 89. c Diodatus , au in Act. 15. a Church . government . Answ. to qu. 14. pag. 43 , 44. b lb Answ. ●● q. 18. pag. 64 So Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson against Mr. Herlo , c. 2. Church-power in the Church intrinsecally , and not by other ascending or descending derived to any one part by another . Constitution and Intention . Generation and Perfection . Exercise of power , and power it selfe . a Quest. 18. pag. 64. 65. Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson against Mr. Herle , c. 1. p. 8. Aristot. 5. 〈◊〉 . text 31. a Lorinus com . in loc . b Cornelius a Lap. in loc . c Salmeron in loc . d Cajetan in loc . e Stapleton in Antidot . Apost . inc . 15. v. 28. actor . Apost . f Diodatus in in ann . on the place . ac . 15. 28. Budens cōme●t . l●ng . 〈◊〉 . C. l. n●m & demostbenes ss . delegis . Mr. Mather against Mr. Herle , c. 4 p. 43 , 44. a Ames Medul . Theolo . lib. 1. c. 38. ch . 37. lib. 1. 39. thes● 26. b A modest and brotherly answer to Mr. Herle , c. 2. p. 12. 13. c Ib. c. 1. pag. 8. d Church-government of New-England , Answer to q. 14. pag. 43 , 44. e Mr Mather & Mr. Thomson Answer to Mr. Herle , c. 4 pag. 40 , 41 , sig . Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson , answ . to Mr. Herle , c. 2. p. 16 and p. 20. a Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson Answer to Mr. Herle c. 4 p. 42. b Church-government and Church-covenant of New England , Answ. to quest . 14. p. 44. a Augustine , : rac 39. in Ioan. b Chrysostom . hom . 1. hom . 33. in Matth. c Beda in Act. 10. 5. Matth. 14. d Basilius homil . Ps. 115. e Oecu●enius , in loc . f Hieronymus in Esa. c. 1. et c. 11. in illa adjiciet dominus secundo manu●n . g Ireneus , l. 1. c. 11. h Cornelius a lapide , diversa pro●sus sunt hae e quinque millia , a tribus millibus prima concione conversis , c. 2. i Salmer● in loc . distinctus numerus ab illo c. 2. k Staplet . in Antido . Apostolic . c. 4. m Lorinus non in tribus millibus computanda haec millia . n Lyran. in loc . o Cajetan . in loc . a Lerinus com in ac . 2. 42. b Lutherus Serm. de Eucharistia . c Calvin , Inst●t . l. 4 c. 17. d Lorinus , ib. e Cajetan . com . ib. f Corneli . a Lapide . a Augustin . ● Epist. 86. b Calvin , in loc . c Luther . Serm. de Eucharist . d Melancthon . lib de usu Sacrament . e Diodatus . ●nnot . in loc . f Lorinus in loc . g Sancks . a Ba●on . An. 1. b Dorotheus l de vit . & mor. prophet . & Apostol . ( b ) Salme ron , com . in Ac. 8. d Lyran. an . in loc . e Eus●bius l. 2 histo . Eccle. c 1. f Sanctius com ib. Answ to q. 29. & 2. g Chrysost. in lcc . h Athanasi . ● Serm. de sem . i Nyssenus or at de S. Stephano . k Lorinus in certum an omnino omnes ( dispersi ) an soli antiquores discipuli . l Sanctius ib. m Cor. a Lapide , ib. n Cajeta . in lo. Peaceable plea. c. 7. ad . ob . 1. pag. 81. Lorinus Diodatus , in loc . Beda . Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson in their modest and brotherly answer to Mr. Charles Herle , c. 1. p. 6. Mr. Mather , & Mr. Thomson 1● . p. 4 5 : Ames Medull . Theol. l. 1. c. 39. sect . 37. Mr. Mather , and Mr. Thomson ib. p. 5. M Mather and Thomson c. 3. p. 33 , 35. Chrysostome on Math. 24. M. Mather . c. 2 pag. 34. a Origen , prefa . in 〈◊〉 . b Strabo . l. 18. c Plinius nat . Hist. l. 4. c. 4. Mr. Mather , Mr. Thomson answ . t● Mr. H● . l● c. 5. ● . ●7 . Mr. Mather and Mr. Thomson against Herle . c. 3. p. 34. a Philostratus l. 8. in vit . Apollonii . b Chrysostom . in praesa . ad Ephes. c Plinius l. 36 c. 14 : d Alexander ab Alexandro . l. 3. c. 20. e Igna ●i Epist. 14. Mr. Mather , ans . to Mr. Herle . c. 3. p. 38 , 39. a Chrysostom . homil . 3. ●● popul . Antioch . b Oecumenius in loc . c Cyril . Catech. 7. d Esai , 62. v. 2 e Hilarius l. ● . de Trinitats . f Volaterranus l. 5. c. 23. g Beza in loc . n Diodatus an . i Oecumenius in loc . Mr. Mather , against Herle c. ●op . 50. a Ainsworth an . in Exo. 12. b Arias Montan Exo. 12. 6. c Ainsworth , d Rivet . com . in Ex. 12. e Lyran in . 2. Par. c. 30. f Caset . ib. g Corcel . a lap . com in loc . v. 6. h Diodatus on Exod. 12. i 70. Inter. k Chald. para . l Hieron . 70. Interpreters Chaldee para . a The. Fuller , truth maintained pag 26 27 , 28. C. 3. pag. 32. Cap. 3. pag. ●● . Ordination . Page 46. I● 46 , 47. C. 5. page 51. Ib. c. 59. The way of Churches of Christ in New England . The way of the Churches of New England , Chap. 4. Sect 5. a Chap. 6. Sect. 1. a Manuser . ibid. 2. b lb. Sect. 6. a Paget . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Weemes ● . par . c. 14. pag. 68. c Robinson Iustific . pag. 202 , 203. a Robinson 〈…〉 P. 202 , 203. Manus●●● . ibid. a August lib. 2. c. 5 , 6 , 7. vos ergo , qua●e sacreliga separatione pacis vin●ulum d●s●●●●pitis ? b Pareus com . in Matth. 18. Manuscr . Apologie cap. 11. Morton Ap●log . part 1 ● . 477. 478. f●r is sunt generaliter omnes , qui non dederunt sua nomina Christo : Aug , tom . 1 , ser● . 6 , non tollo idola Ethnicorun , quia non habe● in illos potestatē habe● autem cum fuerin● facti Christiani : Apol. ch . 5. Apology . Apol. 7. a Calvin comment . in Jer. 35. 1 , 2 , 3 4. b Bucan . l●● . com . dis . 45. ● . 13. c Polyander in synop . pu●io . Theol . profess . Leyd . dis . 38 thes . 3. d Willet synop . Papis●ni . 19 gener . controv . 8. Acosta d● saint . 〈◊〉 , l. 5. c. 17. a Master Robinson just if . of separ . pag. 290. Answer to quest 25 of old England . If the Congregation take name & nature from any called Pastor , and that without any all deserving in him , their censure worketh clave er●ante , et ex opere operato ; the Lord must make valid in heaven , an unjust censure inflicted by his Church on Earth . a Apologie for the Churches of New England against the exceptions of Ric : Bernard . cap. 8. a Altisiodorens . lib. 4. sim. tract . 3. in Princip . b Gul. Paris . ract . de sacram . in Gen. cap. 1. Sacramenta habent vim impe●●a●or●ā gratiae , ratione or ationum minist●● et Ecclesiae . c Du●and . 4. d. 1. art . 2. c 7. d Occam . in 4. quaest . 1. e Gab. Biel. 4 d. 1 ar . 2 c. 7. f Aliacensis in 4. q. 1. art . 1. con●l . 3. g Greg. de Valent. de offic . Sacr. c. 1. 2. h Vasquez in 3. Thom. tom . 2. dis . 132. c. 4. i Joan de Lugo de Sacram. dis . 4 sect . 4. & sect . 5. k Henricus quodli . 4. q. 37. a Romonst . in Apol ca. 23. in caena non obsipnatur pe●catorum re●nissi● , sed tantum ●●nsequente● una cum Christ● morte , cujus effectus illa obsignatio est , illam ●lim obsignatam fuisse comme moratur ac praedicatur . b Episcop . dis . 29. thes . 8. c Socinus de officio ●omini Christs cap 4. d Smalcius disp . 9. contra ●rautzium pag. 199. fabulae sunt aliquam esse internam eff●caciam in baptisme . a Calvin insti ut . lib. 4 cap. 15 Sect. 13. b Beza quaest . & resp quaest . 100. Christianos tu●n a reliquis hominibus sejungtt , tum in●e● se quasi unum sub codem cap●●e corpus consociat . c Pareus . Vrsin . Catech. quae . 69. Art. 2. Symbolum ingressus & receptionis in Ecclesiam . d P●s●ator , Loc. 25. Th●s . 21. e Wallaeus in syn●ps . purior . Theol. dis . 44. Thes. 34. f T●len . Syntag . dis . 59. Thes. 39. g System . Theol. loc . 3 ca. 8 Symbolum , quo recipimur in cae●um filiorum Dei. h Answer to 32 qwest . of Old England . i Answer to 32 qwest . of Old England . a Quest. 4. ibid. a Socinus , Per baptismum non confirmatur ●ides ( uti dicunt Evangelia ) cum per baptismum non quidem obsignetur , sed tantum adu●nbre●ur peccato●um ●emissio● ad obsignationem e●●n requi●●tur rei pr●batis & d●cumentum aliqu●d , ●ujusm● li nihil praestat ceremonia , & r●●us iste . quantumvis sacer , quod ad pe●●ato●um 〈◊〉 a●●tnet , sed tantum ill●m ve●●is i●n exp sita ablutione sua adu●nbrat & quodam●●d● del●●a● . b Smalcius dis . 9. cont . Frantz 〈◊〉 . 2●9 . c Catech●s . Palat. d Confess●an . 33 , 34. e Synod Derd●a●●● . 5. sect . 17. Deus usu Sacra●●nti poll●●●tis seu p●omiss●s ●pus gra●● preducit ad sinem et persic● . f Episcopius dis . 21. T●es . 1 , 2. g ●en icus Welsingius de ●ffi● . ●om . Ch●ist pag. 12. Remessi● pe●●a●●wn n●n ●●signa●● , sed significatu● . h Remenst . Apol. ca. 23. pag 249 Tantu● significat professionem 〈◊〉 & ejusdem cul●us quo Christo cum d●●●● , adhaerent & solemn●ter testantur . Answ to the 4. q Arg. 3 4. a Am●s ●as . C●●se . l. 5. c. 12. 1. 4. a Morton Apologia de no●is R●cl . ca. 2. ●at . 1. pag 7. b Doct. Glorianus lib. de schismat . pag. 181. c Calvin com . ibid. d Pareus com . ibid. b Nazian . 52. ( a ) S●●● . Athanas . c Cyrill . 〈◊〉 . Ca●●ch . 4. sy●●b . d Estius . l. d●st . 25. s 2. ad●●tam ●●cte Instituen●●●● . e Davenin● . de pa●e E●●l . ● act . pag. 28. D●ci . P●tt● , Charity mistaken , cap. 8 , 9. sect . 7. pag. 216. g Bell. de Eccle. l. 3. c. 14 s. 5. Multa sum de fide quae non sunt necessaria ad salutem h Camero . de Eccl. pag. 272 , 273. i Beza volu . opusc . 2. de notis Eccl. pag. 141. k Calvin . instit . lib. 2. cap. 16. 18. l Occam dial . pag. 1. lib. 5. cap. 28. Semper ●●unt aliqu● Catholici qui in vera fide ( de necessari● ad salutem ) explicite permanebunt . a Vincentius Lyrinens advers . 〈◊〉 . 32. Denique quid unquam concilioium d●cretis e●is● est ( Ecclesia ) nisi ut quod an●●a simpli●●●e●●●e l●●●tar , 〈◊〉 idem posted diligentius ●●d●etur . b Bellar de ●●ne auto● . l. 2. c. 12 Can●●lia cu● desin●unt non 〈◊〉 u 〈◊〉 ●sse in●allib●l● . ve●tatis , sed declarant c Scotus in I ●l 1● . q. t. a Vigilius Martyr . l. 2. c. 4 b Pareus in Prolegomen . in comment . in Hos. 4. Peza Vol 1. opul p 141. Amesius de c●ust● . l. 4. c. 2. q 3. Becanus 2. part de V●tu●i . Theolog . c. 2. q. 3. Estius l. 3. d. 25 q. 2. Suarez de Trip. disp . virt . Theolo . 13. sect 8. Thomas 22. q 2. art . 5. O●cam dialog . p. 7. l. 4. c. 3. ●●ac . ● Moratius de fide dist . 24. sect . 4 n. 7. 8. Doctor Potter Charitie mistaken , c. 8. s. 7. pag. 235. Voetiu . de●p . cans . Papa●s● . Robinson lust ●s● . pag. 362. Pareus in Jere. c. 12 , 13 , 14 , &c. Robinson Justifi . pag. 362. Pag. 363 , 364. a Bellarmine de ve● bo Dei lib. 3. cap 6. b Binnius tom . 1. conc●l . fel. 133. Just. fic . pag. 264 , 265. Robert Coachman , The cry of the S●o●e , sect . 4. pag. 10. 1● . Master Coach-mans cry of the stone . Sect. 4 pag. 11. Just if pag. 265. a Cor. 5. ●1 b Matt. 5. 14 c Sphes . 58. a Gual●her com . in loc . b Calvin com . c Bullinger com●nent Pa●ke●us de p●lit . eccles lib. 1. cap. 14 N. 3. 2 Cot. 6. 14. At loquitur de infidelibus Pau●● , apud quos lnec legis ●ultusque der , ne● ver● fidei nec evangelii vel fundamenti rudera erant . d Sch. Meyer . e Se● . Meyer . m Robinson 〈◊〉 . pag. 266 , 267. ●ag . 271. Pag. 272. Pag. 273. Pag. 267. 〈◊〉 . of separation . pag. 269. a Pet●●s Bert●u● de ap●st●●a Sanct ru●n , pag. 21. 22. b Coll●cut . Hagiensi● , pag. 414 〈…〉 illud ●ean 17 Qu●● dedisti ●ihi 〈◊〉 cust●divi . Respondent resutari c●nfecutione ( ●de 〈◊〉 possibil●●ate ●p●st 〈◊〉 ) ver●is illis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Armin. 〈◊〉 . pag 22● . d Socinus pr●●ect . Theol●g . cap. 12 pag. 46 55 , 56 cap. 13 pag 61. e Theoph. Ni●●laid . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . cap. 3. pag. 26. & cap. 4 pag. 67 , 68. f Amesius in 〈◊〉 art 5. cap. 5. fuse pag. 456 , 457. Pag. 77●● Coachman Cry of the stone . pag. 5. Iustif. p. 201. a Amesius his fresh suite against Ceremonics . b 10. Ball his Answer to M. Cann . par . 2. pag. 23. c Reynold de Idololatria lib. 2. cap. 2. d Bilson of Chri. Ar. Subject . part 4. pag. 321 , 322. e Ball lo● ci● , f Ambros. commen . in Luc. Lib. 6. cap. 1. Signa est ecclesia quae fidem respuat , nec Apostolicae praedicationis fundamenta possideat , ne quālabē perfidiae possit aspergere , deserenda est . The way of the Churches of Christ in New England . Chap. 4. Sect. 6. a Oecolampadius in Epist. b Zuinglius lib. 2. pag. 301 , 302. c Beza quaest . & ●esp lib 126. Nequaqu●n tamen facile dixc●●m , quempiam aliena fide servari , nequis hoc peri●de accipiat , ac si d x●rim , parentum fidem imputari infantibus , quasi aliena side credentibus ; quod quidem non minus falsum & absurdum fuerit , quam si dixerim , quempiam posse aliena anima vivere , aut alterius sapientia sapere . d Doct. Morton his appeale , lib. 4. cap. 6. sect . 1. pag. 464. Chap. 3. Sect. 3. 2. Commandement , Exod. 20. Answers to the 32. questions sent from Old England to New England . a 1 Sam 1. 8. Revel . 1. 4. Psal. 12. 6. Prov. 24. 16. 25. Esay 4. 1. Cant. 5. 10. 1 Cor. 14. 19. Deut. 33. 17. Psal. 3. 6. Micah 6. 7. a Episcopius disp . priv . 29. Coller . 1. ritum fuisse tantu●n temporarium ex nullo praecepto Iesu Christi●surpa●um . b Hen●icus Slatius declar . a per. pag. 53. c Somnerus Tract . de baptis . d Socinus de baptis . c. 5. par . 53. 55. 57. The way of the Churches of Christ in New England , Chap. 3. Sect. 3. Author of the Treatise of the way of the Churches of Christ in New England . Chap. 5. Sect. 1. Quaest. 29. Episcopius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Robinson , the peoples pea for the exercise of prophecying against Mr. Yates , Arg. 2. pag. 6. a Episcop . disp . 26. 4 5. b Theophil . Nicolaides tract . demissiono minist . cap. 10. cap. 88. d Remonstr . in confess . cap. 21. sect . 2. 4. e Socinus tract . de ecclesia cap. 1. pag. 140. f Ostorodiut Inst. cap 42. Raddecius in not . Simgle●ii pag. 5. ipse textus doce● de solis apostoli● sermonem esse . g Profes . Leyd . eens . confess . cap. 2. sect . 2. 3. h Calvinus Comment . in Rom. 10. i Beza ann●● . de ministerio vel ordinariovel extraordinarie debet intelligi . k Pareus de ordinaria etiam vocatione debet intelligi . l Arminiani in Apolog. cap. 25. fol. 246. Quid obstat cur in casu necessitatis non potest ● fideli aliquo , infa●s aqua ting●● out inter ●deles cana Domini non celebrari posse● ? m Socinus tr●c . de eccles . pag 15. n Smalcius disp de minist . sect . 7. o Gerardus tom . 6. loco comm . de ministerio ecclesiastico . c. 3. sect . 1. n. 67. pag. 74. p Smalcius in refut . thes . Franzii par . 2. disp . 4. pag. 377. Non negamus ex ist a consuctu●●ine primitivae ecclesiae Apost●licae consequii ●llud etiam nunc fieri posse — sed hoc est in questione , an ejusm●di constitutio sit prorsus necessaria ad constituendum verbi dei ministerium . q Andr. Raddecius in notis ad lib. Smiglecii pag. 3. r Remonst . in Apolog. cap. 21. sol . 227. missionem esse necessariam concedimus necessitate ordinis & decori . a Robinson Peoples plea , Arg. 1. pag. 2 , 3. b Chemnitius loc . com . part . 3. cap. de Eccles. pag. 314. c Ostorodius in Instit. cap. 42. pag. 438. d Nicolaides in defens . tract . Socini de ecclesia & ministerio , cap. 1. pag. 146. e Socinus tract . de eccles pag. 14. Peoples plea for prophecying , pag. 34. Plea pag. 39. 39. Pag. 38 , 39. Calvin praelect . in Ierem. 1. 1. Pag. 39. Robinson , pag. 39 40. a Remonst . in confess . cap. 22. sect . 1. b Episcop . disp . 26. Thesi. 4 , 5. c Socinus tract . de ecclesi . per totum & pag. 14 , 15. d Nicolaides in desens . Socini tract . de eccles . cap. 1. pag. 118. e Gastius de cata-Baptistarum erroribus lib. 1. pag. 35. It is a vaine thing to say that teachers of all Israel , remaining in Israel were non-residents , that is , Pastors not attending their charge . a Iustific . pag. b Confess . of Separatists , Art. 21. c Bellarmin . desacr . ord . lib. 1. cap. 9. d Concil . Trident. Sess. 23. cap. 4. e Hosius in confes . Polonica tit . 50. f Martinus Ledesma in 4. qu●st . 36. art . 4. ad . 1. g Pet. a Soto de sacram . ordinis Lect. 5. h Toletus com . in Ioan. 21. an . 21 : i Cajetanus comment . in Ioan. 21. ideo hoc loco instituitur & promulgatur Sacramentum poenitentiae . k Cyrillus lib. 112. cap. 56. l Chrysostome in Ioan. homil . 88. m Joan. de Lugo , tomo de Saram . paenit disp . 18. sect . 1. n Suarez disp . 7. de censura sect . 6. not . 6. o Sanchez in decalog . lib. 2. c. 13. n. 13. p Aegidius Coniuk de Sacr. disp . 24. n. 236. q Vasquez Tom. de excom . dub . 18. n. 9. r Pano●mit . in dic● . a nobis , &c. n. 10. s Avila de censur is part . 2. cap. 7. disp 1. Dub. 9. t Sylvester verbo subsolvo 1. n. 8. u Ioan. Episcop . Rossens . de potest . Papae in temporabus lib. 2. cap. 3. x Peoples plea , pag. 42 , 43. Pag. 44. Pag 44 , 45 , 46. Pag. 46 , 47 , 48 , 49. Calvin Com. in Act. 11 21. Pag. 49. a Iunius annot . in locum Apocalyps . b Cooper on Revel . 10. c Pareus comment in Apocalyps . cap. 10. Pag. 52 , 53. d Iunius annot . in cap. 14. e Paraeus in locum . f Napper Comment . on the Revel . ch . 14. Par. 54. 55. Pag. 97. pag. 59. and 63. Pag. 59. a Irenaus adversus Hares . lib. 2 cap. 57. b Fusebius , bistoria eccles l. 5. cap. 7. Tertullian . Cyrill . Chrysostom . Theophylact. Robinson , pag. 66 , 67. Par●us com . ibi . Pauls presbytery , chap. 16. pag. 251 , 252. pag 69. 70. a Stapleton apud Whittaker . de sac . Script . Authorit . l. 3. c. 3. arg . 3. sect . Bellarmine , Valentinian Gretserus . b Transenius harmon . c. 36. c Cajetan com . in loan . 5. in hoc ab ho●nine non accipio . d Toletus in . Ioh. 5. tom . 1. e Rivetus tom . 1. contrav . trac . 1. q. 6. f Whittakerus to . 2. desac . Scrip. authorit . lib. 3. c. ●r . 5. g Bucer in Ioan. 5. de testimonio Baptistae . h Calvinus in art . 17. v. 10 , 11. i Theapl●y● . in a●t 1● ibid. k Chrysost in Ioan. hom . 39. l Beda in Ioan. cap 5. m Ambrosius in ● . Tim. n Occam . d●ale . l. 5. ca. 2 par . 1. & c. 3. probatu● quod pap● Canonice electus manens papa potest errare a fide & bareticari , quindecem ration●bus . o Gerson de infallibilitat Papae , consid . 12 p Robinson . Pag 70. 71. q Synod of England . r Ambrosius com . in 4 Eph. ut ●resecret plebs & multiplicaretur , omnibus inter initia concessum est & Exangelizare , & Baptiza●e . s Origenin Num. hom . 11. cap. 8. t Hieronymus comment . in Matth. in prcaemi● . u Theophylact . in art . 20. x Augustin . contr . Faustum , lib. 16. c. 12. y Coachman . z Gerard. loc . com . tom . 6. de Minister . eccles . c. 3. sect . 1. n. 70 pag. 78 , 79. a Luthe●us tom . 2. Com. in Ps. 8. fol 96 lat . tradidi● quidem Dominus talenta servis . sed non ●●si ●●catis . expecta igitur & ●u donec vocc● is , intereane amb●●s . b Fugeni● de - 〈…〉 . c Scotus in l. 4. d 24 q. 1. d Concil●i T●i. d●ntine . s●ss . 14. cap. 1. e Lodo Meratius tom . 3. trac . de erdi . disp . 7. sect . 1. Bishops preach not , nor is it essentiall to their office , and therfore Papists by contempt call our Ministers , predicant preachers , saith Gerard , tom . 6 q. 3. n. 294 pag. 336. f Bellarm. tom 3. de sacr . ordin . l. 1. c. 4. g Guliel . Estius l 4. dist . 24. s. 3. h Aquinas supplem . q. 34. act . 4. 5. i Canon . Aposto . lic . 2. 9. 17 , 18. 25. 42. 43. k Clemens in Epist. 3. ad Iacob . Manuscript . The way of the Churches of Christ in New England . In the Answ. 10 32. quest . 9. 15. Answ. to the 15. quest . Answ. to quest . 15. a Ar●in . in declar sen. p. 57 b Armin. ant●perkins . pag. 224. qua●nd●u am●r Det in ipso●u●n cord●bus vigebit , imped●en . ui ne ●ccedant ● D●o . c Remonst●an . confess . c. 18. Sect. 6. 7. d Episcopius disp . 27. ch . 9. e Socinus de just●● . ●●l . 10. quod si a● hac obedientia deficiamus , &c. f Smalcius 〈◊〉 7 in Ioan . fol. 78. Answ to 32. quest . q. 15. a Morton Grand Imposture . Sect 5. Pag. 47. Ar● 1547. 9. Sess. of Trent . April . 21. An. 1548. a Bellar. l. 1. de concil . c. 12. b Harding 4. Article of Peters suprema●●e as ●●well saith . c Suarez t● . detripl●● . vitr . disp . 10. de sam ●on● . Sect. 1. Num. 22. d Bellarm. de P●n●●f Rom. l. 1. c. 22. Pe●●us in conc●l●● primo 〈◊〉 l●quttur . e Harding loco cita● . f 〈◊〉 kerus tom . 2. contrev 4 9 2 c. 14. Responde 〈◊〉 posse colligi ex hoc loco Petrum esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 citio primum : na● constat ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quis pri●us 〈◊〉 su● 〈◊〉 evangel●sta tacuit . g Gerson t● . 4. in propos ut●●● . ad ●●ter scbisma . h Lyranus in 〈◊〉 . i Carthusian in locum . a Bellar. l. 1. de conc . c. 12. b Suarez de tripl . tra . Theo. disp . sect . 3. c Pighius l. 6. c. 18. d Cajetan , de ●uthorit . Pap. ● . 16. Also your unofficed Prophets may as well denounce judgement against an Apo sta● Church , as they may publikely preach mercy in the Gospel , and s● this is no officiall act of authoritie . The way of the Churches of Christ in New England . a Answorth pag. 42. 43. in his Animadver . b Best . the Churches plea. pag. c Chap. 4. Ser. 5. d Chap. 4. Sect. 6. e Chap. 1. Ser. 2. Manuscript . 6. It is true , none should remove from one congregation to another without God goe before them , nor can they change countries without Gods warranting 〈◊〉 , Gen 12. 1. chap. 45. 4. but that such removall is a matter of Church-discipline , and must be done by a ministeriall power , is unwar●anted by any word of God. a Fac de Almain de p●testa . eccles . et lav . c. 15. est congregatio authoritate legitime facta , ad aliquem locu● ex omni statu Hierarchico , nulla persona fideli perente audir● exclusa , ad nactandum ea quae concernunt publicam ecclesiae utilitatem et ipsius mares . b Ge●s●n de p●test . eccles . d Schola Pa●s●r● de poust . Eccles. pag. 17. A Pastor may propone James the Apostles mind , aneut fornication , blood , &c. Act. 15. permodum consilii , as a counsel to some other Pastor , but it hath the power of a Synodicall decree not from Iames , though an Apostle , but from the joynt voyces of the Synod ; and it is not like that Iames as an Apostle said , Wherefore my sentence is , &c. as an Apostle hee should have said as Paul doth , what I received of the Lord , that I delivered unto you , &c. e Answer to 32. questions ad qu●st . 18. f Bellarmine de concil . lib. 1. c. 18. Est tantum ( inquiunt ) inquisitie quaedam & dictae sententiae ministratoria et limitata , ita ut tantum valeat decretum concilii quantum valeat ejus raise . g Iunius animadversan Bellarm . lib. 1. de concilae . 18. h Bellarm. de concil . authorit . lib. 2. c. 12. Concilia & Scripturae sunt ut raque infallibilis ●●rttatis . i Rhemists in art . 15. 8. 10. k Lorinus co●●ent . in Act. 15. l Grati●n . dis . 19. in Canon . m dist . 20 can decretale● . o Gregorius 1. Epist. 24. p Suarez de tripl . virtut . disp . 5. sect . 7. men . 6. ce●●issimum est cencilium genera●e , in quo ●aes●ns adest pontifex , esse infallibilem regulam fidei . q Turre●●●m . su●n . de Ecclesi . lib. 3. r Bailius Catechis . trac . 2. q. ● . concilia nobis in di●ficultatibus sunt instar ora●ulorum . s Ca●etan . t●ac . de author . Pontis c. 9. t 〈◊〉 i● Canus de loc . com . l. 5. c 5. u 〈◊〉 de ●alent , tom . 1. disp q. 1. de objecto fi●● : p●●ct 7. x Almain de potest . eccles . et civ . a 3. Epist. Joh 9. 10 〈◊〉 . 21. 41. b Hieronymus co● , Lucif . & ●n Gal. 5. c Basilius ●● Epist. nob● 〈◊〉 dicere licet , quod in hoc , tempore non ●●● , neque princep● , neque prophets , neque 〈◊〉 que oblatio , ●●que incensu●● , ● d Athanasius lib. adsali● . 〈◊〉 . agend . e ●ineen●●us Lyrinens . ha●s . c. 6. f Occam . dial . pak . 3. l. 3● . c. 13. g Onus ecclesiae , c. 42. h Pra●e Pic. Miran . orat . ad Leon. 10. i Philippus de Comin . l. 8. c. 2. k Gerson de coxil . unius obedient . l Genebra●d . Chron. l. 8. an . 991. pag. 554. m Aventinus annal . Boior . l. 4 pag. 322. n Almain . in questio . vesperti . o German . Chron. l. 4. pag. 227. p Aene is Silvius Epist. 14. q Platina in Bonifac. 8. r Fasciculus rerum expetendarum . s Sleidan com . l. 18. t Can. 23. q. 3. ne quis in propria causa judicet . See also how great Romanists have made Councels a terrour to wicked Popes and vicious Prelats , as Fanormitan decretal . d. elec . signif . Cusan . concord . l. 2. c. 3. c. 5. c. 10. c. 13. Ocoam . dialog . pa● . 3 ch . 3. c. 13 Almain . vesp . question . w Almain de authorit . eccles . cap. ult . prop 2. x Almain ibid. propos . 4. Si enim ligata fores dextera manus , aut ad mutum imaginationis pertinaciter nolles vacare defensient co●poris , apud simstram tune defendendi corpus tota residebit authoritas . E●si una pars provincia , inimicis volentibus earn destruere , nollet suceu●rere , quis dubitat reliquam partem , quamvis sit minor numero , pro tunc habere authoritatem totam provinciam defendend● , &c. Chap. 6. Sect. 1. Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. l. 2. c. 27. saith the Councell of Chalcedon , is of no force . Azorius instit . moral . to . 2. l. 5. c. 12. A lawfull Councell going a naile breadth from the instruction of the Pope , may erre . a Concilium Constant. sess . 39. b Concilium Basil. sess 11. and sess . 11. c Gerson de eccles . potest . consid 10. d Fran Za barell tract . de schism . e Review of the counsell of Trent , l. 5. c. 6. by a French Papist . f Bellarmiu . de concil . l. 1. c. ● . g Concilium Lateran . sess . 2. & 3. ( a ) Platina in G●egorio . 12. And because councells are against Papists and Popes , therefore they have taken the sting out of councells , as Ge●a●dus prove●● , to 6. pag. 611. i Review of the councell of Trent , l. 4. ● . 7. k Bellarmin . de concil . 〈◊〉 . l Bellarmin . 16. c. 10. quemadmodum 〈◊〉 annis illis 300. ecclesia sine conciliis generalibus incolwnis mansi● , sice●iam potu●sse● aliis C C C. & ●ursus aliis DC . atque aliis mille permanere . m Costerus in Enchir●d . de Pon●if pag 135. n Bellarmin . de Pontif. R m. l. 1. c. 9. o pererius com . in Exo. 19. disp . 2. n. 14. p Calvin . instit . l. 4. c. 9. sect . 13. q Episcopius disp . 32. thes 4. r Remonst . in Apol. c. 25. fol. 289. s Answorth Animadver . pag. 20. Remon . 16. Decisi●nem factam in Synodo non leviter habendam , quin & merito inclinare animos nostros ad acriorem decisionis factae considerationem , sed ut ea cuiquam pros●ribat aut diffentientem cogat ad assensum aut obsequium , ratio non permi●tis . t Theoph. Nicolaid . in refu . trac . de eccl . c. 9. f. 79. Hac ratione Synodica errores aut controversias non ●olli , sed tantum vim inferri conscientiis nostris . u Smalcius in refut . lib. de errorih● . Arrian . 1. c. 1. fol. 6. x Answer to the 8. quest . so the Papists . Pighius lib. 6. c. 10. de eccles . Hierarch . calleth generall councells , Constantini Magni inventum , a devise of Constantine without any warrant of the word of God ; and Iohn Weemes of Craghton denyeth councells to be necessary by any commandement of God , de regis primatu , l 1. c. 7. pag. 74. Cleme●s the seventh said , Counsels are dangerous , if the Popes power be called in question . z Matth. 18. 17. Matth. 28. 19. Joh. 20. 25. Act. 15. 28. 29. 1 Cor. 7. 25. 35 and 14. 29. 32 , 33. Gal. 6. 16. Coloss. 2. 7. 8. a Col. 3. 16. b 1 Thes. 5. 11. 12. Heb. 3. 13. c I. evit . 19. 17. d Mal. 3. 16. e Nazienzen ad Procopium epist. 55. alias 42. Ego , si vera scribere oporiet , ita am●no affectus sum , ut omnia ●piscoporum concilia fugiam , quoniam nulli●s concilii fine us 〈◊〉 faustuinque vidi . f Panormitan de electr●ne , C. significast● . g Augustine contra Do●●tist . l. 2. c. 3. priora concilia a pos●erioribus cor●●gi h Petrus de Monte in Monarchia Concil . terti● . nu . 1. Manuscrip . a Amesius , l. 4. c. ● . n. 26. de conscient . Manuscript . Manuscript . a Morton Apol. par . 2. c. 14. pag. 422. b Russinus l 2. ●ist . c. 26. c Hieronymus de loc . hele●o . d Nazianz. Seimon . de Cypriano . e Augustin l. 1. contr . Julian . f Nazianz. Epist. 10. ad Basilium . g Damasc. de fid . orthod . l. 4. c. 17. h Theodoret. hist. l. 5. c. 32. i Robinson iustific . of separat . pag 374. a Clemens in constitut . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Athanasius . c Lactantius Inst it . l. 5. c. 19. d Tertul. e Procopius in Arca. histor . f Ta●itus in Tiberio , De●rum in ●u●iae D●●s curae sant . g l. 2. God. de ●eb . Ged . juris juran●ts contempia religio satis De●● ultorem habet . h In Lege nemo Codice de Pagan . i Ambr●sius Epist. 30. k Augustin . Epist. 48. l Gregorius de Valentia to . 3. disp . 1. punc . 6. q. 10. de infidelita te arg . 4. m D●●andus 4. santen . d. 4. q. 6. 〈◊〉 . 1. n Suarez , de 〈…〉 disp . 18. sect 2. n. 5. o Antonius 2. p. 111. 12 c. 2. p Gregorius 7. Epist. 30. q Robinson justif . of separa . pag. 224. r Robinson . justif . pag. 373. 2 King. 10. s Beza de haeretic . a magist . pun . pag. 158. 159. t Remonst . in confess . c. 24. Sect. 9. qui haereticidie aut simili tyrannidi aut persecution● ullo modo patrocinentur , a m●●issimo Christi spiritu prorsus alieni sunt . w Epis●●pius . disp . 28. Thes. 25. x Professores Leidens . in sua cens . 16. id Socinianae doctrinae c●rsentaneum quidem est . y Nicolaus Vedelius ar●a . Arminianis . par . 1. l. 2. c. 9. z Joan. Gerard. 10. 6. de Magistrat . politico . n. q. 2. n. 314. pag. 743. 744. a Socinus de off●c . ●om . Christ. c. 1. b Nicolaides defe●● . tract . de eccles . c 4. fol. 73. 93. 94. c Ostor●dius Christ. relig . c. 29. d Episcopius disp . 13. . Thes. 18. 19. e Henr. Slatius apert . doct . f. 53. f Ostorodius inst . relig . c. 28. g Cateches . Ra●cov●ens . de proph . Mun. I. Christi c. 1. f. 136. h Smal●ius 〈…〉 . disp . 7. pig . 241. acut● ejus●nadi d●lectio est quae interficere ali u●n permit●● et jubet . i v●d . Socin . in defens . sent V●●es . p. ● Raccoviensi adversus Jac. Paeleol . de mag . p ●n pag. 1 fol. 13. k Beza . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 is a magist . puniend . advers Ma●tin ●●lling vol. 1. ●pus pag. 85. & se● . l Junius advers . 〈◊〉 . edit . Heidelbu● . an . 15 91. p. 40. m Bucanus loc . com . 49. n Zanchius , 10. 2. m●s● . de 〈◊〉 . o Perkias . in cath●l . reformat . convo . 21. c. 2. pag. 367. p Daneus in Etlic Christian. l 2. c. 13. q Bulling . 〈◊〉 . 18. fol. 89. r Professo . Leyden ●s c●nsa Re non . c : 24 sect . 9. s Cyprian ad De 〈◊〉 . Si quid 〈◊〉 tuis nu 〈◊〉 & poteslatis es● , ipsi in 〈…〉 su●gent , ipsi se majestate sua defendent : pude●t te ●os celere , quos ipse de sendis , pudeat tutelam ab ipsis sparare , quos tu 〈◊〉 . t 〈…〉 . u 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 p. 13 : 9 x 〈◊〉 ad Campian . pag 2 ▪ 4. y Augustine cp●st . 47. ●d 〈…〉 . 50 ad 〈…〉 . z Beza de la 〈…〉 . punten● . pag. 161 , 162. a Professors of I ciden in censur . confess . Remonst . c. 24. sect . 9. b 〈◊〉 . histori . l. 12. c. 4 c Chrysostom . ●om . 47. in Matth. 13. d Chrysolog . serm . 79. e Augustine in lib. quaest . ex Matth. 12. f Theophylac . com . in loc . Matth. 13. g Beza in anno● . Mar. Matth. 13. 38. h Erasmus in locum eundem . Deus non per●ittit haeretico be llis consumi similiter neque propter mal●s cogitatienes vult Deus exscindi hominem : si Mattheus excisus esset ex hac vita , cum esset zizanium , simul etiam excisum esset fr●nent●n quod postea ex ipso erat oriturum . a Tannerus , 22. ● 10 7 87. b Phil. Gamachaeus com . in 12. q. 10. c. 3. Non hic opus gladio imperatoris , sed hamo piscatoris . ( a ) Quicunque et l. haeretic● . et l. Manichei God. de haeretic . as Tertullian in Scorpiac . c. 2. haeetict compelli debent , non alli ci , et duritia vincenda , non suadenda ; which saith , that hereticks are otherwise to be delt with then those who never imbraced the Christian faith . c Covar●uvias in regula peccat . p. 2. sect . 10 e Gamacheus loc . cit . f Tannerus in 22. q. 10. art . 8 Dub. 1. g Malderus de virtut . Theolog. q. 10. art . 8. h Scotus in a. dist . 4. i Molina de just . et jure tract . 2. disp . 116. k Alphons a Castro de puni●i . baeretic . l. 2. c. 14. l Malderus loc . cit . m Coninck . de artib . supernatur disp . 18. de infidelit . dub . 14. n 226. n Lorca in 22. q. 10. art . 8. o Aquinas 22. q. 10. art . 8. p Cajetan . in Thomam . ibid. d ( d ) Greg. de Valent. in 22. q. 10. art . 80. punct 6 q Extravan . Pauls IIII. decret . l 7. 〈◊〉 . de de Iudae●s . r Malderus in 12 q. 10. de insidel . cap. 31. s Gal. 5. 4. t Cap. qui sincera . et cap. de Iudaeis dist . 45. u Codt . de Iudaeis . Zanch. com . in Phil. 3. a Turrecrema . qui paratus est tenere contrarium , li. 4 sum . de eccle . p. 2. c. 17. b Scotus ignorantia crassa , 4 d. 22. ar . 3. c Canus l. 12. de loc . c. 12. affectata ignoran . facit pertinacem . d Malderus crassa ignorantia relinquit ho●ninem paratum obedire ecclesia idecque non exclude●et objectum formale fidei . de virtut . Theol. in 22. de haeres . q. 11. ad 2. men 1. 4. e A Cost●o de punitio hare● . li. 1. c. 9. f Pirerius com in Rom. 14 v. 14 disp . 2. g Adrianus quolib . 2. punct . 3 ad . 5. h Vasquez in 22. q. 19. ar . 5 , 6. disp . 59. c. 2. i Pezantius ib. disp . 2. g Malderus 〈◊〉 . T●co● . q. 19 art . 5 9. disp . 84. h Ambros. l. de paradis . c. 8. a Andr. Raddeccius in ne●s ad l●brun Smiplec●● pag. 3. & in defens . tract de ●● sfi. pag. 140. b S●alcius in ●●fut . Thes. Frantz . dis 4. pag. 377. c R●mons●r . in Ap lo●● 21. s l 226. 2 7. and 246 and Fpis●●p●us disp 28. thes . n. d Hugo Cardinalis com . in Esa 6. e Beda in locum . f Toletus luc . g Cyrillus . h Salme●en . i Gloss. ordin . annum placabilem , id est , fidem & salutem hominum . k Procopius in ●arnationis domini tempus innui● . l Hieronymus diem 〈◊〉 , ●d est , damnatio●●s Roman●s . m Lyra , annus dominicae passionis in quo placa●●s est gene●i 〈◊〉 . a Survey of discipl . c. 2● 23 b Far●us com in Rom. c. 13. dub . 5. in appendic ad fol. arg resp . 1. c Puschius l 4 c. 24. de ●ita Constantin● , ●es istis episcopi in ecclesia , ego extra ecclesiam seu ●emplum a deo s●●n constitutus . d Gul Apollo 〈…〉 . Vedelium de Episco . constan . c 2. nu . 2. e Salcobrigiens . p. 121. f Camero . praelect . 10. 1. p. 370. 372. g Paraeus com . in Rom. 13. in append . ad du● . 5. P●arogn●t . 6. h Salc●b●ig . pap 121. i 〈…〉 p 〈…〉 . 1. c 8. k Dan 3. 29 Dan. 6. 26 , 27. Luk. 22. 24. 29 Rem 13 4. 1 Pet. 2 13 , 14. &c. 1 Tim 2. 2. l Col. 2. 16. ● Thes. 5. 11 , 12. l ●v 19. 17. Matth 18. 15. 16 , 17. 1 Cor. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. 1 Tim 1. 20. 1 Tim. 5. 20. 2 Cor. 5. 19 , 20. 2 Cor. 10. 14. a M. Anton. de domi . Archie . Spala●ens . l. 6. c. 3. n. 4 , 5 , 6. seq . b Gulielm . Apollon . de jure magist●a . in sacr . pa● . ● . c. 4 & 5. b Esa. 49. 2● . Revel . 21. 16. Psal. 2. 10 , 11 , 12. Psal. 71. v. 10 , 11 , 12. c August . con●r . liter . Petilian . l. 3. c. 92 contr . Cr●sco . lib. 8. c. 51. d Bell●●m . de pontif . Rom. l. 1. c. 5. e Lysimach . Nicanor , epist. to the Cove nan of Scotland , pag. 16. f Junius eccles . l. 3. c. 5. g Guliel . Apollon . de jure magist . contr . Vedeli . par . 1. ● . 3. pag. 52. h M. Antkon . de domi . Archiepis . Spala● . de rep . eccle . l. 6. c. 3. sect . 17. i Tilenus Syntag. pag. 2. disp . 32. thes . 33. k Daneus polit . Ch. l. 6. c. 1. l Bucan loc . com 49. ● . 13 ▪ ● 31. m Professor . Leidens . d. 50. thes . 49. o Ames . de Conscien . l. 5. c. 25. Amesius Medul . Theol. l. 2. c. 17. 〈◊〉 entm est res , aut causa 〈◊〉 ecclesiastica qu●n aliqua ratiene pertineat ad jwisdictionem Mag●stratus , neq●ulla est 〈◊〉 tam secula●● , modo ab ecclesiae memb●o p●aestetur qum qua●enus observant●am e●ga 〈◊〉 resp●●●t ▪ per●mere possi● ad ecclesiasticam 〈◊〉 ●nem . p Martyr . loc . com . elas . 4. loc . 3 q Parkerus de ●olue . a eccles . l. ● . 1. ● . 6 r Professor . 〈◊〉 . ●●col . disp . 50. Thes. 49 50 , 51 , 52. Parkerus 16. Ecclesia visibilis , quanquam externa , ad regn●● Christ●●●leste per●●ne● . s Anthon. de Dom. Arch●epis●● . Spalatens . l 6. c. 3. 9. 10. t Joan. Major Parisien . lib. 4. sent . dist . 24. q. 3. w Sp●l●tens de ●ep . eccles . l. 6. ● . 3. n. 17. x Guli●l n. Apollonius pastor 〈◊〉 Magist. par . 1. c 3. pag. 5● , 53. y August Epist ad Ro●●faccom . 50. a Survey of discipline . c. 23 b Iunius C●nt . 3. l. 1. c. 20. not . 12. c Gul. Apolon . de jure Magistr . par . 2. c. 4 pag. 257. d Ruffinus Eister . eccles l 1 c. ● . e Act. conc . Clalced . act . 2 Distinct. 1. Gerardus . Distinct. 2. a Augustin ad Bonisac . Comit . circa epist. 50. Quia vero etiam Rex est ser vit , Leges justa praecipientes , & contraria prohibentes , conventente rigore sanciend● , sicut servivit Rex Ninivitatum , universam civitatem ad placandum dominum compellendo . b August . l. 2. co●r . epist . Gaudentii . c. 26. quamdiu vos non tenetis ecclesia● , quam praenunciaverunt Piscatores , Apestoli plantaverunt , tam diu reges qui eam tenent , rectissime ad s●am curam indicant per●nere , ne ●os adversus eum rebelletis impune . c Imperat Constitut. ● . d In c●dice l. leg ●unctus populu● . c. le s●m . Trinit . e C●d●ce leg . 4. Synod Chaicedenensis de ●●de Christiana justa cap●sitinnes a 〈◊〉 a ●●●●d 〈◊〉 , per nost●a decreta statuta sunt . f Iustinian . Novell . 123. c. 32. g Novell . 137. c. 6. h L. 3. de s●●● . tr●n . i Wolsius tom . 2 lect . moral . pag. 539. k Bellarmin . l 3. de la●cis c. 17. l Suarez in opuscul . l. 3. de P●●mat . Sum●● Pontif c. 22. n D●s●●on . 96. si 〈◊〉 . o D●st . 22. inc . Qu●ties 24. q. 1. p In cap●●e qu● di●●et . q August . cont . epist. Gauden . l. ● . c. 26. r Apollonius de jure Magist. ●oc . cit pag. 206. s Didoclavius dad . Caldern ●●d in altars Damas●cnode commentatus ●egi●s , pa. 29 , 30. d Calvinus inst●● . l. 4. c. 11. sect . 15. e Amesius to n. 2 in Bellarm . 〈◊〉 at . c. 6. n. ● . f Junius ar● nad . in ●ellarm . de concil . l 1. c. 12. 〈◊〉 . 18. Desiciente conjunctione Magist 〈…〉 aliquid ecclesia extra ordine●n sace●● , q●●d ordina●ie non potest , & ●●ntra desiciente ecclesia a suo officio , potest magi●●●atus 〈◊〉 ordinein procurare , ut ecclesia ad 〈…〉 , ●d enim juris communis est , extraordinar●is mai●s remedia eti am extra ordinem adhiberi posse . g Calderwood in 〈◊〉 Damas●en● , pag. 20. h Elizabeth stat . ● . ● . ● . i Lib. 22. si 〈◊〉 ● . de leg●●●s princ●p . k Paraeus . Comment . in R ●● . 13. dul . 5. mappend p●● . 8. arg . 2. l Calderwood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Da●nas . pag. 36. Lance● . Andreas . m Tortur . torti . 95. dicimus regem gubernare ecclesiastica , sed non ecclesiastice . n Burbilius in vindic . Tortu a tc●ti . pa. 55. non dicit ( Ep. sc. Eliensis ) primatum spiritualem , sed primatum quoad spiritualia , de be ●i regibus omni jure . o Hen. Salcobrigiensis in Becano . baculo pag. 140. p Pag. q Calderwood in altar . damas pag. 14 , 15 , 16. & seq . r Survey of discipl c. 23. pa. 262 , 263. s Episco . Fliens . Tortur . terti pag. 39. in Ethnico e●st tera potestas temporalis , idque sinc ordine ad potestatem ecclesiasticam . item Rex quivis own de Ethnico Christianus fit , non perdit terrenum ju● , sed acquirit jus nov●●● . Itidem own de Christiane fit sicut Ethnicus , vigore sententiae , ami●●● novum jus quod acquisiverat , sed retinet terrenum jus in temporalibus , quod sacrat illi proprium , priusquam Christianus fieret . t Voetius de potest . ecclesi . tract . w 〈◊〉 . F●l 〈◊〉 . ●● . 53. x 〈…〉 22. y Anselm● 〈◊〉 Matth. 26. a Hilarius ●●ntra 〈…〉 b●pist 40 b Bernard b●p●st . ad Fu●en . c 〈…〉 d 325. 3. 6. e G●●son . Bucer de 〈…〉 . pag. 9● . f Amesius in 〈…〉 . de 1● . 2. ● . 1. g ●●an Weem●s de 〈◊〉 . de 〈…〉 7 pag. 88. 89. seq . h The Kings 〈◊〉 for the Service B●ok of 〈◊〉 land , A● . 1636. i VVee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Daplex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , un● 〈◊〉 & . 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , alia 〈◊〉 s●u imperialis in senatu , illa pastorum , haec p●incipis est . k Bancroft s●●na● Pauli cruce● . 1589. p 1. 70 l Calderwood in altar . Damas. pag. 4. m Bancroft pag. 48. n pag. 65. & 304. o Parker . de polit . eccl . l 1. c. 7. p Stapleton de princip doctrinal . l. 6. c 16 q Becanus 10. 5. Opise cont . Spalat . l. 1. de repub . christi . c. 4. r Parkerus de politeia eccles . l. 1. c. 6. s Raynold . collat . cum Hartio . c 1. divis . 2. t Greg. Magnus in Psalme pen●tent . u Alta● Da 〈◊〉 pag. 23. 24. x Alta● Damas● pag. 2● . 2 Ch●on . 26. 10 , 17. a Junius de ●en●il●animad . l. 1. c. 20. a●t . 10. b Altar . Damas●●n pag. 23. c Gulied . Apollonius de ju●e Magist● . ●nsa●●●● c. 5. pag. 3. 7. d Sibrandus c●nt●a . Pag. 148. 149. e Muketus de polit●ia potest . pag. 302 f Nico. ● Wedelius in tractatu de epis●●pain Constan●●ni . g Becanus ●n ●pi●s●ul . 10. 2. de 〈◊〉 . ●●g . l. 3. 〈◊〉 . 5 n 37. 38. h Abulensis q 38. & 31. i 〈…〉 ●4 k 〈…〉 c. 2● n. 2. l Junius 〈◊〉 . 4. l. 1. c. 12. a●t . 4. m Spalato de repub eccles l. 5 c. 5 ● . 88 ▪ 8. n U●●tius . tract . de potest . ●●cles o Am●sius 〈…〉 . de concil . c. 1. ad . 1. p Calderwood 〈…〉 . pag. 14 , 15. &c. q Professor . Leydens . 〈◊〉 . 49. 〈◊〉 . 6. r Gerardus de Magistr . polit . to . 6. n. 171. pag. 5 ●● . s Junius 1 Chron. 13. 1. t Becanus in 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 5. n 30 〈…〉 . u Suarez 〈…〉 . 25. n. 12. u Suarez opused . 3. 〈…〉 . 25 n. 1● . x Becanus de prima●● reg●o l. 3. ob . 4. pa. 73. * Note . a Suarez l. 3. de prima . Pontif . c. 25 n. 7. b Cajetan cōment . 2. paic . 19. v. 11. supren●a duo capita judicio●um decernit . c Paraeus cōment . ad Ro● . 13. dub . 5. d Paraeus loc . citat . e Cicero ● Tus●ul . nulla tam fera . tam 〈◊〉 nis unq●am natio fu● , quam non unbue●it religio ●●r●n . Object . Object . * Note . a Later ● Pauli 3. ad Carol. 5. imperatorem . apud Wolsium tom . ● . Lect. memor . pag. 5●9 . b Nicol. 1 in Epist. ad Mi●ha . Impera . C. ul● na●n dist 96. c Henric. Blyssemius tract . de Eccles p. 37. a Tertullian de idol . c. 8. Christus gloriam seculi & sibi & sais alienam esse judicavit . b Origen homil . 12. in Matth. c Hilarius ad Auxe●t . d Chrysostom . hom . 42. in Joan. Christus fugit ( diadema ●errenum ) ut oftenderes suum regnum nullis secularibus rebus indigere . e Ambrosius 2. ●om . 2. 4. in Dei rebus sollicitus ( sit Episc●pus ) a secul●i negotio alienus , non enim convenitunum , duplicem habere potestatem . f August . trin . Cos. in Joan. g Survey of discipline , cap. 23. pag. 280 , 281. h Fenner 〈◊〉 . pa 〈◊〉 i 〈…〉 . pag. 219. k 〈…〉 2. p. 4 〈◊〉 . l 〈…〉 4. pa. 11● m ●Span . 18. v. 36. n Sonnius ap . t●n . 1. pag. 399 o Survey of discipl cap. ●3 . pag. 280. Emanuel Sa. in 〈◊〉 Cle●●cus spake like a J●suite , the ●ebellion of a Clerg● man , against a King , is no ●●eason because hee is no subject ▪ The Jesuits vow out of Julius the third his Bull , qua con 〈…〉 Jesu●tarum , c. 21. l. 3. de vita ●gnat . Laiolae . All people are subject to the Pope : we 〈◊〉 beside the communitie of the three ordinary vowes be bound by a more specialty to w●●●soever the present Pope and all others hereafter shall command , &c. and that is as Mr. All●n principall of the Colledge of Jesui●● at Rheimes i● a solomne oration , It is 〈…〉 kill Kings . p Haiminsfieldius 〈…〉 q Arniseus de 〈…〉 . r Baleus in 〈◊〉 pag. 82 s Baleus , 16. t 〈◊〉 Shardius in 〈…〉 . Go●stad par . 4. pag. 296. u Sleidan peri●d . 5. c 8. x Lampadius part . 3 pag. 203. y Catalogus test●um v●●ita . t is lib. 15 seculo 12. pag. 1544 , 1545. z Apologia L●dov . 4. contra calumnias Joan. papae 22. a In decret . 96. dist . c. cum ad verum & canone duo sunt . b Stephanus Aufrerii . c Hieronymus Pa●●us in 〈◊〉 qui 〈…〉 pract●●●●●●c●llariae Ap 〈◊〉 . d Iustm●an lib 1. & 2. de off praes praes Ap●ric . e Bell●●mm de clericis c. 28. f Inno●●ntius III. decret . 1. t●t 3● . de Major . 〈…〉 . imperium non paeest tace●datio , sed sudsubest , & 〈…〉 . g Bonifacius 8. extra de 〈◊〉 & obed . C. una●n ●●n●●m . ●mnes Christ sideles de nec●ssit●● sa ●uis sub●●nt Pon●fici Rom●an 〈…〉 habet , & ●mnes ●u●●cat , 〈…〉 . h 〈…〉 . i 〈…〉 . k 〈…〉 . l 〈…〉 . m 〈…〉 . n 〈…〉 . o 〈…〉 . p Silvest . in Concil . 〈◊〉 . c. 20. q Gratian ● 43. c. nemo judicabit . r 〈…〉 . s 〈…〉 . t 〈…〉 . w 2. quest . 7. x Cod l 1. leg . 31. An●●emius , Cler●●● ex●●ane● . y Cod. l. 1. ●●● . 5. leg . 24. z Cod. l. 1. ●●● . 6. leg . 34. Anthemius praesi lal● ju●isd● ctio . 111. &c. a Caus●n 4. 1. ca. 45. decret . Grego . l. 5. tit . 39. c. 23. Clem. 3. b Luitprandus in vir●s Pontif in Agat●ore . c Ext●a . de Major & obed . C●unam . in Gloss. d Clement . Pastor de re ju dic . e C. fundamen . de elect . in 6. f C. solit extrav . de Major . & obed . g In l. 1. ceremoni . eccles . Rom. ●t . 7. The way of the Churches of Christ in New England . a Answer to the 26. Question . b Dionys. Halicarnass . l. 2 antiquit . optiene cuiquam ex ●ulgo data , ut que●n vellent sibi pa●●onu●n el●ge●ent c Terentius in Eunu●ho●e mi●● Patronum cupie . I ●a● . d Concilium Melevitanu●n ●n . 402. e Concilium Car●bagin . 5. c. 9. an . 420. f Hosp●nian de orig . te●nplo . to . 4. de orig . honor . eccles . c. 6. g A●entinus in 〈…〉 . 6. a●al . h Fdvar . Dido . lav . in 〈…〉 . p. 591. i Origen . 〈◊〉 6. in Levit. is eligendus ex omni populo qui praestantior , qui doct●● , qui sanctier . k Abb. decius & l Rubi . in c. Quanto de jud . & in d. ca. de 〈◊〉 . m Glossa in c. piae menus 16. q. 7. n Anton de Butr. & o Andr. Barbat . in d. c. Quando . p F●ancis . Suarez 〈…〉 & Statu 〈…〉 4 de 〈…〉 8 ● 5. q Ma● . An 〈…〉 Spalate● de 〈…〉 . 3. pag. 9●9 . r A●brosius l. ● . epist. ●● . epist. ●● . 〈…〉 , quod pa●peru ●●●● est . s Sy●ol 3. 〈…〉 1. c 4. t Synod . Braca●ens . ● c. 25. u ●Span Anal. ●o . 289 x Gregorus 〈…〉 . y 〈…〉 . z C●●decernimus 〈◊〉 . 9. 7. a Altar . dam●s● . pag. 3●2 . b Gera●dus loc . co●n . 10. 6 de min●ster . eccles . sect 5 pag 134. 135. c Suarez to●n . de vi●tut & stai● relig . l. 4. de Sinon . c. 28 n. 1 , 2. 3. d Spalat●●sten●error . Suarez c. 3 n 939. ( ● ) 〈◊〉 16. q 7. e Hospinian . de origi . templ . de or●g . bonor . eccles . c. 6. c. 7. f Justiman . N●vel . 17. c. 〈◊〉 & c. 18. Nov. 123. g A●●● da●nas . pag. 332. h Cartwright 2. reply , ● pa●t . pag. 226. i Amesius , de c●nscient . l. 4. c. 25 q 5. n. 23 , 24. k Gul. Ap l 〈…〉 . in sac a sect . 2 c. 1. pag. 61 , 162. l Athanasius epist ad solitariam ●●●am agentes . Uhille Canon ut a palatio mittatur is , qu● sutu● us est Epis●opus : m Alta● da●●● . par . 458. n 〈…〉 o Chap. 1. Sect. 1. 
A61148	----	The history of the Church of Scotland, beginning in the year of our Lord 203 and continued to the end of the reign of King James the VI of ever blessed memory wherein are described the progress of Christianity, the persecutions and interruptions of it, the foundation of churches, the erecting of bishopricks, the building and endowing monasteries, and other religious places, the succession of bishops in their sees, the reformation of religion, and the frequent disturbances of that nation by wars, conspiracies, tumults, schisms : together with great variety of other matters, both ecclesiasticall and politicall / written by John Spotswood ... Spottiswood, John, 1565-1639. 1655 Approx. 2797 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 292 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). 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A61148) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50008) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 549:8) The history of the Church of Scotland, beginning in the year of our Lord 203 and continued to the end of the reign of King James the VI of ever blessed memory wherein are described the progress of Christianity, the persecutions and interruptions of it, the foundation of churches, the erecting of bishopricks, the building and endowing monasteries, and other religious places, the succession of bishops in their sees, the reformation of religion, and the frequent disturbances of that nation by wars, conspiracies, tumults, schisms : together with great variety of other matters, both ecclesiasticall and politicall / written by John Spotswood ... Spottiswood, John, 1565-1639. Duppa, Brian, 1588-1662. [20], [24], 546, [10] p. : ill. Printed by J. Flesher for R. Royston ..., London : 1655. Contains a short life of the author signed "D. M.", attributed to Brian Duppa. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Scotland -- History. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HISTORY OF THE Church of Scotland , Beginning the Year of our Lord 203 , and continued to the end of the Reign of King JAMES the VI. of ever blessed Memory . Wherein are described , The Progress of Christianity ; The Persecutions and Interruptions of it ; The Foundation of Churches ; The Erecting of Bishopricks ; The Building and Endowing Monasteries , and other Religious Places ; The Succession of Bishops in their Sees ; The Reformation of Religion , and the frequent Disturbances of that Nation , by Wars , Conspiracies , Tumults , Schisms . Together with great variety of other Matters , both Ecclesiasticall and Politicall . WRITTEN By that grave and Reverend Prelate , and wise COUNSELLOR , IOHN SPOTSWOOD , Lord Archbishop of S. Andrews , and Privy Counsellor to King CHARLES the I. that most Religious and blessed Prince . Res in exitu aestimantur , & cù abeunt ex oculis , hinc videntur . LONDON : Printed by I. Flesher for R. Royston , at the Angel in Ivie-lane . MDCLV . blazon or coat of arms AEtat : suae 74 Aº 1639 HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms Aspice , non frustrâ Veneranda haec pingitur Icon , Vivit adhuc tanti qvaelibet umbra Viri . Prisca nitet Vultu Pietas , Virtusque Sepulchri Nescia , in Effigie nescit et ipsa Mori . Sic vno Intuitu Vultûs , Morumque Volumen Perlegis , et Pictor transit in Historicum . IOANNES SPOTISWOODE ARCHIEPISCOPVS St. ANDREANVS , TOTIVS SCOTIAE PRIMAS ET METROPOLITANVS , EIVSDEMQVE REGNI CANCELIA us . W. Hollar fecit THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER . THis History being wrote in calm and quiet Times , and by a person whose temper and disposition was not unsutable to them , had the ill hap to have an hideous storm tread upon the heels of it ; which , among other greater Wrecks and Ruines , might very likely have buried this , never to have been raised up again : But Providence had so disposed of it , that a Copy of it lighting into more Ingenuous and Noble hands , it was thought a sin by them to stifle , and conceal it from the World , which now being in dotage , and infinitely in love with Change , may reade here ( if they do not feel it already ) the sad Effects which an unruly and a misgovern'd Reformation , usher'd in by Tender Consciences , brings upon them . Nor doth it come forth now to cast any Obloquy upon that Church or Nation , famous in former Times for so much Piety , that the devotion of the Natives under so cold a Clime ( whether you consider the rich Endowments , or magnificent Structures of Places dedicated to Gods Service ) can hardly be match'd , but to shew rather the variation of all Humane Things , and how easie it is to slide from something that might look like Superstition , into the contrary Vices of Sacriledge and Profaneness , for which they have felt so remarkable a Scourge , that unless it be in the same Island ( and , all Circumstances considered , scarce in that ) can the whole World , and the Stories of it , sute them with a Parallel . But there is lesse to be said of this , because if the Times become patient of hearing Truth , you may possibly by the Industry of some good hand , have the latter and more Fatall part of the Story : For though this Cloud in the North was at first no bigger then a Hand , and might have been grasp'd , and easily dispers'd by the Authority then in being ( had it not miscarried in being too tender towards it ) hath since , for the sins of both Nations , rowl'd it self into a more Universal Darkness , and pour'd down such a sweeping Rain upon us , as hath carried away all that is Sacred with it . And for us that live to see the Desolation on all hands , our onely portion left us , is to mourn in secret , for — Nihil , praeter plorare , relictum est . And that you may know to how innocent and unbyassed a person you owe this Story , do but impartially reade it , and you shall finde it woven with so even threed , and so much of the spirit of meekness in all the passages of it , that neither the Rage of the first Reformers , nor the Fury of them who in after ●imes did second them , could tempt him to dispense so much with his own nature , as to passe any bitter Reproof upon them , but leaves them upon the Stage with the bare Narrative of their actions , and trusts the judgement of the Reader , either to condemn or to acquit them . What the Life of this Author was , hath been diligently and faithfully collected by a Reverend Person of that Nation , who out of the midst of the Ruines of his Church , hath gather'd out of the Rubbidge of it , the substance of these following Particulars ; that this world of ours being now grown barren of such Examples , might at least have an excellent Copy set before them , which if they have not the Will to imitate , yet let them use it as they do their Pictures , and commend the Hand , though they neglect his Virtues . There is no more to say to thee , but this , That if there be so much Devotion in thee , as to melt thee into Prayers and Tears for the Sufferings of thine own Church ; Let there be so much Charity too , as to bestow some of them on our Neighbour Nation , from whom our Ruine came ; and have since so deeply smarted for it , that a discreet , and a very considerable person among them , hath so far in my hearing expressed his Penitence for it , as to say , That it was true , that he with the rest of his Nation had buried Episcopacy , and their Ancient Monarchy in one and the same Grave , but upon the sad consequences of it , they could be content to tear up the very earth of that Grave with their Teeth , so that they might raise up Both again . And when this single Vote shall come to be the Vote of the whole Nation , God is where he was , and without the attending the Revolution of Plato's Great Year , can when he pleaseth , and by what means he pleaseth , restore them to their former Happiness . Non , si malè Nunc , & Olim sic erit . The Authors Life . THough Buildings are looked upon with more pleasure when they are rear'd , then in their foundations , yet that this Reverend Prelat , raised in his own Countrey to the highest honour that his condition was capable of , may not seem obscurely to have stole into the World , as a Mushrome of a nights growth , or as that Roman did , of whom it is said in Tacitus , Videtur Curtius Rufus è se natus , It can no way be impertinent to mention that he was descended from the Lairds of Spotiswood in the Merse , an ancient race of Gentlemen , and the chief of that surname . His Grandfather died in the bed of honour with his King , Iames the fourth , in the battel of Flodden field , a battel that might have been looked upon as most unfortunate to that Nation , had not their latter contests by the sword proved infinitely more unhappy . His Father was no sword-man , but betook himself to the study of the Arts , passing his course of Philosophy in the Colledge of Glasgow , with a purpose the better to enable himself for Theology , to which , by the guidance of Gods Spirit over him , he stood most affected . But matters of Religion being at that time in his Countrey like the eddies of waters , rowling , and confused , ( the old way questioned , and the new persecuted ) none knowing in this turning tyde which wayes the times would run , he withdrew himself into England , where bringing with him an unsetled mind , and doubtfull what party he should incline to , Providence cast him upon a familiarity with Archbishop Cranmer , who soon confirm'd him in those truths which afterward he never varied from . About the time of the death of King Iames the fift he returned into Scotland , whereby occasion given by the Earl of Glencarn ( to whom he had applied himself ) he became known to Matthew Earl of Lennox , who finding him a person judicious , and discreet , and fitted by these qualities for managing of business , emploied him to Henry the eight of England , when France upon some jealousies was so unkind to him as to cast him off . Affaires upon this succeeding to the Earl of Lennox his mind , the Earl came into England , with whom some moneths he there remained : But longing to see the smoak of his own Countrey , he returned once more to enjoy himself among his friends ; where being known to Sir Iames Sandilands of Calder , ( a person of great authority in those times ) he was moved by him to accept of the Parsonage of Calder , which upon the beginning of the Reformation was then void . Not long after this , he was made Super-intendent of Lothian , Merse , and Teviot-dale , where he exercised fully the power , and discharged faithfully the Office of a Bishop , though under another style ; For it was not the Office , but the name , which the first Reformers out of humor startled at , though they who have succeeded them ( for in errors of this kinde , the last comers think they have done nothing , unless they out-bid the former ) have since to their own ruin cast out both . He continued in this holy function , with the approbation of all good men , till his death ; when being full of days , and leaving the persume of a good name behinde him , he peaceably departed out of this life on the fift of December , in the year 1585. His Wife was Beatrix Crichton , a grave and a discreet Matron , daughter to the Laird of Lugton an ancient Baron of Scotland . And from these Parents Iohn Spotiswood , the Author of this History , descended . Born he was in the year of our Lord 1565 , when he was no sooner brought into the World but a remarkable passage accompanied it ; For among the rest that were present ( not ordinary Gossipers , but women of good note ) there was one among them who in a sober , though in a prophetick fit , taking the childe in her armes , called aloud to the rest in these or the like tearms , You may all very well rejoyce at the birth of this childe , for he will become the Prop , and Pillar of this Church , and the main and chief instrument in the defending of it . From what principle this praediction came , or how she was thus inspired , I will not search into , but that her words came really to pass , may evidently appear to him that reads this short story of his life . His education was answerable to his birth , for being a child of a pregnant wit , great spirit , and good memory , he was by the care of his parents brought up in the University of Glasgow , where he came so early to perfection , that he received his degrees in the sixteenth year of his age : for though the fruits of the earth under that Northern Clime do not mature so soon , the men generally are of a better mold , and mellow as early into a ripeness , as any of those Nations , who because they have more of the Sun plead for a priority , forgetting that some kinde of grain are ripened best by Frosts . And this so many excellent men of all sorts , as have been of that Nation , are so many examples of . But to revert to this one among the rest , who having laid his foundation in humane Arts and Sciences , did not make his period there , but used them as the rundles of a ladder by which he might climbe higher to the knowledge of diviner things , to the practise of which by way of charge he was sooner called then he expected ; for his father being by age and weakness of body unable to appear any more in publick , none was thought fitter to succeed in the Parsonage of Calder then his son ; though otherwise in a well-govern'd Church , his age ( being then but eighteen ) might in an ordinary course have been a barre against him ; but his early parts , and his conscientious diligence in attending this cure , supplied his defect of years , and the greenness of his youth was corrected , and tempered by so sober a gravity , as no man could either despise his youth , or think him unfit for the employment . Nor were these virtues of his buried , and confined within the boundaries of his Parish ; for having formerly had a relation to the Noble family of Lennox , he was looked upon as the fittest person of his quality , to attend Lodowick Duke of Lennox as his Chaplain in that honourable Ambassy to Henry the fourth of France , for confirming the ancient amity between both the Nations : wherein he so discreetly carried himself , as added much to his reputation , and made it appear that men bred up in the shade of learning , might possibly endure the Sun-shine , and when it came to their turnes might carry themselves as handsomely abroad , as they whose education being in a more pragmatick way usually undervalue them . In the retinue of this Noble Person he returned from France through England , where Queen Elizabeth being in her declining age , was in his Masters name saluted by this Ambassadour , who seeing her night draw on so fast , could the easier guess that his Masters rising in this Horizon was not then far off . Some two years after this , Queen Elizabeth ( after the glorious reign of fourty four years ) by her death made way for King Iames her successor , and when all the World stood at gaze what would become of the Crown of England ( which the Jesuit under the name of Dolman had bandied over into Spain , and some of the contrary extreme , were then in consultation ( though upon different purposes ) to make a game of it at home ) there was a diviner hand of Providence , which so unexpectedly ordered it , that without any contest at all , it settled on the right heir , to the admiration of the neighbouring Nations , and ( had we known our own good ) to the infinite happiness of this . This King being to take possession of his hereditary Crown here , chose out for his attendants , the most eminent persons of all kindes : and among his Clergy this Author ( being then no farther advanced then to his Cure of Calder ) was summoned to this service . That year , Iames Beaton Archbishop of Glasgow dying , the King ( who being of excellent parts himself , could the better discover and value them in others ) not only preferred him to that See , but farther admitted him for his prudence and dexterity in Civil things to be one of his Privy Councel in Scotland . And being graced with these honors , he was sent back from England the same year to attend Queen Anne in her journey to London , who knowing his integrity made him her Almoner for the better dispensing of her Charity , which could not confidently be credited but to clean hands and an uncorrupt heart , such as his really was . Not long after this , he presided in the Assembly at Glasgow , where the power of Bishops , ex Iure postliminii was restored . The same year upon the Kings command , he with the Bishops of Brechin and Galloway repaired to London , where he received the solemnities of consecration from the Bishops of London , Ely , and Bath , in the Chappel at London●house . At his entry to the Archbishoprick of Glasgow , he found the Revenues of it so dilapidate , that there was not One hundred pounds sterling of yearly Rent left , to tempt to a new Sacrilege : But such was his care and husbandry for his Successors , that he greatly improved it , and yet with so much content to his Diocese , that generally both the Nobility and Gentry , and the whole City of Glasgow were as unwilling to part with him , as if he had been in the place of a Tutelar Angel to them . But part with him they must ; for after eleven years presiding there , the See of S. Andrews being vacant , King Iames ( who like another Constantine thought himself as highly concerned in providing Successors for Churches , as Heirs for his Crown ) removed him from Glasgow ( being then about the age of fourty nine years ) to be the Primate and Metropolitan of all Scotland . The next year after this , he presided in the Assembly at Aberdene , where the Earl of Montross being the Kings Commissioner , the excommunicated Marquis of Huntley was upon his Penitence received into the Bosome of the Church . And at the same Assembly there past an Act for the drawing up a Liturgie for the Church of Scotland , and some of the most learned and grave among the rest ( William Cowper Bishop of Galloway being designed the chief ) were deputed to that Work , wherein the Service of God , and the Peace of that Church was so deeply concern'd : Which I the more willingly mention , that the deceived party might know , that the designe of a Liturgie , which was afterward look'd upon as the dangerous Trojan horse , sent in by their suspected Neighbours , might have proved more properly such a Palladium to them , as might have preserved them to this day , had they not onely scornfully , but seditiously rejected it , and have therefore found the same fate as they of Troy did ; of whom it was observed , Peritura Troja perdidit primùm Deos. Being invested by the Kings favour in this Primacy , he made so much farther use of it , as he procured Three hundred pounds sterling of yearly Rent ( being by the Sacrilege of former times swallow'd up in the Crown-Revenues ) to be restored to his See : Nor did he finde any difficult business of it ; for certainly these latter Ages have not produced in any Nation , a Christian Prince that understood better then he the horror of Sacrilege , and the Concernments of Religion , which never suffers more , then when the Professors of it are exposed to Scorn and Poverty . For , however this was the portion of the best and Primitive Times , when the Christian Faith had no publick Civil Authority to own it , yet after it had pleased God to make Kings the Nursing-Fathers , and Churches were endowed by pious men , their Revenues were ever held Sacred , till the Covetousness of some , and the Profaneness of others , had consulted with that subtile Oracle , that delivers it tanquam è Tripode , that there can be no such sin as Sacrilege ; for as Nothing can be given to God , so Nothing can be taken from him . All King Iames his time he lived in great favour with him , and was the prime Instrument used by him in several Assemblies , for the restoring the ancient Discipline , and bringing that Church to some degrees of Uniformity with her Sister Church of England ; which had we on both sides been worthy of , might have proved a Wall of Brass to both Nations . Nor was his Industry less for the recovery of some remnants and parcels of the Churches Patrimony , which ( though they were but as a few Crums in comparison of that which at a full Meal Sacrilege had swallow'd ) he found to be an hard Province , yet by his zeal and diligence he overcame many difficulties , and so little regarded his own ease , that for the effecting of this , and what else conduced to the recovery of that Church in Patrimony and Discipline , they who knew the passages of his life , have computed that he made no less then fifty journeys from Scotland to London . Nor was he less gracious with King Charles his blessed Son , who was Crown'd by him in the Abbey Church of Holyrude-house , with such high applause and acclamations of that Nation , that it could not have been possibly imagined , that such an Hosanna should ever be turned into a Crucifige ; or that a Prince , so passionate a lover of his own native Countrey , should finde such enemies in the bowels of it , as either to contrive , or to assist his Ruine . But thus God had ordered it ( as in the case of Iosiah ) rather as a Punishment for our sins , then his , that leaving his earthly Crown ( which to him really proved but a Crown of Thorns , whatever it may prove to others ) to the bold Hand that would next venture to take it up , he might be put in possession of a more glorious Diadem , and sit Crowned there , where ( if the joyes of heaven admit of such a diversion ) he looks down upon things below , and all that happens here , with so much unconcernment , as what was said of the brave Roman , may in a Christian sense be more sutable to him , — Illic , postquam se lumine vero Implevit , stellásque vagas miratur , & Astra Fixa Polis , vidit quantâ sub nocte jaceret Nostra dies , ridétque sui ludibria trunci . But to return to this pious man ( who was so happy as to have his eyes closed , before the Crown which he so solemnly set upon his Masters Head , was to the astonishment of the World snatcht from him ) there must be added to this story , That as he enrich'd his See of Glasgow , so he did the like for S. Andrews , procuring the Revenues of the Priory ( being then in Lay hands ) to be added to his Church . But having compassed this , to shew that it was done rather for the Churches interest then his own , he dealt by way of humble Petition with the King , that of his large Diocese of S. Andrews , so much as was of the South-side of the River of Forth might be dismembred , for the erecting of a new Bishoprick : which accordingly was done , and being amply endowed , was seated in their Prime City of Edinburgh . Two years after this , the Earl of Kinnoul being Chancellour dying ( a Person of singular Prudence and Integrity ) his Majesty knew not where to fill the place with a Successor , with whom he might more securely trust his Conscience , then with this aged Prelate , near to God by his Function , and by his age ( being then arrived to Davids great Climacterick ) so neer to his end as might well put him in remembrance , that the account which he was to give of his Stewardship could not be far off . And this honour he enjoyed to his death , with the approbation of all , only such excepted , whose evil eye at the Clergy , and their own particular ambition wrapt into such a fancy , as made them think every honour to be misplac'd that was not setled on their own shoulders . He had not fully measured out four years in the discharge of the duties of this place ( which did not so entangle him but that the danger of the Church which then was drawing on filled him full of thoughts which way he might divert it ) when that unhappy design which had been so long hatching under the wings and warmth of a mal-content and seditious party , began to be ready to fly abroad . And what could be called for as a fitter Midwife to this birth , then something that at least might look like Religion . For the rule was given long ago , before ever Macchiavel lived to vent it , and is likely to hold to the end of the World , — Quoties vis fallere Plebem , Finge Deum . And from hence rose that storm , which with so much violence fell on this Reverend good man , that he was forced by it for safety of his life to retire into England , where age and grief , with a sad soul in a crazy body had so distempered him that he was driven to take harbour in New-castle , till by some rest , and the care of his Physicians , he had recovered so much strength as brought him to London . But this proved but a short reprieve , for being come thither he fell into a relapse , and the sentence of death being to be executed on him , he took his bed some nine dayes before , waiting for that blessed hour , when being freed from any farther heart-breakings for those evils he could not prevent , he might be admitted into his Masters joyes , where future calamities could not reach him . In this time of his sickness , and preparation for his end he was visited by the Archbishop of Canterbu●y , and some other Bishops , with whom , with great devotion , he received that blessed Viaticum , the Bread that came from Heaven , in the strength of which he was to pass unto Eternity . After which though his desire was rather to compose himself for privacy and silence , then to admit of any company , he could not prevent the visits of many honorable Persons . Among whom the visit of the Marquiss Hamilton ( being looked upon by the eye of the World as disaffected to the whole Order ) deserves more particularly to be remembred ; and the circumstances of it you shall have in those tearms as they are related . The Marquiss coming neer to his bed-side , was pleased to say , My Lord , I am come to kiss your Lordships hands , and humbly to ask your blessing To which the Archbishop with a soft voice answered , My Lord you shall have my blessing , but give me leave to speak these few words to you ; My Lord I visibly foresee , that the Church and King are both in danger to be lost , and I am verily perswaded , that there is none under God so able to prevent it as your Lordship : And therefore I speak to you as dying Prelat in the words of Mordecai to Esther , If you do it not , Salvation in the end shall come where else , but you and your house shall perish . To whom the Marquiss made this worthy reply , That what he foresaw was his grief , and he wished from his heart he were able to do that which was expected from him , though it were to be done with the sacrificing of his Life , and Fortunes . After which upon his knees he received the Archbishops blessing and departed . I shall make no Commentary upon it , for the best interpreters of words are actions , As he lived , so he died in peace , with a stilness so much more then ordinary , that they who were about him , could not by any outward agony perceive when that peaceable Soul of his departed . But before that last minute ( sad to his friends , but to him infinitely joyful ) had closed up those eyes , which had so long been watchful for the Church he govern'd , his Intellectuals and best Faculties being clear and undisturbed , and desiring to leave the world a copy of the faith he died in , he premised it to his last Will and Testament in this form following : First , for that I esteem it the duty of every Christian ( especially of those whose service it hath pleased God to make use of in his Church ) to make some open declaration of his Faith wherein he lives and dies , I profess that I believe all the Articles of that ancient Christian Creed , commonly called The Apostles Creed ; the sum whereof is , That God is One-in Three Persons ; the Father , Creator of all things ; the Son , made Man in fulness of time , who by his bitter Possion and Death having redeemed Mankinde , rose from death , and ascended to Heaven , from whence he will come to judge all flesh ; and the Holy Ghost , proceeding from the Father and the Son , the Sanctifier of all that believe ; That this God hath chosen to himself a Church , the Members whereof living in Communion , though never so dispersed , shall by his infinite mercy receive remission of all their sins , and being raised again in their Bodies , at the last day shall enjoy everlasting life . This is the sum of my faith : Other Additaments which Ignorance and Corruption have super-induced into Christianity , I simply refuse , beseeching God to purge his Church from the Errors and Superstition that hath crept into the same , and at last to make us all that are called Christians , the Sheep of one Fold . For matters of Rites and Government , my judgement is , and hath been , That the most simple , decent , and humble Rites should be chosen , such as the bowing of the knee in the receiving the holy Sacrament , with others of the like kinde ; Profaneness being as dangerous to Religion as Superstition . As touching the Government of the Church , I am verily perswaded that the Government Episcopal is the onely Right and Apostolick Form ; Parity among Ministers being the breeder of all Confusion , as experience might have taught us . And for those Ruling-Elders , as they are a meer humane Device , so they will prove ( when the way is more open to them ) the Ruine of both Church and State. In the simplicity of this Faith he lived , and in this he died , like one of the Bishops of those Primitive Times , when the modern names of-Faction were not known ; and whosoever agreed to these Fundamentals , the Church was not so nice a Mother as to cast them out . And though in the passages of his life , enough hath been said already to give you the Character of this excellent Person : yet because Pictures drawn at length , where nothing of the figure or proportion is left our , are the most graceful Pieces , I shall so far enlarge it for the Readers sake , as may with more advantage induce him to copy it out into his own life and manners . And for this , though the voice of publick fame be loud enough to give directions , yet I shall rather ow them to those persons of integrity , who in his Life time being admitted to be neerer witnesses of his conversation then others , may with more security be hearkned to . For flattery followes no man farther then his grave , and it were well if malice went no farther . And this he had the less reason to fear , because in his Life he had set so severe a watch upon himself , that his conversation was without reproof , even in those times , when the good name of every Clergyman was set at a rate , as formerly were the heads of Wolves . Only one hath been found ( that ever I heard of ) who thought he could not sufficiently vindicate his Diana the new-modeld Church of Scotland , ( which under the notion of the kingdom of Christ were then busy to set up a kingdom of their own ) unless he raked into the grave of this innocent person , and violated his dust , whom in his Life time he could not look upon without reverence . Nor shall I do him the honor to name him , much less to answer him , but rather leave him to the Tribunal of his own Conscience , where if the Court be not infinitely corrupted , he stands condemned already . And this I forbear the rather , that writing his Life , I might in this particular imitate the Life I write of , which had so much of moderation and calmeness in it , that though he had many encounters with those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( such as Bishop Nazianzen complains of ) yet he never dealt with them at their own weapons , but borrowed his from the Armory of his Saviour , from whence he was furnished with humility enough to oppose their pride , and meekness enough to answer their choler . As for his Patience in suffering , which is a neighbor virtue to the former , he is a rare example ; for living in those tumultuous , and undistinguishing times , when Rapine , and Malice was called Zeal , and Sedition wore the colours of Religion , and being thereupon driven both from his native Countrey , and from the honors , and preferments which he enjoyed , he was never so much as heard to complain of his enemies , but upon his death-bed made it his solemn prayer to God , that he in his own particular might be forgiven upon no other tearms , then as he for Christs sake forgave them . For piety he was more for substance , then for shew , more for the power of godlyness , then the bare form of it . Frequent he was in his private Prayers , and in the publick worship of God of such an exemplary carriage , as might warm the coldest congregation to gather heat , and to joyn with him in the same fervency and height of his devotion . For preaching he was rightly gifted , though not in the Modern sense , where ignorance and impudence , without any farther commission , make up the Preacher . For his constant way was to deliver much matter in few words , not affecting or looking for applause from them , who doat upon the best lungs , and the longest Preacher , but considering seriously whose message he brought , he discharged it with so much judgement and yet with such simplicity of spirit , as might sooner get Souls for God , then Praise from men . For outward works of Charity , he looked upon them as the proper Badge of his heavenly Master , and could no more esteem him a Christian , who boasted of his faith without them , then he could believe a Thorn or Brambleto be a Fig-tree . And in his own particular he acted in this way to the utmost of his means , for besides the dispensing of his private Charity , where the right hand was not to know what the left hand did , he publickly upon his own charges built , and adorn'd the Church of Darsy after the decent English form ; which if the boisterous hand of a mad Reformation hath not disordered , is at this time one of the beautifullest little pieces of Church-work , that is left to that now-unhappy Countrey . Nor is it to be buried in silence , what he did in a time of famine , for the relief of the Isles of Orkney , when he did not onely incite others to a liberal Contribution , but led the way to them by his own example , in such a proportion as suted rather with the largeness of his minde then of his fortunes . There remain but two things more to be accounted for , The Children of his Body , and the Issue of his Brain : The former was numerous , but of these , three onely came to perfect age , whom he had by Rachel Lindsay daughter to David Lindsay Bishop of Rosse , of the house of Edzell , an honorable family in Scotland . His eldest Son Sir Iohn Spotiswood lives yet , though not in a plentiful , yet in a contented condition , not any way cast down , or asham'd of his Sufferings , but comforting himself rather , that in this general Ruine brought upon his Countrey , he hath kept his Conscience free , though his Estate hath suffered . His second Son was Sir Robert Spotiswood , a great ornament to his Nation , for his many and rare abilities , who after he had studied nine years abroad , was for his great wisdome and knowledge in the Laws , preferred first by King Iames to be Lord of the Session extraordinary , and afterward by King Charles not onely to be the constant President thereof , but to be his chief Secretary for that Nation . And although he suffered a violent death upon the Scaffold at S. Andrews , yet seeing he was found guilty of no Crime but that of Loyalty and Fidelity to his Master , which in no Records of Law , nor in any Age but this ( ubi ipsa rerum nomina perdidimus ) was ever reckoned among Treasons , let his Memory he had in honour , as of a Martyr that suffered for Righteousness sake : for which he had so great a zeal , that upon that very Scaffold where he was to suffer , he shew'd such a religious and honest boldness towards his Countreymen , as to call to as many of them as curiosity had brought thither to see his end , That they should keep fast their Duties to their God , and to their King , and beware of those seditious Ministers , into whose mouths , as into the Prophets of Ahab , the lying spirit had entred , both to seduce them , and to ruine that noble Nation . The third left of his Progeny was a Daughter , who being virtuously and religiously bred , was happily married to Sir William Saint-clare of Rosline , one of the ancient Barons in Scotland . As for any Works that he left behinde him ( besides the memory of his life , which might have made the greatest Volumn ) I hear of none extant but this excellent History : For though he were a person both of great Place and Parts , he was not easily tempted to trouble the Press , and to shew himself abroad . Nor was this History undertaken by him by any free motion of his own , but by the instance and command of King Iames , whose discerning spirit had singled out him as a person best qualified for an Historian , with Prudence , and Candor , and clearness of style , and so much innocent courage , as neither to fear to speak the Truth , nor to dare to speak a Lie. And though his obedience to the Commands of his Soveraign had a very powerful influence upon him , yet being to deal with a King who made not his Will his Law , but being a great Master of Reason , was as ready to hear , as to give it ; he took the liberty in an humble way to propound several Objections , one of which more especially deserves to be remembred , not onely for the Historians sake , but for his that set him on work : and it was thus ; It is not unknown to your Majesty ( saith the Bishop , being willing enough to finde an hansom excuse ) that your Majesties Mother being defamed by the bold Writings of a malicious Party , and the credulity of easie people ( who to avoid the trouble of searching into them , use to swallow such Reports as these without chewing ) hath not left a clear name behinde her : And as in mine own pa●ticular judgement I cannot joyn with them in those Scandals which they have with so malicious a falshood cast upon her , so your Majesty must give me leave to say , that in all things she did I cannot approve her : And being of necessity to speak of her in the Series of this History , what to do therein I know not . To whom the King replied , Speak the Truth man , and spare not . And upon this encouragement from so excellent a King ( which few of the Rulers of this present world dare give to their Historians ) he chearfully set about this Work , and laying aside all Partialities , that he might more faithfully go through with it , he had not onely the use of all the Registers both of Church and State in Scotland , but of all Letters of State that could any way concern the Work he was about , which either were sent to him , to be survey'd by his own eyes , or transcribed by sworn Officers , and attested by the Clerks hands . With this caution , and with these advantages he undertook , continued , and finish'd this History , as the Intervals of publick business , and his own private Studies and Devotions would give him leave . And the Work being of that nature , as not to be Res Ingenii , and to be woven out of his own Brain , but such as required search and deliberation , and such helps as were not alwayes ready at command , but were to be waited for , let not the Reader wonder that this History begun by King Iames command , should not come into the world till both King Iames was in his grave , and the Writer too ; but let him rather wonder that it comes out now : for it was left like an Infant of the Israelites in an Ark of Reeds , and if Providence had not found out very tender hands and heart to save it , it had been lost . And now it is time to bring this Reverend Prelat to his grave , though his good name and story may be longer lived . The manner of his burial by the command and care of his religious King , was solemnly ordered , for the corps being attended by many mourners and at least 800 Torches , and being brought neer the Abbey Church of Westminster , the whole Nobility of England and Scotland ( then present at Court ) with all the Kings servants and many Gentlemen came out of their Coaches , and conveied the body to the West-dore , where it was met by the Dean and Prebendaries of that Church in their Clerical habits , and buried according to the solemn Rites of the English Church , before the extermination of decent Christian burial was come in fashion : Above his Corps these words following are engraven in brass . MEMORIAE SACRUM DOMINUS JOANNES SPOTISWOOD ECCLESIAE SANCTI ANDREAE ARCHIEPISCOPUS , SCOTIAE PRIMAS , ET REGNI CANCELLARIUS VIGINTI ANNOS PRESBYTER UNDECEM ANNOS ARCHIEPIS COPUS GLASGOENSIS VIGINTI QUIN QUE ANNOS S. ANDREAE ET PER QUATUOR ANNOS REGNI SCOTIAE CANCELLARIUS EX HAC VITA IN PACE MIGRAVIT ANNO DOMINI 1639 SEXTO CALENDAS DECEMBRIS REGNI CAROLI 15. AETATIS SUAE 74. PRAESUL , SENATOR , pene MARTYR hìc jacet Quo nemo Sanctior , Gravior , Constantior Pro Ecclesia , pro Rege , pro Recta Fide Contra Sacrilegos , Perduelles , Perfidos Stetit ad extremum usque Vitae Spiritum , Solitumque talium Meritorum Praemium Diras Rapinas Exiliumque pertulit . Sed hac in Urna , in Ore Posterum , in Deo Victor potitur Pace , Fama , Gloria . D. M. The Authors Dedication To The High & Mighty Monarch Charles by the grace of God King of Great Brittaine France & Ireland Defender of the Faith. portrait Per Ecclesiam Petor To the KING His most Sacred Majesty , CHARLES , By the Grace of God King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. MOST DREAD SOVERAIGN , THere is not amongst men a greater help for the attaining unto wisdome , then is the reading of History . We call Experience a good Mistris , and so she is ; but as it is in our Scottish Proverb , It seldome quits the cost : History not so ; it teacheth us at other mens cost , and carrieth this advantage more , that in a few hours reading , a man may gather moe Instructions out of the same , then twenty men living successively one after another , can possibly learn by their own experience . Therefore hath History by all wise men been ever held in good estimation : and none thought to deserve better of the Church and State wherein they lived , then they that have taken the pains to record unto Posterity the things fallen forth in their dayes : For there is no new thing under the Sun ; what hath been , or is , the same also shall be , saith the Preacher . To know the success and event of every course , there needs onely the knowledge of things past , and a fit comparing of them with the present . Now this knowledge is chiefly got by History ; The want whereof hath bred in our Church many strange mistakings : For did men understand how things went at our Reformation , and since that time , they would never have been moved to think that Episcopacy was against the Constitutions of this Church ; One of the first things done in it , being the placing of Superintendents with Episcopal Power , in the same , and no act so often iterated in the General Assemblies of the Church , as that Ministers should be obedient to their Superintendents under pain of deprivation . Then for the Consistorial Discipline brought from Geneva some sixteen years after the Reformation ; did men know the troubles raised thereby , both in the Church and State , with the necessity that your Majesties Father of blessed Memory was put to for Reforming that confused Government , they would never magnifie nor cry it up as they do . To remedy this want , and let all that desire to be truly informed of things fallen out in our times , I took the pains to collect this History , which I do now humbly present unto Your Sacred Majesty : If the same shall be graciously accepted , as I cannot but presume upon Your accustomed humanity to all , I have that I desire : for with me it is a small thing to be judged of others ; God knoweth , I have followed the Truth , and studied to observe the Laws of History . The Collection premitted in the two first Books , concerning the planting and progress of Christian Religion in this Kingdome , with the worthy Instruments that God raised to propagate the true Faith , both here and in the neighbouring Countries , contained no great matters : as of those first Ages , whereof we have few or no Records remaining , how should any great things be truly affirmed ? Yet the little I have found and brought together , may let us see the exceeding goodness of God toward this Nation , having so soon after the Ascension of our Saviour unto the heavens , made the Gospel here to be Preached , and a Church thereby gathered , which to this day hath found a safe harbour under Your Majesties Royall Progenitors . Fourteen hundred years and above we reckon , since King Donald the first of that name his imbracing the Christian Faith : All which time there hath not been wanting in the Royall Stock a most kinde Nursing Father to this Church : or if a careless and dissolute King ( which in so long a succession of Princes is not to be wondred ) happened to reign , the same was ever abundantly repaired by one or other of the Kings that followed ; neither did this bring them less happiness then honour ; For give me leave , Sir , to speak it , which I hold not unworthy of your Majesties consideration , the Scottish Kingdom once the least of nine Kingdoms that ruled in the Isle , by the wonderfull providence of God , is now so encreased , first in the person of your Majesties blessed Father , and now in your own , as the Scepter of the whole is put into your Majesties hands , which that you may long happily sway and your posterity after you to the worlds end , is the hearty wish of all loyall Subjects . For my part ( next to God his undeserved love ) I do ascribe this happiness to the piety and devotion of your princely Ancestors , and to their zeal in maintaining the rights and liberties of this Church . Your Majestie keeping the same course ( which blessed be God you hold ) you may be confident of God his protection against all dangers whatsoever , for he will honour them that honour him , and never turn away his face from his Anointed . God Almighty I beseech to multiply his blessings upon your Majesty and your Royal Progeny , to give you the desire of your heart , and clothe all your Enemies with shame . So he prayeth that is Your Sacred Majesties Most humble Subject and Servant S. Andrewes . From the place of my Peregrination 15 Novemb. 1639. The Contents of the severall Books . THe First Book containeth the planting and progress of Christian Religion in this Kingdome , unto the subversion of the Picts , which fell out about the year of our Lord , 840 , Fol. 1. The Second Book containeth succession of Bishops in the severall seas of this Kingdome , especially in the sea of S. Andrews , with other principall things that happened in their times . fol. 25. The Third sheweth the History of the Reformation , of the Church , and how it was wrought . fol. 117. The Fourth Book sheweth the things that fell out after Queen MARY her coming from France into this Kingdome , unto her resignation of the Crown to King JAMES her Sonne . fol. 176. The Fifth declareth how matters passed in the State and Church , during the Government of the four Regents , His Majesty being yet Minor. fol. 213. The Sixth containeth the things that happened after his Majesties assuming of the Government in his own person , unto his happy Succession to the Crown of England . fol. 282. The Last and Seventh Book rehearseth the proceedings after his Majesties going into England unto his dying . fol. 473. THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE FIRST BOOK . The Contents . The planting and progresse of Christian Religion in this Kingdome , unto the subversion of the PICTS , which fell out about the year of our Lord 480. HAving purposed to write the History of this Church , I have thought meet to begin at the time in which this Kingdom did first receive the Christian faith ; for albeit we have few or no Records left us of those first times , yet as much is to be found in stories , as will shew what was the condition of this Church in every age . And herewith we must content our selves , till we come to the times that yield greater plenty of matter , when I shall come to our own time . I purpose to set down at length the things that have happened both in the Church and State , together with the counsels and causes of those events , without the which , the History should be of little use ; For take away from story the causes whereupon , the manner how , and the purpose wherefore things were done , that which remaineth is more like a Fable then an History ; delighting the Reader , it may be , for the present ; but giving little or no instruction at all . I am not ignorant how unsafe it is to write of matters so recent , and what offence it may give to divers persons ; but the desire I have to give posterity a true information of things , and to have them made wise by our errours , weigheth down with me all such feares ; wherefore without further prefacing , to begin . IN the year of our Lord 203. ( which was the fourth of Donald the first his Reign ) the Faith of Christ was in this Kingdom first publickly embraced ; King Donald with his Queen and divers of his Nobles , being then solemnly baptized . Yet was not that the first time wherein Christ was here made known : for Tertullian who lived some yeares before , speaking of the propagation of the Gospel throughout the world , doth reckon among the countreys the parts of Britannie , unto which the Romanes could not finde accesse ; and what these parts were we cannot doubt , all the In-land of Britannie being then made subject to the Romanes , and no part free , but that little corner of the Isle which the Scots did inhabit . Moreover , it cannot in reason be thought , that the conversion of this Kingdome was all wrought at one instant , great alterations , such as that must needs have been , not being made , but by little and little ; so as we may well think that numbers of people have been won to the Christian profession , before the same was publickly embraced by the King and his Nobles . But who they were that God used as instruments in that work , is not certainly known ; Nicephorus writeth that Simon Zelotes ( after he had travelled through Egypt , Cyrene , Afrique , Mauritania , and Lybia ) came at last ad occidentalem Oceanum , insulásque Britannicas , and there preached the Gospel ; Dorotheus addeth , that he was crucified in these parts . There be Authours likewise of no small credit , who write that S. Paul the Apostle after his first imprisonment at Rome , did visit this Isle , and preach the Gospel in the utmost parts thereof . The opinion most commonly received is , that Pope Victor , upon the intreaty of King Donald , did send hither some Preachers , and that these were the men that wrought our conversion : but this cannot hold , for divers reasons . As first , if the King did move the Pope in any such businesse , it must needs have been upon some knowledge and liking he had of the Christian profession ; and if so , the Preachers that he sent hither , could not be the first that taught us the faith of Christ. Again , the estate of the time maketh this opinion improbable ; for the year , in which the King is said to have sent that legation to Rome , was the very last of Pope Victor ( for he suffered Martyrdome in the year 203. ) and hardly we can think , that in the heat of persecution , which then did rage in all the Roman● Provinces , the King would have imployed any in such a message . Thirdly , if our conversion had been wrought by Pope Victor , how came it that our Church was not fashioned to the Romane in outward Rites , especially in the observance of Easter , whereof Victor was so zealous , as he excommunicated all the Churches of the East for their disconformity with the Romane in that point ? And it is clear , that for the space of many ages our Church did keep a form different from the Romane , and with much adoe was brought to accept their Customes and Rites . Last of all , the learned Cardinal Baronius , although he will have our conversion to be made by some one of the Romane Bishops , esteemeth this which is said of Victor no better then a fable ; for how is it , sayes he , that neither Beda , nor Marianus , nor S. Hierom have made any mention of it ? In all likelihood , if any such thing had been , some one or other of them would have remembred the same . Leaving therefore this conceit , and not deeming these other opinions very warrantable , if place may be given to conjecture , I verily think that under Domitians persecution , when the Apostle S. Iohn was relegated to Pathmos , some of his disciples have taken their refuge hither , and been the first Preachers of the Gospel in this Kingdome . And this I am induced the rather to believe , because in that hot contention moved about Easter , some two hundred yeares after , I finde our Church did still retain the custom of the Oriental , and maintain their practice by the authority of S. Iohn , from whom they pleaded to have received the faith . But whatsoever be in this , sure not long after the Ascension of our Lord , at least whilest the Apostle Saint Iohn yet lived , the faith of Christ was known and embraced in divers places of this kingdom , so as we may truly glory in this , that we were inter primitias , as Origen speaketh , amongst the first-fruits of the Gentiles gathered unto Christ , this made that venerable Abbot Petrus Cluniacensis , call the Scots antiquiores Christianos , of greater Antiquity then many others . But to return to King Donald ; it was in his purpose to have rooted out Paganisme , and planted the Christian Faith every where in his Kingdome ; but whilest he was about to do it , the Emperour Severus put him to other businesse ; he thinketh to take in the whole Isle , and joyn the same to the Romane Empire , entered into Britaine with a mightier Army then had ever here been seen , and leaving his son Geta in the South , went himself in expedition to the North parts , making no stay ( though he was gowty and compelled to travel in a litter ) till he was come to the utmost ends of the Isle ; The Scots in the mean time keeping the Marishes , and Mountains , though they durst not encounter the Romane forces because of their numbers , yet did annoy them much , taking them at advantages ; which Severus perceiving , and that there were no means utterly to subdue them , as he had first intended , he made offer of peace , if so they would quit what they possessed betwixt the Wall of Adrian , and the River of Forth . The condition , though hard and unreasonable , was yielded unto by the Scots , who desired to be freed of so mighty an enemy ; and he to exclude them from the rest of Britaine , did raise a wall of stone betwixt the Rivers of Forth and Cl●yd , two and thirty miles long , fortifying the same with Bulwarks and Watchtowers in many places : Nor was it long after this peace obtained , that King Donald departed this life ; whereupon the Christian Religion for many yeares was little or nothing promoted . For Ethodius that succeeded was a Prince of no government , and the Kings that came after him all unto Cratilinth , either wickedly inclined , or intangled with warres and troubles ; but Cratilinth coming unto the Crown in the year 277. made it one of his first works to purge the Kingdome of heathenish superstition , and expulse the Druids , a sort of Priests , held in those dayes in great reputation . Their manner was to celebrate sacrifices , and perform their other rites in Groves , with leaves and branches of Oake , and thence saith Pliny , they were called Druides ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek language doth signify an Oake . Caesar in his Commentaries doth further write , that besides the managing of sacrifices which were committed to them , they were trusted with the decision of controversies , private and publick ; and that such as would not stand to their judgement , were interdicted from being present at their sacrifices and holy rites ; which was taken for a grievous punishment . It is likewise testified of them , that they were well learned in all natural Philosophy , men of moral conversation , and for Religion not so grossely ignorant and superstitious , as other heathen Priests ; for they taught , That there was one only God , and that it was not lawful to present him in an image : That the soules of men did not perish with the bodies , and that after death men were rewarded according to the life they led on earth . Some also have written that they did prophecie of the conception of a Virgin , and of the birth of him who should be the Saviour of the world : But that such mysteries were revealed unto them , and so plainly as the Prophets of God in the Old Testament had scarce the like , is not credible . They lived likewise in great respect with all sorts of people , and ruled their affaires very politickly ; for being governed by a President , who kept his residence in the Isle of Man , ( which then was under the dominion of the Scots ) they did once every year meet in that place to take counsel together for the ordering of affaires : and carried matters with such discretion , that Cratilinth found it difficil enough to expulse them , because of the favour they had among the people . But that which furthered not a little the propagation of the Gospel in these parts , was the persecution raised by Diocletian , which at that time was hot in the South parts of Britaine . This brought many Christians , both Preachers and Professors , into this Kingdom , who were all kindly received by Cratilinth , and had the Isle of Man given them for their remaining , and revenues sufficient assigned for their maintenance . In this Isle King Cratilinth erected a stately Church to the honour of our Saviour , which he adorned with all necessary ornaments , and called Sodorense fanum , that is , the Temple of our Saviour ; hence it is , that the Bishops of the Isles are styled Sodorenses Episcopi . For so long as that Isle remained in the possession of the Scots , the Bishops of Isles made that Church their Cathedral . After their dispossession , the Isle Iona , commonly called Hecombekil , hath been the seat of the Bishops , and continueth so untill this day . In this Isle Amphibalus sate first Bishop , a Britaine born , and a man of excellent piety ; he lived long , preaching carefully the doctrine of Christ both amongst the Scots and the Picts , and after many labours taken for promoting Christian Religion died peaceably in the same Isle . Our stories report that at the same time there lived in this Kingdom divers zealous and notable Preachers , of which number they name these six , Modocus , Priseus , Calanus , Ferranus , Ambianus , and Carnocus ; that seem to have been men of principal note , and of them all generally it is witnessed , that living solitary , they were in such a reputation for their holinesse of life , as the Cells wherein they lived , were after their deaths turned into Temples or Churches . And of this it came that all the Churches afterwards erected , were called Cells , which word I hear is yet retained amongst the Irish Scots ; The Priests they termed Culdees , which Hector Boeth thinks to have signified as much as Cultores Dei , the worshippers of God ; but it is more like this title was given them for their living in these Cells , whereas people assembled to hear service : somewhat it maketh for this , that in certain old Bulls and rescripts of Popes , I finde them termed Keledei , and not Culdei . The same Boeth , out of ancient Annals , reports that these Priests were wont for their better government to elect some one of their number by common suffrage , to be chief and principal among them , without whose knowledge and consent nothing was done in any matter of importance ; and that the person so elected , was called Scotorum Episcopus , a Scots Bishop , or a Bishop of Scotland . Neither had our Bishops any other title whereby they were distinguished , before the dayes of Malcolm the third , who first divided the countrey into Dioceses , appointing to every Bishop the limits within which they should keep and exercise their jurisdiction . After that time they were styled either by the countreys whereof they had the oversight , or by the City where they kept their residence . But to return to Cratilinth ; during his Reign , Christian Religion did prosper exceedingly , and Fincormachus his Cousin-germane that succeeded , keeping the same course , gave in his time a perfect setling unto it : So great a happinesse it is to have two Kings of qualities alike good , succeed one to another ; for what the one beginneth , the other doth perfect and accomplish . Yet this felicity endureth not long , the state both of the Kingdome and Church , being within a few yeares after his death quite overturned by this occasion ; Maximus a man born in Spain , but of Romane education , being sent Lieutenant into Pritaine , and presuming to bring the whole Isle under his power , did practise secretly with the Picts for rooting out the Scots , promising that all the lands which the Scots possessed should be given to them . The Picts a perfidious people , greedily embracing this offer , did joyn their forces with the Romanes , and both made invasion upon the Scots ; who doing the best they could for their own defence , after divers sharp encounters , in a battel fought at the water of Dun in Carrick were wholly defeated , and King Eugenius , with the most part of his Nobility , slain . This defeat was followed with a rigorous edict , commanding all the Scots , of what age , sexe , or condition soever , to depart out of this Isle before a certain day : which was so precisely executed , as neither man nor woman , young nor old , were permitted to stay ; nay not a Church-man ( though all of that profession were in good esteem among the Picts themselves at the time . ) Thus all the Scots went in exile , betaking themselves some into Ireland , others into the countreys of Denmark , Norway , Sweden , or where it was in their fate to be cast : onely some few Church-men , after they had long wandred from place to place , got privately into Iona one of the West Isles ; where living in a poor condition , they laid the foundation of a Monastery , which in succeeding ages became famous by the beneficence of our Kings , and the sanctity of the Monks that there professed . Never was any Church or Kingdom brought to a greater desolation , but how long it continued , our writers do not agree ; for Boeth will have the Scots to live in exile the space of 44. years , and saith , that they returned in the year 422. Buthannan casts their return into the year 404. and so maketh their exile to have lasted 27. years only . Now whilest they lived thus exiled , it happened that one Regulus a Greci●● Monk arrived in these parts . This man ( as they write ) living in Achala , had warning given him in a vision by night to forsake his countrey and go into Albion , an Isle fited in the utmost parts of the world , and to carry with him the arm-bone , three fingers , and as many toes of S. Andrew the Apostle . The man troubled at first with the strangenesse of the vision , did after a little time resolve to follow the warning , and take a little box in which he put those Reliques , went to se● , taking some persons in company with him ; The story nameth Damia nus a Priest , 〈◊〉 Thebaculus , and Mermacus , brother to Damianus , Deacons ; 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 a Cretain , Merinus and Silvin●s his brother , Monks by profession : Some eight more are said to be in his company , but their names are not expressed . The ship wherein they sailed being tossed with grievous tempests , was driven at last into the Port or Haven called then 〈◊〉 , now St. Andrewes . Hergustus King of Picts , under whose dominion that part of the countrey as then was , advertised of the strangers arrive , and the Reliques they had brought with them , came thither , and pitying their losses , ( for besides the Reliques they had nothing saved ) When he beheld the men , and the form of their service , did so like it , as he took order for their entertainment ; shortly after he gave unto Regulus his own Palace , with certain lands adjoyning , and nigh thereunto erected a Church ( the same whereof we see a part yet remaining on the South of the ruined Cathedral , called to this day The Church of St. Rewle . ) Here did Regul●s and his company abide , serving God devoutly , and for the austere life they led , were in great reputation with all men . Whether Regulus had such a vision or not , I leave it to those that list to believe . But that he did bring with him such Reliques is not improbable ; for in these times Christians did hold the bones and reliques of Martyrs in a respectful reverence : which doth in no sort justify the abuses which afterwards crept into the Church , when from the keeping of Reliques , they grew to worship and adore them ; yea , and in many places , Priests out of their covetousnesse did use impostures , fo●●●ing in the bones of Asses and other beasts in stead of the Reliques of Martyrs and saints departed . These and the like abuses did justly bring the keeping and carrying about of Reliques to be detested . In the time of persecution , when the bodies of Martyrs were thrown into the fields and cast into dung hills , it might be held a charitable and pious work to gather and preserve them : but now that those things are superstitiously used , and vile receipts therewith practised , no wise man will allow such follies . Better it were , as Cassander advised , to incite people to the imitation of the Saints vertues , then to reserve their bones which can serve is no use , and savoureth only of vain often●●●●●● . But leaving this , let us follow the story . In the battel wherein E●genius fell , Echadius , or as others call him , Ethodius , his brother being sore wounded and found among the dead , was saved by the clemency of the Roman Prefect , and flying into Denmark with his young son E●hus , was received by the King of that Countrey , and kindly entertained . This E●●hus Marching with one Ra●a the daughter of a Nobleman in these quarters , had by her a son called Fergus , a Prince of much valour , who growing in years , and his Father and Grandfather both deceased , out of an hatred against the Romanes , joyned with the 〈◊〉 in a war they made upon the Gaules , that were subject to the Romanes . That expedition not succeeding , he followed Alarick King of G●●es , and was vvith him a● the s●ek of Rome ; Alarick dying , he served under 〈◊〉 his successour , and by the Fortunate exploits he made , purchased the reputation of a great Captain . The fame whereof ( with the news that were daily brought of the defection of the Romane Provinces , and of the irruptions made upon the Empire by the G●●es , 〈…〉 , and other Barbars ) gave the Scots encouragement , and put them●● some hopes of returning to their countrey . Once or twice by the help of the Irish , having sought to repossess themselves , still they were put to the worst : But 〈…〉 proclaiming himself Caesar , and transporting beyond Sea the whole power of Britain , they resumed new courage , and upon advertisemement of Fergus his return to Denmark , did intreat him to take the opportunity , and do somewhat for himself , and for his countrey . The Picts in the mean time being held in miserable subjection by one Victorinus a new Governour sent into Britain , and so repenting the course they had taken , did secretly reconcile with Fergus , offering restitution of all they possessed belonging to the Scots , and their assistance for recovering the rest . Fergus upon these advertisements prepared to return , and with him divers voluntaries of the Danes , Norwegians , and others did joyn ; besides the Scots that lived exiles in those parts . With this company taking Sea , on the eight day after his embarking he landed in the Firth of Murray ; and from thence marching directly to A●gyle , where the Chaire of Marble was kept , was placed therein , and crowned with the Rites accustomed . The news hereof dispersed , there gathered to him from all parts numbers of people , with whom in a short time he recovered all the countreys , out of which the Scots had been expulsed . The Britains upon this sent to implore aid of the Romanes ; of whom they obtained the supply of a legion under the conduct of Heraclianus ; but he making no long stay , one Placidius was left in place , whom Fergus overthrew in battel , and forced to seek peace . This concluded , Fergus dividing the lands among the Scots ; and strangers that had ventured with him , did reorder all things according to the ancient form . The Churches that were ruined or defaced , he caused repair , restored the Church-men to their places and in the Isle Iona erected a religious house , with a Library furnished with the books that he had brought with him from Rome . Never was any Prince more nobly given , nor in so short space performed greater actions , having regained the Kingdom that was lost , and reduced it to a better estate then before : neither had he ceased there , if the Romanes had not fallen upon him with a fresh power , and sent one Maximianus hither , by whom he was in battel vanquished , and slain in the sixteenth year of his Reign . This overthrow did so terrifie the Scots , that they looked for nothing but to have been chased again forth of the Isle ; but the irruptions made upon all the parts of the Empire , did not suffer the Romanes to make long stay , wherefore having repaired the Wall of Severus , and made it much stronger then it was at first ; they departed , advising the Britains to use their own forces without any more expectation of succour from them . Upon intelligence of their departure , Greem a Nobleman of Britain , who had lived long among the Scots , and whose daughter King Fergus had married , raised an Army , and battering down the Wall which the Romanes had fortified , chased the Britains beyond the Wall of Adrian an hundred miles more inward , and forced them to accept that for the march , and content themselves with the lands lying in the South of that Wall. Peace on these terms made with the Britains , Eugenius the eldest of King Fergus his sonnes was declared King : and because he was yet within yeares , the Regency of the Realm committed to Greem his Grandfather ; which he discharged so well , as whilest he lived , there was no trouble either within or without the Kingdom . But he dying , Eugenius ( who was then grown to some years ) laying claim to his Grandfathers lands , did repeat the same by his Ambassadours , and the Britains defending themselves by the conditions of the late peace ; when after divers messages no satisfaction could be had , war was of new raised . The Picts assisting the Scots , a sore overthrow was given to the Britains , and they compelled to resigne all the lands lying betwixt Tyne and Humber : which the Scots and Picts did peaceably enjoy unto the coming of the Saxons , about the year 450. The Church notwithstanding these wars did flourish all this time by King Eugenius his favour . Ninian ( he who with the posterity had the reputation of a Saint ) was of great fame at that time . This man was born in Britain , and had his education in France under Martine Bishop of Towers his grand Uncle : having remained there some years , and made good profit in letters ; he returned into Britain , and became a zealous Preacher of the Gospel . His chief residence was amongst the Picts in the countrey of Galloway ; there he built a Church all of white stone ( a sort of structure not usual in those parts ) and called the same by the name of St. Mar●ine , not meaning to have him taken for the tutelary Saint of that place , ( which in after-ages , when superstition prevailed , was the conceit of the people ) but to preserve the memory of his vertues , and incite others to the imitation thereof : This was the chief respect in those first times that Christians had in denominating their Churches by the names of Saints departed ; that other they utterly disclaimed . Nos Martyribus nostris , ( saith St. Augustin ) non templa sicut diis fabricamus , sed memorias sicut hominibus mortuis , quorum apud Deum vivunt spiritus ; We do not build Temples to our Martyrs as unto Gods , but memorials as unto dead men , whose spirits with God are still living . Bede in his Ecclesiastick story speaking of this Ninian , saith , that he learned at Rome , and was there taught the mysteries of truth . But we cannot think that he went a novice thither , being trained up under so kinde and learned an Uncle : as ever that was , he proved a notable instrument in the Church ; for he converted the Southern Picts to the faith of Christ ; and for his continual labours in preaching ( not among them alone , for he travelled also among the Scots and Britains ) but especially for his innocency and holinesse of life , he was in so great regard , as to which of the three soever he came , they did reverence and accept him as the messenger of Christ. Among the Bishops of Galloway he is reckoned the first , and thought to have been the Founder of that Colledge ; for from that Church which he built all of white stone ( as we said ) the Bishops of that See have still been , and to this day are styled Episcopicandide casae . It was in the time of this Eugenius that Palladius came into Scotland , imployed , as they write , by Celestine Bishop of Rome , for resisting the Pelagian heresie , which began to spread in this Church . This man a Grecian by birth , learned , moderate , and singularly wise , as appeared in all his actions , did purge the Church from those errours , and wonne such love and credit , as by the space of 24. years he governed all Ecclesiastick affairs in these parts without any grudge or opposition . Buchannan is of opinion , that before his coming , there was no Bishop in this Church ; Nam ( saith he ) adid usque tempus , Ecclesiae absque Episcopis per monachos regebantur , minore quidem cum fastu & externa pompa , sed majore simplicitate & sanctimonia : that is , The Church unto that time was governed by Monks without Bishops ; with lesse pride and outward pomp , but greater simplicity and holinesse . What warrant he had to write so , I know not , except he did build upon that which Ioannes Major saith , speaking of the same Palladius , Per sacerdotes & monachos , sine Episcopis , Scoti in fide erudiebantur ; The Scots ( he sayes ) were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks , without any Bishops . But from the instruction of Scots in the faith to conclude , that the Church after it was gathered , had no other form of government , will not stand with any reason . For be it as they speak , that by the Travels of some pious Monks the Scots were first converted unto Christ ; it cannot be said that the Church was ruled by Monks , seeing long after these times it was not permitted to Monks to meddle with matters of the Church , nor were they reckoned among the Clergy . As to the pride and pomp which he taxeth in Bishops , of later times it might be truly spoken ; but after Palladius coming for the space of six hundred years and more , there was no such excesse to be noted in them . But to return to Palladius ; he was a man most careful in promoting Christian Religion , and the first that made Christ to be preached in the Isle of Orkney , sending Servanus one of his disciples thither . Another called Tervanus he employed , among the Northern Picts , and ordained both of them Bishops . His own remaining for the most part was at F●rdon in the countrey of Mernis , where he built a little Church , which from him is to this day by a corrupted word called Padie Church : There was his corps after his death interred . In the year 1494. William She●ez Archbishop of St. Andrews , visiting that Church , did in reverence of his memory gather his bones , and bestow them in a silver shrine ; which , as the report goeth , was taken up at the demolishing of the Churches , by a Gentleman of good rank who dwelt near unto that place . The people of the countrey observing the decay which followed in that family , not many years after , ascribed the same to the violation of Palladius grave . Much about this time was Ireland converted to the faith of Christ , by the labours of Pat●ick a Scotchman , born upon the River of Cluid , not far from Glasgow . They write of him , that being thirteen yeers of age only , he was taken prisoner by some Irishes at an invasion they made upon the West parts of Scotland , and sold to M●l●● , one of their Kings : being kept there as a slave the space of four years , he was ransomed by his parents , , and sent to school ; where having made a reasonable progresse in letters he went to France , and there remained 18. years in the company of German Bishop of Auxerre , under whom he attained to a great perfection of knowledge , especially in the holy Scriptures . Thereafter travelling to Rome , Pope Celestine ( the same that sent Palladius to Scotland ) hearing of his qualities , and how he had lived some years in Ireland , made choice of him as the fittest person to work the conversion of that people . Patrick accepting the imployment , addressed himself shortly af●er to the journey , and in his way by Scotland , took with him Columba ( who came afterwards to be in great esteem . ) Divers upon the report of his good successe , followed him thither ; and ere many moneths passed , all the countrey almost was brought to embrace the profession of Christ. He was doubtlesse a notable person , and most worthy to be remebred ; some idle and ignorant Monks have pitifully wronged his memory by their Legends . But what a singular man he was , and what pains he took to do good in his life-time ; the Churches he founded , reckoned to 365. and the Priests he ordained , numbred to be three thousand , may sufficiently witnesse . He lived 122. years , and ended his days in the city of Downe within the Province of Ulster , in the year of our Lord 491. That fabulous Purgatory ( the invention whereof is falsly ascribed to him ) was the device of a Monk of Glastenbury Abbey in England , who bare the same name , but was of a much later time , and lived about the year 850. For the opinion of a fiery Purgatory , in which souls are tormented after their going forth of the body , was not then known among Christians ; nor did the ancient Irish believe any such matter . In our Church at the same time , one Hildebert a Bishop was in great accompt for his learning and piety . Celius Sedulius had his education under him , a man of excellent qualities , as his works yet extant both in prose and poesie do witnesse : how long Hildebert lived he aboad in his company , but after his death he betook himself to travel , aud journeying through France and Italy , sailed unto Greece ; there he wrote certain explanations upon the Epistles of St. Paul , and returned from thence to Rome , made his abode in that city . In a Synod gathered by Gelasius Bishop of Rome , in the year 494. one of the Canons then made touching books allowed , we read these words : Venerabilis viri Se●ulii Paschale opus quod heroicis descripsit versibus insigni lande proferimus . We esteem the Paschal work , that venerable Sedulius composed in heroick verses , worthy of singular recommendations . And even at this day in the Church of Rome , certain hymnes compiled by him , are sung in the Festivals of the Nativity , and Epiphany ; which sheweth in what esteem he was held . Some Irish writers contend , that this Sedulius was their countrey man born , as the like they affirm of all that were of any note in our Church in those first ages . And albeit in divers of his works he doth intitle himself Sedulius Scotigena , and that Sixtus Senensis Trithemius , Baronius , and divers others , do all witnesse him to be of the Scottish Nation , yet they will have him to be an Irish , because forsooth in those elder times the name of Scoti was common to the inhabitants of the greater and lesser Scotland ; But this reason is naught : for granting that the countreys were so distinguished of old , and that Ireland was called Scotia major , and the part of Britain which the Colonie deduced from thence did inhabit , Scotia minor , whereof there is some appearance : yet that will not infer him to be an Irish more then a Scot. This I trust they will not deny , that Scotland was Christian long before Ireland , and that Sedulius of whom we speak , was come to a good age before Patrick went about their conversion . Now if he had been an Irish by Nation , would not he much rather have imployed his travels to instruct his countrey men in the truth , then have spent his time abroad among strangers ? Further , I should desire these who plead so earnestly to have our men esteemed to be of their countrey , to name any one another worthy of credit , that since the Scots were reduced from their exile by Fergus the second , did ever call Ireland , Scotland the greater . They will not finde any of trust : the name of Scots being long before appropriated to the Colonie reduced from thence , and quite extinct among the Irish. It is true , that we oftfinde the Scots called Irishes , like as yet we term commonly our Highland-men , in regard they speak the Irish language , and retain divers of their customes . But that the Irish were called Scots , or the countrey of Ireland called Scotland , since they grew to be different nations , and were known to be so , I am confident will not be shewed . To close this ; howsoever Ireland be the Mother , and Scotland the daughter , as a reverend Prelate hath written , & we deny not : ( for our first progenitors we hold came from that countrey ) there is no reason why the sons which the daughter hath brought forth , should be reckoned the sons of another Mother , and she thereby robbed of her honor . But to our story ; the condition of this Church in those times was most happy , all the care of Preachers being to winne souls unto Christ ; Avarice and Ambition , the two main pests of the Church , had not as yet seised upon them ; so as they were held with all people in great veneration . Beda saith , that whosoever did meet them by occasion , either in the streets , or otherwise in journeying by the way , they would not depart without their blessing . And which increased greatly the felicity of the time , the Kings who then reigned , were all wise and religious . Congallus the second deserves by the rest to be mentioned ; Vir ob egregias virtutes ( saith Buchannan ) omnium seculorum memoria dignus ; Nam praeter aequitatem in jure dicundo , & animum advers●is avaritiam invictum , certabat moderatione vitae cum Monachis , qui ea aetate severissima disciplina utebantur . Thas is ; he was a man for his notable vertues worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance ; For besides his equity in the ministration of Justice , and the uncorrupt mind he carried , being free of all covetousnesse , in moderation of life he was nothing inferiour to the Monks , who in that age observed a most strict discipline . This good King considering how easily people are brought to contemn Ministers , that stand in need of their supply , and that the contempt of Ministers breedeth ever contempt of Religion ; did carefully provide for their necessities , appointing to them Mansion places at the Churches where they served , with a competent portion of land thereto adjoyning , and declaring the tenth of all cornes , fruits , herbs , and flocks , which did either produce or nourish , to appertain properly to the Church . He did further enact for the safety of their persons , That if any should happen to smite a Church-man , his hand should be cut off ; and if the Church-man was killed , that the murtherer should lose all his goods , and be burnt alive . For the greater reverence of Church-censures , it was likewise his ordinance , That whosoever were by the Church excommunicated , should not be admitted to stand in judgement , nor credit given to their testimony . The fame of this Kings pious disposition , drew Columba back from Ireland where he had lived a long time . There came with him some twelve in company , of whom the principals were , Sibthacus and Ethernanus , his nephews by his brother , both of them Presbyters , Domitius Rutheus , and Comineus , men of excellent learning , and good behaviour , who were all well accepted of the King. But of Columba he made such accompt , as he did nothing in any matter of importance , till he had first consulted with him . By his advice the Monks that in former times lived dispersed , were gathered into Cloysters or Colledges , and had Rules prescribed unto them : which falling afterward to be neglected , in place of religious Monks , there crept in a sort of idle-bellies that disordered all things , and made the profession which in the begining was well devised , to be misliked and hated of all . King Congallus after a little time sickning , sent Columba into Ireland to bring home Aidanus the right heir of the Kingdom , ) who had fled thither after the murther of his Father Goranus ) that he might possesse him with the crown before his death : But ere he returned , the King was dead , and his brother Kinnatellus crowned King. This accident troubled Columba , and made him doubtful what to do ; For if he should send Aidanus back , he knew not how Kinnatellus would takeit ; and to go on , not knowing how the King stood affected towards Aidanus , he held it dangerous . After a little debating with himselfe , he resolved to hold forward , and taking Aidanus in company , did present him to the King ; who against the expectation of most men , accepted him most lovingly , bidding him be of good heart , for he should in a short time inherit his fathers Crown ; mean while because of his own age and infirmity , he committed to him the administration of affairs , and designed him his successor . After a few dayes Kinnatellus dying , Aidanus was crowned King , Columba performing the ceremonies ; at which time he is said to have made a most pithy and eloquent speech , exhorting the King to the love of Iustice , the Nobles to the observance of Peace , the people to obedience , and them all to constancy in the Christian profession : wherewith the whole Assembly was so much affected , as by holding up their hands , they did solemnly swear to continue loyal subjects to the King , and to be obedient to him as their spiritual Pastor . The Coronation ended , Columba retired to the Isle Iona ( for he loved to remain in that place ) and Aidanus applying himself to order the Estate , went through the countries of Gallaway , Cathnes and Loqhaber , holding Justice-Courts in all these parts , and reforming what he found amisse . But , as no prosperity is lasting , it happened in a sport of hunting , that some Noble-men falling at discord , there was a great slaughter committed , the Authours whereof fearing the severity of Law , fled to Breudeus King of the Picts , and being remanded according to the conditions of the league , were after some delayes directly refused . Aidanus taking this to heart , whilest he sought to recover them by force , had his son Arthur ( Buchannan calleth him Griffin ) a Prince of great hopes , and Brenden his Nephew , with divers of his Nobles , killed . Columba grieved with this accident came to the King , and rebuked him bitterly for making warre with his neighbour upon so light an occasion ; wherewith he is said to be no lesse moved then with the losse he had received : for Columba striving to be gone , he caught him by the hand ; and confessing he had been too hasty , entreated his best advice , and counsel how to repair things . But he replying that no advice could redresse the harm that was done ; the King burst forth into tears : Columba fell also a weeping ; and after a little space , said that he would counsell him to make peace : which he was content to do at his sight . The matter moved to Brudeus , he likewise agreed to remit all to Columba , who shortly after brought them to be friends . But the heart-burning between the two people ceased not , which Ethelfrid King of Northumberland ( a wicked and avaritious man ) craftily entertained , stirring the Picts to make fresh incursions upon the Scots , so as Aidanus was compelled to take Arms ; Columba being advertised of the necessity the King was put to , gave order that private supplications should be made for his safety , and the overthrow of his enemies : which falling out according to their wishes , was generally ascribed to Columba his devotion . For as the report went , in the same hour wherein the enemies were defeated , he did call his Collegues together , and willed them to turn their prayers into thanskgiving , for that the King had obtained the victory : yet was the place of the conflict distant from Iona , where Columba lived 200. miles at least . The year following , which was the year of our Lord 603. Columba died being of a good age ; neither did the King Aidanus long survive him . The Irish contend that Columba died in the City of Down , and was buried in St. Patricks Tomb ; and for verifying the same , alledge an old Distick , which was ( they say ) engraven upon the Tomb , and defaced only in the dayes of King Henry the eighth . Hi tres in Duno tumulo tumulantur in uno , Brigida , Patricius , atque Columba pius . But it carrieth no likelihood that Columba being so farre in years , would make a journey into Ireland , or that Aidanus , who loved him so dearly , would suffer him to depart whilest he lived ; It may be that upon some occasion his bones were translated thither , yet the pilgrimages made in superstitious times to the Isle Iona for visiting his grave , do shew what the received opinion was of his death and burial . Kentigern , commonly called St. Mungo , was famous also at this time , and one most familiar with Columba ; he was the son of Thametes daughter to Loth King of Picts begotten ( as was supposed ) by Eugenius the third King of Scots his father not being certainly known , posterity not being willing that his birth , whom they so greatly esteemed , should be in any sort stained , gave out that he was born of a Virgin : which was believed of simple and credulous people . But the reproach which lay upon him that way , he overcame by his singular vertues ; in his yonger yeares being trusted to the education of Servanus Bishop of Orkney , he gave tokens of his rare piety ; for he was in prayer more frequent then yong ones are usually seen to be , of a spare diet , and so compassionate of the poor , as all that came in his hands he distributed among them : Servanus his Master loving him beyond others , was ordinarily wont to call him Mongah , which in the Norish tongue , signifieth a deare friend ; and this way came he to be called Mungo . After Servanus death he went to the countrey of Wales in England , where living a solitary life , he founded a Monastery betwixt the Rivers of Elwid and Edwy . They write that in his Monastery there were daily entertained six hundred threescore and three persons ; of which number three hundred were kept at some manual work within the Monastery ; other three hundred did labour in the fields , and practise husbandry ; and the rest being appointed for divine service , had the day and night divided among them , so as one company succeeding to another , there were some alwayes in the Church , praying and praising Almighty God. Having stayed there a few years , he resigned his place to Asaph , a godly and vertuous man ; and returning to Scotland , he made his abode at Glasgow , where he layed the foundation of a stately Church , and was therein at his death interred . It is affirmed that after he came to years of understanding , he did never eat flesh , nor taste wine or any strong drink ; and when he went to rest , slept on the cold ground , having a stone for his pillow ; and that notwithstanding he lived thus hardly , he did attain to the age of ninescore and five years . Many lying miracles have been ascribed unto him ; but certainly he was a man of rare parts , and worthy to have been made a subject of truth to posterity , not of fables and fictions , as the Legends of Monks have made him . Baldred and Convallus were his disciples , and zealous preachers of the truth ; the first served for the most part in Lothiaen , which as then was under the dominion of the Picts , and was so beloved and honoured in his life , as after his death the Parishes of Aldham , Tuningham , and Preston , did contend who should have his corps to bury . As they grew to some heat , the Bishop of the bounds ( the story doth not expresse his name ) intervened , and willed the people to deferre the funeral to the next morrow , and in the mean time be earnest in prayer with God , that he would declare his wil in that businesse . The next day they found three Coffins with as many corpses , betwixt which , no difference could be perceived ; and interpreting this for a miracle , went away each of them with a Coffin , well satisfied and pleased . What policy the Bishop used in this is not known , but hereby we may see how easily people were in those times led with their teachers . The other , Convallus lived at Inchynnan some seven miles from Glasgow , and made the Oration at the funeral of King Aidanus ; in which he foretold many things that came afterward to passe , touching the state of the Kingdome . There lived at this time in the Isle of Iona one Convallanus who was Governour of that Monastery , a man of excellent holinesse and learning ; from under his hand as they write , prodierunt examina sanctissimorum virorum ; hives or multitudes of most holy men came forth . Among these are named Mornanus a Bishop , Cormachus a Presbyter , Hebred , Dunstan , Ionas , Gabrianus , Gallus , and Columbanus ; all famous men for their holinesse of life . Gallus travelling into Switzerland was in great esteem , and having converted many to the faith of Christ , laid there the foundation of a Monastery , which was afterward greatly inriched , and to this day is called by his name St. Gall. Columbanus in Burgundy did found the Abbey of Luxeule , resolving to make his abode in these parts ; but the licentiousnesse of King Theod●rick , whom by no meanes he could reclaime from his unchast life , did enforce him to change , so that going to Italy , in the borders thereof he setled himself , and there erected the Monastery of Bobie . Neither lacked there in the female sex examples of rare piety . Brigida , commonly S● Bride , was above the rest renowned , both among the Scots and Picts : this woman was born in Cathnes of honourable parents , and the heir of a fair patrimony , which she voluntarily forsook , that she might be consecrated to God. Divers Virgins moved by her example , did in like sort apply themselves to the solitary life ; not as the Votarists that in after times rose up , for they did not bind themselves by vowes to that which was not in their power , nor did they think to merit thereby at Gods hands ; and the chastity they professed , they kept inviolate . Did the times wherein we live afford such Virgins , so farre are we from disliking that state of life , as we think it should bring a great benefit to the Kingdom . But the bondage of vowes , with the opinion of merit and perfection is it we discommend , things unknown to the holy women of those primitive times . Another Brigida , or rather Brigitta , there was born in Sweden ; who , as Trimethius writeth , came to Avignion in the year 1362. to sue for the Popes confirmation to an Order of Nunnes by her invented : But our Brigida was of a much older time , and died at Abernethie in the year 518. where she was also interred . Now are we come to the time in which Augustine the Monk was sent into Britain : Gregory Bishop of Rome did choose this man for planting Religion among the English Saxons , who had at that time subdued the Britaines , and driven them beyond Severn into narrow bounds . At his first arrival , he converted King Ethelbert to the Christian faith , and wrought much good . But whilest he strove to conform the Britain Churches to the Romane in rites Ecclesiastick , and to have himself acknowledged for the only Archbishop of Britain , he did cast the Church into a sea of troubles . After divers conferences , and much pains taken by him to perswade the Britains unto conformity ; when he could not prevail , he made offer , that if they would yield to minister Baptisme , and observe Easter according to the Romane manner , and be assisting to him in reforming the Saxons , for all other things they should be left to their Ancient customes . But they refusing to make any alteration , he fell a threatening , and said , That they who would not have peace with their brethren , should finde warre with their enemies . This falling out as he foretold , ( for Edelfrid King of Northumberland invading them with a strong Army , slew at one time 1200. Monks that were assembled to pray for the safety of their countrey-men ) made Augustine to be suspected of the murther , and did purchase him a great deal of hatred ; whether he foreknew the practice or not , is uncertain , but shortly after the murther of thes● Monks , he himself died . There succeeded to him Laurentius , a Romane also , who followed the businesse of conformity no lesse earnestly , and with his fellow Bishops , ●ellitus and Iustus , wrote to the Church of Scotland in this manner . Dominis charissimis , Fratribus Episcopis , & Abbatibus per universam Scotiam Laurentius , Mellitus , & Justus Episcopi , servi servorum Dei. Dum nos sedes Apostolica , more suo , sicut in universo orbe terrarum , in his occiduis partibus ad praedicandum gentibus paganis dirigeret ; atque in hanc insulam , quae Britannia nu●cupatur , contigit introisse , antequam cognosceremus credentes , quòd juxta morem universalis Ecclesiae ingrederentur , in magna reverentia sanctitatis tam Britones quàm Scotos venerati sumus ; sed cognoscentes Britones , Scotos meliores putavimus ; Scotos verò per Dagamum Episcopum in hanc quam suprà memor avimus Insulam , & Columbanum Abbatem in Galliis venientem , nihil discrepare à Britonibus in eorum conversatione didicimus . Nam Dagamus Episcopus ad nos veniens , non solùm cibum nobiscum , sed nec in hospitio quo vescebamur sumere voluit . In English thus : Laurence , Mellitus , and Justus Bishops , servants of all the servants of God ; to our Lords and dearest brethren the Bishops and Abbots through all Scotland . while as the Apostolick See according to the custome it hath observed in the rest of the world , did send us to preach the Gospel unto the Heathen in these Western parts , and that it happened us to come into this Isle which is called Britain , we held in religious reverence both the Scots and Britains , believing that they did walk after the custome of the universal Church . But after we had known the Britains , we judged the Scots to be better minded ; yet now we perceive by Dagamus the Bishop who is come hither , and by Columbanus the Abbot in France , that the Scots differ nothing in their observations from the Britains ; for Bishop Dagamus being here , refused not onely to eat with us , but even to stay in the same Inne , or Lodging . I finde no answer returned to this letter ; some thirteen years after , Honorius Bishop of Rome did move the matter of new , and in his letters directed to the Church of Scotland , exhorted them ; Ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutam , sapie●tiorem antiquis , sive modernis , quae per orbem terrae erant , Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent ; neve contra Paschales compu●os , & decreta Synodalia totius orbis Pontificum , aliud Pascha celebrarent . That they being a few , and seated in the utmost borders of the earth , would not think themselves more wise then the Ancient or Modern Churches of Christ through the whole world ; and that they would not celebrate another Easter contrary to the Paschal compts , and Synodal decrees of the Bishops of the whole world . Pope Honorius dying , Severinus that succeeded insisted for an answer , which was sent ; but he also departing this life , before the same came to Rome , the Clergy there replyed as followes : Dilectissimis & sanctissimis , Thomiano , Columbano , Chromano , Dimao , Bathano Episcopis ; Chromano , Hermanno , Laustrano , Stellano , & Sergiano Presbyteris ; Sarano , caeterísque Doctoribus seu Abbatibus Scotis : Hilaricus Archipresbyter , & servans locum sedis Apostolicae , & Johannes diaconus in nomine Dei electus , item Joannes primicerius , & servans locum sanctae sedis Apostolicae , & Joannes servus Dei , Consiliarius ejusdem sedis Apostolicae . Scripta quae latores ad sanctae memoriae Severinum adduxerunt , eo de hac luce migrante , reciproca responsa , ad ea quae postulata fuerant , siluerunt . Quibus reseratis● , ne diu tantae quaestionis caligo indiscussa remaneret , reperimus quosdam provinciae vestrae contra orthodoxam fidem novam de veteri heresin renovare conantes , Pascha nostrum in quo immolatus est Christus nebulosa caligine refutantes , et quarta decima luna cum Hebraeis celebrare nitentes . &c. Deinde exposita ratione Paschalis observantiae , de Pelagianis subdunt . Et hoc quoque cognovimus , quod virus Pelagianae haereseos apud vos denuo reviviscat : quod omnino hortamur , ut à vestris mentibus hujusmodi venenatum superstitionis facinus auferatur . Nam qualiter ipsa quoque execranda haeresis damnata est , latere vos non debet ; quia non solùm per istos ducentos annos abolita est , sed & quotidiano nobis anathemate sepulta damnatur ; & hortamur , ne quorum arma combusta sunt , apud vos eorum cineres suscitentur , That is , Hilarius the Archbishop conservator of the priviledges of the Apostolick See , and Iohn the Deacon in the name of God elect of the same See ; likewise Iohn the pronotary and conservator of the said priviledges , and Iohn the servant of God , Counsellor of the Apostolick See ; to our best beloved and most holy Bishops , Thomianus , Columbanus , Chromanus , Dimaus , and Bathanus ; and to the Presbyters , Chromanus , Hermannus , Laustranus , Stellanus , and Serganus ; also to Saranus , and the rest of the Doctors or Abbots of Scotland . The letters which were brought unto Pope Severinus of blessed memory , have to this time received no answer , by reason of his decease ; We having now unsealed them , lest questions of such consequence should be too long unsatisfied , do perceive some of your Province to be renuing an old heresie , against the Orthodox faith , and ignorantly refuse to celebrate our Easter , in which Christ was offered , observing the fourteench Moon , after the manner of the Hebrewes . Then shewing how , and when Easter should be observed , they subjoyn touching the Pelagians these words : We further understand that the poison of Pelagian heresie is again breaking out among you ; wherefore we exhort you to beware , and to keep your mindes free of that venemous superstition ; for ye should not be ignorant how that execrable heresie is condemned● and by us every day anathematised ; notwithstanding that two hundred years since the same hath been abolished : therefore we beseech you not to stirre the ashes of those who have had their Armes once burnt and consumed . Beda setting down this letter saith , that it was full of learning and contained evident proofes that Easter should be kept upon the Sunday which falleth betwixt the 15. and 21. of the Moon ; Whereas it was the custome of the Scots Church to keep it upon the Sunday falling betwixt the 14 , and 20. which he calleth an heresie , and taketh our Church to have been newly infected therewith ; neither yet the whole Church , but some certain in it only . But in this last he doth not agree with himself ; for speaking afterwards of Bishop Aidan , he thus excuses his disconformity with Rome in the keeping of Easter , quòd suae gentis authoritate devictus , that he was overcome with the authority of his own Nation , & contra morem e●rum qui ipsum miserant facere non potuit , and could not keep Easter contrary to the custome of them who had sent him . So he ackowledgeth it to have been the custome of the Scots Church , and not of a certain in it only . And whereas he sayes that it was an error , or heresie newly sprung up , he greatly mistaketh ; for in the contention about the keeping of Easter , which grew afterwards very hot , we shall hear them plead the Antiquity of their custome , and derive it from the very first times of the Church . But that we may know how this contention grew , and who they were that withstood the alteration desired , we must make a litle digression . The Saxons having overcome the Britains , and brought the countrey of England to an Heptarchy by the partition they made of it , were never quiet , encroaching still one upon anothers state , till at last one got all . Ethelfrid King of Northumberland the mightiest of the whole , after he had reigned 22. years with great ava●ice and cruelty , was killed by Redwald King of the East Angles , and Edwin ( whom he had expelled ) placed in his room this Ethelfrid left behind him seven sons : Eufred , or Eanfred , Oswald , Ossaus , Oswin , Offas , Osmond , Osik , or Osrick , and one daughter named Ebba , who upon their fathers death fled into Scotland , and were liberally entertained by King Eugenius the fourth , notwithstanding the enmity betwixt him and their father whilest he lived . Eighteen years they remained in Scotland exiled from their countrey , and were by the care of the same Eugenius instructed in the knowledge of Christ , and baptized . Edwin being killed in the 17. of his Reign by Penda King of Mercia , they returned all home , Ebba onely excepted , who remained still in Scotland . The successour of Edwin named Osrick , parting the Kingdom with Eufred , the eldest son of Ethelfrid , was made King of the Deirians , and Eufred King of this Bernicians ; these two turning Apostates , and forsaking the Christian profession , which they had once embraced , were the summer following deprived both of their lives and Kingdomes . Oswald the second son of Ethelfrid did upon their deaths succeed in both the Kingdoms , a noble and vertuous Prince , whose chief study was to promore Christian Religion . To this effect he sent his Ambassadors unto Donald the fourth then reigning in Scotland , and entreated him by the old familiarity that had been among them , to help him with some worthy and learned man , that could instruct his people in the faith of Christ. The King recommending the matter to the Clergy , one Cormanus was elected to go thither . But his labours proving unprofitable , he returned about the end of the year , and in a Synod of the Bishops and Clergy , informed that they were a people indocile , and froward , that the pains taken upon them were lost , they neither being desirous nor capable of instruction . It grieved the Synod exceedingly to hear this , and while they were consulting what to do , Aidanus a learned man and reverend preacher , is said to have advised them not to give over the work at any hands , for that the bad successe of Cormanus labours might possibly proceed from himself , that had not used the people tenderly , nor according to the Apostles rule , fed them at first with milk ; and therefore desired some other approved man might be imployed of new , who would possibly do good among them . This opinion allowed by all , none was thought fitter for this service then he who had given the advice , and so with common consent was Aidan ordained Bishop , and appointed to that charge . Being come thither , he set himself to amend the fault which he supposed Corman had committed , and so tempered his doctrine , as multitudes of people daily did resort unto him to be instructed . It was a great hinderance unto him at first that he was not skilled in the Saxon tongue , neither did the people understand his language ; but this defect the King himself supplied , interpreting to the auditory all that Aidanus delivered in his Sermons . So by the Kings zeal and Aidanus his diligence , such numbers were brought to the Christian profession , as in the space of seven days ●ifteen thousand persons were by him baptized . Whether this people was more happy in their King , or in this Bishop , it is difficil to say . For the King ; he did so excell in piety and prudence , that , as Beda writes , all the Nations and Provinces within Britain , were ●t his devotion ; and not the lesse , his heart was never lifted up within him , but still he shewed himselfe courteous and affable , and of the poor most compassionate . Among examples of his liberality towards these , the same Beda relateth , That sitting at Table on Easter day , and Aidanus by him , when it was told that a number of poor men were at the gate expecting his Almes ; he commanded to carry the meat that was set before him unto them , and the platter of silver wherein it was , to be broke in pieces , and distributed among them . Aidanus beholding it , took the King by the right hand , and kissing it , said , Nunquam marcescat haec manus , never let this hand consume or wither . Which , as he writeth , came also to passe . For being killed in battel , and his arm and his hand cut off , the same was inclosed in a silver shrine , and remained for many years uncorrupted , in the Church of St. Peter at Bamborough . This and the other miracles he reporteth , I leave upon the credit of the writer , who is too lavish oftentimes in such fables and fictions . As to Aidanus , he was an ensample of abstinence , sobriety , chastity , charity , and all other Episcopal vertues ; for as he taught , so he lived , was idle at no time , nor did he admit any of his retinue to be so , but kept them in a continual exercise , either reading Scripture , or learning the Psalmes of David by heart . If he was invited to any feast ( as rarely he went ) he made no stay , but after a little refreshment taken , got himself away . In preaching he was most diligent , travailing through the countrey , for the greater part on foot , and instructing the people , wheresoever he came . In a word , he was deficient in no duty required of a good Pastor ; and having governed the Church in those parts most happily the space of 17. years , died in the Isle of Lindisfarne ( now called Holy-Island ) the place he choosed for his residence ; where he was also buried . After his death , which happened in the year 651. Finnanus was ordained Bishop , and sent to the Northumbers from Scotland : he followed his predecessor in all , and was greatly troubled by Romanus , or Conanus ( as other name him ) about the observing of Easter . This Conanus born in Scotland , had lived some years beyond Sea , and was much taken by the Romane rites ; for advancing whereof ( so zealous he was that way ) he left his station in Kent , and coming to Northumberland , did challenge the Bishop to a dispute . The Bishop answering , that he would not refuse to dispute , but to admit an alteration in Church rites , whilest he lived , he would not ; the dispute ceased , and so for the time that he sate Bishop , Easter was celebrated after the ancient manner of the Scots : Finnanus in the mean time applying himself to better exercise , did work the conversion of the East-Saxons , and Mercians . For having baptized Penda the Prince of Mercia , he sent with him four preachers , who reformed all that part of the countrey . Divina , or Duina a Scottish man was one of those preachers , and consecrated Bishop of Finnan in the year 656. In the catalogue of the Bishops of Lichfield , I finde him first placed . There succeeded to him , Kellach a Scottish man also ; but he renouncing his charge because of the contentions that arose , returned to his countrey . Now Finnan having governed the Churches of Northumberland the space of ten years , died in Lindisfarne , and was buried in a Church which he himself had there erected : so great was the affection of these Northumbers to these preceding Bishops , as they would accept of none other but a Scottish man. Whereupon Colman was brought , and placed in that See. In his time the controversie of Easter was again wakened , and more hotly followed then before ; great dealing there was to work him to a conformity , but he would not forsake the course that his predecessors had kept . After divers conferences a publick dispute was in end condescended to , for deciding the question . The place was chosen at Whitby , ( Beda calleth it Sternshalt ) a Religious house in Yorkshire , whereof Hilda a learned and devout woman was Abbesse ; she was a professed adversary to all the rites of Rome , especially Clerical tonsure ; which made Colman more willingly to agree unto the meeting . Oswy King of Northumbers , with Elfred his son , were present in person , and many Ecclesiastick men of all degrees . The reasoners were Colman on the one part , who was assisted by the Scottish Clergy , and Hilda the Abbesse . On the other part , Agilbert a French-man born , Bishop of the East Saxons , Wilfrid and Agath . Presbyters , with Iacob and Romans , two learned men . Cedda lately consecrated a Bishop by the Scots was choosed to be part is utriusque interpres , that is ( as I take it ) the Recorder of all that should be spoken by either party , or enacted in that conference , and meeting . The King himself did incline to Colman , but his son favoured the other party , for that Wilfrid had been his Tutor . When all were placed in their seats , the King using a short speech , said , That it was meet , they who served one God , and looked to be heires of one Kingdom in the heavens , should keep one rule , and form , and not vary in their rites and ceremonies : Therefore desired , seeing they were come together for composing of differences , especially touching the celebration of Easter , that they should calmely enquire what was the most ancient and best form , to the effect all might observe and follow the same . Then turning towards Colman , he willed him to deliver his opinion , and reasons ; who answered , as followeth . The Easter which I observe , I received from my elders , who did send me hither , and ordained me Bishop ; all our forefathers , men beloved of God , are known to have celebrated Easter in the same manner that I do ; and if any think light of this , the blessed Evangelist St. Iohn , the disciple whom our Lord especially loved , with all the Churches whereof he had the oversight , observed the same , which to us is a warrant sufficient . Agilbert being desired next to declare his minde , excused himself by the want of the English tongue , entreating the King the Wilfrid might be allowed to answer for them all ; which granted , Wilfrid began in this sort : The Easter which we keep , we have seen observed at Rome , where the holy Apostles Peter and Paul did preach , and suffered Martyrdom . As we travelled through France and Italy , we saw the same order every where kept , and by relation we hear , that the Churches of Africk , Asia , Egypt , Greece , and to be short , the whole Christi●n world doth observe the same time : onely these men and their followers , the Britains and Picts , with some remote Islands , and not all these neither do foolishly contend in this point against the whole world . Here Colman interrupting his speech , said , It is a marvel you should call our doing foolish , seeing we follow the ensample of that great Apostle who was held worthy to lie in the Lords bosome , and is known to have lived most wisely . Wilfrid replying , said , Farre be it from me to charge S● . Iohn with folly ; he observed the rites of Moses Law , according to the letter , the Church as yet Iudiazing in many things , and the Apostles not being able to abdicate upon the suddain the whole observations of the Law which God had ordained ; for this cause did S● . Paul circumcise Timothy , offer sacrifices in the Temple , and shave his head at Corinth , with Aquila and Priscilla ; which things he did onely to eschew the offence of the Jewes . In this consideration , S● . Iames said to the Apostle St. Paul , Thou seest brother that many thousands of the Jewes do believe , yet are they all zealous followers of the law . But the light of the Gospel now shining throughout the world , it is not lawful for a Christian to be circumcised , or to offer carnal sacrifices unto God. Thus S. Iohn keeping the custom of the law , began the celebration of Easter upon the 14. day of the first moneth , at evening , not caring whether it fell upon the Sabbath day , or any other day of the week : But S● . Peter preaching at Rome , when he considered that the Lord did rise from the death on the first day after the Sabbath , thought good to institute Easter on that day . And that this is the true Easter to be observed by all Christians , it is clear by the Nicene Councel , which did ratify and confirm the same by their decree . But you neither follow the example of St. Iohn , nor St. Peter , nor doth your celebration of Easter agree either with the Law o● Gospel ; for St. Iohn observing it according to the Law , had no respect to the first day after the Sabbath , whereas you keep not Easter but on the first of the Sabbath ; Saint Peter did celebrate Easter from the 15. of the Moon to the 21. which you do not ; for you keep Easter from the 14. to the 20. day , and often you begin Easter on the 13. day at night , whereof the Law maketh to mention , neither did our Lord the authour of the Gospel eat the Passover on the 13. day , but upon the 14. at night , and at the same time he did celebrate the Sacrament of the New Testament in remembrance of his death and passion ; So , as I have said , you neither agree with Law , nor Gospel , with St. Iohn , nor with St. Peter , in the celebration of the greatest festivity . To this Colman answered ; And did Anatholius then , who in the Ecclesiastick history is so highly commended , go against both the Law and the Gospel , when as he said that Easter ought to be kept from the 13. day to the 20 ? or shall we think our most reverent father Columba , and his successours who were all dear unto God , did transgresse in observing Easter after that manner ? They were men of great piety and vertue , and their miracles have declared ; and I making no doubt of their holinesse , will endevour to follow their order and discipline . Then said Wilfrid , It is known that Anatholius was a godly and learned man ; but what have you to do with him , that observe not his customes ? for he followed the true rule of keeping Easter , and observed the circle of 19. yeares , which either you know not , or if you do , ye set at nought , although the same be observed in the universal Church of Christ ; he did so account the 14. day as he acknowledged the same to be the 15. at night after the manner of the Egyptians , and so the 20. day he believed to be the 21. in the evening ; which distinction you know not , as appears by this , that sometimes you keep Easter on the 13. day before the full Moon . As to your father Columba and his followers , whose rule and precepts confirmed by miracles , you confesse to follow , I may answer , That in the day of judgement the Lord will say to many that prophesied in his name , did cast out devils , and wrought other miracles , I know you not . But God forbid I should speak this of your fathers , seeing it is better to believe good of those we know not , then ill . Therefore I will not deny them to have been the servants of God and be loved of him , seeing they served God with good intent , though in simplicity . Neither do I think the order they keep in Easter did hurt them much , so long as they had none among them , that could shew the right observation thereof ; If the truth had been shewed them , I doubt not they would have followed the same , as well in this matter , as in others which they knew . But if you and your associates should refuse the decrees of the Apostolick Sea , or rather of the whole Church allowed by holy Scripture : now after you have heard the same , without all question you sin heavily . Howbeit your fathers were holy men , you must not think that a few dwelling in a corner of a remote Isle , are to be preferred to the universal Church of Christ. And if Columba your Father , yea and ours also if he was of Christ ; was mighty in miracles , yet is he not to be equalled to the Prince of the holy Apostles , unto whom the Lord said , Thou art Peter , and upon this rock will I build my Church , against which ; the gates of hell shall not prevail ; and will give unto the keyes of the kingdom of heaven . The King who had hearkened diligently unto all which they spake , taking hold of these last words , asked Colman if it was so , that the Lord had spoken these words unto Peter ; he answered , that it was truth : And can you shew , sayes he , that the like authority was given to your Father Columba ? Colman answered , Not. Then said the King , Do both agree in this , that these words were spoken to St. Peter , and that the Keyes of the kingdom of heaven were given to him : They answered that they did . Then said he , Seeing St. Peter is the dorekeeper of heaven ; I will follow his rule in every thing , lest when I come to heavens gates , the dores shall be shut against me . These speeches of the King , full of simplicity , were seconded with the acclamations of many of the hearers , and the victory adjudged to the adversaries of Colman . But he nothing moved therewith , retained still his opinion , and would not change ; yet fearing that some trouble might arise , if he should make longer stay in those parts , he resigned his Bishoprick , in which one Tuda a Scottishman succeeded , who was content to submit himself to the Romane observation of Easter , and to receive the Clerical tonsure , but he lived not one whole year , and died of the Plague . Colman returning into Scotland was welcomed by his countreymen ; for he was in great esteem , and bare no small authority , both in the Church and State , before he went into England ; as appeared in the insurrection made against King Ferqhard : the Nobility having consulted to depose him from his Kingdom for the detestable cruelties he had committed , by Colman his authority they were onely kept back , who told them , That the punishment of Kings belonged to God , and that he ere it were long would take vengeanee of his wickednesse : which as he foretold came to passe ; for the King after a few dayes being at hunting , happened to be bitten by a Wolfe , and falling into a feaver , such a putrefaction ensued in his body , that out of every part there issued abundance of lice , and vermine , which made him abhorred of all men . Languishing in this consumption a long space , and touched with a bitter remorse for his wicked life , he sent for Colman , to whom he expressed a great sorrow for the ill life he had led , intreating the help of his prayers , and to testifie his humiliation , would needs be carried forth to the next fields wrapped in sackcloth ; where after an open confession made of his wickednesse , he was absolved by Colman , and shortly after yielded up the ghost . The memory of this , which was yet fresh in the mindes of people , together with the report of his constancy ( for so it was interpreted ) did purchase unto him great love and reputation ; but he making short stay at home , went soon after into Ireland , where he built a Monastery for the English and Scots that followed him thither . They not well agreeing , he bought a piece of ground and founded a religious house for the English apart . Bishop Lesly in his Chronicle writeth , that after this he passed into Germany , and having travelled through Boheme , Hungary , and a great part of Greece , as he returned by Austria , he was killed by some Pagans in those parts : for this he citeth Iohannes Stabius the Historiographer of Maximilian the first . But whatsoever became of him , he was certainly a man of great integrity , and therefore much respected of all men . After this time we finde a continual declining in the Church ; for the decision taken in that conference of Whitby , touching the controversie of Easter , increased the dissension , and put all out of frame ; they that were in place urging the rites more strictly then was convenient , and others choosing rather to quit their places , then to give way unto them . Theodorus then Archbishop of Canterbury , is blamed for exercisiug the authority of his place too peremptorily about these things , and forcing the British Bishops to conform themselves ; Wilfrid Archbishop of York , dealing in like sort with the Scottish preachers , that had planted the Gospel among the English , thrust them all from their places . Nam optione data , maluerunt loco cedere , quàm Pascha Catholicum caeterósque ritus canonicos Romanae Ecclesiae recipere ; It being given to their option , whether they would stay and admit the observation of Easter , and other rites of the Church of Rome , they made choice to leave their places and depart . The Clergy at home became also divided : for Adamannus or Adamnanus a Bishop , who had been Tutor to Eugenius the sixt , being sent in Ambassage to Alfrid King of Northumberland , fell in such a liking of the rites he saw there used , as at his return he became an earnest perswader of his countreymen to receive them , and prevailed with many . Yet the Monks of Iona , whose governor he had sometimes been , did strongly oppose ; others that loved not to be contentious , retired themselves ; among whom Disybodius , and Levinus are said to have been two : Disybodius going into Germany lived a Monk in the Abbey of Fulden many years . Adamannus , whom even now I named , is much commended for the care he took to keep the Picts and Scots in peace , which albeit he did not effect according to his desire ( for they were ever making incursions one against another ) yet so far he prevailed , as during his life no publick war arose amongst them . To bind the two people in friendship , he was a means to make Eugenius the seventh take to wife Spondana daughter to Granard King of Picts ; but she not long after being killed as she lay in bed , by two Athol men , that had conspired to kill the King , and were mistaken in the execution ; the friendship contracted had almost turned into deadly enmity , because of a rumour that went , that she was made away by the Kings knowledge . The Picts complaining of the injury done to their bloud , and many of the subjects apprehending it to be the Kings own fact , he was forced , with some indignity to his person , to plead his innocency in a Parliament called to that purpose . It happened that in the mean time the murtherers were discovered and taken , and by the punishment they suffered , the Kings innocency was sufficiently cleared ; wherewith he not contented , would needs be avenged of his subjects that had called his name in question . This raised a great stirre , and had doubtlesse burst forth in a civil war , if Adamannus by his wisdom had not mitigated the King , and wrought the subjects reconcilement . Beda speaking of this Adamannus saith , that he was Vir ●nitatis & pacis studiosissimus , a man most careful to preserve unity and peace : And indeed he shewed as much ; for having the favour of the King , although he stood divided in opinion from his brethren , he never moved him to use his authority in these matters , as easily he might have done , judging as he did rightly , uniformity to be a work of time , and that constraint and violence are not the means to bring it to passe . Chilianus , or Kilianus , a man of great learning , taking a contrary course , fell into the dislike of many , for his too great forwardnesse in advancing the Romish ceremonies , and out of indignation conceived against those that maligned him , left his place , betaking himself to travel with C●lonatus , or Columbanus , a Presbyter , and Theotrianus a Deacon . After a v●ew taken of England , and France , he took journey into Germany , and coming to Herbipolis , now called W●rtsburg , where one Gosbertus governed as Deputy to Theodorick king of France , he was enformed that the Governour had lately taken Geilana his brothers widow to wife ; which he esteeming a great wickednesse , and not to be endured where Christianity was professed ; he went to Rome , and meaned the matter to Pope Conon ; who liking well the zeale of the man , did consecrate him Bishop of Wirtsburg , and sent him back thither . At his return shewing the Governour what an unlawful match he had made , he laboured earnestly to have him dimit Geilana , and was in likelyhood to prevail : whereupon the malicious woman having conduced some murtherers to make him away , both he and his two companions were strangled in their Chambers ; and lest the fact should be disclosed , their bodies , books and vestments , were all hidden under the ground . But God who never suffereth murther to be long concealed , brought the same shortly after to light , by the means of one of her maids . Whereupon Burchardus his successor made the corpses to be raised , and laid in the great Church of the City , with these verses appended nigh unto their Sepulcher . Hi sunt , Herbipolis , qui te docuere Magistri , Qua verum coleres religione Deum . Impia quos tandem jussit Geilana necari , Celavítque sub hunc corporacaesa locum . Ne turpi , sine laude , situ defossa jacerent Corpora , Burchardus sub monumenta locat . But to proceed ; as it falleth out commonly at such times , there were not a few that upon hope to raise their fortunes , and gain preferment , were after this , still gadding to Rome . Baronius telleth us in his Annals of two of our countreymen , Wiro and Plechelmus , that came to Rome to visit , as he speaketh , Limina Apostolorum . Wiro he saith had been earnestly entreated to accept the charge of a Bishop , but it being a custome in the Scottish Church first to elect their Bishops , then to send them to Rome for seeking confirmation ; he took this occasion to visit the holy City . But by the Cardinals leave , our Church had no such custom before that time , nor will it be shewed that before these two , any did go to Rome , either to be consecrated , or confirmed . They indeed obtained what they sought , and were consecrated by Pope Honorius , who used them with much respect ; that upon the report they should make , others should be allured to keep the same course . Wiro returning , made an ample discourse of their entertainment , and incited many to try the same way , yet made no long stay at home ; for we finde him shortly after turn Confessor to King Pipin , with whom he found such favour as he did build a Monastery in Franconia to the memory of St. Peter ; and retiring thither in his age , did there end his days . What became of Plechelmus I read not , onely I finde both him and Wiro present at a Synod in Utrecht , called by Pope Sergius in the year 697. and in the Records , Plechelmus styled Episcopus candidae casae . There came about the same time into Scotland , an Italian named Bonifacius , a grave and venerable person as he described , and was judged by the vulgar sort to be the Pope ; some hath written that he was elected successour to Gregory the great , but declined the charge out of a desire to promove religion in these Northern parts . I rather think he came hither to confirm our acquaintance with the Romane Church . As ever that was , for the paines he took in preaching the Gospel , and the Churches he erected in this Kingdom , he deserveth of us an honourable remembrance . For landing in the River of Tay at the mouth of a little water that divided the countreyes of Angus and Mermis , he there built a Church to the memory of St. Peter the Apostle , another not farre from thence , he built at Telin , and a third at Restennoth ; and having finished these works , he did visit the countreys of Marre , Bughan , Murray , and Bogieland , preaching the Gospel whithersoever he came , neither did he rest till he came to the countrey of Ross , and choosing Rosmarkie for the place of his residence ; erected there a Church , where after his death he was buried . Molochus a learned Bishop of his countrey , taking delight in his company , followed him in all these ways ; and that he should not be separate from him in death , gave order that he should be interred in the same Church and near unto Boniface ; for he out-lived him many years , and died in the 94. of his age , his bones were afterwards translated to Lismore in Argile , because of his labours employed in reforming that Church . Whether or not I should mention among these , that Boniface who was by Gregory the second preferred to be Bishop of Mentz , I know not , so many writers affirming him to have been born in England ; but of what countrey soever he was , none did ever adventure more for the Pope then he did ; for he is said to have brought the Bavarians , Thuringians , Hessians , and a great part of Germany more , to submit themselves in all matters Ecclesiastick to the See of Rome ; yet was he therein greatly opposed ( besides some Germanes ) by two of the Scottish Nation , Clemens and Sampson , who at the time remained in those parts . These did openly in their Sermons inveigh against him as a corrupter of Christian doctrine , charging him , First , for that he studied to winne men to the subjection of the Pope , and not to the obedience of Christ. 2. That he laboured to establish a soveraign authority in the Pope his person , as if he were onely the successour of the Apostles , whereas all Bishops are their successours as well as he . 3. That he went about the abolishing of Priests marriage , and extolled the single life beyond measure ; and , 4. That he caused Masses to be said for the dead , erected Images in Churches , and introduced diver rites unknown to the ancient Church . For this Clemens in a Councel holden at Rome , was excommunicated and condemned for an heretick , The sentence is to be seen in the third Tome of the Councels , wherein none of these particulars is mentioned , but other false aspersions are cast upon his fame , as hath been the custom of handling those , that oppose the corruption of the Romane Church . Bonifacius alwayes going on in his course , and seeking to make the like reformation amongst the Frizons , was with 54. of his followers killed in the 64. year of his age , and hath therefore a chief place in the Romane Martyrologie . But this did so little terrifie others , as about the same time certain Scottish Monks , did adventure upon the Saxons , to bring them under the Popes obedience ; Palto , Tanco , Korvila , and Haruchus , ( so they name them ) being consecrated Bishops of Verden in Saxony , one after another , did all of them lay down their lives in that quarrel ; Quasi exoptante● coronam Matyrii , sayes Bal●us ; longing for the Crown of Martyrdom , and counting it their glory to suffer in the Bishop of Rome his cause . Nor were they Monks onely that were so given , but even of the Bishops , Sedulus and Pergustus were vehemently set that way , and having assisted in a Synod called at Rome , by Gregory the second , in the year 721. ( as their subscriptions extant in the books of Councels do testify ) after their return , made great disturbance in the Church for the erecting of Images , and put divers preachers from their livings for resisting that course . In all this time , which is not a little to be admired , the Eremitical life was in such esteem , not with Clergy-men alone , but with the greatest Nobles and Princes , that they forsaking their honours and dignities , betook themselves thereto , as the most contented and desirarable sort of life . Of these last our stories do name Drostanus , the Uncle , or as others say , the Nephew of King Aidanus ; Prince Fiacre , the second son of Eugenius the fourth , and Florentius a Gentleman of honourable birth and estate , who did all , nigh at one time , sequester themselves from the world , not out of any grief or discontent , whereof they had no cause , but upon a meer apprehension of the vanity of worldly greatnesse . The story of Fiacre , as Boeth rehearseth it , is especially memorable . This Prince being committed to the education of Conanus Bishop of Man , after he came to some years , did steal away privately to France , and his intention being discovered to Pharo , Bishop of Meaux , he had by his gift a little Cell in a solitary place appointed for him . There separating himself from all company he spent his time wholly in prayer and divine contemplation . It happened after a litle time , his elder brother King Ferquhard to be deposed for his Tyrannical government ; whereupon Commissioners were sent to recall him as being the next heir of the Kingdom . He getting intelligence of their coming , did betake him to his prayers , and with many teares besought God to confirm his mind in the resolution he had taken , and divert them by some means from disturbing his rest : So as when they came unto him , he appeared unto them leprous ; looked so deformed , as they were amazed to behold him ; but they ( notwithstanding this , did not judge him unfit for government ) resolved to deliver their Commission , intreating him to return to his countrey , where he would finde the aire more healthfull , and in a short time by the help of Physicians recover his health . Fiacre at first excusing himself by his infirmity , when he perceived them insist for his return , and relinquishing that sort of life ; did cut them off with this answer : I have , said he , made choice of this condition of life , which you see , and am contented with this litle Cell for my dwelling , these garments ( pointing to his apparel ) serve me for clothing , and my food is a simple pottage of herbs , which I dresse to my selfe ; more I desire not , nor would I change this state of life with the most fortunate King in the world . I seem to you deformed , yet is my body sound , and my blood uncorrupted , but it is the will of God I should look so , that I may be kept humble , and learn to amend my life . Go you therefore home and shew my brother and the Noblemen that sent you hither , that I live content in this private manner , and will not change it with any state whatsoever ; and from me , desire them to serve God purely , to live justly , and entertain peace among themselves : which if they do , they shall be alwayes victorious over their enemies . This said , he withdrew himself into his Cell , and they finding that there was no means to prevail with him , departed . The Commissioners at their return making report of that they had seen , and his resolution ; his only sister Syra was so much moved with it , as taking with her some Virgins in company , she went to visit him , and after some conference rendered self and those that came with her religious in the city of Meaux . This Fiacre is the same , to whose memory divers Churches in France are dedicated , and is said to have died in the year 665. Florentius ( whom I named ) taking the like resolution went into Germany , and in the countrey of Alsatia upon the River Hasel , built a little Chappel for his private use , where he lived , retired from all company , and purchased to himself great reputation . It happened Rathildis the daughter of Dagobert King of France to fall sick in the time , of a disease that deprived her both of sight and speech , and being recommended to Florentius prayers , she within a little while recovered . Whereupon King Dagobert did build a magnifick Abbey , called yet The Abbey of Haselah , and committed the Government thereof to Florentius . There was difficulty enough to winne him from his solitary life , yet so earnest were the solicitations used unto him , that in end he yielded , and was after that made Bishop of Strasburg , upon the death of Rotharius . Twelve years he governed that See most wisely , giving proof of his vertue , and worth , as well in the active , as contemplative life . Before his death he founded a Monastery for Scottish men at the river Bruschius in Alsatia , and placed therein Argobastus , Theodotus , and Hidolphus , who had accompanied him from Scotland , his body according as he directed , was there interred after his death . Never did this countrey abound more in learned men , then at this time ; our writers speak of Mocharius , Glacianus , and Gervadius , Bishops of great reputation : they name likewise Divinicus , Conganus , Dunstanus , Medanus , and Modanus , as famous men all for their piety and learning . But they that King Achaius sent to Charles the Great , upon his earnest intreaty , did excell all the rest ; Iohannes Scotus , Claudius Clemens , Rabanus Maurus , and Flaccus Albinus , otherwise called Alcuinus ; these four he sent with Prince Gulielme his brother into France , at the time of the league made with that people , which to this day remaineth inviolate : and by them it was , that the University of Paris was first founded . Scotus after he had stayed some years at Paris , was imployed by the same Charles for founding an University at Pavia , and was in great respect with all ( the Romane Church excepted ) who could nto away with the liberty he used in his reproofes of the errors then springing up : his Treatise of the Eucharist , a pious and learned work , was by Pope Leo the ninth condemned in Synodo Vercellensi in the year 1030. long after his death . Claudius Clemens was afterwards preferred to the Bishoprick of Auxew , where he lived to his death in great esteem . Alcuin , commonly held to be Charles the Great his Master , was made his Eleemosynar , and lived in special credit with him . The book that came forth under Charles his name against Images , was thought to be penned by him ; for he was a man of great learning , as the many books left by him to posterity do shew . Ubique pius , ubique doctus , sayes Balaeus , succinctus , gravis , & ante multos alios praecipuè dignus , qui in manibus hominum habeatur . The English writers will have him born in their countrey , not farre from the city of York ; To which I onely say , that the English at that time , being adversaries to the French and Scots , speaking of them as common enemies to both people ; it is not probable , if he had been of the English Nation , that he would be so inward with Charles the Great . Rabanus Maurus was his Auditor many years , and under his hand grew to such perfection of learning , that it is said , Quòd nec Italia similem , nec Germania aequalem peperit ; That neither did Italy breed his like , nor Germany his equal ; Tantam viri eruditionem , sayes Bruschius , omnes Bibliothecae nobis commendant ; & quantum ingenio valuerit , edita ab eo valumina demonstrant . Bibliothecam enim Fuldensem tanta librorum multitudine lacupletavit , ut dinumerari vix queant . All Bibliotheques do witnesse the rare erudition of that man , and what a fertile ingenie he had , the volumes published by him do shew . The Library of Fulden he enriched with such multitudes of Books as can scarce be numbred . And certainly who shall but read the catalogue of his works , will wonder how any one man should in his life have penned so much , and upon so divers subjects ; for besides that he did illustrate the whole Books of Scripture with his Expositions , he left a number of profitable tractates in every Science to posterity . After Clemens was gone from Paris , he continued in the University some years ; and being made Abbot of Fulden , upon a displeasure he conceived against the Monks , he went to the Court of Ludovicus the Emperour , where he had not long attended , when upon the death of Otgarius Arch-bishop of Mentz , he was elected to the government of that See. Ten years he ●ate Bishop having no opposition made to him , nor to his doctrine , though he taught no other then what is with us in these times taught and professed ; as in his work● yet extant may be seen . In this reckoning we must not forget our countreyman Maidulphus Scotus , who was of great fame in these days , for his skill in training up the youth in letters , and kept a publick school at Caerbladon in Wiltshire , there being as yet no University in England : he also is said to have been a strong defender of the Bishop of Rome his authority , and placed in that part by Eleutherius Bishop of the West Saxons , for withstanding the British Doctors that opposed the Romane rites . After some time bestowed that way , embracing the Monastical life , he erected an Abbey at Malmsbury , which Aldelin his disciple and successour did much increase : and from him it is thought that Malmsbury took the name , being at first called Maidulphsbury , or Maidulps city . We are now at the 800. year , or thereabout , when as the warres were renewed betwixt the Scots and the Picts , which brought in end the utter subversion of that people ; I mean the Picts . Their Kingdom had continued near 1200. years , under the Reign of 65. Kings , and was fortunate enough till the days of King Feredeth ; who I know not by what ill counsel bare an heavy hand upon the Church , and made spoil of her rents , especially of the ornaments bestowed by his predecessour King Hungus upon the Church of St. Andrews : the occasion of these troubles I shall briefly set down after I have remembred the magnificence of Prince Gulielme , which ought never to be forgotten . After the league contracted with France , which he was sent to ratifie , he followed Charles the Great in all his warres , performing notable services , especially in Italy , where he was made Lieutenant for the King ; upon the end of the warres , being grown in age , he went to Germany , resolving to bestow his means ( which were very great ) in founding religious houses , which he did at Coleyn , Franckford , Vienna , Herford , Luneburg , Wirtsburg , Muleren , and Ratisbone : fifteen Abbeys and Hospitals they reckon , founded by him ; some in Italy , but the most part in Germany : all which he indowed with a reasonable proportion of lands and rents , but with this Proviso , that none should be admitted therein but Scottish men born . This for many years according to his appointment was observed , and even at this time , notwithstanding the manifold alterations that have happened , there be some of these foundations that are no ways changed from their first institution . They also may possibly decay , yet the magnificence of that Noble Prince , shall ever be recorded to his everlasting honour . And now to the occasion of these troubles I mentioned ; There reigned in the time of King Achaius amongst the Picts , Hungus a Prince well inclined , and a great lover of Religion and Justice . Athelstane King of the West Saxons , having usurped upon divers of his neighbours , and inlarged his Kingdome by subduing the Northumbers , did likewise invade the Picts , intending the conquest of that part of their Kingdom , which lay next unto his . Hungus hereupon did move King Achaius , who had married Fergusiana his sister , for some supply ; and he no lesse offended with Athelstans oppressions , then was Hungus himself , sent to his aid ten thousaud men , under the leading of of Prince Alpin his son . Hungus supplied with this power ; entered into Northumberland , and having made great depredations , returned home with a rich booty ; Athelstan following upon his heels , overtook him at a little Village not farre from Hadington ; which put Hungus in a sore fright , for a great part of his Army was dismissed and gone home ; yet not seeing a way to eschew the fight , he gave order for the battel against the next day , and in the mean time betook himself to prayer , spending most part of the night in that exercise . A litle before day falling into a slumber , it seemed to him that the Apostle St. Andrew stood by him , and assured him of the victory ; which vision being related to the Army , did much encourage them . The History addeth , that in the joyning of the battel there appeared in the aire a Crosse , in form of the letter X ; which so terrified the enemies , as presently they gave back : King Athelstane was himself there killed , whereupon the Village took the name , which at this day it enjoyeth of Athelstan Foord . Hungus to expresse his thankfulnesse for the victory gave to the Church of Regulus , now called St. Andrews divers rich gifts , as Chalices , Basons , the Image of Christ in gold , and of his twelve Apostles in silver . He gave likewise a case of beaten gold for preserving the Reliques of S. Andrew , and restored to the Spirituality the tithes of all cornes , cattel , and herbage within the Realm ; exempting them from answering before any temporal Judge . Further , he did appoint the Crosse of St. Andrew , to be the badge and cognisance of the Picts , both in their warres and otherwise ; which as long as that Kingdom stood , was observed , as is by the Scots as yet retained . But all this was spoiled , as we said , by Feredeth the third in succession from Hungus , after which time nothing prospered either with him , or with that people . For the line masculine of their Kings failing , Alpin the son of Achaius did claim the Crown as next in blood by vertue of an old Covenant betwixt the Scots and Picts ; the Picts refusing to accept him being a stranger , made choice of this Feredeth , whom we named ; and thereupon warre was denounced . The first encounter was at Restennoth in Angus ; where in a cruel fight , which continued from the morning untill night , Feredeth was killed : his son Brudeus who succeeded , was made away by the Picts themselves in the first year of his reign , and Kenneth his brother that succeeded to him , came to the like unfortunate end . After Kenneth , another called Brudeus was elected King ; and he in a battel fought not farre from Dundy , took King Alpin and many of his Nobles prisoners : which victory he used most foully , putting all the Nobles to death , killing the King , and causing his head to be set upon a pole in Abernethy , or as others write , in the city of Camelon . The Picts upon this victory supposing that they had utterly broken the courage of the Scots , did purpose nothing lesse then their extermination , which after the death of Brudeus , his brother Drusken that succeeded , went earnestly about . But Kenneth the second the son of Alpin , a Prince of a brave and heroick spirit , pursued so hotly the revenge of his fathers death , as having defeated the Picts in divers battels , he drave them all in the end forth of the Kingdom , and united that Crown to his own of Scotland . This Kenneth was a most wise and valiant King , and so circumspect in his businesse , that from that time forth none of the Picts were ever heard to resume the title of a King : The countreys which they inhabited , he divided amongst the Nobles , and others , whose labours in these warres had merited a recompence . He established good and wholesome Lawes . To the Church he gave another face , and a greater outward splendour then the former ages had seen , translating the Episcopal See ( which whilest the Pictish Kingdom stood , was setled in Abernethy ) to the Church of St. Reul , and ordaining it from thenceforth to be called The Church of S. Andrews , and the Bishop thereof Maximus Scotorum Episcopus , The principal Bishop of Scotland : Churches , Chappels , and Oratories , with their Priests , and all sorts of religious men he caused to be held in great reverence ; and in a word , did so nobly perform all actions , both a Warre and Peace , as he may rightly be placed amongst the best Kings , and reckoned the third Founder of the Scottish Monarchy . THE HISTORY of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE SECOND BOOK . The Contents . The Succession of Bishops in the several Sees of this Kingdome , especially in the See of Saint ANDREVVS , with other principal things that happened in their times . HAving made a collection of such things as I found dispersed in stories , and warranted in any sort , for the first six hundred years of our Church , and being now come to the time wherein this Church by enlarging of the Kingdom received a further extention in bounds , and therewith an addition of more wealth , and state ; I will , as beginning with a new accompt , follow the story therof by the succession of Bishops , especially in the See of Saint Andrewes , upon which the rest did depend . The first Bishop who fate in this See , was Adrian , killed by the Danes in the Isle of May , in the year 872. with Stolbrandus a Bishop , Monanus an Archdeacon , Glodianus a Presbyter , and a number of other Churchmen , who fled thither for their safety . Whilest this Bishop lived , Constantine the second the son of Kenneth did keep a convention in Scone , for reforming the disorders which the loose and dissolute government of his predecessour Donald the first had caused . In that convention beginning was made at the Clergy , and concerning them it was ordained , That they should reside upon their charges , and have no medling with secular businesse . That they should instruct the people diligently , and be good ensamples in their conversation . That they should not keep Hawks , Hounds , or Horses for pleasure . That they should carry no weapons , nor be pleaders of civil causes , but live contented with their own provisions . And if they were tried to transgresse in any of these points that for the first fault they should be fined in a pecuniary mulct , and for the second deprived from their office , and living . Thus was it not held in that time a diminution of Ecclesiastical authority , for Princes to give Lawes to the Clergy , and to punish them , if they were found guilty of any offence or crime . Divers other statutes for redressing abuses crept into the Realme , were then also concluded : as , That drunkennesse should be punished with death , that none should eat above one meal a day , nor accustome themselves to lye softly , or use any recreations , but such as might inure them to sufferance and labour . Whereby that good King did banish all riot and luxury , and in a short time brought the Kingdom again to a flourishing estate . But the Danes ( as we said ) invaded the countrey , and practising many cruelties whilest he did pursue them , who had entrenched themselves not farre from the Town of Carrail , he was unfortunately with all his Army overthrowne ; and being taken prisoner the day following , beheaded at the mouth of a little cave , which in detestation of that fact , is to this day called The Devils Cave . 2. Unto Bishop Adrian succeeded Kellach ; how long he lived , I finde not . 3. After him Malisius governed the See by the space of eight years . This Bishop had the happinesse to live under Gregory called the Great , a King indued with all the vertues that can be wished for , or desired in a King. The priviledges and immunities granted by him to the Church , do witnesse his piety ; for in a convention held at Forfare , by an unanime consent of his Estates , he ordained , That all Priests should from thenceforth be exempted from paying tribute , keeping watch , and going in warfare . That they should not be drawne before temporal Judges for any civil cause , but that all matters concerning them should be decided by their Bishops ; the judgement of Matrimonial causes , right of Tithes , Testaments , Legislatory actions , and all things depending upon simple faith , and promise , should be committed to the Bishops , with power to them to make Canons , and constitutions Ecclesiastical , to try hereticks , blasphemers , perjured persons , and Magicians , and censure such as they did finde delinquent in that kind ; And that all Kings succeeding should at the time of their coronation , take oath for maintaining the Church in their liberties . These favours had the Clergy in the following ages used with that moderation and equity which they ought , we should not have seen nor felt the interruptions that have been made upon Church liberties , with the incroachments which in our time have been justly complained of . In this time lived that famous Scholar Ioannes Scotus , called Aerigena , from the place of his birth , which was the town of Aire in the West parts of Scotland . This man being very young , went to Athens , and followed his studies there some years , attained to great perfection in the Greek , Chaldaick , and Arabick languages . Returning afterward to France , at the request of Carolus Calvus , he translated in Laetine the work of Dionysius de coelesti Hierarchia ; at which Pope Nicolaus took exception , and wrote to King Charles on this manner . Relatum est Apostolatui nostro , quòd opus Dionysii Arepagitae , quod de divinis nominibus , vel coelestibus ordinibus , Graeco descripit eloquio , quidam vir , Joannes genere Scotus , in Latinum transtulit : quod juxta morem nobis mitti , & nostro debuit judicio approbari ; praesertim cùm idem Joannes , licèt multae scientiae esse praedicetur , olim non sanus in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur . We have been informed that one called Iohn of the Scottish nation hath translated the work which Dionysius the Areopagite did write of the names of God , or of the heavenly Orders , into the Latine tongue : which book ought according to the custome , have been sent to us , and approved by our judgement ; especially since the said Iohn , albeit he be esteemed of good learning , hath been of long time held to be unsound in certain points of doctrine . Now the point which the Pope did chiefly quarrel , was his opinion of the Sacrament ; for he had published a Treatise , De corpore & sanguine Domini , wherein he maintained Bertram his doctrine of that point . Scotus having knowledge of this , and thinking he could not be safe in those parts because of the Popes dislike , came into Britain , and was welcomed by King Alfred a great favourer of learned men , by whom he was employed to teach the languages at Malmsbury Abbey , and by some Scholars who could not indure the severity of discipline , was stabbed to death in the year 884. and buried in the same Abbey . 4. Bishop Malisius dying , Kellach the second , the son of one Ferlegus succeeded in his place : he was the first Bishop of this Kingdom that went to Rome to seek confirmation , and lived to a great age , for he sate Bishop 35. years . In his time Constantine the third King of that name , wearied with the troubles of a publick life , renounced his temporal dignity , and betook himself to solitude among the Culdees in St. Andrews ; with whom he spent his last five years , and there died . After this Killach these successively were Bishops . 5. Malmore . 6. Malisius the second . 7. Alwinus , who fate three years only . 8. Maldwin the son of Gillander , and 9. Tuthaldus . In this time the coelibate of the Clergy was violently urged , and married Priests thrust from their livings ; which raised great stirres in the Church , but the particulars are not recorded , nor the broyles which thereupon insued . I read in the Antiquities of the Britannick Church , that in the year 977. a Councel was gathered at Calne in Wiltshire for that businesse , to which Beornellus a Bishop of Scotland was called by Alfrithe the widow of King Edgar , who favoured the cause of married Priests . This Bishop , a man of great learning and eloquence , is said to have defended the conjugal life of Priests by solid reasons taken out of Scripture , and to have put all the opposites to silence . But Dunstane the Archbishop , who presided in that Councel , when he saw that reason could not bear out the earand , fell a threatning , and said that notwithstanding all their arguments they should not carry away the victory ; which he had no sooner spoken , then the beames of the house wherein they sate at Councel , bursting asunder all were overturned , and fell headlong to the ground ; many were bruised , and some killed with the fall ; Dunstan himself only escaped without harm , the beam whereon he stood remaining whole and entire . Such as favoured the cause of Monks , did interpret this accident to be a sentence given by God on their side ; others said that Dunstan had wrought this mischief by sorcery , ( for many supposed him to be a Magician . ) However it was , the married Priests ( though repining ) were forced indeed to yield and submit themselves . What became of Beornellus , I read not , nor whether he returned to his countrey . The names of some other Bishops we have , who were in good accompt at that time , such as Blaanus , Englatius , Colmocus , and Moveanus Confessor to King Kenneth the third , a wise and valiant King , and one who might have been reckoned amongst the best Princes ▪ if about his latter end he had not stained his fame with the murther of Malcolm his Nephew , whom he made away by poyson ; but the ambitious desire he had to settle the succession in his own posterity , let him to work this villany : which he carried in so covert a manner , as no man did once suspect him thereof ( the opinion of his integrity being universally great : ) but as wicked facts can never be assured , though possible they may be concealed ; his mind was never after that time quiet , the conscience of the crime vexing him day and night with continual fears . In end ( whether it was so in effect , or if his perplexed minde did form the self such an imagination ) whilest he lay asleep , he heard a voyce speaking to him in this sort : Doest thou think , that the death of Malcolm that innocent Prince treacherously murthered by thee , is hidden from me , or that thou shalt passe any longer unpunished ? No , there is a plot laid for thy life which thou shalt not escape : and whereas thou didst think to transmit the Crown firm and stable to thy posterity , thou shalt leave the Kingdom broken , distracted and full of trouble . The King awaked with the voyce was stricken with great terrour ; in the morning early calling Moveanus , he laid open to him the grief and vexation of his minde : who giving the King his best counsel for the pacifying of his conscience , did advise him to bestow almes upon the poor , visit the graves of holy men , have the Clergy in greater regard then he was accustomed , and perform such other external satisfactions , as were used in those times . The King following his directions did carry himself most piously , not thinking by these outward deeds of penance to make expiation for his sin ; for they were not become as yet so grossely ignorant , as to believe that by such external works the justice of God is satisfied ; albeit some idle toyes , such as the visiting the graves of the Saints , kissing of Reliques , hearing of Masses , and others of that kinde , which Avarice and Superstition had invented , were then crept into the Church ; yet people were still taught , that Christ is the only propitiation for sin , and that by his blood the guilt thereof is only washed away . This being still the doctrine of the Church , to think that Kenneth was any other , is scarce charitable . Alwayes as he was visiting the grave of Palladius , being invited to lodge in the Castle of Fettercarne , he was there treacherously murthered . But to return to our Bishops . 10. Fothadus succeeded next after Tuthaldus , a man greatly respected for the opinion conceived of his holinesse . In the competition which Grimus had with Malcolme the second for the succession of the Crown , by his wisdom and the trust they reposed in him , they were brought to an agreement , and a most perilous commotion stayed . How long he sate Bishop , is not recorded ; in his time lived Vigiamus a Monk , an eloquent Preacher , Coganus an Abbot , and Onanus a Deacon , men of especial accompt . 11 After the death of Fothadus , Gregorius was elected and consecrated Bishop : he lived in a troublesome time ; for soon after his election , the Danes did of new invade the countrey , and landing in Murray , had such successe at first , as they did think to make conquest of the Realme . But Malcolm the second having repulsed them at a battel fought at Pambride in Angus , did pursue them unto Buchane , where at a Village called Murthlack he gave them an utter overthrow , and forced those that escaped to swear , that during the reign of Malcolm , and the life of Swane their King , they should never return into Scotland . To memorize this victory , the King did Found an Episcopal See at Murthlack , enduing the same with rents forth of the adjacent lands : and calling the Clergy to an assembly in the Town of Bertha , ( now Perth ) he enacted by the advice of Bishop Gregorius divers Canons for their better government . At the same time in a convention kept at Scone , to reward those that had done well in the late warres , he gave away all the Crown lands , reserving little or nothing to himself . The Barons to requite his liberality , did grant to him and his successours Kings of Scotland , the Ward of all their lands , with the benefit that might accrew by the marriage of the heir . But this being casual and uncertain , proved unsufficient for maintaining his Royal estate , so that necessity ( the sure companion of immoderate largition ) did force him to make unlawful shifts : whereby he came to be as much hated in end , as he was loved at first ; and by some villains that thought themselves wronged by him , was murthered in the Castle of Glammes after he had reigned 30. years . Before his time the titles of Thane and Abthane , were the only titles of honour and dignity in the Realme : whereas he to give a greater splendor to the State , did introduce all these offices which are now in use , and are commonly called Offices of Estate . Duncan the first his Nephew by Beatrix his daughter succeeded to the Crown , whose weaknesse and simplicity made way to Mackbeth his Cousin-germans usurpation ; for he conspiring with Bancho a man of great place , deprived the King both of his Crown and life , in the seventh year of his reign . The Kings two sons , Malcolme , surnamed Canmore , and Donald Bane , fearing the cruelty of the Tyrant , withdrew themselves and fled ; Malcolme into Wales , and Donald into the West Isles . Thus none being to oppose , Mackbeth did assume to himself the Crown , and for the first ten years governed the Kingdom better with justice then he got it . Afterward growing suspicious , and seeking to rid himself of those that might prove his enemies , he began his cruelty at Bancho , who had an hand with him in the Kings murther : and inviting him on a night to supper with his son Fleanche , as they were returning to their lodgings , made some lie in the way to murther them . Bancho doubting no harm was killed , but his son Fleanche through the darknesse of the night escaped . The Nobles detesting this treachery , and fearing it might turn to be their own case , retired home to their dwellings . Mackbeth finding himself to be forsaken of his Nobles , and knowing that he was hated by the people , fell then to practise open Tyranny , and forging quarrels against the better sort , did upon light causes put divers to death . The Thane of Fife , called Mackduffe , a man of great power , out of a suspicion he conceived fled into England ; where meeting with Malcolme the lawful heir of the Crown , after he had exponed the misery whereunto the countrey was brought by the cruelties of Mackbeth , and the reasons of his own flight , did perswade him to return and repeat his Fathers Kingdom . Malcolme who often before had been solicited to return , by such as Mackbeth did suborn : made answer , That he understood all these things to be true which were related ; but if , said he , ye knew how unfit I am for government , you would not be so earnest as you seem , to call me home ; for not to dissemble with you , whom I esteem my friend , the vices which have overthrown many Kings , Lust and Avarice , do reign in me : whilest I live obscure , and in a private sort , these faults are not espied ; but if I were in place of Rule , the same would soon appear , and break forth . Mackduffe replying , That these were no reasons to keep him back , for that marriage and time would quench Lust ; and for avarice , when he should have abundance , and be out of fear of want , it would cease . That , said he , possible may be , but I have an imperfection greater then these ; for I can trust no man , and have found such falshood in the world , as I am jealous of every one , and upon the smallest suspicions , ( for I measure every man by my self ) I break and alter all my courses . Away then , said Mackduffe , I am unfortunate , and thou unworthy to Reign : and with this word he made to depart . Then Malcolme taking him by the hand , said , I do now know thou art a man worthy of trust , and will not refuse to undergoe any hazard with you ; for as to these vices we have been talking of , I thank God none of them do reign in me , onely I speak this to discover your minde and disposition . Thus both agreeing upon the enterprise , they gave private notice to their friends of their coming ; and obtaining a supply of ten thousand men , from King Edward under the leading of Sibard Earl of Northumberland , Malcolmes Grand-father by the Mother , they entered into Scotland . The rumour of this Army did cast Mackbeth into a great terrour , and not knowing what to do , ( for he was deserted of all ) he shut up himself at first in the Castle of Dunsinnan , a Fort that he had lately built . The Army marching thither , how soon they came in sight , Mackbeth out of a new fear forsook the Fort , and made to flye by horse ; but being pursued by some of Malcolme his friends , he was overtaken and killed . Upon this victory Malcolme was declared King , and crowned in Scone the 25. of April , 1057. Soon after his Coronation , calling the Estates together at Forfar he restored the children of those that Mackbeth had forfeited : and to correct the intemperances of the people , and to recall them to the ancient frugality , made divers good statutes , repealing that beastly Act of Eugenius the third , which appointed the first night of the new married woman to appertain to the Lord of the ground , and granting the husband liberty to redeem the same by payment of an half Mark of silver , which portion they call Marchetas mulierum , and is as yet disponed by superiours in the Charters they give to their vassals . In this Convention likewise the Bishops , who , as we shewed before , did indifferently administrate their functions in all places to which they came , had limits appointed to them for the exercise of their jurisdiction . To Saint Andrewes was committed the oversight of Fife , Louthian , Merce , Striveling-shire , Angus , and Mernis . Glasgow had the charge given him of the West parts and Borders ; Galloway this countrey which yet beareth the name : and Murthlack all that is now of the Diocy of Aberdeen . Besides these , the King did erect Murray and Cathnes in two Bishopricks , appointing able men for the discharge of the service , and providing them with maintenance sufficient , he gave the Lordship of Momemusk , the superiority whereof belongs as yet to that See. The Church of Dunfermling he built from the ground , and laid the foundation of the Cathedral in Durham , advancing great summes to the perfection thereof . In all which , he was much furthered by that blessed Lady Queen Margaret his wife . That we may better know this Lady , and how she came to be married unto Malcolme I must relate a few things belonging to that purpose . Edmond King of England surnamed Ironside , being treacherously killed at Oxford , Canutus a Dane , who reigned in a part of that kingdome , attained the absolute dominion of the whole . This Edmond left two sons , Edwin and Edward , whom Canutus in the beginning entertained very kindly , but afterwards seeking to establish the Crown in his own posterity , he sent them to Volgarus the Governour of Swain to be murthered . The Governour pitying the estate of these innocent youths , conveyed them secretly unto Solomon King of Hungary , giving out to Canutus that they were made away ; Edward ( surviving Edwin his brother ) married Agatha sister to the Queen of Hungary , and daughter to the Emperour Henry the second , by whom he had a son called Edgar , and two daughters , Margaret and Christian. After Canutus his death succeeded Harold his eldest son , whose reign was cruel and short , and four years only . And after him Hardicanutus , who died suddenly in the second year of his reign , and was the last of the Danes that ruled in England . Upon his death Edward brother to Edmondlronside living then in Nomandy , was recalled and Crowned King of England at Winchester , in the year 1042. This is he that is called Edward the Confessor , a most pious King , who having no issue , sent to Hungary for his Cousin Edward , and for his children . Edward soon after his coming died , so Edgar surnamed Atheling remained , to whom King Edward would willingly have resigned the Crown ; but such was the modesty of that young Prince , as he did absolutely refuse to reign during the King his life : That lost him the Crown , for upon the death of the King , Harold son to Earl Godwin was preferred , Prince Edgar his right utterly misknown . But Harold his reign continued not long . William Duke of Normandy commonly called the Conqueror , having killed him in a battel fought in Sussex the next year , usurped the kingdom to himself . Edgar fearing the Conquerors cruelty , took sea with his mother Agatha , and his two sisters , Margaret and Christian , intending to return into Hungargy , but were by Tempest driven upon the coast of Scotland , where King Malcolme that had learned by his own sufferances to compassionate the distresses of others , did most courteously receive them , and shortly after their coming took Margaret the eldest sister of Edgar to wife , a Lady of rare vertue ; who though she brought him little or no portion , made both him and his kingdom happy . How soon the Norman had setled his dominion in England , he sent to King Malcolme to require Edgar his competitor and fugitive ( as he termed him ) to be rendered . Malcolme refused , holding it an unseemly deed in a King , to deliver any person that took their refuge to him , much more to betray a Prince allyed to himself , unto his mortal enemy . Hereupon Warre was proclaimed , and one Roger a Nobleman of Normandy sent to invade Northumberland , which was then in the possession of the Scots . Richard Earl of Gloucester did second him with a great power , but both these were put to the worse . Odon the Normans brother , who of a Bishop of Bayeux was made Earl of Kent , as likewise his own son Robert , whom he employed with several Armies , did prosper no better ; so as wearied of the warres , he began to think of peace : neither was Malcolme unwilling unto it ; and after some treaty , it was accorded , That King Malcolme should retain Cumberland with the same right that his predecessours did enjoy it : and that the subjects of each kingdom might know their limits , and how farre they were to passe ; a stone-crosse was erected in Stammore , which was called the Ree Crosse , that is , the Crosse of Kings ; for on the North side thereof , the Armes of the King of Scotland were graven , and upon the South , the Armes of the King of England . This peace held firm all the Conquerours time , but William called Rufus his son succeeding , it quickly dissolved ; neither could it be otherwise , considering the contrary disposition of the two Kings ; for as Malcolme was religiously given , and a great Benefactor to the Church , so Rufus in all his carriage , manifested no affection that way : For to inlarge his Forest at Winchester , he demolished thirty Churches , and forced Anselme that good Bishop of Canterbury to quit the kingdom , for the liberty he used in his reprehensions . It was also thought that the interview of the two Kings at Gloucester did further their dislike ( as hath been often observed to fall out in the meetings of Princes . ) For Malcolme departed from him in displeasure , Rufus by some secret practice got the Castle of Anwick , whereupon arose the warre ; in which King Malcolme and Prince Edward his son did both perish . A little before the beginning of this warre , Bishop Gregorius died , and in his place one called Edmundus was elected , who deceased before his consecration . 12. After him Turgot Prior of Duresme was chosen Bishop : he wrote the history of King Malcolme , and Queen Margaret , who some few dayes after the death of the King her husband , departed this life in the Castle of Edinburgh , and was buried in the Church of Dunfermlin ; whither also the bodies of Malcolme and Edward his son were afterwards translated ; for at first they were buried in Tinmouth Abbey . Never was more lamentation made for the death of two Princes , then was for this Queen and her husband , Malcolme . To speak of his piety , justice , and magnanimity , he outwent in all these the Princes of his time : and for courage , he gave a noble proofe of it in the first entry of his reign , when upon a conspiracy detected against his life , riding one day in the fields , he called the chief conspiratour ; and taking him aside from the rest of the company unto a secret place , he did challenge him as a Traytor , willing him , if he had any valour , to shew the same , and rather take his life in an honest manner , then treacherously . The man confounded with the boldnesse of the King , fell upon his knees and intreated pardon ; which the King granted , retaining him still in his service as before . The magnificence of his Court whilest he lived was great ; and in the State to distinguish the degrees of Honour , he introduced the titles of Earl , Baron , and Knight , in the place of Thane , and Abthane , which were the titles before in use . His Queen Margaret was in her place no lesse famous in all the vertues that became women , devout towards God , charitable to the poor , and exceeding liberal in the advancing of publick works . The Church of Carlile she built upon her own charges ; and was esteemed not to be the least cause of all that the King her husband bestowed that way . By her the King had a fair issue , six sons , and two daughters ; the first called Edward , died with his father at Anwick ; the second called Edmond , did render himself religious ; Etheldred the third deceased young : the other three , Edgar , Alexander , and David , reigned successively one after another ; continuing all of them in the same course of goodnesse . The names of the two daughters , were MAUD , and MARY . MAUD entring into the Cloister , wherein Agatha her Grandmother , and Christian her Aunt lived retired ; was with much difficulty wonne to descend into the world , and to be joyned in marriage with Henry the first King of England ; a Lady of incomparable vertues , and of so good a disposition , as she was commonly termed MAUD the good Queen . Having lived 17. years with her husband in great love , she deceased at Westminster the first of May , 1118. and was buried on the right hand of Edward the Confessor his Tombe , with this Epitaph affixed . Prospera non laetam fecere , nec aspera tristem : Aspera risus ei , prospera terror erant . Non decor effecit fragilem , non sceptra superbam : Sola potens humilis , sola pudica decens . Maii prima dies nostrorum nocte dierum , Raptam perpetuum fecit inire diem . The other sister MARY was married to Eustathe Earl of Boloign , who went to the recovery of the Holy-land , with that noble Prince GODFREY his brother , she bare to him one only daughter , named MAUD , who was afterward matched to Stephen King of England , and departed this life at London three years before her sister , having her corps interred at Bermondsey Abbey in South●ark , with this inscription . Nobilis hic tumulata jacet , comitissa Maria : Artibus hac nituit , larga , benigna fuit . Regum sanguis erat , morum probitate vigebat ; Compatiens inibi , vivat in arce poli . Thus much we owed to the memory of those good and glorious Princes , and now return ; Turgot after he had governed the See of St. Andrewes with good commendation some 25 , or 26. years , died in the year of our Lord 1117. his corps according to his appointment , was honourably conveyed to Duresme , and there interred . In his time lived Veremudus Archdeacon of St. Andrewes , a Spaniard by nation , and well learned according to those times ; he wrote the history of Scotland , from the beginning of the kingdom unto the reign of Malcolme the third , and is greatly commended for his diligence and fidelity in that work , but by the injury of time the same is lost . In Germany much about the same time lived Marlanus , Paternus , Ammichadus , Sigebertus , and Helias , all of them Scotch men , and well respected . This last had the government of two Monasteries in Coleyn , called S. Pantale and S. Martin . The severity and rigour that he used toward his Monks , brought him in dislike with Pilgrinus Archbishop of the City , who upon some false informations determined to expulse him and all the Scottish Monks that were in the City , after his return from the Emperours Court , where he was for the time . This being reported to Helias , he is said to have uttered these words ; Si Christus in nobis peregrinus est nunquam viuas Coloniam veniet Piligrinus : which falling out according to his prediction purchased to him the reputation of a Prophet . After that , he lived many years in peace , and died at Coleyn in the year 1042. Sigeberius having governed the Monastery of Fulden some years , was preferred to the Archibishopricks of Mentz , and being urged by Gregory the seventh , called Hildebrand , to depose the married Priests that would not separate from their wives , was in danger to be detruded by his Clergy , and had much adoe to cause that Law of single life to be embraced by them . Ammichadus a man nobly born , and greatly affected to the solitary life , lived a Recluse in the Abbey of Fulden , spending his time in the meditations of morality , and died in the year 1043. Paternus was a Monk in the City of Potelbrum , which in the year 1058. was consumed with fire : Ambiens Martyrium , saith Marianus , in a foolish affection of Martyrdome , refusing to come forth of the Monastery , was therein burnt alive . Marianus , he was first a Monk in the Monastery of St. Martin at Colyn , founded by Ebergerus the Archbishop of that City , for a Seminary of Scottish students , in the year 676. and having continued there two years , went to the Abbey of Fulden , where he lived ten years . After that he went to Mentz upon the Archbishops visitation , and stayed there some 15. years . All this time he imployed in the study of letters , especially of Story and Chronology , wherein he attained to such a perfection , as he was accompted the only Chronologist in his dayes ; the Chronicle he wrote from the beginning of the world , unto the year of Christ 1183. yet extant , doth testifie no lesse . He died at Mentz in the year 1186. and was buried in the Church of St Martin within the City ; and thus much for the learned men of our countrey , that lived in the time of Turgot . 13. Next after Turgot Godricus succeeded in the See of Saint Andrewes : this Bishop did anoint King Edgar the son of Malcolme , in the year 1098. after the manner of other Christian Princes ; which rite had not been formerly used in the Coronation of our Kings , and ( as they write ) was obtained from Pope Urban the second , at the request of Queen Margare● : for the Popes of Rome having as then advanced themselves above Kings , did take on them the conferring of these Ensignes of Majesty to whom , and where they pleased . This Edgar was a good King , and greatly beloved of all his subjects . The Abbey of Cauldingham , which in former times had been a sanctuary of Virgins , he gave to the Church of Duresme , but upon the ungrate behaviour of Ranulph Bishop of that See , a man noted of much corruption , he recalled his gift , and erected the same into a Priory . Upon the death of Godricus , King Alexander surnamed the Fierce , sent to Radolph Archbishop of Canterbury to have his advice for the promoving of some worthy person unto the place ; and in his letters directed to that effect , complained of the Archbishop of York his encroaching upon the Church of Scotland , through the oversight of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury , that had given way to the consecration of some of the Bishops of Saint Andrews at York , whereas in old times they were not wont to receive Consecration , but either from the Bishop himself , or from the Archbishop of Canterbury ; Therefore desired his assistance in redressing that abuse , which he said he could not any longer tolerate . Now this Radolph was at the same time in question , with Thurstan the elect of York for his consecration , to which by no means he would assent , unlesse Thurstan would make profession of obedience to the See of Canterbury . And about that was so much businesse made , that Radolph , though he was then both aged and sickly , did undertake a journey to Rome , to debate his right . At his return , which was some four years after ( so long did the See of Saint Andrews remain void ) the King sent to him Peter Prior of Dunfermlin , and one of his own Gentlemen to congratulate his safe return , and request that Eadmerus a Monk of Canterbury , a man well reported of , might be sent hither , for filling the place . Radolph knowing that Eadmerus had neither by himself , nor by any other indirect meanes moved the businesse , and so taking it to come of God ; howsoever it grieved him , that the Church of Canterbury should lack the benefit of his service ; gave his consent , and having obtained King Henry his licence ( without whose knowledge he would not have him go into a strange countrey ) sent him to Alexander with an ample recommendation , in substance this : We give unto God ( said he ) everlasting thanks , for that it hath pleased him to open the eyes of your mind , and make you know and seek that which you should ; and to your Highness self we esteem our selves greatly bound , because of your friendly and familiar usage : for albeit your desires tend to our hurt , and are not lesse grievous to us , then if you should pull out our eyes , or cut off our right hand , we cannot but commend your desire , and so far as we may in God , obey the same . Therefore unwilling , and yet willing , we yield unto your will ; willing in so farre as we perceive it is Gods will which we dare not withstand , nor will we in any thing willingly displease ; yet unwilling , for that we are left alone , and deprived of his fellowship , who as a Father ministred unto us consolation in time of grief , giving us sound advice in many perplexed cases , and was to us a most helpful Brother in this our infirm and old age . If any other should have required him of us , we would no more have parted with him , then with our own heart ; but there is nothing , which in God we can deny you . Thus we send unto you the person that you desired , and so free , as you may lay on him what charge you will , so as it be to the honour of God , and to the credit of the Mother Church of Canterbury . Do therefore what you purpose wisely , and remit him unto us with diligence to be consecrated , because delay in that errand may breed impediments , that we desire to eschew , &c. Eadmerus bringing with him this Commendatory letter , was the third day after his coming elected Bishop by the Kings licence , and with consent both of the Clergy and Laity ; but the next morning whilest the King conferred with him apart touching his consecration , he began to magnifie the Church of Canterbury , and the authority it had over all the Churches of Britain ; declaring that by his leave , he would seek the Episcopal benediction from the Bishop , and not receive it at the hands of any other : which offended the King greatly ; for by no meanes could he endure to hear of this Churches subjection to the English . Thereupon the Monks who had been trusted in the yeares preceding with the intromission of the rents , were charged to uplift the same , and to impede the elect his possession . Yet within a few dayes the King going in an expedition against some rebels in the countrey of Ross , by the intercession of Noblemen it was agreed that Eadmerus should receive the Ring out of the Kings hand , and the Crosier being laid upon the Altar , he should take up the same , and that way be invested into the Bishoprick . In this sort was he entered to his charge , the Clergy and people accepting him for their Bishop . Mean while , Thurstan the Archbishop of York , who was then beyond sea , ceased not to solicit King Henry of England by his letters to impede the consecration ; for which effect , three several messages were sent to King Alexander . Eadmerus upon the distast the King had taken of him , was not much respected : which he perceiving , and withall considering that the King being his unfriend , his service could not be very profitable to the Church and Kingdome , resolved to go unto Canterbury , and seek the advice of his brethren and friends in those parts . This signified to the King , he said that the Bishop had nothing to do with Canterbury , nor so long as he lived should any Bishop of Scotland professe subjection to that See. Which being reported to the Bishop , he replied in passion , That not for the Bishoprick , nay not for all Scotland , would he deny himself to be a Monk of Canterbury . Falling thus more and more in the dislike of the King , and jarres daily encreasing , he employed the Bishop of Glasgow to try the king his minde towards him : who told him that he found the King greatly displeased with his courses , and if he continued in the same minde , he was not to expect his favour . Hereupon Eadmerus resolving to depart , delivered back the Ring which he had received from the King , and laid down his Crosier upon the Altar , with a protestation that he was forced thereunto , and so went away . The King did by his Letter purge himself to the Archbishop of Canterbury , declaring that it was not his fault , but wilfulness on Eadmerus his part , which made him relinquish his charge . But the Archbishop a man of courteous nature not willing further to enquire of the reasons of Eadmerus his departure , passed over the businesse with a gentle answer to the King for that time . I finde upon better advice , that Eadmerus made offer to return , and give the King satisfaction in all he required ; but herein he was prevented by a new election , which the King had caused to be made . 15. For how soon it was advertised that Eadmerus had a purpose to return , the King for his own peace did think it most sure to have one of his Subjects preferred to the place ; and so recommending to the Chapter Robert Prior of Scone , he with an uniform consent was chosen Bishop , and stood elect two years ( for before King Alexander his death , which happened in the year of our Lord 1114. he was not consecrated ; ) then he received the benediction at the hands of Thurstan Bishop of York , with reservation of the priviledges of both Churches which if the King had lived , would not have been permitted ; for he was a Prince that stood much upon his royalty , and would not endure at any hand the least encroachment either upon his Kingdome , or upon the Church . The Abbeys of Scone and S. Columbe were founded by this King. To the See of S. Andrews he was a great Benefactor , and gave the lands called Cursus apri , the Boars chace , and was resolved to do more in that kinde , if he had not been taken away by death . But what may be thought lacking in him was abundantly supplied by his brother and successor King David , whose beneficence that way exceeded all others ; for besides the repairing of these Monasteries which was either by age become ruinous , or were defaced by injuries of warre , he erected the Bishopricks of Rosse , Brichen , Dunkeld and Dumblane , with the Abbeys of Iedburgh , Kelsoe , Melrose , Newbottle , Halirudhouse , Kinlosse , Combuskenneth , Dundrennan and Holmecultram in Cumberland ; he founded likewise two religious Houses at Newcastle , one for the Benedictins , another for the white Monks ; and for professed Virgins , two Monasteries , one at Berwick , and another at Carlile : all which he provided with competent Revenues . Some of our Writers have taxed this most worthy King for his immoderate profusion , as they call it , on these Monasteries ; and Holinshed saith that his unmeasurable liberality towards the Church , made his Successors oppresse their Nobles at home , lay impositions upon the people , and doe many other things prejudiciall to the Commonwealth , that they might have wherewith to maintain their royall estates . But herein he erreth greatly , for let an examination be taken of the behaviour of our Kings in the ages succeeding , it will appear that their proceedings either with their own Subjects at home , or with their Enemies abroad have been more justifiable then the doings of any of their Neighbours : neither can it be shewed , that any one of them did ever take those indirect courses which he mentioneth , for penury or want . But it is easie to speak ill , and deprave the actions of the best Princes . It is true , that profusenesse in any person , especially in a King , is not to be allowed , for that it bringeth a great mischief both to the King and Subjects ; but the bestowing of sixscore thousand Franks ( that is the highest estimate they make of his donations ) cannot be called an immoderate profusion . He was certainly a most wise King , and knew well his own work , and could proportion his Gifts to his Revenues . Neither was his liberality an hindrance to his Successors in the doing of the like pious works ; for Malcolm who succeeded did erect the Abbey of Couper in Angus , Santray in Lothian , and a religious house at Manwell for professed Virgins . King William erected the Abbey of Aberbrothock , and his Queen Emergarda the Abbey of Balmerinoch . The like did the following Kings in their own times , which shewed that he did not leave his Successors destitute of means to support their royall estate . This further will I boldly affirm , that if there be any profusion excusable in Princes , it is this : for besides that these foundations are the most lasting monuments to glorifie their memories , they are the readiest helps which they shall finde to supply their necessities at all occasions . Now whereas some have disapproved these donations because of the fruits that ensued , meaning the abuses that crept in by the corruption of the persons , who did afterwards enjoy them ; if this reason should hold , the best of Gods creatures , and the most pious institutions which ever were in the world , should be all condemned ; for what is it that was ever put in the hands of men to use , that hath not been corrupted ? and to cast the faults of men upon the things themselves , is a great iniquity . But this superfluous enriching of Monasteries whereof they speak , came not by this mean. The foundations at first were moderate , and no way excessive ; but in after t●mes the Prelates growing sluggish , and shaking off the care of preaching , as a work not beseeming their dignity , they to flatter the Predicans , who had then all the way among the popular , and to be recommended of them for charitable and devout Prelates , gave away almost all their own Churches , and impropriated them to Abbeys , leaving a poor Priest to do service in the Parish : and of this did spring a world of evils , which since that time could never be remedied . This I thought needfull to be said for vindicating the same of that good King , who in all his actions , both private and publick , lived beyond all censure , so as it is truly said of him , That the most learned wits who have gone about to frame the character of a good King , could never devise nor imagine such a one , as he did expresse himself in the whole course of his life . But to follow our purpose ; Bishop Robert living under this King , and some six years after , did carry himself in all the parts of his charge commendably ; he founded the Priory of S. Andrews , and obtained to the City the liberties of a Burgh Royall , placing therein one Mainard a Fleming to be Provost , and departing this life in the year 1159. after he had sate Bishop 35. years was buried in the Church of S. Rewle , the Cathedrall not being as yet built . There flourished in this time two of our Countreymen , Richardus de sancto Victore a Channon regular of the order of S. Angustine , and David a Presbyter . This David lived in Germany , and was chosen by the Emperour Henry the fifth to accompany him in that expedition which he made to Italy against Pope Paschal ; the Story whereof he wrote , as likewise a Treatise de regno Scotorum , both which are perished . Richardus was a professor of Divinity at Paris in the Abbey of S. Victor a great Philosopher , and left many books that witnesse his learning , the Titles whereof you may read in Baleus . He died in the same Abbey , and was buried with this Epitaph : Moribus , ingenio , doctrina clarus , & arte , Pulvereo hîc tegeris , docte Richarde , situ . Quem tellus genuit foelici Scotica partu , Te fovet in gremio Gallica terra suo . Nil tibi Parca ferox nocuit , quae stamina parco Tempore tracta gravirupit acerba manu . Plurima namque tui super ant monumenta laboris , Qua tibi perpetuam sunt paritura decus . Segnior ut lento sceler atas mors pelit aedes : Sic propero nimis it sub piatecta gradu . 16. Bishop Robert deceasing , Walthemius Abbot of Melrosse was earnestly entreated to accept the Charge , but would not forsake the Monastery , saying , That he had washed his feet , and could not contaminate them again with the dust of earthly cares . Whereupon Arnold Abbot of Kelso was elected , and in presence of King Malcolm the fourth consecrated by William Bishop of Murray . This Bishop had been the year preceding directed to Rome with one Nicholaus the Kings Secretary , to complain of the Archbishop of York his usurpation upon the Church of Scotland , and being then returned , carried himself as Legate to the Pope ; which power he resigned to Arnold after his Consecration , as he was enjoyned by Engenius the third , who then held the Chair . In a Convention of the Estates kept the same year , Arnold did earnestly insist with the King to make choice of a wise for assuring the royall succession , and to that effect made a long speech in the hearing of the Estates ; but the King had taken a resolution to live single , and would not be diverted . Edward Bishop of Aberdene was much blamed for confirming him in that course , and for that cause hated of many . The Cathedrall of S. Andrews , a fair and stately Church whilest it stood , was founded by this Arnold , but before the work was raised to any height he died , having sate Bishop one year , ten moneths , and seventeen days onely . 17. Upon Arnold his death the King did recommend his Chaplain Richard to the place , who was immediately elected by the Convent , but not consecrated for the space of two years after , because of the Archbishop of York his pretensions . One Roger held at that time the See of York , a man ambitious beyond all measure , who from being Archdeacon of Canterbury was by the means of the Archbishop Thomas Becket preferred to that place ; no sooner was he advanced , but he procured of Pope Anastasius the fourth a Bull , whereby he was designed Metropolitane of Scotland ; but the King and the Clergy ( notwithstanding the Popes authority was in those days greatly respected ) refused to acknowledge him . Anastasius dying , by whom the Archbishop Roger was maintained , the Prelates of Scotland did convene , and by themselves performed the Consecration . Roger incensed herewith sent to Rome , and complaining of this contempt , found the favour to be made Legate of Scotland : by vertue whereof , he caused cite all the Scottish Clergy to appear before him at Norham in England , whither he came in great pomp . Angelramus Archdeacon of Glasgow ( accompanied with Walter Prior of Kelso , Solomon Dean of Glasgow , and some others of the Clergy ) went and kept the Diet , and in the name of the Church of Scotland appealing to the Pope , took journey to Rome . Where the business being debated before Pope Alexander the third , sentence was given against Roger his pretended Legation , and the Church of Scotland declared to be exempted from all spirituall Jurisdiction , the Apostolique See only excepted . This exemption Angelramus , who in the mean time was promoted to the See of Glasgow by the death of Bishop Herbert , and consecrated at Rome , brought back and presented to the King. The Bull is yet extant , and begins thus : Alexander P. servus servorum Dei Malcolmo Regi &c. A few days after the Bishops return King Malcolm died at Iedbrough , in the 25. year of his age , and 12. of his reign : a sweet and meek Prince , uncourteously used by King Henry the second , King of England , but more rudely by his own Subjects . This Henry , by nature ambitious , and one that could not keep himself within bounds , took many ways to wrong this good King , and make him despised of his own people ; yet for that he had sworn to King David , Malcolms Grandfather , that he should never molest him , nor any of his posterity in the possession of the lands they held in England , and could not for shame go against his oath ; he stirred up the Bishop of York to place a Bishop at Carlile , thinking the King of Scots would not endure that wrong . Iohn Bishop of Glasgow , under whose charge the Countrey of Cumberland then was , did exceedingly offend with this , and finding that the King would not break with Henry for so little a cause , nor seeing a way to repair himself , abandoned his charge , and went unto the Monastery of Tours in France , where he abode till he was forced by the Popes authority to return . King Henry finding this injury dissembled , went afterwards more plainly to work ; for having desired Malcolm to come to London to do homage for the lands he held in England , he compelled him to follow him in the Warre he made upon France , thinking thereby to alienate the minde of the French King from the Scots . Again , when he had returned home , inviting him of new to a Parliament kept at York , upon a forged quarrell , as if he had crossed King Henry his affairs in France , he was declared to have lost all his lands in England : And not content to have wronged him in this sort , to stir up his own Subjects against him , made the report goe , that King Malcolm had voluntarily resigned all those lands . Which did so irritate the Nobles , as presently after his return putting themselves in Arms , they did besiege the Town of Bertha , where the King remained , and had not failed to use violence , but that by the intercession of some wise Prelates matters were composed . The Nobility being grieved to see the King so abused , did urge him to denounce warre , but he loving rather to have matters peaceably agreed , was content to accept Cumberland and Huntington , and suffer Northumberland to goe to King Henry . This displeased the Subjects , and diminished much of the regard that was formerly carried to him , which he took greatly to heart , and shortly after died , as was thought , of displeasure . The good King being thus taken away , his brother William succeeded in the year 1165. The first thing he undertook , was the repetition of Northumberland ; for which Ambassadours were sent to King Henry . His answer was , That he should have right done him at his coming to London , after he had performed his homage for the Countries he held in England . King William taking journey thither with David his younger brother , found the King at his Easter in VVindsore : where insisting for the restitution of Northumberland , he had many good words given him , and promise made , that at the meeting of the Parliament a course should be taken to his content . In this hope he followed King Henry , going then in expedition to France , and staid there with him some moneths ; but when he perceived the King was not shortly to return unto England , and that he was sed onely with fair promises , he took his leave and came home . Presently after his return , he sent an Herald to denounce warre , unlesse Northumberland were restored . King Henry being then ingaged in the French warres , and not willing to make himself more businesse , was content to quit that part of Northumberland which King VVilliam his great Grandfather had possessed . Yet suddenly forethinking what he had done , he stirred up underhand those that lived in the Borders to make incursions upon the Scots . This being complained , and no redresse made , King VVilliam raised an Army , and went into England , and at Anwick as he was taking the aire , suspecting no Enemy to be at hand , he was surprised by some English , and sent Prisoner to King Henry in France , who put him in the Castle of Calice in Picardie , where he was some moneths detained . A great dysaster this was , and how grievous to the whole State , may appear by the Articles condescended upon , for obtaining his liberty , which were : 1. That for his redemption there should be paid one hundred thousand pounds sterling money , the one half in hand , the other half after a short time ; and for assurance thereof , the Counties of Cumberland , Huntington and Northumberland be morgaged to King Henry . 2. That the Scots should move no warre against England for retention of these Counties . 3. And for the more security the Castles of Roxburgh , Berwick , Edinburgh and Sterling should be delivered to the King of England , or unto such as he should appoint to receive the same . Hollinshed setteth down other Conditions besides these : as , That the King of Scots should acknowledge the King of England for his supreme Lord ; That the Prelates of Scotland and their successors should be subject to the Church of England ; And that the Lords and Barons of Scotland should swear fealty to the King of England and his successours : which are meer forgeries , it being certain that the Scots , howsoever they loved their King , and for his liberty would not refuse to undergoe very hard conditions , yet would never have renounced their liberties , maintained so long and with so much blood , and yeelded themselves in any case to such a slavish subjection . Always the agreement concluded in Normandy the 8. of December 1175. by Richard Bishop of S. Andrews and divers Noblemen sent thither to treat in that businesse , was at August thereafter confirmed in York by both Kings , all the Bishops , Abbots , and Nobility almost of Scotland being present . In Ianuary thereafter at a meeting in Norham where King VVilliam was also in person , the King of England dealt earnestly to have the Clergy of Scotland accept the Archbishop of York for their Metropolitane ; but they p●etending the absence of many of their number , and the want of the inferiour Clergies consent , deferred to give any answer at that time . The next year the same matter was renued , and followed earnestly by a Legate sent from the Pope , with Commission to reform the abuses he should finde in the Churches both in England and Scotland . This Legate called Hugo , and styled Cardinall de sancto Angelo , having sent his Apparitors with a citation to the Bishops of Scotland , for their appearing before him at a certain day in Northampton , they went thither with a great number of their Clergy . The Assembly being met , and all ranked in their places , the Cardinall ( who had his seat somewhat higher then the rest ) made a long speech in commendation of humility and obedience , shewing what excellent Virtues these were , and how much to be desired of men of spirituall profession ; whereof when he talked a while , he came in end to perswade the Clergy of Scotland to submit themselves to the Primate of York : which he said was a thing very convenient for them , and would turn greatly to their ease and commodity ; for having no Superiour amongst themselves , nor Metropolitane to decide Controversies that possibly might happen , there could none be fitter then their neighbour the Archbishop of York , a Prelate of great respect , and one whose credit in the Court of Rome might serve them to good use ; therefore besought them to lay aside all grudges and emulations , and dispose themselves to live in all times after , as members of one and the same Church . The Bishops who feared to offend the Legate made no answer , and after a long silence , a young Chanon named Gilbert rose up , and spake to this effect : The Church of Scotland , ever since the faith of Christ was embraced in that Kingdome , hath been a free and independent Church , subject to none , but the Bishop of Rome , whose authority we refuse not to acknowledge . To admit any other for our Metropolitane , especially the Archbishop of York , we neither can nor will ; for notwithstanding the present peace , which we wish may long continue , warres may break up betwixt the two Kingdomes ; and if it shall fall out so , neither shall he be able to discharge any duty amongst us , nor can we safely and without suspicion resort to him . For the controversies which you my Lord Cardinall say may arise amongst our selves , we have learned and wise Prelates who can determine the same ; and if they should be deficient in their duties , we have a good and religious King , who is able to keep all things in frame and order , so as we have no necessity of any stranger to be set over us : And I cannot think that either his Holinesse hath forgotten , or you my Lord that are his Legate , can be ignorant of the late exemption , granted unto Malcolm our last King ; since the grant whereof , we have done nothing which may make us seem unworthy of that favour . Wherefore in the name of all the Scotish Church we doe humbly entreat the preservation of our ancient liberberties , and that we be not brought under subjection to our enemies . These speeches he delivered with an extraordnary grace , and in so passionate a manner , that all the hearers were exceedingly moved , the English themselves commending his courage and the affection he shewed to his Country . But the Archbishop of York , who looked not for such opposition , called the young Chanon to come unto him , and laying his hand upon his head , said , Ex tua pharetra nunquam venit ista sagitta , meaning that he was set on to speak by some others of greater note . So the Legate perceiving that the businesse would not work , and that the opposition was like to grow greater , he brake up the Assembly . After which the Prelates returning home , were universally welcomed ; but above the rest the Chanon Gilbert was in the mouthes of all men , and judged worthy of a good preferment ; and soon after was promoved to the Bishopr●ck of Cathenes , and made Chancellor of the Kingdome . The year following one Vibianus a Cardinal ( titulo sancti Stephani in monte Caelio ) came into Scotland , in shew to reform abuses , and do some good to the Church , but in effect to extort moneys from Churchmen . For at this time it was grown to be an ordinary trick of the Popes , when they stood in need of moneys , to send forth their Legates unto all Countreys , sometimes under a colour of reforming abuses , sometimes for the recovering of the Holy land , and sometimes upon other pretexts . This Cardinall having stayed a while in Scotland , took his journey into Ireland , and in his return would needs make a new visit of this Church ; for which effect , he convened the Clergy at Edinburgh in the moneth of August , and established divers Canons ; which the Clergy esteeming prejudiciall to their liberties , did incontinent after he was gone revoke and disannull ; but what these Canons were , our Writers do not remember . 18. It was a fatall year this to many of our Churchmen , both Bishops and Abbots ; amongst others Richard Bishop of S. Andrews deceasing , King William recommended Hugo , one of his Chaplains ( whom he much favoured ) to the Convent . But they taking another course made choice of the Archdeacon Iohn Scot , who was an English born . The King displeased therewith , did swear by the Arm of S. Iames●this ●this was his ordinary oath ) that so long as he lived Scot should never enjoy that place : So he sent a Command unto the Chanons to make a new election , appointing Ioceline Bishop of Glasgow their assistant ; and thus was Hugo his Chaplain elected . The Archdeacon appealed to Rome , and going thither complained of the wrong done to the Church , entreating the Pope for redresse . Hereupon Alexius Subdean of the Romane See , was dispatched to try and examine the cause . At first the King made difficulty to admit him , but afterwards yeelding , the two elections being tried by the Legate , sentence was given for the first ; and Iocelin Bishop of Glasgow with the rest of the Clergy that assisted the second , excommunicated . This done the Legate called an Assembly of the Bishops , Abbots , and whole Clergy at Haliroudhouse , and made Matthew Bishop of Aberdene publickly to consecrate the Archdeacon upon Trinity Sunday 1178. He not the lesse fearing the Kings displeasure left the Realm , and went to Rome , where he was honourably entertained by Pope Lucius the third , who sent Letters to the King , and admonished him not to usurp upon the Church , and to remit the Bishop who was lawfully elected and consecrated , to enjoy his place with quietnesse . This Letter the Story saith was conceived in milde terms , for the Pope feared to incense the King , lest he should follow the ensample of his Cousin Henry King of England , that some 8. years before had made away Thomas Becket Bishop of Canterbury for his obstinate and wilfull opposition in some matters not unlike : yet the King nothing moved with the Letter , to make his displeasure the better known , did confiscate all the revenues pertaining to the See of S. Andrews , and banished those whom he understood to favour the Bishops cause . The Pope advertised hereof , resolved to put the Realm under Interdiction . But the Bishop prostrating himself at his feet , besought him not to use any such rigour , saying , That he would much rather renounce his dignity , then have so many Christian souls for ought that concerned him , defrauded of spirituall benefits . The Pope highly commending the goodnesse and patience of the Bishop , held him from that time forth in more regard , and at his request forbare the Interdiction . Mean while it happened that VValter Bishop of Dunkeld departed this life ; whereupon the King taking occasion , sent to recall the Bishop with offers of great kindenesse , protesting that if it had not been for the oath he rashly made , he would willingly have contented to his enjoying of the See of S. Andrews : But seeing it did touch him in Honour and Conscience ( as he esteemed ) to be yeelding thereto , he requested the Bishop to accept the Benefice of Dunkeld , which was then fallen void , and was in value not much inferiour to the other . This the Bishop communicated to the Pope , who desired to have the matter quieted , advised him to return , and accept the offer . Thus was the Archdeacon by the Popes consent preferred to Dunkeld , having the rents of the Archdeaconry reserved to him during his life , in recompence of his losses . Hugo this way coming to be possessed , Andrews took journey to Rome that he might be reconciled to the Pope , and being absolved for his intrusion , in his return died some six miles from the City of Rome , the 6. of August , 1188. ten years and ten moneths after his election . At this time newes was brought from the East , of the prevailing of Sultan Saladine of Egypt against the Christians in the Holy land , which moved Philip the second of France , and Henry King of England , to undertake the recovery of the Holy land , and to employ all their credit and means , as well in their own countreys , as with other Christian Princes their neighbours , for the furtherance of that enterprise . To befray the charges of the voyage , both Kings by consent of their Clergy and Nobles ordained , that all their subjects , both Clergy and Laity , ( such excepted as went in the voyage ) should pay the tenth of all their moveables either in gold or silver . King Henry having laid this imposition upon his subjects at home , sent Hugh Pusar then Bishop of Duresme with other Commissioners to collect the tenths of the Clergy and Laity in this kingdom : which the King and States , interpreting to be an encroachment upon their liberties would not permit , yet for advancing that holy action , they did offer a supply of 5000. Marks sterling , which King Henry refused but the enterprise upon a quarel that arose betwixt the Kings of France and England , was at that time dashed , and so the collection was no further urged . King Henry a little after this , ended his life , and Richard his son who succeeded , resolving to pursue the action of the holy Warre , to assure the King of Scotland , who he feared would take some advantage in his absence , restored all the Castles which were delivered to King Henry his Father , and released him and his posterity of all Covenants made and confirmed by Charter unto King Henry , as extorted from him being then his prisoner , reserving only such rights to himself , as had been and were to be performed by Malcolme his brother to his Ancestors Kings of England . King William to requite his kindnesse , gave unto Richard ten thousand Marks sterling , and caused his brother David ( to whom he resigned the Earldom of Huntington ) go in company with him . There went under his charge 500. Gentlemen , who were all in their return cast away by a tempest at sea , only the Earl himself having his ship driven upon the coast of Egypt , was taken prisoner , and led to Alexandria ; where being redeemed by some Venetians , he was brought to Constantinople , and freed by an English Merchant in the City , that had known him in former times . From thence he returned safe unto his countrey , the fourth year after his setting forth , to the great joy and contentment of the King his brother , who took him to be lost . The part where he arrived being , as Boethius writeth , before that time called Alectum , had the name changed , and upon that occasion was called Dei donum . But the opinion of Buchannan is more probable , that the Town now called Dundy , is a compound word of Down and Tay. As ever this was , the Town there situated received many priviledges of King William at that time for his brothers happy arrival , which to this day they enjoy . Likewise in memory thereof , was the Abbey of Lundors founded for the Benedictine Monks , and divers lands gifted thereto by the King and the Earl his brother . The King of England after many distresses being returned home , King William to congratulate his safety went into England , where he contracted a great sickness ; the rumour whereof being dispersed , and his death much suspected , gave occasion of divers insolencies at home : amongst others Herald Earl of Orkney and Cathnes , upon a malice conceived against the Bishop of that countrey , ( who as he alledged , had impeded the grant of some thing he demanded of the King ) took him prisoner , put out his eyes , and cut forth his tongue . This inhumanity the King at his return punished most severely ; for the Earl being apprehended and brought to his trial , had his eyes in like sort pulled out , and was thereafter publickly strangled by the hands of the hangman ; all his male children being gelded , to extinguish his succession . His kinsmen and others accounted accessors to the fact , for not rescuing the Bishop , were fined in great summes of money . This exemplary justice reported to Pope Innocent the third , he sent unto the King by his Legate Ioannes Cardinalis de monte Celio , a sword richly set with precious stones , a purple hat in from of a diadem , and a large Bull of priviledges , whereby the Church of Scotland was exempted from all Ecclesiastical censures , the Pope himself and his Legate à latere only excepted . It was also declared , That it should not be lawful to any to excommunicate the King and his successors , or yet to interdict the kingdom , but the Pope or his Legate : and that no stranger should exercise any legation within the Realm , except a Cardinal , or such a one as the Conclave did appoint . This Bull is yet extant , and beginneth thus . Innocentius Episcopus servus servorum Dei , charissimo filio Gulielmo illustri Scotorum Regi e●usque successoribus . This Cardinal before his departing forth of the Realm , kept a Convocation of the Clergy at Perth , in which all the Priests were deposed , who were found to have taken Orders upon Sunday ; The Abbot of Dunfermlin called Robert was removed from his place , ( the cause whereof is not mentioned ) and one Patrick Superiour of Dur●sme , appointed Abbot in his stead . In this convention also it was decreed , That every Saturday from twelve of the clock should be kept as holy day , and that all people at the sound of the Bell should addresse themselves to hear service , and abstain from all handy work until Munday morning . After this meeting he took journey into Ireland , taking with him Radolph Abbot of Melrosse , a man of good respect , whom he preferred to the Bishoprick of Down , which at his coming thither happened to fall void . Bishop Hugo dying , Roger son to the Earl of Leicester succeeded ; he had been Chancellour to the King , and at his election to the Bishoprick , resigned the office to one of the King his Chaplaines . For in those dayes the office of a Chancellor was not in that reputation , to which afterwards it grew ; in some old Records I find at one time two officers in that kinde , the one called Cancellarius Regis , the other Cancellarius regni ; but which of the two was in greatest dignity I know not , nor in what their charge did differ ; only my conjecture is , that he who is now the writer of the Great Seal , and is called The director to the Chancellary , was then styled Cancellarius Regis . But remitting this to others of greater skill , Ten years this Roger stood elect , and was not consecrated before the year of God 1198. at which time Richard Bishop of Murray performed the ceremony ; the reason of the delay is not mentioned by writers : four years only he lived after his consecration , and died at Combuskenneth the ninth of Iuly , 1202. his corps with great solemnity convoyed to Saint Andrews , was interred in the old Church of Saint Rewle . 20. William Malvoisin Bishop of Glasgow , a Frenchman born , was after the death of Roger , by the Kings recommendation , translated to S. Andrews , a man of singular wisdome and courage ; he lived a long time for he sate Bishop after his translation 35. years ) and governed the Church most happily . The rents alienated by his predecessors , or lost by their negligence , he recovered to his See , advanced the fabrick of the Church ( which was then a building ) more then any that went before him , and suffered no man , of what quality soever he was , to usurp upon the Church or possessions of it . Some years after his translation , King William died at Striveling , to the great regret of all men , especially those of the Clergy , to whom he had been very beneficial ; for besides the Abbey of Aberbrothock , which he founded to the memory of Thomas Becket , then generally held to be a Martyr and Saint ; he gave divers lands to the See of Argyle , which had been in his time erected ; and to the Monasteries of Newbottle , Halyrudhouse , and Dunfermlin , many richgifts ; as likewise for the Trinity Monks of Aberdene , an Order lately invented , and then confirmed by Innocentius the third , he made a competent provision . Never were the funerals of any of our Kings performed with greater solemnity . All the Prelates and Nobles of the kingdome attending the corps from Striveling to Aberbrothock , where he had appointed his body to be buried . There they continued 14. dayes , spending that time in the devotions accustomed ; and before their parting by a common consent ordained , that for a year thereafter no publick playes , nor feasts should be made in any part of the kingdom ; such a sorrow they shewed , notwithstanding he had reigned long , and died being of a great age , for it was the 74. of his age , and the the 49. of his reign when he departed this life . The funerals ended , his son Alexander the second , accompanied with all the Prelates and Nobles of the kingdome , went to Scone , and received the Crown by the hands of the Bishop of Saint Andrews . This King did no wayes degenerate from the vertues of his predecessors , and was a great protector of the Church against the rapines and extortions of Rome . Guallo , others call him Waldo , a Cardinal sent Legate into England by Pope Innocentius the third to assist King Iohn , who was then become his vassal , did put the kingdom of Scotland under interdiction , because the King had supplied the French in his invasion of England , and as he pretended , robbed some Churches and religious places in his return from that war. The Church-men ceasing by this occasion from their ordinary services , no religious exercise was performed by any through the whole Realm , but the white Monks , whose priviledge did warrant them to celebrate at such times ; which the Legate hearing , did suspend , inhibiting them by one Weshbeck Archdeacon of York to do any service under pain of the highest spiritual censures , till the rest of the Clergy were absolved . But King Iohn dying , and Henry his son Crowned , by mediation of certain Prelates peace was made betwixt King Alexander and him upon the conditions following : That Ioane the sister of Henry should be given in marriage to Alexander King of Scots , and Magaret his sister to Hubert de Burgh Justiciar of England , ( the man who then ruled all affaires ) That Berwick should be rendred to the Scots , and Carlile to the English ; The King of Scots absolved from the Legates censures , and his kingdome released from the Interdiction . For performing the last Article , the Bishops of York and Salisbury , ( by whose meanes especially the peace was concluded ) had Commission given them by the Legate , which presently they discharged . But Guallo being displeased that the Interdict had passed so easily ( for he was a man extremely avaritious , and one who made his profit of every businesse ) since he could not retreat what was done , took him to the Clergy , saying , That the absolution granted did not comprehend them ; and thereupon did summon them to appear before him at Anwick . The Diet was kept , and thither went all the Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and beneficed men in great numbers ; Absolution was offered , but not without the payment of large summes ; which were at first denied , but after some menacings , that he should make them answer it at Rome , the most out of fear did transact . A few Prelates only standing out , went afterwards to Rome to justifie their Cause . With the inferiour Churchmen he took a course , in shew beneficial , and for their ease ; that some one or two should go with Commission and absolve them in their own Provinces at home ; but it turned to their great molestation ; for the Prior of Duresme and Westbeck the Archdeacon , who were imployed in that businesse , beginning at Berwick , went through all the Realm and making the Priests and Canons convene at the principal City of the bounds , caused them to take oath , that they should confesse themselves , and answer truly unto every particular enquired of them ; which done , and their several depositions taken , what by terrifying some with deprivation from their places for faults confessed by themselves , what by wearying others with the protractions they made from day to day , great summes were extorted from them , and the poor Priests forced , notwithstanding all this oppression , to go barefooted to the door of the principal Church , where they were convened , and ask their absolution in a most base and abject form . The Clergy offended herewith , sent Walter Bishop of Glasgow , Brice Bishop of Murray , and Adam Bishop of Cathnes to complain at Rome ; where finding Pope Innocent dead , and Honorius the third preferred in his room , they exhibited in name of the Church of Scotland a grievous complaint against Guallo , charging him to have been the especial cause of these miserable combustions , which both the kingdomes had endured , to have abused his legation unto his private commodity , and to have extorted monies from Churchmen and others , under colour of absolution . Guallo brought to his answer , because he did not clear himself sufficiently in divers points , was declared not to have carried himself as became his Holinesse Legate , and fined in a pecuniary mulct : so as he escaped by dividing the spoil which he had made in those parts ) betwixt his Master and himself . The Bishops who preferred the complaint , were upon confession of their fault absolved one of the Cardinals who stood by , scornfully commending their humility , and saying , Quòd piarum mentium esset crimen agnoscere , ubi nec culpa reperitur , That it was the part of devout men to acknowledge an offence , even where no fault was committed : and for some recompence of their pains , a confirmation was given them of the old priviledges granted to the Church of Scotland by four Popes . This priviledge is dated at Rome in the year of Christ 1218. and in the second of Pope Honorius his Pontificat . Yet the next year Egidius a Spaniard by nation , and by place a Cardinal , was sent to gather contribution for the holy warre ; wherein both the Clergy and Laity shewed themselves so forward , as in a short space great summes were collected : all which he spent most prodigally in his return to Rome , giving out for an excuse that he was robbed by certain Brigants in the way . And no sooner was this Cardinal gone , then another followed , having the like Commission ; but the King considering how prejudicial these contributions might prove to the kingdome , and that through the easie yieldings of the State , the See of Rome was grown impudent in their exactions , would not permit him to enter into the Realm , till he had propounded the matter in Councel : at which time one of the Bishops ( his name is not expressed in the story ) made a long speech against the rapine of these Legates ; where in recounting the insolent oppressions of Guallo , and the riotous profusion of Egidius , he disswaded by many good reasons his admission , or the receiving of any other who should afterwards happen to come about the like businesse . This speech seconded with the applause of all that were present , an Act was made prohibiting the reception of the Legate , or any others without licence from the King. The Bishop of St. Andrewes being all this while in France , did now return bringing with him some of the order of S. Dominick , some Franciscans , Iacobins , and of the Monks called Vallis umbrosae . These Orders not being known before in this Church , by their crafty insinuations with people , and the profession they made in leading an austere life , did supplant the credit of the Priests , drawing to themselves all the force and credit of the spiritual Ministery , and were upheld by the Popes , whose designes they studied especially to advance . The King , who looked no further then the devout profession they made , gave them all a kinde reception , and to the Monks Vallis umbrosae , he erected a Monastery in Pluscardy within the countrey of Murray . In the countrey of Rosse , the Lord Bisset founded Beawly for Monks of the same order ; And one Maccolloch a man of great wealth , did found the Priory of Archatton in Lorne . About the same time did Ada or Adhama Grandmother to the King , found the Abbey of Haddington for consecrated Virgins . The like was erected at Northberwick by Malcolm Earle of Fife , who also founded the Abbey of Culrosse for the Cistercian Monks . Dornagilla the daughter of Allan Lord of Galloway erected for the same order a Monastery at New Abbey ; and by a rare example , Gilbert Earl of Strathern , having divided his inhereitance in three parts , gave one third thereof to the See of Dumblane , and another to the Abbey of Inchaffray , reserving to himself and his heires a third onely of the whole . Shortly after in the year 1327. died William Malvoisin at Inchmurtach , and as he himself had directed , was buried in the new Church of S. Andrewes . 21. Galfrid Bishop of Dunkeld , being earnestly desired both of the Clergy and Laity , the King would not permit his translation : so David Benham Chamberlain to the King was elected , and on S. Vincents day in the year 1238. consecrated by William Bishop of Glasgow , Gilbert Bishop of Cathnes , and Clement Bishop of Dumblane . This Bishop kept a severe hand over the Clergy , especially the Monks and others that lived in religious Orders ; and calling an assembly by the Kings consent at Perth in the 1242. ( where the King himself with divers of the Nobility did assist ) made many good Constitutions as well for reformation of abuses , as for securing of Clergy men in their possessions and rights . In his time fell out great troubles betwixt the Emperour Frederick the second , and Pope Gregory the ninth ; for which a generall Councell was called by the said Gregory at Rome , and thither were summoned all the Bishops of Christendome . The pretext was , the relief of the Holy land , which at that time was in great distresse ; but Frederick apprehending the intention to be against himself , resolved to hinder the meeting of the Councell , and having belayed the ways , made the Bishops of S. Andrews and Glasgow prisoners , as they travelled through Germany . Upon their promise to return home , they were afterwards set at liberty : not the lesse they sent their procurations thither by some religious persons , who took another way ; but the Councell held not , because of the Popes death that intervened . Some few years after this King Alexander deceased at Carnire in the West Isles ; and , as he had appointed , was interred in the Abbey Church of Melrosse , with an Inscription according to the rudenesse of the time , yet such as shewed how greatly he was beloved of his Subjects . Ecclesiae clypeus , pax plebis , dux miserorum , Rex rectus , rigidus , sapiens , consultus , honestus . Rex pius , Rex fortis , Rex optimus , Rex opulentus . Nominis istius ipse secundus erat . Annis ter denis & quinis Rex fuit ipse . Insula quae Carneri dicitur hunc rapuit . Spiritus alta petit Celestibus associatus , Sed Melrossensis ossa sepulta tenet . His son Alexander the third by Maria the daughter of Sir Ingram de Consey ( for his first wife died without children ) succeded , and was crowned of eight years old ; at the age of ten years he was married to Margaret the daughter of Henry the third of England , The marriage being solemnized at York , and the Bishop of Saint Andrews sent thither with others of the Nobility to see all things duly performed , fell there in a Feaver , and departed this life on the first of May 1251. his Corps brought from thence was buried in the Abbey Church of Kelsoe , some thirteen years and three moneths after his Consecration . 22. The Prior and Chanons convening to elect a new Bishop , did all give their voices to Robert Sutevile Dean of Dunkeld , a man of great virtue and learning ; but this election took no effect ; Abel Archdean of S. Andrews by the favour of some that ruled the Court , having procured an inhibition to the Bishop to proceed in the Consecration , with a Mandate to the Chanons to make a new election . The Chapter refusing made their appeal to Rome , and Abell posting thither , by the bribes he bestowed in that Court , got himself preferred , and was Consecrated by Pope Innocentius the fourth . At his return , to be revenged of the Prior and Chanons , he behaved himself well insolently , calling them in question for every light occasion , and censuring them with great rigour ; whereupon he became extremely hated . They write of him that in a vain-glorious humour , as he was walking in his Church one day , he did with a little Chalk draw this line upon the gate of the Church ; Haec mihi sunt tria , Lex , Canon , Philosophia ; Bragging of his knowledge and skill in those professions : and that going to Church the next day , he found another line drawn beneath the former , which said , Te levant absque tria , fraus , favor , vanasophia . This did so gall him as taking bed he died within a few days , having sate Bishop ten moneths and two days only . 23. After Abels death Gamelinus was elected to govern the See , and by a warrant from Rome was consecrated on S. Stephens day , in the year 1255. Two years he stood elect , his consecration being stayed by the Rulers of the Court , who had sent also to Rome for cassing his election . A time this was ( such as usually falleth out in the minority of Princes ) full of choppings and changes . Under the last King the Cummings had ruled all publick business , for they were of great power , the Earls of Monteth , Bugha● , Athol and Marre being all of that name , besides thirty two Barons and Knights . Robert Abbot of Dunfermlin Chancellor of the Kingdome for the time , enclining to their course , had legitimated a base sister of the Kings who was married to one Allan Dooroward , and for the same was put from his place , Gamelinus being preferred thereto ; but he enjoyed the same a short space , for upon some discontents he was likewise thrust out , and Richard Bishop of Dunkeld made Chancellor . This made the Court to oppose Gamelinus his election ; not the lesse he prevailed by his gifts at Rome , and procured a warrant to VVilliam Bishop of Glasgow to proceed to his Consecration . The Court highly displeased at this , there fell out another occasion which did greatly incense them against him ; a Knight called Sir Iohn Dinmure for some oppressions committed upon the Prior of S. Andrews was excommunicated ; he complaining to the King obtained by Moyen a command to Gamelinus to absolve him ; who simply refused , unless satisfaction was made for the offence ; and because no redresse was offered , a new intimation was made of his cursing through the whole Province . This the King and the Court took so ill , as forthwith a messenger was sent to charge the Bishop to depart forth of the Realm ; which as he was preparing to obey , the news of a Legate sent from Rome into England , made the Court take a more moderate course , fearing the consequence of so rigorous a proceeding . This Legate called Ottobon being employed for pacifying the troubles raised betwixt the King of England and his Barons , did summon the Clergy of Scotland to appear before him by their Commissioners , and to bring with them a Collection of four Marks for every Parish within the Realm , and six Marks for every Cathedrall Church . The Clergy meaning themselves to the King , he did prohibit any such Contribution , and sent his Chancellour to the Bishop of Dunkeld , and Robert Bishop of Dumblane , partly to declare the reasons of his prohibition , and partly to observe the proceedings of the Legate with these of England . At their return some Acts were shewed , which the Legate had set down to be observed by the Clergy ; all which they rejected , saying , That they would acknowledge no Statutes , but such as proceeded either from the ●ope , or from a Generall Councell . Ottobon was not well gone , when another Legate named Rustaneus was sent to demand a tenth of all the Church rents within the Kingdome , for advancing the journey of King Henries son , who had undertaken the holy Warre at the solicitation of Ottobon : but this seeming to crosse the liberties granted by former Popes unto the Church , and it being notorious , that the Pope was to employ the moneys to other ends , ( for he was then warring against Manfred King of Naples and Sicily ) therefore the same was denied , and Rustane prohibited to enter into the Realm . The King not the lesse in token of his affection sent to the Pope 100. Marks sterling ; and for the furtherance of the holy Warre did levy 1000. men , which he sent to Lewes the French King , who had determined to adventure himself of new against the Infidels , under the charge of the Earls of Atholl and Carrick . All these dyed in that Warre , partly of the plague , as did Lewes himself , and partly by the sword of the Enemy . In this Bishops time the Carmelite Friers came into Scotland , and had a dwelling assigned them at Perth , by Richard Bishop of Dunkeld . The Crosse-Church at Peblis was at that same time built , and endowed by the King with large Revenews : The reason why this Church was erected , was a Crosse , as they write , found in that place enclosed in a little Shrine , on which the name of Nicolaus a Bishop was written . The Church was dedicated with many pompous Ceremonies , divers Prelates being present , amongst whom was Gamelinus , who at his return home was taken with a Palsie , and died in Inchmurtach , having sate Bishop 16. years : his Corps was laid in the new Church of S. Andrews nigh to the high Altar . 24. William Wishart elect of Glasgow was upon the death of Gamelinus preferred to S. Andrews . Pope Urban the fourth had not long before ordained , That every Bishop and Abbot elect should travell to Rome for Consecration ; but the Papacy then vacant by reason of a Schism , that continued two years and nine moneths after the death of Clement the fourth , he was unwilling to goe thither ; four other Prelates being kept there depending at the same time : William elect of Brichen , Matthew elect of Rosse , Nicoll elect of Cathnes , and Hugh Benham elect of Abredene . The elect of Brichen died at Rome , Aberdene and Rosse were consecrated by Gregory the tenth upon the ending of the schisme at Viturbium , Nicoll was rejected , and the Chapter of Cathnes appointed to make a new election . The Agents that Wishart sent for licence to be consecrated , were detained a long time , and had returned without effectuating their errand , if Edward the first of England , who coming from the Holy land was then at Rome , had not by his intercession prevailed with the Pope , and obtained licence for the consecration , which was performed at Scone in the year 1274. in the presence of the King and divers of his Nobles . At the same time , William Fraser Dean of Glasgow , was preferred to be Chancellour . The Pope shortly after this having convocated a Councell at Lyons , caused cite all the Prelates thereto ; to this effect a meeting of the Clergy was kept at perth , where it was concluded , that the Bishops ( Dunkeld and Murray onely excepted ) should addresse themselves to the journey , and be at Lyons before the first of May. Hopes were given of great reformation to be made in that Councel , especially of the Orders of Mendicants , who were mightily increased and grown to the highest of depravation . The Councel was frequent , there being present ( as my Authour saith ) two Patriarchs , fifteen Cardinals , five hundred Bishops , and a thousand other mitred Prelates , besides the King of France , and the Emperour of Greece , and many other Princes . The first proposition was for the holy warre , and concerning it the Councel decreed , That a tenth of all the Benefices in Christendome ( the priviledged Churches not excepted ) should be paid for six yeares ; That all Penitentiaries and Confessors should urge offendors to assist that holy businesse with their wealth and riches ; and that every Christian , without exception of sex or quality , should pay a yearly penny during that space , under pain of excommunication . For remedying abuses in the Church , the Councel ordained , 1. That no procurations should be paid to Bishops or Archdeacons , unlesse they did visit the Churches in their own persons . 2. That no Churchman should possesse more Benefices then one , and should make his residence at the Church he retained . 3. That without the Popes licence no Clergy should answer the impositions , which might happen to be laid upon them by Princes or States . 4. That the Mendicants should be reduced to four orders , the Minorites , the Predicants , Carmelites , and Heremites of S. Augustine , who should continue in their present state , untill the Pope should otherwise think good . And 5. a geneprohibition was made to advise or admit any new orders , besides those which the Councel had allowed . Some other Acts of lesse moment were passed , whereof the extract under the hands of the publick notaries of the Councel was sent to this Church ; but all these statutes turned in a short time to smoke : pluralities being of new dispensed with , with the clause of Non obstante , which then first came in use . The orders of the Friers and Monks restored one by one , as first the Cistertian Monks , who redeemed their order by the paiment of 500000. Marks ; then the Bernardines with the summe of 600000. Crownes : the other Orders made in little sort their Compositions . Whereby it appeared , that the statutes there enacted were only devised to raise summes of money , and not out of any purpose those Fathers had to redresse abuses . The same year was one Bagimund a Legate directed hither , who calling before him all the Beneficed persons within the kingdom , caused them upon their oath give up the worth and value of their Benefices ; according to which they were taxed . The table ( commonly called Bagiments rolls ) served for the present collection , and was a rule in after times for the prizes taken of those , that came to sue for Benefices in the Court of Rome . Wishart not long after his return from this Councel , being employed by the King and State in a Commission of the Borders sickned at Marbotle in Teriotdale , and there died . He is commended to have been a man careful in his charge , and a great lover of peace , then which there is no vertue more required in a Churchman ; he continued Bishop 5. years and 8. monthes only , his corps was honourably conveyed from Marbotle , and interred in his own Church nigh to the high Altar in the year 1279. There lived in the kingdome at this time Michael Scot and Thomas Lermouth men greatly admired , the first for his rarest skill in the secrets of nature , the other for his predictions , and foretelling of things to come . Picus Mirandula , and Cornelius Agrippa do make honourable mention of Michael Scot in their writings , and accompt him to have been a subtile Philosopher , and most expert in the Mathematick sciences . The prophecies yet extant in the Scottish Rymes of the other , whereupon he was commonly called Thomas the Rymer , may justly be admired , having foretold so many ages before the union of the kingdomes of England and Scotland , in the ninth degree of the Bruces blood , with the succession of Bruce himselfe to the Crown being yet a childe , and other divers particulars , which the event hath ratified and made good . Boeth in his story relateth his prediction of King Alexanders death , and that he did foretell the same to the Earl of March the day before it fell out ; saying , That before the next day at noon such a tempest should blow , as Scotland had not felt many years before . The next morning , the day being clear , and no change appearing in the aire , the Nobleman did challenge Thomas of his saying , calling him an Impostor : he replied , that noon was not yet passed . About which time , a Post came to advertise the Earl of the King his sudden death . Then said Thomas , This is the tempest I foretold , and so it shall prove to Scotland . Whence , or how he had this knowledge can hardly be affirmed , but sure it is that he did divine and answer truly of many things to come . 25. William Fraser Chancellour of the kingdom , was after Wishart elected Bishop , and going to Rome was consecrated by Pope Nicolaus the third , in the year 1280. The office of Chancery upon his resignation was given by the King to M● . Iohn Pebles Archdeacon of S. Andrewes . At his return from Rome a pestilential feaver ( never before known in this kingdome ) brake up to the destruction of an infinite number of people . This visitation was scarce ceased , when all the Kings children were taken away one after another ; first David his yongest son died , then Alexander the Prince , who had married a daughter of the Earl of Flanders , after him Margret Queen of Norway , who left behinde her one onely daughter ; and last the King himself , who had taken to wife ( after the death of his Queen ) Iolet a daughter to the Count of Dreux in hope to restore his issue , was most unfortunately killed by the fall of his horse , a little space from the town of Kingorne . So many deaths falling out together in the Royal family , did presage great calamities to ensue . The onely hope that remained , was in the Norvegian maid , for whom Sir David Wemis , and Sir Michael Scot , two Knights of Fife , were directed by the Estates . The administration of affaires was in the mean time committed to William Fraser Bishop of S. Andrewes , Duncan Earl of Fife , and Iohn Coming Earl of Bughan , for the countries on the North side of Forth , and to Robert Bishop of Glasgow , Iohn Lord Comin , and Iohn Lord Stewart for the South parts ; but it was not long before that these Gentlemen that were sent to Norway returned , bringing word that the maid of Norway was likewise departed this life . At which newes it cannot be told whether the fears or sorrowes of the subjects were greater : for as their sorrow for the losse of so worthy a King was great , so their fear was no lesse , because of the uncertainty of the succession : for so many Competitors ( six they were in number ) claiming the inheritance of the Crown , and all of them men of power and friendship , they could not but divide the Realme , and so beget a civil warre ; yet they who were trusted during the interreigne , did by their mediation work them to a compromise , and to remit the decision of the controversie to King Edward the first of England , a Prince of long experience , and much respected in that time . To this purpose the Bishop of Brichen , with the Abbot of Iedbrugh , and Galfred Mowbray a Gentleman were sent to King Edward , who finding him at Xantoign in France , did expone to him the inconveniences that were feared to fall out in the kingdome , and the course they had taken to prevent the same , intreating his help for quieting the State. King Edward glad to have an hand in the making of a King in Scotland , dimitted them with many loving words , assigning a Diet to the Competitors at Norham upon Tweed , which he promised to keep ; The day come , and the Competitors all present , with the Prelates and other Nobles , the King by a long and premeditated speech , declared , That albeit he might justly claim the superiority of the kingdome of Scotland , as belonging to him by right , yet as a friend , and arbiter elected by themselves , he would labour to compose the present controversie in the best sort he could ; for the right , said he , howsoever there be divers pretenders , belongeth to one onely ; and for my self , I determine to wrong no man , but to do that wh●ch is just , assuring my self , you will all acquiesce and take him for King , who shall be pronounced so to be . This said , Robert Bishop of Glasgow arose , and gave the King most hearty thanks in name of the rest , for the good affection he bare to their countrey , and the paines he had taken to come , and remove their debates ; shewing that out of a perswasion they all had of his wisdome , and equity , they were well pleased to submit to him as sole Arbiter , the judgement and decision of that weighty affaire . But where it had pleased him to speak of a right of superiority over the kingdome ; it was sufficiently known that Scotland from the first foundation of the State , had been a free and independent kingdome , and not subject to any other power whatsoever . That their ancestors had valiantly defended themselves and their liberties against the Romanes , Picts , Britains , Danes , Norishes , and all others who sought to usurp upon them ; and howbeit , said he , the present occasion hath bred some distraction of mindes , all true hearted Scotch men will stand for the liberty of their countrey to the death : for they esteem their liberty more precious then their lives , and in that quarrel will neither separate nor divide ; wherefore as he had professed in way of friendship , and as an Arbiter elected by themselves to cognosce and decide the present controversie , they were all in most humble manner to intreat him , that he would proceed to determine the question , which they and their posterities should remember with their best affections and services . King Edward , although he was not well pleased with the Bishops free speech , made no speech thereof at the time , but continuing his purpose , desired the competitors to be called . They all being severally heard , the right was found to lie chiefly betwixt Iohn Baliol and Robert Bruce , and the rest ordained to cease from their claime . Of Baliol and Bruce an oath was taken , that they should abide by the sentence which King Edward should pronounce . The like oath was taken by the Prelates , Nobles , and other Commissioners of the State , who swear all to accept him for their King , that should be tried to have the best right ; and for the greater assurance , all their Seales were appended to the Compromise . Then Edward proceeding , made twelve of either kingdome , men learned in the Law , to be elected for examination of the right , declaring that he would take the opinions also of the best Civilians in the Universities of France . In this sort was the businesse carried in publick , but privately , and amongst some few , the consultation was how to bring Scotland under his subjection . Five years and some more were spent before the controversie was brought to an end , at last every one longing to have it concluded , the King returned to Berwick , and calling the 24. who had been named at the first meeting ; he did enclose them within the Church , commanding them to debate the matter , and permitting none to have accesse unto them , he himself went in now and then to feel their mindes , and perceiving the most part inclining to Bruce his right , he dealt first with him , promising to invest him in the kingdom , so as he would hold the same of the Crown of England . Bruce answered that he was not so desirous of rule , as he would therefore prejudice the liberties of the countrey . The like offer he made to Baliol , who being more greedy of a kingdome , then careful of his honour , did yield thereunto , and so was Crowned King at Scone ; all the Nobility , Bruce excepted , doing him homage . Some dayes after his Coronation he went to Newcastle , to do the homage ( as he had promised ) to King Edward as unto his Soveraigne Lord. The Nobles that accompanied him thither , fearing to withstand the two Kings so farre from home , did likewise swear subjection to King Edward . Which as soon as the rest of the Nobility and others of the State ( who were tender of their countreys liberty ) understood , they grew highly displeased : they that were in Baliols company were excused , as not daring oppose the fact in that place ; but he himself having done it upon a secret paction , which then began first to break out , he became so universally hated , as after that time could he never purchase their love ; nor was it long before he felt the smart of his own error . For being cited to answer before the Parliament of England , upon a complaint exhibited against him , he appeared ; and having desired to answer by Procurator , the same was denied him , and he forced to descend to the ordinary place of pleading , and stand as a subject . This affront did so vexe his minde , that from thenceforth he did meditate upon nothing but revenge , whereof a good opportunity was offered him by the warre , which then burst forth between France and England . The Ambassadours of both these Kings coming at one time into Scotland , ( the French to seek the renuing of the ancient League , and the English to crave a supply of men to be sent unto King Edward , by vertue of the late allegiance sworne by Baliol ) the desire of England was utterly rejected , as unjust ; Because the allegiance sworne by their King was , as they said , forced ; and granting , he had done it willingly , it was not in his power , without consent of the State , to do any such act . Therefore whatsoever was done by him that way , both he and they did recall , renouncing Edwards friendship , both for that and other wrongs committed by him . Thereupon it was concluded , that two Ambassadours should be sent , one to France for renuing the League , and confirming it by new alliance of Edward Baliol the Kings son with the daughter of France ; another to England for defying King Edward , and renouncing his allegiance . Towards France , William Bishop of S. Andrewes , Matthew Bishop of Dunkeld , Sir Iohn Sowlis , and Sir Ingram Umphraville Knights , were imployed . The Ambassadour to England being declined by many , Henry Abbot of Aberbrothock , a man of great stomach , undertook and performed . Upon this defection of Baliol , King Edward summoned him to appear at Newcastle ; and upon his refuse entered into Scotland with a mighty Army , took Berwick with the slaughter of 7000. Scots , and had delivered into his hands the Castles of Dumbar , Roxburgh , Edinburgh , and Striveling . Baliol thus overthrown , was again by the perswasion of Iohn Cumin of Strathbogy , brought to submit himself , and swear fealty of new to King Edward . After which , the Parliament of Scotland was called to meet at Berwick , there did all the Nobility that were present , perform homage to the King of England . William Douglas , a man nobly born , and of great courage , onely refused , and was therefore cast in prison , where he died . This done , King Edward turned home , leaving Iohn Warren Earl of Surrey and Sussex , Governour of the kingdome , Hugh Cressingham Treasurer , and Ormsley chief Justice . The Bishop of S. Andrewes who was lately come from France , not enduring to see the countrey so thralled , returned thither , appointing Mr. William Knigorne ; and Peter de Campaigne his Chaplains to supply his absence in all spiritual affaires ; Robert Bishop of Glasgow , and Maurice Bishop of Isles , were taken and sent prisoers to London . The rest of the Churchmen , though permitted to attend their Cures , were held under miserable bondage : whereupon they secretly dispatched a message to the Pope with William Archdeacon of Lothian , Baldred Bisset , and William Egishame , willing them to lament the oppressions of the Church , and the usurpation made upon the countrey , and so intreat him as the universal Father of Christendome ; to use his authority with the King of England , ever whom he had power , and take the matter to his own hearing , unto whose judgement they would simply submit themselves . Pope Boniface the eighth , who then ruled that See , moved with their prayers , sent immediately to Edward , and desired him forbear any further proceeding against the Scots , alledging with a strange impudence , the Soveraignty of Scotland to belong unto the Church . The Commissioners nothing pleased with the Popes claim , did notwithstanding forbear to take notice of it , lest they should make him also their enemy . To the same purpose did the Pope write letters to Robert Winchelsey then Archbishop of Canterbury , willing him to deal with the King for setling the Bishops of Glasgow and Isles at liberty , and the submitting of all controversies between him and the Scots to the judgement of the Apostolick See. Kings Edwards answer to the Popes letter was , That from all antiquity the direct and superiour dominion of Scotland did appertain to the Kingdome of England , even from Brutus unto his own time . That it was never yet heard that the Kingdome of Scotland belonged to the Church , nor did he think the Scots would confesse so much . And that if he should yield to his desire , he would unquiet his own Kingdome , and draw upon himself the hatred of his subjects ; which he knew his Holiness would not wish . Therefore prayed him to hold him excused , and to be perswaded of his affection to the See Apostolick . He moved likewise his Nobility , who were then met in Parliament at Linclne , to write to the Pope to the same effect . Albeit somewhat more roundly they told him , That the King their Lord ought not to undergoe his judgement in matters of that kinde , neither send his Procurators about that business as he had been required , seeing that was to call in doubt their Kings title , to the prejudice of his Crown , the royal dignity , the liberties , customes , and laws of England , which by their oath they were bound to observe ; and would defend with their lives . Nor would they permit the King , although he would , in any way to attempt the same . Wherefore they besought his Holiliness to meddle no more in that matter . The Pope having his hands full otherwise at the time , did upon this dimit the Scottish Commissioners , who had made a long stay at Rome with great promises of favour , when he should see it to be convenient . The supplication directed to the Pope , is by some of our Writers said to be sent after King Edwards second expedition into Scotland , but I rather think it was at the first . Whilest these things were a doing , William VVallace a Gentleman well descened , but of no great estate , began to shew himselfe , and gathering ( out of a desire to free his countrey from the subjection of England ) a company of such as would adventure with him , effected things beyond all expectation ; for he slew Sir Hugh Cressingham , who was left Governour of the Realme , recovered most of the strengths and Castles , wonne again the Town of Berwick , expulsed the English Clergy that had planted themselves in the kingdome , and if he had not been hindered by his own countreymen , had made his victory absolute . King Edward being all that time in Flanders , and informed at his return to England of the distractions amongst the Scots themselves , fell of new upon them ; and after a sore defeat given them at Falkirk , called a Parlament at S. Andrewes , where all the Earls and Barons did again swear obedience unto him , not one of any note ( VVallace excepted ) standing out in the whole kingdome . And now did the State seem to be wholly ruined , for Edward intending to make sure his conquest , led away captive all that had the least ability to stirre , and to extinguish ( if it had been possible ) the very memory of the Nation ; he abolished all the ancient Lawes of Scotland , traduced the Ecclesiastical r●ites to the form of England , destroyed the antique monuments erected either by the Romanes , or by their own progentitors ; burnt all the Registers , with that famous Library of Restennoth , ( wherein , besides many other volumes , were reserved the books which King Fergus the second brought with him from Rome ) removed the Marble Chaire in which ( as the vulgar believed ) the fate of the kingdome did consist ; and to be short , left nothing which might incite generous spirits to remember their former fortunes , or encourage them in any sort to vertue and worthinesse . The Bishop of S. Andrewes ( who then remained at Artevile in France ) upon the report of this pitiful vastation , did contract such a melancholy , as within a few dayes he died ; his body was interred at the Predicants Church at Paris , and his heart brought into Scotland , and entombed by Lamberton his successour in the wall of the Church of S. Andrewes , nigh to the sepulcher of Gamelinus . He was a man careful of the Church , and sought by all means to better the estate thereof . At his first admission to the See he purchased the Priory of May , from the Abbot of Reading in England , which he gave afterwards to the Prior , and Chanons ; and had he falled in peaceable times , would have performed many good works . 26. William Lamberton Parson of Campsey , and Chancellour of the Church of Glasgow , was then preferred to the place . This man , after the Bishop of Glasgow was sent prisoner to London , made his own peace with King Edward , and sware fealty unto him ; which was the thing that wrought his advancement ; yet the Culdees , who claimed a chief voice in the election of the Bishop , withstood him mightily at the first . Before the Abbey was founded , the Culdees were the onely electors of the Bishop : afterwards being excluded by a Bull of Pope Innocent the second , the election was committed to the Prior and Chanons ; whereupon arose a great controversie amongst them , which by the authority of good King David was agreed in these times , that so many of the Culdees as would become Chanons , and enter in the Monastery , should have voice with them . But to elude this appointment , a Mandat was procured from the Pope to admit none in the Convent without the advice of the Prior , and most part of the Chanons : by which means the Culdees were kept out , and deprived quite of all voice in the election . William Comin their Provost supposing to get some advantage of the Prior in these troublesome times , did strongly oppose Lambertons election , and the matter by an appeal drawn to the Consistory of Rome , they both went thither to debate their rights : in end Lamberton prevailed , and was consecrated by Pope Boniface in Iune 1298. This turned so to the disgrace of the Culdees , as after this time we hear no more of them , the name and Order being by little and little quite extinguished . About the same time were the Templars , otherwise called the Red-friers , made away ; an Order instituted by Baldwin● King of Ierusalem some 200. years before for the defence of that city , and the safe conveying of all such as travelled thither , by the pious liberality of Princes and others well affected ; they were in a short time greatly enriched , and for their wealth sore envied . Some report , that degenerating from their first institution , they became execrably vicious . But Bocatius , Villanus , Antonius , Na●clerus , Aventinus , and other Authorus do all purge them of the crimes laid to their charge . The rumour in that time went , that Philip King of France , to get one of his sons made King of Ierusalem , and possessed with their revenues , did labour to have them and the Order condemned . But others say , that the Pope ( this was Clement the fifth ) was mightily offended with them for inveighing against the corruptions of his Court , and sinfulnesse of the Clergy ; which they maintained to be the only cause of all the miseries of Christendome , especially of the Holy land . But howsoever their destruction was wrought , all Authours testifie that notwithstanding the cruel torments which divers of that profession were put unto , none of the crimes laid to their charge could ever be made out against them . Paulus Emilius in his history writeth , that Iames Burgond the Principal of that Order being brought forth to die , and whilest the fire was kindling before him , having his life offered , if he would quickly declare , that what he had deponed in the time of his imprisonment , both of himself and of his whole Order , was true , did utter these words ; In these my last actions , it being unpardonable impiety to lie , I freely and frankly confess , that I committed a great offence , both against my self and my Order , and that therein I have deserved a most tormenting punishment , because in favour of them for whom I should not , and allured with the sweetness of life I have in my tortures slanderously imposed many impieties , and detractions upon the Order , which hath ever deserved well of the Christian world . I have no need of life obtained by intreaty , much less retained by lying , and defamation . This said , and he being set to the pile , and fire kindled about the neather parts of his feet to wring out from him a confession , even when the flames began to waste and fire his entrails , he never swarved from the constancy of his former speech , or shewed the least change and alteration of minde . With him two other of the same Order did suffer ( one of them being of a great family , and brother to the Daulphin of Vienna ) who shewed the like constancie . There be other Authours of no small esteem saith Plessis , who report , That two Cardinals being present at their execution , the great Master did summon Pope Clement before the Tribunal of God , to answer for the wrongous judgement and sentence given against them , and that the Pope died the same day to which he was cited , being the 40. day after their execution . Partly by these testimonies , and partly by the clause insert in the condemnatory Bull of Pope Clement , in which it was said , Quanquam de jure non possumus , tamen pro plenitudine potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus , Albeit by way of right we cannot , yet of the fulnesse of our power we reprobate and condemn the said Order ; by this I say it would appear that they were rigorously used : But howsoever all the Kings of Christendome as combining together , caused them at one instant to be apprehended within their dominions , and put from their estates , which afterwards were given to the Hospitalers and Knights of S. Iohn . But to return to Lamberton ; he stood not long in King Edwards favour , being suspected for the entertainment he gave to Iames Douglas the son of Willam Douglas , who died in Prison at Berwick . This Gentleman at the time of his fathers death was in Paris following his studies , and being advertised that his father was dead , and his estate given away to strangers , returned home ; where finding no means to maintain himself , he took his recourse to the Bishop , who pitying the Gentlemans estate , did accept him amongst his followers , and in the next expedition which King Edward made into Scotland , taking the Gentleman with him to Striveling , did present him to the King , intreating that he might have his lands restored , and be admitted into his service ; King Edward answered , That he could not look for good service of him , whose father had proved such an enemy ; and that the lands were disponed to others that had merited better . So the Gentleman despairing to finde any favour with the King , did await still upon the Bishop . Afterwards hearing that Robert Bruce had taken the field , he stole away secretly , taking with him the Bishops horses and moneys , and went to assist Bruce . King Edward apprehending this to be done with the Bishops knowledge , did commit him to Prison , where he remained till the death of King Edward , which happened in the year 1307. King Robert Bruce was in this time crowned King , and by the troubles which Edward the second found in the beginning of his Reign , got leisure to settle himself in the Kingdome ; so as when King Edward returned ( which was not till seven years after his fathers death ) to take possession of the Countrey , and came with a world of people , ( they are reckoned to be no fewer then two hundreth thousand ) they were encountred by King Robert at the River of Bannockburn , and wholly defeated . This victory did so much discourage the English ; as after a long surcease of warre , when some eight years after they attempted to repair themselves , they were forced with much dishonour to return and become suiters to the Pope to intercede for peace . To this effect a Legate was sent into Scotland , who had audience given him at Aberbrothock ; his Proposition was , That the Scots should desist from troubling England , till the Pope should hear the questions that were amongst them , and be enformed of the right which King Edward had to the Crown of Scotland . King Robert answered , That the Pope could not be ignorant of the estate of that businesse , the same having been often exponed by the Commissioners of Scotland to divers of his predecessours , in the hearing of many Cardinals then alive , who could relate , the insolent answers which Pope Boniface received , when he desired the English to forbear their cruell oppression of the Scots : And now , saith he , when it hath pleased God to give us the better by some Victories , and that we have not onely recovered our own , but are in a possibility to make them live as good neighbours , they have recourse to such Treaties , seeking onely to gain time , that when they have setled their affairs , they may fall again upon us with the greater force ; but in this his Holinesse must excuse me , for I will not be so unwise as to let the advantage I have , slip out of my hands . The Legate not satisfied with this Answer , and interpreting it as a disobedience to the Apostolick See , did put the Kingdome under Interdiction , and so departed . But the King to shew how little he esteemed these proceedings , followed the Legate at the heels , and entering into England , wasted all the adjacent Countries with fire and sword . At his return from that expedition an Ambassage was sent to Rome for reconciling the Kingdome , and a Letter subscribed by the Nobility and Barons to the Pope , the Copy whereof I have thought good to insert . Sanctissimo in Christo Patri & domino Iohani &c. filii sui humiles & devoti , Duncamus Comes de Fife , Thomas Ranulphus Comes Moraviae , dominus Manviae , & dominus Wallis Annandiae , Patricius Dumbar Comes Marchiae , Malisius Comes Strathern , Malcolm us Comes de Lennox , Gulielmus Comes de Rosse , Magnus Comes Cathannon & Orcaden , & Gulielmus Comes Sutherlandiae , Walterus Senescallus Scotiae , Gulielmus de Souls Buttelarius Scotiae , Iacobus de Douglas , David de Brichen , David Grahame , Ingelramus Umphravile , Iohannes Monteith Custos Comitatus ejusdem , Alexander Fraser , Gilbertus de Haya Constabularius Scotiae , Robertus Marescallus Scotiae , Henricus de Santo Claro Panitarius Scotiae , Iohannes Grahame , David Lindsay , Patritius Grahame , Iohannes de Fenton , Gulielmus de Abernethy , David de Weymis , Gulielmus de Montefixo , Fergusius de Androssen , Eustathius Maxwell , Gulielmus Ramsey , Alanus de Moravia , Donaldus Champell , Iohannes Cameron , Reginaldus Loquhoir , Alexander Seaton , Andreas Leslie , & Alexander de Straton , caeteríque Barones & liberè tenentes & tota communitas Regni Scotiae &c. Thereafter they said , That Scotland being an ancient Kingdome governed by a continued succession of 97. Kings , and amongst the first that embraced the faith of Christ , living under the patronage of S. Andrew the brother of S. Peter , and graced with many privileges by the Popes his predecessors , had always been free from usurpation of any stranger , before that Edward the father of him that now reigneth in England , did in the time of the interreign , when the question was of a successour , labour by violence to establish the Kingdome to himself : since which time they have endured many injuries , having their Churches spoiled , their Monasteries burnt , and their Countrey intolerably oppressed , till of late it hath pleased God to stirre up King Robert Bruce , who as another Iosua or Iudas Maccabeus had redeemed them by his valour ; with whom they resolved in defence of their Countrey to spend their lives . And if he should forsake them ( which they knew he would not do ) so long as they w●ere any of them in life , England should never bring them in subjection . Wherefore they besought his Holinesse to make the English content themselves with the spacious bounds they possessed , in which there reigned sometimes seven Kings , and suffer the Scots quietly to enjoy that little piece of ground which their progenitors had long defended , and left free unto them . In end they entreated , To be received again into his grace and favour , promising all dutifull obedience to him , and to the See Apostolick . This was the tenor of the Letter , which the Pope favourably accepted , and thereupon gave order that the ●nglish and Scots should both be warned to a certain Diet for debating their rig●●s . The Diet come , and the English not appearing , the Pope after he had examined the case , and perused the rescripts of divers his predecessours , released the Interdiction which his Legate had published , and declared the Scots to be reconciled to the Church . The great discontents which were then amongst the English for the government of affairs under Edward the third ( who was then made King upon his Fathers resignation ) brought them to sue for peace : which after a short Treaty was concluded , and the Peace confirmed by a Match betwixt David Prince of Scotland , and Iane sister to King Edward . The Conditions of the Peace were these : That King Edward should surrender by Charter his Title of Soveraignty of the Kingdom of Scotland ; Restore whatsoever Acts , Deeds , and Instruments he had of Homage and Fealty done by the Kings of Scotland or their Nobility to any of his antecessors ; especially those which Edward the first his Grandfather had by force extorted ; and leave the Kingdome of Scotland as free as it was at the death of King Alexander the third : That the Scots should quit and renounce all the lands they held in England , and Stanmore be taken for the March both in Cumberland and in Northumberland : That no Englishman should enjoy lands in Scotland , unlesse he dwelt in the Countrey ; And that in satisfaction of the lands possessed by some of them who would not remain in Scotland , the King of Scots should pay 30000. Marks . Peace thus made , and the mariage with great solemnity performed ( though the Prince was then but seven years old ) King Robert waxing sickly lived private ( in a sort ) untill his death , which happened some two years after . He was a King of incomparable wisdome and valour , whose worth and vertue no pen can expresse . Whilest this Peace was treating , Lamberton departed this life , having continued Bishop thirty years : a Prelate wise , active , and a great Benefactor to the Abbey , wherein for the most part he kept his residence ; The buildings , whereof now we onely behold the ruines , were erected upon his charges . It is reported , that being asked by one of his servants on a night , Why he did lay out so great summes for the Monastery , and forget to build for himself ? he answered , That ere he died , he hoped to build more then his successors should well maintain . Which he indeed performed , for besides the repairing of his Palace in S. Andrews , he built at Monymaill , Torrey , Dersey , Inchmortach , Mufchart , Ketins , Lincon , Monymusk , and Stow in Twaddale , houses of good receipt for himself and his successors . He finished the Cathedrall Church which had been many years a building , and dedicated the same with great solemnity in the year 1318. He adorned the Chapter house with curious seats , and ceeling , furnished the Chanons with pretious vestments for the daily service , stored their Library with Books , and at the Dedication of the Church procured of the King ( who honoured the same with his presence ) a yearly rent of 100. Marks to be paid to the Abbey forth of the Exchequer ; which annuity was afterward redeemed by the donation of the Church of Fordon in Mernis : he himself the same very day gave unto the Prior and Convent the Churches of Dersey & Abercromby , as the donations yet extant do testifie ; and dying at the last in the Priors Chamber within the Monastery , was buried in the new Church on the north side of the high Altar , in the year 1328. The famous Doctor Ioannes Duns , aliàs Scotus , lived in his time ; he was born in the Town of Duns in the Countrey of Mers , and being yet a childe , after some taste he had got of the Latine Tongue , by the perswasion of two Minorite Friers , went to Oxford , studying Logick in Merton College : then applying himself to Scholastick Divinity , grew to such a perfection therein , as he was called The subtile Doctor ; and was followed of a number , who after his name are called to this day Scotistae . After he had professed a while at Oxford , he was called to reade Divinity in the University of Paris , and from thence went to Colein , where he died of the Apoplexy . They write that after he was laid in grave , his spirits did return , and that striving to get forth , he was there smothered ; whereupon an Italian did write this Epigram : Quaecunque humani fuerant jurísque sacrati , In dubium veniunt cunct a vocante Scoto . Quid ? quòd & in dubium illius sit vita vocata , Morte illum simili ludificante strophâ , Quum non antè virum vitâ jugulârit ademptâ , Quàm vivus tumulo conditus ille foret . The English Writers contend that this Scotus was born in England in Dunstane Village within the Parish of Emilden in the Country of Northumberland ; and confirm it by the Manuscripts reserved in the Library of Merton College , in one whereof are written these words ; Explicit lectura subtilis Doctor is in Universitate Oxoniensi ( super libros Sententiarum ) Doctor is Joannis Duns , nati in Villa de Emilden vocata Dunstan contract a Duns in Comitatu Northumbriae , pertinens ad domum scolasticorum de Merton Hall in Oxonio , & quondam dict ae a domus socii . Thus ends the Lecture of the subtile Doctor in the University of Oxford ( upon the book of sentences ) Doctor Iohn Duns born in a Village of Emilden callen Dunstan , or by abbreviation Duns , in the County of Northumberland , pertaining to the house of Scholars of Merton Hall in Oxford , and sometimes one of the Fellows of the said House . But this is no sufficient proof ; for it may be probably supposed that he living at Oxford in England , when the warres were so hot betwixt the two Kingdomes , did dissemble his Countrey , and pretend himself to be an English born to eschew the hatred of the Students . In Colein where he might without danger shew of what Countrey he was , he did professe himself a Scot , and the Minorites ( of which Order he was ) did therefore upon his Tomb erected in their Church , at the end of the Quire nigh unto the high Altar , set this Inscription , which is there yet to be seen : Scotia me genuit , Anglia suscepit , Gallia edocuit , Germania tenet . What a fine subtile wit he had , the Monuments left by him to posterity do witness . He died young in the year 1308. 27. The Chapter after Lambertons death meeting for the election of a new Bishop , went into factions , the one half giving their voices to Sir Iames Bane Archdeacon of S. Andrews , the other half to Sir Alexander Kinnimmouth Archdeacon of Lothian ; but Bane being then in the Court of Rome , and advertised of the Bishops death , obtained the Bishoprick of the Pope , who in those times disposed all Church livings as he thought good , having no regard to Canonicall elections . This Bishop lived four years onely after his Consecration , and died at Bruges in Flanders : for upon breach of the Peace with England , and the Coronation of Edward Baliol , when David with his Queen went into France , he withdrew himself to the Low-Countreys . He was buried in the Monastery of the Regular Chanons within Bruges . 28. How soon Bane his death was made known , the Convent meeting , elected William Bell Dean of Dunkeld . The Pope refusing to confirm the election , the See remained void for the space of nine years and more . At last William Landells Provost of Kinkell upon the recommendation of the Kings of France and Scotland , was preferred and consecrated by Pope Benedict the tenth at Avignion in the year 1341. This Prelate was nobly born , and the heir of great possessions in Scotland , of a generous minde , and given to all goodnesse : he lived Bishop 44. years , and in that time saw many alterations ; King David Bruce peaceably repossessed in the Kingdome ; taken captive in the Battell of Duresme , ( where he himself was made Prisoner● set again at liberty for the payment of one hundred thousand Marks sterling : to the help whereof he procured from the Churchmen , with the consent of Pope Innocent the sixth , the tenth of all Ecclesiasticall livings within the Kingdome for the space of three years : and after King David his death , his son Robert Stewart called Robert the second crowned King ; to the fifteenth year of whose reign he attained , and then died in the Abbey of S. Andrews : his body was buried in the Cathedrall Church at the ●hancery door . It was a custome before these times , that when any Bishop deceased , all his moveable goods were seised on by the Kings Officers , as belonging to the King : this he got discharged , and liberty granted to all the Prelates to dispose their goods by Testament to whom they pleased ; or if they should happen to die intestate , it was made lawfull to their nearest kinsmen to call and pursue for the same . The benefit of this privilege he himself first enjoyed . 29. In his place the Prior of S. Andrews called Stephen , a man of great experience and wisdome , was chosen Bishop ; who going towards Rome for Confirmation , was taken Prisoner at Sea by the English , and died at Anwick of sicknesse in the year 1385. 30. Walter Traill was then attending Pope Clement at Avignion , a man singularly learned , and well expert both in the Civill and Chanon Law. So great an opinion the Pope had of his worth , as at his preferment he did say to those that stood by him : This man deserveth better to be Pope , then Bishop ; the place is better provided then the person . Which proved true in effect ; for when he came to govern the See , he administred all affairs most wisely . Nor had he the charge onely of the Church , but the whole affairs of the Kingdome being cast upon him he governed the same in such sort as the Realme was never remembred to have been better and more peaceably ruled . Writers describe him to have been a man of courteous behaviour , affable , pitiful , and compassionate of those that were in any sort distressed , a hater of vice , and of most sincere conversation . He lived unto a great age , in much esteem , and died in the Castle of S. Andrews ( built by himselfe ) in the year 1401. his body was interred with great solemnity amongst his predecessors , with this inscription ingraven upon his monument : Hic fuit Ecclesiae columna , fenestra lucida , Thuribulum aureum , Campana sonora . 31. After him was Thomas Stewart son to King Robert the second ( being then Archdeacon of S. Andrews ) elected Bishop ; but he affecting the retired life , refused to accept the place , which thereupon remained void the space of three yeares ( for the Chapter would not in his life time proceed to a new election : ) the rents were in the mean time assigned by King Robert the third ( with the Convents permission ) to Walter Danzelston in recompence of the Castle of Dumbriton , which he enjoyed by an hereditary title , and did at that time resign unto the King. 32. Thomas Stewart deceasing , Gilbert Grinlaw Bishop of Aberdene , and Chancellour of the kingdome , was postulated Bishop ; but Henry Wardlaw presentor of Glasgow , being then at Avignion , was provided thereto by Pope Benedict the thirteenth . There was at this time a fearful schisme in the Church , of all that we do read the most scandalous , and of longest continuance ; two , and sometimes three Popes warning one against another , and condemning each anothers Ordinances ; which did so divide the Christian world , and made such partakings as were pitiful . This schisme lasting 29. years and more , was at last quenched in the Councel of Constance , and Martin the first chosen Pope . Scotland at that time living in the obedience of Benedict , the Abbot of Pontiniac was directed to intimate the election of the Councel , and had audience given him in a Convocation of the Clergy at Perth ; thither came also one Harding a Minorite Frier , sent by Benedict to solicite the Churches adherence to him against the decree of the Councel , who taking for his Theam these words , My sonne , do nothing without advicement , so shall it not repent thee after the deed ; held a long discourse of the proceedings of the Councel , and the informality thereof , affirming that none was bound to obey and acknowledge the same . Master Iohn Fogo a Monk of the Abbey of Melrosse , replying to his Oration ; began his speech with that precept of the Apostle , Withdraw your selves from every brother that walketh inordinately , and refuting all the Minorites reasons brought against the Councel , concluded that whosoever did procure for Peter de Luna ( this was Benedicts name before he was elected Pope ) was a very disturber of the Churches peace , and not to be countenanced in any sort . The Clergy in end disclaiming Benedict , promised obedience to Pope Martin , whom the Councel had elected . By occasion of this schisme , the mouths of many were opened against the corrupt doctrine and manners of Rome . Iohn Wickliffe in England , Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prague in Bohemia , did openly preach against the Tyranny of the Pope , and the abuses introduced in the Church , and in this countrey one called Ioannes Resby an English man , & de Schola Wickliffi , as the Story speaketh , was brought in question for some points of doctrine which he taught , and condemned to the fire . He was charged by Master Laurence Lendors with forty heretical opinions , whereof we have two only mentioned ; One , that the Pope was no● Christs Vicar : The other , that he was not to be esteemed Pope , if he was a man of wicked life . For maintaining these two points , he suffered in the year 1407. Some 24. years after Paul Craw a Bohemian came into Scotland , and for venting certain opinions touching the Sacrament of the Supper , the adoration of Saints , and auricular Confession ; he was also condemned , and burnt at S. Andrewes in the year 1432. The death of these two Martyrs lieth heavy upon the memory of this Bishop , who otherwise deserved well of the countrey and Church , for in his time he laboured much to have the riotous formes crept in among all sorts of men repressed , and was a man most hospitable ; They report of him that the Masters of his house complaining of the great numbers that resorted unto him for entertainment , and desiring that for the ease of the servants he would condescend to make a bill of household , that they might know who were to be served , he condescended ; and when his Secretary was called to set down the names of the houshold , being asked whom he would first name , he answered , Fife and Angus , ( these are two large countreys , containing millions of people : ) his servants hearing this , gave over their purpose of retrenching his family , for they saw he would have no man refused that came to his house . The bridge at the mouth of Eden was his work . And besides , he was the first that opened the publick Schooles at S. Andrewes , making Divinity , Lawes , Logick , and all other parts of Philosophy to be there taught . In the founding of this University he took his example from that of Paris , and obtained the Popes confirmation thereof , which in the year 1412. being brought from Rome by Alexander Ogilvy Master of Arts , was received with solemn processions , fires of joy , sounding of bells , and all the tokens of gladnesse , that could be expressed . Master Iohn Sheves Official , Master VVilliam Stephen , afterwards Bishop of Dumblane , and Sir Iohn Lister , a Chanon of the Abbey were appointed to read Divinity ; Master Laurence Lindors was ordained to read the Common law , and Master Richard Cornwal the Civil ; Master Iohn Gaw , Master VVilliam Fowlis , and Master William Crosier were chosen for Philosophy men , worthy to be remembred for being the first instruments that were imployed in that service , and the attendance they gave upon it , having no allowance at all for their labours . King Iames the first , at his return from England , 12. years after , did greatly advance this work by the encouragement he gave to studies ; for not onely did he countenance professors with his presence at their Lectures , but also took order that none should be preferred to any Benefice , unlesse it was testified by them , that the person recommended had made a reasonable progresse in learning : and for that effect kept a roll of the most qualified persons by him for the filling of places that happened to fall void . This that good King esteemed to be the most sure and easie way for banishing ignorance forth of the Church , and ceased not to admonish the Churchmen that were in places to live as they professed , and not to shame the bountyfulnesse of Princes by abusing their Donations unto Riot and Luxury . Further , to allure them by good example , he brought home the Carthusian Monks , who were at that time greatly respected for their precisenesse of living , and erected for them a beautiful Monastery at Perth , bestowing large revenues upon the same . The Bishop surviving the King some seven years ( for the King was treacherously murthered at Perth in the year 1437. ) departed this life in the Castle of S. Andrews the fixt day of April , 1444. having governed that See 35. years , and was buried in the wall betwixt the Chore and the Chappel called Our Ladies Chappel . 33. Iames Kennedy Bishop of Dunkeld , and Nephew to King Iames the first by his sister the Countesse of Angus , was after Wardlaw his death elected Bishop by the Prior and Chanons ; he himself was then at Florence with Pope Eugenius the fourth , and had gone thither out of a desire to have the disorders crept in among Churchmen redressed , hoping to be strengthened with greater authority from thence . But finding all things troubled in these parts , Eugenius keeping a Councel at Florence , whilest another was held at B●sile , and each of them condemning another as unlawful ; he returned with a resolution to do the best he could at home by his own credit . Upon his translation to S. Andrewes , he did put all things in such order ; as no man then living did remember to have seen the Church in so good an estate ; for partly by his own ensample , partly by the strict observance of discipline , he induced them all to live as became men of their profession . And as he was to the Clergy a pattern of vertue , so was he a great supporter of the King and Kingdome by his wise and prudent counsel : For in that insurrection of the Earls of Douglas and Crawford against King Iames the second , when the King had determined to leave the countrey and flye into France ; he found the meanes to disunite the rebels , and break their forces , restoring the King to his estate , and the kingdome to peace . And in the beginning of King Iames the third his reign , when matters were very troubled , he did so carry all things by his prudence , as whilest he lived , the publick estate received no harm . Of what and how great worth he was , it appeared soon after his death , all things turning to confusion both in the Church and State. A monument of his piety and magnificent minde towards the advancement of letters , is the Colledge he erected in S. Andrewes , ( now called Saint Salvators Colledge ) which he built from the ground , provided with large revenues , and furnished with most costly ornaments . Thus having lived a great benefactor to the publick , and in much glory , he died at S. Andrews in the year 1466. 22. years he sate Bishop in this See , and was interred after his death in a sepulcher prepared by himself within the Chappel of the same Colledge . 34 Patrick Grahame his Nephew , Buchannan calleth him his brother ( saying that they were born of one and the same mother ) being Bishop of Brichen for the time , a man of singular vertues , was chosen to succeed . The Boyds , who then ruled the Court , envying his preferment because of the variance betwixt the Kennedies and them , withstood his journey to Rome , where he was to get his confirmation : but he not staying upon the Kings licence , which he saw without their favour could not be obtained , took his way thither , and at his coming was well accepted of Pope Paul the second . Whilest he abode there ( for he stayed a long time , fearing to return so long as the Boyds were in credit ) the old controversie of the Archbishop of york his superiority over the Church of Scotland , was renued by George Nevill Archbishop of that See for the time . The matter drawn in dispute before Pope Sixtus the fourth ( for Paul the second was then dead ) sentence was given for the Church of Scotland , whereby it was declared a thing unfitting , that an English Prelate should be Primate of Scotland , by reason of the warres that might break forth betwixt the two kingdomes . And to the effect a Primate should not be lacking from thenceforth in Scotland , the See of S. Andrews by the Bull of Sixtus was erected in an Archbishoprick , and the rest of the Bishops of Scotland , twelve in number , ordained all to be subject unto that See. Further , the Pope for the Bishops more graceing , did appoint him his Legate for the space of three years , with commission to reform all abuses in the Church , and to correct the dissolutenesse of the Clergy . How soon the Bishop was advertised of the alteration of Court , and that the King was begun to govern of himself , he made haste to return , sending before him the Bulls of Primacy and Legation to be published , thinking the same should have purchased to him a great respect . But he found himself deceived ; for upon the publication ( made at Edinburgh in September 1472. ) the Bishops out of spite and emulation , because of the Primacie , the inferiour Clergy fearing his rigour in executing the Legation , and the Courtiers who made sale of all the Church-livings , apprehending that the same would be reformed , combined all against him , and went to the King , informing that he had accepted a Legation from the Pope without his licence , which was prohibited by the Lawes of the kingdome , and might prove hurtful to the king , and that in contempt of his Majesty he had gone to Rome without once asking him licence . The King possessed with these informations did inhibit the Bishop how soon he landed to exerce any part of his Legation , till the King should try the complaints preferred against him , assigning the first of November for his compeirance . At the day he exhibited his Bulls , and shewed the power he had to reform abuses in the Ecclesiastical state intreating the King not to impede him in the execution of his charge ; but his adversaries having corrupted some of the Kings Officers , and given ( as it was said ) the summe of eleven thousand Marks in hand , his petition was not regarded : his accusers to colour their proceedings the better , made an appeal to the Pope , offering to qualify before him the invalidity of the Bulls which he had purchased . So he was dimitted with expresse charge not to use the title and dignity of an Archbishop , nor to attempt any thing but that which the Bishops his predecessors had been accustomed to do , by vertue of their places , untill the decision of the controversie . A while after a fresh and bitter enemy was raised against him● William Shevez a young man of a quick and active spirit , having studied some years at Lovaine under Iohn Spernick ( who was famous in those dayes for his knowledge in the studies of physick , and astrology ) did insinuate himself in the favour of the Court , which then was madly given to all sorts of divination ; and the Archdeaconry of S. Andrews falling void in the midle time , procured the Kings recommendation to the Bishop for the same . The Bishop toek exception at his studies , and in end gave him an absolute denial , as being insufficient for the charge , and otherwise not trained up in the knowledge of Divinity . Shevez taking to heart this disgrace ( for so he did accompt it ) combined with one Locky , Rector at that time in the University , and a professed enemy to the Bishop ; these two conspired against him , and Locky who pretended he was the Bishops equal in jurisdiction , forging a quarel , denounced him excommunicate : but the Bishop contemning the sentence of his inferiour , carried himself both at home and abroad as he was wont ; whereupon his enemies ( as the custome is , when Church censures are despised ) did implore the Kings assistance . Who being made to their effect , discharged the Bishop from coming into any sacred place , declared his goods confiscat , and sequestring all his servants , did appoint to him other attendants . The rest of the Bishops to witnesse their gratitude , did present the King with a summe of money , which they had collected ( with grudge enough ) amongst the inferiour Priests ; not the lesse , shortly after by the intercession of friends , and the advancing of moneys to the rulers of the Court , the Bishop was taken in favour , who then thinking all his troubles to be overpast , withdrew himself to his house of Monymaill ; where he was scarce well setled , when the bankers of Rome stirred up by his adversaries , charged him with paiment of the moneys , wherein he stood obliged for his Bull of priviledges . He not able to give satisfaction ( for the most of his rents had been taken up yearly by the Kings Factors ; and what he could purchase from his friends , was all bestowed at his late reconcilement amongst Courtiers ) was of new accursed , his person arrested , his rents lifted by the Kings Officers , and a guard appointed to attend him in his own Castle at S. Andrews . In this miserable condition not knowing what to do , he fell in some trouble of minde , and thereupon committed to the custody of Shevez his mortal enemy , who was declared his coadjutor , by reason of his distraction ; yet the malice of his adversaries not satisfied herewith , at Rome they accused him of heresie , schisme , simony , and a number of other scandalous crimes ; the trial whereof was commended to one Husman the Popes Inquisitor , and to Shevez . Divers light and ridiculous accusations were brought against him , and amongst other points , he was charged to have said three Masses in one day ; whereas in those times it was difficile to find a Bishop , that in three moneths did say one Masse ; yet the process going on , witnesses were brought , who verified the accusations , and his enemy sitting Judge , he was sentenced as guilty of schisme , simony , heresie , and other crimes , and thereupon decerned to have lost his dignity , and condemned to perpetual prison . 35. The sentence pronounced , Shevez posted to Rome , got the sentence approved , and was himself provided to the Archbishoprick . All these crosses this innocent Bishop sustained most patiently : which his adversaries perceiving , they procucured him to be put in close prison within the Isle of Inchcolme , where he had four keepers watching him that he should not escape . Warre afterwards breaking up with England , out of a fear that the English Navy ( which was then at Sea ) might fall upon the Isle , he was transported to Dunfermlin , and from thence to the Castle of Lochleven , where at last he died . This end had that worthy man , in vertue and learning inferiour to none of his time , oppressed by the malice and calumnies of his enemies , chiefly for that they feared reformation of their wicked abuses by his means . The title rather then the Prelacie it selfe , he enjoyed 13. years , and was buried in S. Servanus Isle , within the Chappel of Lochleven . All things went now in the Church daily from ill to worse , for these who did affect a reformation● and lived in some hope thereof , beholding the course of things , betook themselves to a private life . At Court benefices were sold , or then bestowed as rewards upon flatterers , and the Ministers of unlawful pleasures ; and in the Church Canonical elections , especially in the Monasteries , were quite abrogated . The King presenting Abbots and Priors unto the Pope , none were refused that came with his recommendation . Thus was Alexander Thomison Abbot of Dunfermlin ( canonically elected by the Monks some years before ) extruded from his place , and Henry Chrichton then Abbot of Paisley surrogated in his stead by the Pope at the Kings intercession . Likewise Robert Shaw of Minto was in the same manner preferred into Paisley , the consent of the Convent not once required . So as the Monasteries , which were founded for pious and charitable uses , came by little and little in the hands of fecular men , who having had their education in the Court , brought with them from thence the manners thereof , shaking off all care of discipline , and neglecting the duties of hospitality . This begat great offences , and made the foundations themselves abhorred ; partly through the dissolutenesse of those that lived in the places , and partly because men saw them inverted to other and contrary uses , then the first Founders had appointed . Neither were the Monasteries onely corrupted , but the whole Ecclesiastick state became also infected ; Ignorance and Impiety every where prevailing , till in end the Laity putting their hands to the work , made that violent and disordered Reformation ; whereof in the next book we shall hear . But to return to Shevez ; he receiving the Pall from the Pope in sign of Archiepiscopal dignity , was publickly invested therewith in the Church of Halirudhouse , in the year 1478. the King and divers of the Nobility being there present . How he governed the See , I find not , but his entry being such as we have seen , did not promise much good . I read in some Writers , that he was induced by the King and the Duke of Albany , to dimit his place in the favours of Master Andrew Stewart Provost of Linclowden , ( the Kings Uncle ) and to content himself wirh the Bishoprick of Murray , whereunto the said Master Andrew was provided ; but it seemeth this charge took not effect , for both the one and the other possessed their own benefices untill their deaths . Some years before Shevez his death there arose a controversie betwixt him and Robert Blacater Archbishop of Glasgow , concerning their jurisdictions . For Blacater had obtained of Pope Alexander the sixth , the erection of the See of Glasgow into an Archbishoprick , and thereunto were the Bishops of Galloway , Argyle , and Isles ordained to be subject . Shevez refusing to acknowledge him for an Archbishop , both the Clergy and Noblemen went into factions , some taking part with the one , and some with the other . But this dissension was soon appeased ; howbeit with the grudge of both parties , and Glasgow declared to be Metropolitane Church , the honour of precedencie reserved alwayes to S. Andrews . Now whilest the Prelates were contending for preheminence , certain Articles were dispersed in the countreys of Kile and Cunningham against the doctrine taught in the Church , which stirred up divers to examine the truth of Religion then professed . The Articles were these . 1. That Images ought not to be made , nor worshipped . 2. That the reliques of Saints ought not to be adored . 3. That it is not lawful to fight for the faith . 4. That Christ gave the power of binding and loosing to Peter onely , and not to his successours . 5. That Christ ordained no Priests to consecrate . 6. That after the consecration in the Masse there remaineth bread , and that the natural body of Christ is not there . 7. That tithes ought not to be paid to Ecclesiastical persons . 8. That Christ at his coming did abrogate the power of secular Princes . 9. That every faithful man and woman is a Priest. 10. That the Unction of Kings ceased at the coming of Christ. 11. That the Pope is not the successour of Peter , except in that which our Saviour spake to him , when he said , Goe behinde me Satan . 12. That the Pope deceiveth the people with his Bulls and Indulgences . 13. That the Masse profiteth not the soules that are in Purgatory . 14. That the Bishops blessing is of no value . 15. That Indulgences should not be granted to fight against the Saracens . 16. That the Pope exalts himself above God , and against God. 17. That the Pope cannot remit the pains of Purgatory . 18. That the excommunication of the Church is not to be feared . 19. That in no case it is lawful to swear . 20. That Priests may have wives according to the Ordinance of the old Law , and that true Christians receive the body of Christ every day . The maintainers of these Articles were by an opprobrious title called Lollards ; but whether or not they did hold all these opinions , may well be doubted , seeing we have them onely from the report of adversaries , whose chief study was to make them and their doctrine odious ; and granting that they held the same , we are not to wonder , that in the first breaking up of the light men saw not the truth in every point , considering the darknesse and grosse ignorance of preceding times . For dispersing these Articles , some thirty persons were cited before the Councel , of whom the principals were , George Campbel of Sesnock , Adam Read of Barskining , Iohn Campbel of Newmilus , and Andrew Shaw of Polkennet . The Archbishiop of Glasgow laying these things to their charge , they answered all with such confidence , as it was thought safest to dimit them , with admonition to take heed of new doctrines , and content themselves with the faith of the Church . Of Shevez I find nothing said all this time , onely that he departed this life at S. Andrews in the year 1496. and was buried in the Cathedral Church before the high Altar . 36. Iames Stewart brother to King Iames the fourth , was provided after Shevez to the See , being yet very young , and lived but a short space , for he died at S. Andrews in the year 1503. his body was interred in the Cathedral Church amongst the Bishops his predecessors . In an old Charter produced by one of the vassals , I have seen him thus styled . Iacobus sancti Andreae Archiepiscopus , Dux Rossiae , Marchio de Ormond , Comes de Ardmannach , Dominus de Brichen & Never , Commendatorius perpetuus Monasterii de Dunfermline , ac Regni Scotiae Can●ellarius . The Charter is dated in this manner ; Apud Ecclesiam nostram Metropolitanam sancti Andre● , 7º die Mensis Februarii , An. Dom. 1502. & nostrarum administrationum quinto . 37. To him succeeded Alexander Stewart , base son to King Iames the fourth , a youth of great hopes ; he died with his father in the unfortunate battle of Flowdon , Anno 1513. and was much lamented by Erasmus Roterodamus , under whom he had studied some yeares . I finde him styled Chancellour of the Kingdome in one of the vassals Characters , which is dated in the year 1512. 38. Three strong competitours fell then at strife for the place , Gawane Dowglas Bishop of Dunkeld , Iohn Hepburn Prior of S. Andrews , and Andrew Forman Bishop of Murray . Gawane Dowglas was nobly born ( for he was brother to the Earl of Angus ) and greatly esteemed for his vertue and learning . He upon the Queens presentation ( who at that time governed all publick affairs ) possessed himselfe with the Castle of S. Andrews . Hepburne a factious man and of great power procured the Chanons to elect him , and under this colour expulsed Dowglas his servants , fortifying the house with a Garison of souldiers . Forman was provided by the gift of Pope Iulius the second , and made Legatus à latere , ( for by his many employments in France , and at the Court of Rome , he had gained to himself much credit ) But the Power of Hepburn was such as for a while no man could be found to publish Formans Bulls ; Alexander Lord Home ( who some write was Formans Uncle ) was at last moved by the dimission of Coldingham in favour of his brother David to take his part , and coming to Edinburgh proclaimed the Popes gift , and Formans Legation with great solemnity . This Act divided the Homes and the Hepburnes , who after that time were never in sound friendship . Dowglas not willing to be seen more in that contention , did quit his interesse , leaving the quarrel to the other two , who did pursue it both . Hepburn posting to Rome . laboured to have his election confirmed , but prevailed not . Forman because of his Legation was followed of the Churchmen for the most part , and acknowledged by all the vassals of the See ; yet the jarring still continued untill the Duke of Albany his coming into the countrey , who at his acceptation of the Regency● brought them to a submission , and pacified all these strifes , distributing the Benefices in this manner . To Forman he left the Archbishoprick of S. Andrews , and Abbacy of Dunfermlin , which was given him by the Pope in Commendam . The Abbacy of Aberbrothock , which Forman likewise possessed , he gave to Iames Beaton Archbishop of Glasgow , and Chancellour for the time . The Prior Iohn Hepburn was contented with a pension of three thousand Crows , which Forman was ordained to pay him during life ; and upon his brother Master Iames Hepburn was the Bishoprick of Murray bestowed . Alexander Gordon Cousen to the Earl of Huntley , was made Bishop of Aberdene , Iames Ogilvy a brother of the house of Ogilvy , Abbot of Drybrugh , and George Dundass of the house of Dundass , Commendator of the preceptory of Torphichen . This partition did satisfie them all , and so they were fully reconciled . Some few years after , Forman died at Dunfermlin , where he was also buried ; A plain and open man , but said to be profuse ; besides the Benefices he possessed in Scotland , he was Archbishop of Burges in France , by the gift of King Lewis the twelfth ; which did greatly increase his means . 39. Upon the death of Forman , Iames Beaton Archbishop of Glasgow , and Chancellour of the Kingdome , was translated to S. Andrews . Master Gawane Dumbar , to whose instruction the young King was committed , was preferred to this place . The troubles of the time were great because of the minority of the King , and therein this Bishop had not the least part , being chased from the Court , and from his own dwellings , glad to lurk , and shift himself a long time from place to place amongst friends , to eschew the violence of the Dowglasses , who had setled themselves about the King , and swayed all affaires at their pleasures . But it was not long ere he made even with them ; The Queen-mother ( who had taken the Earl of Angus to her husband ) falling into dislike of him , and pursuing a divorce in the Bishops Court , which she easily obtained : Thereupon the young King his escape from the Dowglasses , and their exile in England , at which time the Bishop was reponed to his office and place ; seventeen years he lived Bishop of this See , and was herein most unfortunate , that under the shadow of his authority many good men were put to death for the cause of Religion , though he himself was neither violently set , nor much solicitous ( as it was thought ) how matters went in the Church . The first that was called in question , was Master Patrick Hamilton Abbot of Ferm , a man nobly descended ( for he was Nephew to the Earl of Arrane by his father , and to the Duke of Albany by the Mother ) and not much past twenty three yeares of age ; This young gentleman had travelled in Germany , and falling in familiarity with Martin Luther , Philip Melanchthon , Francis Lamberd , and other learned men was by them instructed in the knowledge of true Religion ; in the profession whereof he was so zealous , as he was resolved to come back into his countrey , and communicate the light he had received unto others . At his return , wheresoever he came , he spared not to lay open the corruptions of the Romane Church , and to shew the errours crept into Christian Religion : whereunto many gave eare , and a great following he had both for his learning and courteous behaviour to all sorts of people . The Clergy grudging at this , under colour of conference , enticed him to the city of S. Andrews ; and when he came thither , appointed Frier Alexander Campbel to keep company with him , and to use the best perswasions he could to divert him from his opinions . Sundry conferences they had , wherein the Frier acknowledging , that many things in the Church did need to be reformed , and applauding his judgement in most of the points , his minde was rather confirmed , then in any sort weakened . Thus having stayed some few dayes in the city , whilest he suspected no violence to be used , under night he was apprehended being in bed , and carried prisoner to the Castle ; the next day he was presented before the Bishop , accused for maintaining the Articles following . 1. That the corruption of sin remains in children after their Baptism . 2. That no man by the power of his free will can do any good . 3. That no man is without sin so long as he liveth . 4. That every true Christian may know himself to be in the state of grace . 5. That a man is not justified by works , but by faith onely . 6. That good works make not a good man , but that a good man doeth good works , and that an ill man doeth ill works , yet the same ill works truly repented , make not an ill man. 7. That Faith , Hope , and Charity are so linked together , that he who hath one of them hath all , and he that lacketh one , lacketh all . 8. That God is the cause of sin in this sense , that he withdraweth his grace from man , and grace withdrawn , he cannot but sin . 9. That it is a devillish Doctrine to teach , that by any actuall penance remission of sin is purchased . 10. That auricular Confession is not necessary to salvation . 11. That there is no Purgatory . 12. That the holy Patriarchs were in heaven before Christs Passion . 13. That the Pope is Antichrist , and that every Priest hath as much power as the Pope . Being desired to expresse his minde touching these Articles , he said , That he held the first seven to be undoubtedly true , whereunto he offered to set his hand : the rest ( he said ) were disputable points , but such as he could not condemne , unlesse he saw better reasons then yet he had heard . After some conference kept with him on each Article , the whole were remitted to the judgement of the Theologues . There met to this effect Master Hugh Spence , Provost of S. Salvators Colledge , Master Iames Waddall Parson of Flisk , and Rector of the University , Master Iames Simson Officiall of S. Andrews , Master Thomas Ramsay , professour of the holy Scriptures , Master Iohn Grison Theologue , and Provinciall of the Black Friers , Iohn Tillidaff Warden of the Gray Friers , Master Martine Balfoure , and Master Iohn Spence Lawyers ; Sir Alexander Young , Batchelar of Divinity , Sir Iohn Annand , Chanon of of S. Andrews ; Frier Alexander Campbell Prior of the Black Friers , and Master Robert Bannerman Regent of the Pedagogy . These men within a day or two , presented their Censure of the Articles , judging them all Hereticall , and contrary to the faith of the Church . This subscribed with all their hands , and delivered to the Bishop in a solemne meeting , kept in the Cathedrall Church the first of March 1527. sentence was pronounced against the young Gentleman , declaring him an Heretick : and giving him over in the hands of the secular power to suffer punishment due to Heresie . There assisted the Bishop in that meeting , Gawine Archbishop of Glasgow , George Bishop of Dunkeld , Iohn Bishop of Brichen , and William Bishop of Dumblane , Patrick Prior of S. Andrews , David Abbot of Aberbrothock , George Abbot of Dumfermling , Alexander Abbot of Cambuskenneth , Henry Abbot of Lundors , and Iohn Prior of Pettenweem , the Dean , Subdean , and Thesaurer of the Church of Glasgow , with the Rectors of Stobo , Areskin , Carstares , Goven and Glasgow : All which set their hands to the sentence , and to give it the greater authority , whosoever were of any estimation in the University , were made to subscrive the same , amongst whom was the Earl of Cassels , a child of thirteen years old . The same day , ( for the execution was hastened , lest the King who was gone at that time in Pilgrimage to S. Duthak in Rosse should impede the proceeding ) he was condemned by the secular Judge , and in the afternoon led to the place of his suffering , which was appointed to be at the gate of S. Salvators Colledge . Being come to the place , he put off his Gown , and gave it with his Bonnet , Coat , and other apparell to his servant , saying , This stuffe will not help in the fire , yet will doe thee some good , I have no more to leave thee , but the ensample of my death , which I pray thee keep in minde . For albeit the same be bitter , and painfull in mans judgement , yet is it the entrance to everlasting life , which none can inherit , that denieth Christ before this congregation . Then was he tied to the stake , about it a great quantity of coal , wood , and other combustible matter was heaped , whereof he seemed to have no fear , but seriously commending his soul into the hands of God , held his eyes fixed towards the heavens . The Executioner firing the powder that was laid to kindle the wood , his lest hand and the side of his face was a little scorched therewith , yet the fire did not kindle . Whereupon some were sent to the Castle to bring more powder ; whilest this was bringing , he uttered divers comfortable speeches to them that stood by : The Friers all that time molesting him with their cries , bidding him convert , pray to our Lady , and say , Salve Regina : amongst them none was more troublesome then Frier Alexander Campbell , who , as we said , kept company with him at his first coming to the City ; often he besought him to depart , and not to vex him ; but when he would not cease his crying , he said , Wicked man , thou knowest I am not an heretick , and that it is the truth of God , for which I now suffer ; so much thou diddest confesse unto me in private , and thereupon I appeal thee to answer before the Iudgement seat of Christ. The powder by this time was brought , and the fire kindled , after which with a loud voice he was heard to say , How long , O Lord , shall darknesse oppresse this Realm ? how long wilt thou suffer this tyranny of men ? and then closed his speeches with these words , Lord Iesus receive my spirit . His body was quickly consumed ( for the fire was vehement ) but the patience and constancy he shewed in his dying , stirred up such compassion in the beholders , as many of them doubted not to say , that he suffered an innocent , and was indeed a true Martyr of Christ. This opinion was further confirmed by the death of Frier Campbell , and the manner of it ; for within a year and lesse , he fell into a phrensie , and died as one desperate . The rumor of this execution stirred up some in all the quarters of the Kingdome to enquire of the reasons of his suffering , and what the articles were for which he was condemned ; by the inquisition whereof , many were brought to understand , and apprehend otherwise of the truth of things , then formerly they did . In the University it self was left so deep an impression of his Doctrine , as could not afterwards be extinguished ; yea divers of the Friers fell after this time openly in their Sermons to condemne the errours , and abuses of the Clergy . Frier Alexander Seaton one of the Dominican Order , a man reasonably learned , and for the time Confessor to King Iames the first , preached ordinarily at S. Andrews all the Lent following , where taking for his subject the Commandements of the Law , he did insist much on these points : That the Law of God is the onely rule of righteousnesse : That if Gods Law be not violated , no sin is committed : That it is not in mans power to satisfie for sin : and that the forgivenesse of sin , is no otherwise purchased , then by unfeigned repentance , and true faith , apprehending the mercy of God in Christ. Of Purgatory , Pilgrimage , prayer to Saints , Merits and Miracles , which was the usuall matter of Fri●rs Sermons , not a word he spoke ; whereupon he grew to be suspected as one inclining to heresie . About the end of Lent , upon some occasion he went to Dundy , and being there , was advertised , that another of his Order was set up to resute the points of Doctrine he had taught ; which moved him to return to S. Andrews , and confirm the same points which he had formerly delivered , adding somewhat besides of the vertues requir●d by the Apostle in a good and faithfull Bishop . Thereupon he was called before the Bishop , and charged to have affirmed in his Sermon , that a Bishop should be a Preacher , and that the Bishop who preached not , was a dumbe dogge , and one that fed not the flock , but his own belly . The Frier answering , That he had said indeed , that S. Paul required a Bishop to be a Teacher , and that Esay called them dumb dogges who did not preach , but that he himself had affirmed nothing . I declared , said he , what the Spirit of God said , with whom if men offend not , they cannot justly offend with me ; and those that have reported my speeches , seem to be unlearned affes , who cannot put a difference betwixt that which Esay , and S. Paul speaks , and that which of my self I speak . I never said that you my Lord and the other Bishops who preach not , are dumb dogges , I onely told what the Prophet and the Apostle said in that case . This answer galled the Archbishop exceedingly , yet knowing the man to be one of an audacious and bold spirit , he dissembled his anger , minding to bring him in discredit with the King ; which was easily wrought , because of the liberty the Frier used in reproving the Kings licenciousnesse . So perceiving the Kings countenance altered towards him , and fearing some danger , if he should stay any more at Court , he fled to Berwick , and from thence wrote unto the King , shewing the cause of his sudden departing to be the fear he conceived of the authority of the Bishops , who had behaved themselves as Kings , and would not admit any man , of what state or degree soever he was , if once they did account him an heretick to speak in his own defence ; Notthelesse for himself , he offered to return , and justifie his cause , so as he might have audience . Withall , he advertised the King , that it concerned him in duty to see that every one who is accused of his life , be permitted to use his lawful defences : for howsoever the Prelates held , that such matters belong not to the cognition of the Prince , he would make the contrary manifest by their own lawes , if he should be once heard . Wherefore he besought his Highnesse not to be led any more by their informations , but to use the authority committed unto him by God , and not to suffer these Tyrants proceed against him , till he was brought to his answer , which he would not refuse to give , so as he might be assured to do it with the safety of his life . This letter receiving no answer , after he had stayed a while at Berwick he went to London , and became Chaplain to Charles Duke of Suffolk , in whose service he died . In the book of Martyrs I read , that Gardiner Bishop of Winchester , by his crafty and subtle perswasions , induced him to make a recantation of sundry points at Pauls Cross ; but what his belief was of most of the Articles of Christian faith , it appeareth by the Treatises he left behinde him ; his examination by Gardiner and Bonner ( which he likewise published , discovering the policies they used to circumvene him ) doth testifie his constancie in the truth , and that he never denied any point which formerly he had taught . Soon after his flight , one Henry Forrest was delated for saying that Master Patrick Hamilton died a Martyr , and thereupon was brought to S. Andrews : but because the probation was not clear enough , Frier Walter Lainge was appointed to confesse him . The simple man that feared no harm , being asked by the Frier what was his judgement of Master Patrick , answered , That he esteemed him to be a good man , and that the Articles for which he was condemned , might well be defended . This confession revealed by the Frier , was taken for a sufficient evidence , and the poor man condemned to be burnt as an heretick . As he was leading out to be degraded , he complained grievously of the Frier who had betrayed him , crying out , Fie on falshood , fie on false Friers , revealers of confession . Never let any man trust them after me . They are despisers of God , and deceivers of men . And when they were taking from him his Orders , ( for he was of the Order of the Bennet and Collet ( as they used then to speak ) he cried aloud , Take not onely from me your Orders , but your Baptisme also . So being carried to the place of execution , ( which was appointed to be at the North stile of the Abbey , to the end the hereticks of Angus might see the fire ) he suffered death most constantly . Whilest they were consulting upon the manner of his execution , one Iohn Lindsay a plain and simple man who attended the Bishop , gave advice to burn him in some hollow cellar : for , the smoke , saith he , of Master Patrick Hamilton hath infected all those on whom it blew . Yet the persecution still proceeding , divers were cited to appear at Halirudhouse , by Iames Hay Bishop of Ross , who sate as Commissioner for the Archbishop of S. Andrews , amongst others Iames Hamilton of Levingston , brother-germane to Master Patrick , with Katharine Hamilton his sister . The Gentleman was advised by the King secretly , ( for he loved the man ) not to appear , and was for his contumacie condemned . His sister appearing , and questioned upon the point of justification by works , answered simply , that she believed no person could be saved by their works . Master Iohn Spence the Lawyer , ( whom we named before ) held a long discourse with her about that purpose , telling her that there were divers sorts of works , works of congruity , and works of condignity ; in the application whereof he consumed a long time . The woman growing thereupon into a chafe , cried out , Work here , work there , what kind of working is all this ? I know perfectly that no works can save me , but the works of Christ my Saviour . The King was present all the time , and laughed heartily at the answer , yet taking the Gentlewoman aside , he moved her to recant her opinions , and by her ensample divers others at the same time abjured their profession : of which number were , Sir William Kirk Priest , Adam Daes , Henry Cairnes , Master William Iohnston Advocate , Master Henry Henryson Schoolmaster in Edinburgh , and Iohn Stewart In-dweller in Leith . These persons scarce dismissed , Master Normand Gourlay , and David Straiton were brought to trial . Master Normand was charged for denying Purgatory , and saying that the Pope had no jurisdiction within Scotland ; David Straiton was charged with the same points , and further was accused , for maintaining that Tythes were not due to Churchmen : which point he denied , confessing that the tithes of some fishes which his servants had taken at sea , being too rigorously exacted , he said , that if they would have the tithes of the fishes they should go and receive them where the stock was taken ; and that he gave order to his servants to cast every tenth fish they took into the Sea , because he saw nothing but rigour would content the Church . This Gentleman had been in former times very quarellous and turbulent , but was then become another man , through frequenting the company of Iohn Areskyn of Dun , by whom it pleased God to enlighten his mind with the knowledge of his truth , and to kindle in his heart such a love to the same , as usually he was heard to pray for strength and spiritual courage , that if he should be brought to suffer for Christ , no fear of death nor corporal pain might cause him shrink . And it clearly appeared , when he was brought to his answer , that his prayers were heard . For notwithstanding of the offers made him to recant and burn his bill , ( as they spoke at that time ) he stood most constantly to the defence of the truth , and gave great incouragement to Master Normand Gourlay , who suffered with him . These two were burnt at one stake the 27. of August , 1534. At the same time was sentence pronounced against Alexander Alesse , Master Iohn Fife , Iohn Mackbee , and one Macdongal , who were summoned to the said Diet , and compeered not . These persons fled afterwards into England , where they remained a while well entertained . Alexander Alesse by the commendation of the Lord Cromwel came in favour with King Henry the eighth , and was called commonly the Kings Scholar ; as he was indeed a man of good learning , and gave thereof a notable proof in his dispute with Stockeslie , Bishop of London , before the Convocation in the year 1537. After Cromwels death , taking with him Master Iohn Fife , he went into Saxony , where they lived Professours together a long time in the University of Lipsia . Macdongal went also in their company , and came to good credit , being elected Burgomaster of one of their Townes . Iohn Macbee , commonly ealled Doctor Machabeus , during his aboad in England , was liberally entertained by Nicol Saxton , Bishop of Salisbury , who made much accompt of him , but afterwards going to Denmark became Chaplain to King Christian , in whose service he died in the year 1550. Thus it pleased God to provide for these men after their exile . Some four years after , the Bishops kept a meeting at Edinburgh in the moneth of February , 1538. where divers were accused of heresie , and condemned to die . Frier Killore , Frier Beverage , Sir Duncane Simpson Priest , Robert Forrester a Gentleman , and Dean Thomas Forrest a Chanon of S. Colinsinch , called commonly The Vicar of Dolour . This poor man not long before had been called before the Bishop of Dunkeld his Ordinary , for preaching every Sunday to his Parishioners upon the Epistles and Gospels of the day , and desired to forbear , seeing his diligence that way brought him in suspicion of heresie . If he could find a good Gospel , or a good Epistle that made for the liberty of the holy Church , the Bishop willed him to preach that to his people , and let the rest be . The honest man replying , That he had read both the new Testament and the old , and that he had never found an ill Epistle or an ill Gospel in any of them . The Bishop said , I thank God I have lived well these many years , and never knew either the old or new . I content me with my Portuise , and Pontificall , and if you Dean Thomas leave not these fantasies , you will repent , when you cannot mend it . Dean Thomas answered , that he believed it was his duty to do what he did , and that he had laid his accompt with any danger that might follow . So at this time being brought in question with the persons above named , they were all together condemned , and burnt in the fire upon the Castle hill of Edinburgh . This year in Glasgow , Hieronymus Russel of the Order of the Gray Friers , and one Kennedy a young man of Aire , not past 18. years of age , were accused likewise of heresie ; but because the Archbishop Mr. Gawine Dumbar , was esteemed somewhat cold in those businesses , Master Iohn Lawder , Master Andrew Oliphant , and Frier Maltman were sent from Edinburgh to assist at their trial ; Kennedy at his first appearing in judgement discovered some weaknesse , and would gladly have saved his life by denying the points laid to his charge ; but encouraged by Hieronymus , and by the answers he made to the Judges , he gathered his spirits , and falling down upon his knees , brake forth in these words ; Wonderful O God is thy love and mercy towards me a miserable wretch , for even now when I would have denied thee , and thy Son the Lord Iesus Christ , my onely Saviour , and so have thrown my self into everlasting condemnation ; thou by thine own hand hast pulled me back from the bottome of hell , and given me to feel most heavenly comfort , which hath removed the ungodly fear , that before oppressed my mind . Now I defie death , do what you please , I praise God , I am ready . The Frier reasoned long , and learnedly against his accusers , and being answered only with railings , and bitter speeches , said , This is your hour , and power of darknesse ; Now you sit as Iudges , and we stand wrongfully condemned , but the day cometh which will shew our innocencie , and you shall see your own blindness , to your everlasting confusion ; Go on , and fulfill the measure of your iniquity . At which words the Archbishop was greatly moved , affirming that these rigorous executions did hurt the cause of the Church more then could well be thought of , and therefore declared , that in his opinion it should be best to save the lives of the men , and take some other course with them ; but these others who were sent to assist , told him expresly , that if he followed any milder course , then that which had been kept at Edinburgh , they could not esteem him the Churches friend : whereupon he was compelled to give way to their cruelty , and thus these Innocents were condemned to be burnt alive . All the time they were preparing the fire , Hieronymus comforted mightily the young man , using these speeches unto him , Fear not brother , for he is more mighty that is in us , then he who is in the world . The pain which we shall suffer is short , and light , but our joy and consolation shall never have an end ; death cannot destroy us , for it is destroyed already by him , for whose sake we suffer : Therefore let us strive to enter in by the same straight way , which our Saviour hath taken before us . Many other comfortable speeches he uttered , which moved the hearers wonderfully . When they were brought to the place of their suffering , they used not many words , but commending their souls to God , after they were tied to the stake , endured the fire constantly , without expressing any token of fear or amazement . It was about the same time , that Master George Buchannan ( who for his rare erudition was afterwards in great fame ) for some biting verses against the Franciscans was committed to prison , but he escaping by a window of the chamber , wherein he was detained prisoner , whilest the Keepers were fast asleep , fled into France . Thus there passed few dayes , wherein some one or other was not called in question for Religion . But the more hot the persecution was , the favourers of the truth did every day the more increase . And now had the Archbishop Iames Beaton committed the charge of all Church-affairs to his Nephew the Cardinal ( who succeeded in his place ) for he was aged and sickly himself , and not seen often abroad . In his last dayes he began to erect the new Colledge in S. Andrews , and set men awork to build the same ; but neither lived he to finish the work , nor were the moneys he left in store to that use rightly bestowed . Some contestings a few years before he and the Clergy had with the King , because of the impositions laid upon the Prelates , for the entertainment of the Senators of the Colledge of Justice . So as the matter was drawn by an appeal to Rome , and Gawine Dumbar Bishop of Aberdene appointed to prosecute the same , But this ceased upon an accord made , which was , that the Senate should consist of fourteen Ordinaries with a President , seven of the Spiritualty , and as many of the Temporalty ; the President alwayes being of the spiritual estate , and a Prelate constitute in dignity . According to this appointment , a ratification passed in Parliament anno 1537. and the Abbot of Cambuskennoth was elected President of the new Senate in the year 1539. The Bishop a little after he had assisted as witnesse at the Christening of the Kings first son , who was born at S. Andrews , departed this life , having designed his successours in all the Benefices he enjoyed , which were not a few ; for besides the Archbishoprick of S. Andrews , he possessed the Abbacies of Aberbrothock , Dunfermlin , and Kilwining . To his Nephew the Cardinal , he left S. Andrews and Aberbrothock . To George Dury his kinsman the Abbacie of Dunfermlin , and to ... Hamilton of the house of Roplock , the Abbacie of Kilwining . All which , the King for the esteem wherein he held this Bishop whilest he lived , confirmed to them according to his Will : he was buried in the Abbey Church before the high Altar . In his time lived Master Iohn Maior , Hector Boeth , Gilbert Crab , and William Gregory , men of good learning , and worthy to be remembred . Master Iohn Maior was born at Hadington , within the Province of Lothian , and trained up from his youth in the study of letters . A while at Cambridge he heard Philosophy taught , but finding the place not so convenient , he went to Paris , and past his course in the Colledge of Montacute . After that he gave himself to Theology , commencing Doctor amongst the Sorbonists , and in scholastick Divinity was not much behinde any of his time , which his Decisiones sententiarum , Sophisticalia Parisiensia , and that other work intituled Placita Theologica , do sufficiently witnesse . Returning afterwards unto his countrey , he professed Theologie in S. Salvators Colledge at S. Andrews , whereof he was made Provost , and died there being of a good age : a man well inclined , ingenious , and according to these times not unlearned . He wrote the story of his countrey , howbeit in a Sorbonick and barbarous style , yet very truly , and with a great liberty ofspirit , not sparing the usurpation of Rome , and taxing in divers places the lazinesse and superfluity of the Clergy : which could hardly be done in those times without danger . Hector Boethius was Principal of the Colledge of Aberdene , a great Philosopher , and much commended by Erasmus for his eloquence , and felicity of ingenie . Buchannan , who could well discern of learned men , speaking in a certain place of him sayeth , Quòd non solum artiùm liberalium cognitione suprà quàm illa ferebant tempora insignis crat , sed etiam humanitate & comitate singulari praeditus ; That he was not only notably learned in the liberal Sciences above the condition of those times , but also of an exceeding courteous and humane inclination . Yet is he traduced by some of the English Writers for a fabulous and partial Historian . But they who like to peruse his History , will perceive that this is spoken out of passion and malice , and not upon any just cause . Gilbert Crabbe lived in the countrey of France , much esteemed for his dexterity and diligence in the education of youth ; he was sent to Paris by his friends being yet very young , and having studied his course there , was preferred to be Sub. dean of a Church near unto Burdeaux , yet ceased not to advance the knowledge of letters at his uttermost ; and was so respected , as the children of all the Noblemen in those parts were committed to his instruction . He died young at Burdeaux , not having attained to the fortieth year of his age , much lamented of those that knew him . William Gregory lived in Tholouse , and was made General of the Carmelites in the Diocese of Meaulx and Tholouse , which Order he is said to have greatly reformed . Baleus writeth that he received much kindnesse of this Gregory at Tholouse in the year 1527. and saith , that he died in that City , having left divers monuments of his ingenie to the posterity , the Catalogue whereof you may see in the place . With this I shall joyn another , not for any commendation of his learning , for he had none , nor for his good qualities , which were as few ; but for strange and extraordinary things seen in him , which in the time ministred occasion of great talk and wondring to many . This man named Iohn Scot having succumbed in a plea at law , and knowing himself unable to pay that wherein he was adjudged , took sanctuary in the Abbey of Halirudhouse , where out of a deep displeasure he abstained from all meat and drink the space of 30 , or 40 , dayes together . Publick rumour bringing this abroad , the King would have it put to trial , and to that effect shut him up in a private room within the Castle of Edinburgh , whereunto no man had accesse ; he caused a little bread and water to be set by him , which he was found not to have tasted in the space of 32. days . This proof given of his abstinence , he was dimitted , and coming forth into the street halfe naked , made a speech to the people that flocked about him , wherein he professed to do all this by the help of the Blessed Virgin , and that he could fast as long as he pleased . Many did take it for a miracle , esteeming him a person of wonderful holinesse ; others thought him to be phrentick and mad ; so as in a short time he came to be neglected , and thereupon leaving the countrey went to Rome , where he gave the like proof of his fasting to Pope Clement the seventh . From Rome he came to Venice apparelled with holy vestures , such as the Priests use when they say Masse , and carrying in his hand a Testimonial of his abstinence under the Popes Seal , he gave there the like proof , and was allowed some five Duckats to make his expence towards the holy Sepulcher , which he pretended to visit . This voyage he performed , and then returned home ● bringing with him some palm-tree leaves , and a scripful of stones , which he said were a part of the pillar to which our Saviour was tied when he was scourged ; and coming by London , went up into the Pulpit in Panls Church-yard , where he cast forth many speeches against the divorce of King Henry from Katherine his Queen , inveying bitterly against him for his defection from the Roman See , and thereupon was thrust in prison , where he continued 50. dayes fasting . After that being dimitted ( for they held him to be a mad man ) he came directly into Scotland , and remained in company with one Thomas Doughty , who a little before was returned from Italy , and had built a little Chappel to the holy Virgin , with the money he had begged in his travel . This man by his counterfeit miracles made great advantage amongst the simple people ; and albeit he was known to be a cousening fellow , and in life extremely vicious , yet was he suffered by the Clergy to abuse the ignorant multitude , for that the opinion of Purgatory , Pardons and prayers to Saints , which began then every where to be despised , was by this mean nourished amongst the people . Scot grudging that Doughty did appropriate all the gain he made to himselfe , did not admit him a partner in the same , retired to a house in the suburbs of Edinburgh , at the Western part of the Town , and therein erected a religious Altar , which he adorned in the best manner he could , setting up his daughter a young maid of reasonable beauty upon the Altar , and placing lights and torches round about her : the simple sort for a long time believed her to be the Virgin M●ry , and frequented the place in great numbers to do her worship : but the knavery coming to be detected , he forsook his Altar , and forgetting all his devotion , returned to his first trade and manner of life . Lesley in his story saith , that he prophesied many things concerning the decay of the Romish Religion , and the restitution of it in a short time ; of the decay he might speak having seen it begun , but for other things he was a dreamer rather then a Propher . 40. The first act of the Cardinal after his promotion , did shew what an enemy he would be to those who in that time were called hereticks ; for he was not well warmed in his seat , when to make his greatnesse seen , he brought to S. Andrews , the Earles of Huntley , Arran , Marshall , and Montrosse ; the Lords Fleming , Lindsay , 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 , with divers other Barons and men of quality . There came thither also , Gawine Archbishop of Glasgow Chancellour , William Bishop of Aberdene , Henry Bishop of Galloway , Iohn Bishop of Bri●●en , and William Bishop of Dumblane ; The Abbots of Melross , Dunfermlin , Lindors , and Kinlosse , with a number of Priors , Deans and Doctors of Theologie . And they all having convened in the Cathedral Church , he sitting in a Chair somewhat erected above the rest , ( for that he was a Cardinal ) began to expone the dangers wherein the Catholick faith stood by the increase of hereticks , and the boldnesse they took to professe their opinions openly even in the Kings Court , where he said they found too great countenance . In special he named Sir Iohn Borthwick , commonly called Captain Borthwick , whom he had caused cite to that Diet for dispersing heretical books , and for maintaining divers Articles contrary to the doctrine of the Romane Church , desiring their assistance in the procedure of Justice against him . The heads of the accusation were read . 1. That he held the Pope to have no greater authority over Christians , then any other Bishop or Prelat had . 2. That Indulgences and Pardons granted by the Pope were of no force nor effect , but devised to abuse people , and deceive poor ignorant soules . 3. That Bishops , Priests , and other Clergy men , may lawfully marry . 4. That the heresies , commonly called the heresies of England , and their new Liturgy was commendable , and to be embraced of all Christians . 5. That the people of Scotland are blinded by their Clergy , and professed not the true faith . 6. That Churchmen ought not to enjoy any temporalties . 7. That the King ought to convert the rents of the Church into other pious uses . 8. That the Church of Scotland ought to be governed after the manner of the English. 9. That the Canons and Decrees of the Church were of no force , as being contrary to the law of God. 10. That the Orders of Friers and Monks should be abolished , as had been done in England . 11. That he did openly call the Pope Simoniack , for that he sold spritual things . 12. That he did read heretical books , and the New Testament in English , and some other Treatises written by Melanchthon , Oecolampadius , and Erasmus , which he gave likewise unto others . 13. The last and greatest point was , that he refused to acknowledge the authority of the Romane See , or be subject thereunto . These accusations ( he not appearing , nor any in his behalfe ) were taken as confessed , and he denounced an heretick , yea an heresiarch , ( for so the sentence beareth ) his goods ordained to be confiscat , himself burnt in effigie , if he could not otherwise be apprehended , and all manner of persons inhibited to relieve or entertain him , under the pain of cursing or forfeiture . This sentence was given against him the 28 of May , Anno 1540. and the same day was his picture burnt in the open Market place of S. Andrews , as likewise in Edinburgh some two dayes after . Sir Iohn Borthwick hearing how they had proceeded against him , fled into England , where he was kindly received by Henry the eighth then reigning , and by him imployed in a Commission to the Protestant Princes in Germany , for a confederation betwixt him and them in defence of their common profession . King Henry had some years before sent into Scotland the Bishop of S. Davids to present the King his Nephew with some English books , containing an Exposition of the principal heads of Christian Religion , thinking to induce him to make the like reformation which he had made in England . And at that time came Lord William Howard , to desire the King to meet his Uncle King Henry at York , upon some occasions tending to the common good of both Kingdomes . The King consenting a Diet was appointed , and all things prepared for the journey . But the Cardinal and Clergy fearing the effects of that conference , laboured with the Courtiers to divert him , and before the King himselfe they laid divers terrours ; as , That he would be detained prisoner in England , as King Iames the first had been● That he should make himself suspected to the Emperour , and to his old confederate the French King : And , which he was most to regard , incurre the Popes displeasure by treating too familiarly with him , that was lying under the highest censure of the Church . Yet stood the King resolute for the journey , foreseeing ( as also it happened ) that if he should break the Diet , the same might breed the English Kings dislike , and be an occasion of warre , on which he would not hazard , unlesse he knew of means to entertain the same . The Clergy hereupon besides the representation of some moneys in hand , made offer of an annuity of fifty thousand Crownes , if warre should fall out ; declaring withall , that by confiscating the goods of hereticks , he might gain an hundred thousand more . And with such vain hopes they brought him to send a fair excuse to King Henry by Sir Iames Learmouth his domestick . After this the King being ruled wholly by the Cardinal , followed in all things the appetite of the Clergy , giving commission to Sir Iames Hamilton his Theasurer , to call and convene all persons suspected of heresie , and inflict the punishments , which after trial they should be found to merit . The King was also heard say , That none of that sort should expect any favour at his hands , nay not his own sonnes , if they should prove guilty ; which put many in fear . But this continued not long , for Sir Iames Hamilton becoming suspected , and accused of a practice against the King his life , was shortly after executed ; and warre breaking out with England , he found the Nobility averse from the incursions he intended to make , which did greatly discontent him . These thoughts , with some fearful visions he had by night that much terrified him , withdrew his mind wholly from the extremities on which the Clergy had set him : for at Linlithgow on a night as he slept , it seemed to him that Thomas Scot Justice Clerk came unto him with a company of devils ; crying , Woe worth the day that ever I knew thee or thy service , serving thee against God and against his servants , I am adjudged to hell torments . Hereupon awaking , he called for lights , and causing his servants to arise , told what he had heard and seen . The next morrow by the light of day , advertisement was brought him of the Justice Clerk his death , which fell out just at the time that the King found himself so troubled , and in the same manner almost ; for he died in great unquietnesse , iterating often these words ; Iusto Dei judicio condemnatus sum , by the righteous judgement of God I am condemned . The form of his death answering the dream so justly , made it the more terrible . Another vision he had in the same place not many nights after , which did more affright him ; whilest he lay a sleeping , he imagined that Sir Iames Hamilton , whom he caused to be executed , came unto him with a sword drawn in his hand , and therewith cut off both his Armes , threatening within a short time to return and deprive him of his life . With this he awaked , and as he lay musing what the dream could import , news were brought him of the death of his two sonnes , Iames and Arthur , who died at S. Andrews and Striveling , at one and the very same hour . The next year , which was the year of our Lord 1542. being overwhelmed with grief and passion , for the losse of his Army received at Solway ; he departed this life at Falkland in the 32. year of his age . Some few dayes before he died , he had advertisement that his Queen was delivered of a daughter at Linlithgow , at which time it is said he burst forth in passion , saying , It came with a lasse , ( meaning the Crown ) and will go with a lasse , fie upon it ; after which he was not heard to utter many words . The Cardinal hearing that the King was deceased , did suborn a Priest called Henry Balfour , to form his last Will , whereby it was declared , that he had committed to the Cardinal , the Earls of Huntley , Argyle , and Murray , the government of the Realm , during his daughters minority . This Will he caused publish in Edinburgh on the Monday after the Kings death , but the Nobles giving it no credit , and esteeming it a meer forgery , did choose the Earle of Arran Regent and Governour of the Realme . Never was any Governour received with greater love and opinion of all sorts ; for besides the favour carried to himselfe , every one was glad to be freed of the Cardinals Government ; and by his first beginnings a strong hope was conceived , that all things should be reformed which were amisse both in Church and Kingdome . But this hope soon vanished , in the manner that ye shall hear . King Henry of England hearing that his Nephew the King of Scots was dead , and that he had left one only daughter of seven dayes old , began to think of uniting the two Kingdomes , and reducing the whole Isle under one Government , by the marriage of Edward his son , a Prince of five years old , to the young Queen of Scots . Hereupon he sent for the Earls of Cassils and Glancarne , the Lords of Fleming , Maxwell , and Gray , ( who were taken prisoners at Solway , and detained in England ) to Hampton Court , where he then lay ; and at their coming proponed the businesse unto them , with an offer to dimit them freely , so as they would promise to use their best means with the Governour , and others of the Nobility of Scotland , for obtaining their consents to the Match . The Noblemen liking the motion , and esteeming it a ready means to establish a lasting Peace , gave their promise to deal faithfully in it , and so were sent home with many liberal promises , if the marriage should take effect . In their company returned the Earl of Angus , and his brother Sir George , ( who had been exiled a long time in England ) with letters to the Governour from the King for their restitution . The matter being moved to the Governour , and Councel , it was liked by all , the Queen-mother and the Cardinal only excepted : and for this a Parliament was called at Edinburgh the 13. of March following , whither came Sir Ralph Sadler as Ambassadour from King Henry , to attend the successe . In the beginning a great stirre was made by the Cardinal and Clergy that adhered to him , so as the Estates could come to no conclusion , whereupon the Cardinal was committed in the Castle of Dalkeith . The day following by an uniform consent , the Match was agreed , and the Earl of Glancarne , Sir George Dowglas , brother to the Earl of Angus , Sir William Hamilton of Forne , and Sir Iames Learmouth of Dersay , imployed by the Estates to transact with King Henry upon all particulars . In this Parliament upon a petition presented to the Estates for restraining the power of the Prelates in pursuing those they called hereticks , and for liberty to read the Scripture in the English language , Commission was granted to some selected persons for considering the petition , and prescribing what was fit to be done therein . The Commissioners meeting after the Parliament was broke up , declared , That it should be lawful for every one that could read , to use the English Translation of the Bible , untill the Prelates should publish one more correct . Intimation of this liberty being sent through all the Kingdome by the Governours direction , the Clergy did declaim against him as a favourer of hereticks , taking exception at two Preachers he entertained in his house , the one called Frier William , the other Iohn Rough , who did openly in their Sermons inveigh against the Popes authority , the adoration of Images , invocation of Saints , and other superstitious inventions of Rome . In the end of Iuly the Ambassadours directed towards England , returned with satisfaction in all particulars concerning the marriage , and so the contract betwixt the two Kingdomes was signed by the Governor , and those whom the States had deputed for the part of Scotland , and by Sir Ralph Sadler Ambassadour for the part of England , and the Seals of the Kingdome interchanged , as use is . The Governour and English Ambassadour for the greater assurance , did solemnly swear to observe the Contract in all Articles thereof , dividing the holy Sacrament amongst them , as the custome then was . And now all matters lookt fair , no man wishing them to go better ; for in the Governours Court was nothing seen , that the severest eye could censure , or reprove . In the publick Government such a moderation was kept , as no man was heard to complain . The Governour was reverently obeyed , and held in as great respect , as any Kings of preceding times . To be short , every man did promise himself a blessed and happy time ; which on suddain all was overturned , and the Realm cast in greater troubles then before . Iohn Hamilton Abbot of Paisley base brother to the Governour , and David Panter ( afterwards removed to the Bishoprick of Ross ) who had lived a long time in France , returning about this time into the countrey , and being devoted to the French , dealt privately with the Governour , who was of an easie nature , and apt to be taken by those he trusted to break the contract with England . But having small hope to prevaile , so long as the Preachers and Gentlemen , whose counsel he followed , remained with him , they used all means to be rid of them ; Frier Guilielm fearing to be called in question for his doctrine , ( at which the Abbot was ever excepting ) withdrew himself and went into England ; Iohn Rough upon some colour was dimitted to preach in the parts of Kile and Carrick ; The Laird of Grainge , Master Henry Balnaves , Master Thomas Ballenden , and Sir David Lindsay of the Mont , who had attended the Governour ever since the time of his promoving to the Regency , had such discontents given them , as they were made too weary of their attendance ; and the meaner sort , such as Mr. Michael Durham , Mr. David Borthwick , David Forres , and David Bothwel , men that had served him faithfully and of a long time , were openly menaced , and forced to quit their services . Neither was the Cardinal in this time idle , for being by the Queens intercession removed from Dalkeith to the place of Seaton , he went from thence without warrant to S. Andrews , none calling him therefore in question ; for the Governours brother , who was then preferred to be Theasurer , and ruled all things at Court , made up a secret friendship with him . Shortly after in a frequent meeting of the Clergy at S. Andrews , the Cardinal laying before them the dangers wherewith the Clergy was threatned by the Match with England , did earnestly incite them to oppose , it , and contribute moneys , and imploy all their friendship to the contrary , seeing it concerned them no lesse then their lives or estates were worth . They making no difficulty , and offering to contribute all their means to that effect , appointed a present collection to be made , which was trusted to his disposing . The Friers were directed to inveigh in their Sermons against their alliance , and the Priests set on to stirre up the popular against the Ambassadour , who had many indignities offered him , which he patiently digested , lest he should be thought to minister any occasion of breach . How soon the day appointed for delivering the pledges was come ( for that was a condition in the contract ) the Ambassadour went unto the Governour , and put him in mind of the pledges , that by the contract he was obliged to enter : complaining withall of the disgraces that he and his Master the King of England received . The Governour answering first his complaint of the insolencies committed , said , He should take trial , and punish the committers in such sort , as all might see what affection he bore to the King and Countrey of England . But for the pledges , he said , I can neither move them to enter willingly , nor force them if they be unwilling . For you see what a mutiny is raised in the countrey by the Cardinal , and how uncertain I am of mine own estate ; Till this be quieted , I know not in that point what to answer . The Ambassadour who understood that to be truth which he spoke , forbare to urge the delivery of the pledges any more saying he would advertise his Master how the case stood , and attend his directions . Soon after the Ambassadour was recalled , the Scots ships and Merchants that were in England , arrested , and open warre denounced . The countrey hereupon drew into factions . The Governour and some few Noblemen that abode with him at Halirudhouse , professing a willingnesse to keep the contract with England , and Queen mother with the Cardinal and his followers , directly opposing . They having the young Queen in their hands , whom they kept still at Linlithgow , to strengthen their party , sent to recall the Earl of Lenox ( who lived then in France ) for the old emulation between the two houses of lenox and Hamilton , as also the slaughter of his Father in the field of Linlithgow , which he could not have forgotten , would easily ( as they thought ) move him to joyn with them . Besides , they considered that his presence and friendship , which was great in the countrey , would aid and countenance their course not a little . Hereupon were messengers dispatched in haste , with letters to the French King , and to the Earl himself . The letters written to himselfe were full of affection , and therein hopes given of his Match with the Queen mother , and of the Regencie of the Realme , during her daughters minority . And ( as flatterers are never wanting to great men ) there were some about him , when they understood that he was called home , put him in hope of the Crown it self , if the young Queen should happen to depart this life . For the late King was known to have intended the same , and the Governours title , they said , would trie nought , himselfe being illegitimate , and procreated in an unlawful marriage , upon a divorce led between his Father and Dame Elizabeth Home his wife , which made him uncapable not of the Crown only , but even of his private inheritance . With such conceipts they filled the young Noblemans head , and ( as men are made easily to believe what they earnestly desire ) encouraged by these hopes , and the French Kings promises , he returned home . At his coming having saluted the Governour , with whom he dissembled in the best sort he could , and visiting the Queen-mother and Cardinal at Linlithgow , who did very kindly receive him , he went to see his friends , and imparted to them the causes of his return , with the hopes that were given him , and the promise he had of aid and supply from the King of France . They approving the course he had taken , advised him to follow his fortune , and promised their assistance to the uttermost . A few dayes after being advertised , that the Governour was gathering forces to take the young Queen from her Mother , he came to the Queen-mother with four thousand men , and abode with her , till by a common consent her daughter was sent to Striveling , and committed to the custody of the Lords , Grahame , Areskin , Levingston , and Lindsay . Mean while the Governours brother did earnestly ply him to relinquish the English alliance , laying before him the danger wherein he thrust himself , in suffering the Popes authority to be weakned , on which he said , the security of his title and succession to the Crown did stand ; and giving him hopes of benefit , and advancement from the French King : and so farre in end prevailed , as the Governour without imparting his mind to the Noblemen , who kept Court with him at Halirudhouse , went privately to Striveling , and submitted himself to the Cardidal , receiving absolution at his hands , and renouncing the profession he made of the truth , with the alliance contracted with England . A deed that lost him the favour of the countrey , and brought him in great contempt ; for after this fact was he never in regard , the Cardinal from thenceforth carrying all the sway , and leaving him only the shadow of authority . This done , the Cardinals next care was , to rid the Court and the Councel of the Earl of Lenox , which was brought about in this sort . Queen-mother by her letters to the French King did advertise what an alteration was made , how the Governour was brought by the Cardinals means to break with England , and that for assuring the peace of the countrey , there was nothing more required , then the calling the Earl of Lenox back under some fair colour , for that his stay at home might prove dangerous , and a suspicion there was already of his inclining to England , which might breed greater troubles then yet had been seen , therefore intreated the King to recall him with speed . The Nobleman suspecting no such dealing ( for all that time he was used with great demonstrations of love and kindnesse by the Queen-mother ) began to urge the performance of promises , and had his hopes cunningly entertained , till the answer returned from France ; at which time he was advertised by some friends in that Court , that the French King was hardly informed of him , and some courses he had taken , and howbeit he was invited to return , he should not find the welcome he expected . This made him more instant with Queen-mother then before , but it was not long ere he felt himself deluded ; whereupon he retired home discontent , and laid many wayes to repair himself , but all sorted to no effect ; so as he resolved in end , having lost the French , to offer his service to the King of England , by whom he was kindly received , and afterwards honoured with the alliance of King Henry his Neece , Lady Margaret Dowglas . How soon the Cardinal was freed of the Earl of Lenox , he set himself to pursue those that were called hereticks , and leading the Governour along with him , went first to the Town of Perth , where by delation of one Frier Spence , Robert Lamb , William Anderson , Iames Rannald , Iames Hunter , Iames Finlason , and Hellene Stirk his wife , were apprehended . Robert Lamb being accused for interrupting the said Frier in a Sermon he made a Perth , whilest he was teaching , that a man could not be saved without praying to the Saints , confessed that he had done it , saying , It was the duty of every man that knoweth the truth , to bear testimony unto it , and not to suffer people to be abused with false doctrine , such as that was . William Anderson , Iames Rannald , and Iames Finlason , were indited for nailing two Rams horns on S. Francis head , the putting of a Cowes rump to his tail , and for the eating of a Goose upon All-hallow evening . Iames Hunter a Fletcher by occupation , and a simple man without any learning , was charged to have kept company with the said persons . The woman Helene Stirke , was accused for her refusing to pray unto the Virgin Mary , when she was in labour of her birth , and saying , she would only pray to God in the name of Iesus Christ. These were the inditements whereupon they were put to trial , and being found guilty by a Jury , were condemned to die , great intercession was made for their lives to the Governour , but he was so subject to the Cardinal , as without his consent he would give no pardon . Thus the poor innocents were taken to the common place of execution , and hanged ; Robert Lamb at the foot of the Ladder made a pithy exhortation to the people , beseeching them to fear God , and forsake the Leaven of Papistical abominations . The woman desired earnestly to die with her husband , but could not be permitted , sentence being given against her that she should be drowned ; yet she followed him to the place of execution , exhorting him by the way to patience and constancy for the cause of Christ. And as she parted from him said , Husband be glad , we have lived together many joyfull dayes , and this day which we must die , we ought to esteem the most joyfull of all , because now we shall have joy for ever ; Therefore I will not bid you good night , for we shall shortly meet in the Kingdome of heaven . How soon the men were executed , the woman was taken to a pool of water not farre of , where having commended her children to the charity of her neighbours , and giving a little babe who was sucking upon her breast unto a nurse , she died with great courage and comfort . Sir Henry Elder , Iohn Elder , Walter Piper , and Laurence Puller , with some other Burgesses were banished , and the Lord Ruthven Provost of the Town discharged of his office , because he was suspected to favour the hereticks ; his place was given to Iohn Charterhouse of Kilfawnes , and the Citizens commanded to accept him for their Provost ; but they excused themselves , saying , they could make no election before the ordinary time ; yet the Governour out of his authority charged them to accept of Kinfawnes , threatening to punish those that refused . And for that it was thought after the Governour and Cardinal was gone , that the Townesmen should withstand their Provost , the Lord Gray , and Normand Lesley , son to the Earl of Rothese , were desired to give their assistance . In falling out as was expected , Kinfawnes convened his friends , to advise how the Townesmen might be forced to obey . The Lord Gray undertaking to enter the Town by the Bridge , Normand Lesley and his followers were appointed to enter at the South-gate , and S. Magdalens day appointed for their meeting . The Lord Gray came early in the morning , but Normand who brought his company by water , was hindred by the tide ; yet all being quiet in the Town , and no appearance of stirre , the Lord Gray resolved to enter , esteeming his own forces sufficient ; but he was not farre advanced , when in the street called Fishstreet , the Master of Ruthven , with his company that lay close in some houses near by , issued forth upon him , and compelled him to turn back . The disorder in the fight was great , every one hindering another , so as many were trod to death , and some threescore persons killed . The Cardinal wished rather the losse had fallen on the Lord Ruthvens side , yet he was not ill pleased with the affront that Gray had received ; for he loved none of them ; and so making no great account of the matter , he went on with his work , and in the countrey of Angus called many in question for reading the New Testament in English , which as then was accounted an hainous crime . And it is said , The ignorance of these times was so great , as even the Priests did think the New Testament to have been composed by Martin Luther , and the old to be the only Scripture that men ought to read . Iohn Roger a black Frier , with certain others , was brought to the Castle of Saint Andrews , and within some few dayes found dead at the foot of the back wall : whether he fell seeking to escape , or that he was murthered ( as the report went ) in prison , it is uncertain . From Angus the Cardinal leading the Governour with him , went to Mernis , using the like inquisition , and stayed there till near Christmas ; at which time they returned to S. Andrews , and having past the holy time in feasting , took journey to Edinburgh , where a Convention of the Clergy was kept for censuring the lives of scandalous Priests . Whilest they were thus busied , advertisement was made to the Cardinal , that Master George Wishart , for whom he had searched a long time , was in the house of Ormeston in Lothian . This man being of all the witnesses that God raised in that time to advance his truth , the most worthy ; the Reader will not mislike that I set down the story at large . He was a brother of the house of Pittarrow in Mernis , a man of great knowledge , and pleasant utterance , indued also with many rare vertues ; humble , modest , charitable , and patient even to admiration ; some time he had spent in the University of Cambridge , and out of a desire to promove the truth in his own countrey , came home in the year 1544. making his chief resorts in the Towns of Dundy , and Montross , where he taught publickly with great profit and applause . The Cardinal incensed with the following he had among the people , discharged them of Dundy to receive him . Whereupon Robert Mill , a man of great authority in the Town , either corrupted by the Cardinals gifts , or because he feared some trouble might fall upon the Town for his occasion , did one day as he had ended his Sermon , openly prohibit him to come any more amongst them , and not to trouble the Town with his Sermons . He after a little silence turning himselfe to the speaker , said , God is my witnesse , that I minde ever your comfort , and not your trouble , which to me is more grievous then to your selves . But sure I am , to reject the word of God , and drive away his messengers , is not the way to save you from trouble . When I am gone , God will send you messengers , who will not be afraid either for burning or banishment . I have with the hazard of my life remained amongst you preaching the word of salvation ; and now since your selves refuse me , I must leave my innocency to be declared by God. If it be long well with you , I am not led with the spirit of truth ; and if trouble unexpected fall upon you , remember this is the cause , and turn to God by repentance ; for he is merciful . The Earle Marshal and some other Noblemen , who were present at the Sermon , dealt earnestly with him to go with them into the North , but he excusing himselfe , took journey into the West parts . He had not been long there , when the Archbishop of Glasgow advertised of the great concourse of people unto his Sermons , took purpose to apprehend him , and for that effect made a journey unto the Town of Aire . Alexander Earle of Glaincarne , hearing what the Bishop intended , hasted to the Town , offering to place Master George Wishart in the Church where the Bishop was preparing to preach ; but he would not consent , saying , that the Bishops Sermon would not do much hurt , and that he would teach , if they pleased , at the Market Crosse ; which he did , divers of the hearers which were enemies to the truth , being converted at the same time . The Sunday following , being desired to preach at the Church of Machlin , he went thither , but the Sheriffe of Aire had in the night time put in a Garison of souldiers in the Church to exclude him ; Hugh Campbell of Kingzeacleugh with others of the Parish offending thereat , would have entered the Church by force , but he would not suffer it , saying , It is the word of peace that I preach unto you , the blood of no man shall be shed for it this day ; Christ is as mighty in the fields as in the Church , and he himselfe when he lived in the slesh , preached oftner in the Desert and upon the Sea-side , then in the Temple of Ierusalem . So walking along to the edge of the Mort on the South-side of Machlin he preached to the multitude that flocked about him three houres and above : and all the while he abode in those parts , taught daily with good successe . After a moneths stay in these quarters , he was advertised of a great desolation in the town of Dundy by reason of the pestilence , which brake up in it the fourth day after he left the Town . This moved him to return , and on the next morrow after his coming , he gave signification that he would preach ; but because the sicknesse which had consumed a great many people , was still raging in the Town , he choosed to preach upon the head of the East-gate , the infected persons standing without the gate , and those that were free within . His Theam was the 20. verse of the 107. Psalme ; He sent his word and healed them , and delivered them from their destruction . Thereupon taking occasion to speak of the dignity and excellency of the word of God , and the punishments that follow the contempt of the same , as also of the mercies of God , and his readinesse to pardon those that truly turn unto him , with the happy estate of such as God taketh to himselfe out of this misery ; so he comforted the people , as they were instant to have him stay with them , judging themselves happy if they should die affisted with such a Preacher . Neither did he forsake them all the time the plague continued , and not suffering the poor who were destitute of means , to lack any necessary helps more then the rich . It happened whilest he stayed there , that a Priest called Sir Iohn Weighton , having a purpose to kill him , as he descended from the place where he used to preach , was apprehended with a weapon in his hand ; a Tumult thereupon raised , the sick without the Gate rushed in , crying to have the murtherer delivered to them . But he taking the Priest in his Armes , besought them to be quiet , saying , He hath done no harm , only he hath shewed us what we have to fear in time coming : and so saved the wicked man by his intercession . The plague decreasing he prepared to go to Edinburgh , where he had promised to meet the Gentlemen of the West , that resolved at his parting from them to keep the Convocation , and offer dispute to the Clergy , yet because he had not seen the people of Montrosse of a long time , and was doubtful if ever he should return , he determined first to go thither . Whilest he remained there , a letter was directed to him from the Lord of Kinneir in Fife , advertising him that he had taken a suddain sicknesse , and requesting him to come unto him with diligence . He presently made to the journey , accompanied with some honest Citizens , that would needs convey him part of the way , and was not past a quarter of a mile , when on the suddain he made a stay , saying to the company , I am forbidden of God to go this journey : will some of you be pleased to ride to yonder place ( pointing with his finger to a little hill ) and see what you find ? for I apprehend there is a plot against my life . So turning back to the Town , they who went forward to the place , found some threescore horsemen laid to intercept them ; whereby he understood the letter to be counterfeited . They declaring at their return what they had seen , he said , I know I shall end my life in the hands of that man , ( meaning the Cardinal ) but it will not be after this manner . Some two or three dayes after he made to his journey , and would not be disswaded by the Laird of Dun , and others who laboured to have him stay . The first night he lodged at Inner-gowry , two miles from Dundy , with an honest man called Fames Watson ; where being laid in bed , he was observed to rise a little after midnight , and go forth into a garden : There , after he had walked a turn or two , he fell upon his knees , sending forth many sighs and grones ; then prostrating himselfe upon the ground , he lay in that sort almost an hour , weeping and praying , and then returned to his rest . William Spaldin and Iohn Watson , who lay in the same chamber , and had followed to see whither he went , began to ask him , as if they had known nothing , where he had been ; whereunto he made no answer : in the morning inquiring of new wherefore he rose in the night , & what was the cause of such mourning ( for they told him all they had seen him do ) he with a dejected countenance , answered , I wish you had been in your beds , which had been more four your ease , for I was scarce well occupied . But they praying him to satisfie their minds further , and to communicate some comfort unto them , he said , I will tell you , that I assuredly know my travell is nigh at an end , therefore pray to God for me , that I shrink not when the battel waxeth most hot . Hearing these words , they burst forth in tears , and said it was to them a small comfort : whereunto he replied , God will send you comfort after me , this Realm shall be illuminated with the light of Christs Gospel , as clearly as ever was any Realme since the dayes of the Apostles . The house of God shall be built in it ; yea it shall not lack ( whatsoever the enemies shall devise to the contrary ) the very Capestone : neither shall this be long in doing , for there shall not many suffer after me . The glory of God shall appear , and truth shall once triumph in despight of the Devil . But alas , if the people become unthankful , the plagues and punishments which shall follow , will be fearful and terrible . This said , he addressed himselfe to the way , and went that night to Perth , the next day he came to Leith , where he kept himselfe close , expecting some advertisement from the Gentlemen of the West ; no advertisement coming , he waxed heavy and sorrowful , and being askt , what made him so heavy ? he said , I have laboured to bring people out of darknesse , but now I lurk as a man ashamed to shew himselfe before men . They perceiving his desire was to preach , answered , that they would gladly hear him , but considering the danger he might fall into , they could not advise him to do it ; he replied , If you and others will hear me the next Sunday , I shall preach in Leith ; ( let God provide for me as best pleaseth him ) Which he did , taking for his text the Parable of the Sower , out of the 13. Chapter of S. Matthews Gospel . Having ended his Sermon , he was by the Gentlemen his auditors counselled to leave the Town ( for they held his abode in that place dangerous : ) which advice he followed , remaining some time with the Laird of Brunston , and sometime with the Laird of Languedry and Ormeston ; yet every Sunday in one Church or other he taught openly , unto the time of his apprehension . The last Sermon he made was at Haddington , where he received from the Gentlemen of the West a letter , declaring they could not keep the Diet appointed at Edinburgh : which grieved him so much , as calling Iohn Knox ( who then attended him ) he said , I am weary of the world , since I perceive men too weary of God ; yet he went to the Pulpit , and rebuking the people of that Town for the contempt of the Gospel , told them , that strangers should possesse their houses , and chase them from their habitations ; which came shortly to passe . In that Sermon as he had alwayes done since his last coming into Lothian , he spake of the short time he had to live , and told that his death was more nigh , then they did beleeve . All that night he stayed in Haddington , and the next morning bidding those of his acquaintance farewell , as it were for ever , he went on foot to Ormeston , ( for the frost was vehement ) accompanied with the Laird of the place , Iohn Sandelands of Caulder , and Chretchton of Brunston . Iohn Knox was desirous to have gone with him , but he willed him to go back , saying , One is enough at this time for a sacrifice . When they had supped , he fell in a long discourse of the happy estate of Gods children , and having ended that purpose , said he had a desire to sleep , but first appointed the 51. Psalme to be sung ; which done , he went to bed . About midnight the house was belayed with horsemen , that the Governour sent to take him prisoner . The Laird refusing to deliver him , and thinking to get him shifted , the Earl Bothwell Sheriffe of the County came , and he required he should be put in his hand , upon promise that his life should be safe , and that it should not be in the Cardinals power to do him any hurt . The Laird reporting this to Mr. George , he requested him to open the gate , saying , The blessed will of God be done . So the Earl entred the house , to whom Mr. George said , My Lord , I praise God that so honourable a man as you are doth receive me this night , in the presence of these Noble men ; For I am assured your Honour will not permit anything to be done unto me against the Order of the law ; I am not ignorant that all the law which they who seek my life use , is nothing but a corruption , and a Cloake to shed the blood of Gods Saints : yet I less fear to die openly , then to be murthered in secret . The Earl answered , I shall not only preserve your body from violence , if any be intended against you , but I will promise you on my honour in the presence of these Gentlemen , That neither the Governour nor Cardinal shall be able to harme you , and that I shall keep you in my own power till either I make you free , or bring you back to the place where now I receive you . Upon this promise was he delivered and put in the Earles hands , who departed with him to Elphinston , where the Cardinal was attending the successe ; it being told him that young Calder and Brunston were with the Laird of Ormeston , he sent to apprehend them , but Brunston escaped to the wood , the other two were committed to the Castle of Edinburgh , and thither was Mr. George first carried , and afterwards brought back to the house of Hales , ( the Earls principal house in Lothian ) but Queen Mother at the Cardinals desire , being earnest with the Earle to have sent him again to the Castle of Edinburgh , albeit in regard of his promise he refused a long time , yet overcome in end by her intreaty , he yielded ; So was Mr. George of new taken to the Castle , and after a short stay there , conveyed to S. Andrews , where he remained prisoner unto the day of his suffering . The Cardinal not thinking it expedient to delay his trial , wrote to the Prelates to meet at S. Andrews the 27. of February . The Archbishop of Glasgow , at his coming , gave advice to seek a Commission from the Governour to some man of quality , that might execute Justice , left all the burthen should lie upon them ; whereunto the Cardinal agreed , supposing the Governour would make no scruple in the matter ; nor had he made any , if David Hamilton of Preston knowing what was sought , had not seriously disswaded him , advising him rather to use his power in the defence of Gods servants , then to arm their adversaries with his authority . For it is marvelled , said he , that you should give such liberty to wicked and godlesse men , thus to oppresse poor innocents , unto whose charge no crime is laid ; onely they are accused for preaching the Gospel of Christ , which your selfe not long since openly professed , and exhorted others to professe , promising by your authority to maintain the same . The opinion which men had of your affection to the truth , was that which chiefly procured your advancement to the place you now hold in the Realm ; and now consider what are mens thoughts and speeches of your proceedings , or rather what a fearful unthankfulnesse it is on your part to Almighty God , who hath bestowed upon you so many blessings . You are rid of your neighbours at home ( who envied your honour ) without blood and slaughter ; you have lately reported victory of the forain enemy that was stronger by much then your selfe , and now will you persecute Gods servants for the pleasure of flagitious men , who neither can hide their wickednesse , nor have care to dissemble it ? Remember how suddenly the late King was taken away , when he followed these courses which now you run . They who by their perverse counsels wrought his undoing , are leading you on to the same destruction . At the first they were your open enemies , and resisted your promotion to the government with all their might , but now I know not how they have snared you by their malicious devices . Think upon King Saul , who was exalted by God from a mean estate to be King of Israel ; so long as he obeyed the word of God , he prospered , but how soon he grew disobedient , he became miserable . Compare the successe you have had in your affairs with his prosperity , and you will find it not unlike ; and of this you may be assured , that except you take another course , your end shall be no better then his , perhaps worse : wherefore be wise , and suffer not your selfe to be led any more by the counsels of wicked men , neither let poor innocents at their appetites be thus cruelly murthered . The Governour moved with these speeches , did answer the Cardinal , That he should do well not to precipitate the mans trial , but to delay it untill his coming ; for as to himself he would not consent to his death before the cause were well examined ; and if the Cardinal should do otherwise , he would make protestation that the mans blood should be required at his hands . This answer grieved the Cardinal not a little , for he knew that the delay would work the prisoners escape , and to commit the cause to examination , he saw it was more dangerous . Therefore in a great passion he replied , That he wrote not unto the Governour , as though he depended in any matter upon his authority , but out of a desire he had that the hereticks condemnation might proceed with a shew of publick consent , which since he could not obtain , he would be doing himselfe that which he held most fitting . Thus he made a citation to be given forth , and Master George to be charged to appear the next morrow , to answer for his seditious and heretical doctrine . Master George receiving the summons , said , The Cardinal hath no need to summon me ▪ for I am in his hands , and kept fast in irons , so as he may compell me to answer at what time he pleaseth . But to manifest , saith he , what men you are , it is well done to keep your formes and constitutions . The next day the Cardinal and Prelates being met in the Abbey Church , the prisoner was presented by the Captain of the Castle , and then the Sub-prior called Master Iohn Winrame , a man of good learining , and one who secretly favoured the truth , went up into the Pulpit as he had been injoyned ; he took for his Theam the words of our Saviour in the thirteenth of Matthewes Gospel , concerning the good seed , which he interpreted to be the word of God ; heresie he said was the ill seed , and that he defined to be , a false opinion fighting directly against the word , and defended with pertinacie . Thereafter falling to speak of the causes of heresie , he said the main cause was , the ignorance and negligence of those who had the cure of soules , and neither understood the word of God , nor could use the same to the convincing of false teachers , and the reducing of those who were gone astray . In the latter part of his Sermon , speaking of the way how heresies should be discerned , he said , That as the Goldsmith knoweth the fine gold from the counterfeit by the touchstone , so is heresie discerned by the true , sincere , and undefiled word of God. And in the end concluded , that hereticks ought to be punished , and might lawfully be put to death by the Magistrate . Now albeit that was said made directly against themselves , who were there met , not to confute heresie , but to bear down the truth , and punish those that found fault with their pride and licentiousnesse ; yet as all had been spoken for them they proceeded , and after their wonted form , placed Mr. George in a seat erected for that purpose , and over against him , Master Iohn Lawder a Priest in another , who having a scroll of a paper in his hand , containing the Articles laid unto Mr. George his charge , did use many bitter and reproachful words ; all which he heard very patiently , not moving or changing once his countenance . Being required to answer , before he would utter a word , he bowed his knees , and made his prayer to God ; then standing up , intreating them in most humble manner , to suffer him repeat the summe of the doctrine which he had taught since his coming into Scotland : which he said , was nothing but what the ten Commandements of God , the 12. Articles of Christian faith , and the Lords prayer contained . In Dundy he said , that he had preached a part of the Epistle to the Romanes . And as he was going on , to shew what form he kept in his preaching , he was interrupted by the accuser , who with many opprobrious speeches calling him an heretick , a runnegate , a traitour and thief , said that it was not lawful for him to preach , and that he had usurped the power at his own hand , without any lawful calling of the Church . The Prelates also prohibiting all discourses willed him to answer simply , yea , or nay ; fearing if liberty was given him to speak , he should draw some of the hearers to his mind . Mr. George perceiving that he could not have audience , appealed to an equal and indifferent Judge . Whereunto Lawder replied , that the Cardinal was a more then sufficient Judge for him : and then he reckoned out all his styles , saying , that he was Archbishop of S. Andrews , Bishop of Meropois , Chancellour of Scotland , Commendatory of Aberbrothock ; Legatus natus , legatus à latere , and the second person within the Realm . Mr. George calmly answered , I do not condemn my Lord Cardinal , but I desire the word of God to be my Iudge , and some of the Temporal estate , with certain of your Lordships here present , because I am my Lord Governours prisoner . At which words some foolish people that stood by cried out , Such man , such Iudge ; meaning that the Governour , and others of the Temporal State , were hereticks like unto himself . Then would the Cardinal have pronounced sentence without any further process , but being advertised to let the accusation be read , and hear what he would say , lest people should think him wrongfully condemned ; he commanded the Priest to read the points distinctly , and receive his answer to every one of them severally . The Articles laid to his charge were eighteen in number , which with the answers he made , the Reader may at his leisure see in the book of Martyrs . After they had spent some houres in this sort , sentence was pronounced against him , and he condemned to be burnt as an heretick . Then was he led back to the Castle , and lodged in the Captains chamber that night , the greatest part whereof he spent in prayer . Early in the morning the Prelates sent two Friers to advertise him that he must die , and askt if he would confesse himself : he answered , That he had no businesse with Friers , nor would he willingly conferre with them , but if they were disposed to gratify him in that sort , he desired to speak with the learned man that preached the day before . This being permitted , the Sub-prior came , and talked with him a good space : At last he askt Mr. George if he would receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper : he answered , Most willingly , so I may have it ministred according to Christs institution , under both kindes of bread and wine . Hereupon the Sub-prior went to the Bishops , and told that he had conferred with the prisoner , who did solemnly affirm that he was free of all the crimes , and that he did utter this not out of a desire he had of life , but to manifest his innocency ( which was known to God ) before men . The Cardinal offended with these speeches of the Sub-prior , said , It is a long time since we knew what a man thou art . The Sub-prior answering nothing , asked if they would permit the Sacrament to be given to the prisoner : the Cardinal conferring with the rest of the Bishops a while , answered in all their names , That it was not reasonable to give any spiritual benefit , to an obstinate heretick condemned by the Church . When Master George heard that the Sacrament was denied him , being asked by the Captain of the Castle , going then to breakfast , if he would take a part with him , he answered , Very willingly , and so much the rather because I perceive you to be a good Christian , and a man fearing God. Then turning himself to the Captain , he said , I beseech you in the name of God , and for the love you bear to our Saviour Iesus Christ , to be silent a little while , till I have made a short exhortation , and blessed this bread which we are to eat , so that I may bid you farewell . The table being covered , and bread according to the custome set upon it , he spake about the space of an half hour , of the institution of the Supper , and of our Saviours death and passion , exhorting those that were present to mutual love , and to the leading of an holy life , such as becometh the members of Christ. Then giving thanks , he brake the bread , distributing to every one that was present a portion ; likewise having tasted the wine , he delivered the cup unto them , exhorting them to remember with thankfulnesse the death of our Lord Jesus , in this his communion with them . As to my self , he said , there is a more bitter potion prepared for me , only because I have preached the true doctrine of Christ , which bringeth salvation , but pray you the Lord with me that I may take it patiently , as out of his hand ; and so concluding with a new thanksgiving , he withdrew himself to his chamber . Within a little space , two executioners came up unto him , one of whom apparelled him in a black coat of linen , the other fastened some bags of powder upon all the parts of his body ; and thus arrayed , he was brought to an utter room , where he was commanded to stay , till all things were prepared . A scaffold in the mean time erecting on the East part of the Castle towards the Abbey , with a great tree in the middest in manner of a gibbet , unto which the prisoner was to be tied ; and right against it was all the munition of the Castle planted , if perhaps any should press by violence to take him away . The fore Tower was hanged with Tapestry and rich Cushions laid for ease of the Cardinal and Prelates , who were to behold that spectacle . And when all things were made ready , he was led forth with his hands being tied behinde his back , and a number of souldiers guarding him to the place of execution . As he was going forth of the Castle gate , some poor creatures , who were lying there , did ask of him some almes for Gods sake , to whom he said , I have not the use of any hands wherewith I should give you almes , but our merciful God , who out of his abundance feedeth all men , vouchsafe to give you the things which are necessary both for your bodies , and for your soules . Afterwards two Friers met him , crying , Master George pray to our Lady , that she may be mediatrix for you to her sonne : to whom he said , Cease , tempt me not my brethren . Being come to the place of execution , and gone up upon the scaffold , he turned himself towards the people , and besought them not to offend with the good word of God because of the torments they saw prepared for him , desiring them withall to shew his brethren and sisters who had often heard him , that the doctrine he taught was no wives fables , but the true Gospel of Christ given him by the grace of God , which he was sent to preach , and for which he was then with a most glad heart and mind to give his life . Some have falsely spoken , said he , that I should hold the opinion that the soules of men departed , sleep after their death untill the last day ; but I know and believe the contrary , and am assured that my soul shall this night be with my Saviour in the heavens . This said , he bowed his knees , and having conceived a short but most pithy prayer , he was tied to the stake , & then cried aloud , O Saviour of the world , have mercy upon me ; Father of heaven , I commend my spirit into thine holy hands . The executioners having kindled the fire , the powder that was fastned to his body , blew up . The Captain of the Castle who stood near unto him , perceiving that he was yet alive , willed him to be of good courage , and commend his soul unto God ; This flame ( said he ) hath scortched my body , yet hath it not daunted my spirit , but he who from yonder high place beholdeth us with such pride , shall within few dayes lye in the same as ignominiosly , as now he is seen proudly to rest himself . After which words , one of the tormentors drawing the cord that went about his neck , stopt his breath , so as he spake no more . The fire increasing , his body was quickly consumed unto ashes . But the Cardinals malice not yet satisfied , caused the same night a Proclamation to be made through the City , that none should pray for the heretick under pain of the heaviest censures that could be inflicted . And then the Priests triumphing did in all meetings , extoll the Cardinal above the skies , saying , That he not regarding the Governours authority , had by himself caused justice to be executed upon that heretick and kithed a most worthy Patron of the Ecclesiastical estate . If the Church , said they , in former times had found such a Protector , matters had not been reduced to the doubtfull terms wherein now they stand ; but long or this time by her own power and authority she had been able to maintain her self . Such insolent speeches they were heard to utter in every place . The Cardinal himself also seemed to be greatly pleased with that which he had done , presuming it should keep all his enemies in fear ; yet it proved the very rock on which he and all his fortunes perished : for the common sort of people exclaimed mightily against his cruelty , and some of good birth and quality did openly vow that the blood of Master George Wishart should be revenged , though they should give life for life : of which number , Iohn Lesley brother to the Earle of Rothes , forbare not in all companies openly to avouch , that his hand and dagger should be the Cardinals Priests . Nor was he ignorant of the general hatred carried unto him , and thereupon began to fortify himself with some strong alliance , which he shortly after made , contracting one of his base daughters to the Earle of Craford his sonne and heir . The Nuptials were performed with an exceeding pomp and magnificence . But he did not long enjoy the content he took in his Match , for Normand Lesley sonne to the Earle of of Rothes , who had followed him a long time , and done him good services , having moved him in the behalf of some friends that were interessed by the restitution of the Lairds of Cleish , Easter Weimes , and certain others who been forfeited in the late Kings time , was not answered as he expected ; for which growing into a choler , and alledging the Cardinals promise in the businesse , he said , that he would not be deluded in that sort . The Cardinal , who had not been accustomed to such speeches , and thought he was not used with that respect which became , chafed mightily , so as after an unseemly altercation they parted in wrath . This discord publickly rumoured , divers that hated the Cardinal ( some for the cause of Religion , and some for other private respects ) did reparie to Normond , and working upon his passion , incensed him with their words , wondering how he could look for any good from him that was a man hated of God , and all good people . And as it falleth out in such conferences , whilest every man was recounting the injuries he had suffered in private , and talking of his violent courses , one amongst the rest said , that they should do God good service , and no small benefit to the countrey , to make an end of that vitious and ungodly tyrant whom all good men did hate : and with such words inflaming one another , at last they agreed to cut him off . The principal undertakers were Normond Lesley , Iohn Lesley his Uncle , William Kirkaldy of Grange , Peter Carmicall of Fife , and Iames Melvile , one of the house of Carneby ; the Plot was to meet at S. Andres in the most private manner they could , and surprise the Castle some morning before the servants were stirring . And that the enterprise should not faile , they gave hands to be in the City the 28. of May , promising in the mean time so to carry themselves , as no suspicion might be taken of their purpose . Thus at the day appointed , Normond accompanied with five onely , came to the City , and went to his accustomed lodging ; William Kircaldy was there a day before , Iohn Lesley who did professe enmity to the Cardinal , entered not till night was fallen . Upon Saterday morning the 29. of May , rising about three of the clock , they met in the Abbey Church-yard , where they condescended that William Kircaldy , and six with him ( for they did not exceed twelve in all ) should attend the opening of the gate , and assure it for the rest . All things succeeded to their wishes , Grange at his first coming found the gate open ; and entering with his company , entertained the Keeper with some speeches , asking if the Cardinal was stirring , and how soon he would rise . Normond came shortly after , and some two with him ; last of all , came Iohn Lesley with other two ; whom as soon as the Keeper saw , suspecting some bad practice , he made to draw the bridge , but they laying hands upon him , took the keys , and assured the gate . Then appointing four of the company to watch the chamber where the Cardinal lay that no advertisement should go unto him , they went to the several chambers in which the servants lay asleep , and calling them by their names ( for they were all known unto them ) they put fifty of his ordinary servants , besides the workmen , Masons , and Wrights , who were reckoned above a hundred , ( for he was then fortifying the Castle ) to the gate , permitting none to stay within , but the Earl of Arran the Governours eldest sonne , whom they thought best to detain upon all adventures . This was performed with so little noise , as the Cardinal did not hear , till they knockt at his chamber . Then he asked , who was there ? Iohn Lesley answered , My name is Lesley . Which Lesley , said the Cardinal ? is that Normond ? It was answered , that he must open to those that were there . The answer gave him notice that they were no friends ; therefore making the dore fast , he refused to open . They calling to bring fire , whilest it was in fetching , he began to commune with them ; and after some speeches , upon their promise to use no violence , he opened the dore ; but they rushing in with their swords drawne did most inhumanely kill him , he not making any resistance . The tumult was great in the City , upon the rumour that the Castle was taken . The people armed , and such as favoured the Cardinal , made haste intending to scale the walls ; but when it was told them , that he was dead whom they sought to help , their hearts cooled . The people still crying for a sight of the Cardlnal , his corps was brought to the very same place , where he sate beholding Master George Wisharts execution . Upon the sight whereof , they dissolved ; many then calling to mind the Martyr his last words , were thereby confirmed in the opinion they had of his piety and holinesse . Such was the end of this unfortunate man , who in his life was ambitious beyond measure , and in punishing of those he esteemed hereticks , more then inhumane ; a barbarous part it was in him to sit and behold the Martyring of Master George Wishart , taking pleasure in that which no man could look on without pity . But the hatred he bare to the truth , and the care he had to maintain his own greatnesse , was such , and so excessive , as he did both forget himselfe , and the place he held in the Church , and now doth remain a tragical ensample in story , to admonish every man to keep within his bound , and hold that moderation which is fitting . The rumour of this fact being quickly dispersed through the countrey , every man commended or condemned it as his passion led him . They who stood in awe of his power , did highly commend the enterprise and praise the doers , and of that sort divers came to congratulate the fact , offering to take one part with them . Others who were more wise , and moderate , though they disliked not the fact , ( as hoping to enjoy their profession with greater liberty ) did yet abhorre the form and manner , judging it to be foully done , especially on the part of Normond , at whose hands he did not look for any harme . And indeed few or none of those who had an hand in that work , escaped an extraordinary judgement ; God thereby declaring , that howsoever it pleaseth him in the execution of his judgements , to use sometimes the ministery and service of men , yet doth he not allow of their wicked disposition , and for most part faileth not to reward them with the same , or the like that they do unto others . But in the Church a fearful uproare was raised upon this accident , the Priests and Friers exclaiming every where against the murther , as the most odious which in any memory had been committed . The Bishops running upon the Governour ( who was no lesse troubled with the fact then themselves ) desired some course might be taken for the speedy punishment of the murtherers : but he following the course of law , directed summons for their appearing to underlye trial , which they contemned , and were therefore denounced Rebels . The Ecclesiastick Judges to be nothing behinde for their parts , did solemnly curse the actors , and all that should receive or minister unto them any necessaries . 41. Mean while the Governour did nominate his base brother for the place ; who was elected by the Chanons , and soon after confirmed by Pope Paul the third . For he fearing the defection of the Realme from the obedience of the Romane See , as England had given the ensample , was glad to gratifie the Governour , and with the Bulls which were freely exped , wrote both to the Governour and to the Bishop , that they should make their zeal appear , in vindicating the injury done to the Ecclesiastick estate . Upon the receipt of these letters , it was resolved to besiege the Castle , which beginning about the end of August , continued untill the moneth of Ianuary ; howbeit to small effect : for the passage by Sea being open , they were supplyed with all necessaries from England by King Henry , to whom they had obliged their faith by two several messages for defending the Castle , and maintaining the contract with England : which the Governour fearing he was induced to capitulate with the besieged , and yield unto the conditions following . 1. That the Governour should procure unto them a sufficient absolution from the Pope for the slaughter of the Cardinal , and till the same was returned , that they should retain the Castle , and not be pursued by force . 2. That they , their friends , servants , and partakers , should simply be remitted by the Governour , and never be called in question for the said slaughter , but should enjoy all commodities spiritual and temporal , which they possessed before the committing thereof . 3. That the besieged should give pledges for rendering the Castle , how soon the absolution was returned from Rome ; and for surety of the pledges , that the Earl of Arran eldest sonne to the Governour , should remain in their custody untill the absolution was returned , and they secured to their content . The conditions were to the besieged more advantagious then honourable to the Governour , but neither the one nor the other intended performance ; for the Governour at the same time sent a messenger to France , with letters from the Queen Dowager , and from himself , intreating a supply of Ships and Gallies , to batter the house on that part which looked towards the Sea , and debarre the Keepers of further provision . They on the other side , were resolved not to forsake King Henries protection , of whose assistance they were confident . The proceedings of the next summer , shall clear the intentions on either side ; in the mean time , let us hear how the affaires of Religion went the rest of this winter . Divers , as we touched before , upon the newes of the Cardlnals death , came and joyned with those that had killed him , especially Master Henry Balnaves , the Melvils of the house of Raith , and some Gentlemen of Fife , to the number of sevenscore persons , who all entered into the Castle the day after the slaughter , and abode there during the time of the first siege . Iohn Rough , he that had attended the Governour as Chaplain in the beginning of his Regiment , came also thither , and became their Preacher . After him came Iohn Knox , but not till the siege was raised , and the appointment made , whereof we have spoken . The adversaries of Religion taking advantage of this , did cast in the teeth of both the Preachers and Professours the murther committed , as though they did all approve the same ; and Bishop Lesley in his Chronicle speaking of Iohn Knox , saying , that He did think to attain to the top of Evangelical profession , by triumphing that way upon the slaughter of a Priest and Cardinall . I deny not , but this his doing was scarce allowable , and that it had been a wiser part in him not to have gone towards them at all ; yet since he did neither accompany them at the fact , nor came unto them till the conditions of peace were granted ; his guiltinesse was not such as they make it to be ; neither will I say that he was grieved at the Cardinals death , but rather glad that such an enemy was taken out of the way : but that he did insult upon his death , or allow the manner of it , cannot be truly affirmed as to that which is objected , forth of the narration made of this accident in the book intituled , The History of the Church of Scotland , where the Authour seemeth indeed to commend the fact ; though that history be ascribed to Iohn Knox , it is sure that he did not penne the same , as I shall make clear in another place . How soon the Governour was gone , Iohn Rough did openly preach in the Parish Church , and was much haunted by the people ; at which the Clergy offending , a great stirre was raised : Dean Iohn Anand oppugning his doctrine both by word and writing , Iohn Knox did take on him to maintain the same : and the matter being brought to a dispute , after long reasoning upon the authority of the Romane Church , Iohn Knox did offer to prove , That the present Church of Rome was more degenerate from the purity which it had in the dayes of the Apostles , then was the Church of the Jewes from the Ordinances given by Moses , when they consented to the death of our Saviour . Such as were present at the reasoning , having requested Iohn Knox to make good what he had spoken , he took occasion the Sunday following to preach in the Parish Church , chusing for his Theam the 24 , and 25. verses of the seventh Chapter of Daniel ; In the Sermon after he had spoken of the care that God had alwayes of his Church , to forewarne her of the dangers that were to happen , many years before the same fell out ; and illustrated that point by the predictions of Israels captivity , the prophesie of the four Empires , namely the Babylonian , Persian , Grecian , and Romane , and foretelling of the Beast that should afise out of the destruction of the Romane Empire ; he said that by that Beast , the Church of Rome was to be understood , in regard all the marks assigned by Daniel , did pertain to that Church , and to no other power which ever was in the world . Then falling to speak of Antichrist , he shewed that there was not any one person meant by that title , but a body and multitude of people , having a wicked head , that should not only be sinful himself , but the occasion also of sin to all that should be subject unto him . And that he was called Antichrist , because he was contrary to Christ , in life and doctrine , in lawes . The contrariety of life he made clearly by deciphering the corrupt and beastly conversation both of the Popes themselves , and of their Clergy . The contraiety of doctrine he qualified by comparing the doctrine of the justification by faith taught in the Scriptures , with the doctrine of justification by works , maintained by the Church of Rome . And the contrariety of lawes he proved by the observation of dayes , abstaining from mears , and forbidding of marriage , which Christ had made free . In end he came to speak of the marks of the Beast , one he said was in the Text , where it was said , He shall speak great words against the most high ; but what greater words said he can be uttered then to call the Pope the Vicar of Christ , the successour of Peter , the head of the universal Church ; most holy , most blessed , one who cannot erre , that may make right of wrong and wrong of right , that of nothing may make somewhat ; that hath all verity inclosed in the shrine of his breast , that hath power over all men , no man having power over him , and through he draw ten thousand millions of souls with himself to hell , that none may or ought to say that he doth wrong ? which words he shewed , were expressed in the common law , and could not be denied . Another note more remarkable , he adduced forth of S. Iohn his Revelation , where it is said , that the Babylonian whore shall make merchandise of the souls of men ; which never any did of what profession soever they were , the Pope and his followers excepted : for they ( said he ) take upon them to mitigate the paines of souls in Purgatory , and to release them by saying of Masses , selling of Pardons , and Indulgences , which none besides them ever did : whereupon he inferred , that the Church of Rome was quite degenerate from her first purity , and that very beast foreshewed in the Scriptures , &c. At this Sermon Master Iohn Maior the Sub-prior , a number of Chanons and Friers of both Orders , with the whole University , were present ; whom he appealed to answer his allegations , if they found any one of them not consonant to truth . The Archbishop being advertised of this , wrote to the Sub-prior , saying , that he wondered how he could suffer such heretical and schismatical doctrines to be taught , and not oppose himself thereto . Whereupon Iohn Rough and Iohn Knox were cited to answer unto certain heads collected out of their Sermons , and set down as followeth . 1. That no mortal man can be the head of Christs Church . 2. That the Pope is Antichrist , and so not a member of Christs mystical body . 3. That no man may make or devise a Religion that is acceptable to God , but that he is bound to observe and keep the Religion received from God , without chopping or changing the same . 4. That the Sacraments of the New Testament ought to bee ministred as they were instituted by Christ Iesus , and practised by his Apostles , nor ought there any thing be added unto them , nor diminished from them . 5. That the Masse is abominable idolatry , blasphemous to the death of Iesus Christ , and a profanation to the Lords Suppers . 6. That there is no Purgatory , in the which the souls of men can either be pined or purged after this life , Heaven being appointed for the faithful , and Hell for the reprobate and unfaithful . 7. That prayer for the dead is vain , and to the dead is idolatry . 8. That Bishops are no Bishops , except they preach themselves wthout a Substitute . 9. That tithes by Gods law do not appertain necessarily to Churchmen . This last Article I would not omit , because it is alledged by those that penned the story ; whether it was a point of Iohn Roughs preaching or not , I cannot say , but for Iohn Knox it is clear by his Sermons and writings still extant , that he held it a point of high Sacriledge to rob and spoile the Church of tithes . It is true that many in these times , offending with the extortion of Churchmen , did hold that tithes belonged not to the Church by any divine right ; and knowing that this opinion would find easie passage among the people , as also serve to abridge the means and power of Churchmen , they were the more ready to deliver such doctrines ; but this was done rather out of passion then judgement : for he that will not wilfully shut his eyes against the truth , cannot but know that tithes are the Lords , and the portion that he hath served for the maintenance of his worship and service : But to leave this . The Sub-prior and others of the Clergy , that convened with him , having laid these Articles to their charge , Iohn Knox answered , that for himself he was glad to declare his mind in those points , before so modest and judicious an auditory ; and turning to the Sub-prior , It is a long time , said he , since I have heard that you are not ignorant of the truth ; Therefore I do appeal your conscience before the supreme Iudge , that if you think the Articles wherewith we are charged contrarious to the truth of God , that you plainly open your self , and suffer not the people to be deceived ; but if in your conscience you know them to be true and sound , then I will crave your patrocinie , that by your authority the people may be moved to embrace the truth , whereof now many doubt , because of your indifferencie . The Sub-prior answered , That he came not there to judge , but to conferre of these points , and would , if he pleased , reason a little of the power of the Church , which in my opinion ( said he ) may very lawfully devise rights and ceremonies for decoring the Sacraments , and other parts of divine service ; Iohn Knox replying , That no man in the worship of God might appoint any ceremony , giving it a signification to his pleasure . One Arbuthnet a gray Frier reasoned so hotly in the contrary , that forgetting himself , he denied the Apostles to have received the Holy Ghost , when they penned their Epistles . The Sub-prior checking the Frier , did after a little space dimit the Preachers with a brotherly admonition , to take heed what doctrine they delivered in publick . When they were gone , such of the Clergy as were present , entred in consultation , what was fittest to be done for staying the defection of the people ; and in end resolved , that every learned man of the Abbey and University , should preach in the Parish Churches on Sundayes ; the Sub-prior beginning , the Officials following , and the rest according to their seniority ; eschewing all of them to speak of any controverted point , which might breed question , and minister unto people occasion of talk . Iohn Knox , who by this mean was excluded from the Pulpit on the Sunday , preached on the week dayes sometimes , none daring to offer him any wrong , because of the fear they stood in of them within the Castle . But Iohn Rough being grieved with the wicked and licencious living of the souldiers and others in the Castle , took his leave of them and departed into England ; preaching some years in the Townes of Carlile , Berwick , and Newcastle , he was afterwards provided to a Benefice by the Archbishop of York , nor farre from the Town of Hull , and resided upon it untill the death of King Edward the sixth . In the time of Queen Maries persecution , he fled with the wife that he had married unto Friesland , and wonne his living with the knitting of Caps , hose and such like wares ; and in November 1557. coming to London for providing some necessaries to maintain his trade , was apprehended by the Queens Vice-Chamberlain at the Saracens head in Islington , where they who professed Religion , used quietly to meet . Being brought before Bonner Bishop of London , and questioned , if at any time since his last coming into England , he had preached ; he answered ; That he had not preached , but in some places where godly people were assembled , he did read the prayers of the the Communion Book , set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth . And being asked , what his judgement was of the said book , he confessed , That he did approve the same , as agreeing in all points with the word of God. The Bishop used many perswasions to make him recant , and detained him some weeks in prison , to try what he would do : but finding him resolute , and constant in his profession , he brought him forth to be judged . Where ( one Morgan a Bishop of S. Davids assisting ) he was charged , first , That being a Priest , and in Orders , he had married a wife ; next , That he refused to use the Latine Service ; and thirdly , That he would not go to the Masse . To the first point he answered , That Orders were not an impediment to marriage , and that he had done lawfully in taking a wife . To the second and third he said , If he were to live Methuselahs dayes , he would neither use the Latine Service , nor be present at Masse , which he counted abominable . Upon these answers he was condemned , degraded , and put in the hands of the secular Magistrate , who the next morning being the 21. of November , caused him to be burnt in Smithfield . Thus ended that worthy Minister and Martyz of Christ , of whom I thought fit in this place to say so much , though his sufferings fell out some years after . The summer following about the beginning of Iune , the absolution promised to those of the Castle , returned from Rome , whereupon the Keepers were required to render the house , according to the capitulation made . But they alledging the absolution not to be sufficient , because of some words contained in the Bull , wherein it was said , remittimus crimen irremissibile , we remit a crime which cannot be remitted ; refused to accept the same . It was answered that such a clause was insert only for aggravating the crime , and that the absolution was in it self valid enough . But they would not be satisfied ; and so complaining that promise was not kept with them , resolved to stand to their defence . In the end of the same moneth there arrived twenty one Gallies sent from France , under the command of Leon Strozius , within sight of the Castle . The Governour was at that time in the borders , and upon advertisement of the Gallies arriving , came with such diligence , as divers who belonged to the Castle , being in the City , had no leisure to re enter ; and some who were gone thither for private businesse , were forced to stay within . Shortly after his coming , the siege was confirmed by sea and land , trenches cast , and the Canons planted , some in the Abbey steeple , some in S. Salvators , and some in the street that leads to the Castle . Then began the battery both by sea and land , but that of the sea did not great harm . The siege continuing all the moneth of Iuly , upon the twenty nineth day in the South-quarter ( on which the Canon had played furiously that morning ) a great breach was made ; this terrifying the defendants , who to that time shewed great courage , expecting reliefe from England , ( and indeed a navall Army was prepared to come , but King Henry dying about the same time , it was stayed ) beside the danger they apprehended of the breach , the plague within the house was hot , & thereof every day a number died : So perceiving no help , and the sickness increasing , they came to a capitulation , where it was agreed , that the lives of all within the Castle should be saved , the Principals transported unto France , and if they liked not to remain there , be conveighed upon the French Kings charges to what countrey they pleased , Scotland excepted . Immediately the Castle was rendered to the French Captain , who sent his men to receive the prisoners , and make spoile of all that was in the house . They found of victuals great store , wherewith they furnished the Gallies . But the Cardinals treasure and household-stuffe , which was very precious , pleased them better . All this with the wealth the defendants had ( for they had brought all their substance thither ) fell into the hands of the French ; the fourth or fifth day after the Gallies put to Sea , and about the midst of August arrived safe at Roan in Normandy , where some of the prisoners were incarcerated ; others detained all the winter in the Gallies , especially Iohn Knox , Mr. Iames Balsom , with his brothers David and Gilbert . The Castle after the French were gone , was by act of Councel demolished , which some said , was done to satisfie the Popes law , that ordaines the places where Cardinals are slain to be ruinated : but the true cause was , the fear the Governour had , that England should take the house and fortifie it ; as they did some others a short while after . This revenge taken of the Cardinals death , gave the Priests some satisfaction , who reckoned it a part of their happinesse to be rid in this sort of Iohn Knox , and others that they knew to be their enemies . But the Duke of Somerset entering with a strong Army into Scotland , in September next , put all in a new feare . The Governour sent Proclamations through the countrey , charging all that could bear Armes , to meet at Edinburgh for the defence of the Realm ; many of all sorts assembled , and with greater diligence then was expected , which made the Duke of Somerset , who was a Nobleman well inclined , and hated the shedding of blood , to write unto the Governour and Nobility , intreating them to consider , That both the Armies consisted of Christian men , who above all things , ( if they were not forgetful of their profession ) ought to wish peace and quietnesse , and have in detestation warre , and unjust force ; as likewise to remember that the cause of the present invasion did not proceed from covetousnesse or malice , but from the desire of a perpetual peace , which could not be so firmly made up by any mean , as by marriage , which they knew was promised , and by the publick consent of the whole Estates ratified , upon conditions more beneficial to the Scots then to the English , insomuch that they were called not unto a servitude , but unto a common fellowship , and a liberal communication of all their fortunes , which could not but be more commodious to the Scots , then to the English ; the hope of advantage , and the fear of injuries being alwayes greater from the party that is more strong , to that which is the weaker : And for the businesse in hand , he desired them to consider this especially , that seeing there was a necessity of giving their Queen in marriage to some man , if they did either respect their profit or honour , they could not make a better choice , then of a King their neighbour , born in the same Isle . joyned in propinquity of blood , instructed in the same lawes , educated in the same manners and language , superiour in riches , and in all external commodities and ornaments , and such a one as would bring with him a perpetual peace , together with the oblivion of ancient grudges , and hatreds . For should they take a stranger to be their King , differing from themselves in language , manners , and lawes ; great evils and discommodities could not but arise , as they might know by that which had fallen out in the like case to other nations , by whose ensample he wished they should be made wise . As for the part of England , he said if they did find the minds of the Scots not estranged from peace , they would remit somewhat of their right , and be contented that the young Queen should be kept amongst themselves , untill she were fit for marriage , and might chuse a husband to her self by advice of the Nobility ; during which time , all hostility should cease betwixt the two Kingdomes , it being provided that the Queen should not be sent to any forain countrey , nor contracted in marriage with the French King , nor any other Prince : which if the Scots would faithfully promise , he would presently retire with his Army , and recompense all injuries done since his coming into Scotland , at the sight and estimation of honest men . This letter the Governour communicated to his brother , and to a few others on whose counsel he depended , such as George Dury Abbot of Dunfermlin , Mr. Archebald Beaton , and Mr. Hugh Rig a Lawyer , who gave him advice to suppresse the letter : for they feared if the offers were published , the greater part of the Nobility would embrace the same , and in stead thereof they made a rumour to be dispersed through the Army , that the English were come to take away the Queen by force , and bring the Kingdome into subjection . The Nobles and whole Army believing this to be the effect of the letter , became mightily incensed . Nor did any kithe so foolish as the Priests and Clergy men , who dreaming of nothing but victory , cried out , that the English hereticks had no spirits , and durst not come to a battaile : But they found themselves deceived ; for upon Saterday the tenth of September , 1547. the Armies joyning , the Scots were put to the worse , and many thousands slain , few in the fight , ( which lasted not long ) but exceeding many in the chase . The English pursuing the victory , came forwards to Leith , where they remained eight dayes , dividing the spoile and prisoners ; and in that time surprised the Isles of Inchkeith and Inchcolme , in the river of Forth , with Broughtie Castle in the mouth of Tay , which places they strongly fortified . In their return homewards they took the Castle of Home , with the house of Fascastle , and placed Garisons in the Townes of Haddington , Lawder , and Roxborough . The Governour , the Bishop his brother , and such of the Nobles as escaped in the flight , went to Striveling , and there taking counsel what should be done with the young Queen , concluded to send her to the Castle of Dumbarton , under the custody of the Lords Areskin and Levingston , and to advertise the King of France , how matters went , intreating of him a supply both of men and money . Hereupon the next summer arrived at Leith three thousand Germanes under the charge of Count Rhingrave , with as many French commanded by Monsieur de Andelot , Monsieur de Mallery , and Monsieur d' Ossel , Monsieur d' Esse being General of the whole . This supply did so hearten the Governour , as gathering together an Army , he beleaguered the Town of Haddington , which the English had at that time made very strong . The Nobility being there convened , entered of new into a consultation touching the young Queen , and the course that should be taken with her . The French Generall desired she should be sent into France , and espoused to the Daulphin ; which the Queen her Mother longed to have done . The Noblemen were not of one minde , for such as favoured the reformation , were of opinion that the conditions offered by England ( which were then come to light ) should be embraced because that would bring with it ten years of peace at least ; in which time , if either King Edward of England , or the young Queen should depart this life , all things would return to their first estate : and if no such things happened , yet the Kingdome being at rest , and freed of the present troubles would grow to some better ease within it self , and they might more maturely advise what course was fittest to be taken : Delay , they said , in matters of such consequence was safest , and that precipitation might bring with it a suddain , but untimely repentance . The rest stood all for the French , most of them being corrupted with gold , and others with large promises . The Governour himself had an annuity promised of twelve thousand francks , and a company of men at Armes , to the Earle of Arran his sonne . All these pretending the safety of the young Queen , did reason that there was no other way to be rid of the English warres , but that one : For as long as the English have any hope , said they , to speed , they will still be troubling ; but when they shall see the Queen gone , and that there is no remedy , they will cease from their pursuit . The greatest number inclining that way , it was concluded that the young Queen should be conveyed to France . Shortly after , the French Navy that lay at Leith , giving out that they were to return home , compassing the North Isles , received her at Dunbrition , and after much tossing at sea , did safely land her in France . The warres with England in the mean time went on , and continued full two years , till by the treaty of Bulloign , in the yare 1550. a peace was made , the Lord Chastilion being Commissioner for the French , the Earl of Bedford for the English , and David Panter Bishop of Ross for the Scots . At that time were Normond Lesley , Mr. Henry Balnaves , Iohn Knox and others , who had been kept partly in prison , and partly in the Gallies since the taking of S. Andrews Castle , put to liberty ; Mr. Iames Balfour had freed himself long before by abjuring his profession , and was become Official to the Bishop of S. Andrews ; Iames Melvil died in the Tower of Brest in Britain ; William Kircaldie , Peter Carmichal , with Robert and William Leslies , who were imprisoned in Mont S. Michael , found means to escape before the Treaty , and went into England . Norman after he was freed , returned into Scotland , but fearing the Governour he went into Denmark , where not finding that kind reception he expected , he betook himself to England , and had an honourable pension allowed him , which was thankfully answered during the life of King Edward the sixt . Queen Mary succeeding , he found not the like favour , and thereupon went to France , where he had a company of men of Armes given him , with which he served the French King in his warres against the Emperour Charles the fifth , and in pursuing the enemy whom he had in chase , was wounded with the shot of a Pistoll , whereof he died the day after at Montreul . He was a man of noble qualities , and full of courage , but falling unfortunately in the slaughter of the Cardinal , which he is said at his dying to have sore repented , he lost himself and the expectation which was generally held of his worth . The countrey notwithstanding the peace made with England , was not in much better case ; for the Governour , who was altogether ruled by the Bishop his brother , going through the countrey with Iustice Courts , ( as they call them ) vexed the people mightily ; and whereas during the warre men enjoyed the liberty of their profession , a new persecution was raised , which took the beginning at one Adam Wallace a simple man , but very zealous in his Religion ; he was taken at Winton in Lothian by the Bishops direction , and brought to his trial in the Church of Black Friers in Edinburgh , where in presence of the Governour , the Earl of Argyle , great Justice of the Realme , the Earles of Angus , Huntley , Glaincarne , and divers others of the Nobility he was accused , first , of usurping the office of a Preacher , having no lawful calling thereto ; next , of baptizing one of his own children ; thirdly , for denying Purgatory ; fourthly , for maintaining that prayers made to the Saints , and for the dead were meerly superstitious ; and fifthly , for calling the Masse an idolatrous service , and affirming that the bread and wine in the Sacrament of the Altar , after the words of consecration , remained bread and wine . To the first he answered , That he never judged himselfe worthy of so excellent a vocation as is the calling of a Preacher , nor did he ever presume to preach ; onely he confessed , that in some private places he did read a part of the Scripture at times , and make a short exhortation thereupon to those that would hear him . It being replied that he ought not to have medled with the Scriptures ; he said , That he esteemed it the duty of every Christian to seek the knowledge of Gods word , and the assurance of his own salvation , which was not to be found but in the Scriptures . One that stood by saying , What then shall be left to the Bishops and Churchmen to do , if every man should be a babler upon the Bible ? he answered , It becomes you to speak more reverently of God and of his blessed word ; and if the Iudge did right , he would punish you for your blasphemy : But to your question . I say , that albeit you and I and five thousand mo would read the Bible , and conferre together upon it , yet we leave more to the Bishops to do , then either they will do or can ; for we leave to them the preaching of the Gospel of Christ , and the feeding of the flock , which he hath redeemed by his own blood , which is a burthen heavy enough ; neither do we them any wrong in working out our own salvation so farre as we may . To the second he answered , That it was as lawful for him to baptize his own childe , since he could not have a true Minister , as it was to Abraham to circumcise Ismael and his family . To the third and fourth heads , more generally he said , That he never believed nor maintained any thing , but that he found in the book hanging at his girdle : which was the Bible in French , Dutch , and English. And being urged to be more particular , he answered , That if he were disposed to speak of these matters , he would require a more upright and indifferent Iudge . The Earl of Huntley upon that , saying he was a fool to desire another Judge then the Governour , and the Bishops there present ; he replied , That the Bishops could not be his Iudges , because they were open enemies to the doctrine he professed . And for the Governour , he doubted if he had the knowledge to discern lies from truth , and the inventions of men from the true worship of God. The Iudge that he desired , he said , was the book of God , by which if he should be convinced to have taught , spoken , or done in matters of Religion , any thing that was repugnant to the will of God , he would not refuse to die ; but if he tried innocent , and was found not to have spoken or done any thing contrary thereto , then he desired the protection of the Governour and Nobility , against the Tyranny of malicious men . Being enquired what he did think of the Masse , he said , That he had read the Bible in three languages , and had never found the word Masse in them all , and that the thing which was in greatest estimation with men , was nothing but abomination in the sight of God. Then did all the company cry out , Heresie , heresie , let him be condemned . So the poor man was sentenced to be an heretick , and put in the hands of Sir Iohn Campbel of Lundie , Justice deputy , who having adjudged him to die , sent him back to prison , because the night was coming on ; all that night he spent in singing of Psalmes , which he had learned by heart , and the next day was led forth to the fire , which was prepared in the Castle hill , being inhibited to speak unto the people ; yet when he came to the place of execution , he intreated the beholders , Not to offend with the truth because of his sufferings , saying , The disciple is not above his Master : and as he was proceeding , the Provost of the Town who had the oversight of the execution , did interrupt him , saying , that he would not be permitted to speak to the people ; whereupon having in some few words commended his soul to God , he took his death most patiently . The same year there arose a great contention amongst the Churchmen , for saying the Pater noster , upon this occasion . One Richard Marshal , Prior of the Black Friers at Newcastle in England , had been in S. Andrews , and in one of his Sermons taught , that the Pater noster should be said unto God only , and not unto the Saints . Some Doctors of the University taking exception against his doctrine , stirred up a Gray Frier called Frier Tottis to confute him , and prove that the Pater noster might be said unto the Saints . The Frier , an audacious and ignorant fellow , took the matter in hand and reading his text out of the fifth of S. Matthewes Gospel , Blessed are the poor in spirit , for unto them belongeth the kingdome of heaven , gathered upon it , that the Pater noster might be said to Saints , because all the Petitions in the prayer , said he , appertain to the Saints : for if we meet an old man in the street , we will say , Good morrow Father , much more in our prayers may we call the Saints our Fathers ; and seeing we grant they are in heaven , we may say to every one of them , Our Father which art in heaven . Then we know , said he , God hath made their names holy , so we may say to any of the Saints , Hallowed be thy name . And as they are in the Kingdome of heaven , so that Kingdome is theirs by possession ; therefore when we pray for the Kingdome of heaven , we may say to any of them , Thy kingdome come . In like manner , except their will had been the will of God , they had never come to that Kingdome ; therefore seeing their will is Gods will , we may say to every one of them , Thy will be done . But when he came to the fourth Petition , he was much troubled to find a colour for it , confessing it was not in the Saints power to give us daily bread ; yet they may pray , said he , to God for us , that he will give us our daily bread . The like glosse he made upon the rest of the Petitions , but with so little satisfaction of the hearers , as they all fell a laughing , and the children meeting him in the streets , did cry and call him , Frier Pater noster , whereof he grew so ashamed , that he left the City . Yet in the University , the contention ceased not , whereupon the Doctors did assemble to dispute , and decide the question . In that meeting , some held that the Pater noster was said to God , Formaliter , and to Saints Materialiter ; others not liking the distinction , said that the Pater noster ought to be said to God Principaliter , and to Saints minus Principaliter ; others would have it Ultimate , & non ultimate : others Primariò , & secundariò and some ( wherewith the most voices went ) said that the Pater noster should be said to God , Capiendo strictè , and to Saints , Capiendo largè . Yet did they not setle upon the distinction ; and after divers meetings , when they could not agree by common consent , the decision was remitted to the Provincial Synod , which was to meet at Edinburgh in Ianuary following . A simple fellow that served the Sub-prior in his chamber for the time , thinking there was some great matter in hand , that made the Doctors to convene so often , asked him one night as he went to bed , what the matter was ? The Sub-prior merrily answering , Tom ( that was the fellowes name ) we cannot agree whom to the Pater noster should be said ; he suddainly replyed , Sir , whom to should it be said but unto God ? then said the Sub-prior , What shall we do with the Saints ? he answered , Give them Ave's and Creeds enow in the devils name , for that may suffice them . This answer going abroad , many said , He hath given a wiser decision then all the Doctors had done with their distinctions . When the Synod convened , the question was again agitated , and after much reasoning , the same being put to voices , it was found that the Pater noster might be said unto the Saints . But the Bishops and such as had any judgement would not suffer the conclusiou to be enacted , ordaining the Sub-prior at his return to S. Andrews , for setling the minds of people , to shew that the Pater noster ought to be said to God , yet so that the Saints ought also to be invocated . And thus ended that contention . In this meeting , order was taken for publishing an English Catethisme , containing a short explanation of the Commandements , Belief , and Lords Prayer ; and the Curates enjoyned to read a part thereof every Sunday and holy day to the people , when there was no Sermon . This being imprinted , was sold for two pence , and therefore called by the vulgar The two-peny faith . The year following , another Provincial Councel was kept at Linlithgow , in which the maintainers of any opinions contrary to the Church of Rome were accused , and the Decrees of the Councel of Tyent , made in the time of Pope Paul the third received . Some Acts were made for reforming corrupt lives of the Clergy , but little or no execution followed ; they to whom the correction belonged , being themselves in the highest measure faulty and culpable . But the next year brought with it an alteration in both Kingdomes , to the Clergies great content ; for in England King Edward the sixt departed this life , a Prince of rare piety , and the special comfort of those who professed the Reformed Religion ; in whose place Queen Mary succeded , one wholly devoted to the Pope and his faction : And at home the Governour was induced by Robert Carnegie ( on whom he relied much ) and by Panter Bishop of Ross , to dimit the Regencie to Queen mother , of whom the Clergy held themselves more assured . She following the directions of her brother the Duke of Guise , and the Cardinal of Loraine , set her self to maintain Popish superstition at the uttermost , using lesse cruelty then did Queen Mary , but more policie , and to the same end . So as now the fear of change in Religion was gone , and the hopes quite dasht of those that sought Reformation ; yet the Lord by his providence did otherwise dispose things , and made that a mean to advance Religion amongst us which men thought should be utterly extinguished ; for some of those that fled from Queen Maries persecution , taking their refuge unto this Kingdome , did not onely help to keep in the light which was begun to shine , but made the Sunne break up more cleare then before . William Harlow a man of simple and mean condition , came first into the countrey ; he had served some years in the English Church with good approbation , and was at this time very comfortable to the faithful . After him came Iohn Willock a Franciscan sometime in the Town of Aire , who for love of Religion had left the countrey , and lived in England ; when the persecution arose there , he fled into Embden in Friesland , where he professed Medicine , and by that occasion was made known to Anna Countesse of Friesland , then a widow , who employed him in a Commission to the Queen Regent , in the year 1554. His Commission giving him some liberty , he kept most company with those he saw well affected in Religion ; and during the time of his aboad , was a great encourager of the professors . Returning the next year with commendatory letters from the same Countesse to Queen Regent , he made his stay in Edinburgh , where notwithstanding he was visited with an heavy sickness for divers moneths , he ceased not daily to instruct and exhort such as came unto him , who were neither few , nor of the meaner sort . In the end of the year Iohn Knox came into Scotland , to whom many of good note repaired ; for he taught daily in the house of one Iames Sim at Edinburgh , where he was secretly kept . In his teaching he laboured chiefly to inform his hearers , that in no case it was lawful to be present at the Masse , or to partake of the Papistical Sacraments . William Maitland younger of Lethington , a man of good learning and utterance , resorting often to his Sermons , and perceiving his vehemency in that point , took occasion one day in the presence of his auditors to say , That he did not think his doctrine well grounded , and that wise men ought to serve the time , and not expose their lives to unnecessary dangers , and so make themselves unprofitable to the Church . For even the Apostle S. Paul , said he , to eschew the tumult of the people at Ierusalem , went into the Temple , and purified himself with four men , that had a vow upon them , which otherwise then for eschewing the present danger , he would not have done . To this Iohn Knox answered , That men ought so to serve the time , as they neglect not their obedience unto God , whose Commandement , how great soever the danger be , may not be transgressed . For the ensample alledged , he said , the dissimilitude was great , seeing to go into the Temple to purifie and pay vowes , was sometimes commanded by God himself , whereas the Masse from the first invention of it was abominable idolatry , and never allowed of God. Further he said , that it might justly be doubted , if either S. Pauls fact , or the advice that S. James and the Elders of Jerusalem gave him had any good warrant , seeing the event proved not such as they did promise to themselves ; for S. Paul was so farre from purchasing thereby the favour of the Jewes , as to the contrary they rising in a tumult , threw him forth of the Temple , and had almost killed him ; so as it seemed God did not allow his doing , for that it served to confirm the obstinate Jewes in their superstition . By these and the like answers to the rest of the allegations propounded , the hearers were so satisfied , as they resolved to go no more to Masse , but to make an open separation , whose ensample divers others both of the Town and Countrey followed . This being observed by the Priests , and others of the inferiour Clergy they complained to the Bishops , and shewed how the Church-service was contemned , and people drawn away to private conventicles . The Bishops meaning the case to the Queen Regent , she was much commoved ; yet advised them to use their own authority , and spare her for a little time , lest the Articles of the marriage which was then treating betwixt her daughter and the Daulphine of France , might receive some crosse at the Convention of the Estates . Hereupon they took counsel to call Iohn Knox , and summoned him to appear in the Church of Black friers at Edinburgh the fifteenth of May. But when the day came , they took a new device and deserted the Diet , pretending some informality in the Summons ; howbeit the true cause was , that a number of Barons and Gentlemen were come to the Town to assist him . After that time his preaching grew publick , and was more frequented then before . The Earls of Glencarn and Marshall , repaired daily thereto , and were so taken with his Sermons , as they did counsell him to write unto the Queen Regent , and intreat her to make a Reformation of the Church ; which he did ; the letter was delivered by the Earle of Glencarne , but she calling it a Pasquill , gave the same to the Archbishop of Glasgow , and made no more accompt thereof . This is that letter which was afterwards published in Print , and intituled , A letter to Queen Dowager . Letters about the same time were brought to Iohn Knox from the English Church at Geneva , declating that they had elected him to be their Preacher , and requesting him to come and accept the Charge . This letter he communicated with those that were his ordinary auditors ; and when he saw them exceedingly grieved for his departing , gave his promise to return , how soon they should finde it fit to recall him . Soon after he took leave of them and went to his journey , but was not well gone , when upon a new citation directed by the Clergy ( because he appeared not ) he was condemned for an heretick , and burnt in effigie , at the Mercat-crosse of Edinburgh ; This was done in the moneth of Iuly , 1556. the copy of the sentence being sent unto him , he published an Apology , intituling it An appellation from the Clergy to the Nobility and Commons of Scotland . This year many prodigious signes were observed : A Comet of that kind , which the Astronomers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the vulgars a firie Bissome , shined the whole moneths of November , December , and Ianuary ; great Rivers in the middest of winter dried up , and in the summer swelled so high , as divers Villages were therewith drowned , and numbers of cattel feeding in the valley grounds carried to the sea ; Whales of a huge greatnesse were cast out into sundry parts of the River of Forth ; hailstones of the bignesse of a Doves egge falling in many parts , destroyed abundance of Cornes ; and , which was most terrible , a firie Dragon was seen to flie low upon the earth , vomiting forth fire both in the day and night season ; which lasted a long time , and put the people to a necessity of watching their houses and Corn-yards . These direful signes ( as every man is led by his fancy to presage ) were taken by some to be progonosticks of great troubles that should ensue upon the Match with France ; others said that thereby was signified some great change in the estate of the Church . And indeed after this the estimation of the Clergy daily diminished , and divers of that number relinquishing their order , made open profession of the truth . Mr. Iohn Dowglas , a Carmelite Frier , forsaking his Order , became a Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle , who resided then at Court , and spoke openly in his Sermons against Popish superstitions . In Dundy , Paul Methven did publickly exhort the people to renounce the doctrine of Rome , and submit themselves to the doctrine of Christ. And in all the parts of the countrey , some were daily breaking forth , especially from the Cloisters ; and declaiming against the corruptions of the Church . The Bishops perceiving it would be to no purpose to convene the Preachers before themselves for heresie , moved the Queen Regent to call them before the Councell for raising mutinies , and stirring up people to sedition , hoping that way at least to restrain their publick teaching : but at the day appointed for their appearance , such numbers of people did accompany them , as it was held safest not to call them till the multitude was disperst ; and for that effect a Proclamation was given out , charging all persons that were come to the Town without licence of the Authority , to repaire immediately to the borders , and attend the Lieutenant in the service against England , for the space of 15. dayes . The Gentlemen of the West countrey , who were but lately returned from the same service esteeming this a sort of oppression , went in a tumult to the Palace , and entering the Queens Privy chamber , complained of the unreasonable Proclamation that was sent forth . The Queen began to excuse the matter , and shew the necessity of their attendance for some short time , but they would not be satisfised ; And one Iames Chalmers of Gaitgirth , a froward and furious man , stepping forward , said , We know Madam that this is the device of the Bishops who stand by you ; we avow to God it shall not go so , they oppresse us and our poor tenants for feeding their idle bellies , they trouble our Preachers , and seek to undoe them and us all ; we will not suffer it any longer . And with those words , every man made to his weapon . The Queen being extremely feared , gave them many good words , praying them to use no violence , and saying , that she meant no ill to their Preachers ; that she would hear the controversie betwixt the Bishops and them ; and that the present Diet with the Proclamation given out should be discharged : so the force ceased , and all was quiet for that time . Not long after , there arrived a messenger from the French King with letters to the Nobility , desiring that the marriage should be consummated betwixt the young Queen , and the Daulphin his son , and that certain Commissioners should be sent to assist the solemnity . A convention of Estates being called to this purpose in December following , choice was made of eight persons to go in that journey ; for the spiritual Estate were named Iames Beaton Archbishop of Glasgow , and Iames Stewart Prior of S. Andrews , base brother to the young Queen ; For the Nobility , Gilbert Kennedy Earl of Cassils , George Lesley Earle of Rothes , and Iames Lord Fleming ; For the Burrowes , George Lord Seaton Provost of Edinburgh , and Iohn Areskin of Dun Provost of Montrosse . The great dysasters that happened both in their going and returning , brought many to think the marriage would not prove happy , and prosperous . For having shipped at Leith in the moneth of February , they were dispersed by a mighty tempest , and one of their vessels that carried their horses , cast away at S. Ebbes head , before they left the Scottish shore ; another wherein the Earl of Rothes , and Bishop of Orkney sailed , with all the furniture for the marriage ( which was very rich and costly ) perished upon the coast of France , nigh unto Bulloign , the Earl and Bishop hardly escaping by the shipboat , which carried them to land . Neither had they any better fortune in their return homewards ; for at Deep , divers of the chief persons fell sick and died . The Bishop of Orkney , a man of singular wisdome and experience , ( who in his time had performed many honourable ambassages , to the credit and benefit of his countrey ) ended there his life the 14. of September , 1558. the Earl of Rothes died two-dayes after him , and the Earl of Cassils Thesaurer of the Realm , a vertuous Nobleman , went the same way . The Lord Fleming a brave young Nobleman returned to Paris , suspecting some contagion , and deceased in December following . These deaths falling out so suddainly together , bred a suspicion in many that they were made away by poison : which was the rather believed , because the French King was known to be displeased for their refuse of the matrimonial Crown to his son ; however it was , the apprehension taken therefore , begate a great hatred of the French amongst the people of this Realme . In the moneth of April , Walter Mill an old decrepit Priest having ceased from saying of Masse , became suspected , and was upon the same apprehended in Dysert by Sir George Strachen , and Sir Hugh Torry , two of the Archbishops of S. Andews Priests ; he was kept in the Castle , and earnestly laboured to recant and acknowledge his errors : but continuing firm and constant in his opinions , his trial at last made , and he accused in presence of the Bishops of S. Andrews , Murray , Brichen , Cathnes , and Athens ; the Abbots of Dunfermlin , Lundors , Balmerinoth , and Couper ; Dean Iohn Winrame , Sub-prior , Iohn Grison a black Frier , Mr. William Cranston Provost of the old Colledge , and divers other Doctors of the University . When he came into the Church , and was led to the place where they had appointed him to stand , he looked so feeble partly by age and travel , partly by ill entertainment , as it was feared none should hear what he answered . Yet how soon he began to speak , he delivered his mind with such quicknesse and courage , as amazed his very enemies . Sir Andrew Oliphant , one of the Archbishops Priests , commanded him to arise ( for he was upon his knees ) and answer to the Articles , said , Sir Walter Mill get up and answer , for you keep my Lord here too long ; he notthelesse continued in his devotion , and that done he arose , and said , he ought to obey God more then man ; I serve a mightier Lord then your Lord is . And where you call me Sir Walter , they call me Walter , and not Sir Walter ; I have been too long one of the Popes Knights : now say what you have to say . Oliphant then began with this question , What thinkest thou of Priests marriage ? He answered , I esteem it a blessed bond , ordained by God , approved by Christ , and made free to all sorts of men ; but you abhorre it , and in the mean time take other mens wives and daughters , you vow chastity , and keep it not . Oliphant proceeding said , Thou sayest that there is not seven Sacraments . He answered , Give me the Lords Supper , and Baptisme , and take you the rest and part them amongst you . Oliphant . Thou sayest that the Masse is idolatry . He answered , A Lord sendeth and calleth many to his dinner , and when it is ready ringeth the Bell , and they come into the Hall , but he turning his back upon the guests , eateth all himself , giving them no part ; and so do you . Oliph . Thou deniest the Sacrament of the Altar to be the body of Christ really in flesh and blood . He answered , The Scripture is not be taken carnally , but spiritually ; and your Masse is wrong : for Christ was once offered on the Crosse for mans sin , and will never be offered again , for then he put end to all sacrifices . Oliph . Thou deniest the office of the Bishop . He answered , I affirm they whom you call Bishops , do not Bishops works , nor use the Offices of Bishops , but live after their own sensual pleasures , taking no care for the flock , nor yet regarding the word of God. Oliph . Thou speakest against pilgrimage , and callest it a pilgrimage to whoredome . He answered , I say that pilgrimage is not commanded in the Scripture , and that there is no greater whoredome in any place then at your pilgrimages , except it be in the common brothels . Oliph . Thou preachest privately in houses , and sometimes in the fields . He answered , Yea man , and upon the sea too , when I am sailing . Oliph . If thou wilt not recant thy opinions , I will pronounce sentence against thee . He answered , I know I must die once , therefore as Christ said to Judas , Quod facis fac citò ; you shall know that I will not recant the truth , for I am corn , and no chaffe ; I will neither be blowne away with the wind , nor burst with the flaile , but will abide both . These answers he gave with a great boldnesse , to the admiration of all that were present . Then did Oliphant pronounce sentence , ordaining him to be delivered to the temporal Judge , and burnt as an heretick ; but because no man could be found to supply the place of a Judge , ( for Patrick Lermond Bailiffe of the Regalty did absolutely refuse ) nor in the whole City so much as a cord to be had for money to tye him , after he should be condemned , his life for one day was prolonged . The next morning one of the Archbishops domesticks called Alexander Somervaile , a wicked and flagitious man , supplying the place of the temporal Judge , condemned him to the fire ; and because no cords could be had , the ropes of the Archbishops Pavilion were taken to serve the purpose . As the time of his suffering drew near , his constancy and courage still encreased ; for being conveyed to the fire with a number of armed men , when he was come to the place , and the Priest Oliphant did command him to go to the stake , he said , No , I will not go , except thou put me up with thy hand ; for by the law of God I am forbidden to put hands in my self , but wilt thou put to thy hand and take part of my death , thou shalt see me go up gladly . Then Oliphant putting him forward , he went up with a chearful countenance , saying , Introibo ad altare Dei ; and desired he might be permitted to speak to the people . Oliphant , and the executioners said , that he had spoken too much , and that the Bishops were offended with the delay . Yet some youths that stood by , willed him to speak what he pleased , giving the executioners and Bishops both to the devil . So after he had made his prayer upon his knees he arose , and standing upon the coales , spake to the people a few words to this effect . Dear friends , the cause why I suffer this day , is not for any crime laid to my charge , though I acknowledge my self a miserable sinner before God , but only for the defence of Iesus Christ , set forth in the old and new Testaments : for which as many faithful Martyrs have offered their lives most gladly , being assured after their death to enjoy endlesse felicity ; so this day I praise God , that he hath called me of his mercy amongst the rest of his servants , to seal up his truth with my life , which as I have received of him , so willingly I offer it to his glory . Therefore as you would escape eternal death , be no more seduced with the lyes of the Priests , Monks , Friers , Priors , Abbots , Bishops , and the rest ' of the sect of Antichrist ; but depend onely upon Iesus Christ and his mercy , that you may be delivered from condemnation . The multitude that lookt on made a great lamentation , for they were exceedingly moved with his words . When the fire was kindled , and began to flame , he cried , Lord have mercy on me , pray good people whilest there is time ; and thus departed , shewing a wonderful courage and resolution of spirit . The Citizens took his death so grievously , that lest it should be forgotten , they made up a great heap of stones in the place where his body was burnt ; and when the Priests had caused the heap twice or thrice to be carried away , denouncing such as should bring any stones thither accursed ; still it was renewed , untill watches were appointed to see who they were , that brought any stones to the place , and charge given to apprehend them . The Epitaph made upon him is worthy the inserting . Non nostra impietas , aut actae crimina vitae Armarunt hostes in mea fata truces . Sola fides Christi , sacris signata libellis , Quae vitae causa est , & mihi causa necis . This man was the last Martyr that died in Sco●land for Religion , and his death the very death of Popery in this Realme ; for thereby the minds of men were so greatly enraged , as resolving thereafter openly to professe the truth , they did bind themselves by promise and subscription to oaths , if any should be called in question for matters of Religion at any time after , they should take up Armes , and join in defence of their brethren against the tyrannous persecution of the Bishops . The work of Reformation did hereupon take a beginning , the story whereof before I set down ( after I have remembred some worthy persons that lived in those times ) I will adde the Catalogue of our Bishops in the rest of the Sees of this Kingdome , so farre as I have been enformed or learned by diligent search . Sir David Lindsay of Mont shall first be named , a man honourably descended , and greatly favoured by King Iames the first . Besides his knowledge and deep judgement in Heraldry ( whereof he was the chief ) and in other publick affairs , he was most religiously inclined , but much hated by the Clergy , for the liberty he used in condemning the superstition of the time , and rebuking their loose and dissolute lives . Notthelesse he went unchallenged , and was not brought in question ; which shewed the good account wherein he was held . Divers poesies he wrote in his mother tongue , which gave evidence of his quicknesse of wit , and the knowledge he had in histories . In the beginning of the Governours Regencie , he did attend him till the Governour misled by ill counsel , made his authority subject to the Cardinal . After that time he lived for the most part private , and died in a good age , the Queen Regent having the administration of affairs . Next to him shall be remembred Mr. Patrick Cockburn , a Gentleman of the house of Langton , in the Merss ; this man having attained by his studies to great learning , lived a long time in the University of Paris well esteemed . What course he took afterwards I know not , nor where he died ; but by the Treatises yet extant that he wrote , it appeareth that he was a man of good learning , and a favourer of the truth . The third shall be Iohn Mackbrair a Gentleman of Galloway , who forsaking the countrey for Religion , became a Preacher in the English Church ; in the time of Queen Maries persecution he fled to Frankford , and served the English congregation as Minister . Afterwards called by some occasion to the charge of a Church in the lower Germany , he continued there the rest of his dayes . Some Homilies he left upon the Prophecie of Hosea , and an History of the beginning and progresse of the English Church . To these I shall adde our countreyman Robert Wachop , though he lived and died an adversary to the truth , seeing by his vertue and learning he purchased both credit and dignity in forain parts ; and , which almost exceedeth beliefe , being blind from his very birth , onely by learning the lessons and conferences of learned men , he grew to such knowledge , as in the University of Paris none of the Doctors was held more learned , nor had a more frequent auditory : being afterward promoved to the Archbishoprick of Armach in Ireland , he was employed in divers legations to the Emperour , and King of France by Pope Paul the third , which he discharged with such prudence , as he came to be greatly esteemed with all the Princes to whom he was known . At last in his return homewards from Rome , in the year 1551. he died at Paris , much lamented of all that University . Coming now to set down the Catalogue of Bishops in the rest of the Sees , I shall keep the order of the Provinces , and begin with Dunkeld , the Bishop whereof hath hitherto been reckoned in the first place . The Bishops of DUNKELD In the City of Dunkeld , there was of old an Abbey founded by Constantine the third King of Picts , about the year 729. to the memory of S Columbe , in which the Culdees were placed ; King David in the year 1130. did erect it to be a Bishops See ; and recommending one Gregorius to the place , obtained Pope Alexander the third his confirmation thereof ; he sate 42. years , and was much favoured by that good King. The lands of Anchtertaile , with divers others appertaining to that See , were of King David his gift . This Bishop diet at Dunkeld , in the year 1169. 2. Richard , Chaplain to King William , was elected in his place , and consecrated in S. Andrews upon the vigils of S. Laurrence by Richard Bishop of S. Andrews . This Bishop was commended for vindicating the Church of Abercorne forth of the hands of a laick person named Iohn Avonele , who claimed the Patronage thereof ; he sate four years , and dying at Crawmold , was buried in S. Colmes Inche in the year 1173. 3. Cormacus succeeded in his place , to whom King William gave the lands of Dalgathy ; he died in the year 1177. 4. In his place was chosen Walter de Bidden , who was Chancellour to King William , but he lived not many years . 5. Iohn Scot an English man born , being Archdeacon of S. Andrews , had been elected Bishop of that See , but that his election being withstood by the King as we shewed before , he was after Biddens death promoved by the Popes consent to Dunkeld ; a man that made conscience of his charge , and was painful in his office . The countrey of Argyle was at that time of the Dioces of Dunkeld , the people whereof did only speak Irish , and neither understood the Bishop , nor he them . Upon this he travelled to have the Dioces divided , and Argyle erected into an Episcopal See ; and to that effect sent a letter to Pope Clement the third , intreating that one Evaldus his Chaplain , who could speak Irish , a wise and godly person , might have the charge of that part committed to him ; for , How , said he , can I make an accompt to the Iudge of the world in the last day , when I cannot be understood of them , whom I teach ? The maintenance is sufficient for two Bishops , if we be not prodigal of the patrimony of Christ , and will live with that moderation , which becometh his servants ; it shall therefore be much better to diminish the charge , and increase the number of able workmen in the Lords field . The Pope reading the letter , and considering how earnest he was to be eased of his charge , though to his own temporal losse , said , It is the study of others to enlarge their bounds and livings , not caring how it goeth with the people , and here is one that requesteth his Benefice may be parted in two . O how few Bishops are now in the Christian world so disposed ! and so commending greatly the Bishops disposition granted his request , sending back Evaldus ( for he was the messenger ) consecrated Bishop as was desired . The Bishop glad to have obtained his desire , entered Evaldus to the charge , and followed diligently his own in that part which remained . Some few dayes before his death , he rendred himself a Monk in Newbotle , and there departed this life in the year 1203. his body was interred in the Quire of that Church upon the North side of the Altar . William Bining , afterwards Abbot of Cowper , did write his life , but the story is perished . 6. After his death Richard Provand , King Williams Chaplain , was consecrated Bishop , and lived a few years onely in the See , for he departed this world in the year 1210. and was buried in Inchcolme . 7. Iohn Leicester , cousen to King William , and elected successour , and dying at Crawmond , was buried in Inchcolme with his predecessour in the year 1214. 8. Hugo , called Hugo de sigillo , a Monk of Aberbrothock , succeeded unto Leicester , a man of a sweet and amiable disposition , he was called the poor mans Bishop , and lived not a year after his consecration . 9. Matthew Chancellour of Scotland was then elected , but he died the same year before he was consecrated . 10. To him succeeded Gilbert Chaplain to Bishop Hugo ; he sate 22. years , and died in the year 1236. 11. Galfrid Liverance was elected in his stead . This Bishop was a zealous man , he reformed the service of the Church ad usum Sarum ; and ordained the Chanons to make residence at Dunkeld , giving them the Commons of that Church for their entertainment . He died at Tibbermoore in the yeare 1249. and was buried at Dunkeld . 12. After Galfrids death Richard Chancellour to the King succeeded , and dying the same year at Crawmond , was buried in Inchcolme . 13. After him Mr. Richard of Innerkething , Chancellour of Scotland , was elected , who sate 22. years ; he built the great Quire of the Abbey Church in Inchcolme upon his own charges , and died very old in the year 1272. He is much commended for his faithful service done to King Alexander . His body was interred at Dunkeld , and his heart laid in the North wall of the Quire , which he built in Inchcolme . 14. Robert Sutevile Dean of Dunkeld , debarred at first from the Bishoprick of S. Andrews , by the ambitious suite of Abill the Archdeacon , was at this time preferred to be Bishop of Dunkeld ; he died in the year 1300. and governed the See 28. yeares , Moribus , scientia , & vita praeclarus . 15. After him Matthew by recommendation of Edward the first of England , who kept Scotland then under subjection , was advanced to the Bishoprick , and sate 12. yeares . 16. William Sinclare a brother of the house of Roslin , and Uncle to William Lord Bisset , succeeded . This is he that King Robert the Bruce used to call his own Bishop ; for the King being in Ireland with an Army for the supply of his brother Edward , the English taking advantage of his absence , sent two Armies to invade the kingdom ; the one by land , the other by sea . The Sea Army landed in Fife , near to Anchtertaile , ( where the Bishop had his residence ) which the Sheriffe of the countrey for hindering their depredations went to encounter , but at the sight of their numbers he gave back and fled ; the Bishop hearing of their flight , brought forth his ordinary train , and casting himself in the Sheriffes way , asked why he fled : and having checkt him bitterly for his cowardize , called for a lance , crying aloud , You that love the honour of Scotland , follow me . By this forwardnesse he put such courage in the rest , as they returning upon the English , did chase them all back to their ships , one of the ship-boats overcharged with the company that leapt into it was sunk , and in that conflict were drowned and slain 500. English and above . The honour of this victory was wholly ascribed to the Bishops courage , for which he was greatly favoured by the King. He built in his time the Quire of Dunkeld from the ground , which the Army of England had demolished ; redeemed the lands of Green oke from one Simon Cader , and gave to his Archdeacon the Church of Logia Leguhy , with the Vicaridge pensionary of little Dunkeld ; afterwards dying the 27. day of Iune , Anno 1338. he was buried in the Quire of Dunkeld , in a marble Tombe by himselfe erected . 17. The same year one Duncan an English man born was consecrated Bishop ; he set in few the lands of Fordel to Walter Fotheringham , at the desire of Edward Baliol , and died in the year 1364. after he had sate 26. years . 18. To him succeeded Michael of Monimuske Chamberlain of Scotland ; he died the first of March , 1376. and was buried in the Quire of Dunkeld . 19. After him Mr. Iohn Peblis Chancellour to King David Bruce , came to the place , a man learned , and of great authority ; he sate 20. years in the See. 20. In the year 1396. Robert Carden son to Iohn Carden of that ilk , was consecrated Bishop , and governed the See the space of 40. years . He did many good things in his time to his Church , building and inlarging it at his own charge , and acquired thereunto divers lands , as the town of Crawmond , with the lands adjoyning , for which he gave in excambion , the lands of Cambo in the same Parish , and the lands of Muchler besides Dunkeld . He died the 16. of Ianuary , 1436. and was buried hononrably in S. Ninians Chappel of Dunkeld , which himself had built . 21. To him succeeded Donald Macknachtan Dean of Dunkeld , Doctor of the Common law , and Nephew to Bishop Robert his predecessour ; he was elected by the Chapter , but King Iames the first misliking the choice , opposed his entry , whereupon he took journey to Rome to obtain his election confirmed , and died by the way as he was travelling thither . 22. Iames Kennedy Nephew to King Iames the first by his sister , was then preferred to the See , two years he sate Bishop in Dunkeld , and was afterwards translated to S. Andrews , as before we have shewed . 23. Upon his translation Mr. Alexander Lawder Parson of Rothow , and brother germane to the Bishop of Glasgow , then Chancellour of the kingdome , was elected Bishop , but he died the same year ( which was the year 1440. ) at Edinburgh , and was buried with his Ancestors in the Church of Lawder . 24. Mr. Iames Bruce Parson of Killmeny , was after him consecrated Bishop of Dunkeld at Dunfermlin the fourth of February in the year of Christ 1441. and sate Bishop the space of 6. years . In the seventh year he was translated to the Bishoprick of Glasgow , and made Chancellour of the kingdome . 25. To him succeeded Mr. Iohn Ralston ; he was Secretary to King Iames the second , and sate Bishop little above three years , dying in Dunkeld , in the year 1450. where he was buried . 26. Master Thomas Lawder , Preceptor or Master of Lowtrey , who had been Tutour to Kings Iames the second in his youth , at the age of 60. years was elected Bishop after Ralston by the Kings recommendation ; he took great paines in preaching , and by his continual exhortations and exemplary life , wonne that unruly people to the obedience of God and the King. Having finished the building of the Church , he dedicated the same in the year 1454. and adorned it in most magnificent manner . He obtained of the King an erection of the Bishops lands on the North side of Forth , into a Barony called the Barony of Dunkeld ; as likewise the lands in the South , into another which was called the Barony of Aberlady : built a Bridge upon the River of Tay , nigh to his own Palace ; founded a number of Chaplanries , and Prebends , partly in Edinburgh , partly in Dunkeld ; made purchase of two lodgings , one in Edinburgh , and another at Perth , for the receipt of his succescessours : and having done many good works , resigned his Bishoprick because of his great age , to Master Iames Levinston Dean of Dunkeld . 27. This resignation was crossed a while by Thomas Spence Bishop of Aberdene , whose credit in the Court was great at that time , but upon transaction amongst themselves , the Kings consent was obtained , and he consecrated at Dunkeld by Iohn Hepburn Bishop of Dumblaine , Iohn Balfour Bishop of Brichen , and the said Thomas Spence in the year 1476. He sate seven years two moneths and five dayes , and dying at Edinburgh , was buried in the Isle of Inchcolme . 28. The Chapter after Levingstones decease made choice of Alexander Inglis Dean of Dunkeld , and Keeper of the Rolls in the time of King Iames the third , but Pope Sextus the fourth cassing his election , gave the Bishoprick to George Brown Chancellour of Aberdene ( who was then at Rome ) and consecrated him Bishop in Saint Iames Church , Anno 1484. The King displeased with this promotion , declared him rebel , and complained thereof to the Pope and Cardinals ; but the Pope maintaining his own gift , the King was afterwards reconciled to him , and he peaceably possessed in the Bishopricks . This Bishop was a strict observer of discipline , and by his austere and rigorous formes wrought a great reformation in all the parts of his Dioces , which he distributed in four Deanries , placing one in the Borders of Atholl and Drumalbane , another in Fife , Fothrick , and Strathern , the third in Angus , and the fourth in the parts besouth Forth . The penalties of offenders he gave to the use of the Church where they resided , saying commonly , Oleum peccatorum non impinguet caput meum . He was a man given much to hospitality , and withall very careful of the Church , for he recovered to the See the lands of Fordel and Muckarsie , with the Forest of Birnan , that had been alienated before his time , founded divers Prebends and Chaplanries , and gave many ornaments to the Cathedral Church . Before his death he was tormented with the Felt gravel , which he bare most patiently , professing that he was glad to endure those pains as serving to wean his heart and affection from the love of this world ; and so departed this life most happily the twelfth of Ianuary , 1514. 29. Andrew Stewart brother to Iohn Earl of Athol , was upon his death postulated Bishop , but it took no effect , Master Gawan Douglas brother to the Earl of Angus , and Provost of Saint Giles in Edinburgh being preferred thereto by Pope Leo the tenth . This gift was quarrelled by the Duke of Albany Governour , and the Bishop called in question for his traficking with Rome without licence ; whereupon he was committed and continued prisoner a whole year . Afterwards compounding with Andrew Stewart , to whom he gave the Churches of Alight , and Cargill , he got peaceable possession of the See ; yet the troubles that followed in the countrey , made him forsake the same , and undertake a journey to Rome . In his way thither he died of the plague at London in Savoy house in the year 1522. A man learned , wise , and given to all vertue and goodnesse ; some monuments of his engenie he left in Scottish meeter which are greatly esteemed , especially his translation of Virgil his books of AEneids . 30. George Creighton succeeded , a man nobly disposed , and a great house-keeper , but in matters of his calling not very skilled . In the question of Religion ( which was in his time severely agitated ) he loved to have things calmly carried , but his counsel took little place . It was he that said to one of his Vicars , whom he was perswading to leave his opinions , That he thanked God that he knew neither the Old nor the New Testaments , and yet had prospered well enough all his dayes . 31. Robert Creighton his Nephew was preferred upon his death to the See , in whose time fell out the reformation of the Church . The Bishops of ABERDENE . 1. Malcolme the second in memory of the defeat he gave the Danes at Murthlack , founded there a Bishops seat in the year 1010. and preferred one Beanus thereto , a man of singular vertue and godlinesse , gifting to him and his successors the lands of Murthlack , Cloveth , and Dummeth . This Bishop sate 32. years , and dying in Murthlack , was buried at the Postern door of the Church , which himself had built . 2. Donortius who succeeded him , lived Bishop 42. years , and was interred with his predecessor . 3. Cormachus the third Bishop of this See governed the same 39. years , and was buried likewise with his predecessors . 4. Nectanus succeeded ; in his time King David did translate the See from Murthlack to Aberdene , and gave to him and his successors the lands of old Aberdene , Sclaty , Goull , Moorecroft , Kurmundy , Mowmenlach , Clat , Talynstine , Rayne , Dawyot , and their Churches , with divers others lands , whereby the See was greatly enriched : this Bishop died in the year 1154. having sate 14. years at Murthlack , and 17. at Aberdene . 5. After the death of Nectanus , one Edward was promoved , who was greatly favoured by Malcolme the fourth , called the Maiden , and was thought to have perswaded the King to continue in his single life : he was the first Bishop that brought the Chanons to do ordinary service in the Church of Aberdene , and died in the eleventh year after his consecration . 6. Matthew Kinninmouth Archdeacon of S. Andrews succeeded , a man famous for learning , and other excellent vertues . In his time began the Cathedral Church of Aberdene to be built unto the memory of S. Machar , to whom King Malcolme gave the lands of Tuligreg , Fetternew , Invercrowden , Banchordeneif , Balhelvy , and the Patronages of the Churches . He sate Bishop 34. years . 7. Iohn Prior of Kelso was next elected Bishop ; this man is greatly commended for liberality to the poor , and magnificence in the buildings and ornaments of the Church ; he died the next year after his consecration . 8. One Adam was assumed in his place rather for satisfying King Williams pleasure , then for any good affection born to the man by the rest of the Clergy ; at first he shewed no great care in his charge , giving himselfe wholly to temporall affaires ; yet after King Williams death , he grew quite another man , setting himself to amend his former negligences . He sate 21. years . 9. Upon his death the Clergy and people of Aberdene postulated Matthew Chancellour of the kingdome , who was willing to accept the place , but Dunkeld falling void in the mean season , King Alexander the second preferred him to that See. 10. And Gilbert Striveling a man well born , and much esteemed for his integrity of life , obtained the place , but he lived not many years , departing this world in the eleventh year after his election . 11. Radolph Abbot of Aberbrothotk succeeded , being with an uniform consent of the Clergy and people elected Bishop ; he was brought with great difficulty to accept the charge ; a man of great prudence , and painful in his calling : for he travelled through all his Dioces on foot , preaching and visiting the Churches , that he might know their true estate ; and is said never to have changed his form of living that he used in the Cloister , and to have been more abstinent and sparing both in diet and apparel , then he was before ; he died some eight years after his consecration , which was about the year of Christ , 1247. 12. Peter Ramsay , a man of good learning , was next chosen Bishop ; he was a man very kind to the Chanons , and parted many of his rents amongst them ; he sate Bishop ten years , and deceased about the seventh or eighth year of King Alexander the third his reign . 13. Presently after his death Richard Pottock an English man was elected , who sate Bishop 13. years . 14. Hugh Benham elected by the Monks went to Rome , and was there consecrated by Pope Martin the fourth ; after he had remained there the space of a year , he returned to Scotland , at which time there was a great contention between the Churchmen and the people of the countrey for certain tithes , that the Priests did exact too rigorously . The difference being submitted to him , he composed the same in a Convention of the Clergy at Perth , wherein the King and many of the Nobles were present , and died of a Catarrhe , being very old , in the Isle of Louchgoull , about the year 1280. 15. Henry Cheyn , Nephew to the Lord Cummyn , was preferred to the See ; the troubles which in his time brake forth in the Kingdome between Bruce and Baliol , wrought him great vexation ; for whilest he took part with his Uncle against Bruce , he was banished into England , where he lived untill the end of these warres , and then licenced by King Robert to return ▪ he gave himselfe to repair the Church , and restore all things , which the licenciousnesse of warre had disordered : he died the same year in which King Robert the Bruce ended his life , that is , in the year of Christ 1329. which was the 48. year after his consecration . 16. Alexander Kinninmouth Doctor of Divinity succeeded in his place , a great lover of learning and learned men , whom out of all parts he drew to make residence with himself . In the winter season he dwelt at Murthlack , and when the the spring opened , at Aberdene , because of the confluence of people all that time of the year : all the summer and harvest time he remained at Fetterneir and Rain , that he might the more commodiously discharge his office in every part of his Dioces . The English in his time set on fire the Town of Aberdene , which burnt six dayes together , and did much harm ; his own Palace , with the whole houses of the Chanons were thereby consumed , which was thought to have hastened his death ; he departed this life in the eleventh year of his consecration . 17. William Deyn was made Bishop in his stead , the most of his time the Realme was infested with warres , whereby he was impeded in many good purposes that he intended , and had much adoe to keep the Clergy in obedience , for every man during the warre , took liberty to do what they thought good ; he sate Bishop the space of ten years . 18. After him Iohn Raith Doctor of Divinity was chosen Bishop by the Monks ; he lived only six years Bishop , and was buried in the Quire of Aberdene . 19. King David Bruce returning from France about this time had brought with him in company one Nicolaus , a corrupt and ambitious man , who procured the Kings recommendation to the Chapter of Aberdene for his election . The Chanons excused themselves , saying , The Church of Aberdene was not so scant of men as to admit an unworthy person into the place . And howsoever the King in his Kingdome might do what he pleased , they were by their oathes astricted to admit none but learned men , and such as were approved for integrity of life : wherefore intreated the King in humble manner to suffer them , as they had been accustomed , to elect some wise and grave person , that could discharge the place with credit : which after some moneths they obtained , making choice of one Alexander Kinninmouth , who was consecrated in the Town of Perth , the King himself being present . This man answered fully the hopes conceived of h●m , and took great pains in his calling ; for on the ferial dayes he taught the Civil and Canon law , and the holy dayes he spent in preaching and prayer . Thrice every week he fasted , contenting himself in the holy Eves with bread and water . He caused demolish the old Church of Aberdene , which he esteemed not so beautiful as was fitting for a Cathedral Church , and laid the foundation of another more magnificent . But ere the work was advanced six cubits high , he was employed by King Robert the second in an Ambassage to France , for renewing the old league , which he worthily performed ; shortly after his return he died , having sate Bishop 24. years . 20. Adam Conningham , a man well descended , and of great authority , was after him elected . This Bishop is said to have been in such accompt for the his wisdom and sincerity , that in all matters of importance propounded in Councel , his opinion did ever prevail . His frequent imployments with the French King , as well before , as after his preferment to the See , and the happy successe he had therein , manifested his prudence and dexterity of wit : yet as it falleth out often in Courts , upon some envious delations the King became jealous of him , as if he had practised with some Noblemen against the Royal succession , and pressed to reduce the old form of election of Kings . Finding that the King had taken some impression of the report , albeit nothing was more false , he took counsell to retire himself , and attend his charge at home : where he had not long staid , but he fell in a new trouble , with a base sonne of the Kings , named Alexander , a man extremely vicious , and for his oppressions hated of all good men . To the Bishop he bare a special grudge , because of the liberty he had used in reproving his wickednesse ; and hearing in what dislike the Bishop was with the King , he violently possessed himself in the Bishops lands , thrust forth his tenants , and behaved himself as Master , and Lord of all . The Bishop complained to the King , but finding no redresse , he pronounced him excommunicate ; wherewith the wicked man incensed , associating a number as wickedly disposed as himself , did swear to take the Bishops life , and came to Aberdene of that intention . Whereof the Bishop getting advertisement , he went forth to meet him on the way , and how soon he saw him , discovering his head , which was all white , ( for he was a man of great age ) said , If this be it that thou seekest , I have brought it unto thee , take thee head , life , and all . The company admiring the old mans courage , and moved with some compassion of his white haires , perswaded Alexander not to meddle with his blood . The report of this insolencie going to the King , he sent for his sonne , and committing him to prison ▪ caused satisfaction to be given for all the injuries the Bishop had sustained , and surety for his indemnity thereafter . After which he enjoyed reasenable quietnesse untill his death , which happened in the year of Christ , 1390. having sate Bishop ten years . 21. Gilbert Grimlaw , a man learned , wise , and of great esteem with the Nobles of the Kingdom , was consecrated Bishop of Aberdene the same year ; he had been Chancellour to King Robert the third a long time , which office he discharged with great credit , and to the contentment of all the subjects : after the Kings death ( the Earle of Fife brother to the deceased King then governing the Realm ) he was employed in an Ambassage to Charles the seventh of France , and went thither in the company of the Earls of Buchan and Douglas , who with divers other Noblemen were afterward unfortunately killed at the battel of Vernoil . The Bishop at his return found all things out of frame , the Governour dead , his sonne Mordach placed in his room , and the whole estate miserable by the riots and oppressions which were used every where without punishment . This made the Bishop retire himself and live private at home , where soon after he died of a consumption in the year 1424. his body was interred in the Quire of the Cathedral Church . 22. After his death Henry Leighton Bishop of Murray was translated to Aberdene , a man learned both in the Civil and Canon law , of great experience , and in that regard postulated Bishop by the Chanons : he stood doubtful a while whether he should condescend to the charge or not , yet was induced to consent at last , and so came to Aberdene , where he applied himself carefully to do the charge of a Bishop . But the Estates of the Realme meeting in a solemn convention for putting some order to the present confusions , he was sent with some others in Commission to England , to treat for redemption of King Iames the first , who was there detained captive . This businesse happily performed , he returned with the King , to whom he gave great content by his services and forwardnesse in reforming publick abuses ; he advanced greatly the fabrick of the Church of Aberdene , and bestowed large summes for perfecting that work ; he built also the Chappel called Saint Iohns Chappel within the Cathedral , and was therein buried himself in the year 1441. 17. years after his translation . 23. Ingram Lindesay Doctor of the Canon law , was upon his death with the great applause of all good men received Bishop , he was at that time very old , and by the policie of one Alexander who aimed at his place , moved to take journey to Rome : the man imagining that he should die in the voyage , whereof yet he was deceived . For the Bishop sailing to Marselles in France , went from thence by sea to Rome , and after some moneths stay returned more healthful then before . 17 yeares he continued Bishop , and ruled the affaires of the Church very wisely . A man constant in his promises of a spare diet , but very hospitable , for he entertained great numbers both of learned men and others , especially the eldest sonnes of Noblemen and Barons in the North parts ; and notwithstanding of his age , and publick employments was ever at study when he could find any free time from those cares . A little before his death he fell in the Kings displeasure for denying admission to some whom the King had presented to certain Benefices , for that they were either meer ignorants or for their years incapable . But this did not much trouble his mind , as being no way conscious to himself of any just offence offered . He died at Aberdene much lamented of the Citizens who loved him dearly , and buried him in the Cathedral Church with great solemnity . 24. Then was Thomas Spence Bishop of Galloway translated to the See , a man of active spirit , and fitted for great busines . Whilest he was yet very young , he went to France , trusted with a Commission by King Iames the second , and by his wise behaviour wonne such favour with Charles the seventh then reigning , as after divers great services performed to that King , he returned honoured with the place of a Chancellour , and a yearly pension of 3000. French Crownes , about which time the Bishoprick of Galloway falling void , he was held most worthy to be preferred thereto , and from thence by the occasion of Bishop Lindesay his death , at the earnest intreaty of the Chanons , was translated hither ; most of his time after he was translated , he spent in Legations from the King and Estate , sometimes to the Duke of Burgundy , and sometimes to Edward the fourth of England . Not thelesse mindeful of his Church he adorned the same in a most rich and sumptuous manner , and built of new the Bishops palace , which since the burning by the English had been wast and ruinous . Amongst other charitable works , he erected an hospital at Edinburgh , acquiring thereto divers lands , and ended his life by sicknesse the fifteenth of April 1480. his body was interred in the Trinity Colledge of Edinburgh . 25. Robert Blaicater being for the time at Rome , was by the provision of Pope Xistus the fourth made Bishop , at whose hands also he received consecration ; a Gentleman well descended , and of good knowledge both in divine and humane learning : soon after he was translated to Glasgow , where he died . 26. William Elphinston succeeded to Blaicater , a famous and memorable person ; he was born in the City of Glasgow , and trained up in the Pedagogie of that City ; where he made such profit in his studies , that all who knew him conceived even in his younger years great hopes of his advancement . By the advice of his Uncle Laurence Elphinston he went to France , being 29. years of age , and there abode some nine years , having purchased good reputation in the University of Paris for his skill in the lawes , which six years together he professed , reading daily the Lectures thereof in a most frequent auditory . Then returning into his countrey , was preferred first to be Official of Glasgow , afterwards made Official of S. Andrewes , and promoved to be of the Kings Councel . Some jarres falling out at that time betwixt King Iames the third , and Lewis the eleventh of France , which was like to have dissolved the ancient friendship betwixt the two nations , he was joyned in Commission with the Bishop of Dunkeld , and Earl of ●uchan for pacifying the same , and by a wise and most eloquent oration brought matters so about , that the old league and amity was renewed , and all occcasions of discord quite removed : whereupon the Bishoprick of Rosse was at his return cast upon him , which he accepted with great difficulty . The See of Aberdene afterwards falling void , he was translated thither , and at that time was made Chancellour of the Kingdome ; in which charge he carried himself with that moderation and equity , as he was both loved and reverenced of all persons . But the unhappy troubles that fell out betwixt the King and some of his Nobility , which by no means ( though he did use his uttermost diligence that way ) could be pacified , made him retire to his charge at Aberdene , where he gave himself to reform such things as he found disordered in the Church , and had doubtlesse effected the same if he had not been called back to Court , and employed much against his will in publick affaires . King Iames the fourth then entring his reign , he was by the consent of the whole estate sent Ambassadour to Maximilian the Emperour , to suite his daughter Margaret in marriage for the King : But she before his coming being promised to the Prince of Spain , the businesse took no effect , yet that his travel should not be altogether unprofitable , in his return from the Emperours Court , he reconciled the variance , which long had continued betwixt this nation and the people of Holland , and thereby grew in such favour with the King , that whatsoever businesse he had , either within or without the Kingdome , the same was wholly committed to his trust . Neither did he in the mean while neglect to use his best means for the advancement of learning , having built a stately Colledge in Aberdene , which for the beauty of the edifice and rich foundation was one of the rarest monuments this Kingdome had seen . The expence he bestowed partly on that work , partly for providing materials for building of the Bridge upon Dey , with the large almes he gave daily to the poor and religious of all sorts ( not to speak of the help and relief he made to others of his kindred ) exceeded almost all credit and belief : for he was ever observed to keep a good table , and had no Benefices in Commendam , ( which was then grown into a custome amongst Churchmen ) yet upon the rents of his own Bishoprick , he did both maintain his estate , do all those great and magnificent works ; and dying , left in treasure ten thousand pounds in gold and silver , which he bequeathed to the Colledge , and the finishing of the bridge at Dey : that in him we may truly see how it is not the abundance of worldly goods , but the blessing of God that maketh rich . What time he could spare from the publick service he spent in writing the history of his nation , and gathered in one volume all the Antiquities that could be found thereof . The memories also of those holy men who lived in former times , in this kingdome , he studied to preserve , committing to writing their worthy and memorable acts , and giving order that on solemn dayes the religious should read some part thereof in their common meetings ; neither was he seen to be idle , but alwayes in labour and striving how to benefit the publick . Nor was there any man known to have been of more integrity of life and manners , sweet and pleasant conversation , of a cheerful countenance , and exceeding delightful . The constitution of his body was healthful and strong , old age which to others is of it self a disease , wrought in him no alteration either of mind or body ; for being 83. yeares old , his judgement in the weightiest matters of State was observed to be as quick , and his memory as ripe , as when he was in the middle of his youth . That which is supposed to have hastened his death , was the unfortunate death of the King at Flowden ; for after the report of that losse he was never perceived to laugh , nor willingly did he hear any thing that sounded unto mirth or gladnesse , and thereupon had resolved to live the rest of his time obscure and retired : yet being called by the Councel to assist some great businesse , which for the time was in hand , he sickned in his journey towards Edinburgh , and the sixth day after his coming thither , died most christianly : his body embalmed , was carried afterwards to Aberdene , and entombed in his own Colledge before the high Altar . They write that the day his Corps was brought forth to the burial , the pastoral staffe , which was all of silver , and carried by Alexander Lawder a Jurist , broak in two pieces , one part thereof falling in the grave where his body was to be laid , and that a voice was heard to cry , Tecum Gulielme mitra sepelienda , with thee the mitre and glory thereof is buried : 30. years he sate Bishop , and ended his course being very old in the year 1514. 27. The Chanons assembling according to their custome to elect a Bishop in his place , the Earl of Huntley , a man of great power in the North , came upon them unexpected , desiring that Alexander Gordon his Cousen , then Chanter of Murray , might be chosen . The Chanons not daring refuse , did all give their consents . In the mean time was one Iames Ogilvy presented thereto by the Duke of Albany , and at Rome Robert Forman Dean of Glasgow took a provision thereof from Pope Leo the tenth ; yet both these did resigne their titles afterwards at the Duke of Albany his perswasion , Ogilvy having received in recompence the Abbacy of Driburgh , and Forman yielding at the desire of Andrew Forman his brother , then Archbishop of S. Andrews , upon promise of the next place that should fall void . Thus after some moneths delay , Gordon was received , and consecrated Bishop : but he enjoyed the place a short time , and was buried in the Cathedral Church of Aberdene . 28. Gawan Dumbar , Archdeacon of S. Andrews , and Master of the Rolls , a man of many excellent parts , was after him elected Bishop ; he set himself to perfect all those works which Bishop Elphinston had begun , and were not as yet finished ; especially the building of the Bridge upon Dey , with the houses that he had appointed for the several professions of Sciences in the Colledge . The Executors of Bishop Elphinston he called to an accompt , and made them render the monies left by him in legacy , adding thereto his own liberality , wherewith he accomplished all these works . He founded likewise an hospital for twelve poor men , and a Preceptor to attend them ; and all the time he lived Bishop , which was 13. years , whatsoever profit or commodity he made by the Church , he bestowed wholly upon the poor , and such publick works , without applying a farthing either to his own use , or the enriching of any of his kinsmen . He departed this life at S. Andrewes the ninth of March , 1531. 29. To him succeeded William Stewart son to the Laird of Minto , a man given to vertue , charitable to the poor , and ready to every good work ; he built the Consistory house in old Aberdene , enlarged the territory of the Colledge , and bestowed upon it a part of the rent it now possesseth ; he built likewise the Library , with two schooles , and founded therein four Chaplains ; the office of the Chancellary in the State , conferred upon him by the King , he discharged with good credit , and dying at Aberdene in the moneth of April , in the year 1545. was buried in the Cathedral Church . 30. William Gordon , sonne to the Earl of Huntley , succeeded in the place . This man brought up in letters at Aberdene , followed his studies a long time in Paris , and returning thence , was first Parson of Clat , and afterwards promoved to the See ; some hopes he gave at first of a vertuous man , but afterwards turned a very Epicure , spending all his time in drinking and whoring ; he dilapidated the whole rents by fewing the lands , and converting the victual duties in money , a great part whereof he wasted upon his base children , and the whores their mothers ; a man not worthy to be placed in this Catalogue ; he died in the year 1577. The Bishops of MURRAY . This Bishoprick was founded by King Malcolme the third , a worthy and religious King , but who were the first Bishops in this See , I finde not . The first that is named , is one William , who did consecrate Arnold Bishop of S. Andrews about the year , 1160. 2. To him succeeded Simon a Monk of the Abbey of Melrose , elected Bishop in the time of William King of Scots , who governed the See 13. years , he died in the year of our Lord 1184. and was buried at Birnay . 3. Richard , a Chaplain of King William , sate Bishop 19. years , and was buried in Spinie where he died . 4. Bricius Prior of Lesmahagow succeeded him , he continued Bishop 24. years , and was the first that founded the Colledge of Chanons ; he died in the year of our Lord 1227. and was buried with his predecessor . 5. After him Andrew Dean of Murray , was consecrated Bishop ; he founded the Cathedral Church of Elgin , and added ten Chanons more to the Colledge ; he died in the year 1274 and was buried in the Quire of the Church , which he had founded towards the South . 6. Simon , Dean of the same Church , was preferred next unto this See , and lived Bishop 9. years only ; he was buried in the Quire of Elgin . 7. Archebald , Dean of Murray , was after his death made Bishop , and sate 47. years ; he built the Palace of Kinneddore , and departed this life in the year 1303. at Elgin , where his corps was also interred . 8. David Murray after his death elected , was consecrated at Avignion , by Pope Boniface the eighth ; he lived Bishop 27. years , and died in Ianuary 1330. 9. Iohn Pilmore , who then stood elected to the Bishoprick of Rosse , was by the provision of Pope Iohn the 22. consecrated Bishop of Murray ; he continued Bishop 27. years , and departed this life in the Castle of Spinie . 10 Alexander Barre Licenciator in the lawes succeeded ; he was consecrated by Pope Urban the fifth , and died in the Castle of Spinie the fifteenth of May , 1397. 11. William Spinie Chanter of Murray , and Doctor of the Canon law , was after his death consecrated Bishop by Pope Benedict the thirteenth , and lived Bishop nine years onely ; he died in the Chanory of Elgin the second of August , 1406. and was buried in the Quire of the Cathedral Church . 12. Iohn Innes Parson of Duffus and Batchelor both in the Canon and Civil law , sate after him seven yeares , and died in the Chanory the fifteenth of April , 1414. 13. Henry Lichton Parson of Duffus , a Doctor in both Lawes , after he had sate Bishop in this See 10. years , was translated to Aberdene . 14. Columba Dumbar succeeding , lived Bishop ten yeares , and departing this life in the Castle of Spinie , was buried in the Isle of S. Thomas the Martyr . 15. After him Iohn Winchester Chaplain to King Iames the second , was preferred to the See , a man of good parts ; he continued Bishop 13. years , and was buried in S. Mary Isle , within the Cathedral Church . 16. Iames Stewart Dean of Murray sate two years Bishop . 17. To him succeeded David Stewart , his brother , Parson of Spinie , who governed the See 14. years , and was buried in S. Peter and S. Pauls Isle upon the South of the Cathedral Church . 18. After his death William Tulloch Bishop of Orkney , was translated to Murray , and lived five years onely after his consecration . 19. Andrew Stewart Dean of Murray succeeded ; he sate Bishop 19. years , and was buried in the Quire of the Cathedral Church . 20. Andrew Forman sate after him Bishop 15. years , and was then translated to S. Andrews . 21. Next after him Iames Hepburn governed the See 9. years , and was buried in our Lady Isle , nigh unto the Tombe of Alexander the first , Earle of Huntley . 22. Robert Shaw Abbot of Paisley , a man of great vertue , and exceedingly beloved , was next made Bishop ; but he lived not above two years in the place . 23. Alexander Stewart , Brother german to the Duke of Albany , sate after him seven years , and was buried in the Monastery of Scone . 24. To him succeded Patrick Hepburn , who was commendatory of Scone , in his time the reformation of Religion was made ; he lived Bishop 36. years , and died in the Castle of Spinie the 20. of Iune , 1573. The Bishops of BRICHEN . In this See since it was founded by King David , which was about the year 1140. there have been many worthy Bishops , yet most of them are buried in oblivion , these few that follow , I have gathered out of old Records . 1. Urwardus or Edwardus lived about the year 1260. a Monk at first at Couper in Angus , a man very zealous in his calling , for it is testified of him that he went on foot through the whole kingdom ( with one Eustathius Abbot of Aberbrothock ) preaching the Gospel wheresoever he came . 2. Albinus after him was Bishop some few years . 3. VVilliam Dean of Brichen elected successor , died at Rome in the year 1275. whilest he was attending , to have his election confirmed . 4. The fourth Bishop I find mentioned , is one Iohn who governed the See in the year of God 1318. and got a new confirmation from King David Bruce , of all the lands possessions , and priviledges injoyed by his predecessors in former times , because of their rights lost in the time of the last warre . This confirmation is dated in the year 1359. 5. To him succeeded Adam Chancellor of the Kingdom , but it seemed he sate few years . 6. Then Patrick who was his successor both in the Bishoprick , and in the office of Chancellary in the year 1372. 7. Steven in the year 1384. 8. Walter , surnamed Forrester in the year 1413. 9. Iohn , who was likewise Chancellor , Anno 1434. In his time was the Church of Cortoguhy annexed to the Bishoprick by Walter Pallatine of Strathern Earl of Atholl , Lord Brichen and Cortoguhy . 10. George Shoreswood succeeded him in both charges , anno 1483. In his time was the Church of Funeven made one of the Chapter . 11. Another called Iohn , was made Bishop in the year 1483. 12. William Meldrum succeeded in the year 1500. 13. And after his death Iohn Hepburn , Anno 1552. 14. To him succeeded ... Sinclare Dean of Restalrig , a little before the Reformation . The Bishops of DUMBLANE . The See of Dumblane was founded likewise by King David . 1. Ionathus was the first Bishop , he died in the year 1200. or thereabout , and was buried at Inchaffray . 2. Simon , who succeeded him , lived not a year . 3. Abraham Chaplain to Gilbert Earl of Stratherne , was consecrated in the year 1210. This was the Earl who gave a third part of his lands to the See of Dumblane , and another third part to the Abbey of Inchaffray . 4. William called Gulielmus de Bosco was next preferred to the See , and shortly after created Chancellor . 5. Osbert , Abbot of Cambuskenneth succeeded , he died in the year 1231. 6. The sixth Bishop was Clemens , a Frier of the Dominican Order , consecrated in the Stewe Church of Weddal , in the year 1233. This man was an excellent Preacher , learned above many of that time , and of singular integrity of conversation ; he gave divers lands and rents to the Church of Culross , and restored the Cathedral Church of Dumblane , which was decayed . Leander Bononiensis , in his third book De viris illustribus Praedicatorum , remembreth him with a special commendation . The like doth Philippus Wolphius in his third book De vitis peritorum virorum . He died in the year 1256. 7 Robert was after him elected . This is he who was sent with Richard Bishop of Dunkeld , by the rest of the Prelates in the year 1268. to protest against the proceedings of Ottobon the Popes Legate for the contribution imposed by him upon the Scottish Clergy , towards the charge of the holy warre . 8. Alpin after him governed the See some few years . 9. Then one Nicolaus was made Bishop , he gave the halfe of the Church of Strowan to the Abby of Inchaffray . 10. After him succeeded Maurice Abbot of Inchaffray , a Prelate of great spirit , who gave great encouragement to his countreymen in that famous battel of Bonnockburn , and was therefore chosen by King Robert Bruce to be his Confessor after that battel : the See falling void , he was preferred to the same . 11. One William succeeded to him . 12. Then Walter Cambuslang in the year 1363. 13. And after him was Finlaw , commonly called Dermoch , who built the bridge of Dumblane , and died in the year 1419. 14. William Stephen , one of the first Professors in the University of S. Andrews , was after him preferred . 15. Upon his death Michael Ochiltrie succeeded , a wealthy Prelate , and well esteemed ; he purchased to his See a great part of the forfeited lands of Stratherne , adorned the Cathedral Church with many rich ornaments , built the bridge of Knaig at Machant , with the Church of Muthill , and did in his time divers other good works . 16. After him succeeded Robert Lawder , who founded divers Prebendaries , and Chanonries in the Church of Dumblane . 17. Iohn Hepburn succeeded in the year 1471. This Bishop had a long contention with the Abbot of Inchaffray for certain Churches claimed by the Abbot , but the matter was afterwards pacified . He died in the year 1508. and was buried in the Quire of the Cathedral Church . 18. Iames Chisholme obtained the Bishoprick after his death by the Popes provision , and carried himself in his charge very commendably ; a severe censour he was of the corrupt manners of the Clergy , and recovered many lands and possessions , which were sacrilegiously taken from the Church before his time . He died in the year 1534. 19. To whom succeeded William Chisholme his brother , a wicked and vicious man , who for hatred he bare to true religion made away all the lands of the Bishoprick , and utterly spoyled the benefice . The Bishops of Ross. 1. This See was also one of King Davids foundations , the first Bishop I find was one Gregorins . 2. Reynaldus a member of Melross , who died in the year 1213. 3. Andrew Murray was chosen in his place , but he shortly after resigned the same to 4. Robert , Chaplain to Alexander the second . 5. After him one Matthew was elected and consecrated by Pope Gregory the tenth at Viterbium , in the year 1274. Then succeed these in order . 6. Thomas Dundie . 7. Roger. 8. Alexander . 9. Thomas Urwhart . 10. Alexander Kilbuines . 11. VVilliam Bullock . 12. Thomas Tullich . 13. Henry Cokborne . 14. Iames Woodman . 15. Thomas Hay . 16. Iohn Guthrye . 17. Iohn Fraser . 18. Robert Cokburn . 19. William Elphinstone , who was afterwards Bishop of Aberdene . 20. Iames Hay . 21. Robert Carncrosse Abbot of Halirudhouse , a man of great wealth , and preferred by King Iames the fifth to this See about the 1534. year , and lived ten years Bishop . 22. David Panter , Secretary to the Governour , was after his death elected in the year 1544. and immediately after imployed in a legation to France , where he remained seven years . At his return he was solemnly consecrated , the Governour and many of the Nobility being present . He was a man learned , and of great experience in publick affaires , and died about the year 1550. 23. To him succeeded Henry Sinclar , Dean of Glasgow , and Vice-president in the Colledge of Justice , a man of singular wisdom and learning , especially in the lawes ; which place he discharged with good credit . By his advice many things were bettered in the form of Justice , and divers abuses in the formes of processe amended ; his death fell out shortly after the Reformation , and in his place Mr. Iohn Lesley , ( of whom we shall have often occasion to speak ) was preferred . The Bishops of CATHNES . 1. This Bishoprick was founded by Malcolme the third , about the yeare 1066. who preferred thereto one Darrus , whom he favoured greatly . This man lived long , and in a good reputation , and after his death was honoured for a Saint . 2. There succeeded to him one Andrew , of whom Roger Hoveden makes mention , saying , that he came into England with VVilliam King of Scots in the year 1176. and shortly after his return home departed this life . 3. To him succeeded Iohn , the Bishop that Harold the Earl of Orkney and Cathnes used most cruelly , cutting forth his tongue , and pulling out his eyes ; which King VVilliam ( in whose reign it happened ) punished exemplarly , for he caused the Earl his eyes first to be pulled out , then made him to be executed by the hands of the hangman , and all his male children to be gelded , to extinguish their succession . 4. Adam another Bishop , whether his immediate successour or not , I cannot say , was no lesse barbarously used ; for in the year 1222. or much thereabout , some wicked people suborned by the Earl of Cathnes assailed him being private at home , and killing his chamber boy , with a Monk of Melross , that did ordinarily attend him ( for he had been Abbot of that Monastery ) drew him by force into his kitchen , and when they had scourged him with rods , set the kitchen on fire , and burnt him , therein . King Alexander the second was at that time upon his journey towards England , and upon notice of this cruel fact , turned back and went in haste to Cathnes , where he put the offenders and their partakers to trial : 400. by publick sentence were executed , and all their male children gelded , that no succession should spring from so wicked a seed . The place where their stones were cast in a heap together , is to this day known by the name of the Stony hill . The Earl for withholding his help , and because he did not rescue the Bishop , was forfeited . And howbeit after some little time he found means to be restored , yet did he not escape the judgement of God , being murthered by some of his own servants who conspired to kill him ; and to conceal the fact , set the house on fire , and burnt his body therein : so was he paid home in the same measure he had used the Bishop . 5. To this Adam succeeded Gilbert the Chanon surnamed Murray , and sonne to the Lord of Duffus , who was in great esteem for the bold and couragious answer he made to the Popes Legate at Northampton ; he built the Cathedral Church of Cathnes upon his own charges , and lived to see the same finished , and shortly after the dedication died at Scravister in the year 1245. the posteri gave him the reputation of a Saint . 6. VVilliam , who succeeded , followed his steps , and did much good in his time , he died in the year 1261. 7. Then VValter Doctor in the Canon law , who lived ten years , and ended his dayes in the year 1271. 8. Archibald , a man much commended for his meek and tractable disposition , succeeding , died in the year 1288. 9. Andrew a man skilled in the lawes , was preferred after his death , and lived Bishop 13. years . 10. Ferquhard succeeded to him ; this Bishop was a strong defender of the liberties of the Church , and died in the year 1328. 11. David that followed lived 20. years Bishop and departed this life , an . 1348. 12. Thomas Fingask was next Bishop , he died in the Chanonry of Elgin , anno 1360. and lieth buried in S. Maries Isle in a Tombe erected by VVilliam Earl of Sutherland , whom he left his Executor . 13. To him succeeded Bishop Alexander , who lived many years in that See , and died in the year 1409. Then these in order . 14. Malcolm , a zealous and devout man , who died anno 1421. 15. Robert Strackbock died anno 1440. 16. Iohn Innes Dean of Rosse , in the year 1448. 17. VVilliam Mudie died anno 1460. 18. After whom one Prosper was elected , but he resigned the place in favours of Iohn Sinclar , sonne to the Earle of Cathnes , who was never consecrated , and so the See remained void the space of 24. years ; during which time Mr. Adam Gordon governed the affaires of that See. After Sinclars death succeeded Andrew Stewart Commendatory of Kelso and Ferne , he died in the year 1517. and was buried in the Cathedral Church of Cathnes . Andrew Stewart son to the Earl of Athol was preferred after him , and died in the year 1542. Then Robert Stewart brother to Matthew Earl of Lenox was made Bishop , he was afterwards made Prior of S. Andrews , and created Earl of March , upon his resignation of the Earldome of Lenox to Duke Esme : a man of noble disposition , but much addicted to his servants , whom he rewarded with dilapidation of the Church rents , whereto he was provided ; he died at S. Andrews very old in the year 1586. The Bishops of ORKNEY . The Islands of Orkney lying over against Cathnes , have alwayes since they were made Christians , been governed by Bishops , but being possessed by the ... whilest that Kingdome stood , and for a long time in the hands of the Norvegians , from whom Alexander the third King of Scots recovered the same by composition . The first Bishops and their successours are utterly unknown , of the latter I have no intelligence , nor in the records that remain is there any mention of them , onely I read of four or five that sate in this See before the Reformation . 1. One VVilliam that lived in the time of King Robert the third . 2. VVilliam Tullock , who was translated to Murray in the reign of King Iames the third . 3. To whom succeeded one Andrew . 4. After Andrew , Edward . 5. And after Edward Robert Reid , a man of excellent wit and great experience , employed in divers legations , and selected amongst others by the Estates to assist the marriage of Queen Mary with the Daulphin of France ; he died in his return at Deep much regretted , for he was a man of great integrity , and careful in the administration of Justice . The Bishops of GLASGOW . This City at first was made famous by Kentigern , commonly called Saint Mungho , who is esteemed the first Bishop thereof . I spake of him before , and shewed how he was begotten by Eugenius the third upon Thametis daughter to the King of Picts ; his mother finding her self with childe , out of shame and fear of her fathers wrath , stole privately away , and entring into a little vessel that she found at the nearest coast , was by the winde and waves cast on land , where the town of Culross is now situated ; there was delivered of her birth , and leaving the childe with a nurse , returned home : his Parents being unknown , he was brought to Servanus , and baptized and bred up by him ; yet it ●●ems by the hymne , they did ordinarily sing in the Festivals , that his Father came afterwards to be known , for thus it beginnes . ... They report of him , that a Lady of good place in the countrey having lost a ring , which her husband gave her , as she crossed the river of Cluyd , and her husband waxing jealous , as if she had bestowed the same upon one of her lovers , she did mean her self unto him , intreating his help for the safety of her honour ; and that he going to the river after he had used his devotion willed one who was making to fish , to bring him the first that he caught ; which was done ; in the mouth of that fish he found the ring , and sending it to the Lady , she was thereby freed of her husbands suspicion . The credit of this I believe upon the reporters ; but howsoever it be , the See and City do both of them wear in their Armes a fish with a ring in the mouth even to this day . He was certainly a man of rare piety , and to the poor exceeding bountiful , lived to a great age , beyond the ordinary course of men , as in the conclusion of the hymne is said . Cum octogenos centum quoque quinque vir annos Complerat , sanctus est Glasgow funere functus . After his death for many ages the See was in a manner desolate unto the reign of Malcolm the third , who restored the same to some integrity . The first Bishop I find named after the restitution was 1. Iohn Achaian , who took great paines in building the Cathedral , and having brought it to a reasonable perfection , did dedicate the same in the year 1137. King David being there in person , and bestowing upon the See the lands of Patrick , which the Bishops do yet enjoy . It was in his time that Thurstan Archbishop of York , encroaching upon his jurisdiction , ( which at that time comprehended the countrey of Cumberland ) placed a new Bishop at Carlisle , by the instigation of Henry King of England ; This the Bishop took so heavily , as when he perceived his complaints not much regarded , he forsook his charge , and went into France , inclosing himself in the Monastery of Tours , where he abode untill the Pope at the request of King Malcolm the fourth , compelled him to return : after which time he lived not long , for he died at Glasgow in the year 1146. the twenty eighth of May. 2. To him succeeded another called Iohn , who was greatly favoured by King Alexander the first , and did counsel Eadmerus , because of the Kings dislike , to leave S. Andrews , and return unto England . 3. Herbert was his successour , and in his time the controversie with York was great , for the superiority claimed by one Roger Archbishop of York over the Bishops of Scotland . This contention drew Angelramus Archdeacon of Glasgow , and Chancellour of the Kingdom for the time , to travel unto Rome , as was touched before ; and Herbert dying whilest he was there , 4. Angelramus by an uniform consent of the Clergy and Laity was elected in his place , and upon notice given of the election , consecrated by Pope Alexander at Rome , from whom he obtained an exemption to the Church of Scotland from the jurisdiction of the English and all others , the Apostolick See only excepted ; Shortly after his return he died . 5. Iocelin Abbot of Melrosse was his successour ; in his time the City of Glasgow was erected into a Burgh Royal ; he died at Melrosse , and was interred in that Monastery . 6. Eugenius was chosen after his death , but how long he lived , I read not . 7. Hugo Chancellour of the Kingdome succeeded , and lived but a few years . 8. After him VVilliam Malvoisin a French man was elected , and consecrated in France by the Popes direction ; he was afterward translated to S. Andrews , and preferred to the office of Chancellary . 9. Florentius , sonne to the Count of Holland , was assumed in his place , and shortly after upon licence obtained of the Pope , he resigned the office , and died at Rome in the year 1207. 10. And then VValter Chaplain to King William , was consecrated Bishop ; he lived in the place 27. yeares . 11. VVilliam Babington Chancellor of the Kingdom , was after his death elected Bishop . In his time , as Boeth writeth , the fabrick of the Church of Glasgow was fully accomplished ; his words are , Absolutum est ea tempestate templum Cathedrale Glasguense , sedes profectò magnifica , cujus haud exiguam partem Gulielmus ibidem Episcopus liberalitate sua extruxerat , nec diu operi perfecto superfuit . He died the 25. of Ianuary 1261. 12. The Chanons meeting to choose a successor , condescended upon Nicole Moffet Archdeacon of Teviot-dale , yet shortly after forthinking their election , they procured the same to be cassed at Rome , whither he was gone to obtain Confirmation . Thereupon Iohn de Chyan an English man was by the Pope provided to the See , whom King Alexander the third admitted with great difficulty . This man is said to have been learned , but very troublesome to the Chanons , upon whom he laid grievous impositions . The discord betwixt him and them waxing hot , he left the countrey , and going to France , died there in the year 1268. 13. Nicole Moffet Archdeacon of Teviot-dale was upon his death provided to the See , notwithstanding the opposition of the Chanons , but he lived a short time , and died at Tannigham of the Apoplexie . He was no lesse hated of his Clergy , whom he is said to vex with many injuries . 14. William Wishart Archdeacon of S. Andrews , and Chancellor of the Kingdome , was chosen of the Chanons in the year 1270. but S. Andrews falling void by the death of Gamelinus , before his consecration he was postulated thereto , and so returned to S. Andrews . 15. Robert Wishart Archdeacon of Lothian , and Cousen to the said VVilliam , was upon his change by the Kings recommendation admitted to the place . This is he who made that reply to King Edward , in the consultation held at Norham for the right of the Crown , whereof we spake in the life of VVilliam Fraser Bishop of S. Andrews ; a worthy man , and a great lover of his countrey , for which he suffered much trouble , being made prisoner and sent unto London , where he was kept some years ; afterwards obtaining liberty , he returned to his See , and therein performed many good works : he died the 26. of November , 1316. and was buried in the Church of Glasgow betwixt the altars of S. Peter and S. Andrew . 16. Iohn Lindesay succeeded , a man given much to the adorning of his Church ; he died the ninth of April 1325. and was buried in the Cathedrall , nigh to the Altar of the Blessed Virgin. 17. Mr. Stephen Dundy was the same year elected Bishop , and going to Rome to be confirmed , died by the way , not without suspicion of poison given him at a feast made by the Friers predicant of Glasgow . 18. In his place was chosen Iohn Wishart , who in his return from Rome was taken prisoner by the English , and died some few dayes after . 19. William Rae , a good and zealous man , was after him chosen by the consent of the whole Chapter ; he redeemed the possessions of the Church which his predecessors had alienated , built the stone bridge at Glasgow , and having done many good works , died in the year 1367. 20. After his death Walter Wardlaw succeeded ; Pope Urban the sixth did preferre him to bee Cardinal in the year 1384. and in the third year after he died . 21. Then was Mr. Matthew Glendouning provided to the place . In his time the steeple which was all built of timber , was burnt by lightning , in place whereof he intended to build one of stone , and made therefore great preparation , but was prevented by death in the year 1408. 22. His successor VVilliam Lawder finished the work ; he was Chancellor of Scotland , and without the Chapters election provided by the Pope of meer authority , which was never done in that See before . 23. After him Iohn Cameron was Bishop , a man given to violence and oppression , who committing many deeds full of cruelty and covetousnesse , especially upon his own Tenants and Vassals , made ( as the fame goeth ) a fearful and unhappy end ; for in the year 1446. the night before Christmas day , as he lay asleep in his house of Lockwood some seven miles from the City of Glasgow , he seemed to hear a voice summoning him to appear before the tribunal of Christ , and give an accompt of his doings . Thereupon he awak't ; and being greatly terrified , did call his servants to bring lights and sit by him , he himself took a book in his hand , and began to read ; but the voice being again heard , struck all the servants with amazement . The same voice calling the third time farre lowder , and more fearfully , the Bishop after a heavy groane , was found dead in the bed , his tongue hanging out of his mouth . This reported by Buchannan almost in the same words , I thought good to remember as a notable example of Gods judgement against the crying sin of oppression . 24. To Cameron succeeded Iames Bruce , who was translated from Dunkeld to this See in the year 1446. and preferred to be Chancellour of the Kingdome . 25. After him Mr. VVilliam Turnbull ( others called him David ) was chosen Bishop , he founded the Colledge of Glasgow . 26. Upon his death Andrew Moorehead was elected . The hospital near the Castle was his foundation . 27. To Moorehead succeeded Iohn Lang , who was Chancellour of Scotland . 28. He dying , Mr. George Carmighal was promoved , but not consecrated ; for he died going to Rome for Confirmation . 29. Robert Blacader Bishop of Aberdene , was after his death translated to this See. In his time was the See of Glasgow erected into an Archbishoprick , for which arose a great contention betwixt Shevez Archbishop of S. Andrewes , and him ; which was after some treaty pacified , and Galloway , Argyle , and Isles appointed Suffragans to Glasgow . He lived untill the yeare 1500. at what time taking his journey toward Ierusalem , he departed this life in the way thither 30. Mr. Iames Beaton upon his death was preferred , and sate Bishop twenty two yeares , thereafter he was translated to S. Andrewes , of whom you may there read . 31. Mr. Gawan Dumbar tutour to the King upon his translation was promoved , a good and learned man ; he was afterwards made Chancellour of the Kingdome , and administred the office with good commendation . 32. Mr. Iames Beaton succeeded after his death , in whose time the Reformation fell forth , and of him we shall have occasion afterwards to speak . The Bishops of GALLOWAY . 1. S● . Ninnian had his chiefe abode in the countrey of Galloway , and built there a Church all of white stone , which was therefore called Candida casa , and to this day in the countrey language Whitherne , as you would say , a white house ; he is accompted the first Bishop of this See. 2. In the year 631. one Plechelmus ( Beda calleth him Pectelmus ) was here Bishop . 3. Frithwoldus succeeded to him , and died in the year 768. 4. After him Pethumus , who deceased anno 778. 5. Then Ethelbert . 6. And after him Baldulphus . Further mention I find not of any Bishop in this See in those first times ; and it seems it hath been quite decayed , before Malcolm the third restored the same . In the latter times , I read only of these following . 7. Iohn Bishop of Galloway , who resigned his charge , and became a Monk in the Abbey of Halirudhouse . 8. Thomas Spence translated from Galloway to Aberdene in the year 1458. 9. David , who was also Dean of the Kings Chappel . 10. Alexander . 11. Henry . 12. George . 13. And Bishop ... Gordon , who lived at the Reformation , and embraced the truth . The Bishops of ARGYLE . This Bishoprick was part of the Dioces of Dunkeld , untill Iohn Scot Bishop thereof obtained of Pope Clement the third a division of the Bishoprick , as you may read in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Dunkeld . 1. Then was Evaldus or Harold his Chaplain consecrated Bishop , and the seat appointed to be at Lismore within the countrey of Argyle , whence the Bishop of this See is styled Lismorensis Episcopus ; this erection was made in the year 1200. 2. To Harold succeeded William , who perished by a tempest at Sea , in the year 1240. 3. And to him another of the same name . 4. Then David who was Bishop in the year 1330. 5. In the year 1425. one Finlaw Bishop of Argyle , Vir ordinis Dominicani , as Buchannan saith , upon the apprehension of Duke Murdach , joyned with the Dukes youngest sonne against King Iames the first , and fled with him into Ireland . The King complaining of him to Pope Martin the fifth , he gave Commission to the Bishops of S. Andrewes and Dumblane to call him before them , and finding him guilty , to depose him from the place ; but he in the mean time died in Ireland . 6. So by the provision George Laird of Balcomie in Fife , was preferred to the See ; how long he lived Bishop , and who succeeded since his time , I have not learned . The Bishops of the ISLES . Of the Bishops of the Isles I have lesse to say , onely that the Isle of Man was at first the Cathedral seat , as by occasion we touched before ; and that by the invasions of the Norvegians and English , the same was translated unto Ilcolmkill . In Man , Amphibalus was the first Bishop . I read of one Machilla likewise that was there Bishop , and confirmed the holy Brigida in her purpose of single life . After the translation of the seat to Ilcolmkill , I find onely one Onacus mentioned about the year 1289. who is reported to have been a good and godly man ; with another called Mauricius , whom King Edward the first of England sent prisoner to London . And thus farre of the succession of Bishops unto the time of the Reformation . THE HISTORY of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE THIRD BOOK . The Contents . The History of the Reformation of the Church ; and how it was wrought . THE Petitions put up to Queen Regent for reformation of the Church taking no effect , some Noblemen and Barons joyning in Councel , did bind themselves by o●thes and subscriptions to assist one another ; and hazard their lives and substance in advancing the cause of Religion . The principals were Archibald Earl of Argyle , Alexander Earl of Glencarne , James Earl of Morton , Archibald Lord of Lorne , Sir Iames Sandelands of Calder , Iohn Erskin of Dun , and William Maitland of Lethington younger . They meeting together after deliberation what should be fittest first to do , concluded , That in all Parishes the Curates should be caused read the Prayers and Lessons of the Old and New Testament on Sundayes and other Festival dayes , according to the form set forth in the Book of Common Prayers ; and if they should refuse , that the most qualified in every Parish should do the same . But for preaching and interpretation of Scripture , the same should be used only in private houses after a quiet manner , till God should move the Queen to grant further liberty . This accordingly was performed in the parts where they had Commandment , and by their example in divers Townes and Parishes of the countrey the like was done , to the great offence of the Clergy , who complaining of that boldnesse to the Queen Regent were answered , that it was no fit time to enter into those matters , and that she should find occasion ere it were long to put order unto them . But the Clergy fearing delayes did forthwith call a Provincial Councel at Edinburgh ; where professing to make reformation of abuses , they renewed some old Popish constitutions , which they made to be imprinted and affixed upon the doors of all the Parish Churches . The Bishop of S. Andrewes advertised of the Reformation begun in Argyle sent to the Earl , Sir David Hamilton his Cousen , with a letter , wherein after he had shewed the perill in which he did cast both himself and his house by that open defection from the Church , he desired him in some honest fashion to rid himself of that defamed and perjured Apostate , who had seduced him : ( This was one Mr. Iohn Douglas , whom the Earl had taken to be his Minister ) offering to provide him of a learned and wise Preacher , for whom he would lay his soul in pawn , that he should teach no other but true doctrine , and agreeable to the Catholick faith . The Earle answered , That for peril he feared none either to himself or to his house , having resolved to live in obedience to his Prince , and to serve God as well as he could according to his written word : and for the defection alledged ; seeing it had pleased God to open his eyes and give him the knowledge of his truth , which he took for a great argument of his favour , he would not relinquish or forsake it for fear of any inconveniences . As to the man he wrote of , he said that he heard him teach the doctrine of Christ , condemne idolatry , adultery , fornication , and such like wickednesse , and that he should make him give an accompt thereof whensoever he should be cited . But to call him defamed and perjured there was no reason , seeing he was not declared to be such by any sentence ; and if he had in former times made any unlawful oath , he had done much better in violating the same , then if he had observed it . Further , whereas he made offer to provide him of some learned man , he gave him thanks , considering the necessity there was of labourers in the Lords harvest ; but he understood what his meaning in that was , and minded not to be led with any such teachers . In end he wished him not to begin the battel with him , whereof the event would be doubtful ; for as to himself he knew God was God , and should be God still , whatsoever mans crast could work or devise . The Bishop receiving this answer did communicate the same with the chief of the Clergy , who thereby conceiving that there was some businesse in hand , began to think of other defences ; And the feast day of S. Giles , or Sanctus Egidius , falling out about that time to be kept at Edinburgh , they entreated Queen Regent to honour the solemnity with her presence . The custome was in that time of the year to carry the image of the Saint in procession through the town , ( for they had S. Giles to their Patron ) with Drummes , Trumpets , and all sort of musical instruments ; neither was there any day kept more superstitiously then this . The Queen agreed the rather to accompany the procession , for that some cumult was feared , which she thought her presence would represse . But when the time of the solemnity was come the Saint was missing , for some had stolne the image out of the place where it was kept . This made a stay , till another little image was borrowed from the Gray Friers ; which the vulgar in mockery called young Saint Giles . Herewith they set forward , the Regent accompanying the people , till the procession was nigh ended ; then withdrawing her self to the lodging where she was to dine , she was no sooner gone , then some youths provided for the purpose , drawing near unto the Fertor , and making a shew to carry it upon their shoulders , after they had walked some few paces , and perceived by the motion they made , the image was fixed to the Fertor , they threw all to the ground ; and taking the image by the heels , dashed the same against the stones , so as head and hands were beaten off , and the idol wholly defaced . The people hereupon fell a crying , the Priests and Churchmen betook them to flight , and a great stirre was in the streets . Some houres the Fray continued , and being in end setled by the authority of the Magistrates , the whole Clergy that were in town assembled themselves ; and making the best countenance they could , indicted a solemn meeting in the beginning of November next . To this diet Paul Methven was summoned , and not appearing , was decerned for his contumacie to be banished the Realme ; a prohibition likewise was given to all the subjects , that none of them should entertain or receive them in their houses . Notthelesse the town of Dundy where he abode , forbare not to hear his Sermons , and minister unto him all necessities . Mean while they who had combined for working a Reformation , did send into all parts of the Realm to solicit persons to joyn in that cause , and purchase the subscriptions of those that were willing , unto a bond which was framed to that effect . Some moved with a zeal to Religion , others out of a desire to change , and the greatest part longing to be relieved of the oppressions of the Churchmen , were easily moved to consent . So when they understood by the return of the subscriptions , that the countrey for the most part was inclined that way , and that in force and power they were nothing inferiour to their adversaries , they resolved to begin and make an end of the work ; yet lest they should seem to contemn authority , they concluded to present a supplication to the Queen Regent and Councel , to whom the redresse of all enormities both Ecclesiastical and Civil did orderly belong ; ( these were the words of the Supplication : ) and to this effect made choice of Sir Iames Sandelands of Calder , an honourable Baron , and of great accompt , to present the Petitions following . 1. That their Ministers might be permitted in conceiving of publick prayers , and the administration of the Sacraments to use the vulgar language understood by the people . 2. That the Sacrament of the Supper might be ministred in both kinds according to our Saviours institution . 3. That the election of Ministers should be according to the manner used in the primitive Church , that those who had the charge of election should enquire diligently of the life and doctrine of such as were admitted . 4. That seeing by corruption of time , ignorant and scandalous persons had been promoved to Ecclesiastical offices , they should after trial be discharged , and other more sufficient put in their places . These Petitions were no way pleasing to the Queen Regent , yet because the Parliament was approaching , wherein the matrimonial Crown and naturalization of the French were to be passed , she thought best to keep them in hope , saying , That all they could lawfully desire , should be granted unto them ; mean while they were licenciated to use their prayers and service in the vulgar language , providing they did keep no publick assemblies in Edinburgh , or Leth , for eschewing of tumults . The Prelates having notice of this were highly incensed , and when their consent was required ( for the same Petitions were presented to them ) carrying themselves more imperiously then before , answered , that they would not depart a jot from the decrees of Trent . Afterwards being a little calmed , they made offer to commit the cause to dispute , which by those of the Congregation , ( this was the title given commonly to the Reformers ) was accepted , upon two conditions ; one , that the controversies in Religion might be decided by the Scripture ; the other condition was , that such of their brethren as were exiled or condemned , might assist the dispute , and have safe conduct given them to that effect . But both the conditions were denied ; for neither would they admit any other Judge but the Canon Law and Councel ; nor would they dispense with any sentence by them pronounced . Some of them that affected quietnesse propounded other conditions of reconcilement ; That if the Congregation would suffer the Masse to be held in the wonted reverence , if they would acknowledge Purgatory , confesse the invocation of Saints , and admit prayers for the dead , they should be allowed to pray and administrate the Sacraments in a known language . But those conditions were held so ridiculous and absurd , as they were not vouchsafed any answer . Soon after this the Parliament being assembled , the Articles following were prepresented to Queen Regent . 1. That in regard the controversies in Religion , which had a long time continued betwixt the Protestants in Germany , and the Romane Church , were not as yet decided by a lawful general Councel , and that they themselves upon the same grounds could not any longer communicate with Papists in their idolatrous religion ; The humble desire of the Congregation was , that all such acts of Parliament , as warranted Churchmen to proceed against hereticks , might be abrogated , or at least suspended , till in a lawful general Councel the controversies depending were determined . 2. And lest it should hereby seem that they desired a liberty to professe what they pleased , they humbly required that all such might be led before the temporal Judge , the Prelates and their officers being only permitted to accuse ; with this proviso , that an authentick Copy of the accusation should be delivered to the person accused , and a competent term assigned him to answer . 3. That all lawful defences should be received from persons accused of heresie , and they allowed to accept against the witnesses according to law . 4. That the party accused should have liberty to expone his own mind , and that his Declaration might carry more faith then the deposition of whatsoever witnesses , forasmuch as no person ought to suffer for Religion , who is not known to be obstinate in his wicked opinions . 5. That none of their profession should be condemned for heresie , unlesse they were first convinced by the word of God , to have erred from the faith which the holy Spirit witnesseth to be necessary to salvation . The Queen receiving the Articles answered in effect as before , That it was not safe for her to utter her mind at that time ; which if she should do , the spiritual Estate would not fail to oppose her in all businesse . But how soon the publick matters were passed , they should know what a good mind she bare unto them . Howbeit this answer did no way content the wiser sort , yet knowing that the Articles would not passe in an Act , if she should disassent , they resolved to surcease from presenting them to the Estates , onely desired they might be permitted to make a Protestation , which they did in this sort . It is not unknown to this honourable Parliament , what controversie is of late arisen betwixt those that will be called Prelates and Rulers of the Church , and a great number of us the Nobility and Commonalty of this Realme , for the true worshipping of God , the duty of Ministers , and the right administration of the holy Sacraments . And how we have complained to the Queen Regent , that our consciences are burthened with unprofitable ceremonies , and we compelled to endure many idolatrous abuses ; that such as take upon them offices Ecclesiastical , do perform no part of the duty which is required of true Ministers , and that we and our brethren are most injustly oppressed by their usurped authority . As also we suppose it to be sufficiently known to your Honours , that we were of minde this present Parliament to seek redresse of these enormities , but considering the troubles of the time do not suffer such a reformation , as we by the warrant of Gods word do require , we are enforced to delay that which of all things most earnestly we desire ; and yet lest our silence should give our adversaries occasion to think that we repent us of our former intentions , we cannot cease to protest for remedy against that injust Tyranny , which heretofore patiently we have sustained . Therefore first we protest , that seeing we cannot obtain just reformation according to Gods word , that it may be lawfull to us to use our selves in matters of religion and conscience , as we must answer unto God , untill such time as our adversaries be able to prove themselves the true Ministers of Christs Church , and purge themselves of such crimes as we have already laid to their charge , offering our selves to prove the same , whensoever the sacred Authority shall please to give us audience . Secondly , we protest , that neither we , nor any other of the godly that please to joyn with us in the true faith , which is grounded upon the word of God , shall incurre any danger of life or lands , or other political paines , for not observing such acts as have passed heretofore in favour of our adversaries , or for violating such rites as have been invented by man without the Commandment of God. We thirdly protest , that if any tumult or uprore shall arise amongst the members of the Realme for the diversity of religion , and if it shall chance that abuses be violently reformed , the crime be not imputed to us , who now do most humbly seek that all things may be reformed by order . But that whatsoever inconvenience shall happen to ensue for lack of timely redresse , the same may be imputed to those that will not as now hearken to our petitions for reformation . And last we protest , that these our requests proceeding from conscience do tend to no other end , but onely to the reformation of abuses in religion ; most humbly beseeching the sacred Authority to think of us as faithful and obedient subjects , and take us in their protection , keeping that indifferency which becometh Gods Lieutenants to use towards those that in his name do call for defence against cruel oppressors and blood-thirsty tyrants . These protestations made in face of Parliament , were desired to be insert in the books of publick records ; but Queen Regent answering that she should remember what was protested , and put a good end to all things , the desire was rejected . Yet how soon the Parliament brake up , and all matters in it went to her contentment , it was observed that her countenance was quite altered upon those that favoured the Reformation , and often she was heard say , That being now freed of the vexations which most troubled her minde , she would labour to restore the authority by some notable example to that reverend esteem , which in the late times it had lost : whereby divers did apprehend that a tempest was breeding , albeit the same did not break forth untill the next spring ; At which time taking up the names of all the Ministers in the countrey , she caused summon them to appear at Striveling the tenth of May. Hereupon the Earl of Glencarn , and Sir Hugh Cambel Sheriffe of Aire , were sent to enquire the reason of that citation , and to entreat her not to molest the Ministers , unlesse they could be charged with preaching false doctrine , or behaving themselves disorderly . The Queen in passion replied , That maugre their hearts , and all that would take part with them , these Ministers should be banished Scotland , though they preached as soundly as ever . S. Paul did . The Noblemen marvelling what should move her to such passion , besought her in humble manner to think of the promises she had made to them from time to time . Hereat growing into a greater choler she said , That the promises of Princes should be no further strained , then it seemed to them convenient to perform . Then said they , if this be the conclusion which you have taken , that you will keep no promises to the Subjects , we cannot any longer acknowledge your authority , and will henceforth renounce all obedience to you ; what inconveniences may arise of this , you may bethink your selfe . This unexpected answer calming the Queen a little , after a few moe words , she said , that she would think how to remedy these evils in the best and most quiet sort . The same day at night advertisement was brought to the Queen of the reformation begun in the town of Perth , wherewith she was much disturbed , and calling the Lord Ruthven , commanded him to go and suppresse these novations : he answering , That he should make their bodies and goods subject , but had no power over their mindes and consciences , she was so commoved , that she avowed to make both him and them repent what they had done . The Diet appointed for the appearing of the Ministers at Striveling drawing nigh , the Professors in all parts of the countrey prepared to accompany them . In the parts of Angus and Mernis such was the zeal of people , as none would stay at home , all professing to go and yield confession of their faith with their Ministers . The Queen advertised of this concourse of people from all parts , employed Iohn Areskin of Dun to cause them return home , promising that the Diet should desert , and nothing to be done to the prejudice of the Ministers . This he signified by letters to the principals of the Congregation , advising them to dismisse the multitude . But they suspecting ( as it also came to passe ) that some advantage should be taken of the Ministers not appearing at the day , resolved to make the Commons return to their houses . The Barons and Gentlemen staying at Perth in the mean while with the Preachers , when the day appointed came , notwithstanding of the promises made , the Preachers not appearing , were denounced Rebels . The Laird of Dun offending herewith , departed from Court , and coming to Perth excused himself of the advice he had given , declaring that they were not to expect any favour , and that they should do wisely to provide against the worst . Whilest these things passed , Iohn Knox returned from Geneva unto Scotland , and joyning with the Congregation , did preach to them at Perth . In his Sermon he took occasion to speak against the adoration of Images , shewed that the same tended to God his dishonour , and that such Idols and monuments of superstition , as were erected in Churches , ought to be pulled down , as being offensive to good and godly people . The Sermon ended and the better sort gone to dinner , a Priest rather to try mens affections , then out of any devotion , prepared to say Masse , opening a great case , wherein was the history of divers Saints exquisitly carved . A young boy that stood by saying , that such boldnesse was unsufferable , the Priest gave him a blow . The boy in anger casting a stone at the Priest , happened to break one of the pictures : whereupon stirre was presently raised , some of the common sort falling upon the Priest , others running to the Altar and breaking the images , so as in a moment all was pulled down in the Church that carried any mark of idolatry . The people upon the noise there of assembled in great numbers , and invading the Cloysters , made spoile of all they found therein . The Franciscans had store of provision both of victuals and houshold-stuffe : amongst the Dominicans the like wealth was not found , yet so much there was , as might shew the profession they made of poverty to be faigned and counterfeit . The Carthusians , who passed both these in wealth , were used in like manner , yet was the Prior permitted to take with him what he might carry of gold and silver plate . All the spoile was given to the poor , the rich sort forbearing to meddle with any part thereof . But that which was most admited , was the speed they made in demolishing these edifices . For the Charterhouse ( a building of exceeding cost and largenesse ) was not onely ruined , but the stones and timber so quickly taken away , as in less then two dayes space a vestige thereof was scarce remaining to be seen . They of Cowper in Fife hearing what was doen at Perth , went in like manner to their Church , and defaced all the Images , Altars and other instruments of idolatry ; which the Curate took so heavily , as the night following he put violent hands in himself . The report of these things being brought to Queen Regent , she was greatly incensed , especially against those of Perth , and presently dispatched letters to the Duke of Chattellerault ( the Lord Hamilton was so styled ) and to the Earls of Argile and Athol , desiring them to come to her with diligence . The French garrison were likewise called , her purpose being to surprise the town at unawares . But they within the Town receiving advertisement of her preparation , sent messengers to all the parts of the kingdom for aid and assistance . Many came to their succours from Angus , Mernis , Fife , and the adjacent Shires : some also from Lothian . But the celerity which Alexander Earle of Glencarn used , was most admired ; for he upon warning given him of the danger wherein the town stood , taking his way through the mountains , travelled night and day till he came to Perth , bringing with him two thousand and five hundreth men , a good and opportune support ; The Lord Ruthven having a little before fallen from them , and gone to the Queen ; which bred a great discouragement to the rest . The principalls that came in Glencarns company were the Lords of Boyde and Ochiltrie , the Sheriffe of Aire , the Lairds of Cragie , Sesnok , Carnall , Bar , and Garthgirth . The Queen getting intelligence that the Earle of Glencarn was come to assist them , and that in the town there was seven thousand Gentlemen , besides the Burgers , resolute men all ; sent the Earle of Argile and the Prior of Saint Andrewes , called then Lord Iames , to enquire the reason of their Convocation , and mediate an accord . The Earle of Glencarn and Laird of Dun selected to treat with them , answered to the first point , that they were come thither to defend their friends , and save the town from destruction . As to the accord they professed to mediate , they said , that ●f Queen Regent would cease from troubling the professors of true Religion , and suffer the reformation begun in the town to proceed , they should in all other things be obedient to her commandments . The Noblemen employed in this treaty were known to be well affected to the cause , which made them within the town hearken to the conditions proponed ; and so much the rather , that the Noblemen did promise , if the Queen did either refuse to accept reasonable conditions , or the same being accepted did violate the least jot thereof , they should in that case joyne themselves openly with the Congregation , and undergo the like hazard that they did . Thus at their perswasion the Articles following were drawn up and agreed unto by both parties . 1. That both the Armies dissolving , the Towne should be left patent to the Queen . 2. That none of the Inhabitants should be molested or called in question for the alteration they had made in Religion . 3. That no French men should enter into the Towne , nor approach to it by the space of three miles , and that when the Queen retired , there should no French garrison be left in the Town . 4. That all other controversies should be delayed unto the next Parliament , or meeting of the Estates . This appointment was made the 29 of May , anno 1559. after which publick thanks being given by Iohn Knox for the good issue of the present trouble , the Congregation departed forth of the towne , having first obliged themselves one to another , that they should all concurre in maintaining the true Religion , and be ready at all occasions to defend the Professours thereof ; for still they feared that promises should not be kept with them : And that the Queen would finde occasions to violate the Articles , whensoever she pleased , as the successe also declared . For immediately upon their departing , she entered into the towne with some French souldiers in her company , contrary to the Articles ; one of whom marching by the house of Patrick Murray a Citizen , who was known to be most forward in the cause of Religion , whether casually or of purpose , it is uncertain , killed with a shot his son , a boy of 13. yeares old , that was beholding the Queens entrie . The childe being brought and laid before the Queens lodging , she asked whose son he was ; answer made that he was the son of one Patrick Murray , she said that the case was to be pitied ; and the more , that it had fallen on the son , and not on the father ; but she could not help misfortune . Before three dayes passed , all the heads of the Capitulation were broken , some of the Citizens exiled , others fined in great sums , the present Magistrates thrust out of Office , new Rulers intruded , and foure Companies of souldiers left in the town for a Garrison , who were charged to permit no other Service but that of the Romane Church , which against promise she had of new established . Some that desired matters should be more peaceably carried , told her that the placing of a Garrison would be interpreted a breach of the Articles ; she answered , that the promise was to leave no French souldiers in the towne , which she had done , for they were all Scottish men that were there : and it being replied , that all who took wages of the French King , would be counted French souldiers : she said , that promise was not to be kept to Hereticks , and if she could make as honest an excuse after the fact committed , she would take upon her conscience to kill and undo all that Sect. But Princes , saith she , ought not to have their promises so strictly urged . These speeches being divulged did procure to her much ill will. Some reason indeed she had to assure the towne , it being the town of all the Kingdome most commodious for the assembling of forces out of all quarters , and the people by nature bellicose , and at that time greatly inclined to those of the Congregation : but the advantage she made of this was little or nothing to the malice she incurred by the breach of promises . Neither did ●he after this time ever see a good day , but was of all sorts of people despised and misregarded . The Earle of Argile and Lord Iames thinking their honours touched by the breach of the peace , which they had mediated , did forsake her and went to the Congregation : whereupon they were charged to appear before the Councell ; but they answered , That seeing the Queen had broken Conditions , which by warrant from her selfe they had made with the Lords of the Congregation , they would have no more medling in such dishonest courses , and do the best to repair things . The Noble men remained at that time in Saint Andrewes ; and because they foresaw this their answer would not be well accepted , and feared some sudden attempt , ( for the Queen with her French men lay then at Falkland ) they sent to the Lords of Dun and Pittarrow , and others that favoured Religion in the Countries of Angus and Mernis , and requested them to meet at Saint Andrewes the 4. day of Iune . Mean while they themselves went to the town of Craile , whither all that had warning came , shewing great forwardness and resolutions ; and were not a little incouraged by Iohn Knox , who in a Sermon made unto them at the same time put them in minde of that he foretold at Perth , how there was no sincerity in Queen Regents dealing , and that conditions would not be kept , as they had found . Therefore did he exhort them not to be any longer deluded with fair promises , seeing there was no peace to be hoped for at their hands , who took no regard of Contracts and Covenants solemnly sworn . And because there would be no quietness till one of the parties were masters and strangers expulsed out of the Kingdome , he wished them to prepare themselves , either to die as men , or to live victorious . By this exhortation the hearers were so moved , as they fell immediately to the pulling down of Altars and Images , and destroyed all the Monuments which were abused to idolatry in the town . The like they did the next day in Austruther , and from thence came directly to Saint Andrewes . The Bishop hearing what they had done in the Coast-towns , and suspecting they would attempt the same reformation in the City , came to it well accompanied , of purpose to withstand them : but after he had tried the affections of the townsmen , and found them all inclining to the Congregation , he went away early the next morning towards Falkland to the Queen . That day being Sunday , Iohn Knox preached in the Parish Church , taking for his theame the History of the Gospel touching our Saviours purging of the Temple : and applying the corruption which was at that time in Ierusalem to the present estate in the Church , and declaring what was the duty of those to whom God had given authority and power ; he did so incite the Auditors , as the Sermon being ended , they went all and made spoil of the Churches , rasing the Monasteries of the Black and Gray Friers to the ground . The report of this carried to Queen Regent , she was sore incensed , and presently gave order for the marching of the French companies towards Saint Andrewes , directing Proclamations to all the parts about for meeting her in armes the next morning at Couper . The Lords taking purpose to prevent her coming , went the same night thither accompanied with 100. horse onely , and as many foot ; but such was the readiness of men in that quarrell , as before 10. of the clock on the next day their number grew to 3000. The Earle of Rothes and Lord Ruthven brought with them many Gentlemen from Lothian ; the Lairds of Calder , Ormston , Halton , Restarig and Coalston brought only a few ; for the warning they got was late , yet their presence did greatly incourage the rest . The towns of Dundy , Saint Andrewes and Couper shewed great resolution and courage . In the morning early the Noble men had drawn forth their Companies to the Moore on the West side of the town , and committed the direction of all things to Mr. Iames Halleburton , Provost of Dundy , a man of good experience , and much esteemed both for valour and counsell , who made choice of a plot of ground most convenient for defence ; for it lay so , as the Munition might play on all sides upon the enemy without receiving any annoyance from them , till it should come to handy blows . A little river ran also between the Armies , which the enemies behoved pass before they gave the onset . The Lord Ruthven with the horsemen was placed in the vantguard , the other Lords with the Gentlemen of Angus , Mernis , Fise and Lothian , made the battell . The townesmen of Dundy , Saint Andrewes and Couper were set in the rear , and a certain space from them were the serving men and followers of the Camp appointed to stand , which made shew of an auxiliary force provided against all accidents . In Queen Regents Army the French were commanded by Monsieur de Offell , and the Scots by the Duke of Chatterault : the morning was dark , and the fields covered with a foggy mist , which hindered the Armies that they could not see one another . About noontide when the aire began to clear , the French sent some of their company to view the numbers and order kept by the Congregation : who beholding them from a farre , as they stood ranged in three battells , and perceiving behind them the multitude of serving people , which they took to be a supply of French men , affirmed at their return the numbers to be greater then in truth they were . Upon this a Post was directed to the Queen ( who was not as yet come from Falkland ) to enform her how matters went , and to shew that the Lords were much stronger then was supposed , and very forward to fight ; as likewise that they perceived a secret muting in their own Army , some openly professing , that they would not fight against their friends and Countreymen for the pleasure of strangers . She hearing this was content they should treat for peace ; so the Lord Lindsey and Wa●ghton were imployed by the Duke to confer with the Lords , who at first were not suffered to approach nigh to the Army , and had answer that they knew the Queen had sent those forces to pursue them , and if they would invade they should finde them prepared to defend . But they professing all their desires to be for peace , and that they were sent to that effect , were afterwards permitted to goe to the Lords : who told them , that they had been so often abused with the Queen Regents promises , as they could not trust her words any more ; but if she would send back the French men that troubled the Countrey and give surely that no violence should be used to those that professe the true Religion , they should not be found unreasonable . It was ansvvered , that for dimitting the French men , she could say nothing till the French King was advertised ; and for the security craved , she could give no other but her own word , nor stood it with her honour to doe otherwise . Thus because a present peace could not be concluded , a truce for eight dayes was made , upon condition that the French souldiers should be transported unto Lothian , and promise given , that before the expiring of that time some indifferent men should be sent to Saint Andrewes , authorized with sufficient power for making a firm and solid peace . This truce made at Garlibank the 13. of Iune , 1559. was signed by the Duke and Monsieur de O●sell in name of the Queen . This done the Lords of the Congregation departed leaving the fields first at the Dukes request , and returning to Corvper gave publick thanks for that the enemies had failed of their purpose . The next day dismissing the multitude , they went to Saint Andrewes , where attending some days , ( but in vain ) the coming of these indifferent persons who were promised to be sent thither , for concluding a finall peace , complaints were dayly brought unto them of the oppressions used by the Lord of Kinfawns , whom Queen Regent had placed Provost in the town of Perth . The Earle of Argile and Lord Iames did hereupon write to the Queen , shewing how at her speciall desire they had travelled with the Congregation then being at Perth , and brought them to accept of the conditions propounded by her self : the breach whereof chiefly in one point , that is , the placing of a Garrison of souldiers in the town of Perth , was no lesse dishonourable to them who had given their promises to the contrary , then it was grievous to the people : Therefore they desired the Garrison might be removed , and the town restored to the former liberty . No answer returning , the Lords resolved to expulse the Garrison by force , and coming to Perth the 24. of Iune , they summoned the Provost , Captains and Souldiers to render , assuring them , if they held out , and that it happened any one to be killed in the assault , all their lives should pay for it . The Provost and Captains answered , That they had promised to keep the town for Queen Regent , and would to the last drop of their bloud defend the same . As these things were in doing , the Earle of Huntley , the Lord Areskin , and Mr. Iames Bormatyne , Justice Clerk , came by direction of the Queen to perswade the Lords to delay the siege , at least for some dayes : but they refused to defer it the space of one houre , praying them , if they loved the safety of the besieged , to advise them to render ; for if any harm should be done in the assault , their lives should answer it . 〈◊〉 offending that his intercession availed not , left them without a farewell . Then were the Provost and Captains again summoned , but they exspecting no sudden assault , and being confident that the Queen would send relief , answered as before ; whereupon the Lord Ruthven that lay on the West quarter began to batter the walls with his munition . The men of Dundy who lay upon the East side , played upon the town in like manner with their peeces , which put the besieged in fear ; so as considering their own weakness , and doubting the succourse should come too late , they demanded a Parlee , wherein it was agreed , that if the Queen did not send relief within the space of 12. houres , they should depart and go forth of the town with their weapons and ensignes displayed . Thus was the town yeilded , Kinfawns expulsed , and the Lord Ruthven repossessed in his charge , and the inhabitants restored to their Liberties . The next day the Abby of Scone , situate a mile above Perth , was burnt to ashes by the townesmen of Dundy : The Noble men were earnest to have the Church and house saved from fire , but the people were in such fury because one of their company was killed by a shot from the house , as by no means could they be pacified . Intelligence in the mean time coming to the Lords , that the Queen was of minde to place a Garrison of French souldiers in Striveling to stop that passage and seclude the Professors beyond the river of Forth from those of the South , they made haste to prevent her , and rising at midnight came early in the morning to the town , and immediately after their coming pulled all the Monasteries to the ground . The Altars and Images in all the Churches within and about the town were broken and defaced , and the Abbey of Cambuskenneth ruined and cast down . Three dayes they abode at Striveling , and on the fourth marched towards Edinburgh , doing the like at Linlithgow , which is in the way . The rumour of their approach , though they were but few in number ( for they passed not three hundred men in ally did so terrifie the Queen and the companies that were with her , as with all the haste they could make , they fled to Dumbar . The Lord Seaton , who for the time was Provost of Edinburgh , and took upon him the protection of the Black and Gray Friers , abandoned the charge , and left all to the spoile of the multitude , who before the arriving of the Lords had demolished all the monasteries within the Town , and carried away whatsoever they found in the same . It is strange to think how by so weak means in such a disorderly way those things should have been wrought , seeing upon the least shew of resistance the enterprisers would in all probability have lest their attempt . But God put such a fear in the adversaries hearts , as they did flee , none pursuing . Queen Regent not knowing how to redresse these things , gave forth a Proclamation , wherein she declared , That having perceived a seditious tumult to be raised by a part of the Lieges , who named themselves the Congregation , and under pretence of Religion had taken Armes , she by the advice of the Lords of the Privie Councel , for satisfying every mans conscience , and pacifying the present troubles , had made offer to call a Parliament in Ianuary next , or sooner if they were pleased , for establishing an universal order in matters of Religion by the advice of the Estates , and in the mean time to suffer every man live at Liberty , serving their conscience without any trouble , untill further order were taken . And because much appeared to consist upon the state of the Town of Edinburgh , she in like manner had offered to permit the inhabitants to use what manner of Religion they would during that time , to the end none might have just cause to say , that they were forced to any thing against their mindes . But that they of the congregation rejecting all reasonable offers , had by their actions clearly shewed , that it is not Religion , nor any thing pertaining thereto that they seek but onely the subversion of authority , and the usurpation of the Crowne . In testimony whereof they daily brought English men into their houses that come with messages unto them , and returned answers back to England , and of late had violently possessed the Palace of Halirudhouse , and intromitted with the Irons of the Mint-house , one of the chief things that concerned the Crown . Wherefore she commanded all persons belonging to the said congregation , ( the inhabitants of the Burgh excepted ) to depart forth of the town of Edinburgh within six houres after the charge , as likewise all that were of their society to forsake them , and live obedient to the authority , except they would be reputed and holden traytours to the Crown , &c. Together with this Proclamation rumors were dispersed , that the Lords of the Congregation had conspired to deprive the Queen Regent of her authority , and to disinherit the Duke of Chattelerault , and his heirs of their succession and title to the Crown . These rumours were believed of divers , and prevailed so farre , as many that assisted the Congregation began to shrink and fall away : in regard whereof it was thought needful they should clear themselves . both by their letters to the Queen , and open Proclamation to the people ; which they did in manner following . First in the letters directed to the Queen they said , That they had notice given them of a Proclamation lately made , wherein they were traduced as usurpers of their Soveraigns authority and invaders of her person , who in absence of their Soveraigns governed the Realm , which they esteemed to proceed of a sinistrous information made by their enemies , and was an imputation most false and odious ; their intentions being no other , but to abolish idolatry and superstitious abuses , that did not agree with the word of God , and maintain the true Preachers thereof from the violence of wicked men . They did therefore beseech her , to use her authority to that effect , and for other matters she should find them as obedient as any subjects within the Realm , whereof they promised to give testimony and assurance , so as they might have safe accesse to her Highnesse . This was the substance of the letter which was sent by the Lords Ruthven and Ochil●rie unto her . In the Proclamation they did call God to witnesse , That such crimes as they were charged with , never entered into their hearts , and that their only intention was to banish idolatry , and advance true Religion , and defend the Pre achers thereof , promising to continue in all duty towards their Soveraign and her mother their Regent , provided they might enjoy the liberty of their consciences . As to the intromission with the Irons of the Minthouse , they said , That they being born Counsellors of the Realm , and sworne to procure the prosit thereof ; when they understood the subjects to be greatly hurt by the basenesse of the money which increased the dearth of all necessary wares , they could do no lesse of their duties , then stay the coyning of more lay money , untill the Nobility and Councel had taken surther deliberation therein ; And where it was given out , that they had spoiled the Minthouse of great summes , in that point they did remit themselves to the Declaration of Mr. Robert Richardson Master of the Mint , in whose hands they delivered all the gold and silver both coined and uncoined , which there was found , &c. For the Intelligence with England nothing was replied : whereby it seemed there was some dealing that way for expelling the French men , which they did not deny , and thought not convenient as then openly to professe . The Queen taking hold of the last words of the letter sent unto her self , and desiring to know what they would say , as likewise trusting to gain somewhat by conference with them , did offer a safe conduct to any they pleased : whereupon the Lairds of Pittarrow and Cunningham-head were sent in name of the Congregation , to declare that their intent and purpose was no other , but that they might enjoy the liberty of their consciences ; and unable Ministers by removed from all Ecclesiastical administration ; Christ Jesus might be truly preached , and his holy Sacraments rightly administred ; and that their Preachers might be licenced to do their offices without molestation , untill such time as by a general Councel lawfully convened , or by a Parliament within the Realm , the controversies of Religion should be decided . which things being granted , they did faithfully promise in all other things dutiful obedience . Onely to be assured of sincere dealing , they desired that the French companies which were to the countrey a burthen , and fearful to them , might be sent home to their native countrey . These Propositions were not pleasing , yet made she no shew of any dislike , but using gracious words , said , That if she could be assured of their honest and dutiful meaning to her daughter , and her self , their demands seemed not unreasonable . But she longed to speak with some of their number who were of greater authority , meaning as afterwards she uttered that her desire was , the Earl of Argyle and Lord Iames should come unto her ; for when she saw the Lord Ruthven and Ochil●rie returned not unto her , with the Laird of Pittarrow ; she fell a complaining , that she was not sought in a courteous manner , and that they in whom she put her most confidence , had left her in her greatest need . In end she said , That she could not be satisfied till she spake with the Earl of Argyle , and Lord James , for still she suspected there was some higher purpose amongst them then religion . This reported to the Lords , they would not by any means condescend that these Noblemen should go unto her , doubting some practice against them ; for she was heard say , That if the means could be found out to divide these two from the rest , she was sure to prevaile : one likewise of her chiefe attendants was said to have bragged , that before Michaelmas next both these Noblemen should lose their heads . This not succeeding , it was agreed that the Duke , the Earl of Huntly , the Lords Erskin and Summervaile , with the Abbot of Kilwining , and Justice Clerk should meet for the Queen , with such as the Congregation did appoint , for treating of the best means to settle a constant and solid peace , and for the part of the Congregation were named the Earles of Argyle and Glencarne , the Lord Ruthven , Boyd , and Ochiltrie , the Lord Iames , the Lairds of Dun and Pittarrow . These meeting at Preston , to the number of an hundred on each side , ( as was appointed ) conferred together a whole day , but without any conclusion ; for the Queen seeming to yield unto the free exercise of Religion would have it provided , that in what place she happened to come , the Ministers should cease from preaching , and the Masse only be used . The Lords answered , That this were to leave them no Church , for when the Queen pleased , she might change the place of her residence , and so there could not be any certain exercise of Religion , which were all alike , as to overthrow it : In these termes they parted that night , yet the Lords named for the Congregation unwilling to break off the conference , said , they would think more of the businesse , and advertise what would be yeelded unto . After some deliberation , the Lord Ruthven and Pittarrow were remitted with this answer , That as they could not impede her to use what exercise of Religion she pleased , so could they not agree that the Ministers of Christ should be silenced upon any occasion , much lesse that the true service of God should give place to superstition and idolatry . Wherefore they humbly requested ( as often they had done ) liberty to serve God according to their consciences , and did beseech her to remove the French soulders , otherwise there could be no firm and solid peace . The Queen hearing all , replied only that she wished there might be peace ; but to none of the points proponed made she any direct answer . Whereupon the Noblemen resolved to bide together at Edinburgh , and not depart till matters were fully composed . Newes in this time were brought of the French King Henry the second his death , which put the Lords in some better hopes , but withall made them more carelesse ; for divers , as though nothing was now to be feared , did slide away to attend their private affaires , and they who remained expecting no invasion , lived secure , keeping neither watch nor ward , as if there had been no enemy to fear . The Queen on the other side became more watchful , observing all occasions whereby she might weaken the faction , and assure her self : So getting notice of the solitude which was at Edinburgh , she hasted thither with the companies she had . The Lords advertised of her coming , grew doubtful what to do , for howsoever they might save themselves by flight , they saw the town by their retiring should be lost , and the Church , which in some good fashion was then established , be utterly cast down ; therefore with the small number they had , they issued forth of the town ; and putting themselves in order , stood on the East side of Craigingate , to impede the approach of the French. The Duke and Earl of Morton , who were gone that morning to meet the Queen , and give her the convoy , laboured to compose things , but prevailed not ; onely that day they kept the parties from falling into an open conflict . The next day when the Queen , which lay all that night at Leith , prepared to enter into the town by the West port , and that the Lords were advancing to stop her in the way ; the Lord Areskin , who untill that time had carried himself a neuter , threatned to play upon them with the Canon , unlesse they suffered the Queen to enter peaceably , and without trouble . This it was supposed he did , to make them accept the conditions of truce offered the day before , which they seeing no better way , were content to yeeld unto The Articles were as followeth . 1. That the Congregation , and their adherents , ( the inhabitants of Edinburgh only excepted ) should depart forth of the town , within the space of twenty four houres , to the end the Queen Regent and her companies may enter peaceably in the same . 2. That the Congregation should render the Palace of Halirudhouse , with all the furnishing they found therein , redeliver the Minthouse and Printing Irons the next morning before ten of the clock : and for observing this and the former Article , the Lord Ruthven , and Laird of Pittarrow should enter as pledges to the Queen . 3. That the Lords of the Congregation , and all the members thereof should remain obedient subjects to the King and Queens authority , and to the Queen Regent , as governing in their place , observing the lawes and customes of the Realm , as they were used before the raising of this tumult in all things , ( the cause of Religion excepted ) wherein the order after specified , should be followed . 4. That the Congregation should not trouble nor molest any Churchman by way of deed , nor make them any impediment in the peaceable enjoying and uplifting their rents , and that it should be lawful for them to dispone , and use their benefices and rents , according to the lawes and customes of the Realm , untill the tenth of Ianuary next . 5. That the Congregation should use no force nor violence in casting down of Churches , religious places , or defacing the ornaments thereof , but the same should be harmlesse at their hands , untill the tenth of Ianuary next . 6. That the town of Edinburgh should use what Religion they pleased , untill the said day , and none of the Subjects in other parts of the countrey be constrained against their mindes in matters of that kind . 7. That the Queen should not interpone her authority , to molest the Preachers of the Congregation , nor any other their members in their bodies , lands ; possessions , pensions , or whatsoever other kind of goods they enjoyed ; nor yet should any spiritual or temporal Judges trouble them for the cause of religion , or other action depending thereupon , untill the said tenth of Ianuary , but that every man should live in the mean time according to conscience . 8. That no man of Warre , French or Scottish , should be put in Garison within the town of Edinburgh , only it should be lawful to the souldiers to repaire thither for doing their lawful affairs ; which done , they should retire themselves to their proper Garisons . This truce , and the heads thereof published , the Lords departed towards Striveling . leaving Iohn Willock Minister to serve in the Church of Edinburgh , As they departed , the Duke and Earle of Huntley met with them at the Quarry holes , promising if any part of the appointment should be violated , to joyn all their forces for expulsing the French out of the Realm : and indeed the Queen was then more careful nor in former times she had been , to see that no breach should be made ; howbeit many wayes she went about to reestablish the Masse , and bring the favourers of Religion in contempt . In Edinburgh she employed the Duke , the Earl of Huntley , and Lord Seaton , to deal with the Magistrates and Councel of the Town , that they would appoint some other Church then S. Giles where their Minister might preach , reserving that Church to her use , and for the exercise of the Masse . The Magistrates answered , That S. Giles Church had been the ordinary place of their meeting to Sermon and other Religious Exercises , and could not be taken from them without a manifest breach of the truce ; seeing by one of the Articles it was provided , that the Preachers of the Congregation should not be molested in any thing they possessed at the making of the appointment . Huntley replying , That the Queen meant to keep all conditions , and desired this onely of their favour ; or if they would not change the place of their preaching , that at least they would permit Masse to be said either before or after Sermon in the Church of S. Giles : They answered , That they were in possession of that Church , and would never consent that Idolatry should be there again erected ; or if men would do it violently , they behoved to suffer , and would use the next remedy . This being refused another device was invented , that the French Captains , with their souldiers , should in time of Sermon and prayers keep their walkes in the Church , and trouble the exercise so much as they could . This they thought would enforce them to make choice of a more retired place for their Sermons , or then irritate the people , and breed an occasion of some disorder , so as the breach of the peace should proceed from them . The insolence was great they committed in this kind , for they did laugh and talk so loud all the time , as the Preacher could not be heard , yet was it patiently digested , knowing that an occasion of trouble was only sought . In other places their behaviour was no better , for at Leth they did cut in pieces the Pulpit erected for the Preachers , and set up the Masse , which had been suppressed before in that town . The like did they in the Abbey Church , forcibly abolishing the service of Common Prayers , which there was ordinarily used . And in what place soever they came , some one disturbance or other they wrought to the professors of the turth . Herewith a rumour was dispersed amongst the vulgar , That it was not Religion as the Congregation pretended , but an open rebellion they went about ; and that their purpose was to disinherit their lawful Queen , and set up Lord James her base brother in her place : which by divers was apprehended as truth , and wrought a great alienation of mindes from the cause . About the same time came Monsieur Crook a French Gentleman with letters from the Queen and King Francis her husband to Lord Iames , full of exprobrations and menacings , as appeareth by the Copies here insert . Francis King of France to Iames Prior of S. Andrewes . COusin , when I understood as well by letters as common report the tumults raised at this time in Scotland , I was much commoved , especially when it was said that you , to whom my dear wife , my father deceased , and my self have given so many benefices , should be the head and principall fosterer of the same . That you should be so forgetfull of our love , and of the duty you have at all times professed unto the Queen , I would not believe ; or if it was so as the same commonly reporteth , I did think that you were induced by the promises and flattering perswasions of others to take the fault upon you whereof they were the cause , supposing the offence would be esteemed either none , or very small in your person . This my conceit of you , if it be true , shall be as joyfull to me as that which should be most joyfull , for I should with by this mean some part of my displeasure mitigated into which you are worthily fallen , having deceived the hope which I had of your piety towards God , and your faithfull service towards my self . Therefore since nothing can be more acceptable to me , then to hear that controversies are composed , and all things compacted without tumult , according to law and good order ; and since I am perswaded this may be easily done by your credit , I thought meet to advertise you by these letters , and for the good will I bear you , I do earnestly request that you will return to the obedience from which you have foully fallen , that so I may see you carry another minde , then that which your foolish actions have manifested . This will appear to be so , if that you apply your diligence to bring those things which now are out of order in those parts , back again to the ancient and sound form of obedience , which you know is due to God and me . Otherwise I would have you , and all those that adhere unto you , perswaded that ere it be long I shall take such punishment of you and them , as your wickedness deserveth , which I have given the bearer charge to make known unto you at more length , whom I will you to credit as my self , praying God , my Cousin , to have you in his protection . Paris the 17. day of Iuly 1559. The Letter sent by the Queen , was of the tenor following ; MARY , Queen of Scotland and France , to Iames Prior of the Monasterie of S. Andrewes . I Cannot my Cousin wonder enough , how you that are nighest us in bloud , and greatly benefitted by our liberality , as your self knoweth , should be so presumptuous and wickedly disposed , as by one and the same fact to violate the Majesty of God , and the authority belonging to me , and my husband ; for to me it is a wonder that you , who being with me did complain of the Duke of Chattellerault , and divers others for dismissing my authority , should now be the leader of a faction in matters of greatest weight , wherein not onley the honour of God is touched , but my authority all utterly taken away : which I would have more easily believed of any other of my subjects then of you , for I had a special hope of your sidelity , and am not a little grieved that you should have deceived me ; Though yet I can scarse be perswaded , that you are gone so far from truth and reason , as to be carried away with such blinde errours which I wish were not , as any in the world else , beseeching God to illuminate you with his light , that returning into the right way you may shew your self ( by doing things contrary to that you have already performed ) a good man , and obedient to our lawes ; whereof by these letters I thought good to admonish you , and withall earnestly to intreat you to amend your by gone faults , with better deeds in time coming ; that the anger which I and my husband have conceived against you , may by that means be mitigated . Otherwise I would have you understand , that we will take such punishment of you , that you shall ever remember us , which shall be to me a most grievous thing . God I beseech to keep you from all danger . Paris the 24. of Iuly . 1559. Lord Iames having perused the Letters , and conferred a space with the Gentleman , who was commanded to say unto him , That the King would rather spend the Crown of France , then not be revenged of the seditious tumults raised in Scotland , made answer in writing as followeth . That he was no way conscious to himself of any und●tisulness either in word or deed a gainst his Soveraignes lawes . That it was true he had joyned himself with these of the Nobility who went about the reforming of Religion , and would not deny it , but this he did not esteem a fault against the King or Queen . For thereby nothing is sought , but the advancement of Gods honour and the Gospel of Iesus Christ , from which if he should desist it were in effect to renounce his Lord and Saviour . Then this cause onely excepted , he and the rest who were charged with the crime of Rebellion , should in all other things be most obsequent . This writing he delivered to Monsieur Crooke , who gave it Queen Regent , she opening the same and reading it , said , that such a proud and rebellious answer was never given to a King and Queen . Some few dayes after this , arrived a French Captain called Octavian with a Regiment of souldiers , who brought with him great summes of money , and other necessary provisions for warre : But the Queen did incontinent send him back to intreat the French King for other four companies to make up the number of twenty Ensignes with an hundred horsemen , and four ships well appointed to keep the Haven of Leth : trusting therewith , as she said , and with the assistance she promised her self in the Countrey , to daunt all the rebells and bring them to obedience . Meane while , she began to fortifie the towne of Leth , as being a Port fit to receive fresh supplies , and a place that might serve the French companies for a refuge , if they should happen to be redacted to any necessitie . The Lords of the Congregation kept at that time a Convention in Striveling , and thither came the Earle of Arrane ( the Duke his eldest son ) having left France upon this occasion . Being one day in conference with the Duke of Guise ( who then ruled all things in the French Court ) and falling in speech of those that professed the reformed Religion , he did utter his minde too freely in their favours : which was so ill taken , as it was resolved to call him in question . Of this , and other speeches that had escaped the Cardinall of Lorraine in the Court of Parliament , he was advertised , and thereupon retired quickly from Court , and went to Geneva ; there he became acquainted with Mr. Randolph an English man ( who was afterwards imployed in many honourable Legations to Scotland ) and came with him into England , where he was much graced by Queen Elizabeth , and by her perswasions induced to promise , that at his return he should joyn himself with those that sought to expell the French forth of Scotland , and move his father so far as in him lay , to take part in that cause . Both which he truly performed ; for immediately upon his return he came to the Noblemen at Sriveling and made offer of his assistance in the common quarrell both of Religion and the liberty of the Countrey . Then going to visit his Father at Hamilton he won him to their side , and reconciling some old grudges betwixt his father and certain Noblemen , brought them all to meet together at Hamilton , and to write a common Letter to Queen Regent , which was to this effect : That it was to them a marvell , ho she not provoked by any injury , could go so soon from the late appointment , as to expulse the ancient inhabitants of the town of Leth , place therein a Colonie of strangers , as minding to keep the Countrey under a Tyrannicall subjection ; This they said was against her promise , against the publick weale , and against the lawes and liberties of the Kingdome ; wherefore they intreated her to desist from that course , and not to drive them into a necessity of seeking the concurrence of the Subjects for resisting the mischief intended against the whole . This letter dated at Hamilton the 29. of September , was subserived by the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earles of Arrane , Argile , Glencarn , and Mentieth ; the Lords Ruthven , Boyd , and Ochiltrie , and divers other Barons and Gentlemen . They wrote also to the Lord Ereskin keeper of the Castles of Edinburgh and Striveling ; Desiring him as a Nobleman and a Member with them of the same Common-wealth to look circumspectly to his own person , and to the strengths committed to his trust , and not to suffer himself to be abused with the promises and policies which they knew would be used . Hereof they did think it needfull , as they said , to give him warning , not that they stood in doubt of his sidelity , but that they esteemed it their duty to advertise him of the common danger , and to assure him , if by violence any should go about to bereave him of those sorts , their assistance should not be lacking . Queen Regent not liking to make an answer to the Lords in writing , sent Sir Robert Carnagie , and Mr. David Borthuick with a letter of credit to the Duke . That which they had in credit to say was , that she wondred much at his joyning with the Lords , or that he should have permitted the Earle of Arrane his son take that course ; and to advise him to come and stay with her at Court ; or if they could not obtain that point , that they should disswade him from taking part with them . The Duke asking what the Queen meant to do concerning the fortification at Leth and dispatch of the French men ; they said , If all things were put in the Queen will , she would be gracious enough . Whereunto he replayed , That both he and the rest of the Lords would most willingly serve her , so as she would be ruled by the counsell of naturall Scottish men ; but so long as she kept about her strangers , who were a trouble and great to the Countrey , he beleeved no wise man would give either him , or them advise to put themselves in her hands . This answer reported to the Queen , because she perceived the arriving of the French souldiers to be generally ill taken , she gave forth a Proclamation ; Wherein complaining of the calumnies dispersed against her by wicked people , especially that she had broken the appointment made with the Congregation at Leth , ( which she said was onely to entertain division in the Realm ) by receiving of French forces which they aggredged so far against all reason , it not being an Article of the appointment ; that albeit for every Frenchman that was in Scotland , there were a hundreth at her command , there should not a jot that was promised be broken , nor the least alteration be made in any thing , if the Congregation did in like manner faithfully keep their part . Therefore willed all good subjects not to give eare to such informations , nor suffer themselves to be led thereby from their due obedience , assuring them that they should ever finde with her truth in promise , and a motherly love towards all loyall subjects . Besides the Proclamation , she imployed in the Countrey some whom she especially trusted , to inform the Subjects of her good meaning ; the principalls were , Mr. Iames Balfoure Officiall of Lothian , Mr. Thomas and Mr. William Scots sons to the Laird of Balwery , Sir Robert Carnagy and some others . Neither did she omit to deal with the specials of the Congregation , sending Sir Iohn Bannatyne Justice Clerk to the Lord Ruthven , with many liberall promises , if he would leave the faction , and Mr. Iohn Spence of Condy to Lord Iames with a letter bearing this effect ; That having understood the cause of his departing from her , to be the love he bare to Religion : Albeit she did mislike the same , yet knowing his minde , and the mindes of other Noble men to be so far bent that way , as there was no possiblity to reclaim them , she had now resolved to tolerate their profession , and at their own sights , to grant such liberty as might stand with the common policy of the Realm and their Soveraigns honour . As for the men of Warre , and fortification at Leth so much complained of , she said , that some had given her to understand , that it was not the advancement of Religion which was sought , but that the same was made a pretext to overthrow the authority of his sister , ( whereof she beleeved he would never be participant ) and this was the true cause of inbringing the said forces , whereas if suspicions and jealousie could be removed , she would be well pleased to dimit them ; for it grieved her much to see the troubles that were in the Countrey , neither desired she any thing more , then a perfect peace and reconciliation , wherein she requested his assistance , praying him to keep faith and kindness to his sister ( who trusted more in him then in any man living ) and to shew her what he desired for his own particular , and she would faithfully the same should be performed to his contenment . By such policies as these she laboured to disunite the Lords ; but the love of the cause , and their own safeties , which they apprehended to consist in their fastnesse and fidelity to others , kept them together . The many breaches they had also found , begat in them such a distrust , as nothing , though never so truly meant , could be believed ; his answer therefore was , That in the matter proponed to him he could say nothing by himself , for they had all taken oath to have no private dealing with her , or to make any several addresse for themselves , which for his own part he would keep unviolate , and how soon the Noblemen were convened , he would shew what was written unto him , and leave nothing undone , that served to establish peace in the Realm ; provided the glory of God was not interessed : neither doubted he if she were found as tractable as by her letter she professed , but she would obtain of the rest that which might in reason content her . Further he said , that he had communicated to her servant some things that misliked him in her proceedings with a true heart , which he wished of God she , and all men knew . When as Queen Regent perceived these means could not divide them , she gave forth a new Proclamation of this tenor . That whereas the Duke of Chattellerault had directed his missives unto all the parts of the Realm , informing that the French men lately arrived , were begun to plant in Leth for the ruine of the Common-wealth , and that the fortification made there was a purpose devised in France to bring the subjects under servitude , which he and his partakers could not patiently endure , she esteems it needful for the manifestation of her proceeding since the last appointment , to make the Declaration following : First , that divers of the Congregation , and those not of the meanest sort , had violated the said appointment in sundry heads , yet she , in hope that they would have returned to their duties , did connive at many things , and took no notice of their doings , till of late ( having perceived by their frequent messages to , and from England , and by the defection of many great personages from her obedience , that there was some other purpose in hand , then the establishing of Religion ) she was forced to have her recourse to the law of nature , and as a bird that is pursued will provide a nest for it self , and for her followers : for which cause she had made choice of the town of Leth , as a place most convenient , being her daughters property , whereunto no person could lay claim ; a place fortified of old , and such as made best for her safety . Further she said , that it was not religion that they sought , but a meer rebellion they were entred into against their Soveraigns , as appeared by many evidences . First , by the taking of Broughtie Castle , and expulsing the Keepers thereof by some of the Congregation : Next , by the contempt of the offer made by her self unto the Lord Duke , when he complained of the fortification of Leth , that if they would cause amend the wrongs committed against the Lawes of the Realm , she would do what in reason they could require . Thirdly , by the charges he had sent to the free Burghs to chuse such Magistrates as they thought would assist them in their purpose . And fourthly , by the witholding of provision , against all humanity , from her and from her family . All which things to those that had any eyes made more then manifest , that it was no other but a plain usurpation of authority they went about ; the particulars whereof she had certainly understood , it being detected unto her , that the Earl of Arrane had joyned with the Congregation for no other end , and that the Crown was promised by them unto him : yet she no way doubting of the subjects good affection , and that they would when need should be , stand in defence of their Soveraigns right against all pretenders , thought meet to give them warning of these practices , and prohibit the Lieges to put themselves in Armes , or take part with the Duke , and his assisters , &c. Monsieur Pellence Bishop of Amiens , ( he was afterwards Archbishop of Sent , and created Cardinal arrived about this time at Leth , accompanied with three Doctors of Sorbon , Doctor Furmer , Doctor Brochet , and Doctor Ferretier . Monsieur le Broche a French Knight , gave them the convoy with two thousand foot . The Doctors gave out , that they were come to dispute with the Preachers of the Congregation . The other two pretended a Legation , and sent to some of the Nobility resident at the time in Edinburgh , to desire a hearing . It was answered , That they came not as Ambassadours , but as enemies , to bragge and threaten them with Armes , otherwise they needed not have brought so many armed souldiers in their company . If they meant to treat with weapons in their hands , they would likewise fortify themselves , and make it seen that they were not moved to any thing by compulsion , but guided by reason : nor would they have them think they were sorude and ignorant , as to fall in reasoning with adversaries , that might force them to conditions at their pleasure . Wherefore if they desired peace and quietnesse , as was pretended , it should be fittest to dimit these for ain souldiers , and seek to have matters composed according to reason and Justice . This answer given , there was no more heard of the Legation , nor of the Doctors disputes . The Lords in the mean time published a Declaration answering the other lately made by Queen Regent , wherein first they declared , That as they had often complained of the inbringing of French souldiers , and the manifold oppressions done by them , so they could not but seek redresse thereof by all means , in regard the same tended to an open conquest of the countrey , and the laying upon their necks an intolerable servitude ; for whereas the Queen did pretend the defection of divers great Personages from her obedience , and the frequent messages to , and from England , to be the cuase of their inbringing ; it is well known that before the arrival of these strangers , there was no such defection , but all lived peaceable and obedient , according to the appointment made by her self . And for the Messages to England , time will make manifest that the support craved was to no other end but to maintain Religion , and suppresse idolatry ; wherein they think they have done nothing against their duties , it being lawful for them where their own power faileth , to seek help and assistance , wheresoever they may have it . Next touching the convenience of Leth for a place of fortification ; they grant it is a port very fit to receive strangers ; but had the Queen intended no more then her own security , Dumbar , Blackness , and other forts already built , would have better served to that use . And where she called Leth her daughters property , they answered that it was notoure , the summes payed to the Laird of Restalrig Superiour of Leth were disbursed by the inhabitants , and a large taxation given to her self upon promise , that their town should be erected into a Burgh royal ; in place of which , some of the indwellers were expulsed from their own houses , others robbed of their substance , and all that chused to remain there , kept in such fear and terrour , as in effect they esteemed nothing their own . Neither was this only done to those that professed themselves reformed , but to all the inhabitants indifferently ; which shew clearly , that the French did mind nothing lesse , then to subdue the whole nation , if it lay in their power . And where it was said , that the town of Leth was fortified of old , the same was never done without the consent of the Nobility and Estates of the Realm , whereas the present fortification was made expresly against their wills signifying to her in writing . Concerning the Earl of Arrane , and their purpose to place him in authority , they took God to record , that the same never entered into their hearts ; and that neither the said Earl , nor any pertaining unto him , did ever move them in such a matter ; which if they had done , they were not so foolish as to promise that , which afterwards they must needs have repented . Then for the particulars adduced to qualifie their intended rebellion , they answered , that the taking of Broughty was to prevent the danger that might have ensued , if the French should have planted tin that place as they had done at Leth , whereof the conjectures were not obscure . As to the Dukes misregard of her offer , they did remit the truth of that , to the report of the persons imployed by her self . Further it was said , that they had directed charges to the free Burghs to elect Magistrates at their appetites ; and truth was , that some towns askt their advice in this businesse , and that the answer given them was , that if they elected such as feared God , and loved equity , and justice , they could not erre in their choice . But that she should object this , seemed strange , seeing it was known , that she her self did force the town of Edinburgh to take Magistrates of her appointment , and against their own liking . Lastly , for the impeding of necessary provisions to her and her family , they utterly denied the same ; only they had taken order to stay the furnishing of strangers ( that oppressed the countrey ) with victuals , and did forthink the same was not sooner and more strictly done : concluding , that seeing nature did oblige them to love their countrey , and the oath they had given to be true to the Commonwealth , forced them to hazard whatsoever God had given them in defence thereof ; they being Counsellors of the Realm by birth , could not forbear to seek that by force of Arms , which hitherto had been denied them . Therefore required all natural Scottish men to judge between the Queen and them , and not to abstract their just and dutiful support from their native countrey in so needful a time , assuring them who did otherwise , that they should be esteemed betrayers of the Kingdome into the hands of strangers . This Declaration made , the Lords assembling their forces , came to Edinburgh the eighteenth of October , and on the same day Queen Regent by the counsel of the French men entered into Leth , with the Bishops of S. Andrewes , Glasgow , Dunkeld , the Lord Seaton and some others . The day following they sent a letter to the Queen declaring , how they were convened to see a redresse made of the great disorders that were in the Realm , especially to have the town of Leth made patent for the free traffique of the subjects , and desiring her to command all the strangers and mercenary souldiers to depart forth of the same , and to cause the forts to be demolished which were newly erected ; otherwise they would take it for an argument , that her meaning was to bring the Kingdome into servitude ; against which mischief they would provide by the best means they could . The messenger who carried this letter , after he had been detained a whole day , was dismissed without answer . Mean while the rumour increasing of the Duke his usurpation of the authority , he thought it necessary to make a publick purgation , as he did at the Mercat Crosse of Edinburgh , by sound of Trumpet , protesting both for himself and for his sonne the Earl of Arrane , that none of them did seek any preheminence , nor meant to usurp the authority Royal , but that they were convened with the rest of the Nobility to maintain the cause of Religion , and liberty of their native countrey invaded by strangers ; which he desired all men to believe , and not to be carried with the false and malicious reports of enemies , devised onely to withdraw the hearts of natural Scottish men , from the succour they owed to their oppressed countrey . Two dayes after Robert Forman , Lion Herald , was directed by Queen Regent to the Lords with this writing . After commendations we received your lette of the date at Edinburgh the 19. of this instant , which to us appeareth rather to have come from a Prince to his subjects , then from subjects to those that bear the authority ; for answer whereof we have sent unto you this bearer the Lion Herald King of Armes sufficiently instructed with our mind , to whom you shall give credit . At Leth the 21. October . 1559. The credit , as the Herald related the same , was this ; First , he shewed the Queen did think it strange , there should be any other to command within the Realm besides her daughter and her husband : in fomer times had been given just causes of suspicion , so now she perceived clearly by the contents of the last letters , they did not acknowledge any authority superiour to themselves in the Kingdome . Next he was desired to ask the Duke of Chatteller ault how his doings did agree with his words and writing , whereby he promised not only to obey the King himself , but also to keept his sonne of the Earle of Arrane from medling with the present broyles and tumults of the countrey . Thirdly , in answer to their letters , he was willed to say , that it never came in her minde to overthrow the liberty and lawes of the Realme , much lesse to make a conquest of it ; for to whom should she seek the same , it being her daughter by right , and she already possessed thereof ? nor could they think her so unnatural , as to bereave her own childe of the Crown , and acquire it to another . As to the fortification of Leth , and entertaining of strangers , he was bidden ask if any thing in that kind was by her attempted before they did shew themselves manifest contemners of the Authority , by surprising Townes , and making bonds both amongst themselves , and with the ancient enemies of the Kingdome ; and to omit other things , Could they think it lawful to them to keep an Army at Edinburgh , for pursuing her who was their Regent , and her Councel , and that it should not be lawful to her to entertain a few companies at Leth for her own safety ? Belike they would have her to flee from place to place , as hitherto she hath done , declining their fury . In their whole letters was there a word sounding to obedience , any overture of peace , or so much as an intimation of willingnesse in them to have debates composed , and all things reduced to their former estate ? They might cover it as they pleased with the pretexts of the Commonwealth , and their care of the good and quiet thereof , but nothing lesse was meaned by them . For if they desired peace , she hath often shewed the way unto it . Neither could they be ignorant , that the French souldiers would long before that time have been recalled by the command of their King , if they themselves had not been a let and hinderance thereto . Further he was required to say , that if as yet they would live obedient to their Soveraigns , she for her own part would refuse no meanes of concord , nor should she omit any thing that made for the good of the Commonwealth . Neither was this her mind alone , but the mind likewise of their Soveraigns , who had sent two chief men , one of the Church estate , and the other an honourable Knight , to signifie so much unto them , whom they so farre despised , as they would not vouchsafe them either answer , or audience , Lastly , the said Herald , as he was enjoined , did charge the Duke , the Noblemen and others their assisters and partakers , to depart forth of the Town of Edinburgh , and dissolve their forces under the pain of lese Majestie . The Herald having in this sort delivered his credit , the Lords convened in Councell with a number of Barons and Burgesses , whom they called to assist . In this meeting the Lord Ruthven presiding , declared how the Queen had refused their Petitions , and that there was no expectation of the yeelding up the Town of Leth , or dimitting the French companies by a peaceable treaty , so as now they were to think of the next course . The reverence of authority , ( which as yet was in the person of Queen Regent ) deterred many at first from uttering their mindes , yet after some short silence , they began to speak of discharging the Queen of her Regencie . The motion seemed dangerous to some , as wanting example , at least for a long time : The like , they said , had been sometimes done , but it was alwayes carried under the shew of authority ; they in whose hands the King was at that time , taking upon them in his name to suspend the present Government . But that the Nobility and Estates without , and against the Princes consent , should assume that power to themselves , was never heard , and would be thought strange . Others held , that she being a Regent only , might very well be prohibited to use the name of the King and Queen for authorising of her proceedings , especially when they were known to be hurtful and pernicious to the whole Kingdomes . In this variation of judgements it was thought meet to take the opinion of the Preachers , and to that effect Mr. Iohn Willock , and Iohn Knox being called , they delivered their mindes one after another in this sort . Mr. Iohn Willock first speaking , said , That albeit Magistracie be Gods Ordinance , and that they who bear rule have their authority from him , yet their power is not so largely extended , but that the same is bounded , and limited by God in his word . And albeit God had appointed Magistrates his Lieutenants on earth , honouring them with his own title , and calling them Gods , yet did he never so establish any , but for just causes they might be deprived ; for even as subjects , said he , are commanded to obey their Magistrates , so Magistrates have direction given them for their behaviour towards those they rule ; and God in his word hath defined the duties both of the one , and the other . In deposing Princes , and those that have borne authority , God did not alwayes use his immediate power , but sometimes he used other means , such as in his wisdome he thought good . As by Asa he removed Maacha his own Mother from the honour and authority which before she did exerce : By Jehu he destroyed Joram and the whole posterity of Achab , and by divers others he deposed from the Government , those whom he established before by his own word . Of these ensamples he inferred , That since Queen Regent had denied her chief duty to the subjects of the Realme , which was to minister Iustice indifferently , to preserve them from the invasion of strangers , and to suffer the word of God to be freely preached : seeing also she was a maintainer of superstition , and despised the counsell of the Nobility , he did think they might justly deprive her from all regiment and authority over them . Iohn Knox being next desired to speak , after he had approved all which his brother had said , did adde this more , That the iniquity of the Queen Regent ought not to withdraw their hearts from the obedience due to their Soveraigns ; nor did he wish any such sentence to be pronounced against her , but that when she should change her course , and submit her self to good counsel , there should be place left unto her of regresse to the same honours , from which for just causes she ought now to be deprived . It had been a better , and wiser part in these Preachers , to have excused themselves from giving any opinion in these matters , for they might be sure to have it cast in their teeth , to the scandal of their profession . Neither was the opinion they gave sound in it self , not had it any warrant in the word of God ; for howbeit the power of the Magistrates be limited , and their office prescribed by God , and that they may likewise fall into great offences , yet it is no where permitted to subjects to call their Princes in question , or to make insurrections against them , God having reserved the punishment of Princes to himself . And for the ensamples they alleadged , they are nothing to the purpose ; for Asa was King of Iudah , and in possession of the Crown , and Maacha , though in nature his Mother , was by condition his subject , and might lawfully be discharged from the authority ( which by his favour she enjoyed ) after she fell to the erecting and worshipping of Idols . As to the ensample of Iehu , it is nothing better , seeing what he did was by Gods expresse Commandment , who giveth and taketh away Kingdomes as he pleaseth ; but no man hath this power , and they that presume otherwise , go expresly against the Commandment of God , and the duty of Christian profession . Alwayes the Lords and others then assembled , as having now their determination sufficiently warranted , fell to gather the voices of such as were present , who all uniformly consented to her deprivation . So by an Act , and Decree of Councell , ( wherein were reckoned out all the enormities alledged to have been committed by Queen Regent ; namely , the pursuing of the Barons and Burgesses of the Realm with open hostility , no proces nor order of law being first used ; nor they called and convict of any crime in lawful judgement ; The thrusting in of Magistrates upon people within Burghes against their liking , and without any order of election ; The inbringing of forainers into the Realm , without the advice and counsel of the Nobility ; The laying of Garisons in some Towns to the oppression of peaceable subjects ; The coyning of base money to the impoverishing of the country ; The placing of a stranger in one of the greatest offices within the Realm , as the office of Chancellary , which she had conferred to Monsieur Rubie a French man ; The sending of the great Seal forth of the Realm , against the advice of the Councel ; The altering of the Lawes and Customes of the Realm , especially in graces and pardons granted to the Lieges , and the obstinate refusing of the Nobility and Barons their request , when they sought redress of these evils ) they in name and by the authority of their Soveraigns did suspend the Commission granted to Queen Regent , discharging her of all authority untill the next Parliament that should be called by their advice , and consent . Prohibiting likewise the officers and others serving her , under colour of the said authority , to exerce their offices from henceforth , and to coyn either gold or silver without express consent of the Councel and Nobility , conform to the lawes of the Realm . This Act ordained to be published in all the head Burghes of the Kingdom , was subscribed in this manner ; By us the Nobility and Commons of the Protestants of the Church of Scotland . Assoon as this Act was by found of Trumpet proclaimed , the Herald whom they had detained two dayes , was dismissed with an answer conceived in this form : By the letters and instructions you have sent by the Herald unto us , we take up how ill you are set against God his truth , the liberty of this our native countrey , and the common good of all . To defend these , as in duty we are bound , we in the name of our Soveraign Lord and Lady suspend your Commission , and all administration publick which you thereby may pretend , as being assured that your proceedings are direct contrary to their mindes , which we know are inclined to the weal and common good of the countrey . And seeing you refuse us who are natural born subjects of the Realm to be your Counsellors , we will no longer acknowledge you for our Regent , and lawful Magistrate , considering the authority ( if any you have committed unto you by our Soveraignes ) is for most just and weighty reasons suspended by us in their name , whose Counsellors we are by birth , in these matters chiefly , that concern the safety of the Commonwealth . And howbeit we have determined , with the hazard of our lives to set that Town at liberty , wherein you have most injustly planted your mercenary souldiers and strangers , yet for the reverence we bear unto you , as being the mother of our Queen , we earnestly beseech you to depart thence at this time , when we constrained by publick necessity are by force of Armes to recover it . We further request you to bring forth of the Town with your self , all that carry themselves as Ambassadours , and are come unto the countrey , either for taking up of controversies , or assisting the government of publick affaires , within the space of twenty four houres , and to cause the Captains , Lieutenants , and souldiers ( whose blood we would gladly spare because of the old amity and friendship betwixt us and the Realm of France , which the marriage of our Soveraign Lady to that King , ought rather to encrease then diminish ) to remove themselves within the same space . This letter was subscribed , By all the Nobility and Barons present , the twenty third of October , 1559. The 25. day of the same moneth was the Town summoned , and all the Scots and French men , of whatsoever state and degree , commanded to leave the same within the space of 12. houres . This denied , and defiance given on both sides , there followed some light skirmishings , without any great slaughter . The Lords had resolved to enter the Town by scalade , and were preparing ladders for that use , which being dressed in S. Giles Church , did impede the ordinary meetings to Sermon and Prayer , to the great offence to the Preachers , who in their Sermons did sharply reprove that intermission of religious exercises , foretelling that the enterprise could have no good successe , which brought with it in the beginning such a neglect of God his service . And so indeed it proved , for upon the sudden they became so terrified , as not only was that purpose of the scalade broken , but very nigh they were to have utterly forsaken the cause . The Duke grew fearful by the falling away of some to the Queen , the souldiers mutinied in default of their pay ; they found their most secret counsels also disclosed , and had lately intercepted letters with a servant of Iames Balfour , as he was going to Leh , giving intelligence of all their purposes . These things with some others more , did cast them in a great diffidence one of another . But such as were of better courage , taking counsel how to remedy those evils , made it their first care to content the souldiers . And because there was no way to do this , but by present money , it was devised that a collection should be made amongst the Lords and Barons ; by whom some being unprovided , others nigardly disposed , the summe could not be made up which was required . Thereupon it was agreed that every Nobleman should give his silver plate to be coyned for supply of the present necessity . But when that came to be done , the irons and instruments of the Minthouse could not be found . This failing , their only hope of relief was from England , and that they considered could not come in due time ; whereupon they resolved to use their private credit with Sir Ralph Sadler , and Sir Iames Crofts ( who had the charge of the Town of Barwick ) and borrow of them some moneys . In this businesse Sir Iohn Cockburn of Ormston was employed , whose journey was not so closely carried , but the Queen had notice both of it and his errand . Thereupon she dealeth with the Earl of Bothwell to lie in Ormston his way , and surprise him with the money at his return . The Earl had but a few dayes before sworn solemnly to be no enemy to the Lords , and had given hopes to joyn with them , so as no danger was suspected from him : yet not regarding his oath , he came upon the Gentleman at unawares , and after some wounds given him took him prisoner , and robbed him of four thousand Crowns , which he had received in loan . The rumour hereof coming to the Lords , the Earl of Arrane , and Lord Iames taking some companies of horse with them , made towards Creichton , whither Bothwel ( as they were advertised ) was gone , But finding that he was escap'd they seised upon the house , and gave it in keeping to Captain Forbes . The same day that this happened , the Provost of Dundy with his Townesmen , and a few mercenary souldiers , went down towards Leth carrying with them some pieces of Artillery , which he planted on a hill near unto the Town . The French had warning , that most of the horsemen were gone about other businesse , and knowing the footmen to be few , made a salley upon them with some companies . The Townesmen of Dundy sustained the fight for a while , trusting to be seconded by the souldiers , but they turned backs in the very beginning of the conflict , the townesmen were forced to retire , keeping still their ranks , till a cry was raised that the French were entring by Leth Winde , to cut them off from the Town . This caused such a perturbation , as every man took the way he held best for his safety ; and in the flight ( as commonly it falleth ) one hindering another , many were overthrown , some ten souldiers were killed , Captain Mowak taken prisoner , and Mr. Charles Geddes servant to the Master of Maxwell . The flight held to the middest of the Canon gate , where the Earl of Argyle , and Lord Robert Abbot of Halirudhouse turned the Chase , and pursuing the French , made them flie as fast as they followed . This little advantage of the French made Bothwel so insolent , as he simply refused to restore the moneys he had taken . And thus all hopes of money failing , and the souldiers refusing to serve , some not of the meanest sort , stole away secretly , the few that remained were distracted in opinions among themselves , and grew doubtful what to do . The fifth of November upon advertisement that the French were issued forth of Leth , to intercept the provision that was carrying to Edinburgh , the Earle of Arrane , and Lord Iames , with their domesticks , went out to defend the Careers , and were followed with divers of the Citizens , these giving the onset upon the French with more courage then foresight , advanced so farre , as they were almost encompas●ed by the enemy , and cut off from the Town . For the French had divided their companies in two : one part took the way directly from Leth to Halirudhouse , the other marched somewhat more Eastward , and nearer the Sea. The Lords who were gone as farre as Restalrig , beholding the French to march towards Edinburgh , returned with expedition , fearing the case of the Citizens , and that they themselves should be cut off ; which in all appearance had been done , if the Laird of Grange and Alexander Whitlaw with a few horsemen had not kept them in skirmish for a little time . The other French companies that came by Restalrig beholding the Lords retire , made after them , and pursued so hotly , as the Earle of Arrane , and Lord Iames , were forced to quit their horses for safety of the foot , who were in great disorder . Captain Alexander Halliberton , a man of good spirit , and forward in the cause of Religion , staying behinde to hold off the French , received divers wounds , whereof the same night he died . In this conflict there fell some 25. or 30. men . The Master of Buchan , with the Lairds of Pitmilly , Fairnay , and some others of smaller note were taken prisoners . A little before this time William Maitland of Lethington Secretary to the Queen , perceiving that he was hated of the French for the freedom he used in his counsel , did secretly withdraw himself , and joyned with the Lords . He was earnest to have them abide together , laying before them the dangers , that might ensue upon their dissolving , but few or none consenting , conclusion was taken to leave the Town , and after midnight to depart towards Striveling . The day after the Lords departing , the French went up to Edinburgh , and took possession of the Town . All that professed the Religion , were compelled to flie , and seek their refuge in other places . Mr. Willock the Minister went unto England , and immediately was the Romane service restored . The Church of S. Giles ( as if infected with some contagion by the Sermons preached therein ) was of new hallowed by the Bishop of Amiens , with a number of Ceremonies ; and such triumphing was amongst the Popish sort , as they thought the game to be theirs . The Queen sent advertisement to France , requiring new forces with expedition , to make the victory absolute . Whereupon the Marquesse D'Elbeuf , and Count Martiques a young Nobleman were directed with some companies both of foot and horse ; but they imbarking at Deep were dispersed by tempest , 18. Ensignes cast away upon the coast of Holland , and the rest driven back into France . A while after the Marquesse putting to Sea arrived at Leth about the beginning of the spring , with a thousand foot , and some few horsemen . The Lords at their coming to Striveling were in great heavinesse , and doubtful what course to take , till encouraged by a Sermon that Iohn Knox made unto them they gathered new spirits , resolving to send unto England for supply , and till answer should come to divide their companies . The Duke and Earl of Glencarne , with the Lords Boyde , Ochiltry , and their friends were appointed to remain at Glasgow ; the Earles of Arrane and Rothes , Lord Iames , the Master of Lindesay , and their friendship to stay together in Fife ; and for making intelligence one to the other , Mr. Henry Balnaves was ordained to attend the Noblemen at Glasgow , and Iohn Knox these of Fife . The Duke at his coming to Glasgow caused all the Images and Altars to be pulled down , and took the Castle pertaining to the Bishop . Upon the report of this , the Bishop taking with him a number of French men , and assisted by the Lords Semple , Seaton , and Rosse , marched hastily thither , recovered the Castle , ( for the Lords advertised of their coming , had left the Town ) and staying there one onely night , returned to Edinburgh . In Fife there was more quietnesse , all things continuing peaceable , till a little before Christmas , at which time answer was returned from England , and hopes given of support from thence . William Maitland younger of Lethington , and Robert Melvil brother of the Laird of Raith , had been intrusted with that businesse . They at their coming to the Court of England , did inform the Queen of the troubles of the countrey , the difficulties whereunto it was reduced , and the danger that England should fall into , if Scotland were once subdued by the French , entreating her aid and assistance for their expulsion . She remitting the matter to the Councel , it was long debated , whether or no any supply should be granted : some maintaining that it was a thing of ill example to assist the subjects of another Prince in their Rebellion , and that the same might draw upon themselves a dangerous warre . Others holding that they were obliged in conscience to defend their neighbours from the oppression of strangers ; and that to suffer the French , who were naturally enemies to the English , fortifie themselves in Scotland , would prove a hurtful and preposterous course . In end the Queen enclining that way , it was concluded that a supply should be granted , and the Duke of Norfolk sent to Berwick to treat of the conditions with the Commissioners of the Scottish Nobility . The French advertised of this conclusion taken , resolved to make an end of the warre before the English support could be in readinesse , and to begin with the Lords residing at Fife , Thereupon taking their journey to Striveling , they spoyled Linlithgow in the way , with the lands of Kinneil , and all that they understood belonged to the Duke in those parts . The like pillage they made in Striveling , and passing the Bridge they kept the side of the River , robbing all the villages , and Coast Towns which were in their way . It was their purpose to have kept the coast still , till they came to S. Andrews , and then to have fortified the Castle , and City : but the Earl of Arrane and Lord Iames hearing that they were past Striveling , sent some forces under the charge of the Lord Ruthven , a Nobleman of good experience and courage , to withstand their attempts . In his company was the Earl of Sutherland , who was come to the Lords some dayes before , directed as he gave out by the Earl of Huntley to make offer of his assistance ; howbeit his principal Commission was unto the Queen Regent , as afterwards was knowne . The first encounter with the French was at Pitticurre , ( so they call the Haven on the West of Kingorne ) by occasion of some small vessels that were espied to come from Leth , which as the Lord Ruthven did stop from landing , the French that were further advanced then he supposed , did charge him on the back , and forced him to flie , six or seven souldiers were killed in this conflict , and a Dutchman called Paul Lambird , with a French boy taken and hanged upon the Steeple of Kingarne . The Earl of Sutherland wounded a little in the Arm with the shot of an Harquebuse , returned the same day to Couper . The Lords , to stay the further progress of the French , drew all the forces they could make in these parts to the Town of Dysert , where they remained 20. dayes together , keeping the French souldiers ( that were numbred to be 4000. ) in such work that the countrey was generally saved from spoile , and the hurt and damage that was done , falling for the greatest part upon their friends and confederates ; For of all that were professed enemies to the French , the Laird of Grange onely had his house blown up with Gunpowder ; whereas the Laird of Weimes , Seafield , Balmaito , Balwery , Balgony , Dury and others of the French , faction , were forced to furnish them with cornes , cattel , and what else they stood in need of ; or if the souldiers lacked any thing , the readiest goods upon their ground were taken to provide them . Hereof divers complaints being made to the French Captains , the poor owners were scornfully answered , that their goods were of the Congregation ; and if they made faith that the same were their own proper goods , they were railed upon , and called cowards and unworthy niggards , that made more accompt of their goods then of their friends . Such as professed Religion , and expected the worst , putting their goods out of the way , or standing to their defence , were in a much better condition ; and Grange who had his house cast down as I have said , avenged himselfe sufficiently a few dayes after . For knowing that the French used to send forth some souldiers into the countrey every day to bring in provision , he laid an Ambush near to Kingorne , and as Captain le Batu with an hundred souldiers came forth , after they were passed a mile from the town , he brake upon them with a number that he had selected to that purpose ; the Captain with his souldiers retiring to a little countrey house , defended themselves a while with their shot , and dangerously wounded David Kircaldy brother to the Laird of Grange , and a Gentleman called Robert Hamilton , who were both at first supposed to be slain . The French had the advantage , for they were within ditches , and Le Batu having taken a little house , kept the gate with some Harquebuses . Grange and his company carried spears onely , yet in that heat of valour , which ordinarily at such occasions he shewed , he rushed in upon the French and was followed by the Master of Lindesay , and others whom his example did animate . The Captain refusing to render himself with fifty of his company was slain , the rest were all taken , and sent prisoners to Dundy . By this time the Lords that remained in the West parts , being advertised of the answer returned from England , and how the Duke of Norfolke was coming to Berwick to attend the Scottish Commissioners , that should be chosen to treat of the conditions of the supply , they sent of their number some to assist the Noblemen of Fife in making that choice . The meeting was at Couper , where by common consent choice was made of Lord Iames , the Lord Ruthven , the Masters of Maxwel and Lindesay , the Laird Lethington younger , and Laird of Pittarrow , and Mr. Henry Balnaves ; and power given them by the Duke and remnant Lords to contract and agree with the Queen of England and her Lieutenant , upon all such things as might serve for the good and conjunction of the two Kingdomes , and particularly for expelling the French souldiers out of the Realm of Scotland . These taking journey by Sea came about the middest of February to Berwick , and after some short treaty a contract was formed betwixt Thomas Duke of Norfolk , Earl Marshall of England , and Lieutenant to the Queens Majesty in the North , in name and behalf of her Highness on the one part , and Lord Iames Stewart , Patrick Lord Ruthven , Sir Iohn Maxwel of Tareglife Knight , William Maitland of Lethington younger , Iohn Wishart of Pittarrow , and Mr. Henry Balnaves of Halhil , in name and behalfe of the noble and mighty Prince Iames Duke of Chattellerault , second person of the Realm of Scotland , and the remnant Lords joyned with him for maintenance and defence of the ancient Rights and liberties of the countrey on the other part , to the effect following . 1. That the Queens Majesty having sufficiently understood as well by information from the Nobility of Scotland , as by the proceedings of the French , that they did intend to conquer the Realm of Scotland , suppress the Nobility thereof , and unite the same to the Crown of France , perpetually contrary to the Lawes of the same Realm , and the pactions , oathes , and promises of France ; and being most humbly and earnestly requested by the said Nobility , for and in the name of the whole Realm , to receive the Kingdom of Scotland , the Duke of Chattellerault declared heir to the Crown thereof , with the Nobility and other subjects into her protection and maintenance , only for preservation of the Scots in their own freedomes and liberties , during the time that the marriage did continue betwixt the Queen of Scots and the French King , and a year after , should employ her best means for and in their defence . 2. That her Majesty should send with all convenient diligence into Scotland a sufficient aid of men of warre , horse and foot , with artillery , munition , and other instruments of warre , as well by sea as by land , to joyn with the forces of Scotland , for the expelling the French forces presently within that Realm , and stopping so farre as may be all others to enter therein in time coming . 3. That her Majesty should continue her aid to the Nobility and subjects of Scotland , untill such time as the French ( enemies to the said Realm ) should be utterly expelled thence , and should transact , agree , nor conclude any league with the French , except the Scots and French should be also agreed , and the Realm of Scotland left in freedom ; neither should she leave the maintenance of the said Nobility and other subjects , whereby they might fall as a prey into their enemies hands , so long as they did acknowledge their Soveraign Lady and Queen , and should endevour themselves to maintain their own liberty , and the estate of the Crown of Scotland . 4. If in case any Forts or Strengths within the Realm shall be recovered out of the hands of the French by her Majesties aid , the same shoudl be immediately demolished , or delivered to the Duke of Chattellerault , and his partakers at their election ; neither should the power of England fortifie within the ground of Scotland , but by the advice of the said Duke , Nobility , and Estates of Scotland . 5. That the said Duke and Nobility , as well such as be already joyned , as such as hereafter shall joyn with him for defence of the liberty of the Realm , should to the uttermost of their power aid and support her Majesties Army against the French and their assisters with horse and foot , and all manner of other aid they possibly can make , and shall provide victuals to the Army by land and sea , and continue so doing , during the time her Majesties Army shall remain in Scotland . 6. That they should be enemies to all such Scottish men and French , as shall in any wayes shew themselves enemies to the Realm of England for the aiding and supporting of the said Duke and Nobility , and should never assent nor permit the Realm of Scotland to be conquered or otherwise united to the Crown of France , then it is at the present , only by the marriage of the Queen their Soveraing to the French King , and as the Lawes and liberties of the Realm do allow . 7. That if it should happen the French men at any time thereafter to invade or cause the Realm of England to be invaded , they should furnish the number of 1000 , horsemen and 2000. footmen at the least , or such part of either of them as should be required , at the charge of the Queen of England ▪ and should conduct the same to any part of the Realm of England , that should be appointed , upon the charges alwayes of the Queen of England And in case the invasion should be made on the North part of England , either upon the North of the water of Tyne towards Scotland , or against Berwick , on the North side of the water of Twede , they should convene and gather their whole forces upon their own charges , and should joyn with the English power , and continue in an earnest pursuit of the quarrel of England , during the space of 30. dayes , or so much longer , as they are accustomed to abide in the fields for defence of Scotland . 8. That the Earl of Argyle , Lord Justice of Scotland , being presently joyned with the said Duke , should employ his force , and good will , when he should be required by the Queen of England for reducing the North parts of Ireland to her obedience ▪ conform to a mutual contract , which should be made betwixt her Majesties Deputy of Ireland for the time and the said Earl , wherein should be expressed what each of them should do for support of others , in case either of them had businesse with Macc-o-neale , or any other of the Isles of Scotland , or Realm of Ireland . 9. That the Scots for performance and sure keeping of their part of this contract , should deliver such pledges to the Duke of Norfolk before the entrie of her Majesties Army in Scottish ground , as the said Duke did presently name , who should remain in England for the space of six moneths , and be exchanged by deliverance of new hostages , for six moneths to six moneths , or four moneths to four moneths , at the pleasure of Scotland ; the pledges alwayes being of the like or as good condition as the former , and the lawful sonnes , brethren , or heirs of some of the Earls or Barons of the Parliament : and the time of the continuance of the said hostages should be during the marriage of the Queen of Scots to the French King , and a year after the dissolution of the same , till further order may be had betwixt both the Realms for peace and concord . 10. That the Duke and Nobility joyned with him being Earles and Barons of Parliament , should subscrive and ●eale these Articles within the space of twenty or thirty dayes at the furthest , after the delivering of the said hostages ; and should procure , and perswade all others of the Nobility that should joyn themselves thereafter with the said Duke for the cause above specified , to subscrive and seal the same Articles within the space of twenty dayes after their conjunction , upon requisition made by them of England . 11. That the said Duke and Nobility joyned with him , certainly understanding that the Queens Majesty of England was moved to grant the present support only upon respect of Princely honour and neighbourhood , for defence of the freedom of Scotland from conquest , and not of any sinister intent ; did by these presents testifie and declare ▪ that neither they nor any of them do mean by this contract to withdraw their due obedience from their Soveraign Lady the Queen , or yet to withstand the French King her husband , in any lawful thing which tendeth not to the subversion of the just and ancient liberties of Scotland , for the preservation whereof they acknowledge themselves bound to spend their goods , lands , and lives . This contract of the date at Berwick the 27. of February 1559. was confirmed by the Queen of England , and a Patent thereof delivered under the great Seal of England to the Duke and Nobility : the Lords of Scotland did in like manner ratifie the same by their subscriptions , at the Camp before Leth the tenth of May following . How soon the French heard that the Lords were removed from Dysert , they marched forward according to their first purpose towards S. Andrews , and kept the Coast , partly because of the ships which carried their victuals , partly by reason of a great snow which then was fallen , and made the nearest wayes unpassable . After that they had crossed the water of Leven , and were come unto Kincraige , they espied a fleet of ships bearing up the Firth ▪ which they did apprehend to be a supply sent unto them ; but when they saw them fall upon the ships that carried their victuals they became doubtful , and shortly after , were assured by a boat which had spoken them ▪ that it was an English Navy sent to the support of the Congregation , and that a land Army was also prepared to come into Scotland . These newes troubled them not a little , and made them doubtful what course to take ; for to return by Striveling was a long way , and to transport the souldiers to the other coast , there were no vessels , so as they feared to be kept from joyning with their fellows at Leth. Their resolution therefore was to make the longer journeys , as they did ; and setting to the way the same night , they came on the third day to Leth , having lost divers of their company by the way . Fife thus delivered from their oppressions , publick thanks were given to God in the Church of S. Andrews . This done , the Lords took purpose to besiege the houses of Weimes , Seafield , Bagome and Dury , which were taken without resistance , and the Lords thereof made prisoners ; but shortly after they were dimitted , and the houses restored upon condition , not to assist the French any more . The Earl of Huntley at the same time being advertised that the Barons of Mernis were come to Aberdene to make reformation in that City , hastened thither to withstand their proceedings , and by his coming saved the Cathedral Church ; the houses of the Dominicans , Carmelites , and other Religions being already demolished , and cast down . Yet when he heard that the English forces were advancing , he sent to the Lords , and made offer to joyn with them . A meeting to this effect was appointed at Perth , whither he came , and staying some three dayes , departed homewards upon promise to return unto the Army in the beginning of April ; for Proclamatinos were gone through the countrey ▪ charging all the subjects to meet in Armes at Linlithgow the last of March , and from thence to passe forwards in pursuit of the French that had fortified at Leth. For fulfilling the Article whereby the Lords were tied to send pledges unto England , Colin Campbel Cousen to the Earl of Argyle , Robert Douglas brother to the Laird of Lochleven , and ... Ruthven son to the Lord Ruthven , were delivered to the Engl●sh Admiral , and by sea conveyed to the Town of Newcastle . After which , the English forces consisting of 2000. horse , and six thousand foot , entered into Scotland , conducted by the Lord Gray , under whom commanded the Lord Scroop , Sir Iames Crofts , Sir Henry Percie , and Sir Francis Lake . The Scottish Army joyned with them at Preston the fourth of April , whereof the principal leaders were , the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earles of Argyle , Glencarn , and Menteith , Lord Iames. the Lords Ruthven , Boyd , and Ochiltrie , who were assisted by all the Barons and Gentlemen professing Religion in Lothian , Fife , Angus , Mernis , and the West countries . The same day the Queen Regent removed her family to the Castle of Edinburgh , and was received by the Lord Aresken , a Nobleman of approved honesty and wisdom ; he was not ignorant of the Queens intentions , and the desire she had to have the French Masters of that strength ; yet he would not at that time deny her entrie , but used such circumspection , as she and the house both were still in his power . The Noblemen resolving to fall presently to work , did yet think to move the Queen of new for dismissing the French companies , and to that effect they directed a letter of this tenor . Madame , We have often before this time by letters and messages been instant with you to remove the French souldiers out of the Realm , who now the space of a year and more have oppressed the poor people with evils intolerable , and threaten to bring this Kingdom under a miserable servitude . But seeing we could not prevaile by our lawful requests , we were forced to mean our estate to the Queen of England our nearest neighbour , and intreat her support for expulsing these strangers by Armes ( if otherwise we cannot obtain it . ) And now albeit she pitying our distresses hath taken us and our cause in her protection , yet for the duty we owe unto you as the Mother of our Queen , and the desire we have to eschew the shedding of Christian blood , we have advised once again to intreat the dismission of these French men with their Captains and Commanders , for whose commodious transport the Queen of England will be pleased to lend her Navy , and give to others of them a safe passage by land . If this condition shall be rejected , we take God and men to record , that it is not malice nor hatred which moveth us to take Armes , but that we are driven by necessity to use extreme remedies for preserving the commonwealth , and saving our selves , our estates , and posterities from utter ruine : neither shall we for any peril that can happen ( howsoever we suffer many wrongs and indignities , and are daily in expectation of worse ) forsake that dutiful obedience which we owe to our Queen , or yet resist the King her husband , in any thing that shall not tend to the subversion of the ancient liberties of this Kingdome . Therefore most gracious Queen , we beseech you again and again , to weigh the equity of our Petition , the inconveniences of warre , and to consider how needful it is that thus your daughters afflicted Kingdom should be put to some rest and quietnesse . If so you do , you shall give to all nations a testimony of your moderation , and procure the peace of the greatest part of Christendome . This letter dated at Dalkeith the fifth of April , was subscrived by all the Noblemen that were present . The English General did in like manner direct Sir George Howard , and Sir Iames Crof●s , to make offer that if the French would peacably depart forth of Scotland , they likewise should return into their countrey without molesting any person . Her answer was , that she would think of what was propounded , and give answer the next day . But the Army not liking to admit these delayes , advanced the next day , which was Saterday , towards Leth , keeping along the sea coast , till they came to Restalrig . The French issuing forth of Leth to the number of 1300. or thereby , and planting themselves upon a little hill called the Hawkhill , ( where they knew the English Army would encamp ) for the space of five houres continued in fight , the one striving to make good the place , the other to carry it . At last the Scottish horsemen did charge the French with suh a fury , that they not able to maintain it any longer , took the flight and retired to the Town , from which they had been quite cut off , if the English horse had seconded the Scots , as was appointed . In this conflict three hundred of the French were killed , and some few of the English. Then begun the Army of England to place their Pavilions betwixt the Town of Leth and Restalrig . The Lord Gray lodging in the Deans house in Restalrig , and the most part of his horsemen in the same village , the foot lay all in the tents , upon the South and South-east side of Leth , and near unto them were the Scots Noblemen encamped , trenches cast , and a little mount erected , which was called Mount Pellain , from the name of the Captain , whereupon eight Canons were placed to play upon S. Antonies Steeple , on which the French had planted some Ordinance . These thundering night and day battered the steeple , and forced the French to dismount their artillery . The English after this growing negligent , and supposing the French would make no more fallies , followed their sports , some of the Captains going to Edinburgh , and the souldiers falling to play at Dice and Cards , as though there had been no enemies to fear : wherefore the French getting intelligence , they issued forth , and entring the English trenches before they were perceived , put many to the sword . The slaughter was great , and esteemed to exceed the losse of the French in the first encounter . This accident taught them to be more watchful all the time that the siege continued , and because their numbers were so few for besieging the Town in all parts , they devised to raise certain mounts in every quarter , and to remove the Canon to the West side of the water of Leth. more near the walls then before . The last of April a sudden fire kindling within the Town , burned all that night , which destroyed many houses , and consumed a great part of the souldiers provision . During this burning , the English playing continually with the Canon upon the places where they saw the flames rising to stop the quenching of the fire ; and entring the ditches did in the mean time measure the height of the walls to provide ladders for the scaling which they intended . The seventh of May having resolved to give an assault , they brought the ladders a little before day towards the walls , but they proved too short , and so that purpose failed . The English lost 160. at this enterprise : such as were affected to the French , did hereupon take courage trusting the siege would rise , and the English Army depart but the accident did no way dismay either the English or Scots , every man animating another to constancie and continuance ; and about the time came letters from the Duke of Norfolk , which greatly confirmed their mindes . Thereby he charged them not to break up the siege by any means , assuring they should not lack men , so long as any could be had between Twede and Trent , ( for in those bounds he commanded as Lieutenant ) and giving hopes to come in person to the Camp , he caused his Pavilion to be set up , and sent thither his officers , and provision . Shortly after , a fresh supply came from England of 2000. men , which made all former losses to be forgotten . The French for some dayes made divers fallies , but were ever put to the worst ; for all the hurt which fell either to Scottish or English , from that time untill the rendring of the Town , was only the losse of two men , Robert Colvil of Cleish Master houshold to Lord Iames , a Gentleman much commended both for wisdom and valour , ( he was wounded in the thigh by the shot of a great piece from the town , and died of it within two houres ) and Alexander Lochart brother to the Laird of Barre , who lying too open in the trenches was discovered by the enemy , and shot in the head . The French King hearing in what distresse the companies at Leth were , and by reason of other affaires , not able to supply them in time , sent Count Randon and Monsieur Monlu●k Bishop of Valence Ambassadours to the Queen of England , desiring her to retire her Army out of Scotland , with offers to restore the town of Callais , if she would call them back ; her answer was , that she did not value that fisher Town so much , as to hazard for it the state of Britain . The French perceiving that peace could not otherwise be made , but by calling back the French souldiers , and thinking it dishonorable for the King and Queen of France to treat with their own subjects they intreated the Queen of England to send her Ambassadours to mediate an agreement : which was easily assented unto , and Mr. William Cecill principal Secretary of England , with Doctor wotton Dean of Canterbury and York , appointed to go with the French Ambassadours into Scotland , and use their best means for pacifying the present troubles . Whilest they were in their journey , Queen Regent partly out of sicknesse , and partly of displeasure , died in the Castle of Edinburgh the tenth of Iune , 1560. Before her death she desired to speak with the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earls of Argyle , Glencarn , Marshall , and Lord Iames ; to whom she expressed her grief for the troubles of the Realm , commending earnestly the study of peace unto them , advising them to send both French and English forth of the countrey , and beseeching them to continue in the obedience of the Queen their Soveraign , and to entertain the old amity with the King and Realm of France . After some speeches to this purpose bursting forth in tears , she asked pardon of then all whom any way she had offended , professing that she did forgive those who had injured her in any sort , and imbracing all the Nobles one by one , kissing them , she took her farewell . To others of meaner sort that stood by , she gave her hand , and so they departed . Afterwards , disposing her self for another world , she sent for Iohn Willock the Preacher , who was then returned from England , and conferring with him a reasonable space , openy professed , that she did trust to be saved only by the death and merits of Iesus Christ : and thus ended her life most Christianly . She was a Lady of honest and honourable conditions , of singular judgement , and full of humanity , a great lover of justice , helpful to the poor , especially to those that she knew to be indigent , but for shame could not beg . Compassionate of women in travel , whom she did often visit in her own person , and help both with her skill and counsel . In her Court she kept a wonderful gravity , tolerating no licenciousnesse ; her maids were alwayes busied in some virtuous exercise , and to them she was an ensample every way of modesty , chastity , and the best vertues . A great dexterity she had in government , which appeared in the composing the tumults in the North , and in pacifying the Isles which by her wisdome were reduced to perfect obedience . ●s to those warres which afficted the Kingdome in her last dayes , it is not to be doubted , but the same happened much against her will , neither had they fallen out at all , if affaires had been carried according to her mind . But she was to govern by direction , and in all matters of weight must needs attend responses from the French Court , which were the Oracles whereby all affairs at those times were framed . This made her in matters of Religion more severe then of her own nature she was , and led her into many errours of State , neglecting the Natives , and born Noblemen of the countrey , and following the counsels of the French that attended her , who making no conscience of their promises , and minding nothing but the bringing of Scotland in subjection to France , as they conceived things to serve unto their ends , moved her to follow courses unsure and dishonourable . Otherwise she was of a most milde disposition ▪ and was heard often to say , That if her own counsel might take place , she doubted nothing to compose all the dissensions within the Realm , and settle the same upon good conditions in a perfect tranquillity The Author of the story ascrived to Iohn Knox in his whole discourse sheweth a bitter and hateful spite against her , forging dishonest things , which was never so much as suspected by any , setting down his own conjectures as certain truths , and misinterpreting all her words and actions ; yea the least syllable that did escape her in passion , he maketh in an argument of her cruel and inhumane disposition ; but when he cometh to speak of her end he will have all her sickness , and death ( though in none of the two there was any thing extraordinary ) to be the judgement of God inflicted upon her , as if death and the ordinary visitations which bring death , were not common to Princes as well as others . Then for her burial , because by direction of her friends , and ( as some say ) at her own desire order was taken to carry her corps to the Abbey of Rhemes in Campaigne , where her sister was Abbesse , which of all necessity required a protraction of time , he construed the delay to be the punishment of her inhumanity , and the want of sepulchre in this Kingdom , a prognostick of the short continuance of her race , and the Guisian blood ( as he speaks ) in this Realm . Pardon me good Reader for this digression . To detract from the same of Princes , and miscensure their words and actions , favoureth of malice , and no way becometh a Christian , much lesse a Minister of Christ. Shortly after the death of Queen Regent truce was taken for hearing the Ambassadours sent from France and England , who coming to Edinburgh , entred into consultation first amongst themselves , upon the best and easiest means to compose the present quarrels . Then calling to them certain of the Scottish Nobility , began to treat of the sending of the French souldiers forth of the Realm . Wherein two difficulties occurred . One was , that the Commissioners of France did urge the retaining of a number of men of war in some sorts of the countrey for the King and Queen , after peace was concluded . The other , that the companies that should be broken , might depart unchallenged with all their baggage . The Scottish Noblemen did oppose these desires , esteeming it unreasonable that they should be suffered to depart before they gave satisfaction to those they had wronged ; And to place strangers in forts , they thought it could not but breed trouble , and occasion a new warre more dangerous then the present . This contention held some dayes , at last both parties wearying , they were brought to agree upon the conditions following . 1. That the French men of warre in the town of Leth , should be sent home within the space of twenty dayes with bag and baggage ; and for their better transport , should be furnished with ships of England , they giving pledges for the safe return of the same . 2. That Leth being rendered to the Lords of Scotland , the walls thereof should be demolished , as likewise the fortifications at Dumbar , if so it should seem good to the Lords after they had viewed the same ; and that the King and Queen should make no new forts within the Realm , nor augment these that were already made , nor yet repair these that were demolished , without counsel and consent of the Estates . 3. That a Garison of threescore French men should be permitted to remain in the Castle of Dumbar , and as many in the Isle of Inchkeeth , untill the Estates should find means to maintain the said forts upon their own charges from all peril of forain invasion ; the said souldiers in the mean time living obedient to the lawes of the Realm , and taking nothing from the subjects without paiment of ready money . 4. That an Act of oblivion should be made for abolishing the memory of all injuries and wrongs attempted or committed against the lawes of the Realm , since the sixth day of March , 1558. untill the first of August 1560. which Act should be ratified in the next Parliament , and confirmed by the Queen with consent of her husband . 5. That a general peace and reconciliation should be made amongst the Lords and subjects of the Realm , so as they who were called of the Congregation , and they who were not of the same , should bear no quarrel to others for any thing done since the sixth of March , 1558. 6. That the King and Queen should not pursue , revenge , or suffer to be revenged , any violence or injury that had been done since the said time , nor should deprive or seek any colour to dispossess the subjects , or any of them , of the benefices , houses and estates which they have enjoyed before , they alwayes continuing in the due obedience of their Soveraigns . And that it might be known that the King and Queen were not willing to keep any remembrance of the troubles past , it was accorded the Duke of Chattellerault , and all other Noblemen of Scotland should be repossessed in their livings and benefices within France , after the manner that they did enjoy the same , before the said sixth day of March ; and that all capitulations agreed upon in time past , should be observed as well for the part of their Majesties , as the part of the Nobility and people of Scotland . 7. That where any Bishops , Abbots , or other Churchmen , should alledge themselves to have received any injuries either in their persons or goods , the same should be considered by the Estates of Parliament , and redresse made according to reason ; and in the mean time , that no man should stop them to enjoy their rents , nor do any hurt or violence to their persons ; and if any should do contrary to this Article , he should be pursued by the Lords as a perturber of the Commonwealth . 8. That in time coming the King and Queen should depute no strangers in the administration of Civil and Common Justice , nor bestow the offices of Chancellary , Thesaurer , Comptrollary , and the like upon others , then born subjects of the Realm : as likewise that it should not be lawful to give the office of Thesaurary , or Comptrollary to any Churchman or other person that is not able to administrate the same . Further , that the Thesaurer and Comptroller appointed by them , and instructed with sufficient commission , should do nothing in disposing of casualties without the consent of the Councel , to the effect all things may be done for the profit of the King and Queen : yet should it not be thought that this Article did either bind the King or Queen , but that they may give where and when they should think expedient . 9. That the Estates of the Realm should convene and hold a Parliament in the moneth of August next , for which a Commission should be sent from the French King , and the Queen of Scotland , and that the said convention should be as lawful in all respects , as if the same had been ordained by the express Commandment of their Majesties : providing all tumults of warre be discharged , and they who ought by their places to be present , may come without fear . 10. That for the better government of this Realm choice should be made of a Councel which should consist of twelve worthy men of the Kingdom , of which number the Queen should chuse seven , and the Estates five ; which twelve in their Majesties absence should take order with the affaires of Government , and without their authority and consent nothing should be done in the administration of publick businesse . And that the said Councel should convene as oft as they might conveniently , but no fewer then six together ; or if any matter of importance occurred , they should all be called , or the most part of them : providing it should not be prejudicial to the King and Queen , and to the Rights of the Crown . 11. That the King and Queen should neither make peace nor warre in these parts , but by the counsel and advise of the Estates , according to the custome of the countrey , as it was observed by their predecessors . 12. That none of the Lords of the Nobility of Scotland should make convocation of men of warre , except in ordinary cases approved by the lawes and custome of the Realm , nor should any of them cause men of warre strangers to come into these parts , much lesse attempt to do any thing against the King and Queen , or against the authority of the Councel , and other Magistrates of the Realm ; and in case any of them had occasion to take Armes , the same being first communicated to the Councel , their Majesties likewise should be made acquainted therewith , and nothing to be done by them , that ought not to be done by good and faithful subjects , that love the quietnesse of the Realm , and will abide in the obedience of their Soveraigns . 13. That Lord David son to the Duke of Chattellerault , detained prisoner at Bois de Vincennes , should be put to liberty , and suffered to return into Scotland at his pleasure . 14. That with the French men no Artillery should be transported forth of the Realm , but those which were sent , and brought in since the decease of Francis the first , and that all other Artillery and Munition , especially that which hath the Armes of Scotland , should be put into the places out of which they were taken . 15. That the Army of England should return home immediately after the embarking of the French , and that all the Scottish men of warre should be broken , and licenced to depart . 16. That for the Articles concerning Religion presented for the part of the Nobility and people of Scotland ( which the Commissioners would not touch , but referred to their Majesties ) it was promised that a certain number of Noblemen should be chosen in the next Convention and Parliament to be sent to their Majesties , to expone unto them the things that should be thought needful for the estate thereof ; and for the Articles presently decided , they should carry with them the ratification of the same by the Estates , and return a confirmation thereof from their Majesties . Lastly , that the Queen of Scotland , and King of France should not hereafter usurp the titles of England , and Ireland , and should delete the Arms of England and Ireland out of their scutchions and whole housholdstuffe . This accord made , the French prepared to depart , and for returning the ships of England that were lent to transport them , the Bishop of Amiens and Monsieur le Broche remained hostages . On the sixteenth day of Iuly the French embarked , and the same day did the English Army depart towards Berwick ; the third day after their parting , a solemn thanksgiving was kept in the Church of S. Giles by the Lords , and others professing true Religion , and then were the Ministers by common advice distributed among the Burghs . Iohn Knox was appointed to serve at Edinburgh , Christopher Goodman at S. Andrews , Adam Heriote at Aberdene , Iohn Row at Perth , William Christeson at Dundy , David Ferguson at Dunfermlin , Paul Methven at Iedburgh , and Mr. David Lindesay at Leth ; besides these they did nominate for the direction of Church affaires , some to be Superintendents , as Mr. Iohn Spotswood for Lothian and Mers , Mr. Iohn Winram for Fife , and Iohn Areskin of Dun for Angus and Mernis , Mr. Iohn Willock for Glasgow , and Mr. Iohn Kerswel for Argyle and Isles ; with this small number was the plantation of the Church at first undertaken . The time appointed for the Parliament approaching , warning was made to all such as by law or ancient custome had any voice therein to be present , and at the day the meeting was frequent ; In the beginning there was great altercation , divers holding that no Parliament could be kept , seeing their Soveraigns had sent no Commission , nor authorized any to represent their persons . Others ( alledging that Article of the peace whereby it was agreed , That a Parliament should be kept in the moneth of August , and that the same should be as lawful in all respects , as if it were ordained by the expresse commandments of their Majesties ) maintained that the said Article was a warrant sufficient for their present meeting : and this opinion by voices prevailed . So after some eight dayes spent in these contentions , they began to treat of affairs , but as they had no commission , so the solemnities accustomed of Crown , Scepter , and Sword , which are in use to be carried at these times , were neglected . There were present of the spiritual Estate , the Archbishop of S. Andrews , the Bishops of Dunkeld , Dumblane , Galloway , Argyle , and Isles ; The Prior of S. Andrews , the Abbots of Couper , Landors , Culross , S. Colmes Inch , Newbottle , Halirudhouse , Kinlose , Deire , and New-Abbey , with the Priors of Coningham , and S. Mary Isle ; Of the Nobility , the Lord Duke , the Earls of Arrane , Argyle , Marshal , Cassils , Cathnes , Athol , Glencarne , Merton , and Rothes : The Lords Ruthven , Glammis , Areskin , Boyd , Ochiltrie , Carlile , Levingston , Ogilvy , and Somervil , with many of the inferiour Barons ; and of the Commissioners of Burghs none were absent . In electing the Lords of the Articles , the Noblemen that had the nomination of the Clergy passing by such amongst them as they knew to be Popishly affected , made choice of the Bishops of Galloway , and Argyle , the Prior of S. Andrews , the Abbots of Abberbrothock , Kilwining , Lundors , Newbottle , and Culross ; at which the Prelates stormed mightily , alledging that some of them were meer Laicks , and all of them Apostates ( for they had openly renounced popery , and joyned themselves with the Professors of the truth ) but there was no remedy , the course was changed ; and now it behoved them to take law , who formerly had given it to others . The first thing they moved in the Articles , was a supplication of the Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , and other subjects concerning religion , wherein three things were petitioned . First , that the Doctrine of the Romane Church professed and tyrannously maintained by the Clergy should be condemned , and by Act of Parliament abolished . Some particulars they named , such as the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , the adoration of Christs body under the form of bread , the merit of works , Papisticall Indulgences , Purgatory , Pilgrimage , and praying to Saints departed . These they reckoned to be pestilent errours , such as could not but bring damnation to the souls of those who were therewith infected : therefore desired a punishment to be appointed for the teachers and maintainers of such Doctrines . Next , that a remedy should be found against the profaning of the holy Sacraments by men of that profession , and the true Discipline of the ancient Church revived and restored . Thirdly , that the Pope of Rome his usurped authority should be discharged , and the patrimony of the Church imployed to the sustentation of the Ministery , the provision of Schools , and intertainment of the poore , of a long time neglected . This last clause was not very pleasing to divers of the Nobility , who though they liked well to have the Pope his authority and doctrine condemned , had no will to quit the Church Patrimony , wherewith in that stirring time they had possessed themselves . So making no answer to the last point ; the Ministers were desired to draw into severall heads the summe of the Doctrine they craved to be established , that the same might be seen and considered by the Parliament . This accordingly was done , and the fourth day after ( which was the 17. of August ) exhibited to the Estates under this title , [ The confession of the Faith and Doctrine , believed and professed by the Protestants of Scotland ; ] It is the same confession word by word that you have registred in the first Parliament of King Iames the sixth , which ( that the story may on with an uninterrupted delivery ) I thought not needfull here to insert . The Confession read in open Parliament and put to voyces , the Earle of Atholl , the Lords Sommervill and Bothwick onely of all the temporall Estate disassented , saying , They would believe as their fathers before them had believed . The Popish Prelats were silent , and answered nothing ; whereupon the Earle Marshall brake forth into these speeches ; It is long since I carried some favour unto the truth , and was somewhat jealous of the Romane religion , but this day hath fully resolved me of the truth of the one , and falshood of the other : for seeing my Lords the Bishops ( who by their learning can , and for the zeal they should have to the truth , would as I suppose gainsay any thing repugnant unto it ) say nothing against the confession we have heard , I cannot think but it is the very truth of God , and the contrary of it false and deceiveable doctrine . Thus was the confession of Faith approved , and by publick voices of the Estates authorized . At the same time there passed three other Acts in favour of the Professors ; one for abolishing the Popes Jurisdiction and authority within the Realm ; a second annulling all Statutes made in preceding times for maintenance of idolatry ; and a third for punishment of the sayers and hearers of Mass. With these Acts Sr. Iames Sandelands Knight of the Rhodes , a Gentleman of good account ( who had carried himself as neuter in all these broiles ) was directed to France for obtaining a ratification of the same from the Queen and the King her husband ; and therewith was desired to clear the Noblemen and other Subjects from imputations of disloyalty cast upon them , and to pacifie the mindes of their Soveraignes , ( whom they understood to be much exasperated ) by all the good wayes he could use . But he found his Ambassage and himself both contemned ; the Guisians ( who were the onely men then in account with the King ) checking him bitterly at his first audience , for that he being a Knight of the holy Order , should have taken a Commission from Rebells to sollicite a ratification of execrable Heresies : The Gentleman did what he could to mitigate their wrath , but nothing could avail . So was he dismissed without answer , whereof the Archbishop of Glasgow , the Abbat of Dunfermlin , and the Lord Seaton , 〈◊〉 from Leth with the company of French , were generally blamed . The cold entertainment he found in that Court was soon advertised ; which troubled greatly the 〈◊〉 of the Professors , for they were sensible of their own weakness , and 〈…〉 from England , if France should again invade , because of the loss the 〈…〉 received in the late expedition ; neither had the Earl of Morton and Glencarn ( who upon the breaking up of the Parliament were sent into England to render thanks to the Queen , and to intreat the continuance of her favour ) given any advertisement of their acceptance . But whilest they stood thus fearfull , newes was brought of the French Kings death , which raised their hearts not a little , neither were they more glad , then the French faction were sorrowfull . These meeting in the most secret manner they could , took counsell to send Mr. Iohn Lesley ( afterwards Bishop of Rosse ) with letters to the Queen , intreating her to return into Scotland ; withall to shew her that the best course she could take , was to land at Aberdene , where she should be honourably received , and find such assistance of the Noblemen in these quarters , as at her first coming she might re-establish the Catholick Religion : he was also desired to warn the Queen not to give ear to the counsels of her brother , who ( as they said ) was of an aspiring minde , and aimed at no less then the Government of the Realm ; whom she should do wisely to cause be detained in France , till matters at home were fully settled . The letter he carried was subscribed by the Archbishop of Saint . Andrewes , the Bishops of Aberdene , Murray and Rosse ; the Earles of Huntly , Craford , Athol , Sutherland , and Cathnesse . On the other side the Noblemen that had assisted the expulsion of the French , how soon they heard of the death of King Francis convened at Edinburgh , and after counsell taken directed Lord Iames to the Queen to perswade her in like manner to return : But Lesly using greater diligence came to her some dayes before him , and finding her at Vitrie in Champaigne , ( wthier she was gone to seek a secret place for her sorrow ) delivered the letters and credit he was trusted with . The Queen hearing all , answered , that the Prelats and Noblemen by whom he was imployed , should rest assured of her favour , willing him to advertise so much , and to attend till she could resolve upon her return . Incontinent after Leslies coming the Queens uncles did enter in deliberation what course was best for her to take , and whether or not she should return to Scotland ; for they conceived the passage by Sea would be dangerous , ( she not being assured of the Queen of Englands friendship ) And in her own Kingdome the late troubles not being fully appeased , they considered her peril would be great , and that she should be cast in many difficulties : yet finding her own mind to incline that way , and hoping to have her more subject to their counsels whilest she lived at home , then if she remained in France ; they resolved to give way to her return , and to provide a fleet for her safe transport . Lord Iames at his coming , though he was advertised of the conclusion taken , yet dissembling his knowledge thereof , did signify the great desire that the subjects had to enjoy her presence , and their longing for her return , using the best reasons he could to perswade her unto it . Hereby she was much confirmed in her purpose , and after a day or two imparting to him her resolution , willed him to return with diligence , and making advertisement of her journey , take care that nothing should be attempted against the pacification made at Leth before her coming . In March following there arrived at Leth one Noalius a Senator of Burdeaux , bringing a Commission from the King that had now succeeded his brother , whereby three things were craved ; First , that the old league betwixt France and Scotland should be renewed . Secondly , that the late confederacie with England should be dissolved . Thirdly , that the Churchmen should be restored to their places , from which they had been thrust . The Councel not willing to medle with matters of that importance , delayed his answer to the Convention appointed in May , at which time Lord Iames returned ; he had audience and answer given him to this effect : That the Scots were no way conscious to themselves of any breach of the ancient league , but contrariwise the French had broken to them , seeking of late 〈◊〉 deprive them of their ancient liberties , and under the profession of friendship to bring them into a miserable servitude . That they could not violate the contract made with England , except they would 〈◊〉 accompted of all men living the most ingrate ; for having received the greatest 〈◊〉 and benefit at the hands of the English , which one neighbour Nation could possibly 〈◊〉 another , if they should requite them with such ingratitude , they would bring upon themselves a perpetual and everlasting shame . And for repairing the Churchmen in their places , they said that they did not acknowledge those whom they so styled to be Office-bearers in the Church , and that Scotland having renounced the Pope , would maintain no longer his Priests and vassals . Noalius dismissed with this answer , the Earls of Morton and Glencarn , who a little before this time were returned from England , did relate the good acceptance they received from the Queen , and the promises she made to assist them in the defence of the liberties of the Kingdome , if they should stand in need at any time of her help ; which was heard with great content . They had been trusted with a more private businesse ; this was to try if the Queen might be pleased to take the Earl of Arrane to her husband , and that way to unite the Kingdomes in a more firm amity . But to this she did in fair terms answer , That she was not as yet wearied of the single life , and professing her self adepted to the Noblemans good affection , said that if she should try her kindnesse in any other matter , he should find his love not ill bestowed . The Earl took the repulse more patiently , because of the French Kings death , and trusting he should gain the favour of his own Queen , whom he greatly affected : but of this he was likewise disappointed as we will hear . IN the Convention kept at Edinburgh in Ianuary preceding a form of Church-policy was presented , and desired to be ratified . Because this will fall to be often mentioned , and serveth to the clearing of many questions which were afterward agitated in the Church ; I thought meet word by word here to insert the same , that the Reader may see what were the grounds laid down at first for the Government of the Church , so we shall the better decerne of the changes that followed . The first Head of Doctrine . SEeing that Christ Iesus is he whom God the Father hath commended onely to be heard and followed of his sheep , we judge it necessary , that his Gospel be truly and openly preached in every Church and Assembly of this Realm , and that all Doctrine repugning to the same be utterly suppressed as damnable to mans salvation . The Explication of the first Head. Lest that upon this our generality ungodly men take occasion to cavill , this we adde for explication ; By preaching of the Gospel , we understand not only the Scriptures of the New Testament , but also the Old ; to wit , the Law , the Prophets , and Histories , in which Christ Iesus is no lesse contained in figure , then we have him now expressed in vertue ; And therefore with the Apostle we affirm , that all Scripture inspired of God , is profitable to instruct , to reprove , and to exhort . In which books of Old and New Testaments we affirm that all things necessary for the instruction of the Church , and to make the man of God perfect , are contained and sufficiently expressed . By the contrary Doctrine we understand , whatsoever men by Lawes , Councels , or Constitutions have imposed upon the consciences of men without the expresse Commandment of Gods word ; such as are the vowes of chastity , forswearing of marriage , binding of men and women to a several and disguised apparel , to the superstitious observing of Fasting-dayes , difference of meats for conscience sake , prayer for the dead , and keeping of Holy dayes of certain Saints , commanded by man , such as be all these the Papists have invented , as the Feasts ( so as they term them ) of the Apostles , Martyrs , Virgins ; of Christmas , Circumcision , Epiphany , Purification , and other said Feasts of our Lady : which things because in the Scriptures of God they neither have commandment , nor assurance , we judge them utterly to be abolished from this Realm . Affirming further , that the obstinate maintainers and teachers of such abominations ought not to escape the punishment of the Civil Magistrate . The second head of Sacraments . TO Christ Iesus his holy Gospel truly preached , of necessity it is that his holy Sacraments be annexed and truly ministred as seals , and visible confirmations of the spiritual promises contained in the words . These Sacraments are two ; to wit , Baptisme , and the holy Supper of the Lord Iesus ; which are then rightly ministred , when by a lawful Minister the people before the administration of the same , are plainly instructed and put in mind of Gods free grace and mercy offered unto the penitent in Christ Iesus , when Gods promises are rehearsed , the end and use of the Sacraments preached and declared in such a language , as the people do understand ; when also to them nothing is added , and from them nothing diminished , and in their administration all things done according to the institution of the Lord Iesus , and practice of his holy Apostles . And albeit the order of Geneva , which now is used in some of our Churches , is sufficient to instruct the diligent Reader how that both these Sacraments may be rightly ministred , yet for an uniformity to be kept , we thought good to adde this as superabundant . In Baptisme we acknowledge nothing to be used except the element of water only , and that the word and declaration of the promises ( as we said before ) ought to precede : therefore whosoever presumeth in Baptisme to use oyle , salt , wax , spittle , conjuration and crossing , as they accuse the institution of Christ of imperfection , ( for it was void of all these inventions ) so for altering Christs perfect Ordinance they ought to be severely punished . The table of the Lord is then most rightly ministred , when it approacheth most nigh to Christs own action . But plain it is that at the Supper Christ Iesus sate with his Disciples , and therefore do we judge , that sitting at table is most convenient to that holy action ; that Bread and Wine ought to be given , distribution of the same made , that the Bread should be taken and eaten , and likewise that all should drink of the Cup , with declaration what both the one and the other is . For touching the damnable errour of the Papists , who defraud the people of the Cup of the Lords blood , their errour is so manifest , as it needeth no confutation . That the Minister break the bread , and distribute the same to those that be next unto him , commanding the rest every one with reverence and sobriety to break with other , we think it neerest to Christs action and to the perfect practice of the Apostles , as we reade in Saint Paul. During which action we think it necessary , that some comfortable places of Scripture be read , which may bring in minde the death of the Lord Iesus , and the benefit of the same : for seeing in that Action we ought chiefly to remember the Lords death , we judge the Scriptures making mention of the same , most apt to stir up our dull minds then , and at all times . The Ministers at their discretion may appoint the places to be read as they think good ; but what times we think most convenient for ministration of the one and other Sacrament , shall be declared when we come to the policy of the Church . The third head touching the abolishing of Idolatry . AS we require Christ Iesus to be truly preached , and his holy Sacraments rightly ministred ; so we can not cease to require Idolatry with all monuments and places of the same , as Abbeys , Chappels , Monkeries , Friers , Nunneries , Chantries , Cathedrall Churches , Chanonries , Colledges , other then presently are Parish Churches or Schools , to be utterly suppressed in all places of this Realm ; Palaces , Mansions and dwelling houses , with their Orchards and Gardens , onely excepted . As also we desire that no persons , of what estate or condition soever they be , be permitted to use idolatrous service ; for that wheresoever idolatry is maintained , if so it may be suppressed , the wrath of God shall reigne both upon the blinde and obstinate idolaters , and those that negligently suffer the same . By Idolatrie we understand , the Masse , invocation of Saints , adoration of Images , and the keeping and retaining of the same ; finally , all honouring of God , not contained in his holy word . The fourth head concerning Ministers and their lawfull Election . IN a Church reformed or tending to reformation none ought to presume , either to preach , or yet minister the Sacraments , untill they be called orderly to the same . Ordinary vocation consisteth in Election , Examination and Admission ; and because the election of Ministers in Papistry hath been altogether abused , we think expedient to intreat of it more largely . It appertaineth to the people and to every severall congregation to elect their Minister , and in case they be found negligent therein the space of fourty dayes , the best reformed Church , to wit , the Church of the Superintendent with his councell , may present unto them a man that they judge apt to feed the flock of Christ Iesus , who must be examined as well in life and manners , as in doctrine and knowledge . That this may be done with more exact diligence , the persons who are to be examined , must be commanded to appear before men of soundest judgement , remaining in some principall town , next adjacent unto them . As they that be in Fife , Angus , Mernis or Stratherne to present themselves in St. Andrewes ; those that be in Lothian , Mers , or Tivio●dale , in Edinburgh ; and likewise those that be in other countries , must resort to the best reformed Cities and Towns , that is , to the Town of the Superintendent , where first in the Schools , or failing thereof in open assembly , and before the congregation they must give declaration of their gifts , utterance and knowledge by interpreting some place of Scripture to be appointed by the Ministery ; which being ended , the person that is presented , or that offereth himself to the service of the Church , must be examined by the Ministers and Elders of the Church openly before all that list to hear , in all the chief points that be now in controversie betwixt us and the Papists , Anabaptists , Arrians , and other such enemies to the Christian Religion ; In which if he be sound and able to perswade by wholsome Doctrine , and to convince the gain-sayers , then must he be directed to the Church and Congregation where he would serve ; that there in open audience of the flock he may preach and deliver his knowledge in the Article of Justification , the Offices of Christ Iesus , the number , effect and use of the Sacraments , and finally , the whole Religion which hereto fore hath been corrupted by Papists . If his Doctrine be found wholsome and able to instruct the simple , and if the Church can justly reprehend nothing in his life , doctrine or utterance ; then we judge the Church , which before was destitute , unreasonable , if they refuse him whom the Church doth offer , and that they should be compelled by the censure of the Councell and Church to receive the person appointed and approved by the judgement of the Godly and Learned ; unless that the same Church hath presented a man better or as well qualified to examination , before that the foresaid triall was taken of the person presented by the Councell of the whole Church . As for example ; the Councell of the Church presents a man unto a Church to be their Minister , not knowing that they are otherwise provided ; in the mean time the Church hath another sufficient in their judgment for that charge , whom they present to the learned Ministers , and next reformed Church to be examined . In this case the presentation of the people to whom he should be appointed Pastor , must be pre●erred to the presentation of the Councell or greater Church , unless the person presented by the inferiour Church , be judged unable for the regiment by the learned . For this is alwayes to be avoyded , that no man be intruded or thrust in upon any congregation . But this liberty with all care must be reserved for every severall Church , to have their voices and suffrages in election of their Ministers : Yet we do not call that violent intrusion , when the Councell of the Church in the fear of God , regarding only the salvation of the people , offereth unto them a man sufficient to instruct them , whom they shall not be forced to admit before just examination , as is aforesaid . What may unable any Person that he may not be admitted to the Ministerie of the Church . It is to be observed that no person noted with publick infamie , or being unable to edifie the Church by wholsome doctrine , or being known of corrupt judgement , be either promoted to the regiment of the Church , or yet retained in Ecclesiasticall , administration . Explication . By publick infamy we understand not common sins and offences which any hath committed in time of blindness by frailty , if he have declared himself truly penitent thereof by a more sober and better conversation ; but such capitall crimes as the Civil sword ought and may punish with death by the Word of God ; for besides that the Apostle requireth the life of Ministers to be irreprehensible , that they may have a good testimony from those who be without , we esteem it a thing unseemly and dangerous , that he shall have publick authority to preach to others everlasting life , from whom the Civil Magistrate may take the life temporall for a crime publickly committed . And if any will object , that the Prince hath pardoned his offence , and that he hath publickly repented the same : we say , that neither doth repentance take away the temporall punishment of the Law , nor the pardon of the Prince remove the infamy before . That the life and conversation of the person presented or to be elected may be more clearly known , publick Edicts may be directed to all parts , at least to those parts where he hath bin most conversant , as where he was educated in letters , or continued since the years of his Infancy and childhood were passed . Strict commandment would also be given , that if any capitall crime hath bin committed by him , the same should be notified ; and if he hath committed wilfull murther , and adultery , if he hath bin a common fornicator , thief , drunkard , fighter , a brawler or contentious person ; these Edicts ought to be published in the chief Cities , with Declaration that such as conceal his known sins , do so far as in him lieth deceive and betray the Church of God , and communicate with the sins of the wicked person . Admission . The admission of Ministers to their Offices must consist in the consent of the people and Church whereunto they shall be appointed , and in the approbation of the learned Ministers appointed for their examination . We judge it expedient that the admission of Ministers be in open audience , where some speciall Minister shall make a Sermon touching the duty and office of Ministers , their manners , conversation and life , as also touching the obedience which the Church oweth to their Ministers ; and warning made to the Minister that he attend carefully upon the flock over which he is placed , and walk in the presence of God so sincerely , as the graces of the holy Spirit may be multiplyed upon him ; and in the presence of men , so soberly and uprightly , that by his exemplary life the word which he teacheth may be confirmed . The people likewise ought to be exhorted to reverence and honour the Minister as the Servant and Ambassadour of the Lord Iesus , obeying the Doctrine delivered by him out of the Word , even as they would obey God himself . For who soever heareth the Minister of Christ , heareth himself , and whosoever receiveth him and despiseth his Ministery , rejecteth and despiseth Christ Iesus . Other ceremonies then the publick approbation of the people , and the Declaration of the chief Minister , that the person there presented is appointed to serve that Church , we cannot approve ; for albeit the Apostles used the Imposition of hands , yet seeing the miracle is ceased , the using of the ceremony we judge not to be necessary . The Minister once publickly admitted may not leave the flock at his pleasure , to which he hath promised his fidelity and labours : not yet may the flock reject and change him at their appetite , unless they be able to convict him of such crimes , as deserves deposition . We mean not but that the whole Church or most part thereof for just considerations may translate a Minister from one Church to another , neither yet mean we that men who serve now as it were of benevolence , may not be appointed to other places , but they being once solemnly admitted , we think they should not change at their own pleasure . We are not ignorant , that the rarity of learned and godly men will seem a just reason to some , why that so strict and sharp examination should not be taken universally ; for so it would appear that the most part of Churches shall have no Minister at all . But let these men understand that the lack of able men will not excuse us before God , if by our consent unable men be placed over the flock of Christ. As also that amongst the Gentiles godly and learned men were as rare , as they be now amongst us , when the Apostles gave the same rule of examining Ministers , which we now follow . Lastly , let them understand , that is like to have no Minister at all , and to have an idoll in the place of a true Minister , yea in some sort it is a worse ; for they that be utterly destitute of Ministers , will make diligent search for them , but such as have a vain shadow content themselves commonly with the same , without any further care , and they remain deceived , thinking that they have a Minister , when in very deed they have none : for he is not to be thought a Minister , that cannot break the Bread of life to fainting and hungry soules ; neither can the Sacraments be rightly ministred by him , in whose mouth God hath not put the word of exhortation . The chiefest remedy in this rarity of true Ministers , is fervent prayer unto God , that it may please him to thrust forth faithfull laboures into this his harvest . Next , the Councell of their authority , compell such men as have gifts and graces able to edifie the Church of God , to bestow them where greatest necessity is known . For no man may be permitted to live idle , nor as themselves lift , but must be appointed to travell , where the Church and Councell shall think it most expedient . We cannot prescribe certain rules how the Ministers should be distributed , and such learned men as God hath already sent unto us : But of this we are assured , that it greatly hindreth the progress of Christs Gospel within this poore Realm , that some altogether abstract their labours from the Church , and others remain altogether in one place , the most part of them being idle . And therefore think that the Councell should compell all men to whom God hath given any Talent to perswade by wholsome Doctrine , to bestow the same , if they be called by the Church , to the advancement of Christs glory , and to the comfort to his troubled flock ; and that with consent of the Church not onely Townes may be assigned for the chiefest workemen to remaine in , but also Provinces ; that by their faithfull labours Churches may be erected , and order established where none is at the present . For Readers . To the Church that cannot presently be furnished with Ministers , men must be appointed that can distinctly read the Common-Prayers and Scriptures for the exercise both of themselves & of the Church , untill they grow untill a greater perfection . Because he who is now a Reader , may in process of time attain to a further degree , and be admitted to the holy Ministery . Some we know that of long time have professed Christ Iesus , whose honest conversation deserveth praise of all good men , and whose knowledge might greatly help the simple and ignorant people , notthelesse the same persons content themselves with reading ; These must be animated and encouraged to take upon them the function of the Ministery . But if in no measure they be qualified for preaching , they must abstain from administration of the Sacraments , till they attain unto further knowledge , and such as take upon then the office of Preachers , who shall not be found qualified therefore by the Superintendent , are by him to be placed Readers . The fift head concerning the provision of Ministers , and distribution of the rents and Possessions justly pertaining to the Church . SCripture and Reason do both teach , that the labourer is worthy of his hire ; and that the mouth of the Oxe that treadeth forth the corne , ought not to be musled . Therefore of necessity it is , that honest provision be made for Ministers , which we require to be such , that they neither have occasion of solicitude , nor yet of insolency and wantonnesse . And this provision must be made not only for their own sustentation during their lives , but also for their wives and children after them : for it is against godliness , reason , and equity , that the widow and children of him who did faithfully serve the Church of God in his life , and for that cause was not careful in providing for his family , should after his death be left comfortlesse . It is difficil to appoint the several stipends of every Minister , because the charges of necessity of all will not be alike ; for some will be resident in one place , some will be compelled to travel and change their dwelling , especially if they have charge of divers Churches ; Some will be burthened with wife and children , and one with moe then another ; some perchance will live a single life ; and if equal stipends should be appointed to all these , who are in charge so unequal , one would suffer penury , and another have superfluity . Therefore we judge that every Minister should have sufficient wherewith to keep an house , and be sustained honestly in all things necessary , forth of the rents of the Church which he serveth , conform to his quality , and the necessity of time : wherein it is thought that every Minister shall have forty bols meal , and twenty bolls malt , with money to buy other provision to his house , and serve his other necessities , the modification whereof is to be referred to the judgement of the Church , which shall be made every year at the choosing of the Elders and Deacons ; providing alwayes that there be advanced to every Minister , provision for a quarter of a year before-hand of all things . To the Superintendents who travel from place to place for establishing of the Church , a further consideration must be given ; therefore we think that to each of them should be appointed six Chalders beer , nine Chalders meal , and three Chalders oats for provand to his horse , with 500. Marks of money , which may be augmented and diminished at the discretion of the Prince and Councel of the Realm . The children of the Ministers must be freemen of the Cities next adjacent , where their Fathers laboured faithfully ; they must also have the priviledges of Schooles and Bursaries in Colledges freely granted unto them , if they be found apt for learning ; or failing thereof , they must be put to some handicraft , and virtuous industry , whereby they may be profitable instruments in the commonwealth . Their daughters likewise would be vertuously brought up , and honestly educated , when they come to maturity of years , at the discretion of the Church . And this we require not so much for our selves or any that pertaineth to us , as for the increase of vertue and learning , and for the profit of the posterity to come . For it is not to be supposed , that a man will dedicate his children to serve in a calling , where no wordly commodity is expected ; and naturally men are provoked to follow vertue , where they see honour and profit attending the same ; as by the contrary , many despise vertue when they see vertuous and godly men live unrespected ; and we should be sorty to know any to be discouraged from following the studies of learning , whereby they may be made able to profit the Church of Christ. Of the stipend of the Readers we have spoken nothing , because if they can do nothing but read , they cannot be esteemed true Ministers , and regard must be had of their labours , but so as they may be spurred forward to vertue ; therefore to a Reader that is lately entered , we think forty Marks , more or lesse as the Parishioners can agree , sufficient : providing that he teach the children of the Parish , which he must do besides the reading of the Common Prayer , and the books of Old and New Testament . If from reading he proceed to exhort and explaine the Scriptures , then ought his stipend to be augmented , till he come to the degree of a Minister . But if after two years service he be found unable to edify the Church by preaching , he must be removed from that office and discharged of all stipend , that another may be put in place , who to the Church may be more profitable . No childe nor person within the age of one and twenty years may be admitted to the office of a Reader , but such must be chosen and admitted by the Superintendent , as for their gravity and discretion may grace the function that they are called unto . These Readers who have some gift of exhortation , and have long continued in the course of godlinesse , we think may have 100. Marks or more , at the discretion of the Church appointed for them ; yet a difference must alwayes be kept betwixt them and the Ministers that labour in word and ministration of the Sacraments . Rests two sorts of people who must be provided for of that which is called the Patrimony of the Church ; to wit , the poor , and the Teachers of the youth . The poor must be provided for in every Parish , for it is a shameful thing that they should be so universally contemned , and despised . Not that we are Patrons to stubborne and idle beggers , who running from place to place make a craft of begging ; for those we think must be compelled to work , or then punished by the Civil Magistrate . But the poor widows , the fatherlesse , the impotent maimed persons , the aged , and every one that may not work , or such persons as are fallen by occasion into decay , ought to be provided , and have their necessities supplied by the Parish where they were borne , or have remained for any long space . Of Superintendents . Because it is found expedient for the erecting and planting of Churches , and appointing of Ministers , that at this time there be selected ten or twelve Superintendents , we have thought good to design their bounds , set down their office , the manner of their election , and causes which may deserve deposition from their charge . The Dioces of the Superintendents , and places of their residence . The Countrey of Orkney shall have a Superintendent , and for his Dioces the Isles of Orkney , with the countreys of Cathnes and Strathnaver ; his residence to be in the Town of Kirkwall . The Superintendent of Ross , his Dioces shall comprehend Ross , Southerland , Murray , with the North Isles of Sky , and Lergis ▪ and their adjacents ; his residence should be in the Chanonry of Ross. The Superintendent of Argyle shall have for his Dioces Argyle , Cantyre , Lorne , the South Isles of Arrane , and Boole , with the Isle adjacent , and the countrey of Loghquaber ; his residence to be in Argyle . The Superintendent of Aberdene , his Dioces shall comprehend all betwixt Dye and Spey , that is , the Sherifdom of Aberdene and Bamff ; his residence to be in old Aberdene . The Superintendent of Brichen shall have for his Dioces the Sherifdomes of Mernis , Angus , and the Bray of Marre unto Dey , and keep his residence at Brichen . The Superintendent of Fife shall have for his Dioces the Sherifdomes of Fife , Fotheringham , and Perth unto Striveling ; his residence shall be in S. Andrews . The Superintendent of Lothian his Dioces shall comprehend the Sherifdomes of Lothian , Striveling , Mers , Lawtherdale ; and Stow of Twaddale ; his residence to be in Edinburgh . The Superintendent of Iedburgh shall have for his Dioces Teviotdale , Tweddale , and the Forrest of Attrick ; his residence to be in Iedburgh . The Superintendent of Glasgow his Dioces shall comprehend Clyddisdale , Ranfrew , Monteith , Kile , and Cunningham ; his residence to be at Glasgow . The Superintendent of Dunfreis shall have for his Dioces Galloway , Carrick , Niddisdale , and Annandale , with the rest of the Dales in the West ; his residence to be at Dunfreis . These men must not be suffered to live idle as the Bishops have done heretofore , neither must they remain where gladly they would , but they must be Preachers themselves , and remain in one place above three or four moneths : after which they must enter in visitation of their whole bounds , preach thrice a week at least , and not to rest till the Churches be wholly planted , and provided of Ministers , or at the least Readers . In their visitation they must trie the life , diligence , and behaviour of the Ministers , the order of their Churches , and the manners of their people , how the poor are provided , and how the youth is instructed ; They must admonish where admonition needeth , and dresse all things that by good counsel they are able to compose ; finally they must take note of all heinous crimes , that the same may be corrected by the censures of the Church . Of the election of Superintendents . Such is the present necessity , that the Examination and Admission of the Superintendents cannot be so strict as afterwards it must ; for the present therefore we think it sufficient , that the Councel nominate so many as may serve the Provinces above written , or then give Commission to men of best knowledge , who have the fear of God to do the same . The Gentlemen and Burgesses of Towns within the Dioces , being alwayes made privy at this time to the election ; as well to bring the Church in practice of her liberty , as to make the Pastor better favoured of the flock , whom themselves have chosen . If so many able men cannot be found at the present , as necessity requireth , it is better that those Provinces wait till God provide , then that men unable to edifie and govern the Church , be suddenly placed in the charge : experience having taught , what ills have bin engendred in the Church by men unable to discharge their offices . If any Superintendent shall depart this life , or happen to be deposed , the Minister of the chief Town within that Province , with the Magistrate and Councel , the Elders and Deacons of the said Town , shall nominate the Superintendents of two or three Provinces next adjacent , within the space of twenty dayes , two or three of the most godly and learned Ministers within the Realm , that from among them with publick consent one may be elected to the office then vacant . The twenty dayes expired , and no man presented , three of the next adjacent Provinces , with consent of their Superintendents , Ministers , and Elders , shall enter into the right and priviledge of the chief Town , and shall present one or two , if they list , to be examined according to the order , and it shall be lawfull for all the Churches within the Dioces , within the same time to nominate such persons as they esteem worthy election . After the nomination made , publick edicts must be sent forth , warning all men that have any objections against the persons nominated , or against any one of them , to appear in the chief Town at the day affixed , which we think should be thirty dayes after the nomination , and declare what they have to say against the election of any one of them . The day appointed for the election being come , the Ministers of the Province , with the Superintendents next adjacent , shall examin the learning , manners , prudence , and ability to govern the Church , of the whole persons nominated , and cause them publickly to preach , to the end he that is most worthy , may be burthened with the charge ; And then they shall give their voices according to conscience , and not out of affection : It must be considered , whether the objection be made of malice or out of a zeal to Gods glory , and the weal of the Church . Other ceremonies then this examination , the approbation of Ministers and Superintendents , with the publick consent of Elders and people , we do not admit . The Superintendent so elected , must be subject to the censure and correction of the Ministers , and Elders of his chief Town , and whole Province , over which he is appointed : and if he be found negligent in any of the chief points of his office , especially if he be found negligent in preaching ▪ the word , or in visitation of his Churches , and if he be convict of any of these crimes , which in a common Minister are condemned , he must be deposed , without respect of his person or office . If his offence be publick , and the Ministers and Elders of the Province negligent in correcting him ; then the next one or two Superintendents , with their Ministers and Elders , may convene him , providing the same be within his own Province or chief Town , and inflict the censure that his offence deserveth . No Superintendent may be translated at the pleasure or request of any one Province , without the Councel of the whole Church , and that for grave causes , and considerations . After the Church shall be established , and three years are past , no man shall be called to the office of a Superintendent , who hath not two years at least given a proof of his faithful labours in the ministery of some Church . Of Schools , and the necessity of them . Seeing men now adayes are not miraculously gifted , as in the time of the Apostles , for the continuance of knowledge and learning to the generations following , especially for the profit and comfort of Christs Church ; it is necessary that care be had of the virtuous and godly education of youth : wherefore we judge that in every Parish there should be a Schoolmaster , such a one as is able at least to teach the Grammar , and Latine tongue , where the Town is of any reputation . But in Landwart , where people convene to Doctrine only once in the week , then must either the Reader or the Minister take care of the youth of the Parish , to instruct them in their rudiments , especially in the Catechisme of Geneva . In every notable Town , chiefly in the Town of the Superintendent , we think that a Colledge should be erected , wherein at least the arts of Logick and Rhetorick , with the Tongues , should be taught by sufficient Masters , for whom honest stipends must be appointed . And that provision should be made for such youths as are poor , and cannot be brought up in letters by their friends : the commodity whereof will be great , when the children are brought up in the presence of their friends , by whose good attendants their necessities may be supplied , and many inconveniences avoided , that youth commonly runneth into , when they are sent to strange and unknown places . The exercise likewise of children in the Church , cannot but serve greatly to the instruction of the aged and unlearned . The great Schools called Universities , should be replenished with those that be apt for learning : for no father of what condition or estate soever he be , ought to use his children after his own fantasie , especially in their youth ; but all must be compelled to bring them up in knowledge and virtue . The rich must be exhorted , and by the censure of the Church compelled , to dedicate their sons to the profit of the Church and Commonwealth , training them up in godly exercises upon their own expences , and the children of the poor must be sustained upon the charge of the Church , till it be tried whether they be apt for letters and learning or not . If they be found to be docile , and have good ingenies , they may not be permitted to reject learning , but charged to follow their studies , that the Commonwealth may reap some comfort by them : and for this purpose the Minister and Elders , with the best learned in every Town , must be appointed to examine at the end of every quarter , the youths , and see how they do profit . A certain time must be appointed to reading of the Catechisme ; a certain time to the Grammar , and Latine tongue ; a certain time to Arts and Philosophy ; and a certain time to the other tongues and studies which they intend to learn. That time expired , some craft and profitable exercise ; Providing alwayes they have learned first the Commandements , the Articles of the Belief , the right form to pray unto God ; the number , use and effect of the Sacraments ; and that they may be instructed touching the natures and Offices of Iesus Christ , and other such points as without the knowledge of them they neither deserve to be called Christians , nor ought to be admitted to the participation of the Lords Table . The time appointed to every course . Two years we hold more then sufficient for learning to read perfectly , to answer to the Catechisme , and get some entrance in the rudiments of Grammar . Three or foure yeares more we allow for attaining to the perfection of Grammar . To the Arts , that is , Logick , Rhetorick , and the Greek tongue , we allow other four years , and the rest of 24. years to be spent in that study wherein they intend to serve the Church or Common-wealth , be it in the Laws , Physick , or Divinity . After which time of 24 years being spent in the Schools , they must be removed to serve the Church or Common-wealth , unless they be found necessary Professors for the Colledge or University . The erection of Universities . We think it necessary that there be three Universities in the Realm ; one in St. Andrews , another in Glasgow , and the third at Aberdene . In the first and principall Universitie , which is St. Andrews , that there be three Colledges ; and in the first Colledge there be four Classes ; The first for new Supposts , to whom Dialectick only shall be taught ; the next Classe shall have the Metaphysicks only read ; the third Physick , and the fourth Medicine . In the second Colledge shal be two Classes , whereof the first shall be for morall Philosophie , and the second for the Laws . In the third Colledge likewise two Classes , the first for the Greek and Hebrew tongues , and the second for Divinitie . Of Professors , and of the Degrees of time and Studies . In the first Colledge and first Classe there shall be a Reader of Dialectick , who shall compleat his course thereof in one year . In the second Classe a Professor of Mathematicks , who shall reade to the Students Arithmetick , Geometry , Cosmography and Astrology ▪ the space of another year . In the third Classe a Professor of naturall Philosophy , who shall accomplish his course likewise in one year . After which three years , those that shall be found by triall sufficiently grounded in the foresaid Sciences , shall be Laureat and Graduate in Philosophy . In the fourth Classe there shall be a Reader of Medicine , who shall compleat his course in five years ; After the study whereof such as are found sufficient upon examination , shall be Graduate in Medicine . In the second Colledge and first Classe thereof a Reader of Ethicks , O Economicks and Politicks , whose course shall end in one year ; In the second Classe shall be two Readers of the Municipall and Roman Lawes , who shall finish their course in four years ; after which time those that are found sufficient , shall be Graduate in the Lawes . In the third Colledge and first Classe a Reader of the Hebrew and another of the Greek tongue , who shall compleat the Grammars thereof in half a year ; the rest of the year the Reader of the Hebrew shall interpret some Books of Moses , of the Prophets , or Psalmes , so that his course shall continue one year : the Reader of the Greek shall interpret some Book of Plato , together with some Book of the New Testament , and shall finish his course the same year . In the second Classe there shall be two Readers of Divinitie , one of the New Testament , and another of the Old , who shall finish their course in five years . After which time those that are found sufficient shall be Graduate in Divinitie . None shall be admitted into the first Colledge , and be made Suppost of the Universitie , unless he have from the Master of the School , and Minister of the Town , where he was instructed in the Latine tongue , a testimony of his learning , docilitie , age , and parentage . Those that have bin taught the Dialectick shall be examined by the Rector and Principalls , and being found to have profited therein , shall be promoved to the Classe of the Mathematicks . None shall be admitted to the Classe of Medicine , but he that shall be known to have spent his time well in Dialectick , Mathematick and Physick , and shall have a testimoniall of his docilitie in the last . None admitted to the Classe of Laws , but he that shall have a testimoniall of his time well spent in Dialectick , Mathematick , Ethick , O Economicks , Politicks , and of his docilitie in the last . And to the Classe of Divines they onely shall be admitted that bring a sufficient Testimoniall of their time well spent in Dialectick , Mathematick , Physick , Ethick , O Economick and Politick Philosophy , the knowledge of the Hebrew tongue , and of his docility in Divinity . Such as will apply themselves to hear the Laws shall not be compelled to hear Medicine , neither shall such as apply themselves to hear Divinity be compelled either to hear Medicine or the Laws . The second University at Glasgow , shall have two Colledges . In the first whereof shall be three Classes ; one for Dialectick , another for Mathematick , and a third for Physick ; And in the second Colledge shall be four Classes , one for morall Philosophie , Ethicks , O Economicks , and Politicks ; another for the Municipall and Romane Laws ▪ the third for the Hebrew tongue , and the last for Divinity to be ordered according to the University of St. Andrews . The third Universitie at Aberdene shall be conform to the University of Glasgow in all points . Unto every Colledge there must be elected forth of the body of the University , a Principall , who must be a man of learning , discretion and diligence ; he shall receive the whole rents of the Colledge , and distribute the same according to the erection of the Colledge , adjoyning to himself weekly one of the Professors ; he shall hearken dayly the Diet compts , and oversee the policy and buildings of the house , attend that the Professors be diligent in their severall readings to the youth , and shall weekly keep a meeting with the whole Members of the Colledge for punishment of faults that shall happen to be committed , and shall yearly be countable to the superintendent Rector and rest of the Principalls , who shall convene to that effect the first of November . The election of the Principall shall be in this sort , within eight dayes after the place falleth void , the members of the Colledge being sworn to follow their conscience shall nominate three of the most sufficient men of the University , not being Principalls already , who shall be publickly propounded through the whole University ; This done , the Superintendent by himself , or his speciall Procurators , with the Rector and the rest of the Principalls , shall convene within eight dayes after , and choose one of the three whom they think most sufficient , being sworn before to do the same without favor or partiall affection . There shall be in every Colledge a Steward , Cook , Gardiner and Porter , who shall be subject to the Principall as are the rest . Every Vniversity shall have a Beddale , who shall be subject to serve at all times the Vniversity at the direction of the Rector and Principall . There shall likewise a Rector be chosen in every Vniversity from year to year on this manner . The Principalls of the Colledges with the whole Regents chapterly convened shall be sworn to nominate every man speaking in his own room , such a one as in his conscience he thinketh to be most sufficient for that charge and dignity ; and of those who shall be most often nominated there shall be put in lite 15. dayes before Michaelmas , and upon the eve of Michaelmas the whole Principals , Regents and Supposts graduated , or who have studied the Ethicks , O Economicks and Politicks , and no others , every nation having protested to follow the Dictate of their own Conscience , shall nominate one of the said three , and he unto whom most voices are given , shall be confirmed by the Superintendent and Principals , who shall take his oath for lawfull administration , and the oath of the rest of the Vniversitie , for their submission and obedience ; after which he shall put on a new garment , and be presented to the Vniversitie . Insignia Magistratus being born before him , monethly he shall visit every Colledge , and trie how the exercises of Reading be kept ; his assessours shall be a Lawyer and Theologue , by whose advice he shall decide all Civill questions betwixt the Members of the Universitie . If any without the Universitie pursue a Member thereof , or be pursued by any Member of the same , he shall assist the Provost and Bailies and other Judges competent to see justice ministred , and that as well in civill as criminall causes . We think it expedient that in every Colledge of the whole Universities there be 24. Bursars divided equally in the Classes above specified ; that is , in St. Andrewes 72. Bursars , in Glasgow 48. in Aberdene as many ; these shall be sustained onely in meat upon the charges of the Colledge , and not be admitted but upon triall taken by the Ministerie of the Town , and Principalls of the Universitie , as well touching their own docility , as if their parents be able to entertain them or not . Of Stipends , and the expences n●cessary . The summes needfull for the ordinary charges , we judge may be as followeth . Imprimis , for the stipend of the Professors of Dialectick , Mathematick , Physick and Morall Philosophy , for each of those 100l . Item , for the Professor of Medicine , and Lawes 200. marks . Item , to the Reader of the Hebrew and Greek tongues , and Divinity , 200l . Item , to every Principall 200l . Item , to every Steward for his fee 16l . Item , to every Gardiner , Cook and Porter 10. marks . Item , to the sustentation of every Bursar , that is not in the Classe of Theologie or Medicine , 20l. Item , to the Bursars in these Classes 24l . Summa of the yearly and ordinary expences in the Universitie of St. Andrewes , extendeth to 3796l . summa of the yearly and ordinary expences of Glasgow , extends to 2922l . Summa of Aberdene 2922l . Summa of the whole ordinary charges is 9640l . For the payment of these summes we think the Temporalties of Bishopricks and Churches Collegiat ought to be destinated so farre at least , as the same charges do require . The Beddale shall have for his stipend 2s . of every Intrant and Suppost of the Universitie , of every Graduate in Philosophy 3s . of the Graduate in Medicine 4s . and 5s . of the Graduate in Theology , Bursars in these studies only excepted . For upholding the fabrick this order would be taken , that every Earls son at his entry shall give 40s . with so much at his graduation ; Every Lords son 30s . The son of a Baron 20s . the son of a Burgess or substantious Gentleman 10s . and the sons of all others , Bursars excepted , 5s . These moneys being collected shall be put in a common box , and committed to the keeping of the Principall , and upon the 15. day of November yearly in the presence of the Superintendent , Rector and whole Principals the same shal be opened , the moneys counted , and by their consents reserved or imployed upon building or repairing , as the necessity of the fabrick shall require . Of the Priviledge of the University . Seeing innocency should rather defend us then priviledge , we think that every person should answer before the Provost and Bailies of the Town , where the University is , upon all actions they are called for , so as the Rector be assessor to the Magistrates therein ; If the question be betwixt members of the University , the party called is not held to answer but before the Rector , and his assessors ; in all other causes of civil pursuit the general rule of law is to be observed , Actor sequatur forum rei . The Rector and all inferiour members of the University must be exempted from all taxes , imposts , charges of warre , or any other burthens that may abstract them from attending the youth , such as Tutory , Curatory , Executory , and the like . As for other things that may concern the Students and Masters such as the choice of books to be read in every Classe , and such other particulars , they are to be left to the discretion of the Principal and Regents , and their Councel . The sixth head of the Rents and Patrimony of the Church . TWo sorts of men , that is , the Preachers of the word , and the poor , besides the Schools , must be sustained upon the rents of the Church ; wherefore it would be considered how , and of what the same is to raised . For to our grief we hear that some Gentlemen are now more rigorous in exacting the tithes , and other duties paid before to the Church , then ever the Papists were , and so the tyranny of Priests is turned into the tyranny of Lords or Lairds ; for this we require , that the Gentlemen , Barons , Lords , Earls , and others , be content to live upon their own rents , and suffer the Church to be restored to her right and liberty , that by her restitution the poor that heretofore have been oppressed , may now receive some comfort and relaxation . It is a thing most reasonable that every man have the use of his own tithes , providing that he answer the Deacons and Treasurer of the Church , of that which shall be reasonably appointed unto him , and that the uppermost cloth , the Corpresent , the Clerkmail , the Pasche-offerings , Tith-ale , and other the like exactions be discharged for ever . And because not only the Ministers , but also the poor and Schools must be sustained upon the Tithes , we think it more expedient , that Deacons and common Treasurers of the Church be appointed to receive the whole rents appertaining thereto , then the Ministers themselves : And that commandment may be given that no man either receive , or intromet with any thing belonging to the sustentation of the foresaid persons , but such as shall be appointed thereto by the Church . If any shall think this prejudicial to those that possesse the tithes by vertue of leases , we would have them know , that unjust possession is no possession before God ; and that those of whom they acquired their right , were thieves and murtherers , and had no power to alienate the Patrimony and common good of the Church : yet do we wish recompence to be made to such as have debursed summes of money to these unjust possessors , so that the same had not been given of late , in prejudice of the Church , or no collusion used . For which purpose we think it expedient that whosoever have the titles of any Church in part or whole , be warned to produce his right , that cognition being taken thereof , a reasonable recompence may be given them , before the years that are to run ; the profits of years past deduced , and considered , so that the Church in end may receive her liberty and freedom . The tithes that we think must be lifted for the use of the Church , are the tithes of hay , hemp , lint , cheese , fish , calf , veal , lamb , wool , and all sorts of corn . But because these will not suffice to discharge the necessaries of the Church , we think that all things dotate to hospitality in times past , with all annual rents both to Burgh and Land , pertaining to Priests , Chanteries , Colledges , Chaplaineries , and Friers of all orders , to the sisters of the Seynes , and all other of that sort , be retained to the use of the Church or Churches within the Towns or Parishes where they were founded : likewise the whole revenues of the temporalities of Bishops , Deans , and Archdeacons ; with all rents of lands pertaining to Cathedral Churches , which must be applied to the entertainment of Superintendents , and Universities . And further , we think that Merchants and Craftsmen in free Burghs , who have nothing to do with manuring the ground , ought to make some provision in their Cities and Towns , and dwelling places for the support of the Church , and necessities thereof . The Ministers , and failing of them , the Readers must be restored to their Manses and Gleibs , without which they cannot serve nor attend their flocks , and where any Gleib exceedeth six acres of land , that which is more shall remain with the possessor , till further order be taken . The Deacons or Treasurers appointed to collect these rents , must be chosen yearly in every Parish by the common consent of the Church , they may not distribute any part of that which is collected , but by the command of the Ministers and Elders , who must command any thing to be delivered but as the Church hath before determined . That is , the Ministers to be first paid either quarterly , or from half year to half year , of the summes allowed to them , the Schoolmasters , Readers , and Hospitals , if any be . If any extraordinary summes must be disbursed , then the Ministers , Elders , and Deacons are to consult whether the same stands with the profit of the Church or not ; and if they do agree , they may do as best seemeth unto them . But if there be controversie amongst themselves , the whole Church must be made privie , and the reasons heard ; their judgement with the Ministers consent shall prevail . The Deacons shall make their Accompts to the Minister and Elders of that which they have received , and the Elders when they are changed ( which must be every year ) shall clear their accompts before such Auditors as the Church shall appoint . And both the Deacons and Elders being changed , shall deliver to them that are newly elected , all summes of money , corns , or other profits resting in their hands ; the tickets whereof must be delivered to the Superintendents in their visitations , and by them to the great Councel of the Church , that as well the indigence , as abundance of every Church may be known , and so a reasonable equality may be kept through the whole Realm . The seventh head concerning the Censuring of offenders . AS no Commonwealth can flourish , or long endure without good laws and sharp execution of the same : so cannot the Church of God be purged , or yet retained in purity without the order of Ecclesiastical discipline ; This standeth in reproving and correcting those faults , which the Civil sword doth either neglect , or may not panish . Blasphemy , Adultery , Murther , Perjury , and such capital crimes fall not properly under the censure of the Church , because such open transgressors of Gods law , should be taken away by the Civil sword . But Drunkennesse , Excesse , whether in apparel or in meat and drink , Fornication , oppression of the poor by exactions deceit in buying and selling , by wrong mete and measure , wanton words and licentious living tending to slander , do properly appertain to the censure of the Church , which in the order and cases following we judge shall be observed . If the offence be secret and known by few , and be rather surmised then that it be manifestly proved , the offender ought to be privately admonished , and if he promise to amend , the censure shall not proceed any further . If he contemn the admonition that is given him , or after promise walk al 's uncircumspectly as before , the Minister ought to call and rebuke him , and if he be disobedient , proceed according to the rule of Christ. In faults publick and hainous , such as Fornication , Drunkennesse , Fighting , common Swearing , and Execration , the offender must be called before the Minister , Elders , and Deacons , and have his sin laid out before him ; whereof if he shew himself penitent , and require to be admitted to publick satisfaction , a day should be appointed for his appearance before the whole Church , to testify the repentance which before he professed ; which if he accept , and with reverence perform , he ought to be received again in the society of the Church : for the Church of God must not be more rigorous , then God declareth himself to be : who witnesseth , that Whensoever a sinner doth unfainedly repent and turn from his wickednesse , that he will not remember his iniquity any more . If the offender be obstinate and shew no signes of repentance , he must be dismissed with an exhortation , to consider his dangerous estate , and assured that if he do not shew no tokens of amendment , a more severe course will be taken . If within a certain space he manifest his repentance to the Minister , he may be presented before the Congregation , and received in manner aforesaid . But if he shall continue in his impiety , then it must be signified to the congregation , that such offences are fallen out amongst them , the committer thereof rebuked and desired to repent , whereof as yet no tokens are given , and they requested to call unto God for touching the heart of the offender ( whose fault ought to be expressed , but not his name ) with remorse that he may truly and earnestly be converted . If he notwithstanding continue in his contempt , his name must the next day of the publick meeting be notified to the congregation , and the most discreet and nearest of his friends or acquaintance entreated to deal with him earnestly , that he may be brought to the knowledge of the fault , and solemn prayers made for his conversion to God. The third Sunday the Minister shall require , if the impenitent hath declared any signes of his repentance ; and it being found that he hath done the same , a day shall be affixed to him for appearing before the Consistory , where if he shew himself penitent , as well of the crime , as of his long contempt , he shall be received upon publick satisfaction in manner before prescribed . But if no man signifie his repentance , then the Minister by consent of the Elders and Deacons , and at commandment of the Church , shall pronounce the offender excommunicated from God and from the society of his Church . After which sentence no person may have any kind of conversation with him , ( his wife and family only excepted ) in eating , drinking , buying , selling , saluting , or conforming with him , unlesse the same be licensed by the Ministery ; that he finding himself abhorred of the faithful and godly , may take occasion to repent , and so be saved . This sentence as being the most heavy censure which can be inflicted by the Church , ought not to be rashly used , but for great causes , and due processe of time kept ; but being pronounced , ought with all severity to be maintained , and intimation thereof made through the whole Realm , lest any should pretend ignorance of the same . His children begotten or born after the sentence and before his repentance , may not be admitted to Baptisme , till either they be of age to require it , or else the mother , or some of his special friends members of the Church , present and offer the childe , abhorring and damning the iniquity of his parent . If any do think it rigorous thus to punish the childe for the fathers offence , let them understand that the Sacraments appertain only to the faithful and their seed ; and that such as contemn the admonitions of the Church , and obstinately continue in their iniquity , cannot be reckoned amongst the faithful . Murtherers , manslayers , adulterers , and committers of the like horrible crimes , whom the Civil sword ought to punish with death , if they shall be permitted to live , shall be holden excommunicate and accursed in their fact . The offenders being first called , and the order of the Church used against them in the same manner , as the persons who for their obstinacy are publickly excommunicated , so the obstinate impenitent after the sentence of excommunication , and the murtherer or adulterer shall stand in one case as concerning the judgment of the Church , and neither of both admitted to prayers or Sacraments ( howbeit they may be present at the preaching of the Word ) till first they offer themselves to the Minister and Elders , requesting humbly their prayers , and desiring them to intercede with the Church for their admission to publick repentance . Upon this humble request signification shall be given to the Church of the same , the first day of publick preaching , and the congregation exhorted to pray unto God , that he will perform the work which he appeareth to have begun in the heart of the offender , by granting him unfaigned repentance of his sin , with a sense and feeling of his mercy . Thereafter a day shall be publickly assigned unto him him to make open confession of his crime and contempt . At which time he must appear in presence of the congregation , and confessing the same desire mercy of God , and intreat them to accept him in their society . The Minister shall try diligently if he find in him an hatred and displeasure of his impiety committed , and as he findeth , so to comfort him in the hope of Gods mercies ; but especially is to see that he be instructed in the knowledge of Iesus Christ , in the article of Justification , and offices of Christ ; for it were a mocking of God to receive him to repentance , who knoweth not wherein his remedy standeth , when he is grieved for sin . If he shall perceive him to be reasonably instructed , and humbly disposed , then shall he demand of the congregation , if they be willing to receive that creature of God , ( whom Satan had before drawn in his snare ) into their society , which they yielding unto , ( as justly they may not deny the same ) then ought the Minister to crave the assistance of the Churches prayers in behalf of the penitent ▪ and prayer ended , exhort them to receive him again in their favours , in token whereof the Elders , and one or two of the Congregation shall take him by the hand , and embrace him in the name of the whole Church . This done , the Minister shall exhort him who is received to walk circumspectly in time coming , lest Satan catch him again in his snares , advertising him how that enemy will not cease to try all means possible for bringing him from the obedience that he hath given to God , and his Ordinance . And after the exhortation shall give again publick thanks to God for the conversion of that their brother , and pray for increase and continuance of his grace to him , and the whole congregation . Unto this discipline the whole estates of the Realm , as well the Rulers , as they that are ruled , and the Preachers themselves , as well as the poorest within the Church , must be subject : the Ministers especially , because they as the eye and mouth of the Church should be most irreprehensible . The eighth head concerning Elders and Deacons . MEn of best knowledge , of purest life , and most honest conversation that can be found in every Church , must be nominated for these offices , and their names publickly read unto the congregation , that from amongst those some may be chosen to serve as Elders and Deacons . If any be nominated , who is noted with publick infamy , he must be repelled ; for it is not seemly that the servant of corruption should have authority to judge in the Church of God : or if any man know others that are of better qualities within the Church , then those who are nominated , the same shall be joyned to the others , that the Church may have the choice . If the Churches be few in number , so as Elders and Deacons cannot conveniently be had , the same Church may be joyned to the next adjacent ; for the plurality of Churches without Ministers and order doth rather hurt , then edifie . The election of Elders and Deacons ought to be made every year once , which we judge most convenient to be done the first of August yearly , lest men by long continuance in those Offices presume upon the liberty of the Church . And yet it hurteth not , if a man be retained in office more years then one , so as he be appointed yearly thereto by common and free election : Providing alwayes that the Deacons , and Thesaurers of the Church be not compelled to receive again the same Office for the space of ● . years . How the suffrages shall be given and received , every severall Church may take the order that seemeth best to them . The Elders being elected must be admonished of their Office , which is to assist the Minister in all publick affairs of the Church ; to wit , in judging and discerning of causes , in giving admonition to licentious livers , and having an eye upon the manners and conversation of all men within their charge : for by the gravity of the Elders the loose and dissolute manners of other men ought to be restrained and corrected . The Elders ought also to take heed to the life , manners , diligence and study of their Ministers ; And if he be worthy of admonition , they must admonish him ; if of correction , they must correct him ; and if he be worthy of deposition , they with the consent of the Church and Superintendent may depose him . The Office of Deacons is to receive the rents , and gather the Almes of the Church , to keep and distribute the same as they shall be appointed by the Ministery and the Church ; yet they may also assist in judgement the Minister and Elders , and be admitted to reade in publick Assemblies , if they be called , required and found able thereto . The Elders and Deacons , with their wives and families , must be subject to the same censure , that Ministers are subject unto ; for they are Judges to the manners of others , and therefore they must be sober , humble , entertainers of concord and peace amongst neighbours ; and finally , an ensample of godlyness to the rest of the flock : whereof if the contrary appear , they must be admonished by the Minister or some of their brethren , if the fault be secret ; but if it be open and known , they must be openly rebuked , and the same order kept with them that is prescribed against Ministers offending . We think it not necessary that any publick stipend be appointed either to the Elders or Deacons , because their travell continueth but for a year ; as also because they are not so occupied with the affairs of the Church , but that they may have leisure to attend their private business . Of the Censure and Deposition of Ministers . If a Minister be of a loose conversation , negligent in his study , and one that waiteth not on his charge and flock , or one that proponeth not fruitful doctrine to his people , he ought to be admonished by the Elders , and if he amend not , the Elder may complain to the Ministery , till his repentance appear ; but if any Minister be deprehended of any notable crime , as whoredome , adultery , murther , man-slaughter , perjurie , heresie , or any such as deserveth death , or any inferre the note of infamy , he ought to be deposed for ever . By heresie we understand pernicious doctrine plainly taught , and obstinately defended against the foundation and principall grounds of Christian faith . Such a crime we judge to deserve perpetuall deposition from the Ministery , knowing it to be a thing most dangerous to commit a flock unto a man infected with heresie . Some faults deserve deposition for a time ; as if a Minister be deprehended drunken , if he be a brawler , or fighter , an open slanderer , a defamer of his neighbours , factious and a sower of discord ; till he declare himselfe penitent , and give some assurance of better conversation , upon which the congregation shall attend the space of twenty dayes or longer , as they shall think expedient , before they proceed to a new election . Every inferiour Church should notifie by one of their Elders , and one of their Deacons to the Superintendent , the life , manners , study and diligence of their Ministers , that the discretion of some may correct the levitie of others . Neither must the life and manners only of their Ministers come under censure , but also of their wives , children and family . It must likewise be adverted , that the Minister neither live riotously nor avaritiously , and a respect had how he spendeth his stipend : for if a reasonable stipend be appointed him , he must live accordingly , because avaritiousness and solicitude of money is no less to be damned in Christs servants , especially those who are fed at the charge of the Church , then is excess and superfluity . We judge it unseemly for Ministers to live in common Alehouses or Taverns ; neither must a Minister be permitted to frequent the Court , unless it be for a time when he is either imployed by the Church , or called by the Authority to give his counsell and judgement in any matter : Neither yet must he be one of the councel in Civil affairs , be he never judged so apt for the purpose ; but either must he cease from the Ministery ( which at his own pleasure he may not do , ) or else in bearing charge in Civil affairs , except it be to assist the Parliament when the same is called . The ninth head concerning the Policie of the Church . WE call the Policy of the Church the exercise of Religion in such things as may help to bring the ignorant to knowledge , or else promove in them that are more learned , a further growth of grace , or otherwise such things as are appointed for keeping things in good order within the Church , whereof there be two sorts ▪ the one utterly necessary , as that the Word may be truly preached , the Sacraments rightly administrtd , common Prayers publickly made , children and simple persons instructed in the chief points of Religion , and offences corrected and punished . These things we say are so necessary , that without the same there cannot be any face of a visible Church . The other sort is profitable , but not meerly necessary , as that Psalmes be sung , and certain places of Scripture read , when there is no Sermon ; or that the Church should convene this or that day in the week to hear Sermons . Of these and the like , we see not how a certain Order can be established : For in some Churches the Psalmes may be conveniently sung , in other perhaps they cannot ; some Churches may convene every day , some twice or thrice in the week , and some it may be but once : In these and the like every particular Church may appoint their own policy themselves . Yet in great towns we think expedient , that every day there be either Sermon or Common Prayer , with some exercise of reading the Scriptures . The day of publick Sermon , we do not think the Common-Prayers needfull to be used , lest we should foster the people in superstition who come to the Prayers , as they come to the Mass , or give them occasion to think that those are no Prayers which are conceived before and after Sermon . In every famous town we require that one day besides the Sunday be appointed for Sermon , during the time whereof men must abstain from all exercise of trade and labour the servant as well as the master . In smaller towns such order must be kept as the Churches within the same shall appoint , but the Sunday in all towns must precisely be observed , before and after noon . Before noon the Word must be preached , Sacraments administred , and mariage solemnized when occasion doth offer . After noon the Catechisme must be taught , and the young children examimined thereupon , in audience of all the people : In doing whereof the Minister must have care to cause the people understand the questions propounded , with the answers and doctrine , that may be collected thereof . What order shall be kept in teaching the Catechisme , and how much thereof every Sunday shall be handled ; the distinctions of the Catechisme it self , which is the most perfect that ever was yet used in any Church , do shew . Where there is neither Preaching , nor Catechisme upon Sundayes at afternoon , the Common-Prayers ought to be used . It appertaineth to every Church , to appoint the times when the Sacraments should be ministred : Baptisme may be ministred whensoever the Word is preached , but we think it more expedient that the same be ministred upon Sunday ; and when occasion is offered of great travell before noon , the same may be ministred in the afternoon ; upon the week dayes onely after the Sermon , partly to remove that gross errour , which may hold that children dying without Baptisme are damned , partly that the people may assist the ministration of the Sacrament with greater reverence then commonly they do . Four times in the year we think sufficient for Administration of the Lords Table , which we desire to be so distinguished that the superstitious observation of times may be avoyded so far as may be : for it is known how superstitiously people run unto that action upon Easter , as if time gave virtue to the Sacraments , when as the rest of the whole year they are careless and negligent , as though it belonged not unto them , but at that time only . Therefore we think it expedient that the first Sunday of March yearly be kept for one day to that service : The first Sunday of Iune for another : The first Sunday of September for the third : and the first Sunday of December for the fourth . Albeit we deny not , but every Church for reasonable causes may change the time , and minister the same oftner ; yet we think the Sacrament of the supper ought never to be ministred without examination preceding , chiefly of those who are known , or suspect to be ignorant ; and that none ought to be admitted to that holy mystery , who cannot formally say the Lords Prayer ▪ the Articles of the Belief , declare the summe of the Law , and understandeth the use and vertue of that holy Sacrament . We also think necessary , that every Church have a Bible in English , and that the people convene to hear the Scriptures read and interpreted , that by frequent reading and hearing the gross ignorance of the people may be removed . And we judge it most expedient , that the Scriptures be read in order : That is , that some one Book of the New and Old Testament be begun , and followed forth to the end . The like we esteem of preaching , if the Minister remain for the most part at one place . For the divagation from one place of Scripture to another , whether it be in reading or preaching , we account not so profitable for the Church as the continuall following of one Text. The Masters of Families must be commanded to instruct , or cause to be instructed , their children and servants in the Principles of Christian Religion , without the knowledge whereof , they may not be admitted to the Table of the Lord ; wherefore we think it needfull that every year at least the Ministers take triall by publick examination of the knowledge of every person within the Church ; and that every master and mistress present themselves , and so many of their family as are come to mature age , before the Minister and Elders to give confession of their Faith , rehearse the Commandements of the Law , with the Lords Prayer , and declare what is their understanding in those things . If any shall suffer their children or servants to remain in wilfull ignorance , the censures of the Church must be used against them unto excommunication , and then the person referred to the Civil Magistrate . For seeing the just man liveth by his own faith , and that Christ Iesus justifieth by knowledge of himself , it is intolerable that any should be permitted to live as Members of the Church of God , and yet to continue in ignorance . Moreover , all persons would be exhorted to exercise themselves in the Psalmes , that when the Church conveneth , and the Psalmes be sung , they may be the more able with common heart and voice to praise God. In private houses it were expedient that the most grave and discreet person of the family should use Common-Prayers at morning and night . Of the exercise of Prophesying or Interpretation of the Scriptures . It was a custome in the Church of Corinth at some times when they did assemble and meet together to read a place of Scripture , whereupon one first gave his judgement for the instruction and consolation of the Auditors ; after whom another did either confirm what the former had said , or adde that which he had omitted , or correct and explain more properly the place , or text . Liberty was also given to a third man to speak , if the whole truth had not been revealed by the former ; and above the number of three , it seemeth , none were allowed to speak , as we reade in the 1 Cor. 14. 29. where we have these words ; Let the Prophets speak two or three , and let the other judge . And if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , let the first hold his peace : for ye may all prophesie one by one , that all may learn , and all may have comfort . And the Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets . This exercise we think to be most necessary for the Church this day in Scotland , because thereby the Church may have triall of the knowledge , gifts and utterance of every man within their own body . The simple and those who have somewhat profited , shall be incouraged to proceed in their studies , and the whole Church shall be edified , every man that list to hear and learn , being permitted to declare his mind and knowledge for the comfort of the rest . But lest this exercise that is so profitable might turn into debate or strife , these rules must be observed . 1. All curious and unprofitable questions must be avoyded . 2. All interpretations that are against the Analogy of faith and against charity , or that seem to contain an open contradiction to other manifest places of Scripture , are to be rejected . 3. The interpreter may not take to himself the liberty of a Preacher ( although he be appointed and received a Minister ) but he must keep him to his text , and not break out by digression into Common places . 4. He may use no invectives in the exercise , unlesse it be in confuting of heresies . 5. He must be short in his admonitions and exhortations , and spend the time allowed him in opening the mind of the holy Ghost in that place , shewing the dependence of the Text , and observing such notes as may edifie the auditor . 6. Neither he that interpreteth , or any of the Assembly ought to move any question in open audience , which he doth not presently resolve without disputing with another ; but every man must shew his own judgement , and utter it to the edification of the Church . 7. If any be noted of curiosity , or bringing in of strange doctrines , he must be admonished by the Ministers and Elders , after the interpretation is ended . 8. The whole Ministers , with those that are of the assembly , ought to convene and judge how the persons have interpreted the text , and how they have handled and intreated the matter ; during which time the person should be removed , till every man hath given his censure . After which the persons being called in , they should be gently admonished of their escapes , if any they have made ; and then should all questions and doubts be resolved amongst them , without any contention . The exercise would be kept in every town , where Schools , and repaire of learned men are , upon a certain day of the week , which , together with the books of Scripture that they shall think most profitable to be intreated , we referre to the judgement of the Ministers and Elders of the particular Church where they convene . The Ministers to Landwart , and Readers , so as they have gift of interpretation , lying within six miles of the Town , must assist and be present at the exercise , that either they may learn themselves , or others may learn by them . Moreover , whosoever are esteemed to have any gifts that may edify the Church , must be charged by the Ministers and Elders to joyn themselves with that company of interpreters , to the end the Church may know whether they be able to serve in the vocation of the Ministery , or not . And if any be found disobedient , and unwilling to communicate their gifts with their brethren , the censures of the Church should be used against such , providing that the consent and authority of the civil Magistrate be interrponed thereto : for no man should be permitted to live as it pleaseth him within the Church , but constrained to bestow their labours where it is thought they may serve to the edification of others . Of Marriage . Marriage ought not to be contracted amongst persons that lack judgement to choose . Therefore we think that children and infants cannot be lawfully married in their lesse age , that is , if the man be within 13. years of age , and the woman within 12. at least . If any have been married within those years , and kept their bodies pure and unconjoyned with others , we think not that such can be compelled to adhere as man and wife by reason of any former promise ; but if after the years of judgement they have embraced one another by virtue of the last consent , having ratified the promise made by others for them in their youth , the same should be held as married persons . Publick inhibitions should be made , that no persons under the power and obedience of Fathers , Tutors , and Curators , either men or women , contract marriage privately , and without the knowledge of those , to whom they live subject under the power of the Church censure ; for if any son or daughter be moved towards a match , they are obliged to ask the counsel and assistance of their parents for performing the same . And though the Father notwithstanding their desires , have no other cause then the common sort of men have ; to wit , lack of money , or because they are not perhaps of such a linage and birth , as they require ; yet must not the parties make any Covenant , till the Ministery or civil Magistrate be acquainted therewith , and interpone their request for the Parents consent ; which if they cannot obtain , finding no just cause why their marriage ought not to proceed , in that case they sustaining the place of the Parent may consent to the parties , and admit them to marry ; for the work of God ought not to be hindered by the corrupt affections of worldly men . We call that the work of God , when two hearts , ( without filthinesse before committed ) are so joyned , that they are content to live together in the holy band of matrimony . If any commit fornication with the woman whom he requireth in marriage , then both of them do lose the foresaid benefit , as well of the Church , as of the Magistrate ; for neither of them ought to be intercessors for filthy fornicators . The Father , or nearest friend , whose daughter being a virgin is deflowred , may by the law of God compell the man who hath done the injury , to marry his daughter ; yet if the Father by reason of the offence will not consent to the marriage , he may in that case require the dowry of his daughter , which if the offender be not able to pay , he ought to be punished in his body by the Magistrate , with some other punishment . In a reformed Church marriage ought not to be privately used , but in open face and presence of the Church : Also for avoyding dangers , we think it expedient that the banes be proclaimed three Sundayes , unlesse the persons be well known , and that no suspicion of peril can arise , and then may the Proclamation be shortned at the discretion of the Minister . But in no ways can we admit marriage to be secretly used , how honourable soever the persons be , and therefore esteem Sunday before Sermon , the most convenient time for celebration of marriage , and that it ought not to be used upon any day else , without the consent of the Ministery . Marriage once lawfully contracted , may not be dissolved at mans pleasure , ( as our Saviour doth witnesse ) unlesse adultery be committed ; which being sufficiently proved in the presence of the civil Magistrate , the innocent party ( if they require it ) ought to be declared free , and the offender put to death , as God hath commanded . But if the life of the offender be spared , yet may not the Church be negligent in their duty , which is to excommunicate the wicked , and pronounce the innocent party free . And not the lesse , if the offender shew any fruits of penitency , and earnestly desire to be reconciled to the Church , he may be received to the participation of the Sacraments , and other benefits of the same . If any shall demand , whether the offender after reconciliation may again marry or not ; we answer , that if they cannot live continent , and if the necessity be such , as that they fear to fall of new into the offence of God , we cannot deny them the remedy appointed . If the party offended may be reconciled to the offender , then in no case we judge it lawful to the offender to marry another , and the solemnization of their marriage must be of new in the fac● of the Church , but without the Proclamation of the banes . This we offer as the best counsel that God giveth us in so doubtful a case ; howbeit we judge the best reformation were to preferre Gods Commandment , and punish those crimes , as he requireth , with death . Of Burial . Burial hath been had in estimation in all ages , to signify that the body which is committed to the earth shall not utterly perish , but rise again in the last day ; but this we would have done without vain and superstitious rites , devised for making gain , and advantage ; such as singing of Masses , Diriges , and all other prayers for the dead ; which custom is plainly repugnant to the Scriptures of God , for it is manifest , that they who depart in the faith of Christ Iesus , rest from their labours , and so go from death to life ; as on the other side , they who depart in unbelief , shall never see life , but the wrath of God abideth upon them . For avoiding all inconvenients , we judge it best , that neither singing nor reading be at the burial ; for albeit these things may admonish the living to prepare themselves for death , yet superstitious and ignorant persons may think that some profit thereby cometh to the dead . Herefore we think it most expedient , that the dead be accompanied to the place of burial with some honest neighbours , without either singing or reading , and without all kind of ceremonies formerly used : so that the bodies be committed to the grave in such decent and seemly manner , as they who are present may be warned to fear the judgements of God , and to hate sin which is the cause of death : yet we are not so precise in this , but that we are content that particular Churches with consent of the Minister , do that which they shall find most fitting , as they will answer to God , and the Assembly of the universal Church within the Realm . We are not ignorant that some require a Sermon at the burial , or else some places of Scripture to be read for putting the living in mind that they are mortal , and that they likewise must die ; but let these men understand , that the Sermons which are daily made , serve for that use , which if men despise , funeral Sermons shall rather nourish superstition , then bring such persons to a right consideration of their own estate . Further , the Ministers shall this way be for the most part occupied in preaching funeral Sermons , or else they shall have respect of persons , preaching at the funeral of the rich and honourable , and keeping silence , when the poor and despised die ; which the Minister with a good conscience cannot do , seeing there is no respect of persons with God : And whatsoever they do to the rich , in respect of their Ministery , the same they are bound to do to the poorest under their charge . Churches appointed for preaching and ministration of the Sacraments , ought not to be made places of Burial . But for that use some other convenient ground is to be appointed , lying in the most free aire , and kept to that use only ; which we think should be well walled and fenced about . For Reparation of Churches . Lest the word of God , and ministration of the Sacraments should come in contempt through the unseemlinesse of the place , where these exercises are used ; we think it needful that the Churches where the people publickly convene , be repaired with expedition , and repaired in such fashion as may agree with the Majesty of the word of God , and serve to the ease and commodity of the people . The preparation would be according to the possibility and number of Churches ; every Church having close doores , windowes of glasse , thatch or slate to defend the people from rain , a bell to convocate them , a pulpit , a bason for baptizing , and a table for ministration of the Lords Supper . Where the congregation is great , reparation must be made within the Church for the commodious receiving of the people ; and the expenses raised partly of the people , and partly of the tithes , at the consideration of the Ministery . But because we know the sloth of men in these businesses , and in all other affaires which redound not to their private commodity , strict charge would be given for the reparation aforesaid within a certain day , and penalties inflicted upon the contemners . For punishment of those that profane the Sacraments . It hath been the policy of Satan to draw mankind into one of two extremities ; either to hold men gazing upon the visible elements , so as forgetting the end for which they were appointed , they do ascribe unto them a saving virtue and power , which they have not ; or then to cause them despise the Ordinance of God , as though there was no profit in the right use thereof , nor any danger in the profanation . In time of blindnesse the holy Sacrament was gazed upon , kneeled unto , carried in procession , and worshipped as Christ himself : and then men stood in such admiration of the idol in the Masse , that none durst have presumed to have said Masse , nor have min●stred the Sacraments but Priests , and those of the shaven sort . Now men are so bold , as without all vocation to minister the Sacraments in open Assemblies ; and some presume to do it in houses without all reverence , where there is neither Minister nor Word preached . Our desire is that some strict punishment be inflicted upon such abusers ; which albeit we will not take upon us to prescribe , yet we fear not to say , that both of them deserve death . For if he who falsifyeth the seal and subscription of a King , be adjudged worthy of death , much more he that falsifieth the seal of Christ Iesus , who is the Prince of all the Kings of the earth . King Darius gave out an edict , that he who did let the reedifying of the material Temple in Ierusalem , should have some wood taken out of his house , and be himself hanged thereupon ; And what shall we think those do merit , who manifestly do hinder the building of the spiritual temple , and the edifying of the souls of Gods people , by the true preaching of the Word , and right administration of the Sacraments ? The Papistical Priests have neither power nor authority to minister the Sacraments of Christ , because in their mouths God hath not put the word of exhortation : And it is not shaving of their crowns , the crossing of their fingers , the blowing of the dumb dogges , called the Bishops , nor the laying on of their hands , that maketh them true Ministers ; but the Spirit of God first moving the heart to enter in the holy calling , then the nomination of the people , the examination taken by the learned , and publick admission in manner aforesaid , are the things that make men lawful Ministers of the Word and Sacraments . We speak of the ordinary vocation in Churches reformed , and not of the extraordinary , whereby God is pleased sometimes to raise up men by himself for doing his work . Therefore notwithstanding the usurpation they have made in time of ignorance , inhibition would be given them in the strictest manner , not to presume upon the like he●eafter ; as likewise to all others who are not lawfully called to the holy Ministery . This was the policy desired to be ratified ; It had been framed by Iohn Knox , partly in imitation of the reformed Churches of Germany , partly of that which he had seen in Geneva ; whence he took that device of annuall Deacons for collecting and dispensing the Church rents , whereof in the sixth head he speaketh ; I cannot say , A Noble man being askt his judgement thereof ; answered , that it was a devout imagination , wherewith Iohn Knox did greatly offend ; yet was it no better then a dream , for it could never have taken effect . The Church men that went before had been provident enough in these matters , and good it had been for these that succeeded to have kept fast that , which they found established to their hand , as the Archbishop of St. Andrewes did at the same time advise them . For he imploying Iohn Brand , a Munk of Halyrudhouse , ( who served many years after Minister at the Ca●ongate ) to go unto Iohn Knox , willed him to say from him , That albeit he had innovated many things , and made reformation of the Doctrine of the Church , whereof he could not deny but there was some reason ; yet he should do wisely to retain the old policy which had been the work of many ages , or then put a better in place thereof , before he did shake the other . Our Highlandmen , he said , have a custome , when they will break young Colts , to fasten them by the head with strong tethers , one of which they keep ever fast , till the beast be throughly made . The multitude , that beast with many beads , would just be so dealt with . Master Knox , I know , esteemeth me an enemy , but tell him from me he shall finde it true that I speak . The Estates alwayes , not thinking it meet to enter at that time in examination of the policy , deferred the same to a more convenient season , onely an Act was passed for demolishing Cloysters , and Abbey Churches , such as were not as yet pulled down ; the execution whereof was for the West parts committed to the Earles of Arrane , Argile , and Glencarn , for the North to Lord Iames , and for the in-countries to some Barons that were held most zealous . Thereupon insued a pitifull vastation of Churches , and Church buildings throughout all the parts of the Realm ; for every one made bold to put to their hands ; the meaner sort imitating the ensample of the greater , and those who were in authority . No difference was made , but all the Churches either defaced , or pulled to the ground . The holy vessels , and whatsoever else men could make gain of , as timber , lead and bells , were put to sale . The very Sepulchres of the dead were not spared . The Registers of the Church , and Bibliotheques cast into the fire . In a word ; all was ruined , and what had escaped in the time of the first tumult , did now undergo the common calamity ; which was so much the worse , that the violences committed at this time , were coloured with the warrant of publick authority . Some ill advised Preachers did likewise animate people in these their barbarous proceedings , crying out , That the places where idols had been worshipped , ought by the Law of God to be destroyed , and that the sparing of them , was the reserving of things execrable ; as if the commandement given to Israel for destroying the places where the Canaanites did worship their false gods , had been a warrant for them to do the like . The report also went , that Iohn Knox ( whose sayings were by many esteemed as Oracles ) should in one of his Sermons say , That the sure way to banish the Rookes , was to pull down their nests : which words ( if any such did escape him ) were to be understood of the Cloysters of Monks and Friers only , according to the Act passed in the Councell . But popular fury once armed can keep no measure , nor do any thing with advice and judgement . After the convention dissolved notwithstanding of the answer given concerning the Book of Policy , diverse Noblemen and Barons moved by Iohn Knox did convene , and set their hands to the same . The subscribers were , the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earl of Arrane , Argile , Glencarn , Marshall , Menteith , Moreton , and Rothes , Lord Iames , the Lord Yester , Bo●d , Ochiltrie , Sanquhar , and Lindesay , the Bishop of Galloway , the Dean of Murray ; the Lairds of Drumlanrigge , Lonchinvar , Garlees , Barguency , and divers Burgesses ; with this provision adjected , That the Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and other beneficed men , who had joyned themselves to the Religion , should enjoy the rents of their benefices during their lives , they sustaining the Ministers for their parts , as was prescribed in the said book . But all this turned to no effect , for the Churchmen that were Popish took presently a course , to make away all the Manses , Gleibs , Tithes , and all other rents possessed by them , to their friends and kinsmen ; and most of these that subscribed , getting into their hands the possessions of the Church , could never be induced to part therewith , and turned greater enemies in that point of Church Patrimony , then were the Papists , or any other whatsoever . THE HISTORY of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE FOURTH BOOK . The Contents . The things that fell out after Queen Mary her coming from France into this Kingdome , unto her resignation of the Crown to King Iames her son . THe Queen preparing to return home was taken with the Feaver tertian , and forced to stay at Ianville some moneths . In the end of Iune she came to Paris , where Francis Earl of Bedford , ( who was sent from England to condole King Francis his death ) did in the name of his Mistress salute her , and after some gratulatory speeches for her recovery , propone the ratification of the contract made at Leth , entreating the performance of it . The Queen thanking her sister for her kindness , answered , That she was not as yet in perfect health , but hoped shortly to be well . Touching the ratification , she said , that she remembred the business , but could give no resolute answer , till she had the advice of the Nobles , and estates of her own Realm . For though the matter concerned her principally , yet the same did touch them also : and they having shewed themselves displeased in former times , because she did not take their advice in affairs , would now be much more offended , if she should proceed in that matter , not having first acquainted them therewith . But as she trusted , the same should not be long a doing , seeing she intended to make her voyage shortly home . The Ambassadour replying ; that there was no cause to doubt of their consents in that particular , the accord being made by themselves . It was made , said the Queen , by some of them , not by all ; and when I come amongst them , it will appear what minde they are of . But I will send Monsieur d' Oysell to my sister , who shall give her I trust good satisfaction , and by him I will signifie that I am to go into Scotland , and will require those favours of her that Princes do one to another in the like cases . Soon after this she sent Monsieur d'Oysell into England with a direction , that after he had done this message unto the Queen , he should go into Scotland , and take order that the Garrisons kept in the Castle of Dunbar , and the Isle of Inchkeith should keep those Forts untill she were safely arrived . But the Queen of England taking ill the delay of the ratification , answered him in the hearing of all the attendants ; That except the Queen of Scots did confirm the conditions agreed upon at Leth , wherein she found her self still frustrated , there could be no perfect amity amongst them ; and if she would do that , the kindness which became a Queen her cousen and neighbour , should not be wanting on her part . This she desired him to report , and leave his journey unto Scotland , for that she would not permit the same through her Countrey . The Queen of Scots highly offended with this answer , did call Nicholas Throgmorton , the Ambassador Legier of England , and kept a long conference with him about these matters , which out of the Ambassadors own letters sent to the Queen his Mistress I shall relate . Commanding her attendants to go aside , she brake forth in these speeches : How great soever my weakness be , I like not to have so many witnesses of it , as your Queen of late had , when she talked with Monsieur d'Oysell . And now I must tell you , that nothing grieves me more , then that I should have desired a thing of her that I stood in no great need of : having Gods favour , I can return to my Countrey without her leave , as I came hither , against the will of King Edward her brother : Neither do I lack friends , that both will and may convey me safefy thither ; yet I desire rather to try her friendship then any others . Oftentimes you have said , that it were good both for our selves , and for our Kingdomes , that we should live friends and keep kindness one to another , but it seemeth not that she is so minded , otherwise she would never have returned me such an answer . It is like she favoureth my rebellious subjects more then me ; yet she should with reason think that my subjects who have rebelled against me , will never be so trusty and loving to her , as I my self . My friends do marvell what her purpose could be in assisting my Subjects against me ; and now to hinder my return unto my own Countrey being a widow . I know not what it should mean ; I work her no trouble , I have no medling with the affairs of England ; and yet I know there be numbers in that Countrey who are not well contented with the present times ; I require nothing of her but amity , and friendship , and this I cannot have . She objects to me , that I have small experience of the world ; It is true , that years bring experience , yet I am of that age that I know how to carry my self towards my friends , and well-willers ; I will not use many speeches unworthy of her , but let me with her good leave say , that I am a Queen as she is , that I have as good friends , and as good a stomach as her self . But comparisons they say are odious , therefore I will contain my self . For that treaty at Leth , wherewith she so troubleth her self , it was made whilest the King my husband was alive , to whom according to my duty I was in all things obsequent . That he delayed to ratifie the accord , it was his fault , not mine . After his decease the Councell of France left me to my own Counsellors , neither would my uncle meddle in Scottish aff●irs , lest they should offend . The Scots that are here with me , are not Counsellors , neither can I deliberate with them in weighty matters : assoon as I have consulted with the Estates of my Kingdom , I shall give her a reasonable answer ; and that she may have it the sooner , I shall haste my journey homewards . But she perhaps will belay my way , and so impede her own satisfaction ; and it may be she desireth no satisfaction of her demands , that there may be alwayes some occasion of jarring and discord amongst us . She casteth often in my teeth , that I am young and unadvised ; and so she might justly think me , if I should treat of matters of such importance , but as now I will not reason that point . This I may truly say , that I never did any thing to my sister , which I would not have done to my self . I have alwayes performed the duty of a kinswoman unto her , but she doth either not believe it , or then despiseth my friendship . Would to God I were as dear to her , as I am near of bloud , for this were a precious sort of kindred ; but God forgive them , if there be any that stirreth up these contentions amongst us . You are her Ambassadour , let me know what is it offendeth her , or in what word or action I have wronged her . Hereunto Throgmorton answered . Madam , I have no Commission to your Majesty , but for the ratification of the treaty at Leth ; yet if you will have me to shew what I think be the cause of my Mistresse offence , I will tell it in few words , but not as an Ambassadour . How soon the Queen my Mistress was crowned , you usurped the Title and Arms of England , which during Queen Maries reign you never attempted ; and a greater injury could not be offered to a Prince then that was . But saith she , My father in law and husband , who lived both at that time , commanded me so to do : after they were deceased , and since I have been at mine own liberty , I have neither used her Armes , nor Titles . And yet I see not what wrong it can be to me , who am a Queen , and had to my grandmother the eldest sister of King Henry the eight , to use the Armes of England , seeing others more remote in blood have done the like . The Marquess of Exeter , and Dutchess of Suffolk Neece unto Henry the eight by his youngest sister , did bear the Armes of England , with borders for a difference , and should it be imputed as an injury to me so to do ? But well I see , ( so she concluded ) that nothing I do is taken in good part . The Quen of England in the mean time falling in some jealousie of the Lords of Scotland , because of that which the Queen had said , that the treaty at Leth was not made by all their consents , and that when she should be amongst them , it would appear whether they continued in the same mind , sent a letter full sharpnes of to the Nobility and Councel ; wherein after an ample declaration of the friendship done to them , in the late aid they received against the French , she complained of the delayes made in the ratification of the accord past at Leth , which as it seemed by their Queens words , was in their default , seeing she had said , that before she gave a resolute answer in that matter it behoved her to know their mindes , whereof she could not be ignorant , so many of themselves being with her of late , and messengers going daily betwixt them ; therefore she desired to know , if they did minde to keep the peace contracted , and if they continued in that mind , that they should procure the Queen to ratifie it , at least to advertise her , what she might look for at their own hands . This letter was speedily answered by the Councel , with great attestations that it came never in their mindes to break the peace contracted ; for in so doing they should make themselves infamous in the world , and sin highly against their consciences . Of the delay which their Queen made , and the reasons thereof , they professed to be ignorant . Therefore intreated her Majesty to be perswaded of them , that next to the glory of God they would study to keep the peace inviolate , and that there should be no blame in them , if the ratification was not made to her contentment . Whilest these things passed at home , the Queen of Scots set forward to Callais , attended by the Cardinals of Loraine and Guise , the Dukes of Guise and d'Aumarll , the grand Prior , and the Marquess d' Elbeuf her Uncles , the Duke of Nemours , Monsieur d' Anvile the Constables son , and divers others her friends and kinsmen . At Abbavile which is in the way to Callais , she sent for the English Ambassadour , and asked him , by what means she might satisfie Queen Elizabeth . He answered , by ratifying the Treaty of Leth. To whom she replied , I have very just reasons to refuse it , which ought not to be interpreted as delayes . For first , that treaty should have been confirmed by my husband and me , and cannot now be ratified , unlesse it be concluded in my own name alone , seeing the King then my husband , is expressely named in the accord . Next , the most of the Articles are performed , for all preparations of warre are ceased , and the French called back from Scotland . But the Queen offendeth , said she , that I use the title and arms of England . This I have not done since my husbands death : And if it be alledged , that the same is used in Letters Patents given me through France ; it is known I cannot hinder that , for they who pass those letters are not my subjects ; And for the Articles conc●rning Religion , I trust my own subjects shall have no cause to complain of my severity . Thus what I may do , I will , to give my sister satisfaction . And I pray you Monsieur l' Embassadeur , do the part of an Ambassadour , and rather pacify the Queen , then exasperate her in any sort . So earnest she was to have all matters of quarrel laid aside , fearing that the Queen of England should seek to intercept her by the way : and indeed a Navy was put to Sea , under colour of suppressing Pirats , but the taking of one of the ships wherein were the Earl of Eglinton , and other passengers , made it suspected that a worse thing was meant . Alwayes it fell out so , that the Queen of Scots , having a prosperous wind , passed by the English ships , ( the weather being foggy ) unperceived , and after the sixt day , after her embarking , which was the 20. of August , 1561. did safely arrive at Leth. The fame of the Queens coming noised abroad , the Nobility from all the parts of the Realm assembled to congratulate her return , and besides them numbers of all sorts of people convened , as unto a joyful spectacle : for they had not seen the face of their Soveraign for many years , and after her marriage with the French King , had scarce any hope of a King to reside amongst them : which would most certainly have happened , if any succession had followed of that marriage . For Scotland in that case would have been but an accession to France the mightier Kingdome ; as Henry the seventh foretold of England ( and we have seen it verified in our days ) drawing unto it the weaker and lesser Crown . That the Queen therefore was now returned , and they delivered of the fears of redacting the Kingdom into a Province , they did justly esteem it one of the greatest benefits that could happen unto them . Then , when they called to mind the variablenesse of fortune , how she left a pupill of six dayes old only by the death of the Father , was exposed as a prey to those that were most mighty , and partly by civil seditions at home , partly by the invasions of external enemies from abroad , even before she could have any sense oftrouble , was forced to forsake her countrey , and relegated as it were into exile , having hardly escaped the hands of enemies that lay in wait to intercept her , and the violence of tempestuous and raging seas . And again when fortune began to smile a little upon her , and she was honoured with a royal Marriage , how these joyes on the suddain came to be changed into extreme sorrows ; being first deprived of her mother , then of her husband ; a new Kingdome lost , and her ancient crown which belonged to her by inheritance , standing in a state very uncertain : whilest I say they called to mind these variable fortunes , and the●ewith considered the excellencies that nature had bestowed upon her , as the beauty and comelinesse of her person , her mild inclination , and gracious demeanour toward all sorts of people , it cannot be told what a joy and love this begat in the hearts of all the subjects . The beginning of her government was likewise very gracious , for some few dayes after her arriving in a Councel kept with the Nobility to remove the occasions of trouble she condescended , that no change nor alteration should be made in the present state of Religion ; only she would use her own service , as she said , apart with her family , and have a Masse in private . This was thought by many a thing not intolerable , considering she was the Soveraign Princesse of the Realm , and educated from her youth in the Romane faith , from which there was hope , by better instruction , and humble and courteous behaviour , she might be reclaimed ; yet the Preachers in their Sermons did publickly condemn that toleration as unlawful . And amongst the Nobility , the Earl of Arrane did oppose it , taking protestation that he did neither agree to private nor publick Masse : which highly displeased the Queen , and was thought to have alienated her affection , that before seemed much inclining towards him . There fell out upon this an Accident , which was like to have caused great trouble . The Queen purposing to hear Masse the next day in her Chappel of Halirudhouse , whilest the tapers and other things required to that service were carried through the Court , one of the common sort invading him , that bore the waxe lights , brake them all in pieces , and if by the intervention of some more moderate spirits the tumult had not been repressed , the rest of the furniture had been wholly spoiled , and that day Masse disappointed . It was held a proud and insolent fact , and condemned by many ; others said that the patience of men was too farre tempted ; and some maintained that if right were done , the Priest according to Gods law made against idolaters , ought to suffer death . But this stirre was quickly appeased by Lord Iames , much against the Earl of Huntley ▪ his mind , who by this occasion thought to win credit with the Queen , and in conference with her Uncles bragged , that if the Queen pleased to use his service , he would reduce all the North countries to the Romane profession . But his courses being suspected , and the Quen misliking all counsels that tended unto trouble , no heed was given to his offers . The moneth following was spent in the entertainment of the French that had accompanied the Queen homewards , they made but short stay in the countrey ; For about the middest of September , Duke d' Aumarll returned unto France by Sea , the grand Prior , and Monsieur d' Anvile took their journey through England , the Marquesse d' Elbeuf of all that company only remained , and abode all the Winter with the Queen . In this mean time was William Maitland of Lethington directed to the Queen of England with letters both from the Queen , and from the Nobility . The Queens letters were full of kindnesse , tending all to expresse the love and affection she bare unto her , as to her dearest sister and kinswoman and the desire she had to continue in true and sincere friendship with her . The letters sent by the Nobility were to the same effect ; but containing this more , That the surest way to preserve friendship 〈◊〉 true amtty amongst them two , was to declare the Queen of Scots her nearest and lawful heir to the Crown of England in case she should have no issue . Lethington urging this last point strongly as he was commanded , after he had used his best perswasions to that effect , was answered by the Queen of England , as followeth . I did expect another message from your Queen , then this is which you have brought me , and do marvel that she should forget the promise made before her coming out of France , touching the ratification of the treaty of Leth ; which was , that how soon she returned to her own countrey , she should give me a full and resolute answer . I have long enough , said she . suffered my self to be abused with fair speeches , and now it had been time , if she had regarded her own honour , to have made good her promises . Lethington replied , that within a few days after the Queen took land , he was imployed in this legation , and that she had no leasure to deal in any publick matters , being taken up with admitting the Noblemen that came to welcome her into the Realm , and with the fetling of the estate of Religion , which her Majesty understood to be a work of no small weight , neither were all the Noblemen whose advice she must take in matters of that importance come into the Court , before his parting from it . Here the Queen interrupting his speech , said , What need is there of advice or counsel , to do that which by her subscription and seal she is bound to perform ? He answered , that no commission was given him in that matter , nor did his Mistresse think that any accompt thereof would have been required of him ▪ but that she might justly excuse her self by the occasions he ha● mentioned . Then after a few more speeches of that purpose , the Queen returning to the chief point of his legation , said , I have observed that you have often in your discourse said , that your Queen is descended of the blood Royal of England , and that I am obliged to love her , as being nearest to me in blood of any other , which I neither will or can deny . Neither have I in any of my actions ( as the world knoweth ) attempted ought against the safety and tranquillity of her , and her kingdom ; yea they that ●e most inward with me , can witness that even when I had just cause of offence given me , by her usurpation of the Titles and Armes of England , I could never be induced to think other , then that th● was the politick device of some enemies , to breed dissension amongst us . But howsoever that be , I hope so long as I live , she shall not bereave me of my Kingdom , nor yet be able , if God shall bless me with children , to impede their succession . And if it shall happen otherwise that I be taken away , she shall never find that I have prejudged the Right which she claimeth to the Kingdom of England , What a right it is I have never been curious to know , nor do I purpose to search and examine it , but will leave the same to the cognition of those whom it concerneth . This your Queen may assuredly expect at my hands , that I shall never wrong her , nor her cause , if it be just , in the least point . And God I take to witness , who heareth this our conference , that next my self , I know not any whom I would preferre to her , or who ( if the t●tle should fall to be controverted ) might exclude her . You know , saith she , who the compe●itors be : but alas , what power or force have these weak creatures to attempt so great an enterprise ? alwayes the matter it self is weighty , and of great importance , which I will take time to think upon . After some few dayes , calling Lethington unto her , she said , That it seemed strange to her , how the Nobility at the Queens first coming should put up such a request to her , seeing they knew there was no reparation made of former wrongs , and to desire , saith she , that I should gratify their Queen , having received so great an injury , without any amends made , is it not in effect as much as to boast and threaten men if they will take such a course ? I would have them think that I am strong enough for them at home , and lack not friends abroad that will maintain and defend my right . Hereto he replied , That in his first speech he had clearly discovered the intention of the Noblemen , how partly out of that duty , which they owed to their Soveraign , and the defence of her honour , partly out of a desire to confirm and assure the peace begun betwixt the two Realmes , they had made this motion ; and that the reason why they dealt so plainly with her , was not only the experience they had of her favour in times past , but also the respect of their own safety . For if any should oppose the Queens right , and thereupon wars should arise betwixt the two Kingdomes , they must needs be driven to hazard their lives and estates . Wherefore they thought that their motion was not to be ill taken , seeing it tended to the cutting off the occasions of disagreement , and composing differences by a firm and certain peace . True , saith she , If I had attempted any thing to the hurt of your Queens right , they might with reason have required me to amend it . But when I am yet in health and life to desire me to prepare mine own winding sheet , is a thing without example , nor hath the like ever been required at the hand of any Prince : yet I take in good part the meaning of your Lords , and am glad of the good affection they beare to their Queen , and the care they have to advance her honour . I think it likewise wisdom in them to foresee the dangers they may run into , and like well that they do abhorre the shedding of Christian blood , which I confesse could not be avoided , if any faction should arise , and lay claim to the Crown . But where , or what is that faction , or what force can they have ? Alwayes leaving these things , suppose I had an inclination to satisfie their desire , think you that I would rather gratifie your Lords herein then the Queen her self ? No , I will tell you , I have many other reasons that stay me from taking such a resolution . First , I know what a dangerous thing it is to touch this string , and I have ever upon great respects abstained from bringing in question the right of the Crown ; for so often hath the controversie of marriage lawful and unlawful , of legitimate and base-born children , been agitated according as mens affections and humours led them , that even in regard of those disceptations I have hitherto forborne to match with any husband . Once at my Coronation I was married to this Kingdom , whereof alwayes I carry this ring for a pledge , ( pointing to a ring she more on her finger ) And howsoever things go , I shall be Queen of England so long as I live ; when I am dead , let them succeed who have the best right . If your Queen hath it , I shall not wrong her in the least point , and if it belong to another , it were not reasonable to desire me to do them an open and manifest wrong . If there be any law , which may barre her title , it is unknown to me , for I do not willingly think of these matters ; but if there be any such , when I received the Crown , I sware to my people that I should not change their lawes . Now where you say , that by declaring your Queen my successor , our affection should become more firm ; I rather fear , that it should be the seed of a most bitter hatred . For think you , that I will behold willingly the preparation of mine own funerals ? It is natural to Princes to be jealous even of the children that by Birth-right are to succeed them . How did Charles the seventh of France carry himself towards Lewis the eleventh , and he again towards Charles the eighth , or King Francis of late towards Henry who succeeded him ? and is it probable , that I should be otherwise disposed towards my Cousen , if once she shall be declared heir unto my Crown ? No , be sure I shall have the very same mind which Charles the seventh shewed to Lewis the eleventh . There is another thing which I esteem of an exceeding great weight ; I know the unconstancy of the people , how they loath alwayes the present government , and have their eyes continually set upon the next successor : and naturally they are moe that look , as it is said , to the Sunne rising then to the setting of the Sun. To omit other examples , this I know by mine own experience ; when my sister Queen Mary reigned , how earnestly did a number wish to see me placed in her Throne ? what a desire had they of my advancement ? if I had but given my countenance to their practises , they would have refused no peril in bringing the same to effect . Now it may be the same persons are not of the same mind towards me , as children that dream that apples are given them are greatly joyed , but in the morning when they are awaked , and find themselves deceived , they fall a weeping ; so they who loved me exceedingly when I was but called Elizabeth , and if I perhaps gave them any good countenance , thought with their selves , that how soon I was made Queen , they should be rewarded rather according to their own conceipt , then any service done unto me , now when they find that the issue answereth not their expectation , some of them , it may be in hope of a better fortune , would not dislike a change of the government . For the greatest wealth that ever any Prince had , or can have , is not able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousnesse of men . And if this be our case , that the affection of our people is so easily changed , when we keep a greater moderation in our largesses , then they think we ought , or perhaps for some other light cause they grow discontented , what may we think shall come to passe , when seditious people have a certain successor designed , to whom they may open their griefes , and betake themselves , if they be in any sort displeased ? In what a peril think you I should live , having so mighty neighbour Princes to succeed me ? to whose grandor look how much I shall add by confirming her succession , so much I shall detract from mine own security . This peril no caution can assure , nor the bonds of any lawes avert . Princes also who live in expectation of Kingdomes , do hardly contain themselves within the limits of right and reason : surely I my self would never think my estate assured , if once my successor were known to the world . This is the summe of that which passed at this second audience . Not many days after getting accesse , he askt the Queen , what answer she would give to the Nobility ? she said , At this time , I have no answer to give , but that I approve the affection and sedulous care they have of their Soveraigns good estate , but the matter is of such weight , as I cannot on a suddain , or directly answer it . When your Queen shall perform her promise concerning the treaty of Leth , it will be time to require a proof of my affection towards her ; till then I cannot with safety of mine honour gratify her in any thing . Lethington replied , as before , that he had no Commission in that businesse , and that in the matter of succession he had shewed more his own judgement , then the mind of the Queen his Mistresse ; for he could never think the confirmation of the treaty of Leth , to be a thing of that importance , as for the delay or refusal of that , the Queen of Scots and her posterity should be excluded from the succession of the Crown of England . Neither will I now , saith he , enquire by whom that treaty was concluded ; at what time , in what manner , by what authority , and for what cause it was done ; for I have no warrant to speak of these things : but this I dare affirm , that albeit the Queen following her husbands direction , had ratified the treaty , she should have found her self thereby so farre interessed , as she would doubtless used all means to free her self of the same . And this I say not in the Queens name , but only to make it seem , that our Noblemen have reason to travel , that all debates and controversies may cease , and a firm and perpetual peace may be established . This and some other speeches interchanged amongst them touching the treaty , moved the Queen of England to agree that the same should be revised by some Commissioners , and corrected after this form . That the Queen of Scots should thenceforth abstain from using the English Armes , and from the titles of the Crown of England , and Ireland , during the life of Queen Elizabeth , and her posteriy . That on the other part the Queen of England should oblige her self and the children begotten of her , to do nothing in prejudice of the Queen of Scots her succession . These were the things acted in this legation . Now at home the Queen keeping a progresse in the countrey , went from Edinburgh to Striveling , from thence to Perth , Dundy , and S. Andrews , and other special Burghs , where she was received with much honour and triumph ; returning to Edinburgh a little before the feast of Michaelmas , at which time the Burgesses are wont to elect their annual Magistrates , and to set down statutes for the good of the town ; amongst other acts , one was published , inhibiting that any adulterer , fornicator , drunkard , Masse Priest , or obstinate Papist , should be received in the town , under such pains as the law did prescribe . The Queen interpreting that to be an usurpation of royal power , did commit Archibald Douglas Provost to the Castle of Edinburgh , charging the Councel of the Town to make a new election : which they obeyed , chusing Mr. Thomas ... in his place . A Proclamation was likewise made , granting liberty to all good and faithfull subjects , to repair and remain within the Burgh at their pleasure , for doing their lawfull and ordinary business . These things ministred great offence , who seeing the Queen take more liberty then she did in the beginning , keeping her Masses more publick , and causing them to be celebrated with a greater pomp , did mightily complain thereof in their Sermons , but profited little ; for some of the Noblemen , who had in former times shewed themselves most jealous against the toleration of idolatrie , were grown a little more cold by the flatteries of Court , and all of them emulous of others greatness , were striving who should be in most favour with the Queen . She had some while before this taken to be of her privy Councell , the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earls of Huntly , Argile , Atholl , Morton , Marshall , Glencarn , Montrosse and Arroll , Lord Iames her brother , the Lord Ereskin , and Mr. Iohn Lesly , Bishop of Rosse ; Huntly was created Chancellor , one that in matters of religion had behaved himself very unconstantly , and to win the Queens favour was now become altogether Popish . This animated the Priests and others of that faction , which before were quiet , and put them in some heart . One Ninian Winyet Schoolmaster at Linlithgow , a man of reasonable learning , set forth a Book of questions , against the confession of Faith ; which went currant in the Court , and was much esteemed by them of his Profession . Being cited , and divers conferences kept with him , to make him acknowledge his errors , he continued obstinate , and was therefore sentenced by the Church ; wherefore he forsook the Countrey , and flying to Germany was preferred to be Abbot of the Scottish Monastery at Ratisbone , where he lived many years . The Abbot of Corsragnell in the West , published about the same time another Faith. Whereunto Iohn Knox having made a reply , and the Author in regard of his age and quality of birth , ( for he was of the house of Cassils ) was thought fit to be overseen . Mean while the Court was busied in a consultation how to supply the charge of the Queens house , which the ordinary revenues of the Crown could not so honourably maintain as was required . Divers being thought upon , the readiest seemed to fall upon the Church rents , and draw somewhat from the Prelates and beneficed Persons . To this purpose they were convened before the Councell , and after a long Treaty , and many perswasions used , considering with themselves , how they subsisted merely by the Queens favour , and that by refusing a part , they might endanger the whole , they were induced to yield the third part of their benefices , to be disposed of at the Queens pleasure , and assumed forth of what places her Collectors should choose , her Majesty securing them of the two parts during their lives , and liberating them of the Ministers , with whose maintenance they were continually boasted . It carried some shew of commodity this at first , but turned to little or nothing ; the Prelates and beneficed men undervaluing their rents , and making up a third , which did afterwards when the number of Ministers increased , scarce suffice to their provisions . Much about this time a rumour was raised in the Court , and went a while uncontrolled , that the Earl of Arran intended to ravish the Queen , whom he was known to love most passionately . She whether counterfeiting a fear , or that there was any cause given that way , it is not known , did leavy a guard of horse and foot to attend her person : which put divers in fear , and opened the mouths of discontented people , as if some grounds of tyranny had been thereby laid . But she not regarding these surmises , and carefull only of the Countreys quiet , laboured ear●estly to have justice take place , and the borders then being unquiet , sent her brother Lord Iames thither with a Commission of Lieutenandry ; which he faithfully discharged , using exemplary punishment upon a number of broken men , and takeing pledges of others for living obedient to the Lawes . For this service at his return he was preferred first to the Earldome of Marre , and a little after to the Earldome of Murray : for the Lord Ereskin , having claimed title to the Countrey of Marre , was by the Queen made Earl of the same . Huntly offending that these honours should have been conferred without his consent , and he thereby put from the possession first of Marre , then of Murray , which he had injoyed since the death of King Iames the fifth ; and because of that long possession reckoned to be part of his own patrimony ; resolved , since he saw his own credit and authority waning , before that of Murrayes was fully setled , to underm inehim by one mean or other : whereupon by scandalous detractions and other the like courses familiar in the Courts of Princes , he laboured to disgrace him ; and finding that these prevailed not , presented to the Queen a libell written with his own hand , wherein he charged the Earl of Murray with ambitious affectation of the royall authority . Yet the proofs he brought being weak , the Queen made no accompt thereof . This also failing , he incited Iames Hepburn , Earl of Bothwell , ( one that had debauched his patrimony , and had all his hopes depending upon the publick disturbance ) to set the Earl of Murray and the Hamiltons by the ears : which he assayed to do , first by perswading the Earl of Murray to ruine Duke Hamilton ; who , as he said , lay waiting on the Queens death , and aimed at no less then the Crown , and besides bare a particular enmity against himself . This he said could not but be acceptable to the Queen , seeing that besides the naturall hatred that all Princes have to their successors , she did bear a speciall grudge to the Earl of Arran for his love to the reformed religion , and because of some hard speeches that fell out in a conference betwixt him and her uncle the Marquesse d' Elbeuf . The Earl of Murray abhorring such unhonest practices , and refusing to hearken thereto , his next address was to the Hamiltons , offering to take part with them in cutting off the Earl of Murray ( whose credit with the Queen he knew they disliked ) and shewing how easie it might be done ; By this means , he said , they should have the Queen in their own hands , and be rid of him who chiefly stood in their way . The time and place of the murther being considered upon , Bothwell and Gawin Hamilton Abbot of Kilwining , are said to have taken the matter in hand . The device was to kill the Earl whilest the Queen was at hunting in the Park of Falkland , and that performed , to carry the Queen along with them for their greater surety , and the countenancing of the fact . The Earl of Arrane , who had withstood the conspiracy , perceiving them resolute in that they had undertaken , and fearing it might take effect , advertiseth the Earl of Murray of the plot laid against his life ; Murray rendring him many thanks , the letter was intercepted by some that disliked the intelligence they kept with others , and finding by the answer what advertisement he had made , perswaded the Duke his father to send him with some Keepersto the house of Kinneill . But he making an escape in the night came to the house of Grange in Fife , and sending to the Earl of Murray to shew what had happened , was the next morning conveyed by him to the Queen in Falkland . And at his coming he discovered the whole practice unto her ; whereupon Bothwell and Kilwining were both apprehended , for they were come to Falkland of intent to clear themselves . Arran being brought before the Councell to be examined , was observed to be in some perturbation of minde , and being dimitted for that time , was at his next appearing clearly perceived by his words and countenance to be taken with a phrensie , yet when he came to himself , as he did sometimes in the beginning of the disease , he wrote to the Queen and others so judiciously , as many thought he did only fain himself mad , to free his father of the conspiracy . The rest he accused so constantly and with such eagerness , that in presence of the Councell he made offer , since the accusation could not be made out by witnesses , to try in single combat with Bothwell . But the Queen misliking that form of triall made Bothwell to be sent to the Castle of Edinburgh , and the Abbot of Kilwining to the Castle of Striveling , committing Arrane to the custody of some persons at Court. And now Huntly imagining that he had a fair occasion to put Murray out of the way , and that he might do the same more safely , having two of the greatest Families in the Kingdome partners with him in the quarrell , fell into other devices ; and first stirring up a trouble in St. Andrews where the Queen then remained , and thinking that M●rray would come forth upon the noise to pacifie the tumult , he resolved by some whom he had suborned to cut him off in the fray . This not succeeding , some armed men were laid to intercept him as he came from the Court at night ; for the Queen detaining him late , he was wont to go accompanied with one or two only in most quiet manner to his lodging . But this being likewise frustrated by advertisement given to Murray , and he having tried it to be so ( for upon the notice given him , he went and found them standing armed in the Porch of the Abby , which was the place designed to him ) delated the matter to the Queen . Huntly excusing his men , said that they were some only of his company , who being to go home that day , had put on their armes , and being stayed by some occasion till the next morning , were there attending his coming . This excuse , albeit naught and frivolous , was accepted for the time , which gave many to think , that the Queens affection to her brother was not so great as it was commonly taken to be . And it is true , that about the same time the Queen had received letters from the Pope , the Cardinall of Lorrain , and her uncles in France , advising her to entertain Huntly as the man most powerfull , and best inclined towards the advancing of the Romish religion , and to give him some hopes of her mariage with Iohn Gordon his second son , whereby he should be made more forward in the purpose . Great promises were made besides of money and other necessary supplies for war , but so alwayes , as these were made away that were enemies to the Catholick faith ; of whose names a roll was sent unto her , and the Earl of Murray placed in the first rank . But what impression these letters made in the Queens mind , she shewed the same to her brother , and used him with no less respect then before . In the beginning of the next summer there was a great speech of the interview of the Queens of England and Scotland , and messengers to and fro sent to agree upon the place , the time and manner of the meeting . The motion came from the Queen of Scots , who , as it was thought , greatly affected the same out of a desire she had to live in a firm peace with the Queen of England , and make her self known to the subjects of that Countrey . Neither was the meeting disliked of the better sort , as thinking it would serve , besides the preservation of the common peace , to bring her unto a liking of the reformed religion . But they who were popishly set , fearing greatly the conference , spake openly against it , saying , That of such interviewes there was never seen any good fruit , and that it would not be safe for the Queen of Scots to put her self in the power of her , whose Kingdom she had claimed . Not the less , the treaty went on , and was concluded , York condescended to be the place of meeting , the numbers on either side agreed unto , and the time designed about the end of Iune . But whilest all things were in readiness for the journy , the Queen of England excused her self by letters , desiring the interview should be put off till the next year , which the Queen of Scots was not ill pleased to hear : for she feared if the same had held , that the French King and her uncles should have been much offended . This journey being stayed , the Queen took her progress unto the North. Being at Striveling , she was petitioned by certain Commissioners of the Church for abolishing the Mass , and other superstitious rites of the Roman religion , and for inflicting some punishment against blasphemy , against the contempt of the Word , the profanation of the Sacraments , the violation of the Sabbaths , adultery , fornication , and other the like vices condemned by the word of God , whereof the laws of the Countrey did not take any hold . For actions of divorce , it was likewise desired that they should be remitted to the judgement of the Church , or at least trusted to men of good knowledge and conversation , and that Popish Churchmen might be excluded from places in Session and Councell . To these Petitions exhibited in writing , the Queen after she had perused the same , made answer , That she would do nothing in prejudice of the religion she professed , and hoped before a year was expired to have the Masse and Cattholick profession restored through the whole Kingdome : and thus parted from them in a choler . About the midst of August she entred into Aberdene , and was met by the Lady Huntly , a woman of an haughty disposition , wise and crafty withall in sifting the minds of others : she knowing the mutability of Princes favours , laboured to insinuate her selfe in the Queens affection , using all servile flattery , extolling the power of her husband , and repeating the offer he had made for reestablishing the Romane profession in these North parts . Then falling to intercede for her son Iohn Gordon ( who had offended the Queen by his escape forth of ward , in which he was put for wounding the Lord Ogilvie upon the high street of Edinburgh ) she intreated her Majesties favour for that oversight , and that he might be licensed to attend her Majesty , during her abode in those quarters . The Queen understanding what they went about , and how they flattered themselves with a conceipt of her marriage , answered that it stood not with her honour to admit him in her presence , unless he should reenter himself in the place from which he had escap't . The Lady thanking her Majesty , and promising obedience in her sons behalf , did only intreat that the place of his Ward might be changed to the Castle of Striveling : whereunto the Queen having yielded , the Lord Glames was appointed to convey him thither ; and he indeed went so farre on the way , as to the Nobleman his house of Glames ; but whether called back by his Father and friends , or of his own private motion it is uncertain ) there he changed his mind , and returned to the North , where gathering some forces , a thousand horse or thereabout , with them he drew near to Aberdene . The Queen highly commoved with his contempt , yet dissembling her anger , did after a day or two keep on her journey towards Innerness , whither she intended . The eighth of September the night before her setting forth , were seen in the firmament great inflamations and lightnings extraordinary , which continued the space of two houres and above . It feared the common sort , who do always interpret such accidents to be prognosticks of some trouble : But the Queen contemning these things as casual , would not hear of altering her journey ; so the first day she went to Buquhaine , the next to Rothemay , and the third day being invited by Huntley to his house of Stra●thbogie , where great preparations were made for her receipt , she denied to go with him , or grace him in any sort , till his son gave obedience ; and so kept on her way . The day following she came to Innerness , and thinking to lodge in the Castle , the Keeper Alexander Gordon refused to give her entry . Thereupon she began to suspect some treachery . In the Townesmen she could repose no assurance , as being all vassals and dependers of Huntley ; The town it self was unfenced with walls , and the countrey all in Arms , ( as she was advertised ) to attend his coming . Yet disposing of things in the best sort she could , order was given to keep a strong watch , to fortify the passages into the town , and have ships prepared in the Road , whereunto if need were , she might take her refuge . About midnight some spies sent from Huntley unto the town were apprehended , who discovering his numbers and enterprise , were made fast . And the next morning , upon a rumour that went of her danget the Queen stood in , there flocked out of all quarters unto her number of Highlandmen , the Frasers , and Munroes chiefly , with their followers and friendship . The Clanchattan in Huntleys company , how soon they knew that the enterprise was against the Queen , forsook him , and slipped aside , came and yielded themselves unto her . She finding her forces increased , commanded to lay siege to the Castle which rendered upon the first assault . The Captain and principal Keepers were executed , but the lives of the common souldiers spared . After some four days abode in the Castle , the Queen returned to Aberdene , accompanied with all the Noblemen and clans of the countrey , and thither came the Lady Huntley with offers of submission for her husband , but was denied accesse . Huntley perceiving the world thus altered , and himself fallen in the Queens displeasure , so as there was no hope of regaining her favour , betook himself to desperate courses , and assembling his friends and others that would run hazard with him , he approached to Aberdene , presuming much of the affection of the inhabitants : At Court he had the Earl of Sutherland , and Iohn Lesley of Bughaine , men of no mean power , who made him daily advertised of things that passed there , and the small numbers that were with the Queen , willing him to take the opportunity . Whereupon resolving to follow his enterprise before the forces of the Queen were further increased ( for charge was gone to all that could bear Armes in Lothian , Fife , Angus , Stratherne , and Mernis , to come and attend her at Aberdene ) he advanced with some 800. in company , looking to find no resistance . And like enough the enterprise had succeeded to his mind , but that the same morning letters were intercepted , sent by Sutherland and Buquhaine to Huntley , which detected all their counsel . Sutherland upon discovery escaped : Buquhaine was pardoned upon his confession , and from thenceforth served the Queen faithfully . Huntley advertised of these things , was advised by his friends to turn back ; yet hearing the Earl of Murray was coming against him , he made a stay resolving to fight . The place of standing he chused , was naturally fenced with mosse and quagmire , and so of difficult accesse ; 300 ▪ they were in all , for many of his followers the night preceding were slipt from him . Neither had the Earl of Murray any great number , and few whom he might trust : for howbeit of the countrey about , divers gathered unto him , most of them were corrupted by Huntley , as appeared when the companies came in sight one of another , all of them in sign of treason , and that they might be discerned by the enemy , putting a bush of heath or header in their helmets , and how soon they came to joyn , giving back , and retiring in great disorder . The Earl of Murray , who stood a little off with an hundred in a troop , discovering the treason called aloud to his men , that they should bend their Spears , and not suffer those that fled to enter amongst them . So forced to take another course , they went aside leaving him and his troop , when they had taken their standing . Huntley imagining upon that flight and disorder the day to be his , commanded his men to throw away their lances , and with drawn swords to run upon them , as to a slaughter . But when they were come to the place where Murray with his company stood , they were born back and compelled to fly as fast , as before they followed . They who had played the Traytors seeing this , to clear themselves , turned upon Huntley , and made all the slaughter which was committed that day . There fell in the conflict on Huntleys side , 120. near as many were taken prisoners , on the other party not a man died . Amongst the prisoners was the Earl of Huntley himself , with two sonnes , Iohn and Adam Gordon : The Earl was aged and corpulent , and by reason of the throng that pressed him , expired in the hands of his takers , the rest were carried to Aberdene late in the night . The Earls of Murray , Morton , and Lord Lindesay ( for these last two had been in the field with Murray ) went first into the Church , where Mr. Iohn Crage Minister of that City gave solemn thanks to God for the victory , and their safety . This ended , they went unto the Queen , who received them graciously , yet expressed no motion of a mind either troubled , or much joyed . The next day was spent in taking counsel concerning the prisoners ; the conclusion whereof was , that punishment should be taken according to the laws of Iohn Gordon ; That Adam his brother should be spared , because of his tender age ; the other captives fined according to their wealth , and those of meaner estate banished the countrey . The day following , Iohn Gordon upon a scaffold erected in the street of Aberdene was publickly executed . His death was much lamented , not by his friends only , but even by strangers and persons unknown ; for he was a youth of most brave and manlike countenance , of a valorous spirit , and one who by his noble behaviour had raised great expectation of himself . Abused he was by the hopes of a royal match , and which grieved all the beholders , pitifully mangled by an unskilful Executioner . This defeat of Huntley brought the North parts in a great obedience , and mightily discouraged those of the Popish faction throughout the whole Realm , for all that sort had placed their hopes on him and his greatnesse , both in the Court and countrey . The eldest of his sonnes named George , after the losse of that field fled to the Duke his Father in law , and was delivered by him to the Queen , who sent him prisoner to Dumbar . In the end of Ianuary he was accused and convicted of treason , his lands declared to be forfeited , and himself committed to prison . Shortly after , Iohn Hamilton Archbishop of S. Andrews was committed in the Castle of Edinburgh for saying and hearing of Masse . The Abbot of Corsragnal , and Prior of Whithern were used in the like sort , and divers Priests and Monks for the same cause censured . The severe proceeding against Papists put many in hope that the Queen should be brought to embrace the Religion : which was further assured by the countenance she gave unto the Church in the Parliament kept at Edinburgh the May following , wherein divers statutes passed upon their Petitions , as in the Acts of that time may be seen . In this Parliament was the Act of oblivion ( agreed unto at the treaty of Leth ) first ratified ; but without any respect to that treaty , which the Queen would never acknowledge . Wherefore it was advised that the Lords in the house of Parliament should upon their knees entreat the passing of such an Act , which accordingly was done . The rest of this summer the Queen spent in hunting in the countries of Athol and Argyle . But in August the same year there happened a thing that was like to have caused much trouble : certain of the Queens family that remained in the Palace of Halirudhouse had a Priest attending them , who did his ordinary service in the Chappel ; divers of the town of Edinburgh resorting unto it , great offence was taken , and the disorder complained of by the Preachers . The Citizens being informed that many of their people were gone thither , one day went down , and being denied entry , forces the gates , Some were taken and carried to prison , many escaped the back way with the Priest himself . The uproare was great , and advertisement gone to the Queen thereof , she was mightily incensed , avowing not to come to the Town , till some exemplary punishment were inflicted upon the doers ; yet by the mediation of the Earls of Murray and Glencarne she was pacified . Iohn Knox only was called before the Councel , and charged to have been the author of the sedition , as likewise for convocating the subjects by his missive letters , whensoever he thought meet . He answered , That he was never a Preacher of rebellion , nor loved to stirre up tumults : contrariwise , he taught all people to obey their Magistrates and Princes in God. As to the convocation of the subjects , he had received from the Church a command to advertise his Brethren , when he saw a necessity of their meeting ; especially , if he saw Religion to be in peril : and had often craved to be exonerated of that burthen , but still was refused . Then directing his speech to the Queen with a wonderful boldness , He charged her in the name of the Almighty God , and as she desired to escape his heavy wrath and indignation , to forsake that Idolatrous religion which she professed , and by her power maintained against the statutes of the Realm . And as he was proceeding , was required by the Earl of Morton then Chancellor ( fearing the Queens irritation ) to hold his peace , and go away . After which time matters were carried more peaceably betwixt the Queen and the Church , the Earl of Murray alwayes interposing himself , and propounding the Petitions of the Church unto her , as likewise returning her answers to their satisfaction . In the end of this year Matthew Stewart Earl of Lenox , by the permission of the Queen , returned into Scotland , and in a Parliament called to that effect in Ianuary next had the proces of forfeiture laid against him , whilest the Duke was Governour , reduced , and so restored to his lands and possessions after 22. years exile . Henry his son followed him some moneths after , and came to Edinburgh in the beginning of February . A young man not past 21. years , of comely personage , and of a milde and sweet behaviour . He had presence of the Queen in the place of Weymis , and was received with great demonstrations of favour . Nor was it long , that she was perceived to bear some affection unto him . Whereupon a speech went , that she would take him unto her husband . And indeed , besides the love she carried to the young Nobleman , there was great respects that led her that way . He was descended of the Royal blood of England . And next unto her self , the apparant heir of that Crown . If it should fall him to marry with one of the greatest families of England , it was to be feared , that some impediment might be made to her in the Right of succession , which she thought was a wise part in her to prevent . Again , the Queen of England had advised her by Thomas Randolph her Ambassadour , to chuse unto her self a husband in England for the better conservation of the peace contracted betwixt the kingdomes , and had of late recommended the Earl of Leicester as a worthy match to her . She therefore as well to satisfie the Queen of Englands desire , in not matching with a stranger , but with some Englishman born , as likewise to cut off all debates of succession , resolved to take the Nobleman to her husband . But no sooner was her intention discovered , then on all sides enemies rose up against her . Of the Nobility at home , some opposed the Marriage under pretext of Religion ( for the Earl of Lenox and his son were both esteemed to be Popish . ) The Queen of England by Nicholas Throgmorton her Ambassadour , advised her not to use hast in a business of that importance ; and ( to interpose some impediment ) charged the Earl of Lenox and his son to return into England , the time being not yet expired , contained in their licences . And universally amongst the subject , the question was agitated , Whether the Queen might chuse to her self an husband ; or it were more fitting , that the Estates of the land should appoint one unto her . Some maintaining , that the liberty could not be denied unto her , which was granted to the meanest subject ; others excepting , that in the heirs of the Kingdom the case was different , because they in assuring an husband to themselves , did withall appoint a King over the people ; and that it was more reason the whole people should chuse an husband to one woman , then that one woman should elect a King to rule over the whole people . It was objected also by some , that the marriage was unlawful , and contrary to the Canon law , Lady Margaret Douglas his mother , being sister uterine to King Iames the fifth her father . But for this the Queen had provided a remedy , having sent William Chisholin Bishop of Dumblane to bring a dispensation from Rome . And to strengthen her self at home , she restored George Gordon son to the Earl of Huntley , unto his lands and honours , recalled the Earl of Sutherland who lived an exile in Flanders , and Bothwel that was banished in France . This wicked man was not well returned into the countrey , when he devised a new plot against the Earl of Murray his life , for which being called in question , he forsook the countrey , and fled again unto France . The only man that seemed to stand for the marriage , and used his best means to promove it , was an Italian called David Risio , who had great credit that time with the Queen . This man had followed the Savo●an Ambassadour into Scotland , and in hope of bettering his fortune gave himself to attend the Queen at first in the quality of a Musician ; afterwards growing in more favour he was admitted to write her French letters , and in the end preferred to be principal Secretary to the Estate . It grieved many to see a stranger thus advanced ; Lethington chiefly was displeased for that he found his credit this way impaired , yet being one that could put on any disguise on his nature , of all others he most fawned on this Italian , and shewing him , as it was truth , that he was the object of divers Noblemens envy , did perswade him by all means to work the match , and procute ( if it could be ) the consent of the Queen of England thereto : wherein offering his own service ( for he longed after some employment abroad ) he procured to himself a message towards the Queen of England . By him the Earl of Lenox and his son did excuse their not returning into England , as they were charged ; beseeching Queen Elizabeths favour unto the match intended , and that which might prove more profitable to her and her Realm , then any other course the Scottish Queen should take . Signieur Davie ( for so he was commonly called ) did after this labour with all his power to have the marriage perfected ; and as he was of a politick wit , the more to bind the young Nobleman and his friendship unto him , studied to have the same finished before the return of the Queen of Englands answer , either fearing , that her disassent might work some delay in the match , or that the Noblemans obligation to himself should be the lesse in case she consented . For this purpose a Convocation of the Estates was kept at Striveling in the moneth of May , where the matter being propounded , and the advice of the Estates craved , many did yield their consents , with a provision that no change should be made in the present estate of Religion . The greater part to gratifie the Queen , without making any exception , agreed that the mariage should proceed . Of the whole number Andrew Lord Ochiltrie did onely oppose , plainly professing , that he would never consent to admit a King of the Popish Religion . Shortly after , was Henry Lord Darnly created Lord of Ar●manoch , Earl of Rosse , and Duke of Rothesay , that honoured with these Titles he might be thought more worthy of the royall match . This determination of the Estates published , the Earls of Murray , Argile , Glencarn and Rothes , assisted by the Duke of Chattellerault , whom they had drawn to be of their faction , meeting at Striveling after that the Queen was parted , did joyn in a confederacy for resisting the marriage , pretending the danger , and other inconveniences that might arise to the Estate . In the town of Edinburgh the people began to mutiny , and assembling themselves in companies on St. Leonards Crags took counsell to put their Burgesses in armes , to assign them Captains , and to disarm such of the townsmen as they knew to be affected to the marriage . The Queen highly incensed at this mutiny did haste to the town , at whose coming the heads of the faction , Andrew Slater , Alexander Clerk , Gilbert Lauder , William Harlaw , Michaell Rind , Iames Inglish , Iames Young , and Alexander Gouthrie , fled forth of the town , and were denounced rebells . Their houses possessed by the Thesaurer , and their goods put under Inventary , were after some few dayes at the intercession of the Magistrates ( so great was the Queens clemency ) restored , and themselves pardoned . The Assembly of the Church meeting at the same time in Edinburgh presented to the Queen by their Commissioners the Petitions following ; 1. That the Papisticall and blasphemous Masse with all Popish idolatry , and the Popes jurisdiction should be universally suppressed and abolished through the whole Realm , not onely amongst the subjects , but in the Queens Majesties own person and family , and such as were tried to transgress the same punished according to the Laws . 2. That the true Religion formerly received , should be professed by the Queen , as well as by the subjects ; and people of all sorts bound to resort upon the Sundayes at least , to the prayers and preaching of Gods Word , as in former times they were holden to hear Masse . 3. That sure provision should be made for sustentation of the Ministery , as well for the time present as for the time to come , and their livings assigned them in the places where they served , or at least in the parts next adjacent ; and that they should not be put to crave the same at the hands of any others . That the benefices now vacant , or that have fallen void since the moneth of March , 1558. and such as should happen thereafter to be void , should be disponed to persons qualified for the Ministery upon triall and admission by the Superintendents . 4. That no Bishoprick , Abbacie , Priory , Deanry , Provostry , or other benefice having more Churches then one annexed thereto , should be disponed in time coming to any one man , but that the Churches thereof being dissolved , the same should be provided to severall persons , so as every man having charge , may serve at his own Church , according to his vocation . That Gleabs and Manses might be designed for the residence of Ministers , as likewise the Churches repaire ; and an Act made in the next Parliament to that effect . 5. That none should be permitted to have charge of Schools , Colledges , and Universities , or to instruct the youth either privately or publickly , till they were tried by the Superintendents in the visitation of the Churches , and after tryall admitted to their charge . 6. That all Lands founded of old to Hospitalitie should be restored , and applied to the sustentation of the poor ; and that Lands , annuall rents , or other emoluments belonging sometime to the Friers of whatsoever Order , as likewise the Annuities , Aultrages , Obits and other duties pertaining to Priests , be imployed to the same use , and to the upholding of Schools in the places where they lie . 7. That horrible crimes abounding in the Realm , such as idolatry , blasphemy of Gods Name , manifest violation of the Sabbath or Lords day , witchcraft , sorcery , and inchantment , adultery , incest , open whoredom , maintaining of brothels , murther , slaughter , theft , reife and oppression , with all other detestable crimes , be severely punished , and Judges appointed in every Province for executing the same . 8. That some order should be devised for the relief of the poor labourers of the ground , who are oppressed in their Tythes by Leases set over their heads , and they thereby forced to take unreasonable conditions . To these petitions the Queen made Answer by writing in this sort : First she said , That where it was desired that the Masse should be suppressed and abolished aswell in her Majesties own Person and Family , as amongst the Subjects , her Highness did answer for her self , that she was no wayes perswaded , that there was any impiety in the Masse ; and trusted her Subjects would not press her to do against her Conscience . For not to dissemble , but to deal plainly with them , she said , she neither might nor would forsake the Religion wherein she had been educated , and brought up , believing the same to be the true Religion , and grounded upon the Word of God. Besides she knew , that if she should change her Religion , it would lose her the frienship of the King of France , and other great Princes her friends and confederates , upon whose displeasure she would be loath to hazard , knowing no friendship that might countervail theirs . Therefore desired all her loving Subjects , who have had experience of her goodness , how she had neither in times past , nor yet in time coming did intend to force the conscience of any person , but to permit every one to serve God in such manner , as they are perswaded to be the best . That they likewise would not urge her to any thing that stood not with the quietness of her mind . As for the establishing the Religion in the body of the Realm , she said , That they knew the same could not be done but by the consent of the three Estates in Parliament . And how soon the same should be convened , whatsoever the Estates did condescend unto , her Majesty should thereto agree , assuring them in the mean while , that none should be troubled for using themselves in Religion , according to their consciences , and so should have no cause to fear any perill to their lives or heritages . To the third and fourth Articles it was answered , That her Majesty did not think it reasonable , that she should defraud her self of so great a part of the Patrimony of the Crown , as to put the Patronages of benefices forth of her own hands , seeing the publick necessities of the Crown did require a great part of the Rents to be still retained . Notwithstanding , her Majesty was pleased , that her own necessity being supplied , after it should be considered , what might be a reasonable sustentation to the Ministers , a speciall assignation should be made to them forth of the nearest and most commodious places , wherewith her Majesty should not intermeddle , but suffer the same to come to their use . Touching the sustentation of the poor , her Majesty said , That her liberalitie towards them should be as far extended , as with reason can be required . And for the rest of the Articles , Her Highness promised to do therein , as the Estates convened in Parliament should appoint , About the midst of Iuly ( the dispensation of the marriage being brought from Rome ) the Queen was espoused to the Lord Darnelie , after the Popish manner in the Chappel of Halirudhruse by the Dean of Restalrig , and the next day was he by the sound of the Trumpet proclaimed King , and declared to be associated with her in the Government . The discontented Lords sent forth their complaints upon this , alledging , That the Kingdome was openly wronged , the liberties thereof oppressed , and a King imposed upon the people without advise and consent of the Estates ( a thing not practised before at any time , and contrary to the Laws and received custom of the Countrey ) Desiring therefore all good subjects to take the matter to heart , and joyn with them in resisting these beginnings of Tyranny . But few or none were thereby won to shew themselves openly of their party , so as when the Queen with her husband went against them , they left the town of Striveling where the first convened , and fled into Paislay . The King to make himself more popular , and take from the Lords the pretext of Religion wherewith they coloured their designes , took purpose to go unto St. Giles Church in Edinburgh and hear Sermon . Iohn Knox ( either doubting his sincerity , or favouring the faction of the Noblemen ) fell upon him with a bitter reproof ; for which being cited before the Queen and Councell , he not onely stood to that he had spoken but added , That as the King for her pleasure had gone to Masse , and dishonoured the Lord God , so should he in his Iustice make her the instrument of his ruine . The Queen incensed with this answer , burst forth in tears : whereupon he was inhibited preaching by the Councell , and silenced for some moneths . Mr. Iohn Craig ( who a little before was brought to Edinburgh ) because of the prohibition given to his Colleague , refused to do any service there , which put the people in a stur , yet upon better advice , he was moved to continue in his charge . In the end of August the King and Queen accompanied with five thousand or thereabouts , went to Glasgow to pursue the Lords . They removing from Paisley to Hamilton , an Herald was sent thither to summon the Castle , which they denied to render , giving out , that they would try the matter in battell the next day . But the manifold distractions amongst themselves did let this resolution , and divers falling away from their side , they went to Edinburgh , where supposing to finde assistance , the Captain of the Castle forced them by his continuall playing on the town , to quit it . After which they tooke their course to Dumfreis , allured by the fair promises of Iohn Maxwell Lord Hereis . A new expedition upon this was concluded , and the Lieges warned to meet at Bigger , the 9. of October : in the mid time the King and Queen leaving the Earl of Lenox Lieutenant in the West parts , made a Progress through Fife , to punish those that had assisted the Lords . The Lairds of Grainge , Balcomie , Pitmillie , and Ramormie , were fugitive , some others of meaner sort taken prisoners , and the towns of Perth , Dundie , and St. Andrewes fined in great summes . This done , they returned to Edinburgh , and from thence went into Dumfr●is , where the Lords had stayed all that while : The Lord Hereis pretending to make their peace , concluded his own , advising them to fly into England , as they did . Thither went the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earl of Murray , Glencarne , and Rothes , the Lord Ochiltrie , the Commendatory of Kilwinning , and divers others of good note . A few dayes they abode in Carlile with the Earle of Bedford , Lieutenant at that time in the North. Then going to Newcastle , they sent the Earl of Murray to the English Court , to intreat the Queens intercession for them ; she incontinent dispatched a Gentleman of her Privie Chamber , named Tamerorth with Letters to the Queen of Scots , requesting , that Murray and the rest might be received in favour . The Gentleman not vouchsafing to give her husband the title of a King , nor bringing any Commission to him , was denied presence , and had his answer delivered him in writing , to this effect : That Queen Elizabeth should do well to have no medling with the subjects of Scotland , but leave them to their Princes discretion , seeing neither she , nor her husband did trouble themselves with the causes of her subjects . The Duke perceiving that by these means their peace would not be hastily made ; and knowing his reconcilement to be more easie , resolved to sever his cause from the rest , and sent the Abbot of Kilwinning to entreat favour to himself and his friends : which he easily obtained , for he was known to be nothing so guilty as the others , and to have been craftily drawn upon that faction ; so he returned into Scotland , in December following . In this moneth a generall Assembly of the Church convened again at Edinburgh , where the answer made by the Queen to their last petitions was presented ; and replied unto by the same Assembly in this manner : First they said , That it was no small grief to the hearts of good and Christian subjects to hear , that notwithstanding the Evangel of Christ had been so long preached in the Realm , and his mercy so plainly offered , her Majesty should yet continue unperswaded of the truth of that Religion , which they preached and professed , it being the same which Christ Iesus had revealed to the world , which he commanded his Apostles to preach , and ordained to be received of all the faithfull , and firmly retained by them untill his second coming ; A religion that had God the Father , his onely Son Christ Iesus , and the Holy Spirit for the Authors thereof ; and was most clearly grounded upon the Doctrine and practice aswell of the Prophets , as Apostles , which no other religion upon the face of the earth could justifie , alledge or prove . For whatsoever assurance the Papist had or could alledge for his profession ; the same the Turk had for his Alcoran ; And the Jews more probably might alledge for their rites and traditions , whether it be antiquity of time , or consent of people , or authority of Princes , or multitudes and number of Professors , or any the like cloakes they do pretend . Wherefore in the Name of the eternall God ( with the reverence that became them ) they required her highness to use the means whereby she might be perswaded of the truth , such as the preaching of the Word of God , the ordinary mean that he hath appointed for working knowledge and begetting faith in the hearts of his chosen ones , conference with learned men , and disputation with the adversaries , which they were ready to offer , when and where her Grace should think expedient . Next , where she could not believe any impiety to be in the Mass they made offer to prove the whole Mass from the beginning to the ending , to be nothing else but a mass of impietie , and that the Priest his actions , the opinion which the hearers , or rather the gazers upon it had of the same , were blasphemous , and grosly idolatrous . And where her Majesty said , she would not hazard the displeasure of the King of France and other Princes , with whom she was confederated ; they to the contrary did assure her , That true Religion is the onely bond that joyneth men with God , who is the King of Kings , and hath the hearts of all Princes in his hands , whose favour ought to be unto her more pretious , then the favour of all the Princes on earth , and without which no friendship or confederacy could possibly endure . Thirdly , touching her answer to the Article for sustentation of the Ministery , they shew , It was never their meaning , that her Majesty , or any other Patron should be defrauded of their just rights . Onely they desired when any Benefice was void , that a qualified person should be presented to the Superintendent of the bounds , to be tried , and examined by him . For as the Presentation belongeth to the Patron , so doth the Collation belong to the Church . Otherwise , were it in the Patrons power simply to present whom they pleased , without triall or examination , there should be no order in the Church , and all be filled with ignorance and confusion . Fourthly , to that which her Majesty spake of retaining a great part of the Benefices in her own hands , they answered , That such doing was against the Law both of God and Man , and could not stand with a good conscience , seeing it tendeth to the destruction of many poor souls that by this means should be defrauded of instruction . And for the offer she made to provide the Ministery by assignations in places most commodious , her own necessities being first supplied , they said , That good order did require Ministers first to be provided , Schools for instructing the youth maintained , the fabrick of Churches repaired and upheld , and the poore and indigent members of Christ sustained ; all which ought to be furnished out of the Tithes , which are the proper Patrimony of the Church . These things done , if any thing were remaining , that her Majesty and Councell might use it as they should think expedient . In end , giving thanks to her Majesty for the offer of assignations , they humbly desired the generall offer to be made more particular , and that it might please her to reform the answer given to the Articles of the Church in all the aforesaid points . After this sort did the Church insist with the Queen , but with small success ; for the provision of Ministers some small supply was obtained . But in the point of Religion , they found no contentment . During the rest of this winter , matters were quiet : but the next year had a foul beginning , Seigneur Davie who governed all affairs at Court , had onely the Queens ear , being slain upon the occasion , and after the manner you shall hear . There had fallen out a little before some private discontents betwixt the King and Queen , whereupon first she caused change the order which was kept in the Proclamations and publick Records , placing the name of her husband after her own name , that the Royall authority might be known to belong unto her self wholly . And after a little time upon a colour that the dispatch of business was much hindred through the Kings absence ; she had appointed in stead of his hand , a cachet to be used in the signing of Letters , which was committed to the custody of Seigneur Davie . This being noted , ( as they are never wanting some in Court to stirre the coals ) divers tales were brought to the King of the neglect and contempt that he was held in , and of the great respect carried to the stranger . The vanity and arrogancy of the man himself was likewise so great , as not content to exceed the chief of the Court , he would outbrave the King in his apparell , in his domestick furniture , in the number and sorts of his horses , and in every thing else : So as no speach was for the time more common and currant in the Countrey , then that of Davies greatness , of the credit and honour whereunto he was risen , and of the small account that was taken of the King. This the King taking in heart , he did open his grief unto his father , who advised him to assure the Nobility at home , and to recall those that were banished into England ; which done , he might easily correct the insolency and aspiring pride of that base fellow . A parliament being then called to meet at Edinburgh the 12. of March , for pronouncing sentence of forfeiture against the Earls of Murray , Glencarn , Argile , Rothes , and other Noblemen that were fled into England , as the time of meeting drew nigh , the Queen laboured earnestly to have the process laid against them found good ; and that matters might go to her mind , she designed Davie to exercise the office of Chancellour in that meeting . The Earl of Morton who after Huntlies death had supplied the place unto that time , interpreted this as a disgrace offered unto him , dealt with the King ( with whom he was grown familiar ) to make him sensible of his own contempt and misregard ; and finding him apprehensive enough that way , drew him to a meeting in the Lord Ruthvens lodging , upon pretext of visiting the Nobleman , who lay then diseased , where breaking forth in a speech of the present misgovernment , the blame of all was cast upon the King , as having for the pleasure of a wicked villain chased his cousins and best friends out of the Realm , and helped to raise a base fellow to such a heighth of credit , as now himself was become by him despised . The King that could not deny it to be his fault in a great part , professed his readines to joyn with them for remedying those evils , and from thence forth promised to do nothing but by the consent of the Nobility . Yet they not esteeming it safe to trust his promises , whom they knew to be facile and somewhat uxorious , lest afterwards he should go from that agreement , did exhibite to him a Bond in writing , wherein they were all sworn to joyn for maintaining Religion , reducing the Noblemen lately exiled , and making Davie out of the way . Unto this the King did wittingly set his hand , and with him subscribed the Earl of Morton , the Lords Ruthven and Lindesay , for he also was present and upon the plot . The night following , because matters could not be long kept close , and needfull it was to go presently thorough with the designe by reason of the Parliament approaching , they prepared to execute the same . Morton , whose forces were greatest was appointed to guard the utter Court of the Palace , if perhaps any stir should be made . For there lodged within the Earls of Huntly , Atholl , Bothwell , Sutherland and Cathnesse , with the Lords Flemyn and Levingston , a force to have resisted any sudden attempt . The King taking the Lord Ruthven with him , who was but lately recovered of a Fever , and followed by four or five men at most , entered into the room where the Queen sate at supper . Ruthven seeing Davie at the table , ( for the Queen was accustomed when she supped private to admit others to sit by her , and that night the Countess of Argile , and beneath her Davie was placed ) commanded him to arise and come forth , for the place where he sate did not beseem him . The Queen starting up hastily , went between Davie and Ruthven to defend him , and Davie clasping his hands about her middle , the King laboured to loose them , willing her not to be afraid , for that they were come onely to take order with that villain . Then was he dragged down the stairs to the gallery where Morton with his company was walking . There they fell upon him , and striving who should give the first stroak , killed him with many wounds . It was constantly reported that he had warning given him oftner then once by Iohn Damiott a French Priest , who was thought to have some skill in Magick , to do his business and be gone , for that he could not make good his part ; And that he answered disdainfully , The Scots are given more to brag then to fight . Some few dayes again before his death being warned by the same Priest to take heed of the bastard , he replied , That whilest he lived , he should not have credit in Scotland to do him any hurt . For he took the Earl of Murray to be the man , of whom he was advertised to take heed . But that prediction either fulfilled , or eluded , the first stroak was given him by George Douglas , base son to the Earl of Angus , after whom , such others as were in place , either serving their private malice , or desiring to be esteemed associates in that conspiracy , inflicted every man his wound till he was dispatched ; yet had they no commandment from the contrivers , so to kill him : It being their purpose to have brought him to publick execution , which they knew would have been to all the people a most grateful spectacle . And good it had been for them so to have done , or then to have taken him in another place , and at another time , then in the Queens presence . For besides the great peril of abortion , which her fear might have caused ; the false aspersions cast upon her fame and honour by that occasion , were such as she could never digest , and drew on all the pitiful accidents that afterwards ensued . The Queen bursting forth in many tears , after a great chiding she kept with the Lord Ruthven , sent one of her maids to enquire what was become of Davie , who quickly returning , told that he was killed ; having asked her how she knew it , the maid answered , that she had seen him dead . Then the Queen wiping her eyes with her handkerchief , said , No more tears ; I will think upon a Revenge . Neither was she seen after that , any more to lament . The rumour of this deed ran soon through the Town , whereupon the people did arm , and go to the Palace . But they were pacified by the King , who calling to them from a window , shewed that the Queen and he were well , and that they needed not to fear , because that which was done , was done by his own commandment . The Noblemen that lodged within the Palace , were charged to keep within their chambers ; yet the Lords Huntley and Bothwel escaped the same night by a window at the back of the Palace . Athol and the rest had licence to depart the next morning . Upon Tuesday thereafter ( for the slaughter was committed upon Saterday the ninth of March ) the Earls of Murray and Rothes , with these that were exiled in England , returned to Edinburgh ; and going first to the Parliament house , took documents , that they were ready to answer the summons of forfeiture directed against them , and that none did insist to pursue . In this doubtful estate of things the Queen not knowing whom to trast , sent for her brother the Earl of Murray , and having conferred familiarly a while with him , by his means had her servants and guards restored ; for after the slaughter they were all put from her . The night following she went from the Palace to Seaton , and from thence to Dumbar , taking the King with her in company ; who repenting the fact , and forsaking the other Conspirators , did openly by sound of Trumpet at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh protest his innocency , denying , that ever he gave his consent to any thing , but to the returning of the Lords that were banished in England . Yet was the contrary known to all men , so as this served only to the undoing of his reputation , and made him find few or no friends thereafter to aid him in his necessity . Upon the Queens departing the Conspirators , and whosoever were thought privie thereto , fled some to England , others to the borders , and Highlands , and such a change you should have seen as they who the night preceding did vant of the fact as a goodly and memorable Act , affirming some truly , some falsely , that they were present thereat , did on the morrow forswear all that before they had affirmed . The Earl of Morton with the Lords Ruthven , Lindesay , and young Lethington , remained at Newcastle in England , where the Lord Ruthven falling again in the feaver departed this life . Mr. Iames Macgill , Clerk of Register , with divers Citizens of Edinburgh that were esteemed favourers of the fact , left the Town , and lurked privately amongst their friends . After some four dayes stay at Dumbar the Queen returned to Edinburgh , accompanied with many of the Nobility , and then began Inquisition to be made for the Murtherers . Thomas Scot Sheriffe depute of Perth , and servant to the Lord Ruthven , with Sir Henry Yair sometimes a Priest , being apprehended , were after trial hanged , and quartered . William Harlaw and Iohn Mowbray Burgesses of Edinburgh , convicted , and brought to the place of execution , had their lives spared by the intercession of Bothwel . The Lairds of Calder , Ormeston , Halton , Elphingston , Brunston , Whittingham , Shirre●hall , and many others being cited , as conscious of the murther , for not appearing were denounced Rebels . The office of the Clerk Register was conferred upon Sir Iames Balfour , and a conclusion taken in councel , that they who should be tried to have either devised , or to have been actual committers of the said murther , should be pursued by order of Justice , and the same executed with all severity : but that the Commons and others that came to the Palace accidentally , should upon their supplication be used with more clemency . In all this proceeding there was none more earnest or forward then the King , notwithstanding whereof the hatred of the fact lay heavy upon him , nor could he ever after this time recover his former favour with the Queen . The rest after a little time were reconciled , Lethington by the means of Athol was first called home , albeit Bothwel did strongly oppose it . The Barons addressed for themselves , by means of their friends that were in credit . Morton and Lindesay in the winter following were pardoned at the request of the Earls of Huntley and Argyle . Now the time of the Queens lying in drew nigh , whereupon the Councel meeting to advise upon the place where her Majesty should stay , made choice of the Castle of Edinburgh , as the part most commodious : and ordained the Earl of Arrane , who was there kept prisoner , to be removed to the Castle of Hamilton with a liberty to travel by the space of two miles about , providing he should do nothing to the prejudice of his house , and enter himself unto 20. days warning in the Castles of Edinburgh , Dumbar , and Dumbarton , or any of them ; for observance whereof the Earls of Murray and Glencarn became sureties . The Queen at her first entrie into the Castle did feast the Nobility , and made them all friends : Argyle , Murray , and Athol had lodgings assigned them within the Castle . Huntley , Bothwel , and others of the Nobility remained in the Town . The 19. of Iune , betwixt nine and ten of the clock in the evening she was brought to bed of a son , to the exceeding joy of the subjects , for which the Nobles and whole people assembled the next day in the Church of S. Giles , gave solemn thanks to God. Presently was Sir Iames Melvil sent to carry the newes to the Queen of England , who to congratulate her safe and happy delivery , sent Sir Henry Killigrew to Scotland by Post. The Assembly of the Church convened the same time in Edinburgh , sent the Superintendent of Lothian to testify their gladnesse for the Princes birth , and to desire that he should be baptized according to the form used in the reformed Church . To this last she gave no answer , otherwise the Superintendent and his Commission were very graciously accepted . The Queen calling to bring the Infant that the Superintendent might see him , he took him in his Armes , and falling upon his knees conceived a short and pithy prayer , which was very attentively heard by her ; having closed his prayer , he took the babe , and willed him to say Amen for himself ; which she took in so good part , as continually afterwards she called the Superintendent her Amen . This story told to the Prince when he came to years of understanding , he alwayes called him his Amen ; and whilest he lived , did respect and reverence him as his Spiritual Father . The Queen waxing strong went by water to Alloway , a house pertaining to the Earl of Marre , and kept private a few dayes . In that place brake out first her displeasure against the King her husband ; for the following her thither , was not suffered to stay , but commanded to be gone , and when at any time after he came to Court , his company was so loathsome unto her , as all men perceived she had no pleasure nor content in it ; such a deep indignation had possessed her mind , because of the disgrace offered to her in the slaughter of her servant Davie , the envy whereof was all laid upon the King , as she could never digest it . Secretary Lethington ( who by his subtle flatteries was crept again into favour ) did wickedly foster this passion , by putting in her head a possibility to divorce from the King , which he said was an easie work , and a thing that might be done , only by abstracting the Popes dispensation of their marriage . And the Earl Bothwel ( a man sold to all wickednes ) did likewise by himself and by his instruments ( of whom Sir Iames Balfour was the chief ) take all occasions to incense her , and by exaggerating the Kings ingratitude towards her , wrought her mind to an hatred implacable . In the beginning of October the Queen went to Iedburgh , to keep some Justice Courts , where she fell dangerously sick ; the King coming there to visit her , had no countenance given him , and was forced to depart . At her return from the Borders being in Craigmillar , Lethington renuing the purpose of divorce in the hearing of the Earls of Argyle and Huntley , did perswade her to take some course for her separation from the King , seeing they could not live together in Scotland with security . The Queen asking him how that could be done without some blemish to her honour : he replied , that none would think ill of her part therein , she being so ungratefully used by him ; but that all might know the murther of Davie to have been his fact , her Majesty should do well to pardon the Lords , that were fled to England , and call them home . Nay said the Queen , I will rather have matters to continue as they are , till God remedie them . Yet within few days Morton and Lindesay were recalled at the intreaty of the Earls of Argyle and Huntley , as was touched before . Preparation was then making for the Baptisme of the Prince , who about the end of August had been transported to Striveling . To honour this solemnity , the Counte de Briance , was sent Ambassadour from the French King , Monsieur de Croke , from the Duke of Savey , and the Earl of Bedford from the Queen of England , who brought with him a Font of gold weighing two stone weight , with a Bason and Ewer for the Baptisme . At the day appointed for the solemnity , ( which was the fifteenth of December ) they all convened in the Castle of Striveling . The Prince was carried by the French Ambassadour , walking betwixt two ranks of Barons and Gentlemen that stood in the way from the Chamber to the Chappel , holding every one a proket of wax in their hands . The Earl of Athol went next to the French Ambassador , bearing the grear fierge of wax . The Earl of Eglington carried the Salt , the Lord Semple the Cude , and the Lord Ross the Bason and Ewer : all these were of the Romane profession . In the entry of the Chappel the Prince was received by the Archbishop of S. Andrews , whose Collaterals were , the Bishops of Dunkeld , Dumblane , and Ross ; there followed them , the Prior of Whithern , sundry Deans and Archdeans , with the Gentlemen of the Chappel in their several habits , and Copes . The Countesse of Argyle by Commission from the Queen of England , did hold up the Prince at the Font , where the Archbishop did administer the Baptisme with all ceremonies accustomed in the Romane Church , the spittle excepted , which the Queen did inhibit . The Earl of Bedford entered not in the Chappel , during the service ; and without the dores stood all the Noblemen , professors of the reformed Religion . The rites performed , the Prince was proclaimed by his name and Titles . Iames , Prince and Stewart of Scotland , Duke of Rothesay , Earl of Carrick , Lord of the Isles , and Baron of Renfrew : then did the Musick begin , which having continued a good space , the Prince was again conveighed to his chamber . It was night before the solemnity took end , for it was done in the afternoon . The feasting and triumphal sports that followed , were kept some days with exceeding cost and magnificence , yet the content the people received thereby was nothing so great , as their offence for the Kings neglect ; for neither was he admitted to be present at the Baptisme , nor suffered to come unto the feast . To some his ill disposition was given for an excuse , others more scornfully were told that his fashioners had not used the diligence they ought in preparing his apparel . Mean while the Ambassadours had a watchword given them , not to see nor salute him . And such of the Nobility as were known to bear him any favour , or out of their compassion did vouchsafe him a visit , were frowned upon by the Court. His Father advertised of these things , sent for him to come unto Glasgow , where he then remained ; but scarce was he past a mile from Striveling , when a vehement pain seised on all the parts of his body , which at his coming to Glasgow was manifestly perceived to proceed of poison , that treacherously had been ministred unto him : for through all his body brake out blisters of a blewish colour , with such a dolour and vexation in all his parts , as nothing but death was a long time expected . Yet his youth and natural strength vanquishing the force of the poison , he began a little to convalesce , and put his enemies to other shifts , wherein shortly after ( but to their own undoing ) they prevailed . The report of what passed at Striveling coming to Edinburgh , where the Assembly of the Church was then gathered , did greatly offend the better sort ; yet nothing grieved them so much , as a Commission granted to the Archbishop of S. Andrews , whereby he was reponed to his ancient jurisdiction in confirming Testaments , giving collation to Benefices , and other such things as were judged in the spiritual Courts . The Assembly taking this greatly to heart , ordained a supplication to be made to the Nobility , and Lords of secret Councel , professing Christ with them , and who had renounced the Romane Antichrist , ( I use the words of the superscription ) for impeding the said Commission , and letting it to take effect . In this supplication they said , That the causes judged in these Courts did for the most part pertain to the true Church , and that howsoever in hope of some good effect to have followed , the Church had overseen the Commission granted by the Queen in these matters to men who for the greater number were of their own profession , they would never be content that he whom they knew to be an enemy to Christ and his truth , should exerce that jurisdiction , seeing under the colour thereof , he might usurp again his own authority , and take upon him the judgement of heresie , in which case none could be ignorant what his sentence could be ; wherefore their desire was , the Queen should be informed that this was a violation of the laws of the Realm , and the setting up again of the Romane Antichrist , whose authority and usurped power in an open and free Parliament had been condemned , which her Majesty also at her first arriving into this Realm , and since that time by divers Proclamations had expressely forbidden to be acknowledged ; here of they said if their honours should plainly and boldly admonish the Queen , using that reverence which was due from Subjects , and doing nothing in a tumult , they did perswade themselves , she would do nothing against Justice , and that such Tyrants should not dare once to appear in Judgement . But howsoever matters went , they humbly craved to understand their minds , and what they would do , if it should happen such wolfes to invade the flock of Christ. This the summe of the supplication . I find not what answer it received , nor that the Bishop made any use of his Commission ; but the change it seems which shortly after happened in the State , did quite frustrate the same . Master Knox being licenced at this time to visit his sons , who were following their studies at Cambridge , did move the Assembly to write unto the Bishops of England in favour of some Preachers , who were troubled for not conforming themselves to the Orders of that Church . Because it will appear by the letter , in what esteem our reformers did hold the Church of England , and how farre they were from accounting the government thereof Antichristian , I thought meet to insert the same word by word . The Superintendents , Ministers , and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland , to their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of England , who have renounced the Romane Antichrist , and do professe with them the Lord Iesus in sincerity , wish the increase of the holy Spirit . BY word and writing it is come to our knowledge , Reverend Pastors , that divers of our brethren ( amongst whom some be of the best learned within that Realm ) are deprived from all Ecclesiastical function , and forbidden to preach , and so by you are stayed to promove the Kingdome of Iesus Christ , because their conscience will not suffer them to take upon them at the commandment of the authority , such garments as Idolaters in time of blindness have used in their idolatrous service ; which rumour cannot but be most dolorous to our hearts , considering the sentence of the Apostle , If ye bite and devour one another , take heed ye be not consumed one of another . We purpose not at the present to enter into the Question which we hear is agitated with greater vehemencie by either party then well liketh us , to wit , whether such apparel is to be accounted amongst things indifferent , or not ? But in the bowels of Iesus Christ we crave , that Christian charity may so far prevail with you , that are the Pastors and guides of Christs flock in that Realm , as ye do not to others , that which ye would not others did unto you . Ye cannot be ignorant how tender a thing Conscience is , and all that have knowledge are not alike perswaded : your conscience stirres not with the wearing of such things , but many thousands both godly and learned , are otherwise perswaded , whose consciences are continually stricken with these sentences : What hath Christ to do with Belial ? what fellowship is there betwixt light and darknesse ? If Surplice , Corner-cap , and Tippet , have been the badges of Idolaters , in the very act of their Idolatry , what have the Preachers of Christian liberty , and the rebukers of superstition to do with the dregges of that Romane beast ? yea , what is he that ought not to fear , either to take in his hand , or forehead , the print and mark of that odious beast ? Our brethren that refuse such unprofitable apparel , do neither damne nor molest you , who use such vain trifles : if ye shall do the like to them , we doubt not therein you shall please God , and comfort the hearts of many , which are wounded with the extremity used against those godly brethren . Colour of Rhetorick or humane perswasion we use none , but charitably we desire you to call to mind the sentence of S. Peter . Feed the flock of God which is committed to your charge , caring for it , not by constraint but willingly , not as being Lords of Gods heritage , but being examples to the flock . We further desire you to meditate upon that sentence of the Apostle , Give not offence , either to the Iewes , or to the Grecians , or to the Church of God. In what condition ye and we both travel for the promoving of Christs Kingdom , ye are not ignorant , therefore we are the more bold to exhort you , to deal more wisely then to trouble the godly with such vanities . For all things which seem lawful , edify not . If the commandment of the Authority urge the consciences of you and our brethren , further then they can bear , we pray you remember that ye are called the light of the world , and the salt of the earth . All civil authority hath not ever the light of God shining before their eyes in their statutes and commandments , but their affections favour too much sometimes of the earth , and of worldly wisdome . Therefore we think that ye ought boldly oppone your selves , not only to all power that dare extoll it self against God , but also against all such as dare burthen the consciences of the faithful , further then God hath burthened them in his own word . But we must confesse our offence , in that we have entered in reasoning further then we purposed and promised in the beginning , now therefore we return to our former humble supplication , which is , that our brethren who amongst you refuse these Romish ragges , may find of you who are Prelates such favour , as our head and Master commandeth every one of his members to shew to another : which we look to receive from your humanity , not only because ye will not offend Gods Majesty in troubling of your brethren for such vain trifles , but also because ye will not refuse the humble request of us your brethren and fellow-preachers ; in whom albeit there appear no worldly Pompe , yet we suppose ye will not so farre despise us , but that ye will esteem us in the number of those that fight against the Romane Antichrist , and travel that the Kingdom of Iesus Christ may be every where advanced . The days are evil , iniquity aboundeth , and charity ( alas ) is waxed cold ; Therefore ought we to watch the more diligently , for the hour is uncertain , when the Lord Iesus shall appear ; before whom ●e , your brethren and we must give an account of our administration . And thus in conclusion we once again crave favour to our brethren ; which granted , ye shall command us in the Lord things of double more importance . The Lord Iesus rule your hearts in his true fear unto the end , and give unto you and us victory over that conjured enemy of all true religion , the Romane Antichrist , whose wounded head Satan by all means laboureth to cure again ; but to destruction shall he and all his maintainers go by the power of our Lord Iesus , to whose mighty protection we heartily commit you . From our General Assembly at Edinburgh the twenty seventh of December , 1566. To quiet the Ministers , who were daily complaining of their lack of provision , the Court made offer to the same Assembly of certain Assignations for their present relief , which were accepted under protestation , that the same should not prejudge their right to the tithes , nor be accompted as a satisfaction for the same . For these they held to be the proper Patrimony of the Church , and so justly belonging thereto , as that they ought not to be paid to any others , under whatsoever colour , or pretext . But this protestation availed not , only it sheweth what was the judgement of the Church in that time concerning tithes . The Queen in Ianuary following went to visit the King who lay sick at Glasgow . After some complainings he made of her unkindnesse , and a little chiding they kept for discontents passed , they did so lovingly reconcile , as the King , though he was not as yet fully recovered , was content to be transported to Edinburgh , and had a lodging prepared in a remote place of the Town , for his greater quiet , as was pretended . But he had not stayed there a fortnight , when Bothwel having conspired his murther , did come upon him in the night , as he lay asleep , and strangled him with one of his cubiculars , that lay in the chamber by him . The murther committed , the two corpses were carried forth at a gate in the Town wall , and laid in an Orchard near by , and thereafter the house blown up with powder ; the noise whereof did awake those that were sleeping in the furthest parts of the Town . The Queen not gone as yet unto her rest , convened the Noblemen that lodged within the Palace , and by their advice sent Bothwell with some others to enquire what the matter was , ( for he was returned to his Chamber before the blowing up of the house , having left some to fire the train , when he was past and gone away ) many of all sorts did accompany him to the place , where finding the body of the King naked only , the upper part covered with his shirt , the rest of his apparel , and even his pantofles near by him , each one making a several conjecture , Bothwel would have it believed , that the violence of the powder had carried his body forth at the roof of the house unto that place ; but this was against all sense , for not a bone of his whole body was either broken or bruised , which must needs have been after such a violent fall . Nor could it be perceived , that either the corps or garments were once touched with the powder . So it was manifest that his body and all were laid there by the hands of men . Bothwel returning , shewed the Queen what a strange thing had happened , admired how it could be , and who they were committed the murther : she hearing it , retired to a private room , and went presently to bed . Now he had provided some to carry the newes unto the borders , and to give out that the Earls of Murray and Morton were the chief contrivers of the murther : which rumour went currant in England for a while . Yet ere a long time passed , all was laid open , and he known to have been the principal actor himself . Proclamations were made promising large summes of money to those that would detect the murtherers : whereunto the next night by a placard affixed on the Market Cross , answer was made , That if the money should be consigned in the hands of an indifferent person , the murtherers should be revealed , and the delator set to his name , and justify his accusation . No notice being taken of this offer , voices were heard in the dark of the night , crying , that Bothwel had murthered the King , some drawing his portraict to the life , set above it this superscription , Here is the murtherer of the King , and threw the same into the streets . And there were some , that in all the publick places of the Town , affixed the names of the murtherers , the principal as well as the accessaries . For the principal they named Bothwel ; as accessaries , Sir Iames Balfour , and Gilbert Balfour , his brother , Mr. David Chalmers Black , Mr. Iohn Spence , Seigneur Francis Sebastian , Iohn de Burdeaux , and Ioseph the brother of Davie , which last four were of the Queens houshold . These things did so offend the Court , as neglecting the trial of the murther , they fell to the drawers of these portraicts and the authors of the libels . All the Painters and Writers were called for dignoscing the letters , and draughts ; when nothing could be tried , to provide for afterwards against the like by a new edict , it was made capital to disperse libels for defaming any person in that sort , and to have , keep , or read any such that should happen to be affixed , or cast into the streets . The Earl of Lenox , whilest these things were a doing , ceased not to solicit the Queen by his letters for taking trial of the murther , without delaying the same unto the time of Parliament , as she had purposed . Particularly he desired the Earl of Bothwell , and others named in the libells and placard affixed on the door of the Senate-house , to be apprehended , and the Nobility assembled for their examination . Bothwell perceiving that he was now openly attached , did offer himself to triall , for which the 12. of Aprill was assigned , and the Earl of Lenox cited by the Justice to pursue according to the delation he had made . In the mean time to fortifie himself , he got the Castle of Edinburgh in his custody , upon the Earl of Marre his resignation , placing therein Sir Iames Balfour , whom he especially trusted . The Earl of Marre for his satisfaction had the Prince delivered in his keeping , and caried unto Striveling , where the Earl then lay heavily sick . The Diet appointed for the triall being come , and the Court fenced as use is , Bothwell was empannelled . The Earl of Lenox being called compeired Robert Cuningham , one of his domesticks , who presented in writing the Protestation following . My Lords , I am come hither sent by my master , my Lord of Lenox , to declare the cause of his absence this day , and with his power as my Commission beareth . The cause of his absence is the shortness of time , and that he could not have his friends and servants to accompany him to his honour , and for the security of life , as was needfull in respect of the greatness of his partie . Therefore his Lordship hath commanded me to desire a competent day , such as he may keep , and the weight of the cause requireth ; otherwise , if your Lordships will proceed at this present , I protest , that I may use the charge committed to me by my Lord my master , without the offence of any man. This is , that if the persons who pass upon the Assise and enquest of these that are entered on pannell this day , shall cleanse the said persons of the murther of the King , that it shall be wilfull errour , and not ignorance , by reason it is notoriously known that these persons did commit that odious murther , as my Lord my master alledgeth . And upon this my protestation , I require an instrument . The Justice by the advice of the Noblemen and Barons appointed to assist in that judgement , did notwithstanding the said protestation grant process , whereupon the Noblemen chosen for the Jury were called . These were Andrew Earl of Rothes , George Earl of Cathnes , Gilbert Earl of Cassils , Lord Iohn Hamilton Commendator of Aberbrothock , Iames Lord Ross , Robert Lord Semple , Robert Lord Boyd , Iohn Lord Hereis , Laurence Lord Oliphant , Iohn Master of Forbes , with the Lairds of Lochinvar , Langton , Cambusnetham , Barnbowgall , and Boyne : the Earl of Cassills excused himself , offering the penalty , which by the Law they pay that refuse to pass upon Assise , but could not obtain himself freed , the Queen threatning to commit him in prison , and when he seemed nothing terrified therewith , commanding him under pain of treason to enter and give his judgement with the rest . Thus were they all sworn and admitted , as the manner is ; After which Bothwell being charged with the inditement , and the same denied by him , they removed forth of the Court to consult together , and after a little time returning , by the mouth of the Earl of Cathnes their Chancellour , declared him acquit of the murther of the King , and of all the points contained in the inditement , with a protestation , That seeing neither her Majesties advocate had insisted in the pursuit , nor did Robert Cuningham , Commissioner for the Earl of Lenox , bring any evidence of Bothwells guiltiness , neither yet was the inditement sworn by any person , and that they had pronounced according to their knowledge , it should not be imputed to them as wilfull errour which they had delivered . Mr. David Borthwi●● , and Mr. Edmund Hay , who in the entry of the Court were admitted as his prolocutours , askt instruments upon the Juries declaration ; so he went from that Court absolved , yet the suspicions of the people were nothing diminished . And some indeed were of opinion , that the Judges could give no other deliverance , nor find him guilty of the inditement as they had formed it ; seeing he was accused of a murther , committed on the 9. day of February , whereas the King was slain upon the 10. of that moneth . But he for a further clearing of himself set up a paper in the most conspicuous place of the market , bearing . That albeit he had been acquited in a lawfull Justice court of that odious crime laid unto his charge , yet to make his innocency the more manifest , he was ready to give triall of the same in single combate with any man of honourable birth and quality that would accuse him of the murther of the King. The next day in the same place , by another writing , answer was made , that the combat should be accepted , so as a place were designed wherein without danger the undertaker might professe his name . The 13. of April a Parliament was kept for restoring the Earl of Huntley , and others to their estates and honours , which was not as yet done with the solemnity requisite . In this Parliament the Commissioners of the Church made great instance for ratifying the Acts concluded in favour of the true Religion , yet nothing was obtained : The Queen answering , that the Parliament was called for that onely business , and that they should have satisfaction given them at some other time . The Parliament being broke up , Bothwell inviting the Noblemen to supper did liberally feast them ; and after many thanks for their kindness , fell in some speeches for the Queens marriage , shewing the hopes he had to compass it , so as he might obtain their consents . Some few to whom he had imparted the business before-hand , made offer of their furtherance , the rest fearing to refuse , and suspecting one another , set all their hands to a bond , which he had ready formed to that purpose . A few dayes after , faigning an expedition into Liddisdale he gathered some forces , and meeting the Queen on the way as he returned from Striveling , whither she had gone to visit her son , he took her by way of rape and led her to the Castle of Dumbar . No men doubted but this was done by her own liking and consent , yet a number of Noblemen convening at Striveling , lest they should seem deficient in any sort of their duties , sent to ask whether or not she was there willingly detained ? for if she was kept against her will , they would come with an Army and set her at liberty ; She answered , That it was against her will that she was brought thither , but that since her coming she had been used so courteously , as she would not remember any more that injury . Now this rape ( as afterwards came to be known ) was devised to secure the murtherers of the King. For it being held sufficient by a custome commonly received , that in remissions granted for crimes committed , the most hainous fact being particularly expressed , others of less moment might be comprehended in generall words , they were advised to pass a remission for violence offered to the Queen , and the laying of hands upon her person , then to subjoyn , [ And for all other crimes and nefarious acts whatsoever : ] under which clause , they esteemed the murther of the King might be comprised , which otherwise was neither safe for them to express , nor could the Queen with her honour pardon . Thus did they think both that Bothwell himself should be secured and safety to all his partakers in the Murther . Whilest the Queen was detained at Dumbar , a divorce was sued for Bothwell from Lady Ieane Gordon his wife , in two severall Courts . In the one sate by Commission from the Archbishop of St. Andrews , Robert Bishop of Dunkeld , William Bishop of Dumblane , Mr. Archibald Crawford Parson of Egilsham , Mr. Iohn Manderstor Chanon of the Colledge Church of Dumbar , Mr. Alexander Chrichton , and Mr. George Cooke , Chanons of the Church of Dunkeld . In the other Court Mr. Robert Martland , Mr. Edward Henryson , Mr. Alexander Sim , and Mr. Clement Little , Judges constitute by the Queens authority , in all causes consistoriall : and in both Courts was the sentence of divorce pronounced , but upon divers grounds . In the Archbishops Court sentence was pronounced upon the consanguinity standing betwixt Bothwell and his wife , at the time of her marriage , they mutually attinging others in the fourth degree , and no dispensation granted by the Pope for consummating the same ; In the other Court the sentence was grounded upon adultery committed by him , which these Judges held to be the only lawfull cause of divorce : both the processes were posted , and such festination made in them , as in the space of ten dayes they were begun and concluded . The divorce passed , the Queen came to the Castle of Edinburgh , and the next morning Bothwell sent to ask his banes with the Queen . The Reader Iohn Cairnes , whose office it was , did simply refuse ; thereupon Mr. Thomas Hepburn was directed to the Minister Mr. Iohn Craig , to desire him to publish the same . The Minister likewise refusing , as having no warrant from the Queen , and for that the rumour went , that she was ravished , and kept captive by Bothwell , upon wednesday thereafter , the Justice Clerk came unto him with a letter signed by the Queen , wherein she declared that she was neither ravished , nor detained captive , and therefore willed him to publish the banes ; his answer was , that he could ask no banes , especially such as these were , without the knowledge and consent of the Church . The matter being motioned in the Session of the Church , after much reasoning kept with the Justice Clerk , it was concluded that the three next preaching dayes , the Queens minde should be intimated to the people . The Minister protested , that in obeying their desire it should be lawfull to him to declare his own mind touching the marriage , and that he should not be tied by that asking of their banes to solemnize the same . The first preaching day falling to be friday , in the hearing of divers Noblemen , and Counsellors , he shewed what he was enjoyned to do ; That he held the marriage betwixt the Queen and Bothwell unlawfull , whereof he would give the reasons to the parties themselves , if he might have hearing ; and if this was denied , he said , that he would either cease from proclaiming their banes , or declare the cause of his disallowance in the hearing of all the people . The same day at after-noon being called before the Councell , and required by Bothwell , to shew what reason he had to oppose his marriage ; he answered , First , that the Church had in the last Assembly inhibited the marriage of persons divorced for adultery . Next he alledged the divorce from his wife to have proceeded upon collusion betwixt them , which appeared , as he said , by the precipitation of that sentence , and the contract made so suddenly after his divorce with the Queen . Thirdly , he laid to his charge , the rape of the Queen , and the suspicion of the Kings murhter ; which that marriage would confirm . For these reasons he most gravely admonished him to surcease and leve that course , as he would eschiew the wrath and indgnation of Almighty God. He desired also the Lords present , to advertise the Queen of the infamy and dishonour that would fall upon her by that match , and to use their best means to divert her from it . The Sunday following , publickly he declared what he had spoken in Councell , and that it seemed to him they would proceed in the marriage , what mischief soever should ensue . For himself , he said , that he had already liberated his conscience , and yet again would take heaven and earth to record , that he abhorred and detested that marriage as scandalous and hatefull in the sight of the world . But seeing the great ones as he perceived did approve it , either by their flattery , or by their silence , he would beseech the faithfull to pray fervently unto God , that he might be pleased to turn that which they intended against Law , reason , and good conscience , to the comfort and benefit of the Church and Realme . These speeches offended the Court extremely ; therefore they fummoned him to answer before the Councell , for passing the bounds of his Commission ; For the bounds , said he , of my Commission , are the Word of God , good Lawes , and naturall reason ; and by all three I will make good , that this marriage , if it proceed , will be hatefull and scandalous to all that shall hear of it . As he was proceeding in his discourse , Bothwell commanded him silence , and thus was he dimitted . Nottheless of this opposition the marriage went on , and was celebrated the 15. of May by Adam Bishop of Orkney , in the Palace of Halirudhouse , after the manner of the reformed Church . Few of the Nobility were present , ( for the greater part did retire themselves to their houses in the Countrey ) and such as remained , were noted to carry heavy countenances ; Monsieur le Crock the Ambassadour being defired to the feast , excused himself , thinking it did not sort with the dignity of his Legation to approve the marriage by his presence , which he heard was so universally hated . His Master the French King , as likewise the Queen of England , had seriously disswaded the Queen from the same by their Letters ; but she led by the violence of passion , and abused by the treacherous counsell of some about her , who sought only their own ends , would hearken to no advice given her to the contrary . Yet was it no sooner finished , then the ill fruits thereof began to break out : for the wonted acclamations and good wishes of the people were no more heard , when she came in publick ; and divers that had set their hands and seals to the marriage , fell now openly to condemn it , as that which ministred too just a suspicion , that she was consenting to the death of the King her husband . The Earl of Athol immediately after the murther of the King had forsaken the Court , and lived at home , waiting some occasion to be revenged of the doers , and now esteeming it fit to shew himself , he came to Striveling , where in a meeting of Noblemen that were desired to come thither , upon his motion a bond was made for the preservation of the young Prince , lest Bothwell getting him in custody , should make him away , as no man doubted he would , as well to advance his own succession , as to cut off the innocent childe , who in all probability would one day revenge his fathers death . The principals of this combination , were the Earls of Argile , Atholl , Morton , Marre and Glencarne , with the Lords Lindesay and Boyd . But Argile out of a facility ( which was naturall unto him ) detected all their counsells to the Queen ; and the Lord Boyd with great promises was won to the adverse party . Bothwell suspecting some insurrection , advised the Queen for saving her reputation in forain parts , to acquaint the French King and her kinsmen of the house of Guise , with her marriage , and the reasons thereof , desiring them , sith that which was done , could not be again undone , to favour her husband no less then they did her self . And to this effect the Bishop of Dumblane was sent into France , with letters to all her friends . Neither did he admit to do at home , what he thought might serve to fortifie himself ; for divers Noblemen and Barons were invited to Court , and at their coming solicited to enter into bond for the defence of the Queen and Bothwell , who should on the other part be obliged to protect them in all their affairs . Some of these being wrought to the purpose , did set their hands willingly to the bond : the rest , though they would gladly have shunned it ; yet because they held it dangerous to refuse , subscribed in like sort . Onely the Earl of Murray of all that were called , denied to enter in any bond with the Queen ; it being neither lawfull for him , as he said , nor honourable for her , whom in all things it was his duty to obey . Concerning Bothwell , he said , that he was reconciled unto him by the Queens mediation , and would faithfully keep all that he had promised : but to enter in bond with him or any other , he did not think it the part of a good subject . Shortly after this he obtained leave , howbeit not without some difficulty , to go into France ; for he saw troubles breeding , in which he loved not to have an hand . How soon he was gone choice was made of a new Councell , and the Archbishop of St. Andrewes , with the Lords Oliphant and Beyd , received into the number : for their better and more easie attendance , they had their times of waiting particularly assigned . The Earls of Crawford , Arroll and Cassils , with the Bishop of Ross , and the Lord Oliphant were appointed to begin , and attend from the 1. of Iune to the 16. of Iuly . The Earls of Morton and Rothes , with the Bishop of Calloway , and the Lord Fleming , were to succeed and remain from the 16. of Iuly to the penult of August ; After them the Archbishop of St. Andrews , the Earls of Argile , and Cathnes , with the Lord Hereis , to the 15. of October . And from that day to the 1. of December , the Earl of Huntley , ( who was then created Chancellour ) the Earls of Atholl , Marshall , and Lord Boyd were appointed to wait : at which time Crawford and Arroll were again to begin , and the rest to follow in their order for the same space . So as during the whole year , the Counsellours should be tied to the attendance of 3 moneths onely . It was alwayes provided that so many of the forenamed persons as happened to be at Court , should during their abode , notwithstanding of their severall assignments , be present with the others ; And that it should be lawfull for the Queen to adjoyn at any time such as she thought worthy of that honour . The same day a Proclamation was given out , Declaring all writings purchased from the Queen for permitting Papists to use the exercise of their Religion , to make no faith , her Majesty being no way minded to violate the Act made at her first arrivall , and often since that time , renued in favours of the true Religion . But this did not repress the murmurs of the people , for which it was specially intended . Wherefore some few dayes after the Queen by Bothwels perswasion taking purpose to visit the borders , and having charged the subjects to accompany her thither with a provision for 15. dayes according to the custome , it was publickly rumored , that these forces were gathering for some other business , and that the intention was , to have the Prince her son in her own custody , and taken out of the Earl of Marre his hands . So as a new Declaration came forth , To certify the people of her good affection , and that she never meaned to make any novations in the Kingdom , by altering the lawes thereof , nor do any thing in the publick affairs , but by the advice of the Noblemen of her Councel . And for her sonne , as she had trusted him to such a Governour as other Princes in former times were custome to have , so her motherly care for his safety and good education should be made apparent to all . But no regard was had to these Declarations , and the Noblemen who had combined themselves at Striveling , taking Armes , and being assisted by the Lord Home , environed on the suddain the Castle of Borthwick , wherein the Queen and Bothwel were then remaining : yet their companies not sufficing to inclose the house ( for Athol did not keep the Diet ) Bothwel first escaped , and after him the Queen disguised in mans apparel fled to Dumbar . The Lords upon their escape retired to Edinburgh , where they expected the rest of their forces would meet . There lay in the Town at that by the Queens direction , the Earl of Huntley , the Archbishop of S. Andrews , the Bishop of Ross , the Abbot of Kilwining , and the Lord Boyd : How soon they heard of the Lords coming , they went to the street offering themselves to conduct the people , and to assist them in the defence of the Town ; but they found few or none willing to joyn with them , and the peoples affections wholly inclining to the Lords . The Magistrates gave order to shut the gates , but no further resistance was made ; so as the Lords entering by the gate called S. Maryport , which was easily brokeup , they made themselves Master of the Town . Huntley and the rest taking their refuge to the Castle , were received by the Keeper , ( Sir Iames Balfour , a man much trusted by Bothwel ) though at the same time he was treating with the Lords for delivering the Castle into their hands . The next day being the 12. of Iune , the Lords gave out a Proclamation , wherein they declared , That the Earl of Bothwel having put violent hands in the Queens person , warded her highnesse in the Castle of Dumbar , and retaining her in his power , had seduced her , being destitute of all counsel , to an unhonest and unlawful marriage with himself , who was known to have been the principal authour , deviser , and actor in the cruel murther committed upon the late Kings person ; and that he was daily gathering forces , and strengthening himself by all means , of purpose , as appeared , to get in his hands the young Prince , that he might murther him in the like sort , as he had done his Father : which the Nobility of the Realm had resolved to withstand , and to deliver the Queen out of his bondage . Therefore did they charge all and sundry the Lieges within the Kingdom to be in readiness upon three houres warning , to assist the said Noblemen for delivering the Queen from captivity , and bringing the said Earl and his Complices , to underlie the trial and punishment of Law for the foresaid murther . Commanding all such as will not joyn with the said Noblemen , to depart forth of the Town of Edinburgh within four hours after the publication made , under the pain to be reputed as enemies , &c. But the Queen having escaped , as we shew , there resorted to her from all quarters numbers of people , so as within few houres she had an Army about her of 4000. men and above , a force sufficient to oppose the enterprisers . The Lords on the other side , were cast into many difficulties ; for the heat of the common sort of people being quickly cooled , as ordinarily it happeneth , and the greater part of the Nobility being either enemies , or behaving themselves as Neuters ; few of them came to offer their assistance : yea had they been never so many , lacking munition and other necessary provisions for the besieging of forts , they saw no way to attain to their purpose ; whereupon they began to think upon dissolving their forces , and quitting the enterprise , at least for that time . But the resolution which the Queen took , altered their counsels , and gave them the opportunity they wished for . She partly considing in her power and numbers , and partly animated by a sort of flatterers , who made her believe , that the Lords would flee upon the first bruit of her coming , resolved to march with her Army to Leth : whereas nothing had been so much to her advantage as a little protracting of time ; for had she remained three days longer at Dumbar , the Lords without all peradventure had retired every one to his home . But where mutations are destined , the worst counsels seem ever the best , and are most readily embraced . Being advanced so farre as Glaidsmoore ( where she caused master her forces ) a Proclamation was made , bearing , That a number of Conspirators having discovered their latent malice , borne to her and the Duke of Orkney her husband , after they had failed in apprehending their persons at Borthwick , had made a seditious Proclamation , to make people believe that they did seek the revenge of the murther of the King her late husband , and the relieving of her self out of bondage and captivity pretending that the Duke her husband was minded to invade the Prince her sonne ; all which were false , and forged inventions , none having better cause to revenge the Kings death then her self , if she could know the authors thereof . And for the Duke her present husband , he had used all means to clear his innocency , the ordinary Iustice had absolved him , and the Estates of Parliament approved their proceedings , which they themselves that made the present i●surrection , had likewise allowed . As also he had offered to maintain that quarrell against any Gentleman on earth undefamed , then which nothing more could be required . And as to her alledged captivity , the contrary was known to the whole subjects , her marriage with him being publickly contracted , and solemnised with their own consents , as their hand writs could testify . Albeit to give their treason a fair shew , they made now a buckler of the Prince her sonne being an infant , and in their hands ; whereas their intention only was to overthrow her and her posterity , that they might rule all things at their pleasure , and without controlment . Seeing therefore no wilfulnesse , nor particularily , but very necessity had forced her to take Armes for defence of her life , as her hope was to have the assistance of all her faithful subjects against those unnatural rebels , so she doubted not but such as were already assembled , would with good hearts stand to her defence , considering especially the goodness of her cause , promising them in recompence of their valorous service the lands and possessions of the Rebels , which should be distributed according to the merit of every man. This proclaimed , the Army did set forward , the Queen lodging that night in Seaton a little before midnight ; word was brought to Edinburgh of the Queens approach ; who without long suspence made to their Armour . And at Sun rising , putting themselves in order , they marched directly to Mussilburgh , a Village two miles distant from Preston ; there they refreshed themselves with food , and a little rest ; for the Queens Camp was not as yet stirring . About the middest of the day the horsemen who were sent to observe when the Queens Army did advance , brought word that they were marching . The Lords thereupon made haste , and drawing their companies forth of the Village , ranged them in two battels . The first was conducted by the Earl of Morton , and the Lord Home , the second by the Earls of Athel , Marre , and Glencarn , the Lords Lindsay , Ruthven , Semple , and Sanq●uar , with the Lairds of Drumlanrig , Tulibardin , Selfourd , Grange , and divers others of good sort were assisting , in number not much inferiour to the Queens Army , and in this superiour , that the most part of them were Gentlemen practised , and of good experience in warre . The Queen stood with her Army on the top of the hill called Carberry hill , which the Lords because of the ascent wherewith it riseth , could not come at in a direct course , but to their disadvantage ; wherefore they inclined a little to the right hand , both to find a more plain way , and to get the Sun in their backs , when they should come unto the fight . This deceived the Queen , who supposing they were flying towards Dalkeith , a little Village pertaining to the Earl of Morton , but when they were past the strait of the hill , and that she saw them making directly to the place where she with her Army stood , she perceived her errour . The French Ambassadour seeing them ready to joyn , interposed himself , and coming to the Lords , desired that matters might be composed without bloodshed , for the good of both parties ; saying , that he found the Queen peaceably inclined , and disposed , both to forgive the insurrection they had now made , and to forget all by past oflences . The Earl of M●rten replyed ; That they had taken Armes , not against the Queen , but against the murtherer of the King , whom if she would deliver to be punished , or then put him from her company , she should find nothing more desired of them , and all other subjects , then to continue in their dutiful obedience towards her ; otherwise no peace could be made : Neither are we come , said he , to ask pardon for any offence that we have done , but rather to give pardon to those that have offended . The Ambassadour perceiving this to be their resolution , and judging it reasonable which they required , but not like to be obtained , took his leave and departed to Edinburgh . During the Treaty of the French Ambassadour , the Queens Army keeping within the trenches , that the English of old had made , Bothwel advanced himself upon a strong and lusty horse , appealing any one of the adverse party to single combat . Iames Murray brother to Tulibardie ( he that before had offered himself to fight , but suppressed his name , as we shewed ) made answer , that he would accept the challenge . Bothwel refusing to hazard with him , as not being his equal in honour and estate , Willam Murray his eldest brother made offer to take his place , saying , that in wealth he was not inferiour to Bothwel , and for antiquity of his house , and honesty of reputation , he esteemed himself more then his equal ; yet he likewise was refused , as being a Knight only , and of a lower degree . Divers Noblemen did thereupon offer themselves ; the Lord Lindesay especially shewed a great forwardnesse , desiring he might be permitted to try himself with Bothwel , which he would take as a singular honour , and esteem it as a recompence of all his service done to the State. Here when as Bothwel could not honestly shift the combat , the Queen interposing her authority , did prohibit him to fight . Thereafter taking a view of the Army on horseback , and incouraging them to battel , she found Bothwels friends and followers very desirous to fight ; but in the rest there appeared no such willingness , some saying that the battel would prove dangerous to the Queen , because howsoever Gentlemen were ready to hazard themselves , the Commons who were the greatest number , seemed not to be so disposed , nor well affected to the cause . Others more plainly declaring their minds , said that it were much better that Bothwel should defend his own quarrel by combat , then to expose the Queen and so many Gentlemen to peril . And there were some that counselled to delay the battel to the next day , for that the Hamiltons were said to be coming , who would greatly increase her forces . All these things the Queen heard impatiently , and bursting forth in many tears , said , they were but cowards and traitors . After which , perceiving divers of the Army to steal away , she advised Bothwel to look to his own safety , for she could render her self to the Noblemen . Then sending for VVilliam Kircaldy of Grange , she talked with him a good space , and when she thought Bothwel was past all danger , went with him to the Lords unto whom she spake on this manner . My Lords , I am come unto you not out of any fear I had of my life , or yet doubting of the victory if matters had gone to the worst , but I abhorre the shedding of Christian blood , especially of those that are my own subjects ; and will therefore yield unto you , and be ruled hereafter by your counsels , trusting you will respect me as your born Princesse and Queen . They receiving her with the wonted reverence , answered dutifully at first , but when she could not be permitted to go unto the Hamilions ( whom she had a desire to see ) although she gave her promise to return , and so found her liberty restrained , she waxed angry and fell a complaining of their ingratitude . They replyed nothing , but taking their way towards Edinburgh , led her along with them , and kept her that night in Craigmillar his lodging , who was then Provost of the Town . It was night before they came thither , albeit the day was then at the full length , because of the stayes she made by the way , either looking for some relief by the Hamiltons , as many supposed ; or not liking to be gazed on by the multitude , and seen in the estate of a prisoner . The next day towards the evening , she was by the direction of the Noblemen sent to be kept in the house of Lochlevin , and conveighed thither by the Lords Ruthven and Lindesay , because Balfour had not as yet transacted with the Lords upon the delivery of the Castle of Edinburgh , though even then he betrayed the trust which Bothwel had in him . For how soon it was known that the Queen was made prisoner , Bothwel having sent one of his servants to the Castle to bring a little silver Cabinet which the Queen had given him , and wherein he reserved all the letters she had written unto him at any time , Balfour delivered the Cabinet to Bothwels servant , but withall advertised the Lords what he carried , and made him to be apprehended . These Letters were afterwards divulged in Print , and adjected to a libel intituled , The detections of the doings of Queen Mary , penned with great bitternesse by Mr. George Buchannan . Some two days after the Queen was committed , the Earl of Glencarne taking with him his domesticks only , went to the Chappel of Halyrudhouse , and demolished the Altar , breaking the pictures and defacing all the ornaments within the same . The Preachers did commend it as a work of great piety and zeal , but the other Noblemen were not a little displeased , for that he had done it without direction , and before they had resolved how to deal with the Queen ; neither did matters frame with them according to their expectation , divers of the Nobility , of whose assistance they held themselves assured , lying back , and giving no concurrence : And those that favoured the Queen ( of which number were the Earls of Argile , Huntley , and many others who were at the same time at Hamilton , ) professing open enmity , and condemning the action ás a crime of the highest treason that could be committed . The common people also , who a little before seemed most incensed , pitying the Queens estate , did heavily lament the calamity wherein she was fallen . In this uncertainty of things , they resolved to write unto the Lords convened at Hamilton , and intreat their concurrence for reordering of the estate , and establishing of matters by a common consent ; But neither would they admit the messenger , nor receive their letters so highly did they offend with their proceedings , and so confident they were to repair things by their own power . The Noblemen hereupon made a motion to the Assembly of the Church , which was then convened at Edinburgh , to deal with those of the other faction , and perswade them to a general meeting for matters of the Church , wherein they hoped some good might be done , and all occasions of civil discord removed . The Assembly liking well the motion , condescended to prorogue their meeting unto the 20. of Iuly next , and in the mean season , to direct letters to the Earls of Argile , Huntley , Cathnes , Rothes , Crafourd , and Menteith ; The Lords Boyd , Drummond , Hervis , Catheart , Yester , Fleming , Levingston , Seaton , Glammis , Ochiltrie , Gray , Oliphant , Methven , Innermaith and Sommervaile , and to the Commendators of Aberbrothock , Kilwining , Dunfermling , St . Cobuke , Newbottle , and Halyrudhouse . who did either assist the advese party , or then behaved themselves as Newters . To procure the greater respect to these Letters , Iohn Knox , Mr. Iohn Douglas , Mr. Iohn Row , and Mr. Iohn Craig , were chosen Commissioners , and had instructions given them to this purpose . That Satan by his instruments , had of long time and by many subtile ways , laboured to hinder the progresse of true Religion within this Realm , and that now the same was in hazard to be utterly subverted , chiefly through the poverty of the Ministers , that ought to preach the word of life unto the people , some being compelled to leave their vocation , and betake them to civil callings , others so distracted through worldly cares , as they could not wait upon the preaching of the word so diligently as they wished ; In consideration whereof the Assembly of the Church being convened at Edinburgh , had thought it necessary to prorogue their meeting to the 20. of Iuly , and to intreat and admonish all persons truly professing the Lord Iesus within the Realm , as well Noblemen as Barons , and those of the other estates , to meet and give their personal appearance at Edinburgh the said day , for giving their advice , councel and concurrence in matters then to be proponed ; especially for purging the Realm of Popery , the establishing of the policy of the Church , and restoring the Patrimony thereof to the just possessors . Assuring those that should absent themselves at the time , due and lawful advertisement being made , that they should be reputed hinderers of the good work intended , and as dissimulate professors be esteemed unworthy of the fellowship of Christs flock : considering chiefly that God in his mercy had offered a better occasion for effecting these things , then in times past , and that he had begun to tread downe Satan under foot . This they were willed to speak , and by all faire perswasions , to move them to keep the day and place appointed . The missive letters were for the most part to the same effect , but in these , besides the provision of the Ministers , I find the poor and indigent members of Christ also mentioned , and somewhat said concerning an union to be made amongst the professors , and such a conjunction as might make them able to withstand the craft and violence of their enemies . But neither did the letters nor the credit given to the Commissioners prevaile with those to whom they went , all almost excusing themselves ( some by word , others by letter ) and saying , That in regard of the present division caused by the Queens imprisonment ; and that the Town of Edinburgh , where they were required to meet , was straitly kept by a part of the Nobility , and some hired souldiers , they could not come to the place appointed without trouble and danger of their lives . Notthelesse they did assure the Church of their willingnesse to every thing , that might serve to advance the Gospel , and further the provision of the Ministers , for the better and more diligent attendance on their callings . The Earl of Argile did answer more particularly , and touching the policy desired , that no novations , nor alterations should be made before a generall meeting of the Estates . In like sort the Lord Boyd did by his answer promise to bold hand to the forthsetting of the Policy , but with an exception , so farre as it might stand with law . Yet had both the one and other ratified the book of Policy by their subscriptions long before , and made no scruple either of law or custome at that time . The Noblemen that remained at Edinburgh , perceiving they could not be drawn to a meeting , resolved to prosecute their purpose at all hazards , and joyning with the Assembly , condescended to all the Artticles proponed for the good of the Church , and made great promises of performance ; howbeit having once attained their ends , they did forget all , and turned adversaries to the Church in the same things whereunto they had consented . Always the Articles agreed unto , were as followeth . 1. That the Acts made in the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the twenty fourth of August , 1560. touching Religion and the abolishing of the Popes authority , should be extracted forth of the Registers , and have the force of a publick law ; and that the said Parliament in so farre as concerning Religion , should be maintained and defended by them , as a Parliament lawful , and holden by sufficient commission from the Queen , then being in France , and be ratified in the first Parliament , which should happen to be kept within the Realm . 2. That untill perfect order might be taken for restoring the Patrimony of the Church , the Act of assignation of the thirds of Benefices for the sustentation of the Ministery , should be put in due execution . 3. That an Act of Councell made with consent of her Majesty touching the conferring of small Benefices within the value of 300. marks to Ministers , should be put in practice ; as likewise the Act for annualls , obits , and aulterages , especially within Burghes . 4. That in the first lawfull Parliament which should be kept , or sooner if occasion might serve , the Church of Christ within this Kingdome should be fully restored unto the Patrimony belonging to the same , and nothing be past in Parliament before that and other matters of the Church were first considered and approved ; In the mean while the Noblemen , Barons and other Professors then present , did willingly offer , and consent to reform themselves in the matter of the Church patrimony according to the Book of God , and to put the same in practice for their own parts , ordaining the refusers and contraveners of the same to be secluded from all benefits of the Church . It was further agreed , That in the next Parliament , or otherwise at the first occasion order should be taken for the ease of the labourers of the ground , in the payment of their Tithes , and that the same should not be disponed to any others without their advice and consent . 5. That none should be permitted to beare charge in Schooles , Colledges , and Universities , nor allowed publickly or privately to instruct the youth , except such as should first be tried by the Superintendents , and Visitours of the Church , who being found meet should be admitted by them to their charges . 6. That all crimes and offences committed against the Law of God should be severely punished , according to the Word of God , and Judges deputed for execution thereof ; or if there be no lawes as yet made , nor Judges appointed for the punishment of such crimes , that the same should be done in the first Parliament . 7. That seeing the horrible murther of the King her Majesties husband is a crime most odious before God , and tending to the perpetuall shame and infamy of the whole Realm , if the same should not be exemplary punished ; the Noblemen , Barons and other Professors should imploy their whole forces , strength and power for the just punishment of all , and whatsoever persons that should be tried and found guilty of the same . 8. Sith it hath pleased God to give a native Prince unto the Countrey , who in all appearance shall become their King and Soveraign , lest he should be murthered and wickedly taken away as his father was ; the Nobility , Barons , and others under subscriving should assist , maintain and defend the Prince against all that should attempt to do him injury . 9. That all Kings and Princes , that in any time hereafter shall happen to reign and have the rule of the Realm , should in their first entry , and before they be either crowned or inaugurated , give their oath , and faithfully promise unto the true Church of God , for maintaining and defending by all means the true Religion of Christ , presently professed within the Kingdom . 10. That the Prince should be committed to the education of some wise , godly and grave man , to be trained up in vertue and the fear of God , that when he cometh to years , he may discharge himself sufficiently of that place and honour whereunto he is called . 11. That the Nobility , Barons and others underscribing , should faithfully promise to convene themselves in armes for the rooting out of idolatry , especially the blasphemous Mass , without exception of place or person . And likewise should remove all idolaters , and others not admitted to the preaching of the Word , from the bearing of any function in the Church , which may be a hinderance to the Ministery in any sort ; and in their places appoint Superintendents , Ministers , and other needfull members of the Church . And further , should faithfully binde themselves to reform all Schooles , Colledges and Universities throughout the Realme ; by removing all such as be of contrary profession , and beare any charge therein , and planting faithfull teachers in their rooms , lest the youth should be corrupted with poysonable doctrine in their lesser years , which afterwards would not easily be removed . These were the Articles agreed unto by a common consent , ard subscribed in the presence of the Assembly , by the Earls of Morton , Glencarne , and Marre ; the Lords Home , Ruthven , Sanqhuar , Lindesay , Grahame , Innermaith , and Ochiltrie , and many Barons , besides the Commissioners of Burgesses . Upon the dissolving of this Assembly , the Lords Ruthven and Lindesay were directed to Lochlevin to deal with the Queen for resignation of the Government in favours of the Prince her son , and the appointing of some to be Regent who should have the administration of affairs during his minority . At first she took the proposition grievously ; answering in passion , that she could sooner renounce her life , then her Crown : yet after some rude speeches used by the Lord Lindesay , she was induced to put her hand to the renunciation they presented , by the perswasion chiefly of Robert Melvil , who was sent from the Earl of Atholl and Lethington , to advise her as she loved her life not to refuse any thing they did require . He likewise brought a letter from Sir Nicholas Throgmorton the Ambassadour of England , ( who was come a few dayes before to visit her , but was denied access ) to the same effect , declaring that no resignation made in the time of her captivity , would be of force , and in Law was null , because done out of a just fear ; which having considered with her self a while , without reading any one of the Writs presented , she set her hand to the same , the tears running down in abundance from her eyes . One of the Writs contained a renunciation of the Crown and Royall dignity , with a Commission to invest the Prince into the Kingdome , by the solemnities accustomed . And to that purpose a procuration was given to the Lords Ruthven and Lindesay for dimitting and resigning in presence of the three Estates the Rule and Government : And to the Earls of Morton , Atholl , Marre , Glencarne and Menteith , and to the Lords Grahame and Home , with the Bishop of Orkney , and the Provosts of Dundie and Montross , for inaugurating the Prince her son . The other Writ did appoint the Earl of Murray Regent during the Prince his Minoritie , if at his return he should accept of the Charge . And in case of his refuse , the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earls of Lenox , Argile , Atholl , Morton , Glencarne , and Marre , who should joyntly govern , and administrate the publick affairs . Both the renunciation , and Commission for government of the Realm , were the next day published at the Market Cross of Edinburgh , and the third day after the Publication ( which was the 29. of Iuly ) was the Prince crowned , and anointed King in the Church of Striveling by the Bishop of Orkney , assisted by two of the Superintendents . The Sermon was made by Iohn Knox ; the Earl of Morton and the Lord Home took the Oath for the King , that he should maintain the Religion received , and minister justice equally to all the subjects . The English Ambassadour though he was in town , refused his presence to that solemnity , lest he should seem to approve the abdication of the Queens Government . Now how soon the news came to France ( and they came in great haste ) the Earl of Murray prepared to return , whereof the Archbishop of Glasgow getting intelligence ( who lay there Ambassadour for the Queen ) he laboured earnestly to have him detained , informing that he was the head of the faction raised against the Queen , and that he was called home to be their leader . But he had taken his leave some houres before of the Court , and used such diligence , as they who were sent to stay him , found that he was loosed from Diepe before their coming . Returning by England , he came the 11. of August to Edinburgh , where he was received with a wonderfull joy . Great instance was used to have him accept the Regency ; at which they said no man would grudge , he being named by the Queen , and having given all good men experiments of his worth . Some few dayes he desired to advise , in which time he visited the Queen at Lochlevin , and sent Letters to the Noblemen ; of the other faction , especially to the Earl of Argile , with whom he had kept an intire friendship of a long time , shewing in what sort he was pressed by the Lords that maintained the Kings authority , and intreating him by the bonds of kindred , the familiarity they had long kept , and by the love he bare to his native Countrey , to appoint a place where he might confer with him , and have his counsell in that business . To the rest he wrote according to the acquaintance he had with them , and as their place and dignity required . Of them all in common he desired that they would be pleased to designe a place of meeting , where they might by common advice provide for the safety of the Kingdome , which in that troubled time could not long subsist , without some one to rule and govern . But finding them all to decline the meeting , and being importuned on the other side by those of the Kings faction to undertake the charge , he resolved to accept the same , and in a convention of Noblemen , and others of the Estates kept at Edinburgh the 20. of August , was elected Regent with a great applause of all that were present . The same day was his Election published , and charge given to all the subjects for acknowledging , and obeying him as Regent , and Governour of the Realm unto the Kings majority . THE HISTORY of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE FIFTH BOOK . The Contents . How matters passed in the State and Church , during the Government of the four Regents , his Maiestie being yet minor . BOthwell after his flight at Carberry , having stayed a few dayes in the Fort of Dumbar ; for that he feared to be inclosed , made to the Sea , with two or three ships , which he had prepared , and went into Orkney ; his purpose was to have remained in the Castle of Kirkwall , and if any did pursue him to take himself to the ships : but the keeper Gilbert Balfour would not receive him , so as he was forced to return to Sea , and there playing the Pirate made spoil of all that came in his way . The Regent advertised of this , sent William Kirkealdy of Grange with five ships well maned to pursue him , who coming upon him unlooked for , as he lay in one of the creeks of Orkney , gave him the chase , and had certainly taken him , if they had not been hindered by rocks and shallow waters . The Unicorn one of Granges best ships was cast away upon a rock , Bothwell with his that were not of such a burthen escaping . Shortly after he was taken upon the Coast of Norway , and conveighed to Denmark , where being detected by some Scottish Merchants , he was put in a vile and loathsome prison , and falling in a frensie which kept him some ten years , made an ignominious and desperate end , such as his wicked and flagitious life had deserved . Grange at his return had the Castle of Edinburgh committed to his keeping , which a little before was sold by Sir Iames Balfour to the Regent for the summe of 5000. pounds , and the gift of the Priory of Pittinweeme . At the same time Patrick Whitlaw keeper of Dumbar Castle , being charged to render the same did at the perswasion of his friends yield up the fort , which otherwise was held impregnable . The Lords who were convened at Hamilton , perceiving how matters went , and that all things grew strong on the Regents side , upon a new deliberation did write unto him , and the rest that stood for the Kings authority , desiring a conference ; and offering to send the Earl of Argile with some others , to any place they would for meeting . But because in the superscription they gave not the Regent his due title , stiling him only Earl of Murray , the letter was rejected by the Councell , and the messenger dimitted without answer ▪ Argile knowing what had given the offence , resolved to go unto the Regent , and taking with him the Lord Boyde , and the Abbot of Killwining came to Edinburgh . There it being declared , that the election of the Regent was not made upon any contempt , or misregard of the Noblemen who were absent , but upon necessity to keep the Realm in order , it was agreed that a Parliament should be called for setling all affairs by advice and consent of the Estates , and that the same should be kept at Edinburgh the 15. day of December next . When the Diet appointed for Parliament came , it was kept with such a frequency , as the like was not remembred to have been seen a long time . The honours accustomed of Crown , Scepter , and Sword , were carried by the Earls of Angus , Huntley and Argile , and every thing done with the greatest shew of solemnity that could be used . Beginning was made at the affairs of the Church , and divers Acts concluded in their favours : as an Act abolishing the Pope his jurisdiction and usurped authority within the Realm ; another for repealing the Statutes made in former times for maintenance of idolatry , and superstition , with the ratifying of the confession of faith , and some others , which may be seen in the first Parliament of King Iames the sixth . The matter of policie , and jurisdiction of the Church was referred to the consideration of certain Lords delegated by the Estates ; but for the restitution of the patrimony , which was promised to be the first work of the Parliament , though the Regent did what he could to have the Church possessed with the same , it could not be obtained . Only the thirds of Benefices were granted to the Church , for provision of the Ministers ; the superplus , or what should be found remaining after the Ministers were provided , being applied to the support of the publick affairs of the Estate . Touching the Queen , a long consultation was held what course should be taken with her : some urged that she should be arraigned , and punished according to the law . Others reasoned , that whatsoever authority was in the Kingdom , was derived from her , and was revocable at her pleasure , so as she could not be arraigned or brought to trial before any inferiour Judge ; and when it was replyed , that the Scots from the very beginning of the Kingdom , had been in use to censure and punish their Kings , in case of grievous crimes , the greater number disliking that course , it was concluded , that she should be detained , and kept in perpetual prison . Some ten days after in an Assembly of the Church , the Bishop of Orkney was convened for joyning the Queen and Bothwel in marriage , and deposed from his function and office . The Countess of Argile being cited to appear before the same Assembly for assisting the Baptisme of the King , and giving her presence at the Papistical rites then used , did submit her self to censure , and was ordained to make publick satisfaction in the Chappel of Striveling , where the offence was committed , upon a Sunday after Sermon in such manner , and at such time as the Superintendent of Lothian should appoint . In the moneth of Ianuary Iohn Hepburn called Bolton , Iohn Hay younger of Tallow , and two Chamberboyes of Bothwels powrie and Dalgleish were brought to trial for the Kings murther , and found guilty by their own confessions . The summe whereof was , that they were enticed unto that wicked fact by Bothwel , who did assure them that most of the Noblemen within the Realm had consented thereto , and that a contract was shewed them subscribed by the Earls of Argile , Huntley , young Lethington and others ; but whether these subscriptions were the Noblemens own or counterfeit , they could not tell . They further said that Bothwel made them believe that the Lords who had subscrived , would each of them have one or two of their servants present at the murther , yet were they but eight persons in all , besides Bothwel himself , that came unto the place : Namely , Sir Iames Balfour , the Laird of Ormeston in Teviotdale , Robert Ormeston his Cousen , one Wilson a man of Hadington , and the four who were then to suffer . The sentence upon their conviction was , that they should be hanged , their heads cut off , their bodies quartered , and cast into the fire . A manifold execution , which the treacherous Parricide they had committed , did well deserve . At the opening of the spring , the Regent purposing to hold justice Courts through the whole Kingdom , made his beginning in the West parts , because of some broken people in the Lenox , and Highlands adjoyning : whilest he remained at Glasgow , ( for the first Court was there affixed ) the Queen made an escape from Lochlevin , to the great contentment of many who stood in fear of the Regents severity or , as ( the vulgar called it ) cruelty . And even some that were the principal workers of her imprisonment . having changed their minds , did earnestly wish her liberty . Lethington who hating Bothwel to the death , was enemy to the Queen for his respect , as soon as he understood of his arresting in Denmark , and saw that he was no more to be feared , desired greatly to have her restored , as thinking his credit and safety should that way be most assured . Sir Iames Balfour followed alwayes his course ; William Murray of Tulibardin , though he had shewed great forwardnesse at the hill of Carberry , where the Queen was taken , yet being Popishly set , upon some private discontents forsook the Regent , and carried with him divers of his friendship . The Hamiltons were known to desire nothing more then her freedom . The Earls of Argile and Huntley , howbeit they had been present at the late Parliament , and given their assistance for establishing the Kings authority , turned their Coats , and joyned with the rest for repossessing the Queen ; and besides these many others , some led with hopes of advancement , and some trusting to have their distressed estates bettered by a change , longed much to have her relieved , which by this means came to passe . George Douglas the Regents youngest brother a Gentleman of good spirit , who remained with her in the Castle of Lochlevin , allured by her courtesies , and fair promises , having corrupted the Keepers , although he himselfe upon suspicion , was some days before sent forth of the Isle , got her transported , ( whilest the rest were at dinner ) in a little vessel to the side of the lake , where he with the Lord Seaton and some horsemen were attending . The first night she lodged at Nudrie in West Lothian , and the next day was conveighed to Hamilton , whither repaired unto her the Earls of Argile , Cassils , Eglington , and Rothes , the Lords Sommervil , Yester , Borthwick , Levingston , Hereis , Maxwell , Sanqhuar , and Ross , with many other Barons , and Gentlemen . The Lords meeting in Councel , the Queen declared that the resignation she had made of the Crown , was extorted by fear ; as likewise the Commission granted for inaugurating the Prince her son , qualifying the same by the testimony of Robert Melvile there present , and others . Thereupon was the resignation decerned void and null , and Proclamations made in her Majesties name , commanding all the Lieges to meet in Armes at Hamilton for pursuing the rebels , that had usurped the Royal authority . The news hereof brought unto Glasgow ( which is only eight miles distant ) where the Regent then abode , were scarce at first believed , but within two houres or less , being assured , a strong alteration might have been observed in the mindes of most that were there attending . The report of the Queens forces made divers to slide away ; others sent quietly to beg pardon for what they had done , resolving not to enter in the cause any further , but to govern themselves as the event should lead and direct them . And there were that made open defection , not a few , nor of the meaner sort . Amongst whom the Lord Boyd was especially noted , and in the mouthes of all men ; for that being very inward with the Regent , and admitted to his most secret counsels , when he saw matters like to turn , he withdrew himself and went to the Queen . Yet the Regent nothing discouraged , and esteeming his life could not be more honourably bestowed then in the defence of the King , albeit many did advise him to retire unto Striveling , would not condescend to stirre , saying , That his retreat would be interpreted a flight , and the adversaries thereby animated , and his friends disheartened . In the mean season he sent advertisement to his friends in Mers , Lothian , and Strivelingshire . The Earl of Glencarn and Lord Semple with the men of Lenox , and others well affected to the cause , that lay near to the City , made haste unto his succourse , so as in a day or two , his company increased to 4000. and above . There was with the Queen a French Ambassadour , who had arrived a few days before , and moved the Regent for accesse to the Queen before the escape she made ; he was still posting between Hamilton and Glasgow , rather to espie and observe things , then to make the peace he pretended ; for when he saw the Regents forces to be few , as at first they were , and that the Queens power was much greater , he did perswade her to take the fields , and put it to the trial of a day : which she resolved to do . Thereupon warning given to make ready against the next morning , the Earl of Argile was proclaimed Lieutenant , and conclusion taken to march with the Army by Glasgow , towards the Castle of Dumbarton , where they pruposed to place the Queen , and either to give battel , or draw the warre at length as they pleased : or if the Regent ( which they did not expect ) should meet them in the way , to fight him , accounting the victory certain , because of their numbers . The Regent advertised of the Queens intentions , took the fields the next day early , and stood with his companies some houres in battel , array , upon the Moore of Glasgow , where it was believed the Queens Army should passe , but when he saw them keep the other side of the River , he directed the horsemen to passe the Foords , the water being then ebbed , and leading the foot along the bridge , went towards Landside , which lay in the way to Dumbarton . This is a little Village upon the water of Carthe , situated at the foot of a hill towards the West ; on the East and North the ascent unto it is somewhat steep , the other parts of the hill are more even and plain ; both Armies contending who should first possesse it , that of the Regents prevented the other by occasion of Argiles sicknesse , who was on the suddain taken with a fit of the Epilepsie , and so retarded the march of the Queens Army . When they approached near and saw themselves prevented , they went to a little opposite hill , and there ranged themselves in two battels , placing in the first their whole strength almost ; for if they should at the first encounter repulse their enemies , the rest they made account would soon disband and take the chace . The Regent had likewise put his troops in two battels ; on the right hand were placed the Earl of Morton , the Lords Home , Semple , and Lindesay , with their clients and vassals ; on the left , the Earls of Marre , Glencarn , and Menteith , with the Citizens of Glasgow : the Harquebusiers were planted in the Village beneath , and within the hedges upon the high-way . Before the joyning both sides played with their Ordinance upon others , but the advantage was on the Regents part , the Queens Canoniers being forced to quit their munition . His Cavalrie on the other side being much inferiour to the Queens , was compelled to give ground : but when they entered upon the foot , thinking to put them in disorder , the Archers from the Regents side rained such a shower of arrowes upon them , as they could not hold up their faces , and were forced to turn back . The left wing of the Queens Army advancing it self in the mean while , howbeit greatly annoyed by the Harquebusiers , that beat them in the strait on both sides , got into the plain and displayed it self . Then did the Armies joyn and enter into a hot fight , striving in thick ranks to maintain their places , and by force of spears to break and bear down one another ; for the space of half an hour and more , the fight continued doubtful , and so eagerly they strove , that they whose spears were broke , stood throwing their poynards , stones , and what came readiest to their hands , in the faces of their adversaries . The Regents second battel perceiving that none came against them , and fearing the other should be overlaid , ( for they saw some in the last ranks recoiling ) went unto their aid , whereupon the Queens Army gave back , and so were put to rout . The Regent and those on his side shewed great manhood , all their hopes consisting in the victory : nor were his enemies any lesse couragious , but the advantage of the ground were to those of his part no small help . There were not many slain on the place , most of the slaughter being made in the chace , and unlesse the Regent had with his presence wheresoever he came , and by sending horse into all parts , stayed the fury of those that pursued , the victory had been much more bloody . The Queen who stood a mile off from the battel on a litle height , perceiving the field lost , made towards the borders . The rest that escaped , fled the readiest way they could find , every man to his own home . The number of the slain was about 300. many were taken prisoners , amongst whom the most eminent the Lords of Seaton , and Ross , the Masters of Cassils and Eglington , Sir Iames Hamilton of Avendale , and the Sheriffes of Aire and Linlithgow . Of the Regents side one only was slain , the Lords Home and Ochiltrie wounded . All the rest , a few excepted that followed the chace too farre , returned with him to Glasgow , where they went first to Church , and gave thanks to God for the victory they had obtained , almost without any effusion of blood . This conflict happened upon the 13th , of May. the eleventh day after her escape from Lochlevin . The French Ambassadour who had conceived an assured hope of her prevailing , perceiving things fall out otherwise , took horse , and made away to England , not once saluting the Regent , to whom , as he pretended , he was sent . By the way he fell in the hands of some robbers , that rifled all his baggage , which the Laird of Drumlanrig , for the respects he carried to the title of an Ambassadour , caused to be restored . The rest of that day the Regent bestowed in taking order with the prisoners : some he freely dimitted , others upon surety , but the Principals were detained ( they especially of the Surname of Hamilton ) and committed to several prisons . The next day taking with him 500. horse , he rode unto Hamilton , and had the Castle thereof , with the house of Draffan another strong hold , belonging to the Duke , rendered in his hands . Such a terrour this defeat wrought , that the whole inhabitants of Cluid did relinquish and forsake their houses : upon the like fear , did the Queen against the counsel of her best friends take Sea at Kirkcadbright , and sail into England , landing at Wirkinton in Cumberland , near to the mouth of the river Derwent , from which place she sent a letter to Queen Elizabeth , declaring that she was come into her Kingdome , upon hope of aid and assistance from her , requesting she might be conducted to her with all speed because of her present distresse . Iohn Beaton one of her domesticks , was some days before sent with the Diamond she had received from the Queen of England for a token of kindnesse , to signify her purpose of coming into England , if she should be further pursued by her subjects : who did shortly return with large promises of love , and kindnesse , if she should happen to come ; But as soon as her coming was known , the directions sent by Sir Francis Knowles , were not so loving ; for by him she was desired to go unto Carlile as a place of more safety , whither the Lieutenant of the countrey should conduct her , and stay there till the Queen was informed of the equity of her cause . This direction did much displease her , and then began she to see her errour , but seeming to take all in good part , she sent the Lord Hereis to intreat the Queen for an hearing in her own presence , where she might both clear her self , and shew how injuriously she had been dealt with by those , whom at her intercession she had recalled from exile ; or if that could not be obtained , to crave that she might be permitted to depart forth of England and not detained as a prisoner , seeing she came willingly thither , in confidence of her kindnesse often promised , and confirmed as well by letters as messages . Queen Elizabeth moved with these speeches , said , that she would send to the Regent , and desire him to stay all proceeding against the subjects that stood in her defence , till matters were brought to an hearing . For the Regent at the same time had called a Parliament to the 25. of Iune , for proceeding against those that had accompanied the Queen in the fields by course of law . They of the Queens faction were in the mean time preparing to hinder the meeting , and when as the Diet drew near , the Earl of Argile with his forces met Lord Claude Hamilton at Glasgow , the Earl of Huntley brought from the North 1000. foot , with as many horsemen almost , and came as farre as Perth , but was not permitted to crosse the river of ●ay , the channels and passages being all guarded by the Lord Ruthven and such in those quarters as maintained the Kings authority . So being forced to return home , the Earl of Argile , and other Lords not seeing how they could hinder the meeting of the Parliament , dissolved their companies , and returned to their own countrey . At this time came the letters promised by the Queen of England , whereby the Regent was desired to delay the Parliament , and not to precipitate the giving of sentence in these matters , till she was rightly informed of the whole cause . But the Regent considering that the delay of the Parliament would be constructed to proceed of fear , resolved to keep the Diet. At the meeting it was long disputed , whether all they that had taken Armes against the King , and not sued for pardon , should be forfeited , or if sentence should be given against a few only to terrify the rest , and hope of favour left unto others upon their obedience ? Secretary Lethington who did secretly favour the other faction , maintained the calmest course to be the best , and by the perswasions he used , wrought so as the processe against the better sort was continued , and some of meaner note only proscribed ; which was interpreted , even as the Regent conceived , to proceed of fear , and not of a mind to reclaim them . The Earl of Rothes only of all the Noblemen of that side reconciled himself , accepting three years exile for his punishment . Some others of meaner sort the Regent received into favour , and such as stood out he pursued by force of Armes , making an expedition into the countries of Nidisdale , Annandale , and the lower parts of Galloway , where he put Garisons in the Castles and strong Forts that were judged necessary to be kept others he demolished & threw to the ground ; and had in a short space ( as it was thought ) reduced the whole countrey to his obedience , if he had not been stayed by other letters by the Queen of England ; for the offending that he should have gone on in that manner , whereas she had willed him to deferre all things till she was informed of the whole cause , sent by one of her servants called Middlemore , a sharp letter unto him declaring that she would not endure the sacred authority of Kings to be in that sort abused at the appetite of factious subjects , and howsoever they had forgot their duties to their Soveraign , she would not neglect her sister and neighbour Queen . Therefore willed him to direct certain Commissioners to enform her how matters had passed , men that could answer the complaints made by the Queen of Scotland against him and his complices , which if he failed to do , she would restore her to her Kingdome with all the power she could make . The Regent took it grievously , that matters determined in Parliament , should be brought again in question , and to plead before forain Judges he held it dishonourable ; yet considering the adversaries he had ( the Cardinal of Lorain abroad who swayed all things in the French Court , and at home many of the Nobility ) and that if he did offend the Queen of England , his difficulties should be every way great , he was glad to yield to the conditions required , though against his will. Thus it being condescended the Commissioners should be sent , when as they could not agree upon the persons ( the principal Noblemen refusing the imployment ) the Regent himself offered to undertake the journey ; and to accompany him , choice was made of the Bishop of Orkney , and Abbot of Dunfermlin for the spiritual estate ; of the Earl of Morton and Lord Lindesay for the temporal ; and of Mr. Iames Macgill and Mr. Henry Balnaves Senators of the Colledge of Justice : besides these there went with him Secretary Lethington , and Mr. George Buchannan . The Secretary had long withstood the sending of any Commissioners thither , and simply refused to go in that journey , yet the Regent not holding it safe to leave him at home , whom he knew to be a busie man , and a practiser under-hand with the other party , did insist so with him , as in end he consented . The Commission was given in the Kings name under the Great Seal , to the Regent , the Earl of Morton , the Bishop of Orkney , the Abbot of Dunfermlin , and Lord Lindesay , or to any three of them , for convening with the deputies of the Queen of England at York , or any other place or places they should think expedient , there to make plain and ample declarations to them ( I keep the very words of the Commission ) for informing his good sister of the true causes , whereupon divers of the Nobility , and good subjects , during the time that the Queen his Mother was yet possessor of the Crown , took occasion to put on Armes ; to take , detain , and sequestrate her person for a time , with all causes , actions , circumstances , and other their proceedings whatsoever towards her , or any other subjects of the Realm since that time , unto the day and date of the said Commission , or that should fall out , untill the return of the said Commissioners , whereby the Justice of their cause , and honourable dealing might be manifested to the world : As likewise to commune , treat , determine , and conclude with his said sister , or her Commissioners , having sufficient authority , upon all differences , causes , or matters , depending betwixt the subjects of either Realm , or for further confirmation , or augmentation of any treaty of peace heretofore made and concluded betwixt the Realms , or for contracting and perfecting any other treaty , or confederation , as well maintenance of the true Religion publickly professed by the inhabitants of both the Realms , as for resisting any forain , or intestine power , that might be stirred up within the same , to disturb the present quietnesse , that it hath pleased the Almighty God to grant unto both the Kingdomes , in the unity of the said Religion , and for increase of amity , peace and concord betwixt him and his said sister , their Realms , dominions , people and subjects . And generally to do and conclude all things which by them , or any three of them should seem convenient , and necessary for the premises , or any part thereof , promising to hold firm and stable , &c. This Commission is of the date a● Edinburgh the 18th , of September , 1568. In Iuly preceding there was an Assembly of the Church kept at Edinburgh , wherein Mr. Iohn Willock Superintendent of the west , being elected to moderate the meeting , made difficulty to accept the place , unlesse some better order was observed , then had been in former times ; for even then the multitudes that convened and indiscreet behaviour of some , who loved to seem more zealous then others , did cause a great confusion . Obedience being promised by the whole number , he assumed the Charge . And there it was enacted , That none should be admitted to have voice in these Assemblies , but Superintendents , Visiters of Churches , Commissioners of Shires , and Universities , and such Ministers as the Superintendents should chuse in their Diocesan Synods , and bring with them , being men of knowledge , and able to reas●n , and judge of matters that should happen to be proponed . And that the Assembly should not be troubled with unnecessary businesse , it was ordained , That no matters should be moved , which the Superintendents might , and ought to determine in their Synods . Some Acts of discipline were also concluded , as that Papists continuing obstinate after lawful admonitions , should be excommunicated ; and that the committers of murther , incest , adultery , and other such hainous crimes should not be admitted to make satisfaction by any particular Church , till they did first appear in the habit of penitents before the general assembly , and there receive their injunctions . A supplication also was put up to the Regent and Councel , wherein amongst other particulars it was desired , That the persons nominated in Parliament for the matter of policy , or juridiction of the Church , should be ordained to meet at a certain day , and place for concluding the same . This was promised and the eighth of August appointed to that effect ; but the Diet did not hold , and so these matters continued unresolved as before . In the end of the Assembly the Bishop of Orkney , who had been deposed from all function in the Church for the marriage of Bothwel with the Queen , was upon his submission reponed to his place , and for removing the scandal he was injoyned in his first Sermon to make publick acknowledgement of his fault , and crave forgivenesse of God , the Church , and Estate which he had offended . About the end of September the Regent , and those that were joyned with him in commission took their journey into England , and came to York the fifth of October : the same day and almost the same hour came Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk , Thomas Earl of Suffex , and Sir Ralph Sadler Chancellour of the Dutchy of Lancaster , having Commission from the Queen of England , to hear and determine all questions , controversies , debates , and contentions , betwixt her sister the Queen of Scots and the subjects adhering unto her on the one part , and the Earl of Murray and others refusing to acknowledge her authority and adhering to the Prince her son on the other : as likewise to decide all matters depending betwixt them two , to confirm the peace before that time contracted , or establish a new confederation betwixt them , their people and subjects , as they should think most convenient . Some two days after Iohn Lesley Bishop of Ross , William Lord Levingston , Robert Lord Boyd , Gawan Commendator of Kilwining , and Iames Cockburn of Skirling , Commissioners for the Scottish Queen , came to the City ; where being all convened , and the Commissions exhibited , an oath was presented to both parties by the Commissioners of England , by which they were required to swear , That they should proceed sincerely in that conference and treaty , and neither for affection , malice , or any other worldly respect propone any thing before the Commissioners , which in their consciences they did not hold to be true , just and godly , and reasonable ; as also not to withdraw , hide or conceal any matter fit to be opened , and declared for the better knowledge of the truth in the controversies standing amongst them . The Commissioners of the Queen of Scotland before they took the oath protested , That although the Queen their Mistresse was pleased to have the differences betwixt her and her disobedient subjects considered and dressed by her dearest sister and cousen the Queen of England , or by the Commissioners authorized by her , yet she did not acknowledge her self subject to any Judge on earth , she being a free Princesse , and holding her imperial Crown of God alone . This their protestation they desired to be put in record , left the Queen or her posterity should be prejudiced in their Soveraignty by the present proceedings . The Commissioners of England did contrariwise protest , that they did neither admit nor allow that protestation in any sort , to the hurt or prejudice of that right which the Kings of England have claimed , had and enjoyed as superiours over the Realm of Scotland , which Superiority they protested should belong and appertain to the Queen their Mistresse , in the right of the Crown of England . These protestations made , both parties took the oath in manner as was required , and this was the Act of the first meeting . The next day the Commissioners of the Queen of Scotland , presented a Declaration in writing , bearing that Iames Earl of Morton , Iohn Earl of Marre , Alexander Earl of Glenc●rne , the Lords Homes , Lindesay , Ruthven , Simple , Cathcart , Ochiltrie , and other their assistants , had levied an Army in the Queens name against the Queen , taking her most noble peron , used her in vile manner , and thrust into prison in Lochlevin , and forcibly broken her Mint-house , taken away the printing Irons , with all the silver and gold coyned and uncoyned , which was in the house for the time : And going to the Castle of Striveling , and made a fashion to crown her sonne the Prince being then but thirteen moneths old . That Iames Earl of Murray taking upon him the name of Regent , had usurped the Royal authority , and possessed himself with the whole forts , Castles , Munition , Jewels , and Revenues of the Kingdom . And when it had pleased God to relieve her out of that prison , ( wherein she was so straitly detained by the space of eleven moneths , as none of her friends and true subjects could once be permitted to see , or speak with her ) and that she had publickly declared by a solemn oath , in the presence of divers of the Nobility at Hamilton , that whatsoever was done by her in prison , was extorted by force , threats , and fear of death , she out of that natural affection which she carried to her realm and subjects , did appoint the Earls of Argile , Eglington , Cassils , and Rothes , to agree and make a pacification with the said Regent , and his partakers ; but they were so farre from admitting any peaceable Treaty , as they did invade her , in her passing to Dumbritton , with the men of Warre whom she had hired with her own moneys , killed divers of her faithful subjects , led others away prisoners , and banished some of good note for no other cause , but for serving faithfully their lawful Princesse ; and so after a great many injuries had forced her to flye into England , to request the help of Queen Elizabeth her dearest sister , and in blood the nearest Cousen she had in the world , for restoring her in her former estate , and compelling her rebellious subjects to acknowledge their due obedience unto her Majesty , which they in her Highnesse name did most instantly intreat . The day following which was the ninth of October , the Regent and rest of the Commissioners for the young King appearing before they would give any answer to the preceding writ , craved first to be resolved , Whether the Duke and those that were appointed with him for hearing their controversies , bad power to pronounce in the cause of the Kings Mother , guilty or not guilty ; and if according to the same , they meant to give sentence without delay : As likewise , if it should appear by the Declaration they were to make , that the Queen of Scots was guilty whether she should be delivered in their hands , or detained in England ? and if the Queen of England would from thenceforth maintain the authority of the King and the Regency established in the person of the Earle of Murray . Which points they desired to have cleared , before they could enter into the accusation intended . The Duke of Norfolk replied , that they would proceed according to the Commission given unto them , and render an account to her who had trusted them therewith . Lethington upon this turning himself to the Regent , said , That it seemed the English ha● no other purpose , but to defame and disgrace the reputation of the Queen their Kings mother ; Therefore willed him and his associates to consider what hurt and danger they should draw upon themselves , by accusing her in such a publick form , not onely with those of her own Nation , that loved the Queen , but also with other Christian Princes , especially with her cousins in France ; and what could they answer unto the King , when he being of ripe years should esteem that manner of doing dishonorable to himself , his mother and whole Kingdom ? They notwithstanding went on , and presented their answer , conceived in the terms following . The King Henry father to their soveraign Lord the King now reigning being horribly murthered in his bed , Iames sometimes Earl of Bothwell , who was known to be the chief Author thereof entered in such credit with the Queen , then their Soveraign , as within two moneths after the murther committed , he openly attempted a rape of her person and carried her to Dumbar Castle , where he did keep her as captive a certain space , causing a divorce to be led betwixt him and his lawfull wife , and upon the conclusion thereof did suddenly accomplish a pretended marriage with the Queea : which insolent proceedings , together with the shamefull report that passed in all Nations of the Kings murther , as if the whole Nobility had been alike culpable thereof , so moved the hearts of a good number of them , as they thought nothing could be performed more honourable to themselves in the sight of all the world , then by punishing the said Earl who had committed the murther , to free themselves of the vile reports spread every where ; to set the Queen at liberty from the bondage of that traitour , who had so presumptuously interprised the rape and marriage of her , whose lawfull husband he could not be ; and to preserve the innocent person of the King , from the hands of him that had murthered his father . For which purpose they taking arms , when the said Earl came against them with forces , leading in his company the Queen to defend his wickednesse ; they offered for sparing the blood of innocent men , to decide the quarrell in a single combate , whereof himself by Cartell , and Proclamation and sundry times made offer . But after many shifts he in end directly refused the same , and the Queen prefering his impunity to her own honour , that he might have leasure to escape , came willingly to the Noblemen that were in Arms , and conferred with them a certain space , after which they conveyed her to Edinburgh , informing her of the true causes , that moved them to that form of dealing , did humbly intreat her Majesty to suffer the said Earl and others , the King her husbands murtherers , to be punished according to the laws ; and the ptetended marriage , wherein she was rashly entered to be dissolved , as well for her own honour , as for the safety of her son , and quietnesse of the Realm and Subjects . But having received no other answer but rigerous threats against the Noblemen , and she avouching to be revenged upon all those that had shown themselves in that cause ; they were driven by necessity to sequestrate her person for a season from the company of Bothwell , and the keeping of any intelligence with him , untill punishment might be taken of him as murtherer of the King her husband . In the mean time , she finding her self wearied with the troubles of government , and perceiving by things that had passed before that time betwixt her and the people , that neither could she well allow of their doings , nor they like of her forms , upon these and other consirations she voluntarily resigned her Kingdome , and transferred the same unto her son , appointing the Earl of Murray ( who was at that time absent forth of the Realme ) to be Regent during her sonnes minority ; and in case of the said Earles decease , or not acceptance of the said Office , divers other Noblemen , whose names are expressed in the Commissions signed by her self , and sealed with the seals of the Kingdom . The King hereupon , being duely , rightly and orderly crowned and anointed , and the Earl of Murray after his return lawfully placed and admitted Regent , all those things were ratified and confirmed by the three Estates of Parliament , most of these that had withdrawn themselves from his authority being present and giving their consent to the same : Notthelesfe , when as matters were thus established , and the Kings authority univer●ally obeyed without contradiction , certain persons envying the publick quietnesse , had by their subtile practices first brought the Queen out of Lochlevin , and afterwards by open force against their promised fidelity gone about to subvert the government received , wherein as they were proceeding , it pleased God to disappoint their interprise , and give unto the King and those who stood for his authority , a notable victory unpon the 13. day of May last . Wherefore their desire was , that the King and the Regent might peaceably rule and govern the subjects according to the authority they had received of God , and that the same might be conserved and established against the factions of turbulent subjects . The Commissioners of the Queen of Scots having seen this answer made a long and particular reply to all the points thereof , wherein adhering to their former protestation , first they said , That the pretext of taking arms against the Queen , because Bothwell ( the authour of her husbands murther ) was in such favour with her , could not warrant their rebellion , fith it never was made known to the Queen that he was the murtherer . But to the contrary , Bothwell being indited , and orderly summoned to underly the triall of Law , he was by the judgement of his Peers absolved , and the same absolution ratified by the authority of Parliament , where the principalls that now accuse him and had withdrawn themselves from her Majesties obedience , were present , and not onely consented to his purgation , but solicited the Queen to take him to her husband , as the man most worthy to bear rule of any other in all the Realm , giving their bonds to defend him against all that should pursue him for the said crime , as their subscriptions would testifie . And so neither before the marriage with Bothwell , nor after did they or any of them ( which had been the dutie of true subjects ) so much as in words utter their dislike of it , or advertise her Majesty of the suspicions that were taken of him , untill they had drawn the keeper of the Castle of Edinburgh , and the Provost of the town to their faction . Then secretly putting themselves in arms , they suddenly under silence of night invironed the Castle of Borthwick where her Majesty remained , and after she had escaped to Dumbar , levied an army under pretence to defend the Queen , wherewith invading her person in the way berwixt Dumbar and Edinburgh , they did take her Majesty captive . And where they alledge that her Majesty preferring the impunity of Bothwell to her own honour , made him to be conveighed safely away , The same was most untrue , for they themselves sent the Laird of Grange to her Majesty , desiring her to cause Bothwell passe out of the fields , as suspected of the Kings murther , till the same might be tried , and that she would go with them and follow the counsell of the Nobility , which if she would do , they would honour , serve and obey her as their Princess and Soveraign : whereunto her Majesty for the love she bare unto her subjects , and to avoid the effusion of Christian blood , did willingly assent . In verification whereof , the said Laird of Grange took the Earl of Bothwell at the same time by the hand , and willed him to depart , giving his word that no man should pursue him . So as nothing is more clear , then that he passed away by their own consents ; for if they had been minded against him only , would they not have pursued him so long as he was in the Countrey , for he remained a great space after that in his own house , and might more easily have been taken there , then upon the Seas , where they in a coloured manner did pursue him ? Hereby , said they , may all men of found judgement perceive that they cared not what became of him , if so they might advance their own ambitious purposes and designes . Thirdly , where she is charged to have used them with threats and menacings , that , they said , was not to be thought strange , considering their undutiful behaviour , and the rude and vile usage her Majesty suffered by them . For when the Earl of Morton , at her highnesse first coming to them , had reverently , as it became him , said , Madame , here is the place where your grace should be , and we will honour and serve you as truly , as ever the Nobility of the Realm did any of your progenitors in former times , ratifying thereby the promise made by the Laird Grange in their names to her Majesty , and that she trusting their speeches had gone with him to Edinburgh ; they first lodging her in a simple Burgesse house , and contrary to their promises did most rudely intreat her : whereupon she sent Lethington her Secretary , and made offer unto them that for any thing , wherewith they or any of the subjects were offended , she was content the same should be reformed by the Nobility , and the Estates of the Realm , her Highnesse being present , and permitted to answer for her self : yet would they not hearken once to the motion , but in the night secretly and against her will carried her to Lochivin , and put her in prison . As to that they say , that she wearied with the molestations of government did make a voluntary resignation of the Kingdom in favours of the Prince her sonne , appointing the Earl of Murray his Regent during his minority , The falshood thereof did , as they said , many ways appear . For first , her Majesty is neither decayed by age , nor weakned by sicknesse , but ( praised be God ) both in mind and body able to discharge the most weighty affairs . As also the truth is , that the Earl of Athol , the Lairds of Tullibardin and Lethington ( who were of their Councel ) sent Robert Melvil with a ring and some other tokens to her Majesty , advising her to subscrive the letters of resignation , and what else should be presented unto her to save her own life , and avoid the death which was assuredly prepared for her , if she should happen to refuse the same , and at the same time the said Gentleman did bring unto her Majesty a letter written by Sir Nicholas Throgmorton , Ambassadour of England , requesting her Highnesse to set her hand to whatsoever they should desire of her . To whom her Majesty answered , that she would follow his counsel , praying him to declare to her dearest sister the Queen of England , how she was used by her subjects , and that the resignation of the Crown made by her was extorted by fear , which her Highnesse doubted not , but the said Nicholas performed . Further it is notorious , that the Lord Lindesay at the presenting of the letters of resignation unto her Majesty , did menace to put her in close prison , if she refused to put her hand to the same , adding , that in that case , worse would shortly follow ; and that her Highnesse never looked what was in the writings presented , but signed the same with many tears , protesting that if ever she should recover her liberty , she would disavow that , which he compelled her at that time to do . And to testify that the said resignation was made against her will , the Laird of Lochlevin who was then her Keeper , refused to subscrive it as witnesse , and did obtain a Testificat under her Majesties own hand , declaring that he refused to be present at the said resignation . Neither can that renuciation be sustained by any reason , considering that no portion of Revenue was reserved for her to live upon , neither was her liberty granted , or any security given her of her life . All which weighed in the ballance of reason , will to men of indifferent judgement make manifest that the alledged dimission so unlawfully procured , can never prejudge her Majesty in her Royal estate : especially considering that at her first escape out of prison she did revoke the same , and in the presence of a great part of the Nobility at Hamilton , by a solemn oath declared , that what she had done was by compulsion , and upon just cause of her life . For the Coronation of her Highnesse son , they said , that the same was most unorderly done , because there being in the Realm above an hundred Earls , Bishops and Lords having voice in Parliament , ( of whom the greatest part at least ought to have consented thereto , it being an Action of such consequence ) four Earls and six Lords ( the same that were present at her apprehension ) with one Bishop , and two or three Abbots and Priors , were only assisting ; and of the same number , some did put in a protestation , that nothing then done should prejudge the Queen or her successor , by reason she was at that time a captive . Nor can any man think that if the dimission had been willingly made her Highnesse , she would ever have nominated the Earl of Murray Regent , there being many others more lawful , and that have better right thereto then he ; of whom some have been governours of the Realm in former times , and during her Majesties minority had worthily exerced that place . It is to as little purpose that they object of the Parliament , and the ratification made therein ; Seeing the principalls of the Nobility disassented , and put in their protestations both to the Lords of the Articles , and in the open Parliament against their proceedings , affirming that they would never agree to any thing that might hurt the Queens Majesties person , her Crown and Royall estate further then her Highnesse self being at liberty would freely approve . Lastly , where they would have it seen that the authority established by them was universally obeyed in the Realm , and all things well and justly administred ; both these are alike untrue : for a great part of the Nobility have never acknowledged another authority then that of the Queen , keeping and holding their Courts in her Majesties name . And for the administration of affairs , it is apparent that wickedness did never reign more , and with lesse controlment in the Realm , murther , bloodshed , with theft and robbery every where abounding ; policy destroyed , Churches thrown down , honourable families ruinated , and true men bereft of their goods , for satisfying the souldiers hired by them , to maintain the Regents usurped government , the like whereof hath not been seen , nor heard for many ages before . In regard whereof , they in behalf of the Queen of Scotland their Mistresse did earnestly request the support and assistance of the Queen of England her cousin , for restoring her to her Crown , and suppressing the rebels that had attempted against her . The English Commmissioners having perused the writings of both sides , declared that as yet they were not satisfied with any thing the Regent had shewed , requiring him to produce some better , and more sound reasons , for the severity they had used against their Soveraign , otherwise they could not but think she had been too hardly dealt with , and report so much to the Queen their Mistresse . The Regent , ( who disliked nothing more then to be drawn into the accusation of the Queen his sister ) answered that he could not be more particular till he should be assured , that the Queen of England would undertake the protection of the young King , and relinquish the cause of his Mother . The Commissioners replying , that they had no warrant to promise any such thing , he besought them to try the Queens mind , that her pleasure being known he might sooner resolve what to do . Letters hereupon was sent to the Queen , who willed the Regent to direct some one , or moe of his side to Court , for her better information . To this effect Secretary Lethington , and Mr. Iames Macgill Clerk of the Rolls were sent thither , with whom the Queen having conferred a little time , she gave order to recall her Commissioners , and advertise the Regent himself to come unto her . At his coming the Queen laid to his charge the proceeding against his sister the Queen of Scots , saying , that she did not see , how he and the rest of his faction could well be excused , and that unlesse matters were better cleard on their parts , she could not deny the help and assistance that was required at her hands . The Regent according to the condition proposed at York , answered , That if she would take upon her the defence of the King , they should be more particular in their reasons for rejecting the Queens authority , and clear every thing they should speak sufficiently ; otherwise to accuse his sister , and Queen , would be held odious in the judgement of all men . Whilest these things were a doing in England , the Queens faction at home sought all occasions to make trouble , abusing the popular sort with rumours they dispersed . Sometimes giving out that the Regent was made prisoner in the Tower. At other times that he had promised to subject the Kingdom of Scotland to the English , to deliver the young King to be brought up in England , and put all the forts and strong holds in the Realm in their hands . Nor was any man more busied in dispersing such lies , and using all means else for stirring up tumult , then Sir Iames Balfour , instigated thereto by advertisement from the Secretary , as was commonly thought . For by his advise it was that the Scottish Queen at the same time sent Commissions of Lieutenandrie to divers Noblemen for erecting again her authority , like as all the while he remained in England , he did ever keep intelligence with the Bishop of Rosse and others the Queens agents , and was one of the chief plotters of the match intended betwixt her and the Duke of Norfolk , which came shortly after to be detected . The Regent , who was not ignorant of these secret workings , did finde there was a necessity of his returning home , to prevent the commotions that were breeding before they grew into a greater ripeness : and fearing to offend the Queen of England , if he should depart without giving her satisfaction in the particulars she desired to be informed of , touching the Queen of Scots , resolved to do it , but with a protestation which he presented in writing to the Councell at Westminster the 28. of November in this form . Albeit our whole proceedings from the beginning of our interprise directed onely for the punishment of the King murther , and the purging of our Nation from the scandall of that abominable fact , may let the world see how unwilling we have been to touch the Queen our Soveraign Lords Mother in honour , or to publish unto strangers matters tending to her infamy , yet shall it not be amisse upon the present occasion , to shew briefly what hath been , and still is our meaning therein : Such and so great was our devotion toward her , as well for private affection , whereby every one of us was led to wish her well , as for publick respects , that rather then we would blemish her honour with the foreknowledge of that detestable murther , we choosed to wink at the shrewd reports of the world , and let our selves to be blasoned as rebels and traitours to our native Prince ; which had been easie for us to have wiped away with the uttering of a few words , if the desire we had to save her reputation bad not made us content that the world should still live in doubt of the justice of our quarrell , and speak every one as their affections were inclined . So when we were urged by the Queens Majesty of England , and the French Kings Ambassadours to give a reason why we detained our Queen at Lochleven , we gave no other answer , but that her affection was so excessively towards Bothwell the committer of that odious murther , that she being at liberty it would not be possible to punish him , and that it behooved us for a season to sequestrate her person , till he might be apprehend●d and punished . In what danger this dealing brought us , we have no need to shew . From France we had nothing to expect but open Hostility , and by keeping up the chief causes of her rejection , we had reason to fear , that the Queen of England should call our proceeding in doubt , and so leave us destitute of her Majesties aid , at whose hands we look principally to receive comfort in time of danger . This course nottheless we should still have kept , if the importunity of our adversaries had not forced us to take another way : For remembring what a person she is whom we are brought to accuse , the Mother of our King and soveraign Lord , a Lady to whom in particular the greatest part of us are so farre obliged for benefits received , that if with the perpetuall exile of any one , or of a number of us , forth of our Native Countrey , we could redeem her honour without the danger of the King and whole Estate , we would willingly banish our selves to that end . And therefore ere we dip further in the matter which to this boure we have shunned , we solemnly protest , that it is not any delight we take in accusing her , but a necessity that is laid upon us to purge our selves , that drawes us unto it . For if our adversaries would rested content with our former answer , which they know to be true , no further would we needed . But against our hearts in defence of our just cause they compelled us to utter the things , which we wish were buried in perpetuall oblivion . So if our doing seem hatefull to any , let these bear the blame , who force us to answer , which they know we may , and in the end must give . One thing onely we desire , that they who have brought us to this necessitie may be present and hear what is said , that if we speak any untruth , they may refute the same , for even in point of greatest moment we will use their own testimonie . This being communicated with the Agents of the Scottish Queen they answered , That they did not force them to any accusations , and if they did utter untruths , or calumniate the Queen in any sort , they would not patiently hear it . That all their desires were to have their Queen restored to her Kingdome from which by force of armes she was expulsed , or if it should please the Queen of England to hear any more of that matter , they requested that the Queen of Scots might be sent for , and permitted to speak for her self . Mean while by a new Patent there were joyned to the other Commissioners , Bacon keeper of the great Seal , the Earls of Arundell and Leicester , with the Lord Admirall and Sir William Cecill , and a time assigned to the Regent for producing the reasons for the Queens rejecting . When the day was come , he presented the confessions of some that were executed for the Kings murther ; the Statutes of Parliament ratifying her resignation of the Crown , and her sons Coronation subscribed by divers of her own party ; certain amatory verses , and epistles written to Bothwell ( as they said ) with her own hand ; three severall contracts of marriage betwixt her and Bothwell , with a number of presumptuous likelyhoods and conjectures , to make it appear that she was privy to the murther Bothwell had committed . The Queen of England having seen and perused all these stood doubtfull what to do , for albeit she was content to have some blot rubbed upon the Queen of Stots , as many supposed ; yet the pity of her misfortune made her sometimes to think of composing matters betwixt her and her subjects . The terms besides wherein she stood with the French King , who was dayly by his Ambassadours soliciting the Queen of Scots liberty , made her uncertain what course to take ; for if she should simply deny his request , it would be esteemed a breach of friendship , and to yield to his desire she thought it scarce safe for her own estate . Therefore keeping a middle course she resolved to suspend her Declaration unto another time , and willed the Regent seeing he could make no longer stay , to leave some of his company to answer the criminations , which possibly his adversaries would charge him with after he was gone . But he replying said , That he was not so desirous to return home , but he would willingly stay to hear what they could alledge against him . Nor was he ignorant of the rumours they had dispresed , and what they had spoken to some of the Councell and to the French Ambassadour , which were more convenient to be told , whilest he was himself in place and might make answer , then to bely and calumniate him in his absence : wherefore he did humbly intreat her to cause them utter the things plainly that they muttered in secret . Hereupon were the Queen of Scots Commissioners called , and it being inquired , Whether they had any thing to object against the Regent , which might argue his guiltiness of the Kings murther ; they answered , That when the Queen their Mistress should bid them accuse , they would do it , but for the present they had nothing to say . The Regent replied , That if the Queen or any other would accuse him , he should ever be ready to give an account of his actions , and neither decline place nor time , but in the mean while till she should intend her accusation , it was reason they should declare if they themselves had any thing to lay unto his charge . After divers subterfuges , in end they professed that they knew nothing which might make him or any of his associates suspected of the murther . The Regent now at the point to depart , a new let was made by the Duke of Chattellerault , who coming from France by England , drew himself into a contestation for the government , pleading that the same did belong to him , as being the nearest of bloud and lawfull heir of the Crown next after the Queen of Scots and her succession . This he said , was the Law and practice of all Nations , and a custome perpetually observed in Scotland , for proof whereof he alledged the Regency of Robert Ste●art uncle to King Iames the first , with that of his son Duke Murdack after the fathers death ; the government of Iohn Duke of Albany in the minority of King Iames the fifth , and his own Regency in the nonage of the present Queen . Contrary to which custom , a few Rebels ( as he complained ) had most injuriously to his disgrace , and ( which was most unsufferable ) to the contempt of the lawfull blood , preferred one base born , unto the supreme dignitie ; which honour if it should be restored to him , the Civill troubles he said would cease , and the Queen without any tumult be ressored to her content : Whereupon he requested the Queen of Englands favour , and that by her authority the Earl of Murray might be caused cease from his usurped Government . To this in behalf of the Regent it was replied , That the Dukes Petition was most injust , and contrary to the custome , and Lawes of the Countrey , which provided that at such times as the Crown should fall in the hands of Minors , one or more of the most sage and powerfull in the Estates should be elected for the administration of affairs unto the Kings ripe age . This course , they said , the Scots had constantly kept the last six hundreth years , and thereby secured the Kingdome , and transmitted the same free and safe to their posterity ; As for instance , after the death of King Robert Bruce , Thomas Randolph Earl of Murray was elected Governour ; upon his death , Duncan Earl of Marre : after him Andrew Murray , and then Robert Stewart ; who were all chosen Regents one after another . In the minority of King Iames the second , Sir Alexander Levingston was elected , a man neither of bloud of the King , nor a Nobleman of degree , but for his worth , and wisedome preferred . In like sort King Iames the Third , had four Tutours appointed to him by the Estates , none of them for any respect of propinquity . And for the examples adduced of Duke Murdack , and Iohn Duke of Albany , they made nothing to the purpose . The last of the two in the minority of King Iames the fifth , being called to the government by the Nobility , and confirmed therein by the Estates . And to shew that in his election no respect was had to neerness of bloud , his elder brother Alexander was then alive , who would not have been passed , if propinquity or kindred had carried the sway . How Duke Murdack and his father before him came to govern , it was well known : King Robert the third waxing infirm and unable to rule by himself , did substitute his brother ( called Robert likewise ) his Lieutenant in the Kingdome , commending his tow sons David and Iames to his care . But the kindness he shewed to them was , that the elder of the two was starved to death in the Palace of Falkland , and the younger forced fly for his life , he being detained prisoner in England : After the fathers death , the uncle usurped still the place wherewith he was possessed , and at his dying left the same to Murdack his son . As to that he speaks of his own Regiment , they said , he had done more wisely not to have mentioned it , considering his preferment proceeded rather of hatred born to the Cardinall , who had supposed a false testament , then of any favour carried to himself : And that being possessed in the place , he sold both it and the young Queen to the French , which had bred a great deal of trouble . And granting the custome had been such as he pratends , will any man in reason judge it safe to commit the tuition of an innocent child to him , whose family hath entertained so long enmity with that of which the King is descended , and will ever be waiting and wishing the death of his Pupill ? none will think it . This was the substance of the reply which when the Queen of England heard , she directed certain of the Councell to shew the Duke that he was not to look for any help from her in that businesse , and to prohibite his journey into Scotland , till the Regent was parted and gone home . About the same time there were letters of the Queen of Scots intercepted , sent to the Noblemen of her party in Scotland , wherein she complained , That the Queen of England had not kept promise unto her , yet desired them to be of good heart , because she was assured of aid by some other means , and hoped to be with them in a short time . These letters sent from Scotland to the Regent , he delivered to the Queen of England , who from thenceforth was much estranged from the Queen of Scots , as well for that she charged her with breach of promise , as because it appeared she leaned to some others besides her self . The Regent presently after took his journey homewards , and being attended by the Sheriffes and Gentlemen of the Countrey at the Queen of Englands direction , came safely to Berwick the first of February , and the day following to Edinburgh , within a few days he went to Striveling , and in a convention of the Estates , having related the proceedings in England , had all ratified and approved . The twentieth of the same moneth , the Duke of Chattellerault returned , and being made deputy by the Queen of Scots , caused publish his letters , prohibitting the subjects to acknowledge any other Soveraign then the Queen , Hereupon the Regent gave forth Proclamations , charging the lieges in the Kings name to meet him in Arms at Glasgow the tenth of March , The Duke in the mean time sent to the Assembly of the Church convened at that time in Edinburgh , a prolixe letter , wherein he signified , That being in France , and hearing what troubles were moved at home , the love he carried to his native countrey made him return with intent to pacify these stirres at his utmost power ; And howbeit in his absence he had suffered wrong , yet he assured them that his own particular did not grieve him so much , as the danger wherein the Kingdom was brought , by the diversity that had happened betwixt the Queen their native Soveraign , and a part of her subjects , which he wished to be removed in some quiet and peaceable manner : and that the Estates convening might ( after they had considered the ground and beginning of these troubles , which he conceived to be the murther of the Queens late husband ) with one consent agree upon soem reasonable course to be followed for redresse thereof , and of the evils which thence had proceeded , whereunto he and all the Nobility continuing in the obedience of the Queen their Soveraign , should be found pliable ; which he did not write , as he said , because of the Proclamations made by the Earl of Murray to convene people in Glasgow the tenth of March : for since these troubles began he was not in the countrey , and if all Scotland were gathered , he would trust for his own and his predecessors good deserving to find such favour , as if the Earl of Murray would invade him and his friends , he should not be assisted by any of them to do him wrong . Therefore desired them in Gods behalfe ( so the letter beareth ) to make his minde and intention known to the people , or if they did not think his desires and offers reasonable , that they would come and reason with himself , whom they should finde easy to be ruled in all matters according to Gods word and equity . To this letter dated at Hamilton the 27. of February , 1568. the Assembly answered , That they would communicate the Letter with the Regent , and know his pleasure , whether or not they should send any of their number to the Duke in Commission to treat with his Grace . Which accordingly they did , appointing the Superintendents of Lothian and Fise , with Mr. Iohn Row , to go unto the Regent , and having obtained his licence to pass to the Duke and Noblemen that were in his company , and use all means possible for reconciling them to the obedience of the King and his Regent . They had also certain Petitions given them to be presented to the Regent in name of the Church , as to desire , That benesiced persons not bearing function in the Church , and subject only in paiment of thirds , should be compelled to contribute for sustentation of the poor . That remedy might be provided against the chopping and changing of Benefices , diminution of rentals , and setting of Tithes in long leases to the defrauding of Ministers and their successors , that they who possessed plurality of Benesices , might be caused dimit all saving one . That the jurisdiction of the Church might be separated from the Civil , and that they might without his Graces offence and the Councels , use their censures against the Earl of Huntley for deposing the Collectors of the Church , and placing others in their roomes , by his own authority . Such a respect was carried in that time to Civil power , as the Church could not proceed in censures against men in prime places without their knowledge ; the neglect whereof in after times brought with it great troubles both to the Church and State. I find in the same Assembly , the University of S. Andrews ordained to meet , and form such orders as they should think fit , for giving degrees in divinity : whereby it appeareth , that our first reformers were not enemies to degrees , either in Schools or in Church . But to return to the State ; by the travels of the Superintendents matters for that time were transacted betwixt the Regent and the Duke in this manner . That the Duke should come to Glasgow , and submit himself to the Kings authority . That he and his friends should be restored to their honours and possessions . That he should give surety for his and their continuing in the Kings obedience , and that the rest who were joyned with him in that cause , should be all accepted upon the same conditions . This transaction not contenting the Earls of Argile and Huntley , they refused to be comprised under it , either thinking to obtain better , or more easie conditions of the Regent , or animated by the Queen of Scots letters , who had then conceived some hopes of liberty . The Duke hearing that they would not accept the conditions , did forthink what he had done , and at the day appointed for giving in his surety , though he came himself to Edinburgh , made divers shifts , desiring that all matters might be continued to the tenth of May , when the two Earls were expected , and the Queens mind would be better known . It was told him , That the Earls were treating severally for themselves , so as he needed not to wait on their coming . And for the Queens approba●ion , being askt , if she would deny it , what in that case he would do ? more ingenuously then profitably for himself , he answered , that he was drawn against his will to make the promise he had made , and that if he were freed of it , he would never consent to the like . Thereupon was he and the Lord Hereis ( who accompanied him , and was thought had diverted him from his former resolution ) committed in the Castle of Edinburgh . The Earls of Argile and Huntley , who were at the same time making their own appointment , had a day assigned them at S. Andrews , whither Argile came first , and with him the difficulty was not great , because in the last tumults he had carried himself more moderately then others ; wherefore of him no more was craved but that he should swear obedience to the King and Authority in time coming , as he did . The busines with Huntley was greater , for he during the Regents absence had usurped the Royal power , placing Lieutenants in the countreys of Angus , Mernis , & Strathern , & committed great spoils upon the subjects in those parts . Therfore when as divers of the Councel did advise to put all things past in oblivion , it was by others opposed , That the example of such impunity would prove hurtful : for when they that had continued in the Kings obedience , and sustained losse in their goods , should perceive the Rebels after a manner rewarded , and no regard taken of their losses , they would undoubtedly grudge ; and if troubles should afterwards arise , be more slack to do service ; yea granting there were no such inconvenience to be feared , yet neither the Regent , nor yet the King himself , could by law remit the robbing of another mans goods , unless restitution was made of that which was spoiled . And whereas some did object his greatnes , and that his lying out , might cause great unquietnes ; It was an idle fear ; for was not his Father a man of greater wealth and wisdom easily brought under foot , when he set himself against the Authority ? And shall he who hath not as yet repaired the calamities of his house , be able to withstand the forces of a whole Kingdom ? It is more foolish , they say , that he will seek to some for ain Prince , and so endanger the countrey ; for 〈◊〉 shall be find ? Princes are not wont to make accompt of stranger , further then may serve to their own commodity . To accept him in favour , they said , was susficient , albeit he gave satisfaction to the subjects whom he had wronged . This opinion prevailing , it was concluded , that after trial of the complaints , he should satisfy those that he had wronged , at sight of the Councel . But then arose another question , Whether all that had assisted him in these last troubles , should be comprised in his remission ; and power given him to compone with them , for satisfying such as complained ; or that they should be severally called , and every man fined as be should be tried to have offended ? They who thought the Earl too rigorously used in the point of satisfaction , held that to be the smallest favour which could be done to him , to remit his followers to himself . But to the contrary it was answered , That in civil warres nothing was so much to be looked unto , as the weakening and dissolving of factions , which is the most easily wrought , when the Prince reserves to himself the power of pardon and punishment . It was further said , that a several examination was necessary , because all had not offended alike , and that no man was so unfit to take that trial , as the Earl himself , because in all probablity they should have most favour at his hand , who had been most forward in his service , and so the least guilty should bear the heaviest punishment . Upon these considerations it was thought meet to convene his followers severally , remitting his domesticks only to be used by him at his pleasure . And thus was he received into grace ; which done , the Regent made an expedition into the North , where having kept Justice Courts at Aberden , Elgin , and Innerness , he setled all those parts in peace , and for observing the same , took pledges of Huntley , and the principal claim of the countrey . In his return the Lord Boyd , who was lately come from England , did meet him at Elgin , with letters from both the Queens , and some others written by his private friends in the English Court ; The Queen of England in her letters made offer of three conditions in behalf of the Queen of Scots , requiring one of the three to be accepted . These were , That she should either be absolutely restored to her Royal dignity ; or be associated in the government with her sonne , and in all letters and publick acts honoured with the title of a Queen , the administration of affaires continuing in the Regents hands , till the King should be 17. years of age ; or if none of these could be granted , that she might be permitted to return unto her countrey , and live a private life , having honourable means appointed for her entertainment . The Queen of Scots desired , that Iudges should be appointed for cognoscing the lawfulnes of her marriage with Bothwel , and if the same was found contracted against the lawes , it might be declared null , and she made free to marry where she pleased . From private friends , especially by a letter of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton , the Regent was advertised , that the marriage of the Duke of Norfolk with the Queen of Scots was concluded , and that they did wait only the opportunity of performance . Wherefore he wished him to concurre with his best friends in that matter , and to do it with such expedition and good affection , as it might not appear either to the Queen his sister , or others who had interest in the business , that his consent was extorted , and not willingly given . To this effect he advised him to send the Laird of Lethington to England with speed , as the wisest and most sufficient man he could chuse , who would provide for him & the rest that had assisted him , substantially and assuredly . His conscience , he said , & some over precise objections might perhaps trouble him , but if he could have espied any other thing then his overthrow in resisting , he would not have written so peremptorily unto him . Then concluded with these words , No mans friendship will be more embraced then yours , no mans estimation be greater if you shal conform your self , & concurwith your friends in this● contrariwise , if you withstand , or become an adverse party , you wil be so incumbred both from hence , from thence , & all other places , as no man can advise you what to do . Therefore God send you to direct your course for the best . This letter was accompanied with another from Sir Nicholas to Lethington , wherein he shewed , that according to his advice he had written to the Regent with a great zeal , and care of his well doing ( these were the words he used ) and requested he should hasten his coming to Court for that businesse , the same being as yet concealed from the Queen , till he as the fittest Minister might propone the same in behalf of the Regent , and Nobility of Scotland ; whereunto he held it assured the Queen would assent , as preferring her own surety , the tranquillity of her Kingdom , and conservation of her people , before any device , that might proceed from the inconsiderate passions of whomsoever . And that he might be the more incouraged , he did inform him particularly of the Duke of Norfolks consent , and the approbation of the Earls of Arundel , Pembrook , Leicester , Bedford , Shrewsbury , and the rest of the wisest , noblest , ablest and mightiest of that Realm . And it was truth that he wrote of their consenting , howbeit with a condition , so that the Queen of England was not against it : yea , beside these divers well affected both to Religion and State , did wish the purpose a good successe ; for perceiving no inclination in the Queen of England her self to take a husband , they feared the Queen of Scots , who was her undoubted heir , by matching with some forain Prince , might endanger both Religion and State ; and therefore desired the marriage with the Duke might take effect , he being a Nobleman of England , beloved of the people , and educated in the Protestant Religion : for by this match , as they made account , if it should happen the young King to die , the two Kingdomes might be united in a Prince of the English Nation ; or if he lived unto a ripe age , he might be married with the Dukes youngest daughter , who was near of the same age , and that way the two Crowns be made one . But these devices proved idle and vain , as we shall hear . The Regent for answering these letters , did appoint a meeting of the Estates at Perth in Iuly thereafter . At which time an Assembly of the Church was also kept in Edinburgh , and from it Commissioners directed to the Convention , to renew the Petitions made the year preceding , that as yet had received no answer . And further , to desire , that a portion of the tithes might be allotted for sustentation of the poor ; the labourers of the ground permitted to gather the tithes of their proper corns , paying for the same a reasonable duty ; and that the thirds of Benefices being really separated from the two other parts , the Collectors of the Church might peaceably intromet therewith , for the more ready paiment of Ministers according to their assignations . But these Petitions , in regard of the more weighty businesse , were deferred to another time . And the Convention falling to consider the letters sent from England , did hardly accord upon an answer , Beginning with that of the Queen of England , they judged the first condition so derogatory to the Kings authority , as they did simply reject it . The second of Association , was held dangerous , and third onely thought reasonable and meet to be accepted . But when they came to speak of the Queen of Scots desires , the contention was great ; they that stood for the Kings authority , taking exception first , of her imperious form of writing , and that she did command them , as though she were their absolute Queen ; then at the desire it self they excepted , not holding it safe to condescend unto the same before the Queen of England should be acquainted therewith : for they conceived some other thing to be lurking under that purpose of divorce then was openly pretended . Such as affected the Queen , and were privy to the marriage intended with Northfolk , excusing the form of writing , and laying the blame upon her Secretaries , made offer to procure new letters in what tearms they pleased , so as judges were named to proceed in the divorce ; and when they saw this not to be regarded , in a chasing mood they said , That it was strange to think , how that they not many moneths passed seemed to desire nothing more then the Queenes separation from Bothwell , should now when it was offered decline the same . It was answered again in heat , That if the Queen was so earnest in the Divorce , she might write to the King of Denmark , and desire him to doe justice upon Bothwell , for the murther of the King her husband . That done , the divorce would not be needfull , and she freed to marry where and when she pleased . The Convent● on breaking up and neither the Queens faction obtaining what they desired , nor Lethington the imployment which he affected , new suspitions began to rise on all sides , and as in the most secret practices , somewhat alwayes is bursting forth , a rumour went ri●e amongst the common sort , that some great interprise was in hand , which would bring with it a wonderfull change in both Kingdomes . Mr. Iohn Wood one of the Regents domesticks being sent with the answer of the convention , did signifie to the Queen of England the business made about the divorce and what was done concerning it ; but she not seeming to regard the matter , professed that she was not satisfied with the answer of the convention , and desired they should think better of the conditions proposed . The truth was that she held not the Gentleman of sufficient quality to deal in such business ; for otherwise she was not ignorant of the cause , wherefore the divorce was sought , and had warned Northfolk to take heed on what pillow he laid his head ; yea , she took so ill the Queen of Scots carriage in that matter ; as shortly after she caused her to be removed to Coventry more within the Countrey , and gave her in custody to George Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury and Edward Hastings Earl of Huntingdon . The Regent upon his servants return convened the Nobility again at Striveling , where in effect the same answer that of before , was given to the Propositions made by the Queen of England ; and here with Robert Pitcarne Abbot of Dunfermline , a man of good sufficiency was directed , who was willed to say , for the point of assotiation , That the same could not be granted , as tending to the utter overthrow of the Kings authority , and the indangering of his person . For besides that the participation of a Crown was obnoxious to many perils , there could be no equality of Government betwixt an infant King , and a woman of mature age , who would finde a thousand wayes being once possessed with a part of the rule , to draw the whole unto her self . And if it should fall that she matched with some forrain Prince , or other great Personage who must needs be partner with her in the Government , the danger would be so much the greater . These and the like reasons he was willed to use for the Queen of Englands satisfaction . But before his coming to Court , the face of things was quite changed . The Duke of Northfolk committed to the Tower , and the Bishop of Ross put in the keeping of the Bishop of London . After which brake shortly forth that rebellion in the North part of England , whereof Thomas Piercie Earl of Northumberland , and Charles Nevill Earl of Westmerland were the heads . A rebellion , that in the beginning caused great stirre , and put the Queen of England in such fears , as once she resolved to send the Queen of Scots by Sea to the Regent , but the sudden dispersing of the rebells , altered that resolution . The two Earles fleeing into Scotland , Northumberland was not long after put out by some borderers to the Regent , and sent to be kept in Lochlevin ; Westmerland found the means to escape into Flanders , where he lived long in a poor and contemptible estate . Lethington perceiving all his devices frustrated , and being conscious to himself of diversill practices remained for the most part with the Earl of Atholl at Perth , who being sent for to come to the Regent , made divers excuses , and when he could not shift his coming any longer , intreated Atholl to accompany him , that if need was he might use his intercession . Being at Striveling in Councell , Captain Thomas Crawfourd , servant to the Earl of Lenox , did openly charge him with the Kings murther : whereupon he was committed in a chamber within the Castle of Striveling , ●nd at the same time were certain directed to apprehend Sr. Iames Balfour , who was guilty of the same crime ; but he made an escape . Lethington was sent prisoner to Edinburgh ( where he was to have his triall ) under the charge of Alexander Home of North Berwick , a trusty Gentleman . Having stayed some dayes in lodging not far from the Castle , the Laird of Grange counterfeiting the Regents hand , came about ten of the clock at night , and presented a warrant for receiving the prisoner in his keeping : the Gentleman taking no suspicion , obeyed , for he knew no man to be more inward with the Regent then was Grange . And he indeed unto that time did carry the reputation of an honest man ; nor was any one thought more sure and fast then he was . But from thenceforth he became hated of all good men and was in no esteem , as having abused his credit , and deceived the Regent , to whom he was many wayes obliged . For besides other benefits , he had preferred him before all his own friends , to be keeper of the Castle of Edinburgh . The next day being sent for to come to the Regent , he refused . Nottheless , the next day following ( so carefull the Regent was to reclaim the man ) he went himself to the Castle , and conferred a good space with him , accepting the excuse he made , and contenting himself with a promise to exhibite Lethington , when he should be called to his triall . After which keeping his journey to the borders , which he had intended he went by the Mers , and as he was accustomed tooke up his lodging in the Castle of Home . But there he was coldly received , the Lord of the place having changed his party , and taken himself to the contrary faction . From thence he went to Teviotdale , and though he was advised by his friends , because of his small company , to return , and deferre his journey to another time , he would needs go on , and had great obedience shewed in all the parts to whom he came . All the time of this expedition he had warning given him dayly of some practices against his life , wherein Grange was ever named as one of the principalls . But he not trusting these informations , sent the copies of all his advertisements to Grange , whose purgations were so slender , as he was ever after that time held suspected . Soon after the Regents return from the borders , the Abbot of Dunfermline came home from England , shewing that the Queen had taken in good part the answer of the Councell , and was specially pleased with the taking of Northumberland , which she promised to remember with all kindness . And now the Diet approaching of Lethingtons triall , because of the numbers that were preparing to keep the day , the Regent disliking such convocations , and for that he would not have Justice outbragged , did prorogate the same for foure moneths . The adverse faction finding his authority dayly to increase , and despairing of any success in their attempts , so long as he lived , resolved by some violent means to cut him off ; and to bring the matter to pass , one Iames Hamilton of Bothwell-haugh did offer his service : This man had been imprisoned some time , and being in danger of his life , redeemed the same by making over a parcell of land in Lothian called Woodhously that came to him by his wife , to Sir Iames Ballenden Justice Clerk : How soon he was let at liberty , he sought to be repossessed to his own , and not seeing a way to recover it ( for the Justice Clerk would not part therewith ) he made his quarrell to the Regent , who was most innocent , and had restored him both to life and liberty . The great promises made him by the faction , with his private discontent , did so confirm his mind , as he ceased not till he put to execution the mischief he had conceived against him ; and having failed the occasion which he attended at Glasgow and Striveling , he followed the Regent to Linlithgo , where lurking privately in the Archbishop of St. Andrews his lodging , the next day , as the Regent did pass that way , he killed him with the shot of a bullet , that entering a little beneath the navell , and piercing the bowels , did strike dead the horse of a Gentleman who was riding on his other side . The Regent had warning given him the same morning , that one did ly in wait for his life , and had the house designed where the man did lurk , but giving small ear unto it , answered , that his life was in the hands of God , which he was ready to yield at his good pleasure . Onely he resolved to pass out of the Town by the same gate at which he entered , and to turn on the back of the Town , unto the way that led to Edinburgh , whither he was purposed . But when he had taken horse , either that he would not seem fearfull , or then hindered by the throng of horsemen that attended , and thinking to ride quickly by the house that was suspected , he changed his resolution : but the throng there working him the like impediment , the murtherer had the occasion to execute his treachery . How soon the Regent perceived himself stricken , he lighted from his horse , and returned on foot to his lodging : The Chirurgeon at the first inspection of his wound did affirm it not to be deadly , yet after a few houres his pain increasing he began to think on death . They who stood by , saying , that he had lost himself by his clemency , having spared that miscreant whose life he might justly have taken : he answered , that they should never make him forthink any good he had done in his life . Thereafter giving order for his private affairs , he seriously commended the care of the young King to such of the Nobility as were present , and died a little before midnight . This fell out the 23. of Ianuary , 1569. being Saturday . The murtherer escaping by the Postern-gate of the garden came the same night to the town of Hamilton , where at first he was welcomed with many gratulations , and made much of ; yet shortly after to decline the envy of the fact which they heard was universally detested , they gave him a little money and sent him away unto France . Thuanus writeth in his story , that not long after he came thither , he was solicited to undertake the like interprise against Gasper Colignie that worthy Admirall of France , and that he did answer , that he had no warrant from Scotland to commit murthers in France ; and howbeit he had taken revenge of the wrong done to himselfe , he was not either for price or prayer , to undertake other mens quarrells : Whether this was so or not , I leave it upon the credit of the Writer . The death of the Regent was by all good men greatly lamented , especially by the Commons , who loved him as their father whilest he lived , and now mourned grievously at his death . The great things he had wrought in his life , ( haveing in the space of one yeare and a little more , quieted the State , which he found broken , and disordered ) made his very enemies speake of him after his death with praise and commendation . Above all his virtues , which were not a few , he shined in Piety towards God , ordering himself and his Family in such sort , as it did more resemble a Church , then a Court. For therein besides the exercise of devotion , which he never omitted , there was no wickedness to be seen , nay , not an unseemly or wanton word to be heard . A man truly good and worthy to be ranked amongst the best Governours that this Kingdome hath enjoyed , and therefore to this day honoured with the Title of The good Regent . There fell out the next day after his death a thing which I thought was not to be passed ; He was killed on the Saturday , and died ( as I have said ) a little before midnight . The word of his death coming to Edenburgh , Thomas Maitland a younger brother of Lethinton ( this is he whom Buchannan makes his Collocutor in the Dialogue De jure Regni ) knowing what esteem Iohn Knox made of the Regent , and loving none of the two , caused a writing to be laid in the Pulpit where Iohn Knox was that day to preach to this sense , and almost in the same words . Take up the man whom you accounted another God , and consider the end whereto his ambition hath brought him . Iohn Knox finding the paper , and taking it to be a memoriall for recommending some sick persons in his Prayers , after he had read the same , laid it by , nothing as it seemed commoved therewith , yet in the end of the Sermon , falling to regrate the loss that the Church and Common-wealth had received by the death of the Regent , and shewing how God did often for the sins of the people take away good Rulers and Governours ; I perceive , said he , albeit this be an accident , we should all take to heart ; There be some that rejoyce in this wicked fact , making it the subject of their mirth , amongst whom there is one , that hath caused a writing to be cast in this place , insulting upon that which is all good mens sorrow . This wicked man whosoever he be , shall not goe unpunished , and shall die where none shall be to lament him . The Gentleman was himself present at Sermon , and being come to the lodging , asked his sister who was also there , if she did not think Iohn Knox was raving to speak so of the man he knew not ? But she weeping , said , that she was sory he had not followed her counsell , for she had disswaded him from that doing . None of this mans denunciations , said she , are wont to prove idle , but have their own effect . Shortly after , the troubles of the Countrey increasing , the Gentleman betook himself to travel , and passing into Italy , died there , having no known person to attend him . This I thought not unworthy of record being informed thereof by the Gentlemans sister to whom these speeches were uttered , and who was privy to the whole purpose , for an advertisement to all persons , not to make a light account of the threatnings of Gods servants : The Gentleman was otherwise a youth of great hopes , learned and courteous , but miscarried with affection , and not to be excused in this that he took pleasure in the fall of him , whom he judged an enemy ; a thing inhumane and abhorred of the very heathen . The word of the Regents death carried in haste to England , the Queen sent Thomas Randolph , Master of her Posts , Ambassadour into Scotland , partly to conferre with the Councel , upon the surest means to keep affairs in the state they were , and partly to complain of the incursion lately made in England . For the very night after the Regents murther , Walter Scot of Baclugh , and Thomas K●r of Pharnherst , had invaded the countrey bordering upon them , and practised greater hostility then was accustomed ; of purpose to embroyle the two Kingdomes in a publick warre , which they of the Scottish Queens faction most earnestly desired . The Ambassadour was no sooner come , but he had hearing given him by the Councel , to whom after he had spoken a few words concerning her Majesties good affection to the Realm in general , and in her name commending to their care the preservation of Religion , the safety of the young King , and the punishment of the late murther ; he did much aggravate the insolence of the borderers , and the spoil they had made in England , saying , That his Mistresse knew sufficiently that these things were not done by publick allowance , and therefore meant not to make quarrel to the countrey , but take her self to the actors , whom if they by themselves could not suppress , her Majesty would either joyn her power to theirs , or if they thought meet , send an Army into Scotland , which without doing harm to any good subject , should only punish the committers of that insolence . The Councel returning many thanks to the Queen for her kind Ambassage , excused themselves by the present troubles , that no determinate answer could as then be given to his propositions , and therefore besought him to have patience unto the first of May , at which time the Estates of the Realm were to meet , by whom her Majesty should receive all satisfaction . The Estates convening at the day , William Douglas of Lochlevin , brother uterine to the late Regent , preferred a Petition to the Councel for some course to be taken in the revenge of his brothers murther , considering he was taken away in the defence of the common cause of the Realm , and not upon any private quarrel . The Petition was held reasonable by all that were present , every one consenting to the pursuit , and punishment of the murtherer , and his complices . But in the manner they agreed not , some advising that not the murtherer only , but all who were suspected to have had a hand in the treachery , should be called to underlie the ordinary trial of law , at a certain day . Others esteeming such a form of processe unnecessary with them , who had already taken Arms to maintain the fact , and that the best course were , to pursue with all hostility , both these that were delated of the recent crime , and such as had been forfeited in the Parliament preceding . Many inclined to the last course , yet because it was opposed by divers of special note , there was nothing concluded in the businesse ; which was generally ill taken of the people , who construed the delay to proceed of some private favour carried to the enemies , and to be done of purpose , that either with time the hatred of the murther might be lessened , or the adversaries might have leisure to make themselves more strong . The Assembly of the Church , in the mean while ( which was then convened at Edenburgh ) to declare in what detestation they had the murther committed , did ordain the murtherer to be excommunicated in all the chief Burghs of the Realm , and whosoever afterwards happened to be convicted thereof , to be used in the same manner . In this Assembly , divers constitutions were made for discipline , and amongst others an Act for the publick inauguration of Ministers , at their entry , whereunto the revolt of some Preachers gave occasion , that forsaking the Pulpit , took them to the pleading of causes before the Lords of Session . It was then also condescended , that forth of the thirds , five thousand merks should be yearly paid for the furnishing of the Kings house , and the Church burthened with no further duty . Some few days after , the principals of the Queens faction being convened at Glasgow , the Earl of Argile , and Lord Boyd , did write to the Earl of Morton , and offer to joyn with the rest of the Nobility , in the trial and punishment of the Regents murther , so as the meeting were appointed at Striveling , Falkirk , or Linlithgow , for to Edenburgh they would not come . This letter ( as he was desired ) he communicated with the Secretary , who was after the Regents death come forth of the Castle , and by the Earl of Atholl brought again unto the Councell , having first purged himself of the accusation laid against him , and promised to submit himself unto the most severe triall that could be taken ; his advice to the Earl Morton was , that the Noblemen should all be brought to Edenburgh , which for those of the Queens party , he undertook to do , and to that effect he sent letters unto the principalls of that faction , shewing that they had no cause to fear , being in forces superiour to the others , and having the Lord of Grange on their side , ( for he had then plainly declared himself for the Queen ) who was both Provost of the Town , and commanded the Castle . Thus about the midst of March the Earls of Huntley , Atholl , and Crawford , with the Lords Ogilvy , Home and Sea●on did meet at Edenburgh . The Earl of Argile , the Hamiltons , and the Lord Boyde , came as far as unto Linlithgow , but by occasioned of a tumult raised amongst some souldiers , they were forced to disperse their companies , and return home to their dwellings . Within a few dayes the Earls of Marre and Glencarne came likewise to Edenburgh , after whose coming , the Lords of both factions meeting to confer , did think fit to continue all things till the Earl of Argile was advertised , whose authority was great in those times . And when it was known that he was gone back from Linlithgow ▪ the Earl of Huntley followed to perswade his return ; but he would not consent . They write the Secretary should have privily disswaded him , as one who loved to keep all things loose ; but I do not see what advantage he could expect that way , and think rather that as his estate then stood , he did earnestly desire to have matters accorded . The true cause of Argiles declining that conference seems to have been the averseness of his brother and others of his friendship , who refused to follow him in that quarrel , and carried a constant affection to the maintaining of the Kings authority . When as the other Noblemen perceived that Argile would not come , they began to treat of the choice of a Regent , in place of him who was taken away . Here first they fell to question their own power and authority , which some maintained to be sufficient because of the Patent the Queen had given at first , for the administration of affairs in her sons minority ; in which seven Noblemen were named , besides the late Regent , and that of this number , they might choose as they said any one . Others reasoned that no respect ought to be had to that Patent , the same being expired by the creation of the last Regent , for which only at the time it was granted . The more moderate gave their opinon , that all proceeding in that businesse should be delayed till the convention of the Estates in May next . This was likewise opposed by a number , that esteemed the protracting of time dangerous ; and thought that it concerned the Noblemen who had first assisted the Coronation of the King , and continued firm in his obedience , to nominate a Regent , that would be careful of the young King his preservation , and of the quiet and tranquillity of the Realm . But this opinion , as tending to the fostering of discord , was rejected , So that meeting dissolved , without any certain conclusion . At the same time one Monsieur Verack Cubiculare to the French King landed at Dumbarton , bringing letters to the Noblemen of the Queens faction , full of thanks for the constant affection they had shewed in maintaining the cause , and promises of present succours . This did so animate them , as in a frequent meeting kept the first of April at Linlithgow , they began to discover the intention which before they had concealed , of making war upon England ; for this , as they judged , would serve to oblierate the late Regents murther . And to give the more authority to their proceedings , they took purpose to remove to Edinburgh , using all means to draw the Town to be of their party , which they thought would be easily obtained by reason of Grange his Commandment , and if they should once compasse this , they put no doubt to draw the rest of the countrey their way in a short time . But first they resolved to advertise the Town of their coming , and to intreat their favour . The Magistrates answered , That their gates should be patent to all that professed themselves subjects to the King , but they would neither receive the English Rebels ( meaning the Earl of Westmerland , and Lord Dacres , who were in company with the Lords ) nor the Hamiltons , and others suspected of the Regents murther , nor yet to permit any Proclamations to be made , derogatory to the Kings authority . These conditions seemed to them hard , yet hoping by conversation to winne the people to their side , they came forward . The next day after their coming to the Town , they gave out a Proclamation , Declaring their good affection towards the maintenance of true Religion , their Soveraign , the liberty of the countrey , and the setling of the present divisions , which must , as they said , unlesse timous remedy were provided , bring the Realm to utter destruction . They desired therefore all men to know , that they had esteemed the enterprise taken by some Noblemen against the Earl of Bothwel , for revenging the murther of the King , and setting of the Queen at liberty , both good and honourable , whereunto they would have given their assistance , if the same had been duly required . And for the things that had intervened , which they did forbear to mention , lest they should irritate the minds of any , their desire was the same might be in a familiar and friendly conference calmly debated , and a peaceable course taken for removing the differences . Mean while because they understood , that some unquiet spirits gave out , that their present convening was for the subversion of the religion presently professed , as they could not but give notice to all the subjects , that they who were now assembled , were for the most part the first and chiefest instruments in advancing Religion , and had still continued in professing the same , with a resolution to spend their lands and lives in maintenance thereof : So they desired to have it know , that their meeting at that time did only proceed from a desire they had to see a perfect union , and agreement established in the Realm , for which they were ready to meet with those of the Nobility , that differed from them in judgement , and condescend ( after the ground of the differences was ript up ) upon such overtures as should be found agreeable to the setting forth of God his honour , the strengthening of the Royal succession , the preservation of the young Prince , the entertaining of peace with forain Nations , and the setling of accord amongst the Noblemen , and other subjects . This they declared to be their sole intention , and rather then the same should not take the wished effect , they were content to yield unto any conditions that should be thought reasonable ; under protestation , that if this their godly and honest purpose for the reunion of the State was neglected , and despised , the inconvenients that ensued might be imputed to the refusers , and the Noblemen presently convened , be discharged thereof before God , and man. This was the substance of the Proclamation , in the end whereof the lieges were charged to concurre with them in forthsetting that godly purpose , and a prohibition made under great pains , to joyn with any others that should attempt under the cloak of whatsoever authority , to hinder the same . But neither did this declaration , nor the great travel taken by the Earl of Athol at the same time , prevail with the other Noblemen to bring them to this meeting , for still they excused themselves by the Convention appointed in May , which they said there was no necessity to prevent ; or if any extraordinary occasion did require it , the same being signified to the Earl of Morton , who lay at Dalkeith , upon his advertisement they should be ready to meet . So finding their hopes this way disappointed , by advice of the Secretary ( whose directions only they followed ) they took purpose to deal with the Earl of Morton apart . To this effect the Earl of Athol , the Prior of Coldinghame brother to the Secretary , and the Lord Boyd were selected to confer with the Earl of Morton , and Abbot of Dunfermlin , but they could come to no agreement . For the Earl of Morton ( of whom they had conceived some hope ) would not hearken to any conditions , except they did acknowledge the King for their Soveraign . Hereupon they ●ell to other counsels , and first to have the Town of Edinburgh at their direction , they craved the keys of the gates to be delivered ; which being refused , they resolved to contribute moneys for hiring of souldiers , and to draw so many of their friends and followers thither , as with help of the Castle might command the Town . But as they were about these devices , advertisement was brought of an Army come to Berwick , under the command of the Earl of Sussex , which troubled all these projects . To remain in Edinburgh they held it not safe , yet lest it should be thought that they left the Town for fear , the Magistrates were privately desired to intreat them to depart , lest the English should fall upon the Town , and make a spoil of it . So making a shew to please the Town , by whom they had been very courteously used , they went to Linlithgow , and abode there the rest of that moneth . Before their parting , they gave a warrant to the Laird of Grange for fortifying the Castle , and dimitting the Lords Home and Hereis , who had been committed by the late Regent . The Duke of Chattellerault was some days before put to liberty . The Lord Home had a part of the moneys which were contributed for levying of souldiers , given him to defend his bounds against the English ; but when the Lairds of Bacleugh and Farnherst desired the like , they were refused , and went away in a great discontent . About the end of April the Army of England entring into Teviotdale , burnt the Towns of Lynwick and Crawling , with the Castles of Farnherst , and Brauxholm , and divers houses belonging to the Kers and Scots . And in their return to Berwick besieged the Castle of Home , which was rendred by the Keepers to Sir William Drury , at the Lord Home his direction , for he reposed much in his friendship . The Lord Scroop at the same time invading the West borders , made a great spoil upon the Iohnstons and others who had accompanied Bacleugh in his incursion . The Lords that kept together at Linlithgow , having advertisement of these proceedings of the English , and suspecting they had some other intentions then the spoiling of the borders , sent a Gentleman to the Earl of Sussex to request a truce , till they might inform the Queen of England of the estate of things , and receive her Majesties answer . The Earl opening the letters that were directed to the Queen ( for he had warrant so to do ) and seeing them full of vain and idle brags ( for to shew the strength of the faction , they had set down a Roll of all the Noblemen of their party , inserting there in both some of their opposites , and some that had carried themselves newters in all these broyls ) returned answer by the messenger , that he would do as he was directed , and not grant any truce , nor keep the Army at their pleasure without imployment . The time of the Convention approaching , they who favoured the King his authority came in great numbers to Edinburgh . At their first meeting it was thought convenient , seeing the adverse party professed a desire of peace , to make trial of their disposition , and thereupon a Gentleman was sent with this message , that if they would joyn for revenge of the murther of the Kings Father , and Regent , and would acknowledge the King for their Soveraign , whatsoever else in reason they could crave should be granted unto them . The answer was short and peremptory on their part ; That they acknowledge none for their Soveraign but the Queen , and that she having committed the Government of affairs to the Earls of Arrane , Argile , and Huntley , they would follow and obey them in her service . Then they caused proclaim the Queens authority , with the several Commissions of their Lieutenandries , and in the Queens name indicted a Parliament to be kept at Linlithgow in August ensuing . The Estates perceiving there would be no agreement , gave forth a Proclamation to this effect ; First , they said , that it was not unknown to all the subjects in what a happy state the Realm stood under the government of the late Regent , and what calamities it was fallen into by his death , divers Lords and other subjects conspiring with them , having presumed to erect another authority under the name of the Queen his Majesties mother . But as such treasonable attempts had been often taken in hand , and as often through Gods favour disappointed , to the shame and ignominy of the enterprisers , so they wished all men should understand , what sort of people they were that had massed themselves together in the present conspiracy . The Conspirators they ranked in three orders , the principles , they said , were the authours of the cruel murthers of the King his father , and Regent ; Others were manifestly purjured , as having bound themselves by their oathes and subscriptions to defend the King his authority which now they impugned : A third sort were such as had servile minos , and without regard to conscience , or honour did follow those to whom they had addicted themselves : All which did pretend the maintenance of true Religion , the liberty of the Countrie , and the preservation of peace both abroad and at home . But with what probability , any man of judgement might consider ; for neither could he , who was known to have been a persecutor of the truth , and now carried the chief sway amongst them ( meaning the Archbishop of St. Andrews ) be thought a maintainer of Religion ; nor could they be esteemed favourers of their Country , and the quietness thereof , who without any just provocation had invaded the neighbour Realm of England , and publickly entertained the Queens Rebells , professing enemies to God and Religion . As to the care they professed of the Kings preservation , any man might conjecture how he should be preserved by them , who exiled his Grandfather , murthered his father , did wickedly counsell his mother , led her on courses , that had brought her to shame and dishonour , and now at last had unworthily cut off his Uncle and Regent , by suborning a mischant to kill him treacherously . It is like , said they , that they will be content to live subjects to a King discended of that house , which they have so long a time persecuted and will they not fear , if God shall bring him to perfection of years , that he will be avenged of his fathers and uncles murther ? Neither can any be ignorant what the hope of a Kingdome will work in ambitious spirits , especially when they finde themselves in a possibility to succeed unto the present possession . And these are the men , said they , who seek to rule and command under the name of her whom they have undone by their wicked practices . Of this they thought fit to advertise the subjects , and to inhibit them from giving any assistance to the said conspirators under pain of death . Such as of simplicity or ignorance had joyned with them , they commanded to separate and return to their houses within the space of 24. houres , promising in that case impunity and pardon for their by-past defection , those onely excepted , who were suspect of the foresaid murthers , and had resset the Queen of Englands Rebells , and violated the publick peace betwixt the two Realms . This Proclamation was indited with much passion , and matters now reduced to these termes , that each side prepared to maintain their quarrell with the destruction of their adversaries . The Queens faction dispatched Vera● to France to inform how matters went , and to further the supply promised . The Lord Seaton was sent to Flanders to intreat the Duke of Alva ( at that time Governour of the Neatherlands for the King of Spain ) for some aid of moneys and men , and to impede the traffique of the Scottish rebells ( so they termed them that acknowledged the Kings authority ) in those parts . For the point of traffick , the Duke excused himself , saying , That he could not inhibit the same , it being against the liberty of the Low-countreys , but in other things he would do his best to further the Queen of Scots cause . Like as shortly after he sent Mr. Iohn Hamilton Parson of Dumbar ( who lay Agent with him for the Scottish Queen ) to the Earl of Huntley with great store of Armor and gunpowder , and the summe of ten thousand . Crowns to levie Souldiers . The Lord Seaton in the mean while , who could not be idle wheresoever he was , and had a great desire to approve himself by some service to the King of Spain , dissembling his habit , went into the United Provinces , and dealt with Scottish Captains and Under officers to make them leave the service of the Estates , and follow the King of Spain ; which being detected , he was apprehended , and by sentence of the Councell of Warre condemned to ride the Canon , yet by some help he escaped and fled to the Duke of Alva , who sent him home loaden with promises , and rewarded with some little present for himselfe , because of his good affection . The Lords on the other side who stood for the Kings authority , sent to the Earl of Sussex intreating the assistance of his forces , or some part thereof , because of the common danger ; and to move him the more , they advertised that the Earl of Westmerland and other English Rebels were with the Lords convened at Linlithgow in Armes , with intention , as it seemed , to work some mischief , which had need for the good of both Realms to be prevented , which they doubted not ( so the letters bear ) having his assistance to do , and to put them off the fields ; whereas if supply were not sent in time , and that matters should happen to be put to a day amongst themselves , the issue might prove dangerous . Answer was made , that the forces should be sent upon sufficient hostages for their surety , during their remaining in Scotland : Withall he craved , that the English Rebels whom the Lords had in their hands , and such others as should happen to be apprehended , might be delivered to him , as the Queens Lieutenant , and left to her Majesties disposition . For the hastages , it was condescended that the chief Noblemen should deliver some of their friends to remain in England during the abode of the English forces , and their safe return assured , the chance and fortune of Warre only excepted , which should be common and alike both to the Scots and them . But touching the delivery of the English Rebells , the Lords intreated that the same might be continued unto the return of her Majesties answer to the instructions sent by the Abbot of Dunfermlin , who was upon his journey , and had warrant from them to satisfie her Majesty in that point . To this the Earl consented , providing the Noblemen would give their bonds for the safe custody of the Rebels , and the performance of that which her Majesty , and the Ambassadour should agree unto . The Laird of Grange , and Secretary Lethington , who as yet made a show to desire peace , laboured by their letters to keep back the English forces , offering what satisfaction the Earl of Sussex in name of her Majesty would require . That the Earl answered , that if the Lords of Linlithgow would disannull the Proclamation of the Queen of Scots authority , and discharge all capitulations for aid out of France , and all other parts beyond the Sea , remitting the present dissension to the hearing and ordering of the Queen his Mistress , and oblieging themselves by their subscriptions to stand at her Majesties determination , he should stay his forces and detain them with himself , till he received new direction from her Majesty . Though these answers did in no wayes please them , yet to gain some time , they gave hopes , that after conference with the Lords at Linlithgow he should receive all satisfaction . But he smelling their intentions , after he had received the bonds and pledges from the Noblemen of the Kings party , sent Sir William Drury Governour of Berwick with a thousand foot , and three hundreth horsmen into Scotland . How soon the Lords that were convened at Linlithgow , heard of their coming , and that the Earl of Lennox was in their company , they departed towards Glasgow and besieged the Castle , purposing to raze it , lest it should be usefull to the Earl of Lennox , who was now returned from England . But the house was so well defended by a few young men ( they passed not 24. in all ) that the siege , after it had continued the space of five or six dayes , brake up upon the rumour of the Noblemen , and the English forces their approaching : The Duke of Chattellerault went with the Earl of Argile into his Countrey , the Earl of Huntley , and the rest into the North. The Noblemen assisted with the English forces coming to Glasgow after a short stay marched to Hamilton , and laid siege to the Castle , which at the sight of the Ordinance that was brought thither for the battery was yielded to the English by Andrew Hamilton of Meryton Captain , upon promise to have their lives spared . The Castle was set on fire and pitifully defaced , as also the Dukes palace within the town of Hamilton , and divers other houses in Cliddisdale . In their return to Edinburgh they destroyed the houses and lands pertaining to the Lords Flemyn and Levingston , with the Dukes lodging in the town of Linlithgow , the houses of Kinneill Powdowy , Peill of Levingston , and others that appertained to the Hamiltons in that shire . This done , the English forces returned to Berwick , and were accompanied thither by the Earl of Morton , who received again the hostages that were delivered in England . Whilest these things were a doing at home , the Abbot of Dunfermlin was following his legation in England . His instructions from the Noblemen of the Kings party were , First , to shew the Queen that by the delay of her Majesties Declaration in the cause of the Kings Mother , all these commotions had been raised , and therefore to intreat her Majesty plainly to declare her self , and take upon her the protection of the young King. Secondly , to inform her of the difficulties they had in electing of a Regent , and crave her opinion therein . Thirdly , to shew what a necessity there was of intreating some forces of foot and horse , till the present troubles were pacified : and in regard of the publick burthens to request her for moneys to maintain 300 horse , and 700. foot , which was esteemed sufficient for repressing the adversaries power . Lastly , concerning the Rebells of England who were in hands , to give her Majesty assurance that they should be safely kept , and to beseech her Highnes if she would have them delivered , that some respect might be had to their credit , and mercy shewed so far as could stand with her Majesties safety , and the quiet of the Realm . For the other Rebells that were as yet in the Countrey he was desired to promise in their name all diligence for their apprehension ; and if it should happen them to be taken , that they should be committed in sure custody , till her Majesties pleasure was known . These things proponed to the Queen she answered , That having heard nothing from the Lords , since the late Regents death , and being dayly importuned by forain Ambassadours , she had yielded to a new hearing of the controversies betwixt them and their Queen , and that she intended to have a meeting of the Commissioners of both parties ere it was long ; Therefore desired them to cease from using further hostility , and not to precipitate the Election of a Regent , the delay whereof would work them no prejudice . This answer reported to the Lords did trouble them exceedingly ; from the one part they saw a necessity of accommodating themselves and their proceedings to the Queen of Englands pleasure , and on the other , they did find a great hurt by the want of a Regent : That adverse faction having thereby taken occasion to erect another Authority , and divers of their own partakers falling back from their wonted forwardness , as not knowing on whom they should depend . After long consultation , this expedient was taken ; That a Lieutenant should be appointed for certain time , with full authority to administrate all affairs ; and notice sent to the Queen of England of the necessity they stood in of a Regent , and that there was no other way to keep the subjects in obedience . Choice accordingly was made of the Earl of Lennox grandfather to the King , and a Commission of Lieutenandry given him to indure to the 11. of Iuly next ; at which time , the Estates were warned to meet for the election of a Regent . Letters were also directed to the Queen of England , requesting her advice in the choice , and an answer to the other Petitions moved by the Abbot of Dunfermlin . The Queen , who was put in hope that Westmerland and the other Rebells of England entertained by the Queen of Scots faction , should be delivered unto her , had shewed her self very favourable unto them , but hearing that they were escaped , she made answer as followes : That she did kindly accept the good will of the Noblemen , testified by their seeking her advice in the choice of a Regent , being a matter of such importance , and so nearly touching the estate of their King and Realm . That her minde once was , they should do best to continue the election for a time ▪ but now considering the disorders that were raised , and possibly thereafter might arise , if some person was not placed in that charge , she did allow their resolution . And seeing the abilities of men for that place were best known to themselves , she should be satisfied with their choice whatsoever it was . Howbeit out of the care she had of the young King she would not dissemble her opinion , which was that the Earl of Lennox her cousin , whom as she was informed , they had made Lieutenant of the Realm , would be more carefull of his safety then any other . But in any case desired them , not to think that in so doing she did prescribe them any choice , but left it free to themselves to do what was fittest . Further , she desired them to rest assured , notwithstanding of the reports dispersed by their adversaries , that she had neither yielded , nor would yield to the alteration of the state of their King and Government , unlesse she did see a more just and clear reason then had yet appeared . For howbeit she condescended to hear what the Queen of Scots would say , & offer as well for her own assurance , as for the good of that Realm , ( a thing w th in honor she could not refuse ) yet not knowing what the same would be , she meant not to break the order of Law and Iustice , either to the advancing or prejudging of her cause . Therefore finding the Realm governed by a King , and him invested by Coronation and other solemnities requisite , as also generally received by the three Estates ▪ she minded not to do any act that might breed alteration in the Estate , or make a confusion of governments . But as she had found , so to suffer the same continue , and net permit any change therein so far as she might impede the same , except by some eminent reason she should be induced to alter her opinion . In end she desired them beware that neither by misconceiving her good meaning towards them , nor by the insolent brags of their adversaries , they should take any course that might hinder or weaken their cause , and make her intentions for their good ineffectual . This letter communicated to the Estates convened at Edinburgh the twelfth of Iuly , and a long discourse made to the same effect by Mr. Thomas Randolph her Ambassadour , they were exceedingly joyed . So following the advice given them , they made choice of Matthew Earl of Lennox , declaring him Regent and Governour of the Realme , unto the Kings majority , or till he were able by himself to administrate the publick affaires . This was done with the great applause of all that were present , and published the next day at the Crosse of Edinburgh . In an Assembly of the Church kept the same moneth , there was some businesse moved by Mr. Iames Carmichal then Master of the Grammar School of S. Andrews , against Mr. Robert Hamilton Minister of the City , for some points of doctrine delivered by the said Mr. Robert in Pulpit . The points are not particularly expressed , but in the sixt Session of that Assembly , Mr. Iames Macgill Clerk of Register Mr. Iohn Bellenden of Auchno●le Justice Clerk , and Mr. Archibald Douglas , one of the Senators of the Colledge of Justice , were directed from the Chancellor and Councel , to require them to forbear all decision in that matter , seeing it concerned the K●ngs authority ▪ and contained some heads tending to treason , ( so is it there said ) which ought to be tried by the Nobility and Councel ▪ willing them notthelesse to proceed in such things as did appertain to their own jurisdiction ; which was judged reasonable , and agreed unto by the Church . So farre were they in these times from declining the King and Councel in doctrines savouring of treason , and sedition , as they did esteem them competent Judges thereof . In the same Assembly Commission was given to Mr. David Lindesay , and Mr. Andrew Hay to travel with the Duke of Chattellerault , the Earls of Argile , Eglington and Cassils , the Lord Boyd , and other Barons and Gentlemen in the West parts for reducing them to the obedience of the King , and his authority . The like Commission was given to the Laird of Dun for the Earl of Crawford , the Lord Ogilvy and their assisters in Angus , and certification ordained to be made unto them , that if they did not return to the Kings obedience , the spiritual sword of excommunication should be drawn against them : which I cannot think was really intended , considering the quality and number of the persons . The Regent immediately upon his creation , and oath taken according to the custom for maintaining true Religion , and observing the lawes and liberties of the Realm , prepared to keep the Diet appointed at Linlithgow by the Lords of the Queens party , who were said to be gathering forces , for holding the Parliament they had indicted ; And because much depended upon the success of that business , he sent to the Earl of Sussex for assistance of his forces . And to the Laird of Grange ( with whom he kept some correspondence ) for some Field-pieces , and other things belonging to their furniture . Grange at first made fair promises , but shifting those who were sent to receive the munition , said , This his service should not be wanting to the making of a concord , but he would not be accessary to the shedding of the blood of Scot●ish men . The Earl of Sussex deferred his answer likewise , till the Queen should be advertised . Notthelesse the Regent observed the Diet , accompanied with 5000 , Gentlemen none of the adverse party appearing . Thereafter a Parliament was indicted to hold at Edinburgh , the tenth of October , and the Regent understanding that the Earl of Huntley had sent some 160. souldiers to Brichen , and given order for providing victuals to the companies , who were there to meet him , made an hasty expedition thither & having sent the Lords Lindesay and Ruthven , with Sir Iames Haliburton Provost of Dundy , a little before himself , went nigh to have intercepted the Earl of Crawford , the Lord Ogilvy , and Sir Iames Balfour , who were there attending Huntley . But they escaping , the souldiers fled to the Steeple of the Church & Castle , which they had fortified . The steeple at the Regents first coming did yield , & so many as were therein , had their lives saved ; the Castle held out some days , till they heard the Canon was at hand , and then rendered at discretion . Cap. Cowts with 30. of his souldiers were executed , because they had once served , and made defection . The rest were pardoned , upon surety not to carry arms against the present authority . This expedition ended the Regent returned to Edinburgh . In the the Moneth of August by letters from Denmark it was advertised , that Colonel Iohn Clerk who had served the King there in his warres with Sweden , was imprisoned by the suggestion of some countreymen that laboured for Bothwels liberty . Whereupon Mr. Thomas Buchannan brother to Mr. George Buchannan the Kings Tutor , was sent in Ambassage to Denmark , to require that Bothwel might be delivered and sent into Scotland , to the effect justice might be done upon him , or then that he might be judged there , for the detestable murther committed upon the person of the Kings father , and receive his due punishment . This had before that time been often desired , but was delayed by divers occasions ; and now the report of Bothwels greater liberty and that he had been permitted to accuse colonel Clerk , a Gentleman well esteemed , & of good reputation for his service done both at home and in parts abroad ; the Regent and Councel took occasion to put that King in remembrance of their former requests ; and if any doubt was made in those parts of Bothwels guiltiness , they offered to clear the same by evident probation ; & thereupon intreated him by the communion of blood and nigh kindred betwixt him and the King of Scotland , that he would not suffer such a nefarious person to escape . In the same letters they requested , that the Colonel might be set at liberty , and restored to the Kings wonted favour , or then be licenced to return into Scotland , where there was present use for his service . This Ambassage was not without fruit , and put Bothwel out of all credit , so as desperate of liberty , he turned mad , and ended his wicked life some years after , ( as before was touched ) most miserably . All things now went ill with the Queens saction , neither saw they a way to subsist , but by labouring an Abstinence , which the Secretary earnestly went about , and prevailed so farre with the two Liegers of France and Spain , as they brought the Queen of England to a new Treaty with the Scots Queen , and to hearken unto some overtures , which she did make both for the Queens assurance , and for the setling of a perfect peace betwixt her and her son , and those that stood in his obedience . This moved the Regent , he did greatly oppose it ; yet the Queen of England would needs have him agree to the Abstinence for the space of two moneths , in which it was thought the Treaty should take an end . Great dispute there was about the tenour and form of the Abstinence , which at last was accorded in these terms . That the Regent should oblige himself and his partakers to cease from Arms , and not to molest any that pretended obedience to the Kings mother , during the space of two moneths , which should be understood to begin the third day of September , providing that no innovation should be made in the government , and all things continue in the same estate wherein they were at the death of the late Regent : As also that the ordinary administration of the Law and Justice in Parliament , Session , and other Courts , with the punishment of thieves and trespassers , might proceed in the mean time by law or force in the Kings name , and under his authority , without any opposition . This granted , by a second letter the Queen of England signified , That she had appointed Sir William Cecill her principal Secretary , and Sir Walter Mildmay Chancellour of the Exchequer , to repair to the Queen of Scots , and learn what offers she would make for her Majesties surety , and the not disturbing the Realms , if she should be put to liberty . In which treaty she minded not to neglect the surety of the young King , and the estate of the Nobility adhering to him , whereof she would be no lesse careful , then of what concerned her self most . But in regard that treaty could take no good effect , if the Regent and the Nobility on his side should do any thing to the prejudice of the Queen of Scots and her party , she desired that no Parliament should be kept during the time of the treaty ; or if it had taken beginning before the receipt of the letter , that nothing should passe therein , which might give her cause to complain . And for the Abstinence taken unto the third of November , seeing there was no likelihood , the treaty should take an end in so short a time , he was further desired to prorogue the same for other two moneths . The letter dated at Windsor the seventh of October , was brought to the Regent the thirteenth , some two days after the Parliament was begun . This treaty did much perplex the Regent , for albeit he was advertised before , of the Queen of Englands condescending to hear what the Scottish Queen would say in her own cause , yet he did not expect any such suddain dealing , or that it should have begun without his knowledge . But making the best construction of all things , he answered , That the Parliament had taken a beginning before her Majesties letters came to his hand , and for the reverence he did carry to her , he had abstained from all proceeding in any matters , only his office of Regiment was confirmed , and the Parliament adjourned unto the moneth of January , before which time he hoped the fruit of that treaty would appear . For the prorogation of the Abstinence , he had declared at the first how hurtful the same was to the King his affairs , and that there was no true meaning in the adverse party , ad did manifestly appear by the arresting of the ships , and goods of the Scottish Merchants , professing the King his obedience , in the Kingdome of France , and other divers insolencies practised at home , since the granting thereof . That howsoever he was perswaded , her Majesty had not a mind under colour of the Abstinence to ruine the young King , and those that stood in defence of his authority , yet they had received more hurt thereby then they could have done , if open hostility had been professed . Therefore he desired that before he was urged with a further cessation , the ships and goods stayed in France , might be set free , the injuries committed at home repaired , and all things innovated in the Government since the late Regents death , disannulled by Proclamation : which things performed , he should willingly obey her Majesties desire . Upon this last part of the letter , many debates arose amongst the parties , and divers particulars on either side were exhibited in writing to the Earl of Sussex , for verifying a breach of the Abstinence against others . That which I find most insisted upon , was the denouncing of Secretary Lethington Rebell , who being cited to appear at a certain day before the Regent and Councel , was for his contumacy sentenced to lose his office , and have his goods consiscated . The Regent challenged of this point made answer , That the Secretary could claim no benefit by the Abstinence , seeing he was the Kings subject , and stood to the defence of the Kings cause , both in England and Scotland , professing himself as much displeased with the Proclamation of the Queens authority , as any man else . And howbeit of late he had accompanied the contrary faction , yet he never declined his subjection to the King. That being required to attend his office he had refused , whereupon the same was justly taken from him ; and for the confiscation complained , if he would yet declare on what side he was , he should be reasonably used . The Secretary who had often changed his party , finding that now he must declare himself on the one side , or the other , sent to the Earl of Sussex this answer , That he did think it strange the Regent should enquire on which side he was , seeing his speeches , writings and actions had declared the same . Always now he would plainly professe , that he was not of the Lord Regents side , nor would he acknowledge him for Regent . That he was of that side , which would perform their duties to the Queen of Scotland , and to her son , so as neither of them should have cause to find fault with him that he was of that side which wished to either of them the place , which in reason and justice they ought to possesse ; and that he was of that side which requested the Queen of England to enter into good conditions with the Queen , whereby Scotland might be brought in an union , and she restored to her liberty and Realm . He confessed , that he did not allow of the proclaiming of the Queens authority , nor of the Parliament indited by those of he part , because he foresaw the same would impede the Treaty betwixt the two Queens , and might do hurt many ways , and hinder the good he was about to do . But that would not inser an allowance of their doings . And this , he said might give the Regent to understand on what side he was . This answer neither expressing a reason of his falling away from the Kings obedience , nor discovering plainly , as was desired , of what side he should be esteemed , being delivered to the Regent , received this reply ; That it was no marvel , he should not acknowledge him for Regent , having deserved so ill at his hands , and being attainted of the soul and cruel murther of his son , the Kings father . That his Declaration did not satisfy that which was demanded : for where he made a shew to observe a duty both to the Queen and to her son , and would have it appear , that he was about the effecting of great matters ; the duties he had done to either of them were well enough known , neither could any man look for any good to proceed from him . Therefore howsoever he had against his promise and subscription declined from the Kings party , he must still be subject to answer such particulars as should be laid against him in the Kings name . And seeing it was neither her Majesties meaning , that any person guilty of the Kings murther should enjoy benefit by the Abstinence , he that was challenged thereof in the late Regents time , and had in Councel offered himself to the severest trial that could be taken could not complain of the breach of Abstinence , for any thing done , or intended against him . But that neither this particular , nor any other should be an occasion to dissolove that Treaty begun , he said , that he was content the notes of all injuries alledged on either side should be delivered in writing to the Earl of Sussex , and the trial or redresse thereof continued , till it should appear , what effect the Treaty brought forth . The prorogation of the Abstinence in the mean time , as was desired by the Queen of England , was yielded unto , and subscrived the fourth of November with this provision , That the goods and the ships of the Scottish Merchants arrested at that time in France should be released , and no stay made of such as should happen to repair thither , during the time of the Abstinence . Whilest these things were debating , the copy of the Articles proponed by the Commissioners of England to the Queen of Scots , for the surety of the Queen , were sent to the Lords of her faction to be considered , which were as followeth . 1. That the Treaty at Leth should be confirmed , and that she should not claim any right , nor pretend title to the Crown of England , during the life of Queen Elizabeth . 2. That she should not renew nor keep any League with any Prince against England , nor yet receive forein forces into Scotland . 3. That she should neither practise nor keep intelligence with Irish or English without the Queens knowledge , and in the mean time cause the English fugitives and rebels to be rendered . 4. That she should redresse the wrongs and harms done by her faction in the borders of England . 5. That she should not joyn in marriage with any English man without the consent of the Queen of England , nor with any other against the liking of the Estates of Scotland . 6. That she should not permit the Scots to passe into Ireland , without licence obtained from the Queen of England . 7. That for the performance of these Articles , her son should be delivered to be brought up in England , and six other hostages , such as the Queen of England should name , should be sent thither . The Castles of Home , Fast● Castle , kept by the English for the space of three years , and some Fort in Galloway , or Cantire be put in the English mens hands , for restraining the Irish Scots from going into Ireland . 8. That she should do justice according to the law , upon the murtherers of her husband and the late Earl of Murray . 9. That she should set her hand , and cause the Commissioners to be appointed by her party , set their hands and seals to these Articles . 10. And lastly , that all these particulars should be confirmed by the Estates of Scotland . Now albeit divers of these Articles were misliked by the Lords of her faction , yet conceiving thereby some hope of her restitution , they dispersed certain copies in the countrey , to encourage those that professed her obedience , holding back such of the Articles as seemed most hard , trusting to obtain a mitigation thereof in the conference ; And she indeed , I mean the Scottish Queen , shewed her self pleased withall , onely she remitted the full answer to her Commissioners that should come from Scotland . The rumour of the Accord held good a few days , and amused the Regent and other Noblemen not a little , till a letter directed by Sir William Cecil from Chattesworth in Derbyshire , where the Queen of Scots then lay , did otherwise inform , which was to this effect : That he was put upon that imployment much against his heart , and yet had not dealt therein but with a great regard of the safety of the young King and whole Estate : And that all he had done touching Scottish affairs , was under protestation , that it should be in the power of those whom the Queen and Regent should send in Commission , to change , diminish or augment the Articles at their pleasures . Therefore did he advise the Regent , to send a Nobleman with some other well learned and practised in the affairs of the countrey , to deal in these matters ; taking care , that the persons he choosed were constant and firm , and such as would not be wonne from him , nor from the cause . This Letter of the date the thirteenth of October , 1570. written in so friendly and familiar a manner ( for therein he named some whom the Regent had lately imployed , of whom he willed him to beware ) gave him to understand , that matters were not so farre gone , as his adversary did bragge . After a few dayes the Earl of Sussex advertised the Regent that the Lords of the other faction had made choice of certain Commissioners to attend the treaty begun betwixt their Queen and the Queen of England , desiring that no trouble nor molestation should be made to them and their train in that journey ; as also to send some speciall persons instructed with Commission from the King , and the Nobility of his side , to give their best advice for the surety of the King and his dependants , if matters should happen to be accorded . And if it fell out otherwise , to consider what should be the most sure course for continuance of amity betwixt the two Realms , the preservation of the young King , the reducing of the subjects to his obedience , and the defence of the Isle against forain invasions . These Commissioners he desired to be sent with expedition , for that her Majesty longed to have an end of the business , and could not grow to any resolution , till she had conferred with them , and understood their minds . This he did by direction from the Queen his Mistris as he wrote , howbeit he himself had thought of some particulars that he held convenient to be thought upon , but for the Kings security , and theirs , if his mother should be set at liberty , wherein he prayed him familiarly to shew what was his opinion . As first , if she should happen to be restored to her Crown , and the King to be made to dimit the authority , it might be upon condition that in case of her death , or the breach of the present agreement , he might reenter to the kingdome without any Solemnities to be used . Next , that a Councell of both parties might be provided to her by the Queen of England for avoyding all sorts of practises . Thirdly , that the young King should be educated in the Realm of England under the custody of such persons , as the Nobility of his party should appoint , which would be the greatest sure●y for those that depended on him , and tie his mother to the performance of the Articles . Fourthly , that a new Act of Parliament should be made for the establishing of true Religion , and oblivion of all injuries committed on either side . Fifthly , that the Queen should give some principall men of her side Hostages to remain in England for fulfilling the heads of the agreement . Lastly , he advised the Regent to send with the Commissioners that should be imployed in that errand a writing signed and scaled by all the Noblemen of the Kings party , to sh●w who they were that stood on that side . Because besides the credit it would bring to the cause , the same would be to good purpose , howsoever matters went. For if the Treaty should break off , it would be seen who would maintain and defend the King ; Or if otherwise an accord were made , it would be known for what persons the Queen of England was to provide a surety . Whether these Propositions were made ( as he gave out ) of his own head , or which would rather appear , that he was set on by the Queen of England to try the Regent and Nobilities mind , he answered very advisedly , and beginning at the last , he said , That he held his opinion good touching the sealing of a writing by the Nobility of the Kings party , whose number would not be found so great as he wished , because there were divers Neuters that adhered to no side , and many that desired to keep things loose , some for impunity of crimes whereof they were suspected , and others hoping to better their condition in an unquiet time ; yet he trusted to obtain the subscriptions of a sufficient number who had sincerely continued in the profession of true Religion and his Majesties obedience , and from their hearts abhorred the murtherers of the King his sonne , and the late Regent . For the other points he said , that he could not give his private opinion in matters so important , by reason of his oath made at the acceptation of the government to have no dealing in matters of that kind without the knowledge of the Nobility and Councell . And touching the Commissioners which the Queen required to be sent , there should be diligence used therein , how soon they understood of what quality the others were , that the Lords of the Queens party did choose . Neither should any molestation be made to them in their journy , so as their names , the number of their train , and the way they minded to take were notified ; For otherwise as he said , the King and Estate might receive hurt , and some that were culpable of those odious murthers steal away privately in their company . Mean while he shewed , that till Commissioners might be chosen by the advice of the Noblemen then absent , the Councell had appointed the Abbot of Dunfermlin Ambassadour to the Queen of England , and given him such instructions as they held needfull for the time , by whom she should be more fully advertised of their minds in all matters . About the midst of November the Abbot of Dunfermlin ( then made Secretary ) went into England . He was desired to shew the Queen How it was the expectation of all the good subjects in Scotland , that she would never forget the motherly care she had professed to have of the innocent person of their young King ; nor yet be unmindfull of the Noblemen and others professing his obedience , who had studied to maintain peace betwixt the two Realms ever since her Majesties entry to the Crown ; and that they being required as well by letters from her Lieutenant in the North , as by her Ambassadour resident amongst them , to direct some speciall persons towards her for communicating such things as they thought requisite for the surely of their King and themselves , although they had resolved upon a number sufficient for that Legation , yet they deferred to send away till they should understand who were nominated for the Lords of the other party , to the end they might equall them in birth and quality ; That in the mean time lest they should be thought more negligent then became them in matter of such importance , they had laid upon him the charge , to come and signifie to her Majesty the opinion that was held in Scotland of the Articles framed at Chattesworth , which the adversaries gave out to have been craved by her Majesty , and esteemed a sufficient security for the Queen of Scots . And if he did find her Majesty inclining thereto , then to remember her with what a person she had to do ; a Princess by birth , in Religion Popish , one that professed her self a captive , and as joyned with an husband , ( suppose in a most unlawfull conjunction ) and that any one of these would serve for a colour to undo whatsoever thing she agreed unto at the present ; for her Majesty could not be ignorant , how after her escape out of Lochleven , she revoked the dimission of the Crown , made in favours of her son , ( though the same was done for good respects ) upon a pretext of fear● and that she did the same being a Captive . As likewise she knew the Papists Maxime of not keeping faith to Hereticks , which would serve her for a subterfuge to break all Covenants when she saw her time ; and that to dimit her upon any surety , would prove no less dangerous to her Majesties own estate then to Scotland , considering the claim she had made in former times to the Crown of England , and the attempts of her Rebels at home , not yet well extinct , upon the same grounds . In regard whereof there was nothing could assure the quiet of both Realmes in their opinions , but her detention under safe custody , which could not be esteemed dishonourable , the just causes and occasions being published and made manifest to the world . As to the power of forain Princes whereof they boasted , the same was not much to be feared , so long as her person was kept sure ; And if war for that cause should be denounced , the perill should be less , then if she were set at liberty , and restored to the Crown ; for so she should have her forces and friendship ready to joyne with other Princes in all their quarrells , against which no Hostages could serve for assurance . This was the summe of his instructions . He had presence of the Queen the penult of November , and perceiving that none of these Articles were concluded , he did communicate all his instructions unto her , as he was desired ; she having perused them , and reasoned thereupon with her Councell , returned this Answer , That she found in his instructions divers things worthy of consideration , which behoved to be further debated , and gravely weighed , because of their importance . Therefore desired some men of credit to be directed unto England , that an end might be put to that business ; for as to the restitution of the Queen , seeing it appeared they had reason to oppose it , she would not have the Regent or those of his party to think that she intended to wrong them in any sort ; for if they should make it appear that nothing was done by them but according to justice , she would side with them and maintain their quarrell . And otherwise if they were not able to justifie their cause by such evident reasons as might satisfie her Majesty in conscience , and make her answer the world in honour , she would nevertheless for that naturall love she bare to the King her near kinsman , and the good will she carried to the Noblemen that stood for his authority , leave no means unprovided for their safeties : But in regard a great part of the time appointed in the last prorogation of the Abstinence was already spent , she desired the same to be prorogated unto March next , and would desire them to agree thereto , in regard they that stood for the Queen had condescended to the same , and as much more time as she should think fitting . This answer of the date at Hampton Court the ● . of December came unto the Regent the 15. who thereupon advertised the Noblemen to meet at Edinburgh with all diligence for taking deliberation of things desired . The Laird of Grange , whether to impede the meeting , or to divert the Councell from trying a conspiracy which was then discovered , and said to have been devised in the Castle against the Regents life , it is uncertain , raised a great trouble in the town of Edinburgh about the same time . One of his servants called Iames Fleming being imprisoned by the Magistrates for a slaughter committed by his direction , he in the evening whilest all men were at supper , made the Garrison of the Castle to issue forth , and break open the prison doors , playing all the while upon the town with the Canon , to tertifie the inhabitants from making resistance . This being complained of to the Regent , he was called to answer for the riot , but refused to appear and presently brake out in open rebellion , fortifying the Castle , and conducing a number of souldiers , who did afterwards greatly annoy the Citizens . The Nobility notwithstanding did keep the meeting , and made choice of the Earl of Morton , the Abbot of Dunfermlin , and Mr. Iames , Mr. Gill , to goe unto England ; withall they agreed to the Abstinence required , adjourning the Parliament to May thereafter . How soon these Commissioners were come to London , The Earl of Leicester and Sussex , the Lord Keeper , the Chamberlain , Sir William Cecill Secretary ( then made Lord Burleigh , ) Sir Walter Mildmay , and Sir Francis Knolls were appointed to confer with them ; These meeting in the Secretaries chamber at Court , after salutations and some generall speeches , the Lord Burleigh said , That they were desired to come into England upon occasion of a Treaty begun betwixt the two Queens , and that her Majesty did now expect to receive from them such evident reasons for their proceedings against their Queen as wherewith she might both satisfie her self , and with honour answer to the world for that which she did : Or if they could not be able so to do , that matters might be composed in the best sort for their safeties , which her Majesty would by all means procure . The Commissioners answered , that they had before that time imparted the truth of all things to her Majesty , which they thought might satisfie to clear them from the crimes objected ; yet if she stood doubtfull in any point , the same should be cleared , and their doings justified by most evident reasons . Nothing further was said at that time , but all continued to the next day . And then having again met , the Earl of Morton made a long discourse of the reasons and grounds of their proceedings , answering the objections which he thought could be made against what he had spoken . His discourse ended , they were desired to put their reasons in writing , which was with some difficulty yielded unto , and under condition , that if the reasons proponed by them did not content her Majesty , the writing should be redelivered , and no Copy taken thereof ; Otherwise , if her Majesty did like and allow them , they were content the same should be put in Record , if so it pleased her Higness . The last of February ( for albeit the 20. of that moneth they came to London ) they presented a number of Reasons for justifying the deposition of their Queen , and cited many Lawes both Civill , Canon , and Municipall , which they backt with examples drawn forth of Scottish Histories , and with the opinions of divers famous Divines . The Queen of England having considered their reasons , was not a little displeased both with the bitter speeches , and with the liberty they had used in depressing the authority of Princes , and thereupon told them , That she was in no sort satisfied with their reasons , willing them to go unto the second head , and devise what they thought meetest for the safety of their King and themselves . But said , they refusing , that they had no Commission to speak of any thing that might derogate from the Kings authority ; and if such a Commission had been given them , they would not have accepted it . In these terms matters continued some days till the Commissioners for the King of Scots suting to be dimitted , were sent for to Greenwich , where the Queen had a long speech tending all to declare what a good will she had carried to the young King , and to those that professed his obedience , and wondering they should be so wilful , and not to deliberate of such things as served to their own safety . The Commissioners answering , that they believed the reasons produced would have satisfied her Majesty touching their proceedings , which ( as they esteemed ) were sufficient to prove , that they had done nothing but according to justice : Yet I ( saith the Queen ) am not satisfied neither with your reasons , nor lawes , nor examples ; nor am I ignorant of the lawes my self , having spent divers years in the study thereof . If ye your selves will not ( saith she ) propone any thing for your own sureties , yet I would have you hear what my Councel is able to say in that matter , and I hope it shall content you . They answered , that their respect to her Majesty was greater , then to refuse any good advice which she and her good Councel should give them , but that they had no power to consent to any thing that might inferre an alteration of the present state , or diminish the Kings authority . The next day the Articles following were given them , and they desired to consider of the same , and set down their Answer in writing . 1. That in regard her son had been crowned King by vertue of her dimission , and his Coronation ratified by the three Estates of Parliament , and that since that time a great number of the subjects had professed obedience to him , and his Regents , which was to be interpreted in the best part , as done out of duty , and not out of any ill mind towards their Queen , the obedience so yielded to the King and his Regents , should be allowed from the time of the dimission of the Crown made by her , unto the resumption of the same : And all manner of Acts done since that time in the administration of justice , and for government of the State , should be reputed good and lawful , or at least reviewed , and confirmed in the next Parliament after consideration taken of the same by twelve Lords , whereof six should be named by the Queen and her Commissioners , and the other six by the Commissioners for the Kings part . 2. That all Statutes and Ordinances made concerning matters of Religion , and the Ministers thereof , since the same time , should be observed by all the subjects of Scotland , and no pardon nor dispensation granted in time coming to any person not observing the same , without consent of the said twelve Lords . 3. That all Processes , Sentences , and Judgements given either in causes civil or criminal since the said time , wherein the order of the laws of the Realm had been observed , should remain in force , and only such sentences as had been pronounced either in the name of the King or Queen against any person for not obeying or acknowledging either of their Titles , be rescinded ; the sentences alwayes pronounced against the Earl of Bothwel , or any others , for the murther of the Queens husband , standing good and valid . 4. That all Ecclesiastical benefices and temporal offices , which have usually continued in the person of any during term of life , should remain with the same persons that held them at the time of the Queens dimission ; such excepted , as may be proved to have consented to the murther of her husband , or that have left them upon recompence , and with their own consents : In which cases the present possessors should enjoy the same , unlesse they were uncapable , and declared by the twelve Lords to be such . 5. That all strengths , Castles , and houses appertaining to the Crown should be restored to the possession of those who held them at the time of the Queens dimission , except they had parted therewith upon agreement . In which case the Queen with consent of the said twelve Lords , or the most part of the Councel should dispose thereof . 6. That the Jewels , Plate , Moveables , and implements of houses belonging to the Queen at the time of her dimission , should be restored , provided the moneys which any had laid out for the same , were repayed : And for such as had been put away by the direction of the Regents , or Councel , that recompence should be made by the Queen to the party according to the just value . 7. That a law should be established in Parliament for oblivion and remission of all things done since that time , after the same manner that was done in the year 1563. providing not the lesse , that the Comptroller , Thesaurer , and other receivers of the Crown revenues , should give an accompt to the Queen of all summes of money or other profits which had not been expended bona fide , for the affairs of the Realm , or by order and warrant from the Regent , and others trusted with those affairs ; Neither should the remission be extended to any that had taken by force any houses , Castles , lands , or heritages belonging to others , but restitution should be made thereof to the party dispossessed , or to his heirs , till the same by order of law be justly determined . In like manner concerning goods moveable taken away from the Owners against their wills , and being yet in their own nature extant , that restitution should be made thereof . And because many doubts might arise upon this Article , the same should be determined by the foresaid twelve Lords , or otherwise as was devised for the execution of the Act made Anno 1563. 8. That for the more quiet government of the Realm , there should be appointed a Privy Councel , which should consist of twelve Lords spiritual and temporal , besides the other ordinary officers that do usually attend . And that the said Councel should be established with the like provisions that were made at the return of the Queen out of France , Anno 1561. So many as were then Counsellors , and yet alive , being counted of that number ; and that the Earl of Lennox , because he was most bound by nature to take care of the King , should be one of the Councel , and have place therein according to his degree . 9. That for the greater safety of the Kings person , he should be brought into the Realm of England , and there governed by such Noblemen of Scotland , as depend of him , so as he may be ever ready to be restored to the Crown , if the Queen his Mother break the Covenants agreed betwixt her and the Queen of England . 10. That for his entertainment he should not only have the revenues which the Princes of Scotland in former times possessed , but also the Rents and Offices belonging sometime to the Earl of Bothwel . 11. And last , that a convenient number of Hostages , being all Noblemen , and of those who have adhered to the Queen , and solicited her delivery , should enter in England to remain there for assurance of observing the conditions made both to the King of Scots and the subjects under his obedience , and to the Queen of England for the peace and quiet of her dominions ; And that the said Hostages should be entered in England before the Queen of Scots shall be put to liberty . These Articles delivered to them were answered the next day , as followeth : We have seen and considered the note of the Heads which we received from your Lordships for pacifying the controversies between the Queen our Soveraigns mother , and the King her Son , and his Subjects , touching the Title of the Crown of Scotland , if it be found , that her dimission either was , or may be lawfully revoked by her ; And therewithall having diligently perused our Commission and Instructions to know how far we might enter in Treaty upon the same Heads for satisfaction of the Queens Majesty , and your Lordships to whom the hearing of the cause is committed ; We find our selves no ways able , nor sufficiently authorised to enter into any treaty or conference touching the King our Soveraign his Crown , the abdication or diminution of the same , or yet the removing of his person from the place where he abideth ▪ For as we confesse our selves his Highnesse subjects , and have all our power and Commission from him , to treat in his name , in matters tending to the maintenance of true Religion , his honour and estate , and for the continuance of amity betwixt the two Realms : So we cannot presume to abuse our Commission in any thing that may prejudge him , wherein we trust your Lordships shall allow and approve us . At the same time , some others were appointed to conferre with those of his Mothers party ; And to them it was proposed , that for the security of the Queen of England , and the Noblemen that followed the King of Scots , the Duke of Chatteller ault , with the Earls of Huntley , Argile , the Lord Home , and any other Nobleman they pleased to name , should be delivered as pledges , and the Castles of Dumbar , and Home , be put in the hands of English men , to be kept for three years . The answer they gave , was , that she who of her own motive committed her self to the protection of the Queen of England , would most willingly give her satisfaction in all things which conveniently might be done ; but to deliver those great men , and the Fortresses required , was no other thing but to spoil and deprive the distressed Queen of the succour of her most faithful friends , and the strength of those places ; yet if in all other points they did agree , they made offer , that two Earls ( one whereof should be of the number nominated ) and two Lords should enter as Hostages , and remain in England for the space of two years ; but for the Holds and Castles , they could not , because of the League with France , put them in the hands of English men , unlesse others were put also in the hands of the French. The Queen of England perceiving that there were on both sides great impediments , sent for the Kings Commissioners , and told them , how she had considered , that the Articles proponed , could not be resolved but in a Parliament , and therefore leaving the Treaty for a time , seeing she understood there was a meeting of the Estates appointed in May next , she held it meetest they should return , and in that meeting condescend upon an equal number of both parties , that should have power to compose matters ; The Abstinence in the mean time being renewed , in hope that all differences should be taken away , and matters peaceably agreed . This she would cause signify to the Agents of their Queen , and doubted not , but they would assent thereto ; yet when it was moved unto them , they refused to agree to any delay , till they should know what was her own mind . Hereupon the Kings Commissioners were commanded to stay till her Answer should be returned . In this time the Bishop of Galloway and the Lord Levingston trusting to speed better by conference with the Earl of Morton , and the rest . sent to desire a meeting of them , which was yielded unto , provided the Bishop of Ross came not in their company ; for him they would not admit , as being the Kings Rebel . Having met , they talked kindly one to another . But that the Queen should be restored to her authority , in no condition ( though divers were proponed ) could be admitted ; which when she heard , and that the Queen of England had taken a course to delay things , she grew into a great choler , and inhibited her Commissioners to treat any more . This reported to the Queen of England , she sent for the Earl of Morton and his Associates , and told him , that their Queen took in evil part the motion she had made ; And seeing it is so , saith she , I will not detain you longer , ye shall go home , and if afterwards she be brought to agree to this course , as I hope she shall , I have no doubt but you will for your parts do that which is fitting . Thus were they dimitted . Whilest these things were doing in England , the factions at home , notwithstanding of the Abstinence , were not idle , but taking their advantage of others . Lord Claud Hamilton ejecting the Lord Semple his servant forth of the house of Paslay , placed therein a number of souldiers , and by them kept all these parts in in fear ; The Regent upon this gathering some forces , besieged the house , and had it rendered to him within a few days . The Souldiers were conveyed to Edinburgh , and hanged on the Gallows without the Town . Not long after , upon intelligence that the Castle of Dunbarton was negligently kept , and might easily be surprised , he sent three companies under the command of Captain Crawford , Captain Home , and Captain Ramsey to give the attempt ; Ladders and other necessaries for scaling being prepared , they went thither in the night , conducted by a fellow that had served in the house , and as then had quit his service upon a private discontent . A little before day carrying the ladders with the least noise they could make , they placed the same in the most commodious part for ascent , and notwithstanding of sundry difficulties that happened , got up in the end to the top of the Rock : There having a wall of stone likewise to climbe , Captain Alexander Ramsey by a ladder which they drew up after them , was the first that entered , and for a short space defended himself against three watchmen that assailed him . Crawford and Home following quickly with their companies , the watchmen were killed , and the munition se●sed . The Lord Fleming , who commanded the Castle , hearing the tumult , fled to the neather Balze ( so they call the part by which they descend to the river ) and escaped in a little Boat. The souldiers and other servants yielding , were spared , and freely dimitted . Within the Castle were the Archbishop of S. Andrews , Monsieur Veras the French man , the Lady Fleming , Iohn Fleming of Boghall , Alexander Levingston , sonne to the Lord Levingston , and Iohn Hall an English man , who were all made prisoners . The next morning the Regent came thither , ( for he was lying at Glasgow ) and using the Lady honourably , suffered her to depart with her plate , jewels , and all that appertained either to her or to her husband . Veras was sent to be kept at S. Andrews , and permitted afterwards to depart . The English man Hall was delivered to the Marshal of Berwick . Boghall and the Lord Levingstons son were deteined . The Archbishop was sent to Striveling , and the first of April publickly hanged on a gibbet , erected to that purpose . This was the first Bishop that suffered by form of Justice in this Kingdome , a man he was of great action , wise and not unlearned , but in life somewhat dissolute . His death , especially for the manner of it , did greatly incense his friends , and disliked of divers , who wished a greater respect to have been carried to his age and place . But the suspicion of his guiltinesse in the murthers of the King and Regent , made him of the common sort lesse regrated . It is said , that being questioned of the Regents murther , he answered , That he might have stayed the same , and was sorry he did it not . But when he was charged with the Kings death , he denied the same . Yet a Priest called Thomas Robinson that was brought before him , affirmed that one Iohn Hamilton ( commonly called Black Iohn ) had confessed to him on his death-bed , that he was present by his direction at the murther . Whereunto he replied , That being a Priest , he ought not to reveale Confessions ; and that no mans Confession could make him guilty . But for none of those points was he condemned , nor the ordinary form of Trial used , though he did earnestly request the same ; Only upon the forfeiture laid against him in Parliament , he was put to death , and the execution hastened , lest the Queen of England should have interceded for his life . They who stood for the Queen , upon advertisement that the Treatie was dissolved , and that she had recalled the Bishop of Galloway , and the Lord Levingston , did presently take Armes . The Laird of Grange to keep the Town of Edinburgh under command , did plant in the steeple of S. Giles some souldiers , and transport all the Armour and Munition which was kept in the Town-house to the Castle ; After a few days the Duke of Chattellerault , came thither , with the Earls of Argile and Huntley , the Lords Hereis , Boyd and divers others , to stay the holding of the Parliament , which had been adjourned to the fourteenth of May. At their coming they compelled the Clerks and Keepers of the Register to deliver the books of Councel and Parliament , and seised on every thing , which they thought might hinder the States to convene . The Ministers were commanded in their publick prayers to make mention of the Queen their Soveraign Princesse ; which they resused . Iohn Knox withdrew himself , and retired to S. Andrews , Alexander Bishop of Galloway preaching in his place . The Regent on the other side with the Nobility that adhered to the King , came into Leth with a resolution to hold the Parliament , whatsoever should follow ; and because it would be a difficil work to recover the town , conclusion was taken to keep the Parliament in that part of the Canon gate which is subject to the townes jurisdiction : the Lawyers having resolved , that in what part soever of the towne the Estates should convene , their meeting would be found lawful . Thus on Munday the fourteenth of May , which was the Diet appointed , the Parliament according to the custome was fenced in a house without the gates , yet within the liberties of the town . The Saterday preceding the Regent had by advice of the Councel sent some men of warre to possesse that part of the town , who were assisted by certain Noblemen voluntiers that joyned in the service . And notwithstanding the continual playing of the Ordinance upon that part from the Castle , both that day and all the time the Parliament sate , not a man ( a thing most strange ) of the Regents side was either hurt or killed , there were cited to the Parliament young Lethington , his brother Mr. Iohn Maitland , Prior of Coldingham , Gawan Hamilton , Abbot of Kilwining , with his eldest son , and a base son of the late Archbishop of S. Andrews , who were all declared culpable of treason . Young Lethington because of his foreknowledge and counsel given to King Henry his murther , the rest for their rebellion against the King and his Regents . As in such a troubled time the Parliament was very frequent , for of the Nobility were present , the Earls of Morton , Marre , Glencarn , Crawford , ( who some moneths before had forsaken the Queens faction , and submitted himself to the King ) Buchan and Menteith , the Lord Keith and Graham , as proxies for their Fathers ; the Earls of Marshal and Montrosse , with the Lords Lindesay , Ruthven , Glamis , Zeister , Methven , Ochiltrie , Cathcart , two Bishops , nine Abbots and Priors , with twenty Commissioners of Burghs . The forfeiture pronounced , the Estates took counsel to dissolve , because the danger was great , and prorogued the Parliament to the third of August , appointing the same to meet at Striveling . A new Civil warre did then break up , which kept the Realm in trouble the space of two years very nigh , and was exherced with great enmity on all sides . You should have seen fathers against their sons , sons against their fathers , brother fighting against brother , nigh kinsmen and others allied together , as enemies seeking one the destruction of another . Every man as his affection led him , joyned to the one or other party , one professing to be the Kings men , another the Queens . The very young ones scarce taught to speak had these words in their mouthes , and were sometimes observed to divide and have their childish conflicts in that quarrel . But the condition of Edinburgh was of all parts of the countrey the most distressed , they that were of quiet disposition and greatest substance , being forced to forsake their houses ; which were partly by the souldiers , partly by other necessitous people , ( who made their profit of the present calamities ) rifled and abused . The nineteenth day of May the Regent and other Noblemen leaving the Canon gate , went to Leth , and the next day in the afternoon took their journey towards Striveling , where the ordinary Judges of Session were commanded to sit for ministring justice to the Leiges . As they were taking horse , the forces within Edinburgh issued forth making shew to sight , yet still they kept themselves under guard of the Castle . The Earl of Morton parting from the Regent at Corstorphin , had the foot souldiers left with him to withstand the enemy , if he should make any suddain attempt . Nor did there many days passe when the Earl of Huntley , and Lord Claud Hamilton with their forces enterprised the burning of Dalkeith . Morton , who remained there , being forewarned of their coming , took the fields , and entertained a long fight with them , though in number he was far inferiour ; divers on either side were killed , 25. of the Earl of Mortons men taken prisoners , and of the adverse party Captain Hackerston . Neither had the conflict ended so soon , if they had not been separated by an accident that happened in the time . The Earl of Huntley and Lord Claud had carried with them a great quantity of powder , wherewith the souldiers striving to furnish themselves , and one of the matches falling amongst the powder , it took fire , and with a terrible noise overthrew all that stood by , Captain Iames Melvil and number of his company were thereby killed in the place , many died a few days after of the hurt they received at that time . The Earl of Morton by this invasion being taught to look unto himself , did hire a band of souldiers , that was lately come from Denmark , under the command of Captain Michael Weymes , or as others write , Captain David Weymes . The Lords that remained at Edinburgh thinking to intercept him and his company , as he crossed the river of Forth , imployed Mr. Iames Kircaldy , brother to the Lord of Grange , ( who a few days before was come from France with a supply of money and Arms ) and Capt. Cullen a man well skilled in sea affairs , to lie in wait for their landing . But the purpose being detected to the Earl of Morton , he came upon them at Leth as they were taking Boat , so unexpected , as 16. of the number were taken prisoners , which served to redeem certain of Captain Weymes company , that were the next day taken at sea , for he himself with the greatest part arrived safely at Leth. The Regent having advertised the Queen of England of those troubles , and by the common danger of both the Realms , intreated that she should no longer remain a neuter , she sent Sir William Drury Marshal of Berwick to try the estate of things , the power that the Regent had , and the means whereby the Castle of Edinburgh might be recovered ; and perceiving by the information returned , that without her assistance neither could that strength be regained , nor the waged souldiers be kept long together ; because as yet she held it not fit to declare her self for the King , she began of new to treat with both parties for a surceasance of arms , and that the town of Edinburgh might be freed of the souldiers , & left patent for the Court of Justice , the Captain of the Castle having in the mean time a convenient revenue ( for guarding the house ) allowed unto him . But this turned to no effect , for the conditions for the surceasance required , could not be agreed unto by either side , for the Regent would have the town of Edinburgh put in the estate , wherein it was at the going of the Commissioners to the Court of England in Ianuary preceding and Grange to content him self with such an ordinary garrison as other Keepers of the Castle were accustomed to entertain . The other faction was content to leave the town patent , but so , that neither the Regent , nor the Earl of Morton should come unto it : And for the surety of the Castle , they would have Grange to retain 150. souldiers , besides the ordinary guard , who should lodge in that part of the town , which was nearest unto the same . The conditions of either side rejected , they of Edinburgh not to be wanting of the authority of a Parliament , kept a publick meeting in the town-house the twelfth day of Iune ( to which day they had indicted a Parliament ) where a supplication was presented in name of the Queen bearing , That it was not unknown how certain of her rebellious subjects having imprisoned her person in the Tower of Lochlevin , did hereafter constrain her to make a dimission of the Crown in favours of her son , which by the advice of Mr. Iohn Spence of Condy her Advocate she had lawfully revoked ; albeit otherwise the same could not subsist , being done without the consent and advice of the Estates , and upon a narrative of her inability and weakness , which any of mean judgement may consider to be a meer forgery , seeing her weaknesse to govern cannot be esteemed so great , as is the weaknesse of an insant lying in the cradle , neither can he who hath the present administration of affairs , compare with her in any for aptness and ability to govern . Therefore was it desired that the Nobility and Estates there convened , after they had examined the grounds of the said dimission , and found them in reason naught , should discern the same to be null in all time coming . The supplication once or twice read , it was pronounced as followeth , The Lords Spiritual and Temporal , with the Commissioners of Burghs presently assembled , being ripely advised with the supplication presented , have by authority of Parliament ordained the said pretended dimission , renunciation , and overgiving of the Crown by the Queen , consequently the Coronation of her son , the usurped government of his Regents , and all that hath followed thereupon , to have been from the beginning null and of no force nor effect , for the reasons contained in the said supplication , and other considerations notour , to the whole Estates . And therefore commands all the subjects to acknowledge the Queen for their only Soveraign , notwithstanding the said dimission , and as it had never been in rerum naturâ . Herewith to conciliate the favour of the Church and people , by another statute they ordained , That none should innovate , alter or pervert the form of Religion , and ministration of Sacraments , presently professed and established within the Realm ▪ but that the same should have free course , without any let or impediment to be made thereto . And therewithall the Superintendents , Ministers , Exhorters , and Readers in Churches , were commanded in their publick service to pray for the Queen as their only Soveraign , the Prince her son , the Councel , Nobility , and whole body of the Commonwealth . These statutes they caused to be proclaimed at the Market Crosse the day following , which was the 13th . of Iune . Sir William Drury finding his labours unprofitable , and preparing to depart , the Lords of Edinburgh would needs of courtesie bring him on the way . The Earl of Morton who lay then at Leth pained with a Cholick , hearing that they were in the the fields , and taking it to be done for ostentation of their power : arose from his bed , and putting his men in order , marched to Restalrig , which way they were to passe . Sir William Drury perceiving the companies of Leth in the way , and sorry that his Convoy should have given the occasion , travelled between them , and by his perswasions made them both to retire . But then the question fell , who should first retire , and for this Sir William proponed that he should stand between the companies , and upon a sign to be given by him . both should turn at one instant . The Earl of Morton accepted the condition , lest he should offend the Gentleman who had taken such pains amongst them ; the others refused , giving forth great brags , that they should make them leave the fields with shame , if they did it not willingly : How soon Morton was advertised of the difficulty they made , he cried aloud , On , on , we shall see who keeps the fields last , and therewith gave so hard a charge . upon them , as they disordered both the horse and foot . The Chase held towards the Watergate , where by reason of the skant and narrow passage many were killed and trod to death , but the number of prisoner were greater , for there were 150. taken , amongst whom were the Lord Home , and Capt. Iames Cullen ; the Abbot of Kilwining was killed , a Gentleman of good worth , and greatly lamented ; for he was of all that faction esteemed most moderate . There died some 50. in all , most of them common souldiers , and of mean accompt . On Mortons side Captain Weymis with one only souldier was slain , this conflict happened on Satturday the 28. of Iune , 1571. Advertisement hereof sent to the Regent , he came the next day to Leth , where first , order was taken with the prisoners , and the Lord Home sent to Tantallan . But he stayed not long there , for the Lord of Drumlanrig being intercepted by Sir David Spence of Wormston , as he was making homewards , an exchange was made of the Lord Home with him . Captain Cullen , a man infamous , and who in the last wars had used great cruelty , was hanged on a Gibbet . The rest upon promise not to serve against the King were dimitted . Resolution then was taken for the Regents abode at Leth , and the countreys attendance upon him by quarters , to keep the adversaries busied , and hinder the victualling of the town . During which time , no day passed without one conflict or other , wherein sometimes the Regent , and sometimes the Queens party had the better ; at this time upon a report carried to the Laird of Grange , that he was commonly called by those of Leth , the Traytor , he sent a Trumpet to appeal any one of their side to combat , that should dare to affirm so much . The Laird of Garleys offering to maintain it , time and place were appointed for the sight , and when all were expecting the issue of it , Grange excused himself by the publick charge he bare , saying , that it was not thought convenient he should hazard the cause in his own person . Notwithstanding of this great heat amongst the parties , the Queen of England ceased not to mediate an accord , and by a letter to the Marshal dated the 19th . of Iuly , willed him to move them of new for an abstinence , offering to send persons of authority and credit to the borders , who should travel to agree them , and remove all differences as well concerning the title of the Crown , as other private matters ; and because it was given her to understand , that both parties had indicted Parliaments to August next , she desired that no proceeding should be made therein ; either by making of lawes , or by denouncing any persons forfeited , and that only they should authorize certain persons to meet with her Commissioners for consulting upon the best means to conclude a solid peace . There was also a letter of safe conduct sent for any one , that Grange would direct unto England ( for this he had desired ) Lethington excepted , and those that were suspected of the late Kings murther . But whether this exception gave the cause , or the daily incouragements sent by the French , none was directed thither . The Regent by his answer of the 27. excused the not yielding to the abstinence , which he said , without evident prejudice to the Kings cause , could not be granted so long as Edinburgh was detained . For other points he answered , That by himself , without the consent of the Nobility and Estates he could say nothing , but at their meeting in August , her Majesty should receive all reasonable satisfaction . The adversary party in the mean time , nothing relenting of their course , did keep a form of Parliament at Edinburgh the 22. August , and though they were but five persons in all present , that had any voice in the State , to wit , two Bishops and three Noblemen , they pronounced above 200. persons forfeited . The Regent advertising the Queen of England how they had proceeded , and what disorder did shew the necessity whereunto they that lived in the Kings obedience were brought , and how it concerned him , and the rest to prosecute what they had justly intended , in regard of their enemies precipitation . So in the Parliament kept at Striveling the 28. of the same moneth , sentence of forfeiture was pronounced against the Duke of Chatteller ault and his two sons , the Abbot of Aberbrothock , and Lord Claud , the Earl of Huntley , the Laird of Grange , and some others . And for satisfying the Queen of Englands desire , the Earl of Morton , Marre , and Glencarn , the Lords Semple , Ruthven , and Glamis , with the Bishop of Orkney , the Abbots of Dunfermlin , and S. Colmes Inche , Sir Iohn Ballendine Justice Clerk , and Mr. Iames , Mr. Gill Clerk of Register were nominated by the Estates , and Commission given , or to any four , three , or two of that number to treat with such as the Queen of England should appoint upon the differences arisen amongst the subjects by occasion of the late troubles , and for contracting a League offensive and defensive betwixt the two Realms . Of all that did the Regent give notice to the Queen , beseeching her not to presse them with any thing that might seem to call the Kings authority in question . But before these letters came to her hands , he was killed as ye shall hear . Lord Claud Hamilton having intelligence given him of the security wherein the Regent and Nobility lived at Striveling , and how as in a time of setled peace , they did not so much as keep a watch by night , took resolution to invade them , and was therein greatly incouraged by Cap. George Bell ( a man born in Striveling , & one that knew all the passages & streets ) who made offerto put him & the company he should bring with him safely in the town . This he communicated to the Earl of Huntley , Walter Scot of Bacleugh , and David Spence of Wormeston , who were all content to joyn in the enterprise . The second of September , they went from Edinburgh a little before Sun-setting , accompanied with 200. horse and 300. foot , and lest their journey should be suspected they made the rumour go , that they went towards Iedburgh , to compose a discord fallen out betwixt the town and the Laird of Fernherst . To ease the footmen they had taken all the horses which came the day before to the Market , and as many as they could otherwise purchase by the way ; and so marching with a wonderful confidence ( for by the wayall their discourse was , whom they would kill , and whom they would save ) they came about the dawning of the day to the town , & found all things so quiet , as not a dog was heard to open his mouth & bark : whereupon having planted the souldiers in the most commodious parts of the town , & injoyned them to suffer no person to come unto the street , they went to the Noblemens lodgings , which were designed unto them , and found there little or no resistance . The Earl of Morton defended the lodging wherein he was some little time , but fire being put to the house he rendered to the Laird of Bacleugh . The Regent was taken with lesse ado , his servants making no defence . In like sort were the Earls of Glencarn and Eglinton made prisoners with divers others . The Earl of Marre hearing the noyse , issued forth of the Castle with 16. persons only , and entering the back of his new lodging which was not then finished , played with Muskets upon the street , so as he forced them to quit the same . The townesmen and others upon this taking courage , gathered together , and put the enemy to flight , pursuing them so hotly , as they were constrained to quit their prisoners , and some to render themselves to those they were leading captive . The Regent who was Wormestons prisoner ( for to him he had rendered ) being carried a little without the Port , when they saw the rescue coming , was shot by Captain Calder , and with the same bullet wormeston ( who did what he could to save the Regent ) was stricken dead . The death of this Gentleman was much regrated of both factions , for that he was for manly courage , and other vertues as well of body as mind , inferiour to none of his time . There fell at this time on the Regents side some 24. amongst whom the most eminent were George Ruthven , brother to the Lord Ruthven , and Alexander Stewart of Garleis . Of the other side , as many were slain , and divers taken prisoners ; amongst whom were the two Captains Bell and Cawder , who were executed as Traytors . The Lord Claud with the Earl of Huntley , and the rest escaped , and had all been taken , if there had been horses to pursue them ; But the Borderers that followed Bacleugh , men accustomed with such practises , had emptied the stables at the first entry into the town . It was certainly a bold enterprise , whereof we will not find many the like in story . So few men leaving their strength to take so long a journey , and enter upon a town full of enemies ( for there were in it 500. able and resolute men at least , besides the inhabitants ) was a great audaciousnesse ; and then to get in their hands the chief of their adversaries , whereby they were once in a possibility to have returned absolute victors ; yea when the course altered , to have saved themselves with so little losse , which held strange , and made the enterprise to be counted no lesse fortunate , then it was bold and venturous . It was also observed , and is worth the reporting , that the young King who was brought from the Castle to the Parliament house at their first sitting , after a short speech which they had put in his mouth , espying in the table-cloth , or as others have said , in the top of the house , a little hole , cried out , that there was a hole in the Parliament . An ominous speech , and so interpreted by some that were present , which the event made the more remarkable ; for before the Parliament was at an end , a great hole was made in it , by the death of him that began the same . The Regent though the wound was mortal , did not light from his horse till he came to the Castle . By the way when his friends did incourage him , he still answered , If the babe be well ( meaning the King ) all is well ; and being laid in bed and his wound dressed , after they had told him that his bowels were cut , calling the Nobility he spake unto them a few words to this effect . I am now my Lords to leave you , at God his good pleasure , and to go into a world where is rest and peace . Ye know it was not my ambition , but your choice that brought me to the charge I have this while sustained , which I undertook the more willingly , that I was perswaded of your assistance in the defence of the infant King , whose protection by nature and duty I could not refuse . And now being able to do no more , I must commend him to the Almighty God , and to your care , intreating you to continue in the defence of his cause , ( wherein I do assure you in Gods name of the victory ) and make choice of some worthy person , fearing God and affectionate to the King , to succeed unto my place . And I must likewise commend unto your favour my servants , who never have received benefit at my hands , and desire you to remember my love to my wife Meg , ( so he was accustomed to call her ) whom I beseech God to comfort . This said , he took leave of them all one by one , requesting them to assist him with their prayers , in which he himself continued some houres , and so most devoutly ended his life . A man he was of noble qualities , tried with both fortunes , and if he had injoyed a longer and more peaceable time , he had doubtlesse made the Kingdom happy by his government . It is time that we return to the Church , and consider what the estate thereof was amidst the civil dissensions . In the countreys where the Queens faction ruled the Ministers in their prayers did always recommend the Queen as Soveraign , serving the affection of those that commanded in the bounds , albeit the assembly of the Church had otherwise appointed . Iohn Knox , as we shewed , had left the town of Edinburgh , and was gone to S. Andrews , where he had strong opposition made him by Mr. Archibald , and Mr. Iohn Hamiltons professors of Philosophy in the new Colledge , who stood fast to the Queens cause and drew many of the Students after them . This , together with the grief he conceived of the present troubles , did cast him in a sicknesse , whereof he never perfectly recovered . And at this time hearing that the Assembly of the Church was met at Striveling , he sent unto them a letter , which I thought worthy to be here insert ; it was , as followeth . Because the daily decay of natural strength doth threaten me with a certain and suddain departing from the misery of this life , I exhort you brethren , yea in the fear of God I charge you to take heed to your selves , and the flock over which God hath placed you Ministers . What your behaviour should be , I am not now , nor have I need , as I think , to expresse , but to charge you to be faithful , I dare not forget . And unfaithful ye shall be counted before the Lord Iesus , if with your consent , directly or indirectly , you suffer unworthy men to be thrust into the ministery of the Church , under whatsoever pretext . Remember the Iudge before whom we must give account , and flee this as ye would eschew hell fire . This will be a hard battel I grant , but there is a second will be harder , that is , to withstand the mercilesse devourers of the Church patrimony . If men will spoil , let them do it to their own peril and condemnation , but communicate not ye with their sinnes , of what estate soever they be , neither by consent nor silence , but with publick protestation make known to the world that ye are innocent of such robbery , and that ye will seek redresse thereof at the hands of God and man. God give you wisdom , strength and courage in so good a cause , and me an happy end . From S. Andrews the thirteenth of August , 1571. In this meeting the Churchmen began to think somewhat more seriously of the policy of the Church then before : for the first draught being neither liked universally among themselves , nor approved by the Councel , they saw it needful to agree upon a certain form of government , that might continue . Unto this time the Church had been governed by Superintendents and Commissioners of countreys , as they were then named . The Commissioners were alterable , and were either changed , or had their Commissions renued in every Assembly . The Superintendents held their office during life , and their power was Episcopal , for they did elect and ordain Ministers , they presided in Synods , and directed all Church censures , neither was any excommunication pronounced without their warrant . They assigned the stipends of Ministers , directing the Collectors ( who were then chosen by the General Assembly ) to distribute the thirds of Benefices amongst them , as they thought convenient . If any surplusage was found in the accounts , the same was given by their appointment to the supply of the publick state ; and in such respect were they with all men , as notwithstanding the dissensions that were in the countrey , no exception was taken at their proceedings by any of the parties , but all concurred to the maintenance of Religion , and in the treaties of peace made , that was ever one of the Articles : Such a reverence was in those times carried to the Church , the very form of government purchasing them respect . But the Church considering that things could not long continue in that estate , the Superintendents being grown in years , and most of them serving upon their own charges , which burthen it was not to be hoped , others when they were gone would undergo , thought meet to intercede with the Regent and Estates , for establishing a sure and constant order in providing men to those places , when they should fall void , and setling a competent moyen for their entertainment . To this effect Commission was given to the Superintendents of Lothian , Fife , and Angus , and with them were joyned Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Andrew Hay , Mr. Iohn Row , and Mr. George Hay . These were appointed to attend the Parliament , and deal with the Regent and Estates , that some course might be taken in that businesse . But the Regents death and the troubles which thereupon issued , made all to be continued for that time . The Regents funerals performed with such solemnity as the time would suffer , and his corps interred in the Chappel of the Castle of Striveling , the next care was for using a Governour in his place . Archibald Earl of Argile , ( who was then returned to the Kings obedience ) Iames Earl of Morton , and Iohn Earl of Marre being put in lites , the voices went with the Earl of Marre . The fifth of September the election was made , after which the Parliament went on : wherein besides the confirmation of the Regencie , certain other Acts passed in favours of those that should happen to be slain in defence of the King his authority . And the Regent bending all his thoughts to the besieging of Edinburgh brought an Army thither about the midst of October , with nine pieces of Artillery taken forth of the Castle of Striveling . Having battered the walls of the town on the South-side , but to small purpose , because of the Rampiers and ditches which the defendants had cast up within ; he retired himself and his Army to Leth. The rest of the winter was spent in light skirmishes , wherein none of the parties did suffer any great losse . They in Edinburgh had the advantage ; for the Castle being situated in an high place , and having a long prospect into all the parts about , gave them warning by a certain sign when their enemies did issue forth , so as seldom they came to handy stroakes : once only it happened that in an Ambush laid by them of Leth , two Captains , Hackerton and Michel , who served the Lords in Edinburgh , with 60. of their companies were taken prisoners . This made them of Edinburgh more circumspect in their outgoing ever after that time . In the North parts Adam Gordon ( who was Deputy for his brother the Earl of Huntley ) did keep a great stirre , and under colour of the Queens authority committed divers oppressions , especially upon the Forbesses . Arthur Forbes brother to the Lord Forbes ( commonly called Black Arthur ) a man both of wisdom and courage , had from the beginning of the civil warres , allways allowed the Kings party , and was at that time labouring to pacifie quarrels amongst those of his name , ( for they were striving one with another ) that they might be the more able to withstand their enemies . In end he prevailed so far , as he brought his friends to condescend upon a time and place of meeting , for taking up their controversies , and building them together in a sure friendship . Adam Gordon smelling his purpose , and fearing the consequence of it , used many policies to keep them still divided : but when he perceived the meeting would keep , he resolved to come unto the place , and one way or other to impede the agreement . At his coming he found them treating upon matters , and standing in two companies a good space one from another , and as if he had been ignorant of the purpose , sent to enquire wherefore they made such Convocations . They answered , that they were doing some private affairs , wherein he had no interess . And being commanded to separate and return to their houses , they refused : whereupon he invaded them , and falling on that part where Arthur Forbes stood , in the very joyning killed him . The rest seeing him fall , took the flight , and in the chase many were slain ; they reckon 120. to have died at that time . Not long after he sent to summon the house of Tavoy pertaining to Alexander Forbes . The Lady refusing to yield without direction from her husband , he put fire unto it , and burnt her therein , with children and servants , being 27. persons in all . This inhumane and barbarous cruelty made his name odious , and stayned all his former doings ; otherwise he was held both active and fortunate in his enterprises . The Lord Forbes having escaped in the conflict came to the Regent , and complained for a present supply : he had granted to him 200. footmen under the conduct of two Captains , Chisholm and Wedderburn , with letters to the Noblemen of the countrey that lay adjacent , to assist . Forbes , gathering his friends , and thinking himself strong enough with the supply he had obtained , made out to search and pursue his enemies . Adam Gordon lay then at Aberdene , and being advertised that the Forbesses were drawing near to the City , he went forth to meet them . The encounter at the beginning was sharp and furious ; but the Forbesses were young men for the greatest part , of small experience , and not under command ; and the souldiers not being well seconded by them , after they had fought a while , gave over and yielded . The slaughter was not great , for the conflict happened in the evening , which helpt many to escape : Captain Chisholm with most of his company , and some 15. of the name of Forbes were killed ; the Master of Forbes and some others were taken prisoners . This good successe of the Queens party in the North , gave hearts to all the faction , and now they began every where to take new courage . In the South the Lairds of Fernherst and Bacleugh did affail Iedburgh , a little town , but very constant in maintaining the Kings authority . Lord Claud Hamilton belyed Paslay . The Castle of Braughtie on the river of Tay was surprised by ... Seaton of Perbroath , and in divers other parts troubles were raised of purpose to divide the Regents forces , and to withdraw him from Leth , that the town of Edinburgh which was then in some scarcity of victuals , might be relieved . In the moneth of Ianuary an assembly of the Church convened at Leth , where after great instance made with the Regent and Councel , for setling the policy of the Church , it was agreed that six of the Councel , and as many of the Assembly should be selected to treat , reason , and conclude upon that businesse . For the Councel Iames Earl of Morton Chancellour , William Lord Ruthven Treasurer , Robert Abbot of Dunfermlin Secretary , Mr. Iames Macgill Keeper of the Rolls , Sir Iohn Bellenden Justice Clerk , and Colin Campbel of Glenorchy were named ; and for the Church , Iohn Ereskin of Dun Superintendent of Angus , Mr. Iohn Winraine Superintendent of Fife , Mr. Andrew Hay Commissioner of Claddisdale , Mr. David Lindesay Commissioner of the West , Mr. Robert Pont Commissioner of Orkney , and Mr. Iohn Craig one of the Ministers of Edinburgh . These twelve convening after divers meetings , and long deliberation , grew to the conclusions following . 1. That the Archbishopricks and Bishopricks presently void , should be disponed to the most qualified of the Ministery . 2. That the spiritual jurisdiction should be exerced by the Bishops in their Dioces . 3. That all Abbots , Priors , and other inferiour Prelates , who should happen to be presented to Benefices , should be tried by the Bishop or Superintendent of the bounds concerning their qualification and aptnesse to give voice for the Church in Parliament , and upon their collation be admitted to the Benefice , and not otherwise . 4. That so the Bishopricks presently void , or that should happen hereafter to fall , the King and the Regent should recommend fit and qualified persons , and their elections to be made by the Chapters of the Cathedral Churches . And forasmuch as divers of the Chapters Churches were possessed by men , provided before his Majesties Coronation , who bare no office in the Church , a particular nomination should be made of Ministers in every Dioces , to supply their rooms untill the Benefices should fall void . 5. That all Benefices of Cure under Prelacies , should be disponed to actual Ministers , and to no others . 6. That the Ministers should receive Ordination from the Bishop of the Dioces , and where no Bishop was as yet placed , from the Superintendent of the bounds . 7. That the Bishops and Superintendents at the Ordination of Ministers should exact of them an oath for acknowledging his Majesties authority , and for obedience to their Ordinary in all things lawful , according to the form then condescended . Order also was taken for disposing of Provestries , Colledge charges , and Chaplanries , and divers other particulars most profitable for the Church , as in the records extant may be seen , which were all ordained to stand in force untill the Kings majority , or till the Estates of the Realm should otherwise appoint . In August thereafter , the Assembly of the Church meeting again at Perth , report was made of these conclusions , and exception taken by some at the titles of Archbishop , Dean , Archdeacon , Chancellor , and Chapter , as being Popish and offensive to the ears of good Christians ; whereupon it was declared , that by using these titles they meant not to allow of Popish superstition in any sort , wishing the same to be changed in others not so scandalous . As the name of Bishop to be hereafter used for Archbishop , the Chapter to be called The Bishops assembly , the Dean to be called The Moderator of the said assembly ; And for the titles of Archdeacon , Chancellour , Abbot , and Prior , that some should be appointed to consider how farre these functions did extend , and give their opinion for the interchange thereof with others more agreeable to the Word , and the policy of the best reformed Churches , reporting their opinions at the next Assembly . But I do not find that any such report was made ; like it is the wiser sort esteemed there was no cause to stumble at titles , where the office was thought necessary and lawful . A protestation always was made , that they received these Articles for an interim , till a more perfect order might be obtained at the King his Regent , and the Nobilities hands . According to these conclusions Mr. Iohn Douglas Provost of the New Colledge of S. Andrews , was provided to the Archbishoprick of that See , Mr. Iames Boyd to the Archbishoprick of Glasgow , Mr. Iames Paton to the Bishoprick of Dunkeld , and Mr. Andrew Ghram : to the Bishoprick of Dumblane . About the end of Ianuary , the Regent advertised of the peril wherein the town of Iedburgh stood , and of the great preparation , that Fernherst and Bacleugh made to surprise it , ( for they had besides their own forces drawn all the people of Esk , Ewis , and Liddesdale , to joyn with them in hope of spoil , and from the English Borders , divers that were given to robbery to the number of 3000. and above ) sent the Lord Ruthven with some forces to defend them . Before his coming , Walter Ker of Cesford a man of good worth , who had ever assisted the Kings party , was joyned with them . Their enemies notthelesse esteeming themselves strong enough by reason of their numbers , went forwards with an assurance of victory . The Lord Ruthven having notice given him by the way of their diet , and the time they had appointed to invade the town , did use the more speed , and came in sight thereof just as the enemies appeared . They fearing to be inclosed betwixt the town , ( who shewed themselves in the fields ready to fight ) and the forces the Lord Ruthven brought with him , did presently retire and give back . Fernherst and Bacleugh went to Hawick , and were followed the next day by the Lord Ruthven , who came upon them so unlooked for , as they were cast into a great fear . The principals that had horses fled away , the rest betook them to a little bush of wood , where being environed on all sides , they yielded at discretion : the prisoners were many , of whom some few were retained as pledges , and the rest dimitted upon promise to enter themselves at a certain day . The rest of the winter and all the next spring was spent in light skirmishes , with small losse on either side , for they of the Queens faction did seldom come to the open fields , or if they shewed themselves at any time , upon the first onset , they took the flight , and retired to the town . Whilest matters did thus proceed in the Queen of Scots quarrel at home , the Bishop of Ross in England renewed the purpose of marriage with the Duke of Norfolk , and practised with divers for setting the Queen at liberty . This being discovered , the Duke was committed to the Tower of London , and being arraigned at Westminster Hall the 16. of Ianuary was convicted of Treason and condemned to die , yet was the execution delayed to the Iune after . The Bishop of Ross called also in question , defended himself by the priviledges of his Ambassage , saying , That he had done nothing but what his place and duty tied him unto , for procuring the liberty of his Princess ; and that he came unto England with sufficient authority , which he had shewed , and was at the time accepted . When it was replied , that the priviledges of Ambassadours could not protect them , who did offend against the Majesty of the Princes they were sent unto , and that they were not to be reputed other then enemies , who practised rebellion against the State : He answered , that he had neither raised nor practis●d rebellion ; but perceiving the adversaries of his Princess countenanced , and her out of all hope of liberty he could not abandon his Soveraign in her affliction , but do his best to procure her freedom . And that it would never be found that the priviledges of Ambassadours were violated , via juris , by course of law , but only via facti , by way of fact , which seldom had a good success . After long altercation he was sent to the Isle of Ely , and from thence brought and imprisoned in the Tower , where he remained nigh two years . Some ten days after Norfolks execution , the Queen of England directed certain of her Councel to the Queen of Scots , to expostulate with her for making suit to the Pope and King of Spain , and for receiving letters from the Pope , together with a sentence declaratory published against her self , whereunto ( after protestation that she was a free Queen , and subject to none ) she answered , that she had indeed by letters solicited both the Pope and King of Spain , for restoring her unto her Kingdom , which was no prejudice to the Q. of England , that she had received godly and consolatory letters from the Pope . But for the sentence given by him , she never knew thereof , till a printed copy was brought unto her , which after she had read , she did cast into the fire . These answers did not satisfy the Q. of Engl. who having understood that she had entered in a secret confederacy with the Spaniard , kept her from that time in a more strict custody then before . Yet at the request of the French King , she sent of new Sir William Drury unto Scotland to treat for peace ; and if that could not be wrought , to procure a cessation of Arms for a certain space . But he prevailed nothing , the warres being then very hot , and the parties mightily incensed against others . No quarters were given , nor interchange of prisoners made , but all that were taken on either side , presently executed . This device was held to proceed from the Earl of Morton , who thought the troubles would not hastily cease , if a greater severity were not used towards them who withstood the Kings authority . But whose device soever it was , it proved exceeding hateful . The common sort taking it to have come of Morton , called the warres of that time the Douglasses warres . This form of doing continued from the 16. of April to the 8. of Iune , at which time both parties wearied of execution daily made , were content to cease from such rigour , and use fair warres , as in former times . In the North Adam Gordon after the Forbesses were defeated found no resistance , and following his fortune , reduced all beyond the river of Dee to the Queens obedience . To impede his proceedings ( for he had entered then into the countrey of Mernis , and was besieging the house of William Douglass of Glenbervy ) The Regent directed the Earl of Crawford and Buchan , with the Lord Glamis , and Master of Marshell . These Noblemen meeting at Brichen , and waiting there till forces should assemble . Adam Gordon came upon them in the night , and killing the watches that were placed at the Bridge on the North side of the town , had very nigh taken them all in bed , but they wakened by the noise of the Trumpets , espcaped , many were taken prisoners , and some 39. persons slain within the City . This done , he besieged the town of Montross , and forced them to pay a great summe of mony which put the town of Dundy in such fear , as they were driven to seek aid of their Neighbours in Fife . At the same time the Castle of Blacknes , a Fort on the South-side of the river of Forth , was sold by the Keeper to the Hamiltons , and thereby the Navigation , betwixt Leth and Striveling barred , at Edinburgh were divers skirmishes betwixt them , and the companies that lay at Leth ; and ( which was greatly lamented of both parties ) the Lord Methven killed by a shot of Cannon from the Castle . The Duke in the mean time , having proclaimed a Justice Court at Hamilton , and divers persons within the Sheriffdom of Ranfrew and Lennox , to answer to certain crimes , whereof they were delated . The Regent prepared to keep the diet , and leaving the Earl of Montross , and the Lord Lindesay , to follow the service at Leth , took journey to Glasgow , and from thence to Hamilton . But neither the Duke nor any in his name appearing to hold the Court , he appointed the Lord Semple Lieutenant in those West parts for the King , and returned to Striveling . He had intended an expedition in the North , but upon advertisement that two Ambassadours were arrived at Leth , he turned thither ; The one was Monsieur de Crock imployed by the French , the other Mr. Randolph , by England , who professed both of them to be sent for negotiating a peace amongst the parties ; yet was it thought the French did not much affect the peace . For even then the Lord Fleming came from France with moneys to pay the souldiers that served the Lords at Edinburgh . This Nobleman some ten days after walking in the street , was unhappily wounded in the knee by the shot of an Harquesk , whereof he died the sixth of September . As to the Queen of England , howbeit she desired peace to be made , yet she would have it in such manner , as both factions might depend on her , and so she had carried her self in all the late treaties , as however she favoured the Kings party most , the other party did never despair of her good will. The two Ambassadours having tried the minds of both parties , they found them more tractable then they expected , and after some travel taken amongst them , obtained a cessation of Arms , and for the space of two moneths , ( continuing from the first of August , to the first of October ) upon the conditions following . 1. That the Regent , and all other subjects of the Realm partakers with them in the present troubles , should faithfully promise during the said space , to abstain from all hostility . 2. That before expiring of the said Abstinence , the Nobility and Estates should convene and advise upon the best means to establish a final peace , and if any difficulty should arise in the said treaty , which amongst themselves could not be composed , that the same should be remitted to the determination of the most Christian King and Queen of England . 3. That the town of Edinburgh should be set at liberty , and made patent to all the subjects , and no place thereof be withholden , or fortified with Garrisons , the Castle only excepted , which before these troubles arose , was accustomed to be kept and guarded with souldiers . 4. That all the subjects of whatsoever quality and condition they were , should freely converse together without trouble or molestation , to be offered them by word or deed , excepting such as should be found guilty of the murther of the King his Father and Regents . The thieves and broken men of the Borders and Highlands with the disturbers of the publick peace , betwixt the Realms of Scotland and England , none of which should be comprised in the present Abstinence , but remitted to the trial and censure of the Common law , and wheresoever they might be apprehended , presented . 5. And last , because there were divers persons , who in the time of these troubles had possessed themselves in other mens lands , and the tenth whereof in that season were to be collected ; To the effect no impediment should be made to the peace intended , it was agreed that the corns and fruits growing upon the said lands , should be gathered and put in Granges , or stalked upon the fields , and not applied to any private use , before the expiring of the Abstinence . These Articles were published the first day of August , both at Edinburgh and Leth , and the same day the Duke with the Earl of Huntley and their followers departed from Edinburgh , leaving the town free , and patent , as was agreed . This beginning of peace joyed not a little the good subjects , for which publick thanks were given in all the churches , and solemn prayers made for the continuance , and perfection thereof . At this time or much about the same , the Earl of Northumberland , who had been kept a long time at Lochlevin , was delivered by the Earl of Morton to the Lord Hunsden Governour of Berwick , and shortly after beheaded at York . Hereat many did offend , esteeming the fact dishonourable , and a discredit to the whole nation : others did excuse it by the necessity of the time , and the inconvenience that the publick affairs might receive , if the Queen of England should be in any sort displeased . But so much the worse it was taken , that as the rumour went , Morton received for his delivery in England a great summe of money , and so the Nobleman thought rather to be sold , then delivered . The next day after the publication of the Abstinence , the Regent and Nobility adhering to the King did enter into Edinburgh , where the Ambassadours after thanks given them for their pains they had taken were courteously dimitted ; It was the 27 of September , some three days only before the expiring of the Abstinence , that the Noblemen ●id meet ( as was appointed ) to consult upon the means of a perfect peace . Whereupon it was first agreed that the Abstinence should be prorogued unto Ianuary next , after that , falling to treat of the businesse it self , they agreed in many points , and even then had made a final accord , if the Laird of Grange had not marred the same with his petitions ; These were as followeth . 1. He craved a discharge to himself , and all that were in the Castle of all things , which they or any of them had committed since the beginning of the troubles , and that all Acts , Decrees , and Sentences pronounced against them , either in Parliament . secret Councel , or before the Justice general , and his Deputies might be declared null , and of no effect . 2. That they should be repossessed in their rooms , heritages , and possessions , without any challenge to be made thereafter of the same by whatsoever person or persons . 3. That the heirs of the Lord Fleming , the Lord of Wormeston , and others who were slain in the Queens cause , might enter to their heritage and rooms , as though they had never been forfeited . 4. That the Castle of Edinburgh should be consigned in the hands of the Earl of Rothes , with the whole furnishing , munition and rent belonging there to the Captain , making an account of the Jewels , and other goods which he received with the house . As also restoring all the goods of the people of Edinburgh that were put in his custody , which he was content to do , he being freely discharged of all , and secured by Act of Parliament . 5. That the Castle of Blacknes should be put in the keeping of some one of their side , and the rents appertaining thereto , assigned for the entertainment of a Garrison within the same . 6. In respect of the great debt he had contracted in these warres he craved the summ of twenty thousand merks to be given him for satisfying his creditors . 7. That the Earl of Morton should resign the superiority of the lands of Grange , and other lands annexed thereto , to be holden of the Crown in all time coming . And lastly , that the Lords within the Castle might be licenced to go into the Kingdom of France , or any other countrey they pleased forth of Scotland ; and that the Earl of Rothes should be surety for the accomplishment the whole premises . These Articles being presented to the Regent and Councel , were for the first three judged reasonable ; but to commit any places of strength to others then those who had constantly adhered to the King , they esteemed it not safe , and to give him any recompence , that was known to be the author of the last troubles , they said it would be a matter of ill ensample . For the licence craved to those of the Castle to goe out of the countrey , they held the petition very suspicious , and could not think there was a sound meaning in them that had moved the same : yet was it not thought meet to answer him by a simple denial at that time , but rather to keep him in hope , and appoint a new diet for pursuing the treaty begun . Thus by consent the Abstinence was prorogued , and the last of Octob. assigned for a new meeting at Perth . The delay grieved the Regent exceedingly , and ( as it was supposed ) partly for this , and partly for the crossings he found in the publick affairs he contracted a sicknesse , whereof he died at Striveling the eighth of October . The adversary faction flattering themselves in their own conceits made the like construction of his death , which they had made of the other Regents that proceeded : saying , that it was an evident sign of Gods displeasure with the present courses , and that none of those who joyned in the enterprise against the Queen could prosper better . But to measure Gods love or hatred by these outward accidents , is folly ; seeing they fall out alike to all both good and wicked : and for this Nobleman howsoever he was taken away to the countrey untimely , he died happily for himself , and well reported of all . Before his dying , he commended the care of the Kings person in most earnest manner to his Lady , and to Alexander Ereskin his brother appointing him keeper of the Castle till his son should be grown up , and be of a perfectage , and giving most wise directions both for the one and the other , ended his days in great quietness and in the assurance of that better life . In the next moneth Iohn Knox , who had returned a little before to Edinburgh , departed this life . The Reader will pardon me , if here I make a little digression to shew what a man this was both in his life and death , the rather because some malicious and wicked spirits have studied by many forged lies to deprave his fame , only out of hatred of true Religion , whereof he was a zealous promover . He was born in Gifford within Lothian , of a mean but honest parentage , and being put to school , made such profit in his studies under that famous Doctor Mr. Iohn Major , as he was held worthy to enter into orders before the years allowed . By reading the ancients , especially the works of S. Austen , he was brought to the knowledge of the truth , and for the profession thereof endured many troubles , as well in the Cardinals life , as after his death . Having happily escaped these dangers , he went into England , and became a Preacher of the Gospel , making his chief abode in the towns of Berwick and Newcastle . In the beginning of Queen Maries persecution , he fled in the company of some other Ministers to Geneva , and served with them in an English Congregation , which was there gathered , untill the year 1559. at which time he was called home by the Noblemen that enterprised the Reformation , and how soon the Church got liberty , placed Minister at Edinburgh ; in this charge he continued to his last , for the civil troubles which forced him to leave the town , ceased no sooner then he returned to the place . But his body grown infirm , and his voyce so weak , as people could not hear him , teaching in the ordinary place , he made choice of another more commodious within the town , reading to his auditory the history of the Passion , in which he said , It was his desire to finish and close his Ministery . Thus he continued preaching , though with much weaknesse , two moneths and more after his return , and knowing that he was not to remain a long time with them , he was instant with the Councel of the town to provide themselves of a worthy Parson to succeed in his place . Mr. Iames Lawson , who at that time professed Philosophy in the Colledge of Aberdene , being commended for a good Preacher , Commissioners were directed from the Superintendent of Lothian , the Church of Edinburgh , and Mr. Iohn Knox himself , to desire him to accept the charge . To the letter that the Commissioners carried , after he had set his hand , he added this Postscript , Accelcra , mifrater , alioqui serò venies , make haste brother , otherwise you come too late : meaning that if he made any stay , he should find him dead , and gone . These last words moved Mr. Lawson to take journey the more quickly ; when he was come to the town , and had preached once or twice to the good liking of the people , order was taken by the Superintendent for his admission , and the Diet appointed , at which Iohn Knox himself would be present , and teach , though he could scarcewalk on foot to the chaire . At no time was he heard to speak with greater power , and more content to the hearers , and in the end of his Sermon , calling God to witness that he had walked in a good conscience amongst them , not seeking to please men , nor serving either his own or other mens affections , but in all sincerity and truth , preached the Gospel of Christ , with most grave and pithy words he exhorted them to stand fast in the faith they had received : and having conceived a zealous prayer for the continuance of Gods blessings upon them , and the multiplying of his spirit upon the Preacher , who was then to be admitted , he gave them his last farewell . The people did convey him to his lodging , and could not be drawn from it , so loth they were to part with him , and he the same day in the afternoon , by sicknesse was forced to take bed . During the time he lay , ( which was not long ) he was much visited by all sorts of persons , to whom he spake most comfortably , amongst others to the Earl of Morton that came to see him , he was heard say , My Lord , God hath given you many blessings , he hath given you wisdom , riches , many good and great friends , and is now to preferre you to the government of the Realm . In his name I charge you , that you use these blessings aright , and better in time to come , nor ye have done in times past . In all your actions seek first the glory of God , the furtherance of his Gospel , the maintenance of his Church and Ministery , and next be careful of the King , to procure his good and the welfare of the Realm . If ye shall do this , God will be with you and honour you ; if otherwise ye shall do it not , he shall deprive you of all these benefits , and your end shall be shame and ignominy . These speeches the Earl nine years after , at the time of his execution , called to mind , saying , that he had found them to be true , and him therein a Prophet . His last speech to the Ministers . A day or two before his death , he sent for Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Iames Lawson , and the Elders and Deacons of the Church , to whom he said , The time is approaching for which I have long thirsted ; wherein I shall be relieved of all cares , and be with my Saviour Christ for ever . And now God is my witnesse whom I have served with my spirit in the Gospel of his Son that I have taught nothing but the true and solid doctrine of the Gospel , and that the end I proponed in all my preaching was , to instruct the ignorant , to confirm the weak , to comfort the consciences of those who were humbled under the sense of their sinnes , and bear down with the threatenings of Gods judgements such as were prou● and rebellious . I am not ignorant that many have blamed , and yet do blame my too great rigour and severity , but God knowes , that in my heart I never hated the persons of those against whom I thundered Gods judgements . I did only hate their sinnes , and laboured at all my power to gain them to Christ. That I forbear none of whatsoever condition , I did it out of the fear of my God , who had placed me in the function of the Ministery , and I knew would bring me to an account . Now brethren for your selves I have no more to say , but to warn you , that you take heed to the flock , over whom God hath placed you overseers , and whom he hath redeemed by the blood of his only begotten sonne . And you , Mr. Lawson , fight a good fight , do the work of the Lord with courage , and with a willing mind , and God from above blesse you and the Church , whereof you have the charge . Against it , so long as it continueth in the doctrine of truth , the gates of hell shall not prevaile . This spoken , and the Elders and Deacons dimitted , he called the two Preachers unto him , and said , There is one thing that grieveth me exceedingly , you have sometime seen the courage and constancy of the Laird of Grange in Gods cause , and now unhappy man he hath cast himself away . I will pray you two , take the pains to go unto him , and say from me , that unlesse he forsake that wicked course wherein he is entred , neither shall that rock in which he confideth , defend him , nor the carnal wisdom of that man whom he counteth half a god ( this was young Lethington ) make him help , but shamefully he shall be pulled out of that nest , and his carcase hang before the Sun. The soule of that man is dear unto me , and if it be possible , I would fain have him to be saved . They went as he had desired , and conferred a long space with Grange , but with no perswasion could he be diverted from his course ; which being reported , he took most heavily . The next day he gave order for making his Coffin , wherein his body should be laid , and was that day ( as through all the time of his sicknesse ) much in prayer , ever crying , Come Lord Iesu , sweet Iesus in thy hands I commend my spirit . Being asked by those that attended him , if his pains were great , he answered , that he did not esteem that a pain , which would be to him the end of all trouble , and beginning of eternal joyes . Oftentimes after some deep meditations , he burst forth in these words : O serve the Lord in fear , and death shall not be terrible to you . Blessed is the death of those , that have part in the death of Iesus . The evening which was to him the last of this wretched life , having slept some houres together , but with great unquietness ( for he was heard to send forth many sighs and groanes ) Robert Campbell Knize cleaugh , and Iohn Iohnston ( called of Elphinston ) which two gave diligent attendance upon him , askt after he awaked , how he did find himself , and what it was that made him in his sleep mourn so heartily ? to whom he answered , In my life I have often been assaulted by Satan , and many times he hath cast in my teeth my sins to bring me into despair , yet God gave me to overcome all his temptations ; and now that subtle Serpent , who never ceaseth to tempt , hath taken another course , and seeks to perswade me ; that my labours in the Ministery , and the fidclity I have shewed in that service , hath merited heaven and immortality . But blessed be God who brought to my mind these Scriptures : What hast thou , that thou hast not received ? and , Not I , but the grace of God in me . With which he is gone away ashamed , and shall no more return , and now I am sure my battel is at an end , and that without pain of body or trouble of spirit I shall shortly change this mortal and miserable life , with that happy and immortal life , which shall never have end . The prayers which ordinarily were read in the house being ended , it was inquired , if he heard them ; he answered , Would to God you had heard them with such an ear and heart , as I have done : adding , Lord Iesu receive my spirit . After which words , without any motion of hands or feet , as one falling asleep , rather then dying , he ended his life . He was certainly a man indued with rare gifts , and a chief instrument that God used for the work of those times . Many good men have disliked some of his opinions , as touching the authority of Princes , and the form of government , which he laboured to have established in the Church : yet was he farre from those dotages wherein some that would have been thought his followers , did afterwards fall ; for never was any man more observant of Church authority then he , always urging the obedience of Ministers to their Superintendents , for which he caused divers acts to be made in the Assemblies of the Church , and shewed him self severe to the transgressors . In these things howsoever it may be he was miscarried , we must remember that the best men have their errours , and never esteem of any man above that which is sitting . As to the history of the Church , ascribed commonly to him , the same was not his work , but his name supposed to gain it credit ; for besides the scurril discourses we find in it more fitting a Comedian on a stage , then a Divine or Minister , such as Mr. Knox was , and the spiteful malice that Authour expresseth against the Queen Regent ; speaking of one of our Martyrs , he remitteth the Reader to a further declaration of his sufferings to the Acts and monuments of Martyrs set sorth by Mr. Fox an English man , which came not to light some ten or twelve years after Mr. Knox his death . A greater injury could not be done to the fame of that worthy man , then to father upon him the ridiculous toyes and malicious detractions contained in that book . But this shall serve for his clearing in that particular . He died the 27. of November in the 67. year of his age , and had his body interred in the Churc-yard of S. Giles . In the end of this moneth the Estates convening to elect a Regent made choice of the Earl of Morton , as the man in that time of greatest courage and counsel . The oath accustomed being ministred unto him , because through the last Regents death , the meeting appointed at Perth had failed : First , a conclusion was taken for calling a Parliament at Edinburgh the 26. of Ianuary , next the custody of the King and Castle of Striveling , was confirmed to Alexander Areskin , the Earl of Marre , being then under age , and he enjoyned to receive none within the house that was known to be Popishly affected , or of the Queens faction ; for others it was ordained , that an Earl accompanied with two servants only , a Baron with one , and private persons them alone ( but all unarmed ) should have accesse permitted , when their occasions required . To the Regent himself it was injoyned , That if any place or office should fall voyd , he should prefer none thereto but such as was sound in Religion , and for other qualities apt and worthy . That during his Regencie , he should grant no respits , nor remissions for hainous crimes . That he should not transport the King forth of the Castle of Striveling , without the advice of the Councel . That he should grant no favour to the murtherers of the Kings Father and Regents . That he should neither enter into league with forainers , nor denounce warre without the consent of the Estates . And that he should be careful to entertain the amity contracted with the Queen of England . The Estates on the other part did promise to assist him with all their power against the Kings enemies , and to joyn with him in the reformation of whatsoever abuses crept in by occasion of the late troubles , without offending at the execution of justice upon their nearest and dearest friend . Order was also taken for the entertainment of his house , the setling of a resident Councel , and the advancing of the revenues of the Crown to the best profit . And these were the things done in that meeting . Soon after came Sir Henry Killigrew Ambassadour from England , partly to declare the content which the Queen had received in the choice of the Earl of Morton to be Regent , and partly to renew the Abstinence which was then near the expiring . Herein he prevailed so farre with the Duke and Huntley , as they were brought not only to prorogate the Abstinence , but also to name certain Noblemen , who should meet for them at Perth , with such as the Regent by advice of the Councel should nominate , for concluding a perfect peace . The Laird of Grange , and those that remained with him in the Castle , refusing to be comprehended in that treaty , went on in victualling and fortifying the house ; for impeding whereof , the Regent did levie some companies of souldiers to inclose the Castle , and because the time of Parliament was approaching , he caused erect Bulwarks in divers places of the street , to secure the people at their meetings to Sermon , and the Judges that convened to the ministration of Justice . Grange finding himself thus pent up , did by a Proclamation from the Castle wall , command all the Queens subjects to depart forth of the town within the space of 24. hours . The time expired , he made the Cannon thunder upon the town to the great terrour of the Inhabitants , yet there was no great hurt done that way ; which when he perceived , he hired one of his souldiers to set fire in the night time to some houses under the wall , which destroyed a number of tenements : for a strong Western wind blowing in the time , the fire did so rage , as from S. Magdalens Chappel Westward all was consumed , none daring to put hand to quench the fire , because of the Canon that played still on the part where they saw any concurse of people . This made him extremely hated , and even they that otherwise wished him well , were greatly offended with this doing . The Parliament notthelesse kept , and thre in divers Acts were mode partly for maintaining the Kings authority , partly for preservation of true Religion , which causes were held in those days so conjoyned , as the enemies of the one , were likewise esteemed enemies to the other . Therefore was it then enacted , That none should be reputed loyal and faithful subjects to the King , or his authority , but be punished as rebels , who made not profession of true Religion . And that all such as made profession thereof , and yet withstood the Kings authority , should be admonished by their teachers , to acknowledge their offence , and return to his Majesties obedience ; and if they refused , that they should be excommunicated , and cut of from the society of the Church , as putrid and corrupted members . The Parliament breaking up , the Regent by advice of the Councel directed to the meeting at Perth , the Earl of Argile then created Chancellour , the Earl of Montrosse , the Abbot of Dunfermlin Secretary , the Lords Ruthven , Boyd , and Sir Iohn Ballenden Justice Clerk. There met with them the Earl of Huntley , and Lord Iohn Hamilton , Commendatory of Aberbrothock , authorised by the rest that maintained the Queens authority . The English Ambassadour assisting them , after some days conference , they were brought to agree upon these Articles . 1. That all persons comprehended in the present pacification should acknowledge and professe the true Religion established and professed within the Realm , and maintain the Preachers and professours thereof , against all opposers , specially against the confederates of the Councel of Trent . 2. That the Earl of Huntley , and Lord Iohn Hamilton , with their friends and followers , should submit themselves to the King , and to the government of the Earl of Morton his Regent and his successours in the same , acknowledging themselves the Kings subjects by their oaths and subscriptions . 3. That they should confesse all things done by them , under colour of any other authority , since the time of his Majesties Coronation , to have been unlawful , and of no force nor effect . 4. That an Act of Parliament should be made with all their consents , ordaining that none of the subjects should assist , fortify , supply , or shew any favour , directly , nor indirectly , to those who should happen to practise against the religion presently professed , the Kings person , his authority , or Regent . And if they should be tried to do any thing to the contrary , the remissions granted to them , with all other benefits of the pacification , should be null , and they pursued for their offences past , as if they had never obtained pardon for the same . 5. That all persons professing his Highnesse obedience , who had been dispossessed during the late troubles , should be reponed to their houses , lands , livings , benefices , and whatsoever goods belonging to them , if so the same were extant in the hands of the intrometters , horses and armour only excepted . 6. That the Master of Forbes , Iames Glen of Barre , and all other persons should be set at liberty , as likewise the bonds given by the Lord Semple and others for entry of prisoners , or for paiment of any ransomes , be discharged . 7. That the Earl or Huntley and Lord Iohn Hamilton should dimit , and cause all souldiers hired or maintained by them , or any of their party to be forthwith dimitted . 8. That all processes of forfeiture which had been led , especially the sentences given against the Earl of Huntley , Lord Iohn Hamilton , and Lord Claud his brother , William Bishop of Aberdene , Alexander Bishop of Galloway , Adam Gordon of Awchindown , and the rest of their friendship , for any crimes or offences done in the common cause ; against the King and his authority , since the 15th of Iune 1567. or for any other cause , contained in the summons of forfeiture raised against them , should be declared null , and of no force , without any other special declaration . And that the foresaid persons should have liberty given them , to reduce the said forfeitures as they should please . 9. That all persons then returning , or who should return to the Kings obedience , and for any crime committed in the said common cause since the time aforesaid , had been dispossessed of their lands , heritages , Benefices , Pensions , heritable offices , and other profits whatsoever , whether the same had proceeded upon sentences of forfeiture or barratry , or any other way , should be effectually restored , and be rehabiliated to their blouds and honours ; to the end they might enjoy the same as freely as if the said troubles had never happened . 10. That all actions , crimes , and transgressions committed by them and their sollowers since the 15th of Iune 1567. ( incest , witchcraft , and theft excepted ) should be freely remitted , so as the same did not extend to the murther of the first and second Regents , which are matters of such importance , as the Regent now in place would not meddle with . And yet in respect of the present pacification , if the same be moved to the Queen of England by the Commitrees thereof ; whatsoever she should advise to be done therein , should be confirmed in Parliament , and the remission under the hand of the Clerk of the Rolles , be as sufficient , as if the same were passed the great Seal . And if any of them should crave a pardon for other crimes committed before the said 15th day , the same ( upon notice given of the persons , and crimes ) should be granted ; the murtherer of the Kings father , fire raising , theft , and the resset of theft , with incest , and witchcraft , being excepted . 11. That all civill decrees given since the said 15. of Iune , wherewith the said persons or any of them do find themselves grieved , should be reviewed by the ordinary Judges that pronounced the same , and the parties upon their supplications be heard to propone any lawful defence , which they might have used in the time of the deduction of the proces : providing the supplications be presented , and their petitions exhibited within six moneths after the date of these Articles . 12. That all persons comprehended in the pacification , after publication thereof , should indifferently be received in all parts of the Realm , as his Majesties good subjects ; and that nothing done , or that hath occurred during the troubles , should be esteemed a cause of deadly feud and enmity , nor admitted as an exception , either against Judge , party , or witnesses . 13. That the heirs and successours of persons forfeited , and now departed this life , who are comprehended in this pacification , should be restored to their lands and possessions : and that it should be lawful for them to enter thereto by Breves , as if their fathers and predecessors had never been forfeited , and had died at the Kings peace ; specially the heirs of Iohn sometime Archbishop of S. Andrewes , Gawan Commendator of Kilwining , Andrew Hamilton of Cocknow , and Captain Iames Cullen . Unto these Articles some other particulars were added which were all confirmed by the oathes , and subscriptions of the Commissioners and Noblemen , in presence of the English Ambassadour , and a time given to Grange and those of the Castle , to accept or refuse the benefit of the peace . But that none excepted in the former Abstinence , nor any at that time forth of the Realm should think themselves comprehended therein ; it was declared , that the benefit of the present pacification , should not be extended to them . This was done to exclude the Archbishop of Glasgow , and Bishop of Rosse , Ambassadours for the Scottish Queen , the one in France , and the other in England , against whom the sentence of Barratry had been pronounced . About this time Sir Iames Kirkaldy brother to Grange , who had been directed to France for supply of those within the Castle , returned , bringing with him a years rent of the Scottish Queens Dowry , but finding the house inclosed , and that there was no safe accesse thereto , he went to Blackness , which then professed to hold for the Queen . The Captain had betrayed the same , as we shewed before , to the Hamiltons , and now turning his coat to make his peace with the Regent , he offered to put in his hand both the man and the money . The bargain made , the money was given to the Regent , and Kirkaldy detained as prisoner . A few days after , the Captain going abroad to do some businesse , Kirkaldy enticed the souldiers by great promises to joyn with him , and lay hands upon the Captains brother , and a few Gentlemen left to attend him : which they following their Captains ensample , were easily induced to do . Thus the house was possessed in Kirkaldies name , and he of a prisoner turned to be chief commander . But he did not long enjoy this place , for his wife being come thither to visit him , when she was the next morrow to depart , desired the convoy of some souldiers for a mile or two , fearing as she pretended to be robbed by Captain Lambie , who lay with a company at Linlithgow , not far from thence : and as he , to save her , went forth himself to bring her on a part of the way , suspecting no treachery , he was in his return intercepted by Lambie , and carried first to Linlithgow , then to Dalkeith , where he was kept some days , and afterwards dimitted . In this sort did fortune sport her self with that Gentleman , changing his condition up and down three several times , within the space of a few dayes . Peace now made with the chief Noblemen of the Queens faction , it was supposed that Grange and his partakers would likewise be moved to embrace it . Whereupon the Ambassadour taking with him the subscribed Articles , went to the Castle , and shewing how things had passed , used many perswasions to make them content to be comprehended therein . But they would not , affirming the conditions to be shameful , and so far to the prejudice of their Queen , as till they were allowed by her self , and by the French King , they should never admit them . After the Ambassadour had ceased to treat with them , the Earl of Rothes , and Lord Boyd travelled to the same effect , representing the danger and inevitable ruine they should fall into , if they did not yield in time . But they scorned these threats , thinking the strength they were in , impregnable , and looking still for some succours from France and the Duke of Alva , or if that should fail , they made no doubt to obtain their peace at easier conditions , then the Noblemen had accepted . The Regent offended with their obstinacy , discharged all further dealing with them , and sent to the Queen of England for a supply of men , and munition ; which was granted , and Sir William Drury Marshal of Berwick commanded to joyn with him in besieging the Castle . How soon the Regent understood , that the direction was given to the Marshal , the Lord Ruthven was sent to confer with him of the order that should be kept in the service . They meeting at the Church of Lamberton in the Mers , for preventing all debates that might arise , did agree as followeth . 1. That neither the Regent nor the General should without the advice and consent of the other , transact or make any composition with the besieged . 2. That if it happen the house to be taken by assault , the munition , plate , jewels , and housholdstuffe pertaining to the King , with the Registers , and publick records of the Kingdom there reserved , should be all delivered to the Regent , within three days after the house was recovered , and the rest of the spoil distributed amongst the souldiers . 3. That so far as might be , the persons within the Castle should be reserved to the trial of law , wherein the Regent should proceed by the advice of the Queen of England . 4. That the Regent should provide the English forces with victuals , and all other things necessary during the siege , as likewise assist them with a convenient power of horse and foot . 5. That recompence should be given at the Generals sight to the wives and nearest friends of the English souldiers , who should happen to be killed . 6. That if any of the Ordinance should break , or be otherwise spoiled , the same should be changed with other pieces of the like quantity within the Castle . 7. That the English General should not fortify within the ground of Scotland , without the Regents advice , and the service finished should immediately retire his forces . 8. And lastly , that for the safe return of the souldiers and munition ( the losse which fortune of war should make being excepted ) hostages of Noblemens sons should be delivered to the English , and entertained in the parts most adjacent to Scotland . These conditions made , and the Masters of Ruthven and Semple , Iohn Cunningham son to the Earl of Glencarn , and Douglas of Kilspindie being entred in Berwick as pledges ; Sir William Drary marched with his forces into Scotland , and came to Edinburgh the 25. of April . The Regent giving out a Proclamation ( Wherein was shewed the care that the Queen of England had taken for the peace of the Realm in times past , and the liberal succours she had granted at the present for the expugnation of the Castle , treasonably detained and fortified by the Laird of Grange ) Did require and charge all good subjects , to carry themselves as became them towards the English General and his company , and not to injure them either by word or deed , except they would be esteemed enemies to the peace , and partakers to the Traitors in their rebellious attempts . The next day the Castle was summoned , and offer made of their lives if they should yield before the planting of the Canon ; but the Captain in stead of answer , set upon the highest Tower , his ensign for a token of defiance . Then the Pioneers were put to work , and begun to cast trenches , and raise mounts for planting the Artillery . The besieged made all the hinderance they could , playing with their Ordinance upon the workmen , and killing divers ere the mounts were brought to perfection . How soon they were erected , ( being five in all , and entituled by the names of their several Commanders ) the Artillery was planted , 31. pieces in number , more and lesse . All things prepared , and the Parliament finished , which the Regent had called to the last of April , for ratifying the Articles of pacification , the battery began the 17. of May , on the 27. the Castle was made assaultable , the Canon having made great breaches in the fore and back walls ; and the Tower called Davids Tower , being also demolished . The 26 early in the morning the assault was given in two places : at the West part where the ascent was most difficult , the assailers were repulsed , after an obstinate sight that continued 3. hours , and 24. persons killed ; on the East side the blockhouse called the Spurre , was taken with less resistance , which put the defendants in fear , and made them demand a parle . This granted , a truce was taken for the space of two days , in which time the English General used many perswasions to the Captain to make him render the house ; neither was he then unwilling , so as the lives and honours of these within might be saved : but the Regent would give no condition , and have him simply to yield . The Captain seeing nothing but extremity , resolved to stand to his utmost defence : yet when he came back to the house , he found them all within divided , and the greater part so discouraged , as they refused to undergo the hazard of a second assault ; which forced him to other counsels , and so following Lethingtons advice , upon the 29. of May , being let down by a rope over the wall , he and Piltadrow his Constable did yield themselves and the house to the English General in the name of his Queen , whose discretion ( misknowing the Regent ) they were willing to abide . The General made them to be attended to his lodging , whither all that were of any note in the Castle were brought . Thereafter they were commitred to several places , most of them transported to Leth , and some detained in Edinburgh till the Queen of England should signify her will concerning them ; the Ladies and Gentlewomen were licenced to depart , as likewise the private souldiers , and others of meaner sort . It was thought that the Queen in regard of the render made to her Lieutenant , would take a favourable course with them , and save their lives : but she gave direction to put them all in the Regents hands to be used as he thought meet ; which when Lethington heard , either despairing of life , or not willing to injoy it by the mercy of an enemy , he died at Leth so suddenly , as he was thought to have made himself away by poison . A man he was of deep wit , great experience , and one whose counsels were held in that time for Oracles ; but variable , and unconstant , turning and changing from one faction to another , as he thought it to make for his standing . This did greatly diminish his reputation , and failed him at last : which should warn all Counsellours to direct their courses by the lines of piety , and true wisdom ; without which , the most politick prudence will prove nothing but folly in the end . His brother Mr. Iohn Maitelan , who came afterwards to great honours , had his life spared , and was imprisoned in Tentallon , George Creichton Bishop of Dunkeld was sent to Blackness , and the Lord Home detained in the Castle , which the Regent gave to his brother George Douglas in custody ; Grange himself , with his brother Sir Iames Kirkaldy , and two Goldsmiths , Iames Mosman , and Iames Cockey , were publickly hanged in the Mercat street of Edinburgh . Such was the end of Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange , a man full of valour and courage , who had sometimes done good service to his countrey against the French , and purchased by that means great honour . But seeking ambitiously to raise his fortunes , and hearkening to perverse counsel , he did break his faith to the Regent , who had put him in trust , and thereby lost all his former esteem , and drew upon himself these troubles , wherein he perished . His part was foul in the death of the Cardinal , and for it , when he was in his best estate , many did foredeem , that he should not escape some misfortune . Yet herein he was happy , that at his death he expressed a great sorrow for his sins , and departed this life with a constant and comfortable assurance of mercy at the hands of God. By this defeat of the Castilians ( so they were commonly named ) the Queens faction fell quite asunder , nor did it ever after this time make head . The Bishop of Ross ( who had followed her businesse as Ambassadour in England ) being at the same time put to liberty , and commanded to depart forth of the Kingdom , went privately to France ; for he feared the Earl of Southampton , and Lord Henry Howard , brother to the Duke of Norfolk , whom he had touched in his examination . When he came to France , to mitigate the anger they had conceived , he published an Apology for the depositions he had made , and whilest he lived , ceased not to do the duty of a faithful subject , and servant to the Queen ; soliciting both the Emperour and Pope , the French King , and other Catholick Princes in her behalf ; who gave many good words , but performed nothing . So little are the promises of strangers to be trusted , and so uncertain their help to Princes , that are once fallen from their Estates . At home the Regent applying himself to reform the disorders caused by the late warre , begun with the borders , who had broken out into all sorts of riot , and committed many insolencies both on the Scottish and English side . Thither he went himself in person , where meeting with the English Wardens , he took order for redresse of by-past wrongs . And to secure the peace of the countrey , caused all the Clannes to deliver pledges for the keeping of good order , and made choice of the fittest and most active persons to rule and oversee those parts : Sir Iames Home of Cauldinknowes was made guardian of the East Marches ; the Lord Maxwel of the West , and Sir Iohn Carnichal of the Middle , who by the diligence and strict jastice they observed resetters and entertainers of thieves , reduced the countrey to such quietness , as none was heard to complain either of theft or robbery . The next care he took was to order the revenues of the Crown , and recover such lands as had been alienated from it , or in any sort usurped ; the jewels impignorated by the Queen , he relieved by paiment of the moneys , for which they were ingaged . He caused repair all the Kings houses , especially the Castle of Edinburgh , and furnished the same with munition , and other necessaries : and by these doings did purchase to himself both love and reverence , with the opinion of a most wise and prudent Governour . Yet was it not long before he had lost all his good opinion , by the courses he took to enrich himself . Breaking first upon the Church , he subtilly drew out of their hands the thirds of Benefices , offering more sure and ready paiment to the Ministers , then was made by their Collectors , and promising to make the stipend of every Minister local , and payable in the Parish where he served . To induce them the more willingly to this , promise was made , that if they should find themselves in any sort hurt or prejudged , they should be reponed to their right and possession , whensoever they did require the same . But no sooner was he possessed of the thirds , then the course he took for providing Ministers , was to appoint two , three , and four Churches in some places , to one Minister ( who was tied to preach in them by turns ) and to place in every Parish a Reader , that in the Ministers absence might read prayers , who had allowed him a poor stipend of 20. or 40. pounds Scots . As to the Ministers , they were put in a much worse case for their stipends then before ; for when the Superintendents did assign the same , the Ministers could come boldly unto them , and make their poor estate known , and were sure to receive some comfort and relief at their hands ; but now they are forced to give attendance at Court , begging their assignation and precepts for paiment , or as their necessities grew , seeking augmentation , which seldom they obtained ; or if any petty thing was granted , the same was dearly bought with the losse both of their time and means . The Superintendents were no better used , the means allowed to them for their service being withholden , and when they complained , they were answered , that their office was no more necessary , Bishops being placed in the Dioces , and the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction belonging to them . These things lost him the Church , which then growing sensible of their oversight in denuding themselves of the thirds , craved to be reponed according to promise . But herein divers shifts were made , and after sundry delayes , it was directly told them , That seeing the surplus of the thirds belonged to the King , it was fitter the Regent and Councell should modify the stipends of Ministers , then that the Church should have the appointment or designation of a superplus . They not able to help themselves , did in the next Assembly take order that the Ministers , who were appointed to serve more Churches then one , should take the charge of that only at which they resided , helping the rest as they might , without neglect of their own charge . And because the placing of Bishops was taken for a pretext to withhold the Superintendents means , the Bishops were inhibited to execute any part of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the bounds where the Superintendents served , without their consent and approbation . This crossing of one anothers proceedings , did set the Church and Regent so far asunder , that whilest he continued in office , there was no sound liking amongst them . The discontents of the countrey were so great by the Iustice Aires ( as they called them ) that went through the countrey , and were exerced with much rigour , people of all sorts being forced to compone , and redeem themselves from trouble by paiment of moneys imposed . The Merchants called in question for the transport of coyn , were fined in great summes , and warded in the Castle of Blackness , till they gave satisfaction . Nor left he any means unassayed , that served to bring in moneys to his Coffers : which drew upon him a great deal of hatred and envy . I find at this time a motion made for compiling a body of our Law , and making a collection of such ancient statures , as were meet to be retained in practice ; which were ordained to be supplied out of the Civil law , where was any necessity ; to the end Judges might know what to determine in every case , and the subjects be foreseen of the equity and issue they might expect of their controversies . This was entertained a while , and of good men much desired , as a thing beneficial to the countrey , and like to have cut off the occasion of many pleas . But it sorted to no effect , by the subtle dealing of those that made their gain of the corruptions of Law. It happened Iohn Ormeston ( commonly called Black Ormeston , because of his Iron colour ) to be apprehended , and brought to trial at the same time for the murther of the Kings Father . This man was thought to be privy unto all Bothwels doings , and a more particular discovery expected by him of the form , and manner of that murther . Yet at this execution he did only confess that Bothwel had communicated the purpose to him , and shewed him the subscriptions of the Earls of Argile , Huntley , Secretary Leithington , and Mr. Iames Balfour , testifying their consents to that wicked fact . Nottheless the Regent , to the offence of many , did suffer the said Balfour to enjoy the benefit of the pacification , and passed an Act thereof in open Councel . Whether the subscriptions of Argile and Huntley were counterfeit or not , it was uncertain , but of the other two it was easily believed , as being men universally hated . Argile died in September following , in whose place the Lord Glamis was created Chancellour . In the same moneth Adam Heriot Minister at Aberdene departed this life , a man worthy to be remembred . He was sometime a Frier of the Order of S. Austin , and lived in the Abbey of S. Andrews , an eloquent Preacher , and well seen in Scholastick Divinity . Queen Regent coming on a time to the City , and hearing him preach , was taken with such an opinion of his learning and integrity , that in a reasoning with some Noblemen upon the Article of reall presence , she made offer to stand to Heriots determination . Warning of this being given , and he required to deliver his mind upon that subject in a Sermon which the Queen intended to hear , he did so prevaricate , as all that were present , did offend and depart unsatisfied . Being sharply rebuked for this by some that loved him , he fell in a great trouble of mind , and found no rest , till he did openly renounce Popery , and joyn himself with those of the Congregation . Afterwards when Order was taken for the distribution of Ministers amongst the Burgs , he was nominated for the City of Aberdene ( in which there lived divers addicted to the Romane profession ) as one that was learned in Scholastick Divinity , and for his moderation apt to reclaim men from their errors . Neither did he fail the hope conceived of him , for by his diligence in teaching Schools , and Church , he did gain all that people to the profession of the truth ; 14. years he laboured among them , and in end was forced by sicknesse to quit his charge . He died of the Apoplexy the 28. of August , in the 60. year of his age , greatly beloved of the Citizens for his humane and courteous conversation , and of the poorer sort much lamented , to whom he was in his life very beneficial . The next summer there fell out an accident which was like to have caused great trouble , and divided the two Kingdoms . Sir Iohn Forrester Warden of the English side , and Sir Iohn Carmichael of the Scottish , meeting in the Borders at a place called the Red Swyre for redressing some wrongs that had been committed , it fell out that a Bill ( so they used to speak ) was filed upon an English , for which Carmichael according to the law of the Borders , required him to be delivered , till satisfaction was made . Sir Iohn Forrester either wearied with the multitude of businesse , or desiring to shift the matter , answered that enough was done that day , and at the next meeting the complainer should have satisfaction . Carmichael urging a present performance , they fell foul in words ; which made the companies that attended draw their weapons . A great tumult there was , and at first the Scots being inferiour in number to the English , gave back . But as they were fleeing , they met with a company of Iedburgh men , who were come to attend the Warden . This giving them new courage , they turned upon the English , and made them flee . The chase held the space of two miles . Sir George Heron , Warden of Tindale and Rhedesdale , with 24. English was killed , the Warden himself , Francis Russel son to the Earl of Bedford , Cuthbert Collinwood , Iames Ogle , Henry Fenwick , and many others of good note were taken prisoners . When the Regent heard it , he was sore displeased , knowing the Queen of England would be much offended ; whereupon he sent for the prisoners , and using them with all courtesy , excused what was done , and permitted them to return home . And the Queen indeed at the first report was much incensed , and thereupon sent Mr. Killigrew to the Regent , to require the delivery of Carmichael , which divers of the Councel withstood . Yet such was the Regents care to please the Queen as he caused him enter into England , where he was a while detained . But the provocation being tried to have been made by the English , the Queen dimitted him honourably , and not without rewards . At his return , the Regent meeting the Earl of Huntington the English Commissioner at Foulden some two miles from Berwick , all things were peaceably composed . This year the Duke of Chattellerault ended his life : A Nobleman well inclined , open , plain and without all dissimulation and fraud , but too easily led by them he trusted , which bred him much trouble ; yet by the goodnes of God , who doth always favour the innocent and honest minded , he went through all , and died honourably and in peace . Not long after his son Lord Iohn Hamilton riding to Aberbrothock , accompanied only with his ordinary train , ( for he held himself secured by the pacification ) was pursued by William Douglas of Lochlevin , who did lye with a number in his way , of intention to kill him . As he was refreshing himself at Couper , he was advertised of the danger , and presently resolved to single himself from his company , and flee to the Castle of Lewchars , deeming ( as also it fell out ) that they would follow the greater company , which he directed to keep together , and take the South of the River of Edin . Neither had they passed far , when they were invaded by a troop of horsemen , and forced to yield themselves . The Nobleman beholding this from the other side of the River , and knowing how soon they found themselves deceived , that they would make haste to overtake him , changed his first resolution , and fled to the house of Darsey , where he was received . Lochlevin belayed the house , and kept him inclosed all that night , and the day following . But being charged by an Herauld of Armes to dissolve his forces , and hearing that the Noblemans friends were gathering for his release , he departed home . Being called before the Councel for his insolencie , and charged with the breach of the pacification ; he alledged the exception of the first Regents murther ; but that being found no warrant , and he refusing to give assurance for keeping peace , was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh , where he remained till surety was given . In the Church this year began the innovations to break forth , that to this day have kept it in a continual unquietness . Mr. Andrew Melvil , who was lately come from Geneva , a man learned ( chiefly in the tongues ) but hot and eager upon any thing he went about , labouring with a burning desire to bring into this Church , the Presbyterial discipline of Geneva : and having insinuated himself into the favour of divers Preachers , stirred up Iohn Dury one of the Ministers of Edinburgh in an Assembly which was then convened , to propound a question touching the lawfulness of the Episcopal function , and the authority of ●hapters in their election . He himself as though he had not been acquainted with the motion , after he had commended the Speakers zeal , and seconded the purpose with a long discourse of the flourishing estate of the Church of Geneva ; and the opinions of Calvin , and Theodore Beze , concerning Church Government , came to affirm , That none ought to be office bearers in the Church , whose titles were not found in the book of God. And for the title of Bishops , albeit the same was found in Scripture , yet was it not to be taken in the sense , that the common sort did conceive , there being no superiority allowed by Christ amongst Ministers ; he being the only Lord of his Church , and all the same servants in the same degree , and having the like power . In end he said , that the corruptions crept into the estate of Bishops were so great , as unlesse the same were removed , it could not go well with the Church , nor could Religion be long preserved in purity . This his discourse was applauded by many , and some brethren set apart to reason and conferre upon the question proponed . For the one part Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. George Hay , and Mr. Iohn Row were nominated : These three sustained the lawfulness of Episcopal function in the Church . For the other part Mr. Iames Lawson , Mr. Iohn Craig , and Mr. Andrew Melvil , were chosed to impugne the same . After divers meetings , and long disceptation amongst themselves , they presented their opinions to the Assembly in writing , as followeth . 1. First that they did not hold it expedient to answer the questions proponed , for the present . But if any Bishop was chosen that had not qualities required by the word of God , he should be tried by the General Assembly . 2. That they judged the name of a Bishop , to be common to all Mininisters that had the charge of a particular flock . And that by the word of God his chief function consisted in the preaching of the word , the ministration of the Sacraments , and exercise of Ecclesiastical discipline , with consent of his Elders . 3. That from among the Ministers some one might be chosen , to oversee and visit such reasonable bounds , besides his own flock , as the General Assembly should appoint . 4. That the Minister so elected , might in those bounds appoint Preachers , with the advice of the Ministers of that Province , and the consent of the flock which they should be admitted . And fiftly , that he might suspend Ministers from the exercise of their office upon reasonable causes , with the consent of the Ministers of the bounds . There were present in this Assembly , the Archbishop of Glasgow , the Bishop of Dunkeld , Galloway , Brichen , Dumblane , and Isles , with the Superintendents of Lothian , and Angus ; all of them interessed in that business . Yet neither were they called to the conference , nor doth it appear by the Register of those proceedings , that they did so much as open their mouthes in defence of their office and calling . What respect soever it was , that made them keep so quiet ; whether , as I have heard , that they expected those motions should have been dashed by the Regent , or otherwise , that they affected the praise of humility : it was no wisdom in them to have given a way to such novelties , and have suffered the lawfulnesse of their vocation to be thus drawn in question . In the next Assembly I find the same matter moved of new , and put to voices , but with a little change of the question , which was thus formed . Whether Bishops as they were then in Scotland , had their function warranted by the word of God ? The Assembly without giving a direct answer , after long reasoning , did for the greatest part ( so the records bear ) approve the opinions presented in the last meeting , with this addition , That the Bishops should take themselves to the service of some one Church within their Dioces , and condescend upon the particular flocks , whereof they would accept the charge . The Regent hearing how the Church had proceeded , and taking ill the deposition of Mr. Iames Patton Bishop of Dunkeld , who was in the former Assembly deprived for dilapidation of his benefice ; sent to require of them , whether they would stand to the policy agreed unto at Leth ; and if not , to desire them to settle upon some form of government , at which they would abide . The Assembly taking the advantage of this proposition , answered , that they were to think of that business , and should with all diligence set down a constant form of Church policy , and present the same to be allowed by the Councel . To this effect they nominated Mr. Andrew Melvil , Mr. Andrew Hay , Mr. David Cuningham , Mr. George Hay , Mr. Alexander Arthbuthnet , Mr. David Lindesay , and a number more ; the Archbishop of Glasgow was named amongst the rest , but he being urged to take the charge of a particular flock , excused himself , saying , That he had entered to his office according to the order taken by the Church , and Estates , and could do nothing contrary ther●to , lest he should be thought to have transgressed his oath , and be challenged for altering a member of the Estate . Yet that it might appear how willing he was to bestow the gifts wherewith God had endued him to the good of the Church , he should teach ordinarily at Glasgow , when he had his residence in the City , and when he remained in the Sheriffdome of Aire , he should do the like in any Church they would appoint ; but without astricting himself unto thesame , and prejudging in any sort the jurisdiction he had received at his admission . This his declaration made , he was no more troubled with that imployment . Mean while the See of S. Andrews falling void by the death of Mr. Iohn Douglas , the Regent did recommend to the Chapter his Chaplain Mr. Patrick Adamson for the place ; the Chapter continuing the election , till the Assembly of the Church did convene , imparted to them the warrant they had received : and Mr. Patrick being enquired ( for he was present at the time ) whether he would submit himself to trial , and receive the office with those injunctions the Church would prescrive : Answered , that he was discharged by the Regent to accept the office otherwise then was appointed by mutual consent of the Church , and Estate . Hereupon the Chaptour was inhibited to proceed . Notthelesse upon a new charge given them , they convened and made choice of him , which did so irritate the Church , as in the next meeting they gave Commission to the Superintendent of Lothian Mr. Robert Pont , Mr. Iames Lawson , and David Ferguson to call him before them , and prohibit him to exerce any part of his jurisdiction , till he should be authorised thereto by the Assembly . A form of Church policy was in the mean time drawn up and presented to the Regent by Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Iames Lawson , and Mr. Robert Pont. In a short Preface set before it , they protested to wish nothing more , then as God had made him a notable instrument in purging the Realm of Popery , and setling the same in a perfect peace , that he would also honour him with the establishing of a godly and spiritual policy in the Church ; intreating his Grace to receive the Articles presented , and if any of them did seem not agreeable to reason , to vouchsafe audience to the brethren , whom they had named to attend . Not that they did account it a work compleat , to which nothing might be added , or from which nothing might be diminished ; for as God should reveal further unto them , they should be willing to help , and renew the same The Regent reading the preface , though he did not like the purpose they were about , gave them a better countenance then in former times , and named certain of the Councel to conferre with them , and make report of the heads whereupon they agreed . But the conference was not well begun , when it brake off by occasion of troubles that arose The discontents in the countrey were great and daily increasing by the Regents severe proceedings . One against Adam whitford of Milneton did open the mouths of many men against him . This Gentleman was accused as one set on by Iohn Lord Hamilton of Aberbrothock , and Lord Claud his brother to have killed the Regent . The suspicion did arise of some rash and boasting speeches , uttered by Iohn Semple of Biltrees , out of his spleen against the Regent for an action intended against him concerning some lands belonging to the Crown , which had been given by the Queen to Mary Levingston his wife , one of her Maids of honour . His words were the more taken hold of , because he was Milnetons Uncle , and upon offer of the Torture was brought to confession ; upon which also he was arraigned and condemned to death , and the Scaffold prepared for the execution ; but was pardoned , which did manifest that which before was suspected , that by under-hand promise of favour , he was induced to this confession . The same means were tried with Milneton to have furnished evidence against these Noblemen for their forfeiture , which was the chief end of this trial But he upon his Uncles confession being put to the Torture , valuing more his honour nor his safety , endured it with such resolution , shewed both by his words and countenance , as was in all mens opinion taken for an undoubted argument of his innocency , and the others testimony nothing reg●rded : But the Regent much blamed for such rigorous proceeding against him upon a false or faint-hearted mans confession extorted by fear , or drawn from him by other base respects ; wherefore he was detested of his nearest kinsmen , as the other was honoured in all mens estimation for his courage and constancy . Amongst other proecsses he had intended for helping the revenues of the Crown , one was for the recovery of a parcel of ground , which the Queen had gifted to Mary Levingston one of her maids . The Gentlewomans husband called Iohn Semple , made the best defence he could , and fearing the Regents rigour , had burst forth in some passionate speeches , avowing , that if he did lose the lands , he should lose his life also . This reported to the Regent , brought him to be suspected of some plot , for a speech was given out that Lord Iohn Hamilton , and his brother Lord Claud were discontented with some of the Regents proceedings , and had instigated this Gentleman with his Nephew Adam Whitford of Milton , to kill him as he went down the street towards the Palace with an Harquebuse . Semple called in question for this , and his other rash speeches , upon representation of the torture confessed all , for he was a fearful man and of no courage . Milton being apprehended in the Isle of Bute , and brought to his examination , denied that any such motion had been made to him , and being put to the torture , indured the same patiently , not confessing any thing . His constancy and the resolution he shewd both in words and countenance , made the others confession not to be credited , every one interpreting the same to have proceeded of weaknes , and want of courage . The Gentlemans case was much pitied , and the mouths of many opened against the Regent for using such rigour , only upon the confession of a fearful and faint-hearted man : but the troubles we mentioned did arise by another occasion . In the Highlands one Allester dow Macallan , a notorious thief , who had committed many robberies , was apprehended by the Earl of Athol , who minding to put him to a trial , was inhibited by the Councel , and charges directed against him for exhibition of the man. The fellow being presented after he had stayed a while in prison , was upon Argiles desire set at liberty , and falling to his accustomed depredations , committed divers insolencies in the bounds of Atholl . The Earl to repair this wrong done to his people , prepared to invade Argile , and he making to defend his countrey , all those parts were in an uproar . This reported to the Regent , a messenger of Armes was sent to discharge those convocations , and cite them both before the Councel ; but they disobeyed , and by the mediation of friends were shortly after reconciled . This trouble was no sooner pacified then upon an injury done by the Clandonald to the Earl of Argile , he took Armes , and being charged to dissolve his forces , in stead of obeying , he laid hands on the messenger , tare his letters in pieces , and made him and his witnesses swear never to return into Argile for the like businesse . This insolency , whereof the like had not been seen nor heard since the Regents acceptation of the government , incensed him mightily , but not knowing how to overtake him in that season ( for it was done in the beginning of Winter ) he resolved to use the course of law , and proclaim him rebel . Alexander Areskin who attended the King , having his own discontents , and trusting to better his condition by a change of the government , dealt secretly with the two Earls , Argile and Athol , after he understood them to be agreed , and advised them to come , one after another , but much about one time , and mean their case to the King , to whom he promised they should find accesse . Argile coming first , complained of the Regents extreme dealing , in that he had denounced him rebel to his Majesty , whose true and faithful servant he had always been , and requested his Majesty to assemble the Nobility , and do him right according to the lawes : withall , he intreated that he might be permitted to remain with his Majesty till the Nobility should meet for trial of his complaint . The Earl of Athol came some two days after , to whom the King did communicate Argiles complaint , craving his advice in the business . And he as thought he had known nothing of the matter , answered that the Noblemans petition seemed reasonable , and that his Majesty could not take a better course , then call the Nobility , and by their advice take order for preventing the troubles that might arise by their dissensions . The King liking the advice , commanded letters to be written for all the Noblemen in the countrey to meet at Striveling the tenth day of March : yet the advertisement went only ( the two Earls having the direction of the letters ) to those that were their own friends , and enemies to the Regent . Amongst others , the Lords Maxwel and Ogilvy were invited to come ; of whom the first had been lately dispatched from his office of Wardanrie in the West Marches , and committed in the Castle of Blackness , the other had of a long time been confined in the City of S. Andrews . How soon the Regent was advertised of Argile and Athols being with the King , and that they had moved him to call the Nobility to a meeting , upon a pretext of trying Argiles complaint ; he sent the Earl of Angus , the Lord Glammis Chancelcellour , and the Lord Ruthven Thesaurer , with a letter and certain notes under his hand to be communicated to the King. In the notes he made a particular relation of the contempt done by the Earl of Argile to his Majesties authority , and of his practises with Athol to disturb the common peace : desiring to know his Majesties pleasure concerning them ; that if his Highness would allow him to follow the course of law , he might do his duty ; if otherwise his Majesty thought fit to oversee their disobedience , that he would be pleased to disburthen him of his office , and not suffer his own name and authority to be despised in the person of his servant : for as he had at sundry times made offer to dimit the Regiment whensoever his Majesty was pleased to take it in his own hands , so will he now most willingly resign the same , so as a substantial course were taken for the preservation of his Highness person , the ordering of his Majesties house , and the dispensing of the revenues of the Crown . Herewith he recommended the keeping of the peace contracted with England , because of the danger that a warre might bring , not only to the Realm , but also to his Highness title , and right of succession in that Kingdom . And having recounted the services done by himself , from his Majesties birth unto that present ; specially his assistance at the Kings Coronation ; the danger whereunto he exposed himself and his friends in Lanside field , and at the siege of Brichen ; The legations which he had undertaken to England ; the recovery of the Castle of Edinburgh ; the pacification of the Realm , which at his entry to the government he found in great trouble ; the redeeming of the jewels and moveables pertaining to the Cown , and the restoring of the royal Patrimony to some reasonable estate : in regard of all these services he craved no more , but an allowance of what he had done in his office , and a discharge of his intromissions by the Estates of Parliament . These notes being shewed to the Noblemen who were about the King , ( for numbers were come upon the rumour of a change that was in hand ) they did all advise him to take hold of the offer of dimission made by the Regent , and accept the government in his own person , after which he might deliberate upon such things , as the Regent had moved . Some were of opinion that the King should write to the Regent , and require of him a dimission ; but the greater part misliking delays did reckon it more sure , to do that which was meant at once , and not to protract time with a communing , such as that manner of proceedings would necessarily breed ; The King liking best the perswasions that were given him to reign , ( a thing natural to Princes ) resolution was taken to discharge the Regent of his authority , and publish the Kings acceptation of the government . This conclusion was the same day imparted to the Regent , who thereupon sent the Laird of Whittingham to desire the King before any innovation was made , to reconcile those of the Nobility that were in variance with others ; thinking this way to hold off the publication intended at least for some days . But it availed nothing , for immediately were the Chancellour and Lord Hereis sent with this Commission to him in writing : That his Majesty considering the dislike which many had of his government , and the apparent troubles to fail upon the Realm , had by the advice of the Nobility determined to accept the rule in his own person ; and because delay of time might breed some further grudge , and inconvenience , he did therefore require him to send his Declaration in writ with all speed , for testifying his obedience and allowance of what was done , and to abstain from all further administration or exercise of the office of Regency . As concerning his desires , for the surety of his Majesties person , the ordering of his house , and revenues of the Crown , with preservation of the peace with England , and the setling of the Borders and Highlands , his Highnes should omit nothing that lay in his power to do for effecting the same , and therein would follow the counsel , which he and the rest of the Nobility should give unto him ; and for the discharge of his administration , he should have all granted , which with reason he could require , the form whereof his Majesty did will him to draw up , that he might deliberate with his Councel what was fit to be done therein , assuring him that he should be well and graciously used . With this Commission they did likewise carry a letter written by the King himself in very loving terms , declaring , that because he saw no other way to maintain concord amongst his subjects , he had accepted the government in his own hands , and that he was confident to have the defects of his age and experience supplied by his Nobility , especially by himself , whom he would ever love , and acknowledge as his trusty Co●sen most tender to him in blood ( these be the words of the letter ) and one of his true and faithful Counsellours . In the mean time the Kings acceptation was published at Striveling , and the next day being the 12th of March proclaimed at Edinburgh , where the Regent himself was assisting , and took instruments of his dimission in the hands of two Notaries . It grieved divers of his friends that he had so easily condescended to quit the place , which they thought he might with good reason have kept , till a Parliament had been called for that purpose . Amongst others the Lord Boyd , who was most intire with him , and came to Edinburgh some few houres after his dimission , did chide him bitterly , speaking to this effect . That he did presume too much of his own wit , who in a matter of so great moment would not once ask the opinion of his friends ; and that in a short time he should find that he had done unwisely , to forsake the place committed to him by the whole Estates of the Kingdome , at the pleasure of his enemies . For it is sufficiently known , said he , that the King is a childe , and that these motions have not proceeded from himself . Now when he hath assumed the government , and ye left the place intrusted to you , shall he not be governed by those that are about him , whom you know to be your enemies ? But ye perhaps do promise ease and safety to your self in a private life : as if you might descend without any danger , from the place which ye have held . Wise men have observed that between highest , and nothing there is not a mean ; and it feares me you have wronged your self in imagining the rest you shall never find . If you had kept your place , they should have seen the faces of men , and not carried things thus at their pleasure ; but having forsaken your self , there is nothing left to your friends , but to lament your misfortune ; and God grant that this be the worst of things . This said , he went aside , and burst forth in tears . The Regent ( whom we will no more call so ) excused his doing , by the instance that the King made for his dimission , saying , that his refuse would have made a great commotion in the Realm ; yet did he perceive his errour , and in his secret thoughts , which he covered so well as he could , blamed his own rash and precipitate yielding . But there being no place left to resile , the next best he thought was to secure himself , and his friends , by discharge of all things , that might be laid to him or them , during his administration ; and therein he employed the Earl of Angus , and the Chancellour , whom he did constitute his procurators to compeir before the King , and make dimission of his office , with such solemnities as by law were requisite . This done , the discharge was given him in most ample form . Therein after a general approbation of his service , he was declared not to be accusable of any manner of crime , of whatsoever greatnesse or weight , without exception , that might be alledged to have been committed by him in times past : which declaration was ordained to be as valid , and sufficient in all respects , as if the highest crime that could or might be imputed to any person , had been specially expressed in the same . He was also exonerated of all summes of money , rents , and profits , as well of property , as casualty intrometted with by him or his factours and servants , since his acceptation of the Regiment ( the jewels of the Crown , the furniture of his Majesties house , Munition and Artillery onely excepted . ) A provision was adjected , That the present discharge should not prejudge the King and his successours in the revocation or reduction of whatsoever infeoffments , given of the property , during his Highness minority● , or of whatsoever lands , Lordships , offices , or dignities , fallen in his Majesties hands by forfeiture , recognition , bastardy , or by any other right , and priviledge of the Crown . In all other points the discharge was ordained to stand firm and sure for him , his heirs , and successors , and the same never to be revoked , or any thing attempted to the contrary : and for his greater assurance , the same was promised to be confirmed by the Estates of Parliament in their first convention and meeting . The Noblemen , and others of the Estates then present with the King , did likewise bind themselves , their heirs and successours , to see all the foresaid points truly fulfilled , under the pain of five hundred thousand pound . So as nothing was omitted , which he could devise for his securing . Yet in all this he found no assurance : to teach men , that it is not to be had in any worldly thing , but to be sought of God alone . All men are compelled to acknowledge so much in the end , though often too late ; which was the case of this Nobleman , as we shall hear . But better late , as the saying is , then never . THE HISTORY of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE SIXTH BOOK . The Contents . The things that happened after his Majesties assuming of the Government in his own person , unto his happy succession to the Crown of ENGLAND . THE King was not yet twelve years compleat , when in the manner ye have heard they moved him to assume the Government , yet did he shew more judgement in his very beginning , then could be expected from one of his years . The Earl of Mortons enemies , not satisfied with his displacing , were still casting how to bring him into the Kings dislike . And first shewing , that there was a necessity of the Kings residing at Edinburgh , where was the place of Justice ; they desired he should be charged to render the Castle . Then informed that he had amassed a great treasure in the time of his Regiment , they moved the King to require of him some moneys , for supporting the charges whereunto he would be put at his first entry . They did further talk of the Mint-house , and the commodity he reaped thereby . And to denude him of all power , they desired the state of the borders to be looked unto , and the office of Lieutenandry which the Earl of Angus his Nephew had in those parts , discharged . To one or other of these they conceived he should be unwilling , and so they should find some matter against him . But the King refusing to use him with charges , took a more moderate course , and sent the Chancellour and Thesaurer to feel his mind in those things . He lay then at Dalkeith , and having heard their propositions , howbeit he knew those motions did proceed from his adversaries , and was not ignorant what they intended , he answered calmly , That the jewels and moveables appertaining to the Crown , being received of his hand , and he and his deputies discharged , the Castle should be rendered most willingly . But for the advancing of moneys he excused himself , saying , that was not unknown , how he had received his office in a time full of trouble , and when the countrey was embroiled in a civil warre , the burthen whereof he sustained upon his private Charge ; and that since the troubles ceased , he had payed a great many debts , repaired his Majesties houses and Castles , and put them in a better case , then for many years before they had been : That the entertainment of his Majesties house , and maintaining of his own as Regent , was a matter of no small charge ; which the ordinary revenues of the Crown would hardly do : yet when his Majesty should be of perfect age , and his honourable occasions did require it , he should not be wanting according to his ability , and bestow all his means for his Majesties honour . Concerning the Mint-house , he said , that he had kept it in the best order he could , and having now no more charge of it , he wished the King to do therewith as he thought best . For the affairs of the border , that he had moved the Earl of Angus to undertake that service for the quietnesse of the countrey , but seeing he had no lands in those quarters , and that the offices of Wardenrie might suffice to hold those parts in order , he would advise the King to dispose them to the most sufficient that could be found . The Noblemen returning with these answers , the King did rest well satisfied . But a pitiful accident that fell out in the time , gave an hinderance to these business . The Chancellour going to the Castle to make his report to the King , as he returned to his lodging , did encounter the Earl of Crawford in the street , called commonly the Schoolhouse wynd . There had been an old grudge bewixt the two families , whereupon the Noblemen passed by others without salutations ; the street being narrow , and the companies of each side great , when they were almost parted , two base fellowes fell a strugling for the way , and by thrusting one at another raised a tumult , in the very beginning whereof , the Chancellour was killed with the shot of a Pistol . It was certainly known , that the Noblemen did purpose no harm to others , for Crawford did call to his followers to give way to the Chancellour , as he on the other side called to give way to the Earl of Crawford , yet by this unhappy accident were the old dissensions that had long slept revived ; and a fresh enmity raised , which turned to the great hurt of both . The death of the Chancellour was much lamented , falling out in the time when the King and countrey stood in most need of his service . He had carried himself with much commendation in his place , and acquired a great authority : most careful was he to have peace conserved both in the countrey and Church , and laboured much to have the question of Church policy setled ; upon which subject , he interchanged divers letters with Theodore Beze . Some have blamed him of too great curiosity in that matter , but his intention certainly was pious and commendable . Upon his death the Earl of Athol was preferred to be Chancellour ; at which the Church did mightily offend ; as likewise of the admission of the Earls of Cathnes , and Eglinton , with the Lord Ogilvy upon the Councel , who were all thought to be Popishly inclined . This being meaned to the King , was in some sort satisfied by their promises , and subscriptions to the Articles of religion ; yet the suspicions of their unsoundness still continued . And now began they who longed for the change of Mortons government , to repent the alteration that was made ; for howsoever he did not favour the novations in Church policy urged by some Ministers , he kept a severe hand over Papists , permitting none to enjoy and publick office , who was not sincerely affected to the truth . The first of April the Castle of Edinburgh was delivered to the Lords Ruthven and Lindesay , who were appointed by the King to receive the house , and a discharge given to the Earl of Morton of the jewels , munition , and moveables within the same . And the same day Iohn Seaton of Touch , and Iohn Cunningham of Drumwhassil received the keys in name of Alexander Areskin Uncle to the Earl of Marre , upon a warrant directed to them for that effect . The Earl of Morton resolving to live private , and to have no more medling in publick affairs , retired to Lochlevin , where he stayed not long , being recalled to Court by this occasion . The friends of the house of Marre , of whom the principals were the Abbots of Driburgh and Cambuskenneth , out of some jealousie they conceived of Alexander Areskin his courses , and a fear that the young Nobleman who was then grown to some years , might be prejudged of his right in keeping the Castle ; practised secretly to exclude him , and entring one morning with a number of his followers , seised upon the keeper of the gate , took the keys from him by force , and putting him and his men forth , placed others in their rooms , whom they caused swear fidelity to the Earl of Marre . How soon the Councel ( which then remained at Edinburgh ) was advertised of this change , they prepared to go to Striveling , and for their greater security were furnished with some companies of men by the Town of Edinburgh , but by letters from the King they were stayed . In these letters the King shewed that it was a private dissension only that had happened betwixt the friends of the house of Marre , which he would have peaceably composed , and therefore desired them to come unto him after a day or two in quiet and sober manner , and assist the reconcilement . They obeyed , and coming to Striveling , in a frequent Councel kept the third of May , the controversy was in these termes composed : That the Earl of Marre being new come to a reasonable age , he should attend the Kings person , and have the custody of the Castle of Striveling , and that the Master his Uncle should remain Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh , and when he came to Court have his table kept as before , and enjoy the place of a Gentleman of his Majesties chamber . The conditions prescrived to the Earl of Marre were , That he should guard the Castle , attend the Kings person therein , and not remove him to any place whatsoever without the knowledge and consent of the Councel . That he should not receive any within the house , whom he knew not to be well affected to the King ; admitting an Earl with two only in train , a Lord with one , and Gentleman single ; that Mr. George Buchannan and Mr. Peter Young should continue his instructers , and no others be admitted without the Councels consent , nor any religious exercise kept within the Castle , but that which the Parliament had approved . For the observing of these Articles , the Earls of Athol , Angus , Argile , and Montross , with the Lords Ruthven and Lindesay , became sureties . For the Master his Uncle , and his fidelity in keeping the Castle of Edinburgh , with the jewels , munition , and other moveables , the Earls of Athol , Argile , Montross , and the Lord Ruthven gave their bond and obligation . Some days after this broile , the Captain his eldest son ( called Alexander ) a youth of great hopes , departed this life , as it was thought , of a grief he conceived for the indignity done to his Father . This agreement being made , and the Lords being then to return to Edinburgh , the King did signify unto them , that because the Parliament was indicted to the tenth of Iuly , he would before that time call a number of every estate together , for the preparing of matters ; and that all emulations laid aside , they might concurre and joyn their counsels for the publick good of the Realm . The Diet for this meeting he appointed at Striveling the tenth of Iune . the Convention at the time was frequent ; of the Clergy , eight Bishops , and as many Abbots were present : of the Nobility nine Earls , and eleven Lords , and divers Commissioners of Burghs . The Earl of Morton at the Kings earnest intreaty came also thither , and at his coming was admitted upon the Councel , having the precedency allowed him , with the consent of the rest , because of the Regency he had a long time sustained . In the first meeting the King after he had given thanks to the whole number for the readinesse they had shewed to convene in that place , proponed two things . One was touching the Parliament , and the place where it should hold . The other concerned an Ambassage , which he intended to send into England . For the Parliament he said , that he longed to see a meeting of the Estates , and would have the time to which it was called precisely observed , wishing them all to addr●sse themselves thereto in time , and to come in a peaceable manner , as men disposed to do good , and seeking the common profit of their countrey . And for the place , seeing his own presence was necessary , and that he could not conveniently remove from Striveling , he desired the Parliament to be fenced at Edinburgh , at the day appointed , and then prorogated some four or five days , and brought to Striveling . For the Ambassage , he gave divers reasons , First , that having assumed the government in his own hands , he was bound in courtesie to visit the Queen of England , and give her thanks for the kindnesse he had received of her in his minority . Next , that the disorder lately fallen out in the borders , ( for about that time some borderers had entred into England and committed great robberies ) laid a necessity upon him , to clear the countrey of that fact , and make offer of redresse . Thirdly , that he had a private business , which touched him nearly , his Grandmother the Lady Lennox being newly deceased , and he being her only heir ; it concerned him , he said , to inquire what her last will was , and to see that no prejudice was done to him in his succession to the lands she possessed in England . Lastly , if they did think meet ( but this he remitted to their wisdomes ) he shewed that he could like well to have a motion made of a more strict league betwixt the two Realms , during the Queens life and his . It grieved the ordinary Counsellours much , that the place of Parliament should be changed , who therefore laboured to disswade the King from it ; but perceiving him resolved that way , they gave their consents , though most unwillingly . When they came to speak of the Ambassage to England , they acknowledged the necessity thereof ; but took exception at the league , pretending the ancient league with France . It was replied , That the case of things was much altered from that in former times ; that England and Scotland had now the same enemies because of their common profession , so as for their own safety it was needful they should joyn together in strict friendship ; and that the league with England might be so contracted , as the old amity with France should remain inviolate . The King further declared , that he did not mean to give power to his Ambassadour for concluding a league , wherein he would do nothing rashly , nor without the advice of the Estates ; only be desired , the same should be moved , and upon the report of the Queens liking thereof , that the conditions of the league should be well and gravely advised . After long reasoning , the matter being put unto voices , it was by plurality agreed , that the same should be made one of the Ambassadours instructions ; against which , the Earls of Argile , Montross , and Cathnes , the Lords Lindesay , and Innermaith , with the Commendatary of Deir took publick protestation . These things bred a new heart-burning amongst the Noblemen , for they took Morton to be deviser of all , and that he was craftily drawing back the administration of affairs unto himself , which albeit they dissembled for the present , brake forth after a few days in an open dissension . The Citizens of Edinburgh were much offended with the Kings remaining in Striveling , and the remove of the Parliament from their town ; and as it happeneth in such times of discontent , rumors were dispersed that the King was detained captive , and was shortly to be sent into England , and the ancient league with France dissolved . This being in the mouthes of all men and talked of not in corners , but in open and publick meetings , a Proclamation was given out the sixth of Iuly , Declaring the falshood of those rumors , and that the same were raised by some seditious spirits that could not live quiet , under any sort of government ; for as to the Kings detention , it was known to be most false , and that it was his own choice to remain at Striveling , attended by those , whom the Councel by common consent had appointed for the safe custody of his person ; And for the Parliament , which they said , was to treat of the dissolution of peace with their old confederates , and to make up new leagues with others , there was no such matter ; it being his Majesties only purpose to have such things intreated in that meeting , as might tend to the advancement of Gods honour , the safety of his Royal person , and the establishment of good laws for the quietnesse of the Realm . Whereof if any made doubt , they might be resolved at their coming to the Parliament , which was now approaching . Therefore were all good subjects advertised , not to believe those seditious reports , nor suffer themselves to be led by such wicked suggestions into rebellion . This declaration prevailed little with the most part , for the mindes of men were much exasperated . And the time of Parliament come , the Lords that remained at Edinburgh , took counsel not to go thither , but to send of their number one or two to protest against the lawfulnesse of it . The Earl of Montross , and Lord Lindesay were chosen to that purpose , who coming to Striveling , shew the King the Noblemens excuse , and declared all they had in Commission to say ; wishing his Majesty to prorogate the Parliament unto a better time , and make choice of a fitter place . But he resolved by the counsel of those that were present , to go on , and coming the next day , which was the 16th of Iuly , to the great Hall , where the Estates were advertised to meet , he made a short speech touching the liberty of Parliaments , and the necessity he had to keep one at that time , and in that place , assuring all persons who had any thing to move , or propone , that they should have free accesse , and receive satisfaction according to Justice . After the King had closed his speech , the Earl of Montross and Lord Lindesay arose , and in the name of the Councel , and others of the Nobility adhering to them , protested against the lawfulnesse of the Parliament , in so far as it was kept within the Castle , whither they could not safely repair , the same being in the enemies power . The King offended with the protestation , commanded them to keep their lodgings , and not to depart forth of Striveling without his licence : which the Lord Lindesay obeyed ; but Montross the next day early in the morning went away , and returned to Edinburgh , where it was given out , that he had brought from the King a secret direction to the Lords , to convene the subjects in Arms , and liberate him out of Mortons hands . Thereupon a Declaration was published , bearing that his Majesty having assumed the government in his own person , because of the enormities committed in the time of Mortons Regiment , had appointed the Councel to remain at Edinburgh for the better ministration of Justice And that by the care they took of affairs , all things had gone well , and peaceably , till Morton out of his ambitious desire to rule , did suborn some instruments to surprise the Kings house and person at Striveling , injuriously displace the Captain , and put his family and servants to the gates : Of which seditious enterprise , although he did pretend ignorance , yet the progresse of his actions continually since that time , did shew that he was the chief plotter of that businesse ; for after his coming to ●ourt , and admission to be one of the Councel , he had disordered all things , thralling the King so farre , that his best subjects could have no free accesse unto him , and usurping the jurisdiction of his Majesties ordinary Councel in translating the Parliament from Edinburgh the Principal ●ity of the Realm , unto the Castle of Striveling . Like as to bear out his wicked and violent designes he had of late presumed to levie souldiers at the Kings cost and charge , intending thereby to maintain his usurped authority , and oppresse his Majesties obedient and lawful subjects . In consideration of which abuses , and lest notorious presumptions should by their continual patience grow to a further height , they had resolved , laying aside all difficulties , to withstand the violences practised by him under the title of the Kings authority , and to hazard their goods , lives , and lands for the delivery of his Majesties person out of his thraldom ; protesting that the inconveniences which should ensue upon the present troubles , should not be imputed to them , in as much as they were forced unto it for their own just and necessary defence , the restitution of their native Prince to liberty , and the delivering of the Church and Commonwealth from the Tyranny of such as have ever sought , and still do seek the ruin and overthrow of both . This declaration published , all parts of the Realm were in a commotion : Souldiers were levied on either side , Horse and Foot ; and Proclamations sent to the Sheriffdomes of Edinburgh , Hadington , Linlithgow , Clackmannan , Kinress , Perth , Fife , Forfar , Lanark , Dumbarton , and to the Bailiaries of Kyle , and Cunningham , to prepare themselves with victuals for 15. days , and be in readinesse to follow the King or his Lieutenants upon six hours warning , as they should be directed . Herewith a Commission of Lieutenandry was given to the Earl of Angus for convocating the subjects , and pursuing the rebels who had usurped the Kings authority with all sort of rigour : charges were also directed to command the Earls of Athol and Argile to depart forth of Edinburgh within the space of 24. houres , and return to the places of their dwelling , under the pain of treason ; the Magistrates of Edinburgh were enjoyned to apprehend the persons that had taken Armes within their Town , and not to suffer any armed men to enter in the same , except such as should have direction from his Majesty . Which when the Provost ( Archibald Stewart ) came to excuse , as not being in the Towns power , to withstand the forces of the Noblemen , he himself , was sent prisoner to the Castle of Down . The Parliament in this mean time went on , and all things proceeded therein as in a time of most secure peace . Upon their dissolving , when it was told the King that the Lords were gathering forces , and that they gave out the same to be done by warrant from him , he commanded by a new Proclamation , all that were assembled in Armes , to separate and return to their dwellings within the space of six houres , promising pardon to such as obeyed . And lest any should be deceived with the rumours of his captivity , and secret warrants from himself , he again declared , That it was his own desire to remain at Striveling and be served by the Earl of Marre , with whom he knew his surety was greater , then if he should be at the devotion of those that caused the present troubles , whose meanings towards him could be no better then it had been in times past . For the Warrants they pretended , he called God to witnesse , that they had neither word nor writ from him ; therefore willed all his good subjects to live quiet , and not to be misled by such false informations . This Proclamation the Lords would not suffer to be published at Edinburgh , but making the greater expedition , drew together their companies and marched towards Striveling , the first night they camped at Linlithgow , and the day following having mustered their Army , which they found to be about 4000. they went to Falkirk . The Earl of Angus as Lieutenant for the King , took the fields , and displaying the Royal Banner made towards them . In number he did not equall the others , but they were Gentlemen all , active , and resolute . Sir Robert Bowes the English Ambassadour , riding betwixt the Armies , travelled earnestly to bring them to an agreement , and by his intreaties , and the proponing of honourable conditions did keep them from joyning . In which time one Tait a follower of Cesford , who as then was of the Lords party , came forth in a bravery , and called to the opposite horsemen , asking if any among them had courage to break a lance for his Mistress ; he was answered by one Iohnston servant to the Master of Glammis , and his challenge accepted . The place chosen was a little plain at the river of Carron : on both sides whereof the horsemen stood spectators . At the first encounter Tait having his body pierced through , fell from his horse , and presently died . This was taken by those of Mortons side to be a presage of victory . But by the Ambassadours travails the parties were drawne to the conditions following . 1. That the forces on either side should presently separate , and a few horsemen only be retained upon his Majesties charges , who should be imployed for quieting the borders , and not against the Lords convened at Falkirk , or their adherents in the present action . 2. That the proceedings of the Lords and other partakers with the Chancellour since the tenth of Iuly last , should be allowed as good service done to the King , in respect his Majesty was assured of their good affection towards his own person . 3. That the Chancellour and Earl of Argile should have their lodging within the Castle of Striveling , with the like numbers that were permitted to other Noblemen . 4. That all the Noblemen , Barons , and other Gentlemen , who pleased to come unto the King , should be freely admitted to his presence , and have liberty to propone their own affairs . 5. That the Earl of Montross and Lord Lindesay should be received in the number of the Councel . 6. That the King calling to himself eight Noblemen , that is , four of each party , to be nominated by themselves , should consider the griefs and offences of either side , take order for removing the same , and make up a perfect reconcilement amongst the Nobility . 7. That the Commission of Lieutenantry granted to the Earl of Angus , should be discharged . 8. And last , that the Captains of the Castle of Edinburgh and Dumbarton should enjoy their offices , till the reconciliation intended was brought to an end . These Articles being signed by the King , and subscrived by the principals of both parties , the accord and heads thereof were published at Striveling and Falkirk the fourteenth of August , upon which the Armies dissolved . No stirre in our memory was more happily pacified ; for should it have come to the worst , as it was not far off , such was the heat and hate of both factions , that the mischief could not but have been great , which would have ensued . The place and time of the Noblemens meeting for considering the grievances of both parties , being left to the Kings appointing , because delay might breed greater difficulties , his Majesty did assign the 20. of September to meet at Striveling , whereof he caused the Ambassadour give the Chancellour notice , and to desire him to name the four Noblemen , whose advice he and the rest would use in that treaty . The Chancellour answered by letter , That neither he nor Argile could agree to meet at Striveling , nor could they design the four Noblemen whom they would use , because death , sickness , and other accidents might hinder one , or more of them to convene , but if it should please the King to appoint the place of meeting at Edinburgh , about the end of November , they should keep the day , and for the present nominate ten , of which number hey should choose some four at that time as arbiters for their party . The ten they named were the Earls of Montross and Cathnes , the Lords Lindesay , Maxwel , Hereis , Ogilvy , and Innermeath , the Abbot of Newbottle , and the Lairds of Bargenny and Drumwhassil . Herewith he desired three things to be granted ; One was , that licence might be given to such an one as they would choose to pass into England : next , that they who were dispossessed of their places and offices since the tenth of July , might be restored ; namely Mr. Mark Ker , sonne to the Abbot of Newbottle , Master of Requests , and William Cunningham , sonne to the Laird of Drumwhassil , Gentleman of the Kings Bedchamber : Thirdly , that none should be called in question for their absence upon the late Proclamations , seeing all they who came not to Striveling , must be understood to have been their adherents . This answer communicated to the King , did highly offend him . First , that they should usurp the appointing of the time and place of meeting , which was left in his power : next , that they would presume to send a message into England , they being his subjects , and neither acquaint him with the person nor the message . For the other Petitions he judged them impertinent , and more fit to be proponed at the meeting of the Noblemen ; wherefore in a letter sent by Mr. William Areskin to the Chancellour , he shewed that since they had delayed to nominate the four Noblemen , he himself would make choice of four of them , whose names they had given to the Ambassadour ; to wit , the Lords Lindesay , Ogilvy , Innermeath , and Hereis ; to whom he would joyn the Earls of Rothes and Buchan , with the Lords Ruthven and Boyd ; and by their advice proceed in the reconciliation by him intended ; which if they should refuse , he would notifie to the Queen of England and other Christian Princes , the care he had taken to perform all things , as they had been lately accorded . To this letter no answer was given but that they should advise with their friends , and afterwards signify their minds ; wherewith the King being discontent , he summoned the Noblemen to meet at Striveling the 20. of September , warning all the subjects , whom that businesse concerned to addresse themselves thither against the day . At the day none of them appeared , and the more careful the King was to have peace made , the more they seemed to draw back , protracting time upon frivolous excuses ; Wherefore the King for the last Diet appointed the 20. of October , which most of them kept . Being all assembled , the King spake to them to this effect . Ye do all understand what an earnest desire I have that you should joyn in friendship one with another , which cannot be more contentment to me then it is benefit to your selves ; although I have many occasions given me to fall from that desire , yet I abide in the same mind , and shall wish you to lay aside your needless jealousies and suspicions . For as to me I will sindy to be indifferent , and bestow my favours unpartially , and never repose my self upon any one so much as to deny others the regard which is due to them . Ye that are Noblemen have a special interest in me , and unlesse there be a correspondence of wills and mindes amongst you , I shall never find that concurrence that ought to be for mine honour and the good of the Commonwealth . It is not long since , at your own desires I accepted the government of the Realm , being perswaded by you that this was the only way to cease all grudges , but now that I see them increased , it repents me to have yielded to your desires , and intangled my self in such businesse . What should let you to be reconciled , and become perfect friends , I know not : if there by any grief or offence that hath exasperated your minds , will ye shew it ? I am here with the advice of my Lords to remove it , and see satisfaction made , by those that have done the wrong . I hope you do not carry mindes irreconcilcable ; ye professed that ye laid down Arms for the love ye bare to your King ; by the same love I intreat you to lay aside jealousies , and suspic●ons , which ye will doubtlesse do except ye mind to expose your countrey and your selves to utter ruine . The Lords moved with this speech , professed themselves willing at his Majesties desire to bury all discords ; and that their agreement might be the more sound , they were required to set down in writing the injuries , and unkindness whereof they complained , that satisfaction might be made at the sight of the King , and Noblemen whom he had named . Hereupon the Chancellour and Argile presented their grievances in some short Articles , bearing the unkindnesse they had received from the Earl of Morton in the time of his Regiment . Whereunto he answered , first generally , that what he did in that time was done by order of law , and that they themselves had allowed his proceedings , and were sureties for ratifying the same in Parliament . Then replying more particularly to every Article , he gave the King and other Noblemen full satisfaction , and made it seen , that on the part of the other Lords , there was a great mistaking : for what he did he could not leave undone , without a manifest violation of justice . Yet for himself , he said , although he had been ill rewarded by them for his pains taken in the publick service , and received more unkindnesse at their hands , then he had deserved , he would freely remit all at the Kings desire . After some days spent in such reckonings , they were brought in end to joyn hands . During these contentions in the State , Mr. Andrew Melvil held the Church busied with the matter of policy which was put in form , and presented to the Parliament at their sitting in Striveling . The Estates having no leisure to peruse it , gave a Commission to divers of their number to meet and conferre with the Commissioners of the Church ; and if they did agree to insert the same among the Acts of Parliament . How these affairs went , and what effect the Commission took , because of the great businesse , that afterwards was made about the same , is necessary to be known ; wherefore I thought meet to set down the form of policy , as it was presented , with the notes of their agreement and disagreement , as they stand in the Original , which I have by me . Heads and conclusions of the Church , and first of the Policy thereof in general , wherein it differeth from Civil . FIrst , the Church of God is sometimes largely taken for all them that professe the Evangel of Iesus Christ , and so it is a company and fellowship , not only of the godly , but also hypocrites , professing outwardly one true Religion . 2. At other times it is taken for the elect only , and the godly ; and sometimes for them that exercise the spiritual function amongst the congregation of them that professe the truth . 3. The Church in this last sense hath a certain power granted by God , according to which it useth a proper jurisdiction and government , exercised to the comfort of the whole Church . 4. This power Ecclesiastical is an authority granted by God the Father , through the mediation of Iesus Christ , unto his Church gathered , and having the ground in the word of God , to be put in execution by them , unto whom the spiritual government of the Church by lawfull calling is committed . 5. The policy of the Church flowing from this power is an order or form of spiritual government , which is exerced by the members appointed thereto by the word of God ; and therefore is given immediately to the Office-bearer , by whom it is exercised to the weal of the whole body . 6. This power is diversly used , for sometime it is severally exercised ( chiefly by the teachers ) sometime conjunctly by mutual consent of them that bare office and charge , after the form of judgement ; the former is called potestas Ordinis , the other potestas Iurisdictionis . 7. These two kinds of power have both one ground , one final cause , but are different in the form and manner of execution , as is evident by the speech of our Saviour in the 16th and 18th of S. Matthew . 8. This power and policy is different and distinct in the own nature , from that power and policy , which is called the Civil power ; and appertains to the civil government of the Commonwealth , albeit they be both of God , and tend to one end , if they be rightly used , that is , to advance the glory of God , and to have godly and good subjects . 9. For this power Ecclesiastical floweth from God immediately , and the mediator Iesus Christ , and is spiritual , not having a temporal head in the earth , but only Christ , the onely spiritual King , and Governour of the Church . 10. It is a title falsely usurped by Antichrist to call himself the head of the Church , and ought not to be attributed to Angel or to man , of what estate soever he be , saving to Christ the head , and only Monarch of the Church . 11. Therefore this power and policy of the Church should lean upon the Word immediately , as the only ground thereof , and should be taken from the pure fountains of the Scriptures , hearing the voice of Christ the onely spiritual King , and being ruled by his lawes . 12. It is proper to Kings , Princes , and Magistrates , to be called Lords and Dominators over their subjects , whom they govern civilly ; but it is proper to Christ only to be called Lord and Master in the spiritual government of the Church , and all others that bear office therein , ought not to usurp dominion , nor be called Lords , but Ministers Disciples , and servants : for it is proper to Christs office to command , and rule his Church universally , and every particular Church , through his Spirit and Word , by the ministery of men . 13. Notwithstanding as the Ministers and others of the Ecclesiastical state are subject to the Magistrate civilly : so ought the person of the Magistrate be subject to the Church spiritually , and in Ecclesiastical government . 14. And the exercise of both these jurisdictions cannot stand in one person ordinarily . 15. The Civil power is called the power of the Sword , the other power , the power of the Keys . 16. The Civil power should command the spiritual to exercise and to do their office according to the word of God ; the spiritual rulers should require the Christian Magistrate to minister Justice , and punish vice , and to maintain the liberty of the Church , and quietnesse within their bounds . 17. The Magistrate commands in things external for external peace and quietnesse among the subjects , the Minister handleth external things onely for conscience cause . 18. The Magistrate external things only , and actions done before men ; but the spiritual ruler judges both the affection and the external actions , in respect of conscience , by the word of God. 19. The Civil Magistrate getteth obedience by the sword and other external means , but the Minister by the spiritual sword , and spiritual means . 20. The Magistrate ought neither preach , minister the Sacraments , nor execute the censures of the Church , nor yet prescribe any rule how it should be done , but command the Minister to observe the rule prescrived in the Word , and punish transgressors by civil means : the Minister again exercies not the civil jurisdiction , but teaches the Magistrate how it should be exercised according to the Word . 21. The Magistrate ought to assist , maintain , and fortify the jurisdiction of the Church , the Ministers should assist their Princes in all things agreeable to the Word , providing they neglect not their charge in involving themselves in civil affaires . 22. Finally , as Ministers are subject to the judgement and punishment of Magistrates in external things , if they offend : so ought the Magistrates submit themselves to the discipline of the Church , if they transgresse in matter of conscience , and Religion . CHAP. 2. Of the parts of policy of the Church , and persons , or Office-bearers to whom the administration is committed . FIrst , as in the policy Civil , the whole Commonwealth consists in them that are Governours or Magistrates , and them that are governed , and subjects ; so in the policy of the Church , some are appointed to be rulers , and the rest of the members are to be ruled , and obey according to Gods word , and the inspiration of his Spirit alwayes under one Head , and chief Governour Jesus Christ. 2. Again , the whole policy of the Church consists in three things , chiefly in doctrine , discipline and distribution ; With doctrine is annexed the ministration of the Sacraments . 3. And according to this division arises a sort of threefold Officiars in the Church ; to wit , Ministers or Preachers , Elders or Governours , and Deacons or Distributers : and all these may be called by one general word , Ministers of the Church . 4. For albeit the Church of God be ruled and governed by Iesus Christ , who is the onely King , high Priest , and Head thereof ; yet he useth the ministery of men , as a necessary middes for this purpose . 5. For so he hath from time to time , before the Law , under the Law , and in the time of the Evangel , for our great comfort , raised up men indowed with the gifts of his Spirit for the spiritual government of his Church , exercising by them his power through his Spirit and Word , to the building of the same . 6. And to take away all occasion of Tyranny , he wills that they should rule with mutual consent of brethren , and equality of power , every one according to their functions . 7. In the New Testament , and time of the Evangel he hath used the Ministery of the Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , and Doctors , in administration of the Word : The eldership for good order , and administration of discipline : The Deaconship to have the care of Ecclesiastical goods . 8. Some of these Ecclesiastical functions are ordinary , some extraordinary , or temporal ; the extraordinary , are the Apostles , Prophets , and Evangelists , which are not perpetual , and now have ceased in the Church , except when it pleases God extraordinarily for a time to stirre up some of them again . 9. There are four ordinary offices or functions in the Church of God , the Pastor , Minister or Bishop , the Doctor , the Presbyter or Elder , and the Deacon . 10. These Offices are ordinary , and ought to continue perpetually in the Church as necessary for the government and policy of the same , and no mo offices ought to be received , or suffered in the true Church of God , established by his Word . 11. Therefore all the ambitious titles invented in the Kingdom of Antichrist , and his usurped Hierarchy , which are not one of those four sorts , together with the offices depending thereupon , ought in one word to be rejected . CHAP. 3. How the persons that bear Ecclesiastical functions , are admitted to their Offices . FIrst , Vocation or Calling is common to all that should bear office in the Church , which is a lawful way by which qualified persons are promoved to any special office in the Church of God. 2. Without this calling it was never lawful for any person to meddle with any Ecclesiastical function . 3. There are two sorts of Calling , one extraordinary by God immediately , as were the Apostles and Prophets , which within a Church already well established , hath no place . 4. The other calling is ordinary , which beside the calling of God , and the inward testimony of a good conscience , hath the lawful approbation of men according to Gods word , and the order established in the Church . 5. None ought to presume to enter in any office Ecclesiastical , unlesse he have a good testimony in his conscience before God , who onely knoweth the hearts of men . 6. This ordinary and outward calling hath two parts , Election , and Ordination . 7. Election is the choosing out of one man or person to the office that is voyd , by the judgement of the Eldership , and consent of the congregation , to whom the person presented is to be appointed . 8. The qualities in general required in all them who should have charge in the Church , consist in soundnesse of Religion and godlinesse of life , according as they are set forth in the Word . 9. In this ordinary election it is to be eschewed , that no person be intruded in any of the offices of the Church contrary to the will of the congregation to whom they are appointed , or without the voice of the Eldership . 10. None ought to be intruded or placed in the ministery in places already planted , or in any room that is not void , for any wordly respect ; and that which is called , the benefice , ought to be nothing but the stipend of the Minister , who is lawfully called . 11. Ordination is the separation and sanctifying of the person appointed by God and his Church , after that he is well tried , and found qualified . 12. The ceremonies of Ordination are fasting , prayer , and imposition of hands of the Eldership . 13 All these as they must be raised up by God , and made able for the work whereunto they are called , so they ought know , that their message is limited within Gods word . 14. These should take the names and titles only ( lest they be exalted and pussed up in themselves ) which the Scripture gives them , as these which import labour , travel , and work , and are names of offices and service , and not of idlenesse , dignity , worldly honour , or preheminence , which by Christ our Master is expressely reproved and forbidden . 15. All these office bearers should have their own particular flocks , amongst whom they ought to exerce their charge , and should make residence with them , taking inspection and oversight of them every one in his vocation . 16. And generally ought to respect two things ; that is , the glory of God , and edifying of his Church , by discharging their duties in their callings . CHAP. 4. Of the Office-bearers in particular , and first of the Pastors and Ministers . 1. PAstors , Bishops , or Ministers are they who are appointed to particular congregations , which they rule by the word of God , and over which they watch ; in respect whereof sometime they are called Pastors , because they feed their congregation ; sometime Episcopi or Bishops , because they watch over their flock ; sometime Ministers , by reason of their service and office ; sometime also Presbyters or Seniors for the gravity in manners which they ought to have , taking care of the spiritual government , which ought to be most dear unto them . 2. They that are called the Ministery , or offer themselves thereto , ought not to be elected without one certain flock to be assigned to them . 3. No man ought to ingyre himself , or usurp this office without a lawful calling . 4. They who are once called of God , and duly elected by men , having once accepted the charge of the Ministery , may not leave their functions ; and the desertors ought to be admonished , and in case of disobedience excommunicated . 5. No Pastor may leave his flock without licence of the Provincial Assembly ; which if he do , after admonition not obeyed , let the censures of the Church strike upon him . 6. To the Pastor belongeth the preaching of the word of God , in season and out of season , publickly and privately , always to edify and discharge his conscience , as God hath prescribed . And unto them only appertains the ministration of the Sacraments ; for both these are appointed by the word of God as means to teach us , the one by the ear , and the other by the eys and other senses , that by both knowledge may be conveighed to the mind . 7. By the same reason it pertains to Pastors to pray for the people , and namely for the flock committed to their charge , and to blesse them in the name of God , who will not suffer the blessings of his faithful servants to be frustrate . 8. He ought also to watch over the manners of his flock , that he may the better apply his doctrine to them , in reprehending the dissolute , and exhorting the godly , to continue in the fear of the Lord. 9. It appertains to the Minister , after lawful proceeding of the Eldership , to pronounce the sentence of binding and loosing upon any person , according to the power of the keyes granted to the Church . 10. It belongs to him likewise after lawful proceeding in the matter by the Eldership , to solemnize marriage betwixt those that are contracted , and to pronounce the blessing of the Lord upon them that enter in that bond , in the fear of God. And generally , all publick denunciations that are made in the Church before the congregation concerning Ecclesiastical affairs , belong to the Ministers office , for he is the messenger and herault betwixt God and the people in all these affairs . CHAP. 5. Of Doctors and their Offices , and of Schools . 1. ONe of the two ordinary and perpetual functions that labour in the Word , is the office of Doctor , who may also be called Prophet , Bishop , Elder , and Catechiser , that is , the teacher of the Catechisme , and rudiments of the Religion . 2. His office is to open up the mind of the Spirit of God in the Scriptures simply , without such application as the Minister uses , to the end that the faithful may be instructed in sound doctrine , the purity of the Gospel taught , and not corrupted through ignorant or evil opinions . 3. He is different from the Pastor , not onely in name , but in diversity of gifts ; for to the Doctor is given the gift of knowledge , to open up by simple teaching the mysteries of faith ; to the Pastor the gift of wisdom , to apply the same by exhortation to the manners of the flock , as occasion craves . 4. Under the name and office of Doctor , we comprehend also the order in Schooles , Colledges , and Universities , which have from time to time been carefully maintained , as well amongst Jewes , and Christians , as among profane nations . 5. The Doctor being an Elder , should assist the Pastor in the government of the Church , and concurre with the Elders his brethren in all Assemblies , by reason the interpretation of the Word , which is only judged in matters Ecclesiastical , is committed to his charge . 6. But to preach unto the people , to minister the Sacraments , and celebrate Marriages , pertains not to the Doctor , unlesse he be otherwise called ordinarily ; yet may the Pastor teach in Schooles , as he who hath the gift of knowledge oftentimes , which the example of Polycarpus and others testify . CHAP. 6. The Elders and their Office. 1. THe word Elder in the Scripture , is sometime the name of Age , sometime the name of Office ; and when it hath the name of office is sometimes taken largely , comprehending as well the Pastors , and Doctors , as these who are called Seniors , or Elders . 2. In our division , we call these Elders , whom the Apostle calleth Presidents , or Governours , whose office as it is ordinary , so it is perpetual , and alwayes necessary in the Church of God , and a special function , as is the Ministery . 3. Elders once lawfully called to the office , and having gifts of God fit to exercise the same , may not leave it again ; yet such a number of Elders may be chosen in certain congregations , as one part may relieve another for a reasonable space , as was amongst the Levites under the Law , in serving the Temple . 4. The number of Elders in every congregation cannot be limited , but should be according to the bounds and necessity of the people . 5. It is not necessary , that all Elders be teachers of the word , albeit chiefly they ought to be such , and so worthy of double honour . 6. What manner of persons they ought to be , we remit it to the expresse word , and the Canons set down by the Apostle S. Paul. 7. Their office is as well severally as conjunctly , to watch with diligence over the flock committed to their charge , both publickly and privately , that no corruption of Religion or manners grow amongst them . 8. As the Pastors and Doctors should be diligent in teaching and sowing the seed of the Word , so the Elders should be careful in seeking the fruits of the same among the people . 9. It pertains to them to assist the Pastor , in examining those that come to the Lords table , and in visiting the sick . 10. They should cause the Acts of the Assemblies , as well particular as general , to be put carefully in execution . 11. They should be diligent in admonishing all men of their duties , according to the rule of the Word . 12. Things that they cannot correct by private admonitions they should bring to the Eldership . 13. Their principal office is to hold Assemblies with the Pastors and Doctors , who are also of their number for establishing good order and execution of discipline , unto which Assemblies all persons are subject that remain within the bounds . CHAP. 7. Of Elderships and Assemblies and Discipline . 1. ELderships are commonly constitute of Pastors , Doctors , and such as we call commonly Elders that labour not in the Word and doctrine , of whom , and of their power we have spoken . 2. Assemblies are of foure sorts , for either they are of a particular congregation , or of a Province , or of a whole Nation , or of all ; and divers Christian Nations . 3. All Ecclesiastical Assemblies have power to convene lawfully together , for treating of things concerning the Churches pertaining to their charge . 4. They have power to appoint times and places to that effect , and every Assembly to appoint the Diet , time and place for another . 5. In all Assemblies a Moderator should be chosen by common consent of the whole brethren convened , who should propone matters , gather voices , and cause good order to be kept . 6. Diligence ought to be taken chiefly by the Moderator , that onely Ecclesiastical things be handled in the Assemblies , and no medling be with any thing pertaining to Civil jurisdiction . 7. Every Assembly hath power to send forth of their own number , one or mo Visitours to see how all things are ruled in their jurisdiction . 8. Visitation of Churches is not an ordinary office Ecclesiastical in the person of one man , neither may the name of a Bishop be attributed to a Visitour only ; neither is it necessary to abide in the person of one man always , but it is the power of the Eldership to send out qualified persons to visit prorenata . 9. The final end of all Assemblies is first to keep the Religion and Doctrine in purity without errour and corruption ; next to keep comelinesse and good order in the Church . 10. For this orders cause , they may make rules and constistitutions pertaining to the good behaviour of all the members in the Church in their vocation . 11. They have power also to abrogate and abolish all Statutes and Ordinances concerning Ecclesiastical matters , that are found noysome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . 12. They have power to execute discipline , and punishment Ecclesiastical upon all transgressors , and proud contemners of the good order and policy of the Church , so as the whole discipline is in their hands . 13. The first sort and kind of Assemblies , although they be within particular congregations , yet they exerce the power , authority , and jurisdiction of the Church with mutual consent , and therefore bear some time the name of the Church . 14. When we speak of Elders of particular congregations , we mean not that every particular Parish Church can , or may have their particular Elderships , especially to Landwart ; but we think three or four , mo , or fewer particular Churches , may have a common Eldership to them all , to judge their Ecclesiastical causes . 15. Albeit it is meet , that some of the Elders be chosen out of every particular congregation , to concurre with the rest of their brethren in the common Assemblies , and to take up the delation of offences within their own Churches , and bring them to the Assembly . 16. This we gather of the practice of the primitive Church , where Elders , or Colledges of Seniors , were constitute in cities and famous places . 17. The power of the particular Eldership , is to give diligent labour in the bounds committed to their charge , that the Churches be kept in good order : to inquire of naughty and unruly persons , and travel to bring the way again , either by admonition and threatening of Gods judgements , or by correction . 18. It pertains to the Eldership to take heed that the word of God be purely preached within their bounds , the Sacraments rightly ministred , discipline maintained , and the Ecclesiastical goods uncorruptly distributed . 19. It belongs to this kind of Assembly , to cause the Ordinances made by the Assemblies Provincial , National , and General , to be kept and put in execution . To make constitutions which concern 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the decent order of these particular Churches , which they govern ; providing they alter no rules made by the Provincial and general Assemblies . And that they make the Provincial Assemblies foreseen of those rules they make , and to abolish such constitutions as tend to the hurt of the same . 20. It hath power to excommunicate the obstinate . 21. The power of election of them , who bear Ecclesiastical charge , pertains to this Assembly within their own bounds , be well constitute , and erected of many Pastors and Elders of good ability . 22. By the like reason thier deposition also pertains to this Assembly , as of them that teach erroneous doctrine , that be of a scandalous life , and after admonition defist not , that be given to schisme or rebellion against the Church , manifest blasphemy , simony , and all corruption of bribes , falshood , perjury , whoredom , theft , drunkenness , fighting worthy of punishment by the law , usury , dancing , and such dissoluteness , as imports civil infamy : And all other that deserve separation from the Church . 23. These also who are altogether found unable to execute their charge ought to be deposed , and other Churches advertised thereof , lest they receive the persons deposed . 24. But they who through age or sickness , or any other accident become unmeet to do their office , their honour should remain to them , and others be provided to their office , the Church maintaining those who are by that occasion disabled . 25. Provincial Assemblies we call lawful Conventions of the Pastors , Doctors , and other Elders of any Province gathered for the common affairs of the Churches thereof , which may also be called the conference of the Church and brethren . 26. These Assemblies are institute of weighty matters to be intreated by mutual consent , and assistance of the brethren within the Province , if need be . 27. This Assembly hath power to redresse , order , and handle all things committed or done amiss in the particular Assemblies . 28. It hath power to depose the Office-bearers of that Province for good and just causes deserving deprivation . ●nd generally these Assemblies have the whole power of the particular elderships whereof they are collected . 29. National Assembly which we call general , is a lawful Convention of the whole Church of the Realm or Nation where it is gathered , for the common affairs of the Church , and may be called the general Eldership of the whole Church within the Realm . 30. None are subject to repair unto this Assembly for giving voice , but Ecclesiastical persons ; to such a number , as shall be thought good by the same Assembly ; not excluding other persons that will repair to it for propounding , hearing , and reasoning . 31. This Assembly is institute , that all that is either committed , or done amisse in the Provincial Assemblies , may be redressed , and things generally serving for the good of the whole body of the Church within the Realm , may be foreseen , intreated and set forth to Gods glory . 32. It should take care that Churches be planted in places where they are not planted ; and prescrive a rule for the proceeding of the other two sorts of Assemblies in all things . 33. This Assembly should take heed that the spiritual jurisdiction and civil be not confounded nor abused , and generally towards all weighty affairs that concern the good order of the Churches within the Realm , it ought to interpone authority thereto . 34. There is besides these another more general . Assembly which is of all Nations , and of all estates of persons within the Church , representing the universal Church of Christ , which may be properly called the general Assembly , or general Councel of the whole Church of God. 35. These Assemblies were appointed and called together , specially when any great schisme or controversie in doctrine did arise in the Church , and were convocated at the command of godly Emperors , being for the time , for avoiding of schismes within the universal Church of God , which because they pertain not to the particular state of our Realm , we passe by . CHAP. 8. Of Deacons and their office , the last ordinary function in the Church . 1. THe word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes largely taken as comprehending all them that bear office in the Ministery , and spiritual function in the Church , but as we now speak , is only taken for them , to whom the collection and distribution of Almes of the faithful , and Ecclesiastical goods do belong . 2. The office of Deacon so taken , is an ordinary and perpetual function in the Church ; of what properties and duties they ought to be that are called thereto , we remit to the Scriptures . 3. The Deacon ought to be called and elected as the rest of the spiritual officers , and their office and power is to receive and distribute the whole Ecclesiastical goods to whom they are appointed . 4. This they ought to do according to the judgement and appointment of the Presbyteries , or Elderships , of the which the Deacons are not , that the patrimony of the Church and poor be not converted to private mens uses , nor wrongfully distributed . CHAP. 9. Of the Patrimony of the Church , and distribution thereof . 1. By the Patrimony of the Church , we understand whatsoever thing hath been at any time before , or shall be hereafter given , or by universal consent or custome of countries professing christian Religion applied to the publick use , and utility of the Church . 2. So that under the Patrimony of the Church we comprehend all things given or to be given to the Church and service of God , as lands , buildings , possessions , annual rents , and the like , wherewith the Church is endowed , either by donations , foundations , mortifications , or any other lawful titles of Kings , Princes , or any other persons inferiour to them , together with the continual oblations of the faithful . 3. We comprehend also all such things , as by lawes , customes , or use of countreys hath been applied to use , and utility of the Church : of which sort are tithes , Manses , gleibs , and the like ; which by the common and municipal lawes , and universal custome are possessed by the Church . 4. To take any part of this Patrimony by unlawful means , and convert to the particular and prophane use of any person , we hold a detestable sacriledge before God. 5. The goods Eccclesiastical ought to be collected and distributed by Deacons , as the word of God appoints , that they who bear office in the Church , may be provided for without care , or solicitude . 6. In the Apostolick Church the Deacons were appointed to collect and distribute , whatsoever was collected of the faithful , to the necessity of the Saints , so as none amongst them did want . 7. These collections were not only of that which was gathered by way of Alms , as some suppose , but of other goods moveable and unmoveable , of lands , and possessions ; the price whereof was brought and laid at the Apostles feet . 8. This office continued in the Deacons hands , who intromitted with the whole goods of the Church , till the estate thereof was corrupted by Antichrist , as the ancient Canons bear witnesse . 9. The same Canons make mention of a fourfold distribution of the Patrimony of the Church , whereof one part was applied to the Pastor , or for his sustentation and hospitality ; another to the Elders and Deacons , and the whole Clergy ; the third to the poor , sick persons , and strangers ; and the fourth to uphold the edifice of the Church , and other affairs specially extraordinary . 10. We adde hereunto the Schooles , and Schoolmasters , who ought and may well be sustained of the same goods , and are comprehended under the Clergy ; To whom we joyn Clerks of Assemblies , as well particular as general , Procurators of the Church affairs , takers up of Psalmes , and other officers of the Church , who are necessary . CHAP. 10. Of the offices of a Christian Magistrate in the Church . 1. Although all members of the Church are holden according to their vocation , to advance the Kingdome of Christ Iesus , so farre as lies in their power ; yet chiefly christian Princes , Kings , and other Magistrates are holden to do the same , for they are called in the Scripture , Nurses of the Church ; because by them it is , or at least ought to be maintained and defended , against all those that would procure the hurt thereof . 2. So it pertains to the office of a christian Magistrate , to fortify and assist the godly proceedings of the Church , and namely to see that the publick estate and ministery thereof be maintained , and sustained , as appertains to the word of God. 3. To see that the Church be not invaded , or hurt by false teachers , and hirelings , nor the roomes thereof occupied by dumb dogs or idle bellies . 4. To assist and maintain the discipline of the Church , and punish them civilly , that will not obey their censures , without confounding the one jurisdiction with the other . 5. To see that sufficient provision be made for the Ministery , Schools , and poor , and if they have not sufficient to await upon their charges , to supply their indigence with their own rents . 6. To hold hand as well to the safety of the persons from injury and open violence , and their rents and possessions ; that they be not defrauded , robbed , and spoiled thereof ; and not to suffer the Patrimony of the Church to be applied to profane and unlawful uses , or to be devoured by idle bellies , and such as have no lawful function in the Church , to the hurt of the Ministery , Schools , poor , and other godly uses , upon which the same ought to be bestowed . 7. To make laws and constitutions agreeable to Gods word for the advancement of the Church , and policy thereof ; without usurping any thing that pertains not to the Civil sword , but belongs to the offices meerly Ecclesiastical ; as the ministery of the Word , Sacraments , or using the Ecclesiastical discipline , and spiritual execution thereof , or any part of the spiritual keys , which the Lord Iesus gave to the Apostles , and their true successours . 8. And although Kings and Princes that be godly , sometime by their own authority , when Churches are corrupted , and all things out of order , do place Ministers and restore the true service of God , after the ensample of some godly Kings of Iudah , and divers godly Emperours and Kings also , in the dayes of the New Testament : yet where the ministery of the Church is once well constitute , and they that are placed , do their office faithfully ; all godly Princes and Magistrates ought to hear and obey their voice , and reverence the Majesty of God speaking by them . CHAP. 11. Of the present abuses remaining in the Church which are desired to be reformed . 1. AS it is the duty of the godly Magistrate to maintain the present liberty which God hath granted by preaching of the Word , and the true ministration of the Sacraments within this Realm ; so it is to provide that all abuses , which as yet remain in the Church , be removed and taken away . 2. Therefore first the admission of men to Papistical titles of Benefices , such as serve not nor have any function in the reformed Church of Christ , as Abbots , Commendators , Priors , Prioresses , and other titles of Abbeys , whose places are now by the just judgement of God demolished , and purged of idolatry , is plain abusion , and not to be received in the Kingdom of Christ amongst us . 3. In like manner , seeing they that were called of old the Chaptors , and Convents of Abbeys , Cathedral Churches , and the like places , serve for nothing now , but to set Fewes , and Leases of Church lands , ( if any be left ) and Tithes , to the hurt and prejudice thereof , as daily experience teaches , the same ought to be utterly abolished and abrogated . 4. Of the like nature are the Deanes , Archdeacons , Chantors , Subchantors , Thesaurers , Chancellors and others , having the like titles which flowed from the Pope and Canon law only , and have no place in the reformed Church . 5. The Churches also which are united and joyned together by annexation to Benefices , ought to be separated and divided , and given to qualified Ministers , as Gods word requires : neither ought such abusers of the Patrimony of the Church , have voice in Parliament ; nor sit in Councel in name of the Church , and Church-men , to the hurt and prejudice of the liberty thereof , and lawes of the Realm , made in favours of the Reformed Church . 6. Much lesse is it lawful that one person amongst these should have five or six , ten or twenty Churches , all having the cure of soules , and enjoy the Patrimony thereof ; either by admission of the Prince , or of the Church in this light of the Gospel : for it is but mockery to crave reformation , where the like have place . 7. And albeit it was thought good for avoyding greater inconveniences , that the old possessors of such benefices who imbraced the Religion , should enjoy by permission the two parts of the rents which they possessed before , during their life time ; yet it is not tolerable to continue in the like abuse , to give these places , and other benefices of new to men as unmeet , or rather unmeeter , who have no mind to serve in the Church , but live an idle life as others did , who enjoyed the same in time of blindnesse . 8. And whereas by the order taken at Leith 1571. it appears that such may be admitted , being found qualified , either that pretended order is against all good order , or else it must be understood , not of them that are qualified for worldly affairs , or to serve in Court ; but such as are qualified to teach Gods word , and have their lawful admission of the Church . 9. As to Bishops , if the name be properly taken , it is all one with the name of Minister , as was declared ; for it is not the name of superiority or Lordship , but of office and watching . Yet because in the corruption of the Church this name hath been abused , and is like to be , we cannot allow this fashion of these new chosen Bishops , nor of the Chaptors , that are their electors to such in office . 10. True Bishops should addict themselves to one particular flock , which divers of them refuse , neither should they usurp Lordship over their brethren , and the inheritance of Christ. 11 , & 12. Pastors , in so farre as they Pastors , have not the visitation of mo Churches , joyned to the Pastorship , unlesse it be committed to them . 12. It is a corruption that Bishops should have further bounds to visit , then they may conveniently overtake ; neither ought any man to have the visitation of Churches , but he that is chosen by the Presbytery . 13. The Elderships well established , have power to send out Visitors with Commission to visit the bounds within their Eldership , and after accompt taken , be either continued or changed from time to time , being subject alwayes to their Elderships . 14. The criminal jurisdiction in the person of a Pastor , is a corruption . 15. It agrees not with the word of God , that Bishops should be Pastors of Pastors , or Pastors of many flocks , and yet be without a certain flock , and no ordinary teacher ; nor doth it agree with the Scripture , that they should be exeemed from the correction of their brethren , and the discipline of the particular elderships of the Church , where they shall serve ; neither that they usurp the office of visitation of other Churches , nor any other function , besides that of other Ministers , unlesse the same be committed to them by the Church . 16. Heretofore we desire the Bishops that now are , either to agree to that order which Gods word requires , and not to passe the bounds prescrived by the general Church , either in Civil or Ecclesiastical affairs , or to be deposed from all function in the Church . 17. We ceny not in the mean time that Ministers may , and should assist their Princes when they are required , in all things agreeable to the word of God , whether it be in Councel or Parliament , or out of Councel : providing alwayes they neither neglect their own charges , nor through flattery of Princes hurt the publick estate of the Church . 18. But generally we say , that no Pastor under whatsoever title of the Church , and specially the abused titles in Popery , of Prelates , Chaptors , and Convents , ought to attempt any thing in the Churches name ; either in Parliament , or out of Councel , without the Commission of the Reformed Church within this Realm . 19. It is provided by Act of Parliament , that the Papistical Church and jurisdiction shall have no place within the Realm , and that no Bishop , nor Prelate should use any jurisdiction in time coming , flowing from the Popes authority : And likewise that no other Ecclesiastical jurisdiction should be acknowledged within this Realm , but that which is , and shall be in the Reformed Church , and flowing from the same . And such we esteem the Chaptors holden in Papistical manner , either of Cathedral Churches , Abbeys , Colledges , or other conventual places , usurping the name and authority of the Church , to hurt the Patrimony thereof ; or use any other Act to the prejudice ●of the same since the year 1560. by abusion and corruption , contrary to the liberty of the Church , and lawes of the Realm ; which therefore ought to be annulled , reduced , and in time coming utterly discharged . 20. The dependences also of the Papistical jurisdiction are to be abolished , of which sort is the mingled jurisdiction of the Commissars , in so far as they meddle with Ecclesiastical matters , & have no Commission of the Church thereto ; but were elected in time of our Soveraigns mother , when things were out of order ; It is an absurd thing that divers of them having no function in the Church , should be Judges in deposing Ministers from their places . Wherefore they would be either discharged to meddle with Ecclesiastical matters , or it would be limited to them in what matters they might judge , and not hurt the liberty of the Church . 31. They also that before were of the Ecclesiastical estate in the Popes Church , or that are admitted of new to the Papistical titles , and now tolerated by the laws of the Realm , to possesse the two parts of their Ecclesiastical rents , ought not to have any further liberty , but to intromet with the portion granted and assigned unto them for their life times , and not under the abused titles ; which they carry to dispone the Church rents , setting in fewes and leases the same at their pleasure , to the great hurt of the poor labourers that dwell upon the Church lands , and the prejudice of the Church , contrary to good conscience and all order . CHAP. 12. Special heads craved to be reformed . 1. WHatsoever hath been spoken of Church offices , the several power of office-bearers , their conjunct powers , and last of the Patrimony of the Church , we understand it to be the right reformation which God requires , but because something would be touched in particular , concerning the estate of the countrey , and that which we crave presently to be reformed in the same , we have collected them in the heads following . 2. Seeing the whole countrey is divided in Provinces , and these Provinces in Parishes , as well to Landwart , and in Townes , in every Parish , and reasonable congregation there would be placed one or mo Pastors , and no Pastor or Minister be burthened with the charge of more Churches then are allenarly . 3. And because it will be thought hard to find out Ministers to all the parish Churches of the Realm , we think by the advice of such as the Prince or Church may appoint , Parishes in small villages , or to Landwart may be united , and the principal or most commodious Church , at which the Minister resides , repaired sufficiently ; the rest that are not found necessary , being suffered to decay , and the Church-yards reserved for burial places . As also where the congregation is too large , the same would be divided . 4. Doctors would be appointed in Universities , Colledges , and other places needful for opening the Scriptures , and teaching the Rudiments of Religion , who would also be sufficiently provided . 5. As to Elders there would be in every congregation one or mo appointed for censuring of manners , but not an Assembly of Elders , except in Towns , and famous places , where men of judgement and ability may be had . And these to have a common Eldership placed amongst them , to treat of all things that concern the congregations , of whom they have the oversight . 6. And as there ought men to be appointed for the dividing or uniting of parishes , as need and commodity requires ; so by the general Church with the consent of the Prince , some that fear God , and know the estate of the countreys , would be chosen to designe the places , where particular eldership should convene ; taking consideration of the Dioces , as they were divided of old , and of the estate of the countreys and Provinces . 7. Likewise concerning Provincial and Synodal Assemblies consideration would be taken , how many , and in what places they should convene ; how often the same must be referred to the liberty of the general Church . 8. The National Assemblies called commonly the general , ought to be maintained in their liberty , and have their own place , with power to the Church to appoint times and places of meeting . And all men , as well Magistrates as subjects , be subject to their judgement in causes Ecclesiastical , without reclamation or appellation to any Judge , Civil or Ecclesiastical . 9. The liberty of electing persons to Ecclesiastical functions , observed without interruption , so long as the Church was not corrupted by Antichrist , we desire to be restored , and retained within this Realm ; So as none be intruded upon any congregation , either by the Prince or any other inferiour person , without lawful election , and the assent of the people , over whom the person is placed , according to the practise of the Apostolick and primitive Church . 10. And because this order cannot stand with Patronages , and presentation of benefices used in the Popes Church , we desire all those that truly fear God , to consider , that Patronages and Benefices have no ground in the word of God , but is contrary to the same , and to the liberty of election of Pastors , and ought not now to have place in the light of reformation . And therefore whosoever will embrace the light of Gods word , and desires the Kingdome of his Son Iesus Christ to be advanced , would also embrace , and receive the policy which the word of God craves , otherwise it is in vain that they have professed the same . 11. Notwithstanding for other patronages of Benefices not having Curam animarum , such as Chaplanries , Prebendaries , founded upon temporal lands , annuals or such like , they may be reserved to the ancient Patrones , and be disponed by them to Scholars , Bursers , when they fall voyd , as they are required by Act of Parliament . 12. As to the Church rents in general , we desire that order be maintained and admitted , which may stand with the sincerity of Gods word and practise of the Church of Christ , in the purest times thereof : That is , that the whole patrimony of the Church ( the small Patronages before mentioned being excepted ) may be divided in four portions , one thereof to be assigned to the Pastor , for his entertainment and keeping hospitality ; another to the Elders , Deacons , and other Officers of the Church , as Clerks of Assemblies , takers up of Psalmes , Bedles , and keepers of the Church , so farre as they are necessary , joyning therewith the Doctors of Schooles , for help of the old foundations , where need requires ; the third portion to be bestowed upon the poor members of Christ , and the fourth upon the reparations of Churches , and other extraordinary charges , that are profitable to the Church and Commonwealth . 13. We desire therefore the Ecclesiastical goods to be uplifted and faithfully distributed by the Deacons , to whose office the collection and distribution belongeth , that the poor may be answered of their portion , the Ministers not distracted from their callings , and the rest of the Thesaury of the Church , bestowed upon the right uses . 14. If these Deacons be elected with such qualities , as Gods word requires there is no fear to be taken of their abuse ; yet because this vocation appears to be dangerous to many , let them be obliged as they were of old in an yearly account to the Pastors and Eldership . And if the Church and the Prince think expedient , let surety be found for their fidelity , and that the Church rents shall no way be dilapidated . 15. And to the effect this order may take place , all other intromettors with the Church rents , Collectors general or special , whether by the appointment of the Prince , or otherwise , must be discharged of further intromission , and suffer the Church rents , hereafter to be wholly intrometted with by the Deacons , and distributed to the uses before mentioned . 16. And also to the effect that the Ecclesiastical rents may suffice these uses , we desire all alienations by fewis , or leases of the rents of the Church , as well lands , as tithes , in diminution of the old rentals to be reduced and annulled , and the patrimony of the Church fully restored . As likewise that in time coming the tithes be set to none but to the labourers of the ground , as was agreed , and subscrived by the Nobility , or then not set at all . CHAP. 13. The conclusion shewing the utility that shall flow from this reformation to all Estates . 1. SEeing the end of this spiritual government and policy is , that God may be glorified , the Kingdom of Iesus Christ advanced , and they who are of his mystical body live peaceably , keeping a good conscience , we do boldly affirm that and all who have true respect to these ends , will even for conscience cause gladly agree , conform themselves to this order , advancing the same so far as lies in them ; that their conscience being set at rest , they may be replenished with spiritual gladnes in giving full obedience to Gods word , and refusing all corruption contrary to the same . Next this Realm shall become an ensample and pattern of good and godly order to other Nations , Countreys , and Churches , professing the same Religion ; that as they have praised God for our continuing in the sincerity of the Word without all errours ; so they may have the like occasion when we shall conform our selves to that discipline , policy , and good order , which the same Word and purity of Reformation craves at our hands ; otherwise that fearful sentence may be justly said to us , That servant that knoweth the Masters will and doth it not , &c. 3. Moreover , if we have any pity or respect of the poor members of Iesus Christ who greatly increase and multiply amongst us , we will not suffer them to be longer defrauded of that part of the patrimony of the Church , that justly belongeth to them . And by this order , if it be duly put in execution , the burthen of the poor shall be taken off the countrey , and the streets cleansed of their cryings , and murmurings , so as we shall not be any more a scandal to other Nations , as we have hitherto been . 4. Besides , it shall be a great ease and commodity to the whole Commons , relieving them of the building and repairing of their Churches , Bridges , and other like publick works ; It shall be a relief to the labourers of the ground in paiment of their tithes , and all other things , wherein they have hitherto been rigorously used by them that were falsely called Churchmen , and their Tasksmen , Factours , Chamberlains , and Extortioners . 5. Finally to the Kings Majesty and Estate this profit shall redound , that the affairs of the Church being sufficiently provided , according to the foresaid distribution , the Superplus may be liberally bestowed for the supporting the Princes estate , and the affairs of the Commonwealth . 6. So to conclude all , being willing to apply themselves to this order , the people suffering themselves to be ruled according thereto , the Princes and Magistrates not exempted , and they that are placed in the Ecclesiastical estate , ruling and governing rightly ; God shall be glorified , the Church edified , and the bounds thereof enlarged , Christ Iesus and his kingdome advanced , Satan and the kingdome of darknesse subverted , and God shall dwell in the midst of us to our comfort in Iesus Christ , who with the Father and Holy Ghost , abideth blessed in all eternity . AMEN . This was the form of policy presented to the Parliament , and the effect of the Commission granted for the same , such general heads as did not touch the authority of the King , nor prejudge the liberty of the Estate , were easily agreed . The rest were passed over , or deferred as we have seen , to further reasoning , which could not after this time be obtained of the Councel , one excuse or other being still pretended . The Ministers perceiving they would not speed this way , did in their next Assembly resolve to put their conclusions in practise , without insisting any more for ratification thereof . And beginning with Mr. Iames Boyd Archbishop of Glasgow , whom they hoped to find most tractable , he was desired to submit himself to the Assembly , and to suffer the corruptions of the Episcopal estate to be reformed in his person . After long reasoning kept with him by the Moderator David Ferguson and some others , he presented his answer in writing . I understand the name , office , and reverence given to a Bishop to be lawful and allowable by the Scriptures of God , and being elected by the Church and King to be Bishop of Glasgow , I esteem my calling and office lawful , and shall endevour with all my power to perform the duties required , submitting my self to the judgement of the Church , if I shall be tried to offend , so as nothing be required of me , but the performance of those duties which the Apostle prescribeth . As to the rent , living , and priviledges granted to me and my successours , I think I may lawfully , and with a good conscience enjoy the same . And for assisting the King with my best service in Councel and Parliament , as my subjection ties me thereto ; so I esteem it no hurt , but a benefit to the Church , that some of their number should be alwayes present at the making of Lawes and Statutes , wherein for my self I neither intend , nor by the grace of God shall ever do any thing , but that which I believe may stand with the purity of the word of God , and the good of the Church and countrey . This answer read in open Assembly was judged insufficient , and he required to bethink himself better , and be present in the after-noon . But he excusing himself , returned not to the Assembly , whereupon Commission was given to Mr. Andrew Hay , Mr. Andrew Melvil , and some brethren in the West , to urge his subscription to the Act made at Striveling for reformation of the estate Episcopal ; and if he did refuse , to proceed against him with the censures of the Church . The Bishop taking grievously these proceedings , and having received about the same time a great wrong at the hands of his Cousen Robert Boyd of Baydinheth , by the demolishing of the house of Lockwood , which is in the Barony of Glasgow , contracted a melancholy , whereof he died not long after at Glasgow . Nothing did more grieve him , then the ingratitude of Mr. Andrew Melvil and his uncourteous formes ; he had brought the man to Glasgow , placed him Principal in the Colledge , bestowed otherwise liberally upon him , and was paid for this his kindnesse with most disgraceful contempt . In private , and at the Bishops table ( to which he was ever welcome ) no man did use him with greater respect , giving him his titles of dignity and honour ; but in the publick meetings where he owed him greatest reverence , he would call him by his proper name , and use him most uncivilly . The Commission of the Assembly he exerced with all rigour , and by threatening the Bishop with the censures of the Church , induced him to set his hand to certain Articles , which as he professed in his sicknesse , did sore vex his mind ; yet being comforted by Mr. Andrew Polwart Subdean of Glasgow , he departed this life in great quietnesse He was a wise , learned , religious Prelate , and worthy to have lived in better times , then he fell into . His corps was solemnly buried in the Quire of the Cathedral , and laid in the sepulchre of Mr. Gawan Dumbar , one of his predecessors . The small respect carried to Bishops in these Assemblies of the Church , made them dishaunt , and come no more unto the same . Yet matters went on , and because the Archbishop of S. Andrews did absent himself , Commission was given to certain of their number to call him before them , and charge him to remove the corruptions in the estates of Bishops in his own person , which they reckoned to be seven ; ordaining him and the Bishops that would submit themselves to correction , to set their hands to the conditions following . 1. That they should be content to be Ministers and Pastors of a flock . 2. That they should not usurp any criminal jurisdiction . 3. That they should not vote in Parliament in name of the Church , unlesse they had a Commission from the general Assembly . 4. That they should not take up for maintaining their ambition , the rents which might maintain many Pastors , Schooles , and poor , but content themselves with a reasonable portion for discharging their office . 5. That they should not claim the title of temporal Lords , nor usurp any Civil jurisdiction , whereby they might be withdrawn from their charge . 6. That they should not empire over Presbyteries , but be subject to the same . 7. That they should not usurp the power of Presbyteries , nor take upon them to visit any bounds that were not committed to them by the Church . Lastly , it was provided , that if any more corruptions should afterwards be tried , the Bishops should agree to have them reformed . What troubles hereupon arose , both in the Church and Countrey , we shall afterwards hear . In Glasgow the next spring there happened a little disturbance by this occasion . The Magistrates of the City by the earnest dealing of Mr. Andrew Melvil and other Ministers , had condescended to demolish the Cathedral , and build with the materials thereof some little Churches in other parts for the ease of the Citizens . Divers reasons were given for it ; such as the resort of superstitious people to do their devotion in that place ; the huge vastnesse of the Church , and that the voice of a Preacher could not be heard by the multitudes that convened to Sermon ; the more commodious service of the people ; and the removing of that idolatrous monument ( so they called it ) which was of all the Cathedrals in the Countrey only left unruined , and in a possibility to be repaired . To do this work , a number of Quarriers , Masons , and other workmen was conduced , and the day assigned when it should take beginning . Intimation being given thereof , and the workmen by sound of a Drum warned to go unto their work , the Crafts of the City in a tumult took Armes , swearing with many oathes , that he who did cast down the first stone , should be buried under it . Neither could they be pacified , till the workmen were discharged by the Magistrates . A complaint was hereupon made , and the principals cited before the Councel for insurrection ; where the King , not as then thirteen years of age , taking the protection of the Crafts , did allow the opposition they had made , and inhibited the Ministers ( for they were the complainers ) to meddle any more in that businesse , saying , That too many Churches had been already destroyed , and that he would not tolerate more abuses in that kind . A little before this time the Abbot of Dunfermlin being returned from England , related in Councel the effects of his negotiation , and was approved by all . For that which he had in Commission touching the Lady Lennox , he remitted the answer to the Queens own letters delivered to the King. Concerning the disorders fallen out in the Borders , the Queen , he said , did accept the excuse he made in good part , saying , she was assured , that both the King and Councel were offended therewith , and that she was content the same should be redressed by the advice of the Wardens on both sides : onely desired that in time coming the King would make choice of wise and experienced men , inclined to peace and justice , to command in those parts . As to the League , he declared that the Queen had a good inclination unto it ; holding the same a most sure means to represse the practises of enemies both at home and abroad : But in regard he had no warrant to descend into particulars , he had abstained from any dealing therein , and could not but testify , that he saw in her a great care of the King his good Estate , and that both he and his message were most kindly accepted . The King in this mean time to pacify the Borders , which were broken loose , chiefly in the West parts , gave the Lord Ruthven a Commission of Lieutenandry , which he discharged with great commendation , and bringing with him the Lord Maxwel , who was Warden of the bounds , returned to Striveling the twentieth of Ianuary . A frequent Councel was there kept for the time , wherein the Lord Maxwel being challenged of negligence in his office , did answer , That he had only the title of a Warden , and that the limitations of his charge , and the exceptions granted to the Gentlemen of the Countrey made the office needlesse and contemptible . But if the King should be pleased to discharge the exceptions , and give him a free Commission , such as his predecessors had wont to have , he should strive to do his best service to his Majesty and the Countrey . This answer was not well taken , and the Lord Hereis ( as one known to have greatest experience in these matters ) being desired to give his opinion , delivered the same in a long speech , to this purpose . Your Majesty , said he , hath in deliberation a businesse of great importance , whereof it were more fitting any man should give his opinion , then I , by reason of the suspicion I stand in with the present Warden ; for what I say , will be interpreted to proceed of spleen , and of a desire to have the charge taken from him , and not of any care I take of your Majesties service , or the good and benefit of the Countrey , yet seeing your Majesty commands me to speak , I will rather hazard on such misinterpretings , then keep back any thing which I know to be useful and necessary for the errand . And what I speak , I desire it to be understood of the West marches onely , to which my experience chiefly reacheth . But because the evils would first be known , I will begin at them , and then propone the fittest and most easie remedies to my conception . Sir , a little before the death of your Majesties Noble Grandfather King James the fifth , some few disloyal subjects of this Realm fleeing into England , did plant themselves in a parcel of waste ground , that lies opposite to the West Borders of Scotland , and being maintained by the English grew unto such numbers , and became so insolent , as they made daily incursions upon the Countrey . Your Majesties Grandfather did hereupon imploy certain forces against them , intending to sack and destroy their houses , and make them unable from thenceforth to annoy his subjects . But these forces not being rightly governed , and lacking the provision that was required for such an enterprise , were put to the worse , and shamefully discomfited . At that time , what by ransoming prisoners , what by the spoyl they got , they gained above one hundred thousand Merks , wherewith , and by the depredations they have made since that time , they are become wealthy , have built eight or nine strong houses upon the frontiers of your Realm , that no Wardens power is able to force . They have joyned in alliance with divers of our own Borders , as wickedly disposed as themselves , and are so feared , that every man is glad of their friendship ; without which none is thought to have any surety , either of life or goods . When your Grandfather departed this life , which was in the year 1542. they did not exceed the number of 20. or 30. men at most . Now they are growne to three or four hundred , dwell nigh to others , are well armed , have good horses , and upon a simple shout are ready to joyn in defence one of another . The Borderers on the Scots side are not in this condition ; for the space of twenty miles , there is not a strength in which an honest man may sleep safe , no town nor strong hold to retire unto in time of necessity , neither is the countrey populous , nor is it fruitful , the ground being a pasture ground , barren and profitable only for the bestial , the people that inhabit the same , poor ▪ unruly , and not subject to order . So what for the number of these wicked men , that live in the English Borders , what for the evil disposition of our own , it is a charge most difficile to guard these marches , and to contain the people from doing or receiving wrong . The only remedy in this time of peace is , to keep our own countreymen in awe and fear of justice , so as neither they break loose themselves , nor have any dealing with their neighbours under hand , in their wicked practices . And how this may be done most surely , your Majesty and this honourable Councel is to think ; my opinion I have set down in some Articles , which I humbly submit to your Majesties and Councels censure . Having thus spoken , he presented a writing containing these heads . 1. That the Warden should make his residence in Lochmaben with his family , and if in the Winter season he made his stay in Dumfreis , he should depute a sufficient Gentleman , for holding Courts of Justice weekly , according to the ancient form . 2. That the Warden should be assisted with five or six of the wisest men in the countrey , of which number two should be of the name of Iohnston ; and lest their chief should think the Wardens proceeding against his followers partial , and done out of old rancor , that a moderate course should be kept in confiscation of their goods , the halfe being allowed to the wives and children of them that should happen to be convicted and executed , and the other half disponed to the Laird of Iohnston himself . 3. That the Barons and landed men within the bounds should present their tenants and servants as they should be required , and no man excused or exempted . 4. That the Lords Carlile and Hereis , the Lairds of Drumlanrig , Apilgirth , Lag , and Iohnston , should remain nigh to the Warden , and when the Lord Maxwell hath not the charge , that he be obliged to dwell in the house of Langhome , or if he be Warden himself , that he maintain a Captain therein , with twelve horsemen to be ready upon all occasions . 5. That the Warden be allowed a guard of 24. horsemen with their Captain , who shall be laid in the town of Annand . 6. That the Kings houses of Lochmaben , and Annand , with the watch-tower called Repentance , be repaired , a great bell and firepan put into it , with some honest man to watch and give warning to the countrey where the fray is , and a husband land allowed him for his service . 7. That the lands called The debateable lands be visited ; that it may be known how much thereof is claimed by the broken men of the countrey to be their steedings , and security taken of them for keeping good order . 8. That dayes of truce be kept every 40. days once , or within two moneths at least , and such as shall be found to be robbed of their goods , be redressed to the double , and with safer , according to the law of Marches . Lastly , that his Majesty every year in the moneth of September , send one or two of the Councel to try the estate of the countrey , what duty the Warden doth , and if the Barons and landed men do give their assistance , that where any defect is found , the same may be punished . At these Articles the Lord Maxwel took exception , especially at the first and second ; for the house of Lochmaben , he said was his own as heretable Stewart of Annandale , and that any part of the Escheats should be given to the Laird of Iohnston , he held it prejudicial to the Wardens office , and said it would be an occasion for other Barons to suite the like . But that which did most displease him ( though this he dissembled ) was , that any should be joyned with him as assisters : for he would needs be absolute in these parts , and have all to depend of him , which ambition he still nourished , and thereby in end wrought his own ruine . Yet the King not willing to displace him ( for he understood his power to be great in these marches ) made offer to continue him in the charge , and to allow him a company of 24. horsemen , with a Captain for repressing the outlawes , upon three conditions . First , that he should take the advice of the Barons of the countrey in all affairs , and proceed in the ministring of justice by their counsel . Next , that none should be declared fugitives , but by their consents . And thirdly , that the servants of landed men should not be apprehended , till their Masters were first charged to exhibit them , unlesse they were taken in the fact , and as they speak with the red ●and . He excusing himself , and professing a great willingnesse to give his attendance to any other , whom his Majesty should appoint ; the Lord Hereis was chosen Warden , and the custody of the West Marches committed to him . In the beginning of this year ( to wit , upon the 24. of April , the Earl of Athol died at Kincarne , of a sicknesse contracted in Striveling , where he and some other Noblemen had been feasted by the Earl of Morton , and as report speaketh always the worst of great mens deaths , so the rumour at this time went , that Morton had made him away by poyson : which his Lady and friends did so strongly apprehend , as when the Councel was examining the Physitians that embalmed his corps , whether they perceived any sign of poyson at his unbowelling , they took upon protestation that the trial of the Councel should not prejudge the criminal pursuit , which they intended before the Justice . And albeit the Physitians did upon their oathes declare , that his death was not caused by any extraordinary mean , yet the scandal was fostered a long time by a sort of rhyming Libels , which were afterwards tried to be composed by one Turnbull a Schoolmaster at Edinburgh , and another called William Scot , who were executed for the same at Striveling in the end of the Summer . A consultation was held at the same time in Striveling , for punishing the murtherers of the two Regents , which by the edict of pacification was delayed unto the King his assuming of the government in his own person . Touching the form of proceeding , the opinions of those that were privy to the businesse were different : for some thought that the persons who were suspected , should be summoned to a day and form of proces kept with them ; others judged that there needed no such formality , seeing the Authours were known , and the sentence of forfeiture pronounced against them , stood unreduced . To use a citation they said , was to give them warning to flee , whereas otherwise they might be taken unprovided , and brought to their censure . At last it was agreed that a Commission should be given to some Noblemen that had power , and affected the businesse , to apprehend them . This Commission was given to the Earls of Morton , Marre , and Eglinton , and to the Lords of Ruthven , 〈◊〉 , and Boyd ; which was not so closely carried , but advertisement went to the Lord Hamilton and his brother Lord Claud , so as they escaped . The Lord Hamilton going on foot through the most part of England in the habit of a Seaman , fled into France . Lord Claud after he had lurked a while amongst his friends at home , found refuge in the North parts of England : others of their friendship who stood in fear , saved themselves where best they could . Upon the report of their escape , charges were directed for rendering the houses of Hamilton and Draffan , which belonged to the Earl of Arran their elder Brother , and were possessed by the Lord Hamilton as administrator to his brother because of his disease . The Earl of Arran himself they had kept in the Castle of Draffan , attended by some servants , and he was known to have no part in any of these facts , wherewith they were charged , so as by way of justice his estate could not fall under forfeiture ; yet some colour of right behoved to be made for bringing the same under the Courts disposing . To this effect it was devised , that a complaint should be preferred in the name of the Earl of Arran , and his Majesties Advocates , bearing the miserable condition of the said Earl , and how he was detained in close prison by his two brothers without fire , aire , and the company of his honest friends ; his living violently possessed by the Commendators of Aberbrothock , his Sheriffeship of La●rick usurped , himself denied the benefit of marriage , and debarred from succession against all law : for if he was an idiot or furious ( as they gave out ) he ought to have had Curators given him by the King ; and if he was mentis compos , it was an intolerable wrong to use him in that sort . Therefore desired letters to be directed for his exhibition before the Councel , that it might be known in what estate he was , and an honourable provision appointed unto him , such as befitted his birth and condition . This desire being judged reasonable , summons were directed against the two brothers that were fled , and they not appearing at the day , were denounced Rebels . But this not sufficing to work their ends , the disobedience of the Keepers in not rendring the strengths when they were charged , was made the Earls crime , and he found to have incurred the pain of treason ; an act of the greatest injustice that could be done . Notthelesse upon this ground were both the Castles at that time demolished , and Captain Iames Stewart afterwards preferred to the Earldome of Arran . Whilest these things were doing , Monsieur No a Frenchman , Secretary to the Queen of Scots came to Striveling with letters , and some presents to the King , but because in the superscription of the letters he was only intituled Prince of Scotland , the messenger was denied accesse , and neither his letters nor presents received . The rest of this summer was spent for the most part in summoning the Gentlemen of the name of Hamilton , and putting them under surety , that they should not give supply to the fugitives , and be always ready to answer before the Councel , when they should be called . Dame Margaret Lion Countesse of Cassils , who not long before had married the Commendator of Aberbrothock , was suffered to possesse the Joincture she had by her first husband upon the like condition . And because many were put in fear by this proceeding , that the pacification of Perth should be altogether annulled , his Majesty made a publick declaration , That what was done in the present pursuit , was only for the murther of his Father and Regents , ( unto which both in honour and conscience he was tied ) And that no Article of the pacification should be infringed , or called in question . In the beginning of Iuly the Earl of Athols funerals were performed with great solemnity , and his body interred in the Church of S. Giles at Edinburgh , after which Colin Earl of Argile was created Chancellour in his place . The King then resolving to shew himself to his people , and to fall into the exercise of his Princely authority , caused proclaime a Parliament to be kept at Edinburgh the twentieth of October . Whilest things were preparing for his remove , the Lord D' Ambigny arrived from France , of purpose to visit the King , as being nigh of blood , and Cousen german to his Father . The King receiving him kindly , after a few days entertainment at Striveling , took him in company to Edinburgh , when he grew into such favour by his courteous and modest behaviour , as the King would not permit him to return unto France ; and moving his grand Uncle to resign in his favours the Earldom of Lennox , he gave to him in recompence the title of the Earldom of March. Soon after the Abbacy of Aberbrothock which was fallen by Lord Iohn Hamiltons forfeiture was bestowed on him , and he preferred to be one of the privy Councel . This suddain and unexpected preferment got him much hatred , and being of the Roman profession , his enemies filled the countrey with rumours , that he was sent from France only to pervert the King in his Religion . Notthelesse , in the Parliament which held at the time appointed , divers good acts were made in favour of the Church , but the matters of jurisdiction , which the Ministers did chiefly urge , was put off to a new Commission . Some moneths before , the King had required them , by a letter directed with Iohn Doncanson his Minister , to abstain from making any novation in the Church policy , and to suffer things to continue in the state wherein they were , unto the Parliament approaching ; without prejudging the decision of the Estates by their conclusions . But they neglecting the letter , went to examine the conference kept at Striveling the year preceding , and whereas in that conference divers heads were remitted to a further consultation , they ordained nothing to be altered either in form or matter , of that which amongst themselves was concluded . They further called the Archbishop of S. Andrews in question for granting collations upon some Benefices , and for giving voice in Parliament , not being authorized thereto by the Church . This did so displease the King , as from that time forth he did not countenance the Ministers as in former times , and upon the complaint of persons who otherwise deserved not much regard ( that the Church might find in what need they stood of his favour ) he suffered divers sentences to passe in Councel , suspending their censures and excommunications . This dissension betwixt the King and the Church brought with it many evils , for upon the notice of it divers Jesuits and Priests did resort into the countrey , and at home , such as were Popishly affected , began openly to avow their profession . In S. Andrews Mr. Nicholl Burn professor of Philosophy in S. Leonards Colledge , made open Apostasie from the truth ; as Mr. Archihald and Iohn Hamiltons Regents in the new Colledge , had ( not long before ) done . In Dumfreis Mr. Ninean Daliel Schoolmaster , did read to his Scholars the Romane Catechisme , and in Paisley a number of Papists assembling together , did in derision sing a Soule Masse for the Ministers , as if they and their religion had been utterly gone . These things being complained of , and not much hearkened to , the Ministers in their Sermons fell to regrate the countenance given to Papists in the Court , and the dangers wherein both the King and countrey were brought by the secret practises of the French. The King to stay these declaimings which he knew to be made against the Earl of Lennox , called the Ministers to Edinburgh , and shewed them what travel he had taken to convert his Cousen , and how he had obtained his consent for taking a Minister in his house , which would be to good purpose , and serve both to debarre Jesuits from accesse to the Nobleman , and win him by conference to a greater liking of the truth , desiring therefore that one of their number might be appointed for some short space to attend him . Mr. David Lindesay then Minister at Leth , being held the fittest , as well for his skill in the French tongue , as for his moderation otherwise , was with the Kings approbation nominated to this service ; by whose labours , the Nobleman was brought in a short space , to joyn himself to the Church , and openly in S. Giles to renounce the errours wherein he had been educated . Yet did not this remove the jealousies of the people , which were increased by the intercepting of certain dispensations sent from Rome ; whereby the Catholicks were permitted to promise , swear , subscribe , and do what else should be required of them , so as in mind they continued firm , and did use their diligence to advance in secret the Romane Faith. These dispensations being shewed to the King , he caused his Minister Mr. Iohn Craig form a short confession of faith , wherein all the corruptions of Rome , as well in doctrine , as outward rites , were particularly abjured , and a clause inserted ( because of these dispensations ) by which the subscribers did call God to witnesse , that in their minds and hearts they did fully agree to the said Confession , and did not fain or dissemble in any sort . This confession the King for an Example to others , did publickly swear and subscribe ; the like was done by the whole Councel & Court ; and observers appointed to take notice of those that did not resort to Sermon , or behaved themselves in any sort scandalously . So careful was the King to have the Church satisfied , and the rumours of the Courts defection from Religion repressed . After this all things continued quiet for a while , till by a bruit suddainly raised , none knew by whom , the Earl of Morton was taxed for keeping secret intelligence with the Queen of England , and a purpose he had to put the King in her hands . Morton complaineth of this in Councel , and desireth a trial . But the King not willing to make businesse for a tale , whereof the Authour would hardly be found , put it off saying , that he knew it to be a lie , and a malicious invention of enemies , and thereupon sent forth a Proclamation against lies & carriers of tales , tending to breed discord betwixt him and his Nobility . Yet as if some such thing had been feared , a motion was made some days after in Councel for guarding the Kings person , and electing of an high Chamberlain ( which office none had borne for many years in this Kingdome ) who should have twenty four to attend him , all of them the sonnes of Barons or Noblemen , and be ever at hand to accompany the King whither soever he went. The motion was applauded of all , and after some ten days deliberation the Earl of Lennox preferred to the place . Alexander Areskin Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh , was chosen to be his Deputy , and a roll made of the Gentlemen that should give attendance . These were the Masters of Marshall , Rothes , Cassils , Lindesay , Levingston , Elphingston , Hereis , and Ogilvy , the Lairds of Cowdinknowes , Bargainy , Bomby , Kilsyth , Minto , Strathurd and Moncreeffe , Mr. Mark Ker of Preston Grange , George Douglas of Rumgawy , Captain Iames Stewart son to the Lord Ochiltrie , Alexander Ruthven the Commendator of Inchaffrey , the Prior of Coldingham , Alexander Home of North-Berwick , and Iames Chisholme . As extraordinaries , the Lord Maxwel , the Lairds of Cesford , Alexander Home of Manderston , and William Stewart of Caverston , were added to the number . All these took the oath of fidelity to the King , and obedience to his Chamberlain in the things they should be directed for his Majesties service . The Earl of Morton , albeit he was much displeased with these courses , did carry a fair countenance , and concealing his discontents , waited still on the King , and was assisting in Councel and publick meetings . Once he minded to have withdrawn himself from Court , and to have lived privately , but was detained by a dissension that fell out in the time betwixt the Lord Ruthven and Master of Oliphant , who had married a daughter of Lochlevin ; whom whilest he laboured to protect , he drew upon himself the hatred of the Lord Ruthven , and thereby was laid more open to the malice of his enemies . Sir Robert Bowes being sent at the same time Ambassadour from England , to charge the Earl of Lennox with some practises against the peace of the two Realms ; the blame aswell of his employments , as his suddain departing , was laid upon him : for the Ambassadours Commission and instructions being questioned , and he desired to exhibit the same before the Councel , he refused to shew them but to the King himself ; which not being admitted , he went away complaining , that the Queen had deserved better then thus to have her Ambassage misregarded . His suddain departure amazed the Court not a little before , wherefore to excuse the King , and try what the accusations were , wherewith Lennox should have been charged , Alexander Home of North-Berwick was sent in Commission to England : but the Queen denying him accesse , he was remitted to the Lord Thesaurer , who courteously told him , That the Queen had refused him presence , not for any dislike she had of himself , whom she knew to be sound in Religion , and one that loved his King and his Countrey , but because the King had not used her well , calling in question the credit of her Ambassadour , and requiring him to shew his instructions , which was strange , he keeping himself within the bounds of his Commission . But your King , saith he , is young , and misled by new Counsellours , whose fault the Queen knoweth it to be ; I should therefore advise your King to hearken to her Majesties counsel , who carrieth to him a true motherly affection , and make more accompt of her , then of his French Cousen , who is subject to the French King , matched with a French woman , addicted wholly to that faction , and what profession soever he maketh , a Papist in Religion . The Hamiltons , saith he , being now exiled , he hopeth to be designed successor and heir to the Crown : but let your King know , that ambition hath no limits , and that the troubles which the French made in Scotland , are not yet forgotten , which would have perilled the liberty of that Kingdome , if the Queen by her prudence and power had not prevented the same . The Gentleman professing his thankfulnesse for her Majesties good opinion of him , answered , That if he should be permitted to speak with the Queen , he would satisfy her Majesty in that point which concerned her Ambassadour . And for the King his Master , albeit he was young , and of few years , yet God had given him great wisdom and understanding ; and that he would never willingly do the thing that might displease the Queen , nor hearken to any that should otherwise advise him ; for he knew her Majesties good affection , and would not forget the care she had of him in his tender age . That he could not be justly blamed for favouring his Cousen ; but as the Nobleman ( he believed ) would never advise the King his Master to any that might prejudice the amity with England ; so he was perswaded , that his credit did not extend so farre , as to make any publick breach with the Queen . But there are more dangerous plots in hand , saith the Thesaurer , then your King is wary of , and it is no wisdome to put too much confidence in any one person . Alwayes time will discover the truth of every thing , at the present you must have patience , for the Queen will not see you . Thus was he dimitted . Upon his return , and report of the conference he had with the Thesaurer , the King was easily made to believe , that all proceeded from the Earl of Morton and his intelligence in the Court of England , which by one way or other was held needful to be stopt . After some consultation taken about this , it was resolved to charge him with the murther of the Kings Father ; for a rumour had gone in former times , that he was conscious and privy unto it . Captain Iames Stewart ( a man eager to win credit by what means soever ) takes the matter in hand , and coming one day , as the King was sitting in Councel at Halirudhouse , desired to be heard ; being admitted , he fell upon his knees , and directing his speech to the King , he said , Out of the duty I owe to your Majesty I am come hither to reveal a wickednesse that hath been long obscured . The Earl of Morton , who sitteth there in a place unseemly for him , was one of those that conspired your Fathers death , and how dangerous it is to your Majesties person , that he should be so near unto you , let the Noblemen here present consider ; for me , I shall make good what I speak , only let him be committed and put to trial . The Earl rising up with a disdainful smile , answered , By whose instigation this Gentleman cometh to accuse me , I know not , and I wonder what grounds he buildeth upon in charging me with this crime ; for none that ever suffered for it did touch me therewith , and it is known what diligence and severity I used against those that were suspected of that murther . If I pleased I could many wayes decline this challenge , but my innocency is such , as I fear not the most rigorous trial . Sir , ( with this he turned himself to the King and said ) do in it as you please ; either here or before any other Iudge , I shall be ready to answer , and when my innocency is cleared , your Majesty will think what the malice of those that have set on this man to accuse me , deserveth . Captain Iames Stewart sitting all this time on his knees , replied , that by no mans instigation , nor out of any private grudge of his own , did he intend this accusation , but his detestation of the fact , and the love of his Majesties safety and honour , had only incited him thereto . For that he speaks of his diligence and severity ; let me but aske him , said he , how and why he did preferre Mr. Archibald Douglas his Cousen to the place of a Senator in the Colledge of Iustice , who was known to have been an actor in that murther , if he himself had no part in it ? As the Earl was about to answer , the King commanded the Captain to go forth , and the Earl being likewise removed , after a short deliberation taken with the Councel , he was committed in a chamber of the Palace , where he abode two nights . The third day he was conveyed to the Castle with a company of his own friends , who did earnestly move him to make an escape . But he chiding them with great bitternesse said , That he had rather die ten thousand deaths , then betray his innocency in declining triall . After some few dayes he was removed to Dumbritton Castle , that he might be further from his friends , and kept from all intelligence with them . The King had sent privily to apprehend Mr. Archibald Douglas who dwelt then at Norham , but he having notice of the Earls committing , fled into England . In the Iuly preceding , the Assembly of the Church had convened at Dundy , where it was concluded , That the office of a Bishop as it was then used , and commonly taken within the Realm , had neither foundation , ground , nor warrant in the word of God ; and thereupon an Ordinance was made , that all persons either called to the said office , or that should be called thereto at any time thereafter , should be charged to dimit and forsake the same , as an office whereunto they are not called of God. As also to desist and cease from preaching , ministring the Sacraments , or using in any sort the office of a Pastor , till they should be admitted of new of the general Assembly , under the pain of excommunication . In the end of the Act it was directed , That concerning the patrimony of the Church possessed by the Bishops , the next Assembly should reason and advise upon the disponing thereof . Whether the folly or iniquity of this Ordinance was greater , it can hardly be said ; for granting that the office of a Bishop had been as they judged unlawful , there was no reason to discharge them of using the ministerial office , till they should be received of new . And what a foolish thing was it to think that the Prince and Estates would permit the rents of the Bishops to be disponed at their appetites ? They saw what was done with the other Prelaces , and how the Abbots and Priors were no sooner declared to be no office-bearers in the Church , but presently they turned temporal Lords , and carried the rents with them quite away from the Church . And could they look for other dealing with the Bishopricks ? sure it was , if the titulars themselves did not find the credit to enjoy them , that others of the Laity would have invaded the same , as afterwards also they did . But to passe this , the Earl of Lennox desiring by all means to win the favour of the Church , sent to this Assembly Sir William Stewart a brother of Traquaire , with a letter to this effect ; That it was not unknown to them , how it had pleased God to bring him since his coming into the countrey , to the knowledge of the truth , which he esteemed more then all worldly happinesse , and that he had made open profession thereof , first in S. Giles Church at Edinburgh , and afterwards subscribed the confession of faith at Striveling , and was yet , if any farther was thought needful , ready to perform whatsoever should be required : assuring them of his best advice in all things tending to God his glory , and to the good of the Church , requesting , together with the assistance of their prayers , that he might continue in their good favours . But all this could not remove their suspicions of his counterfeiting , still he was taxed in publick Sermons , and made odious to the people . Neither was it long after this assembly dissolved , that Iohn Dury one of the Ministers of Edinburgh was called before the Councel , and committed in the Castle for certain speeches of that kind uttered by him in Pulpit , but upon the supplication of his fellow Ministers and promise of forbearing , he was after a short stay in the Castle , licenced to return to his charge . In October following , Mr. Iohn Row Minister of Perth departed this life , who for his piety and singular moderation deserveth here to be mentioned . In his younger years having applied his mind to letters , and taking the degree of a Master in Arts , he became a pleader in the Consistory of S. Andrews , ( a Judicatory then much frequented ) and grew to be so skilled in the Canon law , as he was chosen to negotiate the affairs of the Church in the Court of Rome . Iulius the third did then govern that See , of whom he was well accepted , and in possibility to have attained unto some preferment , if he would have stayed there , for he gained the favour of all to whom he was known ; and was in special grace with Guido Ascanius Sfortia , Cardinal of Sancta Flora , who made such account of his skill and knowledge in the lawes , that he would have him pass Doctor in the University , whereof he was Chancellor . After some eight or nine years abode in those parts coming home to visit his countrey , and giving account of the affairs , wherewith he had been trusted , he found the state of the Church quite overturned , and the countrey all in tumult , by the reformation which was then in hand . Thereupon doubting what course then to take , and minding to return to Rome , he was disswaded by the Prior of S. Andrewes , who held him in good esteem , and afterwards induced by the perswasion of Iohn Knox to betake himself to the Ministery , which he exercised a certain space at ... in Fife , till by the General Assembly he was translated to the Town of Perth , there he continued unto his death , which happened in the year of our Lord 1580. and of his age the 54. a man whilest he lived well respected , and much lamented at his death by the people whom he served . In Ianuary next Sir Thomas Randolph came Ambassadour from England , his errand was to intercede with the King for the Earl of Morton his liberty ; to which purpose , having called to mind the services done by the Nobleman in his Majesties minority , and chiefly the diligence he had used in finding out and punishing the murtherers of his Father , which by the malice of his adversaries was now laid to his charge , he requested in the name of the Queen his Mistris , that the Nobleman might be released from his Ward , declaring that her Majesty would esteem it a singular kindnesse done unto her , and otherwise would take it ill to be denied in so just and reasonable a matter . The King after he had heard him patiently , made answer , That the many good offices he had received from his sister the Queen , did tie him to a thankfull requital , but in that particular which touched him so nigh , ( the trial of his Fathers murther ) he knew she would excuse him ; alwayes , because of her intercession , he would be the more careful to have the trial rightly carried , and as liberty had been given to his adversaries to accuse , so the like , and greater should be allowed him for his defence . The Assembly of the Estates being called at the same time , and the Ambassador pretending that his instructions concerned them in a part , did in the hearing of them all charge the Earl of Lennox as one that had travelled to divert the Kings mind from keeping friendship with England ; and done besides many ill offices since his coming to Scotland , both to the King and Kingdome ; For he hath put , said he , the Kings most faithful subjects and servants from their places , brought in others nothing so trusty , stirred up the King against the Ministers of Gods word , making no other account of them , then as of seditious rulers and turbulent persons ; he hath loosed the Borders , said he , and made Iustice there to cease , and hath practised with forair Princes for the invading of England : which he offered to manifest by letters intercepted and brought to the Queen his Mistris . But this beyond all measure doth grieve her , that a Prince of such hopes , joyned in such neerness of blood , and for whom she had taken so great care , should be thus misled and abused by wicked devices . If such a person ought to be tolerated to possess the King alone , and rule all things at his pleasure , your honours may judge . This discourse moved few or none , the wiser sort esteeming the letters he produced counterfeit , as afterwards also was known . This course not prevailing , he dealt privately with the friends of Morton , and those that he knew envied Lennox his credit , to take Armes , and procure both Mortons liberty , and the banishment of the Earl of Lennox ; assuring them of aid both of men and monies from the Queen of England : and by his perswasions brought the Earls of Argile , Montrosse , Angus , Marre , and Glencarn to enter into a confederation for performance both of the one , and other . But this combination held not long , being quickly discovered and broken . Of all the number , Angus and Marre onely stood firm , resolving to hazard all , rather then Morton should perish . The Queen of England to make good her Ambassadours promise , sent down at the same time certain forces to the Borders ; which troubled the Court a little , but was to no purpose , only it gave occasion to hasten Mortons trial and execution . The King not to be taken unprovided , if invasion should be made by England , sent forth Proclamations , commanding all the subjects to be in readinesse , for resisting such attempts ; and withall levied some companies of horse and foot , to guard his person against any suddain assault . Next , a course was taken for confining those of Mortons friendship in some remote parts of the Realm , and the Earl of Angus charged to keep Ward beyond the river of Spey ; the Laird of Lochlevin being benorth the water of Cromarty . The Lairds of Mains and Carmichal with Mortons two natural sons , Iames and Archibald , were cited to appear before the Councel . The Laird of Iohnston was discharged of his Wardenry in the West marches , and the Lord Maxwel put in his place . Angus for not entring within the time prefixed , was denounced Rebel , and prohibitions made to resset or supply him in any sort under pain of treason . Mains and Carmichall and Mortons two sonnes not appearing before the Councel , were likewise proclaimed Rebels . This rigorous proceeding , and a fear the Ambassadour took that his practises were discovered , made him to depart secretly to Berwick . Sir Iohn Seaton Master of the horses , was thereupon directed to complain both of his dealings , and of the forces sent unto the Borders in a time of peace , but he was stayed at Berwick , and not suffered to go any further . Then order was taken for bringing Morton to his trial , and Commission given to the Earl of Montrosse , and Captain Iames , who was then first styled Earl of Arran , to make his convoy to Edinburgh . When the Commission was shewed to the Earl of Morton , and that he found named in it Iames Earl of Arran , he wondered what man he was , for he knew the Earl of Arran to be deceased , and had not heard that Captain Iames did assume that title . Thereupon asking the Keeper of the Castle , who was Earl of Arran ? when it was answered , that Captain Iames was the man ; after a short pause , he said , And is it so ? I know then what I may look for ; meaning as was thought , that the old prophesie of the falling of the heart by the mouth of Arran , should then be fulfilled . Whether this was his mind or not , it is not known ; but some spared not at the time when the Hamiltons were banished , in which businesse he was held too earnest , to say , that he stood in fear of that prediction , and went that course only to disappoint it . But if so it was , he did find himself now deluded , for he fell by the mouth of another Arran , then he imagined . However it was , this is sure , that the newes did at first perplexe his mind not a little , and that after this time , he gave over all hope of life . Being brought to Edinburgh his proces was made the first of Iune . The indictment charged him with conspiring , and concealing the murther of King Henry , and of being art and part ( as the phrase is ) in committing the same . He denied all , and pleaded not guilty . The Jutors being called , he excepted against Argile , the Lord Seaton and the Laird Waughton , yet they were all received upon their purgation , that they had not given any counsel to his hurt or prejudice . This done , and they all sworne according to the custome , they went apart , and after they had consulted a while , returning into the Court , the Earl of Montrosse Chancellor of the Assise , declared him convict of counsel , concealing , and being art and part of the Kings murther . At these last words he shewed himself much grieved , and beating the ground once or twice with a little staffe he carried in his hand , said , Art and part , art and part ! God knoweth the contrary . When doom was given , that he should be taken to the place of execution , hanged on the gibbet , have his head cut off , his body quartered and affixed in the most publick places , he uttered not a word , nor did he seem to be moved therewith , and because it was drawing towards night , he was conveyed back to the lodging wherein he was kept . In the morning Mr. Iames Lawson , with two or three other Ministers , did visit him . They asking how he had rested that night , he answered , that of a long time he had not slept more soundly ; Now I am , saith he , at an end of my troubles , some nights before my trial , I was thinking what to answer for my self , and that kept me from sleep , but this night I had no such thoughts . Then falling to speak of his present case , and the sentence pronounced against him , they said that he should do well to unburthen his mind , and declare what his part was of the Kings murther , he answered with a great attestation that he never gave consent to that wicked fact . The Earl Bothwel , said he , upon my return from England , ( where I remained a while , because of Seignior Davies slaughter ) came to me in Whittingham , and after a long discourse brake the matter unto me , saying , that the Queen would have the King taken away , for that she blamed him more of Davies mother , then all the actors ; and asked , What would my part be therein ? I made him this answer , that being newly relieved of a great trouble , I would not willingly enter into another , and that I would have no medling in that businesse . He not satisfied with my answer , insisted to have me consent , saying , The Queen would have it done . If so be , said I , bring me the Queens hand-writing , that I may know that it is her mind . This he never did , and if he had brought it , I was fully resolved to have turned my back upon Scotland , and banisht my self , till I saw better times . Next , they inquired whether Mr. Archibald Douglas had any dealing with him in that purpose . Whereunto he answered , that Mr. Archibald ( being at that time a depender upon Bothwell ) did bring him ( he being then at S. Andrews ) a letter from Bothwell , containing credit and that he travelled to perswade him to give his assistance to that fact : but he excused himself , because he saw no warrant from the Queen , as Bothwell had promised . After the murther committed , he said , that Mr. Archibald came again unto him , and told him that he did accompany Bothwell and Huntley to the place , and was assisting to the fact . Therefore can I not not deny , saith he , that I foreknew and concealed the same ; but to whom should I have revealed it ? for the King when he was advertised of the danger , would not believe it ; But they have condemned me of art and part , said he , which is more then concealing ; but as I wish God to be merciful to me now at my last , I never gave counsel nor consent thereto . The Ministers replying that he could not justly complain of the sentence , being guilty of foreknowledge , and concealing by his own declaration ; he acknowledged the same to be true , but saith he , It would have gone alike with me , if I had been as innocent as S. Steven , or as guilty as Judas . But of that I am not to complain , nor will I stand to my justification , being assured , howsoever men have carried themselves in it , God hath dealt justly with me ; and that I am to suffer nothing , but that which I have merited , yea worse . This confession reported to the King , the rigour of the sentence was mitigated , and order given that he should be beheaded only , and his body committed to burial . In the afternoon , when it was told him by his Keeper , that the time was come , and all things were in a readinesse , he said , I praise God I am also ready : And making forth was met by the Earl of Arran in the very entry , who desired him to stay , and subscribe his confession ; he answered , I pray you trouble me not , for I am now to prepare my self for death , and cannot write in this estate . The Earl ceasing to urge that point any further , desired he might be reconciled with him , protesting that he had done nothing upon any particular grudge : he answered , It was no time to reckon quarrels , I forgive you and all others . When he was come to the scaffold , which was erected in the publick street , he repeated the substance of his confession ; and in some few words exhorted the people to continue in the profession of the true Religion , and maintain it at their power , intreating them to assist him with their prayers to God. The chief Minister did then conceive a prayer , during the time whereof , he lay prostrate upon his face , and was greatly moved , as appeared by the rebounding with many sobbes and sighs . The prayer ended , divers came to be reconciled with him , whom he received very kindly , all the rest that were on the scaffold he took by the hand , bidding them farewell , and going towards the Block , laid down his head , and cried aloud ; In thine hand O Lord I commit my spirit : Lord Iesus receive my soule . Which words he was still uttering , when as the axe fell , and cut off his head . His corps left on the place , lay from the hour of execution to Sunne-seting , covered with a beggerly cloak , every man fearing to shew any kindnesse , or so much as to expresse a sign of sorrow ; his corps was afterwards carried by some base fellowes to the common sepulchre , and his head fixed on the Tolbuith . Never was seen a more notable example of fortunes mutability ; he who a few years before had been reverenced of all men , and feared as a King , abounding in wealth , honour and number of friends and followers ; was now at his end forsaken of all , and made the very scorne of fortune ; to teach men how little stability there is in honour , wealth , friendship and the rest of these worldly things , which men so much admire . He was of personage comely , of a men stature , and a graceful countenance , and singular courage ; whereof in the civil troubles he gave many proofes ; wise and able for government , a lover of justice , order , and policy ; but inclined to covetousness , which the wants and necessity he indured in his younger years , was thought to have caused ; and given too much to the pleasures of the flesh , as at his dying he acknowledged with a great remorse . In this lastly most happy , that though his death in the worlds eye was shameful and violent , yet did he take it most patiently , quitting this life with the assurance of a better . The day following , the Earl of Arran in Councel made a discourse of his proceedings in the trial of Morton , declaring what he had done , and how to come to the knowledge of the fact , for which he had suffered , he was forced to use some rigorous dealing towards his servants , and put certain of them to the torture : lest this should be imputed to him as a crime , his desire was to have his Majesties and the Councels approbation . This was easily obtained , and an Act made ratifying all that he had done in that business , as good service to his Majesty and the Estate ; Yet was it well enough known , that the inquisition he made upon Mortons servants , was to find out where his gold and money was hidden , and for no purpose else . Near about the same time , he took to wife the Earl of Marche his Lady , a woman intolerable in all the imperfections incident to that sexe . She had forsaken her husband not long before , and obtained sentence against him for alleadged impotency , yet was she known to be with child even then by Arran , which made the Proces on her part more shameful ; nor was his part a whit better , nay rather much worse ; having been a long time entertained in the Noblemans house , and furnished by him in every thing necessary , whilest his estate was but yet mean ; to have repayed the Nobleman so dishonourably , was accounted a vile ingratitude . The marriage alwayes went on , and their unlawful love held that way legitimated . In August next the Earl of Lennox was created Duke of Lennox , Lord Robert Stewart Uncle to the King by his Mother made Earl of Orkney , William Lord Ruthven Earl of Gowry , and Iohn Lord Maxwel Earl of Morton . Arran although he had assumed the title before , would then also be created Earl , which was done with great solemnity , and the first place bestowed on him , for he would not endure to be second to any , and took so ill the credit which he saw the Duke carried with the King , as he spared not to affront him at all occasions . The Laird of Farnherst was then newly returned from France , where he had lived divers years in exile , and by the Dukes favour , to whom the King could deny nothing , had respit given him for certain crimes committed in the Kings minority . As it was passing in Councel , the Earl of Arran did protest against it , alleadging an oath made at Striveling by the Counsellors , not to give way to respits , or remissions granted to the Kings enemies . Herewith the Duke offended , and a great heart-burning grew amongst them , which in the Parliament kept at Edinburgh in the moneth of October following , burst forth in an open breach . The question was about some priviledges belonging to the Chamberlain in time of Parliament , which Arran would not acknowledge , taking upon him , as Captain of the Guard , to place near unto the King whom he pleased . The Duke not induring this insolency , absented himself from Parliament , which did so irritate the King , as the next day he went to Dalkeith , taking the Duke with him , and charged Arran not to come towards Court. Many were glad to see them thus committed amongst themselves , and for a while matters went so hot , as it was not expected the discord should be suddenly appeased . The Duke had the advantage of the Kings favour , Arran strengthened himself with the common cause , giving out that the quarrel was for religion , and for opposing the Dukes courses , who craftily sought the overthrow thereof . And all this time this frowning of the Court continued , you should have seen him and his Lady repair so devoutly to Sermon and prayers , that the people believed this to be the ground of the dissension , and that he was only disliked for his sincerity in Religion . But Arran knowing this would not long bear out , and fearing to lose the Kings favour altogether , he imployed some friends to make offer of satisfaction to the Duke ; and in end things were so composed ; as Arran did quit the commandment of the Guard , and the charge thereof was given to the Duke . To return to the matters of the Church , there was a general Synod this year kept at Glasgow in the moneth of April , wherein the question of Bishops was again agitated ; and because of the scruples which some brethren had at the Act concluded in Dundy the year preceding , especially where it was said , that the office of a Bishop had no warrant of the word of God ; the Assembly declared , that their meaning was to condemn the estate of Bishops as they were then in Scotland . A number of the more wise and moderate sort interceded , that the conclusion of that matter might be for a time deferred , because of the inconveniences it would draw upon the Church , but they were cried down by the multitude . Amongst others , one Mr. Robert Montgomery Minister at Striveling , was so servent in the cause , as he would have the Assembly censure those that had spoken in defence of that corrupted estate . Yet before the end of that year , this zealous man did suffer himself to be more pitifully corrupted , the story whereof shall now be related : The See of Glasgow being then voyd , it was suggested to the Duke of Lennox by some flatterers , that he had a fair occasion presented , to make himself Lord of that City , and of the lands pertaining to that See , if he should only procure a gift thereof to some one that would make a disposition of the same to him and his heirs . The offer was made to divers , who refused all , because of the condition required ; At last , the agents in that businesse fell upon this Montgomery , who was content to accept it . A gift was thereupon formed , and a Bond given by him , That how soon he was admitted Bishop , he should dispone the Lands , Lordships , and whatsoever belongeth to that Prelacy , to the Duke and his heirs , for the yearly paiment of one thousand pounds Scots , with some horse-corn and poultry . A vile bargain it was , for which justly he ought to have been repulsed . But the Church passing this point , made quarrel to him for accepting the Bishoprick , which the King would not acknowledge to be a reason sufficient . If they could charge him with any fault in doctrine or life , he was content they should keep their order , but to challenge him for accepting the Bishoprick , he would not permit the same , having lately ratified the Acts agreed upon at Leth , Anno 1571. touching the admission of Bishops , and ordained the same to stand in force untill his perfect age , or till a change was made thereof in Parliament . This related to the Church , they did appoint Montgomehy his life and doctrine to be inquired upon , if possibly they could find any matter against him : which done , an accusation was framed , and he cited to answer in the next Assembly . The Articles laid to his charge were these . 1. That he preaching at Striveling had proponed a question touching the circumcision of women , and affirmed , they were circumcised in the skin of their forehead . 2. That teaching in Glasgow he should say , the discipline was a thing indifferent , and might stand this or that way . 3. That he called the Ministers captious , and men of curious braines . 4. That he laboured to bring the Original languages in contempt , abusing the words of the Apostle in the 1. Cor. 14. and jeastingly asked , In what School were Peter and Paul graduated ? 5. That to prove the lawfulnesse of Bishops in the Church , he had used the examples of Ambrose and Augustine . 6. That in his doctrine he said it was sufficient to baptize in the name of the Father onely , or in the name of the Sonne , or in the name of the holy Ghost , seeing they are all one God , and to that effect alleadged the nineteenth of the Acts. 7. That he should have called matters of discipline , and the lawful calling of the Church , trifles of policy . 8. That he charged the Ministery with sedition , warning them not to put on or off Crownes ; for if they medled therewith , they would be reproved . 9. That he condemned the particular application of Scripture , disdainfully asking , In what Scripture they found a Bishop for a thousand pounds , horsecorne , and poultry , &c. 10. That he oppugned the doctrine of our Saviour speaking of the number of the wicked , and them that perish . 11. That he denied any mention to be made in the New Testament of a Presbytery , or Eldership . 12. That he accused the Ministers of Pasquils , lying , backbiting , &c. 13. That the Church being traduced with infamous libels , he did not only not find fault therewith , but seemed to approve the same , having used in his preaching , the very words of the Libel cast in the Kings chamber against the Ministers . 14. That these three moneths past , he had been negligent in doctrine and discipline , and giving no assistance to the Eldership . The Articles were sent to the King by some Ministers , who were desired to shew his Majesty , that the accusation was not founded upon the accepting of the Bishoprick , but upon erroneous points of doctrine . The King answered , That whatsoever colour they gave to the process , he knew , that his yielding to accept the place , was the true quarrel ; and for himself , albeit he loved the Religion , and agreed fully therewith , he allowed not divers heads of their policy ; alwayes for the particular in hands , he would leave the man to make his own answer . This reported to the Assembly , they went on with the accusation , and Montgomery being called , Mr. Andrew Melvil became his accuser . The Articles upon his denial were admitted to probation , but few of them were verified , yet the conclusion of the Assembly was , that he should continue in his Ministery at Striveling , and meddle no more with the Bishoprick under pain of excommunication . Mean while the Presbytery of Striveling ( for they had now erected Presbyteries in divers places of the countrey ) was enjoyned to try his conversation and how he did exercise discipline , if possibly any thing might be found against him that way . It fell out at the same time , that Mr. Walter Balcanquel one of the Ministers of Edinburgh , did utter some reproachful speeches in a Sermon against the Duke of Lennox , saying , That within these four years Popery had entered into the countrey and Court , and was maintained in the Kings Hall by the tyranny of a great Champion , who was called Grace . But if his Grace continued in opposing himself to God and his word , he should come to little Grace in the end . The King advertised of this , sent Iames Melvil his servant to complain to the Assembly , requiring some order to be taken therein . The Minister being put to his answer , said , That he praised God for two things , First , that he was not accused for any thing done against his Majesty and the Lawes : Secondly , that he perceived the Church had obtained some victory : For when he was last questioned for his Sermon , the Councel did make themselves Iudges of Ministers doctrine : Now that he saw the complaint remitted to the Assembly , he was glad , and willingly submitted his doctrine to their trial : Onely that he should not give advantage to his enemies , he desired the Apostolick Canon to be kept , which prohibiteth an accusation to be received against an Elder , but under two or three Witnesses . Mr. Thomas Smeton , and David Ferynson were upon this directed to shew the King , that the Assembly was willing and ready to try the complaint : but withall , that the liberty craved by the person accused could not be denied , he being a Presbyter . So if it should please his Majesty to send an accuser assisted by two or three witnesses , the accusation should be received , and justice done . The King not liking this answer , for he knew the difficulties he should have to find out an accuser , followed the businesse no more ; but the Minister not contenting , that the cause should thus desert , would needs have the judgement of the Assembly , whether or not he had uttered in his Sermon any scandalous or offensive words ? for they had been all Auditors of that he spake . This being put to voices , the Assembly declared his doctrine to have been good and sound , and that he had given no just offence thereby to any person . When this was told the King , he was much offended ; for not many dayes before , when as the same Minister with his Colleague Iohn Dury was called to give accompt of some speeches they had uttered in Pulpit , it was excepted , that the King and Councel could not be Iudges of their doctrine ; and now his Majesty having complained to themselves , and they being Auditors of the speeches , when he expected some censure to be inflicted , they had justified all that was spoken , and so would force him to take other courses , then he desired to follow . But to return to Montgomery his cause , the Ministers of Striveling , as they were enjoyned , made a visit of the Church , to try what they could find against him . All they got delated was , that he had baptized some children begotten in fornication , not calling the offendors before his Session . Upon this declaration he was cited to appear , and because he kept not the Diet , suspended from his function , he notthelesse preached still , and exercised all the parts of his Ministery , as in former times ; which they took to be an high contempt , and therefore did summon him to the Assembly ( which was shortly to meet at S. Andrews ) to hear their sentence approved , and to answer to such other things as in that meeting should be laid to his charge ; and because they understood , that against the inhibition of the last Assembly he was still labouring to secure himself in the Bishoprick of Glasgow , and had cited the Chaptor before the Councel , for refusing to convene to his Election , they likewise charged him to compeir before the Synod of Lothian , to hear the sentence of excommunication pronounced against him . The King being informed of this , caused warn the Synod to appear the twelfth of April at Striveling , discharging in the mean time all proceeding in the businesse . Mr. Robert Pont , and with him a few others compeiring at the day , he in the name of the rest protested , That albeit they had compeired to testify their obedience to his Majesty , yet he did not acknowledge his Majesty and Councel Iudges in that matter , the same being a cause Ecclesiastick , and that nothing done at that time should prejudge the liberties of the Church , and Lawes of the Realm . This protestation the Councel rejected , inhibiting the Ministers to use any proceeding against Montgomery , which because of the General Assemblies approaching they yielded unto ; onely they caused charge him to appear before the Assembly . When the Diet came , he appeared , and first protesting for remedy , if they should use him wrongfully ; he said , that the proces of Striveling could not be allowed , for that he was never lawfully summoned to hear any sentence given against him . The Presbytery of Striveling remitting themselves to the proces , the Assembly declared the same to be rightly deduced , and ratified the suspension pronounced . As they were proceeding to his censure , for contempt of the sentence , Mr. Mark Ker , then Master of the Requests , presented a letter from his Majesty , inhibiting them to trouble the Bishop for any thing that concerned the Bishoprick , or whatsoever cause preceding ; for that the King would have those things heard and handled in his own presence . The Assembly answered , that because of his Majesties request , they should look more carefully to the businesse , and see all things carried rightly , according to justice . The Master of Requests replying that his Majesty had willed them by his letter to desist , and treat no more of that businesse : Mr. Andrew Melvil , who presided for the time , answered , that they did not meddle with things belonging to the Civil power ; and for matters Ecclesiastick , they were warranted to proceed in these , specially with one of their own number . He perceiving that notwithstanding of his Majesties letter they would proceed , caused a messenger of Armes whom he had brought with him , charge them under pain of Rebellion to desist . Then was Montgomery called to see if he would abide by the charges used at his instance ; But he was retired to his lodging , and could not be found ; and ( the night drawing on ) was appointed to be summoned to the next morning to receive his censure . After the hour appointed , one William Montgomery having procuration from him , appeared , and appealing from the Assembly to the King and Councel , gave this for a reason amongst others , that he who was his accuser in the last Assembly , was turned to be his Iudge . But the Assembly rejecting the Appellation , fell presently a reading the enorm crimes ( so they called them ) whereof he was guilty ; nor was there any thing omitted that served to aggravate the same ; corruption in doctrine , dissolutenesse of life , contempt of the Churches sentence , falshood , and breach of promise , lying , perjury , moving of sedition , and stirring up certain of the Nobility against the Church . Of all these he was declared culpable , and ordained therefore to be deprived , and cast forth of the Church . How soon he heard that this conclusion was taken , his courage which seemed before high and resolute , began to cool ; whereupon presenting himself to the Assembly , he renounced his appeal , desiring conference of some godly and learned brethren : which granted , he was induced by them to confesse his offence in divers particulars , submitting himself to the will of the Assembly ; and in end , to promise solemnly in the presence of the whole number , that he should meddle no further with the Bishoprick of Glasgow , and neither accept of it , nor of any other office in the Church , without the advice and consent of the General Assembly . Yet this gave not an end to the business ; for how soon he returned to the Court , and perceived the King countenance cast down upon him for that he had done , he undertook of new to settle himself at Glasgow , and had letters from his Majesty to the Gentlemen of those parts to assist him . At his coming to Glasgow with purpose to preach the Sunday following , a number of the Students in the Colledge entered into the Church on Saturday at night , and excluding him , did keep the Chair for Mr. Thomas Smeton their Principal ; who taking for his Theam that saying in the Gospel , He that enters not by the door , but by the window , is a thief and a robber , inveighed against the Bishop for his simonaical entry , and the levity he had shewed in all his proceedings . The next Sunday the Bishop with a great convocation of Gentlemen came to the Church , and displacing the ordinary Preacher , Mr. David Weymes , made the Sermon himself . The Presbytery of Glasgow intending proces against him for molestation of the Church , and usurping the place of the ordinary Preacher ; Matthew Stewart of Minto Provost of the City , came and presented a Warrant from the King , to stay all proceedings against the Bishop , willing them to desist : Mr. Iohn Howeson Minister of Cambustange , moderating in his course ( as the custome then was ) and replying somewhat peremptorily , that notwithstanding his Warrant they would proceed , some words of offence passed , whereupon the Provost pulling him from the Seat , made him prisoner in the Tolbuith . The rumour of this fact ran quickly through the Kingdom , and a solemn fast being kept by the appointment of the former Assembly , the causes whereof were made to be the abundance of sin , the oppression of the Church , the dilapidation of the rents , and the danger wherein the King stood by the company of wicked persons , who did seek to corrupt him in manners and Religion ; the insolency committed at Glasgow was likewise adjected , and furnished matter of long discourse to the Preachers . Amongst others , Iohn Dury did exclaime mightily against the Duke of Lennox , upon whom the blame of all things was laid , and thereby did so irritate the King , as he would needs have him removed forth of the Town . Charges to that effect were directed , commanding the Magistrates within the space of 24. houres to remove him : who not daring disobey , yet being unwilling to use their Minister in that sort , travelled with him to depart quietly , and leave the Town . The Minister proponing the case to the General Assembly , ( for upon advertisement given by the Ministers of Edinburgh , they were there convened ) desired their advice : for , to leave his flock at the pleasure of the Court , he said , might work a prejudice to the Church , and to depart privately as the Magistrates advised him , might be imputed to fear , or then make him to be thought guilty of some fault . The brethren after a short consultation did advise him to stay , till he should be commanded to depart , and then obey . Mean while , Mr. Thomas Buchannan and David Ferguson were sent to the King , who was then at Striveling , to intreat his Majesties favour unto him , and therewith to request a continuation of the Diet , for the appearing of the Ministers of Glasgow at Perth . The King desiring to have matters quieted , answered the last proposition first , saying , That if the Assembly would delay the proces which they had against the Provest of Glasgow , and his assisters , he would likewise dispense with the appearing of the Ministers at the appointed time . And as to Iohn Dury he said , that upon his suppli●ation , how soon the Duke returned to Court , whose interesse was greatest in that business , order should be taken with him , and consideration had of the Assemblies request . But they not satisfied herewith , striving to make good what they had taken in hand , went on with the proces of Glasgow , and leading probation against Minto and the rest , decerned them to be excommunicated , and cast forth of the society of the Church , onely the pronouncing of the sentence was delayed , till they saw what course was kept with their brethren before the Councel . Mr. Iohn Davidson then Minister at Liberton , pretending a warrant from the Church , had in his private Parish pronounced Bishop Montgomery excommunicate , which ( albeit done against all form ) was allowed , and intimated in all the Churches of the countrey . The Duke of Lennox notwithstanding did still entertain him in his company , and at some occasions had made him to preach publickly . Thereupon Mr. Alexander Archbuthnet , and Mr. Adam Iohnston were directed by the Assembly , to intimate unto the Duke his excommunication , and the Acts of the Church against such as kept excommunicate persons in their company . The Duke taking them up somewhat hotly , asked them , Whether the King or the Church were superiours ; and thereafter answered them directly , That he was commanded by the King and Councel to entertain him , which he would not forbear to do , for any fear he had of their censures . This amongst other grievances of the Church was ordained to be represented to his Majesty by the Commissioners appointed to attend the Councel at Perth . But touching this , the King answered , That the excommunication was null , and declared such by the Councel , as being pronounced against equity and all lawful form , no citation being used , nor any admonition preceding , which all lawes , and even their own discipline appointed to be observed . To their other grievances they received general answers , and for the brethren of Glasgow , their trial was continued to the tenth of September next . Before which time the surprise of the Kings person at Ruthven fell out , which altered the state of all affairs , some of the Nobility combining themselves for defence of Religion and the liberty of the Kingdom ( as they pretended ) upon notice of the Duke of Arrans absence from the Court , placed themselves about the King , and detained him some dayes at the house of Ruthven . The principals in this attempt were Iohn Earl of Marre , William Earl of Gowry , Patrick Lord Lindesay , Robert Lord Boyd , the Masters of Glammis and Oliphant , the Abbots of Dunfermlin , Paisley , Driburgh , and Cambush keneth , the Lairds of Lochlevin , Easter Weemes , Cleish , and the Constable of Dundy . The King at their first coming suspected there was some practise in hand , yet dissembled the matter , thinking to free himself the next day , when he went abroad to his sport ; but as he was about to go , the Master of Glammit stept to the dore of the Parlour , and told him he must stay . The King askt the reason ; he answered , he should know it shortly . When he saw it to be so , and found his liberty restrained , he grew into a passion , and after some threatening speeches burst forth in tears . The Master seeing him weep , said , It is no matter of his tears , better that bairnes should weep , then bearded men : which words entered so deeply into the Kings heart , as he did never forget them . The newes went quickly of the Noblemens being at Court in such numbers , which made the Earl of Arran haste thither , for he held himself assured of the Earl of Gowries friendship , as being of his alliance , and having kept one course in the pursuit of the Earl of Morton ; his only fear was , that he should be stayed by the way , therefore having crossed the ferry , he singled himself from his company , and taking one only servant with himself , directed his brother William Stewart to keep the high way with the rest . By this mean he did escape those that lay in wait for him , and came in the evening to Ruthven ; where , when he had entered the gate , he asked what the King was doing , as meaning to go directly to him , but was conveyed to another room , and told that he must have patience , and think his fortune good , that he was come to that place with his life saved ; as he himself judged , when a little after he heard that the horsemen which lay in wait of him , and encountred his brother near unto Dublin , after divers wounds given him , had taken him prisoner . A day or two after , some Noblemen imployed by the Duke of Lennox , who remained then in Dalkeith , came to Court , but were not permitted to speak with the King , nor see him except in Councel . Being examined what their businesse was , they told that the Duke of Lennox had sent them to learn of the King in what condition he was , and if he was detained against his will , as the rumour went , he might , with the assistance of other good subjects , see him made free . The King presently cried out , that he was captive , which he desired all his subjects know , and that the Duke should do what he might to procure his liberty . The Lords prayed his Majesty not to say so , for that he should not be denied to go whither he pleased , only they would not permit the Duke of Lennox and Earl of Arran to mislead him any longer , and oppresse both Church and Kingdom , as they have done . Wherefore he should do well to cause the Duke retire himself quietly to France , otherwise they would be forced to bring him to an accompt of his doings , and proceed against him with rigour of law . This they willed the same Noblemen whom he had sent , to signifie unto the Duke , and that they were resolved to maintain what they had undertaken at the utmost hazard of their lives and estates . After they were gone , the Kings anger being somewhat asswaged , and fearing the Dukes case more then his own , he was moved to send forth a Proclamation to this effect . That for pacifying the present commotions , and removing some differences fallen out amongst the Nobility , his Majesty had thought it expedient to interpose himself a Mediator ; and for the better working of an union amongst them , had resolved to make his residence in Perth for a time , till he saw what good effects his travels might produce . And lest his stay in these parts should be interpreted to be a detention of his person , because of the Noblemen and others that had lately repaired to Court , his Majesty declared , that it was his own free and voluntary choice to abide there ; and that the Noblemen and others who did presently attend , had done nothing , but what their duties obliged them unto , and which he took for a good service performed both to himself and to the Common-wealth . Therefore inhibited all the subjects to attempt any thing that might tend to the disturbance of the Realm , commanding them also that had levied any forces upon pretext of his Majesties restraint , to dissolve the same within six houres under the pain of death . This Proclamation was dated at Perth the 28. of August , some six dayes after the surprise of his person at Ruthven . The Duke in the mean time was gathering forces , and grown to be strong by his friends and others that repaired unto him ; when a letter came from the King , signifying that it was his pleasure , he should leave the Realm , and depart forth thereof before the 20. of September . The letter he communicated to his friends , who did all advise him to retire unto Dumbritton , where he might with more safety stay for a while , and if he found not an opportunity to right himself , should have good occasion of shipping for France . When he was come thither , the resort of Noblemen and Barons , and others , were so great unto him , that the Nobility offending therewith , directed letters , charging him to live more private with his ordinary retinue , and all others that were in his company , to return to their houses within 12. houres after the charge , and not to come nigh the part where he remained , or should happen to reside , during the time of his abode in the Countrey . The bruit of this change being carried to England , the Queen sent Sir Henry Cary and Sir Bobert Bowes unto the King to advise him , in regard of the danger he was fallen into by the perverse counsels of the Duke and Earl of Arran , to take in good part the Lords enterprise , and restore the Earl of Angus , who had lived exiled in England , since the time of Mortons execution . This last they obtained with no great difficulty , so as the Nobleman was soon after reconciled , & accepted in favour : but to the first point , the King having a suspicion that the attempt was not made without the Queen of Englands knowledge , he gave good general answers , whereby it was hoped that upon the Noblemans good behaviour , in a short time his offence would be mitigated . The King also conceiving that a gentle usage would bring them to reconcile with the Duke of Lennox , began to give them a more gracious countenance then before . But he found them untractable , and not without great instance , did purchase their consents to a few dayes prorogation of his departing , upon promise that he should be pursued as a Rebel , if he went not away at the time appointed , wind and weather serving : yet was his going put off upon divers occasions till the middest of December , at which time he was forced to depart as we shall hear . The Lords in the mean while careful to strengthen themselves , brought the King to Halirudhouse in the beginning of October , knowing that the people of Edinburgh did affect their enterprise , as appeared by the reducing of Iohn Dury their Minister immediately upon the newes of the Kings restraint , and the triumph they made , singing as they went up the street the 124. Psalm , Now Israel may say , &c. They understood also that the Assembly of the Church was to convene in the same town the nineth of that moneth , and doubted not to find them favourable enough . To this Assembly Mr. William Areskin ( styled then Commendatory of Paisley ) was sent by the Noblemen to declare that the causes moving them to that enterprise , were the evident perill they perceived the Religion was brought unto , with the disorders and confusions introduced into the State : whereof having discoursed a while , he came in end to desire the Assemblies approbation of their proceedings , as that which would incourage them much , and dishearten the common adversary . This proposition made , first it was voyced , whether the dangers of the Church and disorders of State were such as in their hearing were related : which being affirmatively answered by the whole Assembly , Mr. Iames Lawson , Mr. David Lindesay , and Mr. Iohn Craig were appointed to signifie unto the King what the Assembly had found , and to require his own judgement therein . The King esteeming it most sure for himself to temporize , said , That he believed Religion was in hazard , and indirect courses taken to overturn the same , wherewith he acknowledged his own danger to be conjoyned ; and for abuses crept into the Commonwealth , as they were too many , so he expected that all good subjects , and they for their own parts would help to remove the same . This answer returned to the Assembly , they concluded an Act in this form . For as much as the Noblemen and others joyned with them in the late action of reformation , out of a desire to have the Church , and whole professors of the true Religion , understand the grounds and occasions moving them to repair towards the Kings Majesty , to seek redress of the disorders fallen out in the Commonwealth , have made publick attestation to the whole Assembly , that the motions and grounds of their enterprise were , and are , to deliver the Church of God within this Realm , and the true Religion therein professed , from the evident peril and danger wherein all men perceived the same to stand ; as likewise to guard and preserve the innocent person of the King his Majesty and Estate , being in no less hazard then the other , and to remove the corruptions and confusion entered into the body of the Commonwealth : wherein as they are well perswaded themselves , to have done good service to God , and to have performed their duty to their Soveraign and countrey ; so they wished all that feared God should judge and esteem well of their action , especially that the brethren of this Assembly should declare their good liking and approbation thereof , and ordain all the Pastors and Ministers within the Realm , to publish in their particular Churches the causes and grounds moving them to the said enterprise ; exhorting all Noblemen , Barons , and other faithful subjects to give their best concurrence and assistance thereto . The Assembly having weighed the said desire with the whole circumstances thereof , have in the fear of God after mature deliberation resolved , found and voted , no man gainsaying , That not only the Church of God within this Realm , and true Religion professed in the same , but also the King his most noble person and royal estate , were and stood in extreme danger and hazard , besides the manifold grosse abuses that had invaded the Commonwealth before the late enterprise , which his Majesty had acknowledged and professed to the Commissioners of the present Assembly . And that therefore the said brethren could not but think their Honours , imploying themselves hereafter for averting the like dangers , to have done good and acceptable service to God , their Soveraign and native countrey . And the prosecution thereof , all partiality aside , will be acceptable to all that fear God , and tender the preservation of the Kings person , and prosperous estate of the Realm . And to the effect the same may be made the more manfest and notorious , it is thought expedient that all the Ministers within the Realm upon the first occasion shall publickly declare unto their particular flocks the peril wherein the Church of God and true Religion , the King his most noble person , and estate stood , with the grounds that moved the said Noblemen unto the late action , recommending the same to the consideration of all good subjects , exhorting them as they tender the glory of God , and love the preservation of the King and countrey , faithfully to concurre and joyne with the said Noblemen in prosecuting the said grounds to the full deliverance of the Church , and perfect reformation of the Commonwealth ; And if any should be found either by word maliciously , or violently by way of deed , to oppose to that good cause , they shall be called before the particular Elderships , and order put unto them by the censures of the Church ; and in case of their wilful and obstinate continuing therein , be delated to the King and Councel , to be punished for their offence civilly . This Act of the date the thirteenth of October 1582. was published in all the Churches of the Realm , to the offence of many good men , who were grieved to see had cause thus coloured and defended . But the Lords knowing that this approbation could not secure them , had laboured the King to convocate the Estates for the same purpose ; The eighteenth of the same moneth being appointed for their meeting , there came to the convention for the Church estate , the Archbishop of S. Andrews , the Bishops of Dunkeld and Orkney , the Abbots of Dunfermlin , Newbottle , Paisley , Driburgh , Cambuskenneth , Culrosse , Inchaffray , Coldingham , and Pittinweyme ; of the Nobility there were present the Earls of Marche , Arrol , Marshal , Bothwel ( who some few moneths before returned from beyond Sea ) Marre , Rothes , Glencarn , Eglinton , Gowrie , and Morton ; the Lords Lindesay , Home , Ogilvy , Hereis , Boyd , ... and Sinclare . But from the Burghes there came not any Commissioners , nor could they be moved to countenance this action in any sort ; conceiving , as it fell out , that how soon the King obtained his liberty , he would censure and condemn the fact as treasonable . To these alwayes that convened the King had a speech , much to this effect , That of all the vexations he had tried since his acceptation of the government in his own person , the distraction of the Nobility was the greatest , and at the present did grieve him most ; for the removing whereof , he had called them together , and expected their best counsel and help . In other things , he said , that needed reformation , he would be willing to follow their advice . One of the Lords , I find him not named , made answer , that the dissensions of the Nobility were caused chiefly by some , that having his Majesties ear , did abuse his favours , ruling all things at their pleasure , and disdaining the advice of other fellow counsellors . Then falling into particulars he said , that the Duke of Lennox and Earl of Arran had misgoverned all affaires , and brought divers abuses into the State , which unlesse some Noblemen had taken a course to remedy by their repairing to his Majesty , both Religion and State in a short time had been subverted . After this , the Earl of Marre , Gowry , and Glencarne , who had been the chief actors in that attempt , rose up , and having declared the cause , which moved them to take that action in hand , did humbly offer to submit themselves to the censure of his Majesty and the Estates , and thereupon removing themselves forth of the Convention , it was found and declared , That in their repairing to the King upon the 22. of August last , and abiding with him since that time ; they had done good , thankful , and necessary service to the King and countrey . Also that their taking of Armes , making of Conventions , entring in conflicts , taking and detaining of prisoners , contracting of leagues and bonds , and all other deeds done by them , which might appear to be against his Majesties authority , in so farre as the same was done without his Highness warrant , should be reputed , and esteemed good service done to the King and State. And that they and their partakers should be exonered of all action , civil , or criminal , that might be intended against them , or any of them in that respect : Inhibiting therefore all the subjects to speak or utter any thing to the contrary , under the pain to be esteemed calumniators and dispersers of false rumors ; and to be punished for the same accordingly . The declaration passed , it was ordained that the Earl of Arran should be detained in the Castle of Ruthven , till the Duke was gone out of the Realm , after which he should be confined on the North of the water of Iern : and that four companies should be levied upon the publick charges , two of horsemen , and as many foot to guard the King and Noblemen , who did attend him , till the present troubles were quieted . Then were some grievances proponed in name of the Church , but these laid by till another time , the Lords not willing to irritate the King for such matters having once secured themselves . The Duke to keep the word which the King had given for his departing took shiping in the West parts , about the midst of October , and being hindred by contrary winds fell sick at Sea. The King advertised of his ill disposition , advised him to travel through England in regard of the winter season , and to remain at Blackness till a safe conduct was procured from the Queen . He had not stayed many dayes there , when a rumour was raised , as was thought , by his enemies , that he was to be brought again to Court , and the Lords turned out , or used with more violence . This made a new stirre , whereupon the Lord Hereis was sent to command him to begin his journey and to be in Berwick the 22. day of December , he craved to see the King and be permitted only to salute him , but this being denied , he departed in great heavinesse . In the beginning of Ianuary two Ambassadours arrived sent by the French King , the one named Monsieur la Motte , the other Monsieur Menevel : La Motte came by England ( with whom came alongst , Mr. Davidson Ambassadour from Queen Elizabeth ) the other by Sea , both having the same instructions , which were to work the Kings liberty in the best sort they could ; to confirm his mind in the love he bare to the French , and to renue the purpose of Association . This last businesse was set on foot the year before , and almost concluded in this sort ; That the Queen of Scots should communicate the Crown with her sonne , and both be joyned in the administration of affaires ; that so he might be acknowledged for a lawful King by all Christian Princes , and all domestick factions suppressed . But upon the Dukes sequestring from Court , it was left off , and not mentioned again till now . The Assembly of the Church in the last meeting , had made this one of their special grievances , and complained of it as a most wicked practise . And now the Ministers of Edinburgh , hearing that purpose to be moved of new by the French Ambassadours , declaimed bitterly against them in their Sermons ; especially against La Motte , who being a Knight of the order of S. Esprit , did wear the badge of a white Crosse upon his shoulder . This they called the badge of Antichrist , and him the Ambassadour of the bloudy murther●r , meaning the Duke of Guise , who they said , procured him to be sent hither . It grieved the Ambassadours much to hear these out-cries , which daily were brought unto them , but perceiving the Kings authority not able to restrain the liberty , which the Preachers had taken ; they did not complain , but urged earnestly their dimission . The King desirous to entertain the ancient amity betwixt the two nations , and dimit them with some contentment , desired the Magistrates of Edinburgh to give them the Feast before their parting . To impede this Feast , the Ministers did on the Sunday preceding proclaim a Fast to be kept the same day , on which the Feast was appointed : and to detain the people at Church , the three ordinary Preachers did one after another make Sermon in S. Giles Church , without any intermission of time , thundering curses against the Magistrates , and other Noblemen that waited on the Ambassadours by the Kings direction ; nor stayed their folly here , but the Ambassadors being gone , they pursued the Magistrates with the censures of the Church , and were with difficulty enough stayed from proceeding with excommunication against them , for not observing the Fast they proclaimed . Of all this the King seemed to take no notice ; for he saw not a way to represse these disorders , and much perplexed he was with the reports of the Duke of Lennox his death , who partly of grief , partly through the long and troublesome journey he made in that cold and rainy season , contracted a fever at his coming to Paris , whereof after a few days he died . Some hours before his expiring , there came to him a Priest or two , to do their accustomed service , whom he could not admit , professing to die in the faith of the Church of Scotland , and to keep the oath he had given to the King inviolate . This the King made to be proclaimed at Edinburgh , that the people might see what wrong the Duke had sustained during his abode in the Realm , by the uncharitable suspicions both of Ministers and others . But this belongs to the year following . Meanwhile , the King ceascth not to think of his own liberty , using all means to put the Lords that attended him , out of an opinion that he had any meaning to free himself . And the Duke being gone whom they feared most , they esteemed the danger the lesse , for Arran was not well loved because of his violent courses ; and Morton who had the greatest following , was put from his charge in the Borders , and the same given to the Laird of Iohnston ; The King had likewise by their advice sent Colonel Stewart , and Mr. Iohn Colvil in a joynt Commission to the Queen of England , to move her for restoring the lands in that Kingdome , which appertained to his Grandfather the Earl of Lennox , and the Lady Margaret his Grandmother ; together with the by-run profits intrometted by the Thesaurer , or Master of Wards ; as likewise to communicate unto her the course he had taken for quieting the Realm , and to desire her aid and assistance therein . Some instructions besides were given them to propone , as touching the Kings marriage , the matters of the Border , and the contracting of a defensive league ; by all which they held themselves secured of his Majesties favour . But for the negotiation it sorted to no effect , by the contrary courses the two Commissioners took , after their coming to the Court of England . The King foreseeing the same , when they were first imployed , had moved Mr. David Lindesay Preacher at Leth , ( a man wise and moderate ) to accompany them , and pacify the contentions which possibly might arise amongst them ; but their emulations were so great , as all he could do , scarce served to keep them from open discord . Before I enter upon the accidents of the next year , the death of Mr. George Buchannan , which happened in the end of September , must not be passed , a man so well deserving of his countrey , as none more ; he was of an excellent wit , and learning incomparable , born nigh to the Highlands within the Parish of Killern , and of the house of Drunmakill ; his Uncle by the mother called Herriot , took care to have him trained up in letters , perceiving his inclination to be set that way : wherein he profited so much , as he went beyond all his instructors ; Nature , it seems , having formed him thereunto . In the year 1539 being called in question by the Franciscan Friers upon the malice they bare him for some bitter verses written against them , and their profession , which he did to please King Iames the fifth , whom they had in some things offended , he was committed , as suspected of Lutheranisme ; but made an escape to France , where he lived a long time , and became acquainted with many learned men , with which that countrey did then abound . His paraphrase of the Psalmes , a rare work , and other Poems , he wrote for most part , whilest he stayed abroad ; and for his learning and quick ingenie was admired of all men . Returning into Scotland about the year 1560. after he had professed Philosophy some yeares in S. Leonards College within the University of S. Andrews , he was chosen to attend the King , and bring him up in letters . In his age he applied himself to write the Scottish History , which he penned with such judgement and eloquence , as no countrey can shew a better . Only in this is he justly blamed , that with the factions of the time , and to justify the proceedings of the Noblemen against the Queen , he went too farre in depressing the Royal authority of Princes , and allowing their controllment by subjects : his bitternesse also in writing of the Queen , and troubles of the time , all wise men have disliked . But otherwise no man did merit better of his nation for learning , nor thereby did bring to it more glory . He died in a great age at Edinburgh , and was buried in the common place , though worthy to have been laid in marble , and have had some Statue erected for his memory . But such pompous monuments in his life he was wont to scorne and despise , esteeming it a greater credit , as it was said of the Roman Cato , to have it asked why he doth lack a Statue , then to have had one , though never so glorious , erected . The summer following the King found the occasion to free himself of his attenders . For being at Falkland , and pretending to visit his Uncle the Earl of March , who did then reside in the Abbey of S. Andrewes : after he had taken some little refreshment , he went to take a view of the Castle , accompanied with Colonel Stewart Captain of the Guard , to whom he had communicated his purpose , and having entered into the Castle , commanded the gates to be shut , and these that followed to be excluded . The Earls of Argile , Marshal , Montross , and Rothes , came thither the next morning , and were all welcomed by the King. Of the Noblemen that had waited on him since his restraint at Ruthven , only the Earl of Gowry was admitted into the Castle , by the Colonels means ; for he had sometimes followed him as a servant . The Earl how soon he came in presence fell on his knees , and craving pardon for the fact of Ruthven , did humbly submit himself to the Kings mercy , who after he had checked him in some few , but grave speeches , for his ingratitude to the Duke of Lennox , accepted him in favour , upon condition of a more loyal behaviour in time coming . Some few days the King abode in the Castle , and in a Councel keptthere the second of Iuly , made choice of the Earls of March , Argile , Gowry , Marshal , Montrosse , and Rothes , to remain with him , as Noblemen that he held of best judgement , most indifferent and freest of faction , the rest he commanded to retire to their houses , till he should take further order . In the same meeting was Colonel Stewarts service approved , and a Proclamation ordained to be made , charging all the subjects to contain themselves in quietnesse , and prohibiting any to come towards Court , accompanied with a greater number then was appointed ; to wit , 15. with an Earl , as many with a Bishop , ten with a Lord , and as many with an Abbot or Prior , with a Baron six , and all these commanded to come in a peaceable manner , under great penalties . Then the King to shew himself at liberty , went to Edinburgh , and from thence he went to Falkland , then to Perth , where he remained some weeks . Being there , the Earl of Arran by Gowries procurement was brought again to Court , after whose coming , a Declaration was published by the King to this effect . We with advice of the Lords of our Privy Councel , having thought expedient to notify unto the world , but especially to all our good and loyal subjects , our true mind touching the things that fell out in the year past , declare the same to be as followeth . That is , howsoever for preserving of publick quietnesse , we did patiently endure the restraint of our person at Ruthven , with the secluding of our Counsellors from us , and all that ensued thereupon , yet did we take it deeply to heart , and did account no otherwise of it , then a fact most treasonable , attending till it should please God to restore us to our former estate and liberty : which having now by his goodness obtained , to make known our indifferent disposition towards all our good subjects , and that we do not seek the harm and ruine of any one whomsoever ; we have resolved to forgive and forget all offences bygone , especially that which was committed in August last , and hath been since that time strongly maintained , providing the Actors and assisters do shew themselves penitent for the same , ask pardon in due time , and do not provoke us by their unlawful actions hereafter , to remember that attempt . Willing all our subjects , by the example of this our clemency ( whereof some already have made proof ) to discharge all quarrels amongst themselves , and not to malice one another for whatsoever cause by gone , all which we will have buried in oblivion ; and to this have ordained publication to be made hereof in all the principal Burghs , &c. The discontented Lords notwithstanding of this declaration , were still convening , and making the best provision they could for their own surety . For at Arrans hand , who had now the disposing of all things , they expected no good . The King hereupon took purpose to confine some of the principals in several countreys , and to commit others who were reckoned most turbulent . The Earl of Angus was confined beyond Spey , Iohn Levingston of Dunypace , and Patrick Drummond of Carnock in the countrey of Galloway , Lochlevin and Buchan in Innerness , the Master of Glammis , Abbot of Dunfermlin , and Lord of Cleish , were charged to enter themselves in the Castle of Dumbritton , William Commendator of Paisley in Blackness , and Mr. Iohn Colvil commanded to keep Ward in Edinburgh . The whole ( Angus only excepted ) disobeying the charge , were denounced rebels ; and Proclamations made , commanding all the subjects to be in readinesse for resisting the practises of seditious subjects . An oath also was taken of all the Kings domesticks , that they should not keep intelligence with any of the rebels or others known to be in his Majesties mal-grace ; and at this time was Mr. Iohn Metellan , who came afterwards to be Chancellour , admitted Counsellour of Estate . The Queen of England being advertised of this alteration in Court , sent Sir Francis Walsingham , her principal Secretary to the King , to challenge him for breach of promise in readmitting the Earl of Arran , and casting off the Noblemen who had maintained his authority , and hazarded their lives and estates in defence of his Crown . The King answered , that he was a free Prince , and in ruling his affaires , might follow the course which he thought to be most convenient ; that the Queen would not take it well , if he or any other should direct her in matters that concerned her subjects ; and for the promise alledged , he said , it was made in time of his restraint , to the performance whereof he was not tied . As to these subjects of whom the Queen seemed so careful , he said , that he had freely offered to pardon them , upon the acknowledgement of their offence , and promise of amendment ; which he would faithfully observe , expecting of the Queen his sister , that neighbourhood which became Princes living in amity and friendship , and that she would not countenance his subjects in their rebellion . The Ambassadour replying , Sir , the Queen my Mistris will never meddle with your affaires , but to work your good and quietnesse ; Yet she taketh it unkindly , that the promises made unto her are so lightly regarded . One Holt an English Jesuit , who is thought to have an hand in Throgmortons treason , that was of late detected , being in your prison , at the request of the French Ambassadour was permitted to escape , whereas the Queen my Soveraign looked daily to have been delivered in England , as was promised . Nay , said the King , it was not promised , that he should be delivered , but as the Queen answered my Ambassadours , when I desired , Mr. Archibald Douglas to be rendered , who is known to be guilty of my Fathers murther ; I said that the man was charged with certain suspicious practises in my Kingdom , which I believed first to try ; and if the Queen had been pleased to have delivered my subject to me , whom I had more then reason to remand , I would have made no delay in the rendering of Holt. But for his dimission or my connivence at his escape , there is no such thing ; and if you know , or can learn that any indirect means have been used for letting him go , the trial and punishment of the doers shall clear my part . This said , the Ambassadour , ( who was a most worthy and discreet Gentleman ) declaring that he was satisfied , fell to speak of the preservation of peace betwixt the two Kingdomes , and of a new league to be made with the Queen ; whereof the King did shew a good liking , and in these termes they left for that time . In October next , the Church Assembly convened at Edinburgh , where great regrates were made , and presented in certain Articles to the King ; First , they complained that the benefit of pacification was extended to Mr. David Chalmers a professed enemy to Religion , and suspected of the murther of his Majesties Father . Next , that Papists were grown too familiar in Court , and namely , the Laird of Fintry , who had made defection from the true Religion , in which he was educated . 3. That Holt a wicked Papist , sent to the countrey to traffique against Religion and the State , was suffered to escape , and no trial taken of the workers thereof . 4. That his Majesty seemed to favour too much the enemies of the truth , both in France and at home . 5. That he had received in his service men of dissolute life , and who had never given any testimony of their good meaning either to Religion or the state of the countrey , and put others from his service that were known to be zealous of Gods cause , and faithful to his Majesties self from his very tender age . 6. That since his acceptation of the government , the Church had received many fair promises without any performance , and that to the contrary the liberties and priviledges thereof were daily infringed . 7. That the thirds were set in taks or leases in defraud of the Church . 8. That Abbacies were disponed against the Acts of Parliament , and no care taken for provision of the Ministers that served at the Churches annexed . 9. That spiritual livings were conferred to children , and erected in temporal Lordships . 10. That there were no punishment for incest , adultery , witchcraft , and the like abominations . 11. That there was an universal murmur , that no man could be assured of his lands and life , the laws of the countrey being wholly perverted . 12. That his Majesty did interpone his authority to stay the execution of the Churches Acts , in matters properly Ecclesiastical . Lastly , they regrated the division of the Nobility , one part seeking the ruine and overthrow of another : for which they did intreat his Majesty to call unto himself the most wise and indifferent amongst them , and by their advice to take some moderate course for uniting the hearts of all good subjects to the maintenance of Gods truth , the preservation of his Highnesse person and estate , and the comfort of all that were grieved at the present division . The King desiring to give the Church satisfaction , made answer the next day to all these particulars . And first , concerning Mr. David Chalmers , he said , that he was only forfeited for the common action for being at Landside field , field , for which pardon had been given to many , so as it should not be thought strange to give him the like benefit , especially at their request , who had moved him therein , and that he no ways intended to grant oversight to him or any others that should be found culpable of his fathers murther , or yet professed themselves adversaries to the Religion . Touching Fintry he said , that he had not impeded the proceedings of the Church against him or any other Popishly affected , nor had he been countenanced at Court , if the Minister of Edinburgh had not testified that he was willing to conform . That for Holts escape , he had satisfied the English Ambassadour , and that it was no uncouth thing to see a prisoner deceive his keepers . Concerning the intelligence he kept with forain Princes , for the entertaining of civil peace ; that he did not think the Assembly would disallow it , seeing diversity of Religion made not leagues of friendship unlawful . And that they should meddle with the choice of his servants , he held it strange ; This he hoped they would remit to himself , and not to be too curious in examining the occasions of their placing or displacing . And where they complained , that since his accepting of the government , the liberties of the Church had been refringed ; he said , that since that time , more good and profitable lawes had been made for the advancement of true Religion , then ever before ; and if any thing lacked in the execution , the fault was not his . For that which concerned the Church rents , he answered , that those things must be helped in Parliament , and that he should assist the reformation thereof at his power . As for the punishment of the abominations mentioned , that the fault could not be imputed to him , sith he was willing to give Commission to such as the Ministers should judge most fit for the execution of lawes . And for Ecclesiastical Acts which his authority was said to impede , he knew none of late , onely he had stayed the remove of Mr. Alexander Arbuthnet from the Colledge of Aberdene to be Minister of S. Andrews , which being rightly considered , would not be found prejudicial to the Church , nor impertinent for him to deal in . Lastly , for the murmur of people , perverting of lawes and difference amongst the Nobility , his Majesty said , that he was ready to hearken to any good advice , for reformation of that which should be found amisse . The answers all most reasonable , and proceeding from the King , ought to have been well taken , but the discontent they had received for the late change in Court , made every thing distasteful , and still the displeasure betwixt the King and Church did grow as we shall hear . In the beginning of November , Lodowick ( eldest son to the late Duke of Lennox ) arrived at Leth , and was conveyed by the Earls of Huntley , Crawford , and Montross to the King , who lay then at Kinneill . Soon after the advertisement of the Noblemans death , the King had sent the Master of Gray into France , to bring home all his children : But Lodowick excepted ( who then was 13. years of age ) the rest were young , and not able to indure so long a journey . The King receiving him with great expressions of love , did presently invest him in his Fathers lands and honours , committing the trust of his affairs to the Earl of Montrosse , till he should grow up to maturity ; for his education in letters , Mr. Gilbert Moncreef , the King his principal Physician , was appointed to attend him , a man wise , and of good learning . Some years after two of his sisters were brought into the countrey ; Henrietta the eldest was married to George Earl of Huntley , Mary the younger of the two to Iohn Earl of Marre , to the third the King had provided an honourable match , but she having vowed her self to God , would not be wonne from the Cloyster by any perswasion ; a younger son came to the King , after he went into England , and was by him advanced to great honours . Thus the untimely losse of their Father , did turn to the childrens benefit , by the constant and unmatchable kindness of a loving King. In the countrey matters grew daily more and more troubled . Those that disobeyed the charges given them for entering in Ward , pretended the time assigned for their entry , to have been so short , and the distance of the place so great , as there was no possibility in them to obey , yet under hand they were still seeking to strengthen themselves , and associate others to be of their faction . To take from them this pretext the first of December was allowed them for their entring in Ward , and so many as should find surety to obey , had favour promised them . The Laird of Braid , Colluthy , Mr. David Lindesay , and Mr. Andrew Hay , were licenced also to conferre with them , and with all that had any part in the attempt of Ruthven , for informing them of his Majesties gracious inclination towards all of that number , who should acknowledge their offence , and live obedient and peaceably from thenceforth . But little or nothing was wrought this way , whereupon the King took purpose to convene the Estates this 17th of December , and having exponed his whole proceeding in that business , an Act was passed by an universal consent , of this tenour . Albeit the late surprise and restraint of our person perpetrated in August bygone a year , was a crime of laesae Majestatis , hainous in it self , of dangerous sequel , and most pernicious example ; meriting the more severe punishment , because the committers thereof for the most part , besides the allegiance and common duty of subjects , were specially bound to us by particular favours and benefits bestowed on them : yet out of our natural disposition to clemency , we resolved to reduce them by all gentle means to their duties ; and not only forbare to use them with rigour , but made offer of pardon and mercy to such as would acknowledge their offence , and continue thereafter in a dutiful obedience ; satisfying our selves with that moderate declaration which tended not in any sort to their detriment , and prorogating days and moneths , to see what they could perform . Hereof we gave our promise to the Queen of England , which was certified to them by divers , and of late by certain Ministers and well disposed Gentlemen , whom we licenced to conferre with them , for perswading them of our sincere meaning : behaving our selves in all this , as a kind Father that seeketh to recover his children , and not as a Prince that respected his estate . But our lenity not having produced the effects which were wished , we took counsel to assemble our Estates , and make them witnesses of our clemency , whatsoever might happen to their persons hereafter : and now by their advice we have determined to prosecute with all rigour , such of that number as shall continue in their disobedience , and shall not embrace the offers of pardon made unto them . In the execution whereof , our Nobility and Estates convened , have solemnly promised their assistance , and for the greater authority both We and our said Estates have subscribed this Act with our hands . Further , by their advice We have ordained , and ordain the Act of Councel past in October 1582. touching the attempt at Ruthven , to be delete forth of the Books , inhibiting all and sundry of whatsoever estate , quality , and degree , to allow by word , writing , or otherwise , the foresaid fact , which We ( being now at liberty ) and our Estates , have so publickly condemned . This Act made , the Earl of Rothes protested , that his subscription to the Act in October , 1582. approving the attempt of Ruthven for good service , should not be laid to his charge , seeing he did the same unwillingly , and by his Majesties special command and direction , like as soon after the committing of the fact , he had satisfied his dislike thereof . The King acknowledging the same to be of truth , made his protestation to be admitted . Then began all the faction to fall asunder , every man suing his pardon ; which was granted upon condition , they should depart forth of the Realm , and not return without his Majesties licence . The Earl of Marre , the Master of Glammis , with the Abbots of Driburgh , and Cambuskenneth , went into Ireland ; the Lord Boid , Lochlevin , and Easter Weymis unto France ; others of the meaner sort were confined within certain bounds . The Earl of Gowry notwithstanding he was reconciled to Arran , fearing to be troubled , obtained licence to go into France ; but whilest he delayes to go , and putteth off his journey from day to day , he falleth into new practises , which brought him unto his end . The rest of the winter was quiet , but now and then the Court was kept in exercises by the Sermons of some Preachers , who were therefore called in question : Iohn Dury Minister at Edinburgh , had in one of his Sermons justified publickly the fact of Ruthven : for which being cited before the Councel , he stood to the defence of that he had spoken ; yet after advice taken with Mr. Iames Lawson his Colleague , he was moved to submit himself to the King , who continued the declaration of his pleasure , till he had proof of his better behaviour . The businesse with Mr. Andrew Melvil was greater , for he being cited to answer for certain speeches uttered by him in a Sermon preached at S. Andrewes , declined the judgement of the King and Councel , affirming , That what was spoken in Pulpit , ought first to be tried and judged by the Presbytery , and that neither the King nor Councel might , in primâ instantiâ , meddle therewith , though the speeches were treasonable . When by no perswasion he could be induced to submit himself ; and that the King and Councel finding themselves Judges , did proceed to examine the witnesses ; he burst forth in undutiful speeches against the King , saying , he perverted the lawes both of God and man ; which unreverent words proceeding from a Divine , in whom moderation and humility should chiefly have appeared , did greatly offend the Councel . Thereupon was he charged to enter his person in Blackness , within the space of ten hours ; but in stead of obeying , he turned his back , and fled that night to Berwick . Then did all the Pulpits sound , and every day were the Ministers exclaiming , that the light of the countrey for learning , and he that was only most fit to resist the adversaries of religion was exiled , and compelled for safety of his life to quit the Kingdom . Pity it is to think how the King was then used , for though he cleared himself by Proclamations , shewing that the mans flight was voluntary , and that he meant not to have used him with any rigour , yet nothing was believed , and every where people began to stirr . Hereupon charges were directed , commanding those who had obtained leave to depart out of the Realm , to use the benefit of their licences , and inhibiting all intelligence by letters , or otherwise , with those that are already gone . This wrought not much , only made those that travelled to and fro with advertisements , the more wary and circumspect . The Earl of Gowry , to liberate himself of suspicion , came to Dundy , and conducing a ship , gave out that he would forthwith depart , yet still he lingred , attending the return of the Earl of Marre , and the Master of Glammis from Ireland , at which time he and others of that faction were to joyn and take Arms for reformation of abuses , the securing of Religion , and preservation of the King his person and estate ; for that was made the pretext . The King having notice given him of these practises , sent Colonel Stewart Captain of the guard , to apprehend the Earl of Gowry , who was suspected because of his lingring . The Colonel coming upon him unexpected as he lay in the house of William Drummond , Burgesse of Dundy , he made to defend the lodging , and stood to it some space ; but the Town concurring with the Captain , he was forced to yield , and the next day conveyed to Edinburgh , and committed to the custody of Arran . A night or two after , the Earls of Angus and Marre , with some of their friends and followers , surprised the Town and Castle of Striveling , intending there to fortify themselves . But the suddain expedition which the King made , compelled them to fly into England , and leave the Castle victualled for some days , and in it a few Gentlemen , whom they promised to relieve . Such a readinesse the King found in his subjects at this time , as upon a short warning a greater Army and better appointed was in no mans memory known to have been assembled . The Town of Edinburgh shewed a great forwardnesse ; for both they advanced moneys to levy souldiers , and put divers of their own inhabitants in Armes to attend the King. It was the 19th of April , when knowledge was given first of the taking of Striveling , and before 24. all the Army was in readinesse to march . The same day advertisement came of the Rebels flight ; whereupon the Wardens and Keepers of the Marches were directed to pursue them . The King himself with the Army marching towards Striveling , Alexander Master of Levingston was sent to inclose the Castle , which yielded upon the hearing of his Majesties approach , and was delivered in keeping to the Earl of Arran . The Earl of Gowry after he had been kept some days in Kinneil , was brought to Striveling . Before his transporting from Edinburgh , the Earl of Montrosse , the Lord Down , and Mr. Robert Melvil , were directed to examine him , and hopes given that he should find favour if he would discover the conspiracy , and what the Rebels had intended to do : he upon promise that what he declared should not be made an endictment against himself , disclosed all the plot , setting down the same with his own hand , as followeth . Perceiving his Majesties favour altered towards me , by misreport of my unfriends , and my life and my living aimed at , I was of necessity forced to seek my relief by concurring with others of the Nobility , who laboured to secure themselves and their estates . And hearing that there was some trafficking betwixt the Noblemen in Ireland and others at home , I used all means , though I was suspected by them , to know what their courses and hopes were ; after some diligence I made that way , I met with Mr. Iames Areskin , who travelled to and fro betwixt them . And he at first obscured himself from me , and would not be plain , till I promised my assistance : Then he shewed me , that he had been with the Earl of Angus , whom he found cold , and in some hope to make addresse for himself , and so lesse careful of their relief , who were absent . Yet he believed , if the Nobleman saw any good concurrence of others , he would give his assistance : but refused to deal in these matters , till they should return , and things be determined with a common consent . This I thought likewise fittest , but in the mean time I prepared to depart , and would have been gone , if contrary winds had not stayed me . The same Gentleman came afterwards unto me , and shewed that they were returned , and would shortly be seen at Striveling . This moved me to remain , albeit doubting of a sufficient concurrence of Noblemen , I was not resolved what course to take , and lay in a carelesse security at Dundy , more inclined to go then to stay . I protest always before God , that I never heard , nor was in counsel of any plot against his Majesties Person , Crown , or Estate , but only studied to keep my self from ruine by the assistance of others . At our meeting together , unto which time all was deferred , it was thought that a course should be taken by common advice , for securing our selves in his Majesties favour . And whereas I am asked what Noblemen were privy to the enterprise , and what was looked for from England , I will truly declare all , upon the firm assurance of his Majesties clemency . At home it was expected , that all those who subscribed the bond in that first alteration , would joyn themselves with us , and besides those divers others : namely , the Earl of Marshal and Bothwel , with the Lord Lindesay , and some of the West parts . So it was affirmed to me , but how truly I cannot say . From England we expected a supply , but no certain time was appointed , and it was said , that the Queen minded to intercede for restitution of the Hamiltons , if she found the King tractable . This is all I know , and if there by any other particular tending to his Majesties well or hurt , which I do not at the present remember , I shall plainly reveal the same , whosoever be offended therewith . At his coming to Striveling , he sent to the King a letter penned in this form , Please your Majesty , it is neither diffidence nor despair in your Highnesse favour and clemency towards me , nor any desire I have to live in this world , that moves me to require some short audience of your Majesty . But there is a purpose of so weighty importance , which I desire to impart unto your Highnesse , which might have endangered the life and estate of your mother and your self , if I had not stayed and impeded the same , the revealing whereof may avail your Majesty more , then the lives and livings of 500. such as my self ; most humbly therefore I beseech your Highnesse that my Petition may be granted . I assure my self of your Majesties gracious answer . Striveling the last of April 1584. In a Postscript this was added . The matter I have to speak , is not the concealing of treason , but the revealing of a benefit . This Petition was denied , and the same made a part of his indictment , for being brought to his trial the fourth of May , Mr. Iohn Grahame sitting as Justice , and assisted by Sir Iohn Gordon of Lochinvar , Alexander Master of Levingston , Alexander Bruce of Airth , and Iames Edminston of Duntraith , he was indicted of four points . First , that in the beginning of February Mr. David Home , servant to the Earl of Marre , came to him privately in the town of Perth , under silence of night , and communicated to him the treasonable device of surprizing the Burghs of Perth and Striveling , at least of one or other of them ; and that he agreed to the taking and fortifying of the said towns , whereby he had incurred the crime of Treason , as well in concealing , as consenting to that wicked purpose . 2. That understanding Mr. Iames Areskin to be a trafficker betwixt Marre , Angus , and others , he did belay the ways , to the end he might speak with him , and after meeting kept conference with him , touching the surprise of the Castle of Striveling , and the furnishing thereof with men and ammunition . 3. That being charged in Dundy by his Majesties letters to render himself to the Lord Petten Weyme his Majesties Chancellor , and Captain of his Highnesse guard , he did enter into the house of William Drummond Burgesse of Dundy , and with his Complices defended the same by the space of 6. houres , making exclamations to the people , that he was pursued for Religion , and desiring them to aid and assist him . 4. That he being obliged to maintain his Majesties person , life , honour , and Crown , and having intelligence of a most weighty purpose , that concerned the life and estate of the King and the Queen his mother , he had treasonably concealed the same , and did as yet keep up the specialties thereof ; albeit he professed , he knew it so perfectly , that in his letter written to the King , he saith , that it had not failed to have taken effect , if he had not stayed and impeded the same . The indictment read , he first excepted against Lochinvar , that he could not be assessor to the Justice in his trial in regard of the deadly enmity betwixt Gartland ( who had married his Ladies sister ) and him . This exception was repelled , because the propinquity alledged , was only affinitas affinitatis . Then he complained that the Noblemen who were sent to examine him , had not kept their word ; having promised , that whatsoever he had confessed , should not be laid to his charge . It was answered , that the Noblemens word could not warrant him . Thirdly , he said , that being indicted for treason , he ought to have been cited upon 40. days , and a delation made by some accuser , which was not observed . The Advocate replied , that in matters of Treason the King might arrest any person upon the space it pleased him . Fourthly , he alledged the license granted him to depart the countrey . This was found nought , except he did therewith produce a respit or permission . To the last point of the indictment , he said , that what he offered to reveal , tended to his benefit if he had vouchsafed him hearing , and was no matter of treason . It was answered , that the concealing of that might tend to the hurt of the Kings life , and mothers , was treason . So the indictment was found relevant , and the persons of the Jury called . These were , Colin Earl of Argile , David Earl of Crawford , Iohn Earl of Montrosse , Iames Earl of Glencarne , Hugh Earl of Eglinton , Iames Earl of Arran , George Earl of Marshal , Alexander Lord Seaton , Hugh Lord Sommervil , Iames Lord Down , William Lord Levingston , Patrick Lord Drummond , Iames Lord Ogilvy , Alexander Master of Oliphant , and Iohn Murray of Tillibardin . They retiring themselves , as the custom is , and returning within a short space , pronounced him guilty : whereupon sentence was given , that he should be taken to the Market Crosse , have his head cut off , and be dismembred as a traitor . The last part thereof was dispensed , and he in the evening beheaded . His servants were permitted to take the head with the body , and bury it . This was the end of that Nobleman , who in his life was much honoured , and imployed in the chief offices of Court ; a man wise , but said to have been too curious , and to have consulted with Wizards , touching the state of things in future times ; yet was he not charged with this , nor seemed he to be touched therewith in his death , which to the judgement of the beholders was very peaceable and quiet . He was heard to make that common regret , which many great men have done in such misfortunes ; That if he had served God as faithfully as he had done the King , he had not come to that end : but otherwise died patiently , with a contempt of the world , and assurance of mercy at the hands of God. The same day Archibald Douglas ( called the Constable ) and Mr. Iohn Forbes , servant to the Earl of Marre , were executed ; the rest who were taken in the Castle , had their lives spared , and were banished the countrey , and David Home of Argaty , and one Iohn Shaw , were pardoned . The King after this returned to Edinburgh , where he gave order for charging the houses of the fugitive Lords , and their friends ; and upon information made , that certain of the Ministery had dealing with the Rebels ; summons were directed to charge Mr. Andrew Hay Parson of Ranfrew , Mr. Andrew Polwart Subdean of Glasgow , Mr. Patrick Galloway , and Mr. Iames Carmichael Ministers , to compeir before the Councel . Mr. Andrew Hay compeired , and nothing being qualified against him , was upon suspicion confined in the North. The other three not compeiring were denounced Rebels , and fled into England . The Parliament declared current at the time , for the more speedy dispatch of businesse , convened the 22. of May : In it his Majesties declaration concerning the attempt of Ruthven was ratified ; The King his authority over all persons , in all causes confirmed ; The declining of his Majesties judgement , and the Councels , in whatsoever matter , declared to be Treason ; The impugning of the authority of the three Estates , or procuring the innovation or diminution of the power of any of them , inhibited under the same pain . All jurisdictions and judicatures , spiritual , or temporal , not approved of by his Highnesse , and the three Estates discharged , and an Ordinance made . That none , of whatsoever function , quality , or degree , should presume privately or publickly , in Sermons , Declamations , or familiar conferences , to utter any false , untrue , or slanderous speeches , to the reproach of his Majesty , his Councel , and proceedings , or to the dishonour , hurt , or prejudice of his Highnesse , his parents , and progenitors , or to meddle with the affaires of his Highnesse and Estate , under the pains contained in the Acts of Parliaments made against the makers and reporters of lies . Whilest these statutes were in framing , the Ministers who were informed thereof , to work at least a delay , sent Mr. David Lindesay to intreat the King that nothing should pass in Act concerning the Church , till they were first heard . Arran getting intelligence of this , caused arrest him , as one that kept intelligence with England ; so as he was not permitted to come towards the King. The first night he was kept in Halirudhouse , and the next morning sent prisoner to Blackness , where he was detained 47. weeks . Mr. Iames Lawson , and Mr. Walter Balcanquell Ministers of Edinburgh , hearing that he was committed , forsook their charge , and fled into England , leaving a short writing behind them , to shew the reasons of their departing . Iohn Dury some weeks before was removed and confined in the Town of Montrosse , so as Edinburgh was left without any Preacher . Mr. Robert Pont Minister of S. Cutberts , and one of the Senators of the Colledge of Justice , because of the misregard of the Church , as he pretended , in concluding these Acts ( as the Heraulds were proclaiming them according to the Custome ) took instruments in the hands of a Notary of the Churches disassenting , and that they were not obliged to give their obedience thereto ; which done , he likewise fleeing , was denounced Rebel , and put from the place in Session . Rumours hereupon being dispersed , that the King was declined to Popery , had made divers Acts to hinder the free passage of the Gospel , and abolish all order and policy in the Church ; Command was given to form a brief declaration of his Majesties intention in those Acts that concerned the Church , and to publish the same for detecting the falshood of those rumours . In this declaration the occasions that enforced the King to the making of these statutes , were particularly set down , and the equity thereof maintained by divers reasons . Amongst the occasions were reckoned the allowance of the fact of Ruthven , by the assembly of the Church ; Mr. Andrew Melvil his declining of the King and Councel ; the fast kept at the feasting of the French Ambassadors ; general fasts indicted through the Realm , without the King his knowledge ; the usurping of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , by a number of Ministers and Gentlemen ; the alteration of the lawes at their pleasure , and a number of like abuses . And for satisfying good people , strangers as well as subjects , touching his Majesties good affection towards the maintenance of Religion ; certain Articles were drawn up and subjoyned to the said Declaration , to make it appear that his Majesty had intended nothing but to have a setled form of policy established in the Church . But these things gave not much satisfaction ( so great was the discontent ) and were replied unto in Pamphlets , defamatory libels , and scurril poems , which daily came forth against the Court , and the rulers of it . To furnish the vacant places of Edinburgh , till some were moved to undertake the charge , the King did appoint his own Ministers , Mr. Iohn Craig , and Mr. Iohn Duncanson , the Archbishop of Saint Andrews supplying the ordinary preaching at Court. Soon after , there came a letter from the Ministers directed to the Session of the Church at Edinburgh , and to the Councel of the town , of this tenour . That seeing they were assured many calumnies would be forged against them for absenting themselves from their flock ; they had good to write unto them the true causes thereof ; which were as they said . The great indignation conceived against them by the rulers of the Court , for resisting the dangerous courses then in hand ; the Acts made in the late Parliament repugnant to the word of God and doctrine oftentimes by them preached ; the iniquity committed in the passing the said Acts , and violence , wherein they were defended ; the Articles penned and presented to some Ministers for submitting themselves to the tyrannical Regiment of Bishops , whom they called gross libertines , belly-gods , and infamous ; the charge given to the Provost and Bayliffes of Edinburgh , to take and apprehend all Ministers that should convene to the Eldership , and those that in Sermon should utter any thing against the Acts , and present unhappy course ; with the insolent words cast forth against them , That if they followed the same course they were in , though their heads were as haystacks , they should be laid at their heels . These things they said did cast them in a grievous temptation ; for to go from their good course they could not , unlesse they should be traitors to God ; to continue in it and stay , would be counted treason against the King , and be hazardous of their flock that was charged to apprehend them , in case of condemning these Acts which , they could not do , and that after a long wrestling , they had resolved to depart and reserve themselves to better times , which they were assured was the pleasure of God , and that he would make the world understand that he had his own work in it . In end beseeching them to stand to these things which they had heard from them , and imbraced as the truth of God , they forewarned them of wolves that should intrude themselves , teachers that sought themselves and not Christ Iesus ; which often they had foretold the contempt of the truth would work : And concluded with an hope that they should sustain the present Crosse patiently , and be united to them again in God his good time . The King hearing of this letter sent for the same , and offending greatly thereat , would have the Session and Councel to answer them in this form . We have received and read your letter , for the which offence we have humbly craved his Majesties pardon , and not only obtained the same , but have likewise purchased liberty to write unto you this present , wherein we use you more charitably then ye have used us , remitting to learned men and your own consciences to shew you , seeing you are not blinded with ignorance , nor lack learning ( at the least some of you ) how farre ye have strayed from the right way in your letter lately sent to us ; unreverently affirming his Highnesse Acts of Parliament to be repugnant to the word of God : we tell you that the same do fully content and satisfy us , seeing we can find no part of Scripture that is contrary thereto . And sith we see by the first Act , the liberty of preaching the Word , as the same is presently professed , and ministration of the Sacraments ratified and allowed , and that we know there are wise men , and fearing God amongst the Estates who concluded these Acts ; we are r●solved to follow the Apostles counsel in Rom. 13. whereunto you did seldom exhort us . And now in respect you have so contemptuously slandered these good and necessary lawes established by his Majesty and the Estates , and laboured so farre as you can to draw men unto dislike thereof , fled out of the Realm unchallenged , and unpursued , and thereby have not only declared your selves guilty , but also misbehaved your selves to us your late flock ; first , in leaving us without our knowledge , against your duty , and the conditions made unto us ; next in drawing upon us his Majesties suspicion , that we foreknew your departure , which of new ye have confirmed by sending a letter to us , you being his Majesties Rebels and fugitives ; In respect we say , of all the foresaid causes , we by these presents discharge our selves unto you , esteeming our selves no longer your flock , nor you any more our Pastors ; and thanking God the revealer of secrets , that he hath made you manifest to your shame , and relieved us of wolves instead of Pastors ; Thus hoping his Majesty will provide us of good and quieter spirited Ministers , we commit you to Gods mercy , who may give you to repent of your foresaid offences . This letter sent to the Councel and Session of the Church to be subscribed made a great businesse , the Town fearing to displease the King , and to discharge with their Ministers in such a form , laying upon them the reproaches of Fugitives , Rebels , Wolves , and the rest , they thought would be ill taken of all good men , yet after much ado , sixteen of the principals put their hands unto it , and so was it dispatcht . The Ministers having received and read the letter were mightily grieved , especially Mr. Iames Lawson , who had taken greatly to heart the troubles of the Church , and the advertisements which were given him of the successe of matters at home ; and now perceiving by this letter , that some who professed themselves very forward in the cause , had turned their backs upon it , he fell in a great sorrow , and thereby contracted a sicknesse , whereof he died at London in October following . A man he was of good learning and judgment , of a pious and peaceable disposition , but carried too much with the idle rumours of the people . After his course of studies passed in the University of S. Andrews , he was imployed by the Countesse of Crawford a Noble Lady , to attend her three sonnes , whom she sent to France , and upon their return to shew his gratitude unto the School wherein he was educated , gave himself to read the Hebrew tongue to some youths in the same University ; from thence he was called to be Principal in the old Colledge of Aberdene , and after three years profitably spent in that place , was brought , as we shewed before , to Edinburgh , where he continued Preacher the space of 12. years , in great esteem and reputation , untill these unhappy times , which bereft his Church and countrey of him and his labours . He died in the 46. year of his age , and was buried in the new Church yard of London , at the side of Mr. Dearing , a famous Preacher in that Church . His death bringeth to mind other two learned men in this Church , Mr. Alexander Arbuthnet , and Mr. Thomas Smeton , the one Principal of Aberdene , and the other of Glasgow Colledge , who in the end of the last year nigh about the same time departed this life , to the great losse both of the countrey and Church ; The first a Gentleman born of the house of Arbuthnet in Mernis , being trained up in the study of letters , and having the course of Philosophy in the same Colledge with Mr. Lawson , went to France at the age of twenty three years ; there applying himself to the laws , he lived five years an Auditor of that great Doctor Cuiacius , and being made licenciate , returned to Scotland in the year one thousand five hundred three score and six , of purpose to follow that calling , but God otherwise disposing , in the year 1569. he was made Principal of the Colledge of Aberdene , where by his diligent teaching & dexterous government , he not only revived the study of good letters , but gained many from the superstitions , whereunto they were given . He was greatly loved of all men , hated of none , and in such account for his moderation with the chief men of these parts , that without his advice they could almost do nothing : which put him in a great fasherce , whereof he did often complain . Pleasant and jocund in conversation , and in all sciences expert ; a good Poet , Mathematician , Philosopher , Theologue , Lawyer , and in medicine skilful , so as in every subject he could promptly discourse , and to good purpose ; he died in the 45. year of his age much lamented , and was buried in the Colledge Church at Aberdene the 20. of October 1583. Within some few dayes he was followed by Mr. Thomas Smeton ; this man born in Gaske , a little Village not farre from Perth , studied Philosophy in S. Salvators Colledge at S. Andrewes , under Mr. William Cranston at that time Provost of the House , by whose perswasion he went beyond Sea , and after he had remained a while at Paris , took journey to Rome , where entering the society of the Iesuits , he abode three years . Thereafter coming home for some private businesse , when he had setled the same , he returned to Paris , and kept still in that Society : in the year 1571. Thomas Metellan travelling through France into Italy , did request his company in that journey , whereunto he yielded , and went with him to Italy ; but the Gentleman contracting sicknesse by the way , and dying , he returned by Geneva , and was there confirmed in the Religion to which a little before he was inclining when he went to Paris ; after he had revealed himself to some Principals of the Society , he forsook their profession , and was in danger to have been killed at the Massacre , which fell out at the same time , but by the favour of Sir Thomas Walsingham the English Ambassador , he was saved , and came in his company to England . Five years he remained at Colchester in Essex , teaching some youths of the countrey , and in the year 1578. returned into Stotland . In the year 1580. upon the remove of Mr. Andrew Melvil to the new Colledge of S. Andrewes , he was chosen Principal of the Colledge of Glasgow , and taught the controversies there some three yeares , with great profit ; he was a man learned in the languages , and well seen in ancient Fathers , the reading of whose works he did ever seriously recommend to the youth . The answer he penned in defence of this Church against Mr. Archibald Hamilton and other dictates , which are yet in the hands of his disciples , do shew his worth , and the losse this Church received by his death , he deceased at Glasgow the 6. of December , 1583. in the 47. year of his age , and was buried in the Cathedral Church . These deaths falling so quick one after another , were taken to be a presage of great troubles in the Church , nor was it long before these sturres happened , of which we have spoken . All this Summer the same continued , the Ministers being daily called before the Councel , and a great businesse made of their subscription to certain Articles which concerned their obedience to the Bishops ; they who refused , had their stipends sequestrated , which caused a great outcrying amongst the people , and made the Rebels to be more favoured . The King to rid himself of these vexations , did call the principal Ministers , and having shewed that all his desire was to have the Church peaceably governed , and a decent policy established , he willed them to set down in writing the Reasons which moved them to refuse subscription , that he might consider the same , and satisfy their doubts . They choosing rather to propound the same by word of mouth , were after some conference induced to set their hands to the Articles ; this clause being added [ agreeing with the word of God. ] Yet new occasions of trouble were still breaking forth , upon information that Mr. Nicoll Dalgleish Minister at S. Cuthberts , did in his publick prayers remember the exiled brethren ; he was called before the Councel , and accused for praying for the Kings Rebels , as also for keeping intelligence with them by letters . The Minister confessed his praying for the brethren , maintaining the same to be lawful , but the intelligence he denied ; only granted that he had seen a letter written by Mr. Walter Balcanquel to his wife , wherein he was kindly remembred . The King offended with his answers , commanded the Advocate to pursue him criminally , which was done the next day . At his appearing before the Justice , when he heard the indictment , he said , That he ought not to be questioned for one and the same fact before two Iudicatories , and that having answered these points before the Councel , he should not be put again to it . The Advocate replying that the Councels proceeding could not stay the criminal Judge , he was commanded to answer , and to do it advisedly , seeing it concerned his life . If I must answer , said he , I do not think that I have offended in praying for my brethren , who are in trouble ; and for the letter I saw , if the concealing thereof be a fault , I submit my self to his Majesties will. The Jury proceeding , declared him guilty of treason , yet the sentence was continued , and he sent to the Tolbuith , where he remained some moneths , and in end upon his supplication was pardoned , and put to liberty . In the same Court David Home of Argathy , with Patrick Home his brother , were condemned to die for keeping intelligence with the Commendatory of Driburgh , and in the afternoon executed : Yet was it no matter of State ; but some private accounts , that rested undischarged at his parting forth of the Countrey , wherein they had interchanged one or two letters . This severity was universally disliked , but that which shortly after ensued ; was much more hateful . To breed a terrour in people , and cause them abstain from communicating in any sort with the exiled Lords , a Proclamation was made , That whosoever should discover any person offending in that kind , should besides his own pardon , receive a special reward . Hereupon did one Robert Hamilton of Eglismachan , delate Malcolm Douglas of Mains , and Iohn Cunningham of Drumwhasill for having conspired to intercept the King at hunting , and detain him in some strong hold , till the Lords might come and receive him . A meer forgery , yet gladly hearkened unto by those that desired to be rid of them ; for they were both Gentlemen of good respect , and mistrusted of the Court , Mains especially because of his valour and manhood . To make out the accusation , it was devised , that Sir Iames Edmonston of Duntraith , who had lived in great familiarity with them , should be charged with the said crime , and upon his confession to be pardoned ; which by the policy of the accuser , to his own perpetual discredit , he was menaced to yield unto . Matters thus dressed , Colonel William Stewart was sent to apprehend them , who finding them in their own houses , did without any resistance bring them prisoners to Edinburgh . The ninth of February they were presented before the Justice , Mr. Iohn Ghrame sitting as Deputy , and Mr. Edward Bicace as Assessor , beginning made with Duntraith , he was indicted for conspiring with Mains and Drumwhasill , ( the accuser Hamilton ) and others for taking and detaining the King , in the manner aforesaid , which was said to be plotted by the Earl of Angus , and imparted to him and the rest on pannel , by Iohn Home commonly called black Iohn : he without making any defence , confessed all betaking him to the Kings mercy . Drumwhasill accused of the same conspiracy , and of consulting with Duntraith thereupon , at the Churches of Strablen and Killern , was further charged with the treasonable attempt of Ru●hven , whereof he had been partaker . What he answered , I find not in the process , but when Mains his indictment was read , he denied all , and so cleared himself by the unlikelyhood , and their impossibility to compasse a businesse of that importance , to all that were present , as in their hearts they did pronounce him innocent . Notwithstanding they all three were convicted and declared guilty of treason ; doom was only pronounced against Drumwhasill and Mains , and they the same day hanged in the publick street of Edinburgh . The Gentlemens case was much pitied , Mains his case especially ; Hamilton who made the delation , lived after this in a continual fear , and abhorred of all men , he kept still in the company of Arran unto the alteration of Court at Striveling , at which time Iames Iohnston of Westraw , pretending a vow that he had made to revenge Mains his death , did kill him as he was flying through the Park , on the South side of the Town . These cruel and rigorous proceedings caused such a generall fear , as all familiar society and intercourse of humanity was in a manner left , no man knowing to whom he might safely speak , or open his mind . Arran in the mean time went on , drawing into his own hands the whole managing of affairs , for he would be sole and supreme over all . The Earl of Argile having departed this life the year preceding , he was created Chancellour . The office of Secretary he gave to Mr. Iohn Metellan , Lethingtons son , having banished the Abbot of Dunfermlin , who formerly possessed the same . The Castles of Edinburgh and Striveling he had himself in custody , then made himself be chosen Provost of the Town ; and as if all this had not been enough , he was declared General Lieutenant over the whole Kingdom . In a word , whatsoever he was pleased was done , and without him nothing could be done . This stirred up great emulation against him in Court. The Master of Gray , a great favourite at that time , did take it disdainfully , that every thing should be governed by him ; Sir Lewis Ballenden Justice Clerk , a man of brave spirit , did also hardly endure it ; and Mr. Iohn Metellan , though he had followed still from Mortons execution to that time , began to fall away and work his own credit : those things were cunningly dissembled as among Courtiers , and all outward respect given him by those that were plotting his ruine . To his felicity nothing as he thought was wanting but the friendship of England ; this he was advised by the Master of Gray to seek by the Lord Hunsdons means , who lay then Governour of Berwick : a meeting whereupon wrought betwixt them , and at Foulden some three miles from Berwick ( whither Arran went ) matters so dressed , as upon the assurance of his service to the Queen of England , it was promised that the exiled Lords who lay near the borders , waiting to raise some stirres , should be called to London , and upon verification of the conspiracy wherewith Mains and the rest were charged , put forth of England , In this hope the Master of Gray is sent into England , and Commission given him for remanding the fugitive Rebels ; or if that could not be obtained , for removing them further off from the Borders of Scotland : more privately he was desired to use all means for winning the Queens favour to the Earl of Arran , And for preparing the way to his Legation , the Archbishop of S. Andrews was sent some weeks before to inform the Queen of the King his sinccerity in Religion , because of the rumour which the Ministers who fled thither , had dispersed to the contrary . The Queen professing to have received great content by his information , recommended to the King above all things , constancy in his profession , assuring him in that case of her unchangeable friendship . The Master of Gray as his coming had favourable acceptance , though he was known to be a Catholick Romane ; and for the point of remanding was answered , that she did not think those Gentlemen whom the King called Rebels , intended any harm to his person , but if the contrary was made to appear , they should be suffered to remain in her Kingdomes : And for that the King required touching their further remove from the Borders , the same was promised , and the Lords accordingly called from thence , and commanded to stay at Norwich . This answer reported to the King by the Master of Gray at his return , drew another Legation , wherein Sir Lewis Ballenden Justice Clerk was imployed , the thing committed to him was the accusation of the banished Lords , and verifying against them the conspiracy for which Mains and Drumwhasill had suffered . The Lords upon this were brought from Norwich to London , and there challenged by the Ambassadour , who as appeared , insisted with great servour against them ; But the Master of Glammis answering for the rest , made their innocency in that particular to be clearly seen , which was heard no lesse willingly by the Judges , then delivered by the Speaker , Neither was the accuser any worse minded towards them , for all the shew he made ; and at the same time were grounds laid , both for their restitution , and Arran his subversion ; the Queen and Councel of England being privy to all , and secretly advancing their enterprise , Arran in the mean time had assurance given him of the Queens friendship , and supposing all things to be right , went on in his accustomed manner , not caring what enmity he drew upon himself . The Earl of Athol , the Lord Home , and Master of Cassils , were committed to prison . The first because he refused to divorce from his wife ( a daughter of the Earl of Gowry ) and intaile his lands to him ; the next for that he denied him his part of the lands of Dirleton ; and the third for denying him a loan of some moneys , which it was thought he might spare . His last falling out in that kind , was with the Lord Maxwel for an excambion of the Barony of Mernis , and the lands of Maxwel heath , with the Barony of Kinnel , which he possessed by the forfeiture of the Hamiltons . Maxwel not liking to change his old inheritance , with such a new and uncertain purchase , excused himselfe , and would not hearken to the change , but he thinking to force him thereto by some indirect means , travelleth with the Lady Iohnston , who gave attendance at Court , to cause her husband to accept of the Provostry of Dumfreis , and moveth the King to write unto the Town , to elect Iohnston their Provost ; for that he being Warden of the West marches , would thereby be made more able to keep good order in these parts . Maxwel interpreting this to be done , as it was , to his disgrace ; at the time of Election convocated his friends , and debarring Iohnston from entring the Town , procured himself to be continued in the office . Hereupon informations were made to the King , that there could no quietnesse be expected in these parts , unlesse Maxwel his power was curbed . Charges were also directed to cause him present certain of the name of Armestrong , for whom he was obliged ; which he not performing , was denounced Rebel , and Commission given to the Laird Iohnston to pursue him ; for whose better enabling he had two companies of hired souldiers allowed him , under the charge of two Captains , Lamby and Cranston , Maxwel hearing of these preparations , gathered his forces , and with a part thereof sent his natural brother Robert Maxwel to intercept the two Captains , ere they should joyn with Iohnston . They encountering in the Moore of Crawford , after a sharp conflict the Captains were defeated , Lamby and most of his company killed , and Cranston with divers others taken prisoners . Iohnston , left he should be thought to do nothing , did then make incursions upon Maxwels lands , raising fire , and carrying away great spoyle : which Maxwel repayed with the burning of the house of Lockwood , and the slaughter of some of Iohnstons in Annandale . And thus did they make warre one against another , till it happened that Iohnston in a certain conflict was taken by Maxwel , and made prisoner . The grief of this overthrow gave Iohnston shortly after he was liberated his death , but the wrath of the Court still continuing , a convention of the Estates was called to suppresse Maxwel , and a Subsidy granted of 20000. pounds for levying of souldiers to pursue him . Thereafter , all that could bear Armes dwelling on the South of Forth , were commanded to be in readinesse for attending the King in an expedition that he intended towards these parts . But the plague breaking out in Edinburgh , did rage so vehemently all that summer , as nothing could be done ; so the expedition was put off for certain moneths . Mean while , there fell out an accident which did quite alienate the Queen of Englands favour from Arran . Sir Iohn Forrester and Thomas Kar of Farnherst , Wardens of the middle Marches , being met for restoring some goods taken from the English , a tumult fell out wherein Sir Francis Russel sonne to the Earl of Bedford was killed ; this was laid upon Farnherst , and he said to have done it by Arrans instigation : for they two were at that time in great friendship . And when the Queen did require Farnherst to be delivered , Arran did strongly oppose it , yet the King for her satisfaction did confine them both , the one in S. Andrews , and the other in Aberdene . Arran after a little time was relieved to his house at Kinneil ; the other contracting sickness kept bed a long space , and as was thought died of displeasure at Aberdene . A man he was of an haughty spirit , and had endured much trouble in the service of the Kings mother , which he esteemed should have made him better respected , then as he conceived he was . Shortly after this accident , Sir Edward Wotton was imployed in an Ambassage from England , for contracting a league offensive and defensive with the King in the cause of Religion . For then came that holy league , as they called it , to be discovered ; which the Pope , the Spanish King , the Guises and others had made to extirpate the Reformed Religion . The Queen of England understanding her self to be principally aimed at , found nothing better then to make a counter-league with the Princes reformed : and to that effect sent Sir Thomas Bodley to treat with the King of Denmark , and the Protestant princes in Germany , and at the same time imployed Sir Edward Wotton towards the King. The motion did so please him , as presently he called the Estates at S. Andrews , and having in a long and pithy speech expressed the dangers threatened to Religion , with the necessity that the reformed Princes had to unite themselves strongly together , procured the act following to be concluded . We the Nobility and Estates presently convened , understanding that divers Princes and Potentates who term themselves Catholicks , have joyned under the Popes authority in a most unchristian confederacy against the true Religion and Professors thereof , with full intent to prosecute their wicked resolution , not only within their own estates and dominions , but likewise in other Kingdomes , where they can pretend no lawful power nor authority . A purpose long since projected , and hitherto cunningly carried , but now openly manifested , and in divers parts begun to be executed with hard and cruel effects . And considering withall how it hath pleased God to blesse this Realm with the sincerity of the Gospel ( the defence whereof is the most just and lawful cause that Christians can maintain ) we have thought it requisite not only to unite our selves and joyn the whole forces which God hath granted us , under our most religious and Christian Soveraign , for the better assurance of our own estates , and the more peaceable enjoying of so great a benefit ; but a●so for withstanding the dangerous course intended against all the professors of the truth , we have judged it needful , that a general League and Christian confederacy of Princes and States , professing the true Religion , should be opposed to the ungodly confederacy of the enemies thereof ; especially that the two Crowns of Scotland and England , which nature , blood , habitation , and the profession of one Religion hath joyned , may be unseparably united by a more firm and strict League then hath been betwixt any Princes their Progenitors in times past for which effect , we under subscribing for our selves , and in name and behalf of the whole Estates of this Realm , whose body in this convention we represent , have given and granted , like as we by the tenour hereof do give and grant to our Soveraign Lord King James the sixth , his Council or such of them as his Majesty shall please to nominate , our full power , priviledge , assent and authority whatsoever , competent to us and to the three Estates of this Realm , to treat or cause to treat , conferre , transact , and conclude a Christian league betwixt his Majesty and his Highness dearest sister and Cousen , the Queen of England , and to nominate and appoint Commissioners for that purpose , who shall meet at such time and place , as his Highness shall agree upon with the Commissioners to be directed from his said dearest sister , the nomination and election of whom we have remitted , and do humbly remit to our dread Soveraign Lord , faithfully promising for us , and in behalf foresaid to ratify , approve and confirm in the first Parliament , whatsoever thing his Majesty shall agree unto , or his Highnesse Commissioners in his name shall contract , indent , subscribe , or seal concerning the said league ; with all heads , clauses , and Articles thereof , which we do and have the more willingly done , because of the trust we repose in his Majesties wisdom , circumspection , earnest zeal to maintain the truth of God against all that shall happen to attempt anything to the contrary : providing alwayes that the league do not infringe , or prejudge in any sort any former alliances and leagues betwixt this Realm , and any other ancient friends and confederates thereof , except only in matter of Religion , concerning which we do fully consent , that the said league be made offensive and defensive , avowing , and by our solemn oaths swearing , neither to spare life , lands , houses , goods , nor whatsoever it hath pleased God to grant unto us , in defence and maintenance thereof . This Act was past on the last of Iuly with a great consent , and was subscribed by the Archbishops of S. Andrews , and Glasgow , the Bishop of Dunkeld , the Commendators of Culross , Balmerinoch , Driburgh , Kinloss , Lindors , Blanire , and Pettin Weyme , representing the spiritual estate by the Earls of Arran , March , Athol , Montrosse , Marshall , and Rothes ; the Lords Oliphant , Thirlstane , Gray , Sinclare , Down , and Fleming for the Nobility , and by the Commissioners of Burghs , and all the Officers of Estate , amongst the rest by the Master of Gray , who though he did professe him● himself a Romane Catholick , would in nothing that the King affected , be thought refractary . It was thought that the Ambassadour did rest well satisfied with the Kings forwardnesse towards the league , and that he should have presently returned ; But he had some other businesse in trust , which was carried more closely . This was to make friends to the exiled Lords , and labour their restitution , as had been concluded in England . To this effect he kept divers private meetings with the Master of Gray , the Secretary and Justice Clerk ; giving the Lords intelligence from time to time of his proceedings ; among other means he thought expedient that they should reconcile their private quarrels with the Lord Hamilton , and his brother Claud , who were likewise exiled , and lived then in England ; he wrought so as they were brought , as it seemed , to a perfect accord , promising to take one course , and joyn all in the same cause . But Claud fearing either the event of the enterprise , or not having buried his former grudges , did afterwards separate , and by discovering their purpose , procured to himself liberty to return ; yet did he not find that acceptance which he expected , being shortly after his coming confined in Aberdene , and within a little while commanded to leave the countrey , and goe into France . There came this Summer from Denmark certain Ambassadours to redeem , as they pretended , the Isles of Orkney and Shetland , alienated of old from that Crown , yet the true errand was to propone that marriage unto the King , which was some four years after happily perfected . The King receiving them kindly , and excusing himsel for the matter of Orkney because of the Pestilence which raged as then in Edinburgh ( Where the Registers of the Kingdom were kept ) promised how soon commodity served , to give all reasonable satisfaction , and to send some in Commission to treat of those matters . How soon they were dimitted , the King went into Striveling , and from thence to Hamilton , to recreate himself as he was accustomed , where he received advertisement that the banished Lords were come down to the borders , and that Maxwel was to joyn his forces with them . Hereupon he returneth to Striveling , and sending for Arran , made Proclamations to go through the countrey , commanding all the subjects to meet him at the Castle of Crawford the 22. of October , for resisting the attempts of the Rebels . But things were so prepared at Court by the English Ambassadour , as the Lords did prevent the King in his expedition . They had appointed their rendezvous at Linton in Tweddale , and meeting there , did solemnly swear , not to separate nor give over the profecution of their enterprise , till the King should be moved to accept them in favour , and put Arran forth of his company . Maxwel brough with him 300 souldiers that had served against Iohnston , and about 700 horsemen , all the others did scarce equall that number , though Bothwel , Home , Yester , Cesford , and Drumlanrig had joyned with them . To justify their proceedings , they gave forth a Proclamation in all the places they came unto , declaring the causes of their enterprise to be , the defence of the truth , the deliverance of the King from corrupt Counsellors , and the preserving of amity with England . In this Proclamation nothing was left unsaid , that might make Arran odious , and hateful ; amongst other things he was charged to have bragged of his descent from Duck Mordoch ( who was beheaded in the time of King Iames the first ) and to lay claim to the Crown by that title , calling himself King Iames the seventh . It is true , that in the Parliament held the year preceding , he took protestation in open Court , that he renounced any title , that he might pretend to the Crown that way , which I suppose he did to purge himself of that aspersion ; but the protestation was laughed at , in the time , by the wiser sort , and gave them to think that such a folly had once possessed his mind . The Proclamation did often mention him and Col. Stewart as abusers of the King. Of the rest of the Counsellours there was no speech , which increased Arrans jealousy of them . Now how soon the Ambassadour heard that the Lords were entred in the countrey , fearing that some notice should be taken of his dealing , he left Striveling , and went in haste to Berwick , without saluting any man. They sent a Post after him with a letter , desiring to know the cause of his suddain departure , and whether he was directed by the Queen his Soveraign to go away in such sort . Being overtaken at Anwick , he answered , that he had no such direction from the Queen , when he was first imployed , but that of late he had received a command to retire , because she saw no hope of the delivery of that wretched Farnherst . This he made the pretext of his departure , yet in reason he could not alledge it . Farnherst lying bedfast at the time in Aberdene , where he was committed , which was notified to him , and he knew to be a truth ; In the conclusion of his letter , he said , that he could not grant that he had departed insalutato hospite , seeing he performed that office , both with his heart and hand , and that he should by all possible means endevour that his departure should rather help to maintain , then dissolve the amity betwixt his Soveraign and him . That which he speaketh of his hand , was a letter that he left to be given to the King , the day after he was gone , in which he laid the cause upon Arrans credit , without whom he saw nothing could be obtained , Arran seeing the letter that he left to be given to the King , began to think that all was not sound , and accused the Master of Gray , as being privy to the Ambassadors departure , which he denied ; yet all that time nothing was done that was sitting either for the Kings safety or reputation , and not so much as the Castle furnished with victuals , which might have easily been provided . Neither were the Lords ignorant of this , which made them use the greater speed , marching directly to Falkirk , and the next day , which was the last of October , to Striveling , At the Church called Sanct Nineans ( a half mile or lesse from the Town ) they put themselves in order of battel , and stood so till night fell ; at which time , upon warning given them by their friends within the Town , they advanced , and knowing all the passages , entred by a certain back way without any resistance . Arran had taken upon him to watch that night , and was keeping the Town gate , when a cry was raised that the Town was taken . The Earl of Crawford who watched with him , fled to the Castle , but he escaped by the bridge , of which he kept the keyes . Some weak resistance was made by Colonel Stewart , at the head of the Market street , but he was soon put back with the slaughter of one or two of his company . The borderers according to their custome fell upon the stables , and made prey of all the Gentlemens horses , whereof they found good store . The spoile otherwise was not great , as of a town not very rich in merchandise . In the morning betimes the Castle was inclosed , which they knew could not long hold out , for it was unfurnished , and scarce provided with victuals of one day : in this extremity the King was advised to employ two of his Councel towards the Lords , to ask what they intended . Choice was made of the Secretary and Justice Clerk , as men whom they would willingly hear . At the first meeting , the Secretary was rough enough with them , saying , That such violent formes were not to be approved , and to deal in that manner with their King , they would finde it unsure ; for what was extorted from him by force or fear , he would soon finde means to undo , and never want men to serve him in that whereunto his will was bent ; that humble Petitions became subjects , and had been more fitting then to come in the manner they did . The Lords answered , that it grieved them fore to be reduced to that necessity , nothing being more dear to them then the Kings honour and safety . But what could they have done ? they were banished from their countrey , put from their livings , their friends used with cruelty , the King not permitted to hear them in their just defence , and alwayes shut up from presenting their Petitions . That their coming in that manner was not to dishonour , nor force the King , to whom they would be most humble supplicants , and upon their knees if they should find accesse , beg mercy at his hands . All they did was to save themselves from ruine , and to be secured from their adversaries , who had wronged them , and the whole States of the Kingdom : wherefore they besought them , as their countreymen and friends , to intercede with his Majesty , that they might be accepted in favour , and all things composed in the most quiet and honourable manner for the King and State that could be devised . This reported to the King , did mitigate his mind a little ; For my self , said he , I did never like that mans violence ( meaning Arran ) and howbeit I cannot but offend with their doings ; yet for the countreys sake , and preservation of publick quietnesse , I can pardon and overpasse all ; but one thing I desire you that have been in conference with them , to look to ; that none in my company receive any harm . I know there are quarrels betwixt the Earl of Crawford and the Master of Glammis ; That the Earl of Angus doth not like Montrosse ; and I believe that Colonel Stewart is not well beloved for things done in my service . These I cannot see with mine honour , hurt ; provide for that , and that they may be in safety , and I shall willingly admit them . When this was shewed the Lords , they said , that they had not taken up Arms for any private quarrel , nor would they mixe their particulars with the publick ; but it should be good for eschewing such inconveniences as might happen , that the Noblemen ( whom the King had named ) were put in custody with some special persons , and that the Colonel should be discharged from his office of the guard , and the same conferred to another . This being declared to the King , he gave his consent to receive them . Being brought unto his prefence , they fell all upon their knees , and the Lord Hamilton ( who had the precedency in regard of blood ) taking the speech , said , that they were come in most humble manner to beg mercy , and his Majesties love and favour The King answered , ; My Lord , I did never see you before , and must confesse , that of all this company , you have been most wronged : you were a faithful servant to the Queen my mother in my minority , and when I understood not , as I do , the estate of things , hardly used . The rest of you , that have since that time been exiled , and put from your livings , cannot say but it was your own fault , and that your misbehaviour procured the same ; But ( turning himself to Bothwel ) what should have moved thee Francis , said he , to take this course , and come in Armes against me ? did I ever thee any wrong , or what cause hadst thou to offend ? I wish thee a more quiet spirit , and that thou mayest learn to live as a Subject , otherwise thou wilt fall in trouble . To you all , who , as I truly think , have not meant any harm to any person , I am pleased to give both my hand , and my heart , and will remember nothing that is past , providing you carry your selves from henceforth as becomes men of your places , and behave your selves as dutiful subjects . So they arose one by one , and kissed his Majesties hands . It was observed that he received the Lord Hamilton with greatest kindnesse , and gave him more respect then any others . This was the day after their entering into Striveling . Two days after in Councel , the King renewing his promise , did by publick Act confirm the pardon granted to them , and their Assisters , which was by sound of trumpet proclaimed . The Earls of Crawford and Montross were commended to the Lord Hamilton , who used them honourably , and Colonel Stewart suffered quietly to depart . Arran after his flight went unto Coile , and lived private amongst his friends , deprived of all his honours . The charge of the guard was given to the Master of Glammis , the Castle of Dumbritton put in the Lord Hamiltons custody , Striveling restored to the Earl of Marre , and the Castle of Edinburgh delivered to Sir Iames Home of Coldinkn●ws . In this manner did the banished Lords recover his Majesties favour , and return to their places ; albeit Thuan deceived by some information , hath otherwise related the same . How soon the Noblemens peace was proclaimed , Duntraith who had touched them in his deposition against Maius ( saying that he was told by one Iohn Home , the Lords had hired every one of them two men to kill the King ) so comperired before the Councel undesired ( so the Act of Councel beareth ) and confessed that he was suborned by Captain Iames ( who is henceforth to be so named , the title of Arran being returned to the right owner ) to make that deposition , which in it self was false and untrue , out of fear and to save his life . For verifying whereof , and to shew that he did not confesse this to please the Noblemen , whom he had wronged by such a confession , he declared that for the space of eight weeks before their return , he had revealed the same to the Master of Gray , and to the Provost of Linclouden , both which upon oath testified no lesse to the King. The Councel for clearing the Noblemen , ordained his confession to be published , which was not very needful , ( for no man did beleive the delation ) only it served to discover the falshood of the suborner . In December following a Parliament was held at Linlithgow for ratifying the peace , and abolishing the memory of things past . In this meeting the Ministers who returned in company of the Lords , did earnestly urge the repealing of the Acts concluded the year preceding , against their discipline : which the King did utterly refuse , ordaining , that none should either publickly declare , or privately speak or write in reproach of his Majesties person , estate , or government , as is to be seen in the first Act of the parliament . The Ministers offending greatly therewith , especially with the Lords , who had promised to see these Statutes repealed , stirred up one Mr. William Watson in his preaching before the King , to complain of the neglect that was made of the Church , and condemn the acts above mentioned . This young man the Bishop of S. Andrews had placed in Edinburgh , after the departing of the Ministers of England , and he to this time had carried himself very orderly : but now either fearing that his admission by the Bishop should be questioned , or to insinuate himself this way in the favours of the Ministers , who he thought would rule all matters of Church as they pleased , he took the boldnesse to reprove the King to his face . This his unseasonable and insolent doing was by all wisemen condemned , and he therefore committed to the Castle of Blacknesse . Notthelesse another of the same humour , called Iames Gibson Minister at that time at Pencaitland , usurping the Pulpit at Edinburgh , where the sicknesse was somewhat relented , fell out in the like impertinent railing , saying , That Captain James , with his Lady Jesabel , and William Stewart ( meaning the Colonel ) were taken to be the persecutors of the Church ; but that now it was seen to be the King himself , against whom he denounced the curse that fell on Jeroboam , That he should die childless , and be the last of his race . This man called before the Councel , confessed the speeches , and proudly maintained the same , for which he was likewise committed . Watson upon promise to amend and behave himself more dutifully , was suffered to return to his charge ; but the businesse with the other lasted to a longer time , as we will afterwards hear . A few days before this Parliament deceased Mr. Iohn Spottiswood Superintendant of Lothian , a sonne of the house of Spottiswood in the Mers , within the Barony of Gordon , of which Surname it seems his first progenitors were by the armes they have common with the Gordons : his Father was killed at Floudon in the unfortunate battel wherein King Iames the fourth died , and he left an Orphane of four years old . When he was come to some years , his friends put him to Schoole in Glasgow , where he took the degree of a Master of Arts , and having a purpose to study Divinity , which he most affected , was wholly diverted from following the same , by the perfecutions he saw used against those they called hereticks . So leaving the countrey he went into England , and there falling in familiarity with Archbishop Cranmer , was by his means brought to the knowledge of the truth . Soon after the death of King Iames the fifth , he returned to Scotland , and stayed a long time with Alexander Earl of Glencarne , who was known to be affected that way . In his company he came to be acquainted with Matthew Earl of Lennox , and was by him imployed towards Henry the eighth , at the time that France did cast him off by the Cardinals dealing , as we touched before . Matters succeeding to the Earl of Lennox his mind , and he setled in England , he remained with him some moneths , after which , longing to visit his friends , he returned ; and being known to Sir Iames Sandylands of Calder , a man of great authority in those times , he was by him allowed to accept the Parsonage of Calder , which fell then void . And living sometimes with him , sometimes with the Prior of S. Andrews , in whose company he went to France at the time of the Queens marriage ; he made no great stay in any one place , till the work of reformation began ; at which time he took himself to reside in Calder , and was how soon those troubles ended , chosen Superintendent of the Churches of Lothian , Mers , and Tiviotdale ; which by the space of 20. years he governed most wisely , his care in teaching , planting of Churches , reducing people , and persons of all sorts into the right way , was great , and so successful , as within the bounds of his charge none was found refractary from the Religion professed . In his last days when he saw the Ministers take such liberty as they did , and heard of the disorders raised in the Church through that confused parity which men laboured to introduce ; as likewise the irritations the King received , by a sort of foolish Preachers ; he lamented extremely the case of the Church to those that came to visit him , ( who were not a few , and of the better sort ) he continually foretold , That the Ministers by their follies would bring Religion in hazard , and as he feared , provoke the King to forsake the truth : Therefore wished some to be placed in authority over them to keep them in awe ; for , the doctrine , said he , we profess is good , but the old policy was undoubtedly the better ; God is my witness , I lie not . And that these were his ordinary speeches some two years before his death , many then alive could witnesse . He was a man well esteemed for his piety and wisdome , loving , and beloved of all persons ; charitable to the poor , and careful above all things to give no man offence . His happy life was crowned with a blessed death , which happened the 5. of December , 1585. in the 76. year of his age . But to turn to the history ; the King having setled with the Noblemen , was very desirous to be at rest with the Church , and for that effect called some of the principal Ministers to a conference , wherein certain Articles were agreed for the better ordering of the Ecclesiastical affairs ; the full determination thereof being remitted to the general Assembly of the Church , which was appointed to meet at Edinburgh the tenth of May following . In the mean time , Maxwel puffed up with the victory at Striveling , the praise whereof he ascrived wholly to himself , grew so insolent , as that the next Christmas taking with him a company of lewd and dissolute persons , he went in procession from Dumfreis to the Colledge Church of Lincluden , and caused a Masse to be said : complaint being made to the King , he was brought before the Councel , and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh , where he remained some moneths . This gave occasion to the Proclamations which followed against Priests , Jesuits , and traffiquing Papists , who were all commanded to leave the countrey before a certain day , under pain of death . Whilest these things were a doing , Mr. Andrew Melvil to be revenged of Saint Andrews , who had devised , as he imagined , the Acts made in the parliament 1584. and penned the Declaration thereafter published , did in a Synod holden at S. Andrews , raise a new stirre , calling a number of Barons , Gentlemen , and Ministers together , as to a Synod ; Mr. Iames Melvil his Cousen made the exhortation ; in which , after a bitter Invective against the devisers of the foresaid Acts , he admonished the Assembly to censure him that was known to have had a chief hand therein , meaning the Bishop . The exhortation ended , Mr. Robert Wilkie Professour of Philosophy in S. Leonards , was chosen Moderator ; and their doctrine , as their manner was , being approved , it was proponed , that according to the admonition given them , they should proceed in censuring the Bishop . The opinions were divers , some holding it dangerous , and doubting what might be the consequence of it ; others inquiring if he was cired to the Diet a third sort more zealous then the rest , cried out that it was the cause of God , in which no man ought to forecast or fear any danger ; and that a citation needed not where the iniquiry was so manifest ; or if that was thought necessary , that he might be warned to the next Session ; being then in the City . This course was held most formal , and so was he ordained to be cired . In the afternoon he compeired , and protesting that he did not acknowledge that Iudicatory , desired to understand what they could charge him with , that he might justifie himself . They misregarding the Protestation , did accuse him of devising the Statutes made in the year 1584. of penning the Declaration published thereafter by his Majesty , of traducing the brethren that fled into England in the time of his Ambassage , and a number the like . To this the Bishop repeating his protestation , answered , That the Statutes were not of his devising , but when they were proponed , he gave his opinion that they were good and lawful Acts , and therein had served his conscience , the very second Act of that Parliament being an express confirmation of Popery , in so farre as by it the dignity and authority of the three Estates was ordained to stand unaltered according to the ancient custome of the Realm . This , said they , is a ratifying of the Episcopal jurisdiction , according as it was in time of Popery . The Bishop replied , That the Bishops were not by themselves an estate , but they represented in a part the estate of the Church , which was ever reputed the first estate of the Realm , since the Kingdome became Chiristian ; and that in the Act alledged , no jurisdiction was established ; howbeit for the Episcopal power , there was enough to be said , if the time and place were fitting . But if they had no further to say , he would leave them , putting them again in mind that they were not his Iudges , and that these were matters too high for subjects to meddle in . At last perceiving they would proceed with their censures , he appealed to his Majesty , the Councel , and three Estates of the Realm , or any other lawful Assembly convened by his Majesty , and so departed . When he was gone , they entered into consultation what to do ; many were of the judgment , that after appellation there could be no proceeding : others though , that the appellation was not to be regarded . The matter being put to voices , it was concludeded only by two voices more that he should presently be excommunicated . The Moderator by his place was to pronounce the sentence , but he refused , albeit he was no friend to the Bishop at that time ; nor would any other of the Assembly take on them to do it . In end when all were dissolving , and a great part gone forth out of the Schools ( for the Assembly was kept in S. Leonards ) a yong fellow named Mr. Andrew Hunter , willed them to stay , professed that he was warned by the Spirit to pronounce the sentence , and so ascending the chair , he read the same out of the book , a few only remaining as witnesses . This scornful and disorderly proceeding , was the next day required in a form nothing better . Two of the Bishops servants going to the Church at the time of prayer , caused one Mr. Samuel Cunningham Cousen to the Bishop , go unto the Readers seat , and pronounce the same sentence against Mr. Andrew , and Mr. Iames Melvil , and some others of the Ministers of Fife , who had been most eager and forward against the Bishop . The Appellation was sent by the Bishop to the King , wherein first he excepted against the Synod as being unlawfully convened ; Next , against their unjust proceedings . The first he proved , saying , That convention was expresse against the Statutes of Parliament , and neither convocated by his Majesties letters , nor by the Bishop of the Dioces : moderated by a Laick person , that had no imposition of hands , made up of a company of Barons , Gentlemen , Masters of Schools and Colledges , who bare no function in the Church , and ought not to have any suffrage in Ecclesiastick Assemblies , and no sufficient number of Ministers assisting ; who though they had been present , by the Apostles rule were subject ot the Bishops censure , and he not to theirs . The injustice of their proceeding he qualified ; first , by their citation , which neither contained a lawful cause , nor did allow him a reasonable time for his appearing . 2. That at his compeiring , ( which was under protestation that he did in no sort acknowledge that judicatory ) they accused him for defending his Majesties authority in matters Ecclesiastick , and for his consent given to the Statutes made in Parliament 1584. which were the lawes of the King and three Estates , which they ought not to take on them to condemn . 3. That they transgressed the order set down in their own Assemblies , which appoints admonitions and prayers to be used for persons , before the sentence be pronounced . 4. That the conclusion they took to excommunicate , passed not with consent of those who were present , and was carried only by the voices of two ignorant Ministers . 5. That the Moderator of the pretended Synod , refusing to pronounce the sentence , one Hunter servant to Mr. Andrew Melvil , had taken on him to do the same , alledging he was moved thereto by the Spirit of God : which was a conceipt of the Anabaptists , and ought to be severely punished . And , 6. That Ministers in their Synods , were they never so lawfully convened , may not excommunicate any person without consent of the Church , whereof he is a member . Saint Paul ( on whose example they grounded their excommunications ) not presuming by himself to cast forth the incestuous man , but writing to the Church of Corinth , that when they were convened together , they should do the same . In end he intreated his Majesty whom it specially concerned to take cognition of their unruly and tumultuous proceeding , and to consider how dangerous a thing it was to put the spiritual sword in the hands of such men , who might possibly attempt the like against his Majesties self , & others of the Councel . When the King heard of this business , he was greatly commoved , yet because the Diet of the Assembly was approaching , he thought best to continue the matter to that time ; where in stead of examining the process , or discussing the Bishops Appellation , a transaction was made in this sort . That the Bishop by his hand-writing or personal appearance in the Assembly , should deny that ever he publickly professed or meaned to claim any supremacy , or to be Judge over other Pastors , and Ministers , or yet avowed the same to have a ground in Gods word ; and if so he had done , it had been an error against his conscience , and knowledge . That he should also deny , that in the last Synodal Assembly , he did claim to be Judge of the same , and if he had done it , that he erred therein , and in his emperious behaviour , and contempt of the said Synod . That thirdly , he should promise to behave himself better in time coming , and crave pardon for any oversight by him committed , claiming no further then justly he might , by Gods word : and in all other things carry himself as a moderate Pastor ought , labouring to be the Bishop described by S. Paul , submitting his life and doctrine to the judgment and censure of the general Assembly , without any reclamation , provocation , or appellation from the same in any time coming . That the Assembly on the other part , for his Majesties satisfaction , and to give testimony of their willing minds to obey his Highness , so far as they could , and in conscience they might , and for the good hope they had of his Majesties favourable concurrence in building up the house of God ; should hold the said process and sentence as undeduced , and not pronounced , and restore the Bishop in so far as concerned the said process and sentence , to the estate wherein he was before the pronouncing of the same ; especially because the said process was led and deduced during the time of the conference , whereupon his Majesty had conceived offence : with this proviso , Always that the Bishop should observe what he promised in the premises , and carry himself dutifully in his vocation , in all times thereafter . What should have moved the King to hearken to a mediation so prejudicial , both to his own authority , and the Episcopal jurisdiction which he laboured to establish , cannot well be conjectured ; except we will think , that by yeilding to the Churches advice in this particular , he hoped to winne them in end to those things which served for his peace , and their own quietnesse ; or , which I rather believe , that he did only temporise not seeing another way how to come by his ends , and was content to keep them in any tolerable terms , till he should find himself of power sufficient to redresse these confusions . Whatsoever the reason was the Bishop did set his hand to the conditions proposed by the Assembly , and received that declaratour for an absolution . Yet did not this satisfy the adverse party , who peremptorily urged the justifying of their process , with the confirmation of the sentence they had pronounced ; which when they could not obtain , the same Hunter that pronounced the sentence , protested publickly against the Assemblies proceeding , and that notwithstanding the absolution granted , the Bishop should still be esteemed as one justly delivered to Satan , till his conversion were seen to be true and effectual : unto which protestation Mr. Andrew Melvil and Mr. Thomas Buchannan did adhere . A motion was made in the same Assembly for censuring the Ministers that had allowed the Acts concluded in the Parliament 1584. by their subscriptions ; but they were found to be so many , as it was feared , the urging thereof would breed aschisme and division in the Church ; wherefore after some altercation the matter was left , and all the Ministers exhorted to judge charitably one of another , notwithstanding their diversity of opinions . The Articles agreed upon in the conference with certain Ministers , whereof the determination was remitted to this Assembly , made more adoe ; for they having condescended to accept Bishops , and to give them a chief hand in the government of Church affairs , they always being subject to the censure of the general Assembly , It was strongly opposed , and after a long dispute concluded ; That in respect the Bishop was a Pastor , as other ordinary Pastors are , he should for matters of life and doctrine be tried by the Presbytery and Synod ; and for his Commission otherwise in Church affairs be subject to the general Assembly . The Secretary , Justice Clerk , with the Lord Privy Seal , and other Commissioners for the King , disassented and made protestation , That seeing the Assembly had gone from the Articles agreed upon in the conference , nothing either then , or at the present concluded should stand in force . And thus were they like to dissolve , but that Mr. Robert Pont , Iames Martin , and Patrick Galloway , being directed to inform his Majesty of the difference , things were drawn to this middest ; That the Bishops and others having Commission to visit Churches , should be only subject to the trial of the general Assembly , and such as had power from them , till further order was taken . And that where Bishops and Commissioners were resident , they should preside in the meetings of Presbyteries and Synods , Fife only excepted , where Mr. Robert Wilkie was appointed to moderate the Presbytery of Saint Andrews , untill the next Synod . In the mean time was the order of the Presbyteries set down , and their power defined , the King taking no notice of their doings in that kind . The Secretary who then supplied the place of Chancellor , perceiving the King so vexed with the affairs of the Church , and the Ministers so refractary and unwilling to be ruled , did advise him to leave them to their own courses , saying , That in a short time they would become so intolerable , as the people would chase them forth of the countrey . True , answered the King , if I were purposed to undoe the Church and Religion , I should think your counsel not ill , but my mind is to maintain both , therefore can I not suffer them run into these disorders , that will make Religion to be despised . This answer did shew the Kings love to the Church , and his care of the good estate thereof , which in this place I thought was not to be passed . In the Estate matters went not much better at this time , and amongst others , nothing gave more offence then the acquitting of Mr. Archibald Douglas , by form of Assise . This man was known to be guilty of the murther of the King his Father , and had fled into England six yeares before . The Earl of Morton at his death , and one Binny Mr. Archibalds own servant , who was executed about the same time , did both declare , that he was present at the doing of that wicked fact , for which the King had often by his letters and Ambassages intreated the Queen of England to have him delivered , yet could not obtain it . At this time a remission being purchased to him for the concealing of that murther , with a letter of rehabilitation , whereby he might stand in judgement and plead against his forfeiture ; he was in a Jury held the 26. of May , declared innocent , and absolved of the crime . This was done by the procurement of the Prior of Blantire , who had intruded himself in the Parsonage of Glasgow , whereof Mr. Archibald had been titular , and otherwise then by his restoring could have no right in law to retain it . Many were grieved to see Justice in that sort abused , for maintaining a facrilegious possession ; but to have sent him back to England , with a Commission to reside there as Ambassador for the King , which likewise was done , was an errour inexcusable ; and how he and the Master of Gray , who was chiefe man in that led Assise , carried themselves in the Queen of Scotlands businesse , wherewith they were trusted , we will hear in the end of this year . In the Isles this Summer there arose great trouble betwixt Mackoneil , and Macklain , two principal men in those parts . Macklain , by his education in the continent , had learned civility and good manners , and living accordingly , was in great respect both with his own people , and all his neighbours about , Mackoneil out of an emulation made many quarrels to the other , and in end laid a plot to murther him ( though he had married his sister ) which he went about in this manner . He sent a message to Macklain offering to visit him at his house , and to stay some days , providing he would come back , and make merry with him in his countrey , that the world might see all injuries were forgotten , and that they loved one another as brethren , and good neighbours ought to do . Macklain answered , that he should be welcome , but for his going back with him , they should talk at meeting . Mackoneil receiving this answer , came the next day and was received very kindly by Macklain . Some four or five days he stayed , using the fairest shewes of amity that could be wished , and being to part homewards , intreated Macklain to go with him , saying , that he would leave his eldest son , and a brother-germane pledges for his safety : Macklain upon his importunity yielded to go , but refused the pledges , left he should seem to distrust him , and so went , taking with him of the trustiest of his kindred and servants , some 45. They arrived in Kyntire early in the morning , and all that day were welcomed with liberal feasting , according to that peoples custome . At night when they were gone to rest , Mackoneil beset the house , wherein Macklain and his people lay , with a number of men , and called him to come forth and drink ; he answered , that of drink they had too much , and that it was then time to rest . Yet it is my will , said Mackoneil , that ye arise and come forth . Macklain hearing this , began to suspect some bad dealing , and dressing himself and his men , did open the dore , where perceiving a company in Armes , and Mackoneil with his sword drawn ; he asked what the matter was , and if he meant to break his faith . No faith , said he , I gave none , and must now have an account of you , and your friends for the wrong I have received . Macklain had taken that night his nephew a little child to bed with him , and being put to his defence , kept the childe upon his left shoulder in manner of a targe . The childe cried for mercy to his Uncle : wherewith Mackoneil moved , did promise to spare his life , providing he would render his weapons , and become his prisoner . Macklain seeing no better , was content , and thereupon was conveighed with some keepers to another house ; All the rest ( two excepted ) upon the like promise rendred themselves . The two whom he refused to spare , defended the dore so desperately , as neither he nor his men durst enter : whereupon fire was put to the house , and they burnt within the same . The others that rendered , notwithstanding the promise given them , were all beheaded in Macklains sight , some of them the next morning , and the rest the days following . Macklain himself had gone the same way , but that it happened Mackoneil by a fall from his horse to break his leg , by which accident his execution was prolonged . In the mean time , upon notice given to the King of that barbarous fact , an Herauld was sent with a charge to deliver Macklain to the Earl of Argile ; but this availed not , but still he was detained and compelled to yeild vnto most unreasonable conditions , before he got his liberty ; which was no sooner obtained , then Macklain to revenge himself , fell upon Mackoneils bounds , burning and killing man wife and childe , without mercy ; and so took a cruel revenge of the others treachery . A little before this trouble in the Isles , Hugh Montgomry Earl of Eglington , a young Nobleman of good expectation , was likewise treacherously killed by certain Cunninghams , who envying the Noblemans worth ( otherwise they could pretend no just quarrel ) did conspire his death . The chief Actors , David Cunningham of Robert-land , Alexander Cunningham of Aiket , and Iohn Cunningham of Corsell , who were set on work by the Earl of Glencarne , upon promise that he should maintain them ; which afterwards he disclaimed . This unhappy fact did cost much blood , and was afterwards honourably revenged by Robert Master of Eglington , the Noblemans brother . In the moneth of Iune was the league with England concluded , which the year preceding had been carefully laboured , and by Commissioners sent from both Princes in a meeting at Berwick , accorded in this form . 1. That both their Majesties finding by the course of the present proceedings in forain parts , that divers Princes terming themselves Catholicks , and acknowledging the Popes authority , were joyned in confederacy for extirpating true Religion , not only within their own States and Dominions , but also in other Kingdomes ; left they should seem to be lesse solicitous for the defence thereof , then were their enemies who thought to overthrow the same ; have thought it necessary as well for the preservation of their own persons , on whose safety doth the Well of their subjects , depend , as for the better maintenance of the true ancient Christian Religion which they now professe , to joyn and unite themselves in a more strict league then hath been between any Princes their Progenitors . 2. That they should labour and procure by their best endevours to draw the Princes professing the same Religion to joyn and concurre with them in the like defence thereof . 3. That this league should be offensive and defensive against all that should attempt to disturb the exercise true Religion within their Kingdomes , notwithstanding of any former leagues of friendship or amity , contracted with the said attemptors . 4. That if any Prince or State whatsoever , should invade the Realms and Dominions of either of their Majesties , or attempt any injury against their persons or subjects ; upon notice thereof given or received , neither of them should yeild aid , counsel , advice , or support , directly or indirectly , to the said inuader , notwithstanding any consanguinity , affinity , league or treaty , made or to be made . That in case of invasion they should aid and assist each other in manner and form following . That is to say , if the Realm of England should be invaded by any forain forces in parts remote from the Realm of Scotland , the King upon signification made unto him by the Queen of England should furnish 2000 horsemen , and 5000 footmen , or a lesser number , as it shall please the said Queen to require , and should cause them be conducted from the borders of Scotland into any part of the Kingdom of England , upon the charges of the said Queen ; And in case the said Realm of Scotland be invaded in any part remote from the borders of England by any forain force , the Queen of England upon requisition made to her by the King , should furnish 3000 horsemen , and 6000 footmen , or a lesser number at the option of the said King , and shall cause them to be conducted to any part of the Realm of Scotland , upon the Kings charges . 6. That in case the invasion should be upon the North parts of the Realm of England , within 60 miles of the borders of Scotland , the King being required by the Queen , should gather all the forces he could make , and joyn with the English power for pursuing the said invaders , and keep them together for the space of thirty days or so much longer ( if it be required ) as the subjects of Scotland are usually accustomed to stay in the fields for the defence of their own Kingdom . 7. That upon any invasion or trouble arising in the Realm of Ireland , the King upon notice given to him thereof , should not only inhibit the repair thither of any of the inhabitants of Argile , Isles and places adjacent , or any other parts of his dominions ; but also if it shall happen them or any of them to go into Ireland with a number extraordinary , and in hostile manner , the King upon signification of the same , should denonnce them his Rebels , and pursue them as Traitors . 8. That neither of their Majesties should hereafter aid , supply , assist or entertain the Rebels or adversaries of the other , nor permit them to reside either privately or publickly in any part of their dominions , but upon the first requisition of the Prince , to whom they are Rebels , they should undelayedly be delivered according to the old leagues and treaties , or then expulsed forth of their dominions , and redresse made for any injuries they should happen to commit , during their abode in the same . 9. That all controversies about matters of borders or wrongs committed in the Marches since the time of the Kings accepting the government in his own person , and by the space of four years preceding ; should be friendly determined and satisfied at the sight of Commissioners to be appointed on both sides , who should meet at the within six moneths after the date of the presents , and decide thereupon . 10. That neither of their Majesties should enter into any league or treaty ( without the consent of the other , by letters signed with their hands under their privy signet ) with any other Prince or State whatsoever , to the prejudice of the present Treaty . 11. That all former treaties betwixt their Majesties progenitors , and both Realms , notwithstanding any discontinuance thereof , should stand in full force , so farre as they should not be found derogatory to the present treaty , and that this treaty should not infringe any league made by either of their Majesties or their progenitors , with other their friends and confederates , in any time by-gone , the cause of Religion onely excepted , wherein the present league is declared to be offensive and defensive . 12. That both their Majesties should confirm the league by their oathes and great Seals , which should be interchanged , and mutually delivered to others . 13. Lastly , that the King at his coming to the perfect age of 25. years , should cause the present league to be ratified by the States of the Kingdome ; like as the Queen at the same time should cause it to be confirmed in her Parliament of England These were the Articles of the league concluded at Berwick , and signed by Francis Earl Bothwel , Robert Lord Boyd , and Sir Iames Home of Coldinknowes , Commissioners for the King ; As likewise by Edward Earl of Rutland , William Lord Evers , and Sir Thomas Randolph , Commissioners for the Queen of England . It was believed , that this amity contracted with such deliberation should have continued firm ; for ( besides the publick league ) the Queen had sent to the King a letter under her own hand , wherein she did faithfully promise to suffer nothing to be done , that might derogate or prejudge his right and title to the Crown of England . And for a further demonstration of her kindnesse , had presented him with a gift of annuity answerable to the lands possessed by the Lady Lennox in her time , which the King by divers Ambassadours had formerly required , as due to him . Yet a few moneths after , brake out a businesse that put them in worse terms then before , and was with no small difficulty pacified ; the story whereof shall next be related . The Queen of Scots being touched in the trial of Babingtons conspiracy , as having interchanged divers letters with him , a consultation was kept concerning her , and what was fittest to be done ; for they considered that all the conspiracies made against the Queen of England , being chiefly intended in hope of the Scottish Queen her succession so long as she lived , their Soveraign should never be secured , and that therefore the surest course was to put her out of the way ; But how this should be done , the opinions were different . The Earl of Leicester advising to dispatch her secretly by poyson , Secretary Walsingham did mightily oppose it , as that which would draw upon the Queen both danger and dishonour , and besides , in it self was a thing injust , and no better then a cruel murther . Wherefore his opinion was , that the course of Law should be kept , and Commission given for making her process , and as the trial should prove , for giving sentence and judgement . This opinion prevailing , certain Noblemen Counsellours and Judges were chosen for the businesse , who meeting at the Castle of Fotheringham ( where the Queen of Scots was kept ) the eleventh of October , and calling her before them , did charge her with the said conspiracy , and entercourse of letters . She refusing to answer , and be tried as a subject , being her self an absolute Queen ; they notthelesse went on , and finding her guilty , pronounced the sentence of death ; which was shortly thereafter confirmed by the Estates of Parliament , and a supplication therewith delivered to the Queen for putting their decree in execution . How soon the King was advertised hereof , he sent William Keith Gentleman of his chamber to the Queen , with a letter to this effect . That howbeit it seemed strange to him that the Nobility and Counsellors of England should take upon them to give sentence upon a Queen of Scotland , and one descended of the Royal blood of England , yet he would think it much more strange , if she should stain her hands with the blood of his mother , who was of the same Royal condition with her self , and of the same sexe : which as he could not believe , would enter into her heart to do ; so if it should be , he desired her to consider how much it touched him in honour , that was both a King and a sonne , to suffer his mother an absolute Prince , to be put to an infamous death . No answer being returned to this , upon new advertisement that the Queen was like to be drawn by the importunity of her Estates to give way to the execution , he wrote to William Keith more sharply , requiring him to shew the Queen how unjust he held that proceeding against his mother , and that it did neither agree with the will of God , who prohibiteth to touch his anointed ones , nor with the law of Nations ; That an absolute Prince should be sentenced and judged by subjects : and if she would be the first to give that pernicious example of profaning her own and other Princes Diadems , to remember her , that both in respect of nature and honour it concerned him to be revenged of so great an indignity ; which if he should not do , he should peril his credit both at home and abroad ; and therefore willed him for to labour for a delay , untill he should send an Ambassadour with overtures that might content and satisfy her Majesty . For by a letter sent from Mr. Archibald Douglas that stayed as Leiger in England , he found him not well disposed in the businesse , and thereupon resolved to employ a more honourable person , and one of greater trust William Keith having intreated the Queen for a delay , when as he could not obtain the same , did shew her the direction he had received from the King : at which she grew into such a passion , that if Leicester and others of the Councel who stood by , had not pacified her ( saying that the King did only request that his mother might be well used , which was a thing natural , and in him an honourable part ; and that some ill affected persons possibly had stirred him up to write so sharply ) she had simply refused him any more hearing . But after she had calmed a little she said , That she would give no answer in anger , and would think of it to the next morning . At which time calling him again , she said , That no precipitation should be used , and if any did come from the King within a few days , she would stay all proceeding to that time , and be glad to hear such overtures , as might save the Queen of Scots life , and assure her own . The King advertised of this , and conceiving some hope that matters would draw to an agreement , wrote of new to the Queen , and shewed he was sorry to understand that his letter sent to William Keith , had been construed as if he did threaten her and her Estates , whereas his purpose was only to inform her of the rumours going in the countrey , and how much his subjects were moved at these forms of proceeding with their Queen . That for himself , he knew well enough how hardly she was pressed by objecting unto her the perill of her own life ; and that he never blamed her directly for any thing that was done . Therefore prayed her to accompt him her most honest and stedfast friend , since he never had nor should deserve any other at her hand , and that for his sake she would continue any proceeding against his mother , till his overtures should be heard , which the Master of Gray should bring with him , who was to take journey on the Saterday following . This letter was speedily carried to the Queen , which gave her some content , for thereby she perceived the rumours to be vain which were dispersed , that he was minded to break the league , and denounce warre . The King in the mean time having convocated the Estates , and imparted to them the case wherein his mother stood , had very liberal promises given him , and a present supply of money granted for dispatch of his Ambassadour . And being advised by the Estates to joyn Sir Robert Melvil in Commission with the Master of Gray , as one that had served his mother long , and was truly affected unto her , the Commission was given to them both , and they put in equal trust . So parting from Halirudhouse the 20th of December , they came to London the penult of the moneth . The next day Master Archtbald Douglas being sent to desire audience , the same was refused upon information that they had been with Monsieur Bellieur the French Ambassadour , who was imployed in the same errand , and had parted from the Queen in wrath ; yet the contrary being shewed , and that they refused to make any visit till they had prefence of her Majesty , they had accesse granted the first of Ianuary . At her first meeting she quarrelled the letter sent to William Keith , asking if they were sent with the like threats . They answering that his Majesties letter might receive a good construction , and that he had interpreted himself by another , directed since that time to her Majesties self , she brake forth into these speeches , I am unmeasurably sorry that there can be no means found to save the life of your Kings mother , and assure mine own , I have laboured to conserve the life of us both , but now I see it cannot be done . The Ambassadour replied , that the case was nothing so desperate , and that means would be found to put her Majesty in assurance ; yet because they perceived her to be somewhat commoved , they did not think meet to enter at that time more deeply in the businesse . At their second audience which was on the tenth day , the Queen begun with them , in this sort . A thing long looked for , should be good when it cometh ; I would now hear what are your Kings offers . The Master ( as having the first place ) answered , no man makes offer , but for some cause . If it like your Majesty , we desire to know if the person be extant for whom we offer , ( for the rumour went constantly that the execution was past . ) As yet , said the Queen , I think she be , but will not promise an hour . Nay said the Master , we come not to shift , but to offer from our Soveraign whatsoever in reason can be required ; specially , that he shall interpose his credit in behalf of his mother , and give the chief of his Nobility for pledges , that no plot nor practise should be contrived against your Majesty with her knowledge or privity : or if that be not sufficient , and that it shall please your Majesty to set her at liberty , and send her into Scotland , a course shall be taken for securing your Majesty from all such attempts by her occasion . The Queen calling the Earl of Leicester , with the Lords Admiral and Chamberlain , who were nigh by , repeated in their hearing these offers , setting them all at nought : whereupon the Master took occasion to ask , What should move any man to attempt against her Majesty for the Queen of Scots ? Because said the Queen , they think she shall succeed to me , and that she is a Papist . And if these means shall be taken away , said the Master , apparently the danger will cease . This , sayes the Queen , I would be glad to understand . If her right succession to England shall be made over in our Soveraigns person ( said he ) Papists will have no more hope , and this I think the Queen his mother will dimit and resign to him . But she hath no right , said the Queen , for she is declared incapable of succession . And if she have no right , said the Master , the hope of Papists ceaseth , and it is not to be feared that they will enterprise for her . But the Papists , said the Queen , do not allow our Declaration . Then let it fall , said he , in the Kings person by her resignation . The Earl of Leicester ob●ecting that she was a prisoner , and could not dimit , the Master answered , That the dimission being made to her son , with the advice of all the friends in Europe , in case ( as God forbid ) the Queen by any attempt should be cut off , she would have none to partake with her against her son , all the princes her friends standing obliged for her resignation , that it should be valid and effectual to her son . The Queen making as though she did not understand him , the Earl of Leicester said , that the Ambassadours meaning was , that the king should be in his Mothers place , Is it so ? sayes the Queen , then I put my self in worse case before ; By Gods passion ( this was her oath ) that were to cut mine own throat : he shall never come in that place , and be party to me . The Master answered , that he would be more party , if he should come in his Mothers place through her death . Well , said the Queen , tell your King what I have done for him , to keep the Crown on his head since he was born , and that for my part , I mind to keep the league that stands betwixt us ; which if he break , it shall be a double fault . And with these words she made away ; Sir Robert Melvil following her , requested for some eight days continuance of the execution , whereunto she answered , Not an hour . The King advertised of this conference , and that nothing but extremity was to be expected , wrote with his own hand to the Master of Gray , as followeth . Reserve your self no longer in your dealing for my mother , for you have done it too long , and think not that any thing will do good if her life be lost , for then adicu with further dealing with that State. Therefore if you look for the continuance of my favour , spare no pains nor plainnesse in this case , but read my letter written to William Keith , and conform your self wholly to the contents thereof , and in this let me reap the fruits of your great credit there , either now or never . Farewell . But before this letter came unto the Master , he was drawn upon another course and made more cold in the businesse , and ( as the fame went ) had taken upon him to pacify the King , though the execution proceeded . Mean while the Earl of Leicester wrote to the King a letter , wherein not obscurely shewing what was resolved , he advised him to deal more moderately in that matter of his mother , her cause not being worth the losing of such a friend as the Queen his Soveraign was . For albeit no man , said he , can blame your Majesty to speak for the safety of your mothers life ; yet under your favour , your Majesty being a Prince and a King , you ought to weigh without partiality the case of other Kings and Princes , as if it might be your own . Iustice should in the bosome of all Princes have such place , that whatsoever affection may draw them , if the thing which any of them doth for the preservation of their own life and estate be warranted , it ought to be borne withall by others . And proceeding in this manner , he said , Let the case of the Queen my Soveraign be made your Majesties , and that any King or Prince being in your hands , claiming title to your Crown , would raise warre within your Realm against you , or conspire with traitors within your Court or countrey to kill you ; in that case I would fain know what would be thought fit by any faithful or good subject of yours , that you should do to such a one ? Nay , give me leave I humbly beseech you , to ask even of your self , what you would think fit in such a case : there is no other difference , but that this offence is done to the Queen Majesty by your mother . And after that a little ( for the letter is long ) If my plain speech may be without offence to your Majesty , I would wish you to think well of this case : remember how near it is to you , and how much nearer it may be to you ; it is seen to all the world wherefore the life of our Mistris is sought , whose death may be as farre out of your way , as your mothers liberty hath heretofore been dangerous to your estate . And if it be true which I have heard , your Majesties self by her will , had as well been dispossessed of the possession of that you have , as defeated of any remainder you thought to have interest in . And therefore as Kings be , and ought to be jealous of their own estate , so I doubt not but your Majesty will deeply consider of this case of your mothers , wherein you may perform both the Office of a Son , and of a King. And as I have always advised you , so do I still , except for a just cause ( which I am perswaded you shall never have ) give not her Majesty any cause to conceive a breach of love and friendship on your part . She is the person and Prince in the world , that may do you most good or most harm ; let no perswasion or device make you think otherwise : the world is full of practise , and the worst heads most busy , &c. At the same time Secretary Walsingham writing to the Lord Thirlstan the Kings Secretary , with whom he kept intelligence , declared that it was wondred by all wise and religious men in England , that the King should be so earnest in the cause of his mother , seeing all the Papists in Europe that affected the change of Religion in both Realms , did build their hopes altogether upon her , and that she had shewed her self so passionate in point of Religion , as she had transferred her pretended right to both the Crowns untothe King of Spain , in case the King her son should persist in his profession . It is true that such informations were given out amongst the Papists to divert the King from constancy in his profession , but that any such tranflation was made by her it is not probable , and a thing not to be believed ; her Declaration at the time of her death being far other , as we shall hear ; Albeit a Popish Abbot descriving the life of Laurens the Cardinal , who was at that time Protector of the Scottish Nation , affirmeth the foresaid translation to have been in his hands , and to have been delivered to him by Count Olivarez the Spanish Ambassadour at Rome . But that doth merit little credit : such forged titles would perhaps have served , if the enterprise of the 88. had succeeded , but they are now of little purpose . The King perceiving by all these letters that the death of his mother was determined , called back his Ambassadours ; and at home gave order to the Ministers to remember her in their publick prayers : which they denied to do , though the form prescrived was most Christian and lawful : which was , that it might please God to illuminate her with the light of his truth , and save her from the apparent danger wherein she was cast . Upon their denial charges were directed to command all Bishops , Ministers , and other office-bearers in the Church , to make mention of her distresse in their publick prayers , and commend her to God in the form appointed . But of all the number , Mr. David Lindesay at Leth , and the Kings own Ministers , gave obedience . At Edinburgh , where the disobedience was most publick , the King purposing to have their fault amended , did appoint the third of February for solemn prayers to be made in her behalf , commanding the Bishop of S. Andrews to prepare himself for that day ; which when the Ministers understood , they stirred up Mr. Iohn Cowper a young man not entered as yet in the function , to take the Pulpit before the time , and exclude the Bishop . The King coming at the hour appointed , and seeing him in the place , called to him from his seat , and said , Mr. Iohn , that place was destinate for another , yet since you are there , if you will obey the charge that is given , and remember my mother in your prayers , you shall go on ; he replying , he would do as the spirit of God should direct him , was commanded to leave the place : and making as though he would stay , the Captain of the Guard went to pull him out ; whereupon he burst forth in these speeches , This day shall be a witnesse against the King , in the great day of the Lord : and then denouncing a woe to the inhabitants of Edinburgh , he went down , and the Bishop of S. Andrews , entering the Pulpit , did perform the duty required . The noise was great for a while amongst the people , but after they were quieted , and had heard the Bishop ( as he was a most powerful Preacher ) out of that text to Timothy , discourse of the duty of Christians in praying for all men , they grieved fore to see their teachers so farre overtaken , and condemned their obstinacy in that point . In the afternoon Cowper was called before the Councel , where Mr. Walter Balcanquel , and Mr. William Watson Ministers , accompanying him , for some idle speeches that escaped them , were both discharged from preaching in Edinburgh , during his Majesties pleasure , and Cowper sent prisoner to Blackness . The Queen of Scots some moneths before , having notice given her of the sentence pronounced against her , and being willed to prepare her self for death , was nothing thereby dejected , but thanked God for that her sorrowful life was now to end , intreated the Queen of England by her letters , for three things : First , that her body might be carried by her servants into France , to be buried besides her mother . Next , that she should not to be put to death secretly , but in the presence of her servants and others , who might bear witnesse of her dying in Christ , against the false rumours which her adversaries might disperse of her . Thirdly , that her servants might have leave to go whither they would , and enjoy the mean legacies she had bequeathed unto them in her Testament ; which things she requested , in the name of Iesus Christ , by the soul and memory of Henry the 7th Progenitor to them both , and by the royal honour and title which she had carried . In the same letters she complained of the indignity done unto her , in the taking away of her royal furniture , and that her keepers did use her without that respect which was due to her estate and birth . But to none of these desires was any answer given , the Queen of England dissembling that she had received any such letter . Yet was she much perplexed and doubtful what to do , whether to take her out of the way or not . If she should be spared , she doubted the Noblemen who had given sentence against her , would take it ill , and perhaps run other courses to free themselves from her malice ; and to take her away , she knew it would be interpreted a great cruelty on her part , as likewise that the King her son would be sore displeased : for albeit that the Master of Gray at his parting from her , had in private given hopes that the Kings title being reserved , and no prejudice made thereto by the sentence given against his mother , her death would be forgotten ; yet Sir Robert Melvil who was joyned in Commission with him had assured her , if rigour were used , that friendship would no longer be kept . Debating thus with her self some days upon the most expedient , she signed a warrant for the execution , and gave it to Davison one of her Secretaries to be passed the great Seal : which was no sooner done , then repenting the direction , she told him that she would take another way . But having before communicated the Warrant with the Councel , they presently sent Beal their Clerk with the Mandate and Letters to the Earls of Shrewsbury , Kent , Derby , and Cumberland , to see the same performed . The Earls accompanied with the Sheriffe of the Shire and Justices of Peace , came to Fotheringham on Tuesday the 7th of February , and having signified the cause of their coming , willed the Queen to prepare her self to die , for that she was to suffer the next morning . She was no way moved , as it seemed , and said , I did not think that Queen Elizabeth my Sister , would have consented to my death , but since it is so , death is to me most welcome . That soul is not worthy of the heavens joyes , whose body cannot endure one blow of the hangman : only I will request , said she , that I may speak with my Confessor , and Melvil my Steward . It was answered , that her Confessor would not be permitted to come unto her , but she should have the Bishop , or Dean of Peterborow who were nigh by to give her comfort . She replied , They are of another profession , and cannot be sit comforters to me : but since you will not allow my Confessor to come at me , I will comfort my self in God. Some other speeches passed amongst them touching Babington , and her Secretaries , No , and Curle , who had both confessed the enterchange of letters with Babington ; after which the Earls departed ; she calling for supper , commanded her servants to make haste , that she might have leisure to set things in order . Having supped sparingly ( as her custome was ) she made an Inventory of her goods and moveables , setting down the names of those , for whom she appointed them ; & unto some she gave money with her own hand . This done , she wrote unto her Confessor , intreating him to pray unto God for her ; and a few lines to the French King , and Duke of Guise , in behalf of her servants ; at the ordinary hour she went to bed and slept some hours quietly , after which having awaked , she spent the rest of the night in prayer . The day beginning to break , she apparelled her self as she was wont to do on the Festival days , and calling together her servants , shewed unto them her Will , desiring them to take in good part the Legacies she had bequeathed unto them since her means were at the time no better ; and then gave her self wholly to devotion . About eight of the clock , the Sheriffe of the Shire named named Thomas Andrews entered the Chappel , where she was praying on her knees , and told her that all was ready : and , I am likewise , said she . Thus arising , she came forth to her Chamber of presence , where she made a short speech to her servants , willing them to fear God , and live vertuously : and so kissing her women , and giving the men-servants her hand to kisse , she bad them farewel . The Earls and other Gentlemen meeting her , she shewed a most chearful countenance , nothing dejected , but looking grave and devout , with a Crucifix of Ivory in her hands . As she was going towar●s the Hall , where she was to suffer , when Andrew Melvil her Steward did bewaile his mishap , in that he should be the carrier of the news of his Ladies death into Scotland , she said , Do not lament , but rather be glad , for thou shalt straightway see Mary Stewart delivered from all her cares ; you may tell them , that I die constant in my Rel●gion , and firm in affection towards Scotland and France . Hitherto thou haft served me faithfully , and howbeit I take thee to be in Religion a Protestant , and I my self am Catholick , yet seeing there is but one Christ , I charge thee upon thine accompt to him , that thou carry these my last wo●ds to my sonne , and shew that I pray him to serve God , to defend the Catholick Church , and govern his Kingdom in peace , and n●ver to put himself in the power of another , as I have done . Certify him that I have done nothing pre●udicial to the Crown of Scotland , and will him to keep friendship wi●h the ●ueen England and serve thou him faithfully . With these words some tears falling from her e●e , she bad him farewell . After this , she was brought to the Hall , in the midst whereof , over against the Chimney ( where was a great fire ) a scaffold was erected of two foot high , and twe●ve ●oot broad , h●ving two steps to ascend ; the Scaffold was railed about almost a yard high , and all covered with black cloth , as were the Chair , Stools , and block , and Cu●hions to kneel upon . Before she went up turning to the Earls , she requested that her servants might stand by at her death ; They answered , that their passionate weeping would diquiet her and do no good else . Nay , said she , I will promise for them , they shall not do so : it is but a small favour , and such as Queen Elizabeth would not deny me , to have my maids present . She named Melvil her Steward , Bu●got● her Physician , her Apothecary , and Chirurgeon , with two maids . Being on the Scaffold , and silence made ; the Cle●k of the Councel did read the Commission , which she listened to , as it had been some other matter . That ended , the Dean of Pe●erburrow began to remember her of her present condition , and to comfort her in the best way he could ; she interrupting his speech , willed him to hold his peace , for that she would not hear him . An when excusing himself , that what he did was by command of her Majesties Councel , he began again to speak , Peace Mr. Dean , said she , I have nothing to do with you , nor you with me . The Noblemen desiring him not to trouble her further , she said , That is best , for I am setled in the ancient Catholick Religion , wherein I was born and bred , and new will die in the same . The Earl of Kent saying , that as yet they would not cease to pray unto God for her , that he would vouchsafe to open her eyes , and enlighten her mind with the knowledge of his truth , that she might die therein . She answered , That you may do at your pleasure , but I will pray by my self . So the Dean conceiving a prayer , and all the company following him , she likewise prayed aloud in the Latin Tongue ; and when the Dean had finished , she in the English Language commended unto God the estate of the afflicted Church ; prayed for her sonne , that he might prosper and live happily , and for Queen Elizabeth that she might live long , and govern her subjects peace bly●a●ding , that she hoped only to be saved by the blood of Christ , at the fee● of whose picture presented on the Crucifix , she would willingly shed her blood . Then lifting up the ●rucifix and kissing it , she said , As thy arms O Christ , were spread abroad on the Cr●sse so with the on stretched Armes of thy mercy receive me , and forgive me my sins . This said she rose up , and was by two of her women disrobed of her upper garments , the executioners offering their help , and putting to their hands , she put them back saying , She was not accustomed to be served with such grooms , nor dressed before such a multitude . Her upper robe taken off , she did quickly lose her doublet , which was laced on the back , and putting on her Armes a pair of silken sleeves , her body covered with a smock only , she kissed her maids again , and bad them farewel . They bursting forth in tears , she said , I promised for you that you should be quiet , get you hence , and remember me . After which , kneeling down most resolutely , and with the least token of fear that might be , having her eyes covered with a handkerchief , she repeated the Psalm , In te , Domine , confido , ne confundar in aeternum . Then stretching forth her body with great quietnesse , and laying her neck over the block , she cried aloud , In manus tuas , Domine , commendo spiritum meum . One of the executioners holding down her hands , the other at two blowes cut off her head ; which falling out of her attire , seemed to be somewhat gray . All things about her were taken from the executioners , and they not suffered to carry their Aprons , or anything else with them that her blood had touched , the clothes and block were also burnt , her body embalmed , and in solemn manner buried in the Cathedral Church at Peterburrow ; and after many years taken up by the King her son , and interred at Westminster amongst the rest of the Kings . This was the end of Queen Maries life , a Princesse of many rare vertues , but crossed with all the crosses of Fortune , which never any did bear with greater courage and magnanimity to the last . Upon her return from France , for the first two or three years , she carried her self most worthily ; but then giving ear to some wicked persons , and transported with the passion of revenge , for the indignity done unto her in the murther of David Rizio her Secretary , she fell into a Labyrinth of troubles , which forced her to flee into England ; where after 19. years captivity , she was put to death in the manner yon have heard . Nigh unto her Sepulchre at Peterburrow was affixed at the time , by some friend that bewayled her death , this inscription . MARIA Scotorum Regina , Regis filia , Regis Gallorum vidua , Regina Angliae agnata , & haeres proxima , virtutibus Regiis , & animo Regio ornata , jure regio frustra saepius implorato , barbara , & tyrannica ●rudelitate , ornamentum nostri seculi , & lumen vere regium extinguitur ; eodémque nefario judicio , & MARIA Scotorum Regina , morte naturali , & omnes superstites Reges plebeii facti morte mulctantur , hîc extat . Cum sacris enim vivae MARIAE cineribus , omnium Regum atque Principum violatam atque prostratam Majestatem hîc jacere scito : & quia tacitum regale satis superque Reges sui officit monet , plura non addo , viator . That is , MARY Queen of Scotland , daughter of a King , Widow of the King of France , kinswoman and next heir to the Queen of England , adorned with royal vertues , and a Princely spirit ; having often , but in vain implored to have the right due to a Prince done unto her , the ornament of our age , and mirrour of Princes , by a barbarous and tyrannical cruelty is cut off ; And by one and the same infamous judgement , both MARY Queen of Scotland is punished with death , and all Kings living are made liable to the same : A strange and uncouth kind of grave this is , wherein the living are included with the dead ; for with the Ashes of this blessed MARY , thou shalt know , that the Majesty of all Kings and Princes lies here depressed , and violated . But because the regal secret doth admonish all Kings of their duty , Travellour , I will say no more . The Authour was not known , nor could be found out , so it was taken away . But as soon as it was told the Queen , that the execution was done , she grieved exceedingly , and put on a mourning habit , laying all the fault upon Secretary Davison , to whom she had said , that she would take another way . Mean while she sent Mr. Robert Cary one of the Lord Hunsdons sons to the King , with this letter of her own hand-writing . My dear brother , I would you knew , though not felt , the extreme dolour that overwhelmeth my mind , for that miserable accident which farre contrary to my meaning hath befalne . I have sent this kinsman of mine , whom ere now it hath pleased you to favour , to instract you truly of that , which is too irksome for my pen to tell you . I beseech you , that as God , and many no know , how innocent I am in this case , so you will believe me , that if I had done it , I would have abode by it ; I am not so base minded , that the fear of any living creature , should make me afraid to do what is just , or done , to deny the same , I am not so degenerate , nor carry so vile a mind ; but as not to disguise , fits most a King , so will I never dissemble my actions , but cause them sh●w as I mean them . This assure your self for me , that as I know it was deserved , if I had meant it , I would never over anothers shoulders , and to impute to my self that , which I did not so much as think of , I will not . The circumst●nces you will be pleased to hear of this bearer : And for my part , think you have not in the world a more loving kinswoman , and more dear friend , nor any tha● will watch more carefully to preserve you and your state . And if any would otherwise perswade you , think they bear more good will to others , then to you . Thus in haste , I leave to trouble you , beseeching God to send you a long Reign . Your most assured loving Sister and Cousen , ELIZABETH : R. The King denying him presence and refusing to receive his Letters , he advertised the Queen , who willed him if he could not find accesse to his Majesty , to deliver his Message , and Letters to some of the Councel , if it should be the Kings pleasure to take information from them . This after the delay of a few days was ye●ded unto , and with the Letters a writing delivered to be shewed his Majesty of this Tenour . WHereas the Queens Majesty my Mistris , desiring to have your Majesty certified aright of the death of the Queen your mother , and in what sort the same was done , hath commanded me , since I am denied your presence , to declare my message to certain of your Councel ; I have thought best to put it in writing , because words may be mistaken , and my charge this way better performed . First , she commanded me to assure your Majesty that it never entered in her thought to put the Queen your mo●her to death , notwithstanding the daily p●●swasions of her Councel , th●supplications of the Nobility , Knights , and Gentlemen , and the hourely outcries of her poor people and commonalty , wherewith she was wearied , and out of measure grieved to see their determination fixed that way . And that upon advertisements coming every day unto her , of th preparation of ships and men , both in France and Spain , to invade her Realm ; and reports ●f the breaking open of Fotheringham Castle , and the Queen your mothers escape ; lest she should in any such extremity be unprovided , she had signed a Warrant to her Councel , for doing what they thought best with your mother ; which warrant she delivered to her Secretary Mr. Davison to be kept , not intending it should be given out of his hands , except some invasion from abroad , or insurrection of Rebels at home , were made to procure her liberty . But her Secretary otherwise then she had purposed , having shewed the Warrant to two or three of the Councel , they called the whole number together , and presently sent a mandate for her execution ; which was done , she protests to God , before she knew of it . Hereupon the Secretary is committed , and will not escape her high displeasure . This is the effect of my message , which if I could expresse so lively , as I did hear her utter it with a heavy heart , and sorrowful countenance ; I think your Majesty would rather pity the grief which she endureth , then in any sort blame her for the fact whereunto she never gave consent . This Declaration gave the King no content , for he could not think that her Councel would have presumed without her own knowledge to take the life of his mother ; and for the censure of the Secretary , he did esteem it but a mockery , and not a repairing of the wrong he had received . Neither wanted he persons about him to sharpen him to take rev●nge . Some out of a desire to have all things troubled ; others out of the hatred they bare to Religion , and some truly resenting the injury as done to the whole nation . Which when the Queen understood , and that her messenger was returned without audience , she laboured by her Ministers , of whom she was ever well furnished , to pacifie his mind , and divert him from the Warre he had intended . These working privately with the Kings chief Counsellours , and such of his chamber as he was known to affect , dealt so , as they kept off things from breaking forth unto open hostility , which was every day expected . Secretary Walsingham first by a long letter , directed to the Lord Thirlstane , who was then in most credit , and had the chief administration of affairs , proponed divers weighty and important considerations , that should keep the King from taking any such resolution . Because the letter contained the very true reasons , that in end moved his Majesty to forhear violence , and take a more calm course , I thought meet to set it down word by word , as it standeth in the Original . SIr , being absent from Court , when the late execution of the Queen your Soveraigns mother happened , I did forthwith upon my return impart to Mr. Douglas some things concerning the course was conceived here , by your said Soveraigns best friends , fit to be holden in this remedilesse accident for continuance of peace and amity between the two Crowns , as a thing for the weal of both Nations to be desired . But finding him unwilling to meddle therewith , I have thought good to write to the same effect unto your self . The rather for that I presently understand , by some advertisements out of that countrey , that the death of the Queen is likely to breed so strange an alienation of his Majesties mind towards this Realm , tending ( as is reported ) wholly to violence , and to revenge of that which hath been so necessarily done by the whole body of the same ; whereof , as for mine own part , I should be right sorry , so it is generally hoped , that his Majesty being of that singular judgement himself , by the good help and advice of such as you are , in credit and authority about him , men of wisdom and experience , whom he will hear ; this mischief will notwithstanding be carefully and prudently prevented , considering how every way , all things being rightly weighed , this course will be found prejudicial as well to your said Soveraigns estate , as to his reputation , if he resolve to persist therein . For first , the enterprise will undoubtedly be condemned in the sight of all such as shall not be transported with some particular passion : for that they shall see , that he takes Armes for revenge of an Action , besides the necessity wherein it is grounded , full of so honourable and just proceedings , as howsoever the effect was contrary to their liking , the manner thereof by the late Queens great favourers , could not but be approved and allowed . And as on the one side , the King your Soveraign oppugning the course of Justice , of so unlawful , unjust , and desperate a quarrel , cannot be expected any other thing , then a most unhappy and miserable issue : so we being assured that in the defence of Justice the assistance of his mighty arm will not fail us , whose judgement this was , need not to fear whatsoever man shall attempt to the contrary against this Realm . But not to stand upon the justnesse of the quarrel , which every man perhaps will not so much regard ; It would be considered what means your Soveraign shall have to go through with such an enterprise , if he take it in hand . For the forces of his own Realm , being so farre inferiour to these in England , no man is so simple , but seeth it were no way safe for his Majesty , trusting only thereto , to make head against the power of this land ; neither is it thought that any man will be found so unadvised , as to wish him so to do . But as it may be , that a great number for lack of understanding are carried away with such vain discourses , as some without solid ground imagine of that might be done in this case , by a King of Scotland , backed and assisted ( as they conceive in the aire ) with the French , and Spanish aid ; so it is likely enough , there shall not want those , that either satisfaction of their private passions , or supply of their necessities , or better affectionating some other their private designes ; would be content to serve themselves of this present publick occasion and opportunity : who will propound , and promise also more to his Majesty of such forain assistance , then they know in their consciences can be performed , if he would declare himself enemy to this Realm ; which that he should , ( though to his own ruine ) the enemies of both Realms will do what they can to procure . But men of wisdom and understanding , laying before their eyes as well the accustomed delayes , and after long solicitation and pursuit , the simple supplies and support , commonly found at these forain Potentates hands ; as also , how doubtful and uncertain the successe of warre may prove , England ( God be thanked ) being so prepared , and in case to defend it self , both otherwise , and by the conjunction of Holland and Zelands forces by Sea , in respect whereof this Realm need not fear , what all the Potentates of Europe being bended against us , can do for to annoy the same ; Due consideration , I say , being taken hereof , you will easily judge and find , how vain it were for your Soveraign upon so uncertain hopes to embark himself and estate in an unnecessary warre . But much more if you shall consider , what a sequell and train of dangers and hazards this warre draweth therewith , the consequence whereof , reacheth to whatsoever your Soveraign possesseth , or hopeth for in this life . For escaping to be slain in field , if he should happen to be taken prisoner ; or be constrained to retire himself out of the Realm , ( things that have fallen out oft in experience ) and then having incensed this whole Realm against him , he should be disabled from any right in the succession of this Crown , ( as authority is given to do it by the same Statute , whereby they proceeded against the mother ) for attempting the invasion of this land , what extremity should he be reduced unto ? And truly it could not otherwise be , the ancient enmity between the two Nations now forgotten , being by drawing blood one of another again , likely to be in such sort revived , as it would be impossible to make them like of a Prince of that Nation , and specially him who had been upon so unjust a ground the authour of that unfortunate breach . Besides , that the greatest part of the ancient Nobility , by whose judgement the late Queen was condemned , and the rest of the principal Gentlemen of the Realm , who confirmed the same in Parliament , should have just cause to adventure any thing even to the marching over their bellies , rather then to yeild to his government , who carrying such a vindictive minde , they might doubt would one day call their lives and honours in question . And as for the remedy and relief which he might attend ( standing in these terms ) of forain Princes ; there are many examples of the former ages , and within fresh memory . As the King of Navarres Grandfather by the mothers side , and Christiern King of Denmark , both were allied to Francis the first , and Charles the fist , two of the mightiest Potentates that reigned in long time ; And that this present Don Antonio may suffice for ensamples , to teach all Princes , if they can avoid it , to beware how they fall into that state whereby they shall be inforced to seek their own by other Potentates means . Princes are not so ready in these days , to embrace other mens quarrels , but where they are extraordinarily interressed in their own fortunes . Wherefore I doubt not , but it will be seen by men of judgement , not transported with passion , or led away with private respects ; that it should be every way the only best course for your Soveraign , by a good and kind usage of her Majesty , and by shewing that Princely moderation ; as well in this grievous accident of his mothers death , as his whole proceeding with this Realm , ( which the excellency of his Highness education seemeth to promise ) to seek to win the hearty good wills of this Realm , as the chief and principal assurance he can in any sort obtain . For to trust or depend either upon the French King , or the King of Spain , as if by their assistance he might attain to the present possession of this Crown , which be indeed the only two Potentates , whom he must have recourse unto , if he reject the Amity of England , whosoever shall so counsel your Soveraign , as things presently stand , shall in the judgement of men of best understanding , bewray great want either of fidelity or judgement , drawing his Majesty unto so untoward and desperate a course . For it is no way safe for any Prince to repose his trust and strength upon their favour and assistance , to whose desires and designes his greatnesse may yeild any impeachment and hinderance ; so were it clearly against common reason to expect other support and assistance from them , then might stand with their own commodities and pretensions , in respect whereof neither of the two foresaid Kings can simply and roundly joyn with your Soveraign to his good . First , his Religion being odious to them both , and likely to prove most prejudicial to the Catholick cause , he growing so great , as he should be made by the union of the two Crowns , the consideration whereof , caused his mothers affairs to stick a long time , and made now in end leave him quite out of the reckoning , ordaining the King of Spain her heir , if her son became not Catholick . Next , it is meerly repugnant to the policy of France , were it but in respect of the ancient claim England maketh to that Crown , to suffer the uniting of this Island under one Prince . They have been content in former times , when England had a footing in France , to serve themselves of your Nation , therewith to annoy this Realm , by the means of diverting or dividing the forces thereof ; and so perhaps the Politicks of France can be content to wish at this day , by your Soveraigns quarrel , or any other such like , to be eased of the burthen , and miseries of the present Warre wherewith they are plagued , by transporting the same into this Island . But as this Realm hath good means to prevent that mischief if it were intended , so were your Soveraign to look , when all were done , but to be made an instrument , as his predecessors have been , of the effusion of much Scottish blood for French quarrels , and the desolation of that Realm . And as things stand presently in France , it is not thought that you should find the King ready to hearken to any enterprise against this Land , the said King being most desirous to live in peace , both with his neighbours abroad , and his subjects at home , but that he hath been forced full sore against his will , by the practise of them of the house of Guise , to countenance with his authority the Civil Warre raised in that Realm ; which maketh him , whatsoever shew he maketh of the contrary , to hate them in his heart Neither would it be held sound counsel to be given him by any that depends upon his fortune , to further the advancement of a King of Scots , so nearly allied to that family , which he hath discovered , and greatly feareth to level at his own Crown , with any intention to depose him , which by the greatnesse of a King of Scots , they should be so much the sooner and better able to effect . The King of Spains assistance , being now in Warre with this Realm , were more likely to be obtained , but farre more dangerous to be used in respect of his insatiable ambition , deep practises and power accompanied in this case , with a colour of right ; wherein how farre he would seek to prevail , any opportunity or advantage being offered , it may justly be doubted , by the experience that sundry States have had , which upon slender grounds of title have been extorted and wrung from the true inheritours , and annexed to his own Kingdom , as Navarre , Portugal , and all he possesseth in Italy hath been . It is believed that the King of Spain considering his years and unsetled estate every way , would willingly incline to peace if it were offered with reasonable conditions , and not over-readily at this present , embark himself in any new enterprise . But otherwise it is well known , that as he had fancied to himself an Empire of all this part of Europe , so he had an eye to this Realm ever since he was King in right of his wife . The conquest was intended under colour of Religion , as was discovered by some that were of his own Privy Councel at that time ; his pretention to be the heir of the house of Lancaster , and since the late Queens death , the first Catholick Prince of the blood Royal of England , as also the donation of this Crown made him by the Queen of Scots in her letters with a promise to confirm it by Testiment ( things blazed abroad by the said Kings Ambassadour at Paris ) ought to breed jealousy and suspicion in your Soveraigns head , and give him to think how he should be used at such an assistants hand . Auxiliary forces have ever been reputed dangerous , if they either in number or policy were superiour to them that called them in . The assistance therefore of Spain and France , being of this nature , as your Soveraign hath need of neither , so he shall do well to forbear them both , and so shall it be most for his ease . It may be some will pretend , that by change of his Religion , your Soveraign shall better his condition , in regard of these forain Princes , besides a great party within this Realm , that thereby shall be drawn wholly to depend upon his fortune . But the poor distressed estate of Don Anthonio , being a Catholick Prince spoiled by a Catholick , and receiving so little succour at Catholick Princes hands , shall be a sufficient barre to all that can be alleadged in that behalf . As for the Catholick party in England , in his mothers life it was never so united , as they drew all in one line , much lesse will they be brought suddenly to relye upon him if he should alter his Religion ( as God defend ) which would be his utter discredit and overthrow both with the one and the other party , neither having cause to repose any confidence in him : The Protestants because he had renounced the Religion , wherein he was with great care brought up ; the Papists because they could not be assured in short space , that he was truly turned to their faith . Yea , all men should have reason to forsake him , who had thus dissembled and forsaken his God. And where it was given out , that divers do insinuate unto your Soveraign , that his honour and reputation is so deeply interessed herein , as it must necessarily turn to his perpetual ignominy and reproach , if he give not some notable testimony to the world , of the affection and dutiful love he bare to his mother ; your King being of that singular judgement , that he is thought to have , cannot be ignorant how farre true honour ought to possesse a Christian Prince ; that is , not whither passion or fury useth to carry men , but whether reason and wisdome have laid the bounds , that is , within the compasse of possibility , decency and justice . If the late Queen had been innocent , revenge had been necessarily just and honourable , but being culpable , contrary in all reasonable mens judgements , he hath sufficiently discharged the duty of a son , in mediating for his mother so long as she was alive , and so farre as he was able to prevail . They which require more at his Highnesse hands , may be presumed not to regard what beseemeth his place and dignity , but to seek the satisfaction of their own particular passions and desires . And whosoever perswadeth his Highnesse , that the mediation used by him for his Mother , contrary to the humble pursuit of the whole Parliament , hath already given that offence to the Nobility and people of this land , as it behoveth him of force to have recourse to forain supports , doth greatly abuse both his Highnesse and this Realm : for as they were not ignorant what nature might and ought to move his Highnesse unto , so long as there was any hope of her life ; so they do not doubt but that reason will induce him to leave sorrowing , and thinking of her in due time . Thus have I troubled you with a long discourse , whereunto the desire I have of the continuance of amity between the two Crowns , hath carried me unawares further then I purposed ; all which I referre to your good consideration , not doubting , but you will afford most readily and willingly all good offices that shall lye in your power , to the end that a happy conclusion may ensue hereof , which shall tend to the common good of the whole Island ; and so I commit you to God. From the Court at Greenwich the 4th of March , 1586. Your Lordships assured Friend , FRA. WALSINGHAM . THis letter shewed to the King , served much to allay his anger ; as afterwards appeared . In the May after , the Estates being assembled at Halirudhouse , they shew a great forwardnesse all of them for assisting the revenge of his Mothers death , every man offering to spend his goods and life in that quarrel ; yet the businesse was so timed out that summer , by the private dealing of certain Counsellors , as hopes were given to the Queen , that matters should compose , and a more peaceable course be taken . It was at this time that Sir William Stewart brother to Captain Iames , returned again to Court , and gave his attendance upon the Master of Gray . The Master then was plotting a change of Court , and had conspired with the Lord Maxwel to kill the Lord Thirlstane , Sir Iames Home of Coldingknowes , and Mr. Robert Douglas , Collector , whose power with the King he greatly envied . This he reveales to Sir William , as one that he believed would take part in the businesse ; and to make him the more forward , tells , that it was Thirlstane , the Iustice Clerk , Blantyre , and himself that brought in the Lords at Striveling , and put his brother from Court , which he repented , and would help so farre as he could , to recall him . Sir William knowing the mans nature , and that he was not to be trusted , gave him some hopes of joyning with him , but in the mean time related all to the King. This coming to Thirlstanes knowledge , he complaineth thereof in Councel , and desireth a trial . The Master denied that any such purpose had passed betwixt them ; whereupon Sir William was called , and standing to that he had told the King , they two fell a contesting ; after some bitter speeches , Sir William taking him up roundly , said , that he deserved no credit , as having abused his ambassage to England , and treacherously consented to the death of the Kings Mother . There had a rumour gone of a letter written by the Master to the Queen of England after his parting from that Court , advising her to put the Queen of Scots out of the way ; and the words he had used , Mortui non mordent , Dead folks bite not , were in every mans mouth : and now the challenge being made publick the Councel moved the King to put the Master to trial , and commit both the one and the other . So were they both the same night sent to the Castle of Edinburgh . The Lord Thirlstane , and those others that were touched with the enterprise of Striveling , made great instance to be cleared in that point , but the King not liking to search too deeply in those businesses , said , That their own purgation , with the Declaration of the Noblemen that came home at that time , was sufficient . There were present of that number , the Lord Hamilton , the Earls of Marre and Bothwel , who upon oath declared , that they had no assurance from any about the King at the time of their coming , till they were received by his Majesty in favour . The like purgation was made by the Lord Thirlstane , the Justice Clerk , and the rest , and so that businesse ceased . After some two or three days , the Master of Gray and his accuser were brought again before the Councel , where the same things that before we heard , being repeated by Sir William Stewart , he added further , That he knew the Master to be a traffiquer against Religion , and that he had written divers letters to the King of France , and Duke of Guise , declaring that the King was to seek their assistance , in revenge of his mothers death , but intreated them not to grant him any help , unlesse he did grant toleration to the Catholicks , for exercise of their Religion . The Master being desired to answer , and as he lookt for any favour to deal ingenuously , and confesse the truth , said , That he could not deny his dealing for toleration of Catholicks , and that he disliked some of the officers of State , and could have wished an alteration , but that ●e never had so much as a thought against his Majesties person , beseeching to impute these things wherein he had offended , to his youth and foolish ambition . Being enquired touching the letter sent to the Queen of England , he confessed , That when he perceived her inclining to take the Queen of Scots life , he advised her rather to take her away in some private way , then to do it in form of Iustice ; and acknowledged the words Mortui non mordent , to be his , but not used by him to the sense they were detorted . His confession did liberate his accuser , who was presently set at liberty , and he himself sent to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh to attend his arraignment , which was made a few days after . There , having repeated the same things in effect , he submitted himself to the Kings mercy ; who thereupon gave order to the Justice to banish him the Realm , and in case he did return without licence to pronounce the sentence of death . Mean while he was prohibited to go either into England or Ireland , under the like pain . A punishment too mild , as many at that time judged , for crimes so hateful and odious . But the innated clemency of the King , and his unwillingnesse to use rigour towards them whom he had once favoured , did not suffer him to inflict the punishment which the offence had merited . Captain Iames ▪ who since the enterprise of Striveling had lurked amongst his friends , did now begin to shew himself , and importune the King , with delations of Thirlstan : and some other Counsellors , as being accessary to his mothers death , and having a purpose to deliver him into England . These informations he sent inclosed in a letter to the King by Henry Stewart of Craigihall . The King communicating the same to the Councel , direction was given to charge him to enter his person within the Palace of Linlithgow , and remain there till the truth of these delations should be tried : certifying him that if he failed to obey , processe of forfeiture should be laid against him , as a sower of discord betwixt the King and his Nobility . When at the time prefixed he entered not , the office of Chancellary , whereof as yet he used the title , was declared void , and bestowed upon the Lord Thirlstane . The King being now 21. years compleat , a Parliament was indicted to be holden at Edinburgh the 29. of Iuly , for a preparation thereto , and that the King might find the better assistance , the Noblemen were sent for , they especially betwixt whom there were known to be any quarrels . At their coming the King did presse them with a submission of all controversies , and having obtained their consents , made them all friends . Only William Lord Yester refusing to reconcile with Traquaire , was committed and sent to the Castle of Edinburgh , where he was detained some moneths , till that variance was also composed . Such content the King conceived of their agreement , that he did feast them all royally at Halirudhouse , thereafter caused them walk in hands two and two in form of procession , from the Palace to the Mercat Crosse of Edinburgh , where they sealed their concord by drinking healths one to another , to the exceeding great joy of all the beholders . A general Assembly was then also called by his Majesties Proclamation to the 20. of Iune , where the King did purpose to have all matters setled betwixt him and the Church ; but this meeting had not the like successe . For the Chancellar , and Justice Clerk being sent thither with certain Articles , of which two specials were to desire satisfaction for the offences committed by Iames Gibson and Mr. Iohn Cowper , Ministers ; and that Mr. Robert Montgomery might be received without any ceremonies into their fellowship ; answer was made , That if the Petitions of the Church in the approaching Parliament should be granted , they would labour to bring matters to such a middest , as might best agree with the honour of the Ministery , satisfy the offence of the godly , and the conscience of their brethren , against whom his Majesty had taken offence . And for Mr. Robert Montgomery , they should dispense with some ceremonies used in admitting excommunicants , in case the King was willing to remit somewhat of the satisfaction craved of the other two brethren . This answer did so displease the King , as refusing to enter into any such capitulations , he left off all further treating with them at that time . But Montgomery being redacted to great necessity , and not knowing what course to take ( for the Duke of Lennox his agents having possessed themselves in the Bishoprick , he was no more acknowledged ) did resign his title in favour of Mr. William Areskin Parson of Campsie , a friend and follower of the Earl of Marre . This Gentleman being well beloved of the Ministery , and otherwise of good parts , obtained the consent of the Presbytery of Glasgow , and was admitted thereto by them , although he was a Laick and bare no charge in the Church . They being called to an accompt of this their doing in the next Assembly , excused themselves , saying , That since Churchmen were not permitted to enjoy the Bishoprick , they esteemed it better he should in title of it then any other , and that he had given his bonds to renounce the same , in case the general Assembly did not allow of his admission . The excuse for the time was accepted , yet their doing was disallowed , and they ordained to pursue him upon his bonds for disanulling the admission : but he found means to retain the same , till Bishop Iames Beaton ( who lived in France ) was restored . Montgomery his resignation being then made publick , he was shortly after , as informally absolved as he was excommunicated , and placed at a Church in Cunningham , where he lived in a poor estate to his death . The Parliament keeping at the time appointed , Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Robert Pont , and some others , having Commission from the Church , did present themselves in the Parliament house at the first sitting , and in name of the Church desired the Prelates that were presented to be removed , as having no authority from the Church , and the most of them no function , nor charge in it at all . Mr. Edward Bruce . Abbot of Kinlosse , rising up and directing his speech to the King , made a long discourse of the right they had to sit , and give voice for the Church in these meetings ; complaining , that the Ministers had most disorderly shut them forth of their places in the Church , and now they thought to exclude them from their places in the Estate , which they hoped his Majesty would not suffer , and would punish as a presumptuous arrogancy , on the part of the Petitioners . Mr. Robert Pont replying some what bitterly , the King willed them to be quiet , and present their Petitions orderly to the Lords of the Articles , where they should be answered according to reason . When it came to the Articles , this being in the front of their Petitions , was simply rejected ; some other Petitions were passed , as they had desired , for ratifying all lawes made in the Kings minority in favours of the Church , for trying and censuring the adversaries of true Religion , and for the punishment of such as did menace or invade the Ministers of the Church . It was in this Parliament , that the temporality of Benefices was annexed to the Crown upon a pretext of bettering the Patrimony thereof , and that the King might have means to bear forth the honour of his Estate , and not burthen his subjects with taxations for his support . This was the publick pretext , and the King made to believe that the reservation of the Prelates houses , and precincts , with the tithes of the Churches annexed to their benefices , would suffice to maintain their dignity and estate . But privately to such of the ministery as sought the subversion of Episcopal government , it was whispered , That this was the only way to undoe the Prelacy , for there being no livings to maintain them ( as in this case there would be little or nothing remaining , most of the Bishopricks being founded on temporal lands , and having but Churches annexed ) none would be found to accept those places : which also proved true . Hopes besides were given to those Ministers , that they should have the tithes to use , and dispone at their pleasure ; yet was it not long , ere the King did find himself abused , the temporalities formerly disponed , ( which were not a few ) being all in the same Parliament confirmed and those that remained , in a short time begged from him , and given away to the followers of Court , so as nothing was left to benefit , or reward any well deserving servant . When as he saw this , and that the spiritual Estate was by this mean utterly decayed , the Priors and Abbots being all turned temporal Lords , he did sore forthink the passing of the Act , calling it a vile and pernicious Act , and recommending to the Prince his son , the annulling thereof . The Ministers that lookt for restoring the tithes , perceiving themselves likewise deluded , began also to exclaim , and condemn the course , howbeit somewhat too late . In the same Parliament an Act was made in favour of the small Barons , giving them by their Commissioners a voice in Parliament , and Conventions with the others Estates . The Earl of Crawford did strongly oppose , and in name of the Nobility protested against their receiving . That which the King intended by this , was to free the Barons of their dependence upon Noblemen , and have the Estates more particularly informed at their meeting of the abuses in the countrey . But so farre was he from obtaining these ends , as to the contrary they did work him great businesse in all the ensuing Parliaments . Soon after the Estates dissolved , the Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick , sent to intreat presence of the King , who yeilded the more willingly , because he of all the Nobility of England , had medled least in the proceedings against his Mother . The Nobleman proposing the same reasons in effect which Walsingham had used in his letter to the Chancellour , and laying before the King the danger , wherein he might bring the title and right of succession , ( which otherwise was undoubted ) if he should enter into open warre with England ; did earnestly beseech him , seeing that which was done could not be undone , to give place unto necessity , promising ( because it was still beaten into the Kings ears , that the execution of his Mother did barre his succession ) to bring unto him a Declaration under the hands of all the Judges of England , that the sentence given against his Mother , was no hurt to his right , nor could work any prejudice to his succession . This conference did break the King very much from his resolution , yet the outcries of the countrey were great , and their desires so vehement for revenge , that he parted with Hunsdon in doubtful terms . But when the Declaration of the Judges , which he had promised , was brought unto him , and therewith the sentence given against Davison in the Starre Chamber , ( whereby it appeared that the execution was done without the Queens knowledge ) he became more appeased , and suffered Proclamations to go out , inhibiting all that dwelt in the Borders , to make incursions upon England as they were begun to do . About the same time did Patrick Vaus of Barnbarrough , and Mr. Peter Young his Majesties Elemosynar ( who had bin sent unto Denmark to treat of the marriage ) return making report of their agreement : whereupon conclusion was taken , that in the opening of the spring , a Nobleman should be directed to accomplish the ceremonies , and bring home the young Queen . But the death of King Frederick her Father , who departed this life in the moneth of April next , with other occasions that intervened , made the businesse to be delayed certain moneths . In the end of the year there came from beyond Sea divers Jesuits and Priests , to deal with the Catholick Noblemen for assisting the Spanish Armada , which was then preparing to invade England , if possibly they should take land in Scotland ; for their hope was to find the King favourable , because of the Queens proceedings against his Mother , and that he should joyn his forces with the Spanish , for revenge of that wrong . But he considering his own danger , if strangers should set foot in the Isle , and not trusting that the Spaniard would take the pains to conquer for him the Crown of England , ( for that also was proffered ) refused to give ear unto such motions . Mr. Iames Gordon Jesuit , and Uncle to the Earl of Huntley , had been all the summer before in the countrey , and was overseen because of his Nephew , whom the King intended to match with the Duke of Lennox his eldest sister ; neither was he much feared , as being a simple man , and not deeply learned ; Mr. Edmond Hay brother to Peter Hay of Megnish , a Jesuit also , but of greater account , and more politick and wise , did thereafter arrive , pretending that he came to take his farewel of his friends , and after him came divers others , which made the King give out a Proclamation against the resetters , and for apprehending their persons . In this Proclamation , besides Mr. Iames Gordon and the said Mr. Edmond Hay , I find named Mr. Gilbert Brown Abbot of Newbottle , Mr. Iohn Drury son natural to George Drury sometimes Abbot of Dunfermling , Mr. Alexander Mackwhirry , Mr. Iames Cheyn , Mr. Alexander Meldrum , Mr. William Crichton , Mr. Iames Seaton , and Mr. Iohn Morton ; most of these upon their supplications and sureties given to depart in the first ships , obtained a protection unto the last of Ianuary : which did so offend the Ministers , as they did call a number of Noblemen , Barons , and Commissioners of Burghs , to meet at Edinburgh the sixth of February , for advising upon some remedy against the present dangers . The meeting was frequent , and Mr. Robert Bruce by the suffrages of all chosen to preside . He had preached ordinarily at Edinburgh a year or somewhat more , and was in great respect with all sorts of people , but had not entered as yet unto the ministerial function . Certain assessors chosen according to the custome , the first thing proposed , was touching the dangers threatened to Religion , and the readiest means for quenching the fire of Papistry kindled through the whole countrey , which they were all greatly exhorted to take to heart , and to consider what course was best , to obviate these dangers . And to the end things might be done advisedly , the Noblemen were advised to meet apart , the Barons and Commissioners of Burghes likewise apart , to set down their advice in writing , and present the same to the whole Assembly the next Session . The day following all being convened , the advice of the Noblemen and Barons was presented , containing three heads . 1. That the laws of the countrey should be prosecuted against Jesuits , Seminary Priests , Idolaters , and the maintainers thereof . And for the more speedy effectuating of the same , that the names of all such should be enrolled , and delivered to the Thesaurer , with the names of their resetters , and entertainers , to the end citations might be directed against them . 2. That in regard of the danger so imminent , his Majesty and Councel should be earnesty solicited to proceed in execution of the laws against the principal Jesuits , and their maintainers without delay . 3. That the Noblemen , Barons , Ministers , and whole Assembly should go together to his Majesty , and regrate the peril whereunto the Church and Kingdom was brought by the practises of Jesuits , making offer of their lives , lands , and friendship to be imployed at his Majesties direction for preventing their wicked devices . This advice being approved , command was given to meet at two of the clock in the afternoon , that all might go together from the place of the Assembly to the Palace of Halirudhouse , where the King then remained . When this was told to the King , and that they were to present themselves in such numbers , he grew into choler , and said , They meant to boast him with their power , and force the execution of their demands . Therefore refusing accesse to the multitude , some few of the principals only were called , to whom he uttered his dislike of those irreverent and tumultuary forms . Yet because he did acknowledge their complaint to be just , and that there was need of a remedy to the evils complained of , he promised to appoint six of the Councel to meet with such as the Assembly should design , for advising upon the best remedies . This reported to the Assembly , they did nominate the Lords of Wedderburn , Colluthie , Caprinton , Ormston , and Whittingham , Iohn Iohnston Commissioner for Edinburgh , Oliver Peblis for Perth , and William Menzeis for Aberdene : Mr. Robert Pont , David Lindesay , Andrew Melvil , and Peter Blackburn to attend . These convening the next day , with the Chancellor and some others of the Councel , did urge in name of the Church , That Mr. James Gordon , and Mr. William Crichton Iesuits , who were known to be in Town , should be apprehended ; and that the resetters of Iesuits and Priests , none excepted , whether they were Noblemen , or others of an inferiour degree , should be punished according to the lawes . For the Noblemen , the Chancellor answered , that the King did mean to use them more calmly , and as he had begun with the Earl of Huntley ( of whose conversion there were good hopes ) so he would proceed with others of that degree . For the two Iesuits , it was promised , that order should be taken for their dispatch forth of the countrey . The Assembly no ways pleased with the report of this conference , resolved to present their griefes to his Majesty in writing , and insist for a more direct answer to their desires , as they did , exhibiting therewith the names of Jesuits , Priests , and their resetters , such as had been delated to the Assembly . Among others they complained of the Lord Hereis , and the disorders committed by him at Dumfreis , where he had openly erected Masse , and forced the Ministers to leave the Town . The King having considered the griefs , made answer , That albeit they had no warrant from him to assemble at that time , yet ( as he had signified before to the Noblemen that were sent unto him ) he was glad to hear that they were convened in so frequent a number , the businesse being of such importance , and that he should do what became him as a King to do , neither should any of those that he found unreclameable , have credit or countenance of him . For the Lord Hereis , he said , that he was more offended with him , then any of themselves , and had resolved to take journey in the beginning of March unto Dumfreis , for punishing that and all other insolencies committed by him . This answer reported by the Chancellor , gave some content , thereafter as he was directed , he shewed the Assembly that the King did expect a reparation of the offence committed by the Minister Iames Gibson , for he had obtained his liberty , upon promise that he should give satisfaction at the Churches sight . Hereupon the Minister was called , who acknowledged his offence , and was enjoyned the next Sermon day to preach , and publickly acknowledge the speeches complained of , to have been unadvised and rashly uttered . This he promised to do , yet when he came to the place , he made no mention at all of that businesse ; and being immediately charged for not doing that he had promised , he answered , That out of infirmity and weaknesse he had confessed a fault , albeit his conscience did tell him , he had not spoken any thing that might give just offence . The Chancellor perceiving the mans inconstancy , and that he had been diverted by some ill disposed persons , required the judgement of the Assembly , Whether or not they did esteem it an offence , to call the King a persecutor of the Church , and to affirm in pulpit , that he should be the last of that race . The question was a while declined , yet in end being put to voices , it was found , that the speeches were slanderous and offensive , and that he ought therefore to be censured . It being then 12. of the clock , the defining of the censure was continued to the afternoon , and the Minister warned to attend . The hour come , and he not appearing , the businesse was greater then before ; some alleadging that citation must be used , ere any censure was inflicted , others excused his absence upon just fear , being pursued by so great personages . Hereto it was replied , That there was no fear of any indirect or violent course to be taken ; the King , who by his own authority might have punished him , having for the regard he carried to the Church , choosed to complain to the Assembly , and remit the offender to be censured by themselves . Next for the citation required , it was answered , That the warning given him in the face of the Assembly was sufficient , and that by his not appearing , he had added contumay to his offence . These answers being held sufficient , and the voices askt touching his censure ; by the greater number he was ordained to be suspended from the ministery , during the pleasure of the Assembly . Yet this did not end the businesse ; for in August thereafter , another Assembly being convened , the Minister appearing declared , That the reason why he withdrew himself in the former Assembly , was not any contempt or stubbornness on his part , but the care he had of the Churches peace , the affairs whereof , as he was informed , had been cast off if he had compeired , and not been punished . Upon this Declaration , without once acquainting the King , he was purged of contumacy , and thereby a way made to his reponing . The King , as he had reason , being greatly offended with these proceedings , and intending to right himself otherwise , the Minister fled to England , and remained there a long space , entertained by the factious brethren in those parts , who were labouring at that time to bring in the holy discipline , as they termed it , into that Church . The Lord Hereis in the mean time being certified of the Kings intended expedition into the West Marches , prevented him and came to Court , offering himself to trial ; nothing being found but certain neglects in the administration of his office ( for the complaint of erecting Masse at Dumfreis , and compelling the Minister to leave the Town , was not verified . ) Upon promise to amend , and surety given that he should resort to Sermons , and suffer nothing to be done within his Wardenry to the prejudice of Religion , he was sent back to his charge . Soon after the Lord Maxwel , who had been licenced to go abroad , and had remained some moneths in Spain ; having seen the preparation made for invading of England , by the advice of some Scottish Catholicks , returned into the countrey ( notwithstanding the assurance he had given not to return without licence ) taking land at Kirkudbright ( a part of Galloway ) about the end of April . It was then expected that the Navy should take their course to the West parts of Scotland where they might land more safely , and with the assistance of Maxwel and others that would joyn with them , enter into England by the Borders ; which if they had done , would doubtlesse have been more to their advantage , but they took their counsels , as we shall hear . Upon Maxwels return number of broken men , and countrey people resorted unto him , conjecturing there was somewhat in hand which would give them work . The Lord Hereis not able to command them , and fearing if any disorder arose , the same should be imputed to him , came and shewed the King what appearance there was of trouble . Charges were incontinent directed for Maxwels appearing before the Councel , but he disobeyed , and fortifying his houses , and other strengths that he had in custody , began to levie some companies of foot and horse : which being told to the King , he with such forces as he could have of a sudden , took journey to Dumfries , and came upon him so unexpected , as he had almost surprised hin in his house at Dumfries . But upon warning given him , an hour before the Kings coming he escaped and went to Galloway . Some little resistance was made at the Port , which gave him leisure to escape , and was excused by the Towns ignorance of the King his being there in person . The next narrow which was the 28 of May , the houses of Lochmaben , Langholm , Treve , and Carlaverok , were summoned to render ; all which obeyed , the Castle of Lochmaben excepted . This was kept by one Mr. David Maxwell , who trusting foolishly to the strength , refused to yeild , though the King himself going thither , did call him by name ( for he knew the man ) commanding him to render . Upon his disobedience the house was inclosed ; and because there was no munition at hand whereby to batter it , a Post was directed to borrow some Ordinance from the English Warden , which was quickly conveighed thither , and a company of souldiers sent to guard the same . These began no sooner to play , then the Keepers terrified with the noyse , craved a parley . Sir William Stewart brother to Captain Iames , being imployed to conferre with them they yeilded , upon promise as was said , that their lives should be spared . But the Captain , because he had refused the King himself at first , was hanged , the rest were pardoned , and suffered to depart . The King returning the same night to Dumfreis , directed Sir William Stewart to try what course Maxwell had taken , and to do as he found occasion : having learned that he had taken sea in a small Bark , he followed in a ship rigged forth by the town of Aire , and overtaking him some miles off , brought him back and delivered him prisoner to the King , who was then returned to Edinburgh . It was no small peece of service , and by all men so esteemed . But the countenance the King gave him , made the man so swell , as falling in a contest for I know not what matter , with the Earl of Bothwel , he used some uncivil speeches to the Nobleman , who meeting him a few days after in the high street of Edinburgh , did in a suddain conflict kill him outright . The newes of the Spanish Navy being then divulged , and the King advertised of their setting forth ; he called the Estates to a meeting at Edinburgh , and imparting to them the advertisements he had received , did ask their advice how he should carry himselfe in that businesse . For howbeit , said he , I have no great occasion for my self to fear , being under league and friendship with all Christian Princes and Estates , yet the case of England ere it be long may turn to be our own , and we forced to share with them in their troubles . The intention of Spain , I know , is against England ; and considering the right I have to that Crown after the Queens death that now reignes , I see not how it shall be safe for me , to let another possess himself of that Kingdom ; nor will any man make me to think , that the King of Spain , if he shall chance to prevail , will part with it , and give place to my right , having once made conquest thereof . As now whilest the event is doubtful , they speak fair and make liberal promises ; but if matters succeed to their mindes , we shall hear other words . They take Religion for a pretext of their invasion , but it is the kingdom they seek : and granting that Religion were the true cause , are not we our selves in the same case with England ? The prosecution of the holy league , will strike no lesse upon us , then them . But for my self , I have ever thought mine own safety , and the safety of Religion to be so conjoyned , as they cannot well be separated ; neither desire I to live , to reign any longer then I may serve to maintain the same . I am not ignorant what the opinion of many is , and that they think I have now a fair occasion to revenge the wrong and unkindness I received by the death of my mother . But whatsoever I think of the excuses which the Queen hath made to me , I will not be so foolish , as to take the help of one that is mightier then my self ; nor will I give such liberty to mine own passions , as therefore to neglect Religion , and cast in hazard both this Kingdom , and those others that belong to me after her death . By this you see what my mind is , and the reasons that lead me to it . I I have called you that I may have your counsel and assistance at this time , and therefore desire to hear of you , what is the best both for you and me to do . This speech was seconded by the Chancellor , who did out of his reading adduce divers Histories , to make good what the King had said , That it was no way expedient to side with Spain in that invasion , or suffer him to possesse himself of England : yet since the Queen had not required any aid from him , his opinion was , that he should strive to assure his own Kingdom , and not to permit them to take land in his bounds ; That a general muster should be taken in the whole Realm , and some Noblemen named , unto whom upon occasion , the subjects might resort , watches appointed at all the Sea-ports , and Beacons erected in the highest places , for advertising the countrey if any fleet was seen at Sea , and that the King and Councel should stay at Edinburgh to attend the successe of things , and direct the subjects accordingly . His opinion was applauded of all , Bothwell excepted , who was earnest to have the occasion imbraced of invading England , and therein was so forward , that upon his own charges he had levied souldiers to serve under him , if the resolution which he expected should have been taken . But the King willing him to look unto the Sea , ( for he was Admiral by his office ) and to take care that the ships within the countrey were ready for service , he acquiesced . A little after the Convention dissolved , Colonel Semple , who had betrayed the town of Lire to the Spaniard some six years before , and remained for the most part with the Prince of Parma in Flanders , arrived at Leth , pretending a Commission from that Prince to the King. But the matters he proponed were of so small importance , as the King apprehending the Commission to have been given him rather for a colour of his practises , with some ill disposed subjects , then for the businesse pretended ; commanded Sir Iohn Carmichael Captain of the Guard , to have an eye upon him unto his return , ( for he was then going to Falkland ) and if he perceived any letters brought unto him in the mean time , to take and present them to the Councel , Carmichael getting notice that a Pinnace was arrived in the Firth , and a passenger landed , went straight to the Colonels lodging in Leth , and finding him unsealing the letters , shewed what he had in charge , and what it concerned him to present the same to the Lords . The Colonel offering to go himself to the Councel , the Earl of Huntley who did then reside in a lodging near the Palace of Halirudhouse , with his young Lady whom he had married a few days before , * upon notice of his apprehension did meet Carmichael in the way , and forced him to quit his prisoner , saying , that he would enter him to the Councel . Advertisement going of this to the Chancellour , who was then at the Evening service in S. Giles ( for it was a time of publick humiliation ) he came forth , and being followed by a great number of people , made towards Huntley , and had certainly taken back the Colonel , if the King who was then come from Falkland , had not happened to encounter him as he went down the street , with whom he returned to the lodging within the City , where at that time , and most of the Winter , the King did keep his residence . There the Chancellor declared what had fallen out , and whither he was going , intreating his Majesty to take some order with the insolency committed . Huntley being called , after some frivolous excuse , did promise to present the Colonel the next morning , but he escaping the same night , was not any more seen . The King did highly offend at his escape , yet was loth to use the Nobleman with rigour , having matched him so lately to his Cousen ; only he discharged him to come in his presence , neither was he admitted unto it till the newes were brought of the dissipation of the Navy ; and then as in a time of publick joy , that fault was overseen and pardoned . The Queen of England in the mean time hearing what course the King had taken , how he had committed Maxwel to prison , and was preparing to resist the Spaniard ; sent Sir Robert Sidney to give him thanks for his good affection , and to make offer of her assistance , if the Spaniard should make offer to land in Scotland . The King received him graciously , and as he was discoursing of the ambition of Spain , and his purpose to take in England , said , that the King needed not to expect any greater kindnesse at his hand , if he prevailed . The King merrily answered , That he lookt for no other benefit of the Spaniard in that case , then that which Polyphemus promised to Ulysses ; namely , to devour him after all his fellowes were devoured . Neither did Sidney sooner return , then a fresh advertisement was sent from the Queen of their overthrow . Of this Navy and the destruction that befell it , many have written so particularly , as nothing can be added . Yet because the benefit redounded to this Church and Kingdome , no lesse then others ; and that the spoiles of that wreck fell for some part in our Northern Isles , we shall touch it a little . The Navy consisted of 134. saile , a great part whereof were Galleasses , and rather like Castles pitched in the Seas , then ships . The vessels carried 8000. saylers , 22000. souldiers and above , besides the Commanders , and voluntary adventurers , who were reckoned 124. and for provision they had abundance of whatsoever was necessary , either at sea or at land . Their direction was to joyn with the Prince of Parma , and his forces , who were appointed to meet them in the narrow Seas , and to invade England together . But whether the Prince had not time sufficient to prepare himself , or that he was kept in by the Holland Fleet , he came not as was expected . At Plimmouth the English had the first sight of the Navy , and kept combat with them till they anchored in the road of Callais . Before they came thither , they lost the Gallion wherein Don Pedro de Valder , and divers other Noblemen were , which was taken in fight and sent to Plimmouth . And the Gallion commanded by Don Michael de Oquendo , took fire , and therein many were burnt to death , yet the nether part of the ship , being saved , was likewise sent thither . The Galliasse of Naples commanded by Don Hugo de Moncada perished in the sands of Callais ; where whilest they lay at Anchor , Captain Drake by a stratagem put them in great confusion ; for choosing out eight small ships that were least useful , he filled them with pitch , brimstone , gunpowder , and the like combustible matter , and charged the Ordinance with bullets , stones , broken iron , and chaines . The ships driven with the wind and tide into the midst of the Navy , and the traines taking fire , put the Spanish in such fear , ( the same falling out in the night season ) as having no leisure to weigh their Anchors , they were forced to cut their Cables , and make to the Sea. The next morning ranging themselves again in order , they approached to Graveling ; but no supply coming from Parma , and the English ships hotly pursuing them , they were compelled to passeby . In this conflict perished the Gallion of Biskay , and two other great ships . Two Gallions of Portugal , the one called S. Philip , the other S. Matthew having lost their tackling , and being torn with shot , made towards the coast of Flanders , and were taken by the Zelanders . Once as it seemed , the General with the rest of the Navy , bent their course towards Scotland , but not knowing what favour they should find there , and the wind blowing fair , they resolved to make home by the North Isles . The General himself with the best provided vessels , took the main Ocean towards Biscay ; and arrived safely in Spain . The rest seeking to take in fresh water , partly in the Isles , and partly in Ireland , were so tossed with tempests and contrary winds , that 40. and above were cast away in those Seas . A ship of Florence driven upon the West coast of Scotland , was spoiled and set on fire by certain Highlanders . Shortly , the destruction was so great , as of the 134. Ships , that set fail from Lisbone , 53. onely returned to Spain ; of the souldiers , besides the mariners , 13500. were lost by one way or other . And as they write , not a family in Spain of any note there was , which suffered not in this expedition , having lost either a son or a brother , or some nigh kinsman . Such was the successe of the Spanish Navy , which had been four years in preparing with no small cost , and in a few days was thus overthrown ; one English ship onely being lost , and about 100. men in all . The King caused solemn thanksgiving for this deliverance to be given to God in all Churches of the Kingdome , beginning in his own Court for an ensample to others . This was the marvellous year , talked of so long before by the Astrologues , which this defeat , and the accidents that fell forth in France about the end of the same year , did in a part make good . In this kingdom ( which we ought ever to remember with thankfulnesse to Almighty God ) happened no dysaster , for which we had cause to be grieved , the death of Archibald Earl of Angus excepted , who deceased in the moneth of Iuly : a Nobleman as in place and rank , so in worth and virtue above other subjects ; of a comely personage , affable and full of grace , a lover of Justice , peaceable , sober , and given to all goodnesse , and which crowned all his virtues , truly pious . A long time he lived in exile in England , not through his own fault , but the misfortune of his friends , whom he could not forsake . After he was restored to the Kings favour , no man did carry himself in better sort , and in that time which was full of factions , he kept himself free of all partakings ; being imployed in the Lieftenandry of the Borders , he discharged himself to his Majesties great content , and to the liking of all the subjects ; and not long after , fell into that disease , whereof he died , leaving no heir male , and one only daughter by his second marriage , who did not long survive him . Never died any Nobleman with greater regrate , and so much the more was his death lamented , that as it was then thought , and afterwards confessed , that he was taken away by forcery and incantation . In the time of his sicknesse , when the Physicians found his disease not to proceed of any natural cause , one Richard Graham , who was executed some years after for witchcraft , being brought to give his opinion of it , made offer to cure him , saying , as the manner of these Wizards is , that he had received wrong . But when he heard that the man was suspected to use unlawful arts , he would by no means admit him , saying , That his life was not so dear unto him , as for the continuance of it some years he would be beholden to any of the Devils instruments ; That he held his life of God , and was willing to render the same at his good pleasure , knowing he should change it for a better . Thus after a long and languishing disease , he died in Smeton near to Dalkeith , and was buried in Abernethy , in the sepulchre of his progenitors . The houses of Angus , and Morton , which within his person were conjoyned , went by provision of Taile to the Lairds of Glenbervy and Lochlevin . The hopes that our Catholicks conceived of the Spanish Navy being now frustrated , they had lost heart quite , but that the Prince of Parma did of new encourage them by his letters , shewing that the losse was nothing so great as it was given out to be , and giving them hopes of another Army that set out more timely , and to be with them the next spring . These letters were sent by one Mr. Robert Bruce , and delivered to Huntley , to be communicated with the rest of that faction . Shortly after came one Iohn Chesholme , bringing with him ten thousand Crowns , which were delivered to Bruce , to be used as he thought most fit , for advancing the cause . The Earl of Huntley made instance to have the third part of the summe ; Lord Claud Hamilton pleaded for as much , and Maxwel lying then in prison , held no lesse to be due to him . But Bruce excused himself by the charge he had to dispone the mony by the advice of David Graham of Fintrey , who was warded at the same time in Dundey , and payed them all with one answer . The Lord Claud more covetous then the rest , because he could not come by any part of the money , grew more cold in the business . Maxwel had some sent him , for his consolation in the prison : But Huntley , having at the Kings desire subscrived the confession of faith , and reconciled himself to the Church , was wholly neglected . This he excused afterwards by a letter to the Prince of Parma , professing , That after the escape of Colonel Semple , he found himself so busied on all hands , and in such sort pressed by the King , as it behoved him either to yeild , or depart out of the countrey , or then to have taken the fields : which well he could not do , all hope of help being taken from him by the return of the Navy of Spain , but in what he had failed he should endevour to amend , by some good service tending to the advancement of the cause of God , who had put him , he said , in such credit with the King , as he had broken his former guards , and made him establish others about his person , by whom at all occasions he might assure himself , and be Master of the King , and so when the support promised should arrive , spoile the hereticks of his authority , and make sure the Catholicks enterprises . Therefore besought him to be perswaded of his unchangeable affection , albeit in outward action he was forced to accommodate himself to the necessity of the time . This letter was dated at Edinburgh the 24. of Ianuary 1589. Another of the same date was sent by the Earl of Arrol ( whom Mr. Edmond Hay the Jesuit had seduced and brought on that course ) to Parma , bearing , That since his conversion to the Catholick faith he did ever think himself obliged to procure the advancement of the Catholick Kings enterprises , tending principally to that end , and to another civil cause , which had great affinity and conjunction with things at home , in regard whereof he said , that ever before his conversion , he had been in his affection one of his friends , and servitours ; and that Religion , which was the greatest , and most important cause of the world , being now joyned to the other , he was become altogether his . This he did intreat his Highness to signify to his Catholick Majesty , and to assure him that in Scotland he had not a more affectionate servant then himself . The like he did professe to the Prince , remitting his intentions to be more fully declared by him , that should deliver the letters . There went other Letters at the same time from the Earls of Huntley , Crawford , and Morton ( so did the Lord Maxwel style himself ) to the King of Spain , wherein after they had expressed their great regrate for the disappointment of his preparations , they said , That if his Naval Army had visited them , the same should have found no resistance in Scotland , and with the support they would have made given enough to do to England , but that it seemed the English Catholicks who had their refuge in Spain , out of an unchristian enmity did extenuate the means of the Scottish aid , to magnify their own , and to have it thought that they were able to do all by themselves ; Therefore they prayed his Majesty to make such account of the one , as he neglected not the other , and to serve himself with them both , to the ends he did aim at . Then remitting to the Declaration of some of his own subjects who had been in those parts , the commodity and advantage of landing an Army in Scotland ; they said , That having 6000. men of his own countrey , with money to levie as many more , they might within six houres of their arrivall be well advanced in England to assist the forces that he should send thither , and that the expence bestowed upon ane Galliass , would profit more being so imployed , then many of them put to Sea could do . Withall , they advised him not to make any more Armies by Sea , but to send a part of his forces to Scotland , and another by the back of Ireland toward England , and so divide the English forces , which should be partly attending at Sea , partly employed in Scotland , where they should believe all their forces to be landed . A further Declaration hereof they remitted to Colonel Semple , and so praying God to give him a full accomplishment of all his holy enterprises , they took their leave . Neither were the Jesuits that lurked in the countrey in this mean time idle ; of these the principals were , Mr. Edmond Hay , and Mr. William Creichton , who had been prisoners some few moneths in the Tower of London . They advising the Popish Lords to attempt somewhat by themselvus , which would make the King of Spain more earnest to give succourse ; a plot was laid to take the King out of the Chancellor and Thesaurers hand , by whose counsel they thought he was only ruled , and that the pretence should be the neglect of the Nobility , and the ill managing of publick affairs . This way they hoped to procure the assistance of other Noblemen that were discontented , and that no mention being made of Religion , the countrey would be more cold in resisting their enterprise . The time and place of meeting being condescended on , Fintrie undertook to bring the Earle of Montrosse to the party , and of Bothwell they held themselves assured , as well for the malice he professed to the Queen of England , as because in a conference with Bruce the Spanish Agent , he had promised if he should assure him of the two Abbeys of Coldingham and Kelso , which he possessed , he should presently turn to their side . To bring about this their purpose , the device was , that they should meet all at the quarrel holes betwixt Leth and Edinburgh , and go from thence to Halirudhouse , and settle themselves about the King , secluding those two Counsellors , or if they found them with the King , that they should presently kill them . But this device was overthrown by the Kings remaining in Edinburgh , who suspecting some plots against the Chancellor , did for his security stay in the same lodging with him . Bothwel abode at that time in his house at Creichton , and kept about him the souldiers that he had conduced , pretending a journey to the Isles , and the collecting of the Kings duties in those parts . Crawford and Arrol came with their friendship to the North Ferry . Montross saigned a visit of his Cousen Mr. Iohn Graham at Halyards , some six miles from Edinburgh , and upon advertisement that the King did keep lodging within the Town , advanced no further . But Huntley who resided then with his Lady at Dunfermlin , presuming much of the Kings affection , held on his way , and in the evening on which they had appointed to meet , came unexpected to the Kings lodging , where he found him in conference with the Chancellor . The King seeing him brack of his purpose , askt whence he came , and how he fell to be so late , and from that falling into another discourse , the Chancellor stept aside to the window . Huntley had brought with him the Laird of Kinfawns , brother to the Earl of Crawford , and some of Arrols men , that were esteemed of best courage and action . These filling the presence , and looking as men that had some purpose in hand ; the Chancellors friends began to suspect the worst , whereupon the Laird of Ormeston , Carmichael , and the Provost of Linclowden drew nigh and stood by him , after the King had talked a while with the Earl , he retired to his Cabinet , and staying somewhat longer then was expected , the Chancellor asking the Usher if it was time of supper , & he answering , that it was more then time ; then said he , Let us go : and with those three that kept fast by him , passed forth of the Chamber , and through the company that stood in the presence ( all of them making way ) to his own lodgings , which were just above the Kings rooms . How soon he came there , he sent one to shew the King , how unseemly it was to fill the presence with such companies , and men armed as they were , saying , that he would not have permitted the same , if he had been alone in the lodging , nor have cast himself in such danger . Presently the roomes were ushed , and the Earl with his company went forth . The next morning the King sent for him , and at his coming began to examine wherefore he came to Town , and why in that manner : his answers not satisfying , he was committed in the Castle . By advertisement given the same day of the companies that were with Crawford and Arroll at the North Ferry , and there dissolving , the whole purpose was discovered , whereupon the Earls of Arroll and Bothwel were cited to appear before the Councel , and for their disobedience denounced Rebels . Montrosse and Crawford were not called , having excused themselves as it was said , and promised to meddle no more in that businesse . Huntley upon the like promise , after a few dayes obtained his liberty , and went into the North. In his going thither , whether of purpose or by accident , it is uncertain ; the Earl of Crawford did meet him at Perth , where at first they concluded to fortifie the town as a place most convenient for drawing forces together from all quarters ; but doubting how they should make good the enterprise , they gave it over , and getting intelligence that the Thesaurer was come to Angus , and had appointed a meeting of some friends at the Church of Megle ; they belayed the wayes , and gave him the Chase unto the house of Ki●khill , where he was received : being desired to render , upon his refuse , fire was cast to the house , and he forced to yield himself , as he did , to his Cousen the Laird of Achindown who kept him some weeks prisoner in the North. The Letters written to the King of Spain , and Prince of Parma , whereof we made mention , and some others from Mr. Bruce directed to the same Prince being about this time intercepted , laid open all the practises of these Noblemen ; which being reported to the Queen of England , she wrote to the King a sharp letter , wherein complaining of his remisnesse in punishing these treacheries , & of the entertainment he gave to the Spaniards that had fled into Scotland , after their wrack in the Irish Seas ; she besought him not to overslip such happy occasions , as it● had pleased God to offer him by revealing these practises ; as likewise to rid the Realm of those strangers , and send them away with speed . Hereupon order was taken for their dispatch , and ships conduced to transport them unto West-Flanders . The Hollanders advertised of their coming , sent forth some ships to intercept them , and meeting them some two miles from the coast of Flanders , took one of the vessels and put to the sword all the Spaniards that were therein , the rest ran their vessels on ground , where a number seeking to save themselves by swimming , were pitifully drowned . A Proclamation was likewise renewed against the Jesuits , and their ressetters , and Mr. Edmond Hay , Mr. William Creichton , Mr. Robert Bruce , and David Graham of Fentry , commanded under pain of death to depart the Realm . But they contemning the charges , did stir up the Earls of Huntley , Crawford , and Arrol , to make open insurrection . These three taking Arms , and assembling all the forces they could gather , came to Aberdene in the beginning of April , where they made Proclamations in the Kings name , Declaring that he was held captive , & forced against his mind to use his Nobles more rigorously then he desired , requiring all the Lieges to concurre and assist them for setting his person at liberty . Their hopes were that Bothwel with his friendship in the South , should make the King such businesse , as they needed not to fear any suddain pursuit ; but the King having caused denounce Bothwel and the chief of his followers Rebels , resolved to begin with them , and leave him to his return . So charges being directed to warn all the subjects remaining on the South of Aberdene to accompany the King , and they gathering somewhat slowly , he made forward with those he had in his company toward the middle of April , and having advanced as farre as Cowy ( a little Village some ten miles off Aberdene ) was there advertised that the Earls were 3000. strong , and marching directly towards him . The King nothing dismayed , called the Noblemen that were in the Army together , and spake cheerfully unto them , saying , That they had a great deal of advantage of their enemies , the better cause , and the King on their part . Neither oaths nor subscriptions , said he , can assure these men , and if benefits or good deeds could have made them loyal and obedient , I have not been sparing to them all . Now that I am drawn against my will by their open Rebellion to use force , I do assure my self of your fidelity , and that you will not forsake me . I shall desire you stand no longer then ye see me stand , and howbeit , I do not think they dare set their faces against me , yet I shall pray you to dispose all things in the best order you can . This speech he delivered with such a grace , as thereby the Noblemen , and others that stood by , were greatly incouraged , every one avowing to do their uttermost for his Majesties honour . But a question falling between the Lord Hamilton and the Earl of Angus for leading the Vant-guard , was like to have caused some trouble ; Angus claiming the place by the priviledges granted to his predecessors ; and the Lord Hamilton alledging , that none ought to contend with him in honour , because of his proximity to the Royal blood : but the King interposing his authority , gave the leading of the Vant-guard for that time to the Lord Hamilton , reserving the rights and priviledges of the house of Angus , whereunto nothing was done at that time should work any prejudice . All that night the King did watch himself , and kept his Army on foot . In the morning early he was advertised that the Rebels were dispersed , and gone back : for Huntley understanding that the King was resolved to put it to a day , declined the fight , because of the danger that might come to the Kings person ; Crawford for the same reason seemed not very bent : but Arroll insisting to have gone forward , when he saw they would not be moved , parted from them at the bridge of Dee in great wrath . The King came the same day to Aberdene , and calling the Magistrates , did threaten them sharply for receiving the Rebels into their City . They excused themselves by their weaknesse , and the want of power to resist the great forces : which was admitted , upon promise that they should look better to their town in after times . Whilest the King stayed there , the Noblemen and Barons of the countrey came in and made offer of their service , giving surety not to reset nor intercommune with the Rebels , and to concurre with his Majesties Lieutenant , when they should be required . This done the King returned to Edinburgh , for he was then about the directing of the Earl of Marshall to Denmark for the accomplishing of his marriage , and bringing home the Queen ; there went with him Andrew Lord Dingwell , Sir Iames Scrymgeour of Dudap , Mr. Iohn Sheen Advocate , and Mr. George Young Archdeacon of S. Andrewes . For defraying the Ambassadours charges , a Subsidy of an hundred thousand pounds was granted by the Councel , according to a warrant given them in the Parliament 1587. whereof the subjects made ready payment : so great was their desire to have the King matched , and the royal succession established in his race . The enterprise of the Rebels being in this sort defeated , the Thesaurer was put to liberty , and at his coming to Court did solicit the King in favours of the Earl of Huntley and Crawford , who forthinking the attempt they had made , did offer to enter their persons in Ward , and submit themselves to the punishment his Majesty should be pleased to impose . The Chancellor made the like intercession for Bothwell , but for Arroll none did speak . After the King had thought a little of it , he was content they should enter , and present themselves to the Justice ; but would give no condition . For this effect the 24. of May was assigned ; at the day Mr. Edward Bruce , Mr. William Oliphant , and Mr. Iames Wardlaw , sitting Judges in the criminal Court by Commission , the three Earls compiered . Of Noblemen and others charged to passe upon their Assise , there were present the Lord Hamilton , the Earls of Angus , Morton , Atholl , Marre , and Marshall , the Lords Seaton , Somervill , Dingwell , and Cathcart , the Lairds of Pittarrow , Closburn , Lagg , and the Constable of Dundy . These taking oath as the manner is , the indictment was read , which consisted of seven or eight points , First , they were charged with practising with Jesuits , seminary Priests , and other strangers against Religion , receiving of Spanish gold , and hiring souldiers therewith to disturb the quiet of the Realm . 2. That they had entered in bond and confederacy with the Earls of Arroll , Montrosse , and others contrary to the Lawes , kept Conventicles , and treasonably surprised the Town of Perth , of purpose to have fortified the same against his Majesty . 3. That they had conspired to take the King prisoner at Halyrudhouse , and kill his servants , and Counsellours , especially Sir Iohn Maitland of Thirlstane Chancellor . 4. That they had besieged the house of Kirkhill , put fire to the same , and forced the Master of Glammis Thesaurer to render himself captive . 5. That they had convocated the subjects by open Proclamation , and given out that the King was detained prisoner against his will. 6. That they came with displayed banners to the Bridge of Dee , of mind to invade the King , whom they knew to be upon an expedition to the North parts . 7. That they had taken the Kings Herauld at Arms in the City of Aberdene , spoyled him of his Coat , and Letters , when he was about to proclaim them . The 8. and last , concerned Bothwell particularly , who besides the rest , was charged to have hired souldiers , as well strangers , as men within the countrey , entertaining them in Dalkeith , and threatning to invade the town of Leth , at his Majesties being in the North. Bothwell confessing that he had waged souldiers , and entered in bonds with other Noblemen , did therefore put himself in his Majesties will , the rest of the points he denied , remitting himself to the trial of his Peers . Crawford confessed that he was in the fields at the taking of Kirkhill , and with the Earl of Huntley in Aberdene , but denied the other points ; Huntley come in will for the whole . The Assise removing by themselves , found Bothwell guilty of the enterprise at the quarrel holes , besides that which he confessed . They filed Crawford of surprising the Town of Perth , and coming in Arms to the Bridge of Dee ; Huntley by his own confession was found guilty in all . The sentence upon the Kings Warrant was suspended , and they committed to divers places : Bothwell in Tantallon , Crawford in Blacknesse , and Huntley in the Castle of Edinburgh . In Iune following , the Assembly of the Church convened at Edinburgh , where the King giving his presence , after he had spoken a little of his good affection towards the Church ; shewed that he was come to desire Mr. Patrick Galloway to be appointed one of his Ministers : the Assembly by the mouth of their Moderator , rendring his Majesty humble thanks for the beginnings he had made in suppressing the enemies of Religion , did intreat him to prosecute the businesse , and made offer of their humble service and assistance to the uttermost of their power . As to that which he desired , they acknowledged that his Majesty might command any Minister wheresoever he served , to attend himself and his Court ; and so ordained Mr. Patrick Galloway to leave his charge at Perth , and wait upon the King. It was a good beginning , and this gave no small content to all well disposed men . But things continued not long in that case , for before that meeting took an end , a fresh offence was given . The year preceding , the King having contracted his Cousen the Duke of Lennox his sister to the Earl of Huntley , had caused the Bishop of S. Andrews celebrate the marriage , at which the Ministers of Edinburgh taking exception , they complained of the same , in a preceding Assembly , and had obtained a Commission to the Presbytery for calling and censuring the Bishop according to the Acts of the Church . Whether the Bishop would not ackowledge them for Judges , or that he esteemed his Majesties command a Warrant sufficient for what he had done ; whilest as he neglected their proceedings , they pronounce him deprived from all office and function in the Church ; and presenting the processe in this assembly , the same was found formal , the sentence ratified , and ordained to be published in all the Churches of the Kingdome , only to make the Bishop hateful , and contemptible . He complaineth to the King , who shewed himself extremely displeased with their doings ; but what course he should take he was doubtful , for every day he was expecting the arrival of his Queen , and loved to have all things quiet , and setled at her coming , especially in the Church ; with whom it grieved him not a little to be still in question : but espying no better way , he resolved in end to dissemble his anger towards them , and to take the imprisoned Lords in favour , lest he should make himself too much businesse . Thereupon he returneth to the North● gives Arroll a pardon , putteth Crawford to liberty , and fully remits him ; Huntley and Bothwell he freeth from imprisonment , but to hold them in awe , he deferres the Declaration of his will concerning them . The Lord Maxwel , upon his bond not to practise against Religion , under the pain of an hundred thousand pounds , is likewise dimitted . And in this case stood things when advertisement came that the marriage was accomplished , and the Queen ready to take Sea. All diligence was thereupon used to prepare for her reception , and nothing left undone that was required for so great a solemnity . But a second and unlookt for message cometh shortly after , shewing that the Navy appointed for her conduct was driven by a tempest into Norway , and that it was thought she should stay in those parts unto the spring . The King taking this impatiently , concludeth with himself to go thither in person ; and because he knew many impediments would be made , if his purpose were known , he giveth out that he would send the Chancellor and Justice Clerk to transport her in Scottish Vessels , if the Danes would not adventure theirs in that season . How soon the ships were prepared for their journey , no man expecting any such matter , he taketh Sea himself , * leaving direction to the Councel for the government of affaires during his absence , with the following Declaration written all with his own hand , but not seen to any till he was gone . In respect I know that the motion of my voyage will be at this time diversly scanned , and misinterpreting may be made as well to my dishononr , as to the blame of innocents ; I have thought fit to leave this Declaration , for resolving all good subjects , first of the causes that moved me to undertake this voyage , then in the fashion in which I resolved to make the same . As to the causes , I have been generally blamed by all men for deferring my marriage so long , being alone , without Father , Mother , Brother or Sister ; and yet a King not only of this Realm , but heir apparent of another . This my nakedness made me weak , and mine enemies strong ; for one man is no man as they speak , and where there is no hope of succession , it breeds contempt , and disdain ; yea the delay I have used hath begot in many a suspicion of impotency in me , as if I were a barren stock ; These and other reasons moved me to hasten my marriage , from which I could yet have longer abstained , if the weal of my countrey could have permitted . I am not known to be rash in my weightiest affairs , neither am I so carried with passion as not to give place to reason ; but the treaty being perfected , and the Queen on her journey , when I was advertised of her stay by contrary windes , and that it was not like she should perfect her voyage this year , I resolved to make it on my part possible , which was unpossible on hers . The place where I first took this resolution was in Craigmillar , none of my Councel being present ; and as I took it by myself , so I bethought me of a way to follow the same . And first I advised to employ the Earl of Bothwel in the voyage , in regard he is Admiral ; but his preparations took so long a time , that I was forced to call the Councel , and send for the Chancellor and Iustice Clerk , who were then in Lawder . When as they met , they found so many difficulties in sending forth a number of ships for the Queens convey ( for so I gave it out ) and who should be the Ambassadors , that I was compelled to avouch , if none should be found to go , I should go my self alone in a ship : adding that if men had been as willing as became them , I would not have needed to have been in these straits : This the Chancellor taking to touch him ( for he knew he had been standered all that time for impeding my marriage ) partly out of zeal to my service , and partly fearing that I should make good my word , if no better way could be found , made offer to go himselfe in that service . This I embraced , keeping my intention from all men , because I thought it enough for me to put my foot in a ship when all things were ready , and from the Chancellor himself , ( from whom I never kept any of my weightiest businesses ) for two reasons . First , because if I had made him of my Councel in that purpose , he had been blamed , for putting the same in my head , ( which had not been his duty ) for it becomes no subject to give his Prince advice in such matters ; withall considering , what hatred and envy he sustained injustly for leading me by the nose as it were to all his appetites , as though I were an unreasonable creature , or a child that could do nothing of my self , I thought pity to heap mo unjust slanders on his head . The other reason was , that I perceived it was for staying my journey , that he made offer to go ; so was I assured if he had known my purpose , he would either have stayed himself at home , or thinking it too heavy a burthen for him to undertake my convoy , he would have lingered so long , as there should not have been a possibility for making the voyage . This I thought meet to declare , ( and upon my honour it is the truth ) lest I should be esteemed an imprudent Asse , that can do nothing of my self , and to save the innocency of that man from unjust reproaches . For my part , besides that which I have said , the shortness of the way , the surety of the passage , being clear of all sands , forelands , and such other perils ; safe harbours in these parts , and no forain fleets resorting in these Seas ; it is my pleasure that no man grudge at this my proceeding , but that all conform themselves to the directions I have given to be followed unto my return , which shall be within 20. dayes , wind and weather serving ; and if any shall contravene these , I will take it as a sufficient proof , that he bears me no good will in his heart ; as to the contrary I will respect all that reverence my Commandements , in the best sort I may . Farewell . This Declaration written and signed with his Majesties own hand , was the next day after he was shipped , presented to the Councel by Alexander Hay Clerk of Register , together with the directions mentioned in the end thereof , which were thus conceived . Seeing it hath pleased Almighty God to bring us to mans age , and that nothing hath been more earnestly wished by all our good subjects , then to see us honourably matched , so that the Crown might descend to our own succession after so many worthy progenitors ; me to satisfy their desires , having resolved upon a personage , that for blood and other commodities of alliance , could not be thought but most worthy ; did enter into contract with Frederick King of Denmark lately deceased , and by advice of our Councel directed our Ambassador to solemnize the marriage , and conduct her unto this Realm : But having intelligence , that by contrarious windes she and her company was driven to Norway , and that it being remitted to her choice , whether she would return unto Denmark , or make stay there untill the opening of the spring , she had embraced the last condition , as the best and most liking to her desire : Albeit hitherto we have not behaved our self dissolutely , but patiently attended the good occasion that God should offer ; yet now taking to heart her pains and danger , with the difficulties that have occurred in her transport , we could find no contentment , till that we enterprised to make a voyage towards her , and bring her home , which we are in good hope to do , within the space of 20. dayes wind and weather serving . Yet fearing the time of my stay may be longer at Gods good pleasure , lest any looseness during our absence should fall into the government , we have of our own motion , and not counselled by any , left a Declaration with the Clerk of Register , and willed no man to grudge at our absence , seeing in former times the Kingdom hath wanted a Governour longer , then we trust in God , it shall want us ; as namely from the death of our Grandmother the Queen Regent , unto the arrival of our dearest mother form France , the space of 14. moneths , during which time , for the reverence and love carried unto her , albeit a woman and minor in years , no violence was committed by any person , and greater peace and quietnesse observed then was before , or since that time known to have been kept . And notwithstanding our expectation is nothing lesse , of the good behaviour of our subjects in this our absence , we have taken order for the better government of the publick affairs , that our privy Councell should reside at Edinburgh , and ordained the Duke of Lennox our Nephew to be President thereof , and to be assisted by our Cousen Francis Earl of Bothwel , whom we appoint to attend him , with the other officers of State , namely the Thesaurer , Comptroller , Master of requests , Privy Seal , the Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh , Advocate and Clerk of Register , who shall ever be present , five of them at least with our said Nephew . We have likewise given order , that some Noblemen in their courses shall attend at Edinburgh the space of 15. dayes ; the Earls of Angus and Athol , with the Lords Fleming , and Innermeth to begin ; and the next course to be kept by the Earls of Marre and Morton , with the Lords Seaton , and Yester . The Barons of Lothian , Fife , Sriveling-shire , and Strathern , we appoint to attend as they shall be warned , and directed by the Councel . For the South parts , we have made the Lord Hamilton our Lieutenant , that is , within the three Wardenries and Sheriffdom of Lanrick , and to be assisted , when need is , by the Lords Boyd Hereis , Maxwell , Home , Cesford , and other chief Barons within the Marches ; his residence to be at Dumfreis , or Jedburgh , and his charges to be furnished out of the readiest of the Taxation by Mr. John Colvill Collector thereof . And that peace and quietnesse may be the better observed , we discharge all Conventions for any cause whatsoever unto our return . Finally , we require the Ministers , and Preachers of the Word , to exhort the people to peace and obedience , and commend us and our journey in their prayers to the protection of Almighty God. As this is our desire , so we expect that all our good subjects , will follow the same , especially they who have tried our favour of late , and that they will persist in the loyalty promised by them : certifying those that do in the contrary , that they shall incurre our high displeasure , and be punished with all rigour ; as on the other part , we shall remember the peaceable and obedient thankfully , when occasion presents . By another Missive presented at the same time to the Councel , the Earl Bothwel was declared second to the Duke of Lennox , Sir Robert Melvil Vicechancellor , Alexander Hay Secretary for the Scottish language , and Mr. Iames Elphinston for the Latin and French. The King having thus provided for the publick affairs , took with him in company Sir. Iohn Maitland Chancellor , Sir Lewis Ballenden , Justice Clerk , Mr. Robert Douglas , Provost of Linclowden , the Gentlemen of his Chamber , and other ordinary officers of the house . He took also with him Mr. David Lindesay Minister at Leth , leaving Mr. Patrick Galloway his ordinary Preacher to attend the Councel ; and having a prosperous wind , arrived safely in a Sound or Haven of Norway ( not farre from Upslo where the Queen remained ) the fourth or fifth day after his embarking . The Sunday following he solemnized the Marriage in his own person , Mr. David Lindesay performing the ceremony in the French language . After which , consultation being taken for his return unto Scotland , because it was held dangerous to go to Sea in that season , and that the Counsellors of Denmark did oppose the journey , advising him rather to visit the Queens mother , and her son Christiern elected King of Denmark , he was easily induced to follow their advice , and send back the Scottish ships with Mr. Iames , Sir Krymgeour , and Mr. Iohn Skein . Whilest the King lay at Upslo , the Earl Marshall in Councel made report of his proceedings in the Ambassage , and how according to the contract past , and interchangeably sealed and signed , the Marriage was compleated , and a form of Attestation taken touching the Isles of Orkney , bearing , that the King and Regents of Denmark should supersede all claim of right to the said Isles unto the Kings perfect age , reserving to each Kingdome their own Right , which by that treaty should not be prejudged ; as the Copy thereof subscrived by the four Governours , presently exhibited did shew ; together with the attestation , he produced the form of an oath given by him and his associats , for his Majesties performing of all things promised on his part , concerning the Marriage ; and was in all and every one of these , found to have done good service , and have carried himself honourably according to his Commission . Soon after this came certain Ambassadors from Denmark to invite the King thither , who parting from Upslo with his Queen the 22. of December , came to Bahouse , ( a Castle standing in the Borders of Norway and Sweden ) the first of Ianuary . There he remained seven dayes , attending a safe conduct from the King of Sweden , which Captain William Murray was employed to bring from Stockholme , where that King kept his residence . The conduct brought , he removed from Bahouse the eighth of Ianuary , and was met by a Captain of Sweden upon the River then frozen , with 400. horsemen , and by the space of two Dutch miles , conveyed unto the land of Denmark . The next day he went to the Castle of wertbury , where he remained five days , and from thence journeying by Falkenburgh the Town of Holmestade , and Castle of Cowholm , he came to Elsingburgh where he was stayed some three days from crossing the Ferry by tempest of weather ; and on the 21. of Ianuary was received at Crownenburgh Castle , by the Queen-Mother , the young King , the Duke of Holstat his brother , and the four Regents of the Realm , with all magnificence possible . There he remained to the end of February royally entertained ; and because he was to stay upon the marriage of his Queens eldest sister , with the Duke of Brunswick which was appointed in April next , he directed home William Shaw Master of Worke to advertise the Councel of the reason of his stay , and to cause some ships , and expert Pilots be sent with all diligence , for his more safe convoy . The Councel upon this advertisement employed Collonel William Stewart , with six well furnished ships together , and with him Mr. Patrick Galloway the Kings Minister was sent to further his Majesties return . They arriving at Elsingore about the middlest of April , in the very time that Brunswicks marriage was solemnizing , did signify to the King the longing that the subjects had for his return , and the peace that had been observed since his going from Scotland . For all that while ( which considering the feuds of the countrey was strange ) two riots only did happen , one committed by Archibald Wachop of Nudry a wicked and insolent man ; another by the Clangregore in Bachudder . It rejoyced the King to hear that the subjects had been so quiet , as he did likewise accompt it a great happinesse , that in his own company there had no quarrels fallen out , either amongst themselves , or with the strangers ; whereas it is hard for men in drink , at which they were continually kept , long to agree . A little strife at his first coming to Upslo arose betwixt the Chancellor and Earl Marshal for priority of place , the Earl thinking it due to him because of the honour he had in the espousal of the Queen ; and the Chancellor excepting , that his Ambassage ceased in regard of the Kings presence , and that the same precedency belonged to him by vertue of his office in those parts , being with the King , that he had at home . But this was pacified without any noise by the Kings determination , who declared the place to belong to the Chancellor . Brunswicks Marriage and solemnity thereof finished , the King conveyed with many great ships , took journey homewards , and arrived with his Queen at Leth the 20. of May , where he was received with a wonderful joy , and a great concourse of people . After his landing , he went first to Church , and caused publick thanks to be given to God for his safe and happy return ; then after to the Noblemen and Councel he gave many thanks for the care they had taken in administration of affairs , and the quietnesse they had maintained in the countrey . The Earl of Bothwel besides the rest , was received with a most gracious countenance , for that contrary to all mens expectation he had carried himself orderly all that time . And he indeed soon after the Kings departing ( whether to purchase the opinion of a reformed man , or that , as he pretended , remorse of conscience did move him ) in a conference with Iames Gibson Minister , who was then privately returned from England , did offer for removing the many scandals he had given by his dissolutenesse , to acknowledge publickly his offence , and make any satisfaction the Church should enjoyn ; which also he performed , appearing ( as he was appointed ) in the Church where Mr. Robert Bruce did ordinarily preach , and making confession of his sinnes , promised to live more regularly , and not to give offence thereafter to good Christians . But it was not long after the Kings return , that falling to his wonted forms , he became more disordered then ever , and there through procuring the Kings displeasure , wrought his own undoing , as we shall hear . The next day after the Kings arrival , the Councel assembled to advise upon the Queens Coronation . The King determining to have it done in most solemn manner , because none of the Bishops were present , nor could conveniently be brought against the day , made choice of Mr. Robert Bruce to perform the ceremony . The Ministers that were in town being therewith acquainted , some of the number more curious then wise , did except against the ceremony of Unction saying , that it was Jewish , and abolished at the coming of Christ , introduced into Christian Kingdoms by the Pope , and not to be used . The chief of this opposition was one Mr. Iohn Davison , an idle and turbulent man , who as then had no charge in the Church , but had gained some credit with certain foolish people , that would be thought more holy and zealous then other . Mr. Andrew Melvil sided with him at first , reasoning for the same opinion . It was shewed them , That the ceremony could not be Jewish seeing it never had the beginning from the Jewes , nor was it used by that people only . That the anointing of Kings was mentioned in the book of Judges , which albeit uttered in a parable , did shew that it was a custom received in creating of Kings . And that it was practised in other Kingdomes , besides that of Judea , was a thing manifest , for Hasael King of Aram , was anointed by Elias , and Cyrus King of Persia , is called by Esay Gods anointed : Both these were strangers to the Law and people of the Jewes , yet were they anointed ; wherefore the ceremony could not be Jewish . Then where they said that this rite was introduced by the Pope of Rome ; as that could not be made out , so no reasonable man would think that every rite used amongst Papists was to be rejected ; for in that case we should be forced to remove many things that are both of good institution and use . Seeing therefore the function and authority of Princes continueth the same , and is alike in all free Monarchies , their anointing could no more be excepted against , then their crowning , and the bearing of the Sword , and Scepter before them , which have all the like warrant . Thus they were reasoned with , but nothing could remove their scruples : which the King hearing , he called them before him , and finding them obstinate in their opinions , told them , That he would not have the right of Unction omitted , and if Mr. Robert Bruce would not do it ( for they had threatned him with Church censures ) he would prorogue the day of Coronation , and stay till one of the Bishops came who would not refuse . Upon this they fell to a second deliberation , and Mr. Andrew Melvil altogether misliking that a Bishop should be employed in the action , divided from the others , so that by the plurality of voices , in end it was concluded that the ceremony should be used . Thus the Sunday following the Queen was solemnly crowned , and all the rites accustomed , performed by Mr. Robert Bruce in the Abbey Church of Halyrudhouse . On Tuesday thereafter , she made her triumphant entry into the Town of Edinburgh , where nothing was omitted that might serve to expresse the love and affection of the people . The rest of the moneth , and much of the next was spent in banquets and royall shewes , for the entertaining of the strangers . These finished , and order taken for administration of the rents assigned to the Queen , the strangers were dimitted , and had rich presents given them both from the King and Queen . How soon they were gone , the King upon information that the Ministers of Edinburgh and Dalkeith , had permitted Iames Gibson to preach in their Churches , notwithstanding he was silenced by the general Assembly , caused cite them before the Councel . They answered , That his silencing , as they took it , was only to the time of his appearance before the Assembly , and that he was purged of contumacy ; But the Act being produced , and hearing that he was silenced during the pleasure of the Assembly , which as yet was not declared , they confessed their oversight , and promised that he should not have place amongst them till his Majesty was satisfyed . The King constructing their answer to the best , gave order to summon Gibson for his contempt , and he not appearing , was denounced Rebell . At the same time there was a marriage treated betwixt the Earl of Arrol and a daughter of the Earl of Morton , at which the King took exception , and did inhibit the same , as not liking that he who had so lately rebelled , and was not yet reconciled to the Church , should be strengthened by such an alliance ; Notthelesse the marriage went on , for which the Earl of Morton being called before the Councel , answered , that he could not restrain the affection of his daughter , and was forced to give way unto it . The Councel finding him to have failed in his duty , did remit his censure to the King himself , who as he was a Prince most tractable , did passe it , upon the Earl his submission . In the moneth of Iune the Assembly of the Church convened at Edinburgh , which the King did honour with his presence ; Mr. Patrick Galloway elected to preside in name of the Church , did put up three Petitions to his Majesty : One for establishing the Churches jurisdiction , and the abolishing of all Acts made to the contrary . Another for purging the country of Jesuits , seminary Priests , and excommunicate persons , trafficking against Religion . The third was for providing a competent maintenance to Ministers , forth of the tithes of the Parishes where they served , and applying what was above , to the sustentation of Schooles , maintaining of the poor , repairing of the fabrick of Churches , and other the like necessary uses . To the first his Majesty answered , That in all Parliaments the first Act that was concluded , did concern the liberty of the Church , which he should have care to see observed as in times passed . For the second he said , that it was known what pains he had taken therein before his journey to Denmark , and that he would do what lawfully could be done , for purging the countrey of Papists . And touching the third , because many were interessed therein , he did advise them to make choice of the most discreet of their number to meet with such of the Councel , as he should appoint , for conferring upon the readiest means to effectuate that which they desired . Thereafter his Majesty falling to speak of the barbarous feuds which were entertained in the Realm , and the many odious murthers there through committed , did seriously commend to them ( as those who should of all others most study to make peace ) the removing of such barbarities , so farre as in them lay , wishing them in their Sermons to strike on that point , and make people understand how sinful it was , and how shamefull to the whole Nation ; as likewise to employ the most wise amongst them for reconciling the variances that abounded in the countrey . For my self , said he , I will employ all the power I have that way , and if you shall apply your selves in your places to do the like , my work shall be the more easie , and have the better successe . This was greatly applauded of all ; and indeed after that time he took such pains , partly calling those that were at variance , before the Councel , and causing them submit their quarrels ; partly making strict lawes against the troublers of the common peace , as he never ceased till he got the feuds wholly abolished . Yet this was not wrought but after some time , and with much difficulty , new troubles daily arising in sundry parts of the countrey . In the North a dissension brake out betwixt the Earls of Huntley and Murray , that kept those parts a long time in trouble , the occasion whereof was this : Iohn Gordon son to Thomas Gordon of Cluny , having married the widow of Grant of Ballendallagh , it happeneth in a private quarrel , one of Gordons servants to be killed by the Tutor of the house : Gordon pursuing him before the Justice , for not appearing he was denounced Rebel , and Commission given to the Earl of Huntley as Sheriffe of the countrey to apprehend him . The Earl making search for him cometh to the house of Ballendallagh , and after some resistance taketh it by force , but findeth not the Tutor . This the family of the Grants interpreting to be done in their disgrace , they betook themselves to the patrociny of the Earl of Murray , and with them the Clanchatton , and divers of the name of Dumbarre did joyn . Huntley offending that any in those parts should make head against him , and having understood that the Earls of Atholl and Murray were to meet these Glammis in Forres , for making up a confederacy ; did assemble his friends , and went thither to dissolve the meeting , but before his coming they had severed , and the Earl of Murray was returned to his house of Tarnway , Huntley taking that way home , and some of his company riding about the house in manner of a Bravado , they within discharging some Musquets upon them , it happened the same Gordon that married the widow , to be killed ; To be revenged of this affront , Huntley gathered forces to invade the Earl of Murray , and he assisted by the Earl of Athol his Cousen , prepareth to defend . The convocations were great on either side , whereof the King receiving advertisement , charges were directed to command Atholl home , and inhibit Huntley from coming by West the River of Spey , and Murray not to come on the East of Findorne ; this course did restrain them for a time , but gave not an end to thòse troubles . A little after this fell out the slaughter of William Ker of Ancram a Gentleman of great sufficiency , who was killed in Edinburgh under night , by Sir Robert Ker apparant of Cesfourd ; There had been a long and old emulation betwixt the two families of Cesfourd and Farnherst for the Wardenry of the middle Marches , and the Provostry of Iedburgh . But Farnherst being then deceased , and the heir left young ; this Gentleman as descended of the house , did what he could to maintain the reputation of it , which was an eyesore to the other . It happened also some little time before , this Gentleman in the trial of goods stolne from England , to find out the committer of the theft , and when the same was denied ( for the matter was brought before the Councel ) to verify the same by clear testimonies , which was taken to be done out of spleen , and to rubbe some infamy upon Cesfourd , who was then Warden ; for the man accused was one of his followers . This the Lady Cesfourd a woman of an haughty spirit , did apprehend so deeply , as she never ceased till she had moved her son being then very young , to bereave the Gentleman of his life . A hateful fact it was , both for the manner in which it was done , and for the losse the countrey received by the Gentlemans death ; for he was a man generally well given , wise of great courage , and expert beyond others in the Lawes and Customes of the Borders . The King was highly offended , and was resolved to use exemplary Justice upon the Actor . But he eschewing , and living a fugitive some moneths , was pardoned , upon satisfaction made to the Gentlemans children , as was thought by the Chancellors intercession , who afterwards married him to his Neece , a daughter of Lethington . Most of this Winter was spent in the discovery and examination of Witches and Sorcerers : Amongst these Agnes Samson ( commonly called the wise wife of Keith ) was most remarkeable ; a woman not of the base and ignorant sort of Witches ; but Matron-like , grave , and setled in her answers , which were all to some purpose . In her examination she declared , That she had a familiar spirit , who upon her call did appear in a visible form , and resolve her of any doubtful matter , especially concerning the life or death of persons lying sick . And being askt what words she used when she called the spirit , she said her words was , Holla Master , and that he had learned her so to do . She further confessed , That the Earl Bothwel had moved her to enquire what should become of the King , how long he should reign , and what should happen after his death ; and that the spirit having undertaken to make away the King , after he had failed in performing , and was challenged by her , confessed it was not in his power , speaking words she understood not , but as she did take them , the words were , I l ' est homme de dieu . Richard Graham another notorious Sorcerer , being apprehended at the same time , made the like confession of Bothwel , which was the cause of his committing in April following ; for such curiosities are not thought to possesse the mindes of those that wish well to their Princes , and hath proved the cause of many mens ruine . In the end of the year died Iohn Ereskin of Dun Superintendent of Angus and Mernis , a man famous for the services performed to his Prince and Countrey , and worthy to be remembred for his travels in the Church , which out of zeal to the truth he undertook , preaching and advancing it by all means . Before the Reformation , his house was to those who in that time were called Hereticks , a special place of refuge ; afterwards such was the scarcity of Ministers , that he took upon him the charge , and was chosen with the first to have the oversight of the Churches in these North parts , which he governed to his death most wisely , and with great authority , giving no way to the Novations introduced , nor suffering them to take place within the bounds of his charge , whilest he lived . A Baron he was of good rank , wise , learned , liberal , of singular courage , who for divers resemblances may well be said to have been another Ambrose : he died the 12. of March , in the 82. year of his Age , leaving behind him a numerous posterity , and of himself , and his vertues a memory that shall never be forgotten . Bothwel had not stayed above a moneth in Ward , when seducing his keeper , he made an escape , and thereby increased the suspicion of his guiltinesse ; whereupon the King gave order to pronounce the doom of forfeiture against him , according to the conviction passed in May , 1589. and causing denounce him Traitor did inhibit by Proclamation all the subjects to intercommune or keep intelligence with him . And lest the proceeding should have been thought too rigorous , it was declared in the Proclamation , that he being tender in blood to his Majesty , and advanced by him to sundry honours and offices , had out of his ungodly and unnatural humour , after divers slaughters committed by him , and overseen , taken Armes against the King , and practised with strangers for subversion of Religion , and endangering his Majesties Crown , whereof being convicted in a Justice Court holden in Edinburgh the 24. of May 1589. the doom and sentence was superseded in hope of his amendment . And that notwithstanding all these favours , he continued in his wicked course ; and heaping treason upon treason , had now at last consulted with Witches and Negromancers , for bereaving his Majesty of his life , ( as was manifest by the confession of some that had already suffered , and others yet alive who were shortly to be executed ) and for the same being committed in the Castle of Edinburgh , he had broken Ward , and thereby taken the crime upon him , whereupon the doom which at that time was delayed , being now pronounced , his Majesty did will all his subjects to acknowledge him for no other but a Rebel and Traitor . Bothwell taking the course of all Rebels , which is to turn their malice against some about the King , laid the blame of all upon the Chancellor , and drew together some companies of men , as intending to be revenged to him . With him the Lord Hume and divers others did joyn , but to little purpose ; for Hume upon better advice forsook him , and submitted himself to the King ; and others following his example , used their best means to obtain pardon , so as Bothwell was compelled to flee into England , with some few that went with him . In the Assembly of the Church that convened this summer at Edinburgh , fell out a great contest betwixt them and the Lords of Session , upon this occasion : Mr. Iohn Graham one of the Senators had intended in right of his wife an Action of removing against certain fewars of Halyeards within the Parish of Kirkliston , and to bear out the plea , suborned a Notary in Striveling , called Robert Ramsay , to give him forth an instrument that made for his purpose . The defendants having offered to improve the instrument , did in the mean time upon a private Warrant obtained from his Majesty , apprehend the Notary , who confessed that the Instrument which he subscribed , was brought formed to him , by William Graham brother to Mr. Iohn , and that he knew nothing of the businesse ; and being pursued criminally , was upon his confession condemned of falshood , and executed to the death . The pursuer , as he was a man bold and impudent , to maintain the truth of the instrument , did intend Action against Mr. Patrick Simpson , Minister at Striveling , ( who had dealt with the Notary to bring him to a confession ) alledging that he had seduced the man , and made him deny the instrument . The Minister complaineth to the Assembly , and thereupon Mr. Iohn Graham was summoned to answer for the scandal raised upon one of their members . He compeiring , answered , That he would prove what he had alledged before the Iudge competent . The Assembly replied , That he must qualifie it before them , otherwise they would censure him as a slanderer . Hereupon was the Lord Provant President , with the Lords of Culros and Barnbarrogh , two of the Senators , sent to desire the Assembly not to meddle in causes proper to their cognition , especially in the cause depending before them , at the instance of the Lord Halyeards , ( so they styled him ) against Mr. Patrick Simpson . The Assembly answered , That what they did , was no way hurtfull to the priviledges of Session , nor were they minded to meddle in any Civill matter , but in the purging of one of their own members , they might proceed without the prejudice of the Civill judicatory , therefore wished them not to take ill the Churches dealing in the triall of one of their own number . The Lords dimitted with this answer , Mr. Iohn Graham was called , who excepted against the Judgement ▪ affirming the cause to be Civil , and that the judgement thereof belonged to the Lords of Session , primariò , in regard the same was depending before them . The Assembly repelling the declinatour , found themselves Iudges in the cause , therefore willed him to say what he could in his own defence , otherwise they would give processe , and minister Iustice. But he taking documents of their Interloquutor , and protesting for remedy of law departed . The Lords esteeming this an encroaching upon their priviledges , and that upon such grounds all actions that touched any Minister might be drawn from their Judicatory , resolved to send a prohibition to the Assembly and discharge their proceeding ; but by the mediation of some well disposed persons , that did not like to have questions of Jurisdiction moved , the business was setled , and both actions ordained to cease . Not the less the instrument was sustained by the Lords and judges to make faith , which turned in end to the pursuers undoing . In this Assembly certain Articles were presented subscribed by the Archbishop of S. Andrews , allowing the Presbyterial discipline , and condemning the Government Episcopal , which were afterward imprinted under the title of M. Patrick Adamsons recantation . The Bishop lay bedfast at the time , and was fallen into great necessity by his own misgovernment ; whereof his Adversaries taking advantage , it was devised , that he should be visited by some of the brethren , and desired to leave a testimony under his hand , of his opinion of matters of discipline ; This being moved unto him , he said , That he did not trouble himself with such thoughts at that time , and had never allowed of any other Bishop in the church , but S. Pauls Bishop , which he would willingly set his hand to . Upon this his answer were these Articles drawn up and subscribed by him . Whether he knew what was contained in them , or that he was induced thereto by a poor collection they gave him in the time , ( for so the report went ) or otherwise , it is uncertain ; but when it was told him that such a recantation was published in his name , he complained heavily of the wrong that was done him and committing his cause to God , ended his days in the end of this year . A man he was of great learning , and a most perswasive Preacher , but an ill administrator of the Church Patrimony , which brought him to the misery that is pitiful to think of . Divers works he left , of which some are extant , that shew his learning ; but his prelections upon the Epistles to Timothy , which were most desired , falling into the hands of his adversaries , were suppressed . In the same Assembly a general revocation was made in name of the Church , by M. Robert Pont , of all things done in prejudice of the Rents , and Patrimony thereof , either by Ministers that were beneficed , or by others bearing the title of Church-men . This in the opinion of wise men was esteemed to be a good way for pleading restitution , according to the priveledge of ancient Laws ; but was derided and scoffed at by those that had filled their hands with the spoils of the Church . And folly it was sure to think they could enjoy any benefit by these priviledges , having destroyed the estate , and dignity of the Church , by which these priviledges should have been preserved . Soon after this meeting there happened a great division in the Presbytery of S. Andrews , for planting the Church of Luchars . The pretenders were M. Patrick Weimes and M. Robert Wallace : M. Andrew Melvill with some few that followed him , stood for M. Wallace , M. Thomas Buchannan and the rest for M. Patrick Weimes . The matter after a hot contention being put to voyces , M. Thomas Buchannan and some 19 or 20 with him gave their suffrages to M. Weimes ; M Andrew and other six that adhered to him gave their voices to M. Robert Wallace . M. Andrew taking it impatiently to be thus oversweyed , left the place where the Presbytery did meet , and with his six went to the Schools of the new Colledge , and made up another Presbytery . M. Thomas and the rest aboad in the place , and according as they had voyced , appointed Mr. Patrick Weimes on the next Sunday to be received Minister of Luchars : M. Andrew with his company gave forth the like Ordinance for M. Robert Wallace , and thus both were instituted and admitted Ministers to the Church upon one day . The Gentlemen of the parish went likewise in factions , some holding with the one and some with the other , which caused a great scandal . There being none to pacifie the strife , M. Andrew Lambe the Minister at Brunt-Island ) was directed from the Synod of Fife to entreat some of the Ministers of Lothian to take the pains of bringing them to an agreement . For this effect , M. David Lindesay , M. Robert Bruce , and M. I. Spotswood were chosen ; who coming to S. Andrews in the Moneth of October , called the parties before them , to understand the reasons of their dissension . M. Andrew did plead for the one party , and M. Thomas Buchannan for the other . It was laid to M. Andrew his charge , That he had made a secession , forsaken the place of meeting , and the fellowship of his brethren , and with some six onely that followed him , presumed to overturn the conclusion of the greater number . His defence was , That albeit he and his followers had left the place , yet they could not be judged to have made secession , by reason the others had given the cause , and conspired to preferre a person in worth not comparable to him whom they had elected . As to the number of voices , he said , quòd suffragia essent ponder anda , non numer anda , that voyces ought not to be numbred , but to be weighed and pondered . Two days they continued reasoning , and in end the mediators finding no other means of their agreement , took course to displace both the yong men , and to appoint a third person for the service of the Church : and for eschewing such contentions thereafter , which were feared because of the heat betwixt M. Thomas and M. Andrew , they did appoint the Presbytery to be divided in two , a part to sit at Couper , and the rest to abide at S. Andrews . Thus was that strife pacified , which many held to be ominous , and that the government , which in the beginning did break forth into such schismes , could not long continue ; for this every man noted , That of all men , none could worse endure parity and loved more to command , then they who had introduced it into the Church . But to leave the matters of the Church for a while ; when as the King did think that all was quiet , and Bothwell so weakned as he could not make any trouble ( for Bacleugh his son in law was by licence gone into France , and all the gentlemen of the South parts , who were of any worth , had given surety to have no medling with him ) there were found in the Court it self , instruments apt enough to serve his turn . For of the Duke of Lennox his retinue some that envied the Chancellors credit with the King , and others whose hopes wholly depended upon the trouble of the State , did by secret messages incite Bothwell to enterprise somewhat for himself , offering to bring him within the Kings Palace unperceived , where with a few hands he might make himself master of the King , and all the Court. Bothwell is easily drawn to condescend , and the conspiracy so ordered , that he with his followers should under night be let in at a back passage , that lay through the Lord Duke his Stables ; and first they should seise upon the Gates , take the keyes from the Porter , and go after that to the Kings Chamber , and make him sure . Within the Palace were divers privy to the conspiracy , especially Colonell William Stewart , Iohn Neswith Chirurgeon to the King , and Iames Dowglas of Spot , who was brought to take part in that enterprise by this occasion : Some days before it happened George Home of Spot his father in law to be killed by certain Mersemen of the surname of Home and Craw. Sir George Home Nephew to Spot , and one of the masters of the Kings Esquiry , did charge Iames Dowglas as author , or accessary to the murther , because of a fear he had conceived that his Father in law should by a new right possess his Nephew Sir George in some part of the lands , to which he had right by his mariage : upon this suspicion three of his servants were apprehended and detained prisoners within the Palace , till they should be tryed by torture . The Chancellor , on whom Iames Dowglas depended , laboured all he could to free his servants from that extraordinary form of trial ; but the presumptions being pregnant , the King would have them to be tortured ; which when Spot understood and saw that the same would not be eschewed , he thrust himself desperately in the action , which but a few hours before was communicated to him by one of the Associates . This fell out happily for the King , and was it , that marred the whole conspiracy ; for when Bothwell with his company had entred by the way named , and was come to the inner Court of the Palace , Iames Dowglas that minded nothing but the relief of his servants , drew a number to break open the doors where they were detained , and by the noise thereof , all in the palace were put upon their guard . The King was then at supper , and being told that armed men were in the nether Court , leaving the rooms , wherein he lodged , went up to the Tower as to a place of greater surety . Bothwell having directed some to enclose the Chancellors lodgings lest he should escape , made towards the Queens rooms where he expected to find entry , and perceiving all shut upon him , called to bring fire . But ere they could find any , Sir Iames Sandilands , one of his Majesties chamber who had supped without the palace , with a number of the people of Edinburgh , entring by the Church of Halirud-house , did beat him and his company from the doors , and was in possibility to have taken them all , if there had been any lights ; but those being all extinguished , Bothwell with the principals of his company made shift in the dark , and escaped , returning by the same way that he entred , in his out-going he was encountred by a Gentleman of the Esquiry , named Iohn Shaw , whom he killed with a Pistoll , yet lost some nine of his followers , men of small note , who were executed the next morning . The enterprise thus defeated , Bothwell went into the North , looking to be supplyed by the Earl of Murray his Cousen germane : which the King suspecting , Andrew Lord Ochiltry was sent to bring Murray unto the South of purpose to work a reconcilement betwixt him and Huntly . But a rumour being raised in the mean while that the Earl of Murray was seen in the Palace with Bothwell on the night of the enterprise , the same was entertained by Huntly , ( who waited then at Court ) to make him suspected of the King , and prevailed so far , as he did purchase a Commission to apprehend and bring Murray to his triall . The Nobleman not fearing that any such course should be used , was come to Dunybirsill a house situated on the north side of Forth and belonging to his mother the Lady Downe ; Huntly being advertised of his coming , and how he lay there secure , accompanied onely with the Sheriffe of Murray and a few of his own retinue , went thither and beset the house , requiring him to render . The Earl of Murray refusing to put himself in the hands of his enemy , after some defence made , wherein the Sheriffe was killed , fire was set to the house , and they within forced by the violence of the smoak and flame to come forth . The Earl stayed a great space after the rest , and the night falling down , ventured among his Enemies , and breaking through the midst of them did so farre out-run them all as they supposed he was escaped , yet searching him among the rocks , he was discovered by the tip of his head-peece which had taken fire before he left the house , and unmercifully slain . The report went that Huntlies friends fearing he should disclaim the fact ( for he desired rather to have taken him alive ) made him light from his horse , and give some stroaks to the dead corps . This done , Gordon of Buckie was dispatched to advertise the King what had happened , and Huntly himself took journey Northwards , in such hast as he left Captain Gordon his Cousen , that was lying on the ground wounded , behinde him . This Captain was brought the next day to Edinburgh and publickly executed . The death of the Nobleman was universally lamented , and the clamours of the people so great , especially against the Chancellor upon whom all the blame was laid ; that the King not esteeming it safe to abide at Edinburgh , removed with the Councell to Glasgow , where he remained untill Huntly did enter himself in Ward in Blackness , as he was charged . But he stayed not there many dayes , being dimitted upon Caution to answer before the Justice whensoever he should be called . The corps of the Earl and Sheriffe of Murray were brought to the Church of Leth in two coffines , and there lay diverse Moneths unburied , their friends refusing to commit their bodies to the earth till the slaughter was punished . Nor did any man think himself so much interessed in that fact , as the Lord Ochiltry , who had perswaded the Earl of Murray to come south , whereupon he fell afterwards away to Bothwell , and joyned with him for revenge of the Murther . The Parliament which had been now twice prorogated , did keep in the moneth of Iune . In behalf of the Church it was there petitioned , 1 That the Acts of Parliament made in the year 1584. against the Discipline of the Church and liberty thereof , should be abrogated and annulled , and a ratification granted of the discipline whereof they were then in practise . 2. That the Act of annexation should be repealed , and restitution made of the Churches Patrimony . 3. That the Abbots , Priors , and other Prelates bearing the titles of Churchmen and giving voice for the Church without any power , and Commission from the Church , should not be admitted in time coming to give voice in Parliament , or conveen in their name . And 4. That a solid order might be taken for purging the Realm of idolatry and blood wherewith it was miserably polluted . The second and third Petitions rejected , consultation taken about the other two , and satisfying the last , it was condescended , That saying of Masse , receiving of Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and trafficking Papists against the Kings Majesty , and Religion presently professed ; should be a just cause to infer the pain and crime of treason against Iesuites , Mass Priests , trafficking Papists , and their ressetters : with a provision , That if the Iesuits and seminary Priests did satisfie the Prince and the Church , the foresaid penalty should not strick upon the ressetters ; which in effect was no restraint , neither was the trafficking against Religion declared to be a crime of Treason , unless the same was proved a trafficking likewise against the King. So in this point the Church received small satisfaction . As to the complaint of blood , the same was remitted to the ordinary course of Justice . But the first Petition was longer debated , the King being unwilling either to abrogate the Acts of the 84. or grant the ratification desired of the present discipline : for he foresaw the inconvenients that would grow by the liberty that Ministers should assume to themselves ; yet Bothwels business , and the many discontentments within the Realm , moved him to give way , lest he should be troubled likewise with their outcries . So the Act passed , but in the most wary tearms that could be devised . As for the Statute confirming his Majesties royall power , the abrogation whereof was chiefly sought ; it was onely declared , That the said Statute should be no wayes prejudiciall , nor derogatory to the priviledge that God hath given to the spirituall office-bearer in the Church , concerning heads of Religion , matters of Heresie , Excommunication , collation or deprivation of Ministers , or any such essentiall censures grounded , and having warrant of the Word of God. Upon the end of the Parliament the King went to Falkland , where Bothwell made a new attempt , encouraged thereunto by the Earls of Angus and Arroll , the Master of Gray , Colonell Stewart , and the Lairds of Iohnston and Balwery , who did all promise their concurrence in bringing him unto the Kings presence . The Master of Gray and Balwery did meet him with a good number of horse , Angus kept the Diet but with a small company , Arroll remained with the King within the Palace , and had taken upon him with the assistance of Colonel Stewart to open the Gates ; but either out of fear , their hearts failing them , or not having a number sufficient to make good their undertaking , nothing was done ; yet upon suspicions they were apprehended , and Arroll sent to the Castle of Edinburgh , and the Colonel to Blackness ; the company that came with Bothwell was not great , and did not exceed sixscore in all , broken men for the most part , whom he had taken up in the English and Scottish borders ; with these he had journied 2 dayes and nights , without either meat or sleep , & came to Falkland a little before midnight , where finding his expectation disappointed , and those in the Palace provided to defend , he stayed on the side of the hill , till a little after Sun-rising ; some of his followers in the mean time breaking open the Queens stables , took away the horses , and what else they could lay hands upon . The night was then at the shortest , for it was the 26. of Iune , and the Countrey gathering from all parts to relieve the King , he was forced to flee : But what way to take he was uncertain , for to pass the Ferrie with his company he could not safely , and to return by the bridge of Striveling was a long way , which neither the horses nor their riders after so long watching could indure , yet seeing no better then to be gone , with the haste he could make , about nine of the clock he caused sound the trumpets , and retired . The King after the Countrey people were come followed by the Queens Ferry , thinking he had gone that way , but finding that he had taken his course by Striveling , and knowing that the company would separate how soon they had passed the bridge , he directed most of his followers to apprehend such as they could overtake . Divers were taken in the Moors of Calder and Carnwath , but suffered to escape by their takers : many horses were found straying in the fields , the riders being overcome with sleep and fallen from them . Amongst others , Archibald Wachop of Nudry , and some 7. or 8. with him , whilest they lay sleeping in a meadow nigh to Cambusnetham , were taken by the Lord Hamilton , and sent to be kept in the Castle of Draffan , but his Lady the day after , out of a womanly commiseration whilest her Lord was absent , suffered them to depart . Bothwell himself fled unto the West borders , and from thence into England . The badness of this attempt put the borders in a great fear , for many of them , especially of the Iohnstons had followed him in that journey : yet so great was the Kings clemency , as being at Dumfreise , whither he went in the beginning of Iuly , a generall pardon was proclaimed to all that would submit themselves ; whereupon numbers did enter , and were received in favour . Bothwell thus forsaken almost of all , did notwithstanding in the Court again find some that out of emulation , and private rancour , more then for any affection they carried unto him , wrought the King new troubles . Alexander Lindesay Lord Spinie , a great favourite in that time , out of the malice he bare to the Master of Glamis Thesaurer , whom he knew Bothwell also hated , did secretly practise to bring him into the Kings presence , and make his reconciliation . This coming to the knowledge of Colonel Stewart , who was still detained in Blackness , to procure his own liberty , and recover the Kings favour , he signified the same to the King by Sir Iames Sandelands , who as then was keeper of the house , and being brought before the Councell at Dalkeith stood to the declaration , affirming , that the Lord Spinie had resset Bothwell in his Ladies house at Aberdowre ; which he offered to prove by witnesses , circumstances and other clear demonstrations . These were his words . Spinie denying all , appealed the Colonell to combat , which the King would not permit , assigning the 12 of September for his triall before the Justice . Spinie appearing at the day , the Colonell excused himself by the shortnesse of the time , and had a new diet assigned him , at which his probation failing , Spinie was restored to his honour , dignity and service , yet did he never recover his former credit with the King , but was held still suspected , and whether offending at this , or that the first declaration was true in it self , the year following he took open part with Bothwell , and was therefore denounced Rebell . At the same time Iohn Weymis younger of Logie , Gentleman of his Majesties Chamber , and in great favour both with the King and Queen , was discovered to have the like dealing with Bothwell , and being committed to the keeping of the Guard , escaped by the policy of one of the Dutch Maids , with whom he entertained a secret love . The Gentlewoman , named mistress Margaret Twinslace , coming one night whilest the King and Queen were in bed , to his keepers , shewed that the King called for the prisoner to ask of him some question ; the keepers suspecting nothing ; for they knew her to be the principall Maid in the Chamber , conveighed him to the door of the Bed-chamber , and making a stay without as they were commanded , the Gentlewoman did let him down at a window by a cord that she had prepared . The keepers waiting upon his return stayed there till the morning , and then found themselves deceived . This with the manner of the escape , ministred great occasion of laughter , and not many dayes after the King being pacified by the Queens means , he was pardoned , and took to wife the Gentlewoman , who had in this sort hazarded her credit for his safety . These dealings at Court increased not a little the boldness of others in the Countrey , so as some of all ranks , both Barons , Gentlemen and Burgesses , became followers of Bothwell , and feared not to entertain him openly . All Teviotdale ran after him ; whereupon the King made an expedition to Iedburgh 12. October , and finding some of his ressetters tooke bonds of them for their better behaviour . At his return he found new vexations by a faction made at Court against the Chancellour , whereof the heads were , the Duke of Lennox , the Earls of Argile and Morton , the master of Glamis and Lord Home ; with these the Earls of Angus and Arroll , who were released from their wards by the Queens intercession , did afterwards joyn . That which gave the occasion , was a claim made by the Queen of the Lordship of Mussylbrugh , as being a part of Dumfermelin , which she desired the Chancellour to resign , for he had acquired an heritable right thereof , at the making the act of Annexation . The Chancellour excusing himself , and in effect denying to satisfie her desire , she grew offended , and drew in these Noblemen to oppose him ; whereupon he withdrew himself from Court , and remained in Nidisdale the rest of that year . In the North there was likewise great unquietness , for the Clanhattans conducted by Angus Williamston , to revenge the Earl of Murrayes death , made great spoil upon the Earl of Huntlies lands in Strathspey , and Glemmuck , killing divers , and amongst others an honest aged man called Gordon of Barcklay , against whom they could pretend no quarrell : Huntly to be revenged of this wrong made an incursion upon the lands of Pettie , which the Clanhattan did then possess , exercing great crueltie , and understanding that William Malcolmtoshe was at the same time spoyling the lands of Colerick encountred him at the head of Staplegate hill , where after a short conflict some threescore of the Clanhattan were killed , a few onely falling on his side . Shortly after in another expedition upon the same lands having drawn together a number of High-landers from Lochabar , Badenoch , and Strathdawn , he wasted , burnt and spoyled all that Countrey , killing a great many people . The King to pacifie these troubles , directed the Earl of Angus with a Commission of Lieutenandry unto the North , where he wrought so much as the publick incursions of both sides did cease , and in this time was Mr. George Ker , brother to the Lord Newbotle , intercepted as he lay at the Isle of Cumray , intending a journey towards Spain ; with him were deprehended divers missive letters and blanks signed by the Earls of Angus , Huntly and Arroll , and by Sir Patrick Gordon of Aughendown . Mr. Andrew Knox then Minister of Pasley , who was afterwards made Bishop of the Isles , upon some discovery made to him , did interprise his taking , and making him to be conveighed with a strong guard , delivered him to the Provost of the City , the King being then in Alloway at the Christmasse with the Earl of Marre , who but a few payes before had married the Duke of Lennox his sister . Advertisement made of his apprehension , and of the letters deprehended with him , the King made haste to return . The night before his coming was the Earl of Angus returned from the North , and not having heard any thing of Mr. George Kers taking , went as he was accustomed to his lodging in Edinburgh , but was presently arrested by the Provost and Baylifes , and sent prisoner to the Castle . The King esteeming this too great a presumption in them , to have used a Nobleman and Counsellour lately returned from such a publick imployment , without warrant in that manner , was not a little offended ; yet because of the hainous accusations laid against him , their forwardnesse was excused , and his imprisonment allowed for good service by Act of Councell . Mr. George Ker at his examination did ingenuously confesse all that he knew of the businesse , the summe whereof was as followeth . That upon a letter sent from Mr. William Creichton the Iesuit , then residing in Spain , and assurance given of the King of Spains aid for the alteration of Religion , Mr. James Gordon , and Mr. Robert Abercrombie Iesuits , had devised to send one to Spain , to certifie the King of the concurrence of the Scottish Catholicks in his service , and that for the greater secrecy , the three forenamed Earls should undertake for the rest , and by their letters testifie the same . That this being proponed to the Noblemen , they did willingly consent , and accordingly set their hands to eight blanks , six whereof were to be filled , as missives from them to the King of Spain , and the two other with procurations , one for the messengers credit , the other for the Articles , that should be drawn up in Spain ; That the filling of the blanks was trusted to Mr. William Chreichton , and Mr. James Tyrie , and that Sir James Chisholm , one of the Kings Master housholds was first chosen to be carrier of the blanks , but that he being impeded through some private businesse , they were delivered to him , subscribed in the moneth of October , he being then in Edinburgh . He further declared , that by conference at the same time with the Earls of Angus and Arroll , he understood that the King of Spain was to send an Army of thirty thousand men into Scotland , whereof 15000. should remain in the Countrey , and with the assistance of the Catholicks either alter the present Religion , or procure liberty to their own profession : and that the rest of the army should invade England , being conveyed thither by the Catholick Lords who were to meet the Army at their landing , which was appointed to be either at Kirkudbright in Galloway , or in the mouth of Cl●ydo . This was the summe of his confession . The Earl of Angus charged with these points denied , affirming the blanks and subscriptions to be counterfeited . But David Graham of Fintry , who was apprehended upon suspicion at the same time , declared that Mr. Robert Abercrombie had revealed the purpose to him , and shewed that the blanks were trusted to Master George Ker. This so manifest a discovery of Popish plots tending not onely to the overthrow of Religion , but also of the Realm , which by this treasonable practise should have been reduced to a miserable slavery , did animate the King much against the Jesuits , whereupon he published his resolution to spare none that should try guilty of the Treason , but make them an example to all post●rities , requiring in most serious manner all his good subjects to beware of these Iesuits , traitors to their native Countrey , and in their prayers to implore the mercy of God for preservation of themselves , their wives and children from the conspiracy intended . The Ministers of Edinburgh esteeming it their duty to make the Churches of the Countrey foreseen of the conspiracy that was detected , gave notice thereof by their letters to such as were most nigh at hand , desiring them to meet at Edinburgh the 8. of Ianuary for giving their advice touching these dangers , and how the same might best be prevented . The meeting was frequent , for the report of the discovery drew many thither . Mr. Robert Bruce in a short speech having related the perill wherein the Countrey and Church were brought by these practises , it was thought meet by some Commissioners to entreat of his Majesty the execution of the lawes against Jesuits , and their ressetters , with the punishment of such as should be found guilty of the present conspiracy . The King accepting graciously those that were sent unto him , and giving the whole Assembly thanks for the readinesse they shewed to assist him in the prosecution of that triall , wished them to consider of what importance the businesse was , and not onely to give their advice for the course that should be taken , but also to let him know what help they would contribute for strengthening him in his proceeding against the unnaturall Subjects . His Majesties desire being reported to the Meeting their advice was , that a Parliament should be indicted and the subscrivers of the blanks cited thereto , and because it was not expected that they would appear so as his Majesty should be compelled to pursue them by force of Armes ; they did humbly offer their attendance upon his Majesties person , till they should be apprehended or expulsed the Countrey ; as likewise to entertain a guard to his Majesty of three hundreth horsemen , and an hundreth foot , so long as any necessity was , and till the laws of the Countrey had taken effect against the rebells ; providing it should not be drawn into a custome , nor prejudge the liberty of the Realm in time coming . The offer was thankfully accepted , and a Proclamation made to meet the King at Aberdene the 20 of February , for settling the North parts ; and for a beginning of Justice David Graham of Fintrie was arraigned , and being found guilty , beheaded in the publick street of Edinburgh the 16. of February . Some two dayes before his execution , Mr. Iohn Graham one of the Senators of the Colledge of Justice , being charged ( because of the businesse he made in behalf of Fintrie ) to depart forth of the Town , and keep ward in Strathern , was killed as he was going to the tide at Leith . There had been a question long depending betwixt Sir Iames Sanderlands and him , for the lands of Halyards , and by reason thereof a professed enmity amongst them ; and it falling out at the same time , when he was going to Leith , that the Duke of Lennox accompanied with Sir Iames , and divers others , was making towards their sport in the sands , Mr. Iohn Graham apprehending that they did pursue him , made a turn upon that ascent which is without the gate of the town , as if he would stand there to his defence , which S. Iames taking for a sort of provocation , he made towards him , and entering in conflict , Sir Alexander Stewart , a grave Gentleman , servant to the Duke of Lennox , was killed by the shot of a pistoll , presently after M. Iohn Graham by another shot was stricken in the breast and fell to the ground , they who did give him the convoy , seeing him fall , did all flie , and the companies separating , he was led to a poor Cottage , near unto the place , and as he lay in bed , killed by the said Sir Alexander his Page , in revenge of his Masters death . A man he was , but meanly born and descended of that unhappy race , which had an hand in the murther of King Iames the first : a long time he served as Deputy to the Earl of Argile in the Justice Courts , and after his death waited on Captain Iames Stewart , by whose means he was preferred to be one of the Senatours of the Colledge of Justice in the place of Mr. Robert Pont : of a quick wit , and a good and ready utterance , but was excessively proud , covetous and unhonest in his dealings , as appeared in suborning of the Notary of whom we spake , and the fraud which he used to Mr. Andrew Polwart subdean of Glasgow , a man of great learning , who being forced to fly into England in the year 1584. with the other Ministers that took their refuge thither , had intrusted him with his living and rent , upon assurance to be repossessed when the time should change , yet being returned and having obtained his peace , could he never bring him to fulfill his promise ; whereupon after a long plea at law , not finding an outgate , the honest man conceived a displeasure and died . The Earl of Angus the same day that he was killed made an escape out of the Castle of Edinburgh by the connivence of the keepers , and flying to the North , joyned with Huntley and Arroll . They upon the report of the Kings coming to Aberdene , left their houses , and betook themselves to the mountains , sending their Ladies to intercede for them , and make offer of the keyes of their houses which they had been charged to render . The King receiving the Ladies courteously , told them that if their husbands would enter and abide triall , they should receive no wrong , otherwise the crime laid to their charge , did so highly touch the Estate , as he could not stay the course of Justice . In the mean time for preserving the Countrey in peace , the Earl of Atholl was made Lieutenant within the bounds of Elgin , Forres , Narne , Innernesse , and Cromartie ; and the like Commission given to the Earl of Marshall of the Sherifdoms of Kincardin , Bamffe and Aberdene . This done the King returned to Edinburgh , * where the Lord Burgh did meet him . He was sent from the Queen of England to congratulate the discoveries of these treacherous practices , and make offer of her assistance , in pursuing and punishing those that should trie culpable , wherein she wished him to doe as a King ought in such a case , and if he could not apprehend their persons , to confiscate their lands and rents , whereby he should undoe them , and better the Estate of his Crown . And seeing the cause was common and touched all Princes professing the same Religion , she desired to be certified what his resolution was , that she might assure other Princes her confederates of the course taken in both their dominions for resisting the attempts of Spain . The King thanking the Queen for her friendly offer and advice , said , That he knew Sir Robert Bowes her resident Ambassadour had advertised her of the whole particulars , and of the blanks and letters intercepted : that he had made a beginning , and was fully resolved to prosecute the same with all rigour against those that he should trie culpable ; but willed her to consider how dangerous it was for him to have so many great men his Rebells , and what a businesse it would be , to hunt them out of those holes , and desert places where they lurked ; That he would stand in need of her help and supply , which he doubted not to finde , it being more dangerous for her estate to have the Spaniard set foot in his Kingdome , then either in France , or the Low-Countries , both which she had liberally helped and supplyed with men and moneys . But what particular supply he would crave , his own Ambassadour whom he minded to send speedily should declare . This was the effect of the conference kept with the Lord Burgh at his first hearing . At the next audience the Ambassadour falling again upon the same purpose , said , That her Majesty did wish the King to fortifie himself with a wise , sound and well affected Councell , that might help to discover such wicked practices , and represse them when they were detected ; and then casting in somewhat of the punishment , that the Queen had taken of those that had given Bothwel countenance in England ; he wished the King to consider what course was best to be held with him in so troublesome a time ; and if it were not for his Majesties quiet ( having so many rebells ) to receive him upon his submission in favour . The King passing that which he had told of the punishing of Bothwells ressetters , albeit he knew no such thing was done ; answered , That if the Queen did either respect his countenance , or her own honour , she would be so far from giving him refuge in her Dominions , as he thought certainly she would deliver him according to the tenour of the league standing among them . But for taking him in favour , his offences were unpardonable , and to be abhorred of all soveraign Princes , therefore desired him to shew the Queen his Mistresse , that if he should understand any resset to be given Bothwell after that time , he could not but joyn with her greatest enemies for his own safety . As for his resolution in persecuting the triall begun , he should have it with him in a Letter of his own hand . This done he was dimitted , Sir Robert Bowes residing still as Legier . In the end of April there was an Assembly kept at Dundy , wherein his Majesty directed Sir Iames Melvill of Halhill , with certain Articles , in the first whereof he declared , That he would not suffer the priviledge and honour of his Crown to be diminished , and Assemblies to be made when and where they pleased . Therefore willed them before the dissolution of the present Assembly , to send two or three of their number , by whom they should know his mind touching the time and place of their next meeting . By the second it was desired , That an Act should be made inhibiting Ministers to declame in Pulpit against the proceedings of his Majesty & Councel , under pain of deprivation , both in regard of his Majesties good intentions known to themselves for maintaining Religion and Iustice , and for the easie accesse that divers of the Ministery had unto him , by whom they might signifie their complaints and grievances if any they had . Thirdly , In regard of Mr. Craigs decrepit age , his Majesty desired to have five or sixe nominated to him by the Assembly , that he might chuse some two of them to serve in his house . Fourthly , Seeing the standing of Religion , and safety of his person were so straightly eonjoyned , as they that were enemies to the one , could not be friends to the other , that some of every Presbytery should be appointed to inform and advertise his Majesty of the practises of the Papists and the ressetters of Bothwell ; whose whole courses tended to the subversion of Religion , no lesse then the indangering of his Majesties person . And fifthly , That they should appoint some of their number to cause the Magistrates of Burghes , where there are any Sea-ports , try those that came into the Countery , or passed forth of the same , to delate their names , that the plots and practises against Religion might be better discovered . These Articles , especially the first two , savouring of discontent , were answered generally by the Assembly : concerning their Meetings , they said , that they should follow the Act of Parliament made the year preceding : and for the declaming in Pulpit , an Act was made prohibiting any Minister to utter in Pulpit any rash or irreveverent speeches against his Majesty and Councell , or their proceedings ; and to give their admonitions upon just and necessary causes , and in all fear , love and reverence . Which the King esteeming to be no restraint , but rather to minister an excuse to the unruly sort when they transgressed , then otherwise , rejected as not satisfying his demand ; whereupon the Petitions of the Church proponed against Papists at the same time , and against the erections of Tithes in Temporalities , were not much regarded . In this Assembly it was enacted That none professing Religion within the Church of Scotland , should from thenceforth repair to any of the King of Spains Dominions , where the tyranny of Inquisition was used , for traffick of Merchandise , or other the like negotiations , till the King did obtain liberty from the King of Spain to his Subjects for traffick in these bounds , without any danger of their person or goods for the cause of Religion , under the pain of Excommunication . The Merchants offending hereat , did petition his Majesty and Councell for maintaining their liberty of traffick ; which was granted . Notwithstanding whereof the Ministers proceeded in their censures , till the Merchants made offer to surcease their trade with Spain , how soon their accompts were made , and they payed by their creditors in those parts . But the abolishing of the Mondayes Mercat in Edinburgh , though assented unto by the Councell of the Town , and past in an Act , took not the like effect ; for the shoomakers who were most interessed in that businesse , hearing that the same was to be put in execution tumultuously gathering themselves together , come to the Ministers houses , menacing to chase them forth of the town , if they did urge that matter any more ; after which the motion ceased , the Mercat continuing as before . This did minister great occasions of sport at that time in Court , where it was said , That rascalls and sowtars could obtain at the Ministers hands , what the King could not in matters more reasonable . In the beginning of Iune , Sir Robert Melvil was sent in Ambassage to England ; his Commissionwas to signifie what had been done in the prosecution of the Authors , and contrivers of the last practises since the Lord Burgh his return , and to require some aid and assistance for inabling the King to follow that businesse to an end ; and particularly he was desired to crave a supply in money for levying 600. Souldiers , and entertaining them some moneths , till the service was finished , and the Rebells either apprehended , or forced to quit the Realm ; withall he was appointed to renew the former complaints of Bothwel his resset and entertainment in the borders of England , and to crave his delivery according to the league . But while he was pressing that businesse in England , Bothwel surprised the King at home , and for a while made all these purposes to sleep , so as he returned without effecting any thing . The occasion and manner of the surprise was this . The Chancellour who had all that year been absent from Court , upon a discontent the Queen conceived against him , had sent to the King a Letter requesting his licence to depart forth of the Countrey , since he could not with safety attend his service ; for that to remain at home , and live deprived of his Majesties presence , he said was to him a very hell , which he could hardly indure ; promising to return at such time , as his Majesty should find convenient to recall him to his service . The King did shew the letter to the Queen , because in the same he had protested much of his sincere affection towards her , and being loath to quite him whom he had tried to be so able a servant , moved her to forget all quarrels , so as he would resigne the Lordship of Mussilbrugh , which had bred this dissension . The resignation made , and the Chancellour being on the point to return to Court , the Duke of Lennox by the advice of Atholl , Ochiltrie , and others of the name of Stewart , resolved to prevent his coming by the inbringing of Bothwell . The Parliament had broke up some two dayes before , and the Noblemen resorting to the Palace to take their leave of the King , the Gates were kept patent , and lesse heed taken of those who entred . Atholl with his Lady had lodged all that time in the house , then pertaining to the Earl of Gowry , at the back of the Palace , and kept Bothwell private with Mr. Iohn Colvill , one of his followers . So early in the morning the Lady pretending to bid the King farewell , and making her entry through the Postern Gate , taketh Bothwell and his companion along with her , and bringeth them unperceived of any into the Kings bedchamber ; The King was then private in a retiring room , and when he came back , and saw them stand with their swords in their hands , cried aloud , Treason , treason : They falling on their knees called for mercy ; Nay , said the King , you have dishonoured me ; and placing himself in his chair , Strike Traitor , saith he to Bothwell , and make an end of thy work , for I desire not to live any longer . He protesting with many oaths , that he came only to beg pardon , and to put himself in his Majesties will : the King replyed , That mercy extorted by violence , was not mercy , and that it was not the form of supplicants to come with weapons in their hands . Whilest the King was thus talking , the Earl of Marre , and Sir William Keith entred into the Chamber , and presently after them a number of Bothwells faction , who by this time had possessed the utter Court , and assumed the charge of the Gates . The report of this accident going to the City the people went to armes , and conducted by Sir Alexander Home their Provost , made towards the Palace to give the King relief ; but he was then become somewhat pacified , and following the Earl of Marre his advice , after he had shewed himself from a window to the people , and given them thanks for their readiness , he willed them to return to their houses & attend his advertisement . All that day matters were caried fairly in a sort , 〈◊〉 using speeches , and offering himself to trial for the consultation which began his trouble ; for his other misdemeanors he desired mercy , excusing himself by the want , and necessity , whereunto he and his friends were driven . But when he perceived the Kings countenance not to be towards him , as he wished , he changed his forms , and letting some words fall that sounded not well , gave divers to suspect that he should attempt some violence . This did set the English Ambassador on work , who being assisted by the Ministers of Edinburgh , did after long travell and much perswasion induce the King to set his hand to the Articles following . 1 That remission should be granted to Bothwell , his friends and partakers for all attempts against his Majesties person and authority in any time past , and promise made never to call or pursue him and his foresaids for any by-past fact ; as likewise to repossess them in their houses , and lands , notwithstanding whatsoever process laid against them . 2 That a Parliament should be called in November next , and such an Act past in his and their favours as was made at Linlithgow Anno 1585 for their greater security . 3 That during that time , the King should not receive in his Company the Chancellor , the Lord Home , the Master of Glammis , and Sir George Home knight . 4 That from henceforth , the Earl Bothwell , his friends and followers should be esteemed as good and lawful subjects , and used with much favour as if they had never offended . These Articles the King did in the word of a Prince promise to perform , and for Bothwells greater satisfaction after he had signed the same with his own hand , caused so many of the Councell as were present together with the Magistrates and Ministers of Edinburgh subscrive as Witnesses . The subscribers were , the Duke of Lennox , the Earl of Atholl , the Lords , Forbes , Ochiltry , Spiny , and Urquhart , the Master of Gray , M. Iames Elphinston , Mircarny , the Clerk of Register , Nicoll Edward , Iohn Morison , George Fodrick , and David Williamson , Baylifes of Edinburgh ; M. David Lindesay , M. Robert Bruce , M. Robert Rollock , M. Walter Balcanquell and M. Patrick Galloway , Ministers . For Bothwell it was promised that he should leave the Court , and not come towards the King till he was called by his Majesty . These things were done at Halirudhouse the 14 of August 1593. some twenty days after the surprise . The next day the King went to Falkland , attended by the Duke of Lennox , the Lord Ochiltry , and Chreichton of Clany a follower of Atholl , who did promise to waite upon the the King unto November , and debarre those others that by the Articles were not to be admitted . The rest of the moneth the King stayed at Falkland , and in that time Bothwell did obtain himself purged by an Assise of practising and consulting with Witches , which had been the original of his mischief . In the beginning of September the King went to Striveling , where he had appointed a Convention to meet for taking order with the broken men of the Highlands and borders ; Thither came the Lord Hamilton , the Earls of Marre , Morton , Glencarne , and Montrose , with the Lords Lindesay and Levingston ; of the Church estate , the Bishops of Dunkeld , and Aberdene , the Prior of Blantyre , and Abbot of Lundors , and divers Commissioners of Burghes . After some speeches concerning the borders and Highlands , and the means to quiet them which was the errand pretended , the King declared , that he had called them , to that meeting for business that touched him more nigh : and then relating the many indignities he had endured at Bothwells hands , which they all knew , he desired to have their advice touching the Conditions granted to him of late , and whether they did think him tyed to the performance thereof , the same being extorted by the importunity of those that took on them to mediate betwixt him and Bothwell , and yeelded unto by him upon just fear . The answer of the Convention was , That they judged the fact of Bothwell Treasonable , and the Conditions granted in such a manner to carry no necessity of performance ; that for the remission promised to him , and his followers , the same depended upon his Majesties own pleasure , and that he should doe therein what seemed to him good ; but to be tyed not to receive in his company his servants and officers , they held it not to stand with the honour and dignity of a King. For the remission , said the King , I could be content for the quiet of the Realm , to grant the same upon his humble suite , and supplication , when I am now at liberty , but to be forced thereto and by way of capitulation to grant the same , I do not think it agreeth with mine honour . That which I require of you since I judge the conditions unlawfull , and that neither in law nor conscience I am bound to observe them , is , that by publick Act the same be declared , and that as a free Prince I may presently , and in all time coming , admit and receive into my company , such of the Nobility , Councell , Officiars , and other good subjects , as I shall think good to use in the administration of my affairs . All esteeming this to be most reasonable , an Act was made declaring , That his Majesty with the advice of the Estates , had recalled the grant made to Bothwell in August last , and that being a free Prince he might use the service of any of his subjects and call them to him at his pleasure . This Declaration made , the Prior of Blantyre and Sir Robert Melvill , were directed to Bothwell to shew him that albeit the King did not think himself bound in law , or hnour to perform the Conditions made at Halyrudhouse , yet if he should now make humble suit for pardon to himself , and his followers , the same should be granted , with a double Proviso : first that he should supplicate his pardon , and pass the same formally before the 20 of November ; secondly , that the remission being exped , he should depart forth of the Realm and abide in such parts beyond Sea , as the King should appoint , and not return into the Countrey without his Majesties licence . Bothwell at first did take the offer well and seemed therewith content , but when he was returned to Edinburgh ( for the intimation was made to him at Linlithgow ) and heard that the Lord Home , and those others against whom he took exception , were received in Court , he was greatly commoved , and falling to his wonted forms , threatned to make the King observe the Conditions , and keep what he had promised . To this purpose he advertised the Earl of Atholl , desiring he should meet him at Striveling the first of October with his forces : Atholl kept the Diet , accompanied with the Earl of Montrosse and a great number of men ; but the King was parted from Striveling and remained then at Linlithgow , attended by the Lord Hamilton ▪ and divers other noble men , which made Bothwell change his purpose and disappoint the interprise . The King understanding that Atholl with his forces was come to Striveling , sent a messenger to charge him to return home , and dissolve his companies ; which he obeyed , pretending that his business was onely to hold a Court at Down Castle , ( a house pertaining to the Earl of Murray whereof he had the Ward ) and that the messenger might witness the truth thereof , he took him along with him the next morning to Down . The stay of the messenger put the King in suspicion that the Charge was not obeyed , and that Atholl did wait upon Bothwells coming . Whereupon he went back to Striveling , and understanding that Atholl was gone to Down he followed thither . The Lord Home who was appointed to ride before and view the fields , encountring the Earl of Montrosse , made him prisoner , and used him and his men somewhat roughly . But he professing to be sent by Atholl to the King for making his excuse , and declaring the true cause of his coming in those parts , was dimitted , the next day upon his promise to appear before the Councell whensoever he should be charged . After this the King going to Edinburgh , Bothwell was cited before the Councell ; and not appearing , was of new denounced Rebell . Leaving these affairs for a while , we will now return to the Popish Lotds . They had been cited to the Parliament which was kept in Iuly preceding , but upon some informalities , and defects in the libell the process was remitted by the Estates to the King and Councell . This being ill interpreted , and taken to be done in their favour , the Ministers of the Synode of Fife meeting at S. Andrews in the beginning of October , did summarily excommunicate the Earls of Angus , Huntley , and Arroll , the Lord Home ▪ and Sir Iames Chisholme . They sent letters also to all the Presbyteries , desiring their excommunication to be published in all the Churches ; and particularly required the ministers of Edinburgh to call a meeting of some principall ministers , and well affected Barons to advise what course was fittest to be taken for the defence of Religion and repressing the practises of enemies . The King upon advertisement of these proceedings , called M. Robert Bruce ( who was then in great favor ) and willed him to stay the publication of sentence , as being unjust , and altogether informal , for that neither were these persons subject to the Synod of Fife , nor were they cited to answer ; And if this be your order , said he , that the Ministers of one Synod may excommunicate , and at their desire all the rest shall make intimation , who can be sure or how shall it be eschewed , but number shall this may be brought in troubles ? M. Robert answering that it was not in his power to stay the publication , the brethren having already concluded the same ; and that the Ministers of Fife had their own reasons , and were answerable to the generall Assembly . Well , said the King , I could have no rest , till ye got that which ye call the Discipline of the Church established , now seeing I have fonnd it abused , and that none amongst you hath power to stay such disorderly proceedings , I will think of a mean to help it . The intimation in the mean time went on , and according to the motion made for convening some principal Ministers and Barons , there assembled a good number at Edinburgh the 17 of October . The King was gone then to Iedburgh , for pacifying some tumults in the borders , and in his going thither , was met at Falaw by the Earls of Angus , Huntley , and Arroll , who humbly intreated a trial , and that they should not be condemned unheard , offering to enter themselves what time , and in what place his Majesty should appoint . There were divers of the Councell with the King at the time , by whose advice they were enjoyned to enter their persons in the town of Perth the 24 of that moneth , and abide there , till order was taken for their trial . And lest casting of themselves in the Kings way , should be thought to have proceeded upon an intelligence , that the King did keep with them ; the Master of Glammis and Abbot of Lundors were directed to inform the English Ambassador and Ministers of Edinburgh of that which had happened , and the answer that the Lords received . How soon this was known , Commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the King with certain Petitions conceived in this form . The Commissioners of the Church , Barons , Burgesses , convened from divers parts of the realm , foreseeing the present danger , wherein the Church of God , the person of the King , and whole Countrey do stand , have thought it their duty to petition his Majesty and propone their advice as followeth . 1 Seeing the Commissioners are informed that the excommunicate Lords , namely the Earls of Angus , Huntley , and Arroll with their complices are to be put to the trial of an Assise , they humbly crave that the trial be not precipitated , and that the Diet assigned , may be prorogated , till such time as the professors of Religion ( who are minded to be their accusers , and to pursue them for the treasons they have contrived ) may be throughly advised with the business , and resolve what is convenient to be done . 2 That according to the laws and customes observed in such crimes those excommunicate and treasonable apostates may be committed to sure custody in the town of Edinburgh , Dundy , and Striveling , or other places that shall be thought expedient , till order be taken with Papists of new faction , they are known to be the heads , and till the estates advice upon the form of their trial . 3 That when the Estates after mature deliberation shall put the foresaid traitors to trial , the Jury be not nominated at the option of the parties accused , but by the party accuser , who are the whole professors of the Gospel . 4 That seeing the aforesaid traitors are excommunicated , and by the just sentence of the Church cut off from the society of Christs body , that they are not admitted to stand in judgement , or have any benefit of law , till they be reconciled to the Church according to the laws of the Countrey , and his Majesties own promise , as likewise in respect they have made themselves guilty , partly through their escape forth of Ward , and partly by playing the fugitives and not appearing neither at S. Andrews , to which they were first cited , nor at the time of the last Parliament . 5 Or if his Majesty will not alter the day appointed at Perth , as we do not doubt but after good consideration he will , then we desire that such as profess Religion , may be a guard to his Majesty at the time to defend his person from violence , and to accuse and pursue them to the uttermost , which we are minded to do , although it should be with the loss of all our lives in one day , being fully resolved if they continue enemies to God and his truth , that the Countrey shall not brook them and us together . The Commissioners coming to Iedburgh had presence given them , and having presented the Petitions , the King at the reading of the inscription grew incensed , saying , That he would not acknowledge any such Convention , nor them for Commissioners , seeing they had assembled themselves without his consent and knowledge . They answered , that the meeting was warranted by his Majesties Proclamations . A long reasoning was kept upon that point ; in end the King condescended to hear them as subjects , and satisfie them with reason in every particular , but to accept of their Commission or return any answer to that meeting he would not . This passed , he said , That he was not foreseen of the coming of these Earls unto him at Falow , nor had he any intelligence with them ; but when they came , and did humbly offer themselves to triall , he could not of his Princely duty refuse it , though they had been the meanest and simplest persons of the land , that he had dismissed them without any promise or the smallest assurance of favor , whereof he had many witnesses ; and for the time and place assigned to their triall , the same was done by advice of such of the Councell as were present , but that he had since considered the time to be too short and the town of Perth not so convenient , and therefore had appointed a meeting of the Estates at Linlithgow the last of that moneth , by whose advice he would proceed and doe that which was fitting . It hath been , said he , the suite of the Ministers to have those Earls brought to their triall , and now when they offer themselves unto it , it is strange there should be such business made for a delay . As for himself , he had resolved what time and place soever were appointed for the triall to have all things rightly done , and that neither the Iudges nor Iurors , if the matter came to that point , should be other then men indifferent and well affected to Religion . The Commissioners putting his Majesty in minde of that he had said at the first view of the Blancks and the hearing of M. George Ker his confession , that the crime was above the reach of his power to pardon , and beseeching him to regard his honour and surety , seeing it was dangerous to permit the Earls to come accompanied with such numbers , as they intended to bring ; he said that he could provide for any dangers that way . And when they did offer , as in the Articles , to come and attend his Majesty as a guard at the time of triall ; he answered , That he would make choice of his own guard , that those whom he called to that Diet should be welcome , and such as came undesired should not be so . Then they shew what offence was taken at the Lord Hume his entertainment in Court , who was both excommunicated and known to be a professed enemy to Religion : the King replyed , That a day was given him to satisfie the Church by the Ministers themselves , which was not as yet expired , and if he did not satisfie , that he should remaine no longer at Court. But said they , he doth not keep promise and is thought to have been a chief instrument in bringing these excommunicates to your Majesties presence . For that , said the King , I know it not , and if you will accuse him , he can speak for himself . After these speeches , they humbly besought his Majesty to vouchsafe the Assembly some answer in writing , but he absolutely refused , and so they took their leave . These answers reported , did no way content the Meeting , whereupon it was resolved that upon advertisement they should all convene in armes at the place which should be assigned for the triall of the Lords , and be their pursuers ; to which purpose some was left at Edinburgh to make timely warning to the rest . The King being informed of this conclusion at his return to Edinburgh , called the speciall Ministers that were in town , and shewed that it was an undutifull part in them to convocate the subjects , and cause them take armes without his warrant ; prohibiting any such advertisement to be given as was appointed . They excusing themselves , said , That it was the cause of God , and in defence thereof they could not be deficient . Hereupon a Proclamation was made ; Declaring the course that his Majesty had taken to try the Conspiracy of the Popish Lords , and how after some p●ins taken in that businesse , he had indicted a Parliament in Iuly last for that cause , at which time nothing being done ( albeit not in his default ) and he impeshed a long time after by the practises of Bothwell and other troubles in the Countrey , was no sooner received forth of his hands then he fell again upon the same thoughts ; and that now he had appointed a Convention of Estates at Linlithgow , for taking their advice touching the surety of his own person , the relief of the subjects oppression , and the ordering of all that businesse , especially since the said Lords had by their letters and otherwise most humbly desired a triall , which he doubted not the Estates would consider and so proceed therein , as might best serve to the preserving of Religion , and the quietnesse of the Countrey ; his own intention being no other , but to have them satisfie the Church , or if they refused , to cause them to be expulsed and banished the Countrey . And for that end he had commanded them to remain at Perth , and attend the resolution of the Estates , dissolving their forces if any they had assembled . Whereof his Majesty did think meet to give all his subjects notice , that they might know his care for the maintenance of true Religion against all the enemies thereof . And therefore inhibited the subjects to make any Convocations ; or if any were already made by the sinistrous informations of ill disposed people , they were commanded to dissolve and turn to their houses till they should be advertised either by missive Letters or Proclamations , and not otherwise , under the pains appointed for seditious persons and disturbers of the publick peace . Notwithstanding of this discharge , there came great companies to Edinburgh , and in all parts of the Countrey were people stirring ; so that the Convention which was called to meet at the same time being not very frequent kept a short while together . The offers and Petitions of the Popish Lords being onely read , the consideration thereof was remitted to certain chosen by the Estates . These were the Lord Thirlestane Chancellour , the Earls Marshall , Marre , Montrosse , and Rothes , the Lord Levingston , Scot of Balwery , Iohn Murray of Tullibarden , Alexander Bruce of Airth , Mr. George Lowder of Basse , William Scot of Abbotshall , Mr. David Carnagie of Colluthie , Sir Alexander Hume of North-Berwick Provost of Edinburgh , Clement Core Baily , with the Commissioners of the towns of Dundie , Couper , Striveling and Linlithgow ; to these or any four of every estate , together with his Majesties Officers , power was given to consider the Petitions and offers of the said Lords , to try their accusations , purgations and the truth thereof , and to conclude therein , as they should think most expedient for the surety of Religion , and redressing of disorders within the Realm , ordaining their determination to be as valid and effectuall , as if the same had been concluded in Parliament or Convention . It was likewise ordained that Mr. Robert Lindesay , Mr. Robert Bruce , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. Patrick Calloway , and Mr. Iames Carmichael and Iohn Duncauson should be admitted to the said conference if they should desire . And that in the absence of any of the Estates nominated , such as were present should appoint others at their pleasure . The Commissioners nominated having conveened at Edinburgh the 12. of November , after many dayes reasoning , grew to this conclusion . That the King for the publick peace of the Realm , and to remove all troubles and the occasion thereof , after mature deliberation and conference kept with the Ministers , had by the advice of the Commissioners elected by the Estates , declared , and by irrevocable Edict ordained , That the true Religion established in the first year of his Majesties reign , should be onely professed and exercised in all time coming within the Realm , and that none should supply or resset any Iesuits Priests , and other adversaries of Religion under the pains contained in the Acts of Parliament . That such as have not embraced Religion , or made defection from the same , should conform themselves before the ● of February next , satisfie the Church , and obey such things as shall be prescribed to them by the King and the Church ; or if any of them did think it difficile so to do , for any scruple of Conscience , that they should depart forth of the Realm to such parts beyond Sea , as his Majesty should appoint , betwixt and the said day , and not return till they were resolved to imbrace the truth and satisfie the Church , they alwaies and their heirs enjoying their lands and livings , and their procurators being licensed to appear before the ordinary Iudges for debating their actions notwithstanding of any pr●cesse laid against them . That the Earls of Angus , Huntley and Arroll , the Laird of Achindowne and Sir James Chisholme should be unaccusable of the crimes contained in the summons executed against them by occasion of blanks and letters intercepted , and concerning their traficking with strangers to the prejudice of Religion , and the said processe extinct for ever , discharging the Iustice , Advocate and other Officers present and to come of all calling , and proceeding against them and their heires therefore in time coming . But in case they have sent , or after this time shall send any pledges forth of the Realm for fulfilling of Conditions tending to the overthrow of Religion , in that case the said abolition should be null , neither should it be further extended , then to the crimes contained in the summons , and no way comprehend any murders , fire-raisings or other crimes committed by them . That such of the said Earls and others as should resolve to obey his Highnesse Lawes in professing the true Religion , before the 1 of February , should remain in the places and bounds to be appointed for them , and forbeare all practising or intelligence with the Iesuits , Priests and other Papists , debarring them from and forth of their company . That they should neither dispute , nor permit disputing at their Tables against the truth , or in favour of Popery , and entertain in their houses a Minister , and be ready to hear conference , and resolve themselves of doubts , that they may be the better prepared to subscribe the Confession of Faith at the day appointed , unlesse it please the Chrrch to prorogate their subscription for some longer space . That the Earls of Huntley and Arroll should before the 1 of February remove out of their company Mr. James Gordon and Mr. William Ogilvie Iesuits , and finde surety under the pain of fourty thousand pounds , each of them to abide by their subscriptions , and not to make defection from the Religion : Achindowne and Sir James Chisholme finding the like surety under the pain of ten thousand pounds . That such of them as make choice to leave the Countrey , and will not imbrace the true Religion , should give assurance to forbear all practising with Iesuits and others against Religion and the State when they are abroad , and till their departing keep no intelligence with any of that Sect. That they should declare their choice of the two conditions before the 1 of January to the King and Church , otherwise in case they doe not accept the same in manner , and within the time above specified , they should injoy no benefit by vertue thereof , but should be liable to triall and punishment of Law , as if the same had never been proponed nor offered unto them . That the Church should in the mean time call all suspected persons before them , requiring them to satisfie , and if they be obstinate delate their names to his Majesty and Councell , that they may be punished ; and that Masters and Landlords be holden to answer for persons so suspected , as for other crimes . These were the conclusions taken in this meeting by the Deputies of the Estates and signed by the King and them , which likewise were to be subscribed by the 3 Earls and their complices in token of their acceptation ; what effect the same took , we shall afterwards hear . In the end of this year , there fell out great troubles in the west marches , some of the surname of Iohnston , having in the Iuly preceding made a great depredation upon thelands of Sanwhare and Drumlanrig , and killed eighteen persons that followed for rescue of their goods ; a Commission was given to the Lord Maxwell , then Warden for pursuing the doers with all hostility . Not long before , a great friendship had been contracted betwixt him and the Laird of Iohnston , and bonds interchanged for assisting one another , which the Lord Sanwhare , Drumlanrig , and others interessed by the Iohnstons feared should make him remisse in executing the Commission , yet considering his disposition , and that he loved above all things to be followed , they took advice to offer their services so as he would joyn with them for suppressing the power of the Iohnstons . Maxwell thinking this to be a good occasion for bringing all Niddisdale to depend upon him , embraced the offer ; whereupon a bond was formed , and subscribed by them and these others , with divers of their friendship . This bond being negligently kept , fell into the hands of one Iohnston of Commertries who served the Lord Maxwell , and was by him carried to the Laird Iohnston , who resolving to dissemble his knowledge of the Bond , sent a Gentleman to learn of the Lord Maxwell himself , if any such friendship was made up amongst them as was noysed in the Countrey . Maxwell at first denied that there was any such thing , but having missed the Bond , and suspecting the same to have fallen into Iohnstons hands , he excused the matter by the Commission that was sent to him , saying , He must obey the King , and doe as he was directed . Iohnston seeing whereto matters would turn , did associate to himself the Scots of Teviotdale , the Eliots and Grahams of Eske , and hearing that Maxwell had levied some companies of horse and foot , and placed the foot company with their Captain called Oliphant in Lochmaben to attend his coming to Annandale , resolved to prevent him and cut them off , and so falling upon them unexpected , killed the Captain and divers of the souldiers . Some fled to the Church thinking to save themselves , but the same being set on fire , they came forth and rendred . Maxwell to repair his dishonour , gathered in haste as good as 2000. men , and entred into Annandale with displayed banner as the Kings Lieutenant , intending to rase the houses of Lochwood and Lockerby . Iohnston not equalling his forces , kept aloof , and after the Border fashion , sent forth some prickers to ride , and make provocation . Against them a number went out of Maxwells Army , who encountring with a great company were beaten and chased back to the stall or main host , which by their breaking in was wholly disordered . Iohnston , that stood in a piece of high ground , beholding the issue of the skirmish , took the advantage of their confusion , and breaking upon them , without any resistance made , put them all to flight . The Lord Maxwell , a tall man and heavy in armour , was in the chase overtaken and stricken from his horse . The report went that he called to Iohnston , and desired to to be taken , as he had some time taken his father , but was unmercifully used , and the hand that he reached forth cut off . But of this I can affirm nothing . There alwayes the Lord Maxwell fell , having received many wounds . He was a Nobleman of great spirit , humane , curteous , and more learned then Noblemen commonly are , but aspiring , and ambitious of Rule : his fall was pittied of many , for that he was not known to have done much wrong in his time ; and was rather hurtfull to himself then others . The King took these news very hardly , that his Warden a Nobleman bearing his authority should be cut off in such a manner ; and he kept in such a businesse , what with Bothwel on the one hand , and the Popish Lords on the other , as he could not take journey to those parts ; it grieved him exceedingly , alwayes for quieting the Countrey , order was taken that the Lord Hereis , Drumlanrig , Lagg and some other Barons should abide at Dumfreis with their friends , and be ready upon all occasions to represse whatsoever stirs might arise . The 18. of Ianuary in a convention of Estates called at Halirudhouse the Earls of Angus , Huntley and Arroll were declared to have amitted the benefit of the Act of Abolition , because of their misregard of his Majesties favour , and not accepting of the benefit offered , before the day prefixed . The King had used divers means to gain them , and would gladly upon assurance of their good behaviour have winked at crimes past , but all was in vain , the Jesuits prevailing with their counsels , and feeding them still with hopes of forain aid ; whereupon charges were directed for entring their persons in ward , till triall was taken of the accusations laid against them . Angus was charged to enter in Blacknesse , Huntley in Dumbriton , and Arroll in the Castle of Edinburgh and Achindowne in Tentallon ; but none of them gave obedience . Now the time of the Queens lying drawing near , the King went to Striveling where she then abode and remained with her untill she was delivered upon the 19. of February of a sonne , about which time came the Lord Souche Ambassadour from the Queen of England , to complain of the King his lenity in proceeding against the Popish Lords : for she had seen the conditions granted them in November , and was highly displeased therewith . But when the Ambassadour understood that they had lost the benefit of that grant in their own default , and that the King had proceeded so farre as to make publick Declaration thereof , he was satisfied , and insisted to have the sentence of forfeiture pronounced against them . This not proceeding with such haste as he desired , he fell to treat secretly with Bothwell , who was making new stirrs , and had drawn numbers of all sorts to follow him ; yea with some specialls of the Ministery he found such credit , as both in their publick Sermons , and otherwise by their private dealings , they did incourage people to joyn with them ; and which did most offence the King , sent one Mr. Andrew Hunter a Minister to be his Preacher and attend him as a Chaplain ; nor did their folly , or madnesse rather , subsist here , but even the moneys which had been collected in the Churches for the supply of Geneva , which was then in trouble , and deposed in the hands of Mr. Iames Melvill Minister of Anstruther , were given to Robert Melvill and George Strong , two Captains , for leavying Souldiers to assist him . Bothwell was then gathering new forces , and had appointed with the Earls of Argile and Atholl to meet at Leith , for the banishing of the Popish Lords , and revenge of the Earle of Murray his slaughter ( that was the pretext ) and with them did the English Ambassadour keep intelligence . This being discovered to the King , one of his servants , who had been spied in Bothwells company , was committed in the Castle of Edinburgh . Being examined , he confessed , that by direction of his Master he had spoken with Bothwell , and Mr. Iohn Colvill , and that he believed they had some enterprise in hand , but what it was he knew not . The King perceiving by his Confession , that the Ambassadour had a secret dealing with Bothwell , was greatly offended ; yet because he would not seem to infringe the priviledges of Ambassadors , after he had checkt him with some sharp words , he dimitted his servant , and the Ambassador departed , the King not vouchsafing him a farewell . Bothwell in the mean time with the forces that he had gathered in the Borders , being about 400 horsemen , or thereby , advanced and came to Leith the 2. of April at 3 of the clock in the morning . The King remained at the time in Edinburgh , not well accompanied , yet hearing that Bothwell was come so high he commanded the Citizens and those that were with him to arm . He himself going to Church , made a speech at the end of the Sermon to the people , for the removing the suspicions conceived of his favouring the Popish Lords : and recounting Bothwells treacherous attempts , desired them to remember that he was their King , to whom they owed all fidelity , and to consider in what case they themselves should be , if Bothwell with his Borderers , men given to theft and robbery , should get the upper hand . The hearers moved with his speeches , shewed great forwardnesse , and went incontinent to armes . The Lord Hume was commanded to take the fields , and lead the horsemen that were in town ; The King stayed with the foot , and before them marched the Canon , which was brought forth of the Castle , and making directly towards Leith . How soon Bothwell understood that the Kings forces were marching , considering he could not equall them in number , he removed from Leith , and dividing his men in three troops , took the way by Restalrig towards Dalkeith . The Lord Hume with the horsemen followed to observe what course he held , and the King with the foot removing to the other side of the town made his stand in the field , called the Borrow moore . Hume with his company being advanced so far as Muddry edge , Bothwell turned upon him , and being far superiour in horsemen , gave him the chase , which they that stood by the King perceiving , advised him to return into the town , but he refusing to stir , answered , That he would never quit the fields to a Traytor : yet the danger was great , and in the opinion of many , if Bothwell had taken his course directly to the King , and not pursued the chase so hotly , he might have carried the day ; but in following , it happened his horse to stumble and fall to the ground , and he bruised with the fall was forced to retire . That night he went to Dalkeith , and on the morrow dissolved all his troops , which when Atholl heard , he also went back into his Countrey . The Fiffe Captains with their souldiers arriving at Leith about midnight , when they understood how things had passed turned saile , and went sundry wayes . This purpose so defeated , the King sent the Lord Colvill and M. Edward Bruce to the Queen of England to complain of the misdemeanor of her Ambassador , and the resset that Bothwell found in her kingdome : In his letter to the Queen using a round plainness , he said , That although it had pleased her to commend the Ambassador she had imployed , for a wise , religious and honest man ; yet he had in his opinion been fitter to carry the message of an Herauld , then a friendly Commission betwixt two neighbour Princes . That he had seen nothing in him but pride , and wilfulness , and that therefore denying to give him any answer , he chused to send the same by his own messengers ; whom he desired her to credit as himself in all that they had in charge to deliver . For Bothwell , he said , That he wondred how notwithstanding of the many solemn promises made as well by her Ambassadors , as by letters of her own hand , that he should have no harbor within her Countrey , yet was he not only resset by her people , but suffered to reside in some of her proper houses , and had received a good summe of English monie , wherewith he waged both Scots and English in this late treacherous attempt . To think this was by her direction or privity he would not , so farre it was against all princely honour ; on the other part , that she being so wise , and prudent a Prince , and having so long , and so happily governed her kingdoms , should be so slighted and contemned by a number of her subjects , as that such things should be done without her knowledge , it could hardly be believed ; wherefore leaving it to her self to solve these doubts , he would onely remember her of the promise made at the delivery of Ororick an Irish rebell , and desire her not to put him in ballance with such a traiterous counterpoise , lest he should be constrained to say with the Poet , Flectere si nequeo superos , &c. This was the substance of the letter , the credit committed to them was to assure the Queen , That seeing the Popish Lords had not imbraced the conditions offered , he should prosecute the Lawes against them , proscribe their persons and confiscate their lands ; and to crave of her , as one whom that cause equally touched , a supply of moneys , till either they were expulsed the Realm , or their persons apprehended and presented to justice . The Queen excusing the oversight given to Bothwell by the slow pursuit of the Popish Lords , and the favour shewed to them , promised that from thenceforth he should find no more resset in her Countrey ; and for pursuing the Popish Earls , the King should lack no supply that was in her power to give . With this answer did Mr. Edward Bruce return , for the Lord Colvill went from that into France to congratulate the victorious and happy successe of the French King against those of the League , and invite him to assist the Baptisme of the Prince , which was to be in Iuly next . The Queen of England immediately upon the Ambassadours return , by a Proclamation in all the Borders did inhibit the resset and harbouring of Bothwell , and the aiding of him in any sort ; which the king did so kindly accept , as rendring her many thanks for the same , he did therewith intreat her to assist the Baptisme of the Prince his son . The like imployment Peter Young his Majesties Elemosynar received for Denmark , the Dukes of Brunswick and Megleburgh and to the generall Estates ; Sir William Keith , and Captain William Murray the Provost of Saint Andrewes were directed . The Parliament being in the mean time indicted to the 27. of May , the Assembly of the Church conveened at Edinburgh the seventh of the same moneth , where the Excommunication of the Popish Lords was ratified and ordained to be published in all the Churches of the Kingdome . The King did reside then at Striveling ; and thither were Mr. Patrick Galloway , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. Patrick Simson , Mr. Iames Melvill , and Mr. Iames Nicholson directed by the Assembly to represent the dangers wherein his Majesties Person , Crown and Liberty of the Countrey stood , and to propone such remedies as in their judgement were fittest for preventing the same . Both the one and the other were conceived in this form ; The perills which oft before were threatned by the pernicious practices of Jesuits , and the malicious , unnaturall and treasonable conspiracies of the Earl of Huntley , Arroll and Angus and their complices , in betraying their native Countrey to the cruell and mercilesse Spaniard , are no lesse urgent , and now more to be feared , then when the danger seemed to be greatest , as may appear by the reasons following . 1. It is certain that the Spaniard , who with so great preparations in the year 1588. enterprised the Conquest of the whole Isle , retaineth the same intention , wanting an occasion onely to accomplish his promise , as is manifest by the intelligence he hath kept with the Popish Lords , ever since the disputation of that Navie . 2. The open rebellion of the said Lords , at the bridge of De Falkland , &c. with their continuance in the like treasonable attempts , notwithstanding his Majesties clemency in pardoning the same , doth evidence their obstinacy in prosecuting the same conspiracies . 3. Whereas the Church hath not ceased at all occasions to lay open these dangers , and humbly intreated that some remedy should be provided , nothing hath been obtained : to the emboldening of the enemies in their practices and attempts . 4. Notwithstanding , that it was enacted in Councell , that none should presume to request for the said Popish Lords , under the pain of losing their places and Offices , yet none are in such credit as their favourers , who contrary to their promises labour still to procure them oversight and immunitie . 5. The Masses openly celebrated in the house of Balgawy pertaining to Mr. Walter Lindesay , the house of Birnes appertaining to the young Laird of Bonyton , the houses of Douglas , Strathbolgy , Logyamont and Slams pertaining to the said Earles , do shew , that either they think themselves assured of favour in the Court , or of such assistance in the Countrey , as may maintain their cause , or then that they are perswaded to be supplyed by strangers . 6. The Act of oblivion offered to them , with the great discontent of all good subjects , would not have been rejected , except they had looked for greater favour and better conditions . 7. The disobedience they have shewed in entering to their wards when they were charged , doth prove that they think themselves assured of the aid and concurrence of others . 8. The arriving of the Spanish Bark lately at Montrosse declareth , that they have some practice to be put in execution presently , if the same shall not be timely prevented . 9. The open conventions they keep since the arriving of the said Bark , do shew that they esteem their plots so substantially laid , as they regard not what can be done for resisting the same . 10. The diligence they use in preparing , and putting their friends and followers in armes , specially in the North parts , is an argument of some interprise they go about . 11. And last , whereas his Majesty and Estates did upon the first discovery of their plots and practices , apprehend a great danger to Religion ; the Kings Estate , and liberty of the Countrey ; notwithstanding , that the cause is not removed , there is no care taken to withstand their courses , which declareth that there is either a purpose to cover , extenuate and bear forth their wickednesse , or that the Lord hath in his judgement blinded and hardened the hearts of all Estates , that while the danger is greatest , they can neither see , nor apprehend the same . The remedies of the foresaid dangers were proponed , as followeth : 1. That the Parliament indicted to the 27. of the same moneth should not be prorogated , but the time thereof precisely kept , and the Popish Lords forfeited , and to that effect , the Advocate sufficiently instructed for maintaining the relievancy of the summons and probation in due time provided . 2. That none suspected in Religion be chosen upon the Articles . 3. That after the forfeiture , they be pursued with all extremity , their Lands and Rents annexed to the Crown , and no part thereof disponed in favours of the persons forfeited . 4. That the Guard be imployed for apprehending Mr. Walter Lindesay , the Abbot of New-Abbey , Iames Wood of Bonyton younger , Mr. George Ker ( who had made an escape out of the Castle the year before ) Mr. Alexander Lesley , Thomas Tyrie and other Traffiquers and Jesuits . 5. That the houses of the Rebells be possessed , and their livings intrometted with , to his Majesties use . 6. That all persons be inhibited to resset , supply or entertain any intelligence with the said Lords , especially their vassals and dependers , and that none under whatsoever pretext contravene the same . 7. That the subjects be charged to put themselves in armes by all good means , and be in readinesse to pursue and defend , as they shall be warned by his Majesty , or otherwise upon urgent occasions . 8. That the Bark arrived at Montrosse be apprehended , and the persons that were within her , with such others as have had any dealing with them , and that they be examined diligently for the discovery of the practice they have presently in hand . Somewhat was adjected concerning the Lord Hume , but he compeiring in the same Assembly , gave satisfaction to the Church , and was absolved from the sentence of Excommunication . All the remedies the King allowed , promising how soon the forfeiture was past , to follow forth the same : Onely at the 7. he tooke exception , where it was desired ▪ that the subjects should put themselves in armes upon urgent ●ccasions , for he had not as yet forgotten the stirs of the year preceding ; and would have none to arm but upon his own warrant . Withall he sent Sir Robert Melvill , and Alexander Hume of North Berwick with certain instructions to the Assembly ; whereof one was , That they should inhibit the Ministers to utter any irreverent speeches in Pulpit against his Majesties person , Councell or Estate , under pain of deprivation : and because one of their number called Iohn Rosse , had in a Sermon preached before the Synod of Perth , uttered divers treasonable and irreverent speeches of his Majesty , it was craved that they should censure him as his fault had deserved . Another was , That they should excommunicate Mr. Andrew Hunter , for the scandall he had brought upon their profession , he being the first open Traitor of their function against a Christian King of their own Religion , and their naturall Soveraign . A third instruction was , That by Act of Assembly Ministers should be ordained to disswade both by publick and private exhortation , their flocks from concurring with Bothwell in his treasonable attempts , or any other that should make insurrection against the authority established by God in his Majesties person . The last was assented unto and an Act made thereof , but the censure of the Minister Rosse was carried more slightly , and he onely admonished to speak in time coming so reverently and discreetly of his Majesty , as there might be no just cause of complaint against him . Hunter was deposed from the Ministery , as a desertor of his flock , and one suspected to have joyned himself with the Kings rebells , but the excommunication was not pronounced . The Parliament did hold at the time appointed , yet because the Noblemen convened slowly , 3 or 4. dayes were spent without doing any thing . In end when by the excuses that divers made a greater number was not expected , they that were present assembled in the Parliament house , and keeping the form accustomed made choice of a number for the Articles of Noblemen , there were three Earls , and six Lords onely present . Beginning was made at the summons of forfeiture , the Letters and blanks intercepted with Mr. George Ker presented , and the hand-writs cognosced by witnesses . Some question there was about the Blancks , and that which should have been insert in them , but the presumptions were so clear , as none would doubt what the subject should have been . Yet the Noblemen urged a delay of the triall to a more full convention : which the King would not admit , knowing what misinterpretings that would make , and so by pluralities of voices , the crimes of Treason were found to be sufficiently proved , and the sentence of forfeiture pronounced against the three Earls , and Achindown ; their Scutcheons of Arms ( as the manner is ) torn by Herauld , and they declared to have lost their honours , lands and estates for treasonable practises against the King , and their Native Countrey . In this Parliament divers Statutes were concluded , some in favours of the Church , and others very beneficiall to the Countrey , as the Stature made for punishment of theft , robbery , and oppression ; another against usury , and a third against buying of Pleas by Judges and other members of the Court of Justice . The next moneth passed in receiving the Ambassadors that came to assist the Baptisme , which in the latter end of August next was performed with great solemnity , from England the Earl of Sussex was sent ; the King of Denmark , the Duke of Brunswick , Megelbrugh , with the Estates of the united Provinces , had their Ambassadours present . But from the French King there came not any , though they also were expected at the day appointed for the solemnity . The Prince was brought from his own chamber to the Queens Chamber of presence , and laid in a bed dressed in a most stately form ; the Ambassadours entered into the Chamber , the Countess of Marre accompanied with a number of Ladies took up the Prince , and delivered him to the Duke of Lennox , who presented him to the Ambassadors . Sussex as having the first place received him , and carried him in his arms to the Chappell , the rest marching in their ranks , and followed by the Ladies of honour , the Mistresse nurse , and others of inferiour note . Before them went the Lord Hume , carrying the Ducall Crown , the Lord Levingston carried the Towell or Napkin , the Lord Seaton the Bason , and the Lord Semple the Laver. Above the English Ambassadour there was a Pale or Canabie born by the Laird of Cesford , Buclerogh , Duddope and Traquier . The Princes train was sustained by the Lords Sinclar and Urqhart . In this manner they walked toward the Chappell , a guard of the youths of Edinburgh well arrayed , standing on each side of the way , and the trumpets sounding . Being entred the Chappell , the King arose from his seat , and received the Ambassadours at the doore of the Quire , and then was the Prince delivered to the Duke of Lennox , who gave him to the Nurse : After which the Ambassadours were conveyed to their places , which were ordered in this manner : Upon the Kings right hand a chair was set for the French Ambassadour , but this was empty ; next to him the Ambassadour of Denmark was placed ; on the left the English Ambassadour and Legier did fit , and next after them the Ambassadours of Brunswick , Megelburgh , and the States ; every chair had a tassell boord covered with fine Velvet , and the Ambassadour of England besides the others had office men standing by him to wait . The Service did then begin , and upon the end thereof , the English Ambassadour arose and presented the Prince to the Bishop , who was appointed to administer the Sacrament . This was Mr. David Cunningham Bishop of Aberdene . The action finished , Mr. David Lindsey Minister at Leith , had a learned speech in French to the Ambassadours . After which they returned to the Chappell in the same order that they came . Then was the Prince laid upon a bed of honour , and his Titles in this sort proclaimed by the Lyon Herauld , Henry Frederick Knight and Baron of Renfrew , Lord of the Isles , Earl of Karrick , Duke of Rothsay , Prince and Stewart of Scotland : This done , certain pieces of silver and gold were cast forth at a window among the people , and a number of Knights created at night ( for it was in the afternoon that the Baptisme was ministred ) The Ambassadours with their train , and the Noblemen present were royally feasted , nothing lacking that was required to such a triumph . The rest of the moneth was spent in Playes , running at Tilt , and such other exercises as might give delight to the strangers . Amidst these joyes the King was not forgetting his own serious affairs , sent his Secretary Sir Richard Cockborne of Clerkinton to England , to desire the Queens assistance in pursuing the Popish Lords according to the many promises made by the Lord Souche and Mr. Bowes that how soon he should enter into action against them she would have an honourable consideration of him and his burthens . And that now the sentence of forfeiture being pronounced , it concerned him both in honour and safety not to permit their longer stay in the Realm . For the support desired and quantity thereof , he was commanded to follow the instructions given to Sir Robert Melvill in his last Ambassage , and was injoyned to complain of one Mr. Lock his intertainment in the Court , who professed himself an Agent for Bothwell ; as likewise of Mr. Iohn Colvill his publick residence in Twedmouth . In the last points he received satisfaction ; and shortly after , Mr. Iohn Colwill wearied of Bothwells courses , by mediation of friends obtained his pardon : But for the matter of moneys , divers shifts and excuses were made ; onely some part of the money was advanced , which was due otherwise to the King. In the beginning of September , the Ambassadours were dimitted with many thanks , nor were they sooner gone , then a new conspiracy was detected . Bothwell having joyned himself with the Popish Lords , and received a part of the forain gold sent to them , did undertake to raise such perturbations in the South parts , as the King should be compelled to relinquish the expedition he intended to the North ; and if he could apprehend his person to carry him to Blacknesse , ( the keeper whereof he had corrupted ) and there detain him captive , till they might come and make their own conditions . This enterprise was concluded in an hostlary at the Church of Memmure in August ; where Huntley , Arroll , Angus , Bothwell , Achindown and divers others , convened and subscribed a Bond , which was given in custody to Sir Iames Scot of Balwery . By the apprehension of Mr. Allan Orme servant to Bothwell , and some papers that were found with him , the whole purpose was discovered ; which the King caused to be published , that people might see what trust was to be given to Bothwells religion . This Gentlemans case at his dying was greatly pitied and much intreaty made aswell for him , as for Iames Cockram keeper of Blacknesse : but the clemency shewed in former times to the followers of Bothwell was judged so hurtfull , as the King against his nature was compelled to use rigour . Thus the two Gentlemen were condemned , and executed in the publick street of Edinburgh in the beginning of October . Immediately after , the Parliament upon intelligence had arrived in the Barque at Montrosse , and brought with them some gold for supply of the Popish Lords , Commission was given to the Earl of Argile and Atholl , the Lord Forbes and a number of Barons to go and expulse them forth of the Countrey . But Argile being young , and the rest declining the imployment till his forces or he himself should take the fields , nothing was done . Whereupon Mr. Robert Bruse taking with him Mr. Iames Balfour made a journey to Argile , and partly upon promises of recompence from the Queen of England , partly upon hopes given that the lands of the Rebels should be at his bestowing , perswaded the Earl to undertake the Comission . So gathering his forces he set forward about the end of September , and travelling through the mountains came to Badenoch the 27. of that moneth , where he laid siege to the Castle of Ruthven , but this was by the Clampherson so strongly defended as he was forcedto leave the siege & turn unto the Low-lands for joyning with the Lord Forbes , the Lairds of Balqhain , Drum , and Mackenze , who were all preparing to meet him . In his own company was the Lairds of Tillibarden , Grant , Macklain , Mackintosh , Clangregory , and Mackneill of Baray with their friends and followers , reckoned in whole to 10000. and above . Huntley advertised of his coming did resolve to fight him before his joyning with Forbes and those of the Inland , and was thereunto encouraged by the Earl of Arroll , who brought with him a small number of five or six score at most , but resolute Gentlemen all . They of Huntleys part were thought not to exceed 900. With this small number did he adventure , marching the first day from Strathbolgie to Achindowne , where he encamped the second of October , Captain Ker that had served him many years , a man of good experience , being sent the next morning to try what way Argile took , did quickly return , and shew that the enemy was at hand . The two Earls hereupon diving their forces , Arrol tooke the leading of the Vantguard wherein were 300. the rest abode with Huntley and made the battell . How soon the forces came in sight one of another , Argile was somewhat troubled , for he was made to believe he should see no enemy , yet trusting to his numbers he command Macklain who had the leading of his Vant to advance , he himself keeping the advantage of the ground , made the army stay on the side of a hill which was full of moss and bogs . Huntley he carried with him certain Field peeces wherewith he plaid upon them in his approach , and therewith put them in great confusion , for the Highlanders casting themselves on the ground , as their custome is , could hardly be raised so long as they heard the noise of the Ordinance . Arroll perceiving this made to give the charge , but by reason of the steep ascent he was driven to make a little compass turning his side to the adversaries , who by that time were got on foot and resuming a new courage did rain upon Arroll and his men in their passing such a shower of darts and arrows , that as they affirmed who were present , for the space of a quarter of an hour the light of day was palpably eclipsed . Achindown was at this time killed and Arroll dangerously wounded in his arme and and leg , many had their horses killed , and were compelled to take them to their feet . Macklain whose number were greater environing Arroll and his company held them so engaged betwixt himself and Argile , as they had been all cut in pieces if Huntley had not with speed come to their relief . But he perceived the danger and charged with such fury as the Vant and many of both Armies being joyned they entred into a cruell fight , which continued almost two hours ; in the end Argiles men were disordered and put to rout , the Earl himself laboured all he could to rally them again together , but it would not be , so amazed they were as without once looking back down they went to the other side of the hill with all the speed they could make . Macklain with a few Isles men stood long unto it after the rest were gone , and retired in good order with the smal company he had ; Huntley persued the chace to the foot of the hill , though the steepness of it be such that a man can scarce walk down it on foot , but the eagerness made all dangers forgotten : There in a little burn or brook called Alwhaunachy he had his horse killed , and before he could be again mounted the enemy was gone to another hill whereas horsemen could not follow , and so the chace ceased . In this conflict Argile lost two cousens , Archibald Campbell of Lochinzell , his brother Iames Campbell , Mackneill Baray and about 700 common-souldiers , on Huntleys part besides his uncle Achindown 12 only were killed , but many were hurt and wounded . This fight happened on Thursday the 3 of October 1594 , and is called by the Countrey people the battell of Glenlivat , albeit it was fought on a hill three quarters of a mile distant . The victory fell happily on Huntleys side for the Countrey people , who should otherwise been miserably spoiled , if Argile with his forces had prevailed . The Lord Forbes with the Lairds of Bughan and Drumchat were advancing to assist Argile ; upon advertisement of his defeat and that he was turned back , made after him , thinking to perswade him return . But by the way a gentleman of the name of Irwyn being killed by the shot of a Pistol in the dark of the night there entered such a distrust and jealousie amongst them , none knowing who was the doer , as presently they separated and went home . The King had the news of Argiles defeat brought him to Dundee , which made him hasten his journey to the North. The 16 of October he came to Aberdene , where councell was taken for demolishing the houses of Strathbolgy , Slains and Newton . In this service the Earl of Marshall was imployed , having some Companies of horse and foot allowed him till the same was accomplished . Huntley and Arroll during that time did lurke in Sutherland , thinking how soon the King returned Southto come back into their Countreys ; but the Duke of Lennox being left Lieutenant in those parts by the counsell and assistance of those that were appointed to attend him , put them to such extremity as they made offer to depart forth of the Realm , and laid surety neither to return without his Majesties license , nor to practise against Religion and the State whilest they stayed abroad . It was debated a while , whether or not such a capitulation might stand with the Kings honour , and his Majesty being thereupon consulted in regard of the many difficulties that pressed him in the time , and that it made for the quietness of the kingdome to have them put away , the surety offered was accepted ; which done , the Duke of Lennox having stayed in those parts three moneths returned about the third of February to Edinburgh . Bothwell now was in miserable plight being hated of the Queen of England for his combining with the Popish Lords , Excommunicated by the Church and forsaken of his fellowes , especially M. Iohn Colvell , who had followed him in all his troubles , and knew the places of his resset ; for he had made his peace , and ( as the rumor went ) betrayed Hercules Stewart Bothwells brother , who the same time was executed publickly in the street of Edinburgh . These things did so increase his fears , as not knowing whom to trust he stole away privately to France . The King hearing that he was gone and had taken land at New haven in Normandy , sent a Gentleman to the French King to demand him as one who was declared a traitor : and if that was denyed , to desire that he might be banished France . The answer of the French King was , That he should give him no Countenance ; but since he had taken his refuge thither , he could not but suffer him enjoy the free ayre of his Countrey . Some moneths he remained there , till either wearied of the bad entertainment he found ; or , as it was said , for challenging a Gentleman to combate against the Kings edict , he was forced to quit those partes and fly into Spain ; from thence he went to Naples , where he lived in a poor estate unto his death , which happened some years after the King his going into England . How soon Bothwell was gone , all his followers did sue for pardon : Sr. Iames Scot of Balwery offering to exhibite the bond made at the Church of Menmore betwixt Bothwell and the Popish Lords , which he had in custodie , was brought before the Councell , and having produced the same , laid open all their plots . By his deposition it appeared that Sir Iames Duglas of Spot was the principal worker of that agreement . Whereupon the Ministers of Edinburgh were called , and the bonds shewed unto them bearing a mutuall concurrence in all things , Religion not excepted . Whereupon they were desired to pronounce Spot excommunicated as one that had made defection from the truth , and was otherwise suspected of haynous crimes ; but they excusing themselves , the Commissioners of the generall Assembly were called to meet at Striveling , who after some debating , the sentence was pronounced against him . Balwery after a few days imprisoned , was set at liberty and remitted , but never prospered after that time , and ruined his house utterly , for an ensample to all that will be medling with factious and seditious Rebells . The year following an Assembly of the Church was kept at Montrose in the moneth of Iune , where the Commissioners for the King did urge these Articles . First , Whosoever did medle or practise in any treasonable enterprise against his Majesties person and estate being found and declared culpable by law , they should likewise incurre the sentence of Excommunication , that so there might be an inseparable union betwixt the two swords . Secondly , that no Excommunication , should be pronounced at the appetite of particular men , but that a sufficient number of the Church should be first Assembled , and the same determined by publick consent . Thirdly , That none should be Excommunicated , for civill causes , crimes of light importance , or particular wrongs of Ministers , lest the censure should fall into contempt and become like the Popes cursing . Fourthly , That no summare Excommunication should be thenceforth used , but that lawfull citation of parties should go before in all causes whatsoever . To the first the Assembly agreed with the clause Legitimâ cognitione Ecclesiasticâ praeeunte . To the second they likewise condescended . But to the third and fourth they answered , that those being points of great weight and craving a mature deliberation , could not on the sudden be determined ; and so continued the resolution thereof to the next Assembly , discharging in the mean time any summary Excommunication to be used , with this exception , Nisi salus ecclesiae periclitetur . The exception displeased the King , for he thought it would serve the turbulent sort for a colour to all their proceedings . But there fell out in the mean time a business which made all these things be forgotten . The Queen moved by some that envied the Earl of Marre his credit , laboured to have the Prince her son in her own custody and had drawn the Chancellor and divers of the Councell to promise their assistance . Advertisement given of this to the King , who was then at Falkland , he came to the Queen at Halyrud-house , and inhibiting any of the Councell to come towards him till he should call them , dealt so with the Queen that he diverted her from that course , and made her go and remain at Striveling . How soon she was gone , calling the Chancellor and such of the Councell as were suspected to have suffered her in those conceipts , he shewed himself much displeased , and chiding them bitterly followed the Queen to Striveling , where he remained not long but returning to Falkland left to the Earl of Marre a Warrant written with his own hand , and conceived in this form . My Lord of Marre , because in the surety of my son consisteth my surety , and I have concredited unto you the charge of his keeping upon the trust I have of your honesty , this I command you out of my own mouth being in the company of those I like otherwise for any charge or necessity that can come from me you shall not deliver him . And in case God call me at any time see that neither for the Queen nor Estates their pleasure you deliver him till he be 18 years of age , and that he command you himself . Striveling the 24 of July 1595. This warrant as it shewed the Kings displeasure at those that had combined in the plots , so it declared the great trust he put in the Nobleman . Shortly after the Chancellor taking to heart the Kings offence contracted a hearty sickness at his house of Lawder , and sending his Cousen the secretary to the King who remained then at Hamilton , did by him excuse the dealing in that matter , and with a solemn protestation of his fidelity in all his Majesties services , seriously commend his Lady , children and friends , now that he was to end his life , to his Majesties protection . The King was much troubled with the news , and wrote unto him with his own hand the letter following . Chancellor , how sorry I am of these newes I leave it to your self to judge , I was never a dissembler of my affections . And yet I trust that God will not spoil me of you so untimely ; Therefore will pray you , so farre as you may , with a valiant heart resist the assaults of your sickness , hoping in the goodness of my fortune that God will reserve you yet to me as Hezekiah was to his people , for the necessity between Prince and subject is reciproque , nor can any sickness how heavy soever it be take away the life , if God cut not the threads thereof . As to your suits , if God calls you , I need no remembrance : for since I made you a pattern of my constant favour during your life ( as your self hath oft time said ) I am much more bound of Princely duty to make your wife and posteritie that bears your image a vive representation of my thankfull memory . And to comfort you in this , remember what I have done to the Duke , and my Lady Huntley , for their fathers sake . This may assure you that in case of the worst ( which God forbid ) your thoughts shall be prevented herein by my thankfull behaviour to them ; and for your cousin the Secretary , he shall be the better at my hand in losing you . But I green to hear better newes : And if time and distance of place could have permitted me in any way , I should not have spared to have carried my own message my self . God send you your health , and keep you to me , and to your Native Countrey . This shewed in what account the King held him ! and in truth he deserved nothing lesse ; for he was a man of rare parts , and of a deep wit , learned , full of courage , and most faithfull to his King and Master . In that last businesse which the Queen went about of taking the Prince from the Earl of Marre , he was consenting ; ( for the two Noble men had their private emulations , but it was ever with a reservation of his Majesties pleasure . ) No man did ever carry himself in his place more wisely , nor sustain it more courageously against his enemies then he did . Being visited in his sicknesse by Mr. Robert Bruce , and the Ministers of Edinburgh , he expressed a great contempt of the world , and of the vanities of it , lamenting that he had not done the good which he would and might have done in his place , being impeded as he said by the malice of his adversaries , who were ever plotting his death and ruine . Two moneths he continued under that languishing sicknesse , and ended his dayes most happily the 3. of October , 1595. The King did greatly lament his death , and honoured him with this Epitaph . Thou passenger that spies with gazing eyes This Trophy sad , of deaths triumphant dart , Consider when this outward Tombe thou sees , How rare a man leaves here his earthly part . His wisedome , and his uprightnesse of heart , His pietie , his practice of our State , His quick Engine so verst in every Art , As equally not all were in debate . Thus justly hath his death brought forth of late , An heavy grief in Prince and Subjects all , That virtue love , and vice do bear at hate , Though vitious men rejoyces at his fall . So for himself most happy doth he die , Though for his Prince it most unhappy be . Others for all this spared not to expresse their malice in Libells and Rythmes after his death ; some whereof were cast in the Kings Chamber at Linlithgow and other places : but as the Authours were not known , so were the Rythmes despised and contemned by all good men . His body was some dayes after conveyed to Hadington , and solemnly interred in the Sepulchre of his fathers . This year was by the vulgar people reckoned among the ill years , because of the dearth and scarcity of Corns , which the aboundance of winds in the Harvest time had caused , yet for the bloodshed and slaughters committed in all quarters of the Countrey was it more justly to be so accounted ; For in the South parts the Iohnstons and Maxwells had a bloody conflict , wherein divers were killed ; the greatest losse falling upon the Maxwells that went from the West parts besides Glasgow , to assist their friends in the South . In the Isles and Highlands were likewise great troubles : nor was the Incountrey more quiet , bloods and slaughters dayly falling out in every place . Among which none was more odious then the slaughter of David Forrester Citizen of Striveling , killed as he was returning from Edinburgh by some that lay in wait for his life . The Lairds of Arth and Dunnypearce , were thought to have hounded out the committers upon a spleen conceived against the Gentleman for the credit he had with his Master the Earl of Marre : for no other quarrell could be pretended . The Nobleman taking this greatly to heart , caused to bring the body of his servant to Linlithgow , ( for he was killed nigh to Linlithgow ) & with his whole friendship conveyed the same to Striveling there to be interred , carying along the portraite of the dead with the wounds he had received in a white sheet , to move the beholders , to a great detestation of the fact . The Corps buried , & the Earl following the course of Law , the Lords Levingston and Elphingston did partie the Committers . And though the King by his Proclamation did prohibit the assisting either of the pursuit or defenders , commanding Justice to be done , nothing could take effect in that troublesome time ; so powerfull was the combination of parties . But that which by the ordinary way of Justice could not as then be required , we have since visibly punished in the fall and ruine of those Families , for a lesson to all men to fly and abhorre the shedding of innocent blood . The year preceding the King had directed , as we shewed , Sir Richard Cockborn of Clerkington his Secretary to England , and amongst other instructions willed him to urge the payment of the moneys which the Lord Souch and Mr. Bowes the Queens Ambassadours had often promised . Wherein finding nothing but delayes , and his necessities dayly growing , he resolved to look to his own estate at home , and order his revenues to the best profit . For this effect he made choice of eight persons to rule the affairs of the Exchequer . These were Alexander Lord Urqhart , President of the Colledge of Justice , Walter Commendator of Blantry , Lord Privie Seal , Mr. David Carnegy of Colluthy , Mr. Iohn Lindersey Parson of Menmure , and Iames Elphingston of Ennernathie , Mr. Thomas Hamilton of Dummany , Mr. Iohn Sken Clerk of Register , all Senators of the Colledge of Justice , and Mr. Peter Young of Seaton his Elemosynar . To these eight or any five of them was intrusted the full and free administration of the whole Rents and Duties pertaining to the Offices of Controllery and Collectory , resigned and committed by the four Officers in his Majesties hands , with power to deprive and discharge all inferiour Chamberlains , Under-collectors , Customers , Secretaries , Intrometters whatsoever , with any of the said Rents , all inferiour Clerks of the said Offices , and to appoint new Clerks , Receivers and Intrometters with the same ( excepting onely the Office of the Clerk of Register his fees ) priviledges , and other commodities belonging to him or any of his Predecessours , to hear and exact account of Steward , Sheriffs , Bayliffs , Provosts of Burghs , Customes , Clerks of Cockquet , Searchers , Chamberlains , Receivers , Factours and Intrometters , with the Farmes , Males , Profits and Duties , Caves , Customes , Fishings , Cole-houses , Parks , Steadings , Orchards and other Rents of the propertie annexed of old and of new , or unannexed and belonging any way to the Patrimony of the Crown , as also to hear the unmade accounts of the Treasurer and his Deputies , the Generall and Warden of the Coin , and Taskmen and labourers of the Mines and Metalls , the Collectours of the Taxation , the Master of the Wardrobe Jewels and moveables , the Master of the work , the munition and plenishing of Castles , the Monks portions , the payment of the Guard and men of Warre , the rents of Colledges , Hospitalls , Schools and Students , the common good of Burghs , the Dowry of whole moneys appertaining to the King , as well within the Realm as coming from other parts , and to allow or refuse allowance thereof , as they should find meet ; with power likewise to appoint and set Fines and Penalties for offences , to make and set down the prices of Wines , Victualls and Corns , yearly to put an order to his Majesties house , and Esquiery and stable , and make provision therefore ; to repair the decayed Customes , appoint the Order of uplifting the same , and to rowpe and set them to the best profit ; to consider the state of the present Coin , and therein direct what they should think requisite to assist the Treasurer and the Compositors in the expeding of signators , and that without advice nothing should passe ; to examine the diligence of Sheriffs and other inferiour Judges with their Officers , and negligence to correct and punish the faults of Officers of Arms ; to compone , transact or uplift the escheats of persons denounced to the horn ; and generally to do and perform all things proper to the Exchequer , they enoying such places in Councell , and Parliament , as the Officers thereof had in former times with all the power , priviledges , honours and immunities that belonged thereto , either by Acts of Parliament , or by consuetude of the Realm . The King did further promise in verbo principis not to joyn any more to the present Commission at any time hereafter ; and in case a place fell void by decease of any of the present Commissioners , to receive and admit none , but by advice and consent of those that remained alive , as also not to signe any letter or signatour concerning the disposition of any of the rents of property , collectory , or new augmentations , confirmatives or ratifications of any former gifts , dispositions , pensions , or infestments or licenses for transporting of forbidden goods , unlesse the same were first heard , allowed and subscribed by the said Lords , or any five of them sitting in Councell by way of Action , Exception or Reply , notwithstanding the Seals were appended thereto . The keeper whereof were discharged to append any signet or seal , except the letters or signatures were subscribed in manner above rehearsed , under the pain of losing their offices . Moreover , it was declared that the said Lords should have power to direct letters of horning , poynding and caption upon their own acts and decretes , and that no suspension of any charges for ingathering any part of the Patrimony should pass , except in Exchequer or Session three of the said Lords subscribing the same . The Lords again made faith , That the next unto God , and good Conscience they should in all things respect his Majesties weal , honour and advancement of his revenue , and neither for tenderness of blood , commodity to themselves , awe or fear of any person consent to the disposition of any part of the patrimony , whereby his Majesties profits might be diminished , and that they should not give their consents severally , but being assembled , at least five of them , in Exchequer , under protestation that the accepting of the said Commission should not be a reason of declining them in Action that concerned his Majesty , seeing they did neither receive fee , nor were intrometters with any part of the rents , but only directed the receivers and collectors of the same . This Commission approved by the Lords of Councell , was published at the market Cross of Edinburgh the 12 of Ianuary 1595. diverse excepting at the ampleness of it , and saying , That the King had left nothing to himself but the naked title of a King , and put all his power and means in the hands of others , so as subjects were to expect no benefit nor reward from him . The Courtiers , they especially of the bed-chamber , did grudge exceedingly , that all occasion to do good to themselves or their friends was this way cut off . Nor was it long before these Commissioners became extremely disliked , partly for their strict dealing with the subjects , and partly for drawing all the offices into their own hands . Beginning was made at M. David Magill Advocate , whom they pressed to dimit and resigne his office by reason of his age and imbecillitie as they pretended , and when by no perswasion he could be moved unto it , they did associate with him in office M. Thomas Hamilton one of their own number ; which bred him such a grief , as shortly after he ended his days . Next they fell upon the Master of Glamys Treasurer and his deputy Sir Robert Melvill , and by examining their accompts found them liable in such sums to the King , as to obtain a Quietus est they were glad to resigne the Treasurer , which was bestowed on the Prior of Blantyre : Then did they labour the Secretary Sir Richard Cockborne to resigne his place , and exchange it with the office of Privie Seal , which Blantyre had dimitted in favour of Mr. Iohn Lindesey . This was easily effected , the gentlemen not liking to contend or fall in question with them . The office of the Collectorie , resigned by the Provost of Linclowden , was given to Mr. Iames Elphinston . The President they intended to make Chancellor ; but to this the King would not condescend , knowing how he stood affected in Religion , and that his preferment to that chief place would open the mouths of the Ministers , and raise a clamour in the Countrey . These proceedings did work them much hatred , and ( as is the lot of those that rule in Estates ) whatsoever was amisse , they carried the blame albeit in many things they were innocent . The next year begun with a trouble in the borders , which was like to have destroyed the peace betwixt the two Realms , and arose upon this occasion : The Lord Scroope being then Warden of the West-Marches of England ; and the Laird of Baclugh having the charge of Liddisdale , they sent their Deputies to keep a day of Truce for redresse of some ordinary matters . The place of meeting was at the Dayholme of Kershop , where a small Brook divideth England from Scotland , and Liddisdale from Bewcastle . There met as Deputie for the Laird of Baclugh , Robert Scott of Hayninge ; and for the Lord Scroope , a Gentleman within the West Wardenrie , called Mr. Salkeld . These two , after truce taken and proclaimed , as the custome was , by sound of Trumpet met friendly , and upon mutuall redresse of such wrongs as were then complained of , parted in good tearms , each of them taking his way homewards . Mean while it happened one William Armstrong , commonly called Will of Kinmouth to be in company with the Scottish Deputie , against whom the English had a quarrell for many wrongs he had committed , as he was indeed a notorious thief . This man having taken his leave of the Scots Deputie , and riding down the River of Liddell on the Scotish side towards his own house , was pursued by the English that espied him from the other side of the River , and after a chase of three or four miles , taken prisoner , and brought back to the English Deputie , who carried him away to the Castle of Carlile . The Laird of Baclugh complaining of the breach of truce ( which was alwaies taken from the time of meeting unto the next day at sun rising ) wrote to Mr. Salkeld , and craved redresse ; he excused himself by the absence of the Lord Scroope ; whereupon Baclugh sent to the Lord Scroope , and desired the prisoner might be set at liberty without any bond or condition , seeing he was unlawfully taken . Scroope answered , that he could doe nothing in the matter , it having so happened , without a direction from the Queen and Councell of England , considering the man was such a Malefactor . Baclugh loath to inform the King of what was done , lest it might have bred some misliking betwixt the Princes , dealt with Mr. Bowes the Resident Ambassadour of England for the Prisoners liberty , who wrote very seriously to the Lord Scroope in that business , advising him to set the man free , and not to bring the matter to a further hearing ; but no answer was returned : the matter thereupon was imparted to the King , and the Queen of England solicited by Letters to give direction for his liberty ; yet nothing was obtained : which Baclugh perceiving , and apprehending both the King and himself as the Kings officer to be touched in honour , he resolved to work the Prisoners relief by the best means he could . And upon intelligence that the Castle of Carlile , wherein the Prisoner was kept , was surprisable , he imployed some trusty persons to take a view of the Postern-gate , and measure the height of the wall , which he meant to scale by ladders ; and if those failed , to break through the wall with some iron instruments , and force the gates . This done so closely as he could , he drew together some 200 horse , assigning the place of meeting at the Tower of Morton , some ten miles from Carlile an hour before sun-set . With this company passing the water of Esk about the falling , two howers before day he crossed Eden beneath Carlile bridge ( the water through the rain that had fallen being thick ) and came to the Sacery , a plain under the Castle ; There , making a little halt at the side of a small Bourn which they call Cadage , he caused 80 of the company to light from their horses and take the ladders and other instruments which he had prepared with them , he himself accompanying them to the foot of the wall , caused the ladders to be set to it , which proving too short he gave order to use the other instruments for opening the wall nigh the Postern , and finding the business like to succeed , retired to the rest whom he had left on horse-back for assuring those that entred upon the Castle against any eruption from the Town . With some little labour a breach was made for single men to enter , and they who first went in brake open the Postern for the rest ; the watchmen and some few the noise awaked , made a little restraint , but they were quickly repressed and taken captive , after which they passed to the Chamber wherein the Prisoner was kept , and having brought him forth , sounded a trumpet , which was a signall to them without that the enterprise was performed . My Lord Scroope and Mr Salkeld were both within the house , and to them the Prisoner cried a good night . The captives taken in the first encounter were brought to Baclugh , who presently returned them to their Master , and would not suffer any spoil or booty , as they tearm it , to be carried away : he had straitly forbidden to break open any door but that where the Prisoner was kept , though he might have made prey of all the goods within the Castle , and taken the Warden himself captive ; for he would have it seen that he did intend nothing but the reparation of his Majesties honour . By this time the Prisoner was brought forth , the Town had taken the Alarum , the drums were beating , the bells ringing , and a beacon put on the top of the Castle to give warning to the Countrey . Whereupon Baclugh commanded those that entred the Castle and the Prisoner to horse , and march again by the Sacery , made to the River at the stony bank : on the other side whereof certain were assembled to stop his passage , but he causing sound the Trumpet took the River , day being then broken , and they chusing to give him way he retired in order through the Grahams of Esk ( men at that time of great power and his unfriends , and came back into Scotish ground two howers after sun-rising , and so homewards . This fell out the 13 of Aprill 1596. The Queen of England having notice sent her of what was done stormed not a little , one of her chief Castles surprised , a prisoner taken forth of the hands of the Warden and carried away so far within England , she esteemed a great affront . The Lieger M. Bows in a frequent Convention kept at Edinburgh the ●2 of May did , as he was charged , in a long Oration aggravate the hainousness of the fact , concluding that peace could not longer continue betwixt the two Realms , unless Baclugh were delivered in England to be punished at the Queens pleasure . Baclugh compiering and charged with the fact made answer , That he went not into England with intention to assault any of the Queens houses , or to do wrong to any of her Subjects , but onely to relieve a subject of Scotland unlawfully taken and more unlawfully detained ; That in the time of a generall assurance in a day of truce he was taken prisoner against all order , neither did he attempt his relief till redress was refused ; and that he had carried the business in such a moderate manner as no hostility was committed , nor the least wrong offered to any within the Castle : yet was he content according to the ancient treaties observed betwixt the two Realms , when as mutuall injuries were alleadged , to be tryed by the Commissioners that it should please their Majesties to appoint , and submit himself to that which they should decern . The Convention esteeming the answer reasonable did acquaint the Ambassadour therewith , and offered to send Commissioners to the borders with all diligence to treat with such as the Queen should be pleased to appoint for her part . But she not satisfied with the answer refused to appoint any Commissioners ; whereupon the Councell of England did renue the complaint in Iuly thereafter , and the business being of new agitated it was resolved of as before , and that the same should be remitted to the triall of Commissioners : the King protesting , That he might with great reason crave the delivery of the Lord Scroop for the injury committed by his deputy , It being less favourable to take a prisoner then relieve him that is unlawfully taken ; yet for the continuing of peace he would forbear to do it , and omit nothing on his part that could be desired either in equity , or by the laws of friendship . The borderers in the mean time making daily incursions one upon another filled all their parts with trouble , the English being continually p●t to the worse ; neither were they made quiet till for satisfying the Queen the Laird of Baclugh was first committed in S. Andrews , and afterwards entered in England , where he remained not long . At the same time for bringing the Isles to obedience Collonell Steward was imployed to levy 1000 men , every shire furnishing 20 horsemen and 30 foot , or so much money as would sustain them , allowing the horsemen 24 pounds monthly and the foot 12 pound , besides the supply of the free burghes . These companies were appointed to meet at Dumbalton the 20 of August for aiding the King or his Lieutenant for the space of 40 days according to the customes , and when the days were come were commanded to follow the Colonell as designed Lieutenant assigned by the King. But upon the bruite of this expedition the principals of the Isles did all submit themselves , offering obedience to appear before the King at the time his Majesty should appoint : so that expedition ceased , the Colonell going no further then Ila , where he remained a few days and took assurance for their appearance . In the March preceding the Assembly of the Church convened at Edinburgh for consulting upon the dangers threatned to religion by the invasion of the Spaniard , which was then generally noised . Some brethren directed to lay open the perils to his Majesty returned with this answer ; That albeit there was no great cause to fear any such invasion at that time , yet they should do well to give their advice as if the danger were at hand , which would serve when necessity did require . The Assembly upon this thought meet to enter into consideration both of the dangers and remedies , and first to enquire upon the causes that had provoked God to threaten the Realm with that tyrannous Nation , to the end the same might be removed ; then to deliberate how by ordinary lawfull means the enemy should be resisted . The causes they condescended to be sins of all estates , and especially the sins of the Ministery ; which they held best should be penned and drawn to certain heads , that the corruptions being laid open the remedies might be the better provided . For this work some of the brethren were named & set apart , who after a day or two presented in writing a number of Articles touching the corruption of Ministers as well in their offices as in their lives and manners ; the offences in the Kings house ; in the Court and in the Judgment seats ; the defection and faults commune to all estates ; and the remedies which in their opinion were fit to be used . The Assembly allowing their labours and acknowledging their own guiltiness in that which concerned themselves , ordained a day of humiliation to be kept on Tuesday the week following by the Ministers that were there present , for reconciling themselves to God , and making up a new Covenant for the better discharge of their duties . This is the Covenant that by some is so often objected and said to be violated by those that gave obedience to the Canons of the Church , albeit in it there is not a word or syllable that sounds either to confirming of the Church government then in use , or to the rejecting of that which since hath been established . But when other Arguments fail them , somewhat must be said to entertain the conceipts of the popular . By this Covenant all did bind themselves to abide in the profession of the truth , and to walk according to the same as God should enable them . But for the rules of policy or ceremonies serving to good order or decency , let inspection be taken of the Register which is extant , and it shall plainly appear , that at the time there was not so much as any mention thereof made . But to proceed ; The advices they gave for resisting the practises of the enemy was , That all who had kithed in action with the Popish Lords should enter their persons in ward , till assurance was given that they should neither keep intelligence with the Rebels , nor joyn with them in case they did return into the Countrey . That the rents and livings of the Rebels should be uplifted for entertainment of souldiers , and supporting other necessary affairs . That in every Parish Captains should be chosen for the mustering and training of men in Armes , and some Commanders in every Shire appointed for convening the County at needfull occasions . Lastly , that they who were Sureties for the good behaviour of the Rebels without the Realm should be called , and to pay the summes contained in their bonds . This advice presented to the King went much against his minde ; for his desire was to have the banished Lords reclaimed and brought to obedience , which he esteemed to be the greatest assurance both of his own peace and the Countries quiet ; therefore did he onely answer , That if it could be proved that the Lords since their departing from Scotland had traffiqued with strangers to the prejudice of Religion or State , they should be used with all extremity ; but otherwise neither could their Cautioners be convicted , nor would he change the course which he had kept with their wives and children . Not long before this Assembly , the King had communicated his minde to Mr. Robert Bruce touching that business , hoping that by the sway he carried in those meetings some such Propositions as tended to the reclaiming of the banished Lords should have been made by the Assembly ; but finding his expectation not answered , he brake to him the matter of new , and shewed how greatly it concerned his estate to have them reduced and called home ; That the Queen of England was grown old , and if any should after her death withstand his Title , he would have need of his subjects assistance . And that having so many Nobles exiled he would be lesse respected of strangers , and be a great deal weaker at home . If he could therefore win them to acknowledge their offence , and so embrace the true Religion ( without which they should never get any favour from him ) he believed the course would not be disallowed of wise men , and those that loved him . Alwaies he desired to know his judgment , for as yet he had not shewed his minde in that matter to any person . Mr. Robert Bruce , being as then in great favour and credit with the King , said that he did think well of his Majesties reasons ; and that he should not doe amisse to bring home Angus and Arroll , so as they would conform themselves in Religion . But that Huntley could not be pardoned being so hated as he was of the subjects . The King reasoning to the contrary , that if Huntley be willing to satisfie the Church and fulfill the Conditions which he would require of him , he saw no reason why he should not be received as well as the other two ; And as he could not but know that his care of that man was great ; and he having married his Cousin , whom he accounted his own Daughter ; so was he the man of greatest power , and one that could stand him in most stead . Therefore desired Mr. Robert to think of that matter , and after a day or two give him his advice in it . At the next meeting being enquired what he had thought of the business , he answered as before , saying , That Huntley's return would be ill interpreted , and offend all good men . The King repeating the former Reasons , and adding . That if he brought one home he would bring them all ; he replied , I see Sir that your resolution is to take Huntley in favour ; which if you doe , I will oppose , and you shall choose whether you will lose Huntley or me ; for us both you cannot keep . This saucy reply the King did never forget , and it was this which lost him the favour which formerly he carried with the King. The exiled Lords not finding that respect given unto them in forain parts which they expected , took a resolution to return , and to use all means for reconciling themselves to the King & Church . And that their return might be the more secret , they separated one from another ; Arroll taking his journey homewards through the United Provinces was intercepted and delivered into the hands of Mr. Robert Danielston Conservator of the Scotish priviledges , to be kept by him till the King should be advertised . But whether by the Conservators knowledge , or otherwise , he made an escape and came into the Countrey . Huntley came some moneths before , and lurking secretly in the North , sent a supplication to his Majesty , and the Convention which met at Falkland the 12 of August , the effect whereof was , that he might be permitted to return and remain within any part of the Countrey his Majesty should appoint , he giving sufficient surety for his quiet and peaceable behaviour . The King having heard the Supplication , took occasion to say , That one of the two courses was needfull to be followed with him and the rest that were in his condition ; that is , either utterly to exterminate them , their race , and posterity , or then upon their humble acknowledgment of their offence and surety made for the state of Religion to receive in favour ; for to continue in the condition wherein they presently were , could not stand either with the safety of Religion , or with his own honour and estate . The first course , said he , hath the own difficulties , and will not be performed without great trouble ; And for my self , so long as there is any hope that they may be reduced to the profession of the truth , I desire not their destruction , but like rather to extend my clemency towards them ; which I believe is the minde of all good and peaceable men . As to the present offer made by Huntley , I do not think it well generall , and to no purpose ; therefore by your advise I would have particular Conditions condescended upon , such as may serve for security of Religion , mine own honour , and the tranquillity of the Countrey ; such Conditions being offered and security found for performance , I should then think that license might be granted him to return , he being confined in such a part of the Countrey as should be thought most convenient . The Convention approving his Majesties judgment , resolved upon this as the fittest course , remitting the Conditions to be formed by his Highness and the Lords of Councell . September the same conclusion was ratified at another Convention of the Estates at Dunfermling , and the Baptisme of the Princesse who was born the 19 of August , appointed to be at Halyrud-house the 28 of November next . How soon this their return into the Countrey was known , and that such an Act was passed in their favours , the Commissioners of the Church assembled at Edenburgh , where falling to consider the dangers threatned to Religion by their return , it was thought necessary to acquaint all the Presbyteries with the present state of things ; particularly that the forfaited Earls were returned into the Countrey without his Majesties warrant and approbation , that they remained peaceably in the same , using all means to be restored to their livings : albeit they had neither acknowledged their offence in that treasonable dealing with the King of Spaine , nor their defection and apostasie from the truth . And that they had maintained an Act of Councell in their favours at the Convention of Falkland , which was ratified thereafter at Dunfermling , whereby they were licensed to remain upon certain Conditions to be prescribed unto them by his Majesty and Councell , to the manifest hazard both of Church and State , considering their continuance in the same disposition to work mischief as before : of these things they were desired to inform their flocks ; and both in publick doctrine and private conference to stirre up the Countrey-people to apprehend the danger , and to be in readiness to resist the same so farre as lawfully they might . It was further thought meet , that publick humiliation should be indicted through the whole Countrey the first Sunday of December , and the cause thereof declared to be the return of the excommunicated Lords , and dangers thereby threatned to Religion , which the Ministers should enlarge according to their discretions , as also that the Presbyteries should call before them their Entertainers , Reffetters , and such as kept company with them , and proceed summarily with the Censures of the Church , una citatione quia periclitatur salus Ecclesiae & Reipublicae . Lastly , they concluded that a number of Commissioners selected out of all the Quarters of the Countrey should reside at Edinburgh , and convene every day with some of the Presbyterie of Edinburgh , to receive Advertisements as should be sent from other places , and take counsell upon the most expedient in every case . The Brethren nominated to this purpose were Mr. Alexander Douglas , M. Peter Blaickborure , M. George Gladstaves , and M. Iames Nicholson for the North parts ; Mr. Iames Melvill , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , Mr. Alexander Lindesey , and Mr. William Striveling for the middle part of the Countrey ; Mr. Iohn Clapperton , Mr. Iohn Knox , Mr. George Ramsey , and Mr. Iames Carmichaell for the South ; and for the West Mr. Iohn Howson , Mr. Andrew Knox , Iohn Porterfield , and Mr. Robert Wilkie . Their attendance was ordained to be monethly , and to begin in November . At which time Mr. Iames Nicholson , Mr. Iames Melvill , Mr. Andrew Knox , Mr. Iohn Howson , and Mr. George Ramsey were appointed to wait : Mr. Robert Bruce , Mr. Robert Pont , Mr. David Lindesey , Mr. Iames Balfour , Mr. Patrick Gallaway , and Mr. Walter Balcanquell observing ordinarily all the meeting . These Conventions were by a new name called , the Councell of the Church , and appointed to be kept once every day at least for taking advice in every business that occurred by direction of this Councell . Lord Alexander Seaton President of the Session , was called before the Synod of Lothian for keeping intelligence with the Earl of Huntley , and by them remitted back to that Councell ; before whom , with many attestations , he purged himself of any dealing with Huntley , or any of the Papist Lords , and upon promise not imploy his credit that way was dimitted . The King suspecting their beginnings should end in some trouble , but not like to fall in contrary terms with the Church , if by any means the same could be eschewed , commanded the President , Secretary , Advocate , and Laird of Colluthle to conferre with the most moderate of the Ministery , and use their best means for satisfying them touching the return of the forfeited Lords . Mr. David Lindesey , Mr. Patrick Gallaway , Mr. Iames Nicholson , and Mr. Iames Melvill being sent for to this Conference were desired to give their opinions , Whether or not , due satisfaction being made to the Church by the Lords ( for otherwise the King did not mean to shew them any favour ) they might be pardoned and restored to their estates . The Ministers answered , They came only to hear what was proponed and in a matter of that importance could say nothing unacquainting their brethren . The Conference was delayed till afternoon . At which time returning they said , That the brethren were glad of the respect carried by his Majesty to the Church ; and that his resolution was to give no favour to those Rebels till the Church was first satisfied . But in their judgments they having by Gods law deserved death , and being by the most soveraign Court of the Kingdome sentenced to have lost their estates , they could not be lawfully pardoned nor restored . And if the King and his Councell would take on them to doe it , they had God and the Countrey to answer unto ; but for them they would give no assent , but protest to the contrary that they were free thereof before God and man. This answer seeming rather to proceed of passion then any good zeal ; it was next urged , Whether upon their humble , and submisse suite to be reconciled , the Church could not deny to receive them , it being commonly held , th●t the bosome of the Church should ever be patent to repenting sinners . They answered , That the Church indeed could not refuse their satisfaction , if it were truly offered ; neverthelesse the King stood obliged to doe justice . When by no reasoning they could be wrought from these extremities , the Conference brake off , and the effects thereof being reported to the King , he was greatly commoved , inveighing against Ministers at his table , in Councell , and every where . The wiser sort that foresaw the ill effects this rancour would breed , advised the Ministers to send some of their number , to understand what it was that did offend the King , and offer all satisfaction on their parts ; withall to lay open their grievances , and in humble manner entreat a redress of the things which they esteemed hurtfull . Herein the same Brethren being employed they found the Kings answers more biting , and peremptory then they expected ; for being desired to shew what it was that made his majesty so offended wth the Church , and professing to amend it so farre as lay in them ; he said There could be no agreement so long as the marches of the two Iurisdictions were not distinguished ; that in their preachings they did censure the affaires ●f the Estate and Councell ; convocate Generall Assemblies without his license ; conclude what they thought good , not once desiring his allowance and approbation ; and is their Synods , Presbyteries , and particular Sessions , meddle with every thing upon colour of scandall ; besides divers other disorders which at another time he would propound , and have reformed ; othe●wise it was vain to think of any agreement , or that the same being made , could stand and continue any while . The Ministers not willing to dip in these matters , after they had in sober manner replied to each of these points , fell to speak of their own grievances : as first the favour granted to the Popish Lords in the late Conventions at Falkland , and Dunfermlin , the countenance given to the Lady Huntley , and her invitation to the Baptisme of the Princesse , the putting her in the hands of the Lady Levingston , an avowed and obstinate Papist ; and which grieved them more then any thing else , the alienation of his Majesties heart from the Ministers , as appeared by all his speeches publick and private . To this last the King did first reply , saying , That they had given him too just cause by their railing against him , and his proceedings in their Sermons . for the Popish Lords , he had granted nothing to them , but what the Estate had found needfull for the peace and quiet of the Realm . As to the Lady Huntley , he esteemed her a good discreet Lady and worthy of his countenance ; and that she was a Papist they might blame themselves , who had never taken care to enform her of the truth . Lastly , for his Daughter the Princesse , he had trusted her to the Lord Levingston , a Nobleman known to be of good Religion , and not to his Lady who should not be suffered to take any care of her , unlesse she conformed in point of Religion . Whilst things thus past betwixt the King and the Church , a new occasion of trouble was presented by M. David Blake one of the Ministers of S. Andrews , who had in one of his Sermons cast forth divers speeches full of spight against the King , the Queen , the Lords of Councell and Session , and amongst the rest , had called the Queen of England , an Atheist , a woman of no Religion . This being dilated to the English Ambassadour he complained to the King , and thereupon was Mr. David Blake cited to appear before the Councell the 10 of November . Mr. Andrew Melvill accompanying him to Edinburgh did labour to make this a common cause , giving out that the same was done onely for a preparative against the Ministers to bring the●r Doctrine under the censure and controlement of the King and Councell ; and so farre he prevailed with the Commissioners of the Church , as they sent certain of their number to intreat the deserting of the Diet , saying , It would be ill taken to draw Ministers in question upon trifling delations , when as the enemies of the truth were spared , and overseen . The King some daies before , had published the Conditions upon which he was to grant a Protection to Huntley , and asking those Commissioners , if they had seen the Conditions , said , That both he and the rest should either satisfie the Church in every point , or be pursued with all extremity , so as they should have no reason to complain of the oversight of Papists . For Master Blake he said he did not think much of that matter , onely they should cause him appear and take some course for pacifying the English Ambassadour . But take heed , said the King , that you doe not decline the judicatory ; for if you doe , it will be worse then any thing yet fallen out . Now the Conditions proponed to Huntley were , as followeth , That he should give sufficient and reasonable caution of Inland-men and landed Barons , to the number of sixteen at least , who should be acted in the Books of Councell , under the pain of forty thousand pounds ( each two of the Cautioners conjunctly and severally for five thousand pounds of the said summe ) that he should faithfully observe and fulfill the whole Articles undermentioned , and every one of them , as first , that betwixt and the first day of April next to come , he should either satisfie the Church for his Apostasie , and return to the bosome thereof in uniformity of Religion , or before the expiring of the said time depart again forth of the Countrey , and not return again without his Majesties license . 2 Next , that during the said space , he should not receive in his company any Jesuit , Masse-priests , or excommunicate Papists , nor have any dealing , communication , or intelligence with them , especially with his Uncle Mr. Iames Gordon , nor suffer his Children , in case any be brought forth in the mean time , to be baptized by another then a Minister . 3 That so long as he remained in the Countrey , as likewise in case of his departing at the time aforesaid , he should not traffick with any stranger or others whomsoever for alteration of the true Religion , or disquieting the state of the Countrey in any sort . 4 That his former Cautioners should remain obliged , in case after lawfull triall it should be found that since his last departing he had trafficked with strangers for subversion of Religion or the alteration of the State , in the summes for which they were bound . 5 That he should presently enter his person in ward within such a place as his Majesty should appoint . 6 That within fifteen daies next he should enter his eldest Son and apparent Heir as a Hostage to his Majesty for observing the Articles before and after mentioned , and that his said Son should abide in such company , ward , or Castle , as his Majesty should appoint , where most conveniently he might be instructed in the true Religion , and not escape by his Fathers knowledge or assistance . Lastly , that he should compeir personally before the Councell whensoever he should be called upon fifteen daies warning , for trying the contravention of any of the Articles above expressed : providing the cause for which he should be charged were expressed in the Letters , and warrant given him● that he should not be challenged for any other fact done before his last passing forth of Scotland . These Articles the King caused to be imprinted , that all men might see he meant not to bestow any favour either upon him or the rest , unlesse they joyned themselves to the Religion publickly professed , yet this served not to stop the mouths of people , nor did it remove the jealousie of the Preachers , who were daily complaining , That Papists were favoured , the Ministers troubled for the free rebuke of sin , and the scepter of Christs kingdome sought to be overthrown . The processe , they said , intended against Mr. Blake was but a policy to divert the Ministers from prosecuting their suite against the Popish Earls ; and if he should submit his Doctrine to the triall of the Councell , the liberties of the Church and spirituall government of the house of God , would be quite subverted . In any case therefore they concluded , that a Declinator should be used , and protestation made against these proceedings . This was held a dangerous course , and earnestly disswaded by some few , but they were cried down by the greater number , that said it was the cause of God , whereunto it concerned them to stand at all hazard . So a Declinator was formed and given Mr. Blake to present , bearing this in substance : That howbeit the conscience of his innocency did uphold him sufficiently against the calumnies of whomsoever , and that he was ready to defend the doctrine uttered by him , whether in opening the words , or in application ; yet seeing he was brought thither to be judged by his Majesty and Councell for his doctrine , and that his answering to the pretended accusation , might import a prejudice to the liberties of the Church , and be taken for an acknowledgement of his Majesties jurisdiction in matters meerly spiritual , he was constrained in all humility to decline that Judicatory for the reasons following : First , because the Lord Iesus , of whom he had the grace of his calling , had given him ( albeit unworthy of the honour to bear his name ) his Word for a rule , to his preaching , and that he could not fall in the reverence of any Civill law , but in so farre as he should be tried to have passed his instructions , which trial belonged onely to the Prophets and Pastors , the spirits of the Prophets being subject to them alone ; for as first it must be declared whether he had kept his instruction or not . 2 In regard the liberty of the Church , and discipline presently exercised was confirmed by divers Acts of Parliament , and the office-bearers thereof peaceably possessed therein , particularly in the judicatory of the word preached , ( as was clear by divers late examples ) he ought to be remitted for his preaching to the Ecclesiastick Senate , as his competent Judge , in the first instance . For which and for other weighty considerations , and namely for eschewing the inconveniencies that might fall to Religion , and his Majesties own estate , by the appearance of distraction and alienation of his Majesties mind from the Ministry and the cause of God in their hands ; he for himself , and in name of the Commissioners of the general Assembly , who had subscrived the same Declinatour , did humbly beseech his Majesty not to infringe the liberty of the Church , but rather manifest his care in maintaining the same . When the Diet came , and the summons were read , being desired to answer , he said , That albeit he might object against the citation , the same being directed super inquirendis , contrary to the form prescrived by Parliament , and no particular specified therein ; yet he would take him to the usuall remedy of law , and desire to be remitted to his own Ordinary . Being asked whom he meant ? he answered , the Presbytery , where the doctrine was taught . The King then replying that the matter laid to his charge was Civill , and that the generality of the summons was restricted to the particular letter produced by the English Ambassador ; he said , That the speeches wherewith he was charged being uttered in pulpit , must be judged by the Church , In prima instantia . Again being inquired whether the King might not judge matters of Treason , as well as the Church did matters of Heresie ? he said , That speeches delivered in pulpit , albeit alledged to be treasonable , could not be judged by the King till the Church took first cognition thereof ; but that he was not come thither to solve questions , and so presented the Declinatour . The King notwithstanding that he was greatly offended , ( because the day appointed for the baptisme of the Princesse was approaching ) continued all further proceeding to the last of November . Mean while had the Commissioners for the Church sent a copy of M. Blakes declinatour with a letter to all the Presbyteries requiring them for the greater corroboration of their doings to subscrive the same , and to commend the cause in hand in their private and publick prayers to God , using their best credit with their flocks , and employing all their labours for the maintainance thereof . The King being mightily incensed with this doing as tending to a direct mutiny , and the stirring up of the subjects to rebellion , gave forth a Proclamation , wherein he said , That certain persons of the Ministery , abiding in the town of Edinburgh , had of long time continued together devising plots prejudiciall to his Majesties authority , and usurping a power over their brethren , had directed letters for subscriving a Declinatour formed , and already subscrived by themselves , requiring them with the return of their subscriptions to send some of their number to assist their proceedings as though they were not subjects , and that the King had no power , nor authority over them , intending , as appeared by convocations and the like tumultuous forms , to break the peace , and make an insurrection in the Countrey ; whereas no care in the mean time was taken of their flocks , but the same left comfortless and destitute of the preaching of the word , all which they coloured with a generall Commission alledged to be given by the last generall assembly , albeit there was no such Commission ; that which he produced , containing only a power to consult , and report , and not to set down Acts , or exercise any jurisdiction : and granting that such a Commission had been given , the same could not be lawfull , as given without the consent and approbation of his Majesties Commissioners who were present at the time . Therefore to prevent the disorders and confusion which therethrough might arise , his Highness with the advice of the Councell , discharged the said Commission , as unlawful in it self , and more unlawfully executed by the said Commissioners ; commanding the persons under written , namely , M. Andrew Melvill , M. James Melvill , M. Iohn Davidson , M. Nicoll Dalgleish , M. James Nicolson , M. James Carmichaell and John Clapperton , to depart home to their severall flocks within 24 hours , after the charge , and to attend upon the lawfull discharge of their callings , and no ways to return for keeping such unlawfull convocations either within the said burgh or without , under the pain of Rebellion . The Commissioners upon information that such a charge was directed fell to consult what course they should take ; and first they resolved , That since they were convened by the warrant of Christ , in a most needfull and dangerous time to see unto the good of the Church , Et ne quid Ecclesia detrimenti caperet , they should obey God rather then man ; and notwithstanding of any charge that should be given , continue together so long as conveniently they might , and in the mean time send some of the number to the Octavians ( this was the title commonly given to those eight Counsellors that were trusted with all affairs ) to advertise them , that seeing the Church at their entry to their places enjoyed a full peace and liberty , and that now it was cast into great troubles , and the enemies of the truth spared , and overlooked , they could not but think that all this proceeded from their counsells ; and therefore whatsoever the event should be , the Church would take her self to them , and they onely should bear the blame . The President answering in choler said , That these controversies were begun without their advice , & so they should end ; that for their good service they had reaped smal thanks , and drawn upon themselves much envy , and therefore would have no medling in that business betwixt the King & them , but leave it to him & his Nobility . This answer put them to a second advice , and thinking they were mistaken and that these Commissioners were not in the fault , but that all proceeded from the King himself , they sent M. David Lindesay , M. Robert Rollock , M. Iames Nicolson and Iames Melvill , to declare unto his Majesty the great inconveniencies that were like to arise upon this hard dealing with the Church , and humbly intreat a surcease of the Process intended against M. David Blake , and that all other controversies might be left off till some order was taken with the Papists , and an Assembly convocated for deciding these questions to his Highness content . The King answered , That it was not his fault , and that he was no less displeased then they were with the controversies arisen , and that yet if they would pass from the declinator , or declare at least , that it was not a general , but only a particular declinator , used in the cause of M. David Blake as being a cause of slander , and partaining to the judgement of the Church , he should also pass from the summons and cease his pursuit . This yeelding offer of the King was by the advice of the wiser sort thought good to be accepted , that there might be an end of contention ; For if , said they , we go to try our strength with the King , we shall be found too weak ; as yet the Court stands in some awe of the Church , and whilest they are in this conceit , it shall be meet to take the best conditions we can have ; for if by our strictness matters go to the worst , our weakness shall soon appear ; and thereafter shall the Church be no more feared nor regarded ; too great stiffness doth seldom succeed well , and it is often seen , that they who will have all their wills , do lose all in the end . This was the reasoning of the wise and more moderate sort . Others flattering themselves in their preciseness held , That the onely way to prevail , was to stand by their grounds ; the cause was Gods , which he would maintain ; that worldly powers were not to be feared , and that God had in his hand the hearts of Princes to turn them whither he pleased , whereof in the present business they had seen a proof . The debate held long , and in end by most voices it was concluded that they should stand to the Declinator , unless the King would pass from the summons , and remitting the pursuite to the ecclesiasticall Judge make an Act of Councell , that no Minister should be charged for his preaching , at lest before the meeting of the generall Assembly . The King perceiving this offer neglected was in great wrath , and told them who were sent unto him , that he would hearken to no agreement unless they would pass simply from the declinator , and cause M. Blake compeir , and acknowledge the Judicatory ; Which being refused , the Proclamation was published , the Commissioners charged to depart forth of the Town , and M. Blake by a new summons cited to the last of November . The next day being Sunday and the day of the Princes Christening , the same was kept in the Palace of Halyrudhouse with great joy and feasting . The English Ambassador did name the Princess Elizabeth after the Queen his Mistresse ; the Town of Edinburgh by the Magistrates assisting as witnesses , such honor did the King unto them . But all that day in the Town Churches were bitter invectives made against the two Proclamations ; for besides the charge given the Commissioners to leave the Town , by another Proclamation the Barons , Gentlemen , and all other subjects were discharged to convene with the Ministry , either in Presbyteries , or Synods , or any other Ecclesiasticall meetings under whatsoever colour or pretence , without his Majesties licence . These things were mightily aggravated by the preachers , and the people exceedingly stirred , at which the King more and more offending , he resolved to keep the Diet assigned for M. Blakes appearing in the Councell house of Edinburgh , accompanied with his Nobles , that were present at the Baptism . The Commissioners advertised of this ( for all that time some Gentlemen of the Chamber in hatred of the Octavians , gave intelligence of every thing that was intended ) did form a Petition , to be presented to his Majesty and the Noblemen , consisting of three heads . First , they entreated the King , that seeing the decision of such thorny and intricate questions as was moved at that time to the trouble of the Church , could work no good , and was subtilly urged , onely to ingender a dissension between his Majesty and the Ministers , he would be pleased to remit the determination thereof to a lawfull Assembly , and not to incroach upon the limits of Christs Kingdom upon any pretence , bending his actions according to the present necessity , against the common enemies of Religion and State. Next , they exhorted the Noblemen to give his Majesty a free and faithfull counsell in that business ; and as to the honour of God , and their own just praise they had kept themselves free both in counsell , and action from working any prejudice to the liberty of the Gospell , so they would not suffer themselves to be drawn at that time under the guiltiness of so great a sin , by the craft of those who were subtilly seeking the thraldom of the Gospell , and thought to make their honors the executors of their malicious devices . And thereby that by their credit they would procure a continuation of all controversies unto a free and lawfull Assembly , where the same might be gravely reasoned , and concluded . This Petition was given to M. David Lindesay , M. Robert Bruce , and M. Robert Rollock , to be presented , and if the same was refused they were enjoyned to protest against the proceeding of the Councell . The King receiving this Petition , after he had overviewed it did reject the same as not worthy of answer , commanding to call M. Blake , and read the summons . Therein he was charged , First , to have affirmed in Pulpit that the Popish Lords were returned into the Countrey with his Majesties knowledge , and upon his assurance , and said that in so doing he had detected the treachery of his heart . Secondly , that he had called all Kings the Divels Barns , adding that the Divell was in the Court and in the guiders of it . Thirdly , in his prayer for the Queen , he had used these words , We must pray for her for the fashion , but we have no cause , she will never do us good . Fourthly , that he had called the Queen of England , an Atheist . Fifthly , that he had discussed a suspension granted by the Lords of Session in Pulpit , and called them miscreants and bribers . Sixthly , that speaking of the Nobility , he said they were degenerated , Godless , dissemblers , and enemies to the Church ; likewise speaking of the Councell , that he had called them Holliglasses , Cormorants & men of no Religion . Lastly , that he had convocated divers Noblemen , Barons & others within S. Andrews in the month of Iune 1594 , caused them take arms , & divide themselves in Troops of horse & foot , & had thereby usurped the power of the King and Civill Magistrate . After reading of the summons Mr. Robert Pont protested , that the processe in hand and whatsoever followed thereof , should not prejudge the libertie of the Church in matters of Doctrine . The king answered , That he was not to meddle with any matter of doctrine , but to censure the treasonable speeches of a Minister in sermon , which he and his Councell would judge , except by clear scripture it should be proved , That Ministers were not subject in these cases to his Iudicatory . Thereafter Mr. Blake being commanded to answer , said , that all these accusations were false , untrue calumnies , producing two testimonials , one of the Provost Baylies and councell of St. Andrews , the other of the Rector , Dean of facultie , Professors and Regents of the Universitie , which he alledged should be preferred to any report whatsoever . Next he said for the first six points , the Lords of the Councell were not competent Judges ; the speeches alledged being uttered in pulpit , but the same ought to be censured by the Presbytery , where the Sermon was delivered : And then repeating his former declinator , presented a new one , in substance the same with the first . For the last point he made offer to submit himself to the triall of the King and Councell . Being removed and the Declinatour put to voices , it was found , That the crimes and accusations contained in the summons were seditious and treasonable , and that his Majesty , his Councell and other Judges substitute by his authority were competent Judges in all matters either criminall or civill , as well to Ministers as to other subjects . This pronounced the witnesses were called and admitted , but their examination was delayed to the next day . After the Councell dissolved , the Prior of Blantyre Treasurer and Alexander Hume Provost of Edinburgh were sent from the King to the Ministers , that notwithstanding of that his proceeding against Mr. Blake , hee did not mean to use him with rigour , but if they should move him to come and resolve his Majestie touching the truth of the points libelled , he would rest upon his own declaration , and send him back to his charge : so carefull was the King of peace , and so desirous to be in good termes with the Church . Night was then fallen , and the Commissioners gone to their lodgings , yet finding Mr. Robert Bruce , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. Iames Nicolson and Mr. Iames Melvill together , they declared what they had in Commission to have declared to the whole number . Mr. Robert Bruce answering in the name of the rest , said , That if the matter did touch Mr. Blake alone the offer might be accepted , but the libertie of Christs kingdome had received such a wound by the Proclamations published the Saterday preceding and that Day by the usurpation of the spirituall Iudicatorie , as if Mr. Blakes life and the lives of twentie others had been taken , it would not have grieved the hearts of good brethren so much , as these injurious proceedings had done ; and that either these things behooved to bee retreated , or they would oppose so long as they had breath . This answere reported , the King the next morning called some two or three of the Ministers unto him , did confer with them a long space , shewing that he was so farre from impairing the Spirituall Jurisdiction or abridging any of the Church Liberties , as he would not only maintain them in what they enjoyed , but would enlarge and amplisie the same , when he saw it to be for their good ; But this licencious Discoursing , said he , of affaires of state in Pulpit can not be tolerated . My claime is only to Iudge in matters of sedition and other civill and criminall causes , and of speeches that may import such crimes , wheresoever they be uttered ; for that the Pulpit should be a place priviledged , and under colour of Doctrine People stirred to sedition , no good man. I thinke will allow . If treason and sedition be crimes punishable when they are committed , much more if they be committed in the Pulpit , where the word of truth should only be taught and heard . One of the Ministers answering , that they did not plead for the priviledge of the place , but to the respect that was due to the message and Commission they carried , which having received from God , the same ought not to be controlled in any civill Judicature . Would you keep you to your message , said the King , there would be no strife ; but I trust your message be not to rule estates , and when courses dislike you to stirre the people to sedition ; and make your King and those that rule under him odious by your railings and outcries . If any doe so , said the Minister , and be tried to have passed the bounds , it is reason he be punished with all extremitie , but this must bee cognosced by the Church . And shall not I , said the King , have power to call and punish a Minister that breaketh out in treasonable speeches , but must come to your presbyterie and be a complainer ? I have good proof in the processe with Gibson and Rosse , what justice you will doe me : and were it in a doubtfull and ambiguous case , where by any colour the speeches might be justified , it were some way favourable to say that the Minister should be called and convict by his brethren ; but as in the present action with M. Blake , who hath said , The treachery of the Kings heart is discovered ; all Kings are the Devils Barns , &c. who sees not the man hath passed his bounds , and not kept him to his message ? I am not ignorant what agitations France of late , and England in former times , hath suffered by the violence of such spirits , and I have been in my time reasonably exercised with them , and ye must not think that I will tolerate such licentiousness . As for any lawfull power or liberty ye or your Assemblies have granted either by the word of God , or by the laws of the kingdom , I mean not to diminish the same ; and if ye think meet , I will publish so much by a Declaration for satisfying you , and all other my subjects . With this the Ministers were dimitted , who having related the conference they had with his Majesty to the rest of their brethren , it was agreed in regard of the many inconveniencies which might ensue upon these distractions betwixt his Majesty and the Church , that if they could obtain a Declaration in Councell that by the Acts and Proclamations published his Majesty did not intend to discharge any Church Assembly , nor to annull any conclusion thereof , but that the same should stand in force as they had been in use by the warrant of the word and approbation of his Highness laws ; and that the discharge of Barons and Gentlemen to convene with the Ministers , was not extended to any Ecclesiasticall conventions , but onely meant of their convening in Arms , matters should be passed over for the present ; the interloquutor in M. Blakes business not being used against him , nor any other Minister unto a lawfull generall Assembly , wherein the question concerning the limits of the Civill and the Spirituall Jurisdiction might be reasoned and defined . This being propounded the King assented to the Declaration craved , offering further to delete the Acts whereupon the Proclamations were founded . And for M. Blake , he was content that he should be brought to his presence , and declaring upon his conscience the truth of the points libelled , in the hearing of M. David Lindesay , M. Iames Nicolson , and M. Thomas Buchannan , they three should have power to determine what they thought meet . The business was now thought to be at an end , but in the afternoon by the suggestion , as it was supposed , of the President , the King would have M. Blake to come before the Councell and acknowledge his offence to the Queen ; which done he should be pardoned of all . This M. Blake refused ; saying , he would neither condemn himself , nor approve the proceedings of the Councell , who have taken upon them to judge of his Sermons , had admitted a sort of ignorant , and partially affected people to be witnesses against him , rejecting the testimonies of the Town and University . When by no perswasion he could be moved unto it , the King went to Councell , and the same day , it being the second of December , caused read the deposition of the witnesses , who did clearly testifie that all the speeches libelled were uttered by M. Blake in Pulpit . Thereupon sentence was given that he had falsely slandered , and treasonably calumniated the Kings Majesty , his bedfellow the Queen , his neighbour Princess the Queen of England , the Lords of his Highness Councell and Session , and therefore ( his punishment being remitted to the King ) it was ordained , that till his Majesties pleasure should be declared , he should be confined beyond the North water , and enter to his ward within six days . Notwithstanding of this Sentence the day following a new Treaty began , which continued some ten daies , and was like to have produced an agreement , for the King was content , as before , to delete the Acts of Councell at which the Ministers took offence , by writing on the margent of the book according to the custome of deleting , This matter is agreed , and the Act delete . He was likewise pleased to mend the Narrative of the Proclamation , turning that upon the Papists and enemies of Religion , that was said of Ministers ; and for Mr. Blakes businesse , was content that the Interloquutor pronounced should not be made a preparative against any other Minister , and that none should be called upon their preaching before the Councell , till it was found in a lawfull Assembly , that the King might judge of those that passed their bounds in Doctrine ; Provided he might in the mean time be assured of the good behaviour of the Ministers , and that they should not speak unreverently of him , or of his Councell , which assurance he would have in writing . Some punishment also he would have afflicted on Mr. Blake , as either to transport him from S. Andrews to another Congregation , or suspend him for a time from his charge : punishments not very rigorous , nor answerable to the quality of the offence . The Commissioners being herewith advised liked well of all , the last excepted . A punishment , they said , could not be afflicted where no cognition had proceeded : for as to the triall taken , neither was it done by the proper Iudge , nor was that equity observed which ought to have been ; witnesses that were under the Censures of the Church , and ill-affected to Mr. Blake , being admitted to depone against him . This reported to the King , he made offer to name twenty persons , against whom no exception could be alledged , and to give Mr. Blake his choice of seven or eight of that number , who should be new examined touching the verity of the speeches whereof he was accused : if they upon their consciences did absolve him , he should rest satisfied , if otherwise , he would crave him to be deposed . But this came to no effect , nor could any overture , albeit divers were proponed , serve to work an accord , so as the communing broke off , and greater displeasures arose on both hands , then afore . For the Commissioners having directed two of the Brethren to shew the King , That since they could obtain no redresse for the wrongs done unto Christs kingdome , and saw nothing but the enemies of the truth were favoured , and the faithfull Pastors of the Church reviled , and pursued , they could not abstain from opposing these proceedings with the spirituall armour given them by God ; and did therefore indict a Fast to be kept the Sunday following , being the 12 day of December , with solemn prayers for averting the judgments which the present courses did threaten . The King on the other side , made his displeasure and the scorn he took of these proceedings known by a Declaration , published on the 15 day , wherein he shewed , That out of a desire he had to keep peace with the Ministers he did condescend to abstain from troubling in any case bygone , untill by a convention of Estates , and a Generall Assembly of the Ministery the difference between the Civill and Ecclesiasticall judgments might be removed ; providing they should promise not to disgrace him and his proceedings in their Sermons , which he was in hope to obtain by sundry Conferences and meetings that he had kept with some of them , till at last publickly they had opposed themselves in Pulpit by approving the doings of Mr. David Blake accusing himself of persecution , and falsly suggesting to the people that all Church Assemblies were discharged ; whereas his resolution was , and is to maintain Religion and the Church discipline established by law , and to suffer nothing to be done in prejudice thereof by whomsoever : which his Highnesse thought good to make known to all his subjects , ordaining all Ministers to subscrive their obedience to his Majesty , and set their hands to the bonds which should be presented to them for that effect , under the pain of sequestring their rents & stipends ay and while they gave the obedience required . The same day was Mr. Blake charged to go unto his ward , and the Commissioners of new commanded to remove themselves forth of the Town . How soon they were gone , the Secretary Mr. Iohn Lindesey thinking the Ministers of Edinburgh would be more tractable , being left to themselves , did move the King to send for them , and make a fresh Proposition for setling these divisions . But they refusing to enter in any communing , except the Commissioners were recalled by as publick a Proclamation as that whereby they were discharged ; hope was given that the next day the same should be done , and all questions laid over unto their return ; which some of the Kings Chamber having understood , and fearing if matters were once accorded , the Octavians ( against whom they were chiefly set ) should contine in their imployment ; among other reports they informed the King that a mighty watch was kept in Edinburgh about the Ministers houses for fear of some violence to be offered unto them ; which laid an heavy imputation upon his Majesty , and that the Ministers would never be quiet till these factious people were put forth of the Town . The advice , as truly meant , was hearkned unto , and direction given to some 24 of the Burgesses that were best affected to the Ministers , to depart the Town within the space of six hours . This they knew would be ill taken by the Ministers , and to put them in a greater fear , they did advertise them by a counterfeit Letter to look unto themselves , because Huntley had been with the King that night late , and caused that charge to be given . This Letter sent to Mr. Robert Bruce was by him communicate to Mr. Walter Balcanquall , whose course it was to preach that morning , and they both apprehending the information to be true , did think it the safest way for themselves to make the people advertised of the danger ; so when the hour of Sermon came , the Preacher reading his Text out of the book of Canticles , which was his ordinary at that time , and taking occasion of the present troubles of the Church ; he made a particular relation of the proceedings and treacherous forms ( so he called them ) wherewith they were used by the Court , laying the whole blame upon the President , Controller , and Advocate , whom he particularly named , and used with most reproachfull tearms . Then turning to the Noblemen and Barons , he put them in minde of the zeal which their predecessours had shewed in planting Religion , and exhorted them with the like courage and constancy to maintain the same . Having closed the Sermon with a Prayer , as use is , he requested the Noblemen and Barons to meet in the little Church , for assisting the Ministery with their best advice . There assembled in the place many people , besides those that were desired , and so great was the throng , as the Ministers could hardly finde entrance . Mr. Robert Bruce at last having made way unto himself , went to the table where the Noblemen and Barons were placed , and after a short Prayer , declared in what danger the Church was brought by the return of the Popish Lords ; how they had regrated the case to the King , and when they expected that order should have been taken therewith , a new business was moved , and one of their Brethren called in question for his preaching , about which they had been in long conference , but could come to no end ; and that now at last the best affected of their people were charged to leave the Town , whereby they were brought to suspect some worse practises . They did therefore request them humbly to intercede and intreat his Majesty , that they might be permitted to serve God in their callings without molestation . The desire seemed reasonable : the Lords Lindesey and Forbes , with the Lairds of Bargenny and Blaquhan , Mr. Robert Bruce and Mr. William Watson were chosen to preferre the Petition . By some occasion the King was that day come to the Session , and being in the Upper House , the Lords with these others were admitted , where Mr. Robert Bruce taking the Speech , said , That they were sent by the Noblemen and Barons convened in the little Church to bemoan the dangers threatned to Religion by the dealing that was against the Ministers and true professours . What dangers see you , said the King ? Under communing , said he , our best affected people , that tender Religion , are discharged of the Town ; the Lady Huntley a professed Papist entertained at Court , and it is suspected that her husband is not farre off . The King leaving that purpose , askt , who they were that durst convene against his Proclamation . The Lord Lindesey in passion replied , That they durst doe more then so , and that they would not suffer Religion to be overthrown . Numbers of people were at this time thronging unmannerly into the room : whereupon the King not making any answer arose , and went down to the Lower House where the Judges doe sit , commanding the doors to be shut . They that were sent returning to the Church shew that they were not heard , nor was there any hope , so long as the Counsellours remained about the King , that they should receive any favourable answer , and were therefore to think of some other course . No course , said the Lord Lindesay , but one , let us stay together that are here , and promise to take one part , and advertise our friends and the favourers of Religion to come unto us ; for it shall be either theirs or ours . Upon these speeches followed such a clamor , and lifting up of hands , as none could hear what another spake . The sedition increasing , some cried to Arme , others to bring out Haman , ( for whilest the Lords were with the King , M. Michael Cranstone Minister of Cramond had been reading to the people that story ) others cried , The sword of the Lord , and of Gideon : and so great was the fury of people , as if one of the Deacons of Crafts-called Iohn Wat , had not kept them back , with a guard of Crafts men that followed him , they had undoubttedly forced the doors , and wrought some mischief . Sir Alexander Hume Provost of the Town , was then lying sick , yet being told what a tumult was raised , he came to the street , and as he was wise and skilfull in handling the people , with his fair speeches brought them after a little time to lay down their weapons and retire to their lodgings . The commotion thus raised , the King directed the Earl of Marre , the Lord Pittenweem and Laird of Traquair to confer with the Ministers , and ask the cause of the tumult . They were then walking at the back of the Church , ( for the tumult had scattered the meeting ) and professing a great dislike of that which had happened , besought the Noble men to shew the King , that they were not in fault , and had done their best to appease the multitude . The cause , they said , to their conjecture was , that his Majesty refused to hear their Petition , which they knew came not from himself but of others . The Earl of Marre replied , that any reasonable Petition would be heard and answered , being preferred in a dutifull manner ; wherefore they should do wisely to go together and supplicate his Majesty for remedy of these things wherein they were grieved . Whereupon they returned to the little Church , and after a short deliberation , sent the Lord Forbes , the Laird of Bargenny and M. Robert Rollock with these Petitions . First , that all which have been done in prejudice of the Church the last four or five weeks , might be rescinded . Next , that in the things that concerned the Church , the President , Controller and Advocate should have no voice , as being suspected in Religion , and opposite enemies to the Church . Thirdly , that the Citizens of Edinburgh who were charged to leave the Town , might be permitted to stay at home , upon surety to appear whensoever they were called . The King answered very calmly , That his doings had been greatly mistaken by the Ministers , and that as these controversies were moved against his will , so he wished nothing more then to have them quietly setled . But that it could not stand with his honour to rescind so hastily the conclusions taken in Councell , nor to remove Counsellors from their places upon naked suspicions , except somewhat could be verified that might disable them . At afternoon he should call the Councell and satisfie them in every thing , which with reason they could desire . For the Citizens , he said , that the supplications made in their behalf , would come better from the Provost and Baylifs of the Town , and the same upon their Petition should be granted . With these answers the Lord Forbes and the rest returned ; and with them the Lord Ochiltry , and Laird of Cesford were sent by the King to desire them to put their Petitions in reasonable terms , and await on the Councell at two of the clock . Matters thus quieted , the King with the Lords went down the street peaceably to his palace . At afternoon the Noblemen , and Barons assembling with the Ministery , after long reasoning did condescend upon the supplication and Articles following . In most humble manner , we the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses and Ministers , this day by the mercy of God convened , do beseech your Majesty to apprehend the great danger wherein the state of Religion , Common-wealth and your Majesties own honour and person are brought , by the means of crafty and deceitfull Counsellours , who respecting onely their own preferment and standing , labour to file your Majesties eyes that you should not perceive their courses : for albeit it hath pleased God to endue your Majesty with knowledge , wisdome and graces , beyond all Princes that have ruled this kingdome at any time , yet it is no strange thing to behold good Kings brought upon ill courses , by the devices of such as pretend love , but in very deed hate them maliciously . That such courses are now in hand , please your Majesty to consider what a division is made and entertained between your Majesty , and the Church , who was ever to this time inseparably joyned ; and how under colorable pretexts the liberty of preaching and faithfull applying of the word , is sought to be restrained and taken away , which cannot but bring many evils and inconveniencies with it , as this days tumult may partly teach . And now seeing , blessed be God , the same is setled without the harm of any person , for preventing the like , or worse , we humbly desire the Articles following to be weighed and considered by your Majesty . 1 That professed Papists , processed by the Church , be not suffered to reside at Court , and that the Lady Huntley and Lord Sauwhar be removed and sent home . 2 That Alexander Seaton President , Mr. Thomas Hamilton Advocate , and Mr. Iames Elphingston be not admitted to sit in Councell , at least when the cause of Religion , and matters of the Church are treated , seeing they are enemies to the quietness thereof , and have by their devices raised the troubles that presently do vex the same . 3 That the Acts of Councel , Proclamations , Decrees , and Interloquutors passed in prejudice of the Church and Ministers these last five weeks , be rescinded and annulled . 4 That the Commissioners of the Church be recalled by Proclamation , and the Burgesses of the Town permitted to remain and attend their callings . 5 That the bond advised by the foresaid enemies to be subscrived by all the Ministers under the pain of losing their Benefices and stipends , be discharged , seeing the same is prejudiciall to the Gospel , and that Commission , as use is , to modifie stipends , for the present year . Lastly , that an Act of Councell be made allowing the proceedings of the Church , and the concurrencie given them by the Noblemen , Barons and others in the present action . It was late and the night fallen before these Articles were put in form , the day being then at the shortest , the persons chosen to present them , were the Lairds of Bargenny , P●tarrow , Faudonside , Mr. David Lindesay , and Mr. Robert Rollock . Before their coming the Councell had concluded not to receive the Petitions , as was promised , and to commit those that did present them , yet doubtfull what might be the event thereof , it was thought fitter to terrifie them from presenting the same ; for this effect the Lord Ochiltry was appointed to meet them at the utter gate , who drawing Bargenny aside advised him to go back , because of the anger which the King had conceived , and to meddle no more in that business ; for the King he said knew he was brought upon it unwillingly , and would excuse his part , if he went no further . Bargenny forthinking his imployment and not knowing how to colour it to his associates , the Lord Ochiltry drew them aside , and said that he had brought the Laird of Bargenny to the Town for affairs that did neerly touch him , and that he did not think to meet with such business at his coming , therefore desired them to have his friend excused for that time ; and seeing they were a number sufficient to doe the errand they might goe to it , or if they pleased to delay the same to the next morrow , he should be with them . They answered , that they were alse little foreseen at their coming of those matters as he was , and seeing they were all joyned in one Commission , if he was the principall did decline it , they could doe nothing by themselves ; and so the businese was left for that night . In the morning early the King and Councell departed to Linlithgow , leaving a Proclamation which was presently published at the Market Cross of Edinbough , of this Tenor. That the King considering the late treasonable uproar moved by certain factious persons of the Ministery of Edinburgh ( who after they had uttered most seditious speeches in Pulpit , did convene a number of Noblemen , Barons and others in the little Church and sent some of their number to his Majesty being then in the upper house of Session , using him in a most irreverent manner and with speeches ill-beseeming any subject . And that a multitude of the Townsmen by perswasion of the said Ministery had treasonably put themselves in Armes , intending to bereave his Majesty and his Councell of their lives ) did think the said Town an unfit place for the ministration of justice , and had therefore ordained the Lords of Session , the Sheriffs , Commissioners , and Justice , with their severall members and Deputies to remove themselves forth of the Town of Edinburgh , and be in readiness to repair unto such places as should be appointed ; commanding in like sort all Noblemen and Barons to dispatch unto their houses , and not to presume to convene either in that or any other place without his Majesties licence , under the pain of his Highness displeasure . This Proclamation with the Kings suddain departing wrought a great alteration in the mindes of the people . They began then to see their errour , and lookt heavy one upon another ; the better sort being in a great perplexity what they should doe , called their Councel together , but could not resolve what course to take : To follow the King and plead for the Town , they could not think any of them would be accepted ; ( and it being the last day of the week , hardly would any others undertake the imployment ) so as they saw no way but to be quiet till they heard what the King and Councell concluded to doe . But the Ministers persisting in their first resolution laboured to have the Noblemen and Barons remain together , and to send for others well-affected in Religion , who as they thought would joyn in the cause . A Bond to this effect was drawn up , and subscrived by some few . The Councell of the Town excused themselves , saying . Their good will was known , and that they were not to leave their dwellings ; which made divers keep back their hands . Alwaies it was thought meet that the Ministers should write to the Lord Hamilton and the Laird of Bacleugh , of whose assistance they held themselves assured , intreating them to repair to the Town and countenance the cause , as likewise that the rest of the Ministers in the Countrey should be convened as unto a Generall Assembly , and desired to bring with them the best affected Gentlemen within their Parishes . They were at the same time in a long deliberation , whether or not they should excommunicate the Lord President and Advocate , which divers urged . The Controller was in some better opinion with them by reason of a Message sent quietly to M. Rob : Bruce . But in end they resolved to continue that business to the meeting of the Assembly , when the Sentence might be pronounced with greater authority . Mean while to keep the people in a good disposition , a Fast was proclaimed through the City , and Sermons of preparation ordained to be made that afternoon in all the Churches . A Minister named Mr. Iohn Welch making offer to supply the place in the high Church , was allowed to preach , who taking for his theam , the Epistle sent to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus , did rail pitifully against the King , saying , He was possessed with a Devil ; and one Devil being put out seven worse were entred in place . And that the subjects might lawfully rise , and take the sword out of his hand : which he confirmed by the example of a Father that falling in a phrensie might be taken by the Children and servants of the family , and tied hand and foot from doing violence . A most execrable Doctrine and directly repugnant to holy Scriptures ; which yet was taken by many of the hearers , as a sound and free application : so ready are men to flatter themselves in wickedness , and even to justifie impiety it self . A rumour was then also dispersed about the Town , that in the day of tumult the Earl of Arroll did come to the Queens ferry with 500 horse , and was gone back upon report of the stirre . This upon the Sunday took up a great part of the Ministers Sermons , and was brought to justifie the multitudes proceedings , as though they had been directed by a secret providence to disappoint the wicked practises that were in hand . A manifest forgery it was , yet believed at the same time by foolish and credulous people . The Messenger sent to the Lord Hamilton was at his coming well received ; at first the Nobleman made a shew that he would go for Edinburgh , but upon better advice he turned to Linlithgow , and taking the copie of the Letter that was sent unto him ( for he rendred the principall to the bearer ) he shewed the King what an invitation he had from those at Edinburgh . The King at sight of the Letter grew exceeding angry , for therein after a short narrative of the injuries the Church had received by the malice of some Counsellors , it was said , That the people animated by the word , and motion of Gods Spirit had gone to Armes , and that the godly Barons and other Gentlemen that were in Town , had convened themselves and taken on them the patrocinie of the Church , and her cause : only they lacked a Head and speciall Noblemen to countenance the matter , and since with one consent they had made choice of his Lordship , their desire was that he should come to Edinburgh with all convenient diligence , and utter his affection to the good cause , accepting the honour which was offered unto him . This Letter endited by Mr. Robert Bruce , and subscrived by him and Mr. Walter Balcanquell , was of all that yet had happened the worst , nor could it receive any good construction ; for albeit in an apologie afterwards set forth , it was said to be penned only to please the Nobleman , who was of an ambitious humour ; yet put the case he had accepted , and taken before him to be their Head as he was desired , who can tell what mischief might have ensued , and if it might not have turned to the wrack and ruine of many innocents ? But faults follow one upon another , and when men have once passed bounds , they run easily into errour . On Munday early , a Charge was directed to the Provost and Bailiffs for imprisoning the Ministers ; but they upon some advertisement fled , and went to Newcastle in England . The Town the same day sent Iohn Arnot , Hugh Brown , George Heriot , and Iohn VVat , to purge themselves of the Tumult , and offer their obedience in every thing his Majesty and Councell should be pleased to enjoyn for repairing the indignity and dishonour done to his Highness ; providing they should not be thought guilty of the crime , which from their hearts they detested . But the King would receive no purgation , saying , That fair and humble words could not excuse such a fault , and that he should come ere it were long , and let them know he was their King. The next day in Councell , the Tumult was declared to be treason , and the Devisers , Executors , and Partakers to be Traitors , as likewise all that should thereafter partake and assist the committers thereof . This put the Town in a great fear , neither did they expect any other then an utter ruine . All the Judicatories were removed to Leth ; the Session ordained to sit at Perth after the first of February ; their Ministers were fled , the Magistrates not regarded ; and those of greatest power about the King their enemies ; what they should doe they were doubtfull : after divers opinions given , they are resolved that some should be sent who would be more acceptable , to supplicate the King , and excuse the Towns part , for that perhaps would be taken better at other mens hands then any of their own . To this errand none was held so sit , as Mr. David Lindesey Mr. Iohn Preston , and Mr. Iohn Sharpe , men in favour with the King , and free of all faction . These coming to the King at Linlithgow , after they had shewed the miserable estate of the Town , and how grieved all honest men were for the displeasure he had conceived against them ; did beseech him not to use the extremity of rigour , but to put a difference between the innocent and guilty . In great Towns such as that was , they said , there would ever be some bad spirits , and if the insolencies of a rascall multitude should be imputed to the Town , it would be thought hard , specially since the Magistrates had done their duties and repressed the Tumult . If on their part there had been any connivence , or the smallest appearance that they did favour the sedition , they protested , that they would not have opened their mouths in their favour , but since it was known that none were more offended with the Tumult then they , and that they were carefull to finde out the authors and present them to punishment , they could not but humbly entreat his Majesty to relent his wrath , and to be mitigated towards the Town . The King after a little pause answered , That he could not think the Town to be free , for if some of the Principalls had not approved the Multitude in their doings , the Tumult could not have been so great , but howsoever the Magistrates negligence could not be excused , in so farre as they did not prevent the disorder ; alwaies his resolution was to proceed by form of law , and not to use any violent course ; but he had appoynted the Estates to meet in the same place where the dishonor was done unto him , and would follow their advice both in the triall and punishment . With this answer they were dimitted . The last of December , which was the day preceding the Convention , the King came to Leth and stayed there all night , giving order for his entry into the Town the next morning , which was in this manner , The keys of the Town being delivered to one of the Kings Officers , a guard of armed men was placed in the streets , and the Citizens being commanded to stay within their houses and forbidden to carry any weapon . The Earl of Marre with the Lord Seaton and Ochiltrie had the charge of the Town given them , without the admission of the Magistrates ; and they having disposed all things in the best fashion , the King accompanyed with a great train of Nobles , entered the Town , and riding up the street lighted at the Tolbuith ; where the Estates were appointed to meet ; after some generall discourses of the Tumult , the King was advised to call the Magistrates and hear what they could say in behalf of the Town . Sir Alexander Hume of North-berwick Provost , Roger Matmath , George Todrick , Patrick Cothran , and Alexander Hunter Bayliffes , with a number of the Town Councell compeiring and falling on their knees , after some few words delivered by the Provost , did present in writing the offers following . That for pacifying his Majesties wrath and satisfying the Lords of Councell , they should upon their great oath purge themselves of all foreknowledge and partaking in that seditious Tumult . And as already they had made a diligent search to find out the authors , so they should not cease till they had brought the triall unto the uttermost point : or if his Majesty and Councell doe think any others more fit to take the examination , they should willingly resigne their places to such as his Highnes would appoint , and assist them at their power . And because his Majesty had taken that Tumult to proceed from certain Sermons preached by their Ministers , who were now denounced Rebels , they should promise never to readmit any of those Ministers , unless his Majesty did command otherwise . As also that the like should not fall out thereafter , the Town should be obliged never to receive any Minister in time coming , but by his Majesties advice and approbation ; and in the election of their Magistrates , they should yearly present their lites to his Majesty and the Lords of Session , to be allowed or disallowed at their pleasure , and propone such others as his Majesty should think more apt and sufficient for the Charge , and to that effect , should alter the time of their election , and make the same on some day of November , when the Lords of Session were conveened a●d might give their advice thereto . They did lastly offer to fulfill whatsoever his Majesty and Councell should think fit to be done in the premises , under protestation that they did not take upon them the crime , and that it should not be thought to have been committed of their foreknowledge . Thus it proved true , which Tacitus saith , that all conspiracies of the Subjects , if they succeed not , advance the Soveraignty : for by this Tumult was the Kings authority in matters Ecclesiasticall so farre advanced , as he received little or no opposition thereafter . The offers of the Town , howbeit made in great submission , were not accepted , and counsell given by some Noblemen to raze the Town , and erect a Pillar in place thereof , for a monument of the insolency committed , and the just punishment taken thereof . Others were more mild in their opinions ; but for that time nothing was concluded . The Queen of England upon notice sent to her of these broiles , did write to the King a letter , which ( for the loving advice it contained ) I thought meet here to insert . My deare brother , If arare accident , and ill welcomed news had not broken my long silence , I had not used now Pen-speech , as being carefull of your quiet , and mindfull of your safety . To omit the expressing of both , by letting you know how untimely I take this new begun phrensie that may urge you to take such a course as may bring into opinion the verifying of such a scandall , as ye avowed to me to be farre from your thought . In this sort I mean it , some members of the Church with their companies , have over audaciously emboldened themselves to redress some injurious acts that they feared might overthrow their profession , which though I grant no King for the manner ought to bear with , yet at the instant when the new banished Lords returned , and they seen to be winked at without restraint , and the spring time going on , when promised succour is attend , together with many letters from Rome and elsewhere sent abroad , to tell the names of men authorized by you , as they say , ( though I hope falsly ) to assure your conformity , as time may serve you , to establish the dangerous party and fail your own . I wail in unfeigned sort , that any just cause should be given you , to call in doubt so disguised acts , and hope that you will so try this cause , as that it harm not you , though it ruine them . Of this you may be sure , that if you make your strength of so sandy a foundation , as to call to your aid such as be not of your flock , when as the one side be foolish , rash , headstrong , and brainsick , yet such as may defend you , having no sure anchorage for themselves , if you fail them ; and the others , who have other props to sustain them , though they lack you , yea such as though your private love to their persons , may inveigle your eyes , not to pierce in the depth of their treason ; yet it is well known , that their many petitions for forain aid , might have tended to your perill , and your Countreys wrack ; for seldome comes a stranger to a weaker soyl , that thralleth not the possessour , or indangereth him at least . I trust you think no less ; or else they must justifie themselves to condemne you , for without your displeasure , not feared for such a fact , no answer can shield them from blame . Now to utter my folly in seeming busie in anothers affairs , I suppose you will not mislike , since the source of all is care of your good , to desire that nought be done that may embolden the enemy , decrease your love , and endanger your surety : This is in summe the line whereto I tend , and God I beseech to direct your heart in such sort , as ye please not your worst subjects , but make all know in a measure what is fit for them , and make difference between errour and malice . So God bless you with a true thought of her that means you best , Your most affectionate sister ELIZABETH R. This letter was to the Kings mind , for albeit he judged the offence great , yet it was not his purpose to use rigour , but to assure the obedience of the subjects in time coming , and make his own advantage of their disorders . Therefore in the next meeting , which was kept at Halyrudhouse , the tumult being of new declared to be treason by the Estates , no further was done , but a conclusion taken to pursue the Town criminally before the Justice ; and to charge the Provost , Baylies , Councell , and Deacons of Crafts , as representing the whole body of the Town , to enter their persons within the Town of Perth before the first of February , and there to keep ward till they should be cleared , or found guilty of the uproar . In this convention the Octavians not according well amongst themselves ( for the Prior of Blantire did keep a course with the Gentlemen of the Chamber , and underhand informed the Ministery of the ill affection that the President and Advocate carried unto them ) gave over their Commission of Exchequer in his Majesties hands . They pretended the many burthens , which they sustained otherwise , their services in Councell , and Session , with the charge of the Queens Rent and living , but the true cause was , the malice and envy caried unto them for the credit and place they had with the King , which their service had well deserved ; for never were the rents of the Crown so thriftily , and so rightly used as in that short time of their employment . But the King loved to have peace though with his owne losse , neither did they like to be the instruments of his trouble . A little before these stirres with the Church , Captaine Iames Stewart ( who had beene sometimes Chancellour , and carried the Title of the Earl of Arran ) was Iames Dowglas of Torthorald . This man after he was put from Court had lived obscure in the North parts , and was entertained by the Lady Salton his sister in-law , being in some hope to come again by the office of Chancellarie , which was yet void by the death of the Lord Thirlestan , he came South , and had a long conference with the King , which did greatly encourage him , but till matters might be better prepared , he took purpose to visit his friends in Kyle . Taking his journey by Symington nigh unto Dowglas , he was advised by his friends in those parts to look to himself , and not ride so openly because of Tortherald that lived not farre off , whose Uncle he had followed ( as they spake ) to the death . His reply ( as he was a man proud and disdainfull ) That he would not leave his way for him , nor for all the name of Dowglas , being overheard by a fellow , and reported to Tortherald , did so inflame him , the old ulcer remaining uncured , as he avouched to have his life at all hazards . So getting intelligence that he had taken horse , he made after him with three of his servants , and overtaking him in a valley called Catslack , after he had stricken him from his horse , did kill him without any resistance . It is said that when Captain Iames saw the horsemen following , he asked how they called the piece of ground on which they were , and when he heard the name of it , he commanded the company to ride more quickly , as having gotten a response to beware of such a part : he was a man full of violence , and when he was in place of rule executed it with much cruelty , which was now payed home in the end . The King , who longed to see a decent order established in the Church , such as agreed with the Word of God , the allowable custome of the primitive times , and with the Laws of the Countrey , did think this a fit time to effectuate his purpose , and thereupon to hold a Nationall Assembly to meet at Perth the last of February , for treating and determining the bounds and exercise of the spirituall jurisdiction ; and to the end that all might come the better prepared , and be duly advised with the matters then to be entreated , he caused some Articles to be drawn up and imprinted with a Preface , wherein he took God the searcher of all hearts to record , that his intention was not to trouble the peace of the Church by thorny questions , nor yet to claim to himself any tyrannicall or unlawfull government over the same , but only to have these doubts solved , which might either in his time , or in the time of his successours engender debate ; and to have the policy of the Church so cleared , as all corruptions being removed , a pleasant harmony might be setled betwixt him and the Ministery , to the glory of Almighty God , the content of all good men , and terrour of the wicked . The Articles were 55 in number , and drawn up in form of Questions , as followeth : 1 May not the matters of externall gubernation of the Church be disputed , salva fide , & religione ? 2 Is it the King severally , or the Pastors severally , or both conjunctly , that should establish the Acts concerning the gubernation of the Church , or what is the form of their conjunction in the making of laws ? 3 Is not the consent of the most part of the flock , and also of the Patrone , necessary in the election of Pastors ? 4 Is it lawfull for the Pastor to leave his flock against their wills , albeit he have the consent of the Presbytery , and for what cause should the Presbytery consent thereto ? 5 Is it lawfull for a Minister to use such application then that which may edifie his own flock , or is the whole world the flock of every particular Pastor ? 6 Is he a lawfull Minister who wants impositionem manuum ? 7 Is it lawfull to Pastors to expresse in particular the names of Counsellours , Magistrates , or others whatsoever in pulpit , or so lively to descrive them that the people may understand , by whom they mean , without notorious declared vices , and private admonitions preceding ? 8 For what vices should admonitions and reproving of Magistrates passe publickly from Pulpits , in their absence or presence , respective ? 9 Is the application of doctrine in pulpits lawfull , which is founded upon informations , bruits , and rumours , suspicions , and conditions , if this be or that be , probabilities , likeliness , or unlikeliness of things to come in civil matters , which all may be false , and consequently the doctrine following thereupon ; or should all applications be grounded upon the verity of known and notorious vices ? 10 Is the Text which is read in pulpit , the ground whereupon all the doctrine should be built ; or may all things be spoken upon all texts , so that the reading thereof is but a ceremony ? 11 May a simple Pastor exercise any jurisdiction , without consent of the most part of his particular Session ? 12 Is his Session Judge to his Doctrine ? 13 Should not the Moderator of the Session be chosen yearly , or any who hath voice therein ? 14 May the Session be elected lawfully by Ministers only , without the consent of the whole Congregation ? 15 Why should not Elders and Deacons of particular Sessions be elected ad vitam ? 16 How many Presbyteries are meet to be in the whole Countrey , in what places , and how many Pastors of Churches in every Presbytery ? 17 Should not the Elders and Deacons of every particular Session have voice in Presbyteries , or the Pastors only ? 18 What are the matters belonging to the jurisdiction of the Presbytery , which may not be entreated in particular Sessions ? 19 What form of processe in libelling and citation , what terms and diets , and what probations should be used before the said particular Sessions and Presbyteries respective ? 20 What matters should the Synodall Assemblies treat upon , which may not be decided in Presbyteries ? 21 Should not all who have voice in Presbyteries , and in the particular Sessions , have voice in the Synodall Assemblies ? 22 Should each University or College , or every Master or Regent within Colleges , have voice in Presbyteries , and Synods , the Towns and Countreys where they are , as likewise what form of voice should they have in Generall Assemblies ? 23 Is it lawfull to convocate the Generall Assembly without his Majesties licence , he being pius & Christianus Magistratus ? 24 Is it necessary that the Generall Assembly should be ordinarily convened for weighty causes concerning the whole Church ? 25 Have not all men of good Religion and learning , voice in the Generall Assembly ? 26 Is every particular Pastor obliged to repair to the Generall Assembly , or is it sufficient that only Commissioners come from every particular Session , Presbytery , or Synodall ? 27 Who should chuse the Commissioners to come from every Shire to give voice in the Generally Assembly ? 28 What is the number of those that give voices , which is necessary to the lawfulness of a Generall Assembly , and how many of the number should be Pastors , and how many other men ? 29 May any thing be enacted in the Assembly , to which his Majesty consents not ? 30 Is it necessary that the twe part of them who have jus suffragii should consent to any things decerned in Ecclesiastick judgments , that matters passe not by one voice , mo or lesse ? 31 Hath not every judgment inferior to the Generall Assembly , a Territory limited , without the which they have no power of citation , or jurisdiction ? 32 What is the ordinary Ecclesiastick judgment for his Majesties houshold and Councell , removable with his Majesty to any part of the Realm ? 33 Should there be libelled precepts containing the cause of the citation and certification of the Censures before all Ecclesiastick judgments , or should they answer super inquirendis ? 34 Have the Inferiour Judgments power to summon any to compeir before the Superiour ? or should men be summoned only by the authority of that Judgment , before which they ought to compeir ? 35 Is it not necessary , that private admonitions , with reasonable intervalls of time , passe before all manner of Citations ? 36 What intervall of time is necessary between every private admonition , and between the first Citation , and the day of Compeirance , and betwixt the Citation , and the last admonition in every one of the said Judgments ? 37 How many citations should inferre contumacie ? 38 Is simple contumacie without probation of a crime , or is any crime without contumacie , a sufficient cause of Excommunication ? 39 Are there not divers kindes of Censures , such as prohibitio privati convictus , interdictio à coena , not published to the people ; and last of all , publica traditio Satanae ? 40 Should the Presbyteries be Judges of all things that import slander , and if so be , whereof are they not Judges ? 41 Can Excommunication be used against thieves , murtherers , usurers , and not payers of their debts ; and if so it may be , why are not the Highland and Border-thieves cursed , as also all the forswearing merchants and usurers amongst the Burroughs ? 42 Is there any appellation from the Inferiour to the Superiour Judgment , and is not the sentence suspended during the appellation ? 43 Should not all Processes , and Acts be extracted to parties having interesse ? 44 Is summary Excommunication lawfull in any case without admonition and citation preceding ? 45 Have any others but Pastors voice in Excommunication ? 46 Hath every Ecclesiasticall Judgment a like power to excommunicate ? 47 Is it lawfull to excommunicate such Papists as never professed our Religion ? 48 A woman being excommunicated , having a faithfull husband , should he thereafter abstain from her company ? 49 Is it not reasonable that before any Letters of horning be granted by the Session upon the processe of excommunication , that the partie should be cited to hear them granted ? 50 Hath not a Christian King power to annull a notorious unjust sentence of excommunication ? 51 May any Councell or University be excommunicated , for what cause , by whom , and the manner thereof ? 52 When the Pastors doe not their duties , or when one Jurisdiction usurpeth upon another , or any other Schisme falleth out , should not a Christian King amend such disorders ? 53 May Fasts for generall causes be proclaimed without a Christian Kings command ? 54 May any Ecclesiasticall judgment compell a man to swear in suam turpitudinem ? 55 Should there any thing be entreated in the Ecclesiasticall judgment prejudiciall to the Civil jurisdiction or private mens rights , and may not the Civil Magistrates stay all such proceedings ? How soon these Questions were divulged , and that it s seen they all touched upon the abuses crept into the discipline , the Ministers that stood affected to the present order were much perplexed , neither did any thing more offend them , then that the government should be brought in dispute , which they had given out alwaies to be a part of the Gospel . This at any hand they thought was to be prevented ; and many private Conferences were kept to this purpose : neither did the King neglect to provide himself of a party against that meeting ; and thinking he should gain most easily the Ministers in the North parts , he employed Sir Patrick Murray Gentleman of his Chamber , to deal with them , giving him direction first to shew what a slander the Ministers of Edinburgh had brought upon Religion by stirring up of the late uproar , and the inciting of the Lord Hamilton , and others of the Nobility to open Rebellion against him ; how for the same they were become Fugitives , and denounced his Majesties Rebells ; and thereupon to desire them by some publick Act or Declaration to utter their dislike of the seditious and treasonable courses . He was next desired to urge their subscription to the Bond , which was appointed to be subscribed by the Ministers for acknowledging his Majesties Royall power above them in all causes of sedition , treason , and other civill and criminall matters , and in all speeches uttered by them in Pulpits , Schools , or otherwise , which might import the said crimes , or any of them . 3ly , To require them to accept the Earl of Huntley his offers for satisfying the Church , and to absolve him from his Excommunication , they finding his offers reasonable , seeing the bosome of the Church ought alwaies to be open to penitents ; and that they should be more ready to receive then cast out ; wherefore as the Presbytery of S. Andrewes , to the which he was not subject , had pronounced him excommunicate , they under whose jurisdiction he lived , might and ought with better reason declare him absolved . Neither should the pretext of the Generall Assemblies ratification of the sentence be a stay unto them , considering it was done many moneths after the pronouncing of the sentence , and that the absolution they should give might in the like manner be ratified at the next Assembly ; much lesse ought the prohibition of the Presbyterie of Edinburgh ( whereof his Majesty was informed ) be any hindrance , to them , seeing they were neither subject , nor subordinate to them , but as free in all respects as themselves . And if any doubt should arise upon the form of the Earls satisfaction , he was to remember them , that the same is expresly defined in the Act of Parliament , An. 1572 , made against Apostates , and other adversar●es of the true Religion , where it is said , That they which have made defection from the truth , should not be received to our Soveraigne Lords mercy and favour , till they have given of new the confession of their faith , and promised to continue in the profession thereof all time coming , and to fortifie the Preachers of the same against whatsoever enemies . Last of all , he was appointed to deliver them a Copie of the imprinted Questions , and to desire the most discreet of their number to be sent Commissioners to the Assembly appointed at Perth , with promise of speciall favour to them in all their businesse , his good will towards the Ministery being no way altered by the wrong he had received from those insolent Ministers of Edinburgh . This was the substance of his instructions . The Ministers with the reverence that was due , That for the Tumult of Edinburgh they were ignorant of the Ministers behaviour therein , as likewise of their flight ; and having no jurisdiction over them , they could give forth no judgment or censure ; only in the generall they would say , that whosoever with just triall should be found authors of that Insurrection deserved to be punished as Traytors , and if they were Ministers , to be doubly punished . For their subscription to the Bonds , They answered , That at their acception of the Ministery they had taken oath for acknowledging his Majesties power and authority , and would not decline the same ; but where the Bond did mention speeches uttered in pulpit , because the same concerned application of doctrine , which his Majesty had proponed , as a Question to be decided in the approaching Assembly , they did humbly entreat his Majesty to spare them in that point , unto that time , which they promised precisely to keep . For the Earl of Huntley , they said , His repentance should be most acceptable to them ; that they were content to give him conference , and use all means for his resolution ; but they did not finde him so willing to conform as they wished , nor very earnest for his absolution . This was the summe of their Answer ; which the King did accept the better , because of the hopes given to his servant of all satisfaction on their parts at the meeting of Perth : which they also performed ; for both then and afterwards in all Assemblies and conventions they did stick fast unto him . But the King being made to understand that Huntley did linger and delay to make offers for satisfying the Church , he sent him the Letter following written all with his own hand . My Lord , I Am sure ye consider , and doe remember how often I have incurred skaith and hazard for your cause , therefore to be short , resolve you either to satisfie the Church betwixt the day that is appointed without any more delay , or else if your conscience be so kittle , as it cannot permit you , make for another Land betwixt and that day , where ye may use freely your own conscience : your Wife and Barns shall in that case enjoy your living ; but for your self look never to be a Scotish man again . Deceive not your self to think that by lingring of time your Wife and your Allies shall ever get you better conditions . And think not that I will suffer any professing a contrary Religion to dwell in this Land. If you obey me in this , you may once again be setled in a good estate , and made able to doe me service , which from my heart I would wish . The rest I remit to the bearer , whose directions ye shall follow if you wish your own well . Farewell . From Dunfermlin . JAMES R. Such was the Kings care for reclaiming the Nobleman to the profession of the truth , whilest people suffered themselves to be abused with rumors , that he himself was declining . Letters in the mean time were directed to all the Presbyteries , advertising them of the meeting at Perth and desiring they should send their Commissioners thither instructed , with power to treat and conclude in all matters proponed . When the day came , the Assembly was frequent enough , but divers Commissioners bearing a power only to convene , hear , and report , and not to question any thing concluded in former Assemblies , the King sent Sir Iohn Cockborne of Ormeston Sir Iohn Preston , and Mr. Edward Bruce , to ask those that were convened . Whether they did accompt that meeting a lawfull Generall Assembly , having power sufficient to treat and conclude in the Articles that should be proponed , according to his Majesties missive Letters directed to the severall Presbyteries ? After long reasoning , answer was made , That they did esteem the meeting to be a lawfull Generall Assembly , called extraordinarily by his Majesties Letters , and that they would hear , treat , and conclude of things that should be moved unto them , according to the Commissions wherewith they were authorized . This Answer given , note they presented the Articles following . Seeing the quietnesse of the Church , and the freeing of the same from slander , which upon the contrary effects would necessarily follow , is the principall scope and end , at which his Majesty aimeth in this present Assembly , foreshewing fashions and long disputes , whereupon controversies and debates might arise ; his Majesty hath thought good to remit the decision of a great number of the Questions imprinted to better opportunity , and will content himself with the determination of a few that he hath made choice of , which with a greater could not be longer delayed . As first , that it be not thought unlawfull either to the Prince or any of the Pastors , at any time hereafter to move doubts , and crave reformation of any points in the externall policy , and discipline of the Church , which are not essentiall concerning salvation , nor expresly defined in Scripture ; providing it be done decenter in right time and place , animo aedificandi non tentandi . 2 That seeing the civill and politick government of the Countrey belongs properly to the Kings office and his Counsellours ; and it is no way pertinent to the spirituall Ministery of the Word ; that no Minister should thereafter meddle with matters of Estate in Pulpit , or with any of his Majesties laws , statutes , or ordinances ; but if any of them seem hurtfull to Religion , they should complain to the King and Councell . 3 That it should not be lawfull to Ministers to name any particular mens names in Pulpit , or so vively to descrive them , as may be equivalent to their naming , except upon the notoriety of a crime , which notoriety must onely be defined by the guilty persons being fugitive for the crimes , or the declaration of an Assise , or their excommunication for the same . 4 That every Minister in his particular application have onely respect to the edification of his own flock , and present auditory , without expatiating in other discourses no way pertinent to their congregation . 5 That every particular Presbytery be commanded to take a diligent accompt of the doctrine of their Ministers , and see that they keep themselves within bounds in the premises . 6 That summar excommunication be utterly discharged , and that three lawfull citations at least of eight daies intervall betwixt every one of them , precede the sentence . 7 That no Session , Prebytery , or Synod use Censures upon any but those that are within their bounds , otherwise their decreets and sentences to be null . 8 That all summons contain a speciall cause and crime , and none be used super inquirendis , quod est merè tyrannicum . 9 That no meeting or convention be amongst the Ministers without his Majesties knowledge and consent , except the ordinary Sessions , Presbyteries and Synods . 10 That in the principall Burghs no Ministers be placed without the consent of his Majesty , and the flock ; and this order to begin presently in Edinburgh . 11 That all matters concerning the rest of his Majesties Questions be suspended , and neither condemned nor rebuked , either in pulpit , or any other judicatory , till the same be decided in the next Generall Assembly ; especially that no matters be called before the Ecclesiasticall judicatories , as importing slander , wherein his Majesties authority may be prejudged ; but that they meddle only with causes meerly Ecclesiasticall . 12 That some wise and discreet Ministers to the number of seven or eight , be authorised by Commission , to reason upon the rest of the Questions , when opportunity of time shall serve . Lastly , that the present Assembly grant Commission to the Ministers of the North Countrey , to absolve the Earl of Huntley from his Excommunication , if he satisfie the Church . For the better determining of the said Articles . it was thought meet that some brethren should be desired to conferre of them apart , and report their opinions to the Assembly , which they did the next morning . Touching the first Article , they said , that they held it not expedient to make any law , or act concerning that matter , lest a door should be opened thereby to turbulent spirits ; otherwise they did think it lawfull to his Majesty by himself or by his Commissioners to propone in a Generall Assembly whatsoever point his Majesty desired to be resolved in , or to be reformed in specie externi ordinis , seeing substantia externae administrationis Ecclesiasticae , est plenissimè prodita in sacris literis . And as the Generall Assembly hath accepted well of this manner of doing in all times past , so in their opinion they should doe the like in time coming . For the second their advice was , that the Acts already made which are hurtfull to Religion and prejudiciall to the liberty of the Word , should be discharged , and no Act thereafter past concerning Religion without the advice and consent of the Church . As for matters of Estate mentioned in the Article , they craved a further explanation of that point . The third they esteemed reasonable , that no mans name should be expressed to his rebuke in pulpit , unlesse the fault was notorious and publick , but they esteemed notoriety must be defined otherwise then by the three waies set down in the Article ; for contumacy after citation , the publick commission of a crime , such as was Bothwell's treasonable contempt at Leth , the Burning of Dumebirsell , and the like , make also a notoriety . As to the vive description , said to be equivalent , they thought it hard to set any law to that , seeing every guilty person will think himself descrived , when his fault is rebuked , albeit the Minister doth not think of him . The fourth , and fift Articles they judged lawfull : but for the sixth , which craves a simple charge of summar Excommunication , they advised to remit the same to the next Assembly , suspending the practice thereof , in the mean time : the seaventh , they thought likewise was to be remitted : to the eighth they agreed ; and for the nineth that concerned the meeting of Pastors , they said that besides Sessions , Presbyteries and Synods , Pastors are accustomed to meet , for visitation of Churches , admission of Ministers , taking up of feods , resolving of questions . The tenth they esteemed reasonable ; the eleventh Article seeming to import a discharge of many points of discipline , they said , was so large that it could not be presently answered ; and the last two they remitted to the full Assembly judging that they ought to be granted . These answers shewed to the King were not liked , and held unsufficient ; whereupon the Assembly was desired to repair to the place where his Majesty and the Estates were convened for treating upon the foresaid Articles : at their coming the King had a speech much to this purpose ; That they could not be ignorant either of the occasion or of his purpose in calling the present Assembly ; and for the occasion , that it grieved him to remember it , not for any injury or displeasure done to himself , but for the shame and slander cast upon Religion ; for have not the adversaries , said he , too just a ground against us , who say that our profession teacheth the contempt of Princes , and maintains insurrections against them ? I know it is the fault of men and not of the profession , and none of you that are met here , I take to be guilty of the late attempt , but it is in your hands to clear your selves , if any think otherwise , and so to free your profession of that scandall . As for the purpose for which I have called you together at this time , it is to mend such things as are amisse , and to take away the questions that may move trouble afterward : if you for your parts be willing to have matters righted , things may yet go well . I claim nothing but what is due to every Christian King within his dominion , that is to be Custos & vindex disciplinae ▪ Corruptions are crept in , and more daily growing by this liberty , that preachers take in the application of their doctrine , and censuring every thing that is not to their mind . This I must have mended ; for such discourses serve onely to move sedition and raise tumults . Let the truth of God be taught in the Chair of truth , and wickedness be reproved but in such sort as the offender may be bettered , and vice made more odious . To rail against men in Pulpit , and express their names as we know was done of late , there being no just cause , and make the word of God which is ordained to guide men in the way of salvation , an instrument of sedition , is a sin , I am sure , beyond all other that can be committed on earth : hold you within your limits , and I will never blame you , nor suffer others to work you any vexation . The civill Government is committed to me , it is not your subject , nor are ye to medle with it . After such words as these he began to speak of the Articles proponed , desiring to hear what reasons they had to the contrary . Mr. Thomas Buchannan , as he was appointed , did first protest in the name of the Assembly , That their coming to that place , was onely to testifie their obedience to his Majesty , and to hear what shall be proponed , but not to submit matters Ecclesiastick , either concerning doctrine or discipline . to their Judicatory ; or yet to make themselves one Assembly with the Estates ; and that therefore they should be permitted to return to the place of their Assembly to treat , reason , and conclude in the points moved unto them according to the word of God and good consciences : which protestation was admitted . Then he did humbly thank his Majesty for his good affection to the Church , and care he had to redress things that were amiss in so peaceable a manner . And for the particulars proponed , he shewed what was the minde of the Assembly , and the reasons that led them unto it , saying , they were willing to hear and give place to better information . Hereupon ensued a reasoning , which kept a long time , and ended in a good agreementL : so the ministers were dimitted , and Assembling again in the ordinary place , they corrected their first answers in this sort . 1 That it is lawfull to his Majesty by himself or his Commissioners , or to the Pastors , to propone in a generall Assembly whatsoever point his Majesty , or they desire to be resolved , or reformed in matters of externall government , alterable according to circumstances , providing it be done in right time and place , animo aedificandi non tentandi . 2 That no Minister should reprove his Majesties Laws , Acts , Statutes , and Ordinance , unto such time as first he hath by the advice of his Presbytery , Synodall or generall Assemblies , complained and sought remedy of the same from his Majesty , and made report of his Majesties answer before any further proceeding . 3 That no mans name should be expressed in Pulpit to his rebuke , except the fault be notorious , and publick ; which notoriety is thus defined ; if the person be fugitive , convict by Assise , excommunicate , contumax after citation or lawfull admonition ; nor yet should any man be descrived vively by any other circumstances then publick vices always damnable . 4 That no Minister should use application , wherein he hath not a principall respect to the edifying of his own flock , and present auditory . 5 That every Presbyter take diligent accompt of the Pastors doctrine , and that he keep himself within the bounds of his words . 6 That the answers of the sixth Article shall be superseded unto the next generall Assembly , suspending in the mean time all summary excommunication unto the said Assembly . 7 That the seventh Article be remitted to the next Assembly . 8 That all summons contain the speciall cause and crime , and none to be given out super inquirendis . 9 That no conventions shall be amongst the Pastors without his Majesties knowledge and consent ; except their Sessions , Presbyteries and Synods the meetings of the visitations of Churches , admission or deprivation of Ministers , taking up of deadly fewds , and the like which have not been found fault with by his Majesty . 10 That in all principall Towns the Ministers shall not be chosen without his Majesties consent , and the consent of the flock . 11 That all matters concerning remnant questions shall be suspended , and neither damned nor rebuked in Pulpit or other Judicatories till they be decided in the generall Assembly ; and that no matters importing slander shall be called before them in the mean time , wherein his Majesties authority is prejudged , causes Ecclesiasticall onely excepted . Lastly , for reasoning the said questions according to his Majesties desire the Assembly did ordain Mr. Iames Nicolson , Mr. Iohn Coldelewch , Mr. Andrew Clayhills , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , Mr. David Lindsey , Mr. Iames Melvill , Mr. Robert Wilky , Mr. William Cowper , Mr. Iohn Cowper , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. Patrick Galloway , Mr. Robert Howy , Iohn Duncanson , and Mr. Iames Bryson to convene at such time and place , as his MaJestie should be pleased to appoint , and to report their opinion and advice to the next generall Assembly . These conclusions taken , which for a beginning did satisfie the King , a Commission was also given at his Majesties desire to the Ministers of Aberdene and Murray , with some others of Mernis and Angus , for reconciling the Popish Lords . The conditions required of Huntley to be fulfilled before his absolution were 1 That he should appear before the Commissioners appointed by the Assembly the 22 of March at Aberdene , and remain in that City during the time of their conference with him , to the effect he might be instructed in the truth , and brought to condescend with knowledge unto the religion professed , and to the detestation of the contrary . 2 That he should acknowledge the Church of Scotland to be a true Church , and adjoyn himself thereto , hear the Word , receive the Sacraments , and be obedient to the discipline thereof . 3 That he should solemnly promise to remove forth of his company , and from the bounds that were under his power , all Jesuits , Priests , and excommunicate persons . 4 That he swear and subscribe the confession of the faith in presence of the whole Commissioners . 5 That he acknowledge the sentence of excommunication to have been justly pronounced against him for his apostasie from the truth , the slaughter of the Earl of Murray and burning of Dumbrissill , and that he declare himself penitent therefore , promising asfithment to the partie whensoever he should be moved to accept the same . 6 That he provide sufficient maintenance to the Churches within his bounds by the advice of his best advised friends , and have an ordinary Minister to reside with him in his family . And lastly , that he be content to reconcile with all that he is esteemed to carry any grudge unto ; and profess no quarrell to any of those that assisted the King in his pursuit . The like conditions were required of Angus and Arroll ( that which concerned the Earl of Murray only excepted . ) All matters being thus peaceably accorded , the King caused publish the good agreement he had made with the Church , taking in his protection the Ministers with their families , goods and possessions , and charging all Papists ( those excepted that were in tearms of satisfaction ) to depart forth of the Countrey before the first of Iune . The Assembly finding the King so well pleased , made bold to intercede for the Ministers , the Town of Edinburgh , and the Gentlemen that were challenged for the tumult . For the Town his Majesty answered , that he was not minded to trouble innocent men , and should shortly settle with them . Touching the Gentlemen he said , they should doe well to present their supplications by their friends ; But for the Ministers , he esteemed them most guilty , and knew not what course to take with them . It being replyed , that by the examinations taken it appeared that they all , especially Mr. Robert Bruce , was a chief instrument in the staying of the tumult , and that they should therefore be rather rewarded then punished . He answered , that granting they did stay the tumult , yet they were the cause of it , and if they for that fault were first corrected , he would not not be much troubled with their reward . Nottheless at the assemblies request he would be content they should be relaxed upon caution to underly the triall of Law. Thus an end was put to that meeting , and the next Assembly by his Majesties consent appointed to be at Dundy the 10. of May following . This year Mr. Iohn Lesly Bishop of Rosse departed this life at Bruxels in Flanders , where for the most part he abode after the Queen of Scotlands execution . A man ( though differing from us in Religion ) worthy to be remembred for his fidelity to the Queen his Mistress , and the extraordinary pains he took to procure her liberty , travelling with all the neighbour Princes to interpose their credit with the Qu. of England for her relief : neither was he deficient otherwise in ministring the best consolations he could furnish for bearing patiently her cross , whereof one treatise he afterwards published full of piety and learning . How heavily he took her death , it cannot well be expressed : yet comforting himself in the best sort he could , he put off to this time , and being much weakned by a languishing sickness that held him some moneths he ended quietly his days . The History of his Countrey from the beginning of the Nation unto these last times written by him in the Latin Tongue , doth witness both his learning and judgement . It being just to give unto every man ( albeit an enemy ) his due commendation , I could not pass him unremembred . Mr. David Lindesay Minister at Leth was in the year following provided to that Sea. The Diet assigned for the appearing of the Town of Edinburgh at Perth was upon their petition continued first to the 15 day of February , and from the 15 again put off to the 1 day of March , with a declaration , That if two of the Bayliffes , with the Deane of Guild , Treasurer , four of the principall Deacons , four of the Councell and their Clerk , making 13 in all , did enter themselves the said day and bring a sufficient Commission from the Provost , Bayliffes , Councell and Community of the Town for underlying the order that should be taken with them , as representing the whole body , their compeirance by so many should serve for all the rest . It was the 5. of March before they were called , at which time there appeared a number of persons and presented a procuratory under the seal of the Town , and the subscription of the Clerks thereof , which his Majesty caused to be read . Then asked if all contained in the Commission were present : it was answered that they were all there , William Mauld excepted , who had his Majesties letter of dispensation , which they produced ; But the same being granted the 11 , of Ianuary , long before the deliverance upon their petition , which expressely ordained that they should have thirteen persons present for undergoing the triall , it was declared to be no warrant , and so for not fulfilling the Ordinance of the Councell the Town was denounced , the burgesses declared Rebels , and their Common goods ( so they call the rents belonging to the Town ) arrested to the Kings use . It was pitifull to behold the desolation wherein the Town was then cast , The Magistrates renounced their Offices and would carry no more Charge , the People were left without direction wanting both Magistrates and Ministers , and in this state did they continue for the space of fifteen days . At last by the intercession of some Noblemen , the King was pleased to receive the Town in favour , and the Provost , Bayliffes , Councell and Deacons of Crafts being brought unto his presence at Halyrudhouse the 21 of March , and falling upon their knees did with tears beg pardon for their negligence in not timely preventing that Tumult , raifed ( as they said ) by a number of ill disposed people , beseeching his Majesty to take pity of the Town which did submit it self simply to his Hghness mercy . The King after he had sharply rebuked them , and shewed in many words the greatness of their offence , commanded them to remove that he might think what was fittest to be done . Then calling for their Officers they had formerly made he caused eke unto them the Articles following . That the lodgings in the Church `yard wherein the Ministers dwelt , and kept their consultations , should be given to his Majesty and used at his pleasure . That the Ministers that should thereafter serve in the Town should dwell in their own quarters and live dispersed , That the Town should be obliged , for the indemnity of the Lords of Session during their sitting , under the penaltie of forty thousand marks . That the neather Councell house wherein the Provost and Bayliffes did keep their meetings should be appointed for the Exchequer ; and that for the offence committed the Town should be fined in twenty thousand marks to be paid in four moneths . These conditions accepted , the King did pardon the Town giving order to receive them to his peace , and by Proclamation recalled the Session to sit in their former place . Never did any King , considering the offence , temper his authority with more grace and clemency then did his Majesty at this time : which the people did all acknowledge , ascriving their life and safety only to his favour . Shortly after , the Ministers were also permitted to return , and had their peace granted , but were not suffered to preach in their places , the King taking now the occasion of finishing the work , which some two years before had been moved , for distributing the People in severall Parishes and planting more Ministers among them . The let he knew was in the Town that still put off the business , because of the burthen it would draw upon them ; and knowing that the desire they had to have their old Ministers reponed , would make them the more forward that way , he refuses to readmit them untill the distribution intended was perfected , and other four Ministers adjoyned to them for the better instruction and more orderly government of the People . The Ministers themselves did also profess that they were wearied of that confused Ministery , as they called it , and compeiting in the Assembly which held at the time appointed in Dundie , they resigned their offices , denying to serve any longer , unless they had a particular flock designed . But because that work required a longer time , then the Assembly could well abide together , the same was committed to certain delegates , and the Ministers dwelling neer unto Edinburgh , ordained to furnish the Pulpits for the interim . In the Assembly Mr. Robert Rollock was elected to preside , though he was not as yet in orders : In so great esteem he was with all good men for his learning , holyness , and moderation , The first thing done was the taking of an accompt of the Ministers travells with the Earls of Angus , Huntley , Arrol , and of their obedience to the injunctions given in the former Assembly . This was testified by the Ministers that had the charge , to have been in all points so well performed , as no more could be required of them . For verifying thereof their severall subscriptions were produced , together with an humble supplication to the Assembly for accepting their satisfaction , and receiving them in the bosome of the Church : which accordingly was decerned , and order given that they should be received by the same Commissioners , who were appointed to meet at a certain time , and pronounce their absolution . The next thing proponed was touching the questions left unresolved in the last Assembly , and because exception was taken by some brethren that were absent at the Articles concluded at Perth , especially that it should have been acknowledged for a lawfull generall Assembly , it was of new declared to be a lawfull Assembly , and certain explanations added , by the rest of the Acts , as in the point of Notoriety the crime should be reputed notorious that was so manifest and known , Ut nulla tergiversatione celari possit : and for the convening of Pastors with his Majesties consent , the same was declared to be extended to all Assemblies either generall or particular , authorized by his Highness lawes , and having warrant in the word of God. His Majesty did likewise express his meaning touching the provision of Burgs with Ministers in this sort , that when the Assembly should find it necessary to place a Minister in any Town , he should either yield his consent or give a sufficient reason of his refuse . With these declarations the whole number was so well pleased , as proceeding in the rest of the questions , they determined as followeth . First , Where his Majesty doth crave that before the conclusion of any weighty matter , his Highness advice and approbation should be had thereto ; The Assembly will be very glad to have his Majesties authority interponed to all Acts of any importance made by the Church , so as matters formerly treated and concluded be not drawn in question . 2 That there should be an uniform order keeped in the ordination of Ministers , and none admitted but by imposition of hands , and to a certain flock on which they shall be astricted to attend . As also such as have not received Ordination , should not be permitted to teach in great rooms , except upon urgent necessity and in the defect of actuall Ministers , and that good heed shall be taken that they did not pass their bounds , especially in application . 3 That no Minister should exercise any jurisdiction either by making of constitutions , or leading of processes , without advice and concurrence of his Session , Presbyterie , Synod or generall Assembly . 4 That all Sessions should be elected with consent of their own congregations . 5 That Sessions , Presbyteries and Synods should labour to be formall in their proceedings , and that the inferiour judicatories should be tried in this point by their superiours . 6 That in the exercise of the Word whereunto Ministers convene , there should no application be used . 7 That in matters of importance , if the voices be different only by two or three , nothing should be concluded untill a better resolution was taken , and he who holdeth the negative , give rationem negandi . 8 That Presbyteries should not medle with any thing that is not known without all controversie to belong to the Ecclesiasticall judicatory , and that therein uniformity should be observed throughout the Countrey . 9 That no Processes and Acts should be extracted at the desire of parties having interessed . 10 Summary excommunication should be suspended as before , and in great crimes after publick intimation , the Committer debarred à sacris & à privato convictu . 11 That where any Presbyterie should be desired by his Majesties missive to stay their proceedings , as being prejudiciall to the Civill jurisdiction or private mens rights , they should desist untill his Majesty did receive satisfaction . The principall questions being thus decided , it was thought meet to supersede the treating of the rest , and to give a generall Commission to certain of the most wise and discreet brethren , for all affairs that might concern the good of the Church . For this effect choice was made of Mr. David Lindsay . Mr. Thomas Nicolson , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , Mr. Robert Pont , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. Alexander Dowglas , Mr. George Gladstaves , Mr. Patrick Galloway , Iohn Duncanson , Mr. Patrick Sharpe , Mr. Iames Melvill , Mr. William Cowper , and Iohn Clapperton , to whom , or to any seaven of them , power was given to convene with his Majesty at such times as they should be required , for taking order touching the Provision of Ministers to the Towns of Edinburgh , Dundie , and St Andrewes , the houses of the King and Prince , and to any other Churches within the Realm , that should stand in need to be planted ; as likewise to present the Petitions and grievances of the Church to his Majesty , either generall or particular , and to give their advice to his Highness in all matters that might serve to the weal and peace of the Church . Howsoon the Assembly dissolved , Sir Patrick Murray was sent by the King unto the North to see the Conditions made by the three Earls to the Church performed , and to assist the Commissioners appointed for their absolution . He had further in charge to cause them to subscrive the generall bonds for the peace and quietness of the Countrey , and to find caution each of them under the pain of Twenty thousand pounds , to traffick nor keep intelligence with any forainers without his Majesties licence by word or writing ; particularly for the Earl of Huntly it is injoyned , that he should follow the counsell of certain Barons , and Ministers that the King did nominate unto him , and proceed by their advice in all weighty affaires , especially in matters that concerned his Majesties service . The Barons nominated to him were , the Laird of Finlatour , the Laird of Innes , the Laird of Phiborth , the Tutor of Cromartie , the Laird of Pitlarge and Laird of Cluny , or any three of them ; the Ministers were , the Bishop of Aberdene ; Mr. Peter Blackburne , Mr. Iohn Forbes , Mr. Robert Howy the Parson of Turresso , and Mr. Alexander Dowglas , or any three of them . Whilest the King was thus busied to reconcile Huntly to the Church , Mr. Iames Gourdon Jesuit came into the Countrey of intention to divert him from giving obedience , against whom a strict Proclamation was made , inhibiting the subjects to resset , supply , or intertain any intelligence with him under pain of treason , and a Thousand Crowns promised to any that should apprehend and bring him to the King. And at the same time was discovered a practice of fortifying the Isle of Elsay in the West seas , for receiving certain forces that the Spanisih King had promised to send thither . The contriver of this plot , was one Hugh Barclay of Lady-land , who being committed the year before in the Castle of Glasgow , had made an escape and gone to Spain : this year returning to make good what he had undertaken , with some few assisters he entered into the Isle ( a huge rock it is , four miles in compass , wherein an old ruinous Tower built on the ascent of the rock of difficult access ) meaning to have victualled the same . Mr. Iohn Knox ( the same who took Mr. George Ker with the blanks some five years before ) getting intelligence of the purpose , came upon him unlooked , and landing in the Isle did encounter him in the very shore : for the most of his company being gone to seek their sport , he had stayed to see who those were that he espied coming to the Isle , not thinking that his purpose was known , or that any would pursue him ; but when he perceived them to be unfriends , and to be set for his apprehension , he ran into the Sea , and drowned himself . The King did esteem this , as it was indeed , a peece of good service ; and the newes thereof going to the Popish Lords made them more willing to fulfill that which they had promised : So that on the 26. of Iune , the Earls of Huntly and Arroll upon their solemn repentance , oaths and subscriptions to the Articles of faith were absolved in the Church of Aberdene . The Earl of Angus in the same manner was received by the Ministers of Mernis and Angus . This businesse ended , the King for repressing the barbarous fewds which abounded at that time in the North parts , sent a Commission to the Bishop of Aberdene , with concurrence of Sir Patrick Murray and some Ministers , for taking up their quarrels , and with charges to cause the parties give assurance one to another which should endure to the first of April , 1598. The fewds mentioned in the instructions sent to Sir Patrick Murray were the fewds betwixt the Earl of Huntley and Lord Forbes , the Earl of Arroll and the Laird of Ladwherne , the Laird of Drum and young Frendraucht . with a number more : but the most deadly and dangerous betwixt the families of Huntley and Murray , the King reserved to be his own work , and ceased not till the same was removed , and a friendship made up by marriage , which should in all reason be most lasting . Those others were by the diligence of the Bishop and Ministers setled , and so the North parts reduced unto quietness . In the end of Iune the King called the Commissioners of the Assembly to a meeting at Falkland ; where amongst other business a complaint was preferred by Mr. Iohn Lindesay of Balcarres Secretary , against Mr. Robert Wallace Minister at S. Andrews , for certain injurious speeches uttered in his Sermons , having called him a briber , and said , That albeit he had made conquest of fifty Chalders victuall in Fife , and built a house to the skyes , yet his posterity should beg their bread , which some of his Auditors should see ; and that it was doubtfull if ever God should grant him repentance . The Secretary had complained of this to the Presbyterie , but they refused to admit his accusation , unlesse the same was assisted by two witnesses , who could affirm that the accuser had just cause to pursue the complaint , which they alledged to be the Apostles Canon in the 1 of Timothy , ch . 5. v. 19. and shewed themselves so partially affected , as he was forced to pursue the complaint before his Majesty and Commissioners . Mr. Wallace being summoned to that Diet , and desired to answer to the complaint , refused to acknowledge the judgment , alledging , That the general Assembly had given them no Commission in that particular , and that the accusation once before the Presbyterie of S. Andrews ought to have been orderly taken out of their hands , which was not done . This Declinatour being proponed , compeired Mr. Nicoll Dalgleish Moderator of the Presbyterie , and in their name protested against the proceedings of the Commissioners in that cause as being once intended before them , seeing by that form of doing all the Presbyteries of Scotland should be prejudged , and that the Generall Assembly , of whom they had their Commission , would not take unto them the triall of any cause , with a neglect of the inferiour judicatories . Then said the King , I will likewise protest , that seeing one of the principall motives which induced me to crave , and the Generall Assembly to yeild unto this Commission , was to have the like of these offences , when they did arise , removed and justice done by the Ministers themselves , rather then to be brought before the Councell , ye either proceed in examining the complaint and doe that which is right , or hold me excused , if I take order with it by another form that will not please you so well . The Commissioners having advised the Reasons of the Declinatour , and Protestation , did finde them all invalid and of no force , and that they had warrant sufficient to proceed and minister justice in that action , as well in respect of the generall power contained in their Commission , as of the particular commended to their care in the planting of the Church of S. Andrews . So the complaint was admitted , and the 5 of Iuly appointed at S. Andrews for trying the same . At the day the Secretary compeiring accompanied with Master Robert Mauld Commissar of Saint Andrews and Iohn Arnot Clerk to the Commissar ( whom he produced as assisting Witnesses to take away the Presbyteries exception ) did insist in his complaint . Mr. Wallace being askt , if he had any thing to oppose against the Witnesses , refused to answer in respect of his Declinatour ; whereupon they were admitted , and upon oath declared that they knew the accusation to be just , and that the Secretary had not intended the same of any purpose to calumniate or slander the said Mr. Robert , but only to be repaired to his credit and honour , as one who had been greatly wronged by him . The Witnesses for probation being then called , and Mr. Wallace inquired if he had any exception against them , refused , as before , to answer . So they likewise were received , and being sworn , deponed , that they heard the said Mr. Wallace utter the words complained of , in his Sermon . Notthelesse the Commissioners for their better information did think it meet to call to his Auditors of the University , who were of better judgment , and could truly relate what they heard . The Masters of the new Colledge refusing to give any testimony in respect of the Presbyteries Protestation at Falkland , all the rest affirmed what the Witnesses had deponed . After which Mr. Wallace being again called , and desired to shew what reason , or warrant he had for uttering such speeches , refused still to make answer ; nor could any perswasion break his obstinacy , though he was earnestly laboured by Mr. Robert Rollock , and Mr. Iames Melvill apart ; who did offer upon the confession of the fault , that the processe should cease . The Commissioners seeing no way to eschew the pronouncing of sentence , in regard of his obstinacy , did yet take counsell to visit the Church ; and inquire both of his , and Mr. Blakes behaviour in that Ministery , before they went further . A Visitation for this effect being appointed the 11 of Iuly , and Mr. Blake summoned to the same day ; the Elders and Deacons of the Church were inquired touching the behaviour of them both , and the verity of the accusations laid against them , who all upon oath deponed , that the accusations were true , and that Blake had spoken all that whereof he was convicted before the Councell ; as also that the Secretaries complaint of Mr. Wallace was most just . And being askt touching their behaviour otherwise , they declared that both the one and the other were given to factions , and that they did not carry themselves with that indifferency which became Preachers . This Declaration made clear way to the Commissioners for ending that business , and providing S. Andrews with a more peaceable Ministery ; whereupon sentence was given that both the Ministers should be removed , and Mr. George Gladstaves ( a man sufficiently qualified , serving then at Arbirlot in Angus ) translated and placed in their room , till another helper might be found out to be joyned with him . This done , the Sunday following he was accepted of the people with a great applause , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , Mr. Iames Nicolson , and Mr. Iames Melvill entring him to the charge . And because it concerned the peace of the Church no lesse to have the abuses of the University reformed , the calling the Governours thereof , and inquiring what order they kept ; when he understood that against the accustomed form , Mr. Andrew Melvill had continued Rector in a number of years together , he commanded a new election to be made , and honouring the election with his own presence in the Schools of S. Salvator , Mr. Robert Wilkie Principall of S. Leonards was chosen Rector , and appointed to bear that charge , unto the ordinary time of election : as also for preventing the like disorders , a Statute was made , That none should be continued Rector above a year , nor admitted to the said office , but after the space of three years . It was likewise declared , That any Suppost having received the degree of a Master of Arts , might be chosen Rector , he residing in the University during his office , or at least the most part of his time . In the new Colledge whereof the said M. Andrew had the charge , all things were found out of order ; the rents ill husbanded , the professions neglected , and in place of Divinity Lectures , Politick Questions of tentimes agitated : as , Whether the election , or succession of Kings were the better form of government ? How farre the Royall power extended ? and if Kings might be censured for abusing the same , and deposed by the Estates of the Kingdome ? The King to correct these abuses did prescrive to every Professor his subject of teaching , appointing the first Master to read the Common places to the Students , with the Law , and History of the Bible : the second to read the New Testament ; the third , the Prophets , with the Books of Ecclesiastes and Canticles ; and the fourth , the Hebrew Grammar , with the Psalms , the Proverbs , and the Book of Iob. For the better husbanding of the Rents , as well in that as in the other Colledges , it was ordained , That there should be a Councell chosen to the Vniversity , which should have power to elect an Oeconomus in every Colledge for uplifting the rents , and take care to see all things rightly administrated . Of this Councell were named the Chancellar of the University , the Conservator of the privileges , the Laird of Colluthie , Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Robert Rollock , and Mr. Thomas Buchannan , without whose consent , and subscriptions it should not be lawfull to set any Lease , or make other disposition whatsoever , of any part of the rents . And lest they should be distracted by any other employment , it was concluded , That all the Doctors , Professors , and Regents , not being Pastors in the Church , should be exempted from the keeping of Sessions , Presbyteries , Synodicall or Generall Assemblies ; and from all teaching in Churches , and Congregations , exercises excepted ; with a discharge to all , and every one of them , to accept any Commission prejudiciall to the said exemption , under the pain of deprivation and rebellion , at the Conservators instance , the one execution not prejudging the other . Yet that they should not be thought excluded from the Generall Assembly , it was appointed , That the Masters and Regents of the University should meet when any such occasion did offer , and condescend upon some three persons , of whom one should be elected by the foresaid Councell to be present at the Generall Assembly for that year ; which person so chosen , should not for the space of three years thereafter be employed in that Commission . These Articles being openly recited in presence of his Majesty , and of the whole members of the University , were accepted by the Masters , and Regents , with solemn promise of obedience . This Summer there was a great business for the triall of Witches ; amongst others one Margaret Atkin being apprehended upon suspicion , and threatned with torture , did confesse her self guilty . Being examined touching her associates in that trade , she named a few , and perceiving her delations finde credit , made offer to detect all of that sort , and to purge the Countrey of them , so she might have her life granted : for the reason of her knowledge she said , That they had a secret mark , all of that sort , in their eyes , whereby she could surely tell , how soon she lookt upon any whether they were Witches or not ; and in this she was so readily believed , that for the space of 3 or 4 months she was carried from town to town to make discoveries in that kinde . Many were brought in question by her delations ▪ especially at Glasgow , where divers innocent women , through the credulity of the Minister M. Iohn Cowper , were condemned and put to death . In end she was found to be a meer deceiver ( for the same persons that the one day she had declared guilty , the next day being presented in another habit , she cleansed ) and sent back to Fife , where first she was apprehended . At her triall she affirmed all to be false that she had confessed , either of her self or others , and persisted in this to her death : which made many forthink their too great forwardness that way , and moved the King to recall the Commissions given out against such persons , discharging all proceedings against them , except in case of voluntary confession , till a solid order should be taken by the Estates , touching the form that should be kept in their triall . In the Borders at the same time great troubles were raised by the broken men of Tindale and Rheadsdale , who made incursions on the Scots side , and wasted all the Countrey of Liddisdale . The Laird of Baclugh that had the keeping of those parts , to be repaired of that wrong , made a road into England , and apprehending 36 of the doers , put them all to death , and brought away a great spoil . Sir William Bowes being sent to complain of this , after much debating it was agreed , that for keeping peace in the Borders , Hostages should be delivered of either side , English men into Scotland , and as many Scots into England . But Baclugh failing to deliver his in due time was commanded for satisfying the Queen , to enter himself into England , as he did , remaining there from October to February next . In the moneth of December a Parliament was held at Edinburgh for restoring of the forfeited Lords to their lands and honours . Amongst the Articles presented to this meeting by the Commissioners of the Church , one was , That the Ministers , as representing the Church , and third Estate of the Kingdome , might be admitted to give voice in Parliament , according to the Acts made in favours of the Church , and the liberty and freedome thereof . The King was earnest to have the Article granted , and at last obtained an Act to be made , whereby it was declared , That such Pastors and Ministers as his Majesty should please to provide to the place , title , and dignity of a Bishop , Abbot , or other Prelate , at any time should have voice in Parliament , as freely as any other Ecclesiastical Prelate had at any time by-past . And that all Bishopricks , then in his Majesties hands , and undisponed to any person , or which should happen to fall void thereafter , should be only disponed to actuall Preachers , and Ministers in the Church , or to such other persons as should be found apt and qualified to use and exerce the Office of a Preacher , or Minister , and who in their provisions to the said Bishopricks should accept in and upon them , to be actuall Pastors and Ministers , and according thereto should practise and exerce the same . As concerning the office of the said persons in the spirituall policie and goverment of the Church , the same was remitted to his Majesty to be advised , and agreed upon with the Generall Assembly , at such time as his Highness should think expedient to treat with them thereupon ; without prejudice in the mean time of the jurisdiction and discipline of the Church , established by Acts of Parliament , and permitted to Generall and Provinciall Assemblies , and other Presbyteries , and Sessions of the Church . This Act gave occasion to the indicting of a Generall Assembly , which convened at Dundie in March next ; where the King being present did shew , That he had anticipated the time of the Assembly ( for the appointment was at Striveling this first Tuesday of May ) that he might be resolved touching their acceptation of the place in Parliament , with the form , māner , and number of persons , that should be admitted to have voice ; and thereupon desired them to enter into a particular consideration of the whole points of the Act ; and first to reason whether it was lawfull and expedient , that the Ministers as representing the whole Church within the Realm , should have voice in Parliament or not ? This Question being long debated , first in private , by some Brethren selected to that purpose , then in the hearing of the whole Assembly , it was concluded , That Ministers might lawfully give voice in Parliament , and other publick meetings of the Estate , and that it was expedient to have some alwaies of that number present , to give voice in name of the Church . A second Question being moved , touching the number of those that should have voice , it was agreed , That so many should be appointed to give voice , as of old had place in the Papisticall Church , to wit , 51 persons , or thereby . Thirdly , touching the election of those that should have voice , it was resolved , That the same did appertain partly to his Majesty , and partly to the Church . And because time could not permit the discussing of the rest of the points , as de modo eligendi , what rent those Ministers should have , whether they should continue in that office ad vitam , or not ; what their title should be , and the cautions to preserve them from corruption , with other the like circumstances ; the Presbyteries were desired to consider the same throughly , and thereafter to meet in their Synods all upon one day , to wit , the first Tuesday of Iune ; and having reasoned upon these heads , to direct three of their number to convene with his Majesty , ( the advertisement being upon a moneth at least ) and with the Doctors of the Universties ; namely Mr. Andrew Melvill , Mr. Iohn Iohnston , Mr. Robert Wilkie , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. Robert Howy , Mr. Patrick Sharp , and Mr. Iames Martin , at such time and place as his Majesty should think most convenient ; with power to them being so convened to treat , reason and conferre upon the said heads , and others appertaining thereto ; and in case of agreement , and uniformity of opinions to conclude the whole question touching voice in Parliament ; otherwise in case of discrepance , to remit the conclusion to the next Generall Assembly . The Commissioners proceedings in planting the Church of S. Andrews were at the same time ratified ; but the provision of Edinburgh , which they had likewise concluded , made greater business . The King had been induced by the humble intreaty of Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Robert Rollock , and Mr. Patrick Galloway , to suffer the old Ministers preach again in their places upon their faithfull promises to observe the Conditions following : 1 That they should not in Pulpit make any apology for themselves further then to say , that they had satisfied his Majesty touching their intentions in the day of the tumult , and that they condemned the raisers thereof , and all that took Arms , or gave command , or allowance thereunto , praising the calme and clement course his Majesty hath taken in censuring the same . 2 That they should at no time thereafter , tax , quarrell , or reproach , directly or indirectly , privately or publickly , any inhabitant of Edinburgh , that did shew themselves affectionate to his Majesty ; and if any of them should happen to fall in any offence , meriting the censure of the Church discipline , they should in the triall , and censuring thereof use them indifferently , as if they had never kithed contrary to the said Ministers . 3 That they should not in Pulpit speak otherwise then reverently of his Majesties Councell , and their proceedings , and in their Sermons labour to imprint in the peoples hearts a reverent conceit of his Majesty and his actions , so farre as in them lies ; and when as they should hear any slanderous or offensive reports of his Majesty , or of any of his Counsellors , his or their intentions , or proceedings , they should address them in all humility to his Majesty , and with due reverence make him acquainted with the reports , receiving his Majesties own declaration therein , whereunto they should give credit , and generally should conform themselves to the order set down in the late generall Assembly thereanent . 4 That they should never hereafter refuse to give accompt of any of their speeches in Pulpit , or of their proceedings elsewhere , but when his Majesty should require the same , they should plainly declare the truth of that they should be asked , in all humbleness and simplicity , without claiming to the generall warrant of conscience not founded upon reason . The Ministers upon these conditions being licenced to preach , and the Town going on in dividing themselves in Parishes , as they had promised , a lite was presented of twelve persons , out of which number the Commissioners of the Church were to elect four , besides the old Ministers , to bear charge in that Ministery , having his Majesties approbation . The four on whom the choice fell , was Mr. Robert Rollock Principall of the Colledge of Edinburgh , Mr. Iohn Hall Minister at Leth , Mr. Peter Hewat , and Mr. George Robertson . Against the two last exception was taken because of their youth , and that they were not men of that gravity which was required in Ministers of such a place . Yet the Commissioners , after triall taken of their qualification , proceeded , and decerned all the four to be admitted . Hereof the old Ministers complained , with whom the Synod of Lothian joyned , who repaired in great numbers to the Assembly , thinking to carry the matter by voices ; but when after a long contestation it came to be judged , the decreet of the Commissioners was approved , and a new Commission given to Mr. David Lindesay , Mr. Robert Pont , Mr. Robert Rollock , Mr. George Gladstaves , Mr. Patrick Galloway , Mr. Iames Nicolson , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , and Mr. Iohn Duncanson , to place the Ministers in their severall parishes ; or if any should refuse to accept , to depose them from the function of the Ministrey , and plant the Church with such others as they should think meet . Mean while , because of the number that came from Lothian , an Act was made , That no Presbytery should thereafter send above two or three Ministers at most in Commission to the Assembly , with one Baron of the bounds and one Commissioner from every burgh , Edinburgh excepted , who in all publick meetings were allowed to have two . About the end of the Assembly , a motion was made for removing all offences conceived by his Majesty against any of the Ministers , and particularly against the Ministers of Edinburgh ; whereupon the King was pleased to declare , That for any offences past he did freely remit them , and should never at any time call the same to minde , in hope they would so behave themselves in time coming , as they should still deserve his good opinion . And so did this meeting close with the great content of all ; Mr. Iohn Davidson onely a man given to contention , finding that things went not to his minde , especially in the planting of Edinburgh , to the Ministery whereof he was always aspiring , did protest in his own name , and in the name of certain other brethren , That none of the conclusions taken in that Assembly should be of any force , in regard the same was not a free Assembly , but overawed by the King. The Moderator enquiring if any of the brethren would adhere to this Protestation , none was found all condemning it and the uncivill form he used in making the same ; he himself , as his custome was when he made any such trouble , fled away , and lurked a while till his peace was again made . It was now thought that the planting of Edinburgh should receive no more delay , yet a new impediment cast in , made no less ado then the former . Mr. Robert Bruce had preached ordinarily in the Town some ten years , but had not received Ordination to the Ministery , and being urged therewith , refused , pretending the approbation of the generall Assembly to be equivalent to any ordination . It was replied , That the approbation he had of the Church , was a licence onely to preach , but being now to receive an office , it concerned them to observe the form prescribed by divers Acts. But this not satisfying , he denied to yeeld a jot to that , which might question his former calling . And abeit it was offered to be declared at his entry . That the ordination they used was not to question his former calling , but rather to allow , and confirme the same ; he would not be content , except the declaration was given him in writing . This also yeelded unto , a new difference arose among them upon the form of the declaration , the Commissioners offering to declare the lawfulness of his calling , and that the imposition of hands they were to use , was not given him as a new intrance to the Ministery , but as one that was taken to be entred to the charge of a particular flock ; he requiring to have it expresly said , That they did acknowledge him a lawfull Pastor of Edinburgh , as being called by the generall Assembly thereto . Ten days and more were spent in the setting down this form , and after many alterations , at last they came to agree on this , That the Commissioners did acknowledge his calling to be a Pastor in Edinburgh lawfull , and that the imposition of hands was not used as a ceremony of his ordination to the Ministery , but of his ordination to a particular flock . The Declaration thus formed , a day was appointed for his admission , and Mr. Robert Pont , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , and Mr. Iames Nicolson , chosen to perform the same . Mr. Robert Pont having preached , and beginning to shew what was the business they met for ; Mr. Robert Bruce arose , and stepping into the Pulpit , fell a complaining of the strict forms wherewith the Commissioners had used him ; which the people hearing , such a tumult was raised , as to all appearance the Ministery that was to use the imposition of hands had been in danger , if the Commissioner Mr. Iohn Nicolson a man well respected ( being there as one of the Elders , to testifie the Churches consent to his admission ) had not by his wise and grave speeches reduced them to quietness . Always the business was put off for that day . The King advertised of this , was greatly offended , and commanded the Commissioners to cite Mr. Robert Bruce , and censure him for the trouble he had made ; he compeiring , excused himself , laying the blame on the people , and being charged under pain of deprivation to give obedience , and accept the charge after the form prescribed , was upon the 9 of May , the day assigned for his acceptation , admitted by Mr. David Lindesay , and Mr. Alexander Douglas with imposition of hands . Thus ended that business which made more noise then was needfull , and was judged to proceed rather of wilfulness on his part , then of any good zeal . The day appointed of the Synods drawing near the King sent William Melvill Commendator of Tungland , and Sr. Patrick Murray , to attend the Assembly of Fife , where it was supposed some new stirs should be made . The Commission given them was , not to suffer any of the Conclusions taken in the last generall Assembly to be drawn in question , and to see that in the other heads left undecided , nothing should be concluded definitivè . But they found the Synod more peaceable then was expected , and all things caried therein to the Kings minde , Mr. Thomas Buchannan , Mr. George Gladstaves , and Mr. Iohn Fairfoull being chosen Commissioners for meeting with these that should be sent from the other Synods . The report of this gave the King hopes of a good issue to the conference intended ; whereupon letters were sent desiring the Doctors of the Universities , and Commissioners of the Synod to be at Falkland the 29 of Iuly . There after along deliberation , it was with an unanime consent agreed , 1 Touching the manner of his Election , who should have voice in Parliament , that the Church should name for each Prelacy that was void , six of their number , of whom the King should take one ; or if his Majesty did not like any of those six , that as many others should be recommended by the Church , of which number he should accept one , without any more refusall . 2 That the nomination should be made by the generall Assembly , with advice of the Synods , and Presbyteries , who should present the generall Assembly in writing , the names of the persons as well without , as within the bounds of their Jurisdiction : providing if there was any person within the bounds meet and qualified , he should be preferred , caeteris paribus . 3 Concerning his rent , that the Churches being sufficiently planted , and no prejudice done to Schools , Colledges , and Universities already erected , he should be provided to all the rest of the Prelacy whereunto he is preferred . 4. The Cautions to preserve him should be these . 1. That he should not propone to Councell , Convention , or Parliament , in name of the Church , any thing without express warrant , and direction from the Church , neither should he consent , nor keep silence in the said Conventions if any thing was moved prejudiciall to the weal , and liberty thereof , under pain of deposition from his office . 2 Next he should be bound to give an accompt of his proceedings in the discharge of his Commission to every generall Assembly , and obtain their ratification of the same ; submitting himself to their judgement , without making any appeal , under the pain of infamy , and excommunication . 3 He should content himself with that part of his Benefice which should be given him for his living , and not hurt nor prejudice the rest of the Ministers within his Benefice , planted or to be planted , nor any other Minister in the Countrey whatsoever ; and this clause to be inserted in his Provision . 4 He should not delapidate his Benefice in any sort , nor make any set , or disposition thereof , without the speciall advice or consent of his Majesty , and the generall Assembly . And for the greater warrant should interdict himself , and be content that inhibition be raised against him to that effect . 5 He should be bound to attend the congregation faithfully , at which he should be appointed Minister , in all the points of a Pastor , and be subject to the triall , and censure of his own Presbytery , or provinciall Assembly , as any other of the Ministers that bear no Commission . 6 In the administration of discipline , collation of benefices , visitation , and other points of Ecclesiasticall government , he should neither usurp , nor claim to himself any more power or jurisdiction , then any of his brethren , except he be imployed , under pain of deprivation ; and in case he do usurpe any part of the Ecclesiasticall government , the Presbytery , Synod , or generall Assembly opposing and making impediment thereto , whatsoever he should do thereafter should be null ipso facto , without any declaratour . 7 In Presbyteries , Provinciall , and generall Assemblies he should behave himself in all things as one of the brethren , and be subject to their censure . 8 At his admission to the office of Commissionary he should swear and subscrive all these and other points necessary , otherwise he should not be admitted . 9 If it should happen him to be deposed from the Ministery by the Presbytery , Synod or generall Assembly , he should lose his place in Parliament , and the Benefice be void ipso facto . 10 That he should be called Commissioner of such , or such a place , if so the Parliament be induced by his Majesty to accept that title ; otherwise the generall Assembly should consider and determine the same ; as also how long he should continue in office , whether ad vitam , except some offence make him unworthy , or for a shorter space , at pleasure of the Church . It was neither the Kings intention , nor the minds of the wiser sort , to have these Cautions stand in force , ( for to subject the decrees of Parliament to the Assembly , as in the second caution ; or to interdict Churchmen , as in the fourth , and serve Inhibitions upon them , were things absurd ) but to have matters peaceably ended , and the reformation of the policy made without any noise , the King gave way to these conceits , knowing that with time the utility of the Government , which he purposed to have established , would appear , and trusting that they whom he should place in these rooms , would by their care for the Church , and their wise and good behaviour purchase to themselves the Authority which appertained . He had also matters of greater importance in hand , which made him desire to be setled in some sort , with the Church : from Iune preceding he had directed an Ambassage to the Princes of Germany , wherein David Bishop of Aberdene and Sr. Peter Young his Elemosynar , men of good abilities and learning , were employed . Their Commission was , to inform the Princes of his right and title to the Crown of England , after the death of the Queen Elizabeth , and to request their assistance , if he should stand in need thereof . The Queen was then stricken in years , and diverse libells , and pamphlets divulged against his title to that Crown , which made him carefull to have his friends rightly informed , and to understand what aid he might expect if opposition should be made ; Not that he minded ( this they were willed to declare ) to wrong or offend the Queen in any sort , whom he loved , and honoured as his Mother ; wishing her many and happy days , but onely to strengthen himself against injust pretenders ; and if in the mean time they should be pleased by a common Ambassage to entreat the Queen to declare in her own time the right successour , for preventing the plots and practises of enemies , he would take it for a singular friendship at their hands . It was a painfull Ambassage , and by them faithfully discharged ; for taking their journey by Denmark , as they were directed , and receiving letters commendatory from that King to the Princes , they travelled to Udalrick Duke of Megleburgh , Maurice Lantsgrave of Hesse , Frederick Duke of Saxony and administrator of the Electorate , Henry Duke of Brunswick , Iohn Adolph Duke of Gleswick , and Ioachim Marquesse of Brandenburgh , and having comunicated their message to them all severally returned not before the end of the year . Of all the Princes they obtained an answer in substance , which was , That albeit his Majesties right was not unknown unto them , they did esteem it an act of great wisdome in him , to make his friends acquainted with the exceptions taken against his Title , that when occasion required , nothing might be wanting that lay in their power . But to move the Queen for declaring her successour , they held it dangerous , and feared it should not so much promove the business , as offend her . Always they should advise , and take counsell with their confederates and allies , and follow the course which was most likely for his benefit . This was the summe of the answer they returned . The 24 of December the Queen was brought to bed of another daughter , who was christened in the Chappell of Halirudhouse the 15 of Aprill , by Mr. David Lindesay Minister of Leth , and named Margaret . The Earle of Montross ( created Chancellor in Ianuary preceding ) with the Lord Hamilton and Earl of Huntley , assisted as witnesses . These last two were at the same time preferred to the honour and dignity of Marquesses . There died within the compass of this year divers worthy men , amongst whom Mr. Iohn Lindesay of Batharres Secretary to the King , shall first be named ; a man honourably descended , of exquisite learning , and a sound judgement , held worthy by all men of the place he had in the Senate , both for his wisedome and integrity : he died of the Stone , wherewith he had been pained many years . Next to him Mr. David Carnegy of Colluthy , a wise , peaceable , and sober man , in good credit and estimation with the King , and taken into his privy Councell for his skill , and knowledge in civill affairs . And in the Church Mr. Thomas Buchannan Provost of Kirkhench and Minister of Syres , a man learned , wise , and a strong defender of the Churches rights , having attained to a good age , he dyed of a bruise which he received of a fall from his horse . David Ferguson Minister of Dunfermlin of the age of 65 , departed also this life the same year . A good preacher , wise , and of a jocund and pleasant disposition , which made him well regarded both in Court and Countrey . But the death of Mr. Robert Rollock , taken away in the 43 year of his age , and in the time when the Church had greatest need of his service , was beyond all the rest lamented . This man was born not farre from Striveling , and trained up in letters under Mr. Thomas Buchannan , who did then keep a famous School in that time . He passed his course in Philosophy at S. Andrews , and no sooner received the degree of a Master in Arts , then he was chosen Regent of the Colledge of S. Salvator , where he had studied . In the year 1583 he was removed to Edinburgh , and made Principall of a Colledge , which the Town had there erected ; where by his Lectures of divinity in the Schools , and his Sermons to the people ( in both which he was assiduous ) he came to be greatly esteemed . But the 17 days tumult and troubles that followed thereupon , withdrawing him against his minde to the keeping of Assemblies , and other Commissions of the Church , he was thereby much weakned ; for he was of an infirm body , and grievously pained with the Stone , whereof at last he died . In his sickness being visited by his brethren of the Ministry , amongst other pious exhortations , he did earnestly beseech them , to carry themselves more dutifully towards the King , lamenting he should be so ill used by some of their number : and gave them a most comfortable farewell . His torments were extreme , yet was he not heard to use an impatient word ; but was still calling on God , with these and the like sayings , Hast Lord Iesus , and tarry not , put in thy hand and take this soul away to thy self . At other times , Goe out silly life , that the better life of God may enter in . Drawing neer his end , he repeated a part of the 6 Psalm , and framing a most pithy prayer out of the same , as one exulting after victory , he cried aloud , Christ hath taken my yoake to bear , and now strengthened by his grace , I will follow : with which words he yeelded up his spirit . A rare example of holiness he was both in his life and death ; albeit now dead , still preacheth by his learned works , which it is pity should not be collected in one volume , and preserved to posterity . He deceased the last of February , and had his corps honourably interred in the buriall place , an innumerable multitude accompanying the same to the grave . To return to the Estate , the necessities of the King by forain Ambassages , and other extraordinary employments daily encreasing , he was forced to look the more narrowly to the administration of his rents ; for the ill managing whereof , the Laird of Wedderburne was put from his place , and the office of Controllerie given to Sir David Murray , who was afterwards preferred to the Lordship of Scone . The Prior of Blantire who was Treasurer , for that he had offended the King by his partiall behaviour in an action betwixt Mr. Robert Bruce and the Ministers of Angus , was committed to the Castle , and forced to resigne his office , which was conferred upon the Earl of Cassils by his Ladies procurement . She was the widow of the Lord Thirlstan , and said to be wealthy , which induced him to take her to wife , against the counsel of all his friends , who could not away with the imparity of their age , he being a young Nobleman never matched to any , and she a woman past childbirth . But the desire he had to keep his estate made him take that course , and she loving to stay at Court and have her husband a ruler of affaires , made offer to advance some moneys so as he might carry the place , which was readily accepted . Yet was it not long before they did both forthink the bargain , being pressed with a multitude of precepts for the laying forth of money , and so were glad to quit the office , with the losse , as was said , of Fourty thousand marks , which he did advance at his entry . In his place was the Lord Elphingston chosen by the recommendation of his brother , then Secretary . Whilest these things were a doing in Court , Sir William Bowes came Ambassadour from England , upon some rumours that the King wes declining to Popery , and had offered his obedience to the Bishop of Rome by a letter , the copie whereof was brought by the Master of Gray from Rome , and shewed the Queen , of purpose to divide the two Princes , and dissolve the amity which was amongst them . The Queen , though she did take the letter to be faigned , and that the same was devised to breed a jealousie between her and the King , thought meet to advertise what was rumoured , and to advise him not to build upon the friendship of Rome . The King did take the advertisement well , and made the Ambassadour very welcome , assuring him that they were false and faigned calumnies : neither did the King think any other at that time . Such a letter indeed was sent to the Pope , and the Kings hand surreptitiously gotten thereto , for which the Secretary Mr. Elphingston , was some years after upon his own confession convicted , as we shall hear . Whilest this Ambassadour remained in the Countrey , there fell out an accident which had almost wrought great trouble : an English man called Ashfield , who had brought some hunting horses to the King , and cunningly abused the English Warden , did make his aboad at Court , and was there well entertained . The Ambassadour , whether desired by the Queen or the Warden , it is uncertain , caused some of his servants keep company with the man , and allure him one day to Leth , where having drunk liberally , he was by Coach , instead of returning to Court , carried to Berwick . This being told the King , he was greatly offended , and giving order to watch the Ambassadours lodging , 〈◊〉 to Berwick to bring back the man. The Governour prayed the King to have him excused , for that the man being come within his charge , he could not dimit him without the Queens knowledge . The King receiving this answer , did challenge the Ambassadour as not having carried himself dutifully , and wronged both him and the Countrey ; but he denying the fact , affirmed the same to have been contrived by two of his servants without his knowledge and direction . This none did believe , neither did the King vouchsafe him any more countenance . Whereupon he parted in a great discontent . Soon after the King went to S. Andrewes for a new visit of the Universitie , where it was ordained , That there should be yearly upon the 3 of March , a Dean of facultie of Theologie elected by the Doctors , the Ministers resident within the City ; and the principall Masters of the Colledges : which Deane so chosen should have the like priviledge and jurisdiction upon the students and professors of Theologie , that the Deans of Philosophy had by the foundation over the professors thereof : with expresse provision , that that he who was elected Dean , should not till after three years space be received again into the office . Other conclusions were taken for distributing the Students of Theologie in Classes , and their yearly examination ; but were ill observed . At this time came forth sundry Discourses touching the succession of the Crown of England , some oppugning , some maintaining the Kings title : amongst others Mr. Iohn Colvill taking upon him one of the opposite Treatises did publish a recantation , wherein having confuted all the contrary reasons he professed , that in malice in time of his exile he had penned the Treatise , which then out of conscience he refuted . This was believed of many , and helped greatly to discredit the adversary writings ; yet was he not the Author of that which he oppugned ; only to merit favour at the Kings hands he did profess the work that came forth without a name to be his : and indeed a more pithie and perswasive Discourse was not penned all that time in that subject . The same year did the King publish his Doron Basilicon upon this occasion ; Sir Iames Semple one of his Majesties servants ( whose hands was used in transcribing that Treatise ) upon an old familiarity with Mr. Andrew Melvill , did give it him to read , who offending with some passages that touched the Ministery and present discipline , took copies thereof and dispersed the same amongst the Ministers ; thereupon a Libell was formed , and cast in before the Synod of St. Andrews , wherein the passages at which they excepted , being first set down ; it was asked , What Censure should be inflict upon him , that had given such instructions to the Prince , ( for that Treatise was directed to Prince Henry ) and if he could be thought well affected to religion , that had delivered such precepts of Government ? Sir Patrick Murray and Mr. Iames Nicolson being present in the Synod , as Commissioners for the King , and apprehending the libell to concern his Majesty , made diligent enquiry to find out the presenters . The whole number pretending ignorance , the Commissioners commanded the doors to be shut , and the Roll of the Ministers names to be called , who being put to their oath one by one did purge themselves , yet was it tried the very next day to be laid on the table by Mr. Iohn Dikes Minister at Anstruther , who being therefore cited before the Councell was fugitive and denounced Rebell . The rumor by this occasion dispersed , that the King had left certain directions to his son , prejudiciall to the Church and Religion ; he took purpose to publish the work , which being come abroad , and carried to England , it cannot be said how well the same was accepted , and what an admiration it raised in all mens hearts of him , and of his piety and wisdome . Certain it is that all the Discourses that came forth at that time ( and those were not a few ) for maintaining his right to the Crown of England , prevailed nothing so much as did the Treatise , against which such exceptions had been taken . In the end of the year happened some new jarrs betwixt the King and the Ministers of Edinburgh , because of a company of English Comedians whom the King had licensed to play within the Burgh : The Ministers offending with the liberty given them , did exclaim in their Sermons against Stageplayers , their unruliness and immodest behaviour ; and in their Sessions made an Act prohibiting people to resort unto their plaies under pain of the Church censures ; The King taking this to be a discharge of his Licence called the Sessions before the Councell , and ordained them to annull their Act , and not to restrain the people from going to these Comedies ; which they promised , and accordingly performed ; whereof publication was made the day after , and all that pleased , permitted to repaire unto the same , to the great offence of the Ministers . The next year which by publick Ordinance was appointed to have the beginning at the Calends of Ianuary , and from thenceforth so to continue ( for before that time , the year with us was reckoned from the 25 of March ) there was an Assembly kept at Montrosse the 28 of March , where the King himself was present . Therein that great business of the Churches voice in Parliament was determined ; and first the conclusions taken at Falkland in Iuly 1598 , were ratified . Then touching the continuance of those that should be chosen to give voice for the Church , it was after much debating concluded ; That be who was admitted should yearly render an account of his Commission to the generall Assembly , and laying the same down at their foot should be therein continued , or if his Majesty and the Assembly did think fit to employ another , he should give place to him that was appointed . Two points more were adjoyned to the former ; one was , That they who had voice in Parliament , should not have place in the generall Assembly , unless they were authorised by a Commission from the Presbyters , whereof they were members . The other caveat was , That crimen ambitus should be a sufficient reason to deprive him both of his place and office . And now there rested no more but to nominate persons to the Bishopricks that were void ; Aberdene and Argile had their own incumbents at the time , both actual preachers ; S. Andrewes and Glasgow were in the hands of the Duke of Lennox ; Murray possessed by the Lord Spinie ; Orkney , by the Earl of Orkney ; Dunkeld , Birchen , and Dumblane , had their own titulars , but these were not ordinary preachers ; Galloway and Isles were so dilapidated , as scarce they were remembred to have been . Only in Rosse and Cathnes some provision was left , whereunto by consent of the Church , Mr. David Lindesay and Mr. George Gladstaves were presented ; the first to the Bishoprick of Rosse , the other to Cathnes , who nottheless continued still serving in their Churches at Leth , and S. Andrewes , for as yet they could not find any setling in their Dioceses . Besides the conclusion taken in this business , divers other good Acts were concluded at that time , as may be seen in the book of Records . Some three weeks before this convention Iohn Dury Minister at Montrosse departed this life ; he was born at Machline a little village in the Countrey of Kill , and trained up a while in letters in the Town of Aire ; after which he was sent to George Dury his Cousin , Abbot of Dunfermlin , and placed by him among the Monks of that Abbey , where he lived three years , then falling in some suspicion of that which they called Heresie , and delated thereof to the Abbot , after triall taken he was condemned to be immured , that is , to be shut up between two walls , till he died . Yet by the means his friends made with the worthy Nobleman the Earl of Arran , he was delivered , and shortly after the reformation admitted to the Ministery , in which he served first at Hales neer to Edinburgh , then at Leth and when the civill troubles ceased , translated to Edinburgh , where he continued Minister the space of 10 years . A man earnest and zealous in every thing he gave himself unto , but too credulous ( a fault incident to the best natures ) and easily abused by those he trusted ; which bred him great trouble whilst he remained at Edinburgh . In Montrosse where he was first confined , and whereof soon after he became Minister , he lived well respected , and in great quietness : making it appear , that the many contests and strifes he had in former times , proceeded not from his own disposition , so much as from the suggestion of others . For all the sixteen years he lived there , no man did carry himself with greater modesty , nor in a more dutitifull obedience , and was therefore well beloved and esteemed by the King. He wished earnestly to have lived unto the meeting of the Assembly , that he might have declared his mind touching the matters then in hand ; but when he perceived his sickness increasing , and that he should not continue so long , he intreated some brethren to visit him , to shew the Assembly as from him , that there was a necessity of restoring the ancient government of the Church , because of the unruliness of young Ministers , that could not be advised by the elder sort nor kept in order ; and since both the estate of the Church did require it , and that the King did labour to have the same received , he wished them to make no trouble therefore , and to insist only with the King , that the best Ministers and of greatest experience might be preferred to places . This as he directed was reported to the Assembly , and of the greatest part well received : for he was certainly a sound hearted man , and farre from all dissimulation , ever professing what he thought , and following the course he thought most expedient for the Church . To the poor he was exceeding helpfull , compassionate of those that were in any distresse , and mercifull even when he seemed most severe . He dyed the last of February in the 63 year of his age . It was in August this year , that the conspiracy of Gowry fell forth ; a conspiracy plotted by him alone , and only communicated to M. Alexander his brother ; two youths of great hope , at whose hands no man could have expected such an attempt . Their father had been taken away by form of justice in the 1584 , whilest the King was yet Minor , and forced he was unto it as unto many other things that agreed not with his mind . But the care he took of the Noblemans children and kindness wherewith he used them , did shew how much he disliked that proceeding ; for he restored the eldest to his fathers honour and living , his brother Alexander he made one of his bedchamber ; a sister of theirs he preferred to be chief maid about his Queen , and had a purpose to advance the Earl himself to a principall office of the Kingdom . Such and so great benefits might have endeared the most barbarous and heard hearted . But benefits are no benefits to the malicious , and those that are set for revenge . The device was , to allure the King to the Earls house in Perth , and there to kill him . The King was then remaining in Falkland , and one day early in the morning ( it was the fifth of August ) as he was going to take his sport in the Park , Alexander meets him , and telleth that his brother had intercepted a man , a Jesuit as he supposed , with a great quantity of gold , and that he kept the man fast in his house at Perth , and sent him with the newes , praying the King to make hast , for that he doubted not he should learn things worthy of his travell . The King moving some questions touching the mans stature and habit , and the place where he was taken , received no other answer , but that his brother would satisfie all those things at his coming ; which put him in a suspicion that the Gentleman was distracted , for he observed in him some perturbation ; yet because of the instance he made he yielded to goe , willing him to ride back , and shew that he would be with his brother before dinner . After a short chace and a Buck killed the King made towards Perth , accompanyed with the Duke of Lennox , the Earl of Marre and a few Gentlemen more , all in their hunting coats . By the way , the King did ask the Duke of Lennox , if he had known Mr. Alexander ( for the Duke had married his sister ) at any time troubled or distempered in his wits . The Duke answering that he had never known any such thing in him ; the King insisted no further . Being come to the Town the Earl did meet him , and was noted by all the company to be in some trouble of mind , the very imagination of the fact he went about , perplexing his thoughts . But he coloured all with the want of entertainment , saying , that he did not expect the King , and that his dinner was not prepared . The King wishing him not to trouble himself with those thoughts , because a little thing would content him ; and for the Noblemen a part of his dinner would suffice them , they discoursed of hunting and other common matters till meat was dressed . Howsoon the King had taken a little refreshment , and the Lords were placed at a table in another room , Mr. Alexander did round in the Kings ear , that the time was fit whilest the Lords were at dinner , to goe and examine the stranger : at which word the King arose , and went up stairs , Mr. Alexander going before him . The King did call Sir Thomas Areskin ( afterwards Earl of Kelly ) to follow him , but Mr. Alexander turning at the door , after the King was entered , said that the King willed him to stay below , whereupon Sir Thomas went back . Thus the door was shut , and Mr. Alexander guiding him to an inner room , the King did perceive a man standing alone , whereupon he asked if that was the man ? nay said Mr. Alexander there is another business in hand , and with that word covering his head , You remember , said he , how you used my father , and now must you answer for it . Your father ! answered the King ; I was not the cause of his death ; it was done in my minority by forme of Iustice. But is this your purpose , and have you trained me hither to murther me ? Did you learn this lesson of Mr. Robert Rollock your Master ? or think you when you have done your will to goe unpunished ? Mr. Alexander stricken with the speeches , and the man who was placed there to assist him , trembled for fear , desired the King to be quiet , and make no noise , for that he would go speak with his brother , and pacify him ; this said he went down a back way , as it seemed , to the Court below . Whether he did meet with his brother at that time or not , is unknown , but his stay was short , and when he returned , he said to the King , There is no remedy , you must die . Then making as though he would tie the Kings hands , they fell a wrestling , and the King drawing him by force to a window in the corner that lookt toward the street , as he espyed the Earl of Marre , cryed , Help Earl of Marre , help . The voice and words were discerned by all the Lords , and Gentlemen , who thereupon ran to seek the King , by the way that went up ; but the doors being shut , there was no entry that way till the same was broke by force , which took up a large time . Upon the first cry Sir Thomas Areskin suspecting treason did flee upon Gowrie , and taking him by the gorge said , Thou art the traitour ; but they were quickly sundered by his servants that stood by . The first that came to the King was a Page called Iohn Ramsey , who falling upon a back passage by which the Traitours after the deed committed had purposed to escape , found the King and Mr. Alexander strugling , the King calling to him and bidding him strike the Traitour , he gave Mr. Alexander two or three wounds with his Dagger , and so parted him from the King. The man who was placed there to assist Mr. Alexander , did steal away secretly ; and he himself perceiving that the treason was discovered made down the stairs , where being encountred by Sir Thomas Areskin , and askt how the King was , because he gave no direct answer , and only said , that he took God to witness , that he was not in the fault , he thrust him through the body , and killed him outright . Sir Thomas was followed by Hugh Hereife Doctor of Medicine , and a Foot-boy named Wilson , who seeing the King safe , were not a little joyed , and placing him in a little room , and shutting the door , they prepared to defend the entry . Gowry accompanied with three or four servants breaketh presently into the chamber , and with his two swords one in each hand , puts them all to their shift , and had undoubtedly overthrown them , but that one of the company crying , You have killed the King our Master , and will you also take our lives ? He became astonished and setting the points of his two swords to the earth , as if he minded to cease from any more fight , he was instantly stricken by the Page with a rapier which pierced the heart , so as he fell down dead . The servants seeing him fall made away ; only Master Thomas Cranston being sore wounded , and not able to shift for himself was apprehended . In this fight Sir Thomas Areskin and Doctor Hereife were both hurt , but nothing dangerously . By this time the doors of the other passage being made open , the Lords and a number with them entred into the room , who hearing what happened went all to their knees , and the King himself conceiving a prayer , gave thanks to God for his deliverance , and that the device of those wicked brothers was turned upon their own heads . The danger that ensued was not much lesse , for the people of the Town taking up armes did inviron the house , crying to give them out their Provost , otherwise they should blow them all up with powder . The rage of the multitude was great , ( for they loved the Earl , as being their Provost , beyond all measure ) and with great difficulty were they kept back from using violence : at last the Bayliffs and certain of the Citizens being admitted to enter , and brought to the King , when they were informed of the truth of things , returned and pacified the people . After which , the King took horse and returned to Falkland , where he was welcomed ( the rumour of the danger having prevented his coming ) with great acclamations of joy . It was observed not without some wondering , that after Gowrie was killed there issued no blood for a good space from his body , till his girdle being loosed and taken from him , the same gushed from him in abundance : this was supposed to be the effect of some Characters that he did alway carry in a little bag at his girdle , which being viewed , were found to be certain spells of Necromancers , and added much to the infamy of his death . A diligent search was made the daies following for the man the King saw standing in the room , and large rewards promised to those that should finde him out . In this search one of the Earls servants called Henry Younger , hiding himself out of an idle fear among some growing corns , was killed , and for some daies was supposed to have been the man , till Andrew Henderson Chamberlain to Gowrie , discovering himself to the Controller , did offer upon promise of his life , to enter and shew all that he knew in that business . An other of Gowries servants surnamed Craigengelt was some 2 daies after apprehended , and both he & M. Tho : Cranston executed at Perth , though at their dying they declared that they knew nothing of the Earls purpose , and had only followed him as being their Master unto that room , where , if they had known the King to have been , they would have stood for him against their Master and all others . Henderson at his examination declared , That the night preceding the attempt , the Earl had directed him to attend his brother Mr. Alexander , and doe what he commanded . That accordingly he accompanied him the next morning to Falkland , and when they were returned being commanded by Mr. Alexander to dresse himself in armour , and go wait til he came unto him in an upper room , he obeyed . But that he could not imagine any purpose against the King , either in him or in the Earl , nor would have believed it unlesse he had seen the same with his eyes . Being demanded , why he did not take the Kings part when he did see them fall a wrestling , he excused himself by a sudden fear that overtook him in the time ; and indeed he lookt ever after that time as one half distracted . It was much marvelled that in so high an attempt the Earl should have made choice of such a one : but the man was of a servile spirit , and apt enough to doe mischief ; and many have conjectured that if the treason had taken effect , it was in the Earls purpose to have made away both his brother and him , that he might not be supposed to have had any knowledge thereof . I remember my self that meeting with Mr. William Cowper then Minister at Perth the third day after in Falkland , he shewed me that not many daies before that accident visiting by occasion the Earl at his own house , he found him reading a book entituled , De conjurationibus adversus Principes : and having asked him what a book it was , he answered , That it was a Collection of the Conspiracies made against Princes , which he said was foolishly contrived all of them , and faulty either in one point or other ; for he that goeth about such a business should not , said he , put any man on his counsell . And he not liking such discourses , desired him to lay away such books , and read others of a better subject . I verily think he was then studying how to go beyond all Conspirators recorded in any History : but it pleased God , who giveth salvation to Kings , as the Psalme speaketh , to infatuate his counsels , and by his ensample to admonish all disloyall and trayterous subjects to beware of attempting against their Soveraigns . Advertisement sent the next day to the Councel , which then remained at Edinburgh , the Ministers of the Town were called and desired to convene their people , and give thanks unto God for his Majesties deliverance . They excusing themselves , as not being acquainted with the particulars , nor how those things had fallen out ; it was answered , that they were only to signifie , how the King had escaped a great danger , and to stirre up the people to thanksgiving . They replied , That nothing ought to be delivered in pulpit but that whereof the truth was known , and that all which is uttered in that place should be spoken in faith . When by no perswasion they could be moved to perform that duty , it was resolved that the Councell should go together to the Market-crosse , and that the Bishop of Rosse should after a narration of the Kings danger , and deliverance , conceive a publick Thanksgiving : which was done , the multitude applauding and expressing a great joy . The Munday following , the King came to Edinburgh , accompanied with divers Noblemen and Barons , and heard a Sermon preached at the Crosse by Mr. Patrick Galloway , who choosed the 124 Psalme for his Theme , did take occasion to discourse of all the particulars of that Conspiracy , and gave the people great satisfaction : for many doubted that there had been any such Conspiracy , the condition of Princes beeing , as the Emperor Domitian said , herein miserable , that even when Conspiracies made against their persons are discovered , yet they are not credited , unlesse they be slain , The next day the King in a solemn Councell kept at Halirudhouse , to testifie his thankfulness for his deliverance , and to perpetuate the memory thereof , did mortifie for the entertainment of some poor men the rent of 1000 pounds yearly to be taken of the readiest fruits of the Abbacy of Scone , and ordained an honourable reward to be given to the three Gentlemen that had been the instruments of his preservation and the cause of the reward to be specified in their Patents . After this , order was taken for a publick and solemn Thanksgiving to be made in all the Churches of the Kingdome , and the last Tuesday of September with the Sunday following appointed for that exercise . The Ministers of Edinburgh , who gave the refuse , were commanded to remove themselves out of the Town within 48 hours , and inhibited to preach within his Majesties Dominions under pain of death . Mr. Walter Balcanquell , Mr. William Watson , and Mr. Iohn Hall , three of that number , compeiring at Striveling the 10 of September , and declaring , That they were throughly resolved of the truth of Gowries Conspiracy , and willing to amend their former fault , were pardoned upon condition , that before their return to Edinburgh they should in the Churches appointed to them , publickly preach , and declare their perswasion of the truth of that treason , craving God and his Majesty forgiveness for the question they made thereof ; and rebuking all such as continued in that doubtfulness . The Churches designed to them were Tranent , Mussilburgh , and Dalkeith for Mr. VValter Balcanquell , Dunbar and Dunf for Mr. VVilliam VVatson , and for Mr. Iohn Hall , Dunfermlin , S. Andrews , and Perth . Mr. Iames Balfour , the day following , upon the like confession was remitted , and ordained to publish his resolution in the Churches of Dundie , Montrosse , Aberbrothock , and Brichen . But Mr. Robert Bruce , taking a course by himself , and saying , He would reverence his Majesties reports of that accident , but could not say he was perswaded of the truth of it , was banished the Kings Dominions , and went unto France . The 15 of November a Parliament was held at Edinburgh , wherein sentence of forfeiture was pronounced against Gowrie and Mr. Alexander his Brother , their posterity disinherited , and in detestation of the paricide attempted , the whole surname of Ruthven abolished . But this last was afterwards dispensed with , and such of that name as were known to be innocent , tolerated by the Kings clemency to enjoy their surnames and titles as in former times . The bodies of the two brothers being brought to the Parliament house were after sentence given hanged upon a gibbet in the publick street , and then dismembred , their heads cut off , and affixed upon the top of the prison house . This done , the Estates in acknowledgment of the favours and grace they all had received of God , by the miraculous and extraordinary preservation of his Majesty from that treasonable attempt , did ordain , That in all times and ages to come the fifth of August should be solemnly kept with prayers , preachings , and thanksgiving for that benefit , discharging all work , labour , and other occupations upon the said day , which might distract the people in any sort from those pious exercises . Divers other good and profitable Acts as well for the Church as Kingdome were concluded in this Parliament , as the Act decerning all Marriages contracted betwixt persons divorced for adultery to be null , and the children begotten by such unlawfull conjunction incapable of succession to their parents inheritance . As also the Act made for removing and extinguishing of deadly feuds , which the King had ever striven to abolish , was in that time confirmed by the whole Estates . Upon the close of the Parliament the King went to Dunfermlin to visit the Queen , who was brought to bed of a Son. The Christening was hastned because of the weakness of the Childe , and that his death was much feared . He was named Charles , and contrary to the expectation of most men grew unto years and strength , and survived Prince Henry his elder brother , reignes happily this day over these Kingdomes ; which that he may long doe , is the desire and wish of all good subjects . In the end of the year Mr. Iohn Craig that had been Minister to the King , but through age was compelled to quit the Charge , departed this life . This man whilest he lived was held in great esteem , a great Divine and excellent Preacher , of a grave behaviour , sincere , inclining to no faction , and which increased his reputation , living honestly , without oftentation or desire of outward glory ; many tossings and troubles he endured in his time , for being left young and his Father killed at Flowdon , after that he had got an entrance in Letters , and passed his course in Philosophy in S. Andrews , he went to England and waited as Pedagogue on the Lord Dacres his children the space of two years . Warres then arising betwixt the two Kingdomes , he returned home , and became one of the Dominican Order ; but had not lived long among them when upon suspicion of heresie , he was put in prison . Being cleared of that imputation , he went back again into England , and thinking by the Lord Dacres means to have got a place in Cambridge ; because that failed , he went to France , and from thence to Rome . There he won such favour with Cardinall Pole , as by his recommendation he was received among the Dominicans of Bononia , and by them first appointed to instruct the Novices of the Cloyster : afterwards when they perceived his diligence and dexterity in businesses , he was employed in all their affairs throughout Italy , and sent in Commission to Chios , an Isle situated in the Ionick sea , to redresse things that were amisse amongst those of their Order . Therein he discharged himself so well , that at his return he was made Rector of the School , and thereby had accesse to the Libraries , especially to that of the Inquisition , where falling on the Institutions of Iohn Calvin , he was taken with a great liking thereof ; and one day conferring with a reverend old man of the Monastery , was by him confirmed in the opinion he had taken , but withall warned in any case not to utter himself , or make his minde known , because the times were perilous : yet he neglecting the counsell of the aged man , and venting his opinions too freely , was delated of heresie , and being sent to Rome , after examination imprisoned nine moneths , he lay there in great misery ; at the end whereof , being brought before the Judge of the Inquisition , and giving a cleer Confession of his Faith , he was condemned to be burnt the next day , which was the 19 of August . It happened the same night Pope Paul the fourth to depart this life , upon the noise of whose death , the people came in a tumult to the place where his statue in marble had been erected , and pulling it down , did for the space of three daies drag the same through the streets , and in the end threw it in the River of Tiber. During the tumult all the prisons were broke open , the Prisoners set free , and among those Mr. Craig had his liberty ; as he sought to escape , for he held it not safe to stay in the City , two things happened unto him , not unworthy of relation ; first , in the Suburbs , as he was passing , he did meet a sort of loose men , whom they called Banditi ; one of the company taking him aside , demanded if he had been at any time in Bononia ? He answered , that he had been some time there . Doe ye not then remember , said he , that walking on a time in the fields with some young Noblemen , there came unto you a poor maimed Souldier , entreating some relief ? Mr. Craig replying , that he did not well remember . But I doe , said he , and I am the man to whom ye shewed kindness at that time ; be not afraid of us , ye shall incurre no danger ; and so conveying him through the Suburbs ; and shewing what was his safest course , he gave him so much money as might make his charge to Bononia ; for he intended to go thither , trusting to finde some kindness with those of his acquaintance ; yet at his coming he found them look strange , and fearing to be of new trapped , he slipped away secretly , taking his course to Millain . By the way another accident befell him , which I should scarce relate , so incredible it seemeth , if to many of good place he himself had not often repeated it as a singular testimony of Gods care of him . And this it was , when he had travelled some days declining the highways out of fear , he came into a forrest , a wild and desert place , and being sore wearied lay down among some bushes on the side of a little brook to refresh himself ; lying there pensive and full of thoughts ( for neither knew he in what part he was , nor had he any means to bear him out the way , a dog cometh fawning with a purse in his teeth , and lays it down before him ; he stricken with a fear , riseth up , and construing the same to proceed from Gods favourable providence towards him , followed his way till he came to a little village , where he met with some that were travelling to Vienne in Austria , and changing his intended course went in their company thither . Being there , and professing himself to be one of the Dominican order , he was brought to preach before Maximilian the second , who liking the man , and his manner of teaching , would have retained him , if by letters from Pope Pius the third , he had not been required to send him back to Rome , as one that was condemned for heresie . The Emperour not liking to deliver him , and on the other part not willing to fall out with the Pope , did quietly dimit him with letters of safe conduct . So travelling through Germany he came to England , and being there informed of the reformation begun at home , he returned into Scotland , and made offer of his service to the Church , but his long dissuetude of the Countrey language ( which was not to be mervailed , considering that he had lived abroad the space of 24 years ) made him unusefull at first ; now and then to the learned sort he preached in Latine in the Magdalens Chappell at Edinburgh , and in the year 1561 after he had recovered the language , was appointed Minister at Halirudhouse . The next year he was taken to Edinburgh , and served as Collegue with Mr. Knox the space of nine years ; then by the ordinance of the assembly he was translated to Montross , where he continued two years , and upon the death of Adam Heriot was removed to Aberdene , having the inspection of the Churches of Marre and Buchan committed to his care ; in the year 1579 he was called to be the Kings Minister , and served in that charge till born down with the weight of years , he was forced to retire himself ; after which time , forbearing all publick exercises he lived private at home , comforting himself with the remembrance of the mercies of God , that he had tasted in his life past , and this year on the 12 of December without all pain dyed peaceably at Edinburgh in the 88 year of his age . In the beginning of the next year there happened a great stirre in the Court of England , which concerning the King in some sort I must needs touch : the Earl of Essex who had been a long time in speciall favour with the Queen , and was then upon some displeasure kept from the Court , not enduring to be thrust down ( as he complained ) by his adversaries into a private life , did resolve to make his way unto the Queen by force , to seise upon her person , and remove from her company those he judged to be his adversaries . But the purpose failing , he was taken himself and committed to the Tower. A little before he had written letters to the King full of respect , informing that they who had the managing of all affairs under the Queen , were inclining to the Infanta of Spain , and advising him to send Ambassadors into England . and urge the declaration of his title of succession . The King , though he could have wished his title to be declared , did not think that time fitting for such propositions , yet upon the report of his apprehension he resolved to employ some in Commission to the Queen . And to this effect made choice of the Earl of Marre , joyning with him the Abbot of Kinlosse , who coming to the Court some days after the execution of Essex , and having access to the Queen did congratulate her good success in repressing that audacious attempt . This she took well , and was glad to hear so much from them , because of the rumours which were then dispersed , That Essex was made away for favouring the King of Scots title , and that if the Ambassadors had come in time , they would have dealt for him . A good answer was hereupon given to all their instructions , and whereas among other points of their Commission , they were willed to seek an assignment of some portion of land in recompence of the lands belonging to the Lady Lennox , the King being her lawfull heir ; the Queen excusing herself touching the lands , was content to adde to the annuity formerly paid , the summe of 2000 pounds yearly , as long as he kept fast , and held one course with her . Besides this satisfaction obtained of the Queen , they did so work with the principall Noblemen and Counsellors , as they won them to be the Kings friends , and at their return gave his Majesty assurance of a peaceable reception of that Crown after the decease of the Queen , which was some two years after really performed . Much about this time , had Pope Clement the eight sent his Breves ( as they call them ) into England , warning all the Clergy and laity that professed the Roman faith , not to admit after the Queens death any man , how near soever in blood , to be king , unless he should binde himself by oath , to promove the Catholick Roman Religion at his power . And at the same time came Mr. Iohn Hamilton and Mr. Edmond Hay Jesuits into Scotland , two factious and working spirits , and therefore much suspected by the King , the first especially , for that he was known to have been a chief instrument of the seditions raised in the City of Paris in the time of the league . How soon the King understood of their repairing into the Countrey , a Proclamation was given out inhibiting their resort under the pain of treason . In this Proclamation to make them the more odious , they were compared to Bothwell and Gowry , the King declaring that he would judge no otherwise of their receptors , then of those that did treasonably pursue his own life . This notwithstanding , they found lurking holes amongst the Papists in the North , and kept the Countrey till after some years that Mr. Iohn Hamilton was apprehended , and carried to the Tower of London , where he died . The Church of Edinburgh remained all this while destitute of a number of their Ministers , the conditions prescribed unto them , when they were pardoned , not being performed : of the four onely Mr. Iohn Hall having given obedience was licenced to return to his charge ; the other three , upon I know not what pretext , deferred to make their declaration , as was appointed , and were thereupon in the Assembly convened at Brunt-island the 12 of May , ordained to be transported from the Ministery of Edinburgh , and placed in such parts of the Countrey , as the Commissioners of the Countrey should think meet . This Assembly was called by his Majesties Proclamation , partly for taking order with the Church of Edinburgh , partly for repressing the growth of Popery , which was then increasing , and where it should have held at S. Andrews , was in regard of the Kings indisposition brought to Brunt-Island . Mr. Iohn Hall being elected to moderate the meeting , did begin with a regrate of the generall defection from the purity and practise of true Religion , which he said , was so great , that it must of necessity at last conclude either in Popery or Atheisme , except a substantious remedy were in time provided . And because the ill could not be well cured unless the causes , and occasions thereof should be ript up , he exhorteth those that were assembled , to consider seriously both of the cause of the defection , and the remedies that were fittest to be applyed . After long conference , the causes were condescended to be , the wrath of God kindled against the land for the unreverend estimation of the Gospel , and the sinnes in all estates , to the dishonour of their profession ; lack of care in the Ministery to discover Apostates ; too hasty admission of men unto the Ministery , Ministers framing themselves to the humors of people ; the desolation of the Churches of Edinburgh ; the advancing of men to places of credit , that were ill affected to Religion ; the education of his Majesties children in the company of Papists ; the training up of Noblemens children under suspect Pedagogues ; the decay of Schools ; and the not urging of the reconciled Lords to perform their conditions . For remedy of the foresaid evills it was ordained , That a publick humiliation should be kept throughout the realm , the last two Sundays of June , with fasting and prayer , for appeasing the wrath of God kindled against the land ; that the Ministers of every Presbytery should after the dissolving of the Assembly , take up the names of the Recusants within their bounds , and send them to the Kings Ministers ; that places of greatest need should be furnished with learned and wise preachers , and in the mean time , till that might take effect by a constant provision of Ministers to those places , that the meetest for that purpose should be appointed to attend for a certain time in the families of the reconciled Lords , for their better confirmation in the truth . The rest of the remedies resolved all in Petitions to his Majesty , for the planting of Churches , the not permitting of those who were under process for Popery , to have access to Court , and a care to be taken of the good education of the children of Noblemen . To all which the King gave favourable answers , and for the removing of the Princess his daughter from the Lady Levingston , which was earnestly entreated by the whole Assembly , his Majesty did promise to bring her to his own house before the Terme of Martinmas next . Whilest matters were thus proceeding , there was delivered a letter sent by Mr. Iohn Davidson to the Assembly , wherein as if he would awake his brethren fallen asleep , he began with a strong cry , How long shall we fear or favour flesh and blood , and follow the counsell and command thereof ? Should our meetings be in the name of man ? Are we not yet to take up our selves , and to acknowledge our former errors , and feebleness in the work of the Lord ? And a little after , Is it time for us now , when so many of our worthy brethren are thrust out of their callings without all order of just proceeding , and Iesuits , Atheists and Papists are suffered , countenanced and advanced to great rooms in the realm , for the bringing in of idolatry , and captivity more then Babylonicall , with an high hand , and that in our chief City : Is it time for us , I say , of the Ministery to be inveigled and blindfolded with pretence of preferment of some small number of our brethren to have voice in Parliament , and have titles of Prelacy ? Shall we with Samson sleep still on Dalilahs , knees , till she say , The Philistines be upon thee Samson ? Then scoffing at the Kings doings , he said , But Bonyton is executed , an infamous thief in the highest degree : what is that to the cause of Religion , whereof no question was moved ? Is there no Papist , nor favourer of Papists in Scotland but Bonyton ? But the King is sound in Religion , what can the adversaries do ? Being sound , the danger were the less ; but there is nothing either in Church or King according to our calling &c. In postscript to the same letter he wished them to be wary of determining any thing touching the planting of Edinburgh , in respect of any promises against Papists , and to remember that Melius & optabilius est bellum pace impiâ , & à deo distrahente . This letter laughed at by some did greatly offend the wiser sort , who would have proceeded to censure the man as he had deserved , but that the King interceded , willing to leave the punishment to him , and go on with their own affairs , as they had begun . So the letter being cast by , the planting of Edinburgh was next handled , and after some reasoning it was concluded , that the three Ministers , Mr. Walter Balcanquell , Mr. Iames Balfour , and Mr. William Watson should be transported and others placed in their rooms . The care of this among other things was entrusted to certain Commissioners deputed by the Assembly , who had power given them for all matters that concerned the Church unto the next generall meeting . After this a proposition was made for a new translation o● the Bible , and the correcting of the Psalmes in meeter : his Majesty did urge it earnestly , and with many reasons did perswade the undertaking of the work , shewing the necessity and the profit of it , and what a glory the performing thereof should bring to this Church : speaking of the necessity , he did mention sundry escapes in the common Translation , and made it seen that he was no less conversant in the Scriptures , then they whose profession it was ; and when he came to speak of the Psalmes , did recite whole verses of the same , shewing both the faults of the meeter and the discrepance from the text . It was the joy of all that were present to hear it , and bred not little admiration in the whole Assembly , who approving the motion did recommend the translation to such of the brethren as were most skill'd in the Languages , and revising of the Psalmes particularly to Mr. Robert Pont ; but nothing was done in the one or the other ; yet did not the King let this his intention fall to the ground , but after his happy coming to the Crown of England set the most learned Divines of that Church awork for the Translation of the Bible ; which with great pains , and the singular profit of the Church they perfected . The revising of the Psalmes he made his own labour , and at such hours as he might spare from the publick cares , went through a number of them , commending the rest to a faithfull and learned servant , who hath therein answered his Majesties expectation . The Act for restraining the liberty of Application in Exercises was of new ratified , and an Ordinance made against the preaching of young men not admitted to the Ministery , in the chief places of the Countrey ; which done , and the next Assembly being appointed to be held at S. Andrews the last Tuesday of Iuly , Anno 1602 , the meeting dissolved . Soon after , the King , by the advise of the Commissioners of the Church , received in favour the three Ministers of Edinburgh , that were ordained to be translated to other places , and licensed them to return to their Charges . Mr. Iohn Dikes also , who had lurked all this time , having composed some Eucharistick Sonets ( as he called them ) for his Majesties preservation , was pardoned , and permitted to return to his place . But Mr. Iohn Davidson presuming to finde the like favour , and appearing in publick without warrant , was taken and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh , where he remained some moneths , till by the intercession of the Kings Ministers he was also put to liberty . In the State the Lord Maxwell began to make new troubles , and notwithstanding , he was prohibited to repair within the bounds of Nidisdale & Galloway , he went home without license , having contrived the death of Sir Iames Iohnston then Warden ; but the purpose failing , he made an incursion upon Annandale , raising fire , and committing slaughter : whereupon , great stirres were moved in these parts , which were not pacified till the February after ; at which time the King going in person to Dumfreis , made him leave the Countrey , and put in Sureties for his remaining within the bounds of Cluidsdale . In Iuly thereafter Lodowick Duke of Lennox was sent in an Ambassage to France , rather for confirming the old amity and friendship , then for any business else . There went with him Sir Thomas Ereskin , and Sir William Levingston of Kilsithe , two of his Majesties privy Councell ; Mr. Iohn Spotswood then Parson of Calder , was directed to attend him as his Chaplain or Preacher . The Duke taking his journey by sea arrived at Deepe , the 24 of that moneth , and upon the 10th day after entered into Paris , accompanied by Iames Archbishop of Glasgow , and a great train of Scotishmen , who did meet him at S. Denis ; he had presence of the French King at S. Germans some seven leagues from Paris , and was very kindly accepted . A few daies after the King went to Fountayn-bleau , where the Queen was to lye of Childe-birth . Thither the Duke did follow him , and was entertained with hunting , and the like sports , unto the Queens delivery , which fell out the 17 of September . Going then unto the Countrey to salute his mother Madam D' Aubigney , and other his friends ; whilest he was about these offices of kindness , the King went by post to Callais upon some intelligence , as it was said , from England , that the Queen was fallen sick ; he himself gave out that the affairs of Flanders did occasion his journey , for as then the Archduke was besieging Ostend . But whatsoever the businesse was no man doubted but that he had an eye upon the succession of England ; and if he could have found a faction , would have foisted in another Bastard of Normandy , which oftentimes in a merriment and gallantry he spared not to utter . The Duke after his return to Paris made no long stay , but taking his leave of the French King , who was then come back from Callais , took journey towards England , and came to London in the beginning of November : A Parliament was then sitting at VVestminster , ( the last that Queen Elizabeth held ) which with his coming upon that instant gave many to think that he was come to urge a Declaration of the Kings right of succession , and not a few they were , nor of small note , that offered to assist , if he should move any such business : but he told them , that neither had he any such Commission , nor would the King ever agree to any thing that might breed a jealousie in the Queen . And his Commission indeed was no other , but to salute the Queen in the Kings name , and let her know the kinde and filiall affection he carried unto her , whereof he should be willing to give proof at all occasions . And for that he was given to understand , that the Irish Rebells had drawn in some Spanish forces into Ireland to fortifie themselves in their Rebellion , he would , if his ayde should be thought necessary , employ the same for their expulsion . The Queen giving the King many thanks , said , That if those troubles continued , she would take his help , and hire some of his High-landers and Isles men , but she trusted to hear other news shortly , and not be vexed long with those strangers . As also it came to passe , for the very next moneth , the Lord Montjoy her Deputy did in a battell fought neer Kinsale defeat the Irish utterly , and afterwards forced the Spaniards that had taken the Town , to render upon condition of their lives saved , and that they might be transported again into their Countrey . The Duke after three weeks stay being feasted by the Queen and entertained with all complements of amity returned home , and came to Edinburgh in the end of December ; where having related his proceedings in Councell , they were all approved : The Lord Elphingston had in his absence resigned the office of Treasury upon an offence , as was thought , he conceived for adjoyning some others unto him in the componing of Signators ; and now was Sir George Hume one of the Masters of the Quirie preferred to the office . which he discharged by his Deputy , Sir Iohn Arnot , both to his Majesty and the Countreys content . The next sommer the King having resolved to plant Lowland-men in the Isles , and transport the inhabitants into the main land , where they might learn civility , made a beginning at the Isle of Lewis . The undertakers were Patrick Abbot of Lendors , Colonell William Stewart , Captain William Murray , Mr. Iohn Lermouth , of Balcolmy , Mr. Iames Spence of wormeston , Sir Iames Anstruther of that ilke , and Iames Forret of Fingaske : These Gentlemen furnishing themselves with armes and shipping , and having conduced a number of souldiers , took sea , and in the third or fourth day arrived in the Lake of Sternoway within the same Isle . Murdoch Macklond base son to old Macklond who carried himself as Lord of the Isle , made at the first some resistance , but after a little conflict distrusting the people , for he had used them with great tyranny , he fled and forsook the Isle , leaving the Indwellers to the discretion of the Invaders : they how soon he was gone , did all submit themselves , and accept such conditions as were offered by the undertakers . Being thus peaceably possessed , the Laird of Balcolmy either sent by the rest to signifie their good successe , and to make preparation against the Winter , or for some private business of his own , took purpose to return home , and being lanched alittle from the coast , and by reason of the calm forced to cast anchor , was suddenly invaded by the said Murdach Macklowd , with a number of Birlings , ( so they call the little vessels those Isles men use ) the ship boarded , the mariners killed and himself made prisoner . The Gentleman being detained some daies and hourly threatned with death , was afterwards ransomed by one of his friends , and conveyed to Orkeney , where contracting a feaver he died . The rest of the Gentlemen , to repair this injury , conduced Neill Macklowd , brother to the said Murdach , to betray and deliver him in their hands , which he performed shortly after , having by an ambush laid for his brother , apprehended him , and some twelve more that were in his company . The twelve he presently beheaded , Murdach he delivered to the Gentlemen , as he had promised , who was afterwards transported to S. Andrews , and there executed . The undertakers thinking themselves now secured , began to build , and made a partition of lands , letting the same to the Countrey people , who did all swear fidelity to them ; but whilest they expected no trouble , Norman Macklowd son to old Macklowd , did on the suddain beset them , put fire to their lodgings and force them to the Conditions following : First , that they should purchase to them ? remission from the King of all crimes and offences past . Next , that they should resigne to Norman all the right that they had acquired of the Isle of Lewis . And thirdly , that Sir Iames Spence with his son in law Thomas Monypenny of Kinkell , should remain as pledges untill the remission was brought unto him , and such a surety given of the Isle , as he could devise . This condescended unto , Sir Iames Anstruther departed with the whole company that was left , ( for many were killed before their yeilding ) and for relief of the pledges obtained of the King both the remission and security of the Isle that was desired , which was sent to Norman by Iames Lermouth son to the Laird of Darcie . By this mean were the pledges freed , and for that time the whole enterprise defeated : some three years after , the same was of new attempted , with what successe we shall hear in the own place . Master Robert Bruce , who as we shewed before , was exiled in France , obtained licence to return in the beginning of this Summer by the intercession of the Earl of Marre , whom he had intreated to mediate his peace , upon promise at his return to satisfie the King , and declare his resolution in that matter of Gowries . The King who never shewed himself difficile ( especially to Ministers that professed penitencie for their errors ) gave warrant to recall him , and he appearing before the Commissioners of the Church at Perth . the 25 of Iune where his Majesty was present , acknowledged his error , professed his resolution touching the guiltiness of those unhappy brothers , and promised if his Majesty should licence him to return to his place to declare the same publickly in the first Sermon he should have to the people . The King doubting his performance ( for he had often in other matters tried his inconstancy ) caused the same to be set down in writing upon the back of the Letter he had sent to the Earl of Marre , and after he had subscribed the same , made all the Commissioners that were present ( eleven in number ) to set their hands thereto as Witnesses . This done , he was admitted to kisle his Majesties hand , and licenced to return to his place : but as the King had conjectured , so it fell out , for coming to Edinburgh , where it was expected he should have done what he had both promised and subscribed , he left the Town , pretending that his Ministery should thereby be discredited , and he esteemed to preach by injunction . The Generall Assembly of the Church meeting in November following , the King to remove this pretext , after he had shewed all the particulars of his proceeding with Mr. Robert , and produced the Letter sent by him to the Earl of Marre , together with his subscription in the meeting of Perth , desired the voices of the Assembly , whether or not be ought to utter his resolution in pulpit as he had promised ? They all , not one gainsaying , declared , That he was bound both in duty and conscience to fulfill his promise , so much the rather that by his distrust and disobedience to the Councells charge , he had confirmed ill-disposed people in their suspicions . Yet this Ordinance did not content him , and so delaying to give satisfaction , he was by the Commissioners of the Church discharged from the Ministery of Edinburgh the year following . In this Assembly Mr. Patrick Galloway being chosen to preside , made a Speech to the King , wherein he shewed , That the Church was oppugned by two sorts of enemies , to wit , Papists and sacrilegious persons , and therefore in the name of the whole Church entreated his Majesty , that as he had with great travell and happy successe made the principalls of the Popish profession to conform themselves in outward obedience : so he would use his princely authority towards the other sort , and compell them , if not to restore all , at least to grant a competent allowance to Ministers forth of the tithes they possessed . The King accepting the Petition graciously , said , That it should not be well with the Church so long as Ministers were drawn from their Charges to attend the yearly modification of stipends , and that he held it fittest once to condescend upon a competent provision for every Church , and deal with those that possessed the tithes to bestow a part thereof to the foresaid uses : and seeing that business would require a longer time then they could well continue together , that they should doe well to make some overtures to those that had the Commission for Stipends , promising for himself that he should stand for the Church , and be an advocate for the Ministers . After a long deliberation these overtures were proponed : First , that the Ministers having stipends assigned to them forth of the tithes of the Churches where they served , a perpetuall security should be made to the Takesmen , and a certainer gressome condescended on for every chalder of victuall which should be paid for nineteen years lease ; at the expiring whereof , another lease upon the like conditions should be renewed for as many years , the principall Takesmen being obliged to grant the like security for his Subtakesmen . 2. That the Prelacies should be disponed to actuall Ministers , the Churches annexed thereto being sufficiently provided , and the tenth of the superplus paid to the King ; or otherwise , that all the great Benefices should be dissolved , the Prelate enjoying the principall Church and temporall lands , and the Churches annexed disponed to Ministers , both they and the Prelate paying a yearly duty to the King. And 3. that all inferiour Benefices should be provided to the Ministers serving the Cure. The first of these overtures the King held reasonable and most advantagious to the Church , but the Assembly esteeming it dangerous to make tithes heretable , deferred to give their consent , so as nothing at that time was concluded , and the overtures remitted to a more deep consideration . The Synod of Fife did after this present some grievances , complaining , That the Generall Assemblies were not kept at the ordinary times , and both places and daies altered , without the knowledge of Presbyters and Synods . That Ministers were called before the Councell in prima instantia , for matters of doctrine and discipline . That the government of the Church continued in the hands of a few Ministers under the name of a Commission , to the prejudice of the liberty of the Church . That Doctors being an ordinary calling in the Church were debarred from coming to Assemblies . That no triall was taken concerning the observation of Caveats . That the Ministers of Edinburgh being the principall watch-tower of the Church , were not permitted to attend their charge . That the land was polluted with the French Ambassadors masse , and excommunicates suffered to abide in the Countrey . And lastly , that the letters and practises of Papists were kept secret , and not communicated to the watchmen . These complaints being known to proceed from the private discontents of such as grieved to see the affairs of the Church carried by others then themselves , were not much regarded , yet to shew that they had no just cause to complain , a particular answer was made to every one of them . And first it was said , That the Assemblies both were , and should be kept , according to the Act of Parliament . That Ministers should not be called before the Councell but upon just grounds . That Commissions given by the Assembly , and rightly discharged were lawfull . That Doctors authorized with a Commission from the University , where they lived , were not denied a voice in Assemblies , and that if the Caveats were not observed , they might instance the point , and have the person after triall censured . To the rest of the heads his Majesty by himself made this reply , That the French Ambassadors masse was private , and could not be refused to him , considering that the Minister directed with his owne Ambassadours the yeare before was permitted to preach within the City of Paris ; And for the Ministers of Edinburgh they had received all the favour they desired . As to him that lay back , it was his own fault , and no mans else : But where , saith he , it is craved , that the letters and practises of Papists should be communicate to Ministers , as that were the ready way to procure the escape , and no punishment of the practises , so the proponers would remember , that secrets must be imparted at the Kings pleasure , and not otherwise . Some other Acts were concluded in the same Assembly , as That in memory of his Majesties deliverance there should be Sermons in all the Burghs every Tuesday , and the fifth of August solemnly kept as the Parliament had prescribed in all the Churches of the Kingdome . That Ministers should not refuse the Sacrament of Baptisme to Infants , nor delay the same upon whatsoever pretext , the same being required by the parents , or others in their name : for as then , except at ordinary hours of preaching , Ministers denied to baptize . And because they had taken a custome not to celebrate marriage upon the Sunday , pretending that the day was profaned by feasting , dancing , and the like , it was ordained , They should hereafter at the parties desire celebrate the same , either on the sunday or week day . These things concluded , and Commissioners chosen to attend the common affairs of the Church , the Assembly dissolved , having appointed the next meeting at Aberdene the last Tuesday of Iuly , Anno 1604. All this time were the enemies of our Religion , the Jesuits especially busied , to stirre up a party against the King , and his title to England . They had lost all hope of gaining his affection , or obtaining any promise of toleration when he should come to that Crown ; and had found their writings and pamphlets for the Infanta of Spain her right , to move few or none . Thereupon they fell to treat of a marriage betwixt Lady Arbella and Robert Prince of Savoy : and that not succeeding , to speak of a match betwixt her and a grandchilde of the Earl of Hartfords , judging that their pretensions being conjoyned , many would befriend them to the excluding of the King of Scots ; but the Queen who truly favoured his right though she would not openly professe so much , dashed all those projects , and caused an eye to be kept upon that Lady and such as resorted unto her . About the same time the King had intelligence given him , that one Francis Mowbray son to the Laird of Barnebowgall , who had lived a while in the Infants Court at Bruxells , had undertaken to kill him . This brake out first at London by an Italian , a fencer , whose name was Daniel ; which coming to the Queens ears , she commanded Sir Robert Cecill her Secretary to call the persons ( for they were both in the City ) and examine them ; the Italian abode by his speeches , Mowbray denied , and offered to prove him a lyar in combat , which the other accepted . Both being sent unto Scotland , they were tried first severally , then confronted before certain of the Councell ; the Italian produced Witnesses , who verified all that he had deponed : whereupon Mowbray was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh , where seeking to escape by night at a window of the chamber , where he was detained , the sheets proving too short by which he thought to descend , he fell from a great precipice , and was found the next morning dead at the foot of the rock . The corps was the same day , being the last of Ianuary , presented to the Justice , and sentence of forfeiture pronounced against him ; his body hanged for a space upon the gibbet , and afterwards quartered , and affixed on the gates and most open places of the Town . His friends ( for he was well born , and a proper young Gentleman ) gave out that he had been strangled and his corps thrown down at the window . But this carried no appearance , and was believed of few . The Queen of England in the winter being perceived to wax heavy and dull , and the rumour thereof dispersed ( as there is nothing that can be worse concealed then the sickness or death of a Prince ) there was much business every where , and she held for the most part dead . The French King had sent the summer preceding two Ambassadors , one to reside in England , and another in Scotland , under colour of impeaching the courses of Spain , but in effect to observe the strength and affection of both people . He that was sent into England brought a Letter from the French King to Secretary Cecill of infinite kindness ; and breaking with him one day upon the miseries of the Kingdome when it should please God to translate the Queen , fell to speak of the losse he should sustain by the exchange , and the case wherein he would be , if the Scotish King did succeed ; which to his apprehension , should be more hard and miserable then any others , being likely to undergoe the revenge of faults laid upon his father about matters concerning the Kings mother , and other courses that he was esteemed to have run himself since the death of his Father . The Secretary that was no childe , knowing that the Ambassador did but sound him , for making some other project , answered , That this was the reward of unspotted duty , when Ministers did only regard the service of their Soveraigns , without respect of their own particular ; And that for himself he should never grieve to endure trouble for so just a cause , the same being to a man that valued his credit more then his security , a kinde of martyrdome : notwithstanding he supposed that things passed , would not be called to minde , or if so were , and that he saw his case desperate , he should flee to another City , and take the benefit of the Kings royall offer . The Ambassador being so answered , made a fair retreat , saying , That in case the King of Scots did carry himself towards the King of France with the respect which was due , he was not purposed to impeach his interest . The Secretary replying , That it was a wise resolution his Master had taken . The Ambassadour ceased to tempt him any further in that businesse . Hereof the King was advertised by Letters from the Secretary , who therein did assure him of his true and honest service when occasion required ; howbeit he would not , as some others had done , needlesly hazard his fortune and reputation before the time . It shall not be amisse to hear what was the Kings answer to the Secretary . As I doe heartily thank you ( said he ) for your plain and honest offer , so may you assure your self , that it would doe me no pleasure that you should hazard either your fortune or reputation , since the losse of either of these would make you the lesse vailable to me . No , I love not to feed upon such fantasticall humours , although I cannot let busie-bodies to live upon their own imaginations . But for my part I hold it the office of a King as sitting on the throne of God to imitate the primum mobile , and by his steady and ever constant course to govern all the other changeable and uncertain motions of the inferiour planets . And I protest in Gods presence , that for your constant and honest behaviour in your Soveraigns service , I loved your virtues long before I could be certain that you would deserve at my hand the love of your person ; wherefore go on , and serve her truly that reigneth as you have done ; for he that is false to the present , will never be true to the future . In another letter directed to the E. of Northumberland ( that we may know the wisdome and piety of the King ) who had sent him advertisement of the Queens weaknesse , and advised him to make sure his title by apprehending possession in time , he said , That man can neither be religious , nor just , that dealeth worse with his neighbour then he would be dealt withall , and in a man of quality it can be no wisdome to leap hedge and ditch , and adventure the breaking of his neck for gathering forbidden fruit before it be ripe ; when as by attending the due time , he may be sure to finde all the gates of the orchard open , and with free scope enter , take and tast at liberty . Sure it were a great weakness and unworthiness in me to come in as an Usurper with offence and scandall to the laws and present estate of government , when I may in the right time claim the Crown as nearest Heir to the Prince deceased , and possesse with equity : should I out of untimely ambition fall to break the long continued and faithfully preserved amity , that by the proof of many kinde offices hath taken root among us , it were an error inexcusable . And howbeit I doe acknowledge your kinde affection in the offers you make of assistance , I must tell you freely , that no Prince can presume of any subjects loyalty to himself , that hath been unsound and unfaithfull to his own Soveraign : nor would I ever look to be secure in a Kingdome so trayterously disposed . In end , he advised the Earl to forbear such writing , and when he wrote ( which he wished him to doe rarely , and not but upon great occasions ) to beware of any thing that might justly offend the Queen , lest by interception or other misadventure he might be disabled to serve him another day . This was the Kings resolution , which God so blessed , as it brought him within a short time after , against the opinions and desires of many , to the quiet and peaceable possession of his right and inheritance ; for in the Spring the Queens disease encreasing ( which was judged to be a melancholy incorrigible , and by some conceived to proceed from a sorrow for Essex ; others ascribed it to the accepting of the Rebell Tyrone to peace ) and all apprehending it to be deadly , the hearts of people did so incline to the King , as a great many in that State did write unto him , That all England was grown to be Scotish . The Queen her self continuing constant in her affection , when she was askt a little before her death by the Lord Keeper and Secretary ( who were directed by the Councell to understand her will touching her Successor ) answered , None but my Cousen , the King of Scots . After which words , she spake not much : only being desired by the Archbishop of Canterbury ( whom she would not suffer to go from her all that time ) to fix her thoughts upon God , she said , So I doe , neither doth my minde wander from him : and then commending her soul to God in devout manner died most patiently and willingly . A Queen imcomparable for wisdome and fidelity of government ; she departed this life the 24th of March , in the 70 year of her age , and 44 of her Reign . The same day in the forenoon the King of Scots was proclaimed King first at the Palace of whitehall , next at the Crosse in Cheapside within the City of London with an infinite applause of all sorts of people . The end of the sixth Book . THE HISTORY of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND . THE SEVENTH BOOK . The Contents . The proceedings after his Majesties going into England unto his death . THE news of the Queens death were brought the third day after by Sir Robert Cary , a son of the Lord Hunsdon ; after whom Sir Charles Percy , brother to the Earl of Northumberland , and Thomas Somerset , sonne to the Earl of Worcester , were directed from the Councell of England with the Letter following . RIght High , Right Excellent and mighty Prince , and our dread Soveraign Lord , as we cannot but confess unto your Majesty , that the grief we have conceived by the loss of our late Soveraign Lady , whose soul in your palace of Richmond passed from her earthly body to the joyes of heaven , betwixt two and three of the clock this morning , was nothing less then our loyalty and love to her whilest she lived , being a Princesse adorned with vertues meet for Government , prosperous in the success of her affairs , and under whose obedience we have lived in greater tranquillity these many years , then commonly happeneth to Princes ; so we must acknowledge that our sorrow is extingushed by the impression we have of those heroicall vertues of wisdome , piety and magnanimity , which we know to be in your Majesties person , to whose right the lineall and lawfull succession of all our late Soveraigns dominions doth justly and onely appertain : wherein we presume to profess this much , as well for the honour , which will thereby remain to our posterity , as for your Majesties security of a peaceable possession of your kingdomes , that we have never found , either of those of the Nobility , or of any other of the Estates of this realm , any divided humour about the receiving and acknowledging your Majesty to be the onely head that must give life to the present maimed body of this kingdome , which is so happy , as with an universall consent to have received one sole uniform and constant impression of bright blood , as next of kin to our Soveraign deceased , and consequently by the Laws of this realm , true and next heir to her kingdomes , and dominions ; whereof we have made outward demonstration by publick Proclamation this very day a fore noon , first in the City of Westminster , at your Majesties palace gate at White-Hall , and next at the Cross of Cheap-side , within your Majesties City of London , with an infinite applause of your people , and with such solemnity as the shortness of time would permit . Of all which we have thought it our duty immediately to advertise your Majesty by these two Gentlemen , Sir Charles Percy brother to the Earl of Northumberland , and Thomas Somerset Esq son to the Earl of Worcester , of whom we have made choice to be the bearers of our Letters , humbly beseeching your Highness to accept the same as the first fruits and offering of our tender and loyall affections towards you our gracious Soveraign , and to rest assured , that the same shall be ever hereafter seconded with all faith , obedience and humble service , which shall be in our power to perform , for maintaining that which we have begun with the sacrifice of our lives , lands and goods , which we with all our other means do here humbly present at your Majesties feet : craving of your Highness , that seeing hereby you may perceive in what estate we remain , as body without a head , or rather without that spirit here amongst us , which from the head might give vigor to every member to exercise the duty to it belonging , thereby to keep the whole body from confusion , you will be pleased to enter into consideration how soon and in what manner it shall seem best to your Majesties excellent wisdome , to inspire a new life into this languishing body , the circumstances whereof are wholly to be left to your Majesty , holding it enough for us humbly to acknowledge our selves your true subjects , ready to obey all your commandments : assuing you with all , that as we have hereby as many of us as have underwritten this letter , declared our recognition and humble submission to your Maj●sties soveraign power and right , so we do know by all good proofs , that the minde of the rest of the Nobility , and all others who are absent , in their severall qualities , places and charges , whom the time permitted not without the prejudice of your affairs to assemble , so soon as we were desirous this should be performed , are wholly and absolutely with us in all zeal and duety for all things that shall be imposed upon them by your royall will and pleasure . Further we have thought meet and necessary to advertise your Highness , that Sir Robert Cary this morning departed from hence towards your Majesty , not onely without the consent of any of us who were present at Richmond , at the time of our late Soveraigns decease , but also contrary to such commandement as we had power to lay upon him , and to all decency and good manners and respect , which he ought to so many persons of our degree , whereby it may be , that your Majesty hearing by a bare report onely of the death of the late Queen , and not of our care and diligence in establishment of your Majesties right here , in such manner as is above specified , may conceive doubts of other nature , then ( God be thanked ) there is cause you should , which we would have clearly prevented , if he had born so much respect to us , as to have stayed for a common relation of our proceedings , and not thought it better to anticipate the same : for we would have been loath that any person of quality should have gone from hence , who should not with the report of her death , have been able to declare the first effects of our assured loyalties . And lastly it may please your Majesty to receive this advertisement , that of late there was made ready by the commandement of the Queen our Mistresse a good fleet of eight or ten of her ships well manned , and furnished under the charge of Sir Richard Lawson Knight , to have been employed upon the coast of Spain ; which employment by her decease is ceased for want of Commission to exercise the saine , and now is kept together in the narrow Seas to prevent any suddain attempt against the Low Countreys ; and that now there is nothing either of land or sea , that is not yours , it may please your Majesty to signifie your pleasure concerning that Fleet , and whether you will have it or any part thereof resort to your coast of Scotland , where it may serve you , either for the safe convoy of your person to this realm , if there shall because to use it in this manner , or to transport any of yours , whilest you come by land , or any other service . In which point we humbly beseech you , to make known under whose charge it shall beyour pleasure , the whole Fleet , or any part thereof shall come unto you . And this being all that for the present doth occurre to be advertised to your Majesty by us whose mindes are occupied about the conservation of this your realm in peace , as farre forth , as by any power for your Majesties service onely assumed the interruption thereof may be prevented , saving that we have sent a Copy of the Proclamation made here to your Majesties deputy of Ireland , to be published in that kingdome , we will and with our humble prayers to Almighty God , that we may be so happy , as speedily to enjoy the comfortable presence of your Highness royall person amongst us , the onely object of that glory , and those felicities which in the earth we have proponed to our selves . Written in your Majesties City of London , the 24 of March 1603 at ten hours of the clock at night . This Letter was subscribed by Robert Leigh Mayor John Canterbury Thomas Egerton Thomas Buckhurst Nottingham Northumberland Gilbert Shrewsbury William Darby Edward Worcester Geo. Cumberland R. Suffex Henry Lincoln Pembroke Clanrickard G. Hunsdon Tho. Howard Richard London Robert Hartford John Norwich Morley Henry Cobham Thomas Laware Gray Edward Cromwell R. Riche Lumley Chandois W. Compton W. Knowlles Edward Wootton John Stanhop Raleigh John Fortescue and John Popham . The King having imparted this letter to the Councell , it was thought meet , that the Contents thereof should be published , for begetting a greater kindness betwixt the people and the two Kingdomes ; whereupon a Proclamation was made , shewing That the Queen before her death continuing in that loving affection , which she professed to his Majesty all the course of her life , had declared him her only true heir and successor in the imperiall Crownes of England , France , and Ireland , and that the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , assisted by the Lord Maior of London , and others of the Gentry of good quality had upon the 24 of March last , proclaimed him their only liege Lord and undoubted Soveraign , which being the most cleer demonstration that a people could give of their affection , and a sure pledge of their future obedience , ought to move all true hearted subjects , to account of them no otherwise then as their brethren and friends , and to forget and bury all quarrels , and grounds of former dissensions ; That therefore none should pretend ignorance , nor carry themselves in any unkind sort towards the inhabitants of England , his Majesty with the advice of the Lords of Councell , had ordained Proclamation to be made of the premisses , assuring them that should so apply themselves of his gracious favour when occasion presented , and certifying such as did in the contrary , that they should incurre his wrath , and extreme displeasure . This notwithstanding , the word no sooner came of the Queens death , then the loose and broken men in the borders assembling in companies , made incursions upon England , doing what in them lay to divide the two Kingdomes , which the year following was severely punished , the principals that were tried to have been partners in that business , being all executed to the death . The King in the mean time giving order for his journey did appoint the Queen to follow him some twenty dayes after , and for his children , ordained the Prince to remain at Striveling , the Duke of Albany his brother to abide with the Lord Fyvie President of the Session , and the Princess Elizabeth their sister , with Alexander Earl of Linlithgow . To the Lords of Councell an ample Commission was given for the administration of all affairs , receiving resignations , hearing the accounts of the Exchequer , continuing daies of law , adjoining assessors to the justice , granting of licences to depart forth of the Realm , altering the place of their residence as they should find it convenient , repressing the troubles of the Borders , and for creating Lieutenants , one , or more upon occasions . The persons he chused to attend him in the journey , were the Duke of Lennox , the Earls of Marre , Murray , and Argile , the Lord Hume , Sir George Hume Treasurer , Mr. Iames Elphingston Secretary , Sir David Murray Comptroller , Sir Robert Ker of Cessord , with the ordinary Gentlemen of the Chamber ; and of the Clergy , David ●ishop of Rosse , Peter Bishop of Dunkeld , Mr. Patrick Galloway , Mr. Andrew Lamb , Mr. Iohn Spotswood , Mr. Gawen Hamilton , and Mr. Alexander Forbes Ministers . Things thus ordered , the King went the next morning to S. Giles to hear a Sermon ; Mr. Iohn Hall ( whose course it was ) preaching took occasion to remember the great mercies of God towards his Majesty , reckoning the peaceable succession to the Crown of England none of the least . This , he said , was Gods own proper work , for who could else directed the hearts of so numerous a people with such an unanime consent to follow the way of right ? Thereupon he did exhort his Majesty to thankfulness , to the maintenance of Gods truth , and that he would send home some of those commendable orders , he would find whither he was going . The King accepting his exhortation in good part , did upon the end of the Sermon make a speech to the people , which at the time were frequently convened , and promising to have care of them , and their good , gave them a most loving and kind farewell . This was followed with such a mourning and lamentation of all sorts , as cannot be well expressed . For albeit they joyed not a little at first to hear of that accession of honour to their King , yet considering they should be deprived of his presence , and have no more a resident King among them , they were grieved out of all measure . This affection of the people moved also the King greatly : therefore when the Magistrates , Ministers , and others of the better sort , came to receive his commandments , he spake gratiously unto them ; willing them not to be troubled with his departing , for that they should finde the fruits of his government as well afarre off , as when he was neer at hand ; and as his power was now encreased , and made greater , so his love towards them should not be a whit diminished . In this sort did he part , and beginning his journey on Wednesday the fourth of Aprill , came the day to Berwick , there he was welcomed with a most eloquent Sermon by Toby Matthew Bishop of Durham ( for he went first to the Church ) which finished he was conveyed to the Palace by the Governor and garrison , the munition playing from the walls , and the Citizens with showts and acclamations testifying their gladness . The ninth of that moneth he went to Newcastle , where he aboad some few days , and because multitudes of people from all quarters were daily coming to see the King and offer their service , Order was taken , that no strangers should have access granted , till the Chamberlain , or Master of the Guard was acquainted with their business . At York he was met with the Councellors , and from thence , by easie journeys , travelled to London ; how his Majesty was there received , and what other things happened in the time , I remit to the English History , my purpose being only to relate the things passed in Scotland , or had some reference to matters of that Church and Kingdome . Being at Burleigh house neer unto Stamford , the King was advertised of the death of Iames Beaton Archbishop of Glasgow , who deceased at Paris in the same moneth . This man was descended of the house of Balfoure in Fife , and consecrate . Bishop at Rome in the year 1552 , and at the time of reformation forsook the Countrey , out of the hatred he bare to those that had hand in that work , and carried with him all the writs and evidents of the Sea of Glasgow , with the vessels and ornaments of the Cathedrall Church , things of exceeding great worth : for besides those of ordinary use , there belonged to that Church , the Image of our Saviour in beaten gold , and the portraits of the twelve Apostles in silver . The Queen returning from France , did establish him Ambassadour in these parts for her affairs : under the government of the Regents he was forfeited , and deprived of his living , which , as we shewed before , was conferred upon Mr. Iames Boyd Trochrig , and after him went through divers hands , till the King at his majority did restore him to his dignity , honour , and living , employing him likewise for his Ambassadour in France : a man honourably disposed , faithfull to the Queen while she lived , and to the King her son , a lover of his Countrey , and liberall according to his meanes to all his Countreymen ; in his last Will he bequeathed all his means to pious uses , leaving as was said ten thousand Crownes for the education of poor Scholars , being Scottish men born . The evidents , vessels , and ornaments of the Sea of Glasgow he consigned in the hands of the Carthusians of Paris , appointing the same to be redelivered , how soon Glasgow should become Catholick , and this year being the 66 of his age departed peaceably this life . The King having destinated Mr. Iohn Spotswood for his successor , sent him back to attend the Queen in her journey , and serve her for elemosynar ; Soon after his coming her Majesty went to Striveling , of mind to bring away the Prince her son , and carry him along with her self to England ; but being denied by the friends of the house of Marre she became so incensed , as falling into a feaver , she made a pitifull abortion . Advertisement of this being sent unto the King , he caused the Earl of Marre to return , and after him sending the Duke of Lennox , with a warrant to receive the Prince , and deliver him to the Queen ; he was brought unto her at Halirudhouse , about the end of May : yet she not satisfied herewith complained bitterly of the dishonour she had received , and by a letter written to the King , full of passron and anger , which she gave her Elemosynar to carry , required a publick reparation , by the punishment of the Earl of Marre and his servants . The King who knew the Earl himself to be blameless , and desired not to be troubled with such business , especially at that time , returned this answer , That she should doe wisely to forget the grudges she carryed to the Earl of Marre , and thank God of the peaceable possession they had obtained of these Kingdomes , which next unto God his goodness he ascribed to the last negotiation of the Earl of Marre in England . This reported to the Queen ( for the messenger was commanded to speak so much ) she in a great choler replyed , That she rather would have wished never see England , then to be in any sort beholden to him for the same . Yet as she was a most mild Princess , and very carefull to please the King in every thing , at her coming to Windsor , which was about the end of Iune , she was reconciled to the Earl of Marre , and he by Act of Councell declared to have done nothing in that accident at Striveling , that might touch her in honour . At the same time was the Princess Elizabeth , who was brought alongst with the Queen , taken from the Earl of Linlithgow , and given to the custody of the Lady Harrington , the Earl his service in her education , being by Act of Councell approved . All this Summer the sickness was reigning at London , which made the Coronation to be deferred unto Iuly , on the 27 day whereof , the King and Queen were solemnly inaugurated in the Church of Westminster , Iohn Whitgift Archbishop of Canterbury performing the Ceremonies . There had been few dayes before a conspiracy detected against the King , plotted by two Priests , the one called William Watson , the other William Grey , and George Brook Esq . There joyned with them upon some discontents , the Lord Cobham , the Lord Grey , Sir Griffin Marcham , and Sir Walter Raleigh , this last had served the late Queen a long time , as Captain of her guard , and being put from the place , and the same bestowed upon Sir Thomas Areskin Lord Fenton in Scotland , he grudged exceedingly . The treason being discovered , ( which came by this occasion ) Raleigh parting with his sister at London had commended himself to her prayers , saying , That he was going whence he thought not to return ; which she did interpret of some combat he had undertaken , and breaking the same to her neighbours , the words were carred to Court , where they received another construction ) they were all apprehended , and committed to severall Prisons . Being brought to their triall in Winchester about the beginning of December , they were found guilty , and condemned to die , George Brook and the two Priests were executed as Traitors , the rest while they expected nothing but death ( for they were brought all , one after another , to the place of execution , and their heads laid under the axe to be cut off ) were spared , and the execution of the sentence pronounced , suspended . The people that were assembled in great numbers , hearing the Mandate read , which was published by the Sheriffe , and was to this effect , That his Majesty unwilling to have the beginning of his reign stained with the bloud of Noblemen , though convicted of a most hainous crime , was pleased to extend his clemency towards them , and having spared the L. Cobham , & Grey , because in the dispensing of mercy regard must be taken of inferiors , had bestowed the same favour on the other two ) did greatly extoll his Majesties clemency , promising to themselves much happiness under his government , that could so temper his justice and mercy . Cobham and Grey lifting up their hands to heaven , did thank God , who had thus inclined his Majesties heart , professing they were unworthy of life , and that they should be ashamed ever to shew their faces amongst men , having wronged so good and gracious a King. The next year began with a conference of the Clergy at Hampton Court , divers petitions had been exhibited to his Majesty for reformation of abuses in the Church , whereupon he took purpose to call certain of the Bishops , Deans , and Doctors together , and with them some of the most grave and modest among the complainers . The Bishops were , the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Bishop of London , Durham , Winchester , Worcester , S. Davids , Chichester , Carlile , and Peterborough . The Deans of the Chappell , Christs Church , Worcester , Westminster , Pauls , Chester , Windsor , Dr. Field , and Dr. King : for the petitioners Dr. Reynolds , Dr. Spark , Mr. Knewstubb , and Mr. Chatterton were present . These being called into the Privy Chamber , the King spake unto them to this effect , That following the ensample of all Christian Princes , who in the Commencement of their reign do usually begin with the establishment of the Church , he had now at his entrance to the Crown taken course to assemble them , for settling an uniform order in the same , for planting unity , removing dissensions , and reforming abuses , which ( he said ) were naturally incident to all politick bodies . And yet that he should not be mistaken , and his purpose in assembling them misconstrued , he declared , that his meaning was not to make any innovation of the government established , which he knew was approved of God , but to hear and examine the complaints that were made , and remove the occasions thereof , whereof he willed the petitioners to begin , and shew what the things were that grieved them . Doctor Reynolds with the other three , falling upon their knees , after a short gratulatory preamble , reduced the matters questioned to two heads , some he said concerned the matters of the Church , and others the Government . Touching the Doctrine that in the Book of Articles of religion , some things were obscure , and some things defective , which they wished to be supplied , and explained . Being desired to name the particulars , he condescended upon some Articles , whereof after they had conferred a while , and he professed to have received satisfaction , the King said , That if these were the greatest matters that grieved them , such importunity needed not , as was used to him , and that a more private course had been better : Then falling to speak of the Government of the Church , the want and scarcity of sufficient Ministers in every Parish was much complained of with the subscription urged to the Communion book , the censures inflicted by lay Chancellors , and other moe points , which are to be seen in the Conference imprinted : after some three houres debating , they were commanded to meet again in the same place , the 18 of Ianuary , at which time they should know his Majesties pleasure in these matters . At the day the Bishops , Deans , and Doctors of the Arches being first called , the Archbishop presented certain notes of explanation of the Liturgy , which the King had commended to the Bishops care , and thereafter his Majesty questioning them touching the exercise of the high Commission , the Oath ex officio , the censure of ex●cmmunication , and the matter of subscription ; when as they had answered in all these points to his Majesties content , Doctor Reynolds and the others were desired to come into the chamber , and the foresaid explanations read unto them , wherewith they professed to be satisfied . The King upon this expressing a great contentment with that which had passed among them , did seriously exhort them to the preservation of unity , willing the Bishops to use their inferiors with all lenity , and take the fairest waies for reclaiming those that were otherwise minded , warning these others also to beware of obstinacy in their opinions , and disobedience to the orders of the Church : Obedience , said he , and humility , are the marks of good and honest men , such I believe you to be , but it feareth me that many of your sort are humorous , and too busie in the perverting of others . The exceptions taken against the Communion book , as I perceive , are matters of meer weakness , and they who are discreet will be gained with time , by gentle persuasions , or if they be und street , better it is to remove them , then to have the Church troubled with their contentions . For the Bishops I will answer , that it is not their purpose presently and out of hand to enforce obedience , but by fatherly admonitions and conferences to induce such as are disaffected . But if any be of an opposite and turbulent spirit , I will have them inforced to a conformity . Neither tell me , that the wearing of a surplice , or using the Crosse in Baptism will diminish the credit of Ministers that have formerly dissallowed the same ; for that is just the Scotish Argument , when any thing was concluded , that sorted not with their humour , the only reason why they would not obey , was , that it stood not with their credit to yield , having been so long of a contrary opinion . I will none of that , but that a time be limited by the Bishops of every Diocese to such , and they that will not yield whatsoever they are , let them be removed ; for we must not preferre the credit of a few private men to the generall peace of the Church . Throughout all this conference in every point that was moved , or came to be talked of , the King did shew such knowledge , and readiness , as bred not a small admiration in the hearers . Chancellour Egerton wondering to see him so expedite and perfect in all sort of Divinity , said , That he had often heard , and read , that Rex est mixta persona cum Sacerdote ; but that he saw never the truth of it untill that day . Let me adde that which I was afterward told by Richard Bancroft Archbishop of Canterbury ( for Whitgift died the next moneth after the conference , one of the great glories of the English Church ) that when the Rolles were brought in , of those that stood out and were deposed , which was some years after , they were found to be fourty nine in all England , when as the Ministers of that Kingdome are reckoned nine thousand and above : such a noise will a few disturbers cause in any society , where they are tolerated . In the March thereafter , a Parliament was kept in England , where the King after he had given thanks to the State for the generall applause they shewed in receiving him to the place , which God by birthright , and lineall descent had provided for him , did earnestly move the union of the two Kingdomes , that as they were made one in the head , so among themselves they might be inseparably conjoyned , and all memory of by-past divisions extinguished . A motion that took well at first , and seemed to be generally desired of both Nations , but did not succeed as was wished . The Parliament alwaies at his Majesties desire , and for a demonstration of their obedience did nominate Thomas Ellesmore Lord Chancellor of England , Thomas Earl of Dorset Thesaurer , Charles Earl of Nottingham Lord high Admirall , Henry Earl of Southampton , William Earl of Pembroke , Henry Earl of Northampton , Richard Bishop of London , Toby Bishop of Durham , Anthony Bishop of St Davids , Robert Lord Cecill principall Secretary to his Majesty , Edward Lord Souch Lord President of Wales , William Lord Monteagle , Ralph Lord Eure , Edmond Lord Sheffeild Lord President of the Councell of the North , Lords of the higher House : And Thomas Lord Clinton , Robert Lord Buckhurst , Sir Francis Hastings knight , Sir Iohn Stanhop knight , Vice-chamberlain to the Kings Majesty , Sir George Carew knight , Vice-chamberlain to the Queens Majesty , Sir Iohn Herbert knight , second Secretary to his Majesty , Sir Thomas Strickland knight , Sir Edward Stafford knight , Sir Henry Nevill of Barkshire knight , Sir Richard Buckly knight , Sir Henry Billingsly knight , Sir Daniell Dunne knight , Dean of the Arches , Sir Edward Hobby knight , Sir Iohn Savile knight , Sir Robert Wroth knight , Sir Thomas Challoner knight , Sir Robert Mansell knight , Sir Thomas Ridgway knight , Sir Thomas Holcraft knight , Sir Thomas Hasketh knight , his Majesties Attorney of the Court of Wards and Liveries , Sir Francis Bacon knight , Sir Lawrence Cawfield knight , Serjeant at Law , Sir Henry Hubbard knight , Serjeant at Law , Sir Iohn Bennet knight , Doctor of the Lawes , Sir Henry VVitherington , Sir Ralph Grey , and Sir Thomas Lake knights , Robert Ashwith , Thomas Iames , and Henry Chapman , Merchants , Knights , and Burgesses of the house of Commons : Giving them , or any eight , or more of the said Lords of the higher house , and any twenty of the said Knights , and Burgesses of the said house of Commons , full power , liberty , and Commission to assemble and meet , at any time , or times , before the next Session of Parliament , ●or treating and consulting with certain selected Commissioners , to be nominated , and authorized by authority of the Parliament of the realm of Scotland , of and concerning such an union of the said realms of England and Scotland , and of and concerning such other matters , causes , and things whatsoever as upon mature deliberation , and consideration the greatest part of the said Lords , Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses , being assembled with the Commissioners to be nominated by the Parliament of Scotland , shall in their wisdome think and deem convenient and necessary for the honour of his Majesty , and the weal , and commmon good of both the said realms , during his Majesties life , and under all his progenie , and royall posterity for ever ; which Commissioners of both the said realms , shall according to the tenor of their said Commissions , reduce their doings and proceedings into writings , or instruments tripartite , every part to be subscribed , and sealed by them , to the end , that one part thereof may in all humility be presented to his most excellent Majesty , the second part to be offered to the consideration of the next Session of Parliament for the realm of England , and the third to be offered to the consideration of the next Parliament for the realm of Scotland , that thereupon such further proceeding may be had , as by both the said Parliaments may be thought fit , and necessary for the weal , and common good of both the said realms . A Parliament in Scotland for the same purpose was indicted to the tenth of Aprill , and thereafter prorogated to the eleventh of Iuly , at which time the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , assembled by virtue of his Majesties Commission , did ordain the persons following , they are to say , Iohn Earl of Montrosse Chancellor of Scotland , Francis Earl of Arroll high Constable of Scotland , Iames Earl of Glencarn , Alexander Earl of Linlithgow , Iohn Archbishop of Glasgow , David Bishop of Rosse , George Bishop of Cathnes , Walter Prior of Blantire , Patrick Lord Glammis , Alexander Lord Elphingston , Alexander Lord Fyvie President of the Session of Scotland , Robert Lord Roxbrugh , Iames Lord Abircorn , Iames Lord Balmerinoth Principall Secretary of Scotland , David Lord of Scone , Sir Iames Scrimgeour of Dudop , knight ; Sir Iohn Cockburn of Ormston , knight ; Sir Iohn Hume of Couldenknowes , knight ; Sir David Carnegie of Kinnard , knight ; Sir Robert Melvill elder of Murdocarmie , knight ; Sir Thomas Hamilton of Binnie , knight , Sir Iohn Lermouth of Balcony , knight ; Sir Alexander Straton of Lawriston , knight ; Sir Iohn Sheen of Curry-hill , knight ; Mr. Iohn Sharp of Howston , Lawyer ; Mr. Thomas Craig Lawyer ; Henry Nisbit , George Bruce , Alexander Rutherford , and Mr. Alexander Wedderburne , Merchants , or any twelve of them , to assemble and convene themselves , after the ending of the present Session of Parliament , and before the next Session thereof , at such time and in such place as it should please his Majesties to appoint with certain selected Commissioners nominated and authorized by the Parliament of England according to the tenour of their Commissions in that behalf , to conferre , treat , and consult upon a perfect union of the realms of Scotland , and England , and concerning such other matters , things , and causes whatsoever , tending to his Majesties honor , and contentment , and to the weal and tranquillity of both the Kingdomes , during his Majesties life , and his royall posterity for ever , as upon mature deliberation , the greater part of the said Commissioners assembled as is aforesaid , with the Commissioners authorized by the Parliament of England , shall in their wisdome think most expedient and necessary , not derogating from any fundamentall Lawes , ancient priviledges , and rights , offices , dignities , and liberties of the Kingdome . This last clause was added because of the narrative of the English Act wherein it was said , That it was not his Majesties mind to alter , or innovate the fundamentall lawes , priviledges and good customes of the Kingdome of England , by the abolishing , or alteration whereof , it was impossible but that a present confusion should fall upon the whole state and frame of that Kingdome . In all other things the Statute in substance was the same with the English. Soon after this , the King resolving to have Westminster at London the place of the meeting , letters were directed to the Noblemen and others nominated for Scotland , willing them to addresse themselves to the journey , and to be ready to meet with the other Commissioners the 20 of October ; and lest any disorder should fall out in the absence of the Chancellor and others of the Councell , the Lord Newbottle was appointed to attend , and reside in Councell unto their return . The day and place of meeting , was precisely observed by the Commissioners of both Kingdomes , who after many dayes conferences agreed unto certain Articles to be presented to his Majesty and to the Courts of Parliament of both Kingdomes , there to receive such strength and approbation as in their wisdomes should seem expedient : the Articles were as followeth . It is agreed by the Commissioners of England and Scotland to be mutually proponed to the Parliament of both realms at the next Sessions ; That all hostile lawes made and conceived expressely , either by England against Scotland , or Scotland against England , shall in the next Sessions be abrogated and utterly extinguished . It is also agreed , that all Lawes , Customes , and Treaties of the Borders betwixt England and Scotland shall be declared by a generall Act to be abrogated and abolished , and that the subjects on either part shall be governed by the Lawes and statutes of the Kingdomes where they dwell , and the name of the Borders extinguished . And because by abolishing the Border Lawes , and Customes it may be doubted that the executions shall cease upon those sentences that have heretofore been given by the opposite Officers of those Borders , upon wrongs committed before the death of the late Queen of happy memory ; It is thought fit that in case the Commissioners or Officers to be appointed by his Majesty before the time of the next Sessions of Parliament , shall not procure sufficient redresse of such filed Bills and Sentences ; that then the said Parliaments may be moved to take such order as to their wisdomes shall seem convenient , for satisfaction of that which hath been decerned by some Officers ; as also how disorders and insolencies may be hereafter repressed , and the countrey which was lately of the Borders kept in peace and quietnesse in time to come . As likewise to prescribe some order , how the pursuits of former wrongs , preceding the death of the late Queen and since the last treatise of the Borders in the years 1596 , and 1597. which have never as yet been moved , may be continued and prosecuted to a definitive sentence . And forasmuch as the next degree to the abolition of all memory of hostility is the participation of mutuall commodities and commerce ; It is agreed , first concerning importation of Merchandise into either realm from forein parts , that whereas certain commodities are wholly prohibited by the severall lawes of both realms , to be brought into either of them by the natives themselves or by any other , the said prohibitions shall now be made mutuall to both , and neither an English man bring into Scotland , nor a Scotch man into England , any of these prohibited Wares and Commodities ; Neverthelesse if the said Commodities be made in Scotland , it shall be lawfull to bring them out of Scotland to England , and so reciprocally of the Commodities made in England and carried to Scotland . Whereas a doubt hath been conceived against the equall communication of trade betwixt English and Scottish subjects in matter of importation , grounded upon some inequality of priviledges , which the Scots are reported to have in forain parts , and namely in France , above the English , whereby the English might be prejudged ; And that after a very deliberate consideration had of the said supposed inequalities , both private and publick examination of divers Merchants of either side touching all liberties , immunities , priviledges , imposts , and paiments on the part of the English , and on the part of the Scottish , either at Burdeaux for their trade of wines , or in Normandy or any other part of France for other Commodities ; it appeared , that in the Trade of Burdeaux there was , and is so little difference , in any advantage of priviledges or immunities , or in the imposts and paiments , all being reckoned and well weighed on either side , as it could not justly hinder the communication of trade : In the trade of Normandy likewise or any other parts of France , the advantage that the Scottish subjects by their priviledge is acknowledged to have , is such , as without much difficulty may be reconciled and reduced to an equality with the English by such means as is hereafter declared : It is agreed that the Scottish men shall be free for the transporting of wine from Burdeaux into England paying the same customes and duties that the English men doe pay , and the English men shall be likewise free for transporting of wine or other commodities from Burdeaux into Scotland , paying the same Customes and duties that the Scottish men doe pay there . And likewise for clearing and resolving the doubts touching the advantage that the Scots are supposed to have above the English in buying and transporting the commodities of Normandy , and of other parts of the Kingdome of France , ( excepting the buying of wine in Burdeaux , which is already determined : ) It is agreed , that there shall be sent some meet and discreet persons into France two for either side , to take perfect notice of any such advantage as either the English have above the Scots , or the Scots above the English in the buying or transporting of any Commodities of Normandy or any parts of France ( excepting the wine of Burdeaux ) and as the said persons shall finde the advantage to be , so for making the trade equall , the custome shall be advanced to the King in England and Scotland . And for the part of those that have the advantage and according to the proportion of the said advantage , the advancement of the custome to continue no longer then the priviledge having such advantage , shall continue , and that generally for all other Trade from any parts the English and Scottish , subjects each in others Countrey shall have liberty of importation as freely as any of the native subjects themselves having speciall Priviledge . Next concerning exportation ; It is agreed , that all such goods as are prohibited and forbidden to English men themselves to be transported forth of England to any forein part , the same shall be unlawfull for any Scottish men or any other to transport to any forein Nation beyond sea , under the same penalties and forfeitures that the English are subject unto : and reciprocally that forth of Scotland no English men shall transport to any forein part the Goods or Commodities that are prohibited in Scotland to Scottish men themselves ; Nevertheless such Goods , and Commodities , and Merchandises as are licensed to English men to transport out of England to any forein part , the same may be likewise transported by Scottish men thither , they certifying their going into forein parts , and taking a Cocquet accordingly , and paying the ordinary Custome that English men doe pay themselves at the exporting of such Wares : The like liberty to be for English men in Scotland . As for the Native Commodities which either of the Countreys doe yield and may serve for the use and benefit of the other , It is agreed that mutually there may be transported forth of England to Scotland , and forth of Scotland to England , all such Wares , as are either of the growth , or handy-work of either of the said realmes , without payment of any impost , custome , or exaction ; and as freely in all respects , as any Wares may be transported either in England , from part to part , or in Scotland from part to part ; excepting such particular sorts of Goods , and Merchandises , as are hereafter mentioned ; being restrained for the proper , and inward use of each Countrey : And for that purpose it is declared , That both this communication of benefit , and participation of the Native Commodities of the one Countrey with the other , there shall be specially reserved , and excepted the sorts hereafter specified ; That is to say , Wool , Sheep , Sheepfell , Cattell , Leather , Hides , and Linnen yarn , which are specially restrained with●● each Countrey , not to be transported from the one to the other : Excepting also and reserving to the Scottish men their trade of fishing within their Loches , Forthes , and Bayes , within land ; and in the Seas , within fourteen miles of the Coasts of the Realm of Scotland ; where neither English men , nor any Strangers have used to fish : And so reciprocally in the point of fishing , on the behalf of England . All which exceptions , and restrictions are not to be understood , or mentioned in any sort , for a mark or note of separation , or disunion , but only as matters of policy and conveniency for the severall estate of each Countrey . Furthermore it is agreed , that all forein Wares to be transported forth of Scotland to England , or out of England to Scotland by any of the Kings subjects of either Kingdomes , having at their first entry once paid custome in either of the Kingdomes , shall not pay outward custome therein afterwards , save only inward custome at that Port whereunto they shall be transported : But the owner of the Goods , or the Factor , or Master of the ship , shall give bond not to transport the same into any forein part . It is also agreed , that Scottish men shall not be debarred from being associates unto any English company of Merchants as Merchant-venturers or others , upon such conditions as any English man may be admited , and so reciprocally for English men in Scotland . It is nevertheless agreed by mutuall consent and so to be understood , that the mutuall libertie aforesaid of Exportation and Trade in each part from the one to the other , shall serve for the inward use only of either Realm ; and order taken for restraining and prohibiting the transportation of the said Commodities into forein parts , and for due punishment of those that shall transgresse in that behalf . And for the better assurance and caution herein , It is agreed that every Merchant so offending , shall forfeit his Goods ; The Ships wherein the said Goods shall be transported Consiscated ; The Customers , Searchers , and other Officers of the Custome whatsoever , in case of consent or knowledge on their part , to lose their Offices and Goods , and their bodies to be imprisoned at his Majesties pleasure . Of which escheats and forfeitures , two parts shall appertain to his Majesty , if the Customs be unfarmed , and the third to the Informer : and if the Customes be farmed , one third of the forfeiture shall belong to his Majesty , a third to the farmers of the Customes , and the other third to the Informer . The triall of the offence to be summar in either Countrey in the Exchequer Chamber by writ , sufficient witnesses , or oath of partie , or before the Justice by Jury , or Affise , and his Majesties Officers in either Countrey to convene with the Complainers that interest in the pursuit . As also for the more surety that there shall be no transportation of such Goods ; It is agreed that at the shipping of all such Native Commodities there be taken by the Customer of the Port where the Goods or Wares are imbarked , a Bond or Obligation subscribed by the Owner of the said Goods , and Master of the Ship ; by the Owner if he be present , and in case of his absence by the Master of the Ship , and Factor or party that ladeth the same ; which Bond shall contain a summe of money answerable to the value of the Goods , with condition of relieving the party obliged , and discharging him of the said Bond in case return be made of a due certificate to the Custome where the Goods were laden , from any part within England or Scotland : The Certificate to be subscribed , and sealed by the Officers of the Customes of the part where the said Goods shall arrive , and be unladened ; or if there be no such Officers there , by the Chief Magistrate , and Town Clerk of that Harbour or Town , under their hand and Seal . It is further agreed touching the indifferent fraighting of Comodities either in English or Scotish bottomes , that English men and Scotish men fraight and laden their goods each in others Sh●ps and bottoms indifferently , paying only English & Scotish custome , notwithstanding any contrary laws or prohibitions . And that a proposition be made to the Parliament of England for establi●ing some good orders for upholding and maintaining the great fishing of England ; as likewise that a proposition be made to the Parliament of Scotland for the making of their shipping more proportionable in burthen to the shipping of England , the better to serve for equality of trade , and a common defence for the whole Isle . And because it is requisite that the mutuall communication aforesaid be not only extended to matter of commerce , but to all other benefits and priviledges of naturall born subjects , it is agreed that an Act be proponed to be passed in manner following : That all the subjects of both realms born since the decease of the late Queen , and that shall be born hereafter under the obedience of his Majesty and of his Royall Progeny , are by the Common laws of both realms , and shall be for ever enabled to obtain , succeed , inherite and possess all goods , lands and cattels , honours , dignities , offices , liberties , priviledges , and benefices Ecclesiasticall or Civill in Parliament and all other places of the kingdomes , & every one of the same , in all respects and without any exception whatsoever , as fully and amply as the subjects of either realm respectively might have done , or may do in any sort within the kingdom where they are born . Further whereas his Majesty out of his great judgement and providence hath not onely professed in publick and private speech to the Nobility , and Councell of both , but hath also vouchsafed to be contented that for a more full satisfaction and comfort of all his loving subjects , it may be comprised in the said Act , that his Majesty meaneth not to confer any office of the Crown , any office of Judicature , place , voice , or office in Parl●ament of either kingdome upon the subjects of the other born before the decease of the late Queen , untill time and conversation have encreased & accomplished an union of the said kingdomes , as well in the hearts of all the people and in the conformity of laws and policies in these kingdoms , as in the knowledge and sufficiency of particular men , who being untimely imployed in such authorities could no way be able , much less acceptable to discharge such duties belonging to them . It is therefore resolved by us the Commissioners aforesaid not onely in regard of our desires and endevours to further the speedy conclusion of this happy work intended , but also as a testimony of our love and thankfulness for his gracious promise , on whose sincerity and benignity we build our full assurance , even according to the inward sense and feeling of our own loyall and hearty affections , to obey and please him in all things worthy the subjects of so worthy a Soveraign , that it shall be desired of both the Parliaments , to be enacted by their authority , that all the subjects of both realmes , born before the decease of the late Queen , may be enabled and capable to acquire , purchase , inherit , succeed , use and dispose of all lands , goods , inheritances , offices , honours , dignities , liberties , priviledges , immunities , benefices and preferments whatsoever , each subject in either kingdome , with the same freedome and as lawfully and peaceably as the very naturall and born subjects of either realm , where the said rights , estates or profits are established : notwithstanding whatsoever law , statute , or former constitutions heretofore in force to the contrary other ●en to acquire , possess , succeed or inherit any office of the Crown , office of Judicatory or any voice , place or office in Parliament , all which shall remain free from being claimed , held or enjoyed by the subjects with the one kingdome within the other , born before the decease of the late Queen , notwithstanding any words , sense or interception of the Act , or any circumstance thereupon depending , until there be such a perfect and full accomplishment of the union as is desired mutually by both the realms . In all which points of reservation either in recitall of the words of his Majesties sacred promise , or in any clause or sentence before specified from enabling them to any of the aforesaid places , or dignities ; it hath been and ever shall be so far from the thoughts of any of us , to presume to alter or impair his Majesties Prerogative royall ( who contrarywise do all with comfort and confidence depend herein upon the gracious assurance which his Majesty is pleased to give in the declaration of his so just and Princely care and favour to all his people ) as for a further laying open of our clear and dutifull intentions towards his Majesty in this and in all things else which may concern his prerogative , we do also herein . profess and declare that we think it fit there be inserted in the Act , to be proponed and passed , in express terms a sufficient reservation of his Majesties Prerogative royall to denizate , enable and preferre to such offices , honours , dignities and benefices whatsoever in both the said kingdomes and either of them , as are heretofore excepted in the preceding reservation of all English and Scottish subjects born before the decease of the late Queen , as freely , soveraignly , and absolutely , as any of his Majesties most noble progenitors or predecessors Kings of England or Scotland , might have done at any time heretofore , and to all other intents and purposes in as ample manner as no such Act had ever been thought of or mentioned . And for as much as the severall jurisdictions and administrations of either realm may be abused by malefactors , by their own impunity , if they shall commit any offence in the one realm and afterwards remove their person and aboad unto the other ; It is agreed that there may be some fit course advised of by the wisdomes of the Parliaments for tryall and proceeding against the persons of offenders remaining in the one realm for and concerning the crimes and faults committed in the other realm . And yet nevertheless that it may be lawfull for the Justice of the realm where the fact is committed , to remand the offendor remaining in the other realm to be answerable unto justice in the same realm where the fact was committed , and that upon such remand made the offender shall be accordingly delivered , and all further proceeding if any be in the other realm shall cease , so as it may be done without prejudice to his Majesty or other Lords in their Escheats , and forfeitures : with provision nevertheless , that this be not thought necessary to be made for all criminall offences , but in speciall cases onely , as namely in the cases of wilfull murther , falsifying of moneys , and forging of Deeds , Instruments , and writings , and such other like cases as upon further advice in the said Parliaments may be thought fit to be added . These were the Articles agreed upon , which written in their severall scrolls of Parchment were subscribed and sealed at Westminster the sixth of December by the Commissioners of both Parliaments , and one thereof presented the same evening to his Majesty by the Earl of Salisbury , who in name of the whole number there present having shewed what pains they had taken in that business , and how after many conferences they were grown to the resolution contained in that scroll , besought his Majesty to accept graciously that which was done , and made offer of their best service in perfecting that work as they should be imployed . The king professing a great content did specially thank them for reserving his Prerogative , in the preferment of men to offices and honours , in either kingdome : for inequality , said he , of liberties and priviledges is not the way to effect the union I desire ; capacity of offices ought to be equall to both people ; but the moderation of that equality must be left to me , neither you to suspect that I will offer any manner of grievance to either of the Countreys , or do any thing that may kindle emulation among them , considering the desire I have to see you united in a fast and indissolveable amity . This said , he recommended the prosecution of that business in the severall Parliaments to their fidelity and trust ; wishing them to lay aside all jealousies , needless fears and other worse passions in a matter that so nearly concerned the good and benefit of both kingdomes . Some moneths before the King had assumed by virtue of his Prerogative the title of The King of great Britain , commanding the same to be used from thenceforth in all Proclamations , Missives and Treaties , and the names of England and Scotland to be discontinued ( except in instruments of private parties , and where legality of process would not admit the same : ) this same in both kingdomes took ill , but his Majesty esteeming those names whereby they had been called no better then names of hostility , would needs have the antient name of Britain received , and these of Scotland and England abolished . In like manner he did prohibite the name of the borders to be used , and ordained all places of strength in these parts ( the houses of Noblemen and Barons excepted ) to be demolished , their Iron gates to be turned into Plow Irons , and the inhabitants to betake themselves to labour and the exercises of peace ; for the same purpose he did break the Garisons at Barwick and Carlile . And in memory of the union so happily begun made divers pieces of gold and silver to be coyned , upon some whereof were engraven these inscriptions : Quae Deus conjunxit nemo separet ; and , Tueatur unita Deus . On others , Faciam eos in gentem unam ; and , Henricus rosas , Regna Iacobus . During this conference the Lord Fivie President of the Session supplyed the place of the Scottish Chancellor , and was shortly after preferred to the same office by the Earl of Montross his dismission , who in stead thereof was made Commissioner and deputy of Scotland during life ; Secretary Elphingston was chosen President of the Session , and all affairs trusted by his Majesty to the Chancellor and him ; with a speciall direction that they should be assisting to the Church , and maintain those whom his Majesty had preferred in the places of Bishops in the same . How they answered the trust committed to them in this particular , we shall hear . But leaving the matter of State let us now see how things went at that time in the Church . The generall Assembly that should have kept at Aberdene in Iuly 1604 , was continued because of the union to the same moneth in the year following . The King being informed of a great preparation that the Ministers made for keeping that meeting , and that they intended to call in question all the conclusions taken in former Assemblies for the Episcopall government , directed the Commissioners of the Church to desert the Diet , and make no indiction of another till he should be advertised . They accordingly did intimate his Majesties pleasure to all the Presbyters , and therewith as they were desired declare that his Majesty did purpose to call a number of the Bishops and disaffected Ministers to court ; and for preventing such disorderly meeting , hear the differences that were among them debated in his own person . The greater part resolved to obey ; nine Presbyteries onely of Fifty ( so many there are reckoned in the whole kingdome ) sent their Commissioners to keep the meeting . The chief leaders of this stir was Mr. Iohn Forbes Minister of Awford , and Mr. Iohn Welch Minister at Ayre . These two having encouragement given them in private by some principally in the State , used all means to bring the Ministers together , & were in expectation of a frequétassembly ; yet when the day appointed came , there convened thirteen only , and after some two or three days seven or eight more . The names of the Ministers that convened were Mr. Charles Farum Minister of Fraserburgh , Mr. Robert Youngson Minister at Clat , Mr. Iames Mill Minister at lnnervry , Mr. Alexander Straughen Minister at Creich , Mr. David Robertson Minister at Feterangus , Mr. Robert Rid Minister at Mr. Iames Irwyn Minister at Towch , Mr. Iohn Monro Subdean at Rosse , Mr. William Forbes Minister at Rinbethock , Mr. William Davidson Minister at Ruthven , Mr. Thomas Abernethy Minister at Hawick , Mr. Iames Grey Minister at L●wdon , Mr. Nathaniel Ingly Minister at Cragy , Mr. Iames Rosse and Mr. Archbold Blackburn Minister at Aberdene , Iohn Rosse Minister at Blare , Mr. Iohn Sharpe Minister at Kilmeny , Mr. Andrew Duncan Minister at Cruill , Mr. Robert Dury Minister at Anstruther , with the said Mr. Iohn Forbes and Mr. Iohn Welch . Sir. Alexander Straiton of Lowreston , Commissioner for his Majesty in Church affairs , upon a rumour he heard of a meeting to be kept , left any imputation of negligence should be laid on him , prevented the same . And by letters he had obtained from the secret Councell caused discharge the Assembly at the market Crosse of Aberdene : they nevertheless convened the next day , which being reported to the Commissioner , he went to the place and in his Majesties name commanded to dissolve . They replying , That they were warranted by the laws of the Countrey , and that they could not betray the liberties of the Church by giving way to such unlawfull prohibitions . He shewed them that the libertie granted for keeping Assemblies could not annull his Majesties power , nor denude him of his Prerogative in the continuing or discharging these meetings , when he should finde cause : For even the Parliament which is the highest Court of the kingdome , said he , is disposed as the King thinketh meet , at his pleasure it is called , prorogued , dismissed and deserted , as he judgeth most convenient . And you will not I trust equall your Assemblies to the Parliament of the three Estates . Besides , you are not a number , you want the ordinary Clark ; neither is the Moderator of the last Assembly present , and can do nothing orderly . After a little debating they request him to remove till they should del berate among themselves what were best for them to do , but he was no sooner gone but then they choose Mr. Ihon Forbes Moderator , and that done continued the Assembly to the last day of September , thinking by this means to preserve their liberty . Lowreston finding himself in this abused , caused to execute the letters and denounced them Rebells . And left they should make a new business in September complained to the Councell of the disobedience given to their charge : order was taken hereupon to summon them before the Councell , and a beginning made with the two Leaders of the rest , Mr. Forbes and Mr. Welch , being charged to a certain day of the same moneth . They appeared and standing to the defence of that which they had done were committed to the Castle of Blackness ; direction was likewise given for citing the rest to the third of October . At the day all appeared , and being charged for disobeying his Majesties letter thirteen of the number acknowledging their offence , and protesting that what they did was not out of disobedience , intreated the Lords to intercede with his Majesty for their Pardon : the rest taking contrary course , and maintaining their proceedings were Committed to severall prisoners ; their names were , Mr. Charles Farum , Mr. Iohn Monro , Mr. Iames Irwyn , Mr. William Forbes , Mr. Nathaniell Inglis , Mr. Andrew Duncan , Mr. Iames Grey , and Mr. Iohn Sharp : Some of these being sent to Dunbarton , others to Blackness , and some to the Castle of Down ; the others that had confessed their offence were dimitted & suffered to return to their charges . These proceedings of the Councell were openly condemned by divers preachers ; and to make them more odious , it was every where given out that the suppressing of Assemblies and present discipline with the introduction of the rites of England , were the matters intended to be established , whereupon the declaration following was by his Majesties command published . Whereas we have ever since it pleased God to establish us in the imperiall Crown of great Britain equally regarded the good of both kingdomes , now happily united in our royall person in one Monarchy , ever minding to maintain and continue the good and laudable customes and laws , whereby each of them hath been these many ages so worthily governed , nevertheless some malicious spirits , enemies to common tranquillity , have laboured to possesse the mindes of our well affected subjects with an opinion that we do presently intend a change of the authorized discipline of the Church , and by a suddain and unseasonable laying on of the rites , ceremonies and whole Ecclesiasticall order established in this part of our kingdome of Britaine , to overturn the former government received in these parts ; which none of our good subjects we trust will be so credulous to believe , knowing how carefull we have been to maintain both Religion and Justice , and to reform the evills that did in any sort prejudice the integrity of either of the two , whereby justice hath attained under our government to a greater perfection and splendor then in any of our predecessors times , and many abuses and corruptions in the discipline of the Church amended that otherwise might have brought the purity of Religion in extreme danger ; neither of which was done by our soveraign and absolute authority ( although we enjoy the same as freely as any King or Monarch of the world ) but as the disease of the civill body ever was cured by the advise of our three Estates , so were the defects of the Church by the help and counsell of those that had greatest interest therein . And however in rule of policy we cannot but judge it convenient , that two estates so miserably disjoyned should be drawn to as great conformity in all things , as the good of both may permit ; and that no Monarchy either in Civill or Ecclesiasticall policy hath yet obtained to that perfection , that it needs no reformation , or that infinite occasions may not arise , whereupon wise Princes will foresee for the benefit of their estates just cause of alteration ; yet are we , and ever have been resolved not to make any suddain and hasty change in the government of that part of our kingdome either Civill or Ecclesiasticall , but with grave advise and consent of our Estates , and the wisest and best sort of them whom it most properly concerns , much less to trouble them with an unnecessary alteration of indifferent and ceremoniall matters , and to do it upon such foreseen advantages and prevention of confusion and evill to come , as the greatest enemies to peace and obedience to Princes shall not obtrude any inconvenient to the contrary . And as by Gods holy assistance we have drawn that part of our kingdome out of infinite troubles , factions and barbarities reducing the utmost borders and confines thereof to Gods obedience and acknowledging of our laws , ( a condition never heard of since this Isle was first inhabited ) so by the same divine providence and our fatherly care over the whole Island , we intend to transmit the same in good order , happy quietness and flourishing policy to the posterity wherewith God hath blessed us , and after them to the worlds end : Like as for the more verification of his own honourable intention , and to stop the mouths of those unquiet spirits , raisers of that false scandall of alteration , we have appointed a generall Assembly to be holden at Dundie the last Tuesday of Iuly , whereat we expect a reparation of these disorders in as farre as belongeth to their censure , and to be freed in time coming of all such calumnies . Given at our Honour of Hampton Court the 26 of September 1605 , and in the third year of our reign of Great Britain , France and Ireland . The Copies of this Declaration were sent to the Ministers remaining in ward , that they might see the vanity of these rumors , and be induced to acknowledge their offence ; but they still continuing in their obstinacy , and shewing no tokens of penitency , were again called before the Councell the 24th of October to receive their censure for the disobedience of his Majesties commandements . At which time being enquired what they had to say for themselves , and how they could excuse the contempt of his Majesties directions ; after some speeches tending to justifie their doings , they presented a write , a Declaration formed in this sort : Please your Lordships , the approbation or disallowance of a Generall Assembly hath been , and should be a matter spiritual , and alwaies cognosced and judged by the Church as Iudges , competent within this Realm : and seeing we are called before your Lordships to hear and see it found and declared , that we have contemptuously and seditiously convened and assembled our selves in a Generall Assembly at Aberdene the first Tuesday of July●ast ●ast , and the said Assembly to be declared unlawfull , as at more length is contained in the summons executed against us ; We in consideration of the premises and other reasons to be given by us , have just cause to decline your Lordships judgment as no waies competent in the cause above specified , and by these presents we simpliciter decline the same , seeing we are most willing to submit our selves to a triall of a Generall Assembly that is only the Iudge competent . Subscribed with our hands the 24th of October , 1605. The subscribers were , Mr. Iohn Forbes , Mr. Iohn Welch , Mr. Iohn Monro , Mr. Andrew Duncan , Mr. Alexander Straghan , Mr. Iames Greg , Mr. William Forbes , Mr. Nathaniel English , Mr. Charles Farum , Mr. Iames Irwyn , Mr. Iohn Sharp , Mr. Robert Dury , Mr. Iohn Rosse , and Mr. Robert Youngson . The last of these was one that had acknowledged his offence and craved pardon , yet at this Diet compeired with these others , professing , That he was troubled in conscience for the confession he had made , and that he would now take part with the brethren , who stood to the defence of the good cause , as he termed it . The Councell repelling the Declinatour , declared the Assembly to have been unlawfull , and those that met in the same contrary to his Majesties command punishable . But because they had added to their former fault , the crime of Treason , it was thought meet to deferre the Censure till the King should be acquainted therewith , and his pleasure known . No sooner was his Majesty advertised of the Declinatour , then direction was sent to the Councell for proceeding against them according to the laws : whereupon the six that were imprisoned in Blacknesse , ( that is to say ) Mr. Iohn Forbes , Mr. Iohn Welch , Mr. Andrew Duncan , Mr. Iohn Sharp , Mr. Robert Dury , and Mr. Alexander Straghan , were upon the tenth of Ianuary thereafter brought to the Town of Linlithgow , and presented upon Pannell before the Justice , who was assisted by a number of Noblemen and others of the Privie Councell . The Indictment made , which was grounded upon the Statute of Parliament holden in May 1584. touching his Majesties Royall Power over all Estates , and the presumptuous fact committed by them in declining the judgment of the Councel ; Certain of their brethren did supplicate the Justice for licence to conferre with them apart , that they might perswade them to an humble submission and acknowledgment of their offence . This obtained , they were most earnestly dealt with ( as well by their Brethren as by the Advocates that came to plead for them ) to relinquish their wilfulness , and not to exasperate the King by standing to the defence of their Declinatour ; but no perswasions could avail . So returning to the Barre they were desired to answer , and shew a reason ( if any they had ) why the matter should not passe the triall of a Jury . The Advocates that stayed with them ( for the two principalls refused to plead because of their obstinacy ) excepting against the Indictment , said that the Statute 1592. Whereby it was declared , That the Act made against declining of the Councells judgment should not derogate any thing from the priviledges which God had given to the spirituall office-bearers in the Church concerning heads of Religion in matters of heresie , collation and deprivation of Ministers , or any such essentiall censures , having warrant of the word of God ; and that thereupon inferred that their meeting at the time libelled in Aberdene being an essentiall censure warranted by Gods word , they might lawfully have declined the Councells judgment from taking cognition therein . It was answered by his Majesties Advocate , That the exception was naught , because the keeping of an Assembly at a certain time and place , and the appointing of another contrary to his Majesties direction and the charge of the Councell , was neither a head of Religion , nor matter of heresie , nor excommunication , nor an essentiall censure , and so being no waies comprehended under that limitation , their declining of the Councell when as they were called to answer for the keeping of that Conventicle in the Town of Aberdene , must of necessity come under the generality of the Stat●te 1584 , and bring them under the punishment of Treason . The matter after some dispute being put to triall of an Assise , all the six were found guilty of Treason , and returned to their severall prisons till his Majesties pleasure concerning their punishment should be certified ; what this was , in the story of the next year shall be declared . Mean while a Proclamation went out , discharging all the subjects of what rank , place , calling , function , or condition soever , either in publick or private , to call in question his Majesties authority Royall , or the lawfulness of the proceeding against the said Ministers , or to make any other construction of the Statute concerning the declining of his Majesties and the Councells judgment , then made in that decision of the Justice ; with certification of those that contravened , that they should be called and severely punished as seditious persons and wilfull contemners of his Majesties most just and lawfull government . Before these stirres in the Church a Convention of the Estates was kept the sixth of Iune at Edinburgh , where a Letter was presented by his Majesty to the Estates full of affection . The Letter was to this effect , That his Majesties love being nothing diminished through his absence towards that his native and antient Kingdome , he did wish them to contend in a laudable emulation who should live most vertuously , and be most obedient to the laws ; That the Nobility should give assistance to the execution of justice , and be in all things a good ensample to their inferiours : The Barons should set themselves to procure the good of the Kingdome : And the Burgesses apply their mindes to the increase of trade , especially the trade of fishing , which had been long neglected , and to the working of cloth that had made their neighbour Countrey so famous . To them all be recommended the rooting forth of barbarity , the planting of Colonies in the Isles , and peopling the same with civil and industrious persons , assuring them that they so behaving themselves , their liberty should be as dear to him as either his life or estate . This was the substance of the Letter , which the Chancellour having resumed , and thereunto added many perswasions for the following of those wholsome and profitable counsells , the Estates did expresse a great forwardness that way , and after a long deliberation condescended upon divers good Acts , which if they had been all carefully put in practise , as they were wisely devised , the Kingdome had long before this time tried the benefit thereof . Amongst other directions , the removing of the barbarous fewds was recommended to the Councell , whereof they were desired to make a Roll and urge the parties to reconcile , and if they refused , then to assure them to the peace , and commit them to ward till the same was secured . And whereas the custome had been to cause parties assure one another , the King did prohibit the same as a thing dishonourable and arguing too great presumption in the subject , seeing the Law should be to every man a sufficient assurance . The Councell reverencing his Majesties direction , did ordain that course from thenceforth to be observed , and all assurances to be taken for the peace thereafter , and not of one party to another : Beginning being made with the Lord Maxwell , and the Lord of Iohnston , they were moved to joyn hands and reconcile in presence of the Councell . This Summer the enterprise of the Lewes was again set on foot by Robert Lummisdale of Ardrie and Sir George Hay of Netherliffe , to whom some of the first undertakers had made over their right . In August they took journey thither , and by the assistance of Mackey Mackenzie and Donold Gorum forced the Inhabitants to remove forth of the Isle , and give surety not to return . Ardrie and his Copartners thinking all made sure , and that there was no more danger , returned South about Martinmas , leaving some Companies to maintain their possession , which they made good all that Winter , though now and then they were assaulted by the Isles-men . In the Spring Ardrie went back taking with him fresh provision , and fell to build and manure the lands . But this continued not long , for moneys failing , the workmen went away , and the Companies diminishing daily , the Natives having associated a number of Isles-men made a new invasion about the end of harvest , and by continuall incursions so outwearied the new possessors , as they gave over the enterprise , and were contented for a little summe of money to make away their rights to the Laird of Mackenzie . This turned to the ruine of divers of the undertakers , who were exhausted in means before they took the enterprise in hand , and had not the power which was required in a business of that importance . In the end of the year a horrible Conspiracy was detected against the King , and the whole body of the State of England ; the names of the Conspirators were Robert Catesby , Thomas Percy , Thomas VVinter , Iohn VVright , and Guido Faulks , English men all , and Papists by profession . These five meeting together and consulting by what mean they might best relieve the Catholick Cause , ( so they spake ) Thomas Percy proponed the killing of the King , and at his own perill made offer to perform the same . Catesby , who had another plot in his head , answered , That they would not hazard him so , and that albeit it should succeed , the case of the Catholick cause would be no better , the Prince and Duke of Yorke being left alive ; yea if both these were cast away , yet the Counsellors , Nobility , Judges , Knights , and a great many others addicted to Religion , would be remaining who should be able enough to restore the estate , and crosse all their purposes : That therefore he had bethought himself of a better and more safe way , which was at one time , and with one blow to cut off all their enemies . This he said was by blowing up the Parliament house with gunpowder at the time when the King and Estates were assembled . The advice pleased them all ; but first it was thought meet to ask the opinion of their ghostly Fathers , and be informed of the lawfulness of the fact ; as of Henry Garnet , Oswould Tesmond aliàs Greenwall , and Iohn Gerard Jesuits , who being consulted commended the enterprise , assuring them they might go on with a good conscience and perform the deed , seeing they were Hereticks , and persons ipso jure excommunicated against whom they were set . This resolution satisfying their consciences , for their greater security they took an Oath of Secrecy , swearing each to other by the sacred Trinity and the blessed Sacrament they were at that time to receive , that neither directly nor indirectly , by word or circumstances they should discover the purpose they had taken to any whomsoever , nor should desert from performing the same without licence of their associates . This Oath was given upon a Primer in the presence of Gerard the Jesuit , and having heard Masse and received the Sacrament , Thomas Percy was appointed to hire a house nigh adjoyning to the Parliament for the more safe and secret working of the myne . This being obtained , yet with difficulty enough , they entred to work , and after divers intermissions because of proroguing the Parliament , when they had brought the myne to the midst of the wall , they found the opportunity of a Cellar under the Parliament house to be let , and leaving the myne , for that the wall was hard to be digged through , they hired the cellar , and put in it 36 barrels of powder , a number of billets , faggots , and a great quantity of coles , wherewith they covered the barrels . They had called in Christopher Wright , Robert Winter , Iohn Graunt , and Catesby's servant , and communicated the matter to them . This last was troubled at first with the cruelty of the plot , and had forsaken them if he had not been confirmed and encouraged by Tesmond the Jesuit to go with the rest . After these Ambrose Rockwood and Robert Keyes were made of the Councell , all taking the Oath of Secrecy , and receiving the sacrament upon the same : And because the charge in buying powder , billets , and hiring of houses had been a burthen heavy for Thomas Percy , it was thought meet to bring in some mo ; whereupon Sir Edward Digby and Francis Tresham were assumed . All things being now as they judged made sure , they began to think what course was fittest to take after the deed was performed . The first doubt was made touching the Prince and surprise of his person , or if he should accompany his Father to the Parliament , how they might seise upon the Duke of Yorke his brother . But this Piercy undertook to doe by reason of his acquaintance in the house , into which he could enter without suspicion , and how soon the blow was given carry him away by the help of such as he should have in a readinesse to assist . Of the Lady Elizabeth they made small question , for that she was kept in the Countrey by the Lady Harrington near to Catesby's dwelling house . The next doubt they proponed , where they should have money and horses : and for this Digby made offer of fifteen hundred pounds English , Tresham two hundred , and Piercy promised to bring all he could gather of Northumberland Rents , which he thought would extend to four thousand pounds , and to provide ten horses for his part . Neither doubted they but having the Heir apparent in their hands they should finde means sufficient . A third question they made , what Lords they should save from going to the Parliament : which they agreed to be as many Catholicks as conveniently they might . Fourthly , it was moved among them what forain Princes they should acquaint with the purpose , and whose aid they should seek . Concerning which it was agreed that none of them should be made privie to the plot ; fearing they could not enjoyn secrecy to Princes , and for ayd after the deed performed there would be time enough to intreat the same either of Spaine , or France , or the Countrey of Flanders . Lastly , because they saw no way to assure the Duke of Yorke his person , ( for Piercy his undertaking they held unsure ) they resolved to serve their turn with the Lady Elizabeth , and to proclaim her Queen : to which purpose they had a Proclamation formed , wherein no mention was made of altering Religion because they had no forces sufficient , and till they might make good their party , they would not avow the deed to be theirs , but lay it so farre as they could upon the Puritans . Now there remained nothing , all dangers being foreseen , and every thing provided , but the last act of the intended tragedy to be performed , when as that which was so secretly hatched came to be discovered after a wonderfull manner : The Lord Monteagle son & heir to the Lord Morley , being in his lodging at seven of the clock at night , had a Letter given him by one of his footmen , who received the same upon the street from a person unknown , with a charge to put it in his Masters hand . The tenor whereof was as followeth : My Lord , OUt of the love I bear to some of your friends , I have a care of your preservation ; therefore would I advise you as you tender your life to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament : for God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time . Think not slightly of this advertisement , but retire your self into your Countrey , where you may expect the event in safety : for though there be no appearance of any stirre , yet I say , they shall receive a terrible blow in this Parliament , and shall not see who hurteth them . This counsell is not to be contemned , because it may doe you good , and can doe you no harm : for the danger is passed as soon as you have burnt the Letter ; and I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it , in whose holy protection I commit you . It was some ten daies only before the Parliament that Monteagle received this Letter ; and but twelve hours before the meeting of the Estates that the Plot was found out . Where it is a sort of wonder to think that so many being made privie to the conspiracy , the same should not have burst out one way or other in so long a time : For it was the eleventh of December 1604 , when they began to work at the myne , and so the space of a year and more the conspiracy went concealed . Some advertisements were sent to the King and diverse of his Majesties Councell from beyond sea , That the Papists were preparing to present a Petition for toleration of Religion at the meeting of the Parliament , which should be so well backed as the King would be loath to refuse it . But these advertisements were contemned , and thought to be invented for putting the King in fear . Yea , and the Nobleman when he received the Letter , not knowing what construction to make of it , doubted much that it had been a device to scare him from attending the Parliament ; notthelesse out of his care of the Kings preservation he resolved to communicate the same with the Earl of Salisbury his Majesties principall Secretary ; and going the same night to Whitehall delivered the Letter to him . The Secretary acquainting the Chamberlain , Admirall , and some others of the Councell therewith , and examining every line thereof , resolved to shew the same to the King at his return , ( for he was then at hunting at Royston ) and not to search further in the matter till they should hear what was his judgment . The King returning to London the Thursday after , which was Alhallowes evening , the Letter was shewed him the next day in the afternoon , who having read the same once or twice , said , That it was not to be contemned , and that the style seemed more quick and pithy then is used in libells , pasquills and the like . The Secretary perceiving the King to apprehend the matter more deeply then he expected told him , that the letter seemed to be written by a fool , or mad man , and pointing at the passage , the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the letter ; said , that the warning was to little purpose if the burning of the letter might make the danger eschewed . But the King willing him to consider the former sentence , wherein it was said that they should receive a terrible blow at the Parliament , and not see who did hurt them , and when he should joyn that with the other , he should finde it to be suddain danger , as by blowing up by Powder , that was thereby meant . Therefore willed all the rooms in the Parliament house to be searched both above and below , to prevent the danger if any there was . This belonging to the Chamberlain his office , he was desired to make the search , and for staying the idle rumours to delay his going to Monday in the afternoon the day before the first Session of Parliament . At which time the Chamberlain taking with him the Lord Mounteagle , who was carefull to see what the warning given would prove , went and viewed all the rooms , where he perceived in the vault under the upper house great store of fagots , billets and coals , and asking the keeper of the guardrobe named Whinyard , to what use he had put those low Cellars ( for they appertained to him ) he answered , that Thomas Percy had hired the house and Cellar , and the billets and the coals were the Gentlemans provision for winter . The Chamberlain casting his eye aside , and espying a fellow in the corner of the vault , asked who he was , and received answer that he was Percies man who kept the house for his Master . Thus having lookt upon all things in a careless manner as it appeared , he returned to the King , and made report of that he had seen : which encreased his Majesties first apprehension , and thereupon was order given for turning up those billets and coals even to the bottome ; if nothing should be found , it was devised , that Whinyard should pretend the stealing of some of the Kings stuffe which he had in his keeping , and that made the colour of search . Sir Thomas Knevet Gentleman of his Majesties privie Chamber and Justice of Peace within Westminster being appointed for this business , went thither with some few in company about midnight , and finding a man standing without doors in his cloathes and boots , caused him to be apprehended . This was Guido Faulks , whose hand should have fired the train , and gave himself out for Percies man. Thereafter entring into the house he made the coals and billets to be turned up , under which they found 36 barrells of Powder more and less . Then turning to the fellow they had apprehended and questioning him touching the Powder , he did instantly confess , swearing , That if he had been within the house when they took him , he should have blown them up with the house and all . Sir Thomas taking the man a long went immediately to the place , and shewed the Chamberlain and Secretary how he had sped ; they making themselves ready and warning the Counsellors that lay within the Palace , went all together to his Majesties Bed chamber . The King awake , the Chamberlain not able to conceal his joy , cried aloud , that the Treason was discovered , and the traitor in hands . The command was given to command the Councell to examine the Prisoner touching his partakers , he nothing dejected nor moved a whit with so honorable a presence did boldly avow the fact , repenting onely that he had failed in the execution , and saying , The devill envying the success of so good a work had discovered the same . All that day nothing could be drawn from him touching his complices , taking all the blame upon himself , and professing he had done it for Religion and Conscience sake . Speaking of the King he denyed him to be his Soveraign , or anointed of God , in regard he was an heretick , and that it was no sin to cut him off . This was his behaviour at first , but being conveighed to the Tower and the Rack presented , he laid open the whole matter of conspiracy , and confessed the truth . There were in the City at that time Catesby , Percy , Tho : Winter , Francis Tresham , and the younger Wright , who hearing that all was disclosed made away to the Countrey appointing to meet the next morning at Dunchurch in Warwickshire Digbyes lodging . Iohn Graunt , with some Recusants that he had associated to himself , had broke up the same night a stable of Bourch a Rider of great horses , and carried away seven or eight belonging to certain Noblemen of the Countrey ; for he did think the conspiracy had taken effect , and was preparing to surprise the Lady Elizabeth , whose residence was not farre from the place . But within a few hours Catesby , Percy , and the others that were fled from London bringing assurance that all was failed , they resolved upon a publick rebellion , and pretending the quarrell of Religion laboured to draw some companies together , yet when they had gathered all their forces they did not exceed fourscore in all . Sir Fulk Grevill Lieutenant deputy of Warwickshire hearing of the riot that Grant had committed , and apprehending it to be the beginning of a Rebellion sent to advertise the Towns about , and warned them to be on their gaurd . The Sheriffes of the County convening the people likewise in armes pursued them from shire to shire . Sir Richard Walch the Sheriffe of Worcestershire having tryed where they had taken harbour , sent a Trumpet and Messenger to command them to render unto him in his Majesties name , promising to intercede for their lives . But they hearing their fault to be unpardonable returned answer , that he had need of better assistants then the numbers that accompanied him before he could either command or compell them . The Sheriffe provoked by their arrogant answer prepared to assail the house . And they making defence it happened that a spark of fire falling among some powder , which they were drying , did kindle and blew up the same , wherewith their hands , faces and sides were sore scorched and burnt , as they lost courage , and opening the gate exposed themselves to the peoples fury . Catesby , Percy , and Tho. Winter joyning backs and resolving rather to dye then to be taken , the two first were killed with one shot , the other after some wounds made prisoner , the two Wrights were killed , Rockwood , Grant , Digby , and Bates were taken , Tresham had stayed at London , and changing his lodging thought to lurk till he he should find occasion to escape by sea , but was in end found out . So were Robert Winter and one Littleton , and all of them committed to the Tower of London . Being examined Thomas Winter ingenuously confessed all , setting down the particulars under his hand , and acknowledging the offence to be greater then could be forgotten . Digby excused the crime by the despair they were driven unto , having hopes given them at the Kings first coming to the Crown that the Catholicks should have the exercise of their Religion permitted , which being denyed they had taken these wicked courses . Tresham in his confession named Garnet the Jesuit as privy to the conspiracy : but afterwards by his wives instigation did deny it , affirming that he had wronged him , and not seen him once these sixteen years . Yet Garnet being apprehended some moneths after confessed that they met divers times within the last half year . Tresham dyed in the prison , the rest were put to the triall of a Jury , and condemned ; Digby , Grant , Robert Winter , and Thomas Bates , were executed at the western gate of S. Pauls in the end of Ianuary ; Thomas VVinter , Ambrose Rockwood , Robert Keys and Guido Faulks who had wrought at the myne , suffered in like sort in the Court near the Parliament house . This was the end of that conspiracy , the like whereof in no mans memory hath been heard . We have heard of Kings treacherously killed , of practises against Estates and Common-wealths ; but such a Monster of conspiracies ( as Thuan calls it ) no Country nor age did ever produce . The King , Queen , with their posterity , the Nobility , Clergy , Judges , Barons , Knights , Gentry and in a manner the whole kingdome to be in one moment all destroyed , was a wickedness beyond all expression , but blessed be God , this monster which was long in breeding , in the very birth was choaked and smothered . The King giving meeting of the Parliament the same day that the conspiracy was discovered , made a long speech to the Estates , wherein having aggravated the danger by many circumstances , and greatly magnified the mercies of God in the discovery , when he came to the triall and punishment , was observed to keep a marvelous temper in his discourse , wishing no innocent person either forain or domestick should receive blame or harm thereby : For however said he , the blinde superstition of their errors in religion hath been the onely motive of this desperate attempt , it must not be thought that all who professe the Roman Religion are guilty of the same : for as it is true ( I keep his Majesties own words ) that no other sect of Heretick ( not excepting Turke , Iew , or Pagan , nay not those of Calecut that adore the Devill ) did ever maintain by the grounds of their religion , that it was lawfull and meritorious to murther Princes or people for the quarrell of religion ; Yet it is as true on the other side , that many honest men blinded peradventure with some opinions of Popery , as if they be not sound in questions of Reall presence , the number of the Sacraments , and some such school questions , do either not know , or not believe at least , all the true grounds of Popery , which is indeed the Mystery of iniquity , and therefore do we justly confess that many Papists , especially our forefathers , laying their onely trust upon Christ and his merits , may be saved , detesting in that point and thinking that cruelty of Puritanes worthy of fire that will admit no salvation to any Papists . And so concluding that part of his discourse , said , As upon the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery , may yet remain good and faithfull subjects , so upon the other part none of those that truly know and believe the whole grounds of Popery , can prove either good Christians or faithfull subjects . The speech is to be seen amongst his Majesties works , and is worthy the reading for wise directions given in that business . The news of this conspiracy were speedily advertised to the Councell of Scotland , and a command given for a publick thanksgiving in all the Churches for his Majesties deliverance , but the cause was left to every mans conjecture ( albeit the advertisement did bear expresly , that the contrivers were Papists , and their onely quarrell Religion ) This being told , to the King , and that one of the Privy Counsellors had said , that the conspiracy proceeded of a meer discontent the people had conceived at his Majesties Government , he was mightily offended , and from that forth held his affection to his service continually suspected . Information was made at the same time , that some of the Ministers imprisoned at Blackness did blame the Chancellor for their meeting at Aberdene , offering that they had warrant from him to meet , and his promise that they should incur no danger for the same . The King to understand the truth thereof directed his servant Sir VVilliam Irwyn to inquire at the imprisoned Ministers , what dealing they had with the Chancellor in that business : their answer was , That a little before their meeting at Aberdene Mr. Iohn Forbes , and Mr. Iohn VVelsh had sought his advice touching their convening and that he asking them what they intended to do ; they answered , that fearing the establishment of Bishops they were to do their best for withstanding the same . And that he to encourage them did promise all the assistance he could give that way : which they took to be an allowance of their meeting . A letter hereupon was directed to certain of the Councell to call the Ministers , and if they stood to their saying to hear what the Chancellor would answer . They maintaining that which they had said , and the Chancellor called to his Answer affirmed that he was intreated by them to oppose the restitution of Bishops temporalities , which then was in working , promising that he should not be questioned for his Religion , which they understood to be Popish . This denyed by the Ministers they fell in a sharp contest ; which continued some space withwords not seemly on either part . The Ministers for clearing his approbation of their Assembly , did further alleadge that he had uttered so much to Mr. VValter Balcanquell and Mr. Iames Balfour Ministers at Edinburgh , who being examined touching their knowledge , Mr. VValter Balcanquel Balcanquell did affirm , That the Chancellor in private to himself had commended them for maintaining the liberty of the Church , which was not a little prejudiced as he said by the continuation of Assemblies from year to year . The same he was said to have spoken to Mr. Iames Balfour , but he excused himself by forgetfulness , saying he did not remember any such speeches . This report made to the King , he said , That none of the two deserved credit , and that he saw the Ministers would betray Religion rather then submit themselves to government : And that the Chancellor would betray the King for the malice he carried to the Bishops . By this contest always the Chancellor was made more tractable in the restitution of Bishops temporalities , which he had strongly resisted unto that time ; And in the Parliament kept at Perth , in the beginning of Iuly shewed a great desire to promote the same . This Parliament had been indicted to keep at Edinburgh in Iune preceding , and the Earl of Dunbar imployed to see all matters carried therein to his Majesties minde . The Chancellor ( whether out of emulation to shew his greatness , or that he feared some affront by the Earl of Dunbar ) went on the streets accompanied with the Burgesses in great numbers , who otherwise then was their custome did walk with their swords . Dunbar taking this in ill part , yet dissembling his offence caused adjourn the Parliament to the first of Iuly , and therewith presented a warrant for removing the same to the Town of Perth , which coming unlooked for , made the Burgesses forthink their doing . At Perth it happened the very first day the Lord Seaton and Alexander his brother to encounter the Earl of Glencarn in the Bridgegate , where drawing their weapons against others a great tumult was raised , which continued a certain space and disturbed the Councell , that as then was sitting : the Lord Seaton being tryed to have invaded the other , which he did for revenge of his uncles slaughter , he was cited before the Councell for troubling the Parliament ; but leaving the town he went home , and for his not appearing was denounced Rebell . It was held an ominous beginning , and gave many to think that matters would not succeed well , but the Earl of Dunbar did so wisely and with so great care prevent every thing that was like to breed trouble , as all things were carried from that time forth in a most peaceable sort . There were attending in the town aboundance of Ministers labouring all they could secretly to make some perturbation . The Earl calling them to his lodging did rebuke them sharply , saying , That it seemed strange to him , that they who had so often petitioned to have the Act of annexation dissolved should go about to hinder the same , now when the King was to do it in part , specially considering there was nothing to be moved in prejudice of their discipline . And that for removing the differences that were amongst them in that point , his Majesty had resolved , as they knew by the letters some of them had received , to call the most learned and discreet of both sides before himself , and have matters composed so far as might be to their content . More fitting , he said , it were for you to whom his Majesty hath addressed his letters , to have been preparing your selves for the journey . And I should advise you for your own good , and the peace of the Church , not to write to the King any more , but rather study by your peaceable behaviour to procure favour to your brethren that are in trouble . With these speeches he did quiet them , and so the Parliament went on , and after some few days ended in great peace . In this Parliament divers good constitutions were made , but the two principall were the Acts of his Majesties Prerogative ; and the Act entituled , The restitution of the estate of Bishops , which title giveth many to mistake the truth of things , and think that before this time the estate of Bishops was overthrown and cast down , whereas the same was never so much as intended . Only by this Act the temporalities of Bishopricks , which by the Act of Annexation were made to belong to the Crown , were restored in regard it was seen , that the Bishops were disabled to attend their service in the Church and State by the want thereof . Soon after the Parliament dissolved such of the Clergy as his Majesty called to Court went together , of the one side went the Archbishops of S. Andrews and Glasgow , the Bishops of Orkney , Galloway , and Mr. Iames Nicolson who was destinate Bishop of Dunkeld , on the other part were Mr. Andrew Melvill , Mr. Iames Melvill , Mr. Iames Balfour , and Mr. William Watson , Mr. William Scot , Mr. Iohn Carmichall , and Mr. Adam Colt. All these arriving at London about the beginning of Sept. had warning given them to attend the 20th of that moneth at Hampton Court. The King had appointed some of the Bishops of England to attend during the conference , and preach by course upon the subjects presented to them . Dr. Barlow Bishop of Lincoln began , taking for his text the 28 verse of the 20 chap. of the Acts , whereby he took occasion to prove out of the Scriptures and Fathers the supremacy of Bishops above Presbyters ; and to shew the inconveniencies of Parity in the Church ; with the confusion arising from the same . Dr. Buckridge Bishop of Rochester took for his text the Precept of the Apostle , Omnis anima&c . Rom. 13. 1. where falling to speak of the Kings supremacy in causes Ecclesiasticall , he did handle that point both soundly and learnedly to the satisfaction of all the hearers : only it grieved the Scots Ministers , to hear the Pope and Presbyterie so often equalled in their opposition to soveraign Princes . Dr. Andrews Bishop of Chichester followed , who choosed for his text the first verses of the 10 chapter of Numbers , confirming thirdly the power of Kings in Convocating Synods and Councells . The fourth was Dr. King Bishop of London , he took for his theam the 11 verse of the 8 chapter of Canticles , and thereupon discoursing of the Office of Presbyters did prove lay Elders to have no place nor office in the Church , and the late device to be without all warrant of Precept or example , either in Scripture or in Antiquity . This course his Majesty took as conceiving that some of the Ministers should be moved by force of reason to quit their opinions , and give place to the truth ; but that seldome happeneth where the minde is prepossessed with prejudice either against person or matter . The first audience was at Hampton the 22 of September ; at which● besides the Bishops and Ministers from Scotland , were present the Earls of Dunbarre , Argile , Glencarne , Sir Thomas Hamilton Advocate , and Sir Alexander Straiton : Of the English Dr. Montague Dean of the Charpell was only admitted to stay : There the King declaring the purpose for which he had called them , spake a few words to this effect : That having left the Church of Scotland in peace at his parting forth of it , he did now hear of great disturbances in the same ; whereof he desired to understand the true cause , and to have their advice , how the same might best be removed . This being , said he , the errand in generall for which I have called you , I should be glad to hear your opinions touching that meeting at Aberdene , where an handfull of Ministers in contempt of my authority , and against the discharge given them did assemble ; and though they were neither a sufficient number , nor the accustomed order kept , they would take upon them to call it a generall Assembly , and have since proudly maintained it by declining my Councell and such other means as they pleased to use . The rather I would hear your minds , because I am informed that divers Ministers doe justifie that meeting , and in their publick preachings commend these brethren as persons distressed , which in effect is to proclaim me a tyrant and Persecutor . Mr. Iames Melvill answering first , said , that there was no such discharge given to those Ministers that met at Aberdene , as was alledged , adjuring , Sir Alexander Straiton who was said to have given the charge , to declare in his Majesties presence how that matter was carried . As to the absence of Moderator and Clerk , he said , that none of these were essentiall parts of an Assembly , and that the Moderator absenting himself of purpose and the Clerk refusing to serve , the brethren convened might lawfully create others in their places , so as the Ministers having warrant to convene from the word of God , and from his Majesties laws , as also coming thither by direction of their Presbyteries , he could not in his conscience condemne them . Well then , said the King , I shall desire you to answer me three things , that I will ask : First , if it be lawfull to pray publickly for persons convicted by the lawfull Iudge as persons being in distress , and aflicted ? 2 Whether I may not being a Christian King , by my authority royall , convocate and prorogue , and desert for just and necessary causes known to myself any Assemblies or meetings within my Dominions ? 3 Whether or not may I by my authority-call , and convene before me and my Councell , whatsoever person , or persons , Civil , or Ecclesiastial , for whatsoever offences committed by them in whatsoever place within my Dominions , and if I may not take cognition of the offence , and give sontence therein ? And further , whether or not are all my subjects being cited to answer before me and my Councell , obliged to compeir and acknowledge me or them for judges in these offences ? Mr. Iames answering , said that the questions were weighty , and craved a great deliberation ; wherefore he would humbly entreat his Majesty to grant them a time to conferre and advise together , that they might all give one direct answer . This desire granted , they were commanded to advise and meet together that night , and be ready to answer the next day . At this meeting the Earls of Salisbury and Northampton with divers of the English Clergy were present . The Ministers desiring to have the meeting more private , requested the Earl of Dumbarre to move the King therein , and that none but Scotsmen should be present ; fearing ( as they said ) that some unseemly words might escape them . But this was denied , and they warned to speak with that respect which became subjects . It was believed that the King should have begun with the questions proponed in the former meeting , but his Majesty taking another course , required them to declare one by one , their judgements touching Aberdene Assembly . The Bishops ( being first askt ) did all condemn the meeting as turbulent , factious , and unlawfull . Mr. Andrew Melvill then being enquired made answer , That he could not condemn the Assembly , being a private man ; that he came into England upon his Majesties letter , without any Commission from the Church of Scotland , and though he had Commission in dicta causa , and not hearing what they could say for themselves , he could not give his judgement ; Sentence he said was given against them in a justice Court ; how justly , he did remit that to the great Judge ; but for himself he would say as our Saviour did in another case , Quis me constituit judicem ? Mr. Iames Balfoure being next asked , Did pray his Majesty not to press him with any answer , for that he knew nothing would be well taken , that proceeded from his mouth , and that Mr. Andrew had answered his minde sufficiently . Mr. Iames Melvill , without giving a direct answer , began to tell , That since● his coming to London he had received divers letters , and with them a Petition , that should have been presented to the late Parliament in behalf of the warded Ministers , which he was desired to offer unto his Majesty , and as he thought , the Petition would make all their mindes known . The King taking the Petition and falling to read the same , willed the Advocate to goe on and receive the answer of the rest . And as the Advocate was questioning Mr. William Scot and urging him with a distinct answer ( for he used many circumlocutions , according to the custome ) Mr. Andrew Melvill in a great passion said , That he followed the instructions of Mr. John Hamilton his uncle , who had poysoned the North with his Papistry , and that he was now become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Northampton asking what he meant by that speech ? the King said , he calleth him , the mickle Devill : and then foulding up the Petition , said , I see you are all set for maintaining that base Conventicle of Aberdene ? But what answers have you to give to the questions I moved ? It was answered , that they had conferred together , and finding them to concern the whole Church , they would not by their particular voices prejudge the same . But you will not I trust , said the King , call my authority in question , and subject the determination of the same to your Assemblies . This they said was farre from their thoughts , but if his Majesty should be pleased to set down in writing what he required , they should labour to give him satisfaction . Thus were they dismissed for that time , and being the next day called before the Scottish Councell ( for after this they were no more admitted to his Majesties presence ) they were enquired , whether they had in their publick prayers prayed for the warded Ministers , as persons afflicted , and sufferers for Gods cause ? Some of them confessed that they had prayed for them , as persons in trouble , and distress : others , that they had commended them to God , but remembred not in what words . The 20 of October , they were again brought before the Scots Councell , and had the three questions delivered to them in writing ; which they were command●to answer severally : mean while they were discharged to return into Scotland without his Majesties license , and prohibited to come towards the Queen and Princes Court. The Bishops and others of the Clergy that assisted them , were permitted to return . The conference breaking up in this sort , & matters made worse rather then better , his Majesties pleasure concerning the warded Ministers , which to this time had been delayed , was signified by two severall letters to the Councell and Justice . The letter to the Justice was as followeth ; Whereas in our Justice Court holden at Linlithgow the 10 of Ianuary last , Mr. Iohn Forbes Minister of Awford ; Mr. Iohn Welch Minister at Aire ; Mr. Robert Dury Minister at Anstruther ; Mr. Andrew Duncan Minister at Crail ; Mr. Alexander Straghan Minister at Crech ; and Mr. Iohn Sharp Minister at Kilmeny , were convicted of the crime of Treason for their contemptuous and treasonable declining the judgement of us and the Lords our secret Councell ; by a Declinatour subscribed with their hands and presented in judgement before the said Lords ; and that the pronunciation of the doom was upon grave and weighty respects continued till our pleasure was declared ; We now considering the great insolency committed by them , and how dangerous the example of such a fact may prove if it should go● unpunished , specially since we of our accustomed lenity have given to these declared Traitours more then sufficient time to have acknowledged their offence , and made sute for our pardon ; and that yet nothing hath appeared in them but an obdured obstinacy , without any token of resipiscence : albeit the greatness of the offence in men of their function , whose actions should be patterns of duty and obedience to others , hath demerited most justly the extremity of punishment appointed by law : yet according to our wonted clemency , being willing to dispense with the rigour of law at this time , and not to inflict the punishment of death upon them ; Our will and pleasure is that you affix a Justice Court at Linlithgow , or any other place our Councell shall appoint , the 23 of October , and then cause doom of punishment forth of our Dominions , during their naturall lives to be pronounced against the said Traitours : After which you shall return them to their wards , there to remain for the space of a moneth , till they have made their preparations to depart ; before the expiring whereof , if they doe not depart wind and weather serving , or being departed shall return unto our Dominions without our licence , the ordinary death usually inflicted upon Traitours , shall be executed upon them . And because this our clemency extended towards these above named may perhaps move others to think , that for trespasses of this quality no greater rigour will hereafter be used ; to remove all such conceits , and that notice may be taken of our full determination in the like case ; you shall in open Court make intimation to all our lieges , That if any hereafter shall offend in such an high trespass , they shall be punished with all severity and the death due unto Traitours be inflicted upon them with all rigour , the example of this our present lenity not withstanding : And that it is our will you cause to be recorded in your books of Adjournall , and publication made thereof at the Market Cross of Edinburgh , and all other places needfull . By the letter directed to the Councell , Mr. Charles Farum was ordained to be confined in the Isle of Bute ; Mr. Iohn Monroe in Kintire ; Mr. Robert Yongson in the Isle of Arran ; Mr. Iames Irwin in Orkney ; Mr. William Forbes in Yeteland ; Mr. Iames Grey in Cathnes ; Mr. Nathaniel Inglis in Southerland ; and Mr. Iohn Rosse in Lewis . The Justice as he was commanded , did keep his Court at Linlithgow , and pronounced the sentence and doom in the manner prescribed ; Messengers were also directed to charge the other Ministers to enter into the parts appointed for their confining , and not to exceed the same without licence , under pain of death . After which a Proclamation was made inhibiting all Ministers to recommend either in their sermons , or prayers , the persons so sentenced . And lest the Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and others of their faction should presume of any oversight to be given to them because of these proceedings against the seditious Ministers , they were in like sort commanded by Proclamation to depart forth of the Realme , and all the subjects inhibited to resset or entertain them , under the pain of his Majesties displeasure . Mr. Andrew Melvill that would not be idle , and was still speaking against the Orders of the English Church , having dispersed some bitter and scornfull verses against the Rites used in his Majesties Chappell , which was brought to the King by one of the Chaplains , was called before the Councell of England , and charged with the injuring of the State and Church : where in stead of acknowledging his offence , he behaved himself insolently ; and more like a mad man , then Divine ; for which he was committed in the Tower of London . There he remained three years and more , and afterwards upon the Duke of Bulloign his request , was sent to Sedan , where he lived in no great respect , and contracting the Gout lay almost bedfast to his death . Whilest I am writing this , there cometh to my mind the hard and uncharitable dealing that he and his faction used towards Patrick sometimes Archbishop of St. Andrewes , who not content to have persecuted that worthy man in his life , made him a long time after his death the subject of their sermons ; interpreting the miseries whereunto he was brought , to be the judgement of God inflicted upon him for withstanding their courses of discipline . If now one should take the like liberty , and say , That God to whom the Bishop at his dying did commend his cause , had taken a revenge of him , who was the chief instrument of his trouble ; it might be as probably spoken , and with some more likelyhood then that which they blasted forth against the dead Bishop . But away with such rash and bold conceits , the love of God either to causes or persons is not to be measured by these externall and outward accidents . But leaving this , the King being very desirous to have the Church quieted , and a solid and constant Order established for preventing the like offences , did call a generall Assembly to meet at Linlithgow the 10 of December ; and for the better ordering of business , directed the Earl of Dunbarre to attend the meeting . At the day many convened both Ministers and others . Of Ministers there were reckoned one hundred thirty six : of Noblemen , Barons , and others , thirty and three . Mr. Iames Nicolson elected to preside ; the Earl of Dunbarre presented a letter from his Majesty to this effect ; That it was not unknown what pains he had taken whilest he lived amongst them , as well to root out Popery as to settle a good and perfect Order in the Church ; and that notwithstanding of his care bestowed that way , he had been continually vexed by the jealousies of some perverse Ministers , who traducing his best actions gave out amongst the people , that all he went about , was to thrall the liberty of the Gospell . Neither content thus to have wronged him , they had in his absence factiously banded themselves against such of their brethren as had given their concurrence to the furtherance of his Majesties just intentions , upon the knowledge whereof he did lately call the most calme and moderate , as he esteemed , of both sides unto his Court , thinking to have pacified matters and removed the divisions arisen in the Church ; but matters not succeeding as he wished , he had taken purpose to convene them for setting down such rules as he hoped should prevent the like troubles in after times , which he had intrusted to his Commissioner the Earl of Dunbarre : willing them to consider what was most fitting for the peace of the Church , and to apply themselves to the obedience of his directions as they did expect his favour . After the reading of the letter the overture was presented , conceived in this forme . That his Majesty apprehending the greatest causes of the misgovernment of Church affairs to be , that the same are often , and almost ordinarily committed to such as for lack of wisdome and experience are no way able to keep things in a good frame ; for remedying this inconvenient , thinketh meet , that presently there be nominated in every Presbyterie one of the most grave , godly , and of greatest authority , and experience , to have the care of the Presbyterie where he remaineth , till the present jarres and fire of dissension which is among the Ministery , and daily encreaseth to the hinderance of the Gospell , be quenched and taken away ; and the Noblemen professing Papistry within the Kingdome be either reduced to the profession of the truth , or then repressed by justice and a due execution of the lawes ; and for encouragement of the said Moderators , and the enabling them to the attendance of the Church affairs , his Majesty is graciously pleased to allow every of them one hundred pounds Scots or two hundred marks according to the quality of their Charge : but where the Bishops are resident , his Majesty will have them to moderate and preside in these meetings . As likewise because it often falleth out that matters cannot be decided in Presbyteries , by reason of the difficulties that arise , and that the Custome is to remit the decision thereof to the Synod of the Diocie ; It is his Majesties advice that the moderation of these Assemblies be committed to the Bishops , who shall be burthened with the delation of Papists , and solicitation of justice against those that will not be brought to obedience , in respect his Majesty hath bestowed on them places and means to bear out the charges and burthens of difficill and dangerous actions , which other Ministers cannot so well sustain , and undergoe . This overture seeming to import a great alteration in the discipline was not well accepted of divers ; but his Majesties Commissioner having declared that it was so farre from the Kings purpose to make any change in the present Discipline , as he did not long for any thing more then to have it rightly setled and all these eyelists removed which had given him so just occasion of discontent ; they desired a time to deliberate , and that a number of the most wise and learned might be selected to conferre thereupon , and report their opinions to the Assembly . The brethren named in this conference , having debated every point at length , and considered the inconveniencies that might arise by the change , especially the usurpation that was feared , these constant Moderators should make upon their brethren , resolved that the overture proponed was not to be refused ; so as certain cautions were added which were condescended to in manner following . First , That the Moderators of Presbyteries and Provinciall Assemblies should not presume to doe any thing of themselves without the advice and consent of their brethren . 2 That they should use no further jurisdiction nor power then Moderators have been in use of , by the constitutions of the Church . 3 If it should happen the Moderatours to be absent at any time from these meetings , it should be in the power of Synods and Presbyteries to nominate another for moderating in their absence . 4 When the place of a Moderatour in any Presbyterie should be void , the election of one to succeed should be made by the whole Synod with consent of his Majesties Commissioner . 5 If any of the Moderatours should depart this life betwixt Assemblies , it should be lawfull to the Presbyteries to nominate one of the most grave and worthy of their number for the place , unto the meeting of the next Synod . 6 That the Moderatours of the Presbyteries should be subject to the tryall and censure of the Synod ; and in case they usurped any further power over the brethren , then is given them by the Assembly ; the same should be a cause of deprivation from their Office of Moderation , and they deprived thereof by the said Synods . 7 In like manner the Moderatour of the Provinciall Assembly should be tried and censured by the generall Assembly , and in case he was found remiss , or to have usurped any further power then the simple place of a Moderatour he should be deprived therefore by the generall Assembly . 8 That the Moderatours of every Presbyterie and Synod with their Scribes should be astricted to be present at the generall Assembly , and be reputed members thereof , by bringing with them the Registers of the Acts and proceedings in their meetings to be seen , that so their diligence and fidelity in their Charges might be known . 9 That it should be lawfull to each Presbytery to send two or three Commissioners to the generall Assembly , by and besides the Moderatour and Scribe , if they should think it convenient . 10 That the Moderatour of the generall Assembly should be chosen by the voices of the whole Assembly , lites being first made and proponed , as in times passed . 11 That in the Synods where there is not a Bishop actually resident , the like lite should be made of the Moderatours of the Presbyteries within these bounds , and one of them elected to moderate the same Assembly , so as his Majesties Commissioners give their advice thereunto . And lastly , That the Rolls of Moderatours in every Presbyterie should be examined , to see if there was any other of the number fit to use the said office , and that they whom this present . Assembly should nominate , to accept the said Moderation upon them without making any shift or excuse . These cautions being read in the full Assembly were approved of all , and the overture thereafter put to voices was allowed , and the same enacted as a conclusion of the whole Assembly , four only of the whole number disassenting ; other four refusing to vote because they had no commission , as they pretended , from their Presbyteries , and two answering , Non liquet . This conclusion taken , the rolls of Ptesbyteries were called , and none found more sufficient then they who did presently moderate these meetings ; whereupon an Ordinance was made , that they should continue in their Charges , and not be altered unlesse the Synod did make another choice . This business ended , a great complaint was made of the insolency of Papists , chiefly in the North parts , and of the superstitions used at the burialls of the Lord Ogilvy , and Laird of Gight , who had deceased a few moneths before . The Marquis of Huntley being also returned lately from Court , had given out that he brought a Warrant from his Majesty to stay all Ecclesiasticall proceedings against him , his Lady and family : by which reports those of the Romane profession were not a little encouraged , and were become open contemners of the Censures of the Church . These complaints being greatly taken to heart by the whole Assembly , it was concluded that a Petition should be preferred to his Majesty in all their names , for confining the Marquis of Huntley , the Earls of Angus and Arroll , with their Ladies , in some Cities and Towns where they might by the hearing of the Word , and conference with learned men be reduced from their errors , at least kept from doing harm , and from the perverting of others . To present this Petition and the Act of constant Moderators , choice was made of Mr. Iames Law Bishop of Orkney , and he dispatched to Court ; which done , the Assembly brake up and dissolved with the good satisfaction of all . Nor was it long before the Kings answer returned in these particulars , and first concerning the Marquis of Huntley , his Majesty declared , That he had obtained no Warrant for impeding the Church discipline , neither against himself , or any of his family ; and that only ( because he affirmed that he had kept all the injunctions prescrived , except that he had not communicated ) the Councell was desired after triall of his obedience in the rest of the particulars enjoyned , to command the Presbyteries of the North to stay their proceedings against him for his not communicating , concerning which point he had certified the Marquis , that howsoever some space was granted to him for his better resolution , if he did persist in his errors , and would not be reclaimed , he would make no other reckoning of him then of one that studied to make himself the head of a faction , and rather root him out , then nourish him in his follies by a preposterous toleration . As to the confining of him , and the other Noblemen in the Cities and places set down in the Assemblies Petition , his Majesty did think it too rigorous , unlesse they were tried to have committed some offence deserving the same . Wherefore he would have them called before the Councell , the Bishop of the Diocie , Moderator of the Presbytery , and the Minister of the Parish being present , and enquired concerning their behaviour , and whether they did resort or not ordinarily to Sermon ; wherein if they should be tried to have transgressed , his pleasure was they should be confined within so many miles compasse , as are distant betwixt the houses of their residence , and the City , wherein it was desired they should be confined to the end they may repair to their houses , when the necessity of their business requireth , and at other times resort to the City or Town designed for their instruction , where they should be tied to stay ten daies together , and during their stay hear Sermons , admit conference , and forbear the company of Jesuits , Seminary Priests and others of that profession . And if it should happen them to have any business in Councell or Session , that license should be granted unto them for repairing thither during a certain a certain space , providing they did resort to the Church , and gave no scandall by their behaviour . For the superstitious rites used at the buriall of the Lord Ogilvy and Gight , his Majesties pleasure was , that their sons should be called before the Councell and committed , but no sentence should be given till the whole circumstances were tried and notified to him . As touching the conclusion taken for the constant Moderators , his Majesty did thank them for their travels ; but whereas they were of opinion that the Act should be universally received , ( for so much the Assembly had written ) he said , that he knew them too well to expect any such thing at their hands . Their conscientious zeal to maintain parity , and a desire to keep all things in a continuall constant volubility , he said was such as they would never agree to a setled form of government . Besides , he knew that divers of these who were nominated to the places of Moderation , would refuse to accept the same , lest they should be thought to affect superiority above their brethren : That therefore he would have the Councell to look to that business , and direct Charges as well for those that were nominated to accept the moderation , as to the Ministers of every Presbytery to acknowledge them that were nominated . The event justified his Majesties opinion , for all the next year there was no matter that troubled the Councell as that of the constant Moderator . The Synod of Perth convening in March thereafter , did in direct opposition of the Act concluded at Linlithgow inhibit all the Presbyteries within their bounds to acknowledge the conclusion taken in that meeting , and discharged Mr. Alexander Lindesay Parson of Simmedose , who was nominated by the Assembly Moderator of Perth , to exercise the said office under pain of the Censure of the Church . The Synod being cited before the Councell for this presumption , was discharged to meet thereafter , and the Presbyteries within the bounds commanded under pain of Rebellion to accept their Moderators . In Fife the resistance was no lesse ; for the Synod being continued twice , first from April to Iune , then from Iune to September , meeting at that time in Dysert , and pressed by the Lords , Lindesay Scone , and Halirudhouse , Commissioners from the Councell , to accept the Archbishop of S. Andrews for their Moderator , did obstinately refuse , and dissolved without doing any thing ; hereupon was that Synod likewise discharged , and all the Burghs inhibited to receive them , if perhaps they should reassemble after the Commissioners were gone . The Presbyteries of Mers were also very troublesome , and the Councell so vexed with complaints of that kinde , as not a day passed without some one or other . But all this opposition proved vain , and they in end forced to obey , did finde by experience this setled course much better then their circular elections . A Commission came in this mean time for planting some learned and worthy person in the place of Mr. Andrew Melvill at S. Andrews . The Commission was directed to the Archbishop of Saint Andrews , the Bishops of Dunkeld , Rosse , and Birchen , the Lord Balmerinoch , the Advocate , the Laird of Balcomy , and Commissar of S. Andrews ; who meeting in the new Colledge the 16 of Iune , after the reading of his Majesties Letter ( whereby it was declared , That the said Mr. Andrew being judged by the Councel of England to have trespassed in the highest sort against his Majesty , and for the same committed to the Tower till he should receive his just punishment , was no more to return to that charge ) they according to the power given them , did proceed and make choice of Mr. Robert Howy to be Provost of the said Colledge , ordaining him to be invested in the said office with all the immunities and priviledges accustomed , which was accordingly performed in the Iuly thereafter , and he entred to his Charge the 27 of that moneth . It remained that some course should be taken with the Ministers that were stayed at London , as it was once purposed , were to be provided with some Livings in England ; but that Church not liking to entertain such guests , they were all permitted to return home upon their promise to live obedient and peaceable . M. Iames Melvill was only retained , who lived a while confined at Newcastle , was after some months licensed to come to Berwick , where he deceased . A man of good learning , sober and modest , but so addicted to the courses of Mr. Andrew Melvill his Uncle , as by following him he lost the Kings favour , which once he enjoyed in a good measure , and so made himself , and his labours unprofitable to the Church . Now let us see what happened in the Kingdome during this time : The King was ever seriously commending to the Councell the removing of the barbarous fewds wherewith he had been so greatly troubled , divers whereof by their travells were this year agreed , yet new occasions daily arising they were kept in a continuall business . David Lindesay younger of Edyell seeking to revenge the slaughter of his Uncle Mr. Walter Lindesay whom David Master of Crawford had killed , as he lay in wait of the said Master ( who was then by the decease of his Father succeeded in the Earldome ) through a pitifull mistake did invade Alexander Lord Spynie , and killed him in stead of the other . The Noblemans death was much regrated for the many good parts he had , and the hopes his friends conceived that he should have raised again that noble and antient house of Crawford to the former splendor and dignity , all which perished with him : he that was in place and escaped the perill being a base unworthy prodigall , and the undoer of all , that by the virtue of his Ancestors had been long kept together . Another business no lesse troublesome did also then happen betwixt the Earl of Morton and the Lord Maxwell for holding of Courts in Eskdale , unto which both did pretend right . The preparation on both sides was great , and like to have caused much unquietness , if the same had not been carefully prevented ; both parties being charged by the Councell to dissolve their forces , and not to come towards the bounds : the Earl of Morton obeyed , Maxwell contemning the charge went on , and by a cartell did appeal Morton to the combate : whereupon he was committed in the Castle of Edinburgh , and after some two moneths stay made an escape . No sooner found he himself at liberty , then he fell a plotting the Laird of Iohnstons murther , which he wrought in a most treacherous manner ; he pretending to use his friendship in obtaining his Majesties pardon , employed Sir Robert Maxwell of Orchardtowne , whose Sister Iohnston had married , to draw on a meeting betwixt them , as he did ; at a little hill called Achmanhill they did bring each of them one servant only as was agreed , the said Sir Robert being present as a friend to both . At meeting after they had courteously saluted one another , and conferred a little space very friendly , the two servants going aside , the one called Charles Maxwell a Brother of Kirkhouse , the other William Iohnston of Lockerby , Charles falleth in quarrelling , the other shooteth a pistoll at him , the Laird of Iohnston making to part them , the Lord Maxwell shooteth him in the back with two bullets ; whereupon he falleth , and for a while keeping off the Lord Maxwell who made to strike him with his sword , expired in the place ; it was the 6th of April in the year 1608 , that this happened . The fact was detested by all honest men , and the Gentlemans misfortune sore lamented , for he was a man full of wisdome and courage , and every way well inclined , and to have been by his too much confidence in this sort treacherously cut off , was a thing most pitifull . Maxwell ashamed of that he had done , forsook the Countrey , and had his estate forfeited ; some years after stealing quietly into the Kingdome he was apprehended in the Countrey of Cathnes , and beheaded at Edinburgh the 21 of May , 1613. The purpose of civilizing the Isles was this year again renewed , and a long Treaty kept with the Marquis of Huntley thereupon , but he breaking off by reason of the small duty he did offer for the North Isles , the Earl of Argile was made Lieutenant thereof for the space of six moneths , in which time it was hoped that some good should be wrought , and the people reduced to good manners ; yet nothing was done to any purpose , the great men of those parts studying only the increase of their own grandeur , and striving whose command should be greatest . In the Parliament of England that held in November preceding , the matter of union received many crossings , and of all the Articles condescended among the Commissioners , only that was enacted which concerneth the abolishing of hostile laws . The King grieved at this exceedingly , and conceiving that the work should more easily be effected , if a beginning was made in Scotland ; did call a Parliament in August , which was kept by Lodowick Duke of Lennox , as Commissioner for his Majesty , the Earl of Montrose being then deceased . The Estates to satisfie the Kings desire did allow all the Articles concluded in the Treaty , with a provision , That the same should be in like manner ratified by the Parliament of England , otherwise the conclusions taken should not have the strength of a law . It was also declared , that if the union should happen to take effect , the Kingdome notwithstanding should remain an absolute and free Monarchy , and the fundamentall laws receive no alteration . But the Parliament of England either disliking the union , as fearing some prejudice by it to their Estate , or upon some other hidden cause , did touch no more the business , and so that good work tending to the advantage of both Kingdomes was left and quite deserted . In the Church a new trouble was moved by the revolt that Huntley and the two Earls of Angus and Arroll made ; divers especially in the North parts falling away by their example . This being represented to the King , he gave order for calling an Assembly , which convened at Linlithgow in the end of Iuly . Therein the Earls of Dunbar , Winton , and Lothian sate Commissioners for the King. The Bishop of Orkney elected to preside , having shewed the occasion of the present meeting to be the growth and increase of Papists in all the quarters of the Kingdome , it was thought meet to take up the names of those that made open profession of Popery , and likewise of those that were suspected to favour the course , that their number and forces being known the remedies might be the better advised and provided . The number was found to very great , chiefly in the North , and the Marquis of Huntley delated by all as the only cause of the defection in those bounds : he being cited to appear before the Assembly under the pain of excommunication , and neither compeiring nor sending any excuse , was ordained to be excommunicated , and the sentence accordingly pronounced in the hearing of the whole Assembly . This was appointed to be intimated in all the Churches , and no absolution given upon whatsoever offers in regard of his manifold apostasies without the advice of the general Church : The like course was concluded to be kept with Angus , Arroll , and the Lord Semple , how soon the processes intended against them were brought to an end . This done , the Assembly began to rip up the causes of the defection more narrowly , which they found to proceed from the Ministers in a part , their negligence in teaching , and catechising of people , the too suddain admission of young men into the Ministery , and the distraction of mindes among those that are admitted ; for remedy whereof it was ordained as followeth : First , that they should apply themselves to the exercise of their function with greater diligence then they were accustomed , and take a speciall care of young children to see them instructed in the Belief , the Lords prayer , and ten Commandements , whereof they should examine every childe at the age of six years , and yearly enquire of their profiting and increase in knowledge . 2 That some longer time should be prescrived for the admission of men to the Ministery , and the exceptions contained in the Act of the age of Ministers to be admitted reserved to the cognition of the Generall Assembly . 3 That they use a greater diligence in the processing of Papists , and that none out of corrupt favour should grant them any oversight under the pain of deposition . 4 That all who carried office in the Church , should be carefull to eschew offences , and endevour to keep love and peace among themselves . 5 And for the present distractions in the Church , seeing the same did arise partly from a diversity of opinions touching the externall government of the Church , and partly from divided affections , the last of these two being the most dangerous , as not suffering the brethren to unite themselves against the common enemy ; they were all in the fear of God exhorted to lay down whatsoever grudge or rancour they had conceived , and to be reconciled in heart and affection one to another : Which all that were present did faithfully promise by the holding up their hands . But the fault not being in the Ministers alone , and seen to proceed from other causes also ; as from the oversight of Jesuits and Priests , and their entertainment in the Countrey ; the preferment of men to publick offices that were suspected in Religion ; the favour shewed to Papists by them in places of chief authority ; Masie Priests admitted without his Majesties warrant , and no security taken for their not returning ; Licences granted to Noblemens sons for going abroad , and their education trusted to men of contrary profession ; advocation to the Councell of matters properly belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Judicatories ; and the lack of Preachers in many parts of the land ; It was concluded that certain Petitions should be formed and presented to his Majesty by some selected Commissioners for remedying these evils , which were formed in this manner : First , that an humble supplication should be made by the whole Assembly , intreating his Majesty not to permit any Papist , or suspected of Popery to bear charge in Councell , Session , or in any Burgh or City , and where his Majesty did know any such to occupie these places , humbly to crave that order might be taken for their removing . 2 That the laws made against Papists should receive execution and no favour be granted unto them by the Officers of State , with a prohibition to the Councell to meddle in affairs Ecclesiasticall , or to discharge the processes led by Ministers against Papists and others contemners of Church discipline . 3 That Papists abjuring their Religion in hope of preferment to Offices of State , should not be admitted thereto till they had given five years probation at least . 4 That the sons of Noblemen professing Popery should be committed to the custody of such of their friends as are sound in Religion . 5 That a Commission should be granted to every Bishop within his Dioces , and to such well affected Noblemen , Barons and Gentlemen , as the Commissioners of the Assembly should nominate , for apprehending of Jesuits , Seminary Priests , excommunicated Papists , and traffiquers against Religion . 6 That the Searchers of ships should seise upon all Books that are brought unto the Countrey , and present them to the Ministers of the Town where the ships shall happen to arrive . 7 That excommunicate Papists be put in close prison , and none have accesse unto them but such as are known to be of sound Religion . 8 That the Deputies of excommunicates be not suffered to enjoy any office under them , and that some others be appointed by his Majesty to serve in their places . 9 Finally , that his Majesty should be humbly intreated to plant the unprovided Churches , especially the Churches of the Chappel Royall , with competent Stipends . The Commissioners chosen to present these Petitions were , the Archbishop of Glasgow , the Earl of VVigton , the Lord Kilsith , Mr. VVilliam Couper Minister at Perth , and Iames Nisbit Burgess of Edinburgh , together with the Petitions they received a Letter from the Assembly conceived in these terms : HAving convened in this Generall Assembly by your Majesties favourable licence and permission , and shadowed under your Majesties wings with the presence of your Majesties Commissioners , we did set our selves principally to consider the cause of the late growth of Papists among us , and found by an universall complaint , the chief cause to be this , that where the Church in these parts was accustomed to be nourished by your Majesties fatherly affection as the most kinde parent of piety and Religion , we have been left in the hands of unkinde stepfathers , who esteeming us an uncouth birth to them have intreated us hardly , and cherished our adversaries by all means they could , as your Majesties highness will perceive more clearly by the overtures for remedy , which in all humble submission we present to your Majesty by these honourable Commissioners and brethren , humbly intreating your Majesty to take compassion upon us , your Majesties loving children in this land , that we may be taken out of the hands of these who are more ready to deliver the heads of the Kings sons to Jehu , if the time were answerable to their wishes , then to nourish and bring them up to perfection . There is no cause , Sir , why the Apostates who have lately grown up in this land should be feared , whatever they be in estate or number ; for with them are the golden Calves , which God will destroy ; with them is Dagon , whose second fall shall be worse then the first ; but with your Majesty is the Lord your God to fight for you , and under your standard are the best of the Nobility , the greatest number of Barons , and all your Majesties Burgesses , unspotted in Religion , and resolute all of them for Gods honour , and your Majesties preservation to spend their goods and lives and whatever is due to them : VVe also your Majesties humble servants the Bishops and Ministers of the Gospel in this land , now reconciled to others with a most hearty affection , by your Majesties only means and the carefull labours of your Majesties trusty Counsellor , and our very good Lord the Earl of Dunbar , are for out parts most ready to all service in our callings to stirre up your Majesties subjects by the word that God hath put in our mouths , to the performing of that obedience which God and nature doth oblige them unto , and by Gods grace shall go before them in all good e●sample . These things we leave to be delivered by our Commissioners , whom we beseech your Majesty to hear graciously , and after some favourable consideration of our case , and present suits , to give such answer as in your Highness wisdome shall be thought fittest . And now with our humble thanks to your Majesty for the liberty granted to meet in this Assembly , and our most hearty prayers to God Almighty for your Highness long life and prosperous reign , we rest . This letter was subscribed by the Earls of Crawford , Glencarne and Kinghorne , the Lords Lindesay , Baclugh , Salton , London , Torphichen , Blantire , Scone , Halirudhouse , and a great number of the Clergy and Barons . The Chancellor hearing of the Assemblies proceedings , and supposing himself to be specially aimed at in all that business ( wherein he was not mistaken ) moved the Secretary to take journey to Court , for obviating these courses so farre as he might . But he at his coming did meet with a business that concerned himself more nearly , for about the same time Cardinall Bellarmin● had published an Answer to the Kings Apology , and therein charged him with inconstancy , objecting a Letter that he had sent to Clement the eighth whilst he lived in Scotland , in which he had recommended to his Holiness the Bishop of Vaison for obtaining the dignity of a Cardinall , that so he might be the more able to advance his affairs in the Court of Rome . The Treatise coming to the Kings hands , and he falling upon that passage did presently conceive that he had been abused by his Secretary , which he remembred had moved on a time for such a letter , and thereupon began to think that among the letters sent to the Dukes of Savoy and Florence , at the time another might have been shuffled in to the Pope , and his hand surreptitiously got thereunto . The King lay then at Royston , and the Secretary coming thither , he inquired if any such letter had been sent to the Pope at any time . The Secretary apprehending no danger ; and thinking that his policy in procuring the Popes favour to the King should not be ill interpreted confessed , that such a letter he had written by his Majesties own knowledge . But perceiving the King to wax angry he fell on his knees and intreated mercy , seeing that which he had done was out of a good minde , and desire to purchase the Popes favour , which might at the time have advanced his title to England . The King then putting him in minde of the challenge made by the late Queen in the year 1599 , for writing the same letter , and how being at that time questioned thereupon , he had not onely denyed his own knowledge thereof , but likewise moved Sir Edward Drummond , who carried the letter to the Pope to come into Scotland and abjure the same ; he answered , That he did not think the matter would be brought again in hearing , and that fearing his Majesties offence , he had denyed the letter , and had moved his Cousin Sir Edward to do the like ; but now that he saw , that which he had done in the politick course turned to the Kings reproach , with many tears he besought his Majesty to pardon his fault , and not to undo him who was own creature , and willing to suffer what he thought meet for repairing the offence . The King replying that the fault was greater then he apprehended , and that it could not be so easily passed , enjoyned him to go to London , and keep his chamber till he returned thither . After some eight days the King returned to White Hall , where the Secretary was brought before the Councell , and charged with the fault ; which the Lords did aggravate in such manner , as they made the same to be the ground of all the conspiracies devised against the King since his coming into England , especially of the Powder Treason . For the Papists , said they , finding themselves disappointed of the hopes which that letter did give them , had taken the desperate course which they followed , to the endangering of his Majesties person , posterity , and whole estates . The Secretary having heard their discourses , kneeled to the ground , and fetching a deep sigh , spake to this effect . Curas leves loquuntur , ingentes stupent , My Lords , I cannot speak nor finde words to express the grief I have conceived for the offence committed by me against my gracious Soveraign ; for on the one side , when I call to minde his Majesties favors bestowed upon me , having raised me out of the dust , to a fortune , ( farre exceeding my merit ) and on the other side , I look to my foul fault in abusing his Majesties trust , bringing thereby such an imputation upon his innocency as will hardly be taken away , but with the forlorn childe to say , Pecavi in coelum & terram : my offence is great , I confess , nor am I worthy to be reckoned any longer among his Majesties subjects , or servants ; his Majesties rare piety , singular wisdome , and unspotted sincerity in all his actions , whereof I had so long experience , might have taught me , that when he refused to have any dealing with the Pope , the event of the course I took , could not be good ; but I unhappy man would needs follow the way which to me seemed best , and whereof I finde now the smart . If no other thing can liberate his Majesty of this imputation , caused by my folly , let neither my life , nor estate , nor credit be spared , but as I have all by his Majesties favour , so let all go even to the last drop of my blood before any reproach for my offence be brought upon his Majesty . Then rising up he said , It shall not be necessary to remit my tryall to Scotland , which I hear your Honours do intend , for I do simply submit my self to his Majesties will , and had much rather not live then lye any longer under his Majesties displeasure . Therefore my humble suit to your honours is , that in consideration of my miserable estate , and ignominious confession you would be pleased to move his Majesty for accepting me in will , and that without delay whatsoever may be done for reparation of his honour , may be performed , whereunto most willingly I submit my self . The Chancellor Sir Thomas Egerton without taking any notice of these last words declared , that his Majesties pleasure was to remit the tryall of his offence to the Judges in Scotland , and that he should be conveyed thither as a Prisoner , the Sheriffes attending him from shire to shire , till he was delivered in Scotland ; in the mean time he did pronounce him deprived of all places , honours dignities , and every thing else that he possessed in England . Whether or not , I should mention the arraignment and execution of George Sprot notary in Eymouth , who suffered at Edinburgh in the August preceding , I am doubtfull his confession though voluntary , and constant , carrying small probability . This man had deponed , that he knew Robert Logan of Restalrig , who was dead two years before , to have been privy to Gowries conspiracy , and that he understood so much by a letter that fell in his hand written by Restalrig to Gowry , bearing that he would take part with him in the revenge of his fathers death , and that his best course should be to bring the King by sea to Fascastle , where he might be safely kept , till advertisement came from those with whom the Earl kept intelligence . It seemed a very fiction and to be a meer invention of the mans own brain ; for neither did he shew the letter , nor could any wise man think , that Gowry , who went about that treason so secretly , would have communicated the matter with such a man , as this Restalrig was known to be : as ever it was , the man remained constant in his confession , and at his dying when he was to be cast off the ladder ( for he was hanged in the publick street of Edinburgh ) promised to give the beholders a sign for confirming them in the truth of what he had spoken , which also he performed by clapping his hands three severall times , after he was cast off by the executioner . To return to the Commissioners of the Assembly , they had presence of the King in Hampton Court the 10 of September , where the Archbishop of Glasgow having declared the occasion of their coming , did present the Assemblies letter together with their Petitions ; The King having read both the one and other said , That the difference between the lawfull and unlawfull meetings might be perceived by the fruits arising from both , for as that unlawful conventicle at Aberdene had caused a schisme in the Church , and given the enemies of Religion a great advantage , so in this Assembly they had not onely joyned in love among themselves , wich is the main point of religion , but also had taken a solid course for the repressing of Popery , and superstition : that he did allow all their Petitions , and would give order for a Convention which should ratifie the conclusions of the Assembly ; assuring them , that the Church keeping that course , should never lack his Patrociny and Protection . Letters were immediately directed to publish his Majesties acceptation of the Assemblies proceedings , and the Councell joyned to commit the Marquesse of Huntley in the Castle of Striveling , the Earl of Angus in the Castle of Edinburgh , and the Earl of Arroll in Dumbritton . A convention was likewise indicted at Edinburgh the sixth of December , which was afterward prorogued to the 27 of Ianuary ; The Archbishop of Glasgow was in the mean time sent home to inform the Councell concerning Balmerinoch his business , and how these matters had been carried in England . This report made , The Chancellor , who had been much ruled by the Secretary , was greatly afraid , as suspecting the next assault should have been made upon him self . But the King who knew his disposition , and expected that the Chancellor would carry himself more advisedly , especially in the matters of the Church , the Secretary being gone , did hast the Earl of Dunbar home with a warrant to receive the Chancellor in the number of the Counsellors of England , and therewith appointed him Commissioner with Dunbar in the Convention of Estates ; all which was done to make it seem , that his credit was no way diminished with his Majesty . In this convention divers Acts were made in favours of the Church , As first that Noblemen sending their sons forth of the Countrey should direct them to places where the reformed Religion was professed , at least where the same was not restrained by the Inquisition , and that the Pedagogues sent to attend them , should be chosen by the Bishop of the Dioces , wherin if they should happen to transgress , the Nobleman being an Earl should incur the pain of four thousand pounds ; if he was a Lord , five thousand Marks ; and if a Baron , three thousand Marks . And if their sons should happen to decline from the true Religion , that their Parents should withdraw all entertainment from them , and finde surety to that effect . That the Bishop of the Dioces should give up to the Treasurer , Controller , Collector and their deputies , the names of all persons excommunicated for Religion , to the end they might be known ; and that no confirmations , resignations , nor infestiments should be granted to any contained in that Roll. That the Director of the Chancery should give forth no briefes , directories , precepts of returns , nor precept upon comprisement , till they produced the Bishops Testificate of their absolution , and obedience ; and that it should be lawfull to Superiours , and Lords of Regalities to refuse the entry of all such to their lands by precepts of Clarè constat , or any other way . Lastly , that persons excommunicated for not conforming themselves to the Religion presently professed , should neither in their own names , nor covertly in name of any other enjoy their lands , or rents , but that the same should be intrometted with and uplifted to his Majesties use . These were the Acts concluded touching Religion , for the punishment of rapes , which was grown as then too common , his Majesty by a speciall letter did recommend to the Estates some overtures for restraining such violences . As if any widow , woman or maid should be forced , and abused against her will , the crime should be capital , and not purged by the subsequent consent of the woman . In like manner if any woman should be taken away , albeit no further injury was done , and she relieved , either by her friends or by the Magistrate , or by what so ever means , the onely violence intended should be punished by death in regard the party had indevoured to do his worst . And for those that did intice any woman to go away without their parents or tutors consent , that they should be secluded from any part of the goods or lands belonging to the woman so inticed . Some other Acts for the publick good of the kingdome were passed at the same time , neither was it remembred that in any one convention so much good of a long time was done as in this . In the beginning of February the Secretary was brought to Edinburgh and delivered to the Magistrates , who received him at the neither port , and conveyed him as a Prisoner to the lodging that was appointed . A great gazing there was of people , which troubled him not a little as he shewed by his countenance . The next day he was delivered to the Lord Scone , who with a guard of horse did convey him to the prison of Falkland ; there he remained to the 10 of March , and was at that time taken to S. Andrews to abide his triall : with the Justice there sate as Assessors the Earls of Dunbar , Montross and Lothian , the Lord Privy seal and Clerk Register . His indictment was to this effect , That in the year 1598 by the instigation of his Cousin Sir Edward Drummond a professed Papist he had stoln and surreptitiously purchased his Majesties hand to a letter written by the said Sir Edward , and directed to Pope Clement the eighth in favour of the Bishop of Vaison for the said Bishops preferment to the dignity of a Cardinall . And that notwithstanding the many denialls the King gave him in that busines he had treasonably conspired with the said Sir Edward to deceive and abuse his Majesty , shuffling in a letter among others that were to be signed , and filling it up after it was signed , with the styles and titles usually given to the Pope , and sealed the letter with his Majesties fignet , the keeping whereof was intrusted to him by virtue of his office , and in so doing had mostundutifully and treasonably behaved himself , to the indangering of his Majesties Honour , Life , Crown , and Estate , and to the subversion of true Religion , and the whole professors thereof . Upon the reading of the indictment he was enquired if he would use any friends or advocates to speak in his defence , as the order of the Court did allow him : his answer was , That he stood never in so great need of a Proloquutor , the matter concerning his life , estate and all that he possessed in this world ; yet he had choosed to keep silence , and not employ either friends or advocates , the offence he had committed being such as could admit no defence ; for howsoever he conceived that the keeping of intelligence with the Pope , might advance his Majesties succession to the Crown of England , yet knowing as he did his Majesties resolution never to use any crooked course , but to rest upon Gods providence and his own right , it did not become him to have medled in a matter of that importance . Therefore did he intreat all gentlemen and others that were present to bear witness of his confession , and the true remorse he had for the offence committed , which he esteemed so great , as neither his lands , nor life , may not twenty thousand lives such as his could repair : onely two things he asked liberty to protest ; one was that he never intended to work an alteration of Religion , or a toleration of the contrary , the thing he had done being a meer worldly course , whereby he judged some good might have been wrought at the time . Next he protested that neither the love of gain , nor hope of commodity had led him on , that having never received nor expected benefit from any Prince living ( his Master the King onely excepted ) but an opinion he foolishly conceited that he might that way promote his Masters right . In end he said , that he would not make the Iudges any more business , that he had confessed the truth , and as he wished God to be mercifull to his soul in that great day , his Majesty was most falsely and wrongfully charged with the writing of that letter to the Pope , and that he never could move him to consent thereto . The Jury was then called , and the persons following sworn in face of Court , David Earl of Crawford , George Earl Marshall , Iohn Earl Wigton , Patrick Earl of Kingborne , Iohn Earl of Tillibarden , Alban L. Cathcart , Iohn L. Salton , David L. Scone , Alexander L Garlies , William Master of Tillibarden , Sir Iames Douglas of Dr●mlanrick , Sir Robert Gordon of Lochinvar , Sir William Levingston of Kilsith , Sir Iohn Houston of the Ilke , and Sir Patrick Home of Polwart . These going apart returned after a short space into the Court , and by the mouth of the Earl of Marshall pronounced Iames Lord Balmerinoch guilty of treasonable , surreptitious , fraudulent , and false stealing of his Majesties hand to the letter specified in the indictment , without his Majesties knowledge and contrary to his will declared . As also of the treasonable affixing of his Majesties signet to the said letter ; and of assisting known and professed Papists in their treasonable courses to the danger of Religion , the overthrow of the true professors thereof , and drawing of his Majesties life , estate and right of succession to the Crown of England , in most extreme perill ; besides the bringing of most false and scandalous imputations upon his Majesty as well in Religion as honour ; and of art and part of the whole treasonable crimes contained in the said indictment . The King being advertised of his conviction ( for he had commanded before any doom should be pronounced ) by a warrant directed to the Justice he was brought again to Edinburgh , and in a Justice Court kept the first of Aprill , decerned to be taken to the place of execution , and there to have his head cut off , his lands , heritages , Lordships , Baronies , taks , steadings , rooms , possessions , offices , benefices , cornes , cattell &c. forfeited and escheated to his Majesties use , as being convicted of the foresaid treasonable crimes . His life upon the Queens intercession was spared , and he returned to his prison in Falkland , where he abode some moneths , being thereafter licensed to go unto his house in Balmerinoch , he dyed as was thought of grief and sorrow . A man of abilities sufficient for the places he injoyed in Session and Councell ; but one that made small conscience of his doings , and measured all things according to the gain he made by them : The possessions he acquired of the Church kept him still an enemy unto it , for he feared a restitution should be made of those livings , if ever the Clergy did attain unto credit . Not long before he fell in his trouble the King had imployed him to deal with the Lords of Session , among whom he carried a great sway , for restoring the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction to the Bishops ; but he taking ways that he thought should not have been perceived , to disappoint the errand , drew upon himself the Kings displeasure , and fared nothing the better because of his miscarriage in that business , when this occasion was offered . It is not for those that serve Princes , and are trusted by them in the greatest affairs , to deal deceitfully with their Masters , for seldome have any taken that course and have not in the end found the smart thereof . A Parliament was this year kept at Edinburgh the 24 of Iune , the Earl Marshall being Commissioner for the King , wherein the Acts concluded in the preceding convention were ratified , the jurisdiction of Commissaries restored to the Church , the Justices of peace commanded to be setled in every shire , and a Statute made for the Apparell of Iudges , Magistrates , and Churchmen , which were all remitted to his Majesties appointment . Patterns accordingly were sent from London not long after for the apparell of the Lords of Sessions , the Justice , other inferiour Judges , for Advocates , Lawyers , Commissars and all that lived by practise of law , and command given to every one whom the Statutes concerned , to provide themselves of the habits prescribed within a certain space under the pain of Rebellion . Such was the Kings care to have those who were in publick charge held in due respect , and dignosced whither soever they came . The King by his Letters was now daily urging the Bishops to take upon them the administration of all Church affairs ; and they unwilling to make any change without the knowledge and approbation of the Ministers , an assembly to this effect was appointed to hold at Glasgow the 6 of Iune . The Earl of Dunbar , Sir Iohn Preston President of the Session , and Sir Alexander Hay Secretary ( which two had succeeded to Balmerinoch his places being Commissioners for the King ) the Archbishop of Glasgow was elected to preside . There a Proposition was made by the Commissioners of certain point of Discipline , which his Majesty craved to be determined , That all things might be done thereafter orderly in the Church , and with that consent and harmony which was fitting among preachers . Some three daies being spent in reasoning , at last the conclusions following were enacted . 1 The Assembly did acknowledge the indiction of all such generall Assemblies of the Church to belong to his Majesty by the prerogative of his Crown , and all convocations in that kind without his licence to be meerly unlawfull , condemning the conventicle of Aberdene made in the year 1605 , as having no warrant from his Majesty and contrary to the prohibition he had given . 2 That Synods should be kept in every Dioces twice in the year , viz. in Aprill , and October , and be moderated by the Archbishop or Bishop of the Dioces , or where the Dioceses are so large , as all the Ministers cannot conveniently assemble at one place , that there be one or moe had , and in the Bishops absence , the place of Moderation supplied by the most worthy Minister having charge in the bounds , such as the Archbishop or Bishop shall appoint . 3 That no sentence of excommunication , or absolution from the same be pronounced against or in favour of any person , without the knowledge and approbation of the Bishop of the Dioces , who must be answerable unto God and his Majesty , for the formall and unpartiall proceeding thereof . And the process being found formall , that the sentence be pronounced at the Bishops direction by the Minister of the Parish where the offender hath his dwelling , and the process did first begin . 4 That all presentations in time coming be directed to the Archbishop or Bishop of the Dioces , within which the Benefice that is void lieth with power , to the Archbishop or Bishop to dispone or conferre the Benefices that are void within the Dioces after the lapse , Iure devoluto . 5 That in the deposition of Ministers upon any occasion the Bishop do associate to himself some of the Ministers within the bounds where the delinquent serveth , and after just triall of the fact , and merit of it pronounce the sentence of deprivation . The like order to be observed in the suspension of Ministers from the exercise of their function . 6 That every Minister at his admission swear obedience to his Majesty and to his Ordinary according to the form agreed upon Anno 1571. 7 The visitations of the Dioces be made by the Bishop himself , and if the bounds be greater then he can well undertake , by such a worthy man of the Minsterie within the Diocese as he shall choose to visit in his place . And whatsoever Minister without just cause or lawfull excuse shall absent himself from the visitation or Diocesan assembly , be suspended from his Office and Benefice ; and if he doe not amend , deprived . 8 That the convention of Ministers for exercise be moderated by the Bishop being present , and in his absence by any Minister that he shall nominate in his Synod . 9 And last it was ordained , that no Minister should speak against any of the foresaid conclusions in publick , nor dispute the question of equality or inequality of Ministery , as tending only to the intertainment of Schisme in the Church , and violation of the peace thereof . These conclusions taken it was complained in behalf of the Moderators of Presbyteries , who had served since the yeare 1606. That notwithstanding of their promise made at their accepting of the Charge , they had received no payment at all of the stipend allowed : Which the Earl of Dunbarre excused by his absence forth of the Countrey , affirming , That unto that time there was never any motion made thereof to him , and that before the dissolving of that Assembly he should cause satisfaction to be given to them for the time past ; declaring withall , That seeing order was taken for the moderation of Presbyteries in time coming , his Majesties Thesaurer should not be any further burthened with that paiment . The Ministers therein remiting themselves to his Majesties good pleasure gave his Lordship thanks for that he had offered ; which he did also see performed , som five thousand pounds Scots being distributed by the Thesaurers servants among those that had borne the charge ; certain of the discontented sort did interpret it to be a sort of corruption , giving out , That this was done for obtaining the Ministers voices ; Howbeit the debt was known to be just , and that no motion was made of that business before the foresaid conclusions were enacted . In the Assembly a Supplication was presented in the names of the Marquiss of Huntly and the two Earls of Angus and Arroll for their absolution , and a Commission given to that effect , upon their satisfaction , they subscriving the confession of faith and swearing to continue in the profession of the Religion presently established . The Marquiss of Huntly was at that time confined in Styiveling , and to him were the Archbishop of Glasgow , the Bishops of Cathnes and Orkney directed . They found him not unwilling to subscrive the confession of Faith and make satisfaction for his Apostasie , but in regard of his many relapses did not judge it fitting to absolve him ; wheresore they gave order that he should conferre with Mr. Patrick Sympson the Minister of the Town , a learned and moderate man , that so he might subscrive with knowledge and resolution not to fall back . In the December following , having professed himself resolute in all points , he was liberated from his confinement at Striveling , and licensed to goe home to Strathbogy . With the Earl of Arroll the difficulty was greater ; for when in a publick meeting of the Councell within the Castle of Edinburgh , he had professed his conformity in every point of Religion and made offer to subscrive , the very night after he fell in such a trouble of minde , as he went near to have killed himself . Early in the morning the Archbishop of Glasgow being called , he confessed his disinclination with many tears , and beseeching them that were present to bear witness of his remorse , was hardly brought to any setling all that day . The Nobleman was of a tender heart , and of all that I have known that most conscientious in his prosession , and thereupon to his dying was used by the Church with greater lenity then were others of that sect . The Earl of Angus who lived confined at Glasgow took another course , and upon license obtained from his Majesty , went to France , where he might enjoy the exercise of his Religion with liberty , and dyed at Paris in a voluntary banishment some years after . Shortly after the Assembly dissolved , the Archbishop of Glasgow was called to Court , and commanded to bring with him two others such as he thought fit . The Archbishop taking with him the Bishops of Brichen and Galloway came to Court in the midst of September . At their first audience the King declared what the business was for which he had called them , speaking to this purpose , That he had to his great charge recovered the Bishopricks forth of the hands of those that possessed them , and bestowed the same upon such as he hoped should prove worthy of their places ; but since he could not make them Bishops , nor could they assume that honour to themselves , and that in Scotland there was not a sufficient number to enter charge by consecration , he had called them to England , that being consecrated themselves they might at their return give Ordination to those at home , and so the adversaries mouths be stopped , who said that he did take upon him to create Bishops , and bestow spirituall offices , which he never did nor would he presume to doe , acknowledging that authority to belong to Christ alone , and those he had authorized with his power . The Archbishop answering in the name of the rest , That they were willing to obey his Majesties desire , and only feared that the Church of Scotland , because of old usurpations , might take this for a sort of subjection to the Church of England . The King said , That he had provided sufficiently against that , for neither should the Archbishop of Canterbury , nor York , who were the only pretenders , have hand in the business , but Consecration should be used by the Bishops of London , Ely , and Bathe . The Scots Bishops thanking his Majesty for the care he had of their Church , and professing their willingness to obey what he would command , the 21 of October was appointed to be the time , and the Chappell of London house the place of Consecration . A question in the mean time was moved by Dr. Andrewes Bishop of Ely touching the consecration of the Scottish Bishops , who , as he said , must first be ordained Presbyters , as having received no Ordination from a Bishop . The Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Bancroft who was by , maintained That thereof there was no necessity , seeing where Bishops could not be had , the Ordination given by the Presbyters must be esteemed lawfull ; otherwise that it might be doubted , if there were any lawfull vocation in most of the reformed Churches . This applauded to by the other Bishops , Ely acquiesced , and at the day , and in the place appointed the three Scottish Bishops were consecrated . At the same time did the King institute a High Commission in Scotland for the ordering of Causes Ecclesiasticall , and therewith sent to the Clergy the directions following . 1 That every particular matter should not be brought at first before the high Commission , nor any thing moved unto itexcept the same was appealed unto , or complained by one of the Bishops , as a thing that could not be rectified in their Dioces ; or then some enorme offence in the triall whereof the Bishops should be found too remiss . 2 That every Archbishop and Bishop should make his residence at the Cathedrall Church of his Dioces , and labour so farre as they could and were able to repaire the same . 3 That all Archbishops and Bishops be carefull in visitation of their Dioces , and every third year at least , take inspection of the Ministers , Readers , and others serving cure within their bounds . 4 That every Archbishop visit his Province every seven years at least . 5 Whereas there be in sundry Dioceses some Churches belonging to other Bishops , that care be taken to exchange the Churches one with another that all the Dioceses may lie contigue , if possibly the same may be performed . As likewise in regard some Dioceses are too large , and others have a small number of Churches , Scarce deserving the title of a Dioces ; that a course be taken for enlarging the same in a reasonable proportion , by uniting the neerest Churches of the greater Dioces thereto . 6 That the convention of Ministers for the exercise of Doctrine exceed not the number of ten or twelve at most , & over them a Moderator placed by the ordina●y of the Dioces where the said Conventions are licensed , with power to call before them all scandalous persons within that Precinct , and censure and correct offenders according to the Canons of the Church : yet are not these Moderators to proceed in any case either to excommunication , or suspension , without the allowance of the Ordinary . And if it shall be tryed that these Ministers doe usurp any further power then is permitted , or carry themselves unquietly either in teaching or otherwise , at these meetings , in that case the Bishop shall discharge the meeting , and censure the offenders according to the quality of their fault . 7 Considering that laick Elders have neither warrant in the Word , nor example of the Primitive Church and that northeless it is expedient that some be appointed to assist the Minister in repairing the fabrick of the Church , providing elements to the holy Communion , and collecting the contributions for the poor , with other necessary services , the Minister is to make choice of the most wise and discreet persons in the Parish to that effect , and present their names to the Ordinary that his approbation may be had thereto . 8 That the Ministers of the Parish be authorized to call before them and his associates so allowed , all publick and notorious offenders , and enjoyn the satisfaction according to the Canons of the Church ; or if they be obstinate and contumacious , declare their names to the Bishop , that order may be taken with them . 9 That no Minister be admitted without an exact triall preceding , and imposition of hands used in their Ordination by the Bishop and two or three Ministers whom he shall call to assist the action ; and to the end an uniform order may be kept in the admission of Ministers , that a form thereof may be imprinted and precisely followed of every Bishop . 10 That the election of Bishops shall in time coming be made according to the conference Anno 1571. and whilest the Bishoprick remaineth void , the Deane of the Chapter be Vicarius in omnibus ad Episcopatum perínentibus , and have the custody of the Living and Rents , till the same be of new provided . 11 That the Deane of every Chapter convene thereof once at least in the year , and take order that nothing pass except they be Capitulariter congregati ; and that a Register be made of every thing done by the Archbishop or Bishop in the administration of the Rents and safely in the Chapter house . 12 That when it shall be thought expedient to call a generall Assembly , a supplication be put up to his Majesty for license to convene , and that the said Assembly consist of Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons and such of the Ministery as shall be selected by the rest . 13 And because there hath been a generall abuse in that Church , that youths having passed their course in Philosophy before they have attained to the years of discretion , or received lawful Ordination by imposition of hands , do engyre themselves to preach ; that a strict order be taken for restraining all such persons , and none permitted but those that received Orders to preach ordinarily and in publick . These directions being exhibited to the Bishops and some principalls of the Clergy convened with them at Edinburgh in February next , were approved of all ; and at the same time was the High Commission published , to the great discontent of those that ruled the estate ; for that they took it to be a restraint of their authority in matters ecclesiasticall , nor did they like to see Clergy men invested with such authority . The King no less carefull to have all things ordered rightly in the Estate , did prescrive the number , attendants , and manner of proceeding which the Councell should keep in their meetings . As that the number should not exceed thirty and seaven at least be present in every meeting : that at their admission they should take the Oath of allegiance and swear fidelity and secrecy in matters to be communicated unto them . That they should convene twice in the week ; once every Tuesday for matters of State , and once on the Thursday for actions . That none should be permitted to stay with in the Councell house , but the Lords and Clerks of the Councell , nor any solicitations be made within the house , but that all should take their places at their coming in , and none stand on foot , unless they be to answer for themselves , and in that case to rise and stand at the head of the table . That four dayes absence of any Counsellor in the time of sitting without license from the rest , should inferre the loss of their place . That if any of the number were denounced Rebell , or did not at least once in the year communicate , they should be likewise excluded . That wheresoever they remained or happened to come , if they should be informed of any trouble like to arise betwixt parties , they should charge them to keep the peace , and if they refused , they should command them to enter in Ward , the disobedience whereof should be punished as if the whole Councell were disobeyed . Lastly , to keep their persons and places in the greater respect , they were commanded in the streets either to ride with foot clothes or in coaches , but not be seen walking on foot . With these directions a command was given to inhibit by Proclamation any persons to bear quarrell to another , with intention of private revenge , requiring those that should happen to be in any sort injured to complain to the ordinary Judge , within the space of forty days after the injury committed , and insist for justice ; wherein if they should fail , and yet be perceived to carry a grudge towards him by whom they were injured , they should be called before the Councell , and if they refused to reconcile , be punished as despisers of the royall authority , and violators of the publick peace . In the Isles of Orkney and Yetland at this time were great oppressions by the Earl thereof , for which he was committed in the Castle of Edinburgh , and the Bishop of Orkney imployed by the Councell to examine the particular complaints . This Nobleman having undone his estate by riot and prodigality did seek by unlawfull shifts to repair the same , making Acts in his Courts and exacting penalties for the breach thereof , as if any man was tried to have concealed any thing that might inferre a pecuniary mulct , and bring profit to the Earl , his lands and goods were declared confiscated ; or if any person did sue for justice before any other Judge , then his deputies his goods were escheated , or if they went forth of the Isle without his license , or his deputies , upon whatsoever occasion , they should forfeit their moveables ; and , which of all his acts was most inhumane , he had ordained that if any man was tried to supply or give relief unto ships or any vessels distressed by tempest , the same should be punished in his person , and fined at the Earl his pleasure . These Acts produced by the Complainers , and confessed by the Earl himself , were by the Councell decerned unlawfull , and the execution thereof in all times thereafter prohibited . The Clangregore a barbarous and theevish race of people , that could by no means be repressed nor reclaimed from their roberies , were at the same time ordained to be rooted forth , and the service committed to the Earl of Argile ; who made some beginning , and presented certain of the principalls to justice ; but the neglect of their children , and their exhibition as was appointed , made them in after times no less troublesome to the Countrey then before . In the end of the year the Earl of Dunbarre departed his life at whitehall , a man of deep wit , few words , and in his Majesties service no less faithfull then fortunate ; The most difficile affaires he compassed without any noise , and never returned when he was employed , without the work performed that he was sent to doe . His death made a great change in our Estate . Sir Robert Ker a son of Farnherst , who had served the King long in the quality of a Page , and was then grown powerfull in Court , carrying all things by his credit . At first the Thesaurers Office which was in the person of Dunbar , whilest he lived , was trusted to certain Commissioners , but after a little space the same was bestowed upon the said Sir Robert , and he preferred to be Earl of Somerset . The guard that Sir William Cranston a Gentleman of great worth did command , and wherewith he had performed divers notable services in the Borders , was taken from him , and given to Sir Robert Ker of Ancram Somersets cousin . Sir Gedeon Murray his Uncle by the Mother made Deputy in the Office of Thesaury ; and Sir Thomas Hamilton his Majesties Advocate who had married his sister , placed first in the office of Register , and afterwards made Secretary , all which was ascribed to Somerset his credit . Yet these things were not ill taken , the last excepted , for Sir William Cranston being content to resigne his place , the King in remembrance of his good service did preferre him to be a Lord of Parliament : Sir Gedeon his abilities for the services he was trusted with , were known to all ; and for the Advocate , his sufficiency was undoubted , only the manner of his coming to be Register was not so well interpreted . Sir Iohn Skeen had enjoyed the place a good many years , and being grown in age and infirme , thinking to get his son provided to his office , had sent him to Court with a dimission of the place , but with a charge not to use it , unless he found the King willing to admit him ; yet he abused by some politick wits , made a resignation of the Office , accepting an ordinary place among the Lords of Session . The office upon his resignation was presently disponed to the Advocate : which grieved the Father beyond all measure . And the case indeed was pitifull , and much regrated by all honest men , for he had been a man much employed and honoured with divers legations , which he discharged with good credit , and now in age to be circumvented in this sort , by the simplicity or folly of his son , 't was held lamentable . The King being informed of the abuse by the old mans complaint , was very carefull to satisfie him and to have the son reconciled to his father , which after some travell was brought to passe : yet so exceeding was the old mans discontent , as within a few daies he deceased . The office of Register was shortly after enterchanged with the Secretary Sir Alexander Hay , and he made keeper of the Rolls , the Lord Binning Secretary , and Sir William Oliphant received to be his Majesties Advocate . In the beginning of the next year there happened diverse unhappy quarrels betwixt the Scots and English . at Court , which was like to have produced very bad effects : and nothing worse taken then the slaughter of an English Fencer , by the Lord Sanqhars instigation , who for an injury alledged , did hire one called Carleill to kill the Fencer : this fact committed in the City of London , and so near to the Kings Court , caused such a heart-burning among the people , as it was not farre from breaking forth into a generall commotion . But his Majesty preventing the danger , made Sanqhar to be arrested , and brought to his triall , where being convicted he was hanged publickly at the Palace-gate of Westminster . This act of justice gave the English a great content , nor was the death of the Nobleman much regrated by his own Countrey people , for he had lived all his time dissolutely and falling in familiarity with a base Curtesan at Paris , had by her a son , to whom he entailed his lands , intending to defraud the heir . But the King taking the matter into his own cognition , did by compromise adjudge the succession to the just inheritour , appointing a little portion to the base son , who in a short time made away the same prodigally . Not long before his Majesty being informed of a course kept by the Church in excommunicating persons that were fugitives for capitall crimes , sent to the Bishops and Clergy a Letter of this tenor : The Ecclesiasticall Censure of Excommunication , which should be inflicted upon such as having committed any scandalous offence , are contemners of the admonitions of the Church , is , as we have been enformed , so farre absued against the first institution , that we cannot sufficiently mervail of the proceeding said to be commonly used among you ; namely , that persons fugitive for capitall crimes being cited before Ecclesiastical Iudicatories , although it be known that they dare not compeir for fear of their life , are sentenced as persons contumacious , whereas the fear they stand in ought in reason to excuse their absence , since they cannot be judged contemners of the Church , who upon just terrors are kept back from giving their personall appearance . In a late Treatise the Venetian Padre Paulo did learnedly confute the sentence pronounced by the present Pope against him for his not appearing to answer in the cause of heresie , only upon the just fear be pretended , and had his appeal justified by all indifferent men , from the Popes sentence as abusive ; your proceedings for the manner is no other , and by the learnedst Divines in these parts resembled to the Moscovites form , who if he be offended with any person , commandeth him to send his head unto him : just so your citations are in the foresaid case , which is to will the offenders come in and be hanged , which were they never so penitent is not to be thought they will doe ; for they will rather fall under your censure then hazard themselves in the hands of the justice . This being the ready way to bring the Censures of the Church in contempt , Our pleasure is , that hereafter there be no such form of proceeding used among you . Notwithstanding if it shall happen such offenders to obtain our pardon , and that the fear they stand in of their life be removed , we mean not but that they should be called before the Church , and Censures used against such of those that are impenitent . Hereof perswading our selves that you will have care and not give way to the abuse in time coming , We bid you farewell . Upon the receipt of this Letter , the Bishops convening with certain of the Clergie to advise what course was fittest to be held in these cases , a long reasoning was kept , some maintaining , That the form practised by the Church was not to be changed , they having tried the good thereof , and that people were terrified by this means from falling into these odious crimes . Others reasoned , That the principall end of all Church censures , especially of Excommunication , was the reclaiming of offenders , and the bringing of them to the acknowledgment of their sin , and that where the principall use had no place , that other secondary ends ought not to be respected ; and so in case of Fugitives , what could any Censure avail to their reclaiming , they not being in place to answer , or to receive any admonition ? yea and might it not fall that by proceeding against men in such case , men truly sorrowfull for their sin should be sentenced , and so the persons bound by the Church , whom God hath loosed ; They did therefore judge it more safe in these cases to advertise people of the hainousness of the fact committed , warning them to make their own profit thereof , and to forbear all proceeding against the fugitive person till his condition should be made known . This turned to be the resolution of the whole number , and thereupon direction was given to the Ministers not to intend or follow any processe against fugitives in time coming . This year the Earl of Eglington departed this life , who having no childe nor heir male to succeed , made a disposition of his lands and honours to Sir Alexander Seaton his Cousin germane , with a proviso , That he and his children should take the name and use the arms of the house of Montgomery . The king , who was alwaies most tender in the conveyance of honours , being informed of the disposition made by the deceased Earl , did by a Letter written to the Councell witness his displeasure at such alienations ; shewing that howsoever he could not stay Noblemen to dispose of their lands , he being the fountain of all honour within his Kingdoms , would not permit the same to be sold or alienated without his consent : and thereupon did inhibit the said Sir Alexander to use the title of Lord or Earl , notwithstanding the disposition made to him . Some two years after his Majesty was pleased to bestow the honour upon him , and so was he received into the place and honour formerly belonging to the house of Eglington . In the month of october a Parliament was kept at Edinburgh , the Chancellor being Commissioner for the King , wherein the conclusions taken in the Assembly at Glasgow were ratified , and all Acts and constitutions , especially the Act made in the Parliament 1592 , rescinded and annulled , in so farre , as they , or any of them , or any part of the same were derogatory to the Articles there concluded . In this Parliament a subsidy was urged , and a great contest made for the quantity , which was required in a more large measure then in former times , because of his Majesties affairs , especially for the marriage of Lady Elizabeth with the Palsgrave , who in the same moneth arrived in England . The poverty of the Countrey , with a fear that what was then granted , should be made a Precedent for after times , was pretended by those that withstood the motion , albeit the true cause was known to be the dislike that the Popish faction had of the Match , which by all means they laboured to crosse : nor was any more busie then the Lord Burleigh to impede the subsidy , he being a little before come from Court , did affirm that the King in a private speech with him touching the same , had said , That he required no more then was granted in the Parliament 1606 , and thereby made the opposition greater then otherwise it would have been ; yet in the end after long debating it was concluded , that the supply should be more liberall in regard of the present occasion , then at any time before . The King upon advertisement of the Lord Burleighs business gave order to remove him from the Councel , and to inhibit him from coming any more at Court : which he apprehending to be the Lord Scones doing , and that he had informed against him , took so ill , as he did send him a challenge , and appeal him to the combat . Hereupon he was committed in the Castle of Edinburgh , where he remained some two moneths ; thereafter upon the acknowledgment of his offence , and being reconciled with the Lord Scone , he was put to liberty . In Court at this time was great rejoicing , and the marriage of the Lady Elizabeth with Prince Palatine daily expected , when on the suddain all was turned to mourning by the death of Prince Henry , who departed this life at S. Iames , in the beginning of November . A Prince of excellent virtues , and all the perfections that can be wished for in youth . He died at the age of 18 years , and 8 moneths , greatly lamented both at home and abroad . The Councell esteeming it their duty to express their doleance for that accident , made choice of the Chancellor and the Archbishop of Glasgow for that business . But the King having received an hard information of the Chancellors carriage in the late Parliament , sent his servant William Shaw to discharge him from coming to Court , who encountring him at Morpet , caused him to return . The Archbishop who was no further advanced then Berwick accompanied the Chancellor to Edinburgh , and after a short stay there , as he was willed went to his journey again towards Court , whither he came a little before Christmas . The Nuptials in regard of the Princes death were put off to the February following , at which time , the sorrow being a little worn out , the same were performed with great solemnity . It was shewed before concerning the oppressions of the people of Orkney , that the Acts made by the Earl in his Courts were judged unlawfull , and he discharged to put the same thereafter in execution . Notthelesse going on in his wonted course , he sent his base son called Robert into the Countrey , in shew to uplift his rents and duties , but in effect to trie and punish the transgressours of these Acts : whereupon new complaints being preferred to the Councell , the King was advised to make purchase of Sir Iohn Arnots right to whom the Earl had impignorated his estate , as being the only means to relieve that distressed people from his oppressions ; the bargain shortly was made , and the King possessed in the lands , Sir Iames Stewart Captain Iames his sonne being made Chamberlain and the Sheriffe of the Countrey . The Earl himself was transported from Edinburgh to the Castle of Dunbarton , and had allowed to him six shillings eight pence sterling a day for his entertainment , where he had not long remained , when as he received advertisement , that the Castles of Kirkwall , Birsay , and other his Houses in these Isles were all rendered to the Sheriffe . This put him in a great passion , and many waies he essayed to make an escape , but finding no possibility he sent his base son who was lately returned , with an expresse command to take back the houses and expulse the Deputy Mr. Iohn Finlason , whom the Chamberlain had left there . The young man at his coming to Orkney being assisted with some loose people made his first assault upon Birsay , expulsing Bernard Stewart The Keeper , and placing a Garrison therein of some thirty persons . The Deputy hearing what was done , went speedily thither , charging them in his Majesties name to render ; but they despising the charge , and he not able to force them , he went from thence to Kirkwall ; the Rebels following at his heels compelled him in like sort to render the Castle of Kirkwall in which he had entred . Upon report of this Rebellion , Commission was given to the Earl of Cathnes as Lieutenant for the King in those bounds , to recover the Castles and pacifie the Countrey ; which he carefully performed . At his first landing a company of people to the number of five hundred , who were brought together more out of fear of the Rebels , then of any desire to withstand , made a countenance to resist , but how soon they perceived the Earls resolution to pursue , they gave back , their leaders flying to the Castle which they meant to defend . This they made good some five weeks or more till the Canon having beaten down a great part of the walls , they were forced to yeild themselves at discretion . The persons taken in the Castle were Robert Stewart the Earl's base son , Archibald Murray , Andrew Martin , Alexander Legat , and Thomas King , servants to the Earl. These were all transported to Edinburgh , and being convicted by a Jury , were hanged on a gibbet at the Mercat-crosse . In this siege the Lieutenant lost four men only ; namely , William Irwin son to William Irwin of Saba , Iames Richardson , Andrew Adamson , and William Robinson , who were killed all by shots from the Castle ; many were wounded and hurt , but thereof recovered . Towards the end of the year Mr. David Lindesay Bishop of Rosse departed this life in a great age , having attained to fourscore two or three years : a man nobly descended , and a Brother of the house of Edzell . Soon after the Reformation , returning from his travells abroad , he applied himself to the function of the Ministery , and entring the charge at Leth , continued therein to his death ; of a peaceable nature , and greatly favoured of the King , to whom he performed divers good services , especially in the troubles he had with the Church ; a man universally beloved and well esteemed of by all wise men . His corps were interred at Leth by his own direction , as desiring to rest with that people , on whom he had taken great pains in his life . The Earl of Orkney being brought the October preceding from Dumbarton to Edinburgh was in February next put to triall , where together with the Justice there sate as Assessors the Earl of Dunfermlin Chancellor , the Lord Bining Secretary , the President Sir Iohn Preston , Sir Gideon Murray Thesaurer Deputy , Sir Richard Cockburne of Clackinton Lord privy Seal , Sir Iohn Cockburne of Ormeston Justice Clerk , Sir Alexander Hay Clerk Register , Sir William Levingston of Kilsith and Sir Alexander Drummond of Medop , Senators of the Colledge of Justice . The substance of the Indictment was , That he had caused his base son to surprise the Castle of Kirkwall with the steeple of the Church , the place called the Yards , and house of Birsay ; that he had incited the people to Rebellion , and detained the said Castles and Houses treasonably after he was charged to deliver the same . His Prolocutors were Mr. Alexander King , Mr. Thomas Nicolson , and Mr. Alexander Forbes Lawyers , all of good esteem ; the chief defence they used was a deniall of the libell : the Advocate producing the confession of his base son and those that were executed with him , together with some missive Letters written by one Iohn Sharpe at his direction for the detaining of the Castle of Kirkwall , and a Charter of certain lands gifted by him to Pat : Halcro for assisting the Rebels , the Justice remitted the verity of the Indictment to the Assise . The persons chosen thereupon was Iames Earl of Glencarn , George Earl of Winton , Iohn Earl of Perth , Robert Earl of Lothian , William Earl of Tillibarden , David Lord Scone , William Lord Sanqhar , Iohn Lord Harries , Iames Lord Torphichen , Hugh Lord Semple , William Lord Killmaers , Iohn Grant of French●e , Sir Patrick Hepburne of Waughton , Robert Arnot of Farny , and Sir Henry Lindesay of Kinfawnes , who sworn and received according to the custome , went apart by themselves for a certain space , and returning unto the Court , by the mouth of their Chancellor ( the Earl of Glencarne ) declared him guilty of the foresaid Rebellion , and of the whole points contained in the Indictment . The Justice thereupon gave sentence that he should be taken to the Mercat crosse , and there beheaded , and all his goods and lands confiscated . The Earl taking the sentence impatiently , some Preachers were desired to conferre with him , and to dispose his minde towards death ; but they finding him irresolute , intreated for a delay of the execution ; which was granted to the sixth of February , at which time he was brought unto the scaffold , guarded by the Magistrates of the City , and in the sight of many people beheaded . This was the end of Patrick Earl of Orkney , son to Robert Stewart one of King Iames the fifth his base sons ; Robert was at first provided to the Abbacy of Halir●dhouse ; which he enjoyed divers years : After the forfeiture of Hepburne Earl Bothwell and the obtaining of these Isles , he exchanged the Abbacy with the Bishoprick of Orkney , and so became sole Lord of the Countrey ; Patrick succeeding to an elder brother who died young , by his too much resort to Court and profuse spending did involve himself in great debts , and seeking to repair his estate by the indirect courses he touched , fell into these incoveniencies which you have heard , and may serve for a warning to all great personages not to oppresse nor play the Tyrants over the meaner sort of people . About the end of the year Iohn Ogilvy a Jesuite was apprehended at Glasgow . He was lately come from Grats , where the Jesuits have a Colledge . by the command ( as he said ) of his superiours , to doe some service in these parts . The●e were found with him three little books containing certain directions for receiving confessions : a warrant to dispense with them that possest any Church livings , conceived in this form , Quoad dispensationem de bonis Ecclesiasticis , poter is dispensare ut rctimeant que possident , dummodo in usus pios aliquid impendant , pro judicio confessarii dispe●santis ; with some Reliques and a tu●t of S. Ignatius hair , the founder of their Order , which he seemed to have in great regard . Upon advertisement given to his Majesty , a Commission was sent to the Secretary the Lord Kilsith , the Thesaurer Deputy , and Advocate for his examination and triall . Being presented before them , and enquired when he came into Scotland , what his business was , and where he had resorted ? To the first he answered , That he came in the June preccding ; to the second , that his errand was to save souls ; but to the third he denied to give any answer at all , saying , that he would not utter any thing that might work prejudice to others : nor could he be induced either by perswasion or threatning to detect the persons with whom he had resorted . The Commissioners offending at his obstinacy , and meaning to extort a confession from him , advised to keep him some nights from sleep ; and this indeed wrought somewhat with him , so as he began to discover certain particulars , but how soon he was permitted to take any rest , he denied all , and was as obstinate in denying as at first . His Majesty being certified that without torture nothing would be drawn from him , made answer , That he would not have those forms used with men of his profession ; and if nothing could be found , but that he was a Iesuit and had said Mass , they should banish him the Countrey and inhib●t him to return without licence , under pain of death . B●t if it should appear that he had been a practiser for the stirring up of subjects to Rebellion , or did maintain the Popes transcendent power over Kings , and refus●d to take the Oath of Allegeance , they should leave him to the course of law and justice ; mean while his pleasure was , that the questions following should be moved unto him , and his answers there to required : 1 Whether the Pope be Judge , and hath power in spiritualibus in over his Majesty , and whether that power will reach over his Majesty in tempor alibus if it be in ordine ad spiritualia ; as Bellarmine affirmeth . 2 Whether the Pope hath power to excommunicate Kings ( especially such as are not of his Church ) as his Majesty ? 3 Whether the Pope hath power to depose Kings by him excommunicated , and in particular , whether he hath power to depose the Kings Majesty ; 4 Whether it be no murther to slay his Majesty being so excommunicated and deposed by the Pope ? 5 Whether the Pope hath power to assoile subjects from the oath of their born and native allegeance to his Majesty ; These Questions were sent inclosed in a Letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow , who assuming to himself the Provost of the City , the Principall of the Colledge , and one of the Ministers as Witnesses , did in their hearing read the Questions , and receive his Answer , which he gave under his hand , as followeth : I acknowledge the Pope of Rome to be Iudge unto his Majesty , and to have power over him in spiritualibus , and over all Christian Kings . But where it is askt , whether that power will reach over him in temporalibus ? I am not obliged to declare my opinion therein , except to him that is Iudge in Controversies of Religion , to wit , the Pope ; or one having authority from him . For the second point , I think that the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King : and where it is said , that the King is not of the Popes Church ; I answer , that all who are baptized are under the Popes power . To the third where it is askt , if the Pope hath power to depose the King being excommunicate ? I say that I am not tied to declare my minde except to him that is Iudge in controversies of Religion . To the fourth and fifth , I answer , ut supra . Being reasoned with a long time , and the danger exponed , wherein he did cast himself , by maintaining such treasonable opinions , he answered , That he would not change his minde for any danger that could befall him , and speaking of the Oath of Allegeance , that it was a damnable Oath , and treason against God to swear it . Some daies being allowed him to bethink himself better of these points . When as no advice could prevail , and answers were sent to his Majesty subscribed by himself , and therewith a testification of such as were present at the giving thereof . Hereupon the Councell was commanded to passe a Commission to the Provost and Bayliffs of Glasgow for putting him to a triall ; there were assisting Iames Marquis of Hamilton , Robert Earl of Lothian , William Lord Sanqhar , Iohn Lord Fleming , and Robert Lord Boyd . Some daies before he was brought to the Barre , it was told him , That he was not to be charged with saying of Masse , nor anything that concerned his profession , but only with the Answers made to the Questions proponed , which if he should recall , there being yet place to repentance , the triall should be suspended till his Majesty were of new advertised . His reply was , That he did so little minde to recall any thing he had spoken , as when he should be brought to his answer he should put a bonnet on it . And this indeed he performed , for when he was placed on pannell , and the Indictment read , which was grounded all upon the Acts of Parliament made against those that declined his Majesties authority , or maintained any other Jurisdiction within the Realm , and upon answer made to the above-written demands , subscribed with his hand , he brake forth in these speeches : Under protestation that I doe no way acknowledge this judgment , nor receive you that are named in that Commission for my Judges , I deny any point laid against me to be treason ; for if it were treason , it would be such in all places , and all Kingdomes , which you know not to be so . As to your Acts of Parliament , they were made by a number of partiall men , and of matters not subject to their forum or judicatory , for which I will not give a rotten figge . And where I am said to be an enemy to the Kings authority , I know not what authority he hath but what he received from his predecessors , who acknowledged the Pope of Rome his jurisdiction . If the King will be to me as his predecessors were to mine , I will obey and acknowledge him for my King , but if he doe otherwise and play the runnagate from God , as he and you all doe , I will not acknowledge him more then this old hat . At these words being interrupted , and commanded to speak more reverently of his Majesty , he said , That he should take the advertisement , and not offend , but the judgment he would not acknowledge . And for the reverence I doe you , to stand uncovered ; I let you know it is ad redemptionem vexationis , not ad agnitionem Iudicii . The persons cited upon the Jury being then called , and he desired to shew , if he would except against them , said , That he had but one exception against them all , which was , that either they were enemies to his cause , or friends : if enemies , they could not sit upon his triall ; and if friends , they ought to assist him at the Bar. Only he should wish the Gentlemen to consider well what they did , and that he could not be judged by them . That whatsoever he suffered was by way of injury and not of judgement ; and that he was accused of treason but had not committed any offence , nor could he beg mercy . And proceeding in this strain , I am , said he , a subject as free as the King is a King ; I came by commandement of my Superior into this kingdome , and if I were even now forth of it , I would return , neither do I repent any thing but that I have not been so busie as I should , in that which you call perverting of subjects . I am accused for declining the Kings authority , and will do it still in matter of Religion , for with such matters he hath nothing to do : and this which I say , the best of your Ministers do maintain , and if they be wise will continue of the same mind : some questions were moved to me which I refused to answer , because the proferers were not Judges in controversies of Religion , and therefore I trust you cannot infer any thing against me . But I hope , said the Archbishop , you will not make this a controversie of Religion , Whether the King b●ing deposed by the Pope may be lawfully killed ? To this he replied , It is a question among the Doctors of the Church ; many hold the affirmative not improbably ; but as that point is not yet determined ; so if it shall be concluded , I will give my life in defence of it , and to call it unlawfull , I will not , though I should save my life by saying it . His speeches , the more liberty was given him , growing the more intolerable the Jurors were willed to go apart ; who quickly returning , declared by the mouth of their Chancellor Sir George Elphingston , that they found him guilty of all the treasonable crimes contained in the indictment . Whereupon doom was pronounced , and the same day in the afternoon he was hanged in the publick street of Glasgow . He was , as it seemed , well instructed in that Iesuitical doctrine of deposing & dethroning Kings , and like enough to have played another Ravilliack , if he had not been intercepted : which was the rather believed , that in lamenting his mishap to one that he esteemed his friend , he did say , That nothing grieved him so much , as that he should be apprehended in that time ; for if he had lived unto Whitsunday at liberty , he should have done that which all the Bishops and Ministers of Scotland and England should never have helped ; and to have done it he would willingly have been drawn in peeces with horses , and not cared what torments he had indured But this did not burst forth till after his death . Mr. Iames Moffet , another of the same Society , being apprehended neer about the same time , took a safer course ; for having condemned Ogilvies positions he was suffered to depart the Countrey the King professing , as he ever did , That he would never hang a Priest for his Religion ; only these Polypragmatick Papists , that were set upon sedition and to move disturbance in Countreys , he could not away with . The next spring Mr. George Gladstaves Archbishop of S. Andrews departed this lite : a man of good learning , ready utterance , and great invention ; but of an easie nature , and induced by those he trusted , to do many things hurtfull to the Sea , especially in leasing the titles of his Benefice for many ages to come , esteeming ( which is the error of many Churchmen ) that by this mean he should purchase the love and friendship of men , whereas there is no sure friendship but that which is joyned with respect ; and to the preserving of this nothing conduceth more then a wise and prudent administration of the Church rents , wherewith they are intrusted . He left behinde him in writing a declaration of his judgement touching matters then controverted in the Church , professing , that he had accepted the Episcopall function upon good warrant , and that his conscience did never accuse him for anything done that way : this he did to obviate the rumours which he foresaw would be dispersed after his death , either of his recantation , or of some trouble of spirit that he was cast into ; ( for these are the usuall practises of the Puritane sect ) whereas he ended his days most piously and to the great comfort of all the beholders . His corpes was interred in the South east Isle of the Parish Church , and the funerall preached by Mr. William Cowper , Bishop of Galloway , who was lately before preferred upon the decease of Mr. Gawin Hamilton Bishop of that Sea ; a man for courage , true kindness and zeal to the Church never enough commended . S. Andrews falling thus void , divers translations were made in the Church , as of the Archbishop of Glasgow to S. Andrews , the Bishop of Orkney to Glasgow , the Bishop of Dumblane to Orkney , in whose place succeeds Mr. Adam Ballendene Recto● of Falkirk . In the end of this year there was at Court a great business for trying the murther of Sir Thomas Overbury , who had dyed in the Tower some two years before . The occasion and secret contriving of the murther , with the strangeness of the discovery , and his Majesties impartiall proceeding in the triall , deserve all to be remembred . The occasion was , Overburies free and friendly counsells to the Earl of Somerset for diverting him from the marriage he intended with Lady Francis Howard , who by a sentence of nullity was freed from the Earl of Essex her husband : Often had he disswaded Somerset , presuming upon the familiarity that he vouchsafed him , to forbear that Ladies company , and one night more freely , for that he saw Somerset going on in the Match , came unto him , and spake to this effect ; My Lord I perceive you are proceeding in this match which I have often disswaded as your true servant , and friend , I now advise you not to marry that woman : for if you do , you shall ruine your honour , and your self ; adding , that if he went on in that business , he should do well to look to his standing . The Earl taking his free speech more impatiently because he had touched the Lady ( with whom he was bewitched ) in her honour , replyed in passion , that his legs were strong enough to bear him up , and that he should make him repent those speeches . Thus he parted in anger at that time . Overbury interpreting this to be a sudden passion onely , and not thinking that their long continuing friendship would break off by this occasion , continued in his wonted attendance , neither did the Earl wholly abandon him ; howbeit having discovered to the Lady Overbury his counsell and the words he had uttered to her prejudice , she never ceased to inflame him against the Gentleman , and by all means sought to practise his overthrow . It falling out that Overbury was about this time to be employed in an Ambassage to ●ussia , the Earl whose counsell he askt advised him not to embrace the service , but to make some fair excuse . This advice he followed , taking the same to proceed of kindness , and for his refuse was committed to the Tower. The Lady now had him where she wished , and meaning to dispatch him by poyson , wrought so with the Lieutenant Sir Iervis Elways as he did admit one Richard Weston upon her recommendation to be Overburies keeper , by whom the very evening after he was committed a yellow poyson was ministred unto him in a broth at supper , which provoked such extreme vomits and purging as it was lookt he should not recover . But neither this , nor the other poisons that were continually put in his meats , serving to dispatch him , Mistresse Turner the preparer of all , procured an Apothecaries boy to give him a poysoned glyster , which brought him to his end . Overbury thus dead , was presently buried , and because of the blanes and blisters that appeared in his body after his death , a report was dispersed that he dyed of the French Pox ; which few believed , and still the rumour went according to the truth , that he was made away by poyson . The greatness of the procurers kept all hidden for a time , but God who never suffereth such vile acts to go unpunished , did bring the same to light after a miraculous manner . It happenned the Earl of Shrewsbury in conference with a Counsellour of Estate to recommend the Lieutenant of the Tower to his favour as a man of good parts , and one that desired to be known to him . The Counsellour answering , that he took it for a favour from the Lieutenant that he should desire his friendship , added withall , that there lay upon him an heavy imputation of Overburies death , whereof he wished the Gentleman to cleer himself . This related to the Lieutenant , he was stricken a little with it , and said , That to his knowledge some attempts were made against Overbury , but that the same took no effect ; which being told to the King , he willed the Counsellor to move the Lieuten●nt to set down in writing , what he knew of that matter , as he also did ; thereupon certain of the Councell were appointed to examine and finde out the truth . From Weston somewhat was found , whereupon he was made prisoner ; Turner and Franklin the preparers of the poyson being examined , confessed every thing , and then all breaking forth the Earl of Somerset with his Lady and the Lieutenant were Committed . Weston at his first arraignment stood mute , yet was induced afterwards to put himself to the triall of the Countrey , and being found guilty was hanged at Tyburne . Mistresse Turner and Iames Franklin were in like sort executed . The Lieutenant who had winked at their doings was judged accessary to the crime , and condemned to death , which he suffered , expressing a great penitency and assurance of mercy at the hands of God. In the May following the Earl and his Lady were brought to their triall , which by their friends they laboured earnestly to eschew , but the King would not be intreated for the love he had to maintain justice . The Judge by Commission was Thomas Lord Ellesmore , Chancellour of England , and Lord High Stewart for that time ; his assistants were ▪ Sir Edward Coke , Lord Chief Justice of England ; Sir Henry Hubbart , Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas ; Sir Laurence Tanfield , Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer ; Judge Althared , one of the Barons of the Exchequer ; Judge Crook , Judge Dodderidge , and Judge Haughton , Judges of the Kings Bench , and Judge Nicols one of the Judges of the Common Pleas. The Peers by whom they were tryed was the Earl of Worcester Lord Privy-seal , the Earl of Pmebroke Chamberlain , the Earls of Rutland , Sussex , Montgomery , and Hartford ; the Viscount Lisle , the Lord Souch , Warden of the Cinque Ports , the Lord Willowby of Eresby , the Lord Dacres , the Lord Monteagle , the Lord Wtentworth , the Lord Rich , the Lord willowby of Parham , the Lord Hansdon , the Lord Russell , the Lord Compton , the Lord Norris , the Lord Gerard , the Lord Cavendish , and the Lord Dormer . With the Lady there was not much ado , for she with many tears confessing the fact desired mercy . The Earl who was the next day presented before the Judges made some defences , but the confessions of those that were executed , and a letter he had sent to his Majesty did so cleerly convincehim of being accessary to the crime at least , that they were both sentenced to be taken to the Tower of London , and from thence to the place of execution and hanged till they were dead . It was a foul and hatefull fact on the Earles part especially , who did betray his friend for satisfying the appetite of a revengefull woman , yet by his Majesties clemency the lives of both were afterwards spared . A new business was about the same time made by the Marquis of Huntly , some eight years before he had been excommunicated , and giving hopes from time to time of his reconcilement , did not onely frustrate the same , but breaking out in open insolencies , had caused his officers discharge his Tenants from hearing the Sermons of some Ministers , with whom he made shew to offend . Being for this called before the high Commission , he was committed in the Castle of Edinburgh , and had not remained there two or three days , when upon the Chancellors warrant he was put to liberty . The Bishops that were in Town complaining to himself of that he had done , were disdainfully answered , That he might enlarge without their advice any that were imprisoned by the high Commission ; and when it was told that the Church would take this ill , said , that he cared not what their Church thought of him : whereupon the Ministers made great exclamations in the pulpits as against one that abused his place and power . Complaints hereupon were sent from all hands to the King. The Bishops complained of the Chancellour his usurping upon the Commission , and to this effect directed Alexander Bishop of Cathnes to Court. The Chancellour complained of the turbulency of the Ministers , and the liberty they took to censure the publick actions of Statesmen in their Sermons . The Marquis upon a suit he made before his imprisonment , had obtained licence to come unto Court , and had taken his journey thither . But the King upon the Clergies complaint , sent Mr. Patrick Hamilton , then waiting as Secretary deputy at Court , to command the Marquis to return and enter himself in the Castle of Edinburgh , for satisfying the high Commission ; withall he carried a letter to the Councell sharply rebuking them for releasing the Marquis , he being warded by the Lords of the Commission . The Gentleman meeting the Marquis at Huntingdon , within a daies journey to London , did use his message , who intreated him to go back , and shew the King that he was come to give his Majesty satisfaction in every thing he would enjoyn , and to beseech his Majesty since he was so farre on his journey , not to deny him his presence . The offer of satisfaction pleased the King very well , and permitting him to come forward to Court , directed him to the Archbishop of Canterbury , with whom he offered to communicate . His excommunication standing in the way , and it being contrary to the Canons , that one excommunicated by the Church , should without their consent who had so sentenced him , be absolved in another , it was a while doubted what course they should take . The King on the one side was desirous to win him home , and on the other loath to infringe the Order of the Church , yet inclining to have the Marquis absolved , it was thought that the Bishop of Cathnes his consent in the name of the Clergy of Scotland , was a warrant sufficient . Thus the Bishop consenting , the absolution was given him in the Chappell of Lambeth by the Archbishop of Canterbury in this form . Whereas the purpose and intendment of the whole Church of Christ is to win men unto God , and frame their souls for heaven , and that there is such an agreement and correspondency betwixt the Churches of Scotland and England , that what the Bishops and Pastors in the one , without any earthly or wordly respect , shall accomplish to satisfie the Christian and charitable end , and desire of the other , cannot be distastfull to either . I therefore finding your earnest intreaty to be loosed from the bond of excommunication , wherewith you stand bound in the Church of Scotland , and well considering the reason and cause of that censure , as also considering your desire on this present day to communicate here with us , for the better effecting of this work of participation of the holy Sacrament of Christ our Saviour his blessed body and blood ; do absolve you from the said excommunication , in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the holy Ghost . And beseech the Almighty God , that you may be so directed by the holy Spirit , that you may continue in the truth of his Gospell unto your lives end , and then be made partaker of his everlasting kingdome . How soon it was known that the Marquis was absolved by the Archbishop of Canterbury , there were great exceptions taken by the Church , and the same interpreted to be a sort of usurpation : whereof the King being advertised , in a long letter written to the Archbishop of S. Andrews , he did justifie the doing by these reasons ; First , that in absolving the Marquis nothing was intended to the prejudice of the Church of Scotland , but what was done was out of a Christian necessity , it being needfull that the Marquis should be absolved before he was admitted to the participation of the holy Sacrament . Secondly , he willed the Church to consider that his absolution at home was onely deferred upon the scruple he made of the Presence of our Saviour in the Sacrament , and that upon his confession swearing and subscriving the other points of Religion they themselves had suspended his excommunication the lawful●nesse whereof he would not dispute but remit the same to the Canonists , yet the suspension standing , it was not much from an absolution . Thirdly , that the absolution given him in England did necessarily imply an acknowledgement of the authority of the Church of Scotland , whereas if the Archbishop of Canterbury had received him to the holy Communion and not first absolved him , being excommunicated by the Church of Scotland , the contempt and neglect had been a great deal greater . Fourthly , that the Marquis being come into England , and make offer to perform whatsoever should be required of him , it was more fit to take him in that disposition then to have delayed it unto his return into Scotland . For these reasons , he said , and especially because all that was done , was with a due acknowledgement , and reservation of the power and independent authority of the Church of Scotland ; which the Archbishop of Canterbury had by his own hand testified it was his pleasure , that upon the Marquis his return a full form of absolution should be given him , or a ratification made of that which was done in England ; so as neither the Archbishop of Canterbury his doing should be disapproved , as unlawfull ; nor the same so approved , as it might seem that the Church of Scotland was inferiour in any sort to that of England ; and that the Archbishops Letter written to that effect , should be put in record , and kept as a perpetuall monument for ages to come . This Letter directed to the Archbishop of S. Andrews , I have thought here meet to be inserted . Salutem in Christo. Because I understand that a Generall Assembly is shortly to be held at Aberdene , I cannot but esteem it an office of brotherly love to yeild you an accompt of that great action , which lately befell us here with the Marquis of Huntley . So it was then , that upon the coming up of the said Marquis , his Majesty sharply entreating him for not giving satisfaction to the Church of Scotland , and for a time restraining him from his Royall presence , the Marquis resolving to give his Majesty contentment , did voluntarily proffer to communicate when and wheresoever his Highness should be pleased ; whereupon his Majesty being pleased to make known that offer to me , it was held fit to strike the iron whilest it was hot , and that his great work should be accomplished before his Majesties going to progresse ; whereunto a good opportunity was offered by the consecration of the Bishop of Chester , which was to be in my Chappell of Lambeth the seventh of this moneth , at which time a solemn communion was there to be celebrated . The only pause was , that the Marquis being excommunicated by the Church of Scotland , there was in appearance some difficulty how he might be absolved in the Church of England ; wherewith his Majesty being acquainted , who wished that it should not be deferred , we grew to this peaceable resolution , which I doubt not your Lordship and the rest of our brethren there will interpret to the best : for first , what was to be performed might be adventured upon , as we esteemed , out of a brotherly correspondency and unity of affection , and not only of any authority ; for we well know , that as the Kingdome of Scotland is a free and absolute Monarchy , so the Church of Scotland is entire in it self , and independent upon any other Church . Secondly , we finde by the advice of divers Doctors of the Civil law , and men best experienced in things of this nature , that the course of Ecclesiasticall proceedings would fairly permit that we might receive to our communion a man excommunicated in another Church , if the said person doe declare that he had a purpose hereafter for some time to reside among us , which the Lord Marquis did openly professe that he intended , and I know his Majesty doth desire it ; and for my part I rest satisfied , that it can bring no prejudice , but rather contentment unto you , and to that Kingdom . Thirdly , it pleased God the night before the celebration of the sacrament , to send in our brother the Bishop of Cathnes , with whom I taking counsel , his Lordship resolved me , that it was my best way to absolve the Lord Marquis , and assured me that it would be well taken by the Bishops and Pastors of the Church of Scotland . I leave the report of this to my Lord Cathnes himself , who was an eye-witness with what reverence the Marquis did participate of that holy sacrament . For all other circumstances , I doubt not but you shall be certified of them from his Majesty , whose gracious and princely desire is , that this bruised reed should not be broken , but that so great a personage ; ( whose example may doe much good ) should be cherished and comforted in his coming forward to God : which I for my part doe hope , and firmly believe , that you all will endevour according to the wisdome and prudence which Almighty God hath given unto you . And thus as your Lordship hath ever been desirous that I should give you the best assistance I could with his Majesty for the reducing or restraining this Nobleman , so you see I have done it with the best discretion I could , which I doubt not but all our brethren with you will take as proceeding from my desire to serve God , and his Majesty , and the whole Church of Scotland . I send you herewith the form which I used in absolving the Lord Marquiss in the presence of the Lord Primate of Ireland , the Lord Bishop of London and divers others . And so beseeching the blessing of God upon you all , that in your Assembly with unity of spirit you may proceed , to the honour of Christ and to the beating down of Antichrist and Popery , I leave you to the Almighty . From my house at Croyden , Iuly 23. 1616. This letter being shewed to the Clergy and others that were offended with the absolution of the Marquiss , gave them content , yet was it resolved that the Marquiss ( who then was returned from Court ) should present a supplication to the generall Assembly which was to meet at Aberdene the 13 of August , acknowledging his offence , not despising the admonitions of the Church , and promising to continue in the profession of the truth , and make his children to be educated in the same , and that upon his supplication he should be new absolved according to the form used in the Church of Scotland . This was very solemnly performed the first day of the Assembly , the earl of Montrose being then Commissioner for his Majesty . In the Assembly it was ordained , That for as much as his Majesty had by Proclamation recalled such as were gone forth of the Countrey to be educated in the Colledges of Jesuits , or other Popish Universities , within the space of a year upon pain to be declared uncapable of succession either to goods or lands ; a triall and exact search should be made of all those that were sent or gone into forain parts within these last ten years , and that every Minister should send a particular note unto his Ordinary of those within his Parish that were gone to follow their studies in places abroad , with their age , profession and families whereunto they appertained , to the end they may be known , and the dangers prevented wherewith their corrupt education did threaten the Church . It was likewise enacted , That no man should be permitted to practise or profess any Physick , unless he had first satisfied the Bishop of the Dioces touching his religion . That a Liturgie or book of Common prayer should be formed for the use of the Church ; That the Acts of the generall Assemblies should be collected and put in form , to serve for Canons to the Church in their Ministration of discipline ; That children should be carefully catechised , and confirmed by the Bishops , or in their absence by such as were employed in the visitation of Churches ; That Grammar Schooles should be established in all Parishes where the same might be conveniently done ; And that a Register should be kept of baptismes , marriages and burialls by the Minister of every Parish . These Acts being put in form , were ordained to be presented to his Majesty by the Archbishop of Glasgow , and Bishop of Rosse , who were sent from the Assembly to intreat his Majesties confirmation of the thing concluded . By the answer returned , with them , his Majesties good liking of all that had proceeded in the Assembly , was understood ; only against the Act of confirming young children by Bishops , he excepted , saying , it was a meer hotch potch , and not so cleer as was requisite ; and therefore directed the same to be reformed ; and among the Canons of the Church the Articles following to be inserted . First , That for the more reverend receiving of the holy Communion the same should be celebrated to the people thereafter kneeling , and not sitting , as had been the custome since the reformation of Religion . 2 If any good Christian visited with sickness , which was taken to be deadly , should desire to receive the Communion at home in his house , the same should not be denied to him , lawfull warning being given to the Minister the night before ; and three or four of good Religion and conversation , being present to communicate with the sick person ; who must provide for a convenient place and all things necessary for the reverent administration of the blessed Sacrament . 3 That the Sacrament of Baptisme should not be longer deferred then the next Sunday after the child is born , unless some great and reasonable cause declared and approved by the Minister , doe require the same . And that in the case of necessity tried and known to the Minister it should be lawfull to administrate Baptisme in private houses , the same being alwaies ministred after the form it would have been in the congregation and publick declaration thereof made the next Sunday in the Church , to the end the child might be known to have been received into the flock of Christs fold . 4 Seeing the inestimable benefits received from God by our Lord Iesus Christ his birth , passion , resurrection , ascension , and sending down of the Holy Ghost , have been commendably remembred at certain particular dayes and times by the whole Church of the World , every Minister from thenceforth should keep a commemoration of the said benefits upon these days , and make choice of severall and pertinent texts of Scripture , and frame their doctrines and exhortations thereto , rebuking all superstitious observation and licentious profaning of the said times . 5 The Act of confirmation of Children his Majesty desired to be reformed in this manner . Seeing the confirmation of Children is for the good education of youth most necessary being reduced to the Primitive integrity , It is thought good that the Minister in every Parish shall catechise all young children of eight years of age , and see that they have knowledge , and be able to rehearse the Lords prayer , the Belief , and ten Commandments , with answers to the questions of the small Catechisme used in the Church , and that the Bishops in their visitations shall cause the Children be presented before them , and bless them with prayer for the encrease of Grace , and continuance of God his heavenly gifts with them . The difficulty of admitting these Articles being represented in an humble letter to his Majesty by the Archbishop of S. Andrews , and a reason given why the same could not be inserted with the Canons , as having at no time been mentioned to the Church , nor proponed in any of their meetings , he was pleased to forbear the pressing of the same for that time , thinking at his coming into Scotland , which he intended the next Summer , to satisfie such as were scrupulous , and to obtain the Churches consent . Shortly after a letter was sent to the Councel , To assure them of the Kings resolution to visit the Kingdom , which he said did proceed of a longing he had to see the place of his breeding , a Salmon-like instinct ( as he was pleased to call it ) and because he knew that evill disposed persons would disperse rumours , as if he came to make alterations in the civill and ecclesiasticall Estate , he commanded Proclamation to be made for certifying the subjects of the contrary . It was true , he said , that he desired to doe some good at his coming ; and to have abuses reformed both in the Church and Common-wealth ; yet foreseing the impediments that his good intentions would meet with , and regarding the love of his people no less then their benefit , he would be loath to give them any discontent , and therefore willed all his good subjects to lay aside their jealousies , and accommodate themselves in the best sort they could for his receiving , and the entertainment of the Noblemen of England who were to accompany him in the journey . The Earl of Marre was at that time made Thesaurer , and Sir Gedeon Murray continued in his depu●ation . A motion had been made a little before , for appointing a Commissioner or Deputie in the Kingdome , which was hearkened unto by the King as that which would ease him of many vexations , and in his absence maintain a face of court , and breed a great respect among the people ; and so farre was that purpose advanced , as both the King had made offer of the place to the Earl of Marre , and he yielded to accept the same : but this breaking out and coming to the Chancellors knowledge , whether that he desired not to have any in place above himself , or as he pretended wishing the Noblemans good , he diverted him from accepting that charge , and brought him to embrace the office of Thesaurer as the most profitable , and that which should bring with it a less envy . Sir Gedeon had the intromission withall , as when Somerset was in place and did provide things so carefully and with such foresight , as when the King came he found nothing lacking that was required for a Royall and Princely entertainment . Among other directions sent from the King , one was for repairing of the Chappell , and some English carpenters employed , who brought with them the portraits of the Apostles to be set in the Pews or Stalls ; as they were proceeding in their work , a foolish and idle rumour went , that Images were to be set up in the Chappell : and as people are given to speak the worst , it was current among them , that the Organs came first , now the Images , and ere long they should have the Masse . The Bishop of Galloway then Dean of the Chappell moved with these speeches , did pen a letter to the King , entreating his Majesty for the offence that was taken to stay the affixing of these portraits . To this letter he procured the subscriptions of the Archbishop of S. Andrews , the Bishops of Aberdene and Berchin and divers of the Ministers of Edinburgh . The answer returned by the King was full of anger , objecting ignorance unto them that could not distinguish betwixt pictures intended for ornament and decoration , and images erected for worship and adoration ; and resembling them to the Constable of Castile , who being sent to swear the peace concluded with Spain , when he understood the business was to be performed in the Chappell , where some anthems were to be sung , desired that whatsoever was sung , Gods name might not be used in it , and that being forborn he was content they should sing what they listed : just so , said the King , you can endure Lyons , Dragons , and Devills to be figured in your Churches , but will not allow the like place to the Patriarchs and Apostles . His Majesty alwaies gave order for some other form and staying the erecting of these portraits ; which in the same letter he said , was not done for ease of their hearts , or confirming them in their errour , but because the work could not be done so quickly in that kind as was first appointed . This letter was of the date at Whitehall , the 13 of March 1617. The King was much laboured to deferre his journey to the next year , when as he should find things better prepared , but he refusing to hearken to any such motion , made the greater haste , and in the beginning of May came to Berwick , where he was met with divers of the Councell , and by their advice the Parliament which had been indicted to the 17 of May prorogued to the 13 of Iune . All this time intervened , the King spent in a progress through the Countrey , making● his entry in the speciall Burghs after a most Royall manner , and welcomed with all the expressions of joy that could be devised . At the day appoynted the Estates were frequently assembled , where his Majesty made a long speech for the establishing Religion and Iustice , neither of which , he said , could be lookt for so long as a regard was not had to the Ministers of both . For Religion he complained , That notwithstanding of the long profession of the truth , numbers of Churches remained unplanted , and of those that were planted few or none had any competent maintenance : for this he wished some course to be taken , and certain Commissioners to be chosen for appointing to every Church a perpetuall locall stipend , such as might suffice to entertain a Minister and make him able to attend on his charge of justice . He discoursed long remembring the pains he had taken as well when he lived among them , as since his going into England , and how he had placed Iustices and Constables ( a most ladable kind of government ) for the preserving of peace , and the keeping of the laws in due regard ; which he understood , as he said , to be much neglected , partly in default of some that were named to those places , and held it a scorne to be employed in such a charge , and partly by the opposition which the Lords and great men of the Countrey made unto them , and to their settling : but he would have both the one and other to know that as it was a place of no small honour to be a Minister of the Kings Iustice in the service of the Common wealth ; so he did esteem none to deserve better at his hands then they who gave countenance thereto ; as on the other part whosoever should shew themselves hinderers thereof , should be accounted with him enemies to his Crown , and the quiet of the Kingdom . In end he said , that he had long striven to have the barbarities of the Countrey which they knew to be too many removed and extinct , and in place thereof Civility and Iustice established , and that he would still indevour to doe his best that way , till he might say of Scotland as one of the Emperours said of Rome , Inveni lateritiam , relinquo marmoream . The King having closed and the Lords gone apart to choose those that should be upon the Articles , the humours of some discontented Lords begun to kithe ; for whosoever were by the King recommended as fit persons , were passed by as men suspected , and others named who stood worse affected to his Majesties service . Another question they made for admitting the Officers of State , refusing to admit any but the Chancellor , Thesaurer , and Clerk of the Rolls . This being long and sharply debated , was in end agreed by the admission of the whole number . Among these Articles proponed , the first was , of his Majesties authority in causes Ecclesiasticall , concerning which it was desired to be enacted , That whatsoever conclusion was taken by his Majesty with advice of the Archbishops and Bishops in matters of externall policy , the same should have the power and strength of an Ecclesiasticall law . The Bishops interceding did humbly intreat that the Article might be better considered , for that in making of Ecclesiasticall laws , the advice and consent of Presbyters was also required . The King replying , That he was not against the taking of Ministers their advice , and that a competent number of the most grave and learned among them should be called to assist the Bishops ; but to have matters ruled as they have been in your Generall Assemblies , I will never agree : for the Bishops must rule the Ministers , and the King rule both , in matters indifferent and not repugnant to the Word of God. So the Article passed in this form , That whatsoever his Majesty should determine in the externall government of the Church , with the advice of the Archbishops , Bishops , and a competent number of the Ministery , should have the strength of a law . This coming to the Ministers ears , they began to stirre as if the whole Rites and Ceremonies of England were to be brought upon them without their consents ; whereupon the Ministers that were in Town were called together , and warned to be quiet , for that such a generall Act did not lay upon them any bond ; and if any particular was urged , the same should be communicated to them , and nothing concluded without their consents . It was further told them , that there would not be wanting informations enough to stirre them up unto unquietness , but they should doe well not to irritate his Majesty , whom they knew to be a gracious Prince , and one that would hear reason , and give way to the same . This they did all promise ; yet upon the suggestion of some discontented people , the very next day Mr. William Struthers , one of the Ministers of Edinburgh , did unhappily break out in his Sermon upon these matters , condemning the Rites received in the Church of England , and praying God to save Scotland from the same . This reported to the King by some of the English Doctors that were his hearers , he became greatly incensed : But the Ministers not contented with this , did the same day in the afternoon tumultuously convene , and form a Protestation , in the words following : Most gracious and dread Soveraign , most honourable Lords and remanent Commissioners of this present Parliament ; We the Ministers of Christs evangel , being here convened from all the parts of this your Majesties Kingdome , doe in all reverence and submission intreat your Majesties and honours patient and favourable hearing of this our reasonable and humble supplication ; And first it will please your Highness & honorable Estates presently convened to be informed , that we are here a number of the Ministery out of all the parts of the Kingdome , and that the Bishops have protested to a great many of us since our coming that nothing should be agreed nor consented unto by them in this present Parliament , in matters concerning the discipline & order of the Church , without our knowledge and advice , affirming that neither we nor they have any power to consent to any novation , or smallest change of the order established , without the advice of the Generall Assembly ; whereupon we resting in security , have received a sudden report of an Article to passe for a law in the Parliament , decerning and declaring that your Majesty with the advice of the Archbishops , and Bishops , and such a competent number of the Ministery as your Majesty out of your wisdome should think expedient , shall in all time coming have full power to advise and conclude all matters of decency , and which any way may concern the policy of the Church : And that such conclusions shall have the strength and power of laws Ecclesiasticall ; wherein it will please your Majesty and honourable Estates to hear our own just griefs , and to consider our reasonable desires , and not to put us your Majesties humble subjects to that poor and simple part of protestation . Which if remedy be not provided , we shall be forced to use for the freedome of our Church and discharge of our consciences . We then first plead our reformation , and that the purity of our Church in doctrine , ministration of the sacraments , discipline and all convenient order with the best reformed Churches in Europe , hath been acknowledged rather as a pattern to be followed of others , then that we should seek our reformation from those that never attained to that perfection , which we by the mercy of God this long time past have enjoyed under your Highness protection . Next , we plead the liberty of our Church , which by the laws of your Majesties Kingdome and divers Acts of Parliament , is established with power of publick meetings and annuall Assemblies , and allowance to make Canons and constitutions , such as may serve for the comely order thereof , all which by this conclusion that is intended will be utterly overthrown . Thirdly , we plead for the peace and tranquillity of our Church , that being nearest the Divine and Apostolicall institution hath lived without schisme , and rent in the self ; and by introduction of any novelty against order , may be miserably divided , and so our peace broken . Fourthly , we have been at divers times sufficiently secured from all suspicions of innovation , and specially by your Majesties Letter , sent down this last Winter , to take away all fear of any alteration which might arise upon your Majesties lovingly intended journey ; which Letter by your Majesties speciall will and direction of your Highness Councell , was intimated in pulpits ; as also by that Proclamation given out the 26 of September 1616 , when rumours of an intended conformity with the Church of England were dispersed : whereby your Majesty sufficiently avoided all such suspicion , and setled the hearts of honest men in a confidence that no such thing should be attempted . These , and many other reasons have moved us in all reverence by this our humble supplication to entreat , your Highness , and honourable Estates , not to suffer the aforenamed Article , or any other prejudiciall to our former liberties , to passe at this time , to the grief of this poor Church ; that the universall hope of thousands in this land , who rejoiced at your Majesties happy arrivall , be not turned into mourning ; wherein as we we are earnest supplicants to God , to incline your Majesties heart this way , as the most expedient for the honour of God , and well of your subjects , so if we shall be frustrated of this our reasonable desire , then doe we in all humility , ( with that dutifull acknowledgment of our loyalty to your Majesty , as becometh ) protest for our selves and all our brethren that shall adhere to this our Protestation , that as we are free of the same , so must we be forced rather to incurre the censure of your Majesties law , then to admit or obtemper any imposition that shall not flow from the Church orderly convened , or others having power from the same . This Protestation was subscribed by Mr. Archibald Sympson Minister at Dalkeith , in name of the brethren and supplicants . In another paper , the Ministers who were present set down their names each of them with his own hand , for a testimony of their concurrence , which was committed to the said Mr. Archibald in custody . But as it falleth out in things unadvisedly done , and in the heat of humour , the principalls in that business quickly forthinking that which they had done , came the next morning early to the Archbishop of S. Andrews , intreating him to stop the presenting thereof , which he shewed he might easily doe by taking the same from Mr. Peter Hewet , in whose hand it was given to present . This man being one of the Ministers of Edinburgh had lately before been preferred to the Abbacy of Crossragwell , and having thereby a place in the Parliament house , was held the most fitting to present the Protestation , which he willingly undertook ; for he loved ever to be medling , and was alwaies set to make trouble . The Parliament was that day to close , and the Archbishop knowing how ill the King would take their doing , went the more timely to the Palace , where meeting with the Abbot , he asked him concerning the Protestation , desiring to see it ; and having perused a few lines began to rebuke him for taking in hand such a business ; he making some excuse , and saying , it was a Protestation only which could not offend , put forth his hand to take back the paper ; but the Archbishop holding it fast , the Protestation was neer rent betwixt them . It happened one of the Grooms ( called Iohn Levingston ) to see them at strife , for they had met in the private gallery , neer to his Majesties chamber , who shewing the King what he had seen ; his Majesty came forth being as yet undressed , and asked what the matter was ? The Archbishop answered , That a number of Ministers having framed a Protestation against the Article of his Majesties Prerogative , had given it to the man that he had made Abbot to present , and that he had undertaken to doe the same , for which he had been chiding him , it being an undutifull part in him without signifying the matter to his Ordinary to take such a business in hand . The man falling upon his knees , and trembling , said , That he supposed the Protestation would never offend his Majesty , and that he had promised to present the same in Parliament ; but now that it appeared to him otherwise , he would no more meddle therewith . The King taking the Protestation , and perceiving it subscribed by one only Minister , inquired who these others were that convened . The Abbot answered , that they had all signed a paper besides , which the subscriver kept by him for his warrant . Then the King commanding the Bishop to keep the Protestation , went to prepare himself for the meeting , and suspecting that some other might come and protest against the Article , commanded the Register Sir George Hay ( who upon the death of Sir Alexander Hay had been preferred to the office the year before ) to passe by that Article as a thing no way necessary , the prerogative of his Crown bearing him to more then was declared by it . Thus when the hour of meeting came , the Register , as he was commanded , laying by that Article , caused read the others that were concluded , as the custome is , and the same being assented to by the Estates , were ratified by his Majesty . Thereafter the King in a most grave speech having commended the execution of the laws made to the Judges and other inferiour Magistrates , gave the Estates a most kinde and loving farewell . The same night the Bishops had warning given them to meet his Majesty at S. Andrews the tenth of Iuly , whither he minded to call the principall Ministers also , that they might know his minde before he went away . The Diet held as was appointed , and there assembled with the Bishops , the Ministers of chief accompt to the number of thirty six , who being convened in the Chappel of the Castle , the King did speak to them to this purpose . What and how great my care hath been for this Church as well before as since my going into England , is so well known to you all , as I neither need , nor doe I mean to speak much of it , lest any should think I am seeking thanks for that I have done . It sufficeth me , that God knows my intention is , and ever was to have his true worship maintained , and a decent and comely order established in the Church . But of you I must complain , and of your causless jealousies , even when my meaning towards you is best . Before my coming home to visit this Kingdom , being advertised that in your last Assembly an Act was made for gathering the Acts of the Church , and putting them in form , I desired a few Articles to be inserted ; one was for the yearly comemoration of our Saviour his greatest blessings bestowed upon mankinde , as his Nativity , 〈◊〉 , Resurrection , Ascension , and the descent of the holy Spirit . Another for the private use of both Sacraments , in urgent and necessary cases . A third for the reverent administration of his holy Supper . And a fourth for Catechising and Confirming young Children by Bishops . It was answered , that these particulars had not been moved in any of the Church Assemblies , and so could not be inserted with the rest ; which excuse I admitted , and was not minded to presse them any more till you after advice did give consent thereto ; yet when in the late Parliament I desired my prerogative to be declared in the making of the Ecclesiasticall laws , certain of your number did mutinously assemble themselves , and form a Protestation to cross my just desires . But I will pass that among many other wrongs I have received at your hands : the errand for which I have now called you , is , to hear what your scruples are in these points , and the reasons , if any you have , why the same ought not to be admitted . I mean not to doe any thing against reason ; and on the other part my demands being just and religious , you must not think that I will be refused or resisted . It is a power innated and a speciall prerogative which we that are Christian Kings have , to order and dispose of externall things in the policy of the Church , as we by advice of our Bishops shall finde most fitting ; and for your approving or disapproving , deceive not your selves , I will never regard it , unlesse you bring me a reason which I cannot answer . The Ministers at these words falling on their knees did beseech his Majesty to think of them as his most humble and obedient subjects , and to permit them to confer a little space among themselves that they might return with an uniforme answer . This granted , they went to the parish Church , and after some two hours returned , making petition for a generall Assembly , wherein these Articles being proponed might be with a common consent received . The King asking what assurance he might have of their consenting ; they answered , that they found no reason to the contrary , and knew the Assembly would yeeld to any reasonable thing demanded by his Majesty . But if it fall out otherwise , said the King , and that the Articles be refused , my difficulty shall be greater , and when I shall use my authority in establishing them , they shall call me a tyrant and persecutor . All crying that none could be so mad as to speak so : Yet experience , sayes the King , tels me it may be so ; therefore unless I be made sure , I will not give way to an Assembly . Mr. Patrick Galloway saying , that the Bishop of S. Andrews should answer for them : the Bishop refused , for that he had been deceived by them , they having against their promise in the time of Parliament taken the course which they did . Then said Mr. Patrick . If your Majestie will trust me , I will assure for the Ministers . The King replying that he would trust him ; it was condescended that an Assembly should be called for that end at S. Andrews the 25. of November next . Mr. Archibald Sympson the subscriber of the Protestation had been called to the meeting , but falling sick by the way , he excused himself by a letter , and therein was very earnest to have the brethren oppose the Articles which he called tricas Anglicanas , using some other disdainfull words . The letter being shewed to the King he asked for the bearer . This was Mr. David Catherwood , who carrying himself unreverently , and breaking forth into speeches not becoming a subject , was committed in the Town house of S. Andrews , and afterwards banished the kingdome . Sympson for his letter was warded in the Castle of Edinburgh , where he remained unto December following . The King after this taking his Journey to London by the west parts , was all the way through Scotland royally entertained , and at Dumfreis had a farewell Sermon preached by the Bishop of Galloway , which made the hearers burst out in many tears . When the diet of the Assembly came , the Earle of Hadington , and Viscount of Stormont were sent thither , as Commissioners from his Majesty ; the Archbishop made the exhortation , wherein having deduced the Story of the Church from the time of reformation , he shewed that the greatest hinderance the Church received , proceeded from the Ministers themselves , who for the pleasure of ill disposed people spared not to provoke his Majesty to just anger : exhorting them for the glory of God , the honour of the Gospell and their own good , to take another course , and preferre the favour of their King , under whom they enjoyed so many blessings , to the vain applause of factious persons . It seemed at first , that matters should have gone well ; for the first two dayes there was much calmenesse , and the reasoning very formall and free , but then upon a motion to delay the conclusion to another Assembly , that the Ministers might have time to informe the people of the equity of the Articles , the greater part went that way , and all almost cried for a delay . His Majesties Commissioners declaring that the King would take in ill part the delay , and that nothing should be done considering the promises they had made , if a generall Assembly should be granted to receive the whole Articles , a fashion was made to a condescending to private Communion , and the Ministers ordained to give the elements in the ministration of the holy Supper out of their own hands to the people : which two acts with a letter of excuse for the continuance of the rest , were sent to his Majesty ; how the same was excepted , may appear by the answer that came a few dayes after , which was this . We have received your letter , and thereby understand what your proceedings have been in that Assembly of S. Andrews ; concerning which we will have you know , that we are come to that age , as we will not be content to be fed with broath , as one of your Coat was wont to speak , and think this your doing a disgrace no lesse then the protestation it self . Wherefore it is our pleasure , and we command you as you will avoid our highest displeasure , the one of you by your Deputy in S. Andrews and by your self in Edinburgh , and the other of you in Glasgow , keep Christmas day precisely , your selves preaching , and chusing your Texts according to the time . And likewise that ye discharge all modification of Stipends for this year to any Minister whatsoever , such excepted as have testified their affection to our service at this time by furthering at their power the acceptation of the Articles proposed , and in the premises willing you not to fail we bid you farewell . Newmarket the 6 of December . 1616. In a postscript to the same letter it was said , So many Bishops as you can get warned in time to preach at their Seas on Christmas day , urge them to it . Thus much in haste for this time , after two or three daies ye shall hear further from us . With his Majesties own hand after all was written ; Since your Scottish Church hath so far contemned my Clemency , they shall now find what it is to draw the anger of a King upon them . This letter was directed to the Archbishops of S. Andrews and Glasgow , the other which followeth to S. Andrews him alone . After we had commanded the dispatch of our other letter , we received an extract concluded ( we know not how ) in your Assembly , and subscribed by the Clerk thereof . The one concerning private Communion , and the other concerning the forme to be used at the receiving of the holy Sacrament ; both so hedged and conceived in so ridiculous a manner , as besides that of the whole Articles proponed , these two were the least necessary to have been urged , and hastned . The scornfull condition and forme of their grant makes us justly wish that they had been refused with the rest : for in the first concerning the Communion allowed to sick persons , besides the number required to receive with such patients , and a necessity tying them upon oath to declare that they truely think not to recover , but to dye of that disease , they are yet further hedged in with a necessity to receive the Sacrament ( in case foresaid to be ministred unto them ) in a convenient room ; which what it importeth we cannot guess , seeing no room can be so convenient for a sick man ( sworn to dye ) as his bed , and that it were injurious and inhumane from thence in any case to transport him , were the room never so neat and handsome , to which they should carry him . And as to that other Act ordaining the Minister himself to give the Elements in the celebration out of his own hand to every one of the Communicants ; and that he may performe this the more commodiously , by the advice of the Magistrates and honest men of his Session , to prepare a Table , at which the same may be conveniently ministred ; Truly in this we must say that the Ministers ease and commodious sitting on his taile , hath been more lookt to , then that kne eling , which for reverence we directly required to be enjoyned to the receivers of so divine a Sacrament ; neither can we conceive what should be meant by that Table , unless they mean to make a round Table ( as did the Jews ) to sit and receive it . In conclusion , seeing either we and this Church here must be held Idolatrous in this point of kneeling , or they reputed rebellions knaves in refusing the same , and that the two foresaid Acts are conceived so scornfully , and so far from our meaning ; it is our pleasure that the same be altogether suppressed , and that no effect follow thereupon . So we bid you farewell . Newmarket the 11 of December . 1617. These letters were accompanyed with another to the Councell for inhibiting the payment of Stipends to any of the rebellious Ministers refusers of the said Articles either in Burgh or Landwart , till they shew their conformity , and that the same was testified by the subscriptions of the Primate or ordinary Bishop . Which letters being shewed to the Ministers of Edinburgh and others that happened to repaire to that City for augmentation of stipends , did cast them into a great fear , and repenting their wilfulnesse , as they had reason , became requesters to the Archbishop of S. Andrews to preach as he was commanded on Christmas day at Edenburgh , trusting his Majesty should be mitigated by his obedience , and intercession for the rest . Neither did he fail to use his best means for diverting the King from these rigorous courses , and after a little time ( so loath was his Majesty to exerce any rigour against Ministers ) obtained a warrant for staying the execution of the former letters , till their behaviour should be tried in the particular Synods , and their disposition for accepting the Articles . Mr. Archibald Sympson , who all this while remained prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh , hearing that the King was so greatly displeased , did supplicate the Lords of his Majesties Commission ( by whose command he was committed ) for liberty , promising not to fall again in the like errours and professing a great sorrow for his medling with the Protestation , as likewise for writing that letter wherein he had taxed the Church of England . Being brought before the Commission , after he had set his hand to his supplication , he was permitted to return to his charge at Dalkeith . Yet ere many days passed , finding the countenances of the holy brethren cast down upon him , he dispersed an Apologetick ( as he entituled it ) wherein making a gloss upon every word of his confession he concluded , that whatsoever weakness or frailty had befallen him , he hoped to be like Peter , qui ore negavit , & corde confessus est , and never to betray the Lords cause with Iudas . This I have remembred by the way , to make the humours of these men seen , and the small regard they take of saying , and gainsaying , when it maketh for their purpose . But to proceed ; the Bishops upon advertisement given them convened at Edinburgh the 29 of Ianuary , and considering the hurt that the Church might receive , if the Commission granted in Parliament for provision of Ministers ( which was to expire at Lambmas next ) should take no effect , did by a common letter intreat his Majesty for a warrant to proceed in that Commission , giving hopes that in their Synods they should induce the Ministers to obey . The answer returned in February next , was to this effect . That howbeit his Majesty did interpret well their doings , as intended to the good of his service , yet considering the obstinate resistance of the Ministers to all his just and religious desires , he could not expect any thing from them in their meetings , but a further expression of their former misbehaviour . Nottheless as he had once already , upon the Archbishop of S. Andrews his intreaty , suspended the execution of his last directions , so at their requests he was pleased that the Commissioners for Stipends should meet and go on with the providing of Churches , they in the mean time in their own persons , and in their own Cathedralls observing the festivities that should intervene between and the Synods , and ministring the holy Communion with the reverence required , at the feast of Easter next . Thus were maters pacified for that time , and the Commission for augmentation of Stipends by the warrant of this letter put in practise . Most of the next summer was spent in that work , but with greater detriment then benefit to the Church ; for what augmentation soever was granted , the same was recompensed to the givers by prorogation of their former leases for numbers of years , and thereby the Church more damnified then bettered . In the Synods all things were carried with reasonable quietness , so as upon the Bishops humble requests licence was granted for meeting in a generall Assembly , and the same indicted at Perth the 25 of August . The Lords Hadington , Carnegy and Scone were Commissioners in this Assembly for the King , who upon the end of the Sermon , presented his Majesties Letter conceived as followeth . We were once fully resolved never in our time to have called any moe Assemblies here for ordering things concerning the policy of the Church , by reason of the disgrace offered unto us in that late meeting of S. Andrews , wherein our just and godly desires were not onely neglected , but some of the Articles concluded in that scornfull manner , as we wish they had been refused with the rest : yet at this time we have suffered our selves to be intreated by you our Bishops for a new Convocation , and have called you together who are now convened , for the self same business which then was urged , hoping assuredly that you will have some better regard to our desires , and not permit the unruly and ignorant multitude , after their wonted custome , to oversway the better and more judicious sort in evill , which we have gone about with much pains to have had amended in these Assemblies , and for that purpose , according to Gods ordinance and the constant practise of all well governed Churches , we have placed you that are Bishops and overseers of the rest in the chiefest rooms . You plead much we perceive to have things done by consent of Ministers , and tell us often , that what concerneth the Church in generall , should be concluded by the advice of the whole : neither do we altogether dislike your opinion , for the greater is your consent , the better are we contented . But we will not have you to think , that matters proponed by us of the nature whereof these Articles are , may not without such a generall consent be enjoyned by our authority . This were a misknowing of your places , and withall a disclaiming of that innate power which we have by our calling from God , whereby we have place to dispose of things external in the Church , as we shall think them to be convenient & profitable for advancing true religion among our subjects . Wherefore let it be your care by all manner of wise & discreet perswasions to induce them to an obedient yeelding to these things , as in duty both to God and us they are bound ; and do not think we will be satisfied with delays , mitigations and other we know not what shifts have been proponed ; for we will not be content with any thing , but a simple and direct acceptation of these Articles in the form sent by us unto you a long time past , considering both the lawfulness and undeniable convenience of them , for the better furtherance of piety and Religion , the establishing whereof it had rather have becomed you to beg of us , then that we should have needed thus to urge the practise of them upon you . These matters indeed concern you of the Ecclesiasticall charge chiefly ; neither would we have called Noblemen , Barons and others of our good subjects to the determination of them , but that we understand the offence of people that have been so much objected , wherein you must bear with us to say , that no Kingdome doth breed , or hath at this time more loving , dutifull , and obedient subjects then we have in that our native kingdome of Scotland ; and so if any disposition hath appeared to the contrary in any of them , we hold the same to have proceeded from among you , albeit of all sorts of men ye are they , that both of duty were bound , and by particular benefits obliged to have continued your selves , and confirmed others by sound doctrine and exemplary life in a reverent obedience to our commandments . What and how many abuses were offered us by divers of the Ministery there before our happy coming to the Crown of England , we can hardly forget , and yet like not much to remember , neither think we that any Prince living should have kept himself from falling in utter dislike with the profession it self , considering the many provocations that were given unto us : but the love of God and his truth still upheld us , and will by his grace so do unto the end of our life , our patience always in forgetting and forgiving of many faults of that sort , and constant maintaining of true Religion against the adversaries ( by whose hatefull practises we live in greater perill then you all or any of you ) should have produced better effect among you , then continuall resistance of our best purposes , we wish that we be no more provoked , nor the truth of God which you teach and profess , any longer slandered , by such as under the cloak of seeming holiness walk disorderly amongst you , shaking hands as it were and joyning in this their disobedience to Magistracy , with the upholders of Popery . In summe , our hearty desire is , that at this time you make the world see by your proceedings what a dutifull respect you bear to us your Soveraign Prince and naturall King and Lord , that as we in love and care are never wanting to you , so ye in an humble submission to our so just demands be not found inferiour to others our subjects in any of our kingdomes : and that the care and zeal of the good of Gods Church , and of the advancing of piety and truth , doth chiefly incite us to the following of these matters , God is our witness ; the which that it may be before your eyes , and that according to your callings you may strive in your particular places , and in this generall meeting to do these things which may best serve to the promoving of the Gospell of Christ , even our prayers are earnest to God for you , requiring you in this and other things to credit the bearer hereof our servant and Chaplain the Dean of Winchester , whom we have expresly sent thither , that he may bring unto us a certain relation of the particular carriages of all matters and of the happy event of your meeting , which by Gods blessing ( who is the God of order , peace and truth ) we do assuredly expect , unto whose gracious direction we commend you now and for ever . Given at Theobalds the 10 of Iuly 1616. The Letter being read once and again , as the custome is with letters of such importance , the Archbishop of S. Andrews resumed shortly the heads thereof , advising them as he had done in his exhortation , to consider the inconveniencies they should draw upon the Church by the refusall of the Articles . After which the rolls being called , certain of the most wise and discreet Ministers , were set apart to conferre upon the Articles . How matters proceeded in the said Assembly , you may learn by the Defence afterward published , in answer to a lying and seditious pamphlet that came forth in print against the conclusions there taken . To our story it shall suffice that after long reasoning , first in the conference , and then in the full Assembly , the Articles were concluded in this form . 1 Seeing we are commanded by God himself , that when we come to worship him , we fall down and kneel before the Lord our maker , and considering with all that there is no part of divine worship more heavenly and spirituall , then is the holy receiving of the blessed body & blood of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ , like as the most humble & reverent gesture of our body in our meditation and the lifting up of our hearts best becometh so divine and sacred an action ; therefore notwithstanding that our Church hath used since the reformation of Religion to celebrate the holy communion to the people sitting , by reason of the great abuse of kneeling used in the Idolatrous worship of the Sacrament by the Papists ; yet seeing all memory of by past superstitions is past , in reverence of God and in due regard of so divine a Mystery , and in remembrance of so mysticall an union , as we are made partakers of ; the Assembly thinketh good , that the blessed Sacrament be celebrated hereafter meekly and reverently upon their knees . 2 If any good Christian visited with long sickness and known to the Pastor , by reason of his present infirmity be unable to resort to the Church for receiving the holy communion , or being sick , shall declare to the Pastor upon his conscience that he thinks his sicknesse to be deadly , and shall earnestly desire to receive the same in his house , the Minister shall not deny him so great a comfort , lawfull warning being given to him the night before , and that there be three or four of good Religion , and conversation , free of all lawfull impediments , present with the sick person to communicate with him , who must also provide a convenient place in his house , and all things necessary for the reverent administration thereof according to the order prescri●ed in the Church . 3 Item , The Minister shall often admonish the people that they deferre not the Baptisme of Infants any longer then the next Lords day after the child be born , unless upon a great and reasonable cause declared to the Minister and by him approved , the same be continued . As also they shall warn them that without great cause they procure not their children to be baptized at home in their houses , but when great need shall compell them to baptize in private houses ( in which case the Minister shall not refuse to do it , upon the knowledge of the great need , and being timely required thereto ) then Baptisme shall be administred after the same form as it should have been in the congregation : and the Minister shall the next Lords day after any such private baptisme declare in the Church that the infant was so baptized , and therefore ought to be received as one of the true flock of Christs fold . 4 For as much as one of the speciall means for staying the increase of Popery , and setling of true Religion in the hearts of people is , that a speciall care be taken of young children , their education , and how they are catechized , which in time of the Primitive Church most carefully was attended as being most profitable to cause young children in their tender years drink in the knowledge of God and his Religion , but is now altogether neglected , in respect of the great abuse and errors , which crept into the Popish Church by making thereof a Sacrament of Confirmation ; therefore that all superstitions built thereupon may be rescinded , and that the matter it self being most necessary for the Education of youth , may be reduced to the Primitive integrity , it is thought good that the Minister in every parish should catechise all young children of eight years of age ; and see that they have the knowledge , and be able to make rehearsall of the Lords Prayer , Belief & ten Commandements , with answers to the Questions of the small Catechisme used in our Church : & that every Bishop in his visitation shall censure the Minister , who shall be found remisse therein ; & the said Bishops shall cause the said children to be presented before them , & bless them with prayer for the increas of their knowledge , & the continuance of Gods heavenly graces with every one of them . 5 As we abhor the superstitious observation of Festivall days by the Papists , and detest all licentious and profane abuses thereof , by the common sort of prof●ssors ; so we think that the inestimable benefits received from God by our Lord Iesus Christ , his birth , passion , resurrection , ascension , and sending downe of the holy Ghost was commendably , and godly remembred at certain particular days and times by the whole Church of the world , and may also be now : therefore the Assembly admitteth that every Minister shall upon these days have the commemoration of the foresaid inestimable benefits , and make choice of severall and pertinent texts of Scripture , and frame their doctrine and exhortation thereto ; and rebuke all superstitious observation and licentious profanation thereof . These Articles concluded , order was given to intimate the same in all the parish Churches , and the Ministers enjoyned to inform their people of the lawfulness thereof , and exhort them to obedience . But this being neglected of the greater part , was not the least cause of the distractions that ensued , especially in the Church of Edinburgh , where the people being still fostered in an opinion that their Ministers would not go from their former practise , when they saw them give obedience withdrew themselves in great numbers , and ran to seek the Communion from other Ministers they knew to be refractary . His Majesty always upon advertisement that the Articles were concluded , caused publish the same at the Mercat Cross of the principall burghs , commanding the subjects to obey and conform themselves under the pain of his Highness displeasure . At the same time the King being informed that the Earl of Argile ( who the summer preceding had obtained licence upon a pretext of some infirmity to go unto the Spadan Wells ) was revolted from the Religion , and that he entertained some secret practise with old Mackrannald for disturbing the Countrey , did recall his licence , and ordained him to be cited upon threescore days to appear before the Councell . He not appearing at the time appointed was denounced Rebell , and process of forfeiture intended against ; him whether he was perverted by his English Lady who was Popish , or that to gain the favour of Spain he did change his religion , is doubtfull , but thereby he lost his Majesties favour ( who could never endure an apostate Papist ) and undid his own reputation . Some ten years after he made means for his peace , and was permitted to return unto England . In the moneth of November a Comet or blazing starre of more then ordinary bigness , shined many nights together . It was held to portend great calamities , and was interpreted by divers to have foreshewed the troubles that shortly after arose in Germany ; But as every one is ready to make his own construction of such things , some with us did take it to foretell the death of our noble Queen Anne , who deceased some moneths after , to the great regrate of all honest subjects ; a courteous and humane Princess , and one in whom there was much goodness . It was in this year that the Synod in Dordrecht in Holland was gathered for repressing the Arminians , and thither did the troublers of our Church ( thinking to procure their approbation ) direct a relation of the Government of the Scotish Church . But the Synod declining all questions of discipline , held themselves to the points of doctrine controverted , and having condemned the five articles wherein the Arminians dissented from the reformed Churches , the acts of Perth Assembly being also five in number , it was given out among the vulgar sort , that they had condemned the Synod of Perth , and for a time was the people entertained by some Ministers in those conceits . The relation was confuted a little after , and the falshood thereof discovered ; yet they ceased not by their Libells and Pamphlets , to injure the most worthy men , and among others the Bishop of Galloway , whom they vexed so with their Papers , as he taking the business more to heart then was needful , fell in a sickness whereof he deceased in the beginning of the same year . An excellent and ready Preacher he was , and a singular good man , but one that affected too much the applause of the popular . The good opinion of the people is to be desired , if it may be had lawfully ; but when it cannot be obtained ( as who is he that can please all men , and at all times ? ) the testimony of a well informed conscience should suffice . Mala opinio bene parta delectat , said Seneca , An ill opinion well purchased , ( that is , for sustaining a good cause , or keeping a straight course ) should work us joy and delight , not grieve us at all . Upon the death of Mr. William Cowper , Mr. Andrew Lambe was translated to Galloway , to whom succeeded in Brichen Mr. David Lindsay , then Minister at Dundy . At Edinburgh between the Magistrates and Ministers a great strife and discontent was raised , because of the Peoples straying from their Churches , at which the Magistrates were thought to connive . Their usurpation besides in Church affairs , especially the intending of a Clerk upon the Church Session , did minister no small cause of offence . The matter was brought before the King , where in behalf of the Ministers it was said , That they were unkindly used for the obedience given to the Acts of Perth Assembly ; the Magistrates by their Commissioner did on the other side inform , That the Ministers were the cause of the peoples disobedience , some of them having directly preached against the Acts of Perth , and all of them affirmed that these Acts were concluded against their hearts . His Majesty remitting the triall of these complaints to his Secretary and to the Archbishops of S. Andrews and Glasgow , when as they had examined the same , it appeared that both the one and the other were in fault , and that the mistakings among them were not the least cause of the disorders in that Church , whereupon they were admonished to lay aside their grudges and to keep one course for the retaining the people in the obedience of God and his Majesty . The Magistrates and Councell were likewise commanded , as the King had given direction , to provide four other Ministers , besides those that were in present service , and perfect the division of the Town in Parishes , which had been often promised . And so shortly after this , were Mr. William Forbes Minister at Aberdene , Mr. Iohn Guthry Minister at Perth , Mr. Iohn Maxwell Minister at Murchlack , and Mr. Alexander Thomson Minister at Cambuslang translated from their severall Churches and placed Ministers at Edinburgh . The next year beginning the year 1620 the wars of Bohem●a growing hot , and the Palatinate invaded , the King took in minde the defence of his daughter and grandchildren in their Patrimony , and because a supply of money was required to such a business , the Councell was desired to travell with the Noblemen the Members of Session , and the Town of Edinburgh for a voluntary contribution , knowing that others by their example would be drawn thereto . The Noblemen meeting to this effect the 24 of November expressed a great forwardness to satisfie his Majesties desire , yet fearing that all the contributions when they were brought together should prove unworthy , advised the Councel rather to call a Parliament and impose upon the subjects by way of Tax a reasonable proportion according to the wealth and substance that every man had . This being signified to the King he refused to have any supply by Tax , for he considered that the collection would require a time , and a burthen should that way be cast upon the Commons , and poor labourers of the ground , which would make an outcrying among the people : therefore he desired as before , that Noblemen , and those others he had named in his first letter , should be urged to shew their liberality . A new meeting for this business being kept in Ianuary there after , divers overtures were made for giving his Majesty content ; The Noblemen that were present made offer to give a benevolent according to their abilities ; and divers of their rank being minors , and others abroad in their travells , they saw not who would undertake for them . The Town of Edinburgh being pressed with an answer excused themselves as being one Burgh only , and lacking the concurrence of the rest , without which any supply they could make would be of little worth . The Advocates , Clerks , and other members of the Session gave in effect the like answer , so as they were forced to turn unto the first overture for a Parliament . And for that the difficulties of the contribution could not so well be expressed by letter , it was thought meet that one of the Councel should be sent to inform his Majesty of the reasons , and necessity they had to call a Parliament . This employment being laid upon the Archbishop of S. Andrews he took journey about the end of the same moneth , and obtained after a little insisting his Majesties warrant for a Parliament ; thus was it indicted to keep at Edinburgh the first of Iune , and prorogued to the 23 of Iuly thereafter . In this mean time it happened that Sir Gedeon Murray Thesaurer deputy being then at Court , an information was made against him for abusing his office to the Kings prejudice . The informer was Iames Stuart stiled the Lord Ochiltry , who out of malice carried to the Gentleman for the strictness which he had used in calling him to an account for the duties of Orkney , made offer to justifie the accusation ; and by the assistance of some of better credit then himself , prevailed so farre , that the matter was remitted to the triall of certain Counsellors at home ; the Gentleman being of a great spirit , and taking impatiently that his fidelity , whereof he had given so great proof , should be called in question upon the information of a malitious enemy , by the way as he returned from Court , did contract such a deep melancholy as neither counsell , nor comfort could reclaim him , so farre was he overgone that no advice given by friends , nor offer of their assistance , nor the company and counsell of any whomsoever could reduce him to his wonted estate ; And so after he came to Edinburgh within a few days departed this life . It was not doubted , if he should have patiently attended the triall , but he had been cleered , and the accusation proved a meer calumny ; nor was it thought that the King did trust the information , but only desired to have the honesty of his servant appear , yet such was his weakness ( courage I cannot call it ) as giving scope to his passions of anger and grief , he suffered himself to be therewith oppressed . By his death the King did lose a good servant as ever he had in that charge ; and did sore forethink that he should have given ear to such delations . But of that pestilent sort some will never be wanting in the Courts of Princes , and happy is the King that can rid himself of lyers in that kind . The Gentleman alwayes dyed happily , and had his corps interred in the Church of Halyrudhouse . The time of Parliament drawing neer , the Marquiss of Hamilton was employed as Commissioner for keeping the same ; at his first coming having understood the business that some turbulent Ministers were making to impede the ratification of the Acts of Perth Assembly , he caused discharge all the Ministers out of the Town , the ordinary Preachers excepted , and two of the number that would not be made quiet , he sent prisoners to Dumbarton : all that time he did carry himself , and the matters committed to his trust with such wisdome and foresight , as within a few days he brought them all to the end which he wished , without any open contradiction . The subsidie desired was granted , the Acts of Perth Assembly ratified , and divers constitutions for the profit and good of the Countrey , as in the Acts imprinted may be seen . At the closing of the Parliament , which was the fourth of August , such abundance of rain , with such thunderings and lightnings did fall , as the Noblemen and others of the Estates were compelled to leave their horses , and betake them to their Coaches , which the factious sort did interpret to be a visible sign of Gods anger for ratifying the Acts of Perth : others in derision of their folly , said , that it was to be taken for an approbation from heaven , likening the same to the thunderings and lightnings at the giving of the law to Moses . This was the last Parliament of King Iames in this Kingdome , and that wherein he received greatest content : for the Puritan faction had boasted that the Acts of Perth should never pass in a law ( so confident they were of their favourers in the Parliament house ) and now that they failed in their hopes , he trusted they would become more wise . But the King no less carefull to have the Acts obeyed then he was to have them pass in a law , did commend the same by two severall letters to the B●shops and Lords of the Councell . To the Bishops he said , That as they had to do with two sorts of enemies , Papists , and Puritans ; so they should go forward in Action , both against the one and the other : That Papistry was a disease of the minde , and Puritanisme of the braine , and the antidote of both a grave , settled and well ordered Church in the obedience of God and their King ; whereof he willed them to be carefull , and to use all means for reducing those that either of simplicity , or wilfulness did erre . In his letter directed to the Councel , he put them in minde of that he had written in his Basilicon dor●n , That he would have reformation begin at his own elbow , which he esteemed the Privy Councel and Session with their members to be , as having their places and promotions by him . Therefore commanded them and every one of that number to conform themselves to the obedience of the orders of the Church now established by law ; which he trusted they would readily do , otherwise if any Counsellor or Sessioner should refuse , and make difficulty , he did assure them that if within 14 dayes before Christmas they did not resolve to conform themselves , they should lose their places in his service ; And if any Advocate or Clerk should not at that time obey , they should be suspended from the exercises of their offices , and the fees and casualities thereunto belonging , unto such time as they gave obedience . In the same letter he willed the Councell to take order , That none should bear office in any Burgh , nor be chosen Sheriffe , Deputy , or Clerk , but such as did conforme themselves in all points to the said orders . This letter was of the date , At the Honour of Hampton the 29 of September 1621. By this may the Reader judge of that which hath been commonly affirmed , That the Nobleman who was Commissioner , should have promised at the passing of the Acts , that none should be pressed with the obedience of them , but all left to their own pleasures . That his Majesty gave no such warrant it appears by the foresaid Letters , and that the Nobleman would go an inch from that he was trusted with , none that knew will believe . The truth is , that in most perswasive words ( and with that majesty which became the place he represented ) he did require them all to acquiesce , and willingly obey the conclusions taken , and not to draw upon themselves by their disobedience his Majesties anger , assuring them in that case , that his Majesty should not in his daies presse any more change , or alteration in matters of that kinde without their own consents . And this was all the Nobleman spake , as divers yet living may remember . In the beginning of the next year the Chancellor died at his house of Pinky neer to M●silburgh in a good age , and with the regrate of many ; for he exerced his place with great moderation , and to the contentment of all honest men : he was ever inclining to the Roman faith , as being educated at Rome in his younger years , but very observant of good order , and one that hated lying and dissimulation , and above all things , studied to maintain peace and quietness . Sir George Hay Clerk of Register being then at Court was preferred to the place , and by his dismission Mr. Iohn Hamilton brother to the Earl of Hadington , made Keeper of the Register . About this time upon advertisements sent from England of the enlargement of certain Priests and Papists that were there imprisoned , a rumour was dispersed , that the King was inclining to a toleration of Popery , and would grant liberty of conscience . This rumour was increased by occasion of certain directions sent from the King to the Bishops of England , for reforming certain abuses crept into the Church , whereby the Preachers and Lecturers were commanded on Sundaies and Holy-daies in the afternoon to teach the Catechisme only , or then some text taken out of the Creed , the ten Commandements , or Lords Prayer ; and in their preaching to abstain from handling the deep points of Predestination , Reprobation , Election , the universality , efficacy , resistibility , or irresistibility of Grace , leaving these themes as fitter for the Schools then for simple auditors : as likewise not to presume in any Lecture or Sermon to limit and bound by way of positive doctrine , the power , prerogative , jurisdiction , authority or duty of soveraign Princes , or to meddle with matters of State , having reference betwixt Princes and people , otherwise then they were instructed and presidented in the Homily of Obedience , and others of that sort , set forth by publick authority . These directions were interpreted to be a discharge of preaching , at least a confining of Preachers to certain points of doctrine , which they called a limiting of the Spirit of God , and as people will ever be judging and censuring publick actions , every one made the construction whereunto their humours did lead them . The better and wiser sort , who considered the present estate of things , gave a farre other judgment thereof ; for as then the King was treating with the French King for peace to the Protestants in France , and with the King of Spain for withdrawing his forces from the Palatinate , at which time it was no way fitting that he should be executing the rigour of his laws against Papists at home , while he did labour for peace to them of the Religion abroad ; the most likely way to obtain what he did seek of these Princes , being a moderation of the severity of laws against Priests & Papists , at least for a time . And as to the directions given to the Preachers , the same they judged both necessary and profitable , considering the indiscretion of divers of that sort , who to make ostentation of their learning , or to gain the applause of the popular , would be medling with controversies they scarce understood , and with matters exceeding the capacities of people . The King offending with these rumours which he heard were dispersed in both Kingdoms , took occasion in a Parliament assembled about that time in England to speak to them and say : I understand that I am blamed for not executing the laws made against Papists , but ye should know that a King and his laws are not unfitly compared to a rider and his horse , the spurre is sometime to be used , but not alwaies ; the bridle is sometimes to be held in , at other times to be let loose , as the rider finds cause : just so a King is not at all times to put in execution the rigour of his laws , but he must for a time , and upon just grounds dispense with the same , as I protest to have done in the present case , and to have connived only for a time upon just cause , howbeit not known to all . If any man for the favour shewed to a Priest or Papist , will judge me to be inclining that way , he wrongs me exceedingly . My words , and writings , and actions have sufficiently demonstrated what my resolution is in all matters of Religion . Some mo words to this purpose he uttered in that meeting , but in a Letter directed to the Councel of Scotland , he was somewhat more rough , finding fault with those that presumed to censure his proceedings , and commanding them to take an exact triall of such as had broken out into any such insolencies either in word or deed , and to punish them severely according to the laws . This was not well published , when the news of the Princes journey to Spain made all good men amazed : for hearing that he was gone accompanied only with the Duke of Buckingham , and another servant , the fear of inconveniences that might befall his person , did mightily trouble them . But it pleased God both in his going and returning safely to conduct and protect him . The occasion and successe of that journey , I shall shortly relate . A match had been treating of a long time betwixt the Prince and a Daughter of Spain , which received many hinderances both at home and in that Court ; but it being thought that the delaies made in these parts , would be easily removed , by the presence of the Prince himself , whereof great hopes were given by Gundamar the Spanish Ambassadour , the King gave way to the journey , as hoping by this mean to have the Palatinate freed from the vexations of warre , and a generall peace established throughout Christendome . Thus the Prince accompanied in manner aforesaid , departly secretly from Court , and landing at Callais , went through France undiscovered , and after a few daies came safely to the Court of Spain . At his coming he was kindly received and welcomed with divers courtly Complements , but found a greater strangeness then he expected ; for although he was still kept in hope of the Match , yet he was not permitted to visit the Lady , but upon condition to speak in such and such terms , and no otherwise . Afterward they began to move him touching his Religion , desiring he should conferre with some Divines , for that he could not have the Infanta to wife , unlesse he was converted , and became a Roman Catholick . The Prince replying , That he would not change his Religion for such a worldly respect , nor would he enter in conference with any Divines to that purpose , for if they did not prevaile with him , it would breed a greater discontent ; It was then told him , that he must attend till a dispensation was procured from Rome , and that in the mean time be should be entertained as a Prince , but not as a Sutor . This Dispensation being returned , which had in it a condition , that the King of Spain should take oath to obtain the King of Britains consent unto certain demands concerning Religion , there was a letter therewith sent from Pope Gregory the 15th to the Prince , wherein after many fair and plausible words , he said , that as Pope Gregory was the first that induced the people of England to submit themselves to the See Apostolick , so he bearing the same name , and being his equall in the height of dignity , though inferiour to him in vertue and holiness , desired nothing more then to follow his pattern , and promove the health and happiness of that Kingdome : the rather because his peregrination at that time had given such hopes of an happy success ; for since he was arrived in Spain and at the Court of the Catholick King , with a desire to joyn in mariage with the house of Austria ( which intention he greatly commended ) he could not believe that he did really desire the Match , and in heart abhorre the Catholick Religion , and seek to ruine the holy See of Rome . Then falling to a prayer , he besought God the Father of lights to advance him ( the most fair flower of the Christian world , and the only hope of Great Britain ) to that noble inheritance which his illustrious progenitours had gained by the defence of the Apostolick authority , and the suppression of the monsters of all heresies . Towards the end of the Letter willing him to call to minde the antient times , ●nd make his prayers to his ancestors , that they would vouchsafe to teach him the way by which they went to heaven , he askt how he could with patience hear the hereticks call them damned , whom the Catholick faith doth testifie to reign in heaven , and to dwell exalted above all the Princes of the earth . In end returning to his supplications , he said , that the Catholick Church Roman stretching forth her armes to embrace him with all affection as her most desired son , he could not perform any thing of greater comfort to the Nations of Christendome then to bring again the profession of that most noble Island to the Prince of the Apostles , whereof he could not despaire , his hopes being set on God , in whose hands are the hearts of Kings , &c. This Letter given at Rome in the Palace of S. Peter the 20 of April 1623 , and in the third year of his Apostolate , was delivered to the Prince about the midst of May , which he received courteously , thanking the Pope for his good affection . Thereafter understanding that the Dispensation was granted , he pressed the performance of the Marriage , but was answered , That the Conditions must first be fulfilled , and the Articles concerning the Infanta her liberty of profession when she came into England and the education of her Children , if God should grant her any by him , drawn up in form . These Articles being advised by a Commission of Divines , were sent into England , and shortly after returned , signed with his Majesties hand , and approved by the Councell . And now it was thought there should be no more delaies used , but other excuses were forged , as that it was not fitting the Infanta should go to England before the business of the Parliament was setled , and that these Articles must be sent to Rome , and allowed by the Pope . The Prince perceiving that there was nothing really intended on the King of Spain his part , and that the Treaty was only entertained till the King of Spain had reduced Germany in his power , resolved to be gone , and declaring the necessity he had to return , did leave a Proxie in the hands of the Earl of Bristoll ( the Ambassadour legier ) for espousing the Infanta , how soon the Articles returned from Rome . So the King of Spain having conveyed the Prince a little way towards the sea , they parted in most loving tearms , and in hope the Match should take effect . But the Prince being after that informed of a conclusion laid , That if the Match should be further pressed , the Infanta to eschew the same should presently enter into the house of los Discalceatos ( a Monastery of bare-footed Nunnes ) after he was parted , sent and commanded Bristoll not to make use of the proxie till he should advertise . The Prince having for his convoy home , eleven of the Kings ships , and some Merchants , arrived at Portsmouth the 5 of October with his whole retinue , and went the next day to Royston where the King lay . The joy was exceeding great of all sorts of people , and publick thanks given to God throughout all the Churches of both the Kingdoms for his safe return . Soon after when the King perceived by the report , that neither was the Match truly meant , nor the Palatinate like to be restored , he directed the Earl of Bristoll to insist for the restitution , and if he was put off with delaies to take his leave and come home ; which also he did . Thus was the marriage which had been long treated of quite dissolved , the King saying , That he would never marry his Son with a Portion of his only Sistes tears . The year following the Ministers of Edinburgh were greatly vexed by a sort of mutinous people , who separating themselves from the publick Assemblies kept private Conventicles , and went so far as to oppose publickly the order established for receiving the holy Communion . The leader of those was William Rigge elected one of the Bailiffs for that year . This man puffed up with a conceit of his own abilities did dream of no lesse , then the overturning of the Church orders , and reforming of the Ministery in such things as he held to be amisse : hereupon in a meeting ordinarily kept before the celebration of the holy Sacrament , he did publickly challenge Doctor William Forbes , who was afterwards preferred to the Bishoprick of Edinburgh for divers points of doctrine , delivered by him in his Sermons , and when as he refused to be judged by him and the Laicks that assisted , the said Baliffe did openly threaten them all , that unlesse they returned to the old form of ministring the holy Communion , the whole people should forsake them . Herein he was assisteed by Iohn Hamilton an Apothecary , Iohn Dickson , William Thomson , Iohn Meene , and some other base companions , who being called before the Councell were charged to leave the Town , and the Bailiffe William Rigge , deprived of his Bailiwick and declared incapable of any publick office in time comming . This trouble gave occasion of setling the state of that Church in a better case then in former times , the Ministers being ordained to reside in their own Parishes , and have allowed to them a sufficient maintenance ; the popular election of Ministers , when as places by any occasion fell void , discharged , and the presentation appointed to be made by the Provost , Bayliffs , and Councell ; the Sessions to be choosed yearly by the Magistrates and Ministers for the particular Parishes , who should convene every year , some ten daies after the election of the Magistrates , for that business ; the meeting before the Communion wherein the Ministers were accustomed to be censured by the people , simply prohibited : with divers other particulars serving to the orderly ministration of all things in the Church . The 16 of February , Lodovick Duke of Richmond and L●nnox deceased , to the great regrate of all that knew him ; a Nobleman of excellent parts , whose very aspect and countenance did promise much good . He was thrice married , first to a Sister of the Earl of Gowry , by whom he had no children ; his second Wife was a Sister of the Lord London , by whom he had a daughter and son that died both young . In his third and last marriage with the Countesse of Hartford , he found more content then in both the other , but lived with her only some few years , being taken away in the 48 year of his age . His brother a noble Gentleman succeeded , but did not survive him long , for he died the next year , leaving a hopefull succession of children behinde him . The next year in the moneth of March , Iames Marquis of Hamilton deceased also ; a Nobleman of rare gifts , and fitted for the greatest affairs , which he shewed at his deputation to the Parliament 1621 , and at other divers occasions : his death was the more grievously taken , that it was thought it was procured by poyson , whereof the monstrous swellings in his face and body afore his death gave great appearance : his corps brought to Scotland by sea was interred at Hamilton with his predecessours . These two deaths affected the King exceedingly , and when it was told him that the Marquis was dead , he said , If the branches be thus cut down , the stock cannot continue long ; which saying proved too true , for shortly after he fell into the feaver that the Physitians call Hemitritaeam , a dangerous feaver to those that are grown in years , and thereof died at Theobalds the 27 of March being Sunday about twelve of the clock in the forenoon . The Thursday preceding his death , he desired the blessed Sacrament to be ministred unto him , which he received with great devotion , professing to the Prince his son , and those that stood by , that he had received a singular comfort thereby ▪ wishing all men to doe the like when they were visited in that sort . From that time to the hour of his death , he was still almost praying , and some one sentence or other of piety ever in his mouth . As he drew neer to his end , the prayer usually said at the hour of death being ended , having repeated once or twice these words , Veni Domine Iesu , he gave up the ghost without any pangs , as are commonly seen in persons that are dying . He was the Salomon of this age , admired for his wise government , and for his knowledge of all manner of learning ; for his wisdome , moderation , love of justice , for his patience and piety , ( which shined above all his other virtues , and is witnessed in the learned works he left to posterity ) his name shall never be forgotten , but remain in honour so long as the world indureth . We that have had the honour and happiness many times to hear him discourse of the most weighty matters , as well of Policy as Divinity , now that he is gone , must comfort our selves with the remembrance of these excellencies , and reckon it not the least part of our happinesse to have lived in his daies . Many dolefull Epitaphs in all Languages were composed to expresse the sorrow conceived by his death . This following penned by a learned Divine in our vulgar language , did affect me so as I thought good to subjoin it . ALL , who have eyes , awake and weep , For he whose waking wrought our sleep , Is fallen asleep himself , and never Shall wake again , till wak'd for ever : Deaths iron handhath clos'd those Eyes Which were at once three Kingdoms spies , Both to foresee , and to prevent Dangers as soon as they were meant . That Head whose working brain alone VVrought all mens quiet but its own , Now lies at rest . O let him have , The peace he lent us , in his grave . If that no Naboth all his Reign , Was for his fruitfull vineyard slain ; If no Vriah lost his life Because he had too fair a wife ; Then let no Shimei's curses wound His honour , or profane his ground . Let no black-mouth'd , no rank-breath'd cur , Peacefull JAMES his Ashes stir . Princes are Gods ; ô doe not then , Rake in their graves to prove them men . For two and twenty years long care ; For providing such an Heir , VVho to the peace we had before May adde twice two and twenty more ; For his daies travels , and nights watches ; For his craz'd sleep , stoln by snatches ; For two fair Kingdoms joyn'd in one ; For all he did , or meant t' have done , Doe this for him , write on his dust , IAMES the Peacefull , and the Iust. The End. A brief Table , directing to the Principall Matter of this HISTORY . A St. Andrews : made an University by the Bishop of the place procuring it , Page 57 Made an Archiepiscopal See , 58 Aidanus , in Northumberland , within seven dayes after his first arrival , converteth and baptizeth 15000 , 14 Augustine : The King of Northumberland with an army & by instigation as was supposed , of Augustine the Monk , slayeth 1200 Monks that refused to receive the Rites of Rome , 12 Alcuinus born in Scotland , 22 B BIshop . The ancient manner of a Bishop in Scotland , 4 Anciently in Scotland all the moveable goods of any Bishop belonged to the King , and were seized for his use , 55 An English Army put to flight by a Bishop , 99 A Bishop went on foot through the whole Kingdome , preaching the Gospel wheresoever he came , 108 The ancient variance between the Scots and Holland reconciled by a Bishop , 105 The difference between Iames III. of Scotland , and Lewis XI . of France , reconciled principally by the prudence of a Bishop , ibid. A Bishop barbarously maimed by an Earl in the Kings absence , and the Justice done upon him for it , 40 & 110 A very pious Bishop lived to the age of 185 years , 112 Iohn Dury a reformed Minister at his death giveth advice to the Assembly of the Church to restore the Episcopal government , 457 Bishops restored in the Church , and to their temporalities in Scotland , 496 Cautions , whereby the Episcopal power was moderated in Scotland , 501 Scottish Bishops came to England for consecration , 514 Colman a Scottish Bishop disswadeth by his great authority the Nobility of Scotland from deposing their King , 19 Buchannan : by his verses he incenseth the Franciscans , 67 His death , 525 Benefices , the temporality of them annexed to the Crown , 365 Bothwell , in open Rebellion is encouraged by the English Ambassadors , 402 The King would have it inserted into the Acts of the Church , that Ministers shall make publick declaration in the Church the Sunday following , after they have baptized any privately : first refused , 529 After passed by the Church , 539 C CArdinals : by the Popes Law , the place●s are to be ruinated where Cardinals are slain , 88 Charles ( after King of Great Britain ) born , 461 His Journey to Spain , 544 His return 545 A Letter to him from Gregory XV. then being Suitor in the Spanish Court , 544 Church . A form of Church-policy presented to the Convention of Estates at Edinburgh , drawn up by Knox , 152 The Church and Regent cross one the others proceedings , 271 A model of Church-policy presented to the Parliament at Striveling , 289 The Church appointeth a Fast on the same day that the King appointeth a Feast for the entertainment of the French Ambassador , with a design to cross the King , 322 The Assembly of the Church protest against the Kings judging in Causes Ecclesiastical : the Councel of State reject the Protestation , 318 Contentions between the King and Church , 319 They allow not the Councel authority to judge of Treason spoken by them in the Pulpit , 330 The Ministers yield more to the desires of the basest people , then to reasonable Propositions of the King , 394 They provide a Chaplain of their own interest for Bothwell endevouring Rebellion , 402 They refuse to submit their doctrine to the triall of the King and Councel , 420 They style the Queen of England ( Elizabeth ) an Atheist in their Sermons , 419 , 422 One of them affi●med in his Sermon , that it is lawful for subjects to take arms against their King , 430 They sollicite the Lord Hamilton and people to take arms , 431 Articles proposed in the form of Question by the King concerning affairs of the Church , 435 The bosome of the Church , ought alwaies to be open to Penitents , 437 The Assembly vote that it is lawfull for Ministers to sit in Parliament , 449 Some of them refuse to give thanks in their Churches for the Kings deliverance from the attempts of Gowrie , 460 Catholikes are dispensed from Rome to profess or swear against their religion , so as in minde they continued firme . 308 Covenant is taken by the Ministers obliging them to a better discharge of their duty , 416 A Scottish prisoner rescued out of the Castle of Carlisle by a strange attempt , 414 A strange event at a Councel held in Wiltsh : 27 The Charity of a certain man saved his life , 462 Conference : at Hampton Court , 478 Another Conference there between Scottish Bishops and Ministers of the Presbytery , 497 D DRuids : what they were , 3 Are expelled by Cratilinth , 3 The Diocese of Dunkeld divided into two Bishopricks , 98 The Synod of Dort in Holland , 540 Did not ratifie the Acts of Perth , ibid. E A Controversie between six Competitors for the Crown of Scotland referred to the arbitration of Edward I of England , 48 England : the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland united upon the intended marriage of Edward VI. being about five years old , and Mary daughter of Scotland being about one year old , 72 That Contract broken by Scotland , 73 The King of Scots with many of his Nobles swear subjection to Edward I. of England at Newcastle , 49 The King of Scots and the Parliament of Scotland convened at Berwick , do homage to the King of England , ibid. The King of England refuseth to stand to the Popes judgement , 50 The Earls and Barons of Scotland in a Parliament at S. Andrewes , swear obedience the third time to the King of England , ib. The Scottish Lords of the Congregation have aid from England , 140 The Articles of Contract between England and Scotland , 142 Scottish Bishops come to England to be consecrated , 514 Easter : The ancient manner of observing it in Scotland , not the same with that of the Roman , 15 But agreeth with the Iewes , 13 Augustine the Monk endevoureth to perswade the Saxons in Britain to observe Easter according to the Roman account , but they refuse , 12 A dispute held in England in Yorkshire concerning the computation of Easter , between a Scottishman a Bishop , and the abettors of the Roman Church , 15 A Member of the Scottish Church excommunicated , is absolved by the Archbishop of Canterbury with the content of the Church of Scotland , 527 The tryall of the Earl of Somerset , 525 The Earl of Essex his death , and the cause , 463 Edinburgh Castle surrendred by the Queens party , 271 The Town having maintained tumults against the King , submit themselves , 432 Elizabeth Queen of England is styled an Atheist , by the Ministers of Scotland in their sermons , 419 , & 423 The marriage of the Lady Elizabeth with the Palsgrave , 19 Excommunication of persons of capitall crimes , if they are fugitives , forbidden , 517 A Member of the Scottish Church excommunicated , is absolved by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the content of the Scottish Ministers , 527 F FAst : one fasteth fourty daies , without any the least kinde of food , another time thirty daies , 69 Francis II of France husband to Mary Stewart Queen of Scots d●eth , 69 H PRince Henry baptized , 406 His death , 510 The death of Iames Marquiss of Hamilton , 546 I IReland : Patrick a Scot converteth that Nation , 8 Ignorance : Some Priests so ignorant , as that they thought the New Testament written by Luther , 76 Iames VI. born , 196 Baptized according to the rites of the Roman Church , 197 His Father attempted by poyson , ibid. His Father murthered by Bothwell , 200 Crowned in the Church of Striveling being thirteen moneths old , Some Lords rebel against him at Edinb : 287 He is offended at some proceedings of the Church , and does not favour them much , 308 Surprised by a combination of Nobles , and sequestred from the Duke of Lennox , 321 Temporiseth with the Church , 322 He appointeth a feast for the entertainment of the French Ambassador ; the Ministers , to cross him , on the same day appoint a fast , 322 A promise made in time of restraint , he judgeth not obliging , 327 He giveth clear testimony of the care of the Church , 347 A letter written by Walsingham to perswade the King to pass by the revenge of his Mothers death , 359 An offer made by an English Ambassador ( and accordingly done ) to bring a Declaration signed by all the Judges in England , to shew that the sentence against his Mother did not invalidate his right , 365 Married to the King of Denmarks daughter , 377 Goeth in person to Norway , 377 Giveth directions for government in his absence , 378 Bringeth his Queen to Scotland , 380 Bothwells plot to surprise him , discovered and prevented , 386 He is surprised by Bothwell , 394 He writeth an Epitaph on the death of his Chancellour , 411 His just complaint against the petulancy of Churchmen , 419 Publisheth his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 455 Gowry's conspiracy against him , 457 A letter written to him from the Councel and Nobility of England , 473 Crowned at Westminster , 478 He would never hang Priests of the Roman profession onely for their Religion , 523 He foretelleth his own death , therefore not likely to be poisoned , 546 He died of an Hemitritaea , a disease very dangerous for the aged , 546 A Witch had not power to kill him , 383 K KIngs , Iohn Knox his opinion concerning deposing them for ill-government , 137 Reasons why they are not to be punished by their Subjects , ibid. The Scots cannot resolve to arraign their Queen , 214 The Assembly of the Church protest against the Kings judging in Causes Ecclesiastical ; the Councel of State reject their Protestation , 318 A Minister of Scotland affirmeth in his Sermon , that it is lawful for Subjects to take arms against their King , 430 Rebellion of the Subjects , if they succeed not , advance the Soveraignty , 432 Conspiracies against Princes not thought true , unless they are slain , 460 Colman a Scottish Bishop disswadeth the Nobility of Scotland from deposing their King , 19 Knox : his death , 266 Proved , that he was not the Author of the book published in his name , under the title of the History of Scotland , 267 A form of Church policy drawn up by him , 152. L LAws . Malcolm repealeth that wicked Law of Eugenius III ▪ which appointed the first night of the new married woman to belong to the Lord of the ground , 29 Lollards : Articles of Religion taught by them , 61 The Earl of Lennox , Grandfather to Iames VI , and Regent , slain in fight , 256 The Lord Aubigny , Earl and after Duke of Lennox , embraceth the Protestant faith , 308 He dieth in the Protestant Religion , 324 M JOhn Maior , Hector Boeth , Gilbert Crab , William Gregory , learned men , lived in Scotland , A. D. 1539. 68 The Earl of Murray Regent of Scotland , murthered , 233 Earl of Marre Regent of Scotland dieth a natural death , 264 The Earl of Morton then Regent , his covetousness and sacrilege , 271 Executed upon suspicion , that he consented to the murther of the Father of Iames VI , 314 Rabanus Maurus born in Scotland , 22 O OAths . The Catholicks are dispensed from Rome to profess or swear against their Religion , so as in minde they continued firm , and laboured secretly in promoting the Roman faith , 308 Ordination . One Bruce being to be made Minister of a Parish in Edinburgh , refuseth Ordination , 451 Had preached many years before without Ordination , ibid. Ordination by Presbyters in case of necessity , that it is lawful , 514 The death of Sir Thomas Overbury , 514 P PRiests called Culdees , and why , 4 Pope : his league not suffered to enter into Scotland , 43 The Clergy will acknowledge no Statute imposed upon them by the Legate , 45 A Collection demanded by the Pope denied , and the Legate not permitted to enter the Realm , ibid. VRbane IV. ordained that every Bishop , and Abbat elect of Scotland , should travail to Rome for consecration , 46 A Councel held at Lyons by the Pope , the Acts thereof , ibid. The King of Scotland refuseth to stand to the Popes judgement , 50 One thousand two hundred Monks refuse to receive the rites of Rome , and are all slain , 12 Prayer : A great question arose among the Churchmen , whether the Pater noster were to be said to the Saints , or God only . Protestants : the Queen Regent Dowager of Iames V. dieth in the faith of Protestants , 146 The Queen of England contriveth a counter-league against the Holy league made in France for the extirpation of Protestants , 389 The Articles of that League , 349 Election of Ministers by the People discharged by authority in Scotland , 545 The same Portent interpreted to contrary significations , 542 Presbyters : excluded from intermedling with the making of Ecclesiastical laws in Scotland , 531 Ordination by them in case of necessity is lawfull , 514 The marriage of the Palsgrave with the Lady Elizabeth , 519 The history of the Powder-treason , 491 This conspiracy carried on in secrecy a whole year , 492 R ROme : one thousand two hundred Monks refuse to receive the rites of the Roman Church , and are all slain , 12 A plo●to reintroduce the Roman religion , 390 The Scottish Preachers that lived in the Province of York , chose rather to forsake their Benefices , then admit the rites of Rome , 18 Reformation : the first proposals made , 119 First artempted at Perth , 121 The death of Lodowick Duke of Richmond , 546 S SCotland converted before Pope Victor , 2 Patrick a Scot converted Ireland , 8 The Universities of Pavia and Paris founded by Scottish men , 22 Scotus the Schoolman , Claudius Clemens , Rabanus Maurus , Flaccus Albinus al. Alcuinus , born in Scotland , 22 Invaded and subdued by Edward I. of England , 49 The King of Scotland refuseth to stand to the Popes arbitration concerning his incursions upon England , and the title that the King of England had to Scotland , 52 Edward III of England promiseth by Charter to release the Scots from all duties of subjection and homage , 53 Divers prodigies in Scotland , 94 The Articles of contract between England and Scotland , 142 English Ambassadors sent to mediate a peace in Scotland , 146 A Scottish prisoner rescued out of the Castle of Carlisle by a strange attempt , 414 The Archbishop of Canterbury in a Letter acknowledgeth the independent Jurisdiction of the Church of Scotland , 527 The King of Northumberland obtaineth of the King of Scots the assistance of some learned Bishops , 13 Scottish Bishops preach the Christian faith , and convert many in England , 15 Pope Sixtus IV. giveth sentence in favour of the Church of Scotland , that the Scots should have a Primate of their own , 58 Celius Sedulius : proved that he was a native of Scotland and not of Ireland , 8 Iohn D. Scotus : proved that he was born in Scotland , and not in England . 55 Subjects : rebellion of the Subjects , if it succeed not , advance the Soveraignty , 432 The history of the Spanish Armada , 370 Schisme , in the Presbytery of S. Andrewes , 386 A great one in the See of Rome , 56 Mary Stewart : sent into France , 90 Returneth into Scotland , 178 Queen Elizabeth acknowledgeth her to be next heir to the crown of England , 180 But refuseth to declare it openly , 181 She marrieth Henry son to the Earl of Lennox 191 Discontents arise between them , 193 She putteth her husbands name after her own , ibid. Married to Bothwell after the manner of the reformed Church , 203 Surrendereth her self to the Lords , and is received and kept as a Prisoner , 207 The Scots cannot resolve to arraigne her , 214 She escapeth out of prison , 215 Her army overcome at Glasgow , 216 She seeketh refuge in England , 217 Loseth her expectation , ibid. Consultations in England about putting her to death , 350 The Queen of England signeth a warrant for her execution , 355 The circumstances of her death , 356 King Iames her son interposeth for her exemption from tryall , 351 He offereth pledges of the chief of his nobility to be given for his mothers faithfulness toward the Queen of England , 352 The King commandeth the Ministers to make publick intercession in their Prayers for his Mother , and they refuse , 354 The Queen of England taketh cognisance by her Commissioners of the dealing of the Regent of Scotland toward the Queen-mother of Scotland , 219 Queen Elizabeth in her Patent to the Commissioners , is so much a friend to the right and cause of Mary , that she giveth not the title of Regent to the Earl of Murray , 219 T TEmplars . The dissolution of them , 51 They were condemned , and suffered unjust torments , partly for their great riches , partly for their freedome of taxing the vices of the Court of Rome , ibid. U UNion . The Articles of Union between both Kingdomes of England and Scotland , 481 They are not passed in the English Parliament , 505 Objections made against the Ceremony of Vnction in the solemnity of Coronation , answered , 381 W WItches : Agnes Sampson a Witch apprehended , 383 Her familiar Spirit had no power to kill the King , ibid. Y YEar : The account thereof changed from March to Ianuary in Scotland , 456 THE KINGS Of SCOTLAND , From the first Plantation of Christian Religion there , mentioned in this History . DOnald I. Converted and Baptized , Page 2 Ethodius 3 Cratilinth ibid. Fincormachus 4 Eugenius ibid. Hergustus ibid. Ethodius , aliàs Echadius 5 Erthus ibid. Fergus ibid. Eugenius II. ( Greem Regent ) 6 Congallus II. 9 Kinnatellus ibid. Aidanus 10 Eugenius IV. 14 Donald IV : ibid. Ferqhard 18 Eugenius VI. ibid. Eugenius VII . ibid. Achaius ( An. D. 800. ) 23 Alpin ibid. Kenneth 24 Constantine II. 25 Gregory the Great 26 Constantine III. ibid. Kenneth III. 27 Malcolm II. 28 Duncan I. ibid. Mackbeth ( an Usuper ) ibid. Malcolm III. 29 Edgar 31 , 32 Alexander the Fierce ibid. David ibid. & 36 Malcolm IV. 36 William 37 Alexander II. 42 Alexander III. 44 Iohn Baliol 48 Robert Bruce 52 David Bruce 55 Edward Baliol ibid. Robert Stewart ibid. Iames I. 57 Iames II. ibid. Iames III. 58 Iames IV. 61 Duke of Albany Regent of Scotland 62 Iames V. 70 Earl of Arran Governour during the minority of Mary Stewart , 71 He resigneth the Regency to the Queen-mother 92 Mary Stewart Queen , taketh into her hands the Government 178 She resigneth the Government , 211 Iames VI. Crowned ibid. Earl of Murray Regent 212 Earl of Lennox , Grandfather to the young King , chosen Regent , 241 Iohn Earl of Marre Regent 258 Earl of Moreton Regent , 267 The King himself accepteth of the Government , 280 Bishops that lived in Scotland or the adjacent Isles , before the distribution of the Kingdome into DIOCESES . AMphibalus Bishop in the Isle of Man 4 Regulus 5 Ninian 6 Palladius 7 Hildebert 8 Columba 9 Servanus 11 Colman 15 Adamannus , or Adamnamus , 18 , 19 Wiro and Plechelmus consecrat●d at Rome , by Pope Honorius , 19 Bonifacius an Italian 20 Mocharius , Glacianus and Gervadius 23 Archbishops and Bishops of the See of S. Andrews . 1 Adrian 25 2 Kellach 26 3 Malisius ibid. 4 Kellach II 26 5 Malmore 26 6 Malisius II 26 7 Alwinus 26 8 Muldwin 26 9 Tuthaldus 26 10 Fothadus 27 11 Gregorius 28 12 Turgot 30 13 Godricus 32 14 E●dmerus ( a Monk of Canterbury ) 33 15 Robert Prior of Scone 34 16 Arnold , Abbot of Kelso , 36 17 Richard ibid. 18 Hugo ( by the Kings mandate ) 39 Iohn Scot ( by the Pope in opposition to the King ) ibid. 19 Roger ( son to the Earl of Leicester ) succeedeth Hugo 41 20 William Malvoisin , a Frenchman ibid. 21 David Benham 43 22 Abel 44 23 Gamelinus 45 24 William Wishart 46 25 William Fraser 47 26 William Lamberton 51 27 Iames Bane 55 The See vacant nine years , ib. 28 William Landells 55 29 Stephen ibid. 30 Walter Traill ibid. 31 Thomas Steward , son of Robert II chosen , but refuseth it . The See vacant during his life 56 32 Henry Wardlaw ibid. 33 Iames Kennedy ibid. 34 Patrick Graham , first Archbishop of S. Andrews 58 35 William Shevez 59 36 Iames Stewart 61 37 Alexander Steward ibid. 38 Andrew Forman 62 39 Iames Beaton ibid. 40 Beaton , Nephew of the former Archbishop and Cardinall 67 , & 69 41 The base brother of the Earl of Arran Governor of Scotland made Archbishop 84 42 Iohn Dowglas 261 43 Patrick Adamson 276 44 George Gladstaves 523 45 Iohn Spotswood 524 Bishops of Dunkeld , 1 Gregorius 98 2 Richard 3 Cormacus 4 Walter de Bidden 5 Iohn Scot 6 Richard Provand 99 7 Iohn Leicester 8 Hugo de Sigillo 9 Mathew 10 Gilbert 11 Galfrid Liverance 12 Richard 13 Richard of Innerkithing 14 Robert Sutevile 15 Matthew 16 William Sinclare 17 Duncan 18 Michael of Monimusk 100 19 Iohn Peblis 20 Robert Carden 21 Donald Machnachtan 22 Iames Kennedy 23 Alexander Lawder 24 Iames Bruce 25 Iohn Ralston 26 Thomas Lawder 27 Iames Levingston 28 George Brown 29 Gawan Douglas 30 George Creighton 31 Robert Creighton 32 Iames Paton Bishops of Aberdene . 1 Beanus 101 2 Donortius 3 Cormachus 4 Nectanus 5 Edward 6 Matth. Kinninmouth 102 7 Iohn 8 Adam 9 Gilbert Striveling 10 Radolph 11 Peter Ramsay 12 Richard Pottock 13 Hugh Benham 14 Henry Cheyn 15 Alexander Kinninmouth 16 William Deyn 103 17 Iohn Raith 18 Alexander Kinninmouth 19 Adam Cunningham 20 Gilbert Grindaw 104 1 Henrey Leighton 22 Ingram Lindesay 3 Thomas Spence 24 Robert Blaicaster 105 25 William Elphingston 6 Alexander Gordon 106 27 Gawan Dumbar 28 William Stewart 29 William Gordon 107 30 David Cunningham 406 Bishops of Murray . 1 William 107 2 Simon 3 Richard 4 Bricius 5 Andrew 6 Simon 7 Archibald 8 David Murray 9 Iohn Pilmore 10 Alexander Barre 11 William Spinie 12 Iohn Innes 13 Henry Lichton 14 Columba Dumbar 15 Iohn Winchester 16 Iames Stewart 17 David Stewart 18 William Telloch 108 19 Andrew Stewart 20 Andrew Forman 21 Iames Hepburn 22 Robert Shaw 23 Alexander Stewart 24 Patrick Hepburn Bishops of Brichen . 1 Edwardus . al. Vrwardus 108 2 Turpinus 3 Rodolphus 4 Hugo 5 Gregorius 6 Albinus 7 William Dean of Brichen , 108 8 Iohn 9 Adam 10 Patrick 11 Steven 12 Walter Forrester 13 Iohn 14 George Shoreswood 15 Iohn 16 William Meldrum 17 Iohn Hepburn 18 ... Sinclare 19 Andrew Lamb 549 20 David Lindesay ibid. Bishops of Dumblane . 1 Ionathan 108 2 Simon 109 3 Abraham 4 Gulielmus de Bosco 5 Osbert 6 Clemens 7 Robert 8 Alpin 9 Nicolaus 10 Maurice 11 William 12 Walter Cambuslang 13 Finlaw al. Dormoch 14 William Stephen 15 Michael Ochiltrie . 16 Robert Lawder 17 Iohn Hepburn 109 18 Iames Chisholme 19 William Chisholme 20 Andrew Ghram 261 21 Adam Ballendene 524 Bishops of Rosse . 1 Gregorius 109 2 Reynaldus 110 3 Andrew Murray 4 Robert 5 Matthew 6 Thomas Dundy 7 Roger 8 Alexander 9 Thomas Vrwhart 10 Alexander Kilbuines 11 William Bulloch 12 Thomas Tullich 13 Henry Cockburn 14 Iames Woodman 15 Thomas Hay 16 Iohn Guthry 17 Iohn Fraser 18 Robert Cockburn 19 William Elphingston 20 Iames Hay 21 Robert Carncrosse 22 David Panter 23 Henry Sinclare 110 24 Iohn Lesley 15 David Lindesay 442 Bishops of Cathnes . 1 Darrus 110 2 Andrew 3 Iohn 4 Adam 111 5 Gilbert Murrary , son to the Lord of Duffus 6 William 7 Walter 8 Archibald 9 Andrew 10 Ferqhard 11 David 12 Thomas Fingask 13 Alexander 14 Malcolm 15 Robert Strackbock 16 Iohn Innes 17 William Mudie This See was vacant 24 years , Adam Gordon governed it in that interval . 18 Andrew Stewart 19 Robert Stewart , brother to Matthew Earl of Lennox 20 George Gladstaves 456 Bishops of Orkney . 1 William 112 2 William Tulloch 3 Andrew 4 Edward 5 Robert Reid 6 Iames Law 502 Archbishops and Bishops of Glasgow . 1 Kentigern al. S. Mungo 2 Iohn Achaian 3 Iohn 113 4 Herbert 5 Angelramus 6 Ioceline 7 Eugenius 8 Hugo 9 William Malvoisin ( after translated to S. Andrews ) 10 Florentius ( son to the Count of Holland ) 11 Walter 12 William Babington 13 Iohn de Chyan 14 Nicol : Moffet 15 William Wishart ( after translated to S. Andrews ) 16 Robert Wishart 17 Iohn Lindesay 114 18 Stephen Dundy 19 Iohn Wishart 20 William Rae 21 Walter Wardlaw made Cardinal 114 22 Matthew Glendouning 23 William Lawder 24 Iohn Cameron 25 Iames Bruce 26 William Turnbull al. David 27 Andrew Moorhead 28 Iohn Lang 29 George Carmighal 30 Robert Blacader , first Archbishop of Glasgow , 60 & 114 31 Iames Beaton , after translated to S. Andrews 114 32 Gawan Dumbar 33 Iames Beaton 115 34 Iames Boyd 261 35 Robert Montgomery 316 36 William Areskin a Lay-man 364 Iames Beaton restored to this See ibid. & 477 37 Iohn Spotswood , 477 & 481 Bishops of Galloway 1 S. Ninnian 115 2 Plechelmus al. Pectelmus 3 Frithwoldus 4 Pethumus 5 Ethelbert 6 Baldulphus 7 Iohn 8 Thomas Spence , after translated to Aberdene 9 David 10 Alexander 11 Henry 12 George 13 ... Gordon 115 14 Gawin Hamilton 524 15 William Cowper 523 16 Andrew Lamb 540 Bishops of Argyle . 1 Iohn Scot 115 2 Evaldus al. Harold 3 William 4 William 5 David 6 Finlaw 7 George Laird of Balcomie Bishops of the Isles . 1 Amphibalus , first Bishop of Man , where was the Seat proper to the Isles , 116 2 Machilla The See of Man translated to Ilcomkell , after which 3 Onacus 4 Mauricius . IT may concern the ease of the Reader to observe , that care was taken so strictly to follow the Authors own Copy , that it was not thought fit to change those words of the Scottish Idiome , which sometime the Reader will meet with in this History : Most of them are of Latine origination , and therefore will not be matter of difficulty to very many . And lest for want of caution any should be inclinable to condemn the Printers care , it was thought necessary to prepossess him with this advertisement : The rest that have escaped his diligence , the present Table of Errata will represent to be objects of his care , to amend ; and of his Charity , to pardon . page Line Reade 1 17 , 18 matter . Wh — time , 12 12 Trithemius 21 43 her self 28 11 Bighan 30 4 Normandy   16 Hungary 35 2 Sautrey 36 42 Iedburgh 40 4 possessed of S. Andr.   13 defray 46 41 generall 47 2 Teviotdale   8 Lermonth , ita 71. 11. & 72. 25. & 96. 33. 49 43 Kingorn 50 57 fallen 53 5 Duncanus   15 Campbell 54 14 rather Wooddale 57 19 Canon 62 11 Crowns 62 23 to his   38 Ferm 75 33 Kinfawns 77 29 Laird 78 22 Longnedry 82 50 repair 83 7 & 29 Normand , ita 84. 1. & 87. 1. 87 1 rites 88 25 Balfour 89 13 return with   36 Dumbriton 94 19 forsan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 119 51 except 163 1 three 180 51 me ? — course , 197 32 Charls Iames 258 45 chusing 338 14 not be 368 12 contumacy 433 55 killed by Iames In the Margent , p. 83. l. 5. r. Pinkie . p. 8. l. 5. t. Baron , p. 289. l. 18 , 21. for sheweth r. floweth . A Catalogue of some Books Printed for Richard Royston at the Angel in lvie-lane , LONDON . And of some formerly Printed at Oxford . Books written by H. Hammond D. D. A Paraphrase and Annotations upon all the Books of the New Testament by Henry Hammond D. D. in fol. 2. The Practicall Catechisme , with all other English Treatises of Henry Hammond D. D. in two volumes in 4o. 3. Dissertationes quatuor , quibus Episcopatus Iura ex S. Scripturis & Primaeva Antiquitale adstruuntur , contra sentenliam D. Blondelli & aliorum . Authore Henrico Hammond . in 4o. 4. A Letter of Resolution of six Quaere's , in 12o. 5. Of Schisme . A D●fence of the Church of England , against the Exceptions of the Romanists , in 13o. 6. Of Fundamentals in a notion referring to Practise , by H. Hammond D. D. in 12o. 7. An Answer to the Animadversions on the Dissertations touching Ignatius Epistles and the Episcopacy in them asserted , subscribed by Iohn Owen servant of Jesus Christ , in 40. 8. A Vindication of the Dissertations concerining Episcopacy from the Exceptions offered against them by the London Ministers in their Ius Divinum ministerii Evangelici in 4o. 9. A Reply to the Cathol . Gent : Answer to the most materiall part of the Book of Schisme , together with an Account of H. T. His Appendix to his Manuall of Controversies &c. 4o. The names of several Treatises and Sermons written by Ier : Taylor . D. D. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A Course of Sermons for all the Sundayes of the Year ; Together with a Discourse of the Divine Institution , Necessity , Sacredness , and Separation of the Office Ministerial , in fol. 2. Episcopacy asserted , in 4o. 3. The History of the Life and Death of the Ever-bl●ssed Jesus Christ , 2d Edit . in fol. 4. The Liberty of Prophesying , in 4o. 5. An Apology for authorized and Set-forms of Liturgie ; in 4o. 6. A Discourse of Baptisme , its institution and efficacy upon all Believers , in 4o. 7. The Rule and Exercises of holy living , in 12o. 8. The Rule and Exercises of holy dying , in 12o. 9. A Short Catechisme for institution of yong persons in the Christian Religion , in 12o. 10. A Short Institution of Grammar composed for Yong Scholars , in 8o. 11. The Reall Presence and Spirituall of CHRIST in the Blessed Sacrament proved against the Doct. ine of Transubstantiation , in 8o. 12. A Manuall of daily Prayers fitted to the daies of the week , together with a Short Method of Peace and Holyness . Certamen Religiosum , or a Conference between the late King of England , and the late Lord Marquiss of Worcester concerning Religion , at Ragland Castle ; Together with a Vindication of the Protestant Cause , by Chr. Cartwright in 4o. The Psalter of David , with Titles and Collects according to the m●tter of each Psalm , by the Right honourable Chr. Hatton , in 12º the 5. Edition with Additionals . Boanerges and Barnabas , or Judgement and Mercy for wounded and ●fflicted souls , in several Soliloquies , by Francis Quarles , in 12o. The life of Faith in Dead Times , by CBr . Hudson Preacher at Putney , in 12o. The Guide unto True Blessedness , or a Body of the Doctrine of the Scriptures , dir●cting a man to the saving knowledge of God , by Sam. Crook , in 12o. Six excellent Sermons upon several occasions , preached by Edward Willan Vicar of Hoxne , in 4o. The Dipper dipt , or the Anabaptists duck'd and plung'd over head and ears , by Daniel Featly D. D. in 4o. Hermes Theologus , or a Divine Mercury : new descants upon old Records , by Theoph. Wodnote , in 12o. Philosophical Elements , concerning Government and Civil society : by Thomas Hobbs of Malmesbury , in 12º An Essay upon Statius , or the five first books of Publ. Papinius Statius his Thebais , by Tho. Stephens Schoolmaster in S. Edmonds-bury , in 80. Nomenclatura Brevis Anglo-Latino-Graeca in usum Scholae Westmonasteriensis , per F. Gregory , in 8o. Etymologicum Parvum in usum Scholae publica Westmonasterieusis opera & studio Francisci Gregorii , in 8o. Grammatices Graecae Enchtridion in usum Scholae Collegialis Wigornae , in 8o. A Discourse of Holy Love , by Sir Geo : Strode Knight , in 12o. The Saints Honey-comb full of Divine Truths , by R. Gove Preacher of Henton S. George in Somersetshire , in 8o. The Communicants Guide , directing the yonger sort which have never yet received , and the elder and ignorant sort , which have hitherto received unworthily , how they may receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper with comfort by R. Gove , in 8o. A Contemplation of Heaven with an Exercise of Love , and a Descant on the Prayer in the Garden by a Catholick Gent. in 12o. A Full Answer to a Declaration of the House of Commons concerning no more addresses to the King , printed at Oxford 1648 , in 4o. The Royallists Defence , Printed at Oxford , 1648 , in 4o. Mercurius Rusticus , or the Conntreymans complaint , Printed at Oxford 1648 , in 8o. A Relation of the Conference between Will : Laud Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , and Mr. Fisher the Jesuit by command of K. Iames , fol. Church Lands not to be sold , 1647. in 8o. The Countreymans Catechisme or the Churches plea for Tithes by R. Boreman , B. D. in 4o. The Regall Apology Printed at Oxford in 4o. A Fair Warning to take heed of the Scottish Discipline by Bishop Bramhall , in 4o. Sacrosancta Regia Majestas in 4o. Printed at Oxford , and written by the Archbishop of Tuum . The Christians Directory in 12o. The Royall slave a Play in 4º acted at Christ Church in Oxford . Devotion digested into several Discourses and Meditations upon the Lords most holy Prayer : Together with additional Exercitations upon Baptism , The Lords Supper , Heresies , Blasphemy , The Creatures , The souls pantings after God , The Mercies of God , The souls complaint of its absence from God ; by Peter Samwaies , Fellow lately resident in Trinity College , Cambridge , in 12o. Of the Division between the English and Romish Church upon Reformation , by Hen : Fern D. D. in 12º the 2. Edition with many Additionals . Directions for the profitable reading of the Scriptures , by Iohn White M. A. in 8o. The Exemplary lives and Memorable Acts of 9 the most worthy women of the world , 3 Jewes , 3 Gentiles , 3 Christians , by Tho. Heywood , in 4o. The Saints Legacies , or a Collection of promises out of the Word of God , in 12o. Iudicium Universitatis Oxoniensis de Solemni Lega & Foedere , Iuramento Negativo &c. in 8o. Certain Sermons and Letters of Defence and Resolution to some of the late Controversaries of our times by Iasper Mayn , D. D. in 4o. New. Ianna Linguarum Reserata , sive omnium Scientiarum & Linguarum seminarium , Auctore Cl. Viro I. A. Comenio , in 12o. A Treatise concerning Divine providence , very seasonable for all ages , by Tho. Morton Bishop of Duresme , in 8o. Observations upon Mr. Hobbs his Leviathan , with some Observations upon Sir Walte . Raleighs History of the World , by Alex. Rosse , in 12o. Fifty Sermons preached by that learned and reverend Divine Iohn Donne , in fol. Wits-Common-Wealth , in 12o. The Banquet of Jests new and old in 12o. Balzac's Letters the fourth part , in 8o. Quarles Virgin Widow a Play , in 4o. Solomons Recantation , in 4o. by Francis Quarles . Amesii antisynodalia , in 12o. Christs Commination against Scandalizers , by Iohn Tombes in 12o. New. Dr. Stuart's Answer to Fountains Letter , in 4o. A Tract of Fortifications , with 22 brasse cuts , in 4o. Dr. Griffiths Sermon preached at S. Pauls , in 4o. Blessed birth-day , printed at Oxford , in 8o. A Discourse of the state Ecclesiastical , in 4o. An Account of the Church Catholick where it was before the Reformation , by Edward Boughen D. D. in 4o. An Advertisement to the Jury-men of England touching Witches , written by the Author of the Observations upon Mr. Hobbs Leviathan , in 4o. New. Episcopacy-and Presbytery considered , by Hen. Fern. D. D. in 4o. A Sermon preached at the Isle of Wight before his Majesty , by Hen. Fern D. D. in 4o. The Commoners Liberty or the English-mans Birth-right , in 4o. An Expedient for composing Differences in Religion , in 4o. A Treatise of self-denial , in 4o. by a conceal'd Author . The holy Life and Death of the late Vi-countesse Falkland in 12º Certain Considerations of present Concernment : Touching the Reformed Church of England , by H Fern , in 12o. New. Englands Faithfull Reprover and Monitour , in 12o. by Io. Allington . Newly published , The grand Conspiracy of the Members against the Mind , of Jewes against their King. As it hath been delivered in four Sermons : by Iohn Allington , B. D. in 12o. The Quakers wilde questions objected against the Ministers of the Gospel , and many sacred Acts and Offices of Religion , with brief Answers thereunto : Together with a Discourse of the holy Spirit his workings and impressions on the souls of men , by R. Sherlock , B. D. in 8o. White Salt , or a sober correction of a mad world : By Iohn Sherman , B. D. a discontinuer , in 12o. The Marching of the Magistrates Authority , and the Christians true liberty in matters of Religion . By William Lyford B. D. and late Minister of Sherborn in Dors. in 4o. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61148-e590 An. 1601. An. 1603. An. 1610. An. 1615. An. 1616. The Assembly of Perth 1618. An. 1633. An. 1635. An. 1639. Notes for div A61148-e3240 The Preface . Anno 203. Scotland converted to the faith of Christ , Anno 203. Boeth . li. 6. Buch. li. 4. L●st . l. 3. The Planters of Christianity in this Kingdom . Reasons why Pope Victor could not be the worker of our conversion . An. 277. Buchan . li. 4. Severus his expedition into Britain . King Cratilinth expulses the Druides . A short description of the Druides . Diocletian his persecution . Sodorense fanum . Boeth li. 6. An. 360. Amphibalus the first Bishop of Man. Culdees , why so called . Boeth , l. 6. Bishops in Scotland at the first planting of the faith . Boeth ibidem . Maximus the Roman prefect practiseth with the Picts against the Scots . Bouch. li. 6. Buchan . li. 5. The Scots exiled Buchan . li. 4. An. 370. Regulus arrives into Albion . Hergustus King of the Picts , gave his Palace to Regulus . An. 404. King Fergus came to the Firth of Mur●ray . Boeth . l. 7. He repaired the Churches . King Fergus vanquished and slain . Boeth li. 7. Greem battereth the wall of Severus . Buch. l. 5. Eugenius assisted by the Picts , overcometh the Britains . Anno 450. St. Ninian . St. Augustin , de civitate Dei. li. 22. cap. 10. Beda his Ecclesiast . Hist. li. 3. cap. 4. Palladius sent into Scotland by Pope Celestine . Beda li. 1. c. 13. Buch. li. 5. Buch. his opinion refelled . Monks not reckoned among the Clergy . Servanus and Tervanus , ordained Bishops by Palladius . Boeth . li. 7. Hist. li. 4. An. 491. St. Patrick the converter of Ireland . Ba● . cent . 1. Bacon . to . 5. in Anno 431. Sect. 191. Camden in the description of Ireland . Ioh. Bi●sans in descriptione Britanmae . Sedulius educated under Hildebert a Bishop . Bal. cent . 14. Lesl. li. 4. Anno 494. Gratin decret . par . distruct . 15 . Sedulius proved to be a Scottish man against the Irish writers . An. 500. Scotland a Colonie deduced from Ireland . Congallus an excellent Prince . Buch. in vita Congalli . Tithes declared to appertain to the Church . A law for the safety of Church-men . Columba returneth into Scotland . Scotichron . li. 3. Boeth li. 9. Monks placed in Monasteries . Columba sent to bring Aidanus the heir of the Crown from Ireland . Congallus dieth to whom his brother succeedeth . An. 603. Boeth li. 9. Buchan . l. 5. Lesl. li. 4. Aidanus crowned King. Columba retired to the Isle Iona. Aidanus maketh warre against the Picts . Aidanus rebuked by Columba . Aidanus forced to take up Arms against the Picts . The Picts overcome , and Aidanus getteth the victory . Columba dieth in the year of our Lord , 603. Boeth li. 9. Kentigern , or St. Mungo . An. 500. Boeth li. 9. Mongah in the Norish tongue signifieth dear f●●●nd . Kentigern his journey to Wales . Kentigern his austere life and death . Baldred and Convallus were Kentigerns disciples . Boeth li. 9. Lesl. li. 4. Convallanus Governour of the Monastery in Iona. Boeth ibidem . Brigida . An. 518. Boeth li. 9. Brigida dieth at Abernet●●●●y ●y , Anno 600. Augustine the Monk sent into Britain . Beda l. 3. c. 2. The Britains refuse to conform themselves to the rites of Rome . A letter from the Bishops of England to the Scottish Church . Beda l. 2. c. 4. Honorius writeth to the Church of Scotland . Beda l. 2. c. 19. A letter from the Clergy of Rome to the Church of Scotland . Beda ibidem . Beda his judgement of the letter . Buchan . l. 5. Boeth li. 9. Lesl. li. 4. Buchan . l. 9. Beda l. 3. c. 5. Cormanus sent into Northumberland . Aidaus sent for the conversion of Northumberland . Aidanus ordained Bishop , and sent into Northumberland . The vertues of King Oswald . An. 651. The commendation of the Bishop Aidanus . Finnanus succeeded Aidanus . Finnan dieth , to whom Colman succeeded . The controversie about Easter wakened . A dispute for the time of Easter . Os●py King of Nu●thimbers his speech to the di●puters . Colman his reasons for the observing of Easter after the Scottish manner ●ilfrid his rep●y to Colman . Colman interrupteth wilfrid for calling their observation foolish . Wilfrid excusing himself , persisteth in his reply . Colman his answer . Wilfrid his reply . The King determineth the question . Colman resigneth his place . Colman returneth into Scotland . Buchan . l. 5. A declining in the Church by the dissensions that grew in the same . Godwin de Praesulibus Angliae . Buchan . lib. 5. Adamannus a Bishop . An. 689. Chilianus : Baron . in an●● 689. Baron . in anno 632. Wiro and Plechelmus consecrated Bishops by Pope Honorius . An. 697. A Synod at Vtrect . Bonifacius an Italian came into Scotland . Bonifacius made Arch-Bishop of Mentz . The story of Fiacre . Bal. cent . 14. The Universities of Paris , and Pavia , founded by Scottish men . Alcuin . Rabanus Maurus . Maidulphus Scotus . Camdens Antiquities . An. 800. Warres renued between the Scots and the Picts . Religious houses founded by Prince Gulielm . Boeth li. 10. Hungus King of Picts supplyed by Achaius King of Scots . Hungus his thankfulnesse for his victory . The Scots claim the Kingdom of the Picts . Kenneth utte●ly overthroweth the Picts . Boeth li. 10. Lese . l. 5. The succession of Bishops in this Church after the subversion of the Picts . Adrian the first in this accompt killed by the Danes . An. 872. A convention at Scone for reformation of the State. An. 860. Statutes for redressing abuses . An. 904. Scon. l. 2. in Catalogo Eipis . S. Andreae . King Grego●y his favours to the Church . Boeth l. 10. Io. Scotus called Aerigena . Boeth l. 10. Lesl l. 5. King Constantine the third forsaketh the publick life . Paslet . l. 6. c. 27. An. 977. Camd , ant . Boeth l. 11. Buchan . l. 6. King Kenneth murthered in the Castle of Fettercarne . An. 1004. Buchan . l. ● . Scon. li. in Catalog . Episc. S. Andrews . Buchan . l. 6. Boeth l. 11. The Danes defeat at Mu●t●lack in Angus by Malcolm . An Episcopal See at Murthlack . Boeth l. 11. Past. l. 4. c. 44. Buchan . l. 6. An. 1034. Buchan . l. 7. Boeth l. 12. An. 1057. A discourse between Mackduffe and Malcolme . Boeth . l. 12. Pas● . l. 5. c. 3 , 4. Scotichron . l 7. Buchan . l. 7. Dioces appointed by the Bishops . Cathnes and Murray erected by King Malcolme the third . The History of Queen Margaret , and her marriage with King Malcol● . King Malcolm and the Conquerour at Warre . Peace concluded amongst them . The contrary disposition of King Malcolm , and William Rufus . Bishop Gregorius dieth . Turgot elected in his place . Buchan . l. 7. An. 1117. The vertues of King Malcolm the third . The praise of Queen Margaret . Her issue by King Malcolm . Buchan . l. 7. Sa. Daniel in his Collection . Scon. lib. in Catalog . Epis● S. Andrews . An. 1098. Marianus . King Edgar erected the Abbey of Cauldingham in a Priory . King Alexander the Fierce , seeketh advice of the Archbishop of canterbury . The Archbishop of Canterbury and York at difference . Archbishop of Canterbury his letter to king Alexander . Eadmerus hist. l. 5. & 6. King Alexander offended that Eadmerus would not be consecrated in Scotland . He is invested in the Bishoprick by the intercession of the Noblemen . Thurstan the Archbishop of York opposes the consecration of Eadmerus . An. 1124. Eadmerus departeth into England upon the Kings dislike . He purgeth himself to the Archbishop . Robert Prior of Scone elected Bishop of Saint Andrews , and consecrated at York . The Abbey of Scone and Saint Columbe founded . Cursus Apri given to Saint Andrews . King David succeeded to Alexander , and his beneficence to the Church . King David taxed of profusion . His magnificence vindicate from these ●spersions . An. 1159. Buch. l. 7. The faults of person ought not to be cast on things abused . Whence the superflous enriching of Abbeys proceed . Buch. l. 7. Bishop Robert dieth . Richardus de sancto Victore with David a Presbyter . He citeth the Scottish Clergy to Norham . The Clergy by some Delegates appeal to Rome to the Pope . Pope Alexander the third giveth sentence for Scotland . Angelramus elected Bishop of Glasgow . King Malcolm the fourth his death . A Bishop placed at Carlile by the Archbishop of York . Buch. l. 7. An. 1165. Boeth . l. 13. Buch. l. 7. King William secketh to have Northumberland restored . King William surprised at Anwick . Boeth . l. 13. Hollinshed History of Scotland . An. 1175. Buch. l. 16. 7. Sa. Daniel . A meeting of the Scotish Clergy at Northampton . Gilbertus Canonicus his reply to the Legate : Boeth ibidem . Scon. l. 8. c. 16. Boeth . l. 13. An. 1178. Scon. l. 8. The Archdeacon of S. Andrews elected Bishop . The King displeased maketh his Chaplain to be choosed of new . The Archdeacon appealeth to Rome . His journey thither . Pope Lucius his Letter to the King. The Pope purposeth to interdict the Realm , is stayed by the entreaty of the Archdeacon . The Bishop of Dunkeld dieth , and the Bishoprick offered by the King to the Archdeacon . An. 1188. The Archbishop accepted Dunkeld . Bishop Hugo dieth . The Kings of England and France prepare to recover the Holy land . Sa. Daniel . Buchan . l. 7. Sa. Daniel . Lesl. l. 6. King of Scots his kindnesse to the King of England . Boeth . l. 13. The Abbey of lundors founded . King william goeth to England to congratulate King Richard his return . The Bishop of Cathnes cruelly used by the Earl of the countrey . The King punished it severely . Buchan . l. 7. Pope Innocent the third his thanks to the King for the justice of execution . A Convocation of the Clergy at Perth . Boeth l. 13. Lesl. l. 8. Saturday from 12. of the clock , to be kept as holy . An. 1189. Bishop Roger succeedeth to Hugo after his death . Roger consecrated in the year 1198. dieth in Iuly , 1202. William Malvoisin translated from Glasgow to S. Andrewes . Scon. l. 8. Pasl l. 6. c. 27. King William dieth , his pious devotion . Boeth l. 13. Buchan . l. 7. An. 1214. King Alexander the second Crowned at Scone . Boeth l. 7. Buchan . l. 13. The Kingdom interdicted by the Popes Legate . Scon. l. c. 33. The priviledge of the white monks suspended . Peace concluded betwixt the King and Henry the third of England . The Kingdom of Scotland absolved from the interdiction . Boeth l. 13. Buchan . l. 7. The course taken with the inferiour Churchmen . Scon. l. 9. c. 32. The Scots Clergy complain of the Legates extortions . An. 1219. Buchan . l. 7. Scon. ibide● . The King offended with the contributions of Rome . The Popes Legate discharged from entering into Scotland . Orders of S. Dominick and Francis , brought into Scotland . Scon. l. 10. c. ● . Foundation of religious houses . Gilbert Earl of Stratherne his donations to the Church . Scon. l. 8. c. 73. An. 1238. David the Kings Chamberlain elected Bishop upon Malvoisin his death . King Alexander the second buried at Melrosse . His Epitaph . King Alexander the third crowned . Sa : Daniel in the life of Henry the third . Scon l. 10. c. 8. Abell Archdeacon of S. Andrews elected Bishop after David . Abell his rigour exercised upon the Chanons . An. 1255. Gamelinus elected Bishop upon Abels death . Pasl . l. 6. Boeth . l. 13. Buch. l. 7. The Court displeased with the Bishop . A Legate sent from Rome . Scon. l. 2. c. 24. Boeth . l. 13. Buch. l. 7. Boeth . l. 13. The Carmelite Friers received in Scotland . Crosse-Church at Peblis erected . Boeth . l. 13. Scon. l. 30. An. 1271. William Wishart elected Bishop upon Gamelinus his death . Scon. l. 10. c. 30. Pasl . l. 6. Bishops attending a Rome for Consecration . A Councel at Lyons . Scon. l. 10. c. 34. A supply for the holy Warre . The Acts of the Councel . All the Acts overturned by dispensations . Scon. l. 10. c. 35. An. 1279. Bishop Wishart dieth . Scon. l. 10. c. 31. Michael Scot and Tho. Lermouth . Buchan . l. 13. Lesl. l. 6. Boeth l. 13. William Fraser elected Bishop after Wishart . Buchan . l. 7. The death of of King Alexander the third and his children . Two Knights of Fife directed to the maid of Norway , whom they found dead . Boeth l. 14. Buchan . l. 8. Competitors for the Crown . Scon. l. 11. c. 2. King Edward his speech at the meeting in Norham . Robert Bishop of Glasgow his reply . Scon. l. 11. c. 10. The right of the Crown found to lie betwixt Baliol and Bruce . Buchan . l. 8. A meeting at Berwick for determinating the right . Sa. Daniel . Boeth . l. 14. Bruce refuseth the offer , which Baliol embraceth . Baliol hated for swearing subjection to the King of England . Buchan . l. 8. Baliol breaketh with England . Ambassadors from France and England . Boeth . l. 14. Scon. l. 11. c. 18. Baliol cited to Newcastle . Scotland invaded by King Edward . Buchan . l. 8. Boeth . l. 14. The Bishops of Glasgow and Isles sent prisoners to London . A message sent to the Pope from the Clergy . Scon. l. 11. c. 36. The Popes letters to King Edward and the Archbishop of Canterbury . An. 1300. King Edward his answer . William Wallace . S. Daniel . Boeth . l. 14. Buch. l. 8. A Parliament S. Andrews . King Edward his course for ●●tirpating the Scots . Scon. Catal. Episc. S. Andre● . Pasl . l. ● . William Lamberton preferred to S. Andrewes upon the death of Fraser . Pasl . l. 6. c. 2. The Culdees and Chanons strife . The dissolution of the Templars . Paulus Emilius . Plessis . B. Lamberton loseth K. Edwards favour . Buchan . l. 8. Lesl. l. 7. Bo●th . l. 14. The Bishop committed to Prison . Robert Bruce crowned King. Boeth . l. 14. Buchan . l. 8. The Popes Legate sent to disswade the King from troubling England . Boeth . l. 14. The King his answer to the Legate . The Kingdom interdicted . Buch. l. 8. A Letter sent by the Nobles and Barons of Scotland to the Pope . Scon. l. 13. c. 1. The Interdiction released . The English sue for peace . The conditions of the peace . An. 1328. King Robert Bruce dieth . B. Lamberton his death and vertues . Scon. l. in Catalogo episc . S. Andreae . Io. Duns . Bal. cent . 14. Lesl. l. 7. Camd. Brit. Duns proved to be a Scottish man born . An. 1341. Sir Iames Bane elected in Lambertons place . Scon. l. in catal . episc . S. Andr. The Bishop dieth at Bruges in Flanders . The See of S. Andrews void nine years . William Landels chosen Bishop . The Bishops obtained liberty to dispose of their goods by Testament . Stephen chosen Bishop of S. Andrews , he dieth at Anwick . Walter Traill elected in his stead . Scon. l. in Catal. episc . S. Andr. An. 1401. His vertues and qualities . Thomas Stewart son to Robert the second elected Bishop . Scon. li. in Catalogo Episc , S. Andreae . Henry Wardlaw provided by Pope Benedict the 13. to the Bishoprick . A Schisme in the Church . Martin the 5. chosen Pope by the Councel of Constance . The Abbot of Pontiniac directed to intimate the election . Harding a Minorite perswadeth the Scots to continue in the obedience of Benedict . Iohn Fogo a Monk of Melross , refuseth Hardings Oration . The schisme made way to the reformation . Iohn Wickliffi , Hus , and Ierome of Prague . Iames Resby Martyr . Paul Craw Martyr . The Bishop his qualities . An. 1412. The University of S. Andrews founded in the year 1412. Boeth . 1. 16. King Iames the first a great favourer of the University . Bucban . l. 10. The King his admonicion to the Church-men . Buchan . l. 10. Boeth . l. 17. Bishop Wardlaw dieth , A●●● 1444. Bishop Iames Kennedy translated from Dunkeld to S. Andrews . Buchan . l. 12. Kennedy his just praises . An. 1466. Bishop Kennedy his death , the year 1466. Patrick Grahame chosen to succeed . The See of S. Andrewes erected in an Archbishoprick The Bulls of Lega●ion and Primacie published . Buchan . l. 12. The King inhibiteth the exercise of his Legation . An. 1444. William Shevez recommended to the Archdeaconry of S. Andrews . The Bishop rejecteth him as insuf●●cient . Shevez conspireth with the Rector . The Bishop contemning the censure , hath his goods confiscated . The ●●hop taken in favour . Buchan . l. 12. The Bishop of new troubled by the bankers of Rome . The Bishop falling in some distraction is committed to Shevez . Buch● n. l. 12. The Bishop condemned to lose his dignity . Shevez provided to the Archbishoprick . Patrick Grahame dieth at Lochleven . An. 1478. The Church altogether in disorder . Shevez receiveth the Pall , and is invested Anno 1478. Lese . l. 8. Archbishop of S. Andrew and Glasgow at diffension . The History of the Church of Scotland . An. 1513. The dispersers of these Articles cited before the Councell . Iames Stewart brother to King Iames the fourth elected Bishop , Anno 1503. B. Alexander Stewart succeedeth . A Competition for the Archbishop . Buchan . l. 3. Lest. l. 3. The Bishop of Dunkeld quiteth his interest . An. 1522. The Duke of Albany pacifieth the Competitors . Lesl. l. 9. Iames Beaton translated from Glasgow to S. Andrews . Lesl. l. 9. Buchan . l. 14. Mr. Patrick Hamilton Abbot of Ferm Martyr . Buchan . l. 14. History of the Church . p. 21. An. 1527. Articles wherewith the Abbot was charged . Manuscript processe which is extant under the hands of the Theologues . The subscrivers of the sentence . The manner of his execution , and speech at his dying . History of the Church . His appealing of Frier Campbell . Frier Campbell dieth of a Phrensie . History of the Church . p. 23. Numbers brought to the knowledge of the truth by his suffering . Buchan . l. 14. Frier Seaton suspected of Heresie . History of the Church . Frier Seaton called before the Bishop . The Frier flyeth to Berwick , and from thence writeth to the King. He becometh Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk . Acts of Martyrs . Henry Forrest Martyr . Divers cited to appear at Halirudhouse . An. 1534. Normand Gourlay and David Straiton Martyrs . Acts of Martyrs . History of the Church . Alexander Alesse and others , fly to England . Bal. cent . 14. Divers accused of heresie in a meeting at Edinburgh . An. 1538. The Vicar of Dolour his conference with the Bishop of Dunkeld . History of the Church . Vetimo Febr. 1538. Frier Russel and one Kennedy martyred at Glasgow . History of the Church . The Archbishop disswadeth the execution . The courage of Russel at his dying . Master George Buchannan eseapeth out of prison . Buchan . l. 14. The History of the Church . The Archbishop committeth the charge of all affairs to his Nephew the Cardinal . An. 1539. A contest for the imposition laid upon the Clergy for the Lords of Session . Buchar . l. 14. Lesl. l. 9. Bishop Beaton dieth . The learned men that lived in this time , M. Iohn Maior . Bal cent . 14. Lest. l. 9. Hector Boeth . Bal. Cent. 14. Gilbert Crab. Bal. cent . 15. William Gregory . Bal. ibidem . Iohn Scot his memorable fasting . Buchan . l. 14. Lesl. l. 9. He taketh his journey to the holy Sepulcher . He is imprisoned in London . Thomas Doughty suffered to abuse the people . Scots emula●ion of Doughty , and his cousenage . The history of Cardinal Beaton . An. 1540. Sir Iohn Borthwick cited for heresie . The heads of his accusation . Sir Iohn Borthwick denounced heretick . Acts of Mart. The King invited to meet his Uncle King Henry at York . Buchan . l. 14. Lesl. l. 9. Holinshed history of Scotland . The Cardinal and Clergy seek to impede the meeting . An. 1541. The King excuseth himself to King Henry . Sir Iames Hamilton executed . The King troubled with visions . History of the Church . The Justice Clerk his fearful death . The King died at Falkland , An. 1542 , the eighth of December . The Cardinal forgeth the Kings Testament . Buchan . l. 15. The Earl of Arran elected Governour . An. 1542. The King of England seeketh to unite the Kingdomes by marriage . Buchan . l. 15. A Parliament at Edinburgh . Lesl. l. 10. The Cardinal committed . Ambassadors sent into England for concluding the match . Buchan . l. 15. The history of the Church . The Governours Preachers suspected by the Clergy . The Ambassadors return from England . History of the Church . The estate of the Governors Court. The Bishop of Ross , and Abbot of Paisley , seek to divert the Governour from the Contract with England . The Governours Preachers and servants part from him . History of the Church . The Cardinal set at liberty . A Convention of the Clergy at S. Andrews . Buchan . l. 15. The Ambassadour of England complaineth of the indignity offered to him . The Governours excuse . Buchan . l. 15. Warre denounced by England . The countrey goeth into factions . The Earle of Lenox recalled from France . Buchan . l. 15. The Earle of Lenox welcomed by the Queen-mother and the Cardinal . The young Queen removed to Striveling . The Governor forsaketh his party , and receiveth absolution from the Cardinal . Buchan . l. 15. The Cardinals care to be rid of the Earl of Lenox . Buchan . l. 15. The Earl of Lenox finding himself abused , goeth to England . The persecution of the professors in Perth . The inditement of the persons delated . They are found guilty , and their behaviour at their suffering . Burgesses exiled , and the Lord Ruthven put from his Provostry . Kinfawn elected Provest , seeketh to force the town to obedience . Buchan . l. 15. The Lord Gray invading Perth is repulsed . The Cardinals proceeding against the Professors in Angus and Me●nis . Buchan . l. 15. An. 1544. Roger a black Frier , imprisoned at Saint Andrews . The history of Mr. George Wishart . Wishart discharged from preaching at Dundy . History of the Church . He goeth to the West , where the Archbishop of Glasgow seeketh to apprehend him . Wishart returneth to Dundy , the pestil●nce the●e raging . A Priest apprehended that intended to kill him . History of the Church . He visiteth Montrosse . A plot of the Cardinals for his intercepting , and his wonderfull escape . His journey to Edinburgh , and what befell him in the way . An. 1545. Wishart preacheth at Leith . He goeth to East Lothian , and preacheth at Haddington . He goeth to Ormeston , and dimitteth Iohn Knox. There he is apprehended and delivered to the Earle Bothwell upon promise . History of the Church . The Lairds of Calder and Ormeston committed . Wishart carried to S. Andrews . The Cardinal sends to the Governour for a Commission . David Hamilton of Presson disswadeth the Governour . Buchan . l. 15. The Governour desires the Cardinal to deferre the trial . A citation for his appearance . History of the Church . At his trial the Sub-prior preacheth . He is accused by Master Iohn Lawder a Priest. Buch. n. l. 15. His answer . Mr. George Wishart his appellation . Sentence of death pronounced against him . Two Friers sent to confesse him . The conference with the Sub-prior . He communicateth with the Captain of the Castle . Buchan . l. 15. Two executioners lead him to the place of his suffering . History of the Church . His death and the manner of it , 2. Martii 1545. An. 1546. His prophesie of the Cardinals death . Buchan . l. 15. Prayers inhibited to be made for him after his death . The Priests extoll the Cardinal . He contracted his base daughter to the heir of Craford . Buchan . l. 15. A conspiracy against the Cardinal . The proceeding of the conspirators . Grange entereth into the Castle . The servants and workmen put to the gate . The Cardinal killed . A tumult in the City . Buchon . l. 15. The Cardinal his description . How the fact was interpreted in the Countrey . A great stirre in the Church by this occasion . The murtherers accursed . The Governours base brother elected Bishop . The Castle besieged , and supplied from England . A c●pitulation with the besieged . The Governor sendeth to France for a supply . Divers joyned with those within the Castle . Iohn Rough and Iohn Knox preach to the besieged . Iohn Rough preaching in the city , is oppugned by the Clergy . Iohn Knox maintained his doctrine in a Sermon . The substance of Iohn Knox his Sermon . The Archbishop offended with the Sub-prior for permitting these preachings . The two preachers convened before the Sub-prior . Iohn Knox his judgement of tithes . Iohn Knox his answer to the Sub-prior and Clergy . An. 1547. A consultation of the Clergy , how to stay the defection of the people . Iohn Rough for saking those in the Castle , goeth into England . He is brought in question , and examined by Bonner Bishop of London . He suffered Martyrdom and is burnt in Smithfield . The absolution returned from Rome , doth not satisfy them . The Castle of S. Andrews again besieged at the coming of the French Gallies . The Castle besieged and battered by land and sea . The Castle reduced upon capitulation . The Castle demolished . The Duke of Somerset invadeth Scotland . His letter to the Governour and Nobility . An. 1548. The Duke of Somnsets letters suppres●●d . The battel of Pinc●ie . The young Queen conveyed to Dumbartom . The siege of Haddington . A counsel taken for sending the young Queen to France . An. 1550. Peace made with England . The prisoners taken in the Castle of Saint Andrews put at liberty . Norman Lesley his fortune and death . The countrey vexed with Justice Courts . Adam Wallace accused of heresie . His answer . History of the Church . Acts of Martyrs . A contention among Churchmen for saying of Pater noster . The foolish preaching of a Frier in Saint Andrews upon this subject . An. 1543. Acts of Martyrs . p. 1274. A pleasant discourse and jest of the Subprliors servant . The decision of the Provincial Synod . The Catechisme called The two-peny faith . A Provincial Synod kept at Linlithgow . An. 1553. King Edward the sixth of England , dieth Queen Regent admitted to rule by dimission of the Governour . An. 1554. William Harlow a Minister . Iohn Willock a Convert . Iohn Knox returneth into Scotland . Iohn Knox his conference with young Lethington , touching the presence at the Masse . The Priests offended at the dishant of the Masse . Iohn Knox cited , and the Diet deserted . An. 1556. He goeth to Geneva . He is condemned as an heretick , and burnt in effigie . Divers prodigious signes . The esteem of the Clergy decayeth . Mr. Iohn Douglas a Carmelite forsaketh his Order . The Preachers cited before the Councel . A Proclamaon for the borders . The Gentlemen of the West complain of their oppression . An. 1558. Commissioners chosen for the young Queens marriage with the Daulphin . The misfortunes that happened in that voyage . The history of Walter Mill Martyr . His examination . Sentence pronounced against Walter Mill. The Bailiffe of the Regality refuseth to be Judge . His constancie at his suffering . The people exceedingly moved at his speeches . His Epitaph . His death , the death of Popery in this kingdome . The worthy men that lived in this time . Sir David Lindesay of the Mont. Mr. Patrick Cockburn . Iohn Mackbrair . Robert Wachop Archbishop of Armagh . An. 1130. Dunkeld erected to be a Bishoprick . The succeession of Bishops in that See. An. 1210. An. 1376. An. 1010. The succession of Bishops in the See of Aberdene . An. 1300. An. 1480. An. 1514. An. 1160. The succession of Bishops in the Dioces of Murray . An. 1140. Since the writing of this Catalogue , I have found four Bishops succeeding Edwardus one after another ; Turpimis , Rodolphus , Hugo and Gregonus . But how long they sate Bishops , I cannot say . The succession of the Bishops of Dumblane . An. 1210. The succession of the Bishops of Rosse . An. 1066. The succession of the Bishops of Cathnes . An. 1245. The Bishops of Orkney . An. 1137. The succession of the Bishops of Glasgow . An. 1207. An. 1325. An. 631. The Bishops of Galloway . The Bishops of Argyle . An. 1289. The Bishops of the Isles . The Nobles and Barons resolve upon a Reformation . An. 1558. An act for publick service . History of the Church . The Clergy complaining to Queen Regent . The Bishop of S. Andrewes letter to the Earl of Argyle . The Earl of Argyle his answer . The feast of S. Giles . The procession disturbed by a tumul●● 〈…〉 . Supplication to Queen Regent for 〈◊〉 Petitions for reformation . The Queens answer . A dispute offered by the Clergy , and accepted by the Congregation . Ridiculous conditions offered to the Petitioners . Articles presented by the Congregation to the Parliament . Queen Regent stayeth the presenting of the Articles . The Protestation made by those that desired Reformation . The Protestation refused to be inserted in the records . The Queens countenance changed towards the Congregation . An. 1559. Ministers cited to appear at Striveling . Commissions directed to the Queen . Reformation begun at Perth . The Queen Regent dealeth with the Lord of Dun to stay the contentions of people . Iohn Knox joyneth with the Congregation at Perth . The Monasteries demolished at Perth . The Images pulled down at Couper in Fise . Queen Regent intendeth to surprise Perth . The Earle of Glencarne cometh to assist the town . An accord mediated by the Earle of Argile and Lord Iames. The conditions of the accord . Queen Regent entreth into Perth . The Articles of peace violated . The Earle of Argile , and Lord Iames forsake the Regent . Iohn Knox in a sermon preached at Craill perswadeth the expulsion of the French. Images pulled down at Crail and Austruther . The Monasteries of S. Andrewes demolished . Proclamation to meet the Queen at Couper . The Lords of the Congregation prevent her . The meeting at Couper moore . The estate of the Queens Army . A treaty for peace . The French required to be ●mitted . The truce accorded . The town of Perth complaineth of their oppressions . The Lords be siege Perth . Perth yeelded upon Composition . The Abbey of Scone demolished . The Abbey of Cambuskehneth ruined . Images and Altars pulled down at Linlithgow and Edinburgh . A Proclamation by Queen Regent . Rumours dispersed to the prejudice of the Congregation . The Lords purge themselve to the Queen . The Proclamation of the Lords . The Lairds of Pittarrow and Cunningham-head , sent to the Queen . The Queens desire to speak with the Earl of Argyle , and the Lord Iames. The Lords suspecting some practice , refuse to send the Noblemen . A meeting at Preston . The answer of the Lords to the condition proponed . News of the French Kings death . The Queen prepareth to enter into Edinburgh . The Articles of the Truce . The Lords depart to Striveling . The Queen desireth the Church of S. Giles for the exercise of Masse . The Magistrates answer . The French Captains and souldiers trouble the people in hearing the Sermon . A letter to Lord Iames from King Francis. Another letter from the Queen of Scots to Lord Iames. The answer given by Lord Iames. A French Captain called Octavian , arriveth with a regiment of souldiers . The Queen maketh to fortifie Leth. The Earle of Arrane joynes with the Lords at Striveling . A letter directed to the Queen from the Lords . A letter sent by them to the Lord Ereskin . Sr. Robert Carnagie and Mr. David Borthuick directed to the Duke . A Proclamation given forth by the Queen . The Queen seeketh to disunite the Lords The perswasions used . Lord Iames his Answer . A Proclamation by the Queen , declaring her purpose in the fortifying of Leth. The Bishop of Amiens , and some Doctors of Sorbon active at Leth. A declaration published by the Lords . The Lords come to Edinburgh and write unto the Queen . The Duke purgeth himself and his son of any aspiring . The Herald directed to the Lords . The credit given to the Herald by the Queen . The Lords deliberate upon discharging the Queen of her Regency . The opinion of the Preachers required . Master Willock his opinion . Iohn Knox his sentence . The Preachers ought not to have medled in that busines . The examples they brought , did not warrant their opinion . Act depriving Queen Regent of her government . The Herald dimitted , and the Act intimated to the Queen by letters from the Lords . The town of Leth summoned . Moneys failing , they sent to borrow from England . The Laird of Ormston surprised by Bothwel , and spoiled of his money . The house of Creichion on taken . The Provost of Dundy put to flight by the souldiers at Leth. A conflict betwixt the Scots and French Secretary Lethington forsaketh the Queen Regent . The Lords leave Edinburgh , and the French possesse the Town . The Queen sendeth for new forces from France . The Lords send to England for a supply . Altars and Images demolished at Glasgow . The Bishop recovereth the Castle . Commissions sent unto England . A supply granted , and the Duke of Norfolk sent to treat of the conditions . The French resolve to make an end of the warre before the English be prepared . An encounter with the French at Pitticurre . The Lords came to Dysert to stay the progr●sse of the French. The Laird of Grange defeats a company of the French. Commissioners sent to treat with Norfolk . The contract with England . The French souldiers upon sight of the Navy return to Leth. Divers houses in Fi●e taken by the Lord. An. 1560. The Cathedral of Aberdene saved by the Earl of Huntl●y . Pledges s●nt to the Admiral of England . The English forces enter into Scotland . Queen Regent entereth into the Castle of Edinburgh . A letter from the Lords to the Queen Regent . The English General intreateth the Queen to dimit the French The first conflict of the siege of Leth. The situation of the Scottish and English Camp. The French entered into the English trenches where divers were killed . A fire in the town of Leth , The English thinking to scale the walls are repulsed . The offer of the French King to the Queen of England . The Queens answer . Sir William Cecill and Doctor 〈◊〉 sent to mediate an agreement . Queen Regent sickneth and dieth . She conferreth with the Lords before her death . Q●een Regent her just commen lations . The malice ● of the author of the story called Iohn Knox his history . A truce taken upon the death of the Queen Regent . Conditions of the peace . The French embark , and the Army of England departeth . The Ministers distributed amongst the Burghs . A Parliament , and the lawfulnesse thereof questioned . The Clergy offended with the election of the Lords of the Articles . Petitions proponed in favour of the Reformers . The Confession of Faith put in form and presented . The Confession approved . The Popes authority abolished . The Lord Torpichen directed to France . The Earles Morton and Glencarn sent into England . The French King dieth . Mr Iohn Lesly sent from the French faction to perswade the Queens return . Lord Iames by the Noblemen of the Reformation to the same end . The Queen resolveth to return . An ambassage from France . Morton and Glencam return from England . A form of Church policy . The advertisement of the Archbishop of St. Andrewes sent to Iohn Knox. A direction for demolishing Cloysters and Abbey Churches . All the Churches under this pretext spoyled and defaced . An. 1561. The Queen prepareth to return from France . Her conference with the Earle of Bedford Monsic●r d' Oyfell sent into England . The Queen of England● answer . The Queen of Scots offended with it . Her conference with Nicoolas Throgmor●on . The Queen of Scots reasons for delaying the ratification . Throgmorton his answer . The Queen of Englands letter to th● No●ility . The Councels answer . He● 〈◊〉 with the English Ambassadour at 〈◊〉 . The Q●een 〈◊〉 at Le●h . The Nobility assembles to congratu●ate her return . No change to be made in religion , and a private Masse p●rmitted to the Queen . The Earl of Arran opposeth A tumult in the Abbey . The Nobles that came from France with the Queen , return home . William Maitland directed to England . The Queen of Englands answer . A second conference with Lethington . The Queen of Englands reply . The Queen of Englands●easons ●easons for her refuse . Lethingtons third audience . The conclusion taken by the Queen of England . The Queen of Scots her progresse in the countrey . A●chibald Douglas Provost of Edinburgh committed . The Preachers are displeased . The Queen maketh choice of a Councell . Ninian Winyet a Priest exiled ▪ The thirds of Benefices granted to the Queen . A guard of horse and foot levied to attend the Queen . Lord Iames sent to the borders is at his return made Earl of Marr● He is preferred to the Earldome of Murray , and the Lord Ereski● made Earl of Marre . Huntly offendeth with thes● prefermen●s . He chargeth Murray with the affectation of the Crown . Bothwell stirreth up the Earl of Murray against the Hamiltons . Practice against the Earl of Murray . The practice discovered by the Earl of Arrane . Arrane becometh distracted . New devices for cutting oft Murray . An. 1562. Letters sent from beyond sea in favour of Huntly . An interview of the two Queens moved . The interview stayed . Petitions of the Church to the Queen . The Queen go●th to Aberd●ne . The Lady Huntley intercedes for her son . The Queen taketh journey to Innernesse . The Castle of Inn●●n●sse denied to the Queen . The Castle beiseged and rendered . Huntley resolves to invade the Queen . The battel of Corrichie . The Earl of Huntl●y taken prisoner , and dieth . Thanksgiving for the victory . Iohn Gordon beheaded at Ab●rdene . The Lord Gordon forfeited and commit●ed . The Archbishop of Saint Andrews committed . An. 1563. A Parliament at Edinburgh . A trouble at Halirudhouse . Iohn Knox called before the Councel . The Earl of Lenox restored . Henry Lord Darnely son to Lenox , cometh into Scotland . The Queen intendeth to take him to husband . An. 1564. Enemies raised up against the Queen . The Lord Gordon restored . Signeur Davie an at●endant on the Queen favoureth the mariage . Secretary L●thington sent into England . A Convoc●tion of the Estates at Striveling . The Lord of Darnely created Duke of Roth●say . A mutiny at Edinburgh . The Queen cometh to Edinburgh , and the mutiners fly . An Assembly at Edinburgh . Petittions of the Church . The Queens answer to the Petitions . The Queen married to the Lord Darnly . The complaints of the discontented Lords . The king heareth a Sermon at St. Giles . Iohn Knox cited before the Councell . The Lords pursued by the King and Queen . The Lords flie into England . The Queen of England intercedeth for the Lords . The Duke received in favor A generall Assembly of the Church . A reply to the answer of their last Petitions . An. 1565. The slaughter of Signeur Davie conspired . A Parliament at Edinburgh deserted . The slaughter of Davie . Damiott a French Priest willed him to be gone . The Queens behaviour after Davies murther . The exiled Lords return . The King protesteth his innocency . The Conspirators flye into England . Inquisition of the murtherers . An. 1566. The Castle of Edinburgh made choice of for the Queen her lying in . The Queen feasts the Noblemen . The Queen delivered of a son . Sir Henry Killigrew sent from England . The desire of the Church for the Baptisme of the Prince . The Queen goeth to Alloway . Secretary Lethington soffereth her Majesties anger against the King. The Queen goeth to Iedburgh . Lethington renueth the purpose of divers . Preparation for the Princes Baptisme . The King withheld from the solemnity . The King falleth sick in the way to Glasgow . The Archbishop of S. Andrewes restored to his priviledges . The Churches complaint for the same . Master Knox goeth into England . A letter from the Assembly of the Church to the Bishops of England . Assignation of Ministers stipends . The Queen visiteth the King at Glasgow . He cometh to Edinburgh , and there is murthered by Bothwel . A rumour dispersed by Bothwel that Murray and Morton had murthered the King. The names of the murtherers cast forth in the street . The Earl of Lenox soliciteth the Queen to take trial of the murther . An. 1567. The Castle of Edinburgh delivered to Bothwell , and the Prince delivered to the Earl of Marre . Bothwell put to a triall . Robert Cuningham protesteth against the proceedings in the name of the Earl of Lenox . The persons chused upon the Jury . Bothwell acquited with a protestation of the Jury . Bothwell offereth to try his innocency by combat . The offer accepted upon security of the place . A Parliament at Edinburgh . Bothwell seeketh the consent of the Lords to the Queens marriage . He ravisheth the Queen in her return from Striveling . His design in committing this rape . Bothwell his divorce from his wife . The Queen cometh to the Castle of Edinburgh . The banes of Bothwell with the Queen asked . Mr. Iohn Craig protested . Mr. Craig called before the Councell with the reasons of his opposition . His publication thereof to the people . The marriage of the Queen with Bothwell celebrated . The Noblemens bond for preservation of the young Prince . The Bishop of Dumblane sent to France . Noblemen solicited to enter in bond with the Queen and Bothwell . The Earl of Murray refused and is licensed to goe into France . The Queen maketh choice of a Councell . The order of their attendance . A Proclamation to accompany the Queen to the borders . The Castle of Borthwick invironed . The Queen & Bothwell escape . The Lords retire to Edinburgh . A Proclamation given out by the Lords . The Queen gathereth forces . Difficulties amongst the Lords . The Queen giveth th●m the opportuniy they wished for . The Proclamation of Glaidsmore . The Lords cast themselves in the Queens way . The order of the Lords A●my . The meeting at Carberry hill . The French Ambassadour laboureth to compose matters . Bothwel offereth to try the cause in combat . It is accepted , and the Queen inhibiteth the fight . The Queens Army unwilling to fight . Bothwel flyeth , and the Queen rendereth herself to the Lords . The Queen sent prisoner to Lochlevin . Sir Iames Balfour betrayeth his trust to Bothwel . The Earl of Glencarn demolisheth the Altar . The Lords write to the Noblemen of the Queens party . The Noblemen made a motion to the Assembly , and the Assemblies Commission to the Lords . Instructions given to those that were sent from the Assembly . The Earl of Argile his answer . The Lord Boyd his answer . Articles agreed in the Assembly of the Church . The Articles subscribed . The Queen moved to make resignation of the Crown . The King crowned at Striveling . The Earl of Murray returneth from France . He visiteth the Queen at Lochlevin . The Earl of Murray elected Regent . Bothwell taketh the Sea , and is pursued by Grange . The custody of Edinburgh Castle committed to Grange . The Lords convened at Hamilton write to the Regent . An. 1566. The first Parliament of King Iames the 6. The Acts concluded in Parliament . The Queen ordained to be kept in prison . The Bishop of Orkney deposed for marrying the Queen . The confession of these that were executed for the Kings murther An. 1568. The Queen escapeth from Lochlevin . The manner of the Queens escape . The Queens resignation decerned null . The Regent advertised of the Queens escape . The Lord Boyd falleth to the Queen . The Regent resolveth to stay at Glasgow and assemble forces . The battel of Landside , 13 , May , 1568. The order of the Regents Army . The number of the slain . The ptisoners that were taken . The Castles of Hamilton and Darffan rendered to the Regent . The Queen flieth to England and writes to Queen Elizabeth . The Queen of Scots begins to see her error . A Parliament called by the Regent . The Queen of England desires the Parliament to be delayed . The R●gent refuseth . The Queen of England writeth to the Regent . Commissiooners choosed to go into England . The tenour of the Commission . An Assembly of the Church . Who should have voice in Assemblies . Acts of discipline . The Bishop of Orkney reponed . A meeting of the English and Scots Commissioners at York Commissioners for the Scottish Queen . Protestation for the Queen of Scotland . Commissioners of E●gland protest in the contrary . A declaration in behalf of the Queen of Scotland . The Regents ●etire to the ●ommissioners o● England . The Duke of Norfolks answer . Lethington disswadeth the Regent from accusing the Queen . The information presented against the Queen of Scots . The Commissioners of the Queen of Scots reply . The Commissioners of England , desire the Regent to give better reasons . 〈◊〉 disperied of the R●gents imprisonment . A Declaration presented in writing by the R●gent . The answer of the Commissioners for the Queen of Scots . The Queen of England doubteth how to cary her self in the business . The Queens Commissioners purge the Regent of the Kings murther . The Duke of Chattellerault claimeth the Regency . A reply to the Dukes petition . The Queen of Scots letters intercepted . The Regent returneth to Scotland . The Duke made Deputy by the Queen of Scots . He writeth to the Assembly of the Church . The Assemblies answer . Commissioners from the Churches the Regent . Petitions in behalf of the Church . Orders for giving degrees in Divinity . The Regent and Duke agreed . An. 1569. He forthinketh his yielding . The Duke and Lord Hereis commit●ed to the Castle of Edinburgh . A treaty with Argile and Huntley . Huntky remitted upon some conditions . The Regents expedition into the North. The Lord Boyd briageth lette●s from both Queens to the Regent . A letter from Sir Nicholas Throgmorion to the Regent . A letter from , Sir Nicholas to Lethington . A Convention of Estates at Perth . Their judgement of the Letters sent , from the two Queens . A message sent into England The Abbot of Dunsermling sent into England The Earl of Northumberland imprisoned in Lochlevin . Lethington charged with the Kings murther . The Laird of Grange counter●●en the Regents hand , and taketh Lethington to the Castle . The Regent makes an expedition to the borders . He is informed of practices against his life Lethingtons triall deferred . Iames Hamilton of Bothwell-haugh , taketh in hand the Regents murder . The Regent killed by the shot of a bulbullet . The murtherer escapeth . Thuanus . 46. The death of the Regent greatly lamented . A prediction of Iohn Knox. An Ambassadour sent from England . The Ambassadours speech in Councell . An. 1570. The Laird of Lochlevin urgeth a revenge of the Regents murther . The delay ill taken of the people . The principals of the Queens faction writ to the Earl of Morton . Lethington offereth himself to a trial . A meeting at Edenburgh of the Noblemen of both parties in March. They deliberate upon the choice of a Regent . An Ambassadour from France . A meeting at Linlithgow of the Noblemen that stood for the Queen . They give out a Proclamation . They deal wi●h the Earl of Morton , but he will not hearken to them . An Army cometh to Berwick under conduct of the Earl of Sussex . The Lords forsake Edinburgh upon the report . They give warrant for fortifying the Castle . The Army of England entereth in Scotland . The Lords desire a Truce from the Earl of Sussex which he refused . A Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh . An offer of peace to those of the Queens party . The Queens authority proclaimed . A Proclamation made by the Estates . The Conspirators ranked in their Orders . All prepare for Warre . The Lord Seaton sent to Flanders . The Parson of Dumbar brings moneys and Armour to Huntley . The Lords who stood for the King , send to Sussex for supply . Grange and Lethington seek to stay the English forces upon offers . Sir William 〈…〉 in Scotland with an Army . The Castle of Hamilton rendered . The Abbot of Dunfemlin Ambassadour in England . His instructions . The Queens answer to the instructions . The Earl of Lennox made Lieutenant of the Countrey . The Queen of Englands answer to the Lords that stood for the King. The Earl of Lennox created King. An Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh . Commissioners directed from the Assembly of the Church to the Lords of the Queens party . The Regent goeth to impede the Parliament indicted at Linlithgow . A Parliament indicted at Edinburgh . The Regents expedition to Brich●n . An Ambassadour to Denmark . An Abstinence agreed unto . A Treaty with the Queen of Scots . T●is Regents letter to the Queen of England . Secretary Lethington denounced Rebel , and loses his office . The Secretaries Declaration The Regents Reply . Articles propounded to the Queen of Scotland . Sir William Cecil his letters to the Regent . The Earl of Sussex his advertisement to the Regent . His particular advice . The Regents answer . The Abbot of Dunfermlin made Secretary and sent into England . The Queen of Englands answer , ult . November . 1570. The Laird of Grange raiseth a trouble in Edinburgh and breaks out in open Rebellion . Commissioners sent into England . Reasons justifying the Queen of Scots deposition . Articles proponed to the Commissioners of Scotland . Answer to the foresaid Articles . Propositions made to the Queen of Scots Commissioners . The Answer . The Treaty continued to a more convenient time . The Bishop of Galloway and the Lord Levingston , conferre with the Earl of Morton ▪ Paslay taken by Lord Claud Hamilton , and recovered by the Regent . The Castle of Dunbart●n surprized . The Archbishop of S. Andrews executed . His Declaration at his death . They who stood for the Queen , take Arms and come to Edinbugh . The Regent resolveth to hold the Parliament . An. 1571. Persons forfeited in this Parliament . The civil war renewed . The Regent goeth to Striveling . A conflict betwixt Morton and the Lords at Edinburgh . The Ea●l of Morton hireth souldiers . The Queen of England sendeth to Sir William Drury , to try the estate of things . The Lords on the Queens party hold a Parliament at Edinburgh . A supplication presented in name of the Queen . The Queens resignation of the Crown discerned null . A conflict betwixt the Earl of Morton and the Lords at Edinburgh . The Lord Home taken prisoner . The Regent returneth to Leth. The combat offered by Grange is accepted , and thereafter by himself declined . The Queen of England insisteth for peace . The Regent excuseth his refuse of the Abstinence . A Parliament kept at Edinburgh by the Lords . The Regent kept a Parliament at Striveling . Persons forfeited in the Parliament . An enterprise of the Lord claud Hamilton . The number of the slain on both sides . An ominous speech of the King , being yet a child . The Reg●nts speech to the Nobility . An Assembly of the Church at Striveling . Iohn Knox his letter to the Assembly . A consultation for setling the policy of the Church . The power of the Superintendents . Commissioners named to deal with he Regent and Estate . The Earl of Marre elected Regent . Adam Gordon deputy for Huntley in the North. A conflict betwixt Adam Gordon and the Forbesses . A supply granted by the Regent to the Lord Forbes . Another conflict betwixt the Gordons and Fo●besses . An Assembly of the Church at Leth. An. 1572. Commissioners named for the Councel and Church . Articles agreed unto by the Councel and Church . An Assembly of the Church at Perth . The Lord Ruthven sent to assist the town of Iedburgh . The Bishop of Ross called inquestion for the Queens marriage with Norfolk . The Bishop of Ross imprisoned at Ely. The Duke of Norfolk executed . Certain of the Councel directed to the Queen of Scots . The Queen of England● reateth for peace among the parties . The Earls of ●tawford and Buchan directed against Adam Gordan . The Castle of Blacknes betrayed by the Keeper . Ambassadours from France and England . The Lord Fleming unhapp●y killed . A cess●tion from warre concluded . The Anicles of Ab●●●ence . The Regent and Councel do answer to the Articles . The Regent dieth at Striveling . He commendeth the care of the Kings p●rson to his Lady and Brother . The description of Io●n Knox his life and death . Mr. Iames Lawson admitted Minister at Edinburgh . Iohn Knox his speech to the Earl of Morton . His last speech to the Ministers and Elders of the Church . The Ministers carry a Commission to the Laird of G●ange from Iohn Knox. He giveth order for making his Coffin . The History given forth in his name was not of his inditing . The Earl of Morton elected Regent . Rules given to the Regent for his government . Sir Henry Killigrew sent from England . A treaty of peace . The Laird of Grange refuseth to be comprehended in the treaty . He molesteth the town of Edinburgh , and fireth the houses . A Parliament kept at Edinburgh . The pacification concluded at Perth . A time given to those of the Castle to accept the pacification . Sir Iames Kirkaldy returneth from France . He takes land 〈…〉 Captain to the Regent . The English Ambassadour travelleth to make Grange accept peace , which he refuseth . The Regent in●reateth the Queen of Englands help for ●pugnation of the Castle . Articles agreed betwixt the Regent and the English. An. 1573. A Proclamation given out by the Regent . The Castle summoned . The Captain answereth by a token of defiance . The Castle made assaultable . A truce taken , and the Captain willing to yield upon conditions . The Castle rendered to the English Generall . Lethington dieth at Leth. Grange and his brother executed . The Queens faction quite de●●ated . The Regents expedition to the borders . His care for the Kings houses and rents . He falleth out with the Church . Two , three or four Churches appointed to one Minister . The Superintendents denied paiment of their means . The Church desired to be restored to the thirds , but is denied . An. 1574. The Countrey vexed with Justice Courts . A motion for compiling a body of our Law. Black O●meston executed for the Kings murther . An. 1575. Adam Heriot Minister at Aberdene , his death and qualities . A conflict betwixt the Scots and English. A meeting in the Borders betwixt the Regent and the Earl of Huntington . Duke Hamilton dieth . Lord Aberbrothock pursued by Lochlevin . He is saved in the house of Darsey . Innovations in the Church of Mr. Andrew Melvil . The Episcopal function called in question . Some brethren selected to conferre upon the question . The Bishops present in the Assembly . Another Assembly of the Church . The Regents motion to the Assembly . The Archbishop of Glasgow urged with a particular flock , answereth the Assembly . Mr. Patrick Adamson provided to S. Andrews . An. 1576. The Church off 〈◊〉 with the Bishop● answer . A form of policy presented to the Regent . The discontents great in the countrey . Iohn Semple and Adam Whitford accused for conspiring the Regents death . An. 1577. The Earl of Argile and Athol at variance . A great insolence committed by Argile . Alexander A●●skin practiseth a change . Argile and Athol agreed . Argile complaineth of the Regent to the King. Athol his advice to the King , for trying Argiles complaint . The Regent sendeth to inform the King of Argiles contempt . His offer to dimit the Reg●ncy . The King is advised to accept ●he Regents dimission . A Commission from the King to the Regent . The Kings acceptation of the Government . The Lord Boyd chideth the Regent for his dimission . The Chancellour and Earl of Angus imployed in the Regents dimission to the King. The Regents discharge of his administration . Mortons enemies are still practising against him . The King his calm proceedings with Morton . An. 1578. A pitiful Accident . The Chancellour killed in a tumult . The Earl of Athol created Chancellour . The Castle of Edinburgh delivered to the Earl of Marre . The Castle of Striveling surprised by the Earl of Marre his friends . The Councel goeth to Striveling and composeth the controversy . Conditions prescrived to the Earl of Marre . A Convention at Striveling . The Earl of Morton cometh to Striveling . The Kings motion to the Lords and the rest of the Estates . The Counsellours disswade the change of the place of Parliament . An Ambassage to the Queen of England . Jealousies among the Noblemen : A Proclamation against the false rumors dispersed . The Lords remaining at Edinburgh , protest against the holding of the Parliament . Mantross and Lindesay charged to keep their lodgings for using the protestation . A Declaration of the Lords remaining at Edinburgh . Proclamations to follow the King or his Lieutenant . The Lords charged to depart out of Edinburgh . The Provost of Edinburgh committed . A Proclamation for dissolving the forces convened at Edinburgh . The Lords march towards Striveling . The English Ambassadour laboureth to to compose matters . Conditions agreed upon . The Articles signed . The twentieth of September appointed for a meeting of Noblemen at Striveling . The Noblemen decline the meeting . The petitions of th● Chance●●●●r and the Lords and Gentlemen adhering to him . The King offended with the petition . The Noblemen cited to appear at Striveling . His Majestics speech at the meeting . The Lords are desire● to set down their complaints in writing . The Lords reconciled . A form of Church-policy presented to the Parliament , and remitted to certain Commissionres . 1. Agreed . 2. Agreed . 3. Agreed that the Church is sometimes taken for them that exercise the spiritual function in particular congregations . 4. Continued to further reasoning , and when it is said this power sheweth from God to his Church , whether this should be understood of the whole Church , or of the office-bearers , and wheither it sheweth mediately , or immediately . 5. Referred to further reasoning . 6. The last words of the Article are thought not necessary , and therefore to be delete . 7. Agreed . 8. Agreed . 9. Say in stead hereof , For this power is spiritual , not having-deleting the other words . 10. Agreed . 11. Agreed . 12. Agreed changing these word , they should not be called Lords over their flock . 13. Change the last words of Ecclesiastical government , and Ecclesiastical discipline , according to the word of God. 14. Referred to further reasoning , when the order of Bishops shall be discussed . 15. Referred till they come to the attribution of the power . 16. Agreed as the words are conceived . 17. Disserreth this to be resclved with the 15. 18. Referred . 19. 20. Agreed that neither ought the Magistrate preach , nor minister the Sacraments , nor execute the censures of the Church , which is to be understood of excommunication , and referreth the second part of this Article to further reasoning . 21. Referred . 22. Referred . 1. The name of the Church in this Article is taken for the Church in the first signification , to wit for the whole Church . Agreed with the rest of the Articles . 2. Referred . 3. Referred . 4. Referred . 5. Referred . 6. Referred to reasoning of the head of Visiters . 7. Referred . 8. Referred . 9. Referred . 10. Referred . 11. Referred . 1. Agreed . 2. Agreed . 3. Agreed . 4. Agreed . 5. Agreed . 6. 7. Referred . 8. Agreed with the generality hereof . 9. Agreed . 11. Agreed . 12. Agreed . 13. Agreed . 14. Agreed . 15. Agreed . 16. Agreed . 1. Agreed , saving the word Bishop , is referred to the place of Visitation . 2. Agreed . 3. Agreed . 4. Agreed . 5. Referred . 7. Agreed . 8. Agreed . 9. Agreed , that the Minister of the Word may pronounce the sentence of excommunication , after lawful proceeding . 10. Agreed with the present orders concerning marriage . This whole Chapter referred to further reasoning . 1. Passed over . 2. Agreed , that name of Elders be joyned with Ministers . 3. The perpepetuity of Elders referred to further deliberation . 4. Agreed . 5. Referred . 6. Referred . 7. Agreed . 8. Agreed . 9. Agreed . 10. Agreed . 11. Agreed . 12. Agreed . 13. Agreed . 1. Agreed that Ministers and Elders may judge spiritual things within their owne bounds . 2. Agreed . 3. Agreed that Synods be kept twice in the year , by him that hath the charge of visitation . 4. General Assemblies once yearly , his Majesties authority being interponed , and from the General Assembly , Noblemen , and such as please to come , shall not be excluded , providing that fifteen onely , with his Majesties Commissioner , have voice therein . 5. Agreed . 6. Agreed . 7. Agreed . 8. Differed to the head of Bishops , and their Reformation . 9. Agreed . 10. Agreed , joyning in the end of the Article these words , or spiritual things onely . 11. Agreed , that as they make Acts in spiritual things , so they may alter the same as the necessity of time requires . 12. Referred . 13. Referred . 14. Referred . 15. Referred . 16. Referred . 17. Referred . 18. Referred . 19. Referred . 20. Referred . 21. Referred . 22. Referred . 23. Referred . 24. 25. Referred . 26. Referred . 27. Referred . 28. Referred . 29. Referred . 30. Passed over . 31. Answered before . 32. The last part of the Article referred to the heads of Bishops . 33. Diff●rred . 34. Agreed in spiritual matters . 35. Referred . 1. The Chapter of Deacons and 〈◊〉 of the Church , are thought to be suppressed till the head of corruptions be teasoned . 1. For this whole Chapter it is thought meet , that an Article be presented to his Majesty , and Estates , craving a punishment to be appointed for those that put violent hands in Ministers , and likewise to desire such immunities and priviledges to them , as shall be thought convenient . 3. Let his Majesty and Estates be supplicated for dissolving these Prelacies , that Ministers may be provided to the several Churches , at least after the death of the present possessors . 4. Passed over . 5. Passed over . 6. Answered by the act of dissolution . 7. An Act to be sought for disposing these united Churches to Ministers after decease of the present possessors . 8. Referred . 6. The last part of the Article differred . 10. Agreed that Bishops have a particular flock . 11. Let the Diocese be divided in such sort as a man may reasonably visit , and for the perpetuity of Visitors , it is referred to further reasoning . 13. Passed over . 14. Agreed . 15. Passed over . 16. Passed over . 17. Agreed . 18. Referred . 19. Agreed , ●hat an Act be made that none hurt or diminish the patrimony of the Church . 5 Agreed . 21. Answered before . 2. Agreed . 3. Agreed . 4. Agreed . 5. Differred untill joyning of Churches . 6. Agreed as depending on the former . 7. Passed over in the Article of Provincial Assemblies . 8. Agreed as before . 9. Agreed to the general . 10. Referred . 11. To be sought of the Parliament . 12. Referred to the head of Deacons . This was the course the Assembly took for admitting this form of policy . The Archbishop of Glasgow urged to submit himself . The Archbishops answer presented in writing . The answer doth not content be Assembly . The Archbishop contracts sicknesse , and dieth . The conditions prescribed to Bishops . A tumult in Glasgow for pulling down the Cathedral . The matter brou●ht before the Councel . The Abbot of Dunfermlin returned from England . The report of his Commission . The Lord Ruthven made Lieutenant of the Borders . An. 1579. Articles presented by the Lord Hereis . The Lord Maxwel excepteth against the Articles . The Earl of Athol dieth . Certain Libellers executed at Striveling . Commission for apprehending the Lord Hamilton and his brother Lord Claud. They escape and depart forth of the Realm . Charges directed for the rendring the houses of Hamilton and Draffan . A complaint presented in name of the Earl of Arran . The Queen of Scots , her Secretary denied accesse to the King. The Gentlemen of the name of Hamilton put under surety . The Earl of Argile created Chancellor . A Parliament indicted . An. 1580. The Lord D' Aubigny cometh from France . He is created Earl of Lennox . The Earl of Lennox hated because of his credit with the King. The King writeth to the Assembly of the Church . The proceedings of the Church displease the King. Jesuits and Priests resort to the countrey . The King his care for reclaiming the Earl of Lennox . The Earl joyns himself to the Church , but is still suspected . A confession of faith formed because of the dispensations from Rome . A rumour raised against the Earl of Morton . A motion of electing a Chamberlain . The Earl of Lennox created Chamberlain . A trouble betwixt Oliphant and Ruthven . The Earl of Lennox charged by the Ambassadour of England . Alexander Home sent into England . He is remitted to the Lord Thesaurer . The Thesaurers conference with Alexander Home . Alexander Homes his answer to the Thesaurer . Vlt. De●emb . The Earl of Morton challenged for the murther of the Kings father . The Earl of Morton his answer . Captain Iames Stewart his reply . Morton is commited 2̄● Ianuarii . 18. Ianuar. An Assembly of the Church , with their proceedings against the Bishops . The iniquity of their proceedings . A letter from the Earl of Lennox to the Assembly . Iohn Dury committed to the Castle . The death of Mr. Iohn Row. An Ambassadour from England . His Majesties answer to the Ambassadour . An Assembly of the Estates . The Ambassadour laboureth with Noblemen to take Arms for Mortons liberty . Forces sent by the Queen of England to the Borders . An. 1581. The proceeding against Mortons friends at Court. The Ambassador departeth secretly to Berwick . Sir Iohn Seaton denied passage into England . Morton brought from Dumbritton to Edinburgh . Morton his indictment . Sentence pronounced . The Ministers conference with the Earl of Morton . The sentence mitigated . Arran desireth Morton to subscribe his confession . Morton his Answer . Morton his behaviour at his death . Mortons qualities and good parts . Arrans proceeding against Morton and his servants approved . Arran his marriage with the Countesse of Marche . Montgomery his Simoniacal bargain for the Bishoprick of Glasgow . Inquisition made of Montgomehy his life and doctrine . The Articles against Montgomery communicated to the King. Mr. Walter Balcanquel questioned for speeches in Pulpit . Balcanquels answer . The King ceaseth from pursuing the complaint . Balcanquels Sermon approved by the Assembly . An. 1582. Montgomery suspended by the Presbytery of Striveling . He is cited to appear before the Synod of Lothian . The Synod inhibited to proceed . An Assembly at S. Andrews . Mr. Mark Ker sent to discharge the Assemblies proceeding . The Assembly discharged under pain of Rebellion to desist . The Assembly proceedeth , and findeth him culpable of divers crimes . Montgomery falling from his resolution , submits himself to the Assembly , Montgomery changeth , and returneth to his first course . Mr. Thomas Smeton his Sermon at Glasgow . Montgomery processed for preaching at Glasgow . The Moder●tor of the Presbytery imprisoned in the Tolbuith . A solemn Fast kept . Iohn Dury Minister at Edinburgh , was removed from his charge . Ministers directed to the King. Mr. Iohn Davidson excommunicated Montgomrie . The surprise of the King at Ruthven 23. Aug. 1582. The King stayed from his sport by the Master of Glammit . Arran withholden from the the King. The Duke of Lennox sendeth to enquire of the Kings Estate . The Duke of Lennox willed to retire to France . A Proclamation declaring the Kings contentment with his stay at Perth . The Duke is advised to go unto Dumbritton . An Ambassador from England September 12. The Earl of Angus received in favour October 12. The Lords bring the King to Halirudhouse Octob. 8. An Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh . The Lords ●end to obtain the Assemblies approbation . The Assemblies ratificacation of the attempt at Ruthven . A Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh . The Kings speech to the Estates . The attempt of Ruthven declared to be good service . The Earl of Arran ordained to be detained till the Duke was gone . The Duke falling sick at Seat taketh journey by land . The Duke dering to see the King before he went away , is denied . Two Ambassador from France , La Mott and Menevil . The purpose of association renued . The Ministers declared in their Sermons against the Ambassadors . The Magistrates of Edinburgh desired to feast the Ambassadors . The Ministers proclaim a fast , Febr. 16. The Duke of Lennox dieth at Paris . 26. May , 1583. The King directe●h Am●assadours to England . An. 1583. The negotiation took no effect . The life and death of Mr. George Buchannan . The King freeth himself of his attenders Ianuar. 28. The Earl of Gowry confesseth his fault , and is pardoned . An Act following the service of Colonel Stewart . The Earl of Arran called again to Court. His Majesties Declaration touching the attempt of Ruthven . The discontented Lords confined . All of them ( Angus except ) for their disobedience were denounced Rebels . Ambassage from England the beginning of September . His Majesties answer to the Ambassador . The Ambassador complains of a Jesuits escape . His Majesties answer . An Assembly of the Church . Grievances presented to his Majesty by the Church . The King his answer to the grievances . The answer did not satisfy the Church . Lodowick son and heir to the late deceased Duke of Lennox cometh into Scotland , Novemb. 13. The King his kindnesse to the Duke his children . A Convention of Estates . Prorogation granted to those that were charged to enter in Ward . An offer of pardon to those who will acknowledge their offence at Ruthven . The Earl of Rothes his protestation . Iohn Dury questioned for allowing the attempt of Ruthven . An. 1584. Mr. Andrew Melvil fleeth into England . The King his Proclamations misregarded . The Earl of 〈…〉 Being at Dundy , he is apprehended by Colonel Stewart , April 16. The Castle of Striveling sur●●●ed April 18. The King 〈◊〉 to go towards Striveling . The Rebels flee into England . The Castle rendred April 27. Gowry examined touching the conspiracy . His confession set down by himself in writing . A letter from Gowry to his Majesty . He is denied audience and put to the trial of a Jury . The points of his endictment . His exceptions repelled . The names of the Assisers . Gowry found guilty , and sentence pronounced . His execution and manner of death . Archibald Douglas and another executed . The houses of the Rebels charged . Ministers called in question for the conspiracy . Mr. David Lindesay Minister at Leth committed . The Ministers at Edinburgh flee to England . Mr. Robert Pont protesseth against the Acts. Libells and pamphlets against the Rulers of the Court. A letter from the Ministers of Edinburgh to the Session of the Church and Councel of the Town . By the Kings direction an answer is returned in this form . The letter grieveth the Ministers exceedingly . Mr. Iames Lawson died at London . Mr. Alexander Arbuthnet his death . Mr. Thomas Smeton his death . The Ministers charged with the subscription of certain Articles . Mr. Nicol Dalgleish condemned . David Home and his brother executed . Robert Hamilton of Eglismachan delateth the Lairds of D●uwwhasil and Mains . Drumwhasil and Mains put to a trial . They are found guilty and executed . The unhappy end of Hamilton the delator . Arran his power and credit at Court. Arran laboureth to gain the Queen of England . 12. Augusti ▪ An. 1585. The Master of Gray sent into England the beginning of October . The Archbishop of S. Andrews sent into England . The Queens answer to the Master of Gray . The Justice Clerk directed into England , April 1585. The banished Lords challenged by the Justice Clerk. Arran draweth much envy upon himself . His falling out with the Lord Maxwel . Troubles betwixt the Maxwels and Iohnstons . Johnston taken prisoner , and shortly after dieth . Sir Francis Russel , sonne to the Earl of Bedford , killed at a meeting in the Borders . Arran and Farnherst confined . Farnherst dieth at Aberdene . Sir Edward Wotton Ambassador to Scotland about the beginning of Iune , 1585. A convention of the Estates at S. Andrews . A league continued with the Queen of England . Lord Claud after his agreement with the banished Lords taketh a course by himself . Ambassadors from Denmark , Iuly 12. The King advertised of the enterprise of the banished Lords . A Proclamation to meet the King at the Castle of Crawford . A Proclamation given out by the banished Lords . The Ambassadour went , not saluting the King. A Post is sent after him , and his excuse . The Lords make haste to Striveling . The town of Striveling taken . Two of the Councel directed to the Lords . The Lords Answer . The Kings care of those that attented him . The King is pleased to admit the Lords in his presence . The Lord Hamilton in name of the rest , supplicates mercy . The Kings Answer . The Kings speech to Bothwel The King his pardon proclaimed . The Master of Glammis made Captain of the Guard. Thuan. hist. 1. 43. Duntraith confesseth the deposition he made against the Lords to be false . A Parliament at Linlithgow . The Ministers offend with the reconciled Lords . Mr. William Watson Minister committed . Iames Gibson committed for the like insolence . The Superintendent of Lothian his death , with a short description of his life . An Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh The Lord Maxwel go●th to Masse , and is committed . An. 1586. A Synod at S. Andrews called against the Bishop , April 1586. The Bishop being cited compeireth , and protesteth against the Judicatory . His accusation . He appealeth to the King , and Estates . The Bishop excommunicated by the Synod . Mr. Andrew and Mr. Iames Melvil excommunicated by a servant and Cousen of the Bishop . The Appellation with the reasons sent to the King. A transaction betwixt the Bishop and the Assembly . The reasons moving the King to give way to this transaction . The Ministers exhor●ed to judge charitably one of another . Acts concluded in the Assembly . His Majesties answer to the advice given him by the Chancellor . A trouble in the Isles betwixt Macko●●il and Macklain . The Earl of Eglington treacherously murthered . A league with England concluded . The Articles of the league . The names of the Commissioners of both Kingdomes . A new breach between the King and Queen of England . The proceedings against the Queen of Scots . Sentence of death pronounced against her . William Keith sent into England about the midst of November . A letter to William Keith from the King. The Queen in passion at the sight of the letter . The King excuseth the sharpnesse of his letter . The Master of Gray and Sir Robert Melvil sent into England . The first audience . The second audience and effect thereof . A letter from the King to the Master of Gray . The Master of Gray drawne upon another course . Secretary Walsingham writeth to the Lord Thirlstan . The King commandeth the Ministers to remember his mother in their prayers . The third of February , appointed for solemn prayers in her behalf . The Bishop of S. Andrews appointed to preach , Mr. Iohn Cowper usurpeth the place . The Ministers at Edinburgh discharged . The Queen of Scots her request to the Queen of England . The Queen of England , is doubtful which way to take . The Queen of Scots willed to prepare her self for death . Her behaviour and preparation . She biddeth her servants farewell . Her directions to Andrew Melvil her Steward . She is brought to the place of execution . The Dean of Peterbur●ow offereth to comfort her . She prayeth by her self . The manner of the execution . A brief description of her fortune . The inscription secretly affixed on her Sepulchre . The same Englished . The Queen of England writeth to the King by Mr. Robert Cary. The King denieth him accesse . Mr. ca●ies Declaration in writing . The Declaration giveth no content to the King. The Queen laboure●h to divert the King from Warre . A letter of Wals●gham to the Lord Th●ls●an A Convention of the Estates . The King is informed of certain speeches uttered by the Master of Gray , 20. Apr. The Master of Gray and Sir William Stewart committed . Sir William Stewart insists in the challenge of the Master of Gray . Sir William Stewart liberated , and the Master of Gray imprisoned . Captain Iame , information against the Lord Thirlstane . An. 1587. Thirlstane created Chancellor . A Parliament indicted at Edinburgh . The Noblemen reconciled A general Assembly of the Church . The Kings propositions to the Assembly by his Commissioners . Montgomery resigneth the Bishoprick of Glasgow to Mr. William Ereskin . The Churches petition to the Parliament against the Prelates . The temporalty of Benefices annexed to the Crown . The King forthinketh the passing of the annexation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 2. pag. 43. The small Barons admitted to give voice in Parliament . The Lord Hunsdon hath presence of the King. A Proclamation against incursions in England . The Ambassadors sent into Denmark , return . 15. May. Latter end of August . A Proclamation against Jesuits and Priests . The Jesuits find caution to depart . A general Assembly of the Church . A Proposition made for the dangers threatened to Religion . The advice of the Noblemen and Barons . The King refuseth accesse to the multitude . A conference betwixt certain of the Councel and the Assembly . The grievances of the Church , presented to the King. The Minister Iames Gibson censured for his speeches against the King. An. 1588. Gibson suspended from his ministery . The Lord Hereis cleared of the accusation made against him . The Borders begin to stirre upon the Lord Maxwels return . The Kings expedition to Dumfreis . Lochmaben rendred , and the Keeper executed . The Lord Maxwel taken prisoner at sea by Sir William Stewart , and brought prisoner to Edinburgh . Sir William Stewart killed by Bothwel Penult . Iulii . A meeting of the Estates upon the rumour of the Spanish Navy beginning of August . His Majesties speech to the Estates . The Chancellor his speech seconding the King. Bothwel perswadeth the invasion of England . Colonel Semple his arrive at Leth. The Colonel apprehended , and relieved by the Earl of Huntley . * 21. Iuly . Huntley offers to present the Colonel to the Councel . Sir Robert Sidney sent from England to the King , 29. August . The History of the Spanish Navy . Captain Drakes stratagem . The Navy returneth to Spain . The death of Archibald Earl of Angus . An. 1589. His disposition in his sickness . A message from the Prince of Parma to the Catholick Lords . Huntley reconciled to the Church . Huntley excuseth his reconcilement by a letter . A letter from the Earl of Arroll to the Prince of Parma . Letters sent to the King of Spain from the Catholick Lords . The Jesuits stirre up the Lords to enterprise somewhat by themselves . A plot for taking the King. A practise against the Chancellor . Huntley cometh to the King. Huntley committed in the Castle of Edinburgh . Huntley set at liberty . A letter from the Queen of England to the King. The Lords make open insurrection . The Subjects warned to accompany the King. His Majesties speech to the Noblemen in his Army . A question for leading the Vant-guard . The Lords dissolve their forces . The King goeth to Aberdene . He returneth to Edinburgh about the beninning of May. The Earl Marshall goeth to Denmark to accomplish the marriage . 10. Iune . The Rebels offer to submit themselves . Huntley , Crawford , and Bothwel impanelled . The points of their indictment . The Lords found guilty , and committed to several Wards . An Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh . The Bishop of S. Andrews deprived for the marriage of Huntley . The course taken with the imprisoned Lords . Advertisement to the King of the marriage with the Queen . The King intendeth a journey to Norway . * 22. October . He leaveth a Declaration under his hand . Directions to the Councel . The marriage solemnized at vpslo . The Earl of Marshals proceedings rat●fied . The Kings journey from Norway to Denmark . An. 1590. Colonel Stewart sent with ships to the King. Penult . Martii . The King and Queen return to Scotland . Bothwel his satisfaction to the Church . A difference among the Clergy for anointing the Queen . The ceremony of Unction not Jewish . The Queens Coronation at Halyrudhouse . The Queens entry into Edinburgh . The Ministers challenged for permitting Iames Gibson to preach . The King offended with the alliance of Morton with Arrol . An Assembly of the Church . The King Commended to the Assembly the removing of the deadly feuds . A trouble betwixt the Earl of Huntley and the Earl of Murray . An. 1591. A sorceresse Agnes Samson apprehended . Bothwell committed for consulting with witches . The Laird of Dun his death . Bothwell breaketh his Ward . The doom of forfeiture pronounced against him . His Majesties Declaration concerning Bothwell . Bothwell layeth the blame of his rebellion upon the Chancellor . A contest between the Church and Lords of Session . Mr. Iohn Graham questioned by the Church . The Archbishop of S Andrews his recantation . A revocation made in name of the Church . A Schisme in the Presbytery of S. Andrews . Bothwells attempt upon Halyrudhouse . The success of the attempt . The Earl of Murray slain at Dunyb●issell , 7 Feb. 1692. The murther universally ill taken . The Lord Ochiltrie maketh defection to Bothwell . An. 1592. Petitions in behalf of the Church . The first Petition granted , and in what manner . Bothwells attempt at Falkland . Arroll and Collonell Stewart committed . Bothwell and his company flyeth . The King pursueth and cometh to Edinburgh . Nidry taken by the Lord Hamilton and dimitted by his Lady . Pardon granted to those that would forsake Bothwell . The Lord Spinie delated for practising with the Lord Bothwell . Iohn Weymis of Logie committed for his practises with Bothwell escaped . A faction made against the Chancellor . Troubles in the North betwixt Huntley and the Clanhattan . The Earl of Angus imployed in a Commission to the North in November . The Earl of Angus imprisoned in the Castle . Mr. George Ker his Confession The Earl of Angus denieth the blanks . The Kings resolution published for punishing that conspiracy . A Meeting of the Mininistery . The King his desire proponed to the Meeting . An offer made by the Meeting . Fintry beheaded . An. 1593. The disposition and qualities of Mr. Iohn Graham . The Earl of Angus escapeth The houses of the rebels rendered . Atholl and Marshall made Lieutenants of the North. * 26. March A message from the Queen of England . The Ambassador intercedeth for Bothwell . An. 1592. Midst of April . An Assembly of the Church at Dundi● . Articles sent by his Majesty to the Church . The Assemblies Answer . A change of the Mondayes Mercat urged at Edinburgh . An. 1593. Sir Robert Melvill sent into England . The King surprised by Bothwell . The manner of the surprise . The Citie in armes . Conditions granted to Bothwell by the Ambassadors mediation Articles subscribed by the witnesses . The King goeth to Falkland A Convention at Striveling 7. Sept. The Estates finde the Conditions given to Bothwell dishonorable . The Prior of Blantyre and sir Robert Melvill directed to Bothwell . Bothwell falleth to his wonted forms . Atholl coming to Striveling is charged to return home in the beginning of October . Montrosse taken by the Lord Home . Bothwell denounced Rebell . The Popish Lords excommicated by the Synod of Fi●e . The King dealeth with with M Robert Bruce to stay the publication of the sentence The Popish Lords mee●ing the King at Falaw desire a triall . They are commanded to enter themselves in Perth . Petitions of the Church sent to the King at Iedburgh . The Conference betwixt his Majesty and the Commissioners of the Church . The assembly resolved to keep the Diet appointed for the Lords trial A Proclamation inhibiting all convocations . A Convocation of the Estates . Certain of the Estates selected to judge of the Lords offers . Conclusion taken , touching the Popish Lords . Troubles betwixt the Maxwells and the Iohnstons . Iohnston preventeth the Lord Maxwell , and killeth Captain Oliphant . Maxwell invadeth Annandale . The Lord Maxwell killed 6. December . The Lord Here is and Barons of the Countrey appointed to remain at Drumfreis . A Convention of the Estates . The Popish Lords declared to have lost the benefit of Abolition . An. 1594. The Queen delivered of a son at Striveling : The Lord Souche Ambassadour from England . Mr. Andrew Hunter Minister waiteth upon Bothwell as his Chaplain . Bothwell prepareth of new to invade the King. The Ambassadours dealing with Bothwell discovered . The Roade of Leith . The King Commanded the people to Arm. Bothwell removeth from Leith . The Conflict betwixt Bothwell and Hume . The Lord Colvill and Mr. Edward Bruce directed to England . The Kings letter to the Queen of England . The Commission given to the Ambassadours . The Queen of Englands answer . The Queen dischargeth Bothwell his resset in England . An Assembly of the Church . Petitions directed from the Church to the King. A Remonstrance of the perills threatned to Religion . The remedies of the dangers . The Lord Hume reconciled to the Church . Instructions sent from the King to the Church and Assembly . A Parliament wherein the Lords are forfeited . An. 1595. The bond betwixt the Popish Lords and Balwery exhibited . Sir Iames Duglas of Spot excommunicated . An. 1695. An assembly of the Church at Montrose . Articles sent from the King to the Assembly . An. 1595. The Assemblies answer . The Queen seeketh to have the Prince in custody . The King diverteth her from that course . The Kings letter to the Earl of Marre for receiving the Prince . The Chancellor contracteth sickness and dieth . The Kings letter to the Chancellor . The Chancellor his qualities . His Epitaph written by the King. Great death of Corns , and great bloodshed in the Countrey . David Forester Citizen of Striveling treacherously betrayed . A Commission to eight of the Councel to rule the Exchequer . The tenor of the Commission . The King his promise to the Commissioners . The Commissioners make faith . Exception taken at the ampleness of the Commissioners . The Commissioners possesse themselves with offices of Estate . An. 1596. William Armstrong called Will of Kinmouth , taken Prisoner . The Laird of Baclugh complaineth of the breach of truce . No satisfaction made , Baclugh sets the Prisoner at liberty . The Castle of Carlile surprised , and the Prisoner freed . The Queen of England greatly offended with the enterprise . This matter debated in Councell . The trouble quieted by Baclugh in England . Col. Stewart design'd Lieutenant for the Isles . An Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh . A search of the causes of the present fear of invasion . A new Covenant made by the Ministers for abiding to the profession of the truth and living according to the same . Advice for resisting the enemies of Religion . The King desireth to have the Noblemen reclaimed . He communicated his mind with M. Robert Bruce . M. Robert Bruce his answer and advice . The King reasoneth with him to the contrary of his advise . Mr. Robert's saucy Reply to the King. Shortly after the Lords exiled return . The Earle of Arroll intercepted in the Low Countreys escapeth . A Convention at Falkland . The King's judgment of Huntley's supplication . A Convention at Dunfermling . The Commissioners for the Church upon the report of the Lords meet at Edinburgh . A publick humiliation indicted . Persons nominated to attend at Edinburgh for the Church . The Lord Seaton President of the Session cited to appear before the Synod of Lothian . A Conference betwixt certain of the Councell and some moderate men of the Ministery . The King offended w●th the pertinacy of the Ministers . Commissioners directed to his Majesty . His Majesties peremptory answer to the Commissioners . The grievances of the Church proponed . The King his answer . A new trouble by Mr. David Blake , a Minister at S. Andrews . Mr. Andrew Melvill labourreth to make it a common cause . The Conditions proponed to Huntley . The Conditions give no content . A Declinatour advised to be droponed . M. David Blake his Declinator . M. Blakes answer to the Diet. The Declinatour sent to the Presbyteries to be subserived . A Proclamation discharing the meeting of the Commissioners The Commissioners of the Church upon this discharge enter into a new consultation . They sent a Commission to the Octavians . Commissioners sent to his Majesty for surceasing M. Blakes proeess . His Majesties offer to the Commissioners . The wiser sort of the Ministers advise to accept of the offer , but they are over-ruled . M. Blake cited to the last of November . The Baptisme of the Princess Elizabeth . A Petition presented by the Commissioners to his Majesty and Councell . The Petition rejected . The points laid to M. Blaks charge . Mr. Robert Pont protesteth for the liberties of the Church . Mr. Blake declineth the Councell of new . The Councell write the Declinatour . The Kings care to keep peace with the Church . The King conferreth with some Ministers touching Mr. Blakes businesse . The Ministers desire a declaration to be made in favour of Church Assemblies . His Majestie consenteth to the Declaration . Mr. Blake refuseth to acknowledg his offence to the Queen . The witnesses examined , and Mr. Blake found guilty . A new treaty for making an accord . Conditions craved by his Majesty . The Commissioners refuse to agree to any censure of M. Blake . The Ministers indict a fast , and complain of wrong done to the kingdom of Christ. His Majesties Declaration published . A Bond of obedience subscrived by the Ministers . Master Blake charged to go to his ward , and the Commissioners to leave the Town . A new motion of agreement overthrown by the practise of some of his Majesties Chamber . The Ministers deluded by a counterfeit Letter . M. Walter Balcanquall in his Sermon inveigheth against the Counsellors . He exhorteth the Noblemen and B●rons to a meeting . A Petition directed to the King from the meeting . Mr. R. Bruce his Speech to those that convened . The King offended with the meeting . The L d Lindesey his insolent words to the King. Atumult raised in the Church and City . A Deacon of the Crafts appeaseth the fury of the people . Noble men directed from the King to inquire the cause of the tumult . The Ministers purge themselves . A new Petition moved to the King. The Kings answer to the Petions proponed Articles condescended upon to be proponed to his Majesty . The Commissioners chused to present the Articles . Bargenny declineth the charge the business ceaseth . The King with the Councell departeth to Linlithgow . A Proclamation discharging all Judicatories to sit in Edinburgh . A great alteration in the mindes of people . A Bond for mutuall concurrence . The excommunication of the President deferred . A Fast in the City . M. Welch and his Sermon . A rumour dispersed that Arroll had some forces assembled . The copie of the Letter sent to the Lord Hamilton shewed to the King. This Letter did offend many of the better sort . A charge for apprehending the Ministers . The King refuseth the purgation offered by the Town . The tumult declared treason by act of Counsell . The Town employed others towards the King. The Proposition made by those that were sent by the Town . His Majesties answer . The King cometh to Leth and the next day to Edinburgh . Offers made by the Town for pacifying his Majesties anger . The effects of the mutiny contrary to that which was intended . Advice given to raze the Town . The Queen of Englands letter to the King. The letter pleased the King well . The tumult declared Treason in the Convention of Estates . The Town of Edinburgh charged to appear at Perth . The Octavians quit their Commission of the Exchequer . Captain Iames Stewart killed . A Nationall Assembly indicted at Perth . Articles published in print for the better preparation to the Assembly . The Ministers greatly perplexed with these Questions . Sir Patrick Murray directed to the North to deal with the Ministers . The Ministers Answer . His Majesties Letter to the Earl of Huntley . Letters directed to the Presbyteries for keeping the Assembly . The Assembly declared to be a lawfull Generall Assembly . Articles presented by his Commissioners to the Assembly . The advice of certain Brethren set apart to consider the Articles , The Assembly required to meet with the Estates . Protestation made by Mr. Tho : Buchannan in name of the Church . The answers of the Articles reformed . Persons nominated to reason the questions . Commission given for absolving the Popish Lords . The conditions required of the Earl of Huntley . The like condition prescrived to Angus and Arroll . The King taketh the Ministers in his protection . The Assembly intercedes for the Ministery of Edunburgh , and others charged with the tumuls . The Kings answer . The death of Mr. Iohn Lesly Bishop of Rosse . The Town of Edinburgh denounced Rebels . An. 1597. The Town received into favour at the intercession of Noblemen . Articles injoyned to be performed by the Town . The Ministers of Edinburgh suffered to return but inhibited to preach . An Assembly at Dundy . Mr. Robert Rollock elected to preside , Order given for absolution of the Popish Lords . Proceedings of the Assembly . The rest of the questions determined . A generall commission fo● Church affairs . Sir Patrick Murray directed to the North. A Proclamation against Mr. Iames Gourdon . The Laird of Lady-land having surprized the rock Elsa . is drowned . The Kings care for removing of deadly fewds . A meeting of the Commissioners of the Assembly at Falkland . The Secretary complaineth of Mr. Robert Wallace Minister at S. Andrews . Mr. Wallace declineth the Commissioners . Mr. Nicoll Dalgleish protesteth against the Commissioners proceedings . The declination and protestation declared invalid . The Witnesses examined doe verifie the complaint . Mr. Wallace his obstinacy . A visitation of the Church of S. Andrews . Sentence given for removing Mr. Blake and Mr. Wallace from the Ministery of S. Andrews . Master George Gladstaves admitted Minister of S. Andrews . Abuses in the University reformed . In the new Colledge all things found out of order . A Councell appointed for the University . The Doctors , Professors , and Regents exempted for the Church-meetings . A discovery of Witches . A discharge of proceedings against Witches , except in case of voluntary confession . Troubles in the Borders . A Parliament at Edinburgh . Articles presented in the name of the Church . Voice in Parliament granted to such Ministers as sh●u●d be provided to the places , as Bishops , Abbots , or other Prelates . The office for the spirituall government remitted to the Assembly . An. 1598. A General Assembly at Dundie . Ministers might give voice in Parliament . The number to be a●se many as of old in the Papisticall Church . The election of those that should give voice , to be made by the King and Church . Commission for discussing the rest of the points . Ministers of Edinburgh permitted to preach , upon condition . Four others named to be joyned with the Edinburgh Min●sters . Exception taken at two of the number . The providing of the Commissioners in the planting of Edinburgh allowed . Anact desining the number of Commissioners from Presbyteries to Assemblies . His Majesty pleaseth to remit all offences past of the Ministers . Mr. Iohn Dividson protesteth against the conclusions of the Assembly . Question moved for Mr. Robert Bruce who refused the imposition of hands . A declaration made for his satisfaction . A tumult in the Church as his admission Mr. Robert Bruce cited before the Commissioners purgeth himself of the tumult . He is admitted and receives imposition of hands . Commissioners directed to Synod of Fife . A meeting at Falkland for determining the vote of Parliament . Caveats for eschewing of corruption . His Majesties purpose in giving way to these conclusions . Ambassadors directed to the Princes of Germany . The success of that Ambassage . The Queen brought to bed of a daughter . Hamilton and Huntley created Marquesses . Mr. Iohn Lindesay Secretary dieth . The Lord of Colluthy his death . Mr. Thomas Buchannan his death . David Ferguson his death . The death of Mr. Robert Rollock most lamented . His behaviour in the time of his sickn●ss , and at his dying . An. 1599. Alteration of some officers of State. The Earl of Cassills made Treasurer . Lord Elphingston succeeded Treasurer . Sr. William Bowes Ambassadour from England . One Ashfield conveighed privately to Berwick by two of the Ambassadours servants . A visitation of the University of S. Andrewes . Discourse of his Majesties Title to the Crown of England . The King publisheth his Basilicon Doron by occasion of a libell . Mr. Iohn Dikes fugitive for the libell . The book well received in England . A trouble for receiving some English Comedians . A generall Assembly of the Church . The voice in Parliament determined . Two Cavears more added . The state of Bishopricks at that time . Bishops appointed for Rosse and Cathnes . An. 1600. Iohn Dury Minister at Montrosse his death , with a short description of his life . The conspiracy of the Earl of Gowry . The Kings kindness to his brethren and sister . The plot contrived for entrapping the King. The King goeth to Perth . Gowry meeting the King was much troubled . Mr. Alexander did move the King to goe with him . Mr. Alexander professeth what he was about . The Kings voice heard , and is discerned . Sir Thomas Areskin challengeth Gowrie . Iohn Ramsey doth first relieve the King. The Kings servants prepare to defend . Gowrie entereth , and after a little space is killed . The Lords come to the King. The danger by the people of the Town . The Caracters found at the Earls girdle . Some servants of Gowrie executed . Andrew Henderson his confession . The Ministers of Edinburgh required by the Councell to give thanks for his Majesties deliverance . Their excuse , and refusing to obey . The Bishop of Rosse giveth thanks at the Market-cross . The King cometh to Edinburgh . Master Patrick Galloway his preaching at the Crosse. 1000 l , mortified to the poor at Scone . A solemne thanksgiving appointed for the Kings deliverance . The Ministers of Edinburgh removed from their places . Three of the number acknowledging their fault , are pardoned . Mr. Iames Balfoure remitted . Master Robert Bruce banished . A Parliament wherein Gowrie and his brother are forfeited . The fifth of August to be kept yearly in remembrance of his Majesties delivery . Acts concluded in this Parliament The King goeth to Dunfermlin to visit the Queen . Prince Charles born at Dunfermlin . The death of M. Iohn Craig , with a description of his life . Accidents that befell M. Craig in his flight . A strange accident and singular testimony of Gods care over him . He preacheth to Maximilian the Emperour , but is forced to leave those parts . He cometh to Scotland and is appointed Minister at Halirudhouse . An. 1601. A trouble in the Court of England . The Earl of Marre sent Ambassadour to England Pope Clement sends his Breves to England for excluding the King. A Proclamation against some Jesuits . An Assembly at Brunt-island . Mr. Iohn Hall elected Modederator . The defection in Religion complained of , and the causes searched . The remedy of the evils . Mr. Iohn Davidson his letter to the Assembly . The letter offended greatly the wiser sort . A combustion touching the Ministers of Edinburgh . A Proposition was made for a new Translation of the Bible , and correcting the Psalmes . The liberty of Application restrained . The Ministers of Edinburg● received in favour . New troubles by the Lord Ma●well . The Duke of Le●nox directed Ambassador to France . The Queen of France lying of her first born . The Duke returneth to Edinburgh . An. 1602. Certain undertakers conque● the Isles . The Laird of Balcomy taken prisoner , and dieth in Oikeney . Neill betrayeth his brother Murdach . The Lewis lost by the undertakers security . Mr. Rob● Bruce licenced to return upon promise of satisfaction . Mr. Rob : Bruce his inconstancy . A Generall Assembly in the Chappell of Halirudhouse . Petitions to his Majesty in name of the Church . Overtures for provision of the Ministers . The overtures deferred to another time . Grievances of the Synod of Fife . An answer to the grievances . Acts concluded in the Assembly . The businesse of Jesuits in England . The story of Francis Mowbray and an Italian . The Queen of England groweth sick A Conference betwixt the French Ambassadour & Secretari● Cicill . The King advertised of this conference . His Majesties letter to the Secretary . A letter from the King to the Earle of Northumberland . An. 1603. The Queen of England her death . The King advised of the Queens death . A letter from the Councell and Nobility of England to the King. The contents of the letter published . The Borders make incursions upon the report of the Queens death . The King giveth order for his journey . The persons chused to attend the King in his journey . He goeth to S. Giles to hear sermon . The King makes a speech to the People which is followed with a great lamentation of the hearers . The King cometh to Berwick . The Councellors meet him at York . The death of Mr. Iames Beaton Archbishop of Glasgow . The Queen falleth sick at Striveling . The Prince delivered to the Queen . The King and Queen inaugurated at Westminster . A conspiracy detected a-against the King. George Brook and two Priests executed . The Noble-men and others spared . Ann. 1604. The conference at Hampton Court. His Majesties proposition at the meeting . An. 1603. Doctor Reynolds speech in behalf of the Petitioners . The particulars complained of . The meeting continued to 18 of Ianuary . The effect of the meeting and his Majesties exhortation to the Clergy . The Chancellor of England his judgement of the King. The number deposed for disconformity . An. 1604. A Parliament in England for the union . The English Commissioners . The power given them by the Parliament . A Parliament in Scotland to that purpose . The Scottish Commissioners . The power granted h●em . Westminster appointed for the place of meetting . Articles of the union . Hostile lawes extinguished . The name of Borders abolished . Order for sentences not satisfied . Participation of Comm●dito be mutuall . Inequality of priviledges to be be tried . Importation to be free to both people . Exportation of Goods prohibited made unlawfull to both . Order for Native Commodities . Order for Customes . Scots may be associated in English Companies . Order for transportation . Punishment of such as shall transgress . Caution to be given by the owners and Masters of Ships . Indifferency of fraighting . Po●●nati declared free . Exception for Offices of the Crown . Reservation of his Majesties Prerogative . Remanding of malefactors . A scroll of the Articles presented to the King. The Kings speech to the Commissioners The title of great Britain assumed . Peeces of gold and silver coyned . The Earl of Montrosse made Commissioner of the kingdom The Lord Fi●● received Chancellor . An. 1605. The generall Assembly continued . A number convene notwithstanding the discharge . The names of them convened . The Kings Commissioner dischargeth the meeting . The Ministers denounced and cited by the councell for their disobedience . Some confess their fault and are pardoned O●hers maintain their meeting and are Committed The proceeding of the Councell condemned by the Ministery . His Majesties Declaration touching some rumours dispersed . The King his resolution in making no sudden change in the Church policy . The form of their Declinatour . The Assembly declared unlawfull . Some of the Ministers pursued criminally . The Indictment . Exception proponed by the Advocates . The Reply to the Exception ▪ The Ministers found guilty of Treason . A Proclamation that none should oppose the decision of the Justice . A Convention of Estates . His Majesties Letter directed to the Estates . The Acts passed in the Convention . The history of the Powder Treason . The Jesuits approve of the enterprise . The Conspirers swear secrecy . A Cellar hired for the myne . A deliberation for the Kings children . Contribution for the enterprise . Catholicks to be stopped from coming to the Parliament . No forain Princes to be acquainted therewith . Intention to proclaim Lady Elizabeth Queen . The Conspiracy detected . The Letter sent to the L d Mounteagle . The secrecy of so many very strange . An. 1606. Mr. Iames Melvills answer in name of the rest . His Majesty proponeth three questions to them . A time is desired by them and granted . The second audience . The Bishops judgement of the meeting at Aberdene . Mr. Addrew Melvills answer touching the same . Mr. Iames Balfour his answer . Mr. Melvill his answer . Mr. William Scot his answer interrupted by Mr. Andrew Melvill . The Ministers called before the Scottish Councell . They are discharged to return into Scotland . The Kings pleasure touching the warded Ministers . The letter to the Justice prescriving the forme of the sentence . A Letter from his Majesty to the Councell . The sentence pronounced by the Justice . A Proclamation against Jesuits . Mr. Andrew Melvill committed to the Tower. The Observation of the Writer . An Assembly indicted at Linlithgow . His Majesties letter to the Assembly . An overture sent from his Majesty to the Assembly . Some brethren deputed undergoe to consider the overture . The overture embraced with some cautions . Cautions for the constant Moderators . The cautions and overture approved . A complaint of the Papists and their ininsolencie . Petition from the Assembly to his Majesty . His Majesties answer . An. 1607. His Majesties pleasure touching the Popish Noblemen . Direction to the Councell for constant Moderators . The Synod of Perth discharged . The Synod of Fife discharged . A Provest placed in the new Colledge of S. Andrews . The Ministers permitted to return from London . Alexander Lord Spynie killed . Trouble betwixt the Earl of Morton and Lord Maxwell . Maxwell committed maketh an escape . The Laird of Iohnston most treacherously killed by Maxwell . An. 1608. The Earl of Argile made Lieutenant of the Isles A Parliament in Scotland for the union . Provisions for the union . An Assembly in Linlithgow for restraining Papists . The Marquis of Huntley excommunicated . The causes of the defection partly in the Church . The remedies of the same . The cause of the defection proceeding from others . Supplication to his Majesty for redresse of these evils . Petitions to his Majesty for repressing Popery . The Secretaries journey to Court. He is charged for writing a letter to the Pope , and stealing his Majesties hand thereto . The Secretary charged with the fault before the Councell . His answer tothe Lords of the Councell . Chancellor Egerton , pronounceth sentence against him . Sprot his execution . The Commissioners of the Assembly have audience . His Majesties answer . A convention at Edinburgh . An. 1609. The Chancellor admitted Counsellor of England . Acts made for Religion . Acts made against ravishing of women . The Secretaries tryall at S. Andrews ; His indictment The Secretary his speech and answer to the indictment . His protestation of two things . The Jury sworn . The doom pronounced against Balmerinoch . A Parliament at Edingburgh . An. 1610. An Assembly at Glasgow . The moderators paid of the stipend promised . A supplication in name of the Popish Lords . Huntly freed of his confining . The Earl of Arroll troubled for his simulation . The Earl of Angus goeth to Paris . The Archbishop of Glasgow called to Court. The business proponed by his Majesty . The Archbishop his answer . The consecration questioned The High Commissioners appointed Directions for the High Commissioners and other matters Ecclesiasticall . An. 1601. Directions for matters Ecclesiasticall . The Clergy doth approve the directions . Orders for the Councell . An. 1611. A Proclamation against bearing of quarrell . The troubles of Orkney . The Earl of Orkney committed and his Acts of Court discharged . The Clangregore to be rooted out . The deuh of the Earl of Dunbarre . Somerset his rising . Advocate made first Clerk Register , afterwards Secretary . Sir Iohn Skeen dyeth of grief . An. 1612 The Lord Samqhar executed in England Excommunication of persons for criminall and capitall cases if they become fugitive . The Clergy agree to reform this point . The death of the earl of Eglington , and the disposition of his living to his Cousin . A Parliament in Scotland . A subsidy granted . The L d Burleigh removed from Councell . An. 1613. The death of Prince Henry . The marriage of the Lady Elizabeth with the Palgrave . The King acquireth the lands of Orkney . Rebellion in Orkney . The Earl of Cathnes imployed to suppresse the Rebels . Persons executed for the Rebellion . The death of the Bishop of Rosse . The Earl of Orkney put to triall . An. 1614 The Earl of Orkney his indictment . The persons named for the Jury . The sentence pronounced . The execution of the Earl of Orkney . Iohn Ogilvy a Jesuit apprehended . His examinamination by certain Commissioners . A direction from his Majesty touching their proceeding with him . Certain Questions moved to the Jesuit . His Answer to the Questions . His Answer sent to his Majesty . Commission for the Jesuits triall . The Jesuits defence at his indictment . The exception proponed by the Jesuit . The exception proponed by the Jesuit . The Jesuite convicted and executed . Moffet another jesuit licenced to depart . An. 1615. The Archbishop of S. Andrews his death . Bishops translated by this occasion . The History of Somersets fall . Sir Tho : Overburie his free advice to Somerset . Overbury committed to the Tower. Overbury poysoned and dyeth . The murther discovered and laid open . An. 1616. Somerset and his Lady brought to triall . The persons of the Jury . The Earl and his Lady convicted and sentenced . The Marquis of Huntly called before the Commissioners . He is Committed . He is released by the Chancellour . The Bishops complain to his Majesty . A Command to the Marquis to return to his ward . The Marquis permitted to come to Court The form of the absolution . His Majesties letter to the Bishops for justifying the absolution . The Archbishop of Canterbury's excuse for the absolution . The Archbishops letter giveth some content . An Assembly at Aberdene . The Marquiss of new absolved . Acts concluded in the Assembly . Commissioners directed to the King from the Assembly . His Majesties answer returned . Articles craved to be incerted among the Canons . Reasons why the Articles could not be inserted among the Canons . A Proclamation touching the Kings purpose to visit the Countrey . The Earl of Marre made Thesaurer . A direction for repairing the Chapell . The Bishops entreat the stay of some carved pictures upon fear of offence . Ann. 1617. His Majesties answer . The King refutech to deferre his journey as he was desired . A Parliament in Scotland . His Majesties speech to the Estates . A Trouble in choosing the Lords of the Articles . Article concerning his Majesties prerogative in ca●ses Ecclesiasticall . A stir among the Ministers because of the Article . The Ministers Protestation . The subscrivers of the Protestation . Mr. Peter Hewet undertakes the presenting of the Protestation . The Clerk of Register commanded to pass by the Article of Prerogative . The Bishops warned to meet at S. Andrews . His Majesties speech at the meeting . The Ministers promise obedience upon permission of a general Assembly . Mr. Ar●hibald Sympson and Mr. David Catherwood committed . The King departeth towards London . An assembly at S. Andrews . The Assembly inclineth to a delay . The Commissioners obtain a grant of private Communion . The King offended with the Assemblies proceedings writeth to the two Archbishops . Another letter to the Archbishop of S. Andrews . Letters to the Councell for inhibiting the payment of Stipends . Mr. Archibald Sympson put to liberty . His inconstancie and change . A warrant to proceed with the Commission of Stipends . A generall Assembly indicted at Perth . His Majesties Letter to the Assembly . An. 1618. The five Artiticles concluded . Article for kneeling . Private Communion . Private Biptisme . Confirmation of Children ▪ Observation of Festivities . The Articles ordained to be intimated in all Churches . The Earl of Argile falleth from his profession . A Comet or blasing Starre . Queen Anne dieth . Ann. 1619. The Synod of Dordrecht said to have condemned the five articles of Perth . The Bishop of Galloway dieth . The Bishop of Brichen translated to Galloway . A distraction betwixt the Ministers and Magistrates of Edinburgh . The disorder pacified . Four other Ministers planted at Edinburgh . An. 1620. A contribution required for defence of the Palatinate . Ann. 1621. A Parliament desired by the estates . Sir Gideon Murray his death . The Marquis of Hamilton keepeth the Parliament . Matters concluded in Parliament . The King receiveth great content by the things concluded . A Letter from his Majestie to the Bishops . A Letter from his Majesty to the Councell . The Marquis of Hamilton wronged by a false rumour . An. 1622. The Chancellor Sea●on dieth . Rumors dispersed of Tolerations intended . The judgment of the wise● sort . His Majesties speech in a Parliament held at that time in England . An. 1623. His Majesties directions to the Councell of Scotland . The Princes journey to Spain , and the occasion thereof . The Princes entertainment in Spain . The Letter of Pope G●gory the 15 to the Prince . The successe of the Match intended with Spai● . The Prince returneth to England . An. 1624. A trouble in Edinburgh raised against the Minis●es . The death of Lodovick Duke of Richmond and Lennox . An. 1625. The death of Iames Marquis of Hamilton . The King much affected with these deaths , contracts a feaver and dieth . An Epitaph upon King IAMES his death , written by the Reverend Divine , Dr. Morley C. C. C. Oxon.